The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-05-03 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCCXIII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
ENGLISH HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11.
SPANISH WAR.
[Continued.]
Mr. Hiley Addington said, it was not his intention to have trespassed that night upon the attention of the house, had it not been for the very able speech delivered by an honorable member who spoke last but one, (Mr. Banks) to every sentiment of which he rose to express his most hearty concurrence. He wished to offer a word or two, in answer to what had fallen from an honorable and learned gentleman (Mr. Raine), who had opened this debate this evening, and who, in the course of his speech, had pretty closely followed the ground that had been taken by another honorable gentleman (Mr. Grey), in the debate of last night. If he did not attempt any answer to the arguments of the honorable gentleman who had spoken last, he hoped it would not be imputed to any want of personal respect on his part for that honorable gentleman; but because most of those arguments stood already refuted in the very able defence of that night, and that he felt reluctant in trespassing long upon the attention of the house, while engaged in the discussion of a topic on which so many persons of high talent and consideration were anxious to deliver their sentiments. The honorable and learned gentleman (Mr. Raine), to whose arguments he wished shortly and principally to apply himself, had endeavored to shew, by deductions from the law of nations, that his majesty's ministers were utterly unjustified in the commencement of the existing hostilities with Spain. He did not pretend to be competent to contend with the honorable and learned gentleman, upon so extensive a topic as the law of nations; however, it seemed to require but a very moderate share of plain sense, to draw from the maxims quoted by that member, deductions quite opposite to those which he had made.
He contended, that upon every principle of common policy, common justice, and common sense, the treaty of St. Ildefonso gave to Great Britain an unquestionable right to commence hostilities with Spain the very moment that the war had commenced with France. The honorable and learned gentleman had said, that immediately on that event, the most decisive steps should have been taken to demand from Spain an explicit and categorical answer with respect to her intentions and adherence to that treaty, and oblige her to declare the extent of the contingent she meant to furnish. On this point, however, he totally differed from the honorable and learned gentleman; for what sort of answer could be expected to such a question, thus abruptly and precipitately pressed upon Spain, at so critical a moment, and with such an implied menace of an hostile alternative? Certainly not an explicit answer, if Spain really intended to abide by the treaty to its fullest extent; but such an answer as would have taught the British government to believe, that she would use every expedient in her power to avoid compliance with the treaty, and to preserve that tranquility with this country, which it was so much her inclination and interest to maintain: that her government wished to avoid acting up to the treaty, that they might gain time, in hope of a favorable opportunity of asserting their own independence. Such an explanation it was not probable the British ministry could have refused to acknowledge at the moment as satisfactory; and, therefore, we should stand precisely on the same ground as we did at the early part of the late negotiation.
The very clear and able manner in which the conduct of the British government, through the whole of this negotiation, stood vindicated in the debate of last night, rendered it unnecessary for him to trespass now on the attention of the house, by any additional argument to that purpose. He was one of those who looked up with the utmost anxiety for the production of those papers, respecting the discussion with Spain, which had been laid before the house by his majesty's ministers; and it was with the utmost pleasure and satisfaction he now avowed, that after the most minute and attentive perusal of those papers, he was convinced, that throughout the whole of this negotiation, the same spirit of justice, of moderation, and forbearance from every disposition to hostility, that had from the beginning
marked the conduct of his majesty's government towards the Spanish nation, had been supported, so long as hostilities were avoidable upon any grounds consistent with the honor or the security of Great Britain; and he found in particular, that a letter had been, in the month of October, dispatched by a noble friend of his, to the British resident at Madrid, which marked to the very last moment that disinclination to hostility, that desire of amity, and that spirit of forbearance and moderation, which every wish of policy, as well as the voice of humanity called for; and thus made one effort more, to avoid those extremities which it must be the wish of every wise and just nation to prevent. Feeling, therefore, as he did, that the British government stood fully vindicated in the eyes of Europe, from any conduct which could bring upon her responsibility of hostile extremities, he should not trespass longer on the indulgence of the house, than by intreating it to pause, and well consider the consequences, before it would consent to adopt the amendment moved by an honorable gentleman last night, to the proposed address to his majesty; which amendment was only calculated to lower the dignity, and humble the spirit of the national character; and unnerve the arm of every brave soldier and sailor employed in the cause of his country, by inspiring them with an idea, that the war, enforced by justice and inevitable necessity, was unwarranted and dishonorable, but which it must be the wish of the house, and of every true friend of the British empire, to support with vigor and spirit, till brought to an honorable and advantageous termination.
Dr. Lawrence said, that it was his intention last night to have noticed, in a few sentences, what had fallen from his learned friend (Sir John Nicholls.) Had he done so, at that period of the night, and exhausted as he and the house in general were, he should have confined himself merely to two or three points which had been touched on by his learned friend. Having, however, this night witnessed the confident tone in which an honorable gentleman who sat beside him had addressed the house, in a speech almost every word of which was built on bold and glaring misconceptions—when he heard it stated that government had acted throughout with humanity and moderation, yet with vigilance, alacrity and firmness; and, therefore, that gentlemen were not to satisfy themselves of the truth of such allegations, lest they should damp the public spirit, he felt himself called on to enter more at large into the subject, and in the first place to enquire if this was really the situation of that house, that if ministers chose to plunge into a war on unjustifiable grounds, they were not entitled to enquire into the causes of it, lest in so doing they should damp the spirit of the country? If this was really so, he should wish to be informed for what reason they sat there, and what was the meaning of the bundles of papers in the hands of the members, and lying on the table of the house? The discussions by which this war had been preceded, were said by those who disapproved of the way in which he thought, to have been marked by uncommon forbearance, and, at the same time, by vigor and energy. There was, however, within the last century, but one war in which this country was engaged, in which the integrity of Great Britain had been questioned, and that was a war against Spain. From this very reason ought we to have been particularly cautious of commencing hostilities against her, unless on the clearest and most undeniable grounds, lest our motive should be questioned. Spain was at the time to which he alluded a more powerful nation than she was at present, and the more were we called on to guard against our integrity being suspected.
When a country, like Spain, rich in pillage and weak in power, was about to engage in war with a powerful state, it was natural to feel suspicious that her riches and weakness might have contributed to involve her in that situation; and if so, was it not for the honor of the country, that the causes of the present contest should be investigated, and our integrity established? When the last treaty of peace was concluded, he had unequivocally stated as an objection to the recognition of it the subsistence of the defensive treaties between France, Holland, and Spain, and had submitted how far, while such treaties existed, we could in case of a new war with France, regard those other two powers as in a state of neutrality. Ministers then made light of that objection, but they themselves started it in the
beginning of the present discussion. The learned gentleman then went thro' the different points which had formed the subjects of discussion in the course of the correspondence and contended that on none of them had our government put things in so clear and regular a state as to make them the legitimate subjects of war. By the wavering policy of the late administration, or by their weakness and imbecility, or by what other name the present ministers chose to term it, the country had unquestionably been placed in a disagreeable situation. But had the present ministers extricated themselves or the country out of it, or had they not rather added to the ambiguities and doubts which formerly existed, others of a more extraordinary and more fatal kind?—Lord Hawkesbury had in his communications with the Spanish minister, recognised conventions or communications which were now stated never to have had any existence; and for the result of explanations for which Mr. Frere had been referred by the prince of peace to M. Cevallos, ministers would now refer the House to a letter dated the day before Mr. Frere had stated his intention of applying for the explanation; at least, if not to be found in that letter, ministers did not know where such explanation was to be had. The question then which remained was, in what situation the faith of the country stood, in seizing on the Spanish ships, without giving any intimation to that effect, and without any declaration of hostilities? I had been maintained by the learned gentleman on the other side, that though no positive declaration of war had been made, there might be a conditional one. In illustration of this opinion, the learned gentleman had referred to the instance of a capture of some Spanish ships made by our fleet in the year 1755, before the declaration of war; this, however, was an act for which, by the best informed and most learned men who are accustomed to judge on matters of this kind, our government of that day are highly censured, to use no harsher expression. The learned gentleman too had alluded to an embargo laid at that time by the Spaniards on our ships. He wished the learned gentleman had read the words in which that embargo was noticed, as it would have shown that it took place subsequent to the capture of the Spanish vessels by our fleet; and was stated as being the reason of laying on the embargo, declaring at the same time, that it would be impossible ever after to trust us on the eve of a war. This shewed the danger of throwing the honor of a country on extraordinary rules of law; and the learned gentleman would recollect, that to support his argument, he must have been able to shew as many exceptions from the general rule which the case he had cited could alone be considered, as would themselves make a rule in favor of his argument. He would also find that the author on whom he chiefly built as supporting his ideas of the law, speaks only, in the passages alluded to by the learned gentleman, of extreme cases, and in general lays it down, 'but all people and all sovereigns of magnanimity will not wage a war which has not been declared.' The learned gentleman, he hoped, would not wish to deprive this country or the sovereign of this country, of the character of magnanimity; though, indeed, he confessed the opinions of the learned gentleman, if taken to be the standard by which their conduct was to be regulated, would have that effect in the fullest possible sense of the expression.
The following tract has been recently published in England in reply to Lord Sheffield's remarks on the navigation system of that country. The subject is highly interesting as well to the political as the commercial world. The able and dispassionate style in which it is discussed, and the valuable statements it contains, will insure it the attentive perusal of our readers.
ANSWER TO LORD SHEFFIELD'S PAMPHLET, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE NAVIGATION SYSTEM: Proving, that the acts deviating therefrom, which his lordship censures, were beneficial to our trade and navy, in the last war, and ought to be renewed in the present.
By S. COOKE, Commercial and Public Agent to the Corporation of Liverpool.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE rank of Lord Sheffield, together with the reputation he has acquired by his writings on commercial politics, bestow an authority on any essay concerning such subjects that is sanctioned with his name. Hence his pamphlet, on the late deviation from certain parts of the navigation system, has been by many received as conclusive; altho' it may be easily proved, that it is neither found in reasoning, nor beneficial in tendency. Even literary men, though habituated to logical discussion, have admitted his inferences, although by no means founded in fact and argument. Their misapprehension has not arisen from deficiency of judgment, but want of knowledge of the existing case. They have merely argued on abstract principles, or rather adopted the abstract reasoning of Lord Sheffield. Certain reviews of the treatise in question, praise the performance of his lordship, but appear to have considered only one side. The opinion of respectable critics adds to the weight of Lord Sheffield's name. Certain mercantile men support the doctrines of Lord Sheffield on a different ground; because they conceive themselves interested in an adherence to the confined system which he recommends, and eagerly inculcate his sentiments on the subject. It is, however, a topic neither to be determined by authority nor by partial interests; but by general interest, and by reasoning founded on fact and experience. On these solid grounds, one part of Lord Sheffield's pamphlet has been very ably answered. Mr. Jordan has completely refuted all his lordship's allegations against the intercourse between the United States of America and the British West-India colonies.
Important as this portion of the subject is, it constitutes but a small part of that system of trade and navigation which his lordship censures; and as the whole is of the greatest moment to the commercial and naval welfare of the British empire, it has been deemed expedient to prepare an answer to the whole of his lordship's production. The difference, therefore, between the pamphlet of Mr. Jordan and the following is, that the former proposed to confute the allegations of Lord Sheffield upon one topic; the latter, proposes to confute his allegations on the series of topics which are the grounds of his animadversion. The writer requests that the reader, in examining both sides, will consider the facts and evidence respectively adduced by Lord Sheffield and himself, and decide accordingly. To the discernment, and unbiased judgments of his impartial countrymen, he commits an essay, which appears to him to be founded in truth; and to support a policy, which has been proved by recent experience, to be highly beneficial both to our trade and navy.
ANSWER, &c.
A great source of error, both in reasoning and conduct, is the unqualified adoption of certain general principles and maxims. Rules of policy must often be modified by the circumstances of the time and situation; and what may be right and wise in the application of a rule to one case, may be wrong and unwise in applying it to another.
Obering that the navigation laws of Britain have, on the whole, been beneficial to this country, Lord Sheffield infers that every deviation from them must be prejudicial. He quotes the opinion of citizen Haurier, as a demonstration that the navigation laws "are the original cause of the fatal preponderancy of the English marine;" but with all due deference to the authority of citizen Haurier and his noble citier, the preponderancy of the English marine was established as ascertained half a century before the navigation act was passed; and, as witnesses of that fact, we need only to name Drake, Howard and Raleigh. The original cause of the English superiority over the natives of Spain, Holland, and France, was the superior wisdom, courage and energy of the English character. The same kind of heads and hearts that triumphed in the glorious contests of Cressy, Poictiers, and Agincourt, triumphed in the Channel and on the Ocean; and although it is natural for a French citizen to impute the greatness of the British navy to a particular system, more than to national heroism, yet far am I from denying that
the navigation laws have tended very powerfully to the strength of the country, and also considerably to its opulence; but I cannot agree with his lordship, that every deviation from those laws must be necessarily injurious; or that the deviations which have actually taken place within these few years are injurious.
His lordship advances many observations which are abridgedly true. I perfectly agree with him, that navigation and commerce are among the greatest constituents of British power and prosperity. I also agree with him, that Britain has a right to make such regulations as she thinks wisest and best for the promotion of these great objects, and that we ought not to relinquish part of our navigation system because the same may be disagreeable or prejudicial to foreign commerce and navigation. To these general principles, I subscribe; but I wish to discuss their particular application on the ground of expediency. The question simply is; whether British trade and navigation have been promoted, or impeded, by the acts which Lord Sheffield censures; and here I must observe, that his lordship's mode of reasoning is too general and vague to enforce conviction. The means of establishing either the benefit or detriment of the acts in question, is by a fair induction from facts and documents. What had been the trade and navigation of England before these acts; and what have they been since? His lordship should have proved that, since the commencement of these deviations, the number of British ships employed, of sailors trained and occupied, the quantity and value of exports and imports are diminished. By such an induction he would have succeeded in establishing his position. But we find no such attempt. He asserts in general, that the navigation act is the foundation of our commerce and maritime power; thence he infers that every deviation from that act must be injurious to our trade and maritime power; and therefore he reprobates the acts which somewhat depart from the navigation laws. The chief of these acts are, the one known by the name of the Dutch property act, passed in the 35th year of the king, extending the privileges of neutral bottoms, for the purpose of securing the property of Dutch emigrants; and an act passed in the 36th year of the king, permitting all ships to bring from any country, goods of any kind; which, according to the navigation law, could be imported only by ships of the built of the countries from whence the goods were brought, being three fourths of the sailors of the same country; or by British ships and sailors. The effect ascribed by Lord Sheffield to this law is, that it injures the British merchant and British navigation. But his lordship, contented with the assertion, does not prove the existence of loss to either. The act certainly did deviate from the navigation laws, but where is the evidence that the principle of the navigation laws, was in the smallest degree violated by the deviation? If, as Lord Sheffield and all others admit, the purpose of the navigation laws was to secure and promote naval force and commerce, whatever new regulation, departing from the letter of these laws, does not obstruct our navy and trade, is perfectly agreeable to the spirit of those laws. With regard to the letter of the laws, I certainly admit there was a difference. Large quantities of goods, not the produce of the countries from whence they were brought, were imported into Britain in neutral vessels, and entered for home consumption, or warehoused for exportation. I further admit, that many vessels did arrive from countries to which they did not belong. But in such importations and conveyances, where am I to find the manifest injury to the British merchant? It goss found their way from one foreign country to another, and thence to Britain, they either were used for home consumption, which shewed that they were wanted, or for exportation from this country at a great advantage to our merchants, to whom they were consigned; at whose wharves they were landed; in whose warehouses they were secured; or who, from their proceeds, often recovered debts from foreign countries; and to our ship owners, who, not unfrequently, were the carriers of such goods from this country. The commodities so brought were a manifest benefit, and not a manifest injury to the British merchants; and the idea of injury seems to have no other foundation than that our merchants were not the carriers to this country; but a very little recollection of the principles of commercial

politics is sufficient to show, that there may be very great profit in many branches of trade, without our being the carriers. Would Adam Smith, the great writer upon the wealth of nations, maintain that it was advantageous for British merchants to prevent the importation of a cargo, merely because it was not conveyed in a ship belonging to the country from whence it was fetched, or in a British ship? In time of war, a neutral would not give a preference to a British ship, nor indeed employ it, because from the hazard of capture, and the consequent high rate of insurance, it must be much more expensive than a neutral ship. In fact, to refuse admission to foreign ships carrying cargoes, by which a British merchant might gain, would be to prevent the supply of British wants, because Britons could not so safely or conveniently be the carriers. On that principle, the country must want useful and agreeable commodities, merely that they may not be conveyed by foreigners; a principal diametrically opposite to the interest of the British merchants; and to the convenience, or benefit of British consumers.
But let us consider the second position of his lordship, that the deviation is prejudicial to our nautical force. Did the employment of those foreign ships and sailors diminish the number of British ships and sailors? Were there, in consequence, British vessels and seamen unoccupied? Did not our trade, and navy engage every native mariner? If so, instead of the imports of commodities in neutral bottoms, navigated by foreign sailors, being detrimental to British trade and navigation, they were beneficial, in the direct proportion of the addition made to commerce by the cargoes thus imported. They enabled our merchants to carry on all that surplus of trade, which, by the letter of the navigation laws, would have been lost to Britain; and they afforded this advantage to trade and finance, while our own sailors were otherwise engaged, both in commerce and defence. These foreign carriers, whom we employed during the suspension of the navigation system, were so far from injuring our naval service, that they promoted the increase of our seamen in manning the navy; they enabled us to spare a much greater number of British mariners from the employment of trade for the objects of war.
In our former wars with the maritime powers, there was a practical suspension of part of the navigation system; and we derived great benefit from having our carriers, neutral, and even British bottoms, navigated by foreign sailors, and conveying commodities without conforming to all the limitations of the navigation laws. This was particularly the case under an administration to which lord Sheffield was uniformly friendly; and on whose head he bestows great praise in the very production which we are now reviewing. When lord North presided at the helm of affairs not only advantage induced, but necessity compelled Britain to deviate from the navigation system. In the American war, if we had rigidly adhered to the laws of the seventeenth century, we should not have been able to defend ourselves against the formidable confederacy by which we were assailed. We employed foreigners as our carriers; and thereby were enabled to employ our own sailors, and to maintain a war against three of the greatest foreign powers in the world. Britain being engaged in hostilities, with France, Spain and Holland, a great portion of her trade, both import and export, was carried especially to the continent, in Flemish bottoms. Thence, as every man conversant in recent history knows, Oland and other ports of the Austrian Netherlands, rose to such a pitch of mercantile opulence, as inspired the emperor Joseph with the hopes of restoring Flanders to her ancient commercial and maritime superiority. This employment of neutral ships and foreign sailors as carrying traders for Britain, was diametrically opposite to the very letter of the navigation acts; and consequently, on lord Sheffield's principle, was unwise policy. But it appears to me that it would have been much more unwise, either by not permitting a sufficient number of carriers to be employed, to have contracted our trade, and consequently diminished our revenue when it was most wanted, or by drawing a great number of our sailors into the carrying trade, to have weakened our naval force and means of defence; and thereby to have endangered our property and national independence. In such circumstances, can any man who actually views them as they were, say, that Britain would have been benefited by a rigid adherence to the navigation laws; or was not benefited by such a deviation from that system? The navigation laws are founded on ideas of what was politic and prudent at the time when they were framed; adherence, or suspension, is simply a question of expediency in the existing circumstances. In the American war, why was it prudent for Britons to trade through foreign vessels, and for government to permit that trade, though contrary to the navigation enactments? Because thereby we acquired more trade
and revenue, and could employ our own sailors for purposes which were necessary to the national welfare and political salvation.
In certain situations the carrying trade not only occupies, but must occupy the principal attention of all states which desire to be traders. It happened as a matter of fact, that the first and most distinguished traders of antiquity were carriers, because their own country was barren, and afforded not the means of export to exchange for import. The Phoenician commerce was manifestly a carrying commerce, much more than either an import or an export; and as they were supreme in trade, the mode which their circumstances dictated to them, was by political economists long regarded as the most beneficial mode in all circumstances. The same opinion prevailed long in modern times, from the chief traders of those periods; but it is now well understood, (however beneficial the carrying trade may be to nations that have comparatively little to export themselves, and to purchase imports;) that to nations which have a considerable surplus of raw produce and of raw manufactures, a reciprocity of export and import is much more advantageous than a mere carrying trade. In the seventeenth century the Dutch had become the principal traders of Europe; and theirs, from their situation and circumstances, was chiefly a carrying trade. Thereby they acquired very great riches, and means of naval strength, because heretofore nations that far surpassed in the means of export and import, had not fully or nearly improved their own advantages. In naval rivalry Britain fought to injure the Dutch in the trade by which they chiefly profited. This was the great object of the navigation system; and probably, in the relative state of British and Dutch commerce and maritime force at the middle of the 17th century, the purpose might be wise; but it would not from thence follow that it is the interest of Britain, at all periods, and under all circumstances, to be equally hostile to foreign carriers. Perhaps a criterion might be found for ascertaining the policy of adhering to, or suspending the navigation laws in the objects which it was proposed by their framers to attain, and which it must be admitted, were wise and laudable objects. The navigation code sought to give Britain a superior degree of commerce, and a naval power beyond that which was possessed by her chief nautical rival. Here, then, was a plain rule for determining the policy of any species or mode of trade and navigation. If any foreign commerce could be brought to Britain without interfering with our own commerce, and that foreign commerce was wanted for home consumption, or could be employed for exportation, it was, by all the private and public gain of that trade, the more lucrative for Britain. If it enabled rival powers to increase force that might be formidable to Britain, there was a political loss which might more than balance the commercial gain. But if it had no such tendency to raise a force dangerous to Britain, there was all the commercial gain and no political loss. If it not only afforded commercial gain, but allowed a more vigorous and extensive application of the national force, it was not only a commercial, but a political benefit; and in such case the suspension of the navigation laws was proper for attaining the very purposes which were proposed by their enactment. In considering any deviation, therefore, policy would examine circumstances and result, and decide accordingly. Certainly every deviation from these laws has not been prejudicial to Britain. From the employment of Flemish ships and sailors, as almost the only neutral carriers in the American war, it is certain that Ostend and other towns acquired very great wealth; but did Britain suffer from the acquisitions of Flanders? Did not the employment of these neutral carriers enable her to occupy her own sailors in war? Has subsequent history proved that British trade and navigation were injured by that deviation from the navigation laws? Were we ever so flourishing in commerce, at any former period, as in the peace which succeeded the war during which we had thus deviated? Was not our navy, at the same time, so powerful as successively to awe both France and Spain to a preservation of the peace which they fought to disturb?
The laws passed in the seventeenth century for promoting trade and maritime force were simply means towards those ends, and consequently to be maintained by legislative wisdom as long as far as they answered their purposes; and to be dispensed with in cases wherein they did not answer their purposes. A variation of policy with the change of circumstances is a necessary result of wisdom. Accordingly, in the last war our legislature, by formal acts, deviated from the strict letter of the laws which had been passed a hundred and forty years before, when they found that the deviation promoted the original intent much better than it could be effected by rigid and literal adherence. This was the principle and spirit of the deviating acts in question, which were
called forward by the peculiar circumstances of the arduous contest in which we were engaged with the French republic.
Against such a gigantic foe, every effort of national wisdom, power and energy, supported by national opulence, was necessary. A departure from the navigation laws to the extent, and under the limits of the acts of 1795 & '96, enlarged beyond all former experience our means of trade; and consequently all our revenue; and increased the number of our fighting seamen. Our force and our ability to sustain that force, was powerfully promoted by the modified declaration of the navigation laws. The acts of the 35th and 36th were farther continued by the acts of the 39th and 40th of the king; and did not terminate till the 44th, on the first of Jan. 1804. The trade of this period, as can and will be proved from the documents, very far exceeded the trade of even the most flourishing period of the peace before the last war; and the pre-eminence of our naval power during that suspension, a series of splendid victories, unequalled even in the naval history of Britain, sufficiently evince. Facts the most striking and brilliant contravene every assertion that the suspension of the navigation laws is injurious to the trade and naval power of Britain.
But let us consider lord Sheffield's reasoning to prove the impolicy of the acts in question. "For these laws," he says, "there was not even a pretence but what referred to temporary circumstances. During the late war, when, in consequence of the disturbed state of the two hemispheres, a considerable part of the produce of the world was likely to be brought into this country for safety and for a market, many of our trading vessels were unavoidably taken up in the service of government, it was thought advisable for the present to suffer all goods to be imported in neutral ships, a great importation consequently took place of the produce of countries at war, as well as neutral nations; and the goods were permitted to be warehoused, both for home consumption and re-exportation; but though the laws to which I have alluded may have arisen in the whole or in part from such principles or such pretences, they are not therefore to be vindicated. Some of them afforded great advantages to foreign ships; in permitting articles of merchandise to be stored, which they did not allow to British vessels; and all of them in principle amounted to a complete suspension of an essential part of the navigation system, and were admitted I should think through laxity of principles, and a want of perception of the true spirit of our navigation laws." What is the amount of all these arguments? The laws were enacted on a pretence of temporary circumstances. This pretence is a date of war, which the writer admits to have disturbed both hemispheres; and that on account of the hostilities many merchants were desirous of importing merchandise into this country, both for safety and for vent; when our trading vessels occupied by government could not be spared to such importation. Thence (that is because we wanted foreign articles which our own ships, being otherwise engaged, could not convey) a great importation took place, and in these circumstances the laws in question were founded; but they are not therefore to be vindicated. According to this reasoning of his lordship, laws, permitting and encouraging the importation, in foreign ships, of articles which Britain wanted and could not spare her own ships to convey, are not to be vindicated. Why are they not to be vindicated? The noble author adduces two reasons; first, because they afforded great advantages to foreign ships; secondly, because they suspended the spirit of our navigation laws. The first of these reasons proceeds on a principle somewhat similar to one which was long supported by political economists, that the advantage to either of two nations from commerce, depends on the balance of trade in favor of the one or the other. This doctrine is now entirely exploded, because it is found that of two nations trading with one another, though the one should be a much greater gainer, the other may be so great a gainer as to render it very advantageous to continue the traffic. Indeed the opposite theory is as absurd as it would be if two private persons were to engage in an adventure by which the one could gain much more than the other, yet the other could gain much more than by a different employment of his industry and capital, the latter was to deem himself a loser by the engagement. It is the same with nations; the question to Britain is not whether another country obtained great gains by commerce with us, but whether we obtain, by commerce with that country, greater gain than we should do without that commerce. This argument of his lordship therefore appears totally inadmissible on the received principles of political economy; and is farther controverted by the actual fact, to be evinced from documents, that we have been, and are gainers by the suspension in question.
(To be continued.)
The following elegant tribute to the talents of Mr. Cooper is taken from the Boston Chronicle. Without meaning to attest to the accuracy of the critique, we feel a pleasure in introducing to the acquaintance of our readers a gentleman, whose dramatic attainments are unsurpassed on our stage.
MR. COOPER.
The following is an extract from a letter to a gentleman in the country, written the day after Mr. Cooper's first appearance on our stage:—
"I hasten to give you some account of Mr. Cooper's entre on the Boston stage. The celebrity which this gentleman had acquired excited much public expectation, and the difficulty which took place among the players previously to his appearance, raised an increased anxiety.
"Immediately on its being known that he was to perform, every ticket was engaged; and the house, at a very early hour, crowded in every part. Something wonderful was anticipated. A display of powers hitherto unseen and hardly imagined. Such a concourse of anxious and enquiring spectators were, perhaps, never assembled in the Boston theatre.
"The curtain rose—a solemn stillness reigned; Mr. Cooper appeared; and the theatre rang with reiterated plaudits.
"Mr. Cooper is perhaps the most elegant person you have ever seen upon the stage. Of an height, form and age well fitted for the character he assumed; a flexibility of feature ready to give utterance and energy to every characteristic of passion; "an eye like Mars, to threaten or command;" a voice clear, sonorous and full, extending its delightful melody from "the lowest note to the top of the compass," without laboured exertion or unnatural force; a mind comprehending, with facility the range and extent of the character, and giving every little shade of nice distinction with perspicuity and precision.
"If I may judge from a single appearance, practice has given him a perfect acquaintance with the stage. His look, his walk, his attitude—was the look, the walk, the attitude of Hamlet. A prince oppressed by grief, driven to resentment by unnatural wrongs, led on by the inhabitant of an unknown world, and feigning madness which distress almost made real; still wearing an unaltered dignity of character; insulted and alone, still struggling with the oppressive secrets of his bosom—found in Mr. Cooper an exact representative.
"To perform Hamlet well, requires as much theatrical talent as any character in the drama. It exhibits sketches of almost all the passions, running into each other like the rainbow's colors, and requiring in the actor a skill in the exhibition little inferior to the genius of the writer. Each particular part is difficult, but the combination of the whole forms a wonderful series of novel, bold, and astonishing exertion. The actor who conceives this part well, is entitled to great credit; but if he can give to this conception a living form, he ranks high on the list of theatrical excellence. Mr. Cooper is entitled, in both respects, to our profound admiration.
"The weight of Shakespeare's language demands the closest regard. Under skilful management, it exhibits energy with ease, and the nice modulation of measure with all the majesty of strength; with the ignorant it looks below the mediocrity of prose. Like the bow of William the Conqueror, it is difficult to bend, but when properly drawn, its effect is proportioned to its force.
"It is sufficient to say, Mr. Cooper has a perfect familiarity with Shakespeare's muse.
"The tragedies of Shakespeare fall away in the last acts, but nothing flags in the hands of Mr. Cooper. He seems to rise in greatness as the play proceeds. Terror sees its counterfeit presentment: Doubt hovers on his brow! Anger flashes from his eye; and rage, distraction, love, contempt, alternately assume appropriate forms.
"In his soliloquies, what wonderful expression. In dialogue what appropriate modulation. To select what is best would indeed be impossible; as well might you determine what sun beam darts the liveliest ray.
"Do any censure Cooper? Yes: as they censure Garrick. They went to see a play; but it was all real. Any body who had seen a ghost would have done the same; and a crazy man must have conducted with his female lover as the mad Hamlet with the sweet Ophelia. He realizes his own sentiments—we may indeed say: What a piece of work is man! how noble in reason, how infinite in faculties, in form and moving how express and admirable, in action how like an Angel, in apprehension how like a God."
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, March 2.
Some more Hamburg papers came to hand yesterday, from which we have given a few extracts in our last page. They confirm all we have hitherto stated relative to the difference between the French government and the Ottoman Porte, in consequence of the becoming determination of the latter not to recognize the usurped Imperial title of the Corsican Tyrant.
In the present state of Continental politics, it may be considered as somewhat extraordinary that the Ottoman Porte, longer and more intimately connected with France than with any other of the European powers, should, in refusing to recognize the new Emperor, have been among the first to set an example to which the power of that enfeebled state was not sufficient to give weight, if its object were of any importance, while all the rage and violence of the pretender were to be dreaded, in revenge for the denial of his claim. It is obvious, however, that this refusal has been dictated by the Court of Petersburg; and from the arrangements which are now upon the tapis, we are induced to cherish the fond hope that it will prove the prelude to a general determination, actively to oppose the common enemy of Europe. We shall resume this subject in a few days, for the purpose of taking a review of the relative situation of the different powers of the continent. In the mean time, we must observe, that there is no doubt of Bonaparte being deterred from carrying his threats against Naples into execution. It is expressly stated in the above papers, that the court of Naples will be disposed to preserve in that system of neutrality which it has hitherto observed, as the French Commander in Chief, by the express consent of Bonaparte, has given assurance, that the French troops will not pass the stipulated line of demarcation, unless compelled by unforeseen hostile attempts.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Dec. 30.
The French minister, M. Talleyrand, has transmitted a Note to the Turkish Ambassador at Paris, Haieb Effendi, of which Marshall Bane, a short time before his departure from Constantinople, delivered a copy to the Reis Effendi. This note expresses surprise at the refusal of the Porte to acknowledge the Emperor of the French; since France has ever been the oldest and most sincere friend of the Porte. The causes of this conduct are then adverted to, and it is ascribed to a faction in the Turkish ministry, inimical to the true interests of the Empire, which has had the art to procure the rejection of all advantageous propositions on the part of France, and to connect the Porte with that power. In conclusion, it is asserted, that the present conduct of the Porte is inconsistent with its former Moslem dignity, which would never suffer it to render itself dependent on, and subject to, any foreign power, without well founded motives. On the communication of this note, the Reis Effendi declared, that with respect to the refusal of acknowledgment of the Emperor Napoleon, the Porte had been guided by the protestations of other powers.
PLYMOUTH, March 7.
Came in the Spanish ship Sacra Famia, from Vera Cruz for Cadiz, laden with sugar, logwood, other goods, & 149,000 dollars and one box of gold; she was taken on the 16th ult. off the Western Islands, by the Pallas, of 32 guns, capt. Cochrane. The Pallas has also captured, and is coming home with the Spanish ship Fortuna, from Vera Cruz to Cadiz, laden with spices of all kinds, mahogany, logwood, &c. 432,000 dollars and two cases of gold images; captured off the Western islands, on the 15th ultimo.
PARIS, Feb. 21.
The Arch Chancellor of the Germanic Empire reached Carlsruhe in the morning of the 15th, and alighted at the Electoral Palace. He had a long conference with the Elector of Baden, and dined with his highness and his family. In the evening he continued his journey by way of Pforzheim to Aschaffenburg.
HAMBURGH, Feb. 8.
The courts of Vienna and Berlin have commenced a negotiation, which will probably lead to a more intimate connection between the two powers. It appears that they are not disposed to embroil themselves with respect to the new changes in Italy, but they are desirous of preventing the interference of foreign powers in the affairs of Germany.
MADRID, Feb. 8.
Admiral Gravina, late Ambassador in France, has arrived in this city. He has had several conferences with the Prince of Peace and the minister of marine.
The last account from Cadiz mentions the arrival of a reinforcement of 600 men at Gibraltar, and state that a con-

considerable additional force was expected to follow them in a short time.
SEMLIN, Jan. 28.
A numerous body of Turkish troops is now on the way to join the Servians, for the purpose of co-operating in the siege of Belgrade.
The military preparations are carried on in Servia with all possible activity. It appears, that besides their plan of occupying the banks of the Drina, the Servians have in view some secret expedition.
All the posts of the cordon of troops along our frontiers have been doubled: and a body of infantry is daily expected to reinforce the garrison of this place.
Frontiers of Italy, Jan. 29.—Nothing is talked of at Milan, but the changes which are preparing in the government of that country, from the result of which the greatest hopes are entertained. The Italian republic has always appeared to the greatest part of enlightened persons merely provisional. It was distinctly felt, that the great change which has been effected in the government of France, must necessarily produce one likewise in that of the republic, and that the emperor of the French would not long remain the President of the Italian republic. Every reasonable person would wish to see its place supplied by an independent and hereditary monarchy; and it is generally expected that a prince of the House of Bonaparte will be placed on this throne. Many political changes will probably be the consequence of this event.
FEB 2.
On the 26th of January it was announced to the French garrison of (Italian) Verona, that the emperor Napoleon, the pope, and prince Joseph, would arrive at Milan in the course of the month of February. The latter will be crowned king of Lombardy, and consecrated by the pope. A great number of troops are on their march to be present at the event.
New York, April 29.
The following interesting, though melancholy information, we yesterday received from a friend in Boston.
Marblehead, April 24.
Arrived this day, the Schooner Joanna, capt. Henry Quiner, having picked up on the eastern part of the Grand Bank of Newfoundland, the yawl of the ship Jupiter, late of New York, with the captain, mate, one seaman and five passengers, which ship was foundered by the ice at 12 o'clock on the night of the 6th inst. on her passage from London to New York, having on board 73 souls, 27 of whom were lost in the ship, 38 including the second mate and remainder of the crew, took to the long boat, which parted company from the yawl, on Monday the 8th, in heavy squalls, after having left the ice that morning.
The following particulars of the loss of the Jupiter, are communicated to us by capt. Law:
Sailed in the ship Juniper from the Downs for New York, March 6th. Nothing remarkable occurred, excepting frequent gales and bad weather, until April 6th, being then in lat. 44, 20, long. by account, 49, at 8 o'clock in the morning saw a great number of pieces of broken ice which was passed in about three hours, when we supposed ourselves clear, steering west by north, wind E. N. E. and foggy, moderate weather, at 2 P. M. began to discover islands of ice, and by 3 o'clock saw a large field ahead which appeared to have no opening, then wore ship and kept off to the south and east, continually passing small islands, until 5 P. M. when we found the ice extending so far to the north and south, that we could not clear, it hove about and stretched to the north among broken ice until night came on and no prospect of getting clear, hove too under double reefed topsails, in hopes to have sufficient drift to keep clear of the fields to leeward until day light, but found, at 11, that we were drifting fast on a large island, was obliged to ware ship and haul to the southward, under easy sail, luffing and bearing away for the broken ice, as occasion required, until 12, when we struck upon a small piece which penetrated through the starboard bow; immediately rigged both pumps, and the boat out; 38 men women and children got into the long boat, and eight in the yawl, and put off from the ship, which went down in about half an hour from the time she struck, having on board at the time the boats left her, 27 souls who perished with the ship; we then shaped our course to the westward, continually relieving the oars, and with difficulty finding a passage for the boats through the fields of ice which we were passing during the remainder of that night, the next day and night, until about 12 o'clock on Monday, A. M. having gone about 100 miles W. S. W. from the time of leaving the ship; at 12, finding after we had cleared the ice, a rough sea beginning to make, so that the yawl was unsafe in tow, and they not being willing to increase their number in the long
boat, requested them to cut us adrift, when they immediately left us steering north, with a sail set, and a fresh breeze from the southward; our situation was now such, that we were obliged to keep before the wind, it being very squally with heavy rain, and the yawl being so deeply laden as to make us apprehensive that she would immediately fill. About sunset the wind abated, and the sea moderated, so that we were enabled to pull to the westward, which we did from 7 o'clock, until 8 A. M. on Tuesday, the 9th, when we had the happiness to discover a sail which we found to be the Schooner Joanna, capt. Quiner, who humanely received us on board, and paid us every attention which was in his power, and which our situation after suffering much from fatigue and being considerably injured by frost, rendered necessary for the preservation of our lives.
When we parted company with the long boat, they had plenty of provisions on board, and strong hopes are entertained that they were so fortunate as to meet with a vessel shortly after, there being several at no great distance to the westward, or that they would be able to reach some port in Newfoundland.
PHILADELPHIA, April 27.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in England to his friend in this city, dated
"Second-month 14th, 1805. "I believe I have already informed thee, that our committee for the abolition of the slave trade, lately reinforced by a respectable addition of new members, has resumed its activity in consequence of W. Wilberforce's intention to bring the question, this session, under the consideration of parliament. He has already announced it to the House of Commons, and the day proposed for the discussion, been more than once suspended by what is deemed by some more important business. And although melancholy experience has evinced that little reliance is to be placed on the most flattering prospects, even the opponents of the measure admit that there is now a better chance of success than at any former period. The state of my health of late has not admitted a frequent attendance of the meetings of the committee; but I understand that so much satisfaction was afforded by the reports of your committee of correspondence, on some points, that further communications on those and others mentioned, or alluded to in my letter, will be highly acceptable. In intimating thus much to the latter committee, I repeat my request, that in the name of our's, thou will acknowledge the kindness of its communications, and the sense we entertain of their importance. The occasion has again drawn our friend Thomas Clarkson to London, where his assistance is peculiarly acceptable to W. Wilberforce. The able Author of the Critique , &c. is also very assiduous in his contributions of labor and talent; and I expect we shall soon see, from his pen, one of the best of the very valuable tracts, which have been published on this momentous subject."
"John Norton, the Mohawk Chief, remains in the vicinity of London, and yet undetermined on the time for embarking on his return homeward. Since our first acquaintance, his has been much extended, and he is a good deal noticed as an interesting character. He has been employed in the translation of the Gospel of St. John into his own language, and in revising an edition of two thousand copies, printed for the use of his nation. His translation into English of the preface, written by himself, bespeaks a capacity for such a work, and induces a hope that it is done properly. As he seems to be so disposed, I doubt not he may be extensively useful in aiding your benevolent endeavors for the civilization of the Indians; and on that account, I have expressed to him my wishes that in his way homeward, he may give the Friends, principally active in that concern, opportunities of conference; believing they may prove mutually useful and satisfactory."
NOTICE.
CHRISTOPHER HILBOURN, who formerly resided in Loudoun county, state of Virginia who is said to have removed into some other part of that state, is hereby informed, that by the death of his aunt, Elizabeth Limebacker of Northampton in the county of Bucks and commonwealth of Pennsylvania, he is entitled to a considerable estate in lands and cash which will be delivered to him on application to Gerardus Wynkoop or Leffert Lefferts, executors of the last will and testament of Elizabeth Limebacker, deceased.
May 1—w3t
100 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY, two months ago, about the middle of November, a Negro Man, named TOM DANIEL, five feet ten inches high, black complexion, has lost some of his jaw teeth, very knock kneed, about 45 years of age. It is supposed that he has made to the northward, and has a free pass. He took with him a grey mare, and is very fond of driving a cart.—Apply to RALPH LANE, Centreville, Fairfax county, Virginia. wtf
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MAY 3.
Every new mail from Massachusetts brings us a diminished federal majority for Mr. Strong, the federal candidate for governor. Our latest statement exhibits the votes of 414 towns as follows:
For Mr. Strong, 34,009 Mr. Sullivan, 32,328
Federal majority, 1,680
In the last year, the votes for the same towns were,
For Mr. Strong, 28,900 Mr. Sullivan, 23,106
Federal majority, 5,794
which is greater by 4,114 than the majority of this year. We should be led to question the final issue of this election, but for the positive, and uncontradicted assertions, of the Boston Federal prints, that Mr. Strong is re-elected.
Accounts from New Orleans of the 4th of April, state that the Louisiana Bank went into operation on that day. The Cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States, had arrived and purchased a house for the institution. An Insurance Company, with a capital of 200,000 dollars is now open for subscription in that city.
A line of mail stages has commenced running between Pittsburgh and Wheeling. By this conveyance, together with the Pittsburgh stages, a person may perform his journey from this city to Wheeling in eight days and a half. The fare from Pittsburgh to Wheeling is four dollars, twelve cents and a half. Phila. paper.
Philadelphia, April 29.
Captain Tatem, arrived this morning from St. Thomas, informs, that on the morning of the 6th inst. he saw a British 44 gun frigate off the harbor, and 8 larger ships in sight. A boat was sent ashore; and in the afternoon, saw them go through the passage, supposed to be bound to leeward. This, most probably, was the British squadron, under admiral Cochrane. He heard nothing of the French squadron.
A letter from London states, that another bill had been brought into the British Parliament, for the abolition of the Slave Trade. It was advocated by Messrs. Wilberforce, Buxton, Fox, and others; and opposed by Gen. Tarleton, Gascoigne, and others; when the question, "shall the bill have a second reading?" was negatived 77 to 70. The bill was therefore lost.
Extract of a letter from Halifax, dated March 2.
"An extraordinary decision took place here in the court of Vice Admiralty on Wednesday last. The facts were these—Messrs. Scott and Tremain, of your city, shipped per the Sch. Nancy, captain Huxford, 190 barrels of tar, consigned to Messrs. Tremain's of this town, which were seized by the collector of the customs under an idea that no person whatever, resident in the United States, could legally send property to this country; and the judges of the admiralty, condemned the tar upon that principle. This sentence, we understand will be appealed from; but, until the issue of the appeal is known in England, we shall recommend it to all our American correspondents, by no means to send their property here."
LORD THURLOW.
Mr. Pitt, when chancellor of the exchequer, was sufficiently notorious for the positiveness with which he delivered and supported his opinions. Lord Thurlow once rebuked him in his own way. Mr. Pitt was declining, at a cabinet dinner, on the energy and beauty of the Latin language, and, amongst other things, mentioned as a peculiar elegance in it, that two negatives made a thing more positive than one affirmative possibly could. "Then," said Thurlow, "your father and mother must have been two negatives, to have made such a damned positive fellow as you are."
SPRING GOODS.
JOHN COX, [GEORGE TOWN.] HAS received a part of his Spring assortment of Dry Goods, which were selected from the late arrivals at New York. He has also received from Baltimore a quantity of GERMAN LINENS, consisting of Tichlenburgs, Osnaburgs, Hempen, Silesians, Brown Roles, &c. all of which will be sold low by piece or retail. May 3—epam
FOR SALE,
At the Navy Yard, nearly opposite Mr. Dobbins's Tavern, a two story BRICK HOUSE, at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Mattingly. Baker, for terms apply to the subscriber.
SAMUEL RYSS. May 3—3t
Thirty Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or stolen from the commons of this city, on night of the 24th inst. the well known grey MARE, late the property of captain WILLY, of Fairfax county Virginia. She is about 7 years old, near 15 hands high, low in flesh, led by the saddle, has a brand on the near shoulder; also a token which can be given in testimony, of which the thief or reward contriver may not be apprised. The subscriber will pay reasonable charges and 5 dollars, for the restoration of said mare; and (if stolen) 25 more, on conviction of the thief.
SOLOMON MYER. Washington, May 3—at 3 Ind U S. 28th year.
FOR SALE.
Eight hundred acres of Land.
IN Fauquier county state of Virginia, known by the name of Oakland Farm, distance about 22 miles from Fredericksburg, and the same from Dumfries.
About three hundred acres of this land are under a fine growth of oak and hickory timber. The cleared land is inclosed and well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and tobacco, it is finely watered by a number of never failing springs, dispersed in such a manner in four separate inclosures, as to afford water for stock in great plenty. On the premises are a small mill and distillery, a strong frame dwelling house 44 feet by 20, finished in a plain and elegant style, a stone spring house completely finished, fencing and framing, sufficient for a kitchen and smoke house.
Any person inclining to purchase will be shown the land by Mr. Levan Oliver who lives near the place—the terms may be known by an application to Mr. John Love of said county and the title confirmed by the subscriber living in the city of Washington, district of Columbia.
THOMAS THORPE. April 3—rawtf
An extensive Field for Speculation, is offered in the Sale of the POWHATAN ESTATE,
Which lies contiguous to the lower limits of Richmond, contains 3000 acres of land, borders near a mile on James river, and runs 5 miles back.
The principal part is fine grain land, covered with valuable timber, convenient to a saw mill erected thereon, which has cut 1700 feet per day, and connected with a grist and manufacturing mill, on a constant stream with two pair of stones.
There is a small farm, with a commodious brick mansion, ice house, the usual offices, and two fisheries.
It has many elegant sites for building, furnished with good water, commanding views of the city, falls and shipping, which lie opposite to them.
There is a beautiful level already laid out into lots, at right angles, on the river.
The peculiar advantages of this property are multiplied by a late act for the establishment of an inspection of Tobacco on it, and the act for uniting the upper and lower navigation by locks, which as the proper point of junction render it valuable for store houses.
Few persons are unacquainted with the political importance of Richmond, as the capital of the most essential state of the union, nor its commercial advantages from the immense quantities of coal, flour and tobacco, which pass through its market—and will it be necessary to add? that these advantages will be shortly increased by the western produce brought through the Kanawha to this navigation and deposit, to be thence shipped directly abroad when the contemplated improvement of the lower navigation shall be complete.
It is submitted to monied men to consider whether a purchase by shares either to sell out or improve parts of this growing estate, would not in a few years afford a certain and handsome remuneration for their attention; being free from those contingencies to which many institutions are liable.
In such an establishment the proprietor would willingly participate. A liberal credit will be allowed the purchasers on payment of interest. Further particulars made known by applying to Mr. Robert Atkinson near Petersburg, Mr. Alexander Fulton, Baltimore, Messrs. Proffer and Moncure, Richmond, or the subscriber on the premises.
W. MAYO. Powhatan, near Richmond, Virg. May 1—w6t
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the best of its kind in the vicinity of the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD.
NOTICE.
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber has obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Hyram Drane late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit them to the subscriber proper or authenticated on or before the twentieth day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. RICHARD W. BRASHERS, Adm'r April 1—3w
NEW Store.
BY WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
The subscriber informs the public that he has commenced business in the house formerly occupied by
MR. QUINN, F. Street; And has on hand, a general assortment dry goods, Groceries, wines and spirituous liquors.
Porter, Hardware and Cutlery, Queenware, China and Glass, Flour, Corn, and Corn-meal, Oats, and Chopped rye, Candles and Soap by the box, Country whiskey by the barrel, and a few casks of genuine old Irish whiskey All of which he will sell low for cash or country produce The HIGHEST prices, given for country produce, CASH. FRANCIS CLARK. Aug. 29—wtf.
The three following Stallions will cover at the Bowling Green the present season.
DAREDEVIL,
Sire of Sheldon, Brutus, Desdemona, Magnet, Mr. Harrison's colt (now Mr. Boorich's) and many other good racers; at
SIX GUINEAS each mare, and one dollar to the groom to be discharged any time before the first of August next, by the payment of 5 guineas, or 20 dollars if sent with the mare. Good pasturage gratis. Servants boarded at 10s. 6d. per week; gentlemen wishing their mares fed will please send money with them to purchase grain or it cannot be had. Notes for six guineas will be expected with the mares that do not remain with the horse, those left must be paid for before they are removed. Great attention will be paid them, but no responsibility for accidents or escapes.
VOLUNTEER,
AT TEN DOLLARS each mare, and half a dollar to the groom. He is a fine bay horse, of good size, very stout and strong, with a great deal of bone, very fine action, and uncommon speed, and very likely to get good horses either for the turf, carriage or saddle.
Volunteer has been considered among the best running horses, and has won several races, among them a jockey club purse at Fredericksburg, and another at Richmond, and is as high bred a horse as any in the state. He was got by Bedford, his dam Favorite, a very fine English mare got by O'Kelly's famous stallion Volunteer, (one of the best sons of Eclipse) her dam by Mr. Fenwick's celebrated stallion, Matchem, &c. &c.
FORTUNIO,
(THE TEAZER,) At FIVE DOLLARS each mare, he was got by Cormorant his dam a thoroughbred mare by old Janus. The season will end the first day of August next.
JOHN HOOMES. Bowling Green, April 15—w10t
NOTICE.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JACK—He is about 24 years old, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high; his left foot and leg have scars on them occasioned by burns; large lips. His clothing are, a home made linen doublet, a pair of old blue pantalettes, and a home made linen shirt. If his master (whose name he says is Claiborne, and whom he confesses he left at Waterford, Virginia) does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick county. April 17—w8t
ON Friday the 10th day of May next between the hours of 12 and 3 o'clock, at Mr. Stetler's hotel in the city of Washington, near the premises, will be offered to public sale on a credit of six months, a two story brick house, with two rooms and a passage on each floor, a garret and good dry cellar; situated on lot No. 10 in square 728 on East Capitol street, near the Capitol. Negotiable notes bearing interest from the date, with approved endorser payable at the city of Washington or Georgetown banks, to be given by the purchaser in one hour after the sale, when immediate possession will be given and a clear title made to the purchaser when the money is fully paid, by
SAMUEL TYLER. April 17—w3t
NOTICE.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself GILBERT DAY, and says he belongs to John Hodd, of Baltimore county, Maryland. He is about 18 or 20 years old, 5 feet 7 inches high; his clothing are a striped Nantucket coat, black cassimere waistcoat, osnaburg shirt, and an old pair of dark cloth pantaloon. He is very black, and has a pleasant countenance. If his master does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick County. April 15—w8t
In the case of JOSEPH ENGLISH an Insolvent Debtor.
ORDERED that six months from the first day of February next be limited and appointed for the creditors of said English to bring in and exhibit their claims to the Trustee. It is also ordered that this notice be published in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer once a month during said term.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, Esq one of the Assistant Judges of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia. URIAH FORREST, Clk. 28th, January, 1805.
The subscriber being appointed Trustee in the above case of Joseph English, requests all those having claims against him to exhibit them without delay.
R. PARROTT. Feb. 11—1am 6m.