The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-04-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXVI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, APRIL 23, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, APRIL 7.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.
Debate on the motion of Mr. J. Randolph to publish the President's message.
Mr. DANA said he was happy they were enabled to take a direct vote on the publication of the message. On the vote just taken he had felt himself bound to consult the opinions of gentlemen who had thought when the injunction of secrecy was taken off, it did not apply to the publication of the message. The question now presents itself directly for consideration, whether it would be most expedient to publish it. It appears to me, said Mr. Dana, that there will be no breach of confidence in publishing it. If in private life one man makes a communication to another, and the person who receives it says he will not pledge himself to keep it secret, there is no obligation on him not to divulge it, and should he divulge it there will be no question about the violation of confidence. Under what form then, was the communication of the President made to this House? Is there any thing in the constitution relative to the President's communicating any thing to either House in confidence, and absolutely prohibiting either House from disclosing it? If there is no such thing in the constitution the disclosure must be left to our discretion, of the propriety of which we must be the judges. In the first place, the constitution of the United States provides for such communications to Congress as the President may see fit to make—it also declares that each House shall be governed by such rules as they shall make. Now when this message was received, the rules of the last House were adopted, and are such as are now in force. What is the rule applicable to the present point?
"Whenever confidential communications are received from the President of the U. S. the House shall be cleared of all persons except the members and the Clerk, and so continue during the reading of such communications, and (unless otherwise directed by the House) during all debates and proceedings to be had thereon. And when the Speaker, or any other member, shall inform the House, that he has communications to make, which he conceives ought to be kept secret, the House shall, in like manner, be cleared till the communication be made; the House shall then determine whether the matter communicated requires secrecy or not, and take order accordingly."
The President can make no communications to us except under this rule. It was under this rule that this message was communicated. What is the inference? The rule was peremptory, so far as it required the communication of the President to be read with closed doors; but after having been so received, it is strictly within the power of the House to decide whether it shall continue private, or be published. The President must have communicated the message under this impression. No obligation of confidence can be infringed by publishing it. Believing, therefore, that the publication will be no violation of confidence, and believing that it will be for the public good, I shall vote for it.
Mr. SLOAN, I shall as decidedly as the gentleman from Connecticut vote against the publication of the message; and on a principle which it behoves me never to abandon so long as I hold a seat on this floor. If I understand any thing of the matter, it was communicated to the House by the President in confidence that it would not be published; and if I have any idea of propriety, it ought to be still kept secret, as the reasons which first made it so still continue. If we are not constitutionally bound to keep the communications made by the President secret, I do conceive we are under an obligation of respect to the other branches of the government, not to betray the confidence reposed in us; and should this communication be published the other branches of the government ought first to sanction it. Such a course would, in my opinion, have a direct tendency, to destroy our confidence in the President, and our diplomatic character abroad.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. Before the question is taken I have a few observations to offer in addition to those which I submitted the other day on the subject of the secret proceedings, to show that the message of the President ought to be published, not only in justification of the report of the select committee which has been published, but in justice to the government itself. An attempt has been made in the public prints, and on this floor, to give a color to the proceedings of the House, when in conclave, totally inconsistent with, and in opposition to truth. It has been intimated that the minority were in favor of war; or by intimating that the majority were in fa-
vor of pacific measures, the inference has been drawn that the minority were in favor of war. The fact is this—and as the message of the President has been read as a part of the journal ordered to be published, as the Speaker and clerk have attested, I will undertake to state what it contains unless prevented by the chair.
The Speaker interrupted Mr. R. by observing that such a statement would not be in order.
Mr. Randolph. I will confine myself then to stating that the division of sentiment in the House, was whether we should have a territorial accommodation of our differences with Spain, whether we should have an accommodation which did not merely suit Spain & us, or a monetary accommodation which neither suited us or Spain, but France. A recourse to the journals will show this to have been the principal difference that subsisted within the walls of this House. There was no party of men in this House, or elsewhere, in favor of war—for I beg leave to call gentlemen on the committee to witness that the opinion of the majority of the select committee was that we should neither give money or make war; but that we should defend the limits of the old United States and the territories acquired from Spain. What were the facts? Our army was dispersed in cantonments, God knows where. The country to be protected was far removed from any considerable surrounding population—a country which, from the circumstances in which it is placed, must be kept and held by military force. When the militia of the United States from the most contiguous states to New Orleans were deputed to take possession of the country, events proved that it could not be defended by militia, unless indeed by the militia of the Chickasaws, the Creeks and Choctaws. It is not only cut off from the populous parts of the U. S. but it is protruded into the gulf of Mexico, and also surrounded by extensive marshes which do not admit of its being defended in the same manner as the other parts of the U. S. So much with regard to a standing army. The committee applied to the head of the proper department to know what force would be required to defend the frontiers. Our report has been published. Why have not the letter addressed to the secretary of war and his report been likewise published? If the executive of the United States will take upon itself the responsibility of defending the country with a single grenadier, be it so. But it was said there was not sufficient force to defend the country; and are we not now attempting by a landed bounty to generate this force? These circumstances prove our views in committee, and I do not hesitate to say that all the force we have should have been placed in the vicinity of New Orleans—that was the weak point which ought to have been guarded.
There is another view of the subject. Against Spain, with whom we had tried the fair experiment of negotiation, and which had totally failed, we took no manly attitude; while we reserved all our energy for G. Britain, and determined to coerce her by prohibiting the importation of her millinery. Yes, against Spain, when our negotiations had totally failed, and under circumstances of disgrace to the U. S. we took no manly ground, but begged her to take money; while with G. B. with whom negotiation had not failed, while a negotiation was depending we declared ourselves in favor of taking a decisive and hostile attitude. Here is the real difference of opinion. In the one case we had a pending negotiation. In the other it had been tried and failed. But that is not all. Because we bought Louisiana from France, it was contended that we should be following the old precedent by buying the Floridas of Spain. But in answer it was observed that in the first case we made an offer to purchase as a prelude to negotiation; and it was declared that the misconduct of the Spanish agents was unauthorized. But here the case was completely reversed. There was no doubt of the misconduct of the Spanish agents being authorized, and negotiation had been tried and had failed. There was another difference. In one case we made a fair and honorable purchase from France who owned the property; but in this case, we observed that we were about to make a dishonorable purchase of a high wayman of property taken from its rightful owner, or to obtain his services to bully it from its rightful owner; and it was known, the declaration had been repeatedly made, that a high officer of the government of the U. S. the head of the department of state, avowed that the money was for France. Where has the Hornet sailed? To Corunna or to Cadiz? No, to Nantz, the high road to Paris. It was not because there was a party in the House indisposed to the honest acquisition of the Floridas, but because there was a party indisposed to acquire them at the expense of the national treasure and honor, that opposition originated to the measures you have taken. No, sir, we were not for war, we were for peace—for acting on true policy, on the principle of taking firmer ground than has been taken—that
ground which we thought was called for; and not for endeavoring to curry favor with one of the European powers by throwing our weight in her scale, and thus producing a cause of quarrel with another nation during a pending negotiation. This is the fact. We told gentlemen, that, after France had said, if you give Spain one blow I will give you ten or two, I do not recollect which,—after she had told you that your claims against Spain must be abandoned,—after she had in the most insulting and degrading manner interfered in your differences with Spain,—that, under these circumstances to put money into the hands of France was not only a violation of your neutrality with G. Britain; but that the ground subsequently taken towards G. Britain was a most dastardly accommodation to the wishes of France, in order, by putting on a hostile attitude to Britain to curry favor with the Emperor of France; and which was not demanded by the situation of our affairs with G. Britain.
What is our true policy? To take part with neither of those nations—to let neither of them finger one dollar of our money—to resist the unjust pretensions of all. This policy we have abandoned, and what is the consequence? The national honor has received a stain which all the waters of the Potomac cannot wash out. It is on the page of history, and cannot now be taken off. The nation is stigmatised—it has received a blot, which all your Indian rubber cannot efface.
But it has been represented that I took part with the Spanish against the American government in relation to the disputed territory between the Perdido and the Mississippi. I took part so far as this. I did not wish to see the American honor sacrificed in a contest with Spain. I took part so far, as to be called a Spanish partizan by some gentlemen, while others charged me with being willing to kindle a war with Spain. I stated that we had never received copies of the instructions of the minister delegated to negotiate with the Spanish government; and that if we should call for the documents we should find that the business from the first to the last had been managed in the most embroiled manner—I do not speak of the negotiator—God forbid—but of those who drew the instructions of the man who negotiated. We bought Louisiana from France under the terms of the treaty of St. Ildefonso. According to the Executive understanding that country extended to the Perdido and the Rio Bravo. We immediately legislated on our first claim and passed a law erecting the bay and shores of the Mobile into a revenue district. What was the fact? That we were legislating without information. We had never been told that Louisiana had been directed to receive the country only to the Iberville and the Lakes. We consequently legislated in error for want of correct Executive information. This was the beginning. We then sent commissioners to Madrid. These commissioners had various causes of complaint against Spain. One was for the injury which had sustained from the suspension of the right of deposit at New Orleans, which has not to this day been satisfied; another was for spoliations committed on our commerce in the West Indies; another for spoliations committed by France; and another relative to boundaries. We claimed to the Rio Bravo; but our commissioners declared themselves ready to agree, in case Spain ceded the disputed country to the East, that the Colorado should be the boundary line; and to make even this offer our agents were obliged to exceed their instructions. This information is not drawn from documents before the House—it is not confidential—if gentlemen doubt its correctness, let them call for official documents. We wanted the territory on the East of the Mississippi, and offered to pay for it with territory West of the Mississippi. But Spain replies, that territory belongs to me, and as I am able and willing to defend both, I will not give up one to pay for the other. And so far from making the Colorado river a boundary being a great concession, the present actual boundary is, I know not how many hundred miles, this side of it. Could such a negotiation, thus conducted, fail to fail? The great wonder with me is that the ministers of the U. S. made out to continue their exertions so long as they did in pressing such a proposition. At least some of the X, Y, and Z men go to our ministers, and say, put on a hostile attitude towards Spain; and when things are coming to a rupture, refer Spain to our mediation, give us a round sum, and we will dictate the terms on which an accommodation shall take place. When the fact came out, a general astonishment prevailed, and my worthy friend from Maryland, who no longer holds a seat in this House, told you that he hoped in God the negotiation would fail. I have said so much, that at least that portion of the public in our hearing may be undeceived, in respect to the proceedings of the House, when in conclave, and may give due information to their constituents when they go home—for situated as we are in this remote corner of the union, in a wilderness and desert,
with but a single press, it is impossible that any thing like a correct transcript of our proceedings can go to the public. I make this statement, that it may be known that we felt no indisposition to respect the national honor either as to Britain or Spain; but that we were for no half measures with either nation. We were willing to try negotiation with Britain, and when that had failed, we were willing to go to the requisite length.
I hope for the honor of the Executive government of the U. S. the message of the President will be published. With regard to any effect it may have on the negotiations at Paris, it is the idlest thing in the world to talk of any effect being produced there by any thing but money. They will look at your cash—If it is enough you will have your business done; if not, it will not be done. On this point I will add a single word. I am prepared to hear it said, that if this negotiation fails, it will be in consequence of the secret journal being published. But it requires no wizard to foretell that it will fail. It must. The battle of Austerlitz has settled that question. It cannot succeed. It is impossible—And were it possible, the success of the negotiation would depend on nothing done in this House, save the sum of money given to France to compel Spain to do so and so. What will be the consequence of your measures? If there shall be a peace in Europe, you may expect a strong Spanish squadron, aided perhaps by a French force, in the bay of Pensacola; and you may be glad to get off with a loss of two millions, you may be glad to get off with a loss of twenty millions—France sold Louisiana to the United States for so many millions, 3,750,000 dollars of which were to be paid to our citizens. We have been gulled out of that. But the last thing that has entered into the mind of France is to settle anything definite with fixed metes and boundaries. Her object is to deal with you for money. She means to sell by the degree, and every time you apply to her for a settlement of boundaries, she will call upon you for more money. We were indisposed to give into these terms.
Mr. FINDLEY, said that the question before the House was only a motion for amending the secret journal from which the injunction of secrecy was taken off, by inserting the President's confidential communication; yet by attending to the argument of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) it would appear that he was engaged in supporting articles of impeachment against the high officers of the government, and not against them only, but also against a respectable majority of this house, as if he had been vested with authority to censure and denounce their legislative measures on their own floor, when the subjects were no longer before the House. But, Mr. Speaker, no motion has been laid on your table for impeaching the conduct of these high executive officers, nor can any motion be admitted to enable a member of the minority to impeach the majority. It is contrary to good order, it is an outrage on decency to defame the character, or impeach the conduct in this way, of public officers or citizens on this floor where they cannot answer for themselves. It has never been admitted in other public bodies in the U. S. nor in Congress, till it was introduced by the member from Virginia; and fortunately it is peculiar to him alone to entertain the House with tales brought from out of doors, or from the whispers behind our bar, and with unsupported slanders on the administration and officers of the government.
This is not the first time he (Mr. R.) has attacked the respectable character of the secretary of state in this rude manner on this floor. This manner of doing it is entirely improper. If Mr. R. had a charge against him, he ought to have moved for an enquiry into the conduct of that high officer, as had been done not long since with another respectable head of a department; but this would not have answered the gentleman's purposes of slander. The secretary of state would have had the opportunity of defending his own character.
But, Mr. Speaker, what is the charge for which the secretary is so vehemently denounced? It is some sentences of a confidential conversation told in Mr. R.'s own manner. It is true, indeed, that that gentleman is in the habit of entertaining the House with scraps of confidential conversations, but surely he knows that the House cannot take his statements for vouchers. He knows, and this House knows, that he has already had to correct on this floor a statement which he had rudely made of part of a confidential conversation he had had with the secretary of the treasury, but even the correction is justly presumed to have been defective; it was not the whole truth. The House does not receive the assertion of any member instead of vouchers, not even on a motion for impeachment or a complaint of contempt. In such cases testimony is required. When the gentleman's habits in this House are considered, and the evident resentment which he declares to be irreconcilable, and
which he expresses in a manner not to be mistaken, against the secretary of state, we are justified not only in receiving his assertions with some abatement of confidence, but with suspicion.
Mr. F. said, the gentleman from Virginia has this day as on former days, said a great deal about France, that we were about to give money to France, to give a bribe to France, &c. Does the gentleman dream about France at nights, and retail his dreams in this House in days, or is his imagination always in a dreaming state. If we are to judge from the desultoriness of his arguments perpetually wand ring from the subject before the House, dragging in subjects that have no bearing on the question, flying from one subject to another, without coherence, we might justly presume that the last and many other of his arguments were the dreaming effusions of a vivid imagination highly disordered.
Mr. F. taking the secret journals now made public, in his hand, read the resolution agreed to with shut doors, declaring that the appropriation was made towards defraying the expense which may be incurred in the purchase of the Spanish territories lying on the Atlantic ocean and Gulf of Mexico, and eastward of the Mississippi. This resolution, he said, was the foundation of the bill now enacted into a law, with such a change of language as has been usually made hitherto in such cases respecting our foreign relations. Mr. F. turned to another resolution, moved and supported and voted for by the gentleman from Virginia himself, authorising the President to make a settlement of existing differences between the U. S. and the court of Madrid, by making an arrangement between the two governments which shall secure an ample barrier to Spain on the side of Mexico, and to the United States, the countries watered by the Mississippi, and to the eastward of it. Both these resolutions were carried to the President agreeably to the order of the House, by the gentleman from Virginia himself and another member.
Mr. F. said he voted against the second resolution, because the subject belonged to the treaty-making power over which this house had no control, except where grants of money were required; but it was carried, and it was Mr. R. who prepared, moved, supported, and presented to the President both resolutions. The same gentleman who has so frequently on this floor in his reveries about France, asserted that there was no Spain, no Pyrenees, that Spain was in France, &c. and on this wild assertion he grounds his still more wild assertions, that we are giving money for a bribe to France. Does he never reflect in his dreams, that he has given from under his own hand, confirmed by his official vote in the House, that there is a Spain with whom the U. S. should make an exchange of territory, and to whom we ought to grant an ample barrier on the side of Mexico. That there is a court of Madrid with whom it is competent for the U. S. to make arrangements. There is not a word about France in either of the resolutions, nor in the law, nor in any part of the proceedings.—This is evident to every citizen who reads the journals of the secret proceedings. Mr. F. asked how will the gentleman reconcile his frequent and bold assertions, that there was no Spain, no Spanish territory, &c. with his deliberate and solemn official act directly in opposition to his assertions? How at this time with these journals before him, could he have the effrontery to declare that the United States were irrecoverably dishonored by these transactions?
But he says, in proof of this assertion, that the ship, with the instructions, &c. is gone to Nantz, in France, instead of Corunna in Spain. What sort of proof is this? Why did he not tell the whole truth? Why did he not tell the House that the ship carried the appointment of envoy extraordinary, and instructions to our minister at the court of France, to go to the court of Spain to assist our ministers at Madrid, in negotiating at that court, agreeably to the gentleman's own resolution, and the law passed for that purpose by Congress? No. So much candor would not have answered the gentleman's purposes.
But a few days since that gentleman informed the House that the ship had sailed, and taken the money with her before the appropriation was made, &c. Presently it got into the news-papers, that a great many tons of specie, he believed, above sixty, were carried away in that ship. Every member who understood the subject knew that the assertion was wholly unfounded. They knew that money was never sent in this way for such purposes. They knew that that object was always accomplished by providing a credit for bills to be drawn when the negotiation was completed. That this was the case at present, any member may be informed by enquiring at the proper source, but he would take no notice of several other such misrepresentations calculated to impose on the House, and to occasion falsehoods to be published in the news-papers.
Mr. F. said, that he was opposed to

publishing the secret journal, though he knew they would operate to correct numerous unfair allusions that had been made to them by the gentleman from Virginia, on some occasions with open doors, that they would convince the citizens that the proceedings with respect to Spain, had no analogy to, or bearing on our commercial relations with Britain, and will show what confidence is to be placed in the gentleman's assertions. But the unprecedented publication, not only while the negotiation was depending, but before it had commenced, being calculated to defeat it, agreeably to the gentleman's wish so frequently expressed, he Mr. F. voted against taking off the injunction of secrecy, until the issue of the negotiation was known, agreeably to all former precedents in similar cases. He said, he would also vote against publishing the President's communications, not only because the design was to defeat the negotiation, but to destroy confidence between the executive and the legislature, and between our government, and foreign nations; but for this reason, he said he would wish them published, to correct the disorderly misrepresentations made of them by the gentleman from Virginia on the floor.
Mr. F. said the gentleman has charged the majority of this House with giving money to purchase peace with Spain, who refused to negotiate with us, and took measures that would lead to war with Britain, while negotiation with that nation was depending. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman gives a mistaken view of the case. With Spain there was no negotiation depending for the purchase of Florida. A negotiation had taken place about settling the boundaries of Louisiana; but the parties had differed in opinion. The President might have very properly negotiated for the purchase of the territory so very desirable to us, and might have laid the treaty before Congress for their approbation and provision; and in so doing have thrown the responsibility on them. But he, no doubt for good reason, chose to have the approbation of Congress, and provision for the object before he commenced the negotiation. This he has obtained, but not in time for the negotiation to have yet been begun.
It is well known that with respect to the impression of our seamen, a real and unequivocal act of hostility, negotiation has been attempted with Britain during the whole course of the former and present European war, but without effect. When at one period it seemed to be agreed, but it was afterwards clogged with inadmissible exceptions. Last summer, after the new and ruinous aggressions on our commerce had been authorised, the minister of the U. S. at the court of London, after other attempts to negotiate had failed, gave into that court a sensible and spirited memorial, to which no answer was given when we received the latest information. Therefore the whole amount of negotiation with Britain on those subjects amounts to this, that the U. S. perseveringly endeavored to negotiate, and Britain as perseveringly declined negotiation.
Mr. F. concluded by saying, that as he had no intention when he rose to follow the gentleman through all his extravagant wanderings, he would detain the House no longer.
Mr. FISK. I shall with some reluctance vote against amending the journal. It is my wish at all times to bring before the public eye whatever is done by its public agents, whenever the good of the country admits of it. I conceive, however, this communication to be confidential, and that it would involve a breach of faith to the other departments now to publish it. We are told to day for our consolation, that some members have voted with their eyes open to trackle to France, in order to coerce Spain, and that others have voted to the same effect ignorantly. I, however, am one of those who remain obstinate in my conviction, in spite of all the information of the gentleman from Virginia. I believe we have acted as our duty required, and as justice to our constituents demanded. We are asked what is the situation of this country with regard to Spain and G. Britain, and where the injury towards us lies? Is it with Spain? If the gentleman from Virginia speaks the truth, we have no ground of complaint against Spain as to territorial aggressions—for it will be recollected that that gentleman when our doors were shut, said that the boundary line claimed by Spain, was on this side of the country where those aggressions took place, and that when the negotiation took place between France and the U. S. Spain entered a caveat against our acquiring this country. And in his opinion by the treaty with France we acquired no territory east of the Iberville. There was, it is true, an outrage committed by officers of Spain within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the U. S. But what are the facts attending this affair? The moment representation was made to the governor of the Floridas, he declared the aggression unauthorised—and promised to make a full and strict enquiry into the circumstances attending it. Does this look like settled hostility on the part of Spain? No, it ought to be received as a sufficient disavowal of any such hostile intention. This information we have from official documents on our tables. Let me now ask what is our situation relative to G. Britain? Has she not committed lawless aggressions on our commerce and continued to impress our seamen for years past? Under these circumstances, what ought to be the policy of this government? Ought we forthwith to declare war against Spain, while we negotiate with Britain? The gentleman from Virginia says he is not for declaring war against Spain; but the reso-
lution which he proposed contained a proposition for raising a number of troops to repel the aggressions of Spanish subjects. Let me ask then whether it is probable that the raising additional troops would be less likely to produce war than a mere commercial regulation. But it is said that Spain is under the controul of France; that she is indeed in a state of bondage to France, and it is enquired whether it would be just to receive this country from a government in such a state of vassalage? But if Spain is in this state, are we therefore to renounce our own interest? Or is our obligation to pursue that interest, by the means in our power to be lessened? If Spain sees fit to suffer herself to be controlled by France, I am not one of those who are for crossing the water to be the guardian of her rights. I am not so much of a republican yet. In this country this species of republicanism belongs exclusively to that gentleman, tho' he has not the honor of being the original inventor. The despots of Europe have long understood it. The emperors of Germany and Russia with the king of Prussia, were actuated by it in the conquest and division of Poland, and the same would have led us to war with Spain and a conquest of the Floridas. It is said to be absolutely necessary to raise an army, as the frontiers could not be defended by militia. But I believe that this is not true. I believe on the contrary that the militia are able and ready to defend the country whenever it shall be in danger. As to the government of G. Britain, we are told we have assumed a hostile attitude to her. How? By barely going into commercial regulations? Have we not a right to do this; and has Great Britain a right to complain of what she herself daily practices? But the gentleman it seems is principally against the negotiation with Spain, because of the effect it will have on our affairs with Great Britain.
It seems then that the gentleman is not disposed to shrink from war when it would carry him to his true point. With G. Britain he sees war in all its horrors; but when we come to Spain, he says unless we take hostile measures towards her, Britain will take measures. The gentleman says, he and his friends wish and are perfectly ready to resist the aggressions of both powers. But let me ask how? When measures were proposed to be taken with G. Britain, he deprecated her power and the danger of a conflict with her, with a prophetic spirit and in glowing colours he painted the dismal scene, our coasts invaded, our town in flames, our citizens flying to the mountains for shelter. Should we realise this prediction, I can tell the gentleman for his consolation that undoubtedly some guardian British angel will protect him from harm, and by the hand conduct him from the scene of destruction, to some place of safety.
I was really at a loss to discover the motives of the gentleman, when he brought so often to our view the egregious folly, weakness or wickedness of one of the heads of departments. At every turn of his discourse we met with a complaint against, or a denunciation of this officer. If there is any truth in the charges he has preferred, he ought to bring them fairly before the House and institute an enquiry. But to assault the character of a man in this side way, is a piece of cruelty and breach of good conduct which ought not to be suffered. If that character be guilty, his conduct ought to be properly inquired into; but I fear the gentleman from Virginia, in these remarks, had a different view. The other day much was said by that gentleman, of the half way house—I believe that he has engendered ideas on this subject in his own brain, until not being any longer able to keep them, he has divulged them to the House. I will say he is the only man whom I have heard say a word on the subject.
The present question is to publish the message of the President. This once effected, other documents may be called for. We shall be told it will be incomplete without the documents from our foreign agents. I believe this to be a branch of one and the same system, the effect of which will be to destroy the harmony essential to the government. When the President made this communication to the two Houses, he informed us that it would not in his opinion be prudent to communicate it to the public while great national affairs were depending; nor would we be authorised to do it, in my opinion, without consulting the other branch of the legislature. Under these impressions I am decidedly against publishing it at present.
I have heard with regret the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia made this and the other day; and particularly the denunciation of one of our heads of departments, relative to a production which we have just reason to admire, and respecting a man who has served his country for thirty years in various high stations. I hold a very different opinion on this point from the gentleman from Virginia. My confidence is unshaken in the gentleman he denounces, nor do I believe the confidence of the nation is shaken.
(Debate to be continued)
New-Orleans, March 15.
It is reported and believed, that a vessel bound to Fort Stoddart, with provisions for our troops, has been brought to at the town of Mobile, and is not permitted to proceed on her voyage. If conduct like this be persisted in, it is hoped that some efficient means will be adopted to obtain a free navigation of the waters of the Mobile. Such navigation is essential to the welfare of our settlements on the Tombigby, and it is presumed that a suspension of it will
not be submitted to by the American government.
Just as our paper was going to press we received information, that one of the carriers of the mail of the U. S. had returned to this city, and that he reports, that he was not permitted to pass the town of Mobile with the mail. He further states, that governor Folck informed him, that for the future the mail of the U. S. would not be permitted to pass either by land or water, through the dominions of the king of Spain.
March 26.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
We are indebted to the politeness of an esteemed friend, for a copy of the following spirited and patriotic resolutions. We understand that they have been entered into in the Tombigby and Alabama settlements in consequence of the Spanish order for shutting up the river Mobile. They were agreed to by all who saw them, and were expected to be generally adopted.
WASHINGTON COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY, MARCH 14, 1806.
WHEREAS, the officers of his catholic majesty at Mobile, have by an unprecedented and arbitrary regulation interdicted all direct commercial intercourse between this country and New-Orleans, have, in palpable violation of the treaty between the king of Spain & the U. S. stopped and detained vessels bound from New-Orleans to the port of Fort Stoddart, and absolutely prohibited their proceeding to the place of their destination, and have in so doing prevented our receiving those supplies which are necessary for our comfortable subsistence. We whose names are hereunto subscribed, have mutually covenanted, and do solemnly bind ourselves one to another, and to all the people of the U. S.—
That we will not sell or in any manner furnish to any of the subjects of his catholic majesty, any corn, pork, beef or other provisions, whilst the said arbitrary regulations and restrictions are continued in force.
That we will not buy any merchandise or other articles of any subjects of the king of Spain, or which we have reason to believe have been purchased at or brought from the town of Mobile. That we shall regard any man who holds any commercial intercourse with the subjects of the king of Spain, as indifferent to the welfare of the good people of Washington county, and as an enemy to his country. And we moreover hereby call upon our fellow citizens seriously to reflect, whether after the late open manifestation of hostility on the part of the agents and subjects of the king of Spain, any one owing allegiance to the American government, will not be guilty of a high crime in offering them aid and comfort, and justly expose himself to all the pains and penalties of high treason against the United States.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, APRIL 28.
REMARKS
On the measures of the last session of Congress.
THE events of the last session of Congress, connected with the circumstances accompanying them, are too important not to merit the general attention of the people. The events themselves, considering either the causes in which they originated, the means by which they were effected, or the consequences in which they may issue, involve, in no inconsiderable degree, the dignity of the government, and the general welfare of the community. Measures, thus interesting in themselves, have derived additional importance from the collision of opinion which has attended some of them. Under these circumstances it becomes the duty of the press to lay before the public the best materials within its reach for the formation of a correct and honest decision. This duty becomes imperious from the copious stream in which misrepresentation has been poured forth, and from the high estimation not merely of acts, but likewise of motives.
Professing ourselves to be the friends of truth, and of truth only, willing to support her cause by all honorable means, and determined to support no other cause, no apology need be offered for occupying a part of our columns with those plain statements of facts, and the natural inferences deducible from them, which we believe will be of use to enlighten subjects wrapped in uncommon obscurity, and to insure that sober conviction of mind which reposes in confident security on the results to which it is led by a full investigation.
Some apology may, perhaps, be due for the silence which, under existing circumstances, we have for some time maintained. We have not been insensible to the duties of a print at the centre of the union. But such has been the extreme pressure of other duties, and particularly that of reporting the proceedings of Congress (which of itself affords full occupation for one person) that we have felt a total inability, from a want of time, to submit any original matter to our readers worthy of their attention.
In the remarks we shall offer, we promise our readers to maintain the same temperance which has invariably characterised our columns. We shall abstain from all personal remarks, we shall state facts as we believe them to exist; and if, from the obscurity attendant on some of the transactions, we are involved in any incorrectness, we shall, on its exposure, be the first to acknowledge it.
It is unnecessary, we trust, for us to say that on political subjects we think, as we ever have thought; and that we have not forfeited our respect and veneration for those republican principles which we imbibed at an early period of life. It may, however, be necessary to premise, in order that the object of our remarks may be fully understood, that our confidence in the virtue and talents, the motives and measures of those who administer our national concerns, is unshaken; to declare that recent events, so far from impairing, have strengthened that confidence, by furnishing us with new & additional evidence that the great end of the administration is the public good, and the means used by them for accomplishing this result such as prudence, wisdom and true republican policy recommend.
The most prominent measures respect our foreign relations. On these, therefore, we shall bestow the first attention. These measures principally respect Spain and Great Britain.
Those relative to Spain are involved in some obscurity. We know the measures taken: but we do not know distinctly the reasons on which they were founded, or the arguments urged against them, as the discussions relative to them were conducted with closed doors, and as several important documents are still reserved from the public eye. The want of information thus important should inspire us with diffidence in our opinions. It should, however, at the same time not be lost sight of that the negotiation for the purchase of the Floridas, the measure ultimately adopted, did not receive the sanction of the House of Representatives until several weeks had elapsed after the submission of the proposition, and until it had been fully discussed; until ample time had been allowed for its examination in every respect in which it could be presented. Having received a strenuous opposition, it is but fair to infer that the judgments of the representatives were maturely formed on an abundant stock of materials. When this circumstance is considered, in connection with the fact that the measure was sanctioned by a majority of 22 members of the House of Representatives, and by a large majority of the Senate, we have strong presumptive proofs that, in as much as it was approved by those who were necessarily the best informed, who are to this moment better informed on this subject than their constituents, and who feel the full weight of responsibility, it is, all things considered, the best measure which could have been adopted.
Viewed as an abstract question the possession of the Floridas must be allowed on all hands to be of infinite importance to the United States. The view taken of this subject by a committee of the House of Representatives, so long ago as January 1803, has been justly pronounced conclusive. The time when, and the circumstances under which this report was made, entitle it to peculiar notice.
Our readers will recollect that at the period referred to our right of deposit at New Orleans was invaded, attended by various symptoms of hostility on the part of Spain. At the session immediately ensuing the occurrence of this event, the President submitted a message to the House of Representatives on the subject. From the deliberations of that body emanated this report, which we subjoin at full length.
The committee, to whom was referred a resolution proposing an appropriation of two millions of dollars, in addition to the sum usually appropriated for the purposes of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, submit the following
REPORT:
The object of this resolution is to enable the executive to commence, with more effect, a negotiation with the French and Spanish governments relative to the purchase from them of the island of New-Orleans, and the provinces of East and West Florida. This object is deemed highly important and has received the attentive consideration of the committee. The free and unmolested navigation of the river Mississippi, is a point to which the attention of the general government has been directed, ever since the peace of 1783, by which our independence as a nation was finally acknowledged. The immense tract of country owned by the United States, which lies immediately on the Mississippi, or communicates with it by means of large navigable rivers rising within our boundaries, renders its free navigation an object, not only of inestimable advantage, but of the very first necessity. The Mississippi forms the western boundary of the United States from its source to the 31st degree of North latitude, & empties itself into the Gulf of Mexico about the 29th degree of north latitude. It furnishes the only outlet through which the produce of the Indiana territory, of the states of Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee, and of the western parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and a portion of the Mississippi territory, can be transported to a foreign market or to the ports of the Atlantic states. From the 31st degree of north latitude which is the southern boundary of the United States, to the mouth of the river, the territory on each side has heretofore been in possession of the Spanish government; the province of Louisiana lying to the west, and those of east Florida, with the island of New-Orleans, to the east. Although the United States have insisted on an uncontrollable right to pass up and down the river, from its source to the sea, yet this right, if admitted in its most ample latitude, will not secure to them the full advantages of navigation. The strength and rapidity of the current of the Mississippi are known to render its ascent so extremely difficult, that few vessels
of burthen have attempted to ascend as far as our boundary. This circumstance obliges the citizens of the western country to carry their produce down the river in boats, from which it is put on board of ships capable of sustaining a sea voyage. It follows, therefore, that to enjoy the full benefits of navigation, some place should be fixed which sea vessels can approach without great inconvenience, where the American produce may be deposited until it is again shipped to be carried abroad. This great point was secured to us in the year 1795 by the Spanish government, who agreed in the treaty of San Lorenzo el Real, that Americans should have the right of deposit at New-Orleans. This right has been used from that time till a late period; but the conduct of the Intendant at that place, shews how liable the advantageous navigation of the river is to interruption, and strongly points out the impropriety of relying on a foreign nation for benefits which our citizens have a right to expect should be secured to them by their own government. It is hoped that the port of New Orleans may again be opened, before any very material injuries arise; but should this be the case, or if as the treaty provides, a new place of deposit should be assigned, the late occurrence shews the uncertainty of its continuance. Experience proves that the caprice or the interested views of a single officer, may perpetually subject us to the alternative of submitting to injury, or of resorting to war.
The late violation of our treaty with Spain necessarily leads to the enquiry how far the western country may be affected in other points, not connected with New Orleans. The Mississippi territory extends from the confines of Georgia to the river Mississippi, & from the 31st to the 35th degree of north latitude. It is estimated to contain more than fifty millions of acres, and from its numerous advantages must one day or other possess an immense population. The variety, richness and abundance of its productions, hold out to settlers the strongest inducements to resort thither, and the United States may safely calculate on drawing a considerable revenue from the sale of lands in the west, as well as in other quarters of their western country. The value of these, however, may be diminished or increased, and the sale impeded or advanced by the impression made on the public mind, by shutting the port of New Orleans, and by eventual measures which may be adopted to guard against similar injuries.
West Florida is bounded on the north by the Mississippi territory, from which it is separated by no natural boundary; on the east by the river Apalachicola which divides it from East Florida; on the west by the river Mississippi, and on the south by the Gulf of Mexico. The Mississippi territory is intersected by many large and valuable rivers which rise within its own boundaries, and meander through it in a general direction from north to south, but empty themselves into the Gulf of Mexico through the province of West Florida. In fact with the exception of that part of the territory which lies immediately on the Mississippi, the whole must depend on the Mobile and the Apalachicola, with their numerous branches, and on some other rivers of inferior note, for the means of sending its produce to market, and of returning to itself such foreign supplies, as the necessities or convenience of its inhabitants may require. In these rivers too, the eastern parts of the state of Tennessee are deeply interested, as some of the great branches of the Mobile approach very near to some of those branches of the Tennessee river, which lie above the great muscle shoals. Even if it should prove difficult to connect them, yet the land carriage will be shorter, and the route to the sea more direct, than the river Tennessee furnishes. These rivers possess likewise an advantage which is denied to the Mississippi. As their sources are not in the mountains, and their course is thro' a level country, their currents are gentle and the tide flows considerably above our boundary. This circumstance together with the depth of water which many of them afford, render them accessible to sea-vessels; and ships of two hundred tons burthen may ascend for several hundred miles in the heart of the Mississippi territory. These rivers, however, which run almost exclusively within our own limits, and which it would seem as if nature had intended for our own benefit, we must be indebted to others for the beneficial use of, so long as the province of West Florida shall continue in the possession of a foreign nation. If the province of West Florida were of itself an independent empire, it would be the interest of its government to promote the freedom of trade, by laying open the mouths of the rivers to all nations, this having been the policy of those powers who possess the mouths of the Rhine, the Danube, the Po and the Tagus, with some others. But the system of colonization, which has always heretofore prevailed, proves, that the mother country is ever anxious to engross to itself the trade of its colonies, and affords us every reason to apprehend that Spain will not readily admit us to pass through her territory to carry on a trade either with each other or with foreign nations. This right we may insist on, and perhaps it may be conceded to us; but it is possible that it may be denied. At all events it may prove the source of endless disagreement and perpetual hostility.
In this respect East Florida may not perhaps be so important, but its acquisition is nevertheless deemed desirable. From its junction with the state of Georgia at the river St. Mary's it stretches nearly four hundred miles into the sea, forming a large peninsula, and has some very fine harbours. The southern point, cape Florida, is not more than one hundred miles distant from the Havan-

hab, and the possession of it may be beneficial to us in relation to our trade with the West Indies. It would likewise make our whole territory compact, and add considerably to our sea coast, and by giving us the Gulf of Mexico for our southern boundary, would render us less liable to attack, in what is now deemed the most vulnerable part of the nation.
From the foregoing view of facts, it must be seen that the possession of New Orleans and the Floridas will not only be required for the convenience of the United States, but will be demanded by their most imperious necessities. The Mississippi and its branches, with those other rivers above referred to, drain an extent of country not less perhaps than one half of our whole territory, containing at this time one eighth of our population and progressing with a rapidity beyond the experience of any former time, or of any other nation. The Floridas and New Orleans command the only outlets to the sea, and our best interests require that we should get possession of them. This requisition however arises not from a disposition to increase our territory; for neither the Floridas nor New Orleans, offer any other inducements than their mere geographical relation to the United States. But if we look forward to the free use of the Mississippi, the Mobile, the Apalachicola and the other rivers of the west, by ourselves and our posterity, New Orleans and the Floridas must become a part of the United States either by purchase or by conquest.
The great question then which presents itself is, shall we at this time lay the foundation for future peace, by offering a fair and equivalent consideration; or shall we hereafter incur the hazards and the horrors of war? The government of the United States is differently organized from any other in the world. Its object is the happiness of man; its policy and its interest, to pursue right by right means. War is the great scourge of the human race, and should never be resorted to but in cases of the most imperious necessity. A wise government will avoid it, when its views can be attained by peaceful measures. Princes fight for glory, and the blood and treasure of their subjects is the price they pay. In all nations the people bear the burthen of war, and in the United States, the people rule. Their representatives are the guardians of their rights, and it is the duty of those representatives to provide against any event, which may, even at a distant day, involve the interests and the happiness of the nation. We may indeed have our rights restored to us by treaty, but there is a want of fortitude in applying temporary remedies to permanent evils; thereby imposing on our posterity a burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. If the purchase can be made, we ought not to hesitate. If the attempt should fail, we shall have discharged an important duty. War may be the result; but the American nation, satisfied with our conduct, will be animated by one soul, and will unite all its energies in the contest. Foreign powers will be convinced that it is not a war of aggrandizement on our part and will therefore feel no unreasonable jealousies towards us. We shall have proved that our object was justice; it will be seen that our propositions were fair; and it will be acknowledged that our cause is honorable. Should alliances be necessary they may be advantageously formed. We shall have merited and shall therefore possess general confidence. Our measures will stand justified not only to ourselves and our country, but to the world.
In another point of view, perhaps, it would be preferable to make the purchase, as it is believed that a smaller sum would be required for this object, than would necessarily be expended, if we should attempt to take possession by force; the expenses of a war being indeed almost incalculable. The committee have no information before them, to ascertain the amount for which the purchase can be made, but it is hoped, that with the assistance of two millions of dollars in hand, this will not be unreasonable. A similar course was pursued for the purpose of settling our differences with the regency of Algiers, by an appropriation of one million of dollars prior to the commencement of the negotiation, and we have since experienced its beneficial effects.
Under these impressions therefore the committee recommend the adoption of the resolution referred to them in the following words, viz. Resolved, That a sum of two millions of dollars in addition to the provision heretofore made, be appropriated to defray any expenses which may be incurred in relation to the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations; to be paid out of any money that may be in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States; who if necessary is hereby authorised to borrow the same or any part thereof, an account whereof, as soon as may be, shall be laid before Congress.
[To be continued] By AUTHORITY. AN ACT Supplementary to the act entitled, "An act imposing certain taxes and providing for their collection." Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That it shall be the duty of the treasurer between the first day of April and the twentieth day of May in each year, to advertise and sell the property of those persons who have neglected and refused to pay their taxes for any of the preceding years, or such part thereof as is sufficient to discharge the same with all cost thereon, agreeably to the directions of the act entitled "An act imposing certain taxes and providing for their collection," to which this act is a supplement.
Sec. 2. Be it enacted, That if the treasurer shall neglect or refuse to collect the taxes on or before the said twentieth day of May, which are due to the corporation as aforesaid either by distress and sale or otherwise (as the case may be) where there is property to be had chargeable therewith agreeable to the aforesaid act, then in that case the said treasurer shall be answerable for and chargeable with the amount of all taxes which remain uncollected on the aforesaid twentieth day of May.  Sec. 3. Be it enacted, That it shall be the duty of the treasurer annually at some time between the first day of December and the first day of April following to call at least once at the residence of every person charged on the treasurer's book with a tax, and to demand payment of the same provided he resides within the jurisdiction of the corporation, any thing in the aforesaid act to the contrary notwithstanding.  Sec. 4. Be it enacted, That each chamber of the city council shall, in the month of May in each year, appoint by ballot, three of their respective members to form a joint committee, whose duty it shall be to meet at the Treasurer's office on or about the twenty first day of said month, to examine the books and accounts of the said Treasurer for the preceding year, and said committee shall charge the said treasurer with the amount of all taxes due for any preceding year, & which remain uncollected, unless he the said treasurer shall or can make it appear to the satisfaction of the aforesaid committee or a majority of them, that he hath enforced the law with diligence to obtain payment, or that such taxes remain uncollected through some unavoidable occurrence, such as the person chargeable therewith not having personal or improved property within the jurisdiction of the corporation, or being insolvent or having absconded.  WILLIAM PROUT, President, pro tempore First Chamber of the city council of Washington, PHINEAS BRADLEY, President, pro tempore Second Chamber of the city council of Washington. APPROVED. April 17th, 1806. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor Test THOS. HERTY, REG.
NOTICE. IS hereby given that unless the tax due to the Washington Corporation from the following persons be paid on or before the 28th day of May next, the following property or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon, will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder.
   Names. Dolls. Cts.     Capt. Addington, improvements on square 825 1803. 1.00   John B. Anderson lot 1 in sq 7 with improvements 1803. 1.28   Adam Aults heirs 1-2 lot 8 in sq 1 with improvements 1804. 1.69   Mahlin Atkinson, 1-2 lot 11 in sq 379 with improvements 1804. 4.70   Samuel Blodget, lot 6 in sq 225 with improvements 1802. 14.15 1/2   John Barnett, part lot 11 in sq 651 with improvements 1802. 1.06 1/2   Ignatius Boone, part of sq 907 with improvements 1802. 2.97   Matthew Brown, lot 1 in sq 685 and part of lot 19 in sq 689 with improvements 1805. 21.73   Jesse Burch, lot 24 in sq 758 with improvements 1802. 0.47 1/2   Benjamin Bacon, Lot 5 in sq 218 and Lot 7 in sq 758 with improvements 1803. 2.16   John A. Burford lot 1 in sq 881 with improvements 1803. 3.13   Daniel Buffard, 1-2 Lot 6 in sq 86 2-3 of Lot 1 in sq 168 with improvements 1804. 5.37   George Beitz, part of Lot 40 in sq 254 with improvements 1804. 3.66   Joseph Bentley, 1-2 Lot 21 sq 254 with improvements 1804. 1.92   Samuel Baker, part of sq 503 with improvements 1804. 5.56   Mrs. Bull, house on sq 502 1804. 0.64   Benjamin Bryan, part of sq north of sq 743 and part of sq 906 with improvements 1802. 1.58   John Brackenridge, Lot 12 in sq 119 with improvements 1805. 7.43   Joel Brown, 1-2 lots 10 and 11 in sq 78 with improvements 1805. 10.81   Quinton Bain, Lot 5 in square 86 with improvements 1802. 3.12   Richard & Augustine Boyer, 1-2 Lot 15 in sq 168 with improvements 1802. 3.48   James H. Blake, Lot 2 in sq 289 with improvements 1802. 3.52   Richard B. Brashears, 1-2 of lot 1 in sq 348 with impr. 1802. 1.33   Bishop Clgett, Lot 18 in sq 168 with improvements 1803. 3.23   Crow & Wright, part of lot 1 in sq 292 with improvements 1805. 5.84   Wm. Croft, part of sq 825 with improvements 1803. 1.06   John Craig & others, lots 1, 4, & 7 in sq 771 with improvements 1803. 26.74  
   Daniel Caffray, part of sq 503 with imp. & imp. on sq 376 1803. 1.44   John Christy, part of lot 5 in sq 460 with improvements 1804. 1.49   Crookshanks & Thompson, lot 5 in sq 451 with improvements 1802. 29.49   Timothy Callwell, part of lot 5 in sq 78 part of sq 118 with improvements & impr on sq 845 1802. 28.51 1/2   Wm Duncanson, part of sq 651, whole of sq 767 and 1/2 sq 875 with improvements 1802. 3.48 63   James Dant, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 0.35   Tristram Dalton, lot 10 in sq 925 with improvements 1802. 7.27   Denlois and Nicholson wharf & ware house 1802. 7.20   Alexander Davidson, lot 1 in sq 651 with improvements 1803. 2.44   Jasper de Carnap's heirs, sq 743 with improvements 1803. 1.50   Hugh Densly part of sq 651 and part of sq 695, with improvements 1803. 11.48   Richard Delphi, part of sq 738 with improvements 1803. 2.08   John Dempsey, part of sq 737 with improvements 1803. 1.07   Elizabeth Dutterly, part of lot 15 in sq 141 with improvements 1804. 1.65   Joseph Dove, 1-2 of lot 3 in sq 320 with improvements 1803. 2.12   Lewis Deblois, lot 16 in sq 667 and lot 2 in sq 948 with improvements 1804. 9.19   Evan Evans, 1-2 of lot 2 in sq 60 with improvements 1802. 1.04   Elizius Edelin, part of sq 936 with improvements 1805. 10.62   Richard Frazier, lot 5 in sq 700 with improvements 1803. 2.05   Edward Fatton, part of sq 225 with improvements 1803. 6.29   Bemet Fenwick's heirs, lot 6 in sq 224, and lots 15 & 16 in sq 407 with improvements 1805. 30.91   James Foulkner, lot 15 in sq 377 with improvements 1805. 4.28   Joshua Gregg, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 0.23   Richard Gridley, part of sq 503 with improvements 1802. 44.21 2   James Graham, improvements on sq 682 1803. 0.50   Edward Griffin, pt of sq 325 with improvements 1805. 1.38   Peter Hull, part of sq 700 with improvements 1802. 0.41   William Herron, part of sq 288 with improvements 1803. 1.43   Daniel Hurley, part of lot 1 in sq 845 with improvements 1803. 3.24   Peter Hamm, improvements on sq 118 1805. 12.80   George Jacobs, lot 5 in sq 462 with improvements 1802. 0.86   William Johnson, lots 5 & 10 in sq 224 with improvements 1802. 2.35   Alexander Ingram, 1-2 of lot 2 in sq south of sq 825, and part of sq 695 with improvements 1804. 2.24   Andrew Jameson, 1-2 of lot 18 in sq 457 with improvements 1804. 2.54   Thomas Jones, part of sq 651 with improvements 1805. 4.95   Absalom Joy, part of lot 1 in sq 322, and half of lot 3 in sq 106 with improvements 1805. 23.22   James Knight, part of sq 651 with improvements 1802. 2.90   John Kennedy, half of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1803. 5.38   Thomas M. Kirk, lot 13 in sq 347 with improvements 1803. 10.52   James Kennedy, part of lot 22 in sq 378 with improvements 1804. 0.92   Henry Luddington, lot 15 in sq 28 with improvements 1803. 2.16   Charles F. Lovering, part of lot 5 in sq 168 with improvements 1803. 0.97   William Lovell, part of sq 225 and sq 253 with improvements 1803. 17.41   James Lyon, part of lot 6 in sq 141 with improvements 1803. 1.64   William Lowry, lot 1 in sq west of sq 4 with improvements 1804. 8.75   James M Lingan, part of sq 118 and lot 4 in sq 117 with improvements 1804. 108.73   George Lyles, 1-2 of lot 18 in sq 168 with improvements 1804. 4.14   Natley Maddox, lot 12 in sq 891 with improvements 1802. 3.25   John Mc. Carthy, part of sq 731 with improvements 1802. 1.80 1-2  
   Henry Moscrop, part of 1802. sq 74 with improvements 1802. 14.12   John Mc Elwee, part of sq 118 with improvements 1803. 10.38   Andrew Mc Donald, lot 7 in sq 170 with improvements 1803. 2.67   Lewis Morin, sen. lot 14 in sq 503 with improvements 1803. 1.02   John Moore, part of sq 575 with improvements 1803. 1.87   Charles Mc Donald, part of lot 8 in sq 770 with improvements 1803. 0.46   Bernard McDermott Roe, lot 10 with improvements 1805. 2.17   James O'Brien, part of lot 1 in sq 662 with improvements 1802. 2.30   Susannah Osborne, part of sq 690 with improvements 1802. 0.92 1-2   Pratt, Francis & others, part of sq 502, part of sq 503, sq 504, sq 546 and part of sq 973 1802. 276.61 1 2   Isaac Pollock, part of sq 38 and part of sq 74 with improvements 1802. 8.23   Robert Ware Peacock, part of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1804. 7.11   William Prentis, part of sq 907 and part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 1.34 1-2   Phillips, Grout and Wash. lot 13 in sq 407 with improvements 1805. 3.35   Isaac Reid, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 1.17   Rhodes & Higden, part of sq 118 with improvements 1805. 1.94   Michael Shanks, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 0.60 1-2   John Swank, part of sq 741 with improvements 1802. 0.64   John Story, part of sq 741 with improvements 1802. 0.55   Alexander Shaw, 1-2 of lot 18 in sq 787 with improvements 1802. 0.56 1-2   Stoddert & Templeman, lot 11 in sq 104 with improvements 1802. 67.87   John Sutton, lot 10 in sq 222 with improvements 1803. 1.08   Joseph Saul, part of sq 253 with improvements 1803. 3.05   Roger Smith part of sq 907 with improvements 1803. 1.31   Shreeve and Unthank, lot 18 in sq 322 with improvements 1804. 3.96   George & Sarah Sweeney, lot 13 in sq 290 with improvements 1804. 5.08   John Stewart, 1-2 of lot 6 in sq 86 with improvements 1804. 1.93   Shaw and Birth, lot 17 in sq 75 with improvements 1805. 2.39   Calhoun Smith & co. part lot 3 in sq 141 with improvements 1805. 3.08   Nicholas Spohrer, part of lot 5 in sq 460 with improvements 1804. 3.04   James Topkins, part of sq 651 with improvements 1802. 1.13 1-2   Theatre company, part of sq. 349 with improvements 1805. 23.72   Patrick Tool, lot in sq 322 with improvements 1803. 1.82   Philip Tool, part of sq 737 with improvements 1803. 0.57   George Thompson, part of sq 38 with improvements 1803. 1.75   Thompson and Veitch, part of sq 74 with improvements 1805. 51.19   Colin Williamson's heirs, 1-2 of lot 17 in sq 254 with improvements 1802. 2.24   Ambrose White, part of sq 695 with improvements 1802. 0.72   Thomas Wilson, part of sq 738 with improvements 1802. 0.43   John Wilson, part of sq 825 with improvements 1802. 0.48   Nathan Walker and James Thompson, lot 5 in sq 759 with improvements 1802. 0.51 1-2   Robert Wilson 1-4 of lot 7 in sq 288 with improvements 1802. 0.79 1-2   James Waucho, part of sq 929 with improvements 1803. 0.50   George Walker, lot 17 in sq 728 with improvements 1803. 54.86   Joshua Warl, part of sq 503 with improvements 1804. 3.43   George Washington's heirs, lot 16 in sq 634 with improvements 1805. 40.10   Thomas Webb, lot 9 in sq 253 with improvements 1805. 9.11   John B. Winsett, part of sq 906 with improvements 1805. 1.60   Mary Yeats, part of sq 929 with improvements 1803. 0.65  
The sale of the above property will be held at the city Treasurer's office, and will commence at eleven o'clock A.M.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of W. City. Washington, April 28—2awtds.
PURSUANT to a decree of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed to sale two Tracts of Land in the county of Loudoun, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1097 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and supposed to contain about 1940 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of raising the sum of about 6000 dollars, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the decree mentioned. The sales will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money, and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudoun. THOS. S. W. & N. COMMIS. WILSON & G. S. LENDEN, Esqrs. April 23—2awdf
The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to purchase under the above decree (which was obtained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him) that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatever, the procuring a title to perfect such sale of the Land; the attempt to which is a vague and ill tempered effort.
THOS. A. DIGGES, Warburton, Maryland. April 23—2f3.
The public are notified, and all persons are sanctioned against purchasing certain lands in Loudoun county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swan and Selden, to be sold at Leesburg on the 13th day of June next; the decree of sale being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges of Maryland, an infant under age.
ROBERT BRENT, Attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges. City of Washington, April 28—2Jun13
Will be sold at Public Sale. ON SUNDAY, the 17th day of May, at the Union Tavern in Georgetown, the following property belonging to the estate of George French, deceased. The House and property that I now occupy—a three story brick house 26 feet front, nearly opposite the Park of Columbia. Several unimproved lots in Washington and George town. One hundred acres of land about one mile and a half from Georgetown, on the road leading to Frederick town, in opposite Mrs. Forrester's neighborhood, & one acre of land, part of a partnership, and part of Magruder and Beall's Honorey's out seven miles from George Town, on the left hand side of the road leading to Frederick Town, Mr. Warren who resides thereon, will show it to persons disposed to view it. Between 3 and 400 acres of land, part of Magruder and Beall's Honorey's, on the river Potomac about 2 miles above the Little Falls, Mr. Brien, who resides thereon will show it. Likewise 2 tracts of land in Allegany county, small nut bottom, containing 750 acres, and Cane Hill, containing 50 acres; a more particular description of the two last mentioned tracts will be given on the day of sale—Terms of sale cash or notes with approved indorsers, payable in sixty days. Sale to commence at ten o'clock.
AUANA FRENCH, devisee of George French, dec'd. April 28—tds.
Valuable Property for Sale.
ON THURSDAY 22nd May next, at 11 o'clock, on the premises, will positively be sold or rented to the highest bidder, if satisfactory not the next fair day, the land I live on, containing with lands contiguous between 5 and 600 acres, very level, and improvements. On it will be found every necessary house. It abounds with good water convenient to dwelling and in every field Great abundance and variety of fruit trees; some rich branch meadow ground and plenty wood and timber. The purchaser to pay 1000 dollars on the 1st January next when possession will be given, and for the balance a credit of 5 or 7 years will be allowed on his giving bond with good personal security on interest, and a lien on the land payable in equal annual proportions till the whole be paid. If not sold, the tenant it will be rented for a term not less than 5 or 7 years under certain restrictions. A more particular description of the above property may be seen at the office of the Baltimore Federal Gazette, and Alexandria Daily Advertiser of last year. An indispensable title will be made to the purchaser. GEO. LEE. Charles county, April 16—wdf
District of Columbia county of Alexandria, ss.
ON the petition of HENRY BURFORD an insolvent Deb or confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Henry Burford that on the 5th day of May next at 11 o'clock A.M. at the court room, in the county house, in the county aforesaid, the oath prescribed by the said act of Congress, for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia, will be administered to the said Henry Burford, and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, three times before that day. By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. April 28—3t

THE NORTH CAROLINA GOLD MINE COMPANY. WITHIN these few days the following certificates have been received in the city of Washington, relative to the lands owned to the North Carolina Gold Mine Company. This may certify to whom it may concern, that Jacob Watts of Montgomery county, in pursuance of a request of John K. Carlton, did take a pan and make search for gold in one of the runs, viz. Rock-Hole, on the lands formerly the property of Thomas Carlton, deceased, and in the course of half an hour, out of the loose gravel did take a quantity of particles of pure gold, which I have delivered to said Carlton, supposed to be worth the half of a dollar or more. Witness my hand. JACOB WATTS.
J. Brooks, J. P. We, the subscribers hereunto, do certify to whom it may concern, that we have examined several of the runs, on the lands lately the property of col. Thomas Carlton, deceased, agreeable to the request of Mr. Carlton, for the purpose of finding gold, and in those that we have had an opportunity of examining, we have never failed to find particles of gold of the pure virgin kind (as found in the mines of Alaska, Siberia, and California) in the neighborhood of the run. We have never had an opportunity of making any more than a mere superficial search, for the want of convenient tools, saving no way to make the same, except with a pan, and the top gravel being all we could come at; but we suppose, from our knowledge of the other runs in this vicinity, that to produce considerable quantities, that if those branches were as well worked, they would turn out to advantage. We have not had an opportunity of searching any of the branches or creeks of said lands, except those immediately in our neighborhood, as the lands belonging to the estate of the said deceased (or which formerly belonged to it) extend a considerable distance down Rocky river, below that and the Yadkin, intersected with a number of creeks and branches, in which the probability of finding gold is great, by reason of a mine belonging to the widow Parker and heirs being on the opposite extreme, which has produced much pure gold. The said lands produce most excellent grass range for stock, & that which was purchased of said col. Thos. Carlton, by different persons, in different parts of the same land, and has been properly cultivated, has been found to answer for the production of the different kinds of produce of this country, as well as other lands in this neighborhood. The produce of this part of the country consists of green corn, wheat, and the different small grains, & some tobacco; the growth on said lands is the same with the common growth of the country here, viz. oaks, hickories, pines, &c. &c. In testimony of which, we have hereunto set our hands in presence of John Brooks, Esq. one of our justices of peace for this our county of Montgomery.
Last Will, Cucumber Creek, Jacob Cagle, Branch of Island creek, Andrew Strou, Island creek, William Johnston, Demey Stonewall, Paul Daniel, Branch of Island creek, Christopher Osborn, Branch of Rock Hole creek, William Long, Rock Hole Creek, Thomas Craton, Moses Osborn, Jacob Watts, Thomas Black, one of the head branches of Rock Hole creek.
I do hereby certify, that the subscribers above, did of their own accord and free will, sign their names in my presence to the foregoing instrument:—I do further certify, that they are all citizens of the county, and gentlemen of my acquaintance, in whom confidence may be placed; and further, that the matters contained in the foregoing certificate are facts that have come under my own knowledge and observation, and therefore do reflect them as such. J. Brooks, J. P. State of North Carolina, } Montgomery county, } (L.S.) I do hereby certify, that the within named John Brooks, Esq. is one of the acting justices of the county aforesaid, and due credit ought to be paid to his signature as such. Given under my hand and the seal of our said county. Done at my office, the 11th day of March, Anno Domini, and in the 30th year of the independence. John Davidson, C. C. C.
The following is extracted from a letter written by Mr. Richard Brandon, of Concord, North Carolina. In the widow Parker's mine they have picked up a pint of gold within three or four weeks. I saw the greatest part of it myself, one piece weighing nearly two ounces and a half perfectly clear of sand & dirt. Mrs. Parker will mention no price at which her land may be purchased. From Parker's I travelled towards Mr. Reed's mine, attentively observing every branch. They every one appear to contain gold, and in my opinion some of them equal either Reed's or Parker's. A Mr. Gray in this route, informed me, that in an evening shortly before, he took his mattock and pan, went to a branch, and in a little time found to the amount of several pennyweights. The tract of country I was informed belonged to the estate of the late col. Thomas Carlton, deceased.
We, the subscribers, being appointed by William Thornton, of the city of Washington, the trustees of certain lands in the state of North Carolina, for the use of the North Carolina Gold Mine Company, having duly examined the original grants from the said state of North Carolina to different individuals, and the titles derived from them to the said Wm. Thornton, and the title also granted by him to us, as trustees, do hereby certify to whom it may concern, that we are perfectly satisfied with the validity and goodness of these different conveyances, amounting to not less than 35,000 acres. In witness whereof, we hereunto set our hands and seals, this 4th day of February, 1836. Daniel Carroll, of Duddington, (Seal.) Philip B. Key, (Seal.) Thomas Peter, (Seal.) John Taylor, (Seal.) Thomas Tingey, (Seal.) John Weems, (Seal.) It being understood that Seven Directors are to be chosen out of the Stockholders on the first day of May next, at Rhodes's tavern,
city of Washington, to o'clock, A. M. the following gentlemen are recommended to the company. Those at a distance will please to appoint proxies in due time. Thomas Tudor Tucker, Esq. treasurer of the U. S. John Francis Mercer, Esq. late governor of Maryland. Philip Barton Key, late judge of Maryland. Daniel Carroll, Esq. of Duddington. John P. Van Ness, Esq. president of the Bank of the United States city of Washington. William Thornton, M. D. &c. Now to the North Carolina Gold Mine Company. April 23—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll , near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
FOR SALE. I WILL sell or exchange for NEW GOODS Two BRICK BUILDINGS , well calculated for a retail store, being opposite the Centre Market—For further particular enquiry of the subscriber on the premises. ROBERT HARRISON. April 2—tf
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester , lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Manion at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1835—tf
TO RENT, THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE, AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (site the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good stone fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND , inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, Esq. Bath, aforesaid. NOTE—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARICK, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cambrics, Bennetts patent cord, woolleneen and washleaving, fancy and black silk molekins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, snap coatings, flushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of a deed in trust from Daniel Hurly, I will offer for Saturday the 3rd day of May next at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises, for cash, part of lot number one in square number eight hundred and forty-five in the city of Washington—with a well built two story BRICK HOUSE on the same adjoining the house of Robert Alexander, Esq. and now occupied by Mr. Sandford. The title is indisputable as may be seen on application to NICHOLAS VOSS. April 3—tm3
By virtue of a deed of trust from the heirs of John Brown late of Prince George's county deceased, I will offer at PUBLIC AUCTION, on the premises at 12 o'clock on Tuesday the 14th day of May next, if fair, if not the next fair day thereafter. ALL that valuable tract of Land formerly the property and in the occupation of the aforesaid deceased, lying in the neighborhood of Robert Sewell, Esq. about seven miles from Pitcairney and 12 from the city of Washington, containing about 360 acres of rich fertile land, well adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, and every kind of small grain. Upwards of 25 acres of fine meadow Land and a very great proportion of wood and timber of the most valuable kind. Terms will be made known on the day of sale. CHARLES D. HODGES. April 11—tdof
Twenty Dollars Reward, WILL be given for apprehending negro FAME a very low and tolerable lolly woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, is a very artful and cunning, having procured a free pass, and passes by the name of Charity Shorter; she was formerly the property of John Chittens of this county, and was run away for near eight years, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been lurking. I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Fort Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril. MABBY SIMMS. Nov. 27—tf
City of Washington, Sept. 9, 1803. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only , having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington , in the suit of James Barry, complainant, against Dorothy O'Brien, James O'Brien, Mary Anne O'Brien and John O'Brien, defendants in Chancery; Will be sold at Public Auction , To the highest bidder on Monday the 28th of April inst. at Stelle's hotel, all those two parcels of land situated in the city of Washington near the Eastern Branch, and contiguous to Booth's wharf, bounded as follows: The first beginning at the intersection at the west side of South Capitol Street, with Water Street, and running thence with South Capitol Street eighty-four feet, thence due west thirty feet two inches to Water Street, and thence with Water Street to the beginning. The second part beginning at the end of one hundred and fifty six feet measured westerly from the north east corner of square numbered six hundred and sixty-two on the fourth side of South R Street, running thence south one hundred and thirty feet, thence west sixty-four feet three inches, thence north one hundred and thirty feet to South R Street, and thence east with the line of said street to the beginning, with the improvements and appurtenances on the same two pieces of land or either of them being so appertaining. The only improvement on the first piece or parcel of ground abovenamed is, a two story framed Dwelling House, and on the other a single story framed building—any person desirous of purchasing said property can be shown it by applying at the Clerk's Office. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock precisely. The terms ready money, or money to be paid immediately on the Court ratifying and confirming said sale. The time of which ratification and confirmation, will be notified in the same papers in which the sale is advertised. LEWIS FORD, Trustee. April 7—3w
Bank of Columbia. THE board of directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of TEN per cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the stock holders or their representatives on or after Thursday the 20th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 10—6w
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom ledge, and from 40 to 60 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searly residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. WM. THORNTON, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Jan. 29—eptf
WILLIAM H. DORSEY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Has opened an office in George Town next door to the Bank of Columbia. He will attend Montgomery county court and the courts held in Washington county in the district of Columbia. April 4—1m
Fruit Hill, Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan. 29—eptf
Thirty Dollars Reward, FOR apprehending and securing in jail negro JACOB, who is a low well-made fellow, about 25 years of age, complexion rather black, foot not deep, has a pleasant countenance, is stout made about the shoulders and breast with small legs, has a flopogie in his speech and cannot make a quick reply, when spoken to without shutting his eyes or being in motion, which is very objectionable, his clothing was blue negro cotton jacket and overalls, osnaburg shirt, and wool hat, though they are subject to change, he was late the property of Richard R. Beall of Fauquier county, Virginia, and closed about the 6th of November last. The constables and others of the city of Washington, George Town, Alexandria, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Norfolk are requested to look out for the said runaway slave, as above, reward will be immediately paid them on the terms specified by JOHN KEDDLE, City of Washington, Dec. 16—2awtf
WANTED, either a school master or mistress, to reside with a gentleman in the upper part of Virginia, apply at this office. March 10— This is to give notice that if the heirs of a certain STEPHEN REYNOLDS , who died on his way from the western country in the month of August 1803, and supposed to have been a native of the state of New Hampshire or one of the Eastern states will apply to JOHN RINE administrator living in the town of Cumberland, Alleghany county, state of Maryland, will hear of something to their advantage. By order of Alleghany county orphans court. March 3—1p.m
All persons having claims against the estate of Uriah Forrest accruing since his bankruptcy, are requested to have them proved according to law, and presented to Philip B. Key, before the 1st day of June next, that a distribution of the personal assets may be made as early as practicable. REBECCA FORREST, Executrix. April 4—4w
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Has removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
PUBLIC AUCTION, WILL be held at public auction, on Wednesday the 30th inst. a good two story BRICK HOUSE and LOT , near the Centre Market. It is a good situation for public business. At the same time and place will be sold a quantity of Household furniture. The term of sale will be reasonable. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock on the forenoon. JOHN BLOOR. April 23—3t
FOR SALE. UPWARDS of 2000 acres of Land lying on each side of Little River in Loudoun county being part of the Goose Creek tract of land purchased of the late col. Charles Carter; the river runs nearly through the middle of it and forms on each side upwards of two hundred acres of low grounds, of which about forty acres is timothy. It is in general good farm land, and remarkable for the production of grass and of timothy in particular. About three fourths of the tract in my own occupation, the remainder in the possession of tenants. The land lies well, abounds in good springs, and has a sufficiency of white and red oak timber, and some fine poplars. The purchaser may be supplied with stock of every kind, also with from 20 to about 30 negroes in families, and taking them in that manner upon very reasonable terms; the land lies about the same distance (40 miles) from Washington, Alexandria, and Dumfries, eight miles from Leesburg & six from Middlebury; there is on the part in my occupation a small dwelling house containing two rooms and an entry below, and two rooms above stairs, a kitchen, good stable and carriage house and other necessary buildings, all of them erected within the last five years, a good garden. The purchaser may be accommodated in the payments. JOSEPH JONES. Near Leesburg, Loudoun County, April 7—4m
TO BE SOLD, At public sale, on Saturday, the 17th day of May next, at Stelle's hotel; a number of lots in the city of Washington, belonging to the estate of Guilavins Scott, Esq. deceased. The greater number of these lots are situated between the President's house and George Town. Also one moiety of forty-two acres of land on Rock creek, adjoining Rockhill and Mr. Holmead's. Also a number of shares in the North American Land Company.—Terms of sale; negotiable notes with approved endorser, at ninety days, where the sum does not exceed two hundred dollars. For all sums above two hundred dollars, a credit of three and six months will be given, on giving notes as aforesaid. Sale to commence at eleven o'clock. ELIAS B. CALDWELL, Trustee. April 25—2awtf
Will be sold at PUBLIC SALE the property where I now live, on FRIDAY the 2d day of May next, at 12 o'clock, two LOTS in Square 33, fronting on Water Street, 73 feet 3 inches, and running back 131 1/2 feet which are inclosed in a handsome paled in garden—the buildings are a convenient FRAME DWELLING HOUSE, SMOKE HOUSE & LOG HOUSE . On the south side of Water Street, is a wharf sufficiently large to hold 200 cords of wood at once; this part of the property runs to the Lamburgh channel, and the situation equal to any in the city for a lumber, coal, or wood yard. The terms will be on third of the purchase money in hand, the other two thirds in nine and eighteen months on the purchaser giving negotiable notes on either the city or George Town banks, with sufficient indorser, or I will take merchandise in lieu of cash for one half of the purchase money. JOHN STEPHEN. April 14—2awtf
IRON WORKS ON POTOMAC. The Subscriber has for Sale or Rent, a good farm for a Furnace upon the North Branch of Potomac in Hampshire county, with plenty of ore already investigated at considerable expense and found to be good, a constant and sufficient stream with upwards of 30 feet fall, and the wood of more than 9000 acres of well timbered land; enough of which is arable to form a complete establishment. Connected with this may also be rented the forge built by Mr. John Potts at the Great Falls of Potomac, now the property of the subscriber. It is conceived that these two farms are particularly worthy of the notice of Iron Masters of capital; as they are fully adequate to the supply of iron, in its various forms, to an extensive country. Having Great demand for that article, both above and below the Blue Ridge. The Hampshire property is free from every encumbrance, and the payment of a very few thousand dollars due to the proprietor of the fee simple at the Great Falls (my lease of which is for upwards of 900 years at a low rent) for rents in arrears prior to my purchase will render this property clear; and afford a complete establishment for all the various manufactures of iron, as well as for mills, with a convenient farm, &c. &c. I have seats equally eligible (if not superior) for furnace and forge, upon the river Shenandoah in this county, with ore, wood, and water, all convenient and abundant; which may be rented for a long term of years, with rich farming land attached thereto. FERDINAND FAIRFAX. Charles town, Jefferson Co. Virg. November 16—wtf
TO RENT. THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied by Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, Esq. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Delois on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Prewitt, Esq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOSS. City of Washington, March 14—2awtf
CHASE'S TRIAL. This day is Published By SAMUEL H. SMITH. TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE, AN ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States. Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In Two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—in subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non subscribers five dollars. A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public with the explanation of the editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial. Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers. March 24—
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD will be given for apprehending and securing so that the owner may get her again, a likely negro girl named ANN, about twenty years of age—of dark complexion, large eyes of rather a dowdy look—& of middle stature. She absconded from George Town about four or five weeks ago. She formerly belonged to John Brent, Esq. near Port Tobacco, in Charles County, state of Maryland. She took with her sundry articles of wearing apparel, among which were a black silk short gown, and a red pink ditto. She appears, when spoken to, different and unassuming. The above reward will be paid if she is taken out of this district, and ten dollars if taken in it. GEORGE GLOYD, one of the Justices of George town. March 21—2awtf
Fresh Garden Seeds, &c. HEOPHILUS HOLT respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has received from London per ship Mars to Baltimore, and for sale, a very extensive assortment of fresh Garden Seeds, garden tools, grain seeds, bird feed. Split peas and flour of milled by the pound. He also has for sale a variety of bulbous flower roots, fruit trees, flowering shrubs, Lombardy poplars, &c. &c. The customary allowance made to Gardeners and those who purchase to sell again. Washington City, Dec. 13—2awtf P. S. An assortment of the garden seeds are for sale at Dr. Ott's George Town.
IRON WORKS ON POTOMAC. The Subscriber has for Sale or Rent, a good farm for a Furnace upon the North Branch of Potomac in Hampshire county, with plenty of ore already investigated at considerable expense and found to be good, a constant and sufficient stream with upwards of 30 feet fall, and the wood of more than 9000 acres of well timbered land; enough of which is arable to form a complete establishment. Connected with this may also be rented the forge built by Mr. John Potts at the Great Falls of Potomac, now the property of the subscriber. It is conceived that these two farms are particularly worthy of the notice of Iron Masters of capital; as they are fully adequate to the supply of iron, in its various forms, to an extensive country. Having Great demand for that article, both above and below the Blue Ridge. The Hampshire property is free from every encumbrance, and the payment of a very few thousand dollars due to the proprietor of the fee simple at the Great Falls (my lease of which is for upwards of 900 years at a low rent) for rents in arrears prior to my purchase will render this property clear; and afford a complete establishment for all the various manufactures of iron, as well as for mills, with a convenient farm, &c. &c. I have seats equally eligible (if not superior) for furnace and forge, upon the river Shenandoah in this county, with ore, wood, and water, all convenient and abundant; which may be rented for a long term of years, with rich farming land attached thereto. FERDINAND FAIRFAX. Charles town, Jefferson Co. Virg. November 16—wtf
REMOVAL. The subscriber has removed his CABINET SHOP To his dwelling house on Jefferson street, the first door below Valentine Reintzel's buildings, where he is ready to serve the public in general, and his customers in particular. WM. KING, Jun. George Town, April 16—wtf