The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-06-04 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXXXI
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 4, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
LONDON, APRIL 23.
On the motion of Mr. Secretary FOX, the order of the day was read, for taking into consideration his majesty's most gracious message. The message was then read.
Mr. Secretary FOX rose, and spoke to the following effect:—"I am sure that it is impossible that the message we have now read, can fail to excite the strongest sensation in every temper and disposition of mind which can exist in this House. In the first place, when we hear it stated that his majesty had abstained from appealing to his British subjects, on account of the violence and injustice which had been done to him in the seizure of his Electoral dominions, it is impossible not to feel grateful for that kindness and mildness which his majesty has always shown to the subjects of this realm. It was with the most extreme reluctance that he could consent to involve them in war upon any ground, that was not immediately and directly connected with British interests. After the sentiment of gratitude to his majesty for this tender consideration of his subjects of this kingdom, the next feeling which must be strongly excited by the message, is a feeling of just indignation at the conduct of the court of Prussia. I hope that every member, while he feels this just indignation, will, at the same time, perceive the propriety of uniting the most vigorous measures with a language temperate and moderate, and which does not violate that respect which had always been considered due to crowned heads, and ought not, in the present times, to be departed from. Indeed, to describe justly the measures which have been adopted by the court of Prussia, against this country, they cannot be called the measures of the king of Prussia, for that sovereign is known to be of a mild and pacific disposition, nor could they be called the measures of his ministers, for no ministers could freely advise a proceeding so violent and injurious to the interests of that monarch. The measures must be considered such, as his Prussian majesty had been induced to adopt, from the pernicious counsels of the enemies of this country. Had it been my object to condemn, in the strongest terms, the decision of the Prussian cabinet, I might have thought it necessary to lay some additional papers on the table, but that not being my object, I have moved but for few. More would have been unnecessary, as it was not my wish to give the strongest possible colouring to the accusation that the message contains. If we are to understand those proceedings which have terminated in an outrage, unprecedented in the history of the worst proceedings of the worst times of Europe, it will be necessary to view the transaction a little earlier. The origin of this proceeding may be traced to the convention concluded at Vienna, on the 15th of December, between count Haugwitz and the French emperor; but when it is considered what was the situation of Prussia, at the time that its sovereign concluded that treaty with France, it must be recollected that its means of negotiation were still greater than what it derived from its own resources, or its own armies. The armies of Prussia were undoubtedly numerous and respectable; but was it on them alone that the king of Prussia relied, when he was negotiating with France? Certainly it was not. He had a strong additional support which gave weight to his negotiations. The Emperor of Russia, after he had left Austerlitz, gave the whole direction of the Russian troops that remained in Germany, to the command of the king of Prussia. This country too had promised him a powerful assistance by pecuniary supplies, if he should be driven to a war with France. These were the means he possessed of giving weight to his negotiations; and how did he apply those means? Why, to seize a part of the territories of one of those powers which had been supporting him in that rank and situation, which enabled him to conclude his treaty. (Loud cries of hear! hear!) After this treaty was signed, a considerable difficulty remained in the execution of it. This difficulty proceeded, in a great measure, from the just scruples of the king of Prussia, who perceived that it would be very hard to prevail upon his Britannic majesty to ratify such a treaty, and who therefore felt that his title would be so bad as to make the acquisition of Hanover, under these circumstances, a poor equivalent for those provinces that he was obliged to give up to France. He felt, besides, that upon no other principle of justice could he pretend to take it on other terms from those which France herself had held it on, and therefore at first he did not pretend to take Hanover absolutely, but with the power of restoring it. France, in the mean time, pressed for the cession of Anspach and Bayreuth. What then did the king of Prussia do? Certainly he could not expect that the French government would be able to negotiate between him and his Britannic majesty, that he should be allowed to retain Hanover; and therefore he finally resolved to seize it without the consent of his majesty, and under the pretence of an
equivalent for Anspach, Bayreuth, and those provinces which were ceded to France. It cannot then be said, that this treaty, and the proceedings which followed it, were altogether the effect of fear, for what was the necessity under which his Prussian majesty was placed? Was it merely the necessity of ceding Anspach and Bayreuth? This might have been a considerable misfortune, yet it was one which might have been justified by necessity. But the sort of necessity claimed by the king of Prussia, is different—he says, 'because I have lost Anspach and Bayreuth, I therefore feel myself under the necessity of seizing the dominions of some third power—not only of a third power, but of one that, from all times, and by every circumstance, I was bound to respect.' This is the sort of necessity claimed by the Prussian court, and it is that which makes the case of Prussia much worse than that of any other nation in Europe. As for Spain, (I do not wish to revive the differences of opinion with respect to the Spanish war) but Spain, I say, would comply no farther with the wishes of our enemies than by giving a sum of money. Holland and other powers have been, from terror, obliged to make cessions of territory to France, but no other power has been compelled, by terror, to commit robberies or spoliation on its neighbors. [A cry of hear! hear!] It is in this that the case of Prussia stands distinguished from that of all other nations. We cannot help looking with some degree of pity and contempt, on a power which can allege that it is reduced to such a necessity that would be, in itself, a considerable humiliation or degradation to Prussia, to be obliged to give up those provinces to which it was so much attached, and which had been called "the Cradle of the House of Brandenburg." The degradation of this cession was still much increased by the conduct of the people of Anspach, who entreated their sovereign not to abandon them. Instead of lessening the ignominy of the cession, it was a great increase of dishonor to sell a brave and loyal people for what was called an equivalent; it was an union of every thing that was contemptible in servility, with every thing that was odious in rapacity. [Hear! hear!] On the 26th of January, an official letter was written from baron Hardenberg to Mr. Jackson, expressly stating it to be the intention of his Prussian majesty to take possession of Hanover only until the conclusion of peace between England and France. To this letter his majesty was pleased to answer, that he placed the utmost reliance on the friendship and good faith of the king of Prussia, but that he wished for a more explicit declaration of the views which he entertained with respect to Hanover. A more explicit declaration has indeed been made! It is the last treaty made by Prussia with France, in which Prussia consents—consents—as if she admitted that it was a French object, and not a Prussian one, to take permanent possession of Hanover! Sir, the House will easily see through all the pretences for arrangements said to be convenient and necessary for the ports of the North, and which produced a declaration from Prussia, followed by shutting up those ports. An intimation was subsequently made by Prussia that British manufactures might pass through a part of the Prussian dominions.
Soon afterwards this channel of communication was cut off, and then came the monstrous measure which Prussia resolved upon, of taking Hanover as a present from France, of which country it was asserted that by the right of conquest France had the disposal. Is there an instance on record of a conquered province having been assigned over as a boon before the termination of the war in which the conquest was made? And still more confidently may I say it, is there an instance on record of such a transaction having taken place when the prince of the territory assigned was in amity with the prince to whom the assignment was made? Sir, to what extremity are we driven by this conduct of the court of Berlin! It would be idle in me to attempt to conceal, that the hostility of Prussia is a great augmentation of our calamities. Any increase in the number of our enemies must be an addition to our calamities, and this instance is a peculiarly severe addition. It is such an aggravation, sir, of those calamities, that what we can directly do to show our just resentment of the perfidious conduct of Prussia must in some degree affect the interest of neutral nations, must in some degree affect the interest of nations in amity with us, must in some degree affect our own interests. But, Sir, there are points when it becomes the duty of a country to sacrifice inferior interests to the manifestation of principle. (Hear! Hear!) This is one of these points. If we allow the conduct of Prussia to pass unnoticed, we must calculate on the complete degradation of the character of the country. I am far from wishing to insinuate any of the suspicions of the honor of other continental courts; but, Sir, how would the question between them and us then stand, compared with
the way in which it stands at present? Now, when those courts are compelled to concede their possessions, one after the other, to the increasing power of France, however we may lament their situation we can feel against them no displeasure. We must say to them, "save yourselves as well as you can!" But if we permitted the conduct of Prussia to pass unresisted, is it not probable that these courts would no longer be content to make cessions of their own territory to France, but would fall upon yours? (Hear! Hear!) If so, Sir, then should we be exposed to the greatest of all evils (which God avert!) a war, with the exception of one great power, with all Europe. On the other hand, Sir, in the present case can we be kept distinct and uninitiated—if an example can be made of Prussia which in a great degree will depend on the exertions of other countries—but if a signal example can be made of Prussia, it may, perhaps, do more towards restoring a balance of power, & a just system of general policy in Europe, than any alliances that have been formed, or that may be projected against France. I trust, and am convinced, that the House will see the propriety of acting upon this principle, namely, to show a spirit of forbearance, where, on the opposite side is shewn a spirit of justice and honor, but no longer to forbear when justice and honor are no longer remembered. Let the court of Berlin take the consequence. (Hear! Hear!) Sir, it is possible that the king of Prussia may be so deluded as to imagine that he has gained a great deal by obtaining possession of Hanover. French reasoning may, perhaps, assist in creating or confirming this delusion. What has he obtained? Every thing that can be wrong from Hanover is first grasped by the French, and they then permit the king of Prussia to gain a nominal possession of an useless country. In another point of view, Sir, Prussia has indeed lost. I cannot but look on her as more completely conquered by France than ever Austria has been. Austria was compelled by adverse circumstances to make a peace on conditions highly unfavorable to her; but, Sir, in ceding territory Austria at least took care to cede only her own (hear! hear!) The last instance of complete vassalage is to be the contemptible instrument of the injustice of a master, (Hear! hear! hear!) And, Sir, can there be a stronger proof, that the dominion which Prussia pretends to assume over Hanover is only nominal, than the mission of the French general Barbour to that country with the evident purpose of superintending the operations of the Prussian ministers and guiding them into the course most agreeable to France? Every body, Sir, has heard of the various insults which Prussia has received from France since this her complete subjugation. France has indeed treated her with as little ceremony as she deserves. Her towns have been occupied by French troops. Her remonstrances have been unheeded. How all this will end, whether good or evil will be the result, I cannot pretend to say. But at least this country will avoid the greatest possible evil by refusing to sanction a principle so opposite to the welfare of society. (Hear, hear!) It will avoid the evil of appearing to be indifferent to the feelings of our gracious sovereign, and to be insensible to the preservation of his rights. (Hear, hear, hear!) It will also avoid the evil, still of greater magnitude, of giving its consent and approbation to this odious mode which has been adopted, of transferring subjects from one prince to another. Gracious God! I appeal to those who have felt the danger with which regular governments have been threatened by the mad opinions of visionary enthusiasts; can there be any thing found in the wildest scheme of the most daring speculator so calculated to shake the stability of regular governments, as this power that has been assumed, whether in a republic or in a monarchy, is of no consequence, of transferring subjects, without any regard whatever to the character of those by whom they are to be governed; unmindful whether they are possessed of their attachment or their detestation? Exchange field for field, exchange stock upon your field, exchange cattle for cattle; but never exchange your people. (Hear, hear, hear!) Some attention and respect should surely be paid to the attachment of a government to its subjects, and some to the attachment of subjects to their government. This mutual attachment has every, sir, been considered by all reasoners on the social compact, as the fundamental corner stone of society. I truly has it been so considered. How far the fabric has been shaken by this rude violence that has been offered to it, I leave to the judgment of gentlemen who have devoted their minds to the investigation of the subject. Feeling, Sir, as I do on it, I must avow, I felt peculiar pleasure in sending that note to baron Jacob, in which I informed him of his majesty's unalterable determination never to consent to the transfer of his faithful and affectionate Hanoverian subjects. (Hear! Hear!) I do not know that it is necessary to make any further obser-
vations; but before I sit down, I must state, that there can be no doubt, but that the shutting the ports of Prussia to British vessels alone is most clearly and unquestionably an act of hostility against this country." Mr. Fox, then concluded, by moving an address of thanks to his majesty, which (as usual) was an echo of the message.
IMPORTANT STATE PAPER.
Declaration.
GEORGE the THIRD, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg, Arch-Treasurer and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, &c. &c.
The court of Prussia has avowed those hostile designs, which she thought to conceal by her friendly professions. The Note Verbale, delivered on the 4th of April by the Prussian envoy, baron Jacob, to the British ministry, announces that the electorate of Hanover has been taken possession of, and that the ports of the German sea and of Lubeck have been closed against the British flag.
This declaration gives the lie to all those assurances by which the cabinet of Berlin has hitherto endeavored to cloak its proceedings; to which it moreover adds the pretension that his Prussian majesty has acquired, by his system of policy, claims to the gratitude of all the northern powers.
Thus actually dispossessed of the ancient inheritance of my family, and insulted in my rights as a sovereign, I have ordered those measures to be taken which the honor of my crown requires; but I still owe it to myself, to Europe, and to my subjects, to make a public declaration of my sentiments, as Elector of Brunswick Lunenburg, upon the unjust usurpation of my German possessions.
It is not necessary to prove how contrary this act is to the rights of nations, or to the laws of the German Empire. Their infraction is too evident to be required to be proved. It is the most sacred principle of good faith, of honor, and in fact, of all the obligations upon which the reciprocal safety of different states amongst themselves, and of each civil society in itself, repose, which are trodden under foot in such a manner, that the world would have difficulty in believing it if I did not cause the facts to be laid before them, which are authenticated in the narrative which I have ordered to be prepared.
The proceedings of the Court of Berlin, when the Electorate was occupied by its troops in 1801—its conduct, far from being friendly during the negotiation for indemnities which followed the peace of Luneville—the declaration, which it made, when France prepared to invade the Electorate—and, lastly, the burdensome conditions under which it endeavored to cause it to be evacuated, to substitute her own troops, instead of those of France, had given too many proofs to the government of Hanover, not to oblige it to endeavor to avoid all sort of intervention on the part of this power, even at the moment that it was on the point of engaging in a dispute with France. The events which retarded the arrival in Hanover of the expedition concerted between Great Britain Russia, and Sweden, gave the Prussian troops an opportunity of anticipating them, after the French army had been obliged to evacuate the Electorate.
This step was accompanied by the most friendly protestations on the part of Prussia. She invited the Hanoverian government to resume its functions in my name, and to collect the wreck of the army.
The country, already so unfortunate, doubly felt the weight of the numerous requisitions extorted by the Prussian corps, without the least regard to the situation in which the French left it.
After the unfortunate result of the campaign of the Allies in the north of the Empire, an attack in the north was to be expected. His Imperial majesty of Russia, to obviate the dangers to which Prussia might be exposed, placed, in consequence of the convention of Potsdam, his troops under Count de Tolstoy, and the corps of General Bennington, under the orders of his Prussian majesty, & promised him, moreover, all the assistance for which he might have occasion. It was scarcely to be expected that Prussia would avail herself of this advantage, and of which the promise of the subsidy she had asked of Great Britain gave her to obtain from France terms contrary to the interests which the resources were intended to
protect. This, notwithstanding what actually happened. The secret treaty, the effects of which are beginning to appear, was signed by count Haugwitz, & the French general Duroc, the 15th of December, 1805, the period fixed as the term when Prussia was to declare against France, in case that power should have rejected the propositions which Count Haugwitz was to make her, in consequence of the convention of Potsdam.
Seven days after, December 22, the Cabinet of Berlin proposed to the British Ambassador the arrangements to be taken in common with the Prussian Generals, for the positions of the Allied armies in Lower Saxony; and dispatched, in consequence, lieutenant colonel Baron De Krusemark, with a letter to the Hanoverian government, to induce it to furnish provisions for the French garrison at Helmeln.
It was necessary to concur in this arrangement, (which was only provisionally terminated the 4th of January,) because it was to prevent the French troops from undertaking any thing against Hanover during the negotiation.
Was the Court of Berlin then ignorant in what manner Count Haugwitz had concluded this negotiation? Did it not know, before the signature of the treaty what would be the end of it? Or did that minister dispose as he pleased of the good faith of his master?
It was on the 27th of January that the cabinet of Berlin announced to the Hanoverian government, "that in consequence of a Treaty signed and ratified by the two parties, my German possessions would no longer be occupied by the French troops; that they would be entirely evacuated by those who were still there, and delivered up, until a future peace between England and France should have decided their condition, to the protection or the troops of his Prussian majesty." The Hanoverian government was required, but to no purpose, to intimate to all the public officers that they were, for the future, to consider themselves as finally responsible to the Prussian commission of administration, excluding all foreign reference.
The dispatch addressed the 25th of January to the Prussian minister, and intended to justify his proceedings, was signed with the king of Prussia's own hand. It ended with these words: "I think it unnecessary to observe how much the territories in question ought to be satisfied with this change of scene; and my wishes would be fulfilled, in consequence of the disinterested views by which I am impelled, the administration I have taken upon me should turn out to the happiness of the country and its inhabitants and by that means satisfactory to his Britannic majesty, to whom I desire nothing more than to give in this instance as in all others, all the proofs of consideration, of deference, and of friendship, which circumstances may put in my power."
The experience of the past, and a well founded apprehension of the future, did not allow me to hesitate about the part necessary to be taken; and my electoral government was instructed not to enter into any negotiation, the object of which might have been to avoid a new French invasion, by allowing the Prussians to occupy Hanover.
The protest made upon this occasion by my electoral minister of state, was ineffectual. The king of Prussia caused the greatest part of the country to be occupied at the moment that my troops re-embarked; and his measures were executed without the least regard.
It was too easy to foresee that count Haugwitz would find means at Paris to bring back the arrangement between Prussia and France, announced here as ratified by the contracting parties, to its original intention.
This was what took place; and the French troops took possession of Anspach, one of the objects of compensation according to the treaty of December 15, the very day that the marquis de Lucchesini could reach Berlin with intelligence that France required the execution of the articles agreed upon at Vienna.
The answer returned by the British cabinet to the communication of January 25, did not arrive at Berlin until after the minister of State, Baron Hardenberg, had announced to the British envoy the hostile measures which have compelled me to suspend my relations with a court which could so forge its self.
The Prussian note of April 4, can furnish no good arguments to establish an unfriendly measure.
It begins by vaunting the pacific dispositions of Prussia. This disposition is no further sincere than as it has for its foundation the principles of a just neutrality. The note delivered by the cabinet of Berlin to the French minister,

On the 14th of October, at the very instant that Prussia appeared to feel the effects of the violation of the territory of Aachen acknowledged that the conduct which she had followed to that time had proved of no advantage to France.
Her actions had much less pretensions to the character of impartiality. After having permitted the French troops who passed through the Prussian territory, she declared herself ready to oppose, sword in hand, that which the Emperor of Russia had demanded for his armies. France herself forced the passage; she pretended to offer excuses for that step, but it was in a manner equally offensive.
She had been too clearly where the resentment of Prussia would terminate, which in fact appeared to be stifled when his Imperial majesty of Russia engaged in a personal communication with the king.
Prussia then demanded subsidies of Great Britain, which were promised to her, and she signed the convention of Potsdam, the conditions of which she would doubtless have been more disposed to fulfil if I could have so far forgotten my duty as to consent to the proposition of electing the Electorate of Hanover for some Prussian province.
Prussia affirms, that from the event of the war she has not had the choice of means to secure the safety of its monarchy, and of the states of the north. She wishes to make it appear, that she has been compelled to aggrandize herself, & to become the instrument, rather than the object of the vengeance of my enemies.
Such an avowal does not become a great power. All Europe knows that it depended on Prussia, before the battle of Auerstedt, to give repose to Europe, if she had taken the part which her real interests, and the outraged honor of her monarchy dictated to her. She can no longer be excused, after having missed such an opportunity; and even since the event of the 2d of December, did she not command an army of 250,000 men, who still remember the victories obtained under the great Frederick, which was in the best dispositions, and supported by the whole Russian army, two corps of which were actually under the command of the king of Prussia.
She would, without doubt, have been subject to certain risks; but she found herself in a situation, when every danger must be encountered, to save the honor of the state. The prince who hesitates in making a choice destroys the principle which serves as the basis of a military monarchy; and Prussia ought already to begin to feel the sacrifice she has made of her independence.
The note of April 4, affirms, "that France had considered the Electorate as its conquest, and that its troops had been on the point of re-entering it, to make a definitive disposal of it."
The Electorate of Hanover, as an integral part of the Germanic empire, is not concerned in the war between Great Britain and France; nevertheless, it has been unjustly invaded by that power, which has, notwithstanding, frequently indicated the object for which she was disposed to restore it.
France was at length compelled to abandon the country, and forty thousand of my troops, and those of my allies, were established there, when the Count de Hartzfeld signed the treaty which disposes of my states. It is true, that the Russian corps was then at the disposal of his Prussian majesty; but its chief with the genuine spirit of an honorable man, was not the less determined to fight, if the allies of his master were attacked: we shall not speak of the French garrison which remained at Hameln insufficient in point of number; deprived of the means of defence; and on the point of being besieged, when the promises of Prussia caused the plan to be abandoned.
The intention of France to dispose definitively of the Electorate, would have been contrary to the assertions she has so often made. It would, moreover, have been contrary to the usage of war, since even a conquest is not definitively disposed of before a peace; and particularly at a moment when a wish might exist to manifest a pacific disposition.
Prussia had no right to judge if Great Britain had the means of opposing the return of enemies to the Electorate. Her power furnishes her with the means of bringing the war to an honorable end, for the interests she defends; but it is difficult to conceive in what light Prussia pretends that her measures removed troops that are strangers to the Electorate, and ensure the repose of the north. Her troops, in consequence of the treacherous conduct of her cabinet, will remain as much strangers to the Electorate as the French troops.
Prussia should not speak of her sacrifices at the moment when her only aim is to aggrandize herself, unless she feels the loss of her independence to be such, and how much she has departed from her duty, in abandoning one of the oldest possessions of her House, and of subjects who implored, in vain, her assistance. Besides, her sacrifices have no
connexion with my system of policy, and confer no right on her to usurp the government of my German subjects, whose fidelity nothing has hitherto shaken, and which they will retain towards my person, and a family of Princes who for many ages have only sought their happiness.
It is evident that the conduct of the Court of Berlin is not the free expression of the will of its sovereign, but the consequence of the influence exercised by my enemies in the cabinet of that prince. All the courts, and all the states, however, who can judge of circumstances, and all that they owe to the system adopted by the court of Berlin, will agree that the act committed against a sovereign united to his Prussian majesty by the ties of blood, and until now by those of friendship, places the safety of Europe, in greater danger than any act of hostility on the part of a power with which one might be at open war.
Convinced of the justice of my cause, I make my appeal to all the powers of Europe, who are interested in resisting the consolidation of a system, which, by threatening the political existence of an integral part of the German empire, brings into question the security of the whole. I demand, most earnestly, the constitutional aid which is due to me as Elector from the empire, its august head as well as Russia and Sweden the powers which have guaranteed its constitution, and who have already manifested, and still continue to manifest, the most honorable disposition for the preservation of my states.
Lastly, I protest in the most solemn manner, for myself and my heirs, against every encroachment on my rights in the Electorate of Brunswick Lüneburg, and its dependencies; and I repeat, in quality of Elector, the declaration made by the minister of my crown at the court of Berlin, that no advantage, arising from political arrangements, much less any offer whatever of an indemnity, or equivalent, shall ever engage me to forget what I owe to my dignity, the attachment and exemplary fidelity of my Hanoverian subjects, so as to yield my consent to the alienation of my Electorate.
Given at the Palace of Windsor, the 20th day of April 1806, in the 46th year of my reign. (L.S.) GEORGE R.
F. COUNT DE MUNSTER.
[FROM THE MONITEUR.]
FRENCH EXPOSE.
PARIS, APRIL 18.
"England has declared war against Prussia. All the king's ships have received orders to attack the Prussian vessels, and letters of marque have been issued to privateers. Is this a just proceeding on the part of the English government? Is it a politic one? These are questions which it is not our intention to examine. It is sufficient for us to discover, that this measure is advantageous to France; that one of its first consequences will be to shut the North against the English trade; and there is little wisdom on the part of England in acting so towards a considerable power, whom she forces into a nearer connexion with France; and whom she determines to remove from her councils the agents and the influence of England."
France and Prussia united, can, if they please, shut the Sound. If England had learned how to accommodate her policy to circumstances, she would have maintained her party and her creatures in credit at Berlin. She would have rendered the blockade of the ports of the North less severe. She would have, in fact, preferred the advantage which she derives from the Prussian flag; for commerce has occasion for intermediate agents between the merchant and the consumer. But however it may be, we cannot consider this new political event but as tending to accelerate peace; for assuredly Prussia is neither a weak enemy for England, nor a weak ally for France. We know that there are persons who accustom themselves with difficulty to the idea of these connexions between France and Prussia, but they do not see that the hesitation which was first manifested by the latter cabinet, depended upon temporary circumstances which have neither altered the principles of the king, nor those of his most faithful and intelligent servants. If there was any thing which gave offence to France, it could only be imputed to a frantic minister, who was sold to England, who was formerly in her service, and who quitted for reasons which the dignity of this paper will not allow us to mention. It, perhaps, may be supposed that England, in the new circumstances in which she finds herself with regard to Prussia, had no medium left her, and could not avoid declaring war. But the occupation of Hanover by Prussia was the only means of preventing the French from returning to that country, and if they had returned, the freedom of the English trade would not have been the greater. It may be said that Prussia has not only shut the ports of the Elbe, and the Weser, as they were by the French, but that the occupation was made in the name of the king, and in the same form as if he had determined to annex this fine province to his monarchy.
However, there is nothing, in fact, to prove that this was the intention of Prussia; and it is very possible, that the cession of Cleves, Anspach, and Neufchattel, may relate to some other principles of arrangement, since the popula-
tion of all the three does not equal a 5th of the population of Hanover. Some discussion, therefore, might have taken place between Prussia and England; & the wisest course would have been, not to have begun by declaring war. Supposing occupation to be equal to final incorporation, England, instead of avowing that consequence, makes it more certain, for whatever losses the Prussian trade may experience during two or three years war, she will be indemnified by the more considerable loss which the trade of the enemy will sustain; and England submits to these losses for an interest which the English nation has always disowned. It has always considered Hanover as a foreign property solely belonging to the house of Brunswick. How happens it that it has so suddenly changed its principles in this respect.
It appears that M. Schimmelpfennick, the Grand Pensionary of Holland, has entirely lost his fight. Who is to be his successor? What effect will be produced by this change in the magistracy? These questions excite the attention and anxiety of all the Dutch, who are sincerely attached to the country. It is well known, that the Emperor never gave any positive sanction to the late changes in the constitution of that country; and that he said on that occasion, that the prosperity and liberty of nation could only be assured by two modes of government—either a tempered and constitutional monarchy, or a republic constituted according to the theory of liberty, and which should be the true organ of the public will.—All nations cannot, with safety, leave to the people the choice of their representatives; and when a nation has to apprehend the effects of assembling the people; when the advantages which it expects are less than the inconveniences which it foresees; such a nation, which cannot find a protection under a republican form of government, has recourse to the principles of a good and prudent monarch.
Under the present constitution of Holland, the grand pensionary has more power than the king has in England—he has even more than the Emperor has in France, or than any sovereign has in any country: and, what is without example in a republic, their high mightinesses, or the representative and legislative bodies, have been nominated by the grand Pensionary. The defects of this constitution cannot escape the observation of the sagacious. That cannot be called a republic, where the representative and legislative bodies are not nominated by the electors: and if there be any fear of the electors it will be the best to renounce at once the republican form of government. A government, which neither having the advantages of a republic, nor of a monarchy, combines all the inconveniences of both, should not be absolutely prescribed. Such being the situation of Holland, she must be a gainer by any changes that she may make in her constitution. If the landholders, the merchants, the enlightened men, are of opinion that they can have a representation made by the choice of the people without distinction of classes or religion, they will create a system much more proper than the present one. If that be not their opinion, and that they think it necessary to have recourse to a constitutional monarchy, they will do that which will be more advantageous to their country than the preservation of their existing constitution can be. It is their duty to examine their situation, to judge of the circumstances in which they are placed, and to choose between the two systems that which is best suited to them, and the most likely to establish, on a solid foundation, the public prosperity and liberty.
"Bavaria has taken possession of the Margraviate of Anspach, and has ceded to France the Duchy of Berg, which united with that of Cleves, is settled upon Prince Joachim, the Grand Admiral of the empire. We feel a strong fortresses on our frontiers. The Duchy of Cleves gives us an advantageous point of contact with Holland; and France, for the future, will only find on the right bank of the Rhine Princes who are allied by blood to the Imperial family."
[To be continued]
PROPOSALS.
FOR building a PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH on square 877 in the city of Washington will be received by the subscriber until Monday the 9th of June next. It is expected the persons proposing will mention SEPARATELY the masonry, and carpenters work, and the materials appertaining to both branches.
The building to be of brick, contemplated to be 38 by 45 feet in the clear, and two stories high.
The proposals to be in writing and left with the subscriber, capital Hill, with whom a plan of the building may be seen.
HENRY INGLE, Register. Washington, May 28—June 9
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.
Sept. 9—1805
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 4.
On Monday the annual election for the Council of the City was held in the several wards, the result of which is as follows:
The whole number of votes given were:
   Wards.     1st West part of 118   2d City. 195   3d East part of 182   4th City. 186  
681
The following TABLE shews the votes given in each Ward—The nine highest in each Chamber are elected.
FIRST CHAMBER.
   1st Ward at Mrs. Bradley's. 2d Ward at Moxin's. 3d Ward at Stelle's. 4th Ward at Navy Yard. TOTAL.     John Dempsey, 104 169 175 184 632   Samuel N. Smallwood, 104 160 179 185 628   Jeremiah Booth, 99 149 178 185 611   Frederick May, 104 137 174 180 595   William Prout, 98 131 174 184 587   Robert Alexander, 96 132 170 186 584   Samuel H. Smith, 117 191 52 6 366   James Hoban, 117 189 52 3 361   Thomas H. Gilliss, 115 191 52 2 360   John Nowland, 1 126 181 308   Samuel Fowler, 1 124 180 305   Thomas Carberry, 1 126 177 304  
SECOND CHAMBER.
   1st Ward. 2d Ward. 3d Ward. 4th Ward. TOTAL.     John Sinclair, 109 183 179 184 655   Matthew Wright, 96 133 171 185 585   Alexander McCormick, 104 115 173 179 572   Peter Lenox, 117 191 53 6 367   Henry Herford, 117 192 51 6 366   Phineas Bradley, 117 191 52 3 363   Joseph Bromley, 117 192 52 3 364   Nicholas King, 117 189 52 2 360   Henry Ingle, 113 173 55 5 346   Cornelius Cunningham, 1 127 177 305   Robert Cherry, 1 124 180 305   John Beckley, 1 1 126 176 304   John Davis, of Abel, 1 124 179 304   Buller Cooke, 1 1 122 178 302   Samuel Lowdermilk, 1 125 176 302  
An unfortunate local division has for two years past subsisted between the eastern and western sections of the City. In consequence of this division, it will be perceived by our readers, that at the 4th ward an exclusive ticket was run, composed entirely of citizens from the eastern part of the city. To heal these differences, by giving to each section the number of representatives to which it was entitled, a union took place between the western quarter of the city, and a considerable portion of the inhabitants of the 3d ward, who agreed to support what was denominated the "Union ticket," consisting of ten candidates from the eastern and eight from the western part of the city, which prevailed entire. We hope that this result, with the conclusive evidence furnished by the election, that the population of the two parts of the city is nearly equal, will have the effect of healing these divisions, which have, for some time past, materially operated to its injury.
OUR readers will have perceived that the people of the state of Vermont have recently appointed a body of men, called a "COUNCIL OF CENSORS." As the feature in the constitution of this state which directs the organization of this body constitutes a kind of political phenomenon, the effects of which have not been yet fully developed, it is well fitted to excite the attention of the politician, and particularly of that class of men, who, although justly proud of the superior excellence of our present institutions, do not despair of eventually rendering them much more efficient in the security of liberty and the promotion of the general welfare. That our readers may the more distinctly comprehend the nature of this body, we will in the first place lay before them that section of the constitution by which it is established.
"SECT. 43. In order that the freedom of this commonwealth may be preserved inviolate forever, there shall be chosen, by ballot, by the freemen of this state, on the last Wednesday in March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, and on the last Wednesday in March in every seven years thereafter, thirteen persons, who shall be chosen in the same manner the council is chosen, except they shall not be out of the Council or General Assembly, to be called the Council of Censors; who shall meet together on the first Wednesday in June next ensuing their election, the majority of whom shall be a quorum in every case, except as to calling a convention, in which two-thirds of the whole number elected shall agree: and whose duty it shall be to enquire, whether the constitution has been preserved inviolate in every part, during the last septennial, (including the year of their service:) and whether the legislative and executive branches of government have performed their duty, as guardians of the people, or assumed to themselves, or exercised, other or greater powers than they are entitled to by the constitution.—They are also to enquire, whether the public taxes have been justly laid and collected in all parts of this commonwealth—in what manner the public monies have been disposed of—and whether the laws have been duly executed. For these purposes they shall have power to send for persons, papers, and records—they shall have authority to pass public censures, to order impeachments, and to recommend to the legislature the repealing such laws as shall appear to them to have been passed contrary to the principles of the constitution: these powers they shall continue to have for and during the space of one year from the day of their election, and no longer. The said Council of Censors shall also have power to call a convention, to meet within two years after their sitting, if there appears to them an absolute necessity of amending any article of this constitution, which may be defective—explaining such as may be thought not clearly expressed—and of adding such as are necessary for the
preservation of the rights and happiness of the people; but the articles to be amended, and the amendments proposed, and such articles as are proposed to be added or abolished, shall be promulgated at least six months before the day appointed for the election of such convention, for the previous consideration of the people, that they may have an opportunity of instructing their delegates on the subject."
It is probably generally known that a similar feature existed in the first constitution of Pennsylvania, anterior by many years to that of Vermont; yet it is known to but a few that this principle originated in the luminous mind of Dr. Franklin, who is justly to be considered as the author of that constitution. We wish not, in the remarks we are about to offer, to be understood as unequivocally expressing our approbation of this principle; although we are persuaded that much good would necessarily flow from its adoption. It is true that the constitution in which it first appeared, has long since perished. Its early dissolution, however, is not to be ascribed to this circumstance; but to the peculiar organization of the legislative and executive departments of the government. The former was composed of a single branch, while the latter extended the principle of plurality to an almost unprecedented length.
During the existence of this constitution, a Council of Censors was organized, at a period not the most propitious to fair experiment. Pennsylvania was then divided by furious parties, alternately acquiring the ascendancy over each other. In addition to this, she had just emerged from the perils and distresses of the revolution; and she contained, in her bosom, a powerful body of men, who, from the first moment the constitution was framed, had sworn its destruction. With all these embarrassments, the Council of Censors met, it is believed, in the year 1734. It proceeded with assiduity to discharge the great and delicate duties assigned it. Its first session was stormy. The avowed enemies of the constitution, considering themselves as the majority, pursued a course but too well calculated to subvert it, and particularly to draw down disgrace upon this peculiar feature. In these views they were, however, decisively arrested, by the complexion of the body at its second session, which owing to a partial change of its members and the influence of public opinion, assumed an entirely new character. Nor can we here omit to do justice to one of the venerable patriots of the revolution, George Bryan, whose political integrity and republican simplicity were thrown into uncommon prominence by a natural sagacity and a fund of acquired knowledge rarely possessed by the same individual. This man, supplying a vacancy occasioned by the resignation of a member who sat in the first session, became the leader of the body. No less firm in his principles than moderate and mild in his manners, his ideas were all

most implicitly adopted. The course of legislative and executive procedure for the past four years was rigidly investigated; errors were found to have been committed by political friends as well as foes, and the Censors, with more than Roman honesty, treated both sides with indiscriminate impartiality. The spectacle was interesting and honorable. The aberrations of the government from the path of duty were marked with great nicety, and censure correspondently imposed; a repeal of such laws as were considered either unconstitutional or unjust was recommended to the ensuing legislature. The Council dissolved. Its address and its measures went before the people. And never did a more republican legislature convene, than that called into existence at the ensuing elections. The public sentiment, approving the acts of the Council, sent to the legislative body characters of the same political sentiments, who complied with almost the whole of the recommendations of the Council, by the repeal of unconstitutional or obnoxious laws.
So far then as this example goes, it serves to illustrate the great benefits derivable from this particular institution. The subject opens a wide field for animadversion, in which we cannot, from the want of room, at present indulge. We may hereafter, when this case shall be removed, attempt some further speculations on it. In the mean time, we shall have answered one good purpose, if we have succeeded in awakening the curiosity of our readers to the proceedings of the Council in Vermont, who are about to commence their sittings.
The Legislature of Massachusetts met on the 28th ult. In the Senate, 19 votes were given to John Bacon, (republican) and 18 to H. G. Otis, (federal) as Speaker. Of course there was no choice. The same attempt was repeated, attended by the same result, four successive times, when it was determined that the senior member of the body should preside pro-tempore. In the House of Representatives 465 members attended, of which 257 voted for Perez Morton, (republican) and 204 for Timothy Bigelow, (federal) as Speaker.
It is hence reduced to a certainty that the House of Representatives are decidedly republican. We offer our congratulations on this event.
The election in New-York has terminated in the choice of fifteen republicans and two federalists; and not in the choice of three federalists, as stated on the authority of a New-York Print. Is not this complete triumph of the republicans a demonstration that, however divided they may be on local concerns, they are firmly united in the maintenance of national principles, and the support of those who administer their national concerns in the true spirit of republicanism?
Of the congeniality of East Florida to the growth of the coffee plant we have been for some time apprised; but it is from the following notice that we learn that complete success has attended the trials which have been made in cultivating it. We have heard it said that the coffee tree is likely to flourish throughout nearly the whole extent of the province. If this shall prove true, and we shall acquire this country, we shall find the fullest remuneration for the expence it may involve. We shall have taken a decisive step towards a more complete independence of the European world, in case her injustice shall compel us to withdraw from a commercial intercourse with her. While should that commercial intercourse be continued and extended, which is almost certain, we shall have a new and invaluable staple to exchange for her manufactures.
EAST FLORIDA. About 9 months ago the coffee plant was introduced from Cuba, and planted at Cape Florida. It has succeeded beyond the most sanguine expectation, & no doubts are entertained, that it will become the staple article in East Florida. This information was given us by a gentleman, who is lately arrived here from Cape Florida.
Charleston Courier. The following is a specimen of the animated and jovial strain in which the National Register hails the new political era in Massachusetts.—
"PROUDLY triumphant be the spirit of republicanism. This day is Massachusetts regenerated in political principle. To-day federalism is disrobed of the attire of office, and the government restored to the confidence of its friends and the custody of its friends. Let the hearts of freemen be cheerful, for we have now joy over a repentant sinner. This day shall be an epoch in the history of the nation. America will be enlivened by the return of an important member to the family of the union. The prodigal had been long estranged from domestic harmony—thrice welcome be her restoration to the paths of integrity. No event since the change in the national executive has been more propitious. MASSACHUSETTS, the most wealthy, the most extensive and the most powerful of the United States, has been for five years arrayed in hostility against the administration of the constitution. Intelligent and independent as are her citizens, they have been made the subjects of delusion, subverting the designs of ambition. Deception has been their guide, falsehood and folly their leading strings. The pretensions of federalism were plausible, and the honest yeoman was unconscious of her artifices. She
boasted of disinterested motives, and the industrious mechanic suspended not her measures. She arrogated an illustrious reputation, and assuming the name of WASHINGTON, would fain have persuaded the world that she inherited his mantle also. WASHINGTON became the rallying word to electioneering aspersions, of as much use as the contest as the incantation of jugglers, diverting the attention from the vileness of the imposture. But the principles of that great man were as abhorrent to the policy of federalists as the virtues of his character to their arts of baseness. He cultivated a spirit of harmony, they speak the language of discord. He died in prayers for the integrity of the union, they are driven from the government in struggles for its dissolution. Yet was the profanation of his name long successful. To Americans there was a spell in the sound which forbid suspicion. It was hard to believe it could be so basely prostituted. But the moment of conviction has arrived, and this day witnesses a solemn expression of retributive indignation. From this day, we trust, forever, THE GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS WILL BE DECIDEDLY REPUBLICAN."
"On an event so auspicious we may be indulged the luxury of anticipation. Formal, distant, and distrustful has been our connexion with the sister states. Coldly reproachful our treatment of the general government. Confidence and harmony have been no part of our enjoyments. Henceforth the scene is changed. "Harmony is restored to social intercourse." In the state and national administrations there will be a perfect coincidence. Personal animosity will cease. Local distinctions will be done away. The government will assume a decided and consistent tone. The tolerated abuses of five years will be removed. The business of the province will be investigated and the rents of the property secured to the people. The President of the United States will be respectfully noticed—the policy of his conduct will be recognized, and the measures of his administration sanctioned. "No subject of national importance will probably occur during the present meeting of the legislature. The organization of the government will be the principal business of the session. This accomplished, and the local concerns of the state disposed of, the several branches will separate with the exciting consideration, that through their agency, MASSACHUSETTS will be reinstated in pre-eminent importance among the members of the union."
London paper. Culture of Coffee in India. Some experiments have been made in the culture of coffee, and have been attended with such extraordinary success that it has been represented to the board of trade, that in the course of a few years the largest investments of coffee, equal to any growth in the West Indies, may be provided on very low terms.
The ship owners of London have, at a general meeting, determined to petition parliament against the bill to allow the governors of the British West India Islands to suspend the navigation act in favor of American vessels trading at the island.
New-York, May 29. A gentleman, who arrived at Boston on Saturday from the Cape of Good Hope, observes, "that the consul of the United States, (John Elmslie, esq.) who had remained in Capetown, unacknowledged, for several years by the Dutch, was publicly announced and received as the American consul, by the British commander in chief, as soon as the colonial government was reinstated. This circumstance with many other evidences of friendship, renders it a duty to say, that in all the numerous applications which the Americans have made to Sir David Baird, on a variety of business, since he has acted as governor of the colony, the most prompt attention, and gentlemanlike deportment, have always marked his conduct to the applicants; and a commercial intercourse between the United States and the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, which will be reciprocally advantageous, may with confidence be expected, while such a man as Sir David Baird administers the concerns of its government."
CHERBOURG, 1st May, 1805. To the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser. "SIR, We have the pleasure of advising you that, in consequence of the solicitations of our house, and some friends, government has just now given to this port the privilege of entrepôt all permitted foreign goods in the private stores of the merchants, so that the duties thereon need not be paid before they are sold. This favor has been granted on the simple condition of renouncing the re-exporting, which is now the only difference existing between this port and the other regular entrepôts of France. All American produce are in demand and rising; Guadalupe and Martinique coffee 62 to 63s. St. Domingo 60s. upland cotton 43s. W. I. brown raw sugars 95 at 97 10s."
New York, May 29. Captain Wadsworth, from Carraccas, informs us that general Miranda left Aruba, (where he had been 12 days) on the 15th of April, for Bonavista. His force consisted of the Leader, and two schooners from Jacquamel, one of which was taken on the Spanish coast after an obstinate engagement in which the captain and several of the crew were killed.
This intelligence was received at Carraccas on the day captain Wadsworth sailed, by a dispatch boat from Porto Cavello.
May 2, 1806. At a meeting of the Board of General Superintendence of Fire Companies, it was resolved that the following rules and regulations be recommended to the several fire companies of the city of Washington, and that they meet in their respective wards on Tuesday the 10th inst. for the purpose of taking the same into consideration.
Article 1st. Each company shall appoint as many of their members as they may deem expedient to act as officers at the time of fire, under the following denominations, viz. Engineers, Ladder-men, Ladder-men, Centinels and Furniture-men, whose respective duties shall be as follows, viz.
The Engineers shall have charge of the engine and apparatus thereunto belonging; shall be responsible for having them conveyed to and from fires; for keeping them in repair at the expence of their respective companies, and shall have the entire management of them at fires.
The Ladder-men shall form and continue lanes, to supply the engines with water.
The Ladder-men shall have charge of the ladders, axes, hooks, &c. shall be responsible for keeping them in repair at the expence of their respective companies, for conveying them to and from fires, and shall use their endeavors to arrest the progress of the fire, by cutting and removing such combustible matter as may endanger property by communication.
The centinels shall be chargeable for the safe keeping and protection of all moveable property which may be committed to their care.
The Furniture-men, shall, when practicable enter such houses as are on fire, or in danger of getting on fire, and remove therefrom, and depo it in the custody of the centinels all the moveables. They shall be careful that no person but themselves, or such persons as they may select, or the proprietors enter any house for that purpose.
Article 2. The badges or marks of distinction for the forgoing officers shall be as follows, viz.
For Engineers, a hat with a white crown, with the word Engineer in white on a black oval in front of the hat, and they shall carry a bright tin speaking trumpet.
For Ladder-men, the hat with black crown and white brim, and to carry a white staff four feet long.
For Ladder-men, the hat with a white crown with a representation of a ladder in front, in black.
For Furniture-men, the hat, white crown, with the word Furniture in black on the front of the hat.
For Centinels, the hat white with the word Centinel in black in front, and to carry a white staff six feet long, with an esponton at one end of it.
Art. 3. The engineers, & other officers above-mentioned attached to an engine or engines, that may not be in operation, shall unite themselves to the assistance of those companies whose engines are in actual service.
JAMES HOBAN, President of the Board of General Superintendence.
The UNION FIRE COMPANY will meet in the Council Chamber at 6 o'clock afternoon. June 4—
FOR SALE.
THAT extensive and valuable estate formerly owned by Pretty Thornton, esq. and late the property of Sharp Delany, esq. deceased, situated in Northumberland county Virginia, three miles from the Court House, and lying on the Potomac nearly opposite to Point Look Out.
The property consists of about 2500 acres, 1700 of which is fertile low grounds, well adapted to the growth of Indian corn, tobacco and all kinds of small grain, and highly important for grazing—These lands naturally rich and fertile are capable of the highest improvement, having inexhaustible sources of sea weed cat upon the shores, easily obtained; large quantities of oyster shells on the shores, and in Indian banks on different parts of the river; some valuable m. easily reclaimed may be adpted to grals or culture.
There is on the premises a substantial built brick dwelling house two stories high, upwards of eighty feet front, well finished, two well built brick houses forming a square with the dwelling house & used as offices. Upwards of 30 by 20 feet in good repair; a brick stable with stalls for 24 horses and a large coach house in the middle; a brick dairy and a brick fill house, also an extensive frame barn. There is a large proportion of wood lands included in the 1700 acres, heavily covered with white oak, hickory, and chesnut, and a considerable quantity of thriving locust, red cedar and wild cherry.
The high land consisting of 800 or more acres is of a good quality, level and affords a good opportunity of improvement.
This property will be sold together or divided into convenient farms, to suit purchasers, and possession will be immediately given Any further description is thought unnecessary as persons inclined to purchase will no doubt view the lands.
Application to be made to John Murphy of Westmoreland county, or James Moore on the premises, who are duly authorized to make conditional contracts for the same. June 4—w2m
Advertisement.
THIS is to give Notice that ICE can be had every day between the hours of 10 and 12 o'clock on very reasonable terms, at the intersection of South Capitol Street and Georgia avenue, near captain Barry's whar.
J. POOL, G. BARRY. Washington, June 4—tawgw
SALE AT AUCTION.
AT the house occupied by WILLIAM WOODWARD next door to Messrs Way's printing office, near the Centre Market on Saturday next being the 7th June at 10 o'clock, M. will commence the sale of a handsome assortment of good Household and Kitchen Furniture, consisting of Mahogany Dining Tables, Desk, Tea Urn Set, &c. &c. Terms cash, on delivery of the goods. JOHN STEPHEN, Auct.
June 4—2t
WM. S. NICHOLLS.
Has removed his store to the house, lately occupied by Mr. MELVIN, next door to Mr. John G. Guiding, where he has just received from Philadelphia, and are now opening a very handsome assortment of Spring and Summer Goods, consisting of
 Cambic muffs, crapes,  Dimities and cambric Lappet lace cambric dimity and tambored  Calicoes and chintzes, flannels,  linen shirts, Satin pelangs,  Long lawns, White and pink Liff-  Linen cambrics, nets,  Pink and buff cross bar Ladies parfoies, ginghams, Umbrellos,  Checks and stripe cotton and silk Ribbons, tons, lace and edgings,  Silk, cotton, and thread Fans, assorted, hosiery, Diapers,  Silk and cotton Chin Garrahs and bates and berry muffs, thin India muffs,  Back and colored Lute Dowdles and Ticklenburgs,  Plaid Matresses, Bandana and Madras Plain do handkerchiefs,  ilk and kid gloves, Brown Holland,  Men's raw silk beavershirt and dress buttons, and thread do. Cigaret and Passepartout,  Cotton calicoes, Superfine blue and drab Yellow and blue nan- cloths,  keens, London hats,  Plain colored do. Sewing silk of all kinds  Fancy Marceilles waist-Thread tape, and bob coating, lin.  Do. Jams and Mus-Tortoise shell combs, lace, Morocco Shoes with white Ladi dimity, many other goods  Handsome silk S. wls which will be sold on & Handkerchiefs, the lowest terms,  Black and white Italian 
FOR CASH ONLY.
June 4—4w
Richard & Lynde Elliott
Have on hands and for sale at their store near the county wharf, New-York prime Pork by the bbl. Sait field bacon by the hundred, stued and herring by the bbl. Cheddar and Goshen cheese by the hundred, or single cheese. Cider by the bbl. cider vinegar by the bbl. or gallon, with a variety of articles in the grocery line.
ALSO, about 400 bushels New England potatoes in good order for planting—2 or 300 of the above cheese may be had at from 6 to 10 cents per pound. w3t George Town. June 4,
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shewn by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON, Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
FOR SALE.
Treasury Department, Washington May 3rd, 1806.
Notice is hereby Given,
That sealed proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as Agent for the commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 13th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz. Eight per cent. Old Six per cent. and Deferred Six per cent. stocks, with the dividends payable on the first of July next off.
Such persons as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above-mentioned stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals sealed up, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein the unredeemed amount and species of said stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same, which proposals will be opened on the 13th day of June next, in the manner directed by law.
In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber, in trust for the United States. TH: T. TUCKER, Treasurer United States. May 5—epr21.
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL.
Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, fine and double milled calicoes, Bennets patent cord, woolverteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk molekins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coating, flushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion.
N. B. Ldges habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf
PURSUANT to a decree of the foreign court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed, to sale in lots of Land in the county of Loudoun, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1097 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and supposed to contain about 1240 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of obtaining the sum of about 6000 dollars, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the decree mentioned. The sale will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudoun. THOS. SWANN, 7 commis. WILSON S. LOEN, 3 do. April 23—wdf
The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to purchase under the above decree (which was obtained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him), that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatsoever, the procuring a title to perfect such title of the Land; the attempt to which is a vague and ill tempered effort.
THOS. A. DIGGES, Warrenton, Maryland, April 23—153.
The public are notified, and all persons are warned against purchasing certain lands in Loudoun county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swan and Sedden, to be sold at Leesburg on the 13th day of June next; the fee of said estate being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges of Maryland, an infant under age. ROBERT BRENT, attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges. City of Washington, April 28—four3
DR. BRISCOE,
ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, A few doors west of the seven Bandings, tenders his services to the citizens of Washington and its vicinity, in the practice of Physic, Surgery &c. He has lately opened a Medical store at his residence, where a supply of useful and cheap medicines may be had. May 26—w1m
TO RENT,
THE COMMODOUS BRICK STORRS near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE,
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a fine lake house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and included with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large town or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid. Note.—If not sold, it will be let for the season: April 16—tf
A BARGAIN.
THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the feythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom ledge, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may, with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searcy residing on the farm will shew it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton, Washington. Isaac Polock, Fruit Hill,
Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan. 29—eprf
TO RENT.
THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison, esq. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis's Debts on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Hewitt, esq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOSS, City of Washington, March 14—tawgw

PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
(CONTINUED.)
29. From Suffield by Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield, Greenfield, Brattleboro, Putney, Westminster, Walpole, Guilford, W. Athersfield, Windham, Hartford and Hartford, to Hanover, twice a week.
Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m arrive at Northampton by 1 p m; leave Northampton at 1 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m arrive at Windham on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windham at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Hanover by 6 p m.
Returning. —Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m arrive at Windham by noon. Leave Windham at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday & Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 3 p m.
30. From Shrewsbury by Holden, Rutland, Oakham, Hardwick, Greenfield, Pelham and Amherst, to Northampton, once a week.
Leave Shrewsbury every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton by 10 a m on Thursday.
Leave Northampton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Shrewsbury on Friday by 6 p m.
31. From Hartford by Granby, Granville, Plainfield, Sandisfield and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge, once a week.
Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Stockbridge every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 a m.
32. From East Bridgewater by Middleboro' East meeting-house, to Rochester, once a week.
Leave East Bridgewater every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Rochester by 11 a m.
Leave Rochester every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at East Bridgewater by 3 p m.
33. From Brookfield by Brimfield and Stafford Springs, to Tolland, once a week.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Tolland by 6 p m.
Leave Tolland on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 6 p m.
IN CONNECTICUT.
34. From Pomfret by Gloucester to Providence, once a week.
Leave Pomfret every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Providence by 5 p m.
Leave Providence every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Pomfret by 3 p m.
35. From Hartford by Glastonbury and Colchester, to New London once a week.
Leave Hartford every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New London by 6 p m.
Leave New London every Tuesday by 6 a m and arrive at Hartford by 6 p m.
IN NEW YORK.
36. From Coeymans by Springfield, Rensselaer, and Bridge-water, to Sangerfield, once a week.
Leave Coeymans every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Sangerfield on Tuesday by 11 a m.
Leave Sangerfield every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Coeymans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
37. From Harrisburg by Williamstown, Ogdensburg, Potsdam and Chateaugay, to Plattsburg, once in two weeks.
Leave Harrisburg every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plattsburg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
Leave Plattsburg every other Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Harrisburg on Friday by 6 p m.
38. From Rome by Redfield, Adams', Smith's mills and Sacket Harbor, to Cheneau, once in two weeks.
Leave Rome every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Cheneau on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Cheneau every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome on Saturday by 6 p m.
39. From Bath by Canajoharie town Danville and Williamstown, to Hartford, once a week.
Leave Bath every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Hartford on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Hartford every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Bath on Tuesday by 6 p m.
40. From Onondaga by Tully, Homer and Virgil, to Oswego, once in two weeks.
Leave Onondaga every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Oswego on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Oswego every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Onondaga on Friday by 6 p m.
41. From Westhampton to Riverhead, once a week.
Leave Westhampton every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Riverhead by 9 a m.
Leave Riverhead every Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Westhampton by 2 p m.
42. From New Lebanon, by Hancock, Richmond, Lenox, Lee, Berk- with, Loudon and Sandisfield, to New Hartford in Conn. once a week.
Leave New Lebanon every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at New Hartford on Friday by 10 a m.
Leave New Hartford every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at New Lebanon on Saturday by 6 p m.
43. From Albany by Schenectady, Amsterdam, Triphill, Palatine, Little Falls and Herkimer to Utica.
Leave Albany every day, Sunday excepted, at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady by 10 a m.
Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 1/2 a m and arrive at Utica on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 4 p m.
Returning. —Leave Utica every Monday Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 1 p m.
Leave Schenectady every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 p m and arrive at Albany by 7 p m.
44. From Utica by New Hartford, Westmoreland, Oneida, Sullivan, Canadaseaga, Manlius, Onondaga, Marcellus, Aurelius, Cayuga and Geneva, to Canandauqua twice a week.
Leave Utica every Sunday and Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Canandauqua on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Returning. —Leave Canandauqua every Tuesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Utica the next Thursday and Sunday by 7 p m.
45. From Utica by Whitesboro, to Rome, twice a week.
Leave Utica every Sunday & Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome by 11 a m.
Leave Rome every Sunday & Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Utica by 7 p m.
46. From Schenectady by Ballston Springs, Saratoga Springs, Greenfield, Hadley, Milton, Charlton, Galloway, Ballston Springs and Ballston, to Schenectady once a week.
Leave Schenectady every Tuesday & Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Ballston Springs by 7 p m.
Leave Ballston Springs every Wednesday at 6 a m arrive at Hadley by 3 p m & return to Ballston Springs on Thursday by noon; leave Ballston Springs every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Schenectady by 11 a m.
47. From Belvidere to Stroudsburg, in Pa. once in two weeks.
Leave Belvidere every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Stroudsburg by 11 a m.
Leave Stroudsburg every other Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Belvidere by 7 p m.
IN PENNSYLVANIA.
48. From Berlin by Salisbury to Cumberland, once a week.
Leave Berlin every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Cumberland by 6 p m.
Leave Cumberland every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Berlin by 6 p m.
49. From Greensburg to Kittanning, once a week.
Leave Greensburg every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Kittanning by 6 p m.
Leave Kittanning every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Greensburg by 6 p m.
50. From Tunckhannock by Willingboro' & Sidney to Chenang point, N. Y. once in two weeks.
Leave Tunckhannock every other Monday at 6 a m & Chenang point on Tuesday by 11 a m.
Leave Chenang point every other Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Tunckhannock on Wednesday by 6 p m.
51. From Greensburg by Mount Pleasant, Robbstown, Williamsport, Washington & Alexandria to Wheeling in Virg. once in two weeks.
Leave Greensburg every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Wheeling on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Wheeling every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Greensburg on Saturday by 6 p m.
52. From Gettysburg by Miller's town, Nicholson's gap and Waynesburg to Greencastle once a week.
Leave Gettysburg every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Greencastle by 11 a m.
Leave Greencastle every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Gettysburg by 7 p m.
53. From Northumberland by Milton, Muncy, Williamsport, Delmar, Tioga & Lindsley town to Painted Post, once a week.
Leave Northumberland every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Painted Post the next Tuesday by 10 a m.
Leave Painted Post every Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Northumberland the next Friday by 6 p m.
54. From Carlisle by Mannahan, Warrington, Berlin, Abbot's town, Hanover & Reister's town, to Baltimore, Md. once a week.
Leave Carlisle every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday by 6 p m.
Leave Baltimore every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Carlisle on Saturday by 6 p m.
IN OHIO.
55. From Aultsburg by Jefferson & Pierpont to Erie, in Penn. once in two weeks.
Leave Aultsburg every other Sunday at 4 a m & arrive at Erie on Monday by 10 a m.
Leave Erie every other Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Aultsburg on Tuesday by 8 p m.
56. From Franklinton to Worthington once in two weeks.
Leave Franklinton every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Worthington by noon.
Leave Worthington every other Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at Franklinton by 6 p m.
57. From Cincinnati by North Bend, to Laurenceburg, I. T. once a week.
Leave Cincinnati every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Laurenceburg by 9 p m.
Leave Laurenceburg every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Cincinnati by 6 p m.
IN DELAWARE.
58. From Christiana by Newark to Strasburg, Pa. once a week.
Leave Christiana every Tuesday at 5 a m & arrive at Strasburg by 7 p m.
Leave Strasburg every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Christiana by 7 p m.
59. From Georgetown by Concord to Laurel, once a week.
Leave Georgetown every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Laurel by 6 p m.
Leave Laurel every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m.
IN VIRGINIA.
60. From Lynchburg by Bethell, Pedlar mills and Wincanton, to Lexington, once a week.
Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Lexington by 6 p m.
Leave Lexington every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Lynchburg by 6 p m.
61. From Waterford by Snickers gap, R. Braden's store, J. Janny's store, Upperville and Israel Janny's mill, to Waterford, once a week.
Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Upperville by 6 p m.
Leave Upperville every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Waterford by 6 p m.
62. From Wythe c h by Tazewell c h Russell c h and Lee c h to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks.
Leave Wythe c h every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Robinson's mills on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Robinson's mills every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Wythe c h on Thursday by 6 p m.
IN NORTH CAROLINA.
63. From Wilmington by Conwayboro' to Georgetown, S.C. once a week.
Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Georgetown on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Georgetown every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m.
64. From Wilkesboro' to Ashe c h once a week.
Leave Wilkesboro' every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Ashe c h by 6 p m.
Leave Ashe c h every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilkesboro' by 6 p m.
IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
65. From Porters Ferry to Conwayboro' once a week.
Leave Porters Ferry every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Conwayboro' by 2 p m.
Leave Conwayboro' every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Porters Ferry on Sunday by 10 a m.
IN GEORGIA.
66. From Washington to Petersburg, once a week.
Leave Washington every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Petersburg by noon.
Leave Petersburg every Monday at noon, & arrive at Washington by 6 p m.
67. From Athens by Tellico, to Knoxville, T. once in two weeks.
Leave Athens every other Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Knoxville the next Monday by 10 a m.
Leave Knoxville every other Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Athens the next Monday by 10 a m.
IN KENTUCKY.
68. From Newcastle by Gallatin c h and Boone c h to Lawrenceburg, I. T. once a week.
Leave Newcastle every Wednesday at 4 a m & arrive at Lawrenceburg by 6 p m.
Leave Lawrenceburg every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Newcastle by 8 p m.
IN TENNESSEE.
69. From Lebanon by Keersph and Carthage, to Mount Granger, once in two weeks.
Leave Lebanon every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Mount Granger by 6 p m.
Leave Mount Granger every other Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Lebanon by 6 p m.
70. From Nashville to Charlotte, once a week.
Leave Nashville every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Charlotte by noon.
Leave Charlotte every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Nashville by 8 p m.
71. From Burville by Walnut Cove and Guitwood, on the turnpike road, to Wayne or Pulaski c h Ky. once in two weeks.
Leave Burville every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Wayne c h on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Wayne c h every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Burville on Tuesday by 11 a m.
72. From Palmyra by Stewart c h to Eddyville, once in two weeks.
Leave Palmyra every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Eddyville on Sunday by noon.
Leave Eddyville every other Thursday at noon, and arrive at Palmyra on Friday by 6 p m.
IN MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.
73. From Nashville T by Franklin T Ock-hoppe and McIntoshville, to Walnut Hills, once a week.
Leave Nashville every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Walnut Hills the next Thursday by 6 p m.
Leave Walnut Hills every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Nashville on Thursday by 6 p m.
74. From Walnut Hills by Grindstone Ford, Port Gibson, Greenville, Hunsford, Washington, Natchez, Fort Adams, Pinckneyville, Thompson's creek, Buller's plains, Baton Rouge, Iberville, Maclure, Abbeville, La Forch German coast, & Red church, to New Orleans, once a week.
Leave Walnut Hills every Friday at 4 a m arrive at Natchez on Saturday by 5 p m and at New Orleans the next Thursday by 10 a m.
Returning. —Leave New Orleans every Friday at 2 p m arrive at Natchez on Tuesday by 6 p m and at Walnut Hills on Thursday by 6 p m.
75. From Natchez by Fort St. Stephens, to Fort Stoddert, once a month.
Leave Natchez the first Monday in every month, at 6 a m and arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Fort Stoddert the second Monday in every month, and arrive at Natchez the next Sunday by 6 p m.
76. From Natchez by Caddo's ferry, Catahoula, and Rapid, to Nachitoches, once a month.
Leave Natchez the first Monday in every month at 6 a m & arrive at Nachitoches the next Thursday by 3 p m. Leave Nachitoches the next day, Friday, at 6 a m and arrive at Natchez the next Tuesday by 6 p m.
IN ORLEANS TERRITORY.
77. From Rapid or Alexandria, to Opelouso, once in two weeks.
Leave Alexandria every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Opelouso by 3 p m.
Leave Opelouso every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 8 p m.
NOTES.
1 The Post Master-General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
6. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August, and November; one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Post Master-General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 14, are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and to continue in force for two years, from that time; for the routes No. 15 to 57, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year; and for the routes No. 58 to 77, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force until the 3rd day of March 1809.
GIBBON GRANGER. Post Master-General. General Post-Office, Washington? City, May 19—wt Aug. 3
FOR SALE,
A quantity of the first quality
New England POTATOES for feed
at G. Coombe's, Lumber Yard, Greenleaf's
Point, City of City of Washington. May 28—3t
NOTICE.
It is hereby given that the sale of property for TAXES due the Corporation of Washington, advertised for this day, is postponed until Friday the 20th day of June next, and if the taxes are not paid on or before the said 20th day of June, the sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. at the City Treasurer's office. By order of the Council of Washington, WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City. May 30—tdf
WILL BE SOLD,
ON Wednesday the 4th of June next at the house of the subscriber, at 12 o'clock, the personal estate of John Pitman Lovell, deceased, consisting of Looks, Household Furniture &c. &c. Terms of sale, for all sums under twenty dollars cash, and all sums above twenty dollars six months credit, with interest from date of sale, by giving approved security. N. L. QUEEN, Auctioneer. May 30—3t
Fifteen dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living in the district of Columbia, near Tenley Town, on the 27th of May, a negro man named GE