The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-12-02 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCLXXXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 2nd, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, Oct. 26, 1803.
DEBATE on the AMENDMENT to the CONSTITUTION,
(Mr. HUGER, concluded.)
Thirteen colonies at this time composing the United States, spread over an extensive continent, having been threatened with a privation of their rights and liberties, were induced to form a league offensive and defensive, and to unite for their mutual and common defence. After a bloody though not inglorious contest, they severed themselves forever from the mother country, and they became and were acknowledged as 13 independent and distinct republics or sovereignties. Under what gloomy and critical circumstances they found themselves for some few years after the close of the war, it would be superfluous for me to detail to this house. Let it suffice to say, that their situation was such as to alarm all classes of our citizens, and to threaten complete anarchy, perhaps political disolution, unless some bond of union, better adapted to their wants and necessities than the original confederacy could be established. That band of worthies therefore, as they have been aptly styled, were sent from twelve I believe, of the states, who, having met together in convention, ultimately formed that compact, which having been since ratified by all the states, now happily unites us in one great union. But by whom and by what authority were the members of the convention delegated? Whom did they represent when assembled together? They were not, it must be acknowledged, even in the degree that the members of this House are, the immediate representatives of the people, inhabiting that part of this vast continent in which the United States are comprised. They were not elected by the people at large, nor did they represent them in their original and individual capacities. No, Sir, they were sent to represent the interests and views of thirteen distinct sovereignties; they were appointed by the governments of the different states and they held their authority from the states, as states, and not from the people of the United States generally and indiscriminately. When met therefore, in convention, their object was not to form one general consolidated government for the inhabitants scattered over this vast territory, but to modify still further, and to draw still closer the bands of alliance, by which these states were already connected. And it cannot surely be forgotten, that one of the strongest objections, one of those most insisted on against the constitution, was, that federative principles had not been sufficiently retained, or rather that they had been totally abandoned, and that the constitution approached too nearly to a consolidation of the different members of the confederacy, and one general national government. It is not necessary for me here to detail the difficulties, which opposed themselves to the formation and adoption of any compact, more efficient than that of the old confederacy, nor would the opportunities I have had of knowing them, (for I was not only under age, but absent from America, when the convention met) enable me to do justice to the subject. Every one knows, however, that difficulties without number did present themselves, and that the convention was more than once on the eve of dissolving itself without agreeing upon any thing. It is a fact equally well ascertained, that the great bone of contention, the point of all others, which it was most difficult to adjust, was the jarring interests and opposite pretensions of the large and small states. This was the point upon which the whole business turned, and gentlemen will see at once the justice of the remark, when they recollect that although every other amendment whatever, after the year eighteen hundred and eight, may be made to the constitution, by two thirds of both houses of congress, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the states, yet a single exception is made, and it is particularly specified, that no state without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate.
Why then this single exception, but because the interest and opposite pretensions of the large and small states were the great bone of contention, and the equal suffrage in the senate the great, the essential compromise between these conflicting interests and pretensions? But this though the most important, the
sine qua non of any compromise, was by no means the only compromise, which took place between them.
The great outlines of the Constitution were I presume, Mr. Speaker, agreed on without much difficulty and pretty generally acquiesced in. It was understood on all hands, that the government should be formed on republican principles—that the great departments, of which it must necessarily consist, should be distinct and as far as possible, independent of each other—the difficulty was in the detail, and more especially in respect to the quantum of state sovereignty, which was to be yielded to the union, and the degree of influence, which was to be respectively given up or retained by the large and small states. Both were at that time, independent of each other, and perfectly equal in their rights and sovereign powers; though very unequal in size, strength, wealth and population. The basis of a republican government however, is no doubt the will of the people, and that will could only be expressed and brought into action in a country as extensive as ours, by representation and elections. How then was that representation to be apportioned and those elections organized. To adopt the most common and simple principle in the abstract; and allow the representation to depend entirely on numbers, and the elections to be made indiscriminately and without modification by the people at large, would have been to put an end at once and at one blow to all state sovereignty, to amalgamate the inhabitants of thirteen free and independent Republics into one common mass, and to place the smaller and more feeble completely and forever at the mercy of the more powerful and larger states. But was this done, was such a result desirable; would the states at that day have acquiesced in any similar arrangement? Most certainly not, and consequently a totally different modification and compromise took place. The legislative department of the government was divided into two distinct branches—a Senate and House of Representatives. In the latter it is true, the principal of numbers and population was to a certain degree adopted, yet still under very important modifications and with evident deviation from the abstract principle. In the first place, a certain class of people, who unfortunately existed in one portion of the Union, though not allowed any immediate interest themselves in the government and regarded rather as property than as beings entitled to any civil or political rights, were included at a certain ratio, in the calculation of the number of Representatives who were to have a seat in this house. This difficult and knotty point happily settled, it was in the second place, determined, that the members of this body, though understood to be the immediate representative of the People, should not be elected by the people of the United States at large, as one people; but its share of the whole representation according to the ratio and in conformity to the compromise above specified, was apportioned to each respective state and is to be exclusively elected by the people of that state. Notwithstanding every modification however, which could be devised, it was evident and perfectly understood, that although the smaller states would have a voice and proportionate vote, yet the interest and the will of the larger must virtually prevail in the house of representatives, and that they would in fact dispose of this body at their will. As a partial check, therefore, as some little safeguard against this overweening power on their part—the federative principle was completely retained in its utmost purity and without the smallest modification in the other branch of the legislature, the Senate; and not only an equal vote and representation is given to all the states, however large, or however small; but the members who compose the senate, are not even to be elected by the people of the several states, but are to be chosen by and immediately to represent the government of each individual state. The difficulties which presented themselves in organizing the legislative department of the government being thus surmounted and compromised, another question no less embarrassing and difficult to solve arose, viz. in what manner the executive powers ought to be disposed of.
Before I proceed to investigate this part of the constitution—it may not be amiss Mr. Speaker, to observe—that in the formation of any political association upon free principles, it has ever been deemed the Gordian-knot, the great desideratum, to find out and to ascertain the best mode of disposing of and organizing the executive branch of the
government, nor is the experiment, which these states are now (I trust successfully) making of the practicability of uniting to vast a territory, as comprised in the American confederacy, under one general and national government, (founded on free and republican principles,) more interesting or important to the interests of mankind, in any one point of view than as relates to the creation and disposal of the executive power. The history and experience of past ages shews us indeed, the rocks and quicksands, among which our bark may probably be stranded and wrecked; but we are still left without a chart or compass, by the assistance of which we might be enabled to avail ourselves of the mistakes and misfortunes of those who have gone before us, and flee our course in safety and security—Divide the executive power and place it in the hands of many, and you to distract, weaken and enfeeble it, that it becomes unequal to its end: the security and protection of the body politic. Hence it seems to be the received axiom, that this branch of the government should be as compact and as concentrated, as a due respect to existing circumstances may permit. A serious difficulty, nevertheless, remains yet to be gotten over, in relation to the mode and manner, in which it is to be created and brought into action. The first impulse of our feelings, and common sense untaught by experience and waving local objections, would seem no doubt to point out at once, the mode of election: yet such have been the inconveniences, such the fatal and bloody effects of creating the executive branch in this way, that we have found not only in monarchical, but in some even of those governments deemed most free, an hereditary has been thought preferable to an elective executive.
The members of the convention, however, were too well acquainted with the feelings and sentiments of the American people to hesitate long on this point, and it was consequently determined, that the executive powers should be lodged in the hands of a single individual, under the title of President, who should hold his office during the term of four years, at the end of which period a new election should take place. But the real difficulty in the organization of this department under our constitution now naturally suggests itself to the mind, viz. how, and by whom, this President was to be elected; for it must be obvious, that all those jealousies and conflicting views and interests of the large and small states, which had been happily compromised, as relates to the legislative authority would, of course, apply with increased force in the case of the executive. To divide this branch, as had been done in the former instance, would be, as I have already shown, to enfeeble it, to deprive it of all energy, to render it inefficient and entirely unequal to the purposes for which it was intended. If the executive power, on the other hand, was to be vested in a single person, and he elected by the people of the United States, or even on the modified principles upon which the members of the House of Representatives were to be elected, it followed of necessity, that the larger states would elect whom they pleased, and consequently, the executive branch of the government would be entirely under their control, and the champion and promoter of their views and interests. But the large states have an entire control over one of the two houses, of which the national legislature is composed, an equality of votes, (with all the advantages accruing from superior strength and power, and consequently superior influence) in the other. If, then in addition to all this, the election of the executive is put in their hands, you add strength to the strong, grant more power to those already too powerful, and yield up virtually to the large states that branch of the government, which not only was to have a partial veto on the proceedings of the legislature; but would probably give impulse to the whole, and be always on the watch and ever ready to avail itself of such favorable occurrences and favorable moments as might best enable them to carry their projects of aggrandizement and encroachment on their more feeble associates, into execution: On the other hand, the larger states, to whom fortune and the nature of the case necessarily gave a preponderating influence in this instance, could scarcely be expected to make a sacrifice of this advantage to the jealousies and fears of the small and weaker, and suffer them as a thing, of course, to take possession of the executive branch of the government. In this dilemma, what was done by the con-
vention. As usual, a compromise took place, and as nearly as possible, upon the same principles upon which every other provision of the constitution is predicated. It was decided that the executive power should rest in a single individual. It was agreed that he should be elected, not by the people at large, not by the people of each state in the first instance; but by a number of electors (equal to the combined representation of the states in the Senate, and that of the people of the several states in the House of Representatives) elected by the people of the several states in the proportion to which they might be respectively entitled according to the complicated ratio which had been adopted. This modified and complicated mode of election notwithstanding, it was evident the election of the President would be in the hands of the larger states. Every additional security therefore was sought for, the ingenuity of the convention was put to the rack to invent and devise some further means of quieting the fears and apprehensions of the smaller states, affording them every safeguard and putting in their hands every check which the nature of the case would admit of, against the preponderating influence of the interest opposed to them; and I have ever understood—I have ever been taught to believe by those few of the original framers of the constitution with whom I have had the happiness to be acquainted, or to converse on the subject, that this very provision which obliges the electors in each state to vote indiscriminately for two persons to fill the offices of President and Vice-President, and which it is now proposed to do away, was regarded as the best, the most effectual means, and that which did in fact tend most to sooth and quiet the fears of the smaller states, and was in this view and for this very purpose adopted as a part of the constitution. The more I turn the subject over in my mind indeed—the more closely I endeavor to examine and investigate it; the more confirmed are my impressions and convictions, that this really was the case—that the proposition to alter or amend the constitution in the manner proposed, is neither more or less than a state question, a question between the different states of the union, regarded, in their original capacity, as sovereign and independent states, a question which involves in it the vital principle upon which the Federal compact was formed, viz. a compromise between the fears and jealousies, the jarring interests and pretensions of the large and small states. I feel myself, I confess, Sir, unequal to this part of the subject—I am sensible of my inability to calculate all the chances of influence and consequent protection, which this, in my humble opinion, little understood provision, affords to the small states, or to point out the various modes in which it was anticipated, that it might and would in various instances and on various occasions operate in their favor. Waving, however, one happy and material effect, which I think, it must have in regard to the union at large, viz. that it tends to create a moral necessity on the part of the electors to bring forward the most eminent characters, as well to fill the office of Vice-President, as that of President, waving this certainly not unimportant consideration, I think I can prove to demonstration that this indiscriminate mode of electing the President and Vice-President, affords to the smaller states a degree of influence over the election, places an important barrier to the superiority which the large states possess in this instance, and in every event, and at the worst, infuses to the former a safe guard and defence against the encroachments of the latter, which they would not otherwise possess, and of which, if the proposed alteration takes place, they will be absolutely deprived of.
By that article of the constitution, to which I have so often had occasion to allude, and in which it is now the object to make so material an alteration, it is provided "that two persons shall be indiscriminately voted for as President and Vice-President, by the electors in the respective states, one of whom at least shall not be of the same state with themselves." In carrying this provision into operation, the larger states must necessarily do one of three things. They must either (in the hope of securing to themselves both the President and Vice-President) give an equal number of votes to the two candidates, whom they may agree upon, or at least a very large portion, if not exactly an equal number of votes to them both, or confining themselves to the securing the office of President to the individual whom they prefer—they must be satisfied to give
one of the two votes, to which each of their electors is entitled, exclusively to him, and throw away the other. What follows in either case. In the first place—if two candidates have an equal vote and at the same time a majority of the votes of the whole number of electors appointed, it devolves on the House of Representatives to select which of them they please as President. And as the constitution has (in the spirit I have already described, and for the purpose of affording every possible check and security to the smaller states, which the nature of the thing would permit) provided, that in every instance, in which the choice of the President devolves on the House of Representatives, the votes shall be taken by states, and the whole representation of each state shall have one equal vote—it follows of course, that in every case of this kind, they are all, large and small, placed precisely upon an equal footing. But in the case of two or more candidates having an equal vote yet less than a majority of the votes of the whole number of electors appointed, a further advantage accrues to the smaller states, for then according to the constitution, they not only vote by states, the representation of each state having one vote, but they may choose the President from the five highest candidates on the list, and of course have a wider field for choice, and a greater and even equal chance of making him President whom their electors perhaps had originally supported as such.
In order to avoid this, suppose the larger states support two candidates; giving to the one however a few less votes than to the other. What advantages in this instance are afforded to the smaller states? Why, in the first place it gives them a greater chance of bringing in their own candidate, at least as Vice-President; for their opponents in order to secure to themselves the office of President, and to avoid an ultimate election by the House of Representatives, have not thought proper to give their full support to him whom they run as Vice-President; but have thrown away from him a part of their votes. In the next place, if it is discovered, (and this will not always be as difficult a point to ascertain, as might at first view be supposed) how many votes are to be thrown away; the electors of the smaller states may give an equal number of votes, and thus putting the two candidates on an equality, bring the final election into the House of Representatives, where each state representation has an equal vote in deciding the election.
Nor is this their only alternative; for although it is true, that they will not from their inferior number of votes, have it in their power to select from all the citizens of the union, the individual, whom they might prefer, yet in the case supposed (of the larger states giving a considerable portion, though not exactly an equal number of votes to the two candidates, whom they have determined to support) the smaller states will at least have it at their option to choose between the two candidates; and by giving him their votes, ensure the election of the one of them, against whom they have the fewest objections, and who sensible that the preference given him in the election ultimately turned on their votes and possibly not being taken from the very largest and most powerful states, would probably feel less inimical to their interests, and in fact have it less in his power to injure them.
The third and last case is that, in which the large states, in order to secure the election of the individual, they wish, to the office of President, unite in giving one of the two votes, to which each elector is entitled, exclusively to him and throw away the other. The obvious and necessary consequence is, that the Vice-Presidency remains completely at the disposal of the small states, and they make whom they please Vice-President; a point of far more importance than gentlemen seem to suppose, or are perhaps aware of. It is in the first place to be recollected, that as the person, who will usually be thought most worthy of being raised to the office of chief magistrate, will most probably be advanced in years; there must be more than the common chances of his demise in the course of the term, for which he was elected, and of the heir apparent, the Vice-President consequently succeeding to his station, and becoming himself in fact the President. Exclusively however, and waving this consideration, let it be moreover recollect- ed, that the Senate have a part of the treaty making power, participate in the appointment of the judiciary and of other public officers, and form in part to a certain degree a portion of the ex-

executive branch of the government. Now all the States have an equal vote in the Senate, and the Vice-President is ex officio President of the Senate. He enjoys therefore all the influence necessarily attached to such an office and to the character of heir apparent; and he has in addition the peculiarly important right of giving the casting vote in all cases of an equality of votes in the Senate, an assembly composed of so very few members. Such then, is the importance of the Vice-Presidency, and such the influence and protection, which in every point of view the indiscriminate mode of electing the two first officers in our government affords. And is all this nothing, Sir? Does the alteration proposed, really constitute a proposition to plain, so it is evident, to unencumbered with anything like a difficulty or doubt, as not to require a moment's thought, or be worthy of the least investigation or discussion? Is it possible, that any one within or without these doors will deny, after what I have just stated, that we are about to make a serious and important innovation in the vital principle, the very essence of the constitution. As we not in fact and in truth, acting upon the maxim, "that from those who have not, that which they have shall be taken away, whilst to those who have, more shall be given." Shall we not by this alteration, lessen the chances of the smaller states, and take from them one of the most effectual checks, one of the most essential safeguards in respect to the election of the executive branch of the government, which was secured to them by our national compact, and add at the same time to the preponderating and overweening influence which the larger states have heretofore possessed, the evident means and moral certainty of disposing at pleasure of the whole executive department? These must necessarily be the consequences of the proposed alteration in the constitution; and for my own part, I must say, that it appears to me to give a death blow to that portion of the state sovereignty, which has been reserved to the several states, and that we thereby take a monstrous and more than a gigantic stride, towards that very consolidation of the states against which gentlemen have been wont of yore so bitterly to exclaim. For we may boast as much as we please; we may say what we will of our moderation, sincerity and political virtue. We may give every security which can be devised, upon parchment or upon paper, and endeavor to render it more sacred by seals and even by oaths. Still so long as human nature remains human nature, where power exists on the one side and weakness on the other, there ever will arise ambition, and the inclination to obtain additional power, on the part of the more powerful; and consequently in proportion as you add to the means of encroachment, already possessed by the large and lessen those of defence at self-protection heretofore given to the small states; in the same proportion do you throw the latter at the mercy, and invite the aggression of the former, and thereby carry us further from a federative, and draw us nearer to a consolidated government.
I am perfectly aware, Mr. Speaker, that the ground I take, is not the popular one of the present day. I well know, that the principles for which I contend, and upon which our national compact were originally formed, have no longer the same influence on the public feelings, nor are they regarded in the smaller states with that degree of interest with which they were wont to be at the time the convention met and the constitution was adopted. The prosperity we have enjoyed for 14 years past, under the auspices of the general government, has happily done away state jealousies in a very considerable degree. The occurrences which have since intervened, the new interests, which have sprung up, and the different shapes which parties have assumed, have all contributed to lessen the impressions and obliterate the grounds and basis upon which the great bond of our union was framed and bottoned. This happy and natural effect of the successful experiment we have made in our political association, must give pleasure to every friend of his country—and so long as the original compact, which unites and forms us into a band of brothers, continued to be held sacred, and no attempt is made to innovate upon and alter the principles upon which it was formed—I should rejoice as much as any man at this union of sentiments—this mutual confidence among the members of the confederacy—but when I see (it matters not whether intentionally or from inadvertence) that advantage is about to be taken of this circumstance—that in the moment of party irritation and party zeal, and at a time, when it may be truly said, the influence and interests of the larger states are completely triumphant, and many of the smaller states unconscious of danger, are enlisted from various causes under their banners, that at such a moment a proposition is brought forward to alter the constitution in one of its most important features, and under the plausible pretext of giving effect to the will of the people, the small states are at one blow, to be deprived of the checks and safe-guards, secured to them
by the federal compact in the election of the executive, and this important branch of the government is henceforward and forever more to be put entirely and exclusively into the hands of the larger states—when I see and behold all this, I acknowledge I do feel the most serious alarm, and feeble and unavailing as my voice may be, I feel it a duty incumbent on me as one of the immediate citizens of a small state, no less than as a member of this House, and consequently a sworn guardian of the constitution, to raise that voice and loudly to protest against the innovation, which it is contemplated to effect in the fundamental and vital principles of the compact which unites these states together.
I am not ignorant however, that a very different turn has been given to this business, that the proposed alteration in the mode of electing the President and vice president, has been presented under a very different aspect to the public view.—A respectable member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gregg) has indeed undertaken to give us the whole history of the amendment, as he terms it, and infers from thence, that such an alteration in the constitution has been long contemplated and wished for by all parts of the union. He tells us that a former member from South Carolina, the state I have the honor at this time to represent, had brought forward a proposition to the same effect, that a similar one had once originated in New-Hampshire, that the state of New York had two years ago submitted to the consideration of Congress a resolution, proposing in substance the very alteration, now about to be adopted, and that it had been before us during both of the last sessions. All this, Sir, is no doubt true, but I draw a very contrary inference from it to that of the honorable gentleman—He has proven to be sure, that certain individuals; some parts even of the union, have at different times, for party and local purposes or from whatever cause, proposed and perhaps been desirous that an alteration of this kind should be made in the constitution. He has proven however at the same time and not less evidently, that the great body of the union have always been opposed to any such change, that the public mind has not heretofore been ripe for it. And even at this moment, Sir, I feel the most perfect conviction, if the people had time and could take a correct and temperate view of the real merits of the question; if the irritation of the moment, the party feelings of the day could be laid aside, the small states in particular could never become so wantonly self-de—commit such evident self-murder, (if it may be allowed the expression) nor could the constitutional majority in the two houses of congress, still less the constitutional number of states, ever be found to satisfy so great, so all important an innovation and change in the fundamental principles of the federal compact. The chance of ultimate success depends I am confident even now, upon the party feeling and party zeal of the times, and the irritation, which was excited and has been so industriously kept up since the late contested election of the President. I was myself, as you know, Sir, one of the actors in that scene, and I may venture to say that from the peculiar situation, in which I was placed, I had it in my power to judge more coolly and dispassionately of the occurrences of that day than almost any other individual in the United States. It is well known to every one, who knew any thing of me at the time, that I was a warm, sincere and zealous advocate of the two gentlemen who were understood to be the federal candidates. The majority of the electors, however, having given their votes to the two candidates, who were brought forward and supported in opposition to them, and they having been found to have equal votes, it devolved upon the house of representatives to fix upon the one of the two characters, who should fill the office of chief magistrate. In this state of things, it is no secret, Sir, although we afterwards voted by ballot, that I separated from my political friends and those of my colleagues who were on the floor and performed the painful task of acting in direct opposition to them. I consequently voted invariably for the candidate, who ultimately prevailed; and now fills the office of chief magistrate of the United States, until the last ballot when I withdrew into an adjoining committee room, in order to facilitate a decision of the contest. Situated as I was therefore, it may well be imagined, that I could not be over zealous or feel any very peculiar interest in the success of either of the two candidates who were opposed to each other—I had acted according to the best of my judgment, and in compliance with the dictates of my conscience, in voting for the one, whilst my political friends gave a preference to and supported the other. I could consequently take a perfectly dispassionate view of the subject and I must say, that the zeal and violence of party appeared to me to give much more importance to the contested election than it was intrinsically entitled to. I shewed by my vote my own opinion and wishes to be in favor of the person who was elected—and in as
much, as I believed, he would be more acceptable to the majority of our fellow citizens out of doors, and more especially to those in that portion of the union, from whence I came, and of whose opinions and feeling I could judge most correctly—inasmuch I acknowledge, that I should have regretted and deemed it a misfortune, if the election had terminated differently. But, Sir, I could not then suppose, nor do I yet think, that the salvation and political happiness of the republic, depends so entirely on the election of any one man as president, however great or good he might be—nor could I persuade myself, that it would be so monstrous and terrible an event in an elective, yet complicated government like ours—if of two individuals brought forward by precisely the same description of electors, to fill the two first offices under the government, that one of them, whom they were supposed to hold up for the second office (and consequently in case of accident to the other to supply his place and to all intents and purposes chief magistrate) should have been preferred by their political opponents, and through their means have in the first instance been constitutionally elected to the highest office—I well know that of the two federal gentlemen whom I had originally advocated, although I should no doubt have given a preference myself to the one—yet I should have been perfectly satisfied to see either of them put at the head of the government, had they had the majority and equal votes, for I repeat it again, I cannot persuade myself that the political salvation of the republic depends upon the election of any one man as President—To me indeed it appeared during the whole course of the election, that there was one result far more to be deprecated, & which might have given rise to consequences beyond the ken of human foresight. I frequently shuddered at the idea, that it might possibly happen from the enthusiasm of party zeal, the violence of party prejudices and the irritation of the moment; that neither side would give way, and the country might be left in a sort of interregnum, without executive officers, or perhaps any constitutional means to obtain them, and it has often struck me as a peculiarly fortunate circumstance, that the contest was between two individuals originally brought forward by electors of the same political description and not between the favorite candidates of the two opposite parties, each supported by his immediate party friends. In my humble opinion, the great desideratum, the only thing necessary to be done, is to make some provision, which would ensure in such or any other case, in which the election of the executive devolved on the House of Representatives, that a selection of one or other of the candidates should take place before the house separated, or its political dissolution took place, or that if an election did not take place, one of the candidates, in consequence of superior age or whatever other cause of preference might be deemed most eligible, should of course be the President; I have not however touched upon the late contested election, in the intention of discussing the pro and con with respect to the relative merits of it, neither is it my intention to deny the abstract proposition, that the will and the wishes of the people ought to be consulted in elections—I with only to show that this alteration—even all-owing it for a moment to be desirable yields but a partial remedy, to a partial and comparatively speaking trivial and temporary inconvenience whilst we leave a most awful and very possible event unnoticed and unguarded against.
My further object has been, to recall to the recollection of this House and as far as my feeble voice avails of the nation at large, that our government is not only republican but federal, that the provisions of the constitution are of a very complicated nature, that they have been formed upon the general principles of free government, so modified, as to comport with those of a federative alliance, and at the same time to quiet the fears, jealousies and apprehensions, and to compromise the clashing interests and opposite pretensions of the respective states which compose this great and flourishing union. I beg of gentlemen therefore to pause and reflect, and then decide, whether it be really correct and agreeable to the dictates of sound sense and good policy to alter or rather totally annihilate one of the great and leading features of an original compact in order to obviate, at the most a momentary inconvenience. For I trust, I have gone far enough to prove, whilst I venture to foretell, without pretending to the gift of prophecy, that a case similar to the one which has lately taken place, will never again happen, yet that if such an event should again turn up, and one of two individuals who had an equal number of the votes of all the electors appointed, the one should be made president (by the selection of the house of Representatives voting by states) and in consequence of the present indiscriminate mode of election, who might not perhaps be the most immediately acceptable to the majority of all the inhabitants of the union, taken in the aggregate (and the inhabitants of the large
states must of necessity form such a majority,) yet I say, should such an event take place in the course of things, I have I trust gone far to prove that it is at worst, but a partial temporary and very restricted evil, arising necessarily out of our peculiar form of government, the natural consequence of our territorial divisions and the political provisions and modifications advisedly adopted to compromise our various interests, foreseen at the time our national compact was formed, yet adopted as a minor and necessary sacrifice to prevent far greater evils; and as presenting the best, perhaps the only mode of compromising the jarring interests, of satisfying the opposite pretensions, and of quieting the jealousies, fears and apprehensions of the various members, so unequal in size, power, population and riches, who are at this time so happily united in one great confederacy.
Such, Mr. Speaker, is in my humble opinion, the true point of view in which this and every other proposition to alter our national compact ought ever to be considered—such is the point of view in which the subject now under consideration has presented itself to my mind—I have therefore complied with my sense of duty and obeyed the dictates of my conscience in opposing the alteration to the constitution, which it is now proposed to make—I know full well the popular feelings and sentiments are against me on this question, and that what falls from a gentleman on this side of the house, is in the actual state of things not very favourably received out of doors, and for the most part attributed merely to party feelings and party opposition. In the present instance however, I can in honor and with truth declare, that I act from no party motive or party considerations whatever. My objections and opposition to the resolution on your table, are the result of a sincere conviction in my own mind, after the most dispassionate and attentive consideration, I have been able to bestow on the subject, and I most fervently pray, that whilst we are endeavouring to extricate ourselves from a dilemma of secondary importance, necessarily growing out of our peculiar mode of government, and to provide a remedy against a partial inconvenience, we may not inadvertently place ourselves in a labyrinth of difficulties and expose our posterity to a multitude of evils, more fatal to the peace and happiness of this union, than we are any of us at this time aware of.
MR. HASTINGS.—Mr. Speaker, I do not rise for the purpose of going into an elaborate discussion, upon the subject of the proposed amendment to the constitution (for that has been already very fully debated) but merely to state some of the reasons, which will influence me in voting against it.
I have always believed, Sir, that the federal constitution, was as much the result of compromise and mutual concession, as of great deliberation and wisdom; and that alterations in this character of our national union, ought to be made with extreme caution. In respect to the amendment proposed, I have understood that in the convention of delegates that framed the constitution a variety of ways for electing a President and vice president were proposed, and all rejected, until the new constitutional one was offered, which was agreed to: with this mode of electing a President and vice president, I am satisfied—I believe many advantages result from it—by the present mode, the electors in giving their votes for two persons to be President and vice president, will be induced (from the uncertainty which of the two voted for will be elected President) to give their ballots for two persons, either of whom shall be well qualified to discharge the important powers or duties of first magistrate of the nation.—But if the proposed amendment prevails, will not the office of vice president in all future elections, be considered as a mere sinecure? and although the person voted for to fill that office may be well qualified to perform the duties incumbent upon him as President of the Senate; yet he may be wholly unqualified to fill the office of President of the United States; and a person in whom the American people would have no confidence as such: but by the proposed amendment upon such unfit person, in the event of the removal of the President from office—his death, resignation, or his inability to discharge the duties and powers of the office, will devolve all the duties and powers of first magistrate.—Another advantage that I conceive may be the effect of the existing constitutional mode of electing a President and vice president, is that it may be the means of checking and moderating the rage and violence of party spirit, and of controlling and putting down faction, by the election of a President, who may be agreeable to the wishes of the minority, and thereby producing an equilibrium of power between contending parties.—Besides, Sir, I fear if the amendment obtains, that it may give a weight and influence to the large states in the union in the election of a president and vice-president that they ought not to possess—and though I have the honor of being a representative from a state of some consequence in the union, on account of
its population and riches, still I cannot wish that Massachusetts in this or any other way should acquire any undue advantage or improper influence over the smaller states.
In fine the reasons and arguments that I have heard in this House in the course of the debate, particularly those offered by the honorable gentleman from South-Carolina last up (Mr. Huger) have convinced me that the proposed amendment ought not to be made. I will not say, Mr. Speaker, that the constitution is perfect in all its provisions—there is a particular part of it, in article first, section second and third paragraph, that fixes the rule of representation, which I wish to see altered in due time—I wish to see this part of the constitution altered, because I wish to see upon the floor of this House an equal representation of free citizens, and of free citizens only. As the constitutional rule now is, the representation is made unequal. But this it will be said was also the effect of a spirit of accommodation and compromise. It was a compromise, however, by which one part of the union has obtained a great, and in my opinion, unjust advantage over other parts of the union. A compromise, Sir, by which the Southern states have gained a very considerable increase of representatives and electors, founded solely upon their numerous black population. I hope, Sir, that in the year 1808, an alteration will be made in this part of the constitution, & that the representation by being proportioned only to the number of free persons, will be rendered equal and just. I hope also, that those gentlemen, who now advocate the proposed amendment to the constitution, will then, if members of this House, be also the advocates for altering and amending this part of the constitution—the friends and advocates of an equal representation, founded upon the population of free persons only. I will not occupy the attention of the House with further observations, or repeat what has already been said by gentlemen against the amendment: I will only say that in my opinion it is neither necessary or expedient to make the proposed alteration to the constitution, and that I hope it will not be made.
(To be continued.)
PROCEEDINGS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, November 15.
A message, in writing, was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Harvie, his Secretary, as follows:
"To the Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States:
"I now communicate a digest of the information I have received relative to Louisiana, which may be useful to the legislature in providing for the government of the country. A translation of the most important laws in force in that province, now in the press, shall be the subject of a supplementary communication, with such further and material information as may come to hand."
"TH: JEFFERSON."
"November 14, 1803."
The said message was read, and together with the digest of information transmitted therewith, ordered to be referred to the committee appointed the 27th October last, on so much of the President's message of the 21st of the same month, as relates "to permanent arrangements for the government of Louisiana."
A petition of John Wood was read, praying compensation for services rendered,—personal injuries sustained, and advances of money made by the petitioner, whilst a captain of a detachment of the militia of the state of New-York, commanded by colonel John Hathorn, in the actual service of the United States, on an expedition against the hostile Indians, during the revolutionary war with Great Britain, in which expedition the petitioner was captured, and afterwards closely confined for a considerable time, by the said Indians.
Ordered, That the said petition, together with the memorial of James Gillespie, of the state of North-Carolina, presented the 12th of Feb. last, be referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Samuel L. Mitchell, from the committee of commerce and manufactures, to whom was referred, on the 31st inst. the petition of Henry Prescott, jun. and William P. Prescott, presented the 26th of Feb. last, made a report thereon, which was read and considered: Whereupon,
Resolved, That the petitioners have leave to withdraw their said petition, together with the documents accompanying the same.
The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, on the report of the committee of commerce and manufactures of the 7th inst. to whom were referred a letter and report from the Secretary of the Treasury, with sundry accompanying documents, relative to a survey of the harbour in the island of Nantucket, in the state of Massachusetts.

Massachusetts, and of the bar and shoals near the fame.—to which committee of the whole House was also referred a petition of the inhabitants of the island and town of Nantucket, presented the 11th of Feb. last; and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. John Cotton Smith reported, that the committee had, according to order, had the said report and petition under consideration, and come to two resolutions thereupon, which be delivered in at the clerk's table, where the same were severally twice read, and agreed to by the House, as follows:
1. Resolved , That the inhabitants of the island and town of Nantucket in the state of Massachusetts, who presented a petition to this House, on the 11th of Feb. last, have leave to withdraw the said petition, together with the papers accompanying the same.
2. Resolved , That the report of a select committee made at the last session of Congress on the subject of the fisheries of the United States, be referred to a select committee, with instruction to enquire and report whether any, and if any what measures are necessary for the encouragement of the whale and cod fisheries.
Resolved , That Messrs. Huger, Bishop, Gray, Goddard, and Rhea (of Tenn.) be appointed a committee, pursuant to the second resolution.
On motion , Resolved , That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before this House, copies of any documents which may be in the possession of the Executive, relative to the arrest and confinement of Zicharibah Cox, by the officers in the service of the United States, at Natchez, in the year 1798.
Ordered , That Mr. Early and Mr. Thomas M. Randolph, be appointed a committee to present the foregoing resolution to the President of the United States.
WEDNESDAY, November 16. Mr. John Cotton Smith, from the Committee of Claims, to whom was referred, on the tenth instant, the petition of Shandy Yard, presented the second of March last, made a report thereon, which was read and considered: Whereupon, Resolved , That the prayer of the petition of the said Shandy Yard, cannot be granted.
A petition of Alexander Summervill, was read, praying relief in the case of the balance of pay due to the petitioner for his service as a second lieutenant in the eighth Pennsylvania regiment of the continental army, during the revolutionary war with Great Britain; which balance of pay, as the petitioner suggests, was delivered to Moses Carson, captain of the company in which the petitioner served, who deserted to the enemy some time in the spring of the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy seven.
Also, a memorial of Moses Rawlings, praying that he may receive the difference of pay between a lieutenant colonel and a colonel of a regiment of riflemen in the service of the United States, during the revolutionary war with Great Britain, in which latter capacity the memorialist acted from the month of August, one thousand seven hundred and seventy six, until the month of June, one thousand seven hundred and seventy nine—to the rank, commission, pay and emoluments of which he conceives himself justly entitled, for the reasons therein specified.
Ordered , That the said petition and memorial be referred to the committee of Claims.
A petition of sundry inhabitants of the state of New Hampshire, whose names are thereunto subscribed, was read, praying that a post road may be established from Portsmouth, to pass through the towns of Newington, Durham, Lee, a part of Nottingham, Northwood, Epsom and Gilmanton, to Concord—and to return from Concord to Portsmouth, by the way of Pembroke, Allenstown, Deerfield, Nottingham, a part of Epping, Newmarket, Stratham and Greenland, in the said state.
Referred to the Post Office committee.
THURSDAY, November 17. Mr. Campbell.—There is a subject to which I wish to draw the attention of the House. It is, Sir, the postage charged on the transportation of newspapers in the mail. This subject I conceive of sufficient importance to meet the attention of this House, as it affects the means of acquiring political information in the different parts of the union.
I presume it will not be denied, that the most effectual way of rendering the people at large, useful citizens, and of securing to them their liberties and independence would be to increase the sources of information, make them well acquainted with their political rights, and also with the proceedings of their government. So long as they are informed on those subjects, so long they will be disposed to acquiesce in, and support such measures as may be calculated to promote the general good, but will be prepared to resist any attempts that may be made to infringe their rights by those in power. It is believed that newspapers are the most general and effectual means of diffusing
political information among the citizens at large; and it ought therefore to be the object of government, to facilitate their circulation as much as possible. I conceive, Sir, the most direct way to attain this object, would be to cause them to be transported in the mail free of postage.
The monies arising from the postage on newspapers cannot certainly be such an object to government, as would justify the principle of laying a tax on information, or pursuing any measures that would have a tendency to diminish, in the least degree, the means by which it may be acquired. It seems to be admitted by all those who have considered the subject, that the post-office establishment was never intended as a permanent source of revenue; and therefore we find that the monies arising therefrom have not generally been taken into the calculation, in the estimates of our finances. The whole amount of the postage on newspapers, I believe to be very inconsiderable, as an item of revenue; and a great proportion of it, as I am informed, is given to the deputy postmaster for keeping the accounts of such postage, and for collecting the same: and if information is to be relied upon, many of those deputy postmasters, who are allowed about fifty per cent. on the amount of postage thus collected are of opinion that the labour of keeping those accounts and of collection, exceeds this compensation; and they would be well satisfied that no such postage existed. If this statement be correct, it will go a great way, to prove the measure impolitic.
But perhaps it may be said that the postage to be collected on newspapers, has a tendency to ensure their arrival at the places of destination, and the delivery of them to those to whom they are directed. This, upon investigation will, I believe, be found not to be the case. It is made the duty of the postmasters, by law, to forward and deliver newspapers, as well as letters, they act upon oath, and if a sense of propriety in their conduct, and the obligation of an oath, would not induce them to perform their duty in this respect, it cannot be expected that the paltry emolument accruing to them from their part of one cent, or one and a half cents on each newspaper, would have that effect; and even this sum must be still less relied upon as an inducement, when it is considered, as already stated, that the labour required in keeping accounts for this purpose and in collection, is not in reality, compensated by the sum received. In order, therefore, to bring this subject fairly before the House, I move that the House come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That so much of the act to establish post-offices and post-roads in the United States, as charges a postage on the transportation of newspapers ought to be repealed.
A petition of Abijah Barnum, Joseph Willoughby, Daniel Smith, Joseph Day, and Elihu Barnum, of Monkton, in the county of Addison, Vermont, was read, praying relief, as principal and sureties for the due collection and payment, for the benefit of the U. States of the amount of the direct tax in the fifteenth collection district, in the fourth division of the said state, in the case of a certain sum of money therein specified, which was collected by Abijah Barnum, one of the petitioners, & casually lost by him, the twentieth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and two, on his way from Monkton to Bennington, to pay the same to the supervisor of the United States for the district of Vermont.
Also, a memorial of Thomas Doyle, late major of the first sub-legion in the service of the United States, praying a reimbursement of the amount of expenses and costs of suit incurred by the memorialist in defending a prosecution instituted against him by John Bishop, a private soldier in the fourth sub-legion, in the case of the apprehension and commitment of the said John Bishop, at Fort Mifflin, who, as it is suggested by the memorialist, attempted to desert to the Spaniards, some time in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five.
Ordered , That the said petition and memorial, together with the petition of Benjamin Wells, presented the twenty-second of November, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and the documents accompanying the same, as also a report of the Committee of Claims thereon, made the first of February last, be referred to the Committee of Claims.
FRIDAY, November 18. Mr. S. L. Mitchell, from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was recommitted, on the thirty-first ult. their report on the memorial of Stephen Kingston, of the city of Philadelphia, made a supplementary report thereon, which was read, and, together with the accompanying documents, ordered to be referred to a committee of the whole House, on Monday next.
Mr. John Cotton Smith, from the committee of claims, to whom was recommitted, on the fourth instant, the petition of Amey Dardin, together with a report of the committee of claims thereon, of the first of this month, made a supplementary report thereon, which was read, and ordered to be referred to a
committee of the whole House, on Tuesday next.
Mr. John Cotton Smith, from the same committee, to whom was referred, on the third instant, the petition of Philip Wilson, made a report thereon, which was read and considered: Whereupon,
Resolved , That the prayer of the petition of the said Philip Wilson, cannot be granted.
A petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Gloucester, Massachusetts, was read, stating, that the petitioners feel themselves aggrieved, in consequence of the inequality of the bounty paid to the larger vessels and the smaller craft employed in the cod-fishery of the United States; and praying such relief in the premises, as to the wisdom of congress shall seem meet.
Referred to the committee appointed on the fisheries.
Ordered , That the committee of claims, to whom were referred, on the third and sixteenth instant, the petitions of Achilles Douglas, and of Alexander Summervill, be discharged from the consideration thereof.
Yeas and Nays on the amendment of Dr. Euliss, to the bill "fixing the salaries of certain officers therein mentioned,"—to insert after the words "annual compensation," in the fourth line of the bill, the following words "as established by an act passed on the second day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine."
YEAS.—Messrs. Alston, jun. Archer, Bard, Blackledge, Boyle, Bryan, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Caley, Claiborne, Clopton, Conrad, Crowningfield, Cutts, Dawson, Dickson, Early, Eppes, Euliss, Findley, Fowler, Gillespie, Goodwyn, Gray, Hammond, Hampton, Hanna, Hasbrouck, D. Heister, Holland, Holmes, Jones, Kennedy, Knight, Lucas, Lyon, M'Cord, M'Creery, Meriwether, S. L. Mitchell, Moore, New, Newton, jr., Nicholson, Olin, Palmer, Patterson, Phelps, J. Randolph, jun., T. M. Randolph, Rhea, T. Rodney, Root, Sandford, Seaver, Skinner, Smilie, J. Smith, (of N. Y.) J. Smith, (of Virginia.) Stanton, Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, Whitehill, Winn, Wynns.—69.
NAYS.—Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Bedinger, Betton, Bishop, Brown, J. Campbell, Chamberlin, Chittenden, Claggett, J. Clay, M. Clay Davenport, Dwight, Earle, Elliot, Goddard, Griffin, G. Griswold, Hallings, J. Heister, Hoge, Haugh, Huger, Hunt, Leib, J. Lewis, jun., T. Lewis, Lowndes, N. Mitchell, Morrow, Plater, Purviance, Richards, Sammons, Stanford, Stephenson, Stewart, Taggart, Tenney, Tratchter, Tibbets, Van Horne, Washworth, M. Williams, Winton.—46.
The Yeas and Nays were then taken on the second amendment, to fill up the blank between the words "To the Secretary of State," and the word "dollars," with the words "five thousand," as follows:—Yeas 83.—Nays 28.
YEAS.—Messrs. Alston, jun. Alexander, Anderson, Archer, Bard, Bedinger, Betton, Blackledge, Boyle, Brown, Bryan, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Caley, Claggett, Claiborne, Clopton, Conrad, Crowningfield, Cutts, Dawson, Dickson, Early, Elliot, Eppes, Euliss, Findley, Fowler, Gillespie, Goodwyn, Gray, Hammond, Hampton, Hanna, Hasbrouck, D. Heister, Holland, Holmes, Huger, Hunt, Jones, Kennedy, Knight, Lowndes, Lucas, Lyon, M'Cord, M'Creery, S. L. Mitchell, Morrow, New, Newton, jr., Nicholson, Olin, Palmer, Patterson, Phelps, Purviance, J. Randolph, jun., T. Randolph, Rhea, (of Ten.) Root, Sandford, Seaver, Skinner, Smilie, J. Smith (of N. Y.) J. Smith, (of Va.) Stanton, Taggart, Tenney, Thatcher, Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, Whitehill, Winn, and Wynns: 83.
NAYS.—Messrs. Bishop, Chamberlain, Chittenden, J. Clay, M. Clay, Earle, Goddard, Griffin, G. Griswold, Hallings, J. Heister, Hoge, Haugh, Leib, J. Lewis, jun., T. Lewis, Meriwether, Moore, Richards, Rodney, Sammons, Stanford, Stephenson, Stewart, Tibbets, Van Horne, M. Williams, and Winton: 28.
On the question, that the said bill, with the amendments, be engrossed for a third reading.
It was resolved in the affirmative, Yeas 70.—Nays 28.—As follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Alston, Alexander, Anderson, Archer, Bard, Betton, Blackledge, Boyle, Brown, Bryan, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Caley, Claggett, Claiborne, Clopton, Conrad, Crowningfield, Cutts, Dawson, Dickson, Early, Elliot, Eppes, Euliss, Findley, Fowler, Gillespie, Goodwyn, Gray, Hammond, Hampton, Hanna, Hasbrouck, D. Heister, Holland, Holmes, Huger, Jones, Kennedy, Knight, Lowndes, Lucas, Lyon, M'Cord, M'Creery, S. L. Mitchell, Morrow, New, Newton, jr., Nicholson, Olin, Palmer, Patterson, Phelps, Purviance, J. Randolph, jun., T. M. Randolph, Rhea, Ten. Root, Sandford, Seaver, Skinner, Smilie, J. Smith (N. Y.) J. Smith, (of Va.) Stanton, Tenney, Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, Whitehill, Winn, and Wynns: 70.
NAYS.—Messrs. Bedinger, Bishop, Chamberlin, Chittenden, J. Clay, Caley, Davenport, Dwight, Earle, Goddard, G. Griswold, Hallings, J. Heister, Hoge, Leib, Lewis, jun., Meriwether, Moore, Richards, Rodney, Sammons, Stanford, Stephenson, Stewart, Tibbets, Van Horne, M. Williams, and Winton: 28.
WASHINGTON CITY FRIDAY, DECEMBER 2.
Election for a Member of the MARYLAND ASSEMBLY.
Table with 2 columns: Candidate, Votes. Candidates include Colonel William Lyles, Thomas G. Addison, Republican majority.
New York, Nov 43. By the ship Union, H. Kels, in 43 days from Gibraltar, we have received the following interesting intelligence...
The war with the emperor of Morocco originated from the capture of a Tripolitan ship, captured by the John Adams frigate, which was claimed by the emperor.
No other American vessels had been taken—one only from Salem, captain Warren Williams, had been detained at Magadore. The report of three others being taken by a frigate, was entirely unfounded.
At the time of sailing from Gibraltar, the commander, together with the New York and John Adams frigates and Schooner Enterprise lay in Tangier roads.
After quitting the fleet the Syren spoke the frigate when the immediately chased one of the merchant ships which she spoke, and, as supposed put dispatches on board.
The Moorish prize failed in company with us and anchored in Tangier road. From the information obtained from the commander, and from personal observations, there can be but little question that peace is concluded.
House of Representatives.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30. 1803.
An engrossed bill for the relief of the legal representatives of David Dardin, deceased, was read the third time, and on the question shall the bill pass, the yeas and nays were, Yeas 58—Nays 57.
The Speaker declaring himself with the nays, the bill was rejected.
Mr. J. Randolph, jun. from the committee of ways and means, presented a bill, giving effect to the laws of the United States, within the territories ceded to the United States by the treaty of the 30th of April, 1803, between the United States and the French Republic—and for other purposes, which was received and read the first time.
NOTICE. A Legislative court of the 10 Legion of the Militia of the District of Columbia, will sit at Rhoads's tavern in the city of Washington, on Friday the 9th December, at 10 o'clock in the morning, to hear appeals from the Battalion courts for fines laid.
WASHINGTON CITY Dec. 2—3t NEW STORE. WILLIAM S. NICHOLSON, & Co. TAKE the liberty to inform their friends and the public in general that they have commenced business in High Street George Town. And have received to the first arrival an additional supply of fashionable goods, with many articles in the fancy line, which will be sold on very pleasing terms to cash.
NOTICE. Whereas by the second section of an act of the Corporation of the city of Washington, entitled "An act imposing certain taxes and providing for their collection," it is required of the Treasurer to make out an account of the tax chargeable to each individual, and notify such person thereof before the first day of December, by the 3rd section of said act a penalty is imposed on every person who shall have neglected to pay his or her tax by the first day of February ensuing, and by the 4th section of said act the Collector is authorized to distrain the goods and chattels of the defaulters by the 10th of May next—and whereas by an act, entitled "An act empowering the Mayor to appoint the members of the Board of Appeal and to do other things in relation to the collection of taxes," he is thereby authorized and empowered to extend the periods limited in the three before mentioned sections of the "Act imposing certain taxes," so as to give further time to the Treasurer, charged with the duty of assessing the property in the city of Washington.
ROBERT DRENT, Mayor. Dec. 2—
E. OLIVER, Has just received by the latest arrivals from London, An elegant assortment of Millinery & Fancy Goods, among which are, Velvet and plush hats and bonnets, Drets caps, Egyptian, Grecian and other wigs and friz, etc., Egyptian cloaks and dresses, An elegant assortment of muffs and tippets, Cotton and silk trimmings, A handsome assortment of black and white laces and edgings, Do. do. of veils, Gold and pearl combs, lace veils, picnec gloves, Gold and silver frangels and bullion, Do. do. trimmings for dresses, Ladies and gentlemen's silk and cotton hose and gloves, Silk shawls and head handkerchiefs, Wadding, for great coats, Pelangs, Persians, and sarfets, Italian cambric muffs, dimities, Fine India book muslin handkerchiefs, Pocket handkerchiefs, Feathers, wreaths and bunches, A new and elegant assortment of ribbons, Fine Holland and low priced Irish linens, Furniture binding, fringes, cords and tassels, with a variety of other articles too numerous for an advertisement. George Town, Dec. 2—3t
The Subscriber
INTENDING to remove to the town of Alexandria, will dispose of the lease of the property he now occupies, situated in Fairfax county, on the main road leading to and from George Town, Alexandria and Washington City, halfway between Alexandria and Leesburg, and 15 miles from George Town, well known by the name of the White House at the Long Gades. This property consists of about 200 acres elevated land, with a large quantity of excellent meadow, a commodious dwelling house, stables and other necessary houses, the whole well calculated for a Public House, and is in point of situation equal to any in the state. Possession may be had on the first of January. For further particulars apply to the printer, or ZEBULON WARNER. White House, Dec. 2—3t
Conveyancer's Office.
THOMAS HERTY, Grateful for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, little investigated, etc.
A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell. N. B. Herty's Abridgement of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 18 12wt
FOR SALE One hundred and fifty acres 2 land, One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry. For terms apply to MICHAEL LOWE Prince George county, July 22. 12wt

Rumley's Iron Works, CONSISTING of furnace, forge, and the necessary appendages, constructed perhaps in the most complete manner of any in the United States, with abundance of water, wood, and ore of the best quality, are for sale or rent on the most reasonable terms, by the subscriber—in whom the title wholly is, free from every encumbrance. F. FAIRFAX, Charles-town, Jefferson county, Virg. Nov. 30.—4t
ELISHA RIGGS, Has just received from Philadelphia, an additional supply of FALL GOODS, Which makes his assortment extensive. Among them are many fancy articles, and superfine cloths, cassimeres, velvets, and fancy vest patterns; Irish linens, cotton counterpanes, ticken, and sheetings; English hats, kid shoes, silk hosiery, and gloves; Shirring flannels, rose blankets, and coarse cloths; Furniture dimities, ditto calicoes, and stuffs, silks, cambrics, muslins, chintzes and calicoes; Laces, veils, crapes and India muslins, 20 boxes China in sets. Also—other articles, which will be sold on terms to please the purchaser. George-Town, Nov. 30.—tw6w
New Retail Grocery Store. Has received per the Schooner Highland F. Hand , master, from Philadelphia, London particular, Madeira, Sherry, Port & claret Wines—Cognac brandy, Spanish do. by the case only; Jamaica spirits, Holland gin, cherry bounce, amicef cordial, whiskey, white wine and cyder vinegars, sugar house molasses, spermaceti oil and candles; Imperial, Lyon, young hyson, and hyson skin teas—Loaf, lump and muscovado sugars; coffee and chocolate, pearl and common barley, American cheese, butter by the firkin only, basked salt for table use, sweet oil for do. capers and olives, raisins, almonds, &c. lemons, cloves, pepper, nutmegs, cinnamon and allspice, black pepper, mustard and ginger, Spanish figs of a superior quality, Macquaban and rappee snuff, kg blue and warch, brown loaf and candles, wrapping paper, seine twine demijohns, liquor cases, &c. &c. All warranted to be of the best qualities, and for sale by EDGAR PATTERSON. November 30.—tf
BOOKS. A most elegant collection are now open for sale at DUANE's book-store, Pennsylvania Avenue: Among which are, Stephens's History of the Wars of the French Revolution, 2 vols. 4to. with elegant maps of the various theatres of the wars. The works of Frederick the Great, king of Prussia, 13 vols. 8vo. Walker's course of Philosophical Lectures, comprehending all modern discoveries, 2 vols. 4to. with numerous plates. Robertson's works, America, 4 vols. Charles V. 4 vols. } 12 vols new, Scotland, 3 vols. } finely bound. India, 1 vol. Ramsford's Essays, 3 vols. Rustoe's Lorenzo de Medici, 3 vols. Roland's Herodotus, 4 vols. The Monthly Review, for 1803 Monthly Mirror, 1803 Gentleman's Magazine, 1803 Monthly Magazine, 1803 British Critic, 1803 N. Annual Register, 1801 Toddler's Annual Register, 1800 Do. 1801 Critical Review, 1803 Harris' Works, 2 vols. 4to. Gibbe's Aristotle, 2 vols. 4to. Clayton's Alexander, 4to. Clayton's Medici, 4to. The Laws of Pennsylvania, for 1802 Cemy's Digest of the Laws of England, with the continuation by Roe, 6 vols. royal 8vo. Catalogues may be had at the store. Gentlemen who may wish to view Mr. Peale's Polygraph may see one at Duane's store, where orders per the mail will be received. Nov. 30.—2t
FOR SALE. THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above floor, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 12, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the feythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19. epf
For Sale or Rent. A convenient two story BRICK HOUSE and Lot, situated on the Pennsylvania Avenue near the Center Market. Possession will be given the first of March. For terms apply to the subscriber, WM. WOODWARD. November 18.—tf
MILLINERY. FRANCIS PIC has the honor to inform the ladies and gentlemen of George town and Washington, that he has received since the departure of Mrs. Pic for Philadelphia, an elegant assortment of wigs and frizzettes, silk great coats, combs mounted in gold, and beads, muffs and tippets, flocks, wadding for silk coats, plush hats and Buonaparte bonnets; and expects a general assortment when Mrs. Pic returns home. Nov. 30.—3t
8 Dollars Reward. DESERTED from on board the United States frigate Chesapeake on the 28th inst. an ordinary seaman named WILLIAM ORANGE, about 17 years of age, five feet 5 or 6 inches high, dark hair and eyes, thick set, dark complexion, has a simple look, his eyes looking cross ways—he had on a new check shirt, a pair of blue cloth trowsers and an old blue jacket, it is supposed he made for Bladensburg where he was recruited a few weeks ago. The above reward will be given to any person who will cause him to be delivered to captain John Cassin Superintendent of the Navy Yard, and all reasonable charges will be paid. Nov. 29.—3t
New Garden Seeds. BERNARD McMATHON, SEEDSMAN, No. 129, Chesnut-street, Philadelphia, HAS received by the late arrivals from Europe, a general assortment of early garden seeds white clover, hemp, rape, maw, and millet seeds; pruning, grafting, and budding knives, constructed upon the most improved principles, garden lines, and tool of every kind, suitable for gardeners, hyacinth glasses, bals-malts, best Durham flour of mustard, &c. &c. He expects in a few days the most extensive assortment of grass and garden seeds ever imported into the United States; and the general satisfaction given by his seeds last season, is his principal claim to the patronage of the public. He has also for sale, flower roots, apple, pear, peach, plum, cherry, apricot, and nectarine trees, from one to four years old, in good health, and of the best kinds; grape vine plants, and cuttings of various kinds—Forest trees and flowering shrubs, glass suitable for hot bed lights, and hot bed lights ready made and fit for use. He has also imported from London, a general assortment of the most celebrated works on botany, agriculture, gardening, and natural history, with which and every new work of merit on those subjects, he is determined to be constantly supplied. Orders attended to with punctuality and dispatch. Gardeners to be heard of as above. The printers of the Boston Chronicle, Salem Register, American Citizen, (N. Y.) Baltimore American, National Intelligencer, Norfolk Herald, Chesapeake City Gazette, and Lyon & Morley's Savannah (Geo.) paper, are requested to copy from the Aurora, an advertisement of Bernard McMATHON, seedsman, and to insert it twice a week in their respective papers, to the amount of three dollars, which will be paid by Wm. Duane, to their order, or on the first opportunity. Nov. 30.—3t
Public Sales. ON Saturday the 10th day of December next, at the farm of the late Mr. THOMAS DICK near Bladensburg, will be exposed to public sale the whole of the personal property thereon, consisting of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, the crop on hand, wagons, carts, plantation utensils, &c. Credit to the first of July next on all sum exceeding ten pounds currency, will be given on granting bonds with approved security bearing interest from date. And on Saturday following, being the 17th day of December, at the late dwelling house in Bladensburg of the said Mr. Dick deceased, will be exposed to sale in like manner and on similar terms the furniture of every kind appertaining to the same. Also a coach with harness for two horses. JOHN LAIRD, Executor. November 24.—eptr7D
Ellicott's Journal. Just opened and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD, and Co. NEW JERSEY AVENUE. The journal of Andrew Ellicott, late commissioner on behalf of the United States, for determining the boundary between the United States and the possessions of his Catholic Majesty in America, containing occasional remarks on the situation, soil, rivers, natural productions, and dictates of the different countries on the Ohio, Mississippi, and Gulf of Mexico, with SIX MAPS, comprehending the Ohio, the Mississippi from the mouth of the Ohio to the Gulf of Mexico, the whole of West Florida, and part of East Florida. To which is added an appendix containing astronomical observations, &c. Nov. 28.
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK, Attorney at law and Conveyancer.
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. THOS. POLLARD. Feb. 21st. cp
NOTICE. ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Adm. George Town, Nov. 25.—tf WANTED, IMMEDIATELY a good male servant, and a woman who can come well recommended as a Cook and Laundress. For information apply at this office. November 24.—4t
THOMAS GARPENTER, TAYLOR. HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14. JUST RECEIVED, By the United States , Capt. Finley from Liverpool, Fall Goods, viz. Brass Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell metal kettles, brass footmen, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddlery, brass ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c. HENRY INGLE. Washington, Oct. 28.—sp2m.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORRESTER, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same; and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30.
COLUMBIAN INN. GEORGE-TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 21. epj HENRY POLKINHORN, Saddler, Harness, Army Accoutrements, & Trunk-maker. George Town, Nov. 23.—1m
HAVING taken his two nephews Wm. & Richard M. Hall, into partnership, The business in future will be conducted in this place under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and Wm. Hall, who have opened at the store lately occupied by Mr. Conner, (two doors from the bank of Columbia) a handsome assortment of articles in their line; and hope from attention to business to merit the favors of their friends and the public. The business will be continued as usual in Baltimore, (under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and R. Hall) where they have for sale a general assortment of Saddlery, wholesale and retail, which they are determined to sell on the lowest terms. George Town, Nov. 23.—1m
District of Pennsylvania, to wit: BE it remembered, That on the ninth day of May, in the twenty-seventh year of the independence of the United States of America, William Young Birch, and Abraham Small, of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit: "BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES,"
with notes of reference, to the constitution and laws of the Federal Government of the United States, and of the commonwealth of Virginia, in Five Volumes, with an Appendix to each volume, containing short tracts upon such subjects as appeared necessary to form a connected view of the laws of Virginia, as a member of the Federal union, by St. GEORGE TUCKER, Professor of Law, in the University of William and Mary, and one of the judges of the General Court in Virginia. In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, intitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned;" and also to an act entitled, "An act supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned. And extending the benefits hereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." (L. S.) D. CAUDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania. The above work may be had at John March's book store, George Town, and of the booksellers in the city of Washington. November 23.—1m
A. J. VILLARD, PRESENTS his respects to the gentlemen of Washington and George Town, and gives them notice that he has opened a Coffee & Oyster House, In the same file as the one he kept last winter: His rooms are decorated with diverse models of architecture, and a fine collection of engravings for the amusement of the curious: He has different kinds of plays for the recreation of those who will honor him with their visits: He intends to keep all sorts of liquors of the first quality, Martinique cordials, &c. &c. Oysters cooked in any manner, so as to suit the palate of the greatest epicure. Two Boarders will be taken. Pennsylvania Avenue opposite the Center Market. November 14.—7cop
FOR SALE. ABOUT 2000 acres of land on the East side of the Eastern Branch, and adjoining it, three miles from the city of Washington. Vessels drawing 12 feet water may load at the landing, where there is a tolerable good fishery. Near 400 acres of this land is a rich bottom through which there are several streams of water, that turn a mill, erected on the land, and which might be used to advantage, in watering meadow: a part of the bottom is now in Timothy grass and the whole is capable of producing grass in abundance, and tobacco. There may be between five and six hundred acres in wood, the rest is cleared land. A part of the land adjoins a commodious brick dwelling house, with all convenient out-houses; and a large and handsome garden, but not in good repair, on the borders of the town of Bladensburg. This property, so convenient to the city of Washington, which affords a market for grass and all other productions of land, equal to any in the United States; is certain from its situation to rise in a few years, to a price several times as high as will now be taken for it, well deserves the attention of men of fortune. The whole land including the dwelling house and improvements, and mill, will be sold for 10 pound per acre. It is questionable whether the meadow ground, alone, is not worth all the money; it is certain, that it might easily be made to pay more than the annual interest of the whole purchase. BEN. STODDERT. George Town, Nov. 15.—3w
Valuable Land for Sale. The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land; lying in the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handiest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11.—tf
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE, BY RAPINE CONRAD & Co. New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. (Price 2 dolls. 25 cents in boards, or 2 dolls. 50 cents bound.) History of the British Expedition to Egypt. To which is subjoined, A sketch of that country and its means of defence. Illustrated with maps and a portrait of Sir Ralph Abercrombie. By ROBERT T. WILSON, Lieutenant colonel of cavalry in his Britannic Majesty's service, & Knight of the Imperial military order of Maria Theresa. September 28.
TO RENT AND immediate possession given, a two story frame HOUSE, in the city of Washington, on sq. 224, opposite to Robert Peacock's elegantly occupied by doctor Tobias. Containing 3 rooms and a large pantry on the 1st floor, two on the 2d floor with garter rooms—Piazza and balcony to the south front, cellar and dry well, with an excellent garden—Kitchen, stable and carriage house, with every other convenience fit for the reception of a genteel family—for further particulars, enquire at the store of Mr. Xampi a few doors east of Rhodes's tavern, north E street. October 19. tf
FOR SALE, At DUANE'S STORE, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, The Temple of Truth, Or a Vindication, of various passages and doctrines of the Holy Scriptures, Lately imbrached in a Deistical publication printed in Philadelphia—together with A REPLY to two Theological lectures, delivered in Baltimore by ELIJAH PALMER, BY JOHN HANGROVE, Minister of the New Jerusalem church, Baltimore. Nov. 28.—3t
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 20th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been triambed about the head and ears. Any person giving me information so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21.—tf
Grocery & Liquor Store. SAMUEL MINTIRE informs the inhabitants of Washington and the public in general, that he has opened a grocery and liquor store at the Navy yard opposite Mr. Prout's, where he has and intends to keep a supply of every thing in his line of the best quality. He has now on hand, best Coniac brandy, Imperial tea, Bordeaux do. Hyson, Holland gin, Young Hyson, Jamaica spirits, Hyson skin, Whiskey, &c. Loaf, lump, and Madeira wine, very fine brown sugar, for immediate use, Soap and candles, Sherry do. Bacon first quality, Lisbon wine, Best Spanish segars, And a variety of other articles all which he intends to sell on the lowest terms for Cash. N. B. A lot for sale in an eligible situation on the Capitol hill, New Jersey Avenue. November 4.—copf
For Sale or Rent. AN elegant two story BRICK HOUSE situated on South N. street, square 651 City of Washington, having four well finished rooms with an excellent cellar under the whole, a credit of 3 and 6 months will be given if sold for notes with approved indorsers. For further information enquire of ROBERT CHERRY, New Jersey avenue City of Washington, or JAMES KNIGHT, High street George Town. November 4th, 1803. 3t&wtf. N. B. A WOMAN that will undertake the care of a family, and can come well recommended, liberal wages will be given enquire as above.
FOR SALE By LEWIS GLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on E. street City of Washington. PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS. White Lead in kegs Red Lead, and dry, Spruce Ocher, Stone Ocher of superior Patent Yellow, quality, Gold Litage, Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, 2nd quality, Bell Carmin drop lack, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all kinds oil and spirits for, of turpentine, Window glass 10 by 12—8 by 10, and 7 by 9. Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book, Large sheet glass cut to any size. Gentlemen sending their Safes will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to. August 3. rawtf
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN off the Race ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely sorrell MARE, saddle and bridle; the saddle is about half worn with plated stirrups, and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about fourteen hands high. Paces trots and gallops; shod before; the outides of both hind feet a little worn by dragging them when rode; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder that resembles the letter T. Whoever delivers the above described mare, saddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the six buildings in the city of Washington will receive the above reward and no questions asked. November 14.—wtf
Valuable Lands and Lots FOR SALE. I will sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz. THE valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 1300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, about three miles distant from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will fold together or separately. Part of a tract of Land, called Hills and Bales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomac, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 70-124 acres. Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying to the south east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the lands of the late Richard Henderson, containing 160 acres all in wood. And 83-1-2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson. The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best situations in the town, is generally admired, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden, ice-house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this house, &c. not be sold previous to the 1st of December, it will then be to rent. One other lot or parcel of ground, adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard L. Lowndes, esq. containing 93-3/8 acres. Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 704, in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 9588 square feet. A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Hugh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to JOHN LAIRD, Trustee. N. B. I hold 246-1-2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hills and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms. JOHN LAIRD. George Town, Oct. 24, 1803. sp2wtf.
In the Case of LUKE SHANNON an Insolvent Debtor IT is ordered that six months from and after the first day of November next, be limit 1 and appointed for the Creditor to bring in and exhibit their claims to GEORGE ANDREWS of the City of Washington, Trustee, appointed for the benefit of the Creditors of the said Luke Shannon; and that a copy of this order be published once in each week until the tenth day of January next, in the National Intelligencer. By order of William Cranch, Esquire. URIAH FORRESTER, Clerk. November 4.—12w10j.