The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-04-14 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. CCXXIV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 22, 1802.
DEBATE ON INTERNAL TAXES CONCLUDED.
Mr. LOWNDES. I did intend to reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. S. Smith) but I have been anticipated by the gentlemen, who have preceded me. I will therefore confine my remarks to points not adverted upon by those gentlemen.
The gentleman observed that these taxes, if hereafter required, may be restored, and he added the people of this country are not like the people of other countries. This I do not believe. I believe they are like other people. I will not be their flatterer. I believe that they, like other people, when a new tax is laid, will be against it.
I should not have troubled the house on this subject, had not the committee of ways and means remarked, that however favorable they might be in the abstract to a repeal of these taxes, they would not have recommended a repeal, if they believed that it would interfere with a punctilious compliance with our engagements. If this was their opinion, it was incumbent upon them to show us that the repeal would not interfere with a punctilious compliance with our engagements, which they have not done.
I have voted for striking out all the articles moved; not that I am against retaining the tax on stills. On the contrary I believe that the best tax; because it is paid by those who pay no other tax, and because taxes should be equally distributed throughout the community. Besides the duty on distilled spirits is but 13 cents, while that on imported spirits is 28 cents. Surely then those who consume the former have no reason to complain. The difference of duty is a bounty on the consumers of distilled spirits; and is there any reason why the consumer of home made spirits should be more exempt from taxation than the consumer of foreign spirits?
Another objection to this tax is urged. It is said that it creates an executive patronage hostile to the genius of a free people; and that it is oppressive in the collection. But in what is it oppressive? Have we received a single petition against it? Nor can I conceive how it is odious to the genius of a free people. I know that formerly in other countries excises were odious. Collectors possessed summary jurisdiction, and the trial by jury was taken away. But do those regulations exist with us? I have read some petitions that were formerly presented on this subject; wherein the petitioners complain that they were obliged to write in large letters "Still" on their houses—But if there existed no stronger ground of complaint, this is a proof that the tax was neither inconvenient nor oppressive.
We are told the collection requires a great number of officers, and that it extends the patronage of the President. There are about 400 officers, scarcely 20 to a state, and yet gentlemen are alarmed at the danger of this patronage to the liberties of the people. Some of these officers receive only thirty-two dollars a year, and these are the host that are to destroy the liberties of the country. I think differently of executive patronage. It may extend so far as to excite the hopes of expectants, but not to gratify them. Every appointment that makes one friend, creates twelve enemies. The executive will derive no security to his power from this patronage—He can only excite expectation. As a proof of this, we see, from the papers, that instead of filling up vacancies in a constitutional manner, the people are called together to deliberate the officer, and what was intended to be committed to the discretion of a constituted agent, is exercised by a junto.
The tax on stills has existed since the year 1790. Of late we have heard no complaints, we have seen no petitions; and I think it can impose no hardship on the community, because I see the revenue steadily increasing. But suppose there are hardships, is there no medium between the entire continuance and abolition of it? Gentlemen have long enough exercised their talents of destruction; let them now use them for beneficial purposes.
We have heard much about retrenchments. But retrenchments yet made consist altogether in found. It is said the judiciary abolished. I am sorry for it. But I have seen a letter from a gentleman on the other side of the house,
which says the salaries of the judges are not touched. There is therefore on this head no retrenchment; and if it is the intention of gentlemen to appoint other judges, the expence will be increased.
The secretary of war has told us laconically that in his department there will be a saving of four or five hundred thousand dollars. But are we to be guided by expressions so vague? How is this saving to result? What difference is there between the present and the old establishment? As to men there is no real reduction, as the old establishment was not full. On the other hand, there will be an increased expence, from the dismissed officers receiving one month's pay for every year they have been in the service.
It is also said there is to be a reduction of 200,000 dollars in the navy department. But one report of the secretary says there is to be no reduction, and another that there is to be a reduction of 200,000 dollars. Which is to be credited?
But are there no new expences? Have gentlemen forgotten that we have passed a law for an increased representation, which will add 43 members to the present number, at an expence of about 1000 dollars a year. I say that this new expence amounts to more than all their boasted savings. If, however, they really with a saving of the public money, why not reduce our own compensation to two dollars a day. This would have two good effects. It would lessen our per diem allowance, and shorten our sessions.
I have another reason against the repeal of these taxes. I am informed that the President has received official information that Louisiana and Florida are ceded to France. We know that there is a dispute respecting the boundaries of those provinces. Is it then wise, at this critical period, to dispense with your internal resources? In case of a war your revenue derived from imports would be suspended. If these internal taxes are retained, in such event they might be improved and enlarged.
I have another strong argument against the repeal. I allude to the claims of your merchants; whose justice cannot be resisted. I believe this country has acquired a fortunate release from its obligation to guarantee the possessions of France in the West Indies. Had we been called on during the war in Europe to take efficient measures to guarantee these possessions, a refusal would have been a cause of war. I think therefore, we have purchased the exemption cheap. But on every principle of justice or honor we are bound to make good the claims of our merchants on the French government, which we have thereby extinguished.
We have heard from gentlemen much about their intention to reduce the national debt, and I believe the committee of ways and means have reported an appropriation of seven million three hundred thousand dollars for that object. I would be glad to know where this sum is to come from? If gentlemen are sincere in their desire to pay off the debt as speedily as possible, they should have postponed, at least for one year, the repeal of these taxes. They should have recollected, that they are as yet inexperienced and untried in the administration of the government.
Mr. Lowndes concluded by observing, that in his opinion the patronage of the executive in the appointment to office, was not to be dreaded; but that if ever the time should come, which he hoped to God, never would, when members of this house should be so obsequious to the will of the President, as to vote for a bill at his nod, such patronage would be dangerous indeed.
A motion was made to adjourn; lost—Ayes 21.
Mr. DANA. It is not my purpose to detain the committee long; but as the subject is important, it cannot be improper to offer some observations upon it. It may seem strange that any person should be induced to oppose an abolition of taxes. The affairs, however, of government, the honor and public faith of the nation, cannot be always supported without some pecuniary burthens, and when these require the imposition, taxes should be levied, however unpopular the act. We were told at the opening of the session, that strong and efficient measures would be taken for the speedy discharge of the public debt. This is the first revenue bill introduced into the house. Is it an evidence of such disposition? I know no proper way of extinguishing the public debt, except by paying it honestly. I do not know how gentlemen mean to extinguish it; but I
am sure they cannot rightfully extinguish it by destroying the means of payment. If they with rightfully to free the country from it, instead of continuing the taxes, they ought to devote them to its extinction. The navy six per cent. may be redeemed at pleasure. Other stock too is now comparatively low in the market, much lower than it may be in a few years. This therefore is an eligible season for the advantageous purchase of it with the proceeds of the taxes.
I have a further argument to oppose to the abolition of these taxes. They are pledged explicitly to the payment of the public debt.
[Mr. Dana quoted the law to that effect.]
These sources of revenue are the more important to the public creditors, as they may be compared, in point of security, to a mortgage of real estate, not subject to the casualties of war or other misfortunes.
What will be the effect of the proposed repeal? Your public debt is to be paid—You abolish an annual revenue of several hundred thousand dollars. Compute the time during which you will be discharging the debt, and you will see that the abandonment of these taxes will be equal to an abandonment of six or seven millions. To this amount you throw additional burthens upon commerce, and to a proportionate extent of time, you postpone the ultimate payment of the debt.
What proof is there that this debt will be speedily extinguished by payment? Is it intended that the navy shall pay it? The secretary of that department strikes out 200,000 dollars from his former estimate: but is it not known, that the plan of naval supplies must be in part, if not wholly, abandoned under this last estimate?
The report from the war department is of a still more singular kind. The secretary says, the difference between the expence of the present and the last establishment, will be little more or less than five hundred thousand dollars. The committee of ways & means say there will be a saving of a sum exceeding 400,000 dollars. Thus we see there is a difference between the two statements of about 100,000 dollars. Is this information sufficiently correct to rely upon?
But is there really such a saving? The only evidence we have on which we can depend must be derived from the experience we have had. A difference between the military expences of the last and the present year may arise from the reduction of price as to provisions, clothing and transportation. But this reduction has been estimated at no more than 200,000 dollars for both the army and navy. The estimate of the secretary of war for posts and garrisons evidently is predicated upon the principle of having the full number; he has stated, of effective men. What then is the real military reduction? As to the former establishment, it is well known that it never was full. According to the return laid before the house, there were in the service 4051 men, including the officers. According to the peace establishment, lately adopted, there will be 3040 men, besides officers, making together about 3270. The difference between the two is 780. What would be the cost of these 780 men? In ordinary service, the average of 200 dollars a year has been computed as sufficient for officers and men. Suppose the service on the frontier to be more expensive, and make an allowance of 300 dollars for each military individual—then the whole cost will amount to between 200,000 and 240,000 dollars. If you allow 400 dollars for a year, which is double the ordinary average, the amount will be about 300,000 dollars. During the Indian war, when the prices were enormous, the average expence for each military person did not, I believe, exceed 400 dollars. It cannot now, therefore, be so high; and it follows that the actual saving cannot be so great as that estimated by the minister at war, by one or two hundred thousand dollars.
Much has been said respecting the carriage tax. It is said that in New Jersey there is a great number of carriages owned by persons in moderate circumstances, which pay a duty of two dollars. If the tax operates oppressively, modify it. The whole number of the carriages, which I suppose are referred to, is but about 800 for the United States. All that is derived from that species of taxes does but little exceed the sum of 1600 dollars. Strike it out then, if improper—it amounts to nothing in this question. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Bacon), affects particular solicitude for clerical
men. I am not disposed to question the sincerity of his regard for them, but the argument proceeds on a supposition which is fallacious. Undoubtedly it would be improper to select that description of citizens, or those in the habit of attending public worship, as peculiar objects of taxation. If this were the principle of the duty on pleasurable carriages, it might justly be censured. But when such citizens are able to keep their carriages, and exhibit the ordinary evidences of property, they like other persons, in similar circumstances, may be taxed by the government; and I hope gentlemen do not mean to evince their ideas of those who are religious by considering them as doomed to perpetual poverty.
Some of the reasons of the committee of ways and means merit attention—They say that excises are hostile to the genius of a free people. But were the members of the general convention of that opinion when they agreed to a constitution which conferred on the general government the power of laying them? Or did the people believe them to be hostile to their liberties when they ratified that constitution? At the time of that ratification were the people free, or were they slaves? The truth is, the constitution has explicitly given authority to lay excises; and the principle is settled.
It is said that the collection of these taxes requires a great host of officers. I am not disposed at this time to discuss the question of executive patronage. I shall dismiss it with saying that the officers are public agents, not those of the President. The doctrine that they are the agents of the executive magistrate, and not of the public, is a new one. I am not disposed to admire a principle that makes all the public agents the obsequious instruments of an individual in power.
The committee say that these taxes lead to a system of espionage. It is to be hoped that the terrors of Gallic phraseology will not awe gentlemen into a surrender of their intellectual faculties. Is this any thing more than a mere imagination, or fanciful nullity? Are those who make and vend whisky examined with the same jealous care as the merchants? The master of an American merchant vessel, importing goods from a foreign port, must have on board a manifest of the cargo. When arrived within four leagues of the coast, he may be met and boarded by one of your revenue cutters. A manifest must be exhibited, and a copy of it delivered to the officer of customs on board the cutter, who is to forward it to a custom house. When arrived within the limits of the custom house district, the vessel may be again boarded by an officer of the customs, when a manifest must be again exhibited and another copy must be delivered. The master must afterwards make his report & entry, & exhibit a manifest at the custom house. A distinct entry is also required, in various instances, to be made by the merchant. The entries must be verified on oath. In addition to all these precautions, an inspector is put on board the vessel, to watch the landing of every article. Nothing is allowed to be delivered out unless in open day, except by special license. And the inspector may secure the hatches for the night, by locks and other fastenings, as he shall judge necessary.
Compare this system of regulations with that for collecting the internal duties. In point of strictness, is the last equal to the former? Will it be said, that those who make and deal in whisky are more worthy of respect and confidence than the American merchants and commanders of merchant vessels?
If our jealous regulations are odious in their application to the internal revenues, are they not ten-fold more odious in their application to the external?
There is another principle advanced by the committee that is deserving of attention. It is, that the United States should derive their revenue from the duties of the customs, and leave to the particular states the revenue to be derived from internal taxes. Has it not been asserted as a principle, that taxation and representation should be reciprocal?
The constitution has provided, that representatives and direct taxes should be apportioned among the respective states according to the number of free inhabitants, and three fifths of the black population. Why was this allowance made for these three fifths? Was it not upon the principle of making the representation conformable to internal taxation? If gentlemen considered it as the true policy of the United States to continue in peace with all the world, and if
there are to be no internal taxes except in time of war, why should 14 or 15 representatives be ultimately allowed to certain states on account of the blacks whom they held as property? As they extend through the interior of the country, and may assist the government towards equalizing the public burthens, & the various parts of the community, internal duties are far analogous to direct taxes. Yet some gentlemen appear disposed to refuse to the government of the United States the exercise of internal taxation altogether, and yet would assure to particular states that extraordinary number of representatives which they are allowed for the number of their slaves. Gentlemen should be cautious, and not press the advantage too far. The benefits which the constitution has given them, with respect to persons held in servitude, may be very agreeable to them; but abuses of the power thus put into their hands may render certain provisions of the constitution peculiarly odious to other parts of the union.
Mr. Dana was followed by Messrs. Huger, Hastings, and Griswold, who made a few remarks against the passage of the bill; and by Mr. Varnum, against it.
When the question was taken on the passage, and carried—yeas 61—nays 24, as already given.
New Invention.
The IMPROVED SAW-MILL, for which the subscriber has obtained a Patent.
THIS improvement saves the sawyer much labour, and the work is also much more expeditious. The log being slabb'd, turned down, and the saw started, the whole operation proceeds without further manual aid; for, the instant the cut is finished, the log moves back, and at the same time is guaged to the utmost exactness by the machine, ready for another cut in two thirds of a minute. The saw resumes its action in the log, and thus moves in alternate succession until the whole be cut up in any given dimensions, at which time the mill shuts up if required, or at any number of cuts for which the sawyer prepares, for his attendance is unnecessary.
Any person or persons inclining to purchase the privilege of erecting this valuable and simple machine, or of adding the improvement, which may readily be affixed to any Saw-Mill already in use, will please to apply to the subscriber at Well Brandywine Bridge, on the Philadelphia and Lancaster turnpike road, Pennsylvania, or to Dr. Thornton, commissioner, City of Washington.
MOSES COATES.
Washington, April 5, 1802. 2aw22awtf
We the Subscribers, inhabitants of Chester county in Pennsylvania, having been called upon by Moses Coates, to view his new invented plan of sawing, were eye witnesses to the following facts:
First, that in consequence of hands playing on a rag iron attached to the common rag wheel, the saw is relieved from the log. Secondly, that by the action of another principle the log is moved the required distance for the next cut, and that the saw is kept in motion after the log is slabb'd and turned down, until the saw is cut into the kind of boards required. The whole of the above is accomplished by his new invented plan exclusive of manual labour.
Francis Gardner, John Fleming, E. C. Isaac Coates, Thomas Vickers. William Baily.
NOTICE.
In the case of THOMAS WATERMAN, BANKRUPT.
WHEREAS a commission of Bankruptcy is awarded against Thomas Waterman, late of the City and county of Washington, in the District of Columbia, merchant; and the major part of the commissioners having, on due proof and examination declared him a bankrupt; the said Thomas Waterman is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners on Tuesday the 30th instant, on Tuesday the 13th day of April next, and on Wednesday the 28th day of April next, at 4 o'clock P. M. on each of said days, at the house of William Rhodes, in the City of Washington, in company; then and there to be examined by the said commissioners; and to make a full and fair disclosure and discovery of his estate and effects. The creditors of the said bankrupt are to take notice, that at the second of the said meetings they are to come prepared to prove their debts and to choose an assignee or assignees. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any goods or effects of his in their hands, are required not to pay or deliver the same to him, but to give notice thereof, to
JOHN BEWITT,
Clerk to the Commissioners. March 17, 1802. 1aw22
For Sale,
A NEGRO WOMAN about 27 years old who is a good Cook, and a complete horse servant in every other respect—Also a large well formed horse, that goes well in a carriage, and pleasant under the saddle.—Enquire at this office. March 5, 1802. 2w

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1802.
DEBATE.
On the bill received from the Senate, entitled "An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the courts of the United States."
Mr. Millidge said he hoped the committee would spare him a few moments of their time; that he had no intention of saying a word, on the important question before them, and meant to have contented himself by giving a silent vote; but as some remarks had fallen from the gentleman of South Carolina (Mr. Rutledge) in the course of his argument delivered yesterday, respecting the removal of a Post Master in the state he had the honor to represent, that for the present he would pass any explanation on that subject, and as he was drawn on the floor, he conceived himself bound to make some few observations on the bill now under consideration, that his constituents might know what guided him in his vote; that it was useless on any other score; that the subject was exhausted; nor had he the vanity to suppose, that any thing that should drop from him, would influence a single member; that from the doctrine held by gentlemen who differed from him on political points, he was one of those on that account who solemnly believed, that the passage of that bill as handed by the Senate, fixed a principle as to the judiciary, on which in his opinion depended the liberty, property, and happiness of his country. He stated, that tho' true it was imperative on the first Congress, to establish a national judiciary, it certainly was also true that all their plans were facultative; he said, let it be supposed for a moment, that in forming that system, they had made sixteen circuits and assigned duties to sixteen judges, that instead of two courts of appeal within the year, they had made four, that when this theoretical system had become tested by experience, it was found that the interest of the nation in that department could be as well, and better conducted, by having only six circuits, and six judges, and by two courts of appeal instead of four, would not Congress have had the right to modify the law, to meet the general welfare in that respect; it is not denied, nor brought into question but that they have the power of extending the courts; then surely they have the same right to abridge. But it is said that, the judges when once appointed hold their office during life from the tenure of their commission being, during good behaviour, and receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office; and independent of the power that gave them existence except by impeachment. He said he admitted that it was true to a certain extent, they were independent of the executive because his whim and caprice could never affect them; they were independent of the legislature for they could not constitutionally pass a law to remove an individual judge or judges from office, that the legislative power was confined to the system of jurisprudence by which the general welfare of the nation was to be consulted either to extend or abridge, that in case of abridging, and courts were abolished, the duties are taken from the judges, therefore they cannot receive compensation for they have no service to perform, they are not independent of the law, but depending for their existence as judges on the law; when the law goes down, they tumble with it. That on the subject of the rightful and necessary independence of the judges, that so much had been said about, that it had been long his opinion, that our late great and virtuous President Washington had surely been ill advised, when he took from the bench of judges, the chief justice Jay, and sent him not on a judicial but a diplomatic errand, when it was afterwards followed up by the late administration in sending a similar high character, on a similar errand; then it was and not till then, that the independence of the judges became prostrated not by legislative power, but to the executive authority under the influence of its patronage. Mr. M. said that on the subject of expediency he was one of those who always thought that it was the interest of the nation to lessen by every means in its power the foreign connections, that we are at peace with all the world except the Barbary power Tripoli, whose trade is war—and peace in Europe; that it was fair to presume for those reasons that few cases would come before the national courts, on what is called the law of nations, and that the constitution gives a right to foreigners as well as citizens of a different state to sue in the federal court, that the animosities and prejudices that grew out of the war for our independence would daily abate, that the right of ac-
tion in these courts should by degrees be narrowed from a persuasion, that the state courts administered justice as ample and as speedily as the national courts, that as to foreigners and citizens of different states not being able to obtain complete justice in the state courts, that argument could now have no possible weight, that on the contrary it always appeared to him that strangers from whatever quarter they might come if they brought with them a good character always met with a partial leaning of the citizens in their favor; he therefore thought that the old system with a few amendments was commensurate to all the objects of national jurisprudence. Mr. M. said that he had discovered that gentlemen throughout the discussion of this important question had read considerably from newspapers and other writings, he hoped he might be indulged in turn, that he had been favored with extracts from two letters sent to an honorable member of the Senate from no less characters than Governor M c Kean and the celebrated J s Dickenson, the Pennsylvania farmer. Governor M c Kean's letter says "The vote of the Senate of the United States on the question for repealing the late judiciary laws accords with my sentiments as it seems to have been contrived and executed rather to serve the interest of a few zealous partisans than the people at large. That a legislature have the power at a subsequent session to repeal any act passed before cannot admit of much doubt in a reflecting mind; the same power that creates can assuredly annihilate where there is no constitutional impediments; an office may be abolished when it shall be deemed mischievous or unnecessary, tho' the officer may not otherwise be removable, but after the conviction of some misdemeanor, and when there is no excusing office there cannot be any officer to execute it, both are nonentities."
Mr. Dickenson writes thus: "It seems to me that there should be the clearest and strongest provisions made against any engrafment of any elements, or powers from principles of common law upon the specified, limited, delegated, defined authorities, confided by the several states to the Union; how has the understanding of united America been insulted by sophistical argumentations drawn from this source, and from the paragraph of the 8th section of the first article of the constitution to reconcile us to boundless powers in the federal government (a danger against which the framers of that constitution strove with the utmost anxiety to guard such assumptions) would turn judges into legislators, and trustees into usurpers. I had rather that the whole judiciary system of the union should be abolished than that it should exist with those dangerous pretensions, threatening perdition to our best securities against future oppressions; they will entangle us in endless labyrinths of confusion. Is it not very extraordinary that under our constitution judges should declare the nation to be in a state of war, when the legislature is silent on that momentous point." Such, Mr. Chairman, are the sentiments of those two venerable, patriots, statesmen, and lawyers; our country can claim none higher in the possession of these qualities. What more then can be said on the subject, it forecloses all argument. The gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. Rutledge) had said that in looking over a newspaper that he had before him it appeared that even a Post Master in Georgia had been turned out of office, because he was a Printer, yet the person denies his being a Printer. Mr. M. observed that so far as respected himself being brought into question by the publication alluded to, he felt no hesitation to declare the part he had taken on that occasion; he said, he had mentioned that the editorial part of the paper called the Augusta Herald, was supposed to come from the pen of Mr. Hobby, that he was not the mechanical operator, that the press was generally considered to be under his control, and that that paper teemed with invective against the principal officers of the present administration. Mr. M. further observed that as the gentleman (M. R.) had passed into the state he had the honor to represent in search of matter for his argument, he begged he might be permitted in turn to view him a little within his own limits; he had informed the committee that the vote he had given for President which was a blank, he had the gratification to think was not only conformable to his own feelings but he believed to those of the people of South-Carolina. Mr. M. said he hoped he did not misquote the gentleman. That the committee had been favored with much newspaper information; he all sometimes read newspapers, and in one he had seen an account of the decided disapprobation of some of his fellow citizens in South-Carolina for his blank vote; he would ask that gentleman whether his country had not on a former occasion called on him within his state to exercise a similar duty, and whether he then put in a blank, or whether he voted for "a man of the people, a demagogue," a man of plain and simple attire without a "Mr. before his name. An Oliver Cromwell." If he did he left to the gentleman's own reflections, the propriety of what fell from his lips yesterday.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, March 25, 1802.
Mr. Bacon said he had always thought that in a government like ours, compensations to public agents ought not to be high; that in such governments, public offices, if lucrative, will become objects of envy, and from being objects of envy will become objects of hatred, until finally the government itself will become an object of hatred. He had reason to believe that the salaries and compensations, heretofore allowed by the United States, had not been duly apportioned among the officers; and he considered this as applicable to the members of the legislature. He therefore moved (in substance)—that a committee be appointed to enquire whether any and what reduction is necessary to be made in the compensation of the members of the Senate and of the house of representatives, as fixed by law.
Mr. Davis wished, if the gentleman intended to act upon a general principle, that he would extend his motion to the clerk of the house.
The question was put upon taking up Mr. Bacon's motion, and carried—Yeas 49.
Mr. Davis moved to add to Mr. Bacon's motion "and officers of the house."
Mr. Allston considered this amendment unnecessary, as the object was now before a committee, who had maturely considered it, and were ready to report.
Amendment lost—yeas 22. Mr. Elmerdorf entertained no doubt, when he considered the quarter from which the motion came, of its having been maturely digested. He hoped, in order that the house might learn what deduction could be made, that it would be unanimously committed.
Mr. Dana hoped the yeas and nays would be taken, that it might be seen whether the house were unanimous.
Mr. Claiborne said, that as he should probably vote against the resolution, he would assign the reasons that governed him. In 1793, or 1794, he said he had offered a similar resolution. At that time he was not acquainted with the necessary expenses attending a seat in this house, being a new member. Besides he was persuaded that the unavoidable effect of reducing the compensation to low that men of moderate property could not hold seats, would be that congress would be filled with nabobs.
Mr. Bayard said he presumed the honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Claiborne) would scarcely accuse his friend from Massachusetts with a disposition to introduce nabobs into this house, or to exclude good democrats. Nor is this our object. But we do conceive that when gentlemen are for tearing down every old establishment, in order to prove their patriotism, they ought to bring home to themselves the effect of these operations. Mr. Bayard said he did not, however, like the shape of the present motion. He believed that it was meant to import something not likely to be seen by the house. The sending to a committee that which every member must understand appeared to him a work of supererogation. What can that committee do? Simply collate the allowance with the expense of living. This every member can do as well for himself. The report therefore can furnish no new information. In order to test the sincerity of gentlemen on this subject, he would make a direct motion. Not that he thought six dollars a day too much on the old system. But the present compensation ought to be accommodated to the new plan. He, therefore, moved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to reduce the compensation of members from six to four dollars a day.
Mr. Davis moved to strike out 4, and insert two dollars a day.
Mr. Dana enquired whether it was in order to divide the question.—The speaker replied in the affirmative.
Mr. Dawson moved the postponement of the question until the last Monday in November. He stated, that in making this motion, his only wish was to prevent a waste of the public time, and not from an unwillingness to meet the question—and he took occasion to declare, that he should vote against every proposition which went to change the present pay, which he considered as not more than adequate—and to which all liberal or reasonable men would assent.
Mr. Nicholson hoped the postponement would not take place. He had no hesitation to say that he found six dollars not more than sufficient. But if gentlemen were ready to make sacrifices he would be as ready as any of them. He hoped therefore the question would be immediately taken, and that it would be seen how far gentlemen were for making sacrifices.
Mr. Huger hoped the motion would not prevail. He had no hesitation in saying he was against all reduction. He knew that it was a popular thing to reduce salaries, and that those who make such motions may get credit abroad.
Without ostentation, he might say the compensation was no object to him. If there were no compensation, he would still return to his seat, if he offered, and should be elected.
He conceived the reduction in every way improper. Every gentleman must know the inconvenience of leaving home, and of neglecting a farm or a profession. Gentlemen do not consider the sacrifice that is made. A gentleman is brought here in the honorable character of a representative of the people. He would ask, if he was not obliged to live in decent style? He believed that many able and respectable men could not afford to attend without compensation. As far as his information extended, he believed that in his state many men, whose talents would confer honor on their country, were prevented from coming here from the smallness of the compensation. He believed it was a great object to have fit men in office, and this end could not be attained without the allowance of decent emolument. It is a dreadful thing that you are to carry a man from his family and friends, and then grudge him the small pittance of six dollars a day. The natural effect of reducing the compensation to low is to throw the best men out of office. Perhaps no class of citizens is more fitted for public stations, than that description of citizens, who can just live at home without having anything over to spare. Can such a man, come here, return home, and find himself in as good a situation as when he left it? Can it be the wish of the American people to reduce men who serve them to this situation? Mr. H. said it was not his wish to see the government managed exclusively by the rich, or by those who had no stake in the country. The effect of this resolution will be not to put better men in office, but to abridge the field of choice. We have heard no complaints from the people respecting the present compensations. No gentleman will say this is a cheap place. Expenses here are greater than in Philadelphia. Here you are obliged to incur a considerable expense, or you must live miserably.
As to other contemplated diminutions, he was against them as well as this: he would rather disband the whole army, than reduce the compensation paid to members. If reduced, what shall we gain?—a mere bagatelle! As had been observed by the gentleman from Virginia, the civil list did not constitute the great expense of the government. Economy is a good thing, but let us be moderate and wise in our application of it. Mr. H. concluded by observing, that he should not have made so strong an opposition to the motion, if the present compensation were any object to him.
Mr. Smith said he had often seen this game played in legislative bodies; but he did not recollect that he had ever before seen it played in congress. He had not so contracted an idea of the American people, as to believe this mode of obtaining popularity would succeed. The only way, in his opinion, to obtain popularity, was to do what was right. This had been his course; he had hitherto stood tolerably well with his constituents; and so long as he continued to pursue the same course, he had no doubt his constituents would continue to approve his general conduct.
As to any reduction whatever in the compensation of members, he would not say, that it was not proper; but he would say, that the proposed reduction was too great. The general plan of reduction, to which gentlemen had alluded, was a very different one from the present. The former was to dispense with all establishments that were useless. So far he concurred in the plan, and deemed it correct. Whether it would be expedient to reduce the salaries of some officers, he was not prepared to say; though he was inclined to think there were some officers, among whom were some of the collectors of ports, who appeared to receive too much.
If one event take place; if we reduce the salaries of officers generally, then we ought to reduce our own. He concurred with the gentleman from South-Carolina, (Mr. Huger,) in the opinion that it was not proper to reduce the compensations so far, as to deprive the intermediate classes of our citizens of the power of serving their country. This was not intended by the constitution, which even in the qualifications of a President required the possession of no property. It was therefore clearly intended that the people should enjoy the right of calling all classes of citizens into the public service. Suppose we were to declare by law, that no man that was possessed of property to the amount of 10,000 dollars, should be elected to a particular office, would not this be unconstitutional? Yet may we not accomplish the same end in a different way?
Mr. Smith supposed this motion was to be considered as an electioneering business. As to himself, personally considered, it was a matter of indifference to him, whether he was here or at home. He had never considered a seat in this House as a matter of emolument; and he believed every member viewed the compensation in the same light. He would, therefore, vote both against the postponement and against the resolution.
Mr. Dawson withdrew his motion of postponement. He had made it to save time, but as it appeared to have an opposite effect, he declined persisting in it.
Mr. Bayard said he agreed to vary his motion, so as to insert two dollars instead of four dollars.
Mr. Giles observed, that he only wished to remind gentlemen, that they had yesterday passed a resolution for adjourning on the 2d Tuesday of April. He believed there never was a subject before congress that required less reasoning; and if gentlemen will spare remarks not calculated to promote the dignity of the government, they will confer a favor on the House. He was himself perfectly persuaded that the compensation of six dollars was not too high. In entertaining this opinion he was quite disinterested, as it was his purpose to be a constituent instead of a representative; though he possibly might continue to serve in the latter character during the next congress.
Mr. Bacon said he did not rise to enter into the debate. He rose to make himself understood. When he asked, he must act for himself, and pursue his own judgment, though he stood alone. The resolution was predicated upon plain democratic principles; and he hoped never to be engaged in any cause that would constrain him to descend to the grovelling act of enquiring into the secret motives of men.
He had long been of opinion that in general the compensations have been too high in a government like ours. He might be mistaken, but such was his opinion. If the motion he submitted was predicated upon true principles, he expected it would be popular. He was sorry the resolution had taken up five minutes attention. But the observations made by other gentlemen had induced him to reply. He said that he acted in concert with men with whom he generally agreed, but upon the merits of a specific question he must judge for himself. He concluded by moving the insertion of five dollars a day.
Mr. Goddard had no doubt but that the degree of confidence the gentleman reposes in gentlemen will be reciprocated; but he could not refrain from reading a resolution passed on the 14th January last.
[Here Mr. G. read an extract from the journal, containing a resolution appointing a committee, on which Mr. Bacon was named, to enquire into the expediency of making reductions in the civil list.]
Mr. T. Morris said his object was to insert four dollars for each member, and six dollars for the speaker.
Mr. Elmer felt very little anxiety respecting the fate of the motion; nor did he know that the compensation did not stand at a just rate. But he hoped gentlemen would be actuated by the public good, and not carried away by party motives. He would rather that the compensation should be reduced to five dollars. It was certain that gentlemen in lucrative professions make great sacrifices. But it did not comport with the genius of the government, or the habits of the people, to make compensations for public service that were lucrative. Five dollars might answer, but two dollars were certainly inadequate.
Mr. Millidge said it was clearly his opinion that six dollars were little enough. But if gentlemen are for making sacrifices, he was ready to go as far as they pleased. If they are for reducing, let them do it handsomely, and shew the extent of their patriotism.
Mr. D. Heister moved to add "during the present session of Congress."
Mr. S. Smith said he had always thought six dollars a proper allowance. But if a majority of the house should be willing to make sacrifices, he would not differ with them—he had never considered the pay as an object. He had been some time in public service, and never saved any thing from his pay; he had generally found his expenses exceed his allowance. But if a majority were of opinion that one dollar was sufficient, he was willing; if for nothing, he had no objection as to himself.
Mr. Bayard hoped it would be remembered that the proposition to reduce the compensation to two dollars a day was not his: it was not his object to turn the business into ridicule; or with the gentleman from Maryland, to vote for two dollars, or one dollar, or no dollar, as that gentleman said he had been in the habits of serving his country. He had wished to see the compensation fixed at a moderate and reasonable sum. This had comported with his serious views. But as gentlemen were disposed to make a flagrant display of their patriotism, he was willing to go with them, and to sacrifice with them, because he thought that while we are sacrificing others, we ought to make some sacrifices ourselves.
Mr. H. Hland was opposed to the resolution, and to every amendment which had been offered. He believed six dollars at the commencement of the government was sufficient, and much more ample than at present. The legislature had seen fit to continue that compensation to the present day, and he believed the expenses of living were not now reduced. There was, therefore, in his mind no necessity for enquiry. He had another reason for being against the motion; and

that was his with our successors may be as well accommodated as we are. Mr. S. Smith said he had intended to make some explanation on the misrepresentations of the gentleman from Delaware. But on reflection he was convinced that the house was well able to understand the manner in which that gentleman acts, that they will be able on this occasion to judge without any explanation from him.
Mr. John C. Smith said it must be evident to the house that the resolution of the 4th of January involved the object of the present motion. The committee then appointed, it was certainly most correct to refer this motion, though he did not know why that committee had not yet reported. He therefore moved the reference of the motion to that committee.
Mr. Griswold said he had contemplated at a future stage of the business the instructing that committee to make this enquiry. It certainly was the correct course to refer the motion to that committee which was under the superintendence of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon). As that committee had slept from the 4th of January, and as their nap had been a very long one, it might be time to awaken them.
Mr. Bacon observed that as he was called on as chairman of the committee alluded to, to render an account, he would state that the committee had met early and repeatedly; that they had thought it expedient to refer to the heads of departments for information. They were informed that there would be a document in a short time presented that would afford them better information than any which could then be furnished. They would, notwithstanding, have proceeded, but for a change in the committee; one gentleman had quitted his seat in the house, and another (the chairman) had obtained leave of absence.
Mr. John C. Smith said that the mode pointed out by his colleague was the most correct. But his object, in the motion he had offered, was to preclude this useless and unpleasant discussion.
Mr. Elmerdorf thought the reference perfectly useless. As a member of that committee he had expressed his opposition to the proposed resolution.
Mr. Nicholson did not know a stronger reason for that reference.
Mr. Dana declared himself in favor of a resolution. He had no hesitation to say that the compensation of six dollars was not too much. But under present circumstances gentlemen might expect him to go full length, that they may themselves feel the force of their own acts. He was therefore for the reference, and to that particular committee.
The question was then taken on the motion of Mr. J. C. Smith to refer Mr. Bacon's motion to the committee appointed on the 4th of January, and carried—yeas 68.
The bill reported from the committee of the whole, to continue in force an act entitled "An act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein mentioned," was taken up.
The amendment agreed to in the committee to limit the duration of the law to two years instead of three, was agreed to—yeas 40.
Mr. John C. Smith said that as he was fully impressed with the propriety of the motion which he had made in committee, he could not, notwithstanding its fate, agree to abandon it. He believed it most fair that the compensations allowed to officers should appear on the face of the bill, instead of referring to an old law. He therefore moved that the words "said act be revived, &c." and that the following words should be introduced, "the following salaries shall be allowed to the secretary of state, &c."
This motion was supported by Messrs. John C. Smith, Dana, Griswold, Elmer, Huger, Morris, Goddard, and Bacon; and opposed by Messrs. Gregg, S. Smith, Nicholson, Giles, and Varnum.
Those who supported the motion contended that no analogous instance to the present bill could be found; that there was no instance in which a law had actually expired being revived, and taking effect from the period of expiration; that the law intended to be restored had expired on the 31st of December last; and that the present law was in fact a new proposition to augment the salaries of several of the heads of departments from 3,500 to 5,000 dollars, &c.—that though they had no objection to continue most of the salaries at their augmented amount, there might be some of the compensations that did not bear a proper proportion to the rest; that this was actually the case with respect to the secretary of the navy and of war, and the attorney general; the two former of which were not sufficiently high, and the latter, which appeared to be the most useful of all the offices from the officer absenting himself so frequently from the seat of government, was too high; that it would be invidious to be constrained from the manner in which the bill was drawn to move a distinct proviso in the case of a particular officer thus circumstanced; that many of the present members of the house were not in the legislature when these compensations were fixed, and that they ought to
have an opportunity of comparing them with each other; that though the present secretary of the treasury had himself voted against this increase of salary, that could be no inducement with them to vote against it;—that if it were meant by gentlemen who brought in the bill to conceal from the people that these salaries were augmented by the present legislature they would be deceived; that they would, on the other hand, gain credit by an open avowal of the fact; if this was not done, it would be said, here are gentlemen who have been declaiming against high salaries until they obtain the offices of the government; and then they allow those high salaries, and attempt to conceal the allowance; that the late salaries, being predicated upon a state of war, might perhaps be too high for permanent salaries, and if so, required reduction; that in order to determine the point, each salary should appear on the face of the bill; and that this would be in conformity to the universal practice of the house, which, in all cases where a law was revived which involved a principle implicating details, had revived the law not generally, but specifically as to those details; thereby giving an opportunity to the members of the house to modify or vary those details.
Those who opposed the motion denied the accuracy of the precedents alluded to by the gentlemen on the other side; and contended that all similar acts to the present had been revived in a similar style; that this had been invariably and frequently the case; they professed themselves astonished at hearing it said that the present course pursued was unfair; if unfair, gentlemen had themselves set the example; an example set in every deliberative body in the world, practised in the British parliament, and it was believed in every body where the parliamentary mode of transacting business was adopted; nor was it believed that it precluded any proposition of amendment; as to salaries, it was deemed correct to continue them, without alteration, as they had for several years stood, and as they had been fixed by the gentlemen who now opposed the bill—If there was any disposition to vary them, the objections of gentlemen might apply. With respect to the compensation allowed to the attorney-general, it was the same with that which had been permanently fixed; an additional compensation had been allowed him for prosecuting claims under the British treaty, but that sum was not included in the salary allowed in the bill; that as to the imputation attempted to be fixed, of a disposition to conceal from the people the effects of this bill, it was absurd, as the people were well acquainted with the details of the law to which this bill referred, and no misapprehension could take place, except from intentional deception.
The amendment of Mr. Smith was lost—Yeas 27—Nays 48. The yeas and nays were as follows:
YEAS. Messrs. Bacon, Bayard, Bowe, Campbell, Cutler, Dana, Davenport, Davis, Elmer, Foster, Goddard, Gray, Griswold, Grove, Hastings, Hempill, Hilly Hoge, Huger, Lowndes, L. R. Morris, T. Morris, Peirce, Read, J. C. Smith, Stanley, Stratton, Tallmage, Tenney, Thomas, Tillinghast, Upham, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, Walker, L. Williams, Woods.
NAYS. Messrs. Alston, Archer, Bailey, Brown, Buel, Cabell, Claiborne, Clay, Clapton, Goudin, Guitte, Dawson, Elmerdorf, Fowler, Gregg, Hana, D. Heister, Holmes, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Johnson, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Newton, Nicholson, Randolph, Smilie, J. Smith, Jos. Smith, (of N. York) J. Smith, (of Virg.) J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stanton, Stewart, Taillferro, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortland, Van Nels, Varnum, R. Williams.
The question was then taken on engrossing the bill, and carried. Yeas 39—Nays 30.
To be Sold, A FEW LOTS in Squares No. 902, and 951, near the Barracks, at a moderate price for cash—Apply to Benjamin More, New-Jersey Avenue, who has for sale Rhode-Island Lime, by the cask; and he expects in a few days moieties by the hoghead, to be delivered at any wharf in the city. April 14, 1802. ep3t
The MAIL PILOT, Will, during the SUMMER SEASON, LEAVE the Columbian Inn, Georgetown at 5 o'clock A. M. and Mr. William Tunnicliff's, City of Washington, at 6 o'clock, every day; for Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York; arrive at Baltimore about three o'clock. Leave Baltimore next morning and arrive at Philadelphia next day to breakfast—Returning—Leave Philadelphia at 7 o'clock A. M.; arrive at Baltimore the next day to dine. Leave Baltimore at 6 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Washington at 3 o'clock P. M. Fare and allowance of baggage as usual—All baggage at the risk of the owners.
J. H. BARNEY. April 14, 1802. ep1M N. B. Passengers coming in this line will be sent on to Alexandria, if required, the same evening; and to accommodate my customers a private stage will be sent to Baltimore or Alexandria at short notice. J. H. B.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14, 1802.
The report of the committee of Ways & Means, for effecting the ultimate redemption of the Public Debt , with the accompanying documents, is very long. We shall, at an early period, publish it entire; in the mean time, the first section of the bill, contemplated to be passed, will make our readers acquainted with its substantial effect.
"That to much of the duties on merchandise and tonnage, together with the monies, other than surplusses of revenue, which now constitute the sinking fund, or shall accrue to it by virtue of any provisions heretofore made, and together with the sums annually required to discharge the annual interest and charges accruing on the present debt of the United States, including temporary loans heretofore obtained, and also future loans which may be made for reimbursing, or redeeming, any instalments, or parts of the principal of the said debt, will amount to an annual sum of seven millions three hundred thousand dollars, be, and the same hereby is yearly appropriated to the said fund; and the said sums are hereby declared to be vested in the commissioners of the sinking fund, in the same manner as the monies heretofore appropriated to the said fund, to be applied by the said commissioners to the payment of interest and charges, and to the reimbursement or redemption of the principal of the public debt, and shall be and continue appropriated until the whole of the present debt of the United States, including future loans which may be made for reimbursing, or redeeming, any parts or instalments of the principal of the said debt, shall be reimbursed and redeemed."
In the Washington Federalist of Saturday, there is a paragraph, apparently taken from the Gazette of the United States , in which it is said, that in the course of a debate some days before, "two of the ministerialists, Mr. Nicholson and Mr. Alston, charged each other with a violation of truth." It is impossible to say from what source the editor of that paper derived his information, but it is presumed he will be pleased at an opportunity of correcting an error. The fact is, that a proposition being before the house relative to a loan of fifty thousand dollars, formerly made by the state of Maryland to the commissioners of the city of Washington, Mr. Alston stated some circumstances relative to the manner of procuring the loan. Mr. Nicholson in reply, said Mr. Alston's statement was not true—Mr. Alston asked if the gentleman from Maryland meant to say that he had uttered a falsehood?—Mr. Nicholson said he did not—he did not believe the gentleman would willingly misstate a fact; he only meant to say he was incorrect in his knowledge of the fact. Each insisted on the correctness of his own statement with some degree of warmth; but it is nothing more than justice to those gentlemen to say, that neither in the most distant manner intimated that the other had "violated truth."
The Boston Centinel of the 7th of April states the ascertained votes for governor of Massachusetts to be, For Mr. Strong, 8,703 Mr. Gerry, 6,722 In Boston Mr. Strong had a majority of 874 votes.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.
MONDAY, APRIL 12, 1802. The bill for the relief of Theodosius Fowler was read the third time and passed—Ayes 82—Nays 23.
A bill for the relief of Paul Coulon was agreed to in committee of the whole, and, after being reported, was ordered to a third reading to-day.
The house went into committee of the whole; Mr. John C. Smith in the chair; on the bill for the establishment of certain districts, and to amend an act for regulating the collection of tonnage and duties, &c.
The bill was amended, and reported to the house, wherein it was agreed to, and ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The house went into committee of the whole; Mr. Davis in the chair; on the report of the secretary of state on the memorial of Fulwar Skipwith.
Mr. Dawson moved two resolutions; the first for providing by law for the payment to Fulwar Skipwith of 4,550 dollars; advanced by him for the United States, with interest from November 1, 1795; the second for allowing Mr. Skipwith a sum for his services from Nov. 1, 1796, to May 1, 1799.
Messrs. Randolph and Dawson advocated the adoption of the resolutions, which were carried without a division; reported to the House; agreed to, and a bill ordered in.
A report of a select committee was made on the state of the clerk's office. A bill was reported for the relief of Louis Touland, allowing him 670 dol-
lars—committed to committee of whole house to-morrow.
The house went into committee of the whole; Mr. L. R. Morris in the chair; on the report of a select committee on the petitions of
The committee recommend the adoption of three resolutions; the first allows to the widows and children of the seamen lost on board of the Insurgent and Pickering four months pay of the latter; the second provides for allowing hereafter five years half pay to the widows and children of naval officers who shall be slain in battle or die in the line of their duty; the third extends the benefit of the second provision to the widows and children of the officers lost in the Insurgent and Pickering.
These resolutions were agreed to, reported, agreed to in the House, and a bill ordered in.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of sick and disabled seamen. Mr. John C. Smith in the chair.
Mr. Eustis moved to strike out the 1st section which forms the monies devoted to the above object into a general fund, to be applied according to the discretion of the President, instead of suffering it to remain, as heretofore, applied to the particular ports (or those in the vicinity) from which the monies are derived.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Eustis, Mitchell, Dana, and opposed by Messrs. S. Smith, Milledge, Davis, Macon, & Huger.
The question was then taken on striking out the first section and lost;—when the committee rose, and reported the bill with several amendments.
A committee appointed on Friday, reported the unfinished business before congress which in their opinion it would be expedient to pass upon during the present session, concluding with an opinion that an adjournment may take place in two weeks.
TUESDAY, APRIL 13, 1802. The House took up the bill to amend an act for the relief of sick and disabled seamen, as reported by the committee of the whole, and agreed to the amendments with other amendments.
Mr. Bishop moved to add to the first section a provision for applying 20,000 dollars to the erection of a Hospital in Massachusetts.
Mr. S. Smith moved to insert in the room of 20,000, the sum of 15,000 dollars, which he considered as adequate to commencing such a building.
Mr. Bishop agreed to the amendment.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Bishop, S. Smith, Huger, Bacon, and Eustis, and opposed by Messrs. Elmerdorf, Davis, Milledge, and Randolph.
Mr. Milledge moved an amendment applying 5,000 dollars to the erection of a Hospital in Savannah.
The proposition to appropriate 15,000 dollars to the erection of a Hospital in Massachusetts, was agreed to—yeas 39—nays 29.
Bill ordered to be engrossed for a 3d reading to-morrow.
The House went into committee of the whole—Mr. L. R. Morris in the chair—on the bill providing for the payment of the whole debt of the United States.
Mr. Mott moved to strike out that part of the first section that pledges 7,500,000 dls. annually until the entire discharge of the debt, & to substitute an appropriation of that sum for two years.
Mr. Mott spoke in favor of this motion, and Mr. Randolph against it.
When the question was taken on the amendment, and lost without a division.
Mr. Griswold moved to strike out the 4th section, which authorises a reloan of instalments of Dutch debt, becoming due previously to 1809, in order to equalise the instalments annually payable.
The motion was supported by Mr. Griswold and Mr. Bayard; and opposed by Mr. Randolph and Mr. Nicholson; when the committee rose without coming to a decision, and obtained leave to sit again.
New-York, April 10. The ship Liberty, from Liverpool, arrived at this port last evening. She left Liverpool on the 3d March, at which time no intelligence had been received there of the signing of the Definitive Treaty. Superfine flour was selling at 38 to 42 shillings.
The letters by the Liberty will not be delivered from the post office until this morning. Her London papers are to the 26th February; which, as we are informed by a passenger on board, contain no news.
We learn from New-Orleans, by capt. Sisson, that an embargo was to be laid upon all vessels in that port on the 12th of March, by order of the French government; and that a French commandant for New-Orleans was hourly expected.
BOARDING. Three or four Gentlemen can be accommodated with separate Rooms near the Capitol.—Apply to the Printer. March 19, 1802. ep3w
THE subscriber hereby gives notice to the merchants trading with the island of St. Domingo, that by order of the general in chief of the French army in that colony, the port of Aux Cayes in the southern district, is opened to foreign trade, on the same footing with those of the Cape, and Port Republican. In consequence whereof the commercial agents of the French republic in the United States are instructed to deliver certificates for that port, as well as for the two other above mentioned places, when such certificates are applied for. Georgetown, 27th Germinal, 10th year, (13th April, 1802.) L. A. PICHON.
NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, District of Columbia, a negro Man by the name of JESSE, lay he belongs to Peyton Wayal of Georgia; is five feet eight inches high, has a scar on each side of his nose, and his back much scarred. The owner of the above slave is desired to come, prove property, pay charges, and take him away; or he will be sold for his fees agreeable to law. DANIEL C. CRANT, Marshal of the district of Columbia. April 14, 1802. ep3w
FOR SALE, LOOKING-GLASSES & FURNITURE.
The subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has just received from New-York various kinds of Looking-Glasses, from 5 to 10 dollars each—Also tables, bureaus, &c. of an elegant and fashionable make. He continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of ornaments for chimney-pieces, door caps, frontispiece pieces, metal tables, &c. &c.
GEORGE ANDREWS. April 14, 1802. ep3t
Benjamin Henfrey, RESPECTFULLY informs the citizens of Washington, George-town, and the vicinity, that he will exhibit his NEW MODE OF OBTAINING LIGHT, in a variety of
THERMO LAMPS, At Mr. Thompson's new brick house, Pennsylvania Avenue, on Friday evening next, from 5 to 8 o'clock, and will continue every evening until the 18th May. Tickets to be had at the door; price one dollar, to admit a gentleman twice, or once and bring a Lady. April 14, 1802. ep3t
NOTICE. THE public are hereby cautioned against the sale of my house on Square No. 432, on Pennsylvania Avenue, advertised by Samuel Baker, on the 27th instant, he, the said Baker, not having complied with the contract alluded to, in his advertisement; nor has he complied with the tenor of an arbitration had on the occasion. The circumstances leading to the same will be made known by application to JOHN HARRISON. April 14, 1802. ep3t
[By Authority.] AN ACT To repeal the Internal Taxes.
BE it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That from and after the thirtieth day of June next, the internal duties on stills and domestic distilled spirits, on refined sugars, licenses to retailers, sales at auction, carriages for the conveyance of persons, and stamped vellum, parchment and paper, shall be discontinued, and all acts and parts of acts relative thereto shall, from and after the said thirtieth day of June next, be repealed: Provided, that for the recovery and receipt of such duties as shall have accrued, and on the day aforesaid remain outstanding, and for the payment of drawbacks or allowances on the exportation of any of the said spirits or sugars legally entitled thereto, and for the recovery and distribution of fines, penalties, and forfeitures, and the remission thereof, which shall have been incurred before and on the said day, the provisions of the aforesaid acts shall remain in full force and virtue.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the office of superintendent of stamps shall cease and be discontinued from and after the thirtieth day of April one thousand eight hundred and two; after which day the commissioner of the revenue shall perform all the duties by law enjoined on the said superintendent of stamps, which may be required in pursuance of this act; that the office of collectors of the internal duties shall continue in each collection district, respectively, until the collection of the duties above mentioned shall have been completed in such district, and no longer, unless sooner discontinued by the President of the United States who shall be and hereby is empowered, whenever the collection of the said duties shall have been so far completed in any district as to render, in his opinion, that measure expedient, to discontinue any of the said collectors and to unite into one collection district any two or more collection districts, lying

and being in the same state that the office of supervisor shall continue in each state or district, respectively, until the collection of the duties above mentioned, together with the collection of the direct tax, shall have been completed in such state or district, and no longer; until sooner discontinued by the President of the United States, who shall be and hereby is empowered, whenever the collection of the said duties and tax shall have been so far completed in any state or district as in his opinion to render that measure expedient, to discontinue any of the said offices; in which case the collectors thereafter employed in the collection of the said duties and tax in such state or district shall be appointed and removable by the President alone, and shall be immediately accountable to the officers of the treasury department, under such regulations as may be established by the secretary of the treasury: that for the promoting of the collection of any of the above mentioned duties or tax which may be outstanding after the said thirtieth day of June next, the President of the United States shall be, and hereby is empowered at any time thereafter, to make such allowance as he may think proper in addition to that now allowed by law to any of the collectors of the said duties and tax, and the same from time to time to vary: Provided , that such additional allowance shall in no instance exceed in the aggregate, five per cent. of the gross amount of the duties and tax, outstanding on that day; and the office of commissioner of the revenue shall cease and be discontinued whenever the collection of the duties and tax abovementioned shall be completed, unless sooner discontinued by the President of the United States, who shall be, and hereby is, empowered whenever the collection of the said duties and tax shall have been so far completed as, in his opinion, to render that measure expedient, to discontinue the said office, in which case the immediate superintendence of the collection of such parts of the said duties and taxes as may then remain outstanding, shall be placed in such officer of the treasury department as the secretary, for the time being, may designate: Provided however , that all bonds notes or other instruments which have been charged with the payment of a duty, and which shall, at any time prior to the said thirtieth day of June, have been written or printed upon vellum, parchment or paper not stamped or marked according to law, or upon vellum, parchment or paper stamped or marked at a lower rate of duty than is, by law, required for such bond, note or other instrument, may be presented to any collector of the customs within the state; and where there is no such collector, to the marshal of the district, whose duty it shall be, upon the payment of the duty with which such instrument was chargeable, together with the additional sum of ten dollars for which duty and additional sum the said collector or marshal shall be accountable to the treasury of the United States, to endorse upon some part of such instrument his receipt for the same; and thereupon, the said bond, note or other instrument shall be, to all intents and purposes, as valid and available to the person holding the same as if it had been or were stamped, counter-stamped, or marked as by law required; any thing in any act to the contrary, notwithstanding. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted , That owners of stills, whose licenses to distill shall not have expired on the thirtieth day of June next, shall, at their option, pay either the whole duty which would have accrued on their stills on account of such licenses, or the duty which would have accrued on said stills, on the day aforesaid, if they had taken licenses ending on that day: that owners of snuff-mills, whose licenses had not expired on the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, shall be allowed a deduction from the duties incurred on the same, proportionate to the time thus remaining unexpired on such licenses: that the several banks, which may have agreed to pay the annual composition of one per cent. on their dividends, in lieu of the stamp duty on the notes issued by them, shall pay only at the rate of one per cent. per annum, on such dividends, to the thirtieth day of June next: that retailers of wines and spirits, who may take licenses after the passing of this act, shall pay for such licenses only in proportion to the time which may intervene between the obtaining of such licenses and the thirtieth day of June next: and that the owners of carriages for the conveyance of persons, who may enter the same after the passing of this act, and before the thirtieth day of June next, shall pay the duty for the same only to the said thirtieth day of June. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted , That the supervisor of the North West district shall, in addition to the same commissions on the product of all the internal duties collected in his district, as heretofore have been allowed to the supervisor of Ohio, be allowed an annual salary of five hundred dollars, and at the rate of three hundred dollars per annum, for clerk-hire. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted , That the following extra allowances for
clerk-hire, shall be made for one year to the supervisors of the following districts, as a full compensation for the additional duties arising from the settlement of accounts of certain inspectors of the internal revenues, whose offices have been suppressed by the President of the United States, that is to say, to each of the supervisors of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina and South Carolina, the sum of eight hundred dollars, and to the supervisor of Virginia the sum of five hundred dollars.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted , That so much of any act, as directs an annual entry of stills to be made, be, and the same hereby is repealed.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted , That the certificates accompanying foreign distilled spirits, wines and teas, which are now furnished by the supervisors to the inspectors of the ports, shall, from and after the aforesaid thirtieth day of June, be furnished by such collectors of the customs, as may be designated by the secretary of the treasury. And it shall be the duty of the inspectors to account with such collectors, for the application of such certificates, in like manner, and under the same regulations, as heretofore they have accounted with the supervisors.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted , That for preparing and issuing the certificates the collectors performing that duty shall be entitled to, and receive the same compensation, as heretofore has been allowed to the supervisors, respectively.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted , That all persons who shall, on or after the thirtieth day of June next, have any blank vellum, parchment or paper, which has been stamped by the superintendent of stamps and counter-stamped by the commissioner of the revenue, and on which a duty has been paid, to the use of government, shall be entitled to receive from such collector or collectors of the customs, or other revenue officer in the respective states or districts, as may be designated for that purpose by the secretary of the treasury, the value of the said stamps, after deducting, in all cases, seven and an half per cent. and the said officers are hereby authorized to pay the same: Provided , the said blank vellum, parchment or paper, be presented within four months after the thirtieth day of June next.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, April 6, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States. AN ACT Authorising the erection of certain light-houses; and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That under the direction of the Secretary of the treasury, there shall be purchased, for the use of the United States, the land whereon lately stood the light-house on Gurnet Point, and so much land adjoining thereto, as may be sufficient for vaults and any other purpose necessary for the better support of the said light-house.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted , That the secretary of the treasury shall be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to procure a new lantern or lanterns, with suitable distinctions, and to cause convenient vaults to be erected; and the said light-house on the Gurnet, at the entrance of Plymouth harbour to be rebuilt.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted , That the secretary of the treasury shall be, and he is hereby authorised to cause to be rebuilt, of such height as he may deem expedient, the light-house now situated on the eastern end of New Castle Island, at the entrance of Piscataqua river, either on the land owned by the United States, or on Pollock Rock: Provided , that if built on Pollock Rock, the legislature of New Hampshire shall vest the property of the said rock in the United States, and cede the jurisdiction of the same.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted , That the secretary of the treasury shall be, and he is hereby authorised and directed to cause a sufficient light-house to be erected on Lynde's point, at the mouth of Connecticut river, in the state of Connecticut, and to appoint a keeper, and otherwise provide for such light-house, at the expense of the United States: Provided , That sufficient land for the accommodation of such light-house can be purchased at a reasonable price, and the legislature of the state of Connecticut shall cede the jurisdiction over the same to the United States.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted , That the secretary of the treasury be directed to cause proper light-houses to be built, and buoys to be placed, in the situations necessary for the navigation of the sound between Long Island and the main; and be, to that effect, authorised to cause, by proper and intelligent persons, a survey to be taken of the said sound, as far as may be requisite; and to appoint keepers and otherwise provide for such light-houses, at the ex-
pense of the United States: Provided That sufficient land for the accommodation of the respective light-houses can be purchased at a reasonable price; and that the legislatures of Rhode-Island, Connecticut, and New-York, shall, respectively, cede the jurisdiction over the same to the United States.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted , That the secretary of the treasury shall be, and he is hereby authorised and directed to cause a sufficient light-house to be erected on the south point of Cumberland Island, at the entrance of St. Mary's river within the state of Georgia; and that, under the direction of the said secretary, there shall be purchased, if the same cannot otherwise be obtained, sufficient land for the erection of the said light-house, and accommodations for the better support thereof: Provided , that the legislature of Georgia shall cede the jurisdiction over the same to the United States.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted , That there shall be, and hereby are appropriated, for the re-embarkment of the merchants of Plymouth and Duxbury, for monies expended by them in erecting a temporary light on the Gurnet, a sum not exceeding two hundred and seventy dollars; for the rebuilding the light-house on the said Gurnet, a sum not exceeding two thousand five hundred dollars; for the rebuilding of the light-house on the eastern end of New Castle Island a sum not exceeding four thousand dollars; and for the erection of the said light-house on said Lynde's point, a sum not exceeding two thousand five hundred dollars; for the erection of the light-house on Cumberland south point, a sum not exceeding four thousand dollars; and for taking the survey, and for erecting light-houses and placing buoys in the sound, a sum not exceeding eight thousand dollars; to be paid out of any monies which may be in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted , That it shall be lawful for the secretary of the treasury, under the direction of the President of the United States, to cause to be expended, in repairing and erecting public piers, in the river Delaware, a sum not exceeding thirty thousand dollars: and that the same be paid out of any monies in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated: Provided , That the jurisdiction of the site where any such piers may be erected, shall be first ceded to the United States, according to the conditions in such case by law provided.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, April 6, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States. AN ACT For the relief of the marshals of certain districts therein mentioned.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the secretary of the treasury be, and he hereby is authorised and directed to apportion to the several marshals of the districts of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, respectively, who have been employed or concerned in taking the late census, the compensation allowed by the "Act providing for the second census or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States," according to the service each may have performed.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, April 6, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
Water Lot for Sale. A VALUABLE Lot on the Eastern Branch, midway between South Capitol street and the Eastern Branch in the Georgia Avenue. No situation can excel this in point of convenience to a wholesale merchant, being near the junction of the canal and the waters of said branch. The price will be moderate for cash if early application is made—title indisputable. FOR SALE, upwards of 1,000 lots in the best situations in the City. Enquire of Thomas Herty Conveyancer, near the Treasury Department. April 9, 1802. 18W3W
TO RENT, And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on F street near the War Office, containing two parlors, five bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYER. April 7, 1802. epf
Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W.D.
To Land Surveyors And Gentlemen of Landed Property. TO be sold, a THEODOLITE with vertical arch, and telescopic and plain sights, spirit level and parallel plates perfectly new and lately imported from London. To the practical surveyor or student in the mathematics the above instrument will be found a valuable acquisition. To be seen at Mr. Tunnicliff's Hotel, Capitol Hill. April 12, 1802. ep3t
Public Sale. Will be exposed to Public Sale on the premises at 12 o'clock on Tuesday the 27th instant. A two story brick dwelling house, situate on square No. 432, opposite the new market house, Pennsylvania Avenue, in virtue of a power in me vested by certain articles of agreement executed between me and the present proprietor, John Harrison, for building said House. SAMUEL BAKER. April 12, 1802. ep5t
George-Town, Port Tobacco and Leonard-Town MAIL STAGES.
THE subscribers respectfully inform the public, that they have extended the George-Town and Port Tobacco line of stages to Leonard-Town; and that after the 1st of April next, it will leave the Indian King tavern, George-Town, every Monday and Friday at 7 o'clock, A. M. and Thompson's inn, Leonard-Town, every Monday & Friday morning at 4 o'clock, meet at Pyc's tavern, Port Tobacco, and return to their respective places on Tuesday and Saturdays. Fare for each passenger, with an allowance of 20lb. of baggage, from George-Town to Port Tobacco, three dollars and fifty cents, from Port Tobacco to Leonard-Town, three dollars.—Extra baggage 50 cents at the rate of a passenger for 150lb. weight.—All baggage to be at the risk of the owner.
It is hoped that this undertaking will meet with the approbation and support of the public in general, and particularly the gentlemen of Leonard-Town, Port Tobacco, Piscataway & the neighbourhood of those places, when they are assured that there are arrangements made with the proprietors of the Baltimore and Frederick town stages, to ensure them a passage in either without delay, by their obedient servants.
JOSEPH SEMMES. JAMES THOMPSON. April 12, 1802. N.B. The subscriber begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public in general, and particularly the gentleman of the Northward Neck of Virginia, that he has extended the line of stages from this place as far as Lady's Ferry, opposite Hoe's Ferry, to run twice a week, viz. leave the Ferry every Tuesday and Saturday morning and return on Monday and Friday evening. Those gentlemen wishing to travel may depend on finding good drivers and handsome accommodations on the road from the Ferry to this place, and will always be sure of a conveyance on the days abovementioned, during all the month of April, and if sufficient encouragement offers, will be continued by their Obedient humble servant. JOSEPH SEMMES. George-town, April 12, 1802. ep3t
For Sale at Rhodes's Tavern. On the 15th day of April will be sold at Public Auction, by Loring and Forrest, at 12 o'clock the following valuable property, unless disposed of by private contract.
THREE two story brick houses in separate Lots to accommodate purchasers. Situated in Fourteenth-street, on square 233, being on a high and healthy situation, near the Treasury Office, at present much under let at 205 dollars each per annum; to respectable tenants as follows: No. 1, to David Rawn; No. 2, to Wm. James; No. 3, to R. W. Peacock; each house is 23 feet front, and containing a good dry cellar. On the first floor are two parlors, kitchen and servant's room over the same; second floor contains three well finished bed rooms with closets where necessary; back yard paved, with out-houses, and Lot included with close boarded fence, 6 feet high, to an alley 26 feet wide. The front of the said houses is paved with brick Locust trees planted, and post and rail fence, with a pump of excellent water adjoining the same; the whole completely finished in a neat, genteel manner. The titles are good, being from the commissioners. Terms of payment, one half the purchase money down, or such bills as will be approved of at 60 days, and the balance in seven equal quarterly payments with interest.
At the same time will be sold two improved ground rents on square 461, being on the south side of the Pennsylvania Avenue, and butting on Tyber Creek near the Market House. One lot containing 44 feet front, let on lease to Mr. Henry Burford, for ever for 60 dollars per annum, payable half yearly; whereon is built a double two story brick house, with cellars and other buildings. The other is 47 feet 3 inches front in two leases for ever. To John Gardner, at 72 dollars per annum, payable half yearly. He has built a large two story double brick house, with cellars under the same, occupied by Mr. Thompson for a liquor store. This property is equal to bank stock, or any other property in the United States. For further particulars enquire of Loring and Forrest Auctioneers or WILLIAM LOVELL. March 24, 1802. ep5t
For Sale, A NEAT Frame House and Lot, on New-Jersey Avenue, square 690; sixteen by twenty-four, consisting of a shop in front with a large bow window, a parlour and closet back, on the second floor two rooms and a closet, and two rooms on the third floor, together with the lot, twenty-one feet three inches front, running back to an alley one hundred and thirteen or fifteen feet, or thereabout.—For terms apply to JOHN MINCHIN, N. Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. March 5, 1802. ep4t
FOR SALE. A superb Curricule with plated Harness. ALSO a pair of young, handsome and fleet PONIES, and a capital Saddle horse, who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer. Dec. 18. epf
To be Rented, And immediate Possession given, A VERY convenient three story brick house, in a fine airy situation.—Enquire at this office. April 12, 1802. ep4w
For Sale, Or To Let, on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS, SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol.—The titles to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 16. epf
Lots for Sale, Or To Let on Ground-Rent. THE Subscriber offers to sell or to lease one hundred Lots, advantageously situated; some in the vicinity of the Capitol, and others near the Navy Yard; for cash, credit, or wet or dry goods. WILLIAM PROUT. Washington City, April 5, 1802. 2awf
Farming Lands for Sale.
THE Subscriber would sell about 1000 acres of the tract of Land whereon Dr. John D. Orr at present resides, in the county of Prince William, situated a few miles from the seat of the district Court, and within convenient marketable distance of the Occoquan Mills and Dumfries. It is of the first rate quality of soil, is abundantly supplied with wood and water, and has a large proportion of ground which is in a peculiar manner adapted to the growth of timothy grass.
Also the tract of land adjacent to the above, late the property of Mr. Thomas Swann of Alexandria, together with about 100 acres of woodland, of the above described tract, making about 1550 acres; the quality and advantages being similar to that. The first-mentioned tract will be conveyed to the purchaser free from every encumbrance, a considerable payment in hand will be expected, and the lowest price per acre twenty dollars. Possession to be given the ensuing spring, with a reservation of the growing crop of small grain, but the last-mentioned tract will be sold subject to existing Leases for short terms of years, under strict covenants guarding against waste and injury of the property, &c. and subject to the purchase money which will be due for the same to Mr. Swann, with interest, in about 9 years. The payment required in hand is the remainder of the amount, about two thousand pounds; and the price per acre is eighteen dollars.
Also the reversionary interest in the Piedmont Tract, situated below the mountain called the Short Hill, in Loudoun county, consisting of several thousand acres, chiefly under Leases to the occupants, and forming perhaps the best settlement in Virginia, of the same extent, extremely well watered, improved with the best meadows and orchards, and peculiarly adapted to the use of the Planter of Paris. This Land will be sold in Lots consisting of one or more tenements, as may best suit purchasers, together with one or more Lots of woodland to be laid off on the S.E. side of the Short Hill for the convenience of any of said tenements that may be fearce of wood. There are several good mill sites upon this tract, which is not more than 55 miles from Alexandria and the City of Washington, and no part of it more than 25 miles from Leesburg. The price per acre will be various, according to the quality and advantages of the Land, and circumstances of the Leases, but an extensive credit will be given by instalments, upon receiving what it may be convenient for the purchasers to pay in hands. It is desired that persons wishing to purchase this property, will signify their intentions before the wood land is laid off.
Also two or three small Farms with every requisite convenience for immediate operation, in the counties of Jefferson and Frederick, and at various prices.
And several valuable building Lots, situated upon the Pennsylvania Avenue, in the City of Washington; some upon square 74, near the Six Buildings, and some upon square 38; besides other very valuable Lots in that City.
Application to be made in person, or by Letter, (post paid) directed to Charles Town, Virginia, to FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Shan. Hill, March 5, 1802. ep8w
Looking Glasses. J. COOK Wishes to inform his friends and the public that he has a large and elegant assortment of Looking Glasses and Prints. FOR SALE, At J. March's Store, High-street, George-Town. THE subjects of the Prints are very interesting, and in superb gilt frames; and the glasses are of the first qualities, in the most modern and elegant frames, and of any size. They are marked at the lowest cash Prices. March 15, 1802. epf
CHARLES VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia. GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and matters implies that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of Best superfine cloths, Cashmere, Swansdown, Toyenets, Velverets, Fancy Cards, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N.B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice.—Washington City, New Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. epf