The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-02-29 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1151.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
LONDON, DECEMBER 21.
LONDON GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY.
Saturday, December 19.
DECLARATION.
The Declaration issued at St. Petersburg by his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, has excited in his majesty's mind the strongest sensations of astonishment and regret.
His majesty was not unaware of the nature of those secret engagements which had been entered into by Russia in the conferences of Tilsit; but his majesty had entertained the hope, that a review of the transactions of that unfortunate negotiation, and a just estimate of its effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the interests of the Russian empire, would have induced his imperial majesty to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new counsels and connexions which he had adopted in a moment of despondency and alarm; and to return to a policy more congenial to the principles which have so invariably professed, and more conducive to the honor of his crown, and to the prosperity of his dominions.
This hope has dictated to his majesty the utmost forbearance and moderation in all his diplomatic intercourse with the court of St. Petersburg since the peace of Tilsit.
His majesty had much cause for suspicion, and just ground of complaint. But he abstained from the language of reproach. His majesty deemed it necessary to require specific explanation with respect to those arrangements with France, the concealment of which from his majesty could not but confirm the impression already received of their character and tendency. But his majesty, nevertheless, directed the demand of that explanation to be made, not only without asperity or the indication of any hostile disposition, but with considerate regard to the feelings and situation of the emperor of Russia, which resulted from the recollection of former friendship, and from confidence interrupted but not destroyed.
The Declaration of the emperor of Russia proves that the object of his majesty's forbearance and moderation has not been attained. It proves, unhappily, that the influence of that power, which is equally & essentially the enemy both of G. Britain and Russia, has acquired a decided ascendancy in the councils of the cabinet of St. Petersburg, and has been able to excite a causeless enmity between two nations, whose long established connexion, and whose mutual interests prescribed the most intimate union and co-operation.
His majesty deeply laments the extension of the calamities of war. But called upon as he is, to defend himself against an act of unprovoked hostility, his majesty is anxious to refute, in the face of the world, the pretence by which that act is attempted to be justified.
The declaration asserts, that his majesty the emperor of Russia has twice taken up arms in a cause in which the interests of G. Britain were more direct than his own; and founds upon this assertion the charge against G. Britain of having neglected to second and support the military operations of Russia.
His majesty willingly does justice to the motives which originally engaged Russia in the great struggle against France. His majesty avows, with equal readiness, the interest which G. Britain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of the powers of the continent. But it would surely be difficult to prove that G. Britain, who was herself in a state of hostility with Prussia when the war broke out between Prussia and France, had an interest & a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel, than the emperor of Russia; the ally of his Prussian majesty the Protector of the North of Europe, and the guarantee of the Germanic constitution.
It is not in a public declaration that his majesty can discuss the policy of having, at any particular period of the war, effected, or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coasts of Naples. But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more singularly chosen to illustrate the charge against G. Britain of indifference to the interests of her ally, a war undertaken by G. Britain at the instigation of Russia, and solely for the purpose of maintaining Russian interests against the influence of France.
If, however, the peace of Tilsit is, indeed, to be considered as the consequence and the punishment of the imputed inactivity of G. Britain, his majesty cannot but regret that the emperor of Russia should have resorted to so precipitate and fatal a measure at the moment when he had received distinct assurances that his majesty was making the most strenuous exertions to fulfil the wishes and expectations of his ally (assurances which his imperial majesty received and acknowledged with apparent confidence and satisfaction); and when his majesty was, in fact, prepared to employ for the ad-
vancement of the common objects of the war, those forces which, after the peace of Tilsit, he was under the necessity of employing to disconcert a combination directed against his own immediate interest and security.
The vexation of Russian commerce by G. Britain is, in truth, little more than an imaginary grievance. Upon a diligent examination, made by his majesty's command, of the records of the British court of admiralty, there has been discovered only a solitary instance in the course of the present war, of the condemnation of a vessel really Russian—a vessel which had carried naval stores to a port of the common enemy. There are but few instances of Russian vessels detained, and none in which justice has been refused to a party regularly complaining of such detention. It is, therefore, matter of surprise, as well as of concern to his majesty, that the emperor of Russia should have condescended to bring forward a complaint which as it cannot be seriously felt by those in whose behalf it is urged, might appear to be intended to countenance those exaggerated declarations by which France perseveringly endeavors to inflame the jealousy of other countries, and to justify her own inveterate animosity against G. Britain.
The peace of Tilsit was followed by an offer of mediation on the part of the emperor of Russia, for the conclusion of a peace between G. Britain & France, which it is asserted that his majesty refused.
His majesty did not refuse the mediation of the emperor of Russia; although the offer of it was accompanied by circumstances of concealment which might well have justified his refusal. The articles of the treaty of Tilsit were not communicated to his majesty; and specifically that article of the treaty in virtue of which the mediation was proposed; and which prescribed a limited time for the return of his majesty's answer to that proposal. And his majesty was thus led into an apparent compliance with a limitation so offensive to the dignity of an independent sovereign. But the answer so returned by his majesty was not a refusal. It was a conditional acceptance. The conditions required by his majesty were—a statement of the basis upon which the enemy was disposed to treat; and a communication of the articles of the peace of Tilsit. The first of these conditions was precisely the same which the emperor of Russia had himself annexed not four months before to his own acceptance of the proffered mediation of the emperor of Austria. The second one which his majesty would have had a right to require even as the ally of his imperial majesty; but which it would have been highly imprudent to omit, when he was invited to confide to his imperial majesty the care of his honor and of his interests.
But even if these conditions (neither of which has been fulfilled, although the fulfilment of them has been repeatedly required by his majesty's ambassador at St. Petersburg) had not been in themselves perfectly natural and necessary; there were not wanting considerations which might have warranted His Majesty in endeavoring, with more than ordinary anxiety, to ascertain the views and intentions of the emperor of Russia, and the precise nature and effect of the new relations which his imperial majesty had contracted.
The complete abandonment of the interests of the King of Prussia (who had twice rejected proposals of separate peace, from a strict adherence to his engagements with his Imperial Ally) and the character of those provisions which the emperor of Russia was contented to make for his own interests in the negotiations of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect of the result of any exertions which his Imperial Majesty might be disposed to employ in favor of Great Britain.
It is not while a French army still occupies and lays waste the remaining dominions of the King of Prussia, in spite of the stipulations of the Prussian treaty of Tilsit; while contributions are arbitrarily exacted by France from that remnant of the Prussian monarchy, such as, in its entire and most flourishing state, the Prussian monarchy would have been unable to discharge; while the surrender is demanded, in time of peace, of Prussian fortresses, which had not been reduced during the war; and while the power of France is exercised over Prussia with such shameless tyranny, as to designate and demand for instant death, individuals, subjects of his Prussian majesty, and resident in his dominions, upon a charge of disrespect towards the French government; it is not while all these things are done and suffered, under the eyes of the Emperor of Russia, and without his interference on behalf of his ally, that his majesty can feel himself called upon to account to Europe for having hesitated to repossess an unconditional confidence in the efficacy of his Imperial Majesty's mediation.
Nor, even if that mediation had taken full effect, if a peace had been concluded under it, and that peace guaranteed by his Imperial Majesty, could his majesty have placed implicit reli-
ance on the stability of any such arrangement, after having seen the emperor of Russia openly transfer to France, the sovereignty of the Ionian Republic, the independence of which his Imperial Majesty had recently and solemnly guaranteed.
But while the alleged rejection of the emperor of Russia's mediation, between Great Britain and France, is stated as a just ground of his Imperial Majesty's resentment; His majesty's request of that mediation, for the re-establishment of peace between Great Britain and Denmark, is represented as an insult which it was beyond the bounds of his Imperial Majesty's moderation to endure.
His Majesty feels himself under no obligation to offer any atonement or apology to the emperor of Russia for the expedition against Copenhagen. It is not for those who were parties to the secret arrangements of Tilsit to demand satisfaction for a measure to which those arrangements gave rise, and by which one of the objects of them has been happily defeated.
His majesty's justification of the expedition against Copenhagen, is before the world. The declaration of the Emperor of Russia, would supply whatever was wanting in it, if any thing could be wanting to convince the most incredulous of the urgency of that necessity under which his majesty acted.
But until the Russian declaration was published, his majesty had no reason to suspect that any opinions which the Emperor of Russia might entertain of the transactions at Copenhagen, could be such as to preclude his imperial majesty from undertaking, at the request of Great Britain, that same office of mediator, which he had assumed with so much alacrity on the behalf of France; nor can his majesty forget that the first symptoms of reviving confidence, since the peace of Tilsit, the only prospect of success in the endeavors of his majesty's ambassador to restore the ancient and good understanding between Great Britain and Russia, appeared when the intelligence of the siege of Copenhagen had been recently received at St. Petersburg.
The inviolability of the Baltic sea, and the reciprocal guarantees of the powers that border on it, guarantees said to have been contracted with the knowledge of the British government, are stated as aggravations of his majesty's proceedings in the Baltic. It cannot be intended to represent his majesty as having at any time acquiesced in the principles upon which the inviolability of the Baltic is maintained; however his majesty may at particular periods have forborne, for special reasons, influencing his conduct at the time, to act in contradiction to them. Such forbearance never could have applied but to a state of peace and real neutrality in the north; and his majesty most assuredly could not be expected to recur to it, after France has been suffered to establish herself in undisputed sovereignty along the whole coast of the Baltic sea, from Dantzick to Lubec.
But the higher the value which the emperor of Russia places on the engagements respecting the tranquility of the Baltic, which he describes himself as inheriting from his immediate predecessors, the empress Catharine and the emperor Paul, the less justly can his imperial majesty resent the appeal made to him by his majesty as the guarantee of the peace to be concluded between G. B. and Denmark. In making that appeal, with the utmost confidence and sincerity, his majesty neither intended, nor can he imagine that he offered any insult to the emperor of Russia. Nor can his majesty conceive that, in proposing to the Prince Royal terms of peace such as the most successful war on the part of Denmark could hardly have been expected to extort from G. Britain, his majesty rendered himself liable to the imputation, either of exasperating the resentment, or of outraging the dignity of Denmark.
His majesty has thus replied to all the different accusations by which the Russian government labor to justify the rupture of a connexion which has subsisted for ages, with reciprocal advantage to G. Britain and Russia; and attempts to disguise the operation of that external influence by which Russia is driven into unjust hostilities for interests not her own.
The Russian declaration proceeds to announce the several conditions on which alone these hostilities can be terminated, and the intercourse of the two countries renewed.
His majesty has already had occasion to assert that justice has in no instance been denied to the claims of his imperial majesty's subjects.
The termination of the war with Denmark has been so anxiously sought by his majesty, that it cannot be necessary for his majesty to renew any professions upon that subject. But his majesty is at a loss to reconcile the emperor of Russia's present anxiety for the completion of such an arrangement with his imperial majesty's recent refusal to contribute his good offices for effecting it.
The requisition of his imperial majesty for the immediate conclusion, by his majesty of a peace with France, is
as extraordinary in the substance as it is offensive in the manner. His majesty has at no time declined to treat with France, when France has professed a willingness to treat on any admissible basis. And the emperor of Russia cannot fail to remember, that the last negotiation between G. Britain and France was broken off upon points immediately affecting, not his majesty's own interest, but those of his imperial ally. But his majesty neither understands, nor will he admit the pretension of the emperor of Russia to dictate the time or the mode of his majesty's pacific negotiation with other powers. It never will be endured by his majesty that any government shall indemnify itself for the humiliation of subserviency to France by the adoption of an insulting and peremptory tone towards G. Britain.
His Majesty proclaims anew those principles of maritime law, against which the Armed Neutrality, under the auspices of the Empress Catharine, was originally directed; and against which the present hostilities of Russia are denounced. Those principles have been recognised and acted upon in the best periods of the history of Europe; and acted upon by no power with more strictness and severity than by Russia herself in the reign of the Empress Catharine.
Those principles it is the right and the duty of His Majesty to maintain; and against every contederacy His Majesty is determined, under the blessings of Divine Providence, to maintain them. They have at all times contributed essentially to the support of the maritime power of G. Britain; but they have become incalculably more valuable and important at a period when the maritime power of G. Britain constitutes the sole remaining bulwark against the overwhelming usurpations of France; the only refuge to which other nations may yet resort, in happier times, for assistance and protection.
When the opportunity for peace between G. Britain and Russia shall arrive, his majesty will embrace it with eagerness. The arrangements of such a negotiation will not be difficult or complicated. His majesty, as he has nothing to concede, so he has nothing to require: satisfied, if Russia shall manifest a disposition to return to her ancient feelings of friendship towards G. Britain; to a just consideration of her own true interests; and to a sense of her own dignity as an independent nation.
The arrangements for the emigration of the House of BRAGANZA, as we stated some time since, were originally suggested by, and formed in concert with the British government. So far back as the latter end of August, an order was signed by the Prince Regent, directed to the governor of Madeira, for delivering into the hands of the English that island. This order has long been in the possession of our ministry, and as soon as the proper time arrived for carrying it into execution, without detriment to the Prince Royal in his very delicate situation in Portugal, it was entrusted to Sir Samuel Hood, and in compliance with it, the island is probably ere this in possession of the forces under his command. Previous to the departure of the Prince Regent from Lisbon, he made out and signed a Commission of Regency, the members of which consist of some of the ancient nobility who had determined to remain. These highnesses' powers to execute the offices of government, during his absence; by which judicious expedient he deprives the enemy of any just plea of his having abdicated a throne, his right to which he will in due time advance. Bonaparte will doubtless declare the throne vacant, and transfer it to one of his own upstart race or minions; but here at least he builds his hope upon a shallow foundation, for the interest of her faithful ally will never be abandoned by G. Britain.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on the bill for the classification of the Militia of the United States.
CONTINUED.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20.
The question being about to be put on filling up the blank as yesterday moved by Mr. M. Clay.
Mr. CHANDLER made some observations tending to show that this was a bill of much importance, and expressed a wish that the term during which the militia should be liable to service, were further extended. As he had not had time to consider the bill maturely he moved that the committee should rise.
Mr. MACON hoped the motion would not be agreed to. No principle had yet been settled, and it was useless to give time to prepare amendments till the opinion of a majority on the principle was obtained.
Mr. VARNUM (Speaker) hoped the
committee would rise and be refused leave to sit again on this bill. He believed that the situation of the United States at present would by no means admit of the classing of the militia; this was not the proper time if it was ever necessary.
It had been said that the classing of the militia had been recommended by the several Presidents of the U. States. This might be true; if it were however he had not observed that to be the case. He could see no kind of advantage to be derived from the proposed modification of the militia system. Were not the militia equal to every service that could be required of them, under the existing laws? Certainly they were. If particular states had failed to carry into effect the part assigned to them by the constitution of the U. States—if there were any states which had neglected that duty, would any other plan induce them to attend to it? He should suppose not. It was a fact that where the state governments had taken up the subject of the organization and discipline of the militia, and carried it into effect as far as in their power, those states had a respectable militia, who considered themselves as a band of brothers, from the age of 18 to 45, and from their habits of discipline under the present system and officers, would consider it an invidious distinction to take men at particular ages from the mass—so much so that they would not have such an efficient militia to which they looked as the best part of the physical strength of the nation, as if the system were suffered to remain as it now stands. He knew that it was said that the militia were inefficient in some parts of the United States. What was there wanting? That subordination which existed in other parts, and nothing more.
It had been said that in the course of the revolutionary war, the militia in some instances abandoned their posts. This might have been the case in some instances; but he was well assured that the credit due to the military of that part of the country had not been given to them. We know, said Mr. V. of some of the hardest battles of the revolutionary war, in which the militia were the principal actors. But were this not the case, how can we select any particular part of the militia and exempt from service the remainder? Is it expected that young men will be better able to perform military duty than those who have been in service, who had experienced the advantages of liberty, and who have families and property to defend? I should suppose such men likely to render more service than young men who have not formed their minds.
But there is a radical difficulty in this system. The bill provides that none shall be called into general service, except from the age of twenty-one to twenty-six. The constitutions of some of the states do provide that the captains and subaltern officers in each company shall be chosen by the whole company from the age of 21 to 45. Is it to be supposed that they would be voluntarily so scrupulous as to choose men between the ages of 21 and 26? The officers would generally be over the age of twenty-six. In that case how can we get a long?
Gentlemen may suppose that it is a very easy thing for the state governments to alter their systems in compliance with the requisition of the general government. It is thing which some of the states will not undertake to do. The militia at the present time in some parts of the U. S. are well organized and disciplined, and display a spirit of emulation which does them honor. In the state which I have the honor to represent, there are seventy thousand militia. These men are all armed; no man is suffered to go into the field without arms; they are subject to a fine of eight dollars for every time they appear without arms; and if not always provided are subject to a fine of ten dollars per annum. This severe regulation produces universal arming; very few troops, take them from what part of the world you will, are better disciplined than our companies of artillery, every man of which is completely uniformed at his own expense, and every company of artillery is supplied with brass field pieces by the

state. The militia have 150 brass field pieces ready to take the field whenever called for, and which could be on the march to any point of attack at twelve hours notice. They are also supplied with a competent portion of cannon, and are all provided with uniform at their own expense. Under officers of their own choice they would go into service with alacrity, and would consider it a hardship to see their younger brethren called into a state which did not happen to join their own while they could not march to assist, for this bill provides that men between 26 and 45 shall go no further than in their own or an adjoining state. If an enemy were to land in Connecticut the brave militia of New-Hampshire and Vermont are not to assist in repelling them because they do not join on it. You are to call on your young men to be cut up, while if all the militia were to march the enemy could be repelled at once. You had better compel even man who is able to bear arms to take part in the defence of his country when invaded in his neighborhood.
I know it was felt as a hardship in the course of the revolutionary war, that every man capable of bearing arms was obliged to take part, scarcely a man being left to till the ground; but it was all-essential to the safety of the country. Have you increased to such a degree of population that you can now leave at home three-fourths of your actual force? Surely this would be ruinous in the attempt.
This is a system which has been many times before the House of Representatives, and has always been found by the wisdom of the nation to be an improper one to adopt. I do hope in this critical juncture, because there are some persons who do not choose to submit to subordination, that we shall not go into a disorganization of the militia altogether. I am ready to say, if this system does take place, that our militia will be disorganized, since the states have acts now in existence for the organization of the militia agreeably to the act of 1792, and the militia are now ready to take the field; we should soon acquire subordination; and when that is riveted in our breasts we shall do well. For these reasons I hope the committee will rise and lay this subject to sleep for the present.
(To be continued.)
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 26.
Debate on the bill supplementary to the act laying an embargo, &c.
MR. RHEA (Tenn.) said he should not vote for reference; for if this bill should be committed to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures and afterwards be referred to a committee of the whole, it would unnecessarily occupy time when it could as well be understood by being printed. It was with no pleasure to himself that he sat out to take any notice of a most extraordinary address from a gentleman from New-York on Saturday last; and it gave him pain that any gentleman should so far depart from the politeness which should characterise every one, as to have used such language as was then heard. The gentleman could not have intended to enlighten the House, for his whole speech was unconnected, consisted of no chain of reasoning, but of assertions of a most extraordinary nature, and those not bottomed upon fact. In the course of that extraordinary speech, said Mr. R. we were told that we were legislating against the interest of the nation, applying the observation particularly to the laws respecting the embargo. The gentleman had made many observations respecting the embargo, and amongst others as Mr. R. understood him, that the minority in that question to their eternal honor had opposed the system. There were many gentlemen in the minority on that occasion who supported this bill and would far from accord in their views with that gentleman.
In expressing his opposition to the embargo, did the gentleman for a moment take into view the present state of things in Europe, the decrees of blockade adopted by those mighty powers in their attempts to destroy each other? If the gentleman's mind had for a moment expanded he would not have permitted such expressions to escape his lips. For if the embargo law had not passed, what would have been the consequence? Our commerce would have been swept from the ocean and scarce a vessel left; and therefore a system was adopted to retain the property of the U. S. at home, and preserve them from capture on the ocean. Did the gentleman contemplate that there were already about three thousand of our own seafaring men on board vessels of foreign powers. Did he reflect on the frequent seizures by the belligerent powers, and that they dealt wide destruction to the commerce spread over the ocean? Had he contemplated these things the House would not surely have been so assailed. To the assertion that they had been legis-
lating against the interests of the nation what did the people themselves say? The measure of embargo had been generally approved over the U. S. except by a few persons, probably possessing the same political opinion with the gentleman from N. York. From the East to the South West, and from the Atlantic to the Ohio the measure had been approved. With what confidence and assurance then could the gentleman say that they were legislating against the interest of the nation, or how could a gentleman permit himself to depart so far from facts, as to make these assertions.
The gentleman (Mr. Gardener) had stated they were guided by an unseen hand. In saying this according to my interpretation of it, said Mr. R. the gentleman said more than he intended. I refer to that mighty Being who raises and depresses nations when he pleases. This is the only hand that I acknowledge; and if it is the same which the gentleman means it, I will agree with him. But if he means that we are under any other influence that such as is dictated by the honor of our country, I do positively and unequivocally deny the truth of his assertion. When a nation does an act at which no other nation on earth can justly take offence, and that act is approved by the people, it appears strange that it could be said by any one that it was favoring the designs of any nation in Europe. This nation fears not the designs of any nation in Europe; neither has it a particularity for any one. This being the fact, how can it be said that the carrying this act into effect is aiding or abetting the designs of any foreign power? I shall always agree to assert the honor and dignity of my own country. I shall never make assertions that it is under the influence of a foreign power; and before any gentleman makes such assertions he ought to have facts to confirm us in the belief. Unless strong reasoning or proof can be adduced in support of his assertions, he has descended to a gulf from which it will be difficult to extricate himself.
It has been said that this embargo is a sly and cunning deception, or a non-intercourse law. It has the same operation which every similar act has heretofore had. So long as we can support a neutrality, so long will I do any act which conduces to it; and if any thing can support it, it is the embargo, by preventing those conflicts which would take place on the ocean between the armed merchant vessels of the U. S. and the armed vessels of the maritime powers.
But it seems the gentleman has taken great offence at the present bill, because it has left no place to get out. Does he want to get out? Does he want his constituents to get out? Does he want the people of Vermont to get out? He brought down his observations from the Gallic Emperor to the pigs of Vermont. There is more honor, dignity, and magnanimity in the people of Vermont, even if a hole should be left, than to send their produce to the British provinces. And if any intercourse be carried on between the people of Vermont and the people of Canada, it must be by those who have forsaken those principles, the observance of which they owe to their country. Does the gentleman wish a hole through which the whole growth of the U. S. should float down the river St. Lawrence and thence across the Atlantic?
I have never contemplated this embargo as a war system; it is a system of peace, and holds forth to the nations of Europe this language: "We are willing to send you our produce, but you have refused to let us travel quietly, and as this is the case, we will keep our vessels and produce at home, nor expose one or the other to your friendship or depredation." This is the language of the embargo; it is therefore no war measure. I hope the House will not arrest its effect till the purpose for which it was imposed is completed; before that time arrives, the more perfect it is the better. Let us show that we are determined to preserve and support our neutrality.
The gentleman told us that the nation must be saved by the Representatives of the people. This observation I could not understand; I always thought that the sovereign people represented themselves. I have indeed heard it said that the people were themselves their worst enemies; but I always thought that they could save themselves, and still think so; and the moment we step aside from our duty they will do it. If they think we act against their interests they will call us back with language of reprobation, and put others in our stead to pursue a different policy.
It is on the principle of anxiety for the public good that I act, and to the people I look for approbation; and for these reasons I shall vote for the bill.
MR. NEWTON—I consent to the recommendation, from a conviction that the friends of the bill are desirous of giving it that direction. Their wishes have been expressed, and I acquiesce. To have avoided a debate on the merits of the embargo—a subject which has been discussed, would have afforded me great satisfaction, particularly as it must have been foreseen that much warmth would be excited by it. It is no small gratification to me, that those with whom I am politically associated, did not provoke it. We are again called upon for our reasons, in support of this measure. We have thought, and still think, that it is one which was dictated by enlightened policy, and imperious necessity.
Assembled here for the sole purpose of promoting the public welfare, it becomes a duty to act with propriety and temper, and in no instance to suffer our passions to lead us into the adoption of measures inconsistent with that object.
Maturity of consideration should always precede decision. A contrary course would be a dereliction of the public interest. The embargo is in operation, it is a subject before the public tribunal, a tribunal every way competent to decide. There are merits or demerits of the measure will be dispassionately weighed and numbered. I am not a little gratified to find that unequivocal expressions of approbation have already been made by most of the state legislatures; and that not a day passes away, without increasing the number of its advocates. Epithets of abuse have, with no sparing hand, been spread abroad in every direction. It has been represented as the offspring of foreign influence—but declamation and accusation can avail nothing with the enlightened public—proof of foreign influence must be adduced, if the propagators of it expect any advantage from it. Let the situation of the U. States, prior and subsequent to the passage of the act laying an embargo, in their relations with foreign nations, be candidly and impartially viewed.
If the justification of the measure is not to be found in those relations; we disdain to resort to other means for it—we are willing that all the responsibility of the measure should attach to us. When our attention was first attracted to this subject the decree of the Emperor of France of the 21st of November 1806 was in operation, and that blocking decree, it was intimated would be rigorously enforced. Previous to its operation our commerce had been and continued to be greatly restricted by the orders of the British Cabinet, and our Minister at the court of London, so early as the 10th of January 1807, was informed, that if the French decree were enforced, that the British ministry had resolved to pursue retaliating measures. We saw in such acts, having the sanction of public authority, the ruin and prostration of our commerce. As the guardians of the national interest, as the depositary of the national power, Congress was invoked to rescue commerce from inevitable destruction.
In the performance of this duty, the embargo was laid, as the best means of security. The subsequent acts and conduct of the belligerent powers, have confirmed me in opinion, that the measure was the result of imperious necessity.
Those whose prejudices have shut their minds against the influence of such manifestations on the part of the belligerent nations, cannot be appealed to as impartial judges.
It has been said that we should not prevent the exportation of produce in foreign vessels, while our own are detained in port by the embargo. That the reason for such a course was not evident, nor strong. To me, sir, the necessity and policy of the restriction is evident. If Congress had not prohibited the exportation of American produce, a carte blanche would have been given to G. Britain. By such an act she would have secured the object of all her wishes with our approbation, an object for which since 1793 the numerous and iniquitous orders of her cabinet, have been issued to obtain. If in retiring from the ocean, in consequence of the illiberal and execrable policy of the belligerent nations, we had thrown our ports open to them for the exportation of produce, G. Britain would have been reaping the whole harvest; she would have enjoyed a monopoly of commerce. By such an act she would have been rewarded for her injustice and insults, and 1,200,000 tons of shipping would have been sacrificed to her inordinate lust for maritime domination and commercial monopoly.
Let it not be forgot, that the other belligerent nations are driven from the ocean. In the permission contended for, we saw the prostration of the multiplied and iniquitous acts of the National Government framed with a view to foster our navigation and trade.
If, sir, we had pursued the policy advocated, we never could have repelled the charge of having signed, sealed, and delivered a general conveyance to G. B. of all our commercial rights.
The embargo will produce a happy effect, inasmuch as it will act mine in the estimation of European nations the importance of American commerce and the value of her friendship.
In the enjoyment of advantages, they have indolently rested content. The great mass of the people have never extended their views to the source of these comforts. The period has arrived when the privations they are forced to suffer will exhibit to view the fountain from which a thousand blessings flow. Europe is afflicted with scarcity, and America is the only granary to which resort can be had to avert the horrors of pestilence and famine. The finger of Providence appears, to have prepared a crisis for the operation of a measure, the best calculated of all others to re-establish the relations of reciprocal justice, and to admonish despots, that there is a just and controlling power, that assigns to iniquity and oppression their limits.
Adhere, sir, to this measure with firmness and the accommodation of our differences will be certain and advantageous. If we yield the ground we have taken, our character for stability and firmness will be lost for ever, and it will be in vain to look for respect and justice, from those who do not apprehend a vigorous and spirited retaliation for withholding that justice and respect which we have a right to demand. The United States of America are involved in a crisis, similar to that which gave existence to their independence.
Proclamations and decrees, restrict, limit, narrow, or suspend trade, in the same manner and style as if the
United States were colonial dependencies. In 1776, the genius of America inspired her sons with courage to resist oppression—in their declaration of independence they enumerated among the causes of their resistance—that "of cutting off our trade with all parts of the world." When our forefathers were few in number, they confronted dangers of every description for their liberties and commerce. The contest eventuated in the freedom and independence of the nation. A tame and submissive surrender of the acquisitions of their valor would fix on the national name an indelible stain. Their recollected patriotism should inspire us to make whatever sacrifices the crisis requires. In the choice of war or an embargo, we have chosen the last, as the least of evils. If commerce had not been arrested and confined to an intercourse among ourselves—nothing within the scope of power could have prevented war. The United States in defence of its maritime rights must have taken sides. They would have been arrayed in battle order, either on the side of France against Great Britain, or on that of Great Britain against France, an event taken either way, more deplorable than an embargo without limitation. War, sir, is less to be dreaded as it relates to the shocks and impressions which contending armies receive from or make on each other, than as to consequences of another description; a disregard for, I was on the eve of saying an oblivion, of those principles which are the pillars of the republic. Military power seldom renders homage to justice, and rarely mounts the car of war for any other view than to inflict injuries and to spread desolation. War is Pandora's box, from which issues all the evils and calamities that can afflict and scourge mankind—rather than encounter such consequences and be entangled in the labyrinth of European artifice and diplomacy—I would cheerfully render my assent to a non-intercourse with the belligerent powers. Let them render justice to a fair and honest neutrality and I will be among the first in reciprocating it. But, sir, until reparation is made to my much injured, outraged and insulted country, I cannot press to my bosom with the cordiality of friendship, the violators of her rights. I cannot, sir, omit here noticing some inconsistencies into which our political opponents have fallen. The republicans have been charged with wanting vigor since to them has been entrusted the management of the national concerns. When strong measures were deemed unnecessary, we were told that pusillanimity deterred us from taking them. When the embargo was recommended by our opponents, it was represented as the only effectual measure to which we could resort. As soon as the crisis justified its adoption, gloomy and desponding reflections were felt and uttered as to its probable effects. The Executive and Congress were represented as precipitating the nation into ruin. This language cannot be mistaken, the traits of inconsistency are strongly marked—the struggle for power is evident; but the efforts to regain paradise are by no means calculated to ensure success. Secret influence is the cabalistic word. If I am by it to understand Executive influence, I cannot either discern its application or find out the manner in which it is to operate. I cannot entertain an opinion so unworthy of myself as for a moment to believe, that the respect I entertain for the Executive magistrate of the United States, renowned for his patriotism and virtues, can ever degenerate into servility. No, sir, it cannot. "I am not by nature of a temperament to become the humble minion of power."
Foreign influence is likewise pressed into service—the efficacy of its magic is tried—it ranks among the political panacea of the day—but from whence, sir, does the accusation flow—is this serious and weighty charge brought against us by those worthies who achieved the independence of their country? No—the greater number of those worthies are with us. Is that class of citizens, who have raised themselves into notice and importance by years of devotion to public services, numbered among our accusers—no—the greatest number of that class is also on the same side of the question with us. I have no skill in finding out motives—the science is too mysterious and occult for the dimness of my intellectual vision—the abortive attempts which I have so often witnessed, have disqualified me from putting in my pretensions for distinction and promotion. I trust, sir, that such language must proceed either from the intemperance of discussion or from a misconception of the American character, which can never descend from the elevated station of independence to become the pandar or the puppet of despots.
Persevering firmness in the present course will have the tendency of adjusting our differences, and of giving to such adjustment the character of permanency. When all hopes of producing a relaxation in our principles are abandoned, the present crisis will no longer present a threatening aspect.
On our firmness, at this time, depends the future prosperity of the nation. To us is now consigned, Mr. Speaker, the arduous task, amidst the convulsions and tempests which agitate the world—of keeping in the haven of peace the vessel of state.
Perform this important service, and you will enjoy a reward of all others the most grateful to a patriot, the smiles of his country.
(Debate to be continued.)
THURSDAY, FEB. 25.
Mr. Jackson, a member from the state of Virginia, appeared and took his seat.
The House took up for consideration the bill for remitting the duties payable on the monument, &c. and Mr. Milnor having withdrawn the amendment which he yesterday offered, Mr. Gardner moved that the bill be re-committed. Negatived. The bill was then ordered to a third reading.
A report was received from the Secretary of War, unfavorable to the petition of Samuel French.
Messrs Dana, J. Clay and Nicholas, were appointed a committee to join with the gentlemen appointed by the Senate to superintend the Library.
On motion of Mr. Dawson the House went into committee of the whole Mr. Marion in the chair on the bill for procuring an additional number of arms.
The bill provides as follows: "That a sum of money not exceeding _____ thousand dollars, be, and the same is hereby appropriated, out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the purpose of procuring by purchase, or causing to be manufactured within the United States, and under the direction of the President of the United States an additional number of stands of arms, to be deposited in safe and suitable places."
Mr. Dawson moved that the blanks be filled with $120,000.
Mr. Burwell announced his intention to move another section appropriating 200,000 dollars for the purchase of arms from Europe if opportunity should offer.
Mr. Dawson then moved to insert 300,000 in this blank; and it was so filled, Ayes 61.
Mr. Quincy moved to amend the bill by striking out "causing to be manufactured within the U. States" and insert "contracting for their manufacture within the United States or causing to be manufactured at the present manufactories for the U. States."
[The reasons urged for this motion were that this bill now authorised the purchase by the United States, of private manufactories, which was not expedient, as the extension of the present manufactories of the U. States would be both cheaper and produce better arms. The reasons urged against it were that it was proper to leave a discretion in this respect with the Executive, and that it was essentially necessary to allow the establishment of a manufactory on the other side of the mountains, which might be precluded by the amendment.]
The amendment was carried 46 to 44.
The committee then rose & reported the bill as amended.
The sum with which the blank was filled was agreed to without a division.
The amendment offered by Mr. Quincy and agreed to in committee of the whole, was negatived—51 to 49.
Mr. Quincy, as the objection of western gentlemen to this amendment seemed to proceed from the supposed prohibition by it of the establishment of a manufactory beyond the mountains, proposed the following proviso:
Provided, that nothing in this act shall be construed to authorize the President of the United States to purchase any existing manufactories of arms within the U. S.—Negatived, 49 to 42.
When the bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Basset, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Curre in the chair, on the bill concerning public contracts.
Messrs. Basset and Troup supported the bill generally, and Messrs. Holland, Sloan & Kelly opposed it. In the course of the discussion Mr. Cook made a motion to strike out the 1st section of the bill; which was negatived 57 to 41.

Mr. Quincy moved to strike out the proviso at the end of the first section excepting from the general re- struction contracts in which immediate delivery is had and immediate payment made, &c.
A wide debate took place on this motion in which Messrs. Rowan and Quincy opposed the bill generally and Messrs. J. Clay, Fisk & Basset supported it.
On motion of Mr. Blackledge, the committee rose, Ayes 59, & obtained leave to sit again.
FRIDAY, FEB. 26.
A message was received from the President of the U. S. by Mr. Coles his Secretary.
[For message see Washington head.]
Which being read, Mr. Dawson moved that the committee of the whole be discharged from the further consideration of the bill for raising an additional army.—Agreed.
Mr. Dawson then moved that the bill with the document respecting the regular army, be referred to the committee on our military and naval establishments.—Agreed.
Mr. Dawson then moved that the documents and so much of the message of the President as relates to a volunteer corps and the authorizing a new detachment of the militia, should be referred to the committee appointed on the 18th inst. to enquire into the propriety of organizing a volunteer corps of 24,000 men.—Agreed.
Mr. Dana presented the petition of a number of the inhabitants of the borough of Stonington, (Conn.) stating the unprotected situation of the port, & praying that its defence may be provided for. This memorial, as the subject of fortification has been already considered, was ordered to be transmitted to the President of the U. S.
Mr. Newton said he was instructed by the committee of Commerce and Manufactures to ask to be discharged from the consideration of the several petitions of journeymen batters, praying the prohibition of or impost on importation of hats, because the non-importation act being now in force, the object of their prayer is fully accomplished.—Agreed.
Mr. Garnett moved a resolution for printing the resolving act of the state of Georgia, on the Yazoo grant. His reason for this, was that this act contained a condensed view of material facts relative to that subject, and after looking among the documents in the House he could not find it.
Mr. Rhea moved to amend the resolution by adding "also a copy of the act rescinded."
Mr. Stanford thought if this was printed, a document which had been before the House stating the share which each member of the Legislature who passed it received with their names, should be added to it.
Mr. Bacon announced his intention of moving the printing of the report of the commissioners.
Some desultory conversation took place on the resolution, in the course of which,
Mr. Troup, in remarking upon the act rescinded, said that no such act existed; it had been honorably consigned to oblivion. The House had it not in their power to draw it from the grave. The gentleman might produce a paper which he might call an act of Georgia, but this House could not order it to be printed as an act of the state of Georgia.
Mr. Stanford moved to insert the word "authenticated" before the word "copy."
Mr. Rhea at the suggestion of some gentlemen having withdrawn his amendment,
Mr. Bacon moved an amendment for the purpose of introducing into this resolution the articles of cession to the U. S. and the report of the commissioners of the U. S. on the Yazoo claim.
After some conversation Mr. Bacon's amendment having been agreed to—49 to 42.
Mr. Goldsborough moved to amend the resolution by adding "and all other documents in the possession of this House relative to the Yazoo claim."
After some observations on the subject, Mr. Goldsborough withdrew his amendment.
Mr. D. R. Williams, as there appeared to be some difference of opinion on the subject, and to give time to prepare a resolution to meet the wishes of all, moved a postponement of the resolution.
After some further conversation, Mr. D. R. Williams, as by making the motion time had been gained to prepare a resolution that would obviate all objection, withdrew his motion; and
Mr. Garnett wishing to withdraw the resolution to replace it by another,
The Speaker declared that a motion after amendment could not be withdrawn.
Mr. Masters renewed the motion for postponement. Carried, 53 to 39.
Mr. Sledman moved that when the House adjourned, it adjourn till Monday—Negatived 49 to 46.
An engrossed bill for procuring an additional number of arms was read the third time and passed without a division.
The engrossed bill for remitting duties payable on the importation of a monument, &c. was read the third time and passed, Ayes 73.
Mr. Basset having called for the order of the day on the bill concerning public contracts,
Mr. Nicholas moved that the business be postponed to make way for the
bill amendatory of the embargo law.
After some observations from Mr. Basset, declaring that if the gentleman persisted in his motion he should call for the yeas and nays on the motion,
Mr. Nicholas withdrew his motion, and the House refused to take up the contract bill, Ayes 23.
The House then took up the bill amendatory of the embargo law; which being under consideration, a message in writing was received from the President of the U. S. States, which the Speaker declared it to be of a confidential nature.
The galleries were accordingly cleared, and the doors remained shut till about half past 3 o'clock, when the House adjourned.
SATURDAY, FEB. 27.
The House met with closed doors and so continued till near two o'clock; when the doors were opened.
The bill for extinguishing debts due from the United States was postponed till the next Monday week, 46 to 38.
The House then took up for consideration the law amendatory of the embargo law, as reported by the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Several amendments having been made and negatived to render less burthensome the restrictions on fishermen, a motion to adjourn (4 o'clock) was negatived, Ayes 16.
Mr. Newton moved to add to the bill an amendment vesting in the President of the United States a power to grant leave to citizens having property in a foreign port, to dispatch vessels in ballast to convey the same to this country, Provided sufficient bond, &c. be given.
A motion was made by Mr. Lyon to adjourn, and negatived, Ayes 28, Noes 47.
Amendment carried without a division; and
The bill ordered to a third reading on Monday, nem. con.
A Supplemental Journal of such proceedings as during the time they were depending, were ordered to be kept secret, and respecting which the injunction of secrecy was afterwards removed.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 26.
A confidential message in writing was received from the President of the U. S. by Mr. Coles, his Secretary, as follows:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
I enclose for the information of Congress, letters recently received from our ministers at Paris and London, communicating their representations against the late decrees and orders of France and G. Britain, heretofore transmitted to Congress. These documents will contribute to the information of Congress, as to the dispositions of these powers, and the probable course of their proceedings towards neutrals; and will doubtless have their due influence in adapting the measures of the Legislature to the actual crisis.
Although nothing forbids the general matter of these letters from being spoken of without reserve; yet as the publication of papers of this description would restrain injudiciously the freedom of our foreign correspondence, they are communicated, so far confidentially, and with a request that after being read to the satisfaction of both Houses, they may be returned.
TH: JEFFERSON.
February 26th, 1808.
The said message and papers accompanying the same being read.
A motion was made by Mr. Quincy and seconded that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That previous to a return of the papers accompanying the message of the President of the U. S. States, this day communicated, the Clerk of this House take and retain copies thereof.
And on the question that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration,
It passed in the negative.
Another motion was made by Mr. Quincy & seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the President of the U. S. States be requested to lay before this House such letters recently received from the American minister at Paris as accompanied the said minister's representations against the late decrees and orders of France, communicated to Congress in his message of this day, under such restrictions as in his opinion the public interest may require.
And on the question that the House do now proceed to take the said motion into consideration,
It passed in the negative, yeas 60, nays 62.
The yeas and nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present,
Those who voted in the affirmative are,
YEAS —Messrs. Bacon, Boyle, Burwell, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, J. Clay, Clinton, Cook, Culpeper, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Durell, Elliott, Ely, Fisk, Gardenier, Gardner, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Helms, Hoge, Howard, Humphreys, Jenkins, Johnson, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Mason, Marion, Masters, D. Montgomery, T. Moore, Mosely, Mumford, Newbold, Pitkin, Quincy, Rea of Pen. Rowan, Russel, S. Smith, Sledman,
Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Upham, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams—60.
Those who voted in the negative are, NAYS —Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clopton, Cobb, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Epper, Findlay, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Ilsey, Jackson, Jones, Lambert, M'Creery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jno. Morrow, Nelson, Newton, Nicholson, Pugh, Rhea of Ten. J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Seaver, Sloan, Smell, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stanfield, Taylor, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell—62.
Another motion was then made by Mr. Quincy and seconded, that the injunction of secrecy, so far as relates to the proceedings of the House upon the foregoing message of the President of the U. S. be removed, and that the same be published.
And debate arising thereon.
An adjournment was called for: on which the several orders of the day were farther postponed until to-morrow.
And then the House adjourned until to-morrow morning eleven o'clock.
Saturday, Feb. 27.
The House proceeded to take into consideration the motion depending on yesterday at the time of adjournment. Whereupon the question being put, it passed in the affirmative.
New York, February 25.
LATEST FROM HOLLAND.
Capt. Matlack, of the ship Cincinnati, informs us that about the 4th day of January an Embargo was laid at Antwerp and in all the ports of France, & was momentarily expected at Amsterdam. Mr. Bourne, the American consul there, had recommended to all vessels bound to the U. S. to hasten their departure. Fourteen American vessels, bound to and from England, had been captured by French cruisers, and carried into Dunkirk. Markets very high.
February 27, 1808.
At a meeting of a number of the inhabitants of George-town, held at Mr. Semmes's tavern on Thursday the 25th inst the following resolution was adopted.
Resolved , That the following notice be inserted in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer, viz. "A meeting of the inhabitants of the county of Washington is requested at the Union tavern in George-town, on Wednesday, the 2nd. of March, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, to take into consideration a memorial, which will then be submitted, requesting Congress to pass a law for laying a tax on the real and personal property in said county, for the purpose of erecting bridges over Rock Creek."
By order of the meeting, ROBERT GETTY, Secretary.
NOTICE.
THE Citizens of Washington are respectfully requested to attend the delivery of an ORATION by one of the members of the Washington Debating Society, at their Hall in the house occupied by Mr. Carbery near the Marine Garrison, on Tuesday 1st. day of March at 11 o'clock A. M.
Feb. 29—11.
BANK OF COLUMBIA,
25th February, 1808.
In conformity to the charter of this institution an Election will be held at Semmes' Tavern, in George-Town, on Monday 21st March next, for twelve Directors, to serve for one year from that day.
By order of the President & Directors.
WM. WHANN, Cash'r.
ept 21st Mar.
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the circuit court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of chancery for the county of Washington, in the suit of
John Roberts and Samuel G. Griffith complainants.
Against Benjamin Bryan Defendant. WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 29th day of March next, at Stile's Hotel, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 12 o'clock, M. a lot of ground in said city, in that square designated on the plan of said city by square north of square numbered seven hundred and forty-three, the said lot being bounded as follows to wit: Beginning at a point in the line of the west side of New Jersey Avenue, at the distance of one hundred and fifty one feet ten inches from the stone planted at the north east corner of said square, and running thence with the line of the said Avenue twenty-five feet, thence leaving the said Avenue, and with a line at right angles with the line thereof running one hundred feet, then turning in a direction parallel to the line of the said Avenue, and running thence twenty five feet, thence an hundred feet to the point of beginning, containing about two thousand five hundred square feet of ground, together with the improvements thereon erected, and all the advantages thereunto belonging or appertaining.
This property is eligibly situated between the Capital hill and sugar house, and may be inspected at any time prior to the day of sale.
The terms of sale are cash or money to be paid immediately on the ratification thereof by the court.
JOHN G. McDONALD, Trustee. 26th February, 1808.—ep4w
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 29.
THE PRESIDENT ON FRIDAY COMMUNICATED THE FOLLOWING IMPORTANT MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
The dangers to our country arising from the contests of other nations, and the urgency of making preparation for whatever events might affect our relations with them have been intimated in preceding messages to Congress. To secure ourselves by due precautions, an augmentation of our military force, as well regular as of volunteer militia, seems to be expedient. The precise extent of that augmentation cannot as yet be satisfactorily suggested; but that no time may be lost, and especially at a season deemed favorable to the object, I submit to the wisdom of the Legislature whether they will authorize a commencement of this precautionary work, by a present provision for raising and organizing some additional force, reserving themselves to decide its ultimate extent on such views of our situation as I may be enabled to present at a future day of the session.
If an increase of force be now approved, I submit to their consideration the outlines of a plan proposed in the enclosed letter from the Secretary at War.
I recommend also to the attention of Congress the term at which the act of April 18, 1806, concerning the militia will expire, and the effect of that expiration.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Feb. 25, 1808.
War Department, Feb. 24th, 1808.
To the President of the United States.
Sir—I take the liberty of suggesting, whether under existing circumstances, it would not be advisable, to propose to Congress an augmentation of our regular troops, as soon as practicable; and also the engaging and organizing of twenty-four thousand volunteers, on the principles I have had the honor of proposing for your consideration, the general outlines of which are contained in the paper marked No. 1.
The number of regular troops I would propose being raised immediately, is six thousand, to be composed of suitable proportions of infantry, artillery, cavalry and riflemen, and organized as stated in the enclosed paper marked No. 2.
It may be presumed that previous to the close of the present session, Congress will be possessed of such farther information in regard to our foreign relations as will be necessary for forming an ultimate opinion on the expediency or inexpediency of a greater augmentation of our army than is now proposed; and in the mean time measures may be taken for the recruiting service in different parts of the United States.
In the event of war, it will I presume be considered necessary to arrange our military force into separate departments, and to have a commander to each department, and of course, to have no such officer as a commander in chief; and until a larger army shall be raised than is now proposed, it may not be advisable to have any officers above the rank of Brigadier Generals;—of that grade it may be proper to have four or five, as soon as a suitable proportion of the troops is raised.
With sentiments of the highest
Respect, I am, sir, your humble serv't, H. DEARBORN.
NO. 1.
IT is proposed to have engaged in the several states and territories, 24,000 volunteers, to be enlisted to serve 12 months, in any 24 months, within the term of 5 years, at such times and places as the President of the U. S. shall direct, to be armed and equipped by the U. S. and to be regularly encamped in their respective states and territories from 2 to 3 months in each year; and be exercised under the direction of inspectors to be appointed by the President of the U. S. to receive pay and rations and be furnished with camp equipage and one suit of uniform clothing once in three or four years, the officers except the inspectors and paymasters to be appointed by the respective states, they pay annually to commence the day they march for the respective encampments, and to continue until their return home, allowing one day for each 20 miles march to and from the encampments; no corporal punishments to be inflicted, but all offences to be punished by close confinement and short allowance or fines, or both, the commissioned officers to be governed by the rules and articles of war established for the regular army; the 24,000 to be apportioned on the states and territories, in such proportion as circumstances may require, and in such proportions of infantry, artillery, cavalry and riflemen as the President of the United States shall direct, and organized into companies, battalions, regiments and brigades, or other corps, as shall be found expedient according to the numbers in each state respectively, and to be encamped in the respec-
tive states and territories at such times and places as the President of the U. S. shall from time to time direct.
NO. 2.
The six thousand regular troops may consist of five regiments of infantry, one regiment of riflemen, and one regiment of light artillery, and one regiment of light cavalry. The regiments of infantry, riflemen, and artillery to consist of ten companies each, and the regiment of cavalry of eight companies. The field and staff of each regiment to consist of one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, one major, one adjutant, one quarter master, one pay master, one surgeon, one sergeant major, one sergeant, one corporal, one musician, and the regiment of cavalry one riding master.
Each company of infantry and riflemen to consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one sergeant, one corporal, one musician, one drummer, and thirty-eight privates.
Each company of artillery to consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one sergeant, one corporal, one musician, one drummer, and thirty-eight privates.
Each company of cavalry to consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one sergeant, one corporal, one musician, one drummer, and thirty-eight privates.
The great length of Congressional proceedings has obliged us to exclude several articles of considerable interest, particularly a very able vindication of the conduct of the American government contained in the London Morning Chronicle of January 18, which shall appear in our next.
In addition to the communications from the President under the Washington head, our readers will see his confidential message in the Supplemental Journal of Friday.
We understand that the papers communicated by the President in his message consist of a correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and the Secretary of State, and Mr. Pinckney and the Secretary of State.
The letters of Mr. Armstrong are not very recent, and altogether relate to the condemnation of the ship Union , whose case was lately given at length in this paper. They are consequently anterior to the date of the Milan decree. The ground taken by the Grand Judge, in justification of the condemnation is, that the vessel being, under the French decrees, a good prize at sea, was not less so when driven on land.
The letters from Mr. Pinckney to Mr. Madison are dated November 23d, December 14th, December 29th, and January 2d.
The first letter is of considerable length, and details several conversations with Mr. Canning relative to the late British orders; to which the subsequent letters are merely appendages. In these communications Mr. Pinckney takes a wide and forcible view of the injustice of these orders; states an opinion that though popular, they will not be of long continuance; and intimates that from his conversation with Mr. Canning, there is no hope of their relaxation. Mr. Rose is said not to have been acquainted with them on his departure; having been sent on a special mission, and it being intended that Mr. Eustis should be continued as minister resident. The merchants had desired an explanation whether American produce might not pass unimpeded; the answer given to which was in the negative. Mr. P. in his discussions with Mr. Canning contends that the French decree of November 21st is no justification of the British orders, the former involving only the exercise of municipal powers.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
The brig Clinton , capt. Breath, arrived at N. York, in 40 days from London, brings London dates down to the 8th of January, two days later than by the Romp .
A proposal has been made by general Miranda to the British ministry to assist him in revolutionizing South America. The force asked for is four ships of the line and 7000 men. The government to be a confederated republic with Miranda at its head, under the protection of England. It is also reported that the British cabinet are inclined to assist in its execution.
On the 9th of January an order of council was to be issued, declaring certain ports of Spain and Portugal in a state of blockade, until which licences to merchants to trade to those countries have been withheld. By the granting of licences it would appear that a smuggling trade is carried on with the continent under the sanction of the British government.
Bonaparte arrived at Paris on the 25th of December. Previous to his departure from Milan he is said to have issued a decree uniting Iliria to the kingdom of Italy, and declaring Eugene Beauharnois his successor.
The French emperor has succeeded in effecting an alliance of the strictest kind with the Khan of Persia, and the English missionary on the same errand has had to make the best of his way home.
By a circular letter of the chancellor of the Exchequer of the 19th of Dec. it appears that a meeting of the British parliament will positively take place on the 21st of Jan. about the time that the news of the embargo in America will have reached London.

TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
 Wool's best London cloths,  Do. double milled & plain cassimeres,  Bennett's cords and velvets,  Constitutional Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords,  Velvets,  Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating,  Silk mohair do.  Tollinets, swansdown do.  Plain and figured Marseilles do.  Brownish coatings,  Plains, kerseys, halfthicks,  Rose and dull blankets, flannels,  Superfine green cloth whole covers,  Cassimere, colored cambrics,  Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays,  Furniture Chintz,  Cambrie and Jaconet muslins,  India and British book do.  India mousseline figured and plain,  Plain and figured lenoes,  Lace cambrics,  Elegant tambooured mulls,  Grecian robes and Pique dresses,  84 damask and raw silk shawls,  Damask do.  Camel's hair and swansdown do.  Down scarfs,  Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves,  Extra long and habit kid gloves,  Do. do. silk do.  Do. do. raw silk do.  Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and luteceings,  Persians and Medes,  Thread and cotton laces,  Lace caps and handkerchiefs,  Book muslin and leno cup patterns,  44.7.8 Irish linens,  Long lawns, linen cambrics,  Irish diapre, table-cloths, napkins,  Cotton counterpanes,  Cambrie Dimities,  Common do.  Furniture do.  Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola horse,  Gentlemen's pantaloons do.  Silk cords and buttons,  Ribbons, floss threads,  Scarlet and other colored bombazets,  Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tick- lingurg,  Osunburga, bastas, gurrahs, &c. &c. 
ALSO, Imperial and young hysen tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars.
T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
BURAS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
TWO ELEGANT FORTEPiano- NOS. THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. He has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS, among the latter peach brandy 6 years old, fourth proof, and best kind of RUMS—also, he offers a pair of PISTOLS, in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a musket handle, original cost 100 dollars. F. A. WASLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market. N. B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice. December 25—tf
MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Like-wise an elegant assortment of Spanglets and rich silk Mohair for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, at his manufactory. Four or five good Journeyman wanted, who will find constant employ. November 27—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL.
The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY.
N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
In pursuance of a deed of trust, dated on the 17th day of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, from Isidore Hardey, of Prince George's county, Maryland, to John Francis Hardey, will be exposed to Public Sale, on the premises, on Tuesday the first day of March next, if fair, and if not, the first fair day thereafter,
ALL those two Tracts or Parts of Tracts or Parcels of Land, lying and being in Prince George's county, called Gardiner's Meadows and Tyler's Advantage , containing 330 acres. These lands are encumbered with the right of dower, and will be sold for cash. The above tracts of land are situated about 5 miles from Piscataway, in Prince George's county, and are tolerably well improved. A more minute description is deemed unnecessary, as those who wish to purchase will view the premises, either on or before the day of sale. RICHARD B. GARDINER, Adm'r of John F. Hardey. January 29—tMar.
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of STOCKS bought and sold. 17 th Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
PUBLIC NOTICE Is hereby given to all persons who have any demands against Peter Foorth an insolvent debtor, that the subscriber, assignee of the said Peter, will attend at the House of John Baird, inn-keeper, in the town of Hackensack, on Monday the 1st day of August next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of examining and ascertaining the debts due from the said Peter to such of his creditors as shall then and there attend and exhibit their demands. The subscriber will also attend at the place aforesaid on Thursday the 1st day of September next at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of making a division agreeably to law, of all such money as shall then have come to his hands, of the estate of the said Peter, of which those concerned will please to take notice. WILLIAM A. DE PEYSTER. Hackensack N.J. Feb. 10th, 1808. February 22—t8Mh
A BRICK HOUSE AND LOT FOR SALE. ON Monday the 8th day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to public sale on the premises at 4 o'clock in the evening, part of Lot No. 6, in square No. 141, in this city, fronting 16 feet 9 inches on North G street, and running back 133 feet, with the improvements thereon, consisting of a convenient two story Brick House and enclosure. The Lot was leased to the former tenant for a term of 99 years at the rent of 35 dollars per annum, and the benefit of a covenant to purchase the fee simple thereof. On default of payment of three years rent, the subscriber has been put in possession of the premises, according to the law in such cases provided; for which, and accruing expenses, it will be sold, subject to the conditions of the former case, and a new lease executed to the purchaser on complying with the terms of sale. Being in the vicinity of the public offices, and in a thick settled genteel neighborhood, it would be an eligible situation for a gentleman doing business in either of the departments. The premises may be viewed and the papers seen by applying to Thomas Herty, prior to the day of sale. JOSEPH NOURSE. 17 th Terms of sale, a negotiable note with an approved endorser, payable 60 days after date. The Sale of the above Property is postponed until Monday the 14th day of March next, when it will be offered for sale at the hour and place above-mentioned. February 17—tides
LOST out of the CONGRESS LIBRARY
the First Part of the First Volume of the CYCLOPEDIA, Philadelphia Edition. It belonged to the late Abraham Baldwin, Senator. It can be of little use but to the owner of the set. Whoever will leave it at the Office of the National Intelligencer shall be liberally rewarded. February 24—4t
RISE OF TICKETS.
Tickets in the Philadelphia Grand Lottery —highest prize 10,000 D.—will sell at TWO Dollars on Tuesday the 22d inst. and will continue to rise as the drawing progresses. Tickets to be had at R. C. WRIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Pennsylvania avenue. February 19—3t
FOR SALE.
THE Two story BRICK HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
WAS committed to the jail of Cecil county, on the 2d inst. on suspicion of being a runaway, a Negro Man, who calls himself PHILIP, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, a very dark complexion; he had on when he was committed a woollen hat, linsay-woolsey jacket and trowsers. He says he was sold by John Tyler, near Frederick Town, to Mr. Crown. The owner of said Negro is requested to come forward within 60 days and pay all legal costs and charges, otherwise he will be sold out agreeably to law. JO. BAXTER, Sheriff of Cecil county. Elkton, January 20—w9t
THE COMMISSIONERS
APPOINTED under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorizing the erection of a BRIDGE over the RIVER POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia" to receive Subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the BOOKS of SUBSCRIPTION, will be opened at Stelle's Hotel in the city of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P. M. ROBERT BRENT, DANIEL CARROLL, of Duddington, THOMAS MUNROK, JAMES D. BARRY, FREDERICK MAY, SAMUEL H. SMITH, JONAH THOMPSON, JONATHAN SWIFT, THOMAS VOWELL, CUTHBERT POWELL, ELISHA JANNEY, CHARLES ALEXANDER.
THE act of Congress authorises the Subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of Ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in Instalments of Ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix. None of Power required from those who make use of an agent. February 19—
Charles County court, August Term, 1807.
SAMUEL BAXTER, an insolvent debtor of Charles county, having applied by petition in writing to the judges of the court here praying the benefit of an act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, passed at the last session of the General Assembly, a schedule of his property and a list of the creditors on his oath as far as he can ascertain them, as directed by the said act having accompanied his petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Samuel Baxter has resided two preceding years within the state of Maryland prior to the passage of the said act, and having been brought before the court here and discharged from imprisonment upon giving bond, by the said act required. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, by the said court, that the said Samuel Baxter appear before the said county court at the court house, on the first day of March term next to answer such interrogatories as may be proposed to him by his creditors; and that the said day be, and is hereby appointed for the said creditors to appear, and recommend a trustee for their benefit, on the said Samuel Baxter, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for delivering up his property; and the said Samuel Baxter, give notice of the passage of this order by causing a copy thereof to be served on each and every of his creditors or to so many of them as can be served thereat with or their agent or attorney at least three months before the said first day of March term, and by causing a copy thereof to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week during that time aforesaid, previous to the next term. Test JOHN BARNES, Clk. Nov. 27—wtMar.
UNION MANUFACTURING COMPANY
OF MARYLAND.
THE Books for receiving Subscriptions to the Union Manufacturing Company of Maryland, will be opened on Monday the 7th March next, and will remain open for that purpose for two days, in different parts of that state as designated by the articles of association of the company—the capital stock of the company, is to consist of one million of dollars, in twenty thousand shares of Fifty Dollars each; two dollars and fifty cents whereof, to be paid at the time of subscribing.
The Commissioners appointed for the town of Baltimore, have lodged a Subscription Paper, at the Bank of Columbia, and another at the Office of Discount and Deposit, in the city of Washington, which will be opened on the days above mentioned, between the hours of Ten and Three to receive any subscription which may offer not exceeding Five Hundred shares at each place. A pamphlet containing the Report of the Committee, and the Articles of Association may in the mean time be seen at either Bank. February 26—tMh
PUBLIC SALE.
BY Virtue of a decree of the honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscriber as trustee for the sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, will sell at public sale at Van Wyck and Dorsey's Auction Room, in the city of Baltimore on Friday the 18th day of March next, at 12 o'clock, the following Tracts of unimproved LAND, lying in Allegany county to wit: Governor's Neglect, containing 1031 acres. Robey's Delight, 421 Bome's Attention, 684 Chesnut Grove, 461 Now or Never, 600 Hard Struggle, 1554 Lot No. 2487, 50 Western Connection, 15,484 The lands above-mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase. A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase on application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within 12 months from the day of sale. ROGER PERRY, The creditors of Gustavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale aforesaid. R. PERRY. Cumberland, February 26—3w
POCKET BOOK—LOST.
ON Monday evening last, a middle sized Red Morocco Pocket Book was lost between Myers hotel and the Eastern Branch bridge. It contained Accounts, some Memorandums, & several small Notes of Hand, but no Bank paper or Money. The contents can be of no use but to the owner. Whoever delivers the same to him or leaves the Book and contents at the Printing Office of this Paper, shall receive THREE Dollars. Washington, Feb. 26—2t
RUNAWAY.
WAS committed to the jail of Washington county district of Columbia as a runaway, on the 5th inst. a black man who calls himself STEPHEN LOCKERMAN, and says he belongs to John McFadden of Baltimore; he further says that he sailed out of Baltimore in March 1804, with captain Deshan in the ship Margaret, bound to Batavia—he is about 25 years of age, 5 feet 5 inches high, had on when committed, a brown cloth jacket and trowsers, a blue striped vest, black hat, fine linen shirt, half boots, and no other clothes with him. His owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs. CARTWRIGHT TIPPET, Keeper of the jail for Washington Boyd, marshal. February 12—w3t
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c.
THE Subscriber having recently received a supply of European Garden Seeds, &c. which added to the various sorts saved by him the last summer, makes his assortment extensive and which are for sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO: HOLT Washington city, Jan. 11—taw
Treasury Department, Register's Office, June 5th, 1807.
Notice is hereby given,
THAT, in conformity with the provision of the act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the Treasury on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription land on the books of the treasury.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above-mentioned, but not redeemable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOSEPH NOURSE, Reg. of the Treasury NOTE—Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive 649 62 of new six
  1807, 64 37   Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808 619 03   Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st Oct 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78   If subscribed between the 1st Oct and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62   Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808, 831 42   Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October 1807, and 1st January 1808, respectively.   Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock, will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six   June 8—wgm. 
I WISH to SELL, about 20 acres of LAND, adjoining George-town, with the following improvements: a new framed dwelling 40 feet cellar under the whole, 5 rooms and a piazza on the first floor, stone kitchen 18 by 24, a wash house 14 by 16, smoke house, stable and carriage house, also, paled yard and garden, there are a number of young fruit trees beginning to bear, and 6 or 7 acres in clover. I believe this place as healthy as the Alleghany mountain, and perhaps second to none for a country seat; for although about three quarters of a mile from Georgetown market, yet by reason of a deep valley between it and town it is rendered very private, and the road good; the prospect commanding and variegated. As I wish to improve near the Rope Walk, I would sell this place low. RICHd. PARROTT. Georgetown, December 14—wtMh
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS by the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the disposal of the Public Lands, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted that for the disposal of the Lands of the United States, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, a Land Office should be established at such place, as the President of the United States might direct: And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid with the exception of certain tracts therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall be by a public proclamation of the President of the United States be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, and on the same terms and conditions as are provided for the lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river.
Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in conformity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare, and make known, that sales shall be held at Canton in the state of Ohio, for the disposal of the above mentioned lands, to commence on the second Monday of May, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks. Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—wtMh