The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-11-17 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. X.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1421.
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FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1809.
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TO THE Editors of the National Intelligencer GENTLEMEN,
It is not, I believe, understood that Editors of Newspapers, by giving a place in their columns to communications from correspondents on political or miscellaneous topics, always adopt the ideas thus promulgated. I do not mean therefore to accuse you of advocating a doctrine which I deem anti-republican, but I claim the liberty of expressing a few ideas on the article in your paper of Monday last under the signature of "A Constant Reader," through the same medium as has afforded publicity to his remarks.  My object is not to detract from the merits of the extract which he has furnished for publication, but to combat his general position that political charges to juries from the bench are salutary. The official duty of a judge is by our constitutions and by general usage confined to expounding and executing the laws of the land—an office which, all will acknowledge, should be coolly & impartially administered. As juries are to judge of facts which may be more or less connected with the politics of the day, every thing which tends to inflame the passions, or, by exciting party feelings, to mislead the judgment, should be cautiously avoided in the charges delivered to them. Let it be assumed as certain that the extraneous matter introduced by a judge into his charge would be always such as would tend to promote the moral order of society and the permanence of our republican institutions, and I know no greater objection to the practice than there is to a reverend clergyman's expounding the law from the pulpit instead of inculcating such useful lessons as tend to promote moral order. If it be laudable in a judge from the bench to enter into a discussion of political questions, to applaud or censure as he may feel inclined, I cannot see why it be not equally praiseworthy in the pulpit orator to preach electioneering discourses and hurl anathemas at those whom he deems unbeliefers in the true political faith. The same arguments which would justify one species of declamation would excuse the other. But if, instead of supporting moral order and sustaining the liberal system of policy pursued by administration, we imagine a judge taking occasion to excite disorder by pronouncing laws enacted for the good of the whole to have been founded in a desire to tyrannize and oppress, censuring his own government, and, instead of drawing useful lessons from the misfortunes and crimes of Europe, applauding the conduct of an European or other foreign power, between whom and his own government he draws comparisons invidious to the latter—the advantages which your correspondent has painted in such prominent colors vanish at once; instead of the benign genius of moral order whom he invokes, we behold the "tyr of civil discord" presiding over the practice. If a judge may deviate from the path of his duty for the purpose of eulogising the conduct of administration, he or any other judge has the same right to condemn it. The spectacle would often be witnessed of two judges on the same bench differing in political opinion; one might criminate, the other re-exonerate, the bar or audience take part with one or the other, and thus the court, instead of a tribunal of law, would become an arena for political gladiators. No, gentlemen—these, I hope, are not the days in which political declamation from the bench or pulpit is to be encouraged. Experience has already shown us that the construction of judicial offices for the gratification of zealous adherents will not be tolerated by the American people; and, around the practice now alluded to rise to the height of governing, the courts of law, into instruments of persecution against opponents of an administration, and the doctrine advocated by your correspondent would inevitably lead to
this, the people will again emphatically express their dissatisfaction. A cool and impartial distribution of justice and violent political prejudices appear to be almost incompatible. Every thing therefore which has a tendency, by exciting them, to impede the course of justice, deserves reprobation rather than applause.
I am also averse to this encouragement and publication of political charges which I see strenuously recommended, for the same reason that I am opposed to unnecessary addresses to the Chief Magistrate of the nation. The one as well as the other may be often no more than a mode adopted by one or a few citizens of displaying their attachment to the persons or zeal for the principles of those in power; and might be often designed rather to attract the intention of the Chief Magistrate or people to themselves than to instruct the persons they address or candidly to express their sentiments. In this country, where the profession of the law is simplified, the knowledge of it requisite for a judge does not, as in other countries, require a life of study and application; and a seat on the bench is often vacated for an employment more lucrative or clothed with higher honors. It is natural for a person looking forward to such advancement to make use of the means in his power to render himself conspicuous, whether as a supporter of order and republican policy or of their contraries, as either course might recommend him to one or the other party. I wish not to see candidates for popular or executive favor trumpeting forth their own praises by loud professions of patriotism; and, desiring to see merit in all cases exalted, am unwilling to afford to any one description of citizens an opportunity of making themselves more conspicuous than their less ambitious and perhaps equally meritorious brethren.
The practice which I disapprove appears to be daily increasing; and it is because I dread its anti-republican tendencies and wish it stifled in its birth, that you have been troubled with these hasty remarks from
HERMES.
Our Country becoming really Independent.
Since the infamous policy now pursued in Europe commenced, we have, in this country, made rapid progress towards supplying ourselves with clothing of our own manufacture. There have been erected, within the last 18 months, fourteen Carding Machines for Cotton and wool; all of which find constant employment. Besides, there have lately been erected a Spinning Machine, having about 300 Spindles, and others are about to be erected.
That enterprising and ingenious mechanic, Mr. E. Gibbs, who has made, and actually has an interest in the most of them, now has it in contemplation to erect a set of Mules, in the same building with his Spinning Machine.
Several of our Weavers, who carry on their business pretty extensively, have brought into use the Flying Shuttle; the advantages of which are incalculable.
There appears to be a general preference, among our citizens, to domestic products; which although not so superb and gaudy, as the enervated European might think stylish ; yet they are all comfortable, and suitable to Republican manners.
We have also a manufactory of Bridle bits and Stirrup irons; some of which, for beauty, utility, and cheapness, will bear comparison with any of those from Europe.
We now know, and men of every political sect agree, that we have resources within ourselves, which will amply supply the want of that commerce, denied by the belligerents of Europe.
[Maryland Herald.]
LEGISLATURE OF TENNESSEE.
Saturday Sept. 23.
Mr. Cocke from the committee appointed to take into consideration the Governor's communication made report of the following address which was adopted.
To his excellency JOHN SEVIER.
SIR—The General Assembly have received the communications addressed by you to the Legislature at the commencement of the present session. We sincerely regret those unfortunate embarrassments in our national affairs, the effects of which have been
so long and so seriously felt by our citizens. But we look with confidence to the general government for the adoption of such measures as will most effectually tend to secure the rights and promote the interest of the American people. The various subjects which you have recommended to our consideration, demand and will receive our serious attention, and we trust, that no exertions on our part will be withheld to promote the interests of our constituents.
In taking leave of your excellency on the present occasion permit us to express the grateful sense which in common with our constituents we entertain, of the various and important services you have rendered to your country, both in your civil and military capacity. These services have evinced an extent of talents and a purity of patriotism which have secured to you the confidence of your fellow-citizens.
The long and uninterrupted continuance of that confidence & the undiminished affection of a grateful people are proofs of your merit, to which we are sensible our testimony can add but little weight. In whatever situation you may hereafter be placed, we doubt not you will continue still to merit the esteem and affection of the freemen of Tennessee.
Accept, sir, our warmest wishes for your prosperity and happiness.
John Cocke, Chairman.
VERMONT LEGISLATURE.
ANSWER
Of the House of Representative to the Governor's Speech.
TO HIS
Excellency JONAS GALUSHA, Esq.
SIR,
WITH peculiar satisfaction the General Assembly witness your acceptance of that office to which you have now been elected by the suffrages of a free people—a people intent upon the interest and happiness of our common country. After the turbulence of party spirit has for years disturbed the peace and harmony of our citizens; after the genius of liberty, stigmatized by the power of opposition, has nearly fled our shores—to see the people rise in the majesty of their strength, and, by a free exercise of the powers vested in them by our constitution, place in the chair of state one united with them in the promotion of their common interest and happiness, one whose life and conversation evince the strongest possible attachment to that interest and happiness, and one whose fidelity and labors in less important stations inspire their utmost confidence & esteem, affords the noblest specimen of the blessings of a free government. A virtuous people, through error in judgment, or the persuasive power of plausible but delusive appearances, may go astray; yet, while the frequent exercise of free suffrage is their right and their possession, they can return, by the light of truth, to the paths of national glory and felicity. This right is a balm for the wounds at any time inflicted upon the state, by the progress of tyranny or delusion. Through the exercise of this, you are called upon to discharge those interesting duties which we doubt not will be performed with all that wisdom, zeal and fidelity which comport with the honor and prosperity of the state, whether viewed as an independent sovereignty or as a member of the federal union.
We are not insensible of the increased importance attached to the duties of your office by the embarrassed state of our foreign relations; for surely when the general government is laboring, as it of late has been, to restore to the several states and the citizens thereof the blessings of neutral commerce, and avoid the calamities of war, the measures by them adopted to effect these important objects, justly claim the most undeviating support of all the citizens, and more especially the Chief Magistrate of every state in the Union. Yet we justly hope and believe that, by the purity of your intentions and the zeal of your patriotism, aided by that kind Providence which has ever watched over the genius of American liberty, you will be able to discharge those duties in the way and manner best calculated to promote the peace and prosperity of this state and nation.
You, sir, are not insensible, that nearly every member of this assembly
is, to a greater or less extent, a farmer, and has been educated to that laudable occupation; and such, we are proud to say, are our constituents. The literary attainments which many have acquired by their laborious studies, surely rank among the brightest ornaments of society; yet we are far from supposing that they constitute an indispensable qualification for office.
We have seen with just alarm that spirit of discord which has prevailed, weakening the bands of the general government, rendering abortive the salutary measures by them adopted to maintain our commercial rights and our national honor and independence; but this alarm is greatly diminished by the marks of returning patriotism, and a renewed attachment to the interest and happiness of our country and the administration of the general government: And we hope ere long to realise that union of sentiment among the citizens of this state, and of the United States, with regard to our political interests, which will awe the powers of Europe into a practical sense of national justice, and prove the surest palladium of our liberties and independence. Every measure calculated to hasten forward this desired period and conciliate the affections of the people of this state & unite them in their great national interests, we shall adopt with pleasure.
We readily reciprocate the sentiments expressed by your Excellency with regard to the state's bank. The progress of that institution thus far in its infancy, proves it worthy of our attention. Its salutary effects in excluding the paper of those private banks which have recently failed, cannot be too highly estimated. Several hundred thousand dollars in bank paper have usually of late been circulating among the citizens of this state, a great proportion of which might now be counted as lost, had not the better currency of our own bills within this state operated to exclude the bills of those private banks which thus have failed. We value the institution as a source of revenue, in which our citizens are all concerned. The cause enumerated by your Excellency cannot fail to operate a temporary suspension of that prompt redemption of our bills which would be desirable: But we view as phantoms all apprehensions of a final loss by the holders of those bills. We consider the final redemption of them already guaranteed by the honor and wealth of this state; and we are ready to adopt any measure which may be necessary to remove any real or imaginary obstacles to the prosperity of the institution.
The checks upon our commerce, resulting from the unjust aggressions of foreign powers, have produced an attachment to domestic manufactures among our citizens, which, in process of time and under the fostering care of government, will render us more and more independent of those nations who are warring against our prosperity and independence. Those measures which tend to encourage this growing spirit, ever propitious to our liberties, and furnish incentives to agriculture, in days of commercial embarrassment, will receive our early and attentive consideration.
We are sensible that a well armed & well disciplined militia from the only safe defence for our country against the invasion of foreign powers.—Yet we lament that diversity of opinion hitherto prevalent among us, with regard to the measures best calculated to increase their utility. But we hope to be united in such measures to promote this, with other remaining objects, recommended by your Excellency, as will best subserve the real interests of the State, & we fervently implore the aid and direction of our Divine Protector in all our deliberations and in the discharge of all the duties connected with our stations as the representatives of a free and virtuous people.
DUDLEY CHASE, Speaker.
Friday, Oct. 20, 1809.
Of the rights, privileges, and immunities of Ambassadors, and other public functionaries.
(By Vattel.)
A respect due to sovereigns should reflect on their representatives, and chiefly on their ambassadors, as representing his master's person in the first degree. Whoever affronts or injures a public minister commits a crime the more deserving a severe
punishment, as thereby the sovereign and his country might be brought into great difficulties and trouble. It is just that he should be punished for his fault, and that the state should, at the expence of the delinquent, give a full satisfaction to the sovereign aggrieved in the person of his minister. If a sovereign minister offends a citizen, the latter may oppose him without departing from the respect due to the character, and give him a lesson which shall both efface the stain of the outrage and expose the author of it. The person offended may further prefer a complaint to his sovereign, who will demand of the minister's master a just satisfaction. The great concerns of the state forbid a citizen, on such occasions, to entertain those thoughts of revenge which the point of honor might suggest, though otherwise allowable. Even, according to the maxims of the world, a gentleman receives no disgrace by an affront for which it is not in his power, of himself, to procure satisfaction.
The necessity and right of embassies being established (see chap. V. of this book,) the perfect security, the inviolability of ambassadors, and other ministers, is a certain consequence of it; for if their persons be not defended from violence of every kind, the right of embassies becomes precarious, and the success very uncertain. A right to the end is a right to the necessary means. Embassies then being of such great importance in the universal society of nations, and so necessary to their common well-being, the person of ministers charged with this embassy is to be sacred and inviolable among all nations (see Book II. § 218). Whoever offers any violence to an ambassador, or any other public minister, not only injures the sovereign whom this minister represents but he also hurts the common safety & well-being of nations: he becomes guilty of an atrocious crime towards the whole world.
This safety is particularly due to the minister, from the sovereign to whom he is sent. To admit a minister or to acknowledge him in such quality, is engaging to grant him the most particular protection; and that he shall enjoy all possible safety. A sovereign is indeed to protect every person within his dominions, whether native or foreigner, and shelter him from violence; but this attention is in a higher degree due to a foreign minister. A violence done to a private person is a common trespass, which, according to circumstances, the prince may pardon; but if done to a public minister, it is a crime of state, an offence against the law of nations. A pardon of this does not depend on the prince in whose country the crime has been committed, but on him who has been offended in the person of his representative. However, if the minister has been insulted by persons ignorant of his character, the fault does not affect the law of nations, but comes within the case of common trespasses. Some dissolute young fellows in a town of Switzerland having, in the night-time, insulted the English minister's house, not knowing who lived there, the magistracy sent a message to the minister to know what satisfaction he required. He wisely answered, that it was the magistrates, concern to vindicate the public as they should judge proper; but as for himself he required nothing, not thinking himself affronted by persons who could have no design on him, as not knowing his house. Another particular circumstance in the protection of foreign ministers is this: according to the wretched maxims introduced by a false point of honor, a sovereign is under a necessity of shewing indulgence towards a person wearing a sword, who instantly revenges an affront done to him by a private person; but violent proceedings can never be allowed of, or excused against a public minister, unless the latter, by beginning and urging the violence, should lay the other under a necessity of defending himself.
Though the minister's character does not become declared in its whole extent, and thus does not secure to him the enjoyment of all his rights till he is acknowledged and admitted by the sovereign to whom he delivers his credentials; yet, on his entering into the country, whither he is sent, and making himself known, he is under the protection of the law of nations; otherwise it would not be safe for him to come. T'ill he has made

his audience of the prince, he is on his word to be considered as a minister; and further, besides notice of it, usually sent by letters in case of doubt, the minister is provided with passports, certifying his character.
These passports sometimes become necessary to him in the countries thro' which he passes in his way to the place of his destination; and, when it is necessary for procuring the respect and honor due to him, he produces them. Indeed that prince alone to whom the minister is sent, is under a particular obligation that he shall enjoy all the rights annexed to his character: yet the others, through whose dominions he passes, are not to deny him those regards to which the minister of a sovereign is entitled, and which nations reciprocally owe to each other. They especially owe him an entire safety. To insult him would be injuring his master and the whole nation; to arrest him and offer violence to him, would be hurting the right of embassy, which belongs to all sovereigns (§ 57, 63.). Francis the first king of France, had all the reason in the world to complain of the murder of his ambassadors Rincon and Fregosa, as an horrible crime against public faith and the law of nations. These two persons, destined the one to Constantinople, and the other to Venice, having embarked on the Po, were stop't and murdered, and in appearance, by order of the governor of Milan.* The emperor Charles the fifth's negligence to discover the author of the murder gave room to think that he had ordered it, or at least that he had tacitly approved of the act. And as he did not give any suitable satisfaction concerning it, Francis the first had a very just cause for declaring war against him, and even demanding assistance of all other nations. For an affair of this nature is not a particular difference, or a litigious question, in which each party wrets law over to its side; it is the quarrel of all nations who are concerned to maintain as sacred the right and means of communicating together, and treating of their affairs. If an innocent passage be due, even with entire safety, to a mere private person, much more is it due to the minister of a sovereign who is going to execute his master's orders, and travels on the affairs of a nation. I say, an innocent passage; for the minister's journey is justly suspected, if a sovereign has reason to apprehend that he will abuse the freedom of coming into his country, for plotting something against his service, or that he is going to give intelligence to his enemies, or to stir up others against him. We have already said (§ 64) that a passage may be denied him; but he is not to maltreat him, nor suffer any insult to be offered to his person. Though he has not reason sufficient for denying him a passage, he may take precautions against the ample use which the minister may make of it. These maxims the Spaniards found even in Mexico, and the neighboring countries. The ambassadors were respected all along the road; but if they went out of the highway they were to forfeit their rights.† A very wise reservation, that spies might not be sent under the name of ambassadors. Thus, at the famous congress of Westphalia, whilst peace was negotiating amidst the dangers of war and the noise of arms, the routes of the several courts sent or received by the plenipotentiaries were marked, and out of such limits their passports were of no protection.‡
What we have said concerns nations which are at peace with each other. On the breaking out of a war, the obligation of leaving the enemy in the free enjoyment of his right ceases; & on the other hand, we are warranted in depriving him, weakening him, and reducing him to accept of equitable conditions. His men may also be attacked and seized wherever there is a right of exercising acts of hostility. Thus a passage may not only be refused to the ministers of an enemy sent to other sovereigns, but if they undertake to pass privately, and without permission, into places belonging to their master's enemy, they are liable to be arrested; and of this the last war furnishes a signal instance. An ambassador of France going to Berlin, by the imprudence of his guides, took his way through a village within the electorate of Hanover, of which the sovereign, the king of England, was at war with France; he was arrested, and afterwards sent over to England. As his Britannic majesty had herein only made use of the rights of war, neither the courts of France nor that of Prussia complained about it.
The reasons which render embassies necessary, and ambassadors sacred & inviolable, are of no less force in time of war than in a profound peace; on the contrary, the necessity and indis-
pensable duty of retaining some method of reconciliation and the restoration of peace, is a fresh reason why the persons of ministers, as instruments of the reconciliatory conferences, should be still more sacred and inviolable. Nomen legati , says Cicero, ejusmodi esse debet, quod non modo inter sociorum jura, sed etiam inter hostium tela incolume versetur. * Accordingly, the safety of persons bringing messages or proposals from the enemy, is one of the most sacred laws of war. Indeed the ambassador of an enemy is not to come without permission; and as there is not always the convenience of procuring it by neutral persons, this has been supplied by the establishment of certain privileged messengers for carrying proposals from enemy to enemy, in perfect safety.
The inviolability of a public minister, or the safety due to him, more sacredly and more particularly than to any other person, whether foreigner or native, is not his only privilege; he is further, by the universal practice of nations, to enjoy an entire independency from the jurisdiction and authority of the state where he resides. Some authors pretend that this independency is merely positive among nations, and will have it referred to the arbitrary law of nations, which owes its origin to the manners, the customs, or particular conventions: they deny it to be grounded on the natural law of nations. Indeed the law of nature gives men a right of punishing those who do them wrong, and consequently empowers a sovereign to punish a foreigner who disturbs the public tranquility, offends themselves, or maltreats their subjects; it authorises them to compel this foreigner to conform himself to the laws, and to behave properly towards the citizens. But it is no less true, that the same natural law imposes on all sovereigns the obligations of consenting to those things without which nations could not cultivate the society nature has established among them, correspond together, negotiate their affairs, or adjust their differences. Now, ambassadors and other public ministers are instruments necessary to the support of this general society, of this mutual correspondence of nations. But their ministry cannot attain its designed end, unless invested with all the prerogatives which may secure the lawful success of it, and which are necessary for the free, faithful, and safe discharge of it. The same law of nations whereby they are obliged to admit foreign ministers, manifestly obliges them likewise to admit those ministers, with all the rights necessary to them, and all the privileges relative to the exercise of their functions. It is easy to conceive that independency must be one of these privileges; without it, that privilege so necessary to a public minister would be precarious and fluctuating. He might be molested, injured, and maltreated, under a thousand pretences. A minister is often charged with a commission disagreeable to the prince to whom he is sent. If this prince has any power over him, and especially if his authority be sovereign, how is it to be expected that the minister can execute his master's orders with a proper freedom of mind, fidelity and firmness? It is necessary he should have no snares to fear, that he cannot be diverted from his functions by any chicanery. He must have nothing to hope, and nothing to fear, from the sovereign to whom he is sent. Therefore, in order to the success of his ministry, he must be independent of the sovereign's authority, and of the jurisdiction of the country, both civil and criminal. To this it may be added that the nobility, and persons of great eminence, will be averse from taking on themselves an embassy, if by this commission they were to be subjected to a foreign authority, and often among nations of no very friendly dispositions to that which they represent; where they must support disagreeable claims, and enter into discussions naturally productive of acrimony. In fine, if an ambassador could be indicted for common trespasses, be criminally prosecuted, taken into custody, punished; if he might be sued in civil cases, the consequence will often be, that he will want the power, leisure, or freedom of mind, which his master's affairs require. How will the dignity of the representation be supported in such a subjection? From all these reasons it is impossible to conceive, that the prince, in sending an ambassador, or any other minister, intends to submit him to the authority of a foreign power. This is a fresh reason, which fixes the independency of a public minister. If it cannot be reasonably presumed that his master means to submit him to the authority of the sovereign, to whom he is sent, this sovereign, in receiving the minister, consents to admit him on the footing of independency. And thus there subsists
betwixt the two princes a passive convention, giving a new force to the natural obligation.
Practice is entirely consentaneous to our principles. All sovereigns claim a perfect independency for their ambassadors and ministers. If it be true that there was a king of Spain, who, from a desire of arrogating to himself a jurisdiction over the foreign ministers resident at his court, signified to all christian princes, that if their ambassadors should commit any crime in the place of their residence, it was his pleasure that they should forfeit all their privileges, and be tried according to the laws of the country;* one example is of no weight in such a point, and the crown of Spain has not thought fit to adopt that way of thinking. This independency of the foreign minister is not to be converted into licentiousness; it does not excuse him from conforming, in external actions, in every thing foreign from the end of his character, to the customs & laws of the country: he is independent; but he has not a right of doing whatever he pleases. Thus, for instance, if it be generally prohibited to drive a coach near a powder magazine, or over a bridge, to walk among the fortifications of the place, and view them, &c. these prohibitions an ambassador is to regard: should he forget his duty, should he grow insolent, and commit irregularities and crimes, there are several ways of restraining him, according to the nature and importance of his offences; and these we shall speak of, after a few words on the behavior of a public minister in the place of his residence. He is not to avail himself of his independency for violating the laws and customs; he should rather punctually conform to them, as far as may concern him, tho' the magistrate has no compulsive power over him; and he is especially obliged religiously to observe the rules of justice towards all who have any dealings with him. As to the prince to whom he is sent, the ambassador should remember, that his ministry is a ministry of peace, and that on this footing only he is received. This reason interdicts every evil practice to him. Let him serve his master, without injuring the prince who receives him. To abuse a sacred character, by securely plotting the ruin of those who respect his character, by laying snares for them, by clandestinely injuring them, by perplexing and ruining their affairs, is a base treachery. What would be infamous and abominable in a private guest, shall that be allowable and becoming in the representative of a sovereign?
Should an ambassador forget the duties of his state, should he render himself disagreeable and dangerous, from cabals and enterprises pernicious to the tranquility of the citizens, the state, or prince to whom he is sent, there are several ways of correcting him, proportionate to the nature and degree of his fault. If he maltreats the subjects of the state, if he commits any acts of injustice or violence towards them, the subjects injured are not to seek redress from the common magistracy, the ambassador being independent of their jurisdiction; consequently those magistrates cannot proceed directly against him. On such occasions the sovereign is to be applied to; he demands justice from the ambassador's master, and, in case of a refusal, may order the insolent minister to quit his dominions.
Should a foreign minister offend the prince himself, be wanting in respect to him, and by his intrigues raise disturbances in the state and court, the injured prince, from a particular regard to the minister's master, sometimes requires that he should be recalled; or, if the fault be more heinous, the prince forbids him the court, till he receives an answer from his master; but in important cases he proceeds so far as to order him to quit his dominions.
Every sovereign has an unquestionable right to proceed in this manner; for being master in his own dominions, no foreigner can stay at his court, or in his dominions, without his permission. And though sovereigns are generally obliged to hear the overtures of foreign powers, and to admit their ministers, this obligation ceases entirely with regard to a minister, who being himself wanting in the duties incumbent on him from his character, becomes dangerous, or justly suspected by him, to whom he is to come only as a minister of peace. Can a prince be obliged to allow that a secret enemy who disturbs the state, and is plotting the subversion of it, shall remain in his dominions, and appear at his court? It was a ridiculous answer of Philip II. to queen Elizabeth, who had desired him to recall his ambassador, as having detected him on carrying on dangerous practices. The king of Spain would not recall him;
This is advanced by Anthony de Vera, in his Complete Ambassador, but Wicquefort suspects the truth of it, not having, as he says, met with it in any other writer.
saying, "That the condition of princes would be very unhappy, were they obliged to recall their ministers whenever his conduct did not suit the humor and interest of those with whom he was negotiating." Much more unhappy would the condition of princes be, were they obliged to suffer in their states, and at their court, a minister who was disagreeable, or justly suspected, an incendiary, an enemy disguised under the character of an ambassador, who would avail himself of such inviolability, boldly to form pernicious enterprizes. The queen, justly offended at Philip's denial, put a guard on the ambassador.*
But is an ambassador, whatever enormities he gives himself up to, only to be ordered out of the country? This some authors affirm, grounding their opinion on the perfect independency of a public minister. I own he is independent of the jurisdiction of the country; and I have already said, that on this account the common magistrate cannot proceed against him. I further admit, that for all kinds of common faults, for affronts and disorders whereby the citizens and societies are injured, but without affecting the state or the sovereign, this regard is due to a character so necessary for the correspondence of nations, and to the dignity of the prince represented, that the conduct of his minister should be complained of to him, and reparation demanded; and if nothing can be obtained, and the importance of his faults absolutely requires that a stop may be put to them, not to carry resentment beyond an abrupt dismissal. But shall an ambassador with impunity cabal against the state where he resides, plot its ruin, stir up the subjects to revolt, and confidently foment the most dangerous conspiracies, under the assurance of being supported by his master? if he behaves as an enemy, shall it not be allowable to treat him as such? The case is unquestionable with regard to an ambassador who takes arms and uses violence; for they whom he attacks may repel him, self-defence being part of the law of nature. Those Roman ambassadors who being sent to the Gauls, fought against them with the people of Clusium, divested themselves of their character. Is it to be thought that in battle the Gauls were to spare them?†
* Wicquefort ubi supra. † Tit. Lib. V. Cap. 26, where the historian peremptorily decides, that these ambassadors violated the laws of nations: Legati contra jus gentium arma ceperunt.
DEFEAT OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY BY THE PERSIANS.
A Persian newspaper, containing an account of some of the principal occurrences which immediately preceded the departure of the ship Rahimshaw from Bushire, has within these few days, been received by a respectable Arab merchant, at present resident in Calcutta. Among other matters, of less importance, it communicates the details of the conflict between the Persian and Russian armies in Georgia; which, as relating to an event of which no authentic account had previously been received, will, doubtless, be perused by our readers with considerable interest. We give them pretty nearly in the terms of the original:—
"By the ship Rahimshaw we have received an account of the victory lately obtained by the warriors of Iran over the armies of Russia. This event happened towards the latter end of the month of Ramazad, in the year 1223 of the Hijjeree, corresponding with the middle of Nov. 1808, of the Christian Era. The following are the particulars. A large Russian force, well appointed and accoutred, & powerfully supported by a formidable artillery, having marched from Teflleez, for the purpose of reducing the fortress of Prawn, intelligence of their movements was communicated to Mahomed Houssain Khan, Kujur of Cosveen Begler Begsee, the High in Dignity. Immediately on the receipt of this information, that Chieftain assembled together such troops of the victorious army as he had in readiness, and proceeded, by rapid marches, to meet the Russians. As soon as the two armies came within sight of each other, the enemy opened a heavy fire from their artillery, which destroyed a portion of the Persian troops. Upon this, Mahomed Houssain Khan, the renowned for bravery, calling to mind the words of the proverb (which may be translated—"The better part of valour is discretion")—had recourse to the warfare of flight. He thus inveigled the Russians to follow him and directed his way towards the fortress of Abomee, where the tents of his soldiers were intermixed with the dwellings of the inhabitants. The pursuit was kept up by the enemy with much eagerness and precipitation, until they came within the range of the fortress: when the Persian artillery opened, and at the first discharge, a vast number of the Russian soldiers were consumed in the fire of mortality. At the same moment, the victorious troops of Mahomed Houssain Khan
pushed, with drawn scimitars, among the ranks of the enemy, and completed their discomfiture. In the conflict which ensued, about 7 or 8,000 Russians fell a prey to the remorseless sword, many of their chieftains were made prisoners, and a great part of their guns, arms, and accoutrements, fell into the hands of the conquering Persians. The Russian commander in Chief fled towards Teflleez.
"As soon as Mahomed Houssain Khan was completely assured of the defeat and flight of the enemy, he transmitted an account of this great victory to the Prince of the World , Abbas Mirza, who sits on the Throne of Royalty at Zobreez. At the same time Mahomed Houssain Khan himself proceeded towards Teflleez, in pursuit of the Russians. When the intelligence reached the Prince Abbas Mirza, he immediately forwarded a detail of the circumstance of the victory to the King and taking the field in person, with a powerful army, also set out in the direction of Teflleez, with a fixed determination, in his valiant mind, to extirpate the Russian nation!
"Mahomed Kurreem Khan Afshar (a relation to the Prime Minister, Mirza Mahomed Shussee) received instructions from the King, to spread abroad the tidings of this joyful event. Three dispatches upon the subject were accordingly sent from Taceer, one to the Prince of the World , Ruler of Persia and Khokhalpoys, of all the Ravens and Shores, and of the Land of Lhar, another to Mahomed Nubee Khan, Lord of the Sea—and a third to the British Envoy.
"As, moreover, it was manifest, that in this affair, the Russians had been the aggressors, it now occurred to the mind of the King, that they must have acted under the influence of the French Ambassador, at present in attendance at the Court of Persia. The dust of vexation, therefore, settled in the skirts of the Royal favor towards the French nation; and it became desirable in the eyes of the King, that the friendship subsisting with that people should be dissolved. He was inclined to dismiss the Embassy; and according to one report, has actually done so. According to another, however, which is considered as the more authentic of the two, he has postponed the execution of his purpose, until the arrival of the English Envoy."
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 17.
Agreeably to our promise we this day submit to our readers extracts from Vattel of considerable length, which merit a dispassionate attention, not merely because they vindicate the course pursued by our government, and indeed manifest its mildness, but because they define the existing character of Mr. Jackson, notwithstanding the necessary step taken by the President, and shew especially that he still preserves all the inviolability attached to the law of nations to a public minister. Had the President even gone further than he has, and ordered him to leave the country, while he remained in it he would continue to enjoy all the immunities attached to his appointment. The inviolability of his person and the respect due to his office would be in no wise impaired. It requires no argument to shew that, in a case where the government has gone a much lesser length, the same inviolability and respect attach to him. Although the President has refused to receive any further communications from him, he is still a public minister and the representative of the British government in many important respects.
Our comparative unacquaintance with the law of nations, arising from the infancy of our national existence and our fortunate freedom from foreign connections or collisions, renders the diffusion of these truths at this time more important, lest the indignation likely to be excited by Mr. Jackson's conduct should prompt any of our citizens in the warmth of their feelings to offer an insult to him, or be wanting in those offices which his station entitles him to claim. Such an incident, independent of the just reproach to which it would expose our character, might have an unpropitious influence on the concerns of the two nations, as, at the very moment our government was urging to that of Britain a just complaint against her minister, she might have cause to complain of the conduct of our citizens, and the acts, although distinct, be but to likely to be blended together.
Should the feelings of any one tend to excite a disposition to treat Mr. Jackson indecorously, let him reflect on the punishment to which he would thereby inevitably expose himself, and to the deep injury he might, however unintentionally, inflict on his country, and we are persuaded he will feel it a sacred duty to abstain from all
* Memoirs of Martin du Bellay, Book IX.
† Solis's History of the conquest of Mexico.
‡ Wicquefort's Ambassador, Book I. § 17.

violence or indecorum, leaving to his government the management of an affair of so much delicacy and importance.
JENKIN WHITESIDE, Esq. was on the 28th ult. unanimously re-elected a Senator of the U. States from the state of Tennessee for six years commencing on the 4th of March next.
EDWARD LLOYD, Esq. was on Monday last re-elected Governor of the state of Maryland.
On the 14th inst. the legislature of Maryland in joint meeting proceeded to the election of a Senator of the U. States, when General Samuel Smith was chosen. The votes were as follows: General Smith 53, Colonel Howard 29, Scattering 4.
This vote indicates the great republican majority in that body.
Leave has been given, in the House of Delegates, to bring in a bill for the encouragement of learning.
As evincive of the spirit of the times, we shall republish the comments of the public prints on the rupture of the negotiation with the British government. The following remarks are from the Baltimore American:
"By the following article we perceive that Mr. Jackson's functions are at an end. The gross and infamous insult which he has reiterated in the teeth of the American government, sufficiently justifies this closing of his diplomatic career in this country. We are sorry that the blind policy of retaining the embargo, and the adoption of that MILK and WATER measure, the NON INTERCOURSE, should have been resorted to, as from that act we may date the prostration of our difficulties with the belligerents. The issue of Jackson's negotiation is no more than what was anticipated, from the character of the man: but however infamous his conduct is, we may shortly expect to see a justification thereof in the prints in the pay and interest of Britain."
"It fortunately happens for us, that the next session of Congress is so near at hand, in whom we hope to find more decision and energy than the last. From the convulsed state of the British ministry, and her disasters on the continent, we are either inclined to think that the conduct of the British minister results totally from the measures of the old cabinet, or that the new one will not change their policy towards this country. To the present Congress is committed the destinies of our country, and we hope they will be inspired with the spirit of the heroes and sages of 1776, treating all nations as 'enemies in war, in peace friends.'"
Dr. Franklin's works. The following article is extracted from Poulton's American Daily Advertiser. It is but fair that the allegations of Temple Franklin should be known to the public; but, we confess, they are far from being satisfactory to us. The whole civilised world, & particularly our own country, are deeply interested in the publication, if not of Dr. Franklin's whole works, at least of so much of them, as it was his intention to cause to be published. They have a right to expect, from the favorite grandson of that great man every exertion in his power to erect this most splendid monument that can be raised to his memory; and, when we consider the great length of time that has elapsed since his death, the vast succession of interesting events that have since occurred and which might have been affected by the publication of his posthumous writings, & the many perils to which so long a delay has exposed them, nothing ought to satisfy us short of clear proof that Temple Franklin has done every thing in his power to cause an edition of them to be printed. On this head we will put one plain question, the answer to which we apprehend will be conclusive. Passing over all enquiry relative to the difficulties in the way of their publication in England, has Temple Franklin attempted, and failed, to obtain their publication in this country? Was not this the proper place for their publication in the first instance? Would it not have been more honorable to the American character, as well as to our immortal countryman, to have published them in the country that gave him birth, and still cherishes his memory with enthusiasm, than abroad? And who doubts, if the attempt had been judiciously made, but that it would have succeeded? There cannot be a doubt on the subject. Many of our booksellers would have undertaken the work with alacrity, or had they refused an ample subscription would have indemnified every expense. Under these circumstances we cannot dismiss from our minds the suspicion caused by a delay of so many years. The same suspicion has, we believe, been entertained by most of our countrymen."
Nor can it be removed by any thing short of a more precise explanation, and engagement on the part of Temple Franklin forthwith to publish his grandfather's works in this country, if the measure is not practicable elsewhere. One thing must be obvious. If no period has occurred in England propitious to their publication since the Doctor's death, there is no prospect of such a period occurring hereafter in that country within any reasonable time; and that, consequently, to confine the publication to England is equivalent to its entire abandonment.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
In the preface to an edition of Dr. Franklin's works, published in London in 1807, the editor alleges a charge against Mr. Temple Franklin, the Doctor's grandson, (to whom his manuscripts and papers were bequeathed) for not having printed a complete edition of his works, with the life brought down by Doctor Franklin himself to the year 1757, and finished by Mr. Franklin. It is also stated, that much had been done towards the completion of this object, and that negotiations had been begun with the booksellers for the sale of the copy-right, but that "the proprietor found a bidder of a different description in some emissary of government, whose object was to withhold the manuscripts from the world not to benefit it by their publication, and they thus either passed into other hands or the person to whom they were bequeathed received a remuneration for suppressing them."
As the above circumstances are generally credited here, and a complete edition of the works of Dr. Franklin has been hitherto considered as lost to the world, it may not be uninteresting to many of your readers to be informed that the above statement, so little creditable either to the government or individual, and which if correct would justly subject Mr. Franklin to much censure, is totally unfounded.
In a late Monthly Review it is mentioned, that Mr. Franklin in reply to the above statement, published a letter which was printed in a newspaper, called the "London Chronicle," Sept. 12-14, 1807, in which he states—
1. That it is not true that he had his grandfather's directions to publish the entire of his works, a measure which was left wholly to his discretion.
2. That it is "most atrociously false" that he sold the Doctor's Mss. or any part of them to the British government, or that any attempt direct or indirect was made by that government to suppress them.
3. That the said Mss. are now in the safe custody of his bankers, Herrries & Co in London, and will not be lost to the world, but will appear at a future period.
4. That he had offered to dispose of the copy right to some of the most eminent printers in London, "on very reasonable terms," but that they had refused on the ground that the period was not propitious to works of that nature, even to publish them at their sole risk.
5. That considerations of the same nature had hitherto restrained him from "bringing forward a work, which to do it with propriety and becoming splendor in honor to his much revered ancestor's memory, would be attended with very considerable expense, and a very uncertain success in such momentous times." This letter is signed "William Temple Franklin" and is dated at Paris, 28th March, 1807—having been addressed to the editor of a newspaper printed in that metropolis, called the Argus.
It appears therefore that the allegations and insinuations above mentioned are not well founded, and we may hope hereafter to see the expected publication, "though we are aware (says the Reviewers) that the obstacles opposing it not only have had real existence, but unfortunately still exist and are likely to continue."
The late London prints announce the publication of the Speech of Lord Erskine in the House of Peers, on the second reading of the bill for preventing malicious and wanton cruelty to animals.
The Speech, it is added, contains such a condensed view of the arguments in favor of a mild and humane treatment of the Brute Creation, that it claims a general introduction into families and seminaries of education; and deserves to be circulated among the lower classes of society by the clergy, and by all moral and pious persons.
Finances of Maryland.—According to the auditor-general's report to the Legislature, the property belonging to the state in specie, U. States' stock, & in the funds of different institutions in Maryland, amounts to $1,728,163 69 cents. The civil list of the state amounts to $15,440 87 cents, and the judiciary to $30,120 66 cents. When we compare the blessings of a free
government to the charms of royalty, we reflect that the expenditure of the British government for the last year amounted to 75,660 641/2s. 2d. sterl. Independent of his majesty's annual salary of 800,000l sterling amounting in dollars to 340,460 641 3/4 cents.—Here we find that a wise and efficient economy has led the state of Maryland to its present unprecedented prosperity, while, had we remained a colony to Britain, we should now partake of all her miseries. It is somewhat remarkable that the expenditure of G. Britain so far exceeds the whole national debt of the United States.
American. The practice of boiling the grain given to horses progresses in England. One bushel of oats so managed, is stated to be as good as two bushels given in the usual manner.
Communicated for publication in the Mercantile Advertiser.
INTERESTING TO MERCHANTS.
No tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, hemp, flagmasts, yards, bowsprits, staves, headings, boards, timber, shingles, or lumber of any sort, bread, biscuit, flour, peas, beans, potatoes, rice, oats, barley, or grain of any sort, shall be imported into any island in the West Indies, under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state, or from any colony or plantation on the continent of South America, under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state; under forfeiture of the ship.
In case of public emergency, or distress, the Governors, Lieutenant Governors, or commander in chief of the said islands, under the dominion of the king of Great Britain, with the advice and consent of his councils, may authorise the importation of tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, hemp, flagmasts, yards, bowsprits, staves, heading, boards, timber, shingles or lumber of any sort, bread, biscuit, flour, peas, potatoes, wheat, rice, oats, barley, or grain of any sort; for a limited time, from the continent of South America; or from any island in the West Indies, under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state for the supply of the inhabitants of the said island, provided that such goods be imported by British subjects and in British built ships, owned by his majesty's subjects, and navigated according to law.
If any of the goods imported by virtue 28th G. 3d. chap. 6, sec. 11, have been imported from any colony on the continent of S. America, or any islands in the West Indies, under the dominion of his majesty, shall after such importation be exported or shipped or brought to quay or other place, with intention of being shipped for importation, and the said articles or vessels, or boat shall be forfeited; before any article which may be legally imported from the islands in the W. Indies, under the dominion of his majesty, and which are of the description before enumerated, shall be shipped for exportation from any of the said islands, the exporters shall make oath before the collector of the customs that they have not been imported from any colony of the continent of S. America, or any foreign island in the West Indies.
In some of the islands, they command that his majesty's order in council of the 11th of April C. 43 §3. is still in force; but it has been rendered null and void, by the subsequent order of the 12th of April, 1809.
From the Federal Republican of Baltimore.
Messrs. Editors,
Having observed in the public papers an address, signed, Many Weavers, wherein they express much anxiety for a Bleaching Establishment to be founded, that would enable them to finish their goods in the European stile, we are happy to have it in our power, (through the medium of your paper,) to inform them, that we are now actually engaged in such an establishment, which will be carried on under all the advantages arising from those Chemical improvements, so universally adopted in G. Britain, Ireland, &c. &c. which not only facilitate the business, so that on an extensive scale, 10,000 yards can be bleached, and dressed in a week, equal to any imported from Europe, and the different seasons of the year will never retard the progress of this Factory, which is not the case in bleaching greens.
Different specimens have been presented to Robert M'Kin, Esq. President of the Union Manufacturing Company of Maryland, also to Mr. Craig, Secretary of the Maryland Association. Any person calling at No. 11, South Calvert Street, can see different samples, and every satisfactory information will be given.
November 6, 1809.
From the Boston Centinel of Saturday.
Captain Whae-wright, from Spain,
yesterday favored us with a letter of the 1st of September. They do not contain any war news, excepting details of affairs of posts. The great body of the French force in Spain being concentrated in the Castiles in front of Madrid; opportunity was given to the Spanish partizan corps, scattered over the Peninsula, to attack the weakened French garrisons, and to destroy their foraging parties. The patriots had recovered Santander—New risings of the patriots were mentioned in the districts between Madrid and Bayonne. The position of the armies had not recently been changed. The spirit of the Supreme Junta and the people appeared to be unabated; and the Junta were attending as much to the correction of ancient abuses, and the repeal of unpopular taxes, as they were to the accumulation of means to carry on the war. The extracts from the French papers copied into the Gazette of the Junta are accompanied by very severe notes.
Charleston, Nov. 4.
Arrived ship Ganges, (of Boston) Munson, Havanna, 11 days. Off Savanna, spoke ship Charles, seven days from New York, bound in. American produce had risen considerably at Havanna. Flour was worth 24 dollars, including the duties which were about 9 dollars per barrel. Sugars were also looking up, and there was no freights to be had for the ports of the United States.
VERY LATE FROM TONNINGEN.
New-York, November 14.
Capt. M'Millen, who arrived last evening in the remarkable passage of 36 days from Tonningen, informs, that it was believed at the time of his departure, (the 8th ult.) that hostilities would soon be recommenced between Austria and France—that there was an expectation that the whole of Germany and her neighbors would rise en masse to expel the common disturber, who was still struggling under some just affliction somewhere in the neighborhood of the spot where he last caused the earth to be stained with human blood.
It will be seen in another part of this gazette, that Captain M'Millen has favored us with a list of about 80 sail of American vessels, which he left at Tonningen—nothing could be more acceptable to owners and underwriters, as it appears there was no difficulty in disposing of their cargoes to great advantage. Our list does not state particular situations of each vessel, but captain M. says many were loaded and loading with German goods for America, some of them were gone up the canal, and others for Russia, England, &c.
Alexandria, Nov. 14.
The Vice Consul of his Catholic Majesty Ferdinand the VII. resident in this port, is authorised to inform the merchants of this town and district, that by a Royal Order of his Majesty, dated the 10th of July, ultimo, no foreign vessels will be admitted in any ports of the Island of Cuba after the 27th of September, 1809.
Paris July 6.—An imperial decree, dated the 7th June, enacts, that all the property and domains, in the different departments of the empire, and particularly in those formed of the states of Tuscany, belonging to the Princes of the House of Austria, shall be sequestered.
MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR. Advertisement. The Minister of the Interior gives notice to the French merchants residing in France, who have suffered losses in consequence of the insurrectional events in Spain; that another delay, which will expire on the 1st of October next, is granted to them to give in their demands and present their documents to the commissioners for the indemnities at Bayonne.
SUBSCRIBERS
ARE earnestly requested to remit their arrearages and advance for the ensuing year. Should this request not be attended to, the suspension of their papers will be rendered indispensable. It may be proper to add, that subscriptions are not received for less than a year of persons residing at a distance.
VINE COMPANY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
THE Managers of the Vineyard at Spring Mill, conceive it a duty they owe to the lovers of the VINTAGE in the United States, to inform that they have a large number of fine Plants and Cuttings of various kinds for sale, at very reasonable prices, for this autumn and next spring's planting. Orders addressed to Mr. Bernard M'Mahan, Seedsman and Flowerist, in Philadelphia, or to Peter Legaux at the Vine Yard, (post paid) shall be carefully attended to.
Printers in this and the neighboring states, friendly to the cultivation of this delicious fruit, will confer a favor, by inserting the above once or twice in their useful papers. November 17—
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS
MCKENNEY AND OSBORN HAVE commenced the Dry Goods business in the house lately occupied by N. Lofborough, Esq. on Bridge street, formerly Jefferson street, where they have an extensive assortment of every description of Seasonable Goods, consisting of:
 SUPERFINE Cloths, Second do. Double and single milled, Kersymere, Police Cloths, Moleskin Coatings, Pl. in do. Rose and striped Blankets, Carpeting, parasols and staff, Fine Rugs, White Plaids, White Kersys, Colored Plaids, Fearnought, Baise, blue, red and green Flannels, white, yellow & red, every quality, Swanskin Plaids, White Ticklenburg, Hempen Linen, Pater Bases, Hessians, Constitution and other Cords, Black and olive Velvets, Police Velvets, various colors, Mens worsted Hosiery, all colors, Womens do. 1200 colors, Men and Womens cotton Hosiery, assorted Boys and Girls worsted and cotton do. Linen and cotton Di pers, various widths, Duper Table Cloths, Bed Ticking, Long Lawns, Furniture Chintzes and Cottons, Chintzes, Dent Chintzes & printed Calicoes, Ginghams, White Cottons, every description, Dimities, Cambrie Dimities, 6-4th Cambrie Muslin, 4-4th do. do. Colored do. do. Mid Muslins figured and plain, India and British book Muslins, do. do. Hankerchiefs, Marseilles Quilts, Irish Linens, Shirting Muslins, Italian Plaid Mantuas, Black Mantuas and Satins, Colored Satins, Florentines, White and colored Marseilles, Marseilles quilting for Vest Patterns, Swansdown, do. do. Moleskin, Cotton Shawls, Camels Hair do. Elegant Cashmere, do. Damask Silk, do. Plain do. do. Laces, thread and Cottons, Ribbons, Lace Cap Patterns, Cashmere Robes, Muslins do. white and Colored, Bandanna and Madras Handkerchiefs, Scarret Bombazer, Black do. Bombazine, Elegant Plaid Cambrics, Pink and blue, 6-4th and 4-4th, Elegant Buttons latest from Europe, Tortoise Shell Combs, Looking Glasses Large and small, Toilet do. do. do. Brass and Irons, Whips, Scalet and gold Tea Boards, Black and gilt do. do. Waiters do. do. do. 
In addition to the above, are a variety of articles which it is deemed unnecessary here to mention, excepting 40,000 needles, well assorted.
As McKenney & Osborn, purpose selling for cash, they have marked their goods at the smallest possible advance, which must certainly be an object to all purchasers; and more especially so, when the public are assured that their purchases were made under peculiarly advantageous circumstances.
Reasonable deductions is made to those who may purchase by the piece or package. Georgetown, Nov. 17—tw
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber on or about the 23d of Oct. last, SAMUEL DEEDLE, an apprentice to the CUBMEL-Making business. He is just 20 years of age, about 5 feet 4 or 5 inches high, proportionably stout, has dark brown hair, queued when he went off; tolerable fair complexion grey eyes, prominent nose, a kind of fluted dent on his chin, a small mole on one cheek, and a strong beard with whiskers, chews tobacco, and according to his size he has a tolerable large face. Had on when he went off a white hat and drab surcoat, and carried with him 3 or 4 close-bodied coats, one black one a dark mixture, one crossbarred ging-ham, &c. pantalettes and boots.
Whoever will apprehend the said run away and lodge him in any jail in the U. S. so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward—whoever harbors or employs said apprentice will be prosecuted according to law. Masters of vessels are forbidden to take him off at their peril. BENJAMIN ADAMSON. Alexandria, Nov. 17—law5t
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC VENDED.
To the highest bidder,
On Monday the 19th day of February next, about noon of that day, on the premises, the following Real Property in the city of Washington: viz.
TWO LOTS OF GROUND,
Numbered and distinguished on the ground plan of the City by numbers 16 and 17, in square numbered 101, together with the Buildings and Improvements on the same.
The above mentioned sale will take place by virtue of a certain Indenture or Deed of trust, dated the 16th day of January in the year of our Lord 1805, and, the same day, recorded among the Land Records of Washington county in the district of Columbia, between one Samuel Wilson, of the one part, and the undersigned James Davidson, of the other part, in order to satisfy John P. Van Ness, of a certain debt of 756 dollars 77 cents, and interest, in the said deed mentioned to be due from said Wilson to said Van Ness. JAMES DAVIDSON, Trustee. November 17—

BY HIS EXCELLENCY EDWARD LLOYD, Esq. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.
A PROCLAMATION WHEREAS it has been represented to me by the memorial of JACOB STALEY, of Frederick county, that on the night of the 16th day of December last, his new Barn with the following contents was set on fire and consumed, viz. in wheat and other small grain, about fourteen hundred bushels, two ton of hay, six head of valuable horses, and nine head of horned cattle; and that on the night of the twenty-fifth of October last, another Barn belonging to the said Staley, with the following contents, viz. about eight hundred bushels of wheat, fifteen ton of hay, and fodder to a considerable amount, was likewise consumed by fire, and that he has reason to suspect that some malicious person or persons willfully set fire to the same; And whereas it is of the greatest importance to society that the perpetrators of such crimes should be discovered and brought to justice, I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation to do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer a reward of Five Hundred Dollars to whoever will discover the author or perpetrators of the said offences, provided he, she, or they, or any of them, be convicted thereof; and moreover, I do, by virtue of the authority and powers vested in me, hereby promise a full and free pardon to any person being an accomplice, who shall discover the perpetrator or perpetrators of the said offences on the aforesaid condition. Given at Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, the ninth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty fourth.
EDWARD LLOYD. By his Excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Given under the Seal. EDWD. LLOYD. By his Excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. ORDERED, that the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week for the space of five weeks 1. the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette and Maryland Republican at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer at Washington; Mr. Greaves's paper at Hagerstown; Mr. Bartgis's paper at Fredericktown, and the Fredericktown Herald. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clk. of the Council. November 15—2w3w
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has taken, and will shortly open an ELEGANT HOTEL, in the house lately occupied by the honorable R. Smith, C. P. of H. B., city of Washington—where he will be enabled, if proper encouragement shall be offered, to afford the best and most splendid accommodations. The house above mentioned will be so prepared as to admit a display of elegance and taste in the arrangements of the season BALLS, not to be excelled in the United States, and he hopes from long experience he has had in that line the ladies and gentlemen of Washington will enable him by their encouragement to excel in that particular. The subscriber tender his acknowledgements to his friends, and the public, for the marks of preference they have heretofore bestowed upon him, and hopes by his renewed exertions to please to deserve and receive a continuance of their favors. Boarders will be taken by the day, week, month, or year. November 15.—tf WM. CATON.
PUBLIC SALE. A TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, (now under rent) situated near the Great Hotel, will be offered at public sale on the premises, on Monday the 27th instant, at noon, by virtue of a decree of the Court of Chancery. The terms of sale will be one third cash, the residue will be divided into three equal payments, the first in April 1810, second in April 1811, and the third in April 1812, bearing interest from the day of sale. PHINEAS BRADLEY, Trustee. Nov. 15.
COUNTERFEITS. THERE has lately appeared in circulation a Counterfeit Five Dollar Note of the Hagerstown Bank; the President's name, and the Number and the filling up in the body of the Note is badly done; the paper is very thin, and has no mixture of red in it, as is in the genuine paper, and the Letters in the Printing, and the ink will be found on examination to be much inferior to the real Notes; the letter M in the word Maryland is badly done, the middle stroke extending about half as low only as the outer strokes. November 15—3t
THIS is the 5th day of Drawing of the Baltimore College Lottery; the first drawn ticket this day is entitled to $500. This Lottery consists of 22,000 tickets, and the drawings will be regular at the rate of 1500 tickets per week. It is worthy of remark that there are two prizes of $20,000, three do. of $10,000, and three of $5000; and of those capital prizes there is but one of $10,000 fixed, the rest are liable to pop out at any moment; therefore it becomes any person wishing to possess so valuable a prize as any of the above, to apply at JOSEPH MILLIGAN'S Book-Store, George-Town, where tickets, halves, quarters and eighths are regularly sold for cash. Present price of tickets $11 50, but will shortly advance to $12. Letters post paid, enclosing bank notes, shall be particularly attended to, and distant adventurers early advised of their success. November 15—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county, ss. IN the case of GEORGE BLOUNT, an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said George Blount that on Saturday the 25th inst. at the Court Room in Long's hotel, at the hour of 10 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia" will be administered to the said George Blount, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Independent American, three times before the said 25th of November inst. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, ex-chief Judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. November 15—3t
IN the case of GEORGE BLOUNT, an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said George Blount that on Saturday the 25th inst. at the Court Room in Long's hotel, at the hour of 10 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia" will be administered to the said George Blount, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Independent American, three times before the said 25th of November inst. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, ex-chief Judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. November 15—3t
ROSS & GETTY Have just received from New-York and Philadelphia, the following GROCERIES & LIQUORS, viz. 12 Hhds. Prime Jamaica Sugars. 8 do. Second Quality. 6 do. Molasses. 4 do. Jamaica Spirits. 300 Baskets Salt. 60 Boxes Mould and Dipped Candles. A few pipes Holland and New-York Anchor Gin. Cogniac Brandy, Mace, Pepper, Cloves, &c. &c.
IN STORE— Gun Powder Tea in canisters of 2 pounds each. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, & Souchong, } Teas all of this year's importation, end of the best quality. 3000 pounds prime Green Coffee. 3 Pipes genuine old Madeira Wine. 5 do. Sicily Madeira. 4 do. Lisbon Wine. Port Wine in pipes, qr. casks and bottles Claret in Boxes. Brushes of all kinds. Powder and Shot. Cordials, &c. together with a large variety of articles in their line, which renders their assortment complete. Also, just received on commission, a small invoice of handsome looking glasses. And-irons. Brass mounted Fenders, Shovels and Tongs. Tea Trays, waiters, coal hods, &c. &c. All of which will be sold cheap, on early application to them at their store, corner of Washington and Bridge Street, opposite the Union Tavern, George Town. November 8—tf
Ns. B. VAN ZANDT, for Sale at his New Store, near the Centre Market House, the following well selected and cheap articles of GROCERIES & HARDWARES. viz. Cogniac Brandy, Imperial, Holland Gin, Gunpowder, American do. Hyson, French Cordials, Hyson Skin, Jamaica, Young Hyson, St. Croix, Souchong, N. England, Bohea. H. Hinges, Double Joint Butts, Straight and Neck'd Bolts, Iron Knob Locks, Copper riveted Gimblets, Trying Squares, Bright Kent Hammers, Black do. Patent Screw Augurs from 1 to 4 inches. Hand, Pannel, Dovetail and Sash Saws, Drawing Knives, Gouges, Firmer, Mortice and Socket Chisels, Match Planes, Large Joint Thin Rules, Brass Slide do. Plane Irons, Cut Brads, assorted, Carpenters Compasses, Rat-Tail and Hand-Saw Files, Screws, Sand Paper, &c. &c. &c. Washington City, November 8—tf
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Sallad Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 24—tf
MONEY LOST. ABOUT the 20th of July last, a Letter containing two bank notes of one hundred dollars each, was put into the Post office at Winchester, directed to Joseph Janney, Alexandria, which letter has not been received, and is supposed to have been (by mistake) put under a wrong cover, or may have been misdirected, and gone to a post-office different from that to which it was intended to be sent. It is therefore requested of the different post masters throughout the U. S. if any letter directed to Joseph Janney, should come under their notice, that they send the same either to him, or to the subscriber. If the letter has in any way fallen into private hands, I will give fifty dollars reward for the money and no questions asked. DANIEL LEE. Winchester, Sept. 4—tf
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE. BY Virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dun, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last will & testament of Robert Means, dec'd. Richmond, July 19—tf
TO BE SOLD, A NEGRO WOMAN of good character, about 26 or 27 years old, with two children, fine boys, the one six years old and the other about three—neither of which are troublesome to her.—A credit will be given—Apply to JOHN P. VAN NESS. November 8—tf
DRUGS & MEDICINES. A fresh supply just received from New York, at H. CATLETT'S DRUG STORE, F Street Also, PAINTS, OILS, &c. October 19—tf
BAKER & RIGGS, SIGN OF THE PLOUGH, Have received by the late arrivals, a large supply of FALL GOODS, Which they will sell very low for cash, or at short dates, to punctual purchasers. A liberal discount will be made to large buyers. November 1—
NOTICE. WILL be SOLD, at Public Sale on Wednesday the 22d instant a TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, on Square 952, fronting M street, near the Navy Yard Gate. Terms of Sale, one third Cash, one ditto in 6 months, the balance in 12 months. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. N. B. & H. M. QUEEN, Aucts. November 8—3t
GLASS, &c. 6 Pipes Country Gin, first quality, 1000 weight Cheese, and 100 Boxes WINDOW GLASS of various sizes, for Sale by HORACE H. EDWARDS. Washington City, November 13—6t
United States—District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit. Circuit Court, June term, 1809. IN CHANCERY. Solomon Davis—Complainant, against Abiel Jenners and Deborah his wife, and Ferdinando Fairfax—Defendants.
THE report of Samuel Eliot, jun. the trustee formerly appointed in this cause under the decree of the 12th day of April last, having been sworn to, returned and filed, and the proceedings thereon approved: It is therefore ordered, adjudged and decreed this sixth day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, that the said report be ratified and confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the fourth Monday of December next: Provided, a copy of this order be published for three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer before the said fourth Monday of December next. The report states, that the mortgaged premises mentioned in the bill, were sold for the sum of five hundred sixty-one dollars and fifty cents. By order, WM. BRENT, Clk. True copy, Test WM. BRENT, Clk. November 13—cp1025m
Prince Georges county, to wit. ON the 6th day of November 1809, NATHAN PRATHER, residing near the town of Vansville, brought before the subscriber as a Stray, trespassing, of the following description, a small Brown HORSE, about 13 hands high, 12 years old, one white hind a natural pacer and hog mane. Given under my hand this 6th day of November, 1809. GABRIEL T. VANHORNE. November 13—3t
WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH, Have just received from New-York, a large part of their Fall supply of LIQUORS & GROCERIES, Which have been carefully selected by one of the concern, and will be sold at a moderate advance. They now have on hand and are landing, Imperial TEA, Warranted qualities, Hyson, do. Beaver's Triumph's, Young Hyson do. Trident's cargoes, in chests, boxes & canisters, Hyson Skin do. Bourbon White Coffee in bags, Best Green, do. in barrels and bags, Prime Jamaica Sugars in hds. and barrels, Havana, Muscovada do. in small hds. Low priced Muscovada do. hds. & barrels, Loaf and Lump Sugars, in hds. and barrels, St. Kitts Molasses in hds. Superior Upland Cotton in square and round bales. Flax in bales of about 200lb. Old Cogniac and Barcelona Brandy in pipes, Holland and anchor Gin, in do. Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits in hds. A few cases choice and genuine old Peach Brandy. Old Madeira Wine in pipes and qr. casks, Tenerife and Lisbon do. in do. Fine old Sherry do. in do. Malaga and Catalonia do. in do. A few boxes choice Claret, one doz. each, Sweet Oil in cases and baskets, Indigo and Fig Blue, best qualities, Chocolate in boxes. Nutmegs, Cloves, Mace, Cassia & Pimento, Pepper in small bags. London Mustard in boxes of 6 and 12 doz. Spermaceti and Mould Candles, in boxes, Fresh Mussels and Bloom Raisins in boxes Do. in kegs—Fresh Almonds, Malaga Grapes in jars, Shot assorted—Lead in bars, Liverpool Ware in crates, Stone Ware in do. assorted, Pipes in boxes 6 and 8 gross each, A few casks excellent Cheese, Spanish Segars in boxes 1000 each, Basket Salt, Race and Ground Ginger, &c. &c. ALSO. 20 barrels choice Apples. Georgetown, Nov. 13—3t&w3t
NOTICE. THE Subscriber having obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county Letters of Administration on the Personal Estate of Rezin Beall, deceased, will expose to Public Sale on the 21st day of the present month at the late Dwelling Plantation of the said Rezin Beall in said county, ALL the PERSONAL PROPERTY of said Rezin Beall, consisting of Negroes, Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs, a quantity of Corn, Rye, Oats, Hay and Fodder—Also, sundry articles of Household and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation utensils, and a variety of other articles. A credit of six months will be given on all sums exceeding $20 on the purchaser giving note or bond with approved security to bear interest from the day of sale. All persons having claims against said estate are requested to present them with the vouchers thereof to the Subscriber, and all persons indebted thereto are required to make payment without delay. The above sale to commence at 10 o'clock, A. M. on said 21st inst. and to continue from day to day until the whole Property is disposed of. ARCHD. VAN HORN, Adm'r. Prince Georges county, Nov. 8—3t
SAMUEL STETTINIUS PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET, Has just received from Philadelphia, the following FALL GOODS, which he offers for Sale by Wholesale and Retail, viz.
  50 Pieces Flannels,  24 Pair Over Shoes,    30 Do Broad Cloth,  1 Box Hyson Skin Tea,    25 Do Coatings,  12 Boxes Window Glass, 10 by 12.    200 Do Calicoes,  1000 Pound Coffee,    50 Dozen Cambri Handkerchiefs,  1000 Pound Hayanna Sugar,    20 Pieces Shirting Cambrie,  500 Pound Soap Leather,    30 Do. Suspenders,  1 Box old Hyson Tea,    600 Pieces Cotton Muslins,  5 Rundles Sheet Iron,    25 Do. Velvets, Corduroy and Velveteens,  50 Pieces first quality Madras Handkerchiefs,    250 Do. Silk Ribbands,  Pennsylvania manufactured Linen,    1 Case Sowing Cotton in pounds and skeins,  White sewing Cotton in Bales,    80 Pieces Cambries,  Colored do. do.    50 Doz. Stockings,  Morocco Pocket Books,    6 Pieces Baize,  Ladies & Gentlemen's Kid & silk Gloves,    100 Pair Blankets,  50 Dozen Watch Chains,    15 Pieces Vestings,  50 Breast Pins,    25 Do. plain figure & seeded Lenoes,  50 Do. Watch Keys,    16 lb. white thread,  An elegant assortment of Waiters, Silk and Cotton Umbrellas,    10 Do. colored do.  Ladies Silk do.    10 Pieces Ginhs,  Colored Cambries, Cotton and Linen,    660 Pair Shoes, consisting in an assortment of Morocco, Kid and Leather shoes,  Brown Holland, Coat & Vest Buttons, 50 Pieces Furniture Calicoes,    200 Shews,  25 Pieces Romal Handkerchiefs, Britannia Linens, Osnaburgs, Catgut,    18 Doz. Cowskins,  Blue and Black Cassimeres,    400 lb. Scotch Snuff,  Scarfs, Ready-made Table Cloths, Bombazets, Durans,    15 Pieces Russian Diaper,  Linacres, Silk Lute strings, Jemseys,    6 Do. Linen stripes,  Pice Cloth, Tabby Velvets, silk Stockings,    6 Do. Boot-strap Webbing,  Wool Hose & Gloves, silk Chambrays.    50 Dozen Ladies Combs,     10 Pieces black Cambrics,     15 lb. sewing Silk,     50 Doz. Tapes,     15 Pieces silk Handkerchiefs,     50 Pieces Velvet Bindings,     6 Doz. silk Shawls,     6 Pieces Bed Tickings,     4 Do. Dowlas,     200 Do. Nankens,     100 Do. cotton Check     25 Boxes Spanish Segars,     4 Pieces black silk Velvet,   
A General Assortment of CUTLERY AND HARDWARE. As also a variety of other Articles too tedious to enumerate. The whole of the foregoing having been purchased at most reduced prices—this advertisement will most obviously be worth the attention of purchasers, whom I may flatter myself I will be able to accommodate to the best of their advantage. Country Produce, such as Whiskey, Flour, Corn, Oats, Rye, Wheat, &c. &c. will be taken in exchange, and the Goods sold at Cash Price. Also for Sale, 2 Large and Elegant CHANDELIERS, and 8 Pair of Canary Birds. Washington, October 16—3t&wtf
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit. Circuit Court, June term 1809. IN CHANCERY. John McLeod, against Alexander Cochran, Jr. and wife.
ON the petition of John McLeod setting forth that he purchased of a certain Alexander Cochran, Jr. the following piece of ground lying and being in the city of Washington, to wit: all that part or portion of ground being part of a Lot as distinguished on the plan of the said city by number 29 in square 904, beginning for the part of said lot so purchased on Eighth street east on the west side thereof at the distance of 22 feet north from the south east corner of said lot in said square and running northwardly with the west side of said street 16 feet; then westwardly at right angles to an alley as laid down on the plan of said city; then southwardly and parallel with Eighth street 16 feet; then with a straight line to the beginning on Eighth street;—that said Alexander Cochran, Jr. and Eleanor his wife, did on or about the 16th day of May, 1808, execute a deed to the said John McLeod for the said piece of ground and that without any fraudulent intention the said John McLeod neglected to have the said deed recorded—and praying that the said deed may be recorded agreeably to the act of Congress in such cases made and provided. It is ordered that notice be given thereof to the said Alexander Cochran, Jr. and Eleanor his wife, by advertisement in the National Intelligencer six successive weeks before the first day of December next, in order that the said Alexander Cochran, Jr. and Eleanor his wife may appear in this court personally or by solicitor on the first Monday in June next to show cause if any they have why the prayer of the said petition should not be granted. By order WM. BRENT, Clk. September 27—w6t
OFFICE OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. New York, June 10, 1809.
THE Proprietors of this establishment have now put into practice an arrangement, that has long since been suggested, and of which great public utility is anticipated by their republican fellow citizens. With a view to disseminate as extensively as practicable the principles avowed and advocated in the PUBLIC ADVERTISER, a paper adapted to the convenience of country friends is issued from this office, every Wednesday & Saturday, under the title of the "NEW YORK JOURNAL."
It will be furnished to subscribers at the reduced price of THREE DOLLARS per annum, to be paid in advance, or by acceptances for six months only, will be charged Two DOLLARS, and no subscriber will be received for a shorter period of time. FRANK, WHITE & Co. No. 132, Water street. October 20—
PROSPECTUS OF A NEW REPUBLICAN NEWSPAPER, To be established in Fredericktown, Maryland entitled, "THE FREEMAN OF FREDERIC." FINIS CORONAT OPUS.
The support of the united republican interest of Frederic county and the state at large is solicited in favor of a decided, independent and flexible Democratic press, conducted upon the broad and liberal basis of republicanism. In this county most particularly, the utility of, and even necessity for, a newspaper which, combining energy with perseverance and intelligence with application, shall constitute a faithful auxiliary to the Republican phalanx, must appear manifest to every friend of sound principles. To enable an Editor, therefore, satisfactorily to consummate the views of such an engagement, it is highly important, nay indispensable, that such patronage be yielded, as shall secure him from pecuniary embarrassment, and afford him at the same time, a certain recompence for the toils he must sustain, and the sacrifices of time and comforts, which it will become his duty to make, to his friends, and to the principles he binds himself to cherish and promote.—That support, he confidently believes, will be awarded him. He predicates this confidence upon the patriotism and liberality of the republicans of this county, manifested in more than one instance, on similar occasions. But, as he who proposes to be your Editor, is yet a stranger in the county; and as some anxiety will naturally be excited, and enquiry made, as well in regard to his political as to his moral character—and as an unreserved announcement of the leading features of the proposed establishment, independent of the sanction of custom which it bears, may materially subserve the plan in view, he here submits them, undisguised and palpable.
The Editor is a native American, proud and tenacious of his birth-right—who, since reason adjusted to the balance of his mind, has ever been devotedly attached to the honest cause of republicanism—to the policy which dictated the measures of the past & present administration of the general government—to a pure system of democracy; and to the sacred and immutable principles which actuated the patriots and sages of our revolution, and stimulated by which they achieved that independence which too many of their unworthy descendants enjoy but to abuse!
Professing sentiments and feelings such as these, it were idle waste of words to declare what shall be the bias of "The Freeman." was it not the earnest desire of the Editor to be ye no room for doubt on even the most immaterial point. It will, however, be sufficient in this place to state, that, to detect and to correct error—to defeat the machinations of ambitious and restless spirits—to inculcate the great and sublime tenets of republicanism—and to diffuse throughout the sphere in which it is destined to move, a thorough and correct knowledge of men and measures—is the primary and chief design of this establishment. But let it be distinctly understood, that, so long as the Editor shall have power to resist, so long will he repel all undue influence, as an encroachment on the prerogatives of his station—and never, whilst under his charge, shall "The Freeman" be subject to any authority or control in its plan as a public journal, save the authority of the laws, and the individual control of the Editor—added and decorum—with such aids, in a just cause, much may be expected, and more may be done.
Having rehearsed the chief points of his creed, and having likewise explained in a summary way, the thing contemplated, the Editor deems it useless to enlarge upon the feasibility or merits of the undertaking, or to multiply professions—willing to rest the purity and success of his views upon the judgment and liberality of the independent voters of the county—and remains amply satisfied, that they will come forward freely in support of an institution which promises to be of much immediate consequence in promoting that cause which every friend to the freedom of his country is in duty bound to support. SAMUEL MABILL.
TERMS OF PUBLICATION. "The Freeman of Frederic," will be issued every Thursday evening to subscribers in town; those at a distance will receive it through the customary channels. Subscription per year, TWO DOLLARS—one half in advance, the other in six months. During the month of September, in each year, the paper will be published twice a week free of extra expense. The paper will commence early in the month of September. Sept. 4—
SAM. STETTINIUS, Pennsylvania avenue, near the Centre Market has just received and offers for Sale, 20 bundles SHEET IRON, and 20 boxes WINDOW GLASS 10 by 12. As the above has been purchased advantageously, I will sell them peculiarly low to punctual dealers for cash or credit. November 3—3tandwtf
IN THE PRESS, And will be published speedily By J. MILLIGAN, Georgetown, In Three Volumes, 18mo. Price $2 50 neatly Bound and Lettered; THE PARENT'S ASSISTANT OR STORIES FOR CHILDREN. By Maria Edgeworth. Author of Practical Education, Letters for Literary Ladies, &c.
The above work, of which an American edition is now first offered to the public, has been so well received in England that four Editions were speedily exhausted. The Tales it contains are certainly not unworthy of the literary reputation which their author had previously obtained: the principles of justice, truth and humanity are inculcated in language at once simple and elegant, and the situations described are such only as children can easily imagine, and which may consequently interest their feelings. October 4—w6t