The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-08-12 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1222.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 12, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
APRIL 9.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
Speech of Mr. Giles concluded.
What is here disclosed? two objects only. The first to settle his Washita lands, the second—in the event of war with Spain to head a company of volunteers and be the first to march into Mexico. What was the charge against Burr? A misdemeanor, by beginning and setting on foot, a military expedition or enterprise against a nation, with which the United States were at peace, &c. Would this evidence have had any tendency towards supporting this charge? certainly not. Spain had nothing to do with the settlement of the Washita lands; and with respect to the contemplated military expedition into Mexico—it was to be undertaken only in the event of a war—and of course could be no violation of a law which forbids such enterprises, only against nations with which the U. States are at peace. The evidence, therefore, could not support the charge; and whether such enterprise in time of war would have been lawful or not, would have depended upon the circumstance of the partizan's acting with or without a commission from the U. States—but the gentleman from Massachusetts's remarks that this pretended condition, upon which the expedition against Mexico, was to be undertaken, was too thin a disguise to impose upon the most credulous or ignorant. I will here admit, that I always thought it a very thin disguise; but did every body think so? and particularly before Burr's other views were disclosed? It is known that many men of the first talents were deceived by this disguise long after this period. It was urged by many as a substantial ground of defence in favor of Burr, during the whole course of his trial at Richmond, and many adhered to it, even after the trial was over. Why is it expected that Mr. Smith particularly ought not to have been the dupe of this disguise at that particular period? It cannot be because he is known to have reposed a blind confidence in Burr. It is probable that Burr's knowledge of that circumstance, induced him to suggest the disguise. It is certainly the circumstance, which lulled Mr. Smith's suspicions & made him the dupe of the artifice. It may be said, and truly said, he ought to have been more guarded—it would certainly have been better for Mr. S. to have been a better judge of human nature, and his present condition is sufficient evidence of the misfortune of the want of that knowledge; but it is no evidence of a crime, or of a criminal intent. The only conclusion I draw from this circumstance is, that Mr. Smith furnishes a striking example of a plain dealing, unsuspicious man, involved in irretrievable difficulties, from the professions and flatteries of an artful and designing one.
The next observation made upon this part of the evidence disclosed by Mr. S. is, that he consented to let his sons go with Burr, from which a knowledge of Burr's illicit views is inferred. It certainly would be an incorrect application of the rules of evidence to infer an object different from the one disclosed by the evidence; particularly when the one expressed is much more natural and probable, than the one inferred. Mr. Smith himself furnishes both the fact and the object. He says, he was induced to consent to his sons going with Burr, from Burr's promises to advance their fortunes, by giving them large portions of his Washita lands. Was not this a very natural object? What could be more natural or probable than for a father to be influenced by a motive of advancing his sons fortunes? But it is said this conduct discovered too much confidence in Burr, and too much simplicity in Mr. Smith; there must be therefore some other concealed motive for it. It is admitted that none is proved, and I believe none exists. It is perfectly consistent with all the rest of the evidence. It does demonstrate too much confidence and too much simplicity; but it demonstrates nothing else. It demonstrates no crime. It does not demonstrate any participation in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr. We have now passed through these scenes of inferences and suspicions, and arrived at the 14th December, 1806. The gentleman from Massachusetts,
with his usual candor, here states, that from this time Mr. Smith's conduct became exemplary; from this date every effort on his part was made to defeat the conspiracy; he contributed his full quota of exertion for that purpose, and succeeded. How can this laudable conduct be reconciled with the inferences of guilt made against him? Why, sir, another inference more preposterous than any other, is brought up to support all the former inferences, in my judgment, sufficiently preposterous and improbable in themselves. It is said that this laudable exertion to suppress the conspiracy by Mr. Smith, was intended as a cover to his former misconduct. But certainly, sir, before this inference is drawn, the former misconduct ought to be proved. It ought not to be made evidence of the misconduct itself. It certainly cannot be a correct rule of evidence, to infer a wrong motive from a right action. But, sir, this inference is made against every rule of probability. It is not probable that if the conspiracy should be suppressed by Mr. Smith's exertions in common with others, that such suppression would cover his own misconduct. It would have been the most effectual mode of detecting and exposing it. What hope could Mr. Smith have indulged, that if he had been engaged in the conspiracy, and had turned traitor to the rest by exerting himself in its suppression, that he would have been exempted from exposure? Would not such conduct have tended to excite the resentment of the other conspirators against him, and to call forth from them every exertion to expose him? This conduct was placing them at defiance, and in my judgment, is one of the strongest circumstances of his innocence. It was not at all calculated to cover his participation, and it appears to me absurd to conclude, that it was resorted to for that purpose. But, sir, look at Mr. Smith's disclosure to the secretary at war at this period. At this time, he could not have anticipated any prosecution against himself. It was the day after the receipt of the President's proclamation. At that time he communicates to the secretary at war all the communications made by Burr to him at any previous time, confirmed in every respect by the evidence of Gen. Gano. I believe he did it with candor, and then he makes the following natural and correct observation; after having stated that Burr had deceived him with his apparent candor, that he had before believed Burr's views to be honorable, he remarks—"From the proclamation of the President, I am induced to believe that he is possessed of much more information than has come under my notice, and therefore the utmost attention will be paid to it, as the people here are universally (almost) well disposed to the government, &c. &c."
Upon the supposition that Mr. Smith is innocent, this conduct is natural and its object obvious. Upon the supposition of his guilt, it is unaccountable, and would have been without a rational object. I cannot therefore infer guilt against all the probabilities of innocence. I have now gone thro' all the evidence which has been deemed by the gentleman from Massachusetts the most material against Mr. Smith. I have omitted many circumstances both in the papers formerly before the Senate, and those now presented by Mr. Smith's counsel, tending further to demonstrate his innocence; to these I merely request the attention and recollection of the Senate. It has not been my object to dilate on them, but merely to state the reasons on my mind, why the conviction of Mr. Smith's guilt was not produced on it, which has been on the gentleman's from Massachusetts. This has been done, by the best consideration of those parts of the evidence, which he so ably and eloquently selected and presented to our view; of course the worst part of the picture has been constantly before us. Upon a candid review of all the circumstances, to what do they amount? To suspicions, and suspicions only—suspicions unnatural and improbable. Has a single act of participation in Burr's conspiracy been proved? Not to my discernment. Has any been suggested to have been proved? I have heard of none. If any criminal act has been committed, why do not gentlemen tell us what it is, in what it consists? Why do they not put
their finger upon it? I call upon gentlemen, I challenge them to do it. That at least must be done, before I can convict the accused of guilt. I have already extended my observations much further than I originally intended; but I am still impelled by an indescribable and irresistible impulse, to make a few more general observations. They are impelled by impressions resulting from a view of the general complexion of the case under consideration. The conspiracy of Aaron Burr, has been so mysterious, complicated and extensive, that the patriotic mind has been left in great doubt and uncertainty in fixing on objects the connected with it. The wickedness, and dangerous tendency of his plans, have excited a just and general detestation and indignation against the author, and all his associates. This state of feeling opens the mind to jealousies and suspicions; and the transition of this feeling is extremely easy and natural from the author, and his known associates, to persons, who are merely objects of these jealousies and suspicions. This happens to be the unfortunate lot of all, who ever happened to repose a mistaken confidence in Burr. That this is the peculiar misfortune of Mr. Smith at the present moment, can any gentleman doubt, who will take an impartial review of the whole evidence and proceeding in the case? When we see gentlemen of the most discerning minds, and the most amiable and merciful dispositions on all other occasions, with the best intentions, in this distort the rules of evidence, and resort to trivial, inconsistent and unnatural incidents, as evidences of guilt, without pretending to name or describe, in what the criminal act consists; how can the phenomenon be accounted for but from the influence of this patriotic, but misguided, sensibility? I really fear, that this laudable but dangerous sensibility has too much influence on the Senate at this moment for the purposes of justice and of truth. In this state of mind, sir, it peculiarly becomes the justice and circumspection of the Senate, to guard against the influence of trivial incidents and suspicious circumstances. We ought to recollect the peculiar force and applicability of the quotation of the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse.)
"Trifles light as air,"
"Are to the jealous confirmation"
"strong"
"As proofs of holy writ."
We ought to recollect that the question before us, is not as to the existence, the extent or the wickedness of Burr's plans; but whether Mr. Smith participated in them or not. No gentleman feels more detestation for the conspiracy than myself, nor would do more to detect and punish its author and all his associates; but I should revolt at the idea of an indiscriminate punishment, involving both innocent and guilty; and how can the just discrimination be made, but by evidence? Evidence interpreted by rules long settled and approved. Ought not the Senate to be particularly circumspect lest, by departing therefrom, innocence might become the victim of an incautious sensibility? Again, sir, the popular feeling and opinion are known to be directed with peculiar earnestness and force against all the participators in this abominable conspiracy; and particularly against Mr. Smith, upon the presumption of his being one of them. Is it not to be feared, sir, that this circumstance has given an importance to some of the incidents relied upon against him, which they do not intrinsically merit, when tested by the ordinary rules of evidence? Under these circumstances are not Mr. Smith's chances for justice, for sheer justice, materially lessened? Does it not require more than an usual effort of the mind to incur the responsibility attached to the attestation of his innocence? It certainly does sir; and I am now acting with a full knowledge and under a deep impression of that responsibility. But, sir, when the alternative is presented whether I shall incur the responsibility, or violate my conscience, by acting against my conviction of right, I cannot hesitate a moment in the choice to be made. I must follow the honest conviction of my own judgement, and although that may be and probably is a fallible standard; it is the best
that God & nature have bestowed on me, and it shall be implicitly and sacredly obeyed under any circumstances, in which it is possible to place me. I know too that the people of the United States, are just and liberal, and that they themselves would regret that the innocent should be numbered with the guilty by too complaisant a respect for their feelings; particularly when they reflect, that in this particular case, they have not the whole evidence before them, and of course cannot form the most accurate estimate of its bearings and effects. Gentlemen, sir, have thought proper to make professions, of their impressions in Mr. Smith's favor, until he was accused; to obviate, I presume the idea of their being influenced by any feelings personally hostile to him. I verily believe they are not, I readily admit that if feelings have been too much intermingled in this enquiry, they have been of a public and not of a personal nature. I have not been much in the habit of appealing to the motives which actuate my public conduct. I have been willing that it should be the test of its own responsibility. It is the only criterion by which I ever wish to be judged; but upon this occasion I might observe; that my prepossessions in relation to Mr. Smith, have not been of the character described by others. The circumstance of his becoming a public contractor whilst Senator, opened my mind much more to suspicion, than it would otherwise have been. It is also known that his general course of political conduct was not such as I generally approved; my prepossessions therefore were not favorable to Mr. Smith; and if I had contented myself to act under their influence, there is no doubt as to the course I should now take: but I felt myself imperiously called upon to act under a more sacred influence; a sacred obligation to truth and justice. I have conscientiously obeyed it; and the result is, a conviction that Mr. Smith is not guilty of the crime imputed to him; I shall therefore disregard these prepossessions. Again, sir, are we not to look at the effects of the sentence we are called upon to pronounce? If the effects of the sentence were merely to deprive Mr. Smith of his seat in this Senate, it would be a matter of little moment. Gentlemen often voluntarily deprive themselves of that honor, but if we compulsively deprive Mr. Smith of his seat, we disrobe him also of his reputation and his honor. The effects of the sentence will not stop here; it will have an unavoidable influence on the standing and character of his family. Are we to be told, sir, that our feelings respecting his family are to be blunted, and that we must give a loose to our suspicions and jealousies against him alone? Are we to be told that his own former good character must not be brought into consideration, to counteract the inferences from trivial incidents, surmises and suspicions? When has it been, sir, that in questions of guilt or innocence, former good character has been excluded from all consideration in weighing circumstances? Why was it that col. Taylor reminded us that Mr. Smith was always esteemed "a friendly, worthy and benevolent man," and his family amiable and respectable? It was, sir, from a consciousness in him that those circumstances were important, and ought to be taken into serious consideration in forming a correct estimate of circumstances related by himself. Against positive evidence, I admit that the circumstance ought not to be regarded, although it would afford matter of serious regret; but against episodes, questionable incidents, surmises, and suspicions, it ought to be weighed; and if weighed in the scales of justice, would outweigh them altogether. What was it which has entitled Col. Taylor's testimony to the peculiar character of candor and circumspection? It was his voluntarily mentioning this circumstance more than any other? And are the Senate about to disrespect the very caution and admonition which has called forth in his favor so much of their just applause? We are bound, sir, by every principle of justice and propriety to reflect, impartially to reflect, upon the awful effects of the sentence we are called upon to pronounce. We ought to reflect that Mr. Smith him-
self is an object of suspicion merely, not of ascertained guilt—that his family is amiable, innocent and not suspected—we ought deeply to reflect, that the blow meditated against merely suspected guilt, will necessarily strike deep into the bosom of amiable and unsuspected innocence. If, in the opinions I have expressed, and the vote I am about to give upon this occasion, I shall disappoint the expectations of my friends in this body, gentlemen whose friendship I highly value, and whose opinions I highly respect; if I shall disappoint the expectations of the people at large; if indeed, I shall disappoint my own original expectations and feelings, I shall enjoy the pleasing consolation of reflecting that I have been influenced solely by an honest conviction produced by the best attention I was able to bestow on the subject. It will be some consolation also to me, to reflect, that I am giving one strong instance of demonstration to the world, that I set too high a value upon the reputation and honor of a fellow citizen, to sacrifice them upon the unhallowed altars of prejudice, suspicion, expediency or popularity, under any circumstances, however imperious and responsible. If a single act of participation in Burr's conspiracy had been proved against Mr. Smith, I would not hesitate to pronounce him guilty, although it would be in obedience to a painful and reluctant duty; but to pronounce him guilty of that abominable crime, when I believe him innocent, is an operation too harsh for my mind to perform. It revolts at the very suggestion. No consideration on earth could induce me to make the assertion.
ALGIERS.
The following document, reported about the close of last session, has hitherto escaped attention in the mass of documents:
Department of State, April 12.
Sir, As the documents in this office did not enable me fully to answer the queries contained in the letters written by you, as chairman of the committee to whom were referred the messages of the President of the U. States of the 9th and 15th of Feb. relative to the rupture and to the amicable settlement with the Dey of Algiers, I have delayed my reply to them, under the daily hope of receiving such communications from Col. Lear, our consul general at Algiers, as would enable me to give you the information you ask for: but as yet I have received none. As further delay, however, may be inconvenient to the committee, I have the honor to state that our payments to Algiers are of two kinds:
1. That stipulated by treaty, viz. 12,000 sequins, equal to 21,600 dollars, made annually in naval stores. 2. Those made in conformity with what is called usage at Algiers, by which it is understood that we are bound. These are, 1. The present on the presentation of a consul, $ 20,000 2. The biennial presents to the officers of government, estimated at, 17,000 3. Incidental and contingent presents, as well on the promotion of the principal officers of the Dey and Regency, as for the attainment of any important object. Of these no estimate can be made.
As these presents are made in cash, or in articles procured at Algiers for the occasion, and as colonel Lear has been furnished with the means of making them, it is believed that they have been regularly made: but of this there is no positive information, as the accounts have not been received.
Various causes have occasionally delayed the payment of the annuity in naval stores.
Some of these will readily suggest themselves to the committee. It may be proper here to state that the loss on the payment made in this way is from 50 to 100 per ct. as the estimate of the stores is made by the officers of the Algerine government, without any reference to their cost. Hence our agent has been instructed to use his efforts to obtain the substitution of a cash payment for that of naval stores; and to enable him the more

readily to do this he had authority to draw either on our bankers in London, or on this department. Drafts accordingly, to enable him to meet the arrangements he lately made at Algiers, have been received at this office; but owing to some cause, unknown to me, no dispatches from him on that subject have come to hand. We know only that the annuity due in March, 1805, was then paid, and something advanced on account of the annuity which would become due in March, 1807. To meet the payment of this annuity, cannon had been purchased; but before they were shipped, it was understood that the present dey would not have them, although they had been asked for by his predecessor. Hence it became necessary to order other articles in place of them. This was done last summer; and the shipment would have been made but for the precarious state of our foreign relations, and a hope that col. Lear would be able to prevail on the dey to receive money in lieu of naval stores.
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, sir, Your obedient servant, JAMES MADISON. The Hon. Josiah Quincy, Esq. Chairman of the Committee.
FROM THE SALEM REGISTER. The interesting revolution in Spain has been followed with many inconsistent reports, which are not deserving of the public notice. The internal state of Spain has been unknown since the French entered into that country. The acquiescence of the two crowned heads in the competition for power, in the judgement of the French Emperor, may lead us to believe, that opposition to his will would have been ineffectual. Alarms may have spread, and some measures of precaution may have been adopted in different parts of the kingdom, but we must have better authority than vague reports to induce a belief that the French Emperor would have adopted such measures as brought the royal family into his power without the best knowledge of the extent of his influence in the kingdom. —At least we are justified in the expectation that Spain will completely be in the power of France before any powerful measures can be adopted to prevent this very important event.
The event in Europe will not be so interesting to us, as it will be decisive of an entirely new policy in South America. Since the discovery of America the management of American affairs has never exhibited sound policy, or extensive views. This may be true of all American settlements, but particularly of South America. But all the settlements have approached more nearly to the state of Europe than those of the Continental Spanish possessions. Opinion has always been busy with the probable means of a change in the government and condition of South America. The French revolution gave a serious alarm, from the first progress of the doctrine against the slave trade, and from the consent which the Spaniards appeared to give to some measures which the French were pleased to adopt, and which issued in the surrender of St. Domingo to the French. The counter measures of the French upon the claims of independence of St. Domingo, relieved the public mind from the first alarm, but the late expeditions against the southern continent of America by the English gave new apprehensions. The secret expedition intended to produce a revolution in the Spanish colonies, and which report even fastened upon persons existing in our own states, discovered at least what an opinion was entertained of the condition of the Spanish colonies, and the consequent expedition of the English to the flourishing Spanish settlements upon the Plata proves that the English had serious hopes of entering by force, upon the richest settlements the Spaniards had in America. The failure of these expeditions did not prevent all thoughts that great revolutions would be accomplished. What at first appeared probable from moral and political causes, and afterwards from the naval force of England, has become more probable from the actual possession which France appears to hold of the country to which these colonies owe their allegiance, and upon which they profess dependence. And we find instantly that no establishments exist to prevent or embarrass a change of condition from any commercial relations which Spain has instituted with this country. Enriched as Spain has been by the commerce of America, it evidently appears uncertain about the measures it ought to adopt to secure its advantages to the nation. Mr. Bourgoanne has proved the weakness and impolicy of the act which established
the exclusive trade in 1720, and the commercial inconsistency discovered in 1778, when Mexico had not a share of the benefits from the changes favorable to the freedom of commerce. And the new Philippine company only threatened to be a new channel to divert the riches of South America from Spain. The present state of Europe has succeeded to all this uncertain policy, and induces a belief that the extraordinary events of Spain are only notices of the extraordinary occurrences we may expect in South America.
An entire revolution in South America will be important to the world, but deeply interesting to all settlements in America. The event has been predicted, but the consequences are unknown. We have no necessity of such gloomy apprehensions as filled Europe upon our own revolution. We have as good reasons to hope to share in the general prosperity, as we have to fear any eventual evils from the extended power of flourishing and free nation. We certainly have nothing to get by painful anticipations.
We have by the late accounts from India been informed that the Danish settlements in India have fallen into the hands of the English. Tranquebar is in the Rajee of Tanjore, upon a branch of the Caveri, and not far from 11 degrees of N. lat. and a few minutes less longitude than Point Calymere. The Danes were in this settlement as early as 1777, and in 1778 engaged to pay the Rajah of Tanjore $200,000 for their possessions. In this settlement they had 15,000 inhabitants. Besides Tranquebar, and the fortress of Dannebuck, they had 19 villages. They had also factories in Bengal, the Carnatic and Calicut. Their principal factories were at Portonovo, Calicut, Fredericksnagor (or Serampore), Balasore & Patna. In Tranquebar which was the capital, was an evangelical lutheran mission. Tranquebar has been in the hands of the India company, but belongs to the government which has given the company special privileges of trade. Other vessels pay duties by which the government is indemnified for its expenses in those colonies, as they yielded scarcely any to the government. Tranquebar, as on the king's books, produced eight times as much as Fredericksnagor (Serampore.) In a report respecting the Danish India company in 1797, counsellor Anker proved that for several years the administration of the Danish India Company had been successful, and after all their embarrassments that no such establishment was in better circumstances. In 1799, the dividends in the East Indies were reported as giving 14 per cent.
FROM THE AURORA.
We copy the following from a London paper of Friday the 10th June—the federal papers of Boston and New York, and their toy friends, have taught their friends at Nova Scotia to believe these things to be as they wished them to be, and no doubt their effect in England must have been considerable.
HALIFAX, (N. Scotia,) May 3.
Many of the people here are turning their ships into privateers, in expectation of an American war; there are letters in town from New York, dated as late as the 28th April, in which they say great discontent prevails against Congress for the embargo. The country neither can, nor will suffer it to continue much longer, every part of the country will be ruined. The planters (farmers) will not submit to be ruined with their hands across, and I should not be surprised to see Congress by force of arms dismissed. Flour will scarcely bring 2 dollars a barrel, beef and pork 1d. per lb. tobacco two dollars the hundred weight—cotton & wool can be purchased at 8 cents—(4d. sterling) per pound; all our yards and wharves are so full of produce, that some lumber brought down in March last, was obliged to be sold for fire wood—it may perhaps be alleged by some, that our planters (farmers) pay no rent or taxes, and having purchased their farm at four or six dollars per acre, can afford to sell their produce at any price; but if their lands are cheap, the wages of their servants are enormous—and when it is considered that the usual wages of farmers' servants is 280 dollars per annum, or betwixt 50 and 60 pounds sterling, British money, you will easily perceive that it is impossible for the farmers to stand it. Their servants must be dismissed if the embargo continues, and 40,000 or 50,000 men thrown idle, with arms in their hands, will not be easily controlled; anarchy, confusion and bloodshed must ensue—and none knows where it will end.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 12.
In the present distracted state of the world, when the sober precepts of reason appear to have lost their influence on the belligerent nations of Europe, and when a just nation finds herself the victim of unprincipled violence, it is the dictate of sound sense for her to render herself as independent as possible of those who regulate their conduct by no fixed principles of reason or justice. The more we reflect on the measures of Britain towards neutral nations the more we are lost in astonishment at them. It would seem as if a blind fatality hurried her to destruction; and as if having abandoned all regard for the rights of others, she had been deprived, as a just punishment, of all perception of her own interests. Dependent upon the disposition of her manufacturers for the means of carrying on the unequal conflict which she wages with Europe, she has adopted the readiest, if not the only mode of diminishing a demand for them. Unable herself to carry them to a market, she has resolved on preventing any one else from doing it. She has placed us in a situation, in which we have no other alternative, but to suspend our commerce or go to war, which itself might involve the like suspension.
In a state of things so unprecedented, produced without any sufficient cause, it is difficult to decide on the best measures for alleviating or removing the evils inflicted upon us. This arises principally from an inability to decide whether this state of things will be temporary or of a long duration. The universal disposition of human nature to look at the bright side of things, is the source of a lively hope, almost amounting to a belief that in a short period our relations with the foreign world will be restored to their ordinary state, when we shall be able to resume our usual pursuits and habits. We flatter ourselves with the expectation that this will be the effect of a general peace, of the death of the British monarch, of a change of the British ministry, or the revocation of the French decrees. Although these events should be viewed as far from improbable, is it the dictate of wisdom to act as though we were certain of their occurrence? Inasmuch as it is possible that they may not happen, ought we not to do every thing in our power to meet the evils, which on the contrary issue, may befall us?
Of all the evils which attach themselves to our present situation, the inactivity occasioned by uncertainty and suspense is the most to be dreaded. In the mean time the consumption of the community is but little diminished, while the common stock, losing its usual accession, becomes gradually impaired; and it is evident that just in proportion the degree of consumption exceeds that of production, the national wealth is lessened.
To guard against this evil, perhaps to convert it into a blessing, it is only necessary to give the greatest possible activity to our internal concerns.
To point out the best mode of effecting this end is the object of the following remarks. They are respectfully submitted to the state legislatures, as the direct and enlightened guardians of individual interest.
It is manifest, that so long as the present state of things continues, a suspension of commerce will produce a considerable declension of agriculture. The farmer will not apply himself with his ordinary assiduity to the cultivation of his land, with the uncertain prospect that lies before him of being able to dispose of his surplus produce to a profit. Without the interposition of some extraordinary circumstances, it is but too probable that the thirst for gain will be supplanted by the strong love of indolence that takes so powerful a hold of human nature in the absence of stronger passions.
The monied capitalist will feel the same alarms, and will, in many instances, hoard up his riches without employment, rather than embark them in precarious venture.
In this stagnation of commerce and agriculture the only remaining resources left are manufactures and internal improvements. Happily for us these are great national objects which demand cultivation in war as well as peace, and which must, if wisely prosecuted, in all events be productive of the greatest benefit.
Let then the attention of our citizens be immediately directed to these objects. Let them rest assured that they will find their reward, be the future state of the country what it may.
To accomplish these objects on a scale sufficiently large to countervail the present evils, will require a very
selves of the same cannot at this time considerable capital. To obtain this capital, the following plan is offered to the consideration of the public.
I. Let the legislature of each state authorise the incorporation of a bank, to be located in the centre of the state or other more eligible situation, with a branch bank allotted to every fifty miles square in the state.
II. Let the discounts of these banks be limited, in the first instance, to paper offered as the basis of loans in aid of manufactures or internal improvements.
III. Let these discounts be made for a short term of years, instead of sixty days.
IV. Let all the public monies of the states be deposited in them.
V. Let each state take as large a portion of the capital, as it possesses the means of doing.
It is not extravagant to calculate that a capital of fifty millions might be created and advantageously employed in this way. By such an institution great benefits would be brought within the reach of every man in the union. In the settled parts of the U. States no one would be above twenty-five miles distant from a bank, from which he would be able to obtain the necessary assistance towards the accomplishment of any object connected with the nature of the institutions. Every such district would soon have its peculiar natural advantages explored, which would be made tributary to the general interests. An active rivalry would be excited between adjacent districts, which would give activity to the whole labor of the country. Manufacturing establishments, either conducted by individuals or associations, would be spread over the face of the country, and roads and canals cut in the most eligible directions. So great and universal an interest would be created in favor of domestic fabrics that it would soon become fashionable to give them a preference over foreign goods. The capital of the country, heretofore accumulated almost exclusively in towns, would, by this means, be distributed over the whole country, and by this means be kept so distributed.
The interest of the several states in these institutions would be the strongest guarantee that they would be protected by proper regulations; and that interest, together with the vast and ramified private interest, diffused throughout the whole union and pervading and animating every part of it, would insure that attention from the general government which circumstances might render expedient or necessary.
By this means the most powerful obstacle to the extension of manufactures on a large scale would be removed, and the strongest incitement to it substituted. Nothing has so inauspicious an influence on manufactures as the apprehension lest the general government might take off the existing bounties upon them, or refuse to aid them by suitable encouragements, in case they eventually turned out profitable, or required new legislative provisions. The influence of so large a capital, distributed over the whole country, possessed by so large a part of the community, and whose benefits would be so sensibly and extensively felt, would be decisive. It would be felt in the national and state councils, and would guard the institution that created it from the least invasion of its rights.
To guard such an institution from the injurious effects of monopoly, and to extend the public interest in its favor, it would be a proper feature of it, to admit no individually when the books were first opened, to subscribe for more than one share. If the share should be fixed at fifty dollars, there would be about as many shares as there are heads of families in the U. States; and to hold out an inducement to every man to possess a share it would be desirable that it should be paid in small instalments at convenient periods.
All that is asked for this proposition is that it be treated with serious attention, that it be reflected upon before it is condemned, and that it be only embraced on the maturest consideration.
A recent event which may materially affect the United States, from their vicinity, is the determination of the Governor and apparently of the inhabitants of Havanna to resist the conveyance which the old king of Spain had made to the emperor of France of his dominions, & the island of Cuba as an appendage to them.
Could it be ascertained that Cuba would declare itself independent, we should undoubtedly rejoice at it; but should a change of masters only be contemplated, it would not be a subject of gratulation.
It may be well here to take a short review of the history of Cuba, and the Havannah particularly, for the information of those of our readers who
may not have a ready access to accounts of it.
The island of Cuba is about 700 miles long, and its mean breadth about 70. It is situated about one hundred miles south of Cape Florida, and 75 north of Jamaica. It was discovered in 1492, but no attempt made to settle it till 1511, when it was wrested from the natives, after a dreadful slaughter, by Diego de Velasquez.
In a very few years after this settlement, the island was wholly depopulated by the small pox.
In 1519 the island was again settled and Havanna built and improved by means of the money expended in the port by the Spanish commanders who made it a place of rendezvous for the fleet from South America.
From this time forward the town of Havanna gradually improved, and being considered the key of the West Indies, was strongly fortified.
The ministry which succeeded Mr. Pitt's, at the commencement of the reign of the present king of England, having declared war against Spain, sent a fleet consisting of 19 ships of the line, 18 frigates, and about 150 transports, with 10,000 troops, who were to be joined by 4000 men from North America, to the attack of Havanna; as the West Indies were destined for the theatre of war. The immensity of this force shews of what importance the possession of Havanna was then deemed to the security of the British North American possessions, now the United States, as well as the resistance apprehended on an attack. Independent of the vast fortifications by which the Havanna was defended, there were stationed there 12 ships of the line and 3 frigates; which together with the fortifications, it was then supposed, were competent to resist almost any force. Owing to the security and supineness of the inhabitants and garrison, the place was taken after a siege of 29 days, with the loss of many men. Independent of the importance of this conquest, the victors found in Havanna 45 millions of silver and other valuable property. This was an auspicious event for the commencement of the present king's administration; and accordingly in the second session of the first parliament under his reign, the king thus announces it on the 25th November, 1762: "Martinico and other islands in the West Indies have been conquered; the Havannah, a place of the utmost importance to Spain, is in my possession; and with it great treasures and a very considerable part of the navy of Spain, are fallen into my hands."
This acquisition, however valuable, was not long maintained. The people of England being clamorous for peace, a treaty was formed in 1763 with France and Spain, then allied, by which the courts of Madrid and Versailles gave up to the British all their possessions from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi in North America; in consideration of which England restored to Spain Cuba, Martinico, and all her conquests during the war. "And from this time," says the Abbe Raynal, "England lost the opportunity which perhaps may never return, of seizing all the avenues and making itself master of the sources of all the wealth of the new world."
Since that time great additions have been made to the fortifications at the Havanna, at an enormous expence of money, time and labour; so that it is now almost deemed impregnable. Its harbor is said to afford anchorage for 1000 ships, whilst thro' the entrance to it not more than one can enter at a time.
The population of Cuba was estimated in 1774 at 171,628 persons, of whom 28,766 were slaves—an estimate supposed to be less than the then real population; which may now be estimated at about 350,000 souls: of whom those competent to bear arms are formed into a militia well organised and disciplined.
It should seem, then, that the future possession of this island may be chosen, and that choice maintained, by the people. If they determine to throw off the Spanish yoke, (Spain and France being now identified) it will be impossible for the Spanish nation to re-enslave them. Almost equally difficult will it be for Great Britain to add the island to her dominions, if they chuse to resist her.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
August 1.
It was the President's intention that vessels to which permission might be granted to proceed to foreign ports, should sail previous to this day. As this does not appear to be fully understood, the time may be extended till the 13th inst. after which day no vessel must be either cleared or suffered to depart under the permission aforesaid. I will add that owners of vessels to which permissions had formerly been granted, either to Europe, Asia, or Africa, and who have not availed them-

be permitted to dispatch their vessels.
I am, sir, respectfully, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. The Collector of the port of
COMMUNICATION. On Monday last a trial of a new invented Gun Carriage for artillery of every size & description was exhibited at the Navy Yard in the city of Washington & we are happy to say that the good opinion formed by judges on sight of the model was fully justified, to the great satisfaction of all the spectators, among whom were several of the most experienced officers the service of the U. States. This carriage is admired for its simplicity; for the great savings in point of expence and of safety, and for the facility in practice, for which it is remarkable. Indeed it is the only one we have ever seen, that can make the barbette or complete covering battery as formidable to the enemy as those with exposing embrasures. The inventor, Mr. JAMES HORN of this city, and the Secretary of the Navy has great credit for his penetration and patronage in this instance.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
FARMER—No. IX. The election of Mr. Madison is, in the fourth place, recommended, because it will have a powerful influence on the eventual satisfactory arrangement of our foreign affairs.
I take the position, that the course of measures pursued by the existing administration is intimately interwoven with the permanent interests of the United States, and that Mr. Madison, if elected President, stands pledged to a perseverance in the same system.
It requires but little reflection to be convinced that the course of measures pursued by the existing administration are intimately interwoven with the permanent interests of the U. States. If the position be tested by our experience, the proof of its truth is conclusive. For no nation has during so short a period progressed with such astonishing rapidity in wealth, prosperity and power, notwithstanding the raging tornado that has in the mean while shaken almost every old establishment to its base. In this period our exports have increased from seventy to beyond a hundred millions, our revenue from twelve to sixteen millions, notwithstanding the repeal of the internal taxes; a new territory, equal in extent to the old U. States, has been acquired; the national debt has been reduced between twenty and thirty millions; the banking capital has increased from twenty-one to forty-nine millions; manufactures have advanced with a steady step; and numerous and extensive roads and canals have been made. These demonstrations of increasing wealth and prosperity are too unequivocal to require illustration. They address themselves directly to the understanding and feelings of every man.
These effects are the offspring of the internal and external policy of the administration. Great as unquestionably has been the influence of the former, it is the latter which at present claims our attention. Let us then concisely notice the prominent traits which have characterised the internal policy of Mr. Jefferson's administration. These are—
 1. A deliberate and decided purpose to maintain peace, so long as consistent with real national honor and the substantial interests of the country.  2. To avoid, as the best means of pursuing it, all political alliances with the nations of Europe.  3. To make no commercial stipulations, except on the terms of a just reciprocity.  4. To enter into no commercial arrangements with one nation, that we were not ready to enter into with other nations, and without reserving to ourselves the right to do so.  5. To incur every evil, rather than compromise the great maritime rights to which as a neutral nation we are entitled, and to the enjoyment of which we owe so large a share of our wealth.  By a firm devotion to a pacific policy, we have demonstrated to the foreign world that we have no other ambition than to cultivate the resources bestowed upon us by the beneficence of nature, and the industrious and enterprising habits of our citizens. We have shown them that so long as they refrain from injuring us we shall do nothing to disturb them. We have convinced them that we possess a correct conception of our resources and power, and that we are resolved, not to hazard the growth of the former by a premature and rash exposure of the latter. We have refused to listen to the suggestions of a false pride, that on the slightest pretext, would have called upon us to hazard our lives in an unequal contest. We have been deaf to the folly that called upon us to
go to war to redress injuries which we did not possess the power of redressing. We have treated with becoming contempt that appeal to national character, that summoned us to a contest that must have been waged on unequal and ruinous terms. We have justly considered national character as only requiring the exertion of physical force, when such an exertion promised a redress of our wrongs, and have refused to fight every ruinous that came in our way, when we were sure of having the worst of the battle. Had we pursued a different course we should have been in ceaseless broils; and we should have been alternately enlisted in the contests of every belligerent nation of Europe, subject to the vicissitudes of their fortune, to the vibrations of their fate. However our prejudices may have warped our judgments at the time of passing events before experience had tested their correctness, it is impossible now to look back on them, and not acknowledge that the course pursued by the administration has been not only the most promotive of the solid interests of the nation, but likewise the most consonant to a correct estimate of national character.
2. By avoiding all political alliances with European nations for so long a period, and amidst circumstances so well calculated to shake our predilection to a temperate policy, we have convinced them, that we will not be the humble instruments of their ambition or cupidity; but that we have an enlightened sense of our true interests, and that they consist in keeping us politically as much as possible aloof from them. While this determination continues on our part, they will not cherish the hope of interweaving our destiny with theirs, or endeavor, by fomenting divisions among us, to make us a party to their disputes, or the instruments of their views.
3. By making no commercial stipulations, except on the terms of a just reciprocity, the administration have shown that they kept a steady eye on the permanent interests of their country, and have convinced the belligerent nations that the people over whom they ruled were ready to support them in maintaining their rights, whatever temporary sacrifices might be the consequence. This has most happily tended to undecisive them in regard to our true character, and to repel the insinuation that our love of wealth would, in every serious collision with principle, gain the victory. During the whole period of the administration, there has not been a single commercial stipulation made except on the terms of a perfect reciprocity. We have given our sanction to no principle, which will not bear the test of the most rigid scrutiny, when the expanded resources of our country shall have elevated it to the first rate importance. Unlike the preceding administration, no commercial right has been abandoned, no unsound principle sanctioned, and no injurious precedent established. The foreign world has, on the contrary, been taught that if they wish to get any thing from us they must give us an equivalent for it.
4. By entering into no commercial arrangements with one nation that we were not ready to enter into with others, and by reserving to ourselves the right to do so, we have avoided any just cause of offence to any foreign nation, and we have opened a market for the sale of our products and the purchase of their co-extensive with the civilised world. We have produced the universal conviction that we have neither favorites nor enemies, and have thus opened the door to a commercial intercourse with every nation that is disposed to treat us honorably and justly.
5. But it is, perhaps, to the determination, to incur every evil, rather than compromise the great maritime rights to which as a neutral nation we are entitled, and to the enjoyment of which we owe so large a share of our wealth, that we are most deeply indebted for the estimation in which we are held by the foreign world. It is one thing to go to war on the least invasion of right, and another to submit to it by ignominious acknowledgement or concession. The present administration has done neither. It has not heedlessly rushed into war, because it did not perceive that such a step, however just, was politic, or calculated to answer the only end for which it could rationally be taken. It has not yielded an ignominious submission, because that would have given a sanction to injustice, would have been an acknowledgement of inferiority and subjection, would have humbled us in our own eyes and degraded us in the eyes of others, and by surrendering or waving our just rights to one nation would have invited aggression from all.
Great as the administration have allowed the benefits of trade to be, they have acted like men who know that those benefits would be fugitive, that
involved a sacrifice of sovereignty. They have acted like men, who not fixing their attention exclusively on the present moment, but looking forward to the future interests of a great empire, considered it their duty on no account to permit the strong basis, on which the whole superstructure was ultimately to be erected, to be undermined or impaired.
They have particularly insisted upon the right of the American flag to protect those who sailed under it; and upon the right of carrying wherever the American merchant pleased, as well foreign goods as native products.
Viewing them as among the attributes of sovereignty, they determined on no account to suffer them to be abandoned. Rather than tacitly suffer such an abandonment, by withholding their recognition, they have refused to ratify a treaty with Britain.
These are the principal traits which have characterised the present administration. They are the same, we have no doubt, which would characterise that of Mr. Madison. They have met with the warm support of the American people; and we will boldly add, that there are none others which can at any time hereafter receive their support while they preserve them entire, while they love liberty better than vassalage. Foreign powers are just now beginning to learn, notwithstanding the atrocious libels with which our prints on the sea-board abound, that on these points we are a united people. The election of Mr. Madison will remove all doubt from their minds; and teach them forever to abandon the hope of being upon good terms with us, until they treat us in the same way in which they would wish themselves to be treated.
A FARMER.
New-York, August 8. Captain Aydelott from P. P. Guadalupe, who arrived here yesterday, informs, that 5 days previous to his sailing, a vessel arrived there, in 32 days from Bayonne, dispatched by the emperor Bonaparte, with orders to his officers at Guadalupe, to take possession of South America, and to hoist the French flag in the name of the Emperor of France, King of Italy, protector of the Rhenish Confederation, King of Spain, Portugal and the Indies.
The above vessel took out 64 barrels of flour, which was sold at 45 dollars per barrel.
A letter by the Enterprize, dated Guadalupe, the 14th of July, states, that a few days since, the British made an attack on the island of St. Martins, with 120 men, and after having possession of the island for two hours, they were repulsed, with the loss of all their party killed, excepting 13 men.
The English who captured the little island of Marie Galante, near Guadalupe, were two hundred in number. The island surrendered at discretion, March 2, 1808, and the commander and national forces were made prisoners of war. It was found in a high state of cultivation, and a large quantity of colonial produce in the stores. The captors did not suffer any loss in taking it. Cannon were found in the town of Great Borg, the new and old Forts, St. Louis, Le Marobhel, Le Bar, and Cape Esterie amounting to 13—of which five were 24 pounders, four eighteens, two twelves and two sixes. Three hundred stands of arms, and one hundred barrels of powder were also found.
A disturbance took place at Hamburg on Easter Tuesday. About 1000 persons being shut out of the city, by the gates being closed at an unusual hour, they assembled and insisted on admission to their families; and being refused, they proceeded to pelt the French soldiers. The troops fired, and 7 or 8 poor fellows were killed, and many more wounded. At this juncture a fire broke out, and the alarm bell was rung. The French commandant thought it the signal for a general insurrection, and sent a courier for a reinforcement of troops. The Senate assembled, and order was restored. The next day the French issued a proclamation, declaring that any person throwing a stone at a French soldier should be shot; and any person ringing the alarm bell without an order from a French officer, should suffer death. If more than four citizens were seen talking together, they were to be required to separate; and if they disobeyed, they were to be fired upon.
Philadelphia, August 7. SPAIN—[The following articles are extracted from the Havana Gazette, of the 23d of July, received at the office of the Register.]
SEVILLE, June 4, 1808—According to information received by the Supreme Junta, from his excellency Don Eusebio A. de Herrera, the peo-
ple of Lebrisa, Xerez, Puerto de Santa Maria, Pto Real, and Ysla de Leon, have proclaimed Ferdinand the VIth, as their legitimate sovereign.
The inhabitants of Cadiz have elected Don Thomas Morla, for their Chief, who adopted immediately measures to check some disturbances in that city. This general has given assurances that he will strictly conform to all the measures and instructions of the Supreme Junta; in compliance with which, he has ordered the regiments of Numancia, Pavia, and Parma, to repair to this capital, and they will be immediately followed by the remainder of the infantry. The whole force consists of 13,935 infantry and 17 squadrons of horse.
At 9 o'clock in the morning, rear admiral Don Enrique Macdonald, and the magistrate Pedro Creux, went on board the British admiral's flag ship off Cadiz to establish conferences—and at half past 8 P. M. they returned with the satisfactory answer that the forces of his Britannic majesty would co-operate with the dispositions of the Supreme Junta—and render every assistance that might be desired—among other arrangements a force of 5000 men belonging to the garrison of Gibraltar would be immediately landed at Cadiz.
The commissioners appointed to take possession of the arms and ammunition belonging to the French fleet, had found 8000 muskets, which were immediately sent by way of St. Lucar and Barrameda to this capital.
Gen. Castanet has issued a proclamation, directing the cities within his command to acknowledge the authority of the supreme Junta.
Intelligence received by the supreme Junta, dated Fuentes de Geortos, June 1, states the surrender of 6000 French troops at Yelves, to the Portuguese.
Anthony Brocari, a passenger on board the Havana Packet, authorises the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser to declare, that not a single Frenchman has been murdered in Havana, in consequence of the last news from Spain.
August 9. DIED—On Thursday, evening, General JOHN SHEE, collector of the customs for the port of Philadelphia, and for several years commandant of the Philadelphia republican militia legion. General Shee was a native of Ireland, but settled in America, in a very early part of his life; in the circle of his family and friends, his loss will be long deplored, and the military corps who have rallied round him and elected him annually to their command, will particularly feel his loss; although for some years the decay of age had rendered him unable to go through the fatigues of command in varied manœuvres; yet his knowledge of mankind and of the ruling passions, enabled him by a peculiar deportment to distinguish the meritorious, and the same time to stimulate without abashing those who were not as alert and capable as he could have wished. He considered the legion as a good nursery of discipline, by which the defects of the laws could be in some measure supplied, when aided by the eagerness of generous emulation among corps and individuals. His death, like that of the late colonel Thomas Willis, may be therefore considered a public loss—the effect of which will be more felt now they are gone, than acknowledged or perceived while living.
Gen. Shee ranks among those men who after a long life of disinterestedness, generosity, and usefulness, leave no wealth but their good fame to their heirs.
Delaware County (P.) Meeting. At a numerous and respectable meeting of the democratic republicans of the county of Delaware, held at the house of William Speer, Nether Providence, agreeable to public notice, Saturday, August 6, 1808.
WHEREAS, the United States, in regard to their foreign relations, are now in a precarious situation, and firmly believing as we do, that the patriotic President and Congress have acted with unexampled lenity and becoming dignity, and that all measures which have had a tendency to impede the prosperity or impair the happiness of the people, are justly attributable to the belligerent powers; therefore as citizens of a free country, we deem it our duty to invigorate the arm of government by expressing our confidence in the administration thereof, our approbation of the measures which they have adopted, and of voluntarily declaring our willingness to support them in the most energetic measures that can be devised, if wisdom shall dictate the same to be necessary.
Resolved, That we view the embargo as a wise and prudent measure, and the only one under the British orders
of council and French decrees, that was likely to secure to the U. States the blessing of peace, which we are of opinion is the constant and unwearied endeavor of the present administration.
Resolved, That we highly approve of the nomination made by the democratic members of Congress at Washington, of JAMES MADISON for President, and GEORGE CLINTON for Vice-President of the United States, and that we will support the electoral ticket agreed on by the democratic delegates last March at Lancaster, under the impression that they will support the above named gentlemen, as expressed in this resolution.
[Meetings similar to the above have been held, and similar resolutions adopted, in many counties of Pennsylvania; as well as by the Republicans in every quarter of the union.]
UNION FIRE COMPANY.
A meeting of the Company will be held at Rhodes's Tavern on Saturday evening next, at 7 o'clock.
The citizens of the Second Ward are requested to attend the meeting.
JAS. KEARNEY, Sec'y. August 12.
PROPOSAL. By JOSEPH MILLIGAN, George Town, For publishing by subscription; ADELINE NOWBRAY; OR THE MOTHER & DAUGHTER; IN TWO VOLUMES. By Mrs. OPIE.
CUSTOM, and perhaps propriety, have rendered it necessary to bespeak the favorable opinion of the public to a new book; but the writings of Mrs. Opié have long held such an unqualified claim to excellence, that nothing more seems necessary than to point out the leading object of the present very interesting tale, to recommend it to general patronage.
Those who have attentively read the writings of Mr. Godwin, well know, that however correct his abstract positions, and however logical his deductions may be—till they are, in many instances, by no means suited to the actual state of society. His opinions on the matrimonial engagement would, if generally adopted, ultimately destroy those bonds which are at once the most efficacious restraint upon licentious passion, and the best, nay the only security for domestic happiness. To counteract his fact the ry appears to be the principal design of the work now offered—in which the characters are so well supported, the incidents arise so naturally from the situations in which they are placed, the reasoning is so perfectly just, the whole narrative so beautifully pathetic, and the impression which it is calculated to produce on every ingenuous mind, so favorable to the cause of morality, that the publisher confidently anticipates its meeting the same universal applause in this country which it obtained in England.
CONDITIONS. To those who may subscribe before the first of October next, the price will be seventy-cents per volume, in boards, after which it will be advanced to eighty-seven and a half cents per volume. August 12—optm
Annapolis Md. July 15, 1808. CHARLES HENRY WILLIGMANN, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has taken that justly celebrated inn, in this city, called the UNION TAVERN, which was formerly in the possession of Mr. George Mann. He hopes by his assiduity and attention to give general satisfaction, and that the high character which this inn acquired in Mr. Mann's time, and which it still has, as being one of the first taverns in the Union, will not be lessened while it remains in his possession. August 12—9t
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE
THAT the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans Court at Washington county district of Columbia, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Abraham Young late of Washington county district of Columbia, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on before the 15th day of February next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate.
Given under my hand this 11th day of August 1808. GERARD GIBSON, Adm. August 12—5t
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to public sale on Saturday the 17th day of September next at Rhodes's Tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of Thomas T. Gantt to Lot No. 15 in square 293, Lots N. S. 12 and 14 in square 430. Lot No. 2 in square 12, Lots 21, 22 and 23 in square 569, and Lots 13 and 14 in square 1023, taken by virtue of a writ of fieri facias, issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Samuel Crowden and others (for the use of William Brent) against Thomas T. Gantt; the sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock. Terms, a credit of 60 days and 90 days, the purchaser giving notes with approved endorsers. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal District Columbia. August 11—22wts

WASHINGTON TAVERN.
ON the last Saturday of August inst. at the tavern of captain Henry Ruth in George Town, will be exposed to public sale for ready cash, a moiety of Lot No. 215, in Beatty & Hawkins's addition to George Town, fronting 96 feet on Sixth street and 37 1/2 on Frederick street, with a large frame house thereon. The situation is most delightful and challenging attention—the title is good. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon.
SAMUEL BROOKE. August 10—3t
10 DOLLARS REWARD, FOR A GOLD REPEATER, LOST.
ON the last of January or 1st of March was lost by a person in the city of Washington, a small Gold Repeater, the figures on her face being red. The watch is one which may be easily known, being remarkable on account of the bell having been broken and repaired again. The cap was perforated all round with small holes.
As this watch was supposed to have been taken by a person of color, the above reward and all charges will be paid to any person delivering her to Mr. Wood, Watchmaker, Navy Yard, or Mr. Barnett, George Town. JAMES TAYLOR. August 10—8t
PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
The Parents, Friends and Guardians of children in these schools are respectfully informed that Vacation commences this day and will end the first Monday in September. Washington, Aug. 8—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of JAMES MCCUTCHEON an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt—Notice is hereby given that on the 16th day of August instant at 9 o'clock A. M. at the court room in Lindsay's Hotel, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said James McCutcheon and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published twice in the National Intelligencer, and twice in the Washington Federalist, before that day. By order of the honorable William Cranch esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. August 10—2t
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN AWAY from the city commencing last week, a little sorrel gelding, with a white blaze on his forehead and white feet, and a white mane, saddle, bridle, and harness, and goes very easy. Suppose he has strayed in the woods, the hills being troublesome to him, or to some of the plantations adjoining the city in company with other horses. He may possibly have been taken away by some person. The neighboring farmers and planters are respectfully requested to take notice of the above described horse—Any person on delivery of said horse shall receive five dollars, and reasonable charges, or any person or persons giving information so that I get him again, shall be satisfactorily rewarded by F. A. WAGLER, New Store, Centre Market. P.S. Just received, at F. A. Wagler's new Store, an assortment of nails. Aug. 10—3t.
BALTIMORE TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY.
Positively commences drawing on the first day of November next. The Managers give notice that they have contracted with a Company of Gentlemen for nearly all the unsold TICKETS and have given them bonds that the drawing shall positively take place as above stated, and to draw 2000 tickets per week till the whole is completed.
SCHEME.
Table with 2 columns: Dollars, Dollars. It lists prizes: 1 prize of 5000 is 5000, 1 3000 3000, 2 2000 4000, 2 1500 3000, 3 1000 3000, 6 500 3000, 20 200 4000, 35 100 3500, 70 50 3500, 175 20 3500, 500 10 5000, 5250 6 31,500. Totals: 6065 Prizes, 72,000; 11935 Blanks, 15,000.
18000 tickets less than two blanks to a prize; sum raised 15,000. Expenses including commission to the corporation, 3000. 90,000.
Table with 2 columns: Dollars, Dollars. It lists prizes: 1 prize of 200 dollars to the first drawn blank, 1 do. 200 do. after 2000 tickets, 1 do. 200 4000, 1 do. 200 6000, 1 do. 200 8000, 1 do. 1000 10000, 1 do. 500 12000, 1 do. 500 14000, 1 do. 500 16000, 1 do. 1500 17000, 1 do. 2000 last drawn blank. July 20—eop1m.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Living opposite the MARINE BARRACKS, wishes to inform the Public that he has for sale the following articles which he will sell very low for cash or Country Produce.
15 puncheons 4th proof Jamaica and West India Spirits, 3 pipes London Particular Wine, 2 quarter casks of do. do., 3 do. L. P. Teneriffe do., 5 half pipes do. do., 2000 pounds W. India best green Coffee, 10 boxes Muscovado Sugars, 5 barrels do., 30 boxes spermatica Candles, 5 barrels 3 years old Peach Brandy, 3 hhds. 2 do. do., 10 hhds. best retailing Molasses, 100 barrels mess, prime, & cargo Bee, 200 pair coarse Shoes, assorted sizes. A small quantity of coarse SALT and a general assortment of Liquors for retail including some very old and excellent L. P. Madeira Wine.
NATHANIEL COCKE. August 10—3t
AMERICAN HEMP.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w1n
LANDING THIS DAY.
From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
PROPOSALS for carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office, until the 6th day of September next.
1. From Athens in Georgia, by Apalachicola, Flint River, and Coweta to Tuckabatchy on the Mississippi territory estimated at 220 miles, once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. 2. From Tuckabatchy by Mays Creek on Alabama, or Tensaw to Fort Stoddert, estimated at one hundred and seventy-three miles, once a week. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 o'clock A. M. and arrived at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock A. M. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 p. m. 3. From Fort Stoddert to Farre's on Pearl River, estimated at 160 miles, once a week. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Farre's the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Farre's at Pearl River every Wednesday at 4 o'clock A. M. & arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock A. M. 4. From Farre's on Pearl River to New Orleans, once a week. Leave New Orleans every Monday noon, and arrive at Farre's on Tuesday by 8 P. M. Leave Farre's every Wednesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at New Orleans on Thursday by noon.
NOTE 1. If the depending mail shall not have arrived at the time fixed for departure, the contractor shall be bound to wait for it, provided it arrives within six hours after such fixed time. NOTE 2. For every failure, and for every delay which shall continue so that the depending mail loses a trip, the contractor shall forfeit double the pay he would have received for such a trip, unless the failure shall have been occasioned by unavoidable accident; and in that case, the amount of the pay for such trip shall be forfeited, so that no pay shall be made unless the service is performed. NOTE 3. For every hours delay, the Contractor shall forfeit one dollar; but no forfeiture for the delay of any one trip can exceed double the value of such trip. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of October next, and continue in force until the 31st March 1808. General Post Office, July 20th, 1808.
PUBLIC SALE.
By order of the Orphans Court of Washington county, in the district of Columbia, will be sold at auction, on Saturday the 13th of August instant, at Rhodes's hotel, in the city of Washington, at 4 o'clock P. M. the personal estate of Henry Kramer, deceased; consisting of wearing apparel; books, a horse and chair; two gold watches; bedstead; some elegant prints, and a great variety of other articles. Terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale. For William Rhoads, administrator of H. K. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc'r. August 8—3t
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of Chancery for the county of Washington in the suit of
Gideon Snow—complainant, against Abigail Perkins, widow and administratrix, and Hannah Perkins, sister and heir of Joseph Perkins deceased, and Nathan Bond—Defendants.
WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder on Monday the twenty-ninth day of August next at Rhodes's hotel in the city of Washington, at the hour of 10 A. M. all the Estate, right, title, claim and demand both in law and equity of the said Joseph and of the said defendant Hannah, as heir at law of the said Joseph, of, in, and to Lots Nos. 5 and 6 in square No. 533, and Lot No. 2 in square No. 408, with their improvements, all lying and being in the city of Washington, and which said lots are laid out and designated in the general plan of said city as above described.
The terms of sale are, a credit of six months, the purchaser or purchasers giving bonds with approved security for the amount of the purchase money, bearing interest from the day of sale. This sale is not to affect any claim of dower which the said Abigail Perkins may have in said lots. JOHN G. M'DONALD, Trustee. July 18—3wep
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
ESCAPED from the subscriber on the road leading from George Town towards Leesburg, about 15 miles from the former place, a negro man named LUKE, about 35 years of age, 6 feet high, dark skin, two of his upper fore teeth are out; he has a down cast look, and generally speaks in a low voice; his clothes and name he will probably change, I purchased him of Mr. Theophilus Hughs to take to my residence in Kentucky, he has had several masters about Bladensburg, and he will certainly be lurking about that place as he has a wife, the property of Mr. Isaac Barrett near Bladensburg. I have appointed Mr. Everard Gary of George Town my agent, and the above reward will be paid by him to any person who will deliver the said fellow to Mr. C. Tippett in the city jail. SAML. M'LEAN. July 25—6w
BURAS AND BEALL.
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land late the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
WANTED
AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—epts
WASHINGTON & ALEXANDRIA TURNPIKE COMPANY.
THE Stockholders of the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company" are hereby notified that the second installment of TEN dollars on such share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, treasurer in Alexandria, on or before the 26th day of August next, agreeable to the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. July 25—tA26
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON,
Have just received by the sloop CHANCELLOR, from New York, now discharging at Barry's Wharf—
London Port. Madeira, } WINE, in Marsalla, and } pipes & quarter casks. Catalina, St. Brion, and } Claret in cases, Bordeaux, Cogniac, and } Brandy in pipes. Bordeaux, Muscovado Sugar, in hds. and bbls. Molasses, Coffee; the best green in bags, Limes. Imperial } TEA, Hyson, and } of the latest Young Hyson } importation. Loaf Sugar, Corks, in bags, Candles, and A few crates of STONE JUES, PITCHERS, &c. &c.
These goods were bought with Cash, & will be sold for a small profit, for approved notes at 60 and 90 days. Punctual dealers may expect from the Company a constant supply. The highest price will be given in cash for Country Produce of every kind, delivered at their Warehouse. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. August 5—tf
THE COMMISSIONERS
APPOINTED to open Books in the city of Washington for subscriptions for shares in the "Columbia Manufacturing Company" give notice that the books were this day opened at the Office of the Clerk of the Circuit Court, and will remain open until the requisite number of shares shall be subscribed for. W. CRANCH, WM BRENT, GEORGE BLAGDEN. August 1, 1808.
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY.
THIRTY or FORTY CARPENTERS are wanted, to whom good wages will be given.—Apply to Mr. MILLS, at the Bridge. By order of the President & Directors, SAML. ELLIOTT, Jr. Ck. August 10—3t
FOR SALE OR RENT.
THE Hotel at present occupied by P. D. STELLE. The advantages of this situation are so well known, that it is useless to say more of it—it is convenient to the Capitol, is calculated for a large establishment, with stabling for 40 or 50 horses. The Bridge, rapidly progressing over the Potomac, with the turnpike road to Alexandria, also in great forwardness, will add to the many advantages this situation possesses. To a man qualified to carry on such an establishment, no situation can insure a more certain and rapid fortune. Occupation can be had any day before the first of October next. Apply to the subscriber, DANL. CARROLL of Dud'n Washington, August 5—eptO
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
NOTICE.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
STRAYED,
FROM the commons of this city about the 4th of July last, a Dark Brown HORSE, with a blazed face and a small white spot on the near side of his back occasioned by the saddle; about 14 or 15 hands high; he has the appearance and was often taken for a stud. I will give a reward of FIVE DOLLARS to any person who will return the said horse to me, or will give information where he may be had. ALEX. M'CORMICK, Capitol Hill. August 5—3t
WILL BE PUBLISHED
IN A PAMPHLET AT THIS OFFICE IN SHORT TIME, AN ADDRESS To the People of the United States, on the importance of encouraging AGRICULTURE AND DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES:
Tending to show that by a due encouragement of these essential interests, the nation will be rendered more respectable abroad and more prosperous at home.
Together with an account of THE IMPROVEMENTS IN SHEEP AT ARLINGTON,
The native sheep of Smith's Island, & the plans proposed of extending this valuable race of animals, for the benefit of the country at large:
By GEORGE W. P. CUSTIS, Esq. Of Arlington House, in the District of Columbia.
At a time when the energies of the nation seem awakened to the state of our foreign and domestic concerns, we conceive that the important interests of agriculture and manufactures should meet with a considerable share of the public discussion. Certain it is, that at no period of our political history could these national subjects excite more interest or be more properly urged to the notice of the public mind. The unsettled and impending appearance of our foreign affairs, and the present disturbed state of the European world, renders it doubly necessary for the citizens of America to cherish and promote their domestic policy, whereby they may derive those resources which are now obtained from abroad and create wealth and industry within themselves. Too long have these important and patriotic interests been neglected. The nation now feels their want, and we trust will duly provide for their support. Government, hitherto engaged in other concerns, will now cherish those domestic institutions, which will preserve the nation's dignity and promote the people's welfare.
Of the merits of the little work we are about to issue to the public, it is not our province to decide, but of the advantages to be derived from its sale we would beg leave to say every thing which a disinterested exertion in the cause of domestic manufacture justly demands. And as the profits of this work, after the expenses of publication are paid will be solely devoted to the purposes of the Arlington Institution, we may hope and confidently expect a liberal patronage from a discerning and patriotic community. EDITOR. Alexandria.
Prince George's county court, April term, 1808.
HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805, and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditor or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the foregoing, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer, previous to the next term.
True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. Ck. June 1—w3m
A RUNAWAY FOR SALE
WILL be sold on the 27th day of August next, for his jail fees, at the jail in Washington County, District of Columbia, a black man who calls himself JOHN, said he belonged to John Clarek of Alexandria. But has since confessed that he belongs to John P. Woodbeck of Neshannoy near Albany, state of New York, he is about forty years of age, 5 feet 5 1/2 inches high, pitted with the small pox & has lost his left eye.
The sale to commence at 11 o'clock. CARTWRIGHT TIPPETT, Keeper of the Jail for Washington Boyd, Marshall. July 25—w3t