The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-06 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1299.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6.
The following CHARGE of Chief JUSTICE CRANCH to the GRAND JURY, is published at their request.
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury.
You are now called upon by your country to execute the high and important duty of public accusation. A duty so high and so important, demands your most diligent enquiry, and your most serious attention. Your powers, although necessary to the well being of society, are yet, like all other powers, liable to be misused; and a careless exercise of them may be productive of much evil. Accusation may sometimes be as ruinous to the fame and fortune of the accused, as conviction itself. On the other hand, by frequent instances of impunity guilt is emboldened, and crimes are multiplied.
It will require, therefore, the exercise of your anxious attention, and your best judgment, to investigate the truth and to separate the guilty from the innocent; and you will find it to be not more your duty to punish the one than to protect the other.
But let not crimes pass unpunished because they are not of the most atrocious kind. By the punishment of the smaller crimes the larger may be prevented; and it is more for the interest of society that crimes should be prevented than punished.
The advances from innocence to crime are progressive. Simple falsehood leads to voluntary or negligent violations of promises—these to lying and breach of trust—these to swindling and cheating—and these to theft, robbery and murder. The sooner a check is interposed, the greater is the probability that the subsequent grade of crime may be prevented. Yet it is not every pecadillo that ought to be the subject of a public prosecution. There are some offences which do not seem to lead directly to greater crimes, nor to evince moral turpitude or corruption of heart. These, if productive of no real injury to society, and if the party be liable to damages in a civil action, do not seem to require any extraordinary rigor of prosecution; and there are cases where a public and ignominious punishment, by depriving the offender of all hope of retrieving the good opinion of the world, may destroy the last motive for reformation. In such cases it may be best not to break the "bruised reed." But perhaps these extraordinary cases may be most properly left to the exercise of that mercy which the constitution supposes always to exist in the breast of the President, and which it has given him the power to exercise.
But the power of the laws to prevent crimes is much less than that of education and religion. In vain will juries convict & judges condemn, if the principles of religion and morality are not inculcated in earliest youth. It is true that the heavenly monitor, conscience, is stationed by the Almighty in the human breast, but its dictates, without the sanction of religion, are too feeble to withstand the temptations which society affords. Morality, or the rule of right and wrong as drawn from the nature of things by the deductions of natural reason, may be a sufficient restraint upon minds highly cultivated. But the number of these is incomparably small. The minds of the far greater number are so engrossed in obtaining the means of subsistence, or the acquisition of wealth, that they have little leisure, and less inclination to think much upon the foundations of the moral law. With such it is necessary that the force of early habits, and the terrors of religion operating upon their imagination, should come in aid of the dictates of conscience, and the penalties of the law.
While we thus contemplate the means most efficacious in preventing those crimes which we are called upon in our public characters to punish, we find it to be our interest, as individual members of society, to cherish and encourage those public institutions where the infant mind is imbued with those eternal moral truths, and those principles of religion, which are the foundations of all virtue and happiness: and we cannot but lament that policy which suffers the children of the poor to waste in idleness or vice those most important years of their lives which, by a very small exertion on the part of the rich, might be devoted to the acquisition of correct principles of science, and morality. While such a policy prevails, & while we see in every street lounging places established for idleness and vice, for drunkenness and debauchery, we cannot expect a diminution of crimes.
Another means of preventing crimes would be to render punishment certain and proportioned to the offence. The substitution of hard labor for the punishment by death, or whipping, or fine, would have insured the punishment of many atrocious offenders who have escaped by the lenity of juries who have agreed to acquit, rather than to condemn the offender to death. By hard labor the habit of idleness is broken, the prisoner is kept in health, and perhaps acquires the knowledge of a trade which may enable him to get an honest living after his term of punishment shall have expired; and by his labor he pays the expenses of his prosecution.
This, however, is a subject for legislative consideration.
In order to prosecute your enquiries in a proper manner, passion, prejudice, partiality, fear, favor and affection must be laid aside.
You are to present things truly, that is, you are to present only those things which appear to you, by legal evidence, to be true. It would be wrong to accuse any man upon suspicion only. It may be the means of irreparable injury to the accused, and charge the U. States with unnecessary expense.
For many reasons you are charged with secrecy. And for this purpose you are to examine witnesses separately.
It is necessary that more than twelve of your number should be present at all your acts, and no presentment or indictment can be found without the concurrence of twelve at least.
The offences to which your enquiries may be directed, are all such as have been committed within the county of Washington; and all such as may have been committed on the high seas, or in any river, bay, bason, or bay, out of the jurisdiction of any particular state, if the offender be first apprehended in or brought into this county.
I am sorry to find, by the list of prisoners returned to the court, that several are charged with felonious homicide. It may not be improper to state to you some of the distinctions which are taken in the books upon that subject.
Felonious homicide is either murder or manslaughter.
Murder is the wilful killing any person of malice aforethought, either express or implied.
The malice is express, when there was a premeditated intention to kill.
Malice is implied when the killing is attended with circumstances which indicate great wickedness and depravity; a heart void of social duty, and fatally bent on mischief.
Manslaughter is the killing another, either wilfully, or through gross negligence, but not from malice aforethought.
In every charge of murder, the fact of killing being first proved against the party charged—to reduce the offence below that crime by any circumstances of accident, necessity, or human infirmity, he must satisfactorily prove these circumstances unless they arise out of the evidence produced against him.
When the act which occasions the death is unlawful, yet if malice, either express or implied be wanting, the killing is not murder, but manslaughter, the act being imputed to the infirmity of human nature.
Neither words of reproach, however grievous, nor contemptuous or insulting gestures, without an assault on the person, are sufficient to free the party killing with a dangerous weapon, from the guilt of murder.
An Assault is any attempt or offer, with force and violence, to do a corporal hurt to another, as by striking at him, or even by holding up the fist at him in an angry threatening manner, or with such other circumstances as denote at the time, an intention and ability of using actual violence against his person.
But it is not every assault which will justify every battery. An assault will not justify a disproportionate and unnecessary battery, much less the killing of the assailant.
That assault which will reduce the crime of killing with a deadly weapon, from murder to manslaughter, must be made with such a weapon, and under such circumstances as to induce a reasonable apprehension on the part of the person assaulted, that the other will kill him or do him some great bodily hurt unless instantly prevented by the use of such deadly weapon.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
JANUARY 30.
Debate on raising Embargo, and authorising Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
Mr. Rhea in continuation.
Mr. RHEA said, it had been his opinion, that the embargo, if it had been universally regarded with that respect which it ought to have been, would have operated as an impenetrable wall of defence to the United States, until those days of trouble, in which nations in Europe appear to be executing vengeance on each other had passed over. It certainly would have had that effect, if patriotism and love of country had universally prevailed over love of money. The United States are a new nation, composed either originally or personally, of emigrants from almost every European nation. This nation doth not owe its origin to any one European nation, and neither of these nations hath any right for that cause, to claim or demand any peculiar favor. The United States are three thousand miles distant, far removed in the depths of the wilderness, from the bloody wars of Europe, it might therefore have been most proper, and most consistent with their safety to have been contented at home, and patiently endured the privation of foreign superfluities, even without the constraint of an embargo, for some time longer, and if possible, until those days of European affliction had passed over.
There is now on hand, it is presumed, a vast quantity of produce. The agricultural interest hath, to its great disadvantage, endured for a sufficient length of time, the great depression in the price of produce; if then the embargo is designed to be raised in time for the produce to get to market, it ought not to be delayed until the first of June. On the fourth day of March next let the embargo be raised. There will be sufficient time for the merchants in every part of the United States to be informed of that event. On that day, there is reason to believe, the natural embargo by freezing, which now exists, will be taken off. On the 4th day of March next, another administration will come into power, & it may be most proper and convenient that that administration shall commence its career with a new order of things. The U. S. have abstained from navigating the ocean a considerable length of time,
Lest, then, it may be believed, that there is an intention to abandon it altogether, on the fourth day of March next let the navigation of the ocean be resumed, and on that day and forever after let the U. S. assert and maintain their right to navigate the ocean, the great common and highway of nations, freely, and agreeably to the laws of public reason.
When I contemplate, said Mr. R. the great danger to which the seafaring citizens and commerce of the U. S. will be exposed on the ocean, it is with great reluctance indeed I agree to raise the embargo. G. Britain with steady policy for centuries past hath been endeavoring to acquire the dominion of the ocean and monopoly of commerce. To these two idols, dominion of the ocean and monopoly of commerce, an immense profusion of human blood hath been poured out in libation, and the commerce of every maritime nation hath been sacrificed. G. Britain after various efforts and struggles, hath at last acquired the favorite object; in other words, hath by main force seized upon and usurped the dominion of the ocean, the common property of all nations, and by her laws hath virtually declared that no nation shall buy or sell unless the property or merchandise shall be stamped with her mark. The decrees of France are also arrayed against the commerce of the U. S. and threaten destruction to every part of it that shall come within their grasp. In this state of things, if the embargo be raised, there can be but one opinion as to merchant vessels, and that is, that if they may be designed to put to sea, they shall be authorized, in the first instance, to arm. On the subject of war, nothing hitherto hath by me been said. I desire to avoid war if possible, and therefore will not take war into consideration at this time, and why shall the U. S. forbear longer than the fourth of March next to resume the navigation of the ocean? Hath not all negotiation with Great Britain and France failed? With G. Britain it hath run down to a mere dispute about words. It appears by the late dispatches from the minister of the U. S. at G. Britain, that the question of negotiation now is whether such words were spoken, and if spoken with what understanding; this certainly is descending into the abyss of humiliation. I cannot forbear, (said Mr. R.) expressing a wish that our ministers were on their way home, although they might experience severe weather on their passage.
We have been told that the British fleet is a barrier; it is admitted that it is a barrier, a barrier against the freedom of the ocean, against the freedom of commerce, and against the commercial rights of nations. We have been told that G. Britain is fighting for her existence; in what manner doth that respect the United States? The United States cannot be charged with the cause of her quarrel. But G. Britain is contending against a power, who appears to desire the dominion of the continent of Europe. Let it be so, that will not avail, or help the position, some of the greatest, best, most honorable and patriotic men of G. Britain, have said, that if the power of France, is arrived to transcendent greatness, G. Britain may thank herself for pushing France to that state of greatness. Let G. Britain restore the many thousand seamen, citizens of the United States, whom she hold in slavery, to their country. Let G. Britain indemnify for the many millions worth of property of citizens of the U. S. States, by her unjustly captured and condemned. Let G. Britain rescind and repeal all her edicts, proclamations and laws, which violate the lawful commerce and rights of the U. S. States. Let G. Britain declare that the ocean shall be free, and that the commerce of the United States shall travel unmolested on the highway of nations. Let G. Britain make reparation for her many violations of the sovereignty of the U. S. States; and after these things are all performed, and justice done to the U. S. States, then let gentlemen tell us that Great Britain is fighting for her existence.
There was a time when G. Britain had it in her power to have cultivated and secured to herself the friendship and affection of the U. S. States; a time, when after the fire of revolutionary war had been extinguished, the U. S. were blooming into commercial existence, then was the time for G. Britain to have taken the Hercules in her arms, and to have cherished him as a brother; by so doing she might have had a brother, indeed, who would have stood by her in the day of trouble.
On the contrary G. Britain hath been studiously, anxiously, and industriously careful to alienate the friendship and affections of the United States. Let the whole conduct of G. Britain towards the U. S. States, since the treaty of peace, be attended to, and then let the unimpassioned and impartial observer say, whether G. Britain hath not been industriously careful to alienate the friendship and affection of the U. S. States, from herself.
Let the impartial witness judge in this cause, and he will pronounce sentence against G. Britain. Great Britain by violence hath rent asunder those bonds of social friendship which might have connected her and the U. S. States for ever. But, sir, we are asked, why shall we arm? Who is our enemy? These questions may be answered, by asking two other questions, viz—Why shall we not arm? who is our friend? Sir, it appears as if the whole world was arrayed against the U. S. States. Let any gentleman take the map of the world, and put his finger on the spot designating the place, where dwells a nation the avowed friend of the U. S. States. It will give me great pleasure indeed, to be so informed. And here, said Mr. Rhea, I will take the liberty to observe, that it is time, and it is right for the United States, to look over the world, and if possible, ascertain the fact, whether there be that nation, and if that nation can be found, I shall have no hesitation to take him in my arms, to call him friend and brother, and to make with him a treaty of everlasting amity, love and friendship.
Mr. Cook. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to filling the blank for repealing the embargo on the first day of June next, and to issue letters of marque and reprisal at that time; because, sir, this is a government of the people, and their voice is not at present for war. You have too long interposed the embargo as a shield to our citizens against British depredations—they have lost their war pulse—they must again suffer, to again wind them up to their former spirit. This being a government of, and from the people, whose servants we are, it is our duty to advance their interests and to enforce the general will of the nation. Not, sir, that the embargo laws cannot be executed by the arm of this government. I unhesitatingly declare that this government can be supported; and your laws can by the strong arm of government be enforced. But, sir, is it true policy to enforce these laws? I do presume it is not, as it may produce a civil war, the worst of all wars. The embargo has been sufficiently tried, and the experiment has proved that it is not sufficiently coercive to induce the belligerents to abandon their orders and decrees. Why then continue it to the injury of our own citizens, & especially those who are our best citizens, our friends who are most disposed to support the administration and our laws?
Sir, I lament that the public sentiment and opinion on the subject of foreign aggression is different in the different sections of our country. The south say embargo or war—and the north and east say, no embargo, no war. I applaud the resentment of the people of the south and highly revere their high sense of honor. I lament that this difference of opinion exists; yet, as it does exist, we must take things as they are, and legislate accordingly. The genius and duty of republican governments is to make laws to suit the people, and not to attempt to make the people suit the laws. In monarchies the people are drilled to suit the laws flowing from the despot—but this never should be attempted in a republican government, the strength of which is the love and attachment of the citizens. Sir, you cannot make war which will promise a successful issue whilst the country is disunited. The people must with one voice unitedly call for war from every section and village of our country. Then indeed we may venture on war. The people must urge us into war; we cannot drive them into a successful contest. No, sir, you know the attempt is futile, is idle. Sir, as I consider myself a representative of the people, I view it as my duty at this eventful moment to make known to you what I do conceive to be (not the universal) but the general opinion and wishes of your citizens of all politics in the northern states. I will not be answerable for the correctness of these opinions and wishes of the people. No, sir, I could in some instances wish they were more consistent and less governed by the cupidity of gain. Yet,
sir, their opinions arise from their local situation. The nature of man is the same every where, surrounded by the same objects, their opinions, sentiments and conduct will be the same. Place the people of the south in the same situation, and surrounded by the same temptations, and pressed with the same losses, and their conduct would be the same as that of the north. Sir, from the communications I have received from the north and from other sources of information, I believe that I shall be able to state their opinions and some of the reasons on which their opinions are founded. To comply with their wishes, we must repeal the embargo laws as at early a day as will comport with justice to all the merchants of our country. Let all have an equal chance to be first in the foreign market, and perhaps the first of March will be as early a day as will comport with this necessary provision. As a substitute for the embargo, they mean not submission. Their voice is, "arm in defence of natural and national rights." They wish for liberty to arm and defend against an infraction of our indisputable rights on the ocean. This defensive arming, they wish to see regulated in such manner as shall preserve peace if possible, and to do away (as far as is honorable and politic) every unnecessary cause of collision with foreign powers. To do this, will it not be wise, considering France and England as equally offending us, to put our relations with them on exactly the same basis? Inhibit by law the exportation of all contraband goods from our country, and permit none but real citizens of the U. S. to navigate the vessels of the U. S. States.
These restrictions which indeed would not injure our fair trade, but would expel from our country, the demoralizing dregs of jails and men of war, would serve in a great measure to prevent collisions, and to secure to our own citizens the reward of their own enterprise. To resist in such a manner as to induce a change in our favor, let us increase, and perhaps double the duties on all importations from the offending powers; and reduce the duties on goods from other quarters.
These, and other retaliatory measures may be adopted, expressly to be only cotemporary with the present piratical systems of the Europeans. And, sir, if laws be necessary to prevent our citizens from selling themselves for slaves, by the purchase of British licences, enact laws the most penal, and even the most sanguinary against such traitors against their country's rights.
Our merchants, whose all may be the forfeiture of a much longer continuance of the embargo, or a declaration of war, lament that the violators of our maritime rights, their allies and satellites, constitute almost all the commercial world with whom they have been dealing. They therefore, deprecate all measures tending to a war with so many nations, as utterly destructive to trade. At least they pray for a suspension of the calamities of war, until the course of events may justify us in choosing a single enemy to contend with; at present so equal are the emperor and the king in the trade of plunder, that no selection can be made; for it would be absurd to aid one for the same abuses which induce us to fight the other.
Sir, I know some would resort to non-intercourse; but if we do, I fear that the same spirit which has defeated the embargo, will defeat the laws of non-intercourse, and we should be obliged soon to repeal them also. The spirit of trade is active and ever busy, and it must have vent. The late forbearance of G. Britain has increased the clamour for a renewal of trade, and for a speedy repeal of the embargo. You know, sir, that of about 590 vessels which have sailed since the embargo by permission, only 8 or 10 have been captured. This affected forbearance of the British may lead to more numerous captures, when we generally resume the use of the ocean. Our merchants may again experience their treachery; and nothing short of a renewal of British spoliation will again drive the New England merchants to the feet of government, with tenders of lives and fortunes for the support of war. If our vessels are permitted to arm and defend rights wholly indisputable, it cannot be called submission, for it is its entire opposite. But I have already declared, that a further continuance of the embargo, now its coercive effects are despaired of by seven eights of this House, will be submission.
Nor are we any way answerable for Speech continued on last page.

(Continued from last page.)
M r . J. G. JACKSON said, that the mode of filling this blank, must depend most materially on the course which the House should think proper to pursue. He said, he should be governed much in the vote which he should give by the supposition that the course would be such, as should be consistent with the honor and dignity of the nation. He hoped, gentlemen would not be diverted from the course which was proper by this, or that publication, in any newspaper; that they would never vary their course in conformity with the suggestions of others, nor deviate from the course which they pursued, because newspapers had proposed a contrary one. I said Mr. Jackson, will not be influenced by newspaper publications, because our affairs are too important for us to suffer ourselves to be influenced by their attacks on the House, or on the government; neither will I be influenced by a fear of exciting insurrection if our measures be not abandoned, believing that our course is correct, and that it is indispensable to maintain our course at all hazards, even at the point of the bayonet. And I beg of gentlemen, not to be diverted from what has been declared the only course of honor and propriety, by the intimidating threats or inflammatory resolutions of a few popular meetings. I am convinced that the great mass of this people will pursue such a course, as will convince those opposed to the laws in force, that, if constitutionally enacted, they shall be enforced till they be constitutionally changed; and if we do subscribe the views of those who are determined to put down the laws at all hazards and change our course, we deserve not to remain in the councils of the nation, we ought to be supplanted by men who will do what is right, regardless of the consequences. If our measures be right, the people will support us; and if wrong, the elections will produce a change in the policy of the national councils—a pacific one, not forced upon us at the point of the bayonet. I am of opinion that the first of June is the proper time with which to fill the blank in the resolution before you, for many substantial reasons, most of which have been urged by my friend, who last addressed you. It will be recollected that our last accounts from Europe are only down to the first of December. Important events are taking place there, having relation to our affairs, by the pressure of the belligerents upon each other, and perhaps upon ourselves. I know that an idea was advanced, and it could not have escaped the recollection of gentlemen, in the letter read yesterday, (Mr. Canning's answer to Mr. Pinkney) that this government, had been influenced in its conduct towards G. Britain, by its negotiations with France. The ministry of the former has been induced to believe the false charges originated from prostituted presses here, and wafted across the Atlantic, that there is a design in this government to subscribe the views of France, to coincide in the views of the French emperor. I believe, sir, that the perusal of the documents, laid before the House at the commencement of the session, will induce them to entertain a different opinion. What would be said, were we to let loose our vessels to-morrow, with letters of marque & reprisal, if, before they were well launched on the ocean, the wind of March, should waft to us a vessel bearing the olive-branch in her prow! We should justly be accused of precipitancy for not giving time to the nations of Europe, to consider what course they shall pursue towards us. It will be seen that my argument is predicated on the idea, that war must follow a removal of the embargo. I cannot suppose, after an almost unanimous vote of this House, that they could not submit without a sacrifice of their rights, honor, and independence, that they will submit. I conceive that letters of marque and reprisal must unquestionably follow a removal of the embargo, because any other course would virtually amount to submission. Arming our vessels cannot possibly have any good effect. What would be the consequence of such a measure? We admit the right of search for contraband of war; and to resist it would be an act of war or piracy. If a belligerent vessel meets one of ours armed for neutral trade, and discovers that it is of inferior force, resistance would be ineffectual, and would completely seal the destruction of the vessel. If the force of our vessel were superior, which would not be the case perhaps one than out of ten, the cruiser would shear off till it were reinforced with the assistance of another; arming our merchant vessels would produce no good effect then, and we must issue letters of marque and reprisal, if we would not submit. But, gentlemen say, let us fix on an earlier day, that we may catch the Northern speculators. The national net must not be spread and drawn, sir, for such petty purposes as crushing a few dishonest men, who in the pursuit of money have prostituted the honor of the country as far as depended upon a rigorous execution of its laws. If we listen to such policy, we shall change
our opinions every day, as much as if we listened to newspaper abuse from that quarter. I concur heartily in saying, that it would not be a threat to either nation to declare, that the embargo shall be repealed, and letters of marque and reprisal issued. It will be a lure to both. Neither nation can consider it as a threat to itself, but to its enemy. And if they should chuse to consider it as a threat, it has been said frequently that another course could not be pursued; for were we to make this declaration with closed doors, many instances have proved that the precaution would be ineffectual. The declaration by the act for an extra session, that the month of June, will be the limitation to the embargo, was as effectually notifying G. Britain, that we would pursue a different course, as if we were now formally to declare it. I am therefore of opinion that the change of measures should not take place till the first of June; the interval between this time and that will give an opportunity to the European powers to say whether they will have war with us or do us justice; and as no man there has pretended to defend either the orders or decrees, on the ground of right or the law of nations, I hope they will show that they have yet a little justice left—for they must see that the imputation, that this government is yielding to the influence of France, or that it is hostile to England, is the most shameless falsehood that can be conceived. The offer to repeal the embargo as to G. Britain if she would repeal her orders in council, was an offer to take sides with G. Britain. I hope that they will be convinced that it is their interest to change their policy towards us; I trust that their people will, as they have done heretofore, change their ministry for the purpose of changing their measures. They will have seen that we ask but half justice at their hands; that the embargo law is but continued for the purpose of avoiding war with them; that we are willing to rescind our embargo if they will withdraw their orders, leaving to friendly adjustment the affair of the Chesapeake and a thousand other acts, each of which might be cause for war. I think that I understood the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Cook) to say, that the course which he suggested was not perhaps correct; but that the people pressed it upon him. Sir, I hope the House will not, like the gentleman from Massachusetts be influenced by such considerations to do that which their judgment tells them is not correct; but will pursue the line of their duty without being diverted from it by the wishes of any particular class of people.
Mr. NELSON said he rose to make a few and very few observations on this subject. Two or three different days had been mentioned with which to fill the blank. He had heard no reason which satisfied his mind that the period should be postponed till the first day of June. He said he was sorry that the resolutions had been introduced into the House. He knew not whether it was not proposed to give up the best system that could be adopted, to take up another which was totally untried. He objected to the introduction of the resolution, upon two grounds, one of which had been given as a reason for introducing the resolution, viz. that the embargo is at this time a dead letter and could not be executed. I believe (said Mr. Nelson) that it is not reduced to the situation of a dead letter yet; and I believe that it can be enforced without bloodshed, and that the honor of the government is as much at stake on that point as on any point in contest with foreign nations. What is our situation, sir, according to the arguments of gentlemen? A law has been passed by the general government within its constitutional power, which is acquiesced in by nineteen-twentieths of the people. But the remaining portion, perhaps not so large a portion as one-twentieth have made opposition to it, have made a noise and clamor against it—and now we are called upon to give it up. The next general law we pass may operate severely on the Southern states; the people may make a noise; the walls of Charleston may be covered with cannon, and noisy demagogues may run up & down the streets haranguing the people, and we might repeal it. The next law might operate on the people of the Western country. They might perhaps follow the precious example of the Eastern people, brush up their rifles, tell us this is a hard law, and therefore we must repeal it. Is this government? Is a government of this kind worthy of support? Away with it, sir, and let the people form a government which is worthy of support, a government which is capable of supporting itself. It is not come to this, sir. It is all mere idle declamation. If we adhere to our system there is no doubt that it can be carried into effect. The 20,000 volunteers which have been deemed as intended to enforce the embargo laws, were never calculated on for that purpose. No, sir; the people there are as strong as any where; and if it be necessary to put down
a few traitors, the people of the country can do it. It is not necessary to march men from one state to another to put down rebellion or insurrection. The people will put it down. Every man of reflection in the North-East would reason with himself in this way—"what are these people about to do? They are about to overturn all law, by undertaking to decide the constitutionality of laws which are undisputed by the proper authority. If these things are acquiesced in, what becomes of my property, which is only secured to me by law? If the people can put down one law, they have the same right to put down another." Would not every man of property, of rationality, argue thus? Surely he would; for that man must be a madman who would wish to see any law put down in this way. So long as a law is unrepealed, it is the law of the land, and while it is, every man will say it ought to be carried into effect until it is constitutionally repealed. Then, I ask, whether are we about to give up this system to do one of two things, viz. either to submit to G. Britain and France or to enter into war? There is not an individual in the nation who would agree to submit. What will be the consequence of war, and what its result? No one can tell. Will it bring money into our pockets? I fear not. Will it redound to our honor? I fear not. Will it procure us the object we aim at? I fear not. What is there of the belligerents that we can get at? We can affect but one; all her territory on this continent may be got. Is it worth retaining when in our possession? I believe not. Submission is out of the question; and however I deprecate war, I had rather go into it at once, than repeal the embargo and do nothing else; for if we wage another war for seven years, and are unsuccessful, we can do no worse than submit at last. It is better to submit after resisting than to submit without resistance. As the man acts a more honorable part who resists an insult than the man who will take offence at nothing. We had better have our houses and property burnt forever, and involve ourselves in a national debt for ages, than submit to the belligerents. We are in a dangerous situation, such as we were never in before. And I will ask another question. What reason have we to believe that those who will not support an embargo because it operates on a foreign nation, will go to war with us against that nation? Why, sir, when those people oppose our laws constitutionally enacted, the evil is great? but if we enter into a war, and they will not go with us, but directly or indirectly aid the enemy, will not our situation be worse? Those very men who set your laws at defiance, if you go to war, will be against you. But let what will come, whatever may happen, is better than submission. If we give up the embargo system, the sooner we go into the other the better. Two reasons have been given why the repeal of the embargo should be postponed till the first day of June. It is said that by so doing we shall have time to raise men.
Sir, at the last session a law passed for raising troops. We find it not easy to get troops in this country where the wages of the laborer are so high and of the soldiers so low. It is not to be expected that a man who can get ten dollars a month, be well fed and sleep under a good cover, will put himself under the power of any officer, who has absolute sway over him, for five dollars a month, when he must sleep in the open air and undergo all the hardships incidental to a state of war. Added to this, a man who enlists for a soldier is liable to have his brains blown out, and that is generally considered as an inconvenient circumstance, sir. Our soldiers therefore are generally enlisted from amongst that class who are too idle to work for their livelihood. There are not, thank God, a great many of that class of men in this country; and there not being a great many, is the reason why recruiting goes on so slowly in this country. Between this day and the first of June you would scarcely be able to raise 3000 men. And would these men, in that time, be better soldiers than so many militia? No, sir; time and discipline alone in make soldiers. Raise men now, and by June they will know but very little more of discipline than our militia. If then men could not be raised, or if raised could not be disciplined before the first of June, this argument in favor of postponing the repeal of the embargo till that time is done away. Another argument in favor of the first day of June, is that we will take the last chance of peace. I am tired of this, sir. We have taken at least thirty chances of this kind. If we must go to war at last, it would have been vastly better that we had gone to war immediately after the attack on the Chesapeake. It is taking a chance in a lottery which consists entirely of blanks and no prizes. In order to prevent our striking them the first blow on the first of June, either of the belligerents may strike us before that time. They will know that we cannot strike till the first day of June, and they may therefore take the first day of May. If the embargo is to be given up, I do not care how soon, if it be to-morrow. And I beg the House to understand me. I never will let go the embargo, unless on the very same day on which we let go the embargo we draw the sword. I shall vote for that part of the resolution relating to a repeal of the embargo, because I do not wish to check the wishes of the House on the subject; for when the embargo is taken off, it should be done with an unanimous vote. As to the second part of the proposition, I shall also vote for drawing the sword; but if I should be in the minority on that, when the subject comes into the House, I shall vote against every part of the proposition.
Mr. GARDENIER said it seemed that the House was on the eve of commencing a new experiment; that they had declined the favorite one, which was promised to be
so very effectual, the efficiency of which had at one time been considered, stupid for any man to doubt; that they were about to lay that by—and for once, he said, it seemed that he was likely to be in the majority. He was happy to compliment the wisdom of the House on the occasion. He was, however, unfortunately one of those whose confidence in the authors of experiments in this country had not been at all increased by the issue of that experiment which had been thirteen months in coming to an issue. He said he must therefore be permitted to doubt of any proposed experiment. In respect to the present proposition, sir, said he, I feel myself, as it were, walking in the dark, with a blind guide. Therefore I must exercise the humble privilege of judging for myself, of endeavoring to feel out for myself my own way, to the great conclusion. I have, however, made one reflection, on what I have heard on this subject—that on this occasion we are not overwhelmed with a profusion of promises of any good effect to be derived from the measure proposed. It appears to me, and I take it as a happy omen, that no gentleman has ventured to say that war would obtain the objects for which alone war ought to be waged. I recollect, sir, that you were told, when the embargo was laid, that it would have the best effect. There were many who believed it; a majority of this House believed it. And for myself, when I looked at the sources whence this encouragement, this prophecy proceeded, I was myself almost inclined to doubt whether it would not work well. But now no one appears to believe that the proposed measure will bring us to any issue whatever, to any termination of the distresses of the country; and yet, because it is spirited, brave and manly, we are to plunge the nation into a war, and sacrifice all that the embargo has left us. No one tells you that such a course would be productive of any advantage. I cannot go into a measure, sir, from which even the friends of it do not hope any good. I do not like fighting merely for the sake of fighting, when there is no object in view. It is exhausting the nation when it is growing to be powerful. I will engage in no Quixotic expeditions. I will go to fight no windmills. I will, as was said by a gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Lyon) who says many very sensible things in this House, let the nation grow. The nation has not arrived to that state of manhood in which it can claim superiority. If the policy of the present day be pursued, it will be a rickety infant; it may be a spunky spiteful child, but will have no strength, and will never command respect. Therefore say again with the gentleman from Kentucky, let the nation grow; let that be the policy of the government, and we shall be respectable for that policy. Every thing which derogates from our strength, tends to render us unimportant as a nation.
It is with sensations of the deepest regret that I have heard gentlemen on this floor make use so frequently of the term rebellion, and apply it to a portion of the country in which, I venture to say, no spirit of rebellion exists. If a consciousness of their rights, and, among those rights, of the right of pursuing their own happiness, be rebellion, you have rebellion enough in that country, sir. Have we come to this already, that when a people are ground down into dust, when all their fair prospect of prosperity is blasted, when they have no hope even for existence, when the comforts of life are even taken away from them, when they experience nothing but suffering—when such a people, convinced (as I think all reasonable people must be convinced) that this is to produce no good purpose, rise up and say that they cannot consent to be martyred thus, that it shall be called rebellion? It is too much for human nature; they have borne sufferings of a most unexampled character for months, but, in hopes that the speculations of our political theorists might be realized, they have submitted to them, and vented their dispositions only in memorials to the President before the commencement of Congress, for they conceived that when Congress met there could be no doubt of their being relieved. When Congress met nothing was done. What would you have of free men? They have intelligence; the very form of our government supposes that they have intelligence, and that they are capable of judging of their own interest. This people, so intelligent, so wise (and after this at least I hope I shall be considered as a good republican) see with a great many others, that this embargo, however it may operate on one of the belligerents—I believe it is not pretended that it operates on the other—cannot possibly operate to such an extent on the former as to bring that nation to terms. Then, say they, all this excessive suffering to which we are subjected, is to no purpose; we must still go on supporting this state of things, without being encouraged by the slightest glimmering of hope. Can you ask it, sir? Can you expect it? Recollect that if on the one hand the government is entitled to respect, there is a people for whose benefit that government was instituted; and it cannot be expected, whatever may be said here, when the government does not do good for them, that they will say that they will support it. No people ever did say so. You are too theoretic; you cannot expect it. But to call this decision of the people, to whom it rightfully belongs to make it—to call this decision, when expressed in the deep-toned language of indignant patriotism, rebellion—Sir, I cannot find a word to express my ideas at hearing a majesty of the people assailed in this way; and as a Representative of the people I will not endure it; it is abominable.
(Mr. Gardenier's Speech to be continued, and debate continued.)
SENATE, FEBRUARY 3. The bill, authorising the sale and grant of a certain quantity of public land to the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, was passed. This bill authorises the taking 2,000 shares, each valued at 200 dollars, to be paid for in lands valued at the usual rate at
which they are disposed of by the U. S. Mr. Pope gave notice that he should on Monday move for leave to bring in a bill, authorising the sale and grant of a certain quantity of public land to the Ohio Canal Company. Mr. Anderson gave notice that he should on Monday next ask leave to bring in a bill to authorise the making of a Turnpike Road from Mason's Causeway to Alexandria. On motion of Mr. S. Smith—Resolved, That a committee be appointed to join such committee as may be appointed by the House of Representatives to ascertain and report a mode of examining the votes for President and Vice President, and of notifying the persons elected of their election, and for regulating the time, place, and manner of administering the oath of office to the President. Messrs. S. Smith and Gaillard were appointed the committee. Adjourned to Monday.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, FEB. 3. Mr. Van Dyke, after presenting a memorial on the subject, offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to enquire and report to this House whether it be expedient to erect at or near Wilmington, at or near Newcastle, at or near Port Penn, in the county of Newcastle, and at or near Lewes, in the county of Sussex, in the state of Delaware, one or more batteries or fortifications, for the protection of the said towns, and the country adjacent; and in case he be of opinion that it is expedient to erect such batteries or fortifications, that he report whether any, and what additional appropriations be necessary for the purpose. The resolution was supported by Messrs. Van Dyke, Pitkin, and Lyon, on the ground that it was only intended to bring the subject before the Department of War, that it might receive the attention of the proper officers; and opposed by Messrs. Macon, D. R. Williams, and Blount, because it was unusual to act on the subject of fortifications specially, as the subject had been always considered as a national one; the execution of the law on the subject resting solely with the executive officers. The resolution was negatived, Ayes 23.
THOMAS PAINE'S PETITION.
Mr. Lyon rose and observed that he had seen in a morning paper that the committee of Claims had reported that Thomas Paine should have leave to withdraw his petition; and on examination he had found that that report was ordered to lie on the Clerk's table, without the usual order for printing the memorial and the accompanying documents. I confess (said Mr. L.) I was astonished at the report. Shall it be said of this nation, that Thomas Paine, the man to whom this nation is indebted for its independence more than to any living being—that its legislature has been memorialized by this same Thomas Paine, intimating that he is in want, and that he is willing to accept of pecuniary aid on account of those inestimable services rendered the American people, when they were growing into a nation? Shall it be said of this nation that they are as ungrateful to their great benefactor as the Romans were to their Belisarius? I did not rise, sir, to express my feelings on this subject. I must reserve myself for a more proper opportunity, when I shall move, if no other gentleman does it, that the report of the committee of Claims be recommitted, with instructions to that committee to report their opinion of what the justice and the honor of the nation requires to be done for Thomas Paine. In order to prepare the minds of the House for this question, I move that the report of that committee, together with the accompanying documents, be printed. Motion carried, Ayes 58—Nays 19.
ENQUIRY INTO DISBURSEMENT OF PUBLIC MONIES.
Mr. Randolph said he rose for the purpose of making a motion which he had expected and wished should have come from some other quarter; but he said he could not reconcile it to himself to be wanting in what he conceived to be his duty as a member of the House, in the hope that that duty would be more zealously performed by others, especially when he perceived no prospect of its being, in relation to this particular object, performed at all. I believe, sir, said Mr. Randolph, it will not be a new thing to you to be told that rumor, and something more than rumor too, has gone abroad respecting the application of public monies. Among the duties and among the rights too, of this House, there is perhaps none so important as the control which it constitutionally possesses over the public purse. To what purpose is that control? The mere form of appropriating public money, unless this House rigorously examine into the application of the money thus appropriated, unless the House examine if the amount of appropriation is exceeded by the expenditure, or if it be misapplied, that is, if money appropriated for one object be expended for another—unless we do this, sir, our control over the public purse is a mere name, an empty shadow. I now rise not only for the purpose of asserting this right on the part of the House, and exercising what I conceive to be my duty to it, and to the

people whom I represent, but also for the purpose of vindicating, in the only way in which it can be vindicated, the reputation of the government under which we live—I mean the administration. Whenever charges are bro't against any administration, the only way in which they can be repelled, is by a frank, full, and impartial enquiry into the matter constituting those charges. This is the only mode in which the honor of any administration in a government like ours can be vindicated. You must well recollect, sir, that in the first session of the 6th Congress of the U. States, a period, sir, to which I delight to recur; it gives me pleasure to look back upon it as the era of a glorious reformation—an act was passed fixing the military peace establishment of the U. S. The fourth section of this act establishes the pay of the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates. I will read it: "That the monthly pay of the officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates, be as follows, to wit: to the brigadier general, two hundred and twenty-five dollars, which shall be his full and entire compensation, without a right to demand or receive any rations, forage, travelling expences, or other perquisite or emolument whatsoever, except such stationary as may be requisite for the use of his department," &c. Never, perhaps, sir, were the words of a statute more explicit; and no one on this floor knows better than yourself why it was made thus explicit. It is said, with what degree of truth remains for us now to investigate, that in the teeth of that statute, advances, & to a considerable amount beyond the emoluments thus provided by law, have been made by the War Department to the Brigadier General. There is not a single department of this government, not a man in the administration, concerning whom I would make a charge of this sort with greater diffidence than against the Secretary of War; so long have I been acquainted with his economy, regularity, and strict attention to keep the expenditure of his department within the annual appropriation made by this House. But this very circumstance, the high reputation of this officer for regularity and punctuality, renders his claim to investigation into this rumor but the more strong, and unites his interest with that of the American people, and the duty of this House to induce the passage of the resolution which I now submit:
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any advances of money have been made to the commander in chief by the Department of War, contrary to law; and if any, to what amount.
The resolution was adopted without debate, Ayes 35; and Messrs. Randolph, Smilie, J. Montgomery, Taylor, and Johnston were appointed the committee.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO, &c. Mr. D. R. Williams moved that the House again resolve itself, into a committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution.
Mr. Troup moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject indefinitely. [This motion was understood to contemplate putting the subject completely at rest.] Mr. Troup's motion was negatived, by Yeas and Nays, 93 to 26; and the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the subject.
The question being now on filling the blank in the resolution for repealing the embargo and issuing letters of marque and reprisal with the "fourth day of March"—
Mr. Mosely spoke a few minutes in favor of that day.
When the question on filling the blank with that day was taken and carried, Ayes 70.
The question then being about to be put on that clause of the resolution contemplating the REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO.
Mr. Randolph spoke about two hours and a half in favor of it.
When the question was taken on that clause and carried, Ayes seventy-six.
The question being stated on the second clause of the resolution, viz. that part which relates to issuing letters of marque and reprisal—
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out that part of the resolution, & insert after the words "and at the same time" the words "to authorise the merchant vessels of the United States owned wholly by citizens of the United States to arm and defend against any armed vessels sailing under the British or French flag, so long as their orders or decrees are unrevoked."
Mr. Key after stating the importance of the alternatives presented to the decision of the committee by this motion for amendment, moved that the committee now rise to give time for mature deliberation—Agreed to without debate.
FEBRUARY 4. A report was received from the Secretary of State designating the registered seamen who are naturalised citizens, &c. in conformity with a resolution offered by Mr. Dana—Ordered to be printed.
Mr. Sawyer offered a resolution instructing the committee of Com-
merce and Manufactures to enquire whether any and if any what additional compensation ought to be allowed to the Collector of the port of Edenton. Agreed to.
Mr. Holmes reported a bill for the relief of John M. Snowden—Twice read and referred.
Mr. Livermore presented two petitions from Massachusetts praying for a repeal of the embargo laws—Referred to the committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
The House took up the resolution of the Senate for appointing a joint committee to regulate the mode of counting the votes for President and Vice President and to notify the persons having the highest number of votes of their election—Agreed to, & a committee of five appointed on the part of this House.
RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES.
A bill from the Senate for the incorporation of religious societies in the district of Columbia having been read, Mr. W. Alston moved to reject it. The motion was supported by Mr. Alston and Mr. Rhea (T.) on the ground that it bore the appearance of commencing an established religion in this country, which was repugnant to the principles of the constitution; and that the state should not intermeddle with the church, the two, church and state, being wholly distinct. The motion was opposed by Messrs. Davenport, Lewis, Van Horn, Dana, Talmadge, Gardner, and Mason, for the reason that the House had heretofore incorporated turnpike and library companies, and it was hoped that the House would not shew so much disrespect to religion as to reject it on its first appearance in the House; and that even, were the bill not perfect, it might be amended before it was passed; that it was but a decent attention to the people of the district of Columbia to consider the bill, for their petitions were too much disregarded.
Mr. Alston finally withdrew his motion, and the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be read a third time.
SINKING FUND A report was received from the commissioners of the Sinking Fund on the subject of the disbursements of the public debt for the last year—Ordered to be printed.
DELAWARE CANAL. A bill was received from the Senate for authorising the grant of a certain quantity of land to the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company.—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO, &c. The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution.
The question pending being on Mr. Randolph's motion to amend it—
Messrs. Key and Minor supported it. And Mr. D. R. Williams opposed it.
And the committee rose without deciding the question and obtained leave to sit again.
[BY AUTHORITY.]
An act for the relief of Edmund Beaufort. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That Edmund Beaufort, now imprisoned in the state of Connecticut, shall be and hereby is released and discharged from all claim and demand of the United States, to a certain judgment for a penalty of four hundred dollars, recovered, with costs, at their suit, before the district court for the district of Connecticut, held at New Haven, in the month of August, eighteen hundred and six; saving and reserving, nevertheless, the right and interest, if any there be, which belongs to any third person.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. J. N. MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro-tempore. FEBRUARY 1, 1809.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
CHEAP GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS, (SIGN OF THE PLOUGH.)
HAVE removed to the Store, lately occupied by Romulus Riggs, and have brought his entire Stock of GOODS, (very low) which added to their former supply, with some Fresh Goods, just received from Philadelphia, makes their assortment very extensive, they being bought principally for cash, previous to any material rise in the markets, enables them to sell lower than the present prices.
Amongst their Stock are Irish Linens, Shirting & Cambric Muslins, Linen Cambrics, Cambric Handkerchiefs, Furniture Dimities & Chintzes, Fine Mil Leno & Ceded Muslins, Muslin Shawls, Mantles & Robes, Super undressed Shirting Muslins, very fine Cambric Muslin for Cravats, veils, laces, shades, silks, crapes, Silk Shawls, Elastic India Crap, Ladies Beaver and Straw Bonnets, Silk, Cotton & Worsted Hosiery and Gloves, Bleached country Linen for sheeting, Cloths, Cords, Blankets, Waistcoating, Carpeting, and many other Fancy and substantial articles, which will be sold low for Cash, and a liberal discount to persons to sell again.
They also expect to receive in a few days, a quantity of best Ingraine, English, and Venetian CARPETING with other articles.
Georgetown, February 6—2aw6w
SADDLE HORSE. FOR SALE an excellent SADDLE HORSE with Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar.—Also A remarkably smart Waiting BOY, about 15 years old, who has waited in the house for three years. They can be had on trial any time this month. Enquire at this office. February 6—3:
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6.
The Ohio in the last days of December rose to the height of 55 feet. From the partial accounts received, the destruction of property is apprehended to have been dreadful. It has never risen so high during the winter, and but in a single instance for twenty years during the spring.
The North American has signified itself by the propagation of another falsehood of the most atrocious kind—Gov. Milledge, of the Senate of the U. S. is charged with having taken an oath of allegiance to George the Third, and of having made a solemn renunciation of American Independence.
The falsehood of this charge has been proved over and over again. It has been made to appear that the alleged oath never was taken by Gov. Milledge of the Senate; but by his father, who, at the time of taking it, was superannuated, and was betrayed thus treacherously by his enemies.
There is a profanity in such calumnies, which must shock every honest man.
The citizens of Charleston, (S. C.) after expressing their confidence in their government, have adopted, among others, the following resolutions:—
Resolved , That we will, by every legal and honorable means in our power, endeavor to frustrate the wicked designs of those unprincipled characters, who shall presume to violate the laws.
Resolved , That a committee of forty-five be appointed by the chairman of the meeting; and that such committee do choose from among themselves, a select committee of five, to whom all information shall be given of any intended violations of the embargo laws, which select committee shall report the same to the collector of this port.
Resolved , That we who compose this association, are ready and willing, upon all emergencies, to risk our lives, persons, and property, in defence of the rights of our common country.
Resolved , That although in some instances, the character of an informer is considered as infamous, yet, under existing circumstances, we conceive it a duty incumbent on every good citizen, and highly honorable, to support the laws; we therefore bind ourselves to protect and defend any person who shall give any information to the select committee.
From the Aurora .
PHILADELPHIA CITY AND COUNTY MEETING.
Yesterday being appointed by a call upon the friends of the union, independence and commerce, for meeting at the State House, to take place at eleven o'clock, the citizens of the various districts of the Northern and Southern Liberties, and of the fourteen wards of the city, assembled about 10 o'clock, at their respective districts, in order to reach the place of assembly at the hour publicly notified.
A platform and chairs, for the accommodation of the citizens who should be called to preside and to act as secretary, and for such citizens as might think fit to address the meeting, had been prepared by a select committee of the several districts.
At ten o'clock, an hour before the period appointed for taking the chair, a number of persons, composed of men hostile to the peace and the principles of the government, some few lawyers, Robert Wharton, the late mayor of this city, and persons of this class, entered the State House Yard, and in a quarter of an hour after, placed themselves on the platform, and were in the act of proceeding to read certain resolutions or some such matter, when the first body of the citizens, from the lower part of the city and southward reached the place of meeting.
Whether it was intended to produce a riot by this unworthy trick, or that it was expected to impose upon the public by such a surreptitious proceeding, is neither important to ascertain, nor as the matter terminated, of any other consequence than as it goes to exhibit in stronger colors the unprincipled folly or depravity of those who were concerned.
A body of sailors was called upon the preceding evening, and commodore Truxton was selected to be made the instrument of this unworthy proceeding. Among the seditious of this seditious group, was a person formerly a midshipman, recently dismissed for malpractices from the United States navy; and a number of other seamen-like persons, who perhaps entertained an attachment for the commodore as an officer.
The commodore suffered himself to be placed in the chair, in the manner here described; and some of the persons who surrounded him were about to speak, when the citizens began to throng into the place of meeting.
The occupation of the chair before the period advertised, excited a momentary ferment; the persons who had occupied the place, amounting to about 3 to 400, endeavored to prevent any access of other citizens; and much insolent abuse was lavished by persons in this group, on the citizens who had just arrived; the pressure from the outside became very great and irresistible; and those who had taken possession of the platform, found it impossible to remain; upwards of ten thousand citizens had entered in large masses, at a quarter before eleven; and the group found a retreat their only resource; they however determined to destroy the chair and platform, when a momentary conflict took place; some broken heads were received, and much worse must have followed, had it not been for the timely interposition of captain Jones and some other citizens, who afforded the disaffected an opportunity of retiring under showers of snow balls and shouts of derision—they then formed their little group in front of the State House, and after giving Plenty Hand , his Britannic majesty's consul, THREE CHEERS! Retired to their head quarters, the British Coffee House , where it is to be presumed they will issue their resolutions as if they had stood their ground.
At a few minutes before 11 o'clock, capt. Wm. Jones was called to the chair, and col. Robert McMullen appointed Secretary, by the unanimous voice of EIGHTEEN THOUSAND citizens, who were there assembled. Order and silence immediately prevailed. The chairman addressed the people in his usual energetic, and impressive style—and was followed by Mr. Dallas, who went into a very lengthy examination of the topics which now agitate the nation—but it was not possible to hear, from the immense body of people that were arranged between the centre and the place at which we stood.
The following resolutions were then proposed and seconded, and being severally put, were carried, with only a few dissenting voices to each, and those from a remote corner of the ground.
Resolved , That this meeting do cordially approve of the resolutions and address passed unanimously, in the Town Meeting, held on the 23d instant, and stand prepared, should we be called upon by our government, the government of our choice, to prove by our actions that these expressions of attachment to our laws and constitutional authorities, spring not from the impulse of the moment, but from firm, sober, and mature deliberation.
Resolved , That this meeting, highly gratified with the decided and patriotic resolutions of their democratic brethren of N. York, tender them the right hand of democratic brotherhood and attachment: having one cause, we pledge ourselves to act with them, and all our democratic brethren of the union, to assert our liberty and support our constitution, laws, and government.
Resolved , That the committee of superintendence for the city and county of Philadelphia, be authorised to appoint a committee of correspondence, to consist of seven, to correspond with such committees as may be appointed in this state, or any of our sister states, on any subject which may be by them deemed necessary to strengthen the hands of the national government and advance the general good.
After the resolutions were passed, general Barker, the mayor of this city, delivered a very popular and pointed speech; which from our distance, we could not well hear, we understood he narrated the conduct of Timothy Pickering, in the case of several American citizens, who were detained and pressed on board a British sloop of war, at a Philadelphia wharf, which Pickering was Secretary of State. The case we recollected well, and those who were near enough to hear Mr. Barker's statement, expressed their exertion of Pickering, in terms and tones, that reverberated to the adjacent streets.
After the several speakers had closed, Mr. J. Leib moved, that as a gross misrepresentation, as to the numbers of the people had been spread abroad, that the citizens present, march in procession down Chestnut street, through Second into Dock, (by the British Coffee House,) and there disperse. The motion was carried with an universal shout, and the meeting was immediately closed; the citizens, in an immense column, of about 18,000 persons, proceeded in the direction proposed; and in Dock street, the citizens from the northern and southern districts, separated for their respective homes, in different bodies.
The following is the radical account of their meeting.
A numerous body of citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, assembled in the State House yard, in consequence of the call upon them to express their disapprobation of the embargo, and of the "Enforcing Act."
Commodore Thomas Truxton, was unanimously called to the chair, and Geo. Clymer, esq. appointed Secretary.
The following resolutions were proposed to the meeting and adopted.
Whereas it is the constitutional right of the people, peaceably to assemble together for the common good, and freely and unequivocally to offer their advice, and express their opinions with regard to the measures of government. And whereas in the opinion of this meeting, the United States are now placed in a most critical and calamitous condition, in which national independence is endangered from abroad, & union and liberty are menaced at home, in which commerce is suspended, many of the usual pursuits of industry impeded, and the people thrown from high prosperity into great distress and privation.
In order therefore, to make known our sentiments to our rulers and our country,
Resolved , That the union of the states formed by the wisdom which planned, and consecrated by the sacrifices of those who achieved our independence, is endeared to us by every affection and remembrance which is gratifying to us as men, and by every interest and duty which we hold sacred as citizens: and that viewing it as the main pillar of national independence, individual happiness, and public security, we will steadily support it against all attacks, whatever may be the errors of the administration, and however severe the pressure which these errors may have occasioned.
Resolved , That we view with deep and unfeigned concern the artifices and publications which are daily used and resorted to, in order to disseminate unfounded suspicions and alarms, and to encourage the belief, that there is among those opposed to any of the measures of the present administration a spirit of disaffection to the union and independence of these states. In the opinion of this meeting, all such publications and artifices, particularly, when sanctioned by men of high station and authority, have a direct and necessary tendency to increase the reliance of foreign nations in our internal divisions; to embitter the animosities of party, and by spreading the influence of terror and hatred, to disable the citizens from making a just and constitutional opposition to the unwise and destructive measures of government.
Resolved , That we deem a longer continuance of the laws imposing the embargo as unjust, oppressive and impolitic. In our opinion, experience fully demonstrates, that the embargo, as a measure of coercion, is weak, inefficient and useless; and while a great and profitable trade may be carried on, notwithstanding the orders and decrees of the belligerent powers of Europe, it is dishonorable to abandon rights to the ocean, which form an essential part of our national character and independence.
Resolved , That we consider the act of Congress, commonly called "the Enforcing Law" to be a direct invasion of the established principles of civil liberty, and of the express provisions of the constitution; as arbitrary and severe to a degree unnecessary, even to accomplish the objects for which the law is professed to have been enacted; as creating an enormous and dangerous augmentation of Executive influence and power, and as unnecessarily exposing the citizen to the miseries of civil discord, and military execution. That the ninth section of the act which authorises a ministerial officer, without process of law, to seize goods at his discretion under a pretence that there is reason to believe they are intended for exportation, or apparently on the way to the territories of a foreign power, is in our opinion a breach of the fourth article of the amendments to the constitution, which provides that the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and of the fifth article of the amendments which declares, that no man "shall be de-
prived of life, liberty or property, but by due process of law"—That the 9th section is contrary to the true spirit of the constitution, inasmuch as it vests in the President a legislative authority, by giving to his instructions, in certain cases, the force of law. And that the 11th section of the act, violates a political and civil right, more sacred than any constitution, in authorising the military to fire upon the people, without the sanction or interposition of the civil authority. The principle contained in this section, if much further extended, might, with competent force, convert our government into an absolute despotism.
Resolved , That we are coolly and impartially determined to support the rights and liberties which have been bequeathed to us by our ancestors, or acquired by our own exertions, and that in maintaining this determination, we shall neither be shaken by the menaces of faction, nor influenced by the authority of power. But it is our earnest advice to our fellow-citizens every where, to avoid and discourage violations of the embargo laws. While the elective franchise remains pure and unimpaired, there must finally be a remedy for every grievance—and if, before this remedy can be applied, military force should be resorted to, the laws and independent tribunals of our country may yet afford redress.
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to draft a memorial to Congress, in conformity with the foregoing resolutions, to obtain the signatures of our fellow-citizens thereto, and to transmit the same to Congress.
THOMAS TRUXTON, Chairman.
The Archduke Constantine of Russia, is created King of Poland.
The letter in our last, from Providence, greatly exaggerated the proceedings in that town, respecting a vessel, taken away on Monday night, by some persons unknown, &c. We feel assured from a knowledge of the correct inhabitants of Providence, that although the last embargo act has justly excited their utmost indignation and abhorrence, yet legal and constitutional means only will be resorted to for their relief—Continued.
A FEW COPIES
Of the Interesting Work mentioned below both in the Large and Small Edition, may be had at THIS OFFICE, and at the Store of JOS. MULLIGAN, in George-town.
BOARDS $2 IN SHEEP $2 50 IN CALF $3
The following is from a Philadelphia paper.
BARLOW'S COLUMBIAD.
C. & A. CONRAD & Co. have it now in their power to put the public in possession of this excellent Poem, at a very moderate price. The author has consented to their publishing a second edition in two volumes, 12mo. which they now offer for sale at Two Dollars, in concurrence with the large and splendid Edition at 20 Dolls. a few copies of which remain to be disposed of.
This work is unquestionably one of the proudest monuments of American genius that we have yet to boast of. As a monument of our Literature, both in prose and in poetry, it clearly stands the first; and it would not be strange if the present century should pass away without giving it a rival in any country.
The notes and the preface, which are copious and instructive, may probably be quoted as the first specimens of prose composition in the English language. Their style is a happy mixture of force and perspicuity, simplicity, elevation & elegance; they display a wide scope of erudition; united with profound philosophical research; they inculcate the most defensible system of morals, while they leave a charm on the mind in favor of the soundest principles of liberty, and the best grounded hope of improvement in the social state of man. We speak not merely as booksellers interested in the sale of the work, but as patriots, lovers of our country, actuated by the broader interest of seeing its prosperous and happy, improving its own advantages, and giving lessons of practical wisdom to other nations, and future ages, when we recommend this valuable production to the perusal, re-perusal, study and attention of our fellow-citizens. It ought in our opinion to enter as an elementary book into our academies and colleges, as a syllabus of sound principles in morals, as a noble stimulus in the pursuit of true glory, and of national as well as individual happiness. If the rising generation could be well imbued with the principles of this book, the nation must be happy, because it must cherish every practical truth, every honorable pursuit, every foundation on which national happiness can be erected and supported.
The Quarto edition, ornamented with twelve of the most beautiful engravings that the Graphic Art has ever produced, and dressed in the highest Typographical luxury hitherto attained on either side of the Atlantic, is still offered to those amateurs whose love of literature is accompanied with an admiration of the fine arts.
A few Sets of the Engravings, separate from the Poem, may be had at TEN Dolls. per Set, to accommodate such persons as are desirous of possessing themselves of these exquisite specimens of art at a lower price than accompanied by the work. The original pictures, painted in Oil, by Smirke, are now to be seen at the Academy of Fine Arts.
February 6—4t
INFORMATION TO TRAVELLERS.
THE BRIDGE at Four Mile Creek being now passable for Carriages and Horses, the Directors of the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike company," have opened a road from their paved road near Lando's tavern, into the Georgetown road at the mouth of Mr. Custis's run, which will save nearly a mile and a quarter in the distance from Alexandria to Georgetown ferry, and by actual survey, is only 242 yards longer than a straight line and passes over level ground most of the way.
February 6—2t
ATTENTION!
THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs, and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as farther indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the business as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price.
ROMULUS RIGGS. N. B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6—2aw6w

(Sheets continued from first page.) the consequences to either of the offending powers; they deserve nothing but war from us; yet if the policy we may adopt should press harder on one than on the other; if we study nothing but our own interest wholly disregarding of them, we must be exonerated from the reproaches of the candid. I wish Americans would look more at home, and less to foreign nations for motives of government.
Sir, it is said, that by filling the blank with the first day of June, with the substitute of letters of marque and reprisal, we should thereby hold out a threat which might induce a recess of orders and decrees. As war would inevitably be the consequence of a persistence, I believe that such a threat would have a directly contrary effect; and as I am averse from an expensive war, which neither promises us honor nor riches, so am I against continuing the embargo until that time.
Sir, I hope, I shall not be misunderstood, I speak of opinions and sentiments, not as I wish they were, but as they really are. Reflections from gentlemen of the south, against the commercial and gain loving sentiments of the north, will only serve to disunite at a time, when the chain of our union ought to be brightened.
Sir, all such reflections, all rantings, asperities and personalities, should be carefully avoided by the real friends of the Union. We from the north fight our enemies, but we reason with our friends. We conclude that a man has either lost or expended all his reason, when he attacks the person of his opponent instead of his arguments, and we carefully distinguish between the calm voice of reason, and the rant of passion and prejudice. I trust we shall here unite and save our country.
Mr. EPPES said he understood that the only question at present was, with what day the blank in the resolution should be filled. It was not his intention on this question to enter into the merits of the proposition. But as his friend (Mr. Nicholas) who offered the resolution was not in his place, and he found no gentleman had attempted to assign any reasons in favor of the day which he had proposed, Mr. Eppes said he would offer a few observations in support of that day. In the course which I pursue on this floor (said Mr. Eppes) I am not to be driven from that line of conduct which I consider best, by the feeling of any portion of the people of this country; and whilst I will ever manifest a proper respect for the opinions of men in any portion of the country, I will never shrink from that course which I consider calculated to promote the interest of the great body of the people. I have no apprehensions, whatever course be taken, that we have any thing to fear from insurrection and rebellion, and I believe that the people of the Eastern country, when they see the charges made against them on this floor and elsewhere, will feel no other sentiment than indignation that men can rise and denounce them not only as likely to result in an actual in a state of rebellion. I ask gentlemen who believe that the people either are or will be in a state of rebellion, to produce the evidence in support of the charge. Do you know, sir, that force has been opposed to the execution of your laws in any portion of this country? If the people in any portion of it have raised the standard of rebellion, if men as enlightened as the Americans, really cannot bear the laws of their own government, I ask gentlemen to point out the particular cases which justify the assertion. I believe that no such opposition does exist; and I express with confidence, if any such does exist, that we have no information of any kind which can be relied on on that point. It does not appear to me that the feeling which has been manifested in regard to this measure, affords any just ground on which to legislate. We are to consider what course is best calculated to promote the interest of the country, and that course we ought to pursue. If men in any section of the union will oppose the laws of their country, we have force enough to put them down; and I will never shrink from using it. This much I say, at this time, because the opposition to the law was the first ground taken in opposition to the first day of June. Another ground is, that the fixing on that day will interfere with the rights of those who succeed us. I do not consider this to be the case. We were called here to exercise our judgment as to the good of the people. The legislature can never die; and when the next Congress meets, if any circumstances shall have occurred which shall induce them to change the course contemplated, our acts will not at all affect the course which they may think proper to pursue. I believe, sir, that every member in the House will do me the justice to say that I never have concealed my opinion of the situation of the country. It must be granted that our situation is serious; that it ever will be serious when a free people are placed in such a situation that they must either abandon
their rights or enforce them by physical strength. It has been said that war is not the greatest evil which could occur. Sir, I consider it the greatest evil which could befall our country, except a surrender of our rights or independence, and that I believe to be a greater evil, because there is nothing in this world worth preserving, if we lose our freedom and independence. But if this country is to adopt the principles of the wandering Jews of Europe, if we are to suffer ourselves to be stripped and robbed without resistance, and obtain our livelihood by mean or dishonest practices, it is proper that we should put ourselves under the care of some European power for the protection of those rights which we have not the spirit to defend. If we postpone the repeal till the first of June we shall have an opportunity of again hearing from the different powers of Europe; and of knowing what may be the operation of the public dispatches. We shall know whether they will withdraw their orders and decrees, or whether appeal to arms. I have always thought that when the embargo should be removed, war must be the result; and if I am disposed to postpone for a period an event which will always be awful to a country like this, gentlemen will do me the justice to believe, that I am not less willing than themselves to maintain the rights of the country. It will give us one more chance for peace; and notwithstanding the opinions which have been expressed, I declare to God that I am anxious for peace. But when the question is between peace and a surrender of our rights as a nation, I am in favor of war. I am willing to take this one chance of peace, and for that reason I am willing to postpone the period of issuing letters of marque and reprisal, till the first of June. I have another reason. When this nation tries its strength, I am not willing that it should do it unprepared. I have no idea that war can be carried on without men. How are you to fight, sir? Are you to arm your merchant vessels—to let your vessels sail with all their canvas stretched, to British ports, to take licenses, pay tribute and disgrace their country? The arming your merchant vessels will have the appearance of resisting taxation without doing it. What would be the consequence of our vessels going out armed for their protection? You might as well nail your embargo law to their masts, and suppose it will protect the merchant vessels, as to think of doing it by arming them. The situation of the world forbids the idea that we can force a trade against G. Britain. We must raise men and prepare to attack her where she is vulnerable; and when we have done this we may remain quiet, till it is time to commence operations. Another objection has been made to inserting so late a day as the first day of June. It is this; that we give notice to the belligerents, that on a certain day we mean to make war upon them. When we come to examine this objection, sir, it is nothing. Have not gentlemen declared in their places that Congress is to be convened to exchange war for embargo? Have they not made preparation for an extra session for the purpose? The British and French governments are as well convinced of our determination, as they can be by any resolution we may pass. It cannot be an offence therefore, for the postponement till that day is evidence of a desire for peace. We have withdrawn from the ocean our commercial capital, and 50,000 citizen mariners, from a desire for peace. Whenever then the embargo be repealed, it is war, if the obnoxious edicts be not repealed; and I am willing to postpone this change a few months, that we may not disgrace ourselves to the world, and make ourselves ridiculous at home, by going to war without men. And while I make this declaration I wish gentlemen distinctly to understand me, that I never will submit to the edicts of the belligerents; and also, that I will forever vote against the removal of the embargo during a continuance of the belligerent edicts, unless those who wish to remove it will substitute war for it. And this determination I will maintain, even if it drive the whole country to rebellion. Even if driven from my seat at the point of the bayonet, I never will surrender the rights of my country by a removal of the embargo without an efficient substitute.
(Continued on second page.) NEW STORE. The commodious new store, counting room and cellar on F street, near the Treasury Office, is to let—possession may be had the first of next month—Few stores (if any) in the district are so well situated for the wholesale or retail business in any line—There is a dwelling house on the lot to accommodate a family—Enquire of JAMES HOBAN. January 27—6t. A NEW PAMPHLET, Just received and for sale at D. Rapine's Book Store, Capitol Hill. An address to the Congress of the United States, on the utility and justice of restrictions upon foreign commerce. With reflections on foreign trade in general, & the future prospects of America. Price FIFTY cents. January 27—4t.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. THAT the subscriber of Washington County, District of Columbia—Hath obtained from the Orphan's Court, of Washington, and District aforesaid—letters of administration on the personal estate of MAURICE CARRIN, late of said District, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the 25th day of July next, or they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 25th day of January, 1809. NICHOLAS CALLAN.
January 25—w3t TO GLASS MANUFACTURERS. THE Subscriber begs leave to inform those who have or may establish a Glass Manufactory, that he hath been regularly brought up to the business; that he hath lately superintended the Manufactory established in the city of Washington; in which capacity he offers his services to those who may require such person. For his capacity and integrity, he can give satisfactory testimonials. A line addressed to him at the city of Washington will be duly attended to. SOLOMON STENGER. January 30—w3t
THREE PIPES OF MADEIRA WINE To be Exchanged for FLOUR Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPPEN APPLES. Washington, January 30—1m
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. WILL be offered for Sale at Public Auction at Rhodes's hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on F street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Boyd. From its contiguity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAML. SPEAKE, Auc. Washington, January 30—tdos
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber to Bridge erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Grates, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P.M. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. January 30—tdos
TEN DOLLARS. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER, a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fauquier Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAML. FISHER. January 30—1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—1f
NOTICE. THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city, and all others concerned, are hereby informed that the Tax for the year 1808, on Real and Personal Property, also the Tax on Slaves and Dogs, became due on the 1st inst. and must be paid immediately at the City Treasurer's Office. The Treasurer returns his thanks to those who have usually called at his Office and settled their accounts, and will still be thankful to those who may make it convenient to settle in that way. He also informs those who are in arrears that no further indulgence can be given, and that they must pay the amount due immediately, or their property must be seized and sold to satisfy the same. HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington City. January 20—2w
ANY LADY OR GENTLEMEN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO FORTE, May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3—3t THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an Instalment of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Cr. January 18—
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hlds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hlds. Rum, 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsalla, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, } WINE. 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti } Candles, 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
RICHARD PARROTT, Has just arrived at Alexandria, on board the Sea-Flower, capt. Marshall from Savannah. 75 tierces Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse, George Town) at Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turk's Island, St. Ubes, ground Allum and Blown Salt. 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 3 hlds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do. 2 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Goshen Cheese, 100 barrels Tar, Imperial, } TEAS. Hyson, Young Hyson & } Bohea, Coffee, Alspice, Pepper, Mustard, Mould & Dpt Candles, Soap, Snuff. Fish Oil, Plaister Paris (ground & in stone) Bacon, Pork, Herrings, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Bar Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bed-cords, Plough-Lines, Traces, Sail-Twine, and Cordage of every description. Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce. RICHARD PARROTT. January 9—tf
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Cartly with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Cartly, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27—2aw6w A GREAT BARGAIN May be had in a LIGHT COACHEE, newly painted and lined in a neat manner with harness for two horses. Apply to the subscriber at this office. ARMSTRONG CHARLTON. Washington, Feb. 1—3t. FOR SALE, Avaluable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county, Dec. 16—tf A BLACK MAN. FOR SALE or to HIRE by the year, an able bodied young Negro fellow. Enquire at this office. January 30—3t LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the Bank & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20—
PIANO FORTE'S. The subscriber has just received from Philadelphia, Three Piano Forte's, with additional Keys, American manufacture, equal to any yet imported, which he offers for Sale on reasonable terms. P. MAURO. December 30—wtf PRINTING INK. SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PATRO, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN MINCHIN'S New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol. October 10—3sp&w3m
TO LEASE FOR A TERM OF YEARS. A LOT on which is established a Soap and Candle Manufactory in the town of Fredericksburg Virginia. THE Proprietor being desirous of retiring from the business, will lease out his Soap and Candle Manufactory with all the apparatus thereunto belonging for the term of three, seven, or ten years; and will also, if agreeable, hire an excellent manufacturer for the same period. It is unnecessary to give a description of the Lot and Manufactory, as it is presumed that any person inclined to Lease would first view the premises—suffice it to say that the Lot is equal if not superior to any in the state for the business. It has a spring in it almost sufficient to turn a grist mill, which is conveyed by pipes to a factory house 32 feet by 16 having 4 rooms besides the cellar where the boiler is erected. It is the only establishment of the kind on the Rappahannock, and ashes, tallow, &c. may be procured in the greatest abundance. The terms may be known by addressing a letter to the subscriber. GEO. W. B. SPOONER, Fredericksburg Virg. January 16—w4t
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, in Piscataway, Prince George's county Maryland, on the 31st of May last, two Negro Men viz. POMPEY, a very black man, upwds of 50 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, rather slender made, with a small head and face; his forehead projects considerably over his eyes, and it is believed he has lost an under foretooth; he is much addicted to liquor, and when drunk disposed to talk a great deal; he has been accustomed to driving a carriage and waggon; he had on when he went away a deep blue short jacket of coarse cloth, ozanabig shirt and trowsers. BASIL, a dark mulatto, about 22 or 23 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, rather stout made; has thick lips and large mouth, the forefinger of his right hand is stiff and smaller than the other; he had ulcers on his legs, and if healed the scars may be discovered. Basil was a house servant, and at the time he went off his apparel was the same as Pompey's, but they had each a variety of cloths. They may endeavor to pass as freemen, and it is probable that Basil is in Alexandria or Baltimore, as his father is living in the former place, and he has a brother and sister in the latter. It is conjectured that a black man in the district of Columbia called Jack Neal, has contrived to get them away, as the subscriber has been informed that the said Neal about two years ago carried a negro woman of his on board of a vessel at Alexandria, at which time she was a runaway. The above reward (including what the law allows) will be given for securing Pompey and Basil in any jail, so that the subscriber shall get them again, or Fifty Dollars for either, and all reasonable expenses if brought home. All persons are forewarned against harbouring them. JACOB BUCKETT. February 1—w5t
ON application by petition, in writing, to GEORGE W. WILLETT of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt; and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him.—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next be, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1808. DANIEL CLARKE. True Copy, Test, JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jun. C P & Cy Ct December 19—w13t.
Prince George's county court, Sept. Term, 1808. ON the application, by petition in writing by John M. Burgess, to the court for the benefit of the act of assembly passed at the November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application and being also satisfied that the said John M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt; and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said John M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors—and it is ordered that the said John M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, JR. Ck. November 8—w3m THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6—2aw13t