The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-01-21 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON-SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DOLX.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JANUARY 21st, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 8.
Debate on receding the District of Columbia.
[Continued.]
DR. ELMER said he agreed with the gentleman from Maryland who had just now been up, that the question before the committee is an important and weighty one; but it seems that it is not of itself sufficiently weighty for that gentleman's shoulders, for he has loaded it with much extraneous matter. Had the gentleman proved to my satisfaction either of the positions which he promised to demonstrate, I would not have troubled the committee with any remarks on the subject, but would have joined him in voting against the resolutions on the table. But unfortunately for me I have, by every thing that has been said, become more convinced of the constitutionality and expediency of carrying the resolutions into effect.
Mr. Chairman, it has not been contended, and indeed it cannot be contended but what the power of exercising exclusive jurisdiction over this territory was left discretionary with Congress by the constitution. That they might or might not assume it optionally. It only remains then for us to enquire whether the act of acceptance was of such a nature as to lay Congress under the necessity of continuing the exercise of that power which they have constitutionally assumed. In order to prove this, gentlemen have blended the act for fixing the permanent seat of government here, with the assumption and exercise of the right of legislating over the inhabitants of the territory. The latter results from the former, but it does not necessarily follow therefrom. This is clear to my mind from the words of the constitution and from the proceedings of Congress under it. Among the enumerated powers granted to the national legislature is that of exercising exclusive legislation over an extent of territory not exceeding ten miles which, by the consent of the states to which the jurisdiction might belong, should be established as the seat of the general government. But let it be remarked that Congress have the power to exercise this exclusive legislation which like all other powers granted, may or may not be exercised. If the seat of government had not been fixed here, Congress could not have legislated particularly over this territory; but the seat of government being fixed here they may exercise that power or not at their option. And the proceedings had under the constitution relative to the subject confirm the position. In July 1790 an act was passed fixing the seat of government on the Potomac, but no act of legislation was passed until the year 1801. It is therefore clear that this may be considered as the permanent seat of government, and yet the jurisdiction of the territory reside in the states of Virginia and Maryland as heretofore. But a gentleman from Maryland yesterday told us that the cession and acceptance of this territory was in the nature of a contract in which Congress acted only as agents or trustees of the people of the United States, and therefore it could be receded only by their act. The allusion however to a contract is by no means striking, nor applicable in every particular. It is altogether a political translation, at least so far as relates to the right of exclusive legislation, and bears very little affinity to a contract between individuals in society. Indeed the people of this territory, if we may trust to the account of their proceedings printed in the public papers, have given up the point, of Congress being obliged to legislate exclusively over them. One of the objects of their association, it appears, is to obtain the right of legislating for themselves; and surely if Congress may delegate that power to a body within the territory, they may transfer their right of jurisdiction over them to the states of which they formed a part, and to which they belong.
Having therefore a clear right to legislate exclusively over this territory or not it is only necessary to enquire whether it is proper and useful to exercise it. In my opinion it is altogether improper. There might be some reason for delegating that power by the constitution, but I can perceive none for exercising it; nay to my mind it is a power that ought not to be exercised but upon the most urgent necessity. It is an excrescence on the body politic. A
kind of government very foreign from the leading features of that which forms the basis of our social compact. The general principles of our government are the wisest and best that the ingenuity of man ever yet devised. They are the boast of every American citizen, and the admiration of the whole world. Under this government I hope and believe the United States will long continue to be flourishing and happy; and that her example will instruct, and tend to ameliorate the condition of the inhabitants of all the nations on the earth. We have most happily combined the democratic representative with the federal principle in the union of the states. But the inhabitants of this territory under the exclusive legislation of Congress partake of neither the one nor the other. They have not, and they cannot possess a state sovereignty; nor are they in their present situation entitled to the elective franchise. They are as much the vassals of Congress as the troops that garrison your forts, and guard your arsenals. They are subjects not merely because they are not represented in Congress, but also because they have no rights as freemen secured to them by the constitution.
They have natural rights as men, and moral rights as moral agents; they may have some civil rights constructively secured to them by the constitution; but have not one political right defined and guaranteed to them by that instrument while they continue under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress. I have not heard any gentleman pretend to point out any sentence of the constitution that secures them against arbitrary and despotic domination. That says the Congress thus far may you go in your legislative acts and no farther. As Americans they may perhaps petition Congress, & there is no doubt the ears of the members will be open to their complaints; but they may refrain from granting their most reasonable requests, and I do not wish to see such an uncontrollable power in operation. But say gentlemen, the constitution does not give to Congress the power of receding the jurisdiction of the territory, and they are not disposed to exercise a constructive power. I do not comprehend this language. I know some philosophers speak of a negative power, but in my mind this is speaking incorrectly, and means nothing less than a powerless power. This is precisely the case as to the subject under consideration. Ceasing to exercise the power vested by the constitution is but a negative and wants no specific grant of power. Congress may now exercise legislation over this territory exclusive of the state governments to which it formerly belonged; but with the consent of those states they may waive that right, and exercise only concurrent jurisdiction over them in common with the people of all the other states. But some gentlemen say why annex them to Virginia and Maryland, rather than to any other of the states. The answer is plain because they belonged to those states, because they are contiguous to them, and because by forming a re-union with them, they will be restored to their former rights, privileges and habits. As integral parts of states they will have rights which are defined and guaranteed to them by the constitution; and then will our federal edifice be composed of homogeneous and proportionate parts, without any excrescence to mar its beauty.
A notion seems to be entertained by many of the inhabitants of this city that by adopting these resolutions we shall affect the rights of private property. If I believed this, however much I dislike the principle of exclusive jurisdiction, such is my disposition to foster this city and promote its prosperity, that I could not at present give them my support. But if I should speak from my experience in life, I should say that by throwing off the jurisdiction of the other parts of the territory and confining the fostering care of Congress to the city, would increase the value of property therein. This however may be theoretical, but it is more probable to the contrary; and by a receding the whole territory, it cannot be reasonably concluded that the value of property would be materially affected. As to the government should remain at this place, and that I trust will be for ages. On the whole believing it to be strictly consonant with the principles of the constitution, and that it will promote the interest of the people of the United States and of this territory, to carry the resolutions on your table into effect, I shall, from a sense of duty, give my voice in favor of them.
Mr. R. GRISWOLD said the object of the present motion was, he supposed, to make a permanent recession of the two parts of this district, one to Virginia, and the other to Maryland, retaining the city of Washington. If this was really the object, there could be no doubt, but it went to operate a change of the seat of government. This he would endeavour, in as few words as possible, to demonstrate. The 8th section of the first article authorizes Congress to assume the exclusive legislation over a district not exceeding ten miles square, &c. The states of Maryland and Virginia ceded a district of ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, and Congress accepted a part from each state, making one district, to become the seat of the government of the United States. From this statement it is apparent that the territory or district of Columbia is the seat of government, and not the city of Washington. If then, you recede the territory, you recede the seat of the government, altho' you reserve the city of Washington. He asked then, whether this did not substantially go to remove the seat of government? After you have receded two parts of the district, can a district be said to remain; if it does not remain, your seat of government is gone, and gentlemen are justified in connecting the idea of removal with that of recession. Indeed, he felt surprised at the declarations made by gentlemen on this floor, that the recession had no connection with removal, and if they thought it had they would abandon the measure. Yet, nevertheless, they give the resolutions their warmest support.
He was not prepared to say that Congress had no right to exercise the powers of recession and removal; but he did not think they were prepared to act upon those questions at the present day. He, however, acknowledged that events might arise to make a removal necessary, but nothing of the kind had yet occurred. There were some inconveniences in residing here, but the members knew them, and they are lessening every day. If, however, gentlemen are not satisfied with the accommodation, and think that a justifiable ground for removal, they will vote for the motion; if they can get over the constitutional objections, which had considerable weight on his mind.
It was very clear to him, that the convention, which framed the constitution, intended and designed to establish a permanent seat of government—that the constitution fully and effectually provides for that object. The circumstances which gave rise to the measure are too recent, and must be too fresh in the minds of the members of this committee to render it necessary or useful for him to detail them at this time. Now, whether the convention accomplished the object they had in view, the constitution would decide, and whether the object had been accomplished by the cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, the laws will decide. But whether it is wise or expedient to destroy a work, on which so much wisdom, time and money had been expended, the gentlemen forming this committee will decide.
The constitution declares that Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district as may, by the cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States. What is the import of these terms, but that there shall be a permanent seat of government, not a temporary one—not an estate for years or lives, but forever. These considerations induced the states of Maryland and Virginia to cede a territory and Congress to accept it, with a view of making it the permanent seat of government. The constitution never contemplated more than one seat of government. If this is a fair construction of the constitution, how is it possible for gentlemen to advocate a removal?—But it is said, that the law assuming the jurisdiction might be repealed, as is the case with every law passed by this body. He did not think that this general maxim extended as far as some gentlemen seem to suppose. Among the enumerated powers given to Congress, there were several not liable to repeal, at least the repeal could not affect the acts consequential on them. They have power to borrow money on the credit of the United States. If money be borrowed under your law, can Congress repeal it? They may establish an uniform rule of naturalization, but can they take from a citizen who has become such under that law, his right of citizenship, and reduce him again to an alien? So they
can and may make and repeal a bankrupt law—they have done so, but can they repeal the effect it has had on those who have been discharged from their debts under it? They cannot.
Congress might have refused to accept a cession of this district; whether it was right or wrong to accept is not the question; but having accepted, Congress have given the inhabitants a lien upon their justice, and they cannot, by a repeal, destroy any of the effects produced by the public confidence on the value of property within and near the district. But if this Congress were to adopt the resolutions, what would be the consequence? Is it contended that a future Congress could not hereafter assume the exercise of exclusive legislation even if the two states should agree to accept the recession—He believed no gentleman would contend this point, and if Congress may hereafter assume the jurisdiction, we do nothing more than merely tie up our own hands. He saw no occasion for this, as he had not seen, felt, or understood the inconveniences complained of.
Much had been said of the disgraceful state in which the inhabitants of this district are placed; they are considered by some gentlemen as vassals or slaves. Now he was willing that the people should judge on this point themselves.—If they are satisfied to remain under Congressional legislation, he should not do any thing to diminish that satisfaction. That they were satisfied, he inferred from the increasing population; he heard of no considerable emigration from the district, he heard of none flying to that country of liberty across the Potomac. On the contrary they were satisfied with the portion of freedom they enjoyed in this place, that was fully evinced by the petitions and memorials on the table, praying Congress to continue to exercise legislation over them. He repeated again that the people were the proper judges of their own situation, and he would leave them to judge for themselves. He was not for forcing upon them his notions of liberty or political happiness. He said it was true Congress did not derive much advantage from sitting here & exercising exclusive legislation; but the people perhaps might—and that perhaps would console them for such deprivations as gentlemen had conceived in the warmth of a strong imagination. But although Congress had not as yet derived much advantage from their exclusive legislation, the time may come when it will be all important for Congress to have the sole jurisdiction over the territory in which the public deliberations and conclusions are conducted. The time has been, and it is not impossible but it may be again, that Congress have been driven from the walls within which they were sitting. He knew nothing so likely to prevent a renewal of such an outrage as keeping in their own hands the right of sole and exclusive jurisdiction.
There were doubts entertained of the constitutionality of the measure of recession, and if gentlemen doubted it would be much safer not to act on the subject than to risk the breach of the solemn obligations they had entered into at that table. He thought the weight of the argument on the expediency preponderated on the side he had advocated, and from the most candid view of the subject he was inclined to recommend the rejection of the resolutions; at all events he should give them his decided negative.
Mr. CLARK. The question before the committee is truly of considerable importance not only as it respects the constitutionality but the policy of the measure. He was sorry he had not the talents requisite for a full and complete investigation of so great a subject. Bred to an occupation purely professional, he had been led more to the study of detail and practice, than to abstract theories; hence it was that engaged in that laborious pursuit he had no time and less opportunity of studying the diversified objects of political science. Thus circumstanced he approached this question with extreme diffidence and cautious circumspection; the infraction of the constitution was to him a source of alarm and however great the object or brilliant the achievement, he stood appalled at the prostration of that constitution he had always held in an estimation that approached to reverence.
But on reflection he was convinced that Congress were not about to violate their oaths, as had been insinuated, by the adoption of the present motion. He considered them in the exercise of a legitimate authority, and he would endeavor in a brief manner to examine whether they had not complete consti-
tutional power to make a recession. If he was capable of demonstrating this point he trusted he need not go further. But it was necessary he should in order to ascertain whether the present was the proper time, and the resolutions the correct mode. In doing this he had no prejudices to gratify or caprice to indulge; a stranger to the place, a stranger to the people, he had no motive to action but the unbiased result of his own opinion.
He should not however look into the constitution for sections wherefrom to draw a constructive power on this head; he was not one of those that collected power from implication, and if the authority is not expressly given he would not assume it; the 8th section of the 1st article gives to Congress the power of exercising the sole and exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever.
What is the appropriate meaning of the word exclusive as here used? it implies more than the debarring and shutting out all other possible powers of legislation, and when taken in connection with the after, and immediately following words of the paragraph, it vests the absolute and uncontrollable power in Congress free from any restriction; there is no possible case in which it cannot legislate; the constitution declares Congress shall legislate in all cases whatsoever; but gentlemen say there is a case in which Congress cannot legislate. Aware of this absurdity, a distinction is attempted to be drawn between legislating for the inhabitants of the district & for the district itself; but if it be established, as I think it has been, that Congress here is omnipotent, you will allow me the expression, the conclusion in both cases (admitting the distinction which can by no means be done) is the same; in one case, the recession will mean nothing more than a cessation from legislation, accompanied with a desire that it may be resumed by the states, in the other it will be a complete transfer of the district. In this sense it must be considered, the very words go the whole of this length. It is given to Congress and not to the people, it is a complete investiture, boundless and indefeasible, and this is a full answer to the argument of gentlemen that the power is held in trust and not absolute.
But if gentlemen are not satisfied with the conclusions from the 8th section of the 1st article surely they will not contend against the express terms of the second paragraph of the third section of the 4th article.
There it is declared that Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States. Let gentlemen look at this section and compare it with that part of the 8th section of the 1st article which declares that Congress may exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards and other needful buildings. The words like authority in this part of the paragraph have a direct reference to the words exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever and mutually throw light on each other.
But the question so far as it relates to the constitutionality has been already settled by the practice of Congress in the cases mentioned by the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Stanford) and ably commented on by a gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early). Yet gentlemen say that those laws passed sub silentio , and the principles not being discussed, the precedents are not in point. This however admits their force, and either shews that every member was satisfied that Congress possessed the power, or it argues a criminal remissness on the part of those who doubted the constitutional power of Congress to effect that object. He was not inclined to infer the latter especially as the former part of the statement obviated all the objections he had heard.
He would go a step farther, as he thought the acts of cession from Virginia and Maryland would give a solution of the present question, they appeared to him to have themselves the seed of their own destruction soon. We are told that the power of recession or of cession, is not expressly delegated to Congress in the constitution. This objection he thought, however, had been fully refuted, but if the power is necessarily possessed in the complete and uncontrollable authority of Congress over the district, he would ask gentlemen to point out the clause in the constitution of either Maryland or Virginia, which gave their legislatures the right of ceding any portion of their territory. But they did it under the general power of making,

needful rules and regulations in relation to their domain. The opponents of this measure are then reduced to this dilemma: that the states had no right to dis- franchise its citizens and cede the terri- tory, and in so doing violate rights un- alienable, and that the general govern- ment in its zeal to acquire the property, had been guilty of an act of unwarrant- able usurpation and tyranny, or they must yield to the correctness of my ex- position; the difficulty then vanishes, and both, the states and the federal gov- ernment have acted correctly.
The territory belonged to them, and they had the right to pass their cession laws. If it belonged to them of right, it now belongs to us, and is now our domain. It cannot, however, be our domain, if there is a restriction upon our power and the denial of the right of disposal is such a restriction. But why labour this question. The gentle- man just far down, (Mr. Griswold from Connecticut) in the course of whole understanding, and the perspicuity of whole mind I have the highest confi- dence, has made a fair surrender; he candidly admits that at some period or other this measure may not only be expedient, but become absolutely neces- sary. Is not this an acknowledgment of the power—the gentleman has too much candor to deny it.
As to the expediency of recession he would add a few words. When he took a view of this mighty ten miles square, he saw nothing pleasant, nothing politi- cal to command—he spoke of the inhab- itants whenever he had occasion to al- lude to them, with pity and compassion. And he most devoutly wished to see them placed as Americans, in a condition more congenial to his own feelings and the feelings of every true lover of civil and political freedom. The question in this point of view will be, is it proper for Congress at this time to recede the parts of the district contemplated by the resolutions?
He should allude to the expense, in order to give an answer to that question, an expense enormous indeed, yet every day increasing, and one which threat- ened to defeat every calculation made to ascertain its amount. The time of Congress is occupied day after day, in trifling legislative provisions for this or that particular spot—so inconsiderable in size or commercial importance as scarcely to furnish a speck in the map of the United States. But laying this cir- cumstance out of sight, he would ask, was Congress competent to legislate for the inhabitants of the district? He had hoped, when he first came to Washing- ton, that they were, but experience had convinced him that they were not qual- to the task. One day they received pe- titions to make certain provisions for the benefit of the people of the district, and Congress with the best intentions and disposition went into the enquiry. Af- ter some progress made therein, a coun- ter petition is presented, and the House is suspended, between two or more jar- ring interests. How much better then would it be to let these people have re- course to those governments which un- derstand their local views, and can adopt measures to ameliorate their conditions. Congress is composed of materials too heterogeneous ever to do this with any tolerable facility.
We are told that without the consent of the inhabitants of the district they cannot be receded, and it is alleged that they are opposed to a recession, and are willing to remain under the jurisdiction of Congress—if they are content in this situation, be that to themselves—but he was extremely loth to admit that any set of men could voluntarily remain in their degraded situation. It was stated that they might be induced to prefer this alternative to recession, because they had vested their all in property in the district. He did not discover how the value of property would be affected by a recession. He admitted that it would by a removal, but he had no idea of removal, if that question was before the House he would be the last man to give it his assent—and he was willing now to go as far as any member to satis- fy the inhabitants that a removal shall not be the consequence of recession.
We are told the people are happy at present, and why disturb their tranqui- lity. That they are better represented than any other part of the union—for they may choose the member to whom they may think proper to confide their affairs. Let us examine this circum- stance; they have no rights, and is there any thing so bewitchingly grate- ful in the sound of ten miles square, or Columbian district to compensate for their humiliation of condition. It is true, they may find some alleviation in the boasted privilege of choosing from 170 masters, but they ought to recollect that many masters are worse than one. In this state of littleness and affected tranquility, I discover strong and weigh- ty reasons for the measure now before us. The destruction of the source of so contagious an example, when peo- ple around the seat of the government shall be so unaccountably indifferent to their best rights, it may pervade the far- rounding country, and give a fashion and currency to this anti-revolutionary doc- trine, and though from the present in- habitants we may have nothing to hope,
let us not relinquish in despair the rising generation.
But we must obtain, say gentlemen, the consent of the people of the district, before they can be receded. Were they asked at the cession, and what consent have they to give. They have no rights, and from the description we have had of them they are very unfit instructors to the representatives of a free and independent people. They may be the proper instruments indeed to enslave the balance of the nation, and they have already at their deliberations taken mea- sures to ascertain more accurately their numbers, and adopt more efficacious means for carrying their purpose into ef- fect. If this language can be used, when their numbers are so inconsidera- ble, what will they not do when their numbers shall increase. Gentlemen say we have no right to impair contracts, what contracts I ask, do these res- olutions tend to impair? They violate no man's engagement;—they take away no man's property; they devalue no man's house; they plunder no man's family;—on the contrary, they intend the amelioration of those who have here sold their birthrights for a mess of pottage, by sending them back to their natural parent, who with open arms will receive and nurture them with the fondness of an indulgent and tender mother, and not suffer them any longer to be supplied by the grudging hand of a cruel and hard-hearted step-mother. We are told this measure will lessen the value of property. I very much doubt this fact. Who, I ask, will go into this speculative calculation upon the rise or fall of property? Some may give more to live in the district under the gov- ernment of the United States, others to live under the state governments in the enjoyment of their political rights. The people had however hailed the approach of Congress with the songs of joy and gladness, and it will be cruel to array them with the mantle of mourning. Did this joy, I ask, arise from patriotism or motives less praiseworthy the in- creased value of property? I suspect the latter: and this source of their glad- ness is not to be destroyed. Congress will still remain here; and he had already declared that he would be the last man in the world to advocate so pernicious a measure.
MR. SLOAN. My friend from Ma- ryland (Mr. Nelson) has observed that it is customary for members to express their sentiments on subjects under dis- cussion in this House; not that he ex- pected to make one proselyte by his ob- servations. I perfectly agree with him that there is no reason to believe that he has, for this plain reason; he has not adduced a single fact in support of his argument; but after exploding all con- clusions drawn from implication or con- struction, drew his own from nothing else.
But, Mr. Chairman, under sanction of the aforesaid custom and also from a sense of duty, I beg the attention of this committee to some brief observations on this important subject. I consider it as altogether improper, unfair and unjust to blend a subject under discussion with others not even contemplated; and to endeavor to influence the minds of mem- bers with predictions of certain events, yet in the womb of futurity, that may, or may not come to pass. The end contemplated by the present resolutions, is neither the removal of the seat of gov- ernment, nor to prevent Congress from exercising exclusive jurisdiction over any territory; but to reduce the present quantum. But, say the opponents of these resolutions, the proposed recession of part of the territory, is intended as an open- ing wedge, preparatory to a total re- cession and removal of the seat of gov- ernment.
Mr. Chairman, I do not pretend to a foreknowledge of any member's thoughts before they are articulated in words; those who have this foreknowledge have a great advantage over other members who have it not;—but I am free to de- clare that my opinion is quite the re- verse; believing that the recession of that part of the territory contemplated by the resolutions now under considera- tion, would have a tendency to continue the seat of government in this place.
But it has been asserted that we have no right to make the proposed reces- sion; and, from the dictatorial style of the resolutions of the town of Alexandria, and the positive assertions that we have heard on this floor, that it was uncon- stitutional, oppressive and tyrannical, I ex- pected from the usual accuracy and cor- rectness of the member who made these assertions, (Mr. Dennis) that he was in possession of documents to substantiate the fact; but, to my surprise, instead of such documents, he has adduced, and principally relied on the constitution, in which there is not a single imperative sentence obligatory on Congress, either to receive a cession, or when received, to continue exclusive jurisdiction over one foot of territory; he plain and unequiv- ocally left it optional whether to re- ceive, and if received, whether to retain jurisdiction or not. Hence I conceive that no legislative body can be justly charged with tyranny or oppression, for acting, as it has done, in experience it be- comes necessary, dismantling their own
acts:—a contra-opinion I consider as altogether uncongenial to improvement, genuine liberty, and the inherent rights of man; and as such I hope will ever be exploded in these United States.
Mr. Chairman, the constitutionality and right to recede being settled, it turns solely on the principle of expediency.— Here let me ask what advantage the U. States derives from exercising exclusive jurisdiction over that part of the terri- tory proposed to be receded? Is not the city sufficient, even admitting the utility or necessity of exclusive jurisdiction? I conceive that no possible advantage can be drawn from a larger quantum of ter- ritory. Here let me call the attention of the House to the real and obvious disadvantages:—these are, at least, the loss of the time of 176 members of Con- gress, from twenty to thirty days annu- ally, spent in legislating for the district, at an expense of, from thirty to forty thousand dollars. This enormous ex- pence can only be justified upon the principle contended for during the late administration, "that a public debt was a public blessing;" and consequently that the greater the debt, the greater the blessing.
But, Mr. Chairman, I do not consider the expense as the greatest evil; I con- sider it as incompatible with the prin- ciple of taxation and representation being inseparable, and counteracting the just principle of equal rights set forth in our declaration of independence, to obtain which, the noble patriots of America fought, bled and died! And shall we, whilst thousands are yet living, who at the risk of their lives, obtained for us the inestimable blessing of liberty, evince to the world that we despise and reject this heavenly gift, this celestial treasure, by continuing in the centre of the Union, at the of government, thousands of our fellow citizens, deprived of the elective franchise, exactly in that degraded situa- tion, which the noble patriots before mentioned, chose rather to suffer death than continue in? I hope we shall not.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, considering the principle of exclusive jurisdiction over so large a territory, dangerous in its tendency, and as contrary in its na- ture, to the liberty and independence of these United States, as the frigid to the temperate zone. Considering it as nur- sing a germ of aristocracy in our bosom— as an inexplicable paradox, of liberty sup- porting tyranny—and as a vulture rising in the centre of the Union, to prey upon the vitals of liberty, I conceive it a duty I owe, not only to my constituents, and the present generation; but also, for the sake of millions yet unborn, to call upon the members of this House, if not in our power at present, to destroy this yet un- fledged monster in its infancy, at least to clip its wings so close, that if permitted to live to mature age, it will be unable to fly upon its prey.
MR. JACKSON. Mr. Chairman— When this subject was first presented to Congress during the present session, I felt a strong predilection in favor of the resolutions, and contemplated to give them my warmest support; after the maturest deliberation I have changed the opinion I had partially formed, and with the permission of the commit- tee I will proceed to explain the reasons, which to my mind have been conclusive in influencing that opinion.
The question depends upon two pro- positions. 1st. The right to cede— 2ndly. The policy of the cession. Upon the first point, I am free to declare, the clause in the constitution which has been relied on by the gentlemen who have preceded me, does not prohibit us from adopting the resolutions; the words, "Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation" are not imperative; a grant of power does not imply a coercion to assume its exercise; if it did, we should be in a monstrous di- lemma. Congress, the constitution says shall have power to declare war, to lay and collect taxes, to borrow money, to raise and support armies, &c. yet no man will contend that we are bound to adopt these measures indiscriminately— We search the constitution in vain for the authority to repeal a law; it is an inherent right incident to all govern- ments; the right to repeal unless ex- pressly prohibited, or unless violating or impairing contracts growing out of our laws, is co-extensive with the power of enacting them, and this power to exer- cise exclusive legislation, is conceived in the same terms with the other powers given by the 8th section to Congress.
Mr. Chairman—while I admit there is nothing in the constitution directly pro- hibitory of the retrocession; I believe the spirit of that instrument would there- by be violated. It is predicated upon the sovereignty and indivisibility of the states, and the impossibility of dividing them, of transferring, or extending their territories, or of ever exercising any act of sovereignty over the people without their consent. By the adoption of the constitution the people of the United States consented that a partial transfer should be made to Congress of a territory not exceeding ten miles square, with its citizens, for certain spec- ified purposes; but by doing so they did not authorize Congress to dispose of them as they might think fit. An in- ference has been made by the friends of the resolutions that the right of trans-
fer is an implied right, because it is no prohibited—Is this a true construction of our charter? If it is, then indeed the great care expended in defining the powers of this government has been worse than useless; because it held forth an idea to the states who were invited to adopt it, that it was limited in its objects. If the right to cede the jurisdiction over the district of Columbia is inferred, be- cause no constitutional barrier exists, the right to cede a portion of any state in the union may be exercised like- wise—if the constitution did not repel this idea, there is a natural and inherent right in- cident to all governments which rejects it—he right of the people to be con- sulted as to the propriety of transferring the sovereign power over them is a social and a natural right; and social and nat- ural rights survive the dissolution and wreck of states—by adopting a system of civil policy we give up certain natural rights; but an act of the government transferring the sovereignty over us to others, without our consent would be totally subversive of the fundamental principles of the social compact, tyrannical, null and void—We have been told by gentlemen, that precedents may be found in our statutes, for the trans- fer of territory without the consent of the people—and have we in- deed arrived at that epoch, when precedents once established are so much power? Precedents somewhat analogous, made without opposition when the prin- ciples involved in them were not exam- ined!—I hope in God we have not— when we do; then adieu to Liberty!— but the precedents quoted are not in point—the transfer of upper Louisiana to the government of the Indiana terri- tory is not a similar case.—That coun- try was acquired by treaty, the prin- ciples of the constitution do not apply to it; it was not a part of the United States, and did not comprehend any por- tion of the people who were parties to the compact—and I do not believe that it can even be admitted into the union upon an equal footing with the original states without an express amendment to the constitution for that purpose; it would contravene the objects of the constitution, for Congress to assume the right of admitting Louisiana into the union; unless authorized by an amend- ment for that purpose; as much as to admit the island of Ceylon or any other island, or Continent, whose population would be sufficiently numerous to de- stroy the very principles of the govern- ment—therefore the disposition of upper Louisiana by the act of last session does not afford an analogous case.
Tous much for the constitutionality of the question.—I will now examine whether it is politic to make the reces- sion. In approaching this part of the enquiry, gentlemen lament in the most pathetic terms, the degradation of human nature; and the prostration of the prin- ciples inculcated by "the rights of man," in the unwillingness of the people of this district to accept the proffered blessings of a free government.—Sir, I am dis- posed to think charitably of these people, and if possible to find an apology for their conduct; in preference to pro- nouncing the terrible denunciation that they are fit engines of political despo- tism, and I do not believe that their op- position to a recession is conclusive evi- dence of political depravity. The peo- ple of Alexandria know that their influ- ence in the state of Virginia would be as a drop in the ocean. The privileges ex- tended to them would be merely nominal, they would be an integral part of the county of Fairfax, which is authorised to send two representatives to the state legislature, and whose representation could not be controlled by them.—Rep- resentation, governed by population and taxation are the fundamental prin- ciples of freedom. In contemplating these they would res elect the county of Warwick with a white population of (I think) 635 white inhabitants, which has an equal representation in the popu- lar branch of the legislature with Fre- derick containing 24 or 25,000.—Warwick charged with a land tax of 349 Dollars 13 Cents, which has an equal representation with Harrison, whose land tax is 5515 Dollars 85 Cents per annum—what would be said to a pro- position giving the state of Delaware an equal representation on this floor with N. York, Pennsylvania, or any other of the great states in the union!—Yet a much greater inequality exists in the rep- sentation in Virginia. By the Virginia laws, the poor man is compelled to la- bor as many days in repairing, and im- proving the highway, as his rich neighbor not owning slaves; possessed a princely for- tune; and he is also compelled to pay an equal sum annually, to defray the county charges, and for the maintenance of the poor. These monsters, in what we call a republican system, exist in the constitution and government of Virginia; and with these facts, which have been more sensibly felt by the people includ- ed in the territory west of the Potomac than the darkness which pervaded the land of Egypt in the days of Moses, we are told that their refusal to join their destinies with Virginia is conclusive evidence of a penchant for political despo- tism. But, Mr. Chairman, notwithstanding what I have stated, I should be dis- posed to join those who have depicted
their miserable and abject condition, in such glowing colours, if the question pre- pounded to them were, will you consent to remain forever without a representation, and the inalienable right of suffrage, in preference to a re-annexation to Vir- ginia? Sir, this is not the prospect be- fore them—They expect a local legisla- ture—a free representation—a govern- ment given by the generous feelings, and liberality of the states, and of Con- gress—and if it be necessary, I have no doubt they will, by an amendment to the constitution, permit them to re- alize these expectations. This disposition may induce them to remain even longer in their present state encountering all its temporary evils. Gentlemen say it is politic to recede, to avoid the great trouble and expence of legislating for the district—I acknowledge they are great, but they can be better avoid- ed by giving a local legislature than by the adoption of the resolutions—they con- template retaining the jurisdiction over the city of Washington—for what pur- pose? certainly for the purpose of re- lieving their wants, by legislating for them—and where, I will ask you, Sir, is the mighty difference between the trouble of legislating for a district of ten miles square, and a district of four miles square, the size of the city of Washing- ton? Their general laws must be the same, and the only difference consists in the passage of a few more laws for local purposes; an additional, and to my mind, important consideration, is, that by the measure we shall have to continue these people included in the city, much longer in the state they now are, as they alone are incapable of supporting the ex- pences of a subordinate government.— Mr. Chairman, stability, of all things, is most desirable. The enemies of the republican system have predicted that the want of it will produce convulsions in the body politic, the certain precursors of its dissolution. By giving into instability national faith & national convenience become convertible terms, ad confidence in the government will be lost—it's cre- dit at home, and respect abroad will be destroyed, and it will be the reproach of all nations. By instability we shall become the prey of despotism, and then republican America will give the aw- ful example to the world, that in the very age, she achieved her liberty, she also bore testimony of its incompati- bility with the degenerate state of man—It is always impolitic to do injury.—The value of property will be diminished by the recession; admit this year that the argument of the propriety of receding, on account of the great trouble of legis- lating be a good one.—Next year an ar- gument more substantially correct, and verified by the feelings of every member may likewise be urged, and Congress called upon to remove to Baltimore, Philadelphia, or New-York. The estab- lishment of the government here is a part of the same system, with the loca- tion of the ten miles square, they depend on the same principles; the constitution is not more explicit in the one case, than the other; admit the right to recede, the right to remove is also admitted; the propriety of the measure has indeed already been contended for.—The people associate the two ideas, and if they be- lieve that Congress ever will remove, whether they do or not, its effect will be the same.—Congress in the act of acceptance of jurisdiction, declared that this ten miles square should be the per- manent seat of government.—The people considered the faith of the nation pledged, that the government should conduct its operations here; and under it in many instances they vested all their fortunes in city property.—Now to remove, or by any other act to injure the value of property, would be an act of injustice. There is no difference in principle be- tween an injury done to one man, and that inflicted on a whole nation. The smallest animalcule feel as much pain in expiring, as the Brobdingnagian giants. I will never give my consent wantonly to sport with the rights and feelings of this people; and therefore shall vote a- gainst these resolutions.
(To be continued.)
STATE PAPERS.
Copy of the Note delivered by the French Minister of the Foreign Department, to the Imperial Russian Charge D'Affaires, dated Paris, the 26th Flo- real year XIII, or the 16th of May, 1804.
I have laid before the First Consul the Note which you have done me the ho- nor to send to me, dated May the 12th. The First Consul sees with regret the influence which the enemies of France have gained in the cabinet of St. Peter- sburg, and that they are on the eve of interrupting the good understanding be- tween both countries, which, with so much difficulty, was brought about, and which, by its fortunate effects, seemed to be so stable. His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, and his Majesty the King of Prus- sia, both of whom are the most interest- ed in the destiny and welfare of the Germanic Empire, have found that ne- cessity and affairs of great consequence sufficiently authorized the French Gov- ernment to arrest, two leagues from the frontiers of France, French rebels

conspiring against their country, and who, by the nature of their conspiracy, of which such a terrible evidence has been obtained, had made themselves outlawed even by the laws of nations.
As the German Princes are also satisfied, so will the First Consul not distrust with the Emperor of Russia a point that does not regard his interest; but he will do himself the pleasure to speak with his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, with that frankness he has accustomed Europe to hear upon his part, and which alone becomes strong and powerful states.
If the intent of his Majesty be to form a new coalition, and again to renew the war, why employ this occurrence as an excuse—why not better act openly? Though the renewal of hostilities would give the First Consul sensible regret, he does not know any one who could intimidate or frighten France; no one whom he would forgive who interfered in the internal affairs of France—and as he does not meddle with the internal parties and opinions which may exist in Russia, so has the Emperor of Russia no right to meddle himself with the parties or opinions, which may exist in France.
In the note which you, Sir, delivered, you desired, "that France shall employ the most powerful means to tranquillize other Governments, and that an order of things should cease in Europe, which is so alarming to its security and independence." Is not this independence of the European States invaded, when our fees that Russia at Dresden and at Rome protects and supports conspirators, who abuse their privilege of residence, to bring about troubles in the neighbouring countries, and when the Russian Ministers in most countries of Europe pretend to put under the protection of the laws of nations persons born in the same countries, where these ministers reside, as M. Markoff desired to do at Paris, in the case of a certain person born at Geneva? These are real attacks upon the independence of the European States. To mention these attacks, is even the best representation against them; but the affair which has caused her interference is of a very different nature.
By the treaty of Luneville, both France and Germany have agreed not to harbour any persons who attempted to disturb the reciprocal quiet of the two States. The emigrants, who resided in Baden, at Friburgh, at Dresden, &c. could not therefore be protected or suffered in the German empire; a circumstance which shows that Russia has been too hasty in her interference in this affair. France desired from Russia that the emigrants who were employed by her, when both countries were at war, should be recalled from these States, where they had made themselves known by their intrigues against France, which was agreed to by Russia; and the present complaint which she now makes, brings, therefore, forth this question; if, when England conspired the murder of Paul I. one had obtained information that the chief conspirator was one league from the frontiers, one would not have employed with zeal all possible means to arrest him?
The First Consul hopes that his Imperial Majesty, whose admirable and noble character is so advantageously known, sooner or later will be persuaded, that persons exist who leave nothing untried to set him against France, in a manner to make a diversion, and bring about a war, favorable only to England. This war did not begin with the will of the First Consul; but if it had been declared by him, to would he however by all means in his power, oppose every attempt to diminish, with regard to France, that equality which ought to subsist between great States. And, as he does not assume any dictatorship, nor interfere with the operations of the Russian cabinet, so he expects in this respect a perfect reciprocity.
I have still, Sir, a firm hope, that such a frank declaration will be made by your Court, and that it will be followed by such consequences, that the clouds will be dispersed, which may produce deplorable effects between both countries. Receive the assurance of my perfect esteem, &c.
(Signed) G. M. TALLEYRAND.
Substance of a Note which the emperor of the French directed to be returned, in answer to M. D'Oubril's note of July 21.*
After stating the astonishment "of the emperor of the French at the complaints of Russia, and the tone in which they are expressed, which is represented
* Our readers will recollect the points in the dispute between the two powers were much simplified in M. D'Oubril's note of the 21st of July, and consisted of four, to which specific and categorical answers were required, viz.
The evacuation of the kingdom of Naples, and an engagement to respect its neutrality as well for the present as for the future. The establishment of a basis for the final adjustment of the affairs of Italy. An indemnification for Sardinia. And lastly, the evacuation of the North of Germany, and an engagement to respect its neutrality for the future.
as being that of a conqueror dictating to a subject power, instead of the familiar tone which ought to be used between the two countries, standing upon terms of intimacy, and treating upon a system of perfect equality, the note asserts that France has a right to reproach Russia with having neglected to execute her engagement; with having interfered and changed the government of the Seven Islands, which was placed under the joint guarantee of France, Russia, and the Porte, without any concert or communication with France; with having sent large bodies of troops to Corfu, and having made an ostentatious preparation of sending additional numbers.
"That the emperor of Russia had also given an open reception to the emigrants of every description; and had conferred on them public employments; and so far from expelling from his dominions the individuals of the Bourbon family and their head, had allowed them an asylum in the Russian territories, and had participated in their criminal projects, contrary to the wise example of his father, at the time of his endeavouring to terminate the war, and to restore the tranquility of Europe.
"That Russia had also recently placed itself in a posture of direct defiance to France, by ordering a court mourning as a mark of respect to the memory of an agent in the pay of England, engaged in a criminal design to effect the ruin of France; that Russia had acted in this manner after this traitor to his country had been condemned by the just decision of a tribunal of the French government, and had been executed in pursuance of its sentence.
"That these and other examples of the ill disposition of the Russian government, the whole of whose conduct towards France had undergone an unaccountable alteration; the glaring partiality which Russia uniformly manifested towards England and the perfidious conduct and plots of M. Markoff, who had increased the difference between the two governments, and had engaged in all the wicked designs of the emigrants and disaffected persons in France; that these were the real causes, which induced the Russian government to adopt that cold and inexplicable conduct towards France, which it had lately thought proper to evince upon every occasion.
"That finally, if notwithstanding all the solicitude of the emperor of the French to maintain the relations of peace and amity between the two countries, the emperor of Russia should join his arms to those of England, the emperor of the French would, in that event rely on the skill and valor of his armies, and would maintain at every hazard, the honor of France, and the lustre of the French name.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY JANUARY 21.
The proceedings in the case of the impeachment against the judges of the supreme court of Pennsylvania are given in detail in the Aurora . It is impracticable for us, to publish them at this time, without neglecting the proceedings of Congress.
The impeachment was opened by Mr. Boileau, who, as leading manager, stated the grounds on which it was undertaken. Mr. Rodney followed, and after laying before the court sundry written documents, examined a number of witnesses in support of the prosecution. Our last accounts state that Mr. Dallas had opened the defence.
CARD
THE members of Congress, and others interested, are invited to Mr. Beckley's office in the Capitol, this morning, to view Hawkins and Peale's patent Polygraph for writing two or more letters at the same time, with scarcely any more fatigue than a single letter requires.
It is necessary to observe that the Polygraph which has been seen in Mr. Duane's Book Store, was much less perfect than those of later manufacture, improvements in which now render it in a much greater degree, easy in its management, correct in its execution, and portable in its form. The manufacturer of them in Philadelphia has not yet supplied the demands for them in that city; but, in consequence of the imperfection of some which have been seen in this city, the proprietor has been induced to delay his engagements, in order that gentlemen here assembled from all parts of the union, may have an opportunity of judging how far the instrument merits their approbation, or may accord with the views and conveniences of their friends, who may not so early be able to judge for themselves.
January 21—
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY JANUARY 18.
Mr. Richards, from the committee of enrollment, reported that they had laid the bill authorizing the corporation of George Town to erect a dam or causeway from Mason's island to the west bank of the Potomac, before the President of the United States.
Mr. J. Randolph reported from the committee of ways and means, on the bill from the Senate, to amend an act entitled "An act imposing more specific duties on certain articles, and also for laying and collecting light money on foreign vessels."
The bill and report were ordered to
be referred to a committee of the whole on this day.
Mr. J. Randolph, from the committee of ways and means, filed a report to report a bill making an appropriation for the support of the military establishment for the year 1805, and leave being granted, he reported a bill accordingly, which was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole for Monday next.
The chairman of the committee of revives and unfinished business made a further report, that the law regulating the manner of taking evidence in cases of contested elections had expired, and ought to be revived; also
The law for incorporating the inhabitants of the city of Washington, would expire with the end of the present session, and that it ought to be renewed.
The report was referred to a committee of the whole for Monday.
Mr. J. Randolph presented the petition of Henry and William Stewart, of Germantown, in the county of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, calico printers and dyers, praying to be allowed a drawback on India goods printed by them, equal to the drawback on foreign printed articles. Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Crowninshield reported a bill from the committee of commerce and manufactures, for the establishment of new collection districts and ports of entry, on the western waters, viz. at Genesee, Buffalo Creek, and Miami, and to alter the port of entry of the district of Erie.
The bill, after being twice read, was referred to the committee of the whole for Monday next.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, their Secretary, informing that the Senate had agreed to the bill sent from the House for the relief of Charlotte Hazen, relict of the late brigadier general Moses Hazen, with an amendment, and then he withdrew.
The Senate's amendment was taken up and considered. It went to allow her a pension for life, from the first day of January, 1805, of 200 dollars per annum.
Mr. Van Cortlandt moved to amend the amendment by striking out the first of January, 1805, and inserting in its stead the fourth of February, 1803, being the day of her husband's decease.
This motion being carried in the affirmative, the bill was returned to the Senate. Shortly after which, Mr. Otis delivered another message from that body, expressing their agreement to the amendment proposed to the House.
Mr. Crowninshield reported a bill for the relief of the sufferers by fire in the city of New-York, in the state of New-York, it was twice read, and referred to the committee of the whole for Monday next.
Mr. Root presented a petition from John York, an insolvent collector, of the direct tax of the 83d collection district, in New-York, praying to be released from the payment of the same, as he and his security were insolvent—Referred to a select committee of three.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the committee of claims was discharged from the further consideration of the several petitions of disabled and wounded soldiers, and the petitions were thereupon referred to the committee of the whole, to whom was referred the bill in addition to the act making further provision for those who had been disabled by known wounds, received in the service during our revolutionary war with Great Britain.
Mr. J. Clay presented a petition from the sugar refiners of Philadelphia, praying an allowance of drawback upon sugars exported from the United States—Referred to the committee already appointed on that subject.
Mr. J. Clay presented a letter from Matthew Carey, offering to supply an additional number of the copies of the laws of the United States, at 7 dollars and 86 cents per set of 6 vols. usually sold for 12 dollars. Referred to a select committee of three.
Mr. Sloan laid upon the table the following motion, which was seconded by Mr. Anderson:
"Resolved, That from and after the fourth day of July, 1805, all Blacks and people of colour, that shall be within the district of Columbia, or whose mother shall be the property of any person residing within the said district, shall be free; the males at the age of 21 and the females at the age of 18."
Mr. Stanford moved to consider the motion at this time. The House decided on the question, and there were 57 for the immediate consideration, and only 50 against it; whereupon the same was taken into consideration.
It was then moved to refer the motion to a committee of the whole.
The Yeas and Nays were called up on the question of reference, and were as follows:
YEAS —Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Archer, Baldwin, Bard, Bedinger, Bishop, Boyle, Brown, Claggett, J. Clay, Conrad, Crowninshield, Elliot, Elmer, Findlay, Gregg, G. Griswold, Hanna, Husbuck, Hastings, Heister, Hough, Kugart, Larned, Leib, Livingston, Lucas, M c Gord, Mitchell, Morrow, Palmer,
Rea, of Penn, Richards, Root, Sammons, Seaver, Sloan, Smith, Stanton, Stedman, S w ain, Tibbitts, Van Horne, Varnum, Wadsworth, Whitehill—47.
NAYS —Messrs. Alston, J. Blackledge, B yd . Bryan, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Caley, Claiborne, M. Clay, Clopton, Corder, Davenport, Dennis, Dickson, Earle, Early, Eppes, Eustis, Fowler, Goddard, Goodwyn, Griffin, R. Griswold, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Huger, Hunt, Jones, Kennedy, Lewis, jr. Lowndes, Lyon, M c Creery, Merriweather, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Mott, Nelson, New, Newton, jr. Nicholson, Olin, J. Randolph, Rhea, of Tenn. Riker, Sandford, J. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stephenson, Tenney, Thomas, Thompson, Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Verplank, Walton, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Winston, Wynns—65.
Yeas 47, Nays 65, of course the reference was not carried.
The question was then taken without debate, on the original resolution, Ayes 31, Nays 78, as follows:
YEAS —Messrs. Anderson, Archer, Bard, Bishop, Brown, Claggett, J. Clay, Elliot, Elmer, Findlay, G. Griswold, Hanna, Husbuck, Hough, Knight, Leib, M c Gord, Mitchell, Palmer, J. Rea, of Penn, Richards, Root, Sammons, Seaver, Sloan, Smith, Stanton, Van Horne, Varnum, Wadsworth, Whitehill—31.
NAYS —Messrs. Alston, Baldwin, Bedinger, Blackledge, B yd . Bryan, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Caley, Claiborne, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Crowninshield, Corder, Davenport, Dawson, Dennis, Dickson, Earle, Early, Eppes, Eustis, Fowler, Goddard, Goodwyn, Griffin, R. Griswold, Hailer, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Huger, Hunt, Jones, Kennedy, Larned, Lewis, jun. Livingston, Lowndes, Lucas, Lyon, M c Creery, Merriweather, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Mott, Nelson, New, Newton, jun. Nicholson, Olin, J. Randolph, J. Rhea, of Tenn. Riker, Sandford, J. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stedman, Stephenson, Stewart, Taggart, Tenney, Thompson, Tibbitts, Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Verplank, Walton, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Winston, Wynns—77.
So the resolution was negatived.
Mr. Fowler presented the petition of Richard Taylor, who had been desperately wounded in the late Indian war, praying an additional allowance for his support. Referred to the committee of the whole, which has a similar subject under consideration.
The bill making appropriation for the support of the government of the United States during the year 1805, was read a third time, and passed. As was also
The bill to amend the charter of Georgetown.
The third reading of the bill making further provision for the extinguishment of debts due by the United States, was, on motion of Mr. Alston, postponed till Monday next.
Mr. Dana, from the committee of claims, made a report upon the application and representation of sundry citizens of Massachusetts, purchasers under the Georgia company; of the agents of persons composing the New-England land company, purchasers under the Georgia and Mississippi companies, and the agent for sundry citizens of South Carolina, purchasers under the Upper Mississippi company. Which was referred to a committee of the whole, and ordered to be printed with the accompanying documents.
The Speaker made the usual enquiry, "for what day shall it be made the order."
Mr. Dana moved Monday, observing that he had no idea of the report being printed by that time, or even if it were, he should not call it up, his intention being merely to have it on the minutes as a notice to the parties interested.
Mr. Leib moved its being made the order of the day for the third of March next.
The third of March being the most distant day, was first put, and a division of the House was called upon the question. There appeared but 30 members in the affirmative; of course it was not carried.
Monday next was then agreed to without a division.
Mr. Dawson, from the committee appointed on the petition of Marcella Stanton, and others, reported a bill, entitled an act to authorise the court of the district of Columbia to decree divorces in certain cases, which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole, on Tuesday next.
Mr. Dawson prefaced his motion on this subject when he introduced it in the manner following:
He observed that after the decision which had taken place a few days ago, he had resolved not to concern any further with the affairs of the district of Columbia, but to leave the inhabitants in the enjoyment of the blessings of that government, which they seem to have chosen and the principles of which were sanctioned by this House.
There was however one class of persons who claimed, in all situations, our particular attention—who had not made a surrender of their political rights—and if they had been defrauded out of their
natural ones, were anxious to regain them.
It would be remembered, that at the last session a gentleman from Maryland, who had been absent for some time, and whom he rejoined now to see in his place, (Mr. Nicholson) presented a petition from a person in this district, praying for a divorce, and he two others for a similar relief—these were referred to a select committee, and a bill reported, which remained among the unfinished business—as he learnt that the situation and wishes of these unfortunate persons were still the same, he thought the subject ought again to be renewed.
Mr. Nicholson moved the order of the day on the report of the committee of claims, on the petition of Alexander Murray, praying to be reimbursed the value, damage, and costs of a certain vessel captured by him, and which had been decided against him by the supreme court of the United States, which being agreed to.
Mr. Tenney was called to chair. The committee, after some time spent in considering the report of the committee of claims, adopted the resolution thereof, that the prayer of the petitioner was just, and ought to be granted, 66 members voting in favour of the resolution.
The House having concurred in the report of the committee of the whole, it was referred to the committee of claims to bring in a bill conformably to the said resolution.
Adjourned.
CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON.
A meeting of those citizens of Washington, residing west of the Capitol, who have hearts to feel for the peculiar distresses of the poor of this city, at the present destitute and inclement season, is respectfully requested, at Rhodes's Tavern, this evening, at 7 o'clock. January 21.
TO THE PUBLIC.
IN MY notice of Mr. Benjamin Stoddert's publication of the 11th inst. in the National Intelligencer, I have alleged sufficient reasons for not pursuing thro' the improper channel of a newspaper, my differences with him, in regard to our conflicting claims to lots engaged in his Pontine scheme. I did vainly hope that the temperance of my observations on Mr. Stoddert's subject, or that he remnant of respect he might still have retained for himself, would have restrained him from any further display of ungentlemanly invective. I shall not descend to notice his publication in the last Intelligencer, in the language it merits. As regards my own feelings and reputation, it suffices, that I bear along with me not only the consciousness of self rectitude, but the entire confidence of those for whom I act, and who have all had the best possible opportunities of judging and of knowing me. And as regards Mr. Stoddert, I would advise, that he presume not too confidently on his former high ministerial station, as attaching impunity to his personal doings for the accomplishment of unwarrantable and unprincipled purposes. If justice were the wish of Mr. Stoddert as it is mine, he would await with coolness the event of the suit he thought fit to institute against me previous to his first publication; and why in his various publications, the mention of that suit has been cautiously avoided, he best can tell.
In the Chancery court of this district, (where several suits have already been instituted by me for the disentanglement of the property of my estate,) Mr. Stoddert and myself will alike be called upon to substantiate all we have respectfully asserted.—And as truth is evidently at variance with one of us, it is on the Chancery decree we must rest, not on our respective claims to the property contended for, but on our pretensions as men of veracity to the countenance of society.
JAMES GREENLEAF. City of Washington Jan 21.
NOTICE.
ALL persons who have purchased and received conveyance to lots in this city from Messrs. John Templeman and Benjamin Stoddert or either of them, in squares No. 75, 107, 108, and 119, are hereby cautioned to examine into their titles. The property in question was many years ago contracted to be conveyed to general Walter Stewart, (since deceased) on his making payment for the same—the legal title was then in me individually, and now vests in the alliance of my separate estate, subject however on payment (as in justice it ought) to a claim in equity, on the part of General Stewart's heirs—Messrs. Templeman and Stoddert pretending to have purchased that claim have since sold to others, and under their assurance expensive improvements have been made on the property. Still four-fifths of the money due to my estate from general Stewart's heirs, has never yet been made or offered, nor has the legal title ever yet passed from my assignee. I lament extremely, that at the hazard of exciting animosity and ill will, that I shall occasionally be obliged to awaken long dormant, but important and just claims on the part of the assignees of the joint and separate estates of Robert Morris, John Nicholson, and James Greenleaf.
JAMES GREENLEAF, Agent & attorney for the assignees, &c &c. Washington, Jan 21—tt
One Dollar Reward.
Ran away from the Subscriber, living in George Town, on the night of the 16th inst. an apprentice boy by the name of John Hopewell, between 15 and 16 years of age; he has a down look—rather spoken to—he had on when he went away a blue jacket and overalls. Grey cassimere waist coat; and took with him a variety of other clothing, too tedious to mention. I forewarn all persons from harbouring the said boy, as I am determined to prosecute the offender according to law.
JOSEPH WHITE, Jan. 18—3t

TO PRINTERS. THE subscriber takes Order for type from the well known Foundry of William Caslin, Jun. and Co London—Specimens and list of London prices to be seen at Mr. Geo. W. Riggs, Georgetown.
CHARLES WIRGMAN, No. 215, Market-street, Baltimore Jan. 16.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED or stolen from Mr. John Robertson's Prince George's county near Piscataway, December 25th, a large ROAN HORSE, 16 hands or upwards high, 11 years old next spring, rocks and pillops well, his sides are rubbed by drawing in traces, a the same time a bay HORSE about 14 hands high, 8 years old, marked with a star and stripe, one hind foot white, his gait are not very good, he has been used to the plough. Whoever takes up said horses and delivers them to the subscriber, living with Josiah Young, Charles county, near the dwelling of the late Gen. Wm. Smallwood, deceased, or at Mr. John Robertson's living in Prince George's county near Piscataway, shall receive the above reward. Three dollars will be given for either, to be delivered at the above mentioned places. GEO. N. FOR. January 16 3t
NOTICE. THE Subscriber intends to embark for Europe in a short time. All those indebted to him are requested to call and pay their accounts, which will be rendered immediately. ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, Jan. 16—tf N.B. Cash will be given for a quantity of good tobacco. Apply as above.
NOTICE. It is hereby given that the sale of all those lands and lots heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette on the 20th day of August last for a tax due the county of Washington in the territory of Columbia for the year 1804 (which sale was to have taken place on Monday the 10th day of December next at Rhodes Hotel in the City of Washington) is postponed until the first Monday in February next, when, at the same place at 11 o'clock A.M. the sale will commence and continue from day to day until all are sold or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon unless the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale. By order of the commissioners of the Levy Court, WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington County. December 2th, 1804. eptdf
FALL GOODS. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square. HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Orders executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and on the most moderate terms. Oct. 31—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has just received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths cashmere, patent Bennett's cord, toillettes, fancy and white Marcellies, black and figured silk, moleskin, fancy silk, Marcellies, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and latten Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N.B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, late occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce. Genuine Cognac brandy, Superior French do. Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask Sherry, } Lisbon, } and case, or smaller quantity. Claret, Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality, Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, Firkin Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, } In bottles. Capers, Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hylon, } Teas, fresh, and of superior quality. Imperial, } Young Hylon } Salt Herrings in Barrels. PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
THE persons who are indebted to the estate of Michael Roberts deceased (for debts contracted at his store in George town) are requested to come forward immediately and pay the same to Edgar Paterson, who is duly authorized to receive the same, otherwise their accounts will be put in suit without further notice—those who have demands against said estate, if any there are, are requested to apply as above for payment. FRANCIS ROBERTS, Executrix. THOMAS CUMPS ON, } Executors JOSEPH WILLIAMS } Georgetown, 16th Dec. 1804.—epim
STATIONARY & FANCY STORE GEORGE TOWN. THE Subscriber has just received from New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, a large and general supply of STATIONARY &c.—Amongst which are the following articles, viz. Atlases imperial, superroyal, royal, medium and demy English papers, Extra large thick folio do. do. Do. do. thin do. do. Small, plain and wove folio do. do. Plain and wove foolscap do. Ruled, gilt, mourning, wove and plain letter do. Folio and quarto copying do. Super Royal carriage do. Medium, demy and foolscap French marble do. Demy blotting do. Paste and bonnet boards, Single and double ruled ledgers, journals, and waste books Medium, demy and foolscap blank books suitable for public offices Best Holland quills and ready made pens Black and red ink and ink powders. Japan and durable ink Printing ink for book and newspaper use Red and black sealing wax Red and black wafers Large red and white wafers for office use Wax tapers and taper stands Counting house seals Pink and blue silk tape Broad and narrow red tape Ball and hank twine Cales of mathematical instruments Reading glasses in horn and tortoise shell frames Gold leaf Parchment squared and pounced Scuttle fish bone and pounces Ivory and bone pounce boxes Back lead, crayon and camels hair pencils Do. with silver cases Reeves colours in boxes Krazug knives and paper scissors Counting house and pocket pen knives Do. with ivory scale and rule handles Ivory and bone paper folders Round and flat rulers Gum Tragacanth and Gum Arabic Slates and slate pencils Plated, gilt, wedgewood, pewter, & pocket inkstands Sand boxes and sand glasses Black sand, and steel filings Message and visiting cards Geographical and genealogical pastimes an arithmetical games with totums Portable writing desks with apartments for dressing apparatus Mahogany, japanned and Morocco shaving cases Shaving boxes with soap and brushes Razors of a superior quality Ladies and gentlemen's japanned dressing case Playing cards and ivory boxes with counters Cribbage boxes and boards Backgammon tables and dice boxes Ivory chessmen and chess boards Billiard balls and dice Drum battle doors and shuttles Violins, flutes and fiddles Violin strings and bows Fowling pieces, shot pouches, and powder Hortemens and pocket pistols [flasks Silver and gilt mounted small swords, dirks and hangers Gold and silver epaulets and sword knots Do. do. shoulder straps and crescents Military fishes, lace, cords, &c. Officers travelling canteens with cooking utensils &c. complete Gold and silver bullion, spangles and thread An elegant assortment of gold, silver and gilt mounted combs Gold and silver hair slides Wreaths and bunches of artificial flowers Ostrich feathers, fancy plumes, &c. Tortoise shell and superfine ivory combs Coquilles and jet necklaces Gentlemen's doe skin and dress gloves Boots, shoes and pumps Morocco skins, and bend soles Baileys's and Morley's patent blacking Hair powder and pomatum Powder bags and powder puffs Tortoise shell and horn dressing combs Curling tongs and crumpling irons Wash ball and wash ball boxes Tooth powder and shaving powder Essence of musk, lavender, burgamot and ambergis boxes and snuff boxes [bergreat Tooth brushes and tooth picks Clothe brushes and hair brushes Sweeping, dusting, scrubbing, shoe and fur brushes Switch, chair and carriage whips Walking sticks and sword canes Silk and morocco elastic braces Green wire lenders with brass tops ornamented Fashionable brass anirons Coal rods, cinder sifters and pokers An elegant assortment of japanned tea trays Satin wood and mahogany knife cases Green and white ivory tables and desert knives and forks in sets Elegant plated tea and coffee urns Plated tea and coffee pots Do. bread baskets and toast stands Do. candlesticks and branches Do. snuffers and snuffer trays Do. cañons, double flint cut glasses Do. salts with do. do. Do. mugs, tumblers and bottle stands Gold, pebble and glass watch seals Do. watch chains and keys Do. rings, brooches and breast pins Plated and common coach and gig lamps Do. furniture for harness double and single horse Do. mouldings for carriages Do. gig springs, and hubb bands Do. chaise, duke and inflexible bridle bits Do. horn, bridoons and curbs Do. patent and common spurs Japanned lamps and hand lanterns Lamp wick and lamp glasses Worsted Webb and saddle cloths Mill and cross cut saws Gentlemen's tool chests Travelling trunks, &c.
ALSO—FOR SALE, An Invoice of Hardware Which will be sold low at a credit of six months. EDGAR PATERSON. Nov. 12—tf.
ROBERT CHERRY. HAS removed his store, to the house of Mr. George Blagden New Jersey avenue on the Eastern Branch, where he has just received (in addition to his former stock) by the Schooner Maryland from Philadelphia a general assortment of groceries and liquors of superior quality, with a few boxes India china of the best quality eighty pieces to the set; all of which he will sell wholesale and retail at the most reduced prices for cash, or in exchange for country produce—All orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch; he flatters himself from the quality of his articles he will be able to render ample satisfaction to his friends and all those who may be pleased to favor him with their custom. All kinds of commission business will be attended to with the utmost attention. Washington city Dec. 12—tf
ADAM KING, & Co At their wine Store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5. tf
IN virtue of an order from the Orphan's Court of Calvert county [State of Maryland] I shall offer for sale on a credit of six months on bond with approved security, at the late dwelling of Benjamin Ward late of said county deceased. Two negro men, horses, cattle, sheep and hogs, with all the household and kitchen furniture, plantation utensils, and also corn, fodder, wheat, and the crop of tobacco now in the house—The sale of the above property will take place on Tuesday the 29th day of January 1805, (if fair or the the first fair day thereafter) and commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon—All persons having claims against the estate of the said Benjamin Ward, are requested to exhibit the same on the day of sale, or they will be excluded in a distribution; and all persons indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment to ZACHARIAH WARD, Admr. Calvert Co. Jan. 9—3w
Cheap Groceries AND CLOCK WORK. THE Subscriber intending to decline business, offers for sale, on the lowest terms, a general assortment of Groceries and Crockery Ware, among which are, viz. Cognac, Marcellies, and old Peach Brandy, Port, Sherry, Naples and Malaga Wine, Cherry, Bounce, Anifed cordial, best Wine Bitters, preserved fruits in Brandy, preferred ginger Pickles, Sweet Oil, Spices, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Coffee, French Teas, Sweepings Brushes and Scrubbing, do. Spanish Segars; Chewing Tobacco, Mustard, Hair Powder, Gun-powder, Shot, Thread by the ounce, very cheap, &c. &c. &c.—China, Glass, and Crockery ware A person desirous of following the mercantile line, in the city of Washington, cannot find a more eligible situation for business, than the one occupied, now, by the subscriber, for either a Dry Good or a Grocery Store, it being in one of the most inhabited parts of the city; the house is very convenient and the rent moderate. Such a person by applying to the subscriber on the premises, will meet with a very cheap bargain and with every thing necessary for carrying on the grocery line. J. A. XAUP. F street, near the Branch Bank, city of Washington, Dec. 21. rawlf
New Book-Store, No. 61, St. Patrick's Row, Baltimore, under the firm of American Book Store of Levrault, Schoell & Co. OF PARIS, here will be kept a complete assortment of ENGLISH, French, German, Spanish, Italian, Latin and Greek Books. In the handiest style; Maps, Engravings Pictures and Music, and of every article relating to arts and sciences—The whole of which will be sold at the Paris and Leipzig prices, without any charges, except the indispensable expenses. To Book-sellers, who wish to purchase English, Latin and Greek classics a generous allowance and uncommonly liberal terms are offered. Printers may be supplied with all kinds of Types; the samples of which may be viewed or bought at the store. Commission business in this line will be promptly and punctually attended to. Lovers of arts and sciences may be supplied with catalogues, which have already appeared and will appear at the time of new im- portations, either by personal application or by letter, post paid. January 11. 2aw3w—UG3t.
THE subscriber offers for sale a very valuable MILL SEAT, (the race of which is in part improved) with about twenty acres of handsome low ground annexed thereto, situated on the Shenandoah river three miles below the fork in the county of Frederick and State of Virginia. This property lies in the heart of a fine farming neighborhood, in which vast quantities of wheat and other grains, are annually raised. Its situation immediately upon the bank of the river, the navigation of which is rapidly progressing, its fine fall, and other natural advantages render it capable of being improved upon the most extensive scale. In the opinion of competent judges a sufficient quantity of water can at all seasons be drawn from the river to work machinery of any extent—This property is unquestionably worth the attention of men of capital. For terms and other particulars apply to the subscriber in the said county, near Stephenburg, or to Mr. Mahlon Atkinson in the same neighborhood. Mr. Atkinson will be in the city of Washington a few days, and will receive propositions from any person who may incline to purchase. Letters post paid directed to the said Atkinson or the subscriber by the Stephenburg mail will be duly attended to. An indisputable title can be made. SAML. KERCHEVAL. Jan. 7—6t
Analysis of the Washington Tontine. THIS institution, as its name implies, is calculated for the benefit of survivorship. Each share owner must, at the time of subscribing, or at some time before the 1st of July, 1805, name a life or lives, on the continuance of which his share must depend—or failing to do this, the existence of his stock will depend upon his own life. The basis of the institution is upwards of 1200 lots in the city of Washington, averaging 25 feet by 120, and lying principally between George town and the President's square; between that square and the capitol, and adjacent to the navy yard. These at different prices, from 60 to 240 dollars, amount to 2 000 000 dollars. This sum is divided into 4100 shares of 50 dollars each. It was necessary that the legal estate in the lots should be deposited somewhere for the use of the company. Trustees, who are men of probity and property, are named in the articles, to whom the property is to be conveyed. These trustees, however, cannot dispose of the property. That can only be done by the directors, who are to be chosen in each year by the stock holders. The first election of directors will be held at Stell's hotel, on the first Monday in February next. It was proper too, that the public should not be imposed upon by bad titles. Two gentlemen therefore, as respectable for their private worth, as eminent for their knowledge in the law, and thoroughly versed in city affairs are pointed out by the constitution of the Tontine, to investigate, and to judge of the titles, before the execution of the deeds. These gentlemen happen to be the counsel for the assignees of persons, who have heretofore speculated largely in the city property; a circumstance which rendered it still more proper, because more safe for the public, that they should be selected as the judges of the Tontine titles. The directors are to sell the lots, and to invest the money arising from sales, in stock of the United States. The interest of the stock, until the end of the year 1807, is also to be invested in like stock—After 1807, it is to be divided, semi-annually amongst the share owners of existing stock, until the dissolution of the company in 1825, when the capital, the whole of which it is to be presumed, will then exist in stock of the United States, is to be divided amongst the owners of the then existing stock, in proportion to the sum held by each. These are the leading features of the Tontine—there are many minor regulations, which it would be tedious to enumerate—and which will be better understood by reference to the constitution itself. December 28. 8. e3w
FOR SALE, TWO very valuable and likely SLAVES, viz. a man and his wife, both healthy and young. The man is a very excelent cook and waiter, and a good coachman; he is a tolerable shoemaker and rough carpenter, and is uncommonly ingenious and handy. The woman is also a good cook, and a very brick and well instructed house servant. They are tractable and well disposed, have no children, and are sold by a person moving from Maryland who can't carry them with him. They will be sold to no person unless willing, and the purchaser may have them on trial—also an active, stout, handsome mulatto BOY aged 14 years, who is an excellent waiter—an accommodating credit will be given; apply to HENRY SUTTLIN. Eight or Ten valuable men to hire, apply as above. Georgetown, Jan. 9—4t
FOR SALE. A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Tallassee in the State of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100 000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 12—2t.
FOR SALE, A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Tallassee in the State of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100 000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 12—2t.
FOR SALE, A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Tallassee in the State of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100 000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 12—2t.
FOR SALE, A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Tallassee in the State of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100 000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 12—2t.
FOR SALE, A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Tallassee in the State of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100 000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 12—2t.
FOR SALE, A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Tallassee in the State of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100 000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 12—2t.