Alexandria advertiser and commercial intelligencer (Alexandria [Va.]), 1802-01-27 00:00:00

Sale by Auction.
On SATURDAY next, At ten o'clock, will be sold at the Auction Room,
Rum in hhds. and bls.
Sugar in do.
Coffee in bags,
Soap and Candles in boxes,
Raisins in do.
Starch in do.
Tobacco in kegs, &c.—ALSO,
A quantity of Dry Goods, Viz.
Kendal Cottons,
Kerseys,
Halfthicks, Plains,
Plaids, Coatings,
Duffles, Flannels,
Irish and Sheeting Linens,
German Oznaburgs,
Calicoes, Durants,
Shawls, Handkerchiefs,
Ladies' Silk Gloves,
Sewing Silks, Threads, &c.
H. and T. MOORE, Auctioneers.
Jan. 22.
Public Sale.
On FRIDAY, At ten o'clock, will be sold at the Vendue Store,
3d and 4th proof Antigua and
Jamaica Rum in hhds. and bls.
French Brandy in bls.
Holland Gin in bls.
Teneriffe Wine in casks,
Cordials in bls.
Sugar in hhds and bls.
Molasses in hhds.
Rice in tierces and bls.
Soap in boxes,
Queens and Earthen Ware in crates,
handsomely assorted,
30 boxes Havanna Segars,
Cotton in bales—on a credit.
ALSO,
A variety of DRY GOODS,
—AMONG WHICH ARE—
Broad and narrow Cloths,
Flannels and Planes,
Carpets and Carpeting.
Irish and German Linens,
Worsted and cotton Stockings,
Calicoes and Ginghams,
A variety of Muslin and Muslin Hand
kerchiefs and Shawls,
Table Cloths, Hats,
Boots and Shoes,
Hardware, and
A number of other articles.
P. G. MARSTELLER,
Jan. 26. Vendue-Master.
Public Sale.
On the 11th of February next WILL BE SOLD, (On the Premises,
A neat and convenient Store and Dwelling-House, on Prince-Street, near the corner of Royal-Street. The stand is equal to any in the Town, fronts on Prince-Street 18 feet 4 inches, and is in depth 78 feet, with the benefit of an alley; subject to a rent of Twenty Pounds. Terms, &c. will be made known previous to the sale.
P. G. MARSTELLER, V. M.
January 23.
JUST PUBLISHED, By Cotton & Stewart,
And for Sale at their Book Store, Price 37 1/2 Cents,
Certain Acts of the Commonwealth of Virginia for regulating the Militia, and of the Congress of the United States, more effectually to provide for the national defence by establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States, with the Rules and Articles of war.
Caps grown for clean linen and cotton rags at this office.
For Charter.
THE SCHOONER LUCY,
Captain Snow, 90 Tons burthen, to Europe, or any port in the West-Indies—apply to the Master on board at Vowell's Wharf or to the subscribers.
JANNEY & PATON.
January 22.
FOR CHARTER,
The Schooner RACHAEL, Burthen about 86 tons.—Apply to Capt. Russell Stevens, or to
KORN & WISEMILLER.
January 7.
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE AT Cotton & Stewart's Book Store, ST. LEON:
A Tale of the Sixteenth Century.
By William Godwin.
Two vols.—Price Two Dollars.
Also, for Sale,
THE PHILADELPHIA CARPENTERS' BOOK OF PRICES.
Price 75 cents, stitched.
Fraternal Discord; the Writing Desk; Abbe de l'Epee, or the Orphan, and False Name, by Kotzebue.
Jan. 9.
For Sale,
Antigua Rum by the hhd. Raisins by the box, Sugar by the barrel, Dates, fresh from the coast of Barbary, With a variety of other
FRUITS and GROCERIES.
ABEL WILLIS.
The HOPE will sail for Norfolk on Thursday next.
Jan. 11.
ROBBERY.
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
THE subscribers' store was last night broke open and the following Cash and Goods taken therefrom, viz.
About 100 dollars in cash,
Cross-barred and striped coarse swansdown,
1 Piece of superfine brown cloth,
1 do. do. dark bottle green,
1 do. of dark brown superfine,
1 do. dark mixed brown superfine,
2 do. of blue fine cloth,
1 do. of dark mixture fine cloth,
3 do. lapet muslins,
Of sprigged muslins a number—also dimities;
camel hair shawls; brown, red and blue bandannoes; yellow flags and cinnamon silk shawls; a number of India book muslins; women's blue and white worked and cotton stockings, mens' fancy cotton stockings; a few pieces of Marseilles vest patterns and silk nankeen, together with a variety of other articles not particularly recollected.
The above reward will be paid to any person for discovering the Cash and Goods and convicting the thief or thieves; or Fifty Dollars for all the Goods, or in proportion for any part of the Goods recovered.
It is hoped all well disposed persons will interest themselves in discovering and bringing to condign punishment the perpetrators of this daring attack upon the property of citizens.
J. & M. SCHOLFIELD.
January 2.
Such Printers as are disposed to detect villainy are requested to insert the above.
SOAL LEATHER
And Mens' coarse Shoes, Just received a quantity, for sale by
JOHN G. LADD.
Dec. 19.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust from Robert Hamilton and Epler, his Wife, to the Subscribers, for securing the payment of a sum of money to the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of Alexandria, on the 30th instant will be exposed to Sale, for ready money, on the premises,
A Lot or Parcel of Ground,
lying upon the East side of St. Asaph-Street, and south side of Wolfe-Street, in the Town of Alexandria; beginning at the intersection of the said Streets, and running eastwardly with Wolfe-Street to Pitt-Street; thence southwardly with Pitt-Street 96 feet 6 inches; thence westwardly parallel with Wolfe-Street 80 feet; thence southwardly parallel with Pitt-Street 80 feet; thence westwardly parallel with Wolfe-Street to St. Asaph-Street; thence northwardly with St. Asaph-Street to the beginning. Upon this piece of ground there are a large, commodious frame dwelling-house, well calculated for the accommodation of a genteel family, a kitchen, stable and carriage-house, a well of water in the yard, with a pump. The situation is elegant. It was formerly occupied by Mr. Robert Hamilton, lately by Mr. Siler, and at present by Mr. James Hamilton. The lot being large, a sufficient proportion of it will be attached to the improvements, and the residue laid off into convenient building lots; a plan of which will be exhibited on the day of sale.
ALSO,
One other Piece of Ground,
lying upon the south side of Prince-Street, and to the eastward of Water-Street, in the said Town; beginning upon Prince-Street 22 feet to the eastward of Water-Street, and running thence eastwardly with Prince-Street 23 feet; thence southwardly parallel to Water-Street 44 feet 4 inches; thence westwardly parallel to Prince-Street 23 feet; thence northwardly to the beginning. Upon this piece of ground there are a convenient two-story frame dwelling-house, with a kitchen and other conveniences; now in the the occupation of Mr. Smith.
ALSO,
One other Piece of Ground,
adjoining the last; beginning upon Prince-Street 45 feet to the eastward of Water-Street, and running thence eastwardly with Prince-Street 40 feet; thence southwardly parallel to Water-Street 44 feet 4 inches; thence westwardly parallel to Prince-Street 40 feet; thence northwardly to the beginning. Upon this piece of ground is a large frame warehouse, two stories high, now in the occupation of Messrs. Smith and Bartleman. It formerly composed two distinct warehouses, and may easily be put into the same situation again.
JAMES KEITH,
JOHN C. HERBERT.
January 1.
d23t
GERMAN LINENS.
Joseph Riddle & Co.
HAVE FOR SALE
Best white Ticklenburg,
Second qual. do.
Brown do.
Gnaburgs, do.
Brown Hempen Rolls, do.
White do.
Hessian do.
Brown Holland and Dowlas.
ALSO ON HAND,
A Quantity of
Turk's Island, Isle of May, and
Cadiz SALT.
December 29.
coff
Wanted to Purchase
Marine Shares of Alexandria. Ap-
ply to
WILLIAM HODGSON.
January 22.
d
An Apprentice wanted.
District of Columbia, Alex- andria County, to wit. ]
I, PETER WISE, jun. one of the U. States' Justices of the Peace for the County of Alexandria and District of Columbia;
To all Marshals, Sheriffs, Mayors, Bailiffs, Constables, and Headboroughs, within the United States,
Whereas complaint is made to me this day, upon the oath of James Campbell, jailer of the aforesaid county, that Dennis Hennessey, laborer, who was lately committed to the jail of the said county of Alexandria, by warrant from Jacob Hoffman, a justice of the peace of the said county, for breaking and escaping from the jail in the county of Washington, did, on the night of the 25th of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and two, last past, forcibly break and escape from the said jail, and is now going at large; these are therefore, in the name of the United States, to require you, and every of you, in your respective counties, cities, towns, and precincts, to make diligent search, by way of hue and cry, for the said Daniel Hennessey, and him having found, to seize and retake and safely convey, or to cause him to be safely conveyed, to the jail of the said county of Alexandria or Washington, there to be kept until he shall be there discharged by due course of law.
Given under my hand and seal this twenty-sixth day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and two.
PETER WISE, jun.
I will give TWENTY FIVE Dollars reward for the apprehension of the abovenmentioned Daniel Hennessey, to be paid on his delivery at either of the jails in the District of Columbia.
JAMES CAMPBELL,
Jailer, Alex. County.
Jan. 26.
d
Extract from the "Act of the Corporation of Alexandria for the Extinguishment of Fire."
"Sec. 7. If any person who shall be present at any fire shall neglect or refuse to obey the order or direction of any officer who shall be appointed by any fire company now established, or which may be hereafter established, knowing him to be an officer, such person shall forfeit and pay the sum of Five Dollars—Provided the name of such officer shall have been first published in one of the public papers printed in the town."
At a meeting of the Friendship Fire Company on Monday, January 11, 1802, the following officers were duly elected for the present year, viz.
Alexander Smith, 1st } Commanders. Aaron Hewes, 2d } William Halley, 3d }
John Hunter, } Subordinate John Longden, } Directors. Walter Blunt, }
Mathew Robinson, } Regulators. Joseph Thornton, } Charles M'Knight, } William Rhodes, }
Ephram Evans, } Trustees. Richard Weightman, } William Paton, }
January 26.
co;st
Notice is hereby given, To the Stockholders of the Bank of Alexandria,
THAT a dividend of four and an half per cent. on the old capital stock, and three per cent. on the new augmented stock of said bank, for the half year ending this day is declared, and will be ready to be paid to them or their legal representatives, on Thursday next, the 7th instant.
By order of the President and Directors, GURDEN CHAPIN, Cashier.
Jan. 4.
co;st
Printing executed at this office

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Wednesday, Jan. 13, 1802.
DEBATE
On Mr. Brackenridge's motion to repeal the act passed last session for a new organization of the JUDICIARY SYSTEM.
JUDICIARY ESTABLISHMENT. [CONTINUED.]
Mr. Morris.—Mr. President, I had fostered the hope that some gentleman who thinks with me, would have taken upon himself the task of replying to the observations made yesterday and this morning in favor of the motion on your table. But since no gentleman has gone so fully into the subject as it seems to require, I am compelled to request your attention.
We were told yesterday by the honorable member from Virginia, that our objections were calculated for the bye stander, and made with a view to produce effect upon the people at large. I know not for whom this charge is intended. I certainly recollect no such observations. As I was personally charged with making a play upon words, it may have been intended for me. But surely, sir, it will be recollected that I declined that paltry game, and declared that I considered the verbal criticism which had been relied on, as irrelevant. If I can recollect what I said, from recollecting well what I thought, and meant to say, sure I am that I uttered nothing in the stile of an appeal to the people.—I hope no member of this house has so poor a sense of its dignity as to make such an appeal. As to myself it is now near thirty years since I was called into public office. During that period I have frequently been the servant of the people, always their friend; but at no one moment of my life their flatterer, and God forbid that I ever should be. When the honorable gentleman considers the course we have taken, he must see that the observation he has thus pointed can light on no object. I trust that it did not flow from a consciousness of his own intentions. He, I hope, had no view of this sort. If he had he was as much, very much mistaken. Had he looked round upon those who honor us with their attendance, he would have seen that the splendid flashes of his wit excited no approving smile. The countenances of those by whom we were surrounded presented a different spectacle. They were impressed with the dignity of this house: they received in it the dignity of the American people, and felt with high and manly sentiment their own participation.
We have been told, sir, by the honorable gentleman from Virginia, that there is no independent part of this government. That in popular governments the form of every department, as well as the government itself, must depend upon popular opinion. And the honorable member from North Carolina, has informed us that there is no check for the overbearing powers of the legislature but public opinion; and he has been pleased to notice a sentiment I had uttered. A sentiment which not only fell from my lips, but which flowed from my heart. It has, however, been misunderstood and misapplied. After reminding the house of the dangers to which popular governments are exposed from the influence of designing demagogues upon popular passion, I took the liberty to say, that we , we the Senate of the United States, are assembled here to save the people from their most dangerous enemy, to save them from themselves; to guard them against the baneful effect of their own precipitation, their passion, their misguided zeal. 'Tis for these purposes that all our constitutional checks are devised. If this be not the language of the constitution, the constitution is all nonsense. For why are the Senators chosen by communities, and the representatives directly by the people? Why are the one chosen for a longer term than the other? Why give one branch of the legislature a negative upon the acts of the other? Why give the President a right to arrest the proceedings of both till two thirds of each should concur? Why all these multiplied precautions, unless to check and control that impetuous spirit, that headlong torrent of opinion, which has swept away every popular government that ever existed?
With most respectful attention I heard the declaration of the gentleman from
Virginia, of his own sentiment. "Whatever," said he, may be my opinion of the constitution, I hold myself bound to respect it." He disclaimed, sir, to profess an affection he did not feel, and I accept his candour as a pledge for the performance of his duty. But he will admit this necessary inference from that frank confession, that although he will struggle (against his inclination) to support the constitution, even to the last moment, yet, when in spite of all his efforts it shall fall, he will rejoice in its destruction. Far different are my feelings.—It is possible that we are both prejudiced; and that in taking the ground on which we respectively stand our judgements are influenced by the sentiments which glow in our hearts. I, sir, wish to support this constitution because I love it. And I love it because I consider it as the bond of our union; because in my soul I believe that on it depends our harmony and our peace; that without it we should soon be plunged in all the horrors of civil war; that this country would be deluged with the blood of its inhabitants; and a brother's hand be raised against the bosom of a brother.
After these preliminary remarks, I hope I shall be indulged while I consider the subject in reference to the two points which have been taken, the expediency and the constitutionality of the repeal.
In considering the expediency I hope I shall be pardoned for asking your attention to some parts of the constitution, which have not yet been dwelt upon, and which tend to elucidate this part of our enquiry. I agree fully with the gentleman that every section, every sentence, and every word of the constitution ought to be deliberately weighed and examined; nay, I am content to go along with him, and give its due value and importance to every stop and comma. In the beginning we find a declaration of the motives which induced the American people to bind themselves by this compact. And in the foreground of that declaration we find these objects specified; to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, and to insure domestic tranquility . But how are these objects effected? The people intended to establish justice .—What provision have they made to fulfil that intention? After pointing out the courts which should be established, the 2d section of the 3d article informs us, "The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more states, between a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects."
"In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases aforementioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make."
Thus then we find that the judicial power shall extend to a great variety of cases; but that the supreme court shall have only appellate jurisdiction in all admiralty and maritime causes, in all controversies between the United States and private citizens, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same state claiming lands under different grants, and between a citizen of the United States and foreign states, citizens or subjects.
The honorable gentleman from Kentucky, who made the motion on your table, has told us that the constitution in its judiciary provisions contemplated only those cases which could not be tried in the state courts. But he will, I hope, pardon me when I contend that the constitution did not merely contemplate, but did by express words reserve to the national tribunals a right to decide, and did secure to the citizens of America a right to demand their decision in many cases evidently cognizable in the state courts. And what are these cases? They are those in respect to which it is by the constitution presumed that the state courts would not
always make a cool and calm investigation, a fair and just decision. To form therefore, more perfect union, and insure domestic tranquility , the constitution has said there shall be courts to the Union to try causes, by the wrongful decision of which the Union might be endangered or domestic tranquility disturbed. And what courts? Look again at the cases designated. The supreme court has no original jurisdiction . The constitution has said that the judicial powers shall be vested in the supreme and inferior courts . It has declared that the judicial power so vested shall extend to the cases mentioned, and that the supreme court shall not have original jurisdiction in those cases. Evidently, therefore, it has declared that they shall (in the first instance) be tried by inferior courts , with appeal to the supreme court . This, therefore, amounts to a declaration that the inferior courts shall exist . Since without them the citizen is deprived of those rights for which he stipulated, or rather those rights verbally granted would be actually withheld; and that great security of our Union, that necessary guard of our tranquility, be completely paralyzed, if not destroyed. In declaring then that these tribunals shall exist , it equally declares, that the congress shall  organize and establish them. I say they shall ; this is the evident intention, if not the express words, of the constitution. The convention in framing the American people in adopting, that compact, did not, could not presume, that the congress would omit to do what they were thus bound to do. They could not presume, that the legislature would hesitate one moment, in establishing the organs necessary to carry into effect those wholesome, those important provisions.
The honorable member from Virginia has given us a history of the judicial system, and in the course of it has told us, that the judges of the supreme court knew when they accepted their offices the duties they were to perform, and the salaries they were to receive. He thence infers, that if again called on to do the same duties they have no right to complain. Agreed. But that is not the question between us. Admitting that they have made a hard bargain, and that we may hold them to a strict performance, is it wise to exact their compliance to the injury of our constituents? We are urged to go back to the old system; but let us first examine the effects of that system. The judges of the supreme court rode the circuits, and two of them, with the assistance of a district judge held circuit courts and tried causes. As a supreme court they have in most cases only an appellate jurisdiction . In the first instance, therefore, they tried a cause sitting as an inferior court , and then on appeal tried it over again as a supreme court . Thus then the appeal was from the sentence of the judges to the judges themselves. But say, that to avoid this incoherence, you will incapacitate the two judges who sat on the circuit from sitting on the supreme court to review their own decrees. Strike them off: and suppose, either the same or a contrary decision to have been made on another circuit by two of their brethren in a similar case. For the same reason you strike them off, and then you have no court left. Is this wise? Is it safe? You place yourself in a situation where your citizens must be deprived of the advantage given to them of a court of appeals, or else run the greatest risk that the decision of the first court will carry with it that of the other.
The same honorable member has given us a history of the law passed the last session, which he wishes now to repeal.—That history is accurate at least in one important part of it. I believe that all amendments were rejected, pertinaciously rejected: and I acknowledge that I joined heartily in that rejection. It was for the clearest reason on earth. We all perfectly understood, that to amend the bill was to destroy it. That if ever it got back to the other house, it would perish. Those, therefore, who approved of the general provisions of that bill, were determined to adopt it. We sought the practicable good, and would not in pursuit of unattainable perfection, sacrifice that good to the pride of opinion. We took the bill, therefore, with its imperfections, convinced that when it was once passed into a law, it might be easily amended.
We are now told, that this procedure was improper; nay, that it was indecent . That public opinion had declared itself
against us. That a majority (holding different opinions) was already chosen to the other House; and that a similar majority was expected for that in which we sit—Mr. President, are we then to understand, that opposition to the majority in the two houses of congress is improper, is indecent ? If so—what are we to think of those gentlemen, who not only with proper and decent, but with laudable motive, (for such is there claim) so long, so perseveringly, so pertinaciously, opposed that voice of the people, which had so repeatedly, and for so many years, declared itself against them, through the organ of their representatives? Was this indecent in them? If not, how could it be improper for us to seize the only moment which was left for the then majority to do what they deemed a necessary act? Let me again refer to those imperious demands of the constitution, which called on us to establish inferior courts. Let me remind gentlemen of their assertion on this floor, that centuries might elapse before any judicial system could be established with general consent. And then let me ask, being thus impressed with a sense of the duty and the difficulty of performing that arduous task, was it not wise to seize the auspicious moment?
Among the many stigmas affixed to this law, we have been told that the President, in selecting men to fill the offices which it created, made vacancies and filled them from the floor of this house. And that but for the influence of this circumstance, a majority in favour of it could not have been found. Let us examine this suggestion. It is ground on the supposition of corrupt influence derived from a hope, founded on two remote and successive contingencies. First, the vacancy might or might not exist; for it depended as well on the acceptance of another as on the President's grant; and Secondly, the President might or might not fill it with a member of this house. Yet on this vague conjecture, on this unstable ground, it is inferred, that men in high confidence violated their duty. It is hard to determine the influence of self interest on the heart of man. I shall not therefore make the attempt. In the present case it is possible, that the imputation may be just, but I hope not, I believe not. At any rate gentlemen will agree with me, that the calculation is uncertain and the conjecture vague.
But let it now, for argument sake, be admitted. Saving always the reputation of honorable men who are not here to defend themselves. Let it I say, for argument sake be admitted, that the gentlemen alluded to acted under the influence of improper motives. What then? Is a law, that has received the varied assent required by the constitution, and is clothed with all the needful formalities, thereby invalidated? Can you impair its force by impeaching the motives of any member who voted for it? Does it follow, that a law is bad because all those who concurred in it cannot give good reasons for their votes? Is it not before us? Must we not judge of it by its intrinsic merit? Is it a fair argument, addressed to our understanding, to say we must repeal a law, even a good one, if the enacting of it may have been effected in any degree by improper motives? Or is the judgment of this House so feeble, that it may not be trusted?
Gentlemen tell us, however, that the law is materially defective, nay that it is unconstitutional. What follows? Gentlemen bid us repeal it. But is this just reasoning? If the law be only defective, why not amend? And if unconstitutional, why repeal? In this case no repeal can be necessary; the law is in itself void; it is a mere dead letter.
To shew that it is unconstitutional a particular clause is pointed out, and an inference is made, as in the case of goods, where because there is one contraband article on board, the whole cargo is forfeited. Admit for a moment, that the part alluded to were unconstitutional, this would in no wise affect the remainder.—That part would be void, or if you think proper, you can repeal that part.
Let us, however, examine the clause objected to on the ground of the constitution. It is said, that by this law the district judges in Tennessee and Kentucky, are removed from office by making them circuit judges. And again, that you have by law appointed two new offices, those of circuit judges, and filled them by law, instead of pursuing the modes of

appointment prescribed by the constitution. To prove all this, the gentleman from Virginia did us the favor to read those parts of the law which he condemns, and if I can trust to my memory, it is clear from what he read, that the law does not remove these district judges , neither does it appoint them to the office of circuit judges . It does indeed put down the district court ; but is so far from destroying the offices of district judge , that it declares the persons filling those offices, shall perform the duty of holding the circuit courts . And so far is it from appointing circuit judges , that it declares the circuit courts shall be held by the district judges . But gentlemen contend, that to discontinue the district courts , was in effect to remove the district judges . This is, so far from being a just inference from the law, that the direct contrary follows as a necessary result; for it is on the principle that these judges continue in office after their courts are discontinued, that the new duty of holding other courts is assigned to them. But gentlemen say, this doctrine militates with the principles we contend for. Surely not. It must be recollected, Sir, that we have repeatedly admitted the right of the legislature, to change, alter, modify and amend, the judiciary system; so as best to promote the interest of the people. We only contend, that you shall not exceed or contravene the authority by which you act. But, say gentlemen you force this new office on the district judges , and this is in effect a new appointment. I answer, that the question can only arise on the refusal of those judges to act. But is it unconstitutional to assign new duties to officers, already existing? I fear that if this construction be adopted, our labors will speedily end; for we shall be so shackled, that we cannot move. What is the practice? Do we not every day call upon particular officers to perform duties not previously assigned to, or required of them? And must the executive in every such case make a new appointment?
(To be continued.)
Alexandria Advertiser.
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 27.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
The Bill "Concerning the High Court of Chancery," has passed the House of Delegates, by a majority of 33 votes.—The two additional courts established by this bill are to be held at Williamsburg and Staunton.
The Bill concerning the Glebe Islands in this State, passed the Senate on Wednesday.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in South Carolina to his friend in Philadelphia.
"The tameness with which the Senate of the United States has crouched under the unprecedented outrage offered to that body by Mr. Jefferson, in dismissing a prosecution they had ordered against Duane for an atrocious libel on themselves, adds to the melancholy forebodings long since excited in the bosoms of those who wish for permanence to our present political system."
"That an unprincipled alien, whose trade is slander, but who could never grow rich on his profession till he commenced its exercise in Philadelphia, should be protected and patronized by the supreme executive of the country, in his calumnies on one branch of the legislature, is a spectacle, our surprise at which could only be exceeded by that which is felt on perceiving the passive humility with which that branch of the legislature receives the indignity."
"Much as we have been accustomed to hear about the despotism of Kings, it may safely be affirmed that no King of England, since the revolution of 1688, would have dared to make so bold an experiment on the weakness of a British Parliament. Altho' in that country professions are in the name of the King, and it is admitted that the constitution furnishes no check to the royal prerogative of suspending them by a nolle prosequi , yet a decent respect for the legislature, and a conviction that the legislature will not fail to respect itself, effectually restrain the crown from so unbecoming a manifestation of partiality for a worthless and offending favorite."
"Much as we have been accustomed to hear about the corruption of a British Parliament, and the undue influence of the
crown, it may safely be affirmed, that no British Parliament would have quietly submitted to such an indignity as this.—No British Parliament would have looked on tamely, at the ill timed interposition of the crown, to arrest a prosecution ordered by a branch of the legislature, against a guilty slanderer of its own fame."
"To such an insult, an English Parliament would be as incapable of submitting, as an English monarch, though surrounded with all the pomp of prerogative, would be of offering it."
"After such an instance of the passive temper with which the Senate is disposed to accede to the Executive will, I should not wonder if that body should be chosen to batter the constitution in breach, and demolish the judiciary system, one of the great pillars on which that fabric stands. Whenever the Executive and Legislature shall combine, either for the direct oppression of individuals, or to destroy the constitution, no check to their progress can be found, but in an independent judiciary. Of consequence; one of the first evidences of such a combination will be an effort to destroy that independence.—The Executive is understood to have openly avowed this design—the Senate will most probably commence its execution."
Gaz. U. S.
FROM THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Mr. BRONSON,
In number 2, of the acute and able animadversions of LUCIUS CRASSUS upon the message of the president, I perceive a misconception which the nature of my function as Expositor (an unsalaried office, in which of course I have no competitor) compels me to take notice. The President is by this writer, supposed to say, that an accumulation of treasure for the purpose of defence might be the means of producing war by tempting the rapacity of a greedy invader.
The President does not say so—His meaning is, that an administration possessing the means of defence, may thence be tempted to engage in a war which they would otherwise avoid; not that the treasure might tempt an enemy, but ourselves.—The idea is indeed new and refined, but it is nevertheless, his idea, I am persuaded. Attend to the policy of the administration. What is it? Why economy, l'argent beaucoup d'argent , not indeed to squander, but to save. As subsidiary to this, it must be pacific: for what is more expensive than war?
We know that the musty, worm-eaten maxim was, to be prepared for war: hence old Æiop's fable of the boar whetting his tusks, hence the sacred deposit of the Romans for defence against the Gauls, hence Mr. Gibbon's observation, that "they preserved peace, by being prepared for war," and the many other instances which might be adduced. But the policy of the new school is, the very reverse of this; & its disciples, realizing probably in themselves, the Hudibrastic ardour, which
Cannot hear a trumpet blow or drum beat, Without feeling a month's mind to combat;
would rather forego the means of defence, than put such a temptation in their way. Another reason might have concurred in introducing this sentiment into the message. An administration to be efficient, should be popular, and as avarice seems to be considered as the most prominent trait in the American character, it has been most sedulously angeld for. Hence the sentiment, in perfect unison with the object of catching money lovers, even goes a little further, and is probably a bait thrown out for the society of Friends. This respectable society are true lovers of peace, in which they conform to the Christian precept. But as they are so attached to stable and moral government, it is extremely problematical whether they will be such gudgeons as to bite. There is certainly no sect that has so sovereign a contempt for their fellow men, as that of the modern philosophers.—Any trash they think will go down.
EXPOSITOR.
FRENCH SPOLIATION.
We have been surprised at the many crude things which have been said, in several respectable papers, relative to the nature and true import of the clause added by Buonaparte, to the treaty between the United States and the French Republic. It has been repeatedly asserted that the clause is merely explanatory of the alterations made in the original convention by the President and Senate of the United States,
during the last session of Congress. A very little attention to the subject will shew this opinion to be entirely erroneous and will prove, that the clause under consideration has essentially changed the nature of the convention, as ratified by our government. The second article of the original convention stipulated that as the ministers plenipotentiaries of the two parties were not empowered to agree [among other things] relative to the indemnities mutually due and claimed, the parties shall further negotiate upon these points at a convenient time."—The whole of this article being struck out by the President and Senate, the subject of indemnities was left entirely silentio, and the claims of both parties were consequently allowed to remain exactly in their original situation, and each was at liberty to claim indemnities in such manner and at such time as should be thought expedient, as though no such convention had ever been formed. In this situation was the convention left by the late administration. Buonaparte, in agreeing to expunge the second article, adds this extraordinary clause; "Provided, [bien entendu que] or, it being well understood, that the two nations RELINQUISH THE CLAIMS WHICH ARE THE OBJECTS of the said article;" not that they agree to relinquish the article itself, which was the intention of our government; but the claims which are the OBJECTS of the article; to wit, the indemnities due and claimed. Thus have our government, by sanctioning the construction of the First Consul, precluded our claims for between twenty and thirty millions of dollars, and have at the same time, reflected at great expense and restored to the French the few vessels taken by us! What would our Jacobins not have said, had such been the provisions of the British treaty, negotiated by Mr. Jay?
Gaz. U. S.
Public Sale.
ON FRIDAY next, will be sold at the Vendue Store,
A NUMBER OF ELEGANT PRINTS,
In Gilt Frames,
Consisting of Washington, Jefferson and other leading characters—Prints of Liberty, Columbus, Washington's Family, and others. Several dozen small Looking Glasses, &c. &c.
P. G. MARSTELLER,
Jan. 27. Auctioneer.
The Inhabitants of Alexandria are respectfully informed, that
KENNEDY,
CARVER & GILDER,
of Baltimore, late from Philadelphia, is in this town, and will remain until Saturday—Such persons as wish to have their prints and looking glasses new framed, old looking glasses new polished and silvered (which will render them equal to new) old frames new gilt, gold letters or ornaments on glass, &c. will favor Kennedy by leaving their address for him at Capt. Davidson's tavern, Prince street.
The advantages to be acquired by Kennedy's being here, are that the applicants will be made acquainted with the expence of the work (which will be as low as in Philadelphia) their orders received and executed correctly, their goods carefully packed, and they exonerated from the risk and expence of carriage.
Jan. 27. d3t
SECOND MEETING.
The Commissioners named and authorized in a commission of bankruptcy, against Andrew Ramsey and Wm. Ramsey, will attend at the Washington tavern in Alexandria, at three o'clock in the afternoon, on Thursday the 28th of January, 1802, in order to proceed on the said commission, at which meeting the said bankrupts are hereby required to attend to undergo their second examination, and such creditors as have not yet proved their debts, under the said commission, may then and there attend and prove the same, and the creditors who shall have proved their debts under the said commission, are required then and there to elect and appoint an assignee or assignees of the bankrupt's estate and effects under the said commission.
By order of the Commissioners.
HENRY MOORE,
Jan. 27. Secretary.
A boy about 14 years of age, of a good education, and respectable connections will be taken as an apprentice at the office of the
ALEXANDRIA ADVERTISER,
FOR SALE,
At public Auction, on Wednesday the 10th of February next, on a credit of 60 days,
The Sloop Lively,
Burthen 21 tons, in good order—a very handsome and fast sailing sloop, particularly well calculated for a Packet between this town and the City of Washington, or to run rock and white fish during the approaching season.
H. and T. MOORE,
Jan. 27. co Auctioneers.
NOTICE.
THE citizens of Alexandria, indebted to the editors of the WASHINGTON FEDERALIST, are requested to pay no debts of theirs to any person, except receiving their printed Receipts, Signed
RIND & PRENTISS.
Washington, January 27, 1802.
New Novel.
PROPOSALS,
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
THE LIFE OF
JASON FAIRBANKS:
A NOVEL,
FOUNDED ON FACT.
WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF HIS
TRIAL AND EXECUTION.
By a Gentleman of Massachusetts.
Extract from the Preface.
"IN recording the actions of those persons, whose lives are to be in history examples of the pious, and the dreadful consequences of their unbridled indulgence—prudence, as well as ability and principle, should prompt us to do it in such a manner, as to unite the greatest possible utility to the public, with the least possible injury to the feelings of their friends. On the former principle, the style should not be too much elevated, nor should it be too highly charged with that kind of sentiment, which, however fashionable it may be, tends only minister to the refinement and corruption of a pampered imagination."
"As the facts in themselves stand in no need of colouring or embellishment to heighten their effect—so neither will the simplicity of the moral, which so naturally flows from them, derive any new force from rhetorical decoration. The style therefore should be simple and narrative, without affectation or false sentiment, in order to strike with undivided impression, the curiosity, as well as the understanding of the youthful and gay. It should be intermingled with such reflections and remarks only, as are intimately connected with the events, and flow immediately from them."
"The History of JASON FAIRBANKS, must necessarily be a kind of History of the Human Heart, wandering under the delusions of a disordered imagination, irresistible passions, and perhaps the poisonous consequences of wicked and visionary theories, whose effects he could indeed feel, but whose falsehood and sophistry, he had neither the maturity of judgment nor learning, to despise or detect."
"The mind revolts from evident falsehood, and fiction loses its force, when it departs from the resemblance of reality. As the action, the character, and the incidents are extremely limited, and the recency of the event, (however pious might be the intention) precludes the substitution of general fiction, such only can be introduced, as is in the most intimate analogy with the subject, and might be supposed reality, without any violation of truth or probability. The gravest historians furnish from their own flock, the speeches of their orators, and the harangues of their heroes: and the wise sayings they put into the mouths of all their great men, serve to illustrate in the most striking point of view, the manner of thinking most peculiar to the characters and the situations of those they celebrate.—Thus far, then, an author may be allowed to proceed, justified by authority, and invited by public good:—whatever sentiments, therefore, may be supposed analogous to those opinions, and illustrative of those dispositions, which produced the various incidents, and eventually the tragic scene in which the whole terminated, may be considered as the faithful transcript, not indeed of what was actually written or spoken, but of what was thought and intended by the principal actor in this fatal catastrophe."
CONDITIONS.
It shall be printed on the finest paper, with a new and handsome type, forming a volume neatly bound and lettered, of between three and four hundred pages, duodecimo.
To subscribers, the price will be one dollar: to non-subscribers, one dollar and twenty-five cents. Those who subscribe, or procure subscriptions for eight, shall have one gratis.
The names of the subscribers (if requested) shall be alphabetically arranged, and printed at the end of the volume, with the number of copies they subscribe for.
The work will be put to press as soon as 600 subscribers are obtained.
Subscriptions will be received at the office of the Alexandria Advertiser.
Boston, January, 1802.
Printing executed at this office.

JANNEY & PATON  HAVE FOR SALE, 90 Pieces of Russia Duck, 30 Ravens do. 6 Cherts of Souehong Tea, Havanna white & brown Sugars in boxes, West-India do. in hds. and barrels, Coffee in bags and barrels, Holland Gin in barrels, Sweet Oil in boxes of 12 bottles each, Castile Soap in boxes, Shoes in boxes assorted,  East-India Goods.
Also, The Cargo of the Schooner Lucy, captain Snow, consisting of 43 Tons Plaister of Paris, 60 Casks of Lime, 10 Barrels of Tanner's Oil, 115 Reams of Wrapping Paper, 40 Boxes of dyed Candles. January 22. d
Valuable Property  (Within a quarter of a mile of Alexandria)  TO BE RENTED.
12 Acres of land, on the East side of the George-Town road, well en- closed, with a post and rail fence, and a growing hedge all round, about 5 acres of this lot is cultivated as a Garden, and well manured, in which there are a variety of excellent bearing fruit trees, grape vines, raspberry, gooseberry, and currant bushes, a variety of herbs and flowers and 38 aspara- gus beds, highly manured and produced a- bundantly, there are also on this lot, two dwelling houses, a cow-house, stable, corn and sheep-house.
23 Acres of land on the West side of the said road, enclosed in like man- ner, about 15 acres of it is in timothy, and produces good crops of hay, about 6 acres has been in clover, and since a crop of rye has been taken from it; at a proper season it may be again laid down, in either clo- ver or timothy; about two acres is in wood—this lot may be conveniently di- vided into four good grass lots.
No person or persons need apply to rent the aforesaid property, but such as can come, well recommended, for their honest- ty, sobriety and knowledge in the garden- ing and farming business. The two lots will be let separate or together as may best suit, and good security will be required, for performance of the covenants, in the lease or leases. For terms apply to the subscriber. PHILIP R. FENDALL. January 20. d
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT  COTTON & STEWART'S Book-Store, Royal-street,  POLITICAL ESSAYS, RELATIVE TO THE  War of the French Revolution; —VIZ.—
AN ARGUMENT  Against continuing the War, for the Sub- version of the Republican Government of France:
A LETTER  To the Duke of Portland, being an answer to the two Letters of the late Right Hon. Edmund Burke, against treating for Peace with the French Republic:— And
A MEMORIAL,  Proposing a Plan, for the Conquest and Emancipation of Spanish America, by means which would promote the tran- quility of Ireland. BY JAMES WORKMAN, ESQ.
Nov. 20.
L A W.
MERIT v. DEMERIT. The Rival Clergy for Chaplainship to Congress.
For Sale at this Office,  The Clerical Candidates. A P O E M.
The above work is printed on fine wove paper, containing 36 pages, octavo, price 25 cents. Dec. 3. d
JUST RECEIVED,  COARSE WOOLLENS, Consisting of
Nap'd cottons, half thick, pladdings, striped blankets and kersey duffils.—For sale on very moderate terms by the pack- age, on the usual credit. Wm. HODGSON. Oct. 6. d
William Hartshorne  Has for Sale at his Mill, or in Alexandria,  Plaister of Paris by the ton, or ready ground by the bushel, Indian Meal and Rye Meal, bolted or unbolted, Corn, or any other grain, ground for toll at the mill.
At his Store in town,  Hay in bundles, Corn by the bushel, Loaf and lump Sugar by the hoghead or barrel, First and second quality James R. Tobacco, in kegs, A few very good Mill Spindles, Two good Scale Beams. For Sale,
One Share in the Poto- mac Company, A number of valuable Lots in town.  Also, for Sale or Rent,  A valuable Brick House on King street, now in the tenure of Tho- mas Cruse.
To Let,  A two story Frame House on Duke street, with a large garden and well of good water at the door. 1st mo. 18. d
FOR SALE,  The Cargo of the brig Little  Sally, capt. Coxens, From Rhode-Island, now landing and consisting of
French Brandy, Holland Gin (entitled to drawback) Country Gin, West-India Rum, N. England do. Loaf Sugar, Castile Soap, Tanner's Oil, R. I. Cheese of an excellent quality, Seal Leather, Russia and ravens Duck and Sheetings, Cordage, 1 bale of Ticklenburgs, &c.  For Sale, Freight or Charter, The said brig Little Sally , burthen about 650 barrels, an excellent vessel and well equipped. Apply to J. G. LADD. Jan. 4.
LIVERY STABLE,  And HORSES & CARRIAGES TO HIRE.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public that he takes horses on livery, and keeps some excellent horses and carriages to hire.
Also, A few good SADDLE HORSES for sale. Apply in part of the house formerly the Swan Tavern, King street, to JOHN HODGKIN. Jan. 25. eod181†
Valuable Property for Sale.
Seven hundred and eighty-eight acres in the county of Hampshire, on the waters of Great Cape Capen, about 20 miles from the Warm Springs, and 30 from Winchester. This land is full of wood, oak and pine timber. Two excellent farms may be made, with 30 to 50 acres of bottom, and rich high lands to each; and in the heart of the timber there is a fine seat for a saw-mill. Capt. Daniel Rice will show the lands. Three thousand eight hundred and forty- five acres in the county of Ohio, on the waters of Grave and Fifth Creeks, near the river Ohio, and about 80 miles below Pittsburgh. Some of these lands are very good, with considerable quantities of rich bottom, and plenty of excellent timber. Robert Woods, Esq. the surveyor of that county will show these lands. I will sell all or any of the above lands for cash or upon credit, or take in exchange for them land in Fairfax County, or lots of land in the city of A- lexandria, or the city of Washington. R. T. HOOE October 23. co
Notice.
THE subscribers have in their hands sum of money received from the late firms of Messrs. Tabb and M'Affry, and Pa- trick M'Affry and Co. merchants of the town of Martinsburg, in the state of Vir- ginia; and as they understand that Mr. Michael M'Kewan, of said place, has pur- chased a number of the claims against that estate—This is, therefore, to give notice to him, and all others having demands against the estate of the said Tabb and M'Affry, and Patrick M'Affry and Co. to bring in their accounts to us, properly authenticated, on or before the first day of March next, in order to receive their di- vidend of the money in our hands. Those who do not produce their accounts by that time will be excluded from a dividend. A. & J. KENNEDY & Co. Balt. Dec. 4. zaw181Mch
COTTON & STEWART  Have received, a large and general  ASSORTMENT OF BOOKS IN THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF  POLITE LITERATURE;
Amongst which, are the following: JEFFERSON'S Notes on Virginia, hot press'd Ed. Kotebue's Plays, 2 vols. Ladies' Musi- cal Magazine, Park's Travels, Stewart's View of Society, Chesterfield's Letters, 4 vols. Cullen's Practice of Physic, Wallis on Health, Paley's Philosophy, 2 vols. Gibbon's Surveying Moore's Navigation, by Bunt, Burns's Poems, Millot's Ancient History, 2 vols. Practical Education, 2 vols. Beauties of St. Pierre, Buchan's Family Phy- sicia, Fox's Book of Martyrs, 2 vols. Lee's Memoirs, British State Trials, Robinson's Admi- ralty Reports, 2 vols. (to be continued) Gentle- man and Lady's Preceptor, 2 vols. Hunter, on the Blood, 2 vols. Caldwell's Memoirs, Willich's Lectures, Martin's Law of Nations, Vattel's Ditto, Newton on the Prophecies, 2 vols. Edin- burgh Dispensatory, Elegant Extracts, Con- stitutions, Zimmerman on Solitude, Ditto on Na- tional Pride, Blackstone's Commentaries, 4 vols Collection of Sermons, 6 vols. Polite Education, Took's Pantheon, Junius's Letters, 2 vols. Gu- thrie's Geography, Knox's Education, 2 vols. Ditto Essays, 2 vols. Cottegier's Travels, Cook's Voyages, 4 vols. Damberger's Travels, &c. &c  NOVELS.
The Armenian, 2 vols. Montalbert, 2 vols. Antoinette, Tales of Wonder, (by Levis) 2 vols. My Uncle Thomas, 2 vols. Jack Smith, Spirit of the Catholic, Arthur Mervin, 2 vols. Clara Howard, Ormond, Weiland, Mail of the Ham- let, Vagabond, Sailor Boy, Athlin and Dim- bayne, Romance of the Forest, 2 vols. Myrte- ries of Udolpho, 3 vols. Louisa, Julia and the Baron, Ghost Sier, Tale of the Times, 2 vols. Camilla, 3 vols. Evelina, 2 vols. Monk, 2 vols. Family of Ortemberg, Negro, 2 vols. Black Valley, Ellen and Merdant, 2 vols. George Barnwell, Mountain Cottager, Children of the Abbey, 2 vols. Roachfort Family, Darcy, 3 vols. Varmont, Oakindale Abbey, The Fair Impostor, 3 vols. Edelfrida, 4 vols. Count de Hoenstern, 3 vols. Henrietta Mortimer, 2 vols. Fashionable Daughter, Count Gleichen, Emma Dorville, Scotch Heiress, 3 vols. Miss Batt- mores, 2 vols. Advertisement for a Husband, 2 vols. Wandering Island, 2 vols. Cornelia Sed- ley, 4 vols. Tom Jones, 3 vols. Edward, by Moore, 2 vols. Mordaunt, by Ditto, 2 vols. Reuben an Rachell, Girl of the Mountains, 2 vols. Mythic Cottager, &c. &c.
ALSO, Bibles, Testaments, Psalters, Common Prayer Books; Dilworth, Webster, Universal, Pearce, London, and Rational Spelling Books, Primers, and a large collection of Histories and Children's Books, Writing and Letter Paper, and Paper Hangings, Wafers, Quills, Ink Powder, Violin Strings, Playing Cards, Song Books, and Blank Books, &c. &c.
ALMANACS for the year 1802, by the gross, dozen, or single. Country shopkeepers supplied on the low- est terms.
THE SUBSCRIBER,  Contemplating a removal from the  District of Columbia, as soon  as he can close his out standing  concerns, OFFERS FOR SALE,  THE FOLLOWING  Very valuable Property.
One undivided half of a FARM adjoining the Great Falls of Potomac, on which is a good House, a new Barn, and some excel- lent Meadow.—Also, a FORGE, 50 by 60 feet covered with tin, and a Coal and Iron House, situated on the Canal made by the Po- mac Company, and the right of cutting the wood for 900 years on a large parcel of land ad- joining—much of this wood is convenient to the river, and may be readily transported to George- Town, the Federal City, or this place. The other half may be purchased.
Three-Eighths of about eleven hundred acres of LAND, in Berkeley county, ad- joining the lands of the United States, at Keep Tryce Furnace and Harper's Ferry—more than half of it is in wood, and the remainder good farming land. The other five-eighths may also be purchased.
An undivided moiety of 36 acres of LAND in the Common of Alexandria. And adjoining the town, chiefly under fence of ce- dar posts and chestnut rails.
A large and handsome Brick DWELLING HOUSE, 50 by 40 feet, with a brick Stable, Smoke House, and Well of excel- lent water—The Garden and Yard paled in— The House is not quite finished. It will be sold either in its present state, or finished as may suit the purchaser.
A number of LOTS on the new wharf, made by Mr. Herbert, Mr. Wilson, and the subscriber, between Fairfax street and the river Potomac; and, also, the division of the said wharf, made from Mr. Thompson's by a 20 feet street.
An undivided half of a LOT in the west side of Fairfax street, above Queen street, on which the house was burnt last winter. For particulars, respecting titles and terms, which will be liberal both as to price and credit, apply to JOHN POTTS. Alexandria, Oct. 17. taw181
FOR SALE,  An elegant GELDING. Enquire of the Printers. January 26. d3t
Printing in all its va- riety, executed at this office, with neatness and dispatch.
PROPOSALS, By G. F. Hopkins, No. 118, Pearl- street, New-York,  For publishing by Subscription, In two handsome octavo volumes,  THE FEDERALIST,
ON  THE NEW CONSTITUTION.  BY PUBLIUS. WRITTEN IN 1788.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,  PACIFICUS, ON
The Proclamation of Neutrality. WRITTEN IN 1793.  The whole revised and corrected, with new  passages and notes.
THE FEDERALIST was written in a series of numbers, under the signature of Publius, shortly after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution, and addressed to the People of the State of New-York, with the design of enforcing the propriety and necessity of its adoption.
It is principally the production of a man, whose name will be held in sacred respect long after the pitiful attempts which have been made to slander his fame shall have sunk into oblivion. Two other gentlemen, of distinguished talents, occasionally contributed some essays, which will be marked in the publication.
All parties seem at length united in professions of regard for the Constitution; if they are sin- cere, the consideration cannot fail to enhance the value of a work, which, by employing in its fa- vor all the energy of argument, and all the per- suasion of eloquence, was eminently useful in pro- moting its general ratification.
Whoever is desirous of being well informed of the principles and provisions of our Government and the manner in which they have been sup- ported and vindicated, of the objections that were made to the Constitution by its first oppo- sers, and how they were answered, will find these volumes fraught with ample and satisfactory in- struction. The study of them must form an essential part of the education of the American statesman. Politicians, indeed, of every coun- try, will here discover materials in the science of Government well worthy of their attention; a science, of all others, the most interesting to mankind, as it most deeply concerns human hap- piness. The Federalist contains principles that may be remembered and studied with advantage by all classes of men in other countries than our own, and in other ages than that in which we live. The People of America alone have af- forded the example of a pure Representative Republic. In this work it will appear, that the principles of this form of Government have been well understood, and thoroughly developed, and should, unfortunately, the experiment which we have made, hereafter fail, it will be in vain to at- tempt the renewal of similar systems, as no ra- tional hope can be entertained, that more cor- rect notions on this subject will prevail than are here exhibited.
To preserve these papers, therefore, which have so much intrinsic merit, and such lasting utility, in a dress suitable to their character, is the inducement to their re-publication.
PACIFICUS is from the pen of the same en- lightened statesman who was the chief author of the Federalist. These Essays were written in de- fence of the first leading step which our Govern- ment took to preserve that Neutrality which it continued to maintain during the late Trans- atlantic conflict; a conflict which has annihilated the minor powers of Europe, and shaken the civilized world.
Now that the storm has passed over, and the angry and tumultuous passions which at that time agitated our country, have in some measure sub- sided, these papers will be read with profit and pleasure by the intelligent man of every party. Candor will probably wonder, that any should have doubted of the fitness of the measures which this writer has so ably advocated, and which ex- perience has so forcibly proved to have been the best adapted to the interests of the country.
To give to these latter Essays a form which shall outline the effecting impressions of a new pa- per, they are incorporated in these volumes.— Publius and Pacificus will serve to keep in just remembrance two very important events in the history of our country.
The first gentleman here alluded to is Ge- neral Hamilton—the other two, Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The Work shall be put to press imme- diately after 400 subscribers are obtain- ed, and finished with the utmost expe- dition.  II. Where practicable, the books shall be forwarded, free of expence, to such places as may be designated, and a per- son appointed to deliver them.  III. It shall be printed on a superfine medium paper, with a neat type, hand- somely bound and lettered, and deliver- ed to subscribers at Two Dollars a vo- lume. To non-subscribers the price will be enhanced.  IV. Subscribers to pay, where conveni- ent, one dollar in advance.  Subscriptions received at the Office of the Alexandria Advertiser, and by the different Booksellers in Alexandria. New-York, January, 1802.
PRINTED DAILY BY  S. SNOWDEN & Co.