The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-04-12 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
Vol. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1327.
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WEDNESDAY, APRIL 12, 1809.
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The following proceedings of the republican citizens of Pittsburg were some time since presented to the late President of the U. S. by a committee appointed for that purpose; to whom he declined communicating them, as requested, to Congress—observing, that he had never presumed to place himself between the Legislative Houses, and those who have a constitutional right to address them directly. At the request of the committee, the proceedings are now published.
Pittsburg, February 20th, 1809. At a large and respectable meeting of the friends of the general government, convened by adjournment at the Court House in Pittsburg, Alleghany county, Pennsylvania; Major WILLIAM M'CANDLESS was called to the chair, and WILLIAM B. IRISH , Esq. appointed Secretary.
The proceedings of the former meeting were then read by the Secretary; when the following resolutions prepared by a committee appointed by the former meeting, consisting of William M'Candless, Zadock Cramer, William B. Irish, Thomas Enochs and Joseph M'Clurg, were read, considered by paragraphs, and adopted as follows, viz:
IN times of peculiar difficulty, it has been usual for the freemen of America to express their determination to support such measures as the situation of their country might require. The aggressions of foreign nations necessarily imposing restrictions and privations, the outrageous and unprincipled conduct of a faction instigated by G. Britain sounding the tocsin of rebellion in the East , renders it peculiarly requisite that we should express such determination in the West .
The lasting benefits conferred on our country during the virtuous and dignified administration of our beloved Jefferson, impels us, through a grateful sense of obligation, to embrace this last opportunity of declaring our warmest approbation, of the wise and patriotic measures pursued under his direction; and of testifying our confidence in the majority of Congress, and in the administration destined to tread the footsteps and pursue the measures of "the man whom the people have delighted to honor."
Therefore,
Resolved , That at the present awful and momentous crisis, when not only our rights have been assailed on the ocean, but the machinations of our enemies have extended to the bosom of our beloved country, exciting discord, anarchy and rebellion, combined with a separation of the union, to cement which our forefathers nobly fought and nobly conquered, it is the duty of every man who loves his country and respects its laws, to come forward and renew the pledge so solemnly made, by the heroes of the revolution, to support with "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honors" such measures as the constitutional authorities may deem necessary for the preservation of the union, rights, liberties and independence of the U. States.
Whereas at the present eventful crisis, it is the duty of the free and independent citizens of the U. States, to share with their representatives the responsibility of those measures which they in their wisdom may adopt, and pledging the energies of the nation for their support—Therefore,
Resolved , That we consider the navigation of the ocean, in submission to the belligerent decrees, as disgraceful and infamous—that much as we
deprecate the evils and horrors of war, we consider that event as less to be dreaded, than the loss of national honor—and that we view as traitors to their country the violators of the embargo laws.
Resolved , That the embargo was the wisest measure which under existing restrictions of the rights of neutrals by G. Britain and France, could be opposed to the unjust edicts of those nations; and that so far its consequences have been highly beneficial, inasmuch as it has preserved an immense capital belonging to our merchants from the grasp of the robbers of the ocean, and given time for offensive and defensive operations; and convinced the tyrants of the sea and land, that the American people will suffer every privation rather submit to the tyranny and injustice of any power on the globe.
Resolved , That reposing the highest confidence in the wisdom, integrity, and impartiality of those chosen to conduct the affairs of this nation, we view, with the manly indignation of freemen, the late attempt of the ministers of Great Britain to fan the flame of civil discontent among our brethren of the Eastern states—that it is in our opinion ample proof of the existence of a profligate faction in the bosom of our country, ready to promote the interests of a foreign power, and to prostrate the rights, liberty and independence of this country—and who should be held up to the public execration and be branded with indelible disgrace.
Resolved , That although we consider the embargo as a wise precautionary measure, yet should war be deemed more expedient by those to whom the voice of the people has committed the destinies of the nation—in that event we declare our firm determination to use every energy and risk our lives and property in defence of our just rights, until our grievances are redressed.
Resolved , That we consider the official conduct of Pickering, Gardener, Quincy , and others, merits the warmest indignation of every lover of this country and its laws, and that we do most solemnly believe it is owing to the incendiary conduct of such men in the councils of the nation, that the belligerents have been encouraged in their violations of our neutral rights; and Great Britain in particular in violating our territory and trampling on our rights as a free and independent nation.
Resolved , That at this important crisis it becomes an American citizen to entertain partialities for either of the two great contending powers of Europe; and that for ourselves, individually and collectively, we publicly declare that we despise the slanderous insinuation of French influence—that we hold all nations as "enemies in war, in peace friends;"—but that the our race beaped on this nation by Great Britain and France have been of so hostile a character, that we feel compelled to regard them both as inimical to the rights, independence and prosperity of this country.
Resolved , That the following persons be appointed a committee to correspond with the different committees and their fellow citizens generally, on the subject of the foregoing resolutions, viz: Gen. Thomas Baird, Wm. B. Irish, Esq. George Cochrane of Richard, Joseph M'Clurg and E. Pentland.
Resolved , That copies of the foregoing resolutions be transmitted to the President of the United States, with a request that they be laid before both Houses of Congress as the sentiments of a very large portion of the citizens of this Congressional district; and that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published in all papers friendly to the republican cause.
WM. M'CANDLESS, Chairman WM. B. IRISH, Secretary.
The following is the act passed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania in the case of G. Olmstead.
AN ACT Relative to certain proceedings in the case of the prize sloop Active . Whereas, by an act of the general assembly of this commonwealth,
passed the second day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, entitled "An act relating to the claim of this commonwealth against Elizabeth Sargeant and Esther Waters surviving executrixes of David Rittenhouse, esquire, deceased," the right of this commonwealth was asserted to certain monies, which the said executrixes of David Rittenhouse, heretofore treasurer of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, admitted to have been received by them, in the manner in the same act particularly set forth, as part of the proceeds of a certain prize called the Active , captured during the revolutionary war, and provision was made among other things, that if, in pursuance of the requisition of the said act, (the decree of the district court of Pennsylvania, in the said act mentioned to the contrary notwithstanding,) the said executrixes should pay the said monies into the treasury of the commonwealth, without suit brought against them to compel such payment, they should be indemnified for so doing; and whereas, the supreme court of the United States have reviewed the proceedings of the said district court of Pennsylvania, and have adjudged that the decree thereof ought to be enforced, notwithstanding the claim of the commonwealth, and the payment of the said monies into the treasury thereof, as aforesaid: And whereas, the good faith of this commonwealth requires that the said engagement of indemnity should be effectually performed: And whereas, sundry unforeseen difficulties may arise in protecting the just rights of the state, which ought to be provided for before the adjournment of the legislature. And as the legislature, by their resolutions during the present session, have enjoined certain duties on the governor touching the premises, and it is expedient to make such appropriations as shall meet every contingency.—But protesting that nothing in this act contained shall be deemed or taken as a dereliction of any right or principle heretofore asserted on behalf of the commonwealth.—And it is moreover, the duty of the legislature, to protect all good citizens from loss or injury in their property or persons, by reason of their obedience to the laws and constituted authorities of the commonwealth. Therefore,
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, That the sum of 13000 dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated, and made subject to the orders of the governor on the state treasurer, to enable the governor to carry into effect all and every engagement of this commonwealth, touching the premises, (in such manner as may appear to him to be advisable, just and proper) and to meet all contingent expenses which may arise in the execution of any authority or power given to or enjoined on him by the resolutions of this legislature passed on the 3d April, 1809, or by the act of 2d April, 1803; and also to protect all and every person or persons in any way concerned in the protection of the just rights of the commonwealth, in obedience to the injunctions of any law or authority, derived therefrom.
PALM TREE.
Attempts are making, (says a London paper) and we hope will be attended with success, to introduce into the West Indies, the PALM, in India called the Oroo ; this beautiful, stately, and valuable plant, produces each year on an average six leaves, and from the base of the leaf, about ten or twelve ounces of black fibres, resembling horse-hair, grow and embrace the trunk of the tree—these fibres, which are detached, without injuring the plants, are very strong, and are employed in making cordage. An agreeable wine is extracted from this Palm, as also sugar, and an ardent spirit, and when it arrives to maturity, its sap is one of the varieties of the Sago meal, and is used by the natives as food. The cultivation of Mahogany, in India, has been attended with great success. Two plants, (the first known in India) were sent out by the court of directors from the Botanic Garden at Calcutta; from these two, upwards of a thousand plants have been reared, and
they succeed so well, as to promise in a few years to be a valuable acquisition to the country. The two original trees were last year 4 feet in circumference, and several of the others 2 or 3 feet.
[The Oroo , Palm, Palmyra, or Toddy tree, is a native of South America, and of the islands near the tropics throughout the southern hemisphere; the description here given of it is not correct; either as to its leaves or properties; and it is a species distinct from the Sago tree, which is not a common tree of India, nor is the Sago manufactured in India, but in the islands of the eastern Archipelago; there must be some mistake also as to the Mahogany tree, for independent of the fact, that the celebrated Teak is, in fact, no more than a brown Mahogany, the red Mahogany, indigenous in the Andamans in the bay of Bengal, was manufactured into very beautiful Mahogany furniture at Calcutta, seventeen years ago; very probably the indefatigable zeal and love of utility which have distinguished Dr. Roxburg, superintendent of the noble Botanical establishment on the west side of the Hoogly, near Calcutta, may have introduced varieties of Mahogany, as he has introduced our Oaks, Maples, Button woods Sassafras, and Catalpa; but the London editors, like their friends in America, have generally very little knowledge beyond the circle in which they vegetated.] Aurora.
Biography of Florida Blanca.
On the 20th of Dec died in this city, aged 81 years and 2 months, his excellency don JOSEPH MONNINO , count of Florida Blanca, President of the Supreme Junta of the kingdom, Dean of his majesty's Council of State, knight of the most noble order of the Golden Fleece, and Grand Cross of the Royal and illustrious order of Charles III. &c. &c. The study and practice of jurisprudence, in which he gave distinguished proofs of his talents and profound erudition, introduced this great man into public notice, & proved the foundation of his future well-earned fame. The government, confiding in his prudence, zeal and penetration, charged him with negotiations of the highest importance. In the office of Fiscal of his majesty, in the royal council, he convinced the whole nation of his undaunting rectitude and the vast extent of his knowledge and erudition. His merit, however, was too great to admit of his being confined within the narrow limits of this tribunal. He was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the court of Rome by Charles III. where, by his skill in negotiation, he triumphed over the greatest difficulties, and accomplished the objects of his mission: long will Rome retain the remembrance of his name and wisdom. Thence he was called by the king near his own person, and appointed to the office of first secretary of state. Who can describe what literature, the arts, science, industry, and every branch of public prosperity, owe him? Suffice it to say, that 20 years of neglect, disorder, and anti-national tyranny, have not been able entirely to demolish the structure raised by his beneficent hand. The envy of a man, who from a favorite became a despot, banished him from court; and Monnino manifested on that occasion, that his fortitude was equal to his talents. The count lived retired, but not forgotten by the good, until the urgency of the monarchy and the universal voice of the nation called him to Aranjuez to regulate the Supreme Junta, of which he was made President. In this elevated station his manners were as modest and unassuming as in his retirement, and he devoted his talents, zeal and patriotism (which the weight of his years could not extinguish) to the consolidation of the national representation, to which the nation looked for its preservation from tyranny and anarchy. Soon after the removal of the Junta to Seville, death snatched him hence: here (too soon, alas, for us) he found a tomb; and here he has left the memory of his disinterested patriotism, and of his devotion to and love for his afflicted country, his fellow-citizens, and a deluded world.
The king, and in his name the Royal Junta, in consideration of the extraordinary merit and services of the most serene lord the count of Florida Blanca, and of his high and glo-
rious dignity of President of the same, and to give to posterity a proof of his majesty's sentiments of those who serve him worthily, and who give such distinguished proofs of their love of his royal person, mindful above all of his talents and virtues, and of the zeal with which he employed them in the service of the monarchy, and of that true patriotism, which shone so bright at a moment the most critical to religion and his country, sacrificing for them the last days of his life, have resolved to bestow on his heir to the title of Count of Florida Blanca, as well for himself as his successors, the dignity of Grandee of Spain, with all the privileges thereto attached.— Seville Gazette.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
TUESDAY, JAN. 31.
ERFURTH PAPERS.
MR. CANNING said, he rose for the purpose of proposing an address to his Majesty of thanks for the gracious communication he was pleased to make to Parliament, with respect to the proposition made for peace from Erfurth. The principle on which his majesty acted, in the transaction submitted to the consideration of the House, he had no doubt would induce the House to resolve to support his Majesty in continuing the war, as it was impossible he could hearken to a proposition in which Spain was at the time to be abandoned to the enemy. He did not conceive that there could be any opposition or diversity of opinion on the subject, and whatever might be said on the occasion, or whatever there might be of doubt or hesitation, as to the approval of the steps taken on the occasion, yet he was convinced that not an individual in the House would stand up and say, that there was any probability of the result of the negotiation ending in peace. In the overture from Erfurth the enemy could have no serious idea of peace, and yet though this was the case, he challenged any man to say that any fair object was omitted on the part of his Majesty's ministers to produce tranquillity, or that any matter was wantonly introduced to render the chance of peace impossible. On the fair grounds of criticism, if they were denied applause, they certainly did not incur either censure or blame. Every person must recollect, he observed, the feeling of the public with respect to the struggle of Spain at the time the overture was made for peace from Erfurth. If any blame was to be attached to ministers, so far from their being reprehensible for not protracting the negotiation, it was probably that they were not sufficiently quick in putting an end to it in the first instance, as there was no question but the object of the enemy was delay and delusion. It, however, behoved ministers, without the probability of doubt, to ascertain what the enemy really had in view; therefore it was equally important to examine into his object, as it was to bring the overture to a speedy decision. After the unexampled delinquency and delectable atrocities of Bonaparte, on consulting political expediency, or a high moral principle, it might have been just to have rejected at once all overtures, unless he made some atonement for his perfidiousness and outrage, and that ministers would not treat with him until he had abandoned Spain, and restored the Spanish family to the throne, whom he had seized, as a prelude to a general pacification. Having however no precedent for such a proceeding, and ministers conceiving that if they acted on such a principle as atonement, they must also say, there must be a sponge to wipe out all his former transactions, they required no such atonement, but received the overture from Erfurth, and their conduct was now before the House. After entering into an elaborate defence of government, he concluded by moving an humble address to his Majesty, for his gracious communication respecting the proposition made for peace from Erfurth, and the result thereof.
Sir Francis BURDETT said, having a different view of the present question from any of the gentlemen who had that night delivered their opinions, and not having previously attended any of the meetings connected with the cause of the Spanish people, nor expressed what were his notions

on that subject, he could not allow the question to go to a vote without shortly delivering his sentiments on the occasion. On addresses proposed to be voted to his Majesty, he understood it to be a matter of right in any member to enter into any discussion of the general interests of the country. It might be disagreeable to the ears of Englishmen, to hear the perilous situation of their country described, to have enumerated a train of occurrences more calamitous and imprudent probably than had ever disgraced any nation on the face of the globe; but still, had he not been instructed by the superior judgment of the Speaker, he should have been of opinion that the honorable member who spoke first, had he not waived the right, was entitled to have proceeded, and might fairly have introduced any parallel instances of atrocity, when told, on the other side, that the act of the Emperor of the French, by which this country was precluded from listening to his overtures for peace, was an instance of the most unparalleled atrocity which had ever disgraced any country. He felt no pleasure in recalling to the recollection of the House the calamities and burdens under which the people of this country groaned. He did not wish them to look back on what was past, but with the recollection of past occurrences in their minds to look forward to what yet remained, and to consider well that a continuance in similar courses might ultimately prove fatal to this land. Whatever were the merits of Bonaparte, which unquestionably would not be fairly discussed in that House, it would, at least, be allowed, that he knew the best means of accomplishing the objects he had in view. Having, then, received from him a taunt as to an unprotected part of our dominions, let us take the hint, and by an act of our own render a repetition of the taunt unnecessary. It had been said, that beat a fool in a mortar with a pestle, he would never quit his folly; we had been beat in a mortar for many years, but what had we got but disgrace. If we were to assist the Spaniards it was the duty of ministers to see that there was a rational hope of attaining our end. In his opinion there was not any such rational expectation. The absurdity of acting on the divine right of Kings had been the misfortune of this reign. In support of it we had made an unavailing waste of blood and treasure, but we had never yet embarked in any legitimate object. We were now smarting under the effects of the war with America, and the burdens with which we were loaded by the corrupt ministers of those days. It suited the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) to night to say, that the internal government of a country should not be interfered with. How did this doctrine accord with the idea of the contest in which for the last fifteen years, we had been engaged with the French, simply, because they chose to alter their internal form of government? Instead of a monument to the memory of the minister who involved us in such a war, he deserved to have lost his head on the scaffold. In addition to the other losses our armies in Spain had sustained, he thought that the life of the gallant officer who commanded the expedition to have been too dearly sold for Ferdinand the VIIth. If he was right informed, there were Bulwarks in town, in which, notwithstanding the acrimony of the French ruler, he does ample justice to the bravery of our army and its gallant commander. He could not believe that men who, like our present ministers, could see no merit in an enemy, were fit to rule over a generous people. He begged, however, to disclaim the idea of being the advocate of Bonaparte. As to the general state of the war in Spain, unless ministers proceeded on the fact of the known enthusiasm of the country—if they presumed to take that information on light grounds, they had been guilty of a crime of the deepest magnitude, being a course calculated above all others to produce the greatest calamities. In addition to accurate information on this subject, they should have been able to see that there would be 300,000 men in arms—that all the passes were secured—and that they would be able to fight with every advantage, not subject to want of food, and that they would only have to fall, if they did fall, in the field of glory. If these things could not be ensured, then their duty was not to have landed a single man, but to have supplied the Spaniards with arms and other necessaries, which might have produced a prolongation of the war. These were the only two rational plans of proceeding, instead of which ministers had contented themselves with sending only such a body of men as was sufficient to prevent disgrace to our arms, which the valor of our army could itself effect, but not enough to save the nation from an aching
heart. They presumed, too, to trust the British character and honor on the rotten plank of the Spanish government, not excepting even the Inquisition. They had no right to do so; there was no necessity for doing it. With respect to the sending money to the Spaniards, it would have well become ministers, before they called for a supply from the exhausted pockets of the people, to have restored the millions of which Spain had been some years ago unjustly pillaged by the government of this country, and which had gone to his majesty under the name of Droits of the Admiralty. This would only have been a restitution of their own property, and while it aided the Spaniards, would have cleared the character of this country, and confirmed our former assertion, that we had seized on their money principally to prevent its going into the hands of Bonaparte. He confessed that he would prefer to the amendment now proposed, an address to his majesty, requesting that he would order an inquiry into the grievances of which the public had to complain, and that as an earnest of the reformation of abuses, he would dismiss his present ministers from his presence and councils. The House was called on for an address of thanks. He, for one, had no thanks to bestow; kings were too much exposed to have adulation poured into their ear. It was the cause of the overthrow of too many of the thrones of Europe. We had not heard that any of the kings who had of late years fallen under the dominion of Bonaparte, were in want of courtiers. It was fit that the king of England should occasionally hear the truth from his Commons, and no better opportunity than the present could possibly present itself. The Secretary of State had objected to the idea of this being a sinking country. He (Mr. Canning) might be rising, but the country was sinking. He (Sir Francis Burdett) was of that opinion, and there was too much ground to believe it would sink still lower, if a reform did not speedily take place. Mr. WHITBREAD replied to Mr. Canning, and after a conversation, in which several other members spoke, the address was agreed to, and was ordered to be presented to his majesty by such of the members as are of his majesty's most honorable privy council—Adjourned.
LONDON FEB. 18. HOUSE OF LORDS. AMERICA.
The order of the day being moved.
Lord GRENVILLE rose to bring forward his long expected motion for the repeal of the Orders in Council, as far as they affect the United States of America. His Lordship began by recalling to the recollection of the House, the opinions he had invariably expressed during the course of the last session on that subject: the intention he had avowed of bringing forward a motion grounded on the evidence then recently taken at the bar, and which motion would have been similar in many respects to that which he should have the honor this day of submitting to their Lordships. If he had foreborne to bring forward that motion, it was because reports had gone abroad at the time as grateful to his feelings, as, if realised, they would have proved beneficial to the interest of the country, viz. that Ministers had altered their mind respecting America, and were disposed to resort to measures less calculated to alienate from us the good disposition of the American government and people. Sorry he was that such reports had no foundation in fact. Sorry he was, that his majesty's government should have persisted in a system which he had no hesitation in saying, was a direct violation of the laws of nations, a flagrant infringement of the eternal principles of justice. Such is the light in which he had all along considered that system; but when he found it persevered in after the proposal of the American government in August last, he must now, moreover, designate it as an act of egregious folly, the result of the most unexampled ignorance. In August last, America proposed to you to repeal or suspend her embargo, as far as it affected British commerce, if you would rescind your orders in council as far as they affected the commerce of America. That proposition you have rejected, and by rejecting it, you incur the odium and the blame of being the cause of the embargo, and of the continuance of all the evils consequent upon that measure. All that has been argued on this question, and all he had advanced respecting it at different times, it was by no means his intention now to repeat. He should confine himself simply to the statement of two questions, viz. was it just, politic and
wise, to refuse the offer made by America in August last, and thereby prolong the existence of the evils that must arise from the present state of our relations with America? Or is it prudent now to revise that fatal determination, and return to sounder councils, and less hazardous measures? By the unjust and shameful procedure we had adopted, we put a stop to the neutrality of Europe, we enabled the enemy more effectually to exclude our commerce from the Continent, than perhaps he ever imagined he should be able to effect: but America still remained, and opened to us in another quarter of the globe, a mart for all our commodities, a supply of all the materials of our industry, from which the enemy, with all his immense power on the Continent of Europe, had no means of debarring us. Yet instead of softening and smoothing down every difference that arose between the two countries, instead of pursuing a policy that must have attached America to our alliance and our interests, we have done every thing to inflame and exasperate her, every thing to estrange her affections, and indispose us towards her interests. Such is the direct tendency of the policy which his majesty's present ministers seem resolved to pursue. How different is it from that which the wisdom of Mr. Pitt adopted in 1783, which since that period has been pursued and acted upon, which, when he had the honor of being called to his Majesty's Councils he had endeavored to re-establish, by the adjustment of a commercial treaty, founded upon the reciprocal interests of the two nations. But now instead of cultivating that connection, instead of fostering that system of reciprocity, it would appear to be now the plan of ministers to alienate America, and force her into the arms of France. If this was impolitic and unwise from the beginning, how much must it be felt so since the offer of America in August last. Respecting the nature of that offer, the strongest misrepresentations have been made. It has been asserted that if it had been in her negotiations with France, and with this country, respecting the repeal of the French decrees, and of our orders in council, America had manifested a decided partiality in favor of France. By these assertions, he had himself been entrapped into a belief that they were well founded, & in consequence of that conviction, he had made use of expressions respecting men and measures, which he was now most anxious to retract. What could be the motive of the misrepresentation of this matter which were so easily spread abroad & so industriously propagated, he would not take upon himself to say; but he felt it his duty to inform himself accurately to inform himself upon the subject, and the result of his enquiries had abundantly satisfied him that the misrepresentations he alluded to had nothing in the world to warrant them. He should undertake to prove not only that the words of the President of the U. S. relative to the pending negotiations were misinterpreted, but that from irrefragable documents he would demonstrate that there were no grounds whatsoever for the charge of partiality on the part of America towards France, to the prejudice of this country. The noble Lord then proceeded to read the passage in the speech of the President of the United States to Congress, which relates to the negotiations with the two governments of France and England.
The noble Lord also read the report made by Congress in answer to the President's address, and argued, both from the text of the speech and the comment upon it, with a view to prove that instead of any partiality toward France, the terms proposed were rather more favorable to England. The tenor of the instructions from the American government to their ministers at Paris and at London, the noble Lord like-wise referred to as containing still stronger proofs of the impartiality of America, or rather, of her inclination to side sooner with England than with France. From all these documents, it appeared, and it was put in still a stronger light in a letter from Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney, which however, does not appear among the papers on the table, that America held out nearly the same terms, couched in nearly the same language to both governments. To France she observed, that if the French government did not repeal their decrees, while England revoked her orders in council, America must be forced into a contest with France; in the other passages of correspondence, the word "war" was expressly made use of. Indeed not only did a perfect impartiality respecting the two governments appear to guide the proceedings of America, but a fair and full consideration of them would induce
every unprejudiced mind to think, instead of much being offered to France and little to England, the reverse was the case, and that much had been offered to England and little to France.
By listening to the offer in August last, England might have secured two advantages—the repeal of the Embargo, and the next to a certainty, of having America as an ally in the war against France; while France, in the first instance, had the offer but of one advantage; these were considerations which he could not too strongly recommend to the serious attention of their lordships. Let the offer of America in August last, be candidly considered. Let the advantages of embracing it, and the evils that must result from rejecting it, be maturely weighed. This was the great object he had in view; and to which he must again implore the serious attention of their lordships. In order to attain that object, he should now move an humble address to his Majesty, the drift of which was to pray his Majesty would be graciously pleased, while the door for negotiation was still open, to adopt such measures as might tend to restore our wonted relations with America, and re-establish the former footing of our commercial intercourse with that country. The address moved by the noble lord, was very long, and refers to most of the transactions which have taken place between this country and America, for the last two years.
Lord BATHURST answered the noble mover, and went into a detail of all his arguments; he contended that the Orders in Council arose of necessity from the French decrees, and said, that so far from their being the cause of the American embargo, that in fact the orders in council were not known in America until the 26th December, and before that day the Embargo had taken place. He next adverted to the accounts laid on the table, and insisted that they proved we had suffered no diminution in our revenue in consequence of the non-importation act, which was a thing totally distinct from the embargo; with respect to the want of flaxseed, that the noble lord had stated, was an irremediable mischief for the linen manufacture of Ireland. It was true that at the present moment it might occasion inconvenience, but that would only be of a temporary pressure, for large quantities were raised in our own settlements in North America; but at present it was frozen up in the river St. Lawrence, and could not arrive until June, which certainly would be too late for the present sowing season. It was, however, an evil not likely to recur, because, in addition to this supply, large tracts in Ireland were now sown with seed designed purposely for future sowings. It would also appear, by reference to the papers before the House that although, in consequence of the embargo, and the ports being shut in the Baltic, the importation from them had been but small; yet, to counterbalance it, we had imported from our own colony of Canada, more of timber, lumber, and all those articles which we usually obtained from the closed ports, than we had before imported from those states. This, he need not say, was one advantage arising from the embargo, as it led us to improve our own resources, and rendered us independent. His lordship then adverted to the justice and expediency of the Orders, and argued, that they were perfectly according to the law of nations, and that it was the necessary consequence of the state of warfare, that neutrals must suffer in the enjoyment of their commerce, when their neighbors were engaged in warfare.
Lord SIDMOUTH defended the legality of the order of the 7th of January, 1805, which related to the consigned trade, which he said a neutral had no right to carry on, for the benefit of one of the belligerents, at the expense of the other. For a neutral could acquire no new rights by the state of war; and that was a trade which in peace he could not pursue. But he insisted that a new era arose in the question when the Americans offered to rescind their embargo, with respect to us, and continue it only with respect to France, if we would abandon our orders in council; he thought then it became the duty of this country to attempt conciliation, and to that pacific proposition, we ought to assume a suitable disposition to conciliation. He insisted that it was not done; ministers had shown a hostile disposition, and, therefore, he concurred in the motion of his honorable friend.
Lord MELVILLE said he should not intrude upon their lordships' time; but he wished to observe, that the question seemed to be wholly misunderstood, both by the noble mover and the noble viscount (Sidmouth). The one said that his object was to
discuss the entire merits of the case; the other, that he was desirous of submitting to the notice of his majesty, the distrust he felt of the persons at the head of government; the former alluding to the transactions, and the latter to those who were concerned in conducting them. He (Lord Melville) should have thought it more manly to have taken a direct course, instead of attempting to pass a vote of censure thus blended, in which the real design was rendered obscure. He resisted this address, because it was an unnecessary interposition of the house, during a negotiation now pending with the U. States. Other motives he had for opposing the motion of the noble baron, which he would briefly explain: the origin of the orders in council was the edicts of Berlin, which violated all the maritime rights which had been recognized in Europe for centuries. The first proceeding in consequence of those edicts was on the 7th Jan. 1807, and the nature of it had been misunderstood. The rule of the war in 1756 was supposed to be the effect of the order in council; but if this were all, the order itself would have been unproductive and nugatory; if such were the whole result, it would have been incompetent to encounter with it the Berlin decree, which extended not only to France but to all nations dependant upon her authority. The rule of the war of 1756 might merely be considered as a coasting regulation; the orders of council were founded on the just principle of retaliation, and so they were correctly explained by Ld. Howe's admirable order on the subject. He (Lord Melville) had stated that the Berlin edicts were a violation of all maritime and neutral rights. But there were neutral duties as well as neutral rights.
A neutral state should hold the balance even between the belligerent powers; and if this duty were neglected, the neutral rights would be forfeited. Lord Howe properly contemplated these duties; and seeing the preference which must be given to France under the operation of the edict, he properly observed, that he could not rescind the orders in council until these edicts were revoked; and he added, as fully, that under other circumstances, to abandon the orders in Council would be to renounce the best principles of our maritime rights. Why should not these just maxims be regarded. Could the flimsy correspondence between Gen. Armstrong and the French minister, at Paris, vindicate their surrender? It was no wonder that France was mortified and America disappointed; for before the salutary operation of the orders in council, the whole produce of the colonies of the former was conveyed to Europe by the shipping of the latter. The orders in council had undergone a long and laborious discussion; unless their lordships meant to abandon all that they before respected, they could not now repeal them, unless, admitting the measure to be correct, they had seen so much mischief in the mode of its execution, as to obstruct all its beneficial tendency. But no such objection had been mentioned, and he believed no such existed. It was said, that by the correspondence on the table, between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning, it appeared that if the orders in council were rescinded the embargo would be withdrawn. Were we, on such a proposal to desert what was considered so essential to the preservation of our maritime rights? Were we on such an obscure intimation, to resign what we and our predecessors in office deemed to be so important to our highest interests? He was no advocate for prejudicing America. God forbid that he should ever consider that the adversity of America was the prosperity of Great Britain; on the contrary he thought that the prosperity of the one was now, and would be for a long while, highly conducive to the welfare of the other. If all Asia and Africa and Europe, this kingdom excepted, were with America, and this country against her, it would not be so advantageous a situation for her as if we were with her, and all the rest of the globe opposed to her, and he hoped she would so far understand her true interests, and show her correct views of them by her future conduct towards us. Never was there a period more favorable to a close union between Great Britain & the American States than the present (hear! hear!) but this desirable purpose was not to be attained by revoking the orders in council on the feeble grounds now stated. He could not coincide with the noble mover, because he could not on this occasion condemn ministers without assigning the same condemnation to their lordships, who had deliberately sanctioned the measures represented in this address as unjust and impolitic. Lord AUCKLAND in reply to the last speaker observed, that the treaty to

which he alluded was in point of fact concluded, though not formally published, before any question arose about the Berlin decree.
The Lord Chancellor took a review of the history of the proceedings which led to the Berlin decree, the orders in council, and the embargo. He insisted that it was evident the whole was meant to destroy us, through the medium of our commerce, being found unassailable in other points.
Lord ERASME condemned the measure of administration, and argued, if we had adopted the offer made by Mr. Pinkney, we should have opened an amicable intercourse with America, and that France must either have recalled her decrees, or have been forced into a state of hostility with America.
Lord LIVERPOOL went through the documents before the house, and argued that the Americans had acted with great partiality. He cited the instructions to the ambassadors in England and France, and agreed it was evident that they wished to bid the latter to pursue every hostile measure against us, promised only they would relax a little; but from us they demanded, nothing short of a peremptory recall of our orders. He then adverted to the state of our West Indies, and said the embargo had proved what before was never believed, namely, that our islands could subsist without any intercourse with America.
Lord GRENVILLE replied at some length. The question was then put on Lord Grenville's address, upon which the house divided.
  Contents, present, 31   Proxies, 39—70   Non-Contents, present, 61   Proxies, 51—115   Majority, 43   Adjourned at half past 3 o'clock.
King's Speech at the opening of Parliament.
"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, We have it in command from his Majesty to state to you, that his Majesty has called you together, in perfect confidence, that you are prepared cordially to support his Majesty in the prosecution of a war, which there is no hope of terminating safely and honorably, except through vigorous and persevering exertion.
"We are to acquaint you, that his Majesty has directed to be laid before you copies of the proposals for opening a negotiation, which were transmitted to his Majesty from Erfurth, and of the correspondence which thereupon took place with the governments of Russia and France; together with the declaration issued by his Majesty's command, on the termination of that correspondence.
"His Majesty is persuaded, that you will participate in the feelings which were expressed by his Majesty, when it was required that his Majesty should consent to commence the negotiation by abandoning the cause of Spain, which he had so recently and solemnly espoused.
"We are commanded to inform you, that his Majesty continues to receive from the Spanish government the strongest assurance of their determined perseverance in the cause of the legitimate monarchy, and of the national independence of Spain; and to assure you, that so long as the people of Spain shall remain true to themselves, his Majesty will continue to them his most strenuous assistance and support.
"His Majesty has renewed to the Spanish nation, in the moment of its difficulties and reverses, the engagements which he voluntarily contracted at the outset of its struggle, against the usurpation and tyranny of France; and we are commanded to acquaint you, that these engagements have been reduced into the form of a treaty of alliance; which treaty, so soon as the ratification shall have been exchanged, his Majesty will cause to be laid before you.
"His Majesty commands us to state to you, that while his Majesty contemplated with the liveliest satisfaction the achievements of his forces in the commencement of the campaigns in Portugal, and the deliverance of the kingdom of his ally, from the presence and oppressions of the French army, his Majesty most deeply regretted the termination of that campaign by an armistice and convention, of some of the articles of which his Majesty has felt himself obliged formally to declare his disapprobation.
"We are to express to you his Majesty's reliance on your disposition to enable his Majesty to continue the aid afforded by his Majesty to the king of Sweden—that monarch derives a peculiar claim to his Majesty's support, in the present exigency of his affairs, from having concurred with his Majesty in the propriety of rejecting any proposal for negotiation,
to which the government of Spain was not to be admitted as a party.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, We are commanded by his Majesty to inform you, that he has directed the estimates of the current year to be laid before you. His majesty relies upon your zeal and affection to make such further provisions of supply as the vigorous prosecution of the war may render necessary; and he trusts that you may be enabled to find the means of providing such supply without any great or immediate increase of existing burthens upon his people.
"His majesty feels assured, that it will be highly satisfactory for you to learn, that notwithstanding the measures resorted to by the enemy for the purpose of destroying the commerce and resources of his kingdom, the public revenue has continued in a course of progressive improvement.
"My lords and gentlemen, We are directed to inform you, that the measure adopted by Parliament in the last session for establishing a local militia, has been already attended with the happiest success, and promises to be extensively and permanently beneficial to the country.
"We have received his majesty's commands most especially to recommend to you, that, duly weighing the immense interests which are at stake in the war now carrying on, you should proceed with as little delay as possible to consider of the most effectual measures for the augmentation of the regular army, in order that his majesty may be the better enabled, without impairing the means of defence at home, to avail himself of the military power of his dominions, in the great contest in which he is engaged; and to conduct that contest under the blessings of divine Providence, to a conclusion compatible with the honor of his majesty's crown, and with the interests of his allies, of Europe and of the world."
From London Papers.
February 11. —The two friends left Cadiz as late as the 28th ult. It was intended she should come with the convoy, consisting of about 40 ships, in that port, but finding the wind favorable, she took her departure unprotected. She is a small vessel laden with salt. On the 20th no English troops had arrived, nor was it known the Spanish government would admit an English garrison into the fortress of Cadiz. The enemy had not at that time appeared, nor was it immediately expected. All was in repose, except where the attention of the engineers and architects was directed for the improvement of the works.
February 13. —By dispatches we learn that Saragossa has at length been forced to surrender to the army. We have not heard the particulars. The most lively sensation still reigns in the Southern provinces of Spain, and they still assert that, with assistance, they could maintain a defensive war, and restrain the dominion of the French, to the actual spots occupied by the troops.
It appears by Dutch papers, that Austria was still occupied in the augmentation of her army, & in perfecting her military system. The French force in Germany had also received considerable reinforcements, 20,000 conscripts having passed the Rhine during last month.
The distress of the inhabitants of Copenhagen was so great, that many of them had been obliged to substitute horse flesh for butcher's meat; and its price for January and February was fixed at 4d. and 5d. per pound.
Leghorn has been declared by Bonaparte a freeport.
February 17. —M. Cevallos has arrived in London, and the accounts he has communicated tend to confirm the opinion entertained by some people in this country of the popular enthusiasm in the South of Spain in favor of the Bourdon dynasty. To provide against disaster, we are happy to learn, that measures are taken to secure the fleet in the port of Cadiz from the calamity which has unhappily befallen that in the harbor of Ferrol, where ten line battle ships and five frigates are said to be in the hands of the enemy. Many persons have been arrested in Cadiz, and great exertions are making to improve the fortifications of that place.
18.—The expedition at Cork goes on with the greatest alacrity. Orders were yesterday received at Portsmouth, to dispatch 40 sail of transports to Cork; they will sail the first fair wind.
The Marquis de Romana, with the remains of his army, has taken possession of Bayona, a seaport in Galicia, where it is probable he will be able to sustain himself, till we can send supplies to him by sea.
February 16. —The first bulletin is received: 30,000 men out of 80 cannon, the British were only able to embark 20; if the French
gained 60. The English (the bulletins declare) gained nothing by the expedition, but the hatred of the Spaniards and disgrace. The governor of Corunna took the oath of allegiance to king Joseph, and the people manifested great joy on being delivered from the English.
The anxiety of the merchants here is directed to the situation of Oporto. A great many ships principally laden with wine, are now in that port, which from the state of the wind, have not been able to clear the bar, and serious apprehensions are entertained, that they will fall into the hands of the enemy.
FOR SALE. ALL or any part of the estate of the subscriber, lying on the Eastern Branch of the Potomac, between the two Bridges, and immediately opposite the city of Washington; a considerable part of the estate is heavily wooded, and the whole is divided into convenient Farms, each containing a proper proportion of wood and arable land. On payment of one fourth part of the purchase money, indisputable titles will be made, and reasonable credit for the residue, secured by bond and mortgage.
ALSO FOR SALE. The whole, or any part of the Estates of the "North American Land Company," an "Aggregate Land," consisting of divers large bodies of Land variously situated, in the states of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and Kentucky; and of Houses & House Lots in the City of Washington. On the Sale of which, indisputable title and very liberal terms, both as to price and periods of payment, will be granted to all persons, particularly settlers disposed to purchase.
For further information, and terms, apply to the subscriber, at present in Philadelphia, or at Washington from the 1st to the 15th June next.
JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, April 12—ep10w6g
UNITED STATES, District of Columbia, county of Washington, to wit:
In Chancery, March 28th, 1809. John P. Van Ness—Complainant, against William H. Dorsey—Defendant.
THE Bill states, that in or about the year 1805, the defendant William H. Dorsey, being or pretending to be seized in fee, or of some other good and sufficient estate of inheritance of, in, and to certain pieces or parcels of ground, lying, and being in the city of Washington, which said grounds were leased out upon ground rent for ninety-nine years, renewable forever—that the said defendant being indebted to the complainant John P. Van Ness in the sum of four thousand nine hundred and seventy-four dollars thirty-four cents, payable on the 10th day of January 1809, with interest from that day if not then paid—for the purpose of securing to the said complainant his said debt and interest, did, by deed of indenture bearing date on or about the 19th day of April 1805, mortgage to the said complainant the following pieces or parcels of ground, lying and being in the city of Washington aforesaid, which said grounds are leased out upon ground rent for ninety-nine years, renewable forever, that is to say, that piece of ground then under lease to Cornelius McLean; that piece of ground then under lease to Edward Priddy; that piece of ground then under lease to George Blount; that piece of ground then leased to Thomas Herty; that piece of ground then leased to Alexander; that piece of ground then leased to Peter Murray; that piece of ground then leased to William Woodward, also, another piece then leased to said Woodward, and that piece then leased to John McCowan.—That the said defendant hath failed to pay to the said complainant the said sum of money or any part thereof, or to any other person on his account on the said 10th day of January 1809, according to the proviso contained in the said deed of indenture or mortgage, or at any other time; and that the whole sum, principal and interest is now due and owing to the said complainant.
The object of the Bill is to foreclose the said Wm. H. Dorsey from all right of redemption in and to the said pieces of ground. The bill further states that the said Wm. H. Dorsey hath removed from the district of Columbia, and is not within the reach of the process of this court.
It is therefore ordered that the said complainant cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, at least once in each of eight successive weeks before the first Monday of June next, to the intent that the said Wm. H. Dorsey may have notice of this application and of the object of this bill, and be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor, on or before the said 1st Monday of June next, to show cause if any he can, why a decree shall not pass as prayed.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, CLK. April 12—w8t
NOTICE.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Electus Edelem, deceased, late of Prince Georges county, are requested to present them to the subscriber with their proper vouchers on or before the first day of August, otherwise they may be excluded by law from all benefits of said estate. Given under my hand, WALTER EDELEM, Exr. of E. Edelem, deceased. April 12—w3t
SALE AT AUCTION.
THE Subscriber being desirous of disposing of part of his FURNITURE, and declining the Boarding House keeping, will offer for sale on Monday the 17th inst. a variety of HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, and a riding CHAIR and HARNESS. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock, and terms made known at that time. HENRY TYME. April 12—3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 12.
The late London prints are amongst exclusively occupied with the testimony at the bar of the House of Commons, on an enquiry into the conduct of the Duke of York, Commander in Chief of the armies of England, who is alleged, in his appointments and promotions to have been influenced by the corrupt intrigues of a mistress. The affair seems to have received extraordinary magnitude, and may produce an impression on many honest souls, that similar intrigues are extremely rare. The London Morning Chronicle hints that it is intended to occupy the public attention, and thus withhold it from a close examination of more important occurrences.
The examination of witnesses on this subject continued at our rates, dates from England, viz. on the 18th of Feb.
In a recent debate in the British House of Commons, on the bill for prohibiting distillation from grain, Mr. Eden made the following pungent remarks:
"He noticed the want of their usual supply of grain from the U States, which in the last year of intercourse, he said, amounted in value to nine hundred thousand pounds sterling. He said it was in the power of ministers, if they had chosen, to reconcile the misunderstandings with the United States; but, probably, they were too much employed building castles in Spain, to think of the humble measure of the supply of the country. They probably thought that the smart epigrams of the Foreign Secretary would satisfy the people, though as the price of them, they should have to pay 15 pence for the quarter loaf."
In the debate on an enquiry into the state of the nation, Lord Moira asks—"if we connect the loss of Sweden with the hostile disposition which the misconduct of government has created in America, what mischief and ruin must redound from it to the most industrious part of Ireland? By the dereliction of Sweden we are shut out from the Baltic; by our intemperance to America, we are excluded from all commerce with that country. How, and from whence, then, is the North of Ireland to procure flax-seed; and without the seed how are we to expect a fresh crop? Hence the staple commodity of Ireland may be destroyed, and half a million of its most active inhabitants reduced to the greatest distress."
An Agricultural report for January says, "there is an uncommon demand for flax-seed, for the spring sowing of the three kingdoms; the demand for Ireland alone is estimated at 5000 hogsheds; but the extreme frozen state of the Baltic will, it is feared, prevent her receiving this necessary supply."
VIRGINIA ELECTION.
In addition to the returns heretofore given, we have received the following: Isle of Wight County. For Congress—Richard Byrd, 384; Edwin Gray, 79; Wm. Massenburg, 3. Gloucester County. For Burwell Basset, 250; John Eyre, 29. It is understood that Mr. DAWSON is re-elected by a large majority.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
From 202 towns in this state, the returns of the election held on the 3d instant give—For Governor: Levi Lincoln, Repub. 26,939; Mr. Gore, Federal, 29,749. The votes for Joseph B. Varnum, Rep. and Christopher Cobb, Fed., for Lieutenant Governor, are in the same proportion.
NEW HAMPSHIRE ELECTION.
The Boston Gazette says that Mr. Smith, the federal candidate for Governor of New Hampshire, is elected by a majority of 1079.
The New Hampshire Gazette gives as the aggregates of votes in 193 towns for Governor—
  Republican, 15,167   Federal, 15,265   Net republican gain since November, 1,265! 
There remain to be heard from five towns which in November last gave
  Republican, 149   Federal, 41 
The foregoing aggregate has been selected from the federal papers published in the interior of this state, and letters from our friends in different parts. It comprises all the towns
from which returns were made in November; and we believe is as correct an estimate as can be obtained, until the state of the election is officially known, when we trust the PATRIOT LANGDON will be called to fill the Gubernatorial chair.
It will be seen that seven districts have given republican majorities. There can be no doubt that three republican councillors are elected by the people. The House of Representatives will from the best information be republican. Let federalism then boast of triumph in New Hampshire. The peaceful "lords of the soil" were reposing in political tranquility, when in August last the demons of faction assailed them. The Essex Junto with their coadjutors from New-York and Connecticut, invaded the state. An host of partisans appeared in array against us. Neither time nor money, nor indirect influence, nor personal exertion were spared. Hiring printers; extra papers; Pickering's letters; tory pamphlets; inundated the country—For a moment the sons of liberty were appalled—They roused in their native energy—They rallied—The enemies of their rights recited—Another glorious contention has so far crowned their labors with success; and we no longer despair for our country—The prospect brightens—A fair day for New-Hampshire is at hand. A. H. Gaz.
PRESIDENT'S REPLY To the Democratic citizens of Talbot county, Maryland. Washington, March 21, 1809.
SIR, I have received your letter of the 14th instant conveying an address from the "Democratic Republican Citizens of Talbot county in Maryland," and through you return them my thanks for the favorable sentiments which they expressed of the principles and purposes by which my public life has been and will be governed. The solicitude which they manifest for the preservation of peace, well becomes virtuous citizens of a free country, which, placing its glory in doing justice to others, and its ambition in a pre-eminent happiness within itself, regards national degradation as the only calamity which is not greater than those of war. To avoid, if it be possible, amidst the unbridled passions which convulse other nations, both these alternatives, is our true wisdom, as well as our solemn duty; and among the essential means of doing so, are that attachment to the Union; that zeal for the authority of the laws, and that readiness to devote life and fortune in the cause of their country, which are so laudably avowed by the citizens of Talbot county.
I tender them my sincere respect and friendly wishes. JAMES MADISON. William Hayward, Esq. Chairman, &c.
MRS. LEE.
BEING impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the many favors which she has received from the Ladies and Gentlemen in the western section of this city; to whom she tenders her most unfeigned thanks, and respects for their liberal encouragement—
She takes this opportunity to inform them, and the public in general, that a few families of the first respectability have induced her by a liberal endowment to relinquish, with reluctance, her establishment near the War Office; and to embrace a situation near the CAPITOL, in a house which is large, airy and commodious; with a beautiful garden, and every necessary appurtenance suitable and convenient for such an establishment: Where, in addition to the select number of Young Ladies, by whose parents she is engaged, she is at liberty to admit a number of her former Scholars, or any other Young Ladies of respectable connections, who may offer.
She likewise begs leave to inform the public, that she has uniformly attended, in a particular manner, to a due selection of Professors of character, and experience to instruct her Pupils in the higher classes of Arithmetic, Geography, & Music, and in the arts of Dancing & Drawing, and that suitable Masters of that description will attend the new establishment, which will commence on the 17th inst.
N. B. Her present residence on the Pennsylvania avenue is let; enquire at Mr. Buzzard, in Georgetown. Washington city, April 12—eop2m
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a deed in trust from James Duddell, to secure the payment of a sum of money and expenses thereon, due to the Office of Discount and Deposit of the United States Branch Bank, Washington, & for other purposes, will be offered at Public Sale on Friday the 12th of May next, on the premises precisely at 1 o'clock, the Two story BRICK HOUSE, and all other improvements the property of the said James Duddell, with all his right, title and interest to the same, being and situate on a piece of ground in square, No. 994 on 6th street east, and opposite to the Marine Barracks. Terms made known on the day of Sale. By the Trustee. SAML SPEARE, Atty. April 12—3t

IN CHANCERY—March 2, 1809.
Alexander Greer and Wife, against Benoni Wheat and Mary his wife, and others, heirs of John Jordan, late of Charles county, deceased.
The object of the bill is to obtain a sale of certain tracts of land of which the said John Jordan died seized and possessed, in fee simple, for the purpose of paying a debt due from the said John Jordan to the aforesaid Alexander Greer and Sally his wife, executrix of the last will and testament of William Jordan, deceased. It is stated that the above named defendants have removed out of the state since the filing of the bill. It is, therefore, on the application of the Complainants, after for adjourned and ordered, that the Complainants be allowed a copy of this order, to be inserted three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the first day of May next, give notice to the absent defendants of his application, and of the substance and object of the bill, that they may be warned to appear here in person, or by solicitor at this court, on or before the first Monday of September next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
True Copy, Test, NICHOLAS BREWTER, Reg. C. Cr. March 31—w3t.
BORDENTON ACADEMY.
THE Subscriber having purchased the Bordentown Academy, purposes to open it on the 1st day of May next for the reception of Young Gentlemen who are desirous of pursuing a course of Education. This place is situated upon a high bank of the river Delaware in the state of N. Jersey, about twenty miles from Philadelphia, and about sixty-five from New York, about nine from Burlington, seven from Trenton, & fifteen from Princeton. The advantages of this situation for health and retirement, two great requisites for literary institutions, cannot well be exceeded.
1st. In the schools of this Academy shall be taught in the manner pursued at the College of New Jersey, the English, the French, the Latin, and Greek Languages; Writing, Arithmetic, Mathematics, Geography, Astronomy, History, Logic, Rhetoric, and the principles of the Christian Religion. And for the benefit of a highly useful and respectable class of young men, those who are intended for the pursuits of Agriculture upon a large scale, a course of Geometry, Mechanics and Hydraulics will be taught, together with the most useful parts of Arithmetic, Geography and History.
2d. Public examinations of the Pupils shall be held half yearly, and Premiums awarded to those who have made the greatest degree of improvement. Specimens of their skill in public speaking shall be exhibited after the examinations are ended.
3d. The vacations of the School shall not exceed four weeks in the year, viz. two in the Spring and two in Autumn. Any occasional holy-day shall be at the discretion of the Principal of the Academy.
4th. The first fifteen pupils shall be instructed by the subscriber, and for every other fifteen pupils a capable instructor shall be provided. It is however to be understood that the subscriber will have the general care and direction of all the classes and pupils.
5th. Every two pupils shall be furnished with a commodious bed-room which shall be kept clean and in good order, and shall be open to the inspection and command of the teachers at any time.
6th. The price of board and tuition together with fuel and candles for the schools, shall be two hundred dollars per annum, paid in equal half yearly payment in advance. And if the pupil who has advanced his money should not continue a member of the Academy during the time for which he has advanced it, a proportional part of it shall be refunded.
7th. The arrangements of the Academy shall not prevent the pupils from acquiring, at the request and expense of their parents or guardians, such accomplishments as may not be taught in the common academic course.
8th. The price of board and tuition has been laid at the rate abovementioned, that young gentlemen who come from plentiful tables at home may be decently and agreeably accommodated, and may have no cause of complaint on the subject of their diet.
9th. The hours of study shall be from six o'clock in the morning till 6 o'clock in the evening in the summer, and from 9 o'clock in the morning till 8 in the evening in the winter, except the usual time allowed for meals and relaxation.
10th. All due diligence and fidelity shall be used to make the course of Academic education in these schools more accurate and substantial than we commonly find it in the seminaries of this country. And the subscriber pledges himself to endeavor, with a paternal regard, to instil right moral principles into the minds of the youth committed to his care; and to guard their health and dearest interest from every danger.
ANDREW HUNTER, Princeton, (N. J.) March 1, 1809.
Princeton, March 1, 1809.
The subscriber has long had the pleasure of being personally and particularly acquainted with the Rev. Mr. Hunter, who proposes to the public the re-establishment of the Academy at Bordentown under his immediate inspection and superintendence. He has the most perfect confidence in Mr. Hunter's classical knowledge and accuracy, and in his skill in teaching. His constant employment for many years in the instruction of youth must have long since made him acquainted with the best methods of imparting, with facility and correctness, the principles of language, and in general the elements of a good and useful education to the young mind. The subscriber likewise entirely acquiesces in the representation which Mr. Hunter has given of the salubrity of Bordentown, and of its peculiar fitness in other respects, to the objects of a good and useful Academy.
SAMUEL STANHOPE SMITH, President of the College of New Jersey. April 10—
A LIST OF LETTERS
Remaining in the Post-Office at Washington City, April 1st, 1809.
A—Miss Mary B. Addison, Gen. T. Allen, William Attix, Philip Allen, Mr. Armstrong, (Interpreter) John Addison, John Armstrong, Lewis G. A. Armstead, Henry Anderson, James Andrews.
B—Jonas M. Bradley, T. Y. Burch, Robert Bunyan, Beckwith Butler, Major D. Bissell, G. W. Biscoe, James Brown, Jas. C. Boyle, Walter T. Beall, Samuel B. Bono, Rev. John Breckenridge, Baslaw Bono, Mr. Buckingham, Gen. William Barton, 2, Cassandra Brevitt, Wm. Bellamy, Jonathan Bartlett, John L. Bryan, Adol. Botton, Edward Briscoe, Matthew Bridge, Robert B. Bono, John W. Brumagh, Henry Buel, M. Brown, William Brownjohn, Thomas H. Baird, James Bell, Timothy Bean, Morris Beaghan, George Blagden, Henry Ballard, George Budd, George Brown.
C—Ann Cooper, Dr. H. Cadlet, Jas. H. Clarke, William Callan, Edward Calverley, Wm. Chapman, Philip Clayton, William Cocking, Eleanor Conner, John Cook, Louis le Clerc, Joseph Clay, John Cornthwaite, Agnes Cook, John Collins, Jonas Crane, Catharine Carsey, Charlotte Coyers, John Cave, Francis Clarke, Geo. W. Cooper.
D—Mr. Dupont de Nemours 3, Doctor Dill, Miss Tracy Dixon, Thos. B. Darrell, Wm. Duffey 2, Lewis Dupre, Dupmore and Cooper, Bernard Dohan, Joel Dickerson, Isaac Daws, Mr. Dousand, John Dugg, John Dully, Matt. Dorsey, Robert Darrach, Mrs. Doyno, Patrick Duty, John Dixon, Jerrard Dagers.
E—John Eliason, Jesse Edwards, Wm. Elise, Wyllys Elliott, Elisha Elam, James Edgington, Evan Evans, Samuel Evans.
F—John T. Frost, Louis Farra, Athanasius Fenwick, Alexander Fenwick, Richard Fenwick 2, Thos. Fenwick, Thos. Fields, Thomas Flynn, Lewis Ford, Hon. Judge Fitzhugh, James Foster, Miss Frances Few 2, John Fisher, George Forstinger, John Fox, Nicholas Far, Thos. Frazier.
G—Benj. Gibbs, Joseph Gratz, Thomas Gimbredie, Charles Galazia, Doct. G. T. Greenfield, George W. Gosman, Sarah E. Goodwin, John M. Gantt, Mrs. Ann Green, Uriah G. Goodwyn, Hannah L. Gibbs, George Gordon, Francis Greenwell, John Goddard, Fontaine H. Gaines, Nathl. Gregory, Mrs. Mary Ann Gregory, Nell Gillis, Dakumy Gilliss, Deborah Gardiner, Jessy Ganner, Samuel Gentry.
H—Joseph Hindlestone, Wm. Hewitt, Benj. Harrison, Henry Hall, Elias Hoyt, John Hartley, Lemuel Hathorn, William Hobart, John Hanley, Robert Hartshouse, Leonard Harbaugh, Joseph Harbaugh, Cisley Hix, Abraham Hammett, William Hughes, Joseph W. Harrison, James Hickley, Michael Hiles.
I—Raphael Jones 3, Walter Jones, James Jones, John R. Jones 3, Robt. C. Jennings 4, Joseph Johnson, James Johnson, Loamie Johnson, Hon. Elisha Jenkins, Francis Jenkins, Anlona James, Thos. K. Jones, Fredk. Jones.
K—Wm. Knight, Henry Kisznew, B. Lewis Keidel, Ezekiel King, Cornelius King, William King, senr. Whitmore Knaggs, Jacob Kingsbury.
L—Peter Lenox, Thos. Leiper, Helen H. Leiper 2, Elizabeth C. Leiper, Andrew Ledy 3, Leather Lips and Bowl, (Indian Chiefs), John Lewis, Jno. Lambert, Geo. Long, Madame Lavendel, Aaron Lyle, Mr. Lavruss, Jedediah Leeds 2, Hon. Thos. Lowndes, Mrs. Mary Lane, Conrad Lange.
M—Duncan McIntosh, James Moore, (Butcher) William Moore, Thos. Moore, Dr. Sam. R. Marshall, James Magill, James Mills, Patrick Devitt 2, Neal McNamee, Charles McNamee, Edwd. Murray, James B. Murray, W. Murray, Moses M'Gregory, Joseph Myring, Adam Muir, John Muir 2, Mr. McNamee, Francis B. May, John Maddox, John McNamee, William Machute, Captain McCormick, Wm. More, Thos. Mitchell.
N—Anthony Naw, George Nixon, Joseph Nickels, Revd. Thos. Nevitt, James Naism, Joseph H. Nicholson 2, Wm. Nore, care of W. Thompson.
O—Dennis O'Neale, Presley O'Bannon, John Orban.
P—John Patterson, James Patterson 3, E. Pentland, Col. Francis Preston 3, Pierce Purcell, Sam. Pearce, Mr. Purveyance, Revd. Fielder Parker, Peter Puryear 2, George Powley, Nicholas Pedan, Miss Milly Perry.
Q—Henry M. Queen 2, John W. Queen, Joseph Quessan.
R—John B. Rittenhouse 2, James Reed, Senior, Consul General to Brazil, Reuben H. Rowe, Capt. Benj. Richards 2, Thos. S. Ridgeway, Capt. Thos. Robinson 3, Fanny Robinson, David K. Richardson, Philip Russell 2, Joseph Reynold, Joseph Ransford, Sylvanus Roberts, Richd. G. Rawlings, John Ratcliffe.
S—Shaw and Birch, Thomas Simpson, Mrs. M. Shaw, care of John Shaw, Jas. S. Stephenson, Genl. A. Thur St. Clair 7, Geo. Starr, Richard Soderstrom, George Seely, Catharine Spinaugle, Thomas Stewart, Capt. R. Speak 3, Alex. Smith, Thomas G. Slye, Nathaniel Snowden, John Somers, Ebenezer Stibbins 2, Jas. Shaw, Ebenezer Smith, Nathl. W. Strng, Alex. Stewart, James Smith, John Stephen, John Morin Scott, John Smith, John Smith (Treasury), Sarah Sheppard, Eugene Sassiton, Senior Consul General to Brazil, Micheli Sardo Thos. Seiris.
T—Dr. William Thornton, Jacob Taylor, Charlotte Taylor, Herm. Thurn 3, Elizabeth Thrift, John Thompson 2, James A. Taylor, Robinson Thomas, Elizabeth Tucker, Uri Tracy, J. Tool, Robt. S. Thompson, Thomas Thorpe, Esias Travers, Thomas Thompson, John Templeman, Wm. Thompson, for W. Moore, Mrs. S. Thompson, Alex. Thompson.
V—Joseph Vardon, Richard Vardon, William Vernon.
W—Isaac Williams, James White, Ezekiel Whaley, John Welsh, Col. Jonathan Williams 8, F. A. Wiegler 2, John Walker, Revd. Jas. F. Wilmer, Richd. Wilson, Alex. S. Wadsworth, Saml. Woodworth, Wm. Wilson, Baily Washington 2, Benoni Wheat, James Withersnade, (supposed Rutherford) Wm. Wells, Thomas Wilson, Jas. Williams, Geo. S. Wise, Jno. A. Wilson, Lund Washington, John Watson, Henry Woodward, Valentine Wrensel, Eli Whitney, Edward P. Wilmer, Margaret Williams.
Z—Lewis Zimmer, Noah Zang. April 7—3t
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Pique-tines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponclets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
NOTICE.
WILL be exposed to PUBLIC SALE on the 15th day of April next at Drummonds tavern Navy Yard, all the right, title, claim and interest of JOHN VINTIN and to a part of a LOT in square No. 930, on Eighth street, 30 feet in front, running back 75 feet, with a Two Story BRICK HOUSE thereon, and other improvements, which property Mr. John Dobbins now occupies, taken by virtue of a writ of feri facias , issued from the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Lewis Clephan. Terms of sale cash. Sale to commence precisely at 12 o'clock. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal. March 15—tawts
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
LOST, a SILVER WATCH with hands telling the day of the month on the face of her, and capped—Mott, maker, New York. Whoever will return the Watch to this office, shall receive the above sum, and no question asked. Wednesday, March 1, 1809—
PUBLIC SALE.
BY VIRTUE of a decree from the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, directed to me as trustee, for the purpose of paying a sum of money therein mentioned, due from Philip Fitzhugh deceased to Isaac and Mahlon Scholfield , will be sold at Public Auction, on the premises to the highest bidder on the 22d day of April next at 12 o'clock, one undivided moiety or half of the Adelphi Mills and about 30 acres of Land belonging thereto, lying in Prince Georges county, and the whole of from 27 to 30 acres of Land adjoining the above mentioned Land; the Mill House is large and built of stone, 3 pair of 5 feet Burr stones; a stone store house and stable, and there is several other out buildings, Smiths Shop, &c. The terms will be made known on the day of Sale. The creditors are hereby warned to exhibit their claims within six month from the day of Sale. JOSEPH L. SCHOLFIELD, Trustee. 3d month 31st, 1809.—3w
W E the undersigned, Merchants, and Masters of vessels now in the port of Havana, having been called upon by Captain WILLIAM WILKINS, commander of the brig WILLIAM, of Dumfries, lately arrived from Baltimore to this port in distress, to examine and report the true situation of the said vessel, we do hereby certify and declare, that we went on board said vessel, and after strict examination, found the said brig's stern was started out and loose from its frame, the stern post entirely moved out of its place, and the stern in every part so wrecked, that the crew was obliged to confine it together with a hawser at sea—we also found that the said vessel made a great deal of water while lying in this port in smooth water—We also found her water ways all open, and her main top-mast carried away, and also the head of her fore-mast rotten and gone. We give it as our decided opinion, that the said vessel cannot proceed to sea in her present situation, and must be discharged to undergo a thorough repair. Given under our hands at Havana, this twenty-eighth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine. Signed, WM. L. RICHARDSON, ROBERT DAWSON, DANIEL SHAW, I. TABER, CLEM. CATHELL.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Vincent Gray, under date 22 February, 1809. "The brig has been sold for the best price she would command. To ship this cargo back to the United States, and pay a freight of 4 or 5 $ per barrel is out of the question, and no tribunal would ask it, as the freight and insurance from hence would amount to more than the flour would be worth on its arrival in the United States. Some of the cargo it appears, was thrown over board, and a quantity damaged." (Signed) VINCENT GRAY. March 17—cp 1m.
NOTICE.
THE persons who claim title to the following LOTS in Georgetown, are notified that their titles are defective in consequence of their having neglected to avil themselves of the compromise agreed on in the case of Beatty and Davidson. The representatives of Gen. Davidson are yet willing to assent to the same compromise, and all who apply by the 10th May next may obtain deeds on those terms—the lots claimed by those who do not apply will be proceeded against. If those persons desire any information on this subject they can apply to Mr. Abner Ritchie or to F S Key, esq. Georgetown. Letters from those who do not reside in the District (post paid) will be attended to. ANNE MARIA DAVIDSON, Executrix & devisee of Gen. JOHN DAVIDSON.
The following are the Lots in Beatty and Hardekin addition to Georgetown, referred to in the above notice—Lots No. 2 & part of lot No. 3, lots Nos. 4, 6, 15, 30, 41, 43, 44, 52, 53, 59, 60, 65, 67, 71, and part of lot 72—lots no. 80, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 113, 114, 118, 119, 121, 123, 125, 129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148, 149, 154, 155, 163, 166, 168, 170, 175, 176, 194, 195, 196, 205, 207, 211, 212, 214, 216, 220, 225, 227, 230, 231, 236, 237, 239, 245, 248, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267, 269, 270, 272, 273, 275, 278, 279, 282, 287, 288, 289, 290, 294, and 295. March 22—10m
WANTS A SITUATION,
AS a Private Tutor or Public Teacher, either in town or country, a young MAN, qualified to teach English, including the practical branches of the Mathematics. A line addressed to C. A. city of Washington, will be duly attended to. N. B. Unexceptionable recommendations will be given. March 29—2awtf
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS J. ROGERS & OTHERS, (Of Easton, Pennsylvania,)
For publishing by subscription, a new and valuable work, to be entitled
THE AMERICAN SENATOR,
Or Select DEBATES in the Congress of the United States.
TO THE PUBLIC.
IN offering this work to the American people, the Editors deem little need be said in its praise. It is to perpetuate as well the names as the talents of the sons of America, and to rescue from oblivion the eloquence of the American Senate. It has long been a source of regret to the lovers of oratory, that hitherto the debates in the Congress of the United States have been suffered to pass into oblivion, or preserved only in the ephemeral productions of the day. Orations, which would have done honor, to a Cicero or a Demosthenes, to a Chatham or a Curran, have been suffered to expire for the want of the fostering hand of a kind parent. No attempt has ever been made to give them a substance capable of enduring for ages to come. The Editors, proud of their country, and anxious to transmit to posterity monuments of her fame and her glory, are determined to publish in volumes the speeches that may be delivered by the Representatives of the people of the United States. These they are not ashamed to put in competition with the most eloquent of antiquity. If Rome had her Cicero, and Greece her Demosthenes, America had her Ames. If Great Britain boasts of her Burkes, her Foxes, and her Chathams, why may not America boast of her Madisons and her Dickersons, her Giles's and her Bayards, her Pinckneys and her Livingstons?
In reading this work, the patriot may rejoice that his country has yet her defenders and liberty her advocates. The student may contemplate with pleasure and delight the manly eloquence displayed by his countrymen, while the statesman may here study the true interests of his country. All ranks and all classes will be interested in a work, that has for its object, to preserve and perpetuate the talents and eloquence of our enlightened statesmen.
In the formation of these volumes, the Editors will be guided by a strict and impartial attention to the merits of the speeches alone; and if, on any interesting question, a greater number of orations should be published on one side, than are to be found on the other, the Editors will not be considered as blameable. Nor can they be answerable, on which side, the strength of the argument will lie. Their object is to give to the world a fair specimen of American genius, and by publishing the debates on each side of any question which may be agitated, a better opportunity will be given to every citizen of thinking and of judging for himself. It is in this manner, and in this manner alone, by enlightening the people of the United States, and exhibiting every measure proposed or adopted in its proper colors, that the liberties of the country will be preserved.
Prefixed to the orations on any particular subject, a concise narrative will be given of the object of them, and the orations will be selected without reference to parties or politics.
The Editors had intended to have commenced their publication with the next Presidency; but as the debates during the present session of Congress have been extremely interesting to men of all parties, the editors have thought it most proper to commence with them, as in all probability the debates during the ensuing legislature, will have a strong relation to the acts and proceedings of the present one.
CONDITIONS.
I. The work shall be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to defray the expenses of printing. II. The debates of each Session will be comprised in a large Octavo volume, to contain about 400 pages. III. The work shall be handsomely printed, on a good paper, with a new Small Pica Type , and delivered to subscribers at Two Dollars the volume in Boards. To non-subscribers the work will be enhanced. IV. A list of Subscribers' names will be given at the end of the work. V. Orders from Booksellers and others will be promptly attended to. Easton, February 27.
Banks of Columbia, March 16, 1809.
The Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per Cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives on or after Monday the 20th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 20—w
SEBASTIAN SPRING.
SITUATED near the new turnpike road between Washington and Alexandria, about three quarters of a mile from the Washington Bridge.
The Subscriber has opened a House of Entertainment for the accommodation of travellers, the citizens of both places and their vicinity—Public Dinners and Tea Parties, &c. &c. will be furnished on a short notice in the style required.
He will always keep supplied with the best of Madeira, Port, Claret and Champagne—and will endeav. for generally to keep the dainties of the season. A private room will be kept for the accommodation of Ladies.
He flatters himself that the encouragement he may receive, will enable him to extend his present plans. A. LINDO.
N. B. A few good male and female servants wanted; for such liberal wages will be given. April 3—1awtf
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
ON the petition of JEHIEL CROSSFIELD, an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Jehiel Crossfield that on the 17th day of April 1809 at 9 o'clock A. M. at the court Room in Long's hotel in the city of Washington, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Jehiel Crossfield and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
Ordered that this notice be published three times in the National Intelligencer & Washington Federalist before that day.
By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, esq. chief Judge of the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia.
WM BRENT, Clk.
April 10—St
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 1-2 DOLLARS!!
In the Third Class of the Lottery authorised by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA.
SCHEME. 2 prizes of $10,000 each 20,000 2 5,000 10,000 2 2,500 5,000 3 1,000 3,000 6 500 3,000 15 200 3,000 30 100 3,000 60 50 3,000 150 20 3,000 300 10 3,000 15,800 5 69,000 35,630 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize.
50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Sibbone, esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery.
Part of the above prizes determinable as follows:
The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each.
do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500 do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do.
The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each.
The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do.
Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest.
Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by
GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city, December 12—wtf
NOTICE.
WHEREAS Elizabeth Burnill, my wife, has eloped from my bed and board, and living in adultery with another man, this is to forewarn all persons whatever, from trusting her on my account, as I will pay none of her debts, and I mean to apply to the next General Assembly of Maryland for an act of divorce. JOHN BURNILL. Prince George's County (Md.) March 17—3t.
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
On their work on the 27th February last from the subscriber's plantation near Bryan Town, Charles county, two Negro lads, one by the name of STEPHEN and the other AMBROSE; they are black. Stephen is about 5 feet 5 inches high—Ambrose about 5 feet 6 inches. Their clothing was the same which was white country cloth double wove jacket and trousers, blue broad cloth under jackets—they likely will continue together as they went off together.
Also one by the name of RAFE, left his work on the 28th February, and clothing as the others, all to that of his under jacket which was white. Rafe is a yellow black with a scar under his left eye; he is about 5 feet 8 inches high; he stole my horse, saddle, and bridle last July, and was apprehended at Queen Anne. Neither of them took a hat; they are brothers, and probably together, as I am sure it was a concerted thing between them. Whoever brings them home or secures them in jail, so that I get them will be entitled to the above reward including the legal fee, or TEN Dollars for either of them, the legal fee included. BENEDICT BOARMAN. March 20—w4t.