The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-08-14 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCCLVI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, June 8.
We are happy to hear from the most respectable quarter, that the Roman Catholics of Ireland are highly pleased with the very calm and temperate manner in which the prayer of their petition has been rejected by the members of administration. We are well assured, that so far from betraying any symptom of ill blood or ill temper at the issue of that discussion, that on the contrary that large and respectable class of the community never seemed more disposed to look kindly on their superiors. The only regret that appears to be expressed is at some of the assertions made by Lord Redesdale on that occasion. We understand that the Catholic Bishops in the Southern Province have been applied to on the subject of the information, stated to have been communicated to his Lordship, relative to excommunications, and that they solemnly disavow the charge; and we further understand, that it is their intention to publish an instrument to that purpose. Indeed it were as well that no such topics had been so emphatically and so authoritatively dwelt on.
June 14.
The importance of the French papers which arrived on Wednesday, is less derived from the facts they communicate, than from the hints, the insinuations, the comments and the reflections they throw out upon the situation of Great Britain and the continent, the events of the war, and the views and designs of the parties engaged in it. Though published in the form of detached notes upon the English papers, they may be fairly considered as an official exposition of the views and objects of the French government, and may be divided and discussed under three heads.
1. The means which France possesses of annoying our commerce and possessions, by detached squadrons and expeditions.
2. The improbability of a continental war.
3. A glance at the objects which France expects to accomplish by the war, and some hints and suggestions of a pacific tendency.
Throughout the whole of this exposition there is an air of triumph and disdain, of menace and of insolence, of superiority and dictation, which the dignity of the British character may well despise, and which, indeed, may be considered as so many tributes to the superiority of our resources, the extent of our means, and the greatness of our power.
Somewhat indeed of a more haughty and insolent tone than usual must be pardoned in a government not yet recovered from the exultation and surprise which the safe return of the first squadron they had dared to send to sea, after two years of war, was calculated to produce.
1. It is the safe return of this squadron that has made the enemy flatter themselves on a sudden, that they can cope with us; and because they can send ships to sea, which sometimes escape capture, by not falling in with our fleets, they imagine that they have become a great naval power. It would have been better to have waited till all those blows, with which they threaten us had been struck; but as perhaps they thought it just possible that the boaster might beat, they were resolved not to lose the opportunity which might be afforded them of holding a lofty, a triumphant tone. They tell us, "that we knew not of the departure of the Rochefort squadron till it had taken Dominica, nor of the departure of the Toulon fleet till it had passed the Straights, and that we shall hear no more of it for some months; the departure of a second Rochefort squadron has not even been spoken of, and there are several large frigates which are to do great mischief upon coasts which we think are little known to their sailors."—We quote these expressions not for the purpose of paying attention to the menaces they contain, but of hazarding a conjecture upon the destination of the expeditions. When they say that we shall hear no more of the Toulon squadron for some months, do they mean from the time it passed the Straights, or from the present period? If they mean the former, upwards of two months have already elapsed, and if it be to the West Indies we shall hear of its operations or arrival in all probability by the end of this month. But the phrase seems applicable to a more distant voyage than the West Indies. Some time ago we supposed it very probable that the combined fleets would separate in a certain latitude, and that the French would proceed to the East Indies, and the Spaniards to the West. The intelligence we communicated yesterday seems to favour that supposition. A Spanish squadron, of four sail of the line, was spoken in lat. 18, N. long. 40, steering a S.W. course on the 8th and 9th ult.—Undoubtedly this was the Spanish squadron from Cadiz, which it seems probable, separated from the French immediately after leaving Cadiz; for on the 9th
April they came out; on the 10th the French were out of sight, but on the 11th and 12th, the Spanish squadron of five sail of the line, were seen beating to the westward, having perhaps, lost sight of the French in the night of the 10th. We are still, therefore, of opinion, that the Toulon squadron is gone to the East Indies—indeed the French talk of the blows they will strike in both the Indies. The injury they are to do on those coasts which we thought were unknown to them, are said to be the coast of Canada, Hudson's Bay, and Newfoundland. Perhaps the second Rochefort squadron is gone thither. But our readers of course will not fail to see that the French, in the articles we have extracted, mix up, designedly of course, much that is absurd, a great deal of insolence and menace. We trust that we shall furnish them with a few facts in return, and that we shall have to republish their notes with some valuable comments by Lord Nelson.
2. It is with reluctance that we abandon the idea of producing a confederacy of continental powers against France, but the hopes of any powerful co-operation on the part of Russia, grow fainter and fainter every day.—We might have disbelieved the articles from Petersburg in the Monitor : but the fact of a Russian negotiator being on the point of proceeding to Paris, cannot be doubted. That the object of his mission is to notify an ultimatum agreed to by Russia and Great Britain conjointly, we do not believe. We do not believe it, because we know that the approximation between Russia and France has been produced by the king of Prussia, who would not have interfered had he suspected that Russia had an intention of notifying, through an ambassador, for whom he had procured passports, that unless certain conditions were acceded to, the courts of Petersburg, London and Stockholm, would make common cause against France. That the sentiments of Russia have experienced a change within these three months is not to be doubted. If it were worth while to enter much into an investigation of the causes of that change, it would not, we believe, be difficult to prove that it has been produced in a great degree by the belief so industriously circulated throughout Europe, that parties were too equally balanced in this country to render it likely that Mr. Pitt's power would be permanent, and that a change of administration would in all probability lead to the adoption of a diametrically opposite system of politics with respect to France. Russia and the other powers were not to learn that Mr. Fox had reproached the war as unnecessary and unjust, and had approved of the treaty of Amiens. To have made a common cause therefore with a country whose system towards France might have changed with a change of ministry, was a policy which under such circumstances, they must have felt disinclined to adopt.
Yet at the time we are expressing our disbelief, at least our strong doubts, whether Russia or any of the continental powers, will co-operate with us against France, it is proper we should state that the last accounts from Vienna, are by no means pacific in their language towards France; and it is a fact that the funds at Vienna fell, within this month, four per cent. in one day . But we hardly think that the Austrian government will yet depart from its system of neutrality.
3. The changes of a continental war being so feeble, it remains to be enquired whether there is any stronger chance of peace being established between this country and France? The Monitor says, the object of Russia is to interfere as far as she can, for the purpose of restoring general peace. If, indeed we thought the Monitor serious in the angry tone it assumes, and insolent pretensions it sets forth, we should abandon every idea of peace. But we find that these pretensions vary almost daily, and that one day the Monitor insists upon nothing but the treaty of Amiens, and the next insinuates, that if that treaty be departed from, there must be reciprocal restitutions.—Upon the nature and object of these restitutions, the Monitor has thrown out some ideas which shall be the subject of a separate article on a future day. At present we shall conclude by saying, if France expects that we shall consent to such restitutions as she hints at, she will find herself completely mistaken; she will find herself equally mistaken if she supposes that we shall accept the treaty of Amiens, the whole treaty of Amiens, and nothing but the treaty of Amiens.
JUNE 15.
A Danish ship, the Holstein, arrived off Plymouth the day before yesterday, in four months from Madras, and landed a passenger with dispatches for the East India company. The Star Whaler from St. Helena, arrived at Plymouth on Wednesday evening. The dispatches are said to be of great importance. Lord Lake is reported to have pursued Holkar, after the dispersion of his cavalry to one of his forts, into which he threw himself with the remnant of his army, and it was expected would be forced to surrender. Our loss is stated to have been great, but that of Holkar to have been immense.
JUNE 17.
Another mail from Hamburg arrived on Saturday afternoon. A private letter says, that the court of Berlin has not yet formally acknowledged Bonaparte as king of Italy, having contented itself with a cool acknowledgment of the receipt of the letter, announcing Napoleon's assumption of that title.
The statement of M. Novoziloff having received passports to proceed from Petersburg to Paris, or Brussels, continues to be repeated in terms the most confident and positive. Upon the subject of the delusive overture which has been made, we have derived the following information from a quarter the most authentic and respectable. Bonaparte's first proposition to the British Government, we are assured, was made with the sole view of frustrating its endeavours to form a continental alliance against France. The reference to the emperor of Russia disappointed for a time his expectations; though, by the delay, which necessarily occurred, he so far succeeded as to prevent any concert of hostile preparations for the present year. He has now renewed his overture to the court of Petersburg, through the medium of those of Vienna and Berlin, and his explanation of the letter lately addressed by him to the king of Great Britain has at length been heard. His professions are specious, but he still confines himself to general terms. In the mean time, a conditional treaty between the courts of London and Petersburg has been concluded, by which Russia binds herself to take up arms against France in the event only of Bonaparte's refusing to accept of equitable terms of peace. Of the nature of this treaty he has been fully informed by the court of Berlin, but his replies have hitherto been evasive and unsatisfactory. The representations of the British government upon the subject are of the most dignified description, and Russia has called upon France, through the medium of Prussia, for a final and specific declaration. Thus situated, he can no longer evade the question, and of his disposition, no possible doubt can be entertained from the furious language which has lately appeared in the Monitor , and the explicit and unequivocal declaration that nothing but the treaty of Amiens will be accepted by France. Whether this demand will be considered just or equitable by the court of Petersburg, a very short time will determine. We hope, notwithstanding the assertion of the enemy, it will not. If it should, all hopes of continental aid on our part will, of course, be disappointed; and our only allies, in that case, will be our own courage, our patriotism and unanimity; nor do we over-rate their value, by deeming them, in the hour of danger, superior to any force however numerous and disciplined, which might be allured by our subsidies from the regions of the north. We repeat that the signing of another treaty of Amiens would be the sealing of the disgrace, if not the ultimate destruction of Great Britain; and no Englishman, we are well persuaded, is prepared to prostrate his country at the feet of France.
A letter from Vienna repeats the statement that Bonaparte had signified his wish to occupy Dalmatia and the Venetian territory during the war. It is added, that he had offered to give the Island of Sardinia to the King of Naples in exchange for his continental dominions. We do not pledge ourselves for the truth of this intelligence, but if it be true, the emperor of Germany will have no alternative but that of war or abject submission to the Corsican usurper.
A considerable degree of alarm was on Saturday excited among the mercantile interest in the city, in consequence of the receipt of intelligence that two American ships, bound from New-Orleans to Liverpool, had been captured by Spanish privateers, and carried into the Island of Cuba. It is confidently reported, that orders have been issued by the court of Madrid, to capture all American vessels freighted with goods from British ports, upon the principle that the merchandise being insured here, the loss will fall upon this country. This unquestionably is a principle as singular as any yet hazarded by the most extravagant innovator of the age.
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
JUNE 12.
IMPEACHMENT OF LORD MELVILLE
The Speaker said, he had just received a letter from Lord Viscount Melville, the contents of which he was requested to communicate to the house. The letter was dated from Wimbledon, the 11th of June, and stated that his Lordship had been apprised of that house having appointed a committee, to take into consideration the tenth report of the commissioners of naval enquiry, in which his conduct, while treasurer of the navy, was arraigned—and that he had also been informed, that some proceedings on the report of that
committee were to be agitated in the house that day—he, therefore, requested permission to attend them, for the purpose of being heard in his own justification.
Mr. R. S. Dundas (son of Viscount Melville) then rose pursuant to notice, and said, that, under standing there would be no opposition to the motion he was about to submit, he should detain the house no longer, than by moving, "that Lord Viscount Melville be now admitted, and heard;" which being agreed to, nem. con. the speaker ordered the serjeant to take the Mace, and acquaint Viscount Melville that he may come in.
The serjeant met his lordship at the door, and conducted him within the bar, making the usual reverence to the chair; by which he was informed, that there was a chair in which he might repose himself. The chair was on the left side, just within the bar, on which his Lordship seated himself for about a minute, with his hat on—after which, he rose uncovered, and addressed the house to the following effect:
"Sir, since the first agitation of this subject, in or out of Parliament, every attempt I made to obtain a fair hearing in my own vindication, has hitherto failed of producing any effect. When called before the commissioners of naval enquiry, I was perfectly ignorant of the objects of their examination. They had before them, and had been some time in possession of the accounts between Alexander Trotter and the house of Messrs. Coutts which I had never any opportunity of seeing, of the nature of which I was wholly uninformed, and not one item of which had they at the time communicated to me. I never, indeed, had any opportunity of looking at them at all, till I saw them in the appendix to the commissioners' report. Previously to the discussion which took place in this house, I applied to the commissioners, requesting an opportunity of making fuller explanations. This application was made on the 28th of March, and the answer I received was, that their report and proceedings were now before Parliament, and that they did not think it necessary to revise or alter what had been already done. On the 8th of May, the question under the discussion of this house was, whether any previous enquiry should be instituted, before resolutions should be adopted against me? and as it would be presumptuous in me to attempt to anticipate what line of conduct the house might think proper to adopt, I contented myself with the hopes, that, should a committee be appointed, I might have an opportunity of being heard before them. In this, however, I was again disappointed, from a difficulty which arose in the other house of Parliament. For my own part, I left no endeavour untried, to induce their lordships to permit my free and unreserved appearance before the committee of the house—but, from what was, no doubt, a very proper sense of their lordships own dignity and privileges, they thought proper to put a negative upon that, and refused to permit my attendance before that committee. But under such restrictions and limitations, as induced the committee to decline examining me; and I come now to offer myself before this house in which I had the honor to sit for so many years, in a very different situation from what I appear in now, under a most singular predicament. I heard of a rumour, which, from some quarter or other, had reached the house of Peers, that I meant to come here, with your permission, to vindicate myself against charges preferred against me—and I now come under such restrictions, as will not allow me to enter upon my own defence. But, though I think it my duty to pay due deference and obedience to that paramount authority, and abstain from anything like a formal justification, I hope I may be permitted, notwithstanding those bounds prescribed me, to offer some preliminary observations—first, however, returning my humble thanks for the indulgence which this house has been pleased to grant me. On the 8th of May last, this house came to fourteen resolutions, to which two more were afterwards added. On the ten first of these, I shall make no observations at present, but come first to that which states, that the act of the 25th Geo. III. was for several years suspended; and large sums of money were drawn from the bank, by Mr. Trotter, under the pretence of being for naval purposes. That resolution certainly may be considered as not strictly applying personally to me, except inasmuch as it was connected with the 13th and 14th resolutions, which stated, that these sums had been applied to the
purchase of India stock, the discount of bills, and other objects of private emolument, with my knowledge and consent. It is evident, that, though it has not been distinctly so stated, in terms, the resolutions must clearly imply, that I suffered, or directed this to be done for my own private use and benefit. These resolutions, without being accompanied with any vindication, have been industriously circulated in every corner of the kingdom, and every gentleman who now hears me must have been sensible of, and a witness to the impression conveyed by such a circulation, which represented me as criminal in every part of the country. Thus circumstanced, Sir, if I happened to be present in any other place or company, where such libels were propagated, my answer would be, as it is now, that I most solemnly protest these resolutions are perfectly erroneous. I never had any knowledge of Mr. Trotter's investing any navy money in the stocks, or of his discounting bills with it, of his turning it to purposes of private advantage, and that if any such practice had existence, it was altogether without my privity or consent. I am, however, aware that my statement would be incomplete, if I did not advert to other representations made out of doors which said that I was myself a participator of those alleged emoluments. I denied my ever having done so, in my letter to the naval commissioners, and I am positively persuaded, that if the same question, fairly put, now or at any other time, to Mr. Trotter himself, he would not hesitate to contradict any representations of that kind. I am fully convinced that he would readily acquit me of having derived any benefit or profit whatever from transactions of that nature. I know not whether this charge will again be revived or repeated, either here or elsewhere; but I do now confidently assert, that the evidence of the only two persons, Mr. Trotter and Mr. Wilson, who could be supposed to be privy to the whole, does not contain one tittle which could lay any foundation for this charge. Much stress has been laid both in argument and in the resolutions, upon the confidence and intimate connection between Mr. Trotter and myself, upon which I trust I may be allowed to make a few remarks. When I first came into the Navy Office, I found Mr. Trotter, who was introduced and recommended to me by Sir Gilbert Elliott and Mr. Coutts, with the latter of whom he had connection in the way of business. I soon distinguished him for his uncommon activity and diligence. He was indefatigable in detecting and disclosing to me a variety of frauds before committed in withholding the pay of seamen, and different emoluments to which they are justly entitled. I encouraged and supported him in the prosecution of the parties guilty of these malpractices. I was desirous of going farther, and instead of confining the protection of government to the sailors themselves, I was desirous of extending it also to their wives, children, and families. In my endeavours to effect this, Mr. Trotter made himself so useful, in laying before me the best arranged plans for producing the effect, that I thought him worthy of being trusted; and for his great and unwearied exertions, on the death of Mr. Douglas, I promoted him to his late situation in the office, and I am even now ready to say of him, that, for a great length of years, no public office could have been better conducted; that during the whole of that time, there was not a single instance of any stoppage or delay of payment to the seamen, and that all the balances were fairly accounted for, and transferred, without the loss of a single shilling to the public. He received, it is true, an additional salary; but that I thought him fully entitled to for his additional exertions. Sir, as I have no regular means of knowing the proceedings of this house on the grounds of any motions or resolutions proposed to it, I have been obliged to adopt the obvious construction which my judgment enables me to form on them. It is certainly possible for me to misunderstand some preceding ones, which I cannot reasonably reconcile to the evidence on which they have been professedly founded—and if I should be erroneous in any of the future observations, I hope the house will bear in mind, that all I can do is, to present what is my own view of them. In the 14th resolution, I find it stated, that drawing money from the bank of England, or allowing it to be so drawn and lodged at a private banker's, was a gross violation of the law, and a breach of public duty. In touching upon this subject, I feel myself considerably embarrassed by the limitations imposed upon me by the other house; but even that, I hope,
which my judgment enables me to form on them. It is certainly possible for me to misunderstand some preceding ones, which I cannot reasonably reconcile to the evidence on which they have been professedly founded—and if I should be erroneous in any of the future observations, I hope the house will bear in mind, that all I can do is, to present what is my own view of them. In the 14th resolution, I find it stated, that drawing money from the bank of England, or allowing it to be so drawn and lodged at a private banker's, was a gross violation of the law, and a breach of public duty. In touching upon this subject, I feel myself considerably embarrassed by the limitations imposed upon me by the other house; but even that, I hope,

Should not prevent me from stating one petitive fact which is, that on no occa- sion whatever did I ever authorize Mr. Trotter to draw money from the bank of England, and lodge it any where for his own private emolument.
Thus I assert in the most distinct manner, and must further contend, that neither before the Naval Commission- ers, nor the Committee of this House, is there a particle of evidence in support of a charge of that nature. It does not any where appear that all the instru- ments for drawing money from the Bank for Naval purposes were not made out legally, and according to the true intent and meaning of the Act of Parliament. When under examination myself, I told the Commissioners no more than that I allowed Mr. Trotter to lodge money in the hands of a private banker, for the convenience of making payments during the interval that may elapse till those payments were demanded. I further stated, that I took it for granted these sums were always drawn under compe- tent authority. I thought at the time, and had a right to believe that they per- fectly understood me; and what appears the strangest of all is, that they report- ed the evidence, reported the examina- tion correctly enough to draw conclu- sions, in order to found a charge, which appears to me contrary to the evidence. However constrained I must find myself by the limitations of the Lords, I must make bold to say, that the assertions contained in the Report are made in contradiction to truth, and the evidence which was taken before them.—There is, Sir, one universal mistake, which seems to have pervaded the whole of these proceedings. The Act of the 25th of the King, of which I must be allowed to have some share of knowledge, ne- ver intended, nor had it in contemplation to make a regular digest of regulations for the office of Treasurer of the Navy. Its true interests and object, as very clearly expressed, were to restrain Treasurers or Paymasters from retiring from office, as had frequently been done before, with large balances unaccounted for, to remain in their hands for a great length of time. The whole of the act is comprised in twelve short clauses, en- joining that the Treasurers accounts should in future be official, and not per- sonal, as was the former practice. Dur- ing the whole of my administration, that law was rigidly complied with, and in retiring from office, I have not been accused of retaining any balance what- ever. The House should consider, that beyond the necessary control of the Treasurer, his office is quite distinct from that of the Paymaster, and that of the Paymaster General not very much connected with those of other persons employed in that department. A great deal of money must pass through the hands of inferior officers in different parts of the country, where the demands are made. In the month of January last, the Pay Office was kept open for a long time, to make good small demands; and there were six thousand eight hun- dred and two payments made in differ- ent proportions of sums, from three or four pounds so low as four shillings and six pence, and many of them even to a smaller amount, to supply such sums as different sailors were entitled to. It must, therefore be obvious, that to an- swer such numerous classes of demands without delay, it is necessary to have al- ways a very large sum, either in the iron chest of the office, or at some con- venient banker's, as it would be endless to pay them all by drafts on the Bank of England, specifying the names of the persons in whose favor they were drawn. The Act of Parliament therefore did not, nor was it ever intended to apply to inserting the names of the persons in whose favour the drafts were made; but on the contrary, enjoined that from the moment assignments of demands were made from the respective offices, the Paymaster should have the money ready, which he could not effect without previously drawing it from the Bank. So far therefore was the Act from mak- ing this practice criminal, that it was in fact prohibitory of any other method.— The Act of the 25th of George III. so frequently alluded to, was founded on the Report of the Finance Committee of 1792, in which it was stated that the Treasurer of the Navy, or the Paymas- ter, were not then accountable for the sums drawn from the Bank in conse- quence of assignments of demands to the public, but only to the persons in whose favor the assignments were made. It complained of that want of responsibili- ty to the public which enabled them to retain large balances in their hands un- til the claims were absolutely made, and then only personally responsible to the parties. To remedy this was the foundation of the Act, which rendered their accounts public, and I consider myself perfectly right in stating this to be the true intent and construction of the law. But, supposing me to be wrong on this construction, and, that the intention of the Act was to compel the treasurer to give separate drafts on the Bank of England to every claimant, specifying his name, and the nature of his demand; will any one honestly say that my misun- derstanding or misconstruction of the act was a gross violation of the law, and a gross breach of duty; or even that every positive violation of the words of an act of Parliament is, in all possible cases, a gross breach of public duty? I come next, sir, to another part of my examination before the commis- sioners. If I then said, as I admit to have done, that I thought some emolu- ment might fairly arise to the paymas- ter from his placing money in the hands of a private banker, provided it should be always forthcoming when large de- mands were made, I spoke in the gen- eral knowledge which every man must have of business. I did not think it un- fair that, during the interval between the lodgment of such money and the de-
mand, it was an understanding of a mu- tually accommodating nature should subsist between the banker and the pay- master. In all transactions of that kind, is there any gentlemen now present, who does not know, that the bankers have always some interest, and derive some emolument from whatever money may be deposited in their hands; and who is not aware, that they are in the habit of giving some reciprocal ac- commodation to the persons so deposit- ing large sums of money? This prac- tice was not peculiar to my administra- tion of the office of Treasurer of the navy, as it was continued for two years afterwards, until my successor, Mr. Bathurst, reversed it, from an opinion that it was not consistent with the strict letter of the law. I shall, for many rea- sons sir, now abstain from going into any detail of the minutiae of that office, which, perhaps, like others, may be the subject of future regulation—but I must maintain, that the method here con- demned is much preferable to the for- mer practice, of leaving the money in the bank of England, in the name of, and subject to, the responsibility of the sub-accountants; nor can I conceive how, in that manner, regularly to pay, and faithfully to administer the dis- charge of every demand made me from the out-ports, I knew that it may, and has, I believe, been said, that since the practice was changed, no inconvenience has resulted to the public. To this argu- ment all I shall answer is, that there has been hitherto but a very short expe- rience of the effects of a different sys- tem, and that, in the practice of so many former years, the plan of lodging money at private bankers was found productive of very beneficial effects. In justice to myself, I beg leave to state, sir, that my intercourse with the naval commissioners commenced on the 26th of April, in their letter to me, calling for an explanation of a variety of trans- actions. They had, as I already ob- served, before them at the time, all the accounts between Mr. Trotter and the house of Messrs. Coutts, of which I was altogether ignorant. I was obliged to answer off-handed, in the several ques- tions which they had ready, in an ar- ranged and digested form, and had not within my reach any materials which could assist my recollection. I own that I felt myself disagreeably circum- stanced on account of a previous com- munication from Mr. Trotter, that his accounts with Messrs. Coutts were so blended and confused that it was impos- sible distinctly to separate them; but this difficulty I distinctly stated to them at the time, with the impossibility I felt of giving from memory the expla- nation they required. I however an- swered every thing as far as I was in- formed, and only objected to explain those matters of private and confidential communication, which I thought my duty would not suffer me to disclose. I am thoroughly and clearly convinced that I never allowed Mr. Trotter to apply any part of the public money to my private use or benefit, and might safely have said so in the first instance, though so much sarcastic eloquence has been displayed, and so much acrimoni- ous wit employed on the subject of my having said the words, "to the best of my recollection." It has also been brought as an auxiliary argument a- gainst me, that I preferred holding the office of treasurer of the navy, together with the presidency of the board of control for India affairs, to that of Se- cretary of state with the same emolu- ments, which, it was said, I should not have done, if I had no private interest in doing so, and that interest, of course, of an indirect or clandestine nature. I can, however, conscientiously declare, in the presence of many, but more par- ticularly of one right hon. gentleman, who very well knows it, that I never in my life went into the secretary of state's office by my own consent, even for a single moment. At the time I accept- ed of it by his majesty's command, which my duty or inclination would not suffer me to disobey, I was told I was to hold it only for a few months, until the return of a certain noble lord, who was then upon a foreign mission. I ve- ry cheerfully and gladly resigned it af- terwards, when another noble lord re- ceived his appointment. I then held the office of President over the political administration of the affairs of India, and retained with it the office of trea- surer of the navy; and, after all, I fan- cy this preference will not appear very extraordinary, when gentlemen consid- er how much these two offices were always known to be intimately connect- ed with each other. I have a right to apologise to the House for intruding so long upon the attention they have been pleased to shew; but I trust, I shall be excused trespassing on them with a few more observations. Gentlemen will, no doubt, feel the necessity a man in my situation has for doing so, when they reflect, that, after retiring from the spot I now stand in, I shall have no opportu- nity whatever of interfering in any de- bate that may arise, and must, there- fore, be extremely desirous and anx- ious, that, what their indulgence has now allowed me to offer, should be dis- tinctly understood. Every one, sir, must be conscious, that there are a vast number of persons, who will be fully sat- isfied with the partial report of the commissioners of naval enquiry, who declined hearing any further explana- tions from me, and that these persons have not looked to any thing like a jus- tification. I am, therefore, I think, ve- ry justly intitled to state, and even to press upon your consideration, that I ne- ver had, either directly or indirectly, any means or opportunity of seeing the private accounts between Mr. Trotter and Mr. Coutts, till I found them in the appendix to the report of the commis- sioners. I am, therefore, completely at the mercy of Mr. Trotter's accounts which I never had the means of read-
ing or correcting. Many things also in the evidence of Mr. Trotter, both be- fore the commissioners and the commit- tee, rested much more upon the re- collection of events long past, than on any present accounts which he could at the time resort to. Mr. Trotter's evidence confounded both facts and persons. When he said that he had been at one time from 20 to 23,000l. in advance for me, and had drawn for it in the course of one day, he was as much in mistake or error, as he was in stating that he had known and considered Mr. Tweedy as only in the subordinate of- fice of a messenger to the pay office, but had trusted him from his being in intimate confidence with me. So far however, from that having been the case, Mr. Tweedy was only known to me officially as a messenger, and it ne- ver happened that I had ever occasion to see or speak to him above once or twice in my life. The man, therefore, could never have been with me in hab- its of intercourse or confidence; and upon these points, I have to lament that the recollection of Mr. Trotter is not now by any means the same which his friends knew it to be fifteen or twenty years ago. The commissioners, how- ever, thought it right to proceed upon an extensive enquiry into this subject, and, on the examination of his family, it appeared from the testimony of his son, that in the father's accounts he could find no trace of any intercourse what- ever between him and me. What now, sir, chiefly remains for me to observe upon, is the application of two sums of money which I objected to account for. Upon this subject I must remark, that in the whole course of the long admini- stration in which I bore a part, I was the confidential adviser of his majesty's government in every measure which had any relation to Scotland. I was so officially, from the first, with a very short interval; but in general was in the same manner consulted to the last. In all the transactions which oc- curred in so great a length of time, gen- tlemen will see that many things must have unavoidably occurred for requir- ing the application of public money in a private and confidential manner, to the amount of about 60,000l. which I now declare that I never will, and never can disclose, without a breach both of public duty and private honor. With respect to the application of 40,000l. for a time from the naval money for the accom- modation of the treasury under very de- licate circumstances, I refused to give any explanation to the naval commis- sioners. I thought it my duty to have done so at the time, and I am sure that there were times when those who af- forded an explanation of it would have usually thought it their duty to have declined so doing. Mr. Trotter could never have meant to say, that he ever advanced for me such a sum as 20,000l. on the same day; and I am certain, that if he was asked the question now, he would say, that I never had the slightest knowledge of its having come out of the public money. He must have intended to state, that this sum arose during the whole course of his agency, for which I think I paid about 1,000l. interest. He stated that there was an account current between us, and this included the sum of 20,000l. upon the whole. I very well recollect subscrib- ing 10,000l. to the loyal loan, and I did so from a knowledge that it was ex- pected that all the chief servants of Gov- ernment should be subscribers to a considerable amount. Two instalments of it were paid, as I well recollect, out of my remittances from Scotland, and so far was I from thinking that share in the loyalty loan any part of my property, that I immediately executed a power to get rid of my stock in it as soon as an op- portunity should offer. When it is con- sidered that in his connections with me for forty years, upwards of 70,000l. of mine passed through his hands from re- ceiving the salaries of my different offices here and my remittances from Scotland, it will not seem wonderful that the accumulated bal- ance, taking the different periods at which the money was advanced, should be even 20,000l. against me; I never had any occasion to require any thing like 20,000l. at one time, and it frequently happened that Mr. Trotter was in arrears with me, as was the case at the time of our final settlement. In regard to the 40,000l. advanced to the treasury, as already alluded to, I am ready to admit, that I gave my con- currence to it in common with the other superior servants of government, and am willing to take my share of the re- sponsibility. Upon the subject of the conversation between Mr. Raikes and Mr. Pitt, of a suspicion that more mo- ney was drawn for naval purposes, from the bank, than was deemed neces- sary for the public service, I have only to declare, that it did not occur to my memory, at the time of my examina- tion; and that the recollection of Mr. Pitt's having mentioned it to me after- wards, is rather excited or revived from recent circumstances, than from any distinct impression which I retained of it. I now remember that I then treated it as an idle rumour, such as I had rea- son to believe; and my answer to Mr. Pitt must have then been the same, which I have now to submit to the con- sideration of the house. The next top- ic that suggests itself, sir, is the loss sustained by the public by the balances which remained in the hands of Mr. Jellicoe; and, I must say, that circum- stance has given me less uneasiness than any of the others connected with this subject. That debt, such as it was, had been incurred before ever I became treasurer of the navy. I used my best exertions in endeavoring to recover it, and the failure of having done so can not be attributed to any fault of mine. There is another subject, sir, to which I beg to call the attention of the house, because a great many very severe
comments have been passed on it; and the matter has been so grossly mis- represented in every way that it was pos- sible to conceive and so industriously circulated through every corner of the country, I mean, sir, the release that was given between Mr. Trotter and myself, that it was impossible for me to pass it by without particular observa- tion. In whatever way we proceed to consider that transaction, I think the nature of it is such, that it is scarce- ly possible for the mind of any man to be so perverse or so malignant, as to attribute it to an unfair or foul proceed- ing, or to any kind of transaction, which either or both of us were unwill- ing should come to light. As to the thing itself, I assure the house that I knew nothing of it till I received it at the distance of 40 miles from the me- tropolis, and of so little consequence did I regard it; and so very trifling was the impression it made on my mind, in point of weight or importance, that I really do not know how, or in what manner it came to my hands, whether it came to me in a cover, or whether it was dis- covered through the medium of any man of business. I am inclined to think, however, this last was not the way, or I should have been apt to recollect it more particularly. All I remember is, that I was at my son's house in the country, and it is most likely to have been delivered to me by one of my two servants, and I signed it as a matter, that was in a manner necessary between two persons, between whom there had passed accounts of so extensive and com- plicated a nature.
Mr. Trotter had been asked the ques- tion by the Committee, whether any particular conversation had taken place on it? and he had answered, No. He was also asked, whether there was any other person that could give any further account of it? To this he had also an- swered, No. Mr. Spottiswoode, who drew it up, had been dead these six months, and of course they were de- prived of his evidence; but they have that of his son, and his partner; and if there had been any thing remaining as to this deed, they must have known of it. They neither of them did; and this I think is the strongest negative evi- dence, that can be given in such a mat- ter of business. It had been said to be astonishing that there should not be some draft of it. But the very supposition was absurd on the face of it, that be- cause there was no draft, he and some other person had been concerned in foul transactions, which they wished to con- ceal. Could not the parties, if there had been any such, have easily and read- ily destroyed the vouchers and other documents that might lead to detection, without having any actual release, by which they put a deed into the hands of a variety of persons, who might after- wards discover what had been done.— Besides, such a deed, to be effectual, must be recorded in some of the Su- preme Courts, and thus the deed itself would prove the strongest evidence a- gainst the parties.
There is, Sir, another supposition, that this took place immediately on the appointment of the Naval Commission- ers, which is equally absurd; for at the time that took place, I was at so great a distance, as I before mentioned, that I knew nothing of it; and if any such in- tentions had been in contemplation, or any apprehensions entertained on ac- count of any discoveries that might en- sue, such a deed as this would certainly have been resorted to in some antec- edent period, and not deferred so long. Some persons have expressed consid- erable surprise, that such a clause should be contained in such a deed of release, as that for the destroying of vouchers or memoranda, but I believe, they are not uncommon as to loose papers, and there is nothing in it that relates to books of accounts. I have dwelt longer on this point, Sir, than I otherwise should have done, on account of the number of re- ports & acrimonious observations which have gone abroad concerning it. It is not, however, my intention to intrude on the time and patience of the house much further, as I am conscious I have no reason to be afraid that I shall not be able to convince the whole world of the rectitude of my conduct and inten- tions. I certainly do not mean to say that I have not experienced, or do not feel at present, the utmost anxiety on these various accounts, and at what has been for some time passing in this house relative to myself. I should think and freely confess, that I must be possessed of extraordinary apathy indeed, could I be insensible to proceedings so highly interesting on a subject of such magni- tude and importance. I have felt, Sir, most keenly the many severe comments and observations which have been made on transactions that have been said to attach to me, but which I deny to be the fact. I have, Sir, however, felt them like a man; and if there are persons who think thereby to break down the spirit with which I ought to defend my- self, they will find themselves mistaken. I own, Sir, that every mode has been resorted to, which could have a tendency to that point, and I have been lacer- ated, not only in my own feelings, but from the reflection that, in the wounds I have received, the smart was doubled on the recollection of some of the hands that were obliged to inflict the probe.— I am, Sir, notwithstanding, ready to meet the attack with that fortitude and patience which ever attend on a mind conscious of the rectitude and purity of its actions and intentions. A time, how- ever, may come, and I hope it is not far distant, when those who now pursue my conduct with such unexampled rigour will perceive their error, and become conscious of the injustice that has been done me, through misconception and misrepresentation. This is, however, not the time to enter upon that theme; but I feel the consciousness of my own innocence deeply implanted in my own
mind, and I shall descend to my grave, with the pleasing and heartfelt satisfac- tion, that, however the shafts of seve- rity and cruelty may be levelled against me, at the present moment, the future impartial historian will be able to hand down my name in the list of those who have strenuously, and I hope not ine- ffectually, exerted, during a long life of public service, their unremitted en- deavours to promote the welfare, and the dearest and most essential interests of their country. I am sorry, Sir, to detain the house so long, but I cannot leave it without requesting to be heard a few words on the subject, at present immediately fixed to occupy their at- tention and consideration. If the Mo- tion intended to be brought forward this day, or any like it should take place, I shall be placed in such a situation as no subject of this realm was ever placed before. It is very well known to the House that the person who now addresses them has been employed in high official situations, that he is a person of high rank, & has been a Minister of state, and as such, I should suppose, he would be tho't to deserve, at least, equal considera- tion with those who move in the inferior orders. I should have thought he might have expected to have been treated with at least an equal degree of candor and lenity, and that some considerable de- gree of criminality would have been ac- tually proved against him, before this House, or any other tribunal, would have consented and decreed, that he should be actually punished in the se- verest manner. It may, perhaps, be thought by some, and I have, no doubt, but it is confidently asserted by many, that I have received no actual punish- ment; but I would ask the House, and the world at large, is it no punishment to be stigmatised, as being unworthy the confidence of my Sovereign? Is it no punishment to be dismissed from a high official situation, and to be branded with the odious charge of being no long- er fit to continue in his Majesty's coun- cils? If this be not punishment, and of the severest kind, I know not what the word implies—I will, sir, put the case, that an impeachment had actually been voted, when this subject was first brought before the House—I will even go further, and suppose, by way of ar- gument, that the impeachment had suc- ceeded, and that the charges alledged against me had been fully proved. The punishment, I have a right to suppose, might not have been more than what has already been inflicted, without my having had any opportunity of being heard in my own defence, and upon evidence which, I have before said, and which I now repeat, has been miscon- ceived and mistaken. I will not say, sir, that your proceedings are deserving the character of harshness and op- pression; but certainly the operation and effects they have produced must be allowed to be tantamount as to myself. It is not perhaps of equal importance in the eye and estimation of the world at large, that such a punishment as this should have fallen to the lot of a man at my time of life, who cannot be suppos- ed, according to the common course of things, to have held these honors many years longer; but, supposing this to be so, let me ask what would it have been, had such a proceeding taken place with a man in a younger period of life, whose ambition was all alive, who wished not only to arrive at the highest offices of the state, but to continue in the enjoy- ment of them? It cannot surely be de- nied that it would have been the highest and most severe punishment that could well be conceived, to stigmatise him thus in his own person, and with such opprobrious terms and marks of dis- grace as would not fail to convey the most melancholy and cruel effects to his unfortunate, though innocent posterity? I would further ask—is it no punish- ment that the Attorney General should be ordered to commence a prosecution against a man for the recovery of a sum of money equal perhaps to the amount of his whole fortune, because it is al- ledged only to have been unfairly at- tained? Is it no punishment that in the close of life, that interesting period in which repose, retirement and tranqui- lity are most peculiarly requisite for its sustenance and comfort, he should be harassed by the institution of a process which is to make him liable for what he has not received, and which may, per- haps, eventually reduce him to absolute poverty? If placing any person in such circumstances as these, be not severe punishment, I know not what can de- serve the name. Besides, sir, if I am to be impeached, I should be glad to know by whom I am to be tried? The house will do well to consider that what has already passed in their proceedings has produced the effect of stimulating a great number of Peers to stand forward in various parts of the country, and to promulgate opinions on the subject of his conduct in terms which shew forci- bly and clearly they have already pre- judged my cause, and cannot therefore think of sitting as my judges. These noble lords could certainly never have dreamed of the word impeachment as applicable to my case, or they would never have taken the parts that many of them had done. I beg leave to re- mind the House of the proceedings that took place some few years ago at Maid- stone. At that time a man of the name of Raikes, who was one of the jury, had uttered intemperate words against some or all of the parties to be tried. On this being represented to the judge, he was not allowed to act in the capa- city of a jurymen, but his name was struck out of the pannel; so careful and jealous is the law of this country of suffering any man to sit in judgment on another whose cause he has in his own mind determined before hand. The same disadvantage will attend me in the case of an impeachment in reference to my accusers. A certain number would be appointed by this House to manage

the proceedings, and to conduct the trial with fairness and impartiality. Among these, in all likelihood, will be found gentlemen who have been harassing the multitude, and inflaming their minds against me in Palace-yard, and various other places in London, and through every part of the country, so that if those be not idle reports, there is no fair chance of my meeting an impartial jury, before whatever tribunal I may be tried.
I have another observation, sir, which applies to what has been said, as to accounting under another charge. The Attorney General has, I understand, been ordered to institute a civil action against me for the money which it is alleged and supposed I have obtained from the public. Is it just that I shall have two different prosecutions against me at the same time, and that the Attorney General should have it in his power to bring the evidence adduced in the civil action before the criminal tribunal, & vice versa? I think this a kind of procedure that it is impossible justice can allow; it is such a mixture of one thing with another as no words can describe. It will be such a proceeding as, if allowed, there can be no security for any person of rank who acts in official situations; they will always be liable to this double mode of proceeding, and to be harassed continually, whilst the lower orders will be free from any such disadvantages. This is a rigorous jealousy of the aristocracy, which I do not think it deserves; but which, after having troubled the house so long, I will not dwell upon any further." Viscount Melville then made the usual salutations to the House, and withdrew.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14.
The Commissioners of the Williamsburg Lottery have determined to submit the course to be pursued to the decision of the court of Appeals.
OUR prints are still occupied with inserting the orations delivered on the late anniversary of independence. A rivalry seems to have prevailed among the republicans & federalists on this occasion; each appears to have been anxious to show their respect for the principles which gave it birth. But in manifesting this respect, a very dissimilar course has been pursued. In the animadversions of the republicans, we observe, not only a devotion to the abstract principles of liberty, but also a warm attachment to the peculiar and distinctive measures that have emanated from them. They exult, not only in the heroism that dictated the memorable declaration of independence, but also in the acts which have secured it. Paying suitable honors to the statesmen and heroes of the revolution, who carried us successfully through our arduous struggle, they are neither unmindful of, or ungrateful for the services and virtues of those, who have since exerted their powers in perfecting the freedom of their country, in rendering it still more independent of foreign connections, and in increasing the security of the citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights. They have, under the guidance of these motives, compared the principles of our institutions with those of the old world, and the effects of the one with the effects of the other, and found the most abundant reason for felicitation. They have contemplated the old world, enchain'd under the dominion of a few men, neither entitled by talent or virtue to the high and exclusive powers they wield. With this degrading picture of the abject condition of man, they have triumphantly contrasted the condition of their own countrymen in the enjoyment of equal rights and the undivided participation of political power. They have contemplated the old world agitated to its centre by rebellions and wars. With this awful spectacle they have compared the peace and tranquillity of the United States. They have contemplated the former oppressed with taxes, while the latter scarcely feels those imposed. They have seen the immense treasures of the former lavished on useless projects, or on sycophants and courtiers, while here the public contributions are scrupulously devoted to objects directly connected with the general welfare. They have contemplated the inhabitants of Europe exposed to the deadliest scourges, and reduced, a great part of them, to the lowest depth of misfortune, while here they behold industry always crowned with reward the whole country smiling with gladness, and rising, with unprecedented rapidity, to wealth and comfort. With these themes for their texts, their honest hearts have poured out a copious effusion of thanks, and their minds have been elevated by a noble pride, at contemplating the interesting spectacle. Transcending the dull limits of cool reflection, they may have thrown on the canvass, in some instances, more glowing tints than are warranted by facts. The vision of hope may have kindled a more glowing picture than events will realise. But, still the outlines are true; nor can any one say what effects may be produced, in a few years, by the wise direction of the resources of five millions of
freemen, (surpassed, neither in industry or enterprise by any people on earth, and to whom nature has been unusually bountiful,) under governments whose chief employment consists in protecting, instead of invading, their rights and happiness. If in Europe, a prosperous nation does not double its population in less than five hundred years, while here our numbers are doubled in twenty three, what bounds can be fixed to our progress, and what rules, derived from the tardy steps of the European, can with justice be applied to us? Had the most fertile imagination committed to writing a century ago its most daring flights on the destiny of this country, would they, however extravagant they might then have been thought, have equalled the scenes which have since occurred? With feelings, inspired by the actual situation of their country, by its unparalleled prosperity, by its towering glories, and by the bright prospects that await it, is it surprising that, in the fullness of their hearts they have rejoiced, and honestly, as well as wittily, given credit to their peculiar institutions, and those who administer them?
If we give the republicans credit for this full expression of their ideas, and unbosoming of their hearts, what shall we say of those, who dead to the proud feelings of Americans and freemen, and insensible to the glowing happiness that surrounds them, have seized this occasion, this day of jubilee, not to rejoice, not to join the chorus of gratitude, but to depreciate the sacred principles of republicanism, to question their soundness and feasibility, and to conjure up all the courtly libels that have been pronounced upon them by courtiers and sycophants, by tyrants and slaves; calling upon us to hold in recollection the mournful catastrophe of every republic that has ever before existed, and representing the people as incompetent to govern themselves. In accordance with this dark picture, we observe these men condemning with indiscriminate reprobation all the measures of their government, and contending, against the force of facts and every one's feelings, that the country is neither prosperous nor free, and that it is degraded in the eyes of the world. While abroad, wherever civilization prevails, the American name is respected, these men, with unaccountable malignity, while they are themselves enjoying prosperity not to be found in any other region of the earth, are calumniating the principles of liberty, and traducing with the basest calumnies, the lives and actions of its best defenders. Because the people are too wise to surrender themselves, with all their property, into the custody of these political maniacs, the doors of bedlam are thrown open, and the denunciations of unbridled resentment poured upon them. Having adopted the old maxim, " aut Caesar aut nullus ,"—by the rashness of their conduct, they are rapidly hurrying themselves, with all the impotence of passion, into that insignificance which can alone restore them to their senses. When they shall have ceased to expect to regain the power which they have abused, and content themselves with the enjoyment of the rights of freemen, without aspiring to governing the people of America, without their consent, they will become candidates for the esteem they have forfeited. Until then, they must not expect either the approbation of their country, or of their own consciences.
We are happy to inform the public, that the regulations lately adopted by government for the reception and delivery of the salt made at the Great Saline, near the mouth of the Wabash, have answered the most sanguine expectations. Salt is now made in greater quantities than the ordinary supplies of the country require; a large quantity has been on hand for some time past. From the quantity and quality of the water—the extent of the works—and the regulations that have been made for carrying them on, we have most flattering prospects, that the greater part of the western country will hereafter obtain a constant supply of salt at these licks.
Ind. Gaz.
Alexandria, August 8.
It is with regret we announce the sacrifice of a victim at the shrine of the sanguinary practice of duelling. Yesterday morning, at 6 o'clock, a duel was fought between Mr. Enoch M. Lyles, of this town, and Mr. John F. Bowie, of Piscataway, Maryland, at Johnston's spring, about six miles from this town, on the Virginia side of the Potomac. They exchanged shots at fifteen feet distance; when, unfortunately, Mr. L. received his antagonist's ball a little below the right breast, the ball passed through his liver, and he expired a few minutes past eleven o'clock yesterday.
John A. Burford, the person apprehended on suspicion of wounding and robbing Mr. Peter, on Tuesday underwent his final examination before the magistrates, and was committed for trial at the next court, which commences on the 4th Monday of November next.
SALEM, August 5.
We are happy to learn, that the Fishermen who have been impressed on the Banks have been liberated. Six of
them have arrived in this town. Every generous effort was made for their recovery, and with success. The British consul in Boston, gave his official aid, and the vessel was sent from this town, and the papers addressed to the Governor at Halifax. Such persons as were discovered to be citizens of the United States, have been given up. The poor fishermen have no redress for detention, and the loss of the season.
New-York, August 7.
Captain Culver, of the brig Eliza Hamilton, arrived yesterday, obligingly furnished us with a St. Croix paper of the 12th of July, from which we extract the following
PUBLICATION.
The following regulations, which have this day been communicated to both Custom-houses of this island, are hereby made known to the trading part of the community:
1. All sorts of goods, without exemption, may be imported into St. Croix, from all foreign places, provided said goods be imported either in Danish-European, American, or vessels belonging to our Danish West India Islands.
2. No foreign goods are contraband, except those imported in foreign European vessels, which goods remain henceforth, as they hitherto have been prohibited.
3. The duties to be paid on such foreign goods from all foreign places, are as follows:
  When imported in Danish-European vessels: Articles denominated necessary 5 per ct.   Do. Do. less necessary 7 per ct.   Do. Do. of luxuries 10 per ct.   When imported in American vessels: Articles denominated necessary 5 per ct.   Do. Do. less necessary 10 per ct.   Do. Do. of luxuries 15 per ct. 
When imported in our own vessels belonging to our islands, in the same manner as when imported in Danish European vessels:
Which abovementioned regulations commence from the 1st July next ensuing.
August 7.
A letter of the 10th of June, received by the ship Otis, from a respectable gentleman in London, to his friend in Philadelphia, states, that a negotiation was then pending between Great Britain and France, and that different opinions were entertained of the result; the writer himself did not think it would be productive of peace.
August 10.
By the ship Adriana, Ricketson, from Cadiz, we are informed, that gen. Moreau, and family were to leave Cadiz, in 6 days for Philadelphia in the ship New-York, capt. George; that gun-boat No. 3, which was captured by the Spaniards had been condemned, after having a trial; that a rupture between America and Spain was supposed to be at no great distance, and that Cadiz was closely blockaded, no vessels being permitted to enter with provisions.
Philadelphia, August 9.
CHEVALIER DE FORONDA,
Consul General from his Catholic Majesty to the United States, informs the merchants and others whom it might concern, through the medium of the American Daily Advertiser of the 7th of June last, that all vessels trading to the Havana, Santiago, and Trinidad de Cuba, &c. that is, to the ports of entry in the said island, should have manifests of their cargoes attested by the respective Consul. He has now to inform that the Intendant of the Havana has issued the following decree.
Havana, July 3, 1805.
"SIGNIOR DON RAFAEL ROUBAUD, Intendant General of this island, has determined, in a decree of the 28th of June last, that the regulations pointed out in the manifest or ordinance, of the 8th of February anterior, for the general administration of the revenues of the marine, for the commerce of neutrals, receive the following addition:
The Consuls or Vice Consuls of the neutral ports from whence expeditions are made (and in the case of there being no Consuls resident therein, the persons authorised by the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty) shall certify to the accounts or invoices, with the expression of the particular port of the Island to which they are directed; with an individual relation of the number, weight, measure, quality and value of the kinds and effects comprehended in the cargo; under the intelligence or knowledge that whatsoever shall be discovered that was not included in the invoice, will be confiscated without any indulgence.
A duplicate of the invoice and manifest will be required, in order to remain in the Consular office, which will be opened from ten o'clock till two in the afternoon every day, Sundays excepted, and such other holidays as are prescribed by the Catholic religion: Also, it is desired, the merchants will endeavour to have their papers presented the day previous to the sailing of their vessels, so that they may not experience any detention from the necessary business of the Consulate.
They are likewise desired to take notice of the publications which appeared in this paper of the 21st May last, which says:—Dry goods, liquors and provisions, will be admitted in neutral ves-
sels, under similar restrictions as those imposed on the commerce of Spain: Observing, as an indispensable circumstance, in order to be admitted to an entry, that such vessels must have clearances direct for said port.
Consular Office, Aug. 8, 1805.
New-York, August 10.
We lay before the readers of the Mercantile Advertiser this morning European Intelligence to the 23th of June, from London papers to that date and Liverpool papers to the 27th, with which we have been favoured by Capt. Duplex, who left Liverpool on the 28th in the ship Hercules, Bradford, for Philadelphia; but on the 4th August, in lat. 39, 57, long. 67, was taken on board the ship Adriana, from Cadiz, for New-York, and arrived here yesterday.
LONDON, JUNE 21.
A private letter from Hamburg, brought by the last mail, contains the following information relative to the further preparations of the enemy in the Mediterranean:—"According to advices from Lyons of the 30th ult. a second naval armament is fitting out at Toulon, which is to consist of six sail of the line, exclusive of frigates and other armed vessels. The utmost activity prevailed at Toulon and all the other French harbours, to put the French navy on a most formidable footing. The letters boats, that in less than four years the naval force will consist of 150 sail of the line. A body of troops is collected near Toulon, in order to embark on a secret expedition; and near Rochefort, a camp is formed for the same purpose."
Report now states, that the French expedition has for its object, first to seize the Brazils; secondly to occupy the Cape of Good Hope, ceded by France to the Dutch; thirdly, to take by surprise the island of Helena, which is well known not to be fortified with a competence adequate to its importance. Masters of the Brazils, the Cape of Good Hope, and St. Helena, as well as of the Ile of France, they would possess the keys to all our East India possessions, and the halfway houses, if one may use the expression, of our Indian Commerce.
There was a report yesterday that Government had received intelligence of another Spanish squadron of six sail of the line having escaped from Cadiz previous to the blockade being renewed. June 22.
This morning we received a series of Moniteurs from the 8th to the 15th and Dutch Journals to the 20th inst. They announce, what we have long expected, the incorporation of the Ligurian Republic with the French empire.
LONDON, June 22.
On Wednesday the following message was delivered to the Commons, and a similar communication was made to the Lords.
GEORGE REX,
His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that the communications which have taken place and are still depending between his Majesty and some of the powers of the continent have not yet been brought to such a point as to enable his Majesty to lay the result of them before the House, or to enter into any further explanation with the French government, consistently with the sentiments expressed by his Majesty at the opening of the present session. But his Majesty conceives, that it may be of essential importance, that he should have it in his power to avail himself of any favorable conjuncture for giving effect to such a concert with other powers, as may afford the best means of resisting the inordinate ambition of France, and may be most likely to lead to a termination of the present contest on grounds consistent with the permanent safety and interests of his Majesty's dominions, and the security and independence of Europe. His Majesty therefore recommends it to the House of Commons to consider of making provision for enabling his Majesty to take such measures, and enter into such engagements, as the exigencies of affairs may require. G. R. June 24.
A debate took place on Friday evening, in the House of Commons, on the subject of the King's message. Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt took nearly the same ground as in the debate of the preceding evening; the former arguing in favor of a peace on reasonable terms, and the appointment of a Congress for that purpose; while the latter generally stated that the principle of joint peace or joint war formed the basis of our present negotiations with the present powers of the Continent. From the whole of the Minister's language, it seems evident that the negotiations alluded to have for their object the interesting other powers in a common cause, besides Russia and Sweden. A vote of credit, to the extent of 3,500,000l. was proposed in the committee of supply, and agreed to, after some observations from the leading members of opposition.
JUNE 14.—Mr. Whitbread made his motion of censure for culpable neglect, (chiefly in not acting upon the information of Mr. Raikes) on the chancellor of the exchequer. After a speech of some length respecting the topics which are already amply before the public, he moved a string of resolutions.—Mr. Pitt ably defended himself; and the sense of the House, and even of the op-
position, was evidently with him. Mr. Fox acknowledged himself perfectly satisfied; but as the proceedings of the Ministers had been irregular, he proposed a Bill of Indemnity. This was agreed to, and the resolutions cheerfully withdrawn.
In the case of DAVID ASTIN a insolvent debtor.
SIX months from and after the first day of August next is limited and appointed for the creditors of the said David Astin to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, three times before the first day of October next.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, esq.
WM. BRENT, Clk.
Aug. 14—3t
The Subscriber being appointed trustee in the above case, requests the creditors of David Astin above named, to bring in and exhibit their claims agreeably to the above order. ISAAC JOHNSON.
FOR SALE.
AN unfinished two story brick house with an excellent cellar fronting on Seventh street, east, figure No. 907, in the city of Washington, if not disposed of at private sale previous to the 4th day of September next, it will on that day be offered at public sale, for terms apply to the subscriber.
And on the same day will positively be sold a frame house situated on the same street and square at the above property; and a quantity of household and kitchen furniture.
The vicinity of the above property to the navy yard renders it an object worthy of attention.
WILLIAM PROUT.
Aug. 12—
Lands for Sale.
PURSUANT to an order of the court of Calvert county—the subscribers will sell at public auction at the house of Mr. James Duke, at Prince Frederick Town in the county aforesaid on the 29th day of August, if fair, if not the next fair day—All the real estate of captain Walter Smith late of said county deceased, consisting of the following tracts of land.
The tract on which the said captain Smith resided, containing 1225 1/8 acres lying on the river Patuxent, bounded on the west by said river, and on the south and east by a fine navigable creek called St. Leonards, so that a short fence will enclose the whole land—the soil of this tract is equal to any on Patuxent either for farming, planting, or grazing; and in their season a great abundance of fine fish and oysters may be had either from the river or creek.
One other tract of land in the Forest, about two miles from the former, containing 647 1/2 acres. The greater part of which is covered with hickory, chestnut, and oak wood, and a great proportion of Swamp land, which at a trifling expense might be converted into valuable meadow.
One other tract of 536 1/2 acres lying on Chesapeake Bay, bounded on the east by said bay and on the north by a creek called Parker's creek; on this tract there is a very fine salt marsh, a quantity of fine meadow land, and abundance of timber.
It is thought needless to give a fuller description of those lands, as it is presumed no one will purchase without first viewing them. And on application to Mr. John Turner who lives adjoining the first mentioned tract he will show the different tracts as well as the plans of the same.
These different tracts will be sold in a body or divided into lots, as may best suit those who wish to purchase: The purchasers to give bond on interest with approved security for the purchase money to be paid in three equal annual payments the whole interest to be paid yearly. And on the ratification of the sale by the court and a full payment of the purchase money, a deed of conveyance will be executed to the purchasers agreeable to an act of assembly in such case made and provided.
JO. WILKINSON, JOHN TURNER, JAMES HEIGHE, } Commissioners. July 31—wts.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY on the 9th inst. from the subscriber's farm near Frederick Town, (Maryland) a dark mulatto fellow named MOSES,
But commonly called LANHAM; He was raised near Piscataway and sold by a Mr. Burrows to the late James Marshall, deceased, of Frederick county. Lanham is about thirty years of age, nearly six feet high, stout and very active, fond of spirituous liquors, has been accustomed to working aboard shipping, likewise in a brick yard and is well acquainted with the management of horses and with the ferrying business; he is a very artful fellow, and I expect he has obtained a pass and will pass under the name of Samuel Beall. He had on and took with him an ozanburg shirt & trousers, a blue cloth coat with a black silk vest, cape bound with silk terretting, a black fur hat nearly new, a pair of shoes nearly new, an old drab surcoat coat, with sundry other clothing not recollected; he has a scar under one of his eyes but it is not recollected which, somewhat hoard of hearing and round shoulder'd. From his acquaintance in the city of Washington I suppose he has made for that place or some other seaport. Whoever takes up and secures said fellow in any jail so that I get him again shall receive if taken ten miles from home eight dollars, if twenty miles sixteen dollars, if thirty miles twenty dollars, if fifty miles thirty dollars, and if a greater distance the above reward with all reasonable charges if brought home.
JOHN L. HARDING.
N. B. Masters of vessels and others are cautioned against harboring said runaway at their peril. July 25—rm
RAGS.
The highest price, in Cash or Books will be given for any quantity of clean Linen and Cotton RAGS, by Rapine Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill. June 24—

A List of Lands and Lots of Ground in Prince George's County, on which there is not personal property liable to pay the taxes due thereon for the years 1802, 1803, and 1804.
Table with 4 columns: Name, Acres, Tax, and Notes. Lists various landowners and their properties, including Allen Bowies heirs, Benjamin Brooke's heirs, Elizabeth Brooke's heirs, etc.
Notice is hereby given, that unless the county charges aforesaid are paid unto Richard Duvall, the Collector, within thirty days after four weeks publication of this notice, the said lands and lots of ground, or such parts thereof, as may be sufficient to discharge the Taxes and Legal charges thereon due, will be sold to the highest bidder, agreeably to the directions of the Act of Assembly passed November session, 1797, entitled "An act for the more effectual collection of the county charges in the several counties of this state."
By order of the Commissioners, SAM. HEPBURN, CLK. THESE persons who are interested in the property above described are requested to pay the taxes due thereon with charges of advertising on or before the 22nd day of August next, otherwise I shall proceed to sell on said day the same, or so much thereof, as may be sufficient for the payment of said taxes and charges at public vendue, at Wm. Ross's tavern in Badensburg. RICHARD DUVALL, Col. of Prince George's county. July 22—w4t
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public; assuring them that 'tis his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and so to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
PUBLIC SALE. On the first Monday in November next will be held at Public Auction, on the premises at the hour of eleven o'clock A. M. all those Lots of ground, No. 18 and 26 which were allotted and set apart for JAMES WIGFIELD, of Washington county, District of Columbia, situated near the fourth end of the Eastern Branch Bridge, and vested in me in virtue of a deed of trust from said Wigfield. Terms of sale CASH. BENSON L. MCCORMICK, July 29—1wtN.
Council, Annapolis, May 16, 1805. ORDERED, That the act to provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals, be published twice in each week for the space of three months in the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the American Telegraph and the Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate and Bargis's paper at Frederick-Town; Greaves's paper at Hagerstown, and in Smith's and Cowan's paper at Easton. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk.
AN ACT To provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and forms of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals.
BE it enacted by the general assembly of Maryland, That this state shall be divided into six judicial districts in manner and form following to wit: St. Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's, Calvert, Anne Arundel and Montgomery counties shall be the second district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the third district; Frederick, Washington and Allegany counties shall be the fourth district; Baltimore and Harford counties shall be the fifth district; and there shall be appointed, for each of the said judicial districts, three persons of integrity and found legal knowledge, residents of the state of Maryland, who shall previous to and during their acting as judges, reside in the district for which they shall respectively be appointed, one of whom shall be styled in the commission chief judge, and the other two associate judges, of the district for which they shall be appointed; and the chief judge, together with the two associate judges, shall compose the county courts in each respective district; and each judge shall hold his commission during good behavior, removable for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law, or shall be removed by the governor, upon the address of the general assembly, provided that two thirds of all the members of each house concur in such address; and the county courts, so as aforesaid established, shall have, hold and exercise, in the several counties of this state, all and every the powers authorities and jurisdictions, which the county courts of this state now have, use and exercise, and which shall be hereafter prescribed by law; and the said county courts established by this act shall respectively hold their sessions in the several counties at such times and places as the legislature shall direct and appoint; and the salaries of the said judges shall not be diminished during the period of their continuance in office.
II. And be it enacted, That in any suit or action at law hereafter to be commenced or instituted in any county court of this state, the judges thereof, upon suggestion in writing by either of the parties thereto, supported by affidavit or other proper evidence, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in the county court of the county where such suit or action is depending, shall and may order and direct the record of their proceedings in such suit or action to be transmitted to the judges of any county court within the district for trial, and the judges of such county court, to whom the said record shall be transmitted, shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such suit or action had been originally instituted therein; provided, nevertheless, that such suggestion shall be made as aforesaid before or during the term in which the issue or issues may be joined in the said suit or action; and provided also, that such further remedy may be provided by law, in the premises, as the legislature shall from time to time direct and enact.
III. And be it enacted, That if any party presented or indicted in any of the county courts of this state, shall suggest in writing to the court in which such prosecution is depending, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such adjoining county court shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein; provided that such further and other remedy may be provided by law in the premises as the legislature may direct and enact.
IV. And be it enacted, That if the attorney general, or the prosecutor for the state, shall suggest in writing to any county court, before whom an indictment is or may be depending, that the state cannot have a fair and impartial trial in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court, in their discretion, to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such county court shall hear and determine the same as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein.
V. And be it enacted, That there shall be a court of appeals, and the same shall be composed of the chief judges of the several judicial districts of the state, which said court of appeals shall hold, use and exercise, all and singular the powers, authorities and jurisdictions, heretofore held, used and exercised, by the court of appeals of this state, and also the appellate jurisdiction heretofore used and exercised by the general court; and the said court of appeals hereby established, shall sit on the western and eastern shores for transacting and determining the business of the respective shores, at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint, and any three of the said judges of the court of appeals shall form a quorum to hear and decide in all cases pending in said court and the judge who has given a decision in any case in the county court, shall withdraw from the bench upon the deciding of the same case before the court of appeals; and the judges of the court of appeals may appoint the clerks of said court for the western and eastern shore, respectively, who shall hold their appointments during good behavior, removable only for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law; and in case of death, resignation, disqualification or removal out of the state, or from their respective shores, of either of the said clerks in the vacation of the said court, the governor, with the advice of the council, may appoint and commission a fit and proper person to such vacant office, to hold the same until the next meeting of the said court; and all laws passed after this act shall take effect, shall be recorded in the office of the court of appeals of the western shore.
VI. And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government which relates to the court of appeals and the general court, or the judges thereof, or that is in any manner repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby repealed, abrogated and annulled upon the confirmation hereof; provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed so as to authorise the removal of the clerks of the respective county courts being in commission at the time of the passing of this act, in any other mode or manner than that prescribed by the constitution and form of government.
VII. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing in the said constitution and form of government to the contrary, notwithstanding. May 31—2aw3m
I will sell upon a liberal credit, the following valuable property.
MY plantation on St. Charles's branch containing 800 acres, about three miles from Upper Marlboro, and not more than one from Patuxent River.
Few plantations in Prince George's County combine greater advantages, or offer an inducious man with better prospects of profit. The situation of the dwelling house is elevated, pleasant and remarkably healthy. The spring water, fine and abundant. The arable land, extremely favorable to the growth of Tobacco, Corn and all kinds of small grain. The meadows, sure to remunerate, are extensive, and with proper management will produce two hundred tons of Hay annually. This plantation abounds with fire wood, rails, and fine timber, so distributed that little labor is required in making the necessary repairs, and such can be spared in the vicinity of a good market towards refunding the purchaser his money. In 1803 it produced 28,000 lb. of tobacco, with only 11 hands, the product would have been greater the next year, but for the succession of uncommon frosts. The dwelling, out houses, four tobacco houses and four quarters, are in good repair, and the plantation abounds with fruit trees.
The purchaser may be furnished with the negroes on it, about 20 in number, twelve of whom are working hands and of them eleven are men. Mules, horses, about sixty head of cattle, a waggon, a cart, and every necessary for carrying on said plantation.
Strawberry Hill, containing 180 acres within two miles of Upper Marlboro, on the post road leading from thence to the City of Washington. The soil is remarkably fertile and nearly one third may be made good meadow. The buildings are sufficient for a small family, who, with care and industry, would be sure to reap, on land, so congenial to the growth of tobacco, corn, small grain and grass the full benefit of their labor.
Its situation renders it a pleasing retreat to a gentleman of fortune, disposed to take the advantages it promises to health, and smite himself with the cultivation of a small rich plantation, in a genteel neighborhood, at the distance of about 12 miles from the seat of the general government, to which the road is very level, and nearly equal to a turnpike. Four hundred acres of land about 2 miles from Hancock in Washington County Maryland. About 40 acres of this land is cleared, and a small house on it; the balance heavily timbered, well watered and level, the post road from Hancock to Allegany passes through it; near the road about the centre of the land is a fine spring, well calculated to turn a saw mill, or to carry on a Distillery; timber may be easily taken from this land to Hancock, and from thence floated to the city of Washington, where it always commands a handsome price.
1 Lot in the City of Washington, sq. 632. No 12 fronting 173 feet 7 inches on South North Street, and 55 feet 3 inches on half Street West. WM. B. BEANS. Upper Marlboro, July 10—10w.
Twenty Dollars Reward. R away from the subscriber's plantation near this place, on Monday the 10th of June, PHIL, Who commonly calls himself Phil Brice, a dark mulatto, aged about twenty two years, five feet eight or nine inches high, remarkably polite, speaks quick (though with difficulty) when spoken to, his clothing unknown. Having acquaintances in Baltimore, Alexandria and the City of Washington, I think it probable he has gone to one of those places. The above reward will be paid to any person who shall bring him home, or ten dollars for lodging him in any jail, so that I get him again. WM. B. BEANS. Upper Marlborough, July 12—w6t.
1500 DOLLARS REWARD.
HIGHWAY ROBBERY. YESTERDAY about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Mr. JOHN PETER, an Officer of the BANK OF COLUMBIA, was stopped on horseback on the road between this town and Alexandria, and within about 2 miles of the latter place, by some unknown villain, shot through the body with a pistol, and robbed of a sum of money in his possession belonging to this Institution which he was taking to Alexandria, for the purpose of exchanging with the banks there.
The whole sum taken amounted Eighteen Thousand One hundred and Fourteen Dollars and Sixty-five Cents, made up in several packages, among which were,
1 post note of the Bank of Virginia, for 800- 1 do. of the same, for 500- 1 do. of the same, for 500- 1 do. of the same, for 450- 1 do. of the Bank of Potomac in favor of Joseph Riddle by him endorsed to Washington Bowie, dated 6 July, 1803. No 117 149 65
A check of the Union Bank, on the Bank of Alexandria, drawn by R. Higginbotham, cashier, in favor of Greatham and Deversu, by them endorsed and by Benj. Stoddert, and C. Smith, Teller.
There were also a parcel of post notes of the Bank of Alexandria for 100 dollars, and for 50 dollars each. The remainder was in current notes, principally of the banks of Alexandria and Potomac, and some few of the Bank of Virginia of different sizes and denominations.
As the attack was sudden, and the wound received of a nature to deprive Mr. Peter instantly of his senses, (although it is now hoped he will recover) the description obtained may not be very accurate—As far as we are informed—the man who perpetrated the act, is of middle stature, good countenance, and had a genteel appearance. He had on a dark blue or black coat, nankeen pantaloons, shoes, and a black hat, he was on foot and alone at the time, but may have had accomplices concealed, and will probably change his clothes.
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given to any person or persons, who will detect and bring to conviction the robber: and ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS additional for the recovery of the whole of the money, or in proportion for any smaller sum recovered—should there be accomplices, and one of them make a discovery, so that it leads to the conviction of the robber, or to the recovery of the money he shall receive the above reward, and interest will be made to obtain his pardon.
WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier of the Bank of Columbia. George Town, July 31—
West Indies. BERNARD M'MALON SEEDSMAN, No. 129. CHESKUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA, Has just imported from London by the ship Columbia, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Garden Seeds,
PARTICULARLY of such kinds as are usually in demand in the West Indies, and as other hot climates; and also of such sorts as are necessary for summer and fall sowing in the United States. They are all fresh, of the last season's growth, and will be disposed of on moderate terms.
TURNIP SEED. He has likewise imported from one of the most eminent Turnip farmers in England, a quantity of the genuine White Norfolk field Turnip seed, which is the most profitable kind yet known for cattle feeding, and exceeded by none for ordinary purposes.
FLOWER ROOTS. His flower roots being now taken up, his friends and the public may be supplied with upwards of three hundred varieties of the most superb Tulips, all named, and arranged in their proper divisions, a large collection of the best double Hyacinths, Anemones, Ranunculus and Jonquils; likewise Crown Imperial, crocus spring and autumnal Cyclamen roots, with several other kinds.
BOOKS. He is constantly supplied with the best and most approved works on Agriculture, Botany and Gardening; and in a few weeks will have ready for publication his treatise on AMERICAN GARDENING, adapted particularly to the climates, seasons, and vegetable productions, that are, or may be profitably cultivated in the United States.
He is also supplied with the best English flour of mustard and split peas; white and brown mustard seed for mangoes, &c. watering pots, base mats, pruning, grafting, and inoculating knives; garden rakes, hoes, reeds, lines, spades, shovels, trowels and edging irons, hot bed lights and glass, hyacinth glasses, red, white, and yellow clover seed, burner, lucerne, ray grass, timothy, herd grass and orchard grass seeds, lentils, vetches, peas, beans and every other necessary article in the seed trade.
M'MALON invites, nay he solicits a correspondence and reciprocity of services with the admirers of curious and useful vegetable productions, in the United States and elsewhere; and having it considerably in his power, being generally supplied with an immense number of scarce, curious, and valuable seeds, he hopes they will find in him an attentive and useful correspondent. July 15.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cashmeres, patent Bennet's coat, toilettes, fancy and white Marceilles, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marceilles, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habts, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—wtf