The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-04-06 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE
No. 1010.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, APRIL 6, 1867.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FEBRUARY 19.
Debate on Mr. Broom's resolution for the better protection of the writ of Habeas Corpus.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. BURWELL said when he had before addressed the House on this resolution, he had observed that he would vote for its reference to a Committee of the Whole House. He should now vote for its reference to a select committee. The change proposed in the mode of its disposition had not varied the principle. It had always been a maxim with him to favor enquiry when solicited in respectful terms. He held it to be the right of every member to submit any resolution to the House which he thought proper, and the duty of the House to give it a respectful attention. He rose, however, at this time for the purpose of offering an amendment to the resolution, predicated on the necessity of limiting the power of the supreme court to issue writs of Habeas Corpus. The object of this motion was not in the least to affect the decision of the supreme court, recently made on this subject; but the fact was the judges themselves questioned their power, sitting as a court, to issue this writ. It was true that in two cases they had exercised this power; but in the last case, after a very full examination, if he was correctly informed, two judges had given an opinion that the court had the power, two were of opinion that they did not possess it, and a third had concurred with the two former judges barely because a like decision had been heretofore made. In the act of 1789, Mr. B. said he found the following provision:
"All the before mentioned courts of the U. S. shall have power to issue writs of scire facias , habeas corpus , and all other writs not specially provided for by statute, which may be necessary for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions, and agreeable to the principles and usages of law. And either of the justices of the supreme court, as well as judges of the district courts, shall have power to grant writs of habeas corpus for the purpose of an enquiry into the cause of commitment. Provided, That writs of habeas corpus shall in no case extend to prisoners in gaol, unless where they are in custody, under or by colour of the authority of the U. S. or are committed for trial before some court of the same, or are necessary to be brought into court to testify."
Now the question naturally occurs whether a criminal offence committed against the laws of the United States, or a statute of any state comes within the jurisdiction of the supreme court of the U. S. I have no doubt in my mind that that court has no such jurisdiction. A reference to the constitution which defines the original powers of the court will show my construction to be correct. In the 3d art. 2d sec. it is declared—"In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make."
Does it not follow from these expressions that before the supreme court have original jurisdiction (for the issuing a writ of Habeas Corpus is an original and not an appellate power) they must have that power within the terms of the constitution, viz.
"In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction."
Whence then the power to issue a writ of Habeas Corpus in any other case? Mr. Burwell said it appeared to him that the constitution did not confer the power to interfere with ordinary offences committed within the U. S. and he thought it was at this time peculiarly expedient to make some legislative provision on this subject.
What will be the consequence of this doctrine of the supreme court? That a man confined in any part of the U. S. may be released, however distant from the place where the court sits, and be brought to Washington to determine whether he has been legally committed. In all cases, unless committed on testimony in writing, he must be discharged, for it is usual to recognize witnesses to attend at a particular time and place, and if the person accused be brought up without such witnesses, what is to prevent him from going at large? It is most manifest that the exercise of this power will be found extremely inconvenient, and as in his opinion it could be only exercised in contravention of the constitution and public utility, Mr. B. said he trusted the legislature would take steps to limit the jurisdiction of the supreme court,
and to prevent persons going at large, who ought to be confined for their trial.
What would be the effect of the doctrine contended for by the gentleman from Delaware, that it was the duty of every judge at the risk of his life to issue a writ of Habeas Corpus? Considering the extreme distance of one part of the U. S. from another, it would be impossible for a judge to ascertain whether the individual was confined under the authority of the U. S. or of a particular state; and consequently under such an injunction, he would be compelled either to violate the authority of the states, or expose himself to a most severe and imminent peril. Mr. B. said he made this statement to show the necessity of making provision for such a case.
Mr. B. said he had only to add that if the supreme court had a right to issue a writ of Habeas Corpus in every case, and this were enjoined under a severe penalty, instead of having their jurisdiction narrowed down to particular cases, as was undoubtedly intended by the constitution, they may interfere in the whole criminal jurisdiction of the U. S. It was for these reasons that he offered the amendment. As to the other branches of the subject, he had already given his ideas upon them, which it was unnecessary to repeat.
Mr. Burwell then moved to insert after the words states —"and the necessity of defining the power of the supreme court of the U. S. in issuing the writ of Habeas Corpus." This amendment was agreed to—Ayes 76.
Mr. JACKSON said he did not vote for the amendment, and should not vote for the resolution, which he thought more exceptionable in its present form than in its original form. He had before contended that the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus was amply protected. He had stated that every judge, according to their own claim, did possess the power of issuing it—not under any particular law, but under a constitutional provision, he presumed. He demanded whether that House could change a constitutional provision? The constitution declares that "the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it." The amendment agreed to, went to narrow this privilege by taking from the judges of the supreme court the right of issuing the writ. Is not this, said Mr. Jackson, a suspension of it? If the power be taken from this court, may it not be taken from another? What is there to require a suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus, that did not require it a few days since when the subject was before us? Are there any imperious circumstances that require it? No. Gentlemen who have indulged themselves in animadversions on the conduct of the officer who has made certain recent arrests, and which have given rise to this motion, have failed in showing that the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus is not amply secured. It is in vain to say, that because we fix a penalty to disobedience, or resort to the sanguinary system of some gentlemen, proposing even death, we shall prevent the violation of the constitution from feeling power and forgetting right. He who is disposed to violate the constitution, will do it, even at the risk of death. We have affirmed however, that any person whose rights are infringed, may obtain justice; and that the court whose writ shall be refused has a right to issue an attachment. To deny the existence of this power, would be to reduce our tribunals to mere Pie Powder courts. Although we have called on gentlemen to show the necessity of legislating at this, or any other time on this subject, they have contented themselves with declamations and discussions merely political. It seems however that the zeal of gentlemen to protect the privileges of the citizen, as might have been readily foreseen, has already induced them to vote for ousting the supreme court of its jurisdiction.
Mr. BURWELL explained. He said his colleague certainly had not attended to the amendment. It only instituted an enquiry, and did not propose absolutely an abridgement of powers. The arguments used in its favor, showed clearly that a distinction had been expressly taken between the powers vested in the supreme court by the constitution and those conferred by the law of Congress. Indeed it was intended to expound a law of whose ambiguity the judges themselves had complained.
Mr. JACKSON. I assure my friend from Virginia, that no person is less disposed than myself to misrepresent his opinions. [Mr. J. here read the provisions of the constitution relative to the powers conferred on the supreme court of the U. S.] We cannot impose on the supreme court an original jurisdiction. I indeed understand they refused to take it in the case of invalids. My objection is as to the necessity of making any enquiry whatever into the subject, under the apprehension that it will have a tendency to narrow down the rights of the citizen. What are
the arguments of my friend? That great inconvenience will flow from this decision of the supreme court—that a man confined at a great distance will apply by his attorney and obtain his discharge. But I say if the jurisdiction of the supreme court in this case be derived from the constitution, we cannot, in this way, suspend it. If we say that this or that court shall not exercise that power, we may divest it altogether. This rage for enquiry without necessity is to me a most extraordinary political phenomenon. Has there been a single instance pointed out where a deficiency of power on the part of the court has been manifested? Is there in truth any such want of power? So far from this, many gentlemen are of opinion that the powers of our courts are already too great. I hope therefore, unless the necessity is made manifest we shall neither enquire nor legislate, and more especially while we are expressing our solicitude for the rights of the citizen, we shall not take from him the right of appealing to the supreme tribunal of the country.
Mr. BIDWELL. The motion, as now amended, embraces two objects; to provide additional penalties for the security of the privilege of habeas corpus, and to define the powers of the supreme court as to issuing writs of habeas corpus. It is proposed to appoint a select committee to enquire into the expediency of making these provisions. Each member of this proposition is expressly predicated, by its mover, upon particular recent occurrences; the one, upon the conduct of gen. Wilkinson, in seizing certain persons at New Orleans, and sending them to the seat of government, under military arrest; the other, upon the late determination of a majority of the supreme court to exercise jurisdiction in a case of habeas corpus, for the discharge of some of those persons. With respect to both of these objects, and also as it respects the propriety of referring the question to a select committee, I am opposed to the motion, and hope it will not be adopted.
I do not, indeed, subscribe to the opinion, just now advanced by a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Jackson) that Congress have no constitutional authority to define the jurisdiction of the supreme court in cases of habeas corpus. Within the limits of the constitution there is room for us to pass a law, defining and specifying their powers on this subject. But, sir, I will not give my vote in favor of an act for that purpose, pointed at a particular decision of the court, while they have other questions connected with it under their consideration.
I regret that this subject has been moved at the present time, and still more, that the motion has been supported on the ground, which has been taken in the debate. The ground of argument assumed by the gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. Broom) who introduced the motion, and by other gentlemen, who have followed him, was calculated to excite unpleasant personal and party sensibilities in the House, and to spread an unnecessary alarm abroad; and, if pursued, in the same latitude of discussion, will occupy the small remainder of the session, to the exclusion of many articles of business, which have already passed through the preparatory stages, and are ready to be definitively acted upon. Sir, the session is drawing to a close; and there are a very considerable number of bills, reports and other matters on your table, which have been waiting, several weeks, for an opportunity to be called up. Whenever there has been an opening to call for an order of the day, you have seen gentlemen rising, from all quarters of the House, and endeavoring to anticipate each other in addressing the chair, for the purpose of bringing forward the business, of which they respectively have a particular charge. All his mass of business must be postponed, and all the labor of maturing it lost, by the unseasonable introduction of this question, and the extraordinary mode of reasoning, by which its advocates have chosen to support it. They will not suffer us to vote in silence, but drive us to the necessity of repelling their observations and explaining our own views of the subject.
When the gentleman first moved to refer this resolution to a committee of the whole, I was in favor of the reference, because I wished to give him a fair opportunity to submit any amendment of our law which he might have in contemplation, and because I thought such a question could, according to the rules of order, be discussed with more propriety in a committee of the whole than in the House. But it was thought proper to take a different course. The discussion proceeded in the House. The mover has explained his object, and been very fully heard in support of it. After two days debate, he has changed his ground, and substituted the present motion, of which the necessary effect, and of course the design, is to withdraw from the House the first decision of the main question, by referring it to a select committee for enquiry. That would be a departure from the usual and regular course of proceeding. The prin-
ciple ought to be first settled in the whole House, and, if necessary, a committee afterwards appointed, to report the details. I can see no useful purpose to be answered by appointing a select committee of enquiry: for such a committee could have access to no other sources of information, as to law or facts, than such as are already before us and before the public. They would possess no better means of judging, even for themselves, than the same gentlemen now have, in common with other members; nor would the House feel bound by their report. Suppose a committee to be appointed, and to report that it is, or that it is not, expedient to make the proposed legislative provision. The question would come back, and meet us again in the House. In this point of view a commitment would be useless; and, for that reason, I shall vote against it.
But, sir, is it necessary or proper, if we had leisure, to pass a law on the subject, at the present time? The principal argument, in favor of it, has been drawn from the recent transactions at New Orleans. We have been told that the constitution has been violated, and that Congress ought to act on the occasion; otherwise we may become familiarized to encroachments on the constitution, until all respect for that sacred instrument may be lost. Sir, this argument is a two-edged sword. It cuts both ways. If, for a temporary purpose, the trumpet of alarm is sounded, when there is no real danger; if by way of appeal to the public, we are urged to legislate upon a suggestion that the constitution has been violated, when there has been no such violation, or none but what the ordinary course of law is competent to correct and redress; we may be familiarized to charges of that nature, until we become insensible, indifferent and disinclined to interpose, when legislative interposition may be really necessary.
For the sake of argument, let it be admitted that a constitutional right has been infringed. Does it follow that Congress ought to legislate on the occasion? Take the instance, which, in order to bring the subject home to ourselves, has been put. Suppose a member of this House, in contempt of his constitutional exemption from arrest, except for treason, felony or breach of the peace, is arrested on civil process, and imprisoned in this territory, or carried out of it, if you please, under arrest; would Congress feel themselves called upon to pass a law, in consequence of such infringement of a constitutional privilege? No, sir. The legal remedies, already provided, would be sufficient. The party injured might sue out a habeas corpus, for his discharge, in the first place, and afterwards commence his action for damages, to be assessed by a jury, upon a full consideration of all the circumstances of aggravation or alleviation; and the officer or person who did the injury would be still further liable to be indicted by a grand jury and tried and punished by the proper tribunal. These, sir, are the existing provisions of law. And I am not willing to disparage the right of jury-trial, so solemnly recognized in the constitution, by treating it as inadequate to give relief. It is a privilege by no means inferior to the habeas corpus. It is, one, indeed, without which that cannot be enforced. It is a legal and constitutional remedy; and no friend to our laws and constitution will attempt to degrade it. I am not pretending that it is perfect. Imperfection is stamped upon every thing that is human. Courts and juries are not infallible. They are not inaccessible to those passions and prejudices which are common to men in all situations. But they are not more liable to the influence of erroneous or improper considerations than legislatures are. No safer institution, than that of trial by court and jury, has been devised to redress infractions of personal rights. It is open to all persons, who think they have sustained an injury, and is as free from objections as the lot of humanity will admit.
The violation of a personal right, whether constitutional or only legal, cannot require legislative interference, unless it has resulted from some defect in the existing law; and even then, no additional act ought to be interposed at a time and in a manner calculated to make an impression on judicial questions, which may have grown out of the subject. Legislative influence upon the judiciary would be as improper as judicial influence upon the legislature.
It has been admitted, for it could not be denied, that an additional law cannot, consistently with the constitution, operate retrospectively, so as to have a legal effect upon rights or liabilities, which have already accrued. And surely a legislature ought not, by acts of pointed legislation, to produce any other than a legal effect upon such existing cases, by prejudging a question or prejudicing the public mind and thus influencing the judicial determination of it. Such, in my opinion, would be the tendency of the measure now proposed to be adopted in consequence of an alleged breach of the constitution. The
charge is that general Wilkinson has violated the constitutional privilege of Habeas Corpus; and the object of that part of the motion is to prescribe additional sanctions, to secure the benefit of this writ. The mover (Mr. Broom) was told us that he would inflict, upon any violator of it, such a penalty, as would ruin him. And a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. J. Randolph) has declared that he would even punish disobedience to a writ of Habeas Corpus with death. The question is whether such severe and sanguinary punishments are necessary. I think not. Indeed I perceive no present necessity for any additional sanctions. Has any court or judge of the United States denied a habeas corpus, upon proper application? I have heard of no such denial, since the cases, which have been stated to have occurred in Pennsylvania in 1794, and those were not occasioned by any deficiency of law. There has been no recent instance. Has any officer refused to serve a writ of habeas corpus? No such refusal is pretended. Has any person, on whom a writ of habeas corpus, from a court or judge of the United States, has been served, refused to obey it? No instance of such disobedience has been officially communicated to us, according to my understanding and recollection of the official communications. It has, I am sensible, been charged upon gen. Wilkinson, and, in proof of the charge, a gentleman from Vermont has read, from a newspaper, that officer's return to a writ granted by the territorial court of Orleans. For it is to be observed, that the application was not made to the court of the United States there, but to that of the territory. The general's return was expressed in the language of a soldier and not of a lawyer. It did not state, with technical precision, whether Dr. Bollman was within his control at the service of the writ. I may be incorrect, for I have not particularly investigated the subject, and it may not be very material, but I understand the fact to have been, that Dr. Bollman had been sent from New Orleans, on his way to this city, when the writ was served on gen. Wilkinson. This appears from the further proceedings of the court, as published in the same paper; from which the first return has been read.
[Here a Message from the President was received and read, after which Mr. B. proceeded.]
When the Message was announced, I was noticing an extract from the proceedings of the territorial court at New Orleans, which I now beg leave to read.
"In the superior court of Orleans, Dec. 26th. In the matter of the Habeas Corpus ad subjiciendum, directed to Gen. Wilkinson, to produce the body of Dr. Erick Bollman; on motion of Mr. Livingston (in behalf of Mr. Alexander, the attorney upon record) that Gen. Wilkinson be required to make a further and more explicit return to the said Habeas Corpus, or shew cause to-morrow morning, at the opening of the court, why an attachment should not issue against him, It was ordered , that the rule be granted, and that a copy thereof be immediately delivered by the sheriff to Gen. Wilkinson. On the next day, on motion of Mr. Duncan, in behalf of Gen. Wilkinson, and on reading the following, as an amended return to the abovenominated Habeas Corpus;
"The undersigned, commanding the army of the United States, takes on himself the responsibility for the arrest of Dr. Erick Bollman, on a charge of misprision of treason against the United States, and has adopted measures for his safe delivery to the Executive of the United States. The body of the said Erick Bollman is now, and was at the time of the service of the writ of Habeas Corpus, to which this return relates, out of the possession, power or custody of the undersigned."
"JA. WILKINSON."
Dec. 27, 1806.
"Ordered, That the same be received and filed, and the rule nisi of attachment be discharged."
The fact is here stated, as I have understood it. Dr. Bollman was on his passage to this place, before the writ of Habeas Corpus, sued out by his friends, was served on Gen. Wilkinson, whose transaction, therefore, in whatever light it is to be viewed, in relation to the laws and authorities of that territory, was not a disobedience to this writ of Habeas Corpus, but a military seizure and transmission of a person from New Orleans to Washington, under an avowed responsibility, and upon the principle that it was necessary for the public safety. At any rate it does not appear to have resulted from a want of penalty, or any defect whatever, in the Habeas Corpus laws of that Territory, whose courts and laws, and not those of the United States, were resorted to for relief.
One case has been mentioned, in the newspapers, in which a writ of Habeas Corpus, issued under the authority of the U. S. was not obeyed. An officer at Charleston, S. Carolina, it is said, instead of producing Dr. Bollman, in obedience to a writ from the district judge, transmitted him to Washington,

because the orders of Gen. Wilkinson, in general terms, directed his transmission, without any particular instructions respecting a Habeas Corpus. The officer seems to have considered it his duty, to obey the orders of his commander, without regard to any interfering law or civil process. I am of opinion that he erred, and has exposed himself to punishment, as well as to damages. But his error does not appear to have been wilful, nor to have resulted from any defect in the law, but from an erroneous military principle. The same principle, however, has at the present session, found very respectable advocates on the floor of this House. Yes, Sir, in the case of Capt. George Lattimer, gentlemen held that a military or naval officer is not bound to take notice of any law or order, to or even in explanation of the orders of his superior. It will be recollected that I opposed that doctrine, although I admitted that an officer, civil or military, acting contrary to law, through a misapprehension of its meaning in a doubtful case, or in some great emergency not provided for by law, might be equitably entitled to indemnification. Damages had been recovered against Capt. Lattimer, for doing an illegal act, in pursuance of orders from the late President of the U. S. and Congress have passed a law to indemnify for those damages. The executive orders, under which he claimed, taken in connection with the law, which was issued to him, did not appear to me to warrant the transaction, which has been adjudged to be illegal, and for which the damages were recovered. I did not, therefore, vote with the majority in favor of his claim. But gentlemen, who supported it, on the ground I have mentioned, will, if they are consistent, be so from inferring a necessity for further penalties, from the case of Capt. Kaitcasas at Charleston, that they will be ready to grant him an indemnification, if he shall be found to have acted honestly, according to his understanding of his orders. By indemnification I do not mean an act of indemnity, in the British sense of the term, pleasurable in both to an action for damages and to a proscription for an offence. Such an act will here be considered unconstitutional and void. A remaneration for damages incurred has been the mode of indemnification adopted by our government.
On this subject an example has been quoted, for our instruction, from English history. It was a proclamation, issued in derogation of law, by the king, with the advice of the celebrated lords Chatham and Camden, on a great national exigency. The measure was generally approved and applauded throughout the nation. The parliament were ready to sanction it. But, instead of accepting an act of indemnity, those ministers undertook to justify it, as legal, upon the principle of necessity. In that they erred. When the question came before the court, for judicial consideration, Lord Mansfield decided against the doctrine of his great political rivals, and I think his decision was correct. As a judge or a juror, I should have condemned them. But, Sir, if, instead of justifying the proclamation, as legalised by state necessity, the ministers had acknowledged their responsibility for it, and thrown themselves upon the justice of their government, had I been a member of the British parliament, I would have voted them an indemnity. Their error consisted, not in doing an illegal act, for the public good, but in doing it under color of legal authority, when the law did not authorize it. Whether Gen. Wilkinson's conduct has been correct or erroneous in other respects, he has not fallen into this error of those celebrated English statesmen. He has not pretended that, in seizing the persons alluded to and transmitting them to the seat of government, he was justified by his orders or by law. He has not cast the responsibility upon any other officer or department of government. He has explicitly assumed it all himself, and put himself on the candor of his country for indemnification. It should appear that he has acted honestly, for the safety of the army and the preservation of the union, under the pressure of such urgent necessity, as he professes, I trust he will be indemnified. On the contrary, if it shall turn out, upon future investigation, that he has acted unnecessarily and wantonly, from motives of malice or resentment, he will undoubtedly be left to suffer the consequences. I give no opinion of the merits of his conduct. I hope the House will not, at present, give an opinion, or adopt any measure calculated to have a bearing on the question. It is premature. We have not sufficient information. We have not a statement of all the facts, nor the evidence in support of the facts, which are stated. In due time an enquiry will be proper, and doubtless will be instituted. Gen. Wilkinson will probably demand it himself. But it would be unfair and unjust, as well as impolitic, to anticipate it.
While I feel this to be an interesting subject, I have little apprehension of the danger, which has been so eloquently and pathetically foretold. Our constitution, our laws, our liberty, and property are more endangered by acts done silently, under color of law, by a constructive usurpation or extension of power, than by any which may be done openly, in the face of the nation, under a known and acknowledged responsibility, subject to the approbation or disapprobation of the government, after a deliberate examination of the whole case. The temptation to pass such an ordeal cannot be so strong as to be dangerous.
The privilege of Habeas Corpus is guaranteed to the territory of Orleans, as fully as to the other territories of the U. S. Their courts have cognizance of
that writ. It is allowed, and exercised, and enforced. The regulation of its forms and sanctions, in common with other subjects of territorial legislation, belongs to their own legislature, subject to the revision of Congress. It does not appear that amendments or alterations in their Habeas Corpus laws are necessary. If they were, this is not the proper mode or time to introduce them. Gentlemen, who argue in favor of the motion before us, from the recent occurrences at New Orleans, have mistaken the case. The remedy, which they propose, would not touch it, and therefore could not prevent a repetition of it. If any legislative measure is to be predicated upon General Wilkinson's transactions, in seizing suspected persons, at a crisis of danger, and transmitting them to the seat of government, under a military arrest, it ought to be an act to define and restrict the powers of a military commander, or a direct enquiry into his official conduct, neither of which would, in my opinion, be reasonable or proper at the present time. In no point of view can I perceive an immediate necessity for a legislative definition of the powers of the supreme court, in issuing writs of habeas corpus, or for further penalties to enforce such writs, when issued by that or any other court or judge of the United States. Although I consider this as well as other branches of our criminal code susceptible of improvement, and, at a suitable time, shall be willing to unite in any reasonable efforts to procure a deliberate revision of them, yet, under the existing circumstances, and at this late period of the session, it does not appear to me expedient to attempt it. But, whether it be expedient or not, is a question, which, in point of principle and regularity of proceeding, ought to be decided in the whole House, and not referred to a select committee for enquiry. I shall, therefore, be constrained to give my vote against the motion now under consideration.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
WASHINGTON CITY, MONDAY, APRIL 6.
Letters from Richmond state that Aaron Burr has been held to bail in the sum of ten thousand dollars.
The late British Order. —It is somewhat extraordinary that, while the French Imperial decree of the 21st of November has excited in this country the loudest clamor, the British order of council of the 10th of January has almost passed without animadversion, although the former has been officially declared to be inapplicable to us, at the same time that the latter is suffered to go into rigorous operation, and will necessarily bear with more severity upon us than any other neutral nation; and although Britain has the power to carry her order into effect to a great extent, while France possesses but little power to enforce her decree. We can only account for this supineness from the extreme sensibility with which our merchants receive injuries from one nation, and the habitual indifference with which they bear the injuries of another. Feeling, with equal indignation, the outrages, of both nations, we shall be the apologist of neither. We might have beheld the imperial decree without emotion, were it, as it purports to be, a mere measure of retaliation on Great Britain. If its effects were confined to her alone, we might have viewed it as a proper retribution for her declaring all France in a state of blockade, and thus endeavoring, by starving, to drive her into terms of submission. But bearing upon innocent neutrals, who have rights as important as belligerents, rights more worthy of maintenance because conducing to peace and happiness, a regard to our own interest and even security forbids indifference. While the feelings of an American should be thus excited even by the Imperial Decree, it is possible for him to be otherwise than deeply affected at the order of Britain, which, in its effects on us, and on neutrals in general, will be infinitely more extensive? We have understood that it is the opinion of one of the most intelligent merchants in the U. S. States, that the British order strikes at nearly two thirds of the whole of our commerce. If so, we have indeed grounds for the most serious alarm; we have reason to fear that this vaunted measure of retaliation is but nominally what it purports to be, and that it is in fact intended as a part of the new financial system, which we have been recently told is to supercede all further resort to new taxes. If, indeed, it is the rightful prerogative of this mistress of the ocean, on every state emergency, to sweep it of two thirds of the neutral property in a state of honest transportation, and to divide the rich prize between her general treasury and the pockets of her numerous instruments of depredation, she may well dispense with new taxes. She will have established a new mode of waging war against her enemies vastly superior to that pursued by her rival, who obliges the vanquished to support her armies, and thus relieves herself from oppression. For this alone, however unjust, prescription may be pleaded; but where shall we look even for a pretext for heaping upon peaceful and unoffending neutrals the burthen of supporting wars in which they have not the most remote participation? Against the usurpations of such a practice, it becomes us with one voice to protest. It is not the least singular circumstance attending this order, that it was issued immediately after the signing the American Treaty. Does not this circumstance justify the suspi-
cion, that it was put forth as a manifesto to us, to warn us that unless we complied with the proffered terms, we must expect British vengeance?
The serious effects of this order will appear from attending to the terms in which it is couched, and the nature, extent and direction of our trade.
"No vessel shall be permitted to trade from one port to another, both which ports shall belong to or be in the possession of France or her allies, or shall be so far under their control as that British vessels may not freely trade theret."
If they transgress this rule they, together with their cargoes, "shall be condemned as lawful prize."
By an official statement of the secretary of the treasury it appears that the whole exports of the U. S. States amounted, for the last year, to 101 millions of dollars; of which 41 millions consisted of articles of domestic production, and 60 millions of articles of foreign production.
It would, perhaps, be impracticable to form an accurate estimate of the portion of this trade, and of that consisting of imported goods, which is direct, and that portion which is circuitous. The direct trade is not affected by the order; it applies only to that which is circuitous.—But when we consider the comparatively small consumption of this description of our exports by Great Britain, and their great consumption by France, or countries connected with her, and the destination of the latter of shipping necessary for the transportation of goods from one place to another, we shall perceive to how great an extent this measure will operate. The ports, at present possessed by France or her allies, have been long the great depots of our trade, from which, according to the markets afforded by the several nations of Europe, the goods of our merchants have been distributed among them. The greater part of this trade is by this order annihilated. Further, the direct trade to France or her allies is not forbidden; but the transportation of articles from one of their ports to another, is forbidden; whether these articles consist altogether of our own native productions, or consist of foreign goods, or of both; and whether on their being carried, in the first instance, into a particular port, they may have been landed or not. How then are assorted cargoes to be obtained? How are good markets to be commanded? And how, above all, is the merchant to sell part of his cargo at one port, and part at another, and take in goods, in exchange, in the same manner? Goods, once taken to any of these ports cannot be carried to any other of them—they must consequently, in many instances, be either sold at a great loss, or be carried to Great Britain, and be there disposed of frequently at a greater.
It is perfectly understood that the carrying trade, which the last year amounted to sixty millions, has risen almost entirely on the freedom with which the American merchant was permitted to find a market for his goods; of which the circuitous trade from one European port to another, was a most essential ingredient. Under this right, he knew that if he did not command a good price for his goods in one port, he might in another. This emboldened his enterprise by multiplying his chances of profit. This source of confidence is absolutely dried up by the British order. The markets are diminished certainly above one half by depriving him of the alternatives which he previously enjoyed.
We have observed that the articles of foreign produce exported the last year amounted to sixty millions, and that this species of our trade will be peculiarly vulnerable to aggression under the British order. We have no certain data to shew what portion of this trade receives its first deposit in Great Britain and countries at peace with her, or in France and nations in alliance with her. But the treasury statements, published for preceding years, will enable us to make the computation with some pretension to correctness.
From these it appears that the exports of this species of articles amounted in the year 1802 to 35 millions.
Of which Great Britain received not quite five millions.
Nations new in amity with her less than two millions.
And France and nations now in alliance with her twenty-eight millions.
In 1803 this species of trade amounted to thirteen millions.
Of which Great Britain and nations now at peace with her received less than three millions.
And France and nations now in alliance with her above ten millions.
In 1804 this species of trade amounted to thirty-six millions.
Of which Great Britain and nations now at peace with her received less than six millions.
And France and her present allies thirty millions.
It follows that the latter countries furnished us original depots for this species of trade in a ratio between five and six times as great as the former countries.
Making this the basis of our estimate, it follows, that of the sixty millions exported the last year, there was probably deposited in Great Britain and nations at peace with her about nine millions.
And in France and countries in alliance with her about fifty-one millions.
Of this fifty-one millions worth of goods thus deposited, every package afterwards carried to a port in France, or in a country in alliance, or whose ports are not open to British vessels, is made lawful prize, together with the vessel carrying it.
The subject might be advantageously dilated on to a much greater extent;
but we have not time at present to extend the enquiry.
Extract of a letter from Richmond, dated April 1.
"This moment the Chief Judge has given his opinion, in the case of col. Burr. He was bailed from day to day during the examination, and is now to find bail in ten thousand dollars , to appear to answer the misdemeanor at the May term; but there may some difficulty arise as to the place where a trial shall take place."
From the Richmond Enquirer, of 31st March.
ARREST OF AARON BURR.
We have taken particular pains to ascertain the correctness of the account of Col. Burr's arrest, which we detailed in our last paper. We have conversed with his escort, and it is with pleasure that we have discovered the first account to be so much more accurate than we could have dared to expect. The following statement is however more complete, more correct—more satisfactory.
He was arrested on the morning of the 19th of February, instead of the 3rd of March.
We have obtained a sketch of that part of the country, from the hands of one of the escort; from which the eye can at once understand the relative situation of places, to each other, to the Spanish line, and to the road leading to the Atlantic states. It is certainly impossible by any kind of description in words to lay the particulars before the reader; but a few remarks may at least elucidate the most interesting points: particularly if they will accompany these remarks by a reference to Bradley's latest edition of his map of the U. S.
The town of Natchez, in the Mississippi territory, where A. Burr's boats were deposited, is on the river Mississippi.
About two hundred miles to the east of this river is the Tombigbee river; which with the Alabama river, conspires to form the Mobile. The Tombigbee is the western; the Alabama, the eastern branch. Four miles below the point of confluence is Fort Stoddart, situated on the Mobile; and about 12 miles above the Spanish—Florida line. A body of water connects the Tombigbee and Alabama branches at a certain distance above their point of confluence, and forms an island; or as it has been called, a cross cut.
A ferry leads over the Tombigbee, into this island; through this island the road runs to a ferry over the Alabama; thence the road leads to the east of the Alabama to a certain point; where the road diverges in two directions. The one road leads to the east through the Creek country, over the limits of Georgia, into the Atlantic states. The other sweeps to the south, crosses the Spanish line, and thence advances to Pensacola.
And here is the principal point in dispute. A. Burr is said to have asserted that his route lay through the Creek country into Georgia: Some people suspect that his route was through the southern road. According to his own reputed representation, he intended to remain within the jurisdiction of the U. S. According to the suspicions of certain people, it was his intention to seek an asylum in the Spanish possessions.
Mr. Perkins is the register of the land office, in the part of the Mississippi territory, which is to the east of Pearl River. He keeps his office at the court house of the county of Washington. His own lodgings are at Fort St. Stephens, miles above the court house. Mr. Perkins was in his office, about 12 or 1 o'clock of the night of the 18th of February, when Aaron Burr and Ashley appeared before him. The scene which ensued between them, is not materially dissimilar from the one which was sketched in our last paper.
The reflections which followed it in Mr. Perkins's mind, were in one respect different from what we had stated. It was not alone as midnight robbers, that these mysterious strangers appeared to his imagination—the idea also occurred to him, that one of them might be col. Burr. This idea was the result of a letter, which he had received from a member of the legislative council at Natchez, stating the escape of col. Burr and the probability that existed on his passing through Mr. P's village.—But whether they were robbers or one of them was col. Burr, it seemed to him too important a matter to be passed into neglect. He determined to repair to maj. Hinton's house. He was accompanied by his friend the sheriff of the county. They reached the major's house about 12 o'clock. The mysterious strangers had arrived before them. Ashley was in the yard. Col. Burr was in the kitchen.
It is useless to repeat the different parts of this interview. It is sufficient to say, that every circumstance which occurred, contributed to give new confirmation to Mr. P's suspicions. The mysterious stranger could be no other than col. Burr; and under this impression, which he carefully kept to himself, he determined to repair to Fort Stoddart, and obtain the assistance of Lieutenant Gaines to examine the stranger. Day was breaking before he arrived at Fort Stoddart.
Neither Mr. P. nor Lieutenant Gaines were personally acquainted with col. Burr.
"Let us examine them howver," said Mr. P. "If neither of them proves to be col. Burr, and the one I suspect, is a gentleman, he will think himself flat-
tered by being mistaken for col. Burr. If he is not a gentleman we will not regard his displeasure."—The resolution was formed. Mr. P. and lieutenant Gaines, a sergeant, & 4 soldiers left Fort Stoddart, 4 miles from Major Hinton's house they met col. Burr and the sheriff of the county. It is useless to expatiate upon the interview, which ensued. It terminated at last with col. Burr's being conducted to Fort Stoddart, and Mr. Perkins's returning to the Court House.
"Request my companion to follow me to the Fort;" were the parting words addressed to him by Mr. Burr.
On the road to the Court House, he met Ashley; who had left Major Hinton's house early in the morning; on what particular commission we shall not presume even to conjecture. Our business is at present with facts, and not with comments—Ashley determined to retrace his steps, and return with Mr. P. to the Court House. It would be diverging in the region of comments, to account for this variation in his journey.—It is still less our purpose to describe Mr. Perkins' letter to the colonel of the county inviting him to arrest Mr. Ashley; Ashley's visit to the Colonel in company with the messenger who bore the letter; the conversation between Ashley and the colonel; the former's description of the object of col. Burr's visit to that country; their subsequent interview at the Court House with Mr. P.; the uncertainty which Ashley then affected respecting B's designs; and the winding up of the scene by the final arrest of Ashley—Mr. Perkins left him in the custody of the colonel.
Mr. P. repaired to Fort Stoddart. At that time, it was not, his intention to assist in escorting Mr. B. to the Atlantic states. The event which more immediately dictated such a resolution, was a visit at Fort Stoddart from a Spanish officer who was conveyed up the river by the skiff of one of the armed Spanish vessels which was lying before the town of Mobile. This officer's demeanor was peculiarly perplexing and mysterious. He informed Lt. G. that he should remain with him till the next day. He enquired for col. Burr. He requested to see him. His request however was unavailing—He did not see him—but he received a card from him, which lieut. Gaines had an opportunity of inspecting. A few minutes after, the officer took his leave and returned down the river. These circumstances necessarily produced some speculations respecting the movements of the Spaniards, and it was determined on to bear col. Burr as soon as possible to the Atlantic states. As lieut. Gaines could not conveniently spare a sufficient number of his own men to form an escort he requested Mr. Perkins to ascend the Alabama river, and collect a company. He promised to meet him with his prisoner. Every part of this arrangement was punctually fulfilled; and col. Burr was regularly delivered into the hands of his escort.
EXAMINATION.
At 12 o'clock, yesterday, the Marshal, Major Scott, accompanied by two assistants, repaired to col. Burr's room in the Eagle, where he was under guard and with perfect civility informed him that he had a warrant against him on the part of the U. S.—Col. Burr was now consequently in the custody of the Marshal.
Within a very short time after, they repaired to another room in the Eagle, before Judge Marshall. The examination was a private one—There were few auditors present—The editor was not among them.
Edmund Randolph, and John Wickham, Esqs. council for the prisoner—Caesar A. Rodney, and George Hay, Esqs. council for the prosecution.
The Attorney of the district observed, that it was his duty to charge the prisoner present, and upon evidence which he should exhibit before the court, of the crime of treason against the U. S. and of the misdemeanor of having prepared within the U. S. an expedition against the dominions of the king of Spain, with whom the U. S. were then in amity.
The evidence was then produced. It consisted of the record of the proceedings held in the cases of Messrs. Bollman and Swartwout, before the circuit court of district of Columbia—No viva voce testimony was produced, except that of Mr. Perkins, which related to the arrest of col. Burr, within the Mississippi Territory.
After this evidence was laid before the court, Mr. Hay submitted the following motion in writing:
"The attorney of the United States, for the Virginia district, prays that Aaron Burr, may be committed, upon the evidence now submitted to the judge in order that he may be tried at the next circuit court for this district, or at a special court to be held for that purpose, upon a charge of treason against the United States and also for a misdemeanor in setting on foot within the territory of the U. S. a military expedition to be carried on

From thence against the dominions of the king of Spain with whom the United States were then and are now at peace."
It was then determined, that a public discussion should be held in the Capitol, this day at 10 o'clock, and that in the mean time, col. Burr should be admitted to bail: his bail to be bound in the sum of 5000 dollars.
Messrs. Thomas Taylor and John Gamble are his securities.
As this affair is present coram ju- dice, we shall limit our attention to facts alone, without wandering into comments. Of these, enough hereafter.
FROM THE ARGUS.
Examination of Col. Aaron Burr.
On this day, between the hours of twelve and one o'clock, the examination of col. Burr commenced at the Eagle Tavern, in this city, before Chief Justice Marshall. A large number of citizens had collected, in order to hear the investigation. But to the great surprise of many of them, col. Burr, attended by his counsel, was conducted to a private room, in a retired part of the house, and the doors immediately closed. None were admitted into the room but the counsel for the U. States and col. Burr, except one witness, and two or three gentlemen, the connexions of some of the counsel. Considerable discontent was expressed by many of the citizens at this unusual mode of proceeding; but with that decorum which characterises the people of Virginia, no violence of any kind was offered; nor was any thing heard but murmurs of disapprobation. The result of this enquiry was, that col. Burr was recognized in the sum of five thousand dollars, to appear to-morrow at the Capitol, to be further dealt with as the law directs. He had no difficulty in procuring bail for the sum demanded. Messrs. John Gamble and Thomas Taylor, merchants of this place, were admitted as his bail.
It is expected that an animated discussion will take place to-morrow. Richmond, March 30, 1807.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Washington to his friend in Richmond.
"It appears extraordinary that some of the public prints, whilst they admit observation reflecting on the character and conduct of gen. Wilkinson, should not give publicity to such things as are in his favor. That his late conduct has saved New-Orleans (and perhaps prevented a separation of the Union) cannot be doubted. He is charged with a traitorous correspondence with governor Miro, to whom he presented a memorial in 1787 or 1788, for which memorial he received the unanimous thanks of Kentucky in full convention, (proceedings of that convention I have now in my possession,) that is, he is charged in 1807 with an act as of a reasonable nature, for which he received the thanks of his country in 1788. He is charged with having received money from the Spaniards. Mr. Daniel Clark, delegate from New-Orleans, assures that it is false to his own knowledge, for that with a view to information on this subject, he asked the Intendant General of New-Orleans, who assured him on his honor that gen. W. had never received one dollar from the Spanish government; but to satisfy you fully, said the Intendant, I will submit the secret service money book to your inspection, he did so, and Mr. C. says he examined it with care, and declares that there was no charge therein for money paid gen. W. or that in any way whatever could be construed as for his use."
Baltimore, April 3.
Extract of a letter from a respectable gentleman in New-Orleans, dated 1st March, 1807.
There are strong hopes that Judge Workman and lieut. col. Kerr (Orleans militia) will meet their deserts. A consciousness of guilt has induced the first to resign his judgeship—and the packed jury who could not agree on the trial of Kerr, have been dismissed, and a new trial is ordered, notwithstanding the opposition of the attorney general, Mr. Brown, who, however, as well as judge Hall, appear at present as zealous in the prosecutions of the culprits, as they lately were remiss. It appears to me that the President will act wisely by causing the governor to remove from office all those persons who have been engaged in the secret combination with Workman and Co. This is notoriously the case with several who hold the most lucrative offices in this territory, and their names must have been made known to the President.
A rapid change is taking place in the public mind daily, in favor of Wilkinson.
Extract of a letter from Natchez, dated February 15, 1807.
Judge Toulmin has committed Bie-nethasset, an Irish gentleman, living on the Ohio, to take his trial in the state of Virginia, where he resided, and where all the substantial testimony which will fix illegal intentions upon him is to be found. This, however, is here considered as a most flagrant outrage, because his wife and children are here, and here it is alleged, he ought to be tried. Although a prosecution against him carried on here must of necessity terminate in an idle parade. Floyd and Ralston, on the other hand, wished to be tried in Kentucky and In-
diana, for there they live—but as the evidence of their intention is to be found here in the testimony of Doctor Carmichael, they have been committed for trial in the Mississippi territory, before a court to be summoned specially by the governor—and which will, it is believed, have full jurisdiction under the act of Congress.
All of those gentlemen have been released from confinement by a writ of Habeas Corpus, and are now at large.
TRIBUTE OF APPLAUSE.
HIS EXCELLENCY, Brigadier General James Wilkinson.
SIR, The subscribers, masters of vessels in the port of New Orleans, beg leave to express to you through this channel of communication, the high sense they entertain of your services in the present alarming crisis.
Surrounded as we are by suspicion or deluded persons, more than ordinary means are requisite to frustrate their nefarious designs, and though we deprecate military ascendancy in a free government; yet, we consider it at this juncture, the only alternative to preserve the peace of the country, and maintain inviolate the real interests of the United States.
In all your measures, sir, we have perceived the arm of power, guided by the dictates of patriotism; and we are well convinced that the civil authority is set aside only because it is incompetent from the nature of its process, to avert the storm which was ready to burst over us.
That your exertions may be crowned with success, and your services meet the reward which they so justly merit, is the sincere wish of,
SIR,
Your admirers and friends.
[Here follow the names of 31 masters]
New Orleans, 7th Feb. 1807.
Richard Stites, } Committee ap- Lloyd Jones, } pointed to wait William J. Pigot } on the general.
To capt. Richard Stites, Lloyd Jones and Wm. J. Pigot—a committee from thirty-one masters of vessels in the port of New Orleans.
GENTLEMEN,
I receive with great satisfaction this testimony of your approbation of my conduct, pending one of the most painful and interesting scenes of my life.
The spontaneous offerings of a band of patriots, assembled at this remote point, from various quarters of the American union; of a body of respectable citizens, who, though personally unknown to me, have had an opportunity of witnessing my whole conduct, cannot be too highly appreciated; because they must be considered the genuine offspring of the breast, uninduced by management, and untinctured by prejudice or personality.
If an ardent, honest zeal has impelled me to anticipate the tardy course of the law, for the salvation of the constitution, I hope the magnitude of the motive may excuse the partial, personal, momentary trespass; and that the decisive steps which have been forced upon me by a combination of imperious circumstances, may be preferred by every vigilant, faithful citizen, to a timid circumspection, which would have put to hazard the safety of this emporium and a whole country.
I beg you, gentlemen, and those whom you represent, to accept my acknowledgment for your partiality, and my warmest wishes for your individual prosperity and happiness.
JAMES WILKINSON.
The following fact is worth a thousand arguments to show the benefit of penitentiary houses. Our wheelbarrow law has always been a source of vexation and expense, without having ever produced a solitary example of amendment in criminals; whilst, had a penitentiary been erected, the chance of reformation would have been greater, and the profit to the state certain. The labor of criminals in a penitentiary might reasonably be expected to be as productive as that of the manufacturing department of the house of employment in Philadelphia:—
"It is understood that the profits of the Manufacturing Department of the "House of Employment" of the city and county of Philadelphia, amounted to five thousand dollars in the last year." [Phil. rep.]
Lieutenant Wilkinson, who went with lieutenant Pike to explore the interior of Louisiana, has arrived at New Orleans, having descended the Arkansas. Lieutenant Pike is to descend the Red River.
New Orleans, February 27.
At ten o'clock on Monday evening last, Mrs. ANNE WILKINSON, consort of Gen. Wilkinson, expired at the house of Bernard Marigny, Esq. the head quarters of the army, after a long, lingering and painful illness, during which she displayed the most exemplary piety, fortitude and resignation.
Philadelphia, March 30.
GENERAL MIRANDA.
By a gentleman just arrived in this city from Trinidad, and whose information is entitled to the fullest credit, from his personal and particular acquaintance with the officers and other principal persons attached to the late expedition of Miranda, we have the following information: That general Miranda was at Trinidad when our informant left there—and that he was in daily expectation of receiving a reinforcement of between 8 and 10,000 men from England, under the order of general Tucker, and which were said to have
sailed, but had been detained by adverse winds; that on the arrival of these troops, Miranda would immediately undertake a second expedition against the Spanish dominions of South America—and that it was the concurrent opinion of those qualified to form a correct one, that with this respectable force the general would be able to crown his enterprise with complete and speedy success. Miranda had been appointed to the rank of major-general by the English government. The failure of his late attempt to liberate his countrymen from Spanish oppression in that part of the world, was attributed wholly to the smallness of the forces with which it was attempted, as they did not altogether amount to 800 men. Great numbers of the natives, and those friendly to his projects, had frequently joined the standard of Miranda, but could not be induced to continue their fidelity, as they could feel no certainty of protection from such a handful of men, against the troops and threatened vengeance of the Spanish government.
A letter from Jamaica, January 24, says there had been a partial insurrection of the blacks, in the eastern part, which was quelled, after 60 or 70 negroes had been executed.
The British Blockading squadron, before Cadiz, consists of sixteen sail, having been reinforced by five sail on the 18th of January. In the harbor of Cadiz there are twelve sail of the line, French and Spanish.
The population of Prussian Silesia, according to a census made last year, was as follows, namely—In the villages 1,653,503 inhabitants; in the towns 358,139; making in all, exclusive of the military, 2,011,642 souls; of these 62,110 were inhabitants of Breslau, 8,802 of Brieg, 9,542 of Glogau, 6,595 of Glatz, 7,707 of Neisse, and 8,012 of Schweidnitz.
* Lately burnt.
BONAPARTE AND THE WAGONER.
The following humorous circumstance took place about a fortnight ago, near Darlington: A man driving a heavy loaded cart, was called to by a gentleman in a gig, to "give way," which he thought the carter did rather slowly. The gentleman was impatient, blustered a great deal, and at last exclaimed, "Get out of the way fellow; don't you know I am Bonaparte?"—The cart was immediately stopped, and the driver turning round, said, with a broad grin, "Are you? I have long wished to see Mr. Bonaparte: I'll soon show you how I'll treat him." He then deliberately overturned the gig, broke it to pieces, and gave the gentleman a hearty beating. The poor waggoner was seized and carried before a neighboring justice, who declared he knew no law to punish an Englishman for dubbing Bonaparte, or upsetting his flat bottoms wherever he met them; the prisoner had acted for the good of his country, and the gentleman must take the consequence of his folly. [London paper.]
PRINCESS OF WALES.
On Thursday last the illustrious female, who has for many months been the object of calumny, received a formal communication from one of the highest law officers in the state, in which her royal highness is assured of the investigation so long pending having terminated most completely to her honor, and to the entire satisfaction, in respect to her demeanor, of those to whom the delicate and important question was so solemnly referred; and that their majesties, convinced of the justice of the decision upon the case, are anxious to receive her, and to prove how sensible they are of the persecution she has undergone. Arrangements, it is said, had been made for the publication of the minutes of the proceedings before the commissioners, including copies of several letters from an illustrious personage; but, contrary to the most earnest wish and pressing entreaties of her royal highness, it has been determined, from motives of state policy, not to give publication to the report. ibid.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Dec. 18.
A council of the ministers was held yesterday, and war was declared against Russia. The Ulemas have pronounced it to be just; the standard of the prophet has been hoisted; all the country is in motion; the pachas of Romania have received orders to advance with their troops towards the Danube; another army advances from Asia, and will follow the same directions; the grand vizier will take the command; and march with the holy standard. M. Italminsky was to be sent to the Seven Towers; the French ambassador, far from imitating the conduct of that minister, was the first to advise the Porte to send him back honorably. Ten sail of the line are equipping: the press has taken place, and has produced several sailors; the two English ships are still before Constantinople; the British minister does not appear to have had any instructions on so unexpected a circumstance. It is the insulting proclamation of general Michelson, which has excited throughout the empire, this general movement: the Turks say that they would rather die fighting seymetars in hand, under the banner of the prophet, than submit to such outrages. The patriarch, a venerable man, who possesses the greatest influence, and the princes Callamachi and Suzzza, have made known to the Greeks, by a proclamation, the incalculable misfortunes which will befall them if they do not shut their ears to the perfidious insinuations of the Russian agents: alternate
victims of the Russian arms, of the arms of the Turks, and perhaps of any other power, the country would be laid waste for a century: but the brave have not ceased to exist in Europe; and they will not suffer the vast empire which extends its confines to China, to reign also upon the Bosphorus: the Turks may, perhaps, be beaten, but they will eventually be conquerors—they will have a powerful ally. It is this on which we repose our confidence: he will not permit that their enemies should provoke them any longer; that the people whom he has already several times vanquished should destroy the most ancient and most necessary of his friends; already his camp is upon the Vistula; already the Russians, who are in sight of our troops, sufficiently manifest the terror which pervades them; our enemies will be confounded, and our empire will come out of this struggle, and re-establish itself upon its natural alliances. [Paris Moniteur, Jan. 30.]
INTERESTING ACCOUNTS, FROM SWEDISH POMERANIA.
(Translated from the Gazette of Copenhagen.)
"The king has by proclamation appointed a Diet to meet at Gripswald—Every noble family is to send one representative. The clergy delegates the general-superintendent, and two ministers from each of the nine Proepositures, who are to be chosen by the respective clergymen in them by a plurality of votes. The order of Burghers will be represented by three citizens of Stralsund; two from Gripswald, Wolgall, and Rugen, and one from each of the other towns. The order of Yoe-manny, which comprehends all persons that own landed estates, or hold perpetual tenure of the royal domains, but do not belong to either of the other three orders, and have not held, nor hold any public offices, is to form the following delegation:—Those of each parish choose a Parochial deputy, by plurality of votes. These deputies meet in their respective districts, called Aints, and by the same mode of plurality, choose from each district eight delegates for the Diet either among themselves, or among others who were not elected Parochial delegates."
"The king's speech to the States, on commencing the Diet, breathes a spirit of wisdom, benevolence, candor, and piety. His object in the new constitution, was their felicity, an equality of right with the Swedish people and a firm union with them, so requisite for their peace and security. Nor should this union abolish their connection with the German empire; it was far from his wishes to give such example in this eventful period. He extreated each order in particular, to exert those talents, virtues & means, that characterize them. The conclusion is thus:—'You will now be called forth to confirm, by a solemn oath, your obligations to me, and to your country, in the form prescribed by the Swedish law. My reciprocal duty being equally sacred, I shall first tender it, before the King of kings, and in your mother tongue. Happy to reign over a people, distinguished by piety to God, fidelity to its king, and mutual concord, I implore for you the grace and blessing from the Most High, and assure all of ye, and each in particular, of my royal favor & kindness.'"
"The king made another speech to the states, concerning the new organization of Pomerania. Among the essential matters are:—the introduction of the Swedish common law published 1734 and now translated into German: the formation of a new haven at Klein Zyker on Rugen, the additional strengthening of Stralsund; & a plan for moving the suburbs further from the fortification."
Treasury Department of the United States, April 2d, 1807.
Whereas the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, at a meeting held on the 23d day of March 1807, did receive that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight millions of dollars, should among other purposes be applied to the reimbursement of the FOUR AND HALF PER CENT STOCK, created in pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 3rd day of March 1795.
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said Four and half per cent. Stock, will on surrender of the certificates be paid on the 1st day of October next ensuing, the date hereof to the respective Stockholders or their lawful Representatives or Attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury or at the Loan Office as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock respectively held by them, & that the interest which may be due on said stock, will also be paid to the respective Stockholders or their lawful Representatives or Attorneys duly constituted and authorized.
It is further made known for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the said Four and half per cent. stock, either from, or to the books of the Treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the first day of September ensuing. And the interest on all certificates of said stock, which shall not have been surrendered in pursuance of this Notification will cease and determine on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. April 6—w13g
NOTICE.
A small BATTEAUX was taken up adrift, supposed to have come down the Potomac, now lying on the wharf at Georgetown—no visible marks. HUGH BROWN. April 6—3t
This is to give Notice.
THAT the Subscriber of Prince George's county has obtained from the Orphans' court of said county letters of administration on the personal estate of Richard Wells Brashears, late of said county deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby required to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 1st day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate; and all persons indebted to the said deceased are hereby requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough. MARY BRASHEARS Adm. of Richard W. Brashears. April —w3t
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING,
By WILLIAM DUANE, NO. 166, Market Street, Philadelphia,
TWO EDITIONS OF POLITICS FOR FARMERS AND MECHANICS, CORRECTED & ENLARGED.
ONE Edition shall be printed on superior paper, and delivered in Boards at 75 cents, if 500 are subscribed for—at 60 cents, if 1000—at 50 cents, if 2000 copies—if required to be bound 25 cents additional.
The other shall be a Cheap edition, in the pamphlet form, and the price shall be proportioned to the number subscribed for—35 cents a copy for any number under 1000—and 20 cents for any number above 1000—15 cents for any number above 3000—and the usual allowance to Booksellers.
Booksellers, Printers and country Storekeepers, throughout the U. States, are desired to forward to the Aurora Editor, as soon as possible, the number of each edition, they will subscribe for.
Both editions shall be put to press, as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers to either edition is procured to pay the expence of printing.
Different Reviews of this Work.
The Northampton Farmer, a Republican paper, says—"We feel particular gratification, that the Editor of the Aurora, in consequence of the pressing solicitations from different parts of the Union, intends to publish the Politics for Farmers and Mechanics, in the pamphlet form. When this is done every farmer will be enabled (and no one ought to neglect it) to procure a copy of this valuable and highly interesting work." From Lang's Royal Gazette, published at New York.
"The late atrocious and practical decree of Bonaparte is a complete comment on the writings of DUANE for some time past, particularly on those accursed pieces, entitled, "Politics for Farmers." The American that would now presume to deny that this man is an agent of the tyrant of France, ought to be held up as an object of general suspicion. The striking coincidence between this outrageous attack upon the very vitals of our country, and the poisonous doctrines of the Aurora, in preparing the preponderating interests (the agriculturalists) of the U. States, for their servile reception, is too obvious to escape the most unthinking. It cannot now be denied that there was a preconceived plan between Duane and his Gallic masters to prepare the public mind of this country to swallow without a murmur this deleterious pill—this dastardly act at our highest interests. If Congress does not soon have a becoming spirit on this occasion, then indeed have the execrable agents of Napoleon but too fatally succeeded in scattering the fire brands of dissension, and luring us into their fell snare. It would seem that the Aurora foresaw, or rather was foretold of the preconcerted alarming measures of the emperor of France against this country; and to keep down our spirit, and lay prostrate our energies, he has for some time past been sedulously and wickedly employed in making the farmers feel hostility to their brethren of the cities—striving to persuade them their interests were distinct from those of the merchants; as if what deeply affected the one, did not directly injure the other." "Ch-pmen who travel with books or other goods, shall be furnished on good terms. April 6.
ROBERT CHERRY,
WILL RENT HIS HOUSE
Covering 25 feet by 36, with a handsome Kitchen Garden attached thereto, on square 799 near the Navy Yard, referring to himself the STORE and one half the Cellar. April 6—3t
THE SUBSCRIBER
Has for Sale at the WHARF end of South Capitol street,
6 puncheons Jamaica rum } 4th proof. 4 pipes panish brandy } 4 pipes gin 100 barrels rye whiskey Lisbon and Teneriffe Wine of superior quality in quarter casks Flour for family use.
JAMES D. BARRY. April 6—3t
To Rent,
AND possession given on the 19th November next, the Two story Brick Dwelling House on the corner of 9th and 12th Streets, at present occupied by Mr. Andrew May. Also a two story brick dwelling house in a central situation, of which possession may be had immediately. For terms apply to TITUS HERTY. Oct. 27—3t & wtf

CAUTION.
ON or about the 8th of November, 1806, I passed my note to Thomas Crowley, of Washington city, for one hundred dollars. Payments have since been made him, some of which have not been receipted on the back of the note, (but which receipts I have in possession). I am under the necessity of cautioning all persons from taking an assignment of said note, as I am determined to pay no part of what may appear due therefor, until my title to the property, for which the note was, in part given, shall be cleared of all incumbrance.
NICHOLAS WHELAN.
April 3—3t.
NOTICE.
TAKEN up, a stray, a small BLACK COW, and has got a Calf, has no mark perceivable, she has been about here all the winter. The owner is requested to come and prove property, pay charges and take her away.
ARCHIBALD CHESTER.
April 3—3t.
WILLIAM DUANE, OFFERS FOR SALE,
THAT valuable LOT on which his Bookstore stands, in Pennsylvania avenue; it measures 52 feet on the avenue, occupies the whole side of the square on Sixth street, and 40 feet front on C street, with the Building thereon. It will be disposed of on very moderate terms for cash or secure negotiable paper. Also the BRICK HOUSE near Blodget's Hotel, and the Two LOTS of Ground on one of which it stands. The house was built for a store, and is very lofty and has a dry cellar and plastered garret. This will be sold on similar terms as the above.
Apply to R. C. Weightman, at the store, who is authorised to sell either or both.
April 3—3t.
SALE AT AUCTION.
WILL be sold at Public Auction on Tuesday the 7th inst. at the house of Adam Linday near the Navy Yard, sundry articles of Household and Kitchen Furniture, consisting of feather beds, bedssteads, chairs, tables and desks, andrsons, shovels and tongs, knives and forks, crockery, queen and glass ware; scales, weights and measures, herring in barrels. Also, a Gig and harness, a plough and harrow nearly new, spades, hoes and shovels, and many other articles not enumerated. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. The terms of sale cash.
ISRAEL LITTLE, Auct.
April 3—2t.
THE Directors of the North Carolina Gold Mine Company, will be chosen on the first Monday in May next, at Rhodes's Tavern, in this city.
WILLIAM THORNTON.
City of Washington April 3—3t.
NOTICE.
THE Sale of Dr. John Bullus's FURNITURE is unavoidably postponed on account of the weather, but will commence on Friday the 10th April, 11 o'clock forenoon if fair, if not the next fair day, when it will positively be sold without reserve.
SALE AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday the 1st day of April will be held at public auction at the house of Dr. JOHN BULLUS, living near the Marine Barracks, all his
Household & Kitchen Furniture, consisting of Mahogany and other bedsteads, bureaus, chairs, mahogany dining, tea and card tables, sofas, dressing tables, wash stands, Brussels and Scotch carpeting the greater part of which is new, large pier and dressing glasses, lamps, pisted and other candlesticks, lamps, handsome grates, fenders and shovels and tongs, curtains quite new and handsomely made, gilt window cornices, beds, mattrasses and bed furniture, good paintings and prints in frames, dining and tea china, cut and plain glass, silver and plated ware, consisting of tea urns, tea trays, ladles, spoons and boilers—also, one coach and a travelling carriage nearly new, with harness; a pair of good found horses, and one double barrel towing piece.
The sale to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, if fair, if not, the next fair day, and continue from day to day until all are sold.
Terms made known at time and place of sale.
The goods may be viewed two days previous to the sale.
SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct.
March 2—tdof
TO LET,
And possession immediately given—That large and commodious brick Dwelling HOUSE & STORE, lately occupied by Mr. ADAM LINDSAY near the Navy Yard; the house is well calculated to accommodate a small family at present, having four rooms nearly finished, a good kitchen, and spring of water in the cellar adjoining—Also, a stable and wood cellar. The store is large and well adapted to the Dry Good and Grocery business, having a large and dry cellar, with a plank floor underneath the whole of the store, where goods of any kind may be safely deposited. The situation of the above described premises for business is not excelled by any in this city. For terms enquire of Mr. Matthew Wright, near the premises or to the subscriber on East Capitol street near the Capitol.
WILLIAM EMACK,
Attorney for Adam Linday.
Washington City, March 13—wt
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c
THEOPHILUS HOLT respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has an extensive assortment of Fresh Garden and Flower seeds, Grass seeds, Garden tools &c for sale at his Nursery Garden Eastern Branch.
Washington city, Jan. 2—w2m
This is to give Notice
THAT the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county, in the district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of MATHIAS HART, late of Washington deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the 30th of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 29th day of March, 1807.
ABIGAIL HART, Adm'x
of Mathias Hart.
SALE AT AUCTION.
WILL be exposed at public sale, at the dwelling house of JOHN LOWRY, Sen. on Greenleaf's point, on Saturday the 11th of April at one o'clock post meridian, all the gun-smith utensils belonging to the late MATHIAS HART, deceased consisting of six vices, an anvil, hammers, files and bellows, some iron, brass and copper, and almost every kind of tools necessary in the gun-smith line, and also some guns and pistols, likewise some kitchen furniture.
N. B. There was deposited with the late Mathias Hart, some guns for repair, the owners are requested to prove their property and take them away, otherwise they will be considered as belonging to the estate.
ABIGAIL HART, Administratrix.
ISRAEL LITTLE, Auct.
April 1—3t.
WANTED.
To DO THE DUTIES OF A SHIP'S STEWARD,
A Smart, active, and attentive man, one who writes a good hand, and is acquainted with accounts, is of sober and regular habits, and can produce good recommendations. Apply to the Editor of this paper, or to
ROBT. W. GOLDSBOROUGH.
Washington, April 1—3t.
JUST RECEIVED,
3000 Bushels Coarse LISBON SALT, And a quantity of fresh Lisbon LEMONS
in boxes in excellent order, for sale by WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH. Georgetown, April 1—2w.
10 Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday the 15th ult. a negro man named DANIEL, about 30 years of age, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, stout made, has a lump on the outside of one of his feet, likewise some lumps on his back, and several slight scars in his face, also a scar on the upper joint of his left fore finger, occasioned by the cut of a knife; he can read, and passed the Falls Bridge on Sunday night the 22nd ult. and said he was going to Georgetown and the city of Washington, but may probably pass on to Baltimore. His clothing when he went away was a short blue coat with skirts, fowndown jacket, and striped lindsay trowsers, white yarn stockings, &c his other clothes not remembered. I purchased him last fall of Mr. Robert Gussell of Virginia, who purchased him some years ago of Capt. John Turbeville. I will give the above reward to any person that will secure him in any jail or give information to me in Fairfax county, Virginia, so that I get him again.
H. GUNNELL, Jun.
April 1—2w
PUBLIC SALE.
BY order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county, will be exposed at public Sale, to the highest bidder, at the farm lately occupied by Mr. Richard Cramphin and at his late dwelling in the town of Bladensburg, on Tuesday the 21th day of April, next if fair if not the next fair day—all the residue or unford part of the deceased's personal estate, (except the crop of to-wit) consisting of a valuable man servant, a pair of well grown oxen, about 80 barrels of merchantable corn, 150 bushels of clean rye, about 10,000 weight of hay, and various other articles too tedious to mention. The sale will commence on the farm, at 9 o'clock in the morning, and continue from day to day until all is sold. Terms of sale, a credit till the 10th day of March 1808, for all sums above Ten pounds, the purchaser or purchasers to give bond, with two good and sufficient securities, (freeholders if required) carrying interest from the day of sale; and for all purchases to the amount of Ten pounds and under, the cash is to be paid—No property will be delivered until previously paid or bonded for, as above.
THOMAS BOWIE, Adm'r. of
Richard Cramphin.
March 23—tdof
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber in August last. Negro CHARLES—he is a straight well made black man, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; has lost some of his fore teeth; is remarkably polite and much of a gentleman. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him home or lodge him any jail so that I get him again.
WM. B. BEANES.
Upper Marlbao, Jan. 9—tawtf
A STRAY COW.
Strayed away on the 15th of March last, a white and black spotted COW, about 5 years old—had on when she went away a small BELL, with the letters C. D. K. and the word "WASHINGTON" in full, scarcely legible, unless closely examined. It is supposed she directed her course towards Rock Creek Church or Tenley Town; she being frequently found at the latter place. Whoever gives information at this Office where she may be found, shall receive a liberal reward.
CORN. DR. KRAFFT.
April 3—3t.
PUBLIC NOTICE.
Pursuant to a Resolution of the House of Representatives of the United States of the 3d day of March instant, I am ready to receive separate Proposals, in writing, for the supply of such articles of stationery as may be necessary for the service of the said House, until the fourth day of March, 1809, and also the like proposals for the execution of all the Printing business of the said House, and for the supply of Fuel during the same time. The several species of stationery, Printing and Fuel wanted, are subjoined to this advertisement, and the proposals must be accompanied with the names and residence of sufficient securities for performance.
JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States.
City of Washington, 25th March, 1807.
STATIONERY WANTED.
Letter paper, hot pressed, vellum, extra large, Do. do. plain, Do. do. post, wove and plain, Do. medium size, for engrossing, Foolscap, Peasy made pens, per hundred and quills per hundred, Best Dutch red wax, Do. black do. Red wafers, Common black sand, in papers, and Wafer boxes, and pounce boxes per dozen, Inks and sands, per pair, Half pint phials, with corks, Low priced folders, Lead pencils, Ream tape, in pieces, Ink of the best quality per gallon, Indian rubber, per bottle, Parchment in skins per dozen, cut dressed, and pounced for use, 28 by 22 inches, Office penknives and crafting knives.
The supply of these articles must embrace a possible demand to the value of 3,500, or 4,000 dollars, for the session.
It is desirable that specimens of paper, quills and parchment should accompany the proposals; and in every instance, articles of American manufacture of equal quality with, and not exceeding the price of similar imported articles will be preferred. A security equal to 8000 dollars will be required.
PRINTING WANTED.
Plain work, per sheet, octavo, 300 impressions of each sheet, Bills numbered per line, in sheet or half sheet, folio, Figure work, Rule & figure work, Table work, Folding and stitching, per hundred, for any number of documents exceeding three half sheets, and thence to twenty half sheets, and for all above. Book binding in boards—calf sheep
In every instance, the printer supplies the paper as well as the work duly folded and stitched, and no possible delay is to occur in the daily execution & delivery of the work, so that in all cases where it is practicable, the document ordered to be printed on any given day may be ready for delivery the next morning, at the hour to which the House stands adjourned.
No extra allowance will be made for working on Sundays, holidays, or after night; these must be considered by the contractor, in the price per sheet. The contractor must embrace a possible amount of work during the session, equal to 10,000 dollars, and the security required will be to the amount of 20,000 dollars.
FUEL WANTED
For the supply of the next session, 100 cord good sound Hickory Wood, to be delivered, sawed, packed and measured, in the public cellar of the Capitol, at the expense of the contractor, the whole to be delivered on or before the first day of October next; a proportion of the purchase money will be advanced on giving sufficient security for performance. And for the supply of the next succeeding session of Congress, 80 cord, to be delivered in like manner, and at such time as may be agreed upon.
JOHN BECKLEY.
Washington, March 30—3w
ELIAS B. CALDWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Cunebeller, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 3 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the eastern branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON.
Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
CHARLES A. BURNETT,
HAS received from London and Liverpool a handsome assortment of articles in his line, consisting of
WATCHES & JEWELRY,
Silver, Tortoiseshell, and steel Spectacles, Table knives and forks with ivory handles, Pen knives and scissors,
Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket BOOKS.
He also continues to manufacture gold and silver ware, at the most reduced prices. George-Town Dec 2d—tf.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Washington in the district of Columbia hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Thomas Dockett, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber on or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Those indebted to the deceased are desired to make immediate payment.
ALLEN B. DUCKETT, Adm.
City of Washington, March 18—tf
All claims forwarded by mail must be paid.
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a deed of trust from James Wigfield to the subscriber will be sold to the highest bidder on the 27th of May next at the hour of 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises a lot of ground supposed to contain ten acres with the wood thereon, situated near the lower Eastern Branch bridge and on the road leading to Marlboo. Terms of sale cash. BENSON L. MCGRATH, Trustee. February 27—wtdof
By the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county, February term, eighteen hundred and seven.
ORDERED that James Biscoe, executor of Deborah Wolfenholme late of St. Mary's county, deceased, give the notice required by law for creditors to exhibit their claims against the estate of the said deceased, and that the same be published once a week for six weeks in the Fredericktown Herald and National Intelligencer. In testimony whereof I have set my hand, this 24th day of March, Anno Domini, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
JAMES FORREST, Reg. Wills for St. Mary's county.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Baltimore hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county, in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Deborah Wolfenholme late of the county aforesaid, deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the 4th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand, this 24th day of March, Anno Domini, eighteen hundred and seven.
JAMES BISCOE, Executor.
March 20—w6t.
The thorough Bred Horie
MONTICELLO,
NOW IN HIGH ORDER.
WILL be Let to Mares the ensuing season, to commence the first of April, at my seat, near Georgetown, at FIFTEEN DOLLARS, per Mare, for which a note must be sent payable the first of September, and one dollar to the groom; or in lieu thereof, ELEVEN DOLLARS in money.
Good and extensive pasturage, well enclosed, at 50 cents per week, and the mare fed, if required, at the market price, for which the money must be sent. The greatest care taken to prevent accidents or escapes, but will not be responsible for either.
JOHN THRELKELD.
March 23—tf
FOR SALE,
Fresh Red CLOVER SEED, By JAMES CRAVEN, near the Navy Yard.
March 23—tm
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by Miss ELIZA ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia,
A choice assortment
Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennets, Velvets, and Cords, Cambrics, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Toilets, rich silk Mouselain velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first stile of fashion.
Richard Marwells celebrated patent parasols and umbrellas can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
November 12—tf
TAKE NOTICE.
The Commissioners of the tax for Prince George's county, will meet at Upper Marlborough, on Monday the 6th day of April next and continue to sit for eighteen days, for the purpose of making entries of such alterations as have taken place in the property in said county since their last meeting.
Test TRUEMAN TYLER, Clerk. March 20—w3t
Valuable Seats for Iron Works.
THE subscriber offers for sale between Five and Six Thousand acres of land bounded on one side by James River, including big and little Owee's Creek, and situated in Amherst county in the state of Virginia. This land is in the midst of a well and thick settled country, about 100 miles above the city of Richmond. There are not more than 30 acres of it cleared. The remainder is heavily timbered—consisting of large pines, white oaks, poplar, black walnut and chesnut. On Big Owee's creek, and within 60 yards of James river, which is navigable for boats at all seasons of the year—there is an excellent site for any kind of water works. The stream is rapid and constant, and about three miles from the seat are, as it is believed inexhaustible banks of iron ore, which the subscriber has secured and which will be sold with the land. This ore has been tried and proved to be of a very superior kind. The land adjoining the seat is of excellent quality. Two hundred acres of timothy meadow might be made on the creek. The upland although hilly in places is well adapted to small grain, and a great proportion of it suitable to the raising of tobacco. Immediately around the site for water works are inexhaustible LIMESTONE Quarries, together with great quantities of the best building stone. In short there are many advantages combined to render this a most eligible spot for the erection of iron works, or any other kind of water works. It is deemed unnecessary to say more concerning this property than to request those who incline to purchase to view it. It will be shown by captain Henry Halloway in the neighborhood. The price will be moderate, terms of sale, which will be made very easy, will be made known on application to the proprietor residing in Georgetown district of Columbia. NATHAN LUFBOROUGH. Georgetown, February 16—wtf
Bank of Columbia,
March 19th, 1807.
THE Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of eight per cent per annum—the same will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives at any time after this day.
WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier.
Georgetown March 20—ep6w