The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-06-16 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1335.
VOL. IX.
FRIDAY, JUNE 16, 1809.
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday, May 31.
DEBATE
On Mr. Randolph's motion for approving the late conduct of the President of the U. States.—Continued.
Mr. Frisk said it was with great sincerity that he now declared that he was glad that this unfinished business was taken up by the House at this time; and he should speak with equal sincerity were he to say that he should be glad that the House might finish it before they adjourned. Nor did he speak with less sincerity when he declared his reluctance to offer any remarks on the subject. Nothing but the extraordinary resolution and the still more extraordinary course the discussion had taken, should have induced him, young and inexperienced as he was in the business of the House, at this time to have trespassed on its patience. As an individual or private citizen (said Mr. F.) I have no objection to the sentiments contained in that resolution as originally proposed, nor to the amendments suggested. I do not know that there is any difference of opinion on this subject; and I did regret to see a proposition introduced which might look like a distrust of the unanimity which I believe at this time prevails in the nation. For one have not heard any murmuring or complaints of the conduct of the President in meeting the overtures of the British government, but lest I should be unwilling to give my vote as a Representative of the people upon this resolution or any other of like description, I consider it to be derogating from the dignity of a Representative of the people to give my approbation to the President or any other officer, however meritorious, when he has performed no works of supererogation, but merely a duty clearly defined by the express letter of the law; which if he had not done, it might have called not for the voluntary, but for the constitutional interposition of this House. And so long as this House is organized with the powers and duties which are vested in it by the constitution, giving it the sole power of impeachment, I should think we ought to act with great caution in giving votes of approbation of an officer whose conduct in the execution of his office it may become our duty constitutionally to enquire into. I could therefore have satisfied myself with giving a silent vote on postponing it, which I was willing to do, not only indefinitely, but I was content that the time of its postponement should be co-extensive with the existence of our free government. I was unwilling for one to be converting this splendid hall of legislative deliberation into a temple for offering up adulation to the Executive shrine. I was willing for another consideration to postpone the consideration, viz. to save the time of the House and of the nation; for, whatever idea some gentlemen may entertain with respect to the necessity of transacting all the ordinary business of the nation at this session, and whatever belief they may have that there is no constitutional objection to it, I must beg leave to say that I entertain a very different opinion—and looking into the constitution for my guide, carries me back to the time when it was proposed and to the convention who did propose it. A great proportion of that body was, as the greatest proportion of Congress always has been and always will be, farmers. Certainly, when reasoning upon the time when it would be most expedient to convene Congress, they fixed upon a period more convenient to the agricultural interests of the country than any other; and at that time I think it would be proper still to meet. I believe, sir, that it was the general impression of the nation, not only when the law convening Congress was passed, but when the time of meeting had arrived, that their attention would be directed to those objects and those only which ob-
viously and imperiously demanded their attention; and I hope that this House equally with the President of the United States will be "aware of the inconveniences attending a protracted session at this season of the year." And sorry am I to hear any one, especially one from the Southern part of the United States say that he shall go on to transact the ordinary business of the session; but not so much do I regret to hear this, as to hear him declare that he wishes to try the strength of the South and West against that of the East and North. I am aware, and so must be every member of this House, of the out of door insinuations about the influence of different sections of the union. I believe nothing of it; and I am sorry that so vile a calumny should receive the countenance of any member of the House. I never wish to see any measure brought forward which shall try the strength of the comparative parts of the union. I should wish that geographical distinctions should be no more heard of, but that we should consider the interest of different sections of the country as the interest of the whole.
Another and a principal consideration with me for wishing to postpone the discussion of the question at this time was, that it would lead to the very (as I conceive it) improper examination or discussion of our foreign relations. This argument seemed to have considerable weight on the first day's discussion; but the gentleman from Virginia came forward afterwards to fortify his claim to the attention of the House by exhibiting precedents shewing the conduct of former administrations. Precedents are sometimes entitled to consideration and deserving of weight. They are of two kinds, one establishing a form of procedure, and the other a principle of action. To the former there is no objection, if it be not obviously improper; but to the latter we pay no attention, unless convinced that the principle is correct. What are the precedents on which the gentleman relies? Are they analogous or are they not? The first precedent, upon which the gentleman who introduced it with an air of triumph seemed to rely, was that of a vote of thanks and an expression of approbation of the conduct of the father of his country in one of his last though not least useful measures, (the proclamation of neutrality) conducive to the interest and happiness, and perhaps to the preservation and salvation of his country. But what, let me ask this House to consider for a moment, was the situation of the country at the time that proclamation was issued? Was it not different from the present? Unfortunately, perhaps, was it for the citizens of this country, that, in 1793, they had not got rid of impressions, made during the revolution, hostile to England and favorable to France. Whether justly or unjustly made, it is not now my purpose to enquire. Suffice it, that they did exist. There was a disposition in the country at that time to hail the French revolution as the dawn of liberty to the European states. Scarcely could our people be restrained, and indeed they were not restrained, from celebrating it, by festivals, songs and toasts to the success of the French patriots. About this time war commenced between England and France. It then became a question with the administration, more than with the people—for their zeal for French success would perhaps, unless restrained, have hurried them to take a part with those whom they considered to be fighting the battles of liberty, and to whom they considered themselves under so many and so great obligations—it became a question what was the duty of this country towards France. In this situation of things, the President, not directed how to act by the plain letter of a statute, and doubting his power and his duty in this respect, convenes the heads of departments—and I believe I should not err were I to say that a diversity of opinion existed even there as to what course should be pursued; but the opinion and judgment of the President prevailed. His course was that of neutrality. A proclamation was issued. What was its effect? Did it meet universal approbation, as in the case of the present measure? Did the people give it their hearty and unequivocal consent? No, sir; there were murmurs—and even the conduct of Washington was questioned. In this situation of things, shortly after,
Congress convened. The interest of the nation, as it were, required the expression of the opinion of this House; and that measure they did not hesitate to take, and commended the Executive for the course which he took. Hence, I conceive, sir, that there was no analogy between that case and the present. This authority is not sufficient to convince me that it is my duty to vote for this resolution.
The next precedent adduced was the expression of the opinion which this House entertained in relation to another subject, viz. the obstruction of the navigation of the river Mississippi. You, sir, with every other member, will recollect the sensation which was excited, not only among our Western brethren, but throughout the nation, on this occasion; that doubts were entertained whether our rights were invaded by an unauthorized act of a Spanish officer, or by an act of the Spanish government itself. Doubts were also entertained as to what course should be pursued. In this state of the public mind, Congress found it necessary to give their opinion, and expressed not only confidence in the wisdom of the Executive, but declared that they believed the act to have been unauthorized on the part of Spain. This expression of the sense of the House seemed at this time really to be demanded by the situation of the nation. Is this the case with the question now before us? I cannot see it in that light. This precedent, therefore, with the other, is not sufficient to convince me of the propriety of voting for this resolution and amendment, or even of discussing it. But it seems, sir, with the rules of this House and the common law practice in it, there is something which compels us to go into this discussion. Nolens volens , we must be driven into it; fas aut nefas it must be discussed.
What objection is made to indefinite postponement? The gentleman does not object to his own resolution, but objects to the amendment. Now, sir, if there be any propriety in any part of the business, I conceive the amendment necessary to define the meaning, and convey more distinctly the sense of the original resolution. For, with all the little powers of discrimination which I possess, I have not been able to make a distinction between the system pursued by the present and late President in relation to this particular subject. And, speaking, as I shall, on the three objections made to the amendment, I shall not be guided by any impressions made on me from having participated in the discussion of last winter. I shall speak from impressions made on my mind in common with the people of the district which I have the honor to represent, and I believe I might say upon the minds of the majority of the people of the United States. The gentleman who introduced this resolution has told us that he cannot vote for the amendment, because he cannot consent to attach the healthy body of the present administration to the lifeless corpse of the late administration; that we should not bring it up to view; that its evil deeds should be buried with it, and its good deeds alone be inscribed on its monument. If, sir, its monument is to be inscribed, and the sentiments of the gentleman from Virginia prevail, I would say, as was said on another occasion—Let not the monument be inscribed till other days, and other men can do justice to its merits. Another comparison the gentleman made.—He said he was willing to vote for the original resolution and opposed to the amendment, the introduction of which, he said, reminded him of a certain description of persons in Virginia, who, when they had a pair of horses, one bad and the other good, praised the poor animal in proportion to its deficiency. The gentleman told us too the other day, among many instructions which he gave us, and the young members particularly, whom he called youthful shrites , that we might object to the proposition, because a precedent for it was derived from federal times. Sir, I never have, and hope I never shall object to anything merely on account of its name. The gentleman told us too that the error in reasoning did not lie in the inferences so much as in the premises. Apply this remark to the present case.—If, sir, the present administration be the good horse, and needs
no commendation, why introduce this resolution of approbation? I am not capable of understanding this, sir.
This resolution met an objection on account of its being an abstract proposition; and as such, not deserving the attention of this House in a legislative capacity. The answer given was, that it was a common practice of the House, at the close of every session, to thank the Speaker. This practice is but a mere expression of courtesy, confined to the officers of this House, and not extended to the other departments of the government; and there can be no impropriety in this. But if it be considered as a precedent, what will be the effect of it? It has been so long established, not only in this body, but in the different states, as a matter of course, that the omission of it would be considered at least as a censure on the individual filling the chair. And are we, at the commencement of this session, about to establish this precedent, to be venerated as such at each subsequent session? Are we to establish that it shall hereafter be considered a matter of course, when we come to the Capitol, to make our bow to the President, and express our approbation of his conduct, or have our silence construed into a mark of disapprobation? Surely not, sir. So much for this argument, urged in favor of the resolution, but which convinces me of the impropriety of adopting it.
The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) requested that when any member rose to answer his argument they should state it and meet it fairly. I am not gifted with any extraordinary powers of recollection; but if my memory will serve me, I will endeavor to take up the gauntlet as respects two arguments advanced by the gentleman to shew his aversion to the amendment; and one of them, though not novel, is rather extraordinary: that the embargo, that measure which he considers so ruinous to his country, was laid at a time when the British orders in council were not known in this country; he afterwards narrowed his assertion by saying that they might have been known in New-York, but were not known here. As at that time I had not the honor of a seat in this House I cannot declare what was known here. But this I can say, that twelve or fifteen days before the embargo was known, it was known in N. York that it was the intention of the British government to issue these orders; that they were agreed to on the 11th of November, and would be published on the 14th. But the gentleman says that even if they were known they were not officially known. What information does the gentleman require to authorise him to act? Official information regulates but a small proportion of the acts of this body. The constitution has made it the duty of the President to lay before Congress such information as he may possess in relation to the affairs of the nation. In ordinary times he calls the attention of Congress to the interest of the nation generally; and from the information which they bring with them do they generally act. Yet this information is not official. But what idea are we to attach to this House to suppose that on important occasions they will not act without it? I would suppose a case. A messenger runs in and tells you that the north wing of this building is on fire. Would you wait for official information of the event from the President before you seek for safety? Of this fact of the intention of the British government there was sufficient evidence, short of positive proof, not only to the Executive, but to this House. In the message of the President of the U. S. accompanying the documents called the correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and Mr. Champagny, we find this passage: "The communications now made shewing the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandise are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere from the belligerent powers ," &c.—What belligerent powers? Who were the belligerents (more than one, observe) to whom the President in this language referred? Can it be said that he meant France and Spain or did he not mean France and England? Take this with another fact: that it was known as early as the correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and Mr. Champagny was received, that it was the intention of the French government, (about one year after the date of
the Berlin decree,) to extend it to American vessels. This first information was a fact from which another fact was to be inferred. The orders in council (issued seven days after the treaty was signed) contained a practical exposition by the British government of the Berlin decree, and a declaration that if its operation was extended to neutrals, G. Britain would for self preservation retaliate those decrees unless neutral powers would resist. No doubt could remain with the American government on comparing the information from Mr. Armstrong with the proclamation of the intention to issue such orders.—But if this be not sufficient to establish the fact that these orders were known to the government, it is the fact that they were known at New York long before the embargo; and as only three days are required for the passage of the mail from N. York to this place, it is fair to presume that it was not only known to the government but to every gentleman of observation at this place, what the course was which the British government intended to pursue. I find that the information was published in a New York paper of the 13th of December. In the evidence given at the bar of the House of Commons, Mr. Martin says that on the 12th of November he wrote a circular to his American correspondents that such was the intention of the British government, and that orders in council to such effect would be issued and on the 14th November published in the gazette; and he produced a New York paper at the bar of the House, of the 13th December, containing the extract from his letter. This shews that the purport of these orders was published in New York on the 13th December. But this is immaterial. I should suppose that the objection, if founded in fact, would be of very inconsiderable weight if this was a good measure, because it was found afterwards that the orders did exist and would have gone into operation had not the embargo been passed. had our vessels been permitted to prosecute their rights on the high seas. Certainly to my mind it is quite immaterial whether it was "a lucky hit or the dictate of wisdom." But the gentleman from Virginia says that the embargo has been a measure calculated only to work the ruin of this country; that its operation has been confined to America; that its pernicious effects have been felt here and here only. This, sir, is very different language from that which has been held on the floor of the British House of Commons and of the House of Lords, by statesmen of the first respectability in that country—and I should suppose, that a citizen of the British nation, feeling an interest in its prosperity, would at least be as capable of judging of the effects of such a measure, as a citizen of this country remaining here whilst its effects were operating there. I will beg leave for a moment to call the attention of the House to what Lord Grenville says on this measure, and he incidentally mentions another fact, which had been contradicted in this country, and even in this House.—[Mr. Fisk here quoted parts of Lord Grenville's speech, published in No. 1338 of the National Intelligencer.] He states that he views the embargo to have been alarming in its effects; he states it in his place in the British House of Lords. It will not, after this, be contended, I presume, even by those who say that the measure was ruinous to this country, that it was not injurious to Great Britain, who was really the aggressor upon the indisputable rights of this country. The embargo, however, was a measure which the honorable mover of the resolution had the honor to oppose. He was for giving up this system of restriction; it was the same system which had been commenced in 1805-6, which he considers one of the most disastrous periods, and the commencement of the most disastrous system which the country ever witnessed or realized; and since the system received its zealous opposition throughout, is he therefore desirous now to depreciate its effects, as ruinous to this country? He was opposed to the non-importation act, passed in 1806. Why was this act passed? This country found itself bound to do something for the protection of commerce. What was the state to which this country was reduced? New principles, it was said, had been interpolated in the laws of nations; the admiralty courts had

made such decisions as to authorize the capture of every neutral vessel on the high seas, first, by deciding that touching at neutral ports did not legalize the voyage, but that it ought to be considered as a direct voyage from the hostile colony to Europe. Upon this construction, the Mercury , with a cargo of sugars from the Havannah, having touched at Charleston, and bound to Europe, was condemned in 1802. Under this decision, unexplained as it was novel, much of our merchants' property was captured and condemned.
Next, the British admiralty courts held it requisite to show, that the cargo had been landed in the neutral port, and the duties on importation paid, and also that the first insurance had been made for a voyage to terminate in the neutral country. Then it was held, as in the case of the Essex , condemned in May, 1805, that the duties on importation should be actually paid in the neutral country; that to secure them by bond, and subject to a drawback on exportation, was not sufficient. These extraordinary decisions surprised many of your merchants, and subjected them more of their property to capture and condemnation. It was invading their rights from a quarter least expected, and in a manner they were utterly unprepared to meet. Under these various unbounded constructions of maritime law, your merchants were extremely embarrassed; and what was their language upon the occasion? This I use was filled with memorials and remonstrances, of merchants and others, from one end of the country to the other, protesting in the bold language of free and independent men against these aggressions—Congress found it necessary to have recourse to some measure which would, by affecting the interest of the aggressor, be likely to prevent future outrages of this kind. This non-importation act was with this view passed.
Although it had more advocates than opponents, there were opponents to it, & the gentleman was one of them. He would not fight for the merchants, he would not contend with the perils of the strand, I think was his expression then. It was also said, that the British government was that of a high-spirited nation and would never treat with you whilst this "rod" was held over her head. She did treat, or rather she did condescend to treat (to use a more common term) to the ideas of the opponents of these measures, now I hazard this prediction. The treaty of Mr. Monroe was formed during the existence, I will not say operation, of this measure. It was continued. What said our ministers? And the gentleman from Virginia will consider their declaration, at least that of one of them, as good testimony. Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney said, and the British government did not appear to view it differently. (In speaking of the non-importation act.) "The ground which Congress have taken in this just and salutary measure, we are far from wishing to abandon; but to suspend and abandon are very different things. The last would wound deeply the honor of the nation, and prostrate the character of the government; but the first is in perfect conformity with the spirit and purpose of the law and while it would furnish a signal proof of the equity and moderation of our public councils, would preserve unimpaired that firm & dignified attitude which it becomes us at all times, but now more especially to maintain."
But there is one other argument, or perhaps, sir, I may more properly call it a remark, made by the gentleman in debate, one day last week, to show his reasons for the aversion he feels to the late administration; and I was sorry to hear it. It was this: that if our government had accepted the treaty in 1806, we should have avoided all the evils we suffered under the embargo. I was sorry to hear this, but more so to hear the declaration which followed, and I do not believe the gentleman himself could on reflection entertain the opinion, "that this government would never get a better treaty." Are these declarations direct and becoming an American, and intended to have a beneficial effect on that nation in the contemplated negotiation? Will the declaration that we cannot obtain a better treaty made at this time, and in this place, answer any valuable purpose—that we cannot get a better treaty, than that which in fact was no treaty at all, because it contained provision for violating it if the British government saw fit—so abhorrent to the feelings of every American; and the principal subject of dispute, the impressment of our seamen, a subject of real interest and anxiety was wholly omitted? What reason has this nation to believe that a better treaty will not be concluded? We shall have a better treaty, sir. I am warranted in saying that such will be the result—I will not
question the sincerity of either government on this occasion, because I believe it to be the interest of both to form a treaty that will be acceptable to each. I am authorized to say, from the correspondence between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Smith, that we shall have a treaty which will be satisfactory and different from that of 1806—and what authority have I for this? It is said by the British minister that his majesty will send a minister, not to treat but "to conclude a treaty" on all the points of the relations between the two countries. This is sufficient to justify me in saying that all the points in difference or at issue between the two countries will be settled.
But there was one other remark, and the gentleman urged it as though he was really serious. Although among the last he made, it was not the least extraordinary. I had heard it made before I came to this House, but thought it was intended merely to answer electioneering purposes, and not believed by those who made it. It was to this effect: that the present prospect, so far, was the result of the exertions of the minority in this country and particularly in Congress. I never did believe that gentlemen who claimed this as due to the exertions of the minority were or could be serious; and when I heard it thrown out on this floor since, it could not but remind me of the fly placed on the chariot wheel, exclaiming, "Lo! what a dust we flies make!" It is really surprising to me, and I am willing to confess it, though it may not be novel to those (and there are many) who have more experience in legislation than I have, how a minority can control the majority. It is the first time that ever I heard a minority in a representative government claim the merit of a system which that minority, call them federalists, "ultra or citra," "federalists" protesters or what not, opposed, to the extent of their ability. It is repugnant to the very meaning of the term (minority) in the English language. For a moment let me ask you, sir, what system did they advise? Even the last measure adopted on the subject of our foreign relations, viz. the non-intercourse law, was opposed by them; and really, among the comparisons with which the gentleman from Virginia enlightens the members of this House, I recollect one in relation to that bill, in which he said that it reminded him of the man who had invented a mode of "letting off his gun by degrees." He not only disapproved the measure but ridiculed it. Who adopted the measure, sir? Who, had it proved disastrous, would have been called to account for it? The minority? No, sir; the majority. In all popular governments and assemblies there will be minorities. There were minorities in our revolution; but after our independence was achieved, we did not hear them claim the honor of it. There was a minority in the convention which framed the constitution of the United States; but we have not heard this minority say that it was owing to their exertions that this character of our liberties was adopted. Really, sir, as it strikes my mind, an argument of this kind scarcely merits an attempt at serious refutation. Let me ask, sir, did the minority elect Mr. Jefferson? Did they or the protesters elect Mr. Madison? The gentleman said, I recollect, that he does not consider the President as the administration—Do the minority constitute it? With whom are treaties formed? With the majority or minority? With the administration or with individuals? It really appears to me that the gentleman cannot urge this claim again; and I should not have made these remarks, if it had not been one of the most extraordinary assertions which I ever recollect to have been made on the floor of this House.
Another reason assigned by the gentleman for his opposition, was, that the present state of things was owing to a change of measures. And quoting one of Moliere's best comedies "nous avons change tout cela"—[Mr. Randolph said that the gentleman's French was neither his French nor Moliere's French.] What I understood the gentleman to mean (said Mr. Fisk) was "We have changed all that." Now, sir, were he to say that they (the British government) have changed the state of things, I should not object to it, be it whose French it may. And as an evidence that there was no change of disposition on our part, I refer to the message of the President, if his opinion be deserving of any weight in the estimation of the gentleman from Virginia. He says that "he cannot do less than refer to the proposal heretofore made on the part of the United States, embracing a like restoration of the suspended commerce, as a proof of the spirit of accommodation which has at no time been intermitted, and to the result
which now calls for our congratulations as corroborating the principles by which the public councils have been guided during a period of the most trying embarrassments."
Lord Grenville in corroboration acknowledges that the same offer was made in August last. But, says the gentleman, the state of things is not now the same as when that offer was made, and Great Britain has better terms. I will not attempt to examine at length the propriety of the gentleman's reasoning—but if she has better terms, is it owing to us? Is it because the aggressions of France required us to place that nation on the same footing with Great Britain in relation to us, or that we have changed to accommodate England? At the time the embargo was laid, French depredations had not gone to that length to which they afterwards extended; at that time she had not burnt our ships or imprisoned our citizens as she afterwards did. And shall it be said as matter of complaint against us, that we found it necessary to adopt this measure with respect to France, and place her on an equal footing with Great Britain—and that Great Britain, in consequence of this, altered her system towards us? Shall it be said that we placed her on a better footing, and that the change in our relations is attributable to a change of sentiment in this government? The argument is not correct. If she stands on a better footing now, it is not owing to a change which we have made, but to a change in the French system, and an alteration in her own—and shall we not resist the French government because, if Great Britain should see fit to accept the terms she has once refused, it would place her in a better situation. Yet this seems to be the principal reason assigned for opposing the resolution as amended. This argument of the gentleman then does not operate with sufficient force to induce me to reject the proposed amendment, or to adopt his motion.
Although, sir, I am opposed to voting on this resolution in any other manner than for indefinite postponement, it is not from any objection to the conduct of the present or last administration. I do believe that passing the resolution would establish a precedent which would be productive of the most injurious consequences—and I think that we ought to look with a single eye to our constitutional duties, and as seldom as possible to go out of the plain path pointed on by the constitution. And for these considerations I am opposed to it. I believe it a measure altogether unnecessary in the present situation of the nation, not required by our political relations at home or abroad, and out of the line of our duty as legislators; and unless compelled by necessity, I will not vote on this or any similar resolution in any other manner than that it shall be indefinitely postponed.
Thursday June 1.
Mr. Rhea (of Ten.) said he was gratified to perceive how desirous the gentleman who moved the resolution was to appropriate the President of the United States, for his late conduct respecting the relations of the United States with Great Britain. He was disposed as much as any gentleman to appropriate the conduct of the President in this case, and with the mover of the resolution, to manifest the confidence he had in the first officer of this nation; that although he might agree substantially with the gentleman who introduced the resolution so far as related to appropriating the President only, he did not agree with him in the manner. It did not appear to be his duty as a Representative of the sovereign people to be employed offering the sacrifice of adulation in this manner—and more so as it is said the President has only done his duty. It is urged that if the resolution be adopted, it will be a support to the President in his present conduct, and a guide for him in his future conduct. If this is any thing, it is a reason that the resolution shall not be adopted. The Executive of the United States is a distinct department of the government and in this case doth not require a resolution of this nature for his support. The House of Representatives by the constitution is not authorized to interfere with the treaty-making power; that power vested in the President and Senate by the constitution, is to be where it is unbiased, unprejudiced, and not in opinion foreclosed by any resolution, or vote of this House. An attempt to influence that power in the manner virtually contemplated by this resolution, is derogatory to the dignity of this House, if adopted will be an encroachment on the treaty-making power, and eventually may be injurious to the best interests of this nation. Hence (he observed) it will appear that he was in favor of postponing the resolution.
The conduct of the late administration and of the present did not to him
appear different. The act for doing whereof the resolution is proposed is an effect or consequence of the measures adopted in the time of the late administration. The authority to issue the proclamation for renewal of commercial intercourse given by the non-intercourse law, and that law was enacted in the time of the late President, if he had continued to be President he, no doubt, would have acted in a similar manner; there is the more reason so to believe, because the propositions now offered by Great Britain are, so far as they go, the same which the late President insisted on. It might have been as well if the resolution had not been introduced, the discussion arising therefrom might as well not have been made necessary, because it leads to a recapitulation of things, the recollection whereof may not be attended with any good; better and more conducive to the interest of this nation would it have been, to have adopted the sentiment so candidly and honorably expressed by the British minister in his letter of the seventeenth of April last, in the beginning of the correspondence between him and the Secretary of State, and thereby at this time not have afforded cause to recapitulate any existing differences of any kind relative to the relations of the United States with Great Britain, and to have confined the discussion of all differences to the department authorized by the constitution to act thereon.
In examining the merits of the resolution, it certainly is not necessary to enquire to what cause the partial old non-importation law, the proclamation of the President interdicting British armed ships and vessels from the ports, waters and hospitality of the United States, the embargo laws, and non-intercourse law, are to be ascribed. No patriot citizen of the U. S. will assert, that all or any of the same laws and proclamation were or was the effect of, or originated from a cause or causes altogether intrinsic and limited within the United States, and entirely distinct from the conduct of foreign powers. If there be any citizen who so thinks let him speak out. It is unpleasant to mention, but it is an indisputable fact, that long previous to the existence of the old non-importation law, the aggressions of Great Britain, by impressing citizen seamen, and by capturing and condemning the ships and property of citizens, by violating the neutral rights and sovereignty of the U. S. States, had been frequent & many. The continued remonstrating of the American minister against the same aggressions of the British government had no effect—the impressed citizen seamen were not restored, the captured property was not indemnified for. These things being so the partial non-importation law was enacted. That law was the first operative movement of the United States against the many aggressions of Great Britain. It was the only law acting exclusively against Great Britain at the time, the unprovoked, outrageous, hostile attack on the unsuspecting frigate Chesapeake was made—that ship was not only in time of peace attacked but obliged to strike the flag of the United States. A neutral nation hath a right to exclude from its waters, ports, harbors and hospitality, the armed ships and vessels of all the belligerent powers. If the neutral power, confiding in the honor of the belligerents does not exercise that right, but permits the armed ships and vessels of all the belligerents to enter, it may do so. Previous to the time of the attack on the Chesapeake frigate, the waters, ports, harbors and hospitality of the United States were open to the armed ships and vessels of Great Britain and France. They continued open to those of Great Britain even after the murder of innocent Peirce, after the destruction of the French ship of war Impetueux within the jurisdiction of the United States, and until the attack on the Chesapeake . Then and not till then, were the British armed ships and vessels excluded by the proclamation of the President. A similar proclamation was not extended to French armed ships or vessels, the reason was, that no innocent Peirce was murdered, no British ship of war was destroyed within the jurisdiction of the U. S. no Chesapeake frigate was attacked, subdued and robbed of her seamen, by any armed ship or vessel of France; and will any patriot citizen assert that the proclamation alluded to was a wanton, unprovoked effusion of power on the part of the President of the U. S. or that it was without just cause, if there be one who say so let him speak out plain.
It hath conclusively been made to appear that the substance of the orders in council of the British government, was known in the United States, previous to the day that the law laying the embargo was enacted. It is scarcely necessary now to take any further notice of that subject. The undisputed fact is, that the same orders in coun-
cil were actually issued on the day they were expected and believed to have been issued—that they ought to have been officially known to the government of the United States before the law laying the embargo was enacted, will not prove that that law ought not to have been enacted. The faculty of acquiring a knowledge of passing events, otherwise than officially is with every civilized nation, and more particularly with the government. If no embargo had been laid, and a number of the merchant vessels of the United States with their cargoes had been captured by the cruisers of Great Britain, and sent into port for adjudication; ignorance of the orders in council would not have been admitted an excuse to prevent condemnation. If no law laying an embargo had been enacted until the orders in council had been officially known, the commerce of the United States, widely spread on the ocean, would have become a prey to British capture; and in that case there would have been a loud criminating cry against the President of the U. S. States, because he did not advise laying an embargo, although he did not officially know that the orders in council were issued, or about to be issued. In that case every proof and reason would have been adduced to make appear, that he not only knew what the substance of the orders in council was, but also that they actually were or would have been issued on the day appointed. Why then so much dispute in endeavoring to discriminate between official and unofficial knowledge. If the chief magistrate of a nation is informed in a manner he can confide in, it is sufficient—and if he do not act on that information he is blamable. The causes which induced the embargo are now well known to the people of the United States, and although that embargo was attended with many privations, it was and is approved by a great majority of the citizens. If the embargo had been rigidly adhered to, its merits, great as they are, would have been greater. It frequently happens, and it is to be lamented, that for certain reasons there may be a voluntary occlusion of light.
As parties existed in every nation, the measures of the government will be approved and disapproved—hence it is that there may be approbation & disapprobation of the late proclamation of the President, declaring the renewal of commercial intercourse with Great Britain—this is the less to be surprised at, because the non-intercourse law, which authorized the issuing that proclamation, was not well spoken of by many holding different political opinions in the United States. The patriot citizen whose bosom is warmed with the love of his country, approves the proclamation—he hails it as the harbinger of peace, and rejoices in the destinies of the nation he belongs to.
An opinion, that the President of the United States would by the adoption of this resolution be the more influenced to do his duty, and that the non-adoption of this resolution would prevent him from doing his duty—is unworthy of him, and not to be for a moment entertained. The President of the United States will perform his constitutional duties, he has been elected for that purpose—and they who elected him have full and entire confidence in him that he will not omit anything which he may judge best for the happiness and prosperity of this nation, although the House of Representatives may not think fit to adopt this resolution. Whether the law called the non-intercourse law, has any merit, or was about to have, or would have had, any merit, considered merely in a commercial view and actually operating in fact on commerce in its relation to Great Britain, cannot now be ascertained, the British government having, previous to the day on which commercial intercourse between the U. S. States and Great Britain and its dependencies, was by that law interdicted, offered proposals to the United States, for renewal of commerce so interdicted, and the proposals so offered have been received by the President, and his proclamation is issued accordingly. Some cause hath operated inducing Great Britain to change her measures respecting the United States. Great Britain by her minister hath offered specified reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake frigate, if the United States would accept it. That power by her minister hath stipulated and promised, that on a day certain the obnoxious orders in council, so far as respects the U. S. States, will have been repealed, if the United States will renew commercial intercourse with her. So far hath Great Britain returned to the practice of the principles of justice, which also are the principles of honor, towards the United States, desirous to remain neutral and at peace with all the world, and thereby hath done honorably. For this conduct, so far exhibited, Great Britain (said Mr. Rhea) hath, on behalf of my country and on behalf of

suffering humanity, my sincere praise; but notwithstanding this, I am not prepared to vote for this resolution. Honorable reparation hath been offered for the outrageous attack on the Chesapeake frigate, but the seamen, citizens of the United States, who in that unprovoked attack were murdered, cannot be restored to life. The officer, in consequence of whose orders that attack was made, hath not been deservedly punished, but goes at large, stained with the blood of the citizens who were murdered in that attack—and if the late accounts be true, although he hath been withdrawn from the American station, he is appointed to a very important command in the British navy. It is true, Great Britain hath disavowed the act: So far it is well and honorable; but the disavowal of that act is a reason inducing the punishment of him who offended against the laws of nature, of nations, and of reason. The President of the United States deemed it proper to accept the so far made offers of Great Britain, and forbears to insist on the punishment of the offending officer—his nevertheless expresses his sensibility of the justice and utility of such an example, as due from his Britannic majesty to his own honor—as is stated in the letter of the seventeenth of April last, from Mr. Smith, Secretary of State, to Mr. Erskine, the British Minister. The adoption of this resolution would, in a certain degree, oppose that sensibility and expression of the President. This is a reason why it ought not to be adopted. (Mr. Rhea's Speech to be continued.)
The Committee of Elections, to whom was committed the petition of certain inhabitants of Plymouth district, in the state of Massachusetts, praying that William Bailes may not be considered as entitled to a seat in this House, and that Charles Turner may be considered as entitled to a seat as a member of this House.
REPORT:
That they have according to order examined the petitions and the documents which accompany them. The petition, signed by 1231 inhabitants of the district, state, that at an election, held for a member of Congress for the district of Plymouth, in the state of Massachusetts, agreeable to the law of that state, directing the time, place, and manner of electing members of Congress, on the first Monday of November, 1808, the whole number of votes given were 3719, of which, agreeable to the laws of that state, 1860 were necessary to make a choice. Of these there were given for Charles Turner, junior, esq. 1443 votes, and for Charles Turner, esq. 430 votes, amounting, if for the same candidate, to 1873, which being a majority of the whole number of votes, decided the election in favor of Mr. Turner, the candidate for whom the petitioners claim the seat, if he was the same person intended to be voted for, by the name and addition of Charles Turner, junior, esq. and Charles Turner, esquire. The petitioners assert, that Charles Turner, in whose behalf they claim the seat, is the same person, for whom the votes were given, with the additions of esq. and of jun. esq. and in proof of this, they assert, that the laws of Massachusetts direct that the candidates voted for must be inhabitants of the district for which they may be elected, and that there was no other person legally qualified to be a candidate for a seat in Congress, inhabiting that district, at the time of the election, but the same Charles Turner, for whom the petitioners claim the seat in Congress.
These assertions of the petitioners are proposed to be supported by testimony taken after due notice given to the sitting member, which have been admitted by the committee, as correctly taken, but not acted on with respect to the merits of the case.
It appears that by a law of Massachusetts, the Executive of that state decides on the election of members of Congress, & certifies the return; and that in this instance, the selection, who appear by the laws and customs of that state to be official election officers in their respective towns or districts, had set down the votes received for Charles Turner, junior, esq. and for Charles Turner, esq. separate from each other, and that the Executive, in deciding on the election, had considered the votes as given for different candidates, and that on this supposition, none of the candidates had a majority of the whole number of votes given, and therefore directed that another election should be held in Plymouth district, on the 19th of January, 1809, at which the sitting member had the majority of votes, and in consequence of which, he was returned to Congress, by a certificate signed by the Governor.
Before the committee examined the merits of the case, the sitting
member requested a postponement of the decision, till the next session of Congress; in support of which he alleged, that it is necessary to a full and fair investigation of the case, and to acquaint himself with the facts, and to be able to produce all the evidence material to a correct decision of the question: that he was notified that his election would be contested but a short time previous to the meeting of Congress, and that he considered depositions taken without the direction of the House or their committee as taken without authority of law; that these circumstances prevented him from preparing himself in such a manner as to be able at this time to do justice to the cause or to those who had honored him with their suffrages.
Without examining the merits of the case, the question was taken in the committee, on the request of the sitting member, to have the decision postponed for the reasons herein before stated, and carried in the affirmative.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
On Saturday Evening, June 17, 1809, Will be performed a celebrated Comedy, In five Acts, called HONEY MOON.
End of the fourth act, A COUNTRY DANCE for the characters. To which will be added, A MUSICAL ENTERTAINMENT, CALLED THE REVIEW, OR
THE WAG OF WINDSOR. * * * Box One Dollar—Pit Three Quarters of a Dollar. * * * Tickets to be had at the Office of Dimmore and Cooper, Eleventh-street, near Pennsylvania Avenue. Doors will open at Six—Curtain rise a Quarter before Seven o'Clock.
POSTPONEMENT OF SALES.
THE sales of Lots No. 16 and 17 in sq. No. 101, with the buildings thereon, formerly the property of Mr. Samuel Wilson, dec. and Lot No. 3, in sq. No. 161, with the dwelling house and slaughter house thereon, formerly the property of Daniel Guyer, which was advertised for public sale on the 15th of this month, are postponed until the 29th of the same month, on which day the sales will take place on the respective premises: for the former property at ten o'clock in the forenoon, and for the Lot, Slaughter House, etc. at five o'clock in the afternoon. Terms of payment for the property the same as per former advertisements. June 16—429th.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending the following NEGRO MAN, the property of the subscriber, residing at Washington city, and who run away on the night of the 14th inst.
DAVID is of a dark color, about 25 years of age, and has lost a joint off one finger of his right hand. The other by the name of JIM, about 35 years of age, also stout made, has been sickly, and is of a jet black. David was bought of Major Calvert, Mount Airy, and it is expected will be about there. Jim was bought of Mr. Samuel G. Griffith, of Baltimore, and will no doubt make for that city. They are both old runaways, and will try to pass for freemen. The above reward will be given for both, or half the sum for either, with reasonable charges. June 16—81. JAMES CASSIN.
Circuit Court, District of Columbia, County of Washington—June Term, 1809.
Richard Soderstrom, vs. Samuel Goodman, George Little and Josiah Quincy, In Chancery.
THE object of the bill filed in this case, is to compel Samuel Goodman to pay to the complainant the sum of money alleged by the bill to be due to the complainant for a judgment obtained against the said Goodman in the island of St. Thomas, and the amount of commissions and expenses due to said Soderstrom from said Goodman, and for monies disbursed by said Soderstrom for and on account of said Goodman. The bill states, that a decree in the supreme court of the United States was rendered in favor of said Goodman against said Little for a large sum of money on account of the capture of the brig Flying Fish and her cargo, the property of the said Goodman, a Danish Burgher of the Island of St. Thomas, by the said Little, commander of the United States ship of war, the Boston. That the said Little, after the decree was pronounced, petitioned and obtained from the United States a sum of money to cover said decree, and to be specifically applied to the payment thereof. That the said money was received by Josiah Quincy, the attorney of said Little, and sufficient to satisfy the complainants demands, has been stopped and enjoined in the hands of said Quincy, out of which the complainant demands to be satisfied his claims, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the said Little and Goodman respectively reside out of the district of Columbia and jurisdiction of this court. It is therefore ordered by this court, that the said Little and Goodman respectively be and appear in this court in person or by solicitor, on or before the fourth Monday of December next, to show cause why a decree should not be passed as prayed, and that this order be published for four successive weeks in the National Intelligence and United States Gazette before the first day of August next. By order, June 16—epdw. WM. BRENT, Clk.
In Chancery, June 5th, 1809. ORDERED, That the sale made by Solomon Holland, as reported by him be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown before the 20th day of August next—provided, a copy of this order be published once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligence before the 20th day of July next. The report states, that several tracts of land containing in the whole 270 1-2 acres were sold for 3246 dollars. True copy—Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Rog. Cur. Can. June 16—w21.
SENATE—June 14.
Mr. Giles, from the committee appointed on the 12th inst. reported a bill for the remission of certain penalties and forfeitures, and for other purposes.
June 15.
The bill, from the House of Representatives, authorising the discharge of John Heard from his imprisonment, was passed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday, June 14.
Mr. Newton moved a bill to relinquish and remit the claim of the United States to any monies arising from the sale of the ship Clara, late the property of Andrew Foster, in pursuance of a decree of the district court.—Twice read and committed.
On motion of Mr. Rhea, the Committee of Post Office and Post Roads were discharged from the consideration of all motions and petitions before them on the subject of Post Roads, because that a bill having been reported, it would be impossible at this late period of this session duly to examine into them.
MARITIME JURISDICTION.
Mr. Dana observed on the importance of distinctly ascertaining the maritime jurisdictional line of the United States. He said that the present distance from shore, within which immunity from belligerent search was allowed, was a maritime league. He believed that, as respected the interest of the United States, it was at the option of government, without any stipulation by treaty, to take a wider range. As respected the distance of a marine league from the shore of immunity from capture, it might be claimed in any case by the government of this country, and by all neutral powers; but for the purposes of government itself, without being pledged to any other power, he contended that government had another claim which it might assume whenever it considered it expedient. Immunity from belligerent seizures might be claimed for a maritime league in every supposable case by a neutral power. Beyond the distance of a maritime league, in favor of commerce or public revenue, it was at our option to extend the jurisdiction of the United States over all anchorage grounds contiguous, and over all the waters within the head lands along the shore. Viewing it as an optional privilege which the government of the United States might exercise, he thought it would be clearly for their benefit so to do. He said it would doubtless be recollected that we had often heard much of the violent death of Pearce, and similar aggressions, but we had heard of no attempt to prevent such in future. His object would be to prevent a recurrence of such collisions. In order to bring this subject before the House in such a manner as could not possibly affect any negotiation now carrying on, he moved as follows:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of adopting any legislative provision respecting the extent of the maritime precincts of the United States, and the safeguard of navigation within the same; and whether, in addition to the existing provision against captures within a maritime league from any part of the shores, it would be proper by law to authorise the President of the United States, for the benefit of the commercial interests or revenue thereof, after causing reasonable notification to be given, when he may deem it expedient, to prohibit foreign armed ships or vessels from visiting or molesting coasting vessels or merchant vessels bound to or from the United States, whenever the same may be in any of the roads of the United States, or within any other waters within sight of land, and within lines extending from one cape or head land to another along the coasts of the United States, and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The House agreed to consider the motion—51 to 20; and passed it without debate—59 to 21.
Mr. Gardner presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Massachusetts, praying that the town of Orleans may be erected into a port of entry.—Read and committed.
MR. RANDOLPH'S EXPEDITION.
On motion of Mr. M c Kim, the House resumed the consideration of the unfinished business of yesterday, being the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to adopt the most immediate and effectual means in his power, to obtain the liberation of the prisoners, if it shall appear to his satisfaction, that they were involuntarily drawn into the unlawful enterprise in which they were engaged; and that dollars be appropriated to that purpose.
Mr. Upham moved to strike out the words in italics.—Motion lost.—ayes 35. The subject was debated till five
o'clock—Messrs. Ross, Upham, Livermore, Fisk, Knickerbacker, Holland, Cook and Pearson, supporting the report, and Messrs. Taylor, Randolph, Rhea and Macon, opposing it.
On the question, the votes were as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Bacon, Baylies, Bibb, Blaisdell, Breckenridge, J. Brown, Campbell, J. C. Chamberlain, W. Chamberlain, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Davenport, Dawson, Fly, Emott, Fisk, Gardner, Goldsborough, Gold, Hale, Haven, Heister, Holland, Hubbard, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Knickerbacker, Livermore, Livingston, Matthews, McBride, McKim, Miller, Milnor, Montgomery, Moseley, Mumford, Nicholson, Pearson, Pickett, P. B. Porter, Potter, Quincy, Ross, Sage, Say, Sheffey, Stanley, Steelman, Stephenson, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Tracy, Upham, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer, Wheaton, Whitman, Wilson.—62.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Anderson, Bard, Bassett, Boyd, R. Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clay, Cobb, Cochran, Crawford, Deah, Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Gannett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Helms, Howard, Huffay, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kenon, Kennedy, Lyle, Macon, Marion, McKee, N. R. Moore, Moore, Morrow, Nelson, Newton, J. Porter, Randolph, Rea of Pen. Rhea of Ten. Richards, Roane, Root, Sammons, Sawyer, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, G. Smith, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Synopee, Taylor, Weakley, Whitehill, Winn, Witherspoon.—61.
The votes being affirmative 62; negative 61, the Speaker voted in the negative—the votes then being equal, the question was lost. This is a conclusive decision of the subject for this session.
Thursday, June 15.
Mr. Whitman presented the petition of Wm. Hawkins, praying to be relieved from imprisonment in consequence of a penalty incurred for violation of embargo laws. Mr. W. moved a reference to a select committee. Motion negatived. On motion of Mr. Marion, referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Positions were presented by Messrs. Southard, Jackson and Bacon, from hat and woolen manufacturers, praying an encouragement from the government in their respective occupations. Referred.
Messrs. Key and Seaver obtained leave of absence from Monday next.
FINANCES.
The House again resolved itself into a committee, of the whole on the bill making further provision for the support of public credit and the redemption of the public debt—Mr. PITTIN in the Chair.
Mr. Quincy moved to strike out the whole of the bill except the enacting clause.
On this motion a debate occupied the House till near seven o'clock, in which Messrs. Quincy, Randolph, Dana, Macon, Goldsborough, Lyon and Tallmadge supported the motion, and Messrs. Eppes, Montgomery, W. Alston, Ross, J. G. Jackson and Holland opposed it.
The question being taken on Mr. Quincy's motion, was negatived 66 to 47.
Mr. Dana moved to amend the bill by inserting in the bill in substance as follows: "Provided that no loan shall be made under this act, unless the revenue, after reserving 600,000 dollars for the payment of the civil list, shall fall short of eight millions of dollars annually, as already by law pledged to the commissioners of the sinking fund."
After some observations from Messrs. Randolph and Dana, a motion was made for the committee to rise and carried.
On the question whether the committee have leave to sit again, it was suggested by some gentlemen that it would answer no good purpose, as there was no question now pending; but the motion by Mr. Dana, which could be renewed in the House, if the committee were discharged.
Before the question was decided, a motion was made to adjourn and carried.
[The unprecedented length of the sittings of the House, and the consequent great length of debates necessarily precludes us from publishing more than a part of the most important. Should nothing more important intervene, a brief view of the debate this day will be attempted.]
(BY AUTHORITY.)
ELEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, FIRST SESSION.
AN ACT
Making further appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the ports and harbors of the United States, and to erect such fortifications as may be necessary for the protection of the northern and western frontiers of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the purpose of completing the fortifications commenced for the security of the seaport towns and harbors of the United States, and territories thereof; and for erecting such
fortifications, as may, in the opinion of the President of the United States, be deemed necessary for the protection of the northern and western frontiers, there be appropriated the sum of seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, to be paid out of any monies in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States, President of the Senate.
June 14, 1809.
APPROVED,
JAMES MADISON.
AN ACT
Supplementary to an act, entitled "An act making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the ports and harbors of the United States and the territories thereof; and to erect such fortifications as may be necessary for the protection of the northern and western frontiers of the United States; and to establish an office in the Mississippi territory."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That so much of the act preceding to the United States, by which the register of the land office at New Orleans, in the state of Louisiana, within the Mississippi territory, for which a land office was directed to be established, by the second section of the act to which this act is supplementary, shall, with the exception of section number sixteen, be continued in force, and the use of schools within the said territory, with the exception of the sales of lands and lands contiguous thereto, directed by the direction of the President of the United States, may be continued for the future disposal of the said United States, be offered for sale to the highest bidder, under the direction of the receiver of public monies at the place where the land office is established; and on the day of sale, which shall have been designated by the direction of the President of the United States for that purpose, the said land shall remain open for six weeks, and no longer; the lands shall not be sold for less than two dollars an acre, and shall be sold in tracts of the same size, and in all respects on the same terms and conditions as have been or may be provided for the sale of the other public lands in the Mississippi territory. All the lands of the United States in the said district, with the exceptions above mentioned, remaining unsold at the close of the public sales, may be disposed of at private sale, by the register of the land office, in the same manner, under the same regulations, for the same price, and on the same terms and conditions as are or may be provided by law, for the sale of the lands of the United States in the Mississippi territory; and patents shall be obtained for lands sold in said district, in the same manner, and on the same terms as are provided by law for other public lands sold in the Mississippi territory.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the superintendents of the public sales, directed by this act, shall each receive six dollars a day for every day's attendance on the said sales.
JOSEPH B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States President of the United States, President of the Senate.
June 15, 1809.
APPROVED,
JAMES MADISON.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JUNE 16.
The Legislature of Maryland have risen without making choice of a Senator; a joint vote having been contended for on the part of the Senate, and a concurrent vote on the part of the House of Representatives.
New Hampshire. The Legislature of this state met at Concord on the 7th inst. It is stated that the Senate consists of seven federal and five republican members. On choosing a Speaker of the House, the federal candidate had 89, and the republican candidate 77 votes. The whole votes for Governor have been counted, and give Mr. Smith, federal, 15,632, and Mr. Langdon, republican, 15,161 votes. There remained 130 scattered votes.
New York, June 13.
Capt. Lake, of the Flora, from N. Orleans, informs us, that the French Consul at that place had applied to the Governor for the privilege of landing, about 18,000 French inhabitants who had been ordered to leave Cuba, which request was understood was granted.

BRIGADE ORDERS. The Commissioned Officers of the First Legion will be trained by the Brigade Inspector on Thursday the 15th, Friday 16th, and on Saturday 17th inst. on the ground north of the River. The roll will be called at 11 o'clock A.M. By order of Brig. Gen. JOHN MASON, JOHN COX, Brig. Maj. and Inspector M. D. C. June 14-25.
THE 45th DAYS DRAWING OF THE BLACK RIVER LOTTERY, is fast approaching. The first drawn number on that day will be 20,000 Dollars. Present price of tickets, 12 Dollars, but paid advance to 15 dollars on Saturday the 7th inst. The following high prizes are yet in the wheel. 1 prize of 20,000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 10,000 1 prize of 2,000 1 prize of 1,000 And a great number of $200 and smaller prizes in abundance. Letters, post-paid, enclosing bank notes, will be promptly attended to, and distant adventurers shall be early advised of the fate of their tickets. A regular check book of the drawing is kept for the inspection of the public gratis, By JOSEPH MILLIGAN, June 14-31. Georgetown.
FOR NEW ORLEANS. THE Schooner DORCHESTER , a staunch good vessel, will sail in six days—For freight of 200 barrels which will be taken low, or for passage, for which there is good accommodation, apply to the master on board, lying at the Navy Yard wharf. June 9-4d.
HOUSES TO RENT. To rent and possession given immediately, a store-house on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite Lindsay's Hotel. The house contains a store room twenty by twenty-six feet, with a good dry cellar below and loft above of the same size. This situation is as well calculated for a dry goods or grocery store as any in the city. Also a Two Story Brick House on P street, a few doors east of the Bank, and the next to Mr. Shoemaker's. This house has six rooms, four of which have fire places, and a good sized garden attached to it. I will sell the last mentioned property low and on a long credit. To rent or purchase apply to the Subscriber, or in his absence to R. C. Weightman. Washington, June 9th-4d.
NOW OPENING AND FOR SALE. R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-Store, Pennsylvania Avenue, a handsome assortment of Books, and Stationery, amongst which are the following: LAW BOOKS. Harrison's Chancery, 2 vols. Sugden's Law of Vendors, Newland on Contracts, Roberts on Fraudulent Conveyances, Kid on Awards, Selwyn's Nisi Prius, 3 vols. Maxwell's Law Dictionary, Watson on Partnership, Butler's Hovey, etc. Bayley's Reports, 5 vols. Admiralty Decisions, 2 vols. Douglas' Reports, 2 vols. Robinson's Admiralty Reports, 3 vols. Roberts on Frauds, Amesley on Insurance, Brady on Distresses, Peake's Evidence, Boulemaque on Laws, 2 vols. Boothe on Real Actions, Noy's Maxims, Jones on Bailment, Montague on Set-off, Pothier on Obligations, M'Nally's evidence, 2 vols. Peake's Nisi Prius, Vernon's Chancery, 2 vols. Lawes on Pleading, Powell on Devises, Park on Insurance, Cruise on Real Property, 6 vols. Ployden's Reports, 2 vols. Hale's Common Law, Notes to Blackstone, Burne's Justice, 4 vols. Attorney's Manual, Kyd on Bills, Burnes' Insurance, East's Crown Law, 2 vols. Foster's Reports, Dallas' Reports, 3 vols. Study of Law, Day's Espinasse, 2 vols. Buller's Nisi Prius, Gilbert's Law of Evidence, Graydon's Digest, Tidd's Practice, 2 vols. Espinasse's Nisi Prius, 2 vols. etc. etc. MISCELLANEOUS. Capt. Fanning's Memoirs, Montgomery's Poems, Chapтал's Chemistry, Barton's St. Pierre, 3 vols. Burne's Obstetrical Works, Ramsay's Washington, Campaigns of Bonaparte, 2 vols. Virgil's Georgics, Complete Farrier, Military Tutor, Lacroix's Military and Political Hints, Military Mentor, 2 vols. Military Library, by Lt. Col. Duane, 2 vols. and 1 vol. plates, Kosciusko's Manoeuvre of Horse Artillery, Rollin's Ancient History, 5 vols. 8vo. Lempriere's Classical Dictionary, Aiken's Annual Review for 1807, Edinburgh Review for October 1808, etc. M'Calloch's Music, Irish Melodies by A. Creighton Moore, etc. etc. NEW NOVELS. Woman, or Ida of Athens, by Miss Owenson, Thaddeus of Warsaw, by Miss Porter, Laura, Exiles of Siberia, Match Girl by Mrs. Edgeworth, 3 vols. etc. MINIATURE EDITIONS. Sharpe's British Theatre 18 vols. Zimmermann on Solitude, 2 vols. Illiad, Odyssey, Roderick Random, Junius, Old English Baron, Pope, Dryden's Virgil, Ossian, Thomson's Seasons, Gulliver, Cotton and Moore, Akenside, Gray, Petrarch, Shipwreck, Stevens' Lecture on heads, Dictionaries in Ornamented cases, etc. A general assortment of paper, quills, etc. wholesale and retail. Arrowsmith's maps of Europe, and America, on rollers, and in portable form, Writing Secretaries, Mathematical Instruments, etc. etc. Painting Ink of the first quality. A few boxes of best Havana Segars. June 5-6t.
SEBASTIAN SPRING. SITUATED near the new turnpike road between Washington and Alexandria, about three quarters of a mile from the Washington Bridge. The Subscriber has opened a House of Entertainment for the accommodation of travellers, the citizens of both places and their vicinity—Public Dinners and Tea Parties, &c. &c. will be furnished on a short notice in the stile required. He will always keep supplied with the best of Madeira, Port, Claret and Champagne—and will endeavor generally to keep the dainties of the season. A private room will be kept for the accommodation of Ladies. Ladies can be supplied with Sylvanb under the Cow every morning until six, and every evening until seven o'clock. He flatters himself that the encouragement he may receive, will enable him to extend his present plans. A. LINDO. N. B. Just received from New-York, a fresh supply of Champagne, Burgundy and Old Hocks. Strawberries and Cream, while in season, every afternoon. If for a large party a day's notice is requested. * * Liberal wages for one or two smart boys. May 24-4d.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, A Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 5th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq. and are the same on which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof of heavy timber. The uplands consist of about 1000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable. The premises will be shown to persons inclining to purchase, by col. James Moore, who lives near them, or by Samuel Blackwell, Esq. who lives near to them; and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to THOMAS ROBINSON, Near Chester, Delaware. Or to W. LEWIS, at Phila. June 7-4ds.
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines, likewise an elegant assortment of Spencelets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Morris's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 18-4d.
WALTER COX, Has just received for sale at T. Craven's Store, Navy Yard, a valuable collection of books On Law, Physic, Divinity, History, Voyages, Novels, low priced Family Bibles, and School Books. June 2-7t.
GRAND NATIONAL FESTIVAL FOR THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1809. THE subscriber proposes, should it be approved of by the citizens of the district of Columbia, to furnish a dinner for a number not exceeding 500 persons, in the grove adjoining his spring, which forms a beautiful shade and will be covered with a thousand yards of canvas handsomely decorated. He also proposes illuminating the grove in the evening with variegated colored lamps, and to conclude the mirth of the day with fire-works. The best band of music that can be obtained will be procured to assist in the grand festival. Should his plan be approved of, an early notice would be necessary, in which case the co-operation of two gentlemen of the district in his line of business will be solicited. A. LINDO, Sebastian Spring. June 7-.
BOOT-MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT-MAKER, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, has on hand and manufactures, BOOTS of the first quality, of the best materials and workmanship, and equal in neatness and durability to any in the United States—he can employ FIFTY MEN more to make strong shoes, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given. May 24-1m.
SPRING GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS—SIGN OF THE PLOUGH, Has received by the late arrivals an extensive assortment of DRY GOODS, Which they will sell at reduced prices for cash, or to punctilious customers at short dates. Among their stock are— 550 Pieces Calicoes, Cambric Muslins, Ginghams, Dimities, Chintzes & Shirting Muslins. 500 Pieces of coarse and fine India Muslins. 2500 Yds. Bright Ingrane and Venetian Carpeting. 600 Yds. Italian, French and India Silks. Noted, Ceded, Mullmul and Leno Muslins. Fancy Robes, Long Shawls, Spencers and Veils. Silk and Cotton Hosiery, Sleeves and Gloves. Cloths, Fancy Waistcoating, and fine Hats. Elegant Silk Shawls, Linnen Cambries and Laces. 10 Cases Furred and Wool Hats—Cheap. Furniture Calicoes, Dimities and Checks. Furniture Fringe, Lace, Tassels and Hatters Trimmings. Bed Tickings, Sheetings, Table Cloths and Diapers. White Janes, Country Linen and Ozanburgs, etc. —ALSO— Many other articles not mentioned.—A liberal deduction will be made to large buyers and those that buy to sell again. Also—Just received from the Manufactory in Rhode Island, 1200 yards of American made BED TICKING, Cheaper and superior in quality to the imported. June 7-4d.
VALUABLE FARM AND LOTS FOR SALE. WILL be sold at public sale, on the first Monday in October next, if not previously disposed of, that valuable farm in Prince George's County, Maryland, known by the name of ST. OSYTH. ST. OSYTH contains by estimation seven hundred and fifty acres of Land, between seventy and eighty acres of which are meadow, now fit for the scythe, and capable of being made to produce an hundred tons of hay at a crop—about two hundred and fifty or three hundred are in wood and timber, and the residue arable. No place perhaps in America, can be better watered or more healthy. The improvements consist of a dwelling house, two stories high, forty-two feet long by thirty-six wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below and four above, with a garret the whole size of the house, a kitchen and laundry under the same roof, two stories high, with two large rooms above for servants, a meat house, wash house, corn house and granary, a large tobacco house which may very easily be converted into a barn, a productive garden and pigeon house, and a young thriving orchard of excellent fruit, and of great variety from Prince's nursery on Long Island. The enclosures are new and in good order. Upon the same property and within a quarter of a mile is a small dwelling house with three rooms below and two above stairs, a kitchen, meat house and barn. This place at a small expense may be easily fitted up and made a most comfortable house for a small family. St. Osyth lies within four miles of the city of Washington, and about the same distance from the nearest ferry to Alexandria. If sold at private sale the lowest price for this valuable property is ten pounds an acre. A further description of the property is deemed unnecessary as those inclined to purchase will doubtless come and see it. The terms of sale may be known on applying to the subscriber living on the premises, Col. Sam. Hanson of Washington, or Dr. Wm. Baker, George Town. On the same day, if not before by private sale disposed of, will be sold the negroes, stock, etc. attached to the estate of the late O. Carr, deceased. The negroes will be sold for a term of years. For sale—Also, the following lots in the city of Washington: Lot No. 2, in sq. 702, front 54 feet 7 in. depth 175 ft. 8 in. In sq. 906 Lots No. 13, front 57 10 1-2, depth 100 ft. 26 ft. 25 ft. No. 14, front 58, depth 75. No. 15, 54 front, 78 and 100, 10 1-2 depth. No. 16, 34 front, 100 ft. 10 1-2 in. depth. No. 17, front 49 ft. 6 in. depth 100 1-2. JONA. B. CARR, Executor. May 17-1wtf.
FOR NEW ORLEANS. THE Schooner DORCHESTER , a staunch good vessel, will sail in six days—For freight of 200 barrels which will be taken low, or for passage, for which there is good accommodation, apply to the master on board, lying at the Navy Yard wharf. June 9-4d.
HOUSES TO RENT. To rent and possession given immediately, a store-house on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite Lindsay's Hotel. The house contains a store room twenty by twenty-six feet, with a good dry cellar below and loft above of the same size. This situation is as well calculated for a dry goods or grocery store as any in the city. Also a Two Story Brick House on P street, a few doors east of the Bank, and the next to Mr. Shoemaker's. This house has six rooms, four of which have fire places, and a good sized garden attached to it. I will sell the last mentioned property low and on a long credit. To rent or purchase apply to the Subscriber, or in his absence to R. C. Weightman. Washington, June 9th-4d.
SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, Which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices , As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Goods, to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell. CIST GIVEN FOR TOBACCO Inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse. FOR RENT, The upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a respectable family, if application is immediately made. June 9-4d.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. I WILL pay the above, to any person, who will apprehend and secure in any jail, ROSETTA, a Mulatto Girl, 18 years old, the property of Rachel Gant. She is of the middle size, and has that kind of hair or wool which negroes commonly have. She took with her one jacket and petticoat of cotton and wool, blue and white striped, another of tow linen, and some other clothes which I cannot describe. It is probable that she will offer her services to any person who will hire her in the city of Washington, if she is not with her mother at a farm of Mr. Stodder's near Bladensburg. EDWARD GANT. June 9-3t.
TO BE LET ON GROUND RENT, FOR 99 YEARS (renewable for ever,) On Saturday the 24th inst. (June) at the toll house of the Washington Bridge, at five o'clock in the evening. A CONSIDERABLE PART, if not the whole, of square 327, fronting on Maryland Avenue, which leads from the bridge over the Potomac to the Capitol, and contiguous to the foot of the bridge. The square will be laid out into convenient lots, so as to suit those who are disposed to rent. This square being in a most healthy, high and dry situation, and immediately on a great thoroughfare of the city, it is unnecessary to dwell on the probable advantages it will afford for business or for houses of public entertainment. The title is indisputable. S. SPEAKE, act. N. B. At the same time will be rented, for one or three years, the Wharf and Warehouse below the bridge, on square 472, lately in the occupation of Griffith Coombs. June 9-4ds.
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Salad Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, etc. etc. etc. George Town, May 24-4d.
WEISKOPFF and KELLER, CONFECTIONERS, High Street, George-Town, BEG leave to inform the ladies and gentlemen of the city of Washington, that they will be daily supplied with ICE CREAMS, to be served up either at their store or privately by giving a previous notice thereof. They will constantly be supplied with the various articles of confectionery, preserves, and conglacés of an exquisite taste. Ladies and gentlemen who will please to favor them, will meet with an anxious desire to give general satisfaction. May 26-12t.
A CARD. MR. DUPONT, respectfully informs the ladies and gentlemen of Georgetown and Washington, that he will open his Dancing School on Tuesday 6th inst. at Mr. A. Ritchie's, High Street, Georgetown. The subscription paper is left at J. Milligan's Bookstore, where ladies and gentlemen will please to apply previous to that time. Mr. D's engagements will not permit him to remain longer than three months. N. B. School for ladies at 4 o'clock P. M. gentlemen at half past seven. No scholars can be admitted after the first week or fourth lesson. June 2-6t.
WILLIAM S. NICHOLLS, Has just received from Philadelphia, AND OPENED FOR SALE, At his Store, opposite the Coffee House, an extensive assortment OF SPRING & SUMMER GOODS, Which being purchased on the very lowest terms—principally for cash—he will sell them as low as any person in this place. His assortment has generally been very complete; but he can assure his friends that it is better this spring than usual. He has many goods which he will sell by the piece lower than can be had in this place. Purchasers who wish to buy to sell again, will find it to their advantage to call on him. George Town, May 29-3w.
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have taken a commodious house in the street directly opposite the Marine Barracks, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction. NICHOLAS B. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29-4t.
JUST RECEIVED AT REILLY'S STORE, ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, Fresh Lemons, A few boxes good Raisins, Jawcson's celebrated Crackers, and Flour for family use of a superior quality. May 3-4d.
WANTED, IN THE CITY, An elderly WHITE WOMAN capable of Kitchen Concern, and somewhat acquainted with a small Dairy. A German will be preferred—Apply at this office. Washington, June 12, 1809. 3t
FOR NEW ORLEANS. THE subscriber proposes, should it be approved of by the citizens of the district of Columbia, to furnish a dinner for a number not exceeding 500 persons, in the grove adjoining his spring, which forms a beautiful shade and will be covered with a thousand yards of canvas handsomely decorated. He also proposes illuminating the grove in the evening with variegated colored lamps, and to conclude the mirth of the day with fire-works. The best band of music that can be obtained will be procured to assist in the grand festival. Should his plan be approved of, an early notice would be necessary, in which case the co-operation of two gentlemen of the district in his line of business will be solicited. A. LINDO, Sebastian Spring. June 7-.
BOOT-MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT-MAKER, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, has on hand and manufactures, BOOTS of the first quality, of the best materials and workmanship, and equal in neatness and durability to any in the United States—he can employ FIFTY MEN more to make strong shoes, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given. May 24-1m.
SPRING GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS—SIGN OF THE PLOUGH, Has received by the late arrivals an extensive assortment of DRY GOODS, Which they will sell at reduced prices for cash, or to punctilious customers at short dates. Among their stock are— 550 Pieces Calicoes, Cambric Muslins, Ginghams, Dimities, Chintzes & Shirting Muslins. 500 Pieces of coarse and fine India Muslins. 2500 Yds. Bright Ingrane and Venetian Carpeting. 600 Yds. Italian, French and India Silks. Noted, Ceded, Mullmul and Leno Muslins. Fancy Robes, Long Shawls, Spencers and Veils. Silk and Cotton Hosiery, Sleeves and Gloves. Cloths, Fancy Waistcoating, and fine Hats. Elegant Silk Shawls, Linnen Cambries and Laces. 10 Cases Furred and Wool Hats—Cheap. Furniture Calicoes, Dimities and Checks. Furniture Fringe, Lace, Tassels and Hatters Trimmings. Bed Tickings, Sheetings, Table Cloths and Diapers. White Janes, Country Linen and Ozanburgs, etc. —ALSO— Many other articles not mentioned.—A liberal deduction will be made to large buyers and those that buy to sell again. Also—Just received from the Manufactory in Rhode Island, 1200 yards of American made BED TICKING, Cheaper and superior in quality to the imported. June 7-4d.
VALUABLE FARM AND LOTS FOR SALE. WILL be sold at public sale, on the first Monday in October next, if not previously disposed of, that valuable farm in Prince George's County, Maryland, known by the name of ST. OSYTH. ST. OSYTH contains by estimation seven hundred and fifty acres of Land, between seventy and eighty acres of which are meadow, now fit for the scythe, and capable of being made to produce an hundred tons of hay at a crop—about two hundred and fifty or three hundred are in wood and timber, and the residue arable. No place perhaps in America, can be better watered or more healthy. The improvements consist of a dwelling house, two stories high, forty-two feet long by thirty-six wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below and four above, with a garret the whole size of the house, a kitchen and laundry under the same roof, two stories high, with two large rooms above for servants, a meat house, wash house, corn house and granary, a large tobacco house which may very easily be converted into a barn, a productive garden and pigeon house, and a young thriving orchard of excellent fruit, and of great variety from Prince's nursery on Long Island. The enclosures are new and in good order. Upon the same property and within a quarter of a mile is a small dwelling house with three rooms below and two above stairs, a kitchen, meat house and barn. This place at a small expense may be easily fitted up and made a most comfortable house for a small family. St. Osyth lies within four miles of the city of Washington, and about the same distance from the nearest ferry to Alexandria. If sold at private sale the lowest price for this valuable property is ten pounds an acre. A further description of the property is deemed unnecessary as those inclined to purchase will doubtless come and see it. The terms of sale may be known on applying to the subscriber living on the premises, Col. Sam. Hanson of Washington, or Dr. Wm. Baker, George Town. On the same day, if not before by private sale disposed of, will be sold the negroes, stock, etc. attached to the estate of the late O. Carr, deceased. The negroes will be sold for a term of years. For sale—Also, the following lots in the city of Washington: Lot No. 2, in sq. 702, front 54 feet 7 in. depth 175 ft. 8 in. In sq. 906 Lots No. 13, front 57 10 1-2, depth 100 ft. 26 ft. 25 ft. No. 14, front 58, depth 75. No. 15, 54 front, 78 and 100, 10 1-2 depth. No. 16, 34 front, 100 ft. 10 1-2 in. depth. No. 17, front 49 ft. 6 in. depth 100 1-2. JONA. B. CARR, Executor. May 17-1wtf.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
WILLIAM WARD, F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, etc. etc. LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambric handkerchiefs—Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loom Seeded Mullmul Muslins—Plain, Worked and Diagonal Lences—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1-4 & 6 1-4 Cambric Muslins—7 1-4 and 10 1-4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Ginghams, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Book Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Nankeen & W istecloths—Combs and Ribbons—Madder ss Handkerchiefs—Linnen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, etc. Gurrachs and Baltas—a few pieces of Snee Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also—A few boxes best Spenser Socks—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, etc. etc. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or at a short credit to his punctilious customers. April 26-4w6w.
GRAND NATIONAL FESTIVAL FOR THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1809. THE subscriber proposes, should it be approved of by the citizens of the district of Columbia, to furnish a dinner for a number not exceeding 500 persons, in the grove adjoining his spring, which forms a beautiful shade and will be covered with a thousand yards of canvas handsomely decorated. He also proposes illuminating the grove in the evening with variegated colored lamps, and to conclude the mirth of the day with fire-works. The best band of music that can be obtained will be procured to assist in the grand festival. Should his plan be approved of, an early notice would be necessary, in which case the co-operation of two gentlemen of the district in his line of business will be solicited. A. LINDO, Sebastian Spring. June 7-.
BOOT-MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT-MAKER, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, has on hand and manufactures, BOOTS of the first quality, of the best materials and workmanship, and equal in neatness and durability to any in the United States—he can employ FIFTY MEN more to make strong shoes, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given. May 24-1m.
SPRING GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS—SIGN OF THE PLOUGH, Has received by the late arrivals an extensive assortment of DRY GOODS, Which they will sell at reduced

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, EXTRA.
FRIDAY, JUNE 16.
The President of the U. States this day communicated the following MESSAGE to the Senate:
To the Senate of the United States.
In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant, I transmit extracts from letters from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, accompanied by letters and communications to him, from the British Secretary of State for the Foreign Department; all of which have been received here since the last session of Congress.
To these documents are added a communication just made by Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of State, and his answer.
JAMES MADISON.
June 15, 1809.
FROM MR. CANNING.
Foreign Office, 24th Dec. 1808.
SIR,
In my official note of the 23d of September, I stated to you the probability that some alterations might be made in the orders in council, with a view to adapt their operation more exactly to the altered state of Europe, and to combine all practicable relief to neutrals with a more severe pressure upon the enemy.
As this statement was however only incidental, and as I at the same time disclaimed any intention of taking advantage of such proposed alterations in the discussions then pending between us—seeing that if made, they would not be founded on the admission of any of the principles for which you were contending—it was perhaps not necessary that I should trouble you with any further communication upon this subject. But the order of which I have the honor to inclose a copy, having been passed by his Majesty in Council on Wednesday last, I am desirous previously to its actual publication, of explaining to you the grounds on which the more extended alterations, which were in contemplation, have been suspended.
It was intended to relax in a certain degree the regulations of the orders in council, with respect to such of the powers in hostility with his Majesty as were not, or should not place themselves, in a state of hostility with Spain; but at the same time that this relaxation was extended to other powers, to prohibit absolutely by strict, rigorous and unmitigated blockade, all intercourse whatever with France.
The adoption by these powers, who were to have been the objects of such relaxation, of the views and projects of France with respect to Spain, does away all assignable ground of distinction between France and those powers, and that part therefore of the intended alterations does not take place.
The alteration contained in the inclosed order in council stands upon a separate ground, and, as I have more than once understood from you that the part of the orders in council which this order goes to mitigate is that which was felt most sorely in the United States, I have great pleasure in being authorized to communicate it to you.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration,
Sir,
Your most obedient,
Humble servant, (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. William Pinkney, Esq.
His Majesty, in virtue of the powers reserved to him, by two certain acts passed in the 48th year of his Majesty's reign, the one entitled "An act for granting to his Majesty, until the end of the next session of Parliament, duties of customs on the goods, wares and merchandizes therein enumerated, in furtherance of the provisions of certain orders in council." The other entitled "An act for granting to his Majesty, until the end of the next session of Parliament, certain duties on the exportation from Ireland, of goods, wares and merchandize therein enumerated," is pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the operation of the aforesaid acts be suspended as to any duties on exportation, granted by the said acts, so far as relates to articles being the growth, produce or manufacture of any country, for the time being, in amity with his Majesty, and from the ports of which the British flag is not excluded, imported direct from such country into any port or place of the United Kingdom, either in British ships or in ships of the country of which such articles are the growth, produce or manufacture.
And his Majesty is further pleased, with the advice aforesaid, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the said duties on exportation be suspended, as to all goods, wares and merchandize, which have been, or may be condemned as prize until farther order shall be made therein.
MR. PINKNEY TO MR. CANNING. Great Cumberland Place, Dec. 28th, 1808.
SIR,
I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 24th instant, communicating an order passed by his Majesty in Council on Wednesday last; and have transmitted copies of these papers to my government.
It is perfectly true, as the concluding paragraph of your letter supposes me to believe, that the United States have viewed with great sensibility the pretension of this government (which, as a pretension the present order plainly reasserts, without much, if at all, modifying its practical effect) to levy imposts upon their commerce, outward and inward, which the orders in council of the last year were to constrain to pass through British ports.
But it is equally true, that my government has constantly protested against the entire system, with which that pretension was connected, and has in consequence required the repeal, not the modification, of the British orders in council.
I have the honor to be, With great consideration, Sir, your most obedient servant, (Signed) W. PINKNEY.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated March 10, 1809.
"I have received from Mr. Canning a notification of Blockade of which a copy is enclosed."
MR. CANNING TO MR. PINKNEY.
The undersigned, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, has received his majesty's commands to acquaint Mr. Pinkney that his majesty was judged it expedient to establish the most rigorous blockade of the Isles of Mauritius and Bourbon. Mr. Pinkney is therefore requested to apprise the American Consuls and Merchants, residing in England, that the Isles above mentioned are, and must be considered as being in a state of blockade; and that from this time all the measures authorized by the law of nations, and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels attempting to violate the said blockade after this notice.
The undersigned requests Mr. Pinkney to accept the assurances of his high consideration.
(Signed)
GEORGE CANNING.
Foreign Office, March 8, 1809.
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated London, May 1, 1809.
"I had the honor to receive, on the 25th of March, the letter of your predecessor of the 10th of February; and on the 15th of last month, Lieutenant Reed delivered to me your letter of the 15th of March."
"Upon the receipt of your letter of the 15th of March, it became my obvious duty to ask a conference with Mr. Canning. It took place accordingly on Monday, the 17th of April."
"At the close of the conference he told me that my communications were such as would require reflection, and would naturally make him anxious to see me again; and that he would fix as early a day as possible, and give me notice."
"Our next interview took place on the 27th of April."
"Mr. Canning read the new order in council, and then proceeded very briefly to suggest the practical alterations which it would introduce."
"I thought I should best discharge my duty by forbearing useless discussion—and by receiving as it was offered, but without making myself a party to it, an actual improvement, capable of future extension under the auspices of just and friendly sentiments and enlightened policy."
MR. CANNING TO MR. PINKNEY.
Foreign Office, April 30, 1809.
SIR,
When I had the honor to transmit to you on the 24th of December last, the orders in council passed on the 21st of that month, I referred to that passage of my official note of the 23d of September, 1808, in which I stated to you that, "It is not improbable indeed that some alterations may be made in the Orders in Council, as they are at present framed; alterations calculated not to abate their spirit or impair their principle, but to adapt them more exactly to the different state of things which has fortunately grown up in Europe, and to combine all practicable relief to neutrals with a more severe pressure upon the enemy,"—and I at the same time explained to you the grounds on which the design of the larger alterations
which had been in contemplation in September was for the time laid aside. By the order of Council which I have now the honor to inclose to you, that design, as explained in my official note of September 23d, is fully carried into execution.
I have the honor to be,
With the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedient
Humble servant,
(Signed,) GEORGE CANNING. William Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
[Here follows the British order of the 26th of April, as given in our paper of the 12th inst.]
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH. Washington, June 15, 1809.
SIR,
I have the honor to enclose the copy of an order of his Majesty in Council, issued on the 26th of April last.
In consequence of official communications sent to me from his Majesty's government, since the adoption of that measure, I am enabled to assure you that it has no connection whatever with the overtures, which I have been authorized to make to the government of the United States, and that I am persuaded that the terms of the agreement, so happily concluded by the recent negotiation, will be strictly fulfilled on the part of his Majesty.
The internal evidence of the order itself would fully justify the foregoing construction; and moreover, it will not have escaped your notice that the repeal has not thereby been made of the order of the 7th of January, 1807, which according to the engagement I have entered into, on the part of his Majesty, is to be abrogated with the other orders, in consequence of the adjustment of differences between the two countries, and the confidence entertained of a further conciliatory understanding.
I have the honor to be,
With the highest respect
And consideration,
Sir, your most obedient humble
Servant,
(Signed) D. M. ERSKINE. The hon. Robt. Smith, &c. &c. &c.
MR. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE. Department of State, June 15, 1809.
SIR,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of this day, communicating the order in Council, issued by His Britannic Majesty on the 26th April last.
However well persuaded the President may, at all times, have been that the arrangement, so happily effected by the late negotiation, would be strictly fulfilled on the part of His Britannic Majesty, he has, nevertheless, received with satisfaction your renewed assurance to that effect, with the further assurance, founded on official communications to you from your government since the adoption of the order in Council of the 26th April, that that order was not intended to have any connection whatever with the overtures, which you had been authorized to make to the government of the United States.
I have the honor to be,
With the highest respect,
Your most obedient servant,
(Signed,) R. SMITH.
Hon. David M. Erskine, &c. &c. &c.