The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-03-02 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1153.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 2, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
No American, animated by the faintest glow of patriotism, can read the following well-penned essays, without being penetrated with deep mortification at contrasting the candid & just acknowledgements of a Briton with the insidious and unfounded representations that seem in this country almost habitually to emanate from party spirit. Whatever malignity can distort to its favorite purpose of destroying the character of those who represent the great majority of the nation is seized and managed with eagerness, and apparent delight that is altogether insensible to the effects it may produce on the national character or prosperity. It is forgotten that we are all embarked in the same bottom, & it does not seem to be realized that our fate will be a common one. Nothing can exhibit, in more striking colors, the delirium of either personal or party resentment than the blindness with which it pursues an end, which can only be gained on the destruction of him who indulges it.
We earnestly invite our readers to a careful and deliberate perusal of these papers. They indisputably establish two points: the utter futility of the charge of submission to French power; and the hollowness of the pretext on which Britain grounds her gigantic invasions of maritime rights.
To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle.
SIR,
I have observed with much regret, that the message of the President of the U. States has been canvassed among us, rather in a strain of acrimonious invective, than in the spirit of temperate and candid inquiry. The discussion is of such importance, as to demand the mediation of our most deliberate and unclouded judgment, and our angry passions are, therefore, the most unfit counsellors that we can summon to our aid. We have been long accustomed to regard Mr. Jefferson as the inveterate enemy of this country, and I fear that, under the influence of this impression, we apply to the message the character we have framed for the man, as a rule of construction, and a ground of reproach. If there be nothing in the message abstractedly viewed, to warrant the severity of our censure, this mode of interpretation is, to say no more of it, uncharitable, and if we recur at all, to the prejudices we ascribe to him, it should be only to applaud the dominion that he has exercised over his private resentments in the discharge of a public duty. I attribute the estimate formed of this message by the liberal and enlightened portion of our community, in some degree, to an undue, although amiable predominance of national feeling, but principally, to an ignorance of several important circumstances, that go to explain his silence on the subject of French aggressions. I shall therefore beg leave to submit to their consideration, a statement of facts, collected from unquestionable authority, and which I shall venture, however, to preface by some general observations on the parts of his message, that have given most dissatisfaction.
I shall advert in the first instance, to the literary censorship that has been usurped over this paper. If I were disposed to embrace the defence of the author's style, I should certainly plead to the jurisdiction of such self-created tribunals as those of our ministerial editors, who, themselves, appear to have sworn eternal enmity to licit order and grammatical purity. But I am no master "of the whole extension of language," and shall not, therefore, undertake a formal vindication either of American style in general, or of that of the message. I must, however, be permitted to add that I cannot discover in the production now under review, a solitary
word, or combination of phrase, that is not habitually employed by the most chaste and classical writers of England on the contrary I think I can discern throughout, the stamp of a pregnant, vigorous intellect; great occasional aptitude of expression, and felicity of arrangement, qualities that so eminently distinguish the celebrated Notes on Virginia.
The most important accusations preferred against the message is, that it betrays strong symptoms of rancor against England, and of partiality to France. Our ministerial prints have urged this point so strenuously, and indulged in so much general invective, that scope is left for conjecture, about the nature of the end to which their labors are directed. They have, perhaps fallen upon the ingenious device of making the most of the occasion, in order to kindle our indignation against the government and people of the United States, and thus league our feelings with the grand experiment of universal warfare. I abandon, however, this surmise to the sagacity of the public, and proceed to state, that after a most diligent and dispassionate examination of the message, I am unable to find in it a single determinate indication of hostility to this country or predilection for France. It is but a plain, calm narrative, with no warmth of coloring, or latitude of remark. The President commences, by a simple detail of the causes, the progress, and the result of the late American mission to our court. The affair of the Chesapeake, and the measures it entailed, are noticed without a comment, and certainly not in the language of violence or exaggeration. On the subject of France nothing occurs, but a remote allusion to the famous decree of November. The President adverts, in the beginning of his message, to "successive innovations on the principles of public law, &c." & in this part, evidently alludes to certain acts of the British government. When we consider his official character, it will surely be acknowledged, that there is nothing novel or obscure in this language—nothing that testifies any particular congeniality of sentiment, or recent coincidence of views with the French Emperor. He obviously alludes to our attempts on colonial commerce, our interdiction of the coasting trade, our impressment of American seamen, and to all our multiplied restrictions on neutral navigation, which have given rise to so much earnest and doubtful discussion under the administrations of Washington and Adams, and which these, his predecessors, uniformly reprobated, as subversive of the established usage of nations, and resisted, as encroachments upon sacred and indefeasible rights. The object, moreover, of the late extraordinary mission to this country, was to lay the fiend of discord that has haunted us so long, by a compromise of neutral and belligerent pretensions, and it was both natural and proper to introduce this topic to Congress, by a summary of the causes that led to the adoption of the measure. The President also calls the attention of the Legislature to our order of council, of January 7, 1807; and conformably to the principles invariably professed, and constantly maintained by the American government, styles it a violation of maritime rights. To mention it was an indispensable duty, and I know not how, as an American President, he could have done so in any other manner. His exposition is no more than correct. The order does interdict all neutral trade between ports of nations at war with us. It is stated in its preamble to be a measure of retaliation on France, justified by the ex cesses of the enemy, not by the practice of former hostilities. It is, therefore, as Mr. Jefferson qualifies, it a new law of the ocean, and submission to it, was not a matter of course. It was first to undergo the scrutiny of Congress; and in order to assist their deliberations, the President states, without aggravation, its injurious effects on the American trade in the Mediterranean—a consideration of primary importance.
Enough, I think, has been now said, to destroy the unfavorable inferences that are drawn from the allusions made in the Message to this country. Let us now examine, whether the moderation which Mr. Jefferson has displayed towards France, be not susceptible of an
ample justification. His silence on the subject of the French decree of 1806, is the chief ground of our discontent; which I shall attempt to remove by shewing in the first place, that the government of the U. S. did receive as soon after the promulgation of the Decree as possible, satisfactory assurances that it was not to be carried into operation against their trade. If this position can be substantiated, and if it can be then proved, that the decree has not been enforced in such of its provisions as infringe neutral rights, the propriety of Mr. Jefferson's conduct must be, I should imagine, sensible to every understanding.
Before I exhibit the nature of the assurances suggested above, I shall premise, that the U. S. although none such had been given, could justifiably have abstained from raising their voice against the decree, until they saw it carried into effect. This event was highly improbable, and is so described by the late administration, in their exposition of his majesty's sentiments on the subject. The American government, from existing relations between them and France, were entitled to consider the measure as one intended for the continent of Europe alone. Their convention of the year 1801, framed under the Consulate of Bonaparte, was irreconcilable with its leading provisions, and they could well conclude that it was not his intention to violate positive engagements. The twelfth article of the Convention, that I have just cited, expressly stipulates for the right of trading to, and between the ports of the enemies of France. The decree, as we know, declares England in a state of blockade, and thereby regularly subjects to capture vessels destined to our ports. Gen. Armstrong, the American minister at Paris, although well satisfied, from the circumstances of the case, that no such effect was contemplated, sought an explanation without delay. He addressed a letter, dated 20th of December, to the minister of marine, who was particularly charged with the execution of the decree, specifying the articles susceptible of an interpretation prejudicial to American commerce, and requesting a solution of the doubts which they were calculated to excite. On the 24th of the same month, the minister of marine sent the following reply, which I have translated from a printed copy, now before me, published at Paris.
"PARIS, 24th Dec. 1806.
"To the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
"I hasten to reply to the note which you did me the honor to communicate on the 20th of this month.
"I am of opinion that the imperial decree of the 21st November, does not in its present shape, alter the regulations now in force in France, on the subject of neutral navigation, nor consequently affect the convention of the 30th September, 1801, with the United States.
"But, although by this answer I have fully resolved the four questions submitted to me by your excellency, I think I may add—1s. That, as the declaration contained in the first article of the decree of the 21st of November, does not alter the present French code of maritime capture, it is unnecessary to examine what construction, restriction, or extension may be given to this article.—2. That captures, contrary to the existing laws, will not accrue to the benefit of the captors.—3. That an American vessel cannot be taken at sea, merely because she is sailing to, or returning from an English port, since, conformably to the 7th article of the said decree, we can go no farther in France, than merely exclude from our ports vessels coming from England, or English colonies.—4. That as the regulations of the 2d and 5th articles of the said decree are in the nature of a general law, they naturally apply to foreigners domiciliated in France, or in countries occupied by the troops of his majesty the emperor and king: but, that it would be proper for your excellency to refer to the minister of exterior relations, as to that part which concerns the communication of citizens of the United States with England.
"I beg your excellency to accept the assurance of my high consideration.
"(Signed)
"DECRES."
I am credibly informed that verbal explanations to the same purport were given; but nothing, in fact, could be more explicit or satisfactory than this answer. It was transmitted by the minister of marine himself to the United States, to serve as a body of instructions to French cruisers in the West Indies, and was officially communicated to the American government by General Turcau, the French ambassador, as the construction given to the decree by the ministers of the emperor and king charged with its execution. These facts are collected from a letter of General Armstrong, dated 12th September last to an American merchant, who had occasion to make use of them before the court of prizes at Paris, and must be well known to our government.
It is also a matter of notoriety, that orders, in conformity to the above explanation, were issued to all French
cruisers, and that American vessels bound to our ports are every day boarded by French privateers, and suffered to pass without molestation. No instance has occurred, at least until within a period so recent that Mr. Jefferson could not have been apprized of the fact at the time of writing his message, in which the decree has been differently expounded. In one case, during the last winter, capture on the ground of the general blockade, fell collaterally under the consideration of the court of prizes at Paris, and was expressly adjudged to be unlawful.
VERITAS.
To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE.
SIR,
I yesterday solicited your attention to a succinct view of the assurances given by France to the United States, relative to the operation of the decree of Nov. 1806, and shall, to-day, invoke your indulgence in favor of some additional remarks on the same subject. Our newspaper speculations on this head demonstrate an ignorance of the true history of this transaction, that is, to me, altogether incomprehensible, when I reflect, that it was marked by features of a character too prominent to have eluded the most ordinary political or commercial vigilance. The result of General Armstrong's application was regularly and promptly notified to the American consuls of the principal ports of the continent, and must soon have reached this country, if I may judge from the facility, with which we receive and propagate even the most idle rumors. This supposition is confirmed by a fact that cannot have escaped the recollection of our merchants. When the Imperial decree was first announced to us, premiums of insurance on neutral vessels were considerably enhanced, but soon fell to their antecedent level, in consequence of the arrival of letters from France and Holland, communicating, upon the authority of the American minister at Paris, the explanations detailed in your paper of yesterday. It may be well to subjoin another circumstance corroborative of the opinions with which I could wish the public to be imbued relative to this affair. The Spaniards, as Mr. Jefferson mentions in his message, enacted a similar decree, and, in a few instances, had actually carried it into effect against the American trade. As soon, however, as the declarations of the French government, concerning the original measure, were laid before them by the American Chargé d'Affaires, at the court of Madrid, a construction, merely co-extensive with that of the French minister of marine, was adopted, and immediately followed by the liberation of the captured vessels. The case of the American ship the Shepherds, taken into Spain under the Spanish order, and afterwards released upon a change of system, must be well known at Lloyd's.
As long as the convention of 1801, and the interpretation of the minister of the marine subsisted in their full force, the decree was as a dead letter with regard to American commerce, except in that article which excludes from French ports all vessels having previously touched in England. The United States are not, however, entitled to resent this exclusion, although somewhat detrimental to their interests. It is but an act of competent jurisdiction, a mere exercise of territorial sovereignty, sanctioned by the authority of law and usage. France has an undoubted right to regulate trade in her own ports, as she pleases; and the case is widely distinct from an order of council, modifying neutral navigation on the high seas. America might resist the one as an usurpation, when she could only remonstrate against the other, as an inconvenient but lawful restriction. Opposition is in one case a point of honor; in the other, a mere question of expediency. Should the internal regulation be evidently dictated by an hostile spirit, or be productive of great and wide-spread injury, it might possibly warrant an appeal to arms. This provision of Bonaparte has, however, no such appendages, and is, in fact, the same in principle as one of our own navigation laws, prohibiting the importation of a particular commodity in a foreign bottom. The exclusion of British manufactures and produce was the object in view; for the attainment of the same end were certificates of origin, about which much senseless clamor has been raised, exacted by the French government, and upon the same principles was it but just to acquiesce in them.
While the rights and interests of America were thus solemnly guaranteed by official assurances, and a correspondent practice, Great Britain could not, with reason, complain of her inactivity. Exclusive of the motives derived from general reasoning, she has every inducement to conclude, that we did not require or expect her to make opposition to the decree, until actually enforced against her trade. To this precise effect is the declaration of his majesty's sentiments on the subject, conveyed in a note addressed to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, the American commissioners,
and signed by our plenipotentiaries, Lords Holland and Auckland.—I shall quote the language of the note, as illustrative of my position. "If, however, the enemy should carry these threats into execution, (alluding to the decree) "and if neutral nations should, contrary "to all expectation, acquiesce in such "usurpations, his majesty might, probably, be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate in his just defence, and to issue orders to his cruisers to adopt "towards neutrals any hostile system, "to which those neutrals shall have "submitted from his enemies."—In this formal announcement of the feelings and intentions of our government, we claim but a contingent right of retaliation; we render submission to the decree actually enforced, the only condition upon which we are to be driven to adopt towards neutrals, a similar hostile system. I need not here suggest, how far the phraseology of this note is from affording a justification to our late orders of council.
An opinion appears to be generally prevalent in this country, that America has almost contracted a habit of submission to insults and injuries from France, and has therefore no right to struggle, when we choose to follow the supposed example of our neighbor, and hold the cup of humiliation to her lips. Without descending on the obvious fallacy of this conclusion, I shall proceed to deny the accuracy of the supposition, on which our reasoning is founded. I have sought information on this point from the best sources, and can affirm with confidence, that France, during the last two years, has given no serious cause of complaint to the government of the United States. She appears, on the contrary, to have fallen into a marked dereliction of her established system of violence, by not merely abstaining from outrage, but by studiously consulting their feelings, and courting their friendship. Upon no important points, indeed, could the interests of the United States come into collision with her views, and where partial differences have arisen, a disposition to amicable adjustment has shown itself with promptitude and efficacy. The American minister at Paris has been permitted to occupy a ground not conceded to the plenipotentiaries of the great powers of the continent. He has constantly spoken and acted with a freedom and dignity commensurate to his character as the Representative of a neutral and independent nation, rejoicing in the good-will, but not deprecating the frowns of France. Both in his private and public intercourse with the government, he is treated with a deference, the more flattering when contrasted with the supercilious attitude assumed towards his diplomatic brethren.
If, then, the rights and interests of America have not been invaded, in any one instance, that could have been known to Mr. Jefferson at the time of writing his Message, and I challenge our politicians to point out any public outrage, will it be contended, that it was incumbent on him to say more in relation to France than he has done? Was it consistent with the principles of common sense, of sound policy, or of public decorum, to have inveighed, by anticipation, against a power, so formidable in her feelings, and so formidable in her hostility; or to have summoned Congress to legislate on possible vicissitudes and prospective evils? The Decree of Nov. and the explanations consequent upon it had been, as Mr. Jefferson states in his Message, previously communicated to the Legislature; they had chosen to acquiesce in them; no alteration had supervened, either in the doctrine or practice of France; and it would argue a gross misconception of the character of an American President, to suppose, that he could, under such circumstances, revive this topic, and remand Congress, as our Bench does a jury, for a reconsideration of their verdict.
Before I leave the subject of the decree, I shall call the attention of the reader to a circumstance of some moment connected with the explanation of the Minister of the Marine. It should be remarked, that by his mode of interpretation, no inviolable immunities are granted to, or any precise exception made in favor of the U. States. All neutrals are declared equally unassailable, inasmuch as the decree is said to produce no change in the existing French laws relative to maritime capture. Thus is America shielded from the charge of collusion. If this, however, had not been the case, I believe it will not be seriously alleged, that she was to throw down the gauntlet to Bonaparte, and involve herself in a rumous war, merely because, by his decree, general principle should suffer violation, or some distant and defenceless nation be oppressed. I know not by what authority we could exact so heavy a sacrifice. With equal plausibility might the French Emperor demand her to avenge the memory of justice, of mercy, of private friendship and public morality, which he alleges to have been outraged and stabbed to the heart at Copenhagen. Such a quixotic system of policy would have entailed uninterrupted strife upon the U. States, since the era of their independence, for many years have elapsed, since "swords have become

the law, and strong arms the conscience of Europe. The most chivalrous, romantic notions of honor would scarcely impose on them the obligation of rubbing up the almost forgotten arms of their ancestors, and putting on their paper helmet, in order to redress the wrongs done to the puny principalities of Pappenburg and Oldenburg, by the giant conqueror of nations. So close an imitation of the renowned Knight of la Mancha, even G. Britain has left unassayed, notwithstanding her heroic spirit of enterprise. The common cause of neutrality may afford materials for many a florid phrase, and much idle speculation may be indulged about the fealty due to the commonwealth of nations, but, in the present melancholy condition of mankind, America will act both wisely and honestly by keeping aloof until her own interests are deeply wounded or her independence directly attacked.
VERITAS.
FROM THE GERMAN PAPERS.
Extract from the minute-book of the office of Secretary of State.
Palace of Fontainbleau, November 13.
We, Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and Protector of the Rhine, upon the report of our minister of finance, have decreed, and do decree as follows:
Art. 1. The enactments of our imperial decree of the 6th of August, 1807, are applicable to the cargoes of vessels which may arrive in the mouth of the Wezer; those articles of merchandise, therefore, specified in the 2d article of the said decree, shall be seized and confiscated; and all colonial produce shall be accompanied with a certificate of origin, delivered by our commercial commissaries at the different ports where they were taken on board.
II. Our commercial commissaries shall not confine themselves in their certificates, merely to attest that the colonial produce comes neither from the colonies of England, nor from her commerce; they shall also point out the place of their origin, the papers which have been submitted to them in support of the declaration made to them, and the name of the ship on board which they have been originally transported from the place where they were produced to that where the commissaries reside. They shall address duplicates of their certificates to the director general of the customs.
III. All ships which, after having touched at any English port, on any account whatever, shall arrive in the mouth of the Elbe and of the Wezer, shall be seized and confiscated, together with their cargoes, without any exception or distinction of produce or merchandise.
IV. The captains of ships arriving in the mouth of the Elbe or of the Wezer, must make declaration to the chief officer of the imperial customs on that station, of the place from which they sailed, as well as of those which they touched at; and shall deliver to him their manifests, bills of lading, sea papers, and registers. When the captain has signed this declaration, and delivered up his papers, the custom house officer shall interrogate the sailors one by one, in presence of two head collectors; if it appear from this examination, that the ship has touched at an English port, beside the seizure and confiscation of the ship and cargo, the captain as well as those of the sailors, who, upon their examination, have made a false declaration, shall be made prisoners, and shall not be liberated till after paying a sum of six thousand francs by way of penalty for the captain, and a sum of five hundred francs for each of the arrested sailors, in addition to the penalties incurred by those who falsify their sea papers and registers.
V. If the advices and information communicated to the director of the customs resident at Hamburg, excite suspicions with regard to the origin of the cargoes, they shall be provisionally deposited in warehouses, till it has been ascertained and declared that they come neither from England nor from her colonies.
VI. The line of officers of the customs formed upon the Elbe, and the frontier of Holslein, shall be augmented by 100 men. The director general of our customs shall give the necessary orders for placing overseers detached from that line, at the ports situated on the mouth of the Wezer, and for their exercising the strictest inspection of all ships which shall approach.
VII. The inspectors of customs are authorized to make visits to the isle of Nieuwajk, and to the Wats, or other little isles situated in the mouths of the Elbe and Wezer.
VIII. The commandants of troops of the line, and of the Gens d'Armerie, are bound to lend their aid to these inspectors, as often as they shall be required to do so, by the chief custom house officer of the district.
IX. Our ministers of War and of Finance, are charged each in his own department, with the execution of this decree.
(Signed) NAPOLEON. HUGHES B. MARET, Secretary of state. (A true copy) GAUDIN, Minister of Finance. (A true copy) COLLIN, Director-general of the customs. (A true copy) EUDEL, Director of the customs.
COAL. 2,200 bushels just received. Per schooner Saucy Will, capt. Lewis, which will be sold low if taken from on board immediately. ANTHONY REINTZEL. Georgetown, March 2—3t
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22.
Debate on the bill supplementary to the act laying an embargo, &c.
CONCLUDED.
The SPEAKER said he was under the necessity of reminding gentlemen that the question before the House was on the recommittal of the bill.
Mr. LIVERMORE said he had apprehended that was the motion, and that they were not now considering the propriety of laying the embargo. For his own part he thought the bill ought to be committed; and he hoped the gentleman from Virginia would not say that he was one of those mushroom politicians or political wiseacres he had alluded to, because he concurred with him in agreeing that the bill should be recommitted to be amended or thrown into some kind of order. He should forbear making any comments on the speech of the honorable gentleman last up on the propriety of laying an embargo; but at some time when the subject was properly before the House, he would go into a discussion.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said it was with more than usual reluctance that he rose to address the House on this occasion, and nothing but a sense of duty would impel him to enter into a discussion in which it might be necessary to notice charges made against the majority of this House, of the Senate and against the government in general, which if true ought to be proved and made known to the public, so as to produce a total renovation in the national councils, and if false, ought to consign their authors to that disgraceful infamy which such conduct was calculated to draw upon them; an infamy that should mark them out as common calumniators, and hold them forth as fit objects for national contempt. The petty scribblers in the party newspapers have been for some time engaged in circulating reports of French influence over the councils of the nation; these charges were in themselves so destitute of even the semblance of truth, so totally unfounded, and unsupported by any facts to give them the color of probability, that they made little or no impression on the public mind, and were rejected as slanderous falsehoods, the mere offspring of malignity, as generally as they were known. The more respectable public prints of the same party refuted these charges and treated them with that contempt which they deserved. They therefore received no serious notice from those against whom they were made, and there appeared to be a general disposition to suffer them to sink into that silent oblivion to which the good sense of the nation would most certainly have consigned them. But when those charges are borrowed from those petty scribblers, and echoed and repeated on this floor, by a person having the honor of a seat in the House, it is high time they should be noticed, to be longer silent would be criminal. Issue is now joined, and the guilty, whoever they may be, whether the accused or the accusers, must stand forth before the nation, stripped of their mask of concealment, to receive the sentence of public indignation, that will frown them with contemptuous obscurity. For there is no medium in this case, the accusers or the accused must be guilty—must be enemies to their country—and it is high time the nation, the people of America, should know their friends from their foes. The crisis call for it, the duty we owe the people calls for it, and the honor and dignity of this House demand that the guilty should be exposed. If the charges can be supported that any portion of the members of this House are acting under foreign influence, let the people know it, let them change their representation, let them send men of integrity, who are superior to the secret influence of a foreign power; but if on the contrary those allegations are found to be false and unfounded, then let the nation know this and let the finger of scorn point at those who have published such groundless falsehoods, and render them the objects of public contempt and detestation. This subject is now fairly before the public, & he who had made such serious charges on this floor, charges that the majority of this House is acting under the impulse of French or Gallic influence, will it be presumed produce to this House and the nation, and he is now called upon to do so, the proofs, the evidence or facts that support those charges, and if these are not produced, it must be considered by this House and by the nation, that there are no such proofs of fact; and that therefore these charges are groundless calumnies circulated abroad at this important crisis by the enemies of this country, to distract the public mind and destroy the confidence of the people in their government, which would paralyse the energies of the nation, and render her more vulnerable to the attacks of a foreign enemy.
On the subject of the embargo, Mr. Campbell said he had hitherto been silent in this House; he thought it more important to act than to speak. The reasons for passing the law laying an embargo, said Mr. C. appeared to me, as they did I presume to a majority of the House, so strong, so self evident, that they must produce conviction without argument, and to discuss a measure under such circumstances appeared like a useless waste of time, and as it were admitting a doubt where none existed. And since the passage of that law events have succeeded each other so rapidly, which prove to every American friendly to his country, whose mind
is not warped by prejudice, not only the propriety and policy of the law, but the great importance and absolute necessity of it at the time for the security of our merchandise and seamen, the preservation of peace, and to prepare the country for war, that even those who opposed the measure at first, seemed to be convinced of its utility, and appeared disposed to support it as the only means in our power calculated to preserve the honor and promote the general welfare of the nation. The public sentiment throughout this union so far as it has been in the power of the people to express it, in their legislative, as well as individual capacity, has not only sanctioned this law, but warmly approved the policy of it, and pledged the energies of the nation to support the measure. Thus it would seem that the reasons for passing it appeared as self evident to and made as strong an impression on the minds of the people at large, as they did on the minds of the majority of the national legislature. It was therefore deemed unnecessary to enter into an investigation of those reasons on this floor.
But when charges of the most serious nature are made on this floor against the majority of the House—charges that they are acting under & governed by French influence (for this is in substance the allegation), charges which I believe to be unfounded with respect to every member in the House, of the majority, and which so far as regards myself I know to be, and now so declare them, infamous, groundless falsehoods, it may be proper, and I deem it my duty to state very briefly some of the reasons that governed my conduct in voting for the law laying an embargo, and the subsequent supplemental act, for carrying into more complete effect the same object, and which will also induce me to vote for the bill now under discussion. These reasons arise from the situation in which this nation was at that time placed in relation to the great belligerent powers of Europe. We were then officially informed that Bonaparte had determined to execute in the most rigorous manner, his decree of the 21st Nov. 1806, declaring the British Isles in a state of blockade. By this measure our commerce with G. Britain and her dependencies was interdicted—at the same time was made known to us a proclamation issued by the British government relative to seamen asserting her right, and declaring her determination to pursue a certain line of conduct on the ocean incompatible with the hitherto acknowledged laws of nations, a conduct which has been the subject of dispute between that government and ours for several years past, and to which she was well assured, by the representations of our government, we would not assent, and could not submit, without sacrificing at the foot of British power, our national honor and independence: in addition to these it was known that the British ministry had informed our ambassadors at London that they would adopt orders to countervail the French blocking decree, and a note to this effect was annexed to the treaty which had been agreed upon by the commissioners of the two countries, and afterwards rejected by our government. This note appeared in the public prints previous to the passage of the embargo law, and was sufficient to convince every man, that G. Britain would act according to this declaration. About the same time it was stated in the government prints of that country which had reached us, that orders on the part of G. Britain, countervailing the French decree, and declaring France and all her dependencies (being almost the whole continent of Europe) in a state of siege, had been prepared, and were about to be published. That this measure therefore either was adopted by G. Britain, or certainly would be in a short time, was fairly calculated upon, and generally believed. The event has justified the expectation. The countervailing orders have been since issued by G. Britain, interdicting all commerce with France and her dependencies, and these have been following by orders after orders almost innumerable. In what situation then were we placed by those decrees and orders? Prohibited from all commerce with England and her territories by France; and on the other hand, interdicted from all commerce with France and the rest of the continent by the orders of Great Britain. Where then could our vessels go without being exposed to capture? Not to a single port in Europe or her dependencies. In this situation what were we to do? We had but one alternative, either to go to war with all the powers of Europe at once, or suspend for a time all intercourse with them, and keep at home our merchandise, vessels and seamen—we were not prepared for the former, either with men or resources—nor could it possibly be our interest to enter into such a contest if it could be avoided—we chose to adopt the latter, it was certainly the least evil of the two. It was the only measure that left us the chance of preserving peace, and at the same time enabled us to be prepared for war. There was no other means by which war could be avoided. Our vessels were liable to seizure on the ocean, if bound to any port in Europe or her dependencies. Seizures under such circumstances would have been just cause of war—had our vessels gone out and been captured, we should have been forced into a war from which we could expect to derive no benefit, and which it was our interest to avoid, if possible. Placed as we appeared to be in the midst of danger, as it were between Scylla and Charybdis, we endeavored to steer a middle course at equal distances from the violence of the waves and the dangers of the rocks on either shore—We have hitherto succeeded in
that object—we have pursued such a course as has not put it in the power of either of the belligerents to charge us with partiality in our conduct—they have not attempted it; this charge has been confined to the minorities of disaffection within our own country. There is scarcely a reflecting man who denies at this day the policy and correctness of the law laying the embargo. It has hitherto saved us from the dangers and calamities of war—and it would seem as if the finger of Providence had pointed out this measure as the most fortunate that could under existing circumstances have been adopted. It will no doubt press hard on ourselves in some respects, and it must be expected that any measure, that we could have adopted which would produce any effect on others, would press hard on ourselves, but it will bear much harder on those powers, who occasioned it, and make them feel the necessity of our commerce. It will bear in a great degree equally hard on the great belligerent powers of Europe, England and France—their West India colonies will suffer equally for want of provisions. France will lose more of the colonial trade hitherto carried on by neutrals, in consequence of the embargo, than Great Britain, and indeed the loss of trade in general by France, on this account will be greater than that of G. B. as the former for some time past received a great proportion of her trade by the American shipping—But on the other hand G. B. may suffer more for want of the raw materials furnished for her manufactures heretofore by this country than France, but both will sensibly feel the loss of our trade—and the measure so far as regards us, is calculated to operate equally on both, and no possible difference can be discovered to exist.
Under these circumstances, what pretence, what foundation is there for saying that in adopting this measure there was any partiality manifested for France? There is none that can be perceived. There is another circumstance attending the case which at once seems to baffle any attempt to shew partiality in the operation of the law before the House. It is said this law is to operate as a non-intercourse law—that you are going to cut off all intercourse with the colonies of one of the belligerent powers (G. B.) bordering on our North-East frontier, and partiality has been charged on this ground. But gentlemen seem to have forgotten that Spain possesses territories on our South and South-western frontier, on which this law will operate as severely as it will on the territory on our North Eastern frontier—and that Spain is the ally of France, and that of course what operates on Spain, operates on France. This law will therefore operate equally on those powers even in this respect. There is not therefore the least foundation for the assertion that the embargo is calculated to favor France. If there were no other data to judge from but the effects it must have on that power and her allies, who derived the greatest advantage from our neutral trade, the thing is unfeasible and absolutely absurd.
No man of sense can suppose that France would wish or dictate a measure that would produce as great, if not greater injury to herself than to her enemy. Such a supposition would be next to madness. From these considerations, it would be supposed that no man, who had made himself in any degree acquainted with the situation of this country in regard to the belligerent powers, and had considered the effects that this measure would have on them, could for a moment entertain the opinion, or even hazard a conjecture that it was adopted under the influence of any foreign power, much less under that of France. The allegation is so wild, so inconsistent in itself—so destitute of the least semblance of probability, and altogether unsupported by the least shadow of proof, that nothing but the basest malignity of heart could engender and publish so shameless, foul and infamous a falsehood, and yet, sir, said Mr. Campbell it has been echoed on this floor—sounded in your ears in the frantic strains of a raving maniac, and in the discussion of a subject, no ways calculated to excite such extraordinary passions. Hence it may be supposed it was a premeditated scheme to seize on that occasion in order to give vent to those vindictive passions against the government and the republicans of this nation, which seem entirely to occupy and engross the minds of certain persons. In noticing what was said by the member from N. York, I beg to be understood, as not considering these statements as deriving any sort of consequence or importance from him who made them here. It is not on that account that they merit or receive the least notice. That person can only be considered as the mere conduit used by those behind the screen to convey these groundless slanders to the public—the common trumpeter who gives no importance to what he makes public, except what is derived merely from the place he occupies, or the duties assigned him to perform. It is not therefore apprehended that what has been said on this occasion by that member will make any other or stronger impression on the public mind than was made by the same tale, when handed to the public through the medium of party or hiring newspapers.
With regard to the objections made to the subject before you they seem to be founded in error, and in not attending to or understanding the object of the embargo. It is objected that this bill is intended to operate as a non-intercourse bill. The embargo was certainly intended to operate as a non-exportation law; no man ever denied this; otherwise we could not keep our merchandise at home; and it is as im-
portant to prevent its being exported by land as it is by water. The object of this law is to do equal justice to all parts of the union, and not permit those in one part to have a market, of which those in another part are deprived; & that operating to defray the very object of the embargo. No honest man can wish to do injustice; he could not wish to favor one part of the country at the expense of all the rest.
Mr. Campbell said he had not particularly attended to the details of the bill, the principle he considered correct, which was to make the embargo bear equally on all parts of the union. The member from N. York said we were rivetting chains on the people. No, sir, said Mr. C. we are not rivetting chains on them; we are using our best endeavors to vindicate their rights; but those who oppose the true interests of their country on every occasion in their power, are rivetting on themselves chains of infamy that they never can shake off.
Mr. ALEXANDER said he was not amongst those luminous gentlemen who upon any subject could take up the time of the House in discussion. The bill seems to have been variously amended and not to be very distinctly understood; and therefore I think it highly proper to let it go to a committee. The gentleman from New York, said Mr. A. objects to the bill, because it is radically distinct from the original bill called the embargo act; and in confirmation of this introduces the message of the President recommending an inhibition which the gentleman supposes only to have included our vessels. If there be any thing in the terms of the message which limits the communication by water exclusively, it will be found just policy also to extend it to prohibit exportation by land. But the gentleman says the bills are different; that this is a non-intercourse bill. Indeed I cannot see the difference: the embargo is a total restriction of trade, not upon one part of the community, but upon the whole. It is a misfortune in a debate of this sort, that gentlemen will not confine themselves to the question, but range wide from it. If the gentleman from New York is of this opinion, he has a right to retain it, and support it with all the argument he can. This is an homogeneous part of the original measure, and the question is whether it shall or shall not be committed. I have not formed a distinct opinion for or against it, but when I see gentlemen for whom I have a respect, and to whom no suspicion can attach of being disposed to delay the bill, think it would be just and proper policy to commit it, I shall vote with them.
To the embargo I was opposed; and I do not regret the opposition now, though I admit that certain subsequent events do tend to shew the utility if not the wisdom of the measure. My principal objection then was and now is in point of time: but since it is adopted it is my wish that it should operate equally. I do not wish to hear gentlemen expatiate in debate on the relative pressure of the measure on foreign powers; it is immaterial to me whether it operates more on one or on the other; it is necessary that it should be a just measure. So as to our own citizens by the same rule, the embargo should be just. The southern citizen cannot export his cotton and tobacco; the same is the situation of the citizens of the middle states with respect to their produce, while those states on the confines of some adjacent territories will have an immense advantage over those who are otherwise situated. On the confines of Canada and on our southern extremity we find this to be the case. It is entirely unjust that the citizen of one district of the country should be permitted to trade, while another is obliged to endure these privations. Therefore I think this bill is not objectionable on the ground taken by the gentleman from New York.
I will here observe that any man entering into debate is at liberty to make use of such language as he pleases if it be not personal. I heard nothing from the gentleman from New York giving me any kind of offence, except that we were under foreign influence. So far as relates to myself the observation has no application; I shall always pursue what I believe to be true policy with regard to any man or set of men. I wish the bill to be recommitted to have such amendments made to it as are necessary.
Mr. BRN wished to make one or two observations. It will be recollected (said he) that the embargo law did not pass with my assent; but since the majority thought proper to pass it, I determined that nothing should be wanting on my part to render it as effectual as it can be made. My conduct has gone to this effect. I have done every thing I could consistently with my own opinion, to reconcile my constituents to the measure. But in the course of this discussion it has been urged on the one hand that the House were governed by French in-

ence, and on the other that there were no substantial reasons for opposing the embargo. In the first place I disclaim the operation on my mind of such an opinion as that expressed by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gardenier) for I did not then or now believe that any other than proper influence induced the passage of the law. On the other hand I will observe that notwithstanding the reasons given by the gentleman from New York had no operation on my mind, there were reasons which had. I believed it premature and unnecessary, and I still believe the same.
Mr. MONTGOMERY said, that before the adjournment of the House on Saturday a base and infamous charge had been made by a member from New York (Mr. Gardenier) against the honor and dignity of the Executive and Congress relative to the adopting the measure of the embargo, that the indecorous language then used had excited the honest indignation of the whole House, a motion was made for an adjournment, for the avowed purpose of affording an opportunity to the member from New York, of adducing proof and satisfying the nation of the validity of the unprincipled charge; that he had designedly kept his seat, and impatiently waited for the member to rise and exhibit his testimony, he had waited in vain. Can the member (Mr. M. asked) produce to this House a single individual who has ever seen a solitary document in possession of the Executive, relating to and having a bearing on our relations with France, and which it is important for the information of Congress or the nation, the Executive should have communicated, and which they have wilfully concealed? Can he show a particle of evidence to excite the slightest belief that the proceedings of the government have flowed from a mandate of a Napoleon, or from the influence of any foreign potentate on earth, or that they have been actuated by any influence other than a sacred, solemn and honorable sense of duty, and with a view solely directed to promote the best interests, protect the inestimable rights, and provide for the common defence of our common country? If he has such testimony, why does he not exhibit it? His total inability to do so, and his failing to do so, must be conclusive to the minds of the spectators who surround us, to this House and to the nation, that the charge is insolent, false and unfounded. If true, merited odium and national distrust ought to attach upon us, if untrue, and I again pronounce it so, public detestation will be levelled at him for the indecency and wantonness of his attack. But the strong and indignant language of reprobation which has this morning been so forcibly applied to this most unworthy imputation, renders it unnecessary to say much more on this occasion. At the moment, on Saturday, when the honest feelings of strong indignation were excited in the House by the malignant and unprovoked and slanderous assertions; another and a more serious mode of proceeding had suggested itself, but on reflection, when the futility and idleness of the charge was considered, and more especially the source from whence it originated and proceeded, it is judged the most eligible course for this House to pursue, to treat it with disdain, and consign it to national execration and contempt.
The bill was then committed to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures without a division.
* A resolution of expulsion had been mentioned.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 29. Mr. Clopton presented a resolution comprising an amendment to the constitution to render senators of the U. States liable to removal by a majority of two-thirds of the respective legislatures who chose them.
This resolution was referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the Union.
Mr. C. then presented a resolution of the legislature of the state of Virginia on this subject; which was referred to the same committee.
Mr. Dawson presented a letter from the governor of the state of Virginia, covering an act of the Legislature of that state to which the assent of Congress is required before it can become a law. It was well known Mr. D. observed, that no state can, without the consent of Congress raise any troops. The Legislature of Virginia had passed such a law for the defence of her frontier, & solicited the consent of Congress to it. Referred to a select committee.
Mr. Dawson reported a bill authorising the raising an additional army; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
[This is the bill which went through a committee of the whole a few days ago, and has since been committed, in consequence of the
President's message on the subject. It is now reported according to the letter from the Secretary of War.]
Mr. Clopton , from a select committee, reported a bill to revive and make permanent an act to prescribe the mode of taking evidence in contested elections of members of the House of Representatives of the United States, & to compel the attendance of testimony in such cases.—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
The engrossed bill supplementary to the embargo law, was read the third time, and after a debate of two hours (which shall be commenced in our next) was passed, by yeas and nays—97 to 22.
The bill to admit the importation of old copper free of duty, was returned from the Senate, with an amendment including SALT-PETRE & SULPHUR in the remission from duty on the importation. The amendment was immediately agreed to, ayes 75.
On motion of Mr. Dawson , the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. J. Richards in the chair, on the resolution some weeks ago reported by a committee for authorising the Secretary of War to sell such arms of the United States as may be disposed of without injury to the U. S.
Mr. Dawson hoped the committee would agree to the resolution. By the report of the Secretary of War there were now 140,000 stands of arms in the public armory, and perhaps by the next month, as a bill had been passed for procuring more, there might be an addition to the number of 30 or 40,000 stands. Several states in the Union were not well provided with arms, and were anxious to purchase from the United States. The applications for that purpose arose from the great difficulty of getting them from beyond the seas.
Mr. Bibb said he would only state that the legislature of Georgia had at the last session passed an act authorising the Governor of that state to obtain arms for the state by purchase. The governor had sent an agent here to ascertain whether a purchase could be made from the United States or not. I have said a letter from the Secretary of War saying that 30 or 40,000 stands may be spared.
The resolution being agreed to, the committee rose and reported the resolution.
On concurrence with the report of the committee of the whole a considerable conversation arose, in which Messrs. Goldsborough , M. Clay , and Macon opposed the resolution, and Messrs. Dawson , Bacon , Bibb , Smilie , Key , Troup , Taylor , Nicholas and Findley supported it.
Mr. Rowan moved to amend the resolution by striking out the word "sell" and insert "loan"—Negatived, ayes 12.
The resolution was then agreed to ayes 72, and referred to a committee to bring in a bill.
[The opponents of this resolution generally contended that a resolution had already been passed this session after a very lengthy discussion, to arm the whole body of the militia at the expence of the United States; that being the case, it was not seemly to sell to one part of the Union that which they were about to bestow gratuitously to the remainder. That but a few days ago the House had appropriated a large sum of money for the purchase of arms; and now to sell arms would betray inconsistency. That by passing this resolution the states who had appropriated their funds to the purchase of arms, would get all the worst arms belonging to the U. States, which the latter would replace them by new and better arms. That the number of 140,000 stands was not too much or even enough for the United States to keep at their own disposal. That it had been truly said by the advocates of the resolution that it would be selling in fact to themselves, nevertheless if too many were sold (and none ought now to be sold) the states to whom they were sold might prohibit them from being carried out of their respective states, or might fix them at any one spot in those states; in which case, they would be lost to the United States for general service. That the political horizon blackened every day and clouds lowered around them; this was not the time then in which the United States should divest themselves of that defence which they had.]
The advocates of the resolution replied that although a resolution for arming the whole militia of the United States had been passed, it was to be supposed, from no report having been made on the subject, that either the present time was deemed improper for its introduction, or the committee could not construct a bill for the purpose; or in any event that the project appeared to be re-
linquished for the present. That it was true they had but a few days ago agreed to purchase arms yet those arms were purchased for the benefit of the whole Union, and to render them beneficial they must be distributed; if any state then wished to purchase, the sale would be a distribution to a part of the Union without a loss to the whole. That the states of South Carolina and Georgia who now particularly wished to purchase, were peculiarly situated, having at the same time internal and external enemies, and were not able to procure arms; farther, that those states had made appropriations for this purpose, the former to the amount of 60,000 dollars, when they knew that a proposition was actually pending in this House for gratuitously arming the whole militia, but they had wished to pay for their arms, and not receive them as a donation from the general government. That if the supernumerary arms of the United States were not of a good quality, the states were not bound to purchase; this then could be no objection. That if the present number of arms in the arsenals was not too great, the resolution expressly said that they should not be disposed of; so that the question whether the United States had too many or too few came not into consideration on the passage of this resolution. That it would be an act not only of humanity and duty, but of interest to place arms in the frontier states in some way or other, for if the country should be occupied by an enemy while they were hesitating on the subject, it would cost them more trouble and treasure to repossess themselves of it, to do which would be their undoubted duty, than to prevent themselves from being dispossessed of it. If then these states were disposed to purchase arms, there could be no objection to permit them so to do, for they could not be had otherwise than from the U. States.
Mr. M. Clay , in the course of the discussion, observed that gentlemen seemed in the course of their observations, to consider the bill for the classification of the militia as rejected. On a vote taken to-day there had been present 120 members. This being a tolerably full House, he rose for the purpose of giving notice that he should call for the consideration of the report of the committee of the whole on the bill, at 12 o'clock to-morrow.
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 2.
The city was yesterday full of reports, announcing the fall of New Orleans before the potent arms of Col. Burr and Gen. Moreau, between whom an alliance was patched up to give plausibility to the story. We have sought information at every source from which it was to be expected, and can confidently say there is not the least foundation for this rumor. Intelligence from New Orleans is received down to the first week in February, when every thing in that quarter was tranquil.
The Senate have, without division, sanctioned the nomination of WILLIAM PINKNEY, Minister Resident at the Court of London.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH—Tuesday, March 1—the day appointed for hearing his defence on the resolution of expulsion. Mr. Smith did not himself appear. His counsel applied for further time, and stated that Mr. Smith was desirous of obtaining testimony from the Mississippi and Orleans territories, &c. The Senate took no other order on this application than the reference to a select committee of various depositions addressed to their Secretary.
LIST OF PROMOTIONS AND APPOINTMENTS in the Corps of Engineers made on the 23d day of February 1808. Lt. Col. Jonathan Williams promoted to the rank of Colonel. Maj. Jared Mansfield, do. do. Lt. Col. Captain Alexander Macomb, do. do. Major.
Capt. Joseph G. Swift, do. do. Maj. 1st. Lt. George Baneford, do. do. Capt. 1st. Lt. Wm. McRee, do. do. Capt. 2d. Lt. Charles Gratiot, do. do. Capt. 2d. Lt. Eleazer D. Wood, do. do. 1st. Lt. 2d. Lt. Wm. Partridge, do. do. 1st. Lt. 2d. Lt. Prentice Willard, do. do. 1st. Lt. Joseph G. Totten, } Appointed second Cadet Samuel Babcock, } Lieut. Cadet Danl. A. A. Buck, } Cadet Sylvanus Thayer, } nants.
A bill has been brought into the Senate, and one of a like tenor in the House of Representatives, authorising the President to raise, in addition to the present force, five regiments of infantry, one regiment of riflemen, one regiment of light artillery, and one regiment of cavalry. The bill has gone through committee of the whole in the House of Representatives without opposition.
A message from the President of the U. S. as follows: "To the Senate & House of Representatives of the U. S." "The states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, having by their
several acts consented that the public road from Cumberland to the state of Ohio, authorised by the act of Congress of March 29, 1806, should pass through those states, and the report of the commissioners communicated to Congress with my message of January 31, 1807, having been duly considered, I have approved of the route therein proposed for the said road as far as Brownsville with a single deviation since located, which carried it through Union town.
From thence the course to the Ohio, and the point within the legal limits at which it shall strike that river, is still to be decided on. In forming this decision, I shall pay material regard to the interests and wishes of the populous parts of the states of Ohio, and to a future and convenient connection with the road which is to lead from the Indian boundary near Cincinnati, by Vincennes to the Mississippi at St. Louis, under authority of the act of April, 1806. In this way we may accomplish a continued and advantageous line of communication from the seat of the general government to St. Louis, passing thro' several very interesting points of the Western Country.
I have thought it advisable also to secure from obliteration the trace of the road so far as it has been approved, which has been executed by such considerable expence, by opening one half of its breadth through its whole length.
The report of the commissioners, herewith transmitted, will give particular information of their proceedings under the act of March 29, 1806, since the date of my message of Jan. 31, 1807; and will enable Congress to adopt such further measures relative thereto as they may deem proper under existing circumstances.
TH: JEFFERSON. The message and report were referred to a select committee of five members.
New York, Feb. 26: The British Packet, which has been waiting several weeks for despatches from Mr. Rose, sailed yesterday morning for Falmouth.
The ship Osage, for France and England, only waits the arrival from Washington of the two Couriers, Lieut. Lewis and Mr. Nourse, both of whom are hourly expected.
nies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate. FEBRUARY 19, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT Extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana Territory.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That every free white male person in the Indiana territory, above the age of twenty-one years, having been a citizen of the United States, and resident in the said territory, one year next preceding, an election, representatives, and who has a legal or equitable title to a tract of land of the quantity of fifty acres, or who may become the purchaser, from the United States, of a tract of land of the quantity of fifty acres, or who holds in his own right a town lot of the value of one hundred dollars, shall be entitled to vote for representatives to the general assembly of the said territory.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate. FEBRUARY 26, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
THE Subscriber sets out in the course of seven or eight days for the state of Tennessee, and offers his services to transact business in that country on moderate terms. Any application being left with captain Sewell of Georgetown ferry in the course of the present week will be attended to and the applicant waited upon if in Georgetown, Washington or Alexandria, when the necessary recommendations will be exhibited.—Please enquire of the Printer.
W. BALL. March 2—3t
AGREEABLY to the provisions of an act of the corporation of this City, entitled, "An act for regulating and licensing Auctions in the city of Washington." The places of two AUCTIONEERS will be let to the highest bidders on Monday the 7th inst. at the Council Chamber. The hour of Letting 12 o'clock, M.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of Washington. March 2—3t
PRIVATE SALE. THE Subscribers offer at private sale, a valuable LOT in Georgetown, adjoining High street, (No. 1.) joining the Old Town. There are on the lot, a good Frame House well calculated for a store, or any public business; also, two Warehouses back of the store, both of which are frame and weather-boarded, and in good repair. The one part is now occupied by Mr. Casper Jackson, as a store, and the other part by Mr. John Lutz, as a saddler's shop. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as any person inclining to purchase, will first view the lot and outbuildings. Terms will be made known on application to Mr. Seth Clarke, Fredericktown, Mr. John Lutz, on the premises, or to the subscribers, ADAM LINK, GEORGE LINK, Shepherd's Town, Virginia. N. B. If the above property is not sold before the 15th of March next, it will on that day be exposed to public sale on the premises. March 2—
THE COLUMBIAD, BY JOEL BARLOW. THE Lovers of the FINE ARTS need only see it, and they will universally pronounce it the most splendid Work ever published in America. The ENGRAVING of the PLATES alone, cost upwards of 4,000 dollars. A few copies of the above work are received, & for Sale at J. MARCH'S Book-store, Georgetown. February 12—lawim
WAS committed to the jail of Cecil county, on the 2d inst. on suspicion of being a runaway, a Negro Man, who calls himself PHILIP, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, a very dark complexion; he had on when he was committed a woollen hat, hnsy-woolsey jacket and trowsers. He says he was sold by John Tyler, near Frederick Town, to Mr. Crown. The owner of said Negro is requested to come forward within 60 days and pay all legal costs and charges, otherwise he will be sold out agreeably to law. JO BAXTER, Sheriff of Cecil county. Elkton, January 20—w9t
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c. THE Subscriber having recently received a supply of European Garden Seeds, &c. which added to the various sorts saved by him the last summer, makes his assortment extensive and which are for sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch and at Dr. OTT'S Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO: HOLT. Washington city, Jan. 11—law

TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District—among which are, Wool's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution, Gerrow, hunting, Talgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Tollinets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Boskin coatings, Plain, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duvil blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk, and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India millmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenos, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Cambric hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheetings, tickling, Osanaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c.
ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
TWO ELEGANT FORTEPIANOES. THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. He has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS, among the latter peach brandy 6 years old, fourth proof, and best kind of HAMS—also, he offers a pair of PISTOLS, in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a muket handle, original cost 100 dollars. F. A. WASLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market. N. B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice. December 25—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well cultivated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Prost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—HOUSES and LOTS—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
PUBLIC NOTICE. Is hereby given to all persons who have any demands against Peter Foorth an insolvent debtor, that the subscriber, assignee of the said Peter, will attend at the House of John Baird, inn-keeper, in the town of Hackensack, on Monday the 1st day of August next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of examining and ascertaining the debts due from the said Peter to such of his creditors as shall then and there attend and exhibit their demands. The subscriber will also attend at the place aforesaid on Thursday the 1st day of September next at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of making a division agreeably to law, of all such money as shall then have come to his hands, of the estate of the said Peter, of which those concerned will please to take notice. WILLIAM A. DE PEYSTER. Hackensack N. J. Feb. 10th, 1808.
BY virtue of a power of attorney to me given by George N. Thomas, I will offer for sale, on Tuesday 8th day of March next, if fair, and if not, the first fair day thereafter, at the Bridge across the Eastern Branch, and on the south side of the Bridge, three NEGRO MEN, for cash. These Negroes are young and healthy, and one of them is an excellent carpenter. RICHARD B. GARDINER. February 22—18Mh
A BRICK HOUSE AND LOT FOR SALE. ON Monday the 8th day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to public sale on the premises at 4 o'clock in the evening, part of Lot No. 6, in square No. 141. in this city, fronting 16 feet 9 inches on North G street, and running back 133 feet, with the improvements thereon, consisting of a convenient two story Brick House and enclosure. The Lot was leased to the former tenant for a term of 99 years at the rent of 35 dollars per annum, and the benefit of a covenant to purchase the fee simple thereof. On default of payment of three years rent, the subscriber has been put in possession of the premises, according to the law in such cases provided; for which, and accruing expenses, it will be sold, subject to the conditions of the former case, and a new lease executed to the purchaser on complying with the terms of sale. Being in the vicinity of the public offices, and in a thick settled genteel neighborhood, it would be an eligible situation for a gentleman doing business in either of the departments. The premises may be viewed and the papers seen by applying to Thomas Herty, prior to the day of sale. JOSEPH NOURSE. Terms of sale, a negotiable note with an approved endorser, payable 60 days after date.
The Sale of the above Property is postponed until Monday the 14th day of March next, when it will be offered for sale at the hour and place above-mentioned. February 17—tdos
LOST out of the CONGRESS LIBRARY the First Part of the First Volume of the CYCLOPEDIA, Philadelphia Edition. It belonged to the late Abraham Baldwin, Senator. It can be of little use but to the owner of the set. Whoever will leave it at the Office of the National Intelligencer shall be liberally rewarded. February 24—4t
BY order of the Orphan's Court, will be offered for public SALE on Tuesday the 24th of March next on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving note with approved security, with interest from date, all the personal ESTATE of Margetet Roberts late of Montgomery county, deceased, consisting of a number of Negroes, two Leases of Land, a Crop of Corn, Corn Fodder, Hay, Horses, Cattle and Hogs, and other articles too tedious to enumerate. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock on said day and to continue from day to day till all is sold. HENRY ROBERTS, and JOSEPH ROBERTS, Admrs. of Margetet Roberts. February 26—tdos
THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorizing the erection of a BRIDGE over the river POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia" to receive Subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of SUBSCRIPTION, will be opened at Stelle's Hotel in the city of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P. M. ROBERT BRENT, DANIEL CARROLL, of Duddington, THOMAS MUNROE, JAMES D. BARRY, FREDERICK MAY, SAMUEL H. SMITH, JONAH THOMPSON, JONATHAN SWIFT, THOMAS VOWELL, CUTHBERT POWELL, ELISHA JANNEY, CHARLES ALEXANDER.
The act of Congress authorises the Subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of Ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in Installments of Ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix. Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent. I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia." February 19—
UNION MANUFACTURING COMPANY OF MARYLAND.
THE Books for receiving Subscriptions to the Union Manufacturing Company of Maryland, will be opened on Monday the 7th March next, and will remain open for that purpose for two days, in different parts of that state as designated by the articles of association of the company—the capital stock of the company, is to consist of one million of dollars, in twenty thousand shares of Fifty Dollars each; two dollars and fifty cents thereof, to be paid at the time of subscribing.
The Commissioners appointed for the town of Baltimore, have lodged a Subscription Paper, at the Bank of Columbia, and another at the Office of Discount and Deposit, in the city of Washington, which will be opened on the days above mentioned, between the hours of Ten and Three to receive any subscription which may offer not exceeding Five Hundred shares at each place. A pamphlet containing the Report of the Committee, and the Articles of Association may in the mean time be seen at either Bank. February 26—18Mh
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscriber as trustee for the sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, will sell at public sale at Van Wyck and Dorsey's Auction Room, in the city of Baltimore on Friday the 18th day of March next, at 12 o'clock, the following Tracts of unimproved LAND, lying in Allegany county to wit: acres. Governor's Neglect, containing 1031 Robey's Delight, 421 Bome's Attention, 694 Chesnut Grove, 461 Now or Never, 600 Hard Struggle, 1534 Lot No. 2487, 50 Western Connection, 15,484 The lands above-mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase. A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase on application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within 12 months from the day of sale. ROGER PERRY.
The creditors of Gustavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale after said. R. PERRY. Cumberland, February 26—3w
THIS is to give Notice, that the Subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the estate of Charles Hodges, late of said county, deceased. All those having claims against the said estate are hereby warned to exhibit them on or before 14th August next, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, in Upper Marlborough, otherwise they may by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All those who are indebted to the said estate are hereby notified that suits will be instituted without respect to persons, if immediate payments are not made. ALEXANDER H. BOTETER, Admr. February 22—w6t
BANK OF COLUMBIA, 25th February, 1808. In conformity to the charter of this institution an Election will be held at Semmes' Tavern, in George Town, on Monday 21st March next, for twelve Directors, to serve for one year from that day. By order of the President & Directors. WM. WHANN, Cash'r. epi21st Mar.
IN CHANCERY, JANUARY 26, 1808. Issachar, and Malon Scholfield versus McCarty, Theodorick and Daniel Fitzhugh, Mary Brent, Henry Lee, and Nathaniel Pendleton.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a decree to foreclose a mortgage executed by Philip Fitzhugh to the complainants for an undivided moiety of the Mills in Prince George's county known by the name of "The Adelphi Mills" and the land adjoining included in said mortgage, or for a sale of the premises for the payment of the debt, also for a sale of the real estate of said Philip Fitzhugh for the payment of his debts.
The bill states that the complainants sold the above property to said Fitzhugh for the sum of 9800 dollars, that the complainants executed to Fitzhugh a deed for the property (which has never been recorded) and obtained from him a mortgage to secure the last sum mentioned; also that exclusive of that debt Fitzhugh is otherwise indebted to them, that Fitzhugh executed a bond for the conveyance of the said property to the said defendant Pendleton, and has since died, leaving the defendants the Fitzhughs, and Mary Brent his heirs at law or devisees of his estate; that Henry Lee the defendant is his executor or administrator, and that all the defendants reside out of the state.
It is thereupon on the motion of the complainant ordered that they cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer during three successive weeks before the first day of March next to the end that the said defendants may have notice of this bill and of the subject and object thereof and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by a solicitor on or before the first day of July next to shew cause if any they there be, wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed. True copy, Test NICH. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. February 12—w3t
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the circuit court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of chancery for the county of Washington, in the suit of
John Roberts and Samuel G. Griffith complainants.
Against Benjamin Bryan Defendant. WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 29th day of March next, at Stelle's Hotel, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 12 o'clock, M. a lot of ground in said city, in that square designated on the plan of said city by square north of square numbered seven hundred and forty-three, the said lot being bounded as follows to wit: Beginning at a point in the line of the west side of New Jersey Avenue, at the distance of one hundred and fifty one feet ten inches from the stone planted at the north east corner of said square, and running thence with the line of the said Avenue twenty-five feet, thence leaving the said Avenue, and with a line at right angles with the line thereof running one hundred feet, then turning in a direction parallel to the line of the said Avenue, and running thence twenty five feet, thence an hundred feet to the point of beginning, containing about two thousand five hundred square feet of ground, together with the improvements thereon erected, and all the advantages thereunto belonging or appertaining.
This property is eligibly situated between the Capital hill and sugar house, and may be inspected at any time prior to the day of sale. The terms of sale are cash or money to be paid immediately on the ratification thereof by the court. JOHN G. McDONALD, Trustee. 26th February, 1808.—cp4w
By the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS by the act, entitled "An act making provision for the disposal of the public Lands situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted, that for the disposal of the lands of the United States lying on the Ohio river, between the Cincinnati and Vincennes district, a Land Office should be established at Jeffersonville. And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid, with the exception of certain tracts, therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall be appointed by the President of the United States, be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, & on the same terms & conditions as are provided for the lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river.
Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in conformity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare and make known, that sales shall be held at Jeffersonville in the Indiana Territory for the disposal of the above mentioned lands, to commence on the second Monday of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks. Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November one thousand eight hundred and seven. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—w1ap
United States, District of Columbia, county of Washington, to wit: IN CHANCERY, 9th OCTOBER, 1807. Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason, versus Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gabault & Doudrey, James C. Montflore, I. I. Picard and James Davidson.
THE bill states that the defendant, Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simond to the French government. That the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo, the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith, the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners Taney and Simond. That the debt so due hath been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand, two hundred and seventy francs, French money of the value of 35,675 dollars. That the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing and for several years past having resided in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland, well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complainants said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris under the Louisiana Convention was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants as the trustees of Francis Lewis, Taney, and Taney and Simond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith in the said debt to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid. That notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C. Montflore of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt, which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; and the said Montflore did actually receive the bills of the ministers of the United States, on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montflore, with a view as the said complainants believe, to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith and as his attorney to the said I. I. Picard, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston, who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrell, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed them over to James Davidson cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees as aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Gabault and Doudrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith, for thirty thousand francs French money of the value of 5625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson, and endorsed over to him for collection in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American minister at Paris on the treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid. The object of the said bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his co-adjutors, and to obtain a writ of injunction directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c., and particularly to the said James Davidson, enjoining and commanding him from paying over to any person besides the said complainants the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills, or parting with the said bills until the further order of this court in the premises.
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gabault and Doudrey, James C. Montflore, and I. I. Picard, defendants in this cause all reside out of the district of Columbia and are not within the reach of the process of this court. It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted once each week for six months previous to the first Monday in June next in the National Intelligencer, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the first Monday of June next, to shew cause, if any, why a decree shall not pass as prayed. By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. December 4—w6m
FRESH RAISINS, TEAS, &c. Now landing from on board the schooner CITIZEN, Capt. Sturges from New York, and for sale by W. C. SMITH. 50 boxes fresh Muscatel raisins; 30 chests choice hyson, young hyson, hyson skin and imperial teas, 10 quarter casks Lisbon wine, 11 boxes Prussian fig blue. Also just received, 10 puncheons well flavored Antigua rum, 10 pipes cognac brandy, 4th proof, and a small supply of excellent fresh nutmegs. Georgetown, Jan. 15—wtf