The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-11-30 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCLXXXV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 30th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, OCT. 27, 1803.
Debate on the carrying LOUISIANA Treaty into effect.
Mr. SMILIE said this subject struck him differently from other gentlemen. It appeared clear to him that the constitutional right to delegate the powers contemplated by the second section did not exist, he should vote against it. But he entertained no doubt on this point. He knew that it had been doubted whether the constitution authorized the government of the United States to acquire territory; but those doubts were this day abandoned. He agreed in opinion with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Varnum) that the constitution of the United States did not extend to this territory any farther than they were bound by the compact between the ceding power and the people. On this principle they had a right, viewing it in the light of a colony, to give it such government as the government of the United States might think proper, without thereby violating the constitution; when incorporated into the union, the inhabitants must enjoy all the rights of citizens. He would thank gentlemen to show any part of the constitution that extends either legislative, executive, or judicial power over this territory. If none such could be shown, it must result with the discretion of the government to give it such a system as they may think best for it. At the same time, Mr. S. said he would pledge himself to be among the first to incorporate the territory in the union, and to admit the people to all the rights of citizens of the United States.
Mr. RODNEY. When a constitutional question is made, and constitutional objections urged, by a respectable member of this house, they shall always receive from me a respectful attention. On this occasion, I shall endeavour to answer the objections, and remove the doubts entertained by some gentlemen. I believe we shall find that by adopting the second section of the bill under consideration, we shall not infringe the Constitution in the remotest degree. No person is more opposed to the extreme of absolute and unlimited power, or to vesting in any man that authority, which, by not being circumscribed within known bounds, may be easily abused. No man can be more opposed to the exercise by the President, of powers, exercised by the Spanish inquisition, and authorised by other governments. But cases may occur, where for a moment, powers, to which without an absolute necessity no one would agree, become necessary to be vested in some department of the government; and I am in favor of this section for the reasons assigned by my friend from Virginia, to wit, that the exercise of the powers delegated will be confined to a short space, and will be of no farther duration than shall be necessary to obtain the end of a secure possession of the territory. It is admitted by the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold), and he deserves infinite honor for the admission, which shews that he has magnanimity to acknowledge an error when he discovers it, that the United States have a right to acquire territory by treaty or purchase—The other day the gentleman admitted the right to acquire territory by war like means; to day he goes a step further, and admits that which enables me to demonstrate that this section involves no violation of the constitution.
Mr. GRISWOLD explained. He wished once for all to state what he had stated on a previous occasion, and what he had stated that day. He did admit that the United States might acquire territory by war or purchase; and he had always admitted this. But he had said that they could not by treaty admit a foreign country and incorporate it in to the union. If the gentleman from Delaware considers these remarks as inconsistent, he is welcome to the opinion.
Mr. Rodney—I thank the gentleman from Connecticut for his explanation. The observations I was about to make were on no other ground than that now stated by the gentleman. The United States, it is acknowledged, have a right to extend their territory beyond that which they possessed, when the constitution was formed. If then there exist the right to acquire territory, there is a consequence of the laws that pervade all civilized nations, which will show not only the constitutionality but the
propriety also of this section. It is a received principle of the law of nations, that when territory is ceded, the people who inhabit it have a right to the laws they formerly lived under, embracing the whole civil and criminal code, until they are altered or amended by the country to whom the cession is made—This is the received principle of the law of nations, and operates wherever the right to acquire territory is previously given. I will put a plain case, on the ground, so commonly of late resorted to, that of acquiring territory by war. The right to make war is vested by the constitution in the government of the United States. Suppose we had gone down the Mississippi, and favoured the wishes of some of our citizens. Would not gentlemen in that case have acknowledged that we should have possessed the right of laying contributions? Should we not have had the right of laying to those who exercised the powers of government in that country, begone! We will make new arrangements; the powers of government shall be exercised by such particular organs as we like—Your laws and your religion shall be preserved; but your officers shall be replaced by ours. Under the laws of nations we should have enjoyed all these powers.
But independent of this power conferred by the law of nations, I am inclined to think the provisions of the constitution apply to this case. There is a wide distinction between states and territories, and the constitution appears clearly to indicate it. By examining the constitution accurately it will be found, that the provision relied upon by the gentleman from Connecticut will not avail to support his argument. It will appear that it is to operate in the case of states only. By the 3rd section of the 4th article of the constitution it is declared that "the Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or any particular state."
This provision does not limit or restrain the authority of Congress with respect to territories, but vests them with full and complete power to exercise a sound discretion generally on the subject. Let us not be told this power, from its greatness, is liable to abuse. If arguments are drawn from the abuse against the use of power, I know no power, which may not be abused, and it will follow that the same arguments that are urged against the use of this power may be urged against the use of all power. If the constitutional powers given to Congress are abused by their representatives, the people may dismiss them. But on this subject, I apprehend there is little danger of abuse by representatives coming from states. If I am correct in this construction of the constitution, it puts an end to the constitutional objections urged by gentlemen. They may oppose the present measure as inexpedient: but when we contemplate the people on whom it is to operate, we may rest satisfied that they will consider it as beneficial, inasmuch as it does not produce a violent change in their habits and laws.
We may be told that in the government for the North West territory there are certain fixed rules established. But by a recurrence to the ordinance for the government of that territory, and to the laws of Congress subsequently made, it will be seen that Congress have conceived themselves to be possessed of the right, and have actually exercised the power, to alter the territory, by adding to or taking from it as they thought proper, and by making rules variant from those under which it was originally organized.
In the territories of the United States under the ordinances of Congress, the governor and the judges have a right to make laws. Could this be done in a state? I presume not. It shews that Congress have a power in territories, which they cannot exercise in states; and that the limitations of power, found in the constitution, are applicable to states and not to territories.
The question was then put on striking out the second section and lost—Ayes 30.
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November 18—tf
House of Representatives.
OCTOBER 26, 1803.
DEBATE on the following AMENDMENT to the CONSTITUTION.
"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following article be proposed to the legislatures of the different states, as an amendment to the constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three fourths of the said legislatures, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as a part of the Constitution, viz."
"In all future elections of President and Vice-President, the electors shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. The person voted for as President, having a majority of the votes of all the electors appointed, shall be the President; and if no person have such majority, then from the five highest on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose the President, in the manner directed by the constitution. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice President, shall be the Vice-President; and in case of an equal number of votes for two or more persons for Vice-President, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President from those having such equal number, in the manner directed by the constitution."
Mr. CLOPTON. Mr. chairman, I beg leave to solicit the indulgence of the committee a few minutes. Having had the honor to propose an amendment to the report of the select committee, and having failed of obtaining it, I feel a wish to state my reasons why I am in favor of the principle of the provision contained in the report—the principle of designating the persons voted for as President and as Vice-President. Sir, the propriety, the eligibility, and the importance of such a provision, appear to my mind so plain, and so obvious, as scarcely to require a single argument to support it. Nevertheless, plain and obvious as I think it is, it does not meet with universal approbation; and inasmuch as it contemplates a material alteration in one of the provisions of the constitution, and an important provision too, inasmuch as it may involve consequences of vast moment, to the happiness and tranquility of this country, I trust the committee will pardon me for troubling them with a statement of the principal grounds of my opinion in favor of the resolution. I promise the committee that I will not utter a single word but what applies directly to the principle of the resolution. Every sentence shall be a reason why I am in favor of that principle. I am in favor of the resolution, because it is perfectly congenial with the most essential principle of our government, even the principle of representation. For, Sir, in a government constituted as our government is, wherein all the constituted authorities are the agents of the people, the suffrages given for the election of those agents ought ever to be a complete expression of the public will, and should therefore be directed immediately to those persons, in whom the electors intend to place confidence as their agents in the particular offices, for which the elections are made. An election, therefore, which may, from the mode of holding it, terminate ultimately in the appointment of a different person to an office, than the person intended for it, by a majority of the electors, cannot be said to be such complete expression of the public will. When one person is intended for an office, and another person actually obtains it, such election, if indeed it can be properly called an election, is not conformable to the will of those, by whom it was made. No, Sir, it is contrary to it. The effect resulting from the act of the majority, in such a case, would be completely at variance with the will of that majority in performing the act. Such an event would indeed exhibit a case, in which the will of the majority would be defeated by the act of the majority in the very exercise of its elective franchise. I think, Sir, I can prove that such a consequence may result from the present mode of choosing the President and Vice-President of the United States. I think I can prove it in the following manner:—I will suppose that four persons, A. B. C. and D. shall be held up for candidates. I will then suppose that 95 electors shall prefer A. for President, and vote for him with the intent to elect him to that office, and that the other 81 electors shall prefer B. for President, and accordingly vote for him. I will suppose also, that of the 95 electors, who prefer A. for President, 75 shall also prefer C. for Vice-President, and give him their votes with that intent, and that the other 20 electors shall prefer D. for that office. Lastly, I will suppose that of the 81 electors, who prefer B. for President, 25 shall also prefer C. for Vice-President, and accordingly vote for him, and that the other 56 shall prefer D. for that office. Now, because 75 of those 95 electors, who prefer A. for President, and 25 of those, who prefer B. for President, are also willing that C. should be Vice-President, and vote for him with that intent, C. actually becomes President with 100 votes, not one of which was given to him for that purpose. Thus the will of 95, who compose a clear decided majority of the whole number of electors, is defeated by 75 of their own votes, together with the other 25 votes given to C.; that is to say, the will of the majority is defeated by the act of the majority in the very exercise of its electoral capacity. But, Mr. chairman, if the proposed amendment should be adopted, this anomalous effect cannot then result; for, as each of the candidates would then be designated for the particular office, for which he was intended, 95 votes would be given to A. for President; 81 would be given to B. for President; 100 to C. for Vice-President, and 76 to D. for Vice-President. So that A. would then be elected President, according to the real will and intention of 95 electors, by a majority equal to the difference between 81 and 95; and C. would be elected Vice President, agreeably to the will and intention of 100 electors, by a majority equal to the difference between 76 and 100.
Mr. Chairman, such an event as that, which I have stated as a possible, and perhaps, a probable result from the present mode of choosing the President and Vice-President of the United States, must be a serious evil. In no point of view can I contemplate it, in which it does not present itself as an evil of considerable magnitude. For, Sir, however respectful the public attention might have been towards the person, who thus becomes chief magistrate of the union, contrary to the intention of the electors, contrary to the public sentiment, contrary to the public will, it cannot be expected that with the acquisition of the office, under these circumstances he will receive the public confidence. It is not the nature of governments as purely elective, as this government is, to produce a spirit altogether acquiescent in elections of this sort. It is not in this country, where the elective principle is so highly revered, so warmly cherished, and so dearly valued, that we are to look for a disposition in the public mind, to feel itself satisfied with the introduction of agents into office, who are not the objects of its choice. Even in respect to departments of inferior consideration, this disposition is not to be found; much less can it be expected to appear, and display itself, should the great and important duties of the chief executive magistrate by an appointment thus brought about be devolved on a person not contemplated for that station. It is indeed, the nature of elective representative governments to produce a very different spirit, a spirit of dissatisfaction under such appointments. Or, more properly may it be said, Sir, that in all such governments there is a spirit coeval in existence with the governments themselves, which disposes the people rather to withhold their affection from public functionaries, than to bestow it upon them when introduced into office, after this manner. It is a spirit, which is inseparable from the people of all countries, where the elective system prevails in any degree. Its influence and activity, ever commensurate with the degree of perfection, which pervades that system, proportionably diffuses itself through the great body of the people. Wherever genuine rational liberty most abounds (and I believe, Sir, that, so far from abounding, it cannot exist at all, where election and representation do not exist) there this spirit abounds in like degree; there it is to be traced through all the departments of life—there it animates the mass of the community—there it spreads, it extends and enlarges the sphere of its influence through the whole circle of society; and that influence is extended to a degree of prevalence in proportion as the principles of that liberty educate the public mind. It is not the spirit of a wild and
furious licentiousness, thirsting for the destruction of law and of order. It is not a spirit, which aims to loosen the bands of society, or to weaken the foundations of law. No, Sir, it breathes quite a different wish. It believes that the strength of the one, and the efficacy of the other of these essential means of human happiness, are best secured in the agency of those organs of public authority, whose creation springs from the public will; and believing this it wishes that the elective principle in its practical operations may be directed through the channel of that public will. It believes that such direction of this great, this important, this inestimable principle is necessary to give full effect to the representative system, on which depends the attainment of all the great desiderata of a free government—every thing truly desirable in government. And where, Sir, does this spirit more abound than in America? Where does it so much abound? Is it not the pride and the boast of Americans? Sir, I believe it is. I believe, too, it is a laudable, an honorable pride. It is a great, leading, characterstic sentiment, which pervades the American mind, which dignifies and adorns this country—which constitutes the very germ of true American greatness. It is that, which operates as the source of every thing, which spreads forth the lustre and the glory with which this nation is surrounded. It is the life, the soul, of the republic. It is that vivid flame, which warms and cherishes and gives to the body politic its just and proper and natural impulse, and directs its course towards the true end of the social institution—the universal good. I believe, therefore, Mr. Chairman, it must be a consideration of primary importance that the modes of election be so established that in their event they may always secure a full expression of the public will, and the appointment of all public agents conformably thereto.
With these impressions on my mind, Mr. Chairman, and from the evident risk attendant on the present mode of choosing the President and Vice-President of the United States, that the election of those high and important officers of the government may terminate contrary to the public will, I am thoroughly convinced of the expediency of the proposed amendment to the constitution, directing a designation of them in the electoral votes.
Sir, the case, which I had the honor to state to the committee as possible, and perhaps, probably resulting from the present mode of election, is a case wherein a decided majority of the electoral votes shall have been given to one of the candidates, though not according to the intention of the electors who gave them. But, Sir, what can we expect to be the public sensation in a case, wherein an equal number of votes shall have been given to each of two candidates, and this House shall finally decide the election by rejecting that candidate for the Presidency, who was intended for it by a majority of the people and of the electors, and choosing the other candidate who was not so intended for that office. The first mentioned circumstance of such a case we have already witnessed; and, Sir, should I mitigate the circumstance—were I to say we had mournfully witnessed it? And what, Sir, would have been the condition of these states, if when assembled at this capitol by their representatives they had continued so divided in their votes that no actual election of a President had taken place, although the public sentiment had been clearly and unequivocally pronounced in favor of one of the candidates? There was every reason to believe, Sir, that gloomy indeed would have been the prospect! A long train of evils incalculable in their consequences could hardly have failed to overspread the face of this delightful country! Indeed, Sir, what would have been the ultimate issue it is not within the compass of human foresight to divine. This great, this flourishing country, which at this time pours forth innumerable streams of prosperity, displaying in vast and rich variety every means of individual happiness, every means of national happiness, and every means of true national glory, instead of exhibiting the present pleasing, animating prospect, before this period might have been enveloped in dark and dismal clouds of confusion, disorder and political distraction! The bands of society being torn in a manner broken asunder, and all the angry turbulent passions incident to man let, unrestrained, what fatal consequences might be expected to follow? What violence of party, what rage of ambition, what dreadful commotions, might be expected to agitate this then unfortunate country? And,

Sir, is there a single American living whose blood is so far chilled with indifference concerning the fate of this country, that he would not be struck with awful alarm, at the prospect of such an event—as even tending directly to produce a collapse to a state of anarchy with all its concomitant calamities? No, Sir, no. I would hope, I would persuade myself, Mr. Chairman, there is not one. Nevertheless, although the spirit of patriotism might have predominated over that of party in the case, which has happened; determined the election and determined it conformably to the public sentiment; yet, Sir, have we any infallible security that in all future times should any similar case occur the same regard for the peace, the tranquility and happiness of this great community will retain the ascendancy and arrest the evil? The mournful experience of ages transmitted to us through the page of history teaches an awful lesson that such security cannot be expected. I am seriously impressed with this sentiment, therefore, that it behoves us to let it be a work of the present day to guard against so great an evil by removing from the constitution the means whereby it may be accomplished.
But suppose, Sir, in the case alluded to, the election had terminated otherwise than it did, is there a single man in existence, who believes that such election would have been hailed by the public voice with any degree of complacency? Innumerable, Sir, and strong were the evidences of a contrary operation on the public mind: innumerable and strong were the evidences that such an event would have been very unfortunate—would have produced much more of the public indignation than of the public approbation; although it would have been better than no election at all: and there can be no manner of question, Sir, that, if in any future election a similar case should occur and such should be the ultimate event, whoever might be the candidates, a very disagreeable effect would be wrought upon the public mind—that whenever such an event should happen, it would call forth the public indignation.
Should it be objected, Mr. Chairman, that, even if the proposed amendment should be adopted and become a part of the constitution, it will not make such provision as would in all future elections secure a majority of electoral votes to be given to some one or other of the candidates and thereby preclude the necessity of ever again resorting to a vote of this House for a final decision, it must be acknowledged that no provision whatsoever can be made so as to have that operation: but, if in any election no person should have a majority of electoral votes, a legislative decision in such a case cannot possibly be attended with the same disagreeable consequences as such a decision might be attended with in a case happening under the existing mode similar to that, which has been cited: for, if the amendment should be adopted, inasmuch as each of the candidates would then be designated by the electoral votes for the particular office for which he was intended, and consequently thus pointed out as being so far the objects of public choice, on whomsoever of them the ultimate election should fall, the successful candidate I apprehend, would be more acceptable to the public mind than any person could be, who had not been contemplated for President by any of the electors. Such public approbation I consider, Sir, as a circumstance of inestimable importance in such an election. I hope, therefore, the resolution will be agreed to and obtain the sanction of a full constitutional majority.
FRIDAY, October 28.
Mr. G. GRISWOLD. I rise to assign the reasons for the vote which I shall give against the resolution now under consideration. When in committee of the whole House on the same resolution, it was with much satisfaction that I heard gentlemen who advocated the resolution, declare their anxious desire and full determination not to make any inroad upon the article of the constitution, now under consideration, so as in any degree to impair the rights and benefits thereby secured to the smaller states.
The hon. gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) acknowledged his very great respect for the worthies who formed the constitution—that our union was a confederation of states; and the result of a compromise between the several different states, as states, and that he was the last man who would consent to take from the smaller states, any right or advantage secured to them by this article of the constitution.
Should I be able to show that the alteration now proposed, would materially affect the interest of the smaller states in choice of President of the United States, I trust that gentlemen agreeable to their public declarations, will vote with me against the resolution.
The constitution of the United States, is a compact formed by the several states, to and for the general good. It is well known to have been produced by a spirit of compromise among the several states; that much difficulty arose in its formation; and perhaps in no one arti-
cle of the constitution, could there have arisen greater jealousies between the larger and smaller states than that pointing out the mode of electing the Chief Magistrate. The larger states as is natural to suppose, would contend for an election according to the number of inhabitants in each state as they thereby would secure more votes; the smaller states, on the principle that it was a confederation of states, would contend for an equal vote; that is to vote by states, and not by population or numbers. To settle the difficulty, the present article was agreed to, and thereby both of the above principles, as contended for by the larger and smaller states adopted to a certain extent; the mode being a mixture of both principles. First, it permits the election of President to be by numbers, that is giving each state votes in proportion to its population; whereby the larger states, considered in their corporate capacity as states, have the advantage of the smaller states in their corporate capacity as states. But in case of a failure of choice in the first mode; then the second of choosing by states is to be pursued, whereby the smaller states have an equal vote with the larger states.
In no other place than on this floor are the smaller states on an equal footing with the larger states, in the choice of the President of the United States. It follows then of course that the greater the chance of bringing the states to a vote on this floor, the more advantageous it is to the smaller states: as here the smaller states are as powerful as the larger states; by the constitution as it now stands there are two chances for a choice of President on this floor; 1st, when there are more persons than one who have a constitutional majority of votes, and are equal in number; 2nd when there is no person who has a constitutional majority. Only one of the above cases can happen at a time; but there is always a chance for one of the two to happen. But by the proposed amendment, the first before mentioned chance can never happen—it is wholly taken away, and only one possible chance of voting on this floor by states left. For when your ballots designate who is voted for as President, it never can happen that more persons than one can have a constitutional majority of votes. One chance then of voting on this floor by states, being taken away by the proposed amendment, it follows irresistibly, that the smaller states will be injured and the larger states benefited. I ask then, Sir, if gentlemen representing the larger states, can be sincere when they declare that they mean not to infringe upon the rights of the smaller states as secured by this article of the constitution, and still give their vote for the present resolution?—The one in my opinion will contradict the other.
I have the honor of representing one of the larger states, but I feel no wish to lessen the rights of the smaller states as secured by this article of the constitution, and I trust my vote will correspond with my declaration.
I also ask, Sir, if gentlemen who represent some of the smaller states are willing to give up so important a right as is secured them by this article of the constitution? Gentlemen may think they are answering the wishes of their constituents, but I am sure if their constituents fully understood the principles of this article of the constitution, they never would thank the gentlemen for their votes in favor of the resolution.
I well know, Sir, that at first view it appears plausible that the ballots should designate who is voted for as President. I also confess Sir, that when the subject was first mentioned to me, I could see no solid objection why it should not be. But Sir, when I examine the nature of our government, the clashing interests of the several states; the balance of power, and influence necessary to be formed between the larger and smaller states, and trace all the minute ways and means by which this power and influence may operate, I find many objections; the more this article of the constitution is investigated, the more will its principles be admired.
The present mode for bringing forward candidates for the office of President and Vice-President is the least liable to call forth art, intrigue, and corruption; the uncertainty of the event and the difficulty of making arrangements are strong checks to the artful and designing. But the moment the mode pointed out by this resolution is adopted, the door for intrigue and corruption is open; the candidates and their friends can calculate with certainty and apply the means direct; the power of party, influence of office, art, cunning, intrigue and corruption will all be used, and used to effect, because the object is certain.
I would ask, Sir, if this is a proper time to alter the constitution? the public mind is agitated with violent party rage—Cool, calm reasoning is not to be expected. The general good must and will yield to party purposes; because parties will consider that to be for the public good, which immediately promotes their own views. In such a state of things, I think an attempt to alter the constitution, not advisable. Again,
Sir, I believe it is better to suffer a small inconvenience, should any exist, than to attempt an alteration—or the habit of compliance on the part of the people with a rule of government, is of as much importance to give effect to that rule, as the soundness of the principle contained in the rule itself. By altering the articles of the constitution for every trivial pretext, you destroy that sacred regard which every citizen ought to have for the constitution—For these reasons I shall vote against the resolution.
Mr. HUGER. Much as has been said, Mr. Speaker, and much of our time as has been already taken up, since the commencement of the present session, in discussing the resolution, now under consideration, you will no doubt have remarked, that the debate has heretofore been almost exclusively carried on by gentlemen of one particular side of the House; neither will it have escaped your observation, that numerous as have been the speakers, and various and lengthy as have been their arguments, scarcely one of them has deemed it necessary to discuss the general merits of the question, or to show the propriety or expediency of making the proposed alteration in our national compact. The necessity, propriety and expediency of making such an alteration would seem indeed to have been regarded as points ceded on all hands, as constituting a proposition so plain, so self-evident, so unencumbered with any thing like a doubt, that it would have been superfluous to bellow a moment's thought on, or to adduce a single argument in support of it. The gentlemen therefore who have preceded me, taking it for granted that an alteration must and would of course be made, have confined themselves almost exclusively, to the consideration of the manner in which it was to be brought about and the extent to which it was at this time to be carried. I have listened with the utmost attention for several days past to the various propositions which they have presented to the consideration of the House. I have been greatly edified by their arguments and have admired the ingenuity and ability with which the respective propositions have been supported. You will permit me to add, Sir, that I have heard with infinite pleasure, the declarations and assurances of attachment to our present happy constitution, which have been so frequently expressed by almost every gentleman, who has taken any part in the debate. It has given me peculiar satisfaction to hear these sentiments, repeated again and again, by characters, no less respectable for their talents, than distinguished for their influence in the community. The fears and apprehensions which I will candidly acknowledge, had made a deep and painful impression on my mind, have been greatly lessened, in some degree removed, by the assurances of unfeigned acquiescence in and perfect contentment with the present constitution of the United States, and by the expression of unequivocal disapprobation of every other alteration in the national compact, (save the one now proposed) which have fallen from quarters, from whence I will not deny, that I had anticipated and apprehended sentiments of a very contrary tendency. But whilst I give full and perfect credit Mr. Speaker, to the affections of honorable gentlemen; whilst I rejoice most sincerely that the members of this respectable body, one and all accord and unite in one common attachment to that compact, which forms the bond of our union; whilst I deprecate the idea of casting any thing like an imputation on the motives of any member on this floor: I cannot but lament that an exception is made in one instance, and that the constitution is not allowed to remain unaltered and as it now stands. I impune not, I repeat it any improper motives to the friends of the resolution at present under consideration. The rage however for change and innovation, has of late years spread itself with a rapidity unequalled among the nations of the earth; and we have seen and heard enough out of doors and in our own country, to authorize caution and to excite the apprehension, that there are many among us, to whom great and material alterations in our national compact would be more than acceptable. 'Obsita principiis' is an old and true, but on most occasions a sound and safe maxim. In times like the present, I deem it our only safe-guard—the sheet anchor of our political salvation. This nation has experienced too immediate, and too fortunate a change in its political situation and prospects since the adoption of the present constitution. We have encreased too rapidly in wealth, in strength and in national prosperity, and we enjoy too great a portion of present happiness under its benign auspices, to assent easily and at a moment's warning to many great and evidently serious alterations in it. The most enthusiastic advocate of innovations would not venture to propose such: for it is evident the public mind is not yet sufficiently prepared to receive them. It is only by degrees, and by undermining under plausible pretexts and at favorable moments, first one and then another of the main supports of the fabric, that we shall be exposed to see it, sooner or later begin to totter, then crumble, and I fear bury us in its ruins.
Here then, on the merits of the constitution, as it was presented to us by the convention and as it now is, I take my stand. Upon this ground, I am unequivocally opposed to the alteration proposed—for I feel the strongest conviction, that if it obtains, we shall have given a deadly wound to the national compact, we shall have effaced one of its leading features, we shall have signed the death warrant of one of the vital and most important principles upon which it was originally established.
I have already observed, Mr. Speaker, that the gentlemen who preceded me in the present debate have avoided every thing like a discussion of the general merits of the question, and confined themselves almost exclusively to the consideration of the manner in which the proposed alteration is to be brought about, and the extent to which it is at this time to be carried.
Some observations have nevertheless, fallen from two gentlemen (both of them from the very respectable state of Virginia) which appear to me peculiarly worthy of attention. The one (Mr. Clopton) has presented to us a view of the subject, which, although I by no means think the correct one, is evidently that, in which most of the gentlemen in this house have regarded it, and in which persons out of doors are for the most part wont to consider this, and indeed every other constitutional question. I have listened to him however with great pleasure, and from the ingenuity and information which pervaded such of his arguments, as I could fully comprehend, I feel much regret that the utmost attention on my part (owing partly to the feebleness of his voice, and partly to the unfavourable situation of his seat) did not enable me always to connect his ideas and arguments, and perfectly to understand him. This gentleman seems, for the moment, to have forgotten that the government, under which we live, is formed upon federative no less than upon republican principles, and though wishing to introduce an important alteration in our national compact, puts the compact itself, the spirit with which it was formed, the vital principles upon which it was established, entirely out of the question. He takes an abstract view of the subject, as if it had no connection whatever with other parts and principles of the compact, carries us back to a state of nature, and seems to regard it as a radical error in the constitution—that the provisions and modifications it contains, are not solely founded upon the broad basis of population and numbers. He talks to us of the rights of man in a state of nature—the origin of the social compact—the foundation upon which all governments ought to be formed, viz. the will of the people—and drawing his inference from these pure, unmixed and abstract principles and theories, thinks, whilst he shews us what would be the most eligible mode of providing for the Executive branch of government, about to be formed for the protection of a people, just rising for the first time into political existence—he proves triumphantly and unanswerably, that such too ought to be the mode adopted by a union like ours, composed of so many distinct and independent sovereignties of so old a date, and having such various, distinct and complicated views and interests. Let me not, however, be misunderstood—I am not finding fault with, or condemning in the abstract, the principles laid down by the honorable member. Still less would I be understood to deny that the constitution has been formed upon the broad basis of the public good, and the will of the people of the respective states. I well know (and it is for that very reason I feel so sincere an attachment to it) that the federal compact is founded upon liberal and genuine republican principles—but let not gentlemen in the mean time forget that the government under which we live is of a federative nature, and that these general, unmixed and abstract principles, upon which we are called on exclusively to act, were then modified and practically applied to the wants, prejudices and clashing interests of a numerous and increasing population, divided into a number of distinct sovereignties, spread over a vast extent of country, by that very compact in which it is now proposed to make so material and essential an alteration. This is the true point of view in which the subject should be taken up; and I am happy in finding the ideas of the gentleman's colleague, to whom I before alluded (Mr. J. Randolph) accord so perfectly with my own in the present instance, and that he too is of opinion that this is the true and proper point of view in which, not only the present, but every other proposition to alter or amend the federal compact, should invariably be considered. I lay, Sir, I am truly happy to recollect that the sentiments of that gentleman and my own accord so perfectly on this part of the subject, for exclusively of the advantage which the weight of his authority must afford to my argument, I am free to acknowledge that it has frequently been a source of regret to me to find a difference in our view of things led me on so many occasions to differ in opinion with most of the companions of my youth, whom I have met on this floor, and
whom I have for so many years been in the habit of regarding as persons of honor and worth.
It was stated, and in my humble opinion correctly stated by the hon. member from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) of whom I have last spoken, some days since, that when we were about to make any alteration in the compact which unites these states together, it behoved us not to take into view merely what we thought individually it ought to have been, or wished it to be, nor what shape, were we in convention for that purpose, we should give it—but rather to consider what shape had already been given to it, and what the compact, as it presents itself to us in the constitution, now is. Taking up the subject then under this point of view, allow me, Sir, to put these questions to the House. Let me ask what is the constitution of the United States? From what sources did it originate? In what manner, by whom, from what causes, upon what principles, in what spirit was it originally adopted? Is it not a federative government, agreed upon between 13 distinct and separate sovereignties, for their mutual defence and protection?
Is it not in its essence, a compact, a bargain, a perfect compromise of the interests, powers, influence and rights of a number of independent societies, who have united for their common advantage and who are no further bound or pledged to each other than by the articles and conditions in the written contract—the constitution—which has been acceded to by them all? And is it not upon the spirit, in which the conditions of that compact was originally formed, that every amendment to or alteration in it, should be predicted? These questions must all be necessarily answered in the affirmative. The inhabitants of these United States did not then in forming the federal constitution, act in mass, as one people, nor can the abstract principles borrowed from different authors on the primeval formation of political societies apply to them. The worn out theory of a number of insulated beings assembled together in an extensive plain and led by their common wants and necessities to form themselves into a body politic, cannot be applied to the federal government, nor can inferences drawn from notions of this kind afford correct grounds upon which to build or support alterations and amendments in the national compact.
(To be continued.)
New Garden Seeds.
BERNARD M'MAHON, SEEDSMAN, No. 129, Chesnut-street, Philadelphia, HAS received by the late arrivals from Europe, a general assortment of early garden seeds white clover, hemp, rape, maw, and millet seeds; pruning, grafting, and budding knives, constructed upon the most improved principles, garden lines, and tools of every kind, suitable for gardeners, hyacinth glasses, bats, mats, best Durham flour of mustard, &c. &c.
He expects in a few days the most extensive assortment of grass and garden seeds ever imported into the United States; and the general satisfaction given by his seeds last season, is his principal claim to the patronage of the public.
He has also for sale flower roots, apple, pear, peach, plum, cherry, apricot, and nectarine trees, from one to four years old, in good health, and of the best kinds; grape vine plants, and cuttings of various kinds—Forest trees and flowering shrubs, glass suitable for hot bed lights, and hot bed lights ready made and fit for use.
He has also imported from London, a general assortment of the most celebrated works on botany, agriculture, gardening and natural history, with which, and every new work of merit on those subjects, he is determined to be constantly supplied.
Orders attended to with punctuality and dispatch.
Gardeners to be heard of as above. The printers of the Boston Chronicle, Salem Register, American Citizen, (N. Y.) Baltimore American, National Intelligencer, Norfolk Herald, Charleston City Gazette, and Lyon & Morse's Savannah (Geo.) paper, are requested to copy from the Aurora, an advertisement of Bernard M'Mahon, seedsman, and to insert it twice a week in their respective papers, to the amount of three dollars, which will be paid by Wm. Duane, to their order, or on the first opportunity.
Nov 30—3t
8 Dollars Reward.
DESERTED from on board the United States frigate Chesapeake on the 28th inst. an ordinary seaman named WILLIAM ORANG, about 17 years of age, five feet 5 or 6 inches high, dark hair and eyes, thick set, dark complexion, has a simple look, his eyes looking cross ways—he had on a new check shirt, a pair of blue cloth trowsers and an old blue jacket, it is supposed he made for Baltimore where he was recruited a few weeks ago. The above reward will be given to any person who will cause him to be delivered to captain John Cassin superintendant of the Navy Yard, and all reasonable charges will be paid.
Nov. 29—3t
MILLINERY.
FRANCIS PIC has the honor to inform the ladies and gentlemen of George town and Washington, that he has received since the departure of Mrs. Pic for Philadelphia, an elegant assortment of wigs and frizzettes, silk great coats, coyas mounted in prslid, and beads, muffs, and fippets, flocks, wadding for silk coats, plush hats and Buonaparte bonnets; and expects a general assortment when Mrs. Pic returns home.
Nov. 30—3t

WASHINGTON CITY
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 30.
Yesterday Mr. MERRY presented to the President of the United States, his letters of credence as his Britannic majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the said States.
The SENATE was yesterday engaged in discussing the Presidential amendment to the Constitution. On fixing the number of persons having the highest number of votes, from whom an election shall be made by the House of Representatives in case no one have a majority—the question to make such number five was lost—Yeas 12—Nays 19. It was then agreed to make the number three Yeas 21—Nays 10.
The ultimate decision of the amendment, thus modified, was adjourned until this day.
The remarks, which a short time since appeared in this paper on the subject of salaries, have received honorable notice in the Connecticut Journal, printed in George Town, under the colors of a Washington Federalist. Without attempting to rival the eloquence which makes "fathers eat four grapes and let their children's teeth on edge," we beg leave to question the logic of the following inferences contained in said notice.
 1. James Madison and Albert Gallatin are wise men; therefore Thomas Jefferson, Henry Dearborn, Robert Smith, and all the members of Congress are fools!  2. Seventeen republican members voted in 1799, against an increase of salaries; therefore, they are guilty of flagrant inconsistency in 1803, in voting for the continuance of salaries thus augmented.  3. Forty-eight federal members voted in 1799, for an increase of salaries; therefore, federal members are guilty of no inconsistency in voting on the 21st day of November 1803, to the number of eighteen, against the continuance of salaries increased by themselves or their friends.  4. No man can subsist without food; food cannot be obtained without labor or money; therefore, the Secretary of State, Treasury, War and Navy, can subsist either without food, or can obtain it without labor or money.  5. Patriotism has resolved itself into compensation; therefore, C. G. who receives no compensation as an executive officer, simply, as Paddy says, because he has no office to hold—is the greatest patriot in the United States, and what is still better, the greatest man of the new world. 
So much for logic; now for facts—On the 27th of February, 1799, the following federal gentlemen voted for the present salaries, precisely as they appear in the bill recently passed by the House of Representatives, viz.
YEAS.—John Allen, Biley Bartlett, James A. Bayard, Jonathan Brace, David Brooks, Stephen Bullock, C. G. Champlin, James Cochran, William Craik, Samuel W. Dana, John Dennis, William Edmond, Thomas Evans, Abiel Foster, Dwight Foster, Jonathan Freeman, Nathaniel Freeman, junr. Henry Glen, Chauncy Goodrich, William Gordon, Roger Griswold, W. B. Grove, Thomas Hartley, William Hindman, H. L. Hofner, James H. Imlay, Samuel Lyman, James Machir, William Matthews, Lewis R. Morris, H. G. Otis, Isaac Parker, J. Fish Parker, Thomas Pinckney, John Reed, John Rutledge, junr. James Schureman, Samuel Sewall, William Shepard, Thomas Sinnickson, Nathaniel Smith, George Thatcher, Richard Thomas, Mark Thomson, John E. Van Alen, Peleg Wadsworth, and Robert Waln—52.
On the 21st day of November last the following federal gentlemen voted against the continuance of the same salaries, viz.
William Chamberlin, Martin Chittenden, John Davenport, Thomas Dwight, CALVIN GODDARD, Thomas Griffin, Gaylord Griswold, Seth Hastings, David Hough, Joseph Lewis, junr. Thomas Lewis, Nathaniel Mitchell, John C. Smith, William Stedman, James Stephenon, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, George Tibbitts.
We resume, this day, the debate in the House of Representatives on the amendment to the Constitution designating the electoral votes given for President and Vice-President. The well expressed observations of Mr. Clopton, with which the debate commenced, will
revive a recollection of the awful feelings which pervaded the heart of every true patriot in the year 1800, when the union depended on an event far from certain. The attention which Mr. Clopton's speech will receive from its intrinsic goodness will be a proper tribute paid to unassuming merit. Entering the list with no less than five lengthy federal speeches pronounced in succession, we confidently submit the impression, that shall be made on the public mind, to the comparative merits of each.
We owe, at the same time, to the public, mention of the reason for the silence with which so many federal speeches on this subject were received by the republican side of the House. Confiding in the illumination of the popular opinion on this important subject, and on its purity and zeal, they correctly considered it preferable to give a silent vote, to incurring the serious inconveniences of a protracted debate. At the time the amendment passed the House, the legislatures of Vermont and Tennessee were in session, and it was then hoped that it would receive the sanction of both branches in time to be acted upon by those bodies previously to their adjournment.
Extract of a letter from THOMAS T. DAVIS, Esq. dated Kaskaskia, Indiana Territory, October 18, 1803.
"Since I saw you in Kentucky, I have travelled through this territory, and visited our new acquired country on the West side of the Mississippi. This country does not equal the same which common report gives it; it is greatly inferior to Kentucky in point of fertility. From the falls of the Ohio to St. Vincennes the land is rich and well watered, though broken. From Vincennes, which stands on the bank of the Wabash, to this place, is a poor country, nine tenths of it is prairie, or, as we would call it, old field. The water is scarce and bad; the distance is 160 miles without inhabitants,—though it is said that on each side of the road at some distance, the land is good. From this to Cahokia is 60 miles, a fine rich country, and settled but there is room in this country for millions of inhabitants. To this country every young man who is without a fortune ought to repair. The best of land here is to be had on the lowest terms."
"On the other side of the Mississippi the land is rich near the river, but becomes poor and broken as you leave it. The French all live in villages; the Americans go on farms. In Upper Louisiana there are about ten thousand souls,—about half of which are said to be Americans."
"I think the soil and climate here well adapted to the growth of cotton and hemp; but as a great proportion of the people have newly settled—no great experiment has yet been made.—If persons migrating here are not permitted to bring their negroes with them, it will be many years before we become a slave state. Persons wishing to hold slaves will go on the Spanish side;—those who are against it will settle in the state of Ohio, where the point is settled."
"The Indians are all peaceable; many of them live in this village, and the village of St. Vincennes. This place exhibits some remains of former grandeur,—a great number of chimneys are standing to which houses were formerly annexed. The Jesuits College is quite down, the vaults alone remain entire. This depopulation is said to be owing to the extension of the American government here—the former inhabitants were all slave holders, and the adoption of the ordinance induced them to believe their negroes would be liberated, and they immediately quit this place and went on the Spanish side of the Mississippi—they left their houses which have fallen down for the want of some person to take care of them. This alarm now exists among the inhabitants on the other side of the Mississippi, for they are large slave holders, and the sooner some act of the government removes those fears the better. I wish Congress would make provision by law for granting appeals and writs of error from the general court of this territory to the supreme federal court. Before the last general court a verdict was obtained for thirteen thousand dollars, and it involves a doubtful legal question."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, November 28. The bill repealing the act to establish an uniform system of BANKRUPTCY throughout the United States was read the third time, and passed, without a division.
A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed, with amendments, the bill which authorizes hostilities against Morocco.
On the call of Mr. Jackson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Dawson in the Chair—on the following resolution:
Resolved, That provision be made, by law, for the application of one twentieth part of the net proceeds of the land laying within the state of Ohio, sold, or to be sold by Congress, from and after the 30th day of June 1802, to the
laying out, and making public roads, leading from the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic, to the Ohio river, and to the said state of Ohio; in conformity with the acts of Congress, entitled "An act to enable the people of the Eastern division of the territory North West of the river Ohio, to form a constitution, and state government, and for the admission of such state into the union on an equal footing with the original states; and for other purposes," passed upon the 30th April, 1802, as well as the act passed the 3rd of March 1803 in addition to and in modification of the propositions contained in the act aforesaid; and the ordinance of the convention of the state of Ohio, bearing date the 29th day of November, 1802.
On this resolution a debate ensued, which continued until 4 o'clock.
Messrs. Jackson, Lyon, Boyle, Bendinger and Morrow supported, and Messrs. J. Randolph, Nicholson, Griswold, Rodney, Varnum, Sanford, Mason, Goddard and Smilie opposed the resolution.
The debate turned upon these points. One of the propositions made by Congress to the people now composing the state of Ohio on their admission into the union was that one-twentieth part of the net proceeds of the public lands sold within that state should be applied to the making of roads, under the direction of Congress, from the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic, to the Ohio river, & to the state of Ohio. The state of Ohio accepted these propositions with certain modifications, one of which was that three per cent. of the proceeds of said lands should be laid out, under her direction, in making roads within the state. In these modifications Congress concurred.
Those in favor of the resolution contended that in addition to the appropriation of the three per cent. to be laid out within the state of Ohio, Congress were bound to appropriate five per cent. of the proceeds to the making of roads leading to the Ohio; while the opponents of the resolution contended, that the whole appropriation which Congress were bound to make was five per cent. of the proceeds; and having already appropriated three per cent. to the making of roads within the state of Ohio, it only remained to appropriate the remaining two per cent. to the making of roads leading to the Ohio.
Mr. Varnum moved to substitute "one fiftieth" in the room of "one-twentieth," as this would try the principle.
The question was taken on Mr. Varnum's amendment, and carried, Ayes 75.
When the resolution, so amended, was carried without a division.
The committee rose and reported it; and the House, without deciding upon it, adjourned.
TUESDAY, Nov. 29, 1803.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill making provision for the further protection of the seamen and commerce of the United States, were referred to a select committee.
The House took up the report of the committee of the whole, on Mr. Jackson's resolution making an appropriation of a certain part of the proceeds of lands, sold in Ohio, to the making of public roads, and agreed to it without a division.
After which several verbal amendments were made, and the resolution, thus amended, referred to a committee to bring in a bill.
Mr. Dawson called for the order of the day on two resolutions, some time since offered, respecting post roads.
Mr. Claiborne called for the order of the day on the bill for the relief of Amey Dardin.
The motion of Mr. Dawson being lost, there being only 32 Ayes in favor of it, Mr. Claiborne's motion was taken up.
Mr. Sanford moved to postpone the order of the day on the bill for the relief of Amey Dardin till to-morrow, in order to introduce a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of extending the time for adjusting the claims of individuals for supplies furnished, and services rendered during the revolutionary war—with the view of trying, previously to the granting individual relief, the general principle, whether congress would repeal the statutes of limitation.
After a debate of considerable length the motion to postpone was lost.
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the bill which was so amended as to allow Amey Dardin 2,500 dollars for the horse Romulus, being the estimated value thereof, not including interest.
The committee reported the bill so amended.
The question was then taken on two thousand five hundred dollars, and decided, in the negative—Ayes 48—Nays 47—by the vote of the Speaker.
Mr. Nicholson moved to fill the blank with 2,320 dollars, being the amount of principal and interest on the value of the horse.
Mr. Sanford moved to fill it with 1000 dollars.
The House agreed to Mr. Nicho-
son's motion—Ayes 52—Nays 43. The yeas and nays were then taken on the engrossing of the bill for a third reading—Yeas 57—Nays 49.
A message was received from the President, communicating an Appendix to the Digest respecting Louisiana.
The following letter from Commodore Preble, was received by the Schooner Columbia, Captain Appleton, which arrived at Gloucester on the 17th inst. from Cadiz.
"United States frigate Constitution, Gibraltar Bay, 1st. October, 1803."
GENTLEMEN—A letter directed to Commodore Morris has come to hand, and as Commander of the Mediterranean Squadron, I beg leave to observe that there can be but little danger in your proceeding to the United States, as there are two of my Squadron cruising off Mogadore, Salce, and Larache, which will prevent their cruizers from putting to sea. The Moroccan frigate is now at Lisbon, and has orders not to go out until peace is established between us and the Emperor. A flop of war, however, I have ordered to take a convoy from this Bay, and pass near Cadiz, that you may take advantage of her convoy. There is no truth in the report of a Moorish frigate's having taken four American vessels. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obt. servt.
EDWARD PREBLE."
"To Capt. Benjamin Mason, and others, Cadiz."
New York, November 24.
By the ship Fame, Captain Howland, in 36 days from Liverpool, we have received Liverpool papers to the 7th of October, and London prints to the evening of the 8th. Paris papers had been received at London as late as the 22d of September, from which it appears that the most extensive means were adopted to accomplish the invasion of England. One great army, filled the Army of England, was assembled under Lieut. Gen. Soult, to whom Lt. Gen. Andreossi was attached. It was to consist of 12 demi-brigades, 12 regiments of cavalry, two of flying artillery, and 10 companies of artillery on foot; the whole force would be about 45,000 men. Head-quarters were to be established at Ghent, where Bonaparte was expected the latter end of September. There are likewise two great encampments at St. Omers and Ghent, whose united force would be from 80 to 90,000 men. There was to be a third army assembled at Amiens, on the plan of the Army of Reserve, that was so serviceable at Marengo. It was to consist of 30,000 men, two-thirds cavalry. Bonaparte's military residence was to be with this army at St. Omers. The drawing of troops from Italy, was corroborated; 5,000 of these troops were destined for the post of the highest honour, to fight under the First Consul on the grand expedition. The time fixed in France for this great attempt was said to be about the beginning of Brumaire, the middle of November. This, however, might be calculated to mislead the English.
The building of gun boats, in the several French harbours, proceeded with the utmost activity. The number already built was stated at 3,000. Those of the third class were to be rowed with 36 oars, 3 men to each oar, so that their celerity, even in case of being deprived of their sails, by any accident, is strongly insisted upon. In England, the public mind seems to be exclusively occupied with preparations to repel the threatened invasion. On the 3d of October several regiments of militia marched for Peversey, in Sussex, the identical spot where William the Norman landed with 60,000 men. The force in that quarter were to be employed in forming redoubts, and constructing other works; that part being the most accessible of the Sussex coasts. Between Beachyhead and Portsmouth, six line of battle ships and twelve frigates were constantly cruising. Hasseth Effendi, a new Turkish Ambassador with a numerous suite, was on his way to Paris. The troubles in Egypt appear, by the last accounts, to be in some measure allayed, and great harmony now subsists between the bittering government of Turkey, and the disaffected Bays. The coalition of the northern potentates of Europe, which for some time appeared probable, is quite unlikely to take place. A neutrality, it was rationally supposed, would be observed by them. Between Great Britain and Spain an amicable understanding still exists.
Rumsey's Iron Works,
CONSISTING of furnace, forge, and the necessary appendages, considered perhaps in the most complete manner of any in the United States, with abundance of water, wood, and ore of the best quality, are for sale or rent on the most reasonable terms, by the subscriber—in whom the title wholly is, free from every encumbrance.
F. FAIRFAX, Charles town, Jefferson county, Virg. Nov. 30.—4t
ELISHA RIGGS, has just received from Philadelphia, an additional supply of FALL GOODS, which makes his assortment extensive. Among them are many fancy articles, and superfine cloths, cassimeres, velvets, and fancy vest patterns, Irish linens, cotton counterpanes, ticken, and sheeting, English hats, kid shoes, silk hosiery, and gloves, Shirting flannels, rose blankets, and coarse cloths, Furniture dimities, ditto calicoes, and stuffs, Silks, cambrics, mullins, chintzes and calicoes, Laces, veils, crepes and India mullins, 20 boxes China in sets. Also—other articles, which will be sold on terms to please the purchaser. George-Town, Nov. 30.—1w6w
New Retail Grocery Store.
Just received per the schooner Hi-land J. Hand, master, from Philadelphia, London particular, Madeira, sherry, Port & claret Wines—Cognac brandy, Spanish wine by the cask only; Jamaica spirits, Holland gin, cherry bounce, anniseed cordial, white wine, and cider vinegars, sugar houle molasses, spermaceti oil and candles; Imperial, hyson, young hyson, and hyson skin tea—loaf, lump and muscovado sugars; coffee and chocolate, pearl and common barley, American cheese, butter by the firkin only, bisket salt for table use, sweet oil for do. capers and olives, saffron, almonds, &c. Lemons, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon and allspice, black pepper, mustard and ginger, Spanish teas of a superior quality, Macquaban and rappee snuff, &c blue and arch, brown loaf and candles, wrapping paper, seine twine demijohns, liquor cases, &c. &c.
All warranted to be of the best qualities, and for sale by EDGAR PATTERSON. November 30—tf
BOOKS.
A most elegant collection are now open for sale at DUANE's book-store, Pennsylvania Avenue:
Among which are, Stephen's History of the Wars of the French Revolution, 2 vols. 4to. with elegant maps of the various theatres of the wars. The works of Frederick the Great, king of Prussia, 13 vols. 8vo. Walker's course of Philosophical Lectures, comprehending all modern discoveries, 2 vols. 4to. with numerous plates. Robertson's works,
America, 4 vols. } 12 vols new, Charles V. 4 vols. } 12 vols new, Scotland, 3 vols. } newly bound. India, 1 vol. }
Rumford's Essays, 3 vols. Roscoe's Lorenzo de Medici, 3 vols. Beloe's Herodotus, 4 vols. The Monthly Review, for 1803 Monthly Mirror, 1803 Gentleman's Magazine, 1803 Monthly Magazine, 1803 British Critic, 1803 N. Annual Register, 1801 Fossay's Annual Register, 1800 Do. 1801 Critical Review, 1803 Harri's Works 2 vols. 4to. Gilbie's Aristotle, 2 vols. 4to. Clayton's Alexander, 4to. Clayton's Medici, 4to. The Laws of Pennsylvania, for 1802 Comyn's Digest of the Laws of England, with the continuation by Roe, 6 vols. royal 8vo.
Catalogues may be had at the store. Gentlemen who may wish to view Mr. Peale's Polygraph may see one at Duane's store, where orders per the mail will be received. Nov. 30—2t
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable and good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A waling house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the feythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
OVERTON CARR. September 19. opst
CHINA, GLASS, & QUEENS WARE, STORE.
THE subscriber has just received an elegant assortment of china, glass and queens ware, among which are, A few sets of French china, East India do. China plates and bowls of all sizes, China glass mugs, Cut tumbler, do. wine glass, do. goblets, do. decanters, pint and quart, do. jelly glasses, do. mats. He has also a usual assortment of groceries—best Spanish segars, McIntosh tobacco, Scotch and rappee snuff, Macauba, &c. A. L. JUNCHERE, a few doors below the Union Tavern, November 11—cop7t

PROPOSAL
For carrying the United States mails on the following post roads will be received at the General post office in Washington city, until the 1st day of February next inclusive.
1. From Wilmington Delaware, by New Castle, St. Georgetown, Cantwells bridge, Duck Creek, Dover and Frederica, to Milford, three times a week.
May 1, to November 1. Leave Wilmington every Monday Wednesday and Friday at 11 a m. and arrive at Dover the same days by 9 P. M. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a m. and arrive at Milford by 10 a m. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 2 p m. and arrive at Dover by 3 p m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 a m. and arrive at Wilmington by 2 p m.
November 1, to May 1. Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Dover by 6 p m. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a m. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 1 p m. and arrive at Dover by 7 p m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Wilmington the same days by 6 p m.
2. From Milford by Georgetown, Trap, Snowhill, Horntown and Drummond, to Northampton c. h. once a week.
Leave Milford every Tuesday at 2 p m. and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m. and at Northampton c. h. the next Friday by 6 p m. Returning—Leave Northampton c. h. every Saturday at 6 a m. and arrive at Georgetown on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Georgetown on Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a m.
3. From Wilmington by Christiana bridge, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgi town, to Chestertown twice a week.
Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a m. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p m.
4. From Chestertown by Churchhill, Centreville, Queen Anne's and Kent Island to Annapolis twice a week.
Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a m. and arrive at Centreville by 10 a m. and arrive at Annapolis the same days by 8 p m. Returning—Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m. and arrive at Centreville by 2 p m. Leave Centreville at 3 p m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m.
5. From Centreville to Easton twice a week.
Leave Centreville every Wednesday and Saturday at noon and arrive at Easton by 7 p m. Leave Easton every Tuesday and Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Centreville by 1 p m.
6. From Romney by Springfield, Frankfort and Grafton to Cumberland once a week.
Leave Romney every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Cumberland by 6 p m. Leave Cumberland every Monday at 6 a m. and arrive at Romney by 6 p m.
7. From Fauquier c. h. by Acquia to King George c. h. once in two weeks.
Leave Fauquier c. h. every other Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at King George c. h. on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave King George c. h. every other Wednesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Fauquier c. h. on Thursday by 6 p m.
8. From Tappahannock to Richmond c. h. once a week.
Leave Richmond c. h. every Thursday noon, and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p m.
Leave Tappahannock every Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Richmond c. h. by noon.
9. From Inglesville by Tazewell c. h. or Jeffersonville, Ruffel c. h. and Lee c. h. to Cumberland Gap once in two weeks.
Leave Inglesville every other Tuesday at 5 a m. and arrive at Cumberland Gap the next Saturday by 3 p m. Leave Cumberland Gap at 4 p m. and arrive at Inglesville the next Thursday by 6 p m.
10. From Suffolk by Everetts Bridge, Gates c. h. Edenton, Lee's Mills, Plymouth and Washington to Newbern twice a week.
Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 1 p m. and arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday at 1 p m. Leave Edenton at 2 p m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Sunday by 6 a m. Leave Plymouth at 6 1/2 a m. and arrive at Washington the same days by 6 p m. Leave Washington at 7 p m. and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 p m. Returning—Leave Newbern every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m. and arrive at Washington by 5 p m. Leave Washington at 6 p m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Saturday by 4 p m. and arrive at Edenton on Sunday and Thursday at 9 a m. Leave Edenton at 9 1/2 a m. and arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday by 9 a m.
11. From Wilkesville by Speed and Wilkins's store, Walden's store, Sterlingville and Normanton to Mount Tirzah once a week.
Leave Wilkesville every Saturday at 10 a m. and arrive at Mount Tirzah on Monday by 11 a m. Leave Mount Tirzah at 1 p m. and arrive at Wilkesville on Tuesday by 6 p m.
12. From Wilkes c. h. to Ash c. h. in North Carolina once a week.
Leave Wilkes c. h. every Monday at 6 a m. and arrive at Ash c. h. by 6 p m.
Leave Ash c. h. every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Wilkes c. h. by 6 p m.
13. From Fayetteville by M'Fallville, Windfieldville and Cheraw c. h. to Camden once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 p m.
Leave Camden every Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 p m.
14. From Jonesborough by River Bridge and New Lebanon to N. W. River Bridge once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at N. W. River Bridge on Wednesday by 3 p m.
Leave N. W. River Bridge every Wednesday at 4 p m. and arrive at Jonesborough on Thursday by noon.
15. From Jonesborough to Elizabethton in Tennessee once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Monday at 5 a m. and arrive at Elizabethton by 9 a m.
Leave Elizabethton every Monday at noon, and arrive at Jonesborough by 4 p m.
16. From Knoxville to Burrville once a week.
Leave Knoxville every Monday at 4 a m. and arrive at Burrville by 11 a m.
Leave Burrville every Monday at 1 p m. and arrive at Knoxville by 8 p m.
17. From Nashville in Tennessee by Franklin, Occochee, M'Intoshville to Grindstoneford once a week.
Leave Nashville every Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Grindstoneford the next Monday by 8 p m. Returning—Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Nashville the next Monday by 8 p m.
18. From Grindstoneford by Greeneville, Huntston, Washington, and Natchez, to Fort Adams, or Lofts Heights, once a week.
Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p m. Leave Natchez on Wednesday at 8 a m. and arrive at Fort Adams by 8 p m. Returning—Leave Fort Adams every Sunday at 4 a m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p m. Leave Natchez every Monday at 4 a m. and arrive at Grindstoneford by 8 p m.
19. From Charleston by St. George's and Orange c. h. to Columbia, once a week.
Leave Columbia every Monday at 10 a m. and arrive at Charleston on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave Charleston every Thursday at 2 p m. and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by noon.
20. From Washington by Burris's, Lexington, Athens, and Clarkburg to Jackson c. h. once a week.
Leave Washington every Tuesday at 2 p m. and arrive at Jackson c. h. on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Jackson c. h. every Thursday at 6 a m. and arrive at Washington on Friday by noon.
NOTES:
 1. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.  2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices, where no particular time is specified.  3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mails, lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.  4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.  5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.  6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.  7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail. 
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a large carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next, and are to continue in force for one year.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster-General. General Post-Office, Wash- ington City, Nov. 23, 1803.
Public Sales.
ON Saturday the 10th day of December next, at the farm of the late Mr. THOMAS DICK near Bladensburg, will be exposed to public sale the whole of the personal property thereon, consisting of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, the crop on hand, wagons, carts, plantation utensils, &c. Credit to the first of July next on all sums exceeding ten pounds currency, will be given on granting bonds with approved security bearing interest from date.
And on Saturday following, being the 17th day of December, at the late dwelling house in Bladensburg of the said Mr. Dick deceased, will be exposed to sale in like manner and on similar terms the furniture of every kind appertaining to the same. Also a coach with harness for two horses.
JOHN LAIRD, Executor. November 24—epit7D
Ellicott's Journal.
Just opened and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD, and Co. NEW JERSEY AVENUE.
The journal of Andrew
Ellicott, late commissioner on behalf of the United States, for determining the boundary between the United States and the possessions of his Catholic Majesty in America, containing occasional remarks on the situation, soil, rivers, natural productions, and diseases of the different countries on the Ohio, Mississippi, and Gulf of Mexico, with SIX MAPS, comprehending the Ohio, the Mississippi from the mouth of the Ohio to the Gulf of Mexico, the whole of West Florida, and part of East Florida. To which is added an appendix containing astronomical observations, &c Nov. 28.
NOTICE.
ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town, Nov. 25—tf
CITY ASSEMBLIES.
The first Assembly will be held at Mr. Stelle's Hotel on Thursday evening the 1st December next.
THE MANAGERS.
November 28.
WANTED,
IMMEDIATELY a good male servant, and a woman who can come well recommended as a Cook and Laundress. For information apply at this office. November 24—4t
Lots in Washington City.
THE subscriber offers for sale a variety of whole, half, and quarter squares, as well as single lots situated on the beautiful and healthy ground eastward of the capitol and immediately adjoining the bridge now built over the Eastern Branch of the Potomac river.
As those wishing to purchase, will no doubt view the ground and examine the title; it is not now necessary to be more particular as full information may be had at Mr. STELLE's hotel on Capitol square, of the proprietor. GEORGE WALKER. Washington, Nov. 24—3t
TO RENT
AND immediate possession given, a two story frame HOUSE, in the city of Washington, on sq. 224, opposite to Robert Peacock's elegantly occupied by doctor Tabbs. Containing 3 rooms and a large pantry on the 1st floor, two on the 2d floor with garret rooms—Piazza and balcony to the south front, cellar and dry well, with an excellent garden—kitchen stable and carriage house, with every other convenience fit for the reception of a genteel family—for further particulars, enquire at the store of Mr. Xaupi a few doors east of Rhodes's tavern, north F street. October 29. tf
NOTICE.
APPLICATION is intended to be made at the Treasury for the renewal of the following described certificates of Registered debt which have been lost, viz: No. 2203 and 2201, given to James Moore and Andrew Henderson for 165 69-100ths cents each—one to Charles Auromer, No. 2199 for 165 69-100ths cents—another to Meredith Welf, No. 2193, for 264 62-100ths cents, and one granted to Charles Miller, No. for 165 69-100ths cents, all bearing interest from 1st July 1781. WILLIAM CALHOUN. October 26—6w
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR.
HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14. tf
AH persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same; and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30.
On Monday next will be published at Duane's Store, Pennsylvania Avenue.
BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES,
WITH NOTES OF REFERENCE.
TO THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF THE
Federal government of the United States, and the Commonwealth of Virginia.
IN FIVE VOLUMES WITH AN APPENDIX TO EACH VOLUME.
Containing short tracts upon such subjects as appeared necessary to form a correct view of the laws of Virginia, as a member of the federal union.
By St. George Tucker, Professor of law, in the university of William and Mary; and one of the Judges of the General Court in Virginia.
A large collection of the most valuable books, and an extensive assortment of stationery will be opened on the same day—Catalogues will be published in the course of the
The highest price will be given in cash for linen and cotton rags in any quantity from a pound to a ton weight—at the above store.
Book-binding, ruled work for accounts—Letter-press and copper plate printing executed—and orders for engraving by the best artists of America executed. November 14—tf
JUST RECEIVED,
By the UNITED STATES, Capt. Finley from Liverpool, Fall Goods, viz.
Brass Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell metal kettles, brass doormen, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddlery, brass ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c. HENRY INGLE. Washington Oct. 28—ep2m.
Lots for sale.
IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereof by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
Attorney at law and Conveyancer. I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occaquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find r.s. on the he premises. Feb. 21st. THOS. ROLLARD. ep
LECTURES.
IN a science so various and complicated as the present system of the LAW, nothing which tends to facilitate the progress of the student can be deemed useless. It is with this view that the subscriber proposes to deliver during the winter, (and if suitable encouragement offers, annually)
A COURSE OF LECTURES,
On Education, Belletr Letters, Composition, History and Law.
The subscriber means to divide the same into two distinct courses. The object of the division is, that young gentlemen who are designed to fill stations in active life, distinct from those of the learned professions, may resort to that course of lectures which will be delivered without a relation to the Law, which will be the sole foundation of the other.
If the plan should meet with success, the subscriber contemplates furnishing, next winter, a handsome Library, for the use of such gentlemen as feel desirous of patronizing the undertaking.
The municipal laws of each state will then be provided—That students at law from any part of the United States will find it their interest to repair to the Metropolis, to pursue their studies; where they will have the advantage of attending the Congressional debates.
The facility of access which the houses of Congress offer, is a circumstance peculiarly advantageous to the student, and the youthful pleader, not only from the light which is thrown in the course of debate on controverted questions of law; not only to be derived from witnessing the eager contests, the vigorous attacks, the wary methods of defence, exhibited by men of the most conspicuous talents, rivals alike in abilities and interest, but especially from this consideration, that the speakers are, in general, exempted by the nature of their functions, from those defects to which pleaders are peculiarly exposed.
The Lectures will commence the first week in December next, and continue until twelve distinct Lectures in each course shall have been delivered. The terms may be known by application personally, or by letters post paid to ROBERT WARE PEACOCK, Attorney at Law. City of Washington, October 17. NI&UGDr.
COLUMBIAN INN.
GEORGE TOWN.
THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 21. ep1j
HENRY POLKINHORN,
Saddler, Harness, Army Accoutrements, & Trunk-maker.
HAVING taken his two nephews Wm. & Richard M. Hall, into partnership, The business in future will be conducted in this place under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and Wm. Hall, who have opened at the store lately occupied by Mr. Conner, (two doors from the bank of Columbia) a handsome assortment of articles in their line, and hope from attention to business to merit the favors of their friends and the public.
The business will be continued as usual in Baltimore, (under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and R. Hall) where they have for sale a general assortment of saddlery, wholesale and retail, which they are determined to sell on the lowest terms. George Town, Nov. 23—1m
District of Pennsylvania, to wit:
BE it remembered, That on the ninth day of May, in the twenty-seventh year of the independence of the United States of America, William Young Birch, and Abraham Small, of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit:
"BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES,
WITH NOTES OF REFERENCE, TO THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, AND OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA, IN FIVE VOLUMES, WITH AN APPENDIX TO EACH VOLUME, CONTAINING SHORT TRACTS UPON SUCH SUBJECTS AS APPEARED NECESSARY TO FORM A CONNECTED VIEW OF THE LAWS OF VIRGINIA, AS A MEMBER OF THE FEDERAL UNION, BY ST. GEORGE TUCKER, Professor of Law, in the university of William and Mary, and one of the Judges of the General Court in Virginia."
In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, intitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned;" and also to an act entitled, "An act supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned. And extending the benefits hereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical, and other prints." (L. S.) D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
The above work may be had at John March's book store, George Town, and of the booksellers in the city of Washington. November 23—1m
FOR SALE.
ABOUT 2000 acres of land on the East side of the Eastern Branch, and adjoining it, three miles from the city of Washington. Vessels drawing 12 feet water, may load at the landing, where there is a tolerable good fishery. Near 400 acres of this land is a rich bottom through which there are several streams of water, that turn a mill, erected on the land, and which might be used to advantage, in watering meadow: a part of the bottom is now in Timothy grass and the whole is capable of producing grass in abundance, and tobacco. There may be between five and six hundred acres in wood, the rest is cleared land. A part of the land adjoins a commodious brick dwelling house, with all convenient out-houses; and a large and handsome garden, but not in good repair, on the borders of the town of Bladensburg. This property, so convenient to the city of Washington, which affords a market for grass and all other productions of land, equal to any in the United States; so certain from its situation to rise in a few years, to a price several times as high as it will now be taken for, well deserves the attention of men of fortune. The whole land including the dwelling house and improvements, and mill, will be sold for 2000 per acre. It is questionable whether the meadow ground, alone, is not worth all the money; it is certain, that it might easily be made to pay more than the annual interest of the whole purchase. BEN. STODDERT, George Town, Nov. 15—3w
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handiest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11—tf
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE, BY RAPINE CONRAD & Co.
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. (Price 2 dolls. 25 cents in boards, or 2 dolls. 50 cents bound.) History of the BRITISH Expedition to EGYPT.
To which is subjoined, A sketch of that country and its means of defence. Illustrated with maps and a portrait of Sir Ralph Abcrombie.
By ROBERT T. WILSON, Lieutenant colonel of cavalry in his Britannic Majesty's service, & Knight of the Imperial military order of Maria Theresa. September 28.