The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-12-06 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. X.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1429
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
EXPOSITION OF THE CONDUCT OF THE HONORABLE FRANCIS JAMES JACKSON, IN HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH ROBERT SMITH, ESQ., SECRETARY OF STATE. Concluded.
Referring the reader to the correct elucidations which are given by Mr. Smith, in his letter of the 19th of October, on the several interesting topics in dispute between the United States and Great Britain, and particularly to the conciliatory offer of the President to comprehend the orders in council in a general negotiation, the writer of this exposition proceeds to the letter of Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith of the 23d of October. This letter is remarkable, among other points, for the very unsatisfactory explanation it furnishes of the reasons for disavowing Mr. Erskine's arrangement. It was disavowed, Mr. Jackson asserts, because his predecessor had no authority to conclude it. There is no reference to the equity and justice of the terms; no " strong and solid reasons " in relation to the rights of the United States. But, simply, the act was disavowed, because the minister was unauthorised to conclude it. This, certainly, is a convenient , if not a legal excuse . It is one which may at all times and under all circumstances be resorted to. Nothing more is necessary than to declare that a minister has not comprehended his instructions, and the most solemn engagements are at an end. But this is neither law nor good faith. Supposing that the violation of instructions is good cause for disavowing an arrangement, the mere saying so is no competent and satisfactory explanation to the disappointed party. It is incumbent on the disavowing party to show that they have been violated; that is, the disappointed party should prove the fact of violation. Mr. Jackson has not done this. He refers to a printed despatch of the 23d of January, and offers his bare word for all the rest. Where are the " several " letters of instructions mentioned by Mr. Erskine? Why not produce the original paper of the despatch of January 23d, that is, the manuscript of it? Why, in an official proceeding, refer to a copy which appeared in the newspapers? And where is the instruction relative to the Chesapeake? Did Mr. Erskine exceed his orders in that respect also? Mr. Jackson says he did; but Mr. Jackson produces no copy, (not even a printed one,) of the instruction on that head: Is this what Vattel, (an authority fully admitted by Mr. Jackson,) would call a " strong and solid reason ?" Mr. Jackson's bare word, unsupported by corroborating vouchers or circumstances, cannot be received as evidence in the case; yet he offers no other; and in this view it is worthy of notice, that Mr. Jackson claims for himself that weight of credibility which he denies to Mr. Smith and to the President. He requires that his solitary declaration (a declaration vitiated by his tergiversations) should be taken in support and for full proof of a fact, and at the same time more than insinuates that Mr. Smith's word, and the asseverations of the President through Mr. Smith, are not entitled to belief.
The reader will observe, that Mr. Smith in his letter of the nineteenth of Oct. says, "The declaration that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d of January is the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it relates is now for the first time made to this government." Mr. Jackson had read this observation when he wrote his reply of October 23d, from which the following is an extract:
"So far from the terms which he [Mr. Erskine] was actually induced to accept having been contemplated in that instruction, he himself states that they were substituted by you [the Secretary of State] in lieu of those originally proposed."
This is not only an untruth as it respects Mr. Smith, but it is a palpable departure from veracity in regard to Mr. Erskine. The latter gentleman has no where asserted, (it is confidently affirmed) that Mr. Smith substituted conditions. The inducement with Mr. Erskine
for concluding the agreement of the 19th of April, arose as he avers in his letter of August 14th from " a thorough conviction in his mind, that he was acting in conformity with his majesty's wishes ." Mr. Smith neither solicited him to accept nor to reject; all the propositions came from Mr. Erskine. There could be no possible motive on the part of the American government to urge Mr. Erskine to depart from the tenor of his instructions, or the least disposition to substitute terms for him; for what possible benefit could accrue to Mr. Smith or to the President by wheedling the British minister into an accommodation, which, if contrary to his orders, they would have known would not have been accepted by his government? Common sense rejects all such insinuations; and that man must be the victim of credulity indeed, who can for one instant believe that the Secretary of State or that Mr. Madison would not only risk their reputations, but place in jeopardy a great mass of property belonging to their fellow citizens, on the event of so frail a compact. Besides, if Mr. Erskine had been weak enough to be their dupe, or sufficiently wicked to combine with them, he would hardly have sense enough or be so honest as to keep the secret.
The extract, just quoted, which thus libels the American government and implicates Mr. Erskine, is that passage of Mr. Jackson's letter where he presumes to contradict the constituted authorities of the United States. It was of course incumbent on the Executive to vindicate his own honor and maintain the outraged dignity of the nation.
Mr. Smith's letter to Mr. Jackson of the 1st of Nov. contains this necessary vindication, by declaring such insinuations " inadmissible ." And what was Mr. Jackson's answer? " I have carefully avoided (says he) drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and least of all should I think of uttering an insinuation where I was unable to substantiate a fact ." With determined pertinacity, he adds, " and in so doing I must continue ." Thus, it is perceived, Mr. Jackson had insulted the government; he repeated the insult after being told that it was inadmissible; and insisting on the untruth in the most unequivocal terms, openly and imperatively avowed his resolution to " continue " the same line of conduct. There was no possibility of forbearing any longer; it had become indispensably necessary to cut him off from the government, and accordingly he was cut off.
The evasion which Mr. Jackson afterwards attempted to palm upon the Secretary of State, is the basest of all possible subterfuges. Making use of Mr. Oakley's name, he says, "One of the facts alluded to [the communication of the conditions by Mr. Erskine] has been admitted by the Secretary of State himself;" and, "that that instruction [of January 23d] is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed, is known to me." He then proclaims, that it was for " stating these facts and adhering to them ," that he was dismissed by the President. So far from this having been the ground for discarding him, it is confidently affirmed by the writer of this article, that if Mr. Jackson, in his letters to the Secretary of State, had advanced nothing more than what he does in Mr. Oakley's note, the government of the United States would certainly have taken no offence at it. But Mr. Jackson's insinuations and assertions were of a very different complexion. They were not that Mr. Smith admitted one fact that Mr. Jackson knew another fact; but that, Mr. Smith having stated to Mr. Jackson, that "after the explicit and peremptory assertion that this government had no such knowledge [of the despatch] and that with such a knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view, which you have again presented of the subject, makes it my duty to apprise you, that such insinuations are inadmissible;" Mr. Jackson replied after other remarks, " least of all should I think of uttering an insinuation where I was unable to substantiate a fact ." A man so fully convicted of prevarication surely have no credit with the public.
It will be observed, that the ground of Mr. Jackson's disgrace, is not a dis-
agreement as to personal veracity between Mr. Smith and Mr. Erskine, nor between Mr. Smith and Mr. Jackson; but it is exclusively a question, whether Mr. Jackson, in an official correspondence with the American government, was to be permitted to call in question the veracity of the power with whom he was treating; not whether Mr. Smith told the truth or whether Mr. Jackson told the truth; but whether the Executive of the United States was to suffer itself to be repeatedly and un-equivocally stigmatised with the imputation of falsehood. The pith and substance of it is this: Would a private gentleman in negotiating any business whatever with another person, put up with the lie direct? Apply the answer to the case between the government of the United States and Mr. Jackson, and the point is decided to the satisfaction of every American citizen who loves his country and venerates the constitution. Mr. Jackson was doubtless, at full liberty to amplify and enforce any respectful propositions that he advanced, by all the arguments within his reach, provided they were decorously urged; but it was departing from every customary rule of diplomatic deportment, which prevails even in time of war, to draw inferences and to insist upon conclusions, which are neither deducible from the circumstances which he cites, nor warranted by the evidence which he quotes in support of them. How much less was it permissible to invent facts which had no foundation in truth.
Supposing, nevertheless, that Mr. Erskine had stated that Mr. Smith substituted conditions for him, by what new rule of logic is it, that Mr. Erskine, whom Mr. Jackson represents as having departed from the conditions of his instructions as well as having affirmed to the government of the United States an untruth, is to be received as a competent and credible witness as to a fact which is denied by the government which he has deceived? Such sophistry cannot be supported by the most cunning lawyer or subtle casuist. There is, indeed, nothing more inconsistent than Mr. Jackson's false reasoning, from the beginning to the end of the correspondence. The length of the correspondence and the diffusiveness of his style may, for an instant, embarrass the understanding; but when his anti-neutral doctrines and anti-American prejudices are essentially comprehended, their flagrant and tyrannical aspect will be manifest to every individual in the community. The new envoy admits, he evades, avows and disavows, asserts, rejects, insinuates, and equivocates, all in a breath. The more he wrote, the more he convinced the American government that he was either the mischievous instrument for perverting the good intentions of his sovereign, or the slippery tool of a designing ministry, whose evil schemes were too glaring to be concealed by his shallow artifices.
In the preceding part of this exposition it is remarked, that " a rigid examination of the language and spirit of Mr. Jackson's letters, would evince that the recapitulation of the Secretary of State (as to what passed in official verbal conference) is substantially correct ." There is no manner of doubt, that the three conditions are the only terms upon which Mr. Jackson would accept any proffered arrangement, however he might " receive and discuss " propositions of any other description. He does not anywhere in his letters to the Secretary of State deny it. All that he says is in corroboration of it. These three conditions are embraced in the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d of January, and require from the United States a relinquishment of the carrying trade, a non-intercourse against France and her dependencies, and permission for Great Britain to enforce the acts of Congress on the ocean. Mr. Jackson says, indeed, that he was not instructed to renew these nor to make any other proposals; but he assigns as the sole reasons for the absence of such instructions, 1st, that they had been rejected by the American government; and 2d, that Great Britain would never cease to maintain the principle recognized by those conditions, to wit " the total and unqualified interdiction of all trade with the enemy " in neutral bottoms on American account; declaring it to
be " a matter of indifference to Great Britain, whether the order in council be continued, or an arrangement by mutual consent substituted in its room ." In brief, Mr. Jackson was not authorised to renew the three conditions , because they would not be accepted by the President; and he was instructed to propose no new ones, because the British government would yield to nothing but the three conditions . If a doubt exists upon the subject, let the reader inspect the new envoy's letter of the 4th of November, wherein he says, " before the orders in council can be revoked, their object must be obtained in some other way ." And one of those orders, to wit, that of the 26th of April, the one which is now in operative existence, Mr. Jackson affirms, " is more restrictive than those of November 1807 ." These declarations on the part of the discarded minister, explain what he means in his letter of the 23d of October, when, in speaking of his instructions, he announces that " they look to substituting for notions of good understanding, erroneously entertained, practical stipulations on which a real reconciliation of all differences may be substantially founded ." That is, the equitable and lawful claims of the United States are considered as mere " notions ," for which notions Mr. Jackson's instructions empower him to " substitute " " practical stipulations ," which practical stipulations are the three conditions of the despatch of the 23d of January, or " the order in council of the 26th of April, which is more restrictive than those of November 1807 ," and which, in principle, (and in practice too, with occasional variations,) his Britannic Majesty " can never cease to maintain ."
Mr. Smith, in his letter to Mr. Pinkney of November the 23d, has placed the subject of the disavowal of Mr. Erskine's arrangement in so far a light, and exposed so completely the frivolity of the pretences upon which it was disavowed, that but very few additional pictures, in that particular, will be introduced into this exposition; and these will be confined to the tenor of the despatch of the 23d of January, which Mr. Erskine is said to have violated. One of the conditions prescribed in that despatch, was in the following words:
"3d. Great Britain, for the purpose of securing the operation of the embargo, and of the bona fide intention of America to prevent her citizens from trading with France, and the powers adopting and acting under the French decrees, is to be considered as being at liberty to capture all such American vessels as may be found attempting to trade with the ports of any of these powers; without which security for the observance of the embargo, the raising it nominally with respect to Great Britain alone, would, in fact, raise it with respect to all the world."
"In urging" this condition, Mr. Smith very properly remarks, " Mr. Canning has taken a ground forbidden by those principles of decorum which regulate and mark the proceedings of governments towards each other ." It was not only to obtain a pledge against the bad faith of the intention of the American government, as the Secretary of State says; but the liberty to capture which the condition requires plainly implies, that even if the intention of the American government be an intention of good faith , yet there would be no security to Great Britain for the fulfilment of it by the citizens of the United States unless the British navy were at liberty to make prize of the vessels and goods of those citizens, who are by the condition supposed to be so profligate as not to obey the laws of their country, and the constituted authorities so imbecile as not to be able to compel them to respect the acts of Congress. In effect, that the people of the United States are knaves and law-breakers, and their Congress and President a mere cypher. The navy of Great Britain was to strengthen the latter and to make the former virtuous. And this condition, and the whole despatch, was to be communicated in extenso (in all its parts) to the chief magistrate of the nation!
It seems to be of some importance to the merits of the case in question, to discriminate clearly between the act of a minister concluding an agreement in virtue of a full power in relation to the terms of the agreement, and the
act of a minister concluding such an agreement by the authority of a general power (or letter of credence) to settle his sovereign in any matter respecting which he should be instructed. In the first instance, the minister would have to produce his full power to the government with which he was about to negotiate; in the second, the minister being resident near the government, and his general letter of credence being in the possession of the government, he would not be under the necessity of presenting any new power nor be compelled to show his instructions, but act in his usual envoial and plenipotential character , full faith and credit would be given to him in that shape by the government with which he treated. Mr. Erskine appears to have acted in the latter way. He made the arrangement in virtue of his general letter of credence , and kept his " several " letters of instructions out of view, " subject to his own discretion ." But if a full power had been necessary to enable Mr. Erskine to conclude the arrangement, Mr. Jackson acknowledges that he had that full power in his possession, for, says he, in his letter of the 4th of November, " the instructions in this (Mr. Erskine's) case took the place of a full power ." And, if a full power had not been requisite, Mr. Jackson gives a very substantial reason why it was not necessary: " No full power (he observes in his letter of November 4th) was given in the present [Mr. Erskine's] case, because it was not a treaty, but the materials for forming a treaty, that was in contemplation ." Thus, in any view of the subject, Mr. Erskine's mode of proceeding and the authority by which he acted, are pronounced by Mr. Jackson to have been correct and sufficient.
The despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d of January, affords the most conclusive proof that the arrangement which he was a thorn to conclude with the American Executive was not to be subject to any subsequent act of ratification in London previously to its going into operation; for Mr. Canning says in that despatch, " his Majesty will be prepared on the faith of such engagement [as Mr. Erskine might make] either immediately (if the repeal shall have been immediate in America) or on any day specified by the American government for that repeal, reciprocally to recall the orders in council, without waiting for the conclusion of the treaty; and, you are authorised, in the circumstances herein described, to make such reciprocal engagement on his Majesty's behalf ." Here is a clear power to conclude and give instantaneous effect to the agreement the moment it was entered into; there is no reservation for the king's consent after the arrangement was made; his Majesty's approbation preceded the fact, and Mr. Erskine was acting on this point at least, by the absolute command of his sovereign, nor is the case at all singular: other British ministers, resident at foreign courts, have been clothed with the same power. Alleyne Fitzherbert concluded a preliminary arrangement with the court of Spain, (which was signed at Madrid the 24th of July, 1790, by himself and the count Florida Blanca, respecting the capture of certain British vessels in the bay of Nootka,) in virtue of his general letter of credence as ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the Catholic king; and this arrangement was held sacred and binding on the British government, and was followed by a convention between Great Britain and Spain on the 28th of October of the same year. These state papers may be found in the London Annual Register for 1790, pages 300, 301 and 303. It is, therefore, a flimsy pretence for disavowing the arrangement of the 19th of April, to say that it was subject to ratification in England, seeing the authority is explicit to the contrary, and supported by a parallel case in English history. And Mr. Jackson is truly unfortunate in his allusion to the rejected treaty assented to by Col. Monroe, because Col. Monroe informed the British commissioners that he was acting contrary to his instructions, and the treaty contained, moreover, a special provision that it should not go into effect before it was ratified by the American and British governments respectively; which circumstance precluded the possibility of all imposture in the case, that might arise from the treachery of either party.

If it be even allowed that the arrangement was loosely framed on the part of Mr. Erskine, yet still, as the terms of it were manifestly just in respect to the United States, it was to be expected that the British government would provide against every contingent loss that might accrue from the violation of it. Mr. Jackson himself appears to be perfectly aware of the propriety of such a provision, and lays no trifling emphasis upon that "frankness, promptitude, and most scrupulous regard to national honor," with which "his majesty's government gave notice to the American minister in London of the disavowal, of the motives of it, and of the precautions spontaneously taken by his majesty to prevent any loss or injury accruing to the citizens of United States." But, when pressed upon this subject, when certain important omissions were indicated to him, and it was shown that his majesty had not been quite so scrupulous as he ought to have been in his spontaneous precautions "to prevent any loss," Mr. Jackson very gravely replied, that "it was not and could not be intended to obviate all possible inconvenience." And as a reason why the non-intention "to obviate all inconvenience" was correct, he supposes a case where no previous contract exists, entirely disregarding the fact that the guarantee against all possible loss was due from the king of Great Britain to the U. S. not as a favor but as a right, not as a recompense for the common depredations of British cruisers, but as an act necessary to screen him from the imputation of violating the faith of Great Britain for the purpose of decoying, like the crying crocodile, the property of American citizens within the grasp of his naval force. And why does Mr. Jackson remind the Secretary of State of the "usual liberality of British tribunals?" As well might Ulysses have consoled his unhappy companions by referring them to the merciful disposition of the Cyclops, who devoured one of their number each revolving day!
That there either is a British party in America, or that Mr. Jackson thinks so, is too manifest in the style of some parts of his correspondence. He says, that the conduct of Great Britain to America arises out of "A great system of policy, deliberately adopted and acted on," and that it is a strong and solid reason for adhering to it, because it enables his Britannic majesty to oppose a barrier to the entire submission of Europe to the power of the emperor of the French. It is to illustrate this idea that the allusion is made to Augereau's proclamation to the Catalonians; an allusion which might do very well if addressed to one of the petty belligerent nations of Europe, but which is totally irrelevant and altogether ludicrous when applied to such a neutral power as the U. States. This "great system of policy," so "deliberately adopted and acted on," is to prevent the subjugation of Europe; that is, of G. Britain; for nearly all the rest of Europe is subjugated, or new-modelled. And what is this boasted system? It consists in the difference of price on coffee and sugar, occasioned by the conveyance of those articles into France through Hamburg and Tonnigen instead of their being landed in the ports of Holland. This difference may be two or three cents on the pound; and these two or three cents are to be the salvation of Europe; they are the result of the "great system of policy" pursued by the British; they are the "strong and solid reasons," worthy (as Mr. Jackson proclaims) to govern the councils of a great and powerful monarch, in a formal departure from the common maxims of justice, in the violation of neutral rights, and sufficient to induce those councils to refrain from any attempt to "prostitute America!" The expeditions of Sir John Moore and of Lord Wellington, and that magnificent one to the Scheldt, might be disastrous in behalf of suffering Spain and Portugal, and bleeding Austria; but the two or three cents difference in price upon sugar and coffee, is the stroke of death to Napoleon! It is the mortal blow, which is to destroy his power forever!
There is, however, a circumstance connected with this "great system of policy," which the Secretary of State justly denominated a "phenomenon," and which renders very questionable the vaunted magnanimity of the "councils of this great and powerful monarch." It is, that whilst "a total and unqualified interdiction of all trade with the enemies" of G. Britain is enforced against the U. States, British merchants, with the tacit permission of those "councils," supply, through the ports of Holland and elsewhere, the continent of Europe with those very articles of colonial produce, the privation from which, Mr. Jackson
exultingly avows, is to preserve the world from universal domination! Does coffee or does sugar change its nature, by passing into the European markets through the hands of Englishmen and smugglers instead of being conveyed thither in vessels of the U. States navigated by American seamen? Or will Mr. Jackson admit, (what is most probable) that this "great system of policy," so "worthy to govern the councils of a great and powerful monarch," instead of having for its object resistance to Bonaparte, in vindication of the rights of nations, is to paralyse the commerce of the citizens of the U. States with France, Holland, Italy and their dependencies, in order that the shop-keepers of London and of Liverpool may enjoy the whole profits accruing from the supply of the enemies of G. Britain with the productions of the West India islands, and even of the continent of America? In this latter case, that diabolical spirit, which the new envoy assures us is "to be found in the hearts of the British monarch and his subjects," migrates into paltry pounds, shillings and pence; and instead of valiantly freeing the world from bondage, lies mutely snug in the pockets or the coffers of English merchants, until called forth by the ministry, to supply the means of some new project for infringing the law of nations, and outraging the jurisdiction and rights of neutral states.
It is sufficient to observe, in relation to Mr. Jackson's declaration that he had a full power to negotiate, independent of his general letter of credence, that as he never presented that full power to the President, it was impossible, on his own principles, to treat further with him until he did present it. His offer, therefore, "to exchange his full power against that with which Mr. Smith should be provided," is an evasion; the President could not, according to usage, furnish the Secretary of State with a full power before Mr. Jackson had produced one; and for this very plain reason, because the President could not tell, without having seen Mr. Jackson's full power, what the new envoy was authorised to negotiate about; particularly after he had officially announced that he was only empowered "to receive and discuss propositions."
The able manner in which the Secretary of State has exposed the singular proposition relative to the reparation for the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, almost obviates the necessity of further elucidation. The manner in which the paper of memoranda was presented, however, deserves some notice. The affair of the Chesapeake up to the 23d of October, had been embraced in the general correspondence between Mr. Smith and Mr. Jackson. The latter, in his letter of that date, omits the subject altogether; but, in a note of the 27th of October, he slipped in a separate proposition, which he doubtless thought would, like the artful zass of a fencing master, effect a palpable air . There was something so extremely ridiculous in this trick, that it could excite nothing but a sarcastic smile at the awkward effort at dexterity in Mr. Erskine's successor. He was placed in the posture of a wandering and pretended conjuror, who, being a novice in deception, hugs himself in the conceit that he is deceiving his audience, whilst the audience perceive the whole cheat and laugh at the conjuror's clumsiness.
But what was this paper of memoranda? Surely not a tender nor an act of reparation. It was a demand on the American government to legalize, by acknowledging, the correctness of the principle upon which the frigate was attacked; and thus to justify the outrage for which atonement was by the memoranda proposed. The reservation for the restoration of British subjects and deserters, is, to all intents and purposes, such a demand. Besides, the satisfaction was not a point of interest but a point of honor. And what nation ever yet made conditions in a case of honor? Does Mr. Jackson imagine that the government of the U. States is so mercenary, that it is eager to seize the trifling sum which is to compensate the surviving relations of the slain and the maimed in that vile attack? Let him, if he does, shake off his day-dream, and learn hereafter that it is the honor of our flag that requires satisfaction, and that the reparation is not to be accepted upon the principles of bargain and sale. This is the doctrine maintained by Mr. Madison in his
this fact beyond all doubt: "London, October 12. "A deputation of the merchants interested in the trade to the Continent, had an interview yesterday with the Board of Trade. It was signified to them, that it was the intention of government to extend the permission for importing corn, and exporting colonial produce, and British manufactures, to Holland, as it is allowed to and from France; and that licences would be granted for that purpose."
correspondence with Mr. Rose; and it is the doctrine which the British themselves maintained in the case of Falkland's Islands.
The subject of this exposition requires, it is conceived, very few remarks more in a serious point of view. As a topic of ridicule, Mr. Jackson's letters will be exceedingly acceptable to those who delight in bewraying arrogance of the gab of duplicity. The appeal which that minister has made to the public casts upon him additional odium in the estimation of all worthy men. It is not only unbecoming in an envoy, but it is unbecoming in a gentleman;—it is not only a departure from the rules which ought to govern his diplomatic conduct, but it is a perversion of the truth. Excepting one point, the falsehood of the appeal is sufficiently developed in the preceding strictures: that point is, where he endeavors to persuade the public that he is charged with "important negotiations." Nothing can be more certain than that he was not so charged; or, that if he was, his negotiations were not "important" in an amicable view, to the U. States; and this conclusion is abundantly verified by the words of Mr. Jackson himself, for, in his letter to Mr. Smith of the 23d of October, he says, "the object of that part of my conversation to which you seem to attach the most importance, was to say, that I was not charged to make any proposal whatever;" which is a clean admission, that Mr. Smith was anxious for some friendly proposal, but that Mr. Jackson had none to offer him. The appeal establishes another very material and unfortunate fact, if Mr. Jackson can be relied on; he declares that his "duty imperiously enjoined him to act as he has done;" if this be so; if it was imperiously enjoined on him to act thus, the evil goes further than Mr. Jackson; it is in the British government. A melancholy truth! but which has been long suspected.
Must all hope of peace be relinquished? Must war be prepared for? Congress alone can decide the question. The legislative body is the Alexander to cut the gordian knot of perplexities that compress the energies of the nation. The writer of this production is the friend of peace; but he is also the friend of American rights & honor. He cherishes the idea of tranquility; but would blush to discourage a war in a pre-eminently just cause, either on account of its expense or its hardships. If no other reason induced the despair of a restoration of a good understanding with England, sufficient cause can be discovered for it in the appointment and conduct of Mr. Jackson. Independent of other circumstances, already adverted to, he was selected by the British cabinet with the full knowledge, communicated by Mr. King whilst minister in London, that he was odious to the government of the United States. His behavior here has been a tissue of insolence and absurdities: and the very law of nations to which he so cavalierly appealed in behalf of his rights, he has himself palpably violated.
In a commercial aspect, France and England stand very much in the same hostile relation towards us. The affair of the Chesapeake, however, magnifies the conduct of the latter to an infinitely more warlike attitude than that of the former. The outrage upon our national flag, had it been avowed by the British government, was good cause of war. For more than two years that great indignity has remained unatoned; and every proposition to make reparation except the one so scandalously disavowed after completion, has been attended with some demand that has aggravated the insult. France is not so tangible to our force as Great Britain. Shall we fight both? The choice between them would, indeed, be difficult. But if we do strike, let us strike where we can be felt. May the decision of our rulers be wise, and propitious to the prosperity of the republic.
PUBLIUS.
WILLIAM O'BRIEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR FROM PHILADELPHIA.
BEGS leave to inform his friends and the public in general, that he carries on his business on Seventh street near the Navy Yard, where he has on hand and constantly keeps, a general assortment of the following goods for sale: super fine Cloths, fine and coarse Cassimeres, Moleskins and all kinds of Waistcoatings, Bannets Cords, Constitution Cords, Velvets, Double Milled Drabs, Bath Coatings, Napt Prises and all kinds of Suspenders, all of which will be sold on the lowest terms and made up in the most fashionable manner on the shortest notice. Orders from the country will be particularly attended to.
December 6—w5C DROPT. BEFORE the door of Mr. Bacon, at the Centre Market, yesterday morning. A GOLD WATCH. It has been ascertained that it was lost near the Horse Rack, by parts of the chrysal having been found at that spot, where the owner mounted a horse. Any person who will bring it to the office of the National Intelligencer will learn the name of the owner, who will pay a reward if required.
December 6—2.
Mr. Pope offered the following resolution, prefacing it by observing that in several courts of the U. S. business had been interrupted and delayed in consequence of the age and infirmities of the judges presiding in them. At the last session of Congress an attempt had been made to permit the retirement of judges from the bench with a moderate compensation; but it appeared that there could be no other remedy for the evil but an amendment to the constitution. He had therefore been induced to make the motion, which was loudly called for by the existing state of things.
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following section be submitted to the Legislatures of the several states, which when ratified and confirmed by the Legislatures of three fourths of the states shall be valid and binding as a part of the constitution of the U. States, in lieu of the first section of the third article thereof. "The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges both of the supreme & inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour or until they shall have respectively attained the age of sixty-five years. But for any reasonable cause which shall not be sufficient ground for impeachment, the President shall remove any of them on the address of Congress; Provided however, That the cause or causes for which such removal may be required, shall be stated in such address or on the journal of each House. They shall at stated times receive for their services an adequate compensation to be fixed by law."
DECEMBER 5.
Mr. Giles from the committee appointed on the first inst. reported in part the following resolution; which was read the first time and passed to the second reading:
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the expressions contained in the official letter of Francis James Jackson, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty near the United States, dated the 23d day of Oct. 1809, and addressed to Mr. Smith, Secretary of State, conveying the idea, that the Executive government of the United States had a knowledge that the arrangement lately made by Mr. Erskine, his predecessor, on behalf of his government, with the government of the United States, was entered into without competent powers on the part of Mr. Erskine for that purpose, were highly indecorous and insolent; that the repetition of the same intimation in his official letter dated the 4th of November, 1809, after he was apprized by the reservation of the Secretary of State that the Executive government had no such knowledge, and that if it had possessed such knowledge such arrangement would not have been entered into on the part of the United States, and after also being officially apprised that such intimation was inadmissible; was still more insolent and affronting; and that in refusing to receive any further communications from him in consequence of these outrageous and premeditated insults, the Executive government has manifested a just regard to its own dignity and honor as well as to the character and interest of the American people.
That the letter signed Francis James Jackson, headed "Circular" dated the 13th of November, 1809, and published and circulated through the country, is a still more direct and aggravated insult & affront to the American people and their government, as it is evidently an insidious attempt to excite their resentments and distrusts against their own government by appealing to them, through false or fallacious disguises, against some of its acts; and to excite resentments and divisions amongst the people themselves which can only be dishonorable to their own character and ruinous to their own interests; and the Congress of the United States do hereby solemnly pledge themselves to the American people and to the world to stand by and support the Executive government in its refusal to receive any further communications from the said Francis James Jackson, and to call into action the whole force of the nation if it should become necessary in consequence of the conduct of the Executive government in this respect, to repel such insults and to assert and maintain the rights, the honor, and the interests of the United States.
Mr. Giles, from the same committee also reported the following bill, which was read and passed to a second reading.
A bill to prevent the abuse of the privileges and immunities enjoyed by foreign ministers within the United States.
Be it enacted, &c. That if any foreign ambassador, minister, or other person, entitled to enjoy within the U. S. the privileges and immunities of a foreign minister, shall have committed, or may hereafter commit, any such act as by the laws and usages of nations would justify the President of the United States in ordering such offending ambassador, minister or other person as aforesaid out of the District of Columbia or out of the territories of the U. States; or in sending him home to his sovereign, or to some place or territory within his sovereign's jurisdiction; in every such case where the President of the United States shall deem it proper and expedient to exercise his constitutional authority, in either of these respects he shall be, and is hereby authorised and empowered to cause a warrant to be issued and signed by the Secretary of State, directed to any civil officer of the U. S. authorised to serve process, or any military officer under the authority of the U. States, commanding him to provide for and enforce the departure of such ambassador, minister or other person offending as aforesaid, taking due precautions to avoid improper or unnecessary violence in executing such warrant. And all officers civil and military, under the authority of the United States are hereby required and enjoined to be obedient to such warrant. And in case any officer, civil or military, to whom such warrant shall be directed, shall fail, refuse, or unreasonably delay to execute the same, every officer so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be punished by fine and imprisonment before any court of the United States having cognizance of the offence.—Provided, that the fine shall not exceed dollars, nor the imprisonment be for a longer time than years.
Mr. Giles gave notice that he should call for the consideration of this subject on Thursday next.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 4.
Mr. Whitehill presented the petition of sundry citizens of the state of Pennsylvania, praying that the importation of foreign spirits distilled from grain may be prohibited, & that a higher duty be laid on the importation of spirits distilled from other substances. Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Findley presented the memorial of Thomas Randolph, stating that Jonathan Jennings, the sitting delegate from Indiana territory, was not legally elected, and praying that his seat may be vacated and a new election ordered.—Referred to the committee of Elections.
COMMITTEE OF MANUFACTURES.
Mr. Sawyer asked leave to lay upon the table the following resolution of a nature similar to one which he had proposed at the last session, which, from the shortness of the session, he presumed, rather from than any unfriendly disposition never had been acted on:
Resolved, That a standing committee be appointed to be called the committee of manufactures; whose duty it shall be to take into consideration all such petitions, matters and things touching the manufactures as shall be presented or shall or may come in question and be referred to them by the House and to report from time to time their opinion thereon.
Mr. S. said it was certainly too much to expect any one committee to do justice to two such important subjects, becoming daily more so, as those of commerce and manufactures. He wished to have employed on the subject of manufactures the undivided energies of the best talents of the House; he hoped that all the rays of patriotism and genius in the House would be directed to this subject as to a focal point at which they should all converge. How could one committee properly attend to the mass of business before the committee of Commerce and Manufactures? The subjects confided to them could not be acted on; and yet important matters were continually dropping into this gulph of oblivion. This committee however did all that could be expected of them; he did not believe that any member of it was hostile to manufactures—he could answer for the chairman (Mr. Newton) whom he knew to be friendly to manufactures both from precept and example. It was because it was impossible for the committee to attend to all the business before it, that he offered the resolution:
Mr. Sawyer's motion lies on the table one day of course, according to the rules of the House.
NATIONAL BANKS AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT.
Mr. Nicholson laid on the table the following resolution which was ordered to be printed:
Resolved, That provision be made by law for a general national establishment of banks throughout the U. States; and that the profits arising from the same, together with such surpluses of revenue as may accrue, be appropriated for the "general welfare" in the construction of public roads and canals, and the establishment of seminaries for education throughout the U. S.
VIOLATIONS OF NEUTRAL RIGHTS.
Mr. Troup begged leave to submit to the consideration of the House several resolutions which had for their object the vindication of the commerce
* The following article, copied from the London Courier of October 12th, 1809, puts

rights of the U. States against the belligerent nations of Europe. He submitted them at this time with reluctance, because the introduction of them was in no wise inconsistent with the most friendly negotiation which might be pending with foreign governments. It is high time (said Mr. Troup) in my opinion that these commercial rights were either vindicated or abandoned. The remnant of commerce which the joint operation of the belligerent decrees has left to us is scarcely worth carrying on. To designate what this little is would be no difficult matter, but it would be superfluous—every one who hears me understands it.
But it would be well to enquire on what principle the belligerents pretend to justify these commercial restrictions. The avowed principle is that of retaliation—but is it the true principle? Unquestionably not. And why? Because it is equally asserted by both belligerents. Both cannot be retaliators; one must be the aggressor, the other the retaliator. If this principle then be equally urged by both, who is to judge between them? If the alleged principle of retaliation be not the true one, what is? As respects France, the true principle of her decrees is to be sought in the policy of embarrassing England by excluding from the continent British merchandise; and as to Great Britain, the principle of her orders in council may be found in the consideration of her interest and her power. She avowedly contends that it is her interest to engross the commerce of the world; that she has the power to engross it, and therefore she will engross it.
But what are the principles more specifically asserted by Great Britain? First—the right of blockade by proclamation; 2d, the right to turn your vessels into her ports to pay duty and take out a licence. This right of blocking by proclamation is not a right growing out of a state of war; it is no belligerent right; it is a pretension as applicable to a state of peace as to a state of war, and if we submit to it in a state of war, we must submit to it in a state of peace. The only principle of blockade which we recognise is, that which gives to belligerents a right to turn from ports so closely invested as to make the entry of them dangerous, and after due warning vessels bound to them. But the right asserted by Great Britain to blockade by a piece of parchment or paper issued from her council chamber a port or ports, a kingdom or kingdoms, a continent or continents, is a right no more relative to a state of war than to a state of peace; and if we submit to the pretension in a state of war, we must equally submit to it in a state of peace. It is founded in the most arbitrary tyranny. It goes to the annihilation of your commerce. As to the other right of forcing our vessels into her ports, to pay duty and take out licence, this is equally applicable to a state of peace as to a state of war. We acknowledge the right of Great Britain or of any other nation to shut her ports against us, provided there be no treaty stipulation to the contrary. But the right of Great Britain or of France to shut the ports of any other nation against us is a right no more appertaining to a belligerent than to a neutral. If we submit to it in war, we must equally submit in peace; and this right, like the other, is founded in the most arbitrary tyranny. What right has Britain to tyrannize on the ocean and prescribe the limits of our trade? She will not permit to us a trade which she cannot herself enjoy; she prohibits to us a trade which our government permits, because it is her interest to monopolize it. It is equally our interest to monopolize, and therefore if you please, sir, we will prohibit the trade which her government permits, and which it is our interest to monopolize.
If Great Britain can rightly prohibit our trade because it is her interest to prohibit it, have we not the right to prohibit her trade for the same reason? If she with right and justice can stop and seize, and confiscate our vessels, because they attempt a trade which she forbids and only because she forbids it, cannot our government do the same in relation to her trade? If she can turn our vessels into her ports to pay duty and take out licence, what prohibits us from doing the same as to her vessels? England is a nation; so are we. England is independent; so are we. What prohibits us from doing to England what England does to us? Unquestionably nothing. To say that we have no right to do to England what England does to us, is to acknowledge our own inferiority; it is to acknowledge that she may demand without limitation, and that we are under obligation to submit without limitation.
I am aware that it may be objected to the resolutions, that the adoption of them would lead to hostility; but the same objection is equally applicable to any resolution which would go to the vindication of our commercial rights.
They ought not to lead to hostility; they are merely retaliatory. They follow the spirit of the British orders in council and French decrees, and therefore cannot be complained of by either power. There is a great and profitable commerce, and rapidly increasing, passing not indeed before our doors, but near enough to make the capture of vessels engaged in it convenient to us, which the resolutions have chiefly in view. I allude to the Brazil and Spanish Main trade.
Is it not matter of surprise that a commerce so profitable, so extensive and so convenient, should have been permitted to a government which permits no commerce to us but what her convenience and interest suggest?—Is it not strange that we should have suffered that government to participate in a commerce which both our interest and our convenience stimulate us to engross? But, above all, is it not inexplicable that we should passively have suffered the monopoly of it by her, when we ourselves were willing and able to engross it? The House will perceive on the face of the resolutions, that as they regard France they are equivalent to a war measure—neither by a war measure nor by that which I have the honor to submit, can we come in contact with France; she has no commerce on the ocean. In relation to England it is short, infinitely short of war; because by war her continental colonies would fail; her West India Islands would be distressed, and our privateers would cut up her commerce; but the resolutions propose merely to retort the evils of her own injustice, to do other what, and no more than what, she has done to us. Reserving for another occasion any further remarks, I beg leave to read the resolutions to the House.
Mr. Troup then read the following resolutions:
Resolved, That it is expedient to authorise the President by law to instruct the commanders of the armed vessels of the United States to stop and bring into the ports of the same all ships or vessels with their cargoes the property of the subjects of the King of Great Britain and of the Emperor of France, bound to ports other than those within the dominions or colonies of either.
Resolved, That it is expedient further to authorise by law the detention of all ships or vessels with their cargoes the property of the subjects of the King of Great Britain until the duties to be registered and ascertained by law shall be first levied and collected upon the goods and merchandise whereof the said ships or vessels shall be laden, and until the said ships or vessels shall have received due licence to depart.
Resolved, That it is expedient further to authorise by law the detention of all ships or vessels with their cargoes, the property of the subjects of the Emperor of France brought within the ports of the United States, there to abide the final decision or order of the government in relation to the same.
Resolved, That an ad valorem duty of 10 per cent. be levied and collected on all goods, wares or merchandise of British product or manufacture.
Resolved, That it is expedient further to authorise the President on payment of the duties authorised to be levied and collected on the goods laden on board vessels the property of the subjects of the King of Great Britain, forthwith to grant a licence to such vessels to depart and to proceed to the port of original destination without further hindrance or molestation.
The House having agreed to consider these resolutions—
On motion of Mr. Troup, they were ordered to lie on the table as he stated, to give to every member the same time to consider them, as he had himself taken.
Mr. Fisk said that among the objects to which the attention of Congress ought to be directed at the present session, was that embraced in the following motion:
That provision ought to be made by law for taking the third census of the inhabitants of the U. S.
The motion was agreed to without opposition, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill conformably thereto.
Several petitions of a private nature were presented and referred.
Mr. Rhea (T.) reported a bill authorising the transportation of the message of the President of the U. S. & documents accompanying it, free of postage; which was read three times and passed.
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 5.
Mr. Gold presented the petition of the widow of Gen. Alexander Hamilton, deceased, praying to be allowed the amount due for half-pay to her deceased husband, which in his lifetime had never been applied for. Referred to the committee of Claims.
The following message was received from the President of the U. S. by Mr. Coles, his Secretary:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States.
I now transmit a report of the Secretary of the Navy, containing statements from that Department referred to in my message of the 29th ult.
JAMES MADISON.
December 4, 1809.
[Accompanying this message was a letter from the Secretary of the Navy enclosing sundry documents, viz: (A) an exhibit of vessels of war and gunboats at this time belonging to
the U. States, &c.; No. 1, an exhibit of warrants drawn upon the appropriations made by the act of Congress of 2d March, 1809, for repairs of vessels, for contingent expenses, and for clothing of the Marine Corps respectively; No. 2, an exhibit of warrants drawn upon the sum of 150,000 dollars transferred, according to the act of 3d March, 1809, from the appropriation made for provisions to that of repairs of vessels; No. 3, an exhibit of the warrants drawn on 25,000 dollars also transferred from the appropriation for provisions to that for contingent expenses; No. 4, an exhibit of warrants drawn on 2500 dollars transferred from the appropriation for quarter-masters' and barrack masters' stores for the marines, to that of clothing for the same.]
The message and documents were, on motion of Mr. Eppes, referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
On motion of Mr. Newton, a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, made on the 24th February last, relative to the official emoluments of the officers of the customs, was referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Poindexter reported a bill supplemental to the act "extending the right of suffrage in Indiana territory and for other purposes," which was twice read and referred.
[This bill proposes to give to the governor of the territory of Indiana for the time being power to apportion the Representatives of the territory, in order to form a Legislature, of which the territory is now deprived by the peculiar operation of the law for dividing it.]
Mr. McKim, after some remarks going to show that no subject more importantly demanded the attention of the Legislature than the practice pursued by some Americans, of trading under foreign licences, submitted the following resolution; which was ordered to lie for consideration.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting by law, vessels owned by citizens of the United States from trading under the licences or permissions of any foreign prince or state, to any port or place not under the dominion of such foreign prince or state, and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6.
The following extracts from the Journals of the British House of Commons show the course pursued by that body in a case analogous to that of Mr. Jackson, which Mr. Giles doubtless had in his eye on offering the resolutions that will be found among the proceedings of the Senate.
Extracts from the Journals of the House of Commons.
Mercurii 8 die Martii;
Anno 13 Georgii, Regis, 1726.
Resolved, That a humble address be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that the memorial presented to his majesty on Thursday last, by monsieur de Palm, the imperial resident, may be laid before this House.
Ordered, That the said address be presented to his majesty by such members of this house as are of his majesty's most honorable privy council.
Lunae, 13 die Martii;
Anno 13, Georgii Regis, 1726.
And a complaint being made to the house, that the substance of the said memorial had been printed and published in a paper intitled,
Translation of the memorial presented in Latin to the King of Great Britain, by monsieur de Palm, the imperial resident, upon the speech of his Britannic majesty, made to the two houses of his parliament on the 23d of January, 1726-7.
The said printed paper was brought up to the table and read.
The said printed paper is bound up with the other papers of this session.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to express the highest resentment of this house at the affront and indignity offered to his most sacred majesty, by the memorial delivered by monsieur de Palm, the emperor's resident, and at his insolence in printing and dispersing the same throughout the kingdom; to declare their utmost abhorrence of this audacious manner of appealing to the people against his majesty, and their detestation of the presumptuous and vain attempt, in endeavoring to instil into the minds of any of his majesty's faithful subjects, the least distrust or diffidence in his most sacred royal hand.
"To return his majesty the thanks of this house for his care and vigilance in discovering the secret and pernicious designs of his enemies, and his goodness in communicating to his parliament the dangers that threatened this kingdom; and to assure his majesty that this house will stand by, and support his majesty against all his open and secret enemies, both at home and abroad; and effectually defeat the expectations of all such as may have, in any manner countenanced, encouraged, or abetted the disturbers of the public tranquility, in this extra-vagant insult upon his majesty; or flattered them with hopes, that an obstinate perseverance in their destructive measures could stagger the firmness of the British nation in vindication of his majesty's honor, and in the defence of their rights and privileges."
Ordered, That a committee be appointed to draw up an address, to be presented to his majesty, upon the said resolution.
Mercurii, 13 die Martii;
Anno 13 Georgii Regis, 1726.
Mr. Speaker reported, that both houses
did yesterday attend his majesty with their address—to which his majesty was pleased to give this most gracious answer:
"My Lords and Gentlemen, Your unanimous concurrence in this dutiful and affectionate address gives me the greatest satisfaction. The just concern you express for my honor, and the dignity of the crown is very becoming a British parliament; and this fresh proof of your confidence in me will convince the world, that all attempts to divide our hearts and interests will be vain and ineffectual."
Extract of a letter from a respectable American commercial character at Tonnigen dated Sept. 29, 1809.
By a royal order issued shortly after the commencement of the war with England, the exportation of sundry articles (among which are all kinds of drugs and raw sugars,) is prohibited. The accumulation of this last article has produced great inconvenience and loss to many of our countrymen. Many applications have been made to obtain an exemption in favor of sugars, but without effect. There is an assurance now, however, that this very desirable facility to our trade will be very soon accorded.
"The following questions, with the answers thereto, have been proposed to and received from the Royal Custom-House Office at Copenhagen under date of the 23d of Sept. 1809."
"1. What proofs are demanded of the neutral origin and property of the arriving cargoes (of American ships in Danish ports)?"
"In answer to the first question we have to say, that if it appears by the ship's and cargo's papers, that the goods were shipped in an American port and that the same are entirely for American account, or for that of Danes or subjects to friendly neutral and allied powers, no further or other proofs of origin will be demanded, that is to say, for the following undoubted American products: Tobacco, rice, cotton, rum, and further in respect to colonial products, as sugar, coffee, dye-wood, cacao and indigo."
"However, to remove all doubts respecting the authenticity of these documents and the correctness of the entry made, we have caused that those American ships which intend to come direct to Danish ports must apply to the Danish charge d'affairs in North America or his vice consul, & take an attestation of the cargo, the destination and property, as also the name of the ship and captain. But in respect to those vessels, which arrive in the royal Danish ports, loaded with colonial products from ports belonging to friendly, neutral or allied powers of Europe, it is required that all these attestation shall be produced by which such goods shall have been entitled to entry by the governments of the respective countries from whence they come."
"2. Whether the examination of the same by cruisers or men of war of the enemy, or the forced touching in their ports exposes the goods to sequestration or confiscation?"
"As to the second question, it must entirely be reserved to the royal order of the 24th of December, 1807."
At a meeting of the citizens of Washington convened by public notice at Wm. CATON's Hotel, on Friday evening last, the following gentlemen were appointed the Managers of the Dancing Assemblies of the season.
Robert Brent, Patrick Magruder, Thomas Tinsley, Is. A. Coles, John Taylor, John Davidson, D. Carroll of Dud. James Eakin, Thomas Munroe, John Law, Benj. H. Lutrobo, Lieut. Smith.
Departed this life in the 65th year of her age, at the White Chimneys, Virginia, Mrs. ELIZABETH GALVAN, the very amiable consort of Francis Galvan the post-master at that place.
From Jackson's Political Register.
We regret that neither our time nor limits admit the insertion in this day's Register of the whole of the diplomatic correspondence, which is published in the National Intelligencer of Wednesday last. Giving preference to that part of it, which we deem most interesting, we now lay before our readers all the letters that have yet appeared between the Secretary of State and Mr. Jackson—and we rejoice to congratulate our fellow citizens on the vantage ground, which in this correspondence, as far as it is disclosed, has been maintained by the Executive of the United States, whose conduct, as distinguished on this great national occasion, by temperate firmness and dignified propriety, we consider entitled to the thanks and applause of every American.
AMERICAN CONSULATE.
Copenhagen, Oct. 4th. 1809
I feel it my duty to announce to you that a new Royal Order was yesterday received, by the Collector of the port, augmenting the transit duty from one
to four per cent. and that according to the construction given to the value, to this order, the duty is to be levied on all goods actually exported, although none since entered and declared for exportation.
This is conceived to be a retroactive and unjust application of the law, and suitable remonstrances, on it as well as individual, have been made to the Chamber of Customs at Copenhagen; in the meantime the conclusive argument of possession is employed to compel the immediate payment of the new duty.
It may be useful to make this known to our merchants.
I am very respectfully, your obedient servant J. M. FORBES.
To the Collector of the Port of Philadelphia.
Boston Nov. 23.
The fast sailing ship Packer , Capt. Trott, arrived here last evening in 24 days from Liverpool—Qu. London files, by her are to the 21st (Evening) October.
Not an additional official particular of the terms of the Peace imposed on Austria, known to be humbling—had transpired; though the naked fact had been officially announced in Holland. The cause of this silence occasioned many conjectures, not worth repeating.
The last Couriers stated, that no prospect of any negotiation with France existed—that Parliament would not meet until January; and that discussion on Mister's alterations had given place to schemes for celebrating the approaching Jubilee, (25th October) when the British King entered the 50th year of his reign. At the last Cabinet Council were Earl Camden, Mr. Percival, Lord Bathurst, Lord Liverpool, and Harrowby and Lord Sidmouth.
From some of the passengers we learn, that opinions on American affairs in England were suspended on the fate of Mr. Jackson's negotiation here; but that the public sentiment appeared less amicably disposed towards us than heretofore. After the peace with Austria the confidence in the success of Spain abated.
New-York, December 1.
We understand, the U. States' ship of war John Adams, Captain Evans, will shortly sail for a port in the North of Europe.
An order has been issued at Cadiz by the Spanish government, allowing all vessels who bring cargoes of rice, flour, and provisions, to export specie.
Philadelphia, November 27.
A letter from Liverpool, dated 20th of October, by the Hercules , says, "We have just received intelligence that the Spanish government have ordered the British troops and vessels to depart from their territory and harbors immediately. No reason is assigned for this move."
Savannah November 21.
The Hon. Mr. JOHN VILLENEVE has resigned his seat in the Senate of the U. States, from this state. The cause assigned is, the extreme illness of his family. No appointment to this vacancy had yet been made by the Legislature, at the date of our last advices from Milledgeville.
BOARDING.
MRS. SUPER
Can accommodate six or eight gentlemen with good board, F Street, opposite the Treasury Office. December 5—3t
PAPER HANGINGS.
SAMUEL FITZHUGH.
Has just received at his NEW STORE High Street, George Town,
Two doors above J. Milligan's Book Store. An elegant assortment of the most fashionable Paper Hangings from the manufactory of Thomas and Caldwell.
He is just opening an assortment of SEASONABLE DRY GOODS,
Together with a new and well selected supply of
CUTLERY JAPANNED WARE, &c.
N. B. S. F. having employed a paper hanger, will engage to paper rooms with neatness and dispatch. Georgetown December 6—2w.
TAKE NOTICE.
The Subscriber respectfully informs the Public, that he has opened an
ELEGANT HOTEL,
In the house lately occupied by the Hon. R. Smith, Capitol Hill city of Washington where he is enabled, (if proper encouragement shall be offered) to offer the best and most splendid accommodations.
The House is prepared so as to admit a display of elegance and taste the arrangements of the SEASON HALLS not to be excelled in the United States and he hopes from long experience he has had in the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington will endeavour to have enough room to expect the patronage.
The Subscriber renders his acknowledgements to his Friends and the Public for the marks of preference they have heretofore bestowed upon him, and hopes by his new exertions to be able to deserve and receive a continuance of their favor. A few Members of Congress can be accommodated with board.
Boarders will be taken by the day, week, month or year. Wm. CATON.
December 6—

NEW STORE.  MCKENNEY AND OSBORNE, Have commenced the Dry Goods business in the house lately occupied by N. L. Burrough, Esq. on Bridge street, fronting Jefferson street, where they have an extensive assortment of every description of Seasonable Goods, consisting of:
 SUPERFINE Cloths, Second do. Double and single milled Kerseymeres, Police Cloths, Molekin Coatings, Plain do. Blue and striped Blankets, Carpets, passage and stair Tree Bags, White Planes, White Kerseys, Colored Planes, Feinmoult, Bisc, blue, red and green, Flannels, white, yellow & red, every quality, Swanskin Flannel, White Ticklenburg, Hempen Linen, Paper Bases, Hessian, Constitution and other Cords, Black and Olive Velvets, Police Velvets, various colors, Mens worsted Hosiery, all colors, Womens do. lead color, Men and Womens cotton Hosiery, assorted, Boys and Girls worsted and cotton do. Linen and cotton Diapers, various widths, Diaper Table Cloths, Bed Tickling, Long Levers, Furniture Chintzes and Cottons, Chintzes, Demi Chintzes & printed Calicoes, Ginghams, White Cottons, every description, Dimities, Cambic Dimities, 6-4th Cambic Muslin, 4-4th do. do. Colored do. do. Mus Muslins figured and plain, India and British book Muslins, do. do. Hankerchiefs, Marseilles Quilts, Irish Linens, Shirting Muslins, Italian Plaid Mantuas, Black Mantuas and Satins, Colored Satins, Florentines, White and colored Marseilles, Marseilles quilting for Vest Patterns, Swansdown, do. do. Molekin, Cotton Shawls, Camels Hair do. Elegant Cashmere, do. Damask Silk, do. Plain do. do. Laces, thread and Cotton, Ribbons, Lace Cap Patterns, Cashmere Robes, Muslins do. white and Colored, Bandanas and Madras Handkerchiefs, Scarf Bombazet, Black do. Bombazines, Elegant Plaid Cambrics, Pink and blue, 6-4th and 4-4th, Elegant Buttons latest from Europe, Tortoise Shell Combs, Looking Glasses Large and small, Toilet do. do. do. Brass and Irons, Whips, Scarlet and gold Tea Boards, Black and Gilt do. do. Waiters do. do. do. 
In addition to the above, are a variety of articles which it is deemed unnecessary here to mention, excepting 40,000 needles, well assorted. As McKenney & Osborn, purpose selling for cash, they have marked their goods at the smallest possible advance, which must certainly be an object to all purchasers; and more especially so, when the public are assured that their purchases were made under peculiarly advantageous circumstances. Reasonable deductions are made to those who may purchase by the piece or package. Georgetown, Nov. 17-4w
LONDON PIANOS Of a Superior Quality. Old Madeira, Lisbon and Sherry Wines, Brandy and red Holland Gin, Fresh Imperial, Young and Old Hyson Teas, Furniture Calicoes very cheap, Furniture Calicoes for Sale by  THOS. W. PAIRO. December 4-3t
FOR RENT. A THREE STORY  BRICK HOUSE, in F Street, late in the occupation of John Martin B. Ker. Possession may be had immediately. Enquire of  WM. COCKING, 19th street west. December 4-3t
NOTICE. IN AWAY from the subscriber, a negro man named POMPEY , about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches high, 18 or 20 years old, very black and straight-left the subscriber's employment on Friday the 29th of September, 1850. It is probable he may attempt to pass for a free man and go to Maryland or Pennsylvania. Whoever will apprehend the said negro, and secure him in any jail within the state so that I get him again shall receive 25 dollars reward, and One dollar for every 10 miles if brought home to the Fork of the North river, four miles above Charlotteville, Albemarle county, state of Virginia, to  SAMUEL CARR. December 4-
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to Public Sale on Friday the 22nd day of December next at Fair, if not the next fair day thereafter, at the late Dwelling of Isaac Land Jr., deceased, the following property, viz. a number of valuable Negroes, consisting of Men, Women and Children, Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils and a variety of articles too tedious to enumerate. The Terms of Sale are 12 months credit for all sums above 20 dollars, the purchaser giving bond with approved security; all sums under 20 dollars the money must be paid on the day of sale. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock.  CLEMENT BROOKE, Adm'r.  DENNIS BOYD, December 4-3w
GRAND LOTTERY. THREE PRIZES OF 25,000 DOLLARS EACH State of New York,  UNION COLLEGE LOTTERY, No. 1. MANAGERS. William W. Gilbert, Benjamin Dewitt, George Merchant, Isaac Demusson, and Stephen Thorne. JUDAH and LAZARUS, (late N. Judah) No 84, Maiden Lane, New York; Having purchased one half of the tickets in the present Lottery, offer the same for sale, at their Lottery Office (where the highest Prize of $30,000 in the last Lottery, and most of the capital Prizes in former Lotteries were sold) in Whole, Half, and Quarter Tickets, for which most of the Bank Notes of other states, Prize Tickets in former Lotteries, and approved promissory notes will be taken in payment. Distant adventurers, by enclosing cash (post paid) shall receive immediate attention, and the earliest advice given of their success.
Owing to the great demand for Tickets in this Lottery (being one of the best Schemes we ever had, as one Ticket may draw $140,000) they will soon advance from the present price of EIGHT DOLLARS.  SCHEME.
  3 Prizes of $25,000 is $75,000   1 " 10,000 — 10,000   1 " 5,000 — 5,000   4 " 250 tickets each, — 7,000   Mens worsted Hosiery, all colors, 2 " 2,000 4,000   Womens do. lead color, 5 " 1,000 5,000   Men and Womens cotton Hosiery, assorted, 28 " 500 14,000   Boys and Girls worsted and cotton do. 30 " 200 6,000   Linen and cotton Diapers, various widths, 50 " 100 5,000   Diaper Table Cloths, 100 " 50 5,000   Bed Tickling, 200 " 20 4,000   Long Levers, 10,500 " 10 105,000   Furniture Chintzes and Cottons,   Chintzes, Demi Chintzes & printed Calicoes,   Ginghams,   White Cottons, every description,   Dimities,   Cambic Dimities,   6-4th Cambic Muslin,   4-4th do. do.   Colored do. do.   Mus Muslins figured and plain,   India and British book Muslins,   do. do. Hankerchiefs,   Marseilles Quilts,   Irish Linens,   Shirting Muslins,   Italian Plaid Mantuas,   Black Mantuas and Satins,   Colored Satins,   Florentines,   White and colored Marseilles,   Marseilles quilting for Vest Patterns,   Swansdown, do. do.   Molekin,   Cotton Shawls,   Camels Hair do.   Elegant Cashmere, do.   Damask Silk, do.   Plain do. do.   Laces, thread and Cotton,   Ribbons,   Lace Cap Patterns,   Cashmere Robes,   Muslins do. white and Colored,   Bandanas and Madras Handkerchiefs,   Scarf Bombazet,   Black do.   Bombazines,   Elegant Plaid Cambrics,   Pink and blue, 6-4th and 4-4th,   Elegant Buttons latest from Europe,   Tortoise Shell Combs,   Looking Glasses Large and small,   Toilet do. do. do.   Brass and Irons,   Whips,   Scarlet and gold Tea Boards,   Black and Gilt do. do.   Waiters do. do. do. 
Part of the Capital Prizes will be determined as follows: 1st drawn No. 10th day, blank or prize $1000 (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 1 to No. 250 inclusive. 1st do. 15th (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 251 to No. 500 inclusive. 1st do. 20th (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 501 to No. 750 inclusive. 1st do. 25th (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 751 to No. 1000 inclusive. 1st do. 30th (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 1001 to No. 1250 inclusive. 1st do. 35th — — — $25,000 1st do. 40th — — — 1,000 1st do. 45th — — — 25,000 The first 4,000 blanks will be entitled to TEN Dollars each. Less than Two and a 1-4 blanks to a Prize. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes payable thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing. The drawing will commence in the city of New York, on the Third Tuesday in April next, and will continue to draw 600 Tickets each day (excepting the last day, when there will remain 800 tickets to be drawn) until finished. Tickets purchased at this office, examined gratis—A correct Check Book, kept for the examination of tickets, and the highest price in cash, given for prizes as soon as drawn. New York, December 4-2m
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. IN AWAY from the Subscribers living near Nottingham, Prince Georges county state of Maryland, on the 19th of November, a Negro man named CHARLES ODEN , some times calls himself CHARLES ODEN , about 23 years old, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a dark complexion, when spoken to has a down look, one of his upper fore teeth is out, has several scars about his face occasioned by a scald when young, he is rather slender made, brisk and active about any thing, particularly cooking and waiting, he took with him two homespun cotton shirts, India cotton shirts, and brown round about jacket, sundry waistcoats, one pair corduroy pantaloons, home made yarn stockings and shoes, one furred hat and wool hat. He has a variety of clothing unknown, but being an artful, cunning fellow he may change them for others, it is very likely that he is a forged pass, and it is very likely will endeavour to pass as a free man, we expect he is making towards Pennsylvania. If taken within ten miles, ten dollars; if twenty miles, twenty dollars; if thirty miles, thirty dollars; if taken without the state the above reward will be given to any person or persons securing him in any jail, so that we get him again. All persons are forewarned harbouring, employing, or carrying said negro out of this state.  LEONARD P. HARVEY  WILLIAM HARVEY. Dec. 4-4w
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC VENDUE, To the highest bidder, On Monday the 19th day of February next about noon of that day, on the premises, the following Real Property in the city of Washington: viz.  TWO LOTS OF GROUND. Numbered and distinguished on the ground plan of the City by numbers 16 and 17, in square numbered 101, together with the Buildings and Improvements on the same. The above mentioned sale will take place by virtue of a certain Indenture or Deed of trust, dated the 16th day of January in the year of our Lord 1855, and the same day, recorded among the Land Records of Washington county in the district of Columbia, between one Samuel Wilson, of the one part, and the undersigned James Davidson, jun. of the other part, in order to satisfy John P. Van Ness, of a certain debt of 70 dollars 77 cents, and interest, in the said deed mentioned to be due from said Wilson to said Van Ness.  JAMES DAVIDSON, Trustee. November 17-
NOTICE. THE Subscriber will sell on Wednesday 20th October next, in conformity with an order from the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county in the state of Maryland at the late dwelling house of Mrs. Eleanor Beall, within two miles of Bladensburg of said county, deceased—all the Personal property belonging to said deceased, consisting of about 40 barrels of Corn, Tobacco, Wheat, Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Sheep, and a variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, &c. Terms 12 months credit, the purchaser giving bond with approved security.  JAMES SHAW. December 1-3t
NOTICE. THE Subscriber will sell on Wednesday 20th October next, in conformity with an order from the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county in the state of Maryland at the late dwelling house of Mrs. Eleanor Beall, within two miles of Bladensburg of said county, deceased—all the Personal property belonging to said deceased, consisting of about 40 barrels of Corn, Tobacco, Wheat, Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Sheep, and a variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, &c. Terms 12 months credit, the purchaser giving bond with approved security.  JAMES SHAW. December 1-3t
WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH, Have just received from New York, a large part of their Fall supply of  LIQUORS & GROCERIES, Which have been carefully selected by one of the concern, and will be sold at a moderate advance They now have on hand and are landing, Imperial TEA, } Warranted qualities, & Hyson, do. } Beaver's Triumph's, & Young Hyson do. } Trident's cargoes, in chests, boxes & canisters.
 Bourbon White Coffee in bags,  Best Green, do. in barrels and bags,  Prime Jamaica Sugars in hds. and barrels,  Havana, Muscovado do. in small hds.  Low priced Muscovado do. hds. & barrels,  Loaf and Lump Sugars, in hds. and barrels,  St. Kitts Molasses in hds.  Superior Upland Cotton in square and round bales,  Flax in bales of about 200lb.  Old Cognac and Barcelona Brandy in pipes, Holland and anchor Gin, in do.  Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits in hds.  A few casks choice and genuine old Peach Brandy,  Old Madeira Wine in pipes and qr. casks,  Teneriffe and Lisbon do. in do.  Pine old Sherry do. in do.  Malaga and Catalonia do. in do.  A few boxes choice Claret, one doz. each,  Sweet Oil in cases and baskets,  Indigo and Fig Blue, best qualities,  Chocolate in boxes,  Nutmegs, Cloves, Mace, Cassia & Pimento, Pepper in small bags,  London Mustard in boxes of 6 and 12 doz.  Spermaceti and Mould Candles, in boxes,  Fresh Muscatel and Bloom Raisins in boxes  Do. in kegs—Fresh Almonds,  Malaga Grapes in jars,  Shotted Shot—Lead in bars,  Liverpool Ware in crates,  Stone Ware in do. assorted,  Pipes in boxes 6 and 8 gross each,  A few casks excellent Cheese,  Spanish Segars in boxes 1000 each,  Basket Salt,  Race and Ground Ginger, &c. &c. 
ALSO, 20 barrels choice Apples. Georgetown, Nov. 13-3t
BOARDING HOUSE, ON CAPITOL HILL. THE Subscriber has taken the House lately occupied by MR. HENRY TRIS, Where he has made comfortable arrangements for  TEN BOARDERS. B. RICHMOND. Nov. 24-4t
WEISKOPFF AND KELLER, CONFECTIONERS, High-street Georgetown, RETURN their sincere thanks to the Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of Washington for the liberal encouragement they have received these two years past, and so-licit a continuance of their patronage. They have now on hand an assortment of PRESERVES, viz. Ginger, Lime Buds, Green Sago Beans, Citron, Oranges, Limes, Hic-vas, Guyava and Currant Jelly, and an As-sortment of CONFECTIONARY—also Soft-shelled Almonds and Raisins. Parties can be supplied with all kinds of Cakes, also with Ornaments for Tables, by giving suffi-cient notice. December 1-6t
THE different Post-Masters of the United States are, by Wm. H. DORSEY, Merchant in Baltimore, respectfully solic-ited to examine their Boxes for a LETTER of consequence, to him addressed, which was lodged for transmission at the Post-Office in Washington City, on 10th August last, and as it has never by him been received, it is supposed must have taken a wrong direction from thence. If found they will particularly oblige him by forwarding it either to him or to the General Post-Office in Washington. Baltimore, Nov. 20-1m
THE Subscriber, having been appoint-ed by the Board of Trustees of the in-stitution for the Education of Youth in this City a Superintendent Committee of the Western School, hereby give notice to indi-viduals unable to pay the expenses attend-ing the Education of their Children to ap-ply to them—several vacancies in the said School having arisen from a resolution of the Board restricting the term of Tuition to a period not exceeding three years. On all applications made previous to the 10th of December next, a determination will be made on that day. SAMUEL H. SMITH, THOMAS H. GILLISS, JOHN LAW. November 2-4D10
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY  FOR SALE. BY Virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of pur-chasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and con-sequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respect-ing the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dun, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last will & testament of Robert Means, dec'd. Richmond, July 19-4t
NEW STORE. THOS. W. PAIRO has just received from Philadelphia, and opened in his New Store, in F street, near the Bank, a com-plete assortment of  CHEAP FALL GOODS. Amongst which are Superfine blue, black, scarlet, drab, brown and mixed Cloths, and Superfine drab, black, white and scarlet Cassimeres, Ladies Police Cloths and Police Flannels; an assortment of Flannels, Blan-kets and coarse Woollens, Carpets, silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, Irish, and Ger-man Linens, new fashioned Buttons, Furni-ture and a variety of other cheap Calicoes and Chintzes, silk, molekin and Imperial and Windsor Cords, Knives and Forks, Spa-nish Segars, Netting and Knitting Cotton Socks, Nuns Threads, Home-spun, &c. &c. ALSO— Old Madeira, Sherry, Teneriffe, Port and Claret Wines, Brandy, Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey and Cherry-Bounce, Coffee, Teas, Loaf and Lump Sugars, Philadelphia Pomer and Ale; and by the first vessel from Phila-delphia, London Pianos, Lisbon Wine, and fresh Teas. November 24-tdos
NEW STORE. THOS. W. PAIRO has just received from Philadelphia, and opened in his New Store, in F street, near the Bank, a com-plete assortment of  CHEAP FALL GOODS. Amongst which are Superfine blue, black, scarlet, drab, brown and mixed Cloths, and Superfine drab, black, white and scarlet Cassimeres, Ladies Police Cloths and Police Flannels; an assortment of Flannels, Blan-kets and coarse Woollens, Carpets, silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, Irish, and Ger-man Linens, new fashioned Buttons, Furni-ture and a variety of other cheap Calicoes and Chintzes, silk, molekin and Imperial and Windsor Cords, Knives and Forks, Spa-nish Segars, Netting and Knitting Cotton Socks, Nuns Threads, Home-spun, &c. &c. ALSO— Old Madeira, Sherry, Teneriffe, Port and Claret Wines, Brandy, Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey and Cherry-Bounce, Coffee, Teas, Loaf and Lump Sugars, Philadelphia Pomer and Ale; and by the first vessel from Phila-delphia, London Pianos, Lisbon Wine, and fresh Teas. November 24-tdos
VALUABLE LOTS,  FOR SALE AT AUCTION. Notice to Gentlemen of Fortune wishing elegant Situations to build on—to Men of Bu-siness for desirable stands for Stores—to Mechanics for situation and size of Lots that will out the exertions of their industry WILL be sold at Public Sale at Mr. Rhodes's Hotel, Pennsylvania avenue, on Saturday the 16th December next at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, precisely, a variety of Lots, laid off in such a manner as to suit ALL desirous of purchasing; as they adjoin each other, if one be not sufficiently large others may be added. Their situations are, 1st. in the President's Square, in the range with Mr. Davidson's valuable Lots—2nd, in the vicinity of the War Office, near to Col. John Taylor, Dr. Elzey and many others, as it is thickly-set-tled, and 3rd. in the vicinity of the Center Market, also thickly settled.
DESCRIPTION OF LOTS. In Square 168, Lot No. 9, a corner Lot fronting North G street and 18th street west, divided in 3 parts, viz. One 25 feet front on North G street by 56 feet deep on 18th street west, the corner of the corner lot. One 25 feet, same front by 56 feet deep, adjoining the former eastwardly; One 25 feet, same front, by 56 feet deep, adjoining the foregoing eastwardly; several build-ings joins these lots. In Sq. 168, Lot No. 10, fronting on 18th street west, divided into 2 parts, viz. One 30 feet front by 100 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 9 northwardly; One 28 feet 8 inches front by 100 feet deep, adjoining the foregoing northwardly. In Sq. 168, Lot No. 11, fronting on 18th street west, divided into 2 parts, viz. One 28 feet 4 inches front by about 130 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 10, northward-ly; One 28 feet front by about 110 feet deep, adjoining former Lot northwardly. In Sq. 219, Lot No. 4, a corner Lot fronting North H street and Vermont avenue, divided into 4 parts, viz. One 45 feet front on North H street by about 50 feet deep on Vermont avenue; the back part of this Lot is about 42 feet wide, it is the corner of the corner lot; this Lot com-mands a full view of the President's House; One 35 feet front, on North H street by about 80 feet deep, adjoining the former eastward-ly; the back part of this Lot is about 25 feet wide; One 34 feet 10 inches, same front, by about 65 feet deep, adjoining the former eastwardly; the back part of this Lot is about 20 feet 6 inches wide; One 50 feet 5 inches front on Vermont avenue, by about 40 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 5 southwardly. Square 219, Lot No. 3, fronting on North H street, divided into 2 parts, viz. One 28 feet front on North H street, ad-joining Lot No. 4 eastwardly, about 100 feet deep average; One 28 feet, same front, adjoining east-wardly the foregoing Lot, about 125 feet deep average. Square 219, Lot No. 6, fronting on Ver-mont avenue, divided into 2 parts as follows: One 25 feet front on Vermont avenue by 84 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining northwardly Lot No. 5, per plat; One 26 feet 8 1-4 inches, same front, by 84 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining the foregoing northwardly; Square 219, Lot No. 10, a corner Lot, fronting on North I street and 15th street west, divided into 3 parts, viz. One 25 feet front on 15th street west by 56 feet 5 inches deep on North I street, the corner of the corner lot; One 25 feet, same front, by 56 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining the former southwardly; One 25 feet, same front, by 56 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining the foregoing Lot south-wardly. One 30 feet, same front, about 92 feet deep, adjoining the foregoing Lot South-wardly. Square 458, Lot No. 1, a corner lot, front-ing on 6th street west, on North D street and on an avenue, (3 fronts) divided into 4 parts, viz. One 40 feet front on the avenue, 32 feet 3 inches deep on 6th street west, the back of this Lot is on North D street, average depth about 38 feet; One 35 feet front on the avenue by about 50 feet deep, adjoining former Lot west-wardly, the back of this Lot is on North D street. One 35 feet front on the avenue by about 63 feet deep, adjoining former lot west-wardly, back of lot fronting North D street; One 34 feet front on the avenue by about 75 feet deep, adjoining former lot west-wardly, back of lot fronting North D street. Square 458, Lot No. 2, front on the ave-nue, and back on North D street, divided into 4 parts, viz. One 30 feet front on the avenue by about 41 feet deep, adjoining lot No. 1, westwardly; One 30 feet front on the avenue by about 50 feet deep, adjoining the former lot west-wardly; One 30 feet front on North D street by about 45 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 1, westwardly; One 30 feet front on North D street by about 48 feet deep, adjoining former lot, westwardly. Square 458, Lot No. 3, fronting on the avenue and North D street, divided into 4 parts, viz. One 30 feet front on the avenue by about 57 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 2, west-wardly; One 30 feet, same front, by about 53 feet deep, adjoining former lot, westwardly; One 30 feet front, on North D street by about 55 feet deep, adjoining lot No. 2, westwardly; One 30 feet front on North D street by about 58 feet deep, adjoining former Lot westwardly.
ALL the foregoing Lots and parts of Lots will be sold preemptorily to the highest bid-der without reserve. The title is indisputable. Terms of sale cash, or approved endorsed negotiable notes at 60 days. As there will be no reserved bid, they will no doubt be sold to the great advantage of purchasers. The plan of the City, with the Plats of the different Lots, are to be viewed at SAML. SPEAKES, Auct. November 24-tdos
NEW STORE. THOS. W. PAIRO has just received from Philadelphia, and opened in his New Store, in F street, near the Bank, a com-plete assortment of  CHEAP FALL GOODS. Amongst which are Superfine blue, black, scarlet, drab, brown and mixed Cloths, and Superfine drab, black, white and scarlet Cassimeres, Ladies Police Cloths and Police Flannels; an assortment of Flannels, Blan-kets and coarse Woollens, Carpets, silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, Irish, and Ger-man Linens, new fashioned Buttons, Furni-ture and a variety of other cheap Calicoes and Chintzes, silk, molekin and Imperial and Windsor Cords, Knives and Forks, Spa-nish Segars, Netting and Knitting Cotton Socks, Nuns Threads, Home-spun, &c. &c. ALSO— Old Madeira, Sherry, Teneriffe, Port and Claret Wines, Brandy, Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey and Cherry-Bounce, Coffee, Teas, Loaf and Lump Sugars, Philadelphia Pomer and Ale; and by the first vessel from Phila-delphia, London Pianos, Lisbon Wine, and fresh Teas. November 24-tdos
NEW STORE. THOS. W. PAIRO has just received from Philadelphia, and opened in his New Store, in F street, near the Bank, a com-plete assortment of  CHEAP FALL GOODS. Amongst which are Superfine blue, black, scarlet, drab, brown and mixed Cloths, and Superfine drab, black, white and scarlet Cassimeres, Ladies Police Cloths and Police Flannels; an assortment of Flannels, Blan-kets and coarse Woollens, Carpets, silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, Irish, and Ger-man Linens, new fashioned Buttons, Furni-ture and a variety of other cheap Calicoes and Chintzes, silk, molekin and Imperial and Windsor Cords, Knives and Forks, Spa-nish Segars, Netting and Knitting Cotton Socks, Nuns Threads, Home-spun, &c. &c. ALSO— Old Madeira, Sherry, Teneriffe, Port and Claret Wines, Brandy, Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey and Cherry-Bounce, Coffee, Teas, Loaf and Lump Sugars, Philadelphia Pomer and Ale; and by the first vessel from Phila-delphia, London Pianos, Lisbon Wine, and fresh Teas. November 24-tdos
ROSS & CITY Have just received from New York and Philadelphia, the following  GROCERIES & LIQUORS, viz. 12 Hds. Prime Jamaica Sugars. 8 do. Second Quality. 6 do. Molasses. 4 do. Jamaica Spirits. 300 Baskets Salt. 60 Boxes Mould and Dipped Candles. A few pipes Holland and New York An-chor Gin. Cognac Brandy, Mace, Pepper, Cloves, &c. &c.
IN STORE— Gun Powder Tea in canisters of 2 pounds each. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, & Souchong, } Teas all of this year's importation, end of the best qualities. 3000 pounds prime Green Coffee. 3 Pipes genuine old Madeira Wine. 5 do. Sicily Madeira. 4 do. Lisbon Wine. Port Wine in pipes, qr. casks and bottles Claret in Boxes. Brushes of all kinds. Powder and Shot. Cordials, &c together with a large varie-ty of articles in their line, which renders their assortment complete. Also, just received on commission, a small invoice of handsome looking glasses. And irons. Brass mounted Fenders, Shovels and Tongs. Tea Trays, waiters, coal hods, &c. &c. All of which will be sold cheap, on early application to them at their store, corner of Washington and Bridge Street, opposite the Union Tavern, George Town. November 8-4t
W. B. VAN ZANDT, for Sale at his New Store, near the Centre Market House, the following well selected and cheap articles of  GROCERIES & HARDWARES.
 Imperial, } FRESH TEAS. Hyson, } Young Hyson, } Hyson Skin, } Souchong, } Bohea, } HL Hinges, } Double Joint Butts, } Straight and Neck'd Bolts, }<