The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-05-18 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1023.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM
MONDAY, MAY 18, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
COMMUNICATION.
At a general meeting of the Citizens of Washington a committee of Seven was unanimously appointed to suggest the means of opening the CANAL from TYBER CREEK to the EASTERN BRANCH.
The following contains a summary of the arguments used in favor of this beneficial undertaking:—
Experience is now verifying the predictions of our ancestors, who, tracing the various rivers which flowed from the interior to the ports of the Atlantic, formed their judgments of the probable future consequence of each from its natural advantages.
Mr. Jefferson in his luminous Notes on Virginia, has proved the distance from New York to Pittsburg to be above 800 miles with several portages, and demonstrated the direct route by the Potomac; and a sensible writer on Canals in Philadelphia has urged the propriety of a water communication from the city with the waters of the Ohio, and by the lines he traces, that city will be almost twice the distance of ours from Pittsburg; but the most full description of our local superiority is in general Washington's letters to Mr. Arthur Young. In them he uses these emphatic words—"The Potomac river is in the centre of the Union, it is between the extremes of heat and cold, and the spot designed for the permanent seat of government must become the great emporium of North America." That wise and good man whose revered name our city bears, was the planner and promoter of the River Potomac Company, and confirmed his sentiments of its productiveness by his donation of 50 shares in the stock as a fund for an intended University.
The Company have at length after much expence, long patience, and laudable perseverance accomplished their object, and 339 miles of navigation, including the branches of the Potomac, are now bringing the abundance of a most fertile and populous country to our district—whilst European, Asiatic, and West India articles are now boated up the river for the Western country; as cheapness and saving of time are both experienced by the merchants.
There is at present a scarcity of boats, but that will be soon supplied. I rejoice that several individuals have gained a thousand dollars already during this spring. If a boat makes one trip and back in seven days; it will at the present rate of a dollar per barrel, obtain its owner and three hands, 2,400 dollars in six months. Will not this encourage boat building? If any one can doubt it, let him calculate the number now making on the Potomac, Shenandoah, and other branches. I know of one person building six. It will require only about 200 boats and 400 men, to bring down about 600,000 barrels in a year, whereas 2000 wagons, 2000 men, and 6000 horses would be employed in land carriage of the same quantity—I need not expatiate on the benefit to land holders, by the application of these men and horses to agriculture, nor need I dwell on the saving of 50 or 75 cents on each barrel of flour.
We have now numerous facts to confirm the theoretical reasoning of those who studied the geography of the U. States, and doubt is gone away by certainty.
In the numerous boats we view, the increasing tolls of the Potomac Company, the flour, iron, hemp, &c. coming down, and the goods from New York going up the river, evince the success of efforts to improve the navigation, and it is now no longer a question, whether it can be practicable for intercourse during every day in the year, except when the stream is arrested by the ice.
Our meeting this day is to devise means to open the Canal, designated in the map of the city from the mouth of Tyber Creek to the Eastern Branch.
Congress passed an act for this desirable object in the year 1802; but at that period the Potomac Company was at a stop for want of resources, and the city had few inhabitants on the Eastern Branch and a general despondency prevailed, from disappointments, failures and impoverishment which were now painful to look back upon.
Some persons indeed stated that the canal was superfluous as boats could come round the Point; but the route is circuitous, and though the boatmen charge an addition of 6d. per barrel, they generally refuse to risk their boats; heretofore also postponement was urged, till merchants were settled on the Eastern Branch. Seven years are now elapsed, and it is proved that merchants will not settle where productions cannot be easily brought to them, any more than industrious bees will collect where honey cannot be gathered. I will not here enter into an invidious comparison of the local advantages of Georgetown, Alexandria and the city harbors. It is sufficient to say in our own favor that the Navy Yard is on the Eastern Branch; but there will be business for all, and I hope that our motto will be, "Vita Juncta in Uno."
By the canal, which we are now all intent determined to open, we shall drain the low grounds; by the canal we shall save to every householder a considerable sum in cartage; by the canal the Navy Yard will receive hemp, timber, &c. and by the canal we shall have commerce, ships, and seamen; in short by the canal we shall become most populous and prosperous. I will restrain my inclination to present the pleasing prospect of our future situation, should you resolve to solicit Congress with a renewal of the act with some modifications of the former charter, and speedily and completely to perfect the undertaking.
This is not a proper occasion to enter into details—a committee should be appointed to take measures to ensure the accomplishment of an object which we now I believe unanimously acknowledge to be all-important.
Mr. Latrobe's very able report and accurate surveys with various calculations are now laid before you for your perusal, and for the particular attention of the committee.
Should this canal be finished, Washington city need not envy London its Thames, nor New-York its North River.
When king James threatened to remove his court to Winchester, the lord mayor of London shrewdly hoped that his majesty would not also take the Thames with him.
We have not to apprehend the capriciousness of an individual, for Congress, notwithstanding bad accommodations and numerous inconveniences, have continued here annually voting appropriations to evince their good faith, their stability and the wisdom of their first choice of this central spot.
Let us not continue inactive, but cordially co-operate and henceforth complaints will cease, jealousies will be extinguished, and general success crown our enterprise.
The following gentlemen compose the committee appointed.
 Robert Brent,  Daniel Carroll of Duval,  J. P. Van Ness,  Thomas Law,  John Davidson,  J. D. Barry,  George Blagden. 
From the Literary Magazine. FRENCH THEATRES.
The number of theatres in France amounts to one hundred and sixty-six, in one hundred and twenty-nine cities of the French Empire.
  Paris contains 18   Bordeaux 4   Lyons 2   Marseilles 3   Brussels 3   Ghent 2   Rouen 2   Turin 3   The number of performers attached to the   Opera in Paris amounts to 366   Theatre Francaise 174   Comic Opera 188   Empress's Theatre 174   Vaudeville 82   These, with the other theatres of Paris, amount to 1,388; and supposing that the 166 theatres have 20 persons each, they amount to the trifling number of 3,368 theatrical artists. 
From the above list we may form some idea whence proceeds the gay and lively disposition of the French nation. There is no doubt but the stage has a very material effect in the improvement of all ranks in their address and manner; there is no place where better lessons could be received than from a pure moral stage. The stage is a school, where we often see what has been represented in real life, and what is daily going on, particularly as to intrigue and deception, and where very good lessons are given to avoid or execute.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Mr. Heriot, post-master of British America, a gentleman who unites a superior talent for drawing with the literary and scientific attainments necessary to form an interesting traveller, has availed himself of the opportunities afforded by his official situation, and is preparing for publication a splendid work descriptive of Upper and Lower Canada. Mr. Heriot will first give an account of his voyage from England to the Azores, of which he will introduce a better description than any now existing in our language; he will then conduct his readers up the river St. Lawrence, by land and water; across the several lakes to Lake Superior; describing, in this immense route, every prominent feature which can be interesting to political economy and commerce. The embellishments will consist of about twenty views, twelve new plants, some animals, and several characteristic representations of the manners and customs of the inhabitants.
Mr. Hanson, who has lately returned from America, has brought with him many interesting materials towards furnishing a complete survey of the state of society and manners in that country; which will speedily appear in one quarto volume, accompanied with a number of engravings.
Mr. Northmore has nearly completed an epic poem, of ten books, upon which he has been engaged for a considerable time. It is entitled, Washington, or Liberty Restored , and, exclusive of the imagery, is entirely founded upon historical records.
Sir John Carr is preparing for the press an account of his excursions into Holland and up the Rhine, as far as Mentz.
Walter Scott, Esq. is preparing for publication a new poetical work, to be entitled, Six Epistles from Ettrick Forest .
Mr. John Pinkerton is preparing for the press a New Modern Atlas . It is proposed that this Atlas shall consist of at least an equal number of maps with those of the new edition of Mr. Pinkerton's Geography , but of the size called Atlas , so as to correspond with the celebrated works of D'Anville. These maps will be delineated with all the superior advantages afforded by the late improvements in geographical precision, and engraved with the utmost beauty that the state of the arts can admit, so as to be a national and perpetual monument, worthy of the first commercial country in the world, and from whose exertion and enterprise have arisen the most recent and important discoveries. Each map will be drawn under Mr. Pinkerton's own eye, revised with the utmost care; and will form, like the works of D'Anville, a complete record of the state of science at the time of publication. Table lands, chains of mountains, and other features which belong to the natural geography of each country, will be indicated in a new manner, and with an exactness not to be expected from geographers who are unacquainted with that branch of the science, which is, however, so essential, that without it no country can be truly represented, nor works on natural and civil history perfectly understood. In the other parts, which illustrate civil history, equal care shall be exerted not to insert obscure hovels and villages, while places remarkable in historical record are totally omitted. Instead of careless positions, arising from the blind imitation of antiquated maps, the greatest attention shall be bestowed, that every position be conformable to the latest astronomical observations, and, in default of these, to the result of the best itineraries, and other authentic documents.
HEALTH.
The bill of mortality for the town of Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, for the year 1806, gives 119 deaths, 61 of which were males, and 58 females, averaging at but little more than two a week. The largest number of one disease, is 21, of consumption, 10 males, and 11 females. The respective ages were as follows:
  From 90 to 100 1   80 to 90 6   70 to 80 14   60 to 70 15   50 to 60 12   40 to 50 10   30 to 40 7   20 to 30 6   10 to 20 6   5 to 10 5   1 to 5 12   Under one year 25   119 
There were in the same time 356 births, of which 128 were males and 128 females, averaging at nearly five a week. The marriages during the year were 63. Most of those who died between the age of 60 and 70—70 and 80—80 and 90, had approached nearest the highest extreme of those two numbers. The eldest death was 98.
Portsmouth, in the year 1804, contained, according to Dr. Morse, 5,339 inhabitants; on a moderate calculation for increasing population, the number of inhabitants in 1806, may be estimated at about 7000. Portsmouth is situated in Lat. 43, 5, N. Long. 70, 41, W.
We have seen in the southern and eastern papers, a calculation of the arrivals at different ports for a month. This induced us to go over our list of arrivals at the port of New York for one month, (from the 8th of April to the 8th of May) and the result exhibits the following:—
The whole arrivals have been 345, viz. 88 ships, 92 brigs, 125 schooners, and 45 sloops; of which 214 were from foreign ports, including 72 ships and 75 brigs; the remainder were schooners and sloops; 248 ships and brigs.
M. Y. Gaz.
ANECDOTES OF BONAPARTE.
The Emperor Napoleon rises early in the morning, for he sleeps very little, not more than three or four hours a night. After having taken his coffee, of which he is very fond, as he never drinks less than thirty cups a day, made very strong, he goes to his bath, the water of which is mixed with some medicinal preparation, to remove the effects of the impurity of his blood, which is visible upon his skin. As he never can be a moment idle, and makes the
most of his time, he is attended by a person who understands the English language perfectly, and has the ability of translating it without hesitation into the French. He therefore reads the English newspapers to the emperor, as if he had a French paper in his hands. This he calls his hour of amusement, and sometimes laughs at the absurdity and ignorance of the English writers as he calls their contents. The person who reads to him, is instructed not to pass by any expressions, or to soften them; he must read as he reads them; for he likes to know what the enemy think and write of him. After having bathed, he dresses himself and goes to the chamber, where he has always some one to attend him; his ministers or officers have the precedence, next his private secretary. He is called at the hour of dinner, and but half an hour is occupied with that meal, for he eats very little; and has almost never any appetite, on account of the quantity of coffee which he drinks from time to time.
In the afternoon he is as busy as in the morning, but allows himself, sometimes thrice a week, an hour, to go to some theatre or other; but it is never known when he goes, or which theatre he means to visit; he very seldom knows it himself till dinner time, when he enquires for the different plays which are to be given in the night. The empress accompanies him always; she is fond of him, and he is very much attached to her. He is always attended by Rostan, a Mameluke, who is very much attached to him. He was a common man, whose family and relations suffered greatly in Egypt; Bonaparte, when in that country, took a fancy to him and, after having proved his fidelity, employed him in his services; he raised him from time to time, and he is now a colonel. He is not only with him every where in the day time, but in the night is the nearest to his person. Madame Bonaparte does not sleep with him. Rostan sleeps before the door of his bed chamber, so that it is impossible it can be opened without disturbing him. When he is upon his post, the emperor thinks himself safe; for he relies much more upon his Mameluke, than upon all the pages, guards, and watchmen that are placed in the different avenues to his bed room.
Enquirer.
Foreign Intelligence.
DUBLIN, MARCH 19.
Yesterday, in obedience to a summons of the right hon. the lord mayor, a post assembly was held at the exhibition room, in William street, to take into consideration the propriety of petitioning the imperial parliament to support our happy constitution in church and state.
In the commons house, Mr. Giffard entered into a full investigation of the claims of the Roman catholics and their objects, as appeared in their debates lately published in the newspapers, on which he animadverted at length, and concluded with moving, "That a petition be presented to both houses of parliament, praying them to refuse the claims of the Roman catholics, and thereby preserve the constitution in church and state."
Mr. Cope seconded the motion. Mr. Farrel, Mr. Hatton, Mr. Semple, and Mr. Stephens, opposed the motion; while Mr. Cope and Mr. M c Cauley supported it.
Mr. Semple moved the question of adjournment, upon which a ballot was demanded, when there appeared, for the adjournment, 13—against it, and for going into the business of the day, 39.
The question of adjournment being thus lost, the house was proceeding in the debate on Mr. Giffard's motion, when a message was delivered from the board of aldermen, desiring the concurrence of the sheriffs and commons in forming a committee to meet a committee of the aldermen, to draw up and prepare a petition to parliament, praying them to resist the claims of the Roman catholics, and to preserve the constitution in church and state; which petition, so prepared, should be presented in case the Roman catholics persisted in their demands. This message containing in substance the resolution then under debate in their House, was immediately acceded to, and Mr. Giffard, Mr. M c Cauley, Mr. Cope, and major Sirs, were named a committee to meet the aldermen and recorder on this business. In a short time they produced a petition, little varying from that of 1805, which passed with two dissenting voices.
BANKS OF THE ELBE, March 14.
In a former letter I communicated to you the intelligence received (via Vienna) concerning the battle of Eylau, I now transmit the dispatches themselves.
AU COMTE BASUMOUSKY.
No 1—Extracts from the despatches of General Bennigsen, dated 31 Jan. 1807.
February, 1807.—Received 64 (18th Feb.)
"I hasten to communicate to you excellency the happy intelligence which I have just received from general Bennigsen. Bonaparte attacked him on the 8th instant (N. S.) with all his forces, Eylau; but he met with an obstinate resistance that he was obliged to renounce his purpose, with a loss which is estimated at 25,000 men. Gen. Bennigsen has marched to Wittenberg, in order to replenish himself with ammunition.
"On my part, I attacked on the 3d inst (N. S.) the corps opposed to me. They were defeated on the whole line. The enemy having been reinforced afterwards by the army of reserve under Oudinot, appeared desirous to attack me; but I shall do this myself to-morrow, & I hope that God will bless our arms.
No. 2.—Extract from the report of general Bennigsen, dated the 11th Feb. (N. S.) 1807, received 18th Feb. (N. S.)
Wittenberg, Feb. 11. "Having been informed that the enemy had collected all his forces at Allenstein, I advanced with all mine. Being arrived at Jankov, I was attacked there on my left wing, and drove the enemy back. The same was done also in every direction by my right wing. However, the engagement was prevented from becoming general by the approach of night. I then resolved to change my direction, in order to cover the city of Koningsburg, which was the point at which all the endeavors of Bonaparte were aimed. I thus drew the enemy along by my side, and my rear continued fighting six days successively. At length being arrived on the 7th inst (N. S.) at Preussisch-Eylau, I halted and waited his approach. He attacked me, and entered into the town, which was in my front. As our forces could no longer resist those opposed to them, I dispatched a part of my reserve against them, & advanced myself to the attack.
The town was taken in an instant and two battalions of the enemy, which had not time to escape, were in part cut to pieces or taken, toge her with two colors. In the evening I evacuated the town secretly, in the expectation that the enemy would send a body of troops on the other side of it, in order to attack my centre; which in fact took place during the night. At the break of day I directed a part of the artillery against the French column; it was thrown into disorder, and forced to draw back. Bonaparte himself then attacked me on all points at the head of four corps of his army & of his guards.
He was every where repulsed and completely beaten. He renewed his attack with his guards repeatedly; but whole columns of infantry, and regiments de cuirassiers d'elite, were nearly annihilated by the fire from our line, charges from our cavalry, and at the points of our bayonets. I eliminated the loss of the enemy at more than 15,000 men.—We have captured 20 stand of colors, and made 2,000 prisoners, I shall cause this preliminary report to be followed by a detailed relation of this battle, which I shall lay at the feet of his majesty the emperor."
P. S. The following important facts have just transpired:
We are informed from the borders of the Vistula, that in that neighborhood there is a great want of provisions which may lead to very important results.
It was general Bertrand who arrived on the 17th Feb. at Menel, with pacific propositions. He departed on the 18th, with success.
Three thousand Dutch infantry, a part of them consisting of the garrison of Hamburg, have set out on their march from Lower Saxony to Upper Saxony, in order to supply the place of the French, who are to join the great army on the Vistula.
The Russians have had the audacity to advance again, and it seems that it is their intention to regain the Vistula. Further battles are there expected in that quarter.
In this neighborhood even the most timid and melancholy begin to entertain lively hopes, that the tide of fortune will soon be found to have turned from the rank of ferocious tyranny to that of humanity & humanity.

VIENNA, March 4.
According to the Gazette of Pres- burgh, the Russian army in Moldavia and Wallachia consists of eighty thou- sand men, thirty thousand horse, and is constantly receiving small reinforce- ments, of from two to three thousand men, who come from the most remote provinces of Russia. This army is in a concentrated position on the Danube; all the fortresses on which river are in their power. They are amply supply- ing Choczi, Ismail, Brailow, Bender and Akkerman, and considerable maga- zines have been established at Jassy, Burlach, and Fokshany. The Turk- ish garrisons in these places were all disarmed, and sent to the other side of the Danube. Numbers of recruits are raised for the Russians in Moldavia and Wallachia. The Boyars (the land holders of Russia) at their own ex- pense, and in proportion to their pro- perty, supply a certain number of sol- diers. The most wealthy give 100; the poorest 25.
The Russians have brought upwards of 600 pieces of artillery with them, which they have stationed on the banks of the Danube. They have also taken possession of all the Turkish vessels on that river. There is not a Turkish soldier in Moldavia, Wallachia, or Bessarabia. At the approach of the Russians, they all retired to the left bank of the Danube. It is believed that the grand duke Constantine will join the army in Turkey.
PARIS, March 9.
It is said that in an entertainment which H. S. H. the arch chancellor of the empire has just given, the chief of the grand Sanhedrin was placed at the table between the archbishop of Paris and the president of the consistory of the reformed religion.
The Vienna court gazette of the 18th of February, in stating the death of Passawan Oglou, seems to insinuate that he had been poisoned by the em- bassadors of Russia, as he was their impla- cable enemy, and about joining the Ot- toman army against them. His decease took place the 5th of February.
The departure of the Grand Vizier with the standard of Mahomet, (for this war seems to be considered by the Musulmen as religious) will take place in the beginning of April; meanwhile the different rebel Bashaws seem to come to an accommodation with the Divan, and march their corps of troops to Adrianople, the grand rendezvous of the Turkish army. It is supposed it will amount to 120,000 men.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 26.
Cause of the late change in Admini- stration.
LORD HOWICK addressed the Speak- er nearly in the following terms.— Sir, as a motion has been made by an hon. gentleman for the adjournment of the House during that period, which, at this season of the year, is usually allowed as a relief from the fatigues of business, I trust it will not be consid- ered improper or irrelevant in me to take the opportunity of giving the House that explanation which last night I intimated, that it was my intention to communicate. It is of the utmost im- portance to myself and my colleagues, that the circumstances which led to the recent change in his majesty's coun- cils, should be fully and fairly explained. It is undoubtedly of considerable impor- tance to the House and to the public, to receive that explanation, that they may be enabled to form a proper estimate of the character and disposition of those persons to whom the administration of the country has been lately entrusted; of the transactions which led to the dis- missal of those persons, and of the prob- able result of the change. These con- siderations render important also the decision of the present question, as to the propriety of a longer or shorter ad- journment of the House, from the ne- cessity that may occur of bringing for- ward some measure which the late ex- traordinary events may shew to be ex- pedient.—For myself, sir, every feel- ing, every motive by which man can be actuated, makes it of the highest im- portance to me, that as soon as possible I may have the opportunity of convin- cing the House that my behaviour in this affair has not been such as to induce them to repeat the kindness which I have ever had the good fortune to re- ceive at their hands.—Every moment's delay, while, during that moment, a doubt may be entertained by the House of the conduct of myself and my collea- gues, who have heretofore enjoyed so many instances of their distinguished confidence and support, is indeed to me most painful. But anxious, sir, as I naturally am, to clear myself and those with whom I have had the honor to act, from the imputations that have been cast upon us, I feel in common with the hon. gentleman who so expressed him- self yesterday evening, (Mr. Sturges Bourne) great regret at the necessity which I am under of doing so in the ab- sence of those who, as some seem to think, ought to be present, to watch my statements, and detect my inaccu- racies. In saying this, I am far from im- puting to that honorable gentleman the intention of throwing out any unfair insinuations. I know well the natural partiality every one entertains for him- self, and I know that partiality may bias a man, and induce him to take a view, perhaps not strictly correct, of a subject in which he is personally inter- ested; I am, therefore, as anxious as the hon. gentleman can be, that those persons should be present, at the inves- tigation of the transactions I have al- luded to; and I earnestly hope that this matter may yet be discussed on some future day, when those honorable
gentlemen may assist the House in exa- mining and sitting the details of it in every part, from the commencement to the conclusion. Sir, it is neither in my nature, nor in my habits, to shrink from the examination of my life; but I am reduced to this alternative, either to submit to have the public mind pre- judiced by reports and misrepresenta- tions, supported by partial extracts from confidential papers, or, in the ab- sence of those who cannot now be pre- sent, to do that which justice to myself, and to my colleagues, imperiously calls upon me to do, by a fair, open, and manly exposition of every part of the late transactions, to afford the only an- tidote against the mischievous effects of those garbled statements and wilful misrepresentations. Under such cir- cumstances, sir, it is impossible, in the fulfilment of my duty to myself, to my colleagues, to the House, and to the country, to suffer such a period to elapse before I make this explanation, as must necessarily intervene, ere the persons to whom I have alluded can resume their seats in Parliament. Their ab- sence, however, will have this effect; it will induce me to confine myself as closely as possible to a dry statement of facts. I shall carefully avoid every thing that may lead to a discussion, and dwell on those points alone which are necessary for the vindication of myself and my friends. I shall cautiously ab- stain from entering into any argument founded on the facts which I shall re- late, leaving, until after the holidays, when those gentlemen will take their places on the opposite benches, the fur- ther investigation of this business. Having promised thus much, Sir, I shall proceed, with as much clearness as I can, to make the statement that I have promised. It is well known, Sir, that when the late Administration was formed, it contained in it many mem- bers whose opinion and principles, on what is termed the Catholic Question, had been recently manifested in that most authentic way in which the opinions and principles of public men can be manifested—by their speeches and votes in parliament. They came into ad- ministration, therefore, with a general knowledge of those principles and op- inions; for certainly no expectation could have been entertained that those persons whose characters were suffi- ciently known, would be willing, for the sake of any considerations of emolu- ment, to abandon principles which they had to lately and so warmly espoused. No such requisition, Sir, was in fact made to them; if it had, it would have been incumbent on them, in support of their honor, and I am sure that they would have felt it strongly to be their duty then, as now, to decline office. While I assert that the sentiments of the greater part of the Members of the Administration on this subject were well known on their coming into power, I do not pretend to deny that the dif- ficulties which existed in the way of any further concession to the Catho- lics of England in Ireland were also well known. But as they came into office unfettered, and free to offer their advice on this important question, so also, I will answer for every indi- vidual of them, they came into office with a sincere desire, while they adhered to their principles, to aid every sub- ject that might prove repugnant to those feelings which they were bound, by every motive of duty, of affec- tion, and of attachment, to respect. ( Hear hear! )—This, Sir, was the state of the case; their opinions on the Catho- lic question were well known; but they hoped, by a conciliatory mode of gov- ernment, to keep that question on a re- cess. For a long time no difficulty oc- curred; at length towards the end of last year, some circumstances took place in the West of Ireland—the most valu- able, and I very much fear that I must and the most vulnerable part of the Empire—which called upon his Majes- ty's Ministers for attention, and which strongly excited the anxiety that such circumstances must naturally excite. Un- willing to use that force which, but two days after the meeting of this Parliament, was strongly re- commended by a person in this House, who was too impatient to wait for the operation of more lenient measures, his Majesty's Ministers hop- ed, and that hope, was gratified to re- duce the spirit of disturbance that had been manifested by a vigorous exertion of the power of the laws alone, without resorting to any intemperate proceedings. This occurrence, however, naturally led to the consideration of some mea- sure, which might at once give satisfac- tion to the people of Ireland, and strengthen the means & policy of the em- pire. Various were the propositions that were agitated in the Cabinet; but the one which was deemed to be the most obviously advantageous, was that, Sir, which I had the honor to recommend to the adoption of this House. It ap- peared to us calculated to be highly bene- ficial to the Empire at large, by afford- ing the means of recruiting to the greatest possible extent, the army and navy from which so many persons are now excluded by what we conceive to be a weak and ill understood policy. It appeared to us calculated to be highly beneficial to Ireland, for the reasons which I have before stated in this house, as tending to tranquillise that country, by holding out to the gentry the prospect of rising in the mi-
litary and naval services, and thus at- taching them to this country, and also by affording a vent to the perhaps su- perabundant population of Ireland, and thus drawing from the very sources of discontent, the means of strength and union. These, sir, were the mo- tives by which we were actuated. It is surely not necessary to repeat, and yet the base arts which are practised with so much industry may make it use- ful to repeat, that in this measure our object was not to invade, but to secure the establishments of the empire. If Ireland were rendered insecure, the establishments of England would be exposed to greater danger than any which could possibly result from such a boon to the Catholics.—If, under such circumstances, a successful inva- sion of Ireland by the enemy were to take place, I call upon those who ac- cuse us of endangering the establish- ments of this country, in God's name, to consider to what hazard those estab- lishments would then be subject. Sir, while this measure was under the con- sideration of his majesty's ministers, letters were received from the lord lieutenant of Ireland, in which his Grace stated, that a disposition had arisen among the Catholics to prose- cute the claims that they had so lately and so unsuccessfully urged in the Im- perial Parliament. Sir, I was the known supporter of those claims, but I could not avoid considering the pro- secution of them at that moment as most impolitic. As far as my private opinion went, I did strongly recommend the discontinuance of any such attempt. The partial measure then under con- templation appeared admirably suited to induce that discontinuance, and that discontinuance was effected. Such, sir, were our inducements; the gene- ral inducements of policy and principle —But we had also another inducement; we did hope that this limited measure would not encounter the opposition to which we well knew the general ques- tion was exposed. In reverting to the act of the Irish Parliament of 1793, we found that a pledge had been given by the highest servants of the crown, that a similar measure should be brought forward in this country. This pledge was recorded in the secretary of state's office by a dispatch from lord Hobart, in which he distinctly stated the fact. Thus becoming a question not of policy alone, but also of good faith, we did hope that the limited measure might receive that assent and approbation of which, on the more general question we therefore studiously avoided. On these grounds the measure that I had the honor of introducing into the House, was submitted to his majesty. A de- tailed dispatch, which I wish it was in my power to lay on the table, was writ- ten to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, stating explicitly the motives for this measure, and this detailed dispatch was sent to his majesty, accompanied by a cabinet minister. From that first proposition, his majesty certainly expressed a strong dissent: on that dissent being made known to them, the cabinet deliberated, and the result was a respectful repre- sentation to his majesty of the grounds on which they thought the measure expedient. To those representations were returned an answer, in which his majesty, with considerable reluctance unquestionably, signified his assent— certainly with reluctance, but a positive assent. Under the sanction of this assent, the dispatch was sent to the lord lieutenant. At a meeting of the Catholics in Ire- land, Mr. Elliot, the secretary of state, informed them of the separate measure which it was intended to propose. Some discussion ensued; and to a ques- tion from Mr. O'Connor, whether every rank in the army was to be opened to the Catholics, or whether they were still to be precluded from the staff, Mr. Elliot's answer was, that as the words of the dispatch implied that the Catholics would be allowed to hold any commission in the army, on taking an oath of allegiance, he conceived that the staff was included. A dispatch, containing an account of this confer- ence, was sent to his majesty's govern- ment at home; and soon after a second dispatch, in which it was stated that the subject had been referred to the consideration of a general meeting of Catholics, by whom, notwithstanding the doubts that had been incidentally thrown out, it was understood that every military situation was to be render- ed accessible to them. These dispatch- es, sir, containing these explicit state- ments, were sent to his majesty at Windsor, and received his most grac- ious perusal, but no objection whatever was then made by his majesty to the measure to which they related. How- ever, subsequently to this period, there certainly did arise a doubt, whether the measure was distinctly understood in its fullest extent. It is only fair to say, that this doubt originated with some members of the cabinet. On its being started, I, and others of those with whom I had the honor to act, were most anxious that it should be com- pletely removed, before the introduc- tion of the measure into Parliament.— Sir, I have always considered that a minister in Parliament acts in a double capacity; he acts as a minister, and he acts as an individual member of Parliament. As an individual member of Parliament, he may introduce or support a measure, unconnected with government considerations. Such was the conduct of Mr. Pitt, on the prop- ositions for reform, and for the abolition of the slave trade, the latter of which has, thank God! been at last effected, and is a measure which, if there be nothing else to distinguish the late gov- ernment during the short period that it has existed, will shed on it sufficient lustre. But, sir, when a member of administration introduces any measure as a measure of government, it is most clearly his duty to be previously con-
vinced, that he has the concurrence of the Cabinet, and the sanction of royal authority. I should, indeed, have thought myself reprehensible in the highest degree, and deserving of all the four reproach that has been so lavishly be- stowed upon me, had I introduced the measure I did introduce without having ascertained that it had the concurrence of the cabinet, and the sanction of the King. I have before stated, that a doubt sprang up with regard to the latter; it was therefore determined that I (lord Spencer being absent on account of ill health) should write a dispatch to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, inclosing those clauses of the Mutiny bill in which the proposed measure was contained, and repeating, in conformity with the sen- timents expressed in the dispatch which had been sent to the com- munication of Mr. Elliot's confer- ence, that every commission in the army was to be open to the Catholics. This dispatch, sir, I wrote with as much clearness as was in my power to do. With the clauses it went to the king on Monday; on Tuesday it was return- ed from Windsor, without the slight- est hint of objection on the part of his majesty; and as I had been accustomed to do, on receiving the royal sanction, I immediately forwarded the dispatch to Ireland. In the mean time, sir, objec- tions were started, merely in point of form, to the mode of proceeding in this measure by clauses in the mutiny bill, and on a reconsideration of the subject, it was thought better to introduce a separate bill. On Wednesday I attend- ed the levee at St. James's, and had my usual audience of his majesty. After the audience, his majesty enquired what business was going forward that day in the House of Commons? I re- plied that the mutiny bill was to pass through one of its stages; and explain- ed to his majesty the reasons which had induced me to embody the clauses for allowing the Catholics admission into the army and navy, in a separate bill. His majesty approved of this change, & then asked me where the bill was not the same as the Irish bill of 1793? I stated in what the difference consisted, observing that it had been fully detail- ed in the various dispatches previously submitted to his majesty's inspection.— Here, sir, I must acknowledge, that his majesty did express a general dislike & disapprobation of the measure; but not in such a manner as to induce me to conclude, that the reluctant assent orig- inally given by his majesty was with- drawn, and that I was not empowered to introduce the bill. What confirmed me in my opinion was, that lord Gren- ville had a subsequent audience with his majesty, in which his majesty did not make a single observation on the bill. On Thursday or Friday, I do not recollect which, I introduced this bill into the House. During the whole of the week, although I had various communi- cations with his majesty on other sub- jects, his majesty did not make the slightest objection to the bill, nor was any intimation on the subject received from his majesty until the Wednesday following (at which time I was preclud- ed from attending my duty in this House by a family calamity) when his majesty stated decidedly his objection to any ex- tension of the provisions of the Irish act of 1793.—From that moment we were convinced that his majesty misunder- stood the subject, or rather, I was con- vinced that I had misunderstood his majesty. Having unfortunately intro- duced the measure into the House of Commons, in the belief that I was sanc- tioned to do so by the king, I immedi- ately suspended any further proceedings on the bill, demanded an audience of his majesty on the following day, and convinced him that I had been misled, and that I had misunderstood those gracious expressions, which he had used on the subject on a former occa- sion. From that moment too, sir, it became the most anxious consideration of ministers how to reconcile their public duty with their respect for the feelings of his majesty. We attempted to correct the bill; but the objection of his majesty was so extensive, that we found it was impossible to modify the measure, as to remove that objection, & at the same time leave it efficiently beneficial. In this situation we prefer- red abandoning the bill altogether. In doing this, sir, I own that I made a most painful sacrifice of all personal feelings to my sense of public duty; but this is a sacrifice, which, however painful, I trust I shall never hesitate to make.— We therefore offered to withdraw the bill, but at the same time we felt the necessity of adding something to that offer. On a former occasion a desire had been intimated, that nothing of the kind should in future be pressed; other intimations had been made of a similar nature. We therefore thought it right to reserve to ourselves the power of expressing our opinion, and of suggest- ing to his majesty any future measure that might seem to us expedient;— accompanied, however, with a respect- ful declaration, that all the members of the cabinet were most eager to contrib- ute every thing in their power to his majesty's personal ease and comfort.— This part of our proceedings, sir, has been most shamefully misrepresented to the public. In falsely stating, that we wished to reserve to ourselves the right of pressing this subject on his majesty in future, it has been omitted to state that our only wish was to submit any measure which might seem expedient to his majesty's revision; it was omitted to state that we respect- fully assured his majesty of our earnest desire to regard his personal ease and comfort.
Sir, in what situation should we have been placed, had we not retained the right of expressing our sentiments? The bill introduced by us must be with- drawn. I certainly felt, that without unnecessarily exposing his majesty's opinion, I might have assigned sufficient public reasons to withdrawing the bill on account of the general opposition which had been made to it; but, sir, was it possible, consistently with my honor, and consistently with my sense of duty to my colleagues, that I could refrain from declaring my own senti- ments upon it? Besides, in withdraw- ing this measure, we had naturally to look to a Catholic petition, and to the pressing of the general question with more eagerness than ever on the consideration of Parliament. Was it not necessary in defence of their honor that those who had before supported this question should again state their opinion upon it? and would it have been honorable, would it have been fair, not previously to apprize his maj- esty of that course which we felt it to be our clear and undoubted duty to pursue? Sir, I am confident that in making this appeal to the House I can- not be unsuccessful. Let me put it in another point of view; suppose, al- ter some discussion, that the measure had been abandoned; and suppose that on the presentation of the Catholic Peti- tion, we had freely stated our opinion without any previous intimation to his majesty, what sort of charge would then have been brought against us, by those who accuse us for having made a candid explanation to his majesty of our senti- ments? But to return, sir, to the history of this transaction. His majesty, in reply, expressed his satisfaction at the reference we had shown him, but re- quired us to withdraw the other part of our statement, and to give an assurance in writing not only that we would never again propose the measure in question, but also, that we would propose any measure connected with it.— Sir, as far as personal motives operated in this demand, I am convinced that they were of the purest description: for, during the short time that I have had the honor of being in his Majesty's service, I have had fre- quent opportunities of remarking his Majesty's gracious and benevolent af- fection for his people, and the anxious desire by which he is urged to promote their welfare—( Hear, hear, hear! ) As far, therefore, sir, as his Majesty was personally concerned, I can have no doubt that in this demand he was actuated by the most honorable and con- scientious motives alone. But neither myself nor colleagues being able to as- sent to this requisition, we stated to his Majesty the impossibility of our comply- ing with it. The next day his majesty, in the same gracious manner that we have ever been accustomed to experience from him, informed us that he must look out for new servants.
Two days afterwards I was authoris- ed to state this circumstance to the House, and on Tuesday last his majesty signified his pleasure that on the follow- ing day we should resign our office.— This, sir, is a statement of the whole transaction, as far as it can be stated, without a reference to the various doc- uments that I have described. I much wish that those documents in an unmu- tilated state, were before the House and the public; and if his majesty will be graciously pleased to give orders to his servants to produce them, I, for one, shall be highly grateful. Those docu- ments will bear me completely out in the assertions, first, that we did not propose the measure to his majesty, without sufficient motives for so doing; secondly, that we did not propose the measure to Parliament without sufficient reason to be satisfied, that it had his majesty's concurrence; thirdly, that when we discovered his majesty's insur- mountable objection to the measure, we fulfilled our duty by conceding it; and fourthly, in adding the respectful request to allow us the liberty to state our opinions on that subject, and to propose to his majesty any future measure that we might think expedient, accompanied with the assurance of our anxiety for his majesty's personal ease and com- fort, instead of improperly pressing the question on his majesty, we were simply doing that, which not to have done, would have been to have justly subjected ourselves to the reproach of every honest and honorable man. Sir, I shall be ready now, or hereafter, to enter into any further explanation that may be demanded of me. I am sure the House will have the candor to be- lieve my declaration, that I feel not the slightest disposition to complain. I can entertain but one feeling with re- gard to the gracious and benevolent disposition with which his majesty is animated, and so far from endeavoring to lessen the respect and attachment that is felt for him, no man will be more ready & anxious than myself to increase it. Indeed, sir, I should be most un- grateful were these not my feelings; for during the short period that I have had the honor of being in his majesty's service, I was honored with repeated marks of his approbation; and on quit- ting his services, his majesty, satisfied (with the exception of this single mea- sure) with what he was pleased to term my faithful and diligent discharge of my duty, conferred upon me the high- est reward of his approbation. Sir, hav- ing concluded my statement, I shall abstain from entering into any argu- ment upon it. I will not attempt to show how inconsistent with our honor it would have been to have given a pledge on a point, in which, above all others, it is most essential that a mi- nister should be free. I will not at-

tempt to show that we should have acted most wisely, as well as most unconstitutionally, had we agreed to give that pledge. I leave the statement to the public as a dispassionate consideration of the house and the public. If it were true, that out of that statement a discussion can arise, when those persons by whom the late administration had been succeeded, return to their seats in Parliament, I shall most cheerfully engage in that discussion. I am therefore anxious that the adjournment should be as short as possible; and had hoped, that Monday evening, by which day the new writs may with ease be returned, would have been a proper time for the reassembling of Parliament; but the difference of two days is so small, that it is scarcely worth contending for, and I shall therefore agree with the honorable gentleman's motion, only stating, that should any gentleman think proper to bring this subject into discussion, I am desirous that the earliest possible day should be selected for that purpose.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, MAY 18.
The President of the United States on Saturday arrived in this City from Mountbello.
A better illustration of the true principles of the British system of government could not be offered, than that furnished by the recent change of her ministry. It proves, beyond dispute, the deplorable and calamitous condition of a people, who, under the auspices of liberty, might attain a degree of happiness unsurpassed among men. But it is her misfortune to have departed so widely from the only true principles, on an adherence to which communities can prosper, that, however, for a moment her councils may be controlled by great and good men, ambitious of increasing rather than impairing the rights of the people, and of stemming instead of swelling the tide of abuse and corruption, they have an elastic quality that, on the slightest touch, restores them to the direction to which they have been so long accustomed. Like the old man, who, though once free, had been so long enslaved to the dungeons of the Bastille, that, on his first re-lighted, he could not endure the light of heaven and prayed that he might be sent back to his captivity, it would seem as if time had so consecrated the abuses of the British system, that it could not bear, without the dread of a total prostration, the least reform. If this be the fact, the question on which the change of ministry turned, is an all-important one; for it did not go, merely to affect the condition of a respectable denomination of people, deprived of their inalienable rights, but was in fact a part of that general plan of reform, which, once effected, might have raised the whole edifice to the ground. It is this view of the subject that probably produced the decisive measure of a change of ministers.
Our readers will recollect the bold steps previously taken by the administration. Lord Henry Petty came forward at an early day with an exposure of the most stupendous scene of financial profligacy that the world has perhaps ever witnessed. He showed that there lay a mass of unsettled, and of course, unchecked accounts to an amount which exceeded the whole national debt.
He showed that the various attempts to reduce this chaos into order, and to insure the responsibility of the receivers of the public money, had only issued in an aggravation of the evil; and in truth justified the belief that they were only intended as mere lullabies to national discontent. The delapidations of a Melville were exposed. An efficient board of examination and control was instituted. The venality of the favorites of former administrations was established, and justice, though slow, was at length about to overtake them. Who can tell, had this examination been permitted to go on, the extent of peculation that would have been laid open, either as to the mass of public money misapplied, or as to those who squandered it. This measure alone created probably a host of malcontents, sufficient to destroy the administration. Who can estimate the influence of a host composed as well of disguised as of acknowledged harpies, not only of men infuriated by an exposure of their peculations, but likewise of men dreading an exposure which they had flattered themselves were eternally frustrated by the unfathomable heap of unsettled accounts that filled the vaults of the exchequer. Few recollect aright these unsettled accounts exceeded five hundred millions sterling, and covered a period of thirty years.
Not content with this bold step, the administration had taken one still bolder. They had determined, for a number of years, to lay no new taxes. They had pledged themselves to this point. The necessary effect of an adherence to this resolution would have been not merely gleaming the greatest possible resource from past, but the avoidance of future delapidations. It would undoubtedly have given rise to a rigid system of economy, to a diminution of sinecures, to a reduction of salaries, & a desire to gain peace, if attainable on honorable terms. Such a system, thus zealously pursued, would have been the readiest blow ever struck at royalty, by depriving it of its patronage, and curtailing its power to dispense favors. Who can calculate the probable effect of a persistence to lay no new taxes for several years? It might have given a tone to the public mind that
future administrations would not have dared to disregard. And had this been the case, economy, rigid economy, being the only substitute for new means, office would have been stripped of its gaudy pageantry, and even the splendor of the throne might have been obscured by a deprivation of some of its most brilliant baubles.
Before this same spirit of reform, the slave trade was abolished. Thank God, that great object is effected. Fugitive as the power of the last administration was, and incompetent of course to accomplish objects that required the time and labor of years, this reproach of humanity and civilization is blotted from the English annals; and as if the same impulse of beneficence swept across the universe, the same year that witnesses the downfall of this iniquitous traffic in the old world, beholds its prostration likewise in the new.
To another beneficent object of the late British administration we invite the attention of the reader in our last paper. To Mr. Wilberforce, a manufacturer, the affluent brewer of London, was reserved the honor of proposing a measure, calculated directly to relieve the physical necessities of the poor, and ultimately to elevate them above the necessity of resorting to national bounty, by extending to them the inestimable blessings of education and knowledge. Yes—let it never be forgotten that this man proposed a plan of universal education. It is not for us to say how far political views in this measure blended with benevolent views. With us the union of the objects constitutes the best eulogium of the plan. Adopted, on the liberal scale proposed, it would have been the most decisive because the surest step ever taken in that, or any other country, towards the ultimate establishment of a republic.
To close the catalogue of illustrious reforms, contemplated by the late ministry, Mr. Fox had the discernment to see the impolicy and injustice of monopolies and restrictions on trade, and to avow, and to a certain extent practise, principles that led the way to the establishment of equal rights on the ocean. This great man, the friend of liberty in every form, saw not only the injustice of the monopolies claimed by his predecessors, but likewise the impolicy, in the existing state of things, of insisting on them. In their abandonment, and the recognition of a juster code of maritime law, he saw the only hope of peace and substantial prosperity that remained for his country. Had he lived, he might perhaps have effected this object; and in its train might have followed those previously enumerated.
But the question recurs—had all these ends been attained, would England have continued a monarchy twenty years hence?
JOHN MORROW is re-elected without opposition, a representative of the state of Virginia.
JAMES FENNER, republican, is elected Governor of Rhode Island by a large majority.
[In consequence of the following address, great preparations are making in several parts of Virginia to celebrate the centenary of the first landing of Europeans in that state.]
FROM THE VIRGINIA APOLLO.
GRAND NATIONAL JUBILEE.
Fortasse Odm Meminitae Juvenit.
Having lately perused Burk's history of Virginia, I discovered that on the approaching thirteenth of May, two centuries will have elapsed since the forefathers of Virginia, and it may be said the founders of North America landed on the peninsula of James-Town. It is impossible to contemplate this event without feelings of reverence and sublimity. Nothing in any ancient story furnishes any parallel at once to the humility and the grandeur of this incident: we read of conquerors leading their thousands and tens of thousands, to the sack of cities, and the devastation of continents, and by the pretended rights of conquest extirpating or enslaving their inhabitants; we read with horror, of the destructive progress of Pizarro and Cortez, and the inhuman systems of civil and ecclesiastical policy, by which millions of innocent human beings perished in tortures, and agonies at the shrine of bigotry and avarice; every page is filled with the successful ambition of kings and the unavailing and impotent struggles of suffering humanity; every where vice triumphs, virtue is discountenanced; or if some solitary act or event bearing the features of honor, or the stamp of independence appears—if by some generous effort or by some sudden convulsion, we see a people rising upon their oppressors and establishing a form of government that promises greater happiness and security, we find it fleeting as the flash, whose short and sudden light renders the gloom more awful and portentous. The mind is sick with viewing those scenes of blood, this picture of human calamity, and turns away with disgust to repose itself on this grand and consolatory event. A handful of hardy adventurers forming the advanced guard of the distressed, the persecuted, the virtuous, the brave, the independent of all the nations of the old world, commit themselves in two frail barques to the trackless and unfathomable deeps of the Atlantic; they deliberately forego the comforts, the refreshments, the luxuries of civilized life; they tear themselves from the endearing scenes of their childhood, the tender ties of affection and kindred; animated by the spirit of generous adventurers, they prepare themselves to
encounter the danger of unknown seas, of the howling wilderness, end of savages, more terrible than tempests or wild beasts. With what transports must they not have contemplated, after their long and hazardous voyage, the magnificent bay of Chesapeake, wooded to its margin, and embracing them in its vast amphitheatre of forest! We follow them to the mouth of the majestic Powhatan, a name since ungratefully changed in compliment to a pedant and tyrant . The Aborigines distinguished by their black straight hair, their red color, armed with bow and arrow and tomahawk, and arrayed in the fantastic costume of nature, follow them upon their banks, their faces impressed with mute and savage astonishment! became at length more familiar, we see them conversing by signs, the original language of nature, and their awe at length yielding to curiosity, approaching them in their canoes and bartering their rude productions. We mark the beginning of confidence and trace the features of character amongst this singular people, still more striking than their dress or complexion. Every moment the scene becomes more busy, more interesting and dramatic, and it is every where highly diversified with characters and incidents.
We contemplate the venerable figure of the great sachem Powhatan, elevated upon a throne resembling a bedstead, and clad in the skin of a raccoon; the singular ambition at Nemattanow; the sagacity, the dissimulation, the courage, the perseverance of Opechancanough, like another Hannibal, devoted to the destruction of the enemies of his country. We mark the gentle spirit of Pocahontas, dropping the balm of her tenderness upon the wounds and distresses of our forefathers, and like a guardian spirit interposing herself between them and every danger. The gallant and romantic Smith is a striking figure in the group, and his agency is intimately connected with the dominion; but who shall be able to follow the course of these striking events? Yielding at length to labor, to industry, to intelligence, to patriotism, the wilderness begins to blossom as the rose! The haunts of wild beasts become the habitations of men, and instead of their howlings mingled with the yells of savages, are now heard the expositions of law, the discussion of science, and the eloquence of senates; cities rise as it were by magic; the arts and sciences encouraged by an unrestrained inquiry, extend widely their empire, whilst liberty, the first and greatest of human blessings, like the key stone to an arch, gives security and permanency to those great and manifold blessings.
What a scene is here for gratitude, for gratulation and triumph! compared with an occasion like this, how sink the anniversaries of Europe! The childish and wicked incidents that gave birth to their jubilees, and their festivals for which Te Deums, and hosannas are sung by a wicked mockery and prostitution of religion; even the festivals of the ancients having their rise in more useful and honorable principles; the Saturnalia, the Olympie, the Isthmian, the Carcassian games, what are they when put in competition with this sublime incident, which is but feebly illustrated by the ark of Noah, and the bark of Dencalion! What are they to the moral formation of a world, the growth of nations, and their confederations under the auspices of liberty and philosophy; yet this day so auspicious and eventful; this day when the roads of Virginia should be trodden by the feet of pilgrims, to visit the tombs of their fathers, to celebrate the era of their national existence, when imagination ascending to the cradle, marking the first faint struggles of colonial infancy, would at every step discover new occasion for gratitude to that great Being who had destined them to occupy so distinguished a station amongst the nations of the earth; this day is forgotten amidst the paltry cares and foibles of the world. It is not so in N. England, the sagacity of that intelligent people would not permit them to omit an occasion calculated to produce such effects upon the minds & principles of their descendants, they knew that it would afford fresh oil to the lamp of their patriotism , and accordingly the era of their debarkation at Plymouth, is celebrated by annual festivals; but in the ancient dominion of Virginia, which may be called the principal fountain of American population, not the slightest notice is taken of an event in which the whole world is interested. It is time at length to put an end to this shameful apathy; the revolution of a second century since the event, affords an opportunity sufficiently splendid, and it is to be hoped that it will be eagerly embraced by every friend to the antiquities, the literature, the independence, at least, of Virginia.
A Farmer of the ancient dominion. P.S. The people of the lower counties in particular, from the mouth of the James River to the Falls, including all its tributary streams, have abundant facilities by water carriage, of arriving at the theatre of action.
It is proposed, that committees be appointed in Norfolk, Williamsburg, Richmond, & Petersburg, and that arrangements immediately be formed for carrying into effect this interesting object.
COMMUNICATION. Having observed in your paper an account of the Arlington Sheep shearing, I am induced for the reputation of my neighborhood, to inform you that there was sheared, at Northampton, in Prince George's county, the residence of Mr. Osborn Sprigg, from nine sheep seventy-two pounds of fine, long wool. It is to be lamented for the interest of domestic manufactures, which deeply
concerns us all, that the laudable example of Messrs. Custis and Sprigg is not more generally attended to.
A SUBSCRIBER.
The Barbadoes Mercury, of April 11, contains an advertisement of the condemnation and sale of the ship Venus , of Boston, with her cargo, consisting of pork, beef, horse hair, tallow, &c. Prize to the British ship Nimrod .
The Circuit Court has held its April term in Connecticut. The petit jury, were dismissed by judge Edwards, because they were selected by the marshal, although the judge thought the selection legal. The case United States vs. Hudson and Goodwin , for a libel, was called up, but the indictment was quashed for informality. A new indictment was afterwards brought in, and the trial postponed to the next session. A new bill was also exhibited against the Rev. Azel Backus, and the cause referred. In the prosecution for sedition, the U. States vs. Thaddeus Osgood , 11 witnesses attended on the first day of the session; but on the day the case was called up for trial, they were absent on leave from the district attorney. A nolle prosequi was entered, and Mr. Osgood discharged. In one of the days of session judge Edwards observed, "If we do not adhere to the known rules of the common law, we are out at sea, and perhaps may never get into port again."
Connect. paper.
HERCULANEUM MANUSCRIPT.
No progress, (says a London Journalist) has yet been made in the unrolling the six Herculaneum M.S.S. which were presented by the king of Naples to his royal highness the prince of Wales, about two years ago. A corner only of one of the rolls was unfolded, and the whole was afterwards submitted to the action of steam, under the direction of an eminent chemist, but without the desired effect. Instead of feeding and giving pliability and consistency to the tinder, it has more firmly united the mass, and in a great measure obliterated the writing. The ill success of this experiment has discouraged further attempts on the other rolls. It will be recollected, that at the same time the king of Naples presented these rolls to the prince of Wales, an equal number was sent to the national institute of France. As nothing has been heard of the progress made in unrolling them, it may be supposed that the French have had no better success. The lovers of literature are anxious to hear of the steps which will be taken by the new French government at Naples, relative to the entire library of these curiosities, which most probably was abandoned by the old government, when that unfortunate country was lately evacuated.
DENMARK.
In the course of the present year, a great alteration in the established worship is expected to take place in the Danish dominions. The present liturgy, which was framed under Christian Vth, and published so long since as 1685, has long been felt to be little adapted to the liberal and enlightened principles of the nineteenth century. With a view to bring about a suitable reformation in this branch, the right rev. P. O'Boisen, bishop of Lolland and Falster, has composed a plan of improvement in public worship, which, in the latter end of the year 1805, he submitted in manuscript to the consideration of government; desiring, however, that before any resolution should be taken upon it, it might be printed, and intelligent divines called upon to give in their opinion with respect to it. This has accordingly been done, and bishop of Zealand, Professor Munter, of the university of Copenhagen, and Mr. Laffen, of the royal chancery, have been appointed commissioners for examining and digesting the whole, the result of whose discussions were ordered to be laid before the king previous to the end of December of the last year.
Norfolk, May 9.
We are informed, and that from a respectable source, that colonel JOHN MAYO, of Richmond, has offered to furnish Granite stone to build the contemplated Pyramid at James Town, in commemoration of the first settlement in this state. The stone lies within two miles of Richmond, on a good navigation.
CITIZENS ATTEND!
A meeting of the Citizens of the First & Second Wards is requested on Wednesday evening the 20th inst. at 7 o'clock, at MR. RHODES's tavern, for the purpose of making arrangements respecting the ensuing election for members of the City Council of Washington. It is hoped that punctilious attendance will be given, to preclude the necessity of calling a second meeting on the same business.
May 18, 1807.
TRIAL of Col. AARON BURR.
WESSCOTT & CO. Eleventh street near Pennsylvania avenue, Washington city.
INFORM the public, that they have engaged Mr. THOMAS CARPENTER, one of the most able and correct stenographers in the United States, to attend the Circuit Court to commence its session in Richmond, on the 20th of this month; and if the trial comes on, to publish an impartial, full and complete account of it, accompanied by all the documents relative to this memorable and important occasion.
May 18—44
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, MAY 18.
The Alonzo , arrived at New-York, brings Paris dates to the 30th of March. A vessel, arrived at Philadelphia, from Londonderry, brings papers of that place to the 7th of April, containing extracts from London prints to the 1st of April.
New-York, May 14.
By the brig Alonzo from Bordeaux, we, at a late hour, received the 63th and 66th bulletins of the French army. The former is dated Osterode, the 10th, and the latter, the 14th of March.
After a half perusal of them, we find, that nothing but skirmishes between the advanced posts had taken place, since the 1st accounts.
The French army is stated to be in cantonments behind the Pullarge , and the various divisions to be posted as follows:
Prince Ponte Corvo at Holland and Braunberg.—Marshal Soult at Leibstadt and Mohrungen.—Marshal Ney at Gullstadt.—Marshal Davoust at Altftein, Hohenfeld and Deppen. Headquarters at Osterode. The Polish army of observation, commanded by general Zayonschek at Neidenburg.—Marshal Lefebvre at Danzey. The 5th corps on the Oxulew .—A division of Bavarians commanded by the Prince Royal of Bavaria, at Warlaw.—The corps under Prince Jerome in Silesia.—The 8th corps in Swedish Pomerania.—The places of Breslaw, Schweidnitz, and Brieg, were demolishing. Gen. Rapp, aide-de-camp of the emperor, was governor of Thorn. Bridges were thrown across the Vistula at Marienburg and Dirschau.
The 66th bulletin represents the grand army as still enjoying repose in cantonments, and only states frequent skirmishes as having taken place between the out-posts of both armies.
District of Columbia to W.S.
HERBERT Cornelius Willis, hath his petition in writing applied to the hon. Wm. Cranch, chief judge of the district of Columbia, to be admitted to the benefit of the act of Congress for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district aforesaid, and has stated therein that he is in real confidence in the jail of Alexandria county at the suit of Alexander Cochran, and being unable to discharge the said claim with others against him has offered to deliver up to the use of his creditors all his property real personal or mixed. Notice is therefore given to the creditors of the said Cornelius Willis, thereon Monday the 22d inst. at 10 o'clock A.M. at the court house in Alexandria, the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Cornelius Willis, and a trustee appointed agreeable to said act of Congress unless cause be shown and there shown to the contrary.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, chief judge of the district of Columbia 24th May 1807.
G. DENNIS, CL.
May 18—34
This is to give notice that the Subscriber hath obtained from the Orphan Court of Montgomery county, Maryland, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of Ninian Willette, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the first day of November, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this twenty first day of April 1807.
BURGESS WILLETT, admr.
May 8—934
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber in August last, a Negro Charles—he is a light well made black man, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; has lost some of his front teeth; is remarkably polite and made of a gallant. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him home or pledge him any jail to that I get him again.
Wm. B. BEANES.
Upper Marlboro', Jan 9—tawff
Treasury Department of the United States, April 2d, 1807.
Whereas the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, at a meeting held on the 23d day of March 1807, did resolve, that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight millions of dollars, should among other purposes be applied to the reimbursement of the FOUR AND HALF PER CENT. STOCK, created in pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 3rd day of March 1795.
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said Four and half per cent. stock, will on surrender of the certificates be paid on the 1st day of October next ensuing, the date hereof to the respective Stockholders or their lawful Representatives or Attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury or at the Loan Office as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock redeemed by them, so that the interest which may be due on said stock, will also be paid to the respective Stockholders or their lawful Representatives or Attorneys duly constituted and authorized.
It is further made known, for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the said Four and half per cent. Stock, either from, or to the books of the Treasury, or from one to the other of the Commissioners of Loans, will be allowed after the 31st day of September ensuing, and the interest on all certificates of said stock, which shall not have been surrendered in pursuance of this notification will cease and determine on the day preceding the day, hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT GALLATIN,
Secretary of the Treasury.
April 6—w330

Treasury Department, 20 May 1st, 1807
PROPOSALS
WILL be received at the Treasury till the 16th of June next inclusive, for building a light house on an island...
ings to be plastered. A circular piazza ten feet wide, to be erected round the dwelling house...
A more particular written description and drawings of the building may be seen...
This is to give Notice, THAT the subscriber of the city of Washington...
CHRISTINA HAMILTON, adm'rx, N. B. All persons indebted to said estate...
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately...
The thorough Bred Horse MONTICELLO, NOW IN HIGH ORDER. WILL be Let to Mares...
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Washington...
LAND FOR SALE. The Subscriber offers for sale 780 acres of land on Bullskin run...
FOR SALE, A valuable tract of land in Allegany county state of Maryland...
PUBLIC SALE.
ON the 6th day of June next, will be sold for cash, all the right and interest...
Post Office, Washington, 5 May 9th, 1807. SUMMER ESTABLISHMENT, to commence...
THE BEAUTIFUL DARK BAT HORSE, THORNTON MEDLEY, SIX YEARS OLD.
WILL cover Mares this season at the subscriber's stable in Upper Marlborough...
RAINBOW, A fine Chestnut five years old this spring will cover mares...
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A choice assortment Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennetts, Velvets, and Cords...
HAVING been appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, agent for purchasing...
Notice is hereby given, That I am ready to treat with any persons for the purchase of said stock...
PROPOSALS (CONTINUED.)
133. From Philadelphia, by Haddonfield, Taunton and Aston, to Tuckerton...
134. From Philadelphia, by Cooper's ferry, Longcoming, Blue Anchor, River Bridge...
135. From Philadelphia, by Gloucester, Woodbury, Mullico, Poletown, Deerfield...
136. From Philadelphia, by Gloucester, Swedesboro' & Woodbury, to Salem...
137. From Philadelphia, by Jenkintown, Doylestown, Plumstead and Burfonton...
PROPOSALS (CONTINUED.)
138. From Philadelphia, by Jenkintown, Doylestown, Plumstead and Burfonton...
139. From Philadelphia, by Germantown, Chestnut Hill, White Marsh, Montgomery and Quakertown...
140. From Philadelphia, by Germantown, Springtown, Norristown, Trap, Potsgrove, Reading, Hamburg, and Sunbury...
141. From Northumberland, by Milton, Muncy, Williamsport, D'Arcy, Tioga and Lindlytown...
142. From Reading, by Womelsdorf, Lebanon & Palmstown, to Harrisburg...
143. From Lebanon to Jonestown, once a week. Leave Lebanon every Tuesday...