The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-12-12 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1275.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IN SENATE.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
NOVEMBER 24.
Mr. Giles's speech continued.
But says the gentleman, what has become of the farmer? The gentleman knows, that I am a farmer, and that I have long borne the appellation with sincere pleasure; I may therefore be presumed to know something of the situation of the farmer; and not only in my own name, but in the name of the whole happy, useful, and honorable fraternity of American farmers, I will tell the gentleman what that situation is at this moment. The American farmer is now enjoying the fruits of his honest industry, in peace and security, blessed at the same time with every political, social, and domestic enjoyment, perfectly exempt from all vexations, and I had almost said taxation, and with pleasure beholds a surplus of fourteen millions of dollars in the public treasury, after paying every debt, which could be demanded, of the honor of the government. All these blessings, too, are sweetened by the noble consciousness that they are enjoyed by him as a freeman, and by a constant recollection, and perfect confidence, that he is protected in this enjoyment, by a government, which will never basely surrender his rights, nor the national sovereignty, to any foreign aggressor upon earth. Blessed with all these uninterrupted enjoyments, I agree perfectly in sentiment with the gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Mitchill) that with a heart overflowing with the most grateful affections, he should render thanks to the author of all good, that in the bountiful dispensations of his providence, he has been pleased to pour so many blessings into the lap of the American farmer! Crumbling and repining when thus favored, would in my judgment, be impiety to Heaven, and ingratitude to his own government.
The gentleman does not tell you, sir, that the farmer wants any thing, but that he has plenty over much. The puzzle is, to know what to do with the surplus plenty. And how does the gentleman advise the farmer to dispose of it? Why he tells him, raise the embargo and it will increase the price of your surplus produce; and for this supposed difference in price, he advises the farmer to sell his own freedom and his country's independence; and in this contemptible and miserable barter, to purchase his own and his country's vassalage—to cease to be a freeman, and to become a slave! To give up the noble feelings inspired by liberty and freedom, and to descend to the abject and ignominious existence of a slave without any mental feeling whatever. Sir, let me tell that gentleman in my own name, and in the name of every farmer in the U. States, that we would repel with indignity and indignation, the disgraceful golden allurements, even if it could be realized. But, sir, dishonorable as the allurements is, it is fallacious, it is visionary—it could not be realized. I believe, and every sensible farmer will believe, that he has for the last ten months obtained more for his surplus plenty under the embargo, than he could have done in any other state of things, which was in the choice of the government. Let us suppose that the immense mercantile capital which is admitted to have been saved by the embargo, had been seized and carried into foreign ports, and there condemned; what would have been its effects upon the mercantile capital of this country? It would have so crippled our merchants, that they would not have been able for a long time to purchase the surplus produce of the nation.
But that is not all, these merchants would have claimed indemnification from the government for losses which, in that case they would have urged, were sustained by its culpable neglect—and they would have plunged us into war, to repair so great an injury inflicted upon the nation—the foreign plunderers too, would have told us, that they cared but little about a war, as they had taken from us sufficient means for defraying its expence. Thus, in that state of things, a war would have been inevitable—and would you tell the farmer that he would get more for his surplus produce in time of war, than he has received since the embargo? Sir, the farmer knows too well the calamities of war, to be thus deluded by these visionary golden dreams. In the event of war, he would not have received as much for his surplus produce, as under the embargo laws: hence, it obviously appears from a fair estimate of pounds, shillings and pence; (since we are compelled to resort to that standard, as the only or-
thodox test of our national honor, national sensibility, and even national independence); yes, sir, even according to that sordid standard, the farmer would have been the loser. Besides, sir, to say nothing of the increased taxes, and other burthens indispensable to the support of war, who can count its chances, or limit its duration? Who can calculate its demoralizing consequences? But calamitous as war is, the American farmers would with eagerness encounter all its terrors, rather than surrender their own liberties, and the nation's honor, independence and sovereignty—let us then for a time, sir, bear our present privations—let war be the last experiment.
But, sir, I will mention another circumstance, which may be some alleviation to the farmer, for the difference in the price of his surplus plenty now, and in ordinary times. When the price of produce is low, the temptation to raise large crops will be lessened, and the farmer will turn a certain portion of his labor to the improvement of his farm. The high prices of produce heretofore have induced the farmer to impose too much upon his land; too great demands have been made on it, and it has been in some degree exhausted. The embargo has apprised the farmer of this important circumstance, and taught him his true interest in this respect. I have observed a great change in the application of labor in this respect, and I have no doubt a general sentiment exists in favor of a still greater change; a greater portion of labor is also converted into household manufactures, which will lessen our demand and dependence upon foreign nations. In both these respects, I believe the operation of the embargo is favorable to the farmer, at the present moment, and will certainly be favorable to posterity by transmitting to it a more fertilized soil for cultivation. It will be favorable, at the present moment, in this respect; that before the adoption of the embargo, the farmer was tempted to apply too great a proportion of his labor to the annual increase of crops, and too small a portion of it to the permanent improvement and fertilization of his farm. I mention this as an alleviation, not as a complete exemption from the effects of the embargo, and its so far producing a beneficial influence upon cultivation and internal improvement.
I hope by this time, Mr. President, that the gentleman will concur with me in opinion, that the situation of the American farmer is rather enviable than miserable—That he has good sense enough to make a just estimate of his own interests, and possesses too much honorable sensibility not to repel with indignation every attempt to seduce him into a disgraceful surrender of his own liberties or his country's independence.
Let us now take a view of its effects upon some other classes of our fellow-citizens, which seem almost to have escaped the gentleman's notice; or at least not to have excited so much of his plaintive sympathies; I allude to the manufacturer, the mechanic, and the laborer. The manufacturer seems to be in such a state of prosperity, as rather to have excited the gentleman's jealousy, than his tender commiseration; he fears that the real object of the embargo was to erect the manufacturing system upon the ruins of commerce. I do not mean, here, sir, to reply to the suggestion of this unfounded jealousy. I mean, in the course of these observations, to make that a subject of distinct and separate examination. I shall here, however, take the liberty of remarking, without the fear of still further exciting the gentleman's jealousy, that I am extremely happy to see not only that we have abundant fabrics for manufactures, but that we have artisans sufficient to mould them into all the articles necessary for home consumption, and thus lessen our dependence upon foreign nations for our supply. I rejoice, indeed, to see our infant manufactures growing into importance; and that the most successful experiment has attended every attempt at improvement. What is the situation of the mechanic and the laborer? They have full employment, good wages, and cheap living. I am told, sir, that within the last year, one thousand houses have been erected in Philadelphia; I see at this time, more houses building at Georgetown, even for mercantile purposes, and more improvements in this city, than ever I have seen before; and I believe this generally to be the case throughout the country. That this is a correct statement of facts, I have no doubt; how then is this agreeable
and unexpected scene accounted for amidst this mercantile clamor about the stagnation of business? It is because a greater proportion of the overgrown mercantile capital is now diverted from external commerce, to internal improvements; and I am strongly inclined to think that this transposition of a certain portion of the mercantile capital, will produce a beneficial operation in a national point of view, and probably even more productive to the capitalist, than risking it in the employment of foreign trade. This I believe to be a fair, just, and candid statement of the operation of the embargo laws, upon the several great classes of citizens; and when correctly viewed, how different is its aspect, from the miserable picture of horrors presented to us by the gentleman from Connecticut. When you tell a mechanic or a laborer of his distresses and sufferings, when he has full employment, good wages, and cheap living, he would laugh at you; he would either think you silly, or that you meant to treat him with indignity and insult. These are all the blessings he could wish, and they are enough for any man to possess, when he reflects upon the narrow span of human enjoyments, this world affords. Sir, the miserable laborer on the other side the Atlantic, would consider the enjoyments of the laborers here, Elysium itself; and, I can but lament for the sake of suffering humanity, that he cannot find the way to these enjoyments. I presume that during the late electioneering scene, every laborer and mechanic in Pennsylvania was told a thousand times that he was ruined by the embargo; but thirty thousand votes (majority) have told these frantic, officious disturbers of the public quiet, in loud and awful tones, how silly and ridiculous they consider the suggestion. The recent elections in most of the other states, speak the same emphatic language.
I have been thus minute, Mr. President, in the examination of this part of the subject, as well to relieve ourselves from the miseries and apprehensions of our own deluded imaginations, as to relieve foreign nations, as far as was within my power, from their delusions, which I shall show in the course of my observations, are the principal if not the only cause of the very hardships and sufferings so loudly and causelessly complained of by some gentlemen. Now, sir, take an impartial review of the effects of the embargo laws, as operating upon ourselves, and what is the actual result? Why, sir, as far as they were precautionary, their success has been complete; and whilst in their general operations, they have been attended with some privations and sufferings, they have not been without their beneficial effects on society.
The gentleman next triumphantly tells us, that the embargo laws have not had their expected effects upon the aggressing belligerents. That they have not had their complete effects; that they have not caused a revocation of the British orders and French decrees, will readily be admitted; but they certainly have not been without some beneficial effects upon those nations. Let me, however, ask, sir, is this failure a cause of triumph to the gentleman? Does he feel more pleasure in the delusive expectation of a triumph over a political adversary, than in the triumph of the nation over our common adversaries? Are his political feelings so strong, that they are to be indulged, even at the expense of his own, and his country's interests? Does he vainly suppose, that, disregarding or postponing all consideration of the people's interests, when their all is at stake, to the indulgence of these petty animosities, will give him a just claim to the people's applause? If he does, sir, he is mistaken. It is by the reverse of this conduct that he can lay any just claim to their applause. It is by banishing his prejudices—it is by conquering his own passions, and by devoting the whole energy of his mind to their service, at this critical moment, that he can be justly entitled to their applause. This would be for him a glorious triumph—a triumph over his own passions; and it would secure him the public approbation, because the conduct would be right. Let us then, sir, hope for this conciliation, which would be so honorable to ourselves, and would promise so much advantage to the nation.
In this spirit of conciliation and patriotism, then, Mr. President, let us enquire, first, what have been the actual effects of the embargo laws upon the aggressing belligerents? And, secondly, what are the actual causes of their failure of complete success?
The first enquiry involves much mercantile information. I have only some views of general mercantile principles—I know little or nothing of their operative details—I had, therefore, hoped, for much information upon this part of the subject from gentlemen who possessed it; but have received very little satisfaction from them in that respect.
The first effect of the embargo upon the aggressing belligerents, was to lessen their inducements to war, by keeping out of their way, the rich spoils of our commerce, which had invited their cupidity, and which was saved by those laws. If they had once possessed themselves of this enormous booty, it would have been a sure pledge for open and direct war. It would have defrayed the expences of the war for several years. If they had not gone to war, they would have been compelled either to restore the captured property, or to make indemnification for it. Its amount alone, would have been a sufficient security against either of these acts of justice. And is it not better, that this enormous amount of property should be on this side of the Atlantic, than on the other? In the hands of its lawful owners, than in the hands of unprincipled freebooters? Is it not better that it should be drawn to our aid in the event of war, than applied to aid our unjust adversary? Upon this point, I presume, there can be but one opinion.
The second effect, which the embargo laws have had on the aggressing belligerents, is to enhance the prices of all American produce, especially articles of the first necessity to them, to a considerable degree, and, if it be a little longer persisted in, will either banish our produce, (which I believe indispensable to them) from their markets altogether, or increase the prices to an enormous amount; and, of course, we may hope will furnish irresistible inducements for a relaxation of their hostile orders and edicts. However, I may generally respect the mercantile information of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) and the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) they appear to me on this occasion, not to have been very correct. I have before me, two prices current from Liverpool, the one of the 8th, the other of the 20th September last. They, I presume, were written under no political bias, favorable to the U. S. Let us draw our facts from them. I will begin with the article of the first necessity in G. Britain, and one which, at all times, excites her highest sensibility. She manifests, at all times, more anxiety about her corn laws, than any other subject of her political economy. This is a necessary result from the peculiar state of her population.
Let us then enquire what is the present state of bread stuffs in G. Britain. In the Liverpool price current of the 8th September, I find this information upon this subject. "Our grain market for the most part of the last month was very dull; however, within this day or two there have been some extensive sales made of N. York wheat at 13s. 3d. per 70lbs. and the holders now demand 13s. 6d. a 14s. 0d. for prime parcels, which may possibly be obtained, as the appearances for the harvest in most parts of the kingdom are not quite so favorable as was at first thought, the late heavy rains having proved injurious in many places, and the grain is much lighter in the ear than former seasons; but as the dealers and country millers buy only to supply their immediate wants, we do not calculate upon a material improvement on the annexed prices, unless some export vent to Spain or our West India colonies take place. Good sweet American flour is not to be had in this market."
In the price current of the 20th, I find these observations:—"Large speculations have lately been made in tobacco, in consequence of our stock becoming limited; but should the embargo be raised, this and every other description of your produce must very materially decline in price, wheat and flour excepted."
"Our stocks of grain are but moderate, although we have been much favored in our harvest."
What reflection does this information naturally present to the mind? That the crop is limited—that bread stuffs are high, and likely to be higher—that there is such a deficiency of bread stuffs, that our whole supply will not depress the market, even in the event of raising the embargo; and certainly continuing it, (which does not seem at all calculated upon in England) would lessen the quantity and
raise proportionably the demand and price.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) tells us, we cannot starve G. Britain, she being mistress of the trade of the world, will supply herself with bread stuffs from other quarters, and particularly from Spanish America. I never heard it suggested, except by the gentlemen in the opposition, that we could starve G. Britain; but, that through our produce, particularly our bread stuffs, we could make a strong appeal to her interests. This fact is demonstrated to my mind. The Liverpool merchants differ with the gentleman in his mercantile information. They tell us that our whole supply of bread stuffs will not depress their market. If a ready supply could be obtained elsewhere, upon better terms, there would be no need of a supply from us. But when has it happened, that Spanish America could afford this supply? So far from affording a supply to G. Britain, it gets a portion of its own supply from us. The gentleman tells us, that Spanish Americans export great quantities of hides and tallow. That is true. These, however, are not bread stuffs. It is not pretended that G. Britain is in want of meat, but bread; bread is an essential of life—meat is no substitute for bread—it could not prevent even a famine. These documents also go to show the reason of the low price of New-York flour, quoted by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd.) It is because the flour was not sweet. It had been so long kept, as to become sour. I have no doubt that the British cabinet is now looking at this subject with great anxiety; and particularly at our movements in relation to it. Again, sir, suppose G. Britain should be able to provision her islands, it would be at such an expensive rate, as to render them very unprofitable.
The next important article is cotton. Let us see the prices current respecting that article:—
"The operations in our cotton market during the whole of last month have been immense, while our total imports are inadequate to one half the usual monthly consumption; as the stocks of this article have become more depressed, the speculators continue purchasing with increased spirit, and many of them have already realised considerable profits; we therefore quote an advance on all descriptions of cotton of from 4d to 6d per lb. above our last month's rates, which has principally occurred within the last ten days; but we must beg leave to remark, that such unexampled advances are scarcely even so well maintained as when they are gradually established, and some occurrence may perhaps shortly take place to put a stop to further speculations; we are, however, of opinion, that prices may yet be driven considerably higher, although they have to encounter an extremely bad trade in Manchester."
"West-India cottons have advanced nearly in the same proportion as American, and the recent arrivals have fully brought the annexed prices, with every appearance of much higher being realised."
"In cottons we have a great stir; and should we not soon have arrivals from the Brazils, prices must be enormous."
Here the Liverpool merchants tell us, not only that the prices are extremely high, and may be driven much higher, unless some occurrence (to wit, raising the embargo) may perhaps shortly take place, to put a stop to further speculation; but that the total imports are inadequate to one half the usual monthly consumption. Now, sir, whence is one half of the usual consumption of cotton to be supplied to the British market. The Liverpool merchants seem totally at a loss for a supply from any place; but the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) has pointed out several places of supply—he East and West Indies; and even Africa has been resorted to. They have supplies from all these places now, and yet the Liverpool merchants tell you, that the whole imports are not equal to one half the monthly consumption. I therefore have no confidence in the statement made by the gentleman. With respect to the illustration of his position, by stating the supposed analogous case of his butter merchants, I shall make no reply. Its fallacy was ably demonstrated by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Crawford.) I will only incidentally remark however, that it is the first time I ever recollect to have seen that gentleman in debate, when it appeared to me, that he did not know on which

side his own bread was buttered. But the gentleman tells us, that the provident British government, has sent cotton seed to Africa, to ensure a supply of cotton; that cotton is an annual plant, and of course a competent supply may be produced from that source. I am inclined to think, that this provident government does not rely much upon this resource. Because I imagine the whole quantity of seed sent thither, would not be equal to the offal from one good South Carolina plantation; and although cotton is certainly an annual plant, yet the conversion of the labor of society from one occupation to another, is not the effect of an annual effort. It is one of the most difficult operations to be performed on society. I therefore feel no apprehension of a supply from this source, at least, for many years. If Great Britain should be cut off from one half of her supply of cotton, it would certainly place the many thousand manufacturers employed in the various branches of the cotton business, in a state of great distress; and must command the attention of the British government.
Speech to be continued. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. NOVEMBER 30. DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. (CONTINUED.)
MR. RANDOLPH. We have now progressed very far in the fourth week of our session. We met here at a time when every man in this House and out of it seemed to vie with his neighbor in the expression of the opinion that this is a momentous crisis. There are few of us I believe who have influence enough at home to avoid the censure of their constituents in case of a failure in a punctilious attendance on their duty at the commencement of this session; public expectation was raised to the most painful pitch; and yet one fourth of the time assigned by the constitution for our deliberations has elapsed, and in what situation does the Congress of the U. S. find itself? Debating what has been termed an abstract proposition. When the report was made, my worthy friend who sits before me (Mr. Macon) with his wonted sagacity, saw in that proposition its entire fallacy—let me not be mistaken; it is not my intention to deny the truth of the proposition, much less to vote against it—but my friend from Carolina saw that it was not to be made the basis of a future conduct; that in fact no bill, no measure, nothing substantial could grow out of it. And are we to employ ourselves in this manner for the amusement of the galleries, of the public of Georgetown, Washington and its vicinity? When this resolution was introduced by the committee, whose report is now under consideration, I regretted it on a variety of accounts, not only in the same view as my friend before me has taken of it, but for other reasons. I asked myself in the first place on whom it was to operate? On us? Have we so conducted ourselves heretofore, or are we now about to do that a doubt exists among us whether we will support our rights or submit to the high behests of the two great belligerents? For ourselves is this medicine, or for the American people? Do they want a rallying point? Has the government of the U. S. ever taken a ground in which they have been backward to support it? Are we fearful of the temper of our own citizens? Do we think it necessary to raise their courage to the sticking place by this incentive? Or is it to operate on the two great belligerents? Is Mr. Armstrong or Mr. Pickney in some new note to serve up this new prescription, to excite the minds of these governments to American wrongs and to a sense of justice? I am afraid not; I am afraid we have tried this method too often not again to fail of success. I did indeed regret it; I regretted the introduction of this resolution, not only for the reasons which I have stated, but as going still further to establish the creed that words, in some form or other, are all the means which we have to employ. No, sir; if we make an impression upon Europe, it must be by something more substantial. We have tried the old dict drink long enough.
The House will pardon me if I forbear a minute recapitulation of the wrongs which we have received, not only from the two great belligerents of Europe, but from the little belligerents also. I confess that I have not a stomach to go through with the nauseous detail. I cannot, like Shylock, take a pleasure in saying on such a day you called me dog! on such a day you spit upon my gabardine. I have seen them dressed up in every possible shape, in correspondences of our ministers and in reports of committees of this and the other House. I must confess for one that I take no pleasure in the perusal of such reports. I cannot riot in the strength of our argument—I wish the argument of the enemy was a little better and ours a little worse; I cannot hail every new aggression, because it gives occasion to extend our demands of reparation. I wish we had not quite so much of argument on our side, and that they had a little
more of the injury on theirs. I very likely believe that as long as you have the whole of the injury, they will have very little solicitude in yielding to you the best of the argument. Yes, sir, I confess I feel a deep sense of mortification and humiliation at hearing this incessant theme rung in my ears, and the only remedy found to be in wounds, wounds, wounds—correspondence of ministers, instructions of secretaries of state, and reports of committees of the two Houses. We have been four weeks in session, and as to benefit—I speak of myself; I hope there are others who are conscious of having done a greater share—as to the benefit that the public has received from my attendance, I had much better have been at home, enjoying the fine weather in my own family, than sitting here, listening to the discussion of propositions, from which, whether acquiesced or agreed to, no possible good can be derived. We have been four weeks in session, raised a committee of exterior relations, who have brought in a long and labored report, and so help me Heaven, not one atom of substance is there in the report, except the instruction moved by my friend from Carolina; all the rest is preface, epistle, prologue and epilogue. I have no disposition to attack the gentleman's report; I have no particular fault to find with it. It is much in the style and fashion of the times—the aggressions of France and G. Britain, served up, though I think not with quite such exquisite cookery as some times is presented to our palates.
But perhaps it may be said that the declaration which occupies the out-post of that report is to be taken in connexion with the subsequent resolutions, and that the whole subject is fairly before the committee and ought to be embraced in one point of view. As far as I have been able to understand the language of that resolution, it means precisely nothing, or more than meets the eye. It is a resolution that it is inconsistent with the honor and independence and so forth of the U. S. to submit to the edicts of G. Britain and France. I think that is the language. Is this to be considered as a declaration of war against those two powers? or are we to resolve in one breath that we cannot, without a sacrifice of our rights, honor and independence, submit to the edicts of G. Britain and France, and in the next breath solemnly resolve that we will? I know it has been said that a temporary suspension of our commerce is not an annihilation of that commerce. Where will gentlemen find a temporary suspension of our commerce? In what clause of the statute book will they find the time prescribed when that commerce shall revive? And if a perpetual prohibition of all commerce of exports and a prohibition of all commerce of imports be not a submission to the edicts of G. Britain and France, I know not in what submission can consist. I have not the assurance to stand up, on this floor, and declare that the embargo is a resistance to the edicts of G. Britain and France, when I find our government has given to the governments of those two countries an explanation of it so very different. The embargo is represented as nothing more than an internal regulation, not a cause of offence, not an aggression or cause of aggression—nothing hostile in its character. Is it then a resistance to the decrees of G. Britain and France? and if a suspension of exports be not resistance, but a mere measure of internal regulation, not of retaliation, how will the suspension of commerce of import constitute that resistance?
I listened to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) the other day with very great pain, because I heard him attempt, as I conceived, to draw lines of distinction between different sections of this great continent. He entered into calculations, which I not only believe, but know to be erroneous, tending to show that his section suffered out of all proportion more than others. It is not my purpose now to examine his statements. I admit that there are parts of the country which suffer more than others, but I deny the gentleman's positions in toto; I deny that the Treasury & custom-house books afford any data of the relative commerce of each state, and particularly of the state which I partly represent and the state contiguous to it on the South. But at the same time that I deprecate the effects of this measure throughout the U. S. I trust that there exists and always will exist within this country a power to execute the laws. I shall be among the first to rally round them. When the opposite doctrine is once fairly broached and acted on, I cannot see to what purpose we are a confederated people; to what purpose we have a national government; I cannot bring myself to believe that there exists in this country a disposition, (and I am sorry to see this very resolution, because it seems to imply that there does exist such a disposition) to violate the laws and sap the foundation of the union. I shall not act on the presumption, but wait until a case shall occur, and when it does occur I would apply the only
coercive—the knife and the actual cautery. But on that account I do not the less deprecate the effects of the embargo; I look upon it as a measure ruinous in a great degree to our country. At the same time there is an aspect in which I cannot but behold it with pleasure. It is a test of the patriotism and virtue of this people. The submission of those who think even worse of it than I do—I will say their quiet submission, for their opposition has extended only to argument—is a test of the virtue of our people, of their willingness to support the government in any sacrifice for the public good—it has obviously mistaken and misunderstood their best interests. Compare, if you please for a moment, the pressure of the embargo & the degree of suffering which it excites, the sacrifices which it calls for, with the degree of pressure arising from the celebrated excise law. Put the two things in the balance, and weight them. In the one case there was insurrection, open rebellion; you see the father of his country obliged to extend his arm to chastise his undutiful children and reclaim them to the path of duty. In the other case you see, (whatever ostensible submission to it) the virtue in the one case, which withstood the stronger temptation, is not to be put in competition with that which succumbed to the weaker, in the other.
But in viewing the policy which has been pursued for some time back, and gentlemen seemed determined now to adhere to it, I am irresistibly led to enquire into the causes, which produced our present form of government. I believe they grew out of commerce. The principal difficulty, I believe, among the states was that there was no general power for the regulation of commerce. That commerce was the principal source whence revenue was to be derived; and the want of general and uniform regulations dried up that very source. The first proposition was to vest the old Congress with the power of laying an ad valorem duty, generally. Certain I am that the meeting at Annapolis, the precursor of the Convention of 1787, was a meeting directed to the promotion of the commercial interests of this country. The United States were governed by this consideration primarily—for surely they were in very little danger of going to war with one another—in forming a government under which this very commerce has arisen to a height to which no man could have anticipated. And are we now, without warning, to break up all our institutions heretofore, and declare for a Chinese policy? Do gentlemen remember, when a discrimination was made between American and foreign ships, the excitement which it created? The gentlemen from the Southern states said you are going to tax us for the benefit of the Eastern navigation. When a proposition was made to lay a heavy duty on the import of foreign manufactures, the gentlemen from the Southern states said you tax us for benefit of your manufactures. This is well remembered. But did any man ever dream that these two sections of the country should unite, the one to destroy the raw material, and the other to cut up commerce by the root? There was indeed formerly a contest between the grower and the carrier, each contending for his separate interest—but that both should unite, the one to prevent the growth and the other to prevent the carriage of produce, is really a solecism I am unable to explain. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) speaks feelingly of the sufferings of the people of Massachusetts. I believe the picture which he drew may be correct. I am even willing to allow, (holding up my hands at the same time against all his calculations) that his constituents may suffer more than mine. But what is the situation of the tobacco country, and I live in the heart of it, whether you draw the line from North to South or from East to West? If we pursue this course of policy, the product of the New-England fisheries may be consumed, the rice of South Carolina may be eaten, and the cotton of Georgia may be spun. What is the tobacco planter to do with his two crops of that ridiculous and nauseous luxury? What is he to do with the third crop, for the time is fast approaching when preparation must be made to plant it? And in what situation are we placed? I have no disposition to enter into highly colored pictures of the state of the country. I feel too much the condition of that part from which I come, to say much about it. It is deplorable; that is enough.
But perhaps it may be said that whatever objection be taken to the two first resolutions, there can be no doubt of the perfect propriety of the final one. What is it? "Resolved that measures ought to be immediately taken to place the country in a more complete state of defence." This is a twin brother of the first. What you refer it to a committee to draft a bill in pursuance of it? Are you going to refer the first resolution
to a committee, that a bill may be placed on the statute book, to perpetuate the fact that the U. S. are insulted and have not resisted? For as far as the report goes, of what does it speak? Of keeping within ourselves, and of preparing for defence. If a man be insulted beyond the power of human endurance to bear, how does he resist? By retiring to his house and adding another bolt to his street door—another supplement to the embargo system? Is this the way in which we will resist? And yet the same committee say that they will not submit, and bring nothing before you but a vague proposition that the U. S. be put in a better state of defence. Shall we raise more troops? Gentlemen will hardly venture upon that. Will you arm the militia? That plan, to use the slang of the day, has had the go-by given it. You are told that the militia can only be armed in such small portions that the good to result from the measure will amount to little or no thing. Nothing remains then but to build more gun boats. The President of the U. S. says that it has not been deemed an expedient to build those already authorised. What new measures of defence are then contemplated? We have tried every chord and none of them will vibrate. What will be the next resort? In fact, I am extremely sorry to be obliged to speak in this free manner of this report; but it appears to me that this House have asked of the committee of exterior relations bread, and they have received a stone. They have received "naked resolutions." Really, to use the words of one of the gentlemen (Mr. G. W. Campbell) who advocates them, they appear in all the nakedness of infantile imbecility. Naked they came into the House, and naked they must go out of it. They are not to be clothed with measures; or at least it is generally avowed that no measure is to be taken in consequence of the one under discussion.
I do not know how far I may or may not have been in order in the observations which I have hastily thrown out, I say hastily, because it may be supposed that I have risen to redeem that pledge which the public papers of the morning have given for me to address the House, when nothing was farther from my mind. But before I sit down I will ask the gentlemen who brought in the report to reconcile some things which do not appear to me altogether intelligible, as they now stand.
"The Milan decree of 1807 [17th December] can still less rest for its defence on the supposed acquiescence of the U. S. in the British orders of the preceding month, since those orders, which have not certainly been acquiesced in, were not even known in America at the date of the decrees."
The decree of Milan then was dated on the 17th December; the orders were not known in America at the date of the decree; and the embargo was laid on the 22d. In another part of the report we find the following:
"This was received on the 17th of December; and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon, having at the same time reached government, the President, aware of the consequences which would follow that new state of things, communicated immediately to Congress the alteration of the French decrees, and recommended the embargo which was accordingly laid on the 22d of December, 1807; at which time it was well understood, in this country, that the British orders of council of November preceding had issued, although they were not officially communicated to our government."
This is an anachronism which I cannot reconcile; though I do not say that it is irreconcilable.
It is very far from being my wish, if the U. S. are determined not to submit to the orders and decrees of the belligerents—nothing could be farther from my mind than to destroy the unanimity of that resistance; but I confess that I wish to see in what that resistance is to consist. I am as firmly of opinion as I am certain that I am now addressing you, that the difficulties which the U. S. now are, take date from the year 1805—6—a date at which some gentlemen have, in the discussion, commenced the series of foreign wrongs inflicted on us. Much has been said of the spirit of '76. 'Twas in the year 1805 that this spirit slept. We then knew that our territory was trod by hostile footsteps, and we would not take steps to assert its character. From that time its character has been on the decline in Europe, and we must re-establish it by something better than this report—by something of a very different nature—unless indeed the first resolution is meant to contain a declaration of war against both belligerents, and the second to devise the best mode of carrying it on against one of them, leaving at the same time all resistance to the other out of the question. I wish to confine myself to that part which goes to excluding imports; that part which excludes all foreign armed ships has my hearty concurrence. It has so happened that from the time to which I have referred, the difficulties of this coun-
try have been thickening, and the character of the country declining abroad. That this is a fact no man will or can deny. Then it must be by a different policy from that pursued from the time which I have mentioned, that the character of the country is to be recovered. The old policy has been tried; it will not answer. What have we done? We have been trampled upon unresistingly by Spain. When the minister of our country was at the court of that government, and when I have every reason to believe, as far as the papers laid before the House enable me to judge, that he had taken an imposing attitude, what was the result? The negotiation was paralyzed by the news that a special mission, of Mr. Bowdoin, a respectable man—there must be a special mission as good a man as any for the purpose—was to interfere with that negotiation. We had already two ministers at the court of Spain. When our negotiation was pending with the British government too, there seems to have been a fear lest a minister of our country should come into collision with a foreign government, and a special minister is sent after him to keep the discussion forever hung up in a sort of diplomatic court of chancery. We passed a non-importation law; and neither the House or the nation have forgotten the auspices under which that law passed. When it was said that it would lead to the destruction of commerce, was not the idea scouted by many; and amongst others by a member of great influence who is now snatched from us by the hand of death, and who was the representative of the commercial town of Salem? He ridiculed the idea of our commerce being circumscribed. Were we not told that we could sweep the commerce of Britain from the ocean? And what has been the consequence? We have swept our own commerce from the ocean, and I fear we shall sweep our agriculture from the land. One false step leads on to another. For want of due resistance to the weaker power of Spain, we have been trampled on by the stronger. No, sir, this temporising, this hesitating, this extraordinary mission policy will not do. After things were brought to their late & present disastrous condition, we laid an embargo; that was to be the panacea to react on the enemy—it was to be the sword and the shield; the war in disguise; it was to bring Europe in general and G. Britain in particular to your feet. We have calculated long enough on the weakness of our adversary. We have waited with upcast eyes watching her downfall till our own began to approach. It is time to calculate less on her weakness and more on our strength. I am amused sometimes at the arguments which I hear on this floor. The Greville administration get into power—you negotiate with them and make a treaty; it is rejected—scouted. Be it so. Meantime the Grenvilles go out and the Portlands and Cunnings come in; and as it is destitute of a government of our own, the doctrines of these very men in opposition—Lords Grenville, Auckland and Holland, (from whom nothing better than the rejected treaty could be obtained) with the Barings and Broughtons in their train, are hailed with joy and resorted to as the text-book whence we quote, to prove what? To show that the sentiment of the people of G. Britain is in favor of us. And yet when we come to negotiate with these very advocates of ours, we cannot agree. At the same time the declarations on this floor are resorted to there as arguments in their favor. In fact it is high time for us to give over counting on the insurrections of the Manchester weavers, and for them to give over counting on the revolutionary spirit of the Green Mountain Boys. We calculate with as much correctness on the effects of our non-importation and embargo systems, as they do on the disaffection of any part of this country. We know them to be mistaken, and why may we not be? In fact we know ourselves to be mistaken. The result of those measures proves it. Indeed, with that description of people who calculate that the navy of Britain will sink her, or that the army of Napoleon will ruin him, there is no arguing. They are out of the sphere of reasoning. For those there should be a new dictionary, and a new system of logic. After all then we pass the embargo. This was the real genuine panacea. What has been its effect? After speaking of it in this House as a measure which would coerce your enemies to submission, and taking of it in Europe as a municipal regulation, in offering to withdraw it we have been by one power insulted, by the other laughed at. The report says, from one of them no answer has been received—from France—Sir, we have an answer from France which satisfies every one who has seen it; and there does not exist a man in this country base enough to comply with the wishes of the one party or the mandates of the other. We have gone to Europe, and said of this embargo, which was laid unquestionably, even by the report of the committee, before the British orders

in council were received—because, as they tell you, it was before the Milan decree was known—we have told the belligerents that this consequence shall be withdrawn if they will withdraw their provocations. In fact, like Jack in the Tale of a Tub, we have hanged ourselves for spite, in hopes that one or the other of our enemies will come and cut us down. Both have refused; and it remains for us to say whether we will longer dangle in our garters. I for one have no such disposition.
On the subject of the embargo, as it has been dragged into this controversy, I will say that the view taken of its origin has been much more erroneous than the predictions as to its effect. It is well known to have originated in the determination of France to act on the Berlin decree in the broadest sense of the letter of it, and in the proclamation of G. Britain inviting home her native subjects. It is as well known to me that it did not originate in the orders of council, as that it did not originate in events which took place long since it was enacted. For although the orders in council were unquestionably issued before the embargo was laid, as unquestionably they were not known to us, and were not once mentioned in my hearing as a cause for the passage of that law.
Sir, I have occupied your time to very little purpose; I am as sensible of it as any man who hears me. It was not my intention to have taken some of the positions which I have advanced since I got up. I have been irresistibly led to open some questions which may lead to unpleasant discussion; but I could not omit the temptation to self-justification.
I know, sir, that I have had neither art nor part in bringing you into this disastrous situation, and that reflection is worth to me every thing which in a political point of view, this world has to afford.
(Debate to be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, DECEMBER 12.
On Wednesday last the Electors of President and Vice President of the United States met in the several states, from the following of which we have heard, and in which the votes were given as stated:
Table with 3 columns: State, Republican, Federal. Rows include New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia.
Table with 3 columns: State, Republican, Federal. Rows include New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia.
We received last night a letter from a member of the South Carolina legislature, which advises us that the republican members had met and unanimously resolved to support Mr. Madison for President, and, with some dissentients, Mr. Clinton for Vice President. In the whole body, composed of about 150 members there are not 10 federalists.
The Legislature of New Hampshire remain firm in their devotion to the republican cause, as appears by the following concise extract from their reply to the patriotic speech of the patriotic Gov. Langdon, which was carried by 95 Ayes to 68 Noes. The Senate is composed of 9 Republicans and 3 Federal members. The government of this state is therefore republican in all its departments, and we believe it will continue so.
In reviewing the measures of the national administration, we remain satisfied that they are the result of wise deliberations. The embargo laws, especially, we consider as a wise expedient, which has saved the country an immense property, and thousands of citizens.
The answer of the Senate is still more emphatic—They say—'We cannot but think the finger of Heaven pointed out the embargo, as the only measure Congress could devise, which would comport with the safety, honor and independence of our country.'
The House of Commons of North Carolina have agreed to the resolutions from the Senate, as already given, 79 to 29.
The new Legislature of Pennsylvania met on the 6th inst. In the House of Representatives, Mr. BOLLEAU, uniformly republican, had 71 votes out of 90. Thus decisively is federalism humbled in the dust in this great state.
Information has reached Norfolk from Cape Francois, that Gen. Ferrand had voluntarily surrendered the city of St. Domingo to the British.
The following Letter from Mr. GILES to the Secretary of the Treasury, in the report made to the Senate, precedes the note with which the letter of the Secretary was introduced in our last paper.
DEAR SIR, Under instructions from the committee appointed to consider the several embargo laws, I have to request the favor of your attendance in the committee chamber of the Senate, at 10 o'clock on Monday morning next, prepared to give such information to the committee, as your department affords, respecting the subjects embraced by the enclosed resolution.
Be pleased, sir, to accept assurances of my high consideration and regard. (Signed) WM. B. GILES. The hon. Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury.
SENATE—DECEMBER 9. MR. BRADLEY, from the committee charged with a message of the Pres-
ident relative to the public buildings, reported a bill making a further appropriation towards completing the two wings of the Capitol at the city of Washington, and for other purposes.
Mr. GILES reported a bill supplemental to an act entitled "An act for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases, and for other purposes."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FRIDAY, DEC. 9. REVENUE CUTTERS.
The engrossed bill for authorising the President to employ an additional number of revenue cutters was read the third time; and on the question on its passage,
Mr. DURELL moved that it be re-committed for amendment. The reason which he assigned for the motion was, that the bill contemplated the procuring twelve additional revenue cutters, whilst the Secretary of the Treasury had informed the House that three would be sufficient for the purpose of executing the ordinary revenue laws. He had no objection to employing as many vessels as might be necessary to enforce the embargo laws, but he wished that all those which were not necessary for the ordinary purpose of revenue cutters should be hired, not purchased, as he understood the bill to contemplate. The difference of expense between hiring and purchasing would be as 10,000 to 100,000 dollars. He wished the bill to be so amended as to authorise the purchase of three revenue cutters, and the employment, during the existence of the embargo, of as many more as would be necessary to enforce it.
The motion for recommitment was supported by Messrs. Durell, Ely, Gardner, Sloan, and Upham; and opposed by Messrs. Newton, Blackledge and Dawson, who contended that a discretion was left with the Secretary of the Treasury by the word, employ, to hire or purchase, as he should think fit; and no doubt he would hire all those which were not necessary for enforcing the ordinary revenue laws; and that a recommitment would but detain the bill, as the terms of it could not be made more explicit than they were at present.
The motion to re-commit was negatived, Ayes 33.
The question on the passage of the bill was then taken. Yeas 90, Nays 26.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The report of the committee still under consideration—
Mr. D. R. Williams spoke about an hour and half in favor of the embargo system generally.
Mr. Culpepper opposed it in a speech of half an hour.
Mr. Cook moved to adjourn. Mr. J. G. Jackson, called for the yeas and nays on the motion; but a sufficient number did not rise to justify the taking them. Motion to adjourn negatived. Mr. Cook renewed the motion, observing that he had some remarks to make, which might occupy the House some time. Carried 54 to 50.
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 10. Mr. Lewis, from the committee of the District of Columbia, reported a bill supplementary to an act entitled "An act to establish a turnpike road in the county of Alexandria;" which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
SEAMEN AND MARINES. Mr. Nelson from the committee to whom the subject was referred, reported a bill authorising the President of the U. S. to employ an additional number of seamen and marines.
Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The report of the committee on our foreign relations being yet under consideration—
Mr. Cook spoke for about two hours against the embargo system generally.
Mr. R. Jackson spoke for half an hour on the same side of the question.
The question on the first resolution was loudly called for; but after many unsuccessful motions to adjourn, a motion to that effect made by Mr. Gardener was carried, 58 to 48; and the House adjourned without taking a question.
Boston, December 5. A gentleman who came to town last evening from Salem, informed us of the arrival there of the schr. Mohawk, of this port, in 28 days from Liverpool, and favored us with letters and papers from England to the 28th of Oct. inclusive. We are also indebted to Messrs. Russell and Cutler, for the loan of the London Courier.
London, October 24. A Russian and French messenger arrived from France on Friday morning, and returned on Sunday.
Nothing certain has yet transpired either with respect to the dispatches or the reply returned by our government. We have heard that the former are very short—that they consist of two letters dated from Edinburgh, addressed by M. de Champagny, the French minister for foreign affairs, & M. de Romanzow, the Russian minister, to his excellency Geo. Canning, esq.—that the two letters are in substance the same, stating that his majesty the emperor of all the Rus-
sias and his majesty the emperor of the French, being equally animated with a desire to put an end to the calamities of war, he (the minister for foreign affairs) has it in command from his majesty to request his excellency to communicate to his Britannic majesty that desire, and if his Britannic majesty be influenced by a similar desire, to propose that plenipotentiaries shall be immediately named, to proceed to a place that may be fixed upon, to open a negotiation with the plenipotentiaries of his Imperial majesty for the conclusion of a Maritime Peace.
If we be correct, the answer that will be returned by his majesty's ministers, to such a communication is obvious. The epithet applied by the enemy to the kind of peace which they are desirous of negotiating, shews us at once that they do not admit our interference in the affairs of the continent. His majesty's ministers we should conjecture would reply to M. de Champagny, and M. de Romanzow, that his Britannic majesty was animated by the desire which he had always expressed, and which was known to all Europe, to put an end to the calamities of war, whenever he could do so consistently with the security of his dominions, the honor of his crown, and the good faith he owed to his allies—that he was ready to enter into a negotiation in concert with those allies, and that he would immediately communicate the overtures that had been made to him to his majesty the king of Sweden, to the Prince Regent of Portugal, and to the Central and Supreme Junta in Spain, governing in the name of his Catholic majesty, Ferdinand VII.
Other persons have indulged very different conjectures. They imagine, we think contrary to all probability, that Bonaparte and his vassal emperors, have at once rushed in meliores —that they have proposed a basis in limine —and that they have began by mentioning terms. Some suppose that in the overture to our government, we are told we have no right to assist the Spaniards; that it is a mere family quarrel , with which we, as islanders, have nothing to do. This he would hardly do in the first instance. It will be found, we dare say, that the overture which has been made to us, is of a loose and general nature, and does not touch upon terms or basis.
The arrival of the messengers had some effect upon the funds—but it produced disgust instead of pleasure in the public mind. Every body viewed the overture as an insidious attempt to detach us from the Spanish and Portuguese Patriots—there was not a man who did not say, "is Bonaparte ready, as a preliminary to negotiation, to withdraw his troops from Spain, and release Ferdinand the 7th—if he is not, let us have no negotiation—let us hear of no peace—let us send back his messengers & his overtures with disdain and defiance."
It is probable that we shall have another flag of truce over in a few days with the answer to the reply of our ministers.
London, Oct. 26.—French troops under Marshal Ney, moved from Vittoria Sept. 27, and took possession of Bilboa—the Spaniards retreating.
It is said, the French attempted to retreat from Bilboa, Sept. 30, but found their retreat cut off.
October 27.—We have received Spanish papers to the 19th. The Spaniards hope to cut off the division of the French army that entered Bilboa. The general attack on the whole French line was also intended for the 23d or 24th inst.
British troops under gens. Moore and Hope, marched from Lisbon Oct. 12, for Spain.
The late revolution in Turkey, has prevented the British envoy, who was on his way, from proceeding to that capital.
Parliament is further prorogued to the 10th Dec.
The British squadron has quitted the blockade of the Russian fleet at Port Baltic, leaving three Swedish ships to watch it.
Plymouth Oct. 25.—Arrived the Rowena, from Corunna, which is said to have brought a report that the Spaniards have gained a victory over the French, and that Corunna had been illuminated in consequence. 20,000 British troops have marched into Spain from Portugal. The rest there, are ordered to the Mediterranean. A new decree has been passed in Holland to prevent intercourse with England.
An embargo has been laid at Petersburg, where several American vessels are among the detained.
American vessels are not admitted at Trieste during the American embargo—in consequence, six bound thither have stopped at Malta.
Santana, Sept. 27. Joseph Napoleon slept last night in a village near Durango (5 leagues from Bilboa.) Paris, Oct. 3.
His majesty the king of Westphalia, his imperial highness the grand duke Constantine, and the duke and hereditary Prince of Weimar, have arrived at Edinburgh.
Armistice between the Swedes and Russians. The proposition of Russia for an armistice with the Swedes, is over-
tured to be because she wants to employ her troops elsewhere. A letter from Sweden says, there is nothing in the armistice to warrant a peace between Sweden and Russia. The Swedish king, dissatisfied with his guards who broke 4000 of them. The Swedes have suffered much lately in Finland.
The armistice is said to be confined to military operations in the north of Finland. It is for an unlimited time, and is dated Sept. 17, 1808.
There is no new indication of a hostile disposition on the part of Austria. 20,000 British troops having marched from Lisbon, 13,000 having arrived at Bilboa, and others preparing soon to leave England, it is probable there would soon be 40,000 English soldiers in the northern parts of Spain to assist against the French.
Castano is said to be appointed commander in chief of the Spanish force. The French emperor in an address to his soldiers, dated Sept. 19, says, "Let us carry our conquering Eagles to the Piliars of Hercules." [Gibraltar.]
The French troops in Spain had not been much reinforced. The northern army is not estimated at more than 48,000. The Patriot army opposed to it includes double that number.
A proclamation has been issued in Italy by Bonaparte, forbidding the people to speak about the affairs of Spain.
Sir H. Dalrymple & Sir A. Wellesley had returned to England.
CRISIS IN SPAIN. By this we do not mean that the eventful fate of that nation is about to be decided, but that a sanguinary contest has probably taken place.
For some time previous to the 27th of Oct. it was supposed from the accounts from Spain, that about 20,000 French troops who had taken possession of Bilboa, under Marshal Ney, were cut off from retreat. But on that day says the Courier, intelligence arrived, which proved that this was not the case. A vessel which left Corunna on the 20th, announces that 30,000 fresh troops had passed the Pyrenees and joined Ney, whose whole force now amounts to between 70 and 80,000, concentrated between Bilboa and Vittoria.
This reinforcement did not appear to have altered the position of the Spanish armies, which described nearly a circle, beginning at Valmaseda and ending at Roncesvallos. The Marquis de Pontazoy was at Valmaseda—Blake on the mountains near Bilboa—Castanos at Logrono—and Palafox at Roncesvallos. It is stated that the Spaniards were in high spirits and not deficient of success in case of a general encounter.
Gens. Moore and Hope marched on 13th Oct. from Lisbon and were supposed to be with the patriots.
JUNOT'S ARMY.—The first division had been dispersed by a tempest, with some loss, but were working up into Quiberon bay. The second were expected to arrive at Rochelle about the 20th. It was reported that the third, on sailing from Lisbon, were ordered to return, by dispatches from England, to wait at Lisbon, until it was ascertained that the transports which carried the former were suffered to return from France.
RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.—The campaign in Finland is at an end. The Finns suffered a severe defeat on the 20th of Sept. This was followed by a proposal on the part of the Russians for an armistice, which was accepted and signed by the king of Prussia. It is supposed the emperor of Russia intends to bring his troops to the service of Bonaparte to garrison Germany; as German troops are to be introduced into France for its protection; while his French armies are gone to Spain.
STRAY HORSE. Strayed or was Stolen from the Capitol Hill, city of Washington, on Wednesday the 7th inst.
A SORREL HORSE. About 17 hands high, a white star in his face, a long mane hung on the right side, the two hind feet white. Whoever will deliver said horse to the subscriber or give information so that I get him again shall receive the sum of Five Dollars.
CHARLES JONES. Washington city, Pennsylvania Avenue, December 12—31
A PONY STRAYED. ON the night of the 17th of August last strayed or was stolen from the commons of this city, a bright BAY HORSE, 4 years old last spring, 15 1-2 hands high, with a thin mane and tail, is slender made, a natural trotter, was shod all round, & had a small lump on his back by a blunt from the hind part of the saddle, no particular mark recollected, nor any white about him; but am not certain as I did not own him but 4 days.
Ten dollars will be paid for the delivery of the Horse, or 25 for horse and rider (if stolen.) CHESTER BAILEY, opposite the Bank. Washington, December 12—31
RUNAWAY. WAS Committed to the jail of Washington county, district of Columbia as a runaway on 28th of November last, a black boy by the name of DICK, who says he belongs to Gerard B. Causeen of Charles county Maryland; he is about 12 years of age, 4 feet 6 inches high. His owner is desired to prove him and take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs.
CARLWRIGHT TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for Washington county, district of Columbia. December 12—31
FOR SALE. And now on the stocks at, Neabsco, near Dumfries, and can speedily be launched, A SCHOONER. Of the following dimensions. 48 feet Keel, 18 1-2 feet Beam, 8 feet 2 inches Hold. She is of the best possible construction, as uncommon pains have been taken with the work, and is built of White Oak, Mulberry, Cedar, and Locust, with a flush deck; showing seven rows of a side; can carry 14 Guns and is supposed will sail remarkably fast, and is precisely adapted for a Revenue Cutter.
JOHN TAYLOR at Washington, or THOMAS T. PAGE, agent at Neabsco. December 12—2m2w
FRESH FRUITS, &c. The Subscriber in addition to a general assortment
OF DRUGS & MEDICINES, HAS just received a fresh supply of Prunes, Filberts, soft shelled Almonds, Oranges, Lemons and Lemons—Genuine Martinique Noyeau Cordial, preserved Limes and Ginger, French Mustard Currant Jelly, Macawba, French and Leicester Smalls, Rose and Orange Flower Water, Perfumery, &c.
JOHN OTT. Georgetown, Dec. 12—2w
20,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 2 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery, authorized by law for removing obstructions in the
Table with 3 columns: Prize, Amount, Number. Rows include 2 prizes of $10,000 each, 2 of $5,000, 2 of $2,500, etc.
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Atkinson, esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery.
Part of the above prizes determinable as follows: The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each; do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500 do.
do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do.
The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do.
Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by installments much to their interest.
Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city. December 12—wtf
PUBLIC SALE OF LOTS In the city of Washington.
BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, passed on the 9th day of October, 1806; and of two additional and supplementary decrees, passed during the same term with the original decree; one thereof dated on the 24th day of Oct. 1806, & the other on the 1st day of December 1806, and constituting part of the said original decree; in a suit instituted in the said court of Chancery, prior to the separation of the district of Columbia from the state of Maryland, by Thomas Morris, Samuel Cates, and Joseph Morris, executors of Moncure Lewis, and by Edward Bond, against Robert Morris, the heirs of John Nicholson, the Commissioners of the city of Washington, James Greenleaf, Thomas Law, and others.
The subscriber, E. S. Burd, trustee, appointed by the Chancellor, under the said decrees, will, on Tuesday the 17th day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, offer for Public Sale, at Rhodes's hotel, in the city of Washington, Two hundred and ninety-five LOTS, and three-fourths of a lot, in the said city; each for averaging five thousand two hundred and sixty-five square feet, and which are contained in the following squares, viz in square No. 626, sq. 628, sq. 634—sq. 637—sq. 725—sq. 726—sq. 727—sq. 729—sq. 758—sq. 760—sq. 762—sq. 785, sq. 795—sq. 814—sq. 816—sq. 818—sq. 841, sq. 843—sq. 860—sq. 868—sq. 886—sq. 897, sq. 899—sq. 918—sq. 919—sq. 922—sq. 923, sq. 943—sq. 966—sq. 967—sq. 968—sq. 971, sq. 972—sq. 992—sq. 1014—sq. 1016—sq. 1037—sq. 1039—sq. 1040—sq. 1062—sq. 1072—sq. 1075—sq. 1076.
For the convenience and information of purchasers, a plan of the city, and particular lots of the squares, and of the lots which respectively contain, will be exhibited at the time of the sale, by the subscriber.
The terms of sale are: that the purchaser is to pay into the chancery court of the state of Maryland, the full amount of the purchase money, immediately after the day of the ratification of the sale; which ratification, if it takes place, will, according to the stipulation of the original decree aforesaid, be passed within five weeks from the time of the report to be made by the subscriber, trustee as aforesaid.
And on the appropriation and ratification by the chancellor of any sales made, and on the payment of the purchase money into the Chancery Court as aforesaid. The subscriber, trustee as aforesaid, will, by good and sufficient deed or deeds, convey to the purchasers respectively and their heirs, the property so by them purchased; that is to say, all the right, title, and interest, which at the time of the execution of a certain mortgage comprehending the said lots, by Robert Morris and John Nicholson, in favor of James Greenleaf of the 23d of June 1795, were in the said Morris and Nicholson, the heirs of John Nicholson, free, clear, and discharged from all claim or title of them, the said Robert Morris and John Nicholson, or any of them, or any of their heirs, or any of them, under the said deed, and from all claim or title of the other parties to the said suit.
E. S. BURD, Trustee of the decree of Chancery, etc. December 12—2m1m17

THE subscriber having rented his farm, situated about six miles from the city of Washington, on the road leading to Marlinton, will sell, on a credit, on Saturday the 17th inst. at public sale, on the premises, all his stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and Hogs . The hogs were originally purchased by the subscriber from Richard Parkinson, who imported them from England, and great care has been taken to preserve the breed unmixed— Also, a Waggon, Ploughs, and a variety of Farming Utensils—Corn, Wheat, Oats, Hay, Straw, and a quantity of Fence and Wagon Timber . Terms made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM O. SPRIGG. Dec. 5—2&1pds.
BY an order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be exposed to Public Sale on the 22nd day of December inst. on a credit of nine months at the late residence of Mr. Thomas Gantt, deceased, about three miles below Nottingham on Patuxent river, the Personal Estate of the deceased, consisting of Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, Horses, Cattle, Sheep and other articles too tedious to mention. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock.
CHARLES GANTT, THOS. GANTT, Admrs. December 2—2aw3w
COTTON, TEA, SUGARS, MUSTARD, &c. W. & C. SMITH, Have just received by the Ceres, Captain Weeks, from New-York— 30 Bales prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Kgs ground Ginger 2 Bags Rice 10 Bags Pepper and Pimento 20 Chests and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Cases Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 10 Boxes Chocolate. 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town, November 21—taw6w
HAVE removed to their new Warehouse corner of KEY'S and WATER streets, near the FERRY, where they have lately received from New York, a large additional supply of GOODS in their line. They now have in Store and offer for sale on reasonable terms Madeira Wine in pipes, half pipes, and quarter casks, Sherry, Lisbon and Teneriffe Wine, in quarter casks, Old Port and Catalonia Wine in pipes and quarter casks, Claret in Boxes, 1 dozen each, Old Cogniac Brandy, superior quality, Bordeaux and Marseilles do. Genuine Holland and New York anchor Gin, Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, 4th Proof Whiskey, very old and fine, 1st Proof do. Loaf and lump Sugars in hogsheads and barrels, Muscovado Sugars, superior quality in hogsheads and barrels, do. 2d quality do. do. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Coffee, Nutmegs, Pepper and Allspice, Mustard, Chocolate and Sweet Oil, Almonds, soft shelled, and Currants, Sesame, Ginger and Basket Salt, Soap, mould and dipped Candles in boxes Spanish Indigo, Demijohns, Gin Cases, Liverpool Blown and Ground Alum Salt, &c. &c. &c. Georgetown, October 26—2aw6w
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday 11th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark complexion, and slow of expression. His clothing when he went off, was a dark brown broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantaloons—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows.
NATHAN SOPER. More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write. N. S. Prince George's county, Nov. 23—2awtf
By his excellency ROBERT WRIGHT, Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, the General Assembly of Maryland, did by an act passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act to reduce into one the several acts of assembly respecting elections, and to regulate said elections, to direct that the governor and council, after having received the returns of the election for Electors to choose the President and Vice President of the U. States, should enumerate & ascertain the number of votes for each and every candidate personated for an Elector aforesaid respectively, and shall thereupon declare by proclamation, signed by the Governor, and without delay disperse through the state the name of the person or persons duly elected as Elector in each respective district. We in pursuance of the directions of said act, do by this our proclamation declare, that by the returns made to us, it appears that John Boutis Pater, esq. was elected an Elector for the first district; Robert Bowie, esq. was elected an elector for the second district; Edward Johnson and John Johnson, esqs. were elected electors for the third district; Dr. John Tyler and Nathaniel Rochester, esqs. were elected electors for the fourth district; Tobias E. Stansbury, esq. was elected an elector for the fifth district; Thomas W. Veasey, esq. was elected an elector for the sixth district; Richard Tighman Earl, esq. was elected an elector for the seventh district; Perry Spencer, esq. was elected an elector for the eighth district; and Henry James Carroll, esq. was elected an elector for the ninth district. Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of this state of Maryland, this third day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight.
ROBERT WRIGHT. By the Governor, NIXIAN PINKNEY, Clk. of the Council. December 9—
UNION CIRCULATING LIBRARY. MANY well informed inhabitants of Georgetown & Washington, as well as several respectable persons residing in their vicinity, having frequently expressed their wishes to have access to a well-chosen Circulating Library, and their regret that no institution of the kind is here to be found on a scale sufficiently ample to afford copious information on the various subjects of general Literature: the subscriber has resolved to establish one on a new and extensive plan. It is intended, in the first instance, to furnish it with a numerous selection of those works to which time has affixed the seal of sterling worth, and to replenish it with every book published in the United States, as soon as issued from the press, whether historical, political, scientific, or of that description which is designated by the more general term, amusing, including all the new plays; together with a regular series of the British Reviews, and every French and English publication of merit. The advantages of such an establishment are obvious; to Ladies and Gentlemen of literary taste it holds out a pleasing and never ending source of rational amusement; to those in search of knowledge, a cheap and easy attainment of their wishes; and to persons desirous of forming a private library, a valuable opportunity of selecting such books only as they may approve, which cannot be determined otherwise than by a previous perusal—an advantage, which, without such an institution, can be obtained only by the expense of a purchase frequently ending in disappointment. Should this plan meet with that encouragement which is necessary to justify the undertaking, it shall go into operation on the following CONDITIONS.
First—As soon as one hundred subscribers, at Five Dollars each, are obtained, the Union Circulating Library shall be opened with $1000 worth of books, and in like proportion for any greater number of subscribers.
Second—The terms of subscription will be—for one year, Five Dollars—six months, Three Dollars—three months, Two Dollars, and one month, One Dollar.
Third—All subscriptions must be invariably paid in advance.
Fourth—Each subscriber to be entitled to one book at a time, or two volumes, if of the same set, which may be changed once a day and not oftener; but subscribers residing more than six miles from Georgetown will be allowed two books at a time.
Fifth—To accommodate subscribers as early as possible, two copies at least of such new books as possess a high degree of interest shall be placed in the Library.
Sixth—The prices will be marked in each book belonging to the Library, and any subscriber who may lose or damage any of them will be required to pay the amount or replace the same—if part of a set, the remaining volumes to be delivered to the subscriber who will be charged with the whole.
Seventh—The Library shall be open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning till sun-set.
For the accommodation of strangers, books will be loaned at the following rates, viz.—Six Cents for books of the value of one dollar and fifty cents—Twelve and a half Cents for those of two dollars fifty cents, and in like proportion for books of higher value.
A deposit equal to the marked price of each book will be required, to be returned on safe delivery of the book into the Library, deducting the premium for reading.
JOSEPH MILLIGAN. Georgetown, November 14, 1808.
N. B. As soon as the Library shall be established, a proposal will be made to extend the plan by the addition of a Reading Room, which, however, will be distinct from the Library, and furnished with New Books, and Periodical Publications, as well as with files of at least six Newspapers from different parts of the Union, and a complete Atlas.
Subscriptions received by J. Miligan, Georgetown, and R. C. Weightman, Washington city. November 14—cop6t
Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808.
ON the application, by petition in writing by John M. Burgess, of Prince George's county to this court for the benefit of the act of assembly passed at the November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application and being also satisfied that the said John M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt; and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said John M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said John M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day, to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. Clk. November 8—w3m
JOHN COX OF GEORGETOWN, Offers for Sale, the following valuable TRACTS OF LAND: 2038 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seventy-five miles from the seat of government of the United States. Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Alleghany county, state of Maryland: Governor's Neglect, 1081 acres. Ormes's Attention, 684 Chesnut Grove, 461 Hard Struggle, 1554 Western Connexion, 1057 1601 5-8 6180 90 Lot No. 2487. These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Simkin's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Chesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland; is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers. November 14—2aw6w
30,000 DOLLARS, FOR 500 CENTS! NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY. For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next; 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature. The Capital Prizes are— 30,000 dollars 20,000 dollars 10,000 dollars 5,000 dollars 2,000 dollars Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each.
TICKETS—Halves, Quarters, & Eighths, are to be had at G. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Offices, No. 64, Maiden-Lane, & No. 38, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231 10,000 — No. 25,403 5,000 — No. 20,799 Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 2000 dollars, besides several others of 2000, 1000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotteries were sold at the above offices— 17199 25,000 dolls. 11736 2000 dolls. 3929 20,000 dolls. 23573 2000 dolls. 3639 10,000 dolls. 13904 2000 dolls. 26135 5,000 dolls. 16517 2000 dolls. 30356 5,000 dolls. 25596 2000 dolls. 15298 3,000 dolls. 20885 2000 dolls. And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz. 6974 30,000 dolls. 19894 1500 dolls. 15564 15,000 dolls. 1788 1500 dolls. 7001 10,000 dolls. 1525 1500 dolls. 6977 5,000 dolls. 7440 1500 dolls. 14425 1500 dolls.
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares returned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this.
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, SIX Dollars, which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
SEBASTIAN SPRING, ON THE NEW TURNPIKE ROAD BETWEEN ALEXANDRIA & WASHINGTON CITY.
AT the above Spring, situated about half a mile from Washington Bridge, the subscriber has lately opened a house of entertainment for the accommodation of the citizens of both places and travellers. Parties can be furnished, on a short notice, with every species of refreshment they may wish, in a style to their satisfaction, and public dinners can be had suitable to any occasion. He is determined to keep the best liquors the district will afford, and a genuine glass of Madeira may always be relied on. A. LINDO.
N. B. A Hack and Gigg will be kept for the convenience of gentlemen crossing the Potomac river wishing to proceed to Alexandria. Two good Waiters and a Cook Wanted. Nov. 25—9t
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. TO BE SOLD, At public auction, at the Union Tavern, in George-Town, at 12 o'clock on Monday the 15th day of January next, if not previously disposed of by private contract—that Valuable property situated on the Potomac River, in Washington City, contiguous to George Town, formerly the property of Messrs. Lean, & Co.
The lot is 128 feet front, by 105 feet deep, on which is erected a substantial Ware House, built of stone, 83 feet by 43, together with the large commodious Wharf adjoining. Also—SIX LOTS in Holmesmeads, addition to George-Town, bounded on Bridge Street and Rock Creek, in George-Town. For terms and other particulars, apply to JOHN DAVIDSON, or WALTER HELLEN. Nov. 28—4153.
Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company. THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Fourth Instalment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 14th day December next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. November 18—13t
MRS. LEE, begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its Vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of MUSIC, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, she has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruct in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBES, MAPS, & CHARTS. Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced; and hopes still to merit by an unremitted attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst. Washington, October 20—2m
INFORMATION WANTED. IF JOHN BATEBY DOBBINS who came from England some years ago, and resided at Washington (it is not certain in what state) for some time, will call on, or write to the subscriber, he will hear something much to his advantage. Any information that will enable me to ascertain whether the said John Bateby Dobbins is alive or not, will be thankfully received. SAMUEL SPACKMAN, No. 1, Bank Alley, Philadelphia. Tenthmonth, 11, 1808—2m
RICHAED BECK, HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— Superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do. Moleskin and silk waistcoating Bennets cord and Spanish mareels, do. Constitution cords and velveteens Coating, frizes and kersseys Rose and striped blankets Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery Flannel and baizes Navy blue cloths Checks, calicoes and Chintzes White and colored cambrics Dimities, brown Holland and dowlasges Bandanno and Madrass handkerchiefs Durants and calimancoes Tapes and bobbins Silk and cotton chambray 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens 4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting London and other hats Plain India mul muslins Seeded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenoes Linen cambrics Damask, silk and serge shawls Tabby velveteens for pelices Italian Mantua Bombazets and bombazeens Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces Handsome assortment ribbons Kid and silk gloves Pickett silk mits and glove Diaper and diaper table cloths Kid and Morocco shoes A few bales India muslins assorted Ticklenburgs and osnaburghs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—1f
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufacture. 3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4. 240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 480 3-4. 1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel. 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheetings, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of whited brown Thread, 10 lb. of red Thread, 100 lbs. of blue Thread, 20 lbs. of yellow Thread, 3500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 109 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called quality, 2000 yards of stout Plains, for watch coats, any color except red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain. The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 23—
JUST PUBLISHED, And for Sale, at D. Rapine's Book-store, on Capitol Hill, A new Pamphlet, entitled "A View of the Rights and Wrongs, Power & Policy of the U. States of America." By Charles Jared Ingersoll, of Philadelphia. This pamphlet is not of the ordinary kind, and merits the perusal of every American and friend to his country. December 5—ep6t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pips Cogniac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsalla, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 30 bags Corks. They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock. JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w.
THE Partnership of COLLARD & MOORE, is this day Dissolved by mutual consent—the Business in future will be transacted by GEO. COLLARD, and all the business of the above Firm will be settled by him. December 9—3t
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber of Charles county and state of Maryland, has obtained from the Orphans court of said county, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Benjamin Benson, late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 2nd day of June next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate; all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. Given under my hand this 2nd day of December 1808. WILSON SMOOT, Ex'r. December 1—w3t
LABORERS. TWO BLACK MEN, Good Laborers—To be hired by the year. Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 28—w4f.
CHARLES J. NOURSE, Has received per the Citizen, Capt. Sturges, from New York, and offers for Sale on reasonable terms at his Warehouse, in front of Lowndes's Wharf, 45 chests and boxes of— Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea, } FRESH TEAS. 4 chests of Imperial and Young Hyson in canisters of 2lb each, 34 hds. and barrels of prime Sugar, 3 boxes Havana do. 40 barrels and kegs of West India and Bourbon Coffee, 7 pipes of best Cogniac Brandy, 5 do. fine flavored Holland Gin, 2 do. New York Anchor, do. 28 do. half pipes and Qr. casks of old London Particular Madeira, New York market Madeira, Old Port, Teneriffe, Sherry, Malaga, Bucelas, & Catalonia, } Wines of Superior Quality. 20 cases real Chateux Mar-geaux Claret, 65 boxes mould dipt and Spermaceti Candles, 50 do. Castile, white and yellow Soap, 20 do. Chocolate, 15 boxes and casks of Raisins, 5 do. Prunes, 5 cases Olive Oil, 25 baskets table do. 2 hds. winter thinned Spermaceti Oil, 2 do. Molasses, 5 bags Pepper and Pimento, 5 kegs Ginger, 2 bales of Cassia, 10 cases of Cordials, 20 do. Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 10 do. Mustard, 8 doz. each, 1 bale of Mow Mamoodies, 2 do. Currans, 2 do. Baftas, 200 pieces Bandanna handkerchiefs assorted, 116 whole, half, and qr. boxes of Havana Segars, among which are some of Martin's best, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, &c. And in Store, 4000 bushels of ground allum Salt, 2000 do. Isle of May do. 2000 do. Lisbon do. Georgetown, Dec. 7—4w
SHERIFF'S SALE. WILL be sold at Public Sale on Thursday the 22nd inst. if fair, if not the next fair day, on the premises, for cash, the FARM whereon John Orme now lives, containing Two hundred and thirty-eight acres, four Horses, three Cows, a parcel of Tobacco, one Cart, and one Clock—late the property of said Orme, taken by a writ of fifa, at the suit of John Hoy, Adm'r. D. B. Vans of William Deakins, jun. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county Md. December 7—7t
WHARVES FOR RENT. IN Virtue of the power vested in the Mayor of the City of Washington, by an act of the City Council, entitled, "An act for renting the Wharves at the end of 12th and 17th streets west, and for other purposes," the property of the corporation of said city; he hereby notifies, that the said Wharves will be rented for One Year from the 1st day of January next, to the highest bidder, at Rhodes's hotel, on Saturday the 31st inst. between the hours of 12 and 1 o'clock, subject to the regulations contained in the above-mentioned act. By order of the Mayor, THOS. HERTY, Reg. Washington, Dec. 7—
TO LET, AND immediate possession may be given to a BLACKSMITH'S SHOP, newly built with a large Forge, opposite the Centre Market; it is well worth the attention of any Blacksmith acquainted with horse shoeing and carriage work, as it is upon the Pennsylvania avenue. The rent will be low, and probably all taken in work. Also, a DRY CELLAR, with a large fire-place, well calculated for an Oyster man, the situation being central, and the number of Boarding Houses in the neighborhood would warrant a ready sale. For either of the above, enquire of JOHN C. SHINDLE, opposite the Centre Market. N. B. Four STOVES with Pipe complete for sale. Enquire as above, December 7—3t
JOHN ACHMAN, Coppersmith, Tinner and Fire Engine Maker, respectfully informs the public that he has commenced business in the various branches of the above professions, in High-street, opposite Mr. Ritchie's where he will execute all orders with neatness and dispatch. The construction of his Fire Engines is according to the latest improvements, the workmanship and execution superior to those generally in use. George-Town, December 5—3t
ROOT MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, Boot Maker, impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the liberal support & distinguished preference he has received in his line, since he first commenced his Boot Manufactory here, which was previous to the removal of the government to this city, being confident that good work is ever the best recommendation, had resolved (contrary to his annual custom) to decline intruding his advertisement on the public, being already sufficiently established, until he was convinced, from the best information, that some of his brethren of the craft had artfully, slyly and insidiously asserted repeatedly that his boots were all imported, that he kept only a shop & not a manufactory. He thus contradicts those fabricators of falsehood, by challenging them to produce boots of any description equal to what he manufactures. They have declared that they would underell him, but they dare not pretend to excel him in neatness, durability, taste and fashion, which he is ready to prove to the satisfaction of those who may please to favor him with their orders. N. B.—A large assortment of elegant Boots of his own manufacture on hand. December 5—ep1m
CHARLES H. VANDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—w4f
FOR SALE, AN ELEGANT CHARIOT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted Harness for four or two Horses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Enquire of the Editor of this paper.