The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-08-06 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 100.
Five Dollars per Ann.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 6th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HISTORY
OF THE Last Session of Congress.
[CONTINUED]
State Balances.
On the 4th of February, Mr. Thomas submitted a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of extinguishing the claims of the United States for certain balances, which, by the commissioners appointed to settle the accounts between the United States and individual states, were reported to be due from several of the states to the United States.
On the 13th of February Mr. Thomas called up the above resolution as follows:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of extinguishing the claims of the United States, for certain balances, which, by the commissioners appointed to settle the accounts between the United States and the individual states, were reported to be due from several of the states to the United States, and that the said committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
After a debate of considerable length in which Messrs. Thomas, Smith, Hill, Holland, R. Williams, T. Morris, Mason, S. Smith, and Bayard supported, and Messrs. Lowndes, Rutledge, Dumas, Bacon and Griswold opposed the motion, it prevailed by a majority of five, and a committee was accordingly appointed.
On the 5th of March, Mr. Thomas, in the name of this committee made a report in favour of extinguishing the balances, with an accompanying bill to that effect, which on the 12th of March, was considered in a committee of the whole.
On the principle of the bill a debate ensued, in which the extinction of the balances was supported by Messrs. Thomas, Randolph, Van Rensselaer, Hill, Van Ness, Gregg, Bayard, Smith, Mason, S. Smith, Claiborne and Holland — and opposed by Messrs. Elmer, Bacon, Rutledge, Hastings and Butler.
In this debate the usual field of argument, which has been so frequently displayed, was gone into. It were useless to take a detailed notice of the arguments on either side, as every intelligent reader is probably already possessed of them.
It may be proper, however, to state the new ground taken by Mr. Thomas, who contended that the rule on which the debts of the several states had been apportioned was an unjust one. It is that under the confederation the basis of contribution was land; and that it would have been just that the apportionment of debts incurred during the war should have been in the ratio of the then existing numbers in each state, and not in the ratio of the numbers of the states subsequent thereto. That according to the numbers in the states in the year 1783, at the close of the war, a result very different from that arising from the rule established by the commissioners, viz — the numbers existing in 1791, would have been found. He particularised the varying results derived from the relative numbers of the states in the year 1783, and 1791; and stated that according to the former, New-York, instead of being debtor for 2 millions, would be a creditor state for 900,000 dollars.
The question was then taken on the committee ruling, and reporting the bill without amendment, and carried.
Ayes 47 — Nays 33.
A motion was then made that the bill be engrossed for a third reading on Tuesday and carried — Yeas 47 — Nays 35.
On the 16th the bill was read a third time, when Mr. Davis moved its postponement until the fourth Monday in November, on which a debate ensued, in which the postponement was urged by Messrs. Davis, Bacon, Elmer and Goddard; and opposed by Messrs. Bayard, T. Morris, Randolph and Nicholson; when the question of postponement, which was a virtual rejection of the bill, was carried by a majority of five.
Thus terminated for the session, in correspondence with the frequent fate before experienced, a discussion which, if we may judge from the pertinacity with which it has heretofore been sustained, will, in all probability, continue to embarrass the future deliberations of the legislature. Whatever may be the justice of the claim of the United States which, notwithstanding the subtle arguments of the commissioners, can scarcely be questioned by an unprejudiced mind, it would appear to be the dictate of sound policy to abandon an object, which can
never be rigidly enforced without a prostration of state sovereignty; and which, while it remains unsettled, will be the constant source of altercation and recrimination. Nor should the time which the discussion consumes be disregarded in an estimate of pecuniary gain or loss, into which the question is ultimately resolvable. If there is no prospect of gain to the Union, if there is a certainty of loss from the time exhausted, and if the harmony of the respective states is perpetually disturbed, can there exist a doubt that the mere payment of justice should be sacrificed on the altar of federal harmony? While, however, a sentiment of generosity, cherished on one side, offered the sacrifice, it is to be regretted that the debtor states did not meet the discussion with a reciprocal spirit of conciliation, which dictated a re-proportion on their side of these lofty declarations, which demanded as of right, what many of the creditor states deemed a favor, & which at best was equivocal.
Berceau. On the 5th of April, Mr. Griswold offered a resolution that the secretary of state be directed to report whether the sum of 32,839 dollars 54 cents, expended in the repairs put upon the corvette Berceau, before the delivery to the French Republic, was made to equip her for the service of the United States, or for the purpose of delivering her in good condition to the French Republic, in conformity to the stipulations of the convention with France.
As the measures of the executive on this subject have been variously represented, it may be proper concisely to state them.
On the 30th of Sept. 1800, a convention was entered into at Paris by the commissioners of the United States and France restoring true and sincere friendship between the two nations, the third article of which directed that the public ships which had been taken on one part and the other, or which might be taken before the exchange of ratifications, should be restored. In the month of the ensuing February the senate advised a ratification of the convention under certain terms, which it was not believed would be objected to by France. Previously to the signing of this instrument, on the 12th of October, 1800, the Berceau, a French national ship, had been captured by an American frigate, and condemned as legal prize on the 17th of November. On the 19th of December 1800, Mr. Stoddert, the secretary of the navy, directed his agent at Boston to cause her to be purchased for the United States, and afterwards to have her placed where she would be secure, with just as many men on board as should be necessary to take care of her; but to make no repairs. In obedience to these instructions she was dismantled on the 30th of December; and on the 15th of January, she was bought in by the navy agent for 13,349 dollars. In March, the French commercial agent represented to the secretary of state the delicate state of the French prisoners taken on board the Berceau, no funds having been provided by France for their relief, and requested advances, reimbursable by France. In consequence whereof the secretary of the navy instructed his agent to furnish each person, before his delivery, with such cheap clothing as should be sufficient, with what he had, to make him comfortable — and to pay each officer, to enable the repayment of contracted debts, two dollars a week for the whole time he had lived at his own expense.
On the 19th of March, the French Chargé des Affaires, Mr. Pichon, addressed a letter to the secretary of state, stating that the First Consul, desirous of removing the remembrance of all differences, had not waited for information whether the government of the United States would ratify the convention, before he performed those stipulations which were to have effect from the date of its signature; and that, reposing entire confidence in the United States, he had given instructions calculated not only to insure full justice for the party, in a manner consonant to the obligations of the convention, but also to prevent in future, unauthorised measures towards the commerce and navigation of the United States, either on the part of the administration, or of individuals. Mr. Pichon expresses a strong assurance that the modifications of the convention will be accepted by the First Consul, and concludes by attracting the attention of the secretary to that part of it, which relates to the restitution of national ships, among which he notices the insurgente, a French captured frigate, insinuating the probability of her being lost, and expressing his impression that it would appear reasonable to the Presi-
dent, to replace her, or an equivalent to the Republic.
On the 20th of March, the executive, animated by the same sentiments expressed by the French government, came to a determination to restore the Berceau; and accordingly on that day the secretary of the navy gave the following directions to his agent:—
"The French national ship the Berceau, captured by captain Little, is to be restored under the treaty."
"You will please to cause her to be delivered, with all her guns, ammunition, apparel and every thing belonging to her, to the order of Mr. Pichon, commissary general and charge des affaires, from the French government to the government of the United States, whenever such orders shall appear."
"This business should be done as if no reluctance accompanied the restoration. We are now at peace with France, and we should act as if we returned to a state of amity with pleasure. Let there be no cause of complaint against the government or its agents."
On the 1st of April, further instructions were given by the secretary.
"I have to request that you will be pleased to ascertain without delay the state of the French national ship Le Berceau was in at the time of her capture, as to her armament, stores and provisions, and to cause her to be put in the same condition before she is delivered up to the French government."
On the 24th of June the navy agent addressed the following letter to the secretary:
"On Monday the 23d, the corvette Le Berceau was delivered to the commissary of the French government, and the captain at the same time took charge of her. At the request of the commissary and captain, and from the necessity of the case, I have furnished some articles which may not have been on board at the time of the capture, such as hammocks, blankets; and if thereon board they were retained wholly or in part by the crew. The captain now wishes to be furnished with silver-spoons, plated-ware, china, &c. for his cabin. These I cannot provide without your special directions, as I do not suppose they were on board at the time of the capture. The commissary is willing on the part of his government, to engage to pay for all articles supplied, that probably were not then on board the corvette."
Subsequent letters from the agent state the repairs made to have amounted to 32,839 dollars 54 cents; in one of which he says:
"I have presumed it was the meaning of the instructions, though not fully expressed, that the corvette should be restored, in all respects, to the condition she was in immediately anterior to the commencement of the action with the Bolton. I have therefore endeavoured, in directing the repairs and furnishing the supplies, to be governed as far as possible by this principle, which I made known to each of the principal workmen employed in the repairs as appeared to be expedient. But an adherence to the rule, with a few exceptions, was soon found impracticable, but every departure produced an expense to the United States; for example, the stays, throats, and all the cordage were unavoidably replaced with the new for old. The rule of course was violated, as the old was not worth more than two thirds the price of new. The corvette was in this respect therefore placed in a better condition than she was at the commencement of the action; but the United States lost by it the difference in the value of the new and old cordage. This was also the case with her sails, with her masts, spars, tops and caps; with the carpenters work, with the iron work, and with many other supplies too numerous to be detailed here. Her stores, &c. thus furnished may, I presume, be estimated to be worth on an average thirty per cent. more than the stores they have replaced."
The motion of Mr. Griswold gave rise to an animated debate, and was supported by Messrs. Griswold, Bayard and Dumas, and opposed by Messrs. S. Smith, Giles, Randolph, Bacon, Smith and Nicholson.
Those who advocated the motion contended that official knowledge of the facts called for by the resolution was important, in order to enable the house to ascertain whether the sum expended by the executive was warranted by any legal appropriation.
Those who opposed the motion contended that while the house had a right to all the information respecting facts in the possession of the executive, which the discharge of the public service required, they had not a right to call upon execu-
tive officers for their motives of action, as in the present instance; that as to facts they were all before the house already.
The debate continued to a late hour, when the house adjourned without coming to a decision. On the next day Mr. Griswold submitted a modification of his motion, directing the secretary of state to report whether the sum was expended, after it was determined to deliver up the Berceau to the French government.
On this amendment the debate was renewed; and it was contended, that the original objection remained unshaken, as the term determination still implicated motives, with which the legislature had no concern. In order to liberate the resolution from this objection, Mr. Giles moved to amend the resolution so as to make it read:
"That the President of the United States be requested to direct the proper officer to lay before this House, copies of all papers and documents which relate to the sale, purchase and repairs of the corvette Berceau, and also a statement of the sums paid to the respective officers and men of that vessel, specifying the period for which the payments were made; together with copies of all communications between the government of the United States and any authorised agents of the French nation, relative thereto."
This amendment was carried by a majority of twelve, when the resolution, so amended, passed unanimously; and the President, in a few days thereafter, communicated at great length whatever related to the subject, which was referred to a select committee.
In this discussion, two points were made by the opponents of the administration; the one that the executive had, so far as related to the delivering of the Berceau, carried into effect the convention before it was finally ratified, and of consequence before it was a law of the land; the other that the sum laid out in her repair was expended without any legal appropriation. The first point was not disputed. The friends of the administration, however, contended that the President had not only in motive, but in act thereby substantially promoted the interests of the nation; and that as a disposition had been evinced on the part of the French government to give the earliest effect to the provisions of the convention, it became the President to reciprocate a similar sentiment. This explanation was considered satisfactory by the opposition, who declared their approbation of the policy of the measure.
The second point gave rise to great warmth of animadversion. Some individuals alleged the repairs to have been extravagant, while others denied the existence of any appropriation for them, and insisted, even allowing them to have been proper, on the necessity of making an appropriation by law to cover them. They contended that they had been made with a view to the delivery of the Berceau to the French, for which event no provision had been made by law. These ideas were repelled by the friends of the administration, who stated that the purchase of the ship had been made, by the past administration, under the act which authorised the purchase and equipping ships of war for the American Navy. By the same administration she had been dismantled. That the repairs made were paid for under the provisions of this act. That it was evident, that whether the Berceau had been retained as a part of the navy, or delivered to the French, certain repairs would in either case have been required, and the legislature, having nothing to do with the motives of the executive, could only enquire into his acts; which were perfectly regular, as it would appear that the payment for repairs had been made under the appropriations of the above act.
The warmth which was exhibited in this discussion can only be attributed to the subject, to which it related, having been made, previous to the meeting of Congress, the frequent theme of party declamation. As the circumstances attending it were not known, and as before the final exchange of ratifications there was a delicacy in divulging them, tales of detraction had been circulated with great diligence through the eastern states. The repairs and delivery were represented as evidences of Gallic attachment, and as intended to humiliate the correct pride of our countrymen. It was entirely unknown that for the little we gave, much had been received in return. These calumnies were exposed on a disclosure of facts, and with such disclosure should have expired. But the topic was too fruitful a one, when addressed to national prejudice, to be dismissed unimproved. It was felt that the delivery of
an armed vessel to a foreign nation, under whatever circumstances, is always unpopular; and it was reckoned upon, that though the convention, directing the delivery, was framed under the administration of Mr. Adams, yet the act of delivery, with its necessary expenses, being made under that of Mr. Jefferson, could not fail to excite some irritation in the public mind.
On the 23d of April, on the motion of Mr. Griswold, the committee to whom had been referred the M. flag of the President on this subject were instructed to enquire whether any further appropriations were necessary to cover the expenses which had arisen for the purchase and repairing the Berceau for the French government, and for advancing to her officers their monthly pay. No report was, however, made.
Redemption of National Debts.
On the 19th of April, Mr. Randall, from the committee of Ways and Means, made a report respecting the public debt, with an accompanying bill making provision for its entire redemption. The following is the report:
"The propriety of pursuing efficient measures for the final extinguishment of the public debt is a position too obviously true, in the opinion of your committee, to require any illustration from them. The unexampled prosperity of our country, the flourishing state of our finances, and the restoration of peace among the European powers, all contribute to render the present period peculiarly auspicious to this important undertaking. Should, however, the United States neglect to avail themselves of a peace which promises to be of no short duration, if the length and destructive effects from the preceding war form a criterion by which to estimate the time necessary to invigorate the exhaustedelligerent parties, should a season of increasing financial prosperity be suffered to pass away without a vigorous exertion to exonerate the Union from its present encumbrances, every hope may be abandoned that a nation shall ever be found to discharge the principal of a debt which she has once funded; and the United States must rest content, to encounter with embarrassed resources, any emergency which may hereafter arise. A just confidence is, however, entertained that every description of persons, as well those who advocate extensive warlike establishments, as those who are desirous of lessening the public contribution, will unite in support of a measure, which, by liberating the revenues of the Union from their present heavy encumbrances, can alone enable its government to launch into expansive naval preparations, or to reduce the duties on imports."
"That no effectual provision for the final redemption of the whole present debt of the United States does at this time exist, a recurrence to the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, herunto annexed, will readily demonstrate. To the measures which have already been adopted in relation to this subject, their complexity forms an objection inferior only to their inefficiency. To establish a plan as simple as the nature of the existing system, on which it is necessarily engrafted, will permit, and altogether adequate in its operation, has been the design of the committee. To appropriate, permanently, so much of the annual revenues as may be requisite, appeared the only measure calculated to effect this last and principal purpose. This sum does not exceed the probable excess of the annual receipts beyond the current expenditure of the government. In making the necessary appropriation to the sinking fund, instead of leaving to it only such sums as the government might not choose to employ in any other object, an adherence to economy is secured, which the reluctance of the country to meet any extraordinary emergency remain unimpaired. Nothing less than the regular operation of a permanent system can insure the rational expectation that the debt will ever be extinguished. Careful at the same time, has been taken, that such portion of the first appropriated as the commissioners may be unable annually to apply to the redemption of the debt shall be returned into the public treasury."
To the report was subjoined a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, exhibiting, with great perspicuity, the existing provisions for the redemption of the debt, viz. The funds appropriated, the manner of applying them, and the operation of the provisions.
By the report it appears that 5,228,000 dollars are at present paid in the shape of interest, and that an appropriation of 7,300,000 dollars would leave about 2,100,000 applicable to a discharge of the principal.
In a previous communication of the

Secretary of the Treasury is stated that the effect produced at the end of the year 1809, on the debt, by the annual application of that sum (7,300,000 dollars) to the payment of both principal and interest, would be at the end of eight years, the payment of the whole of the Dutch debt; of the temporary loans due to the bank; of the navy six per cent. and of the five and an half per cent. stocks; 5,325,300 dollars, and 33 cents of the eight per cent. stock; 150,337 dollars and twenty six cents of the four and a half per cent. stock; and 11,399,263 dollars and six cents of the principal of the six per cent. and deferred stocks, amounting altogether to thirty-two millions two hundred and eighty-nine thousand, one hundred and fifty dollars and seventy cents.
The public debt would, therefore, on the 1st January 1810, be reduced to 45,592,750 dollars, and 59 cents, viz. 954,899 dollars and 62 cents of the eight per cent. stock; 25,512 dollars and 74 cents of the four and a half per cent. stock (a part of which would be discharged during the first months of the year 1810); 80,000 dollars of the 1796 six per cent. stock; 23,452,521 dollars and 69 cents of the 6 per cent. and deferred stock, and the 19,079,703 dollars and 63 cents, three per cent. stock.
The same annual sum of 7,300,000 dollars, applied to the payment of the principal and interest of the public debt, would on the supposition that the whole of the six per cent. and deferred stocks shall be redeemed at par, and that the whole of the three per cent. stock should be redeemed at its nominal value, discharge the whole of the public debt in seven years and a half after the year 1809, or within the year 1817.
The accompanying bill provided for the annual appropriation of 7,300,000 to the payment of the debt until it shall be entirely redeemed, which from its vesting in the commissioners of the sinking fund, with the renewed right of reimbursing out of that sum demands arising under foreign treaties; it empowers the commissioners to borrow by obtaining a prolongation of former loans, or otherwise, the sums requisite for the payment of the installments of Dutch debt due in the years 1805—1806, with a provision that a sum equivalent to that borrowed or retained, shall be laid out in the purchase or redemption of the present debt; it empowers the commissioners to contract with the bank of the United States, or with any other public institution, or with individuals, for the payment in Holland of the whole or part of the Dutch debt; authorizes the allowance of one-fourth of one per cent. for making remittances abroad, and the appointment of a foreign agent with a salary not exceeding 3,000 dollars.
A debate of several days duration arose on the provisions of this bill, which were opposed by Messrs. G. Vail, B. Russell, D. M. Morris and D. Davis—and supported by Messrs. Randolph and Nicholson.
In the different stages of discussion a variety of motions were made by those opposed to the bill to strike out some parts, and amend others, all of which failed by great majorities: Gentlemen, in opposition to the bill, contended that while it professed to redeem the whole debt, it vested new and dangerous powers calculated to increase and perpetuate it, by authorizing a reloan to the amount of the Dutch debt; that this authority was dangerous, inasmuch as it was susceptible of great abuse, and useful as remittances to pay the accruing installments of foreign debt could be made without difficulty; they declared the authority to contract with individuals for the payment in Holland of the Dutch debt still more dangerous, inasmuch as no judicial review was competent to the object, and as the risk arising from dishonesty or inconvertible future created with the additional loss of payment created by the bill; they contended that the allowance of one-fourth of one per cent. was an exorbitant commission, and the establishment of a foreign agent, whose powers would, from their extent and the necessity of his being an evidence of wanton prodigality, both of which could confer little public benefit, and could only tend to bestow additional patronage on the executive; and it was added, that in the other real reasons the bill, in its splendid title to redeem the whole public debt, was a mere cheat on the nation.
The friends of the people declared its object to be of great importance. Instead of devoting to the payment of the debt, as has hitherto been done, the surplus above the expenditure of the government, it provided for selling in the commissioners a definite sum, which should not be affected by the expenses of the government. A great effect of this measure would be the insurance of an economical disbursement of the public money, which would be adequate to every necessary purpose, in case an emergency did not arise; and in case it did arise, the national credit would rest upon a firm footing, that no embarrassment could occur in providing for it. They remarked that no new or dangerous powers were conferred by the bill, as every power, susceptible of abuse, given by it, had been, from the unavoidable organization of the sinking fund, already reposed in the commissioners; that the au-
thority to make partial releases of the Dutch debt became necessary from the difficulties attending remittances to Europe, and from the possibility that the pecuniary situation of the country might require an equalization of the installments of foreign debt, which, for a few coming years were very disproportionate; they showed from the experience of the government, and that of the bank of the United States, that remittances could not be made without incurring great difficulties; they declared the imputation of a tendency in this measure to perpetuate the public debt to be weak and unfounded, as any release of Dutch debt would be attended by the payment of an equivalent portion of domestic debt. The authority to contract with public institutions or individuals, was vindicated, and it was observed that the security given by a considerable number of individuals mutually responsible for each other, was of all others, the least obnoxious to censure. The commission of one-fourth per cent. for remittances was very low, and would not, in any year, exceed four thousand dollars on the whole sum remitted; and as to the appointment of a foreign agent, that had been an arrangement in the general estimation so proper as to have been long contemplated by the treasury department under the late administration.
Notwithstanding a debate on the above points, protracted for three days, the bill eventually passed by the great majority of thirty six, there being 55 for, and 19 against it.
Independent of the new provisions for the more prompt redemption of the public debt created by this bill, it derived importance from furnishing a criterion of the sentiments and views of the new administration in relation to public credit. The charge of hostility to it had been so repeatedly made, that many who were deeply interested in the funds troubled for their property. All alarm subsided on the passage of this act, which demonstrated the determination of the government, while they complied with rigid good faith with the national engagements, to adopt every practicable means of extinguishment, thereby fully satisfying the claim of the creditors, and the expectation of the public, that the debt should be speedily discharged. Whatever may have been the opinion of their predecessors, this act renounced on the part of the present administration, all idea of a public debt being a public blessing; and as the idea had, with a certain description of citizens, become very familiar, nothing short of an act of the legislature could, perhaps, have expected its failure.
It will be remarked that this measure, as well as every other leading measure proposed by the majority, received the opposition of the minority. A dilated relief man, also from the prejudices of party, would have concluded that, with whatever jealousy the adoption of a measure so laudable by the majority, would have been regarded by the minority, the latter would have been under a necessity to oppose it. But the field of party violence had been taken, and it appears to have been deemed good policy to inveigh seriatim against every measure proposed. This conviction may have been strengthened by the inducement, that the approbation of the public creditors, hitherto the allies of federal policy, would be qualified by insisting in their minds suspicion however vague or unjust. A very different effect, however, those who had heretofore avowed exclusive friendship, half party spirit to lead them into acts subversive of public faith, while be contemplated those who had been represented as its enemies, guarding it with jealous security.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
REMARKS OCCASIONED BY MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS. No. II.
The first letter is only the text of the second. It is in the full that we find divulged all the heterogeneous inconsistency of the late President. It is impossible for a logic to read it without derision. Associations more grotesque & unnatural, allusions more remote and unmeaning, arguments more absurd or whimsical, cannot perhaps be found in any production. But we forbear on this point. No one contends that Mr. Adams is a good writer; or that he either respects grammar or logic.
We proceed to the substance. He says, "I am very willing to agree with you in fancying that in the greatest improvements of society, government will be in the republican form. It is a fixed principle with me, that all good government is and must be republican." From these words, we will infer that Mr. Adams only fancies; that is, he has a sort of imagination, entirely different from a firm belief, that in a certain state of society government will be republican. Now, what state is this? It is that state which shall be accompanied with the greatest improvements. Where does this state exist? No where. For from the preceding part of the letter, it
is evidently the opinion of the writer that wherever it does exist, there is no occasion for any kind of government. It is barely a phantom of the fancy. It exists neither here, nor elsewhere. Therefore neither here nor elsewhere will government be in the republican form.
The writer proceeds:— "But, at the same time, your candor will agree with me, that there is not in geography a more fraudulent word. Whenever I use the word republic with approbation, I mean a government in which the people have a collective share, or by representation, an equal share in the government."
Does it not follow from these expressions, that even in a republic founded on the most improved state of society, other individuals or bodies than the people will also have an essential share in the sovereignty? The people are allowed a share, which clearly implies but a part, leaving the remainder to be exercised by another organ; and it will be remarked that this remainder is to be exercised by those who derive their authority neither from the people, directly, or by representation. It is not derived from his force, it must be got either by fraud or force; in other words, its tenure must be ultimately in its origin, and violence in its protracted duration.
After an encomium on the mixture of three powers and a denunciation of simple system of government, Mr. Adams says:—
"Kings have been deposed by aspiring nobles." "True, and never by any other."
This is not true. Was Louis the 16th deposed by aspiring nobles? No, he was deposed by the people. Such has been the case with other tyrants. The abhorrence of the nation has destroyed them, and not the power of the nobles. The nobles have been made the instruments, but they have not been the cause. Their names may alone appear on the page of history, but the act has flowed from the vengeance of an oppressed people.
"There," (the nobles) says the correspondent of Mr. Adams, "have waged everlasting war against the common rights of man."—Mr. Adams replies:— "True, when they have been possessed of the summa imperii in one body, without a check. So have the plebeians—So have the people."
This is not true. Our own evidence has taught us a different conclusion. Here the whole sovereign power resides in the people. It is exercised exclusively by themselves, or by agents appointed by them, agents whose power is revocable by them. They have waged war against the common rights of man. They have waged the ambition of bad rulers, they have quietly dismissed them from their seats of power; and if Mr. Adams considers this as waging everlasting war against the common rights of man; if he really considers his right to exclusive and inalienable government as synonymous with the common rights of man; he may make the declaration with some semblance of truth, but not otherwise.
"But," says he, "on the other hand, the nobles have been essential parties in the preservation of liberty, whenever, and wherever it has existed."
Now, reader, what do you think is meant by nobles? Not peculiarly an hereditary nobility, or any particular modification, but the natural and actual aristocracy among mankind." Thus it appears that nobles is the term to be applied, and it is done by designating it the natural and actual aristocracy. How we are to single it out towards truth? So far from this, we are bewildered by new difficulties. If there be in a thing such a natural and actual aristocracy, it must consist in talents, in wealth, or in virtue. Now can we conceive of any state of society, or modification of government, in which these have not, not only a great, but an exclusive influence? Have not they in all countries, and under all circumstances, been the ingredients of power, and do they not as essentially belong to that power under a democracy, as under an aristocratic form? Is it not, therefore, on the subject of government, absurd to talk of a natural aristocracy, as distinguished from a natural democracy, or any other modification of power?
But Mr. Adams deceived himself by the use of the term, or intended to deceive his readers. The natural aristocracy, of which he treats, has no existence, and the phrase is only a cover for that artificial aristocracy which is the offspring of convention, of fraud or of force.
The remarks on the four noble families of B. font, are too trilling to pass a single comment on. Let them pass away as the phantasmata of a political delirium.
"The love of liberty," you say, "is interwoven in the soul of man." "So it is, according to La Fontaine, in that of a wolf, and I doubt whether it be much more rational, generous, or social in one than in the other, until in man it is enlightened by experience, reflection, education, and civil and political institutions, which are first produced and constantly supported and improved by a few, that is by the nobility." "Liberty is first produced by the nobility!" The nobility are men of en-
lightened talent, wealth, or virtue, who are never contented with the enjoyment of an equal share of power, but always in pursuit of an undue portion of it. If they fail in the pursuit, it would be absurd to say that liberty is first produced by them, unless it be by defeat of their pernicious attempts, which would render them objects of contempt instead of encomium. And if they succeed, then indeed the liberty of others is sacrificed, what they please is first produced, but not until it has prostrated the liberty of the people. This, therefore, is the idea which the writer entertains of liberty, which in an unenlightened man is compared to the ferocity of a wolf, and which only becomes rational when man is enlightened by experience, reflection and education; and this illumination, according to Mr. Adams, constitutes aristocracy.
Liberty, being thus first produced, is constantly supported and improved by the nobility! How? By the exertion of their power, and by the deprivation of the people. For the nobility derives the originally urged the nobles to the attainment of a larger portion of power than falls to the share of each man, will and does inevitably lead to the struggle for more. Thus it is evident that the less power the people, and the more power the nobles possess, the greater is the enjoyment and improvement of liberty.
[FROM THE AURORA.]
THE IMPOTENT QUESTION.
Concerning effectual encouragements to some one labor-saving branch of American manufacture.
It is favorable to an attempt to establish the cotton manufacture, that a large proportion of the foreign cotton goods which we import, are dyed, flamed, printed, or in some way colored; because, Indigo, madder, various barks and other dye stuffs are produced in the United States; and other dye stuffs, which we do not produce, are daily imported from foreign countries and re-ship from hence to other foreign parts.
In ancient Greece and Macedonia, ten million, twenty thousand bales of cotton wool, each weighing three hundred pounds, are spun annually into yarns or threads, and died with their own venation. The Greek and Macedonian women use neither the great nor the small spinning wheel, nor the jenny, nor the carding nor roving machinery. They use only the spindle, without any addition. It is impossible then to doubt, that these states must succeed in the manufacture of their own cotton, with the powerful and various aids of the modern European labor-saving machinery to card, row, spin, and twist. With such aids, and with all our other means and advantages; we cannot fail to succeed in a business, in which the unhappy subjects of civil and religious despotism of Turkey have, for a series of years, done so much for domestic and foreign consumption.
There is an important reason for promoting our own cotton manufactures, arising out of the present circumstances of the East-Indies. We receive from thence great quantities of cotton goods, which are not like the manufactures of Great Britain made out of our own cotton. The use of these East-India cotton goods is doubly injurious, first, because we do not manufacture them; and, secondly, because we do not produce the cotton of which they are made. Though whole parts of India belong to Great Britain, the parliament has absolutely prohibited the consumption of their cotton manufactures in Britain and Ireland. Those goods of coarse, come to us in much greater quantities to rival the foreign and domestic manufactures of our own cotton. If we were to refuse or burden the importation, the British East-Indies would extend the cultivation of sugar, coffee, cocoa, ginger, spices, pimento, ornamental and other things adapted to their climate, which we consume and do not ourselves produce. They would manufacture more furs, more tapestry and other fabrics, which we might require and acquire, because they do not injure our agriculture, nor interfere with our customs, but readily and unceasingly draw us to establish the American manufacture of cotton goods.
It is obvious to every man of common information relative to the four original eastern nations, that they are in a very different situation as to wood fuel. Their buildings are very generally of wood, and require large quantities of boards, scantlings and logs to keep them in repair.
Much wood is also wanted for new buildings, old and new fences, ships and boats, casks for their fish, potash, spirits, beef, pork, molasses, &c. and for the household fuel and workmen's fuel. Their population is great and increasing. They have no mines of coal. The coal mines of the east are in the hands of the British colonists. On this fact an important suggestion is respectfully submitted to the consideration of the people of the states east of the Mississippi and the Hudson; that in every system of measures to promote the domestic or internal industry of those states, and to
various should be made to avoid new calls for wood and fuel of every kind. This suggestion is of deeper importance than may appear at first view, to those to whom it is new. We will offer, as two examples, the British manufactures of iron, and the British manufactures of cotton.
We believe that the permanent and extensive establishment of the British manufactures of iron, in the states east of parts of the Hudson, navigable by ships, would prove very difficult, from the total want of mines of pit or fossil coal, charcoal, from the great scarcity of pear and turf there, and from the scarcity of wood for fuel and buildings. But we believe, that the very small use of fuel in the cotton manufacture of the east, and the limited use of fuel by the people in that branch, which (fitted by machinery) requires little fire to warm the small portion of persons employed, are circumstances peculiarly and greatly in favor of the adoption of the cotton branch in the eastern parts of the United States. It is certain, that wood is become extremely scarce in all the old countries east of Hudson's river, and that not one productive coal mine has been discovered between the Delaware river and the eastern boundary of the United States. The wood and timber of Maine are consuming with great rapidity, and fire rights are reduced by peace, will go forth in immense quantities. It is distant from Connecticut, Rhode Island and Providence and Massachusetts, proper, that it will become a desert as well as a mere temporary source of supply to them, for timber and fuel, if manufactures by fire, and employing numerous persons (to be kept warm in a cold and cold climate) are to be exceedingly and permanently pursued. The true manufacturing policy of our eastern states is to carry to the utmost all household manufactures, and to establish factories by labor-saving machinery at the heads of their ship or horse navigation, where they can derive the highest possible degree of benefit of their own wood and fuel, and of wood and fuel imported elsewhere or from foreign ports. Cotton it will be found, therefore, is the proper raw material for them to employ. The large remains away to New Jersey and Delaware, in full force.
If the north eastern moiety of the United States shall forthwith establish extensive and probable manufactures employing cotton, which can be raised in immense quantities, in the Southern states, it will bind the members of our union more and more together. To defend, promote and preserve our union is the first object of every sound mind. — of every faithful heart, native or foreign, which participates in the numerous blessings of our country.
It is beyond a doubt, that a sale of cotton cloth for the under garments of man, next to the loom, contributes greatly to wealth in abundance and civilization. In this view lighting, heating and lighting of cotton would prove far more advantageous than of gas, in certain seasons in every quarter of America, and particularly in the parts east of the Hudson.
Every state, five in number, that depends on a foreign raw material is extremely precarious, because foreign treaties and wars may disturb or prevent the importation. But cottons are raised by ourselves, and will ever be redundant, the cotton manufacture will rest upon a more certain foundation than a manufactory, which shall employ any other raw material whatever.
The variety of fabrics, to the making of which cotton can be applied, is a very important consideration in favor of attempting the cotton manufacture, in preference to any other. The flannel and the coarse flannels can be made of the refuse cotton, and cambric muffs of the most exquisite fineness can also be made of cotton; the most beautiful table cloths and napkins, and coarse carpets, the finest corduroys, and nuns' light as air; dimities, Marlees' quilting, fluting, sheetings, tickings, pillow cases, jeans, jeans, fustians, denims, cottons, fine and coarse hosiery for every age and sex, pantalettes, vests, mock calimurs, mock georges, mock coutures, mock cloths, neck and pocket handkerchiefs, hangings, and pocketing, dusters, and chamber-cows, bed and window curtains, furniture covers, crests, lawn-downs, mouselers, plush, velvets and in short various goods applicable, as usual, to every purpose, or as substitutes for other fabrics heretofore made of wool, hemp, flax, silk and hair. Such is the unlimited capacity of the native North American raw material, for future manufactures, under the protection of our governments, we earnestly and respectfully recommend to the immediate consideration of all our public authorities.
Such far ideas as occur upon the expediency and necessity, of strong and early encouragement to the American cotton manufacture will be offered in a future paper.
FOR SALE. TWO large superb Looking glasses just imported from London. One Plate measuring 103 by 40 inches, The other, 84 by 40 in. with suitable ornament.—apply to Wm. HOUGHSON. Alexandria, June 30, 1822. 126

Foreign Intelligence.
Stockholm, May 21.
A courier, dispatched by baron Silverbrin, our minister at London, arrived here this day, and has brought the ratification of the British government to the act signed at Petersburg the 30th last March, by which his Swedish majesty accedes to the convention of the 17th June 1801. The re-establishment of a good understanding between the two powers, has not been effected without difficulty. The refusal of the British minister to give a satisfactory answer to the different points of indemnification which existed rendered the negotiation extremely precarious; but the British government, after much altercation, having consented to restore greater part of the Swedish effects detained, be they captured, or only embargoed; and having given assurances that all points of dispute should be amicably and honorably arranged, the exchange of ratifications took place the 11th of this month. Before the arrival of the ratification on the part of his Swedish majesty, the English government had sent out orders to the West India company, to give up the island of St. Bartholomew to any agent of the Swedish government, and also to take off the embargo laid on their effects. The ships Pison and Venus, belonging to the West India company, have been liberated previous to the exchange of ratifications, and restitution made for the injury they have sustained. The treaty of commerce of 1801 is renewed, subject however to those modifications which the times have caused since its formation. Respecting the convoy taken in 1798, every hope is entertained, that after the last answer of the British minister, a final inquiry will be made into the situation of the case, although the exchange of ratifications may have taken place, and that every point in dispute regarding that subject, will be amicably settled between the two courts.
CONSTANTINOPLE April 30.
As soon as the Porte received the news of the treaty being concluded at Amiens, a courier was dispatched with instructions to the Turkish minister at Paris.
FRANKFORT, June 3.
His serene highness the prince of Waldeck arrived here yesterday. The Russian troops in the principality of Waldeck have marched from Cologne some days since, on their return to their native country.
The states of Hesse have demanded of the emperor the free exportation of their country produce.
BRUSSELS, June 7.
Grain, which has for some time risen to the most exorbitant price in Belgium, has fallen one fifth in the department of La Dyle, and hopes are entertained that it will still fall. The wise measures of government have been the cause, assisted by the immense quantities of grain imported from the Baltic.
This place is full of French and Dutch emigrants, who are on their return to their native countries, in consequence of the late laws in their favor. Many entire families from Austria and Bohemia, have arrived here within these few days, and immense numbers are yet expected.
MADRID, May 15.
The definitive peace was officially published here on the 4th inst. Te Deum was performed in the royal chapel; a gala was given by the government which lasted 3 days, with grand illuminations each evening.
Recent advices from Oran inform, that the plague is making great ravages in that country.
The king has ordered the establishment of three military colleges, to educate such youth as wish to attach themselves to the army. There are to be two hundred young men admitted in each college, and none to be admitted who do not belong to the nobility. These colleges are to be established at Valladolid, Grenada, and Alcala de Henarez. The prince of peace has the supreme presidency of the whole of them.
CADIZ, May 21.
Official accounts were yesterday received of the falling on the 10th instant, of thirteen Algerine vessels, destined to cruise against the Spanish ships, which nation Messieurs Arabs appear to be not well pleased with, owing to a non-compliance with the customary tribute. Our accounts state that they have landed between Cartabena and Alicante, and plundered the scattered houses with a view of obtaining such provisions as they might of their departure prevented them from procuring; it is thus that Mussulmen have declared war and commenced hostilities.
It is impossible to conjecture the reason why all the civilized nations on the continent of Europe have submitted to become tributary to those Barbarians, the Tunisians and Algerians, when the forces of any one of them, if properly conducted, is far more than sufficient to completely punish their marauders, who exist by plunder and rapine.
PETERSBURG, May 15.
We experienced a few days since a most violent tempest, which has destroyed a great number of vessels in the neighborhood of Cronstadt: several Swedish and Prussian vessels have been cut thro' by the ice. Our commerce with France has again revived; already four French ships with full cargoes, have their flags flying in our harbor.
[From a New-York paper.]
Duel between DeWitt Clinton and John Swartwout.
To the Editors of the New-York Gazette.
The public mind being somewhat agitated on the transactions of this afternoon, relative to Mr. Swartwout and Mr. Clinton, I send you correct copies of the letters which have passed on the subject, and a short narrative of the circumstances that have been connected with the case, for publication.
I am, gentlemen, yours, &c.
W. S. SMITH.
July 31st.
(No. I.)
New York, 25th July, 1802.
Sir,
I am informed that you have lately, in a conversation held at Mr. Ezekiel Robbins taken very ungenerous liberties with my character, and that I have been the object of expressions relative to me too gross to be repeated. From your character and standing in society, I presume you will not hesitate to recognize or disavow these charges, and if true, to make me a prompt and suitable reparation.
I have made my friend Col. Smith acquainted with my feelings and expectations on this subject; at my particular request he does me the honor to present this. He will receive your answer, and act accordingly.
I have the honor to be,
Sir, yours, &c.
(Signed)
J. SWARTWOUT.
The hon. DeWitt Clinton, Esq.
(No. II.)
On the morning of the 26th, I waited on Mr. Clinton, at New-Town, (L. I.) and presented the above letter, which after perusing he asked, who had given him this information? I answered, I had not inquired, neither did I know: He asked what the expressions were, that were alluded to? I answered, those of "Libel, Slander, and Villain" as applied directly and pointedly to Mr. Swartwout. He said, that the two first, he recognized, as applied to Mr. Swartwout, relative to that system of conduct which he supposed Mr. Swartwout had pursued; that the third did not rest upon his mind as being used, and explained the grounds upon which they were used and applied.
I suggested to him the propriety of explaining himself on paper addressed to Mr. Swartwout, in answer to the letter I had presented. He retired, wrote and delivered the letter No. III, addressed to Mr. Swartwout. On perusing it, I observed, that he having acknowledged the using of the two first expressions, as applicable to Mr. Swartwout, and given his reasons, was so far sufficiently explanatory, but that the answer was not satisfactory; that if no mature reflection, he found his mind at ease to apologize for the expressions he acknowledged to have used, I would with pleasure communicate that apology. He answered, he could not apologize for having used them.
I then observed that agreeable to the last sentence in his letter, that satisfaction was required, which was due to every gentleman who felt his feelings wounded, and his reputation undeservedly attacked. He said he would make some necessary previous arrangements; he would see his friend in the course of the afternoon, who would call upon me, on or before 10 o'clock on Wednesday morning to make the necessary arrangements on the subject of meeting Mr. Swartwout.
(No. III.)
New-Town, 26th July, 1802.
Sir,
Having understood, that you have, on various occasions, and in relation to the controversy, respecting Mr. Burr, represented me as being governed by unworthy motives, I have, without hesitation, affixed to such suggestions, such epithets, as I thought they merited.
With regard to the conversation that took place at Mr. Robbins's, it was predicated upon a full conviction, that this system of conduct had been adopted by you. As you have not thought proper to detail in your letter, the expressions attributed to me, but have referred me to Col. Smith for them, he will in the same way, inform you, of those, which my recollection recalls.
I have only to add, that any further arrangements you may think proper to make, will be attended to by me, with all the promptitude, which a regard to the circumstances of the case may require.
I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, (Signed)
DEWITT CLINTON.
John Swartwout, Esq.
(No. IV.)
Agreeably to Mr. Clinton's arrangement, Mr. Riker called on me before 10
o'clock on Wednesday morning, as the friend of Mr. Clinton, and after some conversation expressive of our mutual wish that the business might be amicably adjusted, Mr. Riker wrote and presented me the following project as the basis of an accommodation, which he requested me to submit to Mr. Swartwout's consideration.
"If Mr. Swartwout will declare that he has not represented Mr. Clinton in relation to the controversy respecting Mr. Burr, as being governed by unworthy motives, Mr. Clinton will declare that he used the epithets with respect to Mr. Swartwout, only in consequence of this supposed imputation, which being disavowed by Mr. Swartwout, he (Mr. Clinton) readily withdraws the epithets complained of, and as a gentleman apologizes for the use of them. These mutual declarations to be made in the presence of Col. Smith and Mr. Riker, and a written statement signed by Col. Smith and Mr. Riker, to be exchanged."
After having submitted the above to Mr. Swartwout, the Letter, No. 5, was addressed and delivered by me to Mr. Riker.
(No. V.)
New-York, July 28.
Sir,
I have submitted the proposition you made, to Mr. Swartwout, and have to observe, that, had Mr. Clinton made the enquiry relative to the supposed observations of Mr. Swartwout previous to making use of the expressions alluded to, Mr. Clinton would have been satisfactorily answered; but, at this stage of the business, no retrogression can be had.
The enclosed is the only apology that can be received, or that satisfaction which Mr. Clinton alludes to in the last sentence of his letter, which must be promptly given.
I shall expect a definitive answer in the course of the day.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
W. S. SMITH.
Form of the certificate enclosed.
"Having, in the course of conversation made use of expressions reflecting on John Swartwout, Esq. I do fully and freely withdraw those expressions, as inappropriate and unfounded, and request Mr. Swartwout to accept this apology from me for having used them."
(No. VI.)
Shortly after I received the following letter from Mr. Riker.
Dear Sir:—Will it be convenient to you to meet me at 1 o'clock, at Little's in Broad-street? I will be there.
Your humble servant,
(Signed) R. RIKER.
Wednesday morning, July 28, 1802.
Col. Smith.
I met Mr. Riker, precisely at one o'clock, with Mr. Little's, and agreed to ride out with him on the afternoon of the 19th, at 6 o'clock, on the Banks of the North River, to fix upon an eligible spot for the parties to meet. We returned at eight o'clock, agreed upon the spot, and the following preliminaries, which were signed the next morning.
Thursday afternoon, 29th July, 1802.
Dear Sir:
The terms of compromise dictated by us, with a sincere desire of an honorable and a just arrangement between Mr. Swartwout and Mr. Clinton, were, by me, last evening, shown to Mr. Clinton. He most readily assented to them, and with a dignified sincerity assured me that he was happy that they had been proposed. It was a frank offer to do justice to Mr. Swartwout upon his simply declaring, "That he had not represented Mr. Clinton in relation to the controversy respecting Mr. Burr as being governed by unworthy motives." He will ever be ready on these terms, to make full and entire satisfaction to Mr. Swartwout.
If, however, Mr. Swartwout has nothing to submit to the consideration of Mr. Clinton, but the paper included in your letter to me of yesterday for his signature, it is unnecessary to repeat it—in that event Mr. Swartwout is left to make a direct application to Mr. Clinton, who will answer it with a promptitude which will admit no complaint.
I have only to add, that Mr. Clinton will be in town on Saturday morning, and that any letter from Mr. Swartwout to him, which you will do me the honor to commit to my care, I shall hold myself responsible to you to deliver.
I am your very humble servant,
R. RIKER.
P. S. I have communicated to Mr. Clinton your claim of fire—he does not consent to thinking himself, on that question equal in pretensions.
Col. Smith.
Friday, July 30, 1802.
R. RIKER, Esq.
Sir:—Yours of yesterday's date, which you did me the honor of delivering in person, this morning, I have submitted to Mr. Swartwout's consideration.
I had also previously reported to him, the arrangements we had agreed upon, between 7 and 8 o'clock the last evening; a copy of which I do myself the honor of enclosing; and will exchange signatures at any hour, suiting your convenience.
Mr. Swartwout would not insist Mr.
Clinton so much as to repeat the proposition contained in my letter of the 28th, it having been by Mr. Clinton fully rejected.
Mr. Swartwout has no further propositions to make, nor any thing further to submit to the consideration of Mr. Clinton.
I have the honor, Sir, to be
Your most obedient humble servant,
W. S. SMITH.
P. S. I claimed the first as due to the party injured, insulted, and demanding an apology—Mr. Clinton not consenting to it, we waive the right, and are content in the equal arrangements agreeable to the enclosed.
Agreeably to the preceding preliminaries, the respective gentlemen attended as agreed upon—left the city at five o'clock, and passed the point proposed—arriving as nearly together as the current would admit, the one obliquely ascending, and the other descending the stream.
The ground being correctly measured, and intermediate questions adjusted, the gentlemen took their stations—were each presented with a pistol, and by order, faced to the right, and fired, ineffectually. At the request of Mr. Riker, I asked Mr. Swartwout, "Are you satisfied, Sir?" He answered, "I am not." The pistols then being exchanged, and their positions resumed, by order, the gentlemen faced to the right, and fired a second shot, without effect. At the request of Mr. Riker, I again addressed Mr. Swartwout "Are you satisfied, Sir?" He answered strongly in the negative, we proceeded, and a third shot was exchanged without injury. At the request of Mr. Riker, I again asked Mr. Swartwout, "Are you satisfied, Sir?" He answered, "I am not—neither shall I be until that apology is made which I have demanded—until then, we must proceed." I then presented a paper to Mr. Riker, containing the apology demanded, for Mr. Clinton's signature, observing, that we could not spend our time in conversation; that this paper must be signed or proceed. Mr. Clinton declared he would not sign any paper on the subject—that he had no animosity against Mr. Swartwout—would willingly shake hands—and agree to meet on the score of friendship.
Mr. Swartwout insisting on his signature to the apology, and Mr. Clinton declining, they stood at their posts, and fired a fourth shot. Mr. Clinton's ball struck Mr. Swartwout's left leg, about five inches below the knee—he stood steady and collected. At the request of Mr. Riker, I again addressed Mr. Swartwout, "Are you satisfied, Sir?" He answered, that "It was useless to repeat the question—my determination is fixed—and I beg we may proceed." Mr. Clinton repeated that he had no animosity against Mr. Swartwout—was sorry for what had passed—proposed to advance, shake hands, and bury the circumstance in oblivion. During this conversation, Mr. Swartwout's surgeon kneeling by his side, extracted the ball from the opposite side of his leg; Mr. Swartwout standing erect on his post, and positively declining any thing short of an ample apology, they fired the fifth shot, and Mr. Swartwout received the ball in the left leg, about five inches above the ankle; still however, standing ready on his post, perfectly composed. At the request of Mr. Riker, I again addressed Mr. Swartwout, "Are you satisfied, Sir?" He loyally answered, "I am not, Sir; proceed." Mr. Clinton then quit his station, declared the combat, and declared he would fire no more. Mr. Swartwout expressed himself surprised, that Mr. Clinton would neither apologize, nor give him the satisfaction required; and addressing me, said, "What shall I do, my friend?" I answered, "Mr. Clinton declines making the apology required—refuses taking his position—and positively declares he will fight no more; and his second appearing to acquiesce in the disposition of his principal, there is nothing further left for you now, but to have your wounds dressed." The surgeons attended, dressed Mr. Swartwout's wounds, and the gentlemen in their respective barges, returned to the city.
W. S. SMITH.
New-York, July 31st, 1802.
In the Case of UNIAN FORREST a Bankrupt.
WHEREAS a Commission of Bankruptcy has been issued against UNIAN FORREST of the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia, and he being declared bankrupt, is hereby required to attend before the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them, on the 19th and 30th days of July instant, and on the 19th day of August next at 10 o'clock in the afternoon of each day, at the house of William Rhodes, Innkeeper, in the City of Washington, and to make a full discovery and disclosure of his estate and effects, when and where the creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts—at the second sitting, to choose assignees—and at the last sitting, the said bankrupt is required to assist his examination and the creditors are to attend to, or dissent from the allowance of his certificate. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his estate or effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners, but give notice thereof to
JOHN C. DENT, Sec.
to the Commissioners.
July 12, 1802.
22W1914A.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, August 6, 1802.
Philadelphia, August 3.
HEALTH OFFICE, August 2.
Since the last publication from this office, the committee appointed to visit the vicinity of Vine, Call, Hill, and Front streets, has reported that five persons have been taken sick, six have died, four went to the Hospital, and there remain in that neighbourhood eleven persons sick, five of whom are deemed to be dangerously ill.
As every other part of the city and districts appear to be remarkably healthy, the inhabitants thereof are desired to avoid all communication with that neighbourhood.
The Board being desirous to obtain early information respecting the progress of the disease in the neighbourhood aforesaid, request the physicians and others to communicate to them all cases of sickness marked with any malignant symptoms, in order that the most speedy measures may be taken to afford relief, and to arrest the further progress of the disease.
By order of the Board of Health.
CORNELIUS COMEGYS, President.
Attest,
BENJ. F. GARRIGUES, Secretary.
The following is a copy of a note left at several houses in the infected district:
HEALTH OFFICE.
July 31st, 1802.
The Board of Health recommend to this Family immediately to remove to the country, as the most effectual means to prevent the increase of the disease now prevailing in this neighbourhood. If you should not be provided with a retreat, by leaving your names at the Health Office, the Board will furnish such accommodations as are in their power.
By order of the Board of Health,
Attest,
WILLIAM ALLEN,
Health-Officer of the port.
The Board of Health, not feeling authorized to declare the city and district exempt from all malignant diseases, have this day discontinued the emission of bills of Health.
Last Notice
In the case of ALEXANDER COCHRAN, Bankrupt.
NOTICE is hereby given, That a final certificate of discharge will be granted to the said Alexander Cochran, bankrupt, on Saturday the 14th day of the present month of August, at the court room in the Capitol, between the hours of 10 and 11 o'clock A. M. unless cause to the contrary be then and there shown by the creditors of the said bankrupt or some of them, or some one on their behalf.
By order of William McKim, Esq. judge of the District Court of the District of Columbia, this 24 day of August A. D. 1802.
THOMAS HERTY,
Secretary to the commission.
August 6, 1802.
12W31
District of Columbia,
County of Washington
By the Orphans' Court July 22, 1802.
DEBORAH STUART having exhibited an exemplification of the last will and testament of Walter Stewart, late of Philadelphia, in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania deceased, and applied for letters testamentary thereon; and the said Deborah Stuart, being appointed executrix by her will; but Blair McClenchan, Fran. Webb, and William T. Telfman, also named executors in said will, not appearing. It is ordered, That monies due to the said Blair McClenchan, Francis Webb, and William Telfman, to the said Deborah Stuart as executrix, be paid to the said Deborah Stuart as executrix, and also that the said notice of her appointment, by publishing a copy of the order in a Washington or Georgetown newspaper, to be inserted once a week four weeks successively.
Test,
JOHN HEWITT REG.
August 9, 1802.
12W42
Commerce Company.
THOSE interested in the Company, and who have not signed the act of trust, are hereby notified, that the subscribers will attend at the city of Washington on the 28th of December next, to give them an opportunity of complying with this requisition of the company.
JAMES STRAWBRIDGE,
May 26, 1802.
22W20D
IMPORTED
In the Robert from Liverpool, are now on hand for Sale at the Subscriber's Store, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill, City of Washington—
A general assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Saddle and Harness Wares—Brades and Shovels, Shovel Iron, Tin in Boxes, Brass Kettles, Corn Hoes, Nails, Glue, Locks, Hinges and Screws, Carpenter's Planes, Saw, Braces and Bits, Screw Drivers, &c. Knives and Forks, Crude Strands, Iron Wire, Braces, Smiles, Hammers, Files, Vices, &c. &c. &c. Razors, Pocketknives, Scissors, Japanned Tea Trays, Wafers and Bread Boards, a few sets of gentlemen's tools in shells, and a variety of articles too tedious to particularize. Also, a case of Kirtland's flowering guns, which will be sold very low for cash or approved notes.
H. INGV.
June 28, 1802.
3W32W16