The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-09-10 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCXII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 10th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
From the ALEXANDRIA DAILY ADVERTISER.
THE observations of every day must serve to convince us, that objects of the most extensive public utility, and institutions calculated to promote the best interests of society, cannot escape opposition and censure, when local jealousy or individual interest can fee or fancy it can be therein an operation unfavorable to its views and wishes.
The attempt made to aid and extend the commerce of the town of Alexandria, by the establishment of the Bank of Potomac, has drawn from a writer in the National Intelligencer of the 24th inst. some observations on what he calls the bank mania now prevailing, and much hostile animadversion upon the proposed establishment. He sets out with a quotation from Smith's Wealth of Nations in which that intelligent writer states the origin, the operations and failure of the bank of Ayr, in Scotland, and displays the misconduct of the Company and its radical defects in the institution which produced their bankruptcy. If the writer had attended more closely to those observations, he would have found they were but little applicable to our proposed establishment: he would have found that the plan of the bank of Ayr was more similar to that of the proposed bank at Annapolis, that its money was let out upon landed security to farmers and projectors, and the loans made for a long time; and by perusing a little further the author from which he quotes, he would have been enabled to discover that it is from the operations of commerce alone, that banks can expect an efficient support, and that it is in aid of commerce that they can be rendered most useful, most profitable, and most safe.
"The coffers of the bank so far as its dealings are confined to such customers, (i. e. merchants) resemble a water pump, from which though a stream is constantly running out, yet another is continually running in, fully equal to that which runs out; so that without any further care or attention the pond keeps always equal, or nearly equally full. Little or no expense can never be necessary for replenishing the coffers of such a bank." Page 378, 1st vol. Phila. Ed.
But when a bank is conducted upon different principles, when the money is lent out upon mortgages and for a long time, Mr. Smith observes, "The stream which is in this case continually running out from its coffers is necessarily much larger than that which is continually running in, so that unless they are replenished by some great and continual effort of exertion, those coffers must soon be exhausted altogether." Of this latter description was the bank of Ayr which failed, but not of this description will be the bank of Potomac; from the improvements in the agriculture of our well-stocked country and from the opening of the river Potomac, a rich and extensive commerce will swell the stream flowing into it, while the stream flowing out will remunerate the benefits, and impart to commerce, in its turn, an additional extent and vigor.
The author of the aforesaid publication is not, however, singular in his fears of danger from the too great multiplication of banks; those fears were equally prevalent in Great Britain at the time of the publication of "The wealth of Nations." Mr. Smith speaks thus upon the subject—"If banks are restrained from issuing any circulating bank notes, or notes payable to the bearer, for less than a certain sum, and if they are subjected to the obligation of an immediate and unconditional payment of such bank notes as soon as presented, their trade may with safety to the public be rendered in all other respects perfectly free. The late multiplication of banking companies, in both parts of the United Kingdom, an event by which many people have been much alarmed, instead of diminishing, increases the security of the public. It obliges all of them to be more circumspect in their conduct, and by not extending their currency beyond its due proportion to their cash, to guard themselves against those malicious wits, which the rivalry of so many competitors is always ready to bring upon them." Here we have indeed important testimony in our favor, and with much pleasure do I adduce the opinions of this very intelligent author to quiet the fears of those who apprehend danger from the extension of the banking system in our country, in addition to which I must observe, that there appears to me to be one check
which must ever operate to prevent its being carried to a dangerous extreme, which is, that whenever the profits are lessened by the increased number of such establishments, as to reduce the price of stock to par, or less than par, then no new subscription can be filled. I cannot, therefore, see any reason to believe with the writer aforementioned, that the danger of the community is such as to require legislative interference to suppress our establishment, nor do I see anything in the existing laws of Virginia, or of the United States, to excite alarm in the Stockholders. The opinion of the writer that Congress by pledging itself to the bank of the United States not to establish any other bank during the term of its charter, thereby is bound to suppress any banking association which may establish itself within the district, is an opinion which I conceive does not require refutation.
But should we even admit the propriety of legislative control over bank establishments, and that it would be proper for the state governments to prohibit banks without charters, within their jurisdiction; yet when it is considered that in the district of Columbia there is no legislative authority competent to incorporate a banking company during the term for which the charter of the Bank of the United States is granted by congress, I am induced to think that the peculiarity of our situation claims peculiar indulgence, and that congress will be governed by a more just and liberal policy, than to oppose any obstacles to the operation of the proposed establishment. Nor is the time very distant, when we may calculate with confidence upon being able to obtain a charter; in the year 1811, the present charter of the bank of the United States will expire, when congress, in renewing it, will have regard no doubt to the situation of the district of Columbia, and will reserve the right of incorporating banks therein. With respect to the legislature of Virginia, I know of no inducement to operate upon it, to interfere in the business. Alexandria, once a part of their state, is still, and must ever be, the natural market for the produce of an extensive and fertile part of their territory, the citizens of which are too much interested in the commercial prosperity of the town, not to oppose their efforts to any measure, which might be brought forward in the legislature, to injure the circulation of the notes; nor can we readily believe, that the enlightened government of Virginia would descend to such a measure of persecution. It is true the legislature of New-York passed a law for the suppression of the Merchant's Bank, but that measure is known by every body, to have been the result of party animosity; but in our establishment, politics and party spirit hold no place; we disclaim all rivalry with the Bank of Virginia; we are solicitous that a branch of that institution be established in our suburbs, the profits of which will not be lessened one cent by the Bank of Potomac. When it is considered that the exports from the town of Alexandria, in the last year, amounted to 1,200,000 dolls. every man of information, on such subjects, must be convinced, that the commerce of the town will require the aid, and affords full employment for all the capital of both establishments. Nor can those who are interested in the Bank of Virginia, feel any doubt as to the full employment of their capital, or the extensive circulation of their notes, when they make a comparison of the exports of Virginia and Maryland, for the last year, and the bank capital employed respectively by those states. The report of the Treasury Department shews, that in the last year—
Domestic Produce and Manufactures.
  Virginia exported, 7,229,967   Maryland exported, 3,838,396   Difference, 3,391,571 
Thus, while the exports of domestic growth and manufacture, are nearly double from Virginia what they are from Maryland, it will be found that the bank capital of the city of Baltimore alone, is about double the amount of the bank capital of Virginia, including the bank of Alexandria and the bank of Potomac. Under those circumstances can the bank of Virginia entertain any fears for the extent of her circulation or the employment of her capital? or can her friends be persuaded to feel the smallest jealousy towards our proposed establishment, possessing only a capital of half a million? No assuredly; Common sense forbids it.
But it is alleged that a law of Virginia exists, imposing a penalty upon the passage of private bank bills, payable to bearer. Previous to the passage of this law, it had become a practice with merchants and shop-keepers, to issue such notes to an extent productive of much fraud; very many also of such notes, issued by Robert Morris, were in circulation in the state; it was to counteract the evils apprehended from this system that the aforesaid law was passed. But I presume that it cannot be reasonably contended, that an individual or company, issuing notes payable to order, would be amenable to the penalties of this law; certainly not—and, in this opinion, the ablest lawyers amongst us have concurred. In opposition therefore to the opinion of the writer on this subject, I must still believe, that the bank notes made payable to the order of the Teller, or any other officer of the bank, will neither infringe the spirit nor the letter of the law.
When the writer roundly asserts that the plan of the bank of Potomac is quite a novelty, that it is sui generis, &c. I must tell him he is mistaken; when he tells us that he has heard of no bank established without a charter in expectation at least, he may be correct—but if he would extend his enquiries upon the subject, he might hear that of all the numerous banks of Great-Britain, only one in England and two in Scotland are incorporated, and that in our own country to the northward and eastward of us, there are many banks which conduct their business successfully without charters. Indeed a charter can be considered as of little value to a banking company, except as a guarantee from government that its operations shall not be impeded; and in our case I trust we have nothing to fear on that score. The anxiety already manifested by the monied men of the northern towns, to possess themselves of stock in the bank of Potomac, must be considered as a pleasing testimonial from those best acquainted with the banking system, of their approbation of the plan and prospects of what our writer is pleased to call "this singularly constituted bank." And notwithstanding the dangerous position in which he has placed it "between Scylla and Charybdis," its friends with confidence anticipate for it a safe and prosperous voyage, profitable to all concerned and beneficial to the community.
MERCATOR.
FROM THE ENQUIRER.
VINDICATION OF VIRGINIA.
No. IV.
CONSTITUTIONAL REPRESENTATION OF SLAVES.
The constitution, the laws, or the administration of our government embrace few questions, more interesting in their consequences, and none more curious and difficult in their nature than the one which is here presented to our consideration. It appears to be one of those cases in the theory of representative government, on which politicians have not sufficiently reflected; on which the experience of nations has yet had no opportunity of deciding. Go back to the history of ancient times and examine the constitutions of those countries, which were denominated free; you will find that they partook of the democratic and not the republican form; that the people instead of employing representatives to arrange their political affairs, were themselves accustomed to guide the helm of government by means of General Assemblies. Come down to modern times, and survey the situation of existing nations, you will discover that the British constitution, the very freest which Europe has to boast of, is eminently defective in the election of its representative department; and that for the purpose of proving how unequal was the representation in the different parts of the empire, some authors have asserted that of the 558 members, which composed the British House of Commons, one ninth was elected by 364 persons, and one half by 5728 persons. Examine the state constitutions of our own country, you will discover no analogous illustration. The states, which contained very few slaves, would have scarcely regarded it as worthy their attention to have calculated the number of black inhabitants, when they were about to adjust the number of representatives which should come from different districts or counties; and in those states, where this race of men has principally excited, the boundaries of the districts and counties, which obtained an
equal number of representatives, have been arranged by the population or convenience of the whites, and not by the number of their tawny inhabitants. It was not until the important era arrived, when a general government was proposed for the American States; when a constitution was demanded, whose provisions should be equally adapted to the situation of those states which had slaves, and those that had none, that the important question was suggested, whether the Southern States should be represented in the simple ratio of the number of their white people, or whether they should derive any additional influence from their black inhabitants? This great question was suggested at a time when all the various provisions of a complicated system of government were about to be discussed, and when the public mind was thus expanded over such a variety of subjects, that the present question did not probably meet the satisfactory investigation to which its immense importance so justly entitled it. Since the adoption of the constitution, other topics have almost completely engrossed the public attention; and it has only been within the period of the few last months that the federal editors of the north have introduced it once more to the notice of the public. This subject at length assumes a form more official and more imposing. Mr. Ely, a member of the Massachusetts legislature has brought forward a series of resolutions, whose professed object is to obtain an amendment to the Federal Constitution. With out any experimental chart then, to direct us in this unknown quarter of political science; with scarce a single calculation of an experienced navigator to assist our progress, it will not be wonderful if this progress should be tedious, desultory and uncertain. With all these difficulties then, amply spread before me, I should eminently mistake my own powers of the difficulty of the undertaking, should I adventurously soar to any higher investigation of a few only of those points, with which this question abounds. These points will be found to relate to the principal arguments of Mr. Ely.
The scheme of our federal constitution is admirable and peculiar. Its influence extends only to general subjects; whilst it reserves every local concern to the more accurate superintendence of the state sovereignties. Whilst it exercises the power of operating upon individuals in general matters, it reserves to the states the inestimable and sacred power of operating upon individuals in all local concerns. As each of these powers is equally necessary to the proper defence and general accommodation of the society, no provisions should have been omitted to guard the weaker against the stronger power; to protect the state sovereignties against the progressive encroachments of the federal government. That constitution however, would have obtained no effectual provision of this sort, which simply designated the general powers of that which should devolve upon the federal government, without allowing at the same time to the states, some particular control over the federal head, in the exercise of those powers. It is from this cause that we discover in the present constitution so many express privileges conferred on the state sovereignties. Each state has an equal influence in the federal senate. In the election of President, the votes of the states are not proportionate to the numbers or wealth of each state, but they are fixed in a compound ratio of their influence in the senate, and their influence in the house of representatives. Even in the election of members in the house of representatives, the diminution of states is to a certain degree preserved. A member of this body is not chosen for every 33,000 inhabitants that are in the United States, but for every 33,000 that are in each state; so jealous is the constitution of any tendency in the federal head to verge towards a consolidated government. No prudent politician will object to this jealous spirit in the constitution. Perhaps no one will deny that there ought to have been some particular body, in which all the states should have enjoyed an equal influence for the preservation of the state sovereignties. Few then will be prepared to object to that peculiar structure of the federal senate, by which all the states whether large or small, whether it be Virginia or Delaware, are reduced to the same level of political importance. So far then then the federal principle of our government appears to have been vigilantly guarded. This was one of the great objects which the constitution was intended to accomplish. There was another equally important, to which it should have aspired.
The states were not only entitled to all those constitutional provisions which might have preserved their independence and sovereignty, but they were entitled to that relative influence in the administration of the government, which their different degrees of political importance would have conferred upon them. Delaware and Virginia were each of them entitled to a constitution which should reflect their sovereignty; but Virginia might have equitably claimed a share in the administration of the government as much greater than that of Delaware, as its own political importance was really superior. To carry this principle into practice, it would not have been sufficient that these states should have an influence in the lower house proportional to their real importance; that Virginia should have had 22 members (for instance) and Delaware only one; but that her representation in the senate and her election for the President should have been in the same proportion. Should the larger states however have waived this privilege in the formation of the federal constitution; should they have permitted the final states to possess an equal voice in the senate; it will certainly follow that they have relinquished a right to which they were equitably entitled. The constitution has wily perhaps sacrificed this equitable claim to the general interests of the union. On the floor of the senate, a large state, such as Massachusetts, has no more influence than a small state, as Delaware. But should we apply this equitable maxim, not to one or two, but to a combination of the states, we shall easily discover that the Eastern states, or those which have no slaves, have a decided preponderance over the Southern states, which contain the greatest numbers. The four Eastern states, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Vermont, are entitled by the last census to 35 representatives only; while the five southern states, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia, are entitled, agreeably to the relative nature of the constitution, to 55 representatives. On the floor of the senate however, the five Eastern states have an equal influence with the five Southern states. We thus arrive at the obvious conclusion, that the Eastern states have gained, and the Southern states have lost a considerable influence by the present constitution of the senate; and consequently that the Eastern states have begun to recover by their equal vote in the upper house, that political importance, which they had lost in the lower house for the want of a negro representation. Two additional considerations will demonstrate the extraordinary value of this senatorial influence. 1st. The constitution has conferred much more extensive powers upon the senate than upon the house of representatives. They not only possess all the legislative powers, except the power of originating money bills, but they exercise also some of the executive functions, since they ratify the appointment of officers and the regulations of treaties; and they also exercise some of the judicial functions, since they have the power to try all impeachments. 2d. The negro states are destined by the intrinsic structure of our society, to advance much faster in wealth, population and importance, than the Eastern states. The greater extent and fertility of their soil, and their genial climate, will be almost inexhaustible sources of population and treasure. The eastern states exclusive of Rhode-Island, contain about 43,365 square miles, while the southern states, exclusive of Georgia, contain not less than 138,000 square miles. On this basis, it would be easy to calculate how many more inhabitants the southern states are destined to produce in a few revolving years, than the eastern states. Having assigned such a proportion of this population to our tawny brethren, let it be half, it would not require much mathematical acumen to demonstrate that, at no distant period, the southern or slave states will be able to produce a much larger census of free persons only than the eastern states. Notwithstanding this increasing importance their relative influence in the federal senate still continues unaltered and thus the constitution has conferred upon the eastern states an equal influence in one of the most important departments of the government, while their real importance, there well-nigh even the number of their friends would be every day becoming less and less.
Who can compare these various facts together; who can balance the negro representation of the southern states, and the increasing number of their free

men, against the equal influence of the eastern states in the federal senate; and not perceive the fallacy of the remark which is made in the letter of General Washington when president of the Convention to the president of Congress, that "the constitution is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable." And with what pretensions to truth can Mr. Ely assert, that "the apportionment of the direct tax (is) the only compensation proposed by the constitution to the states not holding slaves?"
Objections, however, may be offered against the first part of this reasoning. It may be said, that the southern states do not really possess greater political importance than the eastern states; that the fact must indeed be conceded, if the present number of representatives from these divisions of the Union, be taken as the standard of valuation; that this is not however, an accurate standard; that the census of the slaves should not be introduced for the purpose of swelling out the real importance of the southern states; that the only proper standard of national importance, is the number of free persons; and that if we graduate these two quarters of the Union by this new scale, we shall discover that the eastern are the large, and the southern are the small states; and that all the arguments which have been drawn from the equal influence of the states in the senate, may thus be directed against the southern inhabitants. Is this statement however correct?
Different political writers may invent and employ different standards for estimating the real importance of a nation. But none perhaps are more properly adapted to this purpose than the quantity of its productive labor; since productive labor is the source of all the wealth, arts and improvement which it possesses, and of the political influence which it exerts in other countries. The productive labor of the southern, is different from that of the northern states. Slaves supply the place of freemen. The labor of five slaves is computed to be equal to that of three freemen. Had the southern states then never introduced the use of slaves, it is probable that a number of white inhabitants, equal to three-fifths of the slaves, would have settled in the south. If the same policy were introduced at the present period, it is probable that a similar result would take place at no distant era. If the productive labor of a country is thus made the criterion of its real importance, and if the productive labor of five slaves is equal to that of three freemen, no reliance is to be placed on the objections which have been offered against the preceding arguments. It will still be true, that the relative importance of the eastern and southern states is to be ascertained by the representative rule of the constitution—that the southern states are entitled to a greater share in the representation of the senate than the eastern states; and that if they are willing to relinquish this superior influence in the upper house for the sake of protecting the sovereignty of the states, they have a claim to some equivalent compensation in the lower house, dependent on their black population. Indeed, if this argument has any positive weight, it would be sufficient to support a more extensive deduction. If it be true, that the southern states should not only have had a certain number of representatives in the lower house proportional to their black population, because they had relinquished that part of their representative right in the senate, to which their superior political importance had entitled them; but they should have possessed independently of this compromising expediency, a greater number of representatives than the census of their free inhabitants should have entitled them to, because they possessed this superior political importance. If we apply this principle therefore in all its extent, we shall at last arrive at this conclusion, that the southern states are equitably entitled to a greater influence in the senate, in the house of representatives, indeed in all the departments of the federal government, than the eastern states have a right to; and that this influence ought to be as much greater, as the number of their members in the lower house is greater than the number of representatives from the eastern states; that is, in the ratio of 55 to 35.
A new view may be taken of this subject perhaps more interesting and appropriate than the one which has been already delineated. This view will serve to introduce another principle, on which the southern states may support their right of qualified representation, and it may serve to explain more distinctly another source of compensation, which the eastern states are permitted to enjoy. Taxation and representation should in a certain degree be commensurate with each other. That state should probably possess a greater number of representatives in the lower house, which makes the largest contributions towards the support of the government. This principle is certainly not republican or proper, when it is applied to the different individuals of a society. No rich man should be entitled to as many more votes
than a man of moderate fortune, as his wealth is superior to that of the latter. But the case of two individuals is not sufficiently analogous to the case of two sovereign states. A wealthy individual, who should have several votes, would very frequently direct the votes of others to the object of his choice. But it is not probable that the richest state in the confederacy will ever influence the choice of a single representative in any other state."
In this country taxation would be nearly proportionate to wealth. Those states which are the most wealthy, will probably embrace more taxable commodities.
Wealth would be nearly proportionate to labour. "The differences existing in the respective circumstances of the several states, are not so great" as to occasion any considerable difference in the productive powers of the same quantity of labor.
The labor of five slaves is computed to be equal to that of three freemen.
From these maxims, will it not follow, that the representation from the different states, should "be apportioned among the several states, according to the respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons—three-fifths of all other persons"? Does not this abstract principle contribute then to give new efficacy to the representative rule of the constitution?—Observe too the compensation which this principle holds out to the eastern states. If the southern states are entitled to a greater share in the representation, because they contribute more towards the expenses of the government; do not the eastern states experience a proportional diminution of the oppressive burthen of taxation? If the southern states pay more, do not the eastern states pay less?
The eastern states may, however, deny that the burthen of taxation falls upon the southern states, in proportion to 3/5ths of their negro population. But a slight sketch will be sufficient to demonstrate the accuracy of this ratio.
The taxes which the federal government lays upon the people must be either direct or indirect. If they are direct, must, by the very constitution itself be adjusted by this ratio. Mr. Ely however, contends that all the advantages of this provision have been lost to the eastern states by the repeal of the internal taxes. Had the politicians of the north, however, extended their reflections beyond the present condition of society, they might have easily foreseen that the circumstances of the times will probably call this clause into operation. Should a war arise, and block up our seaports, will not the principal resources of finance be found in the assessment of direct taxes? The inevitable progress of the country, too, by multiplying the number of agriculturists, and occasioning a greater employment of capital in manufactures, will lessen the demand for foreign goods. On the smaller quantity which is imported it will be impossible to raise an equal revenue; because an increase of the import would only serve to multiply the number of smugglers. Must not the revenues of the country be consequently drawn from internal taxes? and what tax can be more eligible than a direct tax upon land?
The southern states contribute more towards the payment of the indirect tax, than the eastern states; and the ratio of contribution is regulated by the number of their black inhabitants. The northern merchants who import the goods, advance the tax, but they afterwards recover their capital with a mercantile profit from the persons who purchase them. Whether the southern or eastern states then pay the greatest part of the indirect tax, can only be determined by another question; are these imported goods most abundantly consumed by the southern or eastern inhabitants. These goods are certainly cheaper in the eastern than southern states; because when they are transported to the latter, the price necessarily rises with the expense of freight, and sometimes of insurance. As far as this cause operates, the eastern states may be supposed to consume a more than equal proportion of these imported commodities. But this cause is more than counterbalanced by another principle. The eastern states having less land in proportion to the number of their inhabitants, have more extensive manufactures; and thus they supply themselves with those commodities, which are imported from foreign countries. Hence a larger stock of goods is destined to the markets of the south. When they arrive, the purchase and consumption will be exactly proportionate to the wealth of the purchasers; and this is proportional to the productive labor of the society. But it has been already remarked that the labor of five slaves is supposed to be equal to that of three freemen. Hence the net amount of the imposts, and the quantity of goods consumed in the southern states, will be in the compound ratio of the whole number of their white people, and three-fifths of their black inhabitants; and hence the southern states which have a greater number of
representatives than the eastern states, will contribute to the expenses of government in a greater proportion. Each day will probably throw a greater proportion of this indirect taxation upon the southern states; as each day will increase the number of manufacturers in the northern part of the union, while the great abundance and fertility of the land in the south will multiply the number of agriculturists. In '93 Connecticut and Massachusetts were supposed to contain on an average, as many as fifty-five inhabitants to every square mile; while Virginia perhaps contains at the present day, not more than 8 or 10.
As the southern states then contribute so much revenue to the support of the government; would it not seem equitable to allow them a proportional share of representation and influence in some of its important departments; Have we not thus discovered for Mr. Ely an additional "compensation" produced by the situation of our country, "to the states not holding slaves, for this unequal principle in representation."
In opposition to these two principles, arguments may be drawn from the theory of a republican government. It will be said, that the number of persons in each state ought to be the standard for regulating the proportion of those who are to represent the people of each state: and that slaves are considered as property, not as persons. A celebrated writer** has, however, denied this last position. He says they partake of both these qualities, "In being protected on the other, hand in his life and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor & his liberty; & in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others, the slave is evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The federal constitution therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and of property."—Again—"Let the case of the slaves be considered, as in truth it is a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants; which regards the slave as divested of two-fifths of the man."***
* Burgh's Political Disquisitions. † The Federalist No 54. ‡ Gallatin's View of Finances, page 150. § Morse's A. Geography, p. 255. ** Federalist.
A letter on the supposed Fortifications of the Western country, from bishop Madison of Virginia to Dr. Barton, from the American Philosophical transactions.
Dear Sir, Having lately visited that beautiful river, the Kenhawa, and a considerable part of the country, within its neighborhood, an opportunity was afforded of examining with attention some of those remarkable phenomena, which there present themselves, and which have been so much the subject of conversation, and of literary discussion. To remove error of whatever kind, is, in effect, to promote the progress of intelligence; with this view, I will endeavor to prove to you, that my journey has enabled me to strike one, at least, from that long catalogue, which so often tortures human ingenuity.
You have often heard of those remarkable fortifications with which the western country abounds; and you know also, how much it has puzzled some of our literati, who supposed themselves, no doubt, most profound in historical, geographical and philosophical lore, to give a satisfactory account of such surprising monuments of military labor and art. Some have called to their aid the bold and indefatigable Ferdinand Soto; others, the fabulous Welsh prince of the 12th century; and all have made a thousand conjectures, as lifeless as either Soto, or the prince. Had they first examined into the fact, and endeavored to settle this most essential prerequisite, they would soon have seen, that the enquiry might be very easily terminated; and that what had so greatly excited the admiration of the curious, existed only in their own imaginations. No one was more impressed, than myself with the general opinion, that there did exist regular and extensive fortifications, of great antiquity, in many parts of that vast country, which is watered by the various tributary streams of the Ohio, and the Mississippi. The first specimen which I beheld, was examined with an ardent curiosity, and with a full conviction, that it was the work of a people skilled in the means of military defence. The appearance is imposing; the mind seems to acquiesce in the current opinion, and more disposed to join in a fruitless admiration, than to question the reality of those fortifications. But, as my observations were extended, and new specimens daily presented themselves, the delusion vanished; I became convinced, that those works were not fortifications, and never had the smallest
relation to military defence. The reasons upon which this conviction, so contrary to that which has been generally received, was founded, I shall now submit to your consideration. Only, let me first observe, that those supposed fortifications differ as to form and form. Some are found upon the banks of rivers, presenting a semi-ellipse, the greater axis running along the banks: others are nearly circular, remote from water, and small; their diameters seldom exceeding forty or fifty yards. The first of these species is the largest; their longer axis, at a mean rate, may be estimated at 250 yards; their shorter, at 200 or 220. It is said, and I believe upon good authority, that some have been found large enough to comprehend 50 acres, and even more. Some are also reported to be square; but I did not see any of that form. I shall confine myself to those which I have seen, and which are to be met with in the low grounds of the rivers Kenhawa, Elk, & Guyandot, or their adjacent uplands; though I am persuaded, the conclusion which I undertake to establish will be applicable to all those works, which have been dignified with the appellation of fortifications, in whatever part of the western country they may be found; since, from the information which I have obtained, there are certain striking features in which they all agree, and which indicate one common origin and destination.
1. Those works were not designed for fortifications, because many of them have the ditch within the enclosure, and because, the earth thrown up, or the supposed parapet, wants the elevation necessary for a defensive work. Both these circumstances occur, without exception, so far as my observations went, in all those which present an entire, or nearly a regular circle. The imaginary breast-work induces a belief, that it never exceeded four or five feet in height. At present, the bank seldom rises more than three feet above the plain; and it is well known, that in ground which does not wash, a bank of earth, thrown up in usual way, will lose very little of its height, in a century, or twenty centuries; one fourth for depression would be more than a sufficient allowance. But, we will not rest our argument upon what may, perhaps, be deemed a disputable point. The ditch, even at this day, affords, a certain criterion by which we may judge of the original elevation of the bank. Its width seldom exceeds four feet, at its margin; its depth is little more than two feet. Such a ditch, making every allowance for the operation of those causes, which tend continually to diminish its depth, whilst some of them are at the same time, increasing its width, could not have yielded more earth, than would form a bank of the elevation mentioned. If the width, now, be not greater than that ascribed, we may be assured, that, originally it was a very trifling fosse. But you will naturally ask; are there not some found which present a different aspect, and which evidence more laborious efforts? no, on the contrary, it is remarkable, that the kind of which I am now writing have as constant a similarity to each other, as those rude edifices, or cabins, which our first settlers rear. The description of one will answer for all; there is no anomaly, except, now and then, in the diameter of the circle; and here, the variation will only amount to a few yards.
Permit me now to ask, whether the military art does not necessarily require, that the ditch should be exterior; and, whether, among any people advanced to such a degree of improvement in the arts, as to attempt defensive works by throwing up earth, a single instance can be adduced in which the ditch has not an exterior position. Again, can we believe, that a work, having a bank or a ditch, not higher or deeper than I have mentioned, could be intended as a fortification? The moment which gave birth to the idea of a defensive work would also shew, that it must, in its execution, be rendered adequate to the end contemplated. It is scarcely worth while to go back to Livy or Polybius, upon this occasion. But they both inform us, "that the Romans, in the early period of their warfare, dug trenches, which were, at least, eight feet broad by six deep; that they were often twelve feet in breadth; sometimes fifteen or twenty; that, of the earth dug out of the fosse, and thrown up on the side of the camp, they formed the parapet, or breast-work; and to make it more firm, mingled with it turf, cut in a certain size and form. Upon the brow of the parapet, palisades were also planted, firmly fixed and closely connected." The form of the fortification was always square. System appears to have been the tutelary Deity of the Romans. They always proceeded upon one plan. As to the form, indeed there appears to be no reason why that should not vary, not only among different nations; but with the same nation, as different situations might require. The Greeks generally preferred the round figure; but with them, the nature of places decided the question as to form. In other respects, the decision must be made according to fixed and unalterable principles. The same reasons which determined every particular as to height, depth, and poli-
tion of the earth thrown up, among the Romans, would equally determine the conduct of any other nation. What defence required; what would oppose a sufficient obstacle to human agility, was the point to be decided; and this point would be decided in nearly the same manner by every people unacquainted with gunpowder. The decision would not admit of such fells and parapets as we find dispersed over the western country. Man in this new world, has lost no portion of his former agility.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 10.
Joseph Stanton and Nehemiah Knight, both republican, have been re-elected representatives to Congress, for Rhode-Island, without opposition.
Mathew Lyon is re-elected for Kentucky.
The votes of 81 towns of New-Hampshire give the republican ticket for representatives in Congress 5,455, and the federal 6,502 votes.
The prints of Connecticut are occupied with discussing the interesting question, whether it is desirable to establish a permanent constitution in the room of the royal charter at present in force.—The republicans are strenuous advocates, and the federalists as strenuous opponents, of the measure. There certainly cannot be a more propitious season than the present for, a cool and deep examination of the important principles which form the elements of Constitutions; as it is probable that every great change introduced at this time would be in favor of Liberty. It is with much satisfaction, therefore, we perceive this subject awakening the attention it so well merits.
An Eastern Point informs us that an Oration delivered by Samuel Taggart, a member of Congress, on the 4th of July, has lately been published, and that it contains much light, without any mixture of party heat. As an evidence of this, we are furnished with an extract containing the following remarks:
"Much is said upon our growing prosperity and increasing flourishing commerce, particularly since the commencement of the present administration. The following official statement of the sum total of our exports, for seven successive years, may serve to give some idea of this subject.
1797 51,294,710 1798 61,327,411 1799 78,665,522 1800 70,971,720 1801 93,020,513 1802 71,957,144 1803 55,800,033
"From this statement it appears that during two years, i. e. from 1801 to 1803, our exports suffered a diminution of 37,320,440 dollars, a sum greater than the average increase in any two given years. In no year since 1797, were they so small as the last, and as the returns for three quarters of that year were wanting in the sum total, had these returns been made, it is probable it would have equalled, if not exceeded the sum total of the last year. This is no very flattering symptom of a flourishing and increasing commerce."
A plain statement of facts will shew the nature of the light shed on his subject by the orator. In making this statement we disclaim all intention of impeaching the veracity or the candor of Mr. Taggart. It is true, that his situation as a member of Congress ought to take from him all apology founded on ignorance. Inasmuch, however, as this reason for a deviation from truth is less dishonorable than intentional deception, we in charity ascribe his distortion of the subject on which he has written, to the former. The detection we are about making, will, we trust, save good meaning men from suffering themselves to sacrifice their judgments to the intemperance of party. It is understood that Mr. Taggart is an amiable man. It is therefore painful to reflect that after permitting himself to be deceived, he has been the instrument of deceiving others.
The sums above stated are the aggregate exports, as well of foreign as of domestic productions. Every one knows that the prosperity of the country is determined by the relative increase of the latter, and that the former are of small importance. It is also known to every

one, that the amount of the exports of foreign productions altogether depend upon the situation of the European powers and not upon the measures of our government. If they are in a state of peace their marine is competent to carry their own productions; when engaged in war, they are obliged to resort to neutral nations, to whose shippers they pay freight.
Let us then, to estimate the true state of our exports for the above seven years exhibit the amount of our own productions exported. It is as follows:
 In 1797 24.052.671  1798 27.991.413  1799 33.142.187  1800 31.840.903  1801 46.377.792  1802 36.182.173  1803 42.205.961 
This statement proves that our exports, so far from suffering a diminution of thirty seven millions in two years, have advanced with vast rapidity; and likewise that so far from its being true that "in no year since 1797 were they so small as the last," the fact is that during the last year they were greater in value than in any preceding year, excepting that of 1801, and were even greater in amount than the exports of that year, whose value was much enhanced by the situation of England, which bordered on a state of famine. We beg therefore, to dissent from Mr. Taggart, and to say that the above state of our exports is a very flattering symptom of a flourishing and increasing commerce.
Boston, August 31. LATEST DATES.
Last evening arrived ship John Adams, Wood, 44 days from Liverpool. We received our files of London papers to the 14th ult; but their contents are not important. Nothing farther, that can be relied on, is given with respect to the threatened invasion. It is said Bonaparte gave a most intemperate and insulting answer to the Russian remonstrance, respecting the execution of the duke of Enghien. Louis XVIII has published a protest against the usurpation of the throne of France by Bonaparte. The conspirators who were guillotined, cried Vive la Roi! to the moment of their executions.
Bonaparte has added the names of generals Menou, St. Hilaire, Vandamme, Suchet, Legrand, Andreossi, M. Mo, Bureau de Pully, to the Legion of Honor. Every measure is taking to render the ceremony of coronation splendid and imposing. The mayors of the 36 chief cities of this empire are to assist at the ceremonial. The Emperor of Germany has manifested a strong marked disposition to conciliate the favor of the French monarch.
Lord George Seymour, it is said is going to Peterburgh on a diplomatic mission.
The Royalist Georges met the terrors of death with the utmost fortitude and composure. He requested liberty to address the people, but was denied. Several of the spectators who hailed him respectfully were immediately arrested. The departure of General Moreau from France, through Spain for America seems to be confirmed.
On the 23d March, the Mamelukes not only retrieved their former losses, but defeated the united Turks and Arnavuts, killed 2000 of them, and forced the remainder to shut themselves up at Cairo, where they are now blockaded by 12,000 Mamelukes, Bedouins and Fellahs; who are expected to become masters of it.
Count Cobentzel is said to be re-appointed by the Austrian Monarch, ambassador to the French government. An envoy extraordinary from the former power is expected soon to be sent to Paris to congratulate Bonaparte on his assumption of the Imperial dignity.
The Senators Lefevre and St. Suzanne, who have both served under Moreau, negotiated between him and Bonaparte, and caused the former, who, since his condemnation, has shown more character than he had done before, to accept of the offer to go to America, with the value of all his property, and an annuity of 100,000 livres. He declined the place of Governor of the Isle of France, laying, he would never acknowledge Bonaparte as an Emperor, or serve under him as such. Madame Moreau, on account of the tender age of her child, was desired to remain in France twelve months longer, but she accompanied her husband, and many think will embark with him. Her mother remains yet at Paris, employed in disposing of their property. It is said that Bonaparte intends to purchase Moreau's country seat, Grosbois, for his brother Louis. The Tribune Moreau, and all the other members of Moreau's family, will settle in North America. It is even said that several Generals, as Souham, Macdonald, Lecourbe, and others, intend to join their friend Moreau in the United States.
Accounts have been received at Lloyd's, that a Dutch Admiral, with 3 sail of the line, was at the Cape of Good Hope on the 11th April. The ships were much in want of men, and otherwise in no condition to put to sea.
NEW-YORK, September 5.
City of New-York, ss.
JOHN WHITE, a deputy pilot of the port of New-York, deposes—That on yesterday about one o'clock, he took charge, in his official capacity, of the American ship John, of New-York, from Bordeaux, about sixteen miles from the Hook; that near two o'clock, and about 8 miles from the Hook, the Leander fired a shot at the said ship, and that the captain immediately hoisted the American flag and proceeded on his course to the said port; that the Leander then pursued and fired at the ship, and to the best of this deponent's recollection, one hundred and six guns, some of which were double shotted, and several of which struck the said ship; that the pursuit and firing continued within about half a mile of the land, and in four fathoms water; and that the Cambrian also fired at the said ship and pursued her to leeward.
JOHN WHITE.
Sworn 3d September, 1804, } before DE WITT CLINTON. }
City of New-York, ss.
JOHN PATERSON, master of the above named ship John, deposes, that the contents of the above deposition of John White are true; that the Leander approached the said ship within pistol shot, and about half a mile from the land, and that in that situation several rounds of musketry were fired from the Leander at the hull of the ship, apparently with the view to kill the people on board.
JOHN PATERSON.
Sworn 4th September 1804, } before DE WITT CLINTON. }
I do hereby certify that the above are true copies of the affidavits of John White and John Paterson, and are remaining on file in the Mayor's office.
I. J. DEROSE, CLK.
Philadelphia, Sept. 5.
The following communication is received by a merchant of this city, from a source upon which perfect reliance may be placed
MADRID, July 16, 1804.
The application of the American Minister on the subject of the convention, has at length drawn from this court the following propositions, upon the acceptance of which only, will that instrument be ratified.
1. That time be allowed to give notice to their subjects of the convention, which has not yet been done, as they considered the business totally abandoned by the American Government.
2. That the article relating to prizes, carried into Spanish ports by French cruisers be totally expunged, and all claims upon the Spanish Government, on that account, be for ever relinquished.
3. That the act of the United States authorizing the President to establish one or more Ports on the river Mobile be immediately repealed.
After a proper remonstrance by the American Minister on the subject, he demanded his passports, and will actually depart from hence in the course of the ensuing week.
It is expected too that all the Americans will be obliged to leave this place in a few days.
Nothing of course but war is spoken of. Nevertheless Mr. Yrrojo, is instructed with full powers, and it may happen that what could not be obtained here, will be granted at Washington.
The people of this country affect to treat with contempt any opposition on the part of the United States, as they have (from your side) such information as leads them to believe that America is only a great merchant who calculates upon the probable loss or gain by a war or peace, and will determine as the balance of interest may preponderate without regard to national honour.
Nevertheless if we except the French, there is no other nation that they so much apprehend mischief from. Your vicinity to their colonies, and the mild principle of your republican government is a constant source of anxiety to them, and occasions both fear and hatred to you."
LIST OF FRENCH SHIPS BUILDING.
A gentleman lately arrived from the continent, is said to have brought the following list of French ships of the line and frigates, building, or for which materials for building were collecting.
In the different dock yards of the Batavian Republic, 11 ships of the line, from 60 to 80 guns; and 14 frigates from 24 to 44 guns, besides cutters, gun boats, &c. were in the docks; and the arsenals and yards contained timber enough, brought down the Rhine with the fleet to Dordrecht last year, to construct double the number; he saw build-
ing! Of these, upon the stocks, six men of war and ten frigates were laid to belong to France, and built at her expence. The Dutch arsenals and storehouses were in want of sail cloth, iron, anchors and tar; but by contracts concluded last year in Russia and Sweden, by some French naval officers, the Batavian government expect this summer to be plentifully supplied by neutrals, should not the Batavian harbors and rivers be declared by England in a state of blockade.
At Antwerp, one 74 gun ship and three 44 gun frigates, were nearly finished, and keels were laid for two 74's, and for two 44 gun frigates. There was timber enough for five 74's, and as many 44 gun frigates; but the maritime prefect causes the people to believe that he had materials enough to build twenty 74's. Great activity reigns at Antwerp, to make that city a naval station of equal consequence with Brest and Toulon. Three thousand workmen, besides 400 galley slaves, were occupied daily, Sundays not excepted; and timber arrived from every part of Brabant and Flanders. Six English or Scotch carpenters, and nine British artificers were employed there, but chained like galley slaves for fear of desertion.
At Bruges, two 36 gun frigates were launched, and two others building. At Osiend, one frigate of 40 guns, one of 32 guns, and one cutter of 20 guns, were nearly finished.
At Dunkirk two 44 gun frigates were completed, and three of the same size building. The dock yards and arsenals there, as well as at Bruges and Osiend, were ill supplied.
At Havre two 50 and three 44 gun frigates had been built since the war; but there were not materials enough to complete one of the 50 and two of the 44 guns. They wanted only sailors to attempt going to the westward, and escape the British cruisers.
At Cherbourg, two 44's have lately been launched, and two were building, but materials were wanting to finish them.
At St. Maloe's, one 50 gun and three 44 gun frigates were ready to be launched; and there were materials enough to build as many more.
At L'Orient, two 74's had lately been launched, and two others were building, but could not be finished for want of materials.
At Brest, six ships of the line of different rates, from 74 to 120 guns, were building, but there were not materials sufficient to finish them.
At Rochefort, two 50, and at La Rochelle, one 50 and two 44, were besides 3 twenty gun cutters, building. The arsenals in these parts were indifferently supplied.
At Bourdeaux, six frigates, from 32 to 50 guns, were building; and since the war four of 32 guns had been launched.
At Biyonne, three 44 gun frigates, and three 24 gun cutters, had been built since the war. The arsenals in both these ports were supplied.
At Marseilles, two 44 gun frigates, and two 18 gun cutters, had been completed since the war; and one 44 and two cutters were building.
At Toulon, one 80 and one 74 had been launched since the war; and one 110, two 80, and one 74 were building. The arsenals at Toulon and Marseilles were badly supplied. It was reported upon the exchange of this last city, in March, that the French government had contracted for the building of six ships of the line in Spain, and of seven at Genoa.
In France as well as in Holland, iron, anchors, sail cloth, &c. were wanting; but expected from Russia, Sweden, Denmark and America. The fleets at Toulon and Brest are but indifferently manned, and the crews of the gun boats are far from being complete, notwithstanding the sailors who have been enticed over, or required from Italy, Spain and Holland.
At Toulon, as well as at Brest, were several British carpenters, and artificers, easily known again by wearing chains on one leg, and otherwise treated as the galley slaves. The Dutch carpenters were in the same situation at Toulon.
It was said that Bonaparte had sent emissaries to Germany, Denmark, Sweden and America, to procure him sailors from those countries.
[London paper.]
CRAZY KATE.
There often wanders one, whom better days Saw better clad, in cloak of satin trimm'd, With lace, and hat with splendid ribband bound.
A serving maid was she; and fell in love, With one who left her, went to sea and died. Her fancy followed him through foaming waves
To distant shores; and she would sit and weep At what a factor suffers. Fancy too (Delusive mock where warmest wishes are) Would oft anticipate his glad return, And dream of transports she was not to know.
She heard the doleful tidings of his death, And never smiled again. And now she roams The dreary waste; there spends the livelong day; And there, unless when charity forbids, The livelong night. A tattered apron hides, Worn as a cloak) and hardly hides, a gown
More tatter'd still; and but ill conceal A bosom heaved with never ceasing sighs. She begs an idle pin of all she meets, And hoards them in her sleeve; but needful food, (Though press'd with hunger oft) or comelier cloaths (Though pinch'd with cold) asks never— Kate is craz'd.
COWPER.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT
Imposing certain taxes and providing for their collection.
BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That there be annually imposed according to an assessment under the act entitled "An act directing a new assessment of property and an enumeration of the inhabitants of the city, and an act supplementary thereto," on all the real and personal property within the city of Washington a tax of twenty five cents on every hundred dollars worth of the same, except objects specifically taxed, property belonging to the United States, houses for public worship, burying grounds or property belonging to any college or school, and except also the crop and produce of the land in the hands of the person whose land produced the same, and provisions necessary for the use and consumption of the person to whom the same shall belong, and his family for the year, and plantation utensils; Provided that the said tax on the working tools of mechanics and manufacturers employed in their respective occupations, weaving apparel, goods, wares and merchandise, and all the home made manufactures in the hands of manufacturers, all fells, all grain, and tobacco be only laid in cases where the owners thereof are not otherwise assessed and provided that the assessment in such cases shall not exceed the sum of eighty dollars.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Treasurer to make out in each year an account of the tax chargeable to every person, and notify such person thereof before the first day of October, with information that the said sum is to be paid to the Treasurer on or before the first day of December ensuing, and also a general notification thereof through a newspaper printed in the city.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, That every person who shall neglect to pay his tax to the Treasurer on or before the said first day of December in each year, shall in addition thereto pay five per centum, on the amount thereof, provided the same be paid within one month thereafter, and in case the same be not then paid at the rate of three per centum for every month's further delay; it being understood that at the period of payment or satisfaction therefor, any shorter period than a month beyond an entire month shall be reckoned the same as a month; provided that such penalty shall not be demandable from the residents of the county of Washington, or persons having known agents therein, unless the tax on which the same may have accrued shall have been demanded according to the provisions of this act.
Sec. 4. And be it enacted, That in case said tax shall not be paid on or before the first day of April thereafter, with the said addition thereto, the same shall be forthwith levied by the Treasurer, by distress and sale of the goods and chattels of the person chargeable therewith; but no sale shall be made until ten days previous notice thereof be given, and if the tax be chargeable on real improved property and no effects be belonging to the person chargeable therewith, sufficient, if distressed to pay the same, can be found, it shall be the duty of the Treasurer after thirty days public notice by weekly advertisement in one of the newspapers of the city, to cause so much of said property as may be necessary to pay the tax, with the same charges as are allowed in like cases under the laws of Maryland to be sold at auction, and when sold to transfer the same by deed of bargain and sale, to the purchaser thereof. The Treasurer shall within two weeks after such sale, make return of the proceedings to the Register, designating the property sold, the amount of the tax for which it was sold, together with the expense incurred therein, the person to whom sold and the amount received therefor; and in case said amount shall exceed the tax with the addition and expenses, the difference shall be fairly kept by the Treasurer and paid on demand to the person entitled thereto, or may be taken by the Treasurer to satisfy other arrearages of taxes, in case any should again accrue while the said money shall remain in the hands of the Treasurer as aforesaid; provided that it shall be the duty of the Treasurer to give notice of every such sale to the owner of the property sold, and if the said owner or agent for that purpose tender and repay unto the purchaser the sum for which it sold with an addition of twenty per cent, thereon, within six months from the sale, he shall be entitled to his former right and possession.
Sec. 5. And be it enacted, That all taxes hereby imposed with the additions and expenses aforesaid, shall until satisfied remain a lien upon the property taxed.
Sec. 6. And be it enacted, That if the Treasurer shall be obliged to enforce the collection of the above tax or of any hereinafter imposed, by distress and sale, he shall receive for the use of the city, the same fees as are allowed by the laws of Maryland to a collector for the like services.
Sec. 7. And be it enacted, That in all cases where the property of a minor or person insane, or beyond sea, is taxed, the notice required by this act shall be given to the parent, guardian or agent of the person so taxed; if their names and places of abode are known to the Treasurer.
Sec. 8. And be it enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Treasurer by himself or some person appointed by him, to call (on or before the first day of October) from the inhabitants of the city, and demand from each owner or employer of slaves, and every owner of a dog or dogs, a list of such slaves or dogs, and every owner and employer of slaves and owner of a dog or dogs making a false return thereof shall pay ten dollars for every such offence to be recovered as other fines are under acts of the Corporation, one half to go to the informer, and the other for the use of the city; and the Treasurer shall be allowed thirty dollars for this service; And there shall be paid on the first day of December ensuing, fifty cents for each female slave between the age of fifteen and fifty, and one dollar for each male slave between the like ages, by his or her owner if resident within the city, and if not so resident, by the person in whose service said slave may be, on account of said owner; and for every yd g to kept there shall be paid one dollar to the Treasurer by the owner thereof at the time designated herein for the payment of other taxes.
Sec. 9. And be it enacted, That the like mode of collection, subject to the same charges and penalties, shall be adopted in the case of these last taxes as is hereinbefore prescribed in the case of assessed property.
Sec. 10. And be it enacted, That if any of the days fixed by this act for the performance of any duty shall fall on Sunday, such duty shall be performed the day following.
Sec. 11. And be it enacted, That in addition to the above tax on real and personal property, there be annually imposed a tax of seven cents on every hundred dollars worth of said property, for the support of the poor, infirm and distressed of the city; which tax shall be paid at the same time, collected in the same manner and be subject to the same conditions with the foregoing tax on real and personal property.
SAMUEL H. SMITH,
President of the first chamber of the city council of Washington.
NICHOLAS KING President of the second chamber of the city council of Washington.
Approved, Sept. 5th 1804.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. THOMAS HERTY, Rec.
FOR SALE.
A Valuable strong active NEGRO MAN, His owner not being a resident of the city, has left the terms of sale with James Hobson, who on application will make them known. September 10—3t
NOTICE.
By Virtue of a decree of the high court of chancery of the state of Maryland will be sold at public auction at Caton's tavern in the city of Annapolis at twelve o'clock on Saturday the twenty ninth day of the present month, the lot of ground now in the occupation of Wm. Brown of the city of Annapolis. This lot begins at the intersection of North East Street and Scotch Street, and bounds on Scotch Street one hundred and forty five and an half feet, then with a line parallel with North East Street to the Severn river, then bounding on and with the river to North East Street and then with N. East Street to the beginning. The improvements are a large convenient brick dwelling house beautifully situated on the river kitchen and out houses of different kinds and a pump of excellent water. Any further description is thought unnecessary as persons who are disposed to purchase, will probably make themselves acquainted with the property previous to the day of sale. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with security to be approved by the trustee for paying the purchase money with interest within six months from the day of sale.
NICH. BREWER, Trustee. September 10—w3t
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of both Great and Little Falls. This land is generally allowed to be one of the most beautiful situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises.
JOHN HOLMEAD.

TO BE SOLD
To the highest bidder, on the 2nd Tuesday in September, if fair, if not the next fair day, (sale to continue until all is sold) at my quarters in Cornwall's neck, 50 horned cattle, the same number of sheep and hogs, several mares, colts, fillies, plough wags, work oxen, &c. among the above are two fine thoroughbred mares with a colt at their side through bred. Also a lease of the plantation which is well known, and forms a peninsula. This land will yield a handsome profit to the purchaser, for obvious reasons; has a market at the door for every article, add to this the markets of Dumfries, Colchester, Alexandria, the City & Georgetown. Its full length lies on the Potomac to the mouth of Mattawoman creek, which extends around the plantation so far that it may be included with a short line from river to river. There are a number of fishing landings, fish and wild fowl in their season in high perfection, the land is valuable for making tobacco, grazing, and an uncommonly favorable for raising every kind of stock. It is presumed the purchaser would wish to see the premises; on which I shall be the day preceding the sale, will give every necessary information, and the terms will be accommodating to all reasonable purchasers; but will make a considerable deduction for cash or tobacco in hand. Should not the above lease be disposed of, it will be rented for and during its continuance, on giving bond and good security for punctual payment of the rent.
RAPHAEL BOARMAN.
September 7—2t
Circuit Court, District of Columbia, July 23. 1804.
ON the report of Daniel C. Brent of the sale made by him as trustee of the property decreed to be sold by this court in the suit by Thomas Law against James Piercy, jun. James Ray, Samuel Treat, and James Piercy, jun.
It is ordered that the sale be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the first day of Oct. next. Provided a copy of this order be inserted at least three times in the month of September in those papers in which the sale was advertised. The report states that the said property was purchased by Thomas Law, esq. the highest bidder, at the sum of ten thousand dollars.
By order URIAH FORREST, Clk. September 7—3t
In the case of George Brown an insolvent debtor. District of Columbia, Washington County, to wit:
ON the petition of George Brown an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington Co. for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said George Brown, that on the 29th day of September inst. at 9 o'clock A. M. at the court room in the capitol, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia, will be administered to the said George Brown and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, three times prior to that day. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, assistant judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
URIAH FORREST Clk.
September 7—3t
Little Hotel.
LOTS No. 5 and 10 in sq. 224 will be offered at public sale on the premises, on Saturday the 22d day of September next, at 12 o'clock, to the highest bidder.
Lot No. 5.
where the Little Hotel was kept, fronts on F. Street north 64 feet 7 inches near the Treasury Office and adjoining the Hotel and tavern lately occupied by Mr. Rhodes. As a stand for public business this lot is not excelled by any in this city.
Lot No. 10.
fronts on G. Street north 64 feet 7 inches, is north of lot no. 5 on the same square and only separated from it by a public alley 30 feet wide—the buildings on both the lots may be examined and the terms of sale made known by applying to James Hoban.
Washington, Sept. 7—3t
STREET LILLEY.
TAKEN up as stray by the subscriber, a Sorrel FILLY, supposed to be two years old has fore white feet, with a blaze on her forehead, white tail and mane, about 13 hands high; no brand or perceptible mark. The owner is desired to come, prove property, pay charges and take her away.
JOHN HAMMAN.
City & Washington, September 5—raw 3t
To be Sold,
On Thursday the 27th day of September on the premises to the high st bidder, if not disposed of by private sale before that day.
THE tract of land whereon I now live in Fairfax Co. Virginia, on Poppun Head creek containing 55 acres, the situation is agreeable and healthy; there is on it an excellent mill seat, on the above mentioned creek, with an inexhaustible quantity of grey free stone, and an abundance of good red and white oak, poplars, and hickory timber to erect the dam and necessary buildings on the spot; there is on this creek which wishes this tract, for about two miles, a very considerable portion of the first quality meadow land, there is a considerable quantity of fresh land, just opened, and nearly half of the tract to cut; it is situated about 20 miles of George Town, Washington, Alexandria and Dumfries, it is considered the best piece of forest land in the county—the terms of payment will be one third paid down, one third in 18 months and the other third in three years; an indispensible title will be made to the purchaser. The public is assured that the sale will take place if not privately disposed of before the day of sale, as I am determined to remove to the state of Kentucky this fall—Also on the same day and place, will be sold, all my stock of every sort, plantation utensils, household and kitchen furniture and the present crop now on hand for ready cash.
THOMAS POLLARD.
August 22—tdof
HAT MANUFACTURY.
The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chance to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and good deals be requisites.
JOEL BROWN.
George Town, Feb. 17—tf
THIS is to give notice, that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphans court of Calvert county in Maryland, letters testamentary on the personal estate of Sarah Weems late of Calvert county deceased—All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof on or before the 30th day of February 1805, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 29th day of August, 1804.
JAS. G. WOOD, Exr.
NOTICE.
Was committed to my custody on the 14th day of this month, a runaway Negro man who calls himself by the name of WILLIAM, and says that he is the property of John Chaffey of the state of Virginia. William is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, of yellowish complexion, his clothing are a yam jacket and Osnaburg trowsers; his master is requested to come and pay his fees and take him away, or he will be sold agreeably to Law.
SUTTON J. WEEMS, Sheriff of Calvert County.
September 5, 1804—2t
Valuable property FOR SALE,
I WILL sell on reasonable terms the farm on which I reside, containing about 1000 acres of valuable land. The soil is well adapted to wheat, corn and tobacco, and the cedar and locust which puts up in every uncultivated spot will afford a never failing supply of wood and timber. The farm is handsomely situated on the Patuxent river, and commands an elegant and extensive view. Its form is nearly a square, one side of which is bounded by the river, and another by Patuxent creek which is deep and navigable for the largest vessels employed in the Bay trade, so that the farm may be enclosed at half the labor and expense that would be required by one of equal size that is not so fortunately situated. It is very convenient to the Baltimore, Norfolk and George Town markets, to either of which places the produce may be safely and expeditiously conveyed in vessels that can lie along side the beach for the purpose of receiving it. The improvements are a new two story dwelling house, not quite finished, containing four commodious rooms and a large passage through the house on each floor and a cellar beneath of the same form and dimensions—An excellent granary, corn house, stables, &c.—The river and creek abound in the different seasons with fish, oysters and wild fowl of the best quality.
The terms of sale may be known by application to
MICHAEL TANEY.
Calvert County, Aug. 23—3w.
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR. Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cassimeres, white and fancy Mercilles, colored and white Junos, India nankeens, cotton cassimeres, bilsick silk and satin Eboracens, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season.
No. 3. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first stile of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 3—tf
REMOVAL.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAILOR, Has removed to the house above Mr. Rhodes (LATE LOVELY'S) HOTEL, near the President's Square. In addition to the present stock of goods, an Handsome Assortment is expected immediately.
Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post, will be waited upon with all possible expedition.
T. C. will pledge himself to execute any order with a taste, expedition and moderation of charge, which shall not be excelled by any.
April 16—tf.
TO RENT,
A THREE STORY BRICK HOUSE in the city of Washington, situate on that beautiful ridge north east of the Seven Buildings, on I Street, Lot No. 3, square 106, at present occupied by Mrs. Scott. Possession may be had the 1st of August next. Under said house is a good dry cellar, on the back of the lot is a stable, and near the premises a pump of most excellent water.
Enquiry of Mrs. Scott, or of the subscriber High Street at Doctor John Heaney's George Town.
ABSALOM JOY.
June 29—tf
Ten Dollars Reward.
RAN Away from the subscriber on Friday, the first inst. a negro Wench called RA CHEL, about twenty years of age, no perceptible mark—She is stout made, has a barn full look when spoken to, speaks quick, apparently far advanced in pregnancy. Her clothing cannot be described, as she took with her several articles belonging to her mistress. I will give the above reward if she is lodged in any jail in the state, and all reasonable charges it brought home.
FRANCIS CLARK.
Aug. 29—wtf.
PROPOSALS
BY JOHN DIXON,
For Printing by Subscription, a Periodical Work, to be entitled the
VIRGINIA MAGAZINE,
OR,
Monthly Miscellany.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The work to contain 63 pages (Octavo) monthly, of selected miscellaneous prose, and of original prose also, whenever the exertions of the Editor, and his Assistant, and the communications of correspondents can supply it.  II. Of improvements and experiments in Agriculture, with which the Editor hopes to be furnished by the Farmers, &c. of this and other states, or to select himself.  III. Of Debates in Congress.  IV. Of Foreign and Domestic Intelligence.  V. Of Selected Poetry, and Original too, whenever good can be procured and not otherwise.  VI. Of Marriages and Deaths.  VII. Of Prices Current.  VIII. The work to be printed on good paper, and with a neat type.  IX. The price to Subscribers, to be Five Dollars per annum, one half to be paid on the delivery of the first number, and the balance at the expiration of six months after.  X. The work to be put to press as soon as 300 Subscribers are obtained. 
PROSPECTUS.
THE utility and rational amusement derivable from well conducted Magazines, probably will not be controverted. They afford an asylum for many fugitive essays, that might otherwise meet with a more rigorous fate than they merit. The brevity of their articles and their longer duration of existence than that of some other periodical publications, hold out an inducement to that indolence, too frequently the attendant of genius, and to those pressed by the cares of business, to devote an hour or two to their own entertainment, and the pleasure and instruction of the community, while the greater variety of subjects they comprise, gives them a decided superiority over several other works. For they contain something to suit the palate of every one, and may be particularly pleasing and instructive to those who have not the inclination or the leisure to peruse more prolix writings. There are few countries, where a love of reading prevails and science is regarded, in which Magazines are not numerous and well received. And yet the Subscriber thinks he is correct in saying that not one is published in the respectable state of Virginia. He designs to publish one, principally of a literary complexion, provided he obtains adequate support, in which case he flatters himself, that his exertions will prove fully satisfactory to his patrons. For any reluctance to subscribe, arising from a non compliance of any persons who may have offered proposals, similar to the foregoing, the subscriber has it only in his power to say that he pledges his honor to comply with his engagement, if supported by the public.
September 7.
J. DIXON.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
Scheme of a Lottery.
To build an Academy in the city of Richmond.
   Dollars.     1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000   1 do. 10,000   1 do. of 1,000 make 5,000   5 do. — 500 — 2,500   6 do. — 200 — 1,200   10 do. — 100 — 1,000   20 do. — 50 — 1,000   100 do. — 20 — 2,000   250 do. — 10 — 2,500   420 do. — 5 — 2,100   1,500 do. — 2 — 3,000   3,000 do. — 1 — 3,000   1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250   1 do after 2,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000   5,325 prizes, 150,000   9,675 blanks, not two to a prize,   15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000   19. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.  
This lottery has been authorized by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 200,000 dollars, and 2,500 dollars in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer a chance for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great, as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce rapid sales of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorize it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next.
Richmond, March 2—tf
Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price Esq. Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Pritchard.
A TEN THOUSAND Dollar Prize,
Now to be had for the small sum of
SIX dollars!
SCHEME OF A Lottery
for the use of
THE GERMAN TRINITY CHURCH,
In SIXTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA, which will positively commence drawing at the state house in this city the fourth Monday of November next, prizes will be received in payment for such tickets as may remain for sale during the drawing, or the cash advanced for them, on allowing a small discount. From the great proportion already sold, it is expected that the tickets will soon be raised to six dollars and an half.
   Dollars.     1 Prize of 10 thousand dolls. 10,000   1 Three thousand 3,000   1 Two thousand 2,000   1 One thousand 1,000   2 Five hundred 2,000   10 Three hundred 3,000   20 Two hundred 4,000   35 One hundred 3,500   90 Fifty 4,500   100 Twenty 2,000   6000 Seven 42,000   1 st drawn No. on the 10th day 500   1 15th 500   1 20th 500   1 25th 500   1 30th 500   1 35th 500   1 40th 1,000   1 45th 1,000   1 50th 1,000   1 55th 1,000   1 First drawn No. on the last day when there shall be only 600 tickets in the wheel. 6,000  
6078 Prizes. Dollars, — 90,000 Considerably less than two blanks to a prize. The prizes to be paid 30 days after the close of the drawing—Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
Tickets for sale by,
GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun.
No. 85, South Second Street, o
MATTHEW MCCONNELL,
No. 82 Chestnut Street.
ADAM PREMIER, No. 134, fourth Street. } Commissioners. ANTHONY BOOKLEY, No. Corner of Green and third Streets. } CHARLES BOWMAN, No. 16 Budd Street. } Whole tickets—6 dollars Half tickets—3 25 Quarter tickets, 1 75 Prizes in other lotteries received in payment. Letter addressed to either of whom, post-paid and including the cash, will be duly attended to.
Aug. 27th—2w 15N.
JUST PUBLISHED,
HERTY'S DIGEST
Of the Laws of Maryland,
VOL. II.
PRICE 2 DOLLARS 25 CENTS,
In blue paper.
District of Columbia, to wit:
BE IT remembered, that on this twenty-fifth day of August in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and four, Thomas Herty, Esq. of the said district, Conveyancer and Notary Public, then deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author in the words following to wit: "A Digest of the Laws of Maryland, being a complete system alphabetically arranged of all the public acts of assembly, now in force and of general use, from the first settlement of the state, to the end of November session 1803, inclusive—to which is added, the acts of Congress for the district of Columbia, from the assumption of jurisdiction to the end of the session, which terminated in April 1804, in five—Also a variety of precedents, (adapted to the several acts) for the use of justices of the peace; and also a table explanatory of ordinary technical Law terms, Volume and in conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, intitled, "An act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned."
G. DENEALE, Clerk of
the district of Columbia.
The above may be had at the publisher's office for the present.
September 5—raw 4t
Travellers Hall.
THE subscriber has lately been induced from the rapid increase of his custom to purchase a lot of ground adjoining that on which he lives for the purpose of building a dining room and assembly room, each 54 feet by 32 feet 10 inches with six additional sleeping rooms, and intends to finish them before the ensuing winter; which together with his tavern and house, will occupy a front of near one hundred feet, in the most agreeable part of the town and in the center of business being in the highest part of the public square.
He has considerably increased the furniture &c of his house and stables. His domestics and servants are of the most faithful dispositions and properly qualified for the departments to which they are assigned. He has a constant supply of the best stable forage; imported and country provisions, import liquors, &c. of the first quality, foreign newspapers, &c. And his ice will most probably last through the hot weather.
The distinguished preference which the first characters have already given him, fills him with gratitude. He offers his services thanks to all his good friends and begs leave to assure them that either his time nor his purse shall be spared in attempting to render the Travellers Hall a house of entertainment, for GENERAL GUESTS ONLY, equal to any in America.
P. BRADLEY.
Lexington, Kentucky, June 12, 1804. A Stage runs from the Travellers Hall to the Olympic Springs in the summer and to Frankfort during the sessions of Assembly.
June 29—3m
FOR SALE.
The following City Lots, On A LIBERAL TIME, Upon SRENTY, viz. LOTS—3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in square No. 919.—Lots 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 938. Lots 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 936. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 & 19, in square No. 1042. Lots 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13, in square No. 1066.
Apply to CHARLES MINIFIE, Washington City, or to RICHARD C. JONES, at Philadelphia.
Washington, August 3—1t.
N.B. G. M. has sundry other lots for sale on ground rent (on easy terms to improvers,) and in eligible situations.
Doctor MAGRUDER,
HAS for sale a few hogsheads 4th proof Jamaica spirits, listed and lamp oil, spruce of turpentine, window glass, glaziers diamonds, glue, lamp black, white lead, Spanish whitewash, Venetian red, red lead, verdigris, drop lake, lake white patent yellow, rose and Dutch pink, king's yellow, Turkey umber, gold and silver leaf, painters and sweepers brushes, camels hair pencils, water colours in boxes, Spanish indigo, fig blue, arnott, red wood, alkanet, madder, logwood, turmeric, salt petre, alum, copperas, sweet oil, pearl barley, timothy and clover seed, tamarinds, castor oil, marble mortars, spring trusses, ginger, cinnamon, cloves, m