The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-08-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1071.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
TRIAL OF AARON BURR,
Substance of MR. HAY'S opening SPEECH.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 18.
May it please the Court, and you Gen- tlemen of the Jury:
In the preliminary stages of the prosecution, in which we are now engaged, many observations were made extremely derogatory to the government under which we live, and injurious to the feelings of the courts employed in the prosecution. It was said, amongst other things, that we had indulged an intemperate zeal which transgressed the limits of reason and humanity; that we were solicitous to convict the prisoner, whether innocent or guilty; and to deprive him of all the proper means which were necessary to his defence. I know not, gentlemen of the jury, whether this charge has reached your ears; or if it has, whether it has made any serious impressions upon your minds; but if it had, it is my duty to refute them. But by what means? By professions of candor and of liberality which are easily made and as easily forgotten? No. I shall prove the injustice of this charge by the course and conduct of the prosecution. We have arrived at a most serious crisis in this enquiry, on whose result the life of a man, and of a fellow citizen, who once stood high in the estimation of his country, must certainly depend. It is alleged to be fortified to the violated laws and justice of his country. It is my duty to support that allegation; but I shall support it only by facts which I believe to be true, and by arguments which have produced my own conviction.
The prisoner at the bar is charged with treason; in levying war against the United States. To this charge he has pleaded not guilty. It is your solemn duty to decide upon the validity of this plea, and you have sworn to decide it by facts alone. If you attend to the obligations of your oath, any admonitions from me will be unnecessary. You will divest your minds of every bias, of all extraneous rumors or political predispositions. You will enter upon the case with candor, and with a firm determination to do justice between the U.S. and Aaron Burr. It is after that patient investigation of the evidence which the importance of the case requires, you should doubt whether he is guilty, you must decide that he is not. Such is the language of the law, and such the dictate of common sense. If you doubt, you must declare him to be innocent. But there is one distinction, which I have heard from the lips of jurymen, which seems to me to be a distinction without a difference; and to be founded in folly and wickedness. I have heard them declare that though individuals they might be satisfied of the guilt of a prisoner, as jurymen they were not. This is a fallacy. I can conceive, that a jurymen may entertain a belief founded on what he has heard out of doors, which is not warranted by the legal evidence before him; but if he once believes from the evidence, that the prisoner has committed the crime alleged, he is then guilty of treachery to himself, to his country, and to his God, if he does not pronounce that belief.
The indictment before you consists of two counts. The first charges the prisoner with levying war on Blennerhassett's island: The second repeats the same charge in substance, with this addition, that in order to levy it more effectually, the prisoner had descended the Ohio and the Mississippi with an armed force for the purpose of taking possession of New Orleans. If either of those charges be supported by adequate evidence, you must find the prisoner guilty.
In Great Britain there are no less than ten different species of treason; at least it was so when Blackstone wrote. Perhaps the catalogue has been since increased. But in this country, there are only two descriptions, which are defined by the constitution itself; so that it is beyond the power of the Legislature to increase the list, however important they might consider such an augmentation. By the 3d section of the 3d art. of the constitution of the U. S. "treason against the U. S. shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." Of the last description of treason, it is unnecessary to say anything, as the offence charged in the indictment is "levying war against" the U. S. This offence being thus constitutionally defined, the only question at this stage of the enquiry is, what shall constitute an overt act of levying war against the U. S.
It is obvious, that the interval between the first movements of a treasonable conspiracy and actual hostilities is immense. There may be a conspiracy to levy war, but this is not treason. Individuals may meet together for making arrangements to bring forces into the field; nor is this conspiracy treason. They may advance a step further. They may not only project a plan for
levying war, but they may proceed to levy troops; but this is not an overt act of treason. It has even been adjudged by the supreme court of the U. S. that the concerned persons may proceed one other step further; the separate individuals may proceed to a place of rendezvous; and yet remain on the safe side of the line of treason.— But, gentlemen, common sense, and principles founded on considerations of national safety, obviously require, that the crime of treason should be declared to be complete, before the commission of actual hostilities against the government. If any hostilities must be committed, what is the consequence? Why, that a man may take his steps until he is sufficiently strong to laugh at all your definitions of treason. He will not strike a blow; he will not commence actual hostilities, until he is prepared to give efficacy to that blow and to bid defiance to your government. Where then is the point at which a treasonable conspiracy shall be said to have arrived at its maturity? I answer, when there is an assemblage of men convened for the purpose of effecting by force a treasonable design; which force is intended to be employed before their dispersion. The answer which I now give is not literally, but is substantially the same with that furnished by the supreme court of the U. S. and is given in conformity to what I understand to be the spirit of the decision. In the opinion of that court delivered by the chief justice on the case of Bollman & Swartwout, there occur the following expressions: "It is not the intention of the court to say, that no individual can be guilty of this crime who has not appeared in arms against his country. On the contrary, if war be actually levied, that is, if a body of men be actually assembled for the purpose of effecting by force, a treasonable purpose, all those who perform any part, however minute or however remote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the general conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors. If war then be actually levied, in this manner, every person concerned is to be considered as a traitor." The same idea is expressed in ten or fifteen other parts of this decision. "To complete the crime of levying war against the U. S. there must be an actual assemblage of men for the purpose of executing a treasonable design." And again, "In the case now before the court, a design to overthrow the government of the U. S. at New Orleans by force, would have been unquestionably a design, which, if carried into execution, would have been treason, and the assemblage of a body of men for the purpose of carrying it into execution, would amount to levying war against the U. S.—but no conspiracy for this object, no enlistment of men to effect it, would be an actual levying of war." If then according to this definition, the accused and his associates had assembled together to attack N. Orleans and separate it from the union, though no actual force had been used, though no battle had been fought, they would have been guilty of treason. The same idea also occurs in these passages, "It cannot be necessary that the whole army should be assembled, and that the various parts which are to compose it should have combined. But it is necessary that there should be an actual assemblage." "The meeting of particular bodies of men and their marching from places of partial to places of general rendezvous would be such an assemblage." It seems to me then, that I am warranted in the answer which have given, by the solemn decision of this supreme tribunal. Perhaps, gentlemen, in opening this case, I may occupy more of your time than you may consider to be necessary. But you must excuse me. Justice to the accused requires, that I should freely communicate the grounds on which this accusation is to be maintained; that the counsel on the other side may prepare for his defence.
It is necessary for me to state my reasons, for having omitted two circumstances in this definition of levying war, which the counsel for the prisoner may perhaps consider as essential parts of treason. I have taken no notice of military weapons; nor have I introduced the employment of any actual force, of any violence or hostility to effect the treasonable design. I have stated neither of the circumstances, because I think neither of them essential, according to the constitution and laws of this country.
On the first point I shall offer but a few observations. Before satisfying you of the legal propriety of this omission, permit me to state the question on the principles of common sense. It is true that it does not always happen in legal discussions, that this principle is consulted from the beginning to the end; but in many cases this disrespect is most unhappily practiced. Instead then of considering this question as it would be presented to us by lawyers and by judges, let us view it on the sound principles of common sense and national policy. It is not necessary that the men should have arms in their hands to make them traitors. The act of treason might be completed, and yet
not a single gun nor even a pen-knife be employed in the transaction. Suppose a case. There was a time, when 10,000 sons of arms were deposited under the roof of this Capitol. Suppose that 5 or 10,000 unarmed men had assembled within a few miles of this city, with a preconceived design of marching to the Capitol, seizing upon the arms, dispersing our legislature, and usurping the powers of the government. Let us suppose, what is no very difficult supposition, that the cavalry and the infantry of this city were to gird on their armor, and resolve to disperse these men, before they could execute their treasonable intentions. They arm; they march; and the conspirators, conscious of their abominable guilt, fly in all directions at the approach of our volunteers. Will any one say, that these men are not traitors to their country? Or suppose that any number of individuals were to assemble at Blennerhassett's island. We will suppose, that they had no arms, although I do not believe that such was the fact. They intend to descend the Ohio and Mississippi to seize upon N. Orleans, calculating upon meeting their leader at the mouth of Cumberland river and receiving arms from the Spanish minister at Baton Rouge. Would the simple circumstance of their being unarmed produce any difference in their guilt? And would it not be an absurdity to say, that the moment after arms had been put into their hands they are traitors, but that they were not the moment before? The supreme court have given a correct opinion on this subject, when in one passage they are silent as to the possession of arms, and in another, if I am not mistaken, they have expressly disclaimed it. If this point were not to be determined in this way, what would be the consequence? That conspirators would take care never to touch their arms, until they were ready to strike their blow. They would have military weapons placed within their reach; but they would not once venture to touch them before their organization should be completed. On the principles of common sense then, it is not necessary that they should have arms to consummate the overt act of treason. And what says the law? In the case decided by the supreme court, you will not find a single allusion as to the necessity of arms being in the hands of the conspirators. And in the case of Fries, p. 167, this subject has been particularly mentioned and my opinion embraced by one of the judges of the U. S. (Judge Chase.) It is remarkable too, in this case, that the same principle is conceded by the counsel for the defendant (Mr. Dallas) whose opinion is certainly no authority with you on this occasion; but it carries along with it the strong presumption that the law was against him, p. 168.
In G. Britain there is a statute, which was passed many years ago, in the 25th year of the reign of Edward the 3d, which describes treason in the very identical words of our constitution. This statute makes "levying war" against the king to be treason. Now; when the framers of our own constitution, many of them great lawyers too, have chosen to define treason in the very same words which had been so often in use, so often the subject of discussion and adjudication; it is certainly a fair presumption that they were to be used in the same sense which is annexed to them in England. An observation of a very able judge of the court of the U. S. amply confirms this remark, Fries's trial, p. 167. I beg the jury to believe, that my only purpose for referring to the English law, is to show that the decision of the supreme court on this subject is not an innovation, not a new doctrine, but is an exact counterpart of the English authorities. To prove this position, I will refer to Foster, p. 208, where he declares that there may be treason, that is, "levying war" against the country, without the presence of arms; and that the only question is, the quo animo , with which the thing is done; if it be to effect some treasonable plot. This opinion of Judge Foster is quoted in East's Reports, v. 1, p. 67, who approves its spirit, and thinks that arms and military array are not essential to treason. I have entered into this tedious investigation of this point, though it did not seem to me to be necessary, because our own courts have, in words too plain to deceive mortal man, pronounced that a bare assemblage of men was sufficient; and because the persons assembled at Blennerhassett's island, were actually armed for offensive as well as defensive purposes. It is to you, gentlemen of the jury, that I must submit, how far I have succeeded in justifying the propriety of my having omitted "arms" in the definition of treason.
I have also omitted, that the persons assembled for a treasonable purpose have committed hostilities or employed any actual force. I contend that it is not necessary to have waged battle or to have committed any act of violence. Perhaps the other side may, however, contend (though I am scarcely persuaded that they will) that there must be
arms and actual force. But if they do contend for this, observe the embarrassment in which they will be involved by their doctrine. If 10,000 men were to march to Washington in order to take possession of the capital of the U. S. and turn the President to Monticello, and turn Congress out of doors; these persons thus assembled are no traitors, because they have not yet struck a blow. They meet with no opposition; the government disperses through fear; but there is no treason. The doctrine that would make force, the presence and actual exertion of arms, necessary to the consummation of treason, would be eminently fatal. It is the very doctrine that traitors met together to make laws for their own security, would be most solicitous to recognize; for if they were not traitors, ere they had struck a blow, they would take care never to strike one until they could do it with effect. I contend that my doctrine is unequivocally confirmed by the decision of the supreme court. There is not a single word in it which makes force or actual hostilities necessary to treason.
I know not, but gentlemen may be disposed to take shelter under an opinion, expressed by Judges Chase and Peters in the case of Fries, p. 197; and I most candidly admit, that there are certain expressions in that opinion, which seem to countenance their doctrine. But if the observation were correct in fact, still it should be recollected that it was but the opinion of subordinate judges, which cannot be opposed to the decision of the supreme court. It must also be recollected, that their opinions on this point are extrajudicial; by that term I mean, that it was not such a point as was necessary to be settled in the case before the court. The question before them was not, whether force does actually enter into the composition of treason; far in the case of Fries, there was force enough employed. It was a case of an actual opposition to the laws of the U. S. by force. Now, the opinion of any court is never considered as good authority, unless it be delivered on the very point actually before the court. It will be seen too upon an accurate inspection, that the opinion of Judge Chase is not even consistent with itself. In his definition of treason, (Fries's trial, p. 196) he expressly says, that "any insurrection or rising of any body of people within the U. S. to attain or effect by force or violence any object of a great public nature, or of public and national concern, is a levying of war against the U. S. within the contemplation and construction of the constitution." Thus excluding from his definition the two circumstances which I have excluded from mine, military weapons, and the actual employment of force. In the next page, he expressly states, that military weapons, &c. are not necessary in the consummation of treason. And yet in the course of the same charges he seems to think that some force must be employed before the crime is legally complete. The ideas of Judge Peters on this point (see page 204 and page 207) seem to be in like manner at variance with each other. The truth is, that they did not express themselves on this subject, with the precision which they would have displayed, had the question before them been what it was before the supreme court and what it is here.
Judge Patterson in his exposition of the law, in his construction of the constitution, agrees with the supreme court in their decision. 2 Dall: 335, and even Mr. Lewis, an advocate in the case of Fries, distinguished no less by his zeal, than by his legal erudition, seems to concede that the crime may be consummated without the actual commission of hostilities, or employment of force.
The English adjudications are to the same effect. Treasons, in the populous country of Great-Britain, where numbers are concerned, are generally accompanied by force; but that the actual employment of force, where the traitorous design is clearly proved, is not necessary; is in my judgement indisputably certain. See Fost 211, 213. Balf. 1, 67, Hale 146.
But whether I am correct in this remark or not, is immaterial. In our own country, the judges of the supreme court have placed this point beyond the reach of controversy.
You will probably be told, Sirs, that certainty in criminal law is important, & in that part of it which relates to treason, essential to public liberty. You may be reminded of an observation of the celebrated Montesquieu, who says, that uncertainty on this single point, is of itself sufficient to change a free into an arbitrary government. It is not admitted that this observation is applicable to our government, dependent as it is on the people, or to our people, informed as they are of their rights. But suppose it to be so. The answer is obvious. By the decision of the supreme court, the law is certain. Every man who
can read, knows the situation in which he stands, and at what point he must stop, if he wishes to avoid the imputation and the guilt of treason.
You will probably be told also, of the danger of constructive treasons; that is, says Blackstone 4 vol. 75. "to raise by forced and arbitrary constructions, offences into the crime and punishment of treason, which never were suspected to be such." Of this some terrible examples exist in the earlier periods of the English history, when the people were ignorant, and the judges entirely dependent on the king.
It is admitted that the doctrine, which shall let in treasons, not defined by the constitution, by mere arbitrary construction, inference or analogy, as in England formerly, ought not to be countenanced. But in fact in this country, there is no danger to be apprehended. It may serve as a topic of declamation, but the apprehension of mischief from this source is absolutely visionary.
It would be absurd to call the treason defined by the supreme court, a constructive treason. The words "levying war," do not present to the mind a clear and distinct idea, like the words "murdering a man" or "stealing a horse." If the question what is levying war? were propounded distinctly separately to every man in this assembly, or even to the most intelligent among them, there would be great hesitation, doubt, and variance—perhaps half as many opinions as men. Necessity, then, requires that the courts should ascertain the construction of these words. It is their province, it is their duty to do: and in giving the definition for which I contend, they have performed that duty. (He then read a passage from Fries's trial, containing some remarks of Judge Peters, page 206 applicable to the point.)
If the law thus established by the supreme court, shall be said to be a constructive treason, the inference is either that the judges should not give any construction of the constitution on this subject, which would be illegal and absurd, and would moreover by leaving every thing to the decision of juries, produce all the mischiefs of uncertainty, on the most interesting of all legal subjects; or that the opinion of the supreme court is erroneous. The latter, it is presumed, is a position, which the counsel for the prisoner will hardly undertake to support.
If, however, they do undertake this task, if they do contend that an assemblage of men with a traitorous design is not sufficient, but that hostilities must be commenced, actual violence must be used before treason is complete, the constitution is a dead letter. No man can be pronounced to be a traitor, until he has, by striking a blow, shown that he is or conceives himself to be out of the reach of the law. The case, then, presents a question of force alone, and it is a matter of no consequence, what the definition of treason shall be, until it is decided by arms what shall finally pronounce it.
Perhaps it will be said, that the decision of the supreme court, is not correctly understood, I may, for aught I know, be incorrect in my exposition of it; but if I am, it is idle to look into reported cases, for evidence of the law. The language which the court have used, is remarkable for its precision, and its perspicuity. In every part, the ideas which they have expressed, are perfectly consistent, and you will not find from one end of it to the other, a sentence, or even a word, which implies that any thing more is necessary for the completion of treason, than an assembly of men, convened for the purpose of executing a traitorous design.
Taking it for granted then that the decision of the supreme court is the law of the land; that the overt act of treason is complete, if there be an assembly of men for effecting treasonable designs; it is incumbent on the prosecutors to shew, 1st, that there was a treasonable design; and 2ndly, that there was an assembly of men for the purpose of effecting it.
It will be proved to you that the design of the prisoner was not only to wage war against the Spanish territories, but to separate the Western from the Eastern states; for which purpose New Orleans was to be seized, and an independent government was there to be established. You will perceive from the evidence that he intended to take possession of New Orleans, to excite the people there to insurrection; and to take advantage of the hostile sentiment which prevailed, to the west of the Allegheny, against the Spaniards. If either of these is proved; if it be either established that his design was to dismember the union, or after seizing on New Orleans, to invade the Spanish provinces; if in fact it be established that he intended to occupy New Orleans

at all, he is completely guilty of treason. It would be absurd to suppose that a man who had revolved such an immense project in his mind, would communicate it to many. But he did disclose it to a few, and fortunately for our country the evidences of his design have been disclosed to our government. I shall lay before you, gentlemen of the jury, evidence the most positive and direct, as well as numerous and conclusive circumstances, to establish the existence of this design.
For the purpose of establishing an empire in the west, of which New Orleans was to have been his capital, he made two long visits in the western country. He was in Kentucky and Tennessee, and travelled in various directions until he arrived in New Orleans. Wherever he went, with a view of facilitating the consummation of his own designs, he spoke disrespectfully of the government of his country. He represented it as destitute of energy to protect our national rights, or spirit to maintain our national character. He asserted that all the men of property and influence were dissatisfied with its arrangements, because they were not in the proper situation to which they were entitled; that with 500 men he could effect a revolution, by which he could send the President to Monticello, intimidate Congress, and take the government into his own hands; and that the people were so little acquainted with, and so indifferent about their rights, so completely destitute of public spirit and of an efficient leader, that they would be mean enough to acquiesce in this revolution. Such were his expressions about the government and the people. To the people of the west he spoke a different language. He represented to them that they were in a state of colonial dependance on those of the Atlantic states; and that they annually paid millions, for which they received no return. They were told, that a separation was necessary, and would unquestionably take place; not as resulting too from the operation of natural causes, but as determined by a particular chain of events; that the destiny of the republic was fixed, and that in the course of two years they would see it in ruins. I thank God! That this prediction is not fulfilled; and our posterity will also thank their God, that the accomplishment has not reached their own times. Such were the sentiments which he avowed; such were the doctrines which he endeavored to propagate, through all this while pretending that his objects were of a purely agricultural nature. Nor was this language confined to conversation alone; for writings were published by one of his adherents, calculated to scatter disaffection among the people, and prepare them for his plans.
To accomplish these plans, in the summer and fall of 1805, men were actually enlisted, boats built on the waters of the Ohio, provisions purchased to an enormous amount, and arms and ammunition provided. Some of these men, about 40, assembled with arms on Blannerhasset's island, in order to defend the river. Burr was not there at that moment. He had left it a short time before; he had intended to return; but he had been warned not to return. His presence however was not material. A man may levy war at the distance of 3000 miles; we may probably have an experience of this truth in a few months. But this principle has been sufficiently established by the decision of the Supreme Court. "If war be actually levied, all those who perform any part, however minute or however remote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the general conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors." It is this assemblage of men which constitutes the overt act of treason, and is relied on in support of the indictment. These troops on the island seeing the country alarmed, and themselves threatened by the militia of Wood county, made a precipitate retreat by night, in company with Blannerhasset, and descended the Ohio to the mouth of Cumberland river, where Burr joined them with a small party and took the command. By this time their numbers increased to more than 100. The men under the command of Burr and Blannerhasset then descended the Mississippi, to a point called Bayou Pierre in the neighborhood of Natchez. It was here that Mr. Burr first understood that his preparations would be defeated through the exertions of the commander in chief; that his letter in cypher had been communicated to the President; and it was here that he expressed to another person the astonishment and indignation he felt at being (as he said) thus betrayed. Finding that all his schemes were baffled, he entered into a kind of capitulation with Cowles Mead, was bound to appear before a tribunal at Natchez; came off, it is said, without the leave of the court, and was arrested by Perkins in his flight.
It will be proved to you, by express and direct evidence, that a settlement on the Ouachita was merely a cover for concealing the design of himself and his associates. We have as yet indeed no kind of proof that he has acquired a real title to this land—but the utmost mystery and circumlocution prevailed on this subject. To the world at large and to those whom he had not tampered with, the object was avowed to be the settlement on the Ouachita. To some, intimations were dropped of an approaching rupture with Spain, against whose
provinces the expedition was intended: his language continually varying with the character whom he addressed. To a few, and a few only, his real design was developed. But to all were held up the idea of some great project. All were told that the design was just and honorable; known and approved by the government and in which the co-operation of the army was to be expected; that it was one which would lead to great fortunes, and that it would be developed as soon as the proper time for the disclosure arrived. The time, however, never did arrive. At Blannerhasset's island, it was not the time; and when at the mouth of Cumberland river some enterprising men, but who were not disposed to violate the laws of their country were solicitous to understand this project, they were told that the time had not yet come. Ignorant people were led away from their homes, under an expectation that they would be informed of the whole project—the information was promised, but never imparted. The consequence was, that when Mr. Burr was apprehended, they were left to find their way back to their own homes in any way that they could.
Chimera! As this project may appear, there was only one single thing wanted to accomplish it: the co-operation of the commander in chief and of the American army. If gen. Wilkinson had acted as some have represented; if instead of performing the part of a patriot, he had played the character of a traitor; what would have been the consequence? The people of the U.S. would have had a civil war raging in the West; while our Eastern coasts would have been ravaged and insulted by an insolent foe; in consequence of our internal distractions. From this calamity, at least from that which hovered in the West, we have been protected by the vigilance and integrity of the commander in chief. I care not for the constructions which may be placed upon my assertions; but I will venture to declare that since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, no man has had it so much in his power or has so effectually used it, to render services to his country, as gen. Wilkinson has done by defeating this project. & yet for this illustrious service, he has been as much censured, insulted and denounced, as if he had joined in it.
It is not right to anticipate the defence—but the prisoner himself stated while under examination, that the object of his expedition was peaceful and agricultural. If this ground shall be again taken, we shall find no difficulty in bringing together a variety of circumstances to prove its instability. At present I am too much exhausted to detail them; but that task, if necessary, shall hereafter be performed.
I have observed, that you would enter upon this enquiry with calmness & impartiality; and I must hope, too, with firmness. This question is to be contemplated and decided on the very same principles, as if the place of the prisoner were occupied by the most ignorant man in the community. It is true that he has been the vice-president of the U.S. the second in office, and perhaps the second in the confidence of his fellow citizens—and that he has talents and energies which at the approaching crisis might have been employed most honorably to himself, and most usefully to his country. But these circumstances aggravate, if any thing can aggravate, rather than extenuate the enormity of his crime. It is not often, at least in other countries, that the laws of society operate upon men of this stamp. Lord George Gordon, the miserable fanatic, was acquitted—while 19 of his poor deluded followers were hung up at once and paid the forfeit of his crimes. I call upon you, gentlemen of the jury, to remove all such distinctions in this land of equality—to do the strictest justice to all; and to find upon the evidence which will be produced before you.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 18. The judge having delivered his opinion on the point argued yesterday, some arrangements were made for the accommodation of the jury; that they were to occupy two or more rooms in the capitol; that for the sake of exercise they might walk out in a body, or separately, if accompanied by the marshal or his deputy; and that they might send or receive letters, if the superintendence were shown to the marshal. It was understood, that they were to lay all letters before the court, which should appear to touch on the trial, designedly sent to influence their verdict.
The hours of the court are fixed from 9 till four. William Eaton was then called in for his examination.
Mr. Eaton enquired whether he might be permitted to have recurrence to his notes. Chief Justice . Were they written by yourself? Mr. Eaton . They were. Mr. Wickham . At what time? Mr. Eaton . At different times? Mr. Burr . What is the nature of them?
A. They are nothing but memoranda taken from notes, which I made of the conversations between you and myself, at the times that they passed. The court decided that they were not admissible.
Mr. Eaton . May I ask one further indulgence from the court? I have been long before the public. Much stricture and some severity have passed upon me. May I, in stating my evidence, be permitted to make some explanations about the motives of my own conduct? Ch. Justice . Perhaps it would be more correct for the court to decide upon the propriety of the explanation, when the particular case occurs. Some
cases may require it—and if any objection is made to your explanations, then the court will decide upon it.
Mr. Eaton . Concerning any overt act, which goes to prove Aaron Burr guilty of treason, I know nothing; concerning certain transactions which are said to have happened at Blannerhasset's island, or any agency which A. Burr may be supposed to have had in them, I know nothing. But concerning col. B's expressions of treasonable intentions, I know much, and it is to these that my evidence relates.
Mr. Martin . I know not, how far the court's opinion extends.
Ch. Jus. It is this—that any proof of intention formed before the act itself, if relevant to that act, may be admitted. One witness may prove the intention at one time—and another may prove it at another; so as to prove the continuance of the intention throughout the whole transaction; and therefore the proof of very remote intentions may be relevant to this particular act.
Mr. Martin . I trust that when he speaks of a treasonable intention not applicable to this act, the court will stop him.
Mr. Eaton . During the winter of 1805—6, I cannot be positive as to the distinct point of time, yet, during that winter, at the city of Washington, Aaron Burr signified to me that he was organizing an expedition to be moved against the Spanish Provinces on the South Western Frontiers of the United States. I understood under authority of the general government. From our existing controversies with Spain, and from the tenor of the President's communications to both Houses of Congress, a conclusion was naturally drawn, that war with that power was inevitable. I had just then returned from the coasts of Africa, and having been for many years employed on your frontiers or on a coast more barbarous and obscure, I was ignorant of the estimation in which Col. B. was held by his country. The distinguished rank he had held in society & the strong marks of confidence which he had received from his fellow-citizens, did not permit me to doubt of his patriotism. As a military character, I had not been made acquainted with one within the U.S. under whose direction a soldier might with greater security confide his honor. In case of my country's being involved in a war, I should have thought it my duty to obey so honorable a call, as was proposed to me. Under impressions like these, I did engage to embark in the enterprize, and pledged myself to Col. B's confidence. At several interviews, it appeared to be his intention to convince me by maps and other documents of the feasibility of penetrating to Mexico. At length from certain indistinct expressions and inuendoes, I admitted a suspicion, that Col. B. had other projects. He used strong expressions of reproach against the administration of the government: accused them of want of character, want of energy, want of gratitude. He seemed desirous of irritating my resentment by dilating on certain injudicious strictures I had received on the floor of Congress on account of certain transactions on the coasts of Tripoli; and also on the delays in adjusting my accounts for advances of money on account of the United States; and talked of pointing out to me modes of honorable indemnity. I will not conceal here, that Col. Burr had good grounds of reason for supposing me disaffected towards the government: I had indeed suffered much from delays in adjusting my accounts for cash advanced to the government, whilst I was consul at Tunis, and for the expense of maintaining the war with Tripoli. I had but a short time before been compelled inglorious to strike the flag of my country on the ramparts of a defeated enemy, where it had flown for 45 days. I had been compelled to abandon my comrades in war on the fields where they had fought our battles. I had seen cash offered, to the half vanquished Chief of Tripoli (as he had himself acknowledged) as the price of pacification.
Mr. Wickham . By whom? A. By our negotiator—when as yet no exertion had been made by our naval squadron to coerce that enemy. I had seen the conduct of the author of these blemishes on our proud national character, if not commenced—not censured; whilst my own inadequate efforts to support that character were attempted to be thrown into shade. To feelings naturally arising out of circumstances like these, I did give strong expressions. Here I beg leave to observe in justice to myself, that however strong those expressions, however harsh the language I employed, they would not justify the inference, that I was prepared to dip my sabre in the blood of my countrymen; much less of their children, which I believe would have been the case, had this conspiracy been carried into effect.
(Mr. Martin objected to this language.)
I listened to col. B's mode of indemnity; and as I had by this time begun to suspect, that the military expedition he had on foot was unlawful, I permitted him to believe myself resigned to his influence, that I might understand the extent and motive of his arrangements. Col. B. now laid open his project of revolutionizing the territory west of the Alleghany; establishing an independent empire there, New Orleans to be the Capital & he himself to be the Chief; organizing a military force on the waters of the Mississippi, and carrying conquest to Mexico. After much conversation (which I do not particularly recollect) respecting the feasibility of the project; as was natural, I stated impediments to his operations; such as the republican habits of the citizens of that country, their attachment to the present administration of government, the want of funds, the opposition he would experience from the regular army of the United States, stationed on that frontier; and the reluctance to be expected from Miranda, in case he should succeed in republicizing the Mexicans. Col. B. seemed to have no difficulty in removing those obstacles. He stated to me, that he had in person (I think the preceding season,) made a tour through that country; that he had secured to his interests and attached to his person the most distinguished citizens of Tennessee, Kentucky and Territory of Orleans; that he had inexhaustible resources and funds; that the army of the U.S. would act with him; that he would be reinforced by 10 or 12,000 men from the above-mentioned states, and territory; that he had powerful agents in the Spanish Territory, and "as for Miranda," said Mr. Burr, facetiously, "we must hang Miranda." In the course of repeated conversations on this subject, he proposed to give me a distinguished command in his army; I understood the second command. I asked him who would command in chief. He said, General Wilkinson. I observed that it was singular, he should count upon Gen. Wilkinson. The distinguished command and high trust he held under government, as the commander in chief of our army; and as governor of a Province, he would not be apt to put at hazard for any precarious projects of aggrandizement—Col. Burr stated that Gen. Wilkinson balanced in the confidence of his country; that it was doubtful whether he would much longer retain the distinction and confidence he now enjoyed; and that he was prepared to secure to himself a permanency. I asked col. B. if he knew Gen. Wilkinson. He said, yes; and echoed the question. I hold him that 12 years ago, I was at the same time a captain in the wing of the legion of the U.S. States his acting brigade major and aid-de-camp; and that I knew him well. He asked me, what I knew of Gen. W. I said I knew Gen. W. would act as Lieut. to no man in existence. "You are in an error," said Mr. B. "Wilkinson will act as Lieutenant to me." From the tenor of much conversation on this subject, I was prevailed on to believe that the plan of revolution meditated by col. B. & communicated to me, had been concerted with Gen. W. and would have his co-operation; col. B. repeated, and very confidently expressed his belief, that the influence of Gen. W. with his army, the promise of double pay and rations, the ambition of his officers, and the prospects of plunder and military achievements, would bring the army generally into the measure—I pass over here a conversation which took place between Col. B. and myself, respecting a central revolution, as it is decided to be irrelevant by the opinion of the bench.
Mr. Hay . You allude to a revolution for overthrowing the government at Washington and of revolutionizing the eastern states.
I was passing over that to come down to the period when I supposed he had relinquished that design, and returned to his project in the west. I was thoroughly convinced myself, that such a project was already so far organized, as to be dangerous, and that it would require an effort to suppress it. For in addition to positive assurances that col. B. had of assistance and co-operation, he said that the vast extent of territory of the U.S. beyond the mountains which offered to adventurers together with a view on the mines of Mexico, would bring adherents to him from all quarters of the union. The situation in which these communications and the impressions they made upon me, placed me was peculiarly delicate. I had no overt act to produce against col. B. He had given me nothing upon paper; nor did I know of any person in the vicinity, who had received similar communications, and whose testimony might support mine. He had mentioned to me none, as principally and decidedly engaged with him, but gen. Wilkinson;—a Mr. Alston, who I afterwards learnt was his son in-law; & a Mr. Ephraim Kibby, who I learnt was late a captain of Rangers in Wayne's army. Of gen. W. Burr said much, as I have stated: of Mr. Alston very little, but enough to satisfy me that he was engaged in the project; and of Kibby he said, that he was brigade major in the vicinity of Cincinnati, (whether C. in Ohio, or in Kentucky, I know not) who had much influence with the militia, and had already engaged the majority of the brigade to which he belonged, who were ready to march at Mr. Burr's signal. Mr. B. talked of this revolution as a matter of right, inherent in the people & constitutional; a revolution which would rather be advantageous than detrimental to the Atlantic States; a revolution which must eventually take place; and for the operation of which the present crisis was peculiarly favorable: that
there was no energy to be dreaded in the general government, and his conversations denoted a confidence, that his arrangements were so well made that he should meet with no opposition at New Orleans; for the army and the chief citizens of that place were ready to receive him. On the solitary ground upon which I stood, I was at a loss how to conduct myself, though at no loss as respected my duty. I durst not place my lonely testimony in the balance against the weight of col. B's character, for by turning the tables upon me, which I thought any man capable of such a project might very conscientiously do, I should sink under that weight. I resolved therefore with myself to obtain the removal of Mr. B. from this country, in a way honorable to him, and on this I did consult him without his knowing my motive. Accordingly I waited on the President of the U.S. and after a desultory conversation, in which I aimed to draw his attention to the west, I said to him (I took the liberty of suggesting to the P.) that I thought col. B. ought to be removed from the country, because I considered him dangerous in it. The President asked where we should send him. I said to England or Madrid, though it has been said in some publications that I added Cadiz. The President without any positive expression (in such a matter of delicacy) seemed to think the trust too important and expressed something like a doubt about the integrity of Mr. B. I frankly told the President that perhaps no person had stronger grounds to suspect that integrity than I had—but that I believed his pride of ambition had so predominated over his other passions, that when placed on an eminence and put on his honor; a respect to himself would secure his fidelity. I perceived that the subject was disagreeable to the President, and to bring him to my point in the shortest mode and in a manner which would point to the danger—I said to him, if col. B. was not disposed of, we should in 18 months have an insurrection, if not a revolution on the waters of the Mississippi. The President said he had too much confidence in the information, the integrity, and attachment of the people of that country to the union, to admit any apprehensions of that kind. The circumstance of no interrogatories being made to me, I thought, imposed silence upon me at that time and place. Here, sir, I beg indulgence to declare my motives for recommending that gentleman to a foreign mission at that time, and in the solemnity with which I stand here, I declare that col. B. was neutral in my feelings; that it was through no attachment to him that I made that suggestion, but to avert a great national calamity which I saw approaching, to arrest a tempest which seemed lowering in the west, and to divert into a channel of usefulness those consummate talents, which were to mount "the whirlwind and direct the storm." About the time of my having waited on the President, or a little before, I determined at all events to have some evidence of the uprightness of my intentions, and to fortify myself by the advice of more experienced men. I waited upon two members of the House of Representatives, whose friendship I had the honor long to retain, and in whose wisdom and integrity I had full faith. I am at liberty to give their names if required—and I believe a senator, but of that I am not certain. I opened to them the project of colonel B. They did not seem much alarmed.
(Mr. Martin objected to the witness stating any of the observations of other persons to himself. After some desultory conversation, the bench supported the objection.)
Mr. Eaton . I did ask indulgence of the court to make such explanations, because perversions of my conduct were before the public; but I wave this indulgence; contented with meeting these perversions at some other time and place.
Ch. Justice . You have used that indulgence.
Little more passed between col. Burr and myself, relevant to this enquiry, whilst I remained at Washington, tho' he was solicitous to engage me in his western plans. I returned to Massachusetts; and thought no more of col. B. or his projects, until in October last, a letter was put into my hands, from M. Bellnap, to T. E. Daniels, that boats were building on the Ohio.
Mr. Burr . Have you that letter?
Mr. B. No.
Mr. B. It is improper then to state it.
Mr. Hay . It is immaterial. Mr. Bellnap is here.
Mr. E. As to letters, I have had no correspondence with col. B. I was about to state that I made a communication to the President of the U.S. thro' the hands of the post-master gen. stating the views of col. B.
(To be continued.)
RUNAWAY NEGRO.
WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, Maryland, on the 22th inst. as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself David Jones, aka Israel Davis, appears to be about 30 years of age, 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high; his clothing is a striped 'Banner's' cord jacket, blue cloth pa-talons, cotton shirt, an old wool hat and shoes. Says he is a free man, and that he was formerly a cook on board the frigate Chesapeake, and that he lately lived in Alexandria and Georgetown. The owner (if a slave) is required to come and release him, otherwise he will be sold for his jail fees, agreeable to law. ISAAC S. WHITE, Sheriff. August 19—w3t

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26.
Extract of a letter from Natchitoches, dated July 2d, 1807.
Captain Pike, who has been some time detained in the interior provinces of Spanish America, arrived at this place in the evening of the 30th of last month.
APPOINTMENTS BY THE MAYOR.
MICHAEL NOURSE, 1st ward, City Com. Commissioners. THOMAS H. GILLIS, 2d ward, DANIEL RAYNE, 3d ward, GEORGE COLLARD, 4th ward.
Extract from the act for the appointment of City Commissioners and City Constables.
They (Commissioners) shall superintend the execution of all the laws of the Council, and shall direct prosecutions for infractions of the same; shall superintend the expenditure of all monies appropriated by the Council, for the opening or repairing of streets, wharves, bridges, pumps, wells, springs, rivers, creeks, and of all appropriations not otherwise provided for by law, by designating the particular objects on which the same shall be expended, when not previously designated, and the sums which shall be applied thereto; shall superintend the conduct of all officers appointed under the corporation, and receiving compensation for their services; and the monthly returns heretofore required to be made by such officers to the Mayor, shall in future be made to the said Board of Commissioners only.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
On board of the Patriot, 17th August, 1807.
Macintche Krichm, captain of a vessel of the first class, officer of the Legion of Honor, commander of the Patriot, of the French fleet, on the station of the United States.
Patriot, 17th Aug. 1807.
SIR, I send you a list of the toasts drunk on the 16th of August, on the festival of the Emperor.—As they are in honor of both nations, I beg you will have them inserted in your paper.
I am, Sir, With consideration. KROHM.
Toasts drunk on the 16th of August, on board the Patriot, lying in the Patuxent, on day of St. Napoleon, a festival in honor of the Emperor of the French.
1. Napoleon the Great, Emperor of the French, and King of Italy.—May this magnanimous Prince force his last enemies to sue for that peace, which he has so often offered.
2. May he obtain as the reward of his virtues, what he so ardently desires for the happiness and honor of all nations.
3. The President of the United States and the people of America.—May they never forget the French are their ancient and true friends, and that they may always count upon them.
4. The Grand Army, the conquerors of Italy, of Egypt and Prussia.—May they enter France under the triumphal arch, and repose themselves under that glory which is attached to their invincible courage.
4. His Excellency the Ambassador from his Imperial Majesty near the American government.
5. His Excellency the Governor of Maryland.
6. The French and American Ladies.
7. To all our friends.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Observations on the conduct of Great Britain, since the year 1791.
An enlightened state of the public mind is no less necessary to the political morality of a worthy nation, than a well informed conscience, is to an honest individual. In this view the mild but perfect illumination given in a recent state paper to the rights of our flag, in relation to persons of all descriptions sailing under it, appears to be of the highest importance—occasional and permanent. With that paper long before them, neither the partisans of England nor the most excessive opponents to our administration have been able to show that foreign navies can exercise a right of search as to any but "military enemies" even in our vessels. The public mind, thus aided by every pertinent light and perplexed by none, which is not pertinent—makes a sturdy and determined stand upon the noble ground of ascertained truth. It is in vain that some regret, that the persons seized on board the frigate Chesapeake, were permitted to go to sea in her, after they had been demanded by the British. Thus, though other wise intended, is a just censure of Great Britain; because it implies, that their character is so irregular & violent, that it was to have been expected, that they would attempt to seize our men. The rights of this country to the voluntary services of its own citizens, cannot be suspended or destroyed by foreign irregularities. We wanted the men—The men made their own side of the contract by a voluntary engagement in our frigate.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
It is necessary to observe too, that the rights of our own citizens to be employed in the line of their proper occupation, as mariners, cannot be suspended or destroyed by foreign irregularities. The government offered agreeable employment, and the seized seamen accepted it of their own accord. British impressment, odious and pernicious as it is, would be rendered infinitely more so, if it could deprive this country of its right to employ its own people, and if it could deprive any class of those people of their right to be so employed by their native country. A few such feeble and unsound suggestions are the whole that is opposed to the mass of truth, reason and universal public law, which composes the state paper concerning impressments.
An anxious solicitude to promote the diffusion of similar truths, leads to the present attempt to place the conduct of England in other respects in the same beneficial light. It is true that the learning, and the strength, which insured to our rights on the subject of impressment, an absolute demonstration, are wanted here. But the same anxiety for truth and for justice to our country, which moved our minister of state, may operate on a citizen, unequal to the task. At all events, he will contribute to the public cause, the mite he possesses.
It is well known to America and Europe (for we appeal with confidence to the whole civilized world) that this country in common with other neutral states, has been uncommonly harassed and injured by the conduct of G. Britain in the wars which have been occasioned by the French revolutions. At the crisis of the apparent maturity of our negotiations with the British government in the close of the last year, they had risen to the most extreme heights. The writer of these columns does not pretend to any official information (for he writes not on the motion nor even with the privity of any other person) but he ventures to affirm from abundant and conclusive evidence before the public, that after the form, the substance, and one of the copies of the digested treaty had received the signatures of Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, and in the final act of delivering the British counterpart, deliberately signed also, a written note was presented by the British negotiating ministers, to our two ministers, purporting that though the treaty was thus signed and exchanged, yet the British government would consider themselves as entitled to do towards the U. States whatever we sustained and permitted from the French in consequence of the decree of the 21st of November and of course from any such decrees.
No observation is intended to be made upon this British accompaniment of a treaty matured and mutually signed after the decree of the 21st of November was known. That extraordinary act has happily met with its proper treatment, an open stand, calm, intelligent and firm. So far as our country understands and considers the subject, it is entirely with the government on this point, and that too in the case of the persons eminent in the walks of party opposition.
The state of mind, displayed by the British government, in thus endeavoring to draw us into a situation of assent to this ingenious attempt of theirs, and the spirit of perseverance in wrong they have manifested in their various orders of council of January 7th and of other dates in this year, have given rise to the reflexion, that it would be of the greatest public utility to place before the public some of those anterior, and numerous acts of the British government which have illegitimately placed the neutral states in situations of unprecedented hardship and injustice, and which the history of the British operations since 1791 will prove to have brought on those acts of the French and Spanish governments, which resemble the decree of the Emperor of France of the 21st November. Indeed, the conduct of England since the year 1791, would, if unopposed, effect a complete revolution in that government of independent states, which has been happily secured by the universal law of nations. It is our duty, our interest, and our right freely to examine the subject, that we may be prepared to determine on the conduct we ought to pursue, in the season before us.
In order to bring the matters in contemplation, into a clear and defined shape, we decently, but explicitly submit to the whole world the high charge that Great Britain was the first beginner of the illegitimate measures pursued to embarrass and spoliare the neutral commerce of the U. S. since 1791—that she has pursued it so early, so constantly, in a degree so extreme and in a manner so unprecedented, that she is deprived of every pretence, in reason or under the law of nations, to a right of retaliation, in respect to her enemies, or as a matter which the impartiality of neutrals ought to permit to her.
After explicitly taking this serious ground, we shall proceed with the subject, and we shall first notice some contrary suggestions, which have heretofore been made, or appear to have been intended, by respectable persons in our country.
JURISCOLA.
violence against the American frigate. This writing of letters to the British agents at Boston and New York manifests a little fear on the part of the English admiral, lest the English ministry, to answer their own purposes and to satisfy the just demands of America, might buy him. However, whether it was Humphreys or Berkely, the case is the same to America; our citizens were murdered and our flag insulted—But as a matter of curiosity, it may be worth while to bring into view again the order issued by Berkely at Halifax. That part of it under which Humphreys may be supposed to have conceived himself authorised to use force to compel acquiescence in a search, follows:
"The captains and commanders of his majesty's ships and vessels under my command, are hereby required and directed, in case of meeting with the American frigate Chesapeake at sea, and without the limits of the U. States, to show to the captain of her this order, and to require to search his ship for the deserters from the before mentioned ships, and to proceed and search for the same."
Now, Berkely is said to contend that by this language he meant nothing more than that a requisition should be made to search for the men, and in case of refusal that then the question should be referred to the two governments. But although we shall always believe Humphreys to have acted like a barbarian and an assassin, yet we are of opinion that Berkely's order was intended and does authorise force. The words are, "to require (of the American commander) to search his ship for deserters;" and then, without any instructions how to act in case of refusal, directs the British officer "to proceed and search for the same." Here are two things specified. 1st. To require the permission to search; and 2d. To "proceed and search." The command in each case is positive. Humphreys performed the first, and on being denied, "proceeded" to perform the second, to the execution of which violence was necessary if we take into consideration, that the case had already been partly discussed between our government and Mr. Erskine; and that the proper channel of communicating the circumstance to the English government was through Mr. E. Berkely's explanation appears puerile. The men having been demanded and refused, which is noticed in the order itself, is sufficient to show that the order was issued in consequence of that refusal, and that the intention was to take by force what was denied to the British officers, consul, and minister.
American. The public will be highly gratified to learn (the circumstance is stated in the Annapolis paper) that the 5th regiment, consisting of 701 officers and privates, commanded by col. John Stricker, have tendered their services to the Executive of Maryland, as part of the quota required by the general government.
The following companies have in the same patriotic spirit, tendered their services to the commander in chief:—Wm. H. Winder's; Leonard R. Rulay's; Benjamin Fowler's; Wm. R. Smith's; and Alexander Thompson's.
Ibid.
Boston, Aug. 19. Prince JEROME BONAPARTE is to be created Grand Duke of Hanover.
We find by Steele's list of April, that the Driver was then commanded by Captain Love; but by the list for June, that he is removed, and that the Driver is commanded by Capt. Claridge.
The author of an English pamphlet entitled, "A demonstration of the necessity and advantages of a free trade to the East Indies; and of a termination to the present monopoly of the East India company," asserts as truth "That the trade of the United States alone to the East-Indies & China, actually exceeds that of Great-Britain."
New York, August 21.
We learn by the British packet from Halifax, that the judge of the admiralty court there has decreed, that the manufactures of the colonies of Great Britain beyond the Cape of Good Hope, imported into America, must be consumed there. If an attempt be made to export them, and they should be fallen in with by British cruisers, they will be considered as good prize, and confiscated.
One hundred and fifty men from the Bellona were confined in the hospital at Halifax, with the scurvy.
Five men had deserted from the Acasto, and five from the Ville de Milan.
The crews of the brig Eutaw, Fair American, and schooner Messenger, of Baltimore, Orient, of Marblehead, and Warren, of Boston, were discharged by captain Douglas, at the request of the American captains; one man from the Indian sloop of war, who had been impressed, and had remained two years and three months on board, was discharged by order of the admiral; and fifteen others from different vessels. A subscription for their relief was opened by the Americans at Halifax.
August 22.
Mr. Fulton's new invented STEAM-BOAT arrived at this city yesterday from Albany, having performed her passage to and from that place in a little better than four days.
A gentleman recently from Halifax communicates the following intelligence:
"The Bellona, of 74 guns; Ethalion, 44; Acasto, 44; Halifax, 22; Bermuda, 22; Observateur, 18; Indian of 22; were repairing with the utmost dispatch."
"The Ville de Milan, of 44 guns, loaded with water, was to sail for the Chesapeake on the 8th of August, and was to take under convoy the late American brig Eutaw, also loaded with water."
Philadelphia, Aug. 18.
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT.
During the late session of Congress, the Senate of the U. States passed a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury to procure information touching the general progress of Canals and Turnpikes, and the improvement of the navigation of rivers, throughout the union; and to report the result to the ensuing session.—In compliance with this order, the Secretary has recently invited the numerous corporations of the state of Pennsylvania, thro' the medium of an officer of the government, to collect facts and observations, relative to these highly interesting subjects.
The citizens of this commonwealth remember how much zeal was displayed last winter, at Lancaster, to stimulate such undertakings, by shewing the expediency of them, and the ability of the state to grant pecuniary aid; but without effect. It must therefore be pleasing to every patriotic mind, to know, that the general government is disposed to shew its patronage. To render this the more certain, therefore, it becomes the duty of those persons who are possessed of any useful information of the kind, to communicate it.
Norfolk, August 20.
The captain of a northern sloop, bound for Charleston, and put in here in distress, is to undergo an examination this morning, at 10 o'clock, at the Town Hall, in consequence of information lodged against him, for supplying the British ship of war Leopard with provisions.
TAMMANY SOCIETY.
AN Adjourned meeting of the TAMMANY SOCIETY or COLUMBIAN ORDER, will be held on FRIDAY evening the 28th day of the present month of FISHES, at the Council Fire of their great Wigwam, precisely at the going down of the Sun.
By order of the Society. B. SMITH, Sec. Month of Fishes 24th, year of discovery, 315th, (August 24th 1807.)
MONEY LOST.
ON Sunday the 23d inst. was lost between the Eastern Branch lower Bridge & the city Bank—a ONE HUNDRED DOLLAR NOTE on the Bank of Baltimore, one FIVE dollar note believed to be on the Bank of Alexandria, & one ONE dollar note believed to be on the Bank of Maryland—all wrapped in a bill of the sale of Whiskey, and covered over with a piece of brown paper. TEN DOLLARS reward will be paid to every person who shall find and deliver the said notes to Thomas Hughes opposite the Bank, city of Washington. August 26—3t.
SIMPLE TALES.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE, BY R. C. WEIGHTMAN, Pennsylvania avenue, and I. MILLIGAN, High street, George-Town.
Opie's Simple Tales,
2 Vol. 12 mo—price Two Dollars.
Simple Tales may also be had at DANIEL RAYNE's Book-store Capitol Hill, and J. V. THOMAS, Navy Yard. R. C. W. has lately received a very general assortment of Plays, Farces, &c. Salmagundi, may be had in complete sets, to the last number separate. August 26—3t.
Notice is hereby Given,
BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's Co. will be offered at public sale at the Dwelling house of Ann Greenwell on Friday the 4th of September if fair, if not the next fair day, Household and Kitchen Furniture, a two wheel chair, some valuable Negroes, Horses, Hogs, Cattle, and a variety of other articles too tedious to mention. A credit of six months will be given by the purchaser giving bond with approved security. Prince Georges county, August 12—w3t.
The YOUNG GENTLEMEN,
composing the Washington Juvenile Infantry, are informed, that in consequence of a refusal from the Department of war to supply them with arms, they are discharged from the further observance of the existing regulations of said Company.
THE OFFICERS. August 26, 1807.
NOTICE.
TO be sold at Public Auction on the 19th of next month, at 12 o'clock on the premises, 100 ACRES OF LAND, called Burches Venture lying on Oxen run, in the District of Columbia 3 miles from the Eastern Branch bridge and 1 1/2 miles from Georgetown. Whoever wishes to purchase said Land may apply to Mr. Philip Evans who will show the boundary lines of said land—an undoubted title will be given, by SAMUEL & JESSE BURCH. August 26—w3t.
A meeting of the Columbian Dragoons is requested this evening at 4 o'clock, p. m. fronting the Theatre, south of Goose Creek; for the purpose of going through some of the exercise necessary to be known. It is hoped every member will punctually attend. By order of the Captain, R. CHERRY, Lt. August 26.
Treasury Department, Register's Office, June 5th, 1807.
Notice is hereby given,
THAT, in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the Treasury on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stock, as may, on the day of subscription and on the books of the treasury.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, not till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above-mentioned, but not reimbursable, however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above-mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOSEPH NOURSE, Reg. of the Treasury
Table with 3 columns: Description, Amount, Balance. Rows include: Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive 649 6s of new six. 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 644 37. Between the 1st Jan. and 1st March 1808, 619 03. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st Oct. 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78. If subscribed between the 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 6s. Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808, 831 42.
Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October 1807, and 1st January 1808, respectively.
Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock, will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six.
June 8—w6m
Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for Washington County.
William Hawkins, Complainant, against Benjamin Stoddert, Daniel Reimsell, and Ann his wife, late Ann Robertson, Samuel Robertson, Henry Robertson, Thomas Robertson, and Sarah Robertson an infant under the age of twenty-one years, which said Ann, Henry, Thomas and Sarah, are the heirs of William Robertson, deceased—Defendants.
THE bill of the Complainant states, that Wm. Robertson, deceased, received a conveyance of certain ground and premises, lying and being in the City of Washington, from Benjamin Stoddert, which conveyance was not recorded agreeably to law, and has also been lost. That the said William Robertson, before his death, conveyed the same to William Budden, who conveyed the same to the complainant. That the said intermediate conveyances, owing to the loss of the original conveyance from William Robertson, have not been recorded, and that the legal title and estate of the said premises is now vested in the said Benjamin Stoddert. The object of the bill is to obtain a legal title and estate in the premises to the complainant. It being made appear to the satisfaction of the court, that Samuel Robertson resides out of the District of Columbia, and that the place of his residence is not known—that Henry Robertson resides out of the district of Columbia, and resides in Montgomery County in the state of Maryland—and that Sarah Robertson is an infant under the age of twenty-one years and resides out of the District of Columbia, to wit, in Montgomery County, in the state of Maryland—it is ordered that notice of the object of this bill be given to the said Samuel Robertson by publishing a copy hereof four successive weeks in the Washington Federalist printed in George Town, and the National Intelligencer, and that the said Henry Robertson and the guardian to the said Sarah be also notified of the object of this bill, by the like publishing of this order.
By order. URIAH FORREST, CLK. True Copy. WM. BRENT CLK.

NOTICE
It has been represented to the Secretary of State, that George Brown, James Carr, John Bolton, John Johnson, James Johnston, John Davis, Thomas Bravo, Matthew Myles, John Gray, Thomas Rea, Levy Brown, George Roberts, George or Joseph Nichols, John Blackwood, John Chapman, Dennis Megaw, Benj. Dannels, John Veil, John Lindsay, Martin Powers, Isaac Hunter, William Simmons, William Mockhall, Nathaniel M. Warren and William Cammamel, who call themselves Citizens of the United States, have been impressed into the British service, and are now detained for want of documents to prove their Citizenship. The friends of these men are therefore notified that on their transmitting to the Secretary of State, proof of the Citizenship together with a description of the persons of the above named Seamen, measures will be taken to obtain their discharge.
Department of State August 21st, 1807 The Editor of the National Intelligencer and the Editors who publish the laws of the Union in the Seafarer are requested to insert the above three times in their respective Gazettes.
THE PEWS on the lower floor in CHRIST CHURCH , will be sold at public auction on Tuesday the 25th inst. precisely at 12 o'clock. As it is supposed that those pews will command immediate sale, those persons desirous of accommodating their families, will do well to observe punctual attendance.
CONDITIONS.
The pews to be sold to the highest bidder—one half of the purchase money to be paid at the time of sale—the other half when the interior of the church is finished agreeably to the present contracts, at which time should the payments be punctually made, a deed to the property will be given by the vestry. The purchasers to hold the pews in fee as real property, and by him transferable at pleasure, subject nevertheless to such yearly rent as will be designated in the church previous to the commencement of the sale, which ground rent (as the annual funds of the church,) being intended for the support of the clergyman, clerk, sexton, and to keep the church in repair, to be paid quarterly in advance, and in case of delinquency in the payment continuing for one year, the vestry shall sell such pew at public sale, to pay the amount due thereon, the surplus, after deducting the charges and expenses of such sale, to be given to the former proprietor.
All persons who have subscribed to the building of the church, and paid such subscription, will on becoming a purchaser of a pew or pews, have the amount deducted from the purchase price. But no part of the subscription money paid, shall be returned to a non-purchaser, nor shall any money be returned to such person who may purchase a pew for less than his first subscription.
By order of the Vestry, HENRY INGLE, Register. August 19—3t.
LITERARY NOTICE.
WM. DUANE, of Philadelphia, will thank such Book-sellers, Printers, and others, as may have had the goodness to collect subscribers, for the LIFE & WORKS OF DR. FRANKLIN , about to be published by Wm. Duane, to forward to him lists of the subscribers, obtained, with particular directions relative to their residence, &c.
Printers of newspapers, who have published the proposals for this extensive work, will add to the favors already conferred, by publishing the above in their respective papers, as often as convenient.
WM. DUANE will also thank those, who have collected subscribers, for " POLITICS FOR FARMERS and MECHANICS ," to inform him of their names and places of residence, without delay. July 13—
50 Dollars Reward.
RAN-AWAY on the morning of the 8th inst. from the subscriber a negro man Named Richard Brown , He is about 23 years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, well set, rather light colored, something forbidding in his countenance, and is a very artful fellow; had on when he went away a coarse white shirt, nankeen pantaloons, and an old great coat. He has been seen since in the district with a black coat, nankeen pantaloons and coat on. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him to me, or lodge him in jail in the district of Columbia, with reasons for the charges. JOHN CASSIN. N. B. He had on one of his ankles a horse lock, which it is supposed he cannot get off. July 30. eptf
Fifty Dollars Reward
RANAWAY from the subscriber residing in the District of Columbia, on the first of August, 1807, a black man named MOSES , about five feet 8 or 9 inches high, 25 years of age, has been a carpenter and is an excellent workman, he has a remarkable scar on the top of one of his feet something like the scar from a burn, believed to be on his right foot—he was dressed in an Edinburgh jacket and pantaloons, but may change both his name and dress. Ten dollars will be paid if found in this District, and the above reward if out of the District and confined in any jail so that I get him again. ROBERT ALEXANDER. Washington, August 19, 1807. tf
District of Columbia, to wit: Be it remembered that on the 13th day of August in the thirty second year of the Independence of the United States of America, WILLIAM CRANCH of the said district hath deposited in this office the title of a book the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit: " Reports of Cases argued and adjudged in the Supreme Court of the United States, in the years 1805 and 1806, Vol. III. "—By WILLIAM CRANCH , Chief Judge of the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia."
In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned."
G. DENZALE, Clerk of the district of Columbia. SEAL of the district court for the district of Columbia. August 21—4w
PROPOSALS
For carrying mails of the United States on the following routes will be received at the General Post Office until the 15th of October next.
 1st. From Peterburg by Harrisville, Goldsborough, Drummondburg, Warrenton, Lewisburg, Raleigh, and Aylesboro, to Fayetteville, three times a week.  Leave Peterburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m., arrive at Warrenton, same days by 3 p.m. Leave Warrenton every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a.m., arrive at Raleigh same days by 6 p.m. Leave Raleigh, Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 3 a.m., arrive at Fayetteville same days by 5 p.m.  Returning—Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 4 a.m., arrive at Raleigh same days by 6 p.m. Leave Raleigh every Wednesday, Friday, and Monday at 3 a.m., arrive at Warrenton same days by 6 p.m. Leave Warrenton, every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 a.m., arrive at Peterburg same days by 3 p.m.  2nd. From Fayetteville by Lumberton, Barefields Mills, Potts ferry, Oakton and Georgetown to Charleston three times a week.  Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 4 a.m., arrive at Pottsferry on _____, arrive at Georgetown, on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by 6 p.m. Leave Georgetown every Thursday, Saturday, and Tuesday at 2 a.m., arrive at Charleston same days by 4 a.m.  Returning—Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 5 a.m., arrive at Georgetown same days by 6 p.m. Leave Georgetown every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 a.m., arrive at Pottsferry on _____, arrive at Fayetteville on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by 6 p.m. 
NOTES.
 1. The Post master general may expedite the mails, & alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, by stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.  2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified.  3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mails destined for such destination miss a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.  4. Newspapers, as well as letters, to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.  5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alteration desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.  6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of August, November, February, and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.  7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.  8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.  9. The Post master general reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever one failure happens which amounts to the loss of a trip.  10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of January next, & to continue in force until the 31st day of March 1810. 
GIDEON GRANGER, Post master-general. General Post-Office Washington city, July 31—tO&X 15
A HOUSE & LOT for Sale.
WILL be offered at public sale on Thursday the 27th inst. at 12 o'clock on the premises on a credit of 90 days. A Two Story BRICK HOUSE with two rooms and a passage on each floor, a cellar and dry well therein; this house is situated on Lot No. 10 in square 728 on East Capital street, fronting the Capital. Negotiable paper bearing interest from the date with approved endorser will be required of the purchaser, and when paid a good title will be made by SAML. TYLER, Executor of Saml. Tyler deceased. August 17—tdoi
Post-Office, Washington City. THE Post-Master requests all those indebted to him for postage on letters and newspapers, to make immediate payment, in order to enable him to settle his accounts with the General Post-Office. August 13. 2w
NOTICE.
IT Has been represented to the Secretary of State, that Richard Weaver, David Johnston, Jeremiah Culver, Samuel C. Bond, Henry Wright, Aaron Young, John Twelves, John Green, Enos Dickson, Ebenezer Berry, Joshua Maviney, John Morris, John Cap-pit, John Marks, Joseph Jones, Samuel Brown, John Clark, John Hitt, William Goold, John Marshall, Charles Coffin, Isaac Innis, James Forrest, and Dennis Perry, who call themselves citizens of the United States, have been impressed into the British service, and are now detained for want of documents to prove their citizenship. The friends of these men are therefore notified, that on their transmitting, to the Secretary of State, proof of their citizenship, together with a description of the persons of the above named seamen, measures will be taken to obtain their discharge. Department of State, August 17th, 1807.
The Editor of the National Intelligencer, and the Editors who publish the Laws of the Union, in the Seafarer , are requested to insert the above three times in their respective Gazettes. August 19—3t.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Washington in the district of Columbia, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Thomas Duckett, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber on or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Those indebted to the deceased are desired to make immediate payment. ALLEN B. DUCKETT, Adm. City of Washington, March 18—tf
All claims forwarded by mail must be post paid.
LAND FOR SALE.
TO be sold at public sale on the premises, the first day of September next, if fair, if not the next fair day, a Tract of Land on which I now dwell, lying on Potomac river, adjoining Swan Point. This tract contains about 300 acres with a great sufficiency of timber, and fire wood. The soil is well adapted to the growth of Indian Corn, Tobacco, Wheat and Clover. This tract having two convenient dwelling houses on it, the one on the river, the other on Cuckolds Creek may be sold in two equal parts or together as may best suit purchasers. The adjoining waters abound with fine fish, oysters and wild fowl in their season. The terms of sale are as follows, 700 dollars paid down, the balance of the purchase money to be paid in three equal annual payments, the purchaser giving bond and approved security bearing interest from the day of sale. The sale to commence at 1 o'clock, P. M. EDWARD DIGGES. Cobrach, Charles county, } Mid. Aug. 12 -tdoi
FOR SALE OR RENT.
THE subscriber will SELL or RENT the HOTEL, situated on the Capitol Hill and near to the Capitol, at present occupied by Mr. P. D. STELLZ. As this house is well known, it is useless to say more than that it is calculated for a large establishment, and is the first situation as a hotel on a large scale in this city. Possession can be had the first day of October next. Some other houses for sale or rent on the Hill near the Capitol. For terms, apply to DANL. CARROLL of Dudn. Washington, August 5—zawtU
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by ship Eliza ANN lately arrived at Philad. A choice assortment Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennetts, Velvets, and Corda, Cassimere, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Toilets, rich silk Mouselain velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. Richard Marwells celebrated patent parallel suspenders, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. November 12—tf
EDUCATION.
THE Subscriber, late a Professor of St. John's College, Maryland, having obtained as his assistant Mr. SIMON CAN'T WELL , a gentleman of respectable character and abilities; being encouraged by many respectable Gentlemen of Washington and Georgetown cities; also a number of his pupils, from his late residence in Prince George's county, Maryland, begs leave to inform the public generally, that his ACADEMY is now open for the reception of Pupils, who will be instructed in the Greek and Latin Languages, the different branches of Mathematics, Book keeping, Geography, English Grammar, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, &c. He hopes an experience of 23 years teaching in Maryland, 11 of which he taught in St. John's College, will procure him a share of public confidence and patronage. Terms of tuition—the Greek and Latin Languages, Mathematics, Geography, Book-keeping, &c. 40 dollars per annum, English, Grammer & Reading, Writing, &c. 24 dollars per annum, paid quarterly. He will receive a few more Boarders in his family, at 120 dollars per annum, paid quarterly in advance. Boarders must find their bed and bedding. HUGH MACGUIRE, Washington, city, near the Seven Buildings, August 14—w4c
One Hundred Dollars Reward,
If taken in this state, or ONE HUNDRED & FIFTY if taken out of this state and brought home— OLIVER, HARRY, LINA, & SARAH, who ran away from the subscribers living in Madison county, on the 15th of June last; Oliver, is a stout made fellow about 45 years old, about 6 feet high, a little yellow complexioned, round shouldered and a little knock-kneed, some grey hairs to be seen about his temples, has a hoarse voice the appearance of a cold—Harry is a very small fellow, but well made to his height, supposed to be about 30 years old, black complexioned, a naylor by trade—Lina, a small yellow complexioned wench about 22 years old, the said Lina and Harry were purchased out of the estate of Mr. Benjamin Grimes, of Prince George county in the year 1800—Sarah, a dark complexioned girl about 15 years old; I think it useless to mention their clothing as I have reason to believe they have changed their clothing since they left home; I do not doubt but they are provided with a pait and may attempt to pass as free people, but examining the pait and not finding the country seal to it, it will prove to be a counterfeit one, and may attempt to get into Maryland or Pennsylvania or to Norfolk, or to some of the western states, or possibly they may have been conducted off by some white person to some distant part who may make sale of them. I hereby give a caution to all and forewarn all owners and masters of vessels from taking on board or secreting said negroes under the strictest penalty of the law, or the one half of the 150 dollars will be given if secured in jail out of the state and 50 dollars if secured in jail in this state to that we get them again. THOMAS GR. VRS, THOMAS GRAVES, Jun. Virginia, Madison county, August 17—8t
New & Valuable BOOKS.
 JUST received, and now opening, at D. RAPIN'S Book Store on Capitol Hill, a Choice and Valuable Collection of BOOKS and STATIONERY, which he will be happy to dispose of to his friends and customers on the most reasonable terms—amongst which are:  The Novice of St. Dominick, by Miss Owenson, author of the Wild Irish Girl, Saint Clair, or the Heiress of Dermond, by the same author.  Warren's History of the American revolution, 3 vols.  Montgomery's Poems, Roberts on Frauds, Sugden's Law of Venders, Kelt's Reports, vol. 7th, Peter's (Judge) Maritime Law, Henning and Mumford's Virginia Reports, Domestic Cookery, Sidney on Government, Aitkin's Geography, Workman's do. Geographical questions, Sporting Anecdotes, Nautical Almanacs for 1808—9, German Theatre, 6 vols. Jess's Surveying, Sacred Classics, 9 vols. Seignie's Letters, 7 vols. Sully's Memoirs, 5 vols. Pope's Homer, 4 vols. Graylie's Italian Dictionary. Young's Centaur. Lady's elegant tortoise-shell combs, ornamented and plain. Specacles and Morocco cases. Watch sets and keys. Fashionable paper hangings and borders. Reserves water colors. Mathematical Instruments. Chamber Lamps and wicks. Japaned Ink. Durable do. A large assortment of writing & letter paper—hot pressed and plain. Quills, sealing-wax, wafers, pen knives, &c. &c. 
Dr. Rees' Cyclopedia,
Vol. 5th, Part 1st, or the 9th half volume, is just received and ready for delivery, those who have not had ALL the preceding volumes will oblige by sending for them. Aug. 7 tf.
RAMSAY'S LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
IN the press, and in a few weeks will be published by E. S. THOMAS, of Providence, R. Island, late of Charleston, S. C. and for sale at J. March's book store, George Town.
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
Commander in Chief of the Armies of the U. States of America, throughout the war which established their Independence, and first President of the United States. BY DAVID RAMSAY, M. D. AUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. This work will be published on the following conditions:
 1st. It will be comprised in one volume, octavo, of about 400 pages, on a fine wove paper.  2d. It shall be ornamented with an elegant engraved Head of Washington.  3d. The price to Subscribers, in boards, will be two dollars and fifty cents; to non-subscribers, three dollars.  4. No money will be required until the books are ready for delivery.  On the merits of a work, coming from an author so celebrated in the annals of literature as Ramsay, suffice it to say, that the manuscript has been read by several gentlemen of great literary acquirements, and pronounced to be "a piece of elegant classic Biography." Subscriptions received at J. March's book store, High Street, George Town. Where are just received a new collection of books in every department of literature. July 15
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber in August last, a Negro Charles—he is a straight well made black man, about 36 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; has lost some of his fore teeth; is remarkably polite and much of a gentleman. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him home or lodge him any jail so that I get him again. W. B. BLAND, Jr. Upper Marlinton, Jan. 9—tawtf
PROPOSALS, By CONRAD, LUCAS & Co. (late M. and J. Conrad and Co.) No. 138, Market street, FOR PUBLISHING LEWIS and CLARK'S TOUR TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN, THROUGH THE INTERIOR OF THE CONTINENT OF NORTH AMERICA, Performed by order of the government of the United States, during the years 1804, 1805, and 1806.
THIS work will be prepared by captain MERIWETHER LEWIS, and will be divided into two parts, the whole comprised in three volumes octavo, the first containing at least 700 pages, the second and third from four to five hundred each, printed on good paper, and a fair Pica type. The several volumes in succession will be put to press as early periods as the avocations of the author will permit him to prepare them for publication.
PART THE FIRST—IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME FIRST. Will contain a narrative of the voyage, with a description of some of the most remarkable places in those hitherto unknown wilds of America, accompanied by a map of good size, a large chart of the entrance of the Columbia river, embracing the adjacent country, coast and harbors, and embellished with views of two beautiful cataracts of the Missouri; the plan, on a large scale, of the connected falls of that river, as also, of those of the falls, narrows and great rapids of the Columbia, with their several portages. For the information of future voyagers, there will be added in the sequel of this volume, some observations and remarks on the navigation of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, pointing out the precautions which must necessarily be taken, in order to ensure success, together with an itinerary of the most direct and practicable route across the continent of North America, from the confluence of the Missouri and the Mississippi rivers to the discharge of the Columbia into the Pacific Ocean.
VOLUME SECOND.
Whatever properly appertains to geography, embracing a description of the rivers, mountains, climate, soil and face of the country; a view of the Indian nations distributed over that vast region, showing their traditions, habits, manners, customs, national characters, figure, complexions, dress, dwellings, arms, and domestic utensils, with many others interesting particulars in relation to them; also, observations and reflections on the subjects of civilizing, governing and maintaining a friendly intercourse with those nations. A view of the fur trade of North America, setting forth a plan for its extension, and showing the immense advantages which would accrue to the mercantile interests of the United States, by combining the same with a direct trade to the East Indies, through the continent of North America. This volume will be embellished with twenty plates illustrative of the dress and general appearance of such Indian nations as differ materially from each other; of their habitations; their weapons and habiliments used in war; their hunting and fishing apparatus; domestic utensils, &c. In an appendix there will also be given a diary of the weather kept with great attention throughout the whole of the voyage, showing also the daily rise and fall of the principal water courses which were navigated in the course of the fame.
PART THE SECOND—IN ONE VOLUME.
This part of the work will be confined exclusively to scientific research, and principally to the natural history of those hitherto unknown regions. It will contain a full description on such subjects as may have fallen within the notice of the author, and which may properly be distributed under the heads of Botany, Mineralogy, and Zoology, together with some sketches on the origin of Prairies, the cause of the muddiness of the Missouri, of volcanic appearances, and other natural phenomena which were met with in the course of this interesting tour. This volume will also contain a comparative view of twenty three vocabularies of distinct Indian languages, procured by captains Lewis and Clark, on the voyage, and will be ornamented and embellished with a much greater number of plates than will be bestowed on the first part of the work as is intended that every subject of natural history which is entirely new, and of which there are a considerable number, shall be accompanied by an appropriate engraving illustrative of it.
This distribution of the work has been made with a view to the accommodation of every description of readers, and is here offered to the patronage of the public in such shape, that all persons wishing to become subscribers, may accommodate themselves with either of the parts, or the entire work, as it shall be most convenient to themselves.
Detached from this work, there will be published
LEWIS & CLARK'S
MAP OF NORTH AMERICA,
From Lon. 0 deg. west, to the Pacific Ocean, and between 36 deg. and 52 deg. north Lat. with extensive marginal notes—dimensions 5 feet 8 inches by 3 feet 10 inches. Embracing all their late discoveries, and that part of the continent heretofore the least known. This map will be compiled from the best maps now extant, as well published as in manuscript, from the collective information of the best informed travellers through the various portions of that region, and corrected by a series of several hundred celestial observations, made by captain Lewis during his late tour.
For the convenience of subscribers, these several works will be delivered at the most respectable commercial towns and at the seats of government of the respective states and territories within the Union; no advance is required, nor will payment be demanded until such delivery is made.
The price of part the first, in two vols. will be Ten DOLLARS, and that of part the second in one volume, Eleven DOLLARS, delivered in boards. Price of the Map, Ten DOLLARS.
Any persons who may have subscribed for these works, to lists which contain no stipulated prices for the same, and who may be dissatisfied with the terms now proposed, are at liberty to withdraw their names from such lists, at any time prior to the 1st day of December next. M. LEWIS. July 27.