The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-06 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1206.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, JULY 6, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on the bill from the Senate authorising the President under certain conditions to suspend the Embargo law.
(CONTINUED.)
TUESDAY, APRIL 19.
Mr. Findley's speech concluded.
Passing other examples in our own administration that might be mentioned, he would introduce one precedent that applied completely to the case. In 1794, after the British orders of N. 1793, the execution of which had induced President Washington to recommend an embargo, had been restrained and after it was discovered that the embargo distressed other nations against whom it was not intended to operate, and after negotiation was determined on, the embargo which had existed sixty days was dropped, even while some of the first commercial cities were petitioning for its continuance, and none for its removal; but a law was passed which authorised the President at his discretion—[Here Mr. F. read the law]—it authorised the President to lay, to regulate and to raise an embargo, as during the recess of Congress he in his discretion would judge expedient. By this law he was authorised to apply the embargo to ships of all nations or to our own only. By the bill before us no power is given to lay an embargo, but only to suspend the operation of that already laid; and this law, from the journals, appears to have passed unanimously. He said that he recollected well, that he himself voted for it, on the principles which he has just mentioned. There had been a difference of opinion about the expediency of laying an embargo when it was recommended. Some were apprehensive that it would lead to actual war, and all the alarms of the distress and ruin to be occasioned by it, were displayed with shut doors, as well on that occasion as this, but not so perseveringly; such however was the different spirit of party, between that time and this, that to prevent the impression going abroad, that we were a divided people, the minority did not call the Yeas and Nays on any of the questions respecting it; indeed party spirit had not then assumed the same form it has done since, nor the same temper.
During the early period of the administration of the government, various attempts were made to transfer large portions of the legislative authority to the Executive. The principle was avowed that the Executive branch was too weak and ought to be strengthened in this manner. He would not detain the committee with producing cases; but would assure them that to all these attempts he had been opposed, and generally with success, and yet he, even during that period, along with his then political friends voted for the law vesting the executive with a far more extensive discretion respecting the embargo, than is proposed by the bill now before the committee, and did not think that in so doing, they acted inconsistently. They distinguished between vesting the Executive with power to make or supply the defects of general laws for the government of the citizens, and by an express law authorising the President by methods prescribed in that law, to accommodate the administration of the government to probable emergencies that were not under our control, and that it was not in the power of Congress to provide for with certainty in any other manner. When it was considered that the cases to be provided for solely depended on the measures of foreign nations, to negotiate with whom, the President was the constitutional organ of the government; it was certainly expedient to vest him with such legislative powers as were calculated to facilitate an amicable negotiation.
Mr. F. said, he was not much affected with the imaginary alarms of danger which some gentlemen suggested. He was not apprehensive that the present or any other President would make the worst use possible to be imagined, of the powers vested in them for special purposes. Even supposing a President to be destitute of moral integrity, yet his common interest with the nation, his high responsibility, the short period for which he is elected, and his future
prospects and fame, all contributed as a security against a flagrant breach of trust; but he could not admit that electors carefully selected throughout the whole United States, would ever choose a President destitute of moral virtue.
He knew well that a number of highly respectable members were opposed to the bill from the Senate, now before the committee, not from any apprehension of the abuse of the power proposed to be vested in the President; but from an honest opinion that the embargo will not have been long enough in operation to have produced its proper effect, either in convincing the belligerent powers of their error, or in promoting the manufactures of our own country, before the next meeting of Congress, nor even then, and that it is bad policy towards these powers to discover such anxiety for the suspension of the operation of the embargo, as the passing of this law seems to express. He confessed there was great weight in these reasons, and such were his own first impressions; but on seriously examining the circumstances and reasonable expectations of our own citizens, & the distresses occasioned to all over Europe, by the present unjust and unwise system of the belligerent powers; he believed upon the whole, it was best to afford on our part easy access to reasonable accommodation.
Other respectable gentlemen were for accompanying the powers with more specific conditions and restrictions, for which purpose resolutions had been laid on the table a few days since. Not knowing what circumstances might turn up in the changing and retaliating systems of Europe, he could not agree to such specific restrictions as would leave no latitude of discretion, and were calculated to prevent advances towards negotiation. Others again were opposed to all restrictions prescribed to the Executive discretion; but would have it vested without other limitations than what arose from circumstances, as had been done by the law of 1794, already mentioned, and solely on the account of its not being so, were opposed to the bill. He confessed he wished the bill had been more simple; but he did not see the dangers arising from the details of the bill which impressed the minds of those gentlemen, and therefore would vote for it.
A few members advocated an immediate repeal of the embargo. In favor of this, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) had delivered a long and eloquent argument, in which, however, the distresses arising from the embargo had been much overrated; but it having been ably refuted by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Williams), he would only take notice of one illustration he had introduced in opposition to the bill. He had mentioned the arbitrary conduct of Charles 1st of England, which produced a civil war, and brought himself to the scaffold, and the dispensing power of king James, which drove him and his family from the throne, as similar to that proposed by the bill. Mr. F. said he was much astonished to hear a member of that gentleman's information and candor, introducing such an argument; but few members of the committee, if any, could be imposed on by it; all in any measure acquainted with the history of that period, which he presumed every member was, knew that these high prerogative acts of the Stuarts were not only done without the authority of the legislature, but in express opposition to the acts and authority of Parliament, that they were exertions of the royal prerogative agreeably to the doctrine of hereditary right, passive obedience and non-resistance, then claimed and taught, and consequently had not the most remote bearing upon the question before the committee, which provided only for vesting the President with a provisional power for a specified purpose, and no longer than during the recess of Congress, and by a special law for that purpose.
A motion was made that the committee now rise. Negatived—Ayes 19.
Mr. Rowan expressed his opposition to the passage of the bill as it now stood. I believe said Mr. R. that the constitution does not permit us to pass it, if expediency does. Permit me to say, that not having on my shoulders any of the pressure
of the embargo, yet believing that it is severe, I would join the majority in any constitutional measure to lessen it. I am willing to repeal it; or to define certain events upon which it shall be repealed; but am unwilling to vest a discretionary power in the President to repeal or modify it. It does not satisfy my mind to vote for this, because precedents are produced of the power having been granted heretofore; for there never has been a departure from principle, in which the climax has not been preceded by a progressive deviation. Precedents can have no effect on cases defined by our charter; they have effect only where the exercise of power is left to a sound discretion, and founded on a defined course, precedent should not interfere; a precedent in which it has been departed from, only shews that the constitution has been violated. A repetition but doubles the violation; and no argument can be drawn from precedent where that precedent is manifestly incorrect. Argument of this kind cease to have weight when attended to; because they are found to have been used in all nations which have travelled from liberty to vassalage. Authority of this kind grows immensely, and materials are never wanted. It seems to me however that a plain process of reasoning, if we are influenced by the constitution, ought to be satisfactory to us that we do not possess the power. I take it as correct, that our power is itself derivative. Those who have given powers to us have carefully guarded them. They have defined and circumscribed with caution portions of power which they have delegated. To this House, the Senate, and the Executive, they have delegated a legislative power: to this House one kind of responsibility, to the other branch a different responsibility, and to the other department a far different responsibility. The people then are the fountain of power; and power must be derived from them by delegation or usurpation. If by delegation, it must be by a decided expression of their will. The constitution is the instrument which contains this expression. To the legislature of the union they have by it delegated a legislative power, to the Executive a qualified legislative power, being a veto on the proceedings of the two branches, except sanctioned by two-thirds of the members of each branch. This bill involves a kind of absurdity. No act can have force until sanctioned by the President's assent. The President then by approving this law is to give an assent by which he gives to himself a power with which the people never intended to vest him; and by the bill he is to exercise a legislative power with Executive responsibility. We are accountable to the people at the end of every two years, the Executive at the end of every four years, and the Senate (by the renewal of one third of its whole number) every two years. By this bill the responsibility is confounded, and the legislative responsibility committed to the Executive. Is there any such authority delegated by the constitution? Certainly not; and the very idea of our delegating it is absurd. You cannot empower another to exercise his discretion for you, except you have the power of transferring the exercise of it. No such power is to be found in the constitution. Therefore it seems to me that the people have not conceded to this House the power of vesting the Executive with responsibility of this high kind. The absurdity of a man's exercising a legislative power by which he vests himself with the power of legislating (for so will the President act in approving this bill) must be evident to every one. If the two Houses of Congress pass this law, and he gives it his sanction; he gives himself power to exercise an authority, for which there is no ground in the constitution or in the genius or nature of our government.
The argument of the gentleman from Maryland that if we authorise the President to do this, we can authorise any other person, possesses great force. If we derive our authority to pass this bill from precedent and not from the constitution, we are not confined to the President more than to any other person. Any other person may be selected with the same propriety as the President. So far as
the constitutional principle would interfere, Congress have a right to take any other man in the nation.
So far then as we choose to confine ourselves to the constitution for authority, it seems to me that none will be found there, which will sanction the delegation of the power contended for. The bill does not say that the President shall perform an executive act; it would be unnecessary; for the Executive, from the nature of his office, has the power of executing every law which Congress shall pass. If we empower the execution of a law the President of course is to execute it. Were we to pass this law for that purpose only, it would be unnecessary; but that is not the thing. It vests him with the power of legislation. If we can vest him with the power to suspend our laws, can we not vest him with power to enact new ones? It requires no more legislative force to enact a law than to repeal it; and upon the principle that it requires the same force to destroy as to create, when you vest the power to destroy you vest all power to create; and this bill is only a particular modification of the power for a particular purpose. The arguments which support a transfer to the Executive in this case, would equally apply to a proposition to vest a power in the President to legislate upon his will for the whole nation. You may amuse yourself with names; but names do not change the nature of things; for he will be a despot. For if to govern yourselves be an attribute of freemen, so far as you exercise it by deputation to a single man, you cease to be free; and it is this way the most dangerous despotisms have been constructed, not by grasping, but by progressive concessions. An individual does not originally possess power; but when owing to any cause, there shall be gradual concessions of power, and the people shall be ready for vassalage, having armed him with the power, they are gone. This is the way that liberty is lost; and upon this ground, precedent on constitutional questions should have no weight. Recur to the history of republics. No man was ever so hardy as to step forward and overturn them at once; but the people have been influenced to give power unconsiously, until their habits have become favorable to subversion, and enabled an individual to avail himself of their dispositions. It is therefore that commencements in relaxation of principles should be guarded against. Pass this bill, and see what will be its effect. When such a precedent as this has been set in the time of Jefferson's administration (a more popular one never did exist, and for the sake of civil liberty I hope in God never will again) who will dare to resist it? I think we ought to pause on this question. Those on the same side of the question as myself are charged with subtlety. It requires none; for it is as plain as day. Who are to legislate? Every man will answer the legislature. Would any man point out the President as legislator-general? It would not occur to any man in the nation that the situation of this country in relation to foreign powers, and its commercial prospects, should depend upon the legislative power of the President of the U. S.
The pressure and weight of the embargo should not have influence in deciding this question. It seems that the feelings of gentlemen are interested in it. The gentleman from Massachusetts wishes to be relieved from it. As you regard civil liberty and the rights of individuals, take it off before you go, sit till you will take it off, or go away & come back to do it. Do not be influenced by sympathy for the people suffering under the pressure of the embargo, to make a sacrifice of the rights of these very people under color of sympathy for whom you are about to pursue this course. These evils may not be the immediate consequence of this course; but you are not less responsible for it from the remoteness of its consequence. We are answerable for all the proceedings of future legislatures upon this precedent. That is the misfortune of it. We cannot see what consequences is attached to it. It may be improved upon by our successors further and further till it is impossible for them to retrace their steps; and it is in that point of view that I am strongly opposed to the
restitution of this power. Is it possible that in this early state of our government this thing should be deliberately done? We know very well the popularity of our first President, when the first precedent of this kind was set. It is unfortunate for the happiness and well-being of society that there sometimes are men whose opinions have such a weight as to overturn deliberation. We need no longer deem so extravagant the custom of ostracism, which banished every man whose popularity and influence was too great. Strip this question of men, and resort to the constitution, and it will be impossible to sustain the bill. Even its advocates do not deny that it is unconstitutional. It is not to be found in the fountain of our power; they go back to precedent for authority to pass it, and the resort to precedent is itself one of the strongest arguments against it. They do not find a specific delegation to us of authority to transfer our power. The true ground is abandoned, and those materials resorted to as a substitute for argument which have always ruined republican governments—precedent and feeling. Judgment is silenced by feeling; and then precedent is called in to aid the overthrow of principle. Instead of looking into the constitution and deriving our authority from the fountain, we agree that others shall have thought for us. Here are precedents; the persons who formed them were republicans; no doubt they examined the constitution; we will confide in them, and bottom our decision on their opinion. The first attribute of freedom is to act for yourself; and when others think for you, you evince that you are ready to be governed by them. For if others think for you and act for you, you have little else than vassalage left.
I am opposed to the bill then upon principle. I will join heartily in any constitutional mode of repealing the law. I would say to the gentlemen who passed the embargo law, "I have no doubt that you meant to serve the country by passing it; upon you rests the responsibility, and I will act with you to repeal it in any way which shall be constitutional."
There is a provision in this bill which is more dangerous still. It not only belongs to Congress to regulate commerce, but to declare war. Pass this bill and the Executive has it in his power to declare war. For he is to take off the embargo when in his judgment the interests of the nation requires it; and then under such restrictions as his judgment shall dictate, determine with which of the powers of Europe he will go to war, or whether with both; for he may so exercise the power which you shall give him as not to leave it optional in the nation whether it will declare war or not. Our honor may be assailed in such a manner in consequence of it as not to leave us at liberty to enquire whether properly or not. The power if given at all should be confined to a total repeal, and not put it in the power of the President to say with whom we shall be embroiled. How do gentlemen reason? I have not heard any reasoning, though I have heard it said, and no doubt a course of reasoning might have served to prove it, that this bill only confers Executive power. What did Congress more when they laid the embargo, than that which they now authorise the Executive to do—to legislate upon existing circumstances and probable events. He is to exercise his judgment whether the embargo shall be suspended upon ratification of a treaty of peace, suspension of hostilities, &c. and the modification of the suspension rests with him. If this be not legislation, I am at a loss to know what is. Enforcing a law constitutes an Executive duty; but not exercising a judgment upon the circumstances which form the basis of a law and then acting upon it. The executive cannot combine in himself two powers which the constitution declares shall be forever separate. Reason and the constitution direct that the Executive and legislative departments shall be kept separate and distinct.
Being young in legislation, I may learn to repose upon the opinion of others, and not be governed by my own interpretation of the constitution; I have not as yet however learned it, and must be governed by my own understanding.

The power of borrowing money has been assimilated to the present power, and it is said that you must admit the cases to be parallel. The legislature in that case determines whether they want money and what sum they want. The Executive does not exercise a legislative discretion before he borrows the money. When it is determined by the legislature that a certain sum of money is necessary, the Executive when notified of it performs an Executive, not a legislative, duty in procuring it. So in case of contagion. The legislature declares that there shall be no intercourse with contagious cities. They may say that after a certain confirmation to the Executive that the epidemic has ceased, he shall proclaim the fact and the restriction shall cease. The same is the course I presume in all that description of cases; and so, according to the amendment of the gentleman from Virginia, I am willing to vote in this case; but I cannot consent that the Executive shall exercise a legislative authority, because such an exercise would be a violation of the constitution, which should ever remain inviolate.
I believe the bill is dangerous, and I lament that it should pass under the present administration; because it is believed by a large majority of the nation that nothing in violation of civil liberty can have their sanction.
Mr. LYON moved that the committee rise. Negatived 53 to 13.
The question was then taken on Mr. Randolph's amendment and negatived, Ayes 14.
Mr. RANDOLPH moved to strike out of the bill the words "under such restrictions as the public interest and the circumstances of the case may appear to require." This bill, said he, contains two separate and distinct provisions. The first gives the President of the United States power, in the event of such peace in Europe or such changes in the measures of the belligerents in relation to our commerce, as shall in his opinion render it sufficiently safe, to suspend the acts laying an embargo. On that subject it is not my wish to say anything, as every thing has been said by the gentleman from Maryland, and no reply—nothing like a semblance of argument by way of reply has been made. The bill exclusively of that (in my judgement) highly dangerous power, contains another power which will enable the President of the United States to lay an embargo under any limitation or restrictions according to his discretion as to penalty, country, species of bottoms, sort of cargo—in fact to enact embargo laws to the same extent to which the legislature is competent to go, granting that the legislature possesses the power of laying an embargo. That power is contained in the words which I have moved to strike out. He may change the nature of bond and security to be given, of the penalty—he may in fact regulate the commerce of the United States as he pleases. He may, I do not say he will—I am far from suspecting it. I am speaking of the nature of the power granted by the bill. You give him a carte blanche to lay embargo laws, under any restriction that his will may prescribe. I venture to say that you may hunt up all the laws since the commencement of the government, and find nothing analogous to this. The President of the United States may by this bill except Danish, Swedish, British or French bottoms from entering particular ports or any port, and may prevent our own vessels from going to such and such countries. He may alter bonds, he may—in fact, he has the power of ringing all the changes human ingenuity can suggest on the trade of the United States. This is a power to which, if this House were intent on investigating the merits of this bill as they are on adjourning on Monday next, they would never consent. I wish some gentleman would point out any analogous grants of power under this government. I do not know why, if a sedition bill was now brought in, a precedent of the former sedition law might not be adduced as a conclusive argument in its favor. In the case of which I am speaking, we have a precedent under the worst administration which this country has yet known. I do believe that when the President of the United States prohibited commercial intercourse with France and her dependencies, a power of this sort, though infinitely less dangerous, and less liable to abuse than this, was granted. I hope the sense of the committee will be taken on this question, not only here but in the House, that so no record may be left for those who follow us, to enable them to judge of the height to which blind Executive confidence rose in one administration; that, like the torrent of the Nile, some new current may be
found to direct its stream, and fertilize the nation by its silt.
The question was put on Mr. Randolph's amendment, and negatived 43 to 32.
Mr. QUINCY moved an amendment to authorize the President of the United States "whenever the public good shall require, during the recess of Congress, to suspend the embargo." Negatived, Ayes 8.
Mr. LEWIS moved to amend the bill so as to REPEAL the embargo from and after the passing of this bill.
Mr. RANDOLPH said this motion of his colleague's went pretty directly to the root of the evil. There had been a variety of propositions before the committee. For myself, said he, I have no hesitation in saying that if we must grant a discretion to the President of the U. States, I should wish that discretion, so far as it relates to the suspension of the embargo, to be as ample as possible; for if the constitution is to be violated, the greatest good attending that violation should flow from it; if indeed good can flow from the violation of the constitution. But I think benefits have flowed from constitutional violations, and why should they not again? Our body politic is not of so tender a nature as to die outright even of so violent an assault as this; there are stamina in it which will ultimately restore it to its wonted vigor. I understand that the gentleman from Virginia who makes this motion does it from the apprehension that an idea will go forth that he is not in favor of raising the embargo, although he voted against it originally. I conceive it impossible that such an idea should go forth. Is it possible that those who voted against laying the embargo can now be insensible to its pressure? What is the operation of the embargo, and what will be the operation of this confidence which we are about to repose in the Executive of the U. S.? Why, when the embargo was laid, there were those who made money on it, because they got earlier intelligence of it than their fellow-citizens; and now, when the embargo is in operation, there are those who do not suffer under it. I have it from good information that at least 100,000 barrels of flour have been shipped from Baltimore alone since it was laid. It may be recollected that the gentleman from Maryland who the other day gave us so able an illustration of the question, urged as an argument against it, that the embargo operated unequally. I should be sorry to put myself on a par with that gentleman in any knowledge, much less could I assume to possess a better knowledge of his own district than he himself possesses; but I believe it has been said by a gentleman said to be possessed of considerable commercial knowledge, that many thousand barrels of flour had been shipped from that gentleman's district alone, thro' Baltimore. I was in hopes that this reply would have been made before; because coming from the quarter whence it must have come, it would have operated as an argument to estimate the value of this measure on the West India islands: and it is evident that nothing but an evasion of this kind would keep up the price, low as it is; for when I single out Baltimore, I have no doubt the same game is going on elsewhere—at Eastern Point and Passamaquoddy particularly. The operation of the embargo is to furnish rogues with an opportunity of getting rich at the expence of honest men. The man who is hardy enough to give bond and leave his security in the lurch can make great returns; whereas the honest merchant and planter are suffering at home, and bearing the burthen. It is for the benefit of the dishonest trader; for the planter is out of the question, as he cannot be a partner in the act which contravenes the law of the land. Is this all the operation of the embargo? No; for I will tell you another operation it has: that while the sheriff is hunting the citizen from bailiwick to bailiwick with a writ, his produce lying on his hands worth nothing, your shaving gentry—accommodation men—five per cent. per month men, are making 50 or 60 per cent. by usury; or making still more by usury of a worse sort—buying the property of their neighbor at less than one-half its value. And well they may afford to appropriate their money to such profitable uses, supposing character, morals, religion, honor, and every thing dear to man trodden under foot by Mammon. Are these alone the effects which result from the embargo? No, sir; you are teaching your merchants, on whose fidelity—on whose sacred observation of an oath, when the course of events returns to its natural channel, your whole revenue depends—you are putting them to school, and must expect to take the consequences of their education. You are, by the pressure of the embargo, which is almost too strong for
human nature, laying calculations and snares in the way, teaching them to disregard their oath for the sake of profit—and do you expect your commerce to return to its natural channel without smuggling? You may take all your navy, and gun-boats into the bargain: with all which you cannot stop them. Those men who now export so many barrels of flour from our markets, will not pay the high duties on wines and groceries, when they can avoid it by evasion of the laws; for they will have learnt the art of evading laws; they will have taken their degrees in the school of embargo. This is the necessary result. You lay temptations before them too strong for their virtue to resist, and then, having cast your daughters into a brothel, you expect them to come out pure and uncontaminated. It is out of the question; and I venture to predict that the effect of this measure upon our imports and our morals too, sir, will be felt when not one man in this assembly shall be alive. Every arrival from the West Indies tells you of the cargoes of flour daily carried in, until it becomes a point of honor not to tell of one another.
On this subject, though not immediately connected with it, yet as the observation was made during the pending of the bill, I think proper to notice it—among other encouragements given to the American people, are the sentiments of lord Grenville, lord Erskine and other conspicuous members of the British Parliament; and really there has been an eulogy on the greatness of the opposition generally, that does not so well comport with the correctness of this assembly. But pray who are the opposition so much relied on as the sheet anchor of our affairs in Great Britain, as the mouthpiece of the agriculturists and manufacturers? That very ministry who negotiated the rejected treaty with you—who attached to that treaty the humiliating note which you are told prostrated the independence of the U. States. The same individuals who were prompt leaders of the Grenville and Fox ministry now speak the language of the British opposition. Suppose them successful and others out of power. We shall then be in the same situation as we were on the 31st Dec. 1806, having no chance of better terms than those which have been already spurned. I mention this to show the inconsistency of those gentlemen who wish to continue the embargo. The very same people who, you are triumphantly told, have moved for a revocation of the orders of council of the 11th November, are the very persons who negotiated that treaty which was rejected—not only rejected, but rejected with scorn and indignation. Gentlemen speak in one breath with the utmost abhorrence and indignation of the treaty and the ministry who formed it, and of the same persons in the same breath in the highest terms of eulogium.
Mr. LEWIS's amendment was then negatived, Ayes 32.
The committee rose and reported the bill.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
TO LET. The House occupied by Mrs. WILSON, West End of the Six Buildings. Apply to her at the same. July 6th—3t.
PHILADELPHIA PORTER AND ALE.
HERFORD & SON have at present for sale a quantity of the best Philadelphia Porter and Ale in bottles, which they are willing to dispose of at the same price they sold at last year, 1 DOLLAR and 25 CENTS per dozen. They have also, of their own brewing, Bottled Porter, at 1 Dollar per Dozen , and draught BEER in barrels and half barrels , at their usual price.
7 th All orders left at their Brewery, Pennsylvania avenue, will be immediately attended to. July 4—3t
FOR SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale , in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land situate the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Feynton Manor , lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase.
F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 6.
The Anniversary of Independence was on Monday celebrated with the usual demonstrations of satisfaction. Business was generally suspended, and the day devoted to festivity. The dawn was ushered in by a discharge of cannon at the Navy Yard, which was repeated several times during the day. The uniform companies of militia, and regulars, paraded early in the morning and went through various military evolutions. At noon the apartments of the President were opened for the reception of a large concourse of ladies and gentlemen, who partook of an abundant collation of refreshments, and were enlivened by the excellent music of the Marine Corps.
The President, in conformity to the spirit of the times, was dressed in a neat suit of homespun. We hope that, ere another return of this day, the example, thus patriotically set by the Chief Magistrate, will be universally followed, and that the fair sex, by the magic of fashion, will remove the strongest existing obstacles.
The author of the immortal Declaration of Independence had once more the gratification of seeing himself surrounded by fellow beings, enjoying the highest political blessings ever conferred on men, and reaping, in common with their fellow citizens throughout the union, the fruits of a prosperity unknown to any other nation. Compared to the feelings inspired by such a scene, what is the pride of kings or the triumphs of conquerors? Amidst the honors and glory that encompass them there is wanting that small still voice , without which fame and power are the sources of the acutest infelicity. Well might such a man, whose whole life has been assiduously devoted to the good of his country, or to the still more expanded interests of mankind, cast his eyes over the world, and drop a tear of pity at the wretchedness of those who are the envy, the admiration, the terror of mankind. Well might he rejoice, in having his lot cast among a people, who consider kings and tyrants equivalent terms.
There was something peculiarly interesting in the reflection, that this was probably the last anniversary of the day that called us into national existence, on which Thomas Jefferson, in his official character, would appear amidst his fellow citizens in commemoration of its return; that in a few fleeting months, he would resign his high powers, and retire into the walks of private life. If there be any thing that confers distinction on the human character, and raises it to the highest pitch of greatness, it is the voluntary surrender of power; and when this surrender is the result of principle, at variance with the feelings and wishes of millions, and when he who makes it as the object of their respect and affection, the idea becomes one of the most sublime that can enter our minds. Of this nature were the feelings inspired by the anticipation of an event, which, however it may be approved, cannot fail to be mingled with the tenderest regret and deepest solicitude. Venerable sage! when this interesting era shall arrive, may you in retirement find the purest happiness conferred on mortals, the esteem of the wise, the love of the good, the gratitude of your country, the admiration of mankind, and the still more inestimable blessing of a conscience free from reproach; a heart still alive to the interests of your fellow-men.
The militia of the county of Washington never before appeared to so much advantage. At the hour of eleven the line was formed in the following order, from right to left.
Right Wing.
Captain Cox's troop of cavalry. Captain Brent's troop of cavalry. Capt. Davidson's light infantry. Capt. Jones's light infantry. Captain Queen's light infantry.
Left Wing.
Captain Burch's artillery. Captain Calder's light infantry. Captain Andrew's battalion infantry. Captain Smith's rifle company.
Patriotic boys—about 15 or 18—all in uniform.
Captain Burch fired a morning salute of 17 guns.
Captain Peter's flying artillery arriving at the hour of review and taking post on the left of the whole—the signal was given—the review performed—and the general retired.
General Mason was the reviewing officer.
Majors Beal and Sprigg were the acting officers of the day.
The salute of the day of 17 guns was given by the flying artillery.
The open column then being formed, it marched, saluted the President. It then retired to the ground and was dismissed. The business of the day was hurried by the appearance and fall of rain. The whole parade pre-
sented the interesting spectacle of that martial ardor which may be expected when our country is exposed to unusual peril.
In the morning Capt. Brent's troop of cavalry paraded before the house of Mr. Madison, when Mrs. Madison presented them with an elegant standard, accompanied by a patriotic address, to which Capt. Brent made an appropriate reply.
The citizens of Richmond, in determining that at their festival, in honor of the 4th of July, "no liquor, but the produce of our country, be drunk," have set an example worthy of universal imitation.
The following remarks, from the Walpole Observatory , a print of great respectability, add another to the thousand proofs of the daring spirit of federal misrepresentation:
"The editor of the N. H. Sentinel appears to have joined the ranks of the major. In his paper of the 18th inst. is the following period: "One thing is certain, that the democratic majority (in the N. H. Legislature) is but about 25, and last year they had nearly or quite 3 to one!"
To prevent the spread of such erroneous statements, which are calculated, as they were intended, to create a belief that the late measures of the general government are unpopular in N. Hampshire, and that federalism is in consequence taking place of republican principles, we feel it a duty we owe the public to state, that the republican majority in the legislature of this state, has never been greater than the present year. In the House, on the passage of the address to the President, there were—Yeas 95—Nones 62. This question was taken in the absence of four republicans and one federalist. Hence it appears that the true strength of parties in our legislature stand thus:
In the House, 99 republican, and 63 federal.
In the Senate, 9 republican, and 6 federal.
Republican majority in the two Houses, 42!
These and many other falsehoods were probably intended to have their weight on the elections of other states—In our own state they have none—the freemen of New-Hampshire are too enlightened to become the dupes of a party who are opposed to the best interests of their own country, and who are endeavoring to bend the necks of the people to the yoke of G. Britain. N. Hampshire will never bend the knee to the Molock of federalism."
Washington City, July 2, 1808.
Mr. SMITH.
Having heard of several instances of the excessive use of cold water proving fatal this week, & the weather continuing unusually warm, (the mercury rising above 90 to 95 degs. in Fahrenheit's thermometer.) I am induced to send you for publication, some extracts from an account given of that disorder and method of cure by Dr. Rush; with a view of warning the uninformed against its deleterious consequences, as medical assistance can seldom be obtained in time to afford relief.
"Few summers elapse in Philadelphia, in which there are not instances of many persons being affected by drinking cold water.
In some seasons four or five persons have died suddenly from this cause, in one day. This mortality falls chiefly upon the laboring part of the community, who seek to allay their thirst by drinking the water from the pumps in the streets, and who are too impatient or too ignorant to use the necessary precautions for preventing its morbid or deadly effects upon them. These accidents seldom happen except when the mercury rises above 85 degrees in Fahrenheit's Thermometer."
"Three circumstances generally concur to produce disease or death from drinking cold water. 1st. The patient is extremely warm. 2nd. The water is extremely cold; and 3d. A large quantity of it is taken into the body. The danger from drinking the cold water is always in proportion to the degrees of combination which occur in the three circumstances that have been mentioned."
"The following symptoms generally follow, where cold water has been taken under the above circumstances."
"In a few minutes after the patient has swallowed the water, he is affected by a dimness of sight, he staggers in attempting to walk, and unless supported, falls to the ground; he breathes with difficulty; a rattling is heard in his throat; his nostrils and cheeks expand and contract in every act of respiration; his face appears suffused with blood and of a livid color, his extremities became cold, and his pulse imperceptible; and unless relief is speedily obtained, the disorder terminates."

in death in four or five minutes. Punch, beer, and even toddy, when drunk under the same circumstances as cold water, have all been known to produce the same marked and fatal effects." "I know of but one certain remedy for this disease, and that is Liquid Laudanum. The doses of it as in the cases of spasm, should be proportioned to the violence of the disease. From a tea-spoonful to near a table-spoonful have been given in some instances before relief has been obtained. Where the powers of life appear to be suddenly suspended, the same remedies should be used which have been so successfully employed in recovering persons supposed to be dead from drowning."
"If neither the voice of reason, nor the fatal example of those who have perished from this cause, are sufficient to produce restraint in drinking a large quantity of cold liquors, when the body is preternaturally heated, then let me advise to—1st. Grasp the vessel, out of which you are about to drink, for a minute or longer with both your hands; this will abstract a portion of heat from the body, and impart it at the same time to the cold liquor, provided the vessel is made of metal, glass or earth; for heat follows the same laws, in many instances, in passing through bodies, with regard to its relative velocity, which we observe to take place in electricity—2nd. If you are not furnished with a cup, and are obliged to drink by bringing your mouth in contact with the stream which issues from a pump or spring, always wash your face and hands previously to your drinking, with a little of the cold water. By receiving the shock of the water first upon those parts of the body, a portion of its heat is conveyed away, and the vital parts are thereby defended from the action of the cold."
Rush's Medical Inquiries, &c. vol. 1st.
MESSAGE
Of the Governor of South Carolina, delivered to the Legislature, on the 21st June.
Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
Although at the time when you adjourned, you had intended the present session should be entirely devoted to the amendment of the constitution, yet the important events which have occurred in your recess, and the awful and alarming differences they have occasioned in our public situation, will doubt, claim your early attention, and such provisions and regulations as shall appear best suited to the eventful crisis.
You are, indeed, convened to deliberate and decide upon the important concerns of our country at a very interesting crisis of our public affairs. The pacific disposition invariably manifested and pursued by the wise and faithful administrators of the general government, has hitherto succeeded in shielding us from a participation in those calamities and miseries with which Europe is scourged. Such conduct had inspired a sanguine hope that measures dictated by a spirit so conciliatory, would have been attended with exemptions from foreign insult, depredations or war: But the unprovoked and unprecedented attack upon the frigate Chesapeake, by a British vessel, the unwarrantable pretensions of Great Britain to arrest and bear away the seamen from our ships upon the ocean, to intercept and destroy our lawful commerce with nations with whom she is at war, have been followed by such glaring infringements of the established principles of the law of nations, avowed & practised both by Great Britain and France, as have seriously impaired the rights, wounded the honor, and assailed the independence of our country.
These events have diminished the hope of maintaining peace, notwithstanding the uniform observance of justice and good faith towards other nations, and have produced the necessity of resorting to energetic measures.
The proceedings adopted on the emergency by our national legislature, will be found upon an unprejudiced consideration, not only impartial towards the contending nations of Europe, but also well calculated to protect our mariners and preserve the merchandise of our citizens, should an appeal to the sword become inevitable. In such an event, property of an immense value will be secured in our country, which but for the embargo, might have enriched the very enemy with whom we may have to contend. The cause of misunderstanding, and obstacles to amicable adjustment, arising from capture under blockading decrees, and from impressment of seamen, will also thereby cease to be multiplied; the well known facts, that our commerce is essential to G. Britain, that the commercial enterprize of France and
her allies, has, from a variety of causes, become almost extinct; and that they materially depend for their necessary supplies of provisions and other articles of foreign merchandise, for the transportation of their colonial produce, upon the unrestrained commerce of American merchants, independently of the acknowledged integrity and patriotism of our public agents, repel the absurd idea that the recent measures originated from partiality to either country, or from any subserviency to their views. Every liberal and candid mind will ascribe the imposing an embargo to a sincere desire to avoid an interference in European broils, to protect our seamen and to secure the property of our citizens in the event of an unpropitious termination of our negotiation with any of the belligerents. What patriotic citizen will murmur at the temporary privations and inconveniences resulting from this measure, when he reflects upon the vast expenditures of national treasure, the sacrifice of the lives of our countrymen, the total and premature suspension of commerce, the corruption of morals, and the distress and misery consequent upon our being involved in the war between the nations of Europe; the evils which threaten us, call for a magnanimous confidence in the efforts of our national councils to avert them, and for a firm and unanimous determination to defend every thing that is dear to us, to maintain our rights and national honor. Being thus circumstanced, it becomes our duty to be assiduous in providing for the welfare and security of the persons and property of the citizens of the state.
It affords me sincere satisfaction to inform you, gentlemen, that the detachment and organization of our quota of one hundred thousand men has been accomplished, and a return thereof for the war department must be by this time completed. The patriotism displayed on this occasion by every description of our fellow-citizens, merits the greatest applause. All the artillery and cavalry of the detachment, and most of the infantry, and thousands beyond the complement required, have tendered their services with promptitude and zeal. This generous conduct affords a pleasing evidence of the alacrity of our militia in advancing to the defence of their country, and of the valor which they will display in supporting its honor and freedom.
Since our last meeting, the general government have ordered the port and harbor of Charleston to be fortified. The forts Johnson and Moultrie are nearly completed; and those of Moultrie and Pinckney are progressing, so that in a short time we shall be free from the danger of any sudden naval insult.
The situation of our foreign relations is such, that it is impossible at this moment to conjecture what will be the result. By the embargo, we are subject to every suffering and privation incident to war, except actual invasion; but if anything can save us from war, which is very doubtful, it is the general and faithful execution of the embargo, and the discountenancing every measure which may tend to render our citizens inattentive or opposed to it. I am confident you will, gentlemen, view it with me in this light; and that properly weighing the difficult and delicate situation in which the general government is placed, this strong but prudent and necessary, and indeed unavoidable measure, will be the means of strengthening and increasing your confidence in their wisdom & patriotic care of our national concerns.
CHARLES PINCKNEY. Columbia, June 20, 1808.
Richmond, July 1
In the circuit court of the U. States, May term, at Savannah, was tried an important cause. The action was brought by the President, Directors and Company of the bank of the U. States, for the purpose of trying the right of the state of Georgia to impose a tax on the stock of the branch of the said bank established at Savannah. After hearing counsel the judge declared the plea to jurisdiction sustained, demurrer over-ruled, and judgment for the defendants, viz. the tax collector and sheriff.
This decision, however, is to be reviewed in the supreme court.
Philadelphia, July 1.
By those who have for a number of years kept daily remarks on the weather and the state of the thermometer, yesterday is pronounced the warmest experienced in this city during the last ten years.
July 2.
The following very interesting intelligence has been politely communi-
cated to the printers of the Albany Gazette, by a gentleman of the city of Schenectady. It is copied from a letter received by him, from a person of great respectability at Queenstown, in Upper Canada, dated June 16.
"Our Lieut. Governor has been sent for by express from the Indian agent, near Detroit, and sets out by land this day, for that quarter. It is reported, that some very violent resolutions adopted by the Indians (on hearing that their usual annual supplies for their trade, were stopped by the American government at Niagara) has occasioned this sudden and unexpected measure. God grant, that no mischief may take place, before he gets up. Col. Claus is still there, and the governor takes with him most of the other officers of the Indian department."
Arrived schooner Jefferson, Campbell, 30 days from Kingston. June 16th, off Maranilla reef, was boarded by the British man of war Fire Fly, Lieut. Boyd, thirty-six hours from N. Providence; Lieut. Boyd informed captain C. that previous to his sailing, official accounts had been received at N. Providence of a naval action up the Mediterranean, between a British squadron of eight sail of the line, and thirteen French; that the latter were completely beaten, having three taken and two sunk; and that the British admiral, sir Richard Strachan, was killed; also, that Bonaparte had made Talleyrand king of Portugal.
Capt. Wheeler, arrived at New York, in 7 days from Passamaquoddy, informs, that three of the American soldiers had deserted to the British side, and that the day before he sailed, the British sloop of war Squirrel arrived from St. John, with one of the above deserters. The other two being Irishmen, were retained.
As may of our readers may wish to have a key to the character of the principal British newspapers published in England; we give the following from memory—
Ministerial Papers. Courier, daily. Morning Post, do. Times, do. Sun, do. True Briton, do. London Packet, 3 Morning Herald, do. London Packet, do. Anti-Ministerial. Morning Chronicle, do. Independent Whig, do. Globe, do. Statesman, do. Neutral. Star, do. St. James Chronicle, do. Aurora.
Extract of a letter from Bristol, Eng. to an American gentleman at Liverpool, dated April 14.
"There is now here an American schooner of 169 tons, called the Eliza and Katy, without any papers but a register, she having escaped from the effects of the Embargo. The concerned, I suppose, would have no objection to charter her for Oporto, Lisbon, or any other place; but I think their expectation would be nothing short of 1,100l. Those who have any thing to do with vessels for freight or charter, have become absolutely insolent in their demands. 3,300l. have been paid for a ship of 330 tons, sharp built, from this place for St. Petersburg and back; 3,000l. for a ship of 199 tons, for a voyage to Lisbon. Some persons ask 5l. per ton, register, for ships to America. There are only 10 Americans in port, 3 ready for sea, 2 for charter to America, and the others are engaged, with the exception of the schr. referred to."
We understand that the ship Sally Ann, Glover, owned by Mr. David Hinckley, of this town, and which sailed hence the day before the Embargo act reached this place, has chartered from Smyrna to Malta, and from the latter place to London, for 4000l. sterling, (17,777 dols.)
New-York, June 30.
Captain Dennison, who arrived here this morning from Savannah, states, that on the 23d inst. off Cape Look Out, he spoke the ship Eunice, Manly, 44 days from Gibraltar, for Charleston, the captain of which informed him that it was reported at Gibraltar, at the time he left there, that an engagement had taken place between the British fleet, under admiral Lord Collingwood, and the combined French Toulon and Rochefort squadrons, off the island of Minorca, and that the British had obtained a complete and decisive victory. Although no official intelligence had been received, this account was fully believed at Gibraltar, as the information of the action and the result of it, had come from Spain.
DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.
At a Meeting of the Committee appointed to form a plan for the promotion of Domestic Manufactures, it was resolved to invite the citizens of the district of Columbia generally & of the adjacent country, to attend a PUBLIC MEETING for the purpose of receiving the report of the Committee.
The Committee, therefore, request the Citizens of the District and of the adjacent country, to meet at Stelle's hotel, on Monday the 11th inst. at 6 o'clock P. M. when a plan for the establishment of Domestic Manufactures will be submitted.
July 4—54
WILL BE PUBLISHED IN A PAMPHLET AT THIS OFFICE IN A SHORT TIME, AN ADDRESS To the People of the United States, on the importance of encouraging AGRICULTURE AND DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES:
Tending to shew that by a due encouragement of these essential interests, the nation will be rendered more respectable abroad and more prosperous at home.
Together with an account of THE IMPROVEMENTS IN SHEEP AT ARLINGTON,
The native sheep of Smith's Island, & the plans proposed of extending this valuable race of animals, for the benefit of the country at large:
By GEORGE W. P. CUSTIS, Esq. Of Arlington House, in the District of Columbia.
At a time when the energies of the nation seem awakened to the state of our foreign and domestic concerns, we conceive that the important interests of agriculture and manufactures should meet with a considerable share of the public discussion. Certain it is, that at no period of our political history could these national subjects excite more interest or be more properly urged to the notice of the public mind. The unsettled and impending appearance of our foreign affairs, and the present disturbed state of the European world, renders it doubly necessary for the citizens of America to cherish and promote their domestic policy, whereby they may derive those resources which are now obtained from abroad and create wealth and industry within themselves. Too long have these important and patriotic interests been neglected. The nation now feels their want, and we trust will duly provide for their support. Government, hitherto engaged in other concerns, will now cherish those domestic institutions, which will preserve the nation's dignity and promote the people's welfare.
Of the merits of the little work we are about to issue to the public, it is not our province to decide, but of the advantages to be derived from its sale we would beg leave to say every thing which a disinterested exertion in the cause of domestic manufacture justly demands. And as the profits of this work, after the expenses of publication are paid will be solely devoted to the purposes of the Arlington Institution, we may hope and confidently expect a liberal patronage from a discerning and patriotic community.
EDITOR. Alexandria.
DOCTOR GREENFIELD
HAVING removed from the state of Maryland to the city of Washington, on F street, next door to Mr. Colvin—offers his professional services to the public. His credentials will sufficiently establish his qualifications in every branch of medical science.
July 6—3t
LIST of Letters remaining in the Post Office Washington city, July 1, 1808.
F. Henry Addego, William Adams, Parnel Auterein, J. B. Avidley, Henry Adams, James Archbold, Abel Anderson, Thos. Addison, Wm. & Alexander Ardry, John Jacob Aston 4, L. Albain, Priscilla Allen.
B.
Thomas Ballit 2, Henry Ballard 2, Mrs. Bayley, Robert Barclay, George, Blake, Robert C. Barton, Samuel Burgess, William Brown 3, Theop. V. Burch, James Berry, Amelia D. & J. G. Brashears, James Burgess, Walter Barron, John Barnett, H. Berry, George Beall, Wm. Bond, Henry Baker, Wm. Bushel, Henry Butler, Dr. J. Beall, Truman Burns, Ezekiel Bull, Wm. L. Brooke, Dillon Brock, James Backhead, Phineas Bradley, Mary Brambley, Jas. M. Brown, Mrs. Baker, Daniel Brown, Wm. J. S. Biount, D. Bissell, Chester Bailey, Wm. Boswell, Quintain Baine, M. W. Bush, Edward Briscoe, Wm. T. Beall, Daniel Bailey, Mrs. Boss, Wm. Barkesdale, W. C. Beard, F. N. W. Barton.
C.
Michael Crager, Robert Clark, Tim Crowley, George Cox, Wm. Cooke, Thos. Cross 2, capt. H. G. Campbell 2, Clarke, J. Coyle, H. Carberry, P. Cludore, Thos. Coleman, Edward
Cox, James Clark, Mr. Cooper, J. Coley, James Camp, Thos. Chrystie 2, M. B. Carroll, George Clarke, Wm. Cummings, Thos. Cohoon 2, Rev. T. Campbell, W. Chapman 2, John Clarke, Wm. Carbell, Wm. Carter, Charles Coquerel 2, Alice Lee Contee.
D.
Bernard Dougherty, Elizabeth Dittery, Charles Dant, Edward Douglass, John Dempsey, John Davis, Martin Downs, Morgan Donoho, James Dant, John H. Dent, R. Dimmore 2, Gus. Douglass, D. Davis, Jas. Davis, Charles Dawson, J. H. Davis, R. Duplantq, L. R. De Niroth, Josiah Dean, J. W. Dursy.
E.
Joel Elliott 2, Mr. Esmanard, A. S. Eustis 3, E. and L. Eddin, B. Elliott, Deborah Essex, Mrs. Jane Eastburn, George Ellsworth.
F.
Thos. Fletcher, John Fletcher, Frederick Fleming, J. F. Fry, R. Frer's heirs, Betsy Fletcher, Robert Fulton, John Francis, Wm. Fitzhugh, J. H. Fazenver, Dr. W. Foushee, Wm. Flower, N. Fitzpatrick.
G.
James Graham, John Gibbons, Minto Garrey, Timothy Garrey, John Googe, Wm. Gates, Jas. Gideon, John Green 3, Matthew Garton, Robert Gray, Jas. Gray, John Greer, William Greer, Robert Gilham, Ebenezer Granger 2.
H.
Robert Harris, John Harris 2, Henry Hureford, Robert Hugh, Isaac Hanson, Christ. Handspiker, Adam Hoops, John Horner, Leo. H. Haugh, J. H. Hunter, P. Hall, P. Hay, James Holliday, Jas. Hodgson's heirs, S. Harbaugh, Martha Hall, John Hall, Wm. Hall, Wm. Hamilton 2, Mrs. S. Hamilton.
I.
Robert C. Jennings, 4, J. Johnson, jun., Samuel Jones, Alexander Ingraham, R. Jones, David Jones, Nat. Ingraham, John Johnson.
K.
Laurence Keene, Geo. Knetler, H. Kramer, James Kemp, Vincent King, M. King, John Keale, P. King, J. King, W. Keene, Th. Kestner, Jas. Knight, Thomas Kennedy, J. Keith, Stephen Klingston.
L.
Gen. Henry Lee 3, George Lake, John T. Lindsay, James Lane, Mary Lane 2, Owen Lyon 2, Wm. Lyeth 2, John Lewis, Edward Livingston 3, Dr. F. Leonard, Richard Langford, Lowry, James M. Lingan, W. Legarcoe.
M.
Mr. McCormick, Jas. McNeil, Lewis Morris, sen. Gen. V. Moran, Thos. McAttee, Rosanna McKenney, James McLand, James McCormick, James Murphy, Robert M. Coy, Thomas McLean, An. Robert McMahon, Lt. Charles Morris, John Moss, M. Morgan, H. Moore, Peter Minnux, Samuel McAuley, John C. Menden, Mrs. M. Menden, Owen McDermot Roe 2, Cornet McDermot Roe's heirs, Bernard McDermot Roe's heirs, Edward McDermot Roe.
N.
George Newman, A. Newcomb, J. N. N. al., Anthony New, John Nicholson, midshipman Norton, Thomas Nevitt's heirs.
O.
Mr. Oneale, Mrs. Oliver, Mrs. E. Oliver, Nathaniel Orme.
P.
Colonel P. B. Porter 2, Public Printers, Joseph Poudrel, David Porter, captain N. Pinkney, George Puffier, general Charles C. Pinckney, P. Philbert, J. and J. Perkins, J. Parsons, John Pickeral, Stephen Peiry, W. Prime, W. Parsons, midshipman J. Porter, E. Patten, J. Perry.
R.
Jonathan Russel 3, Isaac Reed 2, William Russell, W. Robinson, D. Rawas, heirs, Mr. Read, Andrew Rishart, John Rumney, Francis Russell, Gerard Randolph, Edward Rodgers, D. P. Ramsay, P. Read, J. Ringhamton, George R. Riley, James Rice, T. & J. Ringgold.
S.
Eben J. Sturges, James Somerville, Jos. Strother, Capt. John Smith 2, John Smith, John Snowden, James S. Swearingen, John Stanley, Jacob Sorns, R. Strong, Jacob Sampson, Ann Smith, Isaac Shoemaker, Miss S. Soutarous, Mr. Shew M. Kerr, Miss P. Spaurangle, S. H. Smith, R. Spalding, Minto Sullivan, Messrs. Smith, Cannon and Co., Wm. Spalding, John Stuart, Thomas S. Stuart, Cor. Smith, H. Smallwood, David Slater, John Sinclair, John Somers, D. Smith, D. Slater, Wm. Shaw, P. Staunton.
T.
John Templeman, Thomas Taylor, Arthur Thompson, Wm. Thompson, Henry Tuitgeis, James Pool, F. and I. Taylor, Geo. Thomas, Nelly V. Thomas, Martin Tolmy, John Terrence, Henry Thompson, Wm. G. Thomas, Patrick Pool, Jonathan Thorns, Glancey Thomas, Stephen Thomas, Francis Tharey, Samuel Tucker, William Tubman, Joseph Tubman.
V.
H. Van Norden, John Vermillion's heirs.
W.
Jonathan Ware 6, John Wilkins, Thomas Wilson 2, Samuel Winter, Thomas H. Williams, I. M. White, T. Webster, James Wilson, Thomas Wheatley, A. Waugh, George Walker, Thomas Webb, Benson White, Ann Wade, William Wheatley, William Wheaton, Jesse Wheeler, N. Willis, Capt. E. Watts, Mrs. M. Wilson, I. Wright, B. Williams 2, Dr. John Willis 2, Dr. C. Wistar 2, F. Wittig, Edward Way, Michael Wilkinson 2, C. Wingham, Jeremiah Weaver, E. Washington, L. White, W. H. Watson.
Y.
A. Young, Mary Young, Moses Young.

The ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.  PROPOSALS  For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.  Concluded.  13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Church, and Hanover court house, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours.  14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1/2 P. M.  15. From Richmond by Frazier's, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk three times a week.
May 1 to Dec. 1.  Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 27 hours.
Dec. 1 to May 1.  Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. & arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours.  16. From Petersburg by Camppoint, Smithfield, Surry court house, & Sleepy hole ferry, to Norfolk, 3 times a week.
May 1, to Dec. 1.  Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 10 A. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M. in 21 hours.
Dec. 1, to May 1.  Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 5 P. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M.
17. From Charleston by Jacksonville, Pocotaligo and Coosawatchy to Savannah, three times a week.  Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 2 A. M. & arrive at Savannah by 8 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M.
18. From Augusta by Jacksonville and Ebenezer, to Savannah once a week. Leave Savannah every Friday, at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 P. M. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 8 P. M.
19. From Augusta by Wanesboro and Louisville to Savannah once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Louisville at 11 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 A. M. Leave Louisville same day at 10 A. M. and arrive Augusta on Thursday by 10 A. M.
20. From Savannah by Bryan court house, M'Intosh church, Riceboro, Jefferson, McIntosh court house, and Darien, to St. Mary's, once a week by land. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Tuesday by 10 A. M. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 P. M.
21. From Darien by Brunswick, to Frederica once a week. Leave Darien every Wednesday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Frederica on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave Frederica at 2 P. M. and arrive at Darien by 6 P. M. on Friday.
22. From Milledgeville (c.) to Athens, (G.) once a week. Leave Milledgeville every Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens on Saturday, by 11 A. M. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Sunday, by 8 P. M.
23. From Sparta by Milledgeville and Jones c. h. to Fort Ocmulgee, once a week. Leave Sparta every Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Ocmulgee on Saturday by 6 P. M. Leave Ocmulgee every Monday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Sparta on Tuesday by 6 P. M.
24. From Milledgeville by Putnam c. h. and Morgan c. h. to Randolph c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Milledgeville every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Randolph c. h. on Tuesday, by 6 P. M. Leave Randolph c. h. the next day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Wednesday by 6 P. M.
25. From Woodbridge, (N. J.) to Amboy, three times a week. Leave Woodbridge Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 6 P. M. and arrive at Amboy by 7 P. M. Leave Amboy every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Woodbridge by 1 P. M.
26. From New Lisbon to Canton, (Ohio). Leave New Lisbon every Sunday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Canton by 6 P. M. Leave Canton every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Lisbon by 6 P. M.
NEW BOOKS
Just received and for sale by J. MIL-LIGAN at J. March's bookstore, George Town, the following BOOKS,   Johnson's works, 12 vols. octavo 33 00  Chaucer's tales, 3 vols. 6 00  Blumenbach's anatomy 4 25  Winer in London, 2 vols. 2 00  Discarded son, 2 vols. 2 50  Sampson's memoirs 2 50  Shakspear's plays, 9 vols. 14 00  Bryan Perdue, 3 vols. 4 00  Thompson's works, 3 vols. calf gilt, plates 13 50  Do. seasons, calf, plates, fine 3 50  Knox's Sermons 2 25  Hill's life of Blair 1 25  Medical Guide 2 50  Plavfrie's Geometry 2 00  Parkinson's Tour 2 vols. 7 00  Sinclair on the Revenue, 2 vols. 6 50  Sully's Memoirs, 5 vols. 8 00  Chestfield's Letters, 4 vols. 5 00  Evening at Home, 2 vols. 2 50  Conversations in Chemistry 2 25 
Also a large supply of Foolscap, quarto and folio Post of a superior quality, together with a valuable assortment of Stationary, which will be sold low for cash.
June 29—6t
THE EDITOR of the FREAKS OF COLUMBIA,
A publication, which was to have made its appearance on the fourth of July, respectfully informs the public, that his late indisposition, which lasted for a fortnight, has prevented his carrying his friendly efforts for the Author into effect; but, in order that the Author may not be disparaged, he implores the indulgence of the public for six days, so as to put off the fourth of July for that period. It will be merely changing the Style from the Old to the New , and it will be nothing extra-vagantly absurd, as in the year 1786, an Eclipse of the Moon , was post-hponed in the London Newspapers , in order to make room for Mrs. Siddon's benefit .
July 1
NOTICE is hereby given to the Subscribers to the Washington Institution for the Education of Youth, that an election will be held at Mr. Speeden's tavern, square 490, on Monday the 11th inst. for the purpose of choosing six trustees on their part for said institution during the ensuing year. The election will be open from 9 A. M. to 7 P. M.
Nicholas King, Henry Ingles, R. Underwood.
July 1—3t
LANDING THIS DAY, From on board the Schooner MARIA , capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar , Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun Powder, Insperil, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests, and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by
ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
PUBLIC SALE. On Monday the 18th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE , with adjacent FRAME BUILDING , and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel. The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct'r. June 15—100s
WANTED
At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to Rd. W. WEST , Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—100s
BY VIRTUE of an order of the Orphan's Court of Calvert county the subscriber will offer at PUBLIC SALE at the late residence of Gilbert Smith, of the aforesaid county, on Wednesday the 29th inst. at 2 o'clock if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, all the Personal Property of the said Gilbert Smith, consisting of two Negro men, 2 boys 1 Woman, and 3 Girls, Horses, Cows, Hogs, Household and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, five hogheads Tobacco, and the crop on the ground—the greater part of this property will be sold for cash, and the balance on a credit of six months—the particulars will be made known on the day of sale by
MORDECAI SMITH , Adm'r. June 24—tdos
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of an order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to public sale at the late Dwelling Plantation of Zephaniah Prather , deceased, on Monday the 11th of July next the whole of the deceased's Personal Estate, remaining unsold, consisting of Negroes and sundry articles of Household Furniture. A credit of six months will be given on the purchasers giving bond with two good securities with interest from the date.
Sale to commence at 10 o'clock. ZEPH. NIAH PRATHER , Adm'r. Prince Georges county, June 22—tds
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,   Wood's best London cloths,  Do. double milled & plain cassimeres,  Bennett's cords and velvets,  Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords,  Velvets,  Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating,  Silk moleskins do.  Toilnets, swansdown do.  Plain and figured Marseilles do.  Bearskin coatings,  Plains, kerseys, halfhicks,  Rose and duffel blankets, flannels,  Superfine green cloth table covers,  Calicoes, colored cambrics,  Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays  Furniture Chintz,  Cambric and jacquet muslins,  India and British book do.  India mullmull figured and plain,  Plain and figured lenoes,  Laced cambrics,  Elegant tamboured mulls,  Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses,  3-4 damask and raw silk shawls,  Damask scarfs,  Camel's hair and swansdown do.  Down scarfs,  Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves,  Extra long and habit kid gloves,  Do. do. silk do.  Do. do. raw silk do.  Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings,  Persians and Medes,  Thread and cotton laces,  Lace caps and handkerchiefs,  Book muslin and leno cap patterns,  4-4 7-8 Irish linens,  Long lawns, linen cambrics,  Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins,  Cotton counterpanes,  Cambric Dimities,  Common do.  Furniture do.  Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose,  Gentlemen's pantaloons do.  Silk cords and buttons,  Ribbons, floss threads,  Scarlet and other colored bombazets,  Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg,  Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. 
ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
BURNS AND BEALL.
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Malatto Man , named BOB , who calls himself Robert Thomas , about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloths, and took with him one dark green broad cloth coat and pantaloons with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloons nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surtout coat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress.
As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—epf
NOTICE
Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet , capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.
N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.     Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11 000   1795 May 11. 13168 800   13450 July 16. 13450 250 08   1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   14341 14341 247 81   14 3615 1,567 55   1797 February 7. 14942 277 30   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 880   19 999 99  
Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet , viz.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   14345 14345 2,000   14346 14346 2,000   14347 14347 2,000   14348 14348 75 42   3616 3616 2,000   3617 3617 2,000   3618 3618 2,000   3619 3619 2,000   3620 3620 2,000   3621 3621 488 15   1797 February 7. 14944 22 05   March 3. 15005 1,500   June 3. 15204 766 73   16. 15257 1,764   1798 February 1. 15604 1,505 65   1799 December 17. 16917 96   25,891 05  
Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. WILLIAM WHANN.
June 20—ep6w
TO RENT, AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to MR. THOMAS HERTY , Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL , of Saml. March 21—ep4ds
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offit, or ELISHA RIGGS . George Town, March 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN , MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangles and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—wtN
St. Mary's county court, March term 1808.
ON application of Benjamin Tabbs of St. Mary's county to the judges of the said county court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, on the terms mentioned in said act, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said Benjamin Tabbs has resided the two preceding years prior to the passage of the said act, within the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered by the said court that the said Benjamin Tabbs give notice to his creditors of his intention to apply to the next county court to be held at Leonard Town in said county on the first Monday of August next, for a discharge from his debts, and to warn his said creditors to appear before the said judges on the day and at the place aforesaid to show cause if any they have why the said Benjamin Tabbs should not be discharged agreeably to his said petition, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, weekly for three months successively.
By order, JOSEPH HARRIS, Ck. May 2—w3m
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber of Montgomery county hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of said county in Maryland Letters of administration on the personal estate of William Richards late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, or Jesse Leach my agent, at or before the first day of January next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 16th day of June, eighteen hundred & eight. TABITHA RICHARDS, Adm'g. Rockville, June 22—3t
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, sugars, Coffee, &c.
W & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York,    6 Chests  } Fine Imperial Teas    20 Boxes    100 Canisters  } Hyson Teas    25 Chests    15 Boxes  } Young Hyson Teas    100 Canisters    20 Chests  } Young Hyson Teas    18 Half do.    30 Boxes  } Young Hyson Teas    10 Chests hyson skin do.    1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bgs best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bgs Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Tenerife wine. Georg town, June 20—2wtf.
A MIDDLE AGED respectable WOMAN IS WANTED.
To take charge of a Small family in George Town. She must produce good recommendations and be qualified to attend to children. To such an one liberal wages will be given. Apply at the Office of the Washington Federalist in George Town. June 17—6t