Portland gazette (Portland, Me.), 1805-03-18 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE.
By ELEZER A. JENKS.
[No. 48, of Vol. VII.]
PORTLAND (MAINE) MONDAY, MARCH 18, 1805.
[Whole No. 800]
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
AN ACT
To change the name of Pepperellborough to Saco.  BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and after the passing of this act, the name of the town of Pepperellborough, in the county of York, shall cease; and the said town shall hereafter be called and known by the name of Saco—and by this name shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges, and subject to all the duties and obligations, to which it would have been entitled and subjected, if the name had not been changed as aforesaid.
In the House of Representatives Feb. 27, 1805.
Which having had three several readings, passed to be enacted.
H. G. OTIS, Speaker.
In Senate, Feb. 22, 1805.
This bill having had two several readings, passed to be enacted.
D. VID COBB, President.
Feb. 23, 1805.—By the Governor approved.
CALEB STRONG.
A true Copy—Attest.
JOHN AVERY, Secretary.
LATE OMISSIONS
PETERSBURG. (Vir.) February 22.
Daring Outrage. —We do not recollect ever to have heard of a more flagrant violation of order and the repose of society, than was committed in this town on Tuesday evening last—We have once or twice had to record instances of riotous behaviour on the part of some of our inhabitants; but the present is of a nature so monstrously heinous, so abominably wicked, as scarce to leave a parallel. It seems two men, (brothers) by the name of Leath, after getting a little intoxicated with strong drink, had sallied out with the express purpose of committing violence on the inhabitants. High Street was chosen as the scene of action; and every person passing that way, was assaulted without the least hesitation:—several were pursued until they obtained refuge in the houses of their friends, and even then they were not always safe, for in one or two instances the villains had the audacity to break into houses, and attack the defenceless families. We are informed that as many as fourteen received wounds, some dangerous, and others whose lives are despaired of.—Among those who received several wounds, are Mr. and Mrs. Foss, a Mr. Lydon and major Debney. Mrs. F. had her cheek laid entirely open by the cut of a knife, and her husband was stabbed in the 5 or 6 places; his recovery is hardly deemed probable.
No one can possibly imagine the object of these daring assassins, unless it was to gratify their desire for murder, and to satiate their thirst for the blood of their fellow creatures.—After having for some time done all the mischief in their power, they were at length apprehended and committed to jail.—On Wednesday they were examined before a called court, and remanded for further trial at the district court, to be held in April—when we trust these vile offenders will receive a punishment, which shall not only be commensurate with the heinousness of their crime, but that will deter others from the like acts in future.
SALEM, March 1.
IT has been a subject of surprise and complaint among the candid part of our democrats, that the "Independent Chronicle" has not published the arguments on both sides of the question on the famous, or rather infamous motion in the House of Representatives of this Commonwealth for dismissing the editors of the New-England Palladium as printers to the General Court.
It is true that the Chronicle, and other democratic papers, have published the speeches in favour of the motion, but have refused those of the Federalists, containing evidence of the TRUTH of the assertions in the Palladium, for which assertions, however true, the State Printers were, if the motion had prevailed, to be discharged.
It must be because the editors of the Chronicle are afraid to tell the whole truth, and because they and their dire foes, believe in this detestable doctrine, "the greater the Truth the greater the Libel," that they refuse to publish to the world the speeches of Messrs. Hurlbert, Bigelow, Upham and others, in favour of the printers.
Bath, Maine, Feb. 1805.
THE rapid growth of the town of Bath is not surpassed by any town in the District of Maine, excepting the capital. During the last season 40 buildings were erected, together with a large and elegant Meeting-House, and a Rope-Walk.
Its navigation has also proportionably increased. Since the first of November last, 7 ships, 13 Brigs, and 13 Schooners, have failed from this port, on foreign voyages.—Of which number 1 Ship, 4 Brigs, and one Schooner failed December 16—also 2 ships, 1 brig, and 3 sch's failed Dec. 19.—Besides the above number, there are 6 ships out which failed previous to the first of November.
JUDGE CHASE ACQUITTED.
FROM WASHINGTON, MARCH 1.
I have just time to inform you that judgment has this day been given upon the articles of impeachment against Judge Chase—The result was contrary to my fear: and in unison with my wishes—He has been honourably acquitted.—The two Senators from Vermont and New York, Mr. Galliard from South Carolina, and Mr. Smith from Ohio, to their honour be it spoken, pronounced the Judge not guilty on every article. On the fifth article the Senate unanimously acquitted him; and on the sixth, there were only four against him—On the last article, which appeared to be the most trying, there were nineteen who said he was guilty and fifteen who said he was not guilty. I inclose you a list of the Senators, with the vote of each, on every article—The Senate Chamber was filled with spectators, anxious to know the event of the trial—I think they were pleased with it—The silence of Heaven pervaded the whole assembly during the taking the ayes and noes—which took about two hours. The Vice-President put the question to each Senator in this way: What say you Mr. A. B. is Samuel Chase guilty or not guilty of the high crimes and misdemeanors as charged in the articles just read? The Senator rising, with an audible voice, said Not Guilty, or Guilty, as the case was. The democrats appear to be displeased with the managers, for the awkward appearance they made, when contrasted with the Counsel of the Judge—Poor creatures, they did as well as they could, but by no means as well as I expected—I find the little, froward, petulant mind of Randolph, is not capable of investigating a Great Subject—deprive him of invecive, and he is done—The wringing, twisting and grining of the creature, when closing the trial, was highly disgusting—The thing tried to cry, when there was no necessity for it—You will see his Speech, and you may then judge for yourself—Rodney winced and canted for a long time—The others, as was best for them, said little, excepting Campbell, and you have probably heard of the figure he cut. All the important business is yet to be done, and we have but two days, including Sunday, to do it in—This impeachment will cost the United States twenty or thirty thousand dollars—so much for the economy of Democrats.
Tribute to Commodore PREBLE.
Gen. Jackson, on Monday the 25th, Feb. laid the following resolutions before the senate of the United States, which were committed.
Resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the United States in congress assembled, That congress are highly impressed with the gallant and meritorious services of Commodore EDWARD PREBLE, during his command of the squadron of the United States in the Mediterranean; where ability and prudence, intrepidity and caution have been conspicuously joined in all its operations against the tyrant and barbarous Tripoli, with whom the United States are at war; and whereby the naval character of the American nation and people, has in the infancy of their national existence acquired a respect and rank among the nations of the earth highly honorable and exalted.
Resolved, That the thanks of congress be therefore, and they hereby are presented to the said Edward Preble, as the most durable monument of the affection and gratitude of his country—and also through him to all the officers, petty officers, seamen, and marines attached to the squadron under his command from the 9th of July to the 10th of September 1804.
Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to cause a gold medal to be struck emblematical of the attacks on the town, batteries and gunboats of Tripoli, by the squadron under commodore Preble's command, and to present it to commodore Preble in such manner as in his opinion will be most honorable to him, and that the president be further requested to cause gold medals of less value to be struck with the word TRIPOLI on one side, and on the other the name PREBLE, and to present the same to such officers as may have most gallantly signalized themselves in the different attacks.
Resolved, That one months pay be allowed, exclusive of the common allowance, to all petty officers, seamen, and marines of the squadron who so gloriously supported the honor of the American flag under the orders of their gallant commander, within the period before mentioned.
Resolved, That the president of the United States be also requested to inform the parents or nearest connexions of those gallant departed heroes, capt Somers, and lieutenants Wadsworth Decatur, Caldwell, and Israel, that they will ever live in the recollection and affection of a grateful country—an example to future generations, and an ornament to the historic page.
A bill had two readings in the Senate of the United States granting the privilege of franking letters to Aaron Burr, during life.
Latest News from Europe.
LONDON, JAN. 14.
The Gazette of Saturday night contains an Order in Council granting general reprisals and letters of marque against Spain. This being the usual form of declaring war, some of our contemporaries entertained an expectation that it would be accompanied with a specification of all the reasons. The order in council contains one that is as good as ten thousand: it states, that Spain has declared war against us.
The report has been in circulation some time that subsidiary treaties with Russia and Sweden are in great forwardness, and it is stated that the subsidies will amount to no less than five millions per annum. In return Russia, it is said, stipulates to bring into the field an army of 100,000 men, to be employed against France in any way effectual. The emperor of Germany and the king of Prussia have been invited on very advantageous terms to accede to the confederacy, but hitherto without effect.
JANUARY 15. BONAPARTE'S SPEECH.
AT the opening of the Legislative body, which took place on the 7th, a variety of ceremonies were observed applicable to the recent change of the government. The following is the speech of the Emperor on the occasion:
Gentlemen Deputies of the Department to the Legislative body, Gentlemen Tribunes and Members of my council of state, I now appear before you to preside at the opening of your Session. The character which I am anxious to impress on your labours, is at once the most august, and the most imperious. Princes, Magistrates, Soldiers, Citizens, we have alone in our career one object—the interests of our country. If the throne on which Providence and the wishes of the nation have placed me, be at all dear to my heart, it is only because it gives me the power of protecting and preserving the most sacred interests of the French people.—Without a strong and paternal Government, France would have had to dread the return of all the miseries which it has formerly endured. Imbecility in the Supreme power is the greatest calamity which can befall a nation. Soldier or First Consul, I had only one sentiment; as Emperor, I retain the same—and that is a wish for the prosperity of the French people. I have been fortunate enough to contribute to this object by my victories, to consolidate it by treaties, to stem the torrent of civil discord, and to pave the way for the restoration of manners, society, and religion. If I am not cut off by death in the midst of my labours, I hope to be able to leave to posterity a recollection which will either serve for the example or the reproach of my successors.
My Minister for the interior will lay before you a view of the state of the Empire.—The orator of my council of State will lay before you the different objects on which your deliberations are to be employed. I have given orders for presenting papers relative to the Ministers in the various departments. I congratulate you on the prosperous state of our finances. Great as our expenses are, they are covered by the receipts. Vast as the preparations for the prosecution of the war in which we are engaged have been, I shall demand no new sacrifice of my people.
It would have been sweet to me to solemnize an epoch, to look to the empire of peace throughout the world; but the political principles of our enemies, and their recent conduct toward Spain, show, sufficiently, with what difficulty this can be attained. I have no wish farther to extend the territories of France. I am only desirous of maintaining their integrity I have no wish to exercise a domineering influence over Europe, but I am not at all disposed to give up that which I have already acquired. No states shall be incorporated with the empire, but I shall not sacrifice my rights, or the ties which attach me to the states which I have created.
In elevating me to a throne, my people have engaged to make every effort which circumstances may require for the preservation of their prosperity and glory, as well as mine. I am impressed with the fullest confidence in the national energy and the affection with which the people regard me. Their dearest interests are the objects of my constant solicitude.
Gentlemen Deputies of the Department to the Legislative Body, Gentlemen Tribunes, and Members of my Council of State, your conduct during preceding Sessions, the zeal which you displayed for the best interests of your country, are the best securities for that assistance which I require of you, and which I confidently expect during the continuance of this Session.
LONDON, Jan. 19.
KING'S SPEECH.
To both Houses of Parliament, delivered January 15, 1805.
My Lords and Gentlemen, SINCE the end of the last session, the preparations of the enemy for the invasion of the Kingdom have been continued with incessant
activity; but no attempt has been made to carry their repeated menaces into effect.
The skill and intrepidity of my navy, the respectable and formidable state of my army and militia, the unabated zeal and improved discipline of a numerous Volunteer force, and the general ardor manifested by all classes of my subjects, have indeed been sufficient to deter them from so presumptuous and desperate an enterprise. While this spirit continues to animate the Country, and its voluntary exertions for its own defence subsists in their own vigor, we need not fear the consequences of the most powerful efforts on the part of the enemy; but let us never forget that our security has arisen from the Resolution with which we have met and provided against the danger, and that it can be preserved only by steady perseverance and unremitting activity.
The conduct of the Court of Spain, evidently under the predominant influence and controul of France, compels me to take prompt and decisive measures to guard against the effect of hostility. I have at the same time endeavored as long as it was possible, to prevent the necessity of a rupture; but in consequence of a satisfactory explanation, my Minister quitted Madrid, and war has since been declared by Spain against this country.
I have directed a copy of the Manifesto, which I have caused to be prepared on this occasion to be laid before you, together with such papers as are necessary to explain the discussions which have taken place between me and the Court of Madrid. You will, I trust, be convinced by them, that my forbearance has been carried to the utmost extent which the interests of my dominions would admit; and while I lament the situation of Spain, involved in Hostilities contrary to its true interests, I rely with confidence on your vigorous support in a contest which can be attributed only to the unfortunate prevalence of French counsels.
The general conduct of the French Government on the continent has been marked by the utmost violence and outrage, and has shewn a wanton defiance of the rights of neutral territories, of the acknowledged privileges of accredited ministers, and of the established principles of the law of Nations.
Notwithstanding these transactions, repugnant to every sentiment of moderation and justice, I have recently received a communication from the French government containing professions of a pacific disposition. I have in consequence expressed my earnest desire to embrace the first opportunity of restoring the blessings of peace on such grounds as may be consistent with the permanent safety and interest of my dominions; but I am confident you will agree with me, that those objects are closely connected with the general security of Europe; I have therefore not thought it right to enter into any more particular explanation without previous communication with those powers on the continent, with whom I am engaged in confidential intercourse and connexion; with a view to that important object and especially with the Emperor of Russia, who has given the strongest proofs of the wise and dignified sentiment with which he is animated, and of the warm interest he takes in the safety and independence of Europe.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
I have directed the estimates for the public service to be laid before you. I regret the necessity of any additional burdens being imposed on my people; but I am sure you will be sensible how much their future safety and happiness depend on the vigor of our exertions, and that in the mode of raising the supplies, you will continue to shew your anxiety for the support of public credit, & for restraining as much as possible the accumulation of the national debt.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
In considering the great efforts and sacrifices which the nature of the contest requires, it is a particular satisfaction to me to observe the many proofs of the internal wealth and prosperity of the country. It will, I am sure, be your great object to maintain and improve those advantages, and at the same time to take all such measures, as by enabling me to prosecute the war with vigor, may afford the best prospect of bringing it to a safe and honorable termination.
Messengers, we believe, have been sent off to Petersburg, Berlin, and Stockholm, with the information of the pacific overture from France, and with copies of his majesty's speech; and the address of both houses of Parliament. The speech, and the intelligence that both houses had unanimously agreed to address his majesty upon it, were, as we stated yesterday, sent off to Paris immediately after the rising of the two houses on Tuesday evening. In the dispatch from M r Talleyrand, it is understood that a copy of Bonaparte's speech, upon opening the legislature, was inclosed.
It is not difficult to predict what the answer to our communication re the courts of Petersburg and Berlin will be. They will advise negotiation. But the answer cannot be expected to be received in less than two months. In the mean time it is extremely probable that Bonaparte will either notice our answer to him in the Moniteur, or transmit us another dispatch.

WASHINGTON, MARCH 4. 1805.
THIS day, at 12 o'clock, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, took the oath of office, and delivered the following INAUGURAL SPEECH, in the Senate Chamber, in presence of the two Houses of Congress, and a large concourse of citizens.
Proceeding, fellow citizens, to that qualification which the constitution requires, before my entrance on the charge again conferred on me, it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this new proof of confidence from my fellow-citizens at large, and the zeal with which it inspires me to conduct myself as may best satisfy their just expectations.
On taking this station on a former occasion, I declared the principles on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our commonwealth. My conscience tells me that I have on every occasion acted upon that declaration, according to its obvious import, and to the understanding of every candid mind.
In the transaction of your foreign affairs, we have endeavoured to cultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those with which we have the most important relations. We have done them justice on all occasions, favored where favor was lawful, and cherished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms. We are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations, as with individuals, our interests soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties. And history bears witness to the fact, that a just nation is trusted on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others.
At home, fellow-citizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments and expenses, enable us to discontinue our internal taxes. These, covering our land with officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domestic vexation, which, once entered, is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively every article of produce and of property. If, among these taxes, some minor once fell, which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if they had any merit the state authorities might adopt them, instead of others less approved.
The remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles, is paid chiefly by those who, can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic comforts. Being collected on our seaboard and frontiers only, and incorporated with the transactions of our mercantile citizens, it may be the pleasure and the pride of an American to ask what farmer, what mechanic, what labourer ever sees a tax gatherer of the United States? These contributions enable us to support the current expenses of the government, to fulfil contracts with foreign nations, to extinguish the native right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and to apply such a surplus to our public debts, at a short day the final redemption, and that redemption once affected, the revenue, thereby liberated may by a just reparation among states, and a corresponding amendment of the constitution, be applied, in time of peace, to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education and other great objects within each state. In time of War, if injustice by ourselves or others must sometimes produce war, increased populations and consumption, and aided by other resources, reserved for that crisis, it may meet within the year all the expenses of the year, without encroaching on the rights of future generations, by burthening them with the debts of the past. War will then be but a suspension of useful works, and a return to the progress of improvement.
I have said, fellow-citizens, that the income reserved, had enabled us to extend our limits; but that extension may possibly pay for itself before we are called upon, and in the mean time, may keep down the accruing interest. In all events, it will replace the advance, we shall have made. I know that the acquisition of Louisiana had been disapproved of by some, from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory may endanger its union. But who can limit the extent to which the federative principles may operate effectively? The larger our association, the less will it be shaken by local passions. And in any view, is it not better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by our own brethren and children, than by strangers of another family? With which shall we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse?
In matters of religion I have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution, independent of the powers of the general government. I have therefore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it, but have left them as the constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of the state or church authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies.
The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries, I have regarded with the commiseration their history inspires. Endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, bearing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores. Without power to divert, or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current, or driven before it. Now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter state, humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encourage
them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence, and to prepare them in time for that State of society, which, to bodily comforts, adds the improvement of the mind and morals. We have therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry and household use: we have placed among them instructors in the arts of first necessity; and they are covered with the aegis of the law against aggressors from among ourselves.
But the endeavours to enlighten them on the fate which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances, have powerful obstacles to encounter. They are combated by the habits of their bodies, prejudices of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the influence of interested and crafty individuals among them, who feel themselves something in the present order of things, and fear to become nothing in any other. These persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did must be done through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel in their physical, moral, or political condition, is perilous innovation: that their duty is to remain as their Creator made them, ignorance being safety, and knowledge full of danger. In short, my friends, among them also is seen the action and counter-action of good sense and of bigotry. They too have their anti-philosophists, who find an interest in keeping things in their present state; who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendancy of habit over the duty of improving our reason and obeying its mandates.
In giving these outlines, I do not mean, fellow-citizens, to arrogate to myself the merit of the measures. That is due, in the first place, to the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures. It is due to the sound discretion with which they select, from among themselves those to whom they confide the legislative duties. It is due to the zeal and wisdom of the characters thus selected, who lay the foundations of public happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remains for others: and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whose patriotism has associated them with me in the executive functions.
During this course of administration, and in order to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been levelled against us, charged with whatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare. These abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science, are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness, and to sap its safety. They might perhaps have been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved to, and provided by, the laws of the several states against falsehood and defamation. But public duties more urgent press on the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation.
Nor was it uninteresting to the world that an experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth? whether a government, conducting itself in the true spirit of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood and defamation. The experiment has been tried.—You have witnessed the scene.—Our fellow citizens have looked on cool and collected.—They saw the latent source from which these outrages proceeded.—They gathered around their public functionaries: and when the constitution called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honorable to those who had served them, and consolatory to the friend of man, who believes he may be entrusted with the control of his own affairs.
No inference is here intended that the laws provided by the states against false and defamatory publications should not be enforced.—He who has time, renders service to public morals and public tranquility, in reforming these abuses by the salutary corrections of the law.—But the experiment is noted to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint. The public judgment will correct false reasonings and opinions, on a full hearing of all parties, and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press, and its demoralizing licentiousness. If there be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain, its supplement must be sought in the censorship of public opinion.
Contemplating the union of sentiment now manifested so generally, as auguring harmony and happiness to our future course I offer to our country sincere congratulations. With those too not yet rallied to the same point, the disposition to do so is gaining strength. Facts are piercing through the veil drawn over them; and our doubting brethren will at length see that the mass of their fellow-citizens, with whom they cannot yet resolve to act, as to principles and measures, think as they think, and desire what they desire. That our wish, as well as theirs, is that the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good, that peace be cultivated, civil and religious liberty unaffailed, law and order preserved, equality of rights maintained, and that state of property equal or unequal, which results to every man from his
own industry or that of his fathers. When satisfied of these views, it is not in human nature that they should not approve and support them. In the mean time let us cherish them with patient affection. Let us do them justice, and more than justice, in all competition of interest: and we need not doubt that truth, reason, and their own interests will at length prevail, will gather them into the fold of our country, and will compleat that entire union of opinion which gives to a nation the blessings of harmony, and the benefit of all its strength.
I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow-citizens have again called me: and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved. I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray: I am sensible of no passion which could reduce me knowingly from the path of justice; but the weakness of human nature, and the limits of my own understanding, will produce errors of judgment sometimes injurious to your interests. I shall need therefore all the indulgence I have heretofore experienced; the want of it will certainly not lessen with increasing years. I shall need too the favor of that being in whose hands we are, who led our fathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life: who has covered our infancy with his providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power, to whose goodness I ask you to join with me in supplications, that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures, that whatsoever they do, shall result in your good, and shall secure to you the peace, friendship, and approbation of all nations.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Appointments by Authority.
Robert Smith, Attorney General of the United States, in the room of Levi Lincoln, resigned.
Jacob Crowninshield, Secretary of the Navy in the room of Robert Smith, appointed Attorney General.
Gen. Wm. Hull, Governor of the territory of Michigan.
"GOD SAVE THE COMMONWEALTH!"
ON THE FIRST MONDAY OF APRIL NEXT, THE REAL FEDERAL REPUBLICANS OF MAINE WILL AGAIN JOIN IN SUPPORT OF THEIR OLD FRIENDS,
CALEB STRONG,
GOVERNOR,
EDWARD H. ROBBINS,
LIEUT GOVERNOR.
CHARACTER OF GOVERNOR STRONG.
[It is with much pleasure we lay before the public the following testimony of the respected Judge Freeman, relative to the character of our worthy Governor.]
MR. JENKS,
AS one of your correspondents has appealed to me, through your last Gazette, for the character of Governor Strong, in the year 1776, and as silence on my part may be construed as unfavorable to it, I think justice to him and to the public (so far as my testimony may have weight) requires me to say, that I was not only at the General Court while he was a member, but boarded at the same house with him in Boston, and can truly say that I had a high opinion of his talents, integrity, patriotism, and of his moral as well as republican principles.
He is certainly a gentleman, amiable in his manners, mild in his temper, affable in conversation, and now stands high in the esteem of the citizens of Northampton, where his private character is best known.
It would be presuming in me to delineate his public character. This is in some measure known to every member of the General Court; but I cannot avoid observing, that as a member of Congress, as well as of the General Court, and as Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, his irreproachable conduct, his unbiased, faithful attachment to the interests of the people, deserves the highest praise, the warmest gratitude of all his constituents.
Perhaps my political principles may incline some to believe that in this character I exaggerate—and that I am actuated by a party spirit. With respect to the former, I cannot say too much—and as to the latter I will not let my principles swerve me from the truth.
I was a republican with him in those "times which tried men's souls;" and (tho' I have been dismissed from office for my sentiments) I am one now.—It is true I cannot as a friend to my country approve of the man who is at the head of the present administration; nor of all the measures adopted by it—yet I am not a "monarchist" nor do I consider myself the less attached to republican principles. The term I think may be as well applied to Federalism as to Democracy, perhaps with more propriety. I wish for the honor and prosperity of my country, and with a view thereto, I wish for the further services of him who for a long time has been its able and faithful friend, and a firm supporter of the rights of Man.
SAMUEL FREEMAN.
STRONG OR SULLIVAN?
Under this head the Repertory gives the following pertinent observations:—
At the election which must shortly take place in this State, we shall have two candidates for the chair of Chief Magistrate before us. The one a decided advocate of the Washington and
Adams theory of Government, the other a partisan of Mr. Jefferson. This is one of the most obvious distinctions by which the two candidates are known, and a distinction which ought to excite a zealous & careful inquiry. It is but a few years since we assembled with hearts bursting with grief, to lament the loss of our IMMORTAL WASHINGTON; we protested, and God forbid that those professions should be proved infincere, to revere his character—to ADMIRE his SENTIMENTS, to feel the strongest ties of gratitude for the service rendered to his country as an illustrious warrior, and a wise, and PATRIOTICK STATESMAN. Has it appeared by any evidence, that the political creed of that great and good man was dangerous or absurd? If not, who will now abandon the friend and follower of Washington, to turn after new and opposite doctrines? Is it any just recommendation to Mr. Sullivan that he is represented as strongly attached to the present Executive of the United States? Let it be remembered that the support of Mr. Sullivan, as a friend of Mr. Jefferson and his political maxims, inevitably involves an inconsistent renunciation of our attachment to the principles of Washington and Adams; that it throws suspicion on our partiality to that form of Government which Jefferson, his son, his friends and his servants have abused; and which they are modelling, by radical alterations, more conformably to their policy and views.
Look back to the scenes of prosperity which have resulted from the administration of this state government on federal principles. Have not order, happiness, and a rapid accumulation of wealth been our portion? It is true that a class of people, who are now the devoted friends of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Sullivan, did once make a bold attempt to destroy the government and peace of this state, and by force of arms to introduce their own opinions. They then were quelled by the arm of power, and the name of a Shay became odious and disgraceful. But look now among the advocates for a revolution in the administration of the state government; there you see the same malcontents; the same disorganizing spirits, the same pests in society. They have assumed the new motto of Jefferson and Sullivan; but in the same motley group, you discover, the friends of Daniel Shays, the revilers of Washington and Adams and the opposers of Governor Strong.
ELECTORS of Massachusetts, you are not merely to determine whether this or that man shall be chosen as Governor. The candidates are the Representatives of two contending parties; the one is the remainder of the old Republican school; the tried friends of our best institutions, those who have conducted us safely through many scenes of difficulty, and stand firmly opposed to the apostasy of the times. The other is a party who state as their highest recommendation, that they will introduce a system of State administration, which shall be conformable to the wishes and principles of Mr. Jefferson.
ARE we not happy? Who is aggrieved by the administration of Gov. Strong? Let every good citizen ask himself, have I felt the necessity of a change in the chief magistracy of this State? Yes, let every individual examine his own case, for cause of complaint; for motives to wish for an important revolution in State politics. Every man's heart will be his safest guide. But if he will look abroad, let him but remark, that among the most busy to effect the election of Mr. Sullivan, are the old opposers of the Federal Constitution; the partisans or abettors of Daniel Shays; the enemies of Washington; the most violent advocates the French Revolution through all its scenes of confusion, oppression, cruelty and blood.
MR. JENKS,
AS the charges against Judge Sullivan, made in several of the Boston papers, have assumed a shape of some importance; your readers ought to be made acquainted with the charges, and with the evidence produced in support of them; and it would also be proper to state what has been written in defence, in order that a correct judgment may be formed upon them.
In the Repertory, and Centinel, it has been stated, that Judge Sullivan, in a solemn appeal to heaven, denied his having been a member of the jacobin club in Boston, that he had any hand in drawing up the constitution of said club, swearing in the same solemn manner, that he never saw said constitution; whereas in truth and in fact, say the papers, he did draw up the project, meaning as I suppose, the rough draught or outlines of said constitution, and the same was shewn by Mr. Cooper the town clerk of Boston, to Judge Wendell, in the well known hand writing of Mr. Sullivan.
Thus stands the charge. The defence is in the Chronicle, it does not deny the appeal to heaven but still insists upon the truth of that appeal, and in support of this position produces the certificate of Mr. Cooper, in the following words, viz.
"I certify that I never had, and never saw, the Constitution alluded to in the Centinel of Saturday, March 9th in "Judge Sullivan's own well known hand-writing;" and of course never did or could have shown it to Judge Wendell. Wm. COOPER."
Upon this certificate it may be observed, that admitting it to be true, it by no means disproves the charge as stated in the federal papers. It may be that Judge Sullivan drew up the project, or rough draught or outlines of the constitution, which may have been shewn by Mr. Cooper to Judge Wendell, which the latter recognized to be in the hand writing of Mr. Sullivan; and

yet Mr. Cooper might think it his duty to serve a good cause, to certify that he never had the constitution in his possession and therefore, could not have shown it to his brother Wendell; Mr. Cooper conceiving that the difference between a project of a constitution, and the constitution itself left room enough for him to certify as he did. The defence is therefore weak in itself. The certificate of Judge Wendell must then be resorted to which is in the following words
Upon reading the Certificate of my friend Mr. Cooper in the Chronicle of yesterday, I think it (however unpleasant) incumbent on me to make the following
DECLARATION. That at the time of the CONSTITUTIONAL SOCIETY in Boston, the late Dr. Thatcher mentioned in company one evening, that he had been requested to read a note from Judge Sullivan, to declare in any company he might fall into, that he, Judge Sullivan, had receded from the constitutional society. Upon this information, I determined to make a visit to my friend and brother-in-law Mr. Wm. Cooper, to persuade him to follow his example and withdraw from that Society, as I thought it would much interrupt the domestic happiness of himself and my sister, he now being advanced in years and would probably be kept out on evenings, as we had formerly been, when of the committee of correspondence. This I urged in presence of my sister Cooper, my wife and daughter, and to enforce my advice, I told him, that an evening or two before, Judge Sullivan had requested Dr. Thatcher to mention, in any company he met with, that he had receded and withdrawn from such society. Mr. Cooper appeared somewhat agitated at this—suddenly took from his pocket a paper, and putting it into my hand, said "There—Read That"—then added "I reduced it much from that"—read the paper and believed it to be the hand writing of Judge Sullivan, and also believed it to be a FIRST DRAUGHT OR THE OUTLINE OF A CONSTITUTION FOR SAID SOCIETY. OLIVER WENDELL.
The Central commits an error in saying that Mr. Cooper in learning that Judge Sullivan had made the observation at Worcester—showed to Judge Wendell the Constitution—for he never showed it to Judge Wendell otherwise than as expressed in the above, which was months or perhaps years before the Worcester story took place. O. W.
Now if your readers do not perceive where the shoe pinches, let them compare the situation of the two certifiers and see which of the two ought to be supposed most correct.
Mr. Cooper it is acknowledged a respectable old gentleman, and it is believed he is strictly honest in his intentions. It is well known however, that he is a very zealous partisan, and he is particularly tenacious of his political opinions, and that he is a warm personal friend to Judge Sullivan. It is not surprising that a man of eighty years, should forget a transaction, not very honorable to his friend, which to place nine or ten years ago.
Judge Wendell, on the other hand is not a party man, as is evinced by his having had for several years past the unanimous vote of both parties, for a seat in the Senate. He has been Judge of Probate, he has been more than ten years a counsellor, and in short is a man of unsusppected integrity. In this case too he is reluctantly testifying in opposition to a near relation and friend, a circumstance which adds much to the weight of his testimony, if it should be necessary to contrait it with Mr. Cooper's.
The people have the evidence—let them decide.—As the Argus has given the statement in defence of the Judge and pronounced the charge a calumny, the editor of that paper is requested to give the evidence on both sides that his readers may judge for themselves.
Extract of a letter from Washington.
Mr. Jenkins The style and sentiments of this letter sufficiently indicate the judgment and sagacity of the writer. "DEPEND on it, my friend, a mine is preparing by the unchristian philosophers in this country, whose explosion will change the face of society, and God be with you in Massachusetts. The change will be more essential in that state, than in any other. Your religious institutions must crumble to the dust, a different standard and measure of right and wrong be established from that you have gained from your bible and your laws. I tremble when I think of the political convulsions, that will soon take place. What is passing here will not make its way into the belief of the people of New England, these twelve months."
We had quite a storm in the House of Representatives last evening, as is usual in evening sessions. The leaders of the majority have become furious, since their defeat in the case of impeachment. Mr. Randolph rose about dark. "Mr. Speaker," said he, "a committee of this house have been deputed to prefer articles of impeachment against Samuel Chase Esq;—they have failed in sustaining these charges before the court, who took cognizance of them. Whether this was owing to their want of strength or to the weakness of their advocates I will not at present say. But although the accused has not been constitutionally convicted yet he has been by a majority of the court found guilty of several of the charges in the most atrocious features; and shall this man in despite of a great majority of this house and of four fifths of the people of the United States be permitted to hold his office? I say, Sir, that no man, who has lost the confidence of the real sovereign, the people of this nation, and in defiance of the general will, and who is stained with the highest judicial crime, and with the foulest reproaches, ought by a DEFECT in the constitution, longer to be permitted to serve at the pure fountain of justice!"
"The Constitution, Sir, is a matter of experiment." After a speech of half an hour, he read a resolution, proposing an amendment to the Constitution, viz. "that the President of the United States should, on the address of a majority of both houses of Congress, remove any Judge of the Supreme or Inferior courts." Nicholson proposed another amendment to the Constitution, viz. "Resolved, that when
any legislature of any state shall disapprove of the votes given by either of its Senators, in the Congress of the United States, that said legislature shall have the power of recalling such Senator by their resolve." Mr. Elliot (the honest democrat) immediately proposed a third amendment. "Resolved, that the Constitution ought to be abolished, and the political ark of our union set afloat on the tempestuous sea of anarchy." The two first, however, were serious, and called up a dozen orators. The house exhibited the confusion of a mob.—Yon see, the Constitution is devoted to destruction by its old enemies.
Gazette. PORTLAND, MONDAY, MARCH 18, 1805.
OUR PATRONS Are now presented with the GAZETTE, in its usual size and form;—and we are happy to assure them that such arrangements are made as will prevent any future disappointment in our regular supply of paper of a proper quality. Altho' we are not alone in this temporary misfortune, (as some of the Southern papers have been issued on wrapping paper) owing partly to the severity of the winter, yet it may be well to inform our subscribers, that much depends on their PUNCTUALITY, to save us from a like mortification, by enabling us to keep a supply of stock in advance. As this cannot be obtained without ready cash, who will be so negligent as to withhold from the printer his trifling annual demand? "The laborer is worthy of his hire"—And all history and experience demonstrate that no concentration of business, from the highest public occupation, down to the most trifling private concern can be prosecuted with due energy, unless the "expenses (as Bonaparte says) are covered by the receipts." Our establishment is expensive and the Gazette cheaper than any other paper in Maine. It therefore depends on the greater part of the community for support. Yet while we are flattered with a numerous and increasing list of subscribers, it is an irksome duty to remind them of the "one thing needful."
We have received Commodore Preble's letter to the secretary of the Navy, but have not room to give it this day. In communication it to Congress the President says—"The energy and judgment displayed by this excellent officer through the whole course of the service lately confided to him, and the zeal and bravery of his officers and men in the several enterprises executed by them, cannot fail to give high satisfaction to congress and their country, of whom they have deserved well."
Fire in Boston.—Tuesday night last a fire broke out in the large stable, occupied by Mr. Wetherbee (late King,) innkeeper, near the Market, which was soon consumed, together with an adjoining stable, occupied by Mr. Bradlee, and a stable occupied by Mr. Blood, innkeepers; with coach-houses, sheds, and a store house containing a quantity of grain and about 800 dis. worth of goods. With the barns, &c. about 20 horses (belonging to the different stages) were consumed.
[We are sorry to hear that four of the above horses, the best on the eastern line, belonged to Mr. Paine of this town.]
Extract of a letter from Washington.
"SUNDAY, March 3. The question was "Whether Judge Chase's witnesses should be paid out of the United States Treasury."—The amount five or six thousand dollars. "Mr. Randolph said "I know not what more we can do for this man, than to give him the vote of our thanks and confidence, unless it be to tack a pension to it. Sir, if I considered the impeachment a malicious prosecution and believed the object of it innocent, I would vote in favor of this bill. But when I view him in the light of an ACQUITTED FELON, as I now do, it never shall have my support." And this man was not called to order. The Speaker dare not do it. I heard a stranger exclaim, "my God, what must that man be made of!"
SENATORS FOR CUMBERLAND.
We have authority for saying that our present worthy Senators, the Hon. JOHN CUSHING, and WOODBURY STORER, esq; will stand as candidates for that Office, at the ensuing election. An union of the federal republican votes, for these two characters will insure their re-election. So upright has been their conduct, and so respectable are their characters for sound political and moral principles, that even their opponents cannot urge a charge against them.
The last Argus denounced a certain senator, for having declared that if he could not be chosen himself, he would at least divide the votes and prevent his election—Would it not have been candid in the writer of that paragraph to have stated in what county the senator he alluded to resides, left the imputation should fall upon some person, for whom it could not have been intended? I take it for granted the person alluded to is one of the present senators of the County of York, who will probably be a competitor with Joseph Storer, esq; of Wells, who is recommended in the same paper. Now if this be the case, common charity calls upon the writer to state it. If he chooses however still to withhold the name of the person, or the county in which he is a candidate—I may be permitted to say that the declaration he alludes to, was never made by any senator of this country, and that with respect to either of them the charge is totally false and groundless.
Cumberland. IT has been wickedly pretended, that Governor Strong and a majority of our Legislature, have a prejudice against certain religious persuasions now prevalent. On what evidence is this assertion founded? Review the numerous acts of the legislature for several years past, incorporating the different sects of baptists, methodists, and universalists, in various parts of the Commonwealth. Does this look giving one sect an undue preference over another? What more freedom in religious matters is wished for than is now enjoyed. Surely those serious christians who are of baptist and methodist belief will be the last to elevate to office men of no religion. All they want is free toleration, and
that they surely have; it is warranted them by the constitution, and confirmed by the laws. The legislature have during the present session incorporated several baptist and methodist societies, and if I mistake not one society of universalists; and Governor Strong has instantly given his signature to all those acts. Does this look like prejudice or preference? How shameful then is it to endeavour to impose a belief upon christians of those denominations that the present majority in the state are hostile to their principles. I am persuaded that this shallow artifice will not produce the intended effect; but our fellow citizens will prefer trusting a Governor who has proved his impartiality rather than one who's conduct on such subjects is only to be conjectured. TRUTH.
A great press of important matter necessarily excludes several obituary notices and other speculations.
Deceased. In Manchester, Vt. the Rev. Abel Farley. In Walpole, N. H. the Rev. Pliny Dickey, as colleague with Rev. Thomas Fessenden.
Married. In this town, Capt. Richard Motley, to Miss Sally Weeks, daughter of Maj. Lemuel Weeks. In Newton, Mr. Isaac McLellan, merchant, of this town, to Miss Eliza Hall, daughter of Gen. Hall.
Died. In Pittston, Mrs. Naomi Jewett, wife of Jedediah Jewett, Esq; A. 57. As a wife, she was faithful; as a mother tender and affectionate; as a friend, kind and benevolent; and a humble follower of her meek and lowly master. At Glovers, near Athene, (Eng) of a short illness, Mr. Dens Gorroche, of Ballindangan, aged 117; a truly honest man, he retained his faculties to the last. He was married 7 times, and when married to the last wife he was 93 years old. By them all he had 48 children, 230 grand children, 944 great grand children, and 25 great great grand children, the oldest of whom is four years—and his own youngest son, (by his last wife) is about 18 years old.
Port of Portland.
Fairley, March 15.—Arrived, barque Jane, capt. Cross, 32 days from Demerara. Saturday.—Arrived brig Mars, capt. Mills 24 days from Port Lucie, Jamaica. Left there brig Integrity, of New York. Spoke sloop Olive, from Charleston, S. C. for Curacao, 3 days out. Some days.—Arrived schr. Anna, capt. Wm. Merrill, 8 days from Norfolk. Sailed from the Vineyard, in Co with schr. Morning Star, for this port.
Of the ship Nabby, of this port.—The following particulars are extracted from a Cork paper, received since our last: On the 19th of December, 1804, the ship Nabby, Philip Crandel Master, sailed from Liverpool for Boston, with a cargo of salt, crates, dry goods, &c with the wind at E. S. E. On the 21st the ship sprung a leak which continued to gain upon them, notwithstanding both their pumps were constantly going. Finding their leak still increasing, they hawled their wind in order to gain a port. Standing along by the wind they made Milzen Head on the western coast of Ireland. Not being able to windward of it, and then having six feet water in their hold, and men very much fatigued with three days and nights incessant pumping they tried for Bearhaven, in Bantry Bay. By this time the ship became water-logged, and the wind still ahead they determined upon gaining the short and saving, if possible, a part of the cargo. Accordingly, on the 15th, in the morning, they ran into a small cove, on the south side of the Bay, and let go their anchor in eight fathoms water, about twenty five yards from the shore. They then landed their boat with provisions and part of their effects, and sent them on shore where they were left in the care of the Mate and one man.
While they were loading a second boat, the country people began to collect on the shore, to the amount of about two hundred men and women. Immense distress on the arrival of the boat again on shore, which contained all the effect of the Officers and Crew, together with all the ship's papers, the inhabitants attacked the defenceless crew, and inhumanly robbed them of all their clothes, papers and money and from some of the crew their hats from their heads, and shoes from their feet. Not content with this, they proceeded on board the ship, where every thing they could lay their hands on fell a prey to their rapacity, threatening those who opposed them with instant death. About dark, the robbers left the ship, and carried their spoil into the mountains, when the crew left her also and proceeded to a miserable hut in the mountains, where they passed a most melancholy night. Early in the morning of the 26th, Richard Donovan, Esq; a gentleman living eight miles from where the ship was lost, came to their assistance, and conducted the whole ship's company to his house. To the benevolence and humanity of his worthy gentleman, and his humane family, they are indebted for the preservation of their lives, without whose friendly assistance they must inevitably have perished. Early on the morning of the 28th David McKeown Esq; of Bantry, together with Capt. in Scott and Lieutenant Griffin, with a party of forty soldiers, went from Bantry, in order to search for the stolen property; upon the approach of whom the robbers immediately left their dens, and fled to the mountains. To this gentleman, and to Jonas Brown, Esq; they are also much indebted for their active and benevolent exertions.
SHERIFF'S SALE.
Taken by execution, and to be sold at Publick Vendue, at David Pease's auction room, in Forest Street, TOMORROW the 19th inst. 1 valuable Trunk of Clothing. A quantity of Crockery-ware. Empty Casks, Buckets Starch, Ginger, Mustard, &c. A number of Barbers' Utensils. Sale 11 o'clock, A. M. By order of CALEB GRAFFAM, Deputy Sheriff. DAVID PEASE, Auctioneer.
TO LET, THAT valuable stand, well known by the name of the COLUMBIAN TAVERN, in Portland. The house contains three parlours—a Bar Room, and a large and commodious Kitchen—17 Lodging rooms, and a Hall adjoining; the land fronts 15 feet on Main Street, is 107 feet deep, with a large and convenient stable, and other out Buildings, and a never failing well of excellent water.
Possession will be given on the 29th of May next—For further information apply to the subscriber. CALEB GRAFFAM. Portland March 18.
A HORSE, WAS left in the keeping of the subscriber the owner of which called his name Gimpy. The horse is large, black, trots and canters, and somewhat old. A Saddle and Bridle was left with him. Unless the owner call for the same in 23 days from this date, the same will be sold for the benefit of the keeper. DANIEL JACKSON. Poland, March 18, 1805.
Goose quills wanted. ONE Hundred dozen Goose Quills; and five Hundred elegant Peacock Feathers wanted—Apply to C. PACKARD, Columbian Hall. Portland, March 18, 1805.
TOWN ACCOUNTS.
The Committee for examining Accounts against the town of Portland, will meet for that purpose on THURSDAY, the Twenty eighth inst. at the Office of E. MAYO, Esq; in Fifth Street, Portland. By order of the Committee. March 8, 1805.
MUSICAL ENTERTAINMENT.
MR. PACKARD, respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of this town, that a Musical Entertainment will be given at his Museum. THIS EVENING, by the Messrs. LEWIS. March 8.
ROAD TO FORTUNE!
For Sale, at T. Clarke's Bookstore and Lottery Office, in Fifth Street, TICKETS at 7 dolls. Quarters at 10/6 in the 7th class of South Hadley Canal Lottery, which will positively commence rolling out the VALUABLE PRIZES at Boston in less than 60 days from this date.—Adventurers, NOW IS YOUR TIME TO OBTAIN 10,000 DOLLARS FOR A TRIPLE!!—Bank Bills, Tabers' Notes, and Prize Tickets taken in payment. For sale at above, A Few Tickets and Quarters in the Fifth Class of Amoskeag Canal Lottery, which positively will commence drawing at Boston, on the 15th of April—and will soon rise to 5 dolls. 50 cents.
JUDGE CHACE'S DEFENCE!
A Few copies of Judge Chace's Defence, for sale at THOMAS CLARK'S Book Store, (Price 50 Cents.) March 8.
TO BE LET, A Large and commodious DWELLING HOUSE, with a Garden, Yard, &c. in Middle Street, Portland, at low doors east of the Rev Mr Kellogg's Meeting-house. Possession may be had on the first day of May next. Enquire of WILLIAM TYNO, in Gorham. March 13, 1805.
THE subscribers give notice that a further time of one month is allowed by the Hon Judge of Probate for the county of Cumbe land, to the creditors of the estate of ROBERT McDONALD, deceased, to bring in their claims, and that they shall attend said business at the house of James Chadwick, innholder on Wednesday the 3rd of April next, from 2 till 5 o'clock, P. M. RICHARD HUNNEWELL ARTHUR McLELLAN. Portland 17th March, 1805
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned that he has been duly appointed, and has taken upon himself the trust of administrator to the estate of ANDREW THOMPSON, late of Portland in the county of Cumberland, yeoman deceased, by giving bond as the law directs:—he therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to WILLIAM BROWN, Portland, March 14, 1805.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned that he has been duly appointed, and has taken upon himself the trust of administrator on the estate of WILLIAM YOUNG, late of North Yarmouth, in the County of Cumberland, Mariner, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs:—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to JOSEPH YOUNG, Jr. Dated Portland, March 14, 1805.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of Administratrix on the estate of JONAH GRAFFAM, late of Scarborough, in said county, yeoman, Deceased, by giving bonds as the law directs:—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to CATHERINE GRAFFAM. Dated March 14, 1805.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of an administrator on the estate of LEMUEL BRYANT, of Portland, in said county, Merchant, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs:—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to LEMUEL WEEKS. Dated March 11.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscribers have been duly appointed Commissioners to receive and examine the claim against the Estate of DANIEL GEORGE, late of Port and, Printer deceased, represented insolvent.—That six months are allowed the Creditors to exhibit their claims; and that the Commissioners will attend to the duties of the appointment at the Office of Ebenezer Mayo in Fifth Street, Portland, on the third Monday of March, and on the third Mondays of May and July next. DANIEL TUCKER. EBENEZER MAYO. {Commissioners. Portland Feb. 23, 1805.
THE subscribers hereby give public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of Administratrix on the estate of WILLIAM SNOW, late of Harpswell in the county of Cumberland, Mariner, by giving bond as the law directs:—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to LUCY SNOW. Dated Feb 14, 1805.
THE subscribers hereby give public notice to all concerned, that they have been duly appointed and have taken upon themselves the trust of executors of the last will and testament of DANIEL PETTENGILL, late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, Blacksmith, deceased by proving the will and giving bond as the law directs:—They therefore request all persons who are indebted to said deceased's estate to make immediate payment, and those who have any demands thereon to exhibit the same to HANNAH PETTENGILL. DAVID PETTENGILL. March 2, 1805.

POETRY.
Who ever has an inclination to become a Tyrant... who ever is willing to pay the price of dominion...
THE CORONATION BONAPARTE.
By Dr. J. E. Stock, of the city of Bath, England
LO! where the Usurper proudly rides, While shouting thousands fill the way; And onward prels in endless tide...
THOMAS CHILD,
HAS just received for sale at his Store in Falmouth, a few rods eastward of Pre-
sumptot Bridge, a good assortment of ENGLISH & WEST INDIA GOODS, GROCERIES, &c. &c.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
BROKEN open, on the night of the 20th inst. the Shop of J. E. Morse, and stolen therefrom, two pair swarrow Boots...
John & E. Morse.
Portland, March 5.
THOMAS M. PRENTISS,
PROPOSING to leave Portland in a short time, requests all who have any demands against him to exhibit them for settlement.
TO LET.
HALF a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE. Apply to SARAH NEAL.
New Printing Office.
WILLIAM JENKS, jun. & ARTHUR SHIRLEY, RESPECTFULLY inform the public, that they have opened a new Printing Office...
Books, Blank, Handbills, Cards, &c. done at the shortest notice. Portland, March, 1805.
PROPOSALS.
For publishing a periodical Paper, entitled the Portland Magazine. This paper is intended to be devoted exclusively to Literature and Intelligence.
WILLIAM JENKS, JUN. ARTHUR SHIRLEY. SUBSCRIPTIONS received at the different Post-Offices in Maine.
FOR SALE. By J. RICHARDSON, 200 Hhds. Liverpool, 11c May, and Cadiz SALT. 300 bbls. Malt No. 1, 2, and 3 BEER.
By Ships Nabby and Eliza from Liverpool.
WILLIAM GODDARD, HAS received a very extensive addition to his former assortment of HARDWARE GOODS, which are for sale at his store, Middle-street, by whole-sale and retail.
REMOVAL. ELEAZER GREELY, has removed from Fifth-street to No 4 Mussey's Row, where he has for sale a general assortment of European and India Goods, at reduced prices.
WINDOW SASHES. FOR sale, ready glazed, of all sizes, and any number. Cash or West India goods taken in payment.
SAMUEL M. QUINCY. FIVE or six gentlemen may be accommodated with Board and Lodging in a pleasant part of the town, convenient to business; on reasonable terms.
THE Copartnership of CUTTERS & GURLEY, was dissolved the first day of November last. All persons indebted to, or who have demands on said firm, are requested to call on R. Gurley, for settlement.
LEVY CUTTER W. CUTTER ROYAL GURLEY. NOTICE. DIED on board the brig Nanny, the 12th inst.
BENJAMIN WILSON, formerly of Taunton. Any person legally authorized may receive his effects and balance of wages by calling on Wm Webb.
NOTIFICATION. THE subscriber, about two years ago, gave public notice, for all persons indebted on book accounts to call and settle them.
As it becomes every person of economy, whether debtor or creditor, to adjust his accounts once a year, and many of these are of five or six years standing...
SETH CHANDLER. Minot, Feb 29. 1805.
JOHN LORD,
Respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received, and now offers for sale a good assortment of English and American HATS.
Cash and the highest price given for all kinds of hat ing and shipping FURS.
FURS WANTED,
FOR which cash and the highest price will be given for any quantity of Sable & Cat skins, and all kinds of shipping & Hating FURS.
Upholstery Store.
AARON AUSTIN & CO. HAVE for sale, at their store, Fore-street, head of Ingraham's Wharf, a constant supply of Live Geese, Sea Fowl, Rabbits, and Lisbon.
Cash given for all kinds of Shipping FURS. Portland, Jan 14.
THE Nonresident proprietors of the several lots of LAND in the town of Lebanon in the County of York, have entered into an agreement...
Table with 5 columns: Names of Proprietors, Divisions, No., Acres, Value, Taxes. Includes entries for Hanson's Estate, John B. Hanson's Estate, and David Woodsum.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of land in the town of Durham...
Table with 5 columns: Proprietors Names, Lot No., Acres, State Tax, County Tax, Highway Tax. Includes entries for Heirs of Joseph Noyes, Capt. Isaac Randall, Heirs of William Clark, etc.
PROPRIETORS UNKNOWN.
Table with 5 columns: Lot No., Acres, State Tax, County Tax, Highway Tax. Includes entries for lots 107, 108, 141, 154, 132, etc.
THE Settlement of the Town of Portland gives notice that they have voted up a LIST OF VOTERS at each of the following places...
SAMUEL FREEMAN per order. March 9. 1805.
TO LET.
AND immediate possession given, a House & Backstreet, inquire of JAMES TYLER.
MUSICAL INSTRUMENT.
To be sold on reasonable terms, a good toned SPINET or small HARPICHORD.
SECOND QUARTER.
MR. RUGGLES, with gratitude returns his thanks to the ladies and gentlemen of Portland, and informs them that his second quarter will commence on the 2d day of April.
Columbian-Hall, March 16.
To the Honorable Senate and Honorable House of Representatives...
THE petition of the subscribers, inhabitants of the town of Poland, Newgloucester and Minot, humbly represent that your petitioners are of the denomination of Ch. Ch. called M. M. and have heretofore usually met and worshipped God together for upwards of five years past.
EZEKIEL MARTIN, and 33 others.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In Senate, Jan 31, 1805. ON the Petition of Ezekiel Martin and others, praying to be incorporated into a religious Society.
ORDERED that the petition cause an attested copy of their petition, with this order thereon, to be published three weeks successively in the Portland Gazette...
DAVID CORB, President. In the House of Representatives, Feb. 1, 1805.
H. G. OTT, Speaker. A true Copy, ARTHUR WENDELL, D. VIS. Clerk of Senate.
Taken Up Again.
ON the 28th inst. between Hog Island and Overstreet, a YAWL BOAT, about 12 feet long. The owner may have it again, by proving property and paying charges.
MATHANIEL MERRILL. Falmouth Feb. 28.
F. PETRIE,
SURGEON DENTIST, FROM LONDON, begs leave to acquaint the ladies and gentlemen of Portland and its vicinity that he intends to practice (during his stay) at Mr. Crabtree's.
Fifth-street, Portland. Feb. 1.
PERPETUAL ALMANAC.
JUST published, and for sale at Thomas Clark's Book-store, Fifth-street, Portland, (price a dollar single—9 dollars per dozen) Gould's Perpetual Almanack, by which, may be found in a few seconds of time, the day of the week or month, in any year to come.
Published according to Act of Congress. Jan. 14. (lw)
WHEREAS ANNA my wife has without any pro- ceeding refused to bed or board, or have any concern with me as man and wife. I hereby certify that any person trusting her on my account as I will not pay any debt of her contracting after this date.
SAMUEL ROLFE. Portland March 1. 1805.
NOTICE.
THE copartnership of HODGKINS & HEARD, being this day dissolved by mutual consent all persons having any demand on said firm are requested to call on the sub scribers for settlement.
STEPHEN HODGKINS LUKE HEARD. Feb 26.
Cables, Cordage, &c.
ON the most reasonable terms, for sale by ZACHARIAH MARSTON, at his Rope-walk, west end of the town. Sept 27. 1804.
SOUTH-HADLEY CANAL LOTTERY.
7TH CLASS. THOMAS CLARK, has for sale at his Book Store Fifth-street, Portland, TICKETS at 7 Dollars Quarters 1 dollar 75 cent in the above Lottery, which contains upwards of 5000 prizes from 2 dollars to 10000 Dollars and only 15000 Tickets.
Feb 4.
This Gazette,
is published every Monday, by E. A. JENKS, at the Printing Office, No. 7, Fifth-Street, PORTLAND; where subscriptions, advertisements, communications, &c. are received with attention.