The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-20 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1505.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FEBRUARY 3.
Debate on raising Embargo, and authorizing Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
The question having been stated on that part of the resolution offered by Mr. Nicholson which declares that the Embargo ought to be repealed, and the blank having been filled with the 4th day of March—Mr. Moseley said he did not rise to retain the committee with many remarks at this time. He could not but express the gratification he felt at the vote given in the committee against filling the blank with so distant a day as the first of June. He said he should be in favor of the earliest day—having begun a good work, he hoped they should go on with it; and for him self he could truly say that every step they proceeded in, he should go on rejoicing.
It did appear to him that the same reasons which induced gentlemen to consent to a repeal of the embargo at all, must operate in favor of a speedy repeal. One powerful reason, and which he should suppose of itself sufficient, was the multiplied evasions of the embargo acts, in defiance of every effort to enforce them. It is said by some that they are violated only by the worthless and unprincipled part of the community. If this be the fact, so much the worse; it proves only that some adventurers are growing rich by their transgression of the embargo acts, while the right and fair traders are suffering by their obedience to them.
On the subject of the violation of the embargo acts, he thought gentlemen had been in the habit of imputing their blame rather to the policy of the non-intercourse eastern states. Some gentlemen seemed disposed to confine the charge almost exclusively to what they are pleased to term the old states and federations of the north. They may perhaps be worse in the north; but if reliance is to be placed upon statements which have been made, they are not much worse in practice than the young states and federations of the south. These at least it appears, are apt scholars, who, according to their opportunities, have not been behind their brethren in the north. The truth is, the violations of the embargo acts are not confined to any political section of the country, or to any particular party. They are known to be so general, and so numerous as to render the embargo utterly nugatory and ineffectual, even in the estimation of those who have been most partial to it. And if the remark made by his hon. colleague (Mr. Talmadge) "that the funeral of the embargo had already gone by," might not by some be considered as strictly correct, he would venture to assert that it could not long survive. It was now literally "dying of the doctor"—the last prescriptions of its physicians had proved too powerful—they have had a most unfavorable operation. Some gentlemen imagine that a slight inflammation only has been excited, and that a little phlebotomy would at one allay it; he apprehended there would be greater difficulties in applying this remedy than gentlemen were aware of. But as it might not be perfectly pleasant, nor perhaps proper in this place to dilate upon this subject, he should dismiss it. He could not however help noticing a remark of an hon. gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Gholson) that sooner than he would be deterred from enforcing these laws, "he would drench the nation in blood." Surely the gentleman could not be serious in this declaration. Would he or would any gentleman professing an attachment to a republican form of government, a government of laws founded on the affections of the people, wish to have recourse to such an expedient as this, to enforce obedience to an odious and unpopular measure?
Not some gentlemen who declare that they are not disposed to proceed to extremities and to attempt compelling obedience to the embargo acts at the point of the bayonet, appear to be grieved and almost offended that the people, and especially the commercial class, should be so blind to their own interest. They declare that all they have done has been from motives the most friendly to commerce, and that hereafter they never would lift a finger for its protection.
He could not doubt the sincerity of their declarations; but in the opinion of those most interested they had taken rather a singular and unfortunate way of showing their friendship; and provided they should ever feel their attentions for commerce rising again, he hoped they would not give her such another fraternal embrace, as entirely to stop her breath; to stagnate her blood, and absolutely to kill her out of kindness.
Mr. M. said, now he was up, he would make a single remark upon the second branch of this resolution, authorizing letters of marque and reprisal. He should be utterly opposed to this, because he considered it as equivalent to a declaration of war, and he was by no means prepared to give his sanction to any hostile measures at this time.
Before we resolve to rush into a war we ought coolly and dispassionately to consider the policy of such a step, to weigh well the probable advantages and disadvantages, our capacity of carrying it on with success, and the prospect of unanimity in the nation. He did not believe that a war at this time would be popular.
As to the embargo it had been fully tried. Experience had clearly evinced its impolicy and inefficiency. The nation were sick of it. And he considered that the most impetuous reasons must present themselves to the minds of gentlemen in favor of an immediate repeal. Its longer continuance, he contended, could produce no possible good, and might be attended with the most calamitous consequences.
He hoped therefore that the embargo would be repealed without adopting the second branch of the resolution. What had already been done he had no doubt had excited the most pleasing hopes and joyful anticipation in the nation. Let us not disappoint them—let us not dash from their lips the cup of bliss which we have held out to them—unless they will receive it from our hands mixed with an ingredient deadly and destructive!
Mr. RANDOLPH said, that he had voted against filling the blank in the resolution with the 4th day of March, because, if possible, he could have wished an earlier day; reserving however in his own mind the right, when the question should come before the House, of agreeing to that day, if an earlier could not be obtained. He hoped—and the prospect which presented itself that morning gave him good cause to hope, that the committee would agree to that member of the resolution which was then before them. For some time past he had been an inactive, though not an inattentive observer of the proceedings of Congress. He did not know whether he ought not to rejoice at the physical incapacity which had prevented him from taking a part in those proceedings. They had been such as (until now) to fill his mind with great apprehension and alarm, because they had hitherto indicated a great want of concert, not to say disunion, some where. He would have deemed it one of the most calamitous events that could have befallen the country, if, after the progress which had been made in the consideration of the notion of the gentleman from Vir. (Mr. Nicholas) the House could, that day, have refused further to consider it? And wherefore should he so have deemed it? Because it would have indicated not merely a want of concert and of union in the cabinet and councils of our country, but he feared it might have led to a state of things, which he would not then attempt to anticipate. The plain, broad, open road for every government to pursue was that of common sense and decision—common sense in theory; decision in execution. If, as they had been told, there existed dissatisfaction, murmuring, discontent; a spirit—if not of insurrection, at least leading to insurrection against the laws—wisdom and policy required either a prompt subduing of that spirit, or an immediate yielding to it: one, or the other. It was the halting between these extremes, an oscillating, hesitating, temporizing, tampering, patching-up policy, that brought ruin on every nation, so situated. The history of our own revolution taught this. The conduct of the British ministry to the American colonies, he supposed, would have impressed this principle on the mind of every man. What was that conduct? Marked by a spirit of irritation and indecision. Whilst we were irritated on the one hand, we were uncontrolled by power on the other—and after years of excitement and ill-blood, the event is known to all. He therefore congratulated the House and the nation that this system—if system it could be called—was about to be given up; that the hopes, the wishes, the fears—every strong passion of the public—were no longer to be sported with: that the example of Lord North was not so soon to be lost upon us. Sir, (said he) if my voice will permit me, I will state another subject of congratulation to you and the committee. It is, that during this period of general distraction—I hope no gentleman will attach any bad, or wrong sense to the word, but that it will be taken (as I utter it) to mean a difference, a contrariety of views and opinions—there being hitherto perhaps no ten men to be found in this House who could agree upon any affirmative proposition—amidst this public distraction it is a subject of consolation to me that we have not, as yet, compromised the safety of the state—that during this long and tedious political malady under which we have been—and not without some shadow of reason—so extremely peevish and fretful, the body politic has sustained perhaps no radical injury; and that, now, by a happy determination to the surface, the disease is likely to be wholly thrown off.
By some it might be thought that in the wide, and perhaps wild range, which he should take upon the subject, he was violating the rules and orders of the House. On this subject he must be permitted to say that there was not a single question—not even that of filling a blank, in the resolution under consideration, that did not involve every foreign—and he might almost say every domestic relation of this union. It was impossible to discuss a subject of that great and momentous national importance with the dry minuteness of a special pleader—not to travel out of the record, or to be tied down to the matter contained in the declaration. And permit me, sir, (said Mr. Randolph) to add that so long as I escape the correction of the chair, I shall feel
myself at liberty to proceed, whatsoever may be the opinions as to order of other gentlemen. There are occasions in which to speak of any man to his face in a certain strain, ought to be reprobated and stamped as the vilest adulation;—but there are other occasions in which not so to speak—to restrain the feelings of a full and overflowing heart, subjects perhaps to colder, but far bitterer censure. I shall dismiss this topic, then, by saying, that you, sir, have not so long presided in this assembly, with so much reputation to yourself and benefit to the state, to be now schooled in your duty by the younglings of yesterday. And I say it, because a chairman of this committee would certainly very grossly depart from rule and order were he to rise to vindicate his conduct in this assembly, from any arraignment of it by a member.
In the train of argument which he should pursue, Mr. R. really did not think it at all necessary with his friend from South Carolina, (Mr. D. R. Williams) or the learned gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Pitkin) to go into a minute calculation on the subject of the revenue or debt of Great Britain, or of the gross products of duties derived by her from the importation of West India commodities. Such calculations ought not to enter into any determination of that House—for however they might be made to appear on paper, and whatever might have been said on the subject from the days of David Hume, and Dr. Price, to the present hour, the continental enemy of that power had, for at least half a century, been deceived in his reckoning as to her time of bankruptcy. The subject had baffled all the calculations of political economists. And really, sir, (said Mr. R.) it is hardly worth our while, after Bonaparte, like Canute of old, has set down on the sea shore at Boulogne, vainly waiting for the great tide of British wealth to recede—to take measures, here, bottomed upon calculations of her being unable to carry on the war for want of capacity to raise the supplies. It is a well established fact that the gross revenue of that kingdom was for the year 1807 (exclusive of loans and the revenue derived from Ireland) sixty millions sterling; and that collected at an expence of £4 5s. per cent. This is answer enough to us, on the subject of her being unable to carry on the war for want of resources, particularly when we look back to our own revenue, the expence at which it is collected—and more especially when we look at the proposition of our chancellor of the exchequer, the Secretary of the Treasury, to carry on the war (should we engage in one) with loans, exclusively. It is an ample, a redundant answer. Shall we calculate upon the failure, for want of revenue, of a nation whose annual loans bear so small a proportion to her whole receipt (in the year which I have quoted, about a fourth) whilst we ourselves are told that loans must constitute nearly the whole of our revenue! There, then, can be no doubt that this subject, not only, ought not to enter into our views upon the great question of war, but perhaps had better not be stirred at all; that our measures ought to be taken in reference to our own capacity and disposition for exertions and not grounded on flattering, perhaps delusive, hopes of our adversary, weakness. Another point it might be as well, in passing, to notice—the small proportion which the customs bear to the revenue of that state, and that proportion decreasing, although their aggregate amount be actually increasing—whilst the revenue from internal sources has been rapidly increasing, every year, as well in proportion to the whole receipt as in aggregate amount.
But, sir, (said Mr. Randolph) amidst the various causes which I find for felicitating you and the nation, the recent change in the aspect of our affairs is not the least—that we are at last to settle upon some system; and I listen, I confess, with very great pleasure to the other day, to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) and my worthy colleague (Mr. Burwell) although perhaps I may not have exactly agreed with either, certainly not with both of them. I listened to them because they held out to us the prospect of a happy termination of the present state of things—a state of things, which, after the vote of yesterday and to-day, I might almost be tempted to pronounce cannot last beyond the fourth of March. A great deal had been said about the patriotism of the country under the operation of this system. In Mr.
Randolph's opinion never did any people exhibit so striking an instance of patriotism as the people of the U. S. had done since December, 1807. He believed that their patriotism had in that period been put to a test more severe than during the revolutionary war; because whatsoever of suffering the people then felt, they saw that it was inflicted by the immediate hand of the enemy; and it operated only to goad to a still higher pitch their fury against that enemy. But in this case (whether right or wrong was perfectly immaterial) the system had been such as to impress a great portion of the public with the opinion that their sufferings proceeded from the government; and it ought not to be matter of surprise that the popularity of the government should have been diminished. It called for the exercise, by all classes and descriptions of men, of the rarest virtues—patience, forbearance, self-denial, long suffering without repining. It pre-supposed the existence of a state of society in which there was no occasion for government itself. Was it wonderful that those who could not see wisdom in the measure should murmur, when suffering under it?—that men not strictly conscientious should violate its provisions?—that under the severity of its operation the administration should lose somewhat of their former popularity? Mr. R. was not, never had been, and he trusted never would be in the habit of paying compliments to men who have much at their disposal—but he would declare his belief that the popularity of no man whom God ever made could have endured the test which that of the present President of the U. S. had not merely endured, but gone thro' with victory. There could not have been so strong a proof of the deep seated love and unqualified approbation of that man, as his having been, politically able to support the weight of that experiment. It was a trophy of which he never could be divested, let him die when he would—whatsoever might be the course of his future life. Yes, sir, (said Mr. R.) after the vote of this committee I do consider the embargo as substantially repealed. It is something like a vote of credit—it has not gone through all the forms of a law, but no banker would hesitate to advance money upon it. Gentlemen shake their heads, sir; and heads of such weight too, that I despair of shaking them myself—I had supposed that the embargo was all but repealed—in point of fact I believe that it is already repealed. A member of this House has cited the embargo as a strong proof of the stamina of this infant Hercules, who had been so long able to bear what would have crushed (as he says) any other nation in six months. I believe, sir, that it would have crushed the popularity of any ministry of any other nation than this, in less than six months, supposing that nation to have half the pretensions to freedom that we have. He remembered to have read a great while ago in an extremely beautiful epic poem that the natives of Chili, when they threw off the Spanish yoke, proposed to choose their captain by this test: a very heavy beam of wood was produced, and he who could support it on his shoulders the longest time, was to be selected as their general. One of the chiefs stood under the burthen such an amazing number of hours, that they were like never to come to a conclusion, and (if he remembered rightly) they had to abandon their experiment. Whatsoever proof we had given of our wisdom, we had indubitably borne away the palm of bodily strength, any thing in the observations of a gentleman from N. York (Mr. Gardener) about our being puny and rickety, to the contrary notwithstanding; and Mr. R. hoped we should give perhaps not quite so strong a proof of our wisdom, by throwing the beam off from our shoulders, now that we had ascertained our strength by the experiment.
But it was asked, what substitute would he propose for the embargo. None. He hoped he would not be misunderstood. Considering the embargo in its operation as mischievous & even ruinous, it would be droll indeed if he should require a substitute for an evil that he proposed to get rid of. Shall a man refuse to be cured of a cancer unless you will provide him with a substitute? But we were asked what the nation is to do after repealing the embargo? His answer was ready. To be sure, si (said he) it is a very old one, and therefore may not take with the fashion of the day—but in matters of policy, old systems, which have been
sifted and tried by experience are not in my judgement the worst—and the longer tried, perhaps, the better. So far therefore from its being an objection with me that a proposition is old and trite, it is a recommendation; as it is precisely the reverse with respect to new projects, however ingenious, however calculated to catch or dazzle the eye—like the room in which we sit, where I at this moment discern the fissures which perhaps are to reduce us to the situation of poor Leithall. We had as well stuck to our old apartment (I don't mean the library) where we had every convenience and comfort—and saved our money.
The diseases of this state took their rise—I repeat it again and again in the year 1805-6. We were then a flourishing, united, and happy people. The government permitted itself, a majority of this House permitted themselves:—& I believe they now sorely repent of it, sir, indeed some of them have told me so—to be urged by mercantile clamor and cupidity into collision with powerful European states. From that day we have been going on from bad to worse, until we have arrived at this superlative state, which can no longer be borne, for which a remedy must be found—gentle if you will, alternative if you please—but at any rate a remedy, however desperate. That which I would now propose is what I had the honor of proposing at the last session of Congress, and I think of mentioning more than once, on Sunday morning, the 18th of December last:—a remedy which, without pledging the state, without mortgaging every foot of land in the country for the protection of the mercantile flag in the most remote seas, would permit our merchants to protect themselves, if they pleased; and if not, stay at home, at their option. This was my opinion as far back as 1805-6, and I think it will be found, although not in detail, in a report made during that session of Congress, which proposed raising a military force for the purpose of commanding, within the U. S. obedience to the laws, not from ourselves, but a foreign power. And here suffer me to say that I really think we are coming back again, slowly—for large bodies (even such as move in ellipsis) move slowly—after having been long in aphelion, we are returning back to the day light of those good old republican principles, of which (as I think, and as I would endeavor to shew, if it could answer any good purpose) we have too long lost sight. And after being for years, one of the proscribed and denounced, I am not without a saving hope that I shall die in the good old political church, at last—certain I am, sir, that I shall die in the faith, whether I die in the church, or not. I am induced to this belief, principally, from perceiving that scarcely a sentiment is contained—I beg pardon of the committee for this egotism—I believe if it be warranted in any human being, I might fairly challenge a right to it now—scarcely a sentiment is expressed in either of those speeches (unfortunately as it would seem) that I have not heard, during the present session of Congress, from lips the most orthodox in this House. They amounted to this—"Before you begin this contest, count the cost: calculate your means of annoyance as well as of resistance: your enemy (if she becomes such) is all powerful at sea: if she strikes, you will feel: bring matters to extremity and you will have to recede—not from your claims, but in point of fact, from the ocean." All this and more I have heard urged, not only by the chairman of the committee of the whole House, but repeatedly by other gentlemen nearly as orthodox as himself, on various questions—the navy bill in particular, and I hope to hear sentiments of the same sort when the other bill (army bill) is taken up, which was put down in order to act on the present subject. The embargo, and the course pursued by the administration generally, have during this session been defended and eulogised on positions admitted on all hands to be indisputably true, but which it was criminal in me to advance three years ago. "Then, it was little short of treason to magnify (as it was said) the resources of our rival and depredator those of our own country; now, it is madness not to perceive our inability to cope with her on the ocean"—he the care of our wrongs, where recourse, to be effectual, must be obtained. Was it not wiser to make a just estimate of our strength, or even to under-rate it a little, before plunging into a conflict; than after towards

Have to abate from our sanguine, over-charged expectations? We suffer ourselves to be driven, step by step, by mercantile clamor into a situation which has raised (whether rightfully or not) more clamor, from the same parties too, than all the foreign injuries about which they beset the government. I now therefore propose, that they be restored to that situation which, according to their own shewing, is so enviable a one, and against the evils of which I hope they will never again have the hardihood to complain to this House, or apply for means of redress. It will therefore at once be perceived, that I am not friendly to that part of the resolution from which my worthy colleague on my left (Mr. Burwell) anticipates so much benefit—and for the plainest of all reasons—because I do not conceive a threat to be the best means of patching up a reconciliation (and as such a hope has been expressed from that quarter, I may be at liberty to name it) between two parties who look at each other already perhaps with too jealous an eye; and for another reason—because I do not choose to put out a distant threat, to the execution of which either the capacity or disposition of the country may be doubted. Sir, we have dealt in the mandatory sort of traffic long enough, and I have no disposition to be any longer laughed at. We began with the non-importation law. That was undoubtedly a threat—for a power was given to suspend it, in case our terms were complied with. Next came the embargo: that too was to be suspended in case—and so forth. Now we are called upon to hang by a single hair over the head of the belligerents the sword of Damocles, to be cut cut some time in June next. It is all a threat, sir, &c, as such, must have a bad operation on any negotiation, which government in its wisdom may think fit to commence (& we have had an intimation of that sort) for the purpose of settling our differences. Nay more, it is war to commence in June next; and really to my apprehension, we might as well make a declaration of war to take effect in the next century, as in next June. I speak as to the power of this House, as well as to the policy of the thing.
"Will you then submit?" Say gentlemen. "Have you not recorded a vote that you will not submit?" Unquestionably, I have, & I will not submit. What is submission, and what resistance? By submission I understood either a formal renunciation of the thing in dispute, or a passive acquiescence in the claims of your adversary. When you say that you will not submit, what do you mean? That you will make the best resistance that you can. And when we have made this determination, we come to the great question of expediency, as to what is that best resistance? Now if you permit the merchants to arm in their defence, instanter , and not tell the British ministry that you mean to arm next year, and go out and fight the English and French, until they revoke their orders and decrees—what follows? Why, sir, you not only make resistance, but you do it in the most honorable, manly, and effectual way, and therefore in the way leading most directly to a restoration of peace—not to a good understanding, for that I fear we shall never have, but to your system, Mr. Chairman, of "hands off." Can Great Britain undertake for a moment to consider that as war upon her, which she requires of us to do, in order to maintain our fair neutrality; viz. to resist the decrees of Berlin, Milan, Bayonne, or any where else; non-resistance, to which is the plea for her orders in council? What offence can it be to her?—None, sir; and yet to all the practical, beneficial effects of war, such a system would be as efficient as any you can devise—as war itself. Can France—although indeed there be a sort of system within a system there, which I do not very well understand—can France say that your resistance to what she calls the tyranny of the seas, justifies her in taking any hostile steps against you, supposing it to be in her power? Unquestionably not. France claims the power to issue certain decrees on the ground of England's having usurped the empire of the ocean. You resist that usurpation. These decrees then are not in any respect applicable to you; for I understand your non-resistance to be the sole alleged cause of those decrees. England retaliates the system:—why? Because (as she says) you do not resist it. France issues her decrees because you do not resist (as she alleges) the British orders—England issues her orders because you do not resist the French decrees. Now, I would resist both; and if either construe that resistance (which they have both called upon you to make) into war, and do notwithstanding, capture your armed ships, why then, sir, you have nothing left but to annoy them by every means in your power. It will be they who make the war and not yourself; and that circumstance will unite every heart and hand throughout the country in your cause. But, sir, I believe (altho' I have not so much confidence as some
gentlemen have in the wisdom of these nations) that they have rather so much good sense as to act—bus to drive you into the arms of the other party. Let your merchants then, go and arm in defence of their lawful trade against French decrees, British orders in council, and anything else of a similar stamp, and let the nation which by force shall attempt to execute them know that it is war. Your resistance, according to their own shewing, is lawful—they have called for it—the withholding it has been the pretext for their aggressions—and the first gun fired on you, when so resisting, is actual, flagrant, maritime war. You then throw the onus on them. You shew the people that it was not within the power of human wisdom to have devised a mode of keeping out of war with them—that the very proofs which they required of our fair neutrality (resistance to each other's monstrous pretensions) have provoked their hostility—that there was no alternative but war or embargo—and who knows, sir, but the embargo may thereby become so popular a measure that we may put it on never to be pulled off again; that like our windingsheet we shall be buried in it.
To the course which I propose, one of the strangest objections has been taken, that human ingenuity could have devised; "that if you authorize the merchant vessels to arm and make resistance, they will not arm;" (which proves that there is no occasion for arming of any sort)—"or, that they will arm and yet go to England and take licences—pay tribute." If a reason of this kind is to govern us, as we have fitted out the navy, the best use that I know for it will be to fight the merchantmen, to make them fight the French and English. Suppose you issue letters of marque and reprisal, or declare war and commission privateers—the same thing may be said that they will not fight; that they will go to London with cotton—and pay tribute. You must then invent some mode of making them fight. Sir, there is no mode of making men fight against their will; there has been none yet ever devised, nor ever will be. Do gentlemen know so little of mankind; are they so ignorant of the character and composition of that mixed assemblage, a nation; so little read in the history of our revolution, as not to know that when the crisis—(Sir, this is a poor worn out word, I hope to pardon for using it—it shall be the last time) was over, the American patriots began to trade with the British at N. York, and elsewhere. It is an established fact that they engaged in what was well known as the London trade , men, too, who fought and bled and gained renown in the battles of their country. No sooner was all prospect of subjugation over—they did not wait for preliminary articles of peace—than they traded with the English—and they will do it now, even if you go to war, except it be a part of the system that they shall not trade at all, not even among themselves. Another strange objection is made to this system. It is said that American vessels will go to St. Bartholomew's or Gotterburg—no matter where, for all they want is an entrepot , no matter who the buyers or sellers—that at this place of deposit your produce will be lodged—that the English will buy it—that France having no navy will come in for no part of the trade, and that therefore it will operate, partially, against her. We have carried our ideas of impartiality to a strange length, sir. We must fight impartially , and trade ditto . But the substance of the objection is this—that because one of your enemies against whom you are making resistance (such as it is) has not a powerful navy to take her share of your trade from neutral ports, you ought not to trade at all. If France were our friend, ally, benefactor, gentlemen could state this and it might have some weight. But to offer it as a reason for abstaining from all trade, that a power—assumed to be your enemy, and against whom you profess to make such resistance, lamenting that it is in your power to do so little—"wish very much, sir, that Florida belonged to her, or that she had some province on our frontier—very sorry indeed, that she presents no vulnerable point to us—but that's not our fault"—that we should abstain from all trade because this power cannot reap an advantage from it, is a novel argument, indeed. So be it. It then seems, sir, that by a strange arrangement of intellect, by some strange sort of logic, which I do not understand, and hope I never shall—when you are reduced to such a situation in which you cannot injure a powerful foe, you are bound to render her all the benefit you can; & her not receiving her full and impartial share of all the benefits which may incidentally accrue from any of your measures, taken purely with a view to your own advantage, is to be a good and valid reason why you should forego those measures! That you must continue to suffer, because, if you get relief, one of your greatest foes will derive no benefit from it! This cannot be too much insisted on; it should, if possible, be driven into the
skull of every head in the country.
But this plan, it seems, does not suit the ideas of some gentlemen who think very highly of the point of honor, who think that we must fight; that we must draw a little blood from the sword arm to gratify this punctilious itching; that one of two courses must be taken; either that we must set too to drawing it from our own citizens, or march forthwith to Canada. This, sir, was the only part, as I could apprehend it, of my worthy colleague's argument the other day that did not precisely suit my conception of the true interests of the country; and if he would permit me, I would observe that supposing his statement to be true, he did most unquestionably demonstrate that the embargo would have been a wise, an efficient and salutary measure by way of reduction to the reduction of Canada; that if we had first of all overrun Canada, stormed Quebec, reduced the provinces of Nova Scotia and Brunswick, and then laid an embargo, it would have had a very salutary operation. Having however thus unluckily put the cart before the horse, the embargo, before the conquest of Canada, before we go to mending the broken gear and making preparation for a new set out, a little rest and some consideration would not be amiss. I am willing to take up some of the ideas, I could almost say all, which fell from the gentleman from Massachusetts and my colleague. [Mr. Burwell said that Mr. R. had misunderstood his argument he presumed. I endeavored (said Mr. B.) to give my opinion that it would not be proper to go to war to take possession of Canada; but if we were forced to go to war, there are other considerations connected with the means of coercing the enemy to do us justice which would make it expedient to take the British provinces: and my argument in relation to Canada was in reply to an observation of a gentleman from Connecticut, that Canada had obviated much of the effect of our embargo; if so, it would be important, were we to go to war, that we should take possession of it, though I do not precisely admit his position.] My colleague (said Mr. Randolph) is mistaken. I think I have not misunderstood him, even though his argument was addressed to the gentleman from Connecticut, by way of reply. The embargo has not been operative, through the intervention of Canada. Whether by furnishing supplies of her own production or as the instrument of drawing them from us, is immaterial—Canada is the cause. The embargo would have operated, it is said, but for the British having possession of Canada. Therefore, sir, the taking of Canada ought (by the statement) to have preceded the embargo, as I trust in God it will precede the next that is laid. But, sir, why take Canada now, when my colleague tells you and when other gentlemen tell you that there is a prospect of re-adjustment; and when, at least, it is demonstrable that the sort of resistance which I propose, viz. the arming of our merchantmen in their own defence, is the kind of resistance not only best calculated to meet the evil against which we would guard, but presents the best possible chance of a re-adjustment of our differences? For if we say, that, at any future day, in case the belligerents do not come to our terms, we will let fall on their heads letters of marque and reprisal, as you said by your suspension of the non-importation act and offer to suspend the embargo, you may be sure that such a plan will not procure accommodation, if that be your object. If you injure a man and he exercises his rights as a man and defends himself without overstepping the bounds of defence so as to make him the aggressing party, it is much more easy for you to come to an accommodation than if he were to say to you "I will on such a day do so and so if you do not retract." He puts it out of your power to make him an apology when he says that he will fight you on such a day if you do not render him justice. That is not the way that tends to an honorable adjustment of the dispute, or an honorable termination on the field of battle. In fact it has too much the air of a bravado; and as we have been suspected, I hope unjustly, of going into this sort of thing on former occasions; of going at least as far in words as in acts , it will be best to content ourselves with the exercise of our rights on the ocean. Their orders and decrees conflict with those rights. We will resist them, not going beyond our rights as acknowledged by the laws of nations & even by themselves. If they use force against us in the exercise of those rights, we are at war to all intents and purposes, and they put us at war. This course would be better calculated to produce the result which I have no doubt my colleague has as much at heart as myself. And it is not strange that a difference of opinion should exist in the unsettled state of mind in which we have been for some time past—for if such has not been our situation, how comes it that we have done nothing? Or, if we have, that we have but recanted to-day what we did yes-
terday, and to-morrow will perhaps undo what we are doing to-day? I need not speak of the navy bill, sir; the history of that transaction is impressed much more strongly on your memory than it is on mine. I might mention another bill. I think it was between twelve and one o'clock on Saturday and Sunday the 17th or 18th of December that, on the plea that we were sleeping on our posts, on the plea of urgency, the House was forced into a vote on a report of a memorable and honorable committee, (of foreign relations) which subject in the shape of a bill has dosed very quietly on your table from that day to this—I speak of the non-intercourse—It was an expression used by gentlemen that we had been sleeping on our posts—and therefore it was necessary that we should sit up one night for the public good. There are constitutions in this House which have not yet recovered from the shock of that night's session. The non-intercourse, the navy bill, the supplementary embargo bill—and how the latter passed is really a curiosity, a novelty in legislation—The bill came from the Senate—it came from a quarter, sir, from whence, God be praised, we have had all our strong doses, under all administrations—the alien and sedition laws, the suspension of the habeas corpus, the new treason bill, the last supplementary embargo bill, aye, sir, and the first embargo bill too; they all came from the same mine and I liked none of them—and in my capacity as a freeman and a legislator representing a free and enlightened people I shall here and elsewhere, without any sort of reserve, speak of them as I think they merit; extenuating nothing and setting down nought in malice. The bill came to us then from the Senate on Thursday the 22nd of December, and was proposed to be made the order of the day for the next day, Friday and for Saturday—both days were named. Some gentlemen craved only till Monday to consider the numerous and important provisions of such a bill, and nearly the whole day was consumed in debate whether the bill should be the order of the day for Monday or Saturday; Saturday was carried; the delay till Monday being somewhat sternly refused; even the postponement to Saturday was with difficulty obtained. On Friday this House, having consumed the whole of the preceding day in debating that important point, adjourned over to Monday, that very day to which they had refused to postpone the bill, it being, like the report of the committee to which I have just alluded, a matter of such urgency that it could not be delayed. Monday came and a motion was made by one of the friends of the bill to discharge the committee of the whole House from its farther consideration. It was rejected, and the House went into committee on it. Next day a similar motion was made and carried, and the bill was referred to a select committee, who reported on the following morning (Wednesday.) The bill, with their amendments, was again referred to a committee of the whole House and made the order of the day for Friday; and the week passed off without any further mention of this urgent business. On Saturday, the last day of the year, the House adjourned over to meet on Tuesday the 3d of January. Tuesday came and the consideration of the bill was at length resumed; but, there not being a quorum, the House adjourned by a vote of 60 to 10. The next day the unfinished business, as it is called, was asked for; but by a strange sort of decision which I do not pretend to understand, it was determined, by a formal vote too, that there was a nice distinction somewhere, between business unfinished and unfinished business —and lo! What does the House but take up the proposition of a gentleman from Vermont to repeal the embargo. Although they had been bolstering up the embargo before, buttressing it, as many intelligent and honest men believe, at the expense of the best principles of the constitution, they now took up the resolution for repealing the embargo. What happened that night, God knows—but the next day the bill was resumed, urgency again decreed and it was driven, Jehu-like, through the House, through all its stages from a committee to its third reading and final passage. I, who have scarcely been able to hold up my head since the night when that report was so vehemently passed, which has slept so soundly ever since, came to the House at 9 or 10 o'clock with the hope if not of speaking, at least of exercising my right of suffrage. But somewhere between four and five o'clock in the morning I was compelled to leave it; and at breakfast, about two in the afternoon on that day, I heard that the bill was passed—you know how, sir. Mr. Randolph said, he mentioned this thing not with the slightest view of creating unpleasant sensations in the bosom of any human being—nothing was further from his mind—but to prevent, if possible, the recurrence of a similar circumstance; and to do more—to shew, that after all their vibrations, and legislative contortions, they had
come back to the proposal laid on the table almost the first day of the session to repeal the embargo; and he did most cordially congratulate every man in the House upon this event, except those gentlemen who considered the embargo a political panacea, which no circumstances, whatsoever be the consequence, should ever induce us to give up. He trusted that they were few, and though he had such confidence in some of them that he believed nothing would change their opinion, he hoped that this few were daily and hourly diminishing.
To get back in his rambling way to this decisive stroke, not now, but some time or other of going to war, of taking Canada—It would be a sort of a test of trust from the body politic—an instrument with which I am sorry to say that we gentlemen from the South are but too well acquainted—a deceitful present relief at the expense of a certain but remote evil: we may invert the telescope from its true position and the evil lessons to our view—but the day must come when that pledge must be redeemed—and indeed whatever cause he might have as an individual, he should not like to give bond and security to fight next year—He might in the mean time undergo a great revolution of opinion; he might change his religion—perhaps turn Quaker—and really if he were to change at all, he believed he could not do better—for theirs was a system of order, industry, charity and peace—of comfort and affluence too, very good things in their way.
He was against plunging in this dashing way into war; because there was a possibility, to say no more of it, and his colleague (Mr. Burwell) seemed to think, a pretty good hope, that we might get out of the scrape without a war, provided we would take his prescription. He felt the more and more indisposed to war, and should every day while he lived, when he looked at certain consequences and reflected on certain doctrines which had grown too familiar, in his apprehension, to the minds of that House. We too had a navy. It had cost us near twenty-three millions of dollars, about ten millions of which had been spent by the former administration. It had cost us a great deal more than Louisiana; and he ventured to say that none but those gentlemen who view Louisiana (as he did the embargo) as a positive evil, would consider our navy of as much importance to us as the navigation of the Mississippi. The cost is tremendous for a machine which, if they adopted his colleague's (Mr. Nicholas's) proposition, must be enlarged, repaired, beautified and built up on an extended scale. It was more unfortunate that we had paid so much for the cost of a machine rusting all the time in idleness. We might then calculate from this fact what this cost would be, provided the House adopted the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia, in its broad form, the most dangerous ever presented in that House—and pledged the nation to the maritime defence of commerce. From the commencement of the present administration to the present day, a principle so abhorrent to his mind, so dangerous to the liberties of this country, had never been proposed to Congress. It contemplates a pledge of every drop of blood, of every shilling of money, to the maritime protection of commerce. Eat modus in rebus . He was not willing on one day to lay the axe to the neck of commerce, to decollate her—and the next day to decollate himself, to commit suicide for the sake of commerce. If commerce could not take care of itself, it was not worth caring for. But after all that had been said on the subject of a navy, properly so called, slips and seamen would, somehow or other, work out their own salvation. A great many of them may be destroyed, but the rest would make such profitable voyages as to induce others to run the same risk. He looked at this proposition therefore with affright. We had a navy department, to which, ex officio , profession and experience were incidental. It was an establishment of the worst kind—an establishment of disbursement alone, without a shadow of benefit—an establishment which as managed by us was a mere running sore in the body politic. If he were an Englishman or a Hollander, which thank God he was not, he would advocate a navy. As an American, at this time of day, at least, he was against it, for the plainest of all reasons—that it was not suited to the time and our circumstances, and let gentlemen say what they will, these must have their weight. And what had been heard on that floor, coming not from men of doubtful principles, but from good republicans, as they are called—both navy and anti-navy men? Why, first, that in the distribution of the powers of this government the Executive share is too small—next, that the government lacks energy; that if we cannot enforce a law, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, not only at the expense of a limb of the body politic, but of the very trunk itself—"Away with such a government."

ment—it wants energy and force; give us one that has some strength." Gentlemen want it to be magnificent, strong, able to crush all opposition, to destroy the states. What next have we heard? "That the Executive patronage is, as it were, the Presidential property, and that he possesses the right to do with it as he pleases," instead of considering it a trust placed in his hands, as it is even in limited monarchies, to be exercised under sound discretion and a high responsibility for the general good. When these doctrines are broached in Congress, sir, by men calling themselves republicans, and deemed as such, I am compelled to recollect the times, the energetic times as they were called, when the constitution was trampled under foot, when some men dared to risk the sentence "that the parchment had better be burnt." I am unwilling to see such principles govern, let who will be at the head of affairs; and therefore I am unwilling to give my assent to the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) which has been, with his characteristic humanity, charitably adopted by my colleague, (Mr. Burwell) for in truth, it was thrown an orphan on the wide world by its parent. I do not say that the time may not, or even that it will not come when it will be necessary to strike at Quebec; but I am unwilling to do it now, when there remains one chance to this nation of preserving the blessings of peace; for, if we have a war of that sort, commissaries and contractors may fatten, but the public will be impoverished; and scarce any man who has not a fat contract, or a snug office, will be enabled to pay his taxes and maintain his family, in the way they have been accustomed to.
But that is not all, sir. If we plunge at this moment into war, for to my mind there is really not one atom of difference (if we are to go to war) between this day and the first of June, who can say how or when the war shall end? And, with an empty exchequer—for all practical purposes the exchequer is empty—with a revenue depending wholly on loans, would it be very astonishing if the same causes which overthrew the most powerful monarchy in Europe, should shake a little our own confederated republic? That our present form of government should be destroyed by the same causes which unquestionably did destroy our late government under the confederation? The government of France, a population as we all know, rich in internal resources almost beyond imagination, was blest, or cursed as you please, by a minister who determined to carry on a war without taxes—loans were to supply all deficiencies. The experiment ended in the subversion of the government—I believe that no man can doubt if the ways and means could have been raised in 1788, that the French revolution would ever have taken place. Shall we then unnecessarily (and I speak of it in this point of view only) expose our government to such shocks? I hope not. If they come, I am for meeting them manfully. In that event, I would hope that instead of destroying (for we ought always to hope for the safety of the republic, however destitute of ground for it) it will toughen and nerve our manhood—that it will chastise our pampered arrogance, I was going to say; that it will operate as in one point of view, I am willing to allow that the embargo may have operated, to bring old fashioned home-spun principles as well as garments into notice, to repress the rage of speculation & reduce our bloated luxury—in fact, to give us something more of a national character. In that point of view I am willing to allow that even the embargo has not been without its salutary effect.
There is another reason why I am unwilling to take the attitude recommended to us by the gentleman from Virginia & by my worthy colleague. I have seen in this House a proposition to give efficiency to the militia, to arm them, to make them what they ought to be (but what I fear they are not) an adequate and competent national defence, 'damned with faint praise'—a little paltry beggarly appropriation of 200,000 dollars voted for that object. And but name a regular force, sir—strike but the naval chord or standing army, call them volunteers or what you will, the sound vibrates to your heart; you loose the purse strings and pour forth the national treasure without counting it. When I hear principles advocated against which I always did and always will protest, and when I see the policy of this House so variant from what I conceive it ought to be, I am induced to take one more possibility, another chance of avoiding immediate war; and therefore when that part of the resolution comes up which proposes the issuing letters of marque and reprisal, I shall move you so to amend it as to change it from its present portentous and dismaying aspect as a solemn pledge from this nation for the maritime protection of commerce in every sea, to what I conceive it ought to
be—an authority to our merchants to arm and defend themselves, and resist (not submit to) these decrees and orders in council which we have declared we will resist, in other words, that we will not submit to. There are a great variety of opinions as to what will be the eventual consequence—no man can precisely foresee the issue, but to my judgement it is the most promising plan that has been suggested. Its immediate consequence will be that your merchants will go out armed, and, if captured, the bile and rancor, of which we have heard so much, instead of being vented in sputtering, and spiteful resolutions against their own government, will be poured forth upon the aggressor. It will perhaps restore the government to its accustomed popularity. If the merchant feels he will know from whom—for, will he dare to come back and say that you ought to have kept on the embargo? No, sir; you will have permitted him to go out with his eyes open—the government will have washed its hands of the thing. The merchants will become, what they ought to be, the carriers of your produce, the great machinery for transporting your commodities; instead of being a kind of political caballers. Let them go to the counting-house and they will have enough to do: give them employment and you get rid of their complaints. If we take this step it is not possible that Mr. Canning—even he—I beg his pardon; I would not speak harshly of any man behind his back, much less of one that is three thousand miles off—that a British minister could have the face to construe this resistance into a just cause of war on their part. Commerce will protect itself—and peace, I trust, will be the result.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 20.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 16. ADDITIONAL DUTIES.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Masters in the chair—on the bill for imposing additional duties on all the goods, wares and merchandise imported into the U. S.
The bill was amended so as to take effect "from and after the passage thereof." The proposition offered by Mr. D. R. Williams when the bill was before under consideration was withdrawn.
Mr. Cook renewed the proposition, viz. to confine the duties to be increased, to goods imported from G. Britain and France and the colonies of either; and spoke an hour and a half in support of his motion and in opposition to the non-intercourse system. He was in favor of discriminating duties because he was opposed to the non-intercourse, which he considered the best means of depressing our navigating interest and advancing that of Britain; because the produce of the U. S. would be carried to some place of depot in the vicinity, and thence be carried to Europe in British bottoms, whilst a large proportion of American shipping would be inactive. He thought that under the arming system we could trade with at least as much honor and with much more profit, than under the non-intercourse system. He contended that the non-intercourse system was precisely calculated to destroy that moral principle which had heretofore so strictly enforced our revenue laws; that the system of restriction was partial, operating so equally on the people of the south, that no individuals particularly suffered from it, whilst in the north and east individuals were ruined by it, and thus a general distress produced; that it would be the most discouraging act to the mercantile interest ever passed by the government, for it would throw the trade in all the produce kept in the country by the embargo, into foreign hands at the expense of the American merchant; that the system could not be enforced with so extensive a frontier and sea coast as we possess; that it was a measure calculated to produce irritation on foreign nations without having the least coercive effect; that it was political suicide, without the consolation of company in it. Mr. Cook was, with his constituents, in favor of further negotiation and a firm assertion of our rights; which, if refused to be acknowledged he would maintain. It was high time to abandon visionary schemes and impracticable projects, and to pass good plain common sense laws. He believed that this discrimination of duties and arming our merchant vessels would be such a law. He spoke more than an hour and an half.
Mr. Cook's motion was negatived by a very large majority. The committee then rose and reported the bill.
The amendments made in committee of the whole were severally agreed to by the House; and on the question that the bill be engrossed for a third reading, Mr. Livermore called for the Yeas and Nays. There were for it 85, against it 27.
It was subsequently read a third time, and opposed by Messrs. Dana, Macon, Van Horn, Lyon, Cook, Milnor and Sloan, and supported by Messrs. W. Alston and J. G. Jackson. It was passed by Yeas and Nays, 67 to 26.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill for interdicting commercial intercourse.
Mr. Milnor's motion for striking out the first section being under consideration—
Mr. Nicholas spoke against the motion for about half an hour. He replied to many objections which had been made to the bill. He observed however that this state of things could not continue long; and that he had no hesitation to say that this nation must soon determine either to maintain and enforce its rights or to abandon commerce altogether. He could not consent to carry on commerce as it was now shackled by the belligerents, nor abandon it altogether. He hoped that there yet was a manly and honorable spirit in the nation which would resist the invasions of our rights; and this bill would prevent our citizens from staining the character of the nation by carrying on a commerce which could only be carried on with disgrace, un-
til another effort should have been made for peace.
The question was taken on striking out the first section of the bill and NEGATIVED, Ayes 24.
The House proceeded in the consideration of the bill.
The period after which the entrance of vessels should be prohibited into our waters being under consideration—
Mr. Nicholas named the 20th of May. As the vessels coming in after the time fixed on were to be subject to condemnation, he thought it would be to the honor of the nation to give reasonable notice of the regulation.
Mr. Lyon named the first of June, as being after the next meeting of Congress.
Mr. Fisk hoped neither day would be agreed to. He was not for giving to England any longer notice of our regulations than she gave of the orders in Council, viz from the 11th of November to the 12th of January. He therefore named the 20th day of April.
The question on the 1st day of June was negatived 59 to 41.
The 20th of May was agreed to, 80 to 24.
The fourth section having been read (prohibiting the importation of French or British goods)—
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to strike it out and insert in lieu of it a provision for imposing a discriminating duty of 50 per cent. on all former duties, on goods, &c. imported from G. Britain or France or the colonies of either. Mr. W. made a number of remarks in support of his motion. His motion was predicated on a total repeal of the embargo. He said to his extreme mortification (for he had not expected it) he had just learnt that the governor of the state of Connecticut had refused to execute the injunctions of the President made in pursuance of a law of the U. S. States. If the embargo could not be executed, he contended that certainly a non-intercourse could not.
Mr. Dana enquired of the gentleman from S. C. in what particular instance the governor of Connecticut had refused to execute the directions of the President?
Mr. D. R. Williams replied that he had heard that he had refused to comply with the letter from the Secretary at War, written in conformity with the order of the President of the U. S. requesting the governors of the states to appoint an officer to superintend the militia, who was to be called upon to assist in the execution of the embargo laws. The governor he understood had refused to execute it.
Mr. Dana said he enquired because he wished to know whether the governor had refused to do any act which the laws or constitution of the U. S. gave the President power to require of him. It is a case where neither the law or constitution authorised it, the President of the U. S. had applied to the governor as a gentleman of rank or authority in the country, requesting him to do any act, it was certainly at his option to do it or not, as he chose.
The committee rose on motion of Mr. Taylor, and obtained leave to sit again. Adjourned after five o'clock.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 17. NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. D. R. Williams motion of yesterday yet under consideration, viz. to strike out the fourth section of the bill and insert in lieu of it a provision for laying a discriminating duty of 50 per cent. on all former duties, on goods imported from G. Britain and France.
Mr. Love called for a division of the question, so as to take it first on striking out the section.
The question was then taken on striking out the 4th section in order to insert Mr. D. R. Williams's amendment; which was negatived 53 to 47. Mr. W's. motion of course was negatived.
Some farther progress was made in the bill; when the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 18.
The House was engaged the whole of the day in committee of the whole on the non-intercourse bill. A motion to amend the bill so as to keep on the embargo altogether was negatived, Ayes 35. A motion to amend the bill so as wholly to repeal the embargo, was negatived 57 to 53. The committee went through the bill, which was reported to the House at near 5 o'clock—When the House adjourned without considering the report of the committee.
(Further account of these proceedings in our next.)
LATE AND IMPORTANT NEWS.
The British ship Manila, arrived at New-York, in 18 days from St. John's, Antigua, brings London papers to the 13th of December, and Antigua papers to the 24th of January, containing news from Lisbon, to the 10th of December.
It is reported by a passenger in the brig Manila from Antigua, it was on the 26th of January, a dispatch was received from admiral Cochrane, stating that sir John Moore, with an army of 30,000 men, had attacked the French army in the environs of Madrid, and completely routed them, with great slaughter on both sides. The English lost 4,000 killed.
It is further stated, that a French 50 gun ship with 500 troops, and 1700 barrels of flour was captured after a severe engagement, going into Guadaloupe, by the British frigates Jason and Cleopatra.
The London papers have contradictory reports about Bonaparte; one day he is said to be at Paris, and the next at Madrid.
Bassetterre, St. Christopher, Jan. 17. A few hours previous to this paper's going to press, we were politely favored by the following communication from a gentleman—
"The Ring Dove sloop of war, arrived at Barbadoes on the 11th inst. from Lisbon, which port she left on the 10th December, brings the melancholy account of the French army having entered Madrid, early in Dec. after completely vanquishing the Spanish army under gens. Blake and Palafox, and that sir John Moore was within a day's march with 35,000 British troops.
A French line of battle ship and two frigates, left France on the 23d November, with supplies and troops for Martinique. Sir A. Cochrane has also positive information of 5 French ships having left France with troops and supplies, which the admiral is daily expecting to meet off Martinique.
The Portuguese, with 2000 men, have taken possession of Cayenne.
The troops from Halifax, under sir Geo. Prevost, have received orders to prepare to proceed to Bermuda, where they are to winter, and from thence return to Halifax. And it is said that some of the troops had actually embarked when the last accounts were received from Barbadoes.
London, Dec. 19.—A Sunday paper says, some ministerial changes are spoken of the Duke of Portland, Mr. Canning and
Mulgrave, it is said, are to retire: Lord Chatham, it is added, is to be removed to the Treasury, and Lord Melville has been offered a seat in the Cabinet.
Mr. Shaw, the messenger, left London the 10th of Dec. with dispatches for Paris. Accounts from Sweden were unfavorable since the rupture of the armistice, the Russians pushed forward with such an overwhelming superiority of force, that all the gallant efforts of the Swedes have been fruitless.
Dutch letters received in England state, on the authority of accounts from Paris, that the answer of the British government to the overtures from France and Russia, was very detailed, and very favorable, and that at Paris, it was generally supposed, a peace would shortly be concluded. A London paper says, "we cannot agree with the Parisian quidnunc, as to the probable result of the negotiation."
Austria still continues her military preparations.
A Russian Ukase, notifies to the merchants of St. Petersburg, that after the first of January, 1809, no ships shall be suffered to enter or clear, from the Russian ports.
Private letters from Holland state, that Bonaparte has ordered a relaxation to take place in the regulations enjoined by his Milan decree, respecting neutrals. By the decree alluded to, it was ordered that all neutrals which had touched at a British port, or submitted to be searched by a British cruiser should be confiscated on entering a French port, or condemned as legal prizes if captured by a French armed vessel. It is now ordered, that neutrals shall be admitted into French ports, though they have been searched by a British cruiser, provided they have not touched at a British port. Bonaparte by relaxing in the Milan decree probably expects that the American government will be induced to remove its embargo so far at least as regards vessels bound to France.
London, December 10.—Two o'clock.—Intelligence has been received from Spain of even a more disastrous nature than our gloomy forebodings led us with pain to apprehend. The defeat of general Blake, which turns out, according to the information we had received, to have been complete, appears, according to the intelligence now arrived, to have laid open the central body of the Spaniards, under Castanos and Palafox, to the skillful operations of the enemy; and his army too, if the civil tidings are not unfounded, has been completely defeated, if not destroyed. We stated in a late paper, that the retreat of Blake, by leaving uncovered the left of the Spanish line, would render necessary the retreat of the whole army. We fear that this obvious policy has not been pursued, and that Bonaparte has thus been enabled to destroy the whole central division of the Spaniards.
The intelligence, as it has been given to the public, is to the following purport:
"Intelligence has been received from Gen. sir D. Baird, dated Astorga, the 29th ult. by which it appears that the army under Gen. Castanos had sustained a defeat, the particulars of which however, had not been received. Gen. sir J. Moore had directed sir David Baird to re-embark at Vigo, and proceed immediately to the Tagus, for the purpose of assembling the British army in force, and enabling it to act in such a manner as circumstances might point out for the support of the common cause."
It is further stated on private authority, that the transports at Coruna had, on the 2d inst. began to take on board the heavy baggage belonging to the British army under the orders of Gen. Baird, and it is asserted that the most ample means had been provided for the secure retreat of the whole of our force. We trust, if the necessity for the re-embarkation is apparent, that the account of there being sufficient means is correct; for we are told, in two or three other letters, that large divisions of transports had sailed from Coruna.
Previous to this battle, the French had advanced in another direction from Burgos to Leyva, Aranda, and across the Douro; and it appears by the proclamation of the Central Junta, that they had got to the neighborhood of Samozierres, a small town in the mountains, about forty miles north of Madrid. In this state of affairs the Junta ordered a strong force to occupy the important post of Guadarrama, about 25 miles from Madrid, whither the English, who are said to have been at the Escorial on the 21st, (but there probably is some error in the statement) were about to proceed to co-operate with the Spaniards.
It should seem however that the enemy took a different route to the capital, by proceeding in a direction due south from the Douro, by Sanlorenti, Buitrago, and the road that leads from thence to Madrid, and the unexpected defeat of Gen. Castanos having frustrated all the plans that had been formed, a retreat on the part of our army became necessary. If that is effected in good order, it is conjectured that it will concentrate itself upon the frontiers of Portugal; to try the defence of that country against Bonaparte, or to advance against Spain upon a favorable opportunity. But the question, whether, without Spain, we could defend Portugal against Bonaparte, appears to have been decided by our government, when it advised the Royal family to emigrate to Brazil!
Such is the distressing complexion of the intelligence received, & however incorrect it may turn out to be in its parts, there is no doubt but it may prove in the main to be true. It is in vain now to revert to the complaint of the tardiness in forwarding our troops, who have once more arrived at the scene of action, after the battle has been fought; we long since expressed our fear of our committing this usual blunder.
But what is now brought of the issue of the Spanish contest. Those who were so sanguine a short time since are in utter despair, & think the fate of the peninsula forever decided. We hesitate to adopt that opinion. We wish only to be fully assured that the whole Spanish nation is deeply impressed with the determination, so often avowed, of continuing the contest as long as practicable. We are persuaded that, if the Spaniards really see in their true light the advantages that they must derive from the execution of the noble views before them, they will persevere with renewed ardor. But if they are not convinced that they fight for what is worth every sacrifice, and that death alone is to close the contest, then is Spain now subdued, and the emancipation of Europe hopeless, for a time of which no one can pretend to see the end. If, however, the Spaniards still fight, they must abandon the plains, and decline fixed battles, they
must betake themselves to their mountains, and the defence of their towns; and the siege of Saragossa must be an example for every place, and the enemy must be made to buy whatever he possesses. Thus will his troops be melted down, and his resources exhausted. We own, however, that this prospect of hope, to which we so fondly cling, is covered with clouds so thick, that it is scarcely discernable. The suspicions which so closely adhered to us, that a people so long and patiently enslaved, a people so ignorant, and uncivilized, would not suddenly be animated with that sublime and unconquerable love of liberty, which the situation of the Spaniards required; and letters from officers of the highest distinction in sir John Moore's army, but too strongly prove that these suspicions were well-founded. They complain that the British army on their march met with nothing but coldness, and jealousy, and that they perceived no such symptoms as they were led to expect, of that devotedness in the cause of their country, without which no hopes could be entertained.
A cabinet council met yesterday, about two o'clock, at the Foreign office, and sat until seven in the evening. When it broke up, Mr. Hunter, the messenger, was ordered to proceed with dispatches to Spain.
It is understood that the subject under consideration was the situation of our army in Spain, and it was reported last night, that Mr. Hunter carried out with him the approbation of government to the plan of the retreat suggested by Sir J. Moore, and orders for the whole of the British force to be concentrated in Portugal. Transports have been ordered to Coruna and Vigo, and every arrangement has been made to facilitate this operation.
It is said, that the scattered remains of the Spanish army have proceeded towards the Sierra Morona, and that Don Francisco Palafox is collecting them to defend the passes of those mountains; but whether any information has been received on this subject, or whether the statement is founded in conjecture only, we have not been able to ascertain.
The situation of the remains of the army of Galicia is most truly distressing, and calls most loudly for our active exertions in its favor. The Marquis de la Romana and his brave followers, whom he rescued from bondage in Holstein, are called and would be treated as traitors by the despot if again caught. Lord Paget says, that he found no more than 6000 men of the army of Galicia assembled together in Leon, though we have been told of 20,000 having re-united themselves under the patriot standard. Even the last, however, is not a number to withstand the host of Bonaparte. They ought, therefore, if possible, to be saved from his fury.
London, Dec. 13.—The following is an extract of a letter from an officer in one of the divisions of the army of Gen. Baird:
Villa Franca, Nov. 29. "I can only tell you that I am quite well, and fare as well as circumstances will permit. I got to Astorga from Oviedo on the Wednesday evening, and on Thursday morning last, 23d inst. the army retreated, but advanced again on the Friday. A courier is going off to Lugo, by which I send this. You must not be alarmed at no hearing from me often, as it is impossible. The French are in great force, near 100,000 men, it is said, at Burgos, Valladolid, Vittoria, and their cavalry at Rio Seco, and advancing along. The two Spanish armies have not joined, and it is uncertain when they will. On Thursday last, 23d, I concluded we should have retreated much farther. As it was, I had to march on a continued route about 30 miles; casks of rum were stowed at Astorga, &c. and every one thought the French to be very near; next day we advanced to our old positions. Blake's army, i. e. Romana's has been completely defeated and scattered. There were only 3000 men at Leon a week ago. Tho' the Spaniards would tell me every where that there were 30 or 40,000. If we cannot form a junction with sir J. Moore, or with us, which must be the case, as we cannot leave the road to Coruna open to the French, both armies must retreat sir John's. This is a wretched country. I am sure the French would do them good, but as an Englishman I cannot wish them to gain a footing here; though I am afraid they will eventually succeed. It is said the French have pushed on a column to Oviedo, to pass by Lugo, and intercept our retreat, but that is uncertain. The Spaniards do not act with the spirit they might."
(Our readers are referred to the last page for a letter of Mr. Poindexter.)
BIRTH NIGHT BALL.
AN ASSEMBLY in commemoration of the Nativity of Gen. Washington will be held at CRAWFORD'S Tavern, George-Town, on Wednesday evening 22d inst.—Tickets to be had at the Bar of the Union Tavern, or by application to the Managers.
John Mason, SUND. MAN. John W. Wynn, MAN. John Peter, GEN. C. J. Neaves, GEN. Feb. 20—24
PUBLIC SALE.
To be sold at Public Sale on Wednesday the 22d inst. at the house of Solomon Stenger, near the Glass House, in the city of Washington—
MAHOGANY Card and Dining Tables, Mahogany Bureau, Mahogany Breakfast Table, one Mahogany Candle Stand, one high-posted Mahogany Bedstead and several low-posted Bedsteads, Looking Glass, Brass Andirons, Shovel and Tongs, Kitchen Furniture, and several other articles too tedious to mention.
Also the SLOOP RISING SUN—Sale to commence at 2 P. M. Terms of sale made known on the day of sale.
SAML. SPEARS, Adm.
February 20—24

Extract from the Weekly Chronicle, in following LETTERS, written by the Delegate of the Mississippi Territory to the Editor of that paper, with a view to show the sentiments of that gentleman on the subject of the embargo.
WASHINGTON CITY, NOVEMBER 12, 1808.
Gentlemen, On Monday the 7th inst. both Houses of Congress made a quorum, and on Tuesday the President of the U. States communicated to them a message in writing, which is herewith transmitted to you; accompanying this message were the communications therein mentioned, which were read and ordered to be printed for the use of the members of Congress. A confidential message was likewise received covering despatches of a highly interesting nature from our ministers at Paris and London.
General Armstrong has vindicated our rights at the court of St. Cloud, in a manner highly honorable to himself, and to the U. States; but the time of Napoleon has, notwithstanding the able representations of our minister, continued to outrage all law and justice in the condemnation of American vessels and cargoes, he has determined that this country shall no longer remain neutral, if it be in his power to coerce us into the war. Mr. Pinkney, our minister at London, has likewise failed in his efforts to obtain an adjustment of our differences with the British government. It will be seen by the President's message, that our government did not propose to raise the embargo as to France, upon the repeal of her decrees, in consideration of a deficiency of maritime strength on her part, to defend our commerce against the operation of the British orders in Council. To England it was proposed, that so soon as the commerce of the U. States was restored to the footing on which it stood previous to the orders in Council, the embargo would be removed as to her, and continued against France. The reason which influenced the President, in the diversity of these propositions, is obviously the naval strength of G. Britain, and the practicability of maintaining our commercial rights on the ocean, against the power of France. When the course pursued by our government in relation to these two great belligerents is candidly viewed, there will be seen in it the most rigid impartiality, and at the same time, a steady and determined adherence to the advancement of the best interests of the U. States. What becomes of the base and ridiculous fabrication, that the embargo was a measure dictated by the emperor of the French, and directed solely against England? The authors of these calumnies are invited to witness their own disgrace in the luminous, liberal and just policy, which has marked the conduct of the administration towards both these powers. If indeed a charge of partiality can for a moment be countenanced as to either, it would with greater justice attach to the government of England. The Jesuitical conduct of Mr. Canning induced our minister at first to suppose that the orders in council would be rescinded upon the terms stipulated in his official note on that subject, but the final reply made by Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney, forbids a supposition, that any steps will be taken by that government to promote a renewal of commercial intercourse between the two countries. In this state of things the question for Congress to determine is, what shall we do? A resolution was on Wednesday the 8th inst. introduced in the House of Representatives by a member from Vermont, for a total repeal of the embargo laws without any substitute! On the same day, Mr. Eppes, of Virginia, moved three resolutions for suspending all intercourse with England and France, and providing by law for arming and equipping a thousand militia, to be held in readiness at a moment's warning, in addition to the present military establishment. Several other resolutions respecting the embargo have been submitted, and the whole subject is made the order of the day for Monday next. It is supposed the discussion will continue 10 or 12 days. So soon as the result is known, I shall communicate it to you, in order that the citizens of our territory generally may become acquainted with their real situation as early as possible through the medium of your useful paper. At present I can only state it as my opinion, that the embargo will not be raised, and that strong preparations will be made for the defence of our frontiers, and other vulnerable positions in the U. S. I shall endeavor to press the necessity of a more efficient force on the Mississippi, especially near the confluence of that river with the Bay of Mexico, and on the eastern extremity of the Mississippi Territory, to guard against an invading enemy from Pensylvania. The times are squally and it behoves every American to be ready, at the most sudden call, to step forward in the defence of our freedom and independence, without regard to the quarter from whence we may be assailed. It is believed here by many well informed men that the British ministry have acted hitherto with a view to influence the election of the next President; a party in this country, unfriendly to the present administration, & consequently to the election of James Madison, have labored to inculcate an opinion in England, that if the orders in council were rigidly enforced, and Mr. Jefferson compelled to continue the embargo, the people would withdraw their support from the administration, and commit the government to men more attached to the views of the British cabinet. The triumph of the Madisonian ticket throughout the union, which is now certain, will dispel these delusive and visionary expectations, and no doubt will remain as to the determination of the people at large, to support the government in all its legitimate acts, to resist belligerent encroachments on the known and established rights of neutral commerce on the high seas. It may therefore, I think, be confidently expected, that so soon as the sense of the nation is known on these points, G. Britain will see the necessity of rescinding her orders in council. Should this be the case our commerce will be opened with her, and likewise with Spain, Portugal and the allies and dependencies of their respective governments. In the present state of the world, it would avail us nothing to remove the embargo. Our cotton is liable to a duty of 50. the pound, if exported to the continent from England, where it must be landed. The duty is acknowledged by Mr. Canning to be intended as a prohibition to the exportation of that article to any part of Europe except to England and her dependencies. Can any man believe, that with this limited market, we could command for our cotton, a price adequate to the value at which it has been uniformly estimated? It would seem to follow of course that the power restricting the trade to itself, would also reduce the value of the commodity. These reflections appear to me sufficient to
induce us to store away our crops for a short time, until the political horizon shall assume a brighter aspect, and until the honor and independence of our country shall be duly respected and appreciated abroad. The embargo begins to be felt in England, particularly with regard to their supplies of cotton. As to the payment of debts, it seems to be pretty generally admitted here that they ought to be suspended; I am happy to observe that the House of Representatives in our Territory, have recommended to the judges a suspension of judicial proceedings, as the evil could not be provided against by a legislative act.
The various topics relating to the local situation of the territory have been referred to the respective committees to which they belong, I cannot speak with decision as to the result, but no efforts shall be omitted on my part, to accomplish whatever may tend to promote the welfare of those who have confided their affairs to my care and management. The nomination of a new council is received, and yesterday the President recommended to the Senate, Mr. M'Grew, Mr. Montgomery, Mr. Lee, Mr. Cavitt, and Mr. Burnet, as proper persons to be appointed. I think it probable that their commissions will be forwarded by the next mail.
I shall constantly communicate to you every interesting intelligence which we receive here, and I ask the favor of you to afford my letters a place in your paper for the information of my fellow-citizens.
I am, sir, respectfully, Your most obedient servant, GEO: POINDEXTER. EDITORS OF THE CHRONICLE.
CHARLES H. VAILLON, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Frontenies. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelots & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated Patent PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27-1f
WANTED TO RENT During the next Session of Congress, A SMALL FURNISHED HOUSE, Convenient to the CAPITOL—Apply at this Office. February 14-3t
MR. MADISON'S PORTRAIT. An elegant engraved Portrait of JAMES MADISON, Executed by the celebrated Edwin of Philadelphia, from an original painting by Stuart, is just received and for Sale at the Book-store of R. C. WEIGHTMAN, Pennsylvania avenue. PRICE 2 DOLLARS, Published by C. Boyle, Baltimore. February 15-6t
FRESH CLOVER SEED, FOR SALE BY RICHARD PARROT. February 15-3t
In the case of ROBERT BROWN JAMES SON, an insolvent debtor. THE Creditors are hereby notified that the time limited for the production of claims expires on the 22nd inst.; on the following day they may have an opportunity of inspecting the claims produced and a statement of the transactions of the trustee relative to the subject; and on the 1st proximo a division will be made of the money in his hands among those creditors whose claims are admitted, upon their entering into bonds with sufficient sureties to refund the dividends received by them respectively, in case the decree of the circuit court passed last July term should hereafter be set aside by the absent defendant therein mentioned. COLIN AULD, Trustee. Alexandria, February 15-3t
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. WILL be offered for Sale at Public Auction on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on F street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Boyd. From its contiguity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. Washington, January 30-tids
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and a woffier for Sale, 20 hlds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hlds. Rum, 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsalla, 3 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould Candles, 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Spern. Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5-
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN, Charles County, Jan. 5-2awm3.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber, to Bridge erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Grates, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P.M. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. January 30-tids
TEN DOLLARS. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER, a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fairfax Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAML. FISHER. January 30-1m
THREE PIPES OF MADEIRA WINE To be Exchanged for FLOUR. Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPPEN APPLES. Washington, January 30-1m
IN COUNCIL—ANNAPOLIS, FEB. 8, 1809. Ordered, That the resolution of the Legislature, passed at the last session, requesting the Governor and Council to procure information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing annually one thousand stand of arms complete, be published twice a week in the space of four weeks in the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the Republican Advocate at Frederick Town; the National Intelligencer; the Maryland Herald at Hager's-Town, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Eason. BY order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clk.
Resolved, That the Governor and Council be requested to procure, and submit to this House, at their next meeting, information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing annually, one thousand stand of arms complete, fifty brace of horsemen's pistols, one hundred horsemen's swords, and one hundred swords suitable for artillerymen, and the practicability of procuring workmen sufficient for the same, and the usual wages for such workmen, and as to the most eligible site for the erection of such buildings, the machinery of which, if necessary, to be worked by water, steam, or otherwise; and that by publication of this resolution, they give notice that they will receive description of and proposal for the sale of such site. And that they procure if practicable, the annual report of the different establishments of the same kind in the United States. February 17-2aw6w
FOR SALE OR TO RENT, The Two Story FRAME HOUSE & LOT On 13th street west, belonging and now in the occupation of the Subscriber. The house is convenient; the situation is healthy and pleasant. Possession may be had the first of Fourth month. For further particulars enquire on the premises. WM. YEATES, Jr. 17th of 2d month—w3t
A TANN YARD TO BE RENTED, For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next—The premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Stuks, a large Bark and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania avenue, who will show the premises. February 17-4f
CHEAP GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS, (SIGN OF THE PLOUGH.) HAVE removed to the Store, lately occupied by Romulus Riggs, and have bought his entire Stock of GOODS, (very low) which added to their former supply, with some Fresh Goods, just received from Philadelphia, makes their assortment very extensive, they being bought principally for cash, previous to any material rise in the markets, enables them to sell lower than the present prices. Amongst their Stock are Irish Linens, Shirting & Cambric Muslins, Linen Cambrics, Cambric Handkerchiefs, Furniture Dimities & Chintzes, Fine Mull Leno & Ceded Muslins, Mullin Shawls, Mantles & Robes, Superb undressed shirting Muslins, very fine Cambric Muslin for Cravats, veils, laces, shades, silks, crapes, Silk Shawls, Elastic India Crape, Ladies Beaver and Straw Bonnets, Silk, Cotton & Worsted Hosiery and Gloves, Bleached country Linen for sheeting, Cloths, Cords, Blankets, Waiscoating, Carpeting, and many other Fancy and substantial articles, which will be sold low for Cash, and a liberal discount to persons to sell again. They also expect to receive in a few days, a quantity of best Ingrain C. English, and Veuan CARPETING with other articles. Georgetown, February 6-2aw6w
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO: HOLT. Washington city, January 18-2aw2m
PRINTING INK. SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PAIRO, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN MINCHIN's New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol. October 16-3sp&3m
BIRTH NIGHT BALL. AN ASSEMBLY, in commemoration of the Nativity of Gen. Washington, will be held at Long's Hotel on Wednesday evening the 22nd February. Gentlemen to obtain Tickets at the bar, by application to one of the Managers. John Taylor, Lt. Col. Franklin Wharton, Lt. J. Henderson, James Eakin, MANAGERS. February 17-3t
A TEACHER, CAPABLE of Teaching, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Geography, and the Rudiments of the Latin Language, wants a situation in a Private Family. One on the banks of the river Potomac or Patuxent would be preferred. A line addressed to A. Z. in the city of Washington by the mail, (and the postage paid) will receive prompt attention. February 10-3t
ANY LADY or GENTLEMAN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE, May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3-3t
NOTICE. THE subscribers to the "Manufacturing Company of the City of Washington and district of Columbia," are requested to meet at LINDSAY's Hotel on the 22nd inst. to elect by ballot nine directors and a secretary, agreeably to the "articles of association." * * * The election to commence at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, and to close at 8 o'clock in the evening. By order of the committees. CHARLES MINIFIE, Chairman. Feb. 13-3t
ARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Musca del Raisins of superior quality. He has also received from the brig Orozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do Rose Blankets 2 do 6-4 Cloths 7 do Negro Cottons 5 do Flannels 4 do Carpeting 2 do Booking Baise 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do Dimities 4 do Velvets and Cords 2 do Shirting Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cogniac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Tenerife do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Buccelas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotout Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dipt, and Spermaceti Candles, Castile, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Marlinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3-2awtf.
FOR ALEXANDRIA GEORGETOWN and the City of WASHINGTON. THE Schooner CAROLINE, John Hand, Jr. Master—a constant trader. All persons having goods to ship, will please leave a list of the packages with their contents and value, with the master on board at Morris's wharf, (2d above the Drawbridge) that a general permit may be taken, as nothing can afterwards be taken on board. Philadelphia, Feb. 47-3t
ATTENTION. THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs, and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as further indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the business as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price. ROMULUS RIGGS. N. B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6-2aw6w
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PUNNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Punnell Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Punnell Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27-2aw6w
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington etc hereby notified that an installment of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 18-
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the 12th & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20-
FOR SALE. A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county Dec. 16-4f
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery authorized by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA. SCHEME. 2 prizes of $10,000 each 20,000 2 5,000 10,000 2 2,500 5,000 3 1,000 3,000 6 500 3,000 15 200 3,000 30 100 3,000 60 50 3,000 150 20 3,000 300 10 3,000 13,800 5 69,000 35,630 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize. 50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Alibone, esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery. Part of the above prizes determinable as follows: The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days ($200 each). do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500 do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do. The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do. Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest. Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city. December 12-wtf
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON, of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cumberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By his Excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. Jan. 4-2aw6w
Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808. ON the application by petition in writing, of ROBERT M'Koy, of Prince Georges county, to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto to a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, so far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'Koy, is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Robert M'Koy be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Robert M'Koy by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. December 26-w3m Clk. P. G. C. C.