The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-09-23 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCLVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23rd, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The following interesting production has been occasioned by the impending election in Connecticut. It presents a bold sketch of federal, contrasted with republican principles and measures. By reminding the citizen of past danger, it is admirably calculated to awaken him to present vigilance. The sentiments, the facts, the reasoning, are truly American, and, for the most part, as well fitted to the meridian of Maryland as Connecticut. To the citizens of Maryland, about to enjoy the sacred right of suffrage, we strongly recommend them.
From the American Mercury.
REPUBLICAN ADDRESS,
To the freemen of Connecticut.
Fellow Citizens,
The general committee of the republicans of Connecticut solicit your candid attention to the political dissensions which at present agitate this state, a subject highly interesting to every man of you who loves peace and liberty.
On this subject you have been addressed by a number of federalists, convened, at Hartford on the 31st of May last.
We would deem it a misapplication of time and a departure from the true dignity of serious discussion, to notice what is exceptional in that address, for our object is not to prove that the address is deficient in candor and truth, but to prove that the mass of citizens, of all parties, have an inestimable common interest, in the protection of which it behoves them to unite; and to prove also, that federalism is a direful delusion of that common interest, a baleful betrayal of it into the hands of its enemies. We speak here of the federalism of leaders; for we know full well that the federalism of those who lead is one thing, and of those who follow is another, and a very different thing.
The federalists, in their address, observe, that the origin of the dissensions which disturb the tranquility of this state, is "so well known that it cannot be necessary at this time to examine or explain it." We think otherwise. We believe that the great body of citizens of both political parties, have the same interests, the same principles, and the same general views, with regard to the means of promoting their prosperity, & of protecting their liberty. We believe, therefore, that so far as dissensions do prevail, they must be the offspring of misinformation, of mistake; and that, to put an end to those dissensions among that mass of citizens who have no private views, no particular interests hostile to the common weal, nothing more is necessary than a true, a full understanding of the origin of those dissensions.
Are the real interests of that class of our fellow-citizens who are still federal, hostile to or different from the interests of republicans? Has nature, or has accident adopted one kind of happiness to one political sect, and a different kind of happiness to a different sect? An opinion like this is as absurd as dangerous; for however the arts of plausible ambition, of skillful wickedness, by exciting and misguiding the zeal of uninformed and unscrupulous integrity, may have been able to array citizen against citizen, neighbor against neighbor, and to plant distrust and hatred where confidence and friendship ought to grow, still it will remain an unchangeable truth, that republicans and federalists must be freemen or slaves, happy or wretched, together.
Far then from us be rancour and every passion, while we make to our fellow-citizens a candid exposition of our view of the origin of the dissensions that now exist in this state, of those essential principles of government, in which the theories of leading federalists differ from those of the republicans, and of the opposing systems of public measures advocated and pursued by the parties respectively. If in the course of this exposition we shall find ourselves under the necessity of announcing with severity on the conduct and views of men opposed to us, let it not be said that we have violated the rule we have prescribed to ourselves, that we permit passion to make us unjust! No, we will endeavour to be strictly just, and as we will be down nought in malice, so we will extenuate nothing. We will speak to our fellow-citizens with the plainness which belongs to truth. In an honest and ardent pur-
suit of those inestimable objects, public peace and liberty, we will not pause to calculate the importance to ourselves individually of the love or the hatred of the enemies of public peace and liberty.
History teaches us these interesting facts, that from the remotest ages, a few men in every nation have had the address to make the multitude their property, that the only intelligible distinctions that have been known among men have been those of master and slave; that the dark annals of despotism have been interrupted and enlightened by some gleams of liberty, by some noble struggles of oppressed man to break his chains, and to assume that dignified station from which he had been long degraded; that the success of these struggles has ever been of short duration; that though man has been found invincible when struggling for his liberty, yet that he has never been found competent to its protection; but that ambition and cunning have always succeeded, sooner or later, in perverting the simple, unsuspecting love of freedom to assist in riveting their chains anew; that those short periods of liberty have indeed exhibited illustrious samples of genius, of energy & of virtue, to which degraded and enslaved man can never attain; but that in the long, dark night of despotism, these, like the bright conflagrations of a meteor, have only served to give a more forcible perception of the deep gloom that was spread over the world.
From these facts, which are controverted by none, men have deduced various theories, conformed to their various wishes. The lovers of liberty, the true friends of man have, in every case, seen freedom subverted by circumstances peculiar to each respective experiment. They have been nothing to discourage new experiments. They perceive in the progress that society has made and is still making in knowledge, in every intellectual improvement, a sure a certain pledge of the future universal triumph of truth and of liberty. On the contrary, the enemies of liberty, men of uncontrolable ambition and cupidity, say, that the experience of all ages demonstrates that the mass of mankind in every nation are, and, from the very nature of man, must forever remain incompetent to protect and perpetuate their liberties when acquired; that their ignorance and their vices incapacitate them for self-government—that the ignorant multitude are destined for ever to be governed by the discerning few, whatever may be the form of that government—and that, therefore, all that is to be sought, or hoped, from the institutions of society is, that they may be so contrived as to mitigate, and render as mild as possible, that vassalage to which, they say, God has, by an irrepressible decree, destined the human race. False! Foolish! Impious theory! They seek to deprive their fellow men of their dearest rights, of all that gives value to life, or all that gives to man a valuable pre-eminence above the brutes, and justify themselves by the most cruel, the most degrading of calumnies; by asserting in short, that the Divinity has given to man no valuable pre-eminence above the brutes.
Happy would it have been for us if this monstrous theory had been confined to that country which gave it birth. In Europe, as the multitude have been compelled to perform the part of beasts of burden, there it seems almost innocent to speak of them as such. Here in America, one would have thought that discretion, if not a sense of justice, might have protected us from the insult. But inordinate ambition is the growth of all countries, and in all countries it justifies its depredations by similar pretences.
No sooner was that war finished which severed these American states from the British Empire, than ambition marked them for her own, and commenced her secret machinations. We will pass in silence the few years that preceded the birth of our present federal constitution, because during that period the operations of faction were unorganized and defaultory; but no sooner was a convention of states proposed in order to revise the federal compact than they became both systematic and active. You need not be told fellow citizens, that at this period, and for the avowed purpose of influencing the deliberations of the proposed convention, Mr. Adams, our late President, wrote three volumes on the subject of government, the whole scope and object of which writings was to prove that a government constituted precisely on the principles of that of Great Britain, and no other, is perfectly adapted to the happiness and protection of men in all countries, and in all stages of society—and that as far as those who
were to form a government for us should deviate from the true principles of the British Government, so far would they deviate from wisdom and from nature.
The convention when assembled was found to consist of discordant materials, some ardent friends of the elective principle throughout the legislative and executive departments of the government, some open, some covert friends of the hereditary principle in the executive, and in one branch of the legislative departments. Here it was that Alexander Hamilton strenuously advocated an annual election of the state governments, an executive and senate elected for life. How easy! how very natural would be the transition from Hamilton's governor and senate, or to use European names, Kings and Nobles for life, to Adams's hereditary king and nobles! The constitution, when formed, was declared by the convention that formed it, to be "the result of a spirit of mutual concession." Probably no single member of the convention believed it to be free from defects. In one point all parties agreed, to wit, that a stronger bond of union than had hitherto bound the states together was absolutely necessary to their peace, to their safety, perhaps to their very existence. The republicans were in general well pleased with the constitution. They confided in the good sense of the people, and they believed that it was appeared to them imperfections should on experiment be found to be really such, they would in the manner provided by the instrument itself be corrected. Some indeed, not less honest, not less zealous for a union of the states, but more jealous than their brethren, thought they saw in the instrument unnecessary facilities to corruption and usurpation, and on that account ultimately opposed its adoption. This procured for them, and for the republican party, with which they in the subsequent struggles co-operated, and to which they in truth belonged, the name of anti-federalists.
It must be manifest to every reflecting mind, that men, who like Mr. Adams, believed the British to be the standard of good governments, must have regarded our federal constitution as it came from the hands of the convention with disapprobation and contempt. Annihilation of the state governments, and a combination of the states under one government must have been a necessary part of the plan of the monarchists, and accordingly, as has already been observed, the measure was brought forward in the convention by Mr. Hamilton. Notwithstanding this attempt was defeated, and although the constitution was destitute of almost every thing which the monarchists considered as valuable in substance, yet they unanimously subscribed it; because it was all that at that time could be obtained, because though deficient in substance, in form it was correct; and because they hoped that, as it had the form, by a skillful management of its powers, by an artful direction and management of private interests already within its reach, and of such as from time to time it would be possible under various pretences to create, to give it the substance of their great model, the British Government.
The moment that the new government was organized, the monarchists, arrogating to themselves the name of federalists, commenced a systematic attack on every republican principle in the constitution, endeavoring to sap one after another, every bulwark erected for the protection of the independence of the state governments, and of the supremacy of the whole people. This attack called forth a correspondent vigilance and vigor on the part of the republicans in the defence of every thing which in a government they considered of value. Thus a warfare of principles commenced, which has not yet subsided.
Here then, fellow citizens, you have a faithful exhibition of our view of the origin of the dissensions which disturb the tranquility not only of this state, but of the United States, and of those essential principles of government in which the theories of leading federalists differ from those of republicans. We will say something of the opposing systems of public measures advocated and pursued by the parties respectively. Permit us, however, to pause here and make a remark which is suggested by what has already been said. Man is always backward to acknowledge himself in an error, he is too apt to consider it a dishonor to him to have been deceived, this induces him to persevere in his error until he meets with evidence altogether irresistible. Many an honest sincere republican has constantly given his voice for federalists, believing them
to be as honest and as sincerely republican as himself. Such men will not easily be persuaded that they have been betrayed by those in whom they have confided; that they have given their support to a system which is their abhorrence.
It will be difficult to convince such republicans, that their friends, the leading federalists with whom they are acquainted, can be advocates for the systems of Mr. Adams or Hamilton. We solicit those men who still entertain doubts like these, to reflect that Mr. Adams's books were published for the express purpose that has already been stated, and were read by the leading men of both parties; his principles were, therefore, early and universally understood—that Hamilton's proposition for the duration of the state governments, and for the election of a Chief Magistrate and Senators for life, was made in the face of the convention assembled from every part of the union. To suppose then that the opinions of these men are unknown to leading federalists would be mere idiocy. Both Mr. Adams and Hamilton are known by leading federalists to be monarchists in principle, and of course to be enemies to our federal constitution. Mr. Adams has, on account of his principles been raised to the Chief Magistracy, and Mr. Hamilton is, to this day, the favorite chief of his party. Would republicans, would those who detest kingly, or any other hereditary governments, exalt to the Chief Magistracy of a government like ours, an avowed royalist? Such conduct would be the wildest phrensy. No—such men, who in fact procured the election of Mr. Adams were royalists. The men who are now the political friends of Mr. Hamilton, are royalists.
Though the royalists, or federalists, as they called themselves, commenced their operations with the commencement of the government, yet during the administration of Washington their march too steady, was cautious. That inflexible patriot, always esteemed by the republicans, was always hated by the federalists, because he was known to be in favor of the popular elective system. They knew his integrity to be uncorruptible, to him, therefore, it is not probable that their projects were explained, but his personal friendship for, and confidence in some of the party, whom either accident or design had placed near him, enabled them in some instances to circumvent him, to betray him into measures plausible indeed, but which in their tendencies were indisputably opposite to the whole tenor of his declarations, and to the principles he avowed. Such instances however were rare, for we do not accuse him of a mental approbation of anti-republican legislative measures, merely because he did not consider it expedient to oppose to them his constitutional veto.
The day when this Great Man retired from the government was for federalism a day of triumph. Having by their address, for we will make use of a mild epithet, procured for themselves a chief on whose co-operation they might rely, they seemed determined to redeem the time they had lost under his predecessor. Having obtained a dictatorial majority in the legislature, having early seized on the judiciary, they were become complete masters of the field. All the powers of the government were in their hands, and they were all excited to prostrate every obstacle to the establishment of their ardent system. Caution was at an end, henceforward their attacks on the constitution, our citadel of liberty, were open, incessant, alarming. To trace them in all their movements of hostility, would be to write a history of the measures of the government. Few indeed were the measures that did not directly or indirectly tend to advance this great plan of federalism; but whatever might be the mode in which they were to operate, one distinguishing principle pervades the whole, they are all, excepting their measures of terror, calculated to create and to extend an individual, a particular interest, separate and distinct from the general interest of the community, and to engrait that particular interest on their system in such a manner that it should be understood that they were to stand or fall together.
The limits of an address will admit of little more than to name the most prominent of the measures that were directed against the popular, the republican system, in short, against liberty. In the front rank appears the funding system, a measure manifestly unjust, inasmuch as the real creditor of the public was thereby compelled to contribute to the pay the whole amount of the very debt which in reason and justice was full one to himself, to the gambling speculator, who, tak-
ing advantage of his necessities, had purchased the paper on which was recorded the evidence of that debt at one eighth part of the amount of the debt. The injustice of the act will never be forgotten. The soldier to whom we were indebted for our liberty, he who purchased it at the price of his health, and of his blood, he, it is true, has been deprived of the pittance that had been promised him, and the price of his blood has been paid to his proud oppressor; but the soldier is poor, and himself and his injuries are forgotten; but the effects of the measure on the politics of our country will long be remembered.
The debts of the United States at the time they were funded, were nearly as follows:—The whole debt due originally to foreigners, about twelve millions of dollars. The domestic debt due originally to our own citizens of various descriptions, forty millions of dollars, but worth at the market price not more than five; but let it be eliminated at thirteen millions of dollars. The debts of the several states for which the creditors had no pretence of claim against the United States, and which, therefore, should not be included in the estimate of the debts, really due from the United States, but which were assumed by the United States on shallow and frivolous pretences, amounted to the very serious sum of eighteen millions of dollars. If we eliminate the balances due to those states which had performed more than their proportion in our revolutionary labours, at five millions of dollars which cannot be far from the truth, it will be found that the whole debt of the United States at the time the law for funding it was enacted, in truth, and in justice, amounted to no more than thirty millions of dollars, at least no more than that sum was due to those who by that law were recognized as creditors. But the debt when funded amounted to eighty millions of dollars. By this single operation then a capital to the enormous amount of fifty millions of dollars was created out of nothing, and what was worse, if worse could be than the injustice of the measure, the proprietors of this vast wealth understood that they owed it to federalism (for the measure was strenuously opposed by the republicans) and they were taught to believe that the existence of their wealth depended on the success of that system which had created it.
Thus the federal leaders in one day, and by a single manoeuvre, infused under their banners, not indeed an army of poor soldiers, drilled in uniform, with muskets in their hands, prepared blindly to perform the work of desolation and murder; but an army much more to be dreaded of rich and consequently of influential men, dispersed over the union, who owed all their wealth and all their influence to their chiefs, and blood pledged blindly to support them in all their attacks on the principles of liberty.
While these things were achieving by the legislature on one quarter, on another the judiciary were making a bold and decisive assault. A suit had been commenced against one of the states, and the supreme court of the United States solemnly decided that an independent state was subject to be impeached before them, and amenable to their orders, and liable of course to be punished for contempt, or to have execution awarded against them. This was a situation for sovereignty which was universally felt to be rather ludicrous. It was doubtless a noble stride towards the accomplishment of Mr. Hamilton's project of annihilating the state governments. Unfortunately for federalism the supreme court did not choose to be put on a footing with a corporation for the support of a toll bridge; they were not yet sufficiently federal for that; they therefore united in a constitutional provision to check this inroad of the judiciary.
The struggles of the French nation to recover its long lost rights, excited the sympathy of the Friends of liberty in this country; on the contrary they were objects of regret and terror to the federalists. The French revolution became overclouded; it was disgraced by violence and cruelty; it was stained with innocent blood. The republicans in America, who cherished the pure and just principles of liberty only, have been to this day accused of abetting all the horrible acts of the men who in France disgraced the name of liberty, a most foul calumny, and known to be such by those who uttered it. Nay, liberty itself was stigmatized. The horrors of the French revolution were laid to be the certain fruits of democracy, that is, of a government entirely under the control of the people.
To enable federalists to accomplish in

our government the revolution which they meditated, it was necessary to increase as far as possible the number of influential men who should be interested in the support of their measures. To degrade and to bring into contempt republican principles, and as, after all, they could not hope that an actual change in our government to the monarchical, hereditary form, would be permitted without opposition, an army was indispensable to overwhelm resistance. This is the key that unlocks, and places fairly before our eyes, all their secret councils; by this we are enabled to discern the consistency of all their measures. It was to accomplish this revolution that the funding system was projected and carried into effect; that the sovereignty of the states was attacked; that the public money had been wasted with a profusion bordering on madness; that we have engaged in the intrigues of foreign countries, in them to find a pretext for war, for armies, for fleets, for an increase of expense, for new taxes, for loans of money at an unheard of rate of interest.
These were the measures of federalism, and by them its interests were advanced precisely in proportion to the increase of the public burdens. We have been hosts of public creditors, of tax-gatherers, of officers, civil and military, all sold to the cause of federalism, pledged to the overthrow of republicanism. We have been the plainest, the most inestimable of the rights of man held up to public scorn in publications favored and supported by the officers of the government and their adherents. Foreigners have been encouraged to erect presses in the midst of a republican people, for the purpose of ridiculing and execrating every principle of republicanism, and the American presses were most of them corrupted and perverted to the same abominable purpose. If a printer was found honest enough to resist seduction and bribes, and bold enough to warn the people of their danger, cruel, arbitrary and unconstitutional laws were enacted, under colour of which he was seized, stripped of his property, and condemned to languish in prison.
Against the men who remained faithful to the cause of liberty, and whose talents made them objects of dread to the federalists, a mode of warfare cruel and base, beyond example, was adopted. In order to destroy their influence with their fellow-citizens and to deprive them of the power of making a successful opposition to federalism, calumnies without number, and of matchless atrocity, were invented and circulated with a diligence which demonstrated it to be the effect of concert. To them all without exception was imputed every wickedness that has been known to blacken the heart of man; they were spoken of not as men, but as demons; a great effort was made to overwhelm them with infamy, to set a mark in their foreheads, and to drive them from the face and society of men. In some parts of the union, and particularly in this state, the attempt was attended with too much success. Here the republican, though his life were without blemish, found himself at once stripped of reputation and the esteem of men, and he was compelled with pain to remark a majority of that very people whose advocate and defender he was, uniting with his and their enemies in their attempts to degrade and destroy him. This was indeed and in truth REIGN OF TERROR.
Federalism was every where triumphant; its insolence was accordingly unbounded. The avaricious and the ambitious, the men of splendid fortunes, and of splendid talents, these in short who, under the new order of things, were to be nobles and masters, were, with few exceptions, especially in the northern states, united in one firm, powerful phalanx, under its banners. The people were found inenarable of, or indisposed to resistance. They either cowered down through fear, or they joined the enemies of their liberties, and applauded the measures calculated to enthrall them. The firm and intrepid republicans were excluded from all participation in the general or state governments—they were everywhere reduced, proscribed, and persecuted. In short, the fair fabric of our freedom, whose walls were cemented by the best blood of our nation—that asylum, that last hope of the oppressed race of man, seemed ready to fall in ruins.
War to draw the attention of the people from domestic encroachment to foreign danger—and an army to execute whatever should be commanded, seemed all that was wanting, and these were absolutely indispensable, in order to open the last scene of the drama, in order to exhibit the bloody catastrophe. To obtain these, the federalists, with much art, fomented a quarrel with the French nation, and had succeeded so far as to produce an open rupture; and under the pretext of danger of an invasion, which every man in the country of common sense and common information knew to be impossible, they procured an army to be placed at their disposal. This was to men of virtue and intelligence a moment of awful expectation, of deep, of unspeakable anxiety.
They knew that our destinies were proceeding rapidly to a crisis, that we were playing for the last stake left to the
human race, and that the game was nearly ended. The moment was at hand that was to decide the question, whether man was ever to emerge from the state of depression and vassalage in which, from the beginning of time, he had been cruelly held, or was to link again without further hope, into the dark abyss. The profusion with which the public money was squandered, and which could not be concealed from the public eye, the burthens that rapidly accumulated on the people, the land tax, and the loan of money at an unexampled interest, to supply that profusion; an army, always an object of jealousy to freemen, and in this instance raised on pretexts obviously insincere, and which rendered its destination suspicious—these things excited in the public mind distrust and enquiry. This was a happy prelude. The enlightened patriots hoped that the number of the people was nearly at an end—that they would soon awake.—Thank heaven, they did awake, and the proud edifice of federalism, that castle of despair, was laid smoking in the dust.
A single circumstance, fellow citizens, which preceded the downfall of federalism, and which was considered at the time, by the intelligent men of both parties, as the harbinger of that event, we will recall to your recollections, principally because, in our opinions, it demonstrates the truth of what we have taken for granted, that the war was considered as necessary to the accomplishment of federal projects on our own government, and that the army was raised, not to repel French invasion but to crush republicanism. The French government were inviting ours to meet them on honorable terms for the purpose of endeavoring to put an end, by treaty to all subsisting differences; Mr. Adams called a council of those federalists, in whom he placed most confidence, in order to determine whether the invitation should be accepted or rejected. It is well known that the council were divided in opinion; that some argued at the time of a gathering storm at home, and too timid to embark in an enterprise so hazardous as that of attempting to stifle and overwhelm the public voice by force, were for peace, and for waiting for a more auspicious time for the accomplishment of their plans; that others more daring were for rejecting all overtures from France, and boldly meeting the shock of conflicting principles at home; they knew that if ambassadors were appointed peace would be the consequence, for America and France had no hostile, no conflicting interests; that the necessary consequence of peace must be a dissolution of the army—in short, that it would be relinquishing the ground they had gained. Why should they fly on the first appearance of those whom they expected to meet and whom they were prepared to encounter, especially as hencetforward it was probable that the strength of the enemy would be augmented whilst theirs would be diminished.
Revolutions are never accompanied without hazard. The boldest measures are commonly the most successful. Why then should they wait for a more favorable time which probably would never arrive? To relinquish the war with France at this juncture would probably be a cowardly detection of their cause at the moment when one vigorous exertion would secure its triumph. These were the counsels of some of the leading federalists present, among whom it is said were Hamilton and Pickering. Do these things appear incredible to you, fellow citizens? Perhaps you do not know that when the army was voted, it was the advice of Mr. Hamilton that it should amount to fifty thousand men. Perhaps you have forgotten that an army of volunteers was enlisted in every part of the union, the officers of which were appointed by the executive of the United States, and was placed at the disposal of the president. Perhaps you have never heard that the secretary at War Mr. M c Henry expressly recommended it to officers of that army of volunteers to encourage the enlistment of that class of men called old Tories. And yet these things are true, and they deserve your solemn consideration. In the council however caution prevailed; ambassadors were nominated, and you cannot have forgotten that from that moment Mr. Adams was execrated by almost every leading federalist, as the base, cowardly betrayer of their cause. Yes to relieve the nation from the distresses of a war exciting without cause, and without object, was to betray federalism.
The period of electing a president of the United States was approaching, the federalists were disgusted with Mr. Adams, but dared not change their ground in the face of a formidable enemy; they determined therefore once more to adhere to him. The republican spirit became roused and alive. In the state of New York the period for electing the members of that legislature, which was to appoint the electors of the future President, arrived. So nearly were the parties now balanced in the union, that it was calculated the state of New York would probably turn the scale; it was also reduced nearly to a certainty that that party would preponderate in the legislature of the state which should carry
their elections in the city of New-York. To that city every eye was anxiously turned. The republicans succeeded, and from that moment the federal cause was despaired of, though its efforts were not yet at an end. As soon as it was fairly determined that the republicans had gained a majority in the legislature of New-York, the federalists in Congress passed a bill for disbanding their army, new become useless.—Here let it be remembered, fellow citizens, what the state of our affairs with France were at the time when the army was raised; for so far was the controversy from being adjusted that our ambassadors had not in fact reached the French territory.—But the prospect of employing the army in the service, for which it was raised, vanished, and to deprive the republicans of the credit of disbanding it was all that remained in the power of federalism to perform.
These were the projects and these the deeds of federalism in the days of its power;—Of its measure in its state of depression, of those of the republicans since they gained the ascendancy, we will draw a rapid sketch;—the uniformity of the scene precludes a lengthy description.
To correct the disorders in our government occasioned by federal misrule, was the first labor of republicans. They reduced the army and navy to the standard of our real wants; they abolished a number of vexatious, oppressive and unnecessary taxes, and by that means disbanded a host of tax-gatherers, who were supported at the public expense; they introduced the most rigorous economy into every department of public expenditure. Though they are still convinced that the public debt was funded on terms flagrantly unjust, yet as the faith of the nation was pledged by those who had a right to pledge it on those terms, and as a great proportion of the debt is now in the hands of men who were not parties to the injustice,—equity, policy, every good principle demands a rigorous, a punctilious payment of the debt, on the terms on which it was funded; they had accordingly, by rescinding every unnecessary expense, and by introducing a new degree of order and accuracy into the department of finance, been able to provide for the regular and rapid discharge of the debt; and there is no reason to doubt that, with the administration of our affairs in such hands, a few years will relieve the people from every pecuniary burden, excepting the light and necessary one of supporting the current expenses of government.
This state of our affairs, when we consider that many burthensome taxes have been abolished, is so far beyond what the most sanguine republican hoped, and what any federalist would allow to be possible, that it appears more like the work of magic than of simple frugality, justice and order. Abroad our national character is as much improved as the state of our affairs at home. It is now understood by the nations of Europe, that our government is determined to stand aloof from all their cabals and contentions, that while it devotes itself to the protection and prosperity of its own citizens, it will with justice, sincerity and impartiality cultivate the friendship of all nations. Abroad our government is universally respected for its wisdom, and esteemed for its justice.—This is no exaggeration.
Where is the nation that has a complaint against us? Where the government that does not speak of ours with respect? But remember, fellow citizens, that every measure that has conducted to this happy and honorable state of things, has been opposed by the whole force of every leading federalist. They had predicted that debility, disorder, a prostration of public credit, expunging the public debt, anarchy, civil war, and a consequent despotism, would be the fruits of a republican system when reduced to practice.—Their predictions they had never themselves believed; but that their falsehood should be detected by the people was what they could ill brook. They fore saw that if the wise, just, and economical plans of the republicans, should be carried into effect, the people, feeling the benefits of those measures, would be convinced of the folly, oppression and profligacy of federalism. Their opposition was unavailing, their rage was unbounded, but it was harmless;—The work of reformation proceeded with calmness and dignity.—The people were made happy, and they felt and acknowledged that they were so.
The federalists had awaked from their dream of glory; their king and their nobility had passed away; but the resentment, the rage for disappointment remained. They could no longer hope to govern, but they might thwart and embarrass their adversaries, and this was some consolation. War is the most terrible scourge with which mankind can be afflicted; it is peculiarly to be deprecated by a republican government, as it has powerful, an irresistible tendency to demoralize the people, to corrupt and undermine those principles of justice and equality, and those habits of order and economy, without which a republican government cannot exist. War then was to be desired by the federalists, because it might so far destroy the republican principles and habits among the people,
as to give ultimate success to the hereditary system and because, at any rate, when the people should become reflectors and discontented under the burthens and miseries of war, as they certainly would, whatever might be its cause, all those burthens, and all those miseries, the people might by artifice and misrepresentation, be induced to impute to the wickedness, or at best to the folly of their rulers, and of course once more to bring those who were opposed to them, who were in the habit of imputing to them knavery and folly, into power. It is on principles like these that the federalists have been found supporting, under the present administration those measures only that have provided for an increase of our military or naval establishment.
It was from motives like these that, taking advantage of an act of injustice of a Spanish officer at New Orleans, which affected in a high degree the interests of the inhabitants of the counties watered by the Ohio and Mississippi, and of the strong resentment it excited by that injustice, they united their utmost exertions to hurry us into a war with France and Spain. The republicans, though determined at all events to have the injury corrected, preferred, nay the very people who were suffering the injury preferred negotiation to war, knowing that in case negotiation should fail, the evils of war would be borne with the more patience, as it would be known that they could not have been avoided. The project of negotiating was treated by all the federalists as base, cowardly, and degrading to our national character. They said it demonstrated the extreme pusillanimity of our chief magistrates; that it was a sample of what we were to expect from his administration; that the ability of the plan was equal to its meanness, for that from the very nature of things, it was demonstrable to any man of common understanding that it could not possibly succeed. Negotiation however was tried; its success you know. It secures to us interests of inestimable value, it removes far from us the most probable source of future wars; and it opens a prospect of future wealth and power almost exceeding calculation;—and yet this treaty, whose benefits are above all price, is, and will continue to be decried, and calumniated by a faction, who have lost the hope, who have almost lost the will of accomplishing any thing beyond mere gratuitous mischief.
This single transaction, fellow citizens forces on the mind conviction relative to the views of federalists more clearly, more irresistibly, than could be done by volumes of argument. That they strove to plunge the country into a war, of which no man could seriously pretend to foretell the duration or the result, is certain; that their motive was not what they pretended, a regard to the interests of the western people, is also certain, for those people were willing and desirous to wait the result of negotiation; and besides it is a fact well known, that our northern federalists universally hold these people in detestation—for the truth of this assertion we appeal to you fellow citizens. What then was their motive? It was no other, it could be no other, than the gratification of personal ambition, or party hatred. To these objects then, the means whom you have confided your highest interests, your property, your peace, your liberties, have attempted to sacrifice those high interests. These are the men who demand a continuation of your confidence!!!—These are the men who declare, that opposition to them is hostility to order, to morals, to religion, in short, is rank Jacobinism!
Of the morals of men who have basely betrayed the trust that has been reposed in them, by attempting to erect a monarchical, aristocratic tyranny on the ruins of liberty, and being defeated in that flagitious attempt, have strove to bring war and ruin on their country for the gratification of the most malignant, the worst of passions, we will say nothing—but to their religion! yes to the religion of federalism; as it has been a word of magic potency, we will pay one moment's attention.
Until the accession of Mr. Adams to the Presidency, it will be remembered, that the inflexibility of republicans, or the peculiar piety of federalists, had never been heard of; in truth, as it respects the proportionate numbers of men who avowed, or entertained a speculative disbelief in revelation, the parties probably stood nearly on equal ground; there is, we apprehend, no reason, at any rate, to believe that the number was proportionably greater on the republican side than on the federal; nor can it be pretended that republican christians are less pious, or less sincere, than federal christians; indeed this never was the ground of the distinction.
The influence of the clergy, wherever there is a clergy, over the minds of the people, must from the nature of their profession be very great. All the governments of Europe have found it necessary to purchase this influence en masse, or rather to incorporate it with the other powers of the government, & to admit the clergy to a share, proportioned to their influence, in the common plunder. In England, whose government is the great prototype of American federalism, the share of the clergy is one tenth part of the annual produce of the
whole kingdom, besides the dignity and privileges of the nobility to a number of clerical chiefs called archbishops & bishops, with many other dignified grades of priesthood.
When the federalists were searching about them on every side for aids and auxiliaries in their great project of establishing monarchy, it would have been marvelous if they had overlooked or neglected an ally so obvious and so powerful as the priesthood, especially, as it was so prominently a part of the British edifice which they were copying.—They were not guilty of this oversight. We do not say, for we do not know that any negotiation was ever entered into on this subject, a perfect understanding might be obtained without it, it is probable therefore that in form it never took place; but the clergy understood that the federal system was the British system, and that the analogy was intended to extend to the clergy was soon put beyond a doubt. Mr. Adams in his inaugural speech announced his intention of giving countenance to men of religion. This was the first open pronouncement of a governmental, a federal religion. Henceforward religion became the livery of the party.
If we were disposed to excite your laughter, fellow citizens, we have only to name to you men living among you, men known to you all, who became suddenly like the priests of Djabos, filled with the Divinity, to raving, Religion! Yes this is the religion of which republicans are destitute. Entertaining no projects of oppression against their fellow citizens, but aiming by the simplest means to accomplish the greatest good, they have no need to offer bribes to a priesthood. They are friends to true religion, to real piety, to every principle that has a tendency to increase the virtue and happiness of man. It is only when priests desert the duties of their profession and become the instruments of faction that they meet the reproaches of republicans.
The federalists driven from the government of the United States have hitherto found means to maintain a preponderance in several of the state governments where they still wage a bitter war against republicanism and its friends. Let us come home to our own state of Connecticut. Will it be denied that at this moment the government of Connecticut is set in hostile array against the existing government of the nation? against that immense majority of men and of states who love and cherish the present administration and the principles on which they act? No, this cannot be denied, for it is a fact of which no man is ignorant. It is true that no man who avows his approbation of the measures of the present administration receives the countenance of our state government. It is true that republicans are superceded in office merely because they are republicans. It is true that federalists forego no means in their power to keep alive the unreasonable hatreds and jealousies which they have excited against the general government and its friends; and yet these men talk of reconciliation. What do they mean by reconciliation? Will they unite in support of republican measures? will they renounce their errors and do justice to those men and those measures that have saved our country from ruin and placed it in a state of prosperity never before known upon earth. Let them do this, and republicans will be reconciled to them.
Republicanism and federalism can never unite, can never be reconciled, they are liberty and slavery, they are terms of essential opposition. It has been observed of late, that some of the ruling party in Connecticut, have assumed a language like this.—We allow that the measures of the general government are wise, that our affairs are conducted better than our fears predicted, What? Our state government is a totally different thing from the general government—Why do you wish to make a change among the officers of the state government? Our answer is, because many officers of our state government are federalists—that is, they are enemies of liberty and of the friends of liberty; they are enemies of the general government and of the principles on which it is conducted; they keep the state in a posture of hostility to the federal government, and so long as they have power to prevent it they will never permit a cordial co-operation of the state with the general government.
The question is not, fellow citizens, whether Jonathan Trumbull or Ephraim Kirby, or any other man, shall be governor of the state of Connecticut, but whether the state of Connecticut shall be cordially restored to the bosom of that family of which she was once an honorable, a highly esteemed member if the present alienations be encouraged and increased until they shall arrive to the state of open rupture. The present state of things cannot long exist, it cannot be stationary, and the bickerings between the government of this state and the United States must end in reconciliation, or they must end in war. What then is the object of those federalists who direct the operations of the party, and who are responsible for all the consequences of their enterprizes? Do they expect to break the republican states down to their

measures? No, their folly cannot soar so high. Do they contemplate a dissolution of the union? Dare they look on the consequences of an event like that? If they have ever turned their eyes that way, let them tremble. No, fellow-citizens, this is surely an idle fear. We know that you may be, many of you have been deceived with regard to the views and measures of the two great political parties; how long this delusion will continue we know not; but we know that you are in general republicans, attached as ardently as any men on earth, to a free and equal government; you cannot therefore be induced to throw away your liberties, to plunge a dagger into your own vitals.
A thousand absurdities have been uttered relative to the plans of the republicans, in case they shall obtain a majority in the legislature of this state. Almost all the views of republicans, so far as we know them, we have already explained. Republicans have no projects hostile to religion, its ministers or its ordinances; in this respect they hold it to be essentially, and under all circumstances wrong and tyrannical for a government to interpose any further than may be necessary to prevent the violation of the peace of society. They would restore elections to that freedom from personal and pecuniary influence which they formerly enjoyed. To the militia, to all those men who are thought worthy to be entrusted with the defence of liberty, they would extend the right of suffrage, that most important right of freemen. They would divide the state into districts for the election of councillors and of members of Congress. These are the innovations, if such they may be called, which republicans have at heart.
It is not peculiarly our cause, fellow-citizens, that we are pleading, but your own cause, the cause of our common humanity, the cause of the whole human race, for the whole human race are interested in the result of the experiment now on trial here. We ask of you no implicit faith; but we request, we beseech you to lay aside prejudice, to examine impartially, and with a sincere desire to discover the truth, whatever may be urged in favour of the projects of either party. Surely we ought to be heard, when we request only that you will with coolness and firmness pursue your own highest happiness—and as liberty has now, on this globe, no abode but with us, that you will not madly combine with her enemies, to drive her from the face of the earth.
Signed by order of the general committee.
LEVI EVES, Fun. Clerk. [Aug. 30, 1803.]
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER
TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND. The period is approaching when you will be called upon to exercise a most important right, that of electing by your suffrages, Delegates to represent you in the General Assembly of the state. It is at all times a duty indispensably incumbent on every good citizen to be cautious and circumspect in the choice of his representatives; it will be peculiarly so at the ensuing election, as great and important changes are contemplated, not only in the constitution and form of government, but in the laws and fundamental regulations of the state.
The general assembly at their last session passed an act to alter, change and abolish such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the establishment of a General Court and Court of Appeals. If this act shall be confirmed by the legislature at the next session, it will become a part of the constitution, and afterwards it can only be altered or repealed in the manner prescribed by that instrument—by the concurrence of two successive legislatures. Under a conviction of the mischiefs and inconveniences which will be experienced by you in the event of the adoption of this change, I am induced to offer my sentiments for the cool and dispassionate consideration of my fellow citizens. I have no motive in thus addressing you, but that which proceeds from a desire to contribute to the general welfare of the community, which I consider as inseparably connected with the preservation of an upright and independent judiciary. The present judiciary system as established in this state, appears to me to be well calculated to ensure and perpetuate an impartial administration of justice, and to be the best and most eligible plan which the wisdom of man, in the present circumstances of the state, can devise.
By the act of the last session it is proposed to abolish the General Court, and to confine the trial of all matters of fact to the county courts. I have ever considered the trial of matters of fact in the general court, where juries are selected from the state at large, as a great security to the lives, liberty and property of the people. If the inestimable trial by jury deserves to be preferred above all others, it is certainly desirable to enjoy it in its utmost purity. It is desirable that in the trial of right, every obstacle to a thorough investigation of truth should be removed. Jurors should be indifferent; there ought to be no suspicion
of bias or partiality among them: in short, they ought to be above all exception. The trial by jury in the general court combines all these advantages. The jurors are, in general, strangers to the parties interested, and therefore must be presumed to be impartial and indifferent.
If all trials of fact should be confined to the county courts, the advantages which have been mentioned, and which are essential in order to a fair and impartial trial, are not to be expected. Rational and candid men must admit that jurors coming from the neighborhood of the parties concerned, will be apt to intermix their prejudices and partialities in trials between their neighbours and acquaintances. Those who have been in the habit of attending our courts must have witnessed innumerable instances which prove the justice of these remarks. The frailty of human nature is such, that in trials in the counties where the jury may be composed of men who reside in the vicinity of the parties litigant, and who may have frequently heard the dispute discussed in private circles, it is not to be expected that they will always be free from those prejudices and partialities which are too apt to intrude imperceptibly on the mind.
Another desideratum is that the contending parties, after their causes have been decided, should be satisfied that there has been a thorough investigation of the truth; that a full and fair trial has been had; and that a just and proper decision has been made between them. A conviction that such has been the result attaches them to the government, & inspires a confidence in the constituted authorities. To ensure this state of things, all suspicion of partiality must be removed. Trials in the general court must have a tendency to produce this effect: it cannot be expected, for the reasons assigned, from decisions in the county courts.
Other advantages attending trials in the general court obviously present themselves. The judges being few in number and selected from the most able of those who are learned in the law, must be men of the first ability and integrity; and the suitors can always have a choice of able and experienced counsel who are not always to be found at the county courts. In the trial of an intricate cause, many points may occur which may not occur to young practitioners, whatever may be their talents, and if omitted to be made, a decision contrary to law may take place, and the property in dispute be irretrievably lost. There is no appeal from the verdict of a jury, & if the cause should be removed by writ of error the judges in the superior court cannot travel out of the record, but will be confined, in their decision, to the points which appear to have been made in the court below.
The general court has been the seminary which has reared the ablest lawyers, and statesmen, who have ever adorned the state. It must tend greatly to the advantage of any community to have a choice of men of talents and eminence to whom they can confide the arduous affairs of government. They are not only useful but absolutely necessary in all countries. Since we became an independent nation and established the general government, no well informed man will say that there has not been a scarcity of such characters. There is a necessity for augmenting the number; & that necessity must continue to increase from the nature and structure of our general and state governments. If you abolish the general court, you destroy an establishment, which, more than any other, has excited our young men to eminence and literary acquirements. Among the many advantages growing out of the general court, I do not consider as the least, the improvements in society which are attained by the regular periodical meetings of a number of respectable characters from all the different counties of the state. These meetings afford an opportunity for a free communication of sentiments and opinions on all the various subjects which may affect the interests of the people, whether public or private.
The present system certainly has the sanction of experience. It has existed, with a short interruption, for more than a century. In the year 1766, a law was passed for the trial of all matters of fact in the counties where they arose. It was limited, in its duration, to three years, and after a trial of its merits, it was suffered to expire without even an effort (as I am informed) to revive it. It would be prudent in us to profit by experience, and to refuse to abolish a system which, for more than a hundred years, has protected us in the full enjoyment of all our rights and privileges, and introduce in its stead, that which is projected, and from which those beneficial effects cannot rationally be expected.
To these objections to the proposed alteration of the Constitution, another may be added, which of itself ought to defeat the measure. With me it is inuperable. By the Constitution as now established, it is wisely provided that the Judges of the superior courts shall hold their commissions during good behaviour. By the proposed alteration, if it should be confirmed, the tenure, during good
behaviour will be destroyed. This conclusion has been denied by some; but it is admitted by all to be at least doubtful. To admit that it depends on construction, would be sufficient for my purpose, if I was not convinced that it will be annihilated by the proposed alteration. Because, as long as it shall depend upon construction, our situation will be as deplorable as if it was admitted to be during pleasure. Every man will maintain his own construction, and the legislature will adopt that which shall be most favorable to the views and opinions of the predominant party. Thus the Judges of the court of appeals would be liable to be removed at the will of the legislature. It is presumed that it was not even intended that the district Judges should hold their commissions during good behaviour.
I affirm that the tenure during good behaviour will be destroyed by the proposed alteration, if adopted. In justice to the friends of the bill, I must declare that I do not believe that it was their intention to destroy it; but that it will be destroyed, I cannot entertain a doubt. By the 4th section of the proposed act it is declared "that all and every part of the Constitution and form of government that relates to the court of appeals, or the general court, or to the Judges thereof, or that is in any manner contrary to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and are hereby declared to be repealed and abolished, on the confirmation hereof." When the words of a law are clear and explicit, it is unnecessary to resort to the rules of construction to form a correct judgment. It must be evident to every man of common sense that, by this section, every part of the Constitution which relates to the court of appeals, or the general court, or the judges thereof, or that is contrary to, or inconsistent with the provisions of the proposed act, is abolished. It cannot, it will not be contended that the section in the Constitution as now established, which provides that the Judges of the court of appeals and of the general court shall hold their commissions during good behaviour, does not relate to the Judges. If it does relate to the Judges, it is expressly abolished. If the 4th section of the act proposed had provided, "that every thing in the Constitution as now established, which relates to the court of appeals, or the general court, or to the Judges thereof, and which is contrary to, or inconsistent with the provisions of this act shall be abolished," then it would have been doubtful whether the tenure during good behaviour would be destroyed. The question of the tenure would then have depended on the construction of the words "contrary to, or inconsistent with." But as the section now stands, every thing which relates to those courts, or the Judges thereof, as well as every thing which is contrary to, or inconsistent with the provisions of the act, is repealed and abolished.
The tenure during good behaviour, in all well regulated governments, is deemed essential to the independence of the judiciary. It is conceived to be unnecessary to advance arguments in support of a principle so universally admitted. The people of Maryland have emphatically expressed their sense on the subject. In the declaration of rights, they have declared "that the independence and unrighteousness of judges are essential to the impartial administration of justice, and a great security to the rights and liberties of the people; wherefore the Chancellor and all Judges ought to hold commissions during good behaviour." The people of America have, in the most solemn manner, as often as the question has been submitted to their consideration, expressed their approbation of the utility and necessity of the provision that Judges ought to hold their commissions during good behaviour. In the Declaration of Independence, which released them from the yoke of Great Britain, and ranked them among the nations of the earth, the sentiment is declared. In that solemn act it is enumerated as one among the many complaints which the American people made against the king that "He has made Judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices." Again; in the Constitution of the General Government, it is provided that "the Judges both of the superior and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour." I will only add that I hope and trust that the same sentiment will prevail in the United States, until time shall be no more.
It may be objected to the proposed system that it will be much more expensive than the present. Altho' in the forming a complete judiciary system, the difference of a few pounds ought not to have weight, yet in a republican government, a necessary attention to economy ought not to be disregarded. The plan proposed ought evidently to be entitled to a preference to justify such an increase of expense. The annual salaries of the judges, allowing to the judges of the court of appeals, the same salaries which are now allowed to the judges of the general court, and to the district judges the same salaries which they now receive, will exceed the present salaries, sixteen hundred dollars annually. Exclusive of this excess, the increase of the county charges must be very great. In
many counties, at this time, they are thought to be very high; but what will be their increase, if all the business which is now transacted in the general court, shall be done in the county courts? It may be remarked that this is the only direct tax which the people now pay, and it must be discharged in money, or by labour in repairing the public roads.
Another objection occurs. The proposed alteration, if adopted, will place the debtors of the state too much within the power of the creditors. In almost all communities, the former class of people are the most numerous, and in that class there are always to be found many who are among the most useful. The delays which are now authorised by our courts are frequently as beneficial to the creditor as they are advantageous to the debtor. Many debts have been secured to the creditor by writs of error, which, without them, would have been lost, and by the same means many worthy and respectable families have been saved from ruin.
It has been objected by some to the present system that the trial of suits in the general court is protracted; and that the attendance of jurors and witnesses from the distant counties is inconvenient and burdensome. To this it may be replied that with respect to jurors, there never has been a complaint that their attendance at the general court is considered as a grievance or burdensome. On the contrary, it is a fact well known, that proper characters may always be found who are not only willing but anxious to attend. It must be admitted that there are instances where it may bear hard on witnesses of a particular description, such as the aged and infirm; or those who are obliged to labour for a livelihood. But it may be asked will these inconveniences be removed by the proposed alteration? I answer confidently that they will not. Will the business of the courts be transacted with more ability and dispatch by the district judges than by the judges of the general court? Let those determine, who from their long acquaintance with the proceedings of our courts, are best able to judge correctly. Will it not be equally inconvenient to the aged and infirm to attend one court as the other? And will not the inconvenience to the labouring part of the community be the same, as they will be more frequently called on to obey a summons from one county to another? A few judicious regulations in modification of the present system, would effect more towards removing the inconveniences complained of than can, with reason, be expected from the proposed plan.
Another subject of moment to be discussed before the legislature at their next meeting will be a proposition to remove the seat of government from the city of Annapolis to the city of Baltimore.
It cannot be seriously expected that a measure so unnecessary and impolitic, and at the same time so flagrant an injustice, will be adopted by the representatives of the people of this state. I am so fully persuaded that the attempt of a few interested individuals will be discountenanced by the legislature that I shall make but few remarks on the subject.
Annapolis has been the seat of government of Maryland for more than a century; and if it is not permanently fixed at Annapolis, it is because no confidence can be placed in the plighted faith of the government.
By the Declaration of Rights it is provided "that a place for the meeting of the legislature ought to be fixed, the most convenient to the members thereof, and to the depository of the public records, and the legislature ought not to be convened or held at any other place but from evident necessity ." By the 6th section of the form of government, Annapolis was the place fixed on for the meeting of the legislature; and this solemn act of the government has been acquiesced in from the time we became an independent state to the present day. I will now ask every honest candid man what is the plain and obvious meaning and intention of the section of the Declaration of Rights above recited? Combine it with the 6th section of the form of government, and the acquiescence under it, and do we not feel the force of the impression that every proprietor of real property in the city of Annapolis has the faith of the government solemnly plighted "that the legislature shall not be convened or held at any other place but from evident necessity ?" It may be said that the legislature must be the judges of that necessity. Granted: They must exercise a discretion, but not an arbitrary discretion. They are bound to give a just construction of that article of the Declaration of Rights; and in doing this, they must concur in the opinion that the seat of government ought not to be removed from the city of Annapolis, unless it shall happen to be in the possession of an enemy at war with the United States: Or, unless it shall be afflicted with some dreadful calamity, such as the yellow fever; or, unless there shall exist some evident necessity equally urgent, which may render the meeting of the legislature at some other place, unavoidably necessary.
The public buildings necessary for the accommodation of the legislature, for the use of the governor and council, and
to contain the public offices and records have already been erected in Annapolis at the public expense. It is computed that these buildings could not now be erected in Baltimore for less than two hundred thousand dollars. Why should the people of this state be taxed to the amount of this enormous sum for the purpose of erecting public buildings in Baltimore when they are already prepared in the city of Annapolis? A place more central, more healthful, and better calculated for the meeting of deliberative bodies than a large, populous and commercial city, which is more likely to be subject to tumult and disorder, and in which an undue influence might prevail.
From a confidence in the faith of government which ought to be inviolably preserved, many persons have made purchases of real property in Annapolis, which will become of little value if the seat of government shall be removed. Some have expended the profits of many years labour and industry; others the hard earnings of their whole lives; and every proprietor must suffer in a greater or less degree if the legislature shall pass an unwarrantable act. Can the shadow of an argument be advanced to shew the propriety of such a measure? Why should the people of Annapolis be sacrificed to gratify the caprice and cupidity of a few interested individuals in the city of Baltimore?
I rely with confidence on the prudence and sound discretion of my fellow citizens, and that they will unite in advocating the election of those candidates for the legislature who will be firm in their opposition to measures so unnecessary, impolitic, and injurious to their welfare.
A FARMER. Prince George's County, } September 18th, 1803. }
WASHINGTON CITY
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23.
The board of health of Alexandria reports 5 new cases of the prevailing fever, and one death, for the 24 hours ending the 21st inst. at ten o'clock.
We have had to many fulsome accounts of gen. Pinckney, where he has been, and, who he has been, that it has become quite ludicrous. But why the Clergy of Newburyport escorted him on his departure from that town, requires a little explanation.— Bos. Chronicle.
DIED—In London, on the 1st of August, Mr. Woodfull, the well known and accurate reporter of Parliamentary debates.
25 Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber living in Geochland county, on the 3rd Sept. 1803. A very likely negro man named SAM, who calls himself Samuel Commer—about 24 or 25 years old, of a yellowish complexion, low but stout made; one of his upper fore teeth out, his dress chiefly of Virginia cloth with a plain durants shirt cost—he is very tenible, can read and write so as to be understood. The said Sam was taken up with a negro belonging to Mr. James, in Cumberland county, near Centreville, about 24 miles above Frederickburg, and made his escape from the men. Sam had writ passes for both of them, and as the negro that was brought home said they was aiming for George Town, from thence to Pennsylvania; he saw at the whip saw and is a very good house servant—he will endeavor to pass for a free man—he is guilty of forgery—he signed the passes, John Goodal, Henrico. I do desire all persons to endeavor to apprehend the said negro, as he may be very injurious to the country if not taken and punished for his behaviour. All reasonable expenses paid for delivering him to me at home, or the above reward for confining him in jail so that I get him again.
EDWARO COX. September 23. cp3w
IT is ordered that Walter Story Chandler, Trustee of the estate of Israel Loring, an insolvent debtor, fell at public auction and convey the property of the said debtor on the third Monday of October next for the best price that can be got for the same, for cash, as to all sums less than one hundred dollars, and a six months credit on bond with good security and interest from the day of sale, as to all sums amounting to, or above 100 dollars. Giving notice by public advertisement in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer, once a week for four weeks previous to the day of sale. By order of William Cranch, esq. assistant judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
I hereby certify that the foregoing is truly taken from the original filed and recorded in my office.
URIAH FORREST, Ck.
Agreeably to the above order, I shall offer at public sale on the premises, on Monday the 17th of October next, at 12 o'clock, part of two lots in the city of Washington, numbered 6 and 7, in sq. 78 the property of said Loring. On which is a good brick dwelling house a stone house and stable, all new and in good repair. This property will be sold at six months credit on bond with approved security; and the title made on payment of the purchase money.
W. S. CHANDLER, Trustee. Sept 23. 18w.3w

FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by ROBERT M'LEAN. Washington May 26. tf.  RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. NEW JERSEY AVENUE.
Have just received the following NEW BOOKS. THE life of Lorenzo De' Medici, 3 vol. Denon's travels in Upper and Lower Egypt during the campaigns of gen. Bonaparte in that country, 2 vol. Willie's Domestic Encyclopedia or Dictionary of Arts and useful knowledge, vol. I. & II. for which the subscription is still open—the price will be increased to nonsub- scribers. The Marriage Promise, a new comedy. Public Characters, a contemporary biography, containing the memoirs of the most cele- brated persons of this country and Eu- rope. John Bull, or an Englishman's fire side, a new comedy. Tale of Mystery—ditto. Friend of Women, translated from the French. Dofus's Select Sermons, &c. &c. M. C. & Co. Have always on hand, at moderate prices, writing letter and wrapping papers, quills, wafers, sealing-wa- x, ink, pens, pens, pocket knives, pocket books, playing cards, parchment, blank and account books, copper plate copies, &c. &c.
FIRST LEGION. ATTENTION! At a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 15th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, intitled, "An act more effectual to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the fol- lowing be the Uniform to be worn by all noncommissioned officers and privates be- longing to the Battalion companies of the First Legion while on duty, viz. DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST , WHITE BELT and WHITE STOCK- INGS , or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS or WHITE OVER- ALLS , with SHIRTS and ROUND BLACK HAT , which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court.
Wm. D. BEALL, Clerk of L. C. B. Sec. 27. And be it further enacted, That all noncommissioned officers and privates, belonging to Battalion companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly dressed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be deter- mined on for the respective Legions, by the first Legionary courts of Enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved of by the Bri- gadier General; provided the expense of the same, additional to that of uniform, ordinary, and dress clothing, does not exceed five dol- lars for each person, and every such non-com- missioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published, in the new paper within the Legionary District and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the Battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip him- self.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the Bali Islands, a handsome assortment of SHAWL and SHIRTS , of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloths and Calumet's Superior Navy Blue and other colours; hand- some Navy & Fashionable Buttons, &c. Gentlemen of ARMY, NAVY and FASHION sewed with expedition and taste. New Jersey Avenue, Seventh house from Capitol Square, and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's Square. April 13 1803. tf.
BISCUIT BAKE HOUSE. Near the Sugar House New-Jersey Avenue. THE subscriber has commenced the above business in all its various branches; where merchants or owners of vessels may be supplied on reasonable terms; also private families with the best of Crackers. PETER MILLER. Washington August 19. tf.
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and with- in twenty of the City of Washington, Alex- andria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occa- quan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory tim- ber—there is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money —twelve months for the other quarter, eight- een for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. Thos. POLLARD. Feb 21st. cp.
CITY AUCTION ROOM. The subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public he has prepared a large room, back of his store, for the reception of goods, which he will send every Saturday at 11 o'clock. A. M.—Private sales attended every other day of the week. He hopes that he will meet the confidence of a generous public. TO BE SOLD ON SATURDAY 24th INST. 4 Wagon, 2 pair Horses, 2 Milk Cows, 3 Terrier Beds and Buffer, Mahogany Ta- bles, 1 Billiard Table with new cloth, balls, &c. Gold and Silver Watches, 1 stage, Dry Goods, &c. &c. GEORGE QUINN, Auctioneer. Washington, Sept. 19th, 1802.
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.    1 prize of  20,000  1  20,000    1 do  10,000  1  10,000    2 do  5,000  2  10,000    5 do  1,000  5  5,000    10 do  500  10  5,000    15 do  200  15  3,000    200 do  100  200  20,000    200 do  50  200  10,000    200 do  25  200  5,000    250 do  20  250  5,000    4,000 do  15  4,000  60,000    1 first drawn ticket after 2,000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4,000 do 500 1 do after 6,000 do 500 1 do after 8,000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 15,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 2,000 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000  7154 Prizes, 210,000 13,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this Lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there- not being two blanks to a prize, are consid- erations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the for- tunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as re- linquished for the benefit of the church.
For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the man- agers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the safe payment of the prizes which may be drawn.  Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beccan, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Waith, Charles Ghouquiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livers, Isaac Pierson, Frances Mitchell.
July 13, 1803. cp. 1m. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above Lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.  PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Wash- ington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situa- tions. June 22. 3m.  Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very ad- vantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereof by applying to ROBERT W. PEACOCK, Attorney at law and conveyancer.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an ele- gant assortment of the best quality Super- fine Cloths, Callimeres, Silk floriated, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Mouselins, Swandowns, Toisonnettes, Velvet- teens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regiments and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol square. December 8, 1802.
MR. XAUP I TAKES this means to inform his friends and those persons in general who have hitherto favored him with their custom, that he has removed his store, two or three doors above Mr. Rhodes Tavern, President's Square; where he intends carrying on his business in the same manner as heretofore. Also that he will open his dancing school the 19th of this month, in the City of Washington, (having for that purpose a spacious and very convenient room) in the same house where he has hitherto removed to—very person wishing to be instructed in the different branches of that art, will on applying at the subscriber's resi- dence, be informed, with the necessary partic- ulars. September 16. 3t.
STOLEN OR STRAYED, ON or about the 8th inst. from the Sub- scriber, living in the city of Washington near the Navy yard, a light red coloured milch cow, about six years old, middle size, having short low horns white face, and each of her eyes encircled with a red spot, as also a similar one on the upper part of her nostril; her breast, belly, and tail white. Any person procuring said cow, on delivery, if stayed, shall have five dollars if stolen and returning the thief to be prosecuted to conviction, twenty dollars. JOHN DEMPSEY. September 16. 3t.
WASHINGTON THEATRE. The subscribers to the Theatre who have not paid the whole of their sub- scriptions are requested to pay the amount still unpaid into the hands of J. P. VAN NESS.
NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship Adive, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New- Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books— amongst which are Burke's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Cleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Percy's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickle's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pitt the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 3 vols. 8vo. Soulauc's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip, 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavendish's Natural and Experimental Philoso- phy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Beckham's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Arenas on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Horniman's do. Grant's life of France. Dephine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Mercoeur 3 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimer 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo. 10. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Broad Grims, by G. Coleman. Botskewen's Poems, 12mo. Ataia—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. 8vo.
In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.  United States of America. Fifth circuit, Virginia district, May term, 1803. Under a decree of the said court, We the commissioners will expose for public sale, on the premises, at 12 o'clock on Friday the 30th day of September next, that valuable and extensive F A R M, CALLED Mount Calus, alias Millthorpe, in Smyrna County; on Difficult and Wolf Trap runs, containing by deed 550 acres, and by survey 673 acres. The main house is on a high healthy and agreeable situation, convenient to which are springs of good water—the house is 40 by 13 feet, two rooms on a floor, with a nine feet passage and stair case, two brick chimneys, and a fine place to each room, a piazza the whole length of the front, a cellar 40 by 18 walled with stone and divided into two apartments. There are several small buildings near the main house and garden. There are also a valuable merchant and grist mill, saw mill, distillery, miller's house and overseer's house. The mill house is 40 by 30, two stories high, half the lower story of stone, the other part framed work, and covered with shingles. There are one pair of Burr, and one pair of Cologne stones, three building closets almost new, and one foreman, all now in use in manu- facturing wheat and grinding grist. The mill house 40 by 30, one story high, walls of stone and shingled roof, the floors planked, the up- per part for making grain, and troughs fixed round the whole house, constructed to carry water to every vessel which may need it. Three hills and one bonier can be worked to advantage in said house. The waters of Wolf Trap, on which the mill and saw mill stand, are constant streams. The situation for country custom or purchasing wheat is excellent, by none in the county or neigh- bourhood, not being more than 17 miles from Alexandria and 13 from George Town where there are excellent markets for country produce or every description; and about 14 miles from the city of Washington. The land is fertile and productive, and the soil well adapted to received improvement from the use of plaster of Paris. There are upwards of 3000 panels of fence on the land, about 160 or 170 acres of well timbered land belonging to the tract. There have been recently 20 acres of timber made, lying on Wolf Trap and Difficult runs, 50 acres more may be made at a small expense. This farm enjoys many natural advantages, which are unnecessary for us to mention, it being taken for granted that any person wishing to buy such property will avail themselves of the opportunity of viewing the premises previous to the day of sale.
The terms of which are, one third of the money to be paid on the day of sale, (at which time deeds will be made to the purchaser) one third in six months, and the other third in 12 months, with the interest accruing on the two last payments from the day of sale. A deed of trust will be expected to secure the last payments.  Some informality in the decree prevented the title agreeably to the former notice. This deed being obviated by the parties, the pro- perty will most certainly be sold as now noti- fied.  Captain James Wiley, residing near the line, will show the premises, and also a plan of the survey, which is left with him for the information of those concerned. The title papers will be exhibited on the day of sale. CHARLES LITTLE, JAMES WILEY, JAMES DOUGLASS. August 30. cp.
COLUMBIAN INN. GEORGE TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and cus- tomers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 27. cp.
WASHINGTON THEATRE. The subscribers to the Theatre who have not paid the whole of their sub- scriptions are requested to pay the amount still unpaid into the hands of J. P. VAN NESS.
It is the wish of the Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER to engage an individual well qualified to REPORT THE DEBATES OF CON- GRESS. Immediate application, with the terms that will be agreeable, is re- quested.
The Editors of papers who publish Debates from the National Intelligencer are requested to insert this advertise- ment in their papers a few times.  LOTTERY. TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE, GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLT TRI- NITY CHURCH In the City of Philadelphia.    1 Prize of ten thousand dollars  10,000    1 three thousand  6,000    1 two thousand  3,000    1 one thousand  2,000    10 five hundred  5,000    20 three hundred  3,000    20 two hundred  4,000    35 one hundred  3,500    90 fifty  4,500    100 twenty  2,000    6000 seven  42,000    6274 prizes, 90,000 11726 Blanks, less than two to a prize.
The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a de- duction of fifteen per cent.  The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each.  The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each.  The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars.  From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contem- plated, and that the tickets will be raised con- siderably before that period.  They may be had at SIX dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. 10. 67, 7 Chesnut MATTHEW MCCONNELL, 82, 3 Street. D. C. D. C.  Whole tickets 6. Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half, 3 25 Eighth, 93 3/4  Letters post paid, including the cash, shall be duly attended to, and St. Augustine and New York lottery prizes received in pay- ment.  July 20. cp. 1m.
WASHINGTON Jockey Club Races, WILL commence on the second Tues- day in November next, over an ex- cellent course, well prepared and in- closed with a post and rail fence. First day—A Sweepstakes of 1600 dolls. Second day—A purée of 400 dolls.— 4 mile heats. Third day—A purée of 200 dolls.—3 mile heats. Fourth day—A 50 guinea silver cup—to horset. Fifth day—A handsome City and Town Purse—Two mile heats. All horses, mares and geldings, to be entered and run agreeably to the rules of the club, and to carry the following weight: An open horse, 126—a six years old 120—a five years old 112—a four years old 100, and a three years old 90 pounds. Three pounds being allowed to fillies, mares and geldings. The following costs to be paid at the gate to the clerk of the course, M. C. Bailey, or any person authorised by him to receive the same. Four wheeled carriages, 1 Doll. each, Two wheeled do. 50 Cents do. Every man and horse, 25 Cents. Booths will be let on application to the subscriber. It is probable that the 2d & 3rd days purse will be increased—as the surplus of the costs after defraying the expenses, &c. will be added to them. CH. M'LAUGHLIN, Sec. & Tr. The club will meet at the Union Ta- vern on the evening preceding the first day's race. September 14. ept.
FOR SALE. THE Plantation on which I live, con- taining about 600 acres of valuable and. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with five places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a fam- ily, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy general neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abun- dant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19. ept.
FOR SALE. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and cus- tomers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 27. cp.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, with- out delay, to JOHN HEWITT or RI- CHARD FORRESTER, Esqrs. of the city of Wash- ington, who are authorised, in my name, to ad- just and settle the same. and all persons in- debted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf.
ORDINANCE Of his Danish Majesty, defining what is to be observed by foreign vessels in regard to quarantine regulations.  His Majesty the King most graciously ordered by his mandate of the 12th of October last, that whenever any accounts are received of the existence of the yellow fever in the United States of America, or when no particular advice is received to the contrary from the minister resident there, all American vessels which are not provided with health certificates from the beginning of the month of July until the end of the year are to submit to certain quarantine regulations, and even if they are provided with such certificates, these vessels are still prohibited from communicat- ing with the shore, before they have been visited by the appointed health physician, and if he has the least suspicion, then the vessel must be dealt with accordingly, in conform- ity to which, no American vessels during such a time shall be piloted, except having hoisted the green flag.
Which gracious command is hereby publish- ed for the regulation of all concerned. Given at the Danish Royal Chancery, on the 5th of November, 1802.  Extract of anord. inance concerning qua- rantine regulations, and rules, to be observed by navigators who touch at the ports or coasts of the royal Danish dominions, dated at Cope- nhagen, the 14th November, 1800.  1. Every vessel belonging to our dominions shall have a green flag on board, to be used as prescribed hereafter.  2. Whenever a vessel arrives from a place where there has been contagion, and in all other cases of suspicion, such as having been visited by any vessel from the Barbary coast, having bales of merchandise on board from suspected places, and having not undergone a quarantine since in any other place, or having had any suspicious sickness on board during the voyage, then the green flag shall be hoisted at the head of the mainmast, before any com- munication is had with any person whatever from the shore, and before anchor is cast.  3. The commander of any vessel offending against these orders, shall pay a fine of 500 rix dollars, (400 dollars) if no dangerous consequences ensue from his misconduct; but if other wise he shall be punished with 12 years labor in the fortification—and should any malicious intent be proved upon him, he shall labor in irons during his life. Any vessel having had communication with another ves- sel that is suspicious, shall be subject to the same regulations and restrictions.  4. Should such a vessel be under the necessity of immediate communication with the shore, she must hoist her own national colors from the foretop, or under the green flag if she has no foremast.
5. After hoisting the color on the fore top, the signal for a pilot, the pilot shall immedi- ately go on board, but not leave the ship board until the health physician has visited her—and for every day that the pilot is de- tained, he shall receive one rix dollar.  6. To prevent unnecessary delays to such vessels, as are arrived from places that might be suspected, (such as the Mediterranean or the West Indies) but still are secure and free from contagion, not having been at infection places, nor having any infected merchandise on board, and not having had communication with any vessel which could be suspected—nor had any one sick or dead during the voyage, we do order that for such cases all pilot shall be provided with blanks, as hereafter written, which the captain and mate of such vessel shall sign, viz.  Underwritten N. commander of the ship, N. arrived from N. and N. W. mate of the said vessel, declare to their certain knowledge that neither any of the ships crew, or any other person, or any merchandise or thing of whatever kind on board, the said vessel is infected with contagion or dangerous disease; and the said vessel has not been visited by any cruisers from the African coast or the Levant, and had none dead or sick with an infectious fever during the voyage. To help us God and his holy word; and this deposition be found false, we subject ourselves to the laws of the land.  10. Blanks of this deposition will be print- ed in different languages, for the use of for- eign vessels that may be subject to the qua- rantine regulations. As foreign vessels may not always be provided with a green flag, the pilots are bound to have one continually in readiness to be hoisted in aforementioned cases. If the green flag has been used longer than for one day, the pilot shall receive two rix dollars for the same, but the vessel may then keep it.
Any vessel sailing from the port of New York for his majesty's dominions from the 1st of July to the last of December, must be provided with (besides the usual bill of health) a certificate from the Danish vice-consul, Mr. Hammerkin resident at No. 78, Pearl street where attendance will be given. New York, July 29.
Ten Dollars Reward. ELOPED from my service on the night of the 3d inst. JAMES STONE, an apprentice to the house carpenter business, by birth an Irishman, 19 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high or upwards, of a very yellow complexion, short black hair, chews tobacco— Had on and took with him, one white man- ken waistcoat with sleeves, striped, do. one pair buckskin trowsers, one pair of Russia sheet- ing, do. one pair of thickset breeches, new shoes lined and bound, a real beaver hat about half worn—He is stout made and walks very upright—Any person that will secure said apprentice in any jail so that I get him again shall receive five dollars if within the District, and ten if without. I reward any person harboring or employing said appren- tice, and all masters and shippers of vessels from taking said apprentice away, as I am de- termined to prosecute any person that will act contrary to law. PETER LENOX. September 9. twit.