Alexandria advertiser and commercial intelligencer (Alexandria [Va.]), 1802-03-10 00:00:00

No. 1000-1000
Alexandria AND COMMERCIAL
Advertiser INTELLIGENCER.
VOL. 11.]
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 10, 1802.
[No. 387]
Sales by Auction.
On WEDNESDAY next, At ten o'clock, will be Sold at the Auction Room,
Rum in bls. | Soap in boxes, Malaga Wine in | Candles do. qr. casks, | Chocolate do. Sugar in bls. | Hysonkin Tea in Casks, | chests.
Also, A quantity of DRY GOODS , Amongst which, are
Chintzes, | Calicoes, Bombazets, | Chintz Shawls, Durants, | Flax Handkerfs. Calimancoes, | Check do. German Dowlass, | Sewing Silks, Russia Sheeting, | Threads & Tapes.
Likewise, 3 bales INDIA MUSLIN , a large quantity of READY MADE CLOTHES , and a number of other articles. H. and T. MOORE, Auctioneers.
March 8.
Public Sale.
On TUESDAY , At ten o'clock, will be held at the Vendue Store,
3d and 4th proof Antigua and Jamaica Rum in hds. and bls. French Brandy in bls. Holland Gin in bls. Teneriffe Wine in casks, Cordials in bls. Sugar in hds and bls. Molasses in hds. Rice in tierces and bls. Soap in boxes, Queens and Earthen Ware in crates, handsomely assorted, 30 boxes Havanna Segars, Cotton in bales---on a credit.
ALSO, A variety of DRY GOODS , -AMONG WHICH ARE-
Broad and narrow Cloths, Flannels and Planes, Carpets and Carpeting. Irish and German Linens, Worsted and cotton Stockings, Calicoes and Ginghams, A variety of Muslin and Muslin Handkerchiefs and Shawls, Table Cloths, Hats, Boots and Shoes, Hardware, and A number of other articles. P. G. MARSTELLER, Vendue-Master. March 8.
Public Sale.
On THURSDAY next, the 11th instant, at 10 o'clock, will be sold on the premises,
That valuable Two story Frame House , on the corner of Duke and St. Asaph streets, with the lot thereto belonging, which contains 28 feet on Duke and 50 feet on St. Asaph street.---Also, One half acre Lot , fronting on St. Asaph street adjoining Mr. Lutz's tan yard; to be sold entire or in divisions, as may best suit the purchasers: Together with the remainder of the
Stock in Trade , of Dennis Folley.---Also, Household and Kitchen Furniture, amongst which, are feather beds, bed clothes, bedsteads, desks, tables, chairs, cupboards, &c. &c. the whole being the property of the said Dennis Folley.
Further particulars and terms of payment will be made known previous to the sale. P. G. MARSTELLER, March 4. Vendue-Master.
An Apprentice wanted
JANNEY & PATON
HAVE FOR SALE, 90 Pieces of Russia Duck, 30 Ravens do. 6 Chests of Sonchong Tea, Havanna white & brown Sugars in boxes, West-India do. in hds. and barrels, Coffee in bags and barrels, Holland Gin in barrels, Sweet Oil in boxes of 12 bottles each, Castile Soap in boxes, Shoes in boxes assorted, East-India Goods.
Also, The Cargo of the Schooner Lucy, captain Snow, consisting of 43 Tons Plaister of Paris, 60 Casks of Lime, 10 Barrels of Tanner's Oil, 115 Reams of Wrapping Paper, 40 Boxes of dip Candles. January 22. d
FOR SALE, The Cargo of the brig Little Sally , capt. Cozens, From Rhode-Island, now landing and consisting of
French Brandy, Holland Gin (entitled to drawback) Country Gin, West-India Rum, N. England do. Loaf Sugar, Castile Soap, Tanner's Oil, R. I. Chees of an excellent quality, Seal Leather, Russia and Ravens Duck and Sheeting, Cordage, 1 bale of Ticklenburgs, &c. For Sale, Freight or Charter, The said brig Little Sally , further about 650 barrels, an excellent vessel and well equipped. Apply to J. G. LADD. Jan. 4. d
JUST RECEIVED , And for sale by the subscriber, at his Grocery and Fruit Store, lower end of Prince street,
Fresh Oranges and Lemons in boxes from Lisbon, Do. figs in frails, 30 boxes fresh bloom Raisins, Soft shell'd Almonds, Tamarins. Also,
Apples by the barrel, Shellbarks do. Good Cyder do. Soap and Candles in boxes, Mould Candles do.
R. Island Chees and Potatoes of a superior quality, Queens Ware assorted, And every other article in the GROCERY LINE.
Thomas Simms. Feb. 6. d
TIMOTHY HAY.
THE Subscriber has a quantity of Timothy Hay for Sale, which he will deliver in Alexandria, or at any distance not exceeding ten miles from his farm, at the moderate price of Four Shillings per hundred. A line addressed to him at this place, and left at the Post-Office, Alexandria, will be received, and immediate attention paid to it.
LAWRENCE LEWIS. Mount Vernon, March 6. dt 4th April.
For Sale, Antigua Rum by the hhd. Raisins by the box, Sugar by the barrel, Dates, fresh from the coast of Barbary, With a variety of other
FRUITS and GROCERIES. ABEL WILLIS. Jan. 11. d
FOR SALE, A likely MULATTO GIRL about 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Feb. 10. d3w
TABLET OF TASTE.
JUST RECEIVED, By Cotton and Stewart, And for sale at their Book Store, Royal Street,
The Tablet of Taste: OR, POCKET ALMANACK FOR 1802.
The Contents of which are as follows, viz. THE FRONTISPIECE representing the Urn carried in the Funeral Procession at Washington, at New-York, with a description of that Procession.
Census of the United States. Eclipses. Common Notes.
Description of the Engravings. 1. Montreal. 2 and 3 Fancy Pieces. 4 Seat of John Adams, Esq. 5 Decatur. 6 Quebec. 7 Bridge over the Piscataqua River. 8 View of the Mouth of the Genesee River. 9 View on the Genesee River. 10 Table Rock. 11 Bunker's Hill. 12 Niagara Falls, with descriptions of the whole.
Lines on the Falls. List of the principal officers of the Government of the United States. Early Friendship. To the Evening Star. The Composition of a Kiss. To Celia on her Birth Day. Miracles. Solitude. Sonnet to Independence. Sweet Echo. St. Paul at Athens. Prospect of Winter. A Flight of Fancy. The Exile of Erin. The Mother. Roads from N. York to Kingston, Upper Canada.
They have also received, Lyric Ballads, by Wordsworth. Leonard and Gertrude, &c. March 8. d
GERMAN LINENS.
Joseph Riddle & Co. HAVE FOR SALE Best white Ticklenburg, Second qual. do. Brown do. Osnaburgs, Brown Hempen Rolls, White do. Hellian do. Brown Holland and Dowlas. ALSO ON HAND,
A Quantity of Turk's Island, Isle of May, and Cadiz SALT. December 20. d
By virtue of a Deed of trust from Robert Hamilton and Esther his wife, to the subscribers, on SATURDAY the sixteenth day of April next, will be exposed to sale, upon the premises, on a CREDIT of 6, 12 and 18 months, the payments to be secured by approved securities.
A Lot of Ground
Lying upon the south side of Prince street and to the eastward of Water street, in the town of Alexandria, extending 23 feet upon Prince street, and running back 44 feet 4 inches, on which is erected a commodious two story frame dwelling house.
Also, Another Lot of Ground adjoining thereto, extending 36 feet to an 8 feet alley, with the privilege of the alley. Upon this lot is erected a warehouse the whole front. This ground is subject to an annual rent forever of seventy two dollars. Titles will be made as soon as the payments are secured. JAMES KEITH. JOHN C. HERBERT. March 5. d
JANNEY & PATON
Have just received and offer for Sale, A quantity of New-England Rum, and Liverpool Ware in crates. Feb. 2. d
Congress of the United States
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, February 19.
Debate on the bill received from the Senate entitled "An Act to repeal certain taxes respecting the organization of the courts of the U. States."
Mr. BAYARD.—Mr. Chairman, I must be allowed to express my surprise at the course pursued by the honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) in the remarks which he has made on the subject before us. I had expected that he would have adopted a different line of conduct. I had expected it as well from that sentiment of magnanimity which ought to have been inspired by a sense of the high ground he holds on the floor of this house, as from the professions of a desire to conciliate, which he has so repeatedly made during the session. We have been invited to bury the hatchet, and tighten the chain of peace. We were disposed to meet on middle ground. We had assurances from the gentleman, that he would abstain from reflections on the past, and that his only wish was that we might unite in future in promoting the welfare of our common country. We counted in the gentleman's sincerity, and cherished the hope, that if the divisions of party were not banished from the house, its spirit would be rendered less intemperate. Such were our impressions, when the mask was suddenly thrown aside, and we saw the torch of discord lighted and blazing before our eyes. Every effort has been made to revive the animosities of the house and to inflame the passions of the nation. I am at no loss to perceive why this course has been pursued. The gentleman has been unwilling to rely upon the strength of his object, and has therefore determined to make the measure a party question. He has probably secured success, but would it not have been more honorable and more commendable to have effected the decision of a great constitutional question to the understanding and not to the prejudices of the house. It was my ardent wish to discuss the subject with calmness and deliberation, and I intended to avoid every topic which could awaken the spirit of party. This was my temper and design when I took my seat yesterday. It is a course at present we are no longer at liberty to pursue. The gentleman has wandered far, very far from the points of the debate, and has extended his animadversions to all the prominent measures of the former administration. In following him through his preliminary observations, I necessarily take light of the bill upon your table.
The gentleman commenced his stricture with the philosophical observation, that it was the fate of mankind to hold different opinions as to the form of government which was preferable. That some were attached to the monarchical, while others thought the republican more eligible. This, as an abstract remark, is certainly true, and could have furnished no ground of offence, if it had not evidently appeared that an allusion was designed to be made to the parties in this country. Does the gentleman suppose that we have a less lively recollection than himself of the oath which we have taken to support the constitution; that we are less sensible of the spirit of our government, or less devoted to the wishes of our constituents? Whatever impression it might be the intention of the gentleman to make, he does not believe that there exists in the country an anti-republican party. He will not venture to assert such an opinion on the floor of this house. That there may be a few individuals having a preference for monarchy is not improbable; but will the gentleman from Virginia, or any other gentleman assert in his place, that there is a party in the country who wish to establish monarchy?

Insinuations of this sort belong not to the legislature of the union. Their place is an election ground or an ale-house. Within these walls they are lost; abroad, they have had an effect, and I fear are still capable of shaking popular credulity.
We were next told of the parties which have existed, divided by the opposite views of promoting executive power and guarding the rights of the people. The gentleman did not tell us in plain language, but he wished it to be understood, that he and his friend were the guardians of the people's rights, and that we were the advocates of executive power.
I know that this is the distinction of party with some gentlemen have been anxious to establish; but it is not the ground on which we divide. I am satisfied with the constitutional powers of the executive, and never wished nor attempted to encrease them; and I do not believe that gentlemen on the other side of the house ever had a serious apprehension of danger from an encrease of executive authority. No, sir, our views as to the powers which do and ought to belong to the general and state governments, are the true source of our divisions. I co-operate with the party to which I am attached, because I believe their true object and end is an honest and efficient support of the general government, in the exercise of the legitimate powers of the constitution.
I pray to God I may be mistaken in the opinion I entertain as to the designs of gentlemen to whom I am opposed. Those designs I believe hostile to the powers of this government. State pride extinguishes a national sentiment. Whatever power is taken for this government is given to the states.
The ruins of this government aggrandize the states. There are states which are too proud to be controlled. Whose sense of greatness and resource renders them indifferent to our protection, and induces a belief, that if no general government existed; their influence would be more extensive and their importance more conspicuous. There are gentlemen who make no secret of an extreme point of dependence, to which the government is to be sunk. To that point we are rapidly progressing. But I would beg gentlemen to remember, that human affairs are not to be arrested in their course, at artificial points. The impulse now given may be accelerated by causes at present out of view. And when those who now design well will to stop, they may find their power unable to resist the torrent. It is not true that we ever wished to give a dangerous strength to executive power. While the government was in our hands it was our duty to maintain its constitutional balance, by preserving the energies of each branch. There never was an attempt to vary the relation of its powers. The struggle was to maintain the constitutional powers of the executive. The wild principles of French liberty were scattered through the country. We had our Jacobins and disorganizers. They saw no difference between a King, and a President, and as the people of France had put down their King, they thought the People of America ought to put down their President. They who considered the constitution as securing all the principles of rational and practicable liberty, who were unwilling to embark upon the tempest of a revolution, in pursuit of visionary schemes, were denounced as monarchists. A line was drawn between the government and the people; and the friends of the government were marked as the enemies of the people. I hope, however, that the government and the people are now the same; and I pray to God that what has been frequently remarked, may not in this case be discovered to be true, that they who have the name of people the most often in their mouths, have their true interests the most seldom at their hearts.
The honorable Gentleman from Virginia wandered to the very confines of the federal administration, in search of materials the most inflammable and most capable of kindling the passions of his party.
He represents the government as seizing the first moment which presents itself to create a dependent monied interest, ever devoted to its views. What are we to understand by this remark of the gentleman? Does he mean to say that Congress did wrong in funding the public debt? Does he mean to say that the price of our liberty and independence ought not to have been paid? Is he bold enough to denounce this measure as one of the federal victims marked for destruction? Is it the design
to tell us that its day has not yet come but is approaching; and that the funding system is to add to the pile of federal ruins? Do I hear the gentleman say we will reduce the army to a shadow, we will give the navy to the worms, the mint which presented the people with the emblems of their liberty and of their sovereignty we will abolish—the revenue shall depend upon the winds and waves, the judges shall be made our creatures, and the great work shall be crowned and consecrated by relieving the country from an odious and oppressive public debt. These steps I presume, are to be taken in progression.
The gentleman will pause at each and feel the public pulse. As the fever increases he will proceed, and the moment of delirium will be seized to finish the great work of destruction.
The assumption of the state debts has been made an article of distinct criminalization. It has been ascribed to the worst motives; to the design of increasing a dependent monied interest. Is it not well known, that those debts were part of the price of the revolution? That they rose in the exigency of our affairs, from the efforts of the particular states, at times when the federal arm could not be extended to their relief? Each state was entitled to the protection of the union, the defence was a common burthen, and every state had a right to expect that the expences attending its individual exertions in the general cause, would be reimbursed from the public purse. I shall be permitted further to add that the United States, having absorbed the sources of state revenues, except direct taxation, which was required for the support of the state governments, the assumption of these debts were necessary to save some of the states from bankruptcy.
The internal taxes are made one of the crimes of the federal administration. They were imposed, says the gentleman, to create a host of dependants on executive favor. This supposes the past administrations to have been not only very wicked, but very weak. They lay taxes in order to strengthen their influence. Who is so ignorant as not to know that the imposition of a tax would create an hundred enemies for one friend. The name of excise was odious; the details of collection were unavoidably offensive, and it was to operate upon a part of the community least disposed to support public burthens, and most ready to complain of their weight. A little experience will give the gentleman a new idea of the patronage of this government. He will find it not that dangerous weapon in the hands of the administration which he has heretofore supposed it, he will probably discover that the poison is accompanied by its antidote. And that an appointment of the government, while it gives to the administration one lazy friend, will raise up against it ten active enemies.
No! The motive ascribed for the imposition of the internal taxes is as unfounded, as it is uncharitable. The federal administration in creating burthens to support the credit of the nation, and to supply the means of its protection, knew that they risked the favor of those upon whom their favor depended. They were willing to be the victims when the public good required.
The duties on imports and tonnage furnished a precarious revenue; a revenue at all times exposed to deficiency from causes beyond our reach. The internal taxes offered a fund less liable to be impaired by accident; a fund which did not rob the mouth of labour, but was derived from the gratification of luxury. These taxes are an equitable distribution of the public burthens. Through this medium the Western Country is enabled to contribute something to the expences of a government which has expended and daily expends such large sums for its defence. When those taxes were laid, they were indispensable. With the aid of them it has been difficult to prevent an increase of the public debt. And notwithstanding the fair prospects which now dazzle our eyes, I undertake to say, if you abolish them this session, you will be obliged to restore them or supply their place by a direct tax before the end of two years. Will the gentleman say, that the direct tax was laid in order to enlarge the bounds of patronage. Will he deny that this was a measure to which we had been urged for years by our adversaries, because they foresaw in it the ruin of federal power. My word for it, no
administration will ever be strengthened by a patronage united with taxes which the people are sensible of paying.
We were next told, that to get an army an Indian war was necessary. The remark was extremely bald, as the honorable gentleman did not alledge a single reason for the position. He did not undertake to state, that it was a wanton war, or provoked by the government. He did not even venture to deny, that it was a war of defence, and entered into in order to protect our brethren on the frontiers from the bloody scalping knife, and murderous tomahawk of the savage. What ought the government to have done?—Ought they to have estimated the value of the blood which probably would be shed, and the amount of the devaluation likely to be committed before they determined on resistance? They raised an army and after great expence and various fortune they have secured the peace and safety of the frontiers. But, why was the army mentioned on this occasion, unless to forewarn us of the fate which awaits them, and to tell us, that their days are numbered? I cannot suppose, that the gentleman mentioned this little army, distributed on a line of three thousand miles, for the purpose of giving alarm to three hundred thousand free and brave yeomanry ever ready to defend the liberties of the country.
The honorable gentleman proceeded to inform the committee, that the government, availing itself of the depredations of the Algerines, created a navy. Did the gentleman mean to insinuate, that this war was invited by the United States? Has he any document or proof to render the suspicion colourable? No, sir, he has none. He well knows that the Algerine aggressions were extremely embarrassing to the government. When they commenced, we had no marine force to oppose to them. We had no harbours or places of shelter in the Mediterranean. A war with these pirates could be attended with neither honor nor profit. It might cost a great deal of blood, and in the end it might be feared that a contest so far from home subject to numberless hazards and difficulties, could not be maintained. What would gentlemen have had the government to do? I know there are those who are ready to answer—abandon the Mediterranean trade. But would this have done? The corsairs threatened to pass the Straights, and were expected in the Atlantic. Nay, sir, it was thought that our very coasts would not have been secure.
Will gentlemen go farther and say, that the United States ought to relinquish their commerce. I believe this opinion has high authority to support it. It has been laid, that we ought to be only cultivators of the earth, and make the nations of Europe our carriers.
This is not an occasion to examine the solidity of this opinion; but I will only ask, admitting the administration were disposed to turn the pursuits of the people of this country from the Ocean to the land, whether there is a power in the government, or whether there would be if we were as strong as the government of Turkey, or even of France, to accomplish the object? With a sea coast of 1700 miles, with innumerable harbours and inlets, with a people enterprising beyond example, is it possible to say, you will have no ships or sailors, nor merchants. The people of this country will never consent to give up their navigation, and every administration will find themselves constrained to provide means to protect their commerce.
In respect to the Algerines the late administrations were singularly unfortunate. They were obliged to fight or pay them. The true policy was to hold a purse in one hand and a sword in the other. This was the policy of the government. Every commercial nation in Europe was tributary to these petty bararians. It was not esteemed disgraceful. It was an affair of calculation, and the administration made the best bargain in their power. They have heretofore been scandalized for paying tribute to a pirate, and now they are criminated, for preparing a few frigates, to protect our citizens from slavery and chains. Sir, I believe on this and many other occasions, if the finger of heaven had pointed out a course and the government had pursued it, yet, that they would not have escaped the censure and reproaches of their enemies.
We are told, that the disturbances in Europe
are a presentiment of the army and navy. I will not, Mr. Chairman, at present go into a detailed view of the events which compelled the government to put on the armour of defence, and to recruit by force the French aggressions. All the world know the efforts which were made to accomplish an amicable adjustment of differences with that power. It is enough to state, that ambassadors of peace were twice rejected from the shores of France with ignominy and contempt. It is enough to say, that it was not till after we had drunk the cup of humiliation to the dregs, that the national spirit was roused to a manly resolution, to depend only on their God and their courage for their protection. What, sir, did it grieve the gentleman, that we did not crouch under the rod of the Mighty Nation, and like the petty powers of Europe, tamely surrender our independence?—Would he have had the people of the United States relinquish without a struggle those liberties which had cost so much blood and treasure? We had not, sir, recourse to arms, till the mouths of our rivers were choked with French corsairs. Till our shores, and every harbour, were insulted and violated. Till half our commercial capital had been seized and no safety existed for the remainder but the protection of force.—At this moment a noble enthusiasm electrified the country—the national pulse beat high, and we were prepared to submit to every sacrifice, determined only, that our independence should be the last. At that time an American was a proud name in Europe; but I fear, much I fear, that in the course we are now likely to pursue, the time will soon arrive, when our citizens abroad will be ashamed to acknowledge their country.
The measures of '98 grew out of the public feelings. They were loudly demanded by the public voice. It was the people who drove the government to arms, and not as the gentleman expressed it, the government which pushed the people to the X. Y. Z. of their political designs before they understood the A. B. C. of their political principles.
But what, sir, did the gentleman mean by his X. Y. Z. I must look for something very significant, something more than a quibbling of expression, or a play upon words in what falls from a gentleman, of his learning and ability.—Did he mean that the dispatches which contained those letters were impostures designed to deceive and mislead the people of America? Intended to raise a false spirit not justified by events.—Though he grieved not respect for some of the characters of that embassy; though he felt no respect for the Chief Justice or the gentleman from South Carolina, two characters as pure, as honorable and exalted, as any country can boast of, yet, I should have expected that he would have felt some tenderness for Mr. Gerry, in whom his party had since given proofs of undiminished confidence. Does the gentleman believe that Mr. Gerry would have joined in the deception, and assisted in fabricating a tale which was to bind his countrymen and to enable the government to destroy their liberties? Sir, I will not avail myself of the equivocations or confusions of Talleyrand himself; I say these gentlemen will not dare publicly to deny what is attested by the hand and seal of Mr. Gerry.
The truth of these dispatches admitted, what was your government to do? Give us, say the Directory 1,200,000 livres for our own purse, and purchase fifteen millions of dollars of the Dutch debt, (which was worth nothing) and we will receive your ministers and negotiate for peace.
It was only left to the government to choose between an unconditional surrender of the honor and independence of the country, or a manly resistance. Can you blame, sir, the administration for a line of conduct, which has reflected on the nation so much honor, and to which under God, it owes its present prosperity.
These are the events of the general government which the gentleman has reviewed in succession, and endeavoured to render odious or suspicious. For all this I could have forgiven him, but there is one thing for which I will not, I cannot forgive him. I mean his attempt to disturb the ashes of the dead—to disturb the ashes of the great and good Washington. Sir, I might degrade by attempting to eulogize this illustrious character. The work is infinitely beyond my powers. I will only say that as long as exalted talents and virtues confer honor among men, the name of Washington will be held in veneration.
After, Mr. Chairman, the honorable member had exhausted one quiver of arrows against the late executive, he opened another equally poisoned, against the judiciary. He has told us, sir, that when the power of the government was rapidly passing from federal hands, after we had heard the thundering voice of the people which dismissed us from their service, we erected a judiciary, which we expected would afford us the shelter of an inviolable sanctuary. The gentleman is deceived. We knew better, sir, the characters who were to succeed us, and we knew that nothing was sacred in the eyes of infidels. No, sir, I never had a thought that anything belonging to the federal government was holy in the eyes of those gentlemen. I could never therefore imagine that a sanctuary could be built up which would not be violated. I believe these gentlemen regard a public opinion because their power depends upon it, but I believe they respect no existing establishment of the government, and if public opinion could be brought to support them, I have no doubt they would annihilate the whole. I shall

at present only say farther on this head, that we thought the re-organization of the judicial system an useful measure, and we considered it as a duty to employ the remnant of our power to the best advantage of the country.
The hon. gentleman expressed his joy that the constitution had at last become sacred in our eyes—that we formerly held that it meant every thing or nothing. I believe, sir, that the constitution formerly appeared different in our eyes from what it now appears in the eyes of the dominant party. We formerly saw in it the principles of a fair and goodly creation? We looked upon it as a source of peace, of safety, of honor, and of prosperity, to the country. But now the view is changed; it is the instrument of wild and dark destruction. It is a weapon which is to prostrate every establishment, to which the nation owes the unexampled blessings which it enjoys.
The present state of the country is an unanswerable commentary upon our construction of the constitution. It is true that we made it mean much, and I hope, sir, we shall not be taught by the present administration that it can mean even worse than nothing.
The gentleman has not confined his animadversions to the individual establishment, but he has gone so far as to make the judges, the subject of personal invective. They have been charged with having transgressed the bounds of judicial duty, and become the apostles of a political sect. We have heard of their traveling about the country for little other purpose than to preach the federal doctrines to the people.
Sir, I think a judge should never be a partizan. No man would be more ready to condemn a judge who carried his political prejudices or antipathies on the bench. But I have still to learn that such a charge can be sustained against the judges of the United States.
The constitution is the supreme law of the land, and they have taken pains in their charges to grand juries to unfold and explain its principles. Upon similar occasions, they have enumerated the laws which compose our criminal code, and when some of those laws have been denounced by the enemies of the administration as unconstitutional, the judges may have felt themselves called upon to express their judgment upon that point and the reasons of their opinions.
So far, but no farther, I believe the judges have gone; and in going thus far they have done nothing more than faithfully discharge their duty.
But if, sir, they have offended against the constitution or laws of the country, why are they not impeached? The gentleman now holds the sword of justice, the judges are not a privileged order, they have no shelter but their innocence.
But in any view are the sins of the former judges to be fastened upon the new judicial system? Would you annihilate a system, because some men under part of it had acted wrong. The constitution has pointed out a mode of punishing and removing the men, and does not leave this miserable pretext for the wanton exercise of powers which is now contemplated.
[Mr. Bayard's Speech to be continued.]
Alexandria Advertiser.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 10.
The National Intelligencer says Mr. Giles's speech, "is a fortress which neither declamation, or sophistry can shake." The fallacies of argument however, from the Federal orators, armed with truth and the good of their country, have not only forced the line of circumvallation, but undermined the "fortress" and obliged the Ajax Talemont, (as Callender calls him) to retire from his "strong hold." Duane says, "he has on no occasion heard a more ingenious speech than that of Mr. Giles." An extract of a letter from Washington, (probably from Dr. Lieb) contains the following: "Yesterday Mr. Giles made one of the most luminous speeches I ever heard." It is surprising that Mr. Bacon should not be noticed by these panegyrists, his speech contained more logical reasoning, and sound argument, and was more applicable to the subject of debate than all the other democratic speeches, not excepting the "Chef d'œuvre" of Breckinridge himself.
The "luminous ingenuity" of Mr. Giles, consists in his defamation and abuse
of Washington and Adams, and of the wise and salutary measures, which resulted from their administrations. After reading several columns of his insidious calumny , we find him asking "pardon of the committee for this digression." He had been impelled to it from the course the debate had taken, and particularly from the indecorous attacks made on the President of the United States." How honorable would it have been to you, Mr. Giles, had you felt this tender sensibility, this regard to decorum in the early part of your sophistical harangue ; you would then have spared those revilings against the Clergy of New-England, whom Mr. Hastings told you, (very justly) were a "learned, pious and patriotic class of citizens." Remember Sir, that the bulk of our citizens, will never be made the dupes of your art—the people of the United States will discern your views, in the perusal of your speech—they will despise your slander and condemn your principles. The reason why you are so attached to the man who wrote letters to Mazzie, and who was even before yourself in his malicious attacks on the virtuous Washington, is no secret! It is well understood, and confidently believed, that you are one of those "coadjutors and constitutional advisers" to whom Mr. Jefferson alludes in his answer to the Constitutional Republicans of the county of Kennebec. It is far from problematical, that we shall have cause to lament, that the "gestion of our affairs" is not in better hands. You are believed to possess more insinuation, art and address, than judgment, prudence and sound policy—and whether you have not less political honesty than either of these qualities, remains to be determined. You are now considered as the political Goliath of the present majority, and you must expect to be noticed. I pray you to accept the homage of my high consideration. CENSOR. Wash. Fed.
Melancholy account of the loss of the brig Industry, communicated in a letter from one of the passengers, to his parents in Boston.
"On the 15th of Nov. we sailed from Halifax for St. Johns's, having on board 24 souls, 16 of whom were passengers, and among them a lady with three children, the oldest 5 years, and the youngest 10 months; on the 20th, being then 70 miles west of Seal Isle, in the Bay of Fundy, we discovered at about 8 o'clock in the evening, a fire in the after hold of the vessel; every endeavour was instantly tried to extinguish the flames, but in vain; the dry goods, with which she was principally loaded, were all in flames, and had spread to every part of the brig. In this dreadful situation we had no other alternative, but to take to our boat, which being but 16 feet long, was illy calculated either for containing so many souls, or navigating a sea which was then tempestuous. We, however, left the brig at 10 o'clock at night, and embarked on board our little boat; the wind then blowing from land; the next day two of the men died; on the third, the lady and her poor infants expired under their severe sufferings; from this time until we were taken up, the men were continually dying. The cries of the afflicted woman and her infant children were the most heart piercing of any thing I ever felt or experienced. During this period, and until we were relieved we had nothing to eat or drink. On the 6th day, we had but 5 men out of the 24 that left the vessel with us; and these so exhausted with fatigue and hunger, as to be unable to throw all the dead overboard; indeed we were compelled to eat a part of the flesh of one man, who had recently died. On the 7th day, we were providentially taken up by a vessel, and carried into Yarmouth, on the Nova Scotia shore; where every assistance and comfort was afforded us. One of the 5 taken up is since dead, and the others, except myself, so frost bitten, as to be forever maimed."
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER presents the following interesting article to his readers, the accuracy of which he believes may be depended upon.
COMPENDIUM Of the Commerce, Shipping and Finances of Great-Britain, 1801.
COMMERCE AND SHIPPING. The real value of imports into Great Britain in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1801, was £.54,500,000
  The real value of British manufactures exported in the year ending the 5th of January, 1801, was £.39,500,000   The real value of foreign merchandise exported in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1801, was £.16,300,000   Total value of Exports £.55,800,000   Registered vessels belonging to the British dominions and employed in trade in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1801, were in number 18,877   Tonnage of ditto 1,905,438   Men employed in ditto 143,661 
An account of the value of the Imports and Exports of Great-Britain, taken at four different periods between the 5th January 1793, and the 5th January 1801.
  IMPORTS.   Date. Value.   1793 £.19,256,717 9 8   1795 22,736,889 9 1   1797 21,013,956 17 5   1801 54,500,000 0 0   EXPORTS.   1793 20,390,180 6 10   1795 27,312,338 17 4   1797 28,917,010 8 1   1801 55,800,000 0 0 
It will appear on inspection of the above account that the value of imports has increased within the last eight years in an almost threefold degree, and the value of exports in a rather increased proportion; consequently the commerce and manufactures of Great-Britain, have, by the very means intended to crush them, acquired additional energy.
FINANCE.
  The total sum to be raised in G. Britain for the service of the year 1801 is estimated at £.68,923,970   Estimate of taxes to make good the same.   The gross receipt of the permanent revenue after deducting re-payments for over entries, drawbacks and bounties amounting in the year ending on the 5th Jan. 1801, to £. 27,419,000   Supposed to produce the same as the present year.   Tax on income estimated at 5,822,000   Ditto on imports and exports estimated at 1,200,000   Repayments from Grenada, impresses and lottery, 800,000   Exchequer bills charged on supplies 1802, 2,000,000   Interest on land tax payable by instalments and monies remaining in the exchequer of lotteries of former years, 62,000   Surplus of ways and means 1800, & residue of grants to the emperor of Germany and elector of Bavaria, 560,000   An expected additional produce of taxes that were deficient in 1800, 1,100,000   Produce of taxes of the last session estimated at 1,000,000   Loan on account of G. B. 25,500,000   Loan on acct. of Ireland, 2,500,000   £. 67,963,000   Loans contracted during the 9 years war, with their rates of interest.   Dates. Loans. Rate of Inter.   1793 £. 4,500,000 £. 4 3 4   1794 21,000,000 4 10 9   1795 18,000,000 4 15 8   1796 18,000,000 4 14 8   1797 7,500,000 4 12 2   1798 18,000,000 5 14 3   1799 14,500,000 6 6 10   1800 17,000,000 6 4 1   1801 5,000,000 5 12 5   15,500,000 5 5 0   20,500,000 4 14 2   3,000,000*   25,000,000†   2,500,000†   5 5 5   £. 188,500,000 
  Funded Debt. January 5, 1801, £. 476,626,236   Unfunded do. 20,946,186   £. 497,572,422   * Borrowed from the Bank of England for six years, without interest, for the renewal of their Charter. † For Great Britain. ‡ For Ireland.
NOTES ON THE ABOVE. From the accumulation of profit, which this table might seem to evidence, several exceptions ought to be made: 1st, the imports and exports for the use of fleets and armies, which afford no profit, but are substantial losses to the nation. 2d. Goods imported for a market, warehoused and re-exported, leaving only a remnant of the duty behind. 3d. Neutral property carried in as prize and exported on acquittal. 4th. Exports to the British colonies, which cannot be called exports to foreign countries. On the other hand, as a part of the profit made in the colonies, and by British subjects in foreign countries, annually finds its way to the mother country and settles there, the imports compared with the exports may be considered as magnified, when the balance of trade is estimated from the comparison. Nat. In.
Dancing Assembly. A regular Dancing Assembly will be held at Gadby's Hotel this Evening . By order of the Managers. March 10.
In obedience to a Decree of the Court of Alexandria county, on Thursday the 8th day of April next, will be offered for sale on the premises, for ready money,
A Lot of Ground Containing half an acre; lying upon the east side of Alfred street and south side of Cameron street, in the town of Alexandria; extending on Alfred street 176 feet 7 inches, and on Cameron street 123 feet 5 inches. There are a convenient two story frame dwelling house, with a kitchen and other out houses upon the lot. The lot is subject to an annual rent which will be made known on the day of sale. As the lot is large it will be divided into smaller dividends, and sold either in parcels or altogether as will best suit purchasers. This sale is made to satisfy a debt due from Thomas Richards to Thompson and Veitch. JAMES KEITH, JOHN JANNEY, } Com'rs. JOHN DUNLAP, } March 10. d
To Rent, From one to seven years, upon moderate terms, The noted Public House, in Centerville, now occupied by George Newman, with fire wood and all necessary out houses thereto belonging, and about 15 acres of cleared land. This tavern is an old established stand and allowed to be the best in the town of Centerville. Possession will be given the first of April. For terms apply to CARR W. LANE, Fairfax county, near Centerville. March 10. e03t
Fifteen Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, living about 8 miles from Alexandria, near Price's tavern, on Sunday last, a dark Mulatto man, named Hanson Waugh , a cooper by trade, about 21 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, he generally wears blue clothes, but may change them as he has others with him. Ten Dollars will be paid for apprehending him in the county and securing him so that I get him again, or the above reward, if taken out of the county, and reasonable charges if brought home. ROBERT BOWLING. March 10. e03t
JUST RECEIVED, A COMPLETE ASSORTMENT OF GLASS, Consisting of elegant cut quart and pint decanters, goblets, tumblers and wine glasses, to match; plain half pint, pint and quart tumblers, do. quart, pint and half pint decanters, which will be sold by the box, or by retail, on moderate terms. JOSHUA RIDDLE. March 4.

ROBBERY.
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
THE subscribers' store was last night broke open and the following Cash and Goods taken therefrom, viz.
 About 100 dollars in cash,  Crofs-barred and striped coarse swansdown,  1 Piece of superfine brown cloth,  1 do. dark bottle green,  1 do. of dark brown superfine,  1 do. dark mixed brown superfine,  2 do. of blue fine cloth,  1 do. of dark mixture fine cloth,  3 do. lapet mullins, 
Of sprigged mullins a number—also dimities; camel hair shawls; brown, red and blue bandannoes; yellow flags and cinnamon silk shawls; a number of India book mullins; womens' blue and white worsted and cotton stockings, men's fancy cotton stockings; a few pieces of Marseilles vest patterns and silk nankeen, together with a variety of other articles not particularly recollected.
The above reward will be paid to any person for discovering the Cash and Goods and convicting the thief or thieves; or Fifty Dollars for all the Goods, or in proportion for any part of the Goods recovered.
It is hoped all well disposed persons will interest themselves in discovering and bringing to condign punishment the perpetrators of this daring attack upon the property of citizens.
J. & M. SCHOLFIELD.
January 2. d
Such Printers as are disposed to detect villainy are requested to insert the above.
JUST RECEIVED
And for sale by the subscriber, lower end of PRINCE-STREET, a few barrels of
APPLES.
THO. SIMMS.
Feb. 25. d
William Harthorne
Has for Sale at his Mill, or in Alexandria, Plaiter of Paris by the ton , or ready ground by the bushel, Indian Meal and Rye Meal, bolted or unbolted,
Corn, or any other grain, ground for toll at the mill.
At his store in town,
Hay in bundles, Corn by the bushel,
Loaf and lump Sugar by the hoghead or barrel,
First and second quality James River Tobacco, in kegs,
A few very good Mill Spindles,
Two good Scale Beams.
Three boxes 8 by 10 Window Glass, James River Coal.
For Sale,
A number of valuable Lots in town,
A small House on a lot of 28 feet front on Water Street, next door to Major Muncaster's.
Also, for Sale or Rent,
A valuable Brick House
on King street, now in the tenure of Thomas Cruse.
To Let,
A two story Frame House
on Duke street, with a large garden and well of good water at the door.
3d mo. 1. d
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE AT COTTON & STEWART'S Book-Store, Royal-Street,
POLITICAL ESSAYS,
RELATIVE TO THE War of the French Revolution;
—VIZ.—
AN ARGUMENT
Against continuing the War, for the subversion of the Republican Government of France:
A LETTER
To the Duke of Portland, being an answer to the two Letters of the late Right Hon. Edmund Burke, against treating for Peace with the French Republic:—And
A MEMORIAL,
Proposing a Plan, for the Conquest and Emancipation of Spanish America, by means which would promote the tranquility of Ireland.
BY JAMES WORKMAN, ESQ.
Nov. 20.
An Apprentice wanted.
JUST RECEIVED, COARSE WOOLLENS,
Consisting of Nap'd cottons, half thick, pladdings, striped blankets and kersey duffils—For sale on very moderate terms by the package, on the usual credit.
Wm. HODGSON.
Oct. 6. d
JUST RECEIVED,
And for sale on a liberal credit, or to exchange for Flour,
1900 bushels of excellent Turk's Island Salt, and
40 bls. prime Beef.
I have also,
20 quarter casks Port Wine.
WM. HODGSON.
Feb. 3. d
Notice.
THE subscriber intending to quit his present business, gives this public notice, that any person having demands against him, will present the same, and they will be immediately discharged. The few indebted to him, by doing likewise, will get the thanks of
THOMAS CRUSE.
Who will continue for one month selling off his STOCK of GOODS at prime cost.
March 5. dzw
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
On THURSDAY, the first day of April next, will be exposed to sale at the Coffee-House in Alexandria, at one o'clock,
A valuable Lot
of the following description:
Beginning at the distance of 140 feet east from Union street, and running thence east parallel to Oronoko street 100 feet to the river Potomac, thence north parallel to Union street and binding on the river 100 feet, thence west parallel to Oronoko street 100 feet, thence south with Union street to the beginning, with privilege of a 10 feet alley through the ground belonging to the heirs of Jesse Taylor, deceased.
This lot comprehends the whole front of the wharf commonly called Taylor's wharf; the depth of water is about 28 feet. It is situated at the upper end of the town of Alexandria, and is one of the nearest wharves to the City of Washington and George Town. The navigation of Potomac being now completed renders it an advantageous situation for business—the wharf is sound and substantial. A Ferry is established from the lot to the Maryland shore, which rents for £. 20 per annum, and is daily encreasing in value.
The terms of sale will be one third of 2,550 dollars in cash, the remaining two thirds of 2,550 dollars, in equal payments at 6 and 12 months—on any sum which the property may sell for, above 2,550 dollars, a credit of two years, from the day of sale, will be given.
For any further particulars apply to the subscriber,
SAMUEL CRAIG,
Feb. 24. coof Trustee.
WILL BE SOLD,
At Selby, the residence of the late Mrs. Hannah Washington, of Fairfax county, on a credit until the first day of November next, the purchaser giving bond with approved security for all sums above five pounds,
A variety of excellent Household Furniture, and Stock of every kind, viz. HORSES, HORNED CATTLE, SHEEP and HOGS.
The sale will commence on Wednesday the seventh of April, if fair, if not the next fair day, and continue from day to day, until the whole is sold.
THOS. LEE, sen.
Executor of Mrs. Hannah Washington, deceased.
March 8. eo3rd12t †
Removal.
Robert & John Gray
Have removed their
Book and Stationary Store
from Prince street, to the store lately occupied by Pomeroy and Habel, in King street, fourth door from the south east corner of King and Royal streets.
Feb 3. dzreo
LIVERY STABLE, And HORSES & CARRIAGES TO HIRE.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public that he takes horses on livery, and keeps some excellent horses and carriages to hire.
Also,
A few good SADDLE HORSES for sale.
Apply in part of the house formerly the Swan Tavern, King street, to JOHN HODGKIN.
Jan. 25. eo18t
FALL GOODS.
CUTHBERT POWELL
Has received, per the Eliza, from Liverpool, an Importation of
Fall & Winter Goods,
which he is now opening at the store lately occupied by Messrs. A. and W. Ramsay, on King-street, and which he offers for sale on moderate terms by the piece or package.
Also,
25 Crates Earthen Ware, well assorted. Sept. 29. eo
NOW LANDING,
From on board the ship Hannah, from Aux-Cayes,
And for Sale at the Subscribers' Wharf,
62 hhds. first quality Molasses,
68 bales Cotton,
325 bags } green Coffee,
76 bls. } 13 hhds. Sugar.
They have also for Sale,
100 boxes fresh Raisins,
200 reams of Letter Paper in cases,
30 bushels of fresh Clover Seed.
RICKETTS, NEWTON & Co.
Feb. 16. 2aw3w
THE SUBSCRIBER, Contemplating a removal from the District of Columbia, as soon as he can close his out standing concerns, OFFERS FOR SALE, THE FOLLOWING Very valuable Property.
One undivided half of a FARM adjoining the Great Falls of Potomac, on which is a good House, a new Barn, and some excellent Meadow.—Also, a FORGE, 50 by 60 feet, covered with tin, and a Coal and Iron House, situated on the Canal made by the Potomac Company, and the right of cutting the wood for 900 years on a large parcel of land adjoining—much of this wood is convenient to the river, and may be readily transported to Georgetown, the Federal City, or this place. The other half may be purchased.
Three-Eighths of about eleven hundred acres of LAND, in Berkeley county, adjoining the lands of the United States, at Keep Tryce Furnace and Harper's Ferry—more than half of it is in wood, and the remainder good farming land. The other five-eighths may also be purchased.
An undivided moiety of 36 acres of LAND in the Common of Alexandria And adjoining the town, chiefly under fence of cedar posts and chestnut rails.
A large and handsome Brick DWELLING HOUSE, 50 by 40 feet, with a brick stable, Smoke House, and Well of excellent water.—The Garden and Yard paled in.—The House is not quite finished. It will be sold either in its present state, or finished as may suit the purchaser.
A number of LOTS on the new wharf, made by Mr. Herbert, Mr. Wilson, and the subscriber, between Fairfax Street and the river Potomac; and, also, the division of the said wharf, made from Mr. Thompson's by a 20 feet street.
An undivided half of a LOT in the west side of Fairfax street, above Queen street, on which the house was burnt last winter. For particulars, respecting titles and terms, which will be liberal both as to price and credit apply to
JOHN POTTS.
Alexandria, Oct. 17. 1aw7t
Wanted,
ABOUT 200 WHARF LOGS, delivered at the Eastern Branch Ferry—For which a generous price will be given, if delivered agreeably to a contract to be entered into. Apply to
JAMES O'BRIEN.
City of Washington, Feb. 13. 2aw16t
Bark Wanted.
The subscribers want to purchase a large quantity of Bark; they will give Eight Dollars per cord for Chestnut-Oak and Spanish-Oak, and Seven Dollars for Black-Oak delivered in good order.
EZRA KINSEY & Co.
ISAAC SHREVE.
Feb. 6. 1aw7t
Printing in all its variety executed at this office.
PROPOSALS,
By G. F. HOPKINS, No. 118, Pearl street, New-York,
For publishing by Subscription, in two handsome octavo volumes,
THE FEDERALIST,
ON
THE NEW CONSTITUTION.
BY PUBLIUS.
WRITTEN IN 1788.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
PACIFICUS,
ON
The Proclamation of Neutrality.
WRITTEN IN 1793.
The whole revised and corrected, with new passages and notes.
THE FEDERALIST was written in a series of numbers, under the signature of Publius, shortly after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution, and addressed to the People of the State of New-York, with the design of enforcing the propriety and necessity of its adoption.
It is principally the production of a man, whose name will be held in sacred respect long after the pitiful attempts which have been made to slander his fame shall have sunk into oblivion. Two other gentlemen, of distinguished talents, occasionally contributed some essays, which will be marked in the publication.
All parties seem at length united in professions of regard for the Constitution; if they are sincere, the consideration cannot fail to enhance the value of a work, which, by employing in its favor all the energy of argument, and all the persuasion of eloquence, was eminently useful in promoting its general ratification.
Whoever is desirous of being well informed of the principles and provisions of our Government, and the manner in which they have been supported and vindicated, of the objections that were made to the Constitution by its first opponents, and how they were answered, will find these volumes fraught with ample and satisfactory instruction. The study of them must form an essential part of the education of the American statesman. Politicians, indeed, of every country, will here discover materials in the science of Government well worthy of their attention; a science, of all others, the most interesting to mankind, as it most deeply concerns human happiness. The Federalist contains principles that may be remembered and studied with advantage by all classes of men in other countries than our own, and in other ages than that in which we live. The People of America alone have afforded the example of a pure Representative Republic. In this work it will appear, that the principles of this form of Government have been well understood, and thoroughly developed, and should, unfortunately, the experiment which we have made, hereafter fail, it will be in vain to attempt the renewal of similar systems, as no rational hope can be entertained, that more correct notions on this subject will prevail than are here exhibited.
To preserve these papers, therefore, which have so much intrinsic merit, and such lasting utility, in a dress suitable to their character, is the inducement to their re-publication.
PACIFICUS is from the pen of the same enlightened statesman who was the chief author of the Federalist. These Essays were written in defence of the first leading step which our Government took to preserve that Neutrality which it continued to maintain during the late Transatlantic conflict; a conflict which has annihilated the minor powers of Europe, and shaken the civilized world.
Now that the storm has passed over, and the angry and tumultuous passions which at that time agitated our country, have in some measure subsided, these papers will be read with profit and pleasure by the intelligent man of every party. Candor will probably wonder, that any should have doubted of the fitness of the measures which this writer has so ably advocated, and which experience has so forcibly proved to have been the best adapted to the interests of the country.
To give to these latter Essays a form which shall survive the fleeting impressions of a newspaper, they are incorporated in these volumes.—Publius and Pacificus will serve to keep in just remembrance two very important events in the history of our country.
The first gentleman here alluded to is General Hamilton—the other two, Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The Work shall be put to press immediately after 400 subscribers are obtained, and finished with the utmost expedition.  II. Where practicable, the books shall be forwarded, free of expence, to such places as may be designated, and a person appointed to deliver them.  III. It shall be printed on a superfine medium paper, with a neat type, handsomely bound and lettered, and delivered to subscribers at Two Dollars a volume. To non-subscribers the price will be enhanced.  IV. Subscribers to pay, where convenient, one dollar in advance.  Subscriptions received at the Office of the Alexandria Advertiser, and by the different Booksellers in Alexandria. New-York, January, 1802.
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