The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-12-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXCVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 26th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 7.
Debate on the AMENDMENT to the CONSTITUTION, (Continued.)
MR. CHAMBERLIN moved to amend the resolution by striking out in the second clause the words "persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three" for the purpose of inserting the words "five highest."
MR. DANA called for a division of the question.
MR. SANDFORD could not help again advising the gentleman from Connecticut. The object of the motion seemed to be to defeat the whole business by sending it back to the Senate. He trusted the question would be taken on the main resolution, on which every member he believed had made up his mind.
MR. CHAMBERLIN did not know by what spirit of divination the gentleman penetrated into his motives. He had expressed no motive but to render the constitution as perfect as possible, having previously expressed a wish not to change the constitution as it at present stood.
MR. GODDARD. The gentleman from Kentucky is opposed to the motion of the gentleman from Vermont. This subject has been considered before. The numbers 3 or 5 were then before us, and gentlemen with vast deliberation settled 5 as the best. So the resolution went from us, and now it comes back again with the number 3. The gentleman says he is for 3, and intimates that it is the object of the motion of my friend to defeat the whole business by sending it back to the Senate! As the amendment stood Mr. G. did not understand it, "the highest number not exceeding 3, could not certainly mean only persons having 3 votes."
The Chairman said the word number was a misprint, in the manuscript it stood numbers .
MR. GODDARD said if a classification of persons were intended, the principle was the same.
MR. ELLIOT was equally at a loss with others to discover the motives ascribed to his colleague in making this motion. Some gentlemen say his motive is to defeat the whole resolution—how defeat it? By making it conform to the resolution sent by this House to the Senate? How long as it since some gentlemen, now in favor of a precipitate decision, in protracted debates threatened, if the number five were not introduced, that they should vote against the whole resolution? It was astonishing that what they themselves were so lately friendly to, should now be calculated to defeat the whole object!
Mr. Elliot said he was prepared to lose the discriminating principle for ever, rather than incorporate with it the principle sent down by the Senate.
MR. SMILIE said he was sorry to see the gentleman warm without occasion. He was one of those originally in favor of the number five, but had uniformly declared that that circumstance should not prevent him from agreeing to any number, provided the principle of discrimination were adopted. But gentlemen think it strange, said Mr. Smilie, that I should utter an opinion that the effect of sending this resolution back to the Senate, will be to defeat it. Such was my opinion, when I uttered it, and I think so still. I also said that I did not like the amendment from the Senate so well as our own; but liking it better than the present provisions of the constitution, I was in favor of its adoption. When two bodies have to agree, there must be a mutual spirit of concession, or business can never be transacted. This concession takes place every day, I repeat then what I said before, that those who believe this the best amendment we can get, ought to vote for it.
MR. R. GRISWOLD. The first question is on striking out the words "persons having the highest number not exceeding three." If gentlemen will critically attend to these words, they will perceive that in order to make sense of the resolution, and to accomplish their object, they must strike them out. I know perfectly well that it is disagreeable to enter into verbal criticisms in public bodies, and that they ought not to be made on ordinary occasions; but when we are amending the constitution, it is proper to make it as plain as possible, and to convey our ideas in apt words which shall not admit a construction different from that which we intend. I ask gentlemen to tell me the meaning of these words: "and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose," &c. To what does three refer? Either to persons or to numbers . I conceive it clearly applies to numbers. If so, what will be the effect? Then "from the persons having the highest numbers,"—at what number of votes. It will then read, that the elections shall be confined to persons having three votes, and consequently persons not having precisely three votes, cannot be elected. This is not the intention of gentlemen, to exclude those having the greatest number of votes, and to confine the choice to those who have only three votes, and yet the word numbers must refer to the last antecedent. I do not know how it came about that the Senate introduced this absurdity into their resolution; but I do hope that the members of this House will look to it, and see whether they are not doing a different thing from what they intended. Surely it is not the object of gentlemen to send an amendment to the people, either different from what they intended, or so obscure as not to be intelligible?
I am inclined to think the idea of the Senate was to confine the election to three classes of persons. I am of opinion that they have not used the apt and proper words to convey this meaning. I ask gentlemen to read over the resolution. I will venture to say three-fourths of the people who shall read it, will think it is intended to confine the election to three persons; and yet I understand it is the intention of the Senate only to confine it to three classes. This may perhaps be the true construction of the words, but in amending the constitution, we ought to render it as clear and explicit as possible; so clear and explicit that every man who runs may read. I therefore trust that gentlemen will take up this resolution and render it so clear as to avoid all doubt.
MR. DENNIS said, whatever might be the precise grammatical construction of the words proposed to be stricken out, he believed that nineteen-twentieths of the people would place that construction upon them that made numbers and persons synonymous. It was immaterial to him whether the existing obscurity were removed by striking out these words, or introducing additional expressions. He thought it could not be denied that the words admitted of different constructions, and that they ought not to leave a principle so important to a variety of interpretations; but ought, on the contrary, to use language the most accurate and pointed. He hoped gentlemen would exercise a due degree of indulgence to those who did not understand those words as they did, and agree to remove their obscurity. For this reason he was in favor of the motion to strike out.
MR. J. RANDOLPH said that this was not the first time that the house had been sent back to their allegiance and ferula, to Lilly and Ruddiman, to solve the doubts of gentlemen from Connecticut. Since such was the case, he recommended a recurrence to a well-known rule, in all cases of difficulty as to concord, to ask the question who, or what? He concurred with the gentleman in the position, that in all cases of construction, where the sense would warrant it, the relative was to be referred to the last antecedent. The choice is to be made out of "the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three." Three what? numbers—what number, highest numbers—Will the gentleman undertake to maintain that not exceeding the three highest numbers, is the same as not exceeding three in number. That three numbers and the number three are one and the same. But whether the numeral three agree with persons , or numbers , the sense contended for cannot be made out. If it refer to persons; then the choice is to be made out of those persons, not exceeding three, having the highest numbers on the list. If to numbers, which was the evident construction, then the choice was to be made from those persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three.
MR. R. GRISWOLD said this expression was not so clear in his opinion as the gentleman from Virginia thought it. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Sandford) says the word numbers refers to persons, while the gentleman from Virginia says they refer to the three highest numbers, which may refer to forty persons if they should be equal.
When doctors disagree, what is to be done? I think the different construction of gentlemen, as well in favor of, as against the resolution, shews the necessity of clothing it in language that will remove all doubt. If this were an amendment of a law, the obscurity of the language would not be so material as it would be in the power of the legislature at any time to alter it; but being part of the constitution it will be out of their reach.
MR. SANDFORD could not see the difference between his construction and that of the gentleman from Virginia. The gentleman from Vermont had charged him with voting for the number five, and being now in favor of three. Mr. S. said he did vote for the number five, and he would ask that gentleman if he would not allow him to show the same spirit of accommodation that actuated himself in voting for three instead of five. The same spirit would induce him to vote for the resolution of the Senate since they had not acquiesced in our proposition.
MR. HUGER, after impressing the propriety of removing the obscurity of the language contained in the resolution, moved that the committee should rise.
Motion lost—Ayes 32.
MR. ELLIOT.—It is a task of delicacy to decide whether the gentlemen from Kentucky, Connecticut or Virginia is the best grammarian. I believe, however, that the palm of grammatical learning and verbal criticism will be found to be justly due to the gentlemen from Virginia. On this occasion he has been extremely ingenious: but in undertaking to prove that there is no obscurity in the language of the amendment, I conceive that he has failed in his object. The very ingenious mode in which he has managed the subject has convinced me there is obscurity in it. He says it is immaterial to which of the antecedents, the words not exceeding three I do believe, though perhaps less conversant with Lilly or Ruddiman or Webster, than the gentleman, that it refers to persons, and not to numbers. He has asked the difference between the three highest and the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three . If the expression should be the three highest numbers, and it should happen that 2 persons have 35 each and 4 persons 16 each it will, I apprehend, be extremely difficult to determine which are the 3 highest persons. I believe also that according to this construction, the gentleman who thinks 5 involves too great a discretion, will consider the extending the number to 30 will be still more exceptional: but we are told, notwithstanding all the obscurity an other defectiveness of this resolution, we must pass as it came from the Senate, lest by sending it back it may be defeated. But I will prophecy, though like Cassandra, my prophecy may not be believed until it is verified by time, that this resolution, though passed by us, will not be adopted by the state legislatures. This time will determine, for these reasons I am in favor of striking these words, that others may be introduced less susceptible of grammatical criticism.
MR. BALDWIN enquired whether the expression that the election of President in the House of Representatives should be confined to "the persons having the highest number not exceeding three" did not imply that the House might if they chose, confine the election to two, and whether on such election, there must not be a previous question decided, whether the word three related to persons or numbers. How was this to be determined? The choice of a President is to be by states. How is this question to be settled? by the whole members? If so, what will be the consequence? The 4 states of Virginia, Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Massachusetts, having a majority of all the members on the floor, their combination may limit the number to two persons, and thus exclude the candidate who might otherwise have been voted for by the 13 other states; considering the effect of this construction, and of the different constructions put upon the language of the resolution, by other gentlemen, and that the language of the constitution ought to be so correct as to free it from a variety of constructions, Mr. B. hoped the House would pause, and before they gave the amendment its final passage, make it as free from ambiguity as possible.
MR. RODNEY would detain the committee but for a few moments. He said, he might be permitted to remark, that accustomed to consider subjects on principle, and to ask himself under the
best impressions of his judgement, he was willing to give credit to others, and to believe that they also acted on the same motives. He agreed with his friend from Virginia on the construction proper to be put on the amendment. By attending to every part of it according to the rules of Syntax, it appeared to him that no doubt could exist on the most mature reflection, as to its proper construction. "The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the person having the highest numbers, not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot, the President." The committee will observe, that in the previous part of the paragraph, the term number of votes is used, and that reference must be had to it in the construing the meaning of those words, through every subsequent part of it. He believed that by a simple reading of the paragraph, it would appear that three does refer to numbers . To give a just construction to any sentence, we must use every part of it, and not exclude a single word, if we can give it meaning. Taking this as a sound rule, and giving effect to the term highest , the argument of gentlemen is answered. They pretend to say when they find the expression the highest numbers not exceeding three , that the highest on the list are to be excluded, and the choice to be confined to persons having only 3 votes. The House is to take the highest numbers, the 3 highest whether more or less. As the constitution now stands, it says, if no person have a majority, the House shall choose by states from the five highest. A case might occur, where six of the candidates may have equal votes. What would be the consequence? The constitution confines the choice to the 5 highest, there would in that case be returned to the House 6 candidates equal and highest—To remedy this defect the amendment is so framed that instead of tying down the House to a choice from 5 persons, it authorises it from the 3 highest numbers. Gentlemen object to this by saying, that it allows a wide scope and permits the House to choose a person having perhaps but one vote; and is not this the case at present? Suppose the 2 highest have all the votes but 3; and that three other persons have but one vote each, the case will be precisely the same. Mr. R. confessed that it was so long since he had left school, that he was not able to repeat the rule of grammar to which he had referred; but it did appear to him when reference was had to a substantive qualified by an adjective, it was proper to take both together. No instrument was so perfect, but that if the parts were taken separately, it might not be rendered nonsense. He had learnt somewhere, that a clergyman reciting in a place of worship, the old version of the Psalms by Shernhold and Hopkins, had laid,
The Lord will come, and he will not— Keep silence, but speak out—
A fallor who happened to be listening, thinking the man crazy and all who heard him, immediately left the House. So in this case the gentleman, by a similar species of ingenuity, may make this or any other resolution perfect nonsense.
MR. DANA said it was not his purpose to enter into a grammatical disquisition; to understand correctly the meaning of particular words, it was not necessary to refer to the authority of grammarians. When they understood the principles of grammar they did not want those authorities. He rose merely to observe that on the first reading of the resolution, many gentlemen entertained different ideas from those expressed by the gentlemen from Delaware and Virginia, some gentlemen considering the term highest as referring to persons, and others to members; as had been observed, the punctuation would decide it one way or other, the construction might depend on commas. On a question in which the passions are so apt to be engaged as in the election of a chief magistrate, the language ought to be plain. He did hope therefore, that where all agreed in principle, all would agree to clothe it in language that would free it from obscurity.
MR. ELLIOT moved that the committee should rise.
Motion lost—Ayes 36, Noes 66.
The question was then taken on striking out, and lost—Ayes 29.
MR. THATCHER said that in the first paragraph of the resolution the following expression was used, "when ratified by three fourths of the legislatures of the several states." It appeared to
him that this expression required the ratification by three fourths of each legislature, and not, as expressed in the constitution, of the legislatures of three fourths of the states. To make the phraseology conform to the constitution, he moved to substitute, in the room of the former words, the following: "when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the states."
Motion lost without a division. The question being then stated on the resolution generally.
MR. ELLIOT said as the committee were not disposed to hear him and as he felt quite exhausted, he should not, on cool reflection, trouble them with the full remarks he intended to make, but should, when the amendment came into the House, ask for a division of the question and offer a few remarks in support of the opinions he held.
The main amendment was then agreed to—Ayes 75—Noes 28.
The committee having risen, and the chairman having reported an agreement to the resolution from the Senate without amendment, the House took the same immediately into consideration.
MR. CHITTENDEN said as this was an important question requiring in his opinion more time for deliberation, he would move an adjournment.
The yeas and nays being taken on the adjournment, were Yeas 30, Nays 77.
MR. DANA renewed the motion, made in committee of the whole, for so altering the resolution as to abolish the office of Vice President, and called for the yeas and nays on it.
The yeas and nays were accordingly taken and the motion rejected. Yeas 26—Nays 85.
MR. GODDARD moved to strike out "persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on" in order to insert "five highest," and called for the yeas and nays, which were taken and the motion negatived. Yeas 32—Nays 85.
MR. G. GRISWOLD moved to strike out "two" and insert "three," being the number of candidates for the Vice Presidency from whom an election shall be made by the Senate. Lost without a division.
MR. ELLIOT moved a division of the question on agreeing to the whole amendment, at the word Vice President in the second paragraph, and called for the yeas and nays, his object being to record on the journal his vote in favour of the discriminating principle.
The question was accordingly taken on that part of the resolution which was agreed to, Yeas 86—Nays 30.
The remaining members of the resolution were then agreed to without a division.
The Speaker put the question on the whole resolution.
MR. ELLIOT. I shall detain the House but a few moments in submitting to their attention a few remarks. If the vote I shall give this night shall induce my constituents to call me back to the studious and rural life from which I was reluctantly taken, I shall have the consolation to reflect that I have done my duty. I have voted for the simple principle of discrimination, believing it the only amendment the public voice calls for. I believe the objection is to that principle to be founded on ideas that are erroneous and visionary; I believe it will not impair the rights or relative importance of the smaller states; I believe the constitution to be founded on elementary and federative principles, and that by their union it constitutes the most illustrious monument of human wisdom; I believe it important to all the members of the Union that the process of election should be simple and pure, and that the President should be elected by a fair expression of the public sentiment, that he may thereby be the correct organ of the public will, and that compared with this, it is of little consequence, whether once in 100 years he may be a citizen of Massachusetts rather than of Virginia, or of Vermont rather than of Delaware. I have heard many ingenious arguments on a former occasion without being induced to believe that either the rights or relative importance of the smaller states would be impaired by this principle; but in deciding on this subject, I also believe this House ought to manifest caution and deliberation in making the alteration. I believe that all irritation and pride of party should be laid asleep. A different course from this has been pursued to-day. I have no doubt with pure motives, but I have some doubts whether with becoming judgment. I believe the amendments, incorporated into the resolution of the Senate, to be

infinitely more important than gentlemen may imagine. This can only be demonstrated by experience. I venture to prophesy, this resolution will not be adopted by three fourths of the states. I hope it never will. I believe, if adopted, it will jeopardize the union of the states, and open a door to intrigue and corruption, which gentlemen should wish to close for ever; and I believe instead of making the constitution better than it now is, it will make it infinitely worse. We are about to encircle tenfold the probability of introducing a person into the Presidency not calculated for that office, and to increase the avenues by which corruption and ambition may be advanced to supreme power. I am comforted by the assurance that I shall not be the only member friendly to the administration, that will give it a negative, and that this will induce gentlemen to believe that I do not vote from irritation or prejudice. Neither birth, wealth, talents, or connections, introduced me to public favor. I am induced to believe that I owe that distinction to a conviction of my personal integrity, and though I do not wish to use the language of arrogance, I expect that the vote I shall give this night, instead of lessening, will encrease the favorable opinion of the Republicans, and if on any future occasion the people of this country shall be under the necessity of mourning over their departed liberties, of lamenting the destruction of a constitution, the work of so much toil, labor and wisdom, by the passage of this resolution, and perceiving my name recorded in the negative, they will remember the prediction I have made on this occasion.
The resolution was then agreed to, and the question was put on engrossing it for a third reading.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH moved that it be read a third time to-day.
Mr. R. GRISWOLD moved that it be read a third time to-morrow. This was the first moment, during the progress of the resolution, in which it was in order to discuss its merits. They had been already 8 hours in session. All the previous deliberations of the House had been taken up in attending the resolution, and now its merits came to be discussed, he trusted a majority would not be in favor of precipitating a vote. The merits of the amendment had not been fully discussed, and if ever it was important that any measure should be deliberately discussed, it was the one about being adopted, which went to change the radical features of our government. He concluded by moving that the Yeas and Nays should be taken on the third reading of the resolution to-morrow.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said that the gentleman from Connecticut had called on the House, to use his own words, not to precipitate a decision on an important measure, contemplating nothing less than a change of a fundamental principle, on which the national compact was founded. I will ask you, Mr. Speaker, said Mr. Randolph, and that gentleman, whether in the whole course of this business, from the first motion to amend the constitution to the present time, whether such precipitation can be justly charged on the House. I ask him as a man of honor, whether a postponement until to-morrow, can affect a single vote. I ask whether he believes a single member has not made up his mind on the subject? I ask him and the House, whether in the course of this day and yesterday, and on previous occasions, all the great bearings of this resolution have not been fully and every line and sentence carved at by critics and hypercritics? Why then are we charged with precipitation? Yesterday it was moved to postpone the resolution, that motion was lost, and on that occasion the object of gentlemen was carried, though their motion was lost, for the day was consumed. The same course has been pursued to-day, and on incidental motions to amend particular parts of the resolution, gentlemen have debated its merits. I ask you, therefore, if the resolution has not been discussed, in every point of view of which it is susceptible, or if any new matter can be introduced, I ask if the House be disposed to postpone the question until to-morrow, and if the day shall be consumed in making and discussing the same evasive motions made to-day, whether an attempt to take the question then will not be charged with precipitation. There can be no doubt that, unless we adopt the peculiar course of gentlemen, we shall still be charged with precipitation. I for one am willing to submit to this charge, and am willing to bear it urged within and without these walls. If I did not believe the question had been fully discussed, and that further discussion would fail to change a vote, I would acquiesce to postpone it until to-morrow, or the next month; but believing the contrary, I shall be against it.
Mr. ELLIOT. Some of the gentleman's remarks are so extraordinary, that I cannot, I will not suffer them to pass unnoticed. It is immaterial to me whether the gentleman from Connecticut or Virginia thinks on this subject. Some gentlemen may think the mind of
every gentleman fixed; some gentlemen may rely on a degree of personal influence, which I trust will never be realized, and that some gentlemen will take their opinions on the subject from others—but be this as it may, I think it improper to put the queries submitted by the gentleman from Virginia, at the first moment when it is strictly in order to debate the merits of the amendment. Good Heavens! Is it come to this, when most material amendments are about to be made in the Constitution, and after an extraordinary degree of irritation and fatigue, when one day more is asked for, the gentleman from Virginia shall get up, and ask if every member has not made up his mind on the vote he shall give; after two new principles are introduced in the resolution sent from this House, which, though confined to the simple principle of discrimination, occupied a month's discussion.
I do not accuse of improper motives the majority of this House, with whom it is a pride and pleasure on most occasions to act. I believe they sincerely think it for the interests of their country that this important decision should be immediately made. I know that the state I represent has manifested great zeal and uncommon unanimity in favor of the discriminating principle. Impressed with its importance, they have, contrary to the usual custom, submitted to the inconvenience of an extra session, in the expectation that this principle would be adopted by the two Houses. But I believe that not a member of the legislature of that state will be gratified that so many important amendments, additional to this, have been made after the discussion of a single day; the greater part of which has been consumed in the discussion of incidental points. I do not believe that the people of the United States with us to spend day after day in examining the merits of a private claim, and to give but a single day to the making of three or four alterations in the constitution, without allowing a single member an opportunity of discussing any but incidental questions. These are my opinions. I do not believe, however, that they will be accepted by the majority as of any weight. In making them, I mean no reflection on the majority. Yet I believe the majority may, without offence, be informed that even a humble minority have rights as well as they, and that while they feel power they ought not to forget right. These are my reasons for hoping another day may be devoted to the subject.
Mr. GREGG said he would vote in favor of a postponement, were he not persuaded that the question had been fully discussed. It would be recollected that two of the propositions, contained in the present resolution, had been on a former occasion before the House, and had been fully discussed. These same propositions now appeared in a shape somewhat different in form, but the same in substance. They related to the principle of discrimination, and to the number of persons from which the House of Representatives should elect a President. It would be conceded that these two questions had been as fully discussed as they could be. Every thing the subject admitted of had been already advanced. The remaining principle, embraced by the resolution of the Senate, authorizing the Vice-President eventually to become President, has been also fully discussed on the motion by the gentleman from Vermont. That gentleman calls this an incidental question; but without deciding whether it was an incidental question or not, Mr. G. believed it questionable whether any thing could be added to what had been advanced. Another motion had been made to do away the office of Vice-President. This likewise had been discussed. These four propositions embraced the whole of the resolution from the Senate; and although there may have been no discussion on the whole of it, yet as there had been a full discussion of all the parts of which it consisted, the effect was the same.
Mr. HUGER said he must exercise the liberty of disagreeing with the gentleman from Pennsylvania. The fact was that the question of discrimination had never been fully discussed. When it was first before the House the gentlemen in the majority acted as if all acquiesced in it. Its real merits had not been therefore entered into by them. The only question discussed was, the number from which a choice should be made by the House of Representatives. That was fully done. What then followed? On the main question, Mr. H. said, he was almost the only one, who really went into a discussion of its merits, the gentlemen on the other side had not thought proper to make any answer.
Mr. DANA. After having been before Congress for ten years, and the members of the House having spent three days in discussing the petition of Amey Dardin for the price of a horse, the amendment of the Senate to the constitution is brought before us; and after but two days discussion, we are now called upon to decide finally upon it. I do not ask gentlemen to change their opinion, but I require them to have some regard to common decorum; and that when it is unusual on the most ordinary
occasions to read a bill the third time on the same day that it has been discussed in a committee of the whole, they will not urge a measure of the first importance, which goes to reverse the ideas of our will when, to a precipitate decision in violation of this common rule. This is all I ask, and no more. When gentlemen say there is nothing new to be advanced, I acknowledge myself willing to pay great respect to their intuitive judgments and reach of thought, I do not pretend to say they have not this eminent qualification; but I must say that few men possess these vast powers of mind. It might be arrogance in me to say that I could add anything to what has been so ably urged, particularly in the other branch of the legislature. Yet I might perhaps present the subject in a light some what different. Gentlemen are graciously pleased to say they will bear patiently what we have to advance; but to say they will bear us patiently, when four hours have elapsed since the usual time of dining, is giving us but little indulgence; the exhaustion of the Speaker, and the impatience of the House are such discouragements as a speaker is not accustomed to bear. For these reasons I hope the business will be permitted to take its ordinary course, and the third reading of the amendment be postponed until to-morrow.
Mr. BEDINGER urged the necessity of coming to an immediate decision, as the state legislatures would be exposed to serious inconvenience by further delay. The legislature of Kentucky would, he understood, adjourn about Christmas. This business had begun with the session, and he was persuaded the mind of every member was made up on it.
Mr. R. GRISWOLD hoped the legislature of Kentucky would not become extinct on their adjournment, and if not, when they meet again they could take up this amendment. He trusted, therefore, the House would not precipitate a decision on this account. He could not promise himself, if indulged with time, with the ability to make any observations that would convince the judgement of a single member. Indeed it was a melancholy truth, that the temper of the House was such as to indicate no change. Gentlemen say they have made up their minds. He still thought it proper that the subject should be fully discussed on that floor, as the state legislatures were ultimately to decide. He wished to see it discussed every where, on the floor of the House, as well as in the public press. He hoped also a respect for the dignity of their proceedings would restrain gentlemen from calling for a decision at so late an hour. It was not usual to carry a bill to its third reading on the same day with its discussion in a committee of the whole. This may have been practiced some time at the close of a session on unimportant subjects; but had never been practiced at the commencement of the session. For these reasons he hoped the subject would be postponed until to-morrow, when he would offer his opinion on it. It was certainly true, that the gentlemen in favor of it had hitherto refused to discuss its merits. He did hope that before a final vote was taken on the amendment of the Senate, they would come forward and divesting themselves of party feeling, show the grounds on which they advocated it.
The motion to read the resolution a third time to-morrow was rejected by yeas and nays—Yeas 45—Nays 74.
The question was then taken on its being read the third time to day by yeas and nays—and carried in the affirmative—Yeas 77—Nays 35.
The engrossed resolution was then read the third time—and on the question shall the same pass?
Mr. PURVIANCE said, as I am aware that this question will induce a lengthy discussion, which may not be terminated until to-morrow, I move an adjournment.
Motion lost—Ayes 50.
Mr. Purviance rose again—Fatigued as I am said he, by the long time we have remained in session, and not having had time to prepare myself fully on the merits of the question, though impelled to trouble the House with some ideas, they shall be few, and shall be concisely expressed. I am against the amendment for several reasons. First; because it is calculated to injure the interests of the smaller states. This point having been ably discussed, I shall merely remark, that it is more than probable, should this amendment obtain, the President for more than one hundred years to come will be confined to some person within the 5 large states of Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina. The whole number of electors consists of 176, of which 89 make a majority, and the number of electors attached to these states are 96. The amendment confines the number of persons from whom the election shall be made if brought within these walls to three, and two must at all events be chosen by one of the larger states. If the constitution remains in its present state the number brought into the House will be 5, whereby the smaller states will have a better chance of getting one or other of the two officers. This idea must have operated forcibly on the minds of the persons delegated to con-
sider the constitution, and had it not been for that number being so large the smaller states might not have come into the union. Having come into the union, with rights so guarded, and expecting a continuance of them, it is now extremely improper to deprive them of that chance which, if not held out, might have prevented the adoption of the constitution. We know that the constitution was regarded as a compromise between the large and small states; in which the large states made considerable concessions to the small states and induced them thereby to come into the measure. If this amendment is not a violation of the compact, why may we not further alter it, and say, that the ratio of representatives in this House may be as 1 to 100,000 by which some states may be deprived of any representation whatever. One measure is as just as the other.
In the 2d place, I am against the amendment, because it does appear to me that a sacred right of franchise, a right of choosing our governors for ourselves, for which ourselves and our fathers fought and bled, is now to be made a kind of job, a subject of barter, and the constitution so altered as that one state may say to another, if you consent to give us Titus, we will in return agree to give you Gaius, and if you do not give us Titus, we will not give you Gaius. Thus, the five larger states will always enjoy the power of choosing the President. The time may arrive, though God forbid it should! when this country may become corrupt, when real candidates for the great executive offices, may by promises of ample compensation influence the election. In the third place, I am opposed to the amendment, because the office of Vice-President is still retained, when the original reasons for it are entirely done away. We know that the principal reasons for creating it were to bring forward 2 of our ablest characters without discrimination, and to keep all intrigue from being interwoven in the election of the chief Magistrate. This object is done away, and the office is retained at the expence of 5,000 dollars a year, when the duties attached to it might as well be discharged by some other person, as is the case in every state in the union, where there is not a lieutenant governor. In North Carolina and in other states where the office of governor becomes vacant, it is provided that it shall be filled by the Speaker of the Senate, and eventually by the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
But in the fourth place, I am opposed to any innovation on the sacred charter, because when we shall have once begun to make innovations on it, there is no knowing at what point of progress we shall stop. It is extremely probable that we shall not stop until some of the fairest features of the system, are crumbled into dust. This is my strongest reason against the amendment. For I believe that if it is adopted, not a session will pass without other amendments, until the whole system shall be destroyed. As for myself, while one fragment of this sacred charter remains, I will hug it to my heart and cherish it as I would the vital juices of my existence. I believe that it is now absolutely perfect, and that if it shall be once invaded, the work of disfusion will not be arrested, until the happiness and liberties of our country are destroyed.
Mr. ELLIOT. I wish to place the reasons on which I shall vote on this occasion beyond the reach of misconception. I do not agree with the gentleman from North Carolina, as to the effects of this amendment upon the large or small states. I dread no collision between them. I am in favor of one principle, viz the disqualification of office. I am opposed to the other principles contained in the amendment, because I believe them fraught with more evil than this is with good. I, therefore, think the amendment will make the constitution worse than it now is, believing as I do that it may bring a man into the Presidency not contemplating the people for that office. On this ground I am opposed to this resolution. I am also opposed to it because it makes more alterations in the constitution, than the people wish, or than I think necessary. It is my wish to preserve all the prominent features of the constitution, in their original simplicity. Another objection with me is, that the language is unworthy of the constitution, that it is absurd and contradictory, that it commands the representatives to elect a President, and at the same time gives permission not to elect, and that in such event it makes the Vice-President, President. Believing, therefore, that it is fraught with the most pernicious consequences, and may jeopardize the interest of the union; believing that the people, though now virtuous, may at some future day become corrupt, and that the language is absurd, inconsistent, and undignified, I shall give my decided negative to the resolution, although it embraces an important principle, which I will incorporate into the constitution.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said that the remarks which the House had just heard rendered any apology for addressing them unnecessary. The friends of the amendment had been repeatedly called upon to assign their reasons for support-
ing it. In order to avoid, as far as was possible, taking up the attention of the House unnecessarily, he had reserved such observations as he intended to offer for that stage of the discussion. To state the reasons which induced him to vote for the proposition then before them, and to repel the imputation of inconsistency which had been thrown out, was his object. He did not hesitate to acknowledge that he would have preferred the amendment which had been sent to the Senate, or one which went to abolish entirely the office of Vice-President, to that which was then submitted to their consideration. But on this, as on every other political question, where principle was not at stake, he should adopt the practice which he had heretofore pursued, of acquiring that good which was within his grasp, without putting every thing to risk, merely because he was not gratified in every matter of detail. This sentiment was obnoxious, he very well knew, to the reproach which had been thrown out against gentlemen, for displaying too great a deference to the opinions of the other branch of the legislature. He had however no hesitation to avow his disposition, whilst he adhered inflexibly to certain principles, to vary the modification of those principles, so as to meet the wishes of those with whom he had the honor to act. And whilst he should always feel a disposition to show a deference to the opinion of the Senate, this was he conceived, an occasion which entitled the sentiments of that body to more than ordinary respect. It would be recollected that the act of the two Houses of Congress on an amendment of the constitution, was very far from being conclusive: That the state legislatures must finally determine upon any proposition of that nature, which might be submitted to them, and that in making such a proposition we must consult not merely our own opinion, but, whilst we adhered to the object in view, we ought to offer it in that shape which was most likely to prove acceptable to them. The opinion of the Senate, therefore, the immediate organ of their legislatures, and the surest index of their temper and disposition, was, on an occasion like this, entitled to peculiar respect: For it would be idle to offer to the states propositions which there was no prospect of their accepting.
The amendment in question embracing the great object which he had in view, the disqualification of the person voted for as President, and of him voted for as Vice-President, he was disposed to adopt it, although the modification of that principle was not precisely what he could have wished. But who could expect to be gratified to the utmost extent, in a matter where so many various opinions and interests were to be reconciled! A pertinaciousness of that sort would inevitably have prevented the adoption of the constitution under which they were then deliberating. It is not, therefore, Sir, (said Mr. R.) because I conceive this to be the best possible amendment of the constitution, but because I believe the constitution will be more unexceptionable with it, than without it, that I shall give my vote: and on the same principle, and on no other, did I support that which has previously received the sanction of this House. In most respects the two amendments are the same. The difference between choosing "out of the five highest," and out of "the highest numbers," not exceeding three, will hardly be insisted upon as material. It may not be improper here to remark that the constitution, as it now stands, and the amendment which we offered to the Senate, are both open to the same criticism which has been reiterated so frequently against that under consideration: The words "five highest" being referable either to numbers, or to persons. The only part of the resolution, therefore, substantially at variance with our own, is that which enjoins on the Vice-President the duties of President, in case of a failure in the electoral body to succeed in an election, in the first place, or of a refusal on the part of the House to make one, in the second. To this provision it is objected, that a person not contemplated as President may be raised to that high station, because the person voted for as Vice-President, by the electors, may become the President. But how is this position to be reconciled to the fact that the electors will give their votes under the knowledge that, in this very contingency, the person whom they select for Vice-President will be the President, and that in case of the death, resignation, or removal from office of the President (cases much more likely to occur than that contemplated by this provision) the Vice-President will succeed to his functions. How therefore can it be pretended that the man not intended to be President may succeed to the office, when it is explicitly understood that he may, and will succeed to it, under certain contingencies.
But another objection is taken. It is said that the electors may fail not only to elect a President, but a Vice-President also; in which case, if this House should not elect a President, out of those voted for to fill that office, the Senate will virtually have the election of President,

because the Vice-President elected by them will exercise the office of President in which case the rights of the people, and of this body, will be transferred to the other branch of the legislature. I scarcely expected this objection, Sir, from those who contend that the amendment under discussion narrows the influence and power of the smaller states. I shall not altogether rely on the extreme improbability of such an event, although it appears to me that it is as likely that the Senate, in such a state of things, should fail to elect a Vice-President, as that we should fail to elect a President. Remote as such an event is, for it depends on a failure of the election either of President or Vice-President, by the electors, in the first instance, (a circumstance extremely improbable when a dignitary takes place), and, afterwards, on a refusal, on our part, to make a choice, out of those offered for our election. I shall not dwell upon it's being a case barely possible, but will ask whether the right of this House to make an election can be abandoned but with its own consent? But upon a refusal on its part to exercise its right of choice? And how the power of the people can be said to be affected, by such a transfer of the right of election from this House to the other, when it is notorious that in electing in that House the vote is taken by states—those of the greatest population and wealth having no more influence than the smallest. Is not the Senate as likely to prove a faithful organ of the will of the states, as this House voting by states? In conceding this point, therefore, what do we give up? It is because the amendment contains the principle of designation;—because in the first place the electors must fail to elect a president, in the next place they must fail to elect a vice president,—in the third place this House must refuse to exercise their constitutional right to elect a President, out of those in nomination for that office; because all these events must concur before an election can devolve upon the Senate,—and then they are restricted to a small number of those nominated for the vice presidency;—persons, too, who will be selected by the electors, with a view to this contingency;—because the wealth and population of the states have no more influence here in an election than they have in the Senate: it is for these reasons that I am in favor of the amendment. Even if this possibility of the election of a chief magistrate devolving on the Senate, were more objectionable to me than it is, I would not sacrifice the discriminating principle contained in this resolution for a bare possibility. In case of a refusal, however, on the part of this House to make an election, will it not be better that the functions of President should be exercised even by a person nominated by the electors and appointed by the Senate, than that there should be an interregnum, as gentlemen have chosen to style it. Are not the people as willing that such an officer should discharge those duties, as that they should devolve upon a president pro tempore of the Senate (a person who could never have been contemplated on his election to a seat in that body as succeeding to the Presidency) who will necessarily act as president, in case of the death, resignation, disability, or removal from office, both a president and vice president;—events equally probable, and in my opinion more to be than contemplated by this amendment. But perhaps I shall be told that this position is inconsistent with a doctrine advanced by me at the out set, that I should approve an abolition of the office of vice president. But the sole condition on which I would consent to such an abolition would be an immediate re-election in case of a vacancy in the office of president. I never could assent to the exercise of those powers by a president pro tempore of the Senate, longer than was absolutely necessary to raise a new election by the people. Having stated some of the reasons which will induce me to vote for the resolution on your table, permit me, Sir, to reply to some of the observations which have fallen from the gentleman from North Carolina and Connecticut. The first of these gentlemen (Mr. Purnell) is of opinion that the small states would never have come into the union, if the constitution had originally stood, as it is now proposed to amend it. A plain answer offers itself to this remark. If the small states are as hostile to this amendment as the gentleman supposes, they have only to put their veto upon it.—The dissent of five states destroys it. If a little judgement has been displayed, by the friends of this measure, as to ensure opposition from all the states except those five states which the gentlemen styles large states, in contradiction from the other twelve, which he denominates small states, it was scarcely worth the trouble of the gentleman and his friends to make so vigorous an opposition to it. But it is because I do not believe the resolution to be so drafted as to ensure opposition from the smaller states,—because I judge of the temper of those states, as well by the approbation which three fourths of the Senate have given it, as by that which has been
expressed, in the course of this discussion from various quarters, that I am anxious for its adoption. The gentleman says that we had as well alter the ratio of representation from 33,000 to 500,000 and thereby deprive the smaller states of any vote on this floor. Surely the gentleman does not mean to say either that congress have not the power to enlarge the ratio of representation, or that such increase would be injurious to the smaller states. The gentleman has expressed too great an attachment to the constitution not to be well acquainted with it. He must know that each state is entitled by it to at least one representative on this floor, and that by an increase of the ratio of representation the number of representatives might be reduced to that of the states, and the influence of the largest be only co-extensive with that of the smallest member of the union. And this was a well known objection urged to the adoption of the constitution. But at last the gentleman from North Carolina candidly confesses that he is averse to any alteration of the constitution, whatever. One of my greatest objections to the constitution is the difficulty of obtaining desirable amendments, which increases with the increasing number of the states. Thinking differently from the gentleman, on this point, he cannot be surprised at my acting differently. But he has surely little cause of alarm when he recollects that we possess merely the initiative in this business, and that the assent of three fourths of the state legislatures is necessary to give validity to what we shall do. I will take this as an answer to the charge of 'precipitancy, thrown out by the gentleman from Connecticut, even if it were not fully answered by the history of this amendment. One of the same nature had passed that House during the present and the preceding session. It had been the theme of conversation and discussion, both in and out of doors;—and now we are charged with precipitancy, although the resolution had to pass through the ordeal of three fourths of the states. But a more serious charge is brought against this amendment. It is denounced as opening an endless source of venality and intrigue. But to my mind the present system is more favorable to such mischiefs, and it is because I regard it as the death-blow to all intrigue;—because I do not wish change to preside where there ought to be choice,—because I want no blind ballot, under cover of which intrigue or corruption may take shelter,—that I advocate the resolution before you. From the manner in which some gentlemen have expressed themselves on this subject it would appear that they had personal knowledge of some such agency heretofore. Whether such agency has been brought into action I cannot undertake to affirm, on this subject I am totally in the dark—nor do I wish to be enlightened. Much too has been said of the spirit of party exhibited on this occasion, and on what is due to decorum on so solemn a subject. We ought not, we are told, to touch the constitution under the irritation produced by the struggle of contending factions. Most sincerely, Sir, do I wish that the American public could have been spectators of this whole transaction—or even that every word and every act which has passed within these walls, on this day, could go forth to the world. I am aware that this is impossible. But were it otherwise, I would willingly trust the issue of this question to the decision which should be given to the other. I would fearlessly leave the public mind to decide from what quarter party spirit and irritation have been manifested,—by whom that conduct has been pursued which is calculated to reduce this House from the station which we ought to hold,—and to lessen us in the eyes of the nation. Mr. R. GRISWOLD. The gentleman from Virginia cannot expect us at this late hour to go into a discussion of the merits of this important question. He has himself cautiously avoided going extensively into them. Instead of shewing us, that the amendment is not incompatible with the spirit of the confederacy, he has contented himself with stating that though he objects to one part of it, it contains one principle to which he is friendly, and therefore he will vote for it. Without assigning his reasons, he simply says, he will vote for it. Whatever gentlemen may profess, they cannot expect us at this late hour to go into a fundamental view of the principles this amendment contains. I therefore repeat the motion to adjourn, that we may to-morrow have the opportunity of discussing the merits of a question so important to the interests of the states. The question was immediately taken on adjourning and lost Ayes—47—Noes 75. Mr. ELLIOT. As an adjournment has been denied it would not be considered as out of order, even at this late hour, to answer the elaborate speech of the gentleman from Virginia. I rise however to answer only one part of it—I will with the gentleman from Virginia that a correct view of the whole proceedings of this day may go to the public, that they may be enabled to judge whe-
ther there has not been manifested, during the course of this business, rash precipitation, indecorum and party irritation. With the gentleman from Virginia, I am totally in the dark, as to any intrigue heretofore exercised; that gentleman says, from certain circumstances he is induced to believe some persons know of some such intrigue. This, I conceive, to be an attack on the minority which ought not to pass unnoticed. How far it is correct to impute such motives to gentlemen, entitled, if not by the brilliancy of their genius, yet by the public suffrage, to the same degree of respect with himself, I will not undertake to say. It is no privilege of a Representative to say, I believe you a corrupt, intriguing. Mr. ELLIOT. Such was my understanding of the gentleman's expression; the allusion was of a peculiar nature, and might be intended to inuendo the motives of men of different political opinion from himself, or to impeach the motives of one or two members who generally agree with him. I know not his view in making the observation; but if the proceedings of this day shall correctly go to the public, I shall be much mistaken, if they will not be of opinion that there has been more indecorous language in the speeches of that gentleman than in all the others put together. I hope the language and conduct of gentlemen on this day may be recorded—I hope this will become a subject of investigation with the people—and I hope that posterity will have no occasion to impute to them party spirit, rash precipitation, indecorum, or any thing else, that tends to lessen the respect which it is my sincere wish that the measures of this House should always command. I fear much, however, that the proceedings exhibited to day will constitute a scene on which posterity will not delight to dwell, that they will wish it blotted from the annals of history, and that gentlemen themselves will, in the cool moments of reflection, regret that it ever existed. With one more remark I shall close what I have to say. If any imputation has, in the course of this debate, been aimed at my moral or political integrity, or if any hereafter shall be made from any quarter, however clothed in the language of brilliancy or decorated with the flowers of genius, I shall on all occasions meet it with contempt. I feel bold in the conscious purity of my motives, and I believe that the people I represent will never charge me with corruption or intrigue. On motion of Mr. Smilie the House adjourned at 8 o'clock—Ayes 65. (To be continued.) In the Case of LUKE SHANNON an Insolvent Debtor IT is ordered that six months from and after the first day of November next, be limited and appointed for the Creditors to bring in and exhibit their claims to GEORGE ANDREWS of the City of Washington, Trustee, appointed for the benefit of the Creditors of the said Luke Shannon;—and that a copy of this order be published once in each week until the tenth day of January next, in the National Intelligencer. By order of William Cranch, Esquire. URIAS FORREST, Clerk. November 4—12w10J. Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN off the Race ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely Sorrel MARE, saddle and bridle; the saddle is about half worn with plated stirrups and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about fourteen hands high. Paces trots and gallops; stood before; the outcrops of both hind feet a little worn by dragging them when rode; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder that resembles the letter T. Whoever delivers the above described mare, saddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the six buildings in the city of Washington will receive the above reward and no questions asked. November 14—wtf MECHANICS HALL. THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the causeway in George Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall. All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find their interest to call on him as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room. He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble servant, ANDREW McDONALD. A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year. A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. August 3. raverf
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, DECEMBER 26. On Saturday last, TWENTY FOUR SADDLES of VENISON were sold at one of the Markets of this City. An incorrect translation having been published of the following document, which is referred to in the Convention with France of the 30th April last, wherein payment is stipulated of certain descriptions of American claims, we give the present as authentic. VIEW OF THE AMERICAN CREDITS—payment of which is claimed in virtue of the treaty of 5 O V indemnaire 9th year 30 September, 1801. Credits admitted by the late Commission of Intermediary Commissioners 3,450,178 13 6 Credits, the reports of which have been submitted to the particular director of Liquidation 5,093,672 10 2 Credits to be liquidated 8,034,722 11 3 Claims relative to the embargo of 1793 3,307,122 8 8 Total in Livres to 388,593 6 8 The following extract which we have translated from the Leyden Gazette is well calculated to shew our countrymen that the pirates of the Mediterranean can be easily brought to order. FLORENCE, August 19. Admiral Nelson has bombarded Algiers for ten hours, without intermission: The cause and details of this affair are as follows: An Algerine fleet met an English frigate near Malta, and supposed her to belong to, but after receiving several broadsides, the frigate escaped, and gained the port of Malta. On receiving this information, two English ships of the line, and two frigates set sail without delay in pursuit of the Barbarian Squadron, which they overtook, and sunk seven of their vessels. On the news of this defeat the Dey of Algiers had all the English Agents thrown into irons, and their property confiscated. Admiral Nelson, when informed of this barbarous repudiation, stationed himself before Algiers, with a squadron of seven frigates. The English Admiral immediately ordered his squadron to advance, and in the middle of the night commenced a brisk fire of bombs and heated balls, which spread fear and desolation through the city. The Dey sent a message to Lord Nelson, who replied he could give no answer for several hours, during which interval the bombardment continued without interruption, in such a manner as to cause the most dreadful ravages through the city. Afterwards on a second message from the Dey, with new propositions, Lord Nelson demanded that all the English agents should be set at liberty, and a complete indemnity be made for the losses they had sustained, with the release of all the captives. He exacted besides the sum of 500,000 sequins, with a promise that the Dey would never again make either Turks or Neapolitans captives. LATE FROM PORT-AU-PRINCE. Captain Selby, of the brig Aurora, informs us, that he left Port au Prince on the fifth instant, at which time intelligence had been received there that Cape-Francois surrendered on the 5th, after an obstinate engagement with the brigands; and that General Rochambeau and his whole army were made prisoners of war, under the protection of the British. The French troops were permitted to leave the Cape, their destination directed by the commandant of the English squadron in the outer harbour. The brigands lost a great number of men in passing the block houses erected by the French. Port-au-Prince continued tranquil, but many of the inhabitants had left it. Cape Nickola Mole, had not been evacuated on the 4th. When captain Selby passed by he heard a tremendous cannonading, and supposes an attack had been made upon it by the brigands, in which case it would not, in all probability, hold out more than 5 or 6 days. Off Jermie were several French cruisers, who captured all American vessels bound to places occupied by the brigands. The British frigate Tartar had been sent against them.
Washington Building Company. THE members thereof will please to attend the annual meeting to be held at Lovell's Hotel on the first Monday of January next, at 7 o'clock in the evening, to appoint officers for the ensuing year, and take into consideration other important business. By Order THOMAS HERTY, Sec'y Dec. 26—3t. Conveyancer's Office. THOMAS HERTY. Grateful for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES on LAND and every other species of DEED or instrument in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, time investigated, &c. A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue, and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell. M. Herty's Abstracts of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 1st. raverf STOUGHTON'S GENUINE BITTERS. Faithfully prepared at the original warehouse London. TO make any observations here, upon the superior quality of these Bitters to any ever offered for sale, is need less; suffice it to say, that they have stood the test of approbation a great number of years. Gentlemen, who prefer Bitters, will find them an elegant and wholesome preparation, and far preferable to the trash generally offered under that name. It is now for the first time, imported in quart bottles, as well as in wicks, which will reduce the price near one half. Sold by Rapine, Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill, Washington, John March, George Town, Robert and J. Drey, Alexandria, and A. Buck, Fredricksburg, Virginia. November 7—12w3m A title of a treaty made at Vincennes. PROPOSALS for publishing a periodical work entitled The Literary Magazine, AND AMERICAN REGISTER. THIS work, if public patronage encourages its protection, shall be published monthly. The number shall be, occasionally ornamented with an engraving, executed by the best artist that can be obtained, and delivered to subscribers at the price of sixpence. Each number shall contain, at least, eight pages of publication, preparing for the press; notices of literary characters and incidents; and such portions of information as a scientific, commercial, and agricultural nature, as shall be deemed most remarkable and most deserving of notice. The sixth department shall contain an accurate detail of political intelligence, foreign and domestic, particularly a clear summary of the proceedings of the Congress of the United States during their session. The seventh department shall consist of all such interesting or important occurrences, as the passing month shall have produced; such as calamities, crimes, &c. and shall contain eight pages in large 8vo. and shall comprehend seven departments. The eighth department shall include original, moral, literary or scientific performance, and biographical or historical sketches. The second department shall contain reviews of American publications, and of English works republished here. The third department shall comprise such extracts, from foreign publications, as shall be considered peculiarly interesting, and deserving the attention of the people of America. The essence, especially of periodical publications, shall be carefully extracted. The fourth department shall consist of pieces of original or selected poetry. The fifth department shall include notices containing as full and accurate a list of marriages and deaths, in the United States, as can be procured. This work will be published by Messrs. John Conrad, & Co. and will be conducted under the immediate direction of an Editor, who, in addition to his own labours, has received assurances of the assistance of several of the first literary characters in this city and in New-York. A work of the nature now offered to the attention of the people of the United States, has long been demanded. It is considered, that, if properly conducted, it would eminently promote the literature of this country, and would prove, in all respects, favourable to the gratification of taste and extension of useful information. The Editor promises, if encouraged by liberal subscriptions, all that his talents and labours can perform toward the successful execution of the work which he has proposed to undertake, and he hopes that this appeal to literary taste, that this desire to diffuse knowledge among all classes of society, will not, like other attempts, which have preceded this, be rendered fruitless, by a cold and depressing reception. Desirable the public to judge of the nature of the publication as soon as possible, the first number will appear in a few days. Subscriptions received by Rapine, Conrad & Co. Booksellers and Stationers, New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. December 5. FRANCIS PIC RESPECTFULLY informs the ladies and gentlemen of George Town and the city of Washington, that he has opened at his store in George Town, on Monday next, an extensive assortment of Millinery and Fancy goods, Perfumery, &c. purchased since the late arrivals from Europe, by Madame Pic—who will arrive here on Saturday. This assortment is the most elegant, rich and fashionable ever exhibited in the district of Columbia, and will be sold on the lowest terms possible. Dec. 16—3t

COLUMBIAN INN. GEORGE-TOWN.
THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual.
JOHN H. BARNEY.
September 21.
ELISHA RIGGS,
Has just received from Philadelphia, an additional supply of FALL GOODS, Which makes his assortment extensive. Among them are many fancy articles, and Superfine cloths, cassimeres, velvets, and fancy wool patterns. Irish linens, cotton counterpanes, ticken, and sheeting. English hats, kid shoes, silk hosiery, and gloves. Shirting flannels, rose blankets, and coarse cloths. Furniture dimities, ditto calicoes, and ruffs. Silks, cambrics, mullias, chintzes and calicoes. Laces, veils, crapes and India mullins, 20 boxes China in sets. Also—other articles, which will be sold on terms to please the purchaser. George-Town, Nov. 30.—tw6w
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. September 19.
OVERTON CARR.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR,
FROM PHILADELPHIA.
Has received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk Bortines, Black and fancy silk mullias velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toilettines, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coatings, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. November 8, 1803
NEW STORE, WHOLESALE & RETAIL.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public that he has opened a store in Bridge Street, near High-Street, at the left, running from the city, where he will sell very cheap the following fresh imported goods: Superfine and second London mens' and childrens' hats, first and second broad cloth, cassimeres, coating and naps of a variety of the newest fashionable colors, flannels, Irish linen of the very finest and middle fort, Ormsburg, cambric, cambric mullin, laces, cotton, calicoes, fancy waistcoatings, English and French silk stockings and gloves, worsted hosiery, handkerchiefs, silk and other threads, fringes, gold and silver watches, razors, penknives, &c. &c. The subscriber has a large quantity of broad cloth, cassimeres, coatings, &c. on hand which he wishes to sell off, and offers them therefore by wholesale at the very low price of 13s. advance. TH. W. PAIRO. George Town 10th Dec.—3mawtf
LECTURES.
THE public are respectfully informed that the delivery of the Lectures by the Subscriber, is postponed until after the holidays, and due notice will be given the subscribers and the public of their commencement. ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Washington, Dec. 17, 1803.
JUST RECEIVED,
By the UNITED STATES, Capt. Finley from Liverpool, Fall Goods, viz.
Brafs Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell-metal kettles, bras footmen, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddlery, bras ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c. HENRY INGLE. Washington, Oct. 28.—epam.
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, short made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been trained about the head and ears. Any person giving me information so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21—atf
In the case of ZEBULON WARNER a bankrupt.
Whereas a commission of BANKRUPTCY founded on the act of Congress passed on the 4th day of April in the year eighteen hundred, entitled "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded against Zebulon Warner of the district of Columbia, dealer and chapman and he being declared bankrupt is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them on the 19th day of December instant, and 16th days of January next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes innkeeper in the city of Washington and to make a full disclosure of his whole estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, at the second sitting to choose assignees and at the last sitting to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate, all persons indebted to the said bankrupt or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, Sec. to the commissioners. December 5, 1803—116J
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR.
HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Perrysylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14.
BY AUTHORITY.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 10,000   5 do 1000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   15 do 200 3,000   200 do 100 20,000   200 do 50 10,000   200 do 25 5,000   250 do 20 5,000   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 20,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   752 Prizes, 210,000   3,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.
For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beccan, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell. July 13, 1803.
** The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale. HUGH DENSLEY. City of Washington, Dec. 21—3t
Five Dollars Reward.
STRAYED from the commons of Washington, about the 10th of November last, a small BAY HORSE, about 14 hands high, 8 or 9 years old, a white blaze face, one of his hind feet white, had on when he went a way a lock and chain on one of his fore feet. Any person bringing said horse to the subscriber shall receive the above reward and all reasonable expenses. HUGH DENSLEY. City of Washington, Dec. 21—3t
In the case of Joseph Dowson an Insolvent Debtor.
ON the petition of Joseph Dowson, an insolvent debtor confined in the Prison of Washington county, for debt.—Notice is hereby given, that on Saturday the 24th instant, at the court room in the Capitol, at 10 o'clock, A. M. the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Joseph Dowson agreeable to law and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer, four times in each, previous to said 24th instant. By order of William Cranch, Esq. assistant Judge of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia. URIAS FORREST, Clk. December 9.—4tw
FOR SALE One hundred and fifty acres of land, One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry. For terms apply to MICHAEL LOWE Prince George county, July 22. 1803
NOTICE.
ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookbank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Adm. George Town, Nov. 25—tf
MICHAEL ROBERTS
HAS FOR SALE, AT HIS STORE, GEORGE-TOWN, A GENERAL Assortment of Stationary, And other articles in his line, viz.
 ATLAS, imperial, superroyal, royal, medium, demy, and folio post papers.  Plain and vellum fool's cap ditto.  Hot pressed, gilt, wove & plain quarto post do superroyal and royal cartridge do.  Medium, demy & fool's cap, French marble do.  Plain and ruled blank books.  Bell quills and ready made pens.  Pen knives, crafting knives and paper scissors.  Black and red ink and ink powder.  Black and red sealing wax and wafers.  Large red and white do. for office use.  Silk tape and red and white tape.  Parchment, Kettle fish bone and pounce.  Ivory pounce boxes and paper folders.  India rubbers and gum arabic.  Black lead pencils, (warranted)  Ditto with silver cores.  Round and flat rulers.  Marking types and Reeve's colours in boxes.  Backgammon tables and cribbage boxes.  Billiard balls and dice.  English and American playing cards.  Portable writing desks.  Gentlemen and ladies pocket books.  Sheet and loose almanacs for 1803.  Sheep & calf skins dressed for bookbinding use.  Printing ink and printing paper.  Wadsworth, glass and pewter inkstands.  Sand and water boxes.  Wax candles and tapers.  Ivory handle table desert knives.  Plated tea and coffee urns, large and elegant with silver head and brims.  Ditto tea and coffee pots, silver brims.  Ditto caster double flint cut glass.  Ditto bread baskets and toast stands.  Ditto salt and mustard pots.  Ditto goblets and tumblers.  Ditto decanter stands and fish knives.  Ditto plain, high and parent round and oval candlesticks.  Ditto small ditto.  Do. chamber do. with snuffers & extinguishers.  Ditto snuffers and snuffer trays.  Fashionable brass andirons.  Green wire fenders and fire screens with brass tops.  Shovels and tongs.  Coal hods and cinder sifters.  Hand bellows with brass and iron pipes. 
Plated Mo uildings for Carriages.
 Gigg springs.  Spurs and stirrup irons.  Chaise, duke & small bridle bits.  Horse bridoons and curbs.  Carriage, chair and switch whips.  Walking sticks and sword canes.  Horseman's and pocket pistols.  Officers travelling canteens, with cooking utensils, &c. complete.  Swords and dirks.  Gold and silver epaulets.  Sword knots and crimson silk sashes.  Gold and silver lace and cords.  Guns and fowling pieces.  Shot pouches and powder flasks.  Game and hawking l—24.  Casting nets mounted and unmounted.  Traveling trunks and travelling pouches.  Buckkin gloves and breeches.  Morocco skins of various colours.  Boat and girth webbing.  English bend and cork foals.  Gentlemen & ladies japanned dressing boxes.  English and American hair powder.  Powder bags and powder puffs.  Curling tongs and crimping irons and powder knives.  Hard and soft pomatum.  Belt warranted razors.  Shaving brushes and boxes.  Benzoin, almond, palm, palmaseen, cowslip, and windfor soaps.  Wash balls and wash ball boxes.  Essence of musk, and ambergris, cafe, burgonet and lavender.  Rufinius Tincture for the teeth.  Tooth brushes and tooth powder.  Ivory and boxwood fine combs.  Tortoise shell and horn braid combs.  Do. do. dressing do.  Genuine black and flesh colored plaister.  Patent shoe blacking and shoe brushes.  Clothes, hair and hat brushes.  Sweeping, scrubbing, and dusting do.  Tortoise shell and japanned sugar boxes.  Mother of pearl, tortoise shell and japanned snuff boxes.  An assortment of upholsterers ware, consisting of fringe line, tassels, &c.  An assortment of hardware consisting of saws, plains, chisels, gouges, augers, files, rasps, locks, hinges, bolts, spades, shovels, tacks, sprigs, &c. 
ALSO FOR SALE, BY EDGAR PATTERSON, at the above store.
FRESH FRUITS,
just received per the Brig Celia, capt. Brown, from Malaga. George-town, Dec. 21.
JOHN COXE
Has just received a quantity of American manufactured Bed Tickens warranted to hold the down of the feathers, which will be sold by the piece at the manufacturers prices, and by retail at a very small advance—Also sewing, darnning and tampering cotton, with a quantity of chintzes and calico, which he will sell lower than the regular importer can afford to sell at. Elegant thread lace, fox, bear, and martin skin muffs and tippets, handsome paper hangings, with almost every other article in the dry good line, both fanciful and substantial, which he will sell at his usual low prices for cash, or in exchange for tobacco and flaxseed. For flax seed he will allow 11s. 3d. per bushel. Also a few handsome double barrel fowling pieces. George Town, Dec. 23—3m
FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the Will of the late PAUL TRICK HENRY, a Tract of Land, lying on both sides of Falling river, in Charlotte county, Virginia, and containing about 1800 acres. This Land is in general poor, but contains a bank of Iron Ore, supposed to be the best, of any known in that part of the country. It lies on an excellent stream, a branch of Roanoke river, within four miles of its mouth, from whence is an easy and safe navigation. There are water-falls, stone and timber on the Land for all the purposes of an Iron Work; and in the midst of a fine corn country; and about 400 acres of the Land is valuable for its soil. For further particulars inquire of Mr. RANDOLPH, of the House of Representatives. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser by EDMUND WINSTON, Exr. of Patrick Henry. Buckingham county, Ver. Dec. 23.—tf
New and Valuable Books.
 Just received from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD, and Co. NEW JERSEY AVENUE, near the Capitol; an elegant assortment of New & valuable Books, amongst which are, CARR's Stranger in France, plates elegant, Elements of seamanship, 2 vols.  Back's lectures on the elements of chemistry 2 vols.  Stephen's history of the wars which arose out of the French revolution, 2 vols.  Stock's book of the prophet Isaiah, in Hebrew and English.  Playfair's commercial and political atlas, Israel's narrative poems.  Mayer's lunar tables, improved by Mason, Nautical Almanacs for 1804—5.  Bouffets's general history of the mathematics, Political and confidential correspondence of Louis XVth, edited by Helen Maria Williams, 3 vols.  Lathom's Call of the Thuilleries, 2 vols.  Annals of public economy, 2 vols.  Cavallero on magnetism.  Hampton's general history of Polybius, 4 vols. elegant.  Brown's civil law, & of the admiralty, 2 vols.  Chitty on bills of exchange.  Literary leisure, 2 vols.  Davis's surveying.  Philidor on chess, 2 vols.  Hoole's Orlando Furioso, 5 vols. elegant.  Urquhart on classical learning.  Jackson's remarks on the medical department of the British army.  Card's history of the revolutions in Russia, Parfals's Quintilian, 2 vols.  Burdin's medical studies, 3 vols.  The art of rigging ships, with plates.  Butler's Hudibras, 2 vols. plates elegant.  Ordinaire's history of volcanoes.  Linné's 2d letter to Dr. Priestly.  Segur's Frederic William, II. 3 vols.  Montesquieu's commercial and Notarial precepts.  Public characters, or extemporary biography, The chances, or nothing of the new school, 3 vols.  Sappho, a romance.  Monfieur Lotte, 3 vols.  Mrs. Hunter's moral narratives, 3 vols.  Mo's Cliff Abby, 4 vols.  Letters to Miss Riversdale, 3 vols.  Leopold, 2 vols.  Reginald de Forby, 2 vols.  Annals of Gaul, 4 vols.  German sorcerers, 3 vols.  Paley's natural Theology.  Hear both sides a comedy by Holcroft.  American Repository and Annual Register for the year 1804, handsomely done up in Morocco.  ** The subscribers to the "Literary Magazine, and Annual Register," are respectfully informed that the second number will be received in a few days. Dec. 23—
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made easy, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever.
A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 200 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after her being completed—they now being in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement, with about Ten thousand acres of land all adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mills, on which are several valuable farms. The timber for mill use are inexhaustible and unexceptionably good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from George Town South Carolina, to which place the lumber is carried being rafted at the mills without the trouble of hauling, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the states of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at times of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mills is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stables, carriage and harness houses and other necessary out buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Purnance at the city of Washington. WM. NORMENT. Millville N. C. Dec. 12. N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23—tf
NOTICE.
ALL persons are hereby forewarned from purchasing a two story Brick House belonging to the Subscriber, situated in North Street, which was seized on the 20th inst. as the property of Frederic Betts of this city. GEORGE W. BETZ. Dec. 23—3t
In the case of JOHN WILLIAMS LYTTON a Bankrupt.
WHEREAS a commission of Bankruptcy founded upon the act of Congress of the United States passed on the fourth day of April, 1800. entitled, "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded and issued against John Williams Lytton of Washington county in the district of Columbia, dealer and chapman, and he has been declared a bankrupt. He is therefore required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named or the majority of them on the 3th and 22d days of December, and 3th of January next at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes's Inn keeper in the city of Washington, and make a full disclosure and discovery of his estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, and at the second sitting to choose assignees, and at the last sitting the bankrupt is required to finish his examination. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, secretary to the Commissioners. Nov. 25—
Valuable Lands and Lots FOR SALE.
I Will sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz. THE valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 1300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomack river, about three miles distant from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will sold together or separately. Part of a tract of Land, called Hills and Dales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomack, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 70 1/4 acres. Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying to the south east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the lands of the late Richard Henderson, esq. containing 160 acres all in wood. And 83 1/2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson. The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best situations in the town, is generally admired, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden, ice-house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this house, &c. not be sold previous to the 1st of December, it will then be to rent. One other lot or parcel of ground, adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard H. Lowndes, esq. containing 9 3/8 acres. Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 704, in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 9588 square feet.
A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Hugh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to JOHN LAIRD, Trustee. N. B. I hold 246 1/2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hills and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms. JOHN LAIRD. George-Town, Oct. 24, 1803. en2w12tf.
FOR SALE
By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on E. street City of Washington.
 PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS.  White Lead in kegs Red Lead, and dry, Spruce Ocher,  Stone Ocher of superior Patent Yellow, quality, Gold Litage,  Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, and quality,  Belt Camin drop lack, Kings Yellow,  Painters Brushes of all Linseed oil and spirits of turpentine,  Window glass to by 12—8 by 10, and 7 by Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book,  Large sheet glass cut to any size.  Gentlemen sending their Sashes will have them nearly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to. August 3. rawtf
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th Street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11—wtf