The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-03-10 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCXLV.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, MARCH 10, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
By Authority.
AN ACT
For altering the time for holding the circuit court, in the district of North Carolina, and for abolishing the July term of the Kentucky district court.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S. of America in Congress assembled, That the June term of the circuit court now holden for the district of North Carolina, on the fifteenth day of June, shall commence and be holden on the twentieth day of the same month, any thing contained in any former act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding. And that all actions, suits, process, pleadings and other proceedings of what nature or kind soever, civil or criminal, commenced or to commence in the said court; and all recognizances returnable to the said court on the fifteenth day of June, shall be continued, returned to, and have day in the session to be holden by this act, and the same proceedings shall be had thereon as heretofore, and shall have all the effect, power and virtue as if the alteration had never been made: Provided nevertheless , That when the twentieth day of June shall happen on Sunday, the next shall be the first juridical day.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and after the first day of August next, so much of all and every act or acts, as directs that a district court, for the Kentucky district, shall be holden on the first Monday in July, in every year, shall be and the same is hereby repealed.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 28, 1806.
Approved, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Extending the powers of the surveyor general to the territory of Louisiana, and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the powers vested by law in the surveyor general, shall extend over all the public lands of the United States, in the territory of Louisiana, to which the Indian title has been, or hereafter shall be extinguished. It shall be the duty of the said surveyor general to appoint a sufficient number of skillful surveyors as his deputies, in the said territory, one of whom he shall, with the approbation of the secretary of the treasury, designate as his principle deputy for the same. Which said deputies shall severally take an oath, or affirmation, truly and faithfully to discharge the duties of their respective offices. The said principal deputy shall reside and keep an office in the said territory, and shall, under the superintendence of the surveyor general, execute or cause to be executed by the other deputies, such surveys as may hereafter be authorised by law or as he may be directed to execute by the commissioners appointed for the purpose of ascertaining the titles and claims to land aforesaid; and shall generally perform therein, in conformity with the regulations and instructions of the said surveyor general, the duties imposed by law on the said surveyor general.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That all the plots of surveys, and all other papers and documents pertaining, or which did pertain to the office of surveyor general, under the Spanish government, within the limits of the territory aforesaid, or to any other office heretofore established or authorised for the purpose of executing or recording surveys of lands within the said limits shall be delivered to the principal deputy aforesaid; and no plot of survey shall be admitted as evidence, in any court of justice, unless certified by the said principal deputy, to be a true copy of the record in his office.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act, entitled, "An act for ascertaining and adjusting the titles and claims to land within the territory of Orleans, and the district of Louisiana," as makes it the duty of every claimant to lands, within the territory of Louisiana to deliver to the recorder of land titles a plot of the tract, or tracts, claimed by him, be and the same is hereby repealed, so far as relates to claimants whose tracts had not been surveyed by the proper officer, under the Spanish government, prior to the twentieth day of December one thousand eight hundred and three. And the commissioners appointed for ascertaining the titles and claims to lands, within either the territory of Louisiana, or that of Orleans, are hereby authorised to direct the officer exercising the powers of surveyor general, within the same, to execute such surveys as they may think necessary, for the purpose of deciding on claims presented for their decision: Provided , That the expence of executing such surveys shall be defrayed by the
parties claiming the land, unless the same be claimed by a legal French or Spanish grant, made and completed before the first day of October one thousand eight hundred: And provided also, that it is hereby further enacted, that every such survey, as well as every other survey, by whatever authority heretofore executed, those of the above mentioned and complete titles only excepted, shall be held and considered as private surveys only; and all the tracts of land, the title to which may be ultimately confirmed by Congress, in conformity with the provisions of the act above mentioned, shall prior to the issuance of patents, be re-surveyed, if judged necessary, under the authority, of the person exercising the powers of surveyor general, and at the expence of the parties.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the surveyor general shall fix the compensation of the deputy, surveyors, chain carriers and axe-men, in the territory of Louisiana: Provided , That the whole expence of surveying and marking the lines, whether paid by the United States, or by individuals, shall not exceed three dollars per mile, for every mile that shall be actually run or surveyed and marked. And the principal deputy aforesaid shall be entitled to receive from individuals the following fees, that is to say, for examining and recording the surveys executed by any of the deputies, at the rate of twenty-five cents for every mile of the boundary line of such survey, and for a certified copy of any plot of a survey in his office, twenty-five cents.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States, and president of the Senate.
Feb. 28, 1806.
Approved, TH: JEFFERSON.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
"When freedom calls, none should from danger start, But take a noble, a decisive part."
It is notorious that the injuries and insults which we have received from Great Britain have excited much agitation in the public mind; and it is equally notorious that but one sentiment prevails among our citizens, which is in favor of government's adopting strong and energetic measures, which they pledge themselves to support with their lives and their fortunes.
Although we have reason to believe that the feelings and sentiments of Congress are in unison with those of their constituents, still it is to be regretted that no steps have yet been taken by that honorable body, either to vindicate the rights, or (if necessary) to avenge the wrongs of the Republic. This moderation and forbearance has no doubt proceeded from a belief, which many entertain, that matters may yet be adjusted with the British government, without resorting to any measures which might possibly be deemed hostile. That it is the interest of the U. S. to remain at peace with England, as well as with other nations, no one will pretend to deny, but at the same time, if instead of honorable reparation, we are subjected to a repetition of the injuries and insults which we have already received, and do not avail ourselves of those ample means which are in our power to compel England to do justice to our claims, and to respect, in future our flag; I do not hesitate to say that we will be no longer worthy of being ranked among the independent nations of the earth.
Our complaints against G. Britain may be reduced to two general heads; first, for spoliations on our commerce and secondly for the impressment of our seamen .—It is notorious that for some time past a large number of our vessels laden with cargoes bona fide American property have been captured by British armed vessels, and condemned by British tribunals, and no other reason assigned for this piratical and unjust conduct than that the cargoes of the captured vessels consisted of articles of the growth or manufacture of the colonies of some of their enemies. This new and extraordinary doctrine cannot be better explained than in the language of our patriotic chief magistrate, in his message to Congress at the commencement of their present session, a part of which I shall take the liberty of quoting.— "New principles have been interpolated into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor the usage or acknowledgement of nations. According to these a belligerent takes to itself a commerce with its own enemy, which it denies to a neutral, on the ground of its aiding that enemy in the war." The injustice and absurdity of this conduct has been exposed in so able a manner (in a late publication, entitled "an examination of the British doctrine which subjects to capture a neutral trade not open in time of peace") that it must strike conviction into the mind of every person in this country.
The impressment of our seamen forms another serious ground of com-
plaint against England. From the best information that can be obtained it appears that at least three thousand American citizens are now detained (contrary to their wishes) in British ships of war, and are subjected to the most cruel and oppressive treatment on board of those floating bastiles. As the U. S. have an equal right in common with G. Britain to navigate the ocean; and as our vessels, however distant they may be from this country, are still under its jurisdiction and protection, it is as great a violation of the law of nations to capture any of our citizens on board of our ships engaged in a lawful trade as it would be to do the same in the district of Columbia, or in any other part of the union. The conduct therefore of the commanders of British armed vessels in impressing our seamen, can neither be justified nor even palliated, but must be viewed as one of the greatest indignities which can be offered to us as a free and independent nation. Independent of this consideration, the voice of aged parents and helpless females cry aloud to our government to adopt such measures as will restore to them their sons, their husbands and their brothers. And can it be possible that these unfortunate persons will be heard with indifference by the constituted authorities of their country? forbid it justice; forbid it equity; forbid it humanity.
Although these unprovoked aggressions and insults [which have been thus briefly noticed] would justify an immediate declaration of war against G. Britain, still if honorable reparation can be obtained by negotiation, it ought to be previously resorted to; but as the spirited remonstrances of our worthy minister at the court of London have hitherto been unsuccessful, some energetic measures on the part of our national legislature appear to be absolutely necessary, before an attempt is made to negotiate. Fortunately we have it in our power to exact justice from G. Britain. The dependence of that nation upon us for the consumption of her manufactures and for the support of her colonies is well known. A suspension therefore of all commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain and her colonies; and a prohibition of the introduction of her manufactures into this country, would soon convince her of the necessity of preserving peace with the U. S. But should she still persist in her hostile conduct towards us, a sequestration of the debts due from our citizens to British subjects might be eventually resorted to. It may however be said that measures of this kind would produce a war; but it is presumed that they would have a different effect. The British government would be convinced that we were determined no longer to submit to their aggressions and would be disposed to treat with us on honorable terms. Should this however not be the case, and if appeal to arms rendered indispensable, the sons of Columbia will not shun the contest, but will act in a manner worthy of the dignified character which their brave and virtuous ancestors have so justly acquired.
CATO.
INDIAN TREATIES.
On the 3rd of February the President laid before the two Houses the following
MESSAGE:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S.
In the course of the last year the following treaties and conventions for the extinguishment of Indian title to lands within our limits, were entered into on behalf of the U. S.
A treaty between the U. S. and the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippawa, Munsee and Delaware, Shawanee and Pottawatamie nations of Indians.
A treaty between the U. S. and the agents of the Connecticut land companies on one part, and the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippawa, Munsee, and Delaware, Shawanee and Pottawatamie nations of Indians.
A treaty between the U. S. and the Delawares, Pottawatamie, Miamis, Eel rivers and Weaws.
A treaty between the U. S. and the Chickasaw nation of Indians.
Two treaties between the U. S. and the Cherokee Indians.
A convention between the U. S. and the Creek nation of Indians.
The Senate having advised and consented to the ratification of these several treaties and conventions, I now lay them before both Houses of Congress for the exercise of their constitutional powers as to the means of fulfilling them.
TH: JEFFERSON. Feb. 3, 1806.
The treaty with the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippawa, Munsee and Delaware, Shawanee and Pottawatamie nations, establishes the boundary line between the U. S. and the nations aforesaid, to be in future, a meridian line drawn north and south, through a boundary to be erected on the south shore of Lake Erie, one hundred and twenty miles due west of the west boundary line of the state of Pennsylvania, extending north until it
intersects the boundary line of the U. S. and extending south until it intersects a line heretofore established by the treaty of Greenville.
"The Wyandot, Shawanee, Munsee and Delaware nations, cede and relinquish, to said U. S. forever, all the lands belonging to the said U. S. lying east of the aforesaid line, bounded southerly & easterly by the line established by said treaty of Greenville, and northerly by the northernmost part of the forty-first degree of north latitude."
In consideration of this cession the U. S. allow an annuity of 1,000 dollars, of which 175 is payable by the Connecticut land company.
The treaty with the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippawa, Munsee and Delaware, Shawanee and Pottawatamie nations, provides for the consideration of eighteen thousand nine hundred sixteen dollars, sixty-seven cents, received of two Connecticut land companies for a full cession to said companies of all Indian claims to "the lands of said companies, lying west of the river Cuyahoga, and the portage between that and the Tuscarora branch of Muskingum, north of northernmost part of the forty-first degree of north latitude, east of a line agreed and designated in a treaty between the U. S. and said Indian nations bearing even date herewith, being a line north and south, one hundred and twenty miles due west of the west line of the state of Pennsylvania, and south of the northernmost part of the forty-second degree and two minutes north latitude."
The treaty with the Delawares, Pottawatamies, Miamis, Eel river and Weaws, makes a cession to the U. S. by the Delawares of "all that tract of country which is bounded by the White river, on the north, the Ohio and Clark's grant on the south, the general boundary line running from the mouth of Kentucky river, on the east, and the tract ceded by the treaty of Fort Wayne and the road leading to Clark's grant, on the west and south-west."
"The said Miami, Eel river, and Weaw tribes cede and relinquish to the U. S. forever, all that tract of country which lies to the south of a line to be drawn from the north-east corner of the tract ceded by the treaty of Fort Wayne, so as to strike the general boundary line running from a point opposite to the mouth of Kentucky river, to Fort Recovery, at the distance of fifty miles from its commencement, on the Ohio river."
"In consideration of this cession, the U. S. give an additional permanent annuity to the said Miamis, Eel river, and Weaw tribes, in the following proportions, viz. to the Miamis, six hundred dollars; to the Eel river tribe, 250 dollars; to the Weaws, two hundred and fifty dollars; and also to the Pottawatamies an additional annuity of five hundred dollars, for ten years, and no longer; in addition to 4,000 dollars delivered at the time of forming the treaty."
The treaty with the Chickasaw nation of Indians, cedes to the U. S. "the tract of country included within the following bounds, to wit: Beginning on the left bank of Ohio, at the point where the present Indian boundary adjoins the same, thence down the left bank of the Ohio to the Tennessee river, thence up the main channel of the Tennessee river to the mouth of Duck river; thence up the left bank of Duck river to the Cumberland highway or road leading from Nashville to Natchez, thence along the said road to the ridge dividing the waters running into Duck river from those running into Buffalo river, thence eastwardly along the said ridge to the great ridge dividing the waters running into the Tennessee from those running into the Cumberland river, so as to include all the waters running into Elk river, thence along the top of the said great ridge to the place of beginning; reserving a tract of one mile square adjoining to and below the mouth of Duck river, on the Tennessee, for the use of the chief O'Koy or Lishumastubbee."
"The U. S. on their part, and in consideration of the above cession, agree to make the following payments to wit: Twenty thousand dollars for the use of the nation at large, and for the payment of the debts due to their merchants and traders; and to George Colbert and O'Koy two thousand dollars, that is, to each, one thousand dollars; this sum is granted to them at the request of the national council for services rendered their nation, and it is to be subjected to their individual order, witnessed by the resident agent; also to Chinubbe Mingo, the king of the nation, an annuity of one hundred dollars, during his natural life, granted as a testimony of his personal worth and friendly disposition."
The treaty with the Cherokee Indians, "cedes to the U. S. all the land which
they have heretofore claimed, lying to the north of the following boundary line: Beginning at the mouth of Duck river, running thence up the main stream of the same to the junction of the fork, at the head of which fort Nash stood, with the main south fork; thence a direct course to a point on the Tennessee river bank, opposite the mouth of Hiwassa river, [if the line from Hiwassa should lean on Field's settlement, it is to be marked round his improvement, and then continued the straight course]; thence up the middle of the Tennessee river (but leaving all the islands to the Cherokees) to the mouth of Clinch river; thence up the Clinch river to the former boundary line agreed upon with the said Cherokees, reserving at the same time to the use of the Cherokees, a small tract lying at and below the mouth of Clinch river; from the mouth extending thence down the Tennessee river from the mouth of Clinch to a notable rock on the north bank of the Tennessee, in view from South West Point; thence a course at right angles with the river to the Cumberland road; thence eastwardly along the same to the bank of Clinch river (so as to secure the ferry-landing to the Cherokees up to the first hill) and down the same to the mouth thereof, together with two other sections of one square mile each, one of which is at the foot of Cumberland mountain, and at and near the place where the turnpike-gate now stands, the other on the north bank of the Tennessee river where the Cherokee Talooiskee now lives."
"In consideration of the above cession and relinquishment, the U. S. agree to pay immediately three thousand dollars in valuable merchandise, and eleven thousand dollars within ninety days after the ratification of this treaty; and also, an annuity of three thousand dollars."
Another treaty with the Cherokees cedes to the U. S. the section of land on which the garrison of South West Point stands, it being considered a desirable place for the assembly of Tennessee to meet at; and gives the U. S. the unopposed right to use a road to be laid out from Telfair to Tombigbee; in consideration for which the U. S. agree to pay 1600 dollars.
A Convention between the U. S. and the Creek nation of Indians concluded at the city of Washington cedes to the U. S. all their right to a certain tract of land, situate between the rivers Oconee and Ocmulgee (except as hereinafter excepted) and bounded as follows, viz. Beginning at the high shoals of Apalachicola, where the line of the treaty of fort Wilkinson touches the same; thence running in a straight line to the mouth of Uloafauhatche, it being the first large branch or fork of the Ocmulgee, above the seven islands: Provided , however, that if the said line should strike Uloafauhatche, at any place above its mouth, that it shall continue round with that stream, so as to leave the whole of it on the Indian side; then the boundary to continue from the mouth of the Uloafauhatche, by the waters edge of the Ocmulgee river, down to its junction with the Oconee; thence up the Oconee to the present boundary, at Tauloohatche creek; thence up said creek, and following the present boundary line to the first mentioned bounds, at the high shoals of Apalachicola; excepting and reserving to the Creek nation, the title and possession of a tract of land five miles in length and three in breadth, and bounded as follows, viz. Beginning on the eastern shore of the Ocmulgee river, at a point 3 miles on a straight line above the mouth of a creek, called Ockehon-coolga, which empties into the Ocmulgee, near the lower part of what is called the old Ocmulgee fields; thence running three miles eastwardly, on a course at right angles with the general course of the river, for five miles; below the point of beginning; thence from the end of the three miles, to run five miles parallel with the said course of the river; thence westwardly, at right angles with the last mentioned line, to the river; thence by the river to the first mentioned bounds.
This treaty further gives a right to the U. S. to a horse path through the Creek country from the Ocmulgee to the Mobile.
In consideration of these cessions, the U. S. agree to pay annually to the Creek nation, for the term of eight years, twelve thousand dollars, in money or goods and implements of husbandry, at the option of the Creek nation, seasonably signified from time to time, thro' the agent of the U. S. residing with said nation, to the department of war; and eleven thousand dollars shall be paid, in like manner, annually, for the term of the ten succeeding years, making in the whole, eighteen payments in the course of eighteen years, without interest.
FOR SALE,
A second hand COACHEE with a handsome pair of plated harness. This carriage is the property of a Lady who wishes to sell it, and a bargain will be given. Application may be made to Wm. A. Washington, esq. of Rock-Hill, where the carriage may be seen. February 28—wtt

BRITISH AFFAIRS.
Debate in committee of the whole on the state of the union—Mr. J. C. SMITH in the chair, on the following resolution offered by Mr. Gregg. Whereas Great Britain impresses citizens of the United States, and compels them to serve on board her ships of war, and also seizes and condemns vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, and their cargoes being the bona fide property of American citizens, not contraband of war, and not proceeding to places besieged or blockaded, under the pretext of their being engaged in time of war in a trade with her enemies which was not allowed in time of peace;
And whereas the government of the United States has repeatedly remonstrated to the British government against these injuries, and demanded satisfaction therefor, but without effect,
Therefore, Resolved, That until equitable and satisfactory arrangements on these points shall be made between the two governments, it is expedient that from and after the day of next, no goods, wares, or merchandise, of the growth, product, or manufacture of G. Britain, or of any of the colonies or dependencies thereof ought to be imported into the United States. Provided, however, that whenever arrangements deemed satisfactory by the President of the U. States shall take place, it shall be lawful for him by proclamation to fix a day on which the prohibition aforesaid shall cease.
Mr. GREGG. Mr. Chairman, I cannot but congratulate the committee, on our having at length taken up the business to which I believe the people of this country universally expected we would have turned our attention on the first moment of assembling in our legislative capacity. Before we left our homes, we had learned thro' the channel of newspapers, that outrages of a most atrocious kind had been committed on the persons and property of American citizens, by some of the belligerent nations of Europe. This intelligence has been officially confirmed by sundry communications which we have received from the President of the U. S. From these sources we have derived the information, that irruptions have been made into our territory on its southern frontier by subjects of Spain; and that depredations to a very considerable extent have been committed on our commerce, by the cruisers of that nation. The manly spirit with which these irruptions were resisted by the officers of our government, appears for the present to have checked the farther progress of that evil: And it seems that the system of depredation has been discontinued, in pursuance of instructions issued by the minister of state and of marine to the director general of the fleet. These orders were issued on the 31st of September, 1805, and are understood to have been produced by the remonstrances of our minister at that court. From these favorable symptoms, a presumption naturally and necessarily arises, that an amicable adjustment of the points in dispute betwixt that government and ours, is not to be despaired of. Should we, however, be deceived in this calculation—should similar aggressions be repeated, we are not destitute of means to obtain redress, and on such an event taking place, I presume we would not hesitate in resorting to the compleat exercise of these means.
I wish the prospect of an accommodation of our differences with Great Britain was equally bright and flattering. But the systematic hostility of that government towards our commerce, and its obstinate perseverance in the impressment of our seamen, notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of our ministers, leave no room to expect an accommodation, until we resort to such measures, as will make her feel our importance to her, as the purchasers and consumers of her manufactures, and of the great injury she will sustain thro' a total privation of our friendship.
This it must be acknowledged is a very important subject, and one which cannot fail to engage the earnest attention, not only of this committee, but must also excite the anxious solicitude of every member of the community. On the course we may now take, on the measures we may now pursue, will, in a great measure, depend, in my view, the determination of the question, whether we are to be a free and independent nation? Or whether we are to surrender that boasted privilege, and tamely submit to such indignity and oppression, as our forefathers, even in their state of colonization would have, resisted with indignation. In the discussion of a question of such magnitude, in the decision of which we are all so materially interested, and on which the honor and true interest of our country so much depends, I trust we will divest ourselves of all party feelings, whether arising from our different pursuits in life, from geographical distinctions, or from political considerations, so that our decision may be the result of a sound judgment, uninfluenced either by improper partiality or prejudice.
From the hostile conduct of the nations to which I have alluded, and from the pointed manner in which the President has recommended preparations for defence, an idea appears to have gone forth that we are to be immediately engaged in war. This opinion has received additional currency from a report made by a select committee of the House, recommending an appropriation of money to a considerable amount, for the purpose of erecting fortifications for the
defence of our ports and harbors, and for building gun boats and ships of the line. Did my sentiments accord with this opinion, I should certainly give this report my countenance, so far as respects fortifications, which from their situation are thought to be capable of affording any substantial protection. Even as things are, I may perhaps be induced to vote in favor of the appropriation for gun boats, to relieve the anxiety of some of our fellow-citizens, whose alarms appear to be greatly excited; and because I believe, from all the information I have been able to collect from naval and military gentlemen, gun boats will afford the most effectual protection, in the event of our being compelled to have recourse to defensive measures, by any occurrences that may hereafter take place.
But here I must be permitted to declare that I have no apprehensions whatever of a war. The present situation of the nations of Europe furnishes no ground for entertaining such apprehensions. Their present engagements furnish ample employment for all their resources both of men and money. The important contest now which occupies their attention, is not likely to be brought to a speedy termination. Even if the minor powers should withdraw from the confederacy, there is no prospect of a speedy peace betwixt the two great rival nations. They will most probably soon return to the situation they respectively occupied at the commencement of the present campaign. The scene of Boulogne will probably be acted over again. The fleet of the one nation must be employed in guarding its coasts against an invasion by the army of the other. In this situation neither will be disposed to add to the number of their enemies. G. Britain derives some advantage from that predatory war which she permits and authorises to be carried on against our commerce, and she also experiences some convenience in manning her navy, from the facility with which deficiencies are supplied by impressments of our seamen from on board our trading vessels. Interest and convenience will induce her to pursue this system, so long as we discover a disposition to yield implicit submission; but let a national spirit of disapprobation and resistance once discover itself; let us once tell her in the proud language of independence, that we will no longer submit to this indignity and oppression, and we will find the practice relinquished, and our fellow-citizens liberated from that degraded bondage in which they are now held, and restored to their country and friends. Great Britain is too well versed in the business of calculation, and too well acquainted with her own interest to persevere in this lawless system, at the hazard of losing customers, whose annual purchases of her manufactures and other merchandise, exceeds, I believe, 30,000,000 of dollars.
In searching for materials to substantiate the facts stated in the preamble to the resolution, it is only necessary to refer to the history of the conduct of the British government towards us for a very short period. By turning a few pages of that history we will find, that a large number of our fellow-citizens have been forcibly taken from their homes (for his ship is a seaman's home) have been put on board British ships of war, and compelled to fight her battles against a power, betwixt whom and their own government there exists no difference. The general notoriety of this truth precludes the necessity of a reference to any particular document to prove the correctness of the statement. Was such a reference necessary, I might point to a report from the department of state made at the last session of Congress. In that report we find, that at that time fifteen hundred and thirty eight persons claiming to be American citizens, had been able to extend their application for relief to their own government; and tho' G. Britain claimed some of these as her subjects, agreeably to her doctrine of non expatriation, the great mass was acknowledged to be Americans, for whose detention no other cause could be assigned, but because she stood in need of their service. And is it not a fair presumption that this number was but a small proportion of those who were actually impressed? Changed from ship to ship, and the vessels in which they are frequently changing their station, guarded with the most scrupulous attention, it is almost impossible for them to find any opportunity of applying to their own government, or any of its officers for relief.
This open, this flagrant violation of our rights as men, and as citizens of an independent nation, certainly demands the interposition of government. To what cause are we to ascribe the neglect with which these unfortunate men have been treated? A few years ago when some of our people had the misfortune to be made prisoners by the Algerines, and at a later period when some others fell into the hands of the Tripolitans, the feelings of the government and of the whole country were alive. All voices united in requiring the energy of the government to be exerted, and its purse to be opened, so that no means to obtain the liberty of the captives might be left untried. Success has crowned these endeavors, and those who were unfortunately slaves, are now enjoying their freedom. In what respect I would ask, does the situation of those who have been impressed from on board their own vessels, and who are forcibly detained on board British ships of war, differ from that of the Algerines and Tripolitan prisoners. So far as respects the government, the infringements of its rights are greater in the former than in the latter case. The situation of the individual is no better. A wound inflicted by a British cat of nine tails, is not less severely felt,
than if it had proceeded from the lash of an Algerine. The patient submission with which we have so long endured this flagrant outrage on the feelings of humanity and on the honor of our country, must have excited the astonishment of the whole world; but it must also have impressed them very forcibly with an idea of the moderation of our government, and of its strong predilection for peace. I trust, however, we will now shew them, that there is a point beyond which we will not suffer, that even although we may not think it advisable to make reprisals, we will at least withdraw our friendly intercourse from that government, whose whole system of conduct towards us has been that of distress and degradation; & that as the business is now taken up it will be pursued with zeal and ardor, until relief is extended to this unhappy class of sufferers, and security obtained against similar aggressions on their persons in future, by such arrangements as ought to be deemed satisfactory.
In relation to the capture and condemnation of our vessels, contrary to what we consider, and to what I verily believe to be the law of nations, I shall not detain the committee with many observations. I have no intention of entering into a discussion of the abstract question, whether a trade is justifiable in war, which is not open in time of peace? I will only observe, that on the principles of reason and justice, and from such authors as I have had an opportunity of consulting, the right for which we contend does appear to me to be clearly established. In some late publications this question has received a very luminous and ample discussion, and the right insisted on by us has been placed on such ground, and supported by reasoning so clear, so cogent, and so conclusive, that G. Britain with all her boasted talents will find it extremely difficult to find answers for them.
But even admitting the British doctrine to be correct, what, I would ask, has been the conduct of that government under it? Has it been that of a nation actuated by motives of liberality and friendship? Has it been that of a civilized and polished nation? Has it been such as justice and the fair and honorable conduct of our government has given us a right to expect? No person, I think, is prepared to answer in the affirmative. It does not appear that the principle was practised on during the last, nor for some time after the commencement of the present war. I will not undertake absolutely to say, that they relinquished it, but the trade which it now prohibits was permitted to be carried on to a great extent without any interruption from their cruisers. Numbers allured by the prospect of gain, were induced to engage in the profitable business, and supposing themselves safe under the protection of law, had their vessels and effects seized to a large amount. The capture and condemnation of their property was to them the first promulgation of the law. Ignorance of what it was impossible for them to know, was imputed to them as a crime, and an honorable dependance on the justice of a government professing to be friendly, was prosecuted with penalty and forfeiture.
But even independent of our just cause of complaint arising from this principle, apparently new, thus unjustly brought into operation, how has that government conducted in relation to captures, in which after the most minute investigation, all the ingenuity of her courts have not been able to discover any principle to warrant the condemnation. The perplexing difficulties, the vexatious delays, and the enormous expense attending the prosecution of a claim through every stage of its progress, place an almost insurmountable barrier in the way of obtaining justice. In fact, all her commercial maxims, and the whole system of her conduct, discover a manifest intention, a fixed determination to consummate the ruin of the commerce of this country.
I am aware, Mr. Chairman, that many of the captures and condemnations, of which we have heard such loud complaints, are strictly warranted by the law of nations. An immoderate desire of gain very frequently leads the merchants to engage in a trade, which the universal consent of all nations has declared to be unlawful. This observation will, however, perhaps, apply with more propriety to foreigners, who have fixed their residence among us, to enjoy the advantage of trading under our neutral rights, than to the real American merchant. This description of men, under no influence of patriotism, and too generally unrestrained by any principles of justice, pursue their object, wholly regardless of the interest of the country, or of any injurious consequences to which it might be subjected through their misconduct. I have no idea of involving my country in any difficulty on account of these people or their trade. As they are citizens of the world, equally attached to every country, I would always willingly surrender them to be punished according to the laws of whatever country they might be found transgressing. But in withholding protection from these lawless adventurers, let us not withdraw it from the real American merchant. Acting from motives of patriotism as well as of gain, he combines his own interest with that of his country. While he is accumulating wealth to himself, he is adding to the revenue and riches of his country, and while he is searching a market for the productions of the farmers, he is discovering something that may contribute to their convenience and comfort. He is a necessary link in the chain of our society. There is a mutual dependance betwixt him and the farmer. The interest of the one is promoted by the success of the other. This being the case, these two classes should be extremely
cautious how they suffer that kind of jealousy to grow up betwixt them, that might eventually prove a source of distress and calamity to them both.
I hope it will not be inferred from any thing that I have said, that I am going to be an advocate for the protection, even of American merchants, in that wild, extravagant carrying trade, to which some of them appear to extend their views. I shall never agree to risk the peace and safety of the nation in such a cause. Even in doubtful cases, or where the law was not perfectly clear, if they would embark their property, let it be at their own hazard. But in carrying on the direct trade of our country, and even in the carrying trade, while they confine themselves within the acknowledged law of nations, I think they are entitled to protection. And in affording this protection I take it that we are promoting the real interest of the country. By cherishing navigation to a certain extent, we secure to ourselves at all times the means of procuring a market for such articles as we have for sale, we furnish means for promoting industry, and we make provision for the maintenance of men, on whose bravery and exertions in the event of war, we must always rely very much for our defence. On this subject I cannot express my sentiments better than I find them expressed in a report made by the present Chief Magistrate, while Secretary of State, and which I consider as declaratory of the true interests of the nation. I shall therefore take the liberty of reading a paragraph of that report.
"It, that navigation as a branch of industry, is valuable,—but as a source of defence, essential. Its value as a branch of industry, is enhanced by the dependance of so many other branches on it. In times of general peace it multiplies competitors for employment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war, that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers, shall be at war with each other, if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be exported in belligerent vessels, at the increased expense of war-freight and insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands.
"But it is as a resource for defence, that our navigation will admit, neither neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances of the U. S. leave them nothing to fear on their land-board, and nothing to desire beyond their present rights. But on their sea-board they are open to injury, and they have there, too, a commerce that must be protected. This can only be done by possessing a respectable body of citizen seamen, and of artists and establishments in readiness for ship building."
From this very brief view of the conduct of the British government towards us, and I have confined it merely to the points stated in the preamble to the resolution; every candid, every unprejudiced person I think must acknowledge, that we are arrived at a crisis; that we have reached a period at which the honor, the interest, and the public sentiment of the country so far as it has been expressed, call loudly on us to make a stand. The evil we have already suffered is great, and it is progressing. Like a cancerous complaint it is penetrating still deeper towards our vitals. While we yield year after year, G. Britain advances step by step; yet a little longer and our commerce will be annihilated, and our independence subverted.
Here the great difficulty presents itself. What are the proper steps to be taken, what measures that we can adopt will be most likely to effect the object we have in view, and in its operation produce the smallest inconvenience to ourselves. I, sir, have reflected much on this subject. I have considered, so far as I was capable, the bearing which every measure, which I have heard proposed, would have on it. The result of my reflections is, that under all the circumstances of the case, the resolution which is now the subject of immediate discussion ought to be adopted. What is the resolution, what does it say? It addresses G. B. in this mild and moderate, tho' manly and firm language, you have insulted the dignity of our country by impressing our seamen, and compelling them to fight your battles against a power with whom we are at peace: You have plundered us of much property by that predatory war which you authorise to be carried on against our commerce: To these injuries, insults, and oppression we will submit no longer. We do not, however, wish to destroy that friendly intercourse that ought to subsist betwixt nations, connected by the ties of common interest, to which several considerations seem to give peculiar strength. The citizens of our country and the subjects of yours, from the long habit of supplying their mutual wants, no doubt feel a wish to preserve their intercourse without interruption. To prevent such interruption, and secure against future aggressions, we are now desirous of entering into such arrangements, as ought to be deemed satisfactory by both parties. But if you persist in your hostile measures, if you absolutely refuse acceding to any propositions of compromise, we must slacken those bonds of friendship by which we have been connected, you must not expect hereafter to find us in your market, purchasing your manufactures to so large an amount. What will the people of this country say of this proposition? Will they not be ready to exclaim, that it is too mild for the present state of things? What will be the opinion of foreign governments respecting it? Will they not say that we have extended the principle of moderation too far? What must be its impression on G. B. herself? Sir, if she is not lost to every sense of national
justice she must acknowledge its equity and fairness. But I would enquire particularly what would be its operation on the people of that country? If carried into effect, I believe it will strike dismay throughout the empire. Its operation will be felt by every description of people, but more especially by the commercial and manufacturing part of the community. The influence of these two classes is well known in that country. They are the main pillars of its support. They are the sources of its wealth. Their representations therefore are always attended to. And what language must they speak on this occasion? It must be evident that a regard to their own interest will lead them to remonstrate loudly against that system, which will produce an annual defalcation in the sale of their manufactures, to the amount of 30,000,000 of dollars. This is their vulnerable part. By attacking them in their warehouses and workshops we reach their vitals, and thus raise a set of advocates in our favor, whose remonstrances may produce an abandonment of those unjust principles and practices, which have produced the solemn crisis.
But, Mr. Chairman, should G. B. contrary to our wishes, and certainly contrary to her own true interest, persist in her ill-starred policy, what must be the effect of such conduct on herself, and how will we be ultimately affected by it. Shut out from British markets, our merchants will obtain a partial supply from other countries, and we will resort to domestic manufactures to make up the deficiency. Should this system be adopted, Britain may find it difficult to recover our custom. It is certainly a subject of serious regret, that owing to the large importation and extensive consumption of British goods, domestic manufactures have nearly vanished. I do not expect to see the establishment of large manufactories in this country. The extensive vacant territory we possess furnishes such powerful inducements for settling on land, that few are to be found willing to be confined within the narrow limits of a manufactory. Should, however, such establishments be set on foot, I have no doubt they would receive a large accession of workmen from the numbers which a non-importation act would compel to leave their present homes, in search of employment in this and other countries. But my present view does not extend to these establishments on so large a scale. I want to see every family a little manufactory, vying with each other in the excellence of their workmanship, and exhibiting in their dresses specimens of their ingenuity and industry.
Mr. Chairman, when I first submitted this proposition to the consideration of the House, I was so forcibly impressed with the propriety of adopting it, that I had no expectation it would meet with any opposition. It was not until a resolution was laid on the table, calling on the secretary of the treasury for a statement of our exports and imports to and from G. Britain and her dependencies, that I had any suspicion it would be opposed. When that call was made, I began to presume an opposition was intended, and that the opposition would be grounded on the supposed effect which the adoption of the measure now under discussion would have on the revenue. This was brought particularly into view some days after in the form of a preface to a resolution on this same subject offered by a gentleman from Maryland.
We were told then, that our imports from G. Britain and her dependencies, amounted annually to 25,000,000 of dollars, and that at the average rate of duty of 20 per cent. the revenue would of course be affected to the amount of 5,000,000 of dollars. That the revenue will be partially affected by the proposed measure is readily admitted; and if it should be affected to such an extent, as to retard the extinguishment of the national debt a single day beyond the time fixed by law for its final redemption, I would certainly regret it very sincerely. No person in this country can wish more anxiously to see that debt paid than myself. But, sir, I don't believe the effect on the revenue will be by any means so great as has been stated. The average duty on imports from Britain does not, I believe, amount to 20 per cent. and therefore the defalcation in the revenue will not be so great as has been stated, even admitting that we do not import from other countries. But it is to be supposed that the enterprise and industry of the merchants are to be wholly paralyzed by this measure? Will they lay up their vessels in their docks, and shut up their money in their chests? No, sir, when they find themselves excluded by law from British markets, they will resort to other countries, and no doubt they will find goods to answer our purpose quite as well as many of the gewgaws we get from England, and quite as many as we will be able to find money to purchase.
It has been said also that the price of our exports is to be greatly affected by this measure. The article of cotton has been particularly mentioned. Why, sir, the resolution does not say a word about exports. It is entirely silent as to them. They are left at liberty to go to those markets where they have heretofore found purchasers, or to search for new ones as it may suit their convenience. The adoption of the measure may produce a momentary diminution of price, and this inconvenience will be promoted by the representations of designing speculators, who are continually roaming thro' the country to take advantage of the ignorant and unwary. But when the first impression is removed, our productions being either necessities of life, or materials for manufactures will be in demand, & sought for, and purchased at a price correspondent to that demand. But, sir, even admitting that we were to sustain a tem-

temporary inconvenience from a small reduction in the price of the produce of our farms, are we to put a few cents difference in the price of a pound of cotton, or tobacco, or a barrel of flour, or a quintal of fish in competition with the honor and general interest of our country? Is there a member of this House, is there a man in the community that would submit to see his neighbor dragged into ignoble bondage, merely because it would produce a slight shock in the market for his produce? Such an idea would, I believe, be universally spurned at.
But, Mr. Chairman, the strongest objection I have heard mentioned is, that if we do pass a non-importation act, it cannot be executed, and either we shall be laughed at by Great Britain, or it will afford a pretext to her minister, whose decision is well known, to let loose his cruisers, and sweep the ocean. This is the language used in Britain. Their writers acknowledge that a non-importation act would be to them a serious calamity, but comfort themselves with the reflection that it could not be executed. Now I ask, what reason can be assigned why it could not be as well executed now as it was in former times? Are we so abject, so degenerate as to submit to such national indignity, rather than forego the pleasure resulting from an indulgence in British luxuries? But it may give offence to the British minister who will sweep the ocean with his cruisers. This, to be sure, is a sweeping objection, but how will it apply? What right has the British minister to take offence at any regulations we may see proper to adopt? We have a moral, & we have a constitutional right to manage our commercial concerns in our own way, provided we don't infringe, or violate the rights of other nations. This sacred trust has been committed to us by the people of this country, and I trust we will never feel disposed to resign it to any foreign minister.
But admitting that great man with all his decision, should let loose his cruisers, what will he gain? Is he not more at our mercy than we are at his? If he attempts to make a general sweep, self defence will justify reprisals. The debts owing to British subjects, the immense property owned by them in this country, will of course be laid hold of. I will perhaps be told here, that by the treaty of 1794 sequestration of debts is prohibited. True—But if one of the contracting parties violates the contract, the other is released from his obligation. If Britain violates nine articles of the treaty, she cannot consider us bound by the tenth. Besides, her provinces are quite contiguous and open to us, and by securing them, we would make ourselves masters of the fur trade, from which she derives such important advantages. Even on the ocean I doubt whether she would be a gainer in the contest. And this is not mere theory. During the last war, our privateers captured more of their vessels than they took of ours with all their navy. Our shipping then was not more than a fourth of what we now possess, and the number of seamen about in the same proportion. And it is worthy of remark, that owing to the difference in the value of their cargoes and ours, the one consisting entirely of bulky articles, necessaries of life and raw materials for manufactures, and the other made up of these materials after they have received the last touch of art and industry; if we succeeded in taking one for their three, the balance perhaps would be about equal.
The resolution has also been called a war measure. Now, I would ask, what is there warlike about it? Sir, I before have said and I repeat it, that I deprecate war. With me it will always be a last resort. Recourse should be had to every peaceable means to obtain justice, before an appeal is made to arms. The resolution I consider purely as a measure of that kind, & so it must appear to the British minister, unless he is determined on war, and then he will find some pretext. It is common for nations going to war, to publish a declaration, stating their reasons in justification of their conduct to other nations. Let the British minister take the resolution & publish it at length, and will any other nation consider it as a sufficient ground for war. It merely states that we consider ourselves injured, and that in justice to ourselves, we must suspend our intercourse until we obtain redress. The British minister will never put his reputation and character at hazard on such a foundation.
Mr. Chairman, in every point of view in which I have been able to consider this subject, the propriety of adopting the resolution which has been read, appears to me equally impressive; and therefore altho' it may be opposed, I cannot but hope it will receive the sanction of a large majority of the House. In this hope I am confirmed when I refer to the journals, and see what was done by the House of Representatives under circumstances somewhat similar to the present in the year 1794. The same nation of whose conduct we now complain, was then committing depredations on our commerce. She had on the 6th of November issued her celebrated orders, and it is worthy of remark, that these orders were first published by the cruisers which were acting under them. The late captures unauthorised by any public orders, but proceeding on a decree of their admiralty court, which it appears was to be considered as the signal for making the sweep, evince a fixed system of hostility towards our commerce, and an ungenerous mode of making its attacks. The unwary and unsuspecting fall a prey to their hidden designs. She was at that time also stimulating the Indians to commit hostilities on our frontiers, and the western posts were not surrendered agreeably to what we considered the
true intent and meaning of the treaty of 1793. To counteract these hostile measures, a proposition was made in the House of Representatives, for suspending all commercial intercourse with that nation. That proposition was at that time adopted by a very large majority. All parties united in giving it their support. The great political distinction, which has unfortunately prevailed too long in this country, did not on that occasion discover itself a great deal. The representation from the state in which I live, was at that time equally divided betwixt the two great contending parties, and yet on that question their votes were completely blended. The representation from the southern states, I observe, was generally in favor of that measure. The respectable state of Virginia in particular, which was represented by a constellation of talents, not only ranged itself on the affirmative side of the question by its vote, but also bore a very distinguished part in the argument in support of the measure. From a similarity of circumstances, are we not now to expect a similar result. Altho' the evil complained of is in the first instance more severely felt in a particular section of the country, its effects will ultimately extend to every part of it. And so far as the honor of the government is implicated, a sensibility arising from that source must necessarily be experienced by all its citizens at the same time.
Before I sit down, Mr. Chairman, permit me to say, that although my opinion on this subject is formed on the most mature reflection, yet if a majority of the committee think differently, if they prefer something more energetic, or if they have any other system which they consider more efficient to obtain the object, I may for the sake of unanimity be disposed to yield my opinion. Unanimity I consider as all important. We are told by a document on our table, that the nation against whose conduct we complain, calculates on our divisions. Her hopes of being enabled to pursue her system, are built on an idea, that division among ourselves will prevent our adopting any efficient measures. In this hope I trust they will now be disappointed, and that we will show to them and to the world, that however we may differ as to the administration of our internal affairs, on all great national questions, in which the honor and true interest of our country in relation to foreign governments is involved, that we are but one people. (To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, MARCH 10.
The House of Representatives are still engaged in the discussion of Mr. Gregg's resolution; on which it is scarcely probable that a question will be taken for several days. The debate has assumed a character of the highest interest, and involves a full disclosure of our relations with Britain, connected with much allusion to our relations with other foreign powers.
At a meeting of the President and directors of the bank of the U. States, on Tuesday the 4th ult. the following gentlemen from Washington, George Town, and Alexandria were elected directors of the office of discount and deposit for the district of Columbia, from the first Monday of this instant, until the first Monday in March next, viz. Joseph Carlton, Joseph Nourse, Thos. Tingey, David Peter, Wm. Brent, Wm. Stewart, James D. Barry, Lewis Deblois, J. P. Van Ness, Ben. Shrive, Jun. C. Swan, Phineas Janney, Thomas Monroe, And on Monday the 3rd inst. the said directors met at the office in this city, for the purpose of choosing a President, when John P. Van Ness, esq. was duly elected.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FRIDAY, MARCH 7.
Mr. J. Clay presented a petition from Messrs. Nicklin and Griffiths, representing the losses they have sustained, owing to the conduct of general Armstrong, in the case of the New Jersey, under the convention with France, and praying for indemnity, which was referred to the committee of Claims—Ayes 54—Noes 31.
Mr. Crowninshield moved a resolution, instructing the committee of Commerce and Manufactures to enquire into the expediency of amending the 18th and 77th section of the act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, so far as to remove the disabilities and restrictions at present imposed on vessels arriving at several ports of entry of the U. S. from the Cape of Good Hope, and from places beyond the same.
This resolution, after a modification suggested by Mr. Dana, making it more comprehensive, was agreed to.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union—Mr. J. C. SMITH in the Chair.
Mr. Gregg's resolution still under consideration—Messrs. Sloan, Findley, and Elmer supported, and Mr. Early opposed it; when after a few remarks connected with several commercial details from Mr. Mac Creery, the committee rose, and the House adjourned about the usual hour.
SATURDAY, MARCH 8.
Mr. Cook submitted a resolution, for the continuance of the duty of two and a half per cent. on goods chargeable with ad-valorem duties, commonly called the Mediterranean fund, on the condition that the same be exclusively applied to the augmentation and support
of the naval force, and the protection of our ports and harbors against insults and injuries.
Ordered to lie on the table. A communication was received from the Secretary of state, transmitting a detailed statement of the impressment of American seamen.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the state of the union—Mr. J. C. SMITH in the chair.
Mr. Elliot supported, and Mr. D. R. Williams opposed the resolution of Mr. Gregg.
The debate was closed by Mr. Bidwell, who enforced the propriety of adopting efficient measures, without expressly declaring himself either for or against the resolution.
LETTER From the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting the annual statement of the district tonnage of the United States, on the 31st day of December, 1804; together with an explanatory letter from the Register of the Treasury thereon.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Feb. 20, 1805.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit the annual statement of the district tonnage of the United States, on the 31st Dec. 1804, together with an explanatory letter of the Register of the Treasury.
It appears from those documents that the actual tonnage of the United States on the 31st Dec. 1804, might be estimated at about 983,000 tons, viz.
Table with 2 columns: Category, Tons. Rows: Registered tonnage, 672,500; Enrolled do, 252,800; Fishing do, 57,800; Total 983,100.
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. The hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Register's Office, Feb. 18, 1806.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit the annual statement to 31 Dec. 1804, of the district tonnage of the United States.
Table with 2 columns: Category, Tons. Rows: The corrected registered tonnage is stated in said abstract at 672,530 18; The enrolled & licensed at 317,536 37; The fishing vessels at 52,337 26; Amounting to Tons 1,042,404 6.
The tonnage on which duties were collected during the same year, amounted as follows:
Table with 2 columns: Category, Tons. Rows: Registered tonnage, paying duty on each voyage 1,132,769 00; Enrolled and licensed tonnage employed in the coastal trade, paying an annual duty, 252,890 00; Fishing vessels the same, 57,857 00; Amounting to Tons 1,443,456 00.
The registered tonnage having been corrected according to the mode prescribed for the government of the collectors of the several districts, and as stated in the communication made by the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress the 27th Feb. 1802, is considered the true amount, as near as may be, of that description of tonnage, 672,530 18.
The enrolled and licensed tonnage is stated at the amount upon which the annual duty was collected in 1804, on that description of tonnage as being the most correct, and may be considered nearly the true amount, 252,890 00.
The fishing vessels the same, 57,857 00.
The district tonnage of the United States on 31 Dec. 1804, is stated at 983,277 18.
Of the registered tonnage, amounting as above stated to 670,530 18, it has been ascertained, that there were engaged in the whale fishery, 12,015 71.
Enrolled and licensed tonnage, also in the whale fishery, 323 40.
Amounting to Tons 12,339 16.
It appears by the collector's abstracts that 103,753 91-95ths tons new vessels were built in the year 1804, whereof 73,649 39-95ths tons were registered, and 30,104 52-95ths tons were enrolled.
I have the honor to be, Sir, With the greatest respect, Your most obedient, And most humble servant, JOSEPH NOURSE, Register. Hon. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
Nassau, (N. P.) Jan. 31. COURT OF VICE ADMIRALTY. Nov. 12. 1806.
Before his honor Henry Moreton Dyer, esq. sole Judge & commissary. SAMPSON, Phippen, master. [CONTINUED] The two next witnesses, whose evidence I shall consider, are the cook and the mariner. Upon these persons something of stigma and discredit was attempted to be thrown, but I must say,
the attempt was quite unfounded. Nothing has been advanced either against their competency, or their credibility; they appear, throughout their depositions, to speak without prejudice or affection; their evidence will be found to be very substantially fortified by many facts of the case, and I can see no good reason why they are not to be believed.
By the cook we are told, that the name of the master is Thomas Phippen; that he has only known him from the beginning of the present voyage; that he was appointed to the command by capt. Mann; he knows not the precise time, but it was at the commencement of the present voyage; that he himself served on board of said ship in the capacity of cook; that he has known the ship from the 2d of April last, when he was first shipped in her; that he saw her first on that day at Marseilles in France; that the ship was then called the Two Friends, but since her return from Marseilles to Philadelphia, she has been called the Sampson; that she carried from Marseilles a cargo consisting chiefly of wine with some oil he believes, brandy, fruits preserved in brandy, and other articles; that the cargo was landed at Mr. Foussat's wharf at Philadelphia, and all put on board again from the same wharf—that he was informed by Mr. Dulaunay, that captain Mann had purchased the ship after her arrival at Philadelphia; that he and Mr. Dulaunay were the only persons now on board the ship who came in her from Marseilles.
From the mariner we learn, that he came on board for the first time at Philadelphia, and knew nothing of the former transactions of the voyage, excepting that he assisted to unload the ship on her arrival at Philadelphia from Marseilles; that her cargo then consisted chiefly of wine, and from the marks on the casks he believes the same cargo [with perhaps some additions] is now on board, having been reshipped in her, and is of the growth and produce either of France or Spain; that the cargo was put on board at Philadelphia, before any of the crew, except the mate, were hired.
The united testimony of these two persons tends to establish the following history of her present transactions: That this ship, then named the Two Friends, commanded by another capt. and with another crew, sailed originally from Marseilles to Philadelphia, with a cargo of wine and other articles, under the charge of the same supercargo who appears here; that arrived at Philadelphia, the cargo was landed at the wharf of the principal owner, Mr. Foussat; that the former captain and crew were then discharged, new ones appointed, a transfer of the vessel effected to a new set of owners, the same cargo again put on board from the same wharf, [whether after the payment of duties or not, does not appear] a new voyage to Havanna commenced under the direction of the same supercargo, and with only one man besides, accidentally on board of the former crew.
To speak of the case thus made out in the mildest and most favorable terms, it must be admitted to be a case of considerable suspicion. Let us then see how those suspicions are cleared up by the deposition of that person who is most intimately acquainted with the whole transaction. From Mr. Dulaunay, the supercargo, who has the best means of knowing, we may expect to receive the fullest information.
The sum of Mr. Dulaunay's deposition is this: That he has known the captain only from the beginning of September, (that is the commencement of the present voyage): that he took possession about that time at Philadelphia; that he himself served on board in the capacity of supercargo; that he does not recollect how long he has known the said ship, he first saw her at Philadelphia (from whence of course he would have it understood that he knew nothing of the vessel before her sailing lately from that port): that the ship has been called the Sampson since September, but he cannot recollect her former name; that her last voyage began at Philadelphia, and was to have ended there; that he knows not the quality of any cargo the said ship has carried previous to the time of her capture, (that is to say, that he knows nothing of the cargo brought from Marseilles); that the ship sailed from Philadelphia as her last clearing port, about the 13th September; that for the present voyage she has been under the direction of the owners, Messrs. Foussat and Mann, with whom he corresponds; but to the question "under whose care and direction the said ship has been during preceding voyages," he refused to depose, notwithstanding that he was reminded by the examiner of his having sworn to depose the whole truth. That the cargo was all put on board at Philadelphia, in August and September last, (meaning I presume, to infer, that the cargo was put on board there for the first time); that the ship was sold at Philadelphia to her present owners, Foussat and Mann, but he refuses to answer by whom; that the sale took place in September; he presumes there was a bill of sale, but knows nothing about it, or whether any agreement was entered into concerning the purchase further than what appears upon it; that there were on board, as passengers, the Spaniard, whom I first mentioned, as having been examined, and 8 boys who were going to their father at Havanna; that they all came on board at Philadelphia (here again intending to infer, it must be presumed, that they came on board for the first time. Such indeed was the fact as to the Spanish gentleman; but as to 3 boys there is distinct evidence, by the consular passports, that they had come originally from Marseilles—a fact which it is too evident this gentleman wishes to
suppress, and has in so doing completely falsified himself). He goes on to say, that he is confident that the sale, to the present owners was truly made, and not for the purpose of covering the real property; rather an inconsistent declaration this from a person who before knew about a bill of sale; and finally he avows that he has given every information in his power relative to the present cargo, but he refuses to depose anything as to preceding ones.
Of this most extraordinary disposition, the decorum of justice restrains me from speaking in the terms which it might deserve; but the energy of justice does not the less require that pecuniary consequences should be fixed to such improper conduct.
The court is not insensible to the petition which was presented from Mr. Dulaunay, to be permitted to be re-examined upon those interrogatories which he before refused to answer—a petition which was instantly rejected, on a reference to the rule of court, which directs, that where once refusal should take place the examiner should admonish the witness of the oath taken to speak the whole truth, and notice such refusal upon the examination; and also after previous information of the facts from the examiner, and a subsurance from him that the rule had been observed. (To be Continued.)
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Public are notified that the partnership of Thomas Hunton of Fauquier and George Britton of Shenandoah was dissolved on the second day of August 1805. March 10—3t
For Sale. The subscriber has from 5 to 600 bushels of the first quality of James river coal to sell, which if not sold by private sale, will be offered at public sale, on Saturday the 15th inst. at 11 o'clock A. M. All sums above 20 dollars 90 days, by giving negotiable notes at the banks of Columbia, or in the city. JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. March 5—
Ten Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or STOLEN, about six weeks ago, a dark BAY MARE, 15 hands high, has a star in her forehead, one of her hind feet white to the foot lock, and one of her fore feet has a white stripe on it, she has a bushy tail, and was heavy with colt. Ten DOLLARS reward will be given if brought to Mr. Waterston's Capitol Hill by ADAM POWELL. March 10—3t
In the case of Charles Tompkins an insolvent debtor.
SIX months from and after the first day of March next is limited and appointed for the creditors of the said Tompkins to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee. Ordered that this notice be published in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer once a month, during said term. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch esq. an assistant judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. Feb. 7, 1806.
The subscriber being appointed by the court trustee in the above case, (sees the attention of the creditors to the above order. JOHN MITCHELL. March 10—3t
FOUND IN DECEMBER LAST, TWO GOOD SADDLES—The owner by proving his property and paying costs may have them again. These saddles were advertised at the Capitol during the sitting of the district court but no owner appeared. If an owner should not be found before the first day of April next, they then will be sold by public sale at 10 o'clock in the morning at the door of the Capitol, by JOHN PHILLIPS. March 10—tw3w
WANTED,
A WOMAN that understands plain cooking and house work; likewise a GIRL of about 14 years of age to take care of children—none need apply but those who can bring unexceptionable recommendations Enquire at the end house from the well end of the Six Buildings and at this office. Nov. 27—tf
This is to give notice that if the heirs of a certain STEPHEN REYNOLDS, who died on his way from the western country in the month of August 1803, and supposed to have been a native of the state of New Hampshire or one of the Eastern states will apply to JOHN RINE administrator living in the town of Cumberland, Alleghany county, state of Maryland, will hear of something to their advantage. By order of Alleghany county orphans court. March 3—epan
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW. HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill, Washington, July 26—tf

FOR SALE, DANIEL RAPIKE'S BOOKSTORE CAPITOL HILL, A few copies of HAZARD'S COLLECTION OF STATE PAPERS; and other authentic documents; intended as materials for an history of the U. States of America, in 2 vols. 4to. This valuable work was, for several years past, not to be procured: and as the demand for it lately has considerably increased, great exertions were made to procure the few copies now offered for sale. Gentlemen wishing to possess this work will please to apply soon, as it is believed no more copies can be purchased after these are sold. March 5—
THE IMPROVED STRAW CUTTER, May be seen in operation at the subscriber's house between 10 & 6 Six Buildings and the Potomac river: he forms the heel of this machine after so as to cause the knife to cut off the straw at an angle of 22 1/2 degrees which makes it cut much easier than at right angles, or square across - also a model of the improved Press. Either of the machines can be had of Oliver Evans in Philadelphia or the subscriber, city of Washington. EVAN EVANS. February 12—ep4w
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.  RANAWAY from the Subscriber, living in Montgomery Co. state of Maryland, on the 24th of February, negro CHARLES , who calls himself CHARLES COXELIN , about 5 feet 10 inches high, of a yellowish complexion. He wore away a white kersey coat and trousers, and a high crown wool hat—probably he has changed his dress, as he took other apparel with him. The above fellow was raised in Charles Co. and brought from said county to the Federal City, from which place he was purchased by capt. Robert Beall, of Prince Georges, whom I purchased him from. If he has not gone to Charles co. I suspect he may be lurking about the Federal City, as he has a brother that lives there, who calls himself Roger Holland . I will give the above reward to any person or persons for securing the said fellow, or delivering him to me about six miles from Montgomery court house. Samuel Beall.
Masters of vessels and all others are forewarned from employing or harboring said fellow, as I am determined to put the law in force against such as do. March 5—3t.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD, WILL be given for apprehending negro FANNY a very low and tolerable lusty woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having procured a false pass, and passes by the name of Chaity Snorter ; she was formerly the property of John Ghitens of this county, and was run away for near eight year, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been lurking, I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Port Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril. MARY SIMMS. Nov. 27—tf
CITY of WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
GIELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spedden Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STEELE. Washington City, March 25—tf
This is to give notice that the Subscriber has obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of George Hutton late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the 11th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 11th day of February 1806. BASIL HUTTON, Adm'r. Prince George's county near Piscataway, Feb. 24—7t
FOR SALE,  A Valuable Tract of Land, in the State of Kentucky, under an indisputable title, and for which the proprietor will take, if applied for soon, half a dollar per acre, payable one half down, and the other half in 12 months on approved security—Enquire of the printer. Feb. 17—4w
Important to Sportsmen. On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county,  THE STUD, of the late Col. JOHN HOOMES, consisting of imported & country bred stallions, Brood Mares and their produce, for several years past—total above one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected stud ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner spared neither money or exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such stock as appeared most certain to insure him success as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage immediately in the sports of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for size, blood and figure. Should any of the stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of such will be postponed, until the expiration of the season. The other stock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in six and the other in twelve months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. A considerable discount will be made for cash. Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale shall positively take place on the day above stated. A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c. JOHN G. WOODFOLK, JOHN HOOMES, Executors of John Hoomes, deceased. Bowling Green, March 5—tw.
PUBLIC SALE. IN pursuance of the decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland will be sold at public sale to the highest bidder at JOSEPH SEMMES's tavern, George Town, on the 11th day of April next, at 11 o'clock A. M. all the right, title, and interest of the late Thomas Clark of George Town, deceased to the following property, to wit: Lot No. 13, in Peter, Betty, Threlkeld, & Deakin's addition to George Town with the improvements thereon consisting of a common brick Dwelling House, Coach and Smoke House, and other useful outhouses— Lots No. 173, 174, and 175 in Thomas Beall of George's first addition to George Town, and any other lots in said addition to which said Clark was entitled. Also, a piece or parcel of land containing about fifty acres lying about a mile and a half from George Town and adjoining the land on which Mr. Key lives. The purchaser or purchasers to give bond with approved security for the purchase money with interest thereon from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months from said last mentioned day. All persons having claims against said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the register of the court of Chancery aforesaid with the vouchers to support the same within three months from the said day of sale. JAMES S. MORSELL, Trustee. March 3—3w
FOR SALE, About Two Thousand acres of LAND On the east side of the Eastern Branch, and adjoining it, commencing about 4 miles from the Capitol, and 2 from the New Bridge, and including a sufficiency of wood; 300 or 400 acres of meadow ground, a great part of which may be watered; a good country mill, and a commodious brick dwelling house, with all necessary out houses, in good repair. This land will be divided to suit purchasers, though it would be more agreeable to sell the whole together; and there is no more valuable estate than the whole, to be bought in the neighborhood of Washington, nor one capable of being made to yield a better annual income. Apply to BENJ. LOWNDS at Bladensburg, or to BEN. STODDERT. George Town, March 3—2w
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result, in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered cash—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searcy residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. WM. THORNTON, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill, Some Lands calculated for the cult. of cotton, indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan. 29—eptf
AUDITOR'S OFFICE, Chillicothe, State of Ohio January 31st, 1806. Extract from an act levying a state tax for the year 1806. Section 2. Be it further enacted, That all lands shall be rated and classed in the manner following: that is to say, first, second, and third rates; and the rule to be observed is, that when a greater part of any tract shall be superior in quality to second rate land, it shall be denominated first rate; when a greater part of a tract shall be interior in quality to first rate, and superior to third rate, it shall be denominated second rate; and when a greater part of a tract shall be inferior to second rate, it shall be denominated third rate land, taking into view the situation and the quality of the soil. First rate land shall be taxed at the rate of ninety cents, second rate sixty-five cents, and third rate forty cents, each per hundred acres. Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That in all cases where the owners of any lands have, by themselves or agents, entered their lands in their proper classes, with the auditor or clerks of the court of common pleas, agreeably to the laws heretofore in force, such lands shall under this act be placed in the same class for taxation, and all lands which shall not be entered by the owners, or their agents, with the auditor, before he makes out his duplicate, he shall class and charge the same as second rate, and if any owner or proprietor of lands, or their agent, have heretofore, or shall hereafter enter any tract of land in an inferior class to that of its real quality, said land shall (until it is changed into its proper class) be charged, over and above the rate for which it was entered, with double the amount of tax which should have been paid had the same been entered in its proper class; which shall be paid to the collector of the county, township, or district in which such lands may be chargeable, for the use of the state, on the information of any freeholder, making due proof thereof to the auditor or commissioners and be recovered at the same time and in the same way as other taxes are recoverable. Sec. 4. Be it further enacted, That for the collection of taxes of non-residents lands the state shall be and is hereby divided into six collection districts; the first to include the lands purchased by John Cleves Symmes and his associates, and the land within the district of Cincinnati land office; the second to include lands in the Virginia military district, the land within the district of Chillicothe land office and the French grants; the third to include the land purchased by the Ohio Company and all grants included within the limits thereof and the land within the district of the Marietta land office; the fourth to include the lands in the United States military district and the refuse lands; and all the lands within the district of Zane'sville land office; the fifth to include the lands within the district of the Steubenville land office, and all lands south of the Connecticut reserve, and not included in the other districts; and the sixth to include the lands in the Connecticut reserve. Sec. 5. Be it further enacted, That there shall be appointed, by a joint ballot of both houses of the general assembly, and commissioned by the governor, a collector in each district, who shall continue in office one year and until his successor is chosen and qualified, who shall collect all taxes due and owing on non-residents' lands within their respective districts. The collector of the first district shall keep his office at Cincinnati; the collector of the second district shall keep his office at Chillicothe; the collector of the third district shall keep his office at Marietta; the collector of the fourth district shall keep his office at Zane'sville; the collector of the fifth district shall keep his office at Steubenville and the collector of the sixth district shall keep his office at the town of Warren, in the county of Trumbull. And shall each, at the time they receive their duplicates, take & subscribe the following oath or affirmation: viz. "I, A. B. do solemnly swear or affirm, (as the case may be) that I will, according to the best of my abilities, faithfully and impartially perform the duties enjoined on me by law, as collector of the district; and that I will not directly or indirectly purchase any land by me to be sold for taxes." Notice is hereby given that all taxes with in this state are due and payable after the 1st day of August next ensuing, and if not paid by the first Monday of December, the lands will be sold, or so much thereof as will satisfy the amount due with interest. 1st district collector, A. Goforth, Cincinnati. 2d do Virginia army lands, Thomas Scott, Chillicothe. 3d do Wm Skinner, Marietta. 4th do James Herron, Zane'sville. 5th do Charles Maxwell, Steubenville. 6th do James Hillman, Warren. THOMAS GIBSON, Auditor of Accounts for the state of Ohio. Feb. 20—6w.
War Department, March 1, 1806.  NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1806, until the 30th day of September 1807, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz. First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and territory of Michigan, and at any place or places within the Indiana territory north of the 4th degree of north latitude. Second, At South-West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, Nashville, and within the Cherokee nation between Tennessee and Georgia, and on the Tennessee river, and on the road between said river and Nashville, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee. Third, At the garrison near Vincennes on the river Wabash, at Fort Massac, New Madrid, Chickasaw Bluffs, Arkansas, Natchez, & Fort Adams, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited in the Mississippi territory, except the county of Washington, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory south of the 4th degree of north latitude and fifty miles east of the Mississippi river. Fourth, At St. Louis, St. Charles, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at any place or places,
where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Louisiana north of New Madrid, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory within fifty miles east of the Mississippi river, & south of the 4th degree of north latitude. Fort Massac excepted. Fifth, At New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Oacheta, Natchitoches, Appalousa, Attakapas, Fort Stodder, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Orleans, or in the county of Washington in the Mississippi territory, and at any place or places on the west side of the Mississippi river below Arkansas. Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1807, to the 31st day of December of the same year, both days inclusive, within the several states hereinafter mentioned, viz. Sixth, At Fort Wilkinson, Cockspur Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Georgia, and on the Indian boundary between Georgia and the Creek nation. Seventh, at Charleston, Rocky Mount, on the head waters of the Santee, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of North and South Carolina. Eighth, At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Virginia. Ninth, At Fort M'Henry, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Maryland and the district of Columbia. Tenth, At Fort Mifflin, Carlisle, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, east of the Mountains, and within the states of New Jersey, and Delaware. Eleventh, At Pittsburg, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, west of the mountains. Twelfth, At Fort Jay, West Point, Albany, Schenectady, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of New York, Niagara and its dependencies excepted. Thirteenth, At Fort Trumbull, Fort Wolcott, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of Connecticut, Rhode Island and Vermont. Fourteenth, At Fort Independence, (Boston harbor) and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield, and the district of Maine, excepted. Fifteenth, At Portsmouth, Portland, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Hampshire and the district of Maine. Sixteenth, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations, which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts, and for the armorers and other persons employed in the United States' armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1807 to the 31st day of December in the same year, both days inclusive. A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper. It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the U. S. shall be paid by the U. S. at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed. The privilege is understood to be reserved to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the seaboard, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months. H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. March 5—2aw6w.
BANK OF COLUMBIA. NOTICE is hereby given, that in conformity to the charter of this institution, an election for twelve directors will be held, at the house of Joseph Semmes, in George town, on the 20th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 7—
GARDENING. JUST PUBLISHED, by BERNARD McMATHON, at his Grass and Garden Seed Warehouse, No. 129, Chestnut street, Philadelphia,  A NEW & EXTENSIVE TREATISE ON AMERICAN GARDENING. Price full bound and lettered, 3 dollars 50 cents. The title, as in the following Copy Right, viz. DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, to wit: BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the twenty-eighth day of January, in the thirteenth year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1806, BERNARD McMATHON, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following to wit: "THE AMERICAN GARDENER'S CALENDAR, adapted to the climates, and seasons of the United States; containing a complete account of all the work necessary to be done in the kitchen garden, fruit garden, orchard, vineyard, nursery, pleasure ground, flower garden, green-house, hot-house, and forcing frames for every month in the year; with ample practical directions for performing the same. Also general as well as minute instructions, for laying out or erecting, each and every of the above departments, according to modern taste, and the most approved plans; the ornamental planting of pleasure grounds, in the ancient and modern style; the cultivation of thorn quicks, and other plants suitable for live hedges, with the best method of making them, &c. To which are annexed, extensive catalogues of the different kinds of plants which may be cultivated either for use or ornament in the several departments, or in rural economy; divided into eighteen alphabetical classes, according to their habits, duration and mode of culture; with explanatory introductions, marginal marks, and their true Linnean or botanical as well as English names, together with a copious index to the body of the work, by BERNARD McMATHON, nurseryman, and florist." In conformity to the act of the Congress of the U. S. entitled, "an Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned." And also to the act, entitled, "an Act, supplementary to an act, entitled "an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned," and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the Dist. Ct. of Pennsylvania. (L. S.) McMATHON, is constantly supplied with a general assortment of fresh GARDEN SEEDS suitable for cultivation in the U. S. and in the West Indies; grass seeds of various kinds, such as read and white clover, lucerne, trefoil, field, burnet, sainfoin, timothy, herd, orchard and ray grass, lentils, spring vetches, &c. & an immense variety of tree, shrub, and flower seeds and roots, procured from various parts of Europe, Asia, Africa and America; spades, shovels, rakes, hoes, reels, lines, trowels, edging irons, garden shears, watering pots, pruning, budding and grafting knives, &c. Bull-glasses, bats mats, glass suitable for hot-beds and other forcing departments, hemp, rape, millet, canary and maw seeds for bird-ceding, &c. Split and whole peas, for boiling, best English flour of mustard, and every other article appertaining to his line of business, ALL of which he disposes of, wholesale and retail, on the most moderate terms. The more effectually to accommodate his customers he has connected with the seed trade, a botanical, agricultural and horticultural book-store, where a great variety of the most valuable publications on these subjects, may now be had. This with, with the seed business, he is determined to extend to the utmost of his abilities; and he flatters himself, that by his assiduous endeavors to procure every kind of seed or plant, which may add to, or improve our present variety of important vegetable productions, or that may indulge the curious, gratify the naturalist, or increase the number of our ornamental plants, he will with the patronage of a patriotic public, be enabled to render this establishment, not only useful to himself, but of considerable advantage to the community at large. He again earnestly invites the admirers of plants in every nation or country, as well as in every state or territory of the union, to an exchange of mutual services; that is to say: he is desirous of procuring from them, the seeds of such trees, shrubs, grasses, herbaceous flowering & excellent plants, as grow wild or are indigenous in their respective countries or neighborhoods; for which he will make ample remuneration in any other kinds that may be desired, and in his power to give. He does not consider it absolutely necessary that the persons who may collect those seeds for an exchange with him should know the botanical or even the common names of the plants producing them; but if they do either, particularly the former, should be written on each package; if not he would thank them to number each parcel, and to send him such corresponding descriptions as may be found convenient; remarking the kind of soil and situation in which each plant has been found to grow most luxuriantly. The sooner after being collected and sufficiently dried, that they could be forwarded to him the better. Feb. 26—w3t
Pursuant to a decree of the Chancery Court of Maryland, I will expose to PUBLIC SALE on the twenty fourth day of March next at Montgomery Court House a tract of land in Montgomery county, state of Maryland, containing 519 acres more or less, late part of the estate of Gen. George Washington deceased, and on the 31st day of the same month, I will sell at Port Tobacco in Charles county at public sale 500 acres of land lying in said county & state of Maryland also part of said estate. Persons desirous of purchasing are requested to examine said lands which will be divided or sold entire as may best suit the purchaser to give bond with approved security for the purchase money and interest payable at the end of 12 months from the day of sale. BUSH: WASHINGTON. Feb. 28—2awtMar24