The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-11-22 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1428.
VOL. X.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
TO THE EDITORS OF THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
GENTLEMEN,
Your correspondent "Hermes" has given to the public an admirable example of the doctrine of sophistry. He has furnished, in particular, a beautiful specimen of the ignoratio elenchi , or misstatement of the question. The tender concern which he manifests for the pure and impartial administration of justice, is truly commendable; but I must candidly tell him, that he appears to understand neither the functions of the judicial bench nor the cause of my proposition.
"Hermes" may apologize, at the expense of his understanding, in the matter of sheriffs, for depriving them of their legal prerogative; but what reputable excuse will he invent for his palpable departure from the evident terms of the axioms with which I introduced the extract from Judge Van Ness's charge to a grand jury? The Marshal of the district can advise him that "executing the laws" is no part of the "official duty of a judge;" and I am now constrained to inform him, that the assertion "that political charges to juries from the bench are salutary" is no "position" of mine.
I have certainly proposed, and I still contend, "that no organ of government can subsist more to sustain the authority of republican institutions, than the judiciary, where the officers are enlightened, and when their conduct is influenced, by a reverence for free principles;" and that "charges to grand juries in particular, deriving importance from the solemnity of the occasion, and replete with useful ideas expressed in popular language, are well calculated, not only to promote the moral order of society, and to enforce due obedience to the laws, but are peculiarly beneficial, in giving to the federal system of policy which so strongly marks the American cabinet, a healthy and vigorous tone."
In these expressions, the idea is so precisely guarded by specific definition, that it is surprising how it has been mistaken. I assert, that the judiciary tends to corroborate republican institutions; but, to do so, the judges must be enlightened and devoted to free principles. I say, that charges to grand juries promote moral order, enforce the laws of the land, and invigorate a liberal system of policy; but, to effect these objects, they must contain useful ideas clothed in popular language. In all this, a man of intelligence and candor will see nothing to sanctify the imputation of recommending the practice of political persecution from the bench, or of party charges to grand juries: my train of reasoning merely inculcates, that upright judges, on certain occasions, may fortify the virtues of society; and that these virtues, (subduing vice, calming passion, and weeding prejudice,) will have a tendency, in a free government, to influence the community to support the chief magistrate in the correct exercise of the powers of an office, in which, from our jealousy of corruption, despotism and tyranny, the constitution has concentrated very little authority. In other words, to give energy to government by the salutary impulse of public sentiment.
When "Hermes," therefore, insinuates political declamation from the bench is an evil; that party politics addressed to a grand jury deserve reprobation; he does not contravert any proposition advanced by me, but "combats" a phantom which he has himself created, and in a contest with which he appears to have exhausted much of his valor and more of his discretion. Yet, even in this conflict, he does not seem to stand on unequivocal ground; for, it is by no means certain, that it is better for judges to conceal their partiality than to avow it to the jury; because, in the latter case, reason will subvert, through the medium of the press, the errors of the judicial functionary; whilst it secretly nourished in his mind, kept out of public view, and slyly circulated among the people, they might only be recognized in their baneful effects, consecrated by custom and sanctioned by hoary prejudice.
"Hermes" tacitly admits the excellence of the extract from the charge of Judge Van Ness; and, in that particular, we are, it seems, of the same opinion.
I can not so readily unite with him in judgment on the subject of addresses
to the chief magistrate of the nation. On this topic, as well as on that of charges to grand juries, he argues against the use from the abuse of the thing; and, if this were a legitimate and conclusive mode of reasoning, christianity itself could easily be proved a vice. Ambition and desire of office will, I admit, assume various shapes; there are occasions, doubtless, when they put on the form of a charge to a grand jury and that of an address to the President: they are, likewise, not unfrequently recognized in the shape of a sullen anonymous writer masked by a fictitious appellation purloined from the Heathen mythology: but these are tricks of human cunning, which weak men resort to, and which men of abilities despise. Envy, and thousand unholy passions, are continually playing the hypocrite in the world; but they are easy of detection and comparatively harmless. The judge, or the citizen, who boldly delivers his sentiments in the cause of moral order, and in defence of the wholesome institutions of the country, may be denounced but cannot be disgraced. Whilst the President is elected by the people, there will be a propriety in the occasional expression of their sentiments towards him. To decry the practice, is to endeavor to place the chief magistrate at an unlawful distance from those whose sovereignty he represents, and to weaken one of the checks to the other departments of government, which the constitution has so wisely ordained.
A CONSTANT READER.
FROM THE ENQUIRER.
Points in dispute between G. Britain and the U. States.
No. 1.
It seems, that many censures have been cast upon the last administration, for a supposed want of liberality towards Great Britain. As these reproaches may be shown to be destitute of any foundation, by recurring to the terms which were proposed to Great Britain as the basis of a treaty—it seems a matter of some moment to exhibit what these propositions were. There is another advantage in such an Essay—it is not every man who is able to shift a long diplomatic correspondence—and to trace the terms which were successively offered and rejected. To show the actual state of this question, the following elucidations are submitted:
The two most important points in dispute were, 1st. the Colonial Trade , 2d. the Impressment of our Seamen .
1. As to the Colonial Trade. —The Secretary of State, in his joint letter of instructions to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney permits them to take the article of Oct. 1801, supplementary to the treaty of June of that year, between Great Britain and Russia, as the rule of their conduct—this article abandons the point of carrying, in time of war, the produce or merchandise of the colonies, &c. direct to the mother country, and vice versa from the mother country to the enemy's colonies.
As many abuses had crept into the British practice under the freest that this neutral trade, from enemy colonies, through neutral ports, was in fact the direct trade , it became essential to adopt some rule as a precaution on this point. They were, therefore, to concede on the part of the U. States, that the landing, securing the duties and change of ship, or, perferably the landing alone, or securing the values besides, should be necessary to destroy the continuity of the voyage—of which facts, the ordinary documents of our custom houses were to be held as evidences enough. Here let it be distinctly remarked, that these were held sufficient in the celebrated correspondence of Mr. King and Lord Hawkesbury in the year 1801—the Advocate General himself having formerly reported that "landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country breaks the continuity of the voyage, and is such an interposition as legalizes the trade, although the goods be re-shipped in the same vessel, and on account of the same neutral proprietors, and be forwarded for sale to the mother country or the colony."
In the project of the treaty , signed by these gentlemen, however, greater concessions were really made. All articles, as well as from the colonies, were to be landed in the ports of the United States—on re shipment of
those of the growth, produce & manufacture of Europe , one per cent was to be deducted from the drawback—on reshipment of those of the growth of the enemy's colonies to Europe two per cent were to be retained from the drawback—in both cases, the goods and vessels to be bona fide , the property of the citizens and inhabitants of the United States.
Did the administration, however, reject this new tax of one and two per cent on our colonial trade? Did they refuse to meet this singular requisition of the British Government?—a requisition which was entirely dictated by their commercial jealousy and avarice . Nothing like it. On the contrary, the Secretary of State in his critique on this article of the treaty, is silent as to this particular—and all silence may be considered as equivalent to an acquiescence. Beside, into the list of changes , which our ministers were instructed to procure, this point did not really enter. The only objection , which he does urge against it, is article in its " restricting to the market of Europe , the re-exportation of colonial produce, and its restricting to European articles, the supplies to the colonial market ." The effects of these restrictions he shows to be important. In direct contradiction to the adjudication even of British courts, the productions of the continental and the insular colonies of America were no longer to be shipped to the Asiatic or African shores of the Mediterranean, nor to any of the ports beyond the Cape of Good Hope, where a market was to be had—nor were "the importations from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, more especially the cotton fabrics of China and India, to be sent as heretofore the W. Indies , or the Spanish Main , where they not only now yield a great profit to our merchants, but being mixed with the produce of this country, facilitate and encourage the trade in the latter." Besides, as Mr. Madison truly observes, the greedy creatures who swam on the ocean might easily convert the similarity of the manufactures of Europe, and those of China and India, into a pretext for new interruptions and vexations of our trade.
Surely then, on this point, the last administration were disposed to go as far in the spirit of accommodation and peace, as its bitterest enemies would desire. They went further than the British government itself, after a solemn report of the advocate general, thought necessary to require in the year 1801. There has lately been an indirect proposition in some of the republican points to abandon this colonial trade. But there is a distinction which ought certainly to be taken. The U.S. ought not to be plunged into a war for this trade—neither ought they to abandon it in a commercial treaty with Great Britain. It is one of the rights of our commerce—one of the privileges attached to the freedom of the sea—but it may be our interest to go, as far as the last administration went, to modify this abstract right, in order to appease the commercial scruples of Britain. A reservation of the whole right accruing to us, may be made in the same article of the treaty.
2. Impressment of seamen. —The great point which has been uniformly insisted on by the United States, is, that on the high seas no seaman whatever should be taken from an American vessel—in other words, that on the high seas, no vessel of the U. S. should be searched for seamen, seamen nor any impressed from on board—This rule, however, has been pressed by our government in one or two different forms.
In the letter from the Secretary of State, of the January 5, 1804, two schemes are laid down for the guidance of our minister, one of them called the first proposal , the other the second and ultimatum . The 1st was, that no person whatsoever shall upon the high seas and without the jurisdiction of either party, be demanded or taken out of any vessel belonging to either party, by the public or private armed ships of either, unless such person be at the time in the military service of an enemy of such other party. The 2d was made with an eye to an objection which had been started by the British government, that it "the facility which would be given, particularly in the British channel, by the immunity claimed for all vessels, to the escape of
traitors and the desertion of others, whose services in time of war may be particularly important to an enemy." To obviate this objection it was laid down, in the ultimatum , that, in addition to the immunity specified in the first proposal it was to be understood, this article was not to exempt any person "on board the ships of either of the parties, from being taken therefrom by the other party, in cases where they may be liable to be so taken according to the laws of nations, which liability, however, shall not be construed to extend in any case to seamen or seafaring persons, being actually part of the crew of the vessel in which they may be, or to persons of any description passing from one port to another port of either of the parties."
In the joint letter of May 17, 1806, addressed to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, the Secretary of State authorizes them, in case the preceding ultimatum should not be pleasing to the British government, to substitute one of his import: That no seaman or seafaring person (thus doing away the generality of the terms of the first proposal) "shall upon the high seas, &c." thus proceeding in the words of that proposal down to words "and private armed ships of either" and concluding with these words "& strict orders shall be given for the due observance of this engagement." The article in these terms, (says Mr. Madison) was with the acquiescence of Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Addington, conceded between Mr. King & S. Lord Vincent, on the approaching renewal of the late war. It was frustrated by an exception from the narrow seas, inserted by Lord St. Vincent, an exception so evidently inadmissible, both in principle and in practice, that it must have been intended as a pretext for evading the stipulation at that time."
The correspondence of our ministers exhibits all their difficulties and their measures on this important question. Objections were urged by the British commissioners as to the efficiency of the local authorities of the U. States in apprehending and restoring deserters from their vessels. These might immediately go to sea, beyond the reach of the local authorities—and besides, according to the English law, the term "deserters" was confined to such only, as should leave their ships of war. To remove these two objections, our ministers submitted a project, in the first place, making it peral for the commanders of each other's vessels to take deserters from the vessels of the other, under such circumstances, and also making it the duty of each government to restore them upon their arrival in their respective ports, on suitable application and proof; and 2d: extending the meaning of "deserters" to such as should leave the merchant vessels. At first this project seemed to go down with the British commissioners—they expressly agree to propose an article to the cabinet, to that effect—but at the very next interview, all their scruples and difficulties recurred—they had been consulting the board of admiralty and the crown officers in Doctor's commons—and they asserted it to be the prerogative of the king "to require the services of all his seafaring subjects against his enemy, and to seize them by force wherever found, not being within the territorial limits of another power." All that they did towards a furtherance of any adjustment, was to make the tender of a counter project , which explicitly reserved the right of search and impressment, on the high seas, of such as were not the subjects of the other—but stipulating for the enactment of laws on both sides, inflicting heavy penalties on the commanders of the belligerent ships, who shall impress the native subjects of the neutral, or others not being the subjects of the belligerent, from on board the neutral vessel, on any pretence whatever—and on the other hand, making it highly penal in the subjects of the neutral, to grant any certificates of the birth and country of seafaring persons, without due proof of the same. This proposition however is nugatory and ridiculous—the dominating spirit of the commanders—their ingenuous and arrogant use of every avenue which is left open by abuse—the temptation laid open by spoliations on the rich commerce of the United States in case of a war—to produce that state of things—all cogently exhibited by the Secre-
tary of State as irresistible reasons for putting an end to the discretionary power of these commissioners. To which may be added, that as mistakes in such cases would really be inevitable, the British cabinet would soon acquire the art of contriving apologies for not enforcing their penalities .—As in the case of Bradley , the punishment of their officers would be a premotion .
At length the treaty was signed by our ministers without any article on this subject. They had received a note from the British commissioners, promising "the observance of the greatest caution in the impressing of British seamen, and prompt redress on the representation of a jury sustained by our citizens"—but this note was not considered as sufficient by our government, and the omission was justly considered as an insuperable objection to the treaty.
Throughout the whole of this transaction, the last administration has certainly made the most liberal advances, consistently with the consecrated principle, which forms the Vade mecum of our seamen and our commerce. The British assure us, that they do not desire the services of our own seamen—we certainly do not require the aid of theirs. The only point, therefore, is to fix on some means of asserting and ascertaining the subjects of each. And the only question is, which is the best expedient, to refer the decision to a hasty examination of an improvised commander on the high seas, accompanied by all the vexations which are incident to the detention and search of our vessels, and by a sacrifice of one of the rights of our sovereignty to one of the assuming prerogatives of the British king—or to refer it to an impartial tribunal, constituted on shore, and accompanied with legal proceedings calculated to prevent the employment of each other's seamen in our respective vessels. Certainly there can be no question as to the balance of advantages arising from these two projects. Our government has maintained a principle, which they surely could not have abandoned.
The other points in the treaty are reserved for the next No.
RUSSIAN COMMERCE.
Most recent statement of Russian Commerce.
From a very interesting work, written by count Romanzoff, entitled "State of Commerce of the Russian empire from 1802 to 1808," we learn that, in the year 1805, the value of foreign commodities imported into Russia amounted to 55,000,000 of roubles; the duties amounted to 11,000,000 roubles more than in the preceding year. In 1804, owing to the difficulties of commercial speculations, the imports were minus 6 millions of roubles; and the exports 3,000,000 of roubles; although then the balance in favor of Russia amounted to 9,517,440 roubles; but in 1803 it amounted to 21,590,968 roubles. In 1805, notwithstanding the almost total stagnation of trade, the imports amounted to 6,000,000 of roubles, and the exports to 13,142 millions of roubles, more than in 1804. The balance in favor of Russia was 25,142 millions of roubles. The exports of corn, amounted to more than 20 millions of roubles, exceeded those of the preceding year by 12 millions of roubles. The number of ships arrived at and departed from Russian ports stood as follows:
   Arrived. Sailed.     In 1802 3,730 3,622   1803 4,135 4,157   1804 3,478 3,471   1805 5,332 5,085  
By far the greatest part of them English. In 1803, the number of ships trading to the ports of Russia was—
   Arrived 996. Sailed 926.     The exchange on Hamburg, in which from 1802 and 1805 had sustained itself from 23 to 27 and 1-2 and 2-9, fell in 1803 to 12 and 1-2.  
Philadelphia Mer. Adv.
SAM. STATIONER, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the Opera House has just received and offers for sale 20 DUNDAS SHEET PLANS, and 20 Boxes WINDOW GLASS 10 by 12. As the above has been purchased advantageously, I will sell them peculiarly low to punctilious dealers for cash or on credit. November 22. Sam. Stationer.

JUNIUS. FROM THE LONDON INDEPENDENT WHIG.
To his royal highness the Duke of York.
If, on your retreat from office, you had gone into actual retirement, I should not now have the cruelty to disturb you: I would respect the shelter which misfortune reserves for the lowest of her victims, and leave you in that privacy which is equally suited to the moderation of your talents and your virtues.
Your royal highness will be convinced that I am not to be easily impressed by common opinion, when I will admit that your existence has not been altogether useless to the country. To establish any valuable truth one example is better than a thousand lectures;—we have a natural suspicion of theory, and might have lingered through ages of scepticism before we could have found so strong an example as that supplied by your royal highness—that no degradation can disqualify a man for the service of his country—that the most vulgar vice can give a lesson of morality, & the meanest thirst of power a triumph to the constitution.
I know that, to your delicacy of feeling, nothing is likely to be more unexpected or perhaps more painful than a public charge of the cardinal vices. The double accusation of piety and patriotism is, it must be owned, rather oppressive for the blushing humility of a man who has hitherto succeeded in concealing his virtues from the suspicion of even his most intimate friends. But, sir, if I am not mistaken, you were born for a public example!—Other men may rest their claims on the gratitude, you deserve your reward from the justice of the country—"Schallam virtutem querimus"—and it is a duty which I dare not decline, to draw your buried merits up to light, and demand for them the honor which is their due.
I must be permitted to pause in your panegyric:—an old man's imagination sinks before the task of following you through your course of glory: and, in an age when every thing seems full of alteration, it is no slight gratification to have discovered so striking an example of a total defance of change, a mind steadily pursuing its original impulse; turning, neither to the right nor to the left; neither to be awed by the chilling formality of reason, nor ashamed by the sneering impertinence of ridicule.
But to have enemies is the natural fate of merit. Your enemies may endeavor to represent your course as easy and scarcely requiring any thing more than a due contempt of those rest lessions which vulgar minds may hold a creed. "Facilis descensus Averni" Yet I defy their bitterest malice to give another instance of a man who has devoted such opportunities and such industry to his purpose, or whose progress has been at once so regular and so precipitate—so rapid and so undeviating.
Other candidates for fashionable fame have exercised their faculties upon parts of the system; your royal highness may have a few superiors at the gaming table, or the Four-in-Hand Club, the race-course or the stew-hut, for the range of the universal science, you are without a competitor!—You surpass them as far as the rapidity of instinct outstrips the tardiness of instruction—and for each and all, from the penning of a love-letter to the capitulation of an army, you are unequalled, unimitated, inimitable.
I can easily conceive that patriotism like yours would feel somewhat restless in retirement; a consciousness of superior abilities naturally urges to their exertion. It is reported that you condescend still to direct the arrangements of the commander in chief's office; and as if it were your determination to dazzle us with a blaze of mingled virtues, add a splendid self-denial to a princely patriotism, contenting yourself with the pay and patronage of the command, and leaving to another the undivided honor of the responsibility.
But it is absurd to estimate you by the conceptions of common men. You have, probably, some secret instinct, some dark and prophetic consciousness that you have not yet fulfilled the end of your being, and paid your debt to your country. Some meditations on your past services to the empire may have convinced you that you have been marked out for a memorable duty; that like the favorite slaves of the ancient tyrants, your assistance is necessary to the last hour of her renown; and that no other hand can so effectually shorten the pain of her final struggle.
Report has even gone so far as to say that the appointment of Lord Chatham to the command of the expedition, is nothing more than an ingenious contrivance for your royal highness's
immediate and public resumption of authority. As a friend to the feelings of an injured patriot, I would not advise you to trust too much to this intriguing expedient. You will have to feel the prejudice to which merit like yours must always be exposed! You have already escaped its violence; a second plunge might not be equally fortunate. The tide of public opinion still runs strong against you. Your robes of office may have hitherto kept you on the surface, but they have been too much drenched not to have lost their buoyancy. They would be too heavy for your feebleness. You would be swept away at once by an irresistible torrent, and your country would have to lament the obscure waste of a life whose last moments should have been given to her interests, consecrated by the solemnities of national justice, and devoted to the ends of national example.
Beware; I warn you, beware of taking on you the command of the army; it will be your ruin. But you must earn your fate by some number crime! If you are to suffer, let justice take its course; but the soiled and trampled laurels of our army must not be the wreath that binds the victim.
Stay, sir, if you would not have every parent in the land raising curses on your head. Stay in your retirement; it is fittest for you. You may there best exhibit and indulge all those qualities which nature like yours feels as the first privileges of rank and opulence. You may be a Tiberius at Caprea, or a Domitian at his villa, and alternately enjoy the pure festivities of the one and the philosophic solitude of the other.
Beware of intruding yourself into command; the last army of the empire must not again be trusted with you before an enemy. I dread to look upon the consequence. You have made me feel more than I thought so many years had left to me!—You have roused an old man from the borders of the grave! I have not meddled with public affairs for many years. I thought that, in turning the public eye on the Graftons and Mansfields of my day, I had done my measure of service to my country; but I can serve her yet. I have been the best friend of your royal highness's family, and am personally yours when I warn you against daring to take any share of the public authority. You can be safe only while you are obscure! The tiger, in his cage, may be suffered to live an object of fearless abhorrence and cheap curiosity; but once let loose, it becomes the duty of every man to arm himself against the violence of the royal savage.
If you are not this moment the virtual commander in chief, why is the influence of your resentments so fatal to the simple ground of exclusion? Must we trace the serpent in every dark and sinuous winding of his retreat, by the infection of his trail?
Why, when such a man as Chatham is employed, is such a man as Ferguson thrown out of service? Is it because he took the single resolution of doing his duty with equal heroism in the Senate and in the field? Or is it that you think it but fair to acquaint us with the principles on which a higher rank may empower you to act, and take this opportunity of declaring that no man can be permitted to serve his country till he has turned traitor to his conscience, and that the duties of the army are contrary and hostile to the rights of the people?
It may be for your interest to meditate on those charges. I have still some hopes of your amendment—I will confess that, on this point, the general opinion is opposite to mine. Your friends attribute your past conduct to a persevering folly—your enemies to an obstinate vice. Both agree that as your errors were the work of nature, it is absurd to hope for their reformation; that, as you rushed into crime without reflection, so will you continue in it without remorse. But, in my intercourse with you, I have observed a certain principle which has been termed the beginning of wisdom. The most degrading stain on other characters, is probably the paving of virtue in yours. If your feelings are not to be touched by the wrongs of the people, let your fears be roused by their resentment. The wrath of British men is slow but it is progressive; the effect of heavy injury, embittered by continual insult; not easily roused, but once roused, not to be laid without substantial justice; it will not be satisfied with cutting off the contemptible minnows that cling round and prey upon you—it will be neither in your mediatory rank nor in your remembered services to protect you! The conflagration which has hitherto slumbered, will only throw out its casual blaze shall awake; it shall not be content with feeding on the dry and worthless weeds that lie at your feet, it shall rise to the mighty of the for-
est, and, in their parched and blasted verdure, leave only the more striking monuments of its unsparing desolation.
Public forbearance has been exhausted; the people cannot submit to further insult; they will not comprehend the honest policy of redeeming your character at the expence of your country; and, by the appointment of such men as Chatham and Dundas, proving to the nation that your's are not the only hands by which it may be ruined.
Is my lord Chatham a man fit to be put at the head of a British expedition? What are his merits? Where are his exploits of successful intrepidity or practiced skill? Is it for his political virtues or his martial prowess? Is it that your love of justice has been enraptured by the good natured impartiality which has made him the pliant instrument of so many administrations? Or is it that you reason from his civility to his military accomplishments, not unjustly inferring that the man who has spent his whole life in the barter of office, will be peculiarly dextrous at a convention, and, in spite of Hondscoote and the Helder, obliterate even your renown in the art of capitulating with the enemy?
You are not yet totally ruined. I dare not bid the vilest criminal despair. Your duty is plain; dismiss those substitutes of yours; send old Dundas to Chelsea and his pension; send Chatham to his cheap indulgences, his reversions, and his half pay; tell him that the people will not suffer him to serve them; that they are beginning to know and despise such men; that their service is not the private sinecure it used to be; and that, if they have punished the tripping honor of a Prince, they will not be more lenient to the stately perfidy of a peer!
Then, sir, instantly retire; misfortune has but yet done half her work; she has brought you to shame, let her now bring you to repentance! It would be useless to disguise from you that the period must be long and the remorse sincere, before the empire can consider you as the son of its sovereign.
But I once more warn you to beware of retrieving your character by any sudden experiment on popular applause! Is it true that from Ld. Chatham's incapacity you took to his ill success, and from that to your assuming the command with some comparative éclat, no language can be strong enough for your reprobation. But the plan has too much of labor'd treachery for your indolence. This would not be the spirit of the soldier struggling fairly in the great cause which would ennoble his fall. There is another character; it has probably suggested itself to your royal highness: it is the cowardly marauder, lingering behind till the danger is over, and then stealing forth in darkness and security, to insult the bodies of the dead, and bring home an unresisting spoil from the desolation of the field.
JUNIUS.
WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH,
Have just received from New York, a large part of their Fall supply of
LIQUORS & GROCERIES,
Which have been carefully selected by one of the owners, and will be sold at a moderate advance
They now have on hand and are landing,
  Imperial TEA, } Warranted qualities,  Hyson, do. } Beaver's Triumph's, &  Young Hyson do. } Trident's cargoes,  Hyson Skin do. } chests, boxes & canisters.    Bourbon White Coffee in bags,    Bee Green, do. in barrels and bags,    Prime Jamaica Sugars in hds. and barrels,    Havanna, Muscovado do. in small hds.    Low priced Muscovado do. hds. & barrels,    Loaf and Lump Sugars, in hds. and barrels,    St. Kitts Molasses in hds.    Superior Upland Cotton in square and round bales,    Flax in bales of about 200lb.    Old Cognac and Barcelona Brandy in pipes,    Holland and anchor Gin, in do.    Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits in hds.    A few casks choice and genuine old Peach Brandy,    Old Madeira Wine in pipes and gr. casks,    Teneriffe and Lisbon do. in do.    Pine old Sherry do. in do.    Malaga and Catalonia do. in do.    A few boxes choice Clarets, one doz. each,    Sweet Oil in cases and baskets,    Indigo and Fig Blue, best qualities,    Chocolate in boxes,    Nutmegs, Cloves, Mace, Cassia & Pimento,    Pepper in small bags,    London Mustard in boxes of 6 and 12 doz.    Spermaceti and Mould Candles, in boxes,    Fresh Muscetel and Bloom Raisins in boxes    Do. in kegs—Fresh Almonds,    Malaga Grapes in jars,    Shot assorted—Lead in bars,    Liverpool Ware in crates,    Stone Ware in do. assorted,    Pipes in boxes 6 and 8 gross each,    A few casks excellent Cheese,    Spanish Segars in boxes 1000 each,    Maskel Sals,    Rice and Ground Ginger, &c. &c.    ALSO,    20 barrels choice Apples.   Georgetown, Nov. 13—2tfw3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 22.
The following letter, said to be addressed to the British consuls, is taken from the Independent American. We are authorised to say that its contents, so far as they contradict the article published in this paper on the 13th instant relative to the course of the negotiation between our government and Mr. Jackson, are unfounded.
Washington, Nov. 13, 1809.
(CIRCULAR.)
SIR, I have to inform you with much regret, that the facts which it has been my duty to state in my official correspondence with Mr. Smith, have been deemed by the President of the United States to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important negotiation and for putting an end to all communication whatever with me as the minister charged with that negotiation so interesting to both nations, and on one most material point, of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written overture. One of the facts alluded to has been admitted by the Secretary of State himself in his letter to me of the 19th Oct. viz that the three conditions forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instructions were submitted to him by that gentleman; the other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to me by the instructions which I have myself received. In stating these facts, and in adhering to them as my duty imperiously enjoined me to do, in order to repel the frequent charges of ill faith which have been made against his majesty's government, I could not imagine that offence would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none could be intended on my part; and this view of the subject has been made known to Mr. Smith. But as I am informed by him, that no further communication will be received from me I conceive that I have no alternative left, which is consistent with the king's dignity, but to withdraw altogether from this city, and to wait elsewhere the arrival of his majesty's commands upon the unlooked for turn which has thus been given to his affairs in this country. I mean in the interval to make New York the place of my residence, where you will henceforward please to direct your communications to me, as I shall be accompanied by every member of his majesty's mission.
I am, &c. (Signed) F. J. JACKSON.
Our readers will not fail to peruse with interest the masculine composition under the signature of JUNIUS. It is not probable that it is the offspring of the same pen that under a similar signature acquired such great distinction about forty five years since, although it is certainly characterised by many corresponding features.
Leave has been given in the House of Delegates of Maryland, on motion of Mr. Archner, to bring in a bill entitled "An act to alter and abolish all such parts of the declaration of rights, the constitution and form of government of this state, as make it lawful for the legislature to lay a general and equal tax for the support of the Christian RELIGION"
We trust that an amendment to the Constitution to this effect will prevail. At present there may, perhaps, be no danger from the inoperative provisions of the Constitution on this head; but it is proper that no door should be left open to the establishment of any institution whatever, partaking of the character of a religious establishment. Genuine religion rejects all such aid, which can only avail to promote views subversive of political liberty.
The legislature of Maryland have elected Messrs. James Butcher, Geo. E. Mitchell, Thomas W. Hall, Reverdy Ghiselin and Lewis Duval, council to the governor for the ensuing year.
A committee of the Rhode Island legislature made, at the last session, the following statement respecting the Banks in that state:—The number of banks in the state is thirteen, viz. Providence, Rhode Island, Exchange, Bristol, Washington, Warren, Smithfield, Newport, Roger Williams, Rhode Island, Union, Rhode Island Central, Narragansett, and Commercial: They have only 434,849 dollars in bills, in circulation. To meet these, they have 410,314 dollars in specie in their vaults, besides bills of other banks. The deposits amount to 487,911 dollars.
The Legislature of Tennessee have
passed an act, to disqualify any person, who may hereafter ever receive or bear a challenge , from holding any office or appointment under the government, being evidence in any court of records, or serving as a Jury man. In one respect, this statutes goes a step further than most of the state laws on this subject; for it provides, that in case a challenger shall publish or denounce the other party, who "is unwilling or refuses to fight," as a coward or poltroon , or by any similar epithet, such words are to be held as slanderous , and an action may be maintained against the speaker or publisher thereof.
Inquirer.
British perfidy is at length unmasked, by the insolence of Jackson, the minister at Washington, (of Copenhagen memory.) With an intention, most evidently to take no step in accordance with the character of a messenger of peace, but to amuse and to deceive our executive as long as possible, until the great events in Europe should have decided the attitude to be assumed by Great Britain towards us, this fit tool of a treacherous and abandoned Government has at length closed his diplomatic career in this country. (He has no fleet with him to substitute a more efficient correspondence.)
Although from the unprecedented disavowal of Mr. Erskine's treaty by the British ministry, we might be justified in expecting nothing manly, just or honorable from that court, yet we had indulged a belief, that necessity (the great and only coërcer of kings) would have compelled them to resort again to the usual mode of intercourse between Governments with an apparent candor and promised good faith. But in this we are for the present disappointed. [Is another European campaign necessary to bring her to her senses?] Great Britain, by the unparalleled effrontery of her minister refuses to treat with us, refuses to atone for past injuries or to engage for future amity and justice. Our Government is abused to its face—insult is added to injury—and the nation is left to seek redress in its own resources, or to wait for a third minister from his most gracious majesty.
It is true, the British ministry, who disavowed the treaty of Erskine, and sent Jackson, have proved their abandoned corruption to the world, have quarrelled among themselves, and quit their offices, amid the execrations of the British people—and a new administration may do us justice. But how long are we to wait for new ministers and new administrations, the latter annulling the acts of the former and by its own conduct producing a rupture with our executive, and leaving its business to a third or fourth negotiator? And besides, what security have we for the faith of a third, after we have been deceived or insulted by the first and second?
We are happy to learn the spirit and promptitude of our Government on this important occasion. They will be applauded and supported by every friend to the dignity and interest of his country. We have always expected that the ratifications of Erskine's treaty would be made a preliminary, a sine qua non by our Government with the British, and we are now confirmed in the opinion. That treaty was considered by all parties as honorable and equitable on both sides—and all parties must therefore join in maintaining the propriety of our executive in insisting on its fulfilment. And let us hear no more from Mr. Coleman & Mr. Cheetham, of the disposition of the British to do us justice, of their having offered us the same terms negotiated by Erskine twelve months before, and of the honor and good faith— funica fides —of that Government. Columbian.
Charleston, November 11.
The Swedish ship Gustavus, Grandison, anchored off the bar the evening before the last, from Liverpool, which place she left on the 8th of October.
It was reported in Liverpool that the Russians were about to join the Austrians, but it was not generally credited.
A French privateer, called the Decide , out of Bordeaux, had captured several American vessels; the captain of which said that he had orders to capture all American vessels, and those which did not give him a ransom, by drawing bills and leaving with him one of the officers of the ship captured were to be burnt. On the 12th of October, in lat. 48, long. 19 she captured the ship Henrietta , Nickells, from Liverpool to New York, with a valuable cargo of hardware and dry goods, which was sent to France—on the same day she captured the ship Latonia Walker, from Liverpool to Portsmouth, N. H. which was in company with the Henrietta ; she not having a valuable cargo on board, was ransomed for 2000 dollars—also the ship Resolution , Banker, from London to New York, in ballast; the crew was taken out and the ship scuttled—Five

ships were then in sight, supposed to be Americans, one of them thought to be the Sally, Webber, from Liverpool for this port, which sailed in company with the Gustavus. As the privateer stood for them, it is believed most of them were captured. This privateer also captured the Gustavus, & intended to burn her, but afterwards ransomed her for 23,000 dollars.
The captain of the privateer said it was his orders to capture all American vessels from English ports; those that were worth more than 40,000 dollars were to be sent in, others of less value were to be ransomed or destroyed, as it was the determination of the French Government that neutrals should not trade with Great Britain. The Mate of the ship Henrietta is on board the Gustavus.
The captain of the privateer informed that several other vessels were to sail from Bordeaux to cruise against No American commerce. The Decade is a corvette of 18 18 pounders has a crew of 160 men, and sails very fast.
The verbal reports by this ship are that peace was not concluded between France and Austria; that a Ministry had been formed in England, but it was considered as one that would not continue long in office.
We understand that there are no letters on board the Gustavus for this port.
Our informant returned from the ship late last night, but obtained no papers; we understand she brought a Liverpool paper of the 5th of October.
Philadelphia, Nov. 20.
The ship Augustus, Chever, has arrived at Salem in 58 day from Malta Mr. Joseph Austin, of Boston, a passenger in her, informs, that the Mediterranean is full of French privateers, which capture every American vessel they find, but that most of them are recovered for their owners by vigilance of the British cruisers. As many as sixteen French privateers had been recently sent into Malta by British cruisers. The Augustus did not stop at Gibraltar.
FRENCH PIRACY.
Extract of a letter from capt. John Nichols, late of the ship Henrietta, to his owner in Boston, dated Portsmouth, November 10—“Dear sir, I am sorry to inform you, that I was captured by a French privateer on the 12th October, in lat. 48 40, and long. 20 W. after being out eight days from Liverpool for N. York, full of goods. The ship Laconia of this place, which left Liverpool at the time I did, and was in company, was also taken, but having on board only salt and crates, was ransomed for 9,000 dollars; and myself, two passengers and four of my crew, put on board her; the privateer ordering two of my men to remain on board the Henrietta, and taking on board the privateer my mate, cook and three seamen. I requested permission to be sent in with the ship; but they would neither permit me nor my mate to return on board. Captain Brier of the ship Resolution, of N. York, also came home with us; he had been captured three days before by the same privateer, and his ship DESTROYED, as she was from London in ballast, and not worth sending in. In fact, the captain of the privateer told us, that he should take or destroy all American vessels he met with coming from England”
The Portsmouth paper of Saturday last, announces the arrival of the Laconia, with the particulars of the piratical seizure of the ship Henrietta. They state in addition to those mentioned in captain Nichols's letter, that the privateer was called Le Decid, commanded by captain Briollet, out ten days from Bordeaux; that they took the mate and two seamen from the Laconia, to be held as hostages for the sum of nine thousand dollars, which captain Walker had agreed to pay for her release, by bills upon his owners in the United States; that the privateer attempted to sink the ship Resolution, but did not succeed in setting her on fire. M. Briollet declaring to capt. Bunker, that orders had been lately received at all the ports from the Emperor, to take or destroy all vessels bound to or from any of the enemy's ports, agreeably to the strictest construction of the Milan decree. The following is capt. Briollet's Receipt for the Henrietta:
“I, the undersigned, captain of the privateer Le Decid, of Bordeaux, fitted out by M. Balgurie, junior, certify, that I have captured this day the ship Henrietta, of Boston, capt. John Nichols, in virtue of the laws of my government, finding the said ship in contravention of the imperial decree of 17th December, 1807. Done at sea, on board the privateer Le Decid, 12th October, 1809.
“BRIOLLET”
MARRIED, on Sunday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Rozell. Mr. Simeon Matlock to Miss Sarah Y. Dove, both of this city.
[BY AUTHORITY.]
An act imposing certain Taxes and provide for their collection.
Sec. 1. BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That there be annually imposed, according to an assessment made in pursuance of an act, entitled “An act directing a new assessment of property and for other purposes,” passed the thirty-first day of November one thousand eight hundred and seven, on every hundred dollars worth of Real and Personal Property so assessed, within the City of Washington, the sum of Fifty Cents, which tax shall be collected by the Treasurer of this City.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Treasurer to account with the City Council quarterly, by exhibiting a statement accompanied by proper vouchers for all monies received and expended by him as Collector and Treasurer.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Treasurer to notify each person assessed of the amount of the Tax on or before the first day of December, with information that the same is to be paid on or before the first day of January ensuing; and it shall also be the duty of the Treasurer, or some person by him employed, to call between the first day of December and the first day of January at the place of residence of each person in the City who is chargeable with taxes, for the purpose of receiving the same, and in case said Tax shall not be paid on or before the said first day of January, the same shall forthwith be levied by the said Treasurer by distress and sale of the goods and chattels of the person from whom such Tax is due, but no sale shall be made until ten days previous notice thereof shall have been given; and if the Tax be due from Real improved Property and there is no Personal Property belonging to the person from whom such Tax is due which can be found sufficient, if distressed, to satisfy the same, it shall then be the duty of the Treasurer, after thirty days public notice by weekly advertisement in a newspaper printed in this City to cause so much of the property to be sold at Auction as may be necessary to pay the Tax due with all charges & expenses which may have accrued thereon, and when sold to transfer the same by deed of bargain and sale to the purchaser thereof. The Treasurer shall, within two weeks after such sale, make return of the proceedings to the City Council, designating the property sold, the amount of the Tax for which it was sold, together with the expense incurred thereon, the person to whom sold, and the amount received therefor; and if the said amount shall exceed the Tax and expenses for which the said property was so sold, the difference shall be paid by the Treasurer and paid on demand to the person entitled thereto, or may be taken by the Treasurer to satisfy other arrears of Taxes in case any should be in account while the said money shall remain in his hands as aforesaid; Provided however, that it shall be the duty of the Treasurer to give notice of every such sale to the owner of the property sold within thirty days from such sale being made, and if the said owner or his or their agent for that purpose tender and repay unto the purchaser the sum for which it was sold with an addition of ten per centum thereon within twelve months from the day of such sale, the said owner shall be entitled to his former right and possession.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That all Taxes hereby imposed shall, until paid, remain a lien upon the property taxed, and if the Treasurer shall be obliged to enforce the collection of the aforesaid Taxes or of any hereinafter imposed by distress and sale, he shall receive the same fees as are allowed by the laws of Maryland to a collector for like services, and in all cases where the property of a minor, or a person insane, or beyond the sea is taxed, the notice required by this act shall be given to the parent, guardian or agent of the person so taxed, if their names and places of abode can be ascertained.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That there shall be paid on the first day of January and annually thereafter, the following Tax on Slaves the property of residents of the City of Washington by his or her owner, viz. on Male Slaves between the age of fifteen & forty-six years, one dollar and fifty cents; on Female Slaves between the age of fifteen and forty years the sum of one dollar. And the like mode of collection, subject to the same charges shall be adopted in the case of these last Taxes, as is hereinbefore prescribed in the case of assessed property, and if any of the days fixed by this act for the performance of any duty shall fall on the Sabbath, such duty shall be performed on the day following.
Sec. 6. And be it enacted, that if the Treasurer shall refuse or neglect to make his returns and account with the City Council in the manner and at the times prescribed by the second section of this act, or within seven days thereafter, unless prevented by unavoidable casualties to be adjudged of by the City Council, he shall forfeit and pay to the use of the City the sum of Fifty dollars for each and every offence.
Sec. 7. And be it enacted, That the Treasurer shall receive seven per cent. and that only as a compensation for collecting the foregoing Taxes as by this law imposed.
JAMES HOBAN, President pro tem. of the First Chamber. DANL. RAPINE, President of the Second Chamber. APPROVED, November 10th, 1809. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
AN ACT
Supplementary to an act, entitled “An act providing for the Inspection and Measurement of Lumber.”
BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That it shall be the duty of the Inspectors and Measurers of Lumber, who are appointed, or hereafter may be appointed by the Mayor, from and after the first day of January 1810, to reject or condemn all Lumber by them inspected and measured, which
they in their opinion shall deem of unmerchantable quality.
SAML. N. SMALLWOOD, President of the First Chamber. DANL. RAPINE, President of the Second Chamber. APPROVED, November 10th, 1809. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
THE CITIZENS Of the First & Second Wards, Are requested to meet THIS EVENING At Six o'clock, at Lindsay's Hotel, Pennsylvania Avenue. The meeting called at Rhodes's for that evening being dispensed with November 22—
THE Subscribers, having been appointed by the Board of Trustees of the institution for the Education of Youth in this City a Superintending Committee of the Western School, hereby give notice to individuals unable to pay the expenses attending the Education, of their Children to apply to them—several vacancies in the said School having arisen from a resolution of the Board restricting the term of Tuition to a period not exceeding three years. On all applications made previous to the 10th of December next, a determination will be made on that day. SAMUEL H. SMITH, THOMAS H. GILLISS, JOHN LAW November 22—DDG
SALE AT AUCTION ON Wednesday next, at the House of Henry Tims, on Capitol Hill, will be offered for sale, a Parcel of FURNITURE suitable for Boarding House keepers. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock, and terms made known at that time. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct. November 21—
FOR RENT, The Three Story BRICK HOUSE Near the Navy Yard, lately occupied as a Tavern by Mr. Hugh Drummond. It is situated at the intersection of Virginia Avenue, South K street and Seventh street East, and is not above eighty yards distant from the Navy Yard. Eighty Seven Improvements and additions will be made by the Subscribers to the house for any tenant who might wish to occupy it as a Tavern on a large scale. For terms apply to NOTLEY MADDOX, or JOHN LAW November 22—
NEGROES FOR SALE Will be offered at Public Sale on Saturday the 2nd day of December at the Union Tavern, at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, the following Negroes, viz. Two valuable Negro men, the one a brick-maker and gardener, the other a laborer, two boys about 14 years of age, two Women who are tolerably good cooks, and three Girls from 12 to 15 years of age. The above Negroes were bought by a gentleman about two years ago for his own use. They are offered for sale for no fault. Sixty days credit will be given, the purchaser or purchasers giving negotiable notes payable in the Bank of Columbia. Georgetown, Nov. 22—tdo
PUBLIC SALE BY Virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery the Subscriber will sell at Public Auction on Monday the 18th day of December next, if fair, and if not, on the first day thereafter, on the premises, that beautiful and highly improved FARM in Prince Georges county, called Mount Calvert, late the property of Mr. John Brown, deceased, being part of Two Tracts of Land, called Mount Calvert Manor & Neal's Gift, containing upwards of four hundred acres. This Land is beautifully situated on the Banks of Patuxent river, about half way between the town of Upper Marlinton and Nottingham, is bounded by said river for more than a mile on one side, where it is navigable by vessels of any burthen; it is well adapted to the production of Tobacco, Indian Corn and all kinds of small grain, has a great quantity of Meadow ground, part of which is now in high cultivation and abounds with Wood and Timber. The improvements with the one a Brick Dwelling House two stories high, nearly new, a very good Kitchen, two good Tobacco Houses, a Barn and Stables, together with every other necessary building all in good repair. The terms of sale are eighteen months credit, the purchaser giving bond with security to be approved by the Trustee bearing interest from the day of sale and on the ratification of the sale by the Chancellor and payment of the whole purchase money, the Trustee will by a good deed convey to the purchaser and his heirs all the right, title and interest of the said John Brown, deceased, in and to the above described Lands and premises. The sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock. TRUEMAN TYLER, Trustee. November 22—w3t
TWO STAY COWS, One a Buffaloe, the other Crumpled Horned; both Brindled, and without a white spot, may be found at the Farm of A. BRADLEY, jun. near Tenleytown. November 22—3t
ADVERTISEMENT. STRAYED from K. Marsh, near Vanbrille, Prince George's county, on the night of the 17th inst. a CHESNUT SORREL HORSE, about fifteen and a half hands high well made 7 or 8 years old in good order, shed all round, some white in his face, also his near hind foot white his mane much worn off, and his tail trimmed pretty close—he trots, rick and paces. Any person that will secure said Horse so that I get him again shall receive Five Dollars Reward, and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by ISAACHAR S. MORRIS, At the Adelphi Hotel, P. George's county. 11th mo. 11. 1809.
VINE COMPANY
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
THE Managers of the Vineyard at Spring Mill, conceive it a duty they owe to the lovers of the VINTAGE in the United States, to inform that they have a large number of fine Plants and Cuttings of various kinds for sale, at very reasonable prices, for this autumn and next spring's planting. Orders addressed to Mr. Bernard McMahon, Seedsman and Florist, in Philadelphia, or to Rear Legare at the Vine Yard, (post paid) shall be carefully attended to.
Printers in this and the neighboring states, friendly to the cultivation of this delicious Fruit, will confer a favor, by inserting the above once or twice in their useful papers. November 17—
PUBLIC SALE.
IN Pursuance of a Deed of Trust executed to the subscriber by Robert D. Reeder, to secure the payment of all his just debts, due and owing from him, will be sold at Public Sale, at the house of the said Reeder on Monday the 1st day of January next, for ready cash, all the Real and Personal Property of the said Robert D. Reeder, consisting of a Tract or Parcel of LAND, whereon the said Reeder now lives, called Workington Park, containing about 700 acres of very good forest land; the improvements are convenient and in good repair—also two Negro Men, two Negro Women and a Child, several Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs, Plantation Utensils and House and Kitchen Furniture. JO. HARRIS, Trustee, Leonard Town, Oct. 29—w6w
PROSPECTUS
OF A NEW REPUBLICAN NEWSPAPER, To be established in Fredericktown, Maryland entitled, “THE FREEMAN OF FREDERIC.” FINIS CORONAT OPUS.
The support of the united republican interest of Frederick county and the state at large is solicited in favor of a decided, independent and inextinguishable Democratic press, conducted upon the broad and liberal basis of republicanism. In this county most particularly, the utility of, and even necessity for, a newspaper which, combining energy with perseverance and intelligence with application, shall constitute a faithful auxiliary to the Republican phalanx, must appear manifest to every friend of sound principles. To enable an Editor, therefore, satisfactorily to consummate the views of such an engagement, it is highly important, nay indispensable, that such patronage be yielded, as shall secure him from pecuniary embarrassment, and afford him at the same time, a certain recompence for the toils he must sustain, and the sacrifices of time and comforts, which it will become his duty to make, to his friends, and to the principles he binds himself to cherish and promote. That support, he confidently believes, will be awarded him. He predicates this confidence upon the patriotism and liberty of the republicans of this county, manifested in more than one instance, on similar occasions. But, as he who proposes to be your Editor, is yet a stranger in the country; and as some anxiety will naturally be excited, and enquiry made, as well in regard to his political as to his moral character—and as an unreserved announcement of the leading features of the proposed establishment, independent of the sanction of custom which it bears, may materially subserve the plan in view, he here submits them, undisguised and palpable.
The Editor is a native American, proud and tenacious of his birth right—who, since reason adjusted the balance of his mind, has ever been devotedly attached to the honest cause of republicanism—to the policy which dictated the measures of the past & present administration of the general government—to a pure system of democracy; and to the sacred and immutable principles which actuated the patriots and sages of our revolution, and stimulated by which they achieved that independence which too many of their unworthy descendants enjoy but to abuse.
Professing sentiments and feelings such as these, it were idle waste of words to declare what shall be the bias of “The Freeman.” was it not the earnest desire of the Editor to be no room for doubt on even the most immaterial point. It will, however, be sufficient in this place to state, that, to detect and to correct error—to defeat the machinations of ambitious and restless spirits—to inculcate the great and sublime tenets of republicanism—and to diffuse throughout the sphere in which it is destined to move, a thorough and correct knowledge of men and measures—is the primary and chief design of this establishment. But let it be distinctly understood, that, so long as the Editor shall have power to resist, so long will he repel all undue influence, as an encroachment on the prerogatives of his station—and never, whilst under his charge, shall “The Freeman” be subject to any authority or control in its plan as a public journal, save the authority of the laws, and the individual control of the Editor—aided and assisted by truth, justice, liberality, and decorum—with such aids, in a just cause, much may be expected, and more may be done.
Having rehearsed the chief points of his creed, and having likewise explained in a summary way, the thing contemplated, the Editor deems it useless to enlarge upon the feasibility or merits of the undertaking, or to multiply professions—willing to rest the purity and success of his views upon the judgment and liberality of the independent voters of the county—and remains amply satisfied, that they will come forward freely in support of an institution which promises to be of much immediate consequence in promoting that cause which every friend to the freedom of his country is in duty bound to support. SAMUEL MAGILL.
TERMS OF PUBLICATION.
“The Freeman of Frederic,” will be issued every Thursday evening to subscribers in town; those at a distance will receive it through the customary channels.
Subscription per year, two dollars—one half in advance, the other in six months.
During the month of September, in each year, the paper will be published twice a week free of extra expense.
The paper will commence early in the month of September.
S. pt. d—
SUBSCRIBERS
ARE earnestly requested to remit their arrearages and advance for the ensuing year. Should this request not be attended to, the suspension of their papers will be rendered indispensable. It may be proper to add, that subscriptions are not received for less than a year of persons residing at a distance
RICHARD BALLAD, TAYLOR & HABIT-MAKER,
HAVING served a regular apprenticeship and passed to a foreman, is now raised to a Master Taylor: he has commenced his business in an apartment adjoining the New Store belonging to Joseph Wilson on E Street, between the Bank and Treasury Department, where he carries on the business in all its branches. He pledges himself to gentlemen who may please to favor him with their orders, that their work shall be done in the very best manner—in the first style of fashion, and with the greatest dispatch. At the above mentioned store may be had the very best Cloths, Casimers and water coating, Silk Stockings, gloves, &c. &c. with a great variety of substantial goods suitable to the season.
R. Ballad respectfully tenders his services to the Members of Congress and officers of the government—would feel himself honored and obliged by having it in his power to show them a specimen of his abilities in the line of his profession. Nov. 22—10
SAMUEL STETTINIUS
PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET. Has just received from Philadelphia, the following FULL GOODS, which he offers for Sale by Wholesale and Retail, viz.
 50 Pieces Flannels, 24 Box Over Shoes,  30 Do. Broad Cloth, 1 Box Hysor Skirt  25 Do. Coatings, Tea,  200 Do. Calicoes, 12 Boxes Window  50 Dozen Cambric, Glass, 10 Do. 12,  Handkerchiefs, 4000 Pound Coffee,  20 Pieces Shirting, 8 Boxes Hymn  Cabbies, Sugar,  30 Doz. Suspender, 500 Pound Best Leaf  600 Pieces Cotton, Tiber,  Muslin, 1 Box old Hysor  25 Do. Velvets, Tea,  Duroy and Velvets, 5 Rackets Sheet  Veeteens, Iron,  250 Do. Silk Ribbands, 50 Pieces best quality  1 Case Sowing Cotton, to Madras Hand  100 Dozen, Kerchiefs,  80 Pieces Cambric, any quantity  50 Doz. Stockings, of figured Linen,  6 Pieces Bize, White sewing Cotton  100 Pair Blankets, in Boxes,  15 Pieces Vesting, Corded do. do.  25 Do. plain figures, Morocco Pocket  16 Do. plain figures, Books,  10 Do. colored do. Ladies & Gentlemen's  10 Pieces Gingham, Kill & silk Gloves,  600 Pair Shoes, 50 Dozen Watels  consisting in an assortment of Mosquito, Kil and Cotton Umbrells,  200 Shirts, Ladies Silk do.  18 Doz. Cowskins, Colored Cambrics,  400 Do. Scotch Snuff, Cotton and Linen,  15 Pieces Russel, Crown Holland,  Diaper, Coat & Vest Buttons,  6 Do. Linen stripes, 50 Pieces Furniture  6 Do. Boot-strap Calicoes,  Webbing, 25 Pieces Roman  50 Dozen Ladies Handkerchiefs,  Combs, Batavia Linens,  10 Pieces block Cambric, Osanburgs,  15 lb. sewing Silk, Catgut,  50 Doz. Tapes, Blue and Black Cassimere,  15 Pieces silk Handkerchiefs, Ready-made Table  50 Pieces Velvet Cloths, Damasks,  Bindings, Bontazets,  6 Doz. silk Shawls, Cinnamonegs,  6 Pieces Bed Tickling, Silk Luteceerings,  4 Do. Dowlas, Linseys,  200 Do. Nankens, Price Cloth,  100 Do. cotton Check, Fanny Velvets,  25 Boxes Spanish Wool Stockings,  Segars, Wool Hose & Gloves,  4 Pieces black silk Silk Chambrays.  Velvet, 
A General Assortment of CUTLERY AND HARDWARE.
As also a variety of other Articles too tedious to enumerate.
The whole of the foregoing having been purchased at most reduced prices—this advertisement will most obviously be worth the attention of purchasers, whom I may flatter myself I will be able to accommodate to the best of their advantage.
Country Produce, such as Whiskey, Flour, Corn, Oats, Rye, Wheat, &c. &c. will be taken in exchange, and the Goods sold at Cash Price.
Also for Sale, 2 Large and Elegant CHANDELIERS, and 8 Pair of Candle Bricks. Washington, October 16—Stettini
IN CHANCERY, NOVEMBER 4, 1809. Isaachar and Mahlon Scholfield, versus Theodore McMurtry, and Daniel Fitzhugh, Mary Brent, Henry Lee, and Nathaniel Pendleton.
ORDERED that the sales by Joseph E. Scholfield, the trustee in this cause appointed, be confirmed on application on the 3d day of January 1810, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before that day. Provided, a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks before the 3d day of December next.
The report states a moiety of the Adelphi Mills and thirty acres adjoining thereto, sold for Five Thousand Dollars, and Twenty-seven acres sold for Three Hundred and Ten Dollars; the property was struck off to William A. Scott, who, the report says was the complainant's agent, and the complainants are returned as the purchasers.
True Copy, Test, NICH. BREWSTER, Reg. Cap. C. P. November 15—w3t