The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-07-19 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1369.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, JULY 19, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The National Intelligencer is conducted by Samuel H. Smith, and Joseph Gales, Jun. and printed at the Office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested to address themselves.
The annual price, payable in advance, is Five Dollars.
Advertisements, not exceeding one square in breadth, are inserted the first time at fifty cents, and for every subsequent insertion twenty-five cents. If inserted less than three times a dollar is charged. If inserted but once a week, an addition of one fourth part is made. Other advertisements charged in the same ratio.
FOR SALE OR RENT.
The Subscriber offers for Sale or Lease of three lives, the Plantation which he now lives on, about 10 miles from Alexandria on the Occoquan run, containing 100 acres, with a Dwelling-house, Smoke-house, and other convenient out-houses. There is on the plantation several springs of most excellent water, and a seat where a Mill might be erected on a never failing stream. If should not sell the above property, I wish to rent the same for a term of years. Any person desirous of viewing the Plantation may be shown the same, and the terms made known by application to MICHAEL BROAD. Accotink, July 17—3t
A HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. ABSCONDED from the Subscriber in Alexandria on the 31st of July 1807, Negro JIM, who calls himself JIM MASON. He is a low squat fellow, rather bow-legged and has a down look when closely interrogated; is about 35 or 36 years old, 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high; is a very good Cook and Waiter; understands the management of horses and is an excellent Coachman. A few days before his elopement, his wife (who was the property of a neighbor) was sold to a negro purchaser from the neighborhood of Nashville, Tennessee. It is conjectured that Jim either pursued her or that he went off by water and is now in some of the sea-port towns of the United States. Whoever will apprehend and deliver him to me, shall receive one hundred dollars, including all charges, or fifty dollars for securing him in any jail so that I get him again & I will give to any Editor of a newspaper twenty-five dollars who will publish this advertisement, provided it lead to the discovery and apprehension of the runaway. JAMES H. BLAKE. N. B. I have for RENT on F street, a few doors east of the Bank, TWO FRAMED BUILDINGS. Possession may be had on the 1st of August. J. H. B. Washington City, July 17—
TAKE NOTICE.
For sale a strong and Handsome COACH, and Pair of HORSES—Cheap for cash or good flour—they will be sold together or separate, to accommodate purchasers. For particulars enquire of WILLIAMS & WHEAT, near the Navy Yard. July 17—3t
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
ABSCONDED from the service of the Subscriber a few days since, a negro woman named ALLY, a large woman, has lost some of her fore teeth and has remarkable large feet, between 30 and 40 years of age; has a variety of clothing; she was on Sunday last in the city of Washington, but it is believed she is lurking about Alexandria, or some of Mr. Custis's quarters from whom I purchased her. The above reward will be paid for apprehending and securing her so that I get her again, and reasonable charges if brought to Alexandria. MARY RESSLER. N. B. All captains or masters of vessels, and all others are forewarned harboring or assisting the escape of said negro, at their peril. M. R. Alexandria July 17—3t
TWO STORES FOR SALE.
FOR Sale a number of LOTS in Squares No. 119, 222, 378, 1020 and 1045—Also, the TWO BRICK STORES, adjoining the seven Buildings, which have for several years been occupied in the Dry Good and Grocery line. For terms apply to W. P. Gardner, No. 6, of the seven Buildings or Mr. Pairo on the premises. July 14—3t&w1m
WANTED TO HIRE,
A Servant Woman for a small family. It is necessary that she should produce evidence of honesty and sobriety—a slave would be preferred. Her work will be confined to plain cooking, washing and ironing, and for this it is required she should be tolerably well qualified. To such an one liberal wages will be given Apply to the printer. July 17—3t
ONE HUNDRED CENTS REWARD.
RAN away on the seventh inst. an apprentice boy, John Long, about 16 years of age, bound to the shoe-making; had on a blue mackinaw roundabout jacket, white pantalettes and a good round hat; he is a nimble ill-looking fellow; as great a liar as ever spoke, will steal if he can, and a remarkable bad workman for the time he spent at the business. Also, his fellow-apprentice at the same time, George W. Brooks; he is about 15 years of age and dressed in like manner; he is better looking than the other, but equally prone to lie, is artful, intricate and traitorous. I will pay the above reward to any one who will secure them so as that I may get them again or half for each, or either, if brought home to me, free of charge. Captains of vessels, and all others are hereby cautioned not to carry them off or harbor or conceal them, as I shall prosecute any one so offending, according to law in that case made and provided. JOHN MINCHIN. (U) Wanted a Person to be Shoemaking business with moderate employment and good wages will be given. J. M. July 17—3t
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON THE PETITION OF AMERICANS CONCERNED IN MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION.
TUESDAY, JUNE 13.
The House in committee of the whole on the following resolution reported by a committee appointed to consider the petition of 36 American citizens concerned in Miranda's expedition, and now confined in the vaults of Carthagena, South America:
"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to adopt the most immediate and efficacious means in his power to obtain the liberation of the prisoners, if it shall appear to his satisfaction that they were involuntarily drawn into the unlawful enterprise in which they were engaged, and that dollars be appropriated for that purpose."
Mr. M C KIM observed that he believed nothing further would be necessary for the attainment of this object than an application by the government of the United States; he therefore moved to fill the blank in the resolution with such a sum ($3,500) as would defray the expense of sending a vessel there and clothing the prisoners previous to their return.
Mr. RANDOLPH said he believed there would be no better time than on this motion to express the disapprobation which he felt of the report; for he was unwilling, in his representative capacity, to give one cent of the public money for bringing back into the bosom of the body politic these unfortunates but guilty men. He knew how invidious a task it was to appear to lean to the side of inhumanity; he knew how very natural it was for the mind of man to relent, after the commission of a crime, and to see nothing in a culprit but his misfortunes, forgetting his guilt; but there were occasions, and he took this to be one, where to lean apparently to the side of humanity is an act of great injustice and cruelty to society as the legislature can commit. What were the House about to do? To make an appropriation of money for an extraordinary purpose of foreign intercourse.
Was not the President of the United States already invested with power to negotiate with the Spanish government on this, as well with as any other government on any subject? Was the President of the United States presumed to have turned a deaf ear to the cries of our suffering countrymen in captivity in a foreign nation? Mr. R. said this was not like a question of redeeming our countrymen from slavery in Barbary or Tripoli; but it was a question whether this government would lend its countenance to that class of men who were concerned in the expeditions of Miranda and Aaron Burr. He for one said that he would not consent to it; and that those persons who, above the dull pursuits of civil life, had enlisted under these leaders, might take, for him, however he might feel for their situation as men, the lot which they themselves had selected. He said he considered them as voluntarily expatriated from this country; and among the articles of commerce and manufacture which it might be contemplated to encourage by bounty and premiums he confessed for one that the importation of such citizens as these was not an article of traffic which would meet with any encouragement from him. So far from being afraid of any ill consequences resulting from the sparseness of our population, he was afraid that our population (& experience had tested the fact) sparse as it was in number, in quality was redundant. We have been told (said Mr. R.) and I believe it, that but the other day the Foreign Office in Great Britain cast its eyes on Col. Burr, and that they either did commit him—I understand that he was committed, and stood so for some time, and was only released on condition of quitting the country—that they either did commit or threaten to imprison that unfortunate man.—I want to know, sir, if he had stood so committed, in what respect his case, in a political point of view, would have stood contradistinguished from that of these petitioners? I can see no difference but such as in my mind would have operated to his advantage. There is an equality of guilt, but on his part a superiority of intellectual
character which would have rendered him, if there is to be an accession to the state by bringing back to its bosom those who have voluntarily thrown themselves out of the protection of the country, a more valuable acquisition, or rather a less valuable loss, than these unfortunate men.
It appears to me, sir, that in passing this resolution we shall hold up a premium to vice; for if this proposition be agreed to, when some new Miranda or Burr comes forward with his project, he will tell his conspirators that they will have nothing more to do, should the matter turn out adversely, then to put up a face and tell Congress that they were involuntarily drawn into it—an extraordinary mode to be sure of volunteering to go against their will. These involuntary volunteers will be told they will have nothing to do but to throw the whole weight of the blame on the original mover of the expedition, and Congress will tax their fellow-creatures who (poor souls!) had not enlarged and liberal minds and were content with the dull pursuits of civil life, for redeeming them, clothing them and bringing them back again to society! I wish the committee to take the thing into consideration. As men and christians our conduct is to be governed by one rule; as Representatives of the people other considerations are proper. There is in the proposed interference no justice; there may be much mercy, but it is a mercy which carries cruelty, if not deliberate, the most pernicious of all possible species of cruelty, along with it. Suppose these men had been arrested and tried in this country, what would have been their lot? It is difficult for me to say; I am no lawyer; but I suppose, under the mild institutions in some of our states they would have been condemned to hard labor for life. In what do they differ to their advantage from other felons? In nothing. Who would step forward to rescue them from that punishment due to their crime if convicted by our own courts? Nobody. Every body would have said that they deserved it.
Now, on the contrary, having escaped the hand of justice in this country and fallen into the grasp of the strong hand of power in another country, we are not contented to let them reap what they have sown; we are not contented to leave them in the hands of justice. I believe that there exists a proper disposition in the Executive to interfere where American citizens are wrongfully treated abroad. And shall we come forward and open the public purse, and assume on ourselves the responsibility of that act which the President refuses to do, and thus share among us the imputation, such as it may be, which society chuses to cast upon us in consequence of it, instead of letting it fall singly and individually upon him in case he chuses to incur it? No, sir. I have no disposition to pass this resolution to take the responsibility upon myself. In short, I should have been glad, instead of telling us that these men are unfortunate and miserable—for who are so unfortunate and miserable as the truly guilty?—that the members of that committee or the respectable chairman himself had come forward and shown the claim of these petitioners to the peculiar patronage of the country. So far from any disposition to bring them back, I would allow a drawback or bounty on the exportation of every man of similar principles.
Mr. EMOTT said that as he had been a member of the committee whose report was now under consideration, he felt the propriety of making a few observations to show the expediency of adopting the resolution. In order to obtain the release of these miserable and deluded men, it was necessary that the government should interfere, because the Spanish government never would release them till such application was made. The only money necessary to be paid was not to the Spanish government but to defray the expense of bringing back the prisoners; it was not to buy their liberty but to employ a person to go there to request it.
It had been said that the President had power to attempt the release of these persons without any resolution of the House. Mr. E. said he would not enter into that consideration. He knew, if the President had the power, that had not chosen to exercise it; and if the House could find from the
statement of the situation of these men that they ought to be relieved, they should not refrain from expressing their opinion merely because the President had the power and would not exercise it.
It might be necessary, Mr. E. said, to call to the minds of the committee the situation of these men. They were persons employed by Miranda in his expedition, who, he undertook to say, did not know that they were going on any expedition contrary to the laws of the country. When taken, they had been tried by the Spaniards on a charge of piracy and condemned to lie in a dungeon for a term of years. They prayed the Congress for its interposition in their behalf.
It had been said that these men knowingly engaged in this expedition. Mr. E. said he believed that they did not; but admitting for a moment that this was the case, that they did know the pursuit on which they were entering, they should not for that reason alone be suffered to lie in prison. Let it be understood, said Mr. E. that this expedition, whatever it was, was carried on in the face of day in the city of New York, and that equipments of the vessels and enlistments were made without interruption in the face of day—and would these persons believe that they were going on an unlawful expedition? They might have enlisted from the best motives; supposing that they had enlisted under the knowledge that they were going on an expedition, yet seeing that it was carried on in open day with out interruption from the government, he much doubted whether these poor men ought to be suffered to lie in prison.
But, putting motives aside, these men declare that they did not understand the nature of the service for which they were engaged; and this statement the committee who made the report had brought themselves to believe. Let it be recollected that these unfortunate individuals was lying in prison; and, although they had by some means forwarded a petition here, they could not attend in person to urge their claim to relief by proofs presented to the House. The persons who procured these men to go on this expedition certainly would not be very willing to come forward and give testimony; because by so doing they might criminate themselves and render themselves liable to the operation of the law as of their country. Considering that these persons were removed thousands of miles from us, that they were unfriended, and that the persons who alone could prove that their intent was innocent would not come forward for fear of criminating themselves, he thought these men were entitled to commiseration, and he believed that it was in his power to shew two or three circumstances which would convince the House that they had no knowledge of the nature of this expedition. The first circumstance was the extreme improbability that these men would have engaged in this expedition if the nature of it had been explained. Had Mr. Smith or General Miranda gone to these men and said, "we are going on an expedition against the laws of the country, and if taken you will be punished under the laws of one country or the other," it is extremely improbable that they would have engaged. It is not likely that Miranda or Mr. Smith avowed their purposes and told them that they were going on an expedition hostile in its nature and against the laws of the country, because its object was to revolutionize a nation in amity with the United States. It is impossible that these men should have known the nature of the expedition, when it was not known to the government here, however public. This circumstance to me is conclusive to shew that these young men did not know it. There might have been persons who did; if you please Mr. Ogden who furnished the ship, or others; but it is impossible to believe that these men who were mere soldiers for carrying on the expedition, knew the nature of it. I am convinced that these persons, all privates—for the officers were executed—did not know why they did enlist or that the corps was for the purposes to which it was actually designed.
I have said, and perhaps every person here knows that the whole of the business was carried on in the face of day. Here were General Miranda
and Mr. Smith coming to the seat of government and back to New York, procuring clothes, enlisting men—can it be conceived that all this could have been carried on if Gen. Miranda had not meant to conceal it from the government? But it is in my power to furnish something more than mere conjecture on this subject. The committee will recollect that a greater part of this transaction took place at New-York. There the men were to rendezvous, there the vessel was furnished, and to that state most of the young men who are now in South America did belong. In that state this matter was the subject of judicial investigation. Mr. Smith and Mr. Ogden were indicted. I will read a part of the evidence given on the trial which will satisfy any one, at least it has satisfied me, that these men had no hand in it. Mr. Fink, who was produced as evidence on the part of the government to convict Mr. Smith, was the person who was entrusted with enlistments.
Mr. E. then read the following, and other extracts from the report of the trials of the Messrs. Smith and Ogden.
John Fink Sworn.
Q. Do you know col. Smith? A. Yes. He applied to me last winter to enlist some men, or rather to engage some men for government service. I told him I did not know of any men. But a few butchers were idle. I was to give the col. news next morning. Instead of six, as he told me yesterday, there was wanted twelve men, a sergeant and corporal. They asked a good price, it was $15 per month. There were fourteen at that time and went on as far as twenty. I was authorised by him. He represented to me that they were for the service of the U. S. but it was afterwards found they were to go on board the Leander. He would not tell us where they were going to. He said he could not disclose the particular object. That he could have a great deal of money to explain it to a certain man, and therefore could not tell the sergeant or me. These men saw col. Smith. Several of them not at all. I saw him often; he said they were to go on a detachment. They boarded at my house. His son was to command the company and had a commission for to go. I have seen Smith several times at my house. He shewed me a bundle of papers which he said were his orders to get these men. Smith informed me that an expedition similar to this was to go from other states. He said his son was a captain. They went on board; the mate abused them, and they would not stay. There was $15 a piece given to them. There were twenty of them. I received this money from col. Smith. He put it in parcels for each man, and delivered it to me for them. It was a month's pay. The men came to my house after they left the Leander. They would not go on board the vessel.
Q. by Hoffman. Was it intimated to them that they would stop at a place where they would have an opportunity to return, if they did not like the service?
A. I believe it was mentioned to them. Q. by Colden. Was it not communicated to them that when the vessel arrived they would be at liberty to return, and a passage be provided for them, but that he could not tell what part they would be sent to? A. Yes.
Peter Rose Sworn.
Q. Did you sail in the Leander on her last voyage? A. Yes. I was employed by captain Gardiner, who told me he wanted me to go to New Orleans—that we were to sail from here to Washington, and go from Washington by land.
Q. Have you been at New Orleans? A. No.
Q. When did you discover the Leander had a different object in view?
A. As soon as I got on board; and I wanted to return, but they would not let me—they would not allow me even to send a letter ashore.
On the same trial there was one of the persons who was actually enlisted who deposed that the same information which Peter Rose received was given to others. This man also was a private in the expedition, and swears that the person who employed him told him that he was to be employed in the service of the government; that he was to be carried to Washington by water and thence to N. Orleans. The men who now petition Congress are persons who are placed precisely in the same situation. We find in the course of the trial that the person employed to enlist the men declares that the person employing him refused to tell him for what purpose they were to be enlisted and of course he could not inform those whom he enlisted.
Mr. E. said he had already remarked the extreme difficulty under which these persons labored; that they were at a distance of several thousand miles from this country, incarcerated and friendless. He had satisfied his mind that they had engaged in this business unknowingly and unwillingly—and what was now asked of the government? That they should expend large sums of money for the purpose of buying them out? No. All that

the Spanish government wanted, he undertook to say, was that a request should be made by the government of this country for those men, and all the money required for this service was money enough to send an agent there and facilitate his return.
Nothing had been said by him, Mr. Emmet said, of the peculiar sufferings of these men; but there were representations enough to show that they were chained naked in a dungeon, without clothing and without wood. Some had died and others must die. He hoped, therefore, for the reasons which he had given that the committee would be satisfied that these men were not guilty of crime. If not guilty, he hoped there could be no doubt that they were a proper subject for the interference of the government.
Mr. Bacon observed that the conclusion which the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) had drawn rested upon the idea that the men were guilty. If they were guilty they certainly should not receive the benefit of the interposition of the government of the U. S. They had no claim on the U. S. when considered as criminals or as men who had voluntarily engaged in this service. The report of the committee did not state this to be the case. I acknowledge (said Mr. Bacon) that they are guilty in some respects, having innocently transgressed the laws. If they are guilty in the eye of justice, I contend they ought not to have relief. The report of the committee states, that under a persuasion that the facts set forth by the petitioners were true, they were induced to submit this resolution. The committee had evidence which they deemed competent to prove that these men were not guilty men. In what respect then are they to be compared to Aaron Burr? No man will say that he did not proceed on his expedition with his eyes open, or that he could plead ignorance. The fact in relation to these men appears to be that they were inveigled; that their offence was involuntary, not as respected engaging in what they thought the service of the U. S. but as to going abroad, for against their consent they were forced into the service. Therefore with great truth it might be said that they were stouged to the service. If this was the fact, as the committee appear to have believed, I ask in what their case differs from that of men taken captives by the Algerines? Those men taken by the Algerines are engaged in a lawful commerce; these poor men were engaged in an unlawful act, but not knowing it to be unlawful and believing it to be correct, they are as innocent in fact as those who act innocently. The gentleman says, suppose they were to return to their country, would they not be punished? If the facts as they state them are correct, as I believe them to be, I do not believe that they would be punished. The law does not punish a man because he does an act, but for the quo animo with which he does it.
I will remark to the House that on this subject we have not legal testimony. It is required scarcely in any case by the House, much less in a case situated so peculiarly as this is. These men are of all others in the worst situation for procuring relief. They are confined in a dungeon; they are poor men, of poor families, who cannot act in their behalf. I perceive that they have referred to persons to whom the House might refer to substantiate their statement of facts. One of these prisoners is a young man from the district which I represent who had friends able to assist him. They obtained such evidence as they could. Other persons whose evidence might have been of service could not be found. Mr. Bacon referred to depositions taken on this subject of persons who declared that they had enlisted unwarily, believing it to be for the service of the U. S. for three years at a certain compensation per month; that when informed that they were to go on board the Leander they were opposed to it, but that their suspicions were lulled by the assertion that they were merely going round to New Orleans in this vessel, where they were to be stationed.
Mr. B. said he held in his hand a letter from one who was engaged in the expedition, but was so fortunate as to escape, which stated that not more than two persons concerned were acquainted with the nature of the expedition, but believed it to be sanctioned by the government. The letter also stated the prisoners to be in the most wretched condition, lingering out a miserable existence under the distress arising from the want of clothes, light, fire, bedding and means of intercourse with their friends. This statement, Mr. Bacon said, would be sufficient to draw the attention of the House to the men condemned to such an unparalleled fate. It would be very unfortunate, if from any fear of an impression which might be produced by its interposition the agency of the government in the original plan of the
expedition, these men should be suffered to linger in hopeless captivity. Believing, as he did, that the committee had correctly reported that these men were involuntarily participants in the expedition, he thought the hand of mercy should be extended to them.
Mr. PEARSON—On this occasion, Mr. Speaker, I feel a sensibility which it is not my nature to repel—a sensibility which I trust is manly, not merely the evaporation of ordinary feelings, or of mistaken humanity; but an impression, confirmed by the dictates of reason, of justice, of honor, and bottomed on the solid basis of nature's best gift—humanity.
We, as the representatives of this nation, are appealed to for the relief of a few unfortunate fellow beings—citizens of our country, whose imprudence, or to say the worst, whose crimes have brought them to a situation at the recollection of which, the benevolent mind shrinks with horror—to the endurance of a punishment, in a foreign country, unknown to the humanity of our laws and the mild spirit of our government. Yes, sir, about thirty young men, citizens of your country, decoyed by the artifices and delusive hopes with which their ardent and youthful imaginations were flattered—led on by the example and patronage of men, by no means obscure, or, at that time, disreputable, embarked in an expedition, the destination of which, I am induced to believe, was to them unknown—not only unknown, but represented by their leaders to be agreeable to the authority and laws of the United States. These young men, having discovered, too late, the deception which had been practised upon them, after unsuccessful attempts at Hispaniola to escape, continued involuntarily, in an expedition, in which they were captured, sentenced and punished as pirates—sentenced to the most torturing of all punishments—to rigorous imprisonment and slavery, and are now groaning under the weight of their chains in the dungeons of Carthagena. We are supplicated to relieve those men, not by buying them, not by paying so much for each head, as has been required and complied with, in the case of captives taken by the savages of Algiers and Tripoli, but merely to express the wish of this country, to the Spanish nation, that those persons should be released, and that some small pecuniary appropriation should be made to effect this arrangement and restore those unfortunate and unhappy men to their native country. Sir, from the report of the committee, who have investigated this subject, and from the statement made by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Emmet) I am induced to believe, notwithstanding the opinion of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) to the contrary, that those men are not guilty, at least, to the extent which some gentlemen seem to imagine.
It appears that the preparations for this expedition were by no means secret—they were made in the city of New York, in the face of day, and if not known to every body, at least to a great many. It appears also that the real object was not known to the persons who enlisted, some of whom are now the petitioners; that they were induced to believe the enterprise was not unlawful; they did not know the character, or even the name of their leader, until some time after they had embarked, and when it was not in their power to leave him, or even communicate to their friends. It will be recollected that statements have been made, which tend to produce a belief, that assurances were given to those unfortunate sufferers, that this expedition was not contrary to the authority and will of the government of the United States. And here it may be observed, that impressions did exist (and I confess the impression is not altogether eradicated from my mind) that some of the principal officers of this government did connive at, or at least were not entirely ignorant of the principal characters concerned, or the preparations which were making for this expedition. This impression arose, I presume, from a variety of circumstances, among which may be mentioned the apparent good understanding, if not intimacy, between general Miranda and some of the officers of government, the respect shown Miranda by the President, at whose table I am informed he was a guest; from the open manner in which the expedition was fitted out; from the peculiar situation of affairs between this country and Spain, which left little doubt on the minds of many, that if war did not exist, there were strong grounds to believe that hostilities would soon commence. In addition to those, the circumstances which took place on the trial of Ogden and Smith, in the city of New York, had some tendency to strengthen the suggestion. In the course of that trial it will be recollected by every person who has attended to it, that one of the
grounds of defence set up by the defendants was, that the expedition and enterprise was begun, prepared and set on foot, with the knowledge and approbation of the President of the United States and the Secretary of State. The disclosure of this ground of defence is sworn to by one or both the defendants, in an affidavit made to obtain a postponement of the trial, in consequence of the absence of the Secretary of State and some other persons who were subpoenaed to attend as witnesses in behalf of the defendants. It was also strengthened by the ultimate acquittal of those men. Other circumstances, which I have heard from gentlemen of respectability, could not fail of having some influence.
The conclusions, therefore, which I draw are—that if any of the principal officers of government had knowledge of the object and extent of this expedition, and those sufferers embarked from a conviction of this knowledge and from a belief that they were not acting contrary to the authority or wishes of the government, then they are not highly criminal, if criminal at all. If the officers of government did not know the object or extent of this enterprise, but were deceived, as to the preparations and object of this adventurous and artful commander; then how much more likely is it, that those young and ignorant men should become the dupes of his artifice and design.
But, sir, let us now turn for a moment to the darkest prospect in this scene, let us suppose all that can be imagined; let us admit that those men are really guilty; does it then follow that their crime is of so deep a die it cannot be washed away; cannot be expiated but by a punishment unknown to our laws and the mild genius of our government; this surely cannot well be; those young men are to be considered as merely secondary objects in this transaction; they are not of that description, who, from the influence of wealth, connections or intrigue, it would be dangerous to restore to the bosom of their country. On the contrary their sufferings have been such, as to convince them of the folly of their doings and their tales of woe, would deter others from engaging in like adventures.
The object of criminal law is rather to prevent the commission than punish those who have committed offences; and when that is likely to be obtained, even by mercy itself, policy and humanity step in and gently stay the hand of the executioner.
Sir, is it unknown, is it untrue, that offences of the highest nature have been committed against this government? And is it not equally true, that pardons have been extended, not only to the secondary agents, but to the principal offenders? Yes, sir, persons convicted of high treason, have been pardoned by the Chief Magistrate of the U. S. Nor do I believe, that any ill consequences have arisen; any sentiments of public indignation excited, by this extension of mercy.
Sir, if it be not proper to pardon in some cases, why give that power to your Chief Magistrate? Every state in the union has vested such a power some where, and in the state, which I in part represent, that power is frequently and beneficially exercised—Indeed, it is seldom withheld for the first offence of a capital nature, unless in the case of murder or some very highly aggravated crime.
I contend, that the claim of those miserable men, for the interposition of their government, is in the nature of a petition for pardon. But, it is said, money is required—an appropriation is to be made. 'Tis true, the pitiful sum of 3,500 dollars is required—not the tenth part of a cent per man throughout the U. S. And altho' I am disposed to hold a strict hand over the expenditures of the government, and guard sacredly the pecuniary interests of my constituents, yet I must not forget their honor and their generosity. I should do every man of them injustice, if I did not take upon myself the responsibility of this just, this humane appropriation. Upon the whole, I am inclined to believe those men are not highly criminal, but whether guilty or not guilty, they have suffered enough. The honor and humanity of the nation demands their liberation. They should not be suffered any longer to linger out a dreadful existence, in the dark, chilly damps of a Spanish dungeon, writhing under tortures unknown to the mild precepts of our religion, and unsanctioned by our laws.
Mr. SMITH said that the Spanish government were already all alive to the actions of this country, and no doubt jealous of any appearance of its participation in Miranda's, Burr's, or any other expedition against its territories; and no doubt their jealousy would be increased when they heard a declaration that there had been in this government a disposition to injure that nation. And shall we now (said he) by an act of
this kind confirm those suspicions which are already entertained? And will you involve the nation, under these circumstances, by an application in behalf of these men? This is sufficient reason with me to vote against the resolution. It is better that these men, supposing them to be innocent, should bear with private hardship, than that the public should receive an injury.
Mr. PEARSON observed that he regretted to hear the misrepresentation given to his language and the injustice done to his motives—nothing was further from his intention than to make any positive charge of criminality against the officers of the late administration in relation to this transaction—he had only stated impressions , the grounds of which were long ago before the public. His principal object was to demonstrate the innocence of the men who now call for mercy, and to show that if the officers of government, with all the lights before them, were deceived by this artful adventurer, how much more easily could the deception be practised on those ignorant individuals.
Mr. FISK said he was glad to understand the explanation given by the gentleman from North Carolina to show that this case did not reflect upon the government of the United States; because he said he should suppose it a reflection upon the understanding of any man, more especially of a member of this House, if he could, with a full knowledge of all the circumstances, for a moment believe that the government of the United States did participate in, know of or in any way sanction the enterprise. I take this opportunity (said Mr. F.) of expressing my approbation of the report and of filling up the blank with any sum deemed competent to relieve these unfortunate sufferers from a situation more wretched than my power over the English language will suffice to describe. It is said that these men are guilty—& what is there to support this belief? Nothing but the declaration of the member (Mr. Randolph) who asserts it. What constitutes guilt? The quo animo with which an act is performed. What evidence is there of guilt in this case, more than that these men were taken on the coast of the Spanish Main in an enterprise against that colony? Does it therefore follow that they were guilty? If they were surprised into this situation against their wishes, against their powers of resistance, they were not guilty. In giving my opinion on this subject I will say that it never fell to the lot of mortals to be more perfidiously betrayed, more cunningly dealt with or more harshly treated than those who now petition their country—their country, I say, because they are entitled to relief from us, unless they have forfeited their right by this act.
Only one word will I say of the acquittal of Smith and Ogden; the perusal of the evidence, arguments and verdict of the jury in that case has long ago convinced my mind not only of the propriety but of the necessity of instituting an enquiry for the purpose of ensuring an impartial trial by jury.
It may be and has been asked how it was possible that a ship of this description could be fitted up in the face of day in New York without the knowledge of the government or its officers. The evidence on the trial will answer this question. When it is recollected that the vessel was owned by Smith and Ogden, that it had been employed for some years in carrying on a forced trade with St. Domingo; that the vessel was armed, and that her complement was 120 men; and in addition, that one of our revenue officers was concerned, it is no longer a cause of surprise. But the revenue officer acted with great caution as it became necessary to further his design or that of Miranda; for, had their intentions been known in the city of New York, they would have been defeated. Mr. Smith therefore engaged these men, not in this enterprise, but, as they honestly believed, in the service of their country. They understood that there were some to go to Washington and guard the mail, others to go round to New Orleans, and for various purposes; but it was never intimated to one of them that they were to be employed in an hostile expedition against any nation whatever. It was no very difficult matter to cover such an equipment. Application was made to the insurance office to have insurance done, not for a certain place but for a certain latitude. A considerable quantity of arms that were on board were got on board unknown to the government or to the officers of the port, as they were not inserted in the manifest. It was unknown to the sufferers what was the destination of the army till the 19th of February, when they made the island of Jacquemel. To their utmost astonishment they then found themselves driven in a different direction from that which they expected. They remonstrated and attempted to escape, but in vain. They were compelled to go on board the
Leander , under the authority of Miranda and Capt. Lewis. Another circumstance of weight in their favor is, that in the trial which was had at Caraccas, the evidence produced against them was not sufficient, in the opinion of the Spanish government, to convict them of having knowingly taken a part in this business. The officers being accessory to it, were executed. But, inasmuch as it was necessary to hold up an example, not so much to foreigners as to their own citizens, it was found necessary to punish and confine these petitioners. If it appears to this committee that these men are innocent, are we not willing to interpose for their relief? If I did for a moment believe that they were guilty or had any doubt that they were innocent I would not advocate their cause. But, believing, as I do from a thorough acquaintance with the facts, that they were entirely innocent of any intention of carrying on a hostile expedition against any nation or against the laws of their country, that they were betrayed by the arts of men who ought to have suffered more than they yet have, I am willing to assent to this resolution.
Mr. J. G. JACKSON said he recollected that when the subject was under consideration before, he had an objection to the motion; that he saw an evident impropriety in squandering money on these persons, whilst the old soldiers of the revolution were yet unprovided for and in distress. But, said Mr. J. if the statement made by the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Pearson) be correct, we ought to indemnify them. There are cases in precedent. Capt. Little made a mistake in the character of a national vessel, and the government remunerated the expence occasioned by the error. If the government has by any connivance or act of theirs encouraged an armament within the United States, they ought not only to indemnify the sufferers but to make a full enquiry into the facts—I do not know the method of doing it, but I believe if there was any manner of bringing the gentleman to the bar to exhibit and substantiate his charge, it ought to be done. I would ask if any new testimony is forthcoming in addition to that on which the House at the last session made a solemn decision?
Mr. McKIM said that he had not the honor of a seat in the last Congress, and consequently could not be expected to have any knowledge of what was then done.
Mr. Bacon said that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. J. G. Jackson) could not be serious in his observations as to what had fallen from the gentleman from North Carolina. If indeed the gentleman would state a thing upon his own responsibility in a form in which the House could act upon it, it ought to be noticed. He believed however that the gentleman would not undertake to make such a statement; he must have too much respect for himself to do it. Mr. B. said he believed that if the proposition for the relief of these poor fellows was lost, it would be by means of the gentleman's speech in their favor, and he was extremely sorry for it.
Mr. Macon expressed his disappointment of the manner in which Mr. Jackson had noticed Mr. Pearson's remarks. He regretted much that his colleague had used such words; and he was sorry that such comments had been made upon them. He had heard such things before; he heard them last session, and those who took part in them were as tired of the business as those who were compelled to hear them. It is well known (said Mr. M.) that I am not in the habit of making invidious remarks; but I will observe that my colleague (Mr. Pearson) has not long taken his seat in the House, and being a young member, that a little forbearance on his part would be very proper.
[Mr. J. G. JACKSON said he had not reprehended the gentleman's remarks. He meant to say that if they were correct (and the House ought to enquire into their correctness) he should come to a very different conclusion on this proposition from what he otherwise should.]
Mr. Macon said it had not been the practice of this House to call to the bar of the House any member for what he should say in debate. If I (said Mr. M.) believed that the President had connived at an act which I do not hesitate to avow that I believe he did not, I should feel myself justified in stating it. I for my part never will give one cent of money out of the pockets of those whom I represent, for the relief of those who would enlist with Miranda or any other foreigner. Gentlemen may talk about the innocence of these men. I do not believe that they were innocent. They knew what they were about; the papers of the day were filled with accounts of the great fortunes which they were to make, the hope of which no doubt induced great part of them to go on them to go on the enterprise. In proportion

to the freedom of men and of course to their power of intriguing, ought we to guard against such men as these. I feel no compassion for them, no more than I would for a man about to be hung for a crime which merited the punishment of death. I might feel compassion for such a man when seeing him going to the place of execution; but I would never put my hand to a petition for the pardon of a man who had committed murder. Their own word is taken for their innocence. Take his own word for it, and no man was ever guilty. Remember, sir, how many conspiracies you have already had in this country. They began ten years ago to disturb the country; and yet these offenders are to be called peaceable and inoffensive men! The history of all free governments exhibits the same thing. I have no feeling for them, I repeat. I do not want them back. I wish that they and all other citizens of this country, rich or poor, who would follow the Miranda's or any other adventurers, were out of it. If all these men, except Capt. Lewis and Miranda, were innocent, they have very little of that American feeling which characterizes our citizens and seamen in general, or they would have knocked their employers over board when they could get to a place where they could do it securely. If their failing to do so is no proof of their guilt, they have been convicted of the crime, and that is certainly some proof. It is true they were treated not quite so bad or a little worse than those who were hung—for I am at a loss to say which fate I should have chosen.
Sir, there appears to be more interest excited on this question than ever was for the fate of any of the many American seamen whipped to death on board British ships of war. Why all this sensibility for this sort of people? I do not want them, sir. They were employed to go—where? With Miranda, they did not know where. I do not believe than any man in the nation could be stupid enough to believe all the stories that are said to have been told them; that they were to be put on board a ship to go to Washington to guard the mail to New Orleans; as though men could be put on board a ship with a large armed force for that purpose. Those who have more faith than I have may give credit to the tale.
We have had a great deal of law on this subject, sir, as we often have; and I would not care that I had a little of it, for I think it helps out a bad cause. It is said that the law only punishes the intention. I say we have nothing to do with these men or the degree of their crime. They are at Cartagena, and there let them stay.
We are asked to appropriate 3500 dollars for the purpose of sending for them. Is it possible that 3500 dollars will be sufficient to send a negotiator to negotiate with the Junta, with Ferdinand or with Joseph? If it is, we shall send a minister at less expense than we have ever done before. But put down fifty cents in the appropriation bill, and it will be as adequate as any sum you can name. Begin the work and you must finish it; that is the short and long of it. It is not the money, though a very good thing in a government, that I object to. I want all American citizens to know that if they engage in any nefarious transactions by which their fellow-citizens may be involved in war, the nation will not extend its hand to relieve them from any difficulty they may get into. Let them follow Burr, Miranda or any one else and share their fate. The responsibility is as great if you take a cent from the Treasury as if you take a million. I am a thorough-going committee of claims man; I will not pay a cent but on principle.
In the neighborhood in which I live we scarcely know law; but, as I understand, a man will be hung for stealing a horse. And notwithstanding all the fine-spun theories on the gradation of punishments, I believe that there are more rogues elsewhere than with us, where we now and then hang a man. I always have contended that the power of pardon is one which in the nature of it will be abused. I had rather always give men a chance and let them run away.
We are told too that these men were opposed to going on board. If so, how did they get on board? Could they not have applied for a writ of habeas corpus? Were there no lawyers, justices of the peace or judges in the city of New York—or were they so totally ignorant of the laws of their country that they did not apply for it? The committee have told us that they are under a persuasion that the allegations of these men were true. This however seems to be wholly a matter of faith, for they have given the house no documents on which they grounded their belief. Sir, I have no faith. I believe if they did not want to go on board they would have got a writ of habeas corpus or some other relief.
This project of the invasion of South America is about twenty years old;
something like in England, what was a popular theme among the common people, getting rich in the war by Spanish prizes. And whenever we go to South America, we shall get rich just in the same way. How was it possible that in such a city as N. York, where people frequently meet and converse one with another, people should be so totally ignorant of their rights as to suffer themselves to be put on board a vessel without their consent by Gen. Miranda, who had not been here more than six months? I do not doubt the sincerity of the faith of other gentlemen; but I must have my own. The same story does not appear to have been held out to any three of them; but these men are all together and have an opportunity to compare notes—and it seems that they agree that Gen. Miranda, who was at the head of the gang, assumed the name of Martin. If these men were so averse to the Spanish expedition, why had they not common sense? They would then have told the Spanish government that they were trepanned and had in vain attempted to make their escape, being compelled to serve in Miranda's expedition. They might then all or many of them have escaped punishment.
I had thought that the British government had owned Miranda—and I believe the late administration never were charged, whatever else was alleged against them, with acting in concert with the British government; and I thought that the exposure of this transaction on the trial of Sir Home Popham had completely cleared the American government from any suspicion of an agency in it.
It has been said that these men are Americans and entitled to the protection of the nation. I do not doubt that they are Americans by birth; but they have not American feelings. I think less of such men than I do of the foreigner naturalized here and who yet feels for the country of his birth. This government was too free for them, and they wished to attach themselves to the fortunes of a foreign despot. They did so; and I am unwilling to give one cent of the public money to relieve them from the situation in which they have placed themselves.
(Debate to be Continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 19.
The President of the United States left the City on Monday for his seat in Orange County, Virginia.
The Secretary of War left the City yesterday for Boston.
Mr. Erskine, the British Minister, left the City on Saturday for Philadelphia.
Defence of Mr. Jefferson's administration.—No. I.
Among the leading characteristics of the times is the clamorous abuse heaped upon Mr. Jefferson. It would seem as if the spirit of faction must have some victim to mangle, and disappointed in finding any vulnerable points in those now at the head of affairs, had determined to revive every stale calumny which ignorance or malice has fabricated during the past eight years to obscure the fame of this distinguished citizen. Professing an unbounded respect for the present Chief Magistrate, it daringly carries the dagger to the heart of his best friend, and denounces a career in which he sustained himself a part only secondary; exhibiting as extraordinary a proof of consistency as of respect for Mr. Madison. Be it so. Soothing as it might have been to the sage of Monticello to close his last days amidst the accents of universal praise, the syren sounds might have exposed the solidity of his fame to some question. It is not in the nature of ignorance and depravity sincerely to praise what they do not understand or hate; and applause from such a source might have been justly considered as hypocritical or selfish. The character, which the whole world applauds, is rarely understood, or is extolled more for its negative than positive traits. There is an inflexible sternness in virtue, that disdains and repels the adulation of the vicious, that shrinks from their approaches and friendship, and considers itself most endangered when made the subject of their encomiums. What, in fact, can be more equivocal than such praise? Can it spring from the love of virtue or the honest admiration of profound talents? This would imply an integrity altogether wanting in those who offer it. No. It can only flow from selfish considerations; from the desire to retrieve a character bankrupt in the public esteem, or from a wish to accomplish certain ends of which this is made the means. Away, then, with all such hollow homage. It can be the pedestal of no true greatness. It may undermine, but it can never rear true glory. Mr. Jefferson's fame requires no such trophy. The applause of the enlightened, the esteem of the good, these are the imperishable shields that defend it.
Does a name, thus revered, require a defence against the unjust reproaches lavished against it? Perhaps it does not. The blaze of light which has accompanied all the great measures of Mr. Jefferson, and above all the fruits of those measures gathered by a grateful nation, are conclusive answers to the ceaseless attempts to impair his character. But safe as his fame is, firmly as it may be fixed in the hearts of his countrymen, silence might be construed into insensibility, and might expose his republican friends to the charge of ingratitude, so affectionately and falsely ascribed to republics. If, moreover, the defence of his measures may not be requisite to the preservation of his fame, they may not be unimportant to ourselves. We have certainly reached a point of view, more commanding than any which could heretofore be occupied by the observer; events are now seen in their effects as well as causes; the connection of one measure with that of another is more distinctly perceived; and the general effect of the whole is felt. The Chief Magistrate has also retired from his political eminence. The lustre of high station, the cupidity for place, the thirst for power, no longer dazzle and seduce. The medium through which every thing is seen is unclouded, and the award now pronounced may be viewed, in some measure, as the award of history. It ought not, therefore, to be considered as a superfluous or useless task to pass in review the measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration, however amply they may heretofore have been scrutinised.
In performing this task, it will be only requisite to take large and general views. It will not be so necessary to scrutinise into the solidity of every individual link, as to examine the general character of the chain itself, whose soundness and competency will abundantly appear from the results of the several operations in which it has been used. We shall, in the first instance, take a view of our domestic concerns, then offer a view of our foreign affairs, and close the enquiry with contrasting the situation of the United States at the time of Mr. Jefferson's accession with that of his retirement from office.
The leading measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration respecting our internal concerns may be enumerated as follows:
The abolition of the internal taxes. The abolition of what has been denominated the mid-night judiciary. Provision for the rapid discharge of the public debt. Reduction of useless expenses. Appointments to office. Suppression of Burr's conspiracy. Pacification of the Indians. General expenditure of the public money.
Throughout the whole of this enquiry in examining the measures pursued during Mr. Jefferson's administration we shall be in danger of imputing to him opinions and acts, strictly speaking, not his own. According to the theory of our government he is the sole Executive, and directly, or by subordinate agents, wields the whole Executive power, for the exercise of which he is considered as responsible. But although this be the theory, it is most obvious that, in the discharge of duties so complicated, multifarious, and remotely located, as those which embrace the interests of such an extensive territory, he must inevitably, in many instances, bestow a confidence almost unlimited, and extremely liable to abuse; that, consequently, for the attainment of particular ends means which sometimes be used, which he if similarly situated with his agent, would have been the last man in the world to have adopted.
The same remark will apply, though with less strength, to the measures of his cabinet, in which it is perfectly understood that a degree of respect, accommodation, and even concession prevailed, that very frequently prompted the Chief Magistrate, on points which did not implicate principle, to forego his own opinion for that of his council. Few men that have ever lived knew, in this respect, human nature better than Mr. Jefferson. He knew that distinguished talents united with integrity are unbending, and disdain on any occasion, to act the part of a mere drudge. He, therefore, wisely determined to surround himself with able counsellors, and divide his power with them; so far at least as often to yield his own opinions to theirs. By setting this example a spirit of mutual confidence and concession was inspired, and its valuable fruit, a harmony of co-operation insured. Although, then, Mr. Jefferson, be constitutionally answerable for all the measures of his cabinet, yet it would be unjust not to make an equitable allowance for the difference of opinion which always will more or less characterise independent minds.
If these considerations ought to influence our judgement in apportioning
our praise or censure to the Executive acts of Mr. Jefferson's administration, how much more ought they to influence that apportionment with regard to the legislative acts of the government? Although it be the duty of the President "from time to time to give to Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient," it is no less the right of Congress, in the exercise of an independent judgement, to adopt or reject the measures thus recommended, or pursue such other measures as they may see fit. And, although it be admitted that there was great and unusual harmony between Mr. Jefferson and Congress during the whole course of his administration, yet, there is no doubt, but that they in some cases rejected his advice, and adopted measures which he would never have suggested.
Keeping these circumstances in view let us proceed to a consideration of the leading measures adopted during his administration.
(To be Continued.)
Philadelphia, July 17. FROM PORTUGAL.
Last evening arrived Captain Maffit from Lisbon, which he left the 6th of June, in company with the ship Paragon, arrived at N. York. He informs that it was reported and confidently believed at Lisbon, that a treaty of alliance was concluded between England and Russia, from whence it is concluded that the Russians will take a part against France. It was further said that after the first defeat of the Austrians Bonaparte advanced towards Vienna, and when within 50 leagues of it, was attacked by the Austrians, who in turn obliged the French to retreat.
Captain M. further says that Marshal Wellesley, having incorporated the English and Portuguese troops by putting them by companies alternately, to make up his regiments; marched to Oporto, and demanded the surrender of the town, which Soult obstinately and peremptorily refused, when Wellesley prepared for an assault, which Soult perceiving, fled from the town and crossed the river on a bridge of boats which was prepared to be blown up as soon as he had crossed, but by some mistake or accident, fire was put to the train and blew up about 1000 of the rear of the French army, and 500 of the citizens who were taking their flight with the French. Soult and the remainder made their escape, as the English could not cross the river for some time.
When Captain M. left Lisbon, it was said and believed, that there was not a Frenchman in the kingdom of Portugal, but such as were prisoners; the others have fled to Spain as fast as their legs could carry them—and it was said that the Spaniards were gaining ground every where, both in numbers and in conquests over the French, who were retreating every where—being worn down with fatigue, famine and disease.
Further and still later accounts from England. VIA HALIFAX.
Halifax, June 30.—By an arrival at St. John's, Newfoundland, we have been favored with the following summary extracts, from a London paper of May 18, received at that place.
ABSTRACT OF NEWS. London, May 18.—The German papers contain the 7th, 8th and 9th Austrian official reports. These admit, that the French had in general the advantage, though not to the extent which their Bulletins had held out; and, if credit can be placed on the subsequent intelligence, received by way of Hamburg, the Archduke Charles has been eminently successful. He is stated, after three days hard fighting, to have driven the enemy thirty miles back, and to have killed and taken upwards of 40,000 of their troops. And, in Italy the Archduke John is said to have gained, on the 15th and 16th ult. a decisive victory over the French, who lost 8,000 killed, and 10,000 wounded; 20 pieces of cannon and three eagles, were taken. The Austrians lost 10,000 men, killed, wounded and prisoners.
Jerome Bonaparte has issued a proclamation, ordering the inhabitants of Westphalia, Hesse and Saxony, to be deprived of every offensive weapon—even knives, forks, scythes, &c. &c. This augurs well!
In Spain the cause of the patriots has assumed a more favorable aspect than for some time past. The French are constantly marching off a great part of their army for Italy.
The French in Oporto, it is believed, wish to surrender to the British; and, from an intercepted letter from General Kellerman, it appears that, owing to the Austrian war, he considers the situation of the French in the whole of the Peninsula, as extremely critical. The French General Loison, was killed in the streets of Oporto, by some Portuguese soldiers.
A messenger with dispatches to the Spanish deputies arrived in town this morning. On the 21st ult. it was publicly notified at Seville, that a division of the Spanish army had taken possession of Alcantara, which had been previously evacuated by the enemy.
By an official dispatch from the Austrian General Taxis we learn, that the inhabitants of the Tyrol have, with the utmost enthusiasm, risen in favor of Austria, and have defeated the Bavarian troops in several engagements. Two Generals and about 12,000 Bavarians, have been taken prisoners.
The following were the positions of the French and Austrians at the date of the last accounts:
Position of the French Armies. Bonaparte on the Salza at Burghausen; the Dukes of Danzig's, Montebello's, Rivoli's and Istra's divisions on the right bank of the Inn; the Bavarians under Gen. Wrede form the advanced guard, and are at Lausen and Salzburg. A French division is marching to the Tyrol; the Duke of Auerstadt and Massena are on the north bank of the Danube proceeding to the Inn; Bernadotte, with the Saxons, is marching to the frontiers of Bohemia. In Italy the
French occupy the right bank of the Piava. A division under General St. Hilaire is marching to the Italian posts of the Tyrol.
Position of the Austrian Armies. General Hiller's army lines the left bank of the Traun, and the Emperor of Austria is at Lintz. The Marquis de Castellar is in the Tyrol with his division, and General Jelachich is in the Southern part of the Bishopric of Salzburg. The Archduke Charles is on the Regen, at Cham. The Archduke Ferdinand was at Wursaw. The Archduke John occupies the left bank of the Piava.
Another Expedition. Orders from the Admiralty were received at Plymouth, on Saturday, to fit out all the small vessels of War in that port which were deemed capable of being rendered fit for service, and to afford every facility and encouragement to the fitting out of privateers. So urgent was this order, that numbers of the shipwrights were ordered to work on Sunday.
On Saturday an Austrian messenger arrived charged with dispatches from Mr. Stuart, the British envoy, at that court; the accounts he brings are favorable; the Archduke Charles has been reinforced by the corps of Generals Belgrade and Kleman, as well as by several others, which had augmented his army to an 100,000 men. Wertzbourg and Dresden are also said to be occupied by the Austrians. The capture of Warsaw is confirmed, and the accounts from Italy are not less gratifying. The spirit of discontent begins to manifest itself through Russia, Hanover, Brunswick, Wetteravia, and Thuringia. Colonel Doenbergh of the Westphalia Rangers, is reported to direct the operations of the malcontents, and is said to be at the head of a numerous and well organized force.
FOURTH FRENCH BULLETIN.
The 3d French bulletin is dated Burg-hausen, April 20th, and contains a great deal of low abuse—the 4th, Brannau, (a few miles distant from Muhlendorf,) May 1, is said to be very short, with no further accounts of battles, defeats, or any fact of importance.
Lieutenant-General Ed. Morrison goes to Jamaica.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
FOR THE BENEFIT OF MR. AND MRS. FRANCIS.
On Thursday Evening, July 20, 1809, Will be presented Mrs. Inchbald's celebrated Comedy, in five Acts, called
EVERY ONE HAS HIS FAULT.
End of the play a PANTOMIMICAL DANCE, composed by Mr. Francis, Called
THE SAILOR'S LANDLADY; OR, JACK IN DISTRESS.
In the course of the Dance, will be introduced a HORNPIPE, by Mr. Harris. To conclude with a REEL, by the characters.
To which will be added, A musical Entertainment in two acts, called
LOVE LAUGHS AT LOCKSMITHS.
** Box One Dollar—Pitt Three Quarters of a Dollar.
Tickets for Children at 50 cents. ** Tickets to be had at the Office of Dimmore and Cooper, Eleventh-street, near Pennsylvania Avenue.
Doors will open at Six—Curtain rise Quarter before Seven o'Clock.
W.M. EMACK RETURNS his sincere thanks to those of his fellow-citizens who have favored him with their friendship and custom in the Mercantile Line; but now having made arrangements to REMOVE his STORE, in the course of TEN days, to Frederickburg Virginia—he earnestly requests that all those who are indebted to him will please to call and make payment, as no farther indulgence can be given. Also those to whom he is indebted, are invited to exhibit their accounts, which, when adjusted, shall be paid. His DWELLING-HOUSE, STORE, &c. on East Capitol street are now offered for RENT; the eligibility of which for the Dry Good and Grocery business is at least equal to any in the neighborhood—for terms apply to him on the premises, or if after ten days, to Mr. ADAM LINDSAY, merchant near the Navy Yard, who is fully authorised to rent the same, as also to settle his unfinished business.
July 19—3t
ONE CENT REWARD, FOR apprehending and securing in jail an apprentice boy named W.M. BURCH. He is a fair complexioned lad about 13 years old; he was bound to me by the Orphans Court of the city of Washington, district of Columbia, to learn the art of Stone and Brick-laying. It is supposed he is in Baltimore or its vicinity. The above reward will be paid by me if secured as above.
THADY HOGAN. All persons are forewarned harboring or employing said William Bych, or they will be dealt with as the law directs. Washington City, July 19—3t
FOR LONDON, DIRECT— The substantial fast sailing ship FAME, 250 tons burthen, J. Fitch Master, will sail in 8 days. For Passage only, having elegant accommodations, apply to the Captain on board, or to
CHARLES J. NOURSE. Georgetown, July 19—4t
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE.
BY Virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dm, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the state of Ohio.
DANIEL GALL, Executor of the last Will & Testament of Robert Means, deceased. Richmond, July 19—1t

War Department, July 8, 1809. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN: THAT Separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock, at noon of Wednesday the 25th of October next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States from the 1st day of June 1810 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1811, within the states, territories and districts following, viz:
1st. At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago and in their immediate vicinities, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the territory of Michigan.
2nd. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.
3rd. At Belle Fontaine, Fort Osage and Belle Vue and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio and the Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chicago and their immediate vicinities.
4th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the Mississippi and Orleans territories.
5th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire.
6th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Vermont.
7th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted.
8th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Connecticut and Rhode Island.
9th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New York, Niagara & its dependencies excepted.
10th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Jersey.
11th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the state of Pennsylvania.
12th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Maryland & Delaware.
13th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Virginia.
14th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of North Carolina.
15th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of South Carolina.
16th. At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia.
17th. Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armorers and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1810 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1811.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the United States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States shall be paid by the United States at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is understood to be reserved to the United States, of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the western waters, not exceeding three months.
W. EUSTIS, Secretary for the Department of War.
July 10—4aw4w
CHARLES H. PADDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, simple and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Frockcoats, Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelts & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4f
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the Chancellor of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale on Monday the 17th day of July next, if fair, if not on the next fair day, on the premises, all the estate, right, title, claim and interest of Nathaniel Washington of St. Mary's county, in and to a tract or parcel of land lying and being St. Mary's county, on the Patuxent river being part of a tract of land called Trem Neck, to which the said Nathaniel Washington is entitled in right of his wife Margaret Washington. This land is of a superior quality.
ALSO— The estate of the said Nathaniel Washington and Margaret his wife, in and to one other tract or parcel of land, lying in St. Mary's county aforesaid, being another part of the aforementioned tract, called Trent Neck, situated in the forest, at the distance of three or four miles from the tract before mentioned. A more particular description of these tracts of land is deemed unnecessary: And there will be offered for sale at the same time and place, a variety of personal property of the said Nathaniel Washington, consisting of Negroes, Horses, Stock, Utensils and Household furniture. The above property will be sold in such lots or parts to accommodate purchasers as shall be judged most advantageous.
Terms of sale—A credit of twelve months, purchasers giving bond with sufficient security, and to be on interest from the day of sale.
JOHN RALPH, Trustee.
N. B. The creditors of the said Nathaniel Washington are hereby notified to exhibit their claims to the auditor of the Court of Chancery within six months from the day of sale.
J. R. TR.
Chancery-Hall, St. Mary's County, June 19—4w.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, At Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 5th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq. and are the same on which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof heavily timbered. The uplands consist of about 1000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable.
The premises will be shown to persons inclining to purchase, by col. James Moore, who lives on them, or by Samuel Blackwell, Esq. who lives near to them; and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to
THOMAS ROBINSON, Near Chester, Delaware, or to W. LEWIS, at Phila.
June 7—tds.
Just arrived from St. Bartholomews on board the brig Betsey, Capt. Nelson, and for sale at my Warehouse—
50 puncheons 3d proof rum, 40 hds. molasses, 7 do. Sugar, 12000 lb. green Coffee, Apply to CH: HERSTON'S, or the Subscriber,
Who has for Sale, Best qualified Port Wine, Old Madeira do. Claret by the box, Old Jamaica and Antigua Rum, Cognac Brandy, Holland and Country Gin, Loaf and Lump Sugars, Coffee in Bags and Banells.
Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson skin, Souchoong, Hohean.
Pork, Beef, Herring, Rice, Cheese, Bacon, Flour, Meal, Corn, Ground Pepper, Soap, Dips, Mould, and Spermaceti Candles.
20 or 30 tons Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia Bar iron well assorted, together with many articles of Ship Chandlery.
RICHARD PARROTT, George Town, June 28—tf
ROMULUS RIGGS, Has just received and opening at his New Cash Store, a complete and well selected assortment of
SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, Which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices.
As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Goods, to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell.
CASH GIVEN FOR TOBACCO Inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse.
FOR RENT, THE upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a genteel family, if application is immediately made.
June 9—tf
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have built a commodious house adjoining the Store of the Purser of the Navy and opposite to Wm. Froude's, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction.
NICHOLAS L. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29—tf
A RUNAWAY NEGRO. WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, in the state of Maryland, on the 12th inst (June) as a runaway, a negro man named JAMES BROWN, about 23 or 24 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high; had on when committed a lead colored cloth roundabout, drab cloth pantaloons and a white shirt. He says he had on when he ran away, a blue nankeen roundabout and pantaloons; that he belongs to a Mr. Biggs, who was taking him to Carolina, and that he was formerly the property of John Sutton on the Eastern shore, Maryland. His owner is desirous to take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees, &c. according to law.
ISAAC S. WHITE, Sheriff July 10—w3t
FOR SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND the property of John D. Scott, deceased, being part of a tract of land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco.
This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase.
F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 5—tds
W. & C. SMITH,
HAVE for Sale at their Warehouse near the Ferry—
Loaf and Lump Sugar in hds and barrels, Prime Muscovado do. do. do. 2d and 3d quantity do. do. do.
TEAS Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson skin, in Chests, Boxes and Imperial, Canisters.
Coffee, Chocolate, Pepper and Allspice, Nutmegs and Cloves, Sweet Oil in Baskets and Boxes, Indigo and Copperas, Best 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Bourdeaux and Marseilles Brandy, Holland and Anchor Gin.
Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, old and fit for immediate use, Old and New Whiskey, Madeira, Port, Sherry, Teneriffe, Corsica, Scicily, and Catalonia Wines, Claret in boxes 1 doz. each, Best chewing Tobacco, Demijohns, Casks, &c. &c. George Town, July 3—ep
CITY LOTS FOR SALE. THE undermentioned lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit; they are all free from mortgage or encumbrance, and are subject to no litigation or contest as the titles are derived by immediate conveyance from the Chancellor of Maryland and the commissioners of Washington, to Messrs. Henry Pratt, Thomas Willing, Francis, John Miller, jun. John Ashley, and Jacob Baker of the Aggregate Fund.
Square No. 54 Lot no 9 sq 72. Lots no 2 4 8 10 12 13 14 15 18 sq 84. Lots no 1 sq 85. Lots no 20 21 22 sq 103. Lots no 7 8—sq 145. Lots no 1 2 7 8 sq 146. Lots no 1 2 3 sq 147. Lot no 4 sq 163. Lots no 5 6 7 12 13 14 sq 238. Lots no 6 7 10 11 12 15 16 sq 293. Lots no 1 2 3 7 8 11 12 13 18 sq 349. Lots no 1 2 8 sq 376. Lots no 10 16 17 18 sq 409. Lots no 3 4 7 8 9 17 18 sq 487. Lots no 5 6 7 10 sq 488. Lots no 8 7 12 sq 489. Lots no 6 9 sq 491. Lot no 10 11 12 13 19 20 24 sq 493. Lot no 7 8 sq 494. Lots no 8 9 10 sq 531. Lots no 3 4 8 11 12 13 14 sq 533. Lots no 13 15 16 17 sq 184. Lots no 1 2 3 4 21 22 23 24 sq 588 whole square. East of 590 whole square. Sq 635 Lots no 1 2 3 5 6 9 10 sq 638. Lots no 1 2 3 sq 639. Lot no 11 sq 640. Lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 sq 641 whole square. Sq 642 Lot no 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 19 East of 643 Lot no 2 South of 643 Lot no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 sq 644. Lot no 1 5 7 West of 645 whole square. Sq 878 Lots no 16 17 18 19 20 sq 973. Lots no 4 5 6 7 8 20 21 sq 995. Lots no 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 South of 1019 Lot no 1 2 4 sq 1020. Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 sq 1021. Lot no 1 sq 1022. Lot no 2 sq 1023. Lots no 4 5 7 8 9 10 sq 1024. Lots no 1 2 3 7 sq 1045. Lots no 9 10 12 sq 1046. Lots no 2 14 15 sq 1047. Lots no 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 19 sq 1048. Lot no 7 8 9 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23.
Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to
JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAM. ELLIOTT, Jr. Greenleaf's Point, June 28—4w&8t
PATENT KNAPSACKS.
THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt the same. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by
JOHN P. LHERBETTE, 81, Maiden Lane, New-York. To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe, at the city of Washington. May 19—ep&m.
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the Chancellor of the District of Columbia, for the County of Washington— In the suit of SOLOMON DAVIS, complainant, against
Abiel Jennings, and Deborah Jennings his wife, and Ferdinand Fairfax.
WILL be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder on Monday the 7th day of August next at Long's hotel, Thirty-Nine LOTS of ground situated in the city of Washington, numbered as follows: Lots No. 1, 2, 3, 22, 23, and 24 in Sq. No. 1051. Lots No. 4, 5, 9, 10, in Sq. No. 1070—Lots No. 1, 2 and 3 in Sq. No. 1051—Lots No. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, in Sq. No. 1098—Lot No. 11 in Sq. 1105—Lots No. 5, 11, 12, 18 in Sq. 1106—Lots No. 4, 5, 6 in Sq. 1112—Lots No. 1, 2, and 3 in Sq. 1114—Lot No. 4 in Sq. No. 1143—Lot No. 5 in 1117—Lots No. 9, 10, 11, 12 in Sq. No. 1130.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock precisely. Terms six months credit with interest from the day of Sale. Bond or bonds with good and sufficient security will be required.
SAM. ELLIOTT, Jr. Trustee. July 14—tds.
FOR SALE. WILL be sold at Auction on Thursday the 27th inst. a convenient 3 Story Frame House, with a Kitchen back, on No. 5 in Square No. 113, on Pennsylvania Avenue between the Six and Seven Buildings. An indisputable title clear of every encumbrance will be given. The terms made known on the day of sale.
N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Aucts. July 10—tds
BY virtue of an order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at Public Sale in this place on Saturday the 5th day of next month, (if fair, if not, the next fair day thereafter, (Sunday excepted) all the remaining part of the late Mr. John Campbell's Personal Estate, consisting of Wearing Apparel, an elegant Gold Watch, enamelled the hands and round the face being set with diamonds, cap'd and jeweled, a Gold Seal, a Gold Ring, a Backgammon Table, and several other articles.
The terms of Sale will be cash, and sold without reserve. The subscriber's infirm state of health for many years has been the cause of the sale being so long postponed, and as he is still poorly, his friend Mr. Richard Ponsomby will direct and conduct the sale of said property, which will commence at 11 o'clock at my house.
WM. BRUCE, Adm'r. of JOHN CAMPBELL. Bladensburg July 14—3w
FOR SALE, Or to be rented for a term of years, or on perpetual ground-rent.
A NUMBER of well built brick houses, several of which are immediately tenable—situate on Greenleaf's point—Also, house lots in almost every part of the city. Apply to
JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAMUEL ELIOT, junr July 6—8w
BY virtue of an order of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for Washington county, will be sold at Public Vendue, at the house of Mr. William Rhodes, innkeeper, city of Washington on Saturday the 29th of this month (July) at 3 o'clock, P. M. the following very valuable Property in the city of Washington, to wit:
LOT No. 6 in square No. 224, containing 4,618 3-4 square feet. On this Lot, with other improvements, is a large, elegant and commodious (three stories) Brick House, well calculated for an extensive Tavern or boarding-house, and is now occupied in part by Mrs. Suter, as a boarding-house, and the other part by Mr. Edg. Patterson, as a store.
This property is situated on the corner of 15th and North F streets, directly opposite to the Treasury Department; and may be justly said to be, as eligible and advantageous a situation for public business as any in the city; and, from the largeness and structure of the aforesaid house, it might be occupied and used, as two separate & suitable dwellings.
The terms of sale will be, one eighth part in cash, and the residue on 12, 18 and 24 months credit with interest, the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above-mentioned property, will be sold, subject to the dower of Mrs. Mary Anne Fenwick, widow of Bennet Fenwick, deceased.
Lots No. 15 & 16 adjoining, in Sq. No. 407, containing 10,206 3-4 square feet. On these Lots are some wooden framed Houses, and the Lots are advantageously situated on Ninth and E streets. The terms of sale are, one fourth part in cash, and the balance on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest—the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above lots and property will be sold, freed from all encumbrance.
Lot No. 26 in square No. 252, containing in lot 5,902 square feet—alley 1,238 square feet; and Lot No. 27, in square No. 252, containing in lot 5,322 square feet—alley 309 1-2 square feet. These lots are adjoining and situate on 13th street, on one of which is erected a small wooden House. The terms of sale are, one fourth part in cash, and the balance on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest; the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security. Possession may be had immediately. The above Lots and property will be sold freed from all encumbrances.
Edgar Patterson, Alex. Cochrane, Son. Francis Clarke, James H. Blake, Pierce Purcell, Commissioners. N. B. Any person desirous of purchasing the aforesaid property, or any part thereof, can be made acquainted with and satisfied as to the title, by applying to James A. Porter, Esq. attorney for the present claimants and owners. July 14—
IN COUNCIL. Annapolis, June 26, 1809. ORDERED, that the act, entitled, An act to alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the constitution and Form of Government, be published twice in each week, for the space of three months, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette, and Maryland Republican, at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Eastern Star, Mr. Grievess's paper at Hagerstown, and Mr. Bartgis's paper at Frederick town.
By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. AN ACT To alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the Constitution and Form of Government.
BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That hereafter, upon the death, resignation or removal out of this state of the governor it shall not be necessary to call a meeting of the legislature to fill the vacancy occasioned thereby, but the first named of the Council for the time being shall qualify and act as governor until the next meeting of the general assembly, at which meeting a governor shall be chosen in the manner heretofore appointed and directed.
And be it enacted, That hereafter no governor shall be capable of holding any other office of profit during the time for which he shall be elected.
And be it enacted, That so much of the thirty-second and thirty-seventh articles of the constitution and form of government as is repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby abrogated and abolished.
And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alteration and amendment of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. July 3—4aw3m.
CHARLES J. KOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of a dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Sallad Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 24—tf.
SALE AT AUCTION. THE subscriber will offer for sale at a house on Capitol Hill, on Monday the 29th inst. a variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, also, a Hack and Pair of Horses. A liberal credit will be given to large purchasers. Sale to commence at 10 A. M. HENRY TIMS. July 10—tds.
PATENT WASHING MACHINE. A Newly Invented Patent Washing Machine, far superior to any heretofore in use, may be had of the subscriber, who has the Patent Right for the district of Columbia. I am so well satisfied of the inestimable value of this machine from a trial of one of them more than two months, that I purpose to have one made, that any family wishing to purchase can first make a trial of JNO. THOMAS, 3d. May 24—3&6wtf
St. Mary's county court, March term 1809. WHEREAS the Commissioners appointed on the petition of EDWARD T. CARPENTER, praying that a commission might issue to divide the Real Estate of John Carpenter, late of St. Mary's county deceased, if the same would admit thereof without injury to his representatives, having made a report to the county court of St. Mary's stating that said estate would not admit of division without injury to the said representatives, which said report was by the said court ratified. And whereas it is stated to the court here, that James Carpenter and John H. Carpenter two of the said representatives reside out of this state. It is thereupon adjudged, and ordered that the said representatives, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for four weeks successively three months before the 7th day of August next, they give notice to the said James Carpenter and John H. Carpenter to be and appear before this court at Leonardtown in said county, on the 7th day of August next, to make their election, to take the said Estate aforesaid of the said intestate agreeably to the act of assembly in such case made and provided. Test JO. HARRISS, Clk. June 28—4aw
IF CHARLES HUGHES, aged about 45 years, who left England in 1799 for the state of Virginia, and who was supposed to be at Fairfax in 1804 or 1805, will make himself known to Charles Wirtman, Merchant, Baltimore, he will hear of something much to his advantage. Any information respecting the above named person will be thankfully received. He is five feet five inches in height, red bushy hair, very strong and athletic, and sings a good song. It has been reported that he keeps a tavern somewhere in the state of Virginia, and is married to a widow. It is not unlikely he has assumed a fictitious name. June 23—8t.
St. Mary's county Court, March term, 1809. ON application to St. Mary's county Court, by petition in writing of FRANCIS HOWARD of St. Mary's county for the benefit of the act of Assembly for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors passed at November session eighteen hundred and five and the several supplements thereto on the terms mentioned therein, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath, as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Francis Howard has resided two years immediately preceding the time of his application, in the state of Maryland. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Francis Howard by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months before the 7th day of August next, give notice to his creditors to a pear before this court at the court house in Leonardtown in St. Mary's county, on the said 7th day of August next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, and to show cause if they have, why the said Francis Howard should not have the benefit of the acts of Assembly aforesaid as prayed. Test JO. HARRIS, Clk. April 28—w3m
District of Columbia, to wit: BE IT REMEMBERED, That on this second day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and in the thirty third year of American Independence, JOSEPH MILLIGAN, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit:
"The Child of Feeling, A comedy, in five acts. By George Watterston, Esq." In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned."
G. DENEALE, Clerk of the District Court of Columbia. June 26—eop1m.
Saint Mary's county, Orphan's Court, June 13th, 1809. ON application of Decandia S. Smith, executrix of Henry A. Smith, late of Charles county deceased; ordered that she give the notice