The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-11 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1208.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JULY 11, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MR. CAMPBELL'S SPEECH
ON THE Resolution for authorising the President under certain conditions to suspend the Embargo law.
(CONTINUED.)
A distinction has been attempted to be taken on this subject, also, between a limited and an unlimited embargo. There will be nothing substantial found in this distinction. It is indeed an exertion to show a distinction when there is no real difference. A limited embargo can only mean an embargo that is to terminate at some given time; and the length of time, if an hundred years, will not change the character of the embargo; it is still limited. If it be constitutional to lay it for one day, it must be equally so to lay it for ten days, or a hundred days, or as many years; it would still be a limited embargo; and no one will, I presume, deny that an embargo laid for such a length of time, and one laid without limitation, would in reality, and to all practicable purposes, be the same. This then clearly shows there is not the slightest foundation for the distinction taken between a limited and an unlimited embargo. If we have power to impose it, we have the power to continue it until it shall be considered the interest of the nation to remove it.
We have been told by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. R.) that he is very much alarmed at the rapid strides this government is making, in assimilating itself to a monarchical form. The government is represented, (in the chimerical fancy only, I presume, of that gentleman,) as being already a kind of monarchy; and the President as the sun around which the officers of government and others, revolve as satellites. It might be sufficient to enquire from whence proceed all those alarms, and to wait for the gentleman to give an answer, for he has not stated even a plausible pretext for them. I know of no foundation for such alarms; and I firmly believe there is none. It has not been proposed during the present session to vest in the President powers which had not heretofore been possessed and exercised by other Presidents, as well as by him, to a much greater extent than is now proposed. Why then such alarms should be attempted to be raised with respect to the powers vested in the President, is indeed extraordinary. There appears not the slightest ground to justify them. I know not who the gentlemen suppose revolve round the executive as satellites; he did not choose to name them; so far as regards myself, there certainly never has been an act of mine which would justify such an insinuation. I have acted from motives which no man can with truth impeach, and which no gentleman shall impeach with impunity; and I trust those with whom I have had the honor generally to act, have done the same. Why then attempt to make an impression on the public mind, without a single fact to justify it, that the executive is the sole mover of all the proceedings of the legislature? There may be some secret design in all this, which is not expressed or perceivable; but I feel very confident no real good to the nation can arise from such a course of proceeding. But further, you are told your government is a masked monarchy. What the gentleman meant by this expression is equally mysterious with his other allusions. Are there any acts of the executive which prove that he is acting the monarch under disguise, or that he has any disposition to promote in this country the principles or practices of monarchy? If there are, let them be made known to the public. I know of no such acts. I do not believe they exist. With what propriety or correctness then can this government be called a masked monarchy? There does not appear to be any foundation for the assertion; and I am therefore authorised to conclude there is none. I consider it proper in this place to correct some misrepresentations of what I said on a former occasion, made by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. R.) which I suppose were occasioned by his misunderstanding me.
That gentleman informed you when he was up, on this subject, that a gentleman, (alluding I presume to me) who a few days before considered that a peace in Europe would produce difficulty to this country, now conceived that a general peace or the removal of the orders and decrees of the belligerent powers, would authorise the removal of the embargo. To understand this correctly, it will be necessary to advert to what produced the remarks made by me. The gentleman from Virginia had said, as I was informed, (for I happened to be out of my seat at that moment) that we were in a state of security, which arose from the pressure the two great belligerent powers made upon each other, and which prevented them from making war upon us. I did not hear the gentleman say this, but was told he had said so. In answer to this argument I stated, that if that was the case at this moment, and afforded us temporary security, which however was not admitted, it was uncertain how long this equal pressure would continue; that one or the other must prevail, unless an accommodation took place, and that when either was relieved from this supposed pressure, it would then be at full liberty, if disposed, to attack us; and that therefore we would not rely on such a state of things, even supposing it to exist at this time, as affording us sufficient security. I certainly did not say that peace in Europe would be dangerous to us, or would increase our difficulties; but that under existing circumstances, and supposing the gentleman's argument to be correct, it ought not to be relied upon, so as to render preparations for defence unnecessary. For if those powers were only prevented from attacking us, by the pressure with which they bore upon each other, the moment that pressure was removed, they would be at liberty to act as their inclinations should direct them, and might therefore wreak their vengeance on us. The gentleman, however, corrected the misstatement made to me of what he had said. He informed the House that he did not say that these powers pressed so hard upon each other as to render us safe, but that they pressed so severely, and yet equally upon us, as to produce such a security on our part against being attacked by either, that it was unnecessary to make preparations for defence against either. I confess I could not well understand the force of this reasoning; unless it was intended to show that these powers pressed so equally upon us, that we would not determine which to resist, and that it was entirely out of the question to resist both. If this was not what the gentleman meant to establish, I cannot comprehend very clearly what he had in view. It is not easy to see how those powers pressing with equal yet great severity upon us, should render it unnecessary to prepare the nation for defence. If it be necessary to make preparations to a certain extent for defence when threatened by one power, it will certainly be necessary to encrease those preparations, when threatened by another power of perhaps equal force, and with equal appearance of hostility. There can be no mistake in this argument. If the gentleman therefore took this position, it cannot certainly be correct. [Mr. Randolph said, that had happened in this case which frequently happened, that the report of what was said could not be relied on as correct. He frequently observed it to be the case with printed reports, and it was much more likely to be so with hear-say. The gentleman from Tennessee not having heard me state what I did say, observed Mr. R. I will repeat it, not by way of explanation, but that the gentleman may have my argument before him and exercise the whole power of his talents upon it; and I shall give it up to his mercy. I stated that if we had cause of difference with one of the belligerents only, the probability was that we might be involved in war with that one and in amity with the other. But having differences of such vast and equal magnitude with both, their equal pressure upon us not only would but had kept us in a position of neutrality towards both, being equally repelled by both from either. That accordingly our government had taken that position and determined to adhere to it; that therefore the probability was that each of those
powers seeing we were driven into the arms of neither would begin to relax in order to induce us to associate with that which relaxed most in our favor; and such being our situation, that invasion was not to be apprehended, because either party invading would see that she would throw us into the arms of the other: therefore that there was no necessity for a standing force against invasion; but it was no reason why we should not take measures of general defence against all. That was my argument.] Mr. Campbell said he was perfectly satisfied to understand the argument of the gentleman in his own way, who had explained before but not to the same extent. The difference between us, said Mr. C. is the same which has existed during the whole discussion on the army bill, and will result at last in this: that, the gentleman admitting that both those powers press severely upon us, yet is of opinion that as both press equally, each is afraid to increase the pressure so as to force us into war; and that therefore preparations for defence are unnecessary; while I am of opinion that such pressure on the part of both those powers, so far from being a cause for us to relax in making preparations for defence, ought to stimulate us to redouble our preparations to defend ourselves against both or either. This is the true state of the arguments, and the House will judge which is the most correct. The gentleman's argument has some plausibility at first view, but it does not in my opinion present such ground as will satisfy the nation that no preparations for defence are necessary. For, if the conduct of each would justify us in going to war, it certainly ought to induce us to prepare to meet it, in case it should be forced upon us—and it cannot be sound policy to repose in security on the relative situation alone of those nations with regard to each other and to us, having strong evidence that their disposition towards us is not friendly, and no assurance that such situation will remain unchanged a month, a week, or even a day. I do not therefore believe that this argument as explained, though more plausible than as before understood, will support the ground taken. But it was not my intention to enter into the discussion of this point, and I only mentioned it to correct the error of the representation made by the gentleman of my argument.
The same gentleman enquired whether this resolution was intended as a means to get rid of the embargo, as being a measure of which we are tired and perhaps ashamed to acknowledge it. Now, sir, (said Mr. C.) I can inform that gentleman, that it is not my object to get clear of the embargo on any terms short of those stated in the resolution before you, and that, so far as regards my conduct respecting the embargo, I never have been tired of it, having done only what I considered my duty on that subject; nor am I now, nor have I ever been ashamed of it. If I had opposed every measure that had been proposed, calculated to defend my country from foreign insult, and to vindicate its violated rights, I might indeed feel the blush of shame and the sting of conscience ; but having to the utmost of my power endeavored to put my country in a state of defence against impending dangers I am harassed by no such feelings; I have an approving conscience that rests in quiet. If I had entertained doubts on the subject of the embargo, they would have been removed by the united voice of the people of America which would have been sufficient to convince me, that in this respect, my conduct was correct. From every quarter of the union you are informed that at the same moment the people feel the effects of the embargo, they approve the propriety and wisdom of the measure, and declare their willingness to submit to the privations it may occasion, until those powers whose conduct produced it, and on whom it was intended to operate, shall be induced to do us justice. And they do not wish that the embargo should be removed until such event takes place, unless it be for the purpose of taking a stronger ground, and then it might be unnecessary. But they would in such case, with their lives and fortunes, vindicate the violated rights and honor of their country, and wrest from those nations
by their courage, that justice, which they have refused to grant them by any other means. This is the sense of the nation—19 out of 20, nay 99 out of 100, I might say, are of this opinion. They say to us in strong terms, "you are not to retract, we will go with you and support your measures, as far as may be necessary to repel encroachments on our rights, resist the injuries we have received, and secure us against further aggressions." We have therefore, sir, no cause to be ashamed of the embargo, and no man, it is believed who voted for it, has since regretted giving such vote; on the contrary many who honestly opposed it in the first instance, and did not think it essentially necessary, are now convinced that it was the salvation of your seamen, and of a vast proportion of your property—that it was the only measure that could and did preserve from capture an immense proportion of your commerce that was afloat upon the ocean, that is now secure in your country, and would otherwise have fallen a sacrifice to the orders and decrees of the belligerent powers. We are now in a state that enables us to take any ground that circumstances may require, and a few months may put it in our power to decide whether or no we must exchange the pursuits of peace for the bloody scenes of war, and this we ought to do with great reluctance. The idea that the embargo was to be a permanent measure has not been held out by any one friendly to the measure; but that it should continue until circumstances would authorise its removal, has been insisted on and ought to be supported by every friend to his country.
You are told that the embargo ought to be removed and that you ought to authorise your merchant vessels to arm in their own defence. I am not disposed to examine at large what might be the consequences of this measure. I do not say that the time may not arrive when it may be necessary; but at this time it would, in my opinion, be extremely impolitic and dangerous in its consequences. By abandoning the embargo, you would show a want of perseverance in the measures you adopt, whilst that which you would substitute in its place, would, if alone relied on, prove feeble and inefficient, and also put it in the power of interested merchants to choose who should be your friends and who your enemies. Arm your merchant vessels, send them to sea, and with them it will rest to say with which of the belligerent powers they will involve you in war. Nothing would be more easy than for them to embroil you with which they pleased of those powers, and fan the already kindling sparks of discontent into the flames of open war. I am not willing to lay open so wide a field for the effusion of human blood. The people of America would be justly alarmed, if they were told that a few interested, and perhaps many of them foreign, merchants, had it their power to provoke a war, that might hazard the fate of the nation and involve the blood of thousands—I will not authorise the merchant vessels to arm until you determine what power we are to resist by force, and can tell them that they shall arm against that power and that alone. We ought to distinguish our friends from our foes, & not put it in the power of any small portion of individuals to put the whole civilized world in arms against us; and it is evident this might be the consequence of such a measure.
But you are told by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) that you ought to repeal the embargo laws, and the reason he gives for it, is that you have already tried the experiment for five months and that it has failed. Let us examine the correctness of this statement, as to facts, and also with regard to the conclusions drawn from them. The embargo was laid on the 22nd December last, and our months have not yet since elapsed. It was not known in Great Britain, one of those nations on which it was intended chiefly to operate until about the 11th of February, and the last accounts we have seen from that country come down only to the 25th of the same month. The only experiment therefore that can be alleged to have been made is only for the space of about 12 days—and the information we pos-
sess with regard to the manner in which the embargo was received in England is not very particular and may not be very correct. However as far as it goes, it certainly does not support, but contradicts the gentleman's assertion that the experiment has failed. But will gentleman pretend to say that it could have a fair experiment or be expected to produce the desired effect in the space of 12 days—this cannot be insisted on by any candid man of reflection. But, sir, it is somewhat extraordinary, that gentlemen on this floor should assert that the embargo presses so severely on your own citizens that you must withdraw it, and that after the experiment has been made, it has failed in the object intended to be attained by it, when almost the whole nation, as far as we can ascertain the general opinion, contradicts the statement, and in a voice that cannot be mistaken assures you, that they approve the measure & will support you in it, until a fair experiment be made, until the intended object shall be obtained. This does not prove its failure.
It has been stated on this floor that you have abandoned your commerce to Great Britain, and done the very thing, and all she wished you to do—gentlemen change their positions with respect to this subject, and the grounds of their opposition to it as often as the polypus changes its color—so that it is extremely difficult to fix them to any point or principle on which they rely, or to ascertain any precise object they have in view. At one time the embargo is to Great Britain a just cause of war—at another it is the very measure she desired. I leave it with gentlemen to prove to the nation the consistency of those seemingly very inconsistent objections; it will probably require the exertion of all their talents. It is true, sir, we have abandoned our commerce with Great Britain, but not to her—we have retired from the ocean, and in retiring have carried with us almost the whole commerce of the European world. The belligerent powers cannot carry on commerce with each other and there are no neutrals in Europe with which they can trade—what commerce then is abandoned by us to Great Britain? There is scarcely a merchant vessel that sails the ocean—she can hardly find a solitary ship to pursue—we had carried on almost the whole of the neutral trade—we were forced to abandon it—we did so—we retired and left the great Leviathan of the ocean to roam about without a solitary object upon which to prey. Let gentlemen then inform us what commerce Great Britain has acquired by this measure—they can point out none—they cannot designate a single branch of trade of any importance which Great Britain has got by our retiring. But let us notice what the first statesmen in that country say on this subject—and they seem to have furnished the full to what was said on this floor, (as has frequently been the case) with only this difference, that they stated the whole case, whereas a part only was stated here. They say that in consequence of their orders of council, you have abandoned your commerce as you ought to have done, and yet they enquire, what is the commerce thus abandoned? They admit they have all that is left, but they enquire what that is; they cannot ascertain it—they say there is none—and in this they are correct. With regard to the effect of the embargo, they state what has been before in substance stated on this floor, what was always considered, and so stated, would be the effect of this measure. They say the French West India islands will starve; but supposing this to be the case, they enquire what will become of their own islands, whose sole dependance for subsistence is on the commerce and productions of America? They say they must also starve—they enquire if a famine must be produced in England in order to supply their island with provisions, which they could not even then effect. They pursue the picture, which every one must have seen; they describe the distresses that must be produced in Great Britain itself as well as in their islands; and ascribe the whole of these misfortunes to the orders of council of their own government. This does not go to prove that the embargo was the very measure which

Great Britain wanted—nor does it show that she acquired any real or valuable acquisition of commerce by our retiring from the ocean. It contradicts the assertion that the embargo has failed in its object, and proves in a very decided manner, that it is in full operation and in a fair way towards effecting the object for which it was laid, and that its pressure is severely felt by both the great belligerent powers. Yes, sir, it bears upon the one as well as upon the other; at the same time it reduces almost to a state of famine the islands of France, it presses with great severity on those of G. Britain; for though she can supply the islands, so far as she has the means to do it with, she cannot supply them when she has no means. When she has no granary from which to draw supplies, her power to convey them is useless. Those powers are therefore at this moment groaning under the pressure of this measure, while our own people, comparatively speaking, feel it but very lightly. The embargo then is not as has been stated, a measure, which in addition to the orders of council of G. Britain, and the decrees of France, has imposed on our own citizens the most grievous and ruinous oppressions. No, sir, it is a measure which has snatched our commerce from the grasp of those powers. They had taken measures for seizing all the neutral property that floated on the ocean; but a wise and fortunate precaution, the embargo, dashed from their lips the cup with which they were about to quench their thirst for plunder. We secured from capture our ships, our commerce and our seamen, and preserved our produce at home. It has, sir, been stated on this floor, that the orders and decrees of the belligerents were not the causes that produced the embargo. It is an unpleasant task to argue against baseless assertions, without facts or reasoning to support them. It must however sometimes be done. It would I presume in this case be deemed sufficient to deny those assertions, and state the fact that those orders and decrees were the real causes which did produce the embargo. If they were not, let me ask what was? Will not gentlemen permit those who voted for the embargo to be the best judges of the reasons that induced them to do so? I should suppose they could best determine that question; they have done so, and announced to the public the reasons that influenced their conduct. The causes that produced this measure are manifest to every man who is willing to see them. The official documents laid on your table, previous to its adoption show them in part. In addition to these the official note of the commissioners of G. Britain, annexed to the rejected treaty had been published and was well known to this House. It declared in strong terms the intention of that government to adopt measures of retaliation, if France should execute her decree of Nov. 1806, according to the construction lately given that instrument. You were also informed, if not officially, yet through the medium of those public prints which are considered in a great degree the official organ of that government, that orders to the same extent with those which have been since issued, were agreed upon, prepared for signature, and would in a few days be published. This had considerable weight on my mind in forming an opinion on this subject; I considered it highly important to guard against a measure, which appeared to me next to certain—and the event has justified the grounds upon which we have acted. That these orders and decrees therefore, produced the embargo, cannot be doubted by any rational mind—they are known to the nation as the real sources from which it proceeded; and I am therefore willing to say that so soon as they are withdrawn with proper assurances that they shall not be renewed, it shall be removed.
I shall not enter into a particular enquiry with regard to the extraordinary pressure, stated on this floor to be produced on our own citizens by the embargo. That it would be severely felt by almost every portion of society, was to be expected, was never denied—but that it has produced the distresses that have been represented, is not founded in fact, from the best information we possess—and the public voice contradicts the statement. The people anticipated their government in expressing their indignation in the strongest terms at the manifest violation of their rights, and the meditated destruction of their trade by the belligerents. They saw a decisive measure was necessary and would be taken; they knew the only means in our power of re-acting on those powers, were, by withholding from them our trade and our productions—they were highly pleased to see that we had taken a manly and firm ground to resist aggressions, and received the measure with evident marks of ap-
probation, pledging their lives and fortunes to support their government in it.
(Mr. Campbell's Speech to be continued.)
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
New-York, July 6.
The ship Osage, Captain Duplex, so long and so anxiously expected, arrived at this port yesterday afternoon in 48 days from Falmouth, with dispatches for government from Messrs. Armstrong and Pinckney, which are said to be of a very important nature.
Of the two Messengers who were dispatched to France and England in the Osage, Mr. Lewis only has returned; Mr. Nourse having some commercial business to transact, remains in England. The former proceeds this morning to Washington.
London papers to the 15th of May, Lloyd's Lists to the 10th, and a complete but anticipated list of American vessels captured by the two great belligerent powers, are received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser by the Osage.
The passengers inform us that the public opinion considerably preponderated in favor of an amicable adjustment of our differences with England; and that, notwithstanding the conferences between Messrs. Pinckney and Canning were for the present suspended, Mr. Pinckney was treated with the most marked attention and civility.
Several American vessels, which had sailed from England for Amsterdam, were obliged to return, not being permitted to enter after having cleared from an English port.
LONDON, MAY 4.
The Prince Regent arrived at Rio Janeiro on the 6th of January, and at once began to exercise his powers as a sovereign. The rumors that were boldly circulated on Monday last are as follows: "He had formed an administration which was highly acceptable to the people. Don John Almeida is the minister for the home department, and the Marquis de Bellas is to have the superintendence of foreign affairs. The admiralty, it is said, is entrusted to an English officer of great experience, and Don Rael De Souza had been mentioned as minister extraordinary to Russia, the Prince Regent of course being ignorant, at the time when such an appointment was made, of the fallen state of Russia, and its disgraceful subserviency to France. These dispatches also state, that the Prince Regent had ordered a number of ships of war to be built with all possible expedition, and had already declared war against Spanish America. Sixteen millions of Spanish dollars, belonging to the Spanish government, had been sequestrated. The Prince had also brought to trial those suspected of a treasonable intercourse with France, and the Marquis de Pombal Araujo, Don Rodrigo Pinto, and Joze Iguillo, had been convicted and executed. The Viscount Araujo had been disgraced and sent into exile in one of the islands. The people had universally testified their high admiration of the Prince for his firmness and magnanimity in refusing to become a miserable vassal to France, and resorting to his colonial possessions." We by no means give these rumors as facts. We cannot bring ourselves to give credit to the report that Araujo and his friends were traitors to their sovereign. It is a duty which we owe, in candor to men of their consideration, to wait for proofs of a story so improbable.
MAY 9.
A Dutch paper of the 30th ult. containing accounts from Paris of the 25th reached town on Friday, brought by a gentleman who with difficulty escaped from Holland. They are not important. Letters received at the same time state, that the king Lewis had issued a decree since his arrival at Amsterdam for the establishment of measures of additional rigor against any communication with this country. They also mention that the captain and crew of a vessel which some time since conveyed an English gentleman from Holland (the Hon. Cecil Jenkinson) were on their return thrown into prison, and it was supposed the former would be proceeded against, as having been guilty of a capital offence. The transfer of the court to Amsterdam had diffused a temporary gaiety and splendor in that town; but the distress throughout the country is represented as general and increasing.
MAY 10.
It is said, that a decree is about to be issued ordering the capture of all Americans, in conformity with that issued at Bayonne. This information was brought by an American vessel, which would herself have been detained, had she remained another day within the power of the enemy.
MAY 11.
Our readers may rely on the authenticity of the following communication:
Extract of a letter dated Helder, May 4, 1808.
A decree, issued by the emperor at Bayonne, reached Amsterdam the 28th April, confirming all measures previously decreed respecting navigation; and, I am well informed, subjecting all American vessels, with their cargoes, if met at sea, or arriving in any port of France, to positive condemnation. The reason assigned is, that the embargo in America has been of such long continuance, that no vessels can reach the ports of the continent without having been previously sent into England. The ship Mary, captain Kimbell; and the brig Newton, captain Daly, have been ordered out of the Texel, without having intercourse with the shore; and if they had arrived after the 28th ult. I think it probable they would have been confiscated by orders of the government. You may consider the above information as correct, for I have it from numerous and respectable authorities.
MAY 12.
Yesterday we received Paris papers to the 10th inst. The Moniteur of the 4th contains the following important documents relative to the Spanish revolution:
Report to his imperial highness the Grand Duke of Berg, lieutenant of the Emperor, Commander of his forces in Spain.
"Monseigneur!—Agreeably to the commands of your imperial highness, I repaired with the letter of your highness to the queen of Etruria at Aranjuez. It was eight o'clock in the morning; the queen was still in bed; she rose immediately, and bade me enter. I delivered your letter to her; she begged me to wait a little and said she would go and read it with the king and queen. Half an hour afterwards, I saw the queen of Etruria enter with the king and queen of Spain. His majesty said, that he thanked your imperial highness for the share you had taken in his affliction, which was the greater, as his own son was the author of it. The king said that the revolution had been effected by forgery and corruption, and that the principal actors were his son, and M. Cabellero, minister of justice; that he had been compelled to abdicate the throne, in order to save the lives of himself and the queen: that he knows that but for this, they would have been murdered in the course of the night; that the conduct of the prince of Asturias was more shocking, seeing that himself, (the king) having perceived his desire to reign, and being himself nearly sixty years of age, had agreed to surrender the crown to him, on his marriage taking place with a French princess, which the king ardently desired. The king and the queen should repair to Badajoz, on the frontiers of Portugal; that he had got means to inform him that the climate of that country did not suit him; that he sought to obtain permission of the emperor to purchase an estate in France, where he might end his days. The queen told me she begged of her son to postpone their journey to Badajoz; that she had not procured this, and that the journey was to take place on the ensuing Monday. And the moment I was departing from their majesties, the king said to me, "I have written to the emperor, in whose hand I repose my fate." I wished to send my letter by a courier, but I know no surer means of sending it than by yours. The king left me then in order to repair to his cabinet. He soon returned with the following letters (Nos. 1 and 2) in his hand, which he gave me, and added these words—"My situation is most deplorable; they have seized the prince de la Paz, and will put him to death: he has committed no other crime than that he has at all times been attached to me." He added, there were no efforts which he would not have attempted to save the life of his unhappy friend, but that he had found the whole world deaf to his entreaties, and bent with vengeance; that the death of the prince de la Paz would draw after it his own, and that he should not survive him.
"B. DE MOUTHION."
Aranjuez, March 23, 1808."
No. 1.
Letter from King Carlo IV, to the Emperor Napoleon.
"Sir, my brother—Your majesty will assuredly hear with pain of the events which have taken place at Aranjuez, and their consequences; you will not, without sympathy, see a king, who has been compelled to resign his throne, throw himself into the arms of a great monarch, his ally, placing every thing in his protection, who alone can fix his happiness and that of his whole family and his trus-
ty and beloved subjects. Under the pressure of the moment, and amid the clashing of weapons, and the cries of a rebellious guard, I found that I had to choose between my life and death, and that my death would be followed by that of the queen; I was compelled to abdicate the throne; but to-day peace is restored, and full of confidence in the generosity and genius of the man who has at all times declared himself my friend, I have taken my resolution to resign myself in his hands, and await what he shall resolve on my fate, that of the queen and of the prince de la Paz. I address myself to your majesty, and protest against the events which took place at Aranjuez, and against my dethronement. I rely with confidence and altogether upon the cordiality and friendship of your majesty, praying that God may have you in his holy keeping—Sir, my brother, your royal and imperial majesty's affectionate brother and friend
"CARLOS."
Aranjuez, March 25, 1808.
No. 2.
"I protest and declare, that my decree of the 19th March, in which I renounce my crown in favor of my son, is a deed to which I was compelled, in order to prevent greater calamities, and spare the blood of my beloved subjects. It is therefore to be considered as of no authority.
Signed,
"I, THE KING."
Accounts have been received, stating that a treaty has been signed at Bayonne, between Bonaparte and the new king of Spain. The following is the substance:
By the first article Bonaparte recognizes the new king of Spain, Ferdinand the VIIth.
By the second he confers upon him the administration of Portugal till a general peace.
Another article relates to the Prince of Peace, who, we hear, had not been released from prison at the date of the treaty, but who is to be sent into France. The article contains an accusation against him.
Another article declares that Spain joins in the confederation of the Rhine, and that her contingent is to be 50,000 men.
Another article cedes to France a in Spanish America.
There are secret articles which have not transpired.
MAY 12.
By a vessel which arrived yesterday from a French port, some intelligence has been received from France, particularly relating to the political transactions of Bonaparte. We have seen a copy of the Bayonne Decree—it states in substance, as we before mentioned, that America having embargoed her shipping, in order, as Bonaparte states, to save her property from the English, he conceives it necessary, with the same view, to order an embargo upon all American shipping in the ports of France. It prescribes further, that as any American vessels which may be found upon the seas after the 28th ult. must be supposed to have violated the American embargo, or to be engaged in some illicit commerce, such vessel shall be captured and detained. On the whole, though this decree may be, in truth, hostile to America, it does not manifest that sort of hostility which the American government can legitimately notice.
Nothing like confiscation is mentioned in this Decree. It is dated the 17th ult. Bonaparte was expected to arrive at Rochefort on the 15th inst. in order to review the port and fleet. The writer of the letter which contains this intelligence, states his opinion, which he rather insinuates to be pretty general in France, that Bonaparte has failed in the object of his journey to Bayonne. Certainly his return so soon to Rochefort would seem to warrant such an opinion. An account from Bordeaux, which states that 40,000 men were expected there, on their route to reinforce the French army in Spain, appears still more to justify this opinion. For if the Spanish government were entirely subservient to the views of Bonaparte, what occasion for such a formidable French force in Spain? It is evident that he does not rely upon the subserviency of that government, or that he meditates something very likely to provoke a great popular insurrection.
Another letter contains the extract of a letter from a French officer in Prussia. This officer states that the great body of the force in that quarter is preparing to march towards Turkey, and he adds, that he has no doubt, he, with his companions, will form a part of the army destined for the expedition to India.
THE BRAZILS.
ORDINANCE OF THE PRINCE REGENT. To Count de Ponte, of my privy coun-
cil, Governor and Captain General of the Province of Bahia.
Friend—I, the Prince Regent send you, as my well-beloved, greeting. Duly considering the report which you have made to me on the condition of my subjects, and my royal revenue, on account of the present critical state of public affairs in Europe, and being desirous to give on that important subject a speedy decision, in order to stop the farther progress of evils of such magnitude, &c. I do herewith provisionally ordain, until a general system of regulations respecting the matters in question, shall have been arranged, as follows:
1. That at the custom house in the Brazils, all kinds of goods, merchandise, and commodities, brought either on board of foreign ships, belonging to such subjects of such powers as are considered to be on terms of amity and peace with my royal crown, or in vessels belonging to any subjects, shall be admitted, on payment of twenty-four per cent. import duty, consisting of twenty per cent. consolidated customs, and four per cent. additional duty already established; the collection of the said customs to be effected in the same manner as has hitherto been done at the said custom house. Wine, brandy, and sweet oil shall pay double the duty that has hitherto been levied on the said articles.
2. That it shall be lawful, not only for my own subjects, but also for those of the powers abovementioned, to export to such ports as they shall deem expedient, for the benefit of trade and agriculture, which I feel anxious to promote, every species of colonial commodities and produce, with exception of Brazil wood and other articles, the exportation of which is already prohibited, on payment of the same export duty as has been hitherto established in the respective provinces; all laws, royal edicts, and other ordinances which hitherto prohibited in this state of the Brazils a mutual intercourse and maritime trade between my subjects and foreign nations, remaining until farther order suspended without force. All which you will cause to be carried into effect with that activity and zeal which I expect from you.
THE PRINCE.
Bahia, Jan. 28, 1808.
Be it carried into execution and registered, and the necessary orders for that purpose expedited.
COUNT DE PONTE.
Bahia, Jan. 29, 1808.
ST. ANTONIO, APRIL 25.
Advices are this moment received here that the Prince of Peace actually passed through Vittoria this morning, under the guard of 200 French soldiers; and that the old King and Queen are to sleep at Burgos to-morrow evening, on their way to Bayonne.
PARIS, APRIL 28.
From Algiers the following official report has been received:
"The measures pursued by the Dey of Algiers towards the Europeans become every day more violent. The Dey having scarcely the government in his hands, not being assured of the fidelity of his troops, and even the confirmation of his office from the Grand Seigneur, his sovereign, not being arrived, and being involved in a bloody war with the Bey of Tunis, thought he might in spite of the difficulties of his situation levy tribute upon all nations.
"On the 22d inst. he made a demand of the Swedish, Danish, and Dutch consuls, that they should bring him their presents; and required of the Consul of America 18,000 double piastres, in order to indemnify him for the loss of 9 Algerines taken in an American vessel. The Consul pretended that the crew of the vessel had thrown the men overboard as they were on the point of being boarded by one of her cruisers.
"The Consul of Sweden immediately agreed to the present.
"On the 23d the three Consuls of Denmark, Holland and America were summoned to the palace.
"The Consul of Holland said, he expected instructions from his government, and that he could not, till he received those instructions, make any present. On this the Dey caused it to be intimated to him, that unless he instantly, on the arrival of his messenger, received his present, he should put his children into irons and send them to labor.
"The Consul of America had not yet received official tidings of the fact of which the Dey had complained, and thought that he could not, without the order of his government pay the 18,000 piastres.
"The Dey answered him that unless he should pay the sum in four days he should cast him in irons, or he must deliver to him nine Americans, whom he would hang up at the gate of Bab Azoua.
"Mr. Ulrich, Consul of Denmark, making representation of the state of

his country, said, that the vessel which contained his presents had been seized by the English and confiscated, and that the English agent at Algiers himself would testify this; the Consul solicited time of the government, but the Dey, paying no respect to the character of an agent speaking in the name of his master, caused him to be seized by the officers of justice in the midst of the palace, and taken to prison amidst the shouts of a barbarous populace.
"Those who could enter into this horrid prison saw this worthy man among the slaves in his official dress, and loaded with a chain of 60 pound weight, which Mr. Ulrich bore with fortitude and courage; he merely recommended to his friends the care of his wife and five children.
"At length the Dey resolved, on the earnest entreaties of all the European Consuls, to set the Danish Consul at liberty, and while he was occupied working with all the slaves, they came and took off his chain.
"What security is there against the renewal of these acts of violence?
"All the slaves here are treated with the most horrid cruelty; 450 Portuguese are shut up in prison. The Court of Lisbon delayed sending the tribute. The government has not sent them any relief, and they are in extreme wretchedness. The officers as well as sailors are condemned to labor and are loaded with ignominy.
"A great number of Neapolitans, also slaves, are not in a less pitiable situation; and the Dey who expects to conquer Tunis in the first campaign, hopes to make a booty of 3000 more European slaves, whose ransom he will fix very high. Since he has been forced to give up all the slaves who were subjects of the Emperor Napoleon, it seems that he is resolved to make his system of slavery press harder upon the other foreigners."
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber, of Prince Georges county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county in Maryland, letters of administration with a copy of the will annexed, on the personal estate of Zachariah Baldwin late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the tenth day of January next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said Estate. Given under my hand this 6th day of July 1803. HENRY CULVER, Adm'r. July 11—w6t
STATE OF MARYLAND—IN CHANCERY, July 2nd, 1803. Alexander Clagett, and Richard Henderson,
vs. Margery Beall and others. THE object of the bill is to obtain the sale of two tracts of Land called "Azalea," and "Gleaning," for the payment of a debt due from Isaac Beall deceased, to Samuel Beall deceased, or so much thereof as will be sufficient for the payment of that debt; the bill states that Isaac Beall was indebted to David Ross, Richard Henderson, and Samuel Beall, to secure the payment of which debt, the said Isaac Beall on the ninth day of January seventeen hundred and seventy-five, executed a bond to them for the conveyance of the aforesaid land, with an endorsement on the bond that it was intended merely to secure the debt. That the said Isaac Beall died without paying the debt, and by his Will devised the said land to his children, Anne, Alexander, and Margery Beall in tail as tenants in common after the death of Margery his wife; that Ann and Alexander have since died intestate, under age, and without issue; that Margery married a certain Charles Vance, and that the defendants all reside in the state of Virginia.
The bill further states, that said Samuel Beall has also died intestate and that the complainant Alexander Clagett, administered on his estate, that the debt due as aforesaid was at the instance of Isaac Beall and his heirs paid by your complainant Clagett, out of the estate of said Samuel Beall. It is thereupon on the motion of the complainants, ordered that they cause a copy of this order to be inserted at least once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the 6th day of August next, to the end that the said Margery Beall may have notice of the complainants application to this court, and of the subject and object of this bill, and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the 6th day of December next, to show why a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy, Test NICHOLAS BREWER, R. C. C. July 11—w3t
Washington and Alexandria Packet. THE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that his packet boat is accommodated for the reception of passengers, and sails every month at nine o'clock, from the extrinity of 17th street wharf, in Washington, to Alexandria, and from Alexandria every evening at 4 o'clock, to Washington; careful hands are employed. All orders will be punctually attended to by the public's obedient servant.
SOLOMON STENGER. July 11—3t
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, JULY 11. DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.
At a Meeting of the Committee appointed to form a plan for the promotion of Domestic Manufactures, it was resolved to invite the citizens of the district of Columbia generally & of the adjacent country, to attend a PUBLIC MEETING for the purpose of receiving the report of the Committee.
The Committee, therefore, request the Citizens of the District and of the adjacent country, to meet at Stelle's Hotel , THIS EVENING at Six o'clock P. M. when a plan for the establishment of Domestic Manufactures will be submitted.
July 4—1t Several original articles are unavoidably deferred, to make room for the foreign news.
We understand, that the information received by the Osgood, is by no means satisfactory; that there does not appear, either on the part of the French or English governments, any disposition to relax their orders and decrees relative to the trade of this country; that, on the contrary, the French government appears to be giving a wider scope to the operation of the measures previously taken by them; and that no step whatever has been taken by the British government, since the return of Mr. Rose, even relative to the affair of the Chesapeake. The information from Paris comes down to the middle of April; and that from London to the middle of May.
Private letters received by the Osgood state the prevalence of a general expectation, among the friends of the British administration, of an insurrection in this country against the embargo, which has, no doubt, been excited by the disgraceful publications here on the subject. While such wretched delusions continue, we can have but little to expect.
It does not appear that there is a disposition on the part either of France or England to go to war with us; but a strong desire by each to embroil us with the other.
The London Morning Chronicle of the 4th of May gives a list of thirty vessels captured or sequestered under the decree of the 17th of December, the perishable commodities on board of which had been ordered to be sold.
The late London papers give a list of a number of American vessels condemned by the court of admiralty for a breach of the British blockading orders. But for the Embargo, what a glorious sweep would have crowned this energetic measure; and, in such event, how loudly would the administration have been denounced for not laying an embargo, as loudly, probably, as they have been for laying it.
The U. States frigate Chesapeake , Commodore Decatur, has received orders to proceed on a cruise immediately. She will sail with the first wind.
Norfolk Ledger of July 9.
Extract of a letter dated Trenton, N. J.
"Our political prospect is, in this state, as favorable as at any past period. The republicans to a man, and many federalists, approve the Embargo, and the correspondent measures. On the subject of the Presidential election, there is no division of sentiment in the republican party; all are decidedly for Madison."
The Petersburg Republican, in noticing the display of the volunteer corps of the town on the 4th of July, says—"We cannot omit mentioning, that the horse and artillery companies, agreeably to a previous determination, appeared in uniforms, the product and manufacture of our own country."
This is surely an example worthy the imitation of their fellow citizens throughout the union.
On the 4th of July the Heads of Departments and the President's Secretary were invited to a public dinner at Mr. Semmes's tavern, by a number of the citizens of George Town. The Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, the Attorney General, and Mr. Secretary Coles attended. At 4 o'clock a very numerous and respectable company were seated at a table most abundantly and elegantly served.
General John Mason presided, supported by William Stuart and John Cox, esquires.
The following toasts were drank, accompanied by appropriate music from an excellent band of performers belonging to the marine corps.
1st. The era of the liberties of America—The same undaunted spirit which then spurned a foreign yoke, yet lives indignantly to repel every encroachment on our rights.
2. The President of the United States—May the united sentiment of a great people give effectual support to his wise and salutary measures.
3. The Congress of the United States.
4. The memory of George Washington—The saviour of his country, his name shall excite love and admiration while the earth bears a plant or the sea rolls a wave.
5. The memory of Franklin—The great and the good.
6. Peace to the departed, health and prosperity to the living, of the heroes and sages who fought our battles, or filled our councils, in the days of danger and difficulty.
7. National Unanimity—May the hateful demon of discord be banished our land and the name of "American" absorb all other distinctions.
8. The American Flag—May it never again waft across the ocean the rich products of our soil until ambitious nations are taught to respect it.
9. The spirit of manufacture which is pervading our country—it will do more than armies to render us really independent.
10. The Commerce of the United States, necessary to ourselves, but indispensable to foreign nations—Convinced by experience, may they soon acknowledge their madness and folly in having interrupted it.
11. The Militia of the U. States, a bulwark of freedom.
12. The Army of the United States.
13. The Navy of the United States.
14. The United States of America—Distinguished by nature's choicest gifts, liberty and independence, peace and plenty—to preserve these blessings what privations will we not sustain, what dangers not encounter!
15. The American People—They will ever form an impenetrable shield to protect inviolate the rights secured by our fathers from the grasp of tyranny.
16. The real American seamen—Protection abroad and support at home.
17. The Press free and independent, the prop of patriots, the dread of tyrants.
When the officers of government retired— The Heads of the Departments of our Government—Able, virtuous and vigilant.
By GEN. MASON—The Embargo—a wall of adamant, against which royal orders and imperial decrees fulminate in vain.
By CAPT. COX—The American fair—They are pre-eminent in the estimation of their countrymen.
By MR. JOHN KITTY SMITH—The memory of Commodore Edward Preble.
By MR. I. G. ANTHONY—Bunker's Hill—The tomb of heroes, who bought our freedom with their blood—we will bedew their cold turf with a tear.
TOASTS
Drank on the 4th of July by the LIGHT INFANTRY COMPANY of George Town, Commanded by Captain CALDER.
1. The Day—Let us always remember, that on this day we broke the shackles of bondage, and declared ourselves free and independent.
2. The People—The only lawful sovereign.
3. The Constitution—What nation on earth can boast of a better?
4. The Congress of the U. S.—Unanimity in their deliberations, firmness in their decisions.
5. Thomas Jefferson, President of the U. States—Covered with Minerva's Egis, the shafts of malignity and the arrows of envy fall harmless around him.
6. George Washington—In reverencing his name let us adhere to his maxims—honest peace and friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.
7. The heroes of the American Revolution—They purchased with their blood our independence; no sacrifice on our part can be too great to preserve it unimpaired.
8. George Clinton—The veteran soldier and patriot.
9. Our next President—May he possess the virtue, talents, patriotism & wisdom of his predecessor.
10. The Heads of Departments—They have shown themselves worthy of the trust reposed in them.
11. The Judiciary—May it never be impeded with another Burr, or any other venomous weed, in the distribution of justice.
12. The Embargo—A virtuous people can bear privations but not dishonor.
13. The Dey of Algiers, King George, and Emperor Napoleon—May they soon be impressed with the idea, that honesty is the best policy.
14. Commerce—Free from British
orders and French decrees, or none with the tyrants who will obstruct it.
15. Agriculture and Manufactures—With these in a flourishing state, we may truly call ourselves independent.
16. The District of Colombia—May it increase in patriotism, as it increases in wealth.
17. The American Fair—May they always be affectionate mothers, faithful wives, constant lovers, tender sisters & dutiful daughters.
Philadelphia, July 7.
We learn by a gentle man from Vermont, that a sloop in Lake Champlain, supposed to be attempting to evade the embargo, was fired upon by the militia guards, and returned the fire. One of the guards was shot through the arm, and the sloop escaped.
Extract of a letter from Martinique, dated June 7, to a respectable merchant of this city.
"By the end of this month we shall have no more bread to eat on this island, except some flour arrives from Europe. The bakers have given notice that their flour will all be expended by the 1st day of July, and there is not a single barrel for sale. Flour for the whites and cod-fish for the negroes, with beef for the soldiers, are so necessary, that there is no knowing what may be the consequence of the want of them." Phila. Pa.
From the [London] Star.
PRIZE CAUSE.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE STAR.
Sir, I find in the report of sir James Macintosh's decree, in your paper of Monday, a topic of much conversation, and the decision considered by many as something new. The Judge himself seems to believe that he is the first that has considered the law of nations as paramount to the particular instructions of the king; and as the subject is important, and frequently agitated, I should be glad to find some of your correspondents, learned in the law of nations, and particularly in that branch of it relating to prizes, induced by this occurrence to satisfy the public thereon. For my own part I have always conceived, though I have often been contradicted in the opinion, that the present very learned and highly respectable Judge of the Admiralty, has uniformly maintained the same doctrine. He has indeed said, repeatedly, that the instructions of his majesty were the rule of the court; but in every case unless I am greatly mistaken, referring to particular instructions which he considered as relaxing, but never as extending, the rights of the Crown beyond the limits of the law of nations. How else are we to interpret the following passages, viz.
MARIA—PAULSEN—JUNE 11, 1799—1 ROB. 350.
"In forming that judgement I trust it has not escaped my anxious recollection for one moment, what it is that the duty of my station calls for from me; namely, to consider myself as stationed here not to deliver occasional and shifting opinions to serve present purposes of particular national interest, but to administer with indifference that justice which the law of nations holds out without distinction, to independent states, some happening to be neutral, and some to be belligerent. The seat of judicial authority is indeed locally here, in the belligerent country, according to the known law and practice of nations; but the law itself has no locality. It is the duty of the person who sits here to determine this question exactly as he would determine the same question if sitting at Stockholm; to assert no pretensions on the part of Great Britain, which he would not allow to Sweden in the same circumstances; and to impose no duties on Sweden as a neutral country which he would not admit to belong to G. Britain in the same character. If, therefore, I mistake the law in this matter, I mistake that which I consider, and which I mean should be considered, as the universal law upon the question; a question regarding one of the most important rights of belligerent nations relatively to neutrals."
I am confident I have somewhere met with a dictum of the learned Judge, in which he avers that if he finds the Crown wrong, however painful such a case would be, he must pronounce against the Crown. I cannot lay my hand upon it; but if I be right in my recollection, Doctor Robinson, or some other of the learned members of the court, will remember, and perhaps do the public the favor to point it out—it would be pity that in such a discussion a declaration so like the man, and so honorable to the sovereign who employs such men, should be omitted. In the case of the Elisabe 5 Rob.
page 173, where the "question was whether the Crown had a power of releasing several vessels, being part of the second Swedish convoy (an order for such release having been issued by government) the same opinion appears, though not totidem verbis .
"If he (the party) had appealed from the government to a court of legal redress, the court must have received the complaint, & have proceeded to an ultimate determination on the quantum of grievance alleged" page 179. "The fact being then completely established, the question of right arises how far the Crown can release at any time before adjudication, without the consent of the captors? It is an important question connected with most momentous consequences. No reflecting man can approach it, without feeling that he has to weigh a matter of extreme delicacy, though perhaps not of equal difficulty. Be the delicacy or the difficulty what it may, however, it will be the duty of the court to meet with firmness any exigencies which the administration of justice may impose on it." Page 181.—In short, the entertaining this question at all, shews the opinion of the court, that the acts of the Crown may be the subject of judicial enquiry & decision. The Crown was clearly in the right in this important case: let any one who doubts it look to the case at length, and he will satisfy himself at the same time, that had it proved otherwise, on investigation, the crown must have lost the cause.
It would, indeed, destroy all law, and render the works of the learned commentators on national rights, the musty volumes that some modern refineries have wished to make them; if the sovereign of any nation were to be authorised to issue such orders as he pleased, to the prejudice, not only of his enemies, but of his friends; and however instances may have occurred in which the power has been exercised, I believe the principle was never admitted.
A diversity of opinions may, indeed, exist on subjects of minor consideration:—for instance, a judge of a very high court may discriminate between the payment of duties in a bond or a bank note.* It would be great condescension in such an one, and savour too much of official drudgery, to know that the mode of payment by bond is the practice of his own country—much more to allow it to have the effect of a payment in any other; but a judge like Sir James Macintosh , who knows the right of the Crown, to yield any part of its prerogatives, when the national interest requires it, as well as the illegality of extending its power beyond them; would probably agree with Sir Wm. Scott , that "an official letter from the Secretary of State for the foreign department to the Minister of that country, whose subjects were principally interested in the question (such, for instance, as the letter from Lord Hawksbury to Mr. King , the American minister, of the 11th of April, 1801,) binds the state unless disavowed."† As to the decision of Sir J. Macintosh , there can be no doubt of its rectitude, and very little that it is in conformity with the views of the government at the time of issuing the orders in question. It is probable that the case of these particular colonies, to which a trade was allowed to foreigners in time of peace, was not contemplated when the orders issued; or that the usage, as deviating from the general colonial practice, was not known. It was a matter of question here, some time ago, whether the trade to Batavia was thus open, and referred to authorities in Holland to ascertain the fact—it was not decided for a long time. I doubt whether it is yet. In the case before us, it was ascertained, upon distant enquiry; and under these circumstances, I think, the council may be fairly enough acquainted of any intention of extending the power of capture to a trade allowed to the neutral in time of peace.
CONCILIATOR.
* William—Trefry, Appeal March 11, 1806—5 Rob. u. 385.
† Elisabe ut supra—5 Rob. 175.
A LETTER CARRIER WANTED.
AS I shall quit the carriage of the Letters in the City of Washington, on the 10th of October next, I give this Public Notice, that the Citizen may be provided with some person to succeed me (in whom they can confide). Any person undertaking it, I will give them any information I am capable of if they should require it.
Those persons with whom I have been in the habit of keeping accounts, will please to take notice, that I shall expect a full and punctual settlement of all their accounts, prior to the 10th of October next, as it will not be in my power, to give them any longer management after that date.
Z. FARRELL. July 11—

NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet , capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.
N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000   1795 May 11. 13168 800   1795 July 16. 13450 250 08   1796 June 11. 14837 2,000   1796 June 14. 14341 247 81   1797 February 7. 3615 1,567 55   1797 February 1. 14942 277 30   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 882  
Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. 19,999. 99
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet , viz.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   1796 June 14. 14345 2,000   1796 June 14. 14346 2,000   1796 June 14. 14347 2,000   1796 June 14. 14348 758 42   1796 June 14. 3616 2,000   1796 June 14. 3617 2,000   1796 June 14. 3618 2,000   1796 June 14. 3619 2,000   1796 June 14. 3620 2,000   1796 June 14. 3621 458 15   1797 February 7. 14944 225 05   1797 March 3. 15005 1,500   1797 June 3. 15204 766 78   1797 June 15. 15257 1,700   1798 February 1. 15604 1,505 65   1799 December 17. 16917 980  
Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. 25,891. 05
WILLIAM WHANN.
June 20—en6w
TO RENT,
And possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers —it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house
for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY , Sec. to said Company.
April 29—tf.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL , of Saml. March 21—eptds
CHARLES H. VARDEN
MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia.
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horsell's celebrated patent parallel suspender far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory.
November 27—tf
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans.
For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted.
Navy Department, May 3—wtN
District of Columbia, Washington County.
Orphan's Court, 11th June, 1808.
WILLIAM RHODES having, this day, applied for letters of administration on the personal estate of HENRY KREEMER , late of the City of Washington deceased—claiming the same as a creditor. Ordered that he give notice thereof by advertisement inserted once a week for six weeks in the National Intelligence, one paper published on the Eastern Shore, Maryland, and one in the city of New York.
TEST,  INO. HEWITT , Reg. wills. June 13—w6t.
LIST of Letters remaining in the Post Office Washington city, July 1, 1808.
Henry Addigo, William Adams, Parcel Auterein, J. B. Avidley, Henry Adams, James Archbold, Abel Anderson, Thos. Addison, Wm. & Alexander Ardry, John Jacob Aston 4, L. Albain, Priscilla Allen.
B. Thomas Bullit 2, Henry Ballard 2, Mrs. Bayley, Robert Barclay, George Blake, Robert C. Barton, Samuel Burgess, William Brown 3, Theop. Y. Burch, James Berry, Amelia D & J. G. Brashears, James Burgess, Walter Barron, John Barnett, H. Berry, George Beall, Wm. Bond, Henry Baker, Wm. Bushel, Henry Butler, Dr. J. Beall, Truman Burns, Ezeki J Bull, Wm. L. Brook, Dillon Brook, James Bankhead, Phineas Bradley, Mary Bramble, Jas. M. Brown, Mrs. Baker, Daniel Brownhill, Mrs. J. S. Blount, D. Bussell, Chester Bailey, Wm. Boswell, Quintain Baine, M. W. Bush, Edward Briscoe, Wm. T. Beall, Daniel Bailey, Mrs. Ross, Wm. Barkesdale, W. C. Beard, F. N. W. Burton.
C. Michael Crager, Robert Clark, Tim Crowley, George Cox, Wm. Cocke, Thos. Cross 2, capt. H. G. Campbell 2, Clark J. Coyle, H. Carberry, P. Clodmore, Thos. Coleman, Edward Cox, James Clark, Mr. Cooper, J. Cole, James Camp, Thos. Christie 2, M. B. Carroll, George Clarke, Wm. Cummings, Thos. Cohoon 2, Rev. T. Campbell, W. Chapman 2, John Clarke, Wm. Carbell, Wm. Carter, Charles Coquerel 2, Alice Lee Contee.
D. Bernard Dougherty, Elizabeth Ditterly, Charles Dent, Edward Douglass, John Dempsey, John Davis, Martin Downs, Morgan Donoho, James Dant, John H. Dent, R. Dinmore 2, Gus. Douglass, D. Davis, Jas. Davis, Charles Dawson, J. H. Davis, R. Duplantque, L. R. De Nitroth, Josiah Dean, J. W. Dorsey.
E. Joel Elliott 2, Mr. Esmandan, Ab. Eastis 3, E. and L. Edelin, B. Elliott, Deborah Essex, Mrs. Jane Eastburn, George Ellsworth.
F. Thos. Fletcher, John Fletcher, Frederick Fleming, J. F. Fry, R. Frazer's heirs, Betsy Fletcher, Robert Fulton, John Francis, Wm. Fitzhugh, John Fazenmyer, Dr. W. Foushee, Wm. Flower, N. Fitzpatrick.
G. James Graham, John Gibbons, Minto Garrey, Timothy Garrey, John Gough, Wm. Gates, Jos. Gideon, John Green 3, Matthew Gordon, Robert Gray, Jas. Gray, Jona. Grout, William Gray, Robert Gillam, Ebenezer Granger 2.
H. Robert Harris, John Harris 2, Henry Hureford, Robert Hugh, Isaac Hanson, Christ. Handspiker, Adm. Hoops, John Horner, Leo. Harbaugh, John Hunter, P. Hall, P. Haily, James Holliday, Jos. Hodgson's heirs, S. Harbaugh, Martha Hall, John Hall, Wm. Hall, Wm. Hamilton 2, Mrs. S. Hamilton.
I. Robert C. Jenning 4, J. Johnson, jun. Samuel Jones, Alexander Ingraham, R. Jones, David Jones, Nat. Ingraham, John Johnson.
K. Laurence Keene, Geo. Knetler, H. Kramer, James Kemp, Vincent King, M. King, John Keall, P. King, T. King, W. Keane, Th. Kettland, Jas. Knight, Thomas Kennedy, J. Keith, Stephen Kingston.
L. Gen. Henry Lee 3, George Lake, John T. Lindsay, James Lane, Mary
Lane 2, Owen Lyon 2, Wm. Lynch 2, John Lewis, Edward Livingston 3, Dr. T. Leonard, Richard Langford, Lowry, James M. Lingan, W. Lightcoe.
M. Mr. McCormick, Jas. McNeil, Lewis Morin, sen. gen. V. Moreau, Thos. McAttee, Rosanna McKenney, James Maitland, James McCormick, James Murphy, Robert McCoy, Thomas McLean, Robert McMahon, Lt. Charles Morris, John Moss, M. Morgan, H. Moore, Peter Mineux, Samuel McAuly, John G. Marsden, Mrs. Marriott, Owen McDermot Roe 2, Cornelius McDermot Roe's heirs, Bernard McDermot Roe's heirs, Edward McDermot Roe.
N. George Newman, A. Newcomb, J. Neale, Anthony New, John Nicholson, midshipman Norton, Thomas Nevitt's heirs.
O. Mr. Oneale, Mrs. Oliver, Mrs. E. Oliver, Nathaniel Orme.
P. Colonel P. B. Porter 2, Public Printers , Joseph Poudre, David Porter, captain N. Pinkey, George Puffer, general Charles C. Pinckney, P. Philbert, J. and J. Perkins, J. Parsons, John Pickering, Stephen Perry, W. Prime, W. Parsons, midshipman J. Porter, E. Patten, J. Perry.
R. Jonathan Russel 3, Isaac Reed 2, William Russell, W. Robinson, D. Rawns, heirs, Mr. Read, Andrew Reinhart, John Rumney, Francis Russell, Gerardus Randolph, Edward Rodgers, D. P. Ramsay, P. Read, J. Rimington, George R. Riley, James Rice, T. & J. Ringgold.
S. Eben. P. Sturges, James Somerville, Jos. Strother, Capt. John Smith 2, John Smith, John Snowden, James S. Swearingen, John Stanley, Jane Storms, R. Strong, Jacob Sampson, Ann Smith, Isaac Shoemaker, Miss S. Senterius, Mr. Shew Maker, Miss P. Spinaugle, S. H. Smith, R. Spalding, Minto Sullivan, Messrs. Smith, Calhoun and Co. Wm. Spalding, John Stewart, Thomas Sandiford, Cor. Smith, H. Smallwood, David Slater, John Sinclair, John Somers, D. Smith, D. Slater, Wm. Shaw, P. Staunton.
T. John Templeman, Thomas Taylor, Arthur Thompson, Wm. Thompson, Henry Teitgeon, James Tool, F and I Taylor, Geo. Thomas, Nelly Y. Thomas, Martin Tolny, John Terrence, Henry Thompson, Wm. G. Thomas, Patrick Tool, Jonathan Thorne, Glaney Thomas, Stephen Thomas, Francis Tharey, Samuel Tucker, William Tubman, Joseph Tubman.
V. H. Van Norden, John Vermillion's heirs.
W. Jonathan Ware 6, John Wilkins, Thomas Wilson 2, Samuel Winter, Thomas H. Williams, I. M. White, T. Webster, James Wilson, Thomas Wheatley, A. Waugh, George Walker, Thomas Webb, Benson White, Ann Wade, William Wheatley, William Wheaton, Jesse Wheeler, N. Willis, Capt. E. Watts, Mrs. M. Wilson, I. Wright, B. Williams 2, Dr. John Willis 2, Dr. C. Wistar 2, F. Wittig, Edward Way, Michael Wilkinson 2, C. Wirgman, Jeremiah Weaver, E. Washington, L. White, W. H. Watson.
Y. A. Young, Mary Young, Moses Young.
BURAS and BRILL.  WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch.
October 23—tf.
LANDING THIS DAY, From on board the schooner MARIA , capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by
ROSS & GETTY. George Town. June 30—tf
NEW BOOKS
Just received and for sale by J. MILLIGAN at J. March's bookstore, George Town, the following BOOKS , Johnson's works, 12 vols. octavo 33 00 Chaucer's tales, 3 vols. 6 00 Blumenbach's anatomy 4 25 Winer in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Discarded son, 2 vols. 2 50 Sampson's memoirs 2 50 Shak-spear's plays, 9 vols. 14 00 Bryan Perdue, 3 vols. 4 00 Thompson's works, 3 vols. calf 13 50 Do. seasons, calf, plates, fine 3 50 Knox's Sermons 2 25 Hill's life of Blair 1 25 Medical Guide 2 50 Playfair's Geometry 2 00 Parkinson's Tour 2 vols. 7 00 Sinclair on the Revenue, 2 vols. 6 50 Sully's Memoirs, 5 vols. 8 00 Chesterfield's Letters, 4 vols. 5 00 Evening at Home, 2 vols. 2 50 Conversations on Chemistry 2 25 Also a large supply of Foolscap, quarto and folio Post of a superior quality, together with a valuable assortment of Stationary, which will be sold low for cash.
June 29—6t
PUBLIC SALE.
ON Monday the 18th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE , with adjacent FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock.  SAMUEL SPEAKE , Auct'r. June 15—tdos
DOCTOR GREENFIELD
HAVING removed from the state of Maryland to the city of Washington, on F street, next door to Mr. Colvin—offers his professional services to the public. His credentials will sufficiently establish his qualifications in every branch of medical science.
July 6—3t
WANTED
At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. The Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—pt8
A MIDDLE AGED respectable WOMAN IS WANTED.
To take charge of a Small family in George Town. She must produce good recommendations and be qualified to attend to children. To such an one liberal wages will be given.
Apply at the Office of the Washington Federalist in George Town. June 17—6t
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale , in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land, late the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Fowton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
PHILADELPHIA PORTER and ALE.
HERFORD & SON have at present for sale a quantity of the best Philadelphia Porter and Ale in bottles, which they are willing to dispose of at the same price they sold at last year, 1 DOLLAR and 25 CENTS per dozen. They have also, of their own brewing, Bottled Porter , at 1 Dollar per Dozen, and draught BEER in barrels and half barrels, at their usual price. All orders left at their Brewery, Pennsylvania avenue, will be immediately attended to. July 4—3t
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, sugars, Coffee, &c.
W. & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York, 6 Chests } Fine Imperial Teas 20 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } Hyson Teas 15 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } Young Hyson Teas 18 Half do. } 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Teneriffe wine. George town, June 20—2wtf.
FOR SALE.
FOUR HUNDRED acres of land adjoining land of Samuel Aurant, lying in Beaver Township, Northumberland county, state of Pennsylvania—or exchanged for merchandise or good property well situated in this city.
For terms apply to  JOSEPH WHEATON. Washington City, May 18—tf
NOTICE.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Leonard Waring, deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber on the first Tuesday in September next, at which time a dividend of the funds in hand will be made. Those neglecting this notice may by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
CLEMENT HOLLYDAY , Ad'r. of L. Waring, deceased. July 4—w3t
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY.
THE Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company are hereby notified that the second instalment of Ten dollars on each share is called for by the Directors and must be paid on or before the 1st day of August, next, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors.  DANIEL CARROL of Dud'a President. June 20—w5t
TO LET.
THE House occupied by Mrs. Wilson, West End of the Six Buildings. Apply to her at the same. July 6th—3t
Treasurer's office, Washington city, July 1, 1808.
WHEREAS by an act of the City Council of Washington, entitled "An act laying a tax on slaves the property of non-residents," it is among other things enacted, that from and after the 1st day of July 1808, there shall be paid for all slaves hired to labor or service in the city of Washington, & owned by persons not residing in the city, by the owners of such slaves respectively, the following sums, to wit:
For all male slaves under eighteen years of age, eight dollars per annum; for all male slaves above eighteen years of age, fifteen dollars per annum; for all female slaves under sixteen years of age, four dollars per annum; and for all female slaves above sixteen years of age, six dollars per annum.
Notice is, therefore, hereby given to all persons hiring slaves of the above description, that the subscriber will attend at his office, near the Theatre, every day (Sunday excepted) from 12 o'clock in the forenoon until 2 o'clock in the afternoon, to receive the taxes due thereon.
HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington city. July 8—
10 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber an Apprentice boy by the name of Thomas A. Davis , a Tylor by trade. All persons are forewarned against harbouring or employing said apprentice. The above reward will be given to any person who will deliver him to me.  JOSEPH S. CLARKE. July 8—3t
TO HIRE.
BY the month or year, a Negro man COOK about 23 years of age who is supposed to be perfectly acquainted with the business, as he has been for the last six or seven years learning the art of cooking in the first taverns in Baltimore. For terms, &c. apply to the Printer. July 8—
TUNIS GRAVEN