The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-12-17 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 964.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
DECLARATION OF THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN.
The negotiations in which his majesty has been engaged with France having terminated unsuccessfully, he thinks proper to make this public declaration to his subjects and to Europe, of the circumstances which have led to an issue which his majesty deeply regrets. He had no object nearer to his heart than the conclusion of a secure and permanent peace. He laments the continuance of a war affecting the happiness of so many nations, and which even amidst all the successes that attend his arms, is so burdensome to his faithful and affectionate people. But he is confident that there can arise on this occasion no other sentiment, either in his own dominions, or in any other part of Europe, than that of an increased conviction, that the restoration of general tranquility is retarded only by the injustice and ambition of the enemy.
The French government, unsatisfied with its immense acquisitions on the continent, still openly perseveres in a system destructive of the independence of every other power. War is pursued, not for security, but for conquest; and negotiations for peace appear to be entered into for no other object, than that of deluding the neighboring powers into a state of false security, while France is herself preparing, arranging, and executing her unremitting projects of encroachment and aggression.
Her conduct in the recent discussions has afforded but two many proofs of this disposition.
The negotiations originated in an offer made by the French government of treating for peace on the basis of actual possession which was flatly rejected to admit of mutual compensation; and a distinct assurance was added that his majesty's German dominions, which had been attacked without even the pretence of any cause of hostility, should be restored.
Such a proposal appeared to his majesty to afford a just foundation for negotiation; it was therefore accepted with this reserve, that the negotiation should be conducted by his majesty in concert with his allies.
No sooner had this business been mutually admitted, than it was departed from by the enemy, and that too in points of its great importance as to call for an immediate declaration on the part of his majesty, that unless the principle proposed by France herself was adhered to, the communications which had been opened between the two governments must at once be closed.
This produced new professions of the disposition of France to make considerable sacrifices for the attainment of peace, if the dispositions were suffered to proceed; at the same time that a difficulty was started on account of the want of the full powers in the person intrusted by his majesty with his communications. Steps were thereupon taken by his majesty for opening a regular negotiation by ministers duly authorized, in order to ascertain, in a manner the most satisfactory and authentic, whether peace could be obtained on terms honorable to the king and his allies, and consistent with the general security of Europe.
During these proceedings a minister, sent by the emperor of Russia to treat for the same important object, in concert with his majesty's government, was induced, by the artifices of the enemy, to sign a separate treaty, on terms equally repugnant to the honor and interests of his imperial majesty.
Unmoved by this unexpected event, the king continued to negotiate precisely on the same principles as before, he relied, and with a confidence which experience has amply justified on the good faith and readiness of an ally, in concert with whom he had begun to treat & whose interests he had maintained throughout with the same firmness as his own.
The French government on the contrary, elated by this advantage, of which it boasted as equal in importance to the most decisive victory, departed in every conference more and more widely from its own honor and engagements. Not only did it take upon itself to change at its own will the basis of the negotiation with Great Britain, but it violated, in points still more important, every principle of good faith with Russia. The chief inducement offered to that power as the price of all the sacrifices extorted from her minister, had been the preservation of Germany. Yet before the decision of Russia on this treaty could be known, France had al-
ready annihilated the whole frame and constitution of the Germanic empire; had reduced under her yoke a large proportion of the states and provinces of Germany; and not content with this open contempt of obligations formerly contracted, had at the same time implicated the Porte to measures directly subversive of her subsisting engagements with Russia.
While such conduct was pursued towards his majesty towards his allies, and towards all independent powers, there appeared to little hope for any favorable issue to the negotiations, that his majesty's plenipotentiaries demanded their passports to return to England.
This demand was at first eluded by an unusual and unexplained delay, and the French government afterwards, by some material concessions, accompanied with intimations that other of still greater consequence might be the result of further discussion, procured a renewal of the conferences, which were protracted from day to day, till at length it was announced at Paris that the emperor of Russia had indignantly rejected the unauthorized separate treaty signed by his minister.
In consequence of this important event, the strongest assurances were given to his majesty's minister, that France was now prepared to make sacrifices to a great extent, in order, by securing peace with G. Britain, to re-establish the tranquility of the world.
The object of these assurances appeared, however, to be, that of engaging his majesty in a separate negotiation, to the exclusion of his allies, a proposal which his majesty had rejected in the outset; and which he could still less admit of at a time when the conduct of Russia had imposed on him an increased obligation not to separate his interests from those of so faithful an ally. To these insidious overtures, his majesty steadily refused to listen; but he took the most effectual method to avoid all appearance of delay, and to accelerate, if possible, the favorable issue of the negotiation. The confidential intercourse which he had constantly maintained with Russia, enabled his majesty to specify the terms on which peace with that power might be obtained; and his minister was accordingly instructed to state to France, in addition to his own demands, those of his ally, to reduce them to distinct articles, and even to conclude on those grounds, a provisional treaty, to take effect whenever Russia should signify her accession.
The form of negotiation was, after some objection, acceded to by France. Terms were now offered to his majesty more nearly approaching than before the original basis of negotiation; but these were still very far short of what his majesty had uniformly insisted on, and was now more than ever entitled to expect; and the decisive rejection of the just demands of Russia, as well as of the conditions proposed by his majesty in behalf of his other allies, left to his majesty no other course than that of ordering his minister to terminate the discussion and return to England.
The foregoing short and simple exposition of facts stands in need of no comment. The first overtures which led to negotiation were made by the enemy, and they were accepted by his majesty in the sincerest spirit of peace. Every opening which seemed to afford the most distant prospect of accommodation, has been anxiously embraced, nor was the negotiation finally broken off while any hope of a favorable issue could be entertained. His majesty's demands were uniformly just and reasonable; directed to no objects of personal aggrandizement, but to such only as were indispensably required by the honor of his crown, his engagements to his allies, and a due consideration of the general interests of Europe.
It is with heartfelt concern that his majesty contemplates the continuance of those evils always inseparable from a state of war; but it is with his enemies that this awful responsibility rests; and for the issue of the contest his majesty trusts, with confidence, to the justice of his cause; to the resources and bravery of his people; to the fidelity of his allies, and, above all, to the protection and support of Divine Providence.
In contributing to the great efforts which such a contest must unavoidably require, his faithful and affectionate subjects will not forget that all their dearest interests are at stake; that no sacrifices they can be called upon to make are to be compared with the certain disgrace and ruin of yielding to the injurious pretensions of the enemy; that with the inviolable maintenance of the good faith and public honor of their country, its prosperity, its strength, and its independence, are essentially connected; and that in asserting their rights, and upholding the dignity of the British empire, they defend the most powerful bulwark of the liberties of mankind.
The subscriber wishes to purchase a NEGRO GIRL from 16 to 21 years of age, that is well acquainted with House work, &c.
BENJAMIN HODGES of Thomas, Upper Marlboro, Dec. 10-3w
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, DEC. 11. Speech of Mr. CLOPTON, on the amendment proposed by him to the Constitution, on the 11th of December.
(CONCLUDED.)
Should this melancholy state of things ever arise, what will be its ultimate issue Heaven only knows. Whether this great and flourishing country, which at this time sheds its glories far, very far beyond the limits of its own territories, will then continue to be the fair nursery of liberty, or whether it will become the frightful seat of political slavery: whether, indeed, the very great, the beloved, the inestimable principle of representation itself, the discovery of which has been of infinitely more importance to the political world than the art of navigation has been to the commercial world—of infinitely more importance than any art ever was to the human kind—a principle, without which, under whatever form a government may exist, it is impossible that liberty should exist, except it be in a perfect chimaera; every idea of whose existence under any other government destitute of that principle is perfectly chimaera; every such government, be its structure whatever it may be, which pretends to maintain its existence, verily indeed exhibits one of the merest farces that ever appeared amongst the scenes of any political drama: whether, I say, this all important principle will then continue to actuate the government of this country, or whether it will cease to maintain its just empire, lose its energy, and even at length be spurned from the American shores in order to make way for the introduction of a monstrous system, which reverses the natural order of things—transfers the sovereignty from the people, who alone are the natural, who alone are the legitimate possessors of it—places it in the hands of an individual—fixes a diadem on his head; and that bauble, according to the principle then brought into operation, communicates to him the whole majesty of the nation, which is transmitted as an inheritance through his family from generation to generation; whether the heir, on whom the inheritance should devolve at any time, be a knave or a fool: and by the history of mankind it is shewn to us, that very often these possessors of the sovereignty of nations completely unite in their own persons both these characters. Sir, what appellation shall I give to a system like this?—A system as truly preposterous in its nature as it is tortious and wrongful in its operation; but to which nevertheless a vast portion of the human race have been blindly devoted from the earliest ages of society down to the present day. That very circumstance, however, contributes not a little to the appreciation of the American system. That it has been the peculiar felicity of the American people to understand their own rights—to institute governments better adapted to the important purpose of securing to themselves a permanent enjoyment of those rights, than any nations of the old world ever have done; and moreover to derive additional benefits from the happy combination of a federal government with those of the particular states—are all circumstances which eminently characterize this system, and distinguish it from every other political establishment. While, far from rejoicing, we deeply lament, that the ancient darkness which had bound the world in chains for more than forty centuries, still covers an immense portion of the globe where every thing exists under the gloomy reign of despotism; the republican principle, maintained in its genuine spirit, like a rich gem placed in the midst of a rude collection of worthless things, must shine with augmented brilliancy, when viewed in contrast with so many horrible systems containing not a single trait, which resembles the faintest outlines of liberty—net one of its dimest features—but exhibiting on every side vast multitudes in all the variety of wretchedness, who never tasted of any other than the bitter cup of slavery!
Oh! sir, how supremely valuable ought our happy institutions to be esteemed! What ardent zeal should animate our efforts to preserve them unimpaired—to cherish and cultivate their vital principles in their original purity and perfection—to transmit them down to posterity untainted by corruption, unassailed by violence!
Sir, while I express these sentiments under a full persuasion that I shall not be contradicted as to their propriety, I cannot but believe that I may also affirm, without fear of being revised in opinion by many, that amongst the excellencies of the federal government, there is none more important—there is none more valuable than its limited character as it respects the state authorities. Vested with power duly proportioned to its own proper objects only, which are of a general nature and like regard all the states, it leaves them in full possession of their own so-
vereignty; while on the other hand, amongst the powers surrendered up by the states to this government, there are very few but such as, if exercised by either of the states individually, might materially affect the interests, and in some instances endanger the safety of the other states. Thus each individual state participates in the benefits resulting from the united and combined energies of the whole; while it retains the rights of sovereignty, and all the powers requisite for a complete administration of its own affairs. Here then is the true character of the federal government. The powers properly appertaining to it are limited to those, which are purely of a federative nature, and to such as the states by this compact have consented to yield up to it for the common benefits of the union. The former could not be communicated to nor be exercised by either of the states individually without destroying the independence of the others. The latter, if not thus yielded up, might be exercised by any of them to the detriment of the rest. Thus it is that each particular state by consenting to yield up to the union those powers, and those alone, the retention of which might be injurious, provides for itself a security against injuries by the same act which divests itself of the power to injure either of its sister states: while the federal government derives from this cession no manner of right to trench upon those powers which have been deemed proper to be retained to the states—no manner of right to diminish their sovereignty as distinct independent states.
What is the relation, therefore, which subsists between this federal government and those of the particular states? If its true character be such, as has been stated, (and this, I think, will not be denied, or, if denied, I would challenge the most subtle genius who ascribes to it more extensive powers, to support such a position without utterly demolishing the fundamental principles of the confederacy) this government cannot justly claim to itself the supremacy of a paramount government with a right to restrain and control the states in the exercise of their own legitimate powers—those powers which remained to them when the constitution was adopted. To exercise such an authority over them would be to destroy their independence—totally to annihilate their sovereignty as states. For one sovereignty cannot exist under the dominion of another sovereignty. The subjection of one power to the control of another power, another separate over-riding authority, supposes a state of subordination in the former power, and that all supremacy resides in the latter. Should it be imagined, therefore, by any one that such a sort of power over the states exists in this government, and that, nevertheless, they retain any portion of their original sovereignty, of a more complete absurdity it is not within the compass of the human intellect to conceive. It is, then, unquestionable that either this government possesses no manner of control over the states, as such, or the states possess no manner of sovereignty as states; but that they do possess ample rights of sovereignty, I believe, will not be denied by any one. It follows then of course that any attempt in this government to exercise such controlling authority over them, would be an attempt to destroy, and the actual exercise of such authority would actually destroy their sovereignty as states. So also the assumption of any power properly appertaining to the states, and not granted to this government, is an invasion of their sovereignty—a series of such invasions in progression must have a fatal tendency to produce the same effect, as a general controlling authority; and must ultimately operate a total destruction of the state institutions. In what relation, therefore, to each other and to the federal government, which connects them together, can we view the members of this grand confederacy, but in that of so many distinct independent communities. In this relation they all stand as well to the federal government as to each other. In this relation alone can they be justly viewed. They are not only distinct from, and independent of, each other, though connected together in this confederacy; equally are they distinct from, and independent of, this general government, though connected together by it. To cement this connection between them, as so many distinct, independent communities, was indeed, the original and primary object of this government. From such connection between independent states retaining their distinct separate governments, it has been rightly judged by the people of these states, that greater benefits might result to each and to all of them, than could be expected without any connection at all—greater too than could be expected to flow from any connection founded on different principles. Hence arose the institution of the present system of government—a system analogous to which the annals of man, either ancient or modern, scarcely present us with the faintest traces of any other. Such, then, being a leading principle of this government, and the objects of it being
special or particular, as respects the state authorities, must necessarily be conformable to that principle. It is essential to the prosperity of the union that this character be preserved—it is essential to the general happiness of the American people. Let not this government, therefore, assume to itself any power, in the exercise of which this character will be changed—the true relation between this and the state governments will be entirely destroyed. Let not this government, proud in the contemplation that the area of its authority extends over this great continent, disregard state rights, and take upon itself the exercise of powers which the constitution has withheld, wisely withheld from it, and retained in other hands. Let it not forget its own true character; but always recollect that, although its authority extends to all the United States generally, yet it is not a general authority, but an authority special and limited to particular objects. It should ever be remembered also that between this government and the states mutual and reciprocal duties and obligations have arisen from the compact, by which this government was established. It is no less incumbent on the federal government to confine itself within the sphere of its own appropriated powers, than it is incumbent on the states not to attempt a resumption of any of the powers which they have surrendered up to this government. The states are bound by the cessions they have made, and the federal government is bound to claim no more nor greater powers than those, which have been ceded and granted to it. It is the duty of this government to regulate its proceedings according to the measure of powers assigned to it under the constitution; as it is the duty of the states to direct their operations to those objects only, which peculiarly belong to them as distinct communities: Equally is it the duty of each to move in its own constitutional orbit. If either of them wanders from this course, the harmony of the whole system will be interrupted; and such interruptions must have a tendency to defeat the principal ends of its institution. I do not imagine, however, there is ground for apprehension that either of the states will attempt to invade the authority of this government or to resume any of the powers which they have surrendered up to it. This opinion, I think, will appear to be a rational one when we consider the nature of the powers vested in the federal government—that they are of two descriptions, (as before observed) some of them being of a nature purely federative, which never did appertain to the states and cannot be exercised by either of them in its individual capacity; when we consider those of the other description, which originally did appertain to the states and have by them been surrendered up to this government: when we consider that the inducements to make the surrender arose from a conviction that the safety of each particular state was involved in the establishment of a firm union and connexion between all of them; that to ensure the attainment of this object it was necessary to vest the federal government with those particular powers, thereby enabling it to combine the general interests of all the states as a mean of cementing this political connection between them, which otherwise could not be expected to be of any long duration. To suppose, therefore, that either of the states will attempt to make encroachments on the known established powers of the federal government, thus solemnly assigned to it under the constitution, would be to suppose the existence of a very great degree of capriciousness in that state. Extreme, indeed, would be its folly and rashness in thus arraying itself against the union by endeavouring to repossess itself of powers so solemnly granted to this government, with its own consent and that of the other states, for the great purposes of securing its independence and of promoting those general interests which appertain to itself in common with all the other states. Scarcely can it be presumable that such a step, the evident tendency of which would be to contravene these purposes, will ever be taken by either of the states. Nor should it be presumed that the federal government will pursue an eligible course for effecting these purposes by endeavouring to enlarge the sphere of its own powers and to contract those of the states. The powers assigned to it under the constitution are amply sufficient for all these purposes; and mistaken, indeed, is that zeal for the federal government, which would stretch its authority or extend its operations beyond its own constitutional limits. For there exists in the American people a jealousy for state rights and authorities. There is, sir, a jealousy strong and vigilant—a jealousy, which will take the alarm whenever these rights or authorities are invaded; in proportion to the extent of such invasion it will be impassioned; and the dissatisfaction, which may be apprehended from such a state of public agitation,

seem to be desirable to any real friend of the union.
Sir, this jealousy is not merely a fear of the preservation of the existing state authorities. It is a fear of the encroachment of the general government. It is also averse to any constitutional diminution of those authorities. It considers the powers already vested in the federal government, as fully adequate to all the purposes of its institution. I confess, Sir, I am one of those, who entertain this sort of jealousy; who have no wish that a single item should be added to the catalogue of powers already vested in the federal government; who believe that such a step would be dangerous—that the process once commenced might lead to more and more grants, until all real, efficient power would be accumulated together in the hands of the federal government, and the states be rendered perfectly contemptible. I confess too that I feel no satisfaction in seeing a committee, based on the idea of an addition to the existing powers of the federal government; and whatever may have occasioned this step, I cannot refrain from expressing my repugnance to it; on the contrary I am induced by it to bring forward this proposition, just early in the session, and to declare these sentiments on the occasion.
Importance, Sir, was the epoch when this construction was proposed to the people of the several states for their consideration and adoption, if approved of. The world never witnessed a more august scene than what America then exhibited. Thirteen free and independent states engaged in the solemn act of deliberating on a system of general government, which should draw around them a band of political union; which should render this a firm and durable band, and yet so as not to impair the individual sovereignty of the states, presented indeed a sublime spectacle. To investigate the principles of a system so new, so unprecedented, so peculiar in its nature, the strongest energies of the American mind were brought into action. It was an object of the most anxious enquiry whether this system by providing, in the manner it does, for the great purposes of the union, to which the then existing confederation had been found inadequate, would not impair or ultimately destroy the sovereignty of the individual states. While the imbecility and inefficacy of that confederation became a theme of universal lamentation and produced a general wish that the ties of union between the states might be strengthened, every American heart felt itself deeply interested in preserving the state authorities; every art glowed with ardour for the perpetuation of that species of political institution under which the people of the several states had maintained their civil polity during their arduous contest for independence. This great, this unprecedented act of sovereignty, therefore, which gave existence to this system, was not performed without a pause—solemn pause, an unwilling notion that possibly the powers to be delegated to the federal government by the proposed constitution might have a tendency to shake the foundation of the state governments, and finally produce a consolidation of all the states into one extended empire. Hope and fear alternately affected the public mind during this important crisis—hope that the system would operate the desired effect for the joint benefit of the union and of the states—fear that it might absorb all state authority, and eventually defeat the best ends of its institution. Its peculiar organization, its leading essential attributes cautiously examined, deliberately & solemnly traced, recommended its adoption. From its structure and its principles arose the prospect of its utility, and on these the American people rested their hopes that the system would promote the general interests of the union without abridging the independence or sovereignty of the states. May these hopes never be disappointed! May they be constantly realized!
That jealous affection for state rights and authorities, which I have mentioned, Mr. Speaker, has always existed. It is coeval in existence with the states themselves. It is a laudable jealousy. It is founded in reason and in nature. It is a jealousy resulting from fixed attachment to a great and acknowledged principle. That small republics are most propitious to liberty, better adapted for its preservation, at the same time that greater security for good order in society is afforded, than in those which govern the inhabitants of very extensive territories, is an impressive maxim strongly inculcated on the American mind. The people of the several states, therefore, see in their state governments safeguards of their civil rights and immunities—strong barriers against licentious intrusions of social order—convenient and easy modes of administering justice amongst themselves, and, indeed, of managing all their local affairs. Hence their fond, their invincible attachment to that species of government. Hence that jealous sensibility, which will ever be alarmed when this government makes any encroachment on their rights or authorities. Hence too these struggles, those melancholy scenes, which may be apprehended before the people of the several states would submit to a dissolution of the state institutions, or acquiesce in a series of measures tending to deprive them of their appropriate powers, should so fatal a policy ever direct the councils of the union. Should so fatal a policy ever direct the councils of the union, did I say? Would to God that such a sort of policy had not already mingled with its councils. Could not such a sort of policy be traced in the document deduced from the last clause in
the 8th section of the 1st article of the constitution (which I have read) when by the construction given to that clause in the cases which have been alluded to, it was contended that the federal legislature possessed a right to pass any laws whatsoever, which they should deem expedient for carrying into execution the powers enumerated in that section, and all other powers vested in any department or officer of the government, whether such laws should have any sort of relation to, or any manner of connexion with any of these powers or not? Such, Sir, was the construction given to that clause in those cases—a construction involving a principle of the utmost latitude admissible in a government of the most unlimited extent of jurisdiction. Admit this principle, Sir, admit that the Congress should possess such a latitude of power, and what then would remain to the states? Would there be left to them any real, substantial power? No, Sir. All might be grasped by the general government. The plea of necessity and of expediency might be extended to any lengths whatsoever, and applied to every possible subject of legislation; while nothing but the name, and hardly the name, of any power would remain to the states. Sir, in a construction, which expands the federal jurisdiction to such an amazing extent, be reconcilable to the true principles of the confederacy! Can a construction thus transforming the federal government, from a system of limited special powers, into that sort, which exercises every species of civil and political authority, be reconcilable to those principles? Sir, it would be the very height of absurdity to say that such contrarieties could be reconcilable; and should such construction of the clause, I have mentioned, become the established construction of it, not a trace of those federal principles would be left. The states would become states in name only, and all the properties of a consolidated government would spring into existence.
(To be continued)
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 17. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 15.
A message was received from the President of the U. S. laying before Congress a report of the Surveyor of the public buildings, stating the progress made thereon during the last season, and that which is proposed to be done during the ensuing season.
Mr. Early, from the committee to whom was referred that part of the message of the President, which relates to prohibiting the importation of slaves into the U. S., reported a bill to prohibit the importation of slaves into the U. S. states or territories thereof, after the thirty-first day of December, 1807, which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole House on Wednesday next.
Mr. Dana submitted a resolution instructing the committee of Commerce and Manufactures to enquire into the expediency of making provision for a survey of the coasts of the U. S. designating the several islands, with the shoals, roads and places of anchorage within twenty leagues of any of the shores of the U. S.
Before offering the resolution Mr. Dana briefly noticed the importance of a comprehensive survey of the whole coast, as well with a view to the safety of our commerce, as to the designation of the extent of our territorial rights.
Mr. Crowninshield suggested the propriety of extending the survey to forty leagues beyond the coast.
The resolution was ordered to lie for consideration.
A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed the bill to suspend "An act to suspend the operation of an act, intitled "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise;" and to remit the penalties incurred under the same;" with amendments.
The House having agreed to consider the amendments.
Mr. J. Randolph moved to refer them to a select committee.
Mr. Alston opposed the motion. He believed no reference necessary, as the subject was too plain to require any detailed investigation; if it should be referred, he would prefer a reference to a committee of the whole House, and, accordingly, made a motion to that effect.
Mr. J. Clay supported the motion of Mr. Randolph; and stated that the object of the reference was merely to introduce a provision to secure the payment of costs by those who had incurred the penalties of the non-importation act, which otherwise would be chargeable to the U. S.
Mr. Smilie opposed the reference to a select committee, and declared himself, under existing circumstances, hostile to the amendment of the Senate, vesting the President with a suspending power.
The motion of reference to a committee of the whole House having been disagreed to—Ayes 30—the reference to a select committee obtained without a division.
The committee are Messrs. J. Randolph, J. Clay, and Alston.
Mr. Elliot rose, and addressed the House in a speech of considerable length, on the critical and alarming situation of the country, and the commanding necessity of creating and organizing a system of more efficient defence; and concluded with giving notice that he should on Tuesday, the 23d inst. submit a series of resolutions to that effect.
The bill for erecting Bridge across the Potomac was considered in committee of the whole, and reported to the House.
Mr. J. Randolph, from the committee to whom had been referred the amendments of the Senate to the bill to suspend the non-importation act, made a report, viz.
To agree to the first amendment proposed by the Senate, which is to strike out the following words at the end of the section—"This act shall take effect from and after the passing thereof"—with an amendment, viz.—to add after the word "remit," as follows—"on payment by the parties by whom such penalty, fine or forfeiture may have been incurred, of all costs which have accrued, or may accrue before notice of this act shall have been received by the attorneys of the several districts of the U. S."
And to agree to the second amendment, authorizing the President to suspend the non-importation act till the 31st of December.
A concurrence with the first amendment was carried without a division.
Mr. Dawson moved to amend the amendment of the Senate by substituting the words "public interest," in lieu of the words "public service."
Mr. J. Randolph said he did not see how the public interest could be disconnected from the public service.
Mr. Dawson's motion was agreed to—Ayes 43—Noes 40.
Mr. Smilie said he was against the amendment offered by the Senate. He hoped that gentlemen who proposed concurring in it would shew its necessity at this time. The Message of the President had recommended a short suspension of the non-importation act, which had been done by the act passed by the House. If at a late period of the session, circumstances should justify the vesting a suspending power in the President, he might, perhaps, have no objection to the measure; but was there at this time any such necessity, when the probability was that the House would not rise until the 3rd of March; and when it could not be known whether important information might not previously reach them? If no necessity can be shewn, why now legislate? He was also opposed to the amendment, because it looked like holding out to England that we were tired of the non-importation act. For these reasons he hoped the amendment would not be agreed to.
Mr. J. Clay said, he did not know that the operation of the amendment proposed by the Senate would be to shew Great Britain that we were tired of the act. On the contrary, by making its further suspension conditional, it would shew that unless further arrangements were made between the two governments it would be carried into effect. It was very true, that further information might be received during the session, which might render a repeal of the act proper. But suppose an accommodation should take place between the two governments between the close of the present session and the commencement of the next—still, notwithstanding this, the law in question must go into force on the 1st of July, although every pretext for it was done away. Mr. C. said he was not very fond of placing this discretionary power in the hands of the President. But he did not perceive any other way in which the views of Congress could be accomplished. He was, therefore, reduced to the dilemma, either of giving the President power to suspend the act, or of suffering a measure confessedly hostile, to go into effect after a satisfactory adjustment of differences.
The arguments in favor of the passage of the act were that it would induce Great Britain to suspend her depredations, and to recede from her injurious doctrines. If she abandoned these, and made reparation for her depredations, he apprehended all necessity for the continuance of the act would be done away. Why then continue it after the occurrence of these circumstances? If, however, the gentleman from Pennsylvania would point out any other less exceptional mode, by which the views of the House could be effected, he would adopt it in preference to the amendment of the Senate.
Mr. Crowninshield remarked that, like the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) he could not give his sanction to the proposed amendment. He saw no necessity at this time for authorizing the President of the U. S. further to suspend the non-importation act. What had the House done? A few days since they had sent a bill to the Senate to suspend the act until the first of July. They had received from that body an amendment further to suspend it until December; and on what grounds? They had received no additional communications from the President. The House, then, to be consistent, ought to pursue the same course they had followed a few days since. Mr. C. said he then voted against a suspension of the non-importation act to the 1st of December. He considered the proposition under consideration as nearly the same thing; the principle of both was similar. He did not know that he should object to passing a bill late in the session, empowering the President to suspend the act, provided the negotiations were in such a situation as to promise a satisfactory issue; but he saw no necessity for precipitation. The bill would do as well without the amendment as with it. He should therefore vote against it.
A motion was here made to adjourn, in favour of which only four members rose.
Mr. Bidwell said he did not view the subject in the same light, in which it was seen by his colleague near him, (Mr. Crowninshield.) To him there
appeared to be a material difference between the amendment of the Senate, now under consideration, and the proposition which had been negatived by the House, when the bill was before under discussion. The one was an absolute suspension of the act until next December; whereas the other was only the provision of a power to suspend it, if an occasion for such further suspension should occur, when Congress should not be in session. To the former he thought there were objections, which did not lie against the latter.
He could not agree to the observation of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. J. Clay) that the prohibitory act is confessedly a measure of hostility. On the contrary he thought it a pacific measure. It was no more than a system of commercial regulation, which, consistently with the established laws and usages of nations, we have an undoubted right to adopt. It did no injury, & could give no just occasion of offence. It was indeed intended to press upon G. Britain. One principal object of it was to convince that government and nation, that we have the power and the determination, by granting or withholding our market for their manufactures, by peaceable means, to make it their interest to do us justice, and be on good terms with us. This was not a hostile, but a pacific and lawful policy.
He observed that when the bill was before the House on a former day, he had taken the liberty to express an opinion that the event of a treaty, intervening before another session of Congress, might be provided for by a separate section in this bill, or by a separate act, to be passed, if necessary, before the close of the present session. He had preferred the latter; but the reasons for that preference were not so strong as to induce him to dissent from the course which the Senate had thought proper to pursue.
He was generally not in favor of vesting discretionary powers in the executive. But in the present case, where the principle was contained in the law, the discretion was so limited in its object and duration, and the rule for the exercise of that discretion was so obvious, he thought the authority could not be dangerous, and the objection was not applicable.
There was, he said, one strong consideration in favor of the section. If a treaty should be made, during the recess of Congress, or at so late a date as not to be known here until Congress should have adjourned, one of three courses must be adopted; either the prohibition must be suffered to operate, from the first of July until December, which, in case of a satisfactory arrangement, would not be desirable; or Congress must be convened to provide for such a state of things, which might be very inconvenient; or the executive must be authorized to suspend the operation of the law until the next ordinary session of the legislature. The latter course appeared to him to be attended with the least evil. He was, therefore, in favor of providing such an authority; and as the Senate had judged it most expedient to insert it in this bill, although he should have individually preferred a separate and future bill for the purpose, he would not refuse to concur in the amendment.
Mr. Smilie said he had but a single additional observation to offer, after making which, he would confine himself to giving his negative to the amendment. He had ever held it to be his duty not to grant legislative power to the executive but in cases of necessity. If such a necessity could be shewn to exist at present, he would consider whether it were proper to grant the proposed power. But when there was no such necessity, he would never vest such a discretion in the executive.
Mr. Dana observed that the principle laid down by the gentleman from Pennsylvania was worthy of attention; but it was extremely questionable whether it were applicable to the case then before them. If the amendment of the Senate went to acknowledge a general power in the President to dispense with the laws, a power once claimed as a prerogative by the King of Great Britain, all must be against it. But what was the power here proposed to be given? To authorise the President to continue the natural state of things in this country. The act of the last session went to change the general politics of the U. S. whose general political system was peace and freedom of commerce with the whole civilized world. That law impaired this principle, by taking away that freedom of commerce so far as respected G. Britain. Now the power we propose to give, is nearly allied to that exercised on a change from a state of peace to a state of war. Although the legislature should change the state of things from peace to war, yet the President would be authorized to agree to an armistice, which would, for a time, restore peace, and suspend the laws.
In point of principle, therefore, the power at present proposed to be given was similar to that exercised in the case of an armistice. Further, in giving this power to the President, we do no more than what we have done already. The President has given us merely general information relative to our negotiations with G. Britain; and on his responsibility we have passed the act sent to the Senate. He recommends a suspension of the non-importation law to a reasonable time, without specifying it. We fix the time. Perhaps the President may consider this reasonable time of suspension as extending to December. The language of the amendment is, if he thinks fit, let him suspend it to that time. The same principle, therefore, is applicable to investing this power, as to the suspension we have already agreed to.
Mr. Dana said he agreed that the amendment of the Senate was in substance nearly the same with the proposition rejected in the House. He was in favor of this proposition, and still continued favorable to it, because he approved of the extension of the suspension of the act to December, and because he believed, if the power of suspending it were vested in the President, he would not suffer it to go into effect before that day.
Without going into the question how far the commercial regulations were calculated to coerce Great Britain, Mr. Dana said he would undertake to say that the operation of the non-importation act was more injurious to ourselves than Great Britain; and that it imposed such burdens on our merchants, and was so extremely vexatious to them, that he had little doubt of its suspension by the President, if he should be invested with the power. It would be recollected that the resolutions adopted by the House at their last session were very general; that they had been referred to a committee to bring in a bill, who had, from the pressure of circumstances, reported a bill very promptly, and with no other specification than that contained in the resolutions. In the construction given to this law, he understood no regard had been paid to labor, but merely to the material; the consequence of which was extremely vexatious. He would state an instance. Aqua fortis could only be imported in glass or gold vessels. A quantity had been imported into New-York in glass vessels, and been refused entry because contained in glass. Mr. Dana here specified some other articles, similarly circumstanced. He added that the provisions of the act were of so dubious a nature, that the Secretary of the Treasury had given no instructions respecting them. For these reasons he thought the law would never be suffered to go into operation. It had, indeed, produced an effect, which the House, in passing it, had not contemplated. He would, therefore, have it done away altogether, and if they were to have any commercial prohibitions, he hoped they would be imposed in such language as all people might understand.
Mr. Bidwell said, before the question was taken, he would, in answer to the gentleman from Connecticut on his right (Mr. Dana,) just observe, that any doubt or difficulty which had arisen or might arise, in the execution of the law, from the general description of articles of manufacture, by their material of chief value, might be easily removed by a supplemental act. It was not strange, nor new, that in a complicated system of regulations, experience should point out practical defects in the details, and render legislative explanation or amendment necessary. It was no rational objection against the system. Notwithstanding any such imperfections in the present details of the prohibitory act, he had no doubt that, whether left to the executive or the legislature, the act would be ultimately carried into full and complete effect, unless rendered unnecessary by an intervening arrangement of the points in dispute.
Mr. Dana said that in the statement he had made he did not state many of the inconveniences that had been experienced. Half the goods imported into New-York since the non-importation law took effect had been refused entry. The law was indeed one which ought never to go into operation. As far as he was informed the government of Great Britain had as yet only given friendly assurances. He considered the existence of this law as a bar to satisfactory arrangements; and was, therefore, willing to lay it aside for the sake of peace and accommodation, not considering it as aiding, but as impeding our negotiations.
Mr. Chandler said, if he believed, with the gentleman from Connecticut, that the President would, under any circumstances, no matter what, suspend the act, he would not give his vote for the proposed amendment. On the contrary believing that he would let it go into effect, unless our differences were adjusted, it had his approbation. To remedy the evils mentioned, he would have no objection to doing away this act, after a proper time, and prescribing in a new act a double dose. He would pass an act prohibiting the importation of all goods from Great Britain. Believing the act had been attended with good consequences, and had brought the government of that nation to a sense of their interests, and that there was a probability of an early adjustment of our differences, he should give his vote for the amendment.
The question was then taken by yeas and nays, and the amendment carried—Yeas 82—Nays 23.
[Other business, of subordinate interest, was transacted, which shall be stated in our next paper.]
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 16.
Much private or subordinate business was done, which shall be given in detail in our next paper.
A message was received from the Senate stating that they had concurred in the amendments of the House to their amendments to the bill to suspend the operation of an act, entitled, "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, and to remit the penalties incurred under the same."
This bill, consequently, only requires the signature of the President to be a law.
The House considered the amendments made in Committee of the Whole to the bill authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the

district of Columbia; and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, to be followed by a considerable majority.
Continuation of extracts from German papers, translated for the Mercantile Advertiser.
PROCLAMATION OF BONAPARTE ADDRESSED TO THE SAXONS!
The Prussians have seized upon your territory; I step forward for its deliverance. They have forcibly broke the ties which united your troops, and attached them to their army. You have to shed your blood for interests which are not only alien, but hostile to you. My armies were on the point of leaving Germany when your territory was violated; they shall return to France as soon as Prussia acknowledges your independence, and renounces the designs which she formed against you.
Saxons! Your prince had until this moment declined to form alliances which are so repugnant to his duties; if he has since consented to them, it has only been compelled by the invasion of the Prussians.
I was led after the repeated provocations which Prussia gave to my people; I was dealt with as long as she confined her armaments within her own boundaries; and my minister did not leave Berlin until she had violated your land.
Saxons! Your fate is in your own hands. Would you hesitate between those who subdued you and those who are willing to protect you? My victories will ensure the existence and independence of your prince. The victories of Prussia will bring everlasting fitters on you. To-morrow they will demand the Lusatia, and the next day the Banks of the Elbe. But what do I say; have they not already demanded every thing? Have they not for a long time past endeavored to force your prince to acknowledge a sovereignty, which if submitted to, would blot you from the list of nations.
Your independence, your constitution and your liberty, would then only exist in remembrance. The shades of your ancestors, of the brave Saxons, would be disgraced, should you, without resistance, be consigned to the slavery which has been so long premeditated; and your country being degraded so low, as to constitute a Prussian province.
GIVEN at our head-quarters, at Ebersdorf, Oct. 11. (Signed,)
NAPOLEON.
In the course of a few days, several Polish officers are set out for the different divisions of the army. His majesty commands that an officer be appointed by the etat major , out of every corps of the grand army, to receive the deserters and send them forward to Landau.
Prince Lewis of Prussia, who on the 1st commanded the advanced guard of the corps under Prince Hohenlohe, fought like a hero, when he discovered his troops to be thrown into confusion by the French cavalry. He fought single-handed against a French petty officer of the 21st regiment of hussars. The officer called to him, "surrender yourself, colonel, or you are a dead man." The prince answered by a sabre cut, in return for which the officer stabbed him, and prostrated him dead on the ground.
Intercepted letter written by a Prussian Officer to his friend at Berlin, dated Naumburg, October 12.
"Commencement of hostilities against the French has turned out very unfortunate for the German troops. A detachment of the left wing of the corps under Hohenlohe has been forced, and a murderous battle has been fought by the corps under Tauenzien and Prince Lewis of Prussia, who is killed. The regiments Zülrau, Von Blet, the Green and Brown Hussars, as well as the Saxon regiments Prince John, Xavier and Reiche have suffered severely. Since yesterday P. M. and during the whole night, we have been nothing but the fugitives going to join their regiments; it is supposed that the French are directing their main strength to our left wing to cut off our communication with Leipzig. Their army must amount to 400,000 men commanded by the emperor, whom I suppose to be at this moment at Gera, 4 German miles from thence. We have very large magazines here without any in aid of holding them; we are dreadfully embarrassed here. God forbid that the king, who will probably soon be attacked, should risk a battle, as that would be an irreparable loss."
It appears very extraordinary that though the Amsterdam Court of the 20th acknowledges the receipt of letters from Berlin and Magdeburg down to the Eighteenth of October, it contains no official Bulleins of the French army of a later date than the 10th from Jena. This circumstance is rendered still more extraordinary, as the distance from Amsterdam to Berlin is about 50 English miles more than from Amsterdam to Jena, and the above letters for Berlin and Magdeburg are stated to have been received by the circuitous way of Hamburg and the accounts extracted from them do not by any means correspond with the letter from Jena of the 15th. In this letter the Duke of Brunswick is stated to have
been killed, and the decisive battle to have been fought on the 14th. The letter from Magdeburg we now insert in full length and verbally translated.]
MADGEBURG, Oct. 13—
6 O'clock P. M.
The battles which our king lost on the 14th, 15th, and 16th near Weimar, Kolin, and Naumburg against Marshall Lannes, have been very decisive.
The reserve under the Duke Eugene of Wertenburg was yesterday defeated by Marshall Davoust, and has been obliged to retreat with considerable loss.
Halle has been taken by the enemy, and probably he will be before our gates to-morrow. Prince Lewis is killed, and the Duke of Brunswick lies in Blankenburg badly wounded. Our first generals are killed and with them upwards of 30,000 of our bravest soldiers.
[Had Bonaparte gained any victories on the dates mentioned in the letter, it is exceedingly improbable that he would omit communicating the same officially to the Secretary of State, who was in possession of dispatches from him as early as the 17th, relating his successive engagements.]
The above letter leaves us great hopes that we shall find the Duke of Brunswick to be alive, and recovering. & that the latest alarming accounts from Europe are of a fabric well known to the world.
The mail for Amsterdam leaves Hamburg every Tuesday and Friday evening, passes through Bremen the next day, & the course of the post is not more than four days making even some allowance for bad roads, in the month of October. Why does not the Amsterdam paper of 28th October furnish us with any further extracts and confirmations of Bonaparte's victories received from Ham by the mails of Tuesday the 21st day of October? The course of post to Rotterdam is about 12 hours longer, and the Rotterdam Courant of 28 October infers a letter from Cuxhaven of the 19th; which letter if it came by the Hamburg mail, could not leave Hamburg until the 21st.
(Translator.)
From the Hamburg Correspondent of October 17.
TWERIN, Russia, Sept. 18.
The whole Russian army excepting the regiments stationed towards Persia, is in motion. It marches partly towards the southward to the Dnieper, and partly to the westward to Prussia. They say also that the Imperial guards are soon to march from St. Petersburg.
VIENNA, Oct. 8.
His majesty the Emperor & the archduke Charles have returned from their journey.
Our court has officially notified to the foreign ministers its intention of pursuing a system of neutrality.
SEMLIN, Oct. 21.
A letter from Schapaneck brings the following news—Some merchants from Wallachia have just arrived here with about 20 waggon loads of effects. They bring an account of 40,000 Russians having arrived in and about Krajowa and drove away the Kergiales who were there.
LEIPZIG, Oct. 19.
The force of the Prussians and Saxons under Prince Lewis, in the battle of the 10th, amounted to 6000; and that of the enemy to 20,000 men, against whom the Prussians supported a contest for 6 hours.
On the 11th we received news of Prince Hohenlohe having defeated the French. The Prussians and Saxons fought like lions and with great fury.
Sixty thousand Russians have entered the Prussian Dominions. Prince Lewis received a musket ball in the breast. Count Notritz, one of his 3 adjutants, saw him falling from his horse, and hastened to prevent his fall. At that moment a second bullet struck him, and in a few minutes he expired. Notritz fought like a hero.
PRUSSIAN MANIFESTO.
AS his majesty the King of Prussia has taken up arms for the defence of his people, he thinks it necessary to lay before them, and all Europe, the circumstances which have imposed this duty on his majesty.
The politics of France have been the scourge of humanity during the last fifteen years. Those men who, in rapid succession, have been at the head of affairs in that country, have only sought the means of their dominion in war, and the guarantee of their existence in the wretchedness of the people, may be viewed without astonishment. But the introduction of a regular government, to which the same necessity could not be imputed, gave new life to the hopes of the friends of peace. Napoleon, invested with the supreme power, victorious, surrounded by weaker states, friendly disposed governments, or conquered and exhausted rivals, had it in his power to perform a
better part. For one greatness of France, nothing more remained for him to do; for her happiness, every thing was in his power.
It is painful to be compelled to say, that French politics still remained the same. An insatiable ambition was still the ruling passion of France. She made use of arms and of treaties with the same view. The peace of Amiens was scarcely concluded, before the signal for the first acts of violence followed. Holland and Switzerland, two independent states, were compelled to accept a constitution which converted them into French provinces. The renewal of war was the consequence.
Peace however still continued upon the continent. The German empire had purchased it by incalculable sacrifices. In the midst of this peace, nevertheless, the French troops invaded the electorate of Hanover; a country which had no concern in the war between France and England, while the ports of Germany were shut against the British flag; and the better to effect her object, France took possession of Cuxhaven, and the territory of a free state, which was still more a stranger to the war than Hanover.
In the midst of this peace also, the same troops, a few months after, violated the German territory in such a manner as to wound the honor of the nation still deeper. The Germans have never avenged the death of that duke D'Enghien; but the remembrance of that event will never be extinguished among them.
The treaty of Luneville guaranteed the independence of the Italian republic. In spite of the most positive assurances, did Napoleon place the iron crown of Italy upon his own head. Genoa was incorporated with France. Lucca was very near sharing the same fate. Only a few months before had the Emperor, on a solemn occasion—an occasion which imposed very important duties upon him—declared before his people and before all Europe, that he wished not to extend the limits of his territory. Besides, France was bound, by a treaty with Russia, to put the king of Sardinia in possession of indemnities in Italy. Instead of fulfilling that obligation she made herself mistress of every object which could have been serviceable towards that indemnification.
Portugal wished to maintain her neutrality, but Portugal was compelled to purchase by gold the deceitful security of a few moments.
The Porte, who had not forgotten the invasion of Syria and Egypt, was the only power remaining in Europe which had not been subjected to the arbitrary proceedings of France.
But to these acts of violence, a system of abuse and injury remained still to be added. A journal, which proclaimed itself the voice of government, was chosen as a chronicle of the attacks necessarily made upon every crowned head.
Prussia could be no stranger to any of these general acts of oppression. Many of them were nearly connected with her substantial interests; especially as the wisdom of that system which considers the states of Europe as members of the same family, calls upon each of them for the defence of all; and that the unbounded aggrandizement of one state exposed the rest to danger, was sufficiently manifest to experience.
Still it is more essentially necessary to represent in what manner the conduct of France was calculated to operate in its immediate relation to Prussia. It were superfluous to enumerate all the good offices rendered to Napoleon by Prussia—Prussia was the first power that acknowledged him. No promises, no menaces had been able to shake the king's neutrality. Every thing that the duty of a good neighbor could prescribe was most amply afforded during a period of six years. Prussia esteemed a valliant nation, which also had learned, on its part, to respect Prussia both in war and peace; and she did justice to the genius of its chief. But the remembrance of these times is no longer retained by Napoleon.
Prussia had permitted the territory of Hanover to be invaded. In this she had countenanced an act of injustice; therefore was it her first view to remedy it. She offered herself for it instead of England, under the condition that the latter should cede it. It must, however, at least be recollected, that thus a boundary was prescribed to France, which she should not pass. Napoleon solemnly pledged himself not to compromise the neutrality of the northern states; to exercise no violence towards any of them; and, in particular, not to increase the number of troops in the electorate of Hanover.
Scarcely had he agreed to these stipulations, than he broke them. Every one is acquainted with the violent manner in which Sir George Rumbold was seized; every one knows that the Hanse towns were laid under contribution, under the appellation of loans, not by any means for their interest, but exactly in the same manner as if France had been at war with them. For the first of these injuries, his majesty contented himself with accepting an inadequate satisfaction. Of the second he took no cognizance, being prevented by the apprehensions, and representations on the part of the Hanse towns, his majesty on his part, did not scruple to make any sacrifice, as the preservation of peace was the dearest wish of his heart.
The patience and forbearance of every other court, were exhausted sooner than that of his majesty. War again broke out on the continent—the situation of the king, with respect to his duty, was more difficult than ever. In order to prevent France from augmenting her troops in Hanover, he had promised to suffer
no attack to be made on that territory. The Russians and the Swedes were preparing for an attack upon the French. From this period, the whole burden of the contract between France and Prussia was laid upon the latter only, without producing to her the least advantage; and by a singular concatenation of circumstances, it seemed that Prussia, who only wished to remain impartial and neutral, could no longer pursue her former system, except to the prejudice of the Allied Powers. Every advantage which resulted from this situation of affairs was on the side of France; and the king was duly threatened with a collision, not less formidable to him, than decisively favorable to the plans of Napoleon.
Who could have thought that the very moment when the king had given to the French government the strongest proof of his determination, and a singular example of the faithful fulfilment of engagements into which he had once entered, should be chosen by Napoleon to do the king the most sensible injury? Who does not remember the violation of the territory of Anspach, which took place on the 3d October, in the last year, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the provincial administration, and of his majesty's minister?
This contest between that moderation which pardons every thing—that integrity which remains true to its engagements to the last on the one part; and the abuse of power, the insolence inspired by deceitful Fortune, and the habit of only reckoning on the other, continued several years. The king declared to the French government that he considered all his connections with it as dissolved. He placed his armies on a footing suitable to circumstances. He was now fully convinced, that no pledge of security remained for the neighbours of France, but a peace established upon firm principles, and guaranteed by all the powers in common.
His majesty offered the allies to be the mediator in negotiations for such a peace, and to support them with all his force. It is sufficient to know the conditions then proposed, to be convinced of the moderation which, at all times, has governed the politics of his majesty in their whole extent. Prussia, at this moment, listened not to the voice of revenge; she passed over the events of the late war, however violent they might have been, since they had been sanctioned by existing treaties. She required nothing, but the punctual fulfilment of those treaties; but this she required without limitation. Count Haugwitz repaired to Vienna, where the French Emperor then was. Scarcely had this minister been there a few days, when the whole face of affairs was changed; the misfortunes experienced by the Court of Vienna had compelled it to sign an armistice, which was immediately followed by a peace. The Emperor of Russia sacrificed his magnanimous views to the wish of his ally, and his troops returned home. Prussia stood now alone on the field of contest. His majesty was obliged to limit his policy by his powers; and instead, as had been his wish, of embracing the interest of all Europe, make his own security and that of his neighbours, his first object.
The manifesto then proceeds to recite at full length the conduct of Bonaparte with respect to Cleves, Wesel, Hanover, &c.
[To be Continued.]
Several Subscribers to the National Intelligencer are in arrears. They are respectfully informed that payment must be made. The terms of the paper require the annual payment of Five Dollars in advance.
WASHINGTON ACADEMY, EAST.
A Public examination of the pupils of the Academy will take place on the 24th inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. at the House of the subscriber. The English Grammar class will be first examined. Second, The Classics. Third, Geography. The parents, guardians, and friends of the Institution are respectfully invited—also the Hon. the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, and all others who may think fit and proper to attend. A number of Speeches, Dialogues, &c. will be delivered at 6 o'clock P. M. by the pupils of said Academy at Mr. Frost's Hotel. R: ELLIOTT. Capitol Hill, City of Wash- ington, December 17. } 3
NOTICE.
THE Subscribers for building a PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH in the East part of the city of Washington are requested to meet at the Tavern of Mr. POWELL, TUESDAY, Capitol Hill, on Friday next the 19th inst. at 11 o'clock.
By order, HENRY INGLE. Washington City, December 17—2t
MARY A. PIC. OF GEORGETOWN,
Informs the public that the carries on business at her OLD STORE on her own account, that she is authorized to trade in ALL respects as a feme sole, wholly independent of her husband's control, and the present effects in the store are solely and exclusively under her care and direction. The articles of separation between her husband and herself, and the power and authority to conduct business for her own profit and emolument, have been carefully drawn and are recorded for public inspection. She solicits the patronage of a discerning public, and will endeavor to give satisfaction to all who will honor her with their custom. All debts due from the store will be paid by her in due course. MARY A. PIC. Georgetown, December 17—3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 17.
By the Western mail, which arrived here late last night, we have received Natchez papers as late as the 17th of November, and Nashville and Knoxville papers as late as the 19th of November. They do not contain a word of news relative to Spanish affairs, or col. harr.
AT THE THEATRE.
MR. MANFREDI,
Two last nights of performance. On WEDNESDAY EVENING, Dec. 17th, AT THE WASHINGTON THEATRE.
The Performance will commence, With a Spanish Dance by the Little American.
Dancing on the Rope.
A Dance in character, with the balance pole by Miss LOUISA.
Miss CATHERINE will dance a nosegay on the rope—after which a serious dance.
A grotesque dance, by Madame MANFREDI. The morning board—she will dance without putting her feet on the rope, with the balance pole, and play a handsome air on the Mandoline, on the rope, without it.
After which the combat of the two flags, by Mr. and Mrs. MANFREDI on the rope.
The coffee dance. Mr. Manfredi will dance with two baskets tied to his feet—after which with two boys in the same manner, without the balance pole. He will beat the drum, perform the curious feat of the cloak, play the French horn, and jump backward and forward over a handkerchief.
TUMBLING AGILITY
OF THE CHILLOON, Who will perform several Feats on the Carpet in the Italian style.
Extraordinary Feats of the tumblers, who will throw somersets, backward and forward over tables and chairs.—Ground tumbling, with English and Spanish dances.
The Egyptian Pyramids.
Mr. Manfredi will assume several persons on his arms, legs, &c. showing several perspectives in the monomime style. He will dance a Spanish FANDANGO over several EGGS.
Miss Catherine will dance a HORNIPE. The whole to conclude with a PANTOMIME.
CALLED
MADAME IMAGINAIRE,
OR
HARLEQUIN DEAD AND ALIVE,
Harlequin, Miss Catherine. Crown, Mr. Manfredi. Old man, Miss Louisa. Columbine, Mrs. Manfredi. Little Devil, The Little American. Magician, Mr. Meneel.
In the course of the performance Harlequin will make a great variety of changes in his dress with great facility.
PERFORMANCES ON MONDAY, WEDNESDAY, & FRIDAY.
The doors to be opened at FIVE, and performance to begin at half past SIX. Admittance—BOX ONE DOLLAR—PIT SEVENTY FIVE CENTS.
The place will be made comfortable by stoves. No Segars to be smoked during the performance.
PUBLIC SALE.
By order of the Orphan's Court will be sold on Monday the 22d inst. at the Navy Yard, the Personal property of DAVID BEARD, deceased, consisting of wearing apparel, etc.
DAVID DOOLIN.
Washington, December 17—3t
30 Dollars Reward.
Strayed or Stolen from the subscriber living near the Navy Yard on the evening of the twelvth night of November last, one BAY MARE five years old last spring 13 and 1-2 hands high she has three small white spots on her near flank scarcely perceptible, no other marks recollected—also one BAY HORSE 7 or 8 years old about 15 hands high, he has a tear on his near eye; a navel gail on his back some faddle marks and a switch tail, trots tall and hard, no other marks recollected. Five DOLLARS for each if delivered to the subscriber at the Navy Yard and WENTY DOLLARS for the thief if brought to punishment. JOHN GLASCOE. December 17—3t
CHARLES HERSTONS,
Bridge street corner of East Lane, has for sale a handsome assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, among which are London cloths, Calimerees, Hibernacs and Conhillton cords, Corduroys, Velvets, etc. Molleton, &c. for waistcoats, some fashionable and elegant Cannels hair shawls, Damask wool Mini Muf, dress Dragoon, and figured cambric, Mouselin, India and English hosiery, do. rich lace caps, Brussels and Thread Lace, Long Gowns, Irish Linens and shirtings, Russia Memeng, do. Duck and Drilling, silk Gungas, Lambs Wool, etc. etc. and Cotton Hosiery, London Hats, etc. etc. George town December 17—18W6

PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States, on the following Post roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the twenty-first day of January next inclusive.
(CONTINUED.)
80. From Raleigh, by Nuttall's, to Oxford or Meritville, once a week. Leave Raleigh every Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Oxford by 6 p m. Leave Oxford every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Raleigh by 6 p m.
81. From Warrenton, by Williamsboro', Oxford, Hillsboro', Alamance, Martinsville, New-Garden, Salem, and Lexington, to Salisbury once a week. Leave Warrenton every Friday at 2 a m & arrive at Hillsboro' on Saturday by 8 a m. Leave Hillsboro' at 9 a m and arrive at Salem on Sunday by 3 p m. Leave Salem at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Monday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Salisbury every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Salem on Tuesday by 8 a m. Leave Salem at 9 a m & arrive at Hillsboro' on Wednesday by 3 p m. Leave Hillsboro' at 3 p m & arrive at Warrenton on Thursday by 5 p m.
82. From Salem by Bethania, Hanesville, Reckford and Wakes, to Morganton, and thence by Island Ford, Statesville, Huttonville and Huntville to Salem, once a week. Leave Salem every Tuesday at 10 a m & arrive at Morganton the next Thursday by 5 p m. Leave Morganton every Friday at 8 a m & arrive at Salem the next Monday by 3 a m.
83. From Salisbury by Concord, Alexandria, Charlotte, Haverhill, Lincoln and Morganton to Albion, and return by Morganton, Lincolnton, Catawba Springs and Mount Morn to Salisbury once a week. Leave Salisbury every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Charlotte on Tuesday by 8 p m and at Albion on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Albion every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Salisbury on Monday by 10 a m.
84. From Albion, by the W. Springs, Newport and Sevier, to Knoxville T. once a week. Leave Albion every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Knoxville on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Knoxville every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Morganton the next Thursday by 6 p m.
85. From Morganton, by Rutherford and Gowensboro', to Greenville c h, S.C. once a week. Leave Morganton every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Greenville on Sunday by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Greenville c h every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Morganton on Wednesday by 6 p m.
86. From Charlotte, by Beattie's ferry and Hill's Iron works, to York c h, S.C. once a week. Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 9 a m and arrive at York c h by 8 p m. Returning. Leave York c h every Tuesday at 6 a m, & arrive at Charlotte by 6 p m.
87. From Raleigh, by Smithfield, Waynesboro', Green c h & Kingston, to Newbern, twice a week. Leave Raleigh every Sunday and Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Newbern the next Wednesday and Saturday by 4 p m. Leave Newbern every Wednesday and Saturday at 9 p m & arrive at Raleigh the next Sunday and Wednesday by noon.
88. From Charlotte by Lancaster to Camden, once a week. Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Camden on Thursday by 5 p m. Leave Camden on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Charlotte on Saturday by 6 p m.
89. From Fayetteville, by Elizabethtown, to Wilmington, and thence by South Washington and Sampson c h to Fayetteville, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m & arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 6 p m.
90. From Fayetteville, by Anderson, to Wilmington once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Sunday by 9 p m. Leave Wilmington every Wednesday at 6 a m, & arrive at Fayetteville on Thursday by 7 p m.
91. From Fayetteville, by McFallville, Winnsboro' and Cheraw c h to Camden, S.C. once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 5 a m & arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 p m. Leave Camden every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 p m.
92. From Fayetteville, by Moore c h, Carthage, and Randolph c h to Salisbury, and thence by Tuckabatchee, Hanesville, Wadeboro', Richmond c h, and Sneedboro', to Fayetteville, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Friday at 8 a m & arrive at Salisbury the next Monday by 10 a m. Leave Salisbury at 2 p m & arrive at Richmond c h on Wednesday by 4 p m & at Fayetteville on Thursday by 5 p m.
IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
93. From Richmond c h by Darlington ferry, Chatham, Cheraw c h, Bentonville, Darlington c h, Pauleyville, Jaffrey and the City House, to Port's ferry once a week. Leave Richmond c h every Thursday at 4 a m, and arrive at Port's ferry on Friday by 6 p m.
Leave Port's ferry on Saturday at 4 a m, & arrive at Richmond c h on Sunday by 3 p m.
94. From Camden, by Stateboro' & Jamesville, to Nelsons ferry & McCall's Corner, to Charleston, twice a week. Leave Camden every Thursday & Sunday at 4 a m, arrive at Stateboro' by 10 a m, & at Charleston on Tuesday & Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Charleston every Tuesday & Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Camden on Thursday & Monday by 8 p m.
95. From Columbia, by Orangeburg & St. George, to Charleston twice a week. Leave Columbia every Sunday & Wednesday at 4 a m, & arrive at Charleston on Tuesday & Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Charleston every Tuesday & Friday at 2 p m, & arrive at Columbia on Thursday & Sunday by 6 p m.
96. From Columbia, by Winnsboro', Chester c h, York c h, Pinckneyville, Union c h & Spartanburg to Greenville c h once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 8 a m, arrive at York c h on Tuesday 7 p m. Leave it at 7 1-2 p m, & arrive at Greenville c h on Friday by 8 a m. Leave Greenville c h at 10 a m & arrive at Columbia on Sunday by 6 p m.
97. From Columbia by Newbury c h, Laurens c h, B'fast, Reedy Shoal River & Greenville c h to Ashville, N. C. once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Ashville on Thursday by 8 p m. Leave Ashville every Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Columbia the next Monday by 10 a m.
98. From Columbia, by Mizerville, St.sburg, Sumterville, Salem & Kingsville, to Willtown once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Willtown on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Willtown every Thursday at 6 a m, & arrive at Columbia on Saturday by 6 p m.
99. From Monks Corner, on the Back Oak on Santee Canal, Pineville & Murray's ferry, to Kingstree once a week. Leave Monks Corner every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Kingstree by 6 p m. Leave Kingstree every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Monks Corner by 6 p m.
100. From Orangeburg, by Johnstons bridge, Barnwell c h, Roberts', Tredways and Town Creek to Campbelltown once a week. Leave Orangeburg every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Campbelltown on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Campbelltown every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Nelson's ferry on Wednesday by 6 p m.
101. From Camden, by Columbia, Edgefield c h & Campbelltown, to Augusta once a week. Leave Camden every Friday at 3 a m & arrive at Columbia by 4 p m. Leave it at 5 p m & arrive at Edgefield c h on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave there at 11 a m & arrive at Augusta by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Edgefield by 1 p m. Leave there at 2 p m & arrive at Columbia on Thursday by 8 a m. Leave there at 9 a m & arrive at Camden by 3 p m.
102. From Edgefield c h by Amos Richardsons, Cambridge, Southampton, Abbeville c h & Rocky river, to Pendleton c h once a week. Leave Edgefield c h every Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Pendleton c h every Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Pendleton c h every Wednesday by 6 a m & arrive at Edgefield c h the next Saturday by 10 a m.
103. From Coosawhatchie, by Black Swamp, Lower 3 Runs, & Upper 3 Runs, to Augusta, once a week. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Coosawhatchie on Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave Coosawhatchie every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Augusta on Saturday by 4 p m.
104. From Pocotaligo to Beaufort twice a week. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday & Saturday, at 1 p m & arrive at Beaufort by 7 p m. Leave Beaufort every Tuesday & Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Pocotaligo by 10 a m.
IN GEORGIA.
105. From Augusta, by Little River, Lincoln c h, Petersburg & Elberton, to Franklin c h once a week. Leave Franklin every Thursday noon & arrive at Augusta on Saturday by 5 p m. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 8 a m & arrive at Franklin c h on Tuesday by noon.
106. From the High Shoals, of Appalachee river, by Coweta, Point Pleasant or Tuckabatchee, & Alabama river, to Fort Stoddert once a week. Leave the High Shoals, every Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Friday by 6 p m. Leave Fort Stoddert every Sunday at 4 a m & arrive at High Shoals the next Saturday by 1 a m.
107. From Augusta, by Columbia c h to Washington once a week. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 3 p m & arrive at Washington on Monday, by 4 p m. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 8 a m & arrive at Augusta on Wednesday by 10 a m.
108. From Washington, by Burriss, Lexington, Athens, Watkinsville, and Clarksville, to Jackson c h once a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 8 a m & arrive at Jackson c h on Wed-
nesday by 6 p m. Leave Jackson c h every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Washington on Monday by 4 p m.
109. From Washington by Greensboro', Powelton, Richardsonville, Sparta, Georgetown & Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Louisville on Friday by 11 a m. Leave Louisville every Friday at 3 p m & arrive at Washington on Monday by 5 p m.
110. From Louisville, by Saunderville, & Fort Wilkinson to Millidgeville once a week. Leave Louisville every Friday at 4 p m & arrive at Millidgeville on Saturday by 4 p m. Leave Millidgeville every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m.
111. From Riceboro', by Fort James, to Tattnell c h & from Riceboro', to Sunbury once a week. Leave Riceboro', every Wednesday at 11 a m & arrive at Sunbury by 1 p m. Leave Sunbury every Wednesday at 4 p m & arrive at Tattnell c h on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Tattnell c h every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Riceboro' on Sunday by 6 p m.
IN ORLEANS.
112. From Fort Stoddert M. T. to New Orleans, once a week. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at New Orleans the next Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave New Orleans every Wednesday at 3 a m & arrive at New Orleans the next Saturday by 6 p m.
IN TENNESSEE.
113. From Orefville by Powell's valley, Cumberland Gap, Barker'sville, and Raccoon Spring, to the Road Forks or Hazle Patch in Kentucky once a week. Leave Orefville every Tuesday at 3 p m & arrive at Hazle Patch on Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Hazle Patch every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Orefville on Sunday by 9 a m.
114. From Blountville by Massingale, Elizabeth town, Jonesboro', Greeneville, C. cks, Crows roads & Dandridge to Knoxville once a week. Leave Blountville every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Knoxville on Monday by 11 a m. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Blountville on Thursday by 11 a m.
115. From Orefville by Chicks Crows roads to Newport once a week. Leave Orefville every Sunday at noon & arrive at Newport on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Newport every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Orefville on Tuesday by 8 a m.
116. From Knoxville to Point Pleasant or Tuckabatchee once in two weeks. Leave Knoxville every other Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Point Pleasant on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Point Pleasant every other Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Knoxville the next Friday by 6 p m.
117. From Knoxville to Marysville once a week. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Marysville by 7 p m. Leave Marysville every Monday at 7 a m & arrive at Knoxville by 11 a m.
118. From Knoxville by Campbell, Gardner, Kingston, Blackburn Springs, Fort Blount, Dixons Springs, Craigfont, Gallatin and Hendersonville to Nashville once a week. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Nashville on Thursday by 7 p m. Returning. Leave Nashville every Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Knoxville on Monday by 10 a m.
119. From Springfield by Port Royal and Clarksville to Palmyra once a week. Leave Springfield every Friday at 5 a m & arrive at Palmyra by 4 p m. Leave Palmyra every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Springfield by 5 p m.
120. From Dixons Springs by Lebanon & Rutherford c h to Nashville once in two weeks. Leave Dixons Springs every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Nashville on Friday by 4 p m. Leave Nashville every other Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Dixons Springs on Sunday by 6 p m.
IN KENTUCKY.
121. From Lexington by Nicholasville, Richmond, Woods & Metcalfe to Hazle patch once a week. Leave Lexington every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Hazle patch on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Hazle patch every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Lexington on Saturday by 6 p m.
122. From Danville by Lancaster, Stanford & Crab Orchard to Hazle patch once a week. Leave Danville every Wednesday noon & arrive at Hazle patch on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Hazle patch every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Danville on Saturday by noon.
NOTES.
1. The Post master general may expedite the mails & alter the times of arrival & departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening & closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one
dollar; & if the delay continues until the departure of any succeeding mail, which by the mails delivered for such succeeding mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; & if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument, & for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival & departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alteration desired, & the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.
6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year; To one who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of August, November, February & May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. When the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Post master general reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next, & are to continue in force for two years.
GIDEON GRANGER,
Post Master General.
General Post Office, Washington City, Nov. 13, 1806. Dec. 3.—lawt21jin.
ROSS & GETTY,
At their Store, corner of Washington and Bridge streets, next door to the Union Tavern, Georgetown, Have received per the schooner Rebecca, from New York,
 300 bushels potatoes  10 barrels prime mackerel  5 do. white onions  20 boxes spermaceti candles  200 weight currants  1200 pounds fine yellow cheese. 
ON HAND,
Good old Madeira, Sicily, Sherry, Malaga, Port and Lisbon Wines—Cognac Brandy, Jamaica Rum, New England, do. Holland and country Gin, Irish and Rye Whiskey, Aniseed, Orange, Cinnamon and Perfect Love Cordials on draft and in bottles; prime St. Croix, Loaf and Lump Sugar. Gunpowder Tea in canisters Do. do. in chests Imperial Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, and Souchong Tea of the Latest importations. A few sets of handsome French China Five barrels excellent Buck-wheat Meal Bar Iron and Steel Mould and dipped Candles Spanish and country Segars With a great variety of other articles in the GROCERY LINE—ALL of which they will dispose of on the lowest terms.
DAI T. EXCEPTED.
100 boxes mould Candles from the best manufactory in Philadelphia. Also 700 weight prime Cheese, far superior in quality to any in this market. Five dierces best winter strained Spermaceti Oil. Ten tons light and well assorted Iron. Geo town, Dec. 15.—tf
AMERICAN COFFEE-HOUSE, WASHINGTON CITY.
THE Subscribers have opened for the entertainment of travellers, members of Congress, families, &c. resorting to the seat of government, the routes occupied for several years by Mr. P. D. STELLER, immediately east of the Capitol, to which they respectfully invite the public.
The premises are well known as large and convenient, are provided with new beds and furniture, and the best wines and liquors, suitable for 50 horses, with carriage houses, &c.
FROST and QUINN.
Nov. 4.—tf.
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 3 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Coddington, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON.
Barnaby, 14th June 1805.—tf
RAISINS, ALMONDS & CHOCOLATE.
W. & C. SMITH have received by the Welcome Return, Captain Creighton, from New-York, 60 Boxes fresh Muscadel Raisins, 10 Kegs Sun Raisins, 20 Boxes Soft shell Marceilles Almonds, 55 Boxes warranted Chocolate. Georgetown. Nov. 26.—tf.
TEN Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the 12th St. a negro woman of mine named MOLL. She is about twenty-five years of age, of yellowish complexion, of low stature and rather corpulent. Her face is generally full of pimples; on the upper part of her breast there is a scar nearly the size of a common finger. The above reward of ten dollars will be paid to any person who will bring her home.
GEORGE FRENCH.
George Town, December 5.—tf
50 Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the 20th inst. a mulatto JOE. Joe is a stout well made dark mulatto fellow, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, about 30 years of age, has several large scars on his hands and body. Lips a little thick and took with him, a tow linen shirt & trowsers, one pair of manken trowsers, also one old fustian coat and old fur hat much worn. Joe can write a tolerable good hand, & has run away before, when he was taken up & put in the Frederick town jail & sold out by George Creager in 1805. Any person taking up said fellow, and securing him in any jail to that I get him again, shall receive if taken within the county, 20 dollars, and if out of the state the above reward. If brought home all reasonable charges will be paid by the subscriber living in Frederick county, Md. near New Market.
SINGLETON BURGER.
N. B. I forewarn all persons from harboring or carrying off said fellow at their peril.
P. S. Joe ran off in company with a fellow named Adam, and they were both lately advertised together; since which Adam has been taken and secured in the jail of York, (Pa.) Joe went in the same direction, and will probably make for Philadelphia, and endeavor to get on board some vessel and go to sea. Sept. 12.—cpf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by Miss ELIZA ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia,
A choice assortment
Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennets, Velvets, and Cords, Cassimere, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Toisonets, rich silk Molekin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
Richard Harwells celebrated patent parallel Suspenders, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
November 12.—tf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26.—tf
For Sale.
 1 Crate of Liverpool Earthen ware well assorted.  1 Case of Shoes and Boots.  1 Case of bottled London particular Madeira Wine, Martineque Noyau and Catchup  1 Small bale of Celia.  3 Casks of Catalonia and Vidonia Wine.  4 Casks of Gun-Powder.  4 Boxes of Beston Chocolate.  1 Chest of fresh Hyson Tea. 
Received on consignment and to be sold immediately for Cash or good notes at 60 days.
JOHN GOULDING.
Who has for sale. Best Spermaceti Candles and oil of the very first manufacture of the United States. Also on hand as usual,
A choice stock of good old Madeira Wines, Buccelloses, Sherry, Port, Claret, Lisbon and other Wines Cognac, Bordeaux and Virginia, Peach Brandy, Jamaica Spirit, Holland Gin, Bonnac, Whiskey &c. Fresh Teas, Porter, Ale &c. &c.—Which will be warranted good and sold at the most reduced prices by whole sale and retail.
JOHN GOULDING
Georgetown, Nov. 18.—tf
To CONTRACTORS.
PROPOSALS will be received at the COLLECTOR'S OFFICE in Norfolk until the first day of February next, for securing the bank at Smith's Point on the Potomac from washing away by the high tides, gales of winds and rains. It is presumed no person will contract without viewing the place, a wall now stands on the shore, and between it and the bank will be required to be filled up with stone, wood, or oyster shells and clay, or marsh mud, with the grass thereon; not more than three feet of tape lings for filling will be admitted at the bottom of the wall, and bank, the rest must be filled with the above-mentioned materials. A pavement of about twenty feet will also be required around the Light House, of stone or bricks, or filled up with oyster shells, or at least one foot deep mixed with clay or marsh mud.
THOMAS NEWTON, Collector.
November 24.—tf
CHARLES A BURNETT,
HAS received from London and Liverpool a handsome assortment of articles in his line, consisting of
WATCHES & JEWELRY,
Silver, Tortoiseshell, and steel Specacies; Table knives and forks with ivory handles, Pen knives and scissors, Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket
BOOKS.
He also continues to manufacture gold and silver ware, at the most reduced prices. George Town, Dec. 21.—tf
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS just supplied his shop in F Street with a consignment assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils—also Paints of every description.
THOMAS PATTERSON.
Washington city, June 23.—tf
FOR SALE,
A healthy negro woman under 30 years of age, with two healthy children. For particulars apply to the printer. 1st Nov. 1806.—cpf
CHEAP GOODS.
T. W. PALEO, Seven Buildings, has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, a large assortment of DRY GOODS, which he will sell unusual low.
Also London PIANO FORTES. Liquors and Groceries of a superior quality. November 7.—tMar.3