The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-01-02 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, JANUARY 2nd, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 8.
Debate on the AMENDMENT to the CONSTITUTION, (Continued.)
(Continued.)
Mr. EUSTIS considered the subject important, as it went to effect a considerable change in the existing provisions of the constitution in the mode of electing the chief magistrate; and also important as it had long occupied the attention of the states and of the people. When, said Dr. Eustis, I consider the resolution from the Senate and compare it with that which passed this House, I find several marked differences. It contains three provisions. The first provides for a designation of the persons voted for as President and Vice President, which is a modification rather than a change of principle, and is in uniform with the amendment sent from this House and with the general sentiments of the people, perfectly so with the sentiments of the state I have the honor to represent. While on this point it may be proper to state that when I some time since mentioned the instructions given by the legislature of that state on this subject, I did it to show that the great principle of this amendment had been fought for by all parties in the United States. So far then as it embraces the discriminating principle I am in favor of it. I find that the instructions alluded to leave some latitude with regard to the modification of the amendment, so as to conform it to the opinions of the two Houses.
I do not conceive that the amendment sent from this House effects any alteration in the essential features of the constitution; for when the constitution provides that two persons shall be voted for, it follows that one must be voted for as President, and the other as Vice-President, and the discriminating principle only tends to carry this view into effect. So far this resolution meets my entire approbation.
The second provision of our amendment was that this House should choose the President from the five highest on the list; by the resolution from the Senate the number five is struck out, and three inserted, in my opinion, unnecessarily. Has any serious inconvenience resulted from the practice under the existing rule in the constitution as to the number of persons from whom a choice shall be made? We have heard of none. The inconvenience experienced arose from another source. This provision, therefore, of the amendment appears to me not exceptionable on this account. It is also exceptionable on account of the language used, which appears to me not to partake of that precision which at present characterises every part of the constitution.
The third provision, contained in this resolution, is more objectionable than the second, because it is predicated on the presumption that the House of Representatives will refuse to make a choice, in case the election of a President is devolved on them. It goes, in my opinion, to provide for a contingency that will never happen.
I am inclined to think that the discriminating principle will remove every solid objection to the present provisions of the constitution. I will not touch the principles of that instrument. Not changing its principles, I wish the election to remain as heretofore, with this sole difference, that the person voted for as President shall be designated by the electors. I object also to this provision, as countenancing and inviting intrigue, and because it removes from the House of Representatives the responsibility under which they are placed by the constitution. It appears to me that in case two rival candidates are presented to the House for a choice, by means of the influence of the Vice-President, the election may be protracted till the fourth of March, or that, in other words, the Vice-President will become President.
I am sensible that this is only a proposition made to the several states, and that it must be submitted to their decision before it becomes part of the constitution. At the same time I am convinced that going forth as an act of this government, it will have great influence with the state legislatures. It ought therefore, before it is submitted to them, to be so correct and explicit, that the collected wisdom of the country may be presumed to adopt it.
I repeat it, the first part of this amendment, that which establishes the discriminating principle, is a desirable object. I am sorry that I am reduced to the alternative of taking other provisions to obtain this, or otherwise to lose it. I however yet entertain a hope of accommodation, and that gentlemen will suffer this principle, desired by the people, to go to them unencumbered. Under this hope I move a recommittal of the resolution to the committee of the whole House, and that it be made the order for Monday next; that we may, in the mean time, send a message to the Senate to desire them to answer our resolution. The Senate may be induced by this step to take up our resolution, and recede from theirs when they find that it is not agreeable to this House. If, after this measure on our part they prove tenacious, and insist on their resolution, we shall then have to meet the question of agreeing to it in the whole, or of abandoning every thing. I do not know, whether I shall not be induced to vote for the whole resolution, when I am satisfied that a better could not be had. I do not perceive any reasonable objection to this course of proceeding. I do not think a decision of this important subject should be precipitated. The resolution is certainly less perfect than its best friends could wish it; therefore I think it proper to recommit it.
Mr. LOWNDES. It is with very great pleasure that I rise to second the motion of the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Dr. Eustis,) because I believe if it is adopted it may be the means of preventing this House from precipitating itself into a dilemma, in which it will not be very honorable for it to be placed. It is the practice of this House in its ordinary business of legislation, to correct inaccuracies of expression when they are pointed out. Ought it then, sir, so important an occasion as that of changing the constitution, to pass a resolution replete with obscurity. Verbal criticism, I fear, is not pleasant, and we have not enough of them. Suffice it to say, that gentlemen, who prefer the passing of this resolution in the very form in which it came from the Senate, give to it a very different meaning. It is, sir, with equal pleasure I heard the very handsome eulogium passed upon our constitution by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who says he thinks it better, than even the constitution of that country, which has been termed the most stupendous monument of human wisdom. I hope, sir, that it is better, but the eulogium of the gentleman, is to me an admonition, to beware how I meddle with it. I think, sir, that the gentleman might have gone on and applied to our constitution the observation of a celebrated writer upon that of England, that though in some of its parts, its policy was not obvious and did not strike the superficial observer, yet when tested by practice and experience was discovered to be founded in the greatest wisdom and ability. It is this feature of our constitution, which above all others when examined into is discovered to be founded in that wisdom and utility. Considering the constitution as the deliberate result of the best talents and integrity of our country, exercised at a time when party spirit did not influence our councils, I am unwilling to give into any alteration of it which is not dictated by an imperious necessity. I am unwilling, sir, to familiarize the public mind to innovations upon this compact. I am afraid, sir, that any alteration we may make, however unimportant it may appear to us, may lay the foundation and make necessary other alterations, and that the nice adjustment of the different interests of the states may finally be destroyed. What, sir, is the result of the attempt to make a single alteration in your constitution; for this House certainly when it passed the resolution sent to the Senate, did not contemplate anything more than a designation of the persons voted for as President and Vice President; but the resolution now before us, contains three distinct specific and independent alterations. It varies the principle established by the constitution for the election of our Chief Magistrate, and by that means, diminishes the influence of the small states in the choice of that officer, what security have we that at another time the combined principle upon which the people of the different states are represented in this House may not also be varied, and the influence of the state which I have the honor of representing and others similarly situated be lessened on this floor. In the few observations which I have to submit to the House, I will endeavour to avoid a repetition of arguments already ad-
vanced. The two leading objections made to the constitution as I understand them, and which are made the ground work of the proposed alterations are; that by the double ballot, two persons may be returned to this House having an equal number of votes and a majority of the votes of the electors, and in the event of this House not determining which of the two shall be the President, the peace and tranquility of the country may be hazarded, and that the person not designated by the electors for the President, may by a concurrence of circumstances be elevated to the Chair of State. Though the policy of a double ballot may not be obvious at first light, from the best reflection I have been able to give the subject I am of opinion that it is founded in wisdom, and the more I examine it, the more confirmed I am in the opinion; the uncertainty which of the two candidates will be the President, is to me a strong argument in favor of it, because, it is calculated to render an access to the office of President, through the medium of Cabal and Intrigue less practicable, and thereby diminishes the inducement which would be held out by the proposed amendments to a resort to those practices: the intrigues of a Candidate if successful at all, may result in his being only the Vice President, a situation certainly not calculated to inspire or satisfy the expectations of an ambitious man. The object of the constitution is to produce the election of fit persons to be magistrates, and compared with this great object, the elevation of a favourite character is of trifling importance. This country is not so destitute of talents that one man only can be found qualified, for the office of President. I have no doubt that this country abounds with men eminently qualified. I have no doubt that every state in the union can furnish men, who would administer the government advantageously. The uncertainty who will be the President will impose upon the Electors the obligation of voting for none but men of high character, and if they do their duty, no inconvenience can arise to the country; it is true that two persons may be returned to the House having an equal number of votes, and a majority of the votes of the electors, but it is an event which I think it improbable will ever again occur. I think it much more likely that the elections will come into this House in consequence of no candidate having a majority of votes, than from the cause first stated. The men heretofore elected to the office of President, were conspicuous characters during the revolution, it was their conduct during that period, which acquired them the confidence and attachment of the people, they must ere long be off the stage of life. It appears to me that the time is not far distant, when the elections will be much more likely to come into this House from the defect of any candidate having a majority of votes, than from the other cause; but, Mr. Speaker, suppose what has happened should again occur, and that two candidates with an equal number of votes should come into the House, it will then be the duty of the House to determine which of them shall be the President. We then assume the character of electors—we become electors under the constitution equally with the original electors, and I don't see but we should represent the wishes of the people as correctly—we are equally chosen by the people and in some of the states more immediately than the original electors, but I do not apprehend the mischief which some gentlemen have predicted from this occurrence. I trust that there would always be found more patriotism in this country, more of the spirit of conciliation than would permit by a pertinacious adherence to a favorite candidate to endanger the peace of the country. The person not designated by the electors may indeed be the President; but if the electors do their duty and vote for none but men of high character, no injury can result to the country. Establish the discriminating principle, and the electors calculating upon the durability of life, will in their choice of Vice-President, be influenced by considerations by which they ought not to be governed. They will select some popular man for qualities other than those, which would fit him for the station of President. They will say he is a good man—he can preside with credit in the Senate. But he may be called to the exercise of higher duties, and the country exposed to all the evils of a weak and inefficient administration. As the constitution now stands it may indeed happen, that the person not designated by
the electors may indeed be the President, but I think it very improbable. But if this resolution is adopted and becomes a part of the constitution, it appears to me inevitable, that the person designated for the Vice-President will be the President, and that under circumstances of very great disadvantage. The resolution goes to defeat the very object which has been stated as the ground of an alteration in the constitution. It says, "and if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President."
This part of the resolution, Mr. Speaker, I think fraught with the greatest mischief to this country. We alter our constitution to prevent, among other reasons, the person from being President, who was not intended by the electors; and in the same resolution we prescribe, under circumstances much more likely to happen, that the Vice-President shall act as President. But, Sir, this is not all, you make it the interest of this Vice-President to prevent an election taking place in this House. You allure him by the greatest temptation which can be held out, to exercise all the arts of intrigue, bribery and corruption to elevate himself, and the whole patronage of the Executive is made subservient to his success. I do not think that a person who comes into office through these means will ever make a good Magistrate. He will not be at liberty to pursue those measures which the good of the country may require and his own judgment dictate. I think it the worst of all possible provisions that can be made. There are other objections to this resolution, but as they are of minor importance and have already been noticed I shall forbear making any comments upon them. The gentleman from Virginia said that the difficulty of obtaining amendments to the constitution had been made an objection to it, but this resolution departs from the language of the constitution, and instead of the ratification of the legislatures of three-fourths of the states, requires that of three-fourths of the legislatures of the several states to its adoption. In every point of view in which I have considered this resolution, it appears to me objectionable,—nor can I see that that necessity exists for any alteration which alone in my opinion can justify us in meddling with the constitution.
Many gentlemen have disclaimed being influenced upon this occasion by party views or considerations. I am unwilling to impute such views to any gentleman, particularly those who disclaim them; but I think the House ought in justice to its own character to avoid even the appearance of its being actuated (when altering the constitution) by improper motives, and taking up the subject at this time, when the election of a President is so near, does exhibit an appearance not very favorable. If it was for no other reason I would wish this resolution deferred until the next Presidential election is over; it might then be taken up and acted upon without any imputation or appearance of its being designed to meet a particular case.
Mr. ELLIOT. While the present subject is under discussion I shall not quit it until hurled from my seat by the hand of death. As to the doctrine of submitting to the will of a majority, when that majority itself is not ascertained, I must again consider myself as opposing a torrent which threatens the destruction of my country. I have listened with extreme pleasure to the remarks of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Dr. Eustis). To day the terms Federal and Republican have been introduced into the debate. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gregg) I am persuaded, in the privilege he exercised on this occasion, did not mean to use any improper terms. That gentleman has had the candor to say that one of the majority having risen in the debate it ought to be protracted till every member is heard. It is never my custom to adopt the language of admiration; panegyric is one thing, truth another. That the proposition now under consideration comes from a republican quarter cannot be doubted. I glory that the gentleman who made it is an eminent republican, who stood in the high places of danger when we, as the poet says, "Were mewing and paking in our nurses arms." I rejoice that we can take ground so high, assumed by one whose republicanism cannot be questioned. What objection can gentlemen have to recommit a most impor-
tant proposition, and to postpone it for three or four days? Is not this republican, to invite to cool reflection the agitated minds of the members of this House and of the people? If this is not republican, then what is? The object we have in view is most decidedly, most gloriously republican. What is that object? To support the dignity of the Representatives of the people. This, I repeat, is gloriously republican. I am glad such an opportunity is presented to evince to the American people, the sincerity of our republican principles: those principles I will ever support in imitation of the bright example of the revolutionary patriot, who has made this motion. I will die at my post, if necessary, to support them. Sometime since, after long and deliberate discussion, we passed a resolution which was some weeks ago sent to the Senate. There it seems to sleep the sleep of death. The Senate have not deigned to inform us, whether they have designed to bestow on it a moment's attention. It has been superceded by a resolution to which I trust in God that the American people are not prepared to agree; by a resolution bearing on the face of it the most manifest want of precision and of haste, that I ever saw, and we are now told that is defective to enquire whether the Senate will or will not bestow the least attention. I have no wish to wander into the wide field of discussion. I will only to make a few observations in favor of the reference. The object of the motion has been already stated. It has been stated that it comes from a republican quarter, from one who cannot be considered as a federal man, or as actuated by a desire to defeat the great object of the amendment. It may further be stated, that the prospect begins to brighten; the dark clouds which yesterday loomed over us have passed away. I have been assured by several republican members, that it is their sincere wish that this amendment should be altered before it is passed. I know of one republican member from the republican state of Pennsylvania, (Mr. Hoge) who desires an opportunity of introducing an amendment; such an one, as if adopted, may remove his objections to the resolution. This is a forcible argument in favor of a recommittal, and can only be answered by a recurrence to the principle of the omnipotence of a majority. Unless amended I feel a strong presentiment that the resolution on the table will not obtain a constitutional majority—I believe it will be rejected by republican men on republican principles, as anti-republican, as tending to destroy the constitution, and to introduce intrigue, venality and corruption. I believe the great mass of the American people to be virtuous, but I believe there are bad men in both parties. I believe there are in both parties some men of aspiring and unprincipled genius, who if advanced to the banks of the Rubicon, would not, as Cæsar did, pause for a moment. Believing that this motion comes from a republican quarter, that it will have a republican effect, by preserving our republican constitution, and being one who can never be in favor of any thing not republican, I must support this motion hoping there is that spirit of wisdom in the House that will ensure its adoption.
Mr. GREGG. I understand the gentleman as saying it would save time to send a message to the Senate to require an answer to our resolution. I did believe the gentleman too well versed in parliamentary proceedings to fall on this idea. I do not recollect such a proceeding ever to have occurred. Each House will undoubtedly act as they see proper.
After a few observations by several gentlemen on the propriety of sending a message to the Senate, as intimated by Dr. Eustis, the question was taken on the preliminary motion to recommit, and passed in the negative—Ayes 49—Noes 59.
Mr. GODDARD. After what passed in the House yesterday, respecting the resolution on your table; and after the remark, which have fallen from the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gregg) I presume it will not be thought strange, that gentlemen opposed to a concurrence with the Senate in the passage of this resolution, should express to the House their reasons, for that opposition—I rise, Mr. Speaker, to do this.—Before I enter into a consideration of the merits of the resolution, let me notice a remark which fell from the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that the time had been when the adoption of the discriminating principle, in the choice of President and Vice-President, was,

use the general term 'a federal measure'—Now the gentleman considers it as a republican measure, using his own terms of distinction—but far, if the time has been when it was a favorite measure of opposite parties, I will venture to say that the time never was, when the subject has been fully discussed, examined and understood—Prior to the last Presidential election, and when I suppose the gentleman would consider this as a federal measure, a resolution containing the discriminating principle, came from the legislature of New Hampshire to that of Connecticut, of which at the time, I was a member, and that legislature, although in the language of the gentleman, it was a federal measure, rejected it, I believe unanimously. It was at that time, opposed by the who chose to call themselves Republicans. The subject was not then very fully discussed and I believe was rejected, rather from a repugnance to innovate upon the principles of our constitution than from a full perception of all the beauties and advantages which belong to this feature in the constitution—But, sir, ever since that time, the more the provisions of the constitution, as it now stands have been examined, the more beautiful, useful and wise, they appear, and the more reason have I had to be satisfied with the vote then given—Let the simple principle be stated, and aimed at any person, without much examination, would ask why shall not the electors be permitted to distinguish by their votes, which man is intended for the office of President, and which for Vice President? What good reason can be given? This measure is now said to be called for, by the voice of the people, it has received the sanction of several state legislatures, yet, as I have never seen any newspaper discussion of it, nor any debates of those legislatures, I am inclined to believe, that it has been acted upon by first impressions only, and the alteration been considered as proper, without much inquiry into the motives which induced the framers of the constitution, to adopt its provision.
Let me pursue further, that I consider it as our duty to proceed, with the same care, and examine with the same deliberation, as if the proposed amendment became, by our vote, a part of the constitution—I state this because I understood a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) in a former day, to advance a different doctrine—That gentleman considered us, as only initiating a proposition, which could not become part of the constitution, until it shall be ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the states—This is correct—But the inference drawn from it, that it is therefore unnecessary for us very seriously and carefully to consider it, before we give it the sanction of our votes, is not correct—The constitution has here erected one of its most powerful barriers, against innovating upon its principles—It must not only be agreed to by us, but two thirds of both branches of Congress, must concur in proposing amendments—The Senate take up the subject, and agree to it, because the states, and the people require it—It comes to us, under the confirmed influence of the vote of the Senate, and the state legislatures—We adopt, because they recommend it—And we send it to the states with accumulated credit—They adopt it because we recommend it—In this way, sir, it will, like the description which we have of fame, acquire strength by going—It is therefore our duty seriously to examine the merit of the amendment, and not give the sanction of Congress to an improper resolution, under an idea, that if it is wrong, the states themselves will reject it—
Received in this point of light, the resolution on your table assumes a very important aspect—it goes to change entirely, a fundamental principle of that constitution, under which, for more than fourteen years, the people of the United States have enjoyed unexampled national happiness and prosperity—It goes to change that constitution, in a part of all others, the most delicate and dangerous—that which respects the choice of a chief magistrate, to whom is confided the whole executive power, of an extensive country—
I consider it as more dangerous to change the principles in the constitution, by which a chief magistrate is elected, than any other; and a mode once adopted, ought not to be altered until experience has proved to us its disadvantages—Gentlemen seem disposed to join in extolling the virtue, wisdom and integrity of the sages and patriots who framed the constitution—Why not then permit their work to remain untouched until we feel or clearly perceive, the evils which it does, or may produce? The framers of the constitution, adopted the principle which we are about to explode, at a time when no party spirit prevailed on this subject—When they had no rival candidates in view to fill the office—They discarded the discrimi-
nating principle, which we are about to adopt, when all eyes were directed to, and all hearts united in the man, who was designed to become the first President of the United States, under this constitution—And nothing shews in a stronger point of light, how highly they valued the principle of election, by double ballot, contained in the constitution, than, that they were willing even to put at hazard, the election of that man, rather than to lose a principle, which was calculated to give future peace, tranquility and liberty to their country.
We are now about to destroy this principle—Before we do this, let us pause and enquire—What are the evils to be feared under the constitution, as it now is? What are the benefits to be gained by the alteration proposed. I say feared, because no evils have, as yet been experienced—Gentlemen tell us that the constitution as it now stands, is calculated to promote intrigue, venality and corruption, and that the amendment is to give a death blow to these enemies of our repose, and republican institutions—If this be true, it is certainly a formidable objection to the constitutional provision—But when gentlemen say this, they deal only in general terms. Why not condescend to tell us, how the constitution is calculated to produce these evils? Has it been shown to us by experience, that such is its operation?—If so, at what period of our government has it done it?—When did this intrigue, venality and corruption shew itself? At the first, or second Presidential election? The thought will not be harboured for a moment—At the third? No one will pretend it—At the fourth? The friends of this amendment, will not surely say, that the present Chief Magistrate owes his election, to intrigue, venality or corruption. Reference has been often had, to the last Presidential election for illustration on this subject—But what does that prove to us? Why, that two men, whom the friends of the present amendment chose to elect, and recommended to the people of the United States, were elected; and that they now fill the very offices for which gentlemen themselves say, they were intended. Experience then proves to us, that that any evil has actually occurred, but that there was a period, when they threatened an evil—And what was that evil? They feared that their own favorites might have been misplaced! On a review of our proceedings under the constitution, it cannot be surely said, that experience has proved to us, that the provisions of the constitution as they now stand are pernicious—If experience does not furnish this evidence, are gentlemen capable of pointing out to us, clearly, how the constitution is capable of producing the evils, which they fear? I heard a supposition stated, that hereafter a party might arise in this country, hostile to a republican government, and favorable to introducing a monarchy, and that the constitution must be amended to prevent this—To be able to prevent this, is one of the very reasons, why the constitution ought not to be altered. If such a party should ever arise in this country, they will either be a majority or a minority. If a majority, the amendment to the constitution now proposed to be adopted, furnishes them with the ready means of designating their man, without competition or embarrassment, and elevating him to the Chief Magistrate—But suppose they are a minority? Leave the constitution as it now is, and they will be compelled to have for their President, one of two republican candidates, who shall be presented to them, by a republican majority. The constitution has therefore erected a most effectual barrier, against the intrigue and corruption of any aspiring individual, who may be disposed to trample on the liberties of his country—But the moment you introduce the designating principle such an individual may proceed directly towards his object—Set all his engines to work, and operate with effect, having no competitor and but a single object in view.
Suppose a proposition should be made to alter the constitution, so as to elect one man President for life? Would not gentlemen startle at it? I think they would—and yet in my view of the subject, the proposition on your table falls little short of doing it. The advantages which the designating principle holds out, will always be in favor of the present incumbent of office—When I say present incumbent, I would be understood to refer to the Chief Magistrate for the time being—at any time—Once elevated to that high station, and the double ballot being abolished, he will, by means of his extensive powers, and the patronage which he possesses, always have the means of exercising a species of indirect corruption, if he should be ever disposed to use them. Preserve the constitution as it now is, and he will have little inducement improperly to exert himself to maintain his station, because he must always be uncertain whether he can operate to effect. I am therefore, clearly of opinion that the provisions of the constitution as it was originally adopted, are wisely calculated to prevent intrigue and corruption, and that the amendment on your table if substituted
in lieu of those provisions, is calculated to open the door to these evils, and perpetuate the executive power in the hands of a single man, and am therefore opposed to it—
I am not disposed, Mr. Speaker, to go at this time, into arguments which have already been advanced, with much force, respecting the influence of this change upon the rights of great and small states—I can add nothing to their weight by a repetition—But I may be permitted again, to call the attention of the House, to the important and singular additions which the Senate have annexed to the discriminating principle. We sent a resolution to the Senate, in which we declared, that in case no choice should be made by the electors, a President should be chosen from the five persons, highest on the list. The Senate have not adopted this, but sent down to us, the number three—Without attending at this time to verbal criticism, or advertting to the extreme ambiguity of the sentence which contains the number or numbers of persons, or classes of persons, out of which the House of Representatives are to choose, in case no election is made by the electors; I will only say, that whether three in that sentence is made to refer to persons, or to classes of persons, highest on the list, it is in either view, the most objectionable number, which the Senate could have selected. I am not disposed to cultivate local feelings, or distinctions arising from geographical situations—But, sir, such is the extent of this country—such is diversity of interests, manners and habits, that parties will rise up hereafter, influenced by such considerations—Look at the United States, and consider what may, and probably will be the great sections of the union, most likely to be united in their views respecting a Chief Magistrate—The eastern states will form one section—The middle another—The Southern a third—And the Western a fourth. This last from its great accession, and rapid increase, will soon be the most influential of the whole—Suppose each of these sections of the union, should set up their candidates for the offices of President and Vice President? From a division, no election is made—A choice devolves on the House of Representatives. By this resolution a choice must be made from the candidates presented by three of these sections of the union, to the total exclusion of the fourth—and which that fourth will be, is not difficult to predict—The adoption of this part of the resolution is, on this account, extremely objectionable—
But sir, the Senate have in this resolution proposed to alter the constitution, in another important particular; and have varied, essentially from the resolution, which we sent to them: No less in effect, than to take the choice from us, the immediate Representatives of the people, and assume it to themselves—And we are called upon to submit to this! I speak not now, under the impression of state or any other local feelings, but as the Representative of a free people—In case no choice is made by the electors, the constitution has confided that choice to the Representatives of the people, without even the concurrence of the Senate—By the resolution on your table, we surrender that power wholly, in certain events to the Senate.
Having stated this objection on a former day, when that part of the resolution was under discussion, a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) in reply to my objection, gave two answers—One which he considered as conclusive was, that although the Senate, if this amendment becomes part of the constitution, may elect a Vice President, who may become President of the United States, for four years, yet that this could only happen, upon a failure of the House of Representatives to do their duty, and make a choice. Did the gentleman, before he gave this answer, consider that the provision in this resolution, to which the objection is taken, is predicated wholly on the idea, that the House of Representatives will fail to make a choice; The provision itself supposes that a case will happen, in which no choice will be made by the House of Representatives. It is introduced to guard against the evils which it is supposed may result from such an event; and is wholly idle and nugatory, unless we are to suppose that such a case may happen—Another answer which the gentleman gave to this objection, but which he did not consider as conclusive, as the former, was that in case an election should devolve on the House of Representatives, the vote must be taken by states; and he says, that the Senate are peculiarly the Representatives of the states, and will be as faithful guardians of their rights on such an occasion as the members of this House.
Is this, sir, a reason for our resigning to that body a power which the constitution has confided to us? It is true that the Senate, in performing this high duty, may act as wisely, and with as much circumspection as the representatives would, under the same circumstances—
But let it be recalled that they are chosen for a much longer period than the representatives, and may not feel
the same responsibility as they would—Besides, the Senate would not vote by states when electing their President, who may become the President—It is true, that all the states are equally represented, in that body,—but it does not follow, that the vote would be taken as in this House, by states—A member from a state may be absent—If present they may disagree in sentiment—That may happen in this House, it is true where the representatives from any state shall be equally divided—But the states here, being represented by much greater and generally unequal numbers, it is much less likely to happen—The election therefore in almost all its features, will be essentially changed, in case the amendment should prevail—And I believe the time has been when the people of this country, would have started at the idea, of conferring on the Senate of the United States the power of giving them, in any event a Chief Magistrate—But gentlemen say it is desirable to provide for the contingency of no choice being made, either by the electors, or the House of Representatives, that the United States may not be without a chief magistrate—Admit it—But why not provide for a new election immediately by electors, and designate some officer of the government to administer in the mean time—This is easily done, and would be much preferable to taking for four years, such President as the Senate may give us—
As therefore I can see no necessity for resigning this power to the Senate, of giving to the United States a President in any event, I shall feel constrained to resist this insidious claim of theirs, by my vote against the resolution which they have sent us.
(To be continued.)
(By Authority)
By the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS a treaty between the United States of America and the Delawares, Shawanoes, Putawatamies, Miamies, Eel River, Weeas, Kickapoos, Piankashaws and Kaskaskias nations of Indians was concluded and signed on the seventh day of June in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, and was duly ratified and confirmed by the President of the United States on the twenty fifth day of November in the year aforesaid, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, which treaty is in the words following, to wit:
ARTICLES of a Treaty between the United States of America and the Delawares, Shawanoes, Putawatamies, Miamies, Eel River, Weeas, Kickapoos, Piankashaws and Kaskaskias Nations of Indians.
Articles of a Treaty made at Fort Wayne on the Miami of the lake, between William Henry Harrison, governor of the Indiana Territory, Superintendent of Indian affairs and Commissioner Plenipotentiary of the United States for concluding any treaty or treaties which may be found necessary with any of the Indian tribes North West of the Ohio of the one part, and the tribes of Indians called the Delawares, Shawanoes, Putawatamies, Miamies and Kickapoos by their Chiefs and head Warriors, and those of the Eel River, Weeas, Piankashaws and Kaskaskias by their Agents and Representatives Tuthinipee, Winnemac, Richewille and Little Turtle (who are properly authorized by the said tribes) of the other part.
Article 1st. Whereas it is declared by the 4th article of the treaty of Greenville that the United States reserve for their use the Port of St. Vincennes and all the lands adjacent to which the Indian Titles had been extinguished; And whereas it has been found difficult to determine the precise limits of the said tract as held by the French and British governments; it is hereby agreed that the boundaries of the said tract, shall be as follows: Beginning at Point Coupee on the Wabash, and running thence by a line North seventy-eight degrees, West twelve miles; thence by a line parallel to the general course of the Wabash, until it shall be intersected by a line at right angles to the same, passing through the mouth of White river; thence by the last mentioned line across the Wabash and towards the Ohio sixty-two miles; thence by a line North twelve degrees West until it shall be intersected by a line at right angles to the same, passing through Point Coupee and by the last mentioned line to the place of beginning.
Art. 2d. The United States hereby relinquish all claim which they may have had to any lands adjoining to, or in the neighbourhood of the tract above described.
Art. 3d. As a mark of their regard and attachment to the United States, whom they acknowledge for their only friends and protectors, and for the consideration herein aftermentioned, the said tribes do hereby relinquish and cede to the United States the great Salt-spring upon the Saline creek which falls into the Ohio below the mouth of the Wabash, with a quantity of land surrounding it, not exceeding four miles square, and which may be laid off in a square or oblong, as the one or the other may be found most convenient to the United States. And the said United States being desirous that the Indian tribes should participate in the benefits to be derived from the said spring, hereby engage to deliver yearly and every year for the use of the said Indians a quantity of salt not exceeding one hundred and fifty bushels, and which shall be divided among the several tribes in such manner as the General Council of the Chiefs may determine.
Art. 4th. For the consideration before mentioned and for the convenience which the said tribes will themselves derive from such establishments it is hereby agreed that as soon as the tribes called the Kickapoos, Eel River, Weeas, Piankashaws and Kaskaskias shall give their consent to the measure, the United States shall have the right of locating three Tracts of land (of such size as may be agreed upon with the last-mentioned tribes) on the main road between Vincennes and Kaskaskias, and one other between Vincennes and Clarksville for the purpose of erecting houses of entertainment for the accommodation of travellers. But it is expressly understood that if the said locations are made on any of the rivers which cross the said road and ferries should be established on the same, that in times of high water any Indian or Indians belonging to either of the tribes who are parties to this treaty shall have the privilege of crossing such ferry toll free.
Art. 5th. Whereas there is reason to believe that if the boundary lines of the Tract described in the first article should be run in the manner therein directed that some of the settlements and locations of land made by the citizens of the United States will fall in the Indian country. It is hereby agreed that such alterations shall be made in the direction of the said lines as will include them; and a quantity of land equal in quantity to what may be thus taken shall be given to the said tribes either at the East or the West end of the tract.
IN TESTIMONY whereof the Commissioner of the United States, and the Chiefs and Warriors of the Delawares, Shawanoes, Putawatamies, Miamies and Kickapoos, and those of the Eel River, Weeas, Piankashaws and Kaskaskias, by their agents and representatives Tuthinipee, Winnemac, Richewille and Little Turtle, (who are properly authorized by the said tribes) have hereunto subscribed their names and affixed their seals at Fort Wayne this seventh day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, and of the independence of the United States the twenty-seventh.
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, (seal.)
SHAWANOES.
Neanemiflach, his mark (seal.)
PUTAWATAMIES.
Tuthinipee, his mark (seal.)
Winnemac, his mark (seal.)
On behalf of the Putawatamies and Eel River, Weeas, Piankashaws and Kaskaskias whom they represent.
Wannungsea, (or five medals) his mark (seal.)
Kee-faas, (or Sun) his mark (seal.)
MIAMIES.
Richewille, his mark (seal.)
Me-she-kun-noga-quoh, (or Little Turtle) his mark (seal.)
On behalf of themselves and Eel River, Weeas, Piankashaws and Kaskaskias whom they represent.
KICKAPOOS.
Nah-mah-to-hah, (or Standing) his mark (seal.)
Pash-she-we-hah, (or Cat) his mark (seal.)
DELAWARES.
Tetubuxige, his mark (seal.)
Bu-kon-ge-helas, his mark (seal.)
Hockingpomkenn, his mark (seal.)
Rechkawhanund, his mark (seal.)
SHAWANOES.
Cut-he-we-ka-saw, (or black hoof) his mark (seal.)
Methawnafue, his mark (seal.)
Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of
John Rice Jones, Secretary to the commissioner.
Jno. Gibson, Secretary Ind. Ter.
Tho. Pistor, capt. 1st. regt. init.
Wm. Wells, Interpreter.
Jno. Johnson, U. S. Factor.
Hendrick Aupaumut, chief of Mubhecon.
Thomas Freeman.
The proceedings within treaty were faithfully interpreted by us John Gibson and William Wells, that is for the Delawares John Gibson, and for the rest of the tribes William Wells.
John Gibson.
William Wells.
Now therefore to the end that the said treaty may be observed and performed with good faith on the part of

the United States, I have caused the premises to be made public, and I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty and every clause and article thereof. IN TESTIMONY whereof I have caused the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed and the same to be attested by my hand. Done at the City of Washington, on the twenty-sixth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, and of the Independence of the United States, the twenty-eighth. TH: JEFFERSON. By the President. JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State.
WASHINGTON CITY MONDAY, JANUARY 2, 1804.
The amendment to the constitution of the United States, lately proposed by Congress, has received the ratification of the legislature of North Carolina. The day on which it was received, the governor laid it before each House. In the Senate it passed without opposition. In the commons, after a short discussion, it passed with but eighteen dissenting votes. The promulgation and unanimity, with which the amendment has passed the legislature of North Carolina, are we have just indications of its early and definitive success. The legislature of Maryland has also ratified the Amendment.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, December 30, 1803.
An engrossed bill for the relief of John Coles was read the third time and passed.
On the motion of Mr. Nicholson, the House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. VARNUM in the chair—on the articles of IMPEACHMENT against JOHN PICKERING, district judge of the district of New Hampshire, impeached last session of high crimes and misdemeanors.
After reading the articles, in the first instance entirely through, and afterwards by paragraphs, and several depositions called for, the committee reported their agreement to the articles.
The House took up the report of the Committee. Mr. Tenney called for the reading of several depositions, which being read. Mr. Tenney said he had called for the reading of the depositions to show that Mr. Pickering had sustained a respectable character, and that his recent conduct had arisen from insanity. For this reason he thought the articles should not be agreed to by the House.
Mr. Nicholson replied, that at the last session the House had determined that they would impeach John Pickering. It became therefore, their duty at this time to furnish the Senate with the articles—Whether John Pickering was insane or not, it was not for him to decide; but he was clearly of the opinion that the insanity, stated by the gentleman from New Hampshire, proceeded from constant and habitual intoxication. This information he had obtained from the most respectable sources. After the last session, Mr. N. said when he perceived the charges made in some public prints against the House of Representatives for impeaching a man labouring under insanity, he had made it his business to enquire into this fact; in consequence of which he had received information by letter from several respectable men in New Hampshire, stating that the judge was under the influence of habitual intoxication. It was also stated, in the deposition of the marshal, that the last time the judge was on the bench, he went directly from a grog-shop, and was in a state of intoxication. The report was agreed to without a division.
On motion of Mr. Nicholson, the articles were ordered to be enrolled, in correspondence with the practice of the House. On motion of Mr. Nicholson, ordered that eleven Managers be appointed on the part of this House.
Mr. Jackson moved that the managers should be appointed by the Speaker.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Smilie, Findley, and Thatcher; and opposed by Mr. Dennis, Dr. Mitchell, and Mr. Gregg: and negatived.
It was then moved that the appointment should be made by ballot.
This motion was supported by Messrs. R. Griswold, S. L. Mitchell, Gregg, Elliot, Holland, G. W. Campbell, Dennis, Skinner, Bedinger, and Sandford, and opposed by Messrs. Smilie, Nicholson and Aiton, who advocated an appointment by votes viva voce .
The question being put, it was, without a division, resolved that the appointment should be by ballot.
The ballot was postponed till Monday, Messrs. Southard, Elmer, and Sloan, representatives from New Jersey, appeared and took their seats.
(From a Correspondent.)
RUINS! The Washington Federalist of yesterday, Edited by Elias B. Caldwell, clerk of the supreme court of the United States, contains a lamentable tale of the "Jefferson" system of ruins brought upon the United States, by the present republican administration. It deeply regrets The ruin of the army, The ruin of the navy, The ruin of the judiciary, The ruin of the bar-knotted system, The ruin of the internal taxes, The ruin of the direct tax, and The ruin of the mint.
But, Mr. Smith, it has strangely forgotten to enumerate other equally important ruins, produced by the same "Jefferson" system of administration, which I must therefore beg leave to supply for the benefit of the Washington Federalist and its supporters, through the medium of your useful Gazette, as follows:
The ruin of the marine corps, The ruin of the edition law, The ruin of the alien law, The ruin of federalism, The ruin of monarchy—and, last of all, the ruin of the people, as now experienced in that unfortunate and distressing state of public affairs, by which they find themselves exonerated from the burdens and expences a long and bloody war; at peace with all the world, happy at home, respected abroad, in the full enjoyment of liberty and independence, with a national credit and reputation, unknown and unequalled by any other people, in any other nation or empire.
One of the ruined citizens of the United States. Thursday, Dec. 29.
From London papers received by the ship Ocean.
PARIS, October 21.
The preparations for the expedition will continue to be carried on with the greatest activity. Generals have been lent to every part of the northern coasts to place them in a state of defence, and to take measures to hasten the attack. Some persons have asserted that several great orders for preparations have been countermanded or suspended, whence they concluded that negotiations for peace were on foot; but these reports are entirely without foundation. At the first signal a prodigious number of troops will embark. The French demi-brigades now take the name of regiments, their chiefs are colonels, and they, with the greater part of the majors are already appointed. The heavy cavalry being reduced to ten regiments of cuirassiers, and the dragoons, as well as the infantry, will serve as light cavalry.
Admiral Nelson proposes, it is said, to make an attempt to destroy the docks, magazines, and ships at Toulon, by a bombardment. The loss of Toulon is, however, in so formidable a state of defence, that the English will meet with a warm reception.
The Monitor of yesterday contains an article for forming a company of guides of 117, to serve in the the army of England, and act as interpreters. It is to be formed by voluntary enrolments at Paris, and the sea ports from Ostend to St. Maloes. Those who are admitted into it are not to be more than thirty five years of age: They are to be strong and healthy, and know how to speak and write English; they must have resided in England, and be acquainted with the topography of the country, and produce testimonies of former services and good conduct. Irishmen resident in France, and young men appertaining to the conscription, who are not in the army, may be admitted into this company, if they possess the necessary qualifications. Their uniform is to be a short green coat, with red facings and white hussar buttons, white waistcoat, leather breeches, American boots, and black bronzed spurs. Their arms are to be a musket and bayonet, and sabre similar to the sabres of the dragoons.
NOTICE.
ALL those indebted to the late firm of Redmond and Garrett Barry of this city are requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber, and those who have claims against said concern are desired to bring in their accounts properly authenticated for adjustment.
GARRETT BARRY, surviving partner of Redmond & G. Barry. Jan. 2—6t
JUST RECEIVED, By the UNITED STATES, Capt. Finley from Liverpool, Fall Goods, viz.
Brass Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell-metal kettles, brass footmrs., knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddlery, brass ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c.
HENRY INGLE. Washington, Oct. 28.—epam.
National Intelligencer. From NEW-ORLEANS.
Information is received from New-Orleans, as late as the 13th ultimo, by the mail of last evening, from which it appears that our Commissioners and troops had not then arrived at that place. It does not appear how far they had advanced, no letters having been received from Governor Claiborne or General Wilkinson; but it is presumed that they were some distance from Fort Adams.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
Subscribers indebted for the National Intelligencer are respectfully reminded that, according to the terms of that paper, unless payment be immediately made, it will be discontinued. It will be recollected that an annual advance payment of five dollars is required.
One thousand dollars reward.
JOSEPH HART of the city of Hartford, having committed forgery on the Middletown Bank and absconded, the above reward will be paid to any person or persons for apprehending said HART and returning him to Hartford, and securing him in the gaol in said city, so that he may be brought to justice. He left the city of Hartford on Thursday night the 22d inst. Dec. Said HART is a tall gaunt formed man, about six feet in height, of light complexion and light eyes, his hair thin on the top of his head and of a light colour rather sandy, usually dresses in powder, steps short and walks erect, inclining to conversation, and very neat in his dress, which is generally fashionable but his present apparel cannot be described. He has been in the habit of doing business largely and is known in Boston, New-York and other principal towns between those two places.
ELIJAH HUBBARD, president. Middletown, Connecticut, Dec. 24. 1803.
By the PRESIDENT of the United States.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS by the first articles of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the seventeenth day of October, 1791, for regulating the Materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided that "the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared, "that the wall of no house shall be higher than 40 feet to the roof, in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than 35 feet on any of the Avenues."
AND WHEREAS the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles, has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States from the fifth day of June 1796, to the first day of January 1804, and the beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced—it is deemed proper to revive the same, with the exception hereafter mentioned.
Wherefore, I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, and that all Houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than 220 square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the Eve shall be erected—nor shall such house be placed within 24 feet of any brick or stone house.
GIVEN under my hand, 28th December, 1803. TH: JEFFERSON.
NOTICE.
ALL persons are hereby forwarded from purchasing a two story Brick House belonging to the Subscriber, situated in North F Street, which was seized on the 20th inst. as the property of Frederic Betts of this city.
GEORGE W. BETZ. Dec. 23—gt
PROPOSAL
For carrying the United States mails on the following post roads will be received at the General post office in Washington city, until the 1st day of February next inclusive.
1. From Wilmington Delaware, by New Castle, St. Georgetown, Cantwells bridge, Duck Creek, Dover and Frederica, to Milford, three times a week.
May 1, to November 1.
Leave Wilmington every Monday Wednesday and Friday at 11 a m. and arrive at Dover the same days by 9 P. M. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thurs-
day and Saturday at 5 a m. and arrive at Milford by 10 a m. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 2 p m. and arrive at Dover by 8 p m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 a m. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p m.
November 1, to May 1.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Dover by 6 p m. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a m. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 1 p m. and arrive at Dover by 7 p m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Wilmington the same days by 6 p m.
2. From Milford by Georgetown, Trap, Snowhill, Horntown and Dunsford, to Northampton c. h. once a week.
Leave Milford every Tuesday at 2 p m. and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m. and at Northampton c. h. the next Friday by 6 p m. Returning—Leave Northampton c. h. every Saturday at 6 a m. and arrive at Georgetown on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Georgetown on Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a m.
3. From Wilmington by Christiana bridge, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgetown, to Chestertown twice a week.
Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a m. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p m.
4. From Chestertown by Churchhill, Centreville, Queen Anne's and Kent Island to Annapolis twice a week.
Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a m. and arrive at Annapolis the same days by 8 p m. Returning—Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m.
5. From Centreville to Easton twice a week.
Leave Centreville every Wednesday and Saturday at noon and arrive at Easton by 7 p m. Leave Easton every Tuesday and Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Centreville by 1 p m.
6. From Romney by Springfield, Frankfort and Cressap'sburg to Cumberland once a week.
Leave Romney every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Cumberland by 6 p m. Leave Cumberland every Monday at 6 a m. and arrive at Romney by 6 p m.
7. From Fauquier c. h. by Aquia to King George c. h. once in two weeks.
Leave King George c. h. every other Wednesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Fauquier c. h. on Thursday by 6 p m.
8. From Tappahannock to Richmond c. h. once a week.
Leave Richmond c. h. every Thursday noon, and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p m.
Leave Tappahannock every Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Richmond c. h. by noon.
9. From Inglesville by Tazewell c. h. or Jeffersonville, Russel c. h. and Lee c. h. to Cumberland Gap once in two weeks.
Leave Inglesville every other Tuesday at 5 a m. and arrive at Cumberland Gap the next Saturday by 3 p m. Leave Cumberland Gap at 4 p m. and arrive at Inglesville the next Thursday by 6 p m.
10. From Suffolk by Everett's Bridge, Gates c. h. Edenton, Lee's Mills, Plymouth and Wanchton to Newbern twice a week.
Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 1 p m. and arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday at 1 p m. Leave Edenton at 2 p m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Sunday by 6 a m. Leave Plymouth at 6 1/2 a m. and arrive at Washington the same days by 6 p m. Leave Washington at 7 p m. and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 p m. Returning—Leave Newbern every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m. and arrive at Washington by 5 p m. Leave Washington at 6 p m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Saturday by 4 p m. and arrive at Edenton on Sunday and Thursday at 9 a m. Leave Edenton at 9 1/2 a m. and arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday by 9 a m.
11. From Willieville by Speed and Wilkins's store, Walden's store, Sterlingville and Normanton to Mount Tirzah once a week.
Leave Willieville every Saturday at 10 a m. and arrive at Mount Tirzah on Monday by 11 a m. Leave Mount Tirzah at 1 p m. and arrive at Willieville on Tuesday by 6 p m.
12. From Wilkes c. h. to Ashe c. h. in North Carolina once a week.
Leave Wilkes c. h. every Monday at 8 a m. and arrive at Ashe c. h. by 6 p m. Leave Ashe c. h. every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Wilkes c. h. by 6 p m.
13. From Fayetteville by McFallville, Windfieldville and Gueraw c. h. to Camden once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 p m.
Leave Camden every Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 p m.
14. From Jonesborough by River Bridge and New Lebanon to N. W. River Bridge once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at N. W. River Bridge on Wednesday by 8 p m.
Leave N. W. River Bridge every Wednesday at 4 p m. and arrive at Jonesborough on Thursday by noon.
15. From Jonesborough to Elizabethton in Tennessee once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Monday at 5 a m. and arrive at Elizabethton at 9 a m.
Leave Elizabethton every Monday at noon, and arrive at Jonesborough by 4 p m.
16. From Knoxville to Burtsville once a week.
Leave Knoxville every Monday at 4 a m. and arrive at Burtsville by 11 a m.
Leave Burtsville every Monday at 1 p m. and arrive at Knoxville by 8 p m.
17. From Nashville in Tennessee by Franklin, Ocoeechee, McIntoshville to Grindstoneford once a week.
Leave Nashville every Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Grindstoneford the next Monday by 8 p m. Returning—Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Nashville the next Monday by 8 p m.
18. From Grindstoneford by Greeneville, Hamblen, Washington, and Natchez, to Fort Adams, or Lotus Heights once a week.
Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p m. Leave Natchez on Wednesday at 8 a m. and arrive at Fort Adams by 8 p m. Returning—Leave Fort Adams every Sunday at 4 a m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p m. Leave Natchez every Monday at 4 a m. and arrive at Grindstoneford by 8 p m.
19. From Charleston by St. George's and Orange c. h. to Columbia, once a week.
Leave Columbia every Monday at 10 a m. and arrive at Charleston on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave Charleston every Thursday at 2 p m. and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by noon.
20. From Washington by Burris's, Lexington, Athens, and Clarkburg to Jackson c. h. once a week.
Leave Washington every Tuesday at 2 p m. and arrive at Jackson c. h. on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Jackson c. h. every Thursday at 6 a m. and arrive at Washington on Friday by noon.
NOTES.
1. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, by stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices, where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails declined for such depending mails, lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.
6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a large carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next, and are to continue in force for one year.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster General. General P.O. Office, Washington City, Nov. 23, 1803.

CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR,
FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk Shirting, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marlines, Swandowns, Toilettines, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. E. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. November 8, 1803.
ELISHA RIGGS,
Has just received from Philadelphia, an additional supply of FALL GOODS, Which makes his assortment extensive. Among them are many fancy articles, and Superfine cloths, cassimeres, velvets, and fancy vest patterns. Irish Linens, cotton counterpanes, tickens, and sheetings. English hats, kid shoes, silk hosiery, and gloves. Shirting flannels, rose blankets, and coarse cloths. Furniture dimities, ditto calicoes, and stuffs, Silks, cambrics, mullins, chintzes and calicoes. Laces, veils, crapes and India mullins, 20 boxes China in sets. Also—other articles, which will be sold on terms to please the purchaser. George-Town, Nov. 20.—tw6w
JOHN COX
Has just received a quantity of American manufactured Bed Fitchen warranted to hold the down of the feathers, which will be sold by the piece at the manufacturers prices, and by retail at a very small advance—Also sewing, darning and tampering cotton, with a quantity of chintzes and calico, which he will sell lower than the regular importer can afford to sell at. Elegant thread lace, fox, bear, and martin skin muffs and tippets, handsome paper hangings, with almost every other article in the dry good line, both fanciful and substantial, which he will sell at his usual low prices for cash, or in exchange for tobacco and flaxseed. For flax seed he will allow 11s. 3d. per bushel. Also a few handsome double barrel fowling pieces. George Town, Dec. 23.—2m
FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the Will of the late Patrick Henry, a Tract of Land, lying on both sides of Falling river, in Charlotte county, Virginia, and containing about 1800 acres. This Land is in general poor, but contains a bank of Iron Ore, supposed to be the best, of any known in that part of the country. It lies on an excellent stream, a branch of Roanoke river, within four miles of its mouth, from whence is an easy and safe navigation. There are water-falls, stone and timber on the Land for all the purposes of an Iron Work; and in the midst of a fine corn country; and about 400 acres of the Land is valuable for its soil. For further particulars inquire of Mr. RANDOLPH, of the House of Representatives. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser by EDMUND WINSTON, Esq. of Patrick Henry. Buckingham county, Ver. Dec. 23.—tf
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made easy, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever.
A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 200 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after being completed—they now being in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement. with about Ten thousand acres of land all adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mills, on which are several valuable farms. The timber is well and is inexhaustible and unexceptionably good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from George Town South Carolina, to which place the lumber is carried being rafted at the mills without the trouble of hauling, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the States of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at times of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mills is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stables, carriage and harness houses and other necessary out buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Purvis at the city of Washington. WM. NORMENT.
Millville N. C. Dec. 12.
N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23.—tf
Washington Building Company.
THE members thereof will please to attend the annual meeting to be held at Lovell's Hotel on the first Monday of January next, 7 o'clock in the evening, to appoint officers for the ensuing year, and take into consideration other important business. By Order THOMAS HERTY, Sec'y. Dec. 26.—3t.
FOUND
By a Negro man on the 29th inst. a double cased Silver Watch—The owner may have it again by proving property and paying charges. Apply to Mr. Steele near the capital. Dec. 30.—3t
NOTICE.
AGREEABLY to a deed of trust from the late Mr. John Beall, the subscriber will offer for sale, by public auction, at Mr. Dougherty's in Bladensburg, on the Saturday the 21st of January next, at one o'clock, All the right and title of Mr. Beall, to several tracts of land, conveyed by him for the benefit of his creditors. These lands are not more than a mile and a half from the town of Bladensburg, and contain about 240 acres, on which are a good dwelling house, a large barn & other useful houses. Also a few acres of valuable meadow. The land will be sold clear of dower—cash required for one third of the purchase money, and bonds with approved security, for the other two thirds, payable in one or two years, with the interest from the day of sale. REN. LOWNDES, Trustee. Dec. 30.—ept21
FOR SALE,
To be sold to the highest bidder at Steele's Hotel in the city of Washington, on Monday the 16th of January 1804, 680 acres of valuable LAND, upon the Eastern Branch opposite the City, and is bounded by the water from opposite the Navy Yard nearly up to the bridge. More than one half is in Wood and timber, none of which is more than a mile and quarter from the water. This land will be sold altogether or in lots to suit purchasers, and a credit given according to the quantity purchased. Those who wish to examine it, will apply to Mr. Wedlin at the Ferry who will show it. A. ADDISON. Dec. 30.—tawjt6
FOR SALE.
A Large two story Brick HOUSE near by finished in North Street in the city of Washington occupied by Frederick Betz in which a great bargain will be given. For terms inquire of the printer. Dec. 30.—5t
Sales at Auction.
WILL be sold, at the Navy Yard on Saturday next, sundry articles of Provisions and flop clothing. JER. CONNER, Auct. Dec. 30.—1t
BY AUTHORITY.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 10,000   5 do 1000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   15 do 200 3,000   200 do 100 20,000   200 do 50 10,000   200 do 25 5,000   250 do 20 5,000   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 20,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7154 Prizes, 210,000   3,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such portions as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beccan, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Waith, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennet, Arnold Livers, Luke Ciernan, Frances I. Mitchell. July 13, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been trimmed about the head and ears. Any person giving me information so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21.—tf
NOTICE.
ALL who are are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town, Nov. 25.—tf
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable and. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with five places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two floies high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19. eptf
COLUMBIAN INN.
GEORGE-TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 21. eptf
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR
HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14. tf
In the case of ZEBULON WARNER a bankrupt.
Whereas a commission of BANKRUPTCY founded on the act of Congress passed on the 4th day of April in the year eighteen hundred, entitled "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded against Zebulon Warner of the district of Columbia, dealer and chapman and he being declared bankrupt is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them on the 19th day of December instant, 2nd and 16th days of January next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes innkeeper in the city of Washington and to make a full disclosure of his whole estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, and at the second sitting to choose assignees, and at the last sitting to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate, all persons indebted to the said bankrupt or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, Sec. to the commissioners. December 5, 1803.—176J
NEW STORE,
WHOLESALE & RETAIL. THE subscriber respectfully informs the public that he has opened a store in Bridge Street, near High Street, at the left, running from the city, where he will sell very cheap the following fresh imported goods: Superfine and second London mens' and childrens' hats, first and second broad cloth, cassimeres, coating and naps of a variety of the newest fashionable colors, flannels, Irish linen of the very finest and middle sort, Osnaburg, cambric, cambric muslin, laces, cotton, calicoes, fancy waistcoatings, English and French silk stockings and gloves, worsted hosiery, handkerchiefs, silk and other threads, fringes, gold and silver watches, razors, pen knives, &c. &c. The subscriber has a large quantity of broad cloth, cassimeres, coatings, &c. on hand which he wishes to sell off, and offers them therefore by wholesale at the very low price of 115 advance. T. H. W. PAIRO. George Town 19th Dec.—3tawtf
In the Case of LUKE SHANNON an Insolvent Debtor
IT is ordered that six months from and after the first day of November next, be limited and appointed for the Creditors to bring in and exhibit their claims to GEORGE ANTHONY of the City of Washington, Trustee, appointed for the benefit of the Creditors of the said Luke Shannon; and that a copy of this order be published once in each week until the tenth day of January next, in the National Intelligencer. By order of William Cranch, Esquire. URIAH FORREST, Clerk. November 4.—1aw10J.
STOUGHTON'S
GENUINE BITTERS. Faithfully prepared at the original warehouse London. TO make any observations here, upon the superior quality of these bitters to any ever offered for sale, is needless; suffice it to say, that they have stood the test of approbation a great number of years. Gentlemen, who prefer bitters, will find them an elegant and wholesome preparation; and far preferable to the trash generally offered under that name. It is now for the first time, imported in quart bottles, as well as vials, which will reduce the price near one half. Sold by Rapine, Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill, Washington, John March, George Town, Robert and J. Grey, Alexandria, and A. Buck, Frederickburg, Virginia. November 7.—1aw3m
LOST,
THE following described certificates of funded three per cent stock issued by the Register of the Treasury in the name of Jacob Trilamer of Amsterdam, for the renewal of which application is intended to be made at the proper office. No. 3113 dated 23th Octo-ber 1791 for 12,419 53 3 per cent stock. No. 3500 dated 23d November 1791, for 7 900. No. 6271, dated, 7th December 1792, for 831 41. No. 1201 dated, 5th December 1792, for 8749 29. Dolls. 30 000 00. ROBERT GILMOR, & Sons. Dec. 28.—ep7w
Valuable Lands and Lots
FOR SALE. I will sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz. THE valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 1300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, about three miles distant from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will fold together or separately. Part of a tract of Land, called Hills and Dales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomac, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 701.4 acres. Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying to the south-east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the lands of the late Richard Henderson, containing 160 acres all in wood. And 831.2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson. The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best situations in the town, is generally admired, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden, ice-house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this house, &c. not be sold previous to the 1st of December, it will then be to rent. One other lot or parcel of ground, adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard T. Lowndes, esq. containing 93.8 acres. Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 704, in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 9588 square feet. A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Hugh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to JOHN LAIRD, Trustee. N. B. I hold 246 1.2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hills and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms. JOHN LAIRD. George-Town, Oct. 24, 1803. ep2w1atf.
In the case of JOHN WILLIAMS LYTTON—a Bankrupt.
WHEREAS a commission of Bankruptcy founded upon the act of Congress of the United States passed on the fourth day of April, 1800, entitled, "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded and issued against John Williams Lyttton of Washington county in the district of Columbia, dealer and chapman, and he has been declared a bankrupt. He is therefore required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named or the majority of them on the 8th and 22d days of December, and 5th of January next at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes's Innkeeper in the city of Washington, and make a full disclosure and discovery of his estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, and at the second sitting to choose assignees, and at the last sitting the bankrupt is required to assent to his examination. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, secretary to the Commissioners. Nov. 25—
FOR SALE
By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on F. street City of Washington. PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS. White Lead in kegs Red Lead, and Ary, Spruce Ocher, Stone Ocher of superior Patent Yellow, quality, Gold Litage, Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, 2nd quality, Best Carmin drop black, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all Linseed oil and spirits forts, of turpentine, Window glass to by 12—8 by 10, and 7 by Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book, Large sheet glass cut to any size. Gentlemen sending their Sashes will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to. August 3. 1awtf
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handfomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11.—wtf
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN off the Race ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely Sorrell MARE, saddle and bridle; the saddle is about half worn with plated stirrups and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about fourteen hands high. Paces trots and gallops; shod before; the outstides of both hind feet a little worn by dragging them when rode; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder that resembles the letter T. Whoever delivers the above described mare, saddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the six buildings in the city of Washington will receive the above reward and no questions asked. November 14.—wtf
PROPOSALS
for publishing a periodical work entitled The Literary Magazine, AND AMERICAN REGISTER.
THIS work, if public patronage encourages its prosecution, shall be published monthly. The number shall be, occasionally ornamented with an engraving, executed by the best artist that can be obtained, and delivered to subscribers at the price of FIFTY CENTS. Each number shall contain, at least, eighty of publications preparing for the press; notices of literary characters and incidents; and such portions of information of a scientific, commercial, and agricultural nature, as shall be deemed most remarkable and most deserving of notice. The sixth department shall contain an accurate detail of political intelligence, foreign and domestic, particularly a clear summary of the proceedings of the Congress of the United States during their session. The seventh department shall consist of all such interesting or important occurrences, as the passing month shall have produced; such as casualties, crimes, &c. and shall likewise pages in large octavo, and shall comprehend seven departments. The first department shall include original, moral, literary or scientific performances, and biographical or historical sketches. The second department shall contain reviews of American publications, and of English works republished here. The third department shall comprise such extracts, from foreign publications, as shall be considered peculiarly interesting, and deserving the attention of the people of America. The essence, especially of periodical publications, shall be carefully extracted. The fourth department shall consist of pieces of original or telegraphic poetry. The fifth department shall include notices contain as full and accurate a list of marriages and deaths in the United States, as can be procured. This work will be published by Messrs. John Conrad, & Co. and will be conducted under the immediate direction of an Editor, who, in addition to his own labours, has received assurances of the assistance of several of the first literary characters in this city and in New York. A work of the nature now offered to the attention of the people of the United States, has long been demanded. It is conceived, that, if properly conducted, it would eminently promote the literature of this country, and would prove, in all respects favourable to the gratification of taste and extension of useful information. The Editor promises, if encouraged by liberal subscriptions, all that his talents and labours can perform toward the successful execution of the work which he has proposed to undertake, and he hopes that this appeal to literary taste, that this desire to diffuse knowledge among all classes of society, will not, like other attempts, which have preceded this, be rendered fruitless, by a cold and depressing reception. To enable the public to judge of the nature of the publication as soon as possible, the first number will appear in a few days. Subscriptions received by Rapine, Conrad & Co. Booksellers and Stationers, New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. December 5.
MECHANICS HALL.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the corner way in George-Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall. All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find it their interest to call on him, as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room. He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble servant, ANDREW McDONALD. A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year. A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. August 3. 1awtf