The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-11-28 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1269.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
IN SENATE.
Tuesday, November 22.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
MR. POPE.—Mr. President—I rise with more than ordinary confidence to address you on the interesting question under consideration. When I consider the present state of our country embarrassed with difficulties, menaced with dangers by foreign nations, our ships captured and burnt by one power, captured, condemned and confiscated by the other, a storm gathering in the East, which threatens to burst upon us with rebellion and disunion, the honor, independence and best interest of the American people deeply involved in the course to be pursued, I am seriously impressed with the immense responsibility which devolves upon me, as one of their representatives at this awful crisis. The want of some documents which I had expected would before this have been furnished us, and of a more intimate acquaintance with the commercial world renders me unable to do justice to all the topics which gentlemen have introduced in the wide range they have taken; altho' I shall not attempt to explore the whole ground, I will endeavor with the best light I possess to notice such of the arguments of the gentlemen in opposition as seem to demand attention.
On the 4th of July, 1776, the people of these states declared themselves free and independent, and this declaration they sealed with their blood. Their independence was soon after recognized by different powers of Europe, and finally by Great Britain herself. By this memorable and glorious event, which released them from the shackles of the British government, and gave them independence, they became entitled to all the rights and privileges on the high seas which could be rightfully claimed by any other nation; & these rights, I presume, it will not be pretended they have either abandoned or forfeited. The high seas have been hitherto considered the common high way of nations, designed by the God of Nature for the common use of mankind, and over which no power could rightfully claim exclusive dominion. I shall not waste the time of the Senate to enquire whether France or G. Britain has been the first aggressor on our neutral rights, or from which we have received the most injuries and indignities, because such an enquiry appears to me at this time unimportant. I am willing to view both nations with an equal eye as common enemies. Nor do I deem it necessary to retrospect injuries and insults of an ancient date, but shall confine myself to a period and circumstances more intimately connected with the present crisis. In 1805 the British government asserted that this country was not entitled to carry on trade with her enemy in time of war, not permitted in time of peace. Under color of this new principle, a number of American vessels were captured by British cruisers and condemned in the British courts of admiralty. This conduct of the British government alarmed the whole commercial interest of this country, and memorials were sent to the President from the different commercial towns in the U. States, protesting in strong and spirited language against this novel principle, and calling upon our government to resist by negotiation it, as well as the impressment of our seamen. I beg leave to read a part of the memorial from New Haven, in the state of Connecticut. Mr. Pope read as follows:
"That your memorialists have observed with no common decree of surprise and solicitude, the numerous embarrassments which the commerce of the U. States has suffered, during the present war in Europe and the Indies; arising from the adoption of new principles by the admiralty courts of Great Britain, as well as from the depredations committed on our unprotected trade by lawless freebooters, and the unwarrantable impressment of our seamen. Your memorialists will not attempt to discuss at large the principle, which they understand, has been adopted by the admiralty courts of G. Britain, in recent decisions respecting the rights of neutral nations; it is sufficient for them to observe, that in their opinion, the principle assumed by G. Britain, of considering all the trade of a neutral nation as unlawful, which the same nation cannot carry on in time of peace, to be new and unwarrantable; a principle not authorized by the maxims of sound justice, which have long been received and respected by nations, as laws
by which their mutual intercourse ought to be regulated."
The people of Boston, in their memorial, after reasoning with great ability and perspicuity to prove that this new principle assumed by the British courts of admiralty was an alarming infraction of neutral rights, solicit the government on account of the importance of the subject to send a special mission to London. Here Mr. Pope read from the Boston memorial as follows:—
"But whatever may have been the motives for the proceedings on the part of Great Britain, the effect is notorious. From her recent conduct great losses have been sustained; our commerce has been checked and embarrassed, and large quantities of produce are now remaining locked up in this country, which were purchased for foreign markets; because our merchants cannot send it abroad, without taking risks on themselves which prudence would not justify, or without paying such rates for insurance as the trade of the country cannot afford."
"Thus circumstanced, the merchants of Boston have thought it their duty respectfully to make known their complaints to the government. Believing the citizens of the U. S. desirous of cultivating relations of amity with the whole human race, and particularly connected as they are with G. Britain, by habits of constant intercourse and by mutual wants, they cannot but hope, that like dispositions are entertained by the British nation towards this country, and if measures were speedily taken for the amicable discussion, by negotiation, of our complaints, that a sense of her own interest, and a respect for the rights of others, would induce her to depart from her present measures, and to conduct towards us with justice and liberality."
"Under this persuasion, and without meaning in the smallest degree to derogate from the talents or attention of the American minister at the court of London, the subscribers, with deference and humility, beg leave to suggest, whether, when so important national interests are at stake, a special mission would not carry with it great influence, and be very instrumental in the accomplishment of our reasonable wishes."
This earnest and fervent call on the government by the commercial interest was promptly obeyed by the administration. The course pointed out by the memorialists was pursued—a special mission was immediately sent—this new principle as well as other violations of our maritime rights were resisted with energy and ability and every effort made to obtain a redress of injuries, and to place our commerce upon a just and honorable basis, as must be evident to every man who has read the documents communicated to Congress during the last and present session. I shall pass over the different decrees and orders of the two belligerents from 1805, until the fall of 1807. I will pass over the affair of the Chesapeake, which called forth such a burst of indignation throughout this country. In Dec. 1807, during the last session of Congress, the President was officially informed, that Bonaparte had determined to extend his decree of Berlin to American commerce, and although not officially notified, had every reason to believe that the French decree had been or would be retaliated by the British orders of council. The President, thus warned of the dangers which threatened our commerce on the high seas, communicated the subject to Congress by a confidential message, recommending an embargo, to secure our vessels and seamen from capture. His advice was attended to, the measure was adopted. I expected, or at least hoped at that time, that this measure, besides securing our property, by its pressure on the belligerents, aided by a conciliatory course on the part of our government, would have induced an amicable adjustment of differences with both or one of the belligerents, and thereby averted the calamities of war; that if it failed to produce this effect, it would at least afford us time to prepare to meet war, if inevitable—that our administration has used every honorable means during the existence of this measure to settle our differences amicably with the belligerents, cannot be doubted by any one who has read the documents accompanying his recent message. After the administration had pursued the course marked out by the commercial people, whose organs the gentlemen in the opposition appear to be on this occasion, after resisting the unjust pretensions of France and G. Britain—after the government had laid an embargo and
brought the nation to the eve of a war for the maintenance of our maritime rights—What do we hear—we are told by a part of these same people, to the astonishment of all America, by solemn resolutions, which are already before the public, called the Essex resolutions, that we have no cause of war against Great Britain, and all her aggressions, if not justified, are excused; and our government is gravely told to disgrace itself by receding from the ground it has taken. The gentleman from Connecticut, whose object seems to be rather to prove this measure wrong at first than what ought now to be done; tells us that the French decree of Berlin was not sufficient to justify this measure at the time it was adopted, because France had no naval force to give it effect on the high seas. If the Berlin decree was not sufficient to justify our embargo, upon what principle can it be pretended that it justified or even palliated the British orders of council? Although at the time the embargo was laid we had every reason to believe that the orders had issued, and which turned out to be the fact, yet I will admit for the sake of argument, that the Berlin decree was not a sufficient ground for the embargo. Will gentlemen contend that the Berlin decree, British orders of council, and the French decree of Milan, all which were in force at that time, if then officially known to our government, would not have been a sufficient cause for the embargo; and if they admit, that the whole combined, would have justified the measure, at the same time that they deny it to have been wise, they are constrained to acknowledge that it was at least fortunate. If the dangers to which our commerce was then exposed rendered the measure proper, how can gentlemen seriously contend that while those dangers continue, it ought to be removed, without proposing some more efficient measure as a substitute.
We are told however that the avowed object of this measure was to secure our property and seamen from capture, and that it was represented to the two belligerents as a measure of precaution, not as a measure of coercion or hostility. It is in its nature a precautionary measure, and it was the duty of the President to represent it in that light to foreign governments, and whatever inconveniences may result to them from it, they cannot by the law of nations consider it as a measure of hostility. Yet the gentleman from Connecticut tells us triumphantly that it has not only failed to produce any effect upon foreign nations, but that it never will operate as a measure of coercion. If the gentleman does not think this measure the best that can be devised, and that some other would better suit the present state of things, it is certainly his duty to propose it, and not to press a negative proposition calculated merely to censure, to find fault. I sincerely lament that this measure has not been productive of all the good effects anticipated. But, sir, although it has not, owing to numerous evasions and violations, together with other causes, induced foreign powers to discontinue their depredations and restrictions upon our commerce; it does not necessarily follow, that if persevered in and properly executed, it would not produce this effect. It is some consolation to the friends of this measure that it has been productive of some good. It has prevented a large portion of our property from falling into the hands of the belligerents; it has preserved peace and afforded us time to prepare for war, if this sad alternative must be resorted to. The gentleman from Connecticut and the gentleman from Massachusetts do not appear to agree as to the effects of this measure. The gentleman from Connecticut contends that it had no effect, while the gentleman from Massachusetts informs us that it had a very considerable effect on Great Britain in May or June last. If it has at any time had an effect upon either of the belligerents, it proves at least that its advocates did not miscalculate as much as the gentleman from Connecticut would induce the world to believe. The gentlemen have cited a French expose, to prove that the embargo is approved by that government; this document I have never seen, and cannot therefore comment on it; and the gentleman might have proved by Mr. Canning's letter, that Great Britain is not dissatisfied with it, if the sincerity of such declarations is to be confided in.
The gentlemen have not explained their object in referring to this document; was it to prove that it did
not operate on France, but did upon Great Britain, or that it had no effect upon either. If it was their design to prove by this document that France is reconciled to bear the inconveniences of this measure herself, on account of its more severe pressure, upon her enemy, which may be the fact—it establishes the very reverse of what the gentlemen contend for. They have endeavored to prove that it has had no effect, nor will have any upon either. We have been told that we have been commanded by one power to make war upon the other—that it has been the policy of both belligerents to draw us into the contest, is evident; and if our embargo has enabled us to resist their dictatorial mandates or insidious policy, it is fortunate for this country. It has been said that we had as well give up our ships to the enemy as let them rot in our harbors. I think very differently, I would rather have them sunk in the ocean than give them up to enrich our enemies. There is something of principle concerned in this. [Mr. Lloyd said he had not expressed this idea; he had said that it affected the national wealth no more that the vessels should be lost at sea, than that they should rot at the wharves.] Mr. P. said he considered the present contest between us and the belligerents, not merely as a question of profit and loss. There was something of principle, honor, and independence at stake; and he was not disposed to calculate how much money would be gained by succumbing to a foreign power. This is not the question with Congress or the nation. After the manner of the gentleman from Connecticut, who was fond of illustrating his ideas by very familiar examples. I will suppose that gentleman was in the habit of dealing largely with two merchants, A. and B. that the intercourse between them was mutually advantageous—these merchants suddenly quarrel—A. tells him he shall not trade with B. and that if he attempts it he will stop by force, and rob him of what he may be found carrying to B. B. tells him he shall not trade with A. under similar pains and penalties, unless he will first go to B. and purchase of him a license to deal with A. What would the gentleman do? I presume he would either chastise both for their insolence and injustice, or if that was not convenient, he would tell them I will have no intercourse with either of you. He would certainly resist their insolence and injustice by force; discontinue all intercourse with them, or submit to their terms. Would the gentleman in such a case calculate whether it would be his interest to submit to the disgraceful conditions of B. who happened to be the stronger of the two, than bear the inconveniences resulting from a non-intercourse? Would the gentleman submit to disgraceful conditions for the pounds, shillings and pence, he would make by a renewal of intercourse with them? I presume he would not. Great Britain and France, in defiance of all law, justice and right, have by their decrees and orders, interdicted our trade to a very great extent. Great Britain however will permit us to trade, provided we will agree to pay her for the privilege. Now, sir, it appears to me that we must resist their decrees and orders by war, non-intercourse, or we must submit. Are we to be told that honor and independence are out of the question, and that we ought to submit to disgraceful conditions for the sake of trade, because we shall make money by it—Surely not.
However the gentleman from Connecticut and myself may differ in other respects, I concur with him in opinion, that we have nothing to hope from the friendship or justice of the belligerents, and that the most efficient means of coercing them is by operating on their interest. If then his position be correct, that our only means of bringing G. Britain to terms is to affect her interest, and if it is true, as is generally believed, that our commerce is very advantageous to G. Britain, shall we not by suspending that commerce operate on her interest, and will not her interest induce her to do us justice, in order to renew it? The gentleman from Connecticut has told us that our embargo with the aid of a non-importation act, would produce no effect, because the West India planters can convert their sugar plantations into cornfields, and that therefore they could not be starved. Does the gentleman suppose any man of common sense ever believed that this system of starving, as it has been called, would destroy the belligerents? No, sir; it was
expected to operate upon their interest; the only way in which the gentleman tells us they can be coerced. If, as the gentleman supposes, the West India planters will be compelled by our embargo to employ their capital and land in the culture of corn, in order to subsist, will they not be materially injured by it? Will not the shipping interest engaged in carrying West India produce to Europe be injured, and will not the consumers in the mother-country be injured by a rise in the prices of West India produce, independent of the injury to the government on the score of revenue? If it had been the interest of the sugar-planters to employ any portion of their capital in raising corn, it is wonderful they have never before made the discovery. The gentleman from Connecticut has also informed us that these islands can be supplied from other countries. If other countries can supply the West Indies with those articles which they have heretofore received from the U. States, I would thank the gentleman to inform us why those other countries have not rivalled us in this market; for it is not a new one; it has been known for a great length of time. Those countries from which these islands can be supplied must have been, I presume, employed heretofore in more lucrative pursuits; and, according to a position advanced by the gentleman himself on the subject of manufactures, those other countries could not be induced to abandon suddenly their present pursuits, in order to supply the West India market. If G. Britain can procure these supplies elsewhere, it cannot be her interest to do so, because it is not presumable that she can procure them on as good terms as from the U. States.
The gentleman has informed us that G. Britain can be supplied with cotton from the East Indies and other countries. I will ask the gentleman if G. Britain can procure this article from the East Indies and other countries in sufficient quantity, and on as good terms as from the U. States. If she cannot, which I suppose to be the case, she must feel our embargo in her manufactures. One of the vital sources of her strength and prosperity. We are told that a non-importation act would have no effect, because it could not be enforced, smuggling would be carried on to a very great extent; that a non-importation act would, like all other laws, be partially violated, was to be expected. Every law is violated, but with due vigilance such a measure could be enforced to a very great extent. This measure would not be efficient, says the gentleman, because G. Britain will find a market for her manufactures in new Spain and South America. I will ask the gentleman, whether South America has not been supplied heretofore with British manufactures to a considerable extent, and does the gentleman seriously believe that she would find a market in that country for the immense quantity of her manufactures hitherto consumed in the U. States?
Although the gentleman has not, in his resolution to repeal the embargo, proposed a substitute, he intimated in his argument, that we ought to arm our commerce against all nations. I am not prepared to say, that I will adhere to this embargo system if a better can be devised—but before I embrace a substitute, I must be informed how it is to operate—the gentleman must therefore excuse me for propounding a few questions to him in relation to this measure. I wish to be informed—would not such a measure be war with France and Great Britain, or should we not by such a measure put it in the power of the commercial interest to embroil us with which nation they pleased? Is it probable that our merchants would run the risk of fighting their way to the continent of Europe with loaded vessels in defiance of the British navy? Is it not more probable that G. Britain would have agents in this country to rent licenses to our merchants to trade to the continent, and would not our merchants for their own security, secretly purchase and trade under those licenses? If the object of G. Britain be a commercial monopoly, and we remove our embargo, would it not be in the power of the British merchants, by a secret understanding with, and the connivance of their government by agents and secret partners in the U. S. to carry on the very trade to the continent which G. Britain interdicts to us? I have been led to make these enquiries by reading the memorial of the merchants of Baltimore, presented to the government in 1806 re-

...the object of G. Britain in harassing our trade was to cripple American commerce and promote her own, and that she granted licences to neutrals to carry on the trade which she interdicted. I will read it—
"It has been said that, by embarking in the colony trade of either of the belligerents, neutral nations, in some sort, interpose in the war, since they assist and serve the belligerent, in whose trade they so embark. It is a sufficient answer to this observation, that the same course of reasoning would prove, that neutrals ought to discontinue all trade whatsoever with the parties at war. A continuance of their accustomed peace trade assists and serves the belligerent, with whom it is continued; and if this effect were sufficient to make a trade unnatural and illegal, the best established and most usual traffic would, of course, become so. But G. Britain supplies us with another answer to this notion, that our interference in the trade of the colonies of her enemies is unlawful, because they are neutralized by it. It is known that the same trade is, and long has been, carried on by British subjects; and your memorialists feel themselves bound to state, that according to authentic information lately received, the government of G. Britain does, at this moment, grant licences to neutral vessels, taking in a proportion of their cargoes there, to proceed on trading voyages to the colonies of Spain, from which she would exclude us, upon the condition, that the return cargoes shall be carried to G. Britain, to swell the gains of her merchants, and to give her a monopoly of the commerce of the world. This great belligerent right, then, upon which so much has been supposed to depend, sinks into an article of barter. It is used, not as a hostile instrument, wielded by a warlike state, by which her enemies are to be wounded, or their colonies subdued, but as the selfish means of commercial aggrandizement, to the impoverishment and ruin of her friends; as an engine, by which G. Britain is to be lifted up to a vast height of prosperity, and the trade of neutrals crippled, and crushed, and destroyed."
According to the course of reasoning adopted by the gentlemen from Connecticut, the object of G. Britain in blocking the continent is not to starve it, it must therefore be to secure to herself the benefit of all the commerce carried on with the continental powers. In such a state of things, while those who were trading under the licences of foreign governments were making their fortunes, the honest Americans, who would not consent to degrade their country, by navigating the ocean under the protection of any government but their own, would be plundered by both belligerents. If we are to consider the belligerent nations as pirates, no longer bound by those principles of public law to which civilized nations have hitherto subscribed, and are prepared to purchase our rights on the seas, let us do it as a nation by paying them a sum in gross, and thereby place our citizens on equal ground. We are told that we can carry on a considerable commerce with countries not within the scope of the decrees or orders of the belligerents—his argument is specious and captivating, let us examine it; for I feel as much solicitude as the gentlemen in the opposition to remove this embargo whenever it can be done with propriety—on this as well as on the subject of an increased commerce the gentlemen will pardon me for repeating information. If we remove our embargo as to Portugal and other places to which our trade is not interdicted, and by a law declare that our citizens shall trade only to those countries permitted by the belligerents, would not that be submission to their orders & decrees, & if we open our ports, and restrict our commerce to those countries, could we ever afterwards hope for a relaxation of the British orders of council? Would not G. Britain have every inducement to perpetuate such a state of things, which would afford to her the benefits of our commerce without its inconveniences? The gentleman from Connecticut has informed us that the object of the administration in adopting the present system, is to put down commerce and promote manufactures. If the administration has any concealed motive for this measure, I am a stranger to it. It is well known that it has been a favorite object with the present administration to pay the public debt, and it would be strange, indeed, that it should pursue a system which cuts off our only source of revenue. This conjecture of the gentlemen is too improbable to require a serious refutation. On the policy of promoting manufactures I shall make but few remarks, it will be hereafter a subject of distinct consideration. I have supposed that it would be sound policy for the government to diminish, in some degree, the inducements new to foreign citizens to embark in foreign commerce, and increase them to
vest their money in the interior—the increase of manufactures would lessen our dependence on foreign nations, and render us more dependent on each other. There would be more intercourse between the people of the different states, which would tend to nationalise us, and give more strength and permanency to the American union. To what extent this policy should be carried I am not now prepared to say. A distinction has been taken between native & foreign commerce, or what is more commonly called the carrying trade. The policy of encouraging our citizens to participate in the carrying trade is one thing, our maritime rights is another. The gentlemen in the opposition complain that this measure bears peculiarly hard on the commercial states. On the subject of commerce, as all others of national concern, I am disposed to consider the U. States as an integer, and to forget the lines of partition by which we are separated into different states and districts, for the purposes of internal government—but as the gentlemen have contrasted the commercial with the agricultural states, I am willing to meet them. I had thought that this measure, if its pressure was greater upon one part of the country than another, operated more severely upon the growers of cotton than any other part of the nation, and they ought if influenced by pecuniary considerations to be the first to complain. The people I represent are an agricultural people, and I ask the gentlemen of what importance it is to them whether their produce is carried in foreign or American vessels? For what are the agricultural people now suffering, but to maintain our maritime rights. Sir, we are willing to discard all calculations of profit or loss, and make a common cause with our brethren of other states in defence of our national rights and independence.
It appears to me, sir, that the commercial people ought to be the last to complain. Our government has imposed discriminating tonnage duties, to give our own vessels an advantage in our own ports over foreigners. We have remitted the duties on foreign articles imported into the United States, intended for exportation. Our government has evinced every disposition to foster commerce and maintain our maritime rights. We are told that the people are opposed to this measure. To the voice of a free people I shall always bow with reverence. But, sir, it ought to be remembered, that in this country the will of the majority must prevail—it is a fundamental principle of our government, and if we are to judge from recent events, a great majority of this nation are in favor of this measure. We are informed, and it has been intimated on this floor, that rebellion in the eastern states will be the probable consequence of perseverance in this measure. Are we to be driven from the course dictated by the public interest by alarms of this sort? Are we to be told by a minority that we must recede from the ground we have taken—that we must admit the government has not sufficient energy to enforce its authority, or that they will rebel. Will gentlemen inform us who they are that are prepared to erect the standard of rebellion against their own government on the very graves of the brave Bostonians who first raised the standard of American independence. They must be some new people who have obtruded themselves upon our shores—they cannot be Americans—I will not think so unworthy of my countrymen—I believe the American people are generally attached to their government—I trust it is, but the clamor of the moment, which will cease the moment the will of the government shall be decisively and constitutionally expressed. It has been frequently said that Great Britain is fighting for the liberties of the world—that she is the only barrier between France and universal dominion, and therefore that our weight ought to be thrown into the scale of England, to assist her in this mighty conflict. If our friendship is necessary to England, ought she not to entitle herself to it, at least do us justice and respect our rights. Shall we submit to insults and indignities from Great Britain, to induce her to save us from subjugation by France? Shall we admit for a moment that we cannot maintain our independence? The gentlemen in the opposition have protested against submission; they have not declared themselves for war; if they are for it, I hope they will avow it—they have proposed no substitute. I am not prepared to say how long good policy will justify a continuance of the present system; but, sir, I am ready to declare that I will adhere to it until a better can be substituted. If it be true, as the gentleman from Connecticut has informed us, that the most efficient means of coercing G. Britain, is to affect her interest, and if it be true that our embargo will compel the West-India planters to convert their sugar plantations into corn fields for subsistence, if it will produce a scarcity of cotton in G. Britain, or enhance the price—if by a non-importation act we can deprive her of a
market for a large portion of her manufactures, the present system with the addition of non-importation act, if firmly adhered to, and well executed, may have the desired effect. When I cast my eyes over these states, and observe the freedom and happiness they enjoy, I feel constrained to pause, before I consent to take a step which will involve them in the calamities of war. When I consider the peculiar character of the contest between the two great belligerents of Europe, I feel very unwilling to be drawn into the vortex, lest the fate of this happy nation may become too closely connected with the destiny of one or the other of these contending powers. At the same time that I consider it my duty to make war the last alternative, I know the American people would prefer to meet it, rather than submit to a sacrifice of their national independence. The conduct of the belligerents, and the state of our country, furnish strong reasons for believing that the period is not distant, when this alternative must be accepted, if the present system should prove inefficient. I hope I have not, in the warmth of debate, violated that decorum which the dignity of the Senate requires to be observed. I certainly have not intended it. I shall conclude with requesting gentlemen to reflect, that in this hour of difficulty and danger unanimity constitutes the basis of our national security.
(Debate to be continued.) Nov. 25. The bill providing for the conveyance by mail, free of postage, of all public documents, to or from members of Congress, was read the third time; and on the question shall the bill pass? Mr. Anderson, observed the committee of the Senate to whom the bill from the House of Representatives had been committed, had reported the bill without amendment, because they thought the principle objectionable. The committee had concurred that under this law any package, book, bundle of paper, or any thing else might be franked. They had also understood from the Department that the contractors for carrying the mail already complained of its great bulk, proceeding from the quantity of documents and communications sent from Congress; and that were the present regulation to be adopted, great part of the mail must often be omitted, by which letters or communications requiring expedition and safe carriage might be mislaid or lost. These disadvantages the committee had concurred to be too great to be counterbalanced by the advantages to be derived from a saving to the U. S. of the sum allowed to the Post-Master here on free packets, which he understood had been the chief reason for the introduction of the law. He wished therefore that the bill might be negatived. And on the question on its passage, but three members rose in favor of it. Mr. Pickering laid before the Senate a resolution of the Legislature of the state of Massachusetts, instructing their Senators and requesting their representatives to use their endeavors to have the embargo laws repealed. The House agreed that it should be read.
The Clerk was proceeding to read the instructions, when Mr. Anderson objected to it, as he found it was the report of a committee which the gentleman had presented, and which he did not wish to be entered on the journal of the Senate. Mr. Pickering observed, that it was not merely the report of a committee but the act of the legislature, both houses having concurred in it. Mr. Anderson said he objected to its being read in any point of view, because it was a novel thing in legislation that instructions given by a state to its representatives should be inserted on the journals of the Senate. He therefore moved a reconsideration of the motion for reading it. Messrs. Hillhouse, White, Pickering & Lloyd, opposed Mr. Anderson's motion, contending that this was the mode in which the Legislature of Massachusetts had thought fit to express its sentiments of the measures of the general government; that so much respect was always given to the memorial of an individual, as to suffer it to be read, and at least as much respect should be shown to the act of a state of Legislature. Messrs. Anderson & S. Smith advocated the motion for reconsideration, contending that it was in nothing like a memorial from the state of Massachusetts, for whom they professed a great respect; that in no former instance had similar instructions been read by the Clerk of the House, except in the case of amendments to the constitution, in respect to which every state had a constitutional right to interfere. Mr. Smith particularly stated an instance in which he had been prevented from presenting to the House resolutions of the Legislature of Maryland instructing him to oppose the erection of a bridge over the Potomac; which however he had read in his place as a part of the debate, and which the gentleman from
Massachusetts were certainly at liberty to do. Mr. Hillhouse called for the Yeas and Nays on the question of reconsideration. Mr. Giles taking his seat about this time requested, as he had not heard the discussion, that the further consideration of the subject should be postponed till Monday next—Agreed to. The Senate then resumed the consideration of Mr. Hillhouse's resolution for the repeal of the embargo. Mr. Lloyd made a speech of about half an hour in support of the resolution; when Mr. Millidge observed that as he had but this day taken his seat, and had always been in favor of granting time to others, he wished that its further consideration should be postponed till Monday next. Agreed to without opposition. The Senate then adjourned till Monday.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 25. Mr. Elliot observed, that there was more than one precedent on the journals of the House, of cases in which copies of proclamations of the President of the U. States had been called for. At the last session the House had called for a copy of the proclamation interdicting British ships from our waters. Therefore, in order to add another link to the chain of documents respecting the execution of the embargo laws, he wished to call for the proclamation alluded to by his colleague who had offered a resolution on the subject of the embargo. Mr. E. then offered the following resolution, which was agreed to without opposition: Resolved, That the President of the U. States be requested to cause to be laid before the House a copy of a proclamation issued in April last, in consequence of the opposition to the embargo laws near lake Champlain. ENFORCING THE EMBARGO. Mr. Mason said he had some time ago moved three resolutions, two of which had been agreed to, and the third ordered to lie on the table, on the suggestion of some gentlemen that it would interfere with a resolution already referred. He had waited thus long that a decision might be had on the resolution alluded to (Mr. Chittenden's.) Several unsuccessful attempts having been made to get that up, he now moved for the consideration of his resolution in the following words: Resolved, That the same committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of amending the act laying an embargo and the several acts supplemental and additional thereto. The resolution was taken up and agreed to without opposition. Mr. Gardener presented several petitions from the inhabitants of Ontario county, New York, praying for the repeal of the embargo laws. Referred to the committee on Mr. Chittenden's resolution. CLOSED DOORS. Mr. Randolph said he was very sorry to be compelled by a sense of duty again to close the doors of the House, but he had a motion to make, which could not, agreeably to the rules and orders of the House, be made with the galleries open. The doors were accordingly closed, and so remained for two hours, when they were opened. The House then went into committee of the whole, Mr. Helms in the chair, on the report of the committee of Claims favorable to the petition of the inhabitants of Knox county; which was concurred in, reported to the House, by whom it was also agreed to. The House then adjourned till Monday morning 11 o'clock.
A supplemental journal of such proceedings as, during the time they were depending, were ordered to be kept secret, and respecting which the injunction of secrecy was afterwards removed by order of the House. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 8. The House being cleared of all persons except the members and the Clerk, a confidential message in writing was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles, his Secretary, who delivered in the same and withdrew.
WEDNESDAY, NOV. 9. The House being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk, proceeded in the reading of the confidential message from the President of the United States, and the accompanying documents received on the 8th inst. and went through the same.—The said message is in the words following, to wit: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. The documents communicated with my public message of this day, contain such portions of the correspondences herein referred to, of the ministers of the United States at Paris and London, as relate to the present state of affairs between those governments and the United
States, and as may be made public. I now communicate confidentially such supplementary portions of the same correspondences as I deem improper for publication, yet necessary to convey to Congress full information on a subject of their deliberations so interesting to our country.
TH: JEFFERSON. Nov. 8, 1808. Ordered, That the said message and documents do lie on the table. WEDNESDAY, NOV. 23.
The House being cleared of all persons except the members and clerk— A motion was made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution: Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst. be taken off.
And on the question that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration, it was resolved in the affirmative—Yeas one hundred and thirteen—Nay one. YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Clopton, Cook, Culpepper, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Gray, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoage, Holland, Holmes, Humphreys, Isley, Jenkins, J. G. Jackson, R. Jackson, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Livermore, Lloyd, Lowe, Macon, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Quincy, Randolph, Rea, Rhea, J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Russell, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, John Smith, Southerd, Stanford, Steedman, Storer, Sturges, Taggart, Talmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Upaham, Van Allen, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Whitehill, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn—113.
NAY—Mr. Boyd. The motion was then modified by Mr. Randolph, and seconded, to read as follows: Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst. be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from general Armstrong to the secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th December, 1807.
And on the question that the House do agree to the same, it passed in the negative—Yeas 81—Nays 82. YEAS—Messrs. J. G. Jackson, Champion, Chittenden, Davenport, Durell, Ely, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoage, R. Jackson, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Macon, Masters, Milnor, John Morrow, Mosely, Nelson, Quincy, Randolph, Russell, Shaw, Stedman, Sturges, Trigg, Upaham, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams, N. Wilson—81.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clopton, Cook, Culpepper, Cutts, Dana, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Elliot, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Marion, McCreery, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, Mumford, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Rea, Rhea, J. Richards, M. Richards, Say, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, John Smith, Southerd, Stanford, Storer, Taggart, Talmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Troup, Van Allen, Van Horne, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, A. Wilson, Winn—82.
Another motion was then made by Mr. Randolph, and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution: Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst. be taken off.
And on the question that the House do now proceed to take the same into consideration, an adjournment was called for and carried. THURSDAY, NOV. 24. The House being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk, proceeded to take into further consideration the resolution which Mr. Randolph submitted yesterday, in the following words, to wit: Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst. be

THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufacture. 2000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4. 240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 400 3-4. 1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel. 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheeting, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of white thread, such as Russia, 10 lb. of red thread, 100 lbs. of blue thread, 20 lbs. of yellow thread, 3500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called quality, 2000 yards of stout Plains, for watch coats, any color excepting red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, military The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 27—
30,000 DOLLARS, FOR 800 CENTS! NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY. For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next; 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature. The Capital Prizes are:— 50,000 dollars 20,000 dollars 10,000 dollars 5,000 dollars 2,000 dollars Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, 50, &c.
Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each. TICKETS—Halves, Quarters, & Eighths, are to be had at C. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Offices, No. 64, Maiden-Lane, & No. 38, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231 10,000 ——— No. 25,403 5,000 ——— No. 20,799 Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 2000 dollars, besides several others of 2000, 1000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotteries were sold at the above offices:— 17199 25,000 dolls. 11735 2000 dolls. 3929 20,000 dolls. 28573 2000 dolls. 3639 10,000 dolls. 13904 2000 dolls. 26135 5,000 dolls. 16617 2000 dolls. 30356 5,000 dolls. 25306 2000 dolls. 15293 3,000 dolls. 20883 2000 dolls. And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz. 6974 30,000 dolls. 19894 1500 dolls. 15564 15,000 dolls. 1788 1500 dolls. 7001 10,000 dolls. 1525 1500 dolls. 6977 5,000 dolls. 7440 1500 dolls. 14425 1500 dolls. Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares returned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this. The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, Six Dollars , which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday 14th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark complexion, and slow of expression. His clothing when he went off, was a dark brown broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantaloons—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows. NATHAN SOPER. More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write. N. S. Prince George's county, Nov. 26—2awtf
(BY SPECIAL PERMISSION.) The fine new ship MISSOURI , Robert Hart, Master. WILL sail from Baltimore for NEW ORLEANS, about the 1st of December. Her conveniences and elegance of accommodation for passengers are not exceeded by any ship belonging to the United States, and the master is thoroughly acquainted and experienced in that navigation. For freight or passage apply in Baltimore to captain on board, or HELEN D. SHEPHERD. November 21—1D
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH MAKER (FROM PHILADELPHIA.) F Street between the Bank & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington city, Nov. 14—6w
INFORMATION FOR THE PUBLIC. THE Subscriber is empowered by Judge TINDLEY, the inventor of the Chain Bridge, to superintend and build those Bridges, and he is also constituted sole agent, to well Patent rights throughout the United States. Those who may incline to benefit by his new and invaluable part of bridge, may obtain information on the subject, by addressing letters to the subscriber in Georgetown, in the territory of Columbia, who will either superintend the construction of those Bridges, or build them on contract. JOHN TEMPLEMAN. October 30—cp1m
JOHN COX OF GEORGETOWN, Offers for Sale, the following valuable TRACTS OF LAND: 2038 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seven and a half miles from the seat of government of the United States. Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Alleghany county, state of Maryland: Governor's Neglect, 1081 acres. Ormes's Attention, 634 Chesnut Grove, 461 Hard Struggle, 1554 1037 Western Connexion, 1601 5-8 6180 Lot No. 2437, 50 These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Sinkins's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Chesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers. November 14—2awtfw
THE PORTER & BEER. THE Subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has on hand Albany ALE , Philadelphia PORTER and ALE by the Hogshead or Dozen, Philadelphia BEER by the barrel of a superior quality, being supplied from the first breweries on the continent, he hopes to give general satisfaction. N. B. A constant supply of GROCERIES. JOHN DOBBINS. Washington city, near the Navy Yard, Nov. 16—7J
INFORMATION WANTED. IF JOHN BAREBY DOBBINS who came from England some years ago, and resided at Washington (it is not certain in what state) for some time, will call on, or write to the subscriber, he will hear something much to his advantage. Any information that will enable me to ascertain whether the said John Bareby Dobbins is alive or not, will be thankfully received. SAMUEL SPACKMAN, No. 1, Bank Alley, Philadelphia. 10th month, 11, 1808—2m TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On Wednesday the 20th of November next on a credit of Six and Twelve months. THAT well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. Wm. Rhodes as a hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices, and also to the street that will lead across the Tiber, to the bridge now erecting over the Potomac, and which is rapidly progressing, with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment—Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement. Sale to be on the premises, and to commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAK, Auc. Washington city, October 31—tdos
MRS. LEE , begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its Vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of Music, Dancing, and Drawing, who attend her ACADEMY, she has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruct in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBS, MAPS, & CHARTS. Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced; and hopes still to merit by an unremitted attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst. Washington, October 20—2m
COW LOST. STRAYED from Kaiteroma on Rock Hill, near Washington, a Young new MILK COW. Her head and neck are dark brown, sides spotted with white, hind legs and tail nearly all white. Artificial marks not remembered. Two dollars reward for certain information where she is, or Five dollars if returned to the above place. FOR SALE, At the same place a TEAM of Two good Horses and a Pair of stout young Oxen with their cart. Likewise two Dry Cows, three Calves 6 months old, and a few Sheep. The horses would serve well for a hack. Enquire at this office. November 23—3t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Now landing from on board the schr. Maria, Capt. Fitzhugh, and for SALE, at low prices. Jamaica Spirit, Antigua and New England Rum, Muscavado Sugars, Molasses, Coffee, Muscavado and bloom Raisins, Holland and country Gin, Spermaceti Candles, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars, Corks, Powder and shot of the best quality, White Lead in oil, A few crates of Stone Ware. They have also on hand, and for Sale, Madeira, Marsala, } Wine by the cask. Catadonia, } Claret in boxes of 1 dozen each, Cognac and } Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, } Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, Best Sallid Oil, Mould and Dipt Candles, Soap, Whiskey, and A few Logs of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. August 22—
NOTICE. This is to give notice that the subscriber of Georgetown, Washington county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of John Lovejoy of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 19th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 11th day of November 1808. WILLIAM NEVITT. November 16—9t
CASH Given for any quantity of clean combed HOGS BRISTLES, At the subscribers store, Bridge street, Georgetown. W. S. NICHOLLS. November 18—3w Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company.
THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Faithful Instrument of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 14th day December next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. November 18—13t
RICHARD BECK, HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— Superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do. Moleskin and silk waistcoating Benett's cord and Spanish marcel, do. Constitution cords and velveteens, Coating, frizes and kerseys Rose and striped blankets Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery Flannel and baizes Navy blue cloths Checkes, calicoes and Chintzes White and colored cambrics Dinzies, brown Holland and dowlasses Bandanno and Madras handkerchiefs Durants and calimancoes Tapes and bobbins Silk and cotton chambray 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens London and other hats Plain India muslins assorted Seeded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenoes Linen cambrics Damask, silk and serge shawls Tabby velvets for pelices Italian Mantua Bombazets and bombazeens Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces Handsome assortment ribbons Kid and silk gloves Pickett silk mitts and gloves Baper and diaper table cloths Kid and Morocco shoes A few baizes India muslins assorted Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—tf
FOR SALE. AN ELEGANT CHARIOT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted harness for four or two Horses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Inquire of the Editor of this paper.
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern, in said town—to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—ep1ds
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR, Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spencees & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regiments and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Burrell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4t
WILLIAM O'NEALE'S BOARDING HOUSE, Near the West Market House, Washington city. FIVE or SIX gentlemen can be accommodated with Gentlemen Boarding and Lodging, the rooms well furnished, good and faithful servants, stabling for 10 or 12 horses, two good coaches to attend the members of both Houses of Congress free of expense to the Boarders to and from Congress Hall. COAL & WOOD May be had, by applying to the subscriber at his house, on the shortest notice, who keeps a Coal Yard, and has on hand 6,000 bushels of the best Sallid Pitts Coal for Sale. WM. O'NEALE. Washington, Nov. 16—4t
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Hollend, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock. JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w
UNION CIRCULATING LIBRARY. MANY well informed Inhabitants of Georgetown & Washington, as well as several respectable persons residing in their vicinity, having frequently expressed their wishes to have access to a well chosen Circulating Library, and their regret that no institution of the kind is here to be found on a scale sufficiently ample to afford copious information on the various subjects of general Literature: the subscriber has resolved to establish one on a new and extensive plan. It is intended, in the first instance, to furnish it with a numerous selection of those works to which time has affixed the seal of sterling worth, and to replenish it with every book published in the United States, as soon as issued from the press, whether historical, political, scientific, or of that description which is designated by the more general term, amusing, including all the new plays; together with a regular series of the British Reviews, and every French and English publication of merit. The advantages of such an establishment are obvious; to Ladies and Gentlemen of literary taste it holds out a pleasing and never ending source of national amusement; to those in search of knowledge, a cheap and easy attainment of their wishes; and to persons desirous of forming a private library, a valuable opportunity of selecting such books only as they may approve, which cannot be determined otherwise than by a previous perusal—an advantage, which, without such an institution, can be obtained only by the expence of a purchase frequently ending in disappointment. Should this plan meet with that encouragement which is necessary to justify the undertaking, it shall go into operation on the following CONDITIONS. First—As soon as one hundred subscribers, at Five Dollars each, are obtained, the Union Circulating Library shall be opened with $1000 worth of books, and in like proportion for any greater number of subscribers. Second—The terms of subscription will be—for one year, Five Dollars—six months, Three Dollars—three months, Two Dollars, and one month, One Dollar. Third—All subscriptions must be invariably paid in advance. Fourth—Each subscriber to be entitled to one book at a time, or two volumes, if of the same set, which may be changed once a day and not oftener; but subscribers residing more than six miles from Georgetown will be allowed two books at a time. Fifth—To accommodate subscribers as early as possible, two copies at least of such new books as possess a high degree of interest shall be placed in the Library. Sixth—The prices will be marked in each book belonging to the Library, and any subscriber who may lose or damage any of them will be required to pay the amount or replace the same—if part of a set, the remaining volumes to be delivered to the subscriber who will be charged with the whole. Seventh—The Library shall be open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning till sunset. For the accommodation of strangers, books will be loaned at the following rates, viz.—Six Cents for books of the value of one dollar and fifty cents—Twelve and a half Cents for those of two dollars fifty cents, and in like proportion for books of higher value. A deposit equal to the marked price of each book will be required, to be returned on safe delivery of the book into the Library, deducting the premium for reading. JOSEPH MILLIGAN. Georgetown, November 14, 1808. N. B. As soon as the Library shall be established, a proposal will be made to extend the plan by the addition of a Reading Room, which, however, will be distinct from the Library, and furnished with New Books, and Periodical Publications, as well as with files of at least six Newspapers from different parts of the Union, and a complete Atlas. Subscriptions received by J. Milligan, Georgetown, and R. C. Weighman, Washington city. November 14—cop1t
H. W. & C. SMITH HAVE removed to their New Warehouse corner of KEYS and WATER streets, near the PERRY, where they have lately received from New York, a large additional supply of GOODS in their line. They now have in Store and offer for sale on reasonable terms Madeira Wine in pipes, half pipes, and quarter casks, Sherry, Lisbon and Teneriffe Wine, in quarter casks, Old Port and Catalonia Wine in pipes and quarter casks, Claret in Boxes, 1 dozen each, Old Cognac Brandy, superior quality, Bordeaux and Marseilles do. Genuine Holland and New York anchor Gin, Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, 4th Proof Whiskey, very old and fine, 1st Proof do. Loaf and lump Sugars in hogsheads and barrels, Muscavado Sugars, superior quality in hogsheads and barrels, do. 2d quality do. do. Imperial, } TEAS, fresh and of approved qualities in Hyson, } chests, boxes and lead Young Hyson, } canisters, Hyson Skin, } Coffee, Nutmegs, Pepper and Allspice, Mustard, Chocolate and Sweet Oil, Almonds, soft shelled, and Currants, Segars, Ginger and Basket Salt, Soap, mould and dipped Candles in boxes Spanish Indigo, Dompjols, Gin Cases, Liverpool BROWN and Ground Alum, Salt, &c. &c. Georgetown, October 26—2aw6w
MISS H. DARGEN Respectfully informs the Ladies of Washington and Georgetown that she has commenced business in the MILLINARY & MANTUA-MAKING LINE on the Pennsylvania avenue nearly opposite the Sic Buildings, where she has just opened a very handsome assortment of Millinary of the newest fashions from Baltimore and Philadelphia with a variety of Fancy articles in her line. She will also make Cloaks, Pellices and Dresses of every description in the most fashionable manner. As Miss Dargen has just commenced business in Washington, she humbly solicits the patronage of a generous public. November 18—4t
AT the above Spring, situated about half a mile from Washington Bridge, the subscriber has lately opened a house of entertainment for the accommodation of the citizens of both places and travellers. Parties can be furnished, on a short notice, with every species of refreshment they may wish, in a suite to their satisfaction, and public dinners can be had suitable to any occasion. He is determined to keep the best liquors the district will afford, and a genuine glass of Madeira may always be relied on. A. LINDO. N. B. A Hack and Gigg will be kept for the convenience of gentlemen crossing the Potomac river wishing to proceed to Alexandria. Nov. 25—4t
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been represented to me on the oath of Kitty Brawner an infant of the age of ten years, that a Rape has been committed on her by a certain Thomas Burk, of Frederick county, and on the oath of William Brawner and Catharine Brawner the parents of the said Kitty Brawner that there were marks of violence on their said daughter who charged said Burk. And whereas it has been certified by Thomas Bond, esq. a justice of the peace of Frederick county, that the said Thomas Burk has fled from justice. And whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice; I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation; and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer One Hundred and Fifty Dollars reward, to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and bring to justice, the said Thomas Burk. Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America, the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By his excellency's command, NINTAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of five weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Frederick Town, the Maryland Herald at Hager's Town, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. October 28—2aw5w
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, Esq. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, the General Assembly of Maryland, did, by an act passed at November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act to reduce into one the several acts of Assembly, respecting elections, and to regulate said elections," direct that the Governor and Council after having received the returns of elections of the members to represent this state in the Congress of the United States, should enumerate and ascertain the number of votes given for each, and every person voted for as a member for Congress aforesaid respectively, and shall thereupon declare, by proclamation, signed by the governor, the name of the person or persons duly elected in each respective district: We in pursuance of the directions of the said act, do by this our proclamation, declare that by the returns made to us, it appears that John Campbell, esq. was elected for the first district; Archibald Van Horn, esq. was elected for the second district; Philip Barton Key, esq. was elected for the third district; Roger Nelson, esq. was elected for the fourth district; Nicholas Branton Moore, and Alexander M'Kim, esqs. were elected for the fifth district; John Montgomerie, esq. was elected for the sixth district; John Brown of Nathan, esq. was elected for the seventh district; and Charles Goldsborough, esq. was elected for the eighth district. Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the great seal of the state of Maryland, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By the Governor, NINTAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of four weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Fredericktown; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper, at Easton. October 28—2aw4w
Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808. ON the application, by petition in writing by John M. Burgess, of Prince George's county to this court for the benefit of the act of assembly passed at the November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on each as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application and being also satisfied that the said John M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt; and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said John M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said John M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, J. C. November 8—w3m
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, living in Montgomery county, Maryland, near the Great Falls of Potomac, on the 14th ult. a Negro Man, named JACK; he is about 5 feet 6 inches high, well made in proportion, and is a very artful fellow, about 40 years of age, an African by birth, speaks bad English, stammers very much; he has a remarkable large mouth and teeth, very thick lips, a dull countenance when spoken to, or speaks quick; he has lost both his little toes. It is needless to describe his clothing, as he took away with him several suits, and no doubt will change his dress, and it is highly probable he may have a pass. Whoever will take up said fellow, and secure him in any jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, if taken 120 miles from home, and in proportion if nearer. MARGARET OFFUTT. November 4—w6t
PRINTING INK. SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PATON, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN MINCHIN'S New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol. October 10—8p&w3m