The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-06-01 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DLXX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JUNE 18, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
Scheme of a Lottery.
To build an ACADEMY in the city of Richmond.
Dollars.
  1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000   1 do. — 1,000 — make 10,000   5 do. — 500 — 5,000   6 do. — 200 — 3,000   10 do. — 100 — 2,000   20 do. — 50 — 2,000   100 do. — 20 — 5,000   250 do. — 10 — 7,500   420 do. — 5 — 10,500   1,000 do. — 1 — 30,000   3,000 do. — 15 — 45,000 
  1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250   1 do. after 2,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000 
5,325 prizes, 150,000 9,675 blanks, not two to a prize.
15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This lottery has been authorised by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dolls. and 2,500 dolls. in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer, a chance for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce a rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorise it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next.
Richmond, March 4—11 T Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price (Reg.) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Prichard.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Subscriber has for sale a likely well grown healthy NEGRO lad about sixteen years of age; although his conduct has been such as obliges me to part with him. I believe he will make a valuable slave to any man who lives in the country and who will keep him closely, and constantly at work. Apply at the house of the subscriber in George Town where in his absence his brother will treat with him.
JOHN T. MASON.
April 30—tf
NOTICE.
BY virtue of a decree of the circuit court of the district of Columbia in the suit of Valentine Peyton against Mary Cooke & Alexander Stedman and Julia his wife, Joseph Wilson and Robert Brown defendants, in chancery, will be sold at the premises to the highest bidder at public sale on the 14th day of June next, all that piece or parcel of land known and distinguished by lot, No. 5. in square No. 253 in the city of Washington, together with the houses and appurtenances according to the terms of the said decree, which are as follows, to wit: one third of the purchase money within six months from the time of the sale with interest thereon until the same shall be paid, one other third in twelve months from the time of the said sale with interest thereon as aforesaid and the residue in eighteen months from the time of the said sale with interest thereon as aforesaid; and if the purchaser or purchasers of the said premises should fail to make his payments or either of them at the periods before mentioned it shall and may be lawful for the said marshal, and he is hereby ordered upon giving ten days notice of the time and place of the said sale to sell again the said premises upon the following terms of payment, that is to say, for as much cash as may be necessary to discharge the sum which may be due at the time of such sale, and the residue at such time or times as were upon the first sale appointed for the payment thereof. And if the said premises upon the said second sale, should not sell for as much as upon the first, the purchaser or purchasers, at the said first sale shall be accountable and liable for the deficiency. It is further decreed and ordered, that the marshal do bring into court the money arising from the sale of the said premises from time to time as the same shall be received, to be subject to such distribution as the court shall from time to time direct and appoint; & the said marshal is further decreed and ordered to report to this court his proceedings herein, in order that a final decree be made and the title of the purchaser be confirmed, until which said final decree the said premises shall remain bound to the payment of the purchase money. The improvements are a small framed Dwelling House with a shed and a small stable, the sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock.
EANL. C. BRENT, Marshal.
May 14—144jua.
National Intelligencer.
THOUGHTS on the LIMITS to which the RIGHT of SUFFRAGE ought to be extended.
(Concluded.)
If the right of suffrage be limited to those who possess a fixed quantum of property,
1. The lives and liberties of those who are unrepresented will be placed at the mercy of men of property. In this case the poor are a perfect nullity in the government; they are not free, however, in whatever conduces to the general welfare of the community, and the individual benefit of the rich. If taxes are to be laid, the poor are not spared; nay, according to the prevailing system of taxation they pay a larger quota than those who are affluent; and if measures of defence become necessary, the poor are not exempt from personal duty. There might be some semblance of justice (tho' it would be in reality hollow) if those who were excluded from political rights were also exempted from political duties. But this neither is, or can be, the case in any government, without its soon mouldering to decay. It is essential to its duration to command the whole fiscal and physical resources of the nation. If then there is an indispensable necessity, that all should pay taxes and bear arms, and that all should be alike subject to the same common laws, can those citizens be considered as free who have no share in making the laws by which they are bound? It is most evident they cannot. It is most evident that they be called by whatever name they may, they are politically slaves.
But we are told, that tho' this is true in the abstract, they are nevertheless free, inasmuch as they enjoy common rights, and are subject to common laws, and as these privileges are guaranteed by the constitution. To this it may be replied that these privileges are held, according to this argument, by favour and not by right; and that the same power that deprived men of an equal participation of political rights may, without any greater violation of principle, deprive them likewise of those privileges they now enjoy; for instance, of the trial by jury, of an equal imposition of taxes, and of an equal contribution of personal service in the militia. This is what may be. If a higher authority for these remarks is required it will be found in what has been. If we examine the state of the several nations of Europe, we shall perceive that there is not one of them in which a departure from the principle of universal suffrage has not deprived a large portion of the people of these very privileges. They were once comparatively free, while in the enjoyment of the right of self-government; but as this right was taken from them, their liberties faded away, and they sunk to a state of vassalage. If then the experience of others can be relied on, it is most certain that a monopoly of power will invariably produce oppression; and that, consequently, when the rich possess this monopoly, they will oppress the poor. Let no enthusiast imagine that we shall be exempt from the common lot of other nations if we pursue their policy. The same causes must produce the same effects. Those who have no power, even in this region, will be oppressed by those who have all power.
From these considerations it follows, that though a limitation of the right of suffrage should be necessary for the protection of property, which, on the contrary, has been shown not to be the case, yet if such protection required that which necessarily involved a sacrifice of the great and unalienable rights to liberty and life, it would be impolitic and unjust; inasmuch as life and liberty are of infinitely more value than property, and as they appertain to all men and are the gifts of God, while property is confined to a few, and is the acquisition of society. If there be an incompatibility between the secure enjoyment of life and liberty, and of property, there is no rational and just understanding that will not allow that the former should be respected to the neglect of the latter. Fortunately, however, no such incompatibility exists.
2. The immediate effect of the oppression of the poor by the rich is a sentiment of dissatisfaction entertained by the former, and its ultimate effect their slavery or rebellion. Whatever may have heretofore been in other countries the same submission of men to usurped power, there can be no doubt in the mind of any man who knows Americans,
that they cherish too lofty a conviction of their own rights, and estimate too highly the benefits of political power, not to feel indignant at its deprivation, and resolute to attain it whenever they shall possess the means. These proud feelings, which oppression can only elicit into life, will operate with constant activity among a people where public opinion is made the criterion of the propriety of every public measure.
Contemplating the habitual enjoyment of political rights by those that surround them, they will constantly feel the humiliation of their lot. This will excite a spirit of jealousy, hostility and resentment. From a deep and settled conviction of ill-treatment, they will be discontented and restless, and ready to unite in any opposition that may be raised to the measures of the government. Not united to the community by the indissoluble ties of a common interest, they will readily rush into any rash steps that ambition or resentment may recommend. This hostility will naturally produce a like sentiment in those who govern. The measure of oppression will be swelled to depredations them full lower; and the unavoidable effect be either submission or insurrection. The one will end in slavery; the other may terminate in an overthrow of the government.
Men, who are unacquainted with past events, and are unaccustomed to trouble themselves with the future, may think this an exaggerated picture; but those whose minds are enlightened by experience and reflection will acknowledge its fidelity.
3. If the right of suffrage be at all limited, there is no security against its entire subversion. The strongest security against this universal lot of other nations is certainly to be found among a people every one of whom participates in the political sovereignty. For it has been wisely said that the great body of the people are incorruptible. This arises from their honesty, and from there being no one rich enough to purchase them. Once, however, depart from the principle of universal suffrage, and the sanctity of the right is gone; a precedent is established for abridging it still further; and the insatiable thirst which all men have for power will develop itself in its further sacrifice. The truth of this reasoning admits of mathematical demonstration. Suppose the right of suffrage enjoyed only by those possessed of landed property of the value of one hundred pounds and upwards. Men of large fortunes, being as desirous of ruling those of small, as the latter of ruling those possessed of none, the same disposition will exist among men of large fortunes to deprive those who possess small ones of political rights, as exists among the latter to deprive of those rights those who possess no property. A majority of those worth one hundred pounds possess the whole political power. This majority will be found to be composed of men, not worth precisely one hundred pounds, but of those who possess something above it, say one hundred and ten pounds. Now these last, by uniting together, may with the same justice deprive those worth one hundred pounds only of all political power, as the latter, in union with them, deprived those worth less of similar power; and with much more facility—for the class, previously deprived of power, operated upon by the principle of resentment, and the desire of reducing their oppressors to a level with themselves, will co-operate to carry the measure into effect. And thus will a system, in its termination, totally subversive of a representative government, be commenced; a system which will lead to nothing short of monarchy.
But it is high time to draw this discussion towards a conclusion. This can only be done by a rapid notice of points whose importance merits a full investigation. Giving at present, therefore, little more than the text, we shall hereafter, as time allows or necessity exacts, go into a more diffuse exposition of them.
1. It may be assumed that all the male inhabitants of these states of legal age are qualified to make a judicious choice of rulers.
2. That if some small inconvenience should occasionally arise from an injudicious choice, it will fall infinitely short of the mortal injuries inflicted upon human rights and upon the true principles of republican governments by the adoption of a contrary principle.
3. That a government promises the greatest duration, under which all men are happy and contented, because all men participate in its administration.
4. That the wider the field, from
which the choice of rulers is made, the greater will be their talent.
5. That the more extensive the right of suffrage, the less the chance will be of corruption or sinister motive.
6. That where the people themselves lay taxes and enact laws which will operate equally upon themselves there will be no oppression; the very essence of oppression being the unequal operation of power.
7. That that nation will be most invulnerable from foreign violence or seduction, whose citizens, being equally possessed of the highest political rights, have nothing to gain, and much to lose from a change of their political institutions.
8. That no practical injury, but much practical good, has arisen in these states, from the widest extension of the elective franchise.
9. That a good government, so far from lavishing its favours upon the rich and the powerful ought rather to confine them to the poor and to the weak; inasmuch as the former can protect themselves while the latter cannot; and inasmuch as it is the interest of every community to diminish the lower class of men as much as possible.
10. That, however, the great principle and duty of a good government is not to favor one class of men at the expense of another; but to leave all on equal ground to pursue their own interests.
11. That so far, therefore, from holding out inducements to the acquisition of property, by attaching to it the enjoyments of special rights, government should be confined entirely to its protection.
12. That, in truth, the love of wealth is a passion that so far from requiring stimulus stands in need of repression, which however should seldom, if ever, flow from government.
13. That to attach political rights to the possession of a particular species of property, generally landed property, is deeply injurious to the interests of society, as it often tempts men to shut up their wealth in unproductive land instead of embarking it in active business.
14. That the principle of limited suffrage, confined to men of property, sanctions, so far as it goes, hereditary power, property being generally hereditary; in direct violation of the true spirit of a republican government.
There is one objection, already generally noticed, that merits a more detailed consideration. It is affirmed by the advocates of a limited right of suffrage that men not possessed of property are, for the most part, ignorant and worthless, and hold either no independent opinions, or such as are corrupt; and that, therefore, they ought to be shut out from a participation of political rights.
To this it may be replied, that the fact stated is not true; and if true the inference is unfounded. It is so far from being true that men of no property are in general ignorant or worthless, and hold either no independent opinions, or such as are corrupt, that their want of property ordinarily protects them from many of the most atrocious vices that disturb the peace of society, and is often the effect of their setting a higher value upon knowledge than money. To the learned class of mankind in all ages and countries, this remark is peculiarly applicable. Ought they to be denied the enjoyment of political rights on account of their poverty? Such doctrines were unknown to the most distinguished nations of antiquity. Among them the spirit of avarice had not extirpated the natural respect cherished by every unperverted mind for great talents and virtues.
But the fact assumed is not alone unjust in its application to this description of citizens. It is also untrue in its application to a class much more extensive, and whose relative numbers are destined in this country to a progressive and rapid augmentation; to that class which is composed of journeymen mechanics, and of agricultural day labourers. Will it be said that these citizens are either in general ignorant or worthless? or that they hold no independent opinions, or such as are corrupt? Whatever may be said of field laborers, it is a fact that journeymen mechanics in this country, where the labor imposed is not excessive, and where time is of course allowed for reflection and reading, are for the most part, as well informed as the land holders.
It is evident, therefore, that the fact assumed is untrue, in its application to any description of citizens in this country, however applicable it may be to the lower orders of people in European nations.
But if it were true, the inference, that men of no property should be excluded from all political rights is unfounded. It is never wise when we wish to avoid one evil to rush into a greater. Thus in this case, though the possession of political rights may be an evil, yet the entire denial of them may be a still greater evil to society. If men of no property be ignorant, vicious, and dependent, they will inevitably disturb the peace of society, dispose of them as you may. They will, however, less disturb it when they are mixed with those who are well informed, virtuous and independent, than when marshalled in a separate body under leaders as vicious, if not ignorant, as themselves. In vain will the political institutions of this country annihilate their influence or power. A wise legislator, aware of this, will suffer them to remain detached, and encourage their mixing with more intelligent and virtuous citizens, rather than drive them into a common conspiracy against the other parts of the community. Is it not obvious that, if the good and enlightened citizens form a majority of the society, they will much more influence and control the bad and ignorant, than the latter will influence them? And if the enjoyment of political rights be so limited, as to leave a majority unrepresented, is not the government thrown into extreme jeopardy by having the physical force of the nation against it? All these remarks centre in one point. Our governments are founded upon equal rights; they are essential to their existence, and will perish when they are undermined.
Allied with this objection, is that which opposes universal suffrage, in so far as it admits aliens to an immediate or early participation of political rights. An answer to most of the reasons on which it is urged has just been given. Aliens, coming to reside among us, are of two descriptions; either men of property or talents; or men of no property, often extremely ignorant, and sometimes very worthless. With regard to the first description, they generally prefer our country to their own from the superiority of its political institutions, from the greater security found for their property, and the wider range for their talents. Would any wise man be for repelling the immigration of such men? Are they not an invaluable acquisition to their adopted country? And ought they not to be taken to our bosom with the warmth of a friend, instead of being repelled with the coldness of an enemy? Receive them with open arms, open to them a field worthy of their talents, and you will expand their hearts with sentiments of gratitude and affection; they will mingle themselves among your native citizens, imbibe their feelings, catch their manners, and soon become amalgamated with the common mass. The effect on the contrary with inhospitable coldness, with unwarrantable suspicion, deny them the enjoyment of the rights of citizenship, and they will feel disappointed, they will cherish a love of the country they have left, they will decline an habitual association with your citizens, and they will form a separate order of men with feelings and manners distinct from those of the common mass.
With regard to the other class of aliens, composed of men of no property, and of men ignorant and worthless, it is the unfortunate lot of this country to receive into her bosom too many. There is no doubt that most of the crimes committed are perpetrated by such foreigners. But this lot, however unfortunate, is inseparable from the nature of our government; and inseparable, we may add, from the lot of human nature, which always mixes some alloy with its purest productions. The evil then must be submitted to. But though human wisdom cannot eradicate it, she may mitigate it. And how can this be more effectually done than by uniting these men with the native citizens, and making it their interest to be virtuous? In this way you will at least make them, politically considered, harmless; whereas by refusing them a participation in political rights, you impress them with the idea that they are persecuted, and that they have distinct interests. Hence they league together as a band of brothers; cherishing all their prejudices, practising all their vices, and entertaining settled hostility to a government that denies them all political rights. He, who should wish to arm these men with high and dangerous power, ready to disturb the peace of society and subvert its fairest institutions, could not devise a more effectual plan.
All these views, and many others, that might be taken, prove that the fundamental principle of a republican

government is equal rights; and that the nation only can be happy, and that government durable, where political power is equally divided among all. Happy the people of whom there is not only that is not deeply interested in the maintenance of the great principles of the government!
Extract from "The Political and Confidential Correspondence of LEWIS THE SIXTEENTH, with observations on each letter. By Helen Maria Williams. In three volumes Octavo."
We are first presented with two letters of Lewis to M. De Vergennes, which are no further interesting than as they throw some light on the political jealousy entertained by the Monarch of the Queen.
The third letter attests the confidence of Lewis in M. De St. Germain, of whom Miss Williams gives the following interesting anecdotes.
"Observations on the third letter." "No event created, at the time, more surprise at Versailles than the nomination of the Count de St. Germain to the war department. The history of this general is somewhat singular. He was at first a Jesuit; which profession he left for that of the army, where he served with the rank of lieutenant. An affair of honor led him to pass into the service of the Elector Palatine, which he quitted for that of the Emperor Charles, where he obtained the rank of major-general. Upon the death of this prince, he returned to France as field-marshal, was made lieutenant-general in 1734, and, during the peace which followed that period, had the command of Flanders. In consequence of a dispute with Marshal Broglio in 1760 he went to Denmark, where the king named him field-marshal, and gave him the command of all his troops. On the king's death, being obliged to resign his command, he returned to live near Worms, and fixed his definitive residence in Alsace."
"This nomination caused the more wonder, as the name of M. de St. Germain had never been mentioned among the competitors for this department. In the memoirs written at that period, the history is thus related: M. de Malestherbes was conversing in his cabinet with M. Dubois, commander of the police, on the affairs of the court when he observed that there were many competitors for the war department then vacant among Mesieurs du Chatel, de Breteuil, de Castries, and de Vaux. "The whole court is in agitation," says Malestherbes: "whom would you choose, my friend, if you were king?" "A person, Monsieur, who is not on the list of candidates, because virtue and merit conceal themselves—the Count de St. Germain." "You are in the right," exclaimed the minister; he is a man of great merit; and his mind has been proved by misfortune and injustice. But we are building castles in the air; he has no protectors. O that I were master!"—He the conversation ended: but, the same evening, the subject of the nomination of the new minister was renewed with M. de Maurepas. "Whilst seeking is employed in choosing," said M. de Malestherbes, "I will give you an idea of a friend of mine, which, is to bestow the place on M. de St. Germain. I own I think him very capable of filling it; but he is absent, and without protectors." "Without protectors!" replied M. de Maurepas; "let us be his friends; he possesses talents, and independently of his military abilities, has written me letters filled with excellent ideas." M. de Maurepas went to the king, and gave him an account of his conversation with M. de Malestherbes. The king decided at once in favor of M. de St. Germain, recommended the greatest secrecy, wrote the letter, and ordered the two ministers to send it to Alsace by a confidential messenger. A person of this kind was found—one who had been attached to the general through all his fortunes. When he reached his habitation, he found the modern Cincinnatus planting a pear-tree. M. de St. Germain recognized the stranger—"Is it you?" he exclaimed. "What in the name of heaven, brought you here?" "A matter of importance," he was answered: "but finish your planting; and then we will go into the house." "Speak! I shall find time enough to plant." "I come by his majesty's orders." "What! has some one again prejudiced the king against one of his faithful servants, and who has no other regret, than that of being no longer useful to him? have I not yet filled up my cup of misfortunes?" "This, Monsieur le Comte, will be easy to bear: here is the dispatch, read it." M. de St. Germain kissed the letter with transport, and stammered out a few words of acknowledgment. "What has led the king to think of me?" The messenger told him that he had received instructions to request him to set out instantly. "But how? I have neither dress or equipage,"
to appear at court." "In whatever manner you go, you will be welcome. Come along! let us set off."
Foreign Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, MAY 28.
To a gentleman who came passenger in the ship Brothers from Liverpool, the Editor of the MERCANTILE ADVERTISER is indebted for London papers to the evening of the 14th April, and Liverpool papers of the 16th, from which the following articles are copied.
LONDON, APRIL 11.
The execution of the Duke of Enghien was as private, and as studiously concealed, as his condemnation was published with éclat. For twenty-four hours after his murder, petitions for him were presented by the Duke De Liancourt, and several others of his friends, through the means of Madame Bonaparte, as the First Consul resides at Malmaison, where he is visible to none but his Minister, favourites and relatives. Even in the Senate, on the 22d, it was proposed by Lanjuinais to advise the First Consul to pardon the Duke. It is said at Paris, that this Senator pointed out in strong language the danger of accustoming Bonaparte to blood in civil causes; and said among other things, "that Nero wept at one time when he was forced to sign his name to a death warrant; but, at another time, accustomed to the sight of blood, by the advice of depraved counsellors, he murdered his own mother and brother, tutor, his Senators, Ministers, Generals, and all classes of Roman citizens, with the same indifference as he saw Rome burning."
Bonaparte desired General Mortier to be the President of the Military Commission which condemned the Duke, but he declined it. General Hulin was then appointed (the son of a washerwoman, and formerly a servant in the workhouse of the Court at Versailles,) notorious since July 14th, 1789, in all the dreadful catastrophes of the Revolution. After sentence was passed, the Duke asked, if he could see Bonaparte.
"Yes," said Hulin, "if you have any discoveries to make." "Discoveries," answered the Duke, with indignation; "carry me to the place of execution." "That cannot be done," said Hulin, "before we have reported our sentence to the First Consul." "I knew the sentence," answered the Duke, "before, against the laws of nations, he carried me away from Ettenheim."
From the time of the Duke's arrest, he had never once been permitted to lay down on a bed, to undress, to have, or to change his linen, and his feet were so swollen from fatigue that he could hardly stand. In the dungeon at Vincennes, where he was shut up, with four gens d'armes, for the fourteen hours he lived after his condemnation, there was neither a bed nor chairs, there was some straw where he sat down, but he was prevented from a moment's rest, by the noise and questions of these satellites, who had orders to prevent his slumber. A clergyman was with him for an hour, but was not permitted to speak with him, except so loud as to be heard by the guards.
In the morning, before day light, on the 22d, General Murat arrived at Vincennes, escorted by fifty Mamelukes, and accompanied with four Aid-de-Camps, and Generals Mortier, Hulin, and Louis Bonaparte, who had come on purpose from the Coast. Each Mameluke held a flambeau, and 200 Gens d'Armes and 300 men of the Italian troops surrounded the Castle, prevented the approach of every one, and guarded all the avenues to that part of the wood about a hundred yards distant from the Castle, fixed for the place of execution. The Duke being told that his sentence was to be executed, said, calmly, "I am ready and resigned." When he heard, upon enquiry, that the grenadiers who should shoot him, were Italians of Bonaparte's guard, he said, "Thank God! they are not Frenchmen. I am condemned by a foreigner, and, God be praised, that my executioners are foreigners too. It will be a rain less upon my countrymen." Upon the place of execution, he lifted his hands towards Heaven, and said, "May God preserve my King, and deliver my country from its Foreign Yoke." Two gens d'armes then wanted to tie a handkerchief over his eyes; but he said, "A loyal soldier, who has so often been exposed to fire and sword, can face the approach of death with naked eyes and without fear." His hat was then taken off. But in looking at the grenadiers, who had already pointed their muskets at him, he said, in Italian, "Grenadiers, lower your arms, otherwise you will miss me, or only wound me." Of the nine grenadiers who fired at him, seven hit him; seven bullets pierced his body. Immediately after his murder, General Murat sent his aide-camp to Malmaison. A small coffin, filled with lime was ready to receive his body, and a grave had been dug in the
garden of the Castle, where he was buried.
A new Comet has been discovered by Jean Louis Pons, at the Observatory at Marseilles. It is visible to the naked eye.
April 12.
Dispatches were yesterday received from Admiral Sir James Saumarez, at Guernsey. We understand that the enemy on the opposite coast has made no attempt, or any movement indicating an intention to put to sea. The islands of Guernsey and Jersey are in the most complete state of defence, and our forces in that quarter, both military and naval, are in good health and spirits.
April 13.
Circular Letter addressed to all the Members of the Diplomatic Body.
SIR, PARIS, March 24. The First Consul has ordered me to transmit to your Excellency a copy of the Report presented to him by the Grand Judge, on an intended conspiracy formed in France by Mr. Drake, the Envoy of his Britannic Majesty at the Court of Munich, and which, by its object and date, was connected with the infamous plot on which the tribunals are now sitting in judgment.
A printed copy of the letters and authentic papers of Mr. Drake is annexed to the report. The originals will be immediately sent by order of the First Consul to his Serene Highness the Elector of Bavaria. Such a prostitution of the most honorable function that can be conferred on men, is without precedent in the history of civilized nations. It will astonish and grieve Europe like the scandal of an unheard of crime, which the most worthless governments have never dared to meditate. The First Consul is too well acquainted with the sentiments and qualities which distinguish the diplomatic body accredited to him, not to be convinced that they will see with profound sorrow the profanation of the sacred character of Ambassador converted into a Minister of plots, villainy and corruption.
Accept, &c. (Signed) TALLEYRAND, Minister of Foreign Relations.
The Moniteur contains answers to this letter from Count Cobentzel, the Imperial Minister; Cardinal Caprara, the Pope's Legate a latere; the Marquis Lucchesini, Ambassador of his Prussian Majesty; Citizen Schimmelpfennick, the Batavian Ambassador; Mr. Dreyer, the Danish Ambassador; Marquis de Gallo, the Neapolitan Ambassador; M. Cetto, the Bavarian Ambassador; M. Buneau, Minister of the Elector of Saxony, and several others, all expressing sentiments of indignation against the conduct ascribed to Mr. Drake.
To M. Talleyrand.
SIR, "I have received the note which you did me the honor to address to me, with a copy of the Report of the Grand Judge, relative to papers which prove that Mr. Drake, the British Minister at Munich, has held a culpable correspondence with traitors; for objects which all civilized nations must regard with horror, and that horror must be redoubled when we see that it is a Minister who thus prostitutes his sacred character. When a subaltern agent commits a base or atrocious act, it may be supposed that he is influenced by personal interest; but the actions of a Minister are generally attributed to the government he represents; and even when he acts against his orders (which I hope is the case in this instance) his conduct is so much indented with his government, that such acts tend to overturn social order, and to bring nations back to barbarism. I beg your Excellency to offer to the First Consul, in the name of my government, the most sincere felicitations for having happily escaped the attempts of his enemies, directed not only against his life, but against an object more dear to his heart, —the happiness of the nation of which he is the Chief; a happiness which is the result of his noble labours in the field of honor and in the cabinet, and which is not yet sufficiently established not to be deeply shaken by his loss."
(Signed) LIVINGSTON, Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America. Dated 25th March, 1804.
Will be sold at Public Auction if not previously disposed of to a private purchaser. On Friday the thirtieth of June at Mr. Semmes's tavern—Lot no. 57 at the corner of Fayette and First streets next to Mr. C. Lowndes' facing the Roman Chapel. There is a two story Frame House, with an excellent well on the premises, and the situation cannot be excelled for health. The dower in the property will be properly relinquished and satisfactory security given that the subscribers conveyance of the property upon the purchasers fulfilment of the terms. The conditions are one half of the purchase money in cash, and the other in a note of twelve months with approved endorser negotiable in the Bank of Columbia.
EDWARD NOUN BUTLER.
June 1—if For further particular's enquire at Mr. Lee's second brick house west of the War Office Pennsylvania avenue.
WASHINGTON CITY,
FRIDAY, JUNE 1.
WASHINGTON LOTS.
Among those considerations which recommend to capitalists the investiture of funds in City property is the lowness of the taxes imposed.
An assessment has been lately made of the property of the city, by which it has been valued on a low estimation, at two millions three hundred and sixty-four thousand eight hundred dollars.
On this property an annual tax is imposed of twenty five cents on the hundred dollars, which is but about one third of the tax usually imposed in our large cities. The extreme lightness of this imposition arises from circumstances which will have a permanent existence. These are the vast mass of property compared with the number of inhabitants; the exemption of the district from all direct taxation other than by themselves for the promotion of their own local interests; and the large disbursements made by the United States in the improvement of their own City property. All these causes will continue to operate, with, probably, increased force.
Small as the above tax is, it will produce about the annual sum of five thousand dollars, which with the other resources of the city, some of which are already, and many of which will soon become productive, will establish a fund completely adequate to the immediate wants of the city, & to the eventual establishment of those public institutions which administer equally to the benefit and the reputation of the places in which they are seated. For the ultimate endowment of them, as well as for the promotion of other objects, a fund is proposed by Congress, capacious enough hereafter to insure success to every laudable plan. The reservations of areas appropriated to public purposes, will supercede the necessity of any resort to taxes for the purchase of ground. Nor can it be doubted that the government of the union will devote a liberal portion of the city property held by them to the advancement of these great objects.
Let us estimate the effect of these causes upon the value of city property.
The difference between the taxes in this and in other large cities is about fifty cents on the hundred dollars.
The difference, in favor of the city, arising from its exemption from state taxes may be estimated at about twenty cents in the hundred dollars.
The advantage arising from the application of the resources of the United States to local objects, may be calculated as operating equivalent to an exemption of at least thirty cents in the hundred dollars.
These items amount to about one dollar in the hundred. Let us trace the operation of an exemption from the annual payment of this sum for a period of ten years, on a given mass of property, say 10,000 dollars worth.
   Dolls. Cents.     First year 100   Second year 206   Third year 318 36   Fourth year 436 86   Fifth year 562 18   Sixth year 706   Seventh year 848   Eighth year 998 88   Ninth year 1,159 83   Tenth year 1,328    That is, property at present valued at 10,000 dollars, will be relieved from the above sums at the respective periods stated. This too is the result of an estimate formed on a principle that money is only worth a legal interest of six per cent. Whereas, in truth, it is no difficult task to make it produce ten per cent. which would in a period of ten years extend a relief of above two thousand two hundred dollars.
If we connect this circumstance with the rapid increase of the numbers of the city, it will become evident that a more advantageous investment of money can scarcely be found in the union. The inhabitants of the city are now about 5,000. Computing the increase of the ensuing five years to be in the ratio of the three last, as exhibited in the two official censuses taken, there will at the end of five years be a duplication of our present population, that is 10,000—This will necessarily increase the value of lots; in a ratio greater than that with which the value of other city property has generally increased in the United States. We should not be surprised if its value should double in five years; as it is extremely probable that it will at least keep pace with the progress of population.
NEW SERIES OF FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATIONS. No. X.
The following misrepresentation of facts appear d in the Washington Federalist of the 30th ult. Our first impression was that it would be best to resign it to the ordinary fate of the numerous calumnies propagated against the government; but, on second thought, supposing it possible that the boldness of the assertions might deceive the uninformed, we offer the annexed antidote; the facts are principally derived from the Post Master of the city.
"Mr. Munroe has been for a considerable time the Postmaster in Washington; and the emoluments of that office amount to twenty-four hundred dollars a year. When the board of City commissioners was abolished, congress passed a law authorizing the President to appoint an officer to superintend the public business in the city; and allotted to him a yearly salary of twelve hundred dollars. Here I cannot help observing, that it has been the policy and the practice of the present ruling party, constantly to deceive the public with misstatements of economy, and fair equal distribution of benefits in office. This is a case in point; for although the salary is nominally only twelve hundred dollars, yet he receives in addition five hundred for house rent, and two hundred for fuel; making the actual salary of the superintendent the sum of nineteen hundred dollars. Mr. Jefferson appointed Mr. Munroe the Postmaster, to this office also; and he has drawn ever since the emoluments of both the duties of the two offices are incompatible; and no one will venture to say that any man living can perform both. I beg to be understood that I do not consider the salary of either too high, or that Mr. Munroe is not perfectly competent to fill one of them; but I contend that when he draws four thousand three hundred dollars yearly from two offices (either of which is a handsome support) and he can only do the business of one, it is a shameful Anti-Republican SINECURE."
The author of "plain facts," from which the above is extracted in the Washington Federalist of 30th ultimo, charges Mr. Jefferson with a departure from "equal and exact justice to all men," by appointing T. Munroe the Postmaster of the city of Washington, to the office of superintendent of that city which he calls "a shameful anti-republican sinecure;" because he says one man cannot perform the duties of both those offices. He states the emoluments of the Post Office per annum at Dolls. 2,400
   Those of the superintendent's office Dolls.     making together 4,300   From this sum of 4,300 dollars the author has omitted to make the following deductions:   1st. The house rent erroneously asserted to be allowed, there being no such allowance. 500   2nd. The allowance for fuel, stationery and all other contingent expenses of the offices of the superintendent and surveyor of the city not one cent of which is received by the superintendent who is obliged to account at the treasury for all monies intrusted to him 200   3rd. Contingent expenses in the post office, viz, fuel, candles, lamps, &c. not allowed by government but paid out of the postmaster's emoluments about 200   4th. Salary of two good assistants at the same rates as are paid in other post offices where the duties are not more laborious and which cannot be performed by less than three persons here, particularly during the sessions of congress (it being true, as stated by the writer that no man living can perform even all the duties of the post office) say one of 1,000 and one of 800 1,800   Exclusive of unavoidable losses in the collection of postages 2,700  
Balance dolls. 1,600
It is true that the gross commissions of the post office have sometimes been more and sometimes less than 2400 dolls. since the removal of the government to Washington, and it is also true that in consequence of T. Munroe be-

unable to devote the whole of his time to the duties of the post office, he pays more for clerk hire than 1800 dolls. which is unavoidable from the immense number of free letters sent away, and from this being the distributing office for Maryland and Virginia, for which services no allowance is made.
When it is considered that the duties of this post office are so peculiarly laborious as to engage 3 or 4 persons every day, Sunday included, particularly from about 3 o'clock P. M. till a very late hour of the night. (in the winter often till after midnight) and when it is known, as is the fact, that T. Monroe labors daily as postmaster from 3 o'clock, when the post office business commences, until it closes, and that the rest of his time is devoted to the superintendant's duties; can any reasonable, candid man think that there is any thing like a sinecure in the case.
It is not pretended that there is as much city business done by the superintendant as was done by the commissioners prior to the removal of the government; but perhaps there has been as much to do since the appointment of the superintendant as was done during the last year or two of the continuance of the board of commissioners; for the improvement of Pennsylvania avenue and the recommencement of work on the public buildings has necessarily given the superintendant business which the commissioners had not to do for some time prior to the abolition of the board. The annual expense of the commissioners office was 3 commissioners at dolls. 1600 each
  1 clerk 1,250 4,800   1 do. at 800 dolls. 2,050   6,850   The present annual expense is, Superintendents salary 1200   1 copying clerk 500   1,700 
Difference dolls. 5,150 Contingent expenses were considerably more under the commissioners than at present.
It is believed that the circumstances of T. Monroe having been for a long time engaged as principal clerk in the commissioners office, & his holding another office of small emolument, induced his appointment as superintendant, the salary of which was not of itself a support, nor is it probable any suitable character, unacquainted with the duties of the office, could or would have engaged to discharge them for 1200 dolls. with only a copying clerk at 500 dolls a year.
At a numerous and respectable meeting of republicans convened for the purpose of nominating fit characters to be supported at the next election of City Council—the following ticket was agreed to.
 Nicholas King,  Cornelius Cunningham,  Thomas Carpenter,  Samuel H. Smith,  Henry Herford,  Joseph Bromley,  James C. King,  William Woodward,  George Andrews,  Alexander M'Cormick,  William Brent,  John Sinclair,  Charles Jones,  Daniel Rapine,  George Blagden,  Robert Alexander,  Charles Minifie,  Samuel M'Intire. 
ADDRESS.
FELLOW CITIZENS, The National Legislature having during the late session of Congress, added a supplement to our charter, which increases the members of the Council to eighteen, and confers upon it a considerable addition of powers in order to render it more efficient and capable of promoting the interest of this metropolis, it becomes our duty to see that these beneficent inventions, by electing on Monday next, fit and proper persons to represent us. Under this impression, the above ticket now presented for your support and approbation has been formed; it is the result of a free canvass after mature deliberation, and we now hasten to lay before you the considerations which have actuated us upon this occasion.
Approving highly of the conduct of the present administration of the federal government, conscious that it is desirous to aid and foster the infant Capital of the American Republic, and sensible that its measures are the best calculated to render the union of the states indissoluble and to promote the general prosperity and happiness, we believe it is requisite that the political principles of our Council should be in unison with those of the nation as evinced by the late elections in more than three fourths of the states. The attention which we have hitherto paid to this principle has been attended with good effects, but independent of this consideration it would be imprudent policy in the citizens of Washington, the offspring of the federal union, to select their Council from among
the friends of a party, the cupidity of whose leaders for place and power is such that they advocate the necessity of dividing the states, supposing that could such a measure be effected, they would be enabled to obtain the government of a part as they have almost despaired of acquiring that of the whole. This sentiment is avowed at a time, the most unpropitious of all others to its success, when open hostility as well as private intrigue have equally failed to diminish the public confidence in the integrity and wisdom of the Executive.
The adherents of this party among us, exerted every art to prevent the incorporation of the city, and have since constantly endeavoured to render that measure abortive by their opposition to extending the elective suffrage to our fellow-citizens in general, and the assessment of taxes upon unimproved property. They were unwilling that poor but industrious men should participate of a privilege which is the inherent right of every freeman, that of choosing those who are to enact the laws he is to obey.
They were anxious to encourage and continue that spirit of speculation, which has already so greatly diminished the value of property and to depredat industry by exonerating the holders of unimproved lots from every burthen, and throwing the whole weight of our necessary expenses upon those who had spent their all in improving what they had purchased.
Had you, fellow citizens, formed your Council exclusively from men of such principles and views, your charter would have been worse than a nullity, it would have been a real grievance, and the late amendment to it, which promises to be followed by the most happy effects would have never been obtained. Surely, on this occasion, you can have no inducement to abandon a policy so congenial to your interests, & fall into the egregious error of committing the administration of your municipal concerns into the hands of such characters, particularly now that we may hope to realise some of those laudable expectations, which our incorporation gave birth to; such as the establishment of public schools, the erection of necessary wharves, the repairing and opening of streets, and the establishment of a house of industry, wherein the poor may be employed, in order to assist in the maintenance of themselves, and to relieve the citizens from a part of that heavy expense, their support at present occasions.
In the formation of this ticket we have attended carefully to the representation of local interests, the members who compose it are interested in the rise and prosperity of the city, and are desirous to promote them by every lawful means; their political principles accord with those of the general government, and should they be elected, the most perfect harmony will subsist between our Council and the national administration.
Aware that attempts are making to misguide and delude, we entreat you to be on your guard against them, and to believe not the bold assertions of designing individuals without a cool and dispassionate examination of them. You will be advised to bury all political distinctions in oblivion, and to make an indiscriminate choice. Should you accede to such a proposal, where is your security? Can you be confident that those who have hitherto opposed the administration, have instantaneously changed their principles? No, on the contrary we believe them immutable, notwithstanding the mild, beneficent and wise administration of our present government, and that if returned to the Council, they would direct a more partial assessment of taxes to take place, circumscribe the right of suffrage and frustrate those measures necessary for the general prosperity of the city.
MR. SMITH, At a meeting of a number of voters, to select Councilmen for the city of Washington, we have resolved on the following ticket which you'll please give a place in your paper.
 First Chamber.  Thomas H. Gillis,  Nicholas King,  Peter Lennox,  Cornelius M'Dermott Roe,  Griffith Combe,  Adam Lindlay,  Samuel N. Smallwood,  Daniel Carroll,  George Blagden.  Second Chamber.  Joseph Hodgson,  Timothy Caldwell,  William Woodward,  John M'Gowan,  George Andrews,  Charles Jones,  John Sinclair,  Alexander M'Cormick,  Matthew Right. 
Mr. SMITH, will oblige a fellow citizen by publishing the following list of members for the next City Council.
 First Chamber.  Cornelius Cunningham,  John T. Frost,  Henry Herford,  Adam Lindlay, 
 John P. Van Ness,  Daniel Rapine,  Samuel H. Smith,  Samuel N. Smallwood,  Pontius De Stelle. 
 Second Chamber.  George Blagden,  William Brent,  Daniel Carroll,  William Emack,  George H. H. d.,  Joseph Hodgson,  Nicholas King,  Peter Lennox,  William Prout. 
MR. SMITH, Sir, Seeing several nominations in your paper, for the next Council for the city and a request annexed that any citizen considering persons more proper than those nominated might have their names held out to public view as quick as possible, the following list is submitted for the consideration of the citizens of Washington, by a Friend of the city.
 First Chamber.  Daniel Carroll,  William Brent,  Samuel H. Smith,  A. B. Woodward,  Thomas Tingey,  William Prout,  Charles Minifie,  George Blagden,  Nicholas V. V. S. 
 Second Chamber.  James Barry,  Pontius D. Stelle,  Samuel N. Smallwood,  Levi White,  Adam Lindlay,  Peter Lennox,  Griffith Combe,  George Collard,  John T. Frost. 
MR. SMITH, I observe my name inserted in some of the tickets for the City Council, and am not insensible of the confidence my fellow citizens thereby intended to repose. But for many reasons, cogent and conclusive to myself—I beg leave to decline being a candidate.
THOMAS TINGEY. May 30, 1804.
MR. SMITH, Having never sat in Council with subjects, I must decline doing so in my advanced age; yet I will be as obedient to such laws as may be enacted, as any humble subject within the district.
Your obedient servant, CORN. CONINGHAM. May 31, 1804.
Expecting to be absent during a considerable part of the ensuing year, I will request the favor of such of my fellow citizens as would have deemed me worthy of the honor of serving them in the City Council, to withhold from me their suffrages at the approaching election.
A. B. WOODWARD. CLOTHWORTHY STEVENSON declines an election as a member of the City Council. May 30.
Philadelphia, May 28. Captain Hamburg, of the Packet, left Amsterdam on the 16th of April, at which time, he informs, it was currently reported, that Moreau had been acquitted and released.
The brig Young William, arrived at New-York on Saturday, left Bordeaux on the 15th April, at which time it was reported that Georges had been found dead in his prison, supposed to have poisoned himself. The trial of Moreau had not taken place; neither had the First Consul removed from Paris.
Wm. WATERS. HAS received a fresh supply of Genuine Port Sherry and Lisbon Wine, approved by the best judges in town, which with the following articles will be sold at the very lowest prices. French brandy, proof 1 and 4. Jamaica spirits, do. do. Best Holland gin. Do. American do. New England Rum and whiskey. Loaf, Lump and brown Sugars. Imperial, Hylon, young Hylon and Hylon skin Teas. Coffee, first and second quality. Pepper, allspice, ginger and nutmegs. Almonds, raisins and rice. Chocolate, mustard and fig blue. Chewing tobacco. Spanish and country Segars. Soap and candles. Brushes of various sorts. Morocco and leather shoes. Sisters, corks and glue. Stone, tin, and crockery ware. Bed screws and seeking bottoms. Curled hair. Quart and pint bottles. Do. do. tumblers. Writing, wrapping, and sand paper. Quills, black sand and wafers. Bed laces, and plough lines. Hard-ware, suitable for cabinet-makers, consisting of box handles, hinges, escutcheons, butts, screws and sprigs. 1000 feet of mahogany. George Town, June 1—12W3W
Five Dollars Reward. STRAYED or stolen on Tuesday last, a large Pointer Dog, named Pit, lately owned by Mr. Saul of this city. He is wholly white, except a brown spot about his right eye. Upon delivering him in the city, at the treasury, or in George Town, at the store of Messrs. Rols and Plexfarion, opposite the Union tavern, the above reward will be paid. City of Washington, June 1—3t
AN ACT Supplementary to an act, intitled "An act to incorporate the inhabitants of the city of Washington, in the district of Columbia."
Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act intitled "An act to incorporate the inhabitants of the city of Washington, in the district of Columbia," except so much of the same as is inconsistent with the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby continued in force for and during the term of fifteen years from the end of the next session of congress.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the council of the city of Washington, from and after the period for which the members of the present council have been elected, shall consist of two chambers, each of which shall be composed of nine members, to be chosen by distinct ballots, according to the directions of the act to which this is a supplement; a majority of each chamber shall constitute a quorum to do business; In case vacancies shall occur in the council, the chamber in which the same may happen shall supply the same by an election, by ballot from the three persons next highest on the list, to those elected at the preceding election; and a majority of the whole number of the chamber in which such vacancy may happen, shall be necessary to make an election.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the council shall have power to establish and regulate the inspection of flour, tobacco and salted provisions, the gauging of casks and liquors, the storage of gunpowder, and all naval and military stores, not the property of the United States, to regulate the weight and quality of bread; to tax and licence hawkers and pedlars; to restrain or prohibit tipling houses, lotteries, and all kinds of gaming; to superintend the health of the city; to preserve the navigation of the Potomac and Anacostia rivers, adjoining the city; to erect, repair and regulate public wharves, and to deepen docks and basins; to provide for the establishment and superintendence of public schools; to licence and regulate, exclusively, hackney coaches, ordinary keepers, retailers and ferries; to provide for the appointment of inspectors, constables, and such other officers as may be necessary to execute the laws of the corporation; and to give such compensation to the mayor or of the city as they may deem fit.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the levy court of the county of Washington shall not hereafter possess the power of imposing any tax on the inhabitants of the city of Washington.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN BROWN, President of the Senate pro tempore. February 24, 1804. APPROVED, THOMAS JEFFERSON.
NOTICE. THE voters in the city of Washington are hereby informed that an election will be held on the first Monday in June next, at such place in each ward as the judges of the election may prescribe, for the purpose of electing members for the next City Council—the council to consist of two chambers, the First Chamber composed of 9 members, and the Second Chamber composed of 9 members, to be chosen by distinct ballots, according to the directions of the foregoing act, and of the act to which it is a supplement. By order of the Mayor, THOMAS HERTY, Reg. of the city of Washington. May 18—1June
NOTICE. THE legal voters in the city of Washington are hereby informed that the ballots for the City Council will be received as follows: For the first division or ward, comprehending all that part of the city south, including the south side of Pennsylvania avenue, and west, including the west side of Sixth street west, at Morin's tavern Pennsylvania avenue. For the second division or ward all that part of the city north, including the north side of Pennsylvania avenue, and west, including the west side, of Sixth street west, at Rhodes's Hotel. For the third division or ward, all that part of the city east, including the east side, of Sixth street west, at Steele's Hotel. The polls will be open the first Monday in June next, precisely at 8 o'clock in the morning, and continue open until 7 o'clock in the evening. DANIEL CARROLL, of Dud'n. CORN. CUNNINGHAM, BENJAMIN MORE. May 18—
Cheap Goods. JOHN COX HAS received a large and handsome assortment of Spring and Summer goods, and is happy in having it in his power to sell them unusually low. George Town, May 14—epm
NOTICE. The Committee appointed by the Washington Building Company wishes to contract for materials and workmanship for the erection of a brick building adjoining Wm. Woodward's on Pennsylvania avenue, the plan and particulars may be seen with C. Stevenson, and the proposals must be brought forward on Friday next. CLOTHWORTHY STEVENSON, JOSEPH HUDDLESTON, & ORLANDO COOK, Com. of the W. B. Co. May 28—3t
A CARD. The inhabitants of Washington and its vicinity, who feel disposed to contribute for the support of a Clergyman of the Presbyterian denomination, are respectfully invited to attend a meeting at Steele's Hotel, on Saturday next at 4 o'clock P. M. The object of the meeting will be then and there more fully explained. Washington City, May 30, 1804.
TAKE NOTICE. THE sale of those lands, lots, and houses in the city of Washington and district of Columbia on which the direct tax and cult has not been paid is postponed until Monday the 22nd of June next, and will commence at 10 o'clock A. M. and continue from day to day until the whole are sold—any person wishing to examine the list of the property may by calling on the subscriber living in George Town, GEORGE MAGRUDER, Collector 6th collection district. May 28—11Jun.
Wm. S. NICHOLS & Co, HAVE this day received an elegant and large assortment of Spring goods, amongst which are, Chintzes and Calicoes, Bed tickings, Plain & colored cambric, Diaper & Diaper brick muslins, Table cloths, Chambray muslins, Irish and German Sursarine and common sheetings, dimities, Handsome laces, Long lawns, Do. fans. Irish linens, Ladies garters, Striped Hollands, Vic nic gloves, Do. cottons, Satin and Marcella Apron and thirty waficoats, checkes, Grosbeak and will- Cotton cashmeres, bergee, Yellow Nankeens, Umbrellas and para- Dark colors, do. toles of all sizes and India dimities, an excellent quality, White jeans, Large and small tea Buck and Jacquet mus- boards, lins, Ladies purses, Do. handkerchiefs, Glove ties, Extra silk and kid, Linen and cotton hand- gloves of a superior kerchiefs, quality, Publicat. do. Ladies silks and cotton, Gurrehs and Baftas, Hose with laced clocks, White patillas, all round on the inspec- Brown, do. Gentlemen's hosiery, Ticklenburgs and oz- India and French lute nabrigs, trings, Pattyburns or German Mantua, rolls, Foreign or Italian silks, Liverpool china plates, India Persians, Glass ware, Elegant silk shawls, Orats & grain teythes, India do. do. Knives and forks, well Black cambric, assorted, Sarceens of all colors, Kid & Morocco shoes, Pantaloons stockings, Muffs, do. London fashionable Mens, do. hats. With a number of other articles, which they will sell very low for cash. George Town, May 21—2W
NOTICE In the case of Thomas Barclay an insolvent debtor. THE subscriber, appointed trustee for the benefit of the creditors of Thomas Barclay of the city and county of Washington to the district of Columbia, an insolvent debtor, hereby notifies all the creditors of the said Thomas Barclay, to exhibit their respective claims against him in due form to the subscriber, within six months from the first day of the present month of May. By order of the hon. Judge Cranch, ALEXANDER M'CORMICK, Trustee. City of Washington, 25th May—3t
TH. W. PAIRO, Has just received in the Schooner Hindland from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of SPRING & SUMMER GOODS, amongst which are Twilled nankeens, London hats, Plain and Striped do. Handsome fans, Cambric & India muslins, Ladies veil, lins colored and glazed, Fancy boxes, do. do. Lace and edging, Mouselinet, Straw bonnets, Linen cambric, Willow do. & sheets, Jeans, Silk cord, Dimities, Wax heads, Marcella, Purse, Cotton counterpanes, Bandana, Madras and Silks, other handkerchiefs, Cotton thread and silk Ribbons, Hose, Chintzes and calicoes, Silk and red gloves, Writing paper, Irish Linen, Cotton and silk suspen- Dowles and diaper, ders, Check Linen, Furniture, fringe, taf- Bed ticking, fols and cord, Umbrellas & parafoles, Gold & silver watches, Silk & muslin shawls, Warch chains, seals & Spanish legars, keys. ALSO, Two English Piano Fortes, first quality with additional keys, violins, music, and a great variety of songs, all of which will be sold very low, wholesale and retail. Georgetown, 1st June—3t.
TO be rented and possession given on 15th August, that commodious three story brick Dwelling House now in the occupation of George Quinn, well good merchant on the North side North F street, for particulars enquire of William Loyell near the premises. Washington, June 12—12W6W

PROPOSALS.
For carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post-roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the 15th day of June next, inclusive.
1. From Portsmouth by Hampton Falls, Salisbury, Newbury-Port, Ipswich, Beverly, Salem and Lynn to Boston six times a week.
May 1 to November 1.
Leave Portsmouth every day Sunday excepted at 2 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by 1 A. M.
Leave Boston every day Sunday excepted at 1 P. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the next day by 7 A. M.
November 1 to May 1.
Leave Portsmouth every day Sunday excepted at 3 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by 9 A. M. in 19 hours.
Leave Boston every day Sunday excepted at 2 P. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the next day by 10 A. M. in 20 hours.
2. From Portsmouth, by Dover, Rochester, Middletown, Offipee, Manchester, and Center Harbor to Plymouth, and from Plymouth by New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham, and Durham to Portsmouth once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 P. M. Leave Plymouth every Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth on Monday by 8 A. M.
3. From Hanover by Orford to Haverhill once a week. Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Haverhill by 5 P. M. Leave Haverhill every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Hanover by 6 P. M.
4. From Haverhill Ms. by Chester, Pembroke, Concord, Bolsover, Salisbury, Plymouth, Romney and Haverhill to Newbury Vt. once a week.
Leave Haverhill every Tuesday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Chester by 5 P. M. arrive at Concord on Wednesday by 10 A. M. Leave Concord at 4 P. M. and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 P. M. and arrive at Haverhill on Friday by 5 P. M. Leave Haverhill at 5 P. M. and arrive at Newbury by 7 P. M. Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Concord on Monday by 10 A. M. Leave Concord on Monday at 11 A. M. and arrive at Haverhill on Tuesday by 10 A. M.
5. From Burlington by Jerico, Montpelier, Williamstown, Randolph, Royalton and Woodstock to Windsor, once a week. Leave Burlington every Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Windsor on Tuesday by 3 P. M. Leave Windsor every Tuesday at 8 P. M. and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 9 P. M. and arrive at Burlington on Friday by 9 A. M.
6. From Montpelier by Barre, Waitsburg, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barre, Peacham and Danville to St. Johnsbury, once a week. Leave Montpelier every Thursday at noon, and arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 P. M.
Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 A. M. and arrive at St. Johnsbury by 5 P. M. Returning.
Leave St. Johnsbury every Tuesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 A. M.
7. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hingham, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston to Plymouth three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Plymouth by 7 P. M.
Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 7 P. M.
8. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Marlboro, Worcester, Brookfield, Springfield, Suffield, Hartford, Berlin, Wethersfield, Middletown, Durham, Wallingford, Northford, New Haven, Milford, Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, Rye, New Rochelle, West Chester and Harlem to New York, three times a week.
May 1 to November 1.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Suffield the next mornings by 3 A. M.
Leave Suffield at 5 A. M. and arrive at New Haven at 13 3/4 P. M.
Leave New Haven at 2 P. M. and arrive at New York on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 11 A. M. in 57 hours. Returning.
Leave New York every Monday Wednesday and Friday at 10 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 2 1/2 A. M.
Leave New Haven at 3 A. M. and arrive at Suffield by noon.
Leave Suffield at 1 P. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by noon, in 50 hours.
November 1 to May 1.
Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 A. M. and arrive at Worcester by 9 P. M. Leave Worcester every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Suffield by 4 P. M.
Leave Suffield at 5 P. M. and arrive at Hartford by 9 P. M.
Leave Hartford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 3 A. M. and arrive at New Haven by noon and at Stamford by 9 P. M.
Leave Stamford every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 A. M. and arrive at New York by noon in 74 hours. Returning.
Leave New York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 A. M. and arrive at Stamford by 9 P. M.
Leave Stamford every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Hartford by 9 P. M.
Leave Hartford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 3 A. M. and remain one hour at Suffield, and arrive at Worcester by 9 P. M.
Leave Worcester every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 1 P. M.
9. From Charlotte by Essex C. H. Willboro, Peru and Plattburg to Champlain, once a week.
Leave Champlain every Sunday at 3 P. M. and arrive at Charlotte on Tuesday by 6 P. M.
Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Champlain on Friday by 8 A. M.
10. From Albany to Schenectady six times a week.
Leave Schenectady every day, Sunday excepted at 5 A. M. and arrive at Albany by 11 A. M.
Leave Albany every day, Sunday excepted at 2 P. M. and arrive at Schenectady by 7 P. M.
11. From Schenectady by Amsterdam, Trips-hill, Palatine, Manheim, Fairfield, Herkimer and Schuyler to Utica three times a week.
Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Utica on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 7 P. M. Returning.
Leave Utica every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Schenectady on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 7 P. M.
12. From Utica by Whitesboro to Rome, twice a week. Leave Utica every Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Rome by 11 A. M. Leave Rome every Tuesday and Thursday at noon, and arrive at Utica by 6 P. M.
13. From Utica by New-Hartford, Westmoreland, Oneida, Sullivan, Canajoharie, Manlius, Onondaga, Marcellus, Aurelius, Cayuga and Geneva to Canandaigua, twice a week. Leave Utica every Tuesday and Saturday at 10 P. M. and arrive at Canandaigua on Friday and Tuesday by 9 A. M. Returning. Leave Canandaigua every Tuesday and Friday at 3 P. M. and arrive at Utica on Thursday and Sunday by 7 P. M.
14. From New York by Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New-Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, every day. Leave New York every day at 1 P. M. and arrive in Philadelphia the next morning by 7 o'clock, in 18 hours. Returning. Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 P. M. and arrive at New York the next morning by 7 o'clock, in 18 hours.
15. From Baltimore by Reisterstown, Manchester, Hanover, Abbotstown, Berlin, Sulpher Springs and Holly Iron-Work to Carlisle, one a week. Leave Baltimore every Saturday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Carlisle on Sunday by 5 P. M. Leave Carlisle every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Baltimore on Thursday by 7 P. M.
16. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge Landing, Vancliff and Bladensburg to Washington City, every day.
May 1 to November 1.
Leave Baltimore every day at 7 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Washington by 4 P. M. Returning. Leave Washington every day at 1 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Baltimore by 11 o'clock A. M.
November 1 to May 1.
Leave Baltimore every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Washington by 8 P. M. in 10 hours. Leave Washington every day at 10 P. M. and arrive at Baltimore by 9 A. M. in 11 hours.
17. From Washington by Georgetown, Alexandria, Colchester, Dumfries, Aquia and Falmouth to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
May 1 to November 1.
Leave Washington every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 7 1/2 P. M. & Fredericksburg by the next noon, in 15 hours. Returning. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Monday excepted, at 11 A. M. and arrive in Washington by 11 P. M.
November 1 to May 1.
Leave Washington every day, Sunday excepted, at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 8 P. M. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Tuesday excepted, at 3 A. M. and arrive at Washington same day by 10 P. M.
18. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green and Hanover C. H. to Richmond, six times a week.
May 1 to November 1.
Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next day by 3 A. M. in 14 hours. Returning. Leave Richmond every day, Sunday excepted, at 9 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 10 A. M. in 13 hours.
November 1 to May 1.
Leave Fredericksburg every day, Monday excepted, at 3 A. M. and arrive
at Richmond the same day by 7 D. M. Returning. Leave Richmond every day, Monday excepted, at 3 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the same day by 8 P. M.
19. From Richmond by Manchester and Osborne to Petersburg every day. Leave Richmond every day at 4 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 A. M. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 8 P. M.
20. From Richmond, Frazier's, New Kent C. H. Williamsburg, Yorktown, & Hampton to Norfolk, three times a week. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Hampton by 9 P. M. and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday by 10 A. M. Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next day by 7 P. M. in Summer, and 9 M. in Winter.
21. From Petersburg by City Point, Cabin Point, Smithfield, Surry C. H. and Suffolk C. H. to Portsmouth, three times a week. Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the next day by 8 A. M. Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next day by 1 P. M.
22. From Charleston by Jacksonboro' Pocotaligo and Coosawhatchie to Savannah, three times a week. Leave Charleston every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Savannah on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 8 P. M. Returning. Leave Savannah every Tuesday, Thursday, & Sunday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Charleston on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by 9 1/2 A. M.
23. From Augusta by Jacksonboro' and Ebenezer to Savannah once a week. Leave Savannah every Saturday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Tuesday by 10 A. M. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Savannah on Friday by 4 P. M.
24. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 A. M. Leave Louisville at 10 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 A. M. Returning. Leave Augusta every Thursday by 2 P. M. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Louisville at 11 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 P. M.
25. From Savannah by Bryan C. H. Midway Church, Riceboro, McIntosh C. H. Darien, Frederica, Jekyll Island, and Dungeness Nest to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 A. M. Returning. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Savannah the next day by 6 P. M.
26. From Jekyll Island to Brunswick, once a week.
Leave Jekyll Island every Thursday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Brunswick by 10 A. M. Returning. Leave Brunswick every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Jekyll Island by 6 P. M.
IN MAINE.
27. From Brunswick by Litchfield and Hallowell to Augusta once a week.
Leave Brunswick every Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Augusta same day by 6 P. M.
Leave Augusta every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Brunswick the same day by 6 P. M.
28. From Wiscasset by Edgecomb to Booth Bay once a week.
Leave Wiscasset every Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Booth Bay by 10 A. M.
Returning. Leave Booth Bay every Monday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Wiscasset by 4 P. M.
IN NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
29. From Fryeborg in Maine by Conway, the Notch of the White mountain, Jefferson and Lancaster to Guildhall C. H. in Vermont once in two weeks.
Leave Fryeborg every other Wednesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Guildhall on Thursday by 10 A. M.
Returning. Leave Guildhall every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Fryeborg on Friday by 6 P. M.
30. From Conway to Allop once in two weeks.
Leave Conway every other Wednesday at noon and arrive at Allop by 6 P. M.
Leave Allop every other Thursday at 9 A. M. and arrive at Conway by noon.
IN VERMONT.
31. From Littleton in New-Hampshire by St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Wolcott, Johnston and Fletcher to St. Albans once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday 1 P. M. & arrive at Lancaster C. H. by 9 at 6 A. M. and arrive at St. Albans the next Wednesday by 6 P. M.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Littleton the next Saturday by 6 P. M.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
32. From Shrewsbury by Holden, Rutland, Oakham, Harwich, Greenwich, Pelham and Amherst to Northampton once a week.
Leave Shrewsbury every Tuesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Northampton on Wednesday by 10 A. M.
Leave Northampton on Wednesday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Shrewsbury on Thursday by 6 P. M.
THEATRE.
THE Theatre committee request a meeting of the subscribers and other gentlemen desirous of promoting that object, at Mr. Rhodes's tavern on Thursday the 7th day of June next, at 6 o'clock in the evening. As matters of importance will then be laid before the meeting, it is hoped there will be a full attendance.
WILLIAM BRENT, Sec of the Theatre Co. Washington, 30th May.
REMOVAL.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR,
Has removed to the house above Mr. RHODES (LATE LOVEL'S) HOTEL, near the President's Square.
In addition to the present stock of goods, an Handsome Assortment is expected immediately.
Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post, will be waited upon with all possible expedition.
T. C. will pledge himself to execute any order with a taste, expedition and moderation of charge, which shall not be excelled by any.
April 16—tf.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA.
Has received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk floratine, Black and fancy silk moleskin velvet, white & figure Marcellas, Swandowns, Toilettettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c.
With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season.
N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square.
November 8, 1803
Will be offered at PUBLIC SALE,
ON Monday the 18th of June, if fair, or the next fair day, eighty hundred acres of land, lying in the county of Loudoun, on both sides of Little river, immediately in the fork of the great roads leading from Alexandria to Ashby's and Snicker's gaps, just above the termination of the new turnpike now paving from Alexandria to the ford of Little river, and ten miles from Leesburg. More than three hundred acres of the above tract are yet uncleared and well timbered, and a great portion of the remainder has been cleared within the last three years. The soil has been found by experiment well adapted to the Pruner of Paris, and is not inferior in natural fertility, to any below the Blue Ridge. Besides the improvements on this land, which consist of a large barn containing a treading floor and granaries, of two dwelling houses, a framed meat house and dairy, and quarters sufficient for the accommodation of sixty negroes, it affords one of the best seats on Little River, for a large manufacturing mill, and an excellent situation for a store & tavern. The whole tract is susceptible of a convenient division, by means of the river and the road to Ashby's gap, into three or four lots, one of 360 acres, of which 120 acres are in wood, and upon which are the chief improvements—one of 50 acres, comprehending the mill seat and 20 or 30 acres of flat capable of being converted into good meadow—and one lot of 390 acres, or two of 195 each, which afford the best farming land, and on one of which, immediately at the fork of the above roads, is the situation for the store and the tavern. Under this division the whole of this tract of land has been leased out for the present year.
At any time before the day of sale, a more perfect description of it, may be obtained from Mr. Solomon Eaton now residing on it, by any person desirous of purchasing. The terms will be one third in cash, or in bills for sixty days, negotiable at the bank of Alexandria, and the balance in two annual installments, the punctilious payment of which, with interest, will be required to be secured by bonds with approved personal security, and a mortgage on the premises. A perfect title comprehending a general warrantee, will be made to the purchaser on the day of sale, and possession will be given him on the 1st day of next January by
CHARLES FENTON MERCER. May 23—rawitj Jun.
The subscribers are desirous of selling by private contract, eleven thousand acres of land, lying on the river Ohio, in the state of Virginia, and just below the mouth of the Great Kanawha, for which, they will take in payment, public securities, bank stock, or lands in Loudoun, or any of the adjacent counties.
JOHN FENTON MERCER, CHARLES FENTON MERCER
United States, District of Columbia county of Washington.
In CHANCERY, January 28, 1804.
John G. Ladd,
against
Amariah Frost.
THE object of the bill filed in this cause is to foreclose a mortgage of one half of lot No. 47 in square 624 in the city of Washington given by the said Amariah Frost to the said John G. Ladd. It appearing by the return of the marshal that the defendant was not found within his district, and it being stated by the petition of the complainant that the said Amariah Frost is not an inhabitant of the district of Columbia. It is thereupon ordered that the complainant cause a copy of this notice to be inserted in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist printed in Washington county in the said district once a week for the term of six weeks, warning the defendant to appear at the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington on the 6th day of the ensuing term to show cause why a decree should not be made in this case, according to the prayer of the complainant's bill.
Cpy left U. FORREST, Clk. May 16—w6t
PROFILES.
I. TODD left from Alexandria, has executed his patent Phyllognotrace for taking LIKENESSES IN PROFILE, in the convenient room, lately occupied by Mr. Duclaircaq, dancing master, formerly Simms's tavern, in High street a few doors above Bridge street, where those who may favor him with their attention may have four correct profiles for 25 cents.
N. B. Gilt and Black frames, may be had at the room. Georgetown, May 30—tf
The subscribers inform the Public that they have opened a store on the corner of Bridge and Washington streets next door to the Union tavern, Georgetown, where they offer for sale an extensive and select assortment of groceries.
ROSS & PLEASANTON. Georgetown—May 30—tf
30 Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber, living near Dumfries in Virginia, on the 11th inst. A Negro or dark Mulatto named PRINCE, about 22 years of age, about five feet nine inches high, bow legs, has a mark on his face occasioned by a fall from a horse and a scar on one of his wrists, from a cut with a broken glass bottle. I will give thirty dollars reward for apprehending and bringing said negro home.
ROBERT GRAHAM. May 23—tf
HAT MANUFACTURY.
The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has continued business in the city of Washington, and has opened a shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chuse to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neccessary and goods be requisites.
JOEL BROWN. George Town, Feb. 17—tf
WANTED,
An APPRENTICE to the SADDLERY business—A boy of about 14 years of age will be taken on liberal terms.
GEORGE BLOUNT, Pennsylvania avenue. May 18—9c
House and Lot for Sale.
By virtue of a deed of trust from JOHN KENNEDY to the subscribers, will be sold by public sale, at Rhodes's tavern, in the city of Washington, on Friday the 24th day of May next, at 5 o'clock P. M. for ready money, part of lot No. 1, in square No. 291 in said city, fronting 54 feet on Pennsylvania avenue and 100 feet 2 inches on 12th street well, conveyed by the commissioners to the said Kennedy, with the two story brick dwellings house built thereon, at present occupied by Augustus B. Woodward, esq.
George Thompson, John Murdoch.
The sale of the above-mentioned House and lot not having taken place on the 24th inst. they will be sold, without reserve, on Wednesday the 20th day of June next, at the same place and hour of the day and on the terms above stated.
G. T. J. M. George Town, May 30—Jun20
As the proceeds of the above sale are intended to be paid into my hands, a bond or notes with approved security, bearing interest from date, and payable one third in 6 one third in 12 and one third in 18 months will be accepted of from the purchaser, in place of cash.
JOHN LAIRD.
TO BE SOLD
At public sale on Wednesday the 5th of June, at Montgomery courthouse, at Mr. Robb's Tavern, at 12 o'clock—A Tract of Land called DUNLAP—the property of R. Lee, esq. lying within 2 miles of the courthouse, containing 300 acres of valuable farming land.
Mr. William Clements, living near the premises will show them to any person inclined to purchase. One third of the purchase money to be paid down, the remainder in 9 and 18 months—Also in George Town the next day, at Mr. McLaughlin's Tavern at 12 o'clock, the following parcels of Land, two undivided fourth parts of Scotch Ordinary near George Town, containing in the whole 73 acres. One undivided fourth part of a Tract of Land called Read's Swamp, containing 467 acres, near Piscataway.
Two undivided fourth parts of a Tract of Land called Beall's Reserve, near the latter Tract, containing 310 acres.
JAMES CLERKLEE. May 16—tf Jun.
Union Tavern, Bladensburg, Maryland.