The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-05-25 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1188.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 25, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Letter of Mr. Madison to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney—Concluded.
Art. 6. This article, as taking the case of the W. India trade out of any general stipulation of privileges granted to other nations, may prove convenient, by dismembering measures, which may be taken against the British monopoly, from questions of which that stipulation might otherwise be susceptible.
Art. 7. Though to remain if desired, would be more reasonable, without the last paragraph, or with a right only to except places and periods, at which the trade of the other party may not be permitted.
Art. 8. This article is framed with more accuracy than the 17th, on the same subject, in the treaty of 1794, and is improved by the additional paragraph at the close of it. But as such general stipulations have not been found of much avail in practice, and as it continues to be the wish of the President to avoid, especially at the present juncture, unnecessary confirmations of the principle, that a neutral flag does not protect enemies property, an omission of the article is much preferred, unless it be so varied as to be free from this objection. This may easily be done, by substituting a general stipulation, "that in all cases where vessels shall be captured or detained for any lawful cause, they shall be brought to the nearest or most convenient port; and such part only of the articles on board as are confiscable by the law of nations, shall be made prize; and the vessel, unless that law subject also to confiscation, shall be at liberty to proceed, &c."
There ought to be the less hesitation, on the British side, in making this change, as the article in its present form, departs from that of 1794; and there is the more reason, on our side, for requiring the change, as the addition of "for other lawful cause," after specifying the two cases, of enemy's property and contraband of war, is probably valued by G. Britain as supporting her doctrine, and impairing ours, with respect to colonial trade. The only case other than those specified, to which the right of capture is applicable, is that of blockades, which might have been as easily specified, as provided for by such a residuary phrase; and the pretext for appropriating this phrase to the case of the colonial trade, would be strengthened by the specific provision, in a subsequent article, for the case of blockades.
It cannot be alleged that the specification of the two cases of enemy's property and contraband of war, is necessary to prevent uncertainty and controversy; the U. S. having sufficiently manifested their acquiescence in these causes of capture. If there be a source of uncertainty and controversy, it is in the expressions "other lawful cause," and "otherwise confiscable," and this source could not be increased by the change here proposed.
Art. 9. This article is an improvement of that on the same subject, in the treaty of 1794; inasmuch as it excepts from the list of contraband, tar and pitch, when not bound to a port of naval equipment; and when so bound, substitutes pre-emption for forfeiture. It has an advantage also, in the clause renouncing the principle of the British order of June, 1803, against vessels returning from places, to which they had carried contraband of war.
On the other hand, it would not have been unreasonable to expect that the British government would, in a treaty with the United States, have insisted on no stipulation less favorable than her stipulation on the same subject, with Russia; especially as the naval stores exported from the United States are equally the growth and produce of the country.
Consistency, again as well as reason, evidently required that the exception in favor of tar and pitch should have been extended to every species of naval stores, equally applicable to other uses than those of war, and destined to places other than those of naval equipment.
Lastly, it is observable, that even turpentine and rosin are not included with tar or pitch in the favorable exceptions though of a character so kindred as to leave no pretext for the distinction.
Neither has the British government the slightest ground for regarding as a concession, the stipulated immunity of a vessel, which, on her outward voyage, had carried contraband to a hostile port. The principle asserted by her order on that subject, is an innovation against the clearest right of neutrals, as recognized and enforced even by British courts. The very language of the article implies that this is a gratuitous for the innovation.
These considerations urge a modification of the article; and they are strengthened by the great dislike of the President to formal recognitions, at this particular moment, of principles combated by some, and unfavorable to all neutral nations. So ineligible indeed, in his view, is any step tending in the least to retard the progress of these principles, that naval stores are to be left on a stipulated list of contraband, in the event, only, of an inflexible refusal of the British government to omit them; nor are they to be retained in any event, without an addition or explanation that will except turpentine and rosin, as well as tar and pitch; there being no plausible motive for the distinction; and the quantity and value of the two former exported from the U. States, being found, on inquiry, to make them of equal importance with the two latter. It can scarcely be supposed that the British government will insist on this unwarrantable distinction. It is not indeed improbable, that it has been a mere inadvertence. Such an inference is favored by the circumstance of your speaking, in your comment on this article, of tar and turpentine, as being the two exceptions. Whatever the true state of the case may be, it is thought better to omit a list of contraband altogether, than not to include in the exception from it turpentine and rosin, as well as tar and pitch.
Art. 10. The abuse of blockades has been so extravagant, and has produced so much vexation and injury to the fair commerce of the U. S. that as on one hand it is of great importance to find a remedy; so, on the other, it is the more necessary, that the remedy should be such as not itself to admit of abuse. The considerations which reconciled you to the tenor of the article, as at least a constructive approach to a solid provision for the case, are allowed the weight which they justly merit; whilst the course which your discussions took, are a proof of the exertions which were used to give the article a more satisfactory form.
The failure, however, of the British commissioners to substantiate a favorable construction of the article, by a proper explanatory letter addressed to you, with their reasons for refusing to insert in the treaty a definition of blockade, justify apprehensions that the vague terms which alone were permitted to compose the article, would be more likely to be turned against our object, by courts and cruisers, and perhaps by a less liberal cabinet, than to receive in practice the more favorable construction which candor anticipated.
The British doctrine of blockades exemplified by practice, is different from that of all other nations, as well as from the reason and nature of that operation of war. The mode of notifying a blockade by proclamations and diplomatic communications, of what is to be done, rather of what in fact had been done, is more particularly the evil which is to be corrected. Against these nominal blockades, the article does not sufficiently close the door. The preamble itself, which refers to distance of situation, as a frequent cause of not knowing that a blockade exists, though in one view giving the U. S. the advantage of a favorable presumption; in another view, carries an admission unfavorable to our principle, which rests not on the distance of situation, but on the nature of the case, and which consequently rejects in all cases the legal sufficiency of notifications in the British mode. The preamble is liable to the remark also that it separates our cause from the common one of neutral nations in a less distant situation, and that the principle of it may even be pleaded against us in the case of blockades in the West-Indies. These considerations would have been outweighed by the advantage of establishing a satisfactory rule on this subject, in favor of our trade; but
without such a provision in the article, it is thought less advisable to retain it, than to trust to the law of blockades as laid down by all writers of authority, as supported by all treaties which define it, and more especially as recognized and communicated to the U. S. by the British government, through its minister here, in last, not to mention the influence which the course of events, and the sentiments of the maritime nations in friendship with G. Britain may have, in producing a reform on this subject.
The last paragraph, though subjecting persons in civil as well as military service of an enemy, to capture in our vessels, may prove a valuable safeguard to ordinary passengers and mariners, against the wrongs which they now frequently experience, and which affect the vessel as well as themselves.
Art. 12. It is much regretted that a provision could not be obtained against the practice of British cruisers, in hovering and taking stations for the purpose of surprizing the trade going in and out of our harbors, a practice which the British government felt to be so injurious to the dignity and rights of that nation, at periods when it was neutral. An addition of two miles, nevertheless, to our maritime jurisdiction, so far as to protect neutral and other unarmed vessels, notwithstanding its want of any thing like a due reciprocity, is not without its value. This value will at the same time be very materially impaired, if the stipulation cannot be liberated from the clause requiring the consent of the other belligerent nations, as necessary to exempt their vessels from search and seizure. None of the other belligerent nations have, in fact, unarmed vessels engaged in our trade, nor are they likely to have any during the war; and these alone could derive advantage from their consent; their armed vessels being expressly excepted. There can be no motive with them, therefore, to agree to the regulation. They would rather be tempted to embarrass it, with a view to continue as much as possible vexations which lessen the mutual good will of the parties. And as by their not agreeing to the regulation, the right is reserved to British cruisers to examine all vessels for the purpose of ascertaining whether they may not belong to a belligerent, the disturbance of our trade might be little diminished within the additional two miles. Besides the mere interruption of a search concerning the vessel, it is hardly to be expected from the general spirit of cruisers, that the search will not be extended to the cargo, and if the latter should be thus or otherwise found or suspected to be of a confiscable sort, that the temptation to capture would be resisted, the less so perhaps, as the increased distance from the shore, and the increased difficulty of proof, would favor the chance of condemnation, or at least countenance courts in their propensity to refuse damages and costs to the claimants.
To secure the advantage promised by this article, the right of search ought to be suppressed altogether, the additional space enjoying in this respect the same immunity as is allowed to the marine league. To this object the President wishes your endeavors to be directed.
I reserve for the 19th article, another view of the subject which will claim your attention.
Art. 13. The general provision here copied from the treaty of 1794, though not hitherto found of much effect, in controlling the licentiousness of cruisers, and very different from the special rules in favor of neutrals contained in most treaties which touch the subject of search, enters very properly into a comprehensive arrangement between two friendly nations. The introductory sentence alone, which consist of new matter, invites particular notice. The expressions "as the course of the war may possibly permit," and "observing, as much as possible, the acknowledged principles and rules of the law of nations" however favorably intended by the British negotiators, will not improbably be construed into a relaxation of the neutral right in favor of belligerent pleas, drawn from circumstances of which belligerent agents will be the judges. The expressions may easily be so
varied as to refer simply to the law of nations for the rule, & to the friendship of the parties, for the spirit, according to which the search is to be conducted. If such an amendment should be deliberately rejected by the British government, it will be a proof of a lurking danger, that will recommend an omission of what relates to the subject of search, in preference to retaining it.
Articles 14, 15, and 16, call for no particular observation.
Art. 17. So much of this article as relates to the admission of ships of war, would be advantageously exchanged for a general stipulation, allowing on this subject, the privilege granted to the most favored nation. It would then be in the power of the United States to limit the number admissible at one time, whereas such an indefinite admission of British ships imposes on our neutrality a like indulgence to the fleets of other nations. Such an alteration of the article is the more reasonable and important, as there will be little reciprocity in its operation; the United States having but few ships, and the inconveniences from British ships in our ports, being much greater than those from our ships, in British ports.
The engagement to treat officers of the navy with respect, is not only too indefinite to be enforced by penal regulations, but implies a reproachful defect of hospitality and civility. In this light it was viewed during the discussions of the treaty of 1794. The clause probably grew then out of recent complaints, well or ill founded, of disrespectful conduct on some occasion towards British officers. If latter occurrences were to be consulted it would be a more apt provision now to stipulate for the punishment of naval commanders making insulting & ungrateful returns for the kindness and respect shown them in our ports and towns. The President make almost a point of excluding this part of the article.
Articles 18, and 19, already noticed.
Art. 20. Considering the great number of British merchants residing in the United States, with the great means of influence possessed by them, and the very few American merchants who reside in Great Britain, the inconvenience which may be incident to such a protracted right to remain during a state of war, is evidently much greater on our side, than on the other. In this view the stipulation is very unequal. The liberal spirit of it is, at the same time, highly commendable. It were only to be wished that the readiness on one side to make sacrifices of this sort, to a spirit which ought to pervade every part of a treaty between the parties, had been less met by an apparent disposition on the other side, rather to extort from, than to emulate it.
Art. 21. Not agreeable, but not to be an insuperable obstacle.
Article 22, is altogether proper.
Art. 23. This article, granting the privileges of the most favored nation, seems to require explanation, if not alteration. The terms "shall continue to be on the footing of the most favored nation," implies that the parties are now on that footing. To look no further, the discrimination between exports from Great Britain to Europe and to the United States, is a proof that the fact is otherwise.
But may not the expression be construed into a barrier against laws on the part of the United States, establishing a reciprocity with the British navigation act, and West India regulations. It might be impolitic to extend such laws to all other nations, as it would be unjust to extend them to such as had not adopted the restrictive system of Great Britain. And yet a discrimination might be arraigned as not continuing Great Britain on the same footing with other nations.
The object of this article, so far as it is a legitimate one, would be sufficiently provided for by a mutual stipulation of the privileges in trade and navigation, enjoyed by the most favored nation; and such stipulations moreover, ought in justice, to import simply, that where privileges are granted to a third nation, in consideration of privileges received, the
privileges cannot be claimed under the stipulation, without a return of the same or of equivalent privileges. The condition is certainly not without difficulties in the execution, but it avoids a greater evil. Should Spain or France open her colonies to our ships and productions, on our trade, these could not be claimed or expected by the most friendly nation who would not pay the price of them.
Articles 24 and 25, are entirely proper.
Art. 26. It is particularly desirable that the duration of the treaty should be abridged, to the term limited in the instructions of the 5th Jan. 1804.
Having taken this view of the subject with reference to a formal treaty under new modifications, it is necessary to recollect that you were authorized by my letter of February 3, to enter into informal arrangements, and that before the receipt of my letter of March 18, a plan of that sort may have been definitively settled. In such a state of things it is impossible to do better than to leave your own judgements, aided by a knowledge of circumstances unknown here, and by the sentiments of the President now communicated, to decide how far it may be eligible, or otherwise, to attempt to supersede that informal arrangement, by opening the negotiation herein contemplated.
Should, on another hand, the negotiation be found in the state authorized by my letter, of March 18th, that is to say, matured provisionally only, and consequently leaving the door open for the experiment now provided for, it must equally remain with your own judgements, guided by a comparison of the terms of the provisional arrangement, with the present instructions, to decide how far it may be best to close the former, or to pursue the objects of the latter, with a view, in case of failure, to return to, and close the former.
Whatever may be the course recommended by the actual state of things, you will feel the propriety of smoothing the way for it, by the explanations which will best satisfy the British government, that the several steps taken on the part of the U. S. have proceeded from their solicitude to find some ground, on which the difficulties and differences existing between the two countries, might be amicably and permanently terminated. You will be equally aware of the importance of transmitting hitherto, as early and as circumstantial information of your proceedings and prospects, as opportunities will permit; and will particularly keep in mind, the earnest desire of the President, to possess, in due time, every material, preparatory to the communications relating to our affairs with G. Britain, which will be so anxiously expected, on the meeting of Congress, the first Monday in December.
[Confidential—not printed.]
Such are the instructions and explanations under which the task is assigned to you, of renewing the discussions with the British government. The President is well assured that it will be executed with all the advantage which talents and patriotism can contribute; and he is unwilling to believe that that government will finally prefer to the reasonable terms proposed, the serious state of things which will be left, by a miscarriage of this ulterior appeal to the motives which ought to govern a just and friendly nation. As it is possible, however, that this favorable calculation may not be verified, and it will necessarily remain to be decided, whether such a state of things can be obviated by any additional proposition, not beyond the justifiable limits of concession; the President has taken the case into his serious deliberation, and has concluded to authorise you, in the event of a rejection of every arrangement already authorised, but in that event only, to admit an article to the following effect:
"It is agreed that after the term of months computed from the exchange of ratifications, and during a war in which either of the parties may be engaged, neither of them will permit any seamen, not being its own citizen or subject, and being a citizen or subject of the other party, who shall not have been for two years at

least prior to that date, constantly, and voluntarily, in the service, or within the jurisdiction of the parties respectively, to enter, or be employed on board any of its vessels navigating the high seas; and proper regulations, enforced by adequate penalties, shall be mutually established, for distinguishing the seamen of the parties respectively, and for giving full effect to this stipulation."
You will observe that the proposition is so framed as not to comprehend among British seamen those who have been made citizens of the U. S. & who are necessarily so regarded within their jurisdiction, and under their flag. This modification of the article cannot produce any real objection on the part of G. Britain. 1st. Because the legal prerequisites to naturalization in the U. S. imply what is sufficiently known, that the number of seamen actually naturalized or likely to be so, is too small to claim attention in any arrangement on this subject.
2nd. Because the right of British subjects to naturalize themselves in a foreign trade and navigation, as laid down by the judicial authority of G. Britain, ought to restrain the government from making a difficulty on this point. See Dunford and East's reports, Wilson vs. Marriott; and the same case in Bosanquet and Fuller's reports.
[Confidential—not printed.]
If an attempt should be made to bind the U. S. to deliver up the seamen to G. Britain instead of excluding them merely from their own service, you are to say at once, that it would be inconsistent with our principles, and cannot be acceded to.
It will occur to you that the period of two years has been chosen, in allusion to the period established by G. Britain, as sufficiently incorporating alien with British seamen. Her own example at least must have weight with her, and the implied appeal to it, may be of use in shielding the measure against public prejudices, to which the government may not wish to expose itself.
If the British government be not predetermined against a friendly adjustment, it is confidently presumed that the concession proposed, will not only overcome all obstacles to your success on the essential points, but may be turned to account in promoting the amendment of the other articles.
Should the concession, however, center to all expectation, not succeed, even as to the essential objects, the course prescribed by prudence will be to signify your purpose of transmitting the result to your government; avoiding carefully any language or appearance of hostile anticipations; and receiving, and transmitting, at the same time, any overtures which may be made on the other side, with a view to bring about accommodation. As long as negotiation can be honorably protracted, it is a resource to be preferred under existing circumstances, to the peremptory alternative of improper concessions, or inevitable collisions.
The last suggestion I have to make to you is, that in case of great difficulties in re-adjusting the multiplied provisions embraced by the treaty of December, particularly those relating to commerce, it may be advisable, to simplify the transaction, by confining it to the few essential objects, or by not adding more than a few others of least difficulty, and most importance. A general article may suffice for the rest, giving reciprocally, in regard to trade and navigation, armed ships & prizes the privileges to the most favored nation; and leaving for more leisurely and detailed provision, whatever further may conduce to the mutual interests, and correspond with the friendly dispositions of the parties. A general stipulation of this sort, applied to the subject of commerce, would have the advantage to the U. States of abolishing and preventing British discriminations on exports, and to G. Britain, the like advantage with respect to American discriminations on imports.
LETTER
From Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison. RICHMOND, Feb. 28, 1808.
Sir, It appears by your letter of May 20th, 1807, which was forwarded by Mr. Purvis to Mr. Pinkney and myself, at London, and received on the 16th July, that you had consured several articles of the treaty, which we had signed with the British commissioners, on the 31st of Dec. 1806, in a different sense from that in which they were conceived by us. As the course we were instructed to pursue, by your letter of Feb. 3d, with regard to that treaty, which was confirmed in that of May 20th, was in no degree dependent on our construction of any of its articles or on the political considerations which in-
duced us to sign it, we deemed it unnecessary to enter into any explanation in reply, either of our construction of its articles, or of the political considerations alluded to. We thought it more consistent with our duty, to look solely to the object of our instructions, and to exert our utmost efforts to accomplish it; and we acted in conformity to that sentiment. The result of those efforts was made known, by the documents which I had the honor to present to you, when I was lately at Washington, being copies of a joint dispatch, which Mr. Pinkney and I had forwarded by Mr. Rose. We had flattered ourselves, that it might have been practicable to obtain the amendments of the treaty which the President desired, as the state of affairs in Europe had become more favorable to such a result; but in that we were disappointed. We found no difficulty in accomplishing the other object, of setting it aside, as we were instructed to do, in case the proposed amendments were not acceded to.
At this time there is no objection to such an explanation, that I am aware of, and there are many reasons why it should be given. You will be sensible that, so far as an unfavorable estimate is entertained of that transaction, it must, in the degree, tend to injure those who gave it the sanction of their names; and you will be equally sensible that, if the U. S. are in any degree interested in it, at this time, it must consist in its being viewed in a just, rather than an unfavorable light. In retiring from the station which I have lately held, this is the last act of public and private duty, which I have to perform, in relation to it. It is to me, in many views, a painful duty, but still it is one which it is highly incumbent on me to execute.
It is far from being my desire to compromise Mr. Pinkney, in this letter, in the slightest circumstance. In the management of the business which was entrusted to us jointly, we acted with the greatest harmony, and exerted our best efforts to accomplish the object of our instructions. I am not aware that, in speaking of any part of the treaty, I shall give it a construction in which he would not concur; but that presumption is founded altogether on what took place between us in the course of the negotiation. To this communication he is not a party, nor indeed does he know that such a one will be made. In every view, therefore, it is improper, and would be unjust, that he should be considered as having any concern in it.
The impressment of seamen from our merchant vessels is a topic which claims a primary attention, from the order which it holds in your letter, but more especially from some important considerations that are connected with it. The idea entertained by the public is, that the rights of the U. S. were abandoned by the American commissioners in the late negotiation, and that their seamen were left by tacit acquiescence, if not by formal renunciation, to depend, for their safety, on the mercy of the British cruisers. I have, on the contrary, always believed, and still do believe, that the ground on which that interest was placed by the paper of the British commissioners of Nov. 3, 1806, and the explanations which accompanied it, was both honorable and advantageous to the U. States; that it contained a concession in their favor, on the part of G. Britain, on the great principle in contestation, never before made by a formal and obligatory act of the government, which was highly favorable to their interest; and that it also imposed on her the obligation to conform her practice under it, till a more complete arrangement should be concluded, to the just claims of the U. S. To place this transaction in its true light, and to do justice to the conduct of the American commissioners, it will be necessary to enter at some length into the subject.
The British paper states that the king was not prepared to disclaim or derogate from a right on which the security of the British navy might essentially depend, especially in a conjuncture when he was engaged in wars which enforced the necessity of the most vigilant attention to the preservation and supply of his naval force; that he had directed his commissioners to give to the commissioners of the U. S. the most positive assurances that instructions had been given, and should be repeated and enforced, to observe the greatest caution in the impressing of British seamen, to preserve the citizens of the U. S. from molestation or injury, and that immediate and prompt redress should be afforded on any representation of injury sustained by them. It then proposes to postpone the article relative to improvement on account of the difficulties which were experienced in arranging any article on that sub-
ject, and to proceed to conclude a treaty on the other points that were embraced by the negotiation. As a motive to such postponement, and the condition of it, it assures us that the British commissioners were instructed still to entertain the discussion of any plan which could be devised to secure the interests of both states without injury to the rights of either.
By this paper it is evident that the rights of the United States were expressly to be reserved, and not abandoned, as has been most erroneously supposed; that the negotiation on the subject of impressment was to be postponed for a limited time, and for a special object only, and to be revived as soon as that object was accomplished; and, in the interim, that the practice of impressment was to correspond essentially with the views and interests of the United States. It is, indeed, evident, from a correct view of the contents of that paper, that Great Britain refused to disclaim or derogate only from what she called her right, as it also is, that as her refusal was made applicable to a crisis of extraordinary peril, it authorized the reasonable expectation, if not the just claim, that even in that the accommodation desired would be hereafter yielded.
In our letter to you of November 11, which accompanied the paper under consideration, and in that of January 3, which was forwarded with the treaty, these sentiments were fully confirmed. In that of November 11, we communicated one important fact, which left no doubt of the sense in which it was intended by the British commissioners, that that paper should be construed by us. In calling your attention to the passage which treats of impressment, in reference to the practice which should be observed in future, we remarked that the terms "high seas" were not mentioned in it, and added that we knew that the omission had been intentional. It was impossible that those terms could have been omitted intentionally with our knowledge , for any purpose other than to admit a construction that it was intended that impressments should be confined to the land. I do not mean to imply that it was understood between the British commissioners and us, that G. Britain should abandon the practice of impressment on the high seas altogether. I mean, however, distinctly to state that it was understood that the practice heretofore pursued by her should be abandoned, and that no impressment should be made on the high seas under the obligation of that paper, except in cases of an extraordinary nature, to which no general prohibition against it could be construed fairly to extend. The cases to which I allude were described in our letter of November 11. They suppose, a British ship of war and a merchant vessel of the U. S. lying in the Tagus or some other port, the desertion of some of the sailors from the ship of war to the merchant vessel, and the sailing of the latter with such deserters on board, they being British subjects. It was admitted that no general prohibition against impressment could be construed to sanction such cases of injustice and fraud; and to such cases it was understood that the practice should in future be confined.
It is a just claim on our part, that the explanations which were given of that paper by the British commissioners when they presented it to us, and afterwards while the negotiation was depending, which we communicated to you in due order of time, should be taken into view, in a fair estimate of our conduct in that transaction. As the arrangement which they proposed was of an informal nature, resting on an understanding between the parties in a certain degree confidential, it could not otherwise than happen that such explanations would be given us in the course of the business, of the views of their government in regard to it. And if an arrangement by informal understanding is admissible in any case between nations, it was our duty to receive those explanations, to give them the weight to which they were justly entitled, and to communicate them to you, with our impression of the extent of the obligation, which they imposed. It is in that mode only that what is called an informal understanding between nations can be entered into. It presumes a want of precision in the written documents connected with it, which is supplied by mutual explanations and confidence. Reduce the transaction to form and it becomes a treaty. That an informal understanding was an admissible mode of arranging this interest with G. Britain is made sufficiently evident by your letter of February 3d, 1807, in reply to ours of November 11, of the preceding year.
Without relying, however, on the
explanations that were given by the British commissioners of the import of that paper, or of the course which their government intended to pursue under it, it is fair to remark on the paper itself, that as by it the rights of the parties were reserved, and the negotiation might be continued on this particular topic, after a treaty should be formed on the others, G. Britain was bound not to trespass on those rights while that negotiation was depending; and in case she did trespass on them, in any the slightest degree, the U. S. would be justified in breaking off the negotiation, and appealing to force in vindication of their rights. The mere circumstance of entertaining an amicable negotiation by one party for the adjustment of a controversy, where no right had been acknowledged in it by the other, gives to the latter a just claim to such a forbearance on the part of the former. But the entertainment of a negotiation for the express purpose of securing interests sanctioned by acknowledged rights, makes such claim irresistible. We were, therefore, decidedly of opinion, that the paper of the British commissioners placed the interest of impressment on ground which it was both safe and honorable for the United States to admit: that in short it gave their government the command of the subject for every necessary and useful purpose. Attached to the treaty it was the basis or condition, on which the treaty rested. Strong in its character in their favor on the great question of right, and admitting a favorable construction on others, it placed them on more elevated ground in those respects than they had held before; and by keeping the negotiation open to obtain a more complete adjustment, the administration was armed with the most effectual means of securing it. By this arrangement the government possessed a power to coerce without being compelled to assume the character belonging to coercion, and it was able to give effect to that power without violating the relations of amity between the countries. The right to break off the negotiation and appeal to force, could never be lost sight of in any discussion on the subject; while there was no obligation to make that appeal till necessity compelled it. If Great Britain conformed her practice to the rule prescribed by the paper of Nov. 3, and the explanations which accompanied it, our government might rest on that ground with advantage; but if she departed from that rule and a favorable opportunity offered for the accomplishment of a more complete and satisfactory arrangement, by a decisive effort, it would be at liberty to seize such opportunity for the advantage of the country.
These considerations, founded on a view of the proposed arrangement itself, furnished strong inducement to us to proceed to the other objects of the negotiation. There were other considerations of a different character, which recommended it with still greater force. Had we refused to proceed in the negotiation, what was the alternative which such a refusal presented to our view? The negotiation would have been at an end, after having failed in all its objects; for if this interest was not arranged, none others could be. The attitude which the governments held towards each other, was in a certain degree hostile. Injuries had been inflicted by one party, and resentment shown by the other, the latter having taken a step in the case of the non-importation law, which was intended to vindicate the public rights and honor by being made the means of obtaining a redress of those injuries. The measure was intended for the ministry of Mr. Pitt, from which the injuries were received; but by the removal of that ministry, and the delay which took place in the passage of the law, it came into operation against the ministry of Mr. Fox and Lord Grenville, who would not have rendered those injuries, and against whom of course such a weapon would not have been raised. Notwithstanding the existence of that law, and the attitude which still remained between the governments, it was impossible to appeal to it as a strong motive of action with the new ministry. Such an appeal was sure to produce more harm than good. It would have lost us all claim on the generous feelings and liberal policy, which the new ministry was believed to indulge, and disposed to adopt towards the U. S. The negotiation, therefore, with the new ministry, was conducted by policy as well as by inclination, on friendly and conciliatory principles. Should it fail, however, in its object, and be broken off, the relation between the parties would change in an instant. From that moment the new ministry would stand on the ground of the old one, and the nation be united in all its political parties against us. The attitude would become in fact, what the exterior announced it
to be, hostile, and it was difficult to perceive how it could be changed, and peace be preserved, with honor to the United States. They could not recede from the ground which they had taken, or accept, by compulsion, terms which they had rejected in an amicable negotiation. War, therefore, seemed to be the inevitable consequence of such a state of things, and I was far from considering it an alternative, which ought to be preferred to the arrangement which was offered to us. When I took into view the prosperous and happy condition of the United States compared with that of other nations; that, as a neutral power, they were almost the exclusive carriers of the productions of the whole world; and that in commerce they flourished beyond example, notwithstanding the losses which they occasionally suffered, I was strong in the opinion that those blessings ought not to be hazarded in such a question. Many other considerations tended to confirm me in that sentiment. I knew that the U. States was not prepared for war; that their coast was unprotected, and their cities in a great measure defenceless; that their militia, in many of the states, was neither armed nor trained; and that their whole revenue was derived from commerce. I could not presume that there was just cause to doubt which of the alternatives ought to be preferred. Had it, however, been practicable to terminate the negotiation, without such an adjustment as that proposed, and without taking any decisive measure in consequence of its failure, what was to become of the non-importation law? If it suffered to remain in force, it was sure to produce war. Great Britain, it was known, would enter into no arrangement, by treaty, which did not provide for its repeal; and there was little reason to presume after the rupture of the negotiation, by which the relation between the parties would be less friendly, that she would become more accommodating. It was, on the contrary, fairly to be concluded, that if any arrangement whatever should be practicable, it would be a less advantageous one than that which we had sanctioned. Some disposition of it was, therefore, indispensably necessary, in any course which might be taken. These considerations had much weight in deciding that which was pursued, and I frankly own, that a sincere desire to afford to the administration an honorable opportunity for its repeal, since, under existing circumstances, it did not seem probable that it could be longer useful, and might be injurious, was a strong motive with me to incur the responsibility which I took on myself in that transaction. To the arrangement proposed we gave our sanction. We undertook to submit it to the consideration of our government, taking care to inform the British commissioners, that we had no power to conclude a treaty that would be obligatory on the United States, which did not arrange in a satisfactory manner the interest of impressment. We agreed also to proceed in a discussion of the other objects of the negotiation, and eventually concluded a treaty; it being understood, from what we had frequently stated, that if our government should disapprove the arrangement relative to impressment, the whole would fall with it. Thus the United States enjoyed the advantage of being at liberty to accept or reject the arrangement, while on the British government it was binding. With one party it was a project, with the other a treaty. There was in truth nothing unreasonable in this circumstance, as the British commissioners acted in presence of the cabinet, consulted and took its instruction on every point, while our distance from our government rendered such a recurrence to it impossible. This advantage however proceeded from the nature of the transaction; it was not the effect of losses on our part. We advanced in the negotiation, and concluded a treaty in a firm belief, that although it fell short of what we had expected to obtain, it was nevertheless, in the then state of affairs, such a one as the U. S. might adopt with credit and advantage. I have no doubt that the British commissioners entertained still greater confidence in such a result. The circumstance of our finally agreeing to sanction the arrangement rather than break off the negotiation, at which issue we had frequently stood, in the progress of it, was calculated to make that impression. But it was much strengthened by a knowledge, that the whole arrangement would expose them to very severe and probably, successful attacks, from the opposition, while they had no expectation that it would be popular in the country.
Letter to be continued.

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 25.
We have received the proceedings of the Court Martial in the case of Capt. Charles Gordon, which shall appear in our next. They conclude with the sentence that Capt. Gordon be privately reprimanded by the Secretary of the Navy.
On Wednesday evening the 4th inst. the brig Georgia, capt. Jocelin, arrived at Savannah, in eight days from New-York. When nearly abreast of the city, she was fired upon by the boat of the Revenue Cutter Thomas Jefferson, captain Newell. Without being hailed, or any intimation given further to heave, a musket loaded with buck shot was discharged. The contents, fortunately passed over the quarter deck, without any other injury than perforating the sails, although there were several passengers on deck, and in the main top, at the time. Captain Jocelin informs, that he was shortly after boarded by the boat, with one of the officers of the cutter, who appeared considerably intoxicated, and was extremely rude and insulting; demanded his manifest and papers, which he pretended to overlook with great scrutiny, although he was unable to read them. The Georgia is a regular packet between Savannah and New-York, having a coasting license, and every paper required by the revenue department. She had already entered the port of Savannah, and was very near the anchorage ground in the harbor, when she was thus without notice lawlessly fired into, and the lives of passengers and crew on board much endangered.
The packet sloop Polly, captain Powell, from St. Mary's, on entering the harbor of Savannah on the same evening, was likewise fired at by the Revenue Cutter, and afterwards boarded by the lieutenant, who was very abusive, and threatened to confine the passengers if they dared to resist his villainous conduct.
The insolent conduct of the lieutenant of the Revenue Cutter towards the vessels above mentioned, was promptly enquired into by major Mounger, collector of the port, who directed his discharge from the station he so improperly held.
Notwithstanding the prompt and energetic conduct of the collector of the port of Savannah, the New York Evening Post has the audacity virtually to ascribe the behavior of the removed revenue officer to Mr. Jefferson; a just specimen this of federal candor!
The Governor of the Island of St. Croix on the 30th of April issued the following Proclamation.
Whereas it is highly expedient & necessary under the present scarcity of provisions and lumber within this island & its dependencies, not only to encourage by all possible means the importation & supply thereof, but to the same end to prohibit the exportation of colonial produce in all Foreign ships and vessels, excepting in such as shall be wholly or partly laden with provisions or lumber for sale within the said Island or its dependencies, or for the use or supply of any of the inhabitants thereof—I do hereby direct and order that no sugar, Rum, or colonial produce whatever be shipped or exported in any foreign ships and vessels whatever, save and except such as are before excepted, and then only to the amount of the value of the cargoes imported.
Elections. The continued triumph of republican principles in New York is placed beyond doubt. A Troy Print says there are elected, in the House of Representatives 65 republicans, 42 federalists, five members being yet to be returned; in the senate eight republicans and one federalist; and in the House of Representatives of the United States eleven republicans and six federalists.
Of Bucks-Island the following article from the Phoenix of that state enables us to speak with certainty. The republican majority is as strong, we believe, as it ever has been.
Our own State. —A paragraph is going the rounds through the federal papers, declaring that the federalists have a majority in the House of Representatives of this state of four, and of three in the Senate. We are under the agreeable necessity of informing the gentlemen "able editors," that they are a little mistaken in their calculations—as on a trial of the strength of the parties at the late session, in grand committee, there appeared a republican majority of seven.
Of Massachusetts nothing conclusive can be affirmed. The prints
on each side claim the victory. As the legislature meets in a short time we shall soon be furnished with an unerring criterion of the strength of parties.
In Connecticut old habits still reign. Governor Trumbull is re-elected; he having 12,148, & Mr. Hart 7,566 votes.
The following is the whole of the patriotic address of the Representatives of the Orleans territory, of which a part was given in our last. It manifests their perfect correspondence of sentiments on national topics with the old United States. This evidence of patriotism at this crisis is peculiarly agreeable to us, who have never doubted their fidelity to the U. States.
To the President of the U. States. Sir, At this eventful crisis, when you have manifested the intention of declining a re-election, the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the territory of Orleans, a all themselves of the last opportunity they can expect to enjoy, of addressing you in your official character, as President of the United States.
However we may regret, in common with our fellow-citizens of the United States, this determination to decline being a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, the motives which induce it, afford another proof of your patriotism, and must command the admiration of your country!
On this occasion there is no doubt you were guided by a sacred veneration for the true principles of the constitution, as well as respect for the high example of the first President of the United States of glorious memory!
We have witnessed with infinite concern, that a dignified and impartial neutrality towards the belligerent nations of Europe, has not been sufficient to protect the U. S. against encroachments upon their rights, dignity, and independence; and although we deprecate war, if there is no other alternative but disgraceful submission to unlawful, arbitrary and unjust pretensions, we assure you, sir, in the name of our constituents, that whatever sacrifices and privations it may be necessary to make, they will cheerfully submit to them, in vindicating the rights of the American people, and the honor and independence of the government and country.
Convinced as we are, that the government of the U. States is too generous and impartial to avail itself of the peculiar situation of any of the belligerent nations, in demanding any concessions incompatible with the just rights of those nations, or which are founded on any other basis than those of justice and reciprocity, the good people of Louisiana will at all times be ready to co-operate with their fellow-citizens of the U. States, in the support of their rights and independence, against those who have the temerity or injustice to assail them.
We pray, sir, that on your retiring from the high office which you have filled with so much credit to yourself, and interest to the country, you may long enjoy the esteem and gratitude of your fellow-citizens, the highest reward which a virtuous magistrate can desire, and which is, we are confident, the only one you ever wished.
No. 4. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The view taken of the subject of our differences with the belligerent powers of Europe in a national point of light has demonstrated the impossibility of submission on our part as a nation to their oppressions. To resist a similar, though less aggravated oppression, we engaged in all the perils of war, and through its accumulated horrors established our independence. To maintain this independence we established a system of government, under which the successive administrations have all considered it a duty to protect, as well as they could, the just trade of our citizens. It is this arduous object, which has given rise to all our serious collisions with European powers, and which has likewise given birth to almost every cause of interior division. Whether it was wise to have attempted, in the infancy of our power, to protect an object, without possessing the means, is one thing; that we have invariably and strenuously made the attempt is certain. This effort has not been manifested merely on paper; but it has induced us under one administration to annul a solemn treaty with one power, and to authorise the capture of its public armed vessels, and under another to pass a law prohibiting the importation of several important fabrics of a different power. On this point as a nation we stand committed; we have taken ground, which, however disputable at first,
must be maintained until the solemn sense of the nation shall renounce it; but which cannot, at this moment, be renounced without forfeiting every pretension to sovereignty or spirit. It is the day of danger that tests the spirit of a nation as well as that of an individual; and when, on such an occasion, this inestimable jewel is found wanting in the former, it operates with tenfold injury, from the extent of the field, and from the distance of time to which its influence may extend. Timidity is as infectious as courage, and once felt by a government, it rapidly pervades the whole nation, and becomes the miserable inheritance of remote generations. To avoid, therefore, so great a curse, no sacrifice of present interests can be too great. It would be far better that every tenth man should be led to slaughter. Had then our commerce been exposed to outrage, to taxation, to licence, to capture, and confiscation, at the will of lawless powers, the government would have been compelled to have resorted to war.
Such is the political view of this question. It ought to be sufficient to satisfy every mind, that we owe our exemption from war to the Embargo. But we proceed to take what we have denominated the pecuniary view of the subject.
In taking this view, all notice of national character and national rights will be waved. It will, for the sake of argument, and for that only, be assumed as possible that under a certain state of things, individual interest ought to be permitted, unmolestedly to pursue its own course, however invasive such pursuit may be of national character and national rights. Even in this view, it will be seen that, but for the Embargo, war would have been inevitable.
It is admitted, that the effect of the British orders would be to seize and confiscate every vessel bound to any other than an English European port; and the effect of those of the French to seize and confiscate all vessels, carrying English fabrics, or bound to an English port. Between the two description of orders, therefore, the whole American trade, except that conducted directly with the West India islands belonging to France and her allies, is interdicted, under penalty of confiscation. Of the fury with which these orders would have been enforced, we have some specimens, notwithstanding the precaution adopted by the embargo. The French seize and burn our ships, because unable to conduct them safely into their ports; and the English seize and condemn them. The effect, in both instances, is precisely the same; except, that in the former our loss does not add to the absolute gain of France, as it does, in the latter, to that of England.
Had then our merchants pursued their trade through its ordinary channels, all that sent to countries, other than England and the West Indies, would have been subject to capture, and would, nine-tenths of them, have actually been captured and condemned. This would have been absolute, unqualified war. War is the violation, by force, of the interests of another nation; and England would in this way have committed this violation in the most flagitious manner. She would, however, have committed it, in that respect, which was best fitted to promote her own interests by injuring ours. Having nothing to gain by invasion, the only rational ground for war left her is on the ocean; and this she would have waged with the most unrelenting fury had our trade gone on in its usual course. France, on the other hand, would not have failed to injure us to the extent of her power; and if she found herself unable to obtain on the ocean an indemnity for the aggressions of her enemy, she would have sought it elsewhere; she would have excited the Spaniards on our frontiers to acts of hostility. Under such circumstances she would have had no inducements of interest (and as to the obligations of justice the less that is said of them the better) to have remained on friendly terms with us. Flushed with the irresistible power of her arms, she would, it is but too likely, have dreamed of limiting our growing, if not of abridging our present power; not so much with the view of injuring us, as of striking through us a blow at her enemy. It is not in the nature of Napoleon to remain inactive under the pressure of injuries; a blow would have been struck; abortive, it is admitted, as to the result, but dreadful and sanguinary, probably, in its present effects.
But, say the opponents of the Embargo, the power of France on the ocean is idle. Our trade to England will pass securely over the ocean. Without contesting this allegation, which is not by the bye so very indisputable, let us briefly look at the effects of a state of things which would open all the English ports to us, and
shut all the rest. In the first place, all that portion of our importation from the West India islands which exceeds our own consumption, would be in effect cut off; for it is acknowledged to be a fact that England imports more of all these articles than she consumes; and the transportation of the residue from England to France and her allies is inhibited and can be enforced without any naval force on the ocean. By the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, it will be seen that for the year ending Sept. 30, 1807, there were exported from the United States 143 millions of pounds of sugar, and 24 millions pounds of coffee, which, with other smaller articles constitute this portion of trade, and may be estimated at eighteen millions of dollars. To this amount, therefore, would our importation, and to the same amount our exportation, be cut off.
By the same report it appears that for the same period our exports to Russia, Sweden, Denmark and Norway, Holland, Hamburg, Bremen, and other Hanse towns, French European ports, Spanish European ports, Portugal and Italy, amounted to above forty-four millions of dollars. This portion of trade, like the former, is unconnected with a supply of British wants, our direct trade to that nation fully supplying her wants.
Adding these sums together, we have an aggregate sum of sixty-two millions of dollars.
By the same document, it appears that our whole exportations for the same period, amounted to one hundred and eight millions.
It follows that the British orders completely enforced, inhibit the carrying on of sixty-two millions out of one hundred and eight millions of our usual trade; as well our importations as exportations.
This will appear from two considerations. If we are prohibited from exporting our goods, the means of importing foreign goods to a like amount are taken from us. One is the effect of the other.
These sixty-two millions of exports may now go to England. But, for what purpose? For her consumption? She does not want them to the value of a cent. For the supply of the Continent? The Continent refuses to receive them through England; and Mr. Baring, the most intelligent foreign writer drawn forth by the crisis, laughs at the idea of being able to force these commodities into the continental market, and asserts that smuggling, carried to its most flagitious lengths, would not be successful in one case in ten.
Further; our exports to Great Britain and her dependencies amount to 31 millions of dollars. What portion of these are again exported from England? For to this extent, would the demand of Britain be diminished for our exports, when herself prohibited from exporting the surplus to the Continent. Of this, some idea may be formed, by the relation which the amount of our export of domestic articles to Britain bears to the whole amount exported, and by a view of the principal articles exported.
The principal articles exported are:      Millions.      Fish in value  3.    Wood & naval stores  5.    Provisions  17.    Tobacco  5.    Cotton  14.     Without entering into minute details there can be no doubt but that of the twenty-eight millions exported to Great Britain ten millions at least are re-exported.
These ten millions, added to the foregoing sixty-two, make a total of seventy-two millions, amounting to just two thirds of the whole usual trade of the U. S.
Is it then conceivable that an exertion of arbitrary force, that destroyed two thirds of our trade, and subjected the residue to a capricious regulation, would have been submitted to individually by our merchants? Would they not have considered war as the lesser evil, and have demanded it? Would they not have claimed the privilege of arming their vessels, and of pushing their enterprise whenever their power could have opened to them a market? They most assuredly would; and this arming would have been war.
It appears, therefore, that whatever view is taken of this subject; whether national honor or individual interest is made the arbiter—war would have ensued, but for the Embargo.
AN AMERICAN WHIG.
Extract of a letter from St. Bartholomew, to a mercantile house, dated May 5, 1808.
"I am this day informed from An-
tigua that the Governor has forbid the Americans collecting any old debts—or any shipments being made on their account. You may rely on the information being correct."
Extract of a letter from Halifax, N. S. dated May 6, 1808.
A Proclamation is just issued by the General, allowing the importation into, and exportation from this province for four months, of staves, planks, square timber, boards, scantlings, bread, biscuit, flour, peas, beans, wheat, rice, barley, oats, indian corn, grain and seeds and meals, of all kinds, cattle, live stock of all kinds, tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, salted beef and pork, bacon, hog's lard, butter, onions, and fruit of all kinds, from the United States of America, Madeira, and the Western or Azore Islands—in British vessels owned and navigated according to law."
A letter from Eastport, dated the 10th inst.
"There were entered at the custom house in Passamaquoddy, from the 2d to 7th May, from different ports of the United States, 19,000 bis. flour, 2,700 do. pork and beef, 1,700 do. bread, 3,059 do. naval stores, 4,500 bushels corn, besides great quantities of butter, lard, &c."
INDEPENDENT WASHINGTON VOLUNTEERS.
The members of the "Independent Washington Volunteer" company of L. 1. are requested to meet on their parade ground south of the Tyber on Friday the 27th inst. at half past one o'clock, A. M. from thence to join the Battalion south of the President's House.
C. JONES, Capt. May 25—
NOTICE.
THE NAVY YARD RIFLE VOLUNTEERS, are ordered to meet on Friday the 27th inst. at 8 o'clock, on their parade ground, and there to join the First Battalion, commanded by major Sprigg, on the muster ground north of the Tyber.
By order of the captain, JOHN DAVIS, of Abel, First serj. and May 25—
COLUMBIAN DRAGOONS.
The Columbian Dragoons will parade on Friday morning next, precisely at 9 o'clock, on the usual ground, from whence they will march to join the battalion at 10 o'clock. Punctual attendance is required.
By order of the captain, R. C. WEIGHTMAN. May 25—
TO BE SOLD, a HOUSE in an excellent situation for business near the Navy Yard, a great bargain for cash, if applied for from distant, it is not disposed of before the 31st day of May, it will on that day be sold at Public Vendue. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. ANDREW ARMSTRONG. May 25—31
ALEXANDER COCHRANE, Has lately received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, the following merchandise, for sale at his store, North 4 street, viz.
Blue and yellow, company rankens, Pink and blue ginghams and caucuses, Irish linens, diapers & ticks, India and British muslins, lawn, Bananna and other silk handkerchiefs, Linen, Madras, and cotton do. Silk and cotton hosiery, Ladies silk and kid gloves, Gentlemen's silk, beaver & buck do. Sewing silks, twists and threads, Starch and hair powder, A good assortment of brushes, Macouba, rappee and Scotch snuff, Dixon's mustard, Hahn's chocolate, Imperial, hyson and hyson skin tea, The very best pickling vinegar, Fresh solid oil, in bottles and flasks.
ON HAND, Genuine Madeira, port & sherry wine, Old 4th proof cognac brandy, Very old do. Jamaica spirit, Loaf, lump and brown sugars, Whiskey in barrels, molasses in do. Dipe and mould candles, and soap, Also china, glass and queens ware, Gunpowder, shot and flints, Ironmongery, cutlery and hardware, Wrought and cut nails and brads, &c. A. C. is in daily expectation of a further supply of fresh Teas, India and English china, from Philadelphia. He is determined to sell at the lowest terms for C. Sh. or to good and punctual customers. May 25—31
RUAWAY.
WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, district of Columbia, as a runaway on the 12th inst. a blackman who calls himself Cornelius and says he belongs to John Cross, of Anne Arundel county, Md. He is about 40 years of age, 5 feet 2 1/2 inches high; had on when captured a black hat, blue cloth round jacket and trowsers, black silk vest, check linen shirt, old shoes, and no other clothes with him. His owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away, or he will be sold for his defects and other expenses as the law directs.
CARTWRIGHT TIPPETT, Receiver of the Jail for Washington County, Maryland. May 25—31

A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON , Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had— HOUSES and LOTS —Enquire as above.
All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
PORT WINE, Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in cases and in bottles; among which are Reds & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine , just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING
Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice Liquors of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 26—
WANTED At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent, and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn, tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST , Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—epns
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel G. Offit, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Malatto Man , named BOB , who calls himself Robert Thomas , about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantaloons with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloons nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown suit coat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel is unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress. As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—ptf
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, at ten o'clock A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL , of Saml. March 21—eptds
WANTED As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—ptf
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, at ten o'clock A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL , of Saml. March 21—eptds
WANTED As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—ptf
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, at ten o'clock A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL , of Saml. March 21—eptds
40 DOLLARS REWARD, FOR apprehending and bringing home, or the one half for securing in jail so that we get them again, OLIVER & DAVID who run away from the subscribers living in Madison county, Virginia, on the 17th of February, Oliver, a middling stout made fellow, near 6 feet high, about 46 years old, some few grey hairs to be seen about his temples, a little yellow complexioned. David, a large stout made fellow, about 6 feet high, 26 years old, thick lips and full face, and has a brand with the letter G. on his right cheek, it looks dim, hardly discoverable without close inspection; dark complexioned. Said negroes ran away last summer, and was apprehended. One was committed to Fairfax jail, and the other was committed to Dumfries jail, and do expect they have gone that way again, aiming for Maryland, and may have provided themselves with a pass and attempt to pass as free people. We do hereby forewarn all masters of vessels and others from taking on board the vessels the said negroes or secreting them any other way under the strictest penalties of the law. THOS. GRAVES, Jun. THEOPHILUS EDDINS. April 25—4w
TO RENT, AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscribers of Washington city have obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, letters testamentary on the personal estate of GEORGE MITCHELL late of said city, deceased. All persons having claims against the said estate are hereby warned to exhibit the same to the subscribers on or before the 1st day of December next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under our hands this 9th day of May in the year 1808. JOHN MCGOWAN, MICHA. NOURSE. May 11—6t
MISS SINNOTT, Late from Baltimore, Has opened her ENGLISH ACADEMY for the education of Young Ladies, in an airy and convenient house, fronting North G. Street, near the Treasury Office, where will be taught the useful and ornamental branches of Female Education. Terms of tuition may be known at the Academy, of Mr. Francis Clark, and Mr. James Hoban. N. B. Four Young Ladies can be admitted as boarders on very moderate terms. May 20—3t
NOTICE is hereby given, that I will receive until the fifth day of June next, written proposals for supplying the House of Representatives for the next session with one hundred and fifty cords of Hickory Wood; the same to be delivered, sawed and put into the cellar on or before the first day of November next. Security will be required for the performance of the contract. PATRICK MAGRUDER, Clk. Clerk's Office, H. R. May 18—15th June
BURAS AND BEALL, WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superior Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspender far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
NOTICE. SUCH of the creditors of the late general Uriah Forrest, deceased, as have claims against his estate prior to the issuing of the commission of Bankruptcy against him, are hereby notified that the Commissioners of Bankruptcy will meet to make a dividend, at Rhode's tavern in the city of Washington on Monday the 30th day of May next, at 11 o'clock A. M. when and where they will please to attend in person or by attorney. JOHN HEWITT, Assignee. City Washington, April 15—wfm
NOTICE. SUCH of the creditors of the late general Uriah Forrest, deceased, as have claims against his estate prior to the issuing of the commission of Bankruptcy against him, are hereby notified that the Commissioners of Bankruptcy will meet to make a dividend, at Rhode's tavern in the city of Washington on Monday the 30th day of May next, at 11 o'clock A. M. when and where they will please to attend in person or by attorney. JOHN HEWITT, Assignee. City Washington, April 15—wfm
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk mouselkins do. Tolinets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duflin blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India muslin figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, & Adamask and raw silk shawls, Damask servts, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and interstrings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osamburghs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
SALE AT AUCTION. On Saturday the 28th inst. will be offered at public sale, the following GOODS , just received, which the subscriber can recommend to the attention of dealers. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock, near the Ferry Wharf, at the foot of High-street. Terms of sale: All sums under 100 dollars, cash; over 100 dollars, and less than 200 dollars, 60 days; and all sums over 90 days for negotiable Notes at the Bank of Columbia, or Office of Discount and Deposit, in the city of Washington, with approved endorsers—viz. Muscovado Sugar in hogsheads, East India do. in bags, Muscovado and bloom raisins, fresh and excellent quality, Soft shelled almonds do. do. Mould and dip candles of best quality, Sweet scented chewing tobacco, very fine, A few pipes and half pipes of London particular Tenetiff wine, having had the advantage of several sea voyages, and warranted as pure and genuine as when exported from the island several years ago. Samples of the above may be seen at the Auction Room of the subscriber, who is authorized to dispose of any part of the above cargo between this and the day of sale. JOHN TRAVERS, Auct. Geo. Town, May 23—epns
PUBLIC SALE. THE sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott , deceased, heretofore advertised, being postponed by order of the Chancellor, the subscriber as trustee, will sell at public auction, at Van Wyck & Dorsey's Auction Room in the city of Baltimore, on Friday the 17th day of June next at 12 o'clock, the following tracts of unimproved land lying in Allegany county, to wit:
Governor's Neglect, containing 1031 Roby's Delight, 421 Oynes Attention, 684 Chestnut Grove, 461 Now or Never, 600 Hard Struggle, 1554 Lot No. 2487, 50 Western Connection, 15484 The lands above mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing, and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase. A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands, shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within twelve months from the day of sale. The creditors of Gustavus Scott , deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale aforesaid. ROGER PERRY, Trustee. Cumberland, May 23—3w.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber, of Montgomery county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county aforesaid, letters of administration on the personal estate of Stephen Adams , late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said Estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of April, 1808. HENNARITTA ADAMS, Exec. of Stephen Adams, dec'd. May 2—
United States District Court of Columbia, county of Washington, to wit. IN CHANCERY, 9th OCTOBER, 1807. Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason, versus Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gabault & Dodrey, James C. Montfloreance, I. I. Picard and James Davidson.
THE bill states that the defendant, Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simond to the French government. That the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo, the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith, the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners Taney and Simond. That the debt so due hath been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand, two hundred and seventy francs, French money of the value of 35,675 dollars. That the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing and for several years past having resided in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland, well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complainants said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris under the Louisiana Convention was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants as the trustees of Francis Lewis, Taney, and Taney and Simond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith to the said debt to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid. That notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C. Montfloreance of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt, which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; and the said Montfloreance did actually receive the bills or the ministers of the United States, on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montfloreance, with a view as the said complainants believe, to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith and as his attorney to the said I. I. Picard, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston, who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrell, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed them over to James Davidson cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees as aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Gabault and Dodrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith, for thirty thousand francs French money of the value of 5625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson, and endorsed over to him for collection in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American minister at Paris on the treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid. The object of the said bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his co-adjudicators, and to obtain a writ of injunction directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c. and particularly to the said James Davidson enjoining and commanding him from paying over to any person besides the said complainants the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills, or parting with the said bills until the further order of this court in the premises.
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gabault and Dodrey, James C. Montfloreance, and I. I. Picard, defendants in this cause all reside out of the district of Columbia and are not within the reach of the process of this court. It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted once each week for six months previous to the first Monday in June next in the National Intelligencer, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause, if any, why a decree shall not pass as prayed. By order, WM. BRENT, Clk. December 4—w6m
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber, of Montgomery county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county aforesaid, letters of administration on the personal estate of Stephen Adams , late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said Estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of April, 1808. HENNARITTA ADAMS, Exec. of Stephen Adams, dec'd. May 2—
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber, of Montgomery county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county aforesaid, letters of administration on the personal estate of Stephen Adams , late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said Estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of April, 1808. HENNARITTA ADAMS, Exec. of Stephen Adams, dec'd. May 2—
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber, of Montgomery county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county aforesaid, letters of administration on the personal estate of Stephen Adams , late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said Estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of April, 1808. HENNARITTA ADAMS, Exec. of Stephen Adams, dec'd. May 2—
NOW LANDING From on board the schooner VIRGINIA From New York, First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS , Bordeaux CLARET in boxes of one dozen each, SWEET OIL , OLIVES , CAPERS & ANCHOVIES , for sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23—tf
TO BE LET, After the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE , lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylvania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day.—For terms enquire at Robert Underwood's, directly opposite. April 27—epf
Bank of Columbia, March 18, 1808. THE President and Directors having this day declared a Dividend on the capital stock of the institution for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of eight per cent. per annum, the same will be paid to the stockholders or their representatives on Monday the 21st inst. or at any time thereafter. WM. WHANN, Cash. ep6w.
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the high court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscriber will sell at public sale, at the public house in Chapotico on Thursday the 9th June next at three o'clock in the afternoon for ready cash, that valuable plantation whereon John Eden, sen. formerly lived, situated and lying on Chapotico Bay in St. Mary's county, and supposed to contain 277 acres of land. It is deemed unnecessary to give a further description of this valuable land, as the purchaser will no doubt view the same previous to the day of sale. Any persons inclined to purchase are requested to call on Mr. Enoch Hammett, who lives on the land and will show the same. WM. MILLIS, Trustee. Chapotico, May 16—w3t
40 DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending and delivering Negro HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington or twenty-five dollars for securing said slave so that he get him again. Harry ran off on the 11th day of March 1808, he is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen on the breast; had on when he went off a blue cloth coat, drab color bear skin round jacket (as a spencer). Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county. N. B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in his elopement, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such acts. PETER LENOX. April 6—tawtf
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Dr. John Reeder , late of the county aforesaid, deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber on or before the 15th day of November next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 15th day of May eighteen hundred and eight. JOSEPH HARRIS, Adm. May 16—wSm.
St. Mary's county court, March term, 1808. ON application of Benjamin Tabbs of St. Mary's county to the judges of the said county court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, on the terms mentioned in said act, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said Benjamin Tabbs has resided the two preceding years prior to the passage of the said act, within the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered by the said court that the said Benjamin Tabbs give notice to his creditors of his intention to apply to the next county court to be held at Leonard Town in said county on the first Monday of August next, for a discharge from his debts, and to warn his said creditors to appear before the said judges on the day and at the place aforesaid to show cause if any they have why the said Benjamin Tabbs, should not be discharged agreeably to his said petition, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, weekly for three months successively. By order, JOSEPH HARRIS, Clerk. May 2—w6t
LUKE KENT, Clock and Watch Maker from Philadelphia, BEGS leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has taken the shop occupied by the late Mr. Suter in F street, Washington, near the Treasury, where he carries on the above business in all its branches. Any orders in his line will be thankfully received and duly attended to. Tea spoons, table spoons, gold ear rings, finger rings, and every other article in the line made to order in the best manner and shortest time. May 11—6t
LUKE KENT, Clock and Watch Maker from Philadelphia, BEGS leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has taken the shop occupied by the late Mr. Suter in F street, Washington, near the Treasury, where he carries on the above business in all its branches. Any orders in his line will be thankfully received and duly attended to. Tea spoons, table spoons, gold ear rings, finger rings, and every other article in the line made to order in the best manner and shortest time. May 11—6t
LUKE KENT, Clock and Watch Maker from Philadelphia, BEGS leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has taken the shop occupied by the late Mr. Suter in F street, Washington, near the Treasury, where he carries on the above business in all its branches. Any orders in his line will be thankfully received and duly attended to. Tea spoons, table spoons, gold ear rings, finger rings, and every other article in the line made to order in the best manner and shortest time. May 11—6t