The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-04-30 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, APRIL 7.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.
Debate on the motion of Mr. J. Randolph to publish the President's message.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. G. W. CAMPBELL. Before the question is taken, I will take the liberty of submitting a few remarks to the House. I understand the question to be to insert the message of the President of the 6th December in the journal. In the remarks which have been made on the question, the proceedings of the House while in secret sitting have been brought into view. I was opposed to making those proceedings public; I thought then and I still think that we were thereby committing the honor of the nation. I did think when the majority had sanctioned a negotiation that no measure calculated to frustrate it should have been taken, until the negotiation had been fairly tried. It was for this reason I was opposed to removing the injunction of secrecy; and not because I was unwilling that the people of this country should be made acquainted with the proceedings which took place in this House with closed doors. My object was to prevent the interference of foreign nations, who might feel an interest in defeating the measure. The public will judge of the propriety, under these circumstances, of making these proceedings public. But as a part of them has been made public, I wish the whole could be made so, consistent with the interest of the nation; though I entertain strong doubts of the propriety of the measure, I shall not, however, oppose the motion before you. But before the question is taken, I beg leave to remark, that so far as relates to the observations between a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph,) and the head of one of the departments of this government, they have nothing to do with this business; and they can have no influence on the decisions of this House. I did not expect to have heard any such conversation introduced on this floor. We did not come here to hear such conversation or to act upon communications of that kind. What may be the private opinions of a particular head of department, it is not for this House to know—they cannot officially come before us, we have nothing to do with them.
It is said, sir, that a certain communication which was calculated to affect our votes relative to the bill making appropriation for the purchase of the Floridas, was detained some weeks after it was received from our minister abroad, before it was laid before us. I say, Mr. Speaker, that no communication made to this House was calculated, in my opinion, to alter the votes of the members of the House on that subject, certainly none that would have changed mine—but whether that communication was or was not made to us in due time after it was received I do not pretend to say. I do not know, however, that we have any claim to it from the head of department. It was not his duty to communicate it to us, that belonged to the Executive, and why the circumstance has been mentioned here, I cannot pretend to say. With regard to some other remarks made by a gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. J. Clay,) I think it proper to state that there is no communication before this House which authorises the assertion that a threat has been made by France against the U. S. I deny, sir, that there is any document, which if properly understood, can be construed to have such a meaning. I say, likewise, that there is no document before the House which authorises the assertion, that France told us, if you give Spain one blow, we will give you ten or two, as stated by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph.) There is no such expression, nor any other that would countenance the idea. France was not brought into the question as being concerned in our differences with Spain. She has, indeed, been lugged in, in the place of argument; and we have been charged with truckling to France, when in all our proceedings the name of France has hardly ever been mentioned, except by gentlemen in debate who will not admit that Spain exists as a nation. I deem it proper also to say, that the assertion that any member of this House voted for a measure calculated to bribe one nation, to induce another to give up her rightful property, so far as it may be applied to me, is without foundation, and not authorised by any act of mine, & that no man will undertake to say so. The word bribery ought not, indeed, to enter the walls of this House, as applicable to any of its measures or proceedings. It will, Mr. Speaker, appear from the journals of the House, now made public, who have or have not supported the interest of this country. Who are willing to support just measures calculated to maintain
peace; & are disposed to take a manly attitude, against those who violate our rights; and it will also appear who they are, whose proceedings tend to embarrass the nation, to bring the government into contempt, to produce schism, and to impair the confidence of the nation in the administration, at a time when I believe it is as high as it ever was; and, I apprehend, deservedly so. I believe, too, the nation will not be found ready to withdraw that well-placed confidence from the head of department who has been denounced in this House. It will appear, too, who have taken measures calculated to disturb the peace of the union, and to produce an alarm of danger for which there is no foundation. I solemnly wish that not only the message of the President, but every document, and every word uttered in secret might be made known to the people. I wish it, because I think it would not then be practicable to impose on the nation by a coloring given to those proceedings, unauthorised by the facts that took place.
I will state to the House while I am up, that I voted against increasing the army, because I believed that no emergency existed to require it. I saw no call for it, either in the information contained in the public message, or in the other communications made to this House. In the public message we were told, that Congress would, in the course of the session, be enabled to determine whether it would be necessary to increase our land force, by the events which would probably take place. No events had taken place when the measure in question was before the House that changed the former state of things. It was also my opinion that we ought not, on every trivial occasion, to increase our present military establishment, and abandon the ground we had taken, or reducing the number of our regular forces—acting on the principle, that standing armies are dangerous to liberty, & are the most fatal scourge in the hands of an usurper or a despot. On this ground I have been always opposed to them, and ever shall be unless an extraordinary emergency should render it indispensable to resort to them. I was of opinion, that even on an emergency the militia were, in the first instance, to be resorted to, not only as the constitutional, but as the most competent and safe defence that we could provide. I know of no reason why we should think them not competent, as we have always heretofore found them to be so. For these reasons amongst others, I was opposed to an increase of the army. I was also induced to be of this opinion from the documents on your table, from which it did not appear to me that Spain had any serious intention to commit hostilities against the U. S. or that her government or commanding officers had authorised any, in the territory of which we had taken possession. The inconveniences with regard to our undefined limits, and the embarrassments attending the passage of our commerce down the Mobile, together with the necessity of having those other differences adjusted, induced me to vote for the principal measure adopted by this House with closed doors. I voted, sir, for the appropriation of two millions of dollars, to authorise the executive to negotiate with Spain for the purchase of the Floridas. In doing so I did not authorise the government to bribe France, to coerce Spain into this measure, nor do I believe that there is the least ground for any such allegation with regard to any member of this House. No, sir, our object was to obtain a fair purchase of the Floridas. We believed it important to acquire them; because the acquisition would connect our disjoined territory—would give us the command of an extensive sea coast, including the outlets of many large rivers and some good harbors, and free us from the inconveniences to which we were exposed by neighbors who were likely to become more and more troublesome. In the vote I gave, I contemplated the measure to be carried into effect only in a just and legal manner, by a fair purchase. I know no other way in which a territory can be acquired, consistent with common right and principle. It was intimated, it is true, to us, that it would be easy to take possession of this country by force, & that it would be always in our power to take it, whenever we should wish to become the owners of it; but for one, I disclaim all disposition to wrest that country from its rightful owner, without any other ground of claim than superior force; so far as the country is ours by purchase, I am disposed to claim and hold possession of it, but not further.
But suppose, sir, we take possession of this country by force, we should not thereby acquire a just right to it. Such a measure would not be consistent with or authorised by the law of nations, and could vest in us no valid title. It was for these reasons, that I considered the only effectual way of acquiring a just title to this country, was by entering into a fair and honorable compact for it with its rightful owner. The measure was agreed to by a large majority, made by two-thirds of the members of this House. It seemed to be agreed by
all, we ought to acquire this country, and the principal question was, how shall we get it, or what shall we give for it? I was, sir, of opinion, that it would be best to give money for it, that we should in this way get it cheaper than by resorting to any other means. That it was much cheaper to pay for it with money, than with the blood of our citizens. I considered that the land would repay, and more than repay us, for the purchase money—and that the additional revenue we should acquire, would give us a still further compensation for our trouble, and advance made in acquiring the country.
A proposition was offered about the same time, to exchange territory to the west of the Mississippi for the Floridas. I was decidedly opposed to that proposition. I protested against it then, and shall ever oppose it.
I conceived it contrary to the constitutional right of the people at large that Congress should assume the power of giving away, or disposing of a single acre of our territory to a foreign nation. I considered that the territory in question as part of the union, and if so, that we might as well attempt to give away a part of a state. I considered this as establishing a principle of a most dangerous kind, which might in time lead to a dismemberment of the union.
If you can dispose of this territory, to a foreign power, you can of a part or the whole of a state. You may transfer, at one time, a portion of country to the east, and at another a portion to the south as well as to the west—and by this means, a designing majority would be enabled, if apprehensive of rivalry in power or influence, from the increasing population of any part of your country, to round off the union, at pleasure, so as to suit their own particular views. I did, therefore, call upon this House to guard against such dangerous consequences. I also considered that the country in question would be stultified by people of some nation. I preferred it should be possessed by those of the United States, and their posterity forever—that they might form but one great family from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean—and I did not wish on the contrary, to enable the subjects of a foreign nation to increase and strengthen themselves in our neighborhood, who might at some future day, not very distant, become our rivals and our enemies.
It was observed that this money would go to France. It was then stated, and it has been repeated, that there was nothing to authorise the belief that France was to get this money from us. It is true it was well known, if we believe the public prints, that France had got money from Spain; that Spain previous to being engaged in the present war as the ally of France, had to purchase her neutrality from France, with money, and that the treasury of Spain was in a great degree the treasury of France. And suppose this to be the case, what have we to do with it? Are we to constitute ourselves the guardians of the Spanish treasury? Is it material to us what Spain does with the money after she gets it? And if Spain consults France who is her ally, with regard to the sale, has she not a right to do it? Has she not a right to be as submissive to France as she pleases? Would that be any objection to our acquiring the country from Spain? I can see no objection, even should we believe that France would eventually get the money we pay to Spain, to our making the purchase in question. But it is unusual for two nations in close alliance, to consult each other as to their transactions with a third power! Is it not, on the contrary, the constant practice to do so? The alliance may be such that Spain cannot alter her territorial situation without the consent of France. And is this a reason why we should not make a fair proposition to Spain to purchase territory which she has and we want? It cannot be, there is no foundation for this objection. Mr. Speaker, I think it proper here to state that there was no part of my conduct such as to authorise any man to say the measure I voted for was calculated to bribe any nation. This was not my intention; it was not the intention of the majority of this House, and such an allegation cannot be believed by the public or by any unprejudiced and candid individual. I have only one other remark to offer in regard to an observation made by the same gentleman from Virginia (Mr. R.) that the ground we have taken is calculated to show a dastardly spirit towards Spain or France, and to present a hostile attitude towards Britain. I do not consider it in that point of view. I do not think the conduct of Spain requires from us the manifestation of any hostile intention. That government does not appear to have authorised, and her public officers have disavowed the aggressions alluded to. It is well known however, that we did take an attitude towards that nation calculated to show a determination on our part to repel aggressions. Our soldiers were ordered to patrol the country, and they did so without meeting with any hostile opposition from Spain. There is no ground then to believe either that Spain
has a hostile intention towards this country, or to say that we have been disposed to shrink from taking a manly position, or that we have manifested a dastardly conduct towards her. With regard to France, I will only say that I know of no differences existing between the United States and that nation—and so far as regards G. Britain, it is fully known to the public what her conduct was towards us, and what measures we have adopted in this House, in regard to her, on which I have already delivered my sentiments, and shall not here again repeat them.
MR. KELLY. I did not expect to offer any arguments either in favor of or in opposition to the decision lately made, from which there has been an appeal; but as that appeal has been made, I rise not for the purpose of going into any wide argument or of accusing any set of men, but for the purpose of justifying myself as the vote which I shall now give as well as that which I have given. It has been said on this floor with open doors that the reason of giving money was to prevent the necessity of raising a standing army; and that it was better to strengthen the arm of the executive with money than by a standing force. From this it might be inferred that the reasoning on the part of the minority went to raising a standing army. As I voted with the minority on this occasion, I will briefly state some of the reasons which influenced my vote. It is not in order to say any thing relative to the confidential message, but it is perfectly in order to speak of the message delivered at the opening of the session; and I believe it is perfectly fair to say that there was no occurrence between the 3d of Dec. when the public message was delivered, and the 6th when the confidential message was received to change the circumstances in which we were previously placed. I shall vote in favor of the publication of this message as being the ground work of the proceedings we have adopted in secret. I wish it published that the public may judge whether those proceedings were consonant to this message or not. I should wish the public to see whether the part taken by the minority, or the measures of the majority are the most consonant with it. To enable the public accurately to judge, I think it essential that it should be published; as the executive branch of the government is presumed to be the best acquainted with our foreign relations. The message of the President at the opening of the session specially mentioned and designated Spain. It informed us that, "Inroads have been recently made into the territory of Orleans and the Mississippi, our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in the very parts of the former which had been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that government." The message also advised us that something was necessary to be done. It said that some of these aggressions might perhaps admit of a peaceable remedy, but that others could be met by force alone. That message, it will be allowed on all hands, called loudly for some efficient measures on the part of the government—for taking against Spain, if not a hostile, at least a defensive posture; and I will undertake to say that nothing which has occurred in secret tended to inculcate the propriety of a different course; nor could there be any thing, for the one message so quickly followed the other, as not to allow time for any intervening circumstances. What followed? A report of a committee stating the aggressions of this power to be of a most atrocious nature; not recommending a war to check the rising growth and prosperity of the country, but recommending that a certain number of troops should be raised at the discretion of the President of the U. S. to repel the insults that might be offered, and to chastise those who offered them. This measure appeared to be proper in itself, and it appeared likewise to be recommended by the tenor of the message. It appeared to be the more necessary, as we had information of the collecting of a considerable force in the provinces of Spain and at Pensacola. For these reasons it appeared to me desirable that such a force should be raised as the President might deem necessary. This was not creating a standing army—The number of troops to be raised was to be left entirely to his discretion. The resolution proposed is as follows:
Resolved, That such number of troops not exceeding _____ as the President of the U. S. shall deem sufficient to protect the southern frontiers of the U. S. from Spanish inroad and insult, and to chastise the same, be immediately raised.
It has been alleged that the militia would have been competent to defend the frontier. But this could not prevail on me to abandon the measure, as I could not think it proper that the militia, even if competent, should be forced out into so unmeritorious a service. The resolution embraced no other idea but that the standing force in that quarter should be strengthened. I considered this safe and proper, to make provision for cases which might arise. I could not believe that the militia would be
competent to defend the country. They are too remotely situated, and the country too sickly; and the only just calculation was that they would have found their graves there. It was not contended that a large army was necessary; but that it would be requisite, in case the Spanish troops should be superior to ours, to raise a few recruits.
These are the reasons that induced me to vote for the resolution. I had others. We were informed of the necessity of having additional land batteries, of putting our ports and harbors in a state of defence, and of building an additional number of gun boats. If these measures were carried into effect, I thought, as militia would not be competent to these objects, it would be requisite to have an addition made to our troops. Under all these circumstances I was in favor of empowering the President to raise a small number of troops. But while I was in favor of this measure, I was as strongly opposed, as any man on this floor, to any thing like a large standing army. I will never consent to such a measure without an urgent necessity for it.
I was opposed to the measure adopted by the House on many grounds. It appeared by the report of the secretary of the treasury that there was not in the treasury more than a surplus million of dollars. I considered it improper, when we were threatened from every quarter, to lay a magic hand on the two millions appropriated, to anticipate the receipts of revenue by a million of dollars, and thus drain the treasury when money might soon be wanted for the most urgent purposes.
I was opposed to it on other ground, I did not appear for what purpose it was to be applied. It is true, I heard one gentleman say it was in correspondence with the secret wishes of the President, but I could pay no regard to that declaration. We had before us no communication, either public or private, which declared that it was with Spain or France that the negotiation was to be carried on. Nor had we any reason for entertaining the idea that the two millions, whether they are gone or not, would make one farthing difference. It was necessary for me, voting on this occasion, to see the necessity and propriety of the measure. We had been told in the message of the President that the negotiation with Spain was not favorable. But we had received no intimation that Spain was disposed to adjust her differences with us respecting boundaries. We had, on the contrary, different information. Neither had we any intimation that the contemplated negotiation would be agreeable to Spain, or to the President of the U. S. Was it then proper for the House or myself to vote for appropriating two millions of dollars for the Lord knows what, when it neither appeared from any communication from the President, or from any other official source, to be desirable. If we had had such an intimation from the President, what security was there that the negotiation would have been made—and I am inclined to believe that I should have been opposed to its having been entered upon. What gave rise to the first purchase? The right of deposit stipulated by treaty to us had been refused. It is well known that a considerable number of vessels came down the Mississippi, which from their peculiar construction could not reach the ocean—and thence resulted the necessity of a place of deposit. The refusal of that right first gave rise to the idea of a purchase. We got possession of New Orleans and of the river, and found ourselves also possessed of a strip of land on the other side of it, after having thought we had purchased West Florida—and when I find instead of this, we have been swindled out of our money, I am unwilling to negotiate again, and give away the public treasure. Even after this shall have been done, it will be extremely easy for France or some other government to raise a difficulty, and claim an additional sum for its adjustment. Was it not believed on the part of our government, that we had made a fair purchase, not only to the Red Bravo in one direction, but to the Perdido in the other? I had another reason against this measure. I thought this an improper time to accomplish it. Having already got the navigation of the Mississippi and the island of New Orleans, I thought most advisable to delay the negotiation till a general peace, when we might make an engagement with Spain as an independent nation, and have some assurance that the nation which sold would be able to guarantee the country. On these grounds I voted in favor of the resolution reported by the select committee, and against the measure adopted by the House. I have thought it proper to assign these reasons, that all may understand the grounds on which I voted. And this consideration will justify me in voting to give publicity to the message, that the public may see what is the ground work of the measures we have taken. I wish the nation to see whether that message recommended taking the ground which we have assumed, or that which we refused to take.

MR. J. CLAY. I must say that the observations which have fallen from my colleague and other gentlemen who have taken a part in this debate, have strongly impressed me with the propriety of the motion under consideration. There appears to be a material difference of opinion as to the true construction of the message and the documents communicated by the President. It is apparent that I understand those communications in one way, and my colleague in another. We have been told that one nation, France, has been improperly dragged into this discussion. The message of the President, ought, in my opinion, to be published to show that this is not so. There are other sources of differences of opinion which can only be understood by giving publicity to the message. Gentlemen have gone into a long detail of the motives which governed them in the votes which they have given. It is not necessary for me to imitate the example they have set. I hope when my motives are called in question, it will be before the public and not here. I shall be ready to defend them by all the means I possess, the vote of this House notwithstanding. I believed when the injunction of secrecy was removed, it was removed from all our proceedings, and I considered all that was laid before this House as so far my property that I had a right to use it in my defence. We have been told there is one for voting against the resolution—that a standing army was proposed to be raised by it while the military would have answered every useful purpose. This may be a very good and popular argument, but we have been within a few days told from the same quarter, that it is necessary to have a brigadier general in the armies of the United States to defend one of the very provinces attacked by Spain. Some allusion has been made to a conversation held out of doors; and my colleague has shown some squeamishness to act on such authority. But I will ask him if he invariably makes up his votes from official documents laid on this table, and whether he does not sometimes travel out of the record. When a gentleman tells you such and such a thing, in which the honor of the nation is implicated, ought he to be considered as out of order? Was it not his duty to give that information to the House? I will say, if I had been acquainted with these things, my doubts as to the propriety of the appropriation of two millions would have been increased. Permit me here to observe, that when a gentleman intimated that the money was already gone out of the country, no man in his senses could have doubted that it was intended to assert that it was sent out in so many actual Spanish milled dollars. Does the secretary of the treasury, when he informs us there is so many dollars in the treasury, mean to say there are so many round silver dollars there? No. He only means to say we have a credit to such an amount. So with regard to our transactions with Spain, I understand the credit is in Holland, and that the fund is created there from which we are to draw. Is not this to all intents and purposes, the same as transmitting the money to Holland? When a man pays a debt, is it to be supposed that he carries the actual dollars with him? To say the least of such an objection it is a mere quibble. As there is a material difference of opinion as to the construction of the documents and the message of the President, it is a duty which we owe to ourselves, to lay before the people all the information on which we acted, that we may stand justified or condemned by it before them.
MR. EPPES. I rejoice that the period has at length arrived, when our public conduct is to be submitted to the people. When what we have done in our representative capacity is to be collected not from eloquent representations on this floor of what other gentlemen would not do, but from the record of our proceedings. The secret is out—the bubble has burst, and gentlemen find themselves and the public disappointed. I consider the publication of the secret journal as an appeal to the people. I am willing to indulge gentlemen in making it as perfect as they can. I shall vote for the amendment of the gentleman from Virginia, or for any other calculated to bring this subject fairly before those to whom we are responsible for our conduct. The journal is the best answer to their speeches. Amend it as they will they cannot realize the public expectations. Its publication, I firmly believe, will excite no sentiment but surprise. On the day the injunction of secrecy was taken off, your doors were crowded with persons anxious to hear this tremendous secret. I witnessed nothing but disappointment. Congress has appropriated two millions of dollars to buy Florida. Is this all? Have you not confiscated the public debt? Or at any event the Louisiana stock? Most certainly you have voted money to bribe Talleyrand? No, I assure you, we have done nothing more than appropriate two millions of dollars for the purchase of Florida in a law, containing precisely the same words with the one passed for that purpose, in the year 1803, and supported by the very persons who have denounced this measure. Gentlemen have attempted to draw a distinction between the situation of the U. S. in the year 1803, & in the year 1806. I am not so uncandid as to say that the present differences with Spain, are precisely such as we had in the year 1803. This however, I will say—that every objection urged against the present appropriation, applies with equal force to the measure of 1803. Let us examine what was the situation of the U. S. with Spain at these two periods.
In the year 1803, Spain had committed spoliations on our commerce to a considerable amount, the payment of
which had been either wholly or in part refused. She had cut off the whole western country, from an outlet to the ocean, by prohibiting a deposit at Orleans, and refusing to assign an equivalent elsewhere, as stipulated by treaty. The remedy adopted by the collected wisdom of the nation was holding in readiness a detachment of militia, and making a secret appropriation to buy Florida.
In the year 1806, Spain had refused an amicable adjustment of limits—had refused to pay spoliations on our commerce—had in one instance violated our territory. The remedy resorted to, has been to hold in readiness a detachment of militia, and to appropriate money for the purchase of Florida.
This was the situation of the nation at these two periods. Whether at either period, the wisest course has been pursued, I shall not attempt to prove. In both cases the nation adopted the same principle. To avoid war if possible, and to purchase territory, rather than fight for it. All the strong objections urged against the measure at present adopted, apply with equal force to the measure adopted in 1803. The two laws contain precisely the same words, and neither specify the object of appropriation. The law of 1803 was passed in secret, with closed doors. The law of 1806, was passed in the same manner. The appropriation in 1803, was not recompensed by the executive, but founded on a resolution submitted by a member of the House of Representatives. The appropriation in 1806, was not recommended by the executive, but founded on a resolution submitted by a member of the House of Representatives also. The object of the appropriation in the year 1803, concealed from the people twelve months—in the year 1806, made public in a few weeks. Gentlemen may draw nice distinctions, but they will find it difficult to make the people believe, that the measure adopted in 1803, was wise and virtuous, and the same measure in 1806, infamous. I appeal with confidence to the people, they will and must see, that this is the very same measure adopted three years ago, without noise, in a law containing the same words, passed in secret in the same manner, and supported by the very persons who have denounced this measure.
When, however, this measure shall be fairly brought before the public, it will be found, that notwithstanding the noise and clamour which has been made, the difference between the majority and minority on this question, is not very considerable. Every member of the House of Representatives admitted the necessity of doing something. What were the remedies within our reach? 1st. To declare war. 2. Either to increase our standing army for the purpose of re-enforcing our posts or holding in readiness a detachment of militia. 3. To exchange territory or to purchase.
As to the first of these, declaring war, no member of the House of Representatives wished to pursue that course. The gentleman from Virginia certainly did not. His report speaks only the language of peace—all the evils of war to this country, are dwelt on in that report with care and labor. It, however, we had not this proof, that he did not wish for war with Spain, he has given unequivocal proofs of it in his arguments on another question. A war with Spain, we know, must be a war with Spain and France combined. They are joined by alliance offensive and defensive. To a war against France and Spain combined, all the objections urged against war with England, would apply with full force. If war with England would have increased executive patronage, and endangered the constitution and the liberty of the people, so also would war with France and Spain combined—we put war aside therefore, as a course which no man wished to pursue. The next course was either to increase our standing troops, or to hold in readiness a detachment of militia. Here was room for an honest diversity of opinion. A majority of the House preferred depending on a militia—I was of that number. I thought the standing troops in that country sufficient for the protection of it, unless Spain determined to force a war. Subsequent events, have shown the correctness of that opinion. No violation of territory has taken place since the case of the Kempers, except by twenty Spaniards, who crossed the Sabine, and were driven off by the American troops. The next course was either to exchange territory, or to purchase. A majority of the House were in favor of both. I was of that number. On the east side of the Mississippi there was territory to which Spain had an undoubted right. There was territory to which the U. S. had an undoubted right—and there was territory which Spain and the U. S. both claimed. On the west side of the Mississippi, the situation was the same. Each nation had an undoubted right to territory, and there was territory claimed by both. It was not to be supposed that Spain, while she held the territory to the east of the Perdido, would be disposed to relinquish the claim which she sets up to the country between the Perdido and Mississippi. It was necessary to purchase the territory to the east of the Perdido, to which Spain has an undoubted right, and after disposing of which, it would certainly be her interest to relinquish her claim between the Perdido and Mississippi, on obtaining an equivalent surrender on the part of the U. S. to claims west of the Mississippi. I see nothing dishonorable in this transaction, and really it appears to me that the difference between the majority and minority is narrowed down to this. The majority were in favor of militia. The minority of standing troops. The majority were in favor of
exchange or of purchase. The majority in favor of exchange only.
On the importance of Florida to the U. S. I shall not say any thing. The foes to this measure have admitted its importance in the fullest extent, and their willingness to acquire it on fair and honorable terms. All their objections have been made not to the purchase but to the mode. It is said we have appropriated money not for the purchase of Florida, but to induce France to bully Spain out of her right.
On this subject, I have never had but one opinion. I have always believed, and I still believe, that the money will be fairly employed in purchasing Florida of the rightful owner. The gentleman from Virginia will do me the justice to recollect, that I held this language with closed doors. I hold it now in the presence of the people. That France may ultimately get the money is highly probable, and why? Has not the gentleman from Virginia told us the sovereignty of Spain is annihilated, that the powers of her minister are signed Charles Maurice Talleyrand? But of what importance is it to us what becomes of the money we pay Spain? Are we to become the guardians of Spain? Shall we not purchase a territory important to the U. S. because Spain may be bullied or cheated out of the money she receives from us? If Spain is really in such a degraded state that she has no will of her own, has her conduct towards the U. S. been such, as to induce us not to avail ourselves of the situation in which we find her? For my own part, I care not what use Spain makes of the money paid to her for Florida. It is of no importance to me as a representative, nor to the people. That the purchase will be fairly made of Spain, and the money paid to Spain, I have no doubt. The government dare not employ it in any other way.
I shall vote for amending the journal, by inserting the message. I know, however, that this will not satisfy the gentlemen. They will next want the correspondence of our foreign ministers, and this they know cannot be printed. I am willing, with these observations, to trust my conduct with those by whom I am elected. A representative is not responsible for the wisdom of measures. All he is answerable for, is an honest exercise of his judgment. On the present, as on every other occasion, I am certain, I have honestly exercised for the public good, that understanding which God and nature has bestowed on me.
(Debate to be continued.)
By AUTHORITY.
AN ACT Making appropriations for the support of the military establishment of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and six.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for defraying the expense of the military establishment of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and six; for the Indian department, and for the expense of fortifications, arsenals, magazines and armories, the following sums be, and the same hereby are respectively appropriated; that is to say:
For the pay of the army of the United States, three hundred and two thousand, five hundred and fifty-six dollars:
For forage, four thousand six hundred and eight dollars:
For the subsistence of the army and corps of engineers, two hundred and twenty four thousand, nine hundred and ninety four dollars, five cents:
For clothing, eighty five thousand dollars:
For bounties and premiums, fifteen thousand dollars:
For the medical and hospital departments, twelve thousand dollars:
For camp equipage, fuel, tools and transportation, eighty five thousand dollars:
For fortifications, arsenals, magazines and armories, two hundred and eighteen thousand, five hundred and forty two dollars, five cents:
For purchasing maps, plans, books, and instruments, one thousand five hundred dollars:
For the contingent expenses of the war department, eighteen thousand dollars:
For the pay and subsistence of the commandants in Louisiana, six thousand and sixty dollars, sixty seven cents:
For the Indian department, ninety six thousand six hundred dollars:
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several appropriations herein before made, shall be paid and discharged, first, out of any balance remaining unexpended of former appropriations for the support of the military establishment; and secondly, out of any monies in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. April 18, 1806.
APPROVED. TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT For erecting certain light houses in the state of Massachusetts; for building a beacon, or pier, at Bridgeport, in the state of Connecticut; and for fixing buoys in Pamlico sound, in the state of North Carolina.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the
Treasury be, and he is hereby authorized and directed to cause to be erected the following light houses in the state of Massachusetts:
One on Franklin island, at the mouth of St. George's river, in the district of Maine.
One on West Passamaquoddy head, at the entrance into the bay and harbour of Passamaquoddy, in the district of Maine.
And a double light house at or near Chatham harbour, on the back of cape Cod.
Provided sufficient land for the accommodation of the said light houses can be obtained at reasonable prices, and the legislature of Massachusetts shall cede the jurisdiction over the same to the United States. And the secretary of the treasury is hereby authorized to agree for the salaries, or wages, of the persons who may be appointed by the President for the superintendence and care of said light houses, and otherwise to provide for the same, at the expence of the United States.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the secretary of the treasury be, and he is hereby required to cause a beacon, or pier, to be erected near the mouth of the harbour of Bridgeport, in the state of Connecticut; and to cause buoys to be fixed on Bluff Shoal, Royal Shoal, north west Shaddle, and south west Shaddle, in the waters of Pamlico sound, in the state of North Carolina.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That there be appropriated, for defraying the expence of erecting each of the aforesaid light houses, the sum of five thousand dollars; for the expence of erecting the said beacon, or pier, the sum of one thousand dollars; and for the expence of fixing the said buoys, one thousand dollars, to be paid, respectively, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. April 21, 1806.
APPROVED. TH: JEFFERSON.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30.
REMARKS
On the measures of the last session of Congress.
[CONTINUED.]
Events of subsequent occurrence have fully justified the opinions expressed in the foregoing report, by proving that so long as this country shall be held by a foreign government, the free passage of the streams that empty themselves into the gulf will be obstructed, as its sense of interest, however mistaken, shall dictate. There is one consideration which demonstrates the justness of the opinion of the committee that this country, at least so far as respects the free navigation of its great streams, must be one either by purchase or force. Such will be the vast mass of interest at stake, and dependent on their free passage, when the population of the western country shall have reached but a small stage of that extension to which it is rapidly progressing, that no power, possessed by the government of the U. S. or by any foreign nation, can restrain the people from availing themselves of what they will deem, their natural rights; and hence, if the enjoyment of these cannot be acquired by amicable arrangements, they will inevitably be got by the exertion of physical power.
It is the province of a wise government to foresee events such as these, and to avert evils instead of waiting for their arrival.
It was on the basis of this report, and the resolution it recommended, that the purchase of Louisiana was made.
This measure has passed the ordeal of investigation, and has been sanctioned by a vast majority of the nation. If it was correct, can a measure then right be now wrong; for though the negotiation that ensued issued in the purchase of Louisiana, the whole tenor of the report shows that the real object was the purchase of the Floridas.
Let us very concisely compare the circumstances attending the appropriation in 1803, and those attending the appropriation in 1806, to determine whether they are or are not sufficiently alike to justify the conclusion that if the first appropriation was correct, so likewise is the last.
In 1803 an undisputed right, a right actually possessed, was violated under circumstances of peculiar aggravation. An important right was taken from us, which we actually enjoyed. This was, therefore, an act of perfect hostility, and we should have been justified, so far as related to Spain, in applying force to force. But true to ourselves, and paying less regard to the usages of other nations than to our own interests, we determined to negotiate—for what? For the purchase of the Floridas, and New Orleans. We then considered it no violation of national honor, though our undoubted right to a deposit was violated, to negotiate for remedying this evil, in connection with the obtaining another important acquisition.
Just so in the present instance. Spain had invaded our territorial rights—had kept possession of what we deemed ours, had violated what she acknowledged to be ours. For the redressing these evils, for the ascertaining disputed boundaries, for the amicable adjustment of differences, we say to Spain, we offer you a certain sum of money for the un-
disturbed enjoyment of what we consider ourselves rightfully entitled to, in connection with another important acquisition. Agree to a boundary to the north, and cede to us the Floridas, not merely West Florida, already in dispute between us, but both the Floridas, and we will pay you a proper price for them.
So far the cases run parallel. In both we ask to be secured in an invaded right, and negotiate for the acquisition of new rights, on the payment of a stipulated sum of money.
Other differences, it is true, exist at present between the U. S. and Spain; such as the spoliations on our property and the injury derived from the suspension of the right of deposit.
Similar differences, to a certain extent, however, existed in 1803; and as in the purchase of Louisiana, in which the negotiation then issued, a part of the price paid for that country was appropriated to the payment of our citizens as an indemnity for the violation of their rights; so in the present instance, should the negotiation succeed, it is extremely probable a like reparation will be made in the same way.
By the measures pursued in 1803, peace was preserved. The same result will follow from the present measures, if they terminate in the like success.
This short view is a sufficient answer to the charge of nulliannity brought against the administration. If the measures of 1803 were not considered nulliannous, can those of 1806, so similar to them, bear this construction? The republicans in the former year said, let us in the first instance resort to negotiation, and let us offer to make a bargain on the terms of fair reciprocity;—they say the same thing now. The result was then successful, and the administration received the thanks of their country. The result in the present instance may likewise be successful, & a grateful nation may be equally lavish of its thanks.
In making these remarks, it is not our intention to criminate the motives of those who voted for measures different from those adopted. We know full well that on this point an honest difference of opinion may have prevailed. Nor are we insensible of the many strong arguments which might be urged in favor of strengthening our southern frontier against possible aggressions. We know full well that the maxims of justice are not the invariable guides of those with whom our foreign relations are conducted. But we are, nevertheless, firmly of the opinion, that in the first instance, in compliance with the policy of the United States, it becomes us to exhaust every means in our power to adjust our differences, without resorting to offensive operations, or incurring that great expence which would necessarily have attended the adoption of defensive measures on a large scale. We are the more strengthened in this opinion from the decided conviction that in case the aggressions of any foreign power shall hereafter be of such a nature as to justify retaliation, we shall have in our hands the means of resorting to it, & of inflicting a fatal vengeance. Should the property of our citizens be attacked by violence, our hardy yeomen, enured to toil and danger, will, at a moment's warning, repulse the assailants. Can the government of Spain say the same thing? Is not every possession she holds vulnerable, and are not the seeds of dissolution sown in all her institutions? Let us then patiently, though confidently wait for events, & not resort to extreme measures till necessity not less than justice shall demand them. By pursuing this course we shall follow the advice, so emphatically given us in the memorable report of 1803. In the language of that report we may say,
"The great question which presents itself is, shall we at this time lay the foundation for future peace, by offering a fair and equivalent consideration; or shall we hereafter incur the hazards and the horrors of war?—The government of the United States is differently organized from any other in the world. Its object is the happiness of man; its policy and its interest, to pursue right by right means. War is the great scourge of the human race, and should never be resorted to but in cases of the most imperious necessity. A wise government will avoid it, when its views can be attained by peaceful measures. Princes fight for glory, and the blood and treasure of their subjects is the price they pay. In all nations the people bear the burthen of war, and in the United States, the people rule. Their representatives are the guardians of their rights, and it is the duty of those representatives to provide against any event, which may, even at a distant day, involve the interests and the happiness of the nation. We may indeed have our rights restored to us by treaty, but there is a want of fortitude in applying temporary remedies to permanent evils; thereby imposing on our posterity a burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. If the purchase can be made, we ought not to hesitate. If the attempt should fail, we shall have discharged an important duty. War may be the result; but the American nation, satisfied with our conduct, will be animated by one soul, and will unite all its energies in the contest. Foreign powers will be convinced that it is not a war of aggrandizement on our part and will therefore feel no unreasonable jealousies towards us. We shall have proved that our object was justice; it will be seen that our propositions were fair; and it will be acknowledged that our cause is honorable. Should alliances be necessary they may be advantageously formed. We shall have merited and shall therefore possess general confidence. Our measures will stand justified not only to ourselves and our country, but to the world."
[To be Continued]

At the last session of Congress a law was passed to alter the Summer Term of the court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, from the Fourth Monday of July to the First Monday in June; on which last mentioned day the Circuit Court for said county will sit.
An arrival at Norfolk brings London articles to the 27th of February; but they are not of sufficient moment to interfere with our detail of Congressional proceedings.
Votes for Governor of Massachusetts. In 424 towns, [says the Boston Chronicle,] the votes as corrected, stand thus: Sullivan 35,934—Strong 36,912. Last year the same towns gave 32,479 and 34,214.
New-York, April 26. Last evening, the sloop Richard, from Brandywine, was fired at by the Leander, and whilst laying to, a ball struck John Pierce, (brother to the captain) in the neck, as he was standing at the helm, and killed instantly. Two shots were fired at the sloop, the first went about 10 yards off.
The ship Aurora, Fairchild, from the Havanna, belonging to Samuel Russel, was captured off the Hook yesterday, by one of the blockading squadron, after having a pilot on board, and ordered for H. Box.
The brig Ceres, from the West Indies, was captured yesterday off the Hook by the above blockading squadron, and ordered for Halifax.
The three masted schooner Nimrod, Manning, from Curacao for New-York, was captured yesterday morning, off Sandy Hook, by the British ship of war Leander, and ordered for Halifax.
HEAD QUARTERS, GEORGIA. Louisville, 8th April, 1806. The commander in chief, with deep regret, has to announce the death of Major General JAMES JACKSON, who commanded the first division of militia, and was one of the Senators of this state, in the Congress of the United States.
This unfortunate intelligence was conveyed to him on the 7th instant by a letter, dated the 17th of last month, from the general's colleague, the honorable Abraham Baldwin, in the following words:
"The distressing task, which my letters have so long led you to expect, is at length enforced upon me, of announcing to you the death of my beloved and much respected colleague, General Jackson, I have been with him all night, and close to his eyes just at the dawning of the day."
"It is now more than twenty years since we have been intimately associated in the duties of public life. A part of the duty which I felt to be left to me is, to declare, that in sterling integrity, and honest devotion to public good I have never found his superior."
Death has bereaved the state of a general and a statesman, who was no less valiant in the field, than eminent in the cabinet. During our revolutionary war in the days of peril, he exerted his utmost powers in defence of his country's rights, and performed acts of heroism—and in her councils both at home and abroad he advanced and supported the interest of the state with stern integrity, undaunted perseverance, perspicuity of mind and flow of eloquence. So great were his public virtues that, from an early part of his life, he held the first and most distinguished appointments, both civil and military, in the gift of his state.
To attest the loss Georgia has sustained by the death of her beloved general, and patriotic and able statesman, who yielded up his last breath from home and in the service of his country, and to manifest the estimation in which his worth and services are held by a grateful people, the commander in chief
ORDERS, All officers in military commission belonging to this state, and requests the civil officers thereof, and the citizens in general, to wear crape round the left arm for the space of six weeks, to commence on the 1st day of May next.
By order of the commander in chief, GEORGE R. CLAYTON.
PUBLIC SALE. IN consequence of a bill of sale from Miss FINGAN to the subscriber, will be sold at public sale on Thursday the eighth day of May, if fair, if not the next fair day, in a brick house opposite the six buildings in the city of Washington, a parcel of Household and Kitchen Furniture, consisting of Beds, Bedsteads, Look-glass, Glasses, Shovels, Tonges, Pails, Chairs, &c. &c. The sale to commence at 9 o'clock in the morning and continue till all are sold. The terms of sale cash only.
BENJAMIN WATERS. April 30—3t
District of Columbia county of Washington, ss.
ON the petition of HENRY BURFORD an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county, the notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Henry Burford that on the 5th day of May next at 10 o'clock A.M. at the court room, in the court house, in the county aforesaid, the oath prescribed by the said act of Congress, for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia, will be administered to the said Henry Burford, and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, three times before that day.
By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, CL. April 23—3t
CASH Will be given for FIVE or SIX young NEGRO BOYS or GIRLS, From 10 to 16 years of age. For terms apply to the printer. April 30—3t
SPRING GOODS.
JOHN COX, HAS received a part of his Spring Assortment of Goods, consisting of many fancy and substantial articles. He has also received by the Jefferson captain Hunt from Amsterdam, a quantity of Ticklenburgs, Osnaburgs, HOLLANDS, HEMPENS, ROLLS, GLASS and Quills, and by the Washington from Leghorn, Handsome Leghorn Chairs and Hats. All which goods he will sell at his usual low prices by the piece or retail. George Town, April 30—epN1&UG6w.
Dissolution of Partnership.
THE firm of Burnett & Rigden is this day dissolved by mutual consent—All those that have any claims against the said firm are hereby requested to hand them in immediately for payment, and those who are indebted either by note or account, will settle the same with Charles A. Burnett who is authorized to adjust all concerns relative to the said firm. CHARLES A. BURNETT, JOHN B. RIGDEN. George Town, April 25—
The subscriber is desirous of closing the business of his late copartnership without delay; he therefore earnestly requests all those that are indebted on open account to pay the same or give their notes in the course of twenty days, otherwise suits will certainly be instituted. He also thinks proper to add, that he now carries on business at the old stand, on his own account, where he expects shortly to open an extensive assortment of the most fashionable fancy articles, of Jewelry, &c. CHARLES A. BURNETT. George Town, April 30—3t
NOTICE.
THE Partnership of the Subscribers, trading under the firm of Samuel Lowdermilk & Co. near the Navy Yard, was dissolved on the 26th inst. by mutual consent.—All persons indebted to said firm will please to make payment to S. Lowdermilk before the fifth day of June next, otherwise their accounts will be put into the hands of proper officers for collection. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK, JOHN BANKS. Washington city, April 30—6t
SAMUEL LOWDERMILK,
BEGS Leave to inform the public that he will continue to keep a constant supply of Liquors, Groceries, Hardware, and Dry Goods, and through the medium which he receives his friends, flatters himself he will be enabled to sell as low as any of the retailers in the district of Columbia. For Cash only; and requests all persons (in order to prevent the necessity of a refusal) not to ask for credit, as he is determined to credit no person whatever. Corner of L Street fourth and 8th street east, near the Navy yard.—6t
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in Calvert county, Maryland, a negro man named TOM or TOM MONK. He is a blacksmith by trade, 26 years old, about 5 feet 10 inches high, of a slender make, yellow complexion, and slightly pitted with the small-pox. He has a variety of clothes, among which are a long coat of brown cloth, and pantaloon of the same, with a short spotted coat. It is highly probable he has made for Baltimore, or the city of Washington, from Annapolis, as he was seen in the latter place a few days since. Whoever takes up the said fellow and secures him, so that I get him again, shall have the above reward, and all reasonable charges will be paid if brought home. All matters of velleis and other persons are forewarned harbouring, employing or carrying said fellow away at their peril. EDWARD GANTT, junr. April 26—2w.
Valuable Property for Sale.
The subscriber is ready to receive proposals, in writing, and will contract with the lowest bidder for the supply of BIGHTLY CORD of WOOD for the use of the House of Representatives at the next session of Congress. The wood to be of best quality white heart, round hickory, and delivered in the public cellar at the Capitol, packed, fawed and measured at the expense of the contractor before delivery. The money for the contract price per cord to be paid at the time of delivery and the whole to be delivered on or before the last day of September next. JOHN BECKLEY. Capitol Hill, April 30—3w
Valuable Property for Sale.
ON THURSDAY 22d May next, at 12 o'clock, on the premises, will positively be sold or rented to the highest bidder, if fair, if not the next fair day, the land I live on, consisting with lands contiguous between 5 and 600 acres, very level, and improveable. On it will be found every necessary house. It abounds with good water convenient to the dwelling and in every field. Great abundance and variety of fruit trees; some rich branch meadow ground and plenty wood and rail timber. The purchaser to pay 2000 dollars on the 1st January next when possession will be given, and for the balance a credit of 5 or 7 years will be allowed on his giving bond with good personal security on interest, and a lien on the land payable in equal annual proportions till the whole be paid. If not sold, to the tenant it will be rented for a term not less than 5 or 7 years under certain restrictions. A more particular description of the above property may be seen at the office of the Baltimore Federal Gazette, and Alexandria Daily Advertiser of last year. An inalienable title will be made to the purchaser. GEO. LEE. Charles county, April 16—wtd
NOTICE.
IS hereby given that unless the tax due to the Washington Corporation from the following persons be paid on or before the 28th day May next the following property or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon, will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder.
  Capt. Addington, improvements on square 825 1803. 1.00 1.28 1.28   John B. Anderson lot 1 in sq 74 with improvements 1803. 1.00 1.28 1.28   Adam Aults heirs 1 2 lot 8 in sq 1 with improvements 1804. 1.69 1.69 1.69   Mahlin Atkinson, 1 2 lot 11 in sq 379 with improvements 1804. 4.70 4.70 4.70   Samuel Blodget, lot 6 in sq 225 with improvements 1804. 22.60 22.60 22.60   John Barnett, part lot 11 in sq 651 with improvements 1804. 1.17 1.17 1.17   Ignatius Boone, part of sq 907 with improvements 1802. 2.97 2.97 2.97   Matthew Brown, lot 1 in sq 636 and part of lot 19 in sq 689 with improvements 1805. 21.73 21.73 21.73   Jesse Burch, lot 24 in sq 758 with improvements 1802. 0.87 0.87 0.87   Benjamin Bacon, Lot 5 in sq 218 and Lot 7 in sq 758 with improvements 1803. 2.16 2.16 2.16   John A. Burford, lot 1 in sq 881 with improvements 1803. 3.13 3.13 3.13   Daniel Buffard, 1 2 Lot 6 in sq 86, 2 3 of Lot 1 in sq 168 with improvements 1804. 5.37 5.37 5.37   George Betz, part of Lot 10 in sq 254 with improvements 1804. 3.66 3.66 3.66   Joseph Bentley, 1 2 Lot 21 sq 254 with improvements 1804. 1.92 1.92 1.92   Samuel Barker, part of sq 503 with improvements 1804. 5.56 5.56 5.56   Mrs. Bull, house on sq 502 1804. 5.04 5.04 5.04   Benjamin Bryan, part of sq north of sq 743 and part of sq 906 with improvements 1802. 1.58 1.58 1.58   John Brackenridge, Lot 12 in sq 119 with improvements 1805. 7.43 7.43 7.43   Joel Brown, 1 2 lots 10 and 11 in sq 78 with improvements 1805. 10.81 10.81 10.81   Quincea Brien, Lot 5 in square 86 with improvements 1805. 3.12 3.12 3.12   Richard & Agastine Boyer, 1 2 Lot 15 in sq 168 with improvements 1805. 3.48 3.48 3.48   James H. Blake, Lot 2 in sq 479 with improvements 1805. 3.53 3.53 3.53   Richard B. Brisker, 1 2 of lot 1 in sq 348 with impr. 1802. 1.23 1.23 1.23   Bishop Clagett, Lot 18 in sq 168 with improvements 1802. 3.59 3.59 3.59   Crow & Wright, part of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1805. 5.84 5.84 5.84   Wm. Croft, part of sq 825 with improvements 1803. 1.06 1.06 1.06   John Craig & others, lots 1, 4, & 7 in sq 771 with improvements 1803. 36.74 36.74 36.74   Daniel Caffray, part of sq 503 with imp. & imp. on sq 376 1803. 1.44 1.44 1.44   John Christy, part of lot 5 in sq 460 with improvements 1804. 1.49 1.49 1.49   Crookshanks & Thompson, lot 5 in sq 461 with improvements 1804. 29.49 29.49 29.49   Timothy Caldwell, part of lot 5 in sq 78 part of sq 118 with improvements & imp. on sq 845 1804. 10.14 10.14 10.14   Wm. Duncanson, part of sq 611, whole of sq 767 and square 875 with improvements 1802. 28.51 28.51 28.51   James Dant, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 0.29 0.29 0.29   Tristram Dalton, lot 10 in sq 925 with improvements 1802. 7.27 7.27 7.27   DeLois and Nicholson wharf & ware house 1802. 7.20 7.20 7.20   Alexander Davidson, lot 1 in sq 651 with improvements 1803. 2.44 2.44 2.44   Jasper de Carnap's heirs, sq 743 with improvements 1803. 1.50 1.50 1.50   Hugh Densly part of sq 651 and part of sq 695, with improvements 1803. 11.48 11.48 11.48   Richard Delphi, part of sq 738 with improvements 1803. 1.63 1.63 1.63   John Dempse, part of sq 737 with improvements 1803. 0.84 0.84 0.84   Elizabeth Ditterly, part of lot 15 in sq 141 with improvements 1804. 1.65 1.65 1.65   Joseph Dove, 1-2 of lot 3 in sq 320 with improvements 1803. 2.12 2.12 2.12   Lewis DeLois, lot 16 in sq 667 and lot 2 in sq 948 with improvements 1804. 9.19 9.19 9.19   Evan Evans, 1-2 of lot 2 in sq 60 with improvements 1802. 1.04 1.04 1.04   Elixius Edelin, part of sq 936 with improvements 1805. 10.62 10.62 10.62   Richard Frazier, lot 5 in sq 700 with improvements 1803. 2.62 2.62 2.62   Edward Fallon, part of sq 225 with improvements 1803. 8.95 8.95 8.95   Bennet Fenwick's heirs, lot 6 in sq 224, and lots 15 & 16 in sq 407 with improvements 1805. 30.91 30.91 30.91   James Foulkner, lot 15 in sq 377 with improvements 1805. 4.28 4.28 4.28 
  Joshua Greer, part of sq 1805, 502 with improvements 1805. 0.23 0.23 0.23   Richard Grilley, part of sq 1802, sq 503 with improvements 1802. 44.21 44.21 44.21   James Graham, improvements on sq 662 1805. 0.64 0.64 0.64   Edward Griffin, pt of sq 325 with improvements 1805. 1.38 1.38 1.38   Peter Hall, part of sq 700 with improvements 1802. 0.41 0.41 0.41   William Herron, part of sq 288 with improvements 1803. 1.83 1.83 1.83   Daniel Hurley, part of lot 1 in sq 845 with improvements 1803. 3.24 3.24 3.24   Peter Haman, improvements on sq 118 1805. 12.80 12.80 12.80   George Jacobs, lot 5 in sq 462 with improvements 1802. 1.79 1.79 1.79   William Johnson, lots 5 & 10 in sq 224 with improvements 1802. 2.35 2.35 2.35   Alexander Ingram, 1-2 of lot 2 in sq south of sq 825, and part of sq 695 with improvements 1804. 2.24 2.24 2.24   Andrew Jameson, 1-2 of lot 18 in sq 457 with improvements 1804. 2.34 2.34 2.34   Thomas Jones, part of sq 651 with improvements 1805. 4.95 4.95 4.95   Absalom Joy, part of lot 1 in sq 322, and half of lot 3 in sq 166 with improvements 1805. 23.22 23.22 23.22   James Knight, part of sq 651 with improvements 1802. 2.90 2.90 2.90   John Kennedy, half of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1803. 5.38 5.38 5.38   Thomas M. Kirk, lot 13 in sq 347 with improvements 1803. 10.52 10.52 10.52   James Kennedy, part of lot 22 in sq 378 with improvements 1804. 0.92 0.92 0.92   Henry Luddington, lot 15 in sq 38 with improvements 1803. 1.69 1.69 1.69   Charles F. Lovening, part of lot 5 in sq 168 with improvements 1803. 0.97 0.97 0.97   William Lovell, part of sq 225 and sq 253 with improvements 1803. 26.76 26.76 26.76   James Lyon, part of lot 6 in sq 141 with improvements 1803. 2.10 2.10 2.10   William Lowry, lot 1 in sq west of sq 4 with improvements 1804. 8.75 8.75 8.75   James M Lingan, part of sq 118 and lot 4 in sq 117 with improvements 1804. 108.73 108.73 108.73   George Lyles, 1-2 of lot 18 in sq 168 with improvements 1804. 4.14 4.14 4.14   Notley Maddox, lot 12 in sq 881 with improvements 1802. 3.25 3.25 3.25   John Mc Carthy, part of sq 741 with improvements 1802. 2.40 2.40 2.40   Henry Moscrop, part of sq 74 with improvements 1802. 14.12 14.12 14.12   John Mc Elwee, part of sq 118 with improvements 1804. 8.11 8.11 8.11   Andrew McDonald, lot 7 in sq 170 with improvements 1803. 3.41 3.41 3.41   Lewis Morin, sen. lot 14 in sq 503 with improvements 1803. 1.30 1.30 1.30   John Moore, part of sq 573 with improvements 1803. 1.87 1.87 1.87   Charles Mc Donald, part of lot 8 in sq 770 with improvements 1803. 0.59 0.59 0.59   Bernard McDermott Roe, lot 10 with improvements 1805. 2.17 2.17 2.17   James O'Brien, part of lot 1 in sq 662 with improvements 1802. 2.20 2.20 2.20   Susannah Osborne, part of sq 690 with improvements 1802. 2.37 2.37 2.37   Pratt, Francis & others, 1802 part of sq 502, part of sq 503, sq 504, sq 546 and part of sq 973 1802. 528.64 528.64 528.64   Isaac Pollock, part of sq 38 and part of sq 74 with improvements 1802. 18.07 18.07 18.07   Robert Ware Peacock, part of lot 1 in sq 291 with improvements 1804. 7.11 7.11 7.11   William Prentis, part of sq 907 and part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 0.93 0.93 0.93   Philips, Grant and West, lot 13 in sq 407 with improvements 1805. 3.35 3.35 3.35   Isaac Reid, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 1.17 1.17 1.17   Rhodes & Higden, part of sq 118 with improvements 1805. 1.94 1.94 1.94   Michael Shanks, part of sq 502 with improvements 1802. 0.71 0.71 0.71   John Swank, part of sq 741 with improvements 1802. 0.64 0.64 0.64   John Story, part of sq 741 with improvements 1802. 0.53 0.53 0.53 
  Alexander Denny, 1-2 of lot 1805, 8 in sq 737 with improvements 1805. 0.51 0.51 0.51   Stoddard & Templeman, lot 11 in sq 104 with improvements 1802. 42.44 42.44 42.44   John Sutton, lot 10 in sq 1803, 222 with improvements 1803. 1.07 1.07 1.07

TAKE NOTICE. The creditors of PETER VAN WAGNER (are merchant in the city of New York an insolvent debtor) are requested to submit their accounts, properly authenticated in or before the first day of May next to the subscriber for examination—when a dividend will be made of the said insolvent's property by JOSEPH T. BALDWIN, assignee, Newark, New Jersey, April 11—w4t
THE SUPERB BARB, THE BLACK SULTAN, PRESENTED by the Dey of Tunis, to the government of the United States, and lately brought to this country by the Tunisian ambassador, will stand the ensuing season at PETWORTH , the farm of JOHN TAYLOR , off near Rock Creek church, and within two miles of the city of Washington, where Mares from a distance will be sent at 40 cents per week, and fed if desired at the market price. This Royal present being one of the most choice animals of the Regency of Tunis and still sixteen hands high, a desire has prevailed that so valuable a race should be extended as much as possible; it has therefore been directed that he be placed at a low price; he will consequently stand at TWENTY DOLLARS the season, which will begin immediately, and end on the first of August; or before which time the price of the season will be dischargeable by SIXTEEN DOLLARS, with a DOLLAR to the Groom when the Mare is sent. CHESTER BAILEY, Manager for John Taylor, Esq., at Petworth. April 4—3d w4t
To be Let, and entered upon immediately, A new two story double brick house, with four convenient rooms, having five places in each, and Venetian blind shutters to the windows, a good kitchen, paved cellar and two celled garrets on F Street near the Bank. It would suit a person having a family connected with one of the Public offices; the rent will be very moderate. Apply to Messrs. A. & G. Way, or to Mr. Hewitt, adjoining the premises.
Ailo to Let, A two story Frame House, with three fire places and another frame house with two rooms and a large bake oven in a good situation for the baking business. Apply as above. City of Washington, April 23—wtf
Valuable Property For Sale. THE Subscriber will offer at Public Sale at the Union Tavern in George Town on Tuesday the 20th day of May next if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, that valuable tract of Land with the improvements thereon, the late residence of Anthony Holmead , deceased, containing upwards of 146 acres, which is divided in the following manner, viz. one Lot containing about 66 acres, 10 or 12 of which is woodland, and including the improvements, which are a two story Brick DWELLING HOUSE 38 feet in length by 27 wide, with four rooms on each floor and a cellar under the whole, a large barn and other out buildings, also a good apple orchard, cherry young thriving trees and abundance of other choice fruit trees, a good garden, and a well of excellent water in the yard. One other Lot adjoining the above, containing upwards of 69 acres, nearly one half is wood land. Also one other Lot adjoining the last mentioned, containing about 11 acres chiefly in woods. These lots of Land are situated between north and north west of the President's house, and adjoining the city of Washington, and Rock Hill, the seat of Colonel W. A. Washington, this land is generally allowed to be as handsomely situated as any in the district of Columbia, having an extensive prospect of the city of Washington, George Town and Alexandria. Also, will be offered at the same time and place, three whole Squares in the city of Washington numbered 65, 66, and 132. The two last mentioned are well enclosed with a common rail fence, one of them in clover, the other in timothy. Also, part of Lot no. 26 in Holmead's addition to George Town, fronting on Bridge and Rock Creek Streets. The terms of sale are one fourth of the purchase money paid down, and a credit of one, two, and three years will be given for the balance, on the purchaser giving bonds with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale; the interest to be paid annually on the whole sum due on the receipt of the last payment a good and sufficient title will be given to the purchaser. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. Any person wishing to view this property will be shown the same with the plate thereof by either of the subscribers. JOHN HOLMEAD, } Executors of ANTHONY HOLMEAD, } Smead, dec'd. April 9—wts
Any of the above property may be purchased at private sale, previous to the day of sale. J. H. A. H.
At the same time and place and immediately after the sale of the above property the subscriber will sell to the highest bidder for ready cash agreeable to a deed in trust from the heirs of col. Charles Beatty for the purpose therein mentioned, part of Lot Number 200 in Beatty and Hawkin's addition to George Town, fronting on Market Street one hundred feet, and running back seventy feet. JOHN HOLMEAD. April 7—wtf
REMOVAL. The subscriber has removed his CABINET SHOP To his dwelling house on Jefferson Street, the first door below Valentine Reintzel's buildings, where he is ready to serve the public in general, and his customers in particular. WM. KING, Jun. George Town, April 16—w6t
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll , near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
FOR SALE. I WILL sell or exchange for new goods Two BRICK BUILDINGS, well calculated for a retail store, being opposite the Centre Market—for further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. ROBERT HARRISON. April 2—tf
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester , lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Parts of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Welden, living on the premises, near the eastern branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON, Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
TO RENT, THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE, AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased). The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke-house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, Esq., Bath, Maryland. Note.—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL
Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Benne's patent cord, woolverteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk moleteens, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripes black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, Flushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N. B. Ladies habite, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of a deed in trust from Daniel Hurly, I will offer for Saturday the 3rd day of May next, at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises, for cash, part of lot number forty-five in square number eight hundred and forty-five in the city of Washington—with a well built two story BRICK HOUSE on the same adjoining the house of Robert Alexander, Esq., and now occupied by Mr. Banford. The title is indisputable as may be seen on application to NICHOLAS VOSS. April 2—tM3
BY virtue of a deed of trust from the heirs of John Brown late of Prince George's county deceased, I will offer at PUBLIC AUCTION, on the premises at 12 o'clock on Tuesday the 12th day of May next, if fair, if not the next fair day thereafter. All that valuable tract of Land formerly the property and in the occupation of the aforesaid deceased, lying in the neighborhood of Robert Sewell, Esq., about seven miles from Piscataway and 12 from the city of Washington, containing a out 360 acres of rich fertile land, well adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, and every kind of small grain. Upwards of 25 acres of fine meadow Land and a very great proportion of wood and timber of the most valuable kind. Terms will be made known on the day of sale. CHARLES D. HODGES. April 11—tdof
Valuable Property For Sale. THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 2 1/2 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. contains 42 acres. No. 3. contains 102 acres. No. 4. contains 19 acres; Likewise a lot lying between John Taylor, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. These lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers. Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Breckenridge near the property. Jan. 24—wtf
Twenty Dollars Reward, WILL be given for apprehending negro FAME a very low and tolerable lathy woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having procured a free pass, and passes by the name of Charity Shorter; she was formerly the property of John Chittenden of this county, and was run away for near eight years, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been lurking. I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Fort Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril. MASSY SIMMS. Nov. 27—tf
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only , having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording a good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres under the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 20 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William nearly residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill. Jan. 29—eptf
WILLIAM H. DORSEY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Has opened an office in George Town next door to the Bank of Columbia. He will attend Montgomery county court and the courts held in Washington county in the district of Columbia. April 4—1m
This is to give notice that if the heirs of a certain STEPHEN REYNOLDS , who died on his way from the western country in the month of August 1803, and supposed to have been a native of the state of New Hampshire or one of the Eastern states will apply to JOHN RINA administrator living in the town of Cumberland, Allegany county, state of Maryland, will hear of something to their advantage. By order of Allegany county orphans court March 3—ep2m
FOR SALE. UPWARDS of 2000 acres of Land lying on each side of Little River in Loudon county being part of the Goose Creek tract of land purchased of the late col. Charles Carter; the river runs nearly through the middle of it and forms on each side upwards of two hundred acres of low grounds, of which about forty acres is timothy. It is in general good farm land, and remarkable for its production of grass and of timothy in particular. About three fourths of the tract in my own occupation, the remainder in the possession of tenants. The land lies well, abounds in good springs, and has a sufficiency of white and red oak timber, and some fine poplars. The purchaser may be supplied with stock of every kind, also with from 20 to about 30 negroes in families, and taking them in that manner upon very reasonable terms; the land lies ab. the same distance (40 miles) from Washington, Alexandria, and Dumfries, eight miles from Leesburg & six from Middlebury; there is on the part in my occupation a small dwelling house containing two rooms and an entry below, and two rooms above stairs, a kitchen, good stable and carriage house and other necessary buildings, all of them erected within the last five years, a good garden. The purchaser may be accommodated in the payments. JOSEPH JONES, Near Leesburg, Loudon County, April 7—epm
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
All persons having claims against the estate of Uriah Forrest deceased since his bankruptcy, are requested to have them proved according to law, and presented to Philip B. Key, before the 11th day of June next, that a distribution of the personal estate may be made as early as practicable. REBECCA FORREST, Executrix. April 4—4m
PUBLIC AUCTION, WILL be held at public auction, on Wednesday the 30th inst. a good two story BRICK HOUSE and LOT, near the Centre Market. It is a good situation for public business. At the same time and place will be sold a quantity of Household furniture. The terms of sale will be reasonable. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. JOHN BLOOR. April 23—3t
PURSUANT to a decree of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed to sale two Tracts of Land in the county of Loudon, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, Esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1097 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and supposed to contain about 1940 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of raising the sum of about 60000 dollars, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the decree mentioned. The sales will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money, and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudon. THOS. SWANN, } Commissioners. WILSON C. SELDEN, } April 23—wtdf
The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to purchase under the above decree (which was obtained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him), that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatever, the procuring a title to perfect such sale of the Land; the attempt to which is a vague and ill tempered effort. THOS. A. DIGGES, Warburton, Maryland, April 23—tj3.
The public are notified, and all persons are sanctioned against purchasing certain lands in Loudon county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swann and Selden, to be held at Leesburg on the 13th day of June next; the fee of said estate being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges of Maryland, an infant under age. ROBERT BRENT, attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges. City of Washington, April 23—tJun13
Will be sold at Public Sale. ON Saturday, the 17th day of May, at the Union Tavern in Georgetown, the following property belonging to the estate of George French, deceased. The House and property that I now occupy A three story brick house 26 feet front, nearly opposite the Bank of Columbia. Several unimproved lots in Washington and George town. One hundred acres of land about one mile and a half from George town, on the road leading to Frederick town, opposite Mrs. Forrest's Three hundred & one acres of land, part of Friend ship, and part of Magnitude, and Bealls Honey trip, about seven miles from George Town, on the left hand side of the road leading to Frederick Town, Mr. Warren, who resides thereon, will show it to persons disposed to view it. Between 3 and 400 acres of land, part of Magnitude and Bealls Honey trip, on the river Potomac, about 3 miles above the Little Falls. Mr. Barnes, who resides thereon will show it. Likewise 2 tracts of land in Allegany county, without bottom, containing 730 acres, and Cattle Hill, containing 50 acres; a more particular description of the two last mentioned tracts will be given on the day of sale. Terms of sale cash or notes with approved indorsers, payable in sixty days. Sale to commence at ten o'clock. ARIANA FRENCH, devisee of George French, dec'd. April 28—tds.
TO BE SOLD, AT public sale, on Saturday, the 17th day of May next, at Stelle's hotel; a number of lots in the city of Washington, belonging to the estate of Gustavus Scott, Esq., deceased. The greater number of these lots are situated between the President's house and George Town. Also one moiety of forty-two acres of land on Rock creek, adjoining Rockhill and Mr. Holmead's. Also a number of shares in the North American Land Company.—Terms of sale; negotiable notes with approved indorsers, at ninety days, where the sum does not exceed two hundred dollars. For all sums above two hundred dollars, a credit of three and six months will be given, on giving notes as aforesaid. Sale to commence at eleven o'clock. ELIAS B. CALDWELL, Trustee. April 25—2awts.
Will be sold at PUBLIC SALE the property where I now live, on FRIDAY the 24th day of May next, at 12 o'clock, two LOTS in Square 88, fronting on Water street, 78 feet 3 inches, and running back 187 1/2 feet which are inclosed in a handsome paved in garden—the buildings are a convenient Frame DWELLING HOUSE, SMOKE HOUSE & FOR HOUSE. On the fourth side of Water street, is a wharf sufficiently large to hold 200 cords of wood at once; this part of the property runs to the Fiamburgh channel, and the situation equal to any in the city for a lumber, coal, or wood yard. The terms will be one third of the purchase money in hand, the other two thirds in nine and eighteen months on the purchaser giving negotiable notes on either the city or George Town banks, with sufficient indorsers, or I will take merchandise in lieu of cash for one half of the purchase money. JOHN STEPHEN. April 14—tawtf
Thirty Dollars Reward, FOR apprehending and securing in jail negro JACOB, who is a low well made fellow, about 25 years of age, complexion rather black, tho' not deep, has a pleasant countenance, is stout made about the shoulders and breast with small legs, has a stoopage in his speech and cannot make a quick reply, when spoken to without shutting his eyes or being in motion, which is very observable, his clothing was blue negro cotton jacket and overalls, ozanburg shirt, and wool hat, though they are subject to change, he was late the property of Richard B. Beall of Fauquier county, Virginia, and closed about the 6th of Nov.ember last. The constables and others, of the city of Washington, George Town, Alexandria, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Norfolk are requested to look out for the said runaway slave, as the above reward will be immediately paid them on the terms specified by JOHN KEDGLIE. City of Washington, Dec. 16—2awtf
TO RENT. THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, c.q. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Dobbins on the Eastern Branch, one square above, the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Hewitt, Esq., or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOSS, City of Washington, March 14—2awtf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD will be given for apprehending and securing to the owner may get her again, a likely negro girl named ANN, about twenty years of age—of dark complexion, large eyes of rather a down look—& of middle stature. She absconded from George Town about four or five weeks ago. She formerly belonged to John Brent, Esq., near Port Tobacco, in Charles County, state of Maryland. She took with her sundry articles of wearing apparel, among which were a black silk short gown, and a red pink ditto. She appears, when spoken to, diffident and unassuming. The above reward will be paid if she is taken out of this district, and ten dollars if taken in it. GEORGE GLOYD, one of the Constables of George town. March 21—2awtf
FOR SALE, The first Monday in May next, the property where I now live, with a HOUSE & LOT in George Town, viz. Two Lots in square No. 1, fronting on Water and K street, and adjoining the lower bridge over Rock Creek; the buildings are, a two story frame Dwelling house with a Warehouse and Wharf, a two story frame Dwelling with an addition for a store house on Orange street near the Methodist Meeting house George Town; one third of the purchase money will be required in hand, the other two thirds in twelve and eighteen months, the purchaser giving negotiable notes in George Town or the City banks. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock. HENRY SCHNIVLY. April 7—w3t
FOR SALE, A Handsome two story BRICK HOUSE, 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen stable and carriage house, its situation for a public or private dwelling is superior to any house near the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the Yard and Shipping and is now rented for 300 dollars per annum. I will also sell a valuable unimproved Lot near the premises in sq. 881—Young negroes will be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard, or to Mr. Samuel McIntire. NICHOLAS VOSS. Washington, Feb. 14—wtf
To be Sold, Or Exchanged for other property in the City, or its vicinity. TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky the one containing 6880 acres, and the other 6272 acres, by late survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber, JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington } November 6—wtf } St. Mary's county court, March term, 1806.
NATHANIEL WASHINGTON an insolvent debtor of St. Mary's county having applied by petition in writing to Saint Mary's county court, praying the benefit of "an act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the last session of the General Assembly of Maryland, and a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as by the said act is required, being annexed to his said petition, and the said Nathaniel Washington being under arrest upon sundry calls for debts due before the passage of said act, and having proved to the satisfaction of said court that he has resided in the state of Maryland the two last years preceding the passage of said act. It is thereupon adjourned and ordered that the said Nathaniel Washington appear before the said court at the court House in Leonard Town on the 19th day of July next, then and there to produce to said court the aforesaid inventory, of creditors, holding two thirds of the amount of his debts and to answer such interrogatories as may be proposed to him by his creditors, that the said day be and it is hereby appointed the time for said creditors to appear and recommend a trustee for their benefit, and that the said Nathaniel Washington give them notice of the p. Page of this order by causing a copy of it to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for six successive weeks from the date hereof. Test JOSEPH HARRIS Clerk of St. Mary's county court. April 4—w6t