The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-06-18 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXXXVII.
FOR DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18.
COMMUNICATION.
[CONTINUED.]
As commodore Truxtun has been bitterly complaining of the inattention of the secretary of the navy to him, in not having attached to his ship a captain of the navy, or some officer above the grade of a lieutenant, and as he has again and again in print, in manuscript and in conversation, stoutly asserted that no commodore, before or since, in this or in any other country, had ever been so horribly treated, I would here submit the following statement:
1st. An order of the government to a captain of the navy to take a secondary station on board of a frigate under another captain, would have been contrary to the practice of this country, and would not have been warranted by any practice that has ever obtained in either Great Britain or France.
2nd. In the United States and in Great Britain, there is not any such officer as a commissioned commodore. No such commission is issued in either country. The title of commodore is a mere name of courtesy, given to a captain who has the command of a squadron.
3rd. In France, however, there is such an officer as a commissioned commodore, with a rank above that of a captain. And therefore in France a commodore, having the command of a squadron given to him, may go on board of whatever ship may be the most agreeable to him, and may afterward shift his pendant from time to time at pleasure, to any of the other ships of his squadron. To every ship of such a squadron there is a captain specially attached by the order of the government, and of course a commodore in the French service, like an admiral, has in his ship under him a captain of the navy.
4th. In the British navy it is not the practice for a commodore to live in his ship under him a captain of the navy, or in any officer above the grade of a lieutenant.
5th. In the American navy under the late administration, commodore Truxtun never had in his ship under him a captain of the navy, nor any officer above the grade of a lieutenant.
6th. Under the present administration captain James Barron, owing to certain peculiar circumstances, was with commodore Dale as the first officer of his ship, not, however, by any order of the government, but in virtue of a private friendly arrangement made between these two officers, and afterward approved and confirmed by the then officiating secretary.
7th. To the ship of commodore Preble no officer of a higher grade than that of a lieutenant was ever attached.
8th. The first officer of the ship of commodore Barron, when first attached to her, was a lieutenant, but was afterward among other lieutenants promoted to the rank of master commandant. However the commodore of the squadron, of his own accord, in the Mediterranean, transferred him to the command of one of the sloops of war, and thus left his own ship with only a lieutenant as the first officer.
9th. The first officer of the ship of commodore Rodgers, now in the Mediterranean, is only a lieutenant.
10th. The usual complement of lieutenants for the Chesapeake, the ship of commodore Truxtun, was four. The lieutenants attached to her, and that went out in her, were John Smith, George Cox, David Porter, and John Galloway. These officers have been invariably and justly highly respected, and three of them do at this time command, with great honor to their country, sloops of war in the Mediterranean. Smith, Cox, and Porter are well known to have been competent in all respects to any station in a frigate. Cox, under the late administration, had served with great reputation as the first officer of a ship of war. And Galloway (now deceased) was one of the most promising officers of his standing in the navy. Over and above these four meritorious lieutenants, there had been, besides captain Campbell, four other lieutenants ordered to the Chesapeake.
11th. As government could not consistently have ordered captain Campbell to take a secondary station on board of a frigate under commodore Truxtun, and as the commodore had set his heart upon having a captain, an official arrangement for that purpose had been made with captain Campbell, who had magnanimously yielded to what had appeared clearly to him a solicitude on the part of the secretary of the navy, and had actually proceeded towards Norfolk, as far as the city of Washington, but was unable to proceed further, in consequence of an injury in one of his knees, and was thereupon reported to the secretary as at that time unfit for duty.
12th. At the time commodore Truxtun had the command of the Chesapeake, there was not in the navy of the United States any such officer as a master commandant. Neither was there an additional lieutenant within the United States, that could have been attached to his ship.
13th. If commodore Truxtun had gone out in the Chesapeake, as commodore Morris did, with the four lieutenants that had been attached to her, the secretary of the navy would have availed himself of the first opportunity of furnishing him, as he did Morris, with an additional lieutenant.
14th. Commodore Truxtun, after his ship had reached the Mediterranean station, would, as every other commodore, have had full power and authority to have transferred to his ship any lieutenant of the squadron as his first officer.
(To be Continued.)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
FRIDAY, MARCH 28.
DEBATE.
[CONCLUDED.]
MR. SMILIE said he heartily concurred in opinion with those gentlemen who considered an union of a contract with a seat on this floor as highly improper. But that was not the question under consideration. It was simply, how far they were authorised by the constitution to take the course now recommended. Every man attending to that constitution, would see that it had two great objects in view—One was to protect the interests of the community;—the other to protect the rights of individuals. Both these duties were equally sacred. Was it then proper, in maintaining the one, to sacrifice the other? To avoid Scylla but strike on Charybdis? He wished to God the constitution had excluded contractors; but as it had given them a right in common with the citizens of the U. S. to a seat on that floor in case they were elected, he could not in conscience do any thing which would take away those rights. It did not belong to that House, previous to the existence of a particular case to make a general declaration. When a particular case was brought forward it would be time enough to take the subject under consideration.
MR. BIDWELL said, before he gave his vote, he would concisely state the reasons which would influence him in giving it. This was not a mere question of policy, but a question that implicated the constitution. It was their duty to decide, not what the constitution ought to be, but what it was. However it might or might not conform to their abstract ideas, they were nevertheless bound by it. The resolution says—a contractor is an officer within the meaning of the constitution. In elucidating this point, the constitution must be our guide. The clause of the constitution relied upon is, that "no person holding any office under the U. S. shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office." To say that a contractor is an officer is giving a new signification to the words contractor or officer. He considered both words to be as well understood, & to have as definite meanings as any other words in the English language. There is a constitutional definition of the word officer in the 3d section of the 2d article of the constitution, which provides that the President "shall commission all the officers of the U. S." Here then is a constitutional definition of what is meant by a person holding an office, viz, a person commissioned by the President. A contractor does not necessarily or even generally hold such a commission. By deciding that a contractor is an officer, it will be decided that no contractor could be appointed without being commissioned by the President. This would be extending the doctrine a length to which it had never been carried. Further, it is provided, that the President, Vice President and other officers of the government, shall take an oath to support the constitution of the U. S. Is there any such requisition, or has it been usual to require such an oath from contractors? Under this view of the subject, and conceiving himself bound by the oath which he had taken to support the constitution, he could not in conscience agree to the resolution, whatever evils it might have for its object to cure.
MR. RHEA (of Ten.) said this was an abstract question, in the affirmative of which he was not prepared to vote. There were abstract reasons which induced him to vote against the resolution.
He said he was averse to assume from the constitution of the U. S. what was not expressly declared therein.
He was not willing to go on, by a principle of construction, until the constitution of the U. S. was made anything or nothing. There was a day when the principle of construction was reprobated, and now, having a seat in this honorable House, he was not willing to revive that principle.
He said he was determined to vote against the resolution.
MR. J. RANDOLPH admitted that this might be, as he was convinced it was with many gentlemen, and hoped it was with all, a question admitting of a fair difference of opinion. It was a question that respected the construction of the constitution of the U. S. The point in issue, whether a contractor is or is not an officer of the U. S. had been set aside by being begged. Gentlemen argue as if it were proposed to add a new qualification to holding a seat on this floor—when in truth, no such question existed—the only question was whether there was not an existing disqualification. While I am up said M. R. permit me to say the gentleman from Maryland has, with a peculiar infelicity abandoned the ground which he had first taken. He says that a contractor cannot be an officer, because the former are put up to sale; and because no man under the constitution, can possess the power of creating an indefinite number of offices. And yet, how are those men who carry the mail or discharge the duties of post masters appointed, but on the mere decree of the post master general? And how are foreign ministers appointed? They are not appointed by law. The President nominates as many as he pleases, and is only limited by the money at his disposal. As to the offices under the post master general, as has been alleged, being let to the lowest bidder, I believe it would be difficult to establish the allegation. I understand that that is not the principle on which they have been let out. We are told that a contract is nothing but a bargain. It certainly is a bargain. But suppose the office of post master general, as that seems in this debate to have engaged so much of the attention of gentlemen, should be let to the lowest bidder;—would the person that discharged those duties be less an officer of the U. S.? There is one office which I believe is always let to the lowest bidder—a common executioner. Who is he?—the deputy of the sheriff; and quo ad hoc , he is as much an officer as the superior who employs him.
What do we propose to do? To give a construction to the constitution which is to operate on our House only, and which is not to govern the other House. They are as much the judges of the qualifications of their own members, as we are of the qualifications of ours. And although the gentleman from Georgia is unwilling a different principle should obtain in the two Houses; and although I should be glad that a proper principle should be applied to both, and should therefore be willing that such a principle should be fixed by law. I am not, therefore, for abandoning that, which we have an indisputable right to do, a right to judge of the qualifications of our own members, in the hope of obtaining that which we may never accomplish. But let me ask those gentlemen who profess themselves willing to aid us in framing a law upon this subject; how, on their own principle, a law can be framed to do that by law which cannot, as they say, be done under the constitution? If the constitution does not authorise such a step, much less will it be authorised by our laws.
MR. ELMER said it was perfectly clear to him, that the members of that House were not at liberty to vote for the resolution under consideration. Both common sense and the constitution forbade considering a contract in the light of an office, and he had never before heard it contended that they were equivalent terms. He would cordially give his vote for any law which could be constitutionally passed, to get rid of speculation and corruption of any sort, but the oath which he had taken to support the constitution limited his power which he could not transcend.
MR. KELLY said he would concisely assign the reasons which would induce him to vote against the resolution. He did not believe an officer and a contractor meant the same things. With regard to contractors holding a seat on that floor, it might happen that a man might be a contractor without being in the least disqualified, from impartially discharging all the duties of a member, as the contract which he formed might be more for the good of
others than for his own benefit. He however allowed that where a person held a seat, and made use of the power it gave him to make a contract, he was highly censurable. Still he was of opinion that it was not in the power of the House to declare the two appointments incompatible, unless the constitution expressly authorized them. In examining the constitution he found no such provision. Though it had been attempted to be shewn that a contractor and an officer were one and the same, he believed they were very distinct things. A contractor receives no authority from government; his contract was derived from an officer, and all the power he possessed was derived from him, who was only amenable for the performance of his duty to the person who appointed him. A contractor could not therefore be considered as an officer under the constitution, amenable to the U. S.
Several allusions, said MR. K. have been made to cases which have occurred under the post master general, but until these shall be particularly pointed out, it will be impossible for us to decide how we are to act. I believe that it does not become this House to pass declaratory acts relative to the constitution. It ought in my opinion to stand on its own footing; and every case that is presented ought to be decided, not by a declaratory act, but by the constitution itself. My colleague says that the judges of the federal as well as state courts take an oath as well as we do, to support the constitution; and that notwithstanding, they are in the daily habit of construing the constitution. But there is a wide difference between their deciding on particular cases which properly come before them, and this House going into a general declaration without any such particular case. Would the judges undertake to declare the meaning of the constitution without the existence of a particular case calling for their decision, so that the very thing which the House is about doing, has been invariably avoided by the judges.
MR. DAWSON observed that when the resolution was offered, he had voted for it, because he approved the principle on which it was founded. He should now be obliged to vote against it, because it tended to curtail the privileges of the House. If a contractor had constitutionally no right to a seat in the House, the proper way was to take up the case and act directly upon it. He believed that such a case did exist, and he was ready to say if there were any members who received money from the public, they ought not to hold a seat on that floor.
The question was then taken by yeas and nays on agreeing to the resolution—Yeas 25—Nays 86—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Basset, Bedinger, Clark, J. Clay, M. Clay, Earle, Garnett, Gray, Jones, Leib, M'Creery, Moore, Newton, J. Randolph, T. M. Randolph, Rea, of Pen. Sandford, Schumann, S. Smith, Spalding, Stanford, P. R. Thompson, D. R. Williams, and Winn—25.
NAYS—Messrs. Alston, Barker, Betton, Bidwell, Blackledge, Blake Blount, Brown, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Chandler, Chittenden, Claiborne, Clopton, Conrad, Cook, Crownshield, Cutts, Darby, Davenport, Dawson, Dickson, Early, Elliot, Ellis, Elmer, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Hastings, Helmes, Holmes, Hough, Jackson, Kelly, Knight, Lewis, Mac Farland, Masters, N. R. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, J. Nelson, R. Nelson, Olin, Pitkin, Pugh, Quin, Rhea, of Ten. Russell, Sally, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Steadman, Taggart, Tallmadge, Tenney, Thomas, I. W. Thompson, Tracy, Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Reusselaer, Varnum, Wadsworth, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, Wickes, M. Williams, N. Williams, Wilson, and Winston—86.
[A very interesting Pamphlet has recently made its appearance, in England entitled "An enquiry into the state of the nation." Popular opinion ascribes this Pamphlet to Lord Holland, the nephew of Mr. Fox, and a member of the administration. It exhibits what may be called an Exposé of the views of the new Cabinet, and appears to be intended to feel the pulse of the nation on that radical change of measures which would seem to be in contemplation. So far as we have perused it, it appears to indicate on the part of the new ministry, a disposition to lower the tone which characterised their predecessors, and to be contented with terms of reciprocity with other nations. That part of the pamphlet which relates to
the points in dispute with us is peculiarly important, and would seem to be the harbinger of a good understanding between the two nations. We shall in the first instance lay this before our readers:
"Having taken a general survey of the present state of our enemy, of his allies, and of those powers which are upon the whole friendly to us; it may be proper, before concluding this branch of the subject, to consider the relations of England with the few powers which have preserved a strict neutrality in the present unfortunate contest, more particularly with the United States of America—the chief, indeed the only considerable nation of this description."
"It is the uniform consequence of a long continued war between the principal states of Europe, that the nations which take no part in the dispute, are employed to carry on much of the commerce of the belligerent countries, with the permission of all parties, and that they also engage in branches of trade which those belligerents wish, if possible, to prohibit. When France and England, for example, are at war, the custom of privateering, or in general of permitting the vessel of the state to capture merchantmen, renders it dangerous for the English and French traders to sail as often as during peace; and much of the business which they used to carry on must be transferred to the neutral merchants, the Danes or Americans. The mere interruption of direct intercourse between the belligerents, imposes the necessity of admitting neutrals to the trade which they used to carry on together, and to the trade which each used to carry on between the other, and their parties. The admission of neutrals to the former branch of commerce, has seldom been objected to, except during the heat of national animosity, and even then the objection was directed, not against the neutral, but against the other belligerent. The admission of neutrals to the latter branch of commerce, the carrying trade of the one belligerent between the other and third parties, has been restricted by certain rules, tending to prevent the neutral from directly assisting the belligerent in his hostile operations. These rules have prohibited the neutral from dealing with the belligerent, in articles immediately subservient to the military operations, or as they have thence been denominated contraband of war . In order to enforce this law, a right of searching neutral traders at sea has been claimed by belligerent powers, and on some remarkable occasions, submitted to by the government of the neutral nation. None of these points are at present a subject of discussion. Neither the right of search nor the prohibition of contraband, nor the power of blockade, have for some time past been called in question. But a branch of ordinary commerce has, during the course of the present war, passed into the hands of neutrals, so important from its extent & so unequally beneficial to the belligerents, from its being confined chiefly to the weaker party, that a disposition has appeared in the councils of the stronger party to dispute the neutral right."
In no maritime war before the present has it happened, that the superiority of one party was so decisive as to deprive the other of every chance of keeping the sea. England may generally have had the better her fleets may have gained signal advantages, and her cruisers or privateers have annoyed the enemy's trade. But still France was not so crippled as to lose all chance of protecting her commerce. She was not so completely beleaguered as to view a voyage & a capture with the same apprehensions. Accordingly her merchants ran the risk, which was not enormous; and continued to freight vessels for foreign ports, or to bring home their colonial produce with the chance, but not the certainty of their being taken. Some part of this commerce fell into the hands of neutral traders; some part was carried on fraudulently under the cover of the neutral flag, but the risk was not sufficient to make the merchant give up the profit of direct traffic on his own account, with vessels and crews and flag of his own country. But the unexampled increase of the English marine, and the almost total ruin of the French navy during the last and present wars, have augmented the risk of capture to the French trader so greatly, that he can no longer undergo it, and must be content to give up much of his traffic to neutrals, and endeavor to screen the rest by fraudulent devices. The unprecedented length of the last war, too, and the renewal of hostilities after so short an interval of peace, has increased still further the inducement or rather the necessity of employing neutral nations, in the commerce formerly carried on by the belligerent alone. For a few years of war the privation of certain articles of necessity or luxury may be endured; but this becomes at last

intolerable, and exercises every restraint which either government or the opposing interest of traders can create. Those traders themselves, too, when a war has lasted long, gradually shift their capital into new channels, and withdraw more and more from the hazardous speculations in which, during a short period of hostility, they might be contented, or compelled to continue. The lines of employment which they thus leave, become, in consequence, open to neutrals, who now carry on the various branches of foreign trade, from which they were formerly excluded. Thus it happened from the combined effects of our astonishing naval superiority, and the unprecedented length of the war, that almost all the foreign commerce of France, and a large proportion even of the coaling trade, have fallen into the hands of neutral nations, and particularly of the Americans, who have the greatest facilities of maritime carriage, and the most rising commercial system. Among other branches of the French commerce now engrossed by American traders, with the permission of both governments, is that of the colonies. As their trade, during peace, was subject to the strict rules of the navigation law, common to all the maritime powers of Europe, a peculiar objection has been taken to its being suddenly laid open by the enemy to neutrals during war, for the evident purpose of screening it from our just hostility. And this interference of the Americans, in order to assist such a scheme, has been supposed inconsistent with the relations of neutrality which their nation professes to maintain.
"It is in vain the supporters of the belligerent rights contend, that England conquers the French marine, nay, reduces it almost to annihilation. Her ships of war may be captured, but the commerce of France is safe. She may desire war, when she pleases; and with us a ship that can make head to our weakest cruiser, has a sure method of at once protecting her whole trade more effectually than if she had the entire command of the seas. She has but to suspend her navigation law, to admit the Americans into her colonial coaling trade, and to fit out no vessel under French colors. The English cruisers may domineer over the seas, and yet they are unable to touch a ton of her trade. She has millions floating on the vessels of neutral nations, which no enemy can reach. She reaps the whole benefits of commerce & colonies, without the risk of capture or detention. She may fit out nothing but privateers or cruisers to attack our trade or distress our colonies, while her own are beyond the efforts of our armed vessels. She unites the whole benefits of war with all the security of peace. The rule, it is conceded, which should guide us in this question, as the fairest measure of justice to all parties, is, that neutrals can only take part during war, in such branches of commerce as the domestic regulations of the belligerent allowed them to partake in during peace."
This doctrine was recognised, we are told, in the war of 1756, and has never since been disputed, though England has frequently departed from its rigour by voluntary concessions. Its policy is as obvious as its justice, say the enemies of the neutral claims. War, the present principle of unadulterated neutral trade to be recognised, England might give over every pretension to naval power, abandon the hope of curbing French commerce, and despair of one of gaining any thing by a continuance even of the justest war. Should the support of our maritime rights lead to a rupture with the neutrals, which, however, is said to be most improbable, we can lose little by such an addition to the number of our enemies, in comparison of the vast detriment which we now sustain, from those neutrals tying up our hands against all the enemies we have to contend with. Better, say they, have America as well as France hostile, and exposed to our fair attacks, than France openly hostile, and America covertly protecting her from every effort of our enmity. This will give us a chance of speedily terminating the war, or at least secure the opportunity of rendering it both safe and lucrative.
Such is the main body of the argument, in favor of the justice as well as the policy of our reviving the rule of the war in 1756. The chief point at issue is the application of that rule to the colonial trade of the enemy; and, without at all entering into the question of right, we shall proceed to offer a few simple considerations, which may tend to show that the view of the case, in point of policy, taken by the supporters of the above doctrine, is by no means a correct one, and that the importance of the whole matter at issue in the dispute has been enormously exaggerated. The following observations proceed upon the further admission, that the facts stated by the advocates of belligerent rights are accurately given, and also that wherever a neutral flag is assumed as a cover to the ship and cargo of a belligerent power, so evident a fraud is excepted from the argument. The points to be maintained are, that, whatever right England may have to prevent the interference of America in the French colonial trade during war, no material advantage could be gained from the enforcement of such a prohibition; that the real difference between the former and the present method of carrying French colonial produce, and supplying the French colonies, is extremely trifling in its ultimate consequences; and that other reasons of a very positive nature enjoin a departure from such claims in the present situation of affairs.
To prevent a supply of colonial produce from reaching France, if not directly, at least by a roundabout importation, exceeds the power of the British navy, numerous and victorious as it is. Unless we can surround every port of the French coast with ships, and the land frontiers also with troops; and unless we are still further resolved to prohibit neutral nations from trading with France in their own merchandise, or in merchandise of our colonies, the French people must continue to be supplied with sugar and coffee, whether we are at war with them or not. If we prevent those articles from being carried directly to France from her colonies, a small increase of the price will enable neutrals to import them into their own countries, and then re-export them to France. If we maintain that the mere importation and re-exportation, though accompanied with re-landing of cargoes and payment of duties, is still a collusive transaction, and must be prohibited, as a continuation of the original voyage; they a farther increase of price enables the same produce to reach France in different vessels, while the vessels that imported it take other freights. We in fact only oblige the neutrals to have two sets of vessels, one employed between the French colonies and America, the other between America and France. The total gain of England upon these prohibitory operations, is the causing Frenchmen to drink their coffee some days a pound dearer, which is a most pitiful advantage to us; and creating inconvenience to America, which is no advantage at all.
But suppose we go a step further, and prevent the Americans from exporting the French colony produce at all, upon the plea that this trade was not open to them during peace; let us consider what consequences will follow. One of three things must happen if such a prohibition is rigorously enforced; either the French will be compelled to carry their produce in their own ships; or the English will be allowed to purchase it, and then sell to neutrals in Europe, who will carry it to France; or the produce will be condemned to remain in the colonies. If the French venture at first to freight their own vessels with the produce, the British cruisers will in all probability take them, or at least the risk of capture, which made the French throw open this traffic to neutrals, will continue to be so enormous, that neither the planter nor the merchant can afford it. This expedient will therefore speedily be abandoned. If the English traders are allowed to purchase and carry the produce, it may be remarked, that such a proceeding, such an intercourse with the enemy, would be contrary to all the general rules of war, and would be a compromise of our character for the gain of trade. But, after all what great national end would be gained by such a commerce? The French would pay somewhat higher for the produce than if neutrals carried it; and a few English merchants would gain a certain commission upon the sale of it. The capital required to carry on this new and suddenly created branch of trade, would leave other branches, in which it had formerly been employed; and those branches would be filled by the capital of neutral nations. At a peace, a new change would be necessary, the capital must partly shift back again, and must in part be thrown out of employment altogether. Such changes are rather upon the whole hurtful than beneficial in a general view. Lastly, if the produce of the French colonies is prevented from being exported, it must rot there, and the colonies must be ruined; the supplies of provisions must fail; the work of the plantations be suspended; the negroes revolt, and the whole be involved in ruin. Besides the cruelty of such a plan besides its total repugnance to the practice of civilized warfare, which never attacks private property, except at sea; the evils of this system would be shared by ourselves not only from the loss of customers, which we should feel when so much wealth & industry was destroyed in the country of our nearest neighbors, but also from the inevitable danger of having scenes of rebellion and confusion in the immediate vicinity of our finest colonies. The plan therefore of preventing all exportation of French colonial produce, though the only consistent one to those who attack neutral rights, and the point to which all their support of the rule of the war of 1756, necessarily leads them, is clearly objectionable on the most established principles, both of policy and justice.
There is, moreover, a very essential distinction to be made, between the ordinary branches of trade, and that commerce which is employed in transporting the produce of the colonies to the mother country; which is rather the remittance of their rents to the great body of non-resident proprietors than the exchange of colonial for European commodities. If Guadaloupe or Cuba were countries unconnected with France and Spain, except by the intercourse of traffic; if no further relation subsisted between them, than that the West Indian territories produced commodities, which the European nations required, and must either purchase directly, or procure by a roundabout commerce—then it might be of some importance, according to the views with which maritime war is now carried on, for England to harass this branch of
Spanish and French trade, and to profit by taking it into her own hands. The people of Cuba and Guadaloupe would then be paid for their produce by English merchants, and France and Spain would be obliged to buy them circuitously from England. But this is by no means the nature of the navigation between those islands and Europe. The proprietors of the colonies reside almost entirely in the mother countries. The carriage of West Indian produce is not on account of merchants who are to sell it again after having bought it in the colony, but on account of absentee landlords, who have no other way of receiving their rents but by having the produce of their estates brought over to them. They live not at their farm, but at the market; and their income is transmitted in goods, which they there dispose of.
Now, by intercepting this communication, what would England effect? She cannot intend to stop it altogether, to prevent the colonial agents from sending any of their revenue to the proprietors, or to intercept it on the way. This would be a kind of warfare quite contrary to the spirit of modern customs; it would be more hurtful to individuals than the entire capture of the colonies where their estates lie; for in that case conquerors never interfere with private property, and only carry the rents of the planter round for them by a channel somewhat more circuitous. England, then, by interfering in the remittance of those rents, without capturing the enemy's colonies, can only mean to trade with the planters, to purchase the produce, and bring it home, where it will be sold again, and reach at last the consumer in the enemy's country, while the agents of the proprietors remit their rents, not in kind, but in money or bills. The same effect will be produced, if instead of buying the produce, we only cause it to be consigned to English merchants, who, for a certain commission, sell it, and account to the planter or his agents. In either case, the colonial proprietor loses absolutely nothing. His produce is carried by the English, instead of French or American merchants; the freight can not be much greater; the commission will probably be less; he is paid by bills upon London or Liverpool, instead of Bordeaux or Nantz, or New-York; and a few mercantile houses in England gain a profit upon the consignment instead of the same number of French or American houses. Surely it is neither for the gain of these individuals, nor for the sake of effecting such a change as this upon the wealth of French colonial proprietors, that we are to insist on the exclusion of neutrals from the colony trade of our enemies. We injure the enemy sufficiently by forcing those neutrals to carry the produce round by their own ports, instead of allowing it to be transported directly from the colony to the mother country, as during peace. This may raise the price of the goods to the consumer in the enemy's country; to the planter, who is most interested in the traffic, we can do no injury whatever, unless we can take the colonies where his estate lies, and there choose to violate the rights of individual proprietors; or until we discover a measure of compelling people to ship cargoes in vessels which are absolutely certain of being captured.
(TO BE CONTINUED.) ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Has removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capital Hill. Washington, July 16—tf
TO RENT, THE COMMODORE BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALEY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
PUBLIC AUCTION.
FOR sale at Auction, on Wednesday the 18th inst at the house occupied last winter by MICHEL K. OMEÑA KER, on Capitol Hill, a quantity of Household Furniture, consisting of Beds, Mattresses, Bedding, Bedsteads, Curtains, Tables, Looking glasses, Chairs, Carpets, Kitchen Furniture, &c and a small quantity of Plate. The sale will commence precisely at 10 o'clock and the terms will be for all sums under 20 dollars cash above that amount good notes with approved endorser, at 90 days will be required. N. L. QUEEN, Auctioneer. June 9—5t
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
WANTED AN APPRENTICE, Where the fine arts combined with mechanical practice will be taught—drudgery not being understood as any part of his employ, it is hoped that talent and respectability will be his recommendation. Apply for information at Mr. Lewis Clephane's near the Bank & Brew. June 6—tf
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18.
MIRANDA.
We had determined, from the peculiar delicacy of the subject, to have abstained from all remarks relative to the alleged implication of the administration in the expedition of Miranda. As a prosecution is still depending before a court of justice, the issue of which may be attended with serious consequences to the accused, we thought it became the press to avoid exciting popular or party prejudice to their possible injury. For it was no difficult thing to foresee, that the effect of any violent political collisions on this topic would naturally tend to increase the public indignation towards men, who have taken pains to tarnish the character of those who eminently possess the public confidence. In this purpose we should still persist, but for the numerous attempts which are, as we think, unfairly making in the federal prints to sow suspicions derogatory to the honor or prudence of several members of the administration. These efforts seem to require a concise notice. In the remarks, however, which we shall offer, we shall pursue a course purely defensive, nor offer more than shall appear to us necessary to guard the public against these misrepresentations.
The nature of the course hitherto pursued by the opponents of the administration has not escaped the vigilance of the nation. Wherever from the peculiar circumstances attending any particular measure of importance, a degree of secrecy was attached to it, the most unfounded charges have been made. Thus in the instance of our foreign relations, where considerations of delicacy and duty forbade a disclosure of the circumstances connected with pending negotiations, party malevolence has been sure to seize the occasion of imputing the worst motives, and of deducing the most unfavorable inferences from the silence of the administration. Instead of ascribing to them the pursuit of that honest policy which has almost invariably characterised our government in its relation to other powers, every thing has been presumed weak and vicious, until proved to be wise and virtuous—thus throwing the burthen of proof on those who were criminated, instead of their accusers.
The present case is, in no small degree, analogous. There are not, probably, any facts in the possession of the administration that require secrecy, or whose disclosure would prejudice our interests or betray the confidence reposed in us by others; there are, probably, on the contrary, circumstances in their possession, whose disclosure would not only vindicate them, but throw a dark shade of suspicion, to say no more, on their calumniators. The question, however, presents itself—how shall this disclosure be made? By whom and to whom shall it be done?
It has not hitherto been the practice of the executive government to submit directly to the nation the grounds on which it has taken its measures; much less has it been usual to come out with a declaration that it has not done that with which it is falsely charged. From the necessity of the case, under such circumstances, calumnies, after having lived their day, have been suffered to perish at their own hands. This has hitherto been their invariable fate. May not the executive then confide that it will be the case in the present instance? Is there a man so infatuated as sincerely to hold the opinion that it becomes the President, or the Secretary of State to issue a manifesto proclaiming that they have had no participation in the acts of Miranda? There is no man can be so foolish. There is not an American, who considers the national honor as implicated in the dignified department of his government, that would not blush at such an humiliation. It is enough for the administration to know that they possess the confidence of the nation, which is to them the strongest assurance that their conduct will not be condemned until proof is adduced of its incorrectness.
Where then, we demand, is this proof? That Miranda has fitted out an expedition from the port of New-York, is a fact; that he enlisted men and carried warlike stores is also a fact; that the destination of this expedition was some one or more of the Spanish provinces in South America, is extremely probable. But if it the administration had any knowledge that he was about to carry these intentions into effect; much less that they had any knowledge of any overt acts, subject to the animadversion of the laws, or which required their interposition, time enough to have prevented the expedition, has not been proved, and we will venture to say cannot be proved.
Almost the whole of the grounds on which these charges have been built have been drawn from the memorials of Messrs. Ogden and Smith, at this moment under prosecution, for an infraction of the laws of their country. These men declare their belief that the expedition was favoured by the administration. The degree of credit which such a professed belief, merits cannot be very large, when viewed as their refuge against the accusations preferred against them. But, waving this point, and admitting their professions to be sincere, on what basis are they founded? Exclusively on the representations of Miranda to them. That he, who stood in need of their aid, who was using them as his instruments, should endeavour to instil into them such a belief, is by no means surprising. But that they should thus implicitly confide in his statements,
is truly wonderful. From Miranda's own representation to them he appears to have been an adventurer, without possessing himself the means of carrying his purposes into effect. To go in these means it was necessary to avail himself of the resources of others. What better way of compassing this, than by leading those, whom he had predisposed to join in his scheme, to believe that his measures, were approved by their government? But does his having duped these men furnish any proof against the administration? On the contrary the inculpation of the one goes to exculpate the other.
But the letters of Miranda to the President and Secretary of state are relied upon. That to the President is a mere letter of civility. That to Mr. Madison is more pointed, and is doubtless to be viewed as a link in the chain of imposition, fabricated by an artful man, fertile in expedients. Let it be recollected that these letters are adduced by Ogden. He must have got them from Miranda. When? Most probably at the time they were written. This then furnishes the clue to the object for which they were written; and shews that they were written the more completely to cover his designs by furnishing to his instruments, what they would consider additional evidence that the administration favored his views. To Messrs. Ogden and Smith the sight of such a letter could not fail to strengthen their credulity. At the same time we must be permitted to remark that their preserving copies of these letters is a circumstance too well calculated to excite suspicions whether their credulity was not in some measure voluntary. But does Miranda, in his letter to Mr. Madison, say one word about the fitting out of the Leander, about an expedition to Carraccas, or about enlisting soldiers? Not a syllable; the terms are studiously general; such, as while they served to deceive Ogden and Smith, imparted no light to the government as to his measures. Whether these letters were really written, whether they were ever received, whether they were truly, or antedated, we are altogether ignorant. In the remarks we have offered, we have cited every thing asked, to show that even then no proof of the participation of the government exists.
Why were these memorials presented to Congress? What good end could they answer, particularly on the last day of the session? Was it possible for Congress to interpose? Was such interposition within the sphere of their duties, had even the memorials been presented at an earlier period? The debate we have recently published amply elucidates this point. The presentation could not add the memorialists, because Congress could not interpose. What else then could be their object but to excite suspicions respecting the motives and measures of the administration, by whose directions one of the memorialists had been ejected from office, and both of them prosecuted for infringing the laws of their country.
To the same spirit we are to ascribe the summoning the heads of department, in the capacity of witnesses, to New-York. What testimony can they give, even admitting for argument's sake all that is alleged by the memorialists to be true, that will serve them? Should even the participation of the government in the expedition be established, will that screen the memorialists from the punishment annexed to an infraction of a positive law of the land? No—The only consideration for the jury will be, whether the charges preferred are true or not. If they are found to be true they must find the accused guilty. On this point, then, the testimony of the heads of department can have no bearing. It is not, perhaps, going too far to say, it cannot be received. Certainly it will be altogether irrelevant. It can only be of any avail, after the accused shall have been found guilty of the charges preferred against them, and when the court are about to fix the quantum of fine and term of imprisonment. Have then these subpoenas been issued to embarrass the administration by translating them from their scene of business; or has it been supposed that they would not consider themselves under an obligation to obey them, and would not repair to New-York; or if obeyed, that the court would overrule the admission of their testimony? And has it been expected from such an issue to gather new materials for impressing the opinion on the public mind that there is something behind the curtain too dark to be exposed to the pub-
* In the celebrated Mandamus Case before the Supreme Court of the U. S. Mr. Lincoln, acting Secretary of state, being called upon to give testimony, Mr. Lee stated "that the duties or a secretary of state were two-fold. In discharging one part of those duties he acted as a public ministerial officer of the U. S. totally independent of the President, and that as to any facts which came officially to his knowledge, while acting in this capacity, he was as much bound to answer as a marshal, a collector, or any other ministerial officer. But that in the discharge of the other part of his duties, he did not act as a public ministerial officer, but in the capacity of an agent of the President, bound to obey his orders, and accountable to him for his conduct. And that as to any facts which came officially to his knowledge in the discharge of this part of his duty, he was not bound to answer."
The court said "there was nothing confidential required to be disclosed. If there had been he was not obliged to answer it; and if he thought that any thing was communicated to him in confidence he was not bound to disclose it."

He eye? We will not be so uncharitable as the memorialist's have been to the administration, in ascribing to them motives thus impure; but we must be permitted to say that the course they have pursued is to us inexplicable on any correct principle.
Before we close these hasty remarks, it may be proper to call the attention of the public to the duties of the Executive in cases similar that under consideration. It is to be recollected that ours is a government of laws, not of men, and that consequently it is as much the duty of the government, in the measures it takes for the punishment of offences, to confine itself to the course authorised by law, as it is the duty of the citizen to observe the law. A deviation from this principle in either instance is equally an infraction of law. What then are the duties of the government, as prescribed by law, in such cases?
By an act of Congress, it is provided that "If any person shall within the territory or jurisdiction of the U. S. begin or set on foot, or provide or prepare the means for any military expedition or enterprise to be carried on from thence against the territory or dominions of any foreign prince or state with whom the U. S. are at peace, every such person so offending, shall, upon conviction, be adjudged guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall suffer fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court to which the conviction shall be had, so that such fine shall not exceed 3,000 dollars, nor the term of imprisonment be more than three years."
If this provision is infringed, what course is to be pursued? The answer is given in a subsequent section of the same law.
"In every case in which a vessel shall be fitted out and armed, or attempted to be fitted out or armed, or in which the force of any vessel of war, or other armed vessel shall be increased or augmented, or in which any military expedition or enterprise shall be begun or set on foot contrary to the prohibitions and provisions of this act," and in every case of the capture of a ship or vessel within the jurisdiction or protection of the U. S. as above defined, and in every case in which any process issuing out of any court of the U. S. shall be disobeyed or resisted by any person or persons having the custody of any vessel of war, cruiser or other armed vessel of any foreign prince or state, or of the subjects or citizens of such prince or state; In every such case it shall be lawful for the President of the U. S. or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the U. S. or of the militia thereof as shall be judged necessary for the purpose of taking possession of, & detaining any such ship or vessel, with her prize or prizes, if any, in order to the execution of the prohibitions and penalties of this act, and to the restoring such prize or prizes, and in the cases in which restoration shall have been adjudged, and also for the purpose of preventing the carrying on of any such expedition or enterprise from the territories of the U. S. against the territories or dominions of a foreign prince or state, with whom the U. S. are at peace."
From this statement it follows, that a military expedition or enterprise must have been begun or set on foot before the President could interpose.
It follows that before directing a prosecution some overt act must have been committed, and that it did not belong to the Executive to act on mere surmise or rumor, which might be groundless. That Miranda cherished the hope of liberating South America from her dependence on Spain, has been long known to the world; that he may have conversed with the President, the Secretary of State, members of Congress and other public characters, on the subject, is extremely probable. But there is nothing from which it appears that he avowed the means he intended to use; or that there was ever any reason to believe that he was about to take the steps actually pursued by him.
ECLIPSE:
Several gentlemen made preparations for observing the eclipse of the sun, which took place on Monday, with accuracy. The sky was quite clear at 6 A. M. and continued so about an hour, it then became cloudy and did not clear away until 3 o'clock afternoon. The clouds were so thick that neither the beginning, visible conjunction, or end of the eclipse could be observed. At 9 h. 32 m. 28 s. the sun appeared through the clouds a very small part of it obscured, but disappeared before the versed sine of the lucid part could be taken, not being visible quite a minute. At 10 h. 51 m. 41 s. it was again seen about half a minute and the eclipsed part was estimated at 11 1-2 digits having the appearance of the new moon. Many persons were disappointed in their estimates of the degree of darkness that would happen; although the light was less than in a very cloudy day it was greater than in the brightest moonlight night.
Eclipses of the sun afford one of the most accurate methods of ascertaining longitude, and this one has been looked for with considerable anxiety in the hope that it would be the means of determining the geographical positions of many places in the United States. It is probable that observers have been more fortunate in other parts of the country and it is hoped they will favor the public with the result of their observations.
Flour inspected in the town of Alexandria for the quarter ending the 11th June 1806. 28,849 barrels flour. 1,835 half barrels flour. 649 Barrels Indian meal.
FROM THE ENQUIRER. GEORGE WYTHE, the patriot, the philosopher, the philanthropist, is dead! Few have more strongly evinced the height of moral and intellectual excellence to which man is capable of ascending. In the knowledge of law, he was indeed profound! Under a pressure of business at the bar before the revolution, which would have monopolized the attention of others, and unassisted by personal tuition from others, (for except as a lawyer he was self-taught,) he acquired a knowledge of the ancient languages, critically correct. Not only was the father of poetry his intimate companion, but the philosophers, historians and even dramatic poets of antiquity were as familiar to him in their original dress as were almost all the meritorious works of the day in his vernacular tongue. The writer of this sketch has heard him denominated emphatically "the walking library."
At a period of life, which in others would be deemed at least the verge of old age, he applied to mathematics and natural philosophy, both which sublime subjects he pursued with an ardor and a depth seldom attained by the youthful student. When our rights were attacked by Great Britain, at the beginning of what, if unsuccessful, would have been termed a rebellion, but which now we boast of as a glorious revolution, even at that time, venerable for age, as he was respected for talents and correctness of demeanor, he assumed the then military garb and accoutrements of the volunteers, whom the divine spirit of patriotic enthusiasm had impelled to convene in the sacred cause of freedom.
The entreaties of the fond partner of his bosom could not retain him. He appeared before the soldiery, drawn up in military parade, on an alarm of the arrival of an inimical vessel. An awful silence pervaded the ranks. The spectators looked with admiration on him. At length the commanding officer, with surprise, enquired into the cause of his appearing on the field thus accoutred? "I come, replied he, to offer my services to my country, and to do what you shall command." With difficulty he was prevailed on to desist from his design, under a persuasion that he could render more essential service in the civil department.
The voice of his country called him to a seat in that Congress, which declared the independence of America. He was not long an inactive member of that body. Much of the weight of the most arduous business was supported by him. He was a member of the grand convention which formed the constitution of the United States as well as of the state convention of Virginia which ratified that instrument. The scrupulous devotion to justice, the strength of reasoning, and depth of research, which he manifested as chancellor, are known to all. Great as he was in literature, in science and in law, fully impressed that "knowledge without morals is vain," his superiority was more apparent in his conduct.
If to do no injury, but to do all possible good, is the summum bonum of morals, he reached it. Deeply informed in the various religions which have existed in the world, his mind was liberal in the extreme to those who might differ from him. He brought into actual practice the purest and most useful tenets of morality and religion. If nature gave to him irritability, reason rendered him in general one of the calmest, the mildest of men. The infantine heart is not less suited than that which beat in his bosom. Conscious of the equality of others' rights, there was generally a humility about him seldom found amongst those who were inferior to him in understanding and in morals. Every moment not beneficially employed, in his estimation, was criminally lost. He rejected with disdain every thing like excess, in which he comprehended all those things, not absolutely useful. His extraordinary temperance preserved or added to a strength of constitution which brought him to his eightieth year, with few attacks of sickness. To his country he gave his life exclusively for many years.
He had been blessed with the purest and warmest affection in the conjugal union; when this was dissolving, separating the cords tore his mind; when they were broken, he bowed to the hand which had cut them; but did not fall. He who had not received from others was liberal in communicating instruction. For some years the private tuition of youth was his favorite employment and amusement. The illustrious President of the United States, with gratitude and affection bears himself a pupil of this modern Socrates. Hundreds in America are gratified in acknowledging themselves his disciples. From the President many of the various officers in the general government abroad and at home, and in the state government, owe to him their qualifications for discharging their duties. To him may be traced their conviction of the truth of the pure doctrines of genuine republicanism. In politics as in morals, he with undeviating step pursued one course, and that the most correct. Was it wonderful then that not long before his death he should exclaim, "let me die righteous!" Thus lived, and thus died this illustrious man.
New-York, June 14.
We learn by the brig Resolution , from Trinidad, that a few days before she failed Admiral Cochrane dispatched his son in the Jason frigate, with the
Flying Fish tender, to cruise for Miranda off the coast of Barcelona and Carraccas, and to give him assurance that every assistance in the power of the British squadron should be given to forward the success of his enterprise. The Flying Fish had returned to Trinidad, and the Lilly sloop of war had been sent to replace her. No intelligence by the tender had transpired; but the prompt sailing of the Lilly gave rise to much speculative opinion. No account had reached Trinidad of the capture of Miranda's two schooners. A report prevailed that the armourers employed at Cumana by the Spanish government had been apprehended and executed on a charge of having rendered unfit for service the muskets that had been entrusted to them to repair.
Philadelphia, June 14. Extract of a letter from Liverpool, dated May 3, to a gentleman in this city.
"Flour and wheat have taken a rise in consequence of our being deprived of supplies from Prussia; and considerable orders have in consequence gone out to America. Speculations were yesterday made at 51s 6 per barrel, & I think there is every reason of its continuing at least as high as 50s during the summer, and on the approach of winter it will no doubt rise."
Low descriptions of cotton are scarce in the market, which causes them to keep their present prices. The last arrivals from Charleston have been principally Sea Island.
Extract of another letter from a respectable house in Liverpool to their correspondents in this city:
"The gloom which overspread our market upon the first intelligence of the commercial aggressions of Prussia, was in a great degree very unexpectedly dispersed, by government having announced, that ships under Pappenburgh and Knyphausen colours may clear out for any of the ports in Holland or Sweden; and is now further dispelled, by the official notification, that Hamburg, Bremen, and Oldenburg ships may, clear out for any port not under blockade upon conditions of returning to Great Britain within three months. These privileges will be of essential benefit to the holders of West India produce, and our cotton market partakes of this advantage in a high degree, since it is now clearly ascertained that channels are still left open for an intercourse with the continent, and it is to be hoped that the inconveniences usually attendant on new arrangements will speedily be surmounted."
"At first it was not doubted that a system of complete exclusion had been formed, and that Swedish Pomerania would be destined to swell the catalogue of plundered provinces, previously to its cession to Prussia; but whether this boon is considered by his imperial majesty as too great for his faithful protégé, or circumstances are not yet ripe enough in that quarter, it is not easy to determine."
"Though war has not yet been actually declared against Prussia, it is very generally expected, and the recent orders from government, not to pay any money on account of freights of the detained cargoes, show that the dispute is not yet in a train of amicable adjustment; indeed what can be expected by negotiation with a government which has lost its independence without striking a blow? Prussia must now send to Paris for instructions. Political topics have usually been considered as irrelevant in commercial correspondence; but now, when the cause of almost every alteration in our prices may be distinctly traced to some political event, the unfortunate alliance of commerce with politics is become too evident, and we could not state with sufficient precision on the cause which influences our prices, if we omitted the weightiest of them all."
LONDON, APRIL 29.
The British minister at Berlin has demanded, and obtained his passports. He was expected at Husum, before the end of this month, on his way to England.
The obstruction of the trade of Hamburg, in consequence of the measures lately adopted, is most severely felt; English goods have of course greatly advanced in price; and a general dissatisfaction prevails among every description of people.
The order for blockading the Weser, the Elbe, and other rivers of Germany, was not known at Hamburg until Tuesday last; it created the utmost consternation. An opinion prevailed there, that Prussia would be compelled by France to declare war against Denmark, in case of refusal of the latter to shut her ports against the trade of this country.
Private letters from Dublin state, Dwyer, the county of Wicklow rebel chief, and his companions, who were shipped off for Bothy Bay, rose upon the crew on the voyage, and carried the vessel into the Brazils.
VIENNA, APRIL 9.
It is asserted that yesterday there was signed between the courts of Vienna and France, a convention in virtue of which the former concedes to the latter, a free passage for its troops by La Poneta and Trieste, for Istria and Venetian Dalmatia; the number of these troops is variously stated; some carrying it as high as 45,000, others to only 30,000. This last point is a matter of indifference; the passage being once granted, there probably would not be any difficulty as to the number. Although from the manner in which this demand was
made no one doubted of its success, the news of the conclusion has nevertheless caused a great sensation among the public, and the diplomatic. Russia foresaw this concession, and in consequence, we learn, by private letters received yesterday from Trieste, that the commander in chief of the Russian fleet in the Adriatic, has given directions to all the divisions under his orders, to blockade not only that port, but also those on the two coasts of that sea, and to examine strictly every ship that enters or comes out.
To this order is annexed an exact list of every species of commerce which is reckoned provision, or ammunition of war, and a copy of these instructions is on board the Asia, the admiral's ship.
Ragusa itself is situated among the ports which will be subjected to these visits so distressing to a great part of Italy, and particularly to the hereditary states.
ALBANIA, MARCH 30.
The commander of the Russian squadron at Cattaro has issued the following order respecting the blockade of the ports in the Adriatic sea:—To accomplish the just object of maintaining a good understanding with the neutral powers, and at the same time to persevere in the important plan of cutting off the enemy from all supplies which he might receive through the means of neutrals, the commander of the squadron of his imperial majesty, of all the Russias hereby notifies and declares:
1. That all the coasts and harbours, both on the right and the left of the Adriatic Gulf belonging to the French, or to neutral states, and possessed by the French, are from this day strictly blockaded by the said squadron. 2. That no vessel belonging to the said power, shall attempt to convey warlike stores, provisions, or other supplies, to any of the blockaded places, under the penalty of confiscation of ship and cargo. 3. That whereas this notification sufficiently testifies the respect which my court entertains for the neutral states, I flatter myself that all the evils will be averted which would result to them from acting in opposition to the order now given.
HENRY BAILEY, commander of the squadron of his imperial majesty of all the Russias.
On board the Asia ship of the line, at anchor in the canal of the Bocca di Cattaro, March 15, 1806.
ST. JOHN'S DAY.
THE BRETHREN OF COLUMBIA LODGE, No. 35, are requested to meet at their Lodge Room on Tuesday next the 24th inst. at half past 8 o'clock A. M. to proceed from thence to the Episcopal church in George town, when a Sermon will be delivered suitable to the occasion, by the Rev. Brother SAYRS where all regular Masons properly clothed are invited to attend.
By order of the Worshipful Master, JAMES GRADY, Sec'y. June 18—3t
The Legionary Court of Enquiry will convene at Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington on Saturday morning the 21st inst. at 10 o'clock. WM. D. BEALL, Adjt. 1st. Leg. M. D. C. June 18—2t
ADVERTISEMENT.
FOR Sale a large beautiful Bay HORSE, 15 hands 2 inches high; he trots fast, canters fine; only eight years old this spring, at Mr. SMALLWOOD's in the city of Washington. June 18—3t
10 Cents Reward.
RUNAWAY from the Subscriber on the night of the 16th inst. an apprentice BOY named WM. DENN, about 14 years of age—took with him his clothes, which consists of a blue coating coat, 3 waistcoats, and dark striped corduroy pantaloons. Whoever brings him home to me shall have the above reward but no charges paid. EDWARD FENNELL, Washington city, June 18—3t
ALEX'R. COCHRANE,
STREET NORTH,
HAS just received by Captain ELLWOOD, 4 chests of fresh Teas, viz. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Hyson Skin, Best chocolate, mustard, & pickling vinegar, Men's fine shoes, and women's Morocco slippers.
Yellow and blue Indian nankeens; Also from BALTIMORE, Kennebec's, dimities and linen checks, India and British muslins and shawls, Irish plaid silks and fancy waistcoating, Trafalgar chintzes, calicoes, and chambrays, 4 1/4 and 7 3/4 Irish linens and lawns, Sundry diapers and diaper table cloths, Silk and cotton hosiery, gloves, Fine lawn bordered handkerchiefs, silk and cotton, do, China, glass, and Queens ware, Cut and wrought nails, Ironmongery, and is constantly supplied with the best Liquors and Groceries all of good and will sell on the most reasonable reasonable terms. June 11—3w
Advertisement.
THIS is to give Notice that ICE can be had every day between the hours of 10 and 12 o'clock on very reasonable terms, at the intersection of South Capitol Street and Georgia Avenue, near Captain Harry's whar. J. BOOTE, G. BARRY. Washington, June 4—taw2w
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
The report agreed to in the Senate relative to the election of governor, having been considered in the House of Representatives, has, in consequence of the informality of some of the returns, been amended. In consequence of this amendment, Mr. Strong, having a majority of all the good votes given, has been declared Governor elect. The report, so amended, being sent to the Senate, has been there unanimously concurred.
New-York, June 15.
GENERAL MIRANDA SUCCESS-FUL.
The Editor has been politely favored with the Political and Commercial Gazette of Hayti, of the 22d of May, containing the following highly interesting letter from Gen. BIRKLAND, one of the commanders under Gen. Miranda.
(Translated for the Commercial Advertiser.)
SOUTH AMERICA.
Extract of a letter from general KIRKLAND from Cumana, the 12th of April, to his Haitian Friend.
Veni, Vidi, Vici, (I came, I saw, I conquered) was the motto of Caesar, Bonaparte has lately applied it to himself; it has now become mine, thanks to the Genius, who presides over liberty and independence.
To my great regret I cannot permit myself to enter into the details which I had promised you respecting the celebrity of our operations on account of the rapidity of the events which hurry us on; and the favorable opportunity which requires haste to take advantage of the terror which such successes impress. Let it suffice to you for the moment to know that the island of Santa Margarita, Barcelona, and Cumana are in our possession, and that at the moment I am writing to you, the army is marching for Carraccas. At every step we take our army is increased by these illustrious unfortunates, who think that they behold, in the Generalissimo Miranda, a new Washington, who comes to re-establish them in the primitive state of liberty, which the barbarity of the Spaniards had ravished from them. There is not the shadow of doubt but that new successes will crown so holy an enterprise.
The Generalissimo desires to be remembered to you, his first Aide-de-camp, whom you well know, joins with his commander and myself in wishing you every kind of prosperity.
We request you instantly to communicate our progress to his majesty the emperor of Hayti. Tell him that the first intelligence which we shall have the honor to give him, will be dated from Carraccas.
Forget us not, my dear friend, and believe that as long as I live, I shall feel for you the most sincere affection. Vive L'Independence! Vive la Liberte!
The General, KIRKLAND.
WM. S. NICHOLLS.
HAS removed his store to the house, lately occupied, by Mr. MELVIN, next door to Mr. John Goulding, where he has just received from Philadelphia, and are now opening a very handsome assortment of Spring and Summer Goods, consisting of
Cambric muslins, crepes, Dimities and cambric Lappet lace cambric dimity, and tambored Calicoes and chintzes, shawls, Irish linens, Satin pelouche, Long lawns, White and pink farfuchs, Linen cambrics, nuns, Print and buff cross bar Ladies parfoles, ginghams, Umbrellows, Checks and stripe cot-Handsome Ribbons, tons, Laces and edgings, Silk, cotton, and thread Fans assorted, hosiery, Diapers, Silk and cotton Cham-Gurrahs and baftas and berry muslins, thin India muslins, Black and colored Jute-Dowllas and Ticklen-Brings, burgs, Plaid Mantuas, Bandano and Madras, Plain do, handkerchiefs, Silk and kid gloves, Brown Hollond, Men's raw silk, beaver Shirt and dress buttons, and thread do. Catgut and Passebord, Cotton caffemires, Supreme blue and drab Yellow and blue nan- cloths. keens, London hats, Plain colored do. Sewing firs of all kinds, Fancy Marceilles waist-Thread tape, and bob-coating, lin, Do, Jones and Mus-Tartaric shell combs, lines, Morocco Shoes with White India dimity, many other goods Handsome silk Shawls which will be sold on & Handkerchiefs, the lowest terms, Black and white Indian For CASH ONLY. June 4—4w
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON,
Barnaby, 12th June 1806-mt

CONSTITUTION,
ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION, OF THE MECHANIC'S BANK OF BALTIMORE.
To all unto whom these presents shall come, or in any wise concern.
BE IT KNOWN AND MADE MANIFEST
THAT We, the subscribers, have formed a company or limited Partnership, and do hereby associate and agree with each other, to conduct business in the manner hereinafter specified and described, by and under the name and style of "The Mechanic's Bank of Baltimore." And we do hereby mutually covenant and agree, that the following are and shall be the fundamental articles of this our association and agreement with each other, by which we, and all persons who at any time hereafter may transact business with the said company, shall be bound and concluded.
Article I.
The Capital Stock of the said company shall be limited to ONE MILLION OF DOLLARS, money of the United States; to consist of forty thousand shares of twenty-five dollars each, four thousand of which shares shall be reserved until the legislature may incorporate the company, and may be subscribed for by the state, if desired by the legislature thereof; this reservation, however, shall not continue for more than two years from the first election of directors; one tenth, or two dollars and fifty cents on each share, shall be paid to the commissioners at the time of subscribing; two tenths, or five dollars more to the directors, if chosen, and if not, to the present commissioners in Baltimore, in sixty days thereafter; and two tenths, or five dollars more, to be paid on each share to the directors in Baltimore, in one hundred and twenty days after the allotted time for subscribing; and the bank to commence its operation when two hundred thousand dollars are paid in; the remaining half of all shares subscribed shall be paid in the same ratio as the before mentioned payments are directed to be made, and at such time or times as the directors may appoint; but no further payment shall be required without first giving four months notice in the public papers of this city; and the said stock shall be subscribed for, and the subscription shall be opened in the city of Baltimore, on Monday, the twenty-third day of June next ensuing, under the direction of the commissioners herein mentioned, viz. William Jessop, William Price, Christopher Raborg, George Warner, Adam W. Ish, James Mosher, Adam Ponder, William Krebs, Robert Carey Long, Jacob Hoffman, Robert Stewart, William Gann, Owen Dorsey, and George Decker, or a majority of them; and the commissioners aforesaid shall open the subscription books at 9 o'clock, A. M. and they shall continue open until 4 o'clock P. M. and shall remain open between those hours for one day at least, and for the term of three days, unless sooner filled; and if it should so happen, that more than the stipulated number of shares should be subscribed on the first day, then the commissioners aforesaid are to apportion them among the subscribers, by deducting from the highest subscription until they are reduced to a proper number; or if more persons subscribe than there are shares, then the commissioners are to cast lots to decide to whom they shall belong; and the commissioners will, on deciding to whom the shares may belong, issue receipts to the different stockholders for the monies received by them at the time of subscribing; these receipts, with the original subscription, shall be deemed good evidence of the quantity of stock to which each subscriber shall be entitled in this company; but no person or persons, bodies corporate or otherwise, shall be permitted to subscribe on the first day on which the books are opened for more than fifty shares; and if the stock be not subscribed on the first day, the books are to remain open on the second day, on the same terms as on the first; but if they are not filled on the second day, then the commissioners may permit any person or persons, bodies corporate or otherwise, to subscribe for any number of shares, until the whole number is complete; and should it so happen, that a part of the shares in this bank shall not be subscribed for during the three first days allotted for the books to be kept open, the commissioners shall appoint a place or places for the books to remain open for receiving subscriptions, until directors are elected; who shall, as soon as convenient thereafter, make the necessary arrangements therefor.
Article II.
The affairs of the company shall be managed by fifteen directors and a president, whose place, if chosen from among their number, shall be supplied by that body; nine of which directors shall be practical mechanics or manufacturers; and eight of the directors and the President shall form a board or quorum for transacting all the business of the company. Ordinary discounts may be done by the president and any five of the directors. In case of sickness or necessary absence of the president, his place may be supplied by any director, whom he by writing under his hand may nominate for that purpose; and the directors who may be appointed at the first election shall hold their seats until the first Monday in June, one thousand eight hundred and seven. The directors, from and after that period, shall be elected for one year by
the stockholders for the time being, and each director shall be a stockholder at the time of his election, and shall cease to be a director if he should cease to be a stockholder; and no director of any other bank shall at the same time be a director of this bank; nor shall any person be a director in this bank, who is a partner in trade with a director in any other bank; and the number of votes to which each stockholder shall be entitled, shall be in proportion to the stock he may hold, as follows, viz. For one share, and not exceeding two shares, one vote each; for every two shares above two, and not exceeding ten, one vote; for every four shares above ten, and not exceeding thirty, one vote; for every six shares above thirty, and not exceeding sixty, one vote; for every eight shares above sixty, and not exceeding one hundred, one vote, and for every ten shares above that number, one vote; but no person or persons, body politic or otherwise, shall be entitled to a greater number than thirty votes. No share or shares shall confer a right of suffrage, which shall not have been held four calendar months previous to the day of election, (except at the first election); all stockholders actually resident within the United States and none other, may vote at elections by ballot, in person or by proxy, which in all elections, after the first, is to be made in such form as the board of directors may appoint. None but stockholders, being citizens of the United States, and residing within the city of Baltimore or precincts thereof, shall be eligible as a director or president.
Article III.
A general meeting of the stockholders of the company shall be held on the first Monday in June in every year (except the president) at such place as the board of directors shall appoint, by giving four weeks notice, to be published in three of the newspapers printed in the city of Baltimore, for the purpose of electing directors for the ensuing year, who shall take their seats at the board the succeeding day, & immediately proceed to elect the president: But for the present year for the more immediate organization of the business of the company, the election shall be held on Monday the 25th day of August next ensuing, under the direction of the commissioners appointed to receive subscriptions in the city of Baltimore.
Article IV.
The board of directors are hereby fully empowered to make, revise, alter or amend all such rules, orders, bye laws and regulations for the government of the company, and that of their officers, servants and affairs, as they, or a majority of them, shall from time to time think expedient, not inconsistent with law or these articles of association; & to use, employ and dispose of the joint stock, funds or property of the said company, subject only to the restrictions herein mentioned, as to them, or a majority of them may seem expedient.
Article V.
If any stockholder shall fail to pay his, her, or their installments, to the amount of twelve dollars and fifty cents upon each share, at the time or times, and in manner herein before specified, such stockholder shall forfeit to the use of the company, all money paid antecedent to such failure or default. But no forfeiture shall take place after twelve dollars and fifty cents on each share shall have been paid; but as it is requisite that means should be taken to secure the regular payment of calls, therefore, if any stockholder shall fail to make regular payment of any installment or call, after twelve dollars and fifty cents have been paid, such stockholder shall not be entitled to dividends, until such installment or call shall be made good; and the dividend thereafter to be paid to such stockholder, (as well upon the money by him regularly paid, as upon the money paid after default) shall be calculated only from the time when said last installment was made good.
Article VI.
All bills, bonds, notes, and every contract and engagement on behalf of the said company, shall be signed by the president, and countersigned or attested by the cashier of the company; and the funds of the company shall in no case be held responsible for any contract or engagement whatsoever, unless the same shall be so signed and countersigned, or attested as aforesaid. The board of directors shall have power to purchase a lot and build, or to purchase, rent or lease a proper building for the bank, and to have such a house fitted up and secured with vaults, &c. at the expense of the company.
Article VII.
The books, papers, correspondence and funds of the company, shall at all times be subject to the inspection of the directors. The said board of directors shall have power to appoint a cashier, and their officers and servants for executing the business of the company; and to establish the compensation to be paid to the president and all other officers and servants of the company respectively, all which, together with all other necessary expenses, shall be defrayed out of the funds of the company.
Article VIII.
If a vacancy or vacancies shall at any time happen among the directors, by death, removal or resignation, or otherwise, the residue of the directors, for the time being, shall elect a director or directors, to fill the vacancy or vacancies, until the next election of directors.
Article IX.
The dividends of the profits of the company, or of so much of the said profits as shall be deemed expedient and proper, shall be declared half-yearly during the months of May and November, and be paid in the months of June
and December in every year, and shall from time to time, be determined by a majority of the said directors, at a meeting to be held for that purpose, and shall, in no case exceed the amount of the net profits actually acquired by the company; so that the capital stock of the company shall never be impaired by dividends; and at the expiration of every three years, a dividend of surplus profits shall be made. But the directors shall be at liberty to retain at least one per cent. upon the capital, for the time being, as a fund for future contingencies. It shall be the duty of the president to cause a correct statement of all surplus profits remaining in the bank, not divided among the stockholders antecedent to each annual election, to be made out and kept in the bank free for the inspection of stockholders, between the times of such dividends being declared, and each annual election.
Article X.
The company shall in no case be concerned in any article but not so, bills of exchange, mortgages, stock of the United States, or bullion; except in the case of debts due to the bank, then they shall be fully justifiable in taking any kind of security, which they can obtain. Nor shall the company in any case be owners of any ships or vessels, or directly or indirectly be concerned in trade, or the importation or exportation, purchase or sale of any lands, tenement, goods, wares or merchandise whatever, except such ships, vessels, lands, tenements, goods, wares or merchandise, as shall be pledged to them by way of security, or for debts due, owing, or growing due to the said company, or purchased by them to secure such debts, so due to the said company.
Article XI.
No transfer in the Mechanic's Bank of Baltimore, shall be considered as binding upon the company, unless made in a book or books, kept for that purpose by the company, but may be transferred by the holder in person, or by power of attorney at said bank; but all debts actually due to the company, by a stockholder offering to transfer, must be discharged before such transfer shall be made; and it is further agreed, that any stockholder who shall transfer in manner aforesaid, all his stock or shares in this company, to any other person or persons, whatever, shall cease to be a member of this company, and that any person or persons whatever, who shall accept a transfer of any stock or shares in this company, shall become, and be a member of this company, according to these articles of association.
Article XII.
If the president, or any director or other officer belonging to this bank shall privately be concerned, directly or indirectly in discounting or purchasing of any note or notes, at more than lawful interest, and such information be given and supported, to the satisfaction of a majority of the board or quorum of the directors, his or their seat or seats or office, shall be vacated, and the directors shall fill up such vacancy or vacancies, to serve until the next annual election.
Article XIII.
The president and each director, before he enters upon the duties of his office, shall take the following oath or affirmation, as the case may be: "I (_____) do solemnly swear or affirm, that I will impartially, faithfully, diligently and honestly execute the duties of _____ of the Mechanic's Bank of Baltimore, conformably to the constitution or articles of association of the same, and the trusts reposed in me, to the best of my skill and judgment." And the cashier, the tellers, bookkeepers and other officers, shall also take a similar oath or affirmation, and shall besides give bonds with security to the satisfaction of the president and directors for the faithful discharge of their duties in their respective stations.
Article XIV.
The president and directors may discount notes or bills, at any length of time, not exceeding one hundred and twenty days, and may loan money on property security, to practical mechanics and manufacturers only: but not exceeding one eighth part of the stock actually paid into the bank, at the time of making such loan or loans.
Article XV.
Neither the president nor any director shall be entitled to receive on accommodation paper, discounts or loans, exceeding in the whole at any time the sum of nine thousand dollars, renewable, however, from time to time, at the discretion of the president and directors; nor shall any person or firm receive on property security, any greater sum than 3000 dollars, nor for a longer term than two years.
Article XVI.
It is hereby expressly and explicitly declared to be the object and intention of the persons who associate under the style and firm of The President and Directors of the Mechanic's Bank of Baltimore, that the joint stock or property of the said company (exclusive of dividends,) shall alone be responsible for the debts and engagements of the said company, and that no person who shall or may deal with this company, or to whom they shall or may become in any wise indebted shall, on any pretence whatever, have recourse against the separate property of any present or future member of this company, or against their persons further than may be necessary to secure the faithful application of the funds thereof, to the purposes, to which by these presents they are liable: but all persons accepting any bond, bill or note, or other contract of this company, signed by the president, and countersigned or attested by the cashier of the company, for the time being, or dealing with it in any other manner whatsoever, thereby respectively give
credit to the said joint stock or property of the said company, and thereby respectively disavow having recourse, on any pretence whatever, to the person or separate property of any present or future member of this company, except as above mentioned; and all suits to be brought against this company (if any shall be) shall be brought against the president for the time being, and in case of his death or removal from office, pending any such suit against him, measures shall be taken at the expense of the company, for substituting his successor in office as a defendant, so that persons having demands on the company may not be prejudiced by that event: or if the person suing shall go on against the person first named as the defendant (notwithstanding his death or removal from office) this company shall take no advantage by writ of error or otherwise, of such proceeding on that account; and all recoveries had in manner aforesaid, shall be conclusive upon the company, so far as to render the company's joint stock or property liable thereby, and no further: and the company shall immediately pay the amount of such recovery out of their joint stock, but not otherwise. And in case of any suit at law, the president shall sign his appearance upon the writ, or file common bail thereto, it being expressly understood and declared, that all persons dealing with the said company do agree to these terms and are to be bound thereby.
Article XVII.
If the directors of this bank shall at any time wilfully and knowingly make or declare any dividend which shall impair the capital stock, all the directors present at the making or declaring such dividend and consenting thereto, shall be liable in their individual capacities to the company for the amount or proportion of said capital stock so divided by the directors; and each director who shall be present at the making or declaring such dividend, shall be deemed to have consented thereto, unless he shall immediately enter his dissent in writing on the minutes of the proceedings of the board, and give public notice to the stockholders, that such dividend has been declared.
Article XVIII.
These articles of agreement shall be published twice a week during three weeks in two or more of the newspapers printed in the city of Baltimore: And for the further information of all persons who may transact business with, or in any manner give credit to this company, every bond, bill, note or other instrument, or contract, by the effect or terms of which the company may be charged or held liable with the payment of money, shall specially declare in such form as a board of the directors shall prescribe, that payment shall be made out of the joint funds of "The Mechanic's Bank of Baltimore," according to the present article of association, and not otherwise; a copy of the "16th article" of this association, shall be inserted in the bank book of every person depositing money or other valuable property with the company for safe custody, or a printed copy shall be delivered to every such person before any such deposit shall be received from him or her: And it is hereby expressly declared, that no engagement can be legally made in the name of the said company, unless it contains a limitation or restriction to the effect above recited: And the company hereby expressly disavow all responsibility for any debt or engagement which may be made in their name, not containing a limitation or restriction to the effect aforesaid.
Article XIX.
The president and directors, or a majority of the whole, shall have power to call a general meeting of the stockholders, for the purposes relative to the concerns of the company, giving at least three weeks notice, in two or more of the public papers printed in the city of Baltimore, specifying in such notice the object or objects of such meeting.
Article XX.
A number of stockholders not less than fifty, who together shall be proprietors of one thousand shares, may for any purpose relative to the institution, at any time apply to the president and directors, to call a general meeting of the stockholders, and if by them refused, the said numbers of stockholders, proprietors of not less than one thousand shares, shall have power to call a general meeting of the stockholders, giving at least sixty days notice in two or more newspapers printed in the city of Baltimore; specifying, in such notice, the object or objects of such meeting.
Article XXI.
The president and directors are hereby required and fully empowered to draught and present a petition to the name, and on behalf of this company, to the legislature of the state of Maryland, praying that an act may pass to incorporate and protect this company, conformably to these articles of association.
Article XXII.
This association shall continue until the second Monday in March, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, unless a charter is sooner obtained. But the proprietors of two-thirds of the capital stock of the company, may, by their concurring votes, at a general meeting, to be called for that express purpose, dissolve the same at any prior period, provided that notice of such meeting, and its object, shall be published in two or more newspapers, printed in the city of Baltimore, for at least six months previous to the time appointed for such meeting.
Article XXIII.
Immediately on the dissolution of this association, effectual measures shall be taken by the directors then existing for closing all the concerns of the company, and for dividing the capital and profits which may remain among the stockhol-
ders, in proportion to their respective interests.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF we have hereunto set our names or firms, the 27th day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six.
Baltimore, June 13—93.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
IN the case of JOHN SUTER, an insolvent Debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. Notices is hereby given to the creditors of the said John Suter, that on the 23rd day of June inst. at the capitol in the court room at the hour of 8 o'clock A.M. the oaths prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said John Suter and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shewn to the contrary.
Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, and Washington Federalist three times in each paper prior to that day.
By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Clk.
June 23 32
Dissolution of Partnership.
THE partnership of the subscribers trading under the firm of Ross & Pleasanton, was dissolved on the 15th of April last, by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm, are requested to make immediate payment to either of the parties, or to Ross and Getty, at their store corner of Washington and Bridge Streets, George town.
ANDREW ROSS, STEPHEN PLEASANTON.
June 23—6t
Partnership.
THE business will in future be carried on in the same place, by the subscribers, under the firm of Ross and Getty, who have received via Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore, in addition to their former stock a large and general assortment of GROCERIES Bar Iron, Steel, Cutlery, cut and wrought Nails, Fancy Goods, &c &c which they will dispose of on the most reasonable terms.
ANDREW ROSS, ROBERT GETTY.
George town, June 23 6t
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL.
Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Bennetts patent cord, woolvesteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk moiré, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, flannel, flannels, &c. &c with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner.
Washington Dec 18—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house.
PONTIUS D. STELLE.
Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
SALES BY AUCTION.
WILL be sold on the premises on Tuesday the 21st day of July, at 11 o'clock—part of Lot in sq 707 beginning for the said piece of ground 149 feet from the south west corner and fronting on 7th Street east 16 feet, running back 75. with a good frame house which rents for 150 dollars per year to Augustine party.
Half of Lot No 16 in sq 696, 23 feet 6 inches front on 1st Street E. running east 93; containing with proportion of alley, 2475 sq ft. be the same more or less; a range of brick houses 50 by 24, one frame 24 by 18, two stories high, the Lot enclosed.
One Lot No 16 in sq 799 one frame house 12 x 24, 12 by 12 with a good inclosure.
One Lot no. 20 in sq 826 Lot 12 in sq. 825, 24 ft. front, 65 feet back, with a 1 and 1 1/2 story frame house, well inclosed.
One tract of Land called Frank Adventure, lying partly in Prince George's county in the State of Maryland and part lying in Washington county in the district of Columbia, containing 39 acres, lying on the west side of Eastern Branch, about 3 miles from the city.
Also one clock and case, one mahogany bureau, one cast iron stove, one horse and carriage, with a good set of harness, and a number of articles too tedious to mention.
Terms will be made known on the day of sale.
N. L. QUEEN, Auct.
June 9—tf
NOTICE.
IS hereby given that the sale of property for TAXES due the Corporation of Washington, advertised for this day, is postponed until Friday the 20th day of June next, and if the taxes remain unpaid on or before the said 20th day of June, the sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. at the City Treasurer's office.
By order of the Council of Washington, WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City.
May 30—td