The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-07-02 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCXCH.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 2, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT To establish and regulate Ferries.
Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That it shall and may be lawful for the Mayor, for the time being, to grant his licence under his hand and seal of the Corporation, attested by the Register, to any inhabitant of the city, to keep a public ferry at any place within the limits and jurisdiction of the same, and from such place to any other place without the said limits and jurisdiction; such licence to continue in force for one year and no longer; and to be renewable annually during the continuance of this act. And if any person after the passing of this act, shall presume to keep a ferry for hire or reward within the limits and jurisdiction aforesaid, without obtaining licence agreeable to this act, such person shall forfeit two hundred dollars for every offence, one half to the use of the informer, and the other half to the use of the Corporation.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the rates of ferrage shall be established as follows, that is to say for any ferry across the Potomac river, for each foot passenger, six cents and a quarter; for each person and horse, eighteen cents and three quarters; for each chaise, sulky or riding chair, thirty-seven and a half cents; for each coach, coachman, stage, waggon, chariot, phaeton or curriole, or other riding carriage, one hundred cents, and the further sum of twelve and a half cents for each horse more than two, by which such coach, chaise, chariot, phaeton, or curriole shall be drawn, for each sled or sleigh, thirty-seven and a half cents, and the further sum of twelve and a half cents for each horse or other beast more than two by which such sled or sleigh shall be drawn; for each four wheeled waggon, cart or other four wheeled carriage of burthen, thirty-seven and a half cents, and the further sum of twelve and a half cents for each horse or other beast more than two by which the same shall be drawn; for each two wheeled cart, dray, or other two wheeled carriage of burthen, eighteen and three-quarter cents, and the further sum of twelve and a half cents for each horse or other beast more than one by which the same shall be drawn; for each sheep or swine, three cents, for horses and neat cattle, other than those in teams, drawing sleds, sleighs, or carriages, or those with riders, six and a quarter cents each, and one person only to each team or drove, shall be allowed to pass free of ferrage, nor shall any thing be demanded for the baggage of passengers. And for any ferry across the Anacostia, only one half of the above rates of ferrage shall be allowed and demanded.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the Mayor for the time being, to direct how many and what kind of boats shall be kept and what number of able bodied and skilful hands shall be employed in the boats at every ferry by him licenced, and the same shall be expressed in the licence. And every person keeping a public ferry, shall keep constantly set up in the most public part of his house, a copy of his licence, and of the rates of ferrage allowed by this act, under the penalty of ten dollars for every day, one half for the informer, and the other to the use of the corporation, such copy shall not be set up as required by this act. And if any ferry keeper, licenced as aforesaid, shall ask or receive directly or indirectly, more than the price allowed for ferrage, he shall for every demand or receipt forfeit two dollars, one half for the informer, and the other to the use of the corporation, and every person obtaining licence in manner aforesaid, shall enter into bond in the sum of two hundred dollars, payable to the corporation, with two sufficient securities, conditioned that he will faithfully and diligently keep the ferry for which he shall obtain licence, with such boats and hands as the Mayor, granting the licence shall direct, from day light, to day light, from the first of November, to the first of March, and from an hour before, to an hour after day light for the residue of the year, that he will not charge or receive any greater price for ferrage than allowed by this act. And every ferry keeper shall pay to the Register of the city for taking bond and making out his licence, and a fair copy of the rates of ferrage, a fee of two dollars, and also a tax of five dollars on his licence, for the use of the Corporation, which tax shall be paid over by the Register to the city Treasurer, and the said Register shall keep the
bonds, and register all licences granted by virtue of this act.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue in force for the term of five years, and no longer.
ALEX. M'CORMICK, President pro tempore of the First Chamber, &c.
SAML. HAMILTON, President of the Second Chamber, &c.
APPROVED, May 28th. 1806.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test,
THOMAS HERTY, Reg.
AN ACT Extending the time for the Treasurer's collecting taxes by distress and sale.
Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the time by which the Treasurer is obliged to sell the property of persons chargeable with any tax, by the act entitled, "An act supplementary to the act imposing certain taxes, and providing for their collection," be extended for this year only, to the 28th day of May ensuing.
JNO. M'GOWAN, President pro tempore of the First Chamber, &c.
JNO. BECKLEY, President pro tempore of the Second Chamber, &c.
APPROVED, May 7th. 1806.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test,
THOMAS HERTY, Reg.
AN ACT Repealing the act authorising the establishment of semi-annual fairs, and the acts supplementary thereto.
Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the act authorising the establishment of semi-annual fairs with the acts supplementary thereto, be and the same are hereby repealed.
JNO. DEMPSIE, President of the First Chamber, &c.
MICHAEL NOURSE, President pro tempore of the Second Chamber, &c.
APPROVED, May 26th. 1806.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test,
THOMAS HERTY, Reg.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
APRIL 10, 1806.
DEBATE.
On the bill making appropriations for the support of the Navy during the year 1806.
In committee of the whole. The bill was read by sections.
The chairman having read that part of the bill which makes an appropriation "for repair of vessels, store rent, pay of armourers, freight, and other contingent expenses."
MR. J. RANDOLPH moved to fill the blank with 419,950 dollars.
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS moved to strike out the words "and other contingent expenses." He said he made this motion with a view of ascertaining for what objects these contingent expenses were intended to provide. He would ask the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means for information on this point. He believed the sum contemplated to be appropriated unnecessarily large.
MR. J. RANDOLPH said the gentleman had asked for information which it was not in his power to give. He was as much in the dark as the gentleman as to the items of contingent expenditure; and he should not have moved to fill this blank with so large a sum, but from the conviction that whether they provided the money or not, it would be spent, and an additional appropriation be made the next session. Mr. R. said he viewed an appropriation bill under present circumstances a mere matter of form.
The item for contingent expenses of the navy, comprises commissions to agents in foreign countries and in the U. S.—officers' travelling expenses—expense of conveying seamen from one port to another—as for instance where seamen are entered in Philadelphia or Baltimore to join a vessel fitting out at Washington—the expense of nautical instruments—such as compasses, quadrants, spy glasses, &c. charts—books—models—drawings—signals—lanterns, oil—candles—clamps, fuel, hammocks—trumpets, glass—cisterns, cases—mess kits, axes, gridirons, tea kettles, galleys, shovels, tongs, charcoal, sulphur, salt-petre, fire engines, fire buckets, bread bags, and an infinite variety of other such articles, not expressly provided by law.
form; he believed also all the items of appropriation might as well be lumped together, and it might be declared that a million of dollars were appropriated. Had he been governed by his own opinion, instead of the forms which had been observed, he would have been in favor of drafting the bill in this way, for this reason. If the expenditures of the navy exceeded this sum by 600,000 dollars, there was no doubt the next Congress would make good the deficiency without any inquiry. He believed this, as what had taken place once might take place again.
MR. R. said he had addressed a note to the head of the department, stating that on such a day the committee of Ways and Means wished the appropriation bill to be taken up, and expressing a desire that he would give them information of the items of contingent expenditure, as they considered the sum required unnecessarily large. He had received an answer to this effect—The secretary said he did not think the sum too large, without entering into any explanation—MR. R. added, gentlemen may fill the blank as they please—it will be no check on the expenditure.
The committee divided on agreeing to the sum named by Mr. Randolph—Ayes 46—Noes 37.
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS moved to strike out "and other contingent expenses." He had before said that he had been impelled to make this motion from a sense of duty. This impression had been strengthened by the statement of the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means. He could not think it proper to make an appropriation to so large an amount, when the proper organ of the House had without success required information from the head of the department, from whom he had only received a mere opinion. He hoped the committee would agree to strike out this general appropriation, that all the items of contingent expenditure might be stated to the House, and thereby form some check on the expenditure.
MR. LEIB said he perceived in another part of the bill other mention made of contingent expenses. He would be glad to know what they were. The House ought to know the various items, or otherwise make a general provision for contingent expenses, and leave it to the head of the department to apply the money as he pleases.
MR. DANA said the first contingent appropriation was for the navy—the second for the marine corps. If striking out the proposed words would enable the committee to obtain the information sought, he should vote for the motion. He had no objection to voting liberally for a navy; but he thought the legislature ought to be well informed, as they would otherwise scarcely discharge their duty to their constituents.
The motion of Mr. Williams to strike out "and other contingent expenses," was disagreed to—Ayes 32.
MR. J. RANDOLPH moved to strike out the part of the bill making an appropriation "for completing the marine barracks at the city of Washington." MR. R. said this object appeared to require a standing appropriation; and, though the building was finite, the appropriation appeared to be infinite.
Motion agreed to—Ayes 56.
The committee rose and reported the bill. The House having taken the report of the committee into consideration,
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS called for the reading of a document stating the annual expenditures on the navy, by which it appeared that the expenditures had been as follows:
   Dolls. Cts.     For 1798 570,314 24   1799 2,848,187 26   1800 3,385,340 48   1801 2,117,420 74   1802 946,213 24   1803 1,107,925 32   1804 1,246,502 74   1805 1,409,949 67   Total, 13,631,853  
MR. D. R. Williams renewed his motion to strike out "and other contingent expenses." He thought the House ought, under existing circumstances, to show a disposition to economize, and to curtail the expenses of the navy. What is the sum said Mr. W. of this expenditure? Why, the Constitution is in the mud, and the President on her beam ends! Thirteen millions and a half have been already expended, and it is now proposed to add 411,000 dollars for contingent expenses. In making this motion I have no object but to confine the navy department to proper expenses—but let them first state what they are.
The Speaker observed that this motion could not be received until the amendments of the committee had been acted upon.
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS moved to strike out "for ordnance 50,000 dollars."
The item for ordnance, comprises cannon, carronades, swivels, blunderbusses, muskets, pistols, swords, boarding pikes, cutlasses, cannon ball of every description, musket and pistol ball, cannon, musket, pistol and priming powder, powder horns, priming horns, flannel and paper cartridges, cartridge boxes, slow match, lint stocks, worms, rammer, sponges, wads, gun locks, screw drivers, flats, apron, thread, &c.
He did not perceive the use of this appropriation. No gentleman accustomed to travel, but must have seen the unprotected state of the ordnance—look at the Turk's house, you will there see it lying exposed. To his knowledge it was in many other instances in the same situation.
This motion was lost—Ayes 33. When the amendment of the committee to fill the blank with 50,000 dollars was agreed to, without a division.
MR. EPPES offered a proviso declaring that a larger sum than 50,000 dollars shall not be expended on the repairs of any one frigate.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I shall vote against this motion on the same principle that I voted to fill the blank relative to contingent expenses with 411,000 dollars. If we cannot restrain the expenditures of the navy department within the sum annually fixed after giving as much as is asked for, it is not the idlest thing to attempt to restrain them by giving less.
The principle on which I voted for filling that blank was this—to give to the navy department what it asks, that if at the end of the year more shall be expended, the blame may fall on the shoulders of the Secretary and not on us. The sum appropriated for contingent expenses amounts to 411,000 dollars—this is not the half, but it is more than a third of the whole sum appropriated, and it may be expended on repairs or any other item of contingent expenditure. It is enormous. But withhold the appropriation, and where are you? The expense may be incurred, and the government called on to make good the deficiency; and there the business will end.
With regard to the sum requisite for the repair of a frigate, her situation between this and the next year cannot be foreseen. The Secretary may have estimated 30,000 dollars as sufficient to repair any one frigate as they now stand—but they may be placed in such a condition as to require a much larger sum.
But I am against the amendment said MR. R. not only for these, but for other reasons. I will never consent to legislate in such a way as to make it appear that we did legislate intelligently, when in fact we do not. If I can be satisfied that 50,000 dollars will be sufficient for the repair of a frigate, I may be induced to vote for it. But even this would be unnecessary. For, after all the business must be confided to the head of the department; and he will be a better judge of the sum required for the repair of a vessel than we are. If he cannot be trusted, we ought in my opinion either to refuse the appropriation altogether, to take a very different step from that now proposed. For these reasons I am unwilling to appear to act understandingly on a subject, which I know nothing about.
MR. EPPES. When I made this motion, it was under the impression that what is correct in private, is also correct in public conduct. We knew that when a vessel owned by a merchant gets in a certain state, it is more advisable to sell than to repair her. I do not know whether I have fixed the proper sum. All I wish to try is, whether the U. S. are disposed to repair at all events their frigates, whatever their state may be, or limit the sum after expending which they shall be abandoned. I confess, however, that I am not anxious on this point. I merely wish to try the sense of the House.
On agreeing to Mr. Eppes's motion, the House divided—Ayes 38—Noes 57.
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS. The curtailment of navy expenses may be unpopular, but I conceive it to be right. For that purpose I will renew the motion I offered in committee. I am of opinion that all the expenditures of this department should pass in review before the House. When I first came to Washington, I went to the navy yard. I there saw an elegant building going on. I enquired under what appropriation this was authorised, and was answered under the appropriation for contingent expenses. I remarked other expenditures and received the same information. These expenditures may be all proper; but I think that every gentleman on this floor ought to be enabled to tell his constituents how the public money is expended. Talk to them of contingencies, and they will understand as little of the term as of land in the moon. MR. W. concluded by moving to strike out "and other contingent expenses," and calling the yeas and nays.
MR. ALEXANDER was against the motion, as an agreement to it would not lead to the obtaining any further information, and as he was convinced it was impossible to specify every item of expenditure.
MR. FISK was of opinion that it would be best to agree to the motion as the means of obtaining a detailed estimate. His confidence in the head of the department was not diminished; but it was their duty to be fully informed on whatever respected the expenditure of public money.
MR. J. RANDOLPH said he felt himself called upon to reply to a remark made by the gentleman who had just set down, who had said that from some cause or other this bill had been unusually delayed. He would tell the gentleman one cause of this delay—this very item of appropriation, which the gentleman had just agreed to, was part of the cause. But he wished it at the same time to be distinctly understood that there was no disposition in the committee of Ways and Means to delay this bill. It was long since reported to the House, and he had before called for taking it up. The committee had never received any intimation from the head of the department stating the passage of the bill to be a matter of urgency; which had heretofore been common in case a department required an early appropriation of money. Had then the committee of Ways and Means any right to suppose, after having voted 600,000 in addition to the appropriation for the last
MR. SMILIE said, that no gentleman would censure him for attachment to the navy. He never had been, nor was he now attached to a navy. But the situation in which they were placed was well known. If there was time, he should be glad to have every item of expenditure produced by the proper officer, that they might know how to act. He was fully aware that in the navy department it was more difficult to anticipate the expenses than in any other. Though, therefore, he was no friend to a navy, as it had not been thought proper to abandon the establishment, he considered it right to make such grants as were necessary for its support. If it were early in the session, or if he thought it possible to get the information at this late stage of it, he should vote for calling for it. But as they were required to the necessity of saying at once whether they would, or would not, support the navy, he should be in favor of making this grant.
MR. ELMER did not see the least good which could result from the motion. If it would prevent an unnecessary expenditure of the public money, he would vote for it. But the nature of the service was such as rendered it impossible to foresee, or provide with precision for expenses which might become necessary.
MR. J. RANDOLPH said, it had been stated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania that it was too late to get this information. The gentleman was mistaken. Any information could be had now, which could have been got three months ago. MR. R. then moved that the further consideration of the subject should be postponed until the next day, that gentleman, who said they wanted information, might obtain it by a vote of the House.
The Speaker pronounced this motion not to be in order, as the clerk had previously commenced the call of the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays having been taken on MR. D. R. Williams's motion, were—Yeas 25—Noes 86.
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS moved to reconsider the bill to a committee of the whole House, with the view of obtaining information from the secretary of the navy before it was definitely acted on.
Motion disagreed to—Ayes 41—Noes 56.
When the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading without a division.
MR. JACKSON hoped it would not be read a third time until Saturday—that information might be previously obtained from the head of the department. If it should not be then obtained, he should be the foremost in voting for a reconsideration.
MR. R. NELSON hoped it would be read to-morrow. The bill had been delayed much longer than was usual, and great inconveniences had been experienced from the delay which had attended it. Should the third reading be delayed till Saturday, it might be late in the session before it was conclusively acted on. The other House might take time to discuss its provisions. As all gentlemen were anxious speedily to close the session he hoped it would be read a third time to-morrow. I should coincide, said MR. N. with the gentleman from Virginia in the course proper to be pursued, if I thought we could by a delay of a few days get any important information. But I have been told, and I cannot doubt it, that it would take an immense length of time for the clerks to make out a complete statement of the contingent expenses of the last year. I have been told that it would take months, even with the aid of additional clerks. I have been told so by a gentleman whose veracity I cannot doubt, and whose knowledge on this point must be correct. Putting off then this bill to Saturday cannot be the means of giving us any correct information not already in our possession. If I thought otherwise I would willingly wait till Saturday. But when I reflect on the facts I have stated, and see that it is impossible to get this detailed information in any reasonable time, I think it best, in this instance, to do, as we have done heretofore,—to vote on the information of the head of the department.
MR. J. RANDOLPH said he felt himself called upon to reply to a remark made by the gentleman who had just set down, who had said that from some cause or other this bill had been unusually delayed. He would tell the gentleman one cause of this delay—this very item of appropriation, which the gentleman had just agreed to, was part of the cause. But he wished it at the same time to be distinctly understood that there was no disposition in the committee of Ways and Means to delay this bill. It was long since reported to the House, and he had before called for taking it up. The committee had never received any intimation from the head of the department stating the passage of the bill to be a matter of urgency; which had heretofore been common in case a department required an early appropriation of money. Had then the committee of Ways and Means any right to suppose, after having voted 600,000 in addition to the appropriation for the last

year, that this department could not wait until the other departments had been served. The truth was, that the civil list appropriation had been the only one unnecessarily delayed, and that delay had not arisen in this House. Had they heard any complaints relative to the war department? Had it made a demand of 60 or 70 per cent. on the regular appropriation—while this department was swallowing up money faster than they could provide it. He had heard it intimated out of doors that there existed a disposition to distress this department. If there had been such a disposition, was it not in the power of any member to call up the bill? He appealed to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, if he had not asked him to call it up in his absence, and if he had not replied, that he would as soon as he could get the floor.
Mr. R. NELSON said the gentleman from Virginia had grossly misunderstood him. When he said this bill had been unusually delayed, he had had no disposition to insinuate that it had been designedly delayed, nor had he meant any reflection on the committee of Ways and Means, or on the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said his object was to get information. He hoped the demand of the House to give the general items would be complied with. He wanted no details—all he wished was a statement of general items.
Mr. R. NELSON remarked that such a statement could be of no use. The contingent fund of the navy embraced articles the extent of which could not be calculated with any precision—it could only be founded on past expenditures—it was known that the last year there was an expenditure of 600,000 dollars beyond the sum appropriated. The whole expenses of the navy could not be calculated at the beginning of the year with certainty—particularly when our affairs were unsettled in the Mediterranean. During the last year 300 of our captive seamen had been liberated—and to each seaman an arrearage wages had been paid to the amount of four or five hundred dollars. In consequence of this and other circumstances he presumed that neither the Secretary of the navy, or any other mortal man, could have known the expenditure at the beginning of the year. He did not pretend to say there was all the economy in the navy there ought to be—but if they got any information, it could only be a statement of what had been laid out in particular years.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he would state a fact, to enable gentlemen to ascertain whether there had been any extraordinary delay on this occasion. Such an intimation had been thrown out—and this was the place where any insinuation of this kind ought to be made and met; and not at the fire sides or in the newspapers. By recurrence to the journals it would appear that in the first year he had had a seat in the House the act making an appropriation for the navy had been passed on the 10th of May; and that in the first year he had had the honor of being on the committee of Ways and Means, the bill making navy appropriations had passed on the 1st of May. He said he had not had time to turn to the journal of other sessions. But the truth was a spendthrift never could be supplied with money fast enough to anticipate his wants.
The motion to read the bill a third time on Saturday was carried—Ayes 55—when the following motion, made by Mr. D. R. Williams, was agreed to without a division.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the navy be directed to lay before this House an estimate of the respective sums necessary to be appropriated for repair of vessels, store rent, pay of armourers, freight, and contingent expenses of the navy for the year 1806.
SATURDAY, APRIL 12. The bill making appropriations for the support of the navy was read a third time.
Mr. J. C. SMITH moved to recommit it for the purpose of restoring the provision for completing the marine barracks at the city of Washington—the amount of expense attending which he understood had been already partly expended.
Mr. CONRAD hoped the bill would not be re-committed, as he believed the provision unnecessary, and as it had been struck out by a large majority.
Mr. J. C. SMITH said he presumed if the expense was already incurred, the House would not object to providing for it.
Mr. QUINCY said he had received like information. He had not conversed with the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means on the subject; but he had with other members of the committee, and had found them all of opinion that this item ought to be restored. He understood that a part of the sum had been already expended.
The motion to recommit the bill having obtained—Ayes 54—the House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. J. C. SMITH in the chair.
Mr. J. CLAY observed that since the House had agreed to strike out the provision for completing the barracks, he had understood that more money had been applied to this purpose than had been appropriated, and that it had been drawn from the private funds of one of the officers, under an understanding with the head of the department. He therefore moved to restore the item “for completing the marine barracks at the city of Washington, 3,500 dollars.”
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he should not make any objection to this motion. He would only call the attention of the House to the regard they had heretofore manifested to specific appro-
priations, under the hope that something would be done to circumscribe contingencies. He believed that this particular sum had been expended much to the interest of the country.
Mr. LEIB said he was not very fond of making appropriations in this way—for particular officers to run into unauthorised expenditures and then to call on Congress to make good the deficiency—Is this a provision for completing the House for the Commandant? Is that the Marine Barracks? If not, then under what appropriation is it made? Is it under that of contingencies? Look at the buildings at the Navy Yard? Is all this expense incurred out of the contingent fund? If it is not, it is not authorised by law. Mr. L. said he did not know that he should make any objection to this item; but he thought it full time to check this loose mode of procedure.
Mr. R. NELSON said he did not understand the force of the reasoning of the gentleman from South Carolina and Pennsylvania. Both made a great flow of liberality, by saying they would not oppose this particular appropriation, at the same time that they condemned the course of proceeding, and represented the country as crying aloud at this kind of expenditure before an appropriation was made by law to cover it. He believed, however, that it was almost next to impossible that the money should be misapplied. The estimates were made—the money appropriated—and when, in the application of it, either from the rise of materials, or other unexpected circumstances, they found a particular object unfulfilled, was it right to suffer it to be exposed to the weather and not done for the want of a few thousand dollars; & like a young spendthrift, only half build his house and let it fall in ruins? Mr. N. said he should rather suppose the gentleman deserved credit for asking a less sum than was necessary, and trusting to the honor of Congress to supply any deficiency that might arise.
It had been enquired if the expense of this building was not paid out of the contingent fund—Mr. N. said he did not know how this was. But he did know that a great part of the work had been done by the soldiery; and for that he thought the officer deserved the applause of the House and the public, instead of their censure.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he had not dropped any such expression as had been intimated. He had felt no censure—he had expressed none. If he had conveyed any opinion of this officer, it was that this sum had been economically expended. He had observed that much noise had been heretofore made about expenses incurred before an appropriation for them; and he was much mistaken if the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nelson) had not assisted in making it.
Mr. DANA said he was in favor of this appropriation. But he believed the gentleman from South Carolina was correct in saying that much noise had heretofore been made about adhering to specific appropriations. He had, however, never had much faith in this doctrine. And as to the navy, especially, he believed the thing was unattainable; and less money was required for general than specific appropriations. He believed, however, that there need not be much talk on this appropriation, when they had recently made an appropriation of two millions of dollars without any specification of the object.
The question was then put, and the motion of Mr. J. Clay agreed to without a division.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he wished so to modify that part of the bill which appropriated 411,950 dollars “for repair of vessels, store rent, pay of armourers, freight and other contingent expenses,” as to separate the items, to give the department all it asked; but to fix a particular sum to each item. He held, he said, the report of the Secretary of the navy in his hand and if he was disposed to be ill natured, he could make a handle of it. But his opposition was to the system, not to the men; for if he was correctly informed, the motives on which the gentleman went into office were honorable to him. To gain his object he would move to strike out this provision.
Mr. CONRAD opposed the motion, and remarked that the expenditure under one item might fall short of the sum appropriated, which would require that the deficiency should be made up from the surplus of another.
Mr. DANA said this amendment was warranted by the former usage of the House, and the message of the President of the U. S. At the first session of the 7th Congress the President had observed that
“In our care too of the public contributions entrusted to our direction, it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition: by disallowing all applications of money varying from the appropriation in object or transcending it in amount by reducing the undefined field of contingencies, and thereby circumscribing discretionary powers over money.”
This opinion had been given five years ago—and they might now inter-
that it had been found that it could not be conveniently carried into effect as to the military or naval service. Mr. D. said he considered the gentleman from South Carolina as bringing up this question directly before the House—will you adhere to specific appropriations, or will you abandon them. Mr. Dana said he had never been in favor of them in relation to the navy or army.
Mr. R. NELSON said that like the gentleman from South Carolina, he had been very early in favor of specific appropriations. The usage which had been read was founded in good sense, and met his approbation; but it had never been intended to apply the recommendations it contained to such a case as this; and it was totally impossible to make the navy efficient if such a specification were to be made. Did the gentleman know how the accounts of the public vessels at a distance were kept? He had gained some information on this point from navy men. The vessels in the Mediterranean were exposed to various expenses. The captain drew a bill on the navy agent in London or at some other place. This was sent to the Secretary of the navy, who did not know for what the amount had been expended till the vessel returned to the U. S. when the account was settled. So that it was impossible for them sitting there in Washington, to tell for what the amounts of these bills had been expended. If they appropriated specifically for every object of expenditure, the over sum for each object must lie, although wanted for another object for which a sufficient sum had not been appropriated. Thus much, required to be done, must remain undone—For although money enough might have been appropriated, it could not be got at for the purpose for which it was wanted. This result would be inevitable. Besides, in military affairs, it was impossible to calculate with precision—Ten thousand things might arise which could not be anticipated by any human wisdom. It followed that although an adherence to specific appropriations was highly desirable in all cases where it was practicable, as in meeting civil expenses, yet that for military purposes they must necessarily go on in the old way.
The question was then put on the motion of Mr. D. R. Williams which was disagreed to—Ayes 32—Noes 51—when the committee rose, and reported the bill, which was passed without a division.
The following is the report of the Secretary of the Navy, alluded to in the above.
Navy Department, April 11, 1806.
Sir, IN compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives, I herewith transmit to you, to be laid before them, paper A, which specifies the several sums of money, respectively, wanted for repairs of vessels, for store rent, for pay of armourers, for freight, and for contingent expenses of the navy for the year 1806.
The estimate for repairs, as well as for the other items in this statement, is obviously altogether conjectural. Universal experience has ascertained, that practical men, however conversant in naval architecture, can form no precise opinion from any previous survey of a ship requiring repair of consequence, as to the extent and cost of such repair. The sum stated as necessary may not, and I hope will not be wanted. In such case it, of course, will not be expended. But I have deemed it expedient to estimate for the largest sum that I have reason to a prehend in any state of things may be required. This I have done as a measure of precaution, and under an impression that at all times, and especially at a crisis like the present, all the frigates and other vessels of the navy, ought to be completely prepared for service at any moment government may have occasion for them.
I am, respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant, ROBERT SMITH. Hon. NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
ESTIMATE Of the sums necessary to be appropriated for repairs of vessels, store rent, pay of armourers, freight, and contingent expenses of the navy, for the year 1806, prepared in obedience to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 10th April, 1806.
For repairs of vessel—This item comprises the expense of procuring the necessary timber, masts, yards, copper, iron, anchors, cables, standing & running rigging, canvas, &c. the making and repairing the necessary boats of a ship, water casks, &c. and all the professional and manual labor, required for the purpose of repairing and keeping in repair, all the vessels of whatever description, belonging to the navy of the United States, 303,300
For store rent, in the Mediterranean the United States, and elsewhere, 3,500
For pay of armourers, 630 For freight.—This item comprises the expense of transporting, in the United States, and from the United States to the Mediterranean, timber, masts, yards, plank, cordage, canvas, powder, ball, beef, pork, flour, bread, spirit, molasses, peas, suet, butter, and every other description of articles required, either for the repairs of vessels, or the maintenance of the crews of vessels, 60,000
For contingent expenses.—This item comprises commissions to agents in foreign countries and in the United States, officers' travelling expenses, the expense of nautical instruments, charts, books, models, drawings, signals, lanterns, lamps, oil, fuel, candles, hammocks, trumpets, glass, cisterns, cans, mess kits, buckets, axes, gridirons, tea kettles, shovels, tongs, charcoal, sulphur, salt-petre, fire engines, bread bags, and an infinite variety of other such articles, 45,000
Dollars, 411,950
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 2.
No paper will be issued on the 4th of July.
The following is a copy of a letter from COMMODORE PREBLE to the SECRETARY of the NAVY.
PORTLAND, June 17, 1806. Sir, BY Lieutenant Jones, of the Navy, I had this day the honor to receive your letter of the 17th ult. accompanying a Gold Medal struck in pursuance of a resolution of Congress of the 3d March, 1805, emblematical of the attacks on the town, batteries and naval forces of Tripoli, by the squadron under my command. You will be pleased to communicate to the President of the United States, that I accept with gratitude this honorable testimony of the approbation of my Country. And I pray you to be assured that I am truly sensible of the very handsome and obliging manner in which it has been presented.
I have the honor to be, With the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient servant, EDWARD PREBLE. Hon. ROBERT SMITH.
THE Anniversary of our existence as a nation again returns, and with it the mingled feelings of joy and regret, which it is so well fitted to excite. The leading event it commemorates is great beyond parallel. Other nations have been founded on the best principles of wisdom and justice then extant; but no nation, before our own, has been founded on the principles of eternal wisdom and eternal justice, alone to be found in the enjoyment of equal rights. A prince or a priest, surrounded with the terror of arms, has, in every other nation, willed its fate, and rested the success of his will on the strength of his arm. Here, for the first time, a nation declared itself free, a nation assumed to itself the supreme power, a nation guaranteed to all its citizens the enjoyment of equal rights. This is a theme for joy and felicitation, for honest pride. But, unfortunately, these feelings are not permitted to be unalloyed. As if the author of nature had ordained that pure and unmixed felicity should never be the lot of man, he has, by the association of ideas inseparable from the character of a reflecting being, given us cause for sadness and sorrow in the loss of many of our greatest and best men, of men, whose pens or swords, whose eloquence or virtues, gave splendor and permanency to the day we now celebrate. Yes, they are gone—our best friends are no longer the inhabitants of this orb! A Washington and Franklin lead on to higher scenes, to nobler enjoyments, to purer pleasures, the illustrious band of revolutionary patriots and heroes, whose names will live on the imperishable pages of history, as the founders of principles destined to be eternal in their existence and unbounded in their extension.
The best celebration of such a day is the employment of our minds in forming a proper estimate of our own condition contrasted with that of others. In every situation of life man is too prone to omit the present moment with indulgence, an habitual spirit of dissatisfaction at his peculiar lot, in surrounding the situation of others with sunshine, and throwing his own into shade. As happiness is the great end of his existence, it is proper for him to improve every opportunity that offers to excite in his mind a pleasurable train of reflections, or to banish those of a painful complexion.
If then we compare the situation of the United States with that of any other country, if we compare its government with that of any other on earth, if we compare the condition of the private citizen with that of the subject of any foreign power, we shall have abundant
reason for gratitude to the Author of Nature, and for considering ourselves as crowned with a pre-eminent share of felicity. There are many among us whose hearts are still in the countries from which they emigrated, whose eyes are here blind to the splendors of a meridian sun, and whose hearts are insensible to the blessings of peace and plenty that surround them. We do not ask such men to sympathise with us in the feelings we indulge on this day. It is scarcely in their power to do so. The chains of habit and prejudice have enslaved them. The charms of nature, and the harmony of a well ordered system have no attractions for them. We call on them, who prize with us the blessings of liberty, to accompany us in a rapid survey of our situation.
The United States, viewed in its physical relations, is more advantageously situated than any other country on earth. No nation, united by one government, has such extensive limits, in a climate so temperate and fertile, so abundantly supplied by the beneficence of nature with deep and long streams, and so diversified in aspect and rich in the production of whatever administers to subsistence and comfort. There is no species of grain, of any considerable value, that does not grow with luxuriance, and that is not raised in greater abundance than is required by our wants. Every valuable root, useful either to man, or to the domestic animals that surround him, is raised with equal facility. We enumerate among our products, wheat, rye, maize, barley, oats, buckwheat, rice, potatoes, and turnips. Other nations are satisfied with the growth of a few of these articles; we alone produce the whole of them. Besides our rivers, in connection with the bordering ocean, supply us with inexhaustible stores of the best fish of almost every description.
For raiment, we have an immense production of cotton infinitely transcending our wants; hemp, and flax; and a climate well fitted to the production of wool.
In this list we have a full supply of every necessary of life. Of luxuries & innocent enjoyments nature & art have been equally prodigal. We have the apple, the peach, the plum, the cherry, the grape, a vast variety of melons, and almost every vegetable valued for its nutritive properties or exquisite taste. We have in addition ample materials for the manufacture of sugar, with the prospect of possessing a country that will completely supply us with coffee. Besides the articles enumerated several are raised which, though articles of luxury, are sources of great wealth, among which tobacco holds pre-eminent rank.
The superficial observer has not fully weighed the great benefits, which a nation derives from having within its own borders the chief articles of its consumption. It renders it more independent of other nations, less vulnerable by any conduct which may characterize them; insures a more certain and abundant supply of our wants, and by raising at our own doors whatever we consume diminishes the quantity of labor requisite to their production, and thence elevates the condition of the laboring part of the community by insuring to them an abundance and allowing them leisure to improve their minds or to indulge in rational recreation.
Passing on to a comparison of our government with that of any other nation, we find equal cause for gratulation. Ours is literally and truly a government of the people, administered by them for their own happiness. It completely protects them in the enjoyment of equal political rights, in the sacred rights of conscience, in the secure enjoyment of property, and the undisturbed employment of their mental or corporeal faculties. Is there a government on earth of which the same can be said? Is there another government, in which these rights are not grossly, are not systematically violated? There is none in which the liberty of conscience is not invaded by intolerance or superstition, in which political rights are not unjustly monopolised by the hand of violence or fraud, in which the rights of property are not sported with, either by open violence or an oppressive system of taxation, and in which the sphere of individual exertion is not limited by multifarious conditions and restrictions. In the United States we have no privileged orders, no monopolies, no standing armies, (deserving of the name) or vast naval establishments—these pregnant sources of tyranny and oppression, and concomitants of a wretched and starving population. Two great consequences follow, of themselves sufficient distinctly to characterise the lot of nations—light taxes and a permanent state of peace. While these continue, the republic is in little danger. War and money are the great instruments of tyrants. The annals of the world, accordingly, shew that they have been the most powerful agents in the subversion of the fairest and proudest fabrics it has ever beheld.
But if we wish to contemplate the strongest attestations to the superior lot of the American over every other people, we ought to compare the situation of the private citizen of these states with that of the subject of foreign powers. It is here that we strip the pageant of government of its gaudy trappings, and see its effects delineated, such as they truly are, at the fire side of the honest yeoman. The favored sons of fortune assume the same characters, and deck themselves off in the same colors, with but little variation, in every clime and under every species of government. They strive to appear gay and happy, and seem, through a deceitful medium, are really thought to be so by the common observer. But in the middling and lower ranks of society there is no disguise. Among them there exists

no temptation to hypocrisy, nor can they deceive, if they would. The rags that imperfectly cover their nakedness, and the haggard looks of famine that appear in the faces of their wives and children defy concealment. On the other hand, where all is sunshine, when the light of the day are invariably crowned with success, where the laborer is rewarded with an abundant supply of his own wants and those of his family, and when every day affords him the means of increasing the circle of his enjoyments, joy sparkles in his eye, his tongue expresses the gratitude he feels, and he finds himself the centre of a circle of content and plenty. Contrasted as this picture is, it is true and more than true, in its application to the husbandman of America and the peasant of Europe. We have already unfolded some of the causes of this marked difference. To detail them all would require a volume. None of them are to be found in nature, but by far the larger part may be traced to moral principles and political institutions. Human industry is never so active, intelligent, or productive, as when directed by the individual without any interference on the part of government, except to protect it and the fruits of its industry. This is the proud and exclusive prerogative of the governments established in this country. From this feature it necessarily follows that no more brilliant are imposed upon the people than are absolutely necessary for the promotion of their welfare.
The time has been, even in this country, when many of our wisest men doubted the feasibility of a republican government. But surely these fears ought now to be dismissed. Our system has already existed for thirty years, during which we have had to contend with greater difficulties than will probably ever be experienced by us. Notwithstanding these dangers, the American republic has stood, unshaken amidst a storm that has subverted empires formerly renowned for their power, and which has swept the whole civilized world. For twenty-four years of this term we have enjoyed a state of uninterrupted peace, and have increased in numbers with a rapidity that is without precedent, and which is only surpassed by the still greater rapidity with which our wealth has advanced. During this period, we have not been so intoxicated with our prosperity as to be blind to the defects of our systems of government & laws. On the contrary, wisely considering a progression in knowledge among the best attributes of our nature, we have not been so proud or corrupt as to prohibit the lessons of our own experience, or by those of others.
Behold, fellow citizens, in this picture, a faithful delineation, as far as it goes, of our situation! Reflect upon it, and say if it does not afford an abundant cause for congratulation. Say, if you do not believe in your hearts that the American is the happiest nation on earth; and whether her political institutions, and the intelligence and fidelity with which they are administered, do not shed a brighter and purer lustre than the blazing crown or splendid diadem, with the absolute power they bestow.
WE have usually at this season republished the Declaration of Independence, as the happiest illustration of the feelings and principles of the revolution. On this occasion we are enabled, by the ENQUIRER, to present this splendid composition to our readers, such as it came from the pen of its distinguished author. It is introduced in the following manner by the Editor of that print.
Among the literary relics of the venerable George Wythe, were found the following rare and curious papers in the hand writing of Mr. Jefferson. The first is a copy of the original Declaration of our Independence, as it came from the hands of its author. The other is a plan of a Bill of Rights and of a Constitution for Virginia, composed by Mr. Jefferson. For the permission to peruse and publish these papers, we are indebted to the politeness of Major Naval, the sole executor of the estate.
The federal assertion that Mr. Jefferson was not the author of this celebrated declaration, has long since been refuted, or else these papers would have furnished the most abundant refutation. What now will become of the no less unfounded assertion, that this paper as it was adopted by Congress, owes much of its beauty and its force to the committee appointed to draft it? The world will see that not only were very few additions made by the committee, but that they even struck out two of the most forcible and striking passages in the whole composition. For what reasons, yet remains to be discovered.
The passages omitted in the original composition are printed in Italics . This Bill of Rights as we have them in manuscript, are without any mark to note the date of their production. It is presumed however, that they were written in 1776. The constitution, written by Mr. Jefferson, in '83, is already published in the appendix to some of the Editions of his "Notes on Virginia."
A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN GENERAL CONGRESS ASSEMBLED.
When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth
the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with inherent and unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes. And accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to exchange their former systems of government. The history of the present king of G. Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, among which appears no solitary fact, to contravert the uniform tenor of the text; but all have in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.
He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depositary of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, and continually for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass other to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.
He has suffered the administration of justice totally to cease in some of these states, refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made our judges dependant on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices by a self-assumed power, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies and ships of war, without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;
for protecting them by a mock-trial from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states;
for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;
for imposing taxes on us without our consent;
for depriving us of the benefits of trial by jury;
for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences;
for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these states;
for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments;
for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here, withdrawing his governors, and declaring us out of his allegiance and protection.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy unworthy the head of a civilized nation.
He has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions of existence.
He has incited treasonable insurrections of our fellow-citizens, with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property.
He has constrained others, taking captives on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fill themselves by their hands.
He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This far-sighted usurpation, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the signature of the christian king of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce; and that this assemblage of horrors might want no part of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people upon whom he also obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another.
In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a people who mean to be free. Future ages will scarce believe that the hardiness of one man adventured within the short compass of twelve years only, to build a foundation so broad and unrequised, for tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in principles of freedom.
Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend a jurisdiction over these six states. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, no one of which could warrant so strange a pretension; that these were effected at the expence of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of G. Britain; that in constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them; but that submission to their Parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credited; and we appealed to their native justice and magnanimity as well as to the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which were likely to interrupt our connection and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice, and of consanguinity; and when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have by their free election re-established them in power. At this very time too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but [Scotch and] foreign mercenaries to invade and destroy us. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection; and manly spirit bids us to renounce forever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and to hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We might have been a free and great people together; but a communication of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity. Be it so, since they will have it; the road to happiness and to glory is open to us too; we will climb it of art from them, and acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our eternal separation!
We, therefore, the Representatives of the U. S. of America, in General Congress assembled, do, in the name and by authority of the good people of these states, reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the kings of G. Britain, and all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or under them; we utterly dissolve all political connection which may heretofore have subsisted between us and the Parliament or people of G. Britain; and finally we do assert, these colonies to be free and independent states, and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts, and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
All the shares in the Mechanic's Bank of Baltimore have been subscribed for and the institution is about going into operation.
It is with regret that we state the destruction by fire of the greater part of General Mason's buildings on his beautiful island opposite George Town.
The Council of Censors of Vermont have adjourned until October, without transacting any important business.
TRIBUTE OF THANKS.
JOHN KONKAPOT, jun. belonging to the Stockbridge tribe of Indians, takes this method publicly to announce his most grateful acknowledgements to the gentlemen of this City and George Town, who have so kindly relieved him from the pecuniary embarrassment in which he had unfortunately—perhaps inadvertently—been involved.
He gladly owns this relief, as a continued evidence that the chain of friendship which has so long held together the interests and the good will of the people of the United States, and the chiefs and warriors of the Stockbridge nation of Indians, is neither impaired nor ruffly; and as he is shortly to return home to his country and friends, he will, when arrived there among them, feel it no less a duty than a pleasure to cultivate these sentiments of gratitude, and esteem in the minds of his brethren.
It having been the enlightened policy of the U. S. and particularly of the state of Pennsylvania, to cultivate a good understanding with the Indian nations by extending to the young men of the most influential families among them the benefits of education; it is to this circumstance that he is indebted for a tolerable share of civilized education, and the use of those faculties of the soul, which otherwise must have lain dormant in the rude quarry of nature.
Among the officers of the Executive Government, who have been pleased to notice him with complacency since his coming to this place, he is proud to own his obligations to the reverend Father of his People, and their Indian neighbors, the President of the United States, and the Secretary of War. But this acknowledgment is not made without being duly sensible of the merits of others. He has received many important favors, and distinguished civilities, from many other gentlemen, both of public and private characters, whose names are too numerous to mention here, even if he had liberty to do so.
With a sincere with that the Sun of Peace and Prosperity may long continue to shine clear on these States & that the horizon of plenty may always encircle the great National Bower of American Liberty, he bids the people of Washington an affectionate farewell.
JOHN KONKAPOT, JUN. City of Washington, June 30, 1806.
In 1803 cov. Strong had 10,000 majority. 1804 he had 5,000 do. 1805 3,700 do. 1806 by accident he has the enormous number of 80 majority.
Question for arithmeticians to solve. How large a majority will they have next year?
Chronicle.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Detroit, dated June 1, 1806.
"Since my arrival at this place there have been several reports made to Mr. S. Griswold, our acting governor by Indian traders, from different parts of the country, of the frequent secret councils held by the Indians, under pretence of passing laws to oblige their own people to become sober and industrious, by applying their time to improving lands and living after the manner of the white people; but knowing their practice of dissimulation and treachery, we were suspicious that their meetings were to concert measures to make an incursion into this country—plunder the inhabitants, and retire. This occasioned a sense of danger to spread amongst the people. But although this timely notice has been given, I fear we have been deficient in providing against the dangers to which from the remote situation of this place, we are particularly exposed. The vast extent of the frontier, the scattered situation of the settlements, the nature of savage warfare, together with the exact knowledge the Indians possess of every part of this country, makes me fear that the inhabitants who are not under immediate protection of the fort, will find their resistance ineffectual."
"I have deferred writing you on this subject before, for fear of giving you an unnecessary alarm not being sufficiently assured of the truth of the reports. We are now no longer in doubt, that the Indians are preparing to commence war against the United States, and we daily expect an attack at this place. We are well informed, that they have an unusual quantity of provision and ammunition in their possession."
"These accounts are corroborated by an express from Fort Wayne [on the Miami] sent by the Commanding Officer, and the arrival of the brig Adams from Michilimackinac, where the inhabitants were all under arms, and one half on guard every night. Between 5 and 600 Indians were assembled on the Island, when the Adams sailed, with great pretensions of friendship—but the commanding officer of that post, has no doubt of their hostile intentions whenever they find themselves sufficiently strong; and well knowing their treachery, he will not trust to their outward appearances, but keeps in readiness to defend the fort against any attack which they may meditate upon it."
"These circumstances afford cause of the greatest alarm, and we have been in council for these three days, for the purpose of taking every possible defensive precaution, and have at last resolved to build block houses in different
parts of the territory for the protection of the inhabitants."
"Gov. Hull has not arrived—his presence is much wished for at this time, in order to call out the militia on actual duty."
The Indiana Gazette of the 12th ult. relates a surprising instance of the dreadful effects of superstition among the Indian tribes. It is as follows:
A Shawanese Indian informed the chiefs of his tribe that the Great Spirit had appeared to him, and commanded him to acquaint the Red people that he was determined to destroy them, unless they would forbear to drink whiskey; and that it was his pleasure that the persons who were in the habit of practicing witchcraft, should either give up their Magic bag, or be punished with death. The chiefs determined to obey what they supposed to be a Divine mandate, at the inspired person was called to designate those who were the object of the Great Spirit's anger; these were made immediately to surrender the instruments of their art. Thus the affair ended with the Shawanese.
But the Delawares, who also employ the prophet, to discover the magicians of their tribe, were not content with this mild punishment, but immediately pronounced sentence of death upon all those whom he designated; and, terrible to relate, three miserable wretches were instantly seized, and committed alive to the flames. One of them is Tete-boxer, the head chief of the nation, a man of 50 years of age and long the object of their reverence and esteem. Several others were under sentence, and expected to undergo the same fate.
New-York, June 27.
By the schooner Pearle, captain Gould from Porto Rico we learn that the French frigates, Hortensia, Hermoine, Rhin, and Theseus under the command of captain Somerville, from Cadiz, arrived at St. Johns, Porto Rico on the 18th of May, and sailed again on the 18th in pursuit of General Miranda; they having been informed he was off Bonafare.
By the ship Olive, from Laguna, we are informed that the crews of Miranda's two schooners (58 in number) were confined in the fort at Porto Cavello; and that no intelligence had for a long time been received of the Leander.
The public is informed that owing to a very severe indisposition of Mr. Stelle, the subscription for the ANNIVERSARY DINNER has not been circulated as it otherwise would have been, but it is lodged at Stelle's Hotel, where those gentlemen of the City and George Town who mean to unite in the entertainment will please to leave their names.
At a meeting of the Committee of Arrangement for the celebration of the fourth of July next, resolved, that a DINNER be prepared by Mr. Stelle for that day, to be on the table at 4 o'clock P. M. July 2.
FRANCIS PIC.
Takes the liberty of informing his friends and the public that he has taken the ANCHOR TAVERN opposite Mr. Somme's lately occupied by Mr. Pitt, where may be had ICE CREAM and MEAD on the 4th July and during the season. The greatest attention will be paid to those who may favor him with their custom. The 4th July and Sunday's admission may be had through the Arch on Bridge street. George Town, July 2—32
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit: IN the case of THOMAS FRY an insolvent debtor
ON the petition of Thomas Fry an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Thos. Fry that on the 7th day of July next at 10 o'clock A. M. at the court room in the capitol, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia" will be administered to the said Thomas Fry & a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist twice before that day.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
Wm. BRENT, Ck. July 2—22
Twenty Dollars Reward.
WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail a young Mulatto man slave named ANDREW. He was hired by me last year to Mr. Joseph Thomas who keeps the said slave ferry to Alexandria, and absconded from that place about the latter end of August last. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, lufly and well made, has short curly hair, and is frequently subject to have several large pimples on his face. He is reckoned to be a sensible fellow of an easy agreeable address for a man in his low sphere of life. As he has not been heard of by me since his departure, I suspect he has had the address to ship himself as a freeman on board some vessel either at Alexandria or Baltimore. Whoever takes him up and secures him as jail shall receive from me the above reward, or as soon due information thereof is given to me, or to Dr. N. P. Caudin at Port Tobacco. G. B. CAUSIN. Maryland Charles County, January 29—w4

CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805.
Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.
Sept. 9—tf
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 33 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON, Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
Advertisement.
THIS is to give Notice that ICE can be had every day between the hours of 10 and 13 o'clock on very reasonable terms, at the intersection of South Capitol Street and Georgia avenue, near captain Berry's wharf. J. BOOTH, G. BARRY. Washington, June 4—taw3w
TO RENT,
THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the Capitol, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house.
PONTIUS D. STELLA. Washington City, March 25—tf
N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils—also Paints of every description. THOMAS PATTERSON. Washington city, June 23—tf
FOR SALE,
I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadows" patented 31st December 1805, for 341 acres, near Shelly or Sellys Little Meadows; the other "Mount Parnassus" patented 31st December 1805, for 298 acres; this tract lies on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never been there, consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqrs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the situation of the aforesaid tracts of Land they must be of an excellent quality.
Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince Georges county.
SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE. June 23—3w
The legal representatives of Nancy Abernethy deceased, and to all others whom it may concern.
Take notice, that, at the last court of Common Pleas, held at Carlisle for Cumberland county, James Corbet and Margaret his wife, late Margaret Clark, widow and relict of John Clark late of Allen township in Cumberland county, deceased, in right of the said Margaret presented their petition to the said court praying the appointment of commissioners to take the testimony of witnesses, in support of the last will and testament of the said John Clark deceased, in perpetuam rei memoriam. And the said court have appointed the first Monday of August next, as the day, upon which all persons concerned may come forward and contest the same, or show cause, if any they have, why a commission to perpetuate testimony in support of the said will, shall not issue.
By order of the court. WM. LYON, Prothonotary. Carlisle, June 23—3w
TO LET.
THREE HOUSES, One three story & one two story brick, compleatly finished with Coach Houses and Stabling, both situated on Capitol Hill, and one neat two story Frame near the Tyber, on Pennsylvania avenue. Enquire of Henry Ingle, who has on hand a good assortment of Mahogany Furniture, June 23—1m
JOHN LAW,
HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, clerk of the County Court. May 21—4m
Treasury Department of the United States, June 21, 1806.
WHEREAS the commissioners of the Sinking fund, at a meeting held on the 28th day of April, 1806, did resolve, that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight MILLIONS of DOLLARS, should among other purposes be applied to the reimbursement of the navy six per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress passed on the 30th day of June, 1798 and to the reimbursement of the five and half per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 3rd day of March, 1795.
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said navy six per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will on surrender of the certificates, be paid on the 1st day of October next ensuing the date hereof, to the respective stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury, or at the Loan office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock, respectively held by them: and that the principal of the five and half per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will in like manner, and at the same place, be paid on the 1st day of January, 1807, to the respective stockholders, or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized.
It is further made known, for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the navy six per cent. stock, either from or to the books of the treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the 1st day of September ensuing, nor of the five and half per cent. stock, after the 1st day of December ensuing. And the interest on all certificates of said stocks, which shall not have been surrendered, in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine, on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. June 23—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor,
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, that he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London, a fresh supply of the best superfine cloths, cassimeres, &c. with a choice assortment of plain nankeens, cotton cassimeres, India nankeens, blue and yellow, fashionable Trafalgar white and fancy Merceilles, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
Richard Harwell's new invented patent elastic suspenders, which are far superior to any heretofore in use, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. June 23—tf
District of Columbia Washington, county, to wit.
IN the case of JOHN SUTER, an insolvent Debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said John Suter, that on the 14th day of July next at the capitol in the court room at the hour of 7 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said John Suter and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, and Washington Federalist three times in each paper prior to the 14th day of July next.
By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck. June 27—3t
SALES BY AUCTION.
WILL be sold on the premises on Tuesday the 1st day of July, at 11 o'clock—part of Lot in sq. 907 beginning at the south-west corner of ground 149 feet from the south-west corner and fronting on 7th street east 16 feet, running back 75, with a good frame house which rents for 150 dollars per year to Augustine Sary.
Hall of Lot No. 16 in sq. 696, 23 feet 6 inches front on 1st street E. running east 93; containing with proportion of alley, 2475 sq. feet, bethe same more or less; a range of brick houses 50 by 14, one frame 14 by 18, two stories high, the Lot enclosed.
One Lot No. 16 in sq. 799, one frame house 1 x 2 story, 12 by 12 with a good inclosure.
One Lot No. 20 in sq. 846.
Lot no. 2 in sq. south of sq. 825, 24 ft. front, 65 feet back, with a 1 and 1-2 story frame house, well inclosed.
One tract of Land called Franck Adventure, lying partly in Prince George's county in the State of Maryland and part lying in Washington county in the district of Columbia, containing 39 acres, lying on the west side of Eastern Branch, about 3 miles from the city.
Also one clock and case, one mahogany bureau, one cast grate, one horse and carriage, with a good set of harness, and a number of articles too tedious to mention.
Terms will be made known on the day of sale.
N. L. QUEEN, Auct. June 9—11t
WANTED
AN APPRENTICE, Where the fine arts combined with mechanical practice will be taught—drudgery not being understood as any part of his employ, it is hoped that talent and respectability will be his recommendation. Apply for information at Mr. Lewis Clephan's near the Bank 5 street. June 6—tf
FOR SALE,
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and included with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid.
NOTE.—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
FOR SALE.
A pair of handsome YOUNG MULES, each three years old, Male and Female, the horse has been cut one year, and has been a short time used to the draught, warranted perfectly sound—a short credit will be given. Enquire of Mr. Wm. Prout, merchant, Navy Yard, Washington city. June 6—tf
ALEX'R. COCHRANE, 11 STREET NORTH,
HAS just received by Captain ELWOOD, 4 chests of fresh Teas; viz. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Hyson skin, Bock chocolate, mustard, & pickling vinegar, Men's fine shoes, and women's Morocco slippers, Yellow and blue Indians nankeens; Also from BALTIMORE, Kerseymeres, dimities and linen checks, India and British muslins and shawls, India plaid silks and fancy waistcoating, Trafalgar chintzes, calicoes, and chambrays, 4 4th and 7 8th Irish linens and lawn, Sundry diapers and diaper table cloths, Silk and cotton hosiery, gloves, Fine lawn bordered handkerchiefs, Silk and cotton, do. China, glass, and Queens ware, Cut and wrought nails, Ironmongery, and is constantly supplied with the best Liquors and Groceries, all of said good and will sell on the most reasonable reasonable terms. June 11—3w
WM. S. NICHOLLS.
HAS removed his store to the house, lately occupied, by Mr. MELVIN, next door to Mr. John Goulding, where he has just received from Philadelphia, and are now opening a very handsome assortment of Spring and Summer Goods, consisting of
Cambric muslins, crapes, Dimities and cambric Lappet lace cambric dimity, and tambored Calicoes and chintzes, shawls, Irish linens, Satin pealongs, Long lawn, White and pink farf-nets, Linen cambrics, Pink and buff cross bar Ladies parrofoles, ginghams, Umbrelloes, Checks and stripe cot-Handsome Ribbons, tons, Laces and edgings, Silk, cotton, and thread Fans assorted, hosiery, Diapers, Silk and cotton Cham Gurrahs and bastas and berry muslins, thin India muslins, Black and colored inter-Dowlasies and Ticklenburgs, Plaid Martuas, Bandana and Madras Plain do. handkerchiefs, silk and kid gloves, Brown Holland, Men's raw silk, beaver Shirt and dress buttons, and thread do. Catgut and Pasteboard, Cotton cassimeres, Superfine blue and drab Yellow and blue nan- cloths. keens, London hats, Plain colored do. Sewing silk of all kinds, Fancy Merceilles waist-Thread tape, and bobbin, Do. Janes and Must Tortoise shell combs, linets Morocco Shoes with White India dimity, many other goods Handcome silk Shawls which will be sold on & Handkerchiefs, the lowest terms, Black and white Italian For CASH ONLY. June 4—4w
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
(CONTINUED.)
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
28. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 6 p m.
29. From Suffield c by Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield, Greenfield, Brattleboro, Putney, Westminster, Walpole, Charlestown, Weathersfield, Windsor, Hartlans and Hartford, to Hanover, twice a week.
Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m arrive at Northampton by 1 p m; leave Northampton at 1 1-2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1-2 p m and arrive at Hanover by 6 p m.
Returning.—Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m arrive at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1-2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday & Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 6 p m.
FOR SALE,
30. From Shrewsbury by Holden, Rutland, Oakham, Hardwick, Green-cule, Pelham and Amberli, to Northampton, once a week.
Leave Shrewsbury every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton by 10 a m on Thursday.
Leave Northampton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Shrewsbury on Friday by 6 p m.
31. From Hartford by Granby, Granville, Blanford, Sandisfield and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge, once a week.
Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 o m and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Stockbridge every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 a m.
32. From East Bridgewater by Middleboro' East meeting-house, to Rochester, once a week.
Leave East Bridgewater every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Rochester by 11 a m.
Leave Rochester every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at East Bridgewater by 8 p m.
33. From Brookfield by Brimfield and Stafford Springs, to Tolland, once a week.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Tolland by 6 p m.
Leave Tolland on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 6 p m.
IN CONNECTICUT.
34. From Pomfret by Gloucester to Providence, once a week.
Leave Pomfret every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Providence by 5 p m.
Leave Providence every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Pomfret by 8 p m.
35. From Hartford by Glastenbury and Colchester, to New London once a week.
Leave Hartford every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New London by 6 p m.
Leave New London every Tuesday by 6 a m and arrive at Hartford by 6 p m.
IN NEW YORK.
36. From Cherry valley by Springfield, Ritchfield, Plainfield and Bridgewater, to Sangerfield, once a week.
Leave Cherry valley every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Sangerfield on Tuesday by 11 a m.
Leave Sangerfield every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Cherry valley on Wednesday by 6 p m.
37. From Harrisburg by Williamstown, Ogdensburg, Potsdam and Chateaugay, to Plattsburg, once in two weeks.
Leave Harrisburg every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plattsburg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
Leave Plattsburg every other Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Harrisburg on Friday by 6 p m.
38. From Rome by Redfield, Adams, Smith's mills and Sackett Harbor, to Cheneaug, once in two weeks.
Leave Rome every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Cheneaug on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Cheneaug every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome on Saturday by 6 p m.
39. From Bath by Canisteo town Danville and Williamburg, to Hartford, once a week.
Leave Bath every other Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Hartford on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Hartford every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Bath on Tuesday by 6 p m.
40. From Onondago by Tully, Homer and Virgil, to Oswego, once in two weeks.
Leave Onondago every other Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Oswego on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Oswego every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Onondago on Friday by 6 p m.
41. From Westhampton to Riverhead, once a week.
Leave Westhampton every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Riverhead by 9 a m.
Leave Riverhead every Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Westhampton by 2 p m.
42. From New Lebanon, by Hancock, Richmond, Lenox, Lee, Beckwith, Loudon and Sandisfield, to New Hartford in Con. once a week.
Leave New Lebanon every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at New Hartford on Friday by 10 a m.
Leave New Hartford every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at New Lebanon on Saturday by 6 p m.
43. From Albany by Schenectady, Amsterdam, Triphill, Palatine, Little Falls and Herkimer to Utica.
Leave Albany every day, Sunday excepted, at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady by 10 a m.
Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 1-2 a m and arrive at Utica on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 4 p m.
Returning. Leave Utica every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 1 p m.
Leave Schenectady every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 p m and arrive at Albany by 7 p m.
44. From Utica by New Hartford, Westmoreland, O'cida, Sullivan, Canadaseauga, Manlius, O'andaga, Marcellus, Aurium, Cayuga and Geneva, to Canandorque twice a week.
Leave Utica every Sunday and Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Canandorque on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Canandorque every Tuesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Utica the next Thursday and Sunday by 7 p m.
IN NEW JERSEY.
47. From Belvidere to Stroudsburg in Pa. once in two weeks.
Leave Belvidere every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Stroudsburg by 11 a m.
Leave Stroudsburg every other Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Belvidere by 7 p m.
IN PENNSYLVANIA.
48. From Berlin by Salisbury to Cumberland, once a week.
Leave Berlin every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Cumberland by 6 p m.
Leave Cumberland every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Berlin by 6 p m.
49. From Greensburg to Kittaning, once a week.
Leave Greensburg every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Kittaning by 6 p m.
Leave Kittaning every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Greensburg by 6 p m.
50. From Tunckhannock by Willsboro' & Sidney to Chenang point, N. Y. once in two weeks.
Leave Tunckhannock every other Monday at 6 a m & Chenang point on Tuesday by 11 a m.
Leave Chenang point every other Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Tunckhannock on Wednesday by 6 p m.
51. From Greensburg by Mount Pleasant, Robbstown, Williamport, Washington & Alexandria to Wheeling in Virg. once in two weeks.
Leave Greensburg every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Wheeling on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Wheeling every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Greensburg on Saturday by 6 p m.
52. From Gettysburg by Miller's town, Nicholson's gap and Waynesburg to Greencastle once a week.
Leave Gettysburg every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Greencastle by 11 a m.
Leave Greencastle every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Gettysburg by 7 p m.
53. From Northumberland by Milton, Muncy, Williamsport, Delmar, Tioga & Lindley town to Painted Post, once a week.
Leave Northumberland every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Painted Post the next Tuesday by 10 a m.
Leave Painted Post every Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Northumberland the next Friday by 6 p m.
54. From Carlisle by Mannahan, Warriington, Berlin, Abbot's town, Hanover & Reister's town, to Baltimore, Md. once a week.
Leave Carlisle every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday by 6 p m.
Leave Baltimore every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Carlisle on Saturday at 6 p m.
IN OHIO.
55. From Aultinburg by Jefferson & Pierpont to Erie, in Penn. once in two weeks.
Leave Aultinburg every other Sunday at 4 a m & arrive at Erie on Monday by 10 a m.
Leave Erie every other Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Aultinburg on Tuesday by 8 p m.
56. From Franklinton to Worthington once in two weeks.
Leave Franklinton every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Worthington by noon.
Leave Worthington every other Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at Franklinton by 6 p m.
57. From Cincinnati by North Bend, to Laurenceburg, J. T. once a week.
Leave Cincinnati every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Laurenceburg by 9 p m.
Leave Laurenceburg every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Cincinnati by 6 p m.
(To be Continued.)