The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-12-05 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1272.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IN SENATE.
NOVEMBER 22.
DEBATE ON THE REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO—Continued.
Mr. MOORE said he was not a little surprised to hear insinuations of the disaffection of any portion of the people of the United States; but the Senate was now called upon to beware how they drove the people of the Eastern states to rebellion. The councils of the U. States were not to be inflamed by these suggestions; he could not believe them to be well founded; he could not believe that the citizens who in our revolution exhibited such incontestible marks of patriotism, under the privations which the peculiar situation of our country rendered necessary, would now revolt against the government which they themselves had constituted. He held no such opinion. On the contrary he believed that they would unite with their fellow-citizens who were sufferers in the common cause with themselves, and unite every effort to maintain that independence they had assisted to gain.
The gentleman from Connecticut had asked had the embargo been productive of the consequences expected to result from it when passed? Had it not been more injurious to the United States than to foreign nations? It is certainly true, (said Mr. M.) that it has not been productive of all the effects expected by those who were its advocates when it passed, but it has not had a fair experiment. The law has been violated, and an illicit commerce carried on, by which the belligerents have received such supplies as to have partially prevented its good effects.
The publications throughout the United States, and thence in England, that the embargo could not be maintained, have induced the belligerents to believe that we wanted energy, and that we are too fluctuating in our councils to persevere in a measure which requires privations from the people. Under these circumstances it appears to me that the embargo has not had a fair trial. I have ever been of opinion that the only warfare which we could ever carry to advantage, must be commercial; and but for evasions and miscalculations on our weakness, we should before this have been suffered to pursue our accustomed trade.
It has been asked whether the embargo has not operated more on the United States than on the European powers? In estimating this it will be proper to take into consideration the evils prevented as well as the injury done by the embargo. If the embargo had not passed, is it not certain that the whole produce of the United States would have invited attack and afforded a bait to the rapacity of the belligerent cruisers? If a few have accidentally escaped them, it is no evidence that, if the embargo had not been laid, the whole would not have been in the hands of the belligerents. That both belligerents have manifested hostilities by edicts which prostrated our commerce will not be denied by any gentleman. Great Britain on a former occasion passed an order, sent it out secretly, and before our minister was officially notified it was in full operation. Their later orders included all our commerce which was afloat. Was it not to be expected that such would have been the policy of Great Britain in this case, and such our proportionate loss, if the embargo had not been laid, and snatched this valuable commerce from their grasp?
Great inconveniences are apprehended from this measure, giving another direction to commerce & from our losing that to which we have been accustomed. I have no such apprehensions. On the contrary we tamely acquiesce—I will not say in paying tribute, for every one seems to disclaim it. Great Britain however, having excluded us from the continent, if we tamely acquiesce, have we reason to expect that she will not, as long as she is a nation, exercise the same policy. Suppose it even to be policy, adopted in time of war, if we calculate the number of years she is in war in proportion to the number of years she is at peace, and suppose such a regulation to exist, during all her wars, I conceive that we have lost our independence, if we submit to it. It appears to me that for many years Great Britain has adopted new regulations and added new principles to the established law of nations, to the subversion of lawful neutral commerce. It cannot be doubted then, that if it be in her power she will totally destroy it.
I am not competent to enter into an examination of the precise evils or benefits resulting to commerce from the measure of the embargo. But I will state a point which in my mind is all important in this case. When the revolutionary war commenced, it was not merely the paying a small duty on tea which was the subject of contest, for it was considered as unimportant; but it was the right of Great Britain to impose a tax without our consent. This is the question now in contest, affecting our independence as, in former times it affected our rights. It is a question affecting our very existence as a nation. If this embargo be removed, and that is the only question now under consideration, no gentleman in the opposition has stated what he would wish in its room. Therefore I shall take the question on the ground of acquiescence on the part of the U. States in the orders of council. Then, I ask, will the United States so far abandon their independence as to subject themselves to the regulations of Great Britain and France, and be dictatorially told that they shall trade to such and such places only? Shall we admit the right of foreign powers to restrict us? If we do, with what propriety can we at any future day contest the principle? In my mind this is the important point; and I still remain to form my opinion whether the embargo is the very best measure that could be adopted. Yet, to show to the world that I will not surrender my rights, that I will struggle for our independence, I shall certainly vote against this resolution, till I see whether any thing else can with propriety take its place.
Mr. S. SMITH said he did not rise to go into the discussion, for he had already taken his share in it, but to answer one observation of the gentleman from Delaware. It would be recollected that the gentleman had some days ago called for all the orders and decrees of the belligerents affecting neutral commerce; it would be recollected that the subject had been pressed upon the Senate yesterday before these documents could have been received; that at the request of a gentleman from Massachusetts, the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Bradley) had withdrawn his motion for postponement; that the gentleman from Massachusetts had then spoken, and that he (Mr. Smith) had replied to him. I stated facts as they occurred to me, (said Mr. S.) without paper or document, and asked the opinion of legal gentlemen on the subject of the operation of the orders of council on Spain and Portugal. The gentleman from Delaware has undertaken to decide the question according to common sense. Common sense is my guide, sir; and permit me to say that nine times out of ten it is the best guide to follow; and though I have heard the opinion of the gentleman from Delaware, I have not changed my opinion on the subject. I believe that the British will now exclude our commerce from these ports, because the act of Parliament making permanent these orders, authorises the king to modify them, as to his majesty may appear proper. I asked yesterday whether a proclamation to this effect had been issued by the king of Great Britain? The gentleman says common sense will give the orders the construction for which he contends. I take the answer of Mr. Canning to the committee of merchants, and bottom my assertion on it. Will the gentleman deny that before the orders in council were issued, we could, under certain restrictions, trade to these countries? Yet Mr. Canning answers, when asked by these three respectable merchants who must have had doubts on the subject or they would not have applied for information, "with American produce they may go." If they were, as the gentleman contends, as free to go now as prior to the orders in council, why did not Mr. Canning answer that they might go without restriction, instead of limiting the commerce to the carriage of American produce?
NOVEMBER 23.
Mr. CRAWFORD said that one of the objects of the gentleman from Connecticut was, no doubt, to obtain information of the effects of the embargo system from every part of the U. States. This information was very desirable at the present time, to assist the councils of the nation in forming an opinion of the course proper to be pursued in relation to it. A government founded, like ours, on the principle of the will of the nation, which subsisted but by it, should be attentive as far as possible to the feelings and wishes of the people over whom they presided. He did not say
that the Representatives of a free people ought to yield implicit obedience to any portion of the people who may believe them to act erroneously; but their will, when fairly expressed, ought to have great weight on a government like ours. The Senate had received several descriptions of the effects produced by the embargo in the eastern section of the Union. As the representative of another extreme of this nation, Mr. C. said he conceived it his duty to give a fair, faithful and candid representation of the sentiments of the people whom he had the honor to represent. It was always the duty of a representative to examine whether the effects expected from any given measure had or had not been produced. If this were a general duty, how much more imperiously was it their duty at this time. Every one admitted that considerable sufferings have been undergone, and much more was now to be borne.
Gentlemen have considered this subject generally in a two fold view (said Mr. C.) as to its effects on ourselves, and as to its effects on foreign nations. I think this a proper and correct division of the subject, because we are certainly more interested in the effects of this measure on ourselves than on other nations. I shall therefore thus pursue the subject.
It is in vain to deny that this is not a prosperous time in the U. States; that our situation is neither promising or flattering. It is impossible to say that we have suffered no privations in the year 1808, or that there is a general spirit of content throughout the U. States; but I am very far from believing that there is a general spirit of discontent. Whenever the measures of the government immediately affect the interest of any considerable portion of its citizens, discontent will arise, however great the benefits which are expected from such measures. One discontented man excites more attention than a thousand contented men, and hence the number of discontented is always over-rated. In the country which I represent I believe no measure is more applauded or more cheerfully submitted to than the embargo. It has been viewed there as the only alternative to avoid war. It is a measure which is enforced in that country at every sacrifice. At the same time that I make this declaration I am justified in asserting that there is no section of the union, whose interests are more immediately affected by the measure than the southern states—than the state of Georgia.
We have been told by an honorable gentleman who has declaimed with great force and eloquence against this measure, that great part of the produce of the eastern country has found its way into market; that new ways have been cut open, and produce has found its way out. Not so with us; we raise no provisions, except a small quantity of rice, for exportation. The production of our land lies on our hands. We have suffered and now suffer; yet we have not complained.
The fears of the Southern states particularly have been addressed by the gentleman from Connecticut, by a declaration that Great Britain, whose fleets cover the ocean, will certainly find a source from which to procure supplies of those raw materials which she has heretofore been in the habit of receiving from us; and that having thus found another market, when we have found the evil of our ways, she will turn a deaf ear to us. By way of exemplification, the gentleman cited a familiar example of a man buying butter from his neighbors. It did not appear to me that this butter story received a very happy elucidation. In the country in which he lives there are so many buyers and so many sellers of butter, that no difficulty results from a change of purchasers or customers. Not so with our raw material. Admitting that Britain can find other markets with ease, there is, still a great distinction between this and the gentleman's butter case. When a man sells butter he receives money or supplies in payment for it. His wants & wishes, and those of his purchasers are so reciprocal, that no difficulty can ever arise. But Great Britain must always purchase raw materials of those who purchase her manufactures. It is not to oblige us that she takes our raw materials, but it is because we take her manufactures in exchange. So long as this state of things continues, so long they will continue to resort to our market. There is no danger then of our losing our market. I have considered the gentleman's argument on this point as applied to the feelings of the south-
ern country. No one article exported from the U. States equals cotton in amount. If then we are willing to run the risk, I trust no other part of the United States will hesitate on this subject.
Another reason offered by the gentleman from Connecticut, and a substantial one if true, is, that this measure cannot be executed. If this be the case, it is certainly in vain to persevere in it, for the non-execution of any public law must have a bad tendency on the morals of the people. But the facility with which the gentleman represents these laws to have been evaded, proves that the morals of the evaders could not have been very sound when the measure was adopted; for a man trained to virtue will not, whatever facility exists, on that account, step into the paths of error and vice.
Although I believe myself that this measure has not been properly executed, nor in that way in which the situation of our country might reasonably have induced us to expect, yet it has been so far executed as to produce some good effect. So far as the orders and decrees remain in full force, so far it has failed of the effect hoped from it; but it has produced a considerable effect, as I shall attempt to show hereafter.
In commenting on this part of the gentleman's observations, it becomes proper to notice not an insinuation, but a positive declaration that the secret intention of laying the embargo was to destroy commerce; and was in a state of hostility to the avowed intention. This certainly is a heavy charge. In a government like this, we should act openly, honestly and candidly; the people ought to know their situation and the views of those who conduct their affairs. It is the worst of political dishonesty to adopt a measure, and offer that reason as a motive for it which is not the true and substantial one. The true and substantial reason for the embargo, the gentleman says he believes was to destroy commerce and on its ruins to raise up domestic manufactures. This idea, I think though not expressly combated by the observations of the gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. White) was substantially refuted by him. That gentleman, with great elegance and something of sarcasm, applied to the House to know how the treasury would be filled in the next year; and observed that the present "incumbent of the Presidential palace" would not dare to resort to a direct tax, because a former administration had done so and felt the effects of it, insinuating that the present administration did not possess courage enough to attempt it. Now, I ask, if they dare not resort to a direct tax, excise laws and stamp acts, where will they obtain money? In what way will the public coffers be filled? The gentleman must acknowledge that all our present revenue is derived from commerce and must continue to be so, except resort be had to a direct tax, and the gentleman says, we have not courage enough for that. The gentleman from Connecticut must suppose, if the gentleman from Delaware be correct, that the administration seeks its own destruction. We must have revenue, and yet are told that we wish to destroy the only way in which it can be had, except by direct tax, a resort to which it is asserted would drive us from the public service.
But we are told with a grave face that a disposition is manifested to make this measure permanent. The states who call themselves commercial states, when compared with the southern states, may emphatically be called manufacturing states. The southern states are not manufacturing states, while the great commercial states are absolutely the manufacturing states. If this embargo system were intended to be permanent, these commercial states would be benefited by the exchange, to the injury of the Southern states. It is impossible for us to find a market for our produce but by foreign commerce; and whenever a change of the kind alluded to is made, that change will operate to the injury of the southern states more than to the injury of the commercial states, so called.
But another secret motive with which the government is charged to have been actuated, is, that this measure was intended and is calculated to promote the interests of France. To be sure none of the gentlemen have expressly said that we are under French influence, but a resort is had to the Expose of the French minister, and a deduction thence made that the embargo was laid at the wish of Bonaparte. The gentleman from Connec-
ticut told us of this expose for this purpose; and the gentleman from Massachusetts appeared to notice it with the same view. Now we are told that there is no danger of war, except it be because we have understood that Bonaparte has said that there shall be no neutrals; and that, if we repeal the embargo, we may expect that he will make war on us. And this is the only source from whence the gentleman could see any danger of war. If this declaration against neutrality which is attributed to the Gallic emperor be true, and it may be so, his Gallic majesty could not pursue a more direct course to effect his own wishes than to declare that our embargo had been adopted under his influence. And unless the British minister had more political sagacity than the gentlemen who offered the evidence of the expose in proof of the charge, it would produce the very end which those gentlemen wished to avoid—a war with G. Britain; for she would commence the attack could she believe this country under the influence of France. I would just as much believe in the sincerity of that expose, as Mr. Canning's sincerity, when he says that his majesty would gladly make any sacrifice to restore to the commerce of the U. S. its wonted activity. No man in the nation is silly enough to be gulled by these declarations; but, from the use made of them, we should be led to think otherwise, were it not for the exercise of our whole stock of charity. Now I cannot believe that any man in this nation does believe in the sincerity of Mr. Canning's expressions, or that Bonaparte believes that the embargo was laid to promote his interest. I cannot believe that there is any man in this nation who does candidly and seriously entertain such an opinion.
When we advance to the second proposition, we are told in the most positive terms by the gentlemen from Delaware and Connecticut, that this measure has produced no effect on foreign nations. The gentleman from Massachusetts barely admits that at first it had excited some small degree of alarm in Great Britain for a short time. I cannot believe that gentlemen wish to be understood literally when they tell us this. It can be nothing more than a figure of rhetoric. It cannot really be meant that the embargo has produced no effect. The gentleman from Massachusetts gets over it by saying that insurrections among her manufacturers, were familiar to him; he had always heard of them. But, sir, I do not recollect to have heard of any insurrection of the kind to which I allude, having taken place. They have at times heretofore been disorderly indeed, but in the late case it was a peaceable assemblage of labourers, not intending to overthrow the government or to resist the laws, but to shew the absolute state of starvation with which they were threatened. There has been nothing of this kind within my recollection before. We have heard of mobs and riotous tumults; but in the present case no movement was made by these unfortunate people to disturb the government. With a degree of facility which excited my astonishment, the gentlemen tell us that if 100 principal manufacturers should be reduced to bankruptcy, and 50,000 mechanics should be turned out of employ, this would but strengthen the army and navy of the British nation; that, when you affect Great Britain most seriously, you do her a benefit. Pursuing this argument a little farther, suppose 500,000 should be unemployed, the arm of the nation would be so much the more strengthened, and the more it would enable her to enforce her arbitrary maritime regulations. I see no conclusion to which this argument would lead us, but to this: that as you destroy her manufactures you make her more powerful. If the effect of destroying her manufactures was to be simply that which the gentleman conceives of arming her vessels and filling the ranks of her armies, it possibly might promote her strength. But these people must be clothed and fed, whether in the sea or land service, and must also have a little pay. If all her manufactures are destroyed, where is she to obtain the sum of money necessary to pay, clothe and feed these people. Sir, we affect them vital by affecting their manufactures; for by the export out of these and imports on their manufactures, they obtain great part of their revenue. If they export nothing, they can import nothing. This conclusion of the gentleman from Massachusetts cannot therefore be correct.
The gentleman from Massachusetts says it is true that a no-embargo man was excited in England, when

The news of the embargo arrived there; that they had been led to believe from their writers and speakers that a discontinuance of their intercourse with this country would be productive of most injurious consequences; but that they were now convinced that all their writers and statesmen were mistaken, and that she can suffer a discontinuance of intercourse without being convulsed or suffering at all. To believe this requires a considerable portion of credulity, especially when the most intelligent men affirm to the contrary. In the last of March or the first of April last, we find on an examination of merchants at the bar of the British House of Commons, that the most positive injury must result from a continuance of non-intercourse. It is not possible that our merchants on this side of the water, however intelligent they may be, can be as well acquainted with the interests of Great Britain as her most intelligent merchants. This alarm however the gentleman has told us continued through the spring and dissipated in the summer. It is very easy to discover the cause of the dissipation of this alarm. It was not because the loss of intercourse was not calculated to produce an effect, but it proceeded from an adventitious cause which could not have been anticipated—the revolution in Spain; and there is no intelligent man who will not acknowledge its injurious effects on our concerns. No sooner did the British ministers see a probability that the struggle between the Spanish patriots and France would be maintained, than they conceived hopes that they might find other supplies; and then they thought they might give to the people an impulse by interesting the nation in the affairs of Spain which would render lighter the effects of our embargo. This is the cause of the change in Mr. Canning's language; for every gentleman in the House knows that a very material change took place in it in the latter part of the summer. If then the embargo has not produced the effects calculated from it, we have every reason to believe that its failure to produce these effects has been connected with causes wholly adventitious, and which may give way if the nation adheres to the measure. If however there be any probability that these causes will be continued for a long time, we ought to abandon it. I am not in favor of continuing any measure of this kind, except there be a probability of its producing some effect on those who make it necessary for us to exercise this act of self-defence. When I first saw the account of the revolution in Spain, my fears were excited lest it should produce the effect which it has done. As soon as I saw the stand made by the Spanish patriots, I was apprehensive that it might buoy up the British nation under the sufferings arising from the effects of their iniquitous orders, which, compared with the sufferings which we ourselves have borne, have been as an hundred to one. If there be evidence that the effects of this measure will yet be counteracted by recent events in Spain, I will abandon it, but its substitute should be war, and no ordinary war—I say this notwithstanding the petitions in the other branch of the legislature, and the resolutions of a state legislature which have lately been published. When I read the resolutions called emphatically the Essex resolutions, I blushed for the disgrace they reflect on my country. We are told there that this nation has no just cause of complaint against Great Britain; and that all our complaints are a mere pretext for war. I blush that any man belonging to the great American Family should be so debased, so degraded, so lost to every generous and national feeling, as to make a declaration of this kind. It is debasing to the national character.
We are told by the gentleman from Connecticut, not, to be sure, in language equally strong with that of the Essex resolutions, that the repeal of the embargo will not involve us in war, unless indeed Bonaparte makes war on us; that we are not driven to that alternative; that we have yet an honorable and lucrative trade left open to us. The same gentleman has said that he will not consent to go to war for rights not well established, but that he will never abandon a neutral right which is clearly established. From this it would appear that the gentleman thinks that the British orders in council are no infringement on the rights of neutral nations. [Mr. Hillhouse said he did not say so.] I did not say that the gentleman said so; but I draw the inference from the gentleman's position. [Mr. Hillhouse observed that he had said that he was doubtful whether the nation should go to war for doubtful rights; but for rights clearly indisputable he would permit the arming of our merchant vessels.] The gentleman's explanations Mr. Crawford said, did not change the inference he had before stated. He admits that he said that a repeal of the embargo would not involve the nation in war; and that in support of rights not clearly established, he is not prepared to say whether he would go to war or not. I here understood the gentleman to allude to that portion of trade carried
on by exporting the produce of enemies colonies to foreign countries. I had thought that the right of an independent nation to trade with the whole world except in ports absolutely blockaded, or in articles contraband of war, was a right which could not be denied, a right in which no nation had heretofore attempted to control another. The gentleman from Connecticut says he will not go to war for doubtful rights; and, that he will not go to war against the orders in council. I can draw no other inference from these observations, than that the gentleman conceives that the orders in council do not infringe our neutral rights; or, that all our rights are doubtful.
How are these orders and decrees to be opposed but by war, except we keep without their reach? If the embargo produces a repeal of these edicts, we effect it without going to war. Whenever we repeal the embargo, we are at war, or we abandon our neutral rights. It is impossible to take the middle ground, and say that we do not abandon them by trading with G. Britain alone. You must submit or oppose force to force. Can arming our merchant vessels by resisting the whole navy of G. Britain oppose force to force? It is impossible. The idea is absurd.
By way of ridiculing the embargo, the gentleman from Connecticut in his familiar way, has attempted to expose this measure. He elucidated it by one of those familiar examples by which he generally exemplifies his precepts. He says your neighbor tells you that you shall not trade with another neighbor, and you say you will not trade at all: Now this, he says, is very magnanimous, but it is a kind of magnanimity with which he is not acquainted. Now let us see the magnanimity of that gentleman and see if it savors more of true magnanimity than our course. G. Britain and France each say that we shall not trade with the other. We say we will not trade with either of them, because we believe our trade to be important to both of them. The gentleman says it is a poor way of defending the national rights. Suppose we pursue his course. G. Britain says we shall not trade to France; we say we will not, but will obey her. We will trade upon such terms as she may impose. "This will be magnanimity indeed; this will be defending commerce with a witness." It will be bowing the neck to the yoke. The opposition to taxation against our consent at the commencement of the revolution, was not more meritorious than the opposition to tribute and imposition at the present day. I cannot for my soul see the difference between paying tribute and a tacit acquiescence in the British orders in council. True, every gentleman revolts at paying tribute. But where is the difference between that and suffering yourself to be controlled by the arbitrary act of another nation? If you raise the embargo, you must carry your produce to G. Britain and pay an arbitrary sum before you can carry it elsewhere. If it remain there, the markets will be glutted, and it will produce nothing. For it appears from the very evidence to which I have before alluded, that at least four-fifths of our whole exports of tobacco must go to England, and pay a tax before we could look for a market elsewhere; and that out of 75,000 hogsheads raised in this country not more than 15,000 are consumed in G. Britain. Where does the remainder usually go? Why, to the ports of the continent. I ask then, if the whole consumption of G. Britain be but 15,000 hogsheads, if an annual addition of 60,000 hogsheads be thrown into that market, would it sell for the costs of freight? Certainly not. The same would be the situation of our other produce.
But the gentleman says that he is not prepared to go to war for doubtful rights? What are these doubtful rights? Has the law of nations ever interdicted the trade with enemies colonies, against the interruption of which the American merchants lately remonstrated with so much force and perspicuity? For the information of the Senate I will read a part of the memorial presented by the merchants of Boston. For my own part I have never considered it a matter of much importance whether we have suffered more from France or G. Britain. I have long been convinced that both nations intended to do us all the evil they could; and where there is a difference in the quantum, it only results from an inability in the least mischievous to do more. But it is attempted to be shewn by the gentleman from Massachusetts that there is a great difference between the injuries received from one power, and those which we have received from another.
"While your memorialists have witnessed with mingled feelings of indignation towards the perpetrators, and of commiseration for their unfortunate countrymen, the insults and barbarities which the commerce of these states has sustained from the cruisers of France and Spain, it is their object in the present memorial, to confine their animadversions to the more alarming, because more numerous and extensive detentions and condemnations of American vessels by G.
Britain; and to advert to the principles recently avowed and adopted by her courts, relative to neutral trade in articles of colonial produce. Principles which if admitted, or practised upon in all the latitude which may fairly be inferred to be intended, would be destructive of the navigation and radically impair the most lucrative commerce of our country."
After going into a train of reasoning to shew that the pretensions of G. Britain are a manifest violation of the neutral rights of this nation, they conclude by saying, "but whatever may have been the motives for the proceedings on the part of G. Britain, the effect is notorious. From her recent conduct great losses have been sustained, our commerce has been checked and embarrassed, and large quantities of produce are now remaining locked up in this country which were purchased for foreign markets, because our merchants cannot send it abroad, without taking risks on themselves which prudence would not justify, or without paying such rates for insurance as the trade of the country cannot afford."
This memorial is in support of the very trade which the gentleman from Connecticut says he would not go to war for. Now a different language is held by the signers of this petition, under the increased injuries we have sustained; and I am only sorry for the character of the U. S. that this difference of language has taken place.
The gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. White) has said that by repealing the embargo we can now carry on a safe and secure trade to the extent of nearly four fifths of the amount of our domestic productions. There is nothing more delusive and better calculated to impose on those who do not investigate subjects than these calculations in gross. If the gentleman will take the trouble to make the necessary enquiries, he will find that instead of Great Britain taking to the amount he supposes of domestic productions, she takes nothing like it. It is true that a large proportion of our domestic exports is shipped ostensibly for G. Britain; but it is equally true that a very large proportion of these very exports find their way into the continental ports. For the British merchants in their examination before the House of Commons, already alluded to, say that three fourths of their receipts for exportation to the U. States have been usually drawn from the continent; and that even if the embargo was removed and the orders in council were continued, they must stop their exportations, because the continental ports would be closed against American vessels; because, their coasts swarm with English cruisers, the French must know that the American vessels attempting to enter have come from an English port. That they had facilities of conveyance to the continent prior to the orders in council the merchants acknowledged; and when requested to explain the mode of conveyance, they begged to be excused. No doubt every gentleman has seen these depositions, or might have seen them, for they had been published in almost every paper on the continent. They have opened to me & my constituents a scene perfectly new. They tell you that the Berlin decree was nothing. Notwithstanding that decree, they had a facility of conveying produce into the continental ports; but the orders of council completely shut the ports of the continent against the entrance of American vessels. On this point there was no contrariety of opinion; and several of these merchants declared that they had sent vessels to the continent a very few days before the date of the orders of council. This clearly shews that my conclusion to be drawn from the gross amount of exports must be fallacious, and that probably three fourths ought to be deducted from the gross amount. This statement of the gentleman from Delaware, which holds out to the public the prospect of a lucrative trade in four fifths of their exports, will certainly have a tendency to render them uneasy under the privations which they are called upon to suffer by the iniquitous measures of foreign nations. Although the statement was extremely delusive, I do not say that the gentleman meant to delude by it. This however being the effect of the gentleman's assertion, I am certainly warranted in saying that the evidence of the British merchants who carry on this trade, is better authority than the gentleman's statements.
But admit, for the sake of argument, and on no other ground would I admit it, that these gross statements are correct, and that, at the time the embargo was adopted, these orders in council notwithstanding, the trade of the U. States could have been carried on to this extent. What security have we, if the embargo had not been laid, after submitting and compromising the national dignity and independence, that the British aggressions and orders in council would have stopped at the point at which we find them? Have we not conclusive evidence to the contrary? Are we not officially notified that the French leeward islands are declared by proclamation in a state of blockade? And do we
not know that this is but carrying into effect a report of the committee of the British House of Commons on the West India islands, in which this measure is recommended, and in which it is stated that his Britannic majesty's West India subjects ought to receive further aid by placing these islands in a state of blockade? I can see in this measure nothing but a continuation of the system recommended last winter in this report, and published—for the information of the U. States, I suppose.
If the embargo should be repealed, and our vessels suffered to go on in the face of the present orders in council and blockading decrees and proclamations, Mr. Crawford said they would but expose us to new insults and aggressions. It was in vain to talk about the magnanimity of nations. It was not that magnanimity which induced nations as well as men to act honestly; and that was the best kind of magnanimity. The very magnanimity which had induced them to distress our commerce would equally induce them to cut off the pitiful portion they had left to us. In a general point of view there was now no lawful commerce. No vessel could sail from the U. States without being liable to condemnation in Britain or France. If they sailed to France, Mr. C. said they were carried into Britain; if they sailed to Britain they were carried into France. Now, he asked, whether men who had any regard to national honor, would consent to navigate the ocean on terms so disgraceful? We must be cool calculators indeed if we could submit to disgrace like this!
The last reason offered by the supporters of the present resolution, Mr. C. said, may properly be said to be an argument in terrorem . The gentleman from Massachusetts says by way of abstract proposition, that a perseverance in a measure opposed to the feelings and interests of the people may lead to opposition and insurrection, but the gentleman from Connecticut uses the same expressions as applicable to the embargo. It may be a forcible argument with some gentlemen, and most likely may have had its effect on those who intended by it to produce an effect on others. But I trust that this House and this nation are not to be addressed in this way. Our understandings may be convinced by reason, but an address to our fears ought to be treated with contempt. If I were capable of being actuated by motives of fear, I should be unworthy the seat which I hold on this floor. If the nation be satisfied that any course is proper, it would be base and degrading to be driven from it by the discordant murmurs of a minority. We are cautioned to beware how we execute a measure with which the feelings of the people are at war. I should be the last to persist in a measure which injuriously affected the interest of the U. States; but no man feels more imperiously the duty of persevering in a course which is right, notwithstanding the contrary opinion of a few; and though I may regret and respect the feelings of these few, I will persist in the course which I believe to be right, at the expense even of the government itself.
(Debate to be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
NOVEMBER 29.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. [CONTINUED.]
Mr. W. ALSTON said if gentleman had confined themselves to the resolution immediately before them, it would not be necessary further to discuss it, as no gentleman had objected to its adoption; but as the subject of our foreign relations generally, as reported by the select committee, was fairly within the rules and orders of the House, and proper for investigation, he should offer a few remarks in support of that report, and in doing so, he assured the House that he should not very long ask their attention.
The gentleman from Massachusetts, (said Mr. A.) who favored us yesterday with a long harangue upon this question, made so many extraordinary assertions, so contradictory in themselves, that I think there is no man under Heaven that could well understand him, and much more difficult would it be to reconcile his very contradictory arguments to each other; for however plausible he might be in some of his observations, before he concluded he was certain to destroy any impression they were calculated to make upon the minds of his hearers.
Mr. A. said he would begin his observations in reply at the very point where the gentleman had ended; the gentleman had stated that the course the government ought to pursue was as clear as the milky way, that no man could or ought to mistake it, but as he was an humble minority man, it was not his business to lay any plan before the House. Resistance, defend your rights upon the sea, was his language! Strange language this. If the path was so clear, how happened it that the whole wisdom of the government, and the nation, should find such difficulty in pursuing of it; for he believed, turn which ever way they would innumerable difficulties presented themselves to all, except
a few in the state of Massachusetts, and he hoped they were very few, who he believed wanted to join one party and go to war with the other; who were willing to submit to the orders of Great Britain and plunge this nation into a war with France at the hazard of our liberty as an independent nation. If this was the gentleman's resistance, and from his observations and remarks, he thought no man could well draw any other inference, he hoped they should not adopt his course. He however rather concluded from every thing the gentleman had said that resistance to the laws of his own government fairly enacted and declared by the judiciary of his country to be constitutional, would suit his fancy a little better than any other resistance, unless indeed a coalition with Great Britain to resist France might suit him better. The gentleman had exclaimed loudly against paying tribute, and urged at the same time that no tribute would be paid, for if our vessels were permitted to go to England, that the edicts of France would prevent them going elsewhere. This was not Mr. Alston's opinion; for were our vessels permitted to leave our ports & by paying a duty in England could find a better market upon the continent the merchants, tribute or no tribute, would pursue that course which their interest directed. The gentleman talked of resistance and resistance on sea. Did any one believe that he seriously meant meeting the powerful navy of Great Britain on the sea, of that Britain who had been emphatically stiled the mistress of the ocean, and who was fighting for the liberties of the world and of mankind? No sir, said Mr. A. nothing of the kind is meant; submission to her orders would be the inevitable consequence of the gentleman's resistance, and finally a loss of everything dear to the American character, a loss of our liberty and independence as a free people.
The gentleman from Massachusetts talks about the spirit of '76, and cautions my colleague too, who mentioned that spirit a few days since, not to invoke it. Wherefore does the gentleman do this? Is it because he does not wish the American people of the present day to know that the spirit of our ancestors was opposition to British aggression?
The gentleman says the embargo must be repealed; that there is a voice in this nation louder than the voice of Congress; that the air will continue to circulate and the waters to descend, any law to the contrary notwithstanding. Good God, Mr. Chairman! has the American nation come to this, that the laws of our country are to be violated, that trade and commerce shall be carried on whether sanctioned by the government or not? The gentleman says the whole nation calls aloud for its repeal; that there is but one sentiment on the occasion; that every part of this great community feel its effects, I readily admit; but that they wish its immediate repeal at the expense of our liberty as an independent nation, I positively deny. I must confess my astonishment, when I heard the gentleman reiterate those sentiments—when I cast my eyes into the newspapers of the day, and saw that town meetings had been held in the neighborhood of the town in which the gentleman comes from—(Boston) where I find the subject was discussed and a large majority against the repeal of the embargo laws; yet, sir, it may not be true, and the sentiment may be universal. It appears, from the same papers, that Mr. Gray, of Salem, one of the most intelligent and distinguished federal merchants upon the continent, was present at a meeting in his town, and clearly pointed out to the satisfaction of a large majority present, that if the embargo laws were repealed whilst the present restrictions remained in force against our commerce, that any trade would be so hazardous and uncertain, that no honest merchant could or would attempt it. Notwithstanding all these facts staring us in the face, what the gentleman asserts may be true, and these things not have taken place. If the subject of repealing the embargo was now before us, I would readily go into an investigation of the subject, and offer some remarks why it should not now be repealed. It will undoubtedly be discussed before the session ends, and I am certain I shall be found as willing as any member on this floor to take it off as soon as the interest, safety and honor of this nation will permit it.
From the great commercial talents of the gentleman, I had expected that he would have taken a commercial view of the subject, and have shewn us that intercourse might be opened to advantage some where. Had it been shewn, I am certain that I should be among the last to hold on upon resolutions injurious to the community. Had it been in the power of the gentleman, no doubt he would have done it. I therefore take it for granted, that under existing circumstances, no benefit would result to the honest and upright trader. Provided the gentleman could obtain his object, nothing but hazard, difficulty and danger would

be presented, independent of national degradation and dishonor.
There has been laid upon our tables, this morning, a document containing petitions which were presented two years ago. I have not had time to look into them, but as well as my memory serves me, they contain language and sentiments very different from the language of those of the present day, and from the self same quarter of the U. States too. They pray a further attempt at negotiation and suggest a special embassy, and in case of its failure, they pledge their lives and fortunes in support of the measures that the government may adopt in vindication of their just rights. I call upon gentlemen, particularly the gentleman from Massachusetts, to examine the grievances they complain of. It was nothing more or less than a violation of a commerce carried on by the merchants of this country from an enemy's colony to the mother country. This, sir, was the complaint in which the pledge was given to shed their blood in case of failure. Well, sir, the very steps were taken, and negotiation completely exhausted upon the subject; and as is contained in the report of the select committee, nothing but insult added to injury is the result. Yet we are told, that these very people will not submit to the laws of their country. I cannot bring my mind to believe this to be the character of the good citizens of the state of Massachusetts, no, notwithstanding the gentleman's strong assertions to the contrary. If the gentleman is determined upon resistance, and that upon sea, where is he to find an enemy? France, we are told, has not a rag of sail upon the ocean. Does the gentleman mean to invade the emperor Napoleon's territory, or does he mean to attack G. Britain, the mistress of the ocean, who, we are emphatically told, is fighting the battles of the world, for the liberties of mankind? An idea of that sort of resistance is too idle to merit serious consideration.
(Debate to be Continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 5.
The two decisions made in Congress are important, in every point of light in which they can be contemplated. In the Senate it has been determined by a majority of twenty-five to six, not to repeal the embargo; and in the House it has been determined by a majority of eighty-four to twenty-one, to prohibit the admission of British and French public or private vessels into the ports of the U. States, or the importation of goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the dominions of the said powers; and as preliminary to, or consequent on, this determination, it has been likewise decided that the "United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of G. Britain and France"; and that "measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence."
These votes decide unequivocally the disposition of the government in all its branches, and prove its determination to maintain the ground it has already taken, or to occupy such higher ground as circumstances may require.
The vote of the Senate shows that, notwithstanding the torrent of detraction which has flowed for a year past against the embargo, the policy which originally dictated it is still approved by fourteen states out of seventeen; and the vote of the House shows that the representatives of the people, so far from being appalled by the crisis, have acquired new confidence in the measures of resistance adopted by the government. This is abundantly proved by the relative votes on this occasion, and on the imposition of the embargo, which in the Senate was passed by a vote of 22 to 6, and in the House by a vote of 82 to 44.
The importance of the Congressional proceedings prevents our dilating on this subject; but we venture to predict that these votes, with the overwhelming majority given to Mr. Madison, will be found to be the harbingers of a greater unanimity than has been experienced since the era of the new government.
We have great satisfaction in announcing the highly patriotic and praiseworthy spirit which is pervading the armed force of this territory, under the late requisition to furnish their quota of the militia ordered by the President to be held in readiness to march at a moment's warning.
The following volunteer corps have already tendered their services, all of whom are completely uniformed and equipped:—
 From Washington County.  Capt. Cox's Troop of Horse.  Capt. Brent's Troop of Horse.  Capt. Butch's Artillery.  Capt. Calder's Light Infantry.  Capt. Davidson's Light Infantry.  Capt. Jones' Light Infantry.  Capt. Smith's Riflemen.  From Alexandria County.  Capt. Lynn's Light Infantry.  Capt. Deneale's Light Infantry. 
Capt. Masteller's Artillery. Capt. M'Guire's Riflemen.
Thus we see, with infinite pleasure, General Mason's anticipation of the spirit of his Brigade, as expressed in general orders of the 16th ult. in a very few days realised—"that if lots are cast, it can only be, to ascertain of the volunteers eagerly pressing to the standard of their country, whose services must be reserved for a future occasion." Such a spirit does honor to the individuals and to the corps concerned; it does honor to the territory—nay, more—it is highly honorable to the nation.
Messrs. Varnum, Cutts, Seaver, Barker, Green, Cook, Deane, Ivis, and Bacon, being a majority of the Representatives from the state of Massachusetts in Congress, have made a reply to the resolutions and instructions of the legislature of that state on the subject of the embargo laws. The language of the reply is perspicuous, the facts indisputable, the arguments logical, and the sentiments patriotic: such as the nation had a right to expect from the uncontaminated citizens of a state so distinguished in the revolution for inextinguishable virtue, weight of talent and energy of conduct. If any thing can arrest the spirit of misrepresentation, so busily engaged in that state in propagating falsehoods, this performance will have that effect. It proves the resolutions to be as incorrect in point of fact, and logical inference, as they are notoriously destitute of patriotism. We hope, hereafter, to find room for this performance.
On the 25th ult. a motion was made in the assembly of New-Jersey, to instruct their Senators and request their Representatives to use their endeavors to procure a repeal of the acts laying an embargo, and rejected—Ayes 17—Nays 22.
When resolutions were agreed to, expressing a full confidence in the administration; an abhorrence of the aggressions committed on our sovereignty, and declaring, that whether they were "called on to endure privations resulting from the embargo, non-intercourse, or war," they would "prefer either, or all, to the disgraceful and degrading condition of tribute."
The Legislature of GEORGIA on the 15th ult. chose the following gentlemen Electors of President and Vice-President of the U. States, viz. John Rutherford, John Twiggs, Henry Graybill, David Meniwether, Christopher Clark and J. E. Houston.
At this election there was not the least opposition to Mr. Madison, an unanimous sentiment prevailing in the Legislature.
[Translated for the National Intelligencer from the Havannah Aurora.] Havannah, Nov. 11. 1808. By the pilot boat New Undertaker, Capt. Don Pablo Ferrer, which arrived at the Matanzas on the 8th inst. after a passage of 33 days from San Lucar de Barrameda, was received the agreeable intelligence of the installation of the Supreme Governing Central Council of the kingdoms of Spain, which took place on the 25th of September, 1808, at the Royal site of Arranjuez, as will be seen from the following statement:
"In consequence of the agreement of yesterday the 24th inst. in a preparatory conference by which it was resolved that to day at half after nine o'clock in the morning the Supreme and Governing Council of the kingdoms should be installed, for which purpose all the Deputies present at the Royal Site (who are more than two-thirds of those who are to compose the council of the government) were cited to attend—the ceremony was performed in the following manner: "The deputies met in the vestry of the chapel of the palace of the Royal Site, and being formed, moved out and placed themselves on benches which had been arranged for the purpose, they heard mass, which was said by the archbishop of Laodicea, co-administrator of the archbishopric of Seville and deputy from that kingdom; and the said prelate having first taken the following oath himself administered it to all the deputies in rotation: 'Thou swearest to God and on his holy Evangelists, and to Jesus Christ, who was crucified, whose sacred image thou hast present, that in your station and employment as member of the Supreme and Governing Council of the kingdom; you will defend and promote the increase of our holy Catholic Apostolic Roman Religion, the defence of and fidelity to our august sovereign Ferdinand VII. that of his rights and sovereignty, the preservation of our rights, privileges, laws and customs, and especially those of the succession in the reigning family, and the other things pointed out in the said laws, and finally all which may conduce to the prosperity and happiness of these kingdoms and improve their customs; remaining silent as to what is to be secret, & keeping off from it all injury and following up its enemies at the expence of your life, health and property?' 'Yes, I swear' if thou doest it God help thee; and if not, I ask his maledictions on thee as on him who takes his holy name in vain. Amen.'
"During this time a solemn Te Deum was sung by the bare-footed friars of San Pascual of this Site; and this act being finished, the deputies passed along before the gallant battalion of light troops of Valencia, which was formed in two lines from the door of the chapel to the stair-case of the Royal Palace, and went to one of the principal apartments destined at present for them to sit in.
"In the multitude of people of all classes and conditions which filled the avenue, there was discovered the greatest interest and enthusiasm in favor of their king and lord, Ferdinand the 7th, whose name resounded from all parts, as also that of the Supreme Council, which had just sworn before God and man, and at the cost of their lives, the restoration to the throne of a king so much wished for, and the preservation of our holy religion, that of our laws, usages, and customs. The opening of the doors of the Royal palace so long shut up—the melancholy solitude of the august habitation of our kings, and a recollection of the time and of the cause for which they were shut, drew tears from which they were shut, even the most firm. These circumstances made the ceremony the more touching and interesting, and at the same time more useful in exciting vengeance against the authors of so many evils, and a just confidence in subjects who, after having suffered so many dangers in so just a cause, yet present themselves to meet as many more as may be necessary to carry that cause to a happy issue. Such is without doubt what we ought to expect from a union and fraternity so intimate as that which all the kingdoms reunited promise.
"The enthusiasm and interest increased on the deputies going out into the grand gallery of the principal front of the palace, from which their President ad interim, his excellency the Count of Florida Blanca, proclaimed anew our much wished for king, Ferdinand: the people followed, and often times repeated their warm acclamations, and the tenderness which they felt for a body who had to fulfil such great hopes so much the better founded as they had performed the most solemn act which the nation had yet witnessed, with the most majestic simplicity.
"The Deputies being seated in their respective places, the President having pronounced a short and appropriate discourse, without prejudice to those who were absent, who according to the agreement of yesterday, were to compose the council of the government during the absence of our king and lord, Ferdinand the 7th, and it was directed that a certificate of this act should be made out and be sent to the President of the council and of the tribunal and the other correspondent arrangements made, until the ulterior orders that might be necessary should be communicated to them.
"Done at the Royal Palace of Arranjuez, the 25th Sept. 1808. "MARTIN DE GARAY, "General ad interim."
NOTE.—The 17 provinces of Aragon, Asturias, Old Castile, Catalonia, Cordova, Estremadura, Granada, Jaen, Majorca, and the Balearic Isles, Navarre, Seville, Toledo, and Valencia were present.
SENATE.
NOVEMBER 30.
Mr. Pickering delivered a long speech in favor of the motion of Mr. Hillhouse to repeal the acts laying an embargo.
DECEMBER 1.
Mr. Anderson spoke against the motion, and Mr. Pickering replied.
DECEMBER 2.
Mr. Hillhouse spoke in favor of his motion to repeal the laws laying an embargo, and Messrs. Giles, S. Smith, and Mitchell against it.
A motion was made by Mr. Reed, to refer the motion to the committee on so much of the Message of the President as relates to the several embargo laws.
On which the Yeas and Nays were taken as follows:—
YEAS.—Messrs. Franklin, Mitchell, Parker, Reed, Robinson.—5.
NAYS.—Messrs. Anderson, Bradley, Condit, Crawford, Gaillard, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Gregg, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Lloyd, Mathewson, Milledge, Moore, Pickering, Pope, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tennessee, Sumner, Thruston, Tiffin, Turner, White.—26.
When about 3 o'clock the FINAL QUESTION on Mr. Hillhouse's motion was taken by Yeas and Nays, as follows:—
YEAS 6—Nays 25.
YEAS.—Messrs. Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Pickering, White.
NAYS.—Messrs. Anderson, Bradley, Condit, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Kitchel, Mathewson, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Parker, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tennessee, Sumner, Thruston, Tiffin, Turner.
All the members of the Senate voted, excepting Mr. Maclay, who is in the city, but was not in his seat this day; and Mr. Bayard, who has not yet taken his seat. In Ohio the vacancy, occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Smith, is not yet filled.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30.
Mr. Jesse B. Thomas, elected a delegate from Indiana territory, appeared and took his seat.
On motion of Mr. Holmes, the papers relative to the claim of Madame de Beaumarchais, were referred to the Committee of Claims.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
Mr. D. R. Williams after a few prefatory observations, offered the following resolutions, the first of which was referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, but not acted on, last session:
"Resolved, that the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the entry of any vessel into the United States from any port or place to which a vessel of the United States is not admitted by permanent regulations of the government owning such port or place, or by treaty."
"Resolved, that the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the masters, commanders and owners of vessels of the U. States from receiving British licences, and of enforcing the return of all vessels of the United States now without the same."
These resolutions were agreed to without opposition.
NATURALIZATION LAWS.
Mr. Burwell offered a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of amending the Naturalization laws of the U. S.; and at the same time gave notice that he should introduce into the bill to be reported a provision for excluding hereafter from the ships of the United States all foreign seamen.—Resolution agreed to without opposition.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee of Foreign Relations.
Mrs. Johnson, Clapton, Randolph, Troup, Masters and Lyon successively occupied the floor till half past 3 o'clock.
No gentleman has, in the course of this debate, intimated an intention to vote against the first resolution.
Thursday, Dec. 1.
On motion of Mr. Love, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Helms in the chair, on the report of the committee on the subject of the thirty-six American citizens confined in Carthagena, S. A.—But a motion made by Mr. Smith, seconded by Mr. D. R. Williams, that the committee rise, was carried.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The house in committee of the whole on the report of the committee on our foreign relations—
Mr. Burwell, in a speech of an hour and an half supported the resolution and the report of the committee generally.
The third resolution (for placing the country in a more complete state of defence) having been read—
Mr. Randolph said he supposed that this was a resolution to which there might probably be but little opposition; but at the same time he for one should like to know what were the details connected with it.
The Chairman asked if the gentleman from Virginia wished to hear the referat read?
Mr. Randolph. Very far from it, sir.
Mr. Nicholas said, as the chairman of the committee was not present, and he felt at all times disposed to give any information in his power, he would state what he knew on the subject. The situation of the United States being at this time critical, and as it was possible if not probable that war would ensue, Mr. N. said it had been his opinion and that of the select committee, that we should be prepared for it. It had been doubted by the committee whether this subject came properly within their province; but it had been the opinion of the majority that it would be proper for them to express their sentiments on the subject; with an idea that if the House should concur, the resolution might be referred to another committee, whose business it would be to procure such details from the departments as would enable them to make the proper arrangements for carrying the wish of the House into effect. The resolution was agreed to, nem. con.
The committee then rose and reported the resolutions to the House. The first resolution having been read by the Speaker.
Mr. Love called for the Yeas and Nays on it.
Mr. Dana moved to amend it by inserting in the resolution between the words to and the the words "abandon the navigation of the ocean in consequence of," and called for the Yeas and Nays on the motion.
The motion was decided by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 96—Nays 26.
Mr. Dana spoke against the propriety of introducing the resolution, but did not oppose its passage.
Mr. Taylor replied.
Mr. D. R. Williams called for a division of the question, so as to express the sense of the House as to the edicts of each belligerent, separately.
Mr. Gardener opposed the resolution in a speech of fifteen minutes; and concluded with moving the previous question on it.
Four other members rising in favor of the previous question, it was put in this form—"Shall the main question be now put?"—and carried—Ayes 85.
Mr. Rhea (T.) rising to speak at this time, and an objection being made by some gentlemen on the ground of order.
The Speaker declared it his individual opinion that debate was inadmissible after an affirmative decision of the previous question; but that the House had at the last session overruled his opinion, and he felt himself obliged to yield to their decision.
Mr. D. R. Williams appealed from this decision permitting debate after a decision of the previous question, on the ground that it was contrary to the rules of the House.
Much debate took place on this appeal, and Mr. Randolph called for the Yeas and Nays on it.
Before they were taken, however, a motion was made to adjourn and carried.
Friday, Nov. 2.
Mr. Lewis from the committee on the district of Columbia, reported a bill to incorporate a company for opening a canal in the city of Washington; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
REVENUE CUTTERS.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of commerce and manufactures, to whom the bill had been referred, reported the bill authorising the President of the United States to employ 12 additional revenue cutters; which was twice read, and, together with a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject, referred to a committee of the whole.
A message having been yesterday received from the President of the United States, it was on motion of Mr. Randolph read. It inclosed a communication from the Surveyor of public buildings.
The message was ordered to be printed.
Mr. Gardener presented a petition from sundry citizens of the state of New York, praying for the repeal of the embargo laws.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The unfinished business of yesterday was taken up; and after some
further debate on the point of order, the decision of last session was confirmed, by Yeas and Nays, 101 to 13.
The first resolution being under consideration, Mr. Rhea made a few remarks in support of it.
Mr. Upham made a few observations, going to shew that any gentleman might vote for or against this resolution under whatever interpretation he pleased; giving to the terms of it whatever construction should best suit his ideas.
Mr. Jackson (Va.) made a speech of three hours in support of the report.
Mr. Lyon spoke about ten minutes in reply; when a motion was made to adjourn, and carried, at about four o'clock.
Saturday, Dec. 3.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The unfinished business of yesterday under consideration; and the question pending being on the first resolution reported by the committee on our foreign relations.
Messrs. Dawson, J. Montgomery, Mumford, Nelson and Macon, spoke on the subject of our foreign relations generally.
Mr. Randolph commenced a speech on the subject; but having observed in the course of his observations that he felt much indisposed,
Mr. Love moved an adjournment; which motion being assented to by Mr. Randolph, who however declared that he was ready to proceed, if the House would indulge him, was carried—Ayes 76.
MARRIED—On Thursday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. McCormick, Mr. Jacob Hoss, of Leesburg, to Miss Rebecca Matilda Scott, of this city.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And for Sale, at D. Rapine's Book-store, or Capitol Hill.
A new Pamphlet, entitled "A View of the Rights and Wrongs, Power & Policy of the U. States of America." By Charles Jared Ingersoll, of Philadelphia. This pamphlet is not of the ordinary kind, and merits the perusal of every American and friend to his country. December 3—cp6t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON,
Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale,
 26 hds. Muscovado Sugar,  6 Pipes Holland Gin,  9 hds. Rum,  3 pipes Cogniac Brandy,  6 pipes L. P. Madeira,  2 pipes Marsala,  5 qr. casks Lisbon,  5 qr. casks Sherry,  15 qr. casks Catalonia,  80 boxes Claret,  17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea,  25 barrels Loin Sugar,  16 boxes Spermaceti,  25 do. Mould  8 casks Ginger,  2 do. Salt Petre,  2 do. Pimento,  5 do. Pepper,  12 boxes Mustard,  3 bales Cassia,  6 do. soft shelled Almonds,  20 boxes Raisins,  8 do. Olives,  10 do. long and short Pipes,  10 barrels Mackerel,  3 do. Cranberries,  2 do. Fig Blue,  50 boxes Spanish Segars,  50 bags Corks, 
They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c.
JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
This is to give Notice, THAT I intend to petition to the next county Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency.
GEORGE BOARMAN. Charles County, December 5—tf
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscriber of Charles county and state of Maryland, has obtained from the Orphans court of said county, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Benjamin Benson, late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 2nd day of June next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate; all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. Given under my hand this 2nd day of December 1808.
WILSON SMOOT, Exr. December 1—w3t
THE subscriber having rented his farm, situated about six miles from the city of Washington, on the road leading to Marlborough, will sell, on a credit, on Saturday the 17th inst. at public sale, on the premises, all his stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and Hogs—The hogs were originally purchased by the subscriber of Richard Parkinson, who imported them from England, and great care has been taken to preserve the breed unmixed—Also, a Wagon, Plough, and a variety of Farming Utensils—Corn, Pea-Seed, Fodder, Straw, and a quantity of Flax and Wool. Terms made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM O. SPRIGG. Dec. 5—2&1pd.
By an order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county, will be exposed to Public Sale on the 22nd day of December next, on a credit of six months, at the late residence of Mr. Thomas Gantt, deceased, about three miles below Newington ham on Patuxent river, the Personal Estate of the deceased, consisting of Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, Horses, Cattle, Sheep and other articles too tedious to mention. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock.
CHARLES GANTT, THOS. GANTT, Admin. December 2—2&w3t

JOHN COX OF GEORGETOWN, Offers for Sale, the following valuable TRACTS OF LAND: 2039 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seven or eight miles from the seat of government of the United States. Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Allegany county, state of Mary- land:— Governor's Neglect, 1031 acres. Omen's Attention, 684 Cheesnut Grove, 461 Hard Struggle, 1534 1037 Western Connection, 1601 5-3 6180 Lot No. 287, 50
These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Simkin's tavern. A road is heavily timbered, and skirted by glaciers, and perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Cheesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers.
November 14—2aw6w FOR MUTTON WANTED. IF JOHN BATELY DOBBINS who came a from England some years ago, and re- sided at Washington (he is not certain in what state) for some time, will call on, or write to the subscriber, he will hear some- thing much to his advantage. Any informa- tion that will enable me to ascertain whether the said John Bately Dobbins is alive or not, will be thankfully received. SAMUEL SPACEMAN, No. 1, Bank Alley, Philadelphia. 7th month, 11, 1808—2m
MRS. LEE , begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of MUSICK, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, she has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruction in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBES, MAPS, & CHARTS. Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a conti- nuance of that patronage, she has ever ex- perienced; and hopes still to merit by an unremitted attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geogra- phy, by 28th inst. Washington, October 20—2m CASH Given for any quantity of clean combed HOOS BRISTLES, At the subscribers store, Bridge street, Georgetown. W. S. NICHOLLS. November 18—3w Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company. THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Fourth Instalment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 14th day December next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. November 18—18t
RICHARD BECK, HAS just received from Philadelphia a large and handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— Superfine cloths and cassimeres, etc. Second do. do. Moleskin and silk waistcoating Pernets cord and Spanish marcella, do. Constitution cords and velveteens Coating, frizes and kerseys Rose and striped blankets Warped, cotton and silk hosiery Flannel and bales. Navy blue cloths Checks, Calicoes and Chintzes White and colored cambrics Dunlop's, brown Holland and dowelasses Bands and Madras handkerchiefs Durants and calimancoes Tapes and boblins Silk and cotton chambay 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens 4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirtings London and other balls Plain India and muslins Seeded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenos Linen cambrics Damask, silk and serge shawls Tabby velvets for pelices Italian Mantilla Bombazines and bombazines Biegart assortment thread and cotton laces Handsome assortment ribbons Kid and silk gloves Pickett silks, muffs and gloves Diaper and diaper table cloth Kid and Morocco shoes A raw, bales India muslins assorted Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—4t
FOR SALE. AN ELEGANT CHARIOT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without horses, it is of first rate materials and work- manship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Enquire of the Editor of this paper. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufactures: 3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 5000 yards of 3-4. 210 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 400 3-4. 1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel. 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheetings, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of whitened brown Thread, 10 lbs. of red Thread, 120 lbs. of blue Thread, 20 lbs. of yellow Thread, 5500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called qua- lity, 2000 yards of stout Plain, for watch coats, any color except red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain. The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 23—
H. W. & C. SMITH HAVE removed to their New Warehouse corner of Key and Water streets, near the FERRY, where they have lately received from New York, a large additional supply of GOODS in their line. They now have in store and offer for sale on reasonable terms Madeira Wine in pipes, half pipes, and quarter casks, Sherry, Lisbon and Teneriffe Wine, in quar- ter casks, Old Port and Calacala Wine in pipes and quarter casks, Claret in Boxes, Dozen each, Old Cognac Brandy, superior quality, Bordeaux and Marcella do. Genuine Holland and New York anchor Gin, Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, 4th Proof Whiskey, very old and fine, 1st Proof do. Loaf and Lump Sugars in hogsheads and barrels, Muscavado Sugars, superior quality in hogs- heads and barrels. Do. 2d quality do. do. Imperial, TEAS, fresh and of ap- proved qualities in chests, boxes and lead canisters, Hyson, Coffee, Nutmegs, Pepper and Allspice, Mustard, Chocolate and Sweet Oil, Almonds, soft shelled, and Currants, Sugars, Ginger and Basket Salt, Soap, mould and dipped Candles in boxes Spanish Indigo, Demijohns, Gin Cases, Liverpool Brown and Ground Altum Salt, &c. &c. &c. Georgetown, October 26—2aw6w
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at No- vember session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumber- land, in Allegany county," and a supple- ment thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at pub- lic sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern, in said town—to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—cp15 30,000 DOLLARS, FOR 800 CENTS!
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY. For opening and improving certain great roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next; 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawings, and the pay- ment guaranteed by the State Legislature. The Capital Prizes are:— 30,000 dollars 20,000 dollars 10,000 dollars 5,000 dollars 2,000 dollars Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally ac- knowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each. TICKETS—Halves, Quarters, & Eighths, are to be had at G. & R. WAITE'S truely fortunate Lottery Offices, No. 54, Maiden- Lane, & No. 33, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231 10,000 — No. 25,493 5,000 — No. 20,799 Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 2000 dollars, besides several others of 2000, 1000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotte- ries were sold at the above offices— 17199 25,000 dolls. 11736 2000 dolls. 3929 20,000 dolls. 28573 2000 dolls. 3639 10,000 dolls. 13904 2000 dolls. 26133 5,000 dolls. 16547 2000 dolls. 30356 5,000 dolls. 25396 2000 dolls. 15293 3,000 dolls. 20883 2000 dolls. And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz. 6974 30,000 dolls. 19894 1500 dolls. 15364 15,000 dolls. 1788 1500 dolls. 7001 10,000 dolls. 1525 1500 dolls. 6977 5,000 dolls. 7440 1500 dolls. 14425 1500 dolls. Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares re- turned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the ear- liest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gen- tleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former Lotteries taken in pay- ment for tickets in this. The Baltimore Trinity Church Lotte- ry commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, SIX Dollars, which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sun- day 11th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark com- plexion, and slow of expression. His cloth- ing when he went off, was a dark brown broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantaloons—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows. NATHAN SOFER. More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write. N. S. Prince George's county, Nov. 23—2awtf
FOR RENT. A DWELLING HOUSE, WARE HOUSE & WHARE, on the Eastern Branch, lately occupied by Mrs. BANEY—Immediate pos- session can be given—for terms apply to the subscriber. GARRETT BARRY. Nov. 28—3t
SEBASTIAN SPRING, ON THE NEW TURNPIKE ROAD BE- TWEEN ALEXANDRIA & WASH- INGTON CITY. AT the above Spring, situated about half a mile from Washington Bridge, the subscri- ber has lately opened a House of entertain- ment for the accommodation of the citizens of both places and travellers. Parties can be furnished, on a short no- tice, with every species of refreshment they may wish, in a stile to their satisfaction, and public dinners can be had suitable to any occasion. He is determined to keep the best liquors the district will afford, and a genuine glass of Madeira may always be relied on. A. LINDO. N. B. A Hack and Gigg will be kept for the convenience of gentlemen crossing the Potomac river wishing to proceed to Alex- andria. Two good Waiters and a Cook Wanted. Nov. 23—9t
CHALLES H. VAHLEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late ar- rival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponcettes, & rich silk Molekins for Waist- coats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regiments and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Harvie's celebrated PATENT PARALLAX SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4t
NOTICE. THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Georgetown, Washington county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, Maryland, letters of admin- istration on the personal estate of John Lovejoy of said county, deceased. All per- sons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 19th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 11th day of November 1808. WILLIAM NEVITT. November 16—9t Cotton, Tea, Sugars, Mustard, &c. W. & C. SMITH, Have just received by the Ceres, Captain Weeks, from New-York— 30 Bales prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Kegs ground Ginger 2 Bags Race Ginger 10 Bags Pepper and Pimento 20 Chests and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Cases Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 10 Boxes Chocolate. 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town, November 21—1aw6w
PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY COURT, September term,  term, 1808. ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince Georges county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent tes- timony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petition- er having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such inter- rogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be dis- charged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his proper- ty and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, JR. C. November 8—w3m
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE TO BE SOLD. At public auction, at the Union Tavern, in Georgetown, at 12 o'clock on Monday the 13th day of January next, if not previously disposed of by private contract—that Va- luable property situated on the Potomac Ri- ver, in Washington City, contiguous to George Town, formerly the property of Messrs. Lean & Co. The Lot is 128 feet front, by 103 feet deep, on which is erected a substantial Hare House, built of stone, 83 feet by 43, together with the large commodious Wharf adjoining. Also—SIX LOTS in Holmes's addition to George Town, bounded on Bridge Street and Rock Creek, in George Town. For terms and other particulars, apply to JOHN DAVIDSON, or WALTER HELLEN. Nov. 28—113t
LABORERS. TWO BLACK MEN, Good Laborers—To be hired by the year. Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 28—wtf
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, living in Montgomery county, Maryland, near the Great Falls of Potomac, on the 16th ult. a Negro Man, named JACK, he is about 5 feet 10 inches high, well made in proportion, and is a very artful fellow, about 40 years of age, an African by birth, speaks bad English, stammers very much; he has a re- markable large mouth and teeth, very thick lips, a dull countenance when spoken to, & speaks quick; he has lost both his little toes. It is needless to describe his cloth- ing, as he took away with him several suits, and no doubt will change his dress, and it is highly probable he may have a pass. Whoever will take up said fellow, and se- cure him in any jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, if taken 120 miles from home, and in proportion if nearer. MARGARET OFFUTT. November 4—wtf
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the re- newal of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock. JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w
RUNAWAY. COMMITTED to my custody as a run- away, a dark Mulatto Man, who calls himself by the name of DICK, who says he belongs to William Dent, of Charles county, near Port Tobacco. He is about 23 years old, five feet eight inches high. Had on when committed an old white hat, a crab roundabout, and corduroy pantaloons. His owner is desired to take him away, or he will be sold for his prison fees. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county. November 30—3t
UNION CIRCULATING LIBRARY. MANY well informed Inhabitants of Georgetown & Washington, as well as several respectable persons residing in their vicinity, having frequently expressed their wishes to have access to a well chosen Ci- culating Library, and their regret that no institution of the kind is here to be found on a scale sufficiently ample to afford copious information on the various subjects of gene- ral literature: the subscriber has resolved to establish one on a new and extensive plan. It is intended, in the first instance, to furnish it with a numerous selection of those works to which time has affixed the seal of sterling worth, and to replenish it with every book published in the United States, as soon as issued from the press, whether historical, political, scientific, or of that description which is designated by the more general term, amusing, including all the new plays; together with a regular series of the British Reviews, and every French and English pub- lication of merit. The advantages of such an establishment are obvious; to Ladies and Gentlemen of literary taste it holds out a pleasing and never ending source of rational amuse- ment; to those in search of knowledge, a cheap and easy opportunity of forming a private library, a valuable opportunity of selecting such books only as they may approve, which cannot be determined otherwise than by a previous perusal—an advantage, which, without such an institution, can be obtained only by the expense of a purchase frequent- ly ending in disappointment. Should this plan meet with that encourage- ment which is necessary to justify the under- taking, it shall go into operation on the fol- lowing CONDITIONS. First—As soon as one hundred subscri- bers, at Five Dollars each, are obtained, the Union Circulating Library shall be opened with $1000 worth of books, and in like pro- portion for any greater number of subscri- bers. Second—The terms of subscription will be—for one year, Five Dollars—six months, Three Dollars—three months, Two Dollars, and one month, One Dollar. Third—All subscriptions must be invari- ably paid in advance. Fourth—Each subscriber to be entitled to one book at a time, or two volumes, if of the same set, which may be changed once a day and not oftener; but subscribers residing more than six miles from Georgetown will be allowed two books at a time. Fifth—To accommodate subscribers as early as possible, two copies at least of such new books as possess a high degree of interest shall be placed in the Library. Sixth—The prices will be marked in each book belonging to the Library, and any sub- scriber who may lose or damage any of them will be required to pay the amount or replace the same—if part of a set, the remaining vo- lumes to be delivered to the subscriber who will be charged with the whole. Seventh—The Library shall be open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning till sun-set. For the accommodation of strangers, books will be loaned at the following rates, viz.—Six Cents for books of the value of one dollar and fifty cents—Twelve and a half Cents for those of two dollars fifty cents, and in like proportion for books of higher value. A deposit equal to the marked price of each book will be required, to be returned on safe delivery of the book into the Library, deducting the premium for reading. JOSEPH MILLIGAN. Georgetown, November 14, 1808. N. B. As soon as the Library shall be established, a proposal will be made to ex- tend the plan by the addition of a Reading Room, which, however, will be distinct from the Library, and furnished with New Books, and Periodical Publications, as well as with files of at least six Newspapers from different parts of the Union, and a complete Atlas. Subscriptions received by J. Milligan Georgetown, and R. C. Weightman, Washington city. November 14—cop6t
PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY COURT, September Term, 1808. ON the application, by petition in writing by John M. Burgess, of Prince Georges county to this court for the benefit of the act of assembly passed at the Novem- ber session, eighteen hundred and five, en- titled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supple- ments thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satis- fied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application and being also satisfied that the said John M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt; and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appear- ance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said John M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors— and it is ordered that the said John M. Bur- gess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recom- mend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, JR. Ck. November 8—w3m
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the re- newal of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock. JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w
RUNAWAY. COMMITTED to my custody as a run- away, a dark Mulatto Man, who calls himself by the name of DICK, who says he belongs to William Dent, of Charles county, near Port Tobacco. He is about 23 years old, five feet eight inches high. Had on when committed an old white hat, a crab roundabout, and corduroy pantaloons. His owner is desired to take him away, or he will be sold for his prison fees. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county. November 30—3t
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the re- newal of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock. JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w
FOR SALE. AN ELEGANT CHARIOT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without horses, it is of first rate materials and work- manship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Enquire of the Editor of this paper. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufactures: 3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 5000 yards of 3-4. 210 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 400 3-4. 1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel. 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheetings, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of whitened brown Thread, 10 lbs. of red Thread, 120 lbs. of blue Thread, 20 lbs. of yellow Thread, 5500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called qua- lity, 2000 yards of stout Plain, for watch coats, any color except red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain. The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 23—
FOR RENT. A DWELLING HOUSE, WARE HOUSE & WHARE, on the Eastern Branch, lately occupied by Mrs. BANEY—Immediate pos- session can be given—for terms apply to the subscriber. GARRETT BARRY. Nov. 28—3t
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET. Has just received and is now opening an Es- tablishment of FALL GOODS, consisting in a variety of Broad Cloths, Coat- ings, Blue and drab colored Bear Skin, Flannels of almost every description, Irish and German Lin- ens, Bed Tickings. An extensive assort- ment of Calicoes, Furniture Calicoes, Camel hair and cotton Shawls, Silk Shawls, White, black & color- ed cotton Cambrics, Linen Cambrics and shirting do. Durant, Calimanco, Bomba- zet, Wildboar. An handsome assort- ment of Velvets, Corderoy & worsted Cord, Ben- nets Cord, Swans- down, blue, black and nankien colored Cas- simeres, Table Cloths ready made, Russia sweling, bed spreads velvet Bindings, Lant- velvets of different co- lors. Gold and silver Span- gles, Linen and cotton Checks, Daffas and Gurrahs, shirting and a variety of other tedious to enumerate. S. STETTINIUS begs leave to pay here- by to his friends and the public in general, his warmest thanks for the encouragement they were pleased to give him, since his establishment in this city, and solicits their kind remembrance in the above branch of business, where it will always be his first duty to accommodate to his utmost endea- vors and in all respects. He has also received by the Schooner Sally, Capt. Fairfax, and offers for SALE BY WHOLESALE, 5 Hogsheads of prime New Orleans Sugar, 2 Pipes of genuine Holland Gin, with a certificate of importation from the custom house of New York, 2000 lb. green Coffee, 20 barrels Whiskey, of a good flavor, 12 boxes Window Glass, 12 by 10 and 10 by 6. 50 Pieces tanned Buck Skins, suitable for Glove-makers and fit for Pantaloons, Plain velvet Ribbons, from No. 12 to 50. Figured do. from No. 18 to 50. Suspenders, Linen Checks, No. 3. Apron do. L. B. 42 inches, Do do. C. 40 do. Cotton stripes, Linen do. Red Tapes, No. 25, Ladies long Floret Gloves, Mens cotton do. Silk Shawls, No. 8. Black silk Velvet, Mens over Shoes, Womens do. do. Black Cambric, One trunk Calicoes, Cotton Velvets, 5000 best Quilts, Ladies Morocco Slippers. Any admirer of CANARY BIRDS may be accommodated with Bird and Cage, at a moderate price when calling on me. Washington city, Oct—26 3&wtf
THOMAS W. PARR HAS removed next door to his former store, where he has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore a new supply of goods, which make his assortment very considerable—he has London and French Cloths, Cassimeres and Coatings, Fancy Waistcoatings, Silk and Cotton Velvets, Cords and Thicksets, Rose Blankets, Scarlet Flannels and others, green, blue and brown bucking baze, Bandannos, Madras Handkerchiefs, India Muslins, Cambrics, Book Muslin, Leno Handkerchiefs, Chambrays, Tappy Velvet, Black Silk do. Parisian Shawls, Silk and Camels Hair, do. Shirting Muslin, Crapes and Fancy Trimings, Silk Stockings, and a large assortment of cotton and worsted hosiery, Ladies and Men's Gloves, Ladies and Men's Shoes, Childrens do. Irish and German Linen, Irish and Flanders Sheetings, Knitting and Sowing Cotton, Spinning do. Silk Spencers, Linnen and cotton Checks, Hats, Ribbons, Lace, Cotton and Thread, Saracens and Peclongs, Plaid Silks, Tortois Shell Combs, Mock do. do. Silk Cords, Suspenders, Razors, Penknives and Scissors, Spun Buttons, Gift and Plated do. Playing Cards, Ink Powder, Quills, Pencils, Slates, Gil Cloth, Powder and Shot, Nails and Augurs, An assortment of Glass Ware, Also, The following Liquors and Groceries. Madeira, Lisbon, L. P. Teneriffe, Mala- ga, Port Wine, Claret, French Brandy, old Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey, Cherry Bounce, Coffee and Tea, Chocolate, Loaf & Brown Sugar, Raisins, Filberts, Rice, Sars, and Candles, Spanish Segars, and Philadel- phia Porter and Ale. All of which will be sold on low terms for Cash or to punctil- customers. AMERICAN PLAYING CARDS, Of the very best quality just received from the Manufactory, which will be sold whole- sale & Retail, cheap for cash; also, Muscovado SUGAR. The Members of Congress are respectfully informed that T. W. Parr will be happy to furnish them with any of his choice Liquors, and find himself for them. Washington, October 24—3&wtf