The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-10-12 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1249.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
LETTER.
From the Hon. JOSEPH ALSTON, Speaker of the House of Representatives of South Carolina, to the President of the United States, covering the resolutions of the legislature, of the 29th June last, approbatory of the conduct of the administration.
Oaks, near Georgetown, (S. C.) July 6, 1808.
SIR, The legislature of South Carolina, deeply impressed with the situation in which the United States have been placed by the unfounded and arrogant pretensions of the belligerent powers of Europe; and aware of the force derived, in a government like ours, from public opinion, have thought it right, at such a crisis, to make known to the world their unalterable determination to support the rights and honor of our country, and to declare their entire approbation of the prudent and dignified course pursued by its administration. To this manifestation of their own feelings they have been yet further induced by the expression, in other parts of the union, of contrary sentiments, at a moment when, it is conceived, that a sacrifice of the conflicting opinions of individuals, and the animosities of party, was demanded alike by sound policy, and by patriotism.
The resolutions I have now the honor to transmit you, obtained, you will perceive, the unanimous concurrence of both branches of our legislature. A conclusion from hence, however, either that there existed among us a perfect unanimity of political sentiment, or that the present restrictions upon our commerce were but little felt by us, would be equally erroneous. South Carolina, like her sister states, is, to a certain extent, characterised by parties.—The legislature, which adopted these resolutions, consisted, to use the distinguishing appellations of the day, of federalists and republicans. But, sir, however we may differ as to questions of ordinary policy, we should deprecate as disgraceful to us the idea of division where the national honor or interests were concerned. Of the effects attendant, in all countries, upon a sudden suspension of trade, many circumstances combine to render this state far from insensible: but, if the inconveniences or privations resulting to our citizens from the embargo be great, their patriotism and public spirit are still greater; and I am persuaded that those who compose our legislature have been the faithful organs of their constituents, when they declared their determination, at every hazard, "to support the general government in all measures calculated to maintain the rights and support the independence of the United States."
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, JOSEPH ALSTON. Speaker H. Representatives, S. C.
PRESIDENT'S REPLY.
To the Hon. JOSEPH ALSTON, Speaker of the House of Representatives of South Carolina. Monticello, August 4, 1808.
SIR, I have duly received your letter of July 6, covering the resolutions of the legislature of South Carolina, of June 29; and I see in those resolutions a new manifestation of the national spirit of which South Carolina has given so many proofs. It is the more exemplary, as it is certain that no state sacrifices more by the operation of a measure which, whether to avoid war, or to prepare for it, has been deemed equally necessary. The unanimity too of these resolutions, does peculiar honor to those individuals, who, differing from the mass of their fellow-citizens in their opinions of government, yet forget all differences when the rights of their country are in question: who, when it is assailed by foreign wrong and menaced with the evils of war, instead of encouraging enemies by forebodings of weakness and division, present to them one common and undivided front. Persuaded that the sentiments expressed in these resolutions are a true specimen of those entertained by the great mass of our fellow-citizens, we may regret the evils which a contrary opinion in others may produce, but we cannot fear the result of any trial they may put us to.
I receive with particular gratification assurances of approbation from the legislature of South Carolina, and will not cease in my endeavors to merit a continuance of it. I pray you to accept my salutations and assurances of great respect and consideration.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Constitutionality of the Embargo Laws.
At the opening of the district court in this town, it was early intimated by lawyers opposed to the administration of the general government, that they intended to argue to the jury the unconstitutionality of the laws laying an embargo; this however was overruled by the judge, but permitted to be argued to the court. The deep interest the public felt in the question, excited great attention, and the courthouse, for several days while the question was discussed, was crowded.
At length, in the cause of the United States, vs. brig William, the question came fairly before the court.
Mr. Story opened the cause in behalf of the government—and Messrs. Prescott and Dexter, assisted by a number of the most eminent lawyers at the bar, argued the unconstitutionality of the law at great length, with much ingenuity and more sophistry. They were answered on the side of government by Mr. Francis Blake, in a strain of eloquence highly gratifying, and by his brother, Mr. George Blake, district attorney, with a strength and pertinacity of argument which did him great honor. We shall not attempt even a sketch of the arguments for or against the question, as we understand they are to be reported at large.
On Monday last, pursuant to adjournment, the court met in this town, when the hon. Judge Davis delivered a decisive opinion in favor of the constitutionality of the embargo laws. His opinion appeared to be the result of deep investigation, & sound, deliberate reflection—it was luminous, learned, and eloquent beyond anything we recollect of the kind.
Essex Register.
Extract of a letter from a respectable commercial house in London, to their correspondent in Baltimore, dated Aug. 6.
"After what we wrote you in our last, you would, we fear, be anxiously expecting information from us of a favorable nature; the hope expressed then must have arisen from the idea which we have heard many sustain since that date, that the proclamation of peace with Spain, released the neutral flags from the restrictions of our orders of council of the 11th and 25th November, as to vessels proceeding from neutral ports to ports of Spain, and back again, we are decidedly of a contrary opinion; and found it upon the clear and express words delivered by the Lord President of the privy council, to a committee of American merchants, of whom our A. G. was one—he said that the restricting part of the orders in council were applicable to every flag excepting that of his Britannic majesty's allies, and being asked by A. G. to enumerate them, he answered "The kings of Sweden and Sardinia only." It is therefore our opinion that any adventure from America to Spain or Portugal would be subject to being brought in by our cruisers and would be condemned.
In regard to the embargo in the United States we cannot see what advantage could be obtained by taking it off so long as the decrees in the continent, and our orders in council remain in force. If your embargo was removed, your merchants would ship immense quantities of all sorts of produce for the ports of Great Britain, and of course expect advances upon their consignments, and here we have no sale for almost any sort of American E. or W. India produce. Prices of tobacco are quoted high, but we have no purchasers but for a few hds. of fine Virginia for home trade and Ireland, for which they have high prices, but no one could sell a cargo, the sale of which would not be ruined by the finest hds. being all picked.
We do not see any prospect of relaxation on our side, or of the Berlin and Milan decrees—until these are removed and our orders in council,
and the act of Parliament made to carry them into effect is repealed, trade and commerce must remain in its present, stagnated state, and all Europe and America must suffer privations, and ultimately great losses; for whenever commerce resumes its wonted course, the influx of goods and produce into all markets that are now bare, will be such as must bring about ruinous prices.
The very unwarrantable aggressions of France against Spain has roused the spirit of all descriptions of parties against the former in this country, and of course we are all wishing success to the patriots; but whether their sudden raised armies will be able to hold out against the veteran troops of France or not, is what no one at present can foresee. They have enthusiasm in their favor, and if perfect unanimity can be preserved they may be able to keep together, until by frequently meeting their enemies and losing many battles, they may become soldiers, and beat the French out of Spain; but unless they are strongly assisted by the other powers of Europe, we have no hope that they can make any serious impression on France—yet if they so far succeed as to keep the enemy out of Spain, this will open such a field of commerce to this country, that our manufactories will be fully employed, even if our merchants should be ruined by the trade.
The present prospects of this glorious harvest is carrying many of the people of this country into excesses of joy which may never be realized."
Balt. E. Post.
BRITISH TRIBUTE.
PORT OF HARDWICH.
These are to certify, that the ship or vessel called the Sophia, of Baltimore, Samuel Carman, master, is a square stemmed snow, no gallery, but with a figure head, admeasures one hundred and thirty four and twenty three ninety-fourths tons, navigated by ten men (master included) and not mounted with any guns, bound from Rotterdam to Baltimore, with six puncheons, containing seven hundred and twenty gallons Geneva, on which his majesty's export duty, imposed by act 48th Geo. 3d. chap. 26, has been duly paid at this port, arrived here on the 12th day of July, 1808, in consequence of his majesty's orders in council, dated 11th Nov. 1807, and is now desirous of proceeding on her voyage, to the original port of her destination.
These are therefore, in pursuance of his majesty's said order to authorise and permit the above named vessel to proceed with her cargo, accordingly, to the said port of Baltimore. Witness our hands and seals of office, at the custom house this third day of Aug. 1808.
ROBT. WERDSWORTH, Collector.
A. RUNNALLS, Dep. Com.
United States of America, } State of Maryland, to wit: }
I, John Gill, Notary Public, by letters patent under the great seal of this state of Maryland; commissioned and duly qualified, residing in the city of Baltimore, in the state aforesaid, do hereby certify, attest and make known, that on the day of the date hereof, before me personally appeared Samuel Carman, master of the brig Sophia, of Baltimore, of the burthen of 137 12 tons register admeasurement, and made oath on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, that he sailed in and with the said brig on the 9th day of July last, from Rotterdam, bound direct for this port of Baltimore; having on board the said brig, six pipes of gin, which he had taken in at said port of Rotterdam, and no other merchandise, and sufficient and ballast for the voyage, that he proceeded on the said voyage, and on the 10th day of July, being off the Isle of Schouwen, having the same day discharged his pilot he about three o'clock P. M. was boarded by an English gun brig, the commander of which ordered his vessel to England to pay duties on his cargo, that on the 11th he arrived at Harwich, and there was compelled to pay a duty of 8 pence sterling per gallon on gin—and the amount of pilotage, light money, tonnage, &c. the same as if the said vessel had been
bound for that port—and on payment thereof license was given him to enable him to pursue his voyage to Baltimore.
Of which an act having been of me requested, I have granted these presents to serve and avail as occasion may require. In testimony whereof, the said deponent has hereunto subscribed his name, and I, the said notary, have hereunto set my hand and affixed my notarial seal, the 30th day of Sept. in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight.
JOHN GILL, Not. Pub.
SAMUEL CARMAN.
From the Democratic Press.
SIX MILLIONS OF AMERICAN BLANKETS.
A fair and careful experiment of the manufacture of the cotton blankets for the use of the hospitals has been recently made under a contract with the Purveyor's office. The class of blankets attempted by the office is that denominated "three point twilled." They were ordered to be made of the weight of 56 ounces each, or three pounds and a half. They have a broad blue stripe at each end, with the three blue points, and measure 6 feet in length (or 40 yards for a piece of 20 blankets) and four feet and one half in breadth. The contract price is two dollars and one quarter for each blanket, of the above dimensions and weight, which will be found greater than the medium quality of the British three point twilled woolen blanket.
The cotton yarn is spun at the Factory of Mr. Joseph Garlick, and the weaving is executed in the Factory of Mr. M'Ginnis. It is ascertained that the shortest upland cotton will make the best blanket, as the fibres are more easily raised, without breaking, into a regular and thick coat of pile by the cards, which are applied for that purpose, as the last operation in the manufacture. The blankets prove to be handsome, firm and excellent goods, meriting frank acceptance by the office and decided approbation.
Seven millions and one half of persons in the United States, at six on a medium in each house, give at the allowance of only five blankets to a family, the immense number of 6,250,000 blankets in present use in this country. The odd number (50,000) will serve all the purposes of persons, who sleep without the cover of houses, from the nature of their employments and pursuits. The remainder will require 21,700,000 lbs. of that cotton, of which British orders of council and French imitation obstruct the sales. It is respectfully submitted whether the duty on woollen blankets should not be raised on the fourth of July, to — per centum, if foreign governments do not appear before the rising of Congress, to return to the rule of the law of nations—the law of morals.
FROM THE DEMOCRATIC PRESS.
The friends and enemies of the Embargo are requested to give a candid perusal to the following
EXTRACT,
From "The Critical Review," published in London, in the present year —vol. 2. pages 542-5-4.
"That reciprocity of deadly rancor which exists between the court of Great Britain and that of France, has instigated them to propose one restriction on the trade of neutrals after another, to harass them by successive vexations, and to load them with repeated indignities, till every neutral power, that might mitigate the evils of war, seem likely to be precipitated into that abyss of destruction which is prepared by the unrelenting fury of the belligerents. If any neutral which has touched at a British port, though only from stress of weather, should enter the harbors of France, her cargo is to be confiscated, and her crew imprisoned. And on the contrary, Great Britain declares that every neutral vessel which is found entering a French port, without having come immediately from G. Britain, shall be liable to capture as lawful prize. In such a state of things, neutrals are reduced to what may be called a dilemma of destruction. Whatever course they adopt, spoliation and captivity stare them in the face. Under the conflict-
ing prohibitions of England and France, the commerce of these powers, who are in a state of amity with the belligerents, is placed, under an interdiction of examination. No neutral can any longer experience either respect or security on the ocean; which if the present state of barbarian warfare continues, will soon be covered with piratical instead of neutral ships. Enterprising robbery will be substituted for commercial speculation. The sea will swarm with marauders, as it did before the relations of justice were acknowledged among nations. Of that system of unlimited outrage which has begun to be practiced on the ocean, the guilt, though not exclusively confined to England, must at least be tho't to belong as much to England as to France. The restrictions which we have from the beginning imposed on the intercourse of neutrals with the enemy have caused diverse modes of retaliation on the part of France, which have again engendered a spirit of more infuriated animosity in the councils of Great Britain. We have always been of opinion that the commerce of neutrals ought to be unfettered with restrictions. The calamities of war are great enough of themselves, and why should we increase them by superfluous aggravations? It will be said, will you allow a neutral state to supply your enemy with military stores? We will answer this question by asking in return, when, in all the wars which have occurred between France and England, did France ever make peace for want of steel for swords, iron for muskets, or of gun-powder for ammunition? It notwithstanding all the accumulated wrongs which we have committed in our endeavor to prevent neutrals from supplying our enemy with what we call the contraband of war, that enemy can always obtain a sufficient supply notwithstanding our utmost prohibitions, why should we distress the trade of our friends in order to do a fancied injury to our foes?
"It appears to us that the intercourse which subsists between neutrals and other states in time of peace, ought to experience no interference in time of war. For the relation between a neutral and any two belligerents, is not altered by their reciprocal hostilities. A neutral still continues friendly to both; and if her trade in particular circumstances should be more advantageous to one of the parties than to the other, yet neither is excluded from the benefits: the very idea of neutrality is opposite to that of preference; and, if a neutral shew no undue preference to one enemy, we have no reason to complain. Why should not America, or any other neutral be allowed to send her produce, where it will fetch the highest price? If two individuals disagree, are they justified in rendering this quarrel ruinous to a third, who is no party in the dispute, but who is willing to carry on a friendly correspondence with both? The ocean appears to us as a vast highway, which was designed by Providence, to facilitate the commerce of the world. On this liquid road, which man is at no expence to keep in repair, and which is wide enough to admit the traffic of all the world, one nation can in point of justice, which we never view as disjointed from policy, possess no rights which are not common to the rest: maritime rights are one and the same to all mankind, who have ships to launch on the ocean. And if two maritime states have so little wisdom or so little virtue as to engage in the havoc of war, on what ground can they pretend to impede the traffic of nations with whom they are both at peace?"
DANIEL RAPINE,
On Capitol Hill, has just received the following New Books, which he offers for sale at the lowest possible prices for which they can be purchased at any place in the United States.
Cruise's digest of the Laws of England respecting real property, 5 vols. Doctr. on real actions, with references to the English and American authorities.
The Register of arts, or a compendious view of some of the most useful modern discoveries and inventions, by Thomas G. Fessenden.
The American Register; or a general repository of history, politics, and sciences, vol. 2nd for 1807.
The Fatal Revenge, 2 vols. by D. J. Murphy.

THE "Baltimore Baptist Association," composed of all the Baptist churches on the Western Shore of Maryland and several in Pennsylvania, will meet in this City on Friday next the 14th inst. A SERMON will be delivered in the Baptist Meeting House at 7 o'clock in the evening of that day; and a number of Sermons will be preached during the sitting of the Association, of which notice will be given from the Pulpit, as to time and place, so soon as the arrangement shall be made.
Washington City, Oct. 12, 1808.
The following is another most important and powerful attestation to the wisdom of the Embargo, and forcibly manifests the light in which that measure is viewed by the most respectable and best informed men at a distance from the political passions which here discolour every thing. Mr. Murdoch is a native of the state of Maryland, where he was educated, and spent a considerable portion of his life in the esteem of his fellow-citizens. During the war he served with high reputation in our army; and has since established himself in mercantile life in London, where he ranks among the most opulent and respectable merchants. We add, that his politics, when he resided in the U. States, were impartial.
Extract of a letter from WILLIAM MURDOCH, Esquire, merchant, London.
LONDON, 24th July, 1808.
"With regard to your Embargo, I think it a wise measure, and if it should be persevered in, it will be the means of preserving peace and saving America from ruin; whereas, if it should be taken off before the orders in council and French decrees are annulled, America will suffer, and in the end be ruined, and will furnish an example ever after for any foreign nation to lay any restriction they please on your commerce. If it is right and lawful for this country to compel by her orders in council, all your produce to come here to perish for want of a market, and moreover to tax one of your principal articles 5d. per lb. before it can be re-exported—I mean Cotton. If this is to be submitted to, it would be far better for you to become colonists again. I ask any one on your side who is opposed to the Embargo, to point out to me the difference between a foreign nation compelling all your produce to come to our market, there to tax it before it can be re-exported, or to go over to America and collect the tax before it can be exported! There is a difference in the mode, but none in the principle. If one article is liable to be taxed, every other, by the same rule, is equally so."
"It cannot be denied that every country has a right to regulate her own commerce, and lay what duties she chooses: but she has no right to order the produce of another country into her own ports, and then to tax it before it can go to a foreign market. The French decrees are equally pernicious and objectionable in principle as the orders in council, and both ought to be resisted with great firmness."
What will the apologists of the British government now say to the dispatches brought by the St. Michael, since that government has deprived them of its only ground of justification? We say, the apologists of the British government, for there is no apology made, or attempted to be made by the friends of the administration for the measures of France. They, true to the interests of their own country, condemn the measures of both governments. The Embargo, which is their measure, impartially operates on both. Indeed according to the admission of British partisans on both sides of the water, its rigor is most felt by France.
What, then, we repeat, will the apologists of the British government now say?
They have justified the British orders solely on the ground of retaliation. Not, from any dread of the power of France, to enforce her blockading decrees; but from the alleged acquiescence of our government; that is, because our government omitted to take any measure of resistance. What measure of resistance? Immediate war against France? No one has been hardy enough to contend for that. Commercial regulations that refused all commercial intercourse with her while her unjust decrees remained in force? This is the very measure offered by our government to Britain, to be taken in case she recedes her orders. Rescind your orders, and we will remove the embargo so far as it regards you, while we will
continue it so far as it regards France, until she revokes her decrees. If France still persists in her decrees we will have no trade with her; and if she rescinds them, our whole trade will be restored to its wonted freedom, and every ground on your part for your orders will be taken away. Can any thing be clearer?
But the British government has refused to accept our proffer. We say refused, for a delay of justice is a denial of it. She knows how keenly we feel the condition in which her iniquitous orders and those of France have placed us. She knows the indignation with which her scheme of tribute has been received by us? She knows that a pacific temper cannot, amidst accumulating wrongs, endure forever? She knows that America has a spirit, which she has once calamitously felt, and may woefully feel again. What then can she mean by thus rejecting the fair proposition tendered her? Can she mean anything else than one of two things; to drive us into war, or to force us into an abject submission to her tribute? If her object were to do us justice, and to allow the harmony of the two nations to be restored without a violation of the most essential attribute of sovereignty, the exclusive right of taxing ourselves, would she not be contented with an entire removal of all the unjust restrictions imposed upon our commerce, thereby taking away every pretext for retaliation, or with nearly the whole of our trade, pursued on a footing of fair reciprocity, provided France persisted in her decrees?
As things at present stand, even charity herself must admit, that the pretext of Britain that her orders were retaliatory, insufficient as it was, is taken from her; that her object in enacting them was to make our trade tributary to her wants; that she fears that France, by following her example in rescinding her orders, would deprive her of this resource; and that, consequently, pursuing an unjust and imaginary policy at the expense of our rights, she in fact aims at nothing short of a monopoly of the trade of the world.
At any rate, we fear that she will remain inexorable until events shall have convinced her of the immovable fortitude and patriotism of the American people; until she shall be furnished with an unerring demonstration that the people are uncorrupted and incorruptible; until she shall see a Chief Magistrate chosen for four years, seated in the affections of a vast majority of his countrymen, too stern to bend to the injustice of any foreign potentate, to the leviathan of the deep, or the mammoth of the land, a Chief Magistrate, supported by the nation and its representatives elected for two years. Then, indeed, we may hope that the film will drop from her eyes, and that she will cease to credit the profligate falsehoods with which the opposition prints abound. Then the golden dream of uniting us in the indissoluble bonds of interest and even existence with herself, or of bringing us back to a state of colonial vassalage, may vanish into thin air.
Under these circumstances, it is in the highest degree fortunate for us that our course is as plain and as straight as a sun-beam. Let us unite as one man, not only in our support of measures, but likewise of men; for it is the latter circumstance that is now viewed abroad as most important. Let us hush up all the little divisions that exist among us. Let us give our undivided support to Madison, who will unquestionably be President; when we say our whole support, we mean republican support. Let us shew republicanism, in a crisis like this, in its full strength. Let us shew, that when the great interests of the country are at stake, it is one and indivisible.
Our readers may recollect that Mr. Madison, in his papers on the outrage on the Chesapeake, alludes to the case of Falkland's Islands. He states the case as follows:
"The case which will be noted last, though of a date prior to the case of Nootka Sound, is that of Falkland's Islands. These islands lie about one hundred leagues eastward of the straits of Magellan. The title to them had been a subject of controversy among several of the maritime nations of Europe. From the position of the islands and other circumstances, the pretension of Spain bore an advantageous comparison with those of her competitors. In the year 1770, the British took possession of Port Egmont in one of the islands, the Spaniards being at the time in possession of another part, and protesting against a settlement by the British. The protest being without effect, ships and troops were sent from Buenos-Ayres by the governor of that place, which forcibly dispos-
sessed and drove off the British settlers.
"The British government looking entirely to the dispossession by force, demanded as a specific condition of preserving harmony between the two courts, not only the disavowal of the Spanish proceedings, but that the affairs of that settlement should be immediately restored to the precise state in which they were previous to the act of dispossession. The Spanish government made some difficulties; requiring particularly a disavowal, on the part of Great Britain, of the conduct of her officer at Falkland's Islands, which, it was alleged, gave occasion to the steps taken by the Spanish governor; and proposing an adjustment by mutual stipulation in the ordinary form.
"The reply was, that the moderation of his Britannic majesty having limited his demand to the smallest reparation he could accept for the injury done, nothing was left for discussion but the mode of carrying the disavowal and restitution into execution; reparation losing its value if it be conditional, and to be obtained by any stipulation whatever from the party injured.
"The Spanish government yielded. The violent proceedings of its officers were disavowed. The fort, the port, and every thing else were agreed to be immediately restored to the precise situation which had been disturbed; and duplicates of orders issued for the purpose to the Spanish officers, were delivered into the hands of one of the British principal secretaries of state. Here again it is to be remarked, that satisfaction having been made for the forcible dispossession, the islands lost their importance in the eyes of the British government, and were in a short time evacuated, and port Egmont remains with every other part of them in the hands of Spain."
This statement furnishes us with the result in this memorable case, which fully bears Mr. Madison out in his argument.
There were, however, certain intermediate stages of the negotiation which shed additional and valuable light on the subject, and prove, with uncommon precision, the nature of the reparation required in that case by England, and which, consequently, she ought in justice herself to make in like cases.
In a debate in the House of Lords in the year 1770, alluding to this affair, the great Lord Chatham says, "But, my Lords, I object to our negotiating at all, in our present circumstances. We are not in that situation, in which a great and powerful nation is permitted to negotiate.—A foreign power has forcibly robbed his majesty of a part of his dominions. Is the island restored? Are you replaced in statu quo? If that had been done, it might then perhaps have been justifiable to treat with the aggressor upon the satisfaction he ought to make for the insult offered to the crown of England. But will you descend so low? Will you so shamefully betray the king's honor, as to make it matter of negotiation whether his majesty's possessions shall be restored to him or not? I doubt not, my Lords, that there are some important mysteries in the conduct of this affair, which, whenever they are explained, will account for the profound silence now observed by the king's servants. The time will come, my Lords, when they shall be dragged from their concealments. There are some questions, which, sooner or later, must be answered. The ministry, I find, without declaring themselves explicitly, have taken pains to possess the public with an opinion, that the Spanish Court have constantly disavowed the proceedings of their governor; and some persons, I see, have been shameless and daring enough to advise his Majesty to support and countenance this opinion in his speech from the throne. Certainly, my Lords, there never was a more odious, a more infamous falsehood imposed on a great nation.—It degrades the king's honor.—It is an insult to Parliament.—His Majesty has been advised to confirm and give currency to an absolute falsehood. I beg your Lordship's attention, and I hope I shall be understood, when I repeat, that the Court of Spain's having disavowed the act of their governor is an absolute, a palpable falsehood. Let me ask, my Lords, when the first communication was made by the Court of Madrid, of their being apprised of their taking of Falkland's Islands, was it accompanied with an offer of instant restitution, of immediate satisfaction, and the punishment of the Spanish governor? If it was not, they have adopted the act as their own, and the very mention of a disavowal is an impudent insult offered to the King's dignity. The King of Spain disowns the thief, while he leaves him unpunished, and profits by the theft; in vulgar English, he is the receiver of stolen goods, and ought to be treated accordingly."
Had Lord Chatham had the case of the Chesapeake in his eye, he could not have painted it in truer colors. At this time the island was not restored; but there had been a disavowal of the act by the Spanish court, as in the case of the Chesapeake there was a disavowal to us (at least of a qualified nature); but how indignantly is such a mere profession, unconnected with the acts called for by the nature of the case, scouted. "Was it accompanied with an offer of instant restitution, of immediate satisfaction, and the punishment of the Spanish governor? If it was not, they have adopted the act as their own, and the very mention of a disavowal is an impudent insult offered to the king's dignity."
In the case of the Chesapeake neither of these offers have been made—the men, torn by violence from her, have not been restored, nor has the officer that committed the outrage been punished. In the emphatic words then of Lord Chatham, the English government "have adopted the act as their own."
receiver of stolen goods, and ought to be treated accordingly."
Had Lord Chatham had the case of the Chesapeake in his eye, he could not have painted it in truer colors. At this time the island was not restored; but there had been a disavowal of the act by the Spanish court, as in the case of the Chesapeake there was a disavowal to us (at least of a qualified nature); but how indignantly is such a mere profession, unconnected with the acts called for by the nature of the case, scouted. "Was it accompanied with an offer of instant restitution, of immediate satisfaction, and the punishment of the Spanish governor? If it was not, they have adopted the act as their own, and the very mention of a disavowal is an impudent insult offered to the king's dignity."
In the case of the Chesapeake neither of these offers have been made—the men, torn by violence from her, have not been restored, nor has the officer that committed the outrage been punished. In the emphatic words then of Lord Chatham, the English government "have adopted the act as their own."
An Eastern federal print asserts, that our minister, Mr. Pinkney, declined attending the dinner lately given in London to the Spanish deputies, from ill-will to the cause of the Spanish Patriots. We assert, on the authority of a gentleman just from England, that this representation is false. Mr. Pinkney did not attend that dinner, because he was in very ill health, and had assigned that very day for leaving London, where he had been only for a few days on special business, for his country residence. The profligate manner in which the characters of public men are lacerated is most scandalous.
Vermont. Nothing conclusive is yet received, but there still continues good reason to believe that the legislature is republican.
The following is the official statement of the votes given in one district for a member of Congress in the room of Mr. Witherell resigned:
  Legal—For Samuel Shaw, 3202   Nathan Robinson, 1169   Chauncy Langdon, 1073   Jonas Galusha, 136   Scattering 63 
  Illegal—Mountholly.   For Samuel Shaw, 62   Chauncy Langdon, 3 
Maryland.—The American assures the public that three delegates for Caroline are republican, and that the contrary statement arose altogether from mistake.
Two districts in Alleghany have been heard from, in which the federal ticket has a majority of about 100; three districts, of a more democratic complexion, remain to be heard from.
In Worcester the federal majority is 656, and in Somerset 383. Each of these counties has returned four federal delegates.
From the returns received, it appears that the republicans have 40 delegates, and the federalists 36.
Even should Alleghany send federal delegates, exactly half the legislature will be republican.
Connecticut. Epaphroditus Champion, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, Jonathan O. Moseley, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Lewis B. Sturges and Benjamin Talmadge, all federal, are elected without opposition, representatives in the next Congress.
Delaware. The democratic ticket carried in New-Castle county by a majority of 694; in Kent the federal ticket had a majority of 420; in Sussex Mr. Van Dyke outran the general ticket—his majority in that county was 435; the highest in vote on the general ticket, we understand, did not exceed 300. Each county sends 7 representatives and 3 senators to the state legislature, and as both of the lower counties are federal, it follows that there will be a federal majority of one third of the representation of the state—that is, seven representatives and three senators. The aggregate majority in favor of Mr. Van Dyke is not half so great as it was last year.
Dr. Samuel Miller has been chosen Principal of Dickenson College in the room of the late Dr. Nisbett.
The duke of Berg has been proclaimed king of Naples and Sicily by the name of Joachim Napoleon, in the place of Joseph.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The Constitutionality of the Embargo—Concluded.—In our last number we had endeavored to show that circumstances might exist, in which a suspension of the commerce of the United States might be for the general defence and welfare—that of the existence of these circumstances Congress was the sole judge, and that
when in their opinion they did exist, they had a constitutional right to order an Embargo.
In considering the question, whether the Embargo act must contain a limitation of its existence, we had denied that any provision of that nature was to be found in the constitution. By what principle then of common sense or sound reason is it affirmed to be necessary? Circumstances may arise when the term of suspension of intercourse being known, the object would be defeated. If, for instance, the revocation of the orders in council or the Berlin or Bayonne decrees had been the limitation of the existence of the present Embargo, to how many thousand inconveniences would such a limitation be liable? It would have thrown the control of our commerce into foreign hands, it would have pledged to the government to continue the suspension of intercourse at every hazard till its object was obtained, and it might have been equivalent to an unlimited duration, as being to expire with the commencement of an event that never could occur. Would you limit the duration to any number of days? The party who might otherwise be coerced by the measure, knowing the extent of the privation would be able to estimate its pressure and the power necessary for resistance; and would contrast the disadvantages resulting from it, with the benefits of afterwards exercising an unimpeachable control. From these considerations it is easy to conceive that the general welfare of the country, when it requires the laying of an Embargo, may also require that the precise time of its continuance should remain unknown; and Congress, who clearly have the right of laying an embargo, would be most ridiculously placed, if deprived of the means of enforcing it in the best possible form.
The magnitude and importance of the commerce of the union have, during the continuance of the present Embargo, been most splendidly exhibited by the opponents of the measure. It has been stated that at the moment of its imposition the exports of the U. States equalled those of G. Britain in the year 1795, and that the spirit and enterprise of our countrymen had caused the flag of the union to wave in every port, and her sails to swell on every sea. The advocates of the Embargo allow this; with pleasure, with the pride of American patriots they confess and exult at the fact. A commerce so extensive, connecting itself with the necessities and convenience of every civilised country, is a weapon of Herculean force, and more efficacious & commanding than the boasted fleets of the "Leviathan of the Ocean" or all the armies of the "Mammoth of the Land." A non-intercourse, an entire suspension of commerce must produce effects on the commercial world, as great and tremendous as would be those on the natural, if the earth should suddenly become stationary in her course and the planets forget to revolve in their spheres. It is easy to perceive however that the effects of this suspension must nearly altogether depend on the uncertainty of its duration; and hence most forcibly results the conclusion that the term of its continuance is an unnecessary and sometimes dangerous addition to the act by which an embargo is enforced.
The argument derives new strength from the certainty that there is no provision of constitutional law which could by any implication fix the term of limitation. Unless some short time is provided it is apparent that the whole dispute is a mere controversy about words. An act laying an Embargo for a term not exceeding twenty years would certainly be an act with a limitation as much as the act incorporating the Bank of the U. S. and which unless renewed would permit free commerce again at that time. But who is there, who perceives any thing but a ceremonious farce, a futile and ridiculous affectation of respect, a mere covering without use or ornament in this mockery of form? Who is there, if for a moment he will cease to be a partizan, but must know, that a suspension of commercial intercourse could by no set of men be enforced beyond the causes which produced it? And that these causes, in the ever changing arrangements of commercial and belligerent power would long before that time, be contravened. To pretend that an embargo act without any time affixed for its termination is a perpetual interdiction of commerce, and unconstitutional, while an act enforcing an embargo for twenty, forty, or sixty years is more limited and constitutional, is a farcical perversion of common sense, which if connected with a subject less important than the present would provoke ridicule instead of argument, and contempt rather than conviction.
But does the embargo depend for its constitutionality only on the clause of the constitution giving power to

Congress to provide for the general defence? No. Congress are empowered "to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes." The Embargo act is then justifiable under this power of Congress as a regulation of trade. It is a regulation of trade. The new interpolations not merely on the law of nations, but even the common tyranny of power, rendered the seamen and the shipping of the U. States in danger on the ocean. To shield them from the storm the government provided that they should remain in port. That their ships should not put to sea in the political tempest. This is as much a regulation of trade as would be the command of an owner, who apprehending a hurricane forbade his captain to put to sea. The two clauses of the constitution assist us in determining the meaning of its framers, and the legitimate powers of Congress. Agreeing to the position formerly maintained by that wise and intelligent statesman Mr. Madison, whose great political talents have long honored and benefited his grateful country, that the power of Congress to provide for the general defence gave them no authority not expressly defined, we nevertheless perceive that the last provision quoted from the constitution, as taken in connection with the former is clearly indicative of their power. Congress are to "provide for the general defence," and one among many other provisions for that purpose is the "regulation of trade." Countervailing duties, discriminating acts, partial non-intercourse, total suspension, are among the several "regulations of trade," often resorted to by other nations, and by which "the common defence and general welfare" of the Union is preserved. It was thought by the President and Congress to be a better mean of defence than war with its armies and its navies, its miseries and poverty.
It is objected that by the present Embargo acts the commerce is destroyed, not regulated. It is stopped—not destroyed. Its materials and their arrangement remain. It is stopped, as an artist stops a watch, the better to arrange the work and give it afterwards a more correct and equal motion.
We have before shown that the suspension of trade is not required by the constitution to be of any determinate length of time. We now proceed to refute the objection that is offered in consequence of a pretended want of limitation, by showing,
2d. That the present Embargo acts do in their nature contain a limitation and are not permanent laws.
That only can be considered a perpetual act, which no known power in the government can lawfully repeal; and however technical names may be impressed into the enquiry it is easy to perceive that what may be and often is of a very short duration, can by no fair use of language be called perpetual and eternal. It is conceded that some laws unless containing an express limitation of duration are perpetual, because they are of a nature not to be repealed, and can never be abrogated consistently with the principles of justice; of this nature are all grants of land, money or other valuable property, privileged charters, corporations, &c. by the making of which acts an individual or set of men acquire certain indefeasible rights, which can never be taken away, if there be no term for which they are granted; and which cannot lawfully be impaired for the term of their grant, if there is a term limited in the act. With this exception no act of the legislature can be called perpetual. Although made with all the solemnities of legislative proceeding, it is no sooner done, than the breath which created, can destroy it. Its abrogation is prevented by no moral principle and by no constitutional provision; and if the minds of the legislators should change before the ink was dry by which it was engrossed, this perpetual act, notwithstanding all the forms of eternal duration, which accompanied it, would expire, and the authority which enacted would now abrogate its provisions.
The American Constitution guards against the perpetuity of legislative acts with the most rigid attention. The legislature is returned from the people at short intervals of time and the President every fourth year. The authority of one Congress is no greater than its predecessors, and whatever one has enacted (with the limitations before mentioned) the latter may repeal. This provision of the Constitution is in fact a virtual limitation of every legislative act to a period not exceeding two years. UNLESS IT IS THEN RENEWED, IT MUST EXPIRE. By being renewed I do not mean that the bill must be read again from the Speaker's chair and put to vote;
but I mean a virtual and implied assent given by Congress to its provisions, resulting from the fact of their not exercising an acknowledged power in order to repeal it. As the act is completely within their power, their adoption of its principles is as much implied by a silent acquiescence in its continuance, as was that of the Congress enacting it, by discussing and adopting it. This Embargo act of the American legislature requires the assent of the next legislature either express or implied, and the requisition amounts to a two years limitation at furthest, and entirely destroys the idea of a perpetuity to the act.
The idea that an act without any limitation in the body of it, was a perpetual act, undoubtedly arose from the ancient parliaments of Great Britain, who, before the reign of William and Mary, were limited in their session, only by the pleasure or the death of the king. Of course so long a time intervened between the acts of one legislature and an appeal by the people to the next, that the edicts of the first might well be considered perpetual acts: and if our legislature when chosen for two years, like the English parliament, when chosen for three, could vote themselves into office for seven, there could be little doubt of the propriety of supposing that their acts might be perpetual. Had we an hereditary House of Lords never to be charged—or a king, who in contemplation of law never dies, the same result might be formed. The act would then be perpetual—But in the ever changing formation of an elective republican legislature, the same assertion cannot be made. An act of the American legislature is permanent and perpetual, when it is of a nature that can never be repealed. It is of this nature when it vests an interest absolutely and without any limitation. An act is not perpetual , which will expire at a given and fixed period; or which is repealable at the pleasure of the sovereign power. This distinction quadrates with common understanding, and the genius of our government. It is consistent with the uniform rules of legislation. Congress have power to declare war and to make peace. The declaration of war must be a legislative act. It would be worse than folly to limit the war to a day certain. The act would proclaim the United States to be at war precisely as it laid the Embargo. According to the argument of the opposition the country would be engaged in a perpetual war. Bidding a final farewell to the comforts of civilized life, the citizens of the United States would become the Spartans of modern times, and live forever by the carnage and misery of war!! Futile and ridiculous presumption!
Suppose however, what would certainly after some years be true, that both parties should incline to peace—an arrangement and treaty is made; and a legislative act, in the common language of such instruments, proclaims a perpetual peace with a nation on whom before they had waged a perpetual war ! Is there any one foolish enough to suppose that this peace would be perpetual? Instances need not be multiplied; the statute book is full of examples of acts passed in the same form with the embargo, and repealed by the same or a succeeding Congress. To say, that what is repealable is perpetual, is a solecism in language; as well might it be said that what is mortal is eternal.
We say nothing of the power given by Congress to the President to suspend the act. It is so perfect a limitation of the act to the continuance of the causes by which it was produced that no man, with his senses, could possibly deny it. In consequence, petitions have been forwarded by the most turbulent of the opposition to beg of the President a suspension of an act, which with most ludicrous inconsistency they proclaim to be perpetual. From this view of the subject the embargo, heretofore shown by able writers in the Intelligence to be wise and expedient, is clearly seen to be a constitutional act of the government .
FRANKLIN.
ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
The Lords of the Committee of Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, having authorised us to make public the following Answers to certain Questions proposed by us to their Lordships, we publish them for the information of all whom they may concern:—
THOS. BARING, A. GLENNIE, THOS. MULLETT.
London, 15th August.
QUESTION.
1. His Majesty's order in Council of the 4th July, 1808, having ordered, that all hostilities against Spain on the part of his Majesty shall im-
mediately cease, and that the Blockade of all the Ports of Spain, except such as may be still in possession, or under control of France, shall be forthwith raised?
Can an American vessel proceed from a port in the United States of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, or colonial produce, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal, not being in the possession of the enemies of Great Britain, and return back to a port in the United States direct, with a cargo the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal, without being liable to capture and condemnation, under the Orders of Council of the 11th and 25th of November, 1807, and the several Acts of Parliament passed to carry them into effect?
ANSWER.
American vessels may proceed from a port in the United States of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, or colonial produce, provided such produce be not the produce of the enemy's colonies, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal; such port not being in the possession or under the control of the enemies of Great Britain, and return back to a port in the United States direct, with a cargo, the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal.
QUESTION.
Can an American vessel, having entered a port in Spain previous to the commencement of hostilities by the Patriots against the enemy, proceed from such port with a cargo, the growth and produce of Spain, direct to a port in the United States, without being liable to seizure and condemnation as above?
ANSWER.
An American vessel having entered a port in Spain, previous to the commencement of hostilities by the Patriots against the enemy, may proceed from such port with a cargo, the growth and produce of Spain, direct to a port in the United States, without being liable to seizure and condemnation as above, unless the vessel entered in breach of the Orders in Council.
A letter from London, received by the Montezuma, states that Col. Burr, had an interview with the British ministry, on the subject of his visit to England, but that he had completely failed in his object. This object is stated to have been to make an arrangement with Gen. Miranda, for another attack upon South America. The insurrection in Spain, however, it is added, has rendered the execution of this project unnecessary.
Charleston Courier.
Charleston, Sept. 29.
We are informed, by competent authority, that Wm. Loughton Smith, esq. has declined offering himself as a candidate at the ensuing election as a member of Congress, in opposition to Mr. Marion. We therefore have every reason to believe that all the friends of that gentleman will support Mr. Marion. As it is now well established that Mr. Smith has generally approved of the late measures of the administration, and considered the Embargo as the best thing that could have been done at the time it was laid on, it cannot but be believed that the opinions of such an able statesman will weigh forcibly with all those who have heretofore confided in his opinions, & if any of them are still in opposition to the government, they will feel it their duty to desist and follow the patriotic example he has set them.
Extract of a letter from Brownsville to a respectable merchant in Albany, dated Sept. 23.
"A circumstance happened on the lake this week, about 15 miles above the harbor, at a place called Sandy Creek, within Macey's district, that has alarmed the people considerably. Mr. Handford obtained a clearance from Macey's office, to bring 32 barrels ashes from Sandy Creek to the harbor, and had got them to the creek, over land from Rome. The collector at Oswego got information of it, and dispatched a lieutenant with a company of men, who took the ashes, which were in a barn—a boat, a swivel and pair of pistols which they found in the house, and removed them to the lake shore. The person in whose custody the ashes had been, immediately got out a warrant for the lieutenant for breaking open the doors. The Sheriff, supposing he might want assistance, requested the posse comitatus to attend him. Immediately upwards of twenty men, armed with rifles and muskets, went down to the place where the troops were encamped—the soldiers would not permit the sheriff to do his duty and he had not courage enough to call or did not call on the posse for assistance—the lieutenant then ordered the people to be taken into custody; part of them fled, but ten men including their capt. were
taken, disarmed, put into the boats, and carried to Oswego.—The capt. was armed cap-a-pie —hanger by his side, and a rifle in his hand."
New-York, Oct. 3.
The ship Flora, from London, came up yesterday morning. She left Fal mouth on the 24th of August. A commercial friend has favored the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a file of the "Courier" to the 19th, from which the subjoined articles are copied.
London, August 15.—By private advices from Holland, down to the 10th inst. it appears that the Dutch view with great apprehension the expected rupture between the Austrian Emperor and Bonaparte, as they suppose that the latter will enforce a conscription for his armies in that country. All these advices concur in stating, that the utmost activity prevails in the Austrian dominions, and that the army is, as we before stated on the best authority, on an excellent footing. The Archduke Louis, who is inspector of the frontiers, has recently visited the whole of those frontiers, accompanied by engineers and other officers of known experience. It is strongly reported that the movements of the court of Vienna, are entirely in conjunction with those of the Russian Cabinet.—As a proof that the Corsican despot views these movements with an eye of jealousy, it is said, that the old expedients of interception and murder have been put in force by the French government, and that a Russian Courier who was sent from Prince Woronsky, at Paris, to St. Petersburg, with dispatches, was way-laid in the department of La Meurre, and assassinated. The dispatches were, of course, secured by the French ruffians. A similar attempt was made to intercept an Austrian messenger, from Vienna to Baron Vincent, but this messenger fortunately escaped, though not without being severely wounded.
August 16.
The dispatches from Sir Charles Cotton announcing the landing of Sir Arthur Wellesley, were brought by Mr. Basilico, the messenger. He had been sent with dispatches to Sir Arthur at Cork, but the general had sailed from thence before he reached Cork. Basilico therefore proceeded after him to the coast of Spain.
Sir Arthur, as we stated yesterday, landed at Figueira on the 1st.—By an article, however, from Coimbra, in the Coimbra Gazette of the 28th ult. it appears that he appeared off Figueira on the 26th. Baffling winds, however, we suppose, prevented him from landing sooner than the 1st. As soon as the artillery and every other necessary had been landed, the general began his march for Lisbon. Private accounts describe the joy with which the troops were received by the Portuguese as excessive. As the boats advanced to the shore, acclamations from the people upon the beach rent the air, and nothing was heard but blessings upon the name of G. Britain, the deliverer of the oppressed. Yesterday evening the following Bulletin was exhibited in the city:—
"Mr. Basilico arrived this morning from off the Tagus, which he left on the 3d inst. Gens. Wellesley and Spencer had formed a junction, and landed all their troops."
"A summons had been sent to Junot, who had proposed to capitulate on certain conditions, which, however, his brother-officer, General Laborde, would not consent to."
"The Portuguese were in arms, &c. had joined the British in great numbers."
"Junot had not been able to correspond with France for three weeks."
The above bulletin was not, we believe, circulated by the authority of government. The substance of the intelligence, which government had received, we published in our paper of yesterday. It stated that Sir Arthur effected his junction with Gen. Spencer on the 3d.
A mail from Gottenburgh arrived this morning. So far from Buxhowden having beat the Swedes, it is reported that the latter with an inferior force have gained a victory over the former.
Extract of a letter from Stockholm, dated 30th July, 1808.
"There is a report here that the Swedes under Klingspor have defeated the Russians near Lappo, between the 18th and 19th inst. The Swedes were only 3800 strong, and the Russians 6000. The Swedes lost in killed upwards of 20 officers. It is said to have been a bloody affair. Klingspor could not avoid giving battle for fear of being cut off."
Another expedition is about to sail from Cork. The following information respecting it is from the Cork paper of the 10th instant:
Cork, August 10.
Lieut. General Sir David Baird and brigadier general Slade, are expected
in town to join the expedition prepared to sail from Cove.
August 11. Murat it appears has resigned to Bonaparte the Grand Duchy of Berg. This resignation was probably made as a preparatory step to his being made king of Naples. We should think, however, that the recent occurrences in Spain would rather tend to embarrass this arrangement.
The captain of an American vessel which arrived at Deal yesterday from Holland, states that the Austrian and Russian ambassadors had been recalled from the Dutch court previous to his sailing. We give this report, as it has reached us, without pledging ourselves for its authenticity.
St. Petersburg, July 9.
"The following Ukase has appeared here—
"The Imperial chamber of commerce hereby makes known to the merchants belonging to the port of St. Petersburg, that no merchant ships with Russian produce, belonging to any nation whatever, shall sail from those ports of the Baltic which are blockaded by the English or Swedes, so long as the blockade continues."
August 19.
The captain of a vessel which arrived yesterday from the Elbe, which he left on the 8th inst. states, that the whole of the French force had evacuated Berlin by the 15th ultimo, and had taken a direction towards Silesia.
Copenhagen, July 26.—The intelligence of a rupture between Sweden and England, is now fully confirmed. The King of Sweden has set out for Finland.
Vienna, July 23.—It is rumored, that a courier from Trieste has brought advice, that the American ships which were lying there, being disposed to set sail, a protest was taken by the parties interested against their departure, and that this proceeding occasioned some disturbances, which however were completely appeased by the presence of his imperial highness the Archduke John. Mercantile letters from the place to the 20th inst. make no mention of this affair.
MARRIED, at Sweet Air, the Residence of Mrs. Carroll, on the 6th inst. by the Rev. Mr. Beeston, DANIEL CARROLL, Esq. of Duddington, to Miss ANN BOYCE.
A CRAFT FOR SALE.
Will be sold by Public Auction, for cash, on Thursday next the 13th instant at 11 o'clock in the forenoon at Latham's Wharf in Georgetown, a SCHOONER, about 32 1/2 tons burthen. She is well calculated to carry Wood; draws only 3 1/2 feet when loaded and carries about 20 Cords.
October 12—It
PUBLIC SALE.
By Order of the Orphan's Court of Calvert county, the subscriber will offer at Public Sale, at "Gods Grace Levels," in Calvert county, the late residence of Mrs. Rebecca Mackall, deceased, on THURSDAY the 10th day of November next or the first fair day after, the HOUSE, HOLD FURNITURE, Plantation Utensils, stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep & Hogs, of the said Rebecca Mackall; and also a number of Law Books and other Books. The sale will be on a credit of six months, the purchaser giving bond with security, and will commence at 9 o'clock in the morning and continue from day to day if necessary.
RICHARD POTTS, Adm'r of Mrs. Rebecca Mackall. Calvert county, October 12—w3t
UNITED STATES PATENT
FOR THE IMPROVED LIFE BUOY OR SEAMAN'S FRIEND. A PATENT having been granted by the President of the U. States of America for the "Improved Life Buoy or Seaman's Friend," the public are respectfully informed that they may be accommodated with this highly useful machine at the shortest notice and very reasonable. Their utility must be generally allowed, and it is hoped now that they may be had in this city, American Manufactured. The lives of many may be saved, which for want of such precaution are untimely launched into eternity, to be lamented by their families and friends. Their power is so great that it is impossible for the wearer to sink, and if in danger of their vessel being wrecked a man may have it on and not be hindered from working at any thing. The subscriber flatters himself that their utility is too well known to all those who are any ways connected with the waters to need any commenting on. Orders from any part of the United States, (post paid) will meet with punctual attendance by
WILLIAM FLOWER, General Commission Agent, No. 58, Walnut street Philadelphia. October 12—
FOX'S NEW HISTORICAL WORK.
Just received from Philadelphia, the History of the Early Part of the Reign of JAMES II.—by the Right Hon. Charles James Fox. With an Appendix, containing the correspondence between Louis XIV and M. Barrillon on English affairs, and other original and important papers—Published by Birch & Smith, Philadelphia, and for sale by J. MILIGAN Georgetown, D. RAYNE and R. W. WRIGHTMAN, Washington city, and J. KENNEDY, sen. Alexandria. Price in Boards 2 Dols. 85 Cts. and Bound 3 Dols. September 26—4t

TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS. Subscribers in arrears are earnestly requested to comply with the terms of this Paper, which, it will be recollected, require the annual payment of five Dollars in advance. As no period, in the affairs of our country, has been more momentous than the present, so, never has there been a time that required greater exertions from the public press. While the most indefatigable and unremitted efforts are made to mislead the public mind, and to give it a direction destructive to the great interests of the nation, it becomes the duty of the republican press to be firm, vigilant and active in the diffusion of truth. This duty shall be performed by us. As heretofore the public shall be presented with a full and faithful view of the proceedings of the government, including the Debates of Congress, and the interesting Documents that emanate from the several departments of the government. If we are to judge from passing events, no session since the era of the government will have been more important than the one at hand.
To enable the Editor the more satisfactorily to discharge these duties, he has associated with himself, JOSEPH GALES, Jun. who, during the sittings of Congress, will be principally occupied in reporting their proceedings; a department in which he has already shown his competency and impartiality.
As this, together with other arrangements, will involve great additional expenses, we are compelled, notwithstanding the peculiar circumstances of the times, to address ourselves to the justice of our subscribers, under the hope that they will, by their punctuality, enable us faithfully to comply with our engagements.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. STOLEN from the stable of the subscriber last night, the 6th inst. a handsome BLACK RIDGLING HORSE , about 13 hands high, white blaze face, hind feet white, an M. branded on the right side of the neck, and a W. on the left shoulder; a scar on one of his fore legs. He is about eight years old, is in high order, and his coat shining black.
The above reward will be paid for the detection of the Horse and return of the Horse, or one half that amount for either. FREDERICK MAY. Washington city, October 10—
ON SALE AT AUCTION. On Wednesday next, at the Hotel lately occupied by P. E. STELLE, will be sold to the highest bidder, sundry articles of HOUSEHOLD AND KITCHEN FURNITURE. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock, A. M. where the conditions will be made known, by S. SPEAKE, Auct. Washington, October 7—2t
THIS DAY! Published by Joseph Milligan, George-Town, Price $1.75 cents, ADELINNE MOWBRAY, OR THE MOTHER AND DAUGHTER, A TALE, IN 2 VOLUMES, By Mrs. Opie.
The above work has passed the ordeal of criticism in Europe and America with uncommon success, and from the flattering reception which the Simple Tales (by the same author) has met with, the publisher of Adeline Mowbray has no doubt, but the few copies which he has on hand, will soon be purchased by a discerning public, who are always inclined to encourage merit.
The above work may be had of the publisher, in George-Town, and of R. C. Weightman; or Daniel Rapine, Washington, & of the principal booksellers throughout the United States. October 10—6t
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern, in said town—to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALE, of Saml. March 21—cpts
BANK OF COLUMBIA. The President and Directors having this day declared a Dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of eight per cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives on or after Tuesday the 20th inst. WM. WHANN, Cash'r. September 19—6w
LOST. A CHECK on the Branch Bank in this City, bearing date the 3d inst. for $250 in favor of Robert King or bearer, as the payment of which is stopped, it can be of no use to any person but the owner—a reasonable reward will be paid to the finder by delivering it to the subscriber at the Treasury Department. ROBERT KING. Washington, October 5—3t
WASHINGTON JOCKEY CLUB RACES. On Tuesday the 25th day of October next, will be run for over the Washington Course, a Purse of Five Hundred Dollars, four miles and repeat—free for any horse, mare, or gelding. On Wednesday the 26th will be run for, a Purse of Three Hundred and Fifty Dollars, three miles and repeat—free as above, the winning horse of the preceding day excepted—and On Thursday the 27th will be run for, "The City and Town Purse" of Three Hundred Dollars, two miles and repeat—free only for colts and fillies. Each race to be run and conducted agreeably to the rules of the Club. The Purse will probably be considerably larger than has been stated. The amount of each cannot be stated with positive certainty, because it is made up, in part, from the tolls collected at the gates, and from the rent of the booths. SAMUEL BOOTES, Sec. George-Town, August 31—4B
N. B. The members of the Club are particularly requested to meet at the Union Tavern, at 6 o'clock on the evening of the day preceding the first day's race, in conformity to a standing rule of the Club. S. B.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superior Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelots & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. New landing from on board the sch. Maria , capt. Pitzhugh, and for SALE, at low prices, Jamaica Spirit, Antigua and New England Rum, Muscatado Sugars, Molasses, Coffee, Muscatel and bloom Raisins, Holland and country Gin, Spermaceti Candles, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars, Corks, Powder and shot of the best quality, White Lead in oil, A few crates of Stone Ware. They have also on hand, and for Sale, Madeira, Marsala, and } Wine by the cask. Catalonia, } Claret in boxes of 1 dozen each, Cognac and } Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, } Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, Best Salid Oil, Mould and Dipt Candles, Soap, Whiskey, and A few Lags of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. August 22—
B Y VIRTUE of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the Subscriber as trustee for the sale of part of the REAL ESTATE of James Beall son of Robert, deceased, will sell at PUBLIC AUCTION at Mr. Daniel Beall's, living on the premises, on Monday the 31st day of October next—the following Tracts or parcels of LAND, lying in Montgomery county and adjoining the lands of the late Allen Bowie: Part Euster, 142 acres. First Vacancy, 41 Part Second Vacancy, 38 Resurvey on Batchelor's } 49 Purchase, } 270
A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money with legal interest thereon, within twelve months from the day of sale. SOLOMON HOLLAND, Trustee. Rockville, October, 7—3w
THIS is to give notice, that the Subscriber of Prince George county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county in Maryland, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of CASSANDRA HILLEARY, late of said county, deceased, All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the 10th day of April next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 6th day of October, 1808. GEORGE HILLEARY, Adm'r. of Cassandra Hilleary. October 7—3t
PRINTING INK. SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PATRO, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN MINCHIN'S New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol. October 10—3sp&w3m
LOST on or about the 22d of September last, a NELSON DIRK with an Ivory handle Gilt mountings, together with black leather WAIST BELT , worked with gold thread. Any person finding the same and lodging it at Mr. STELLE'S Hotel, Capitol Hill, will be suitably rewarded by the owner. October 5—3t
WANTED , to Teach ARITHMETIC & GEOGRAPHY in a Female Academy , a Gentleman who is competent thereto, and who can devote three afternoons in the week to those objects. For particulars enquire of N. KING, War Office. October 7—3t
NEW GOODS. The Subscriber has just received from New-York, and now opening, at his Store, in Bridge-Street, the following Goods, viz. 1 Case 4-4th and 6-4th cotton cambric muslins, 1 do. 7-8th Irish linens well assorted, 1 do. 8-4th and 10-4th Irish damask table diapers, 6 do. men's low priced fidd hats, 1 do. men and women's cotton stockings, plain, laced, and sandals, 1 trunk low priced English calicoes, 1 do. 8-4th cotton damask table diapers, 1 do. containing 35 dozen cotton damask towelling, 1 do. 60 pieces scarlet and brown Bandana handkerchiefs, 1 do. dark plaid ginghams and black cambric muslins, 6 bales India cottons, different kinds, 4 do. white and brown German tidken-burgs, 46 boxes Havannah segars, All of which will be sold low for cash or approved paper at 60 or 90 days. EDWARD L. SMITH. George-Town, September 2—5w
A LIST OF LETTERS Remaining in the Post-Office, Washington City, October 1st, 1808. A—Lucy Austin, John Aborn, John Arnett. B—Samuel Button, Benjamin Bryan, Thomas Brister, Clement C. Biddle, Robert Brown 2, Rev. O. B. Brown, William Bankson, Lazarus Beach, Mr. Bruff;—Breckenridge, John Babcock, James Bankhead, Jonathan T. Bell, Thomas Beatty, John W. Beaumont, John M. Baker, Thomas Blount, Thomas P. Bruce, James Button. C—Col. Thos. Cushing 2, Overton Carr, Philip Cevalear, John Crafts, James Chesnut, George Curtis, Walter Cure, Philip Clayton, John Chamberlain, Capt. Wm. Campbell 2, Anne Crone, Ann Cooper. D—Dawson (M. C.) W. M. Duncan 2, Beall Duvall, W. W. Davis, Anthony Doibler, Monsieur Dauci 2, John P. Decatur, William Donnison. E—Charles E. Eckel 2, Mid'n. Jesse D. Elliott, Robert L. Edmond, Frederick E. Becc, Elisha E. Elam, Mrs. Elizabeth. F—C. Floris, Wm. Ferguson, Mary Fox, Mrs. Fletcher, Ferdinandto Fairfax, Rev. Edward Fenwick, Elizabeth B. Finch. G—George Gillespie, Hannah L. Gibbs, Adam Glossbrenner, Silas Grig, Capt. G. Gill, Dr. Wm. Grayson, Walter Gaither. H—Peter Hagner, Wm. Hines, Robert Holliday, Simon Hulbert, George Hodges, Maj. James Heard, B. G. Hopkins 2, Hanson Hedges, Lt. Dan. Hughes 2, David Henly, Hill & Nicholls, Alex. Hunter, Joseph Henrickler, Levi Hollingsworth, John Herron, Gustavus Higdon, Ben. Howard. I—Francis Jenkins, Thomas Johnston, (black man) Peggy Jones, Mary Jones, Henry B. Joy. K—Henry Kramer, John Kramer, jun. Sarah King, Joseph Kerr, Alexander Kerr 2. L—Lt. Wm. Lewis 4, Capt. Winslow Lewis, Conrad Lang, Lt. Jas. T. Leonard 2, Jas. Livingston, Richard Leake, Andrew Lady, Edward Livingston 3, J. Lockwood, Joseph Lewis, jun. Owen Lyon, Alexander Lucas, Thomas Lynch, John Lyon. M—Hon. J. Marshall 2, Mary Matthews, Peter Mills, Capt. Wm. A. Murray, Capt. Myer Moses, Capt. Andrew McClary 3, John Madox, Leonard Matly, Miss Mile, Horatia Moore 7, Mr. Moore, Edward L. Miles, Lt. Daniel Murray, Enoch Miller, James Moore, Ebenezer B. Morse, Lieut. G. A. Marcellin, William March, Mr. Milar, Wm. R. McKay, William Minnife, Charles Mullen, Serj. D. Maher, Jacob Miller sen. David Magruder. N—Lt. Noah, Nicholl & Peck, Wm. L. Neale, John Nowland. O—Warren Offut, Daniel Osterday, James Oldham, Col. Archibald Orme. P—Capt. Jos. Perry, David Parish, R. W. Peacock, John Peebles, Capt. N. Pinckney, Bernard Parsons, Stephen Perry, Capt. Joseph Perry. R—John B. Rittenhouse, Dr. John Ridgely, George Rowland, Gilbert C. Russell, Edmund Rogers, Com. John Rogers. S—Mrs. Simon, Mr. Spalding, Horatio Smallwood, David Slater, Thomas Simpson, Thos. V. Spruill 2, Susan Soteroson, John Smith, John Sharp, Wm. Shepard, Maj. Amos Stoddard, William Shorthouse 2, Foxhall Sturman, Thomas Shields, John Smith, George C. Sibley, Richard Spalding, R. Stanford, Ebenezer Sturges, Jacob Summers, Col. Patrick Sim, Miles Smith. T—William Thornton 2, Joseph Thom, Col. Abisha Thomas, Robert Tilley, Elizabeth Tucker, Stephen Thomas, Elisha Thomas, John Thompson. W—John G. Woolfolk 2, James White 2, Philip Williams, Stephen Woodland, Serj. Sam. Whitmore, Edward Webb, Jacob T. Walden 2, Joseph Walker, D. Whitchurst 3, Henry Watson 2, Joshua E. White, Levi White, John Westcott jun. 2, Rubin Whips, David Woods, George Wolgar, Miss Catharine M. Wood. Y—John E. Young, Mrs. Cloe Young. October 7—w3t
MANHATTAN ACADEMY FOR YOUNG GENTLEMEN. M R DAPONTE informs his friends and the public, that he has opened his Academy nearly adjoining the Manhattan Bank, up Broadway road, where he will instruct Young Gentlemen in the French, Latin, & Italian Languages . Every attention will be paid to the morals of those entrusted to his care. N. B. M r Daponte begs to say he has, at the request of several parents engaged a very able person to teach, not only Writing and Cyphering in his Academy, but also the English Grammar, Geography , and other Juvenile rudiments. October 5—
SLOOP UNITY—HIND. Arrived at Philadelphia the 20th inst. in three days from NORFOLK, is taking in Freight, and will sail soon for this place. October 3—
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. DEFERRED on the evening of the 29th of September last, DANIEL HARGIS, a recruit belonging to this rendezvous, says he is thirty-one years of age, but appears older; five feet seven inches in height, has hazel eyes, black hair and sallow complexion, was born in Ireland, and by occupation a blacksmith; had on of the public clothing, a black hat bound with white tape, cockade and Eagle, a coarse shirt ruffled at the breast, white frize vest with an Eagle button marked first regiment, a pair of coarse linen trowsers, short stockings, and shoes. He had on of his own an old cloth coatee, of a dark mixture, wore out at the elbows. The above reward with reasonable charges will be paid for apprehending and delivering him to me, or to any other officer of the army, or securing him in any jail in the United States, and giving me or any other officer of the army information thereof. ROBERT CHERRY. Commanding Recruiting Rendezvous. Washington City, October 3.
TO BE LET, A Comfortable dwelling house, with every convenience to accommodate a genteel family, now occupied by the Rev. Mr. Laurie—possession may be had on the 17th of this month—Stable and Carriage House if required. Apply to PIERCE PURCELL. Also a Two Story Brick House on F. Street—an excellent stand for business—a large store completely finished, a dry cellar, &c. &c. Stable and carriage house. Apply as above. October 3—3t
THE LAWYER, OR MAN AS HE OUGHT NOT TO BE; A TALE. Price One Dollar. ** The above highly interesting work is just published, and may be had at J. March's Book-Store, George-Town. September 26—6t
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New-London; New-York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Georgia, or New-Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w4n
WANTED to purchase or hire by the year, a NEGRO WOMAN, who is acquainted with washing and ironing cooking. Also a NEGRO MAN, as a waiter, and who has some knowledge of horses.—Satisfactory testimonials of their honesty and sobriety will be required. Enquire of the Printer. October 5—wtf
Orphan's Court, Prince Georges county, July 19th 1808. IT being represented to this court by petition in writing of Robert McGill administrator of Benjamin Gaither late of said county; deceased, that in consequence of the absence of the deceased's representatives from the state of Maryland, and of doubts being entertained whether the said absent representatives are in existence or have left any issue to represent them, he cannot safely make distribution of the assets in his hands without the interposition of this court. It is therefore ordered, that unless the said absent representatives appear before the 20th day of January next to receive their respective dividends, that the court will then proceed to make distribution of the assets in the hands of the said Robert McGill, among the deceased's representatives, residing in the state of Maryland, provided the said Robert McGill shall cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for eight weeks before the 20th day of November next. Test, TRUEMAN TYLER, Reg. of Wills for Prince George's county. August 29—w8t
VALUABLE LAND & MILLS. THE Subscriber offers for sale or barter, for Property in the City of Washington or George-Town , 125 acres of LAND; one half well timbered, the soil of an excellent quality, with a proportion of meadow ground, a never failing stream a water running directly through it, on which is a Grist and Saw Mill adjoining, all in complete order, with a fifteen foot water wheel, overshoot, also a small comfortable Dwelling, and other out houses, with a variety of young fruit trees, and a spring of excellent water bursting out of a large rock near the house. It is deemed unnecessary to describe the natural advantages of this seat, as it is presumed those inclined to purchase will view the premises. The above property is beautifully situated in Montgomery county, four miles from Richard Ross's tavern on the Baltimore road, seven miles from Bladensburg, and twelve from the city of Washington and George-Town. RICHARD LANSDALE. September 28—1awtf
District of Columbia, county of Alexandria, IN the case of ROBERT BROWN JAMES son an insolvent debtor, late of the district aforesaid. Notice is hereby given, to the several creditors of the said Robert Brown Jameson, to bring in and exhibit to Colin Auld , trustee, appointed for the benefit of the said creditors, their respective claims within five months from this 24th day of September 1808—and it is ordered, that notice of this order be published in the Alexandria Daily Gazette , and the National Intelligencer , once in each week, for three successive weeks. By order of the honorable Nicholas Fitzhugh , assistant judge of the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia and acting judge in the case of the discharge of the insolvent debtor, aforesaid. Witness my hand and seal this 24th September, 1808. G. DENEALE, C. C. September 30—w3t
JOHN W. HOLLINGSWORTH, MERCHANT TAYLOR FROM BALTIMORE, Near the Navy Yard in 8th street, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has for sale a quantity of ready made goods, viz. Coats, Surtsouts, Jackets, &c. and also a quantity of Ilw Powder , suitable for Barbers at a moderate price. October 3—3t
Prince George's County, to wit: I hereby certify that Natley Maddox of the said county, brought before me as a Stray, trespassing on his inclosure, a dark brown GELDING , about 12 years old, 14 1-2 hands high, a small star in his forehead, switch tail, heavy lopped ears, no perceivable brand, much galled both by the saddle and gears. Given under my hand, a justice of the peace in and for the county aforesaid, this 26th of July, 1808. HENRY A. CALLIS. The owner of the above mentioned Horse is desired to prove his property, pay charges, and take him away. NATLEY MADDOX. living near the Eastern Branch bridge, Prince George's county, Md. September 26—w3t
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county , will be sold, at Public Sale , at Yanersville , in Prince George's county , on Saturday the 15th day of October next. THE residue of the Personal Estate of Zachariah Baldwin , late of said county, deceased; consisting of sundry valuable Negroes . A credit of six months will be given, on the purchasers giving bond, with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. HENRY CULVER, Adm. with the will annexed September 26—w3t
FOR SALE. THE two story BRICK HOUSE , situate on square No. 939, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven , as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
This is to give Notice, THAT the subscribers of Prince George's county , hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county , in Maryland, letters, of administration on the Personal Estate of Isaac Magruder , late of Prince Georges county , deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscribers, at or before the 13th day of March next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all the benefit of the said estate. Given under our hands this 13th day of September, 1808. ANN MAGRUDER, THOS. MAGRUDER, Administrators. September 14—w6t
Prince Georges' county, ss. ON application to me the subscriber in the recess of the court as Chief Judge of the first Judicial District of the state of Maryland by petition in writing of HENRY ADDISON CALLIS , of Prince Georges county , praying for the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, and the several supplements thereto on the terms mentioned in the said acts—a schedule of his property and list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them, being annexed to his petition; and the said Henry Addison Callis , having satisfied me by competent testimony that he has resided in the state of Maryland two years immediately preceding the time of his application; having also stated in his petition that he is now in actual confinement for debt and not on account of any breach of the peace or for the non-payment of any fine, or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the sheriff of Prince Georges county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement on the terms prescribed in the said acts, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do hereby order and adjudge that the said Henry Addison Callis be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in December next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the county court at the court house of said county, at 12 o'clock of the said first Monday in December next for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Henry Addison Callis then and there taking the oath prescribed for the delivering up his property and to show cause if any they have why the said Henry Addison Callis should not have the benefit of the several acts of Assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors. Given under my hand this 12th day of August, 1808. JOHN GANTT. September 2—w3m
PUBLIC SALE. ON MONDAY the 31st OCTOBER next will be sold at Public Auction a Two Story BRICK HOUSE , with adjacent FRAME BUILDING , and the LOTS No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the MARINE BARRACKS . The house was lately inhabited by Col. Wharton , now in the occupancy of Thomas Carberry . The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at STELLE'S Hotel. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct. September 19—tdos
JOHN GOULDING Is now landing from on board the Polly from Baltimore, a few barrels of West India COFFEE and New Orleans SUGAR , Bottles in hampers, Red and White Champagne Wine in boxes, Fresh Tea, &c. On hand, as usual, most kinds of choice old Wines in bottles and in casks; best Albany Ale ; Philadelphia Porter and Ale ; Spermaceti Candles , Train Oil ; Castile Soap in boxes, with sundry articles in his line, to be sold for CASH , and as usual, cheap to his punctilious customers. Georgetown, September 16—2m