The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-07-29 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1. CCXXXII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JULY, 29th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAY 27.
MEDIATION OF RUSSIA.
(Continued.)
After the situation in which this country was placed, after the most full, frank and explicit declaration on the part of his majesty, and after the evasions and delays on the part of France, which nobody could dispute, the only purpose for which they could negotiate was, that if the two countries had any difficulty, they might, for their separate advantage, refer to the emperor of Russia, for his good offices to terminate their differences.—Now he would ask the house, whether his majesty's government would have been justified on fair grounds, to do—What?—to say, "we are not ready to enter into the discussion with you, we know our own views, but yours are to delay the issue." It was the interest of this country that the question should be no longer left undecided, he therefore said, that the intervention came under circumstances in which it did not appear to his majesty's government to be wise to alter the instructions which they gave to my lord Whitworth, to bring the negotiation to a crisis; for it appeared under all the circumstances to be only calculated for delay on the part of France. The honorable gentleman had stated what great advantage there would be, both with reference to carrying on the war, or the settlement of peace, in consequence of our accepting the mediation of Russia. He agreed with the honorable gentleman in this particular, and he stated the circumstances which were concluded in the year 1781, relating to the right of navigation; and he said, that the emperor of Russia might say, that altho' such a conclusion of the point might be satisfactory to us, it might not be so satisfactory to Russia, and that Russia on some future occasion, might form an expectation to recur to their ancient system on the subject of neutral navigation. Now, he would say, there certainly were individuals in Russia attached to that system of navigation at that time; he would not say there were none of them now; but this he would observe, that the great majority of the most intelligent persons in Russia, and even of the Russian government, were formerly convinced, that upon this subject the interests of Russia were correspondent with the interests of Great Britain; they were clearly convinced that the contrary opinion, which was taken up by the late empress, who, though most certainly a great princess, had been influenced by the vanity of being at the head of a confederacy in support of that opinion, but now, the most intelligent persons in Russia were well convinced of the weakness of that opinion, and upon the best foundation, because it was manifest that Russia had little or no mercantile marine whatever, nor could have any as all her commerce is carried on in the vessels of other countries, so that the interests of Russia corresponded with those of Great Britain on the subject of neutral navigation in 1781, not to be acted on, Russia would lose its trade in the Baltic; and this was the conviction of all the intelligent persons now in Russia, but he would not put the question on this narrowed ground, it was most unquestionably true that by a connexion between Russia and Great Britain we could best set a barrier to France, without this, or some such concert no hope could be entertained of peace, upon a solid foundation, to this country and to Europe, which must be had on just and honorable terms, but it must not be done by crippling our exertions in the mean time, limiting our powers, or paralyzing our strength—from the declaration, and extract from which he had read, that they even now were in their sentiments and wishes conformable to those which had been expressed by the honorable gentleman himself, which were for Peace, consistently with the security and the repose of Europe. He could not assent to this Motion, because it would imply a belief that Government were not actuated by any measure that could have such a tendency was inexpedient; his objection, therefore, to the motion, of the Hon. Gentleman was, that he laid no adequate ground for it. Had he not shown to the House that His Majesty's Ministers had manifested a disposition to Peace, but, on the contrary, it appeared by which had actuated them. He thought also, that the motion might have the effect of unloosing the minds of the people, of checking their exertions, and disappointing their expectations, which, he hoped, were well founded; these were the reasons which occurred
to him to object to the motion of the hon. Gentleman. It was not to the general sentiments of the hon. gentleman he objected, but he saw no necessity for the motion under the present circumstances, he therefore begged leave to move the previous question.
Mr. Fox laid a few words in explanation.
Mr. Pitt said, he certainly did not mean to trouble the House for more than a single moment. He rose only to state what he hoped on the present occasion, and to observe, that for the first time in the recollection of any who heard him, for at least a long period of years, in that House, there was little reason to suppose, although the subject was most important, there was any real or radical difference of opinion; he rose, he said, to express a hope that the House would not be brought to a division on the honorable member's proposition, whatever the House might think of the propriety of the motion as an address of advice to his majesty. He perfectly agreed with the honorable gentleman in much of what he had expressed; in most of the general principles laid down by him he was perfectly ready to concur. He had heard that honorable gentleman with infinite satisfaction; and that satisfaction had been greatly increased by hearing from his noble friend so much approbation of such principles, and which left no room to doubt, that in the judgment of government (who, in the first instance, had constitutionally the duty of advising his majesty) these principles ought to be their guide, and that no opportunity of acting upon them would be lost. As to the principles themselves, it would be strange indeed if he had any unwillingness to avow them. They were the principles which, in the best part of the history of our country, had been applied to our situation, in the most important occasions; principles which had so often contributed to our protection, to the protection of our country, and also to a successful resistance against encroachments, against principles which had been upheld in opposition to France so frequently, upon points of national rivalry, that they had led us to consider that nation almost as a natural enemy—principles which are deemed to be liberal and prudent upon all occasions, ever since this country interfered with effect in the affairs of the continent—principles which led us to watch the power which threatened, in the first place, the independence of Europe; and, secondly, connected with the first, the security of Great Britain—principles which he had often maintained, and in which he had often the misfortune to be opposed by that honorable gentleman, with a zeal and vehemence which he was happy to find he did not now employ, but used arguments which amounted almost to contradiction of his former speeches; but he most sincerely rejoiced that these principles were adopted by that honorable gentleman, for they certainly were the principles which had contributed most to the establishment of the character of this country, and were the foundation of its greatness, as appeared in several periods of its history, but never more conspicuously than in the course of the last war. They were principles deeply rooted in his mind, that it was not until the moment he had despaired of any further continental connection, that he thought it would be fitting to look for terms of separate pacification. They were principles on which it was fit to judge of the government of which he had made a part, when it became often his duty to submit to the House expensive and great subsidies, on which the interests of this country were hazarded, and in some instances almost sacrificed to the idea of general security to be obtained, not by a question of terms or expenses, as to England, but with a general view of security to the continent. They were the principles which led him to believe that when we had no longer a chance of obtaining the best means of security, of rendering Europe safe against the ambition manifested by France, we were justified in looking for security for ourselves alone, and which satisfied him that when we were making terms for ourselves alone, that we were more at liberty to make concessions calculated to prevent the evils of protracted war, than when our interests were involved with those of an ally. He was anxious to speak sincerely upon this point, and he declared it was not for the purpose of referring to those times when differences subsisted between him and the honorable gentleman upon these subjects, or with any with to renew the discussion upon them at present, but he trusted that upon the country would, upon this occasion, have the benefit of the authority of the honorable gentleman, to silence those
who, publishing his arguments to extremes yet sheltering themselves under his authority, declared against the impropriety and impolicy, at any time, or under any circumstances, of making British sacrifices for continental purposes. He did not mean to contend that continental connexions would justify us in always interfering in the events which occurred on the continent, but on the other hand, he was sure he should not be contradicted, when he asserted that no great and essential change could take place in the relative situation of the powers on the continent, the effects of which would not be material to Great Britain. It, however, by no means followed from that position, that we were bound, with our own separate force, to resist the aggressions against other states, or to avenge their wrongs, if other powers did not feel themselves bound by interest or inclination to join us; but it did follow, that whether we were enjoying the advantages of peace, or engaged in the prosecution of a war—whether we were negotiating for the purpose of preventing a war, or for the purpose of concluding a peace, that it must be the duty of government, when they saw a favorable opportunity, to avail themselves of the disposition of great and respectable continental powers and to act in concert with them for the attainment of those objects.
The honorable gentleman had properly abstained from in any degree detailing his view of the application of this mediation to the principal object in dispute. He was glad that the honorable gentleman had done so, and he would adhere to his example. He only wished to say, what perhaps might appear a little whimsical from him, and might seem as if he wished to limit the possible application of the continental principles laid down by the honorable gentleman, and that he was more inclined to contend for separate British interests than the honorable gentleman himself—he was willing to admit, that if there could arise out of the proposal of Russia, any solid ground to hope for, or if there could be engrained upon it, any chance of producing a system that might restore peace, accompanied with powerful and respectable guarantees, not only of the present object in dispute, but of what remained of the present state of Europe, that object would be in itself so desirable and so important, that he could even conceive that some arrangement, which taken separately, might be less useful to ourselves, might yet be admissible. But upon this no distinct opinion could be given beforehand, because it must depend upon a comparison of the circumstances presented to their choice. Upon this point they were all agreed, that this country ought not to separate itself unnecessarily from this continent, on the contrary that we ought to take every opportunity of connecting and linking ourselves with it upon fair and honorable grounds. But after the experience that we have had, that without any fault of our own, without any departure from the treaties we had made, without any failure of the engagements into which we have entered, we might still be left to struggle alone with France, upon our own resources and upon our own means. If we did know, by clear evidence, of the hostility or of the hostile views of France against us, and that we had at the same time in our hands the means of resisting that particular danger, it would become us to know, that what we received as a substitute for it, should be great and sufficient indeed, before we suffered a doubt to arise in our minds upon the subject—before we parted with that security which British valour had gained, and which it only required British prudence and perseverance to retain. By the acquisition of alliances on the continent, we should always gain an accession of power; but at the same time, he could not give up solid and separate security for continental alliances. He thought it necessary to make these distinctions, that we might not at once adopt those opinions which had begun to be prevalent in the minds of some persons, viz. that we ought at once to abandon continental connexions altogether, but he was equally anxious to avoid the contrary extreme, and that we should not indulge prematurely in the dream looking on the continent for security, on points in which the continent was not concerned. On those points in which the interests of the continent were not involved, our own interests, our own security, must be prosecuted and maintained with vigor and with firmness, unless we were content to be reduced as low in rank and power as some states, whose situation every one concurred in lamenting. This subject might be car-
ried much further, and many observations upon it naturally suggested themselves to his mind; but he would not now trespass any longer upon the house, because he had set out with declaring that he would not occupy much of their time, and because, upon general principles, there appeared to be no difference of opinion. Feeling therefore the justice of the principles which the honorable gentleman had in his mind, and which he had urged upon this occasion, he was inclined to hope that he would not persevere in pressing his motion, because in that case one of the two things must happen, if it would be rejected or if the previous question should be put upon it (which he should think the more consonant to the rules of parliamentary proceeding,) it might be a subject of misconstruction elsewhere, and it might be said, "you were less anxious that France for the establishment of a system which afforded the best prospect for maintaining the security of Europe." If, on the other hand, the motion should be carried, great weight would necessarily result from its being a vote of the house of commons, and, besides unloosing the public mind, it would make that appear to be a forced measure, which would certainly have more effect if it came as a voluntary act of government. Parliament would, he hoped, at all times exercise the constitutional right which it possessed over these subjects; but cases of war or negotiation, (unless where there were grounds to suspect abuse,) ought to be left to ministers, with that responsibility necessarily attached to their situation. Upon these grounds he hoped the honorable gentleman would not persist in his motion.
Mr. Fox said, he was sorry the right honorable gentleman had referred to topics which included the sentiments maintained by each of them in the late war; the discussion he had no inclination to renew, but in the course of which he believed he had not been so fortunate as to be well understood. He had been of opinion in that war, not that we should have no continental alliances, but that our continental alliances in the last war had been misapplied; and of that opinion was the right honorable gentleman at the conclusion of the war, when we were left without allies. He did not affect any superior sagacity, but he happened to be two or three years before-hand with the right honorable gentleman in opinion upon that subject. He supported the treaty of Amiens, on the principle that the events of the war, and the injudicious principle of the war, had produced the effect of making our influence on the Continent absolutely void: he thought it necessary to say this, in answer to the observations of the right honorable gentleman. As to the object of security to be taken for the continuance of peace, he foresaw a good deal of difference between the right honorable gentleman and himself, and therefore when a treaty of peace came to be offered, that would be matter for discussion. On the value of the security when offered, the mode to judge would be by comparison, what we sacrificed with the security we received.
Having said this upon the two general topics introduced by the Right Honorable Gentleman, he could assure him and the house, that he had no wish for a division; but notwithstanding that disposition of his to give way, he did not know how far he might be driven to it by the course which might be followed by the noble lord. He considered the right of the house of commons, to advise the executive power upon all subjects of public policy, to be such as not to be even so much as disputed. He did not charge ministers with any negligence of their duty, but all he understood was, that a mediation had been offered; now it was equal to him whether that mediation was accepted or was ab't to be accepted if he heard from the noble lord there was any disposition to accept of that mediation of the Emperor of Russia at this moment, he should withdraw his motion but otherwise he would not very well consent to that course. As to unloosing the public mind, it was needless for him to say he had no such object, neither did he see that was likely to be the effect of what he was now doing. He had no other wish than that the mediation might be adopted, because he had no doubt it should be effectual. On the subject of the war he should not enter, because nothing could be offered but general arguments on the state of Europe: but as to the hopes of mediation the house was agreed, he believed, that if it be but a vision, it was a vision which we all wished to see realized. He admitted that the mediation did not secure to us an object, but it would cer-
tainly further the chance of gaining it; and therefore he had no wish for a division, if he was given to understand that the mediation would be accepted. The noble lord stated, that the proposition of the Russian minister had been communicated, and that was a great deal. Whoever looked at this matter, and saw how the proposition of the accommodation was made on the part of Russia, would be led to wish that it had not been made by the one and avoided by the other of the parties. If, instead of being stated by the English Ambassador to the French Ambassador, or by the French Ambassador to the English, it had been stated to each of them by Count Marloff at Paris, or Count Woronzow in London, the negotiation would not have taken the turn it did—of that he was perfectly sure. He did not know why that proposition for the mediation of Russia should not, even now, be adopted. He did not know how far French accounts might be depended upon, but they certainly did state the disposition of his imperial majesty the Emperor of Russia to offer his mediation, in a much broader way than any thing we had heard of, in London. If the noble lord gave him assurance that the Mediation would be accepted, he should withdraw his motion. It might be said, that if he had no doubt of the disposition of his majesty's ministers, why should he bring forward such a motion as this? Why did he not confine in them?
To which he would answer, that altho' he had no idea it would so happen, yet it might happen that the advantage of the mediation now offered might be lost, and lost by the fault of ministers, a loss that would be irreparable, and then he would have to reproach himself for not calling upon the house of commons to admonish ministers to do their duty by availing themselves of this most propitious offer. Information whether this mediation would be accepted or not, was all he desired, in the first instance, and what he desired much more than he should succeed to his Motion in the second. He was happy also to observe, that whatever variety of opinion there might be in the house on some topics, they were all agreed on this.
Lord Hawkesbury rose to explain. He said, that with regard to the mediation of which the hon. gentleman had spoken, and the way in which it came to his Majesty's minister, between London and Paris, and the state of things at the time, made it impossible for ministers to be acquainted with the nature of the mediation immediately after it was offered by his Imperial Majesty. Certainly the sense in which he understood the mediation, it was of the slightest species of assurance of mediation, if indeed it could be so called; in that sense he understood it then, and in that sense he understood it now. His Lordship then stated the contents of the communication to the following effect: "The cabinet of St. Peterburgh, though there appeared a reluctance in the two parties, offer mediation, which was meant with a view to be offered by the minister in London and Paris, to give you the assistance you may desire, and the Emperor will be ready to exert his good offices, to adjust the points in dispute between the two countries." Under these circumstances, the mediation being so general and so loose, and coming at such a moment, his Majesty's government thought they had no alternative than to say they had stated the terms on which they were ready to continue at peace, and probably at this time that Lord Whitworth had left Paris; and therefore looking at that intervention (whatever effect it might have at the beginning) it being so general, and coming at such a time, and being so loose, it was in the judgement of his Majesty's ministers inadmissible; but at the same time they had no disposition to conceal from the government of St. Peterburgh, or from the House of Commons, that they are ready to enter into any explanation to the government relative to the difference between this country and France, and to conciliate means that may lead to the restoration of peace as soon as possible.
Mr. Fox. "Upon the mediation of Russia."
Lord Hawkesbury. "That his Majesty's ministers are ready on the mediation of the court of St. Peterburgh—on that ground to receive from that court, whatever their ideas may be, and the ground of their judgement on the subject of arrangement; or that ministers themselves are ready to state explicitly to the court of St. Peterburgh their ideas upon that subject. That there shall not be any question of etiquette whatever to impede this purpose, his Majesty's ministers are prepared

The following official statement of the votes given in the new state of Ohio for a Representative to Congress...
OFFICIAL.
On Thursday last, the 14th instant, the governor of this state, in the presence of the secretary, proceeded to examine the returns from the several counties...
Table with 2 columns: Name, Votes. Includes entries for Jeremiah Morrow (5701), William M'Millan (1873), Michael Baldwin (902), Elias Langham (615), William G. Forth (313), etc.
The election in Pleasant township, in Clermont county, was set aside by the judges in that county, for not being conducted agreeably to law...
Summary table: The whole number of legal votes taken, 7518; Of which, for the republican candidates, 5558; And for federal, 1960; Republican majority, 3598.
It gives us pleasure to see republican newspapers appear in this and in some of our sister states, where before the federalists had the advantages of the press exclusively to themselves.
Hudson, July 10.
Last week the indictment against Harry Crosswell, for publishing the annexed paragraph, was tried at the circuit court held at Claverack.
The following is the paragraph which gave rise to the indictment: "Holt says, the burden of the federal song is that Mr. Jefferson paid Callender for writing against the late administration."
ed that where people sell they are very apt to buy.
A great part of the internal trade is now upon the pivot; the scales vibrate. Much may be gained and much lost. What is done should be done quickly, and done effectually; and for other reasons of very serious moment besides those I have dwelt upon, and which I shall take another opportunity of stating to your excellency.
There are two objections I have heard stated to the extension and improvement of the roads of this state by means of legislative assistance.
First. It is a very expensive measure. True; but if the expense will be repaid by the increased prosperity of the country, why should we not submit to it? If other nations of more experience have tried the experiment before us for many years, and on a scale of expense incalculably larger than we require, and with increasing conviction of its utility, why should we be so niggardly to ourselves?
Second. It has been said, that much has been already done by the state for the improvement of roads, but the money has always been wastefully or uselessly expended, and in almost every instance has been made a job.
True; but am I to turn off all my servants and live without assistance, because I have been negligent enough to let some of them defraud me? Should I go without clothes left my tailor rob me of my cloth? If what has been expended has been ill spent, profit by what has past, and take more care in future.
I fear I have dwelt longer upon this subject than I ought; and therefore I shall close these observations by suggesting with great deference the improvements that have struck me as necessary.
What I have submitted to your excellency's consideration relates to the only part of the state I am well acquainted with. It is the result of local knowledge and observation.
1st. That the roads from Philadelphia to Easton, from Easton to Wilkesbarre, from Easton along the North and South road to the Great-bend and the road from Philadelphia to Sunbury through Reading and over the Broad Mountain, should if not turnpiked, be put in complete and substantial repair.
2dly. That one or two persons should be appointed to inspect these roads, or any others that may be thought necessary, and also the roads passing through, and connected with this state, leading to the river Hudson, in New-York state, and report such facts and observations relating thereto, as may enable the next legislature to judge of the expediency of adopting, in whole or in part, the plan proposed.
I beg of your excellency, to excuse the length and imperfections of the present letter, in consideration of its being dictated by a sincere desire to do good; and believe me to be, with great respect, Yours Excellency's
Faithful friend and servant. THOMAS COOPER. WILKESBARRE, 18th November, 1803.
* The roads proposed to be made are coloured red in the fin: map. † From Philadelphia to Berwick is 109 miles, as the road goes. Thence to the Forks of Loyalsock, about 40. From Philadelphia to Catawissa, about 110 or 112 miles. From Philadelphia to Wilkesbarre, through Easton 120. From Philadelphia to Sunbury, about 128. Nearly two thirds of the road from Muncy to Tioga, across Lantana, is finished by private subscription, but imperfectly.
to and from the roads of N. York state, there is a still greater advantage in turnpike roads over the river navigation, as the Susquehanna new is, and for many years is likely to be. That river is navigable generally once, seldom twice a year for the carriage of goods up and down.
While these impediments to the river navigation continue, the places of factory and deposit if any, will be the towns immediately above them.
There is no part of Pennsylvania that I know of, equal in fertility as a tract of country to the Genesee part of New-York state, from the Black and Mohock rivers to the Genesee river.
The eastern part of Luzerne county, from the state line to the county line of Wayne and Northampton, though not the paradise which the Philadelphia speculators suppose it, is a very fertile, very heavily timbered, beech country.
The trade of Lycoming will generally go down the Susquehanna; whether it will stop at the turnpike road of Columbia, or go on to Havre de Grace or Baltimore, depends upon future circumstances.
The county of Northumberland certainly looks forward to Baltimore as at least an equal market with Philadelphia; but the whole trade of this county would go habitually to Philadelphia, if the store-keepers and farmers of Sunbury, Northumberland, Derrtown, Milton, and Williamsport were tempted to frequent Philadelphia still more by the means of a good road through Shamokin and over the Broad mountain, through Reading.
* See the copy of the report on the obstructions in the Susquehanna, Delaware, Lehigh, and Schuylkill, by Reading Howell, Frederic Antes, William Dean, Timothy Matlack, Samuel M'Clay, John Adlum, Samuel Boyd, Bartram Garbreath, Thomas Huling, John Adlum, and Benjamin Rittenhouse, esquires, 1790.
good roads are of good water carriage, I cannot see the policy of exclusively aiding the communication to Baltimore. From Cooperstown to Wilkesbarre, and from the heads of the west branch to Northumberland there is not a single impediment in the river.
1st. In winter time a farmer and his team are comparatively idle; his horses must eat, and they might as well work. Hence he will prefer carrying his own wheat by land to market in the winter, and bringing home a back load, to sending it down the river in the spring, though seemingly at a cheaper rate.
2dly. The farmers have a strong and reasonable objection to venturing their wheat inarks, until the navigation of the Susquehanna is mended down to Middletown or Wright's ferry.
3dly. The store keepers are driven from necessity to hire teams to fetch occasional supplies of goods, when the frost of winter or the drought of summer prevents the river from being navigated.
The importance of good roads to the trade between the metropolis and the interior country, is therefore upon the whole at least equal to the river communication.
But it is not only with respect to the roads that the state of Pennsylvania is not doing justice to its own metropolis. I see no objection to opening the market of Baltimore as well as the market of Philadelphia to the Pennsylvania farmer. Having his choice he can at all times be more sure of selling at a fair price, while there is competition.
to come to a frank and explicit declaration of their views; but until effect shall have been given to these views, until an adjustment has taken place, they do not consider it consistent with their duty to advise his Majesty to withhold any exactions which the circumstances may offer to terminate the contest.
Mr. Fox observed, that the noble lord having stated it to be the intention of his Majesty's ministers to leave the negotiation to Russia, that they have no unwillingness to receive or to originate terms or views on which peace may be restored, and that it shall be under the mediation of that illustrious prince, he had no difficulty to withdraw his motion.
To his excellency THOMAS M'KEAN, governor of Pennsylvania.
(Continued from last page.)
That our late candidly and profitably turn the whole commerce of its inhabitants (with little exception) to Philadelphia instead of to New-York and Baltimore; and can at the same time and by the same means make our own metropolis the centre of a great part of the trade from the western sources of Susquehanna, I have no doubt.
The people of Maryland have drawn and are drawing a considerable portion of the trade of Pennsylvania to Baltimore. This is well known. The people of New York are going on in the same way with rapid strides.
Carlisle, and the county south of it and the whole circle of its commerce north and west in Pennsylvania, will share the trade with Baltimore alone, whose influence is extending by degrees in Lancaster and Dauphin counties.
Those turnpikes though not long finished, have enabled New-York state to gain from Pennsylvania all the trade as far as Olwego, the country between which and Newton point (36 miles) is at this moment a subject of competition between that state and Philadelphia.
But independent of the comparative cheapness in the transportation of goods

FROM HAVANNAH. Letters received yesterday per Sch. Nancy inform, that the merchants at the Havannah having remonstrated, to the Spanish Court on the conduct of the Intendant, as being injurious to the interests of commerce, an order had been issued for his recall, with instructions to remain in office until the arrival of his successor. Irritated at this mark of disgrace, the Intendant seized upon most of the American vessels in port, (many of which vessels were under Spanish colours) condemned them and their cargoes, and threw several of the captains into prison. He was expected to take his departure for Spain in about two weeks. Eight or ten English Guineamen were at Havannah, preparing to clear out with all possible dispatch though it was not officially known there that hostilities were renewed in Europe. It was very likely at the Havannah.
N. Y. Mer. Advertiser. NEW-YORK, July 22. From Havannah. We learn by capt. Frost, from Havannah, that the government of that place had given orders to put an immediate stop to the practice of smuggling; and had seized American property to the amount of 12,000 dollars, belonging to dealers in leather in the United States. In consequence of information having been received, of the Intendant's being concerned in covering American property under Spanish colours, he had been ordered home, and was to sail in ten days after capt. Forest's departure, in a brig for Spain.
The celebrated Bowes was at Havannah in iron; but it was expected he would be given up in exchange for two Spanish officers in captivity with the Indians. Four or five Spanish ships of war lying in port, were getting ready for sea; as also, with all possible expedition, eight of the English Guineamen, who had had an intimation of war, but no certain account of it. Fourteen nuns, from New-Orleans, had arrived safe at Havannah.
NORFOLK, July 23. Thursday arrived the brig Regulator, capt. Wright, 21 days from Grenada. On the 4th instant off Martinique, capt. W. took a British armed brig, which informed, that a strong expedition against Tobago had failed from Barbadoes, and that a number of men of war with troops on board had arrived there from England. Capt. Wright favored us with the Grenada Gazette of June 24, from which we copy the following:—
Yesterday arrived here a ship and two brigs, out of London, French prizes, laden with produce; it appears that on Tuesday morning last, his majesty's frigate Venus of 32 guns, in reconnoitring off Tobago, perceiving, or having had intelligence of several homeward bound loaded ships being in Courland Bay, run in under French colours, and not being suspected, cut out two ships and two brigs; one of which ships we learn was a very large one, called the Phoenix, having upwards of 1500 hogheads of sugar on board, which is sent to Barbadoes, the other ship and brigs are those mentioned to have arrived here.
Lexington July 5th, 1803. Yesterday the anniversary of our independence was celebrated in this town and neighbourhood, with remarkable enthusiasm; the day was ushered in by a discharge of 17 rounds, from a piece of Artillery.—At noon the independent companies formed the line of march, and were joined by the most respectable part of the citizens, when they proceeded to Mr. Maxwell's farm, where a plentiful dinner was provided by Mr. Webster; after which the following toasts were drank amid the roaring of cannon and the acclamations of the citizens.
1. The day we commemorate—may the principles that gave it birth be transmitted to our latest posterity. 2. The United States—may a band of perpetual union encircle them, and perpetual infamy attach to the wretch who would dissolve them. 3. The state of Kentucky—may her fame rise and moderation always entitle her to a respectable rank with her sister states. 4. The federal constitution—the only security for our political happiness, when fairly construed and faithfully executed. 5. The memory of Gen. Washington, and those heroes who fell in defence of our independence—let regret drop a tear to departed virtue. 6. The President of the United States—his political creed is recorded in his inaugural speech, can his enemies be friends to liberty? 7. The Mississippi—Through its channel the commerce of the Western country must flow, as freely and uncontrolled as its waters. 8. The rights of Nations. A just respect for the rights of others, and a firm adherence to our own. 9. The agriculture, commerce and manufacture of the United States.
10. The freedom of speech and of the press—"Error of opinion may be freely tolerated, whilst reason is left free to combat it." 11. The freedom of Religion—May the sacred desk never be transformed into a forum for disseminating political delusion. 12. Virtue, morality and independence to all the world. 13. The Militia—"Our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war." 14. May the world tremble into chaos, before America shall cease to be free. 15. Public economy—May it supersede the necessity "of taking from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned." 16. Our own money in our own pockets—But may they be ever open to the real exigencies of the nation, or to relieve the distressed. 17. The American fair.
From a London Print. The negotiation being brought to a decision, the first consideration relates to the manner in which it is conducted; the next, to the necessity of its present termination. That ministers have brought it to a crisis with the best views to the public interest, we are fully persuaded; but it appears to us that the negotiation seems more wisely concluded than carried on; and though the issue was evident at first, it has not been provided for with that prudence and good policy which we were prepared to expect.
1. The cause of war existed as late as October last; this, ministers must have seen; nevertheless, they acted in a manner little preparatory to such an event. 2. The Mission of SEBASTIANI was a ground of more serious alarm; but government sent out remonstrances only, and orders to give up our conquests. 3. The designs of France growing ripe for seizing Egypt, Government was desired to evacuate Malta or expect war. And here we first stood firm. From this pinacle we took a review of all the violations of the Treaty which had occurred since the peace of Amiens—concessions were given to the wind; the measure of irritation was filled; the last finish was put to the account, and a general indictment was drawn up against the ambition of the First Consul.
The negotiation had before relied on with those common obstructions which time and discussion would have removed, and presented no complaint of difficult adjustment; but the demand to evacuate Malta concentrated the vigour of England, and from that moment, war was resolved upon. The conversation between Lord Whitworth and the First Consul is full confirmation of the necessity of our keeping it, and as Bonaparte has declared that he would rather see us in possession of the Fauxbourg St. Antoine, than Malta, our Government is of opinion that an invasion had better be hazarded than not retain it.
At this point then the two powers were at issue, and here we may suggest a doubt which we were the first to state at an early period of the negotiation, whether the ministers, having resolved to retain Malta, and knowing that it would be a cause of war, were justified in surrendering the other conquests? Nothing in the negotiation seems to bear Mr. Addington through this conduct. It would have been even wiser to have declared war six months back, and to have fought with Egypt and the Cape of Good Hope in our hands.
It is necessary to recur to the situation in which the war has placed the two powers; to France nothing is left but a compromise between necessity and pride; whilst England has every thing to hope from those fluctuations of events, which the common course of chance, if not the natural progress of affairs, must needs decide unfavorably for her rival. France has yet an opening to save her honour, of which she may possibly avail herself. She may propose, by way of interchange, to relinquish Malta to England, conditioning for the possession of some port infinitely less important to her interest, but healing to her wounded pride. In the succession of glories and conquests which the mind of the first consul has traced out for France; he has doubtless looked to future ages, and fancied he beheld her mistress of Egypt, and to the destruction of British prosperity, the restorer of Indian commerce into those channels in which it anciently flowed.—The stubborn unyielding of England, who has likewise visited this fairy land, dissipates at once this vision of his future greatness: steals from him the inmost treasures of his soul; and can it be wondered that it should work him up to his present desperation?
To the particulars given respecting the Island of Lampedosa, Mr. Eton in his survey of the Turkish empire, adds the following:—"The island is exceedingly fertile, capable of easy defence; almost all round it is good anchorage; there is a fine bay, where ships may ride in safety, and at the bottom of the bay a creek capable of being formed into a large excellent harbour. It was proposed to be occupied by the Russians. The advantages of this position are enumerated as follows:
"The situation of Lampedosa is the most advantageous possible; it is 100 miles from Sula in Barbary, from Girgenti in Sicily, and from the great port of Malta; 600 from Toulon, from Algiers, and the entrance into the Archipelago; from Gibraltar, Alexandria, and Constantinople 950; from Tripoli Tunis, and the South point of Sicily, 160 miles." "It is the best situation of any in the Mediterranean; in that respect it has all the advantages of Malta for the station of a fleet in time of peace or war. It is farther from France than from the Archipelago, and is in the passage of all vessels that go or come from the Levant." "In time of war if the island should be in danger of an invasion, and being attacked by a superior fleet, the vessels stationed there may retire to Malta or Sicily, &c. however, a fleet drawn up near the shore may be protected by the land batteries." "It is the best station for protecting trade. Vessels coming either from the Straits of Gibraltar, or from the Levant may be met by frigates, this island being in the middle way." "Magazines of naval stores may be formed here from the Black Sea, instead of purchasing them at enormous prices in Italy in war time." "Provisions will be produced in the island, but till that is the case, they may be had from Sicily or the coast of Barbary, even in time of war as Malta is supplied thence, and more than two-thirds of the cost at Leghorn, saved, &c."
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. To CENSOR.
Your preliminary observations on the advantages which the American people would derive from the extensive establishment of refined manufactures, convince me of the superiority of your learning and reading—under this impression I should shrink from the idea of remarking upon your observations, did not your reasoning appear to me evidently erroneous.
"The term productive labor (you say,) seems to have been confined by Smith and other writers to the production of a surplus of human food. You are for extending the term to every employment which affords happiness, and for considering the labor of the merchant, manufacturer, &c. as more productive of happiness than the labor of the earth cultivators."
It appears to me that productive labor is different in different countries. In England the labor of a family would be unproductive were they to cultivate a piece of ground, pay a high rent for it, and find at the end of the year they had raised produce sufficient to live on, and pay the rent, but had none left to purchase clothing with; whilst the next family by working in cotton or china manufactory, had obtained money enough to clothe themselves and purchase American provisions.
In America the labor of a family would be unproductive, were they to employ themselves in making muslin, china ware, cutlery, &c. and find at the end of the year their foreign manufactures, were sold to low, that the years labor would not feed and clothe the family; whilst the next family by ploughing and sowing had raised abundance for themselves and a surplus to purchase foreign manufactures.
You say, "the exclusive application of the term productive labor , to agricultural labor, will appear more palpably improper, if we recollect that the productiveness depends on the cheapness and perfection of implements of agriculture—Secondly, upon the extent of markets for raw materials, provisions, &c. and lastly upon chemical discoveries and inventions relative to the nature of soil, &c."
First, I apprehend implements of agriculture are not refined manufactures —not even imported manufactures. Second, when markets fail for our provisions and raw materials, we cannot exchange them for luxuries, it will be time enough to establish manufactures of luxuries. Third, Let the people of Europe who are allotted for land, make chemical experiments on soils, and when they succeed we can adopt them.
You say, "if the country on which an agricultural nation depends for manufactures be distant, the price of manufactures will be enhanced by transportation be fluctuating and uncertain. If the manufacturing country depends for provisions and raw materials upon many countries, the expense of transporting the rude produce, will fall exclusively upon the producers. If one country by the excellence of its manufactures or by a monopoly of them, should be able to vend them in foreign countries at an extravagant price, enhanced by taxes and imposts, they must be ultimately paid for by the consumers."
America does not depend on one country for manufactures, and if any countries have, or acquire a monopoly of certain manufactures, and load them with taxes and profits, it is optional with us to buy them or not, particularly refined manufactures. The manufacturing
countries depend in a great measure upon America for food and other necessaries. When they are in need of necessaries they must pay all the expenses of transportation, and it is not optional to buy or let them alone—they must buy or starve.
You say, "if those manufactures have been invented to gratify vanity, &c. and to distinguish one man from another, these circumstances will tend still further to enhance the price and render their importation and consumption powerful means of corrupting the simplicity of republican manners."
It is the effect of the consumption of luxurious manufactures, why attempt to establish them here? Rather prohibit their importation; think not of taking our citizens from their healthful agricultural pursuits to dress them in cloths unhealthy forges, cotton mills and glass houses; whilst we can have the produce (if we will be luxurious) of those manufactures, for our surplus food and raw materials.
The manufactures suited to America are not refined manufactures . Domestic manufactures deserve encouragement; and the best mode of cultivating their growth is not expensive. I presume every part of the United States produces either flax or cotton, and both those materials may be manufactured in a domestic manner. Every farmer may, if he chooses, raise flax or cotton sufficient to clothe his family. It may be carded and spun by the females at leisure times, and wove by himself (or a neighbouring weaver,) when he has no work in the field. To reduce the quantum of labour, I would recommend that in the cotton raising states, the governor of each state, or the grand juries of counties, should procure a model of a carding engine, a spinning jenny, or mule, and a fly shuttle loom—the ingenuity of our mechanics would soon introduce the use of those machines, had they a model to work by; and then an old woman or two could spin as much cotton as would clothe a village with coarse callico, fustians, &c. In fact, a spinning jenny is all the machinery absolutely necessary, and is not a complicated machine. Cotton may be carded by hand—drawn into a thread coarser as candlewick by a common wheel, and then drawn to a fineness suitable for coarse muslin, fustian, jean, &c. with the jenny, which machine will also double and twist the thread for warps or stockings. For linens, no machinery is used in Ireland, (unless introduced very lately) but the common wheel, and fly shuttle loom—the latter saves so much labour, and is so little used here, and is so very simple, that printers of newspapers might benefit domestic manufactures to an unknown extent, were each to procure a wooden cut of a fly shuttle, and print it in their papers with a short description. The fly shuttle is equally applicable to linen, woollen and cotton manufactures.
AN ALIEN MANUFACTURER. Washington City, June 30th.
From the very laughable "Tales in verse" by George Coleman, jun. written in an elbow chair." emblematical of their case, allusively styled "My Night Gown and Slippers," we borrow the following:
LODGINGS FOR SINGLE GENTLEMEN—A TALE. WHO has e'er been in London, that overgrown place, Has seen "Lodgings to Let," stare him full in the face; Some are good, and let dearly; while some 'tis well known, Are so dear, so bad, they are best let alone. Derry down.
Will Waddle, whose temper was studious, and lonely, Bired lodgings that took single gentlemen only; But Will was so fat he appeared like a ton!— Or like two single gentlemen roll'd into one. He entered his room; and to bed he retreated, But all the night long, he felt fever'd and heated; And though heavy to weigh, as a score of fat sheep, He was not, by any means, heavy to sleep.
Next night 'twas the same, and the next; and the next; He persip'd like an ox; he was nervous and vex'd; Week passed after week; till by weekly succession, His weakly condition was pass'd all expression.
In six months, his acquaintance began much to doubt him: For his skin, "like a lady's loose gown," hung about him: He sent for a doctor, and cried like a ninny, "I have lost many pounds—make me well—there's a guinea."
The doctor look'd wise—"a flow fever" he said: Preferred sudorificks; and going to bed. "Sudorificks in bed," exclaimed Will, "are humbugs: "I've enough of them there, without paying for drugs."
Will kick'd out the doctor—but when ill indeed, E'en dismissing the doctor don't always succeed;
So, calling his host—he said—"Sir do you know, I'm the fat single gentleman, six months ago! "Look'er, land'ord, I think," argued Will, with a grim, "That with honest intentions you first took me in; "But from the first night—and to say so I'm bold; "I have been so damn'd hot, that I'm sure I caught cold." Quoth the landlord—"now, I ne'er had a dispute; "I've let lodgings ten years; I'm a baker to boot; "In airing your sheets, Sir, my wife is no dove; "And your bed is immediately over my oven." The oven!!!" says Will—says the host, "why this passion?" "In that excellent bed died three people of fashion." "Why, to cruelty, good fir? "Zounds!—cries Will in a taking, "Who would'd be cruelty, with half a year's baking?" Will paid for his rooms; cried the host, with a sneer, "Well, I see you've been going away half a year." "Friend, we can't well agree—yet no quarrel," Will said; "For one man may die, where another makes bread."
Maryland July 11, 1803. Thomas Johnson's Creditors vs. His Heirs. In Chancery. The following claims viz Patrick McGrath, Doctor David Steward Patrick Wheeler, and John Davidson against the estate of the said Thomas Johnson are not established to the Chancellor's satisfaction. He will, on application at any time, after the fifteenth day of September next, proceed to decide finally on any of the said claims, provided a copy of this order be served the person claiming, as inserted in the National Intelligencer three times before 20th day of August next. Depositions taken before a single magistrate will be received as evidence. In the case of a claim against a deceased person, the parties own affidavits are always required by this court. Claims passed by the orphan's court are generally admitted unless afterwards disputed. True copy, SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, Reg. Court Chan. July 29. LAW37.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 24th of June last, near the Eastern Branch ferry, City of Washington, a Negro man named ABRAHAM, but being an artful fellow, I expect he will change his name, and pass for a free man. He is about 28 years of age, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made; He is rather of a yellow complexion; his wool is very short, and a scar on one side of his head near the top; he speaks very quick, and stammers in his speech. He was formerly the property of Doctor Blake of Calvert county. I have some reason to believe he has made for that place, or otherwise for Baltimore. He had no clothing with him but what he had on, which was Osnaburg trowsers, an old shirt, a grey short coat. Whoever delivers the said fellow to me, shall receive the above reward. LEWIN TALBURTT. July 11. 1803. tawtf
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR
HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS, of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloth's and Cashmere's, superior NAVY BLUE and other colours, handsome NAVY & FASHIONABLE BUTTONS, &c. Gentlemen of ARMY, NAVY and FASHION served with expedition and taste. New Jersey Avenue, seventh house from Capitol Square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's square. April 13 1803. tf.
LANDS FOR SALE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell a tract of land situate near the foot of the Blue Ridge and Short Hills in Loudon county Virginia, bounded partly by Potomac river within two miles of Harpers Ferry and the mouth of Shenandoah. It is of strong good soil, answering perfectly well for Plaintiff of Paris, and contains by patent 2310 acres. It is so well known as a valuable and fine tract of land that a further description is unnecessary to those who incline to purchase will naturally view and examine it. A clear and indisputable title will be given by the subscriber. There is no mortgage, judgment, debt, lease, claim or demand whatsoever against any part, it having been always let to tenants at low annual rents who are raised and removable at will; but the occupying tenants (through choice only) have been permitted to claim from any coming in tenant one half of the deposit money as may be settled between them, for the improvements and good will, the other half going to the landlord. There are at present sixteen or seventeen tenants upon the estate at very low rents. And it is recommended as an object well worth the attention of any person who would purchase the whole to parcel it into larger farms to the resident tenants or others willing to purchase parts of it. The terms of sale are a portion of one fourth paid down in money, or in approved negotiable paper, and the remainder in one two or three years as may be agreed upon carrying interest from the day of sale. Application may be made personally, or by letter, to the subscriber residing at Warrenton on Potomac river, near to Alexandria, to James M'Ilhenny near the premises, or to Mr. John Janney merchant in Alexandria. THOMAS ALWOOD DIGGES. July 13, 1803. tawtf
There is due Dols. Cents for your subscription from to and there will be due the day of the additional sum of dols. Cents.

To his EXCELLENCY THOMAS M'KEAN Governor of Pennsylvania. SIR,  I send your excellency, according to promise, some observations on the internal commerce of the state of Pennsylvania, and its connexion with N. York and Baltimore. In so doing I shall venture on some general truths of a preliminary nature, which persons conversant in the history and present state of European commerce will readily admit, and which if necessary might be proved beyond all doubt.
In every country, even in the most commercial such as Great Britain, the value of the internal trade between citizen and citizen, is far greater than the external between citizen and foreigner. In the latter country, the proportion has been considered as on an average about seven to one for these last twenty years. I think it has been much greater. That is, the value of exports do not amount to one seventh of the value of the products of agriculture and manufactures produced and consumed at home. This is easy to account for from ten millions of customers within the country, who from habit, from choice, from prejudice, from convenience, and necessity, as well as from the operations of state policy, are induced to purchase and consume the produce of their own country. Hence the home customers of a nation are not only much more numerous, but are much greater consumers of home produce than the foreign customers.
The home trade is not only the most valuable and extensive, but the safest. There is not only no loss or risk, but less trouble and expense attending it than the foreign trade: debts are more easily recoverable, and capital is quicker turned. It is more profitable to the nation, for it requires no fleets for its support, and induces no foreign disputes and foreign wars. In the home trade, the increase of wealth made by industry centres at home, and enriches each individual of the state. In the foreign trade one half of the profits arising from capital industriously employed centers abroad, and enriches the citizens of a foreign nation. In the home trade, the citizens employed in it remain at home and contribute as much to the strength as to the wealth of their own country. In the foreign trade much of the capital and much of the population put into activity by it, are dispersed in foreign climes.
In fact, without going so far as China, though a country now well known, it has been proved that the most populous countries are those where the internal commerce has been great, and the external comparatively small. Thus, while Great Britain upon a square mile has only 119 inhabitants, France has 152, and some parts of Italy and Germany from 160 to 200.
It is evident that the state of internal commerce, depends on the state of internal communication. If there be no roads, rivers or canals, the people no more belong in fact to the same community than to the people of this country to that of Japan. If the communication by roads, &c. be complete and perfect, the most distant parts may be said to touch. Those are of the same community in fact, who have the nearest and most constant communication with each other. Mutual communication begets common habits, common modes of thinking, and common attachments and prejudices. If the South-well of Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania, get into the practice of communicating for purposes of interest and business with Baltimore, they will gradually foil prejudices in favour of Maryland. And in the same way may the north east of this state become New-Yorkers in habits and dispositions. This appears to me a misfortune. Benevolence and hospitality should extend to each inhabitants of the globe, but attachments are more valuable as they are more local and individual. A wise legislature will endeavour to make their own countrymen as independent of others, and as dependent upon each other, as possible; and excite as far as they can in every breast that honest prejudice in favour of his own community, which may be returned to such useful, and sometimes to such glorious purposes.
But these are not the only benefits attending upon great exertions in the system of internal communication. The stupendous system of British commerce, foreign as well as domestic, has arisen from being founded on the single article of good roads. I may safely say on the single article of turnpike roads. This is a fact not commonly known, and therefore, not attended to as its importance deserves.
It appears from the calculations of Sir William Petty and Davant, corrected by the average between the Rev. Mr. Howlet and Dr. Price, and compared with the last census of England and Wales, that there has been very little increase of population in that country since the revolution of 1688. It is not then to a great increase of people that we are to attribute the great increase of
manufactures and commerce in the kingdom of Great Britain.
Nor is it owing to any greater produce from the agriculture of the country, or any improvement in that branch of internal commerce, though many important ones has been made. For, from the commencement to about the middle of the 1st century, Great Britain not only fed her own subjects, but exported grain. Since that period, notwithstanding the bounty on corn, she has imported largely every year, from the internal parts of Germany and Poland, as well as of late years from this country. More land is indeed improved, but it is not usefully improved. The agriculture of that kingdom feeds more horses than formerly, but fewer men. The prodigious increase of horses, for pleasure, for stages and for post carriages, and for farming purposes, has been the means of breaking up the village ground and converting it into grass. To which the comparative ease of this kind of farming, and the oppression of the tythe system has not a little contributed. If then we cannot ascribe the increase of trade to the increase of people, or the increase of food, we must have recourse to some other cause.
It appears from Sir Charles Whitworth's tables of exports and imports, that the export trade of Great Britain continued with very little annual increase from the beginning of this century to the accession of the present king; creeping on gradually from 6 to 8 or 9 million. Before the system of turnpike roads in the reign of George II. there was little communication between the inland towns of that island. It took near a week to go from Birmingham to London, now performed in 10 or 12 hours. It took a fortnight to go from Manchester to the Metropolis, through roads impassable with waggons. The stage now goes in 2 days and nights. Whatever improvement therefore was made in any one place, was confined to that place. Now improvements are quickly propagated, not only in the same branch of manufacture, but the profits of one branch are frequently applied to another, and the most powerful and ponderous machinery is conveyed with ease to the remotest parts of the kingdom. As this facility of communication took place, the exports kept exact and gradual pace with it. They increased from 1760 to 1782 to 12 million sterling, from 1782 to 1792 to 21 million, and since the rage for high improvement in the turnpike roads, and the canal speculations by which England is now every where interested, the commerce of the country even during a most disastrous war has risen from 21 to 35 million. There is no fact or circumstance to which this prodigious increase can be attributed, but the cause I have mentioned; and the improvement of roads and of commerce going constantly hand in hand together throughout the whole period of their history in that country, amounts as I think to demonstration. That great improvements have been made in the theory and practice of manufacturing processes, is certain, but these improvements of a perfect system of internal communication, whereby materials and workmen were readily procured, and an interchange of knowledge became regular and easy. The cotton manufacture for instance depends almost entirely on the perfection of steam engines; a species of machinery which could not exist without turnpikes and canals. Next to steam engines, that extensive manufacture is indebted to the brass founder and the watch maker, whose utility would have been but very partially known had the means of internal communication been less complete.
The preceding observations may seem tiresome and irrelevant, but I cannot help feeling how little this important source of wealth and comfort is understood, and how carelessly it is treated in this state by many, who might render much service to their country by attending to it more minutely. I trust, however, that your excellency will easily bear with the prolixity of these remarks, knowing as I do your anxious attention to, and repeated recommendation of this subject. I take it for granted that the traders of New-York state, and those of Baltimore, find themselves gainers by their dealings with the inhabitants in the vicinity of the Susquehanna who trade with them. But if the market of Philadelphia could be made equally convenient, or more so, and those inhabitants could be induced from motives of interest to prefer the latter, then would Pennsylvania gain from her own inhabitants as she ought to do, what the trading towns of New-York and Maryland now gain from them. If this can be done and it is not done, then have the people of Pennsylvania a right to accuse their representatives of negligence; and attribute to this inattention the loss of all that commerce which the wise exertions of other states is now gaining.
The success of turnpike roads, and their obvious utility to manufactures, introduced the fashionable speculations in canals. Within the last 20 years Great Britain has expended about 5 million sterling in these improvements of water carriage. During the present year (1802) about 200,000l. has been already subscribed towards another canal from Portsmouth to London. Buonaparte has engaged Mr. Fulton to put in operation the same system throughout France.
I take it for granted that the traders of New-York state, and those of Baltimore, find themselves gainers by their dealings with the inhabitants in the vicinity of the Susquehanna who trade with them. But if the market of Philadelphia could be made equally convenient, or more so, and those inhabitants could be induced from motives of interest to prefer the latter, then would Pennsylvania gain from her own inhabitants as she ought to do, what the trading towns of New-York and Maryland now gain from them. If this can be done and it is not done, then have the people of Pennsylvania a right to accuse their representatives of negligence; and attribute to this inattention the loss of all that commerce which the wise exertions of other states is now gaining.
The success of turnpike roads, and their obvious utility to manufactures, introduced the fashionable speculations in canals. Within the last 20 years Great Britain has expended about 5 million sterling in these improvements of water carriage. During the present year (1802) about 200,000l. has been already subscribed towards another canal from Portsmouth to London. Buonaparte has engaged Mr. Fulton to put in operation the same system throughout France.
from us. If the present state of internal communication should continue, and no material improvement be made, it will in time, produce carelessness and dissatisfaction among a large class of inhabitants who are becoming no other than nominal citizens of the state they live in. (Continued on second page.)
ON Monday the 29th day of August next, at the town of Sharpsburgh in Washington county Maryland, will commence the sale of several thousand acres of valuable land lying in Washington and Frederick Counties, a great part of this land is excellent arable land, abounding with wood and finely watered—it will be laid off in separate lots as suit the convenience of purchasers—it will be sold at public sale to the highest bidder, the purchaser to give bond and security to pay one half with interest from the day of sale at the end of one year, the other half with interest at the expiration of two years.—This property is sold under a decree of the court of Chancery, and clear titles will be made and conveyances given on payment of the purchase money and not before—This sale worthy the attention of persons desirous of purchasing fine farms. PHILIP B. K. Y., WILLIAM MARBURY } Trustees. July 28th, 1803. 3w.
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. Feb. 21st. TROST, POLLARD. cp
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by—ROBERT M'CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
ELISHA RIGGS, Has just received from Philadelphia A large supply of Seasonable Goods, viz. EMBOSSED and Coloured Muslins, Very fine Mtl. Mtl. & Book do. Lace Shades and Wide Laces, Spangled Tiffey and Silk Fans, Silk Cotton and Chd. Hosiery, Very fine Cambric and long lawn, Cotton Counterpins and Dimities, Striped Silk for Coats, Fancy Waistcoats and Janes, 9-8 and 7-8 Buff and Silk Chintzes, London Cloths and Cashmeres, Nankeens, Fustians and Checks, White and Buff Cord for Uniform, Silver Lace and Blue Plumes, Irish and German Sheetings, Bed Prints and Tickings, Men's light Beaver Hats, Diaper Table Cloths. ALSO, Cheap Irish Linens, And many other articles, which being bought at the best market, & will be sold very low for Cash. George Town, June 15, M & F 2w F4w
AT a meeting of the Subscribers to the Theatre now building in the city of Washington, on Wednesday evening July 20th, 1803. convened agreeably to public notice. Capt. TINGEY, in the chair. THOMAS HERIT. Sec. RESOLVED, By this meeting that they feel highly satisfied with the progress which has been made in the erecting theatre, and that the committee who have been charged with the business, deserve the thanks of the meeting, who upon enquiry find the building has progressed as expediently as could have been expected; and any reports which have been made to injure that object or to shake the confidence of the stock-holders is unjust and highly disapproved by this meeting. Ordered that the same be published three times in the National Intelligencer and a George Town paper. July 22. 3t
Boarding & Day Schools. PRESIDENT'S SQUARE. J. GARDINER instructs Youth in Arithmetic, Book-Keeping, Writing, and English Grammar. Mrs. GARDINER teaches Needle-Work, Tambouring, &c. Young Ladies who desire to do so, can divide their time betwixt the two schools. Boys from the country accommodated with Board and Lodging on reasonable terms. June 1. emo
General Post-Office, July 22. 1803. WHEREAS sundry representations have been made to this Office of losses sustained in the transmission of money by the mail, whereby it appears that depredations may have been committed by some agent of this department. Be it therefore known that by virtue of the powers by law in me vested, I do hereby offer a reward of FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who will give to this office such information as shall produce the conviction and punishment of the perpetrator of any such crime. GIDEON GRANGER Post Master general.
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer.
TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE. GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLY TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY. In the City of Philadelphia.
  1 Prize of ten thousand dollars 10,000   1 six thousand 6,000   1 three thousand 3,000   1 two thousand 2,000   5 one thousand 5,000   10 five hundred 5,000   20 three hundred 3,000   20 two hundred 4,000   35 one hundred 3,500   90 fifty 4,500   100 twenty 2,000   6000 seven 42,000   6274 prizes, dolls. 90,000   11726 blanks, less than two to a prize. 
18000 The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each. The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each. The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars.
From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contemplated, and that the tickets will be raised considerably before that period.
They may be had at SIX dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. No. 67, Chestnut MATTHEW MCCONNEL, 82, S. Street. D. C. Whole tickets 6 Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half, 3 25 Eighth, 95 Letters post paid, including the cash, shall be duly attended to, and Sir Augustus and New York lottery prizes received in payment. July 20. epim
HICKORY WOOD. PROPOSALS will be received until the last day of July for furnishing, for the use of the House of Representatives of the United States, One hundred cords of Hickory wood, which must either have been cut last winter, or must be cut in the month of August. The whole quantity is to be delivered at the most convenient wharf, or at the Capitol, by the last day of September. It is expected that any person undertaking this business will have no objection to bind himself under a penalty for the faithful performance of the contract. For further particulars apply to THOMAS CLAXTON, Capitol hill. July 20, 1803. tf
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber living at Popes Creek in the county of Westmoreland, and state of Virginia, on the 19th inst. a negro man named FRANK, by trade a blacksmith, of a tawny complexion, long visage, and remarkable fine soft voice; about forty-five years of age, five feet four or six inches high, straight limbed. He generally wears a long tailed coat; but it is not known certainly what clothes he took with him—he may easily be detected, as he has taken with one of his youngest sons named John, who is not more than 9 years of age and is of a very black complexion and a long visage, like his father. I am induced to think, Frank has made for some of the large towns particularly Alexandria or Baltimore, in the former, of which, or its neighborhood, he has a free brother by the name of Rogers, who did live near Dr. Smith's, upon Ravensworth in the county of Fairfax. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure said Frank with his son and give information thereof to the subscriber. And 100 dollars if taken out of the state, and the money paid as soon as I get him. July 20. RICHARD STUART. tf
NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New-Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are Burk's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Percy's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickle's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William and, 3 vols. 8vo. Soulaie's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's state of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Bessam's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Hormann's do. Grant's life of France. Delphine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimon 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Broad Grins, by G. Coleman, Bofcawen's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. 8vo. In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.
ANCHOR TAVERN AND OYSTER HOUSE. (Late the Fountain Inn.)
GEORGE PIT having taken and entered up upon the above Inn and fitted it up at a considerable expence, respectfully solicits the patronage and support of his friends, when a resident at the Eagle Tavern, those who frequented the Fountain Inn, and the public in general—and assures them no exertion on his part will be wanting in order to insure him a continuance of their liberality and support. Travellers will find their interest to give him a call, as they may depend always on finding good beds and stabling, the best of liquors, moderate charges and every requisite used to give them general satisfaction.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY A good Cook and Waiter, to whom wages will be given agreeable to their merit. G. P. July 6. tw
FOR SALE, By public action on Thursday the 28th inst. at 11 o'clock before noon, at Stelle's hotel, on Capitol Hill. THE commodious two story brick dwelling house (at present occupied by colonel Burrows) with the out houses and lots number 10 and 11 in square number 925 in the city of Washington, open to and bounded in part on Pennsylvania avenue, and by ninth street east, leading to the Navy Yard. The premises may be viewed any day previous to the sale. The terms one third cash, when a clear and sufficient title will be given; one third in 6 and one third in 12 months with interest on the last two payments, to be secured by bond and mortgage on the premises. THOMAS TINGEY. Washington, July 5, 1805. tdf
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations. June 22. 3m.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 10,000   5 do 1000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   15 do 200 3,000   200 do 100 20,000   200 do 50 10,000   200 do 25 5,000   250 do 20 5,000   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 20,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7154 Prizes, 210,000   13,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Bechtel, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Waith, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bonner, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Frances I. Mitchell. July 13, 1803. copy
The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cashmeres, Silk Floritine, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marilles, Swandowns, Toillettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1803.