The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-07-27 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXXI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JULY, 27th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Latest Foreign Intelligence
PHILADELPHIA, July 23.
By the Commerce, Dyer, arrived at this port.
LONDON, May 25.
A mail arrived this day from Hamburg. Our correspondent in that city, in a letter of the 20th, informs us, that it is currently reported there that in the event of a war the French will take possession of that city and of the whole of the Lower Elbe. A letter from a commercial house in Bedin, to one of the first houses in Hamburg, affirms, that the king of Prussia has promised a free passage through his states to the French army destined for that purpose.
May 28.
Our port letters of this morning will be found particularly interesting. That from Portsmouth, states the arrival yesterday of the squadron under Sir Roger Curtis from the Cape of Good Hope, and of that squadron having taken yesterday at noon, a French East India ship estimated at one hundred thousand pounds value. The same letter brings an account of the capture of the Hazard sloop of war, which event Sir Roger Curtis learned from La Minerve at sea.
The proceedings last night in the house of commons were particularly interesting and important. Mr. Fox made his promised motion for an address to his majesty, to avail himself of the proffered mediation of Russia to settle the differences between this country and France; and in the course of the discussion which ensued, Lord Hawkesbury candidly stated the readiness of his majesty's ministers to explain their views to the court of St. Petersburg, and readily to accept the mediation of that power. But his lordship repeated what he had mentioned before, that no direct or precise offer of mediation had been offered on the part of Russia; it was merely of the slightest species of assurance of mediation. It was however admitted, that, meanwhile, the contest into which we have again been obliged to enter, should be prosecuted with vigour, until views of mediation shall have been realized; and in consequence of Lord Hawkesbury's candid statement, Mr. Fox withdrew his motion.
Private letters from the Hague, say—The French army assembling near Nimèguen has for its ostensible destination the electorate of Hanover, but it is a curious fact, that this army is encamped upon the same ground, where, in 1688, the then prince of Orange, afterward, King William III. under pretence of interfering in the dispute then subsisting between prince Clement of Bavaria and the cardinal of Furstenberg, collected the army with which he in November in the same year invaded England. It is true, that the prince of Orange had a fleet of 50 sail of men of war to escort his transports; but it is equally true that the Corsican disposer of the lives and the liberties of Frenchmen, cares less about the loss of whole armies, than the prince did for the safety of one single regiment.
Without any intent to alarm you, I have heard from good authority, that French emissaries have for some days been busy in taking an account of the numbers, the names, and the tonnage of all vessels, even schuits, in our different harbours; and that they have in the same manner tried to procure the names and the number of our sailors, but in this they have been disappointed, as all our sailors are attached to the prince of Orange, and detest the French, and have therefore already begun to desert and to conceal themselves. Some official encouragement from England, at this period, might bring you over many of them.
I repeat again, that my intention is not to create alarm; but vigilance, vigour, activity, and unanimity, are absolutely necessary to counteract the designs of a man, who believes in no other Providence but Fortune, and who hitherto, even in his most desperate enterprizes, has never ceased to be its favourite. Remember, that if one army should really attack Hanover, there are already in this country, in Brabant and on the Rhine, upwards of 110,000 men, which are augmenting every day by fresh troops.
May 20.
The recent overtures of France for the renewal of peace, obviously result from the unprepared state of the government to engage in war; after two years of insult and aggression it were folly to doubt its hostility, yet without foregoing the advantage of the moment our ministers have determined not only to leave open the door to negotiation but to promote, by all consistent facility, every intercourse which may tend to accommodation.
Reports founded on this fact, combined with some communications which the Spanish, Dutch, and Russian ambassadors have recently made to our government, yesterday occasioned a rise of more than three per cent. on our funds—Consols for opening were in the morning at 59 1-2 being 2 1 above the prices at which they closed on Friday; they then rose to 61, from which they declined to 59 3-4, and left off at 59 1-4. This rise although ascribed to reports of peace, we believe to have been occasioned by speculations, as to the means to be adopted by the minister for raising the supplies for the year, conceiving, as we do that there does not at the present moment exist the slightest probability of an immediate peace.
We have seen letters from Hamburg, stating, that the Senate had made an application to the court of Berlin for its protection of property in that city, in the event of a French invasion. These letters add, that no answer had been returned. Bonaparte in one of his gusts of passion, declared his determination to exclude the British from all intercourse with the continent, and, in order to do so, to occupy Hamburg, &c. Consistently with this plan, Portugal is to be seized, and annexed to the Spanish monarchy if she refuses to shut her ports against us; and Naples is to form another Italian Republic should the disobey the consular mandate for our exclusion. The recent march of a numerous French corps into Italy, is supposed to have been combined with this project, the avowal of which has induced the emperor to strengthen his Cordon on the Venetian frontiers.
Accounts reached us yesterday from Jersey, of the 25th instant which state, that two French transports, full of troops, have been captured by our cruizers in La Baye D'Auge. Their destination is not mentioned. These accounts add, that great buttle prevailed at St. Malo in fitting out privateers.
An expedition to Holland has been for some days talked of—but whatever may be the wishes of government on the subject, we question their present means for such an enterprise.
Bonaparte has twice of late publicly spoken on the subject of his menaced invasion of this kingdom. England, and not Ireland, he has declared to be his object of attack, as success in the former would ensure the fall of the latter, while although victorious in the latter, the former might still resist and baffle his enterprize. He talks of sending his army hither in row boats during a calm, when our ships cannot act, a measure for which England is better situated than Ireland. That the chief consul is sufficiently enthusiastic to entertain such a project, is very credible; that he will be beaten should he attempt it is very certain. Our fleet active, enterprising, and vigilant, ensures us protection from the insult of invasion; but should it by an accident reach our shores, can any man be so lost to the proud and generous feelings of a Briton, or so ignorant of our internal power, as to dread the issue?
The regency of Algiers is stated to have demanded 180,000 dollars from our court, as an equivalent for eighteen slaves, who made their escape from Oan in an English vessel. The Spanish cabinet has paid all arrears due to the Dey, and has further made a present of 50,000 dollars: these sums were immediately applied to the equipment of three fresh cruizers. The Dey threatens the Americans with war, for not sending their tribute in stores, as he required instead of specie.
Many captures have been made by our cruizers, &c. during the week, amongst the most important are, a rich ship from Surinam, by Lord Nelson; a valuable merchantman by Sir S. Smith; another Surinam ship by the Diamond; and a French East Indian by the Pigmy.
The port of Brest is so closely blockaded, that no vessel can enter it. On Tuesday 5 brigs making for the harbor, were captured, when three of them proved to be laden with naval stores—Eighteen sail of the line are ordered to be prepared at Brest for service. One of the Deal pilots has been seized at Calais, and five men, her crew sent to prison.
On Friday arrived at Portsmouth the Diomedes, Admiral Sir R. Curtis, Jupiter, Braave, and Hindostan, from the Cape of Good Hope, together with the Suffolk and Favourite, laden with stores from the same place. This squadron had the good fortune to capture the Reunion, a homeward bound French East Indian, burthen 800 tons, and valued at 100,000. Several more might have been taken had they sooner known of the commencement of hostilities.
A French brig called Le Vigilant, from Port-au-Prince, has been captured and
sent into Falmouth, by the Resolution. She is laden with sugar and coffee, being the whole produce of the island: and had been 55 days on her passage. The captain reports that just before he sailed, the French ship La Virginie, capt. Le Noir, arrived there from Havre, having on board several ladies as passengers, when she was boarded by the Blacks, who murdered the captain and crew, and sent the women into the country, and after every thing had been taken from the vessel, it was burnt. The French ships of war were waiting for instructions from France at the time the Vigilant sailed, and about twelve sail were lying at Port-au-Prince. The island was very healthy; the Blacks were supposed to be 80,000 strong, and scarcely a night passed without the commission of some outrage.
A report has been circulated of the capture of the Duke of Kent, on his way from Gibraltar.
The Hamburg mail has brought intelligence of the adjustment of the differences between Russia and Sweden, by a convention.
The dispatches sent off to the Hague on Saturday, contained definitive orders to our ambassador to demand an explicit declaration of the intentions of the Batavian government.
Numerous arrests are said to have taken place at Paris, within these few days several emigrants have been sent to the Temple.
Private intelligence from France states, that the cordon of 20,000 Austrians, on the frontiers of Italy is complete, but orders have been sent for 15,000 more troops to join it. This has offended Murat, who had demanded new reinforcements from France. Not only the Italian troops but the French conscripts desert, in bands of 20 or 30, over to the Austrians. Generals Verdier, Pully and Florella, agree only in their hatred to Murat. The demand of occupying Sicily with French troops has been refused for the third time.
A letter from Algiers, dated April 25, says, Mr. Falcon, the British consul, has been exposed to the most imminent danger. An officer of the Regency and a party of guards summoned him to open his house, the domestics fled, the house was broke open and two Turkish women found in it were condemned to receive each 500 blows with a stick. One of the slaves having made a confession which implicated the consul and his secretary, they were both seized, sent on board a vessel, and compelled immediately to put to sea.
Our government, it is said, have received advice that the Dutch will not be suffered to remain neutral.
The French have resolved to send no more mails to England; but the English mails to France are sent to Dover in their regular course.
Letters by the Dutch mail state, that an army of 13,000 men, under the appellation of the "army of Hanover," had been collected at Goversden, in order to be immediately marched against that Electorate.
A private letter from Paris says, "On the 12th instant orders were sent for the French troops in Italy to occupy Ancona, Civita Vecchia, Tarentum, and other ports in the Mediterranean and Adriatic. On the same day instructions were forwarded to all French agents in Italy, to insist upon the sequestration of all English property."
Another attempt has been made by the French government to renew the negotiation. A new proposition was on Wednesday presented by the Dutch ambassador to Lord Hawkesbury; but it was of so inadmissible a description, as to be instantly rejected.
MAY 31.
The Auckland packet failed yesterday morning from Dover for Calais, as a flag of truce, with dispatches in answer to those which were received from Mr. Talbot on Saturday. The packet returned in the afternoon, brought intelligence that the two packets which were detained, the Prince of Wales and the Nancy, are to be liberated, and were expected to fail to day. We have not heard whether Mr. Talbot is to be suffered to return home, we rather think that he is not, for as his return is much wished by his majesty's ministers, he would of course avail himself of the opportunity of coming home in the Auckland packet.
Mr. Linton, our ambassador at the Hague, has not as was generally reported, been thrown into prison; but the consular decree has certainly extended to all the English in Holland. Mr. East the messenger, has been arrested, and general Victor has ordered the crews of three English packets and the agent for the packets at Helvoetsluys,
to be thrown into prison. Dispatches, we understand, have been sent to Holland, to recall Mr. Linton. M. Schimmelpenninck will of course depart immediately. His present situation must be extremely irksome. It is supposed that a message will to-morrow be delivered to both houses of parliament from his majesty, announcing that his majesty has ordered letters of marque and reprisal to be issued against the Dutch.
But this Bonaparte, it seems, attempts to justify himself by the law of nations, which he asserts gives him a right to seize the persons of British subjects in his territories, because we have taken ships, and made French subjects prisoners without a previous declaration of war. Where did the consul learn the law of nations? In some of his new-tangled classes of the national institute?
A formal declaration of war is not necessary. The recall of ambassadors is a sufficient declaration of war, and proves that two countries are from that moment to be considered as in a state of war. In future, foreigners will be unwilling to visit France; for they will have no guarantee, that the customs and usages of civilized nations will be extended to them, or that their persons will be respected. The arbitrary power of the first magistrate may in a moment conflagrate them to perish in the dark recesses of the temple, or to rot in the damp dungeons of the Conciergerie.
Spain may be expected to obey the commands of France; but Bonaparte will attempt to delay our hostilities against her for the purpose of enabling her to bring home her treasures and galleons. His majesty's ministers, however, will see through this artifice, and we have no doubt will order all Spanish ships to be detained and sent into British ports. The rich Mantilla squadron put into Table bay, as Sir Roger Curtis was leaving the Cape. It consists of a ship of the line and four frigates, all laden with bullion, to the amount, it is said, of four millions sterling. What riches, in store for our gallant tars!
We informed our readers, that Mr. Tierney was to join the present ministers. He has been appointed treasurer of the navy in the room of Mr. Bragge. The appointment will, we believe, be Gazetted this evening. Mr. Tierney will certainly be a most valuable acquisition.
The Earl of Yarmouth has been very unfortunate in his trip to France. He resided there for some months, till alarmed at the appearance of war, on the subject of which he could, however, obtain no real information in Paris, he came over to London, leaving his counsels behind him, to know, whether war was likely really to take place. His doubts were soon cleared up, and he went back to France, last week, to bring away his counsels; but no sooner had he landed at Calais than he was made a prisoner!
Our port letters continue to announce to us the successes of our tars.
The Hazard sloop of war, which was erroneously reported to have been taken, has brought an account of the capture of a French frigate. She was watching the motions of our channel fleet, when admiral Cornwallis, willing no doubt that she should have a nearer view of it, sent a frigate after her. She fired a few guns and struck.
Our Dover letter mentions the capture of a fine French West-Indian, and that a heavy firing was heard yesterday evening from the Westward.
When Mr. Linton, our ambassador in Holland, discovered the measures taken there against the English, it was supposed that no British messenger would be allowed to leave the country, and particularly it was supposed no one would be able to sail from Helvoetsluys, the usual place of embarkation. To guard against this, Mr. East, the messenger, was sent by the way of Helvoet, and Mr. Wagstaff privately took a boat at Scheveling. The former was arrested. The latter made his way to England.
Our readers will recollect what furprize the Parisian journals affected to express, at the haste with which many of the English departed from Paris, while the late negotiations were going on, "as if the good faith of the French government were not a sufficient security for their safety, even if hostilities should be renewed." With what indignation must they now hear, that same upright government, in contempt of the usages of all civilized nations, has issued a decree, ordering that all the English who are now in France shall be made prisoners of war.
A considerable number of troops have been recently marched into Calais, or quartered along the adjacent coast. The report was generally accredited at Calais, that the chief command of all the forces
in that part of the Republic had been given to general Massena, whose arrival from Paris was daily expected. Massena has during the last two years been boasting in Paris of the facility with which he could invade England, and in many curious conversations, some warm debates on the subject have occurred between him and English gentlemen into whose company he has occasionally fallen. He is one of the most dashing, and at the same time avaricious generals in the French service. He would, no doubt, be very happy to levy contributions on London.
We yesterday learnt that the French messenger who came over on Tuesday, under the pretext of dispatches for M. Schimmelpenninck, brought over some new propositions to our government, but which was rejected, and the messenger immediately sent back.
By our private letters we learn, that the money lately advanced by the Batavian Republic to pay the arrears of the French troops in Holland, was only paid in consequence of general Montrichard having threatened, in case of non-payment, to march 20,000 men to Amsterdam and to seize its bank!
Whatever may be the opinion of the public upon the question of war, or the views of a restoration of peace, the situation of the country is one of much anxiety. We repeat what we have before urged, because every day and every hour more fully proves the truth of our assertion, that a strong government is necessary, not only for our welfare, but perhaps for our very existence. We cannot doubt that even now his majesty's ministers are trying every ground for attaining secure peace; but if they fail, then we more particularly say, Let us have a government in which the people have confidence. We are convinced that his majesty's ministers have meant well in every thing they have done, but the state of the country is such, that we want something more than good intentions. The general opinion which is heard in every corner of every street,—"That the government cannot last as it is at present constituted," tends to weaken and undermine it; and though the proceedings laid before Parliament respecting the negotiation, make out the strongest case against France, they do not, at the same time, place the conduct of ministers in an unexceptionable light.
We are unwilling at the present moment to say any thing respecting the board of admiralty. In the remarks we have made upon their conduct, have stimulated it to additional exertions, we shall have rendered an important service to the country. The first lord, after having more than once sent in his resignation, and repeatedly complained that it was not accepted of, has, it is understood, consented to remain for the present, if his health permits. Report says, that Lord Moira and Mr. Tierney are to join administration, and that the latter has been much employed lately upon the budget, which the minister is to bring forward in the course of the next ten days. Indeed the measure which is to be proposed is said to originate with him.
The state of political parties is at the present moment most extraordinary. The prevalent opinion that the present administration has not so much the confidence of the country as it formerly had, has created candidates for office on all sides. Mr. Fox, who has probably seen by experience, how much violent opinions have obstructed his purposes, has become temperate, and in his speech last night, he resumed all his former correct opinions on the subject of continental connexions, which, in the heat of party, in the course of the last war, he seemed to have entirely abandoned.
Lord Grenville, and those connected with him, seem to be the persons most actuated by hostility to the present administration, and we understand he means to propose strong censures upon their conduct in the late negotiation. In the midst of all these contending parties, we with only for a strong government—the situation of the country imperiously calls for it.
The greatest disappointment and regret has been universally expressed at no report having been given of Mr. Pitt's speech, in the house of commons on Monday last. The loss of that speech to the country we have not hesitated to consider as a national misfortune; it is a loss, however, which we still hope to be able in some measure to repair; and though we are unwilling to excite public expectation, on a point so interesting and important, we cannot altogether suppress our feelings of satisfaction, at even the faint hopes which we entertain of being able to procure a sketch of that speech to a friend who was present.

Yesterday the following ships were ordered into commission: Spencer 74 guns, Hon. Capt. Stopford; Ruby 64 do. Hon. Capt. Gardner; Plover (sloop) 18 do. Capt. Hancock; Wasp (do.) 18 do. Aylmer.
Two of our packets have been detained at Calais, viz. Prince of Wales, Capt. Sutton, and the Nancy, temporary packet, and the crews, we have reason to believe, have been committed to the common prison of that place.
We are concerned to find that the Batavian government are unable to resist the mandate of Bonaparte, but have been obliged to be guilty of the same gross violation of the law of nations.
The works in the harbour of Boulogne are carrying on unceasingly, night and day. The men work by torchlight.
Few events in the history of the present times seems to have excited more regret than the suppression of Mr. Pitt's speech on Monday last, as it not only exhibited an unparalleled blaze of eloquence, but a complete exposition of all the designs of France, and an irresistible appeal to the good sense and public spirit of Englishmen.
The account transmitted a few days ago from Plymouth of so many of our artificers and seamen being employed at Brest, if true, is of the most melancholy & alarming nature. It would certainly be becoming in Parliament to investigate the original cause of this national misfortune.
On Saturday night, at twelve o'clock the Duke of Kent arrived at his apartments in Windsor Castle, in order to pay his respects as soon as possible after his arrival to his Royal Parents. His Royal Highness landed at Falmouth on Thursday night.
The Gazette of Saturday contains a proclamation for increasing the militia. The men are to be enrolled on or before the 16th July.
Major-General Moore is appointed to the command of the troops on the Kentish coast: his Head-quarters are to be at Lynde.
Lord Chatham is to command the troops to be stationed at Canterbury.
Mr. Peltier not having been called up to receive judgement during the late term, has become discharged from the consequence of his conviction.
May 26.
The papers which accompanied the message of the Chief Consul, occupy six supplements to the Moniteur of the 21st, of a sheet each; and when we find five of them filled with the discussions which preceded the treaty of Amiens, we cannot look for so full an account as that which this government has published of the more important discussions which have succeeded it. In fact, no one, we believe, expected that the French people should ever be entrusted with more than a garbled history of what passed. The conversation, of which Lord Whitworth gives so full an account in his letter of the 21st of February, is not much calculated to conciliate those of whose lives and treasure the Chief Consul is so prodigal. A few only of the papers are given, interpersed with remarks, which are intended to supply the hiatus. We find no complaints of any personal attacks upon the First Consul in the British newspapers; indecent and seditious publications are complained of in general terms. His Majesty's message is said to have been sent without any explanation, and any anterior note, and though more than two months have elapsed between the date of that message and the departure of Lord Whitworth, it seems to be the wish of the French government to represent us as having acted with the greatest precipitation, while no one point was gained by the delay that did actually take place, and no disposition was manifested to induce a belief that further procrastination would be attended with better consequences.
The message of the Chief Consul seems less intended to announce the rupture of negotiation, than to prepare the public mind for that event. From the ambiguity of some of its expressions, it would appear doubtful, whether he considered the negotiation at an end, and whether he did not yet expect to meet the same submission on the part of England, which he has found among the unfortunate and degraded nations with whom he has recently negotiated. He submits to the Legislative and other bodies, his first communication with the British ministry, the negotiations terminated with the treaty of Amiens, and the new discussions which appear to terminate in an absolute rupture. He informs them, that the negotiations are interrupted, and that France is prepared to fight, if attacked. It seems to be his object to avoid letting France see at once the extent of the mischief to which his ambition has subjected her; but the end of the message, shews at least, that he is not himself insensible of the extent of her danger. The nation is called upon to console itself for injuries to be inflicted, which it can neither avoid nor revenge, and it is curious that its consolation for this weakness is to be derived from a sense of its strength. Perhaps the meaning of this extraordinary sentence
is, that though France will too fatally experience that she is vulnerable in remote parts, the concentration of her strength is to give her confidence at home. On this subject, however, we are already in possession of the First Consul's opinion, who, while he boasts the impossibility of subjugating France, admits the possibility of her being dismembered. It is not difficult to understand, that by this phrase he means the laceration of the present form of government; and all the speeches of his obedient friends in the Legislative body and the Tribune, are calculated only to avert it. To attribute the conduct of England to jealousy at the happiness France enjoys, to slide from this subject insensibly into the commendation of the individual to whom she is indebted for this pretended state of felicity, has been the line of conduct pursued in both those assemblies, and the discussions which took place on the signing of the preliminary treaty, were not more killed with fulsome adulation than the few speeches which are detailed in the Moniteur on the present very different occasion.
In the tribunal, indeed, a more impudent attempt, ad captandum was made, for the message that was to announce war, was preceded but a few moments by Rivaud laying before the members a work relative to the victory of Marengo. By such artifices the people of France are to be kept quiet, amid the injuries to which it is admitted by their chief that she is now about to expose them; and by such artifices, we suppose, Bonaparte calculates upon enlisting the hundred thousand men whom he has pledged himself to throw away in his attempts upon this country. Whether he will be successful in thus misleading and blinding the people of France, we can learn only by events, for his efforts to control the French press, have been so much more successful than his attempts upon that of England, that his subjects have neither means of information nor medium of complaint.
PARIS, MAY 21.
Telegraphic dispatch.—The maritime Prefect of Brest announces, under date of this day, that two English frigates have taken two French ships in the bay of Audierne.
An arrest was this day communicated to the three assemblies.
After inserting our orders of council for laying an embargo on French and Dutch ships, and for issuing letters of marque and reprisal, and the maritime prefect's dispatch given above, it orders all French commanders to commence hostilities against English ships. It also orders as follows:—
3. All English enrolled in the militia, and not less than eighteen, nor more than sixty, or bearing his Britannic majesty's commission, who are now in France, shall be immediately made prisoners of war, to answer for the citizens of the Republic made prisoners by British ships or subjects before the declaration of war.
The arrest is followed by a reflection that we have committed hostilities without any declaration of war, and without any of the forms required by nations, following the odious principle of a public right set up for ourselves alone.
The Moniteur of the 24th attempts to prove, that we have mutilated or suppressed some important documents relative to the negotiation.
The legislative assemblies have, as was to be expected, echoed the sentiments of the government—they have thanked the first consul for his moderation.
The English at Paris have been commanded to appear within 24 hours before the commandant of that place.—They were then to be sent to Fontainebleau. French funds have fallen 47 1-2.
NEW-YORK, July 23.
A respectable commercial friend has favoured the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with London papers to the evening of 30th May, received by the ship Charles from Liverpool. They contain much interesting intelligence, of which the following is a brief abstract:
LONDON, May 25.
Last Friday, at three o'clock, the following message was delivered by several of the orators of government to the Senate, the legislative body, and the tribunal:—
MESSAGE.
Saint Cloud, May 20.
The ambassador of England has been recalled; compelled by this circumstance, the ambassador of the Republic has quitted a country where he could no longer bear the language of peace.
At this decisive moment the government submits to your view, and it will submit to the view of France and of Europe, its first relations with the Britannic ministry, the negotiations which were terminated by the treaty of Amiens, and the new discussions which seem to finish by an absolute rupture.
The present age and posterity will there see all that it is done to put an end to the calamities of war, and with what moderation and what patience it has laboured to prevent their return.
Nothing has been able to interrupt the course of the projects formed to rekindle
discord between the two nations. The treaty of Amiens had been negotiated amidst the clamours of a party hostile to peace. Scarcely was it concluded, when it was the object of bitter censure. It was represented as fatal to England, because it was not disgraceful to France. Soon after, alarms were disseminated; dangers were pretended, on which was established the necessity of a state of peace, such as to be a permanent signal of new hostilities. There were kept in reserve, and hired, those vile mercenaries, who had torn the bosom of their country, and who were intended to tear it anew. Vain calculations of hatred! We are no longer that France which was divided by factions, and buffeted by storms; but France restored to internal tranquility, regenerated in her administration and her laws, and ready to fall, with her whole weight, upon whatever foreign state may dare to attack her, and to unite with the banditti whom an atrocious policy would once more call upon her shores to organize pillage and assassinations.
At length an unexpected message, all at once, terrifies England with imaginary armaments in France and Batavia, and supposes the existence of important discussions which divided the two governments, while no such discussion was known to the French government.
Immediately formidable armaments took place on the coasts, and in the ports of Great Britain; the sea is covered with her ships of war; and it is in the midst of these preparations that the cabinet of London demands of France the abrogation of a fundamental article of the treaty of Amiens.
They wanted, they said, new guarantees; and they despised the sanctity of treaties, the execution of which is the first of guarantees which nations can give to each other.
In vain did France invoke that faith which has been sworn: in vain did she consent to shut her eyes to the actual non-execution of the article of the treaty of Amiens, from which England pretended to release herself: in vain was she willing to delay taking a definitive resolution until Spain and Batavia, both of them contracting parties, could have manifested their disposition: in vain, in short, did she propose to request the mediation of the powers who had been invited to guarantee, and who, in effect, did guarantee the stipulations required to be abrogated.
Every proposition was rejected, and the demands of England became more imperious and more absolute.
It was not in the principles of the government to yield to menace; it was not in their power to bend the majesty of the French people, to laws prescribed to them with forms so haughty and so new. Had they done so, they would have consecrated in favour of England the right of mauling, at her sole pleasure, all the stipulations which bind her towards France. It would have authorized her to demand from France new guarantees on the slightest alarm, which she might have thought proper to pretend; and hence two new principles would have been placed in the public code of Great Britain, by the side of that by which she has disinherited the other nations of the common sovereignty of the seas, and submitted to her laws and to her regulations the independence of their flag.
The government stooped at the limit traced out by its principles and its duties. The negotiation is interrupted, and we are ready to fight, if we are attacked.
We shall at least fight for maintaining the faith of treaties, and for the honour of the French name.
Had we yielded to a vain error, we should soon have had to fight to repel new pretensions; but we should have fought dishonoured by a previous weakness, fallen in our own eyes, and degraded in the eyes of an enemy which should have once made us bend to her unjust pretensions.
The nation will repose itself in the consciousness of its strength, whatever injuries the enemy do us in places where we shall not have been able to prevent them or to reach them. The result of this contest will be such as we have a right to expect from the justice of our cause and the courage of our warriors.
The First Consul, (Signed) BONAPARTE. The Secretary of State, (Signed) MARET.
May 28.
In the House of Commons yesterday, Mr. Fox delivered an animated address (which we shall give the first opportunity) on the proposition which he understood had been made to England by the Emperor of Russia, to interpose his mediation for the adjustment of differences; and concluded by moving an address to his Majesty, to avail himself of that disposition.
Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Pitt objected to the motion, as betraying indecision. The former observed, that as to any proposal which might have been made by the court of Petersburg, the very way in which it came, and even the nature of it, must necessarily be such as to render it impossible for his majesty's government to act upon it. The house must recollect the distance between Petersburg and London, and consequently the length of time it would take a person to travel from one place to another, so that when
a messenger left Petersburg, very little could have been known there of the state of things passing in this country. The proposition that came from the court of Petersburg was made with a reference to the conferences going on between England and France, and the reluctance which appeared in the two governments to bring them to a speedy conclusion. The proposition was that the two ministers of his imperial majesty should give every assistance in their power to the negotiating parties; and the Emperor would give his good offices in concluding and establishing any arrangement which might be thought necessary. Under all the circumstances of the case, considering that the intervention came in a loose and general way, and at a time when every thing had been fully and fairly laid before the French government, and perhaps at the very time when the British Ambassador was leaving Paris, his Majesty's ministers, considering all these things, did not think that a proposal so general and undefined was one which could at that time be acted upon. But it was not to be concluded from this that they objected to listen to any proposition coming from Russia in the shape of mediation. He could assure the house and the hon. gentleman opposite to him, that they would at any time be ready, either to receive from the court of Petersburg its ideas, as to the grounds on which an adjustment might be entered into between Great Britain and France, or to state to the court of Petersburg the grounds on which the British government would agree to such an adjustment. His Majesty's minister would not avoid entering into a business of this kind from any want of etiquette or forms, but would be ready, even through the channel of the Russian minister at Paris, to state the views of the British government. But until some proposal was made, upon which they could act with propriety, they did not think it would be consistent with their duty, to advise his Majesty to withdraw any of his exertions in the prosecution of the contest which was already begun.
Mr. Fox then rose and said, that as the noble Lord had declared it to be the intention of his Majesty's Government to consent to any mediation which might be proposed by the Emperor of Russia between Great Britain and France, he was ready to withdraw his motion—The motion was accordingly withdrawn.
Every bench was immediately deserted. The Members crowded from all parts of the House round the table, and all seemed to feel the importance of having gained the support of the authority of this great character. Several Members offered themselves to the attention of the House, but no one could be listened to.
After the agitation had subsided, the House proceeded with the Orders of the Day.
We have to congratulate our country on the temper and spirit which seemed to actuate all parties in the proceedings which took place last night in the house of Commons. Mr. Fox's promised motion was made respecting the mediation of Russia, and the explanation which followed showed, that ministers had already been following that line of conduct which it was the object of his motion to make them adopt. It was creditable both to Mr. Fox and to ministers, that in a point of so much magnitude, there had been a coincidence of opinion, and we never saw the members of all parties so ardent in their congratulations as on this occasion, when a real unanimity and an almost unexampled cordiality appeared.
What may be the issue no one can possibly foresee. But that no relaxation in the means we have already resorted to for our own security ought to take place, seems to be the general opinion.
After Mr. Fox withdrew his motion yesterday in the house of commons, he went over to the treasury bench, and took hands with Mr. Addington and Lord Hawkesbury.
An order from government was received on Tuesday by M. Coquebert de Monbret, the French commercial commissioner, to leave London within twenty-four hours, and quit the kingdom with all possible dispatch. He accordingly set out on his return to Paris last Wednesday.
The embargo has been ordered to be taken off all vessels that are bound to Russia.
A great alteration is said to have taken place in the political system of his Prussian majesty, who appears inclined to act in concert with the emperor Alexander, and the emperor of Germany. The Prussian troops are on their march to the Electorate of Hanover, but altho' their object is stated to be the protection of that territory, we have little doubt that the measure has been occasioned by the apprehension of the cabinet of Berlin, left France should anticipate their entrance, and obtain possession of the Electorate.
An attempt has been made by Gen. Brune, the French ambassador, at Constantinople, to have the ports of Turkey shut against our shipping. The Porte continues firm to its true interests, and all his exertions and intrigues have proved fruitless.
MAY 30.
According to the last letters received from Constantinople it appears that the Arabian rebel, Abdul Wechab, is making great progress, and that he has actually made himself master of the city of Mecca.
The first act of the war on the part of the first consul has been, not to meet us manfully at sea, not to carry on hostilities in the way adopted between civilized nations; but to make an attack upon the persons and liberty of those whom he was bound by all the laws of hospitality to respect. He has seized and imprisoned all our countrymen and women in France!!!
The mails between the two countries having been stopped, a packet sailed on Friday from Dover as a flag of truce.—When she arrived at Calais, she found that two of the English packet boats had been seized, and the men imprisoned.—She was informed also, that the first consul had issued a decree to the following effect:—
"That every British subject of an age not under 18 nor exceeding 60, or bearing a commission under his Britannic majesty, who is at present in France, shall immediately be considered prisoners of war, to answer for such citizens of the French Republic as shall have been detained and made prisoners by the vessels and subjects of his Britannic majesty."
In consequence of the above decree, Mr. Talbot, the secretary to the British legation, who had arrived at Calais on his return to this country, was not allowed to embark. The Earl of Yarmouth, Sir James Crawford, Mr. Cobourne, and two other Englishmen, are also detained at Calais. We have not heard whether they have been sent to prison or not. The captain of the Auckland packet, which returned on Saturday afternoon from Calais, brought over dispatches from Mr. Talbot, informing his majesty's ministers of his detention.
At Paris, it is said by some, that the English gentlemen have been sent to the temple, the Conciergerie, and other prisons, and the ladies to Fontainebleau.—Other accounts state, that both men and women have been ordered to repair to Fontainebleau. At Dunkirk, all the English, we understand, have been put in prison.
Nor has this tyrannical measure been confined to France. The Dutch government have been compelled by this consul, who boasts of fighting for the independence of nations, to execute in Holland the decree issued at Paris, and to arrest and imprison our countrymen with great severity. Mr. Liston, our ambassador, has been made a prisoner of war, and has actually, it is said, been thrown into the Brille prison. One of our messengers, Mr. Eass, has experienced the same fate. He and Mr. Wagstaff, the messenger, left the Hague together, for England, but receiving an intimation that their sailing from Helvoetsluys might be opposed, they resolved that Mr. Eass should proceed to Helvoetsluys, and should the latter find that the former had been detained, he might adopt the best method he could for leaving the country. When Mr. Eass reached Helvoetsluys, he found that the two English packets, which had been waiting there for some time, had been detained, and the captains and crews made prisoners. As soon as it was known that he was an English messenger, he was also sent to the Brille prison. Mr. Wagstaff, who was apprised of what had passed, made the best of his way for Scheveling, where he got an open boat, and arrived safe with his dispatches in England.
The consular decree is said to have been issued on account of our having made captures at sea without a previous declaration of war. But this is not a new conduct on our part; and besides, by what right can Bonaparte find fault with it, he who commenced hostilities against the Porte by invading Egypt, without alleging that any ground of offence had been given against France? The recall of the respective ambassadors is a sufficient declaration of war.
MAY 31.
A Proclamation has been issued by His Majesty, at Hanover, on the 16th inst. It declares that His Majesty, in his capacity of a state of the Empire, will preserve the strictest neutrality; but as from the obvious movements of the French troops in Holland, there is a probability of His Majesty's German States being exposed to danger, it commands an account to be taken of all the inhabitants of these States capable of bearing arms, and calls upon them in the strongest terms, for unanimity in the defence of their country, in the event of any such attack.
A few weeks ago dispatches were received at Naples from England, which were doubtless very important, as the Council of State was immediately summoned, and continued to sit for a considerable time. It does not appear that their decision was in the least favorable to England; but on the contrary it is stated, that, in case of war, Naples consents that France shall send troops into her dominions, and that no supplies shall be furnished the English forces.

HAMBURGH, May 20.
Intelligence has just been received here, by an express from Magdeburgh, that all the roads in that quarter are covered with Prussian troops, baggage waggons and artillery, directing their march towards the Electorate of Hanover; which country it seems to be one of the most important operations of the chief confal to occupy, provided the Prussians do not prevent him.
The cabinet of Berlin, some time ago, perfectly submitted to all the views of that of the Tuilleries; but since Russia and Austria have declared it to be their firm intention to maintain a strict neutrality during the present contest, the Prussian cabinet begins to have the same sentiments.
Private letters from La Vendee mention, that the spirit of the inhabitants of that lately so unhappy province, seems to be again rising from its ashes, and that the republican armed force, which is to be stationed there, will be raised to 80,000 men.
ANTWERP, May 8.
The following letter dated the 6th instant from the minister of Marine and the colonies, has been received by the first commissary of the marine in this city: I have to inform you, that all the vessels having on board troops, provisions and military stores, for the colonies, and at the expence of the Republic, which may not have failed the 10th, must not depart till further orders. As to the ships navigating our coasts, you may permit those to sail: at the same time however recommending to their commanders to use all the precautions which are necessary in time of war. It will be necessary that you inform the commercial body, that this uncertainty is of such a nature, that it is at present more incumbent than ever to use the greatest precaution in their commercial dealings, as it is extremely probable that England, according to custom, will first commence hostilities, even before a declaration of war."
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAY 27.
MEDIATION OF RUSSIA.
MR. FOX said, he considered the question he was about to bring forward, as important as any that had ever come before the House. With respect to the general question of war or peace, he should have no objection to discuss it now, if he had not already done it; his opinion on that subject was well known, with that opinion the majority of the House differed; the country was at war, and every measure which was calculated to render that war successful, should have his support. Every one, however, must agree in the propriety and expediency of any measure which was calculated to bring that war to a termination as soon as possible. The object of his motion was, to terminate it by a measure perfectly practicable in itself, and likely to be attended with the most beneficial consequences. It was to advise his majesty to avail himself of the disposition which it was understood the Emperor of Russia had shewn to mediate between the two countries; the advantages of such a mediation, it was not necessary to point out. The mediation of a great power was always of use, even when it did little more than lend its name, as a name thus given to a treaty, might give it a sanction in the eyes of Europe, which it would not otherwise possess. The mediation proposed, in this case, was of a very different nature. If a mediation had been offered by the emperor of Russia, and if, as it was understood, it had been accepted by the enemy he could not avoid considering the advantages which would accrue from the acceptance of it on the part of this country; and who so proper to mediate upon this occasion as Russia, who had been applied to, to become one of the guarantees of the island of Malta, which was the principal subject in dispute? He thought, however, that the mediation of Russia would go a great way further; by the thought that from his power, his general character, and from a variety of other circumstances, the emperor of Russia was the fittest sovereign to undertake a mediation of this nature, not only with a view to the general points to which that mediation might be applied, but also to those particular points which formed the subject of dispute between this country and France. With respect to the general character of that sovereign, from all they were able to collect, the court of Petersburg had given proofs of an eminent desire to preserve the tranquillity of Europe, and that France and England, and all the lesser powers, might be at peace. Every circumstance tended to prove the great and strong desire of the government of Russia for peace, and it was also stated to have expressed a strong disapprobation of the conduct of France in various instances. Now if they were to look for a mediation, there were two qualities extremely essential, which in this case existed in all their force. In the first place, he found on the part of Russia an eminent desire of peace; and in the second, a great dis-
approbation of the conduct of France, which was in a great measure connected with the circumstances out of which the dispute with this country had arisen. If such a mediation should be successful, and he confessed he was extremely sanguine in his expectation as to the result, it might lead to a much larger system, and might have an extremely favourable influence upon the general state of Europe. If it was put to him, was he sure that this would produce peace, he should say, that he certainly could not be sure, but he never looked forward to any result with a more sanguine expectation than to the result of the mediation, of which he proposed that we should avail ourselves. He thought he should not differ from any one member when he said, that of all the circumstances in the state of Europe, that which gave most cause for lamentation, was that we had not the power of protecting others, and that we must continue the contest, with the certainty that France would use the power which she possessed for the purposes of ulterior aggrandizement, and of oppressing those states which were unable to resist her. He hoped then, that the mediation of Russia would have the effect of preventing those lamentable consequences. What Power possessed so fair a right, as it were, to prescribe Peace to Europe? Besides, the Emperor of Russia, from particular circumstances, might be enabled to use strong language to Bonaparte. The late Emperor had a dispute with this country, which had been since amicably settled, and there was not the least reason to suppose the present Emperor would wish to renew that dispute; but as it was said with respect to the treaty of Amiens, that there were many points in it unsatisfactory to that Court. The Emperor might therefore say to this country, if you will be bound by your treaty, I will be bound by mine. When, however, he came to talk to the enemy, the emperor had still stronger grounds. He understood that a part of his majesty's declaration alluded to a proposal made by France to Russia for the dismemberment of the Turkish Empire. Russia it was well known was always the enemy of the Ottoman Empire, its Princes had almost an hereditary design upon Turkey, and if any dismemberment of that Empire was to take place, Russia must necessarily gain the largest share; but the Emperor of Russia might say to the First Consul, if I abstain from all designs of that sort, do you, also abstain, and a system might then be formed and carried into effect, by which no power in Europe could be enabled to injure the Ottoman Empire. The Emperor of Russia would also, in the country in any proposition for the better protection of the secondary powers of Europe from the oppression of France. It might be said that France would accede to such a proposition only to gain time; it might be so, but that would answer his (Mr. Fox's) purpose, as the effect would be the postponement of the contest. If Russia is proposed any measure tending to the security of the Turkish Empire, it must be acceded to by France. It might be said that France might accede, and afterwards break the treaty; it might be so, but if this was the case, there was an end of all treaties whatever. This advantage would however result, that if France broke a treaty thus made, it would not be Great Britain only that would be engaged in the contest, but Great Britain and Russia conjointly. Much had been formerly laid upon the subject of Continental Alliances, they might be prudent or not, according to circumstances; but if alliances were necessary, there was no power so competent as Russia to reduce the power of France. He asked whether we had not a better chance of obtaining the cordial co-operation of Russia, after such a mediation had been tried and failed, than at the present moment? He considered the present as a happy opportunity, which if not seized, it might be afterwards much to be lamented. He asked any man, whatever might be the power of France, if, when it saw Russia and Great Britain united, the boldest government of that country would not shrink from the contest.
The only possible case of opposition to such an union, was that of Austria and Prussia joining France; but this was so extremely improbable, that it was not worth considering. The general policy of the court of Berlin, was pacific; in Austria the same opinion pretty generally prevailed, which resulted in a great measure, from the change of Councils and the prevalence of the Archduke Charles, who although not ultimately successful in the late contest, had obtained by his conduct the greatest glory, and who appeared to consider that glory as an additional motive to peace. Thus with a pacific court of Berlin, of Vienna, and of Petersburg, there was every advantage to be gained by the proposed Mediation, from whence, in the event of its failure, a subsequent co-operation of the court of Petersburg might be insured. They would, at least, if such a Mediation failed, enlist the good opinion of mankind in the prosecution of the war, whilst the house and the Country would be better satisfied, and a strong and unanswerable case would be made out on the part of Great Britain—By refusing that mediation, we might be
enabled to prevent the aggrandizement of France.—If it was supposed the mediation of Russia was only offered to conceal a friendship for France, then his majesty's ministers had a solid and unquestionable right to refuse it, but he did not believe that such was the case, nor did he believe that there was any such suspicion. The mediation came at a late period, but he trusted his majesty's ministers would not hesitate to put an end to the contest as soon as they could, consistent with the honour of the country. If peace was the effect of the mediation, a more solid and firm league might be made; it would not merely be a guarantee for Malta, but a guarantee for Europe. The tranquillity of the continent might be preserved, and all those exchanges and cessions prevented, which might be contrary to the interests of other nations, and a system might be established, by which those nations which had sustained losses might be prevented from receiving further injuries, and those who had gained might be induced to be satisfied with their gains, and thus all farther encroachments might be prevented, and a fair prospect of a long and uninterrupted peace might ensue. He concluded by moving "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, praying that his majesty would be graciously pleased to avail himself of the disposition manifested by the Emperor of Russia to mediate between his majesty and the government of France, for the purpose of terminating the war, if it could be effected consistent with the honor of his Majesty's crown, and the interest of the country." He also moved, "That his Majesty's declaration should be read," which was accordingly entered as read.
LORD HAWKESBURY said, he was glad the honorable gentleman had moved that his Majesty's Declaration should be read, as by that it appeared that his majesty was disposed to enter into any arrangement which was consistent with the honor of his Majesty's Crown, and the interests of his people. He should have hoped that that very passage in the declaration would have convinced the hon. gentleman that his motion was unnecessary and ill-timed. To the motion itself he had two objections; first, that no constitutional or parliamentary ground had been laid down in support of the motion; and secondly, that it appeared that there existed no such ground whatever for the motion. All the arguments, on the contrary, bore on the other side; and he was sure that if no parliamentary ground existed for the motion, it could produce no good, and might produce harm. He trusted that he respected enough the valuable privileges of that house to be convinced that they had no right to interfere and give their opinion with respect to the conduct of his majesty's government, and more especially upon that most important question of peace or war. But whilst he admitted this, he contended that the constitution, having wisely invested his majesty, with the prerogative of negotiating, and of declaring peace or war, some sufficient grounds ought to be made out for interfering with the conduct of his majesty's government in that respect. One was, that his majesty's government had been guilty of neglect, and that it ought or ought not to have done some particular act, because such and such consequences might or might not have resulted from it, in which case it was certainly open to the house to say that it ought to be done. The other was, where without any such neglect, the system laid down by his majesty's ministers was such, that it did not include some particular point, or various points, in which case, it was perfectly competent for the house to say, that such points ought to have been included in that system. But in every case of this kind, a fair and strong ground ought to be made out. In this case no fair ground had been brought forward in support of the motion. The measure which the house were called upon to accede to, had not been neglected by his majesty's ministers, neither did the system they had laid down preclude that measure. If any case should happen in which such a measure should be required necessary or expedient, it was already provided for. Upon this it would indeed be necessary for him to add no more than to refer to the last paragraph but one of his majesty's declaration, in which, having stated all the grievances of which he had complained, and the necessity of recalling his Ambassador from Paris, and of having recourse to arms, his majesty lays to all Europe, "That he will be ready to concur even now, in an arrangement, by which satisfaction will be given to him for the indignities which had been offered to his crown and to his people, and sufficient security offered against further encroachments on the part of France." What was this but to shew his majesty's sincere disposition for peace, and he would ask, whether, after that, any administration could advise his majesty to refuse to listen to any reasonable, fair, practicable propositions for peace, if peace could be obtained consistently with the honor of this nation. But as to the latter part of the hon. gentleman's speech on the policy of Europe, and of continental connexions, he should not take up the time of the house, more
especially since there was scarcely a principle laid down by the hon. gentleman in which he did not completely agree, and he concurred with him, that the only mode of lessening the progress of that system, the fatal effects, of which had been felt for the last 10 years war, and felt as much since the conclusion of peace, was, by the union of the independent states of Europe, on broad, liberal and fair motives, and not on interested or selfish principles; on a general and a liberal understanding of what truly composes the public policy of Europe. He agreed also that the power, to which the hon. gentleman referred namely Russia, was the power, of all others, which it was the interest of this country, the most to conciliate; as being the best capable of forming the basis of a proper general arrangement to give us peace, and upon a system which the hon. gentleman stated, and on which the hon. gentleman felt as he did.—Now without going into subjects not necessarily connected with this, and on which there might be some division of opinion growing out of debate, he would say, that the circumstance which weighed most upon his mind with respect to the last peace was, that it had not afforded us any ability to arrest the progress of France; but the peace was made with a view of enabling us hereafter to oppose a barrier to the encroachments of France; but he could say most sincerely, from the hour of the conclusion of that peace to the present day, no efforts had been wanting on the part of his Majesty's government, to form such a concert (not with a view of renewing the war, but with a pure defensive view) to oppose a barrier against further encroachment; and whatever disposition there might be in some part of that House not to do justice to his Majesty's government, yet he could state most confidently, no efforts had been wanting on their part, which, if successful, most probably, and perhaps he could say, almost certainly, the circumstances of which were not now to be debated, would have answered the purpose for which they were intended, so that the House would not be now debating on the subject before them; but he saw not, either in the commencement of hostilities, or the course which had been taken, any thing which could render that mediation inefficient now, if there was that disposition on the part of the other powers of Europe to render it effectual, and this brought him to that part of the speech of the right hon. gentleman, which related to the offer of the Mediation of Russia, at a period of the negotiation which was stated to be, with a view to the settlement of the differences between his Majesty and France. With respect to any offer that had been made of such mediation, unquestionably if his Majesty's government had been disposed to exclude all considerations, or were not disposed to explain fully to the Russian government; and even at the present crisis, he should have thought that the powers of Europe would be acting unwisely in offering a mediation after a critical negotiation for several weeks.—
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY
WEDNESDAY, JULY 27.
DIED.
At Nassau, N. P. on the 6th of June, General Josiah Tutuall jun. late Governor of the State of Georgia.
From the Federal Gazette.
The editors have received the following letter from a correspondent, which they have much pleasure in laying before their readers:
Messrs. Yundt and Brown, The following is an extract of a letter which I received from a friend, on whom the fullest reliance may be placed.
Your obedient servant, A. B.
"I intended immediately to have written to Messrs. Yundt and Brown, the conductors of the Federal Gazette, published in Baltimore, but as you are on the spot, I wish you would be good enough to give them the information I wished to communicate:—I observed some time ago, in their paper, an article of intelligence, which they appeared to give with regret,—that a late decision of the court of chancery in England would deprive this state of all hope of recovering the £250,000 stock in the bank of England, which it had long been contending for. I do not know that any determination has been made on this subject at all; it ought however to be known, that, in any event, a part only of the sum will be left to the state, as the king of Great Britain authorised Mr. King, the American minister at his court, to say that he was ready to relinquish any right that the court of chancery might award to him on the subject. A communication to this amount has been made by Mr. King to the governor of this state.
Some additional papers relative to the late negotiation have been laid before parliament. Among these the following is the only document which we find interesting to the American reader:—
Copy of a letter from Mr. R. King to Lord Hawkesbury. London, May 15, 1803.
My Lord,
In the present critical posture of affairs, I lose no time in communicating to your lordship, for his majesty's information, that a treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th day of April last, by the Plenipotentiaries of America and France; by which the complete sovereignty of the town and territory of New Orleans as well as all Louisiana, as the term was heretofore possessed by Spain has been acquired by the United States of America. In drawing this treaty, care has been taken so to frame the same as not to infringe any right of Great Britain in the navigation of the river Mississippi.
I flatter myself that this communication will be received with satisfaction, and regarded as a new proof of the disposition of the United States, to observe towards his majesty a spirit of amity and confidence, important at all times, and more especially so in present circumstances, to the harmony and mutual prosperity of the two countries.
I avail myself of this occasion to renew to your lordship the assurance of distinguished consideration, with which I have the honor to be, &c.
RUFUS KING.
Right hon. lord Hawkesbury.
[Here follows a note from Lord Hawkesbury, acknowledging the receipt of the above.]
NEW-YORK, July 23.
Last from the Mediterranean.—By Capt. Hanifen, who arrived here this morning from Leghorn, we learn, that three or four days before he failed, the frigate Adams arrived there in company with two other ships from Philadelphia and Salem—the Adams was quarantined. All the British ships, about 30 sail, hauled out in the Roads under cover of the Active frigate. The French troops took possession of the city two weeks before Capt. H. came away, and a French frigate had arrived at the island of Elba with ammunition and provisions.
Capt. Tyler of the ship Union, who arrived at Charleston on the 12th July in 10 days from St. Thomas, reports, that a British lugger from Tortola was cruising off the harbor for the purpose of pressing British seamen on board neutral vessels; and that a New-York brig from one of the windward islands, bound to St. Croix, had three of her hands and the second mate pressed, and was compelled to enter St. Thomas for a fresh supply of men. The news of war had a very sensible effect on the price of provisions and produce in St. Thomas—every article immediately rose 25 per cent; and flour which a few days previous was selling at 8 dollars rose to 14. A Danish ship from St. Thomas had been captured by a British privateer, and sent into Tortola, upon suspicion of having Dutch property on board.
A meeting of the Subscribers to the Theatre now building in the city of Washington, on Wednesday evening July 20th, 1803. convened agreeably to public notice.
Capt. TINGEY, in the chair.
THOMAS HERTT, Sec.
RESOLVED, By this meeting that they feel highly satisfied with the progress which has been made in the erecting theatre, and that the committee who have been charged with the business, deserve the thanks of the meeting, who upon enquiry find the building has progressed as expeditiously as could have been expected; and any reports which have been made to injure that object or to shake the confidence of the stock-holders is unjust and highly disappointed by this meeting.
Ordered that the same be published three times in the National Intelligencer and a George Town paper. July 22.
Boarding & Day Schools.
PRESIDENT'S SQUARE.
J. GARDINER instructs Youth in Arithmetic, Book-Keeping, Writing, and English Grammar.
Mrs. GARDINER teaches Needle Work, Tambouring, &c. Young Ladies, who desire to do so, can divide their time betwixt the two schools.
Boys from the country accommodated with Board and Lodging on reasonable terms. June 1.
General Post-Office, July 22, 1803.
WHEREAS sundry representations have been made to this Office of losses sustained in the transmission of money by the mail, whereby it appears that depredations may have been committed by some agent of this department. Be it therefore known that by virtue of the powers by law in me vested, I do hereby offer a reward of FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who will give to this office such information as shall produce the conviction and punishment of the perpetrator of any such crime.
GIDEON GRANGER.
Post Master general.
FOR Sale One hundred and fifty acres of land, One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry, terms apply to
ICHARD LOWE.
Prince George county, July 22. straw

ORDINANCE  Of his Danish Majesty, defining what is to be observed by foreign vessels in regard to quarantine regulations.  His Majesty the King most graciously orders by his mandate of the 22d of October last, that whenever any accounts are received of the existence of the yellow fever in the United States of America, or when no particular advice is received to the contrary from the minister resident there, all American vessels which are not provided with health certificates from the beginning of the month of July until the end of the year are to submit to certain quarantine regulations, and even if they are provided with such certificates these vessels are still prohibited to communicate with the shore, before they have been visited by the appointed health physicians, and if it has the least suspicion then the vessel must be dealt with accordingly, in conformity to which no American vessel, during such a time shall be piloted except having hoisted the green flag.  Which gracious command is hereby published for the regulation of all concerned. Given at the Danish Royal Chancery, on the 5th of November 1802.  Extract of an ordinance concerning quarantine regulations and rules, to be observed by navigators who touch at the ports or coasts of the Royal Danish dominions, dated at Copenhagen, the 14th November, 1800.   1. Every vessel belonging to our own dominions shall have a green flag on board, to be used as prescribed hereafter.  2. Whenever a vessel arrives from a place where there has been any contagion, and in all other cases of suspicion, such as having been visited by any vessel from the Barbary Coast, having bales of merchandise on board from suspected places, and having not undergone a quarantine since in any other place, or having had any virulent sickness on board during the voyage, then the green flag shall be hoisted at the head of the main-mast, before any communication is had with any person whatever from the shore, and before anchor is cast.  3. The commander of any vessel offending against these orders, shall pay a fine of 500 rix dollars (400 dollars) if no dangerous consequences ensue from his misconduct; but if otherwise he shall be punished with twelve years labor in the fortifications—and should any malicious intent be proved upon him, he shall labour in irons during his life. Any vessel having had communication with another vessel that is suspicious, shall be subject to the same regulations and restrictions.  7. Should such a vessel be under the necessity of immediate communication with the shore, she must hoist her own national colours, from the foretop, or under the green flag if she has no foremast.  8. After hoisting the colour on the fore-top, the signal for a pilot, the pilot shall immediately go on board, but not leave the ship board until the health physician has visited her—and for every day that the pilot is detained, he shall receive one rix dollar.  9. To prevent unnecessary delays to such vessels as are arrived from places that might be suspected, (such as the Mediterranean or the West-Indies) but still are secure and free from contagion, not having been in infected places, nor having any suspected merchandise on board, and not having had communication with any vessel which could be suspected—nor had any sick or dead during the voyage, we do order that for such cases all pilots shall be provided with blanks as hereafter written, which the captain and mate of such vessel shall sign, viz:— 
Undersigned N. N. commander of the ship N. arrived from N. and N. W. mate of the said vessel, declare, to their certain knowledge, that neither any of the ship's crew, or any other person, nor any merchandise or thing of whatever kind on board of the said vessel is infected with contagion or any dangerous disease; and that the vessel has not been visited by any cruizers from the African coast or the Levant, and has had none dead or sick with an infectious fever during the voyage, to help us God and his holy word; and if this deposition should be found false, we subject ourselves to be dealt with according to the laws of the land.  10. Blanks of this deposition will be printed in different languages, for the use of foreign vessels that might be subject to the quarantine regulations. As foreign vessels may not always be provided with a green flag, the pilots are bound to have one continually in readiness, to be hoisted in aforementioned cases. If the green flag has been used longer than for one day, the pilot shall receive two rix dollars for the same, but the vessel may then keep it.  Any vessel sailing from the port of New-York for his majesty's dominions, from the 1st of July to the last of December, must be provided with (besides the usual bill of health) a certificate from the Danish Vice-Consul.—Mr. Hammeken resides at No. 78 Pearl-street, where attendance will be given.
W AS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway, on the 8th inst. a negro man, who calls himself EDWARD JACKSON; he is about 30 years of age, 5 feet 11 inches high, stout and well made, has lost the greater part of his left ear, has a scar on his breast, and one on each hand over his thumb, has on a white kersey jacket, blue cloth trowser, and ozanaburg shirt; he says he is free and came left from New-Orleans. If he is not released he will be sold for his jail fees according to law.  June 30 James Wilson, Sheriff. lawf
W AS committed to the jail of Baltimore county, as a runaway, on the 19th inst. a negro man named JACOB, who is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, stout & well made; has a scar under his right cheek, about an inch long; has on a short green coatee with red cape, blue welcoat, Ruffia sheeting trowsers, and osanaburg shirt, mixed grey worsted stockings, and half worn shoes and wool hat. He says he belongs to Mr. Robert Hodgson, of the state of Georgia. If the owner of said negro does not release him, he will be sold for his jail fees according to law.  JAMES WILSON, Sheriff. lawf
April 21. TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next.  A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises.  MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. lawf
W AS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway, on the 15th inst. a bright mulatto man, who calls himself ELICK; he is about 27 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, is thin and spare made, has a scar on his right wrist, about the size of a copper; has on a brown mixed cloth coate, with green velvet cape; black calfskin vest light colored cassimere-pantaloons; fine Holland shirt and a half-worn hat. He says he belongs to Mr. John Harris Updegraff, living in Ulster county, near Holmes's Hole, in the state of Virginia. If the owner does not release him, he will be sold for his jail fees, according to law.  JAMES WILSON, Sheriff. lawf
Columbian Library.  At a meeting of the Shareholders of the Columbian Library on Saturday last, Stephen B. Balch, Joseph Nourse, Thomas Turner, John Craven, Francis Lowndes, jun. and Adam King, were chosen directors for the ensuing year.  Resolved, That the price of shares to new subscribers be hereafter, at the rate of 15 dollars a share—and that all shares heretofore subscribed for, and on which there are arrearages due prior to the 1st day of January last, be forfeited, unless the said arrearages be paid on or before the first day of August next—and it is hereby declared to be the duty of the Librarian to consider and enter as forfeited, all the aforesaid shares on which the arrearages shall not be paid as aforesaid.  Resolved also, that the annual payment be two dollars for the present year.  Extract from the minutes.  DAVID WILEY, Sec'y.  It may be worthy of notice, that all who have ever held shares in the Library, and have not transferred them, will still be entitled to them, upon paying off the arrearages, as above; that a considerable number of new books have been provided within the last year; that the support and encouragement of the institution may be both honorable and useful that the Library is kept open for the delivery and return of books every Wednesday and Saturday afternoon, from 3 o'clock till sundown—that every share is entitled to two books at one time, and may keep them out fourteen days—that other persons may have equal access to the books with the Shareholders, on paying, in advance, for one year, four dollars, for one quarter of a year, one and an half dollars; and for one month, half a dollar giving competent security for the return of the books.  The Books are kept in an apartment of the Columbian academy. George-Town, April 2. cost rawtitta
ON Monday the 29th day of August next, at the town of Sharpsburgh in Washington county Maryland, will commence the sale of several thousand acres of valuable land lying in Washington and Frederick Counties, a great part of this land is excellent arable land, abounding with wood and finely watered—it will be laid off in separate lots as suit the convenience of purchasers—it will be sold at public sale to the highest bidder, the purchaser to give bond and security to pay one half with interest from the day of sale at the end of one year, the other half with interest at the expiration of two years. This property is sold under a decree of the court of Chancery, and clear titles will be made and conveyances given on payment of the purchase money and not before.—This sale worthy the attention of persons desirous of purchasing fine farms.  PHILIP B. KEY, WILLIAM MARBURY } Trustees. July 28th, 1803. 3w.
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises.  THOS. POLLARD. Feb. 22th. ep
TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE, GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLY TRINITY CHURCH  LOTTERY. In the City of Philadelphia.   1 Prize of ten thousand dollars 10,000  1 six thousand 6,000  1 three thousand 3,000  1 two thousand 2,000  5 one thousand 5,000  10 five hundred 5,000  20 three hundred 3,000  20 two hundred 4,000  35 one hundred 3,500  90 fifty 4,500  100 twenty 2,000  6000 seven 42,000  6274 prizes, dols. 90,000  11726 blanks, less than two to a prize. 
18000  The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent.  The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawings, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each.  The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each.  The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars.  From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contemplated, and that the tickets will be raised considerably before that period.  They may be had at SIX dollars of Chesnut GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. no. 67, Chesnut MATTHEW M'CONNELL, 32, 3 S. Street. D. C. D. C.  Whole tickets 6 Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half, 3 25 E. 1/4th, 95  Letters post paid, including the cash, shall be duly attended to, and St. Augustine and New York lottery prizes received in payment.  July 20. epim
HICKORY WOOD.  PROPOSALS will be received until the last day of July for furnishing, for the use of the House of Representatives of the United States, One hundred cords of Hickory wood, which must either have been cut last winter, or must be cut in the month of August. The whole quantity is to be delivered at the most convenient wharf, or at the Capitol, by the last day of September. It is expected that any person undertaking this business will have no objection to bind himself under a penalty for the faithful performance of the contract. For further particulars apply to THOMAS CLAXTON, Capitol hill. July 20, 1803. tf
50 DOLLARS REWARD.  RAN away from the subscriber living at Popes Creek in the county of Westmoreland, and state of Virginia, on the 19th inst. a negro man named FRANK, by trade a blacksmith, of a tawny complexion, long vig. fine and remarkable fine soft voice; about forty-five years of age, five feet four or six inches high, straight limbed. He generally wore a long tail'd coat; but it is not known certainly what clothes he took with him—he may easily be detected, as he has taken with him one of his youngest sons named John, who is not more than 9 years of age and is of a very black complexion and a long visage, like his father. I am induced to think, Frank has made for some of the large towns, particularly Alexandria or Baltimore, in the former, of which, or its neighborhood, he has a free brother by the name of Rogers, who did live near Dr. Smith's, upon Ravenworth in the county of Fairfax. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure said Frank with his son and give information thereof to the subscriber. And 100 dollars if taken out of the state, and the money paid a loon as I get him.  RICHARD STUART. July 20. tf
NEW BOOKS.  Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New-Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are  Burke's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Pervoué's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickel's Lucia, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 3 vols. 8vo. Soultawic's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Beilham's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Hornmann's do. Grant's Life of France. Delphine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimon 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Bread Grins, by G. Coleman, Belfower's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. &c.  In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.  May 20, 1803.
ANCHOR TAVERN AND  OYSTER HOUSE. (Late the Fountain Inn.)  GEORGE PITTS having taken and entered upon the above inn and fitted it up at a considerable expence, respectfully solicits the patronage and support of his friends, when a resident at the Eagle Tavern, those who frequented the Fountain Inn, and the public in general—and assures them no exertion on his part will be wanting in order to insure him a continuance of their liberality and support. Travellers will find it their interest to give him a call, as they may depend always on finding good beds and stabling, the best of liquors, moderate charges and every requisite used to give them general satisfaction.  WANTED IMMEDIATELY A good Cook and Waiter, to whom wages will be given agreeable to their merit. C. P. July 6. tw
FOR SALE, By public action on Thursday the 28th inst. at 11 o'clock before noon, at Stelle's hotel, on Capitol Hill.  The commodious two story brick dwelling house (at present occupied by colonel Burrows) with the out houses and lots number 10 and 11 in square number 925 in the city of Washington, open to and bounded in part on Pennsylvania avenue, and by ninth street east, leading to the Navy Yard. The premises may be viewed any day previous to the sale. The terms one third cash, when a clear and sufficient title will be given; one third is 6 and one third in 12 months with interest on the last two payments, to be secured by bond and mortgage on the premises.  THOMAS TINGEY. Washington, July 5, 1803. tdef
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations.  June 22. 3m.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWITT or RICHARD FORRESTER, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named.  SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf
BY AUTHORITY.  SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.   1 prize of 20,000  1 ditto 10,000  2 do 5000 10,000  5 do 1000 5,000  10 do 500 5,000  15 do 200 5,000  200 do 100 20,000  200 do 50 10,000  200 do 25 5,000  250 do 20 5,000  4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 15,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 2,000 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000  7154 Prizes, 210,000 13,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000  The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.  For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.  Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them.  Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Bechton, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell.  July 13, 1803. costf  The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
CHARLES VARDEN,  TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA.  HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk florantine, Black and fancy silk unbleached velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toilettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c.  With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season.  N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.  New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square.  December 8, 1802. t.
In Council, Annapolis, April 19, 1803.  ORDERED, that the act to alter, change and abolish, such parts of the constitution and form of government as relates to the establishing a general court and court of appeals, be published once in each week, for the space of three months successively, in the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the Baltimore American, the Telegraph, the Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; Mr. Smith's paper, at Easton; the Republican Advocate, at Fredericktown, and Mr. Graves's paper, at Hagerstown.  By order, NINIAN PINKNEY. Clerk.
AN ACT To alter, change and abolish, such parts of the constitution and form of government as relates to the establishing a general court and court of appeals.  BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That from and after the first day of March, eighteen hundred and four, there shall be a court of appeals, composed of three persons of integrity, and sound judgment in the law, who shall be styled in their commissions Judges of the court of appeals, whose judgement shall be final & conclusive in all cases of appeal from the court of chancery, county court or orphan's court; and that the court of appeals shall hold two sessions on the western shore and two on the eastern shore in each year, at such time and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint.  And be it enacted, That from and after the said first day of March, eighteen hundred and four, this state shall be divided into five judicial districts, viz: St. Mary's, Calvert, Prince George's and Charles counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties, shall be the second district; Anne Arundel, Baltimore, and Harford counties shall be the third district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the fourth district; and Washington, Frederick, Montgomery & Allegany counties, shall be the fifth district; and that there shall be appointed for each of the said district two persons of integrity, and sound judgment in the law, who shall reside in the district for which they shall be appointed, who shall be styled in their commissions district judges of the county court in such district; and there shall be appointed for each of the counties to this state one person of integrity, experience & knowledge, resident of the county for which he shall be appointed, who shall be styled in the commission associate judge of the county court of the county for which he shall be appointed; and the said district judges in their respective districts, together with the said associate judge in the respective counties, shall compose the county court; and the county courts so established shall have, hold & exercise, all the powers, authorities and jurisdictions, that the general court and county courts of this state has heretofore held, used and exercised, except the appellate jurisdiction of the general court; and that the county courts shall hold their sessions in their respective counties at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint.  And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, anything in the said constitution and form of government contained to the contrary notwithstanding.  And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government that relates to the court of appeals, or the general court as now established, or to the judges thereof, or that is in any manner contrary to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and are hereby declared to be repealed and abolished on the confirmation hereof.  May 2.
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LI-YOUNG and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by—ROBERT M'CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
ELISHA RIGGS, Has just received from Philadelphia A large supply of Seasonable Goods, viz.  EMBOSSED and Coloured Muffins, Very fine Mul. Mul. & Book &c. Lace Shades and Wide Laces, Spangled Tiffany and Blk. Faus, Silk Cotton and thd. Hosiery, Very fine Cambric and long lawn, Cotton Counterpins and Dimities, Striped Silk for Coats, Fancy Waistcoating and Janes, 9-8 and 7-8 Buff and Silk Chintzes, London Cloths and Cassimers, Nankeens, Fuliens and Checks, White and Buff Cord for Uniform, Silver Lace and Blue Plumes, Irish and German Sheetings, Bed Prints and Tickings, Men's light Beaver Hats, Diaper Table Cloths.  ALSO, Cheap Irish Linens,  And many other articles, which being bought at the best market, & will be sold very low for Cash.  George Town, June 15, M & F 2w F4w
NOTICE. To ordinary keepers and retailers of spirituous liquors—That all licences expire at the meeting of the Court this day.  July 24. 2t