The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-01-21 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 978.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 21, 1807.
FADIAN ADVANCE.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT For the relief of George Little. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled...
NATHL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. JANUARY 17, 1807. APPROVED, TH. JEFFERSON.
EXTRACT.
I have frequently wrote you since I left W. C. but have never received an answer, owning I presume to the mis-carriage of my letters as it has been the case in divers instances. I will however, once more venture to address you...
were then said to be three times our number—so confident was the general of an engagement, that he thought proper to lay down the line of battle by a general order...
By the information received from New Orleans, brought by the Thetis, Captain McDonald; it appears that rebellion has assumed a formidable front on the shores of the Mississippi...
Aurora.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Aleppo to his friend.—Translated from the Gazette of Marselies, of 20th Oct. A very extraordinary discovery, such as will confound a thousand systems of prophetic writers, has lately been made.
National Intelligencer.
Bill for prohibiting the importation of slaves into the United States, Dec. 31, 1806. Yeas and Nays on the motion to strike out the following words:
And if any person or persons shall, after the said thirty-first day of December, transport or bring, or cause to be transported or brought into the United States, or the territories thereof, any negro, mulatto, or person of colour...
YEAS.—Messrs. Alston, jun. Archer, Barker, Bassett, Betton, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Chittenden, Claiborne, J. Clay, Clinton, jun. Clopton, Cook, Darby, Dawson, Dickson, Early, Elliott, Ellis, Elmer, Fisk, Green, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Jones, Kenan, Knight, Lloyd, Magruder, Marion, McCreery, Meriwether, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Mumford, Newton, jun. J. Randolph, Rhea, Ten. Russell, Sandford, Schuneman, Smelt, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stanton, Taggart, Tenney, Tracy, Trigg, Verplanck, R. Whitehill, Wickes, N. Williams, Winston, and Wynns—63.
NAYS.—Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Bard, Bedinger, Bidwell, Blake, jr. Blount, Broom, Brown, Casey, Chandler, M. Clay, Conrad, Covington, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, jr. Dwight, Earle, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fowler, Gray, Gregg, Halsey, Hastings, Hough, Lambert, Mac Farland, Masters, Jo. Morrow, Mosely, J. Nelson, Olin, Porter, Pugh, Rea, (Penn.) Russell, Sammons, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, Tallmadge, Thomas, T. W. Thompson, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, Wadsworth, J. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, and Wilson—55.
JANUARY 7, 1807.
A motion was then made by Mr. Bidwell, further to amend the third section of the said bill, in the following paragraph, to wit: "and such ship or vessel, if brought into any port or place within a state or territory, the constitution and laws of which permit slavery, shall, together with her cargo, tackle, apparel and furniture, be forfeited" by striking out from the said paragraph, the word "cargo."
YEAS.—Messrs. Archer, Bard, Bedinger, Betton, Bidwell, Blake, junior, Broom, Brown, Chandler, Dana, Darby, Dwight, Elliot, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Green, Hamilton, Hastings, Helms, Knight, Lambert, Lloyd, Jo. Morrow, Mosely, Jer. Nelson, Olin, Pitkin, junior, Porter, Pugh, Sammons, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, Stanton, Sturges, Tallmadge, T. Thompson and Varnum—39. NAYS.
Messrs. Alexander, Alston, junior, Anderson, Bassett, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Casey, Chittenden, Claiborne, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Covington, Davenport, jun. Earle, Early, Ellis, Elmer, Fowler, Goldsborough, Gray, Gregg, Halsey, Holland, Holmes, Kenan, Livingston, Mac Farland, Magruder, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Meriwether, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Mumford, R. Nelson, Newton, jr., Quincy, J. Randolph, Rea, (Pen.) Rhea, (Tenn.) Richards, Russell, Smell, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stedman, Tenney, Thomas, P. R. Thompson, Tracy, Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wadsworth, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, Wickes, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, N. Williams, Wilson, Winston, and Wynns—77.
A motion was then made by Mr. Bidwell, and the question being put, further to amend the said bill, by adding to the end thereof the following paragraph: "Provided that no person shall be sold as a slave by virtue of this act." It passed in the negative; the House being equally divided, to wit: Yeas 60—Nays 60. And Mr. Speaker declaring himself with the nays.
YEAS.
Messrs. Anderson, Archer, Bard, Barker, Bedinger, Betton, Bidwell, Bishop, Blake, jun. Broom, Brown, Chandler, Conrad, Cook, Cutts, Dana, Darby, Davenport, jr. Dwight, Elliot, Ellis, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Hastings, Knight, Lambert, Jer. Morrow, Jo. Morrow...
Mosely, Jer. Nelson, Olin, Pitkin, jun. Porter, Pugh, Quincy, Rea, (Penn.) Richards, Smell, Sammons, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Sturges, Tallmadge, Thomas, T. W. Thompson, Varnum, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, M. Williams, N. Williams, and Winston—60. NAYS.
Messrs. Alexander, Alston, jr. Bassett, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Casey, Claiborne, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clopton, Covington, Dickson, Earle, Early, Fowler, Goldsborough, Gray, Holland, Holmes, Jones, Kenan, Lewis, jr. Livingston, Lloyd, Mac Farland, Magruder, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Meriwether, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Mumford, R. Nelson, Newton, jr. J. Randolph, Rhea, Ten. Russell, Sandford, Schuneman, Smelt, J. Smith, Stanford, Tenney, P. R. Thompson, Tracy, Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wadsworth, Walton, Wickes, D. R. Williams, Wilson, and Wynns—60. JANUARY 8.
An engrossed bill to prohibit the importation or bringing of slaves into the United States, or the territories thereof, after the thirty-first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, was read the third time.
A motion was made, and the question being put, that the said engrossed bill be recommitted to the consideration of a select committee.
YEAS.—Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bedinger, Bidwell, Bishop, Blake, jr. Broom, Brown, Boyle, J. Campbell, Chandler, J. Clay, Clinton, jr. Clopton, Conrad, Cook, Covington, Cutts, Darby, Davenport, jr. Dwight, Elliot, Elmer, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Goldsborough, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Hastings, Helms, Hough, Knight, Lambert, Lloyd, N. R. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, J. Nelson, Olin, Pitkin, jr. Porter, Pugh, Quincy, Rea, Pen. Rhea, Ten. Richards, Smell, Sammons, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thomas, T. W. Thompson, Tracy, Varnum, Wadsworth, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, Wickes, M. Williams, N. Williams, and Winston—76. NAYS.—Messrs. Alston, jr. Archer, Bassett, Betton, Blount, Burwell, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Casey, Claiborne, M. Clay, Dawson, Dickson, Earle, Early, Fowler, Gray, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Jones, Kenan, Lewis, jr. Mac Farland, Magruder, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Meriwether, T. Moore, R. Nelson, Newton, jr. J. Randolph, Russell, Sandford, Schuneman, Smelt, J. Smith, Stanford, Tenney, P. R. Thompson, Trigg, Verplanck, D. R. Williams, Wilson, and Wynns—46.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 16.
Mr. Gregg presented a memorial from a large number of the inhabitants of the county of Washington, praying for a repeal of the act prohibiting the arrest of debtors for debts not exceeding twenty dollars, which was referred to a select committee. Mr. Jer. Morrow presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of Fairfield county, Ohio, praying for the establishment of several new post offices, which was referred to the Post Office Committee. Mr. Boyle from the committee on public lands presented a bill making further provision for the disposal of the sections of land heretofore reserved for the disposition of Congress. Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday. An engrossed bill, authorizing the President of the U. S. to accept the service of a number of volunteer companies not exceeding thirty thousand men, was read the third time, and passed without a division. An engrossed bill supplementary to the act entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U. S." was read the third time. Mr. J. Randolph called for the Yeas and Nays. Mr. Alston said he should have consented himself with giving a silent vote on this bill, but for the call of the Yeas and Nays. Having been required, he deemed it his duty to assign his reasons for voting against the bill, which he should do, although he should stand alone. He knew no advantage that could accrue to the U. S. from the passage of the bill. What did it hold out? The opening of a new subscription to all the persons holding evidences of the existing public debt. Were the U. S. to be benefited by this modification of the present debt, or were they in the least interested in it? It was clear that they were not interested; for if they were, the keen speculator would never come forward to subscribe. For, therefore, the sole purpose of expediting the payment of the debt, the government were about to make a sacrifice to the holders of the public debt. Who were these holders? Men who had already preyed on the interests of the nation. Mr. Alston said he considered this as neither more nor less than a second assumption system, pursuing the same tract pursued by the first act making an assumption of debts. This was a measure giving this description of people, who had speculated on the interests of the country, another advantage. It held out a strong invitation to every citizen of the U. S. or of a foreign nation, to subscribe to the new loan, by giving them nine per cent. more than the value of their stock twelve or fifteen months ago. Of this he had evidence—and that at that period there could not be more than 56 per cent. got here or at Philadelphia for three per cent. stock. The bill therefore gives the holders of this stock nine per cent. on their capital. It was for this, as well as for many other reasons, that he should vote against the bill. He did not believe that the situation of the U. S. was such as required such a precipitancy in paying off the debt. No man was more disposed than he was to discharge the debt fairly and honorably; but he was not for doing it in such a manner as to promote the advantage of the holders of the present paper of the U. S. Mr. A. repeated that he considered the bill exactly in the same light with the assumption bill passed a long while since, and that it ought to be denominated an amendment to that law, instead of the act to which it purported to be a supplement. Mr. J. Randolph observed that to him nothing was plainer than that where two individuals stood in the relation of debtor and creditor, new arrangements of existing debts due from one to the other might be made to the mutual advantage of both. At present the commissioners of the Sinking Fund were authorized to purchase old six per cents. and deferred stock at their nominal par value—that is, at the rate of one hundred dollars in specie for one hundred dollars stock, and those stocks were every year partially reimbursed at this rate. The only good, therefore, that the provisions of the bill could do to the holders of these species of stock would be that the government would pay them at the same rate that they were now paying them, and at which they had made purchases as fast as they could. So much for this part of the bill. With regard to the provisions relative to three per cents, Mr. R. said he would state a plain fact, that would come home to the simplest understanding possessed by any member of the committee. A farmer owes his neighbor a thousand dollars, for which he had given his bond, bearing an interest of three per cent. He has it in his option, to pay it off, for 650 dollars. Now, do you think there is a provident farmer in the U. S. that would hesitate to discharge the thousand dollars by paying 650 instead of suffering the 1,000 dollars to rest as a burthen on his children, or a lien on his estate? This is the plain question. Do the House think it most for the advantage of the estate of the good people of the U. S. to pay off this stock at the rate of 65 per cent. or let it remain a perpetual incumbrance on the nation; and is it not self evident that an arrangement may be made between the public and its creditors, as well as between two individuals, to the mutual advantage of both? The question was then taken on the passage of the bill—Yeas 112—Nays 13. Mr. Elliot observed that he had some weeks since presented a number of resolutions on the important subject of national defence, which it was not the pleasure of the House to refer to a committee of the whole. When it should be the pleasure of the House to resume their consideration, he said, it would be his wish to withdraw the first, which had been generally considered as too abstract in its nature & as covering too broad a field of disquisition. It would likewise be his wish to withdraw one or more of the remaining resolutions, and to propose such modifications of the rest, that it should be admitted they presented new questions to the consideration of the House; and he should then only ask that the sense of the House should be taken on referring the resolutions thus modified. Presuming that there could be no objection in the House to making such a disposition of them, he gave notice that he would, on Tuesday next, if an opening offered, move to resume their consideration for the purpose of making this disposition of them. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill continuing for a further time the act for suspending commercial intercourse between the U. S. and certain parts of St. Domingo. The committee, without debate, rose and reported the bill, without amendment, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill authorizing a grant of land for the purchase of a hospital at Natchez, &c. The first section, appropriating a certain portion of land for the purchase of a hospital, was passed over without animadversion. The second section fixes the salary

the judges of the Mississippi terri- tory. Mr. Lattimore moved to fix the sala- ry of each judge at 2000 dollars. This motion, as well as subsequent motions to allow the judges 1600 and 1200 dollars were disagreed to—when the sum of 1200 dollars was agreed to Ayes 58—Noes 25.
The third section extends the right of suffrage generally to the citizens of the Mississippi territory, without re- gard to the possession of a freehold.
Mr. Early moved to strike out this section. He declared himself friendly to the principle. But he was of opinion that Congress did not possess the power of extending it to the inhabitants of the Mississippi territory. In the articles of cession from Georgia to the United States, it was stipulated that this terri- tory should be under the same stipula- tions with those applicable to the North Western territory, with the single ex- ception of that stipulation which relat- ed to slavery. Those stipulations made it a requisite for the election of a represen- tative to possess a freehold estate. Con- sidering this as one of the fundamental terms of the contract, he did not believe the U. S. possessed the power of an- nulling it.
Mr. Lattimore observed, that if Congress had no power to grant other privileges to the people of the Missis- sippi territory than those stipulated in the compact with Georgia, it was clear that they had already violated it. One of its stipulations was, that when the in- habitants of the territory should amount to 5,000, they should be admitted to the enjoyment of the second grade of gov- ernment. And yet it was well known that they were admitted to this privi- lege at an earlier day.
Mr. Sloan opposed the motion. On motion of Mr. Bidwell the com- mittee rose, that further time might be allowed to consider the subject—Ayes 65.
The House resolved itself into a com- mittee of the whole on the bill provid- ing for the surveying of the coasts of the U. S.
After agreeing to appropriate 25,000 dollars for this purpose—the commit- tee rose, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Mon- day.
DEBATE on Mr. J. Randolph's mo- tion, requesting information from the Executive, touching any illegal com- binations against the peace and safety of the union.
(CONCLUDED.)
FRIDAY, JANUARY 16.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. It appears to me that the resolution is treated, I will not say intentionally, with unfairness. It is a resolution calling for information, and yet gentlemen opposed to it call upon us for information to prove its propriety. They ask, do you know this or that?—We answer no—but we wish to know it; and that we may know it, we ask; and yet the requisition is op- posed, because we cannot give them the information it calls for. If we had the information, I should suppose that cir- cumstances—a stronger reason for disagreeing to it. If we possessed the information, we should not want it. But it is said the danger has proceeded to such a length, and the crisis is so ad- vanced, that nothing which we can do will have any effect. Are we then merely to call in the political under- taker, to take charge of the body politic which is defunct, to commit it to the dust. Gentlemen say it is too late to do any thing. Either the affair has pro- ceeded to such a length that it has by this time succeeded to the utmost, or is altogether defeated. But are gentle- men prepared to say that the partial success of the conspiracy shall be con- clusive in its effects; that the nation will set down contented, if Baton Rouge or New Orleans is reduced?
While on this subject, permit me to say that when I referred to newspaper information, I did not refer to the vague reports generally circulated through those organs of information, but to evi- dence legally taken in the case of judge Sebastian, which, though found in the columns of a newspaper, I consider sat- isfactory evidence. It is not, I hope some gentleman from Kentucky will get up in his place, and tell us so. I had to this information as exhibiting the intriguing disposition of the Span- ish government from the peace of 1763 to the year 1797.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania has told us of some kind of an armis- tice entered into between the command- er of our army and the commander of the Spanish forces. But I should be glad to know from what quarter he de- rives this information. I believe there is no such information. There may be some tacit informal understanding; but I believe there is no armistice. If there is I have not heard of it; and will this House confide in the tacit understanding between two commanders, when they have seen the government of Spain en- deavoring to dismember the union after entering into a solemn treaty with us. In former days we have heard much of Castilian honor and virtue. But at the present day the thing is not—it don't ex- ist. We have evidence that while that government was treating with one hand, she was preparing to stab us in the dark with the other.
I again invite the House to draw a proper inference from the indecent, in- sulting, outrageous demeanor of the mi- nister of Spain. I did understand that he was to have been deported—snipped off.—On the contrary I was then still here; and is not the inference of my mind from Pennsylvania irresistible, when considering the crowd of memo- rals presented by him to the govern- ment in the case of Miranda, and that remonstrance has been made against
the pretended expedition against Mexi- co, that he is acquainted with it—that he knows that it is ostensibly for Mexi- co, but really for Orleans—for the se- verance of the union.
Some gentlemen make extremely light of this conspiracy. I cannot, however, conceive, how a man in a state of ignorance respecting its nature or extent can make light of it. The very circumstance of not knowing the extent of danger has a tendency to mag- nify it beyond its natural size. But there is one fact, which has come so di- rect, that it cannot be doubted. I be- lieve it will altogether depend on the circumstance of the conspirators getting to Baton Rouge before the troops of the U. S. arrived there, whether New Or- leans shall fall; and the waters of the Red river are so low, that we cannot decide when our troops will arrive— they will get possession of the ordnance, and nothing can prevent the reduction of Orleans but a pitched battle.
But who can see, according to the in- timation of some gentlemen, in the re- solution under discussion, a proposition either for a war or peace establishment. It is no such proposition. It seems, however, that an expression of mine bore hard on the worthy gentleman from Pennsylvania, for which I am very sorry. But I can only say, "let the galled jade wince, our withers are un- wrung." But I beg leave to repel in the most decided manner the charge that we are triumphing at the conse- quences of the measures of the last year. If I could triumph at the calamitous situation of my country, there is am- ple cause indeed for triumph. But let me change situations with the other gentleman. Let him have the finger of scorn pointed at him—Let him be denounced, let the cry of mad dog, of political detection be raised against him—and let him see all the measures for which this denunciation was made adopted and asserted by his adversaries —would he not feel some chuckling— or would he not be so base, so mean, so abject, as to lay down and say that tho' he knew them to be right, he dare not declare them so. You may begin with these measures, and go on from alpha to omega. The first of them is the fa- mous non-importation law. It is gone —abandoned, given up. Another great point of difference was the bill relative to the public debt, which we have had under consideration this day. It is passed. Then comes the salt tax— passed on a recommendation from the executive. We have next the mea- sures for the increase of the public force—we have a bill from the Senate to that effect. And are we to be amused by a quibbling distinction between a war and a peace establishment? The force is the same, in either case ready to be used against foreign enemies or domestic conspirators; there is no dif- ference, except this, that our proposi- tion was less obnoxious than theirs; in as much as the peace establishment is for all time, the war establishment merely temporary. And is it not won- derful that gentlemen who avow them- selves hostile to a standing army are against a temporary, but in favor of a permanent establishment. No, sir, I can- not take a retrospect of the past without feeling a degree of conscious pride that my aid was not given, that I had no hand in the acts of commission or omis- sion that have brought us to this de- plorable state of things. I am asked if I foresaw the conspiracy of this, as he has been called, modern Catiline, and if I did not, I am desired to take no credit to myself for the measures proposed. What! Will logic of this kind go down with the house or the nation? Because we did not point out individual danger, but foretold it in the general, are we to be denied the credit of warning the country against any danger? But I well recollect there was an argument urged, if not in these words, to this effect;— if you do not protect the western people, and extend to them the benefits of a free, equal, and strong government—I say strong, for none but an equal and free government can be strong—they will look out for friends and protectors elsewhere; and is not this prediction verified? It is, sir—I say not this in relation to the western people exclusive- ly—the same would be the case in any other part of the union. Suppose the line of Vermont threatened—that Brit- ish troops should pass it in hostile ar- ray; and that the British minister should act in the same way with the Spanish minister? What would the public sensibility be? What it ought to have been last year,—what it ought to be now.
But the gentleman from Pennsylvania says, by passing this resolution we shall betray a want of confidence in the ex- ecutive, and more especially in the President—that he will give us such in- formation as he thinks proper, and if we want more, we act like naughty boys, who call for more than comes to their share. Indeed I did that gentle- man, in the better part of his political life, utter such sentiments. I'll war- rant him he did not, and when he feels how contradictory they are to all the good old maxims of the republican party I am confident he will abjure them. As to my confidence, I am not so fortunately situated as the gentleman from Pennsylvania; because my belief in men, politics and religion is a matter of reason as well as of faith. There never did, or can exist a President of the U. S. who will command my confi- dence to the extent of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and I believe the cultivation of a degree of scepticism in politics would not to be unuseful to that gentleman as well as others. My confidence in the executive will depend on their conduct. If their conduct shall be such as it ought to be, they shall have my confidence. But I cannot go so far as to mortgage it to them, be-
their conduct what it may, without re- serving even an equity of redemption. This may be an infirmity of my nature; but I cannot, I never could act otherwise. I think the gentleman said, that if on account of the acquisition of Louisiana, it were thought necessary to increase our peace establishment, he should be willing to go as far as the bill from the Senate goes. When was that territory acquired? Since the last ses- sion? If so, his observation is to the purpose; but to make an acquisition, obtained three or four years ago, the cause of augmenting the peace establish- ment of the present day, is rather un- fortunate, & it appears to me that if the increase of the army be intended for pacific purposes, the greater the in- crease the worse our situation. As to standing armies, I have no great idea of them— Truges consumere nan —and with regard to our army they are so cut up that little reliance can be placed upon them. We find one company between the two states of Rhode Island and Connecti- cut, one company in Boston harbor and at the arsenal at Springfield, one company appointed to defend the important port of New York, and so on. How are these men to be made troops in garrison? I believe whenever they shall be called into action, they will prove they are not troops. I have no hesitation in saying, that if gentlemen depend on this broken staff they will be disappointed; and that if necessity calls for it, the best way to get an efficient army will be first to get rid of the present inefficient one. Is this arraigning the conduct of this or that department. No, sir,—but that narrow policy, which is pursued by the House—a policy, which it is high time for us to lay down, whether we regard the saving of expence, or the public safety. When I say that it is high time to lay down this narrow poli- cy, let me be explicit. I have as much confidence as other gentlemen in the militia when at home; but if the U. S. were to conquer the Cape of Good Hope, I would not think of protecting the place by the militia. I believe the militia as adequate to the protection of New Or- leans as the Cape of Good Hope; and after paying fifteen millions for the Mis- sissippi and its delta, shall we be so pe- culiar as not to defend this important point—this key to our strong box?
I hope the motion to postpone this resolution will not prevail, because I fear it has been already delayed too long. I have withheld it from the considerations I have already mentioned—from a be- lief that a disclosure of circumstances at the time of crisis might be injurious to the public good—from the hope that the best political measures had been taken for the public safety—and from the be- lief that the House of Representatives would be called in due season to take such further measures as the exigency of the state might require. But does it follow that if the affairs of the U. S. are in such a situation, and the Executive has not considered it necessary to take measures (conceding this for argument sake) that Congress shall take none? What does this amount to? As far as the Executive goes, we are authorised to follow—not to keep pace with, much less shoot a head of him. If there is a difference of opinion, you are in the wrong—you must submit to the mere duty of registering his edicts. I am one of those who do not feel disposed to stand on this ground—I have a respect for the opinions of the members of this House, for the opinions of well informed men out of doors, for those of the Presi- dent and the heads of departments; but I do not entertain these sentiments to such an extent as to abandon my own opinions, to grope like a mole in the dark, and to be contented with what is shown me. Let us not call ourselves statesmen or legislators if we are ready to act without information. We may make a kind of Conservative Senate; but higher we can never rise, if we adopt a course of this kind.
MR. SMILIE. The gentleman from Virginia asks if I ever consented to call on the President for information. I have. But I never have called upon him for information regarding a pending negotiation. With regard to what I said of the executive, I say it again, and I believe those who know me, will not doubt that I have as much indepen- dence as the gentleman from Virginia. [MR. J. RANDOLPH explained. He did not, he said, question the inde- pendence of the gentleman from Penn- sylvania. He only questioned the cor- rectness of the principles which he ad- vocated—principles on which he hoped he would never act—principles which would lead to a practical dependence which he hoped the gentleman would abjure.]
MR. SMILIE. I do not know what principle the gentleman alludes to. I will state what I said before. If we adopt this resolution we betray a want of confidence in the executive magis- trate. I say so again. It belongs to us to provide the means, and to the executive to apply them. It is his duty to ask for means when he considers them necessary. I say, when the ne- cessary forces are prepared, or about to be prepared, such a requisition be- trays an improper jealousy, a want of confidence in his judgment or integrity. If the object of the gentleman be to de- clare war, I agree that a call for pa- pers may be proper. But this object is not avowed.
I agree with the gentleman from Vir- ginia in the opinion he has expressed of standing armies, and it is because I hold this opinion that I never will agree to raise them in a time of peace. For my part I am not disposed to the knight- errantry of contending with Bonaparte; neither have I any fear of a French or British invasion. I apprehend no such designs, and with regard to this conspir- acy, I think we have the means of crushing it within our reach, without resorting to an army. To me it is,
strange that we behold so much zeal in the east, when the western states are so little alarmed. My object is to avoid war as long as I can consistently with honor. I consider it as among the last of evils, and I never will resort to it but in case of necessity. If the gentleman is correct in the portrait he has drawn, I will not say that it would be altogether incorrect to make use of the means he has proposed. But I entertain a totally different opinion of the state of the country.
MR. EPPES. I shall vote against the postponement, as involving the principle contained in the resolution. I shall vote for the resolution, because I believe the information it calls for im- portant to the House and the country; and because I think its terms such as ought to preclude every possible objec- tion to it. If the gentleman from Vir- ginia had confined his observations to the resolution, I should not have opened my mouth. But when the vote I gave last year is questioned here or else- where, I consider myself bound to jus- tify it in the face of God and the na- tion.
Whether we shall retrace the ground of the last session I do not know. For one, however, I am against raising an army, and I call on gentlemen to shew its necessity in the present posture of our affairs. What circumstances have arisen to make an army more necessary now than then? Then the armies of the U. S. and of Spain were arrayed against each other on the Sabine, and there was an enterprise against the Spanish possessions. What is now the situation of the U. S. as to its force on the Sabine? It is sufficient. There has been no time when we had not man for man with the Spaniards. An agree- ment is made and our troops are with- drawn. But we are told that Orleans is to be attacked, that the safety of the country is endangered, that the very union is at stake. Where is this danger- ger? Do gentlemen expect, as in days of old, an army to be raised from the ground? Is not Bonaparte with his miserable party of 150 men, checked in every quarter? For my part, I do not know the existence of danger; and, although I shall vote for the resolution, I believe that the present force of the U. S. is sufficient to suppress the con- spiracy and to meet the Spanish forces. The only reason that the conspiracy is not already suppressed, is that the laws do not provide for cases less than trea- son. But we have just passed a law for this purpose. At present, I ask gentle- men to point out any authority by which a single boat can be seized, unless un- der the state laws.
As to the situation of the western country I feel no alarm. I do not be- lieve the fair fame of a state ought to be impeached by the misconduct of a few imprincipled men. We may sweep the whole bench without endangering the state. The conduct of the state of Ohio has been eulogised by the gentle- man himself. And what is the conduct of the territories? In Orleans they are prepared to meet the conspirators. The merchants have patriotically come for- ward with a tender of their services. For my own part, I do not see in this case any indications of danger, but I am notwith- standing in favor of adopting the resolu- tion, as the means of giving us infor- mation, which, I believe, will be valu- able to the House and the country.
The question was then taken on post- poning the further consideration of the resolution till Monday, and lost—Ayes 38.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. Before the question is taken, I will observe, tho' it may seem strange, that this is not a proposition to raise a standing army, or to declare war. Nor do I see how the opinions of gentlemen on these points are implicated. For my part, I have the same opinion of standing armies now as ever. I have no disposition to raise regular forces for the defence of New York, or Baltimore, or of my na- tive state—there is sufficient popula- tion for their defence in all those quar- ters. But in the country I have spoken of, there is no militia.
Again, on the subject of the situation of the state of Kentucky, I have cast no odium on Kentucky. I am happy to find Kentucky contains within her bos- om honorable men enough to keep in check those that are dishonest. But I cannot draw so favorable an inference of the public sentiment in any country, when I see a most extraordinary and ramified combination, composed of the most leading characters, and the most flaming patriots too, for the express purpose of severing the union.
In my opinion the true way of avoid- ing danger is not to despise it. Suppose even that gentlemen are right, and that I am wrong. If I am wrong no danger can ensue from my error; but if they are wrong, the greatest public calamity may ensue from theirs. So, on their own principles, gentlemen ought to agree to the resolution.
I do conceive, and it gives me ex- treme concern, that the very mention of a disunion of these states is a great public injury; it goes to unloose the tone of the public mind; it makes men familiar with the possibility of the thing, and once admitted into their breasts, they will not contemplate it with that abhorrence in which it ought to be held by every true patriot. If the mere talk of the thing be mischievous, what shall we think of a plan such as this is reported to be. I do not conceive it to be a thing of yesterday; but an affair of long standing. Look back to the times when the character implicated in this conspiracy first began to move in that country. It was at least contemporane- ous with the disappointment of his am- bition. Look further back; look at the famous propositions of Thomas Powers. It appears to me that these are parts of the same design, and that it is a most extraordinary thing that
although so extensively incorporated into the body politic, the country should remain so long profoundly ignorant of it.
MR. THOMAS asked for a division of the question at the words "United States." He said he had no objection to the first member of the resolution, the agreeing to which would enable them to obtain all the information that was requisite to form a judgment of the magnitude of this national calamity. He was decidedly against the other part of the resolution. It would go to ex- pose the military operations pursued un- der the President for the purpose of in- tercepting and defeating the conspira- tors. It was evident to every man ac- quainted with tactics, that military op- erations to be effectual must frequently be conducted with the greatest secrecy.
MR. EARLY enquired whether the Yeas and Nays would be taken upon each member of the resolution. The Speaker answering in the affirmative, Mr. Early moved to adjourn. This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 47— Noes 68.
MR. STANTON declared himself against the resolution.
MR. ELMER said he was opposed to both members of the resolution. He was not prepared at this time to vote for it, because when such a call was made, the House ought to have some specific proposition before them on which they meant to act. No such proposition at present was before them. He added that he had full confidence, that when the President was possessed of such in- formation as he thought ought to be communicated, he would promptly impart it.
MR. JACKSON. I believe it has been decided by the Speaker that after the question is taken on the first mem- ber of a resolution it is out of order to debate the second. As I mean to vote for the first, and against the second member, I will now assign my reasons for the vote I shall give. The second member leads to a palpable absurdity. It calls on the executive to inform us what he means to do. I am at as great a loss as some other gentlemen to deter- mine what connection there is between this proposition and the proposition of the last year to chastise Spanish inso- lence. I trust that the people will ap- preciate the force of the remark, that if the measure recommended at the last session had been adopted, there would be now no danger. The argument urged on this occasion is the constant pre- text for raising standing armies. This measure was, however, rejected by the good sense of the people in 1799, and I trust to God, it will be rejected in 1807. The argument of the gentleman goes to this, that a state of things which no hu- man reason could foresee, is to be over- awed by raising a standing army long before its occurrence. If in this case it is necessary to resort to a standing army, why did we not do so in the case of Fries's insurrection, as well as in that of the preceding insurrection in Pennsylvania? I however rejoice to co- incide in opinion with a great majority of the people, that the militia may be safely depended upon, and if I had not this reliance upon them, I would in- stantly yield up my confidence in the practicability of a republican govern- ment. But it appears to me that this question, from the extraneous circum- stances mingled with it, has assumed an importance to which it is not entit- led. It is merely a resolution to obtain information, part of which I think will be important, and which I am sorry gentlemen do not all agree in request- ing. It has no connection whatever with a standing army; but the mover of it, having dragged an army into the parade, rendered it necessary for those who differ from him to repel his obser- vations.
MR. SLOAN said he had hoped that the House would have agreed to post- pone the resolution. It was in his op- inion important, and a decision upon it ought not to be precipitated. He there- fore still hoped the House would ad- journ, and that after reflection they would entertain a different opinion from that which they at present appeared to hold. He said that he was opposed to both members of the resolution; to the first, because it was only calling on the President to do his duty, when there was no doubt that every measure had been taken by him which was necessary, and because it would be injurious at this moment, as betraying a want of confidence in him. As to the second member it might be fraught with still greater evils.
MR. GREGG wished to know whe- ther it would be in order to move a postponement of the second member of the resolution after a vote on the first. When he first heard the resolution read, he said he was disposed to vote for the whole of it. This was a prac- tice, when information was called for, which he had always pursued. On further consideration, the first part of the resolution appeared to him proper; but he could not view a part of the sec- ond member in the same light. He alluded to that part of it, which called on the President to inform them what measures he meant to pursue. He be- lieved that it was an unprecedented thing to require such information. He had hoped that the gentleman from Connecticut, who had offered to the House the proceedings adopted on like occasions, would have offered some pre- cedents of this kind. If any such ex- isted he had no doubt he would have found and submitted them. He must therefore conclude that there were none such. Mr. Gregg concluded by saying he had no objection to pursue the course adopted in the cases cited by the gentle- man from Connecticut. He should therefore vote in favor of the first part of the resolution, but against the second, as it then stood.

Mr. RANDOLPH gave notice that, in case the first member of the resolution was adopted, he meant to modify the second. Mr. ALSTON said he thought the first member of the resolution required modification as well as the second. As it stood he conceived that great mischief might result from it. He believed that whether the President gave the whole or part of the information called for, the conviction would go abroad that a part was retained. He believed that the resolution would have the same effect, without, as well as with, the discretionary language contained in it. It appeared to him to require amendment, though he was not at this time prepared to offer one. He wished gentlemen to reflect on the difficult situation in which they might be placing the President, and to consider the step dispassionately before they took it. If the resolution were carried, it would rather than the discretionary words should be struck out; and that the President might if he thought it necessary, give the information in confidence. Mr. Alston concluded by moving to postpone the further consideration of the resolution till to-morrow. On this motion the House divided—Ayes 48—Nays 68.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said he believed this was almost the first time in which gentlemen had been compelled to vote without being prepared. He had before said he had not made up his mind on the propriety of the resolution. So far as it went to obtain information from the executive of the nature and extent of the conspiracy, he should not vote against it; but that part of it which called for his plans he was decidedly hostile.
The question was then taken by yeas and nays on the first member of the resolution, which was carried—Yeas 109 Nays 12.
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Archer, Bard, Basset, Bedinger, Betton, Blake, jun. Blount, Broom, Brown, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Caley, Clinton, Claiborne, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clinton, jr., Covington, Dana, Darby, Davenport, jun., Dawkins, Dickson, Dwight, Earle, Early, Elliot, Ellis, Ely, Eppes, Fisk, Fowler, Garnett, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Gray, Gregg, Green, Hamilton, Hastings, Helms, Holmes, Hough, Jackson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Lambert, Lewis, jun., Livingston, Lloyd, Mac Farland, Marion, Maffers, M'Creery, Meriwether, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mofely, Mumford, J. Nelson, Newton, jun., Ohio, Picken, jun., Porter, Pugh, Quincy, J. Randolph, T. M. Randolph, Rhea, (Pen.) Rhea, (Ten.) Richards, Ruffel, Saily, Sammons, Sandford, Schumann, Smel, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Smedman, Sturges, Taggart Tallmadge, Thomas, P. R. Thompson, T. W. Thompson, Tracy, Ties Van Cortlandt Van Rensselaer, Walston, R. Whit hill, Wickes, D. R. Williams, Wm. Williams, N. Williams, Winn, Winston, Wynns.—109.
NAYS—Messrs. Alston, jun. Barker, Bidwell, Chandler, Conrad, Elmer, Findley, Halley, Holland, Sloan, Smilie, Stanton Varnum, J. Whitehill.—14.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. The objection taken to the second member of the resolution, I am willing to allow, under the aspect under which it has been viewed by some gentlemen, possesses considerable force. I mean that part of it which relates to the future measures of the executive. I believe on a fair construction, however, it will be found not to require the information of the measures which as a military man, as commander in chief, he means to take; but to request to be informed whether he means to rely on the existing military force, or means to call out the militia. To obtain, however, the greatest possible unanimity, I move to amend the resolution by striking out the words "and proposes to take."
It appears to me that the House ought to know what measures are taken to form an estimate whether those measures are in their opinion sufficient. It might so happen that the President has taken measures which he thinks sufficient, and the House, notwithstanding, think other measures necessary. At any rate the information can do no harm.
Mr. THOMAS asked whether the President could communicate what he had done to defeat the conspiracy, without developing what he meant hereafter to do. He said it was impossible. The amendment was then carried without a division, when the question was taken by yeas and nays on the last member of the resolution, which was likewise agreed to—Yeas 67—Nays 52.
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Basset, Bedinger, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, J. Campbell, Claiborne, J. Clay, M. Clay, Dickson, Dwight, Earle, Early, Elliot, Ellis, Ely, Eppes, Fisk, Garnett, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Gray, Gregg, Hastings, Helms, Holmes, Hough, Jackson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Lewis, jun., Livingston, Lloyd, Mac Farland, Marion, Maffers, M'Creery, Meriwether, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mofely, Mumford, J. Nelson, Newton, jun., Picken, jun., Porter, Quincy, J. Randolph, Ruffel, Sammons, Sandford, Schumann, Smel, S. Smith, Stanford, Smedman, Sturges, Taggart P. R. Thompson, Trigg, Van Rensselaer, Wickes, D. R. Williams.—67.
NAYS—Messrs. Alston, jun. Anderson, Archer, Bard, Barker, Betton, Bidwell, Blake, jun. Broom, Brown, Butler, G. W. Camp-
bell, Caley, Chandler, Chittenden, Conrad, Covington, Dana, Darby, Davenport, junior, Dawson, Elmer, Findley, Fowler, Green, Halley Holland, Lambert, Ohio, Pugh, T. M. Randolph, Rhea, (Pen.) Rhea, (Ten.) Richards, Saily, Sloan, Smilie, Southard, Stanton, Tallmadge, Thomas, T. W. Thompson, Tracy, Varnum, Walton, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, M. Williams, N. Williams, Winn, Winston, Wynns.—52.
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 21.
We have the pleasure of announcing the arrival of Captain CLARKE in this city.
A sketch of the proceedings of the House of Representatives of yesterday, which were in no respect important, is deferred till our next.
The SENATE have been occupied for the two past days on the Volcanic Bridge Bill, on which no decision has been yet made.
We have perused a letter from New Orleans, dated Dec. 18th, which contains the following interesting circumstances. Gen. Wilkinson on appearing before the court, on a writ of Habeas Corpus, issued for the body of Dr. Bollman, made an exposure to this effect, in the presence of a large concourse of people.
'Called to account for an act in which I glory, and for which I trust my country will thank me, I shall meet the consequences with the aplomb of my own breast, which I prize more highly than the hozannas of thousands, or the popularity of the whole world. But when I cast my eyes on the movers of this prosecution—My bosom is rent by a conflict of emotions—sorrow for their depravity—charity for their sympathies—surprise at their indiscretion, and astonishment at their audacity. I would to God I could here close the proceedings of this day. But my honor, my duty, and the safety of the state forbid me—it is time an universal alarm should go forth, to rouse the good citizen to sense of his danger. The deceitful calm must no longer be suffered to impose on us a treacherous security. Nor shall the artifices of the confederates be longer employed to cheat the public judgment. Treachery is in the midst of us—treason stalks abroad,—and the friends of Burr and rebellion, whilst they ridicule our apprehensions, and scoff at our preparations, with trembling solicitude implore his speedy arrival, to reward them for their apostasy, and to rescue them from the roadings of guilt and the terrors of impending punishment.'
After this address Gen. Wilkinson charged Livingston and Alexander with being parties to the conspiracy.
The effect produced at New Orleans by this disclosure is said to have been very striking. Considerable scepticism previously existed of the reality of the plots ascribed to Burr; but after this exposure, a general and even ardent disposition was excited, vigorously to maintain order and support the government.
* It is understood that an allusion was here meant to Messrs. Livingston and Alexander.
COMMUNICATION. The following is a copy of the return made by General Wilkinson to the writ of habeas corpus issued at New Orleans for the body of Doctor Errick Bollman, and in his address to the court on the occasion, the General denounced the two lawyers who had procured the writ as parties in the conspiracy. It appears that young Swartwout delivered General Wilkinson the original of the letter; which gave him full and complete information of all Burr's plans, and Doctor Bollman presented the copy—Swartwout was seized and is now under guard on his way to Baltimore. Bollman has arrived at Charleston under the care of Lieut. Wilson, of the artillery. Had Congress suspended the habeas corpus act, all the conspirators at New Orleans would have been seized, and many traitors might have been secured in different parts of the Union. Young Ogden, who accompanied Swartwout, was seized, but obtained a habeas corpus, and was released. He is now at large.
* Messrs. Livingston and Alexander.
The undersigned, commanding the army of the United States, takes on himself all responsibility for the arrest of Doctor Errick Bollman, on a charge of misprision of treason, against the government and laws of the United States, and has adopted measures for his safe delivery to the executive of the United States. It was after several consultations with the governor and two of the judges of this territory, that the undersigned has hazarded this step, for the national safety menaced to its base, by a lawless band of traitors associated under A. Burr, whose accomplices are extended from New York to this city. No man can hold in higher reverence the civil institutions of his country than the undersigned, and it is to maintain and perpetuate the holy attributes of the constitution, against the uplifted hand of violence, that he has interposed the force of arms in a moment of extreme peril, to seize upon Bollman as he was upon all others, without regard to standing or station, against whom
satisfactory proof may arise of a participation in the lawless combination. JA. WILKINSON.
Head Quarters, Army of the United States, New Orleans, Dec. 17th, 1806.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the first respectability to a member of Congress, dated Knoxville, (Ten.) 29 December, 1806.
"I believe this place is not the seat of any combination to deprive the people of their government—nor is it the theatre of any preparatory arrangements to attack any foreign power,—but rumour, at this period sounds aloud from the west,—A few days since Col. Burr was at Nashville. Arrangements were made at Nashville for descending the river with a number of provision boats, said to be intended to accompany Burr in his unknown expedition. Last evening a man arrived from Nashville, who says Mr. — is going, and several others. Application had been made to Capt. — to descend as a pilot—he refused unless he was informed of the place of destination,—he could not receive that information, and was not employed (at least so said my informant.) A few days since I saw a major—from St. Louis, on his way to the city. I am well furnished with information received from him of Burr's guilt.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the highest respectability resident in Knoxville, (Ten.) to a member of Congress, in this place.—The writer left Knoxville on the 11th, and his letter is dated Lexington, Virg. 11th Jan. 1807.
"Much interest has been excited by the conspiracy of Burr and others. I suppose you are in possession of more facts than I am, as to its object, extent, &c. The people of E. Tennessee almost unanimously exclaim against the characters who are so lost to virtue and patriotism as to engage in any scheme of the like kind. A separation of the union, which is supposed to be meditated and ultimately in view, is deprecated by every man (two or three excepted) in E. Tennessee. By the latest intelligence I possess, his military preparations for attack on any part of Mexico or any other part, are entirely frustrated. The capture of the boats, &c. on Ohio has certainly given him a fatal blow. He was in Nashville from early in December till after Christmas, his head quarters, (if he had any) during that time were at —'s; during his stay there Mr. —, capt. — and some others were engaged in his party; a number of other young men of the vicinity of that place were to have partaken of his fortunes; but at the crisis of his departure many of them shrunk from the undertaking—on my way from Knoxville I saw Mr. A. — directly from Nashville—he told me he saw Burr on Christmas day at —'s (near Nashville) and that on the next day he descended Cumberland river in a boat—that a son of colonel —'s was of his party—that young H. — was to have gone, but on the moment of departure, he declined.—That he (Mr. A. —) was in company with Mr. H. — afterwards, and that he procured from him information, that the point of destination and attack, was a rich Spanish town, from which was expected considerable plunder.—Mr. — was to follow Burr in a few days with the other boats,—four in all were what he heard of going from that place,—that an express or message had been dispatched to the Ohio,—of the time when he intended to start, and probably where he desired them to join him at the mouth of Cumberland.—It is probable he had not then known of the capture of his boats on the Ohio.
N. B. Mr. A. and Mr. H. are respectable characters, whose veracity may be relied upon.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Kentucky to his friend in this city, dated Dec. 23, 1806.
Formerly the people were prohibited from settling on the unappropriated U. S. land where the Indian claim had been extinguished, until the sale was made. And in some instances compulsive measures were used against the sovereign people to keep them within prescribed limits. The thing is now entirely changed—they are settling in all directions. Several families are on the Cherokee land, having settled previous to the running of the line—thus the sovereign people enjoy an uncontrolled liberty, and in a short time will be able to free the administration of the burthen of selling.
The Editor of the Aurora in his paper of the 10th inst. has undertaken to charge me as being concerned in a conspiracy against the peace and safety of our country and government.
Men of all parties must be sensible of the outrage committed on the character of a citizen, who in the same moment is impeached and condemned before the public without an opportunity of defence, or even notice of the accusation preferred against him.
My friends—those who know me, and a just public will expect no other answer to such a charge than a solemn denial of its truth. I declare it to be an infamous falsehood, and if the laws of the country furnish a remedy, I shall certainly appeal to them for redress of the outrage which I have suffered.
DANIEL CLARK, Delegate from the territory of Orleans to 10th Congress. Washington, 19 January, 1807
ANDREW GREGG is elected a Senator of the U. States, from the state of Pennsylvania, in the room of George
Logan. On this election the votes stood as follows:
Table with 2 columns: Name, Votes. For Andrew Gregg, 55; N. B. Boileau, 40; John Steele, 14.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Jan. 19.
Mr. J. Randolph from the committee appointed to carry to the President the resolution of the House adopted on Friday, stated that the committee had performed that service, and had received for answer from the President, that he would cause the information requested, to be laid before the House.
Mr. Quincy presented the petition of James Sullivan and others, claimants of certain lands ceded to the U. S. by Georgia, requesting that the tribunals of the U. S. may be authorised to try the question of right to those lands.
Mr. Quincy moved a reference of this petition to a committee of the whole House.
Mr. Eppes spoke against the reference.
Mr. Quincy replied.
The question was taken, on referring the petition to a committee of the whole, which was disagreed to—Ayes 41—Nays 54.
Mr. Quincy then moved its reference to a select committee.
Mr. D. R. Williams hoped this motion would not prevail, and that if it did not, that the petition would be rejected.
Mr. Quincy withdrew his motion, that the question might be taken on the proposition to reject the petition, which Mr. D. R. Williams then offered.
Mr. Quincy called for the yeas and nays on this motion.
Messrs. D. R. Williams, Eppes and J. Clay supported; and Messrs. Conrad, Cook, Alexander, Sloan, Smilie, and Quincy opposed the motion, which was disagreed to—Yeas 53—Nays 56.
Mr. Quincy then moved a reference of the petition to a select committee.
Mr. Quincy advocated; and Messrs. J. Clay, Smilie, R. Nelson and Eppes opposed this motion, which was likewise disagreed to—Yeas 45—Nays 65.
Mr. Holmes, from the committee of claims, made an unfavorable report on the petition of Jonathan Snowden, which was made the order of the day for Wednesday.
Mr. Alexander submitted a bill prescribing the effect of records of judgments and decrees of courts of justice in one state in another state, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday.
Mr. Rhea of Ten. offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of laying off and describing by certain metes and boundaries a tract of country to which the Indian title hath been extinguished, within the limits of the territory of Louisiana, and to include all the settlements within the said territory; and for laying off said tracts of country laid off into townships and sections, half and quarter sections, agreeably to the several laws heretofore made for surveying the public lands of the U. S. and also to enquire into the expediency of granting one quarter section to every free male white, who now resides thereon, or who within — years shall actually improve and reside thereon.
Mr. Conrad said, before he agreed to the resolution, he should be glad to hear the reasons for this new mode of disposing of the public lands.
Mr. Rhea said he did not suppose that on referring this subject, it would have been necessary to assign the reasons for the measure. But as they had been called for, he would state some of them. It was well known that the settlements in the territory of Louisiana were scattered—that they were two or three hundred miles apart. If the Indians should become hostile in that quarter it would probably cost the U. S. more to protect those settlements than the value of the land it was proposed by the resolution to allow to settlers. The object was to effect a settlement that would prove a strong barrier, and avert the necessity of maintaining a standing army. The lands on this side of the Mississippi, it was well known, from their subjection to Indian claims, would not probably be settled until a distant day; and this produced a necessity for forming settlements on the western side of that river.
Mr. Smilie believed this was a measure that would be attended with great benefits to the U. S. As the motion was merely to refer for the purpose of enquiry, he hoped it would not be opposed.
Mr. Varnum was of the opinion that even if this measure should be ultimately considered advisable, this was a very unseasonable time for its adoption. He was not of opinion that any considerable force could be brought to bear on the frontier thus proposed to be guarded. It would be remarked that it was not contemplated for the defence of the Orleans, but the Louisiana territory. And he asked whether it would be proper to adopt while such various reports prevailed of the existence of conspiracies against the U. S. in the western country. Might not the individuals, engaged in these combinations, on their discomfiture and return into the U. S. under this measure, occupy the lands thus proposed to be surveyed.
Mr. Rhea declared himself greatly surprised at the suggestion of the gentleman from Massachusetts. As to the suspicion afloat, he hoped they would have no influence on the adoption of this measure.
Mr. Gregg hoped, as the resolution contemplated an almost radical change of the land system, it would be suffered to lie for consideration.
Mr. Rhea acquiesced in this course. The bill, from the Senate, supplementary to the act fixing the military peace establishment of the U. S. [as given in our last] was read the first time.
Mr. Eppes moved to reject it.
On this motion a debate of about two hours ensued.
Messrs. Eppes, Varnum, Smilie, G. W. Campbell, and Bedinger supported; and Messrs. Lyon, Tallmadge, Early, Findley, Gregg, Cook, Elmer, Alexander and Thomas Moore opposed the motion—which was disagreed to—Yeas 26—Nays 95.
The bill then had a second reading, and was referred to a select committee composed of Messrs. J. Randolph, Chandler, Dickson, Gregg, and Van Cortlandt.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Richmond, January 9th 1807.
Mr. SMITH,
Sir, Standing in the precise situation with C. L. Stevenson, esq. I consider it incumbent on me, to convey through the medium of your paper my impressions on the subject of his communication.
As I was not present when the insult was given by A. S. Hooe, esq. to Doctor J. H. Blake; it is impossible to state from my own knowledge, the manner in which it was conveyed; but from repeated conversations with Mr. Hooe, I understood that the evening after the resolution was offered to the House of Delegates by the Doctor, Mr. Hooe was in company with several gentlemen, and Doctor Blake's name being introduced on the subject of the said resolution, Mr. Hooe expressed himself freely respecting the Doctor, and having done so in his absence, he thought himself bound to repeat his expressions in his presence; which on the following morning he did;—this produced a challenge from the Doctor. Thence, with a variety of other circumstances, I have ever inferred, the offering the resolution, was the immediate or exciting cause. Yet at the same time, I am bound to state, that Mr. Hooe declared at the commencement of this affair, a primary cause of long standing. This the doctor averred never had a real foundation, and moreover said Mr. Hooe and himself came on to Richmond together in perfect peace and harmony (of which I was a witness) and so continued until the moment of insult, and further declared he never before had the smallest difference with that gentleman; but on the contrary was ever on the most intimate footing. Thus briefly have I made a statement of facts as informed by the parties.
Your Obedient, JOHN C. HUNTER.
Charleston, Jan. 8.
BURR'S CONSPIRACY.
Every day throws more light on this highly interesting subject. By the arrival yesterday of the schooner Amelia, Capt. Brooks from New Orleans, we received the papers of that city to the 12th ult.
It was stated at New Orleans, when the Amelia sailed, that the adherents of Burr amounted to 7000 men; and it was believed that his forces would considerably exceed that number. The attack, it was expected, would be made between the 20th and 30th December. The two gun boats had proceeded up the river, as far as Iberville; and were to ascend as high as Point-Coupee; and two bomb-ketches were also ready to follow them. Com. Shaw had purchased the schooner Ranger, of Baltimore, mounting 16 guns, for the service of government. Gen. Wilkinson had given orders to have all the forts repaired, the city picketed in, and put in a complete state of defence.
In addition to the above particulars, we learn that several persons have been arrested in the city of New Orleans; among them were a Dr. Bollman, and Messrs. Ogden and Swartwout. Dr. Bollman has been brought on to this place, in the schooner Amelia, as a state prisoner, under the charge of Lieut. Wilson, and a guard of soldiers; he was yesterday landed and left in the safe keeping of the commandant at Fort Johnson. It will be remembered by our readers that Dr. Bollman was one of the gentlemen who so gallantly attempted to release the Marquis de la Fayette from Magdeburgh. His family is in Philadelphia.
We are informed that the commanders of the gun boats, now in this port, have received orders from government to sail for New Orleans.
MASONIC CONVENTION.
THE Delegates from the several H. R. ARCH CHAPTERS in the state of Maryland, and District of Columbia, will meet in Grand Convention at the Federal and Columbia Lodge Room in Washington, on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday of this week, at 10 o'clock A. M. for the purpose of forming a GRAND ROYAL ARCH CHAPTER. All Royal Arch Masons are respectfully invited to attend.
A. T. 2807. Washington, 20th January.
LANDS TO BE SOLD
Lot for CASH or MERCHANDISE. 30,879 Acres of land in the state of Kentucky lying on Rock castle and its waters. Enquire of the Printer. January 21—94
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—94

PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States, on the following Post roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the twenty-first day of January next inclusive.
IN DELAWARE.
 1. From Wilmington, by New Castle, St. George's Creek, Cantwell's Bridge, Duck Creek, Dover and Frederica, to Milford, three times a week.  April 15 to November 15. Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11 a m. Arrive at Dover, by 9 p m. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Milford, by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Milford, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 p m. Arrive at Dover, by 8 p m. Leave Dover on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Wilmington by 2 p m.  November 15 to April 15. Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m. Arrive at Dover by 6 p m and at Milford on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Milford every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 p m. Arrive at Dover by 8 p m and at Wilmington on Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday by 6 p m.  2. From Milford, by Georgetown, & Broadkill, to Lewistown once a week. Leave Milford every Saturday at noon, arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m and at Lewistown on next Sunday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Lewistown every Sunday at 2 p m and arrive at Georgetown by 8 p m. Leave Georgetown on Monday by 4 a m and arrive at Milford by noon.  3. From Georgetown, by Bridge Branch, N. W. Fork Bridge and New Market, to Cambridge once a week. Leave Georgetown every Wednesday, at 6 a m and arrive at Cambridge on Thursday by 11 a m. Leave Cambridge at 1 p m and arrive at Georgetown on Friday y 6 p m.  4. From Georgetown, by Concord, and Laurel to Salisbury once a week. Leave Georgetown every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Salisbury by 6 p m. Leave Salisbury every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m.  5. From Georgetown, by Dagsboro' Town, Snow Hill, Horntown and Accomack ch to Northampton ch once a week. Leave Georgetown every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton ch the next Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Northampton ch every Wednesday at 2 p m & arrive at Georgetown on Saturday by 8 p m.  6. From Wilmington, by Christiana, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgetown Cross Roads, to Chester-town twice a week. Leave Wilmington every Monday and Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m. Leave Chestertown every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p m.  IN MARYLAND.  7. From Easton, by Hillsboro' Denton, Greenboro' & Whiteleyburg, to Fred-erica once a week. Leave Easton every Tues-day at 6 a m & arrive at Frederica on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Fred-erica every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Easton on Thursday by 6 p m.  8. From Chestertown, by Rockhall, to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Chestertown every Tuesday and Sat-urday at 5 a m and arrive at Annapo-lis by 8 p m. Leave Annapolis every Monday & Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m.  9. From Chestertown, by Church Hill and Centerville, to Easton twice a week. Leave Chestertown every Tuesday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Centerville by 10 a m and at Easton by 5 p m. Return-ing. Leave Easton every Monday, and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Chest-ertown by 6 p m.  10. From Baltimore, by Ellicott's Lower Mills, Poplartown, and New-Market, to Fredericktown twice a week. Leave Fredericktown every Saturday at 9 p m and arrive at Balti-more on Sunday and Wednesday by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Fredericktown on Tues-day and Saturday by 4 p m.  11. From Fredericktown, by Wood-fboro', Taneytown, Petersburg, Hanov-er York, and Columbia, to Lancaster twice a week. Leave Fredericktown every Monday and Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Lancaster the next days by 6 p m. Leave Lancaster every Mon-day and Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 p m the next day.  12. From Hagerstown, by Hancock, Berkeley Springs, Oldtown, Cumber-land, Greylafbur', Frankfurt and Springfield, to Romney, once a week. Leave Hagerstown every Thursday at 8 a m and arrive at Romney on Sun-day by 10 a m. Leave Romney every Sunday at 2 p m & arrive at Ha-gerstown on Wednesday by 6 p m.  13. From Baltimore, by Ellicott's Lower Mills, Brookville, Montgom-ery ch and Charlesburg, to Lees-burg once a week. Leave Balti-more every Friday at 2 p m & arrive 
 at Leesburg on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Leesburg every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Baltimore on Friday by 10 a m.  14. From Fredericktown, to Lees-burg, once a week. Leave Leesburg every Tuesday at 3 a m and arrive at Fredericktown by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday at 1 p m, and arrive at Leesburg by 8 p m.  15. From Fredericktown, by New-town, Harper's Ferry, Charlestown, & Battletown, to Winchester once a week. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Charlestown by 2 p m. Leave Charlestown at 3 p m & arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 8 a m. Returning. Leave Win-chester every Sunday at 4 p m and arrive at Fredericktown on Monday by 6 p m.  16. From Hartford to Bel-Air once a week. Leave Bel-Air every Tuesday by 7 a m and arrive at Hartford by 9 a m. Leave Hartford at 11 a m and arrive at Bel-Air by 1 p m.  17. From Baltimore to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Baltimore every Monday and Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Annapolis same days by 5 p m. Returning. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Thursday at 8 a m & arrive at Baltimore by 5 p m.  18. From Annapolis, by Tracy's Landing, Lower Marlboro', Huntingdon, and Calvert ch to St. Leonard's once a week. Leave Annapolis every Fri-day at 6 a m, and arrive at St. Leon-ard's on Monday by noon. Leave St. Leonard's every Monday at 2 p m, and arrive at Annapolis on Friday by noon.  19. From Annapolis, by Haddaway's, St. Michael's, Easton, Cambridge, Vi-enna, Salisbury, Wicomico, Princess Ann and Snowhill, to Salisbury once a week. Leave Annapolis every Sun-day at 6 a m and arrive at Easton on Monday by 2 p m. Leave Easton at 2 1-2 p m & arrive at Snowhill on Wednesday by 1 p m. Returning. Leave Snowhill every Wednesday at 3 p m and arrive at Easton on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Easton at 2 p m and ar-rive at Annapolis on Saturday by 3 p m.  20. From Washington, to Brookville once a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday at 4 a m & arrive at Brookville by 11 a m. Leave Brook-ville every Wednesday at 1 p m & ar-rive at Washington by 8 p m.  21. From Washington city, by Georgetown, Montgomery ch and Clarkfboro', to Fredericktown, Ha-gerstown, and Greencastle to Cha-mbersburg three times a week. Leave Washington city every Tuesday, Thurs-day and Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Fredericktown same days by 4 p m. Leave Fredericktown every Wed-nesday, Friday and Sunday at 4 a m & arrive at Chambersburg by 8 p m. Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m & ar-rive at Fredericktown by 8 p m. Leave Fredericktown every Monday, Wed-nesday & Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Washington same days by 4 p m.  22. From Washington city, by Pit-cataway, Port Tobacco, Allen's Fresh, Newport, Chaptico, Leonardtown, Great Mill & St. Inigoes, to the Ridge. Leave Washington every Fri-day at 7 a m & arrive at Port Tobacco by 5 p m. and arrive at the Ridge on Sunday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave the Ridge at 1 p m on Sunday and ar-rive at Washington on Tuesday by 5 p m.  23. From Port Tobacco, by Hilltop, to Nanjemoy, once a week. Leave Port Tobacco every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Nanjemoy by 10 a m. Leave Nanjemoy every Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Port Tobacco by 8 p m.  24. From Washington, to Prospect Hill once a week. Leave Washington every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Prospect Hill by 6 p m. Leave Pros-pect Hill every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Washington by 10 a m.  25. From Washington city, by Up-per Marlboro' and Queen Anne's, to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Wash-ington every Wednesday & Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Annapolis by 6 p m. Leave Annapolis every Monday & Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Washington by 4 p m.  26. From Upper Marlboro' by Not-tingham, Aquasco, Benedict & Char-lotte Hall, to Chaptico once a week. Leave Upper Marlboro' every Wed-nesday noon and arrive at Chaptico on Thursday by 11 a m. Leave Chap-tico every Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Upper Marlboro' on Friday by noon.  IN VIRGINIA.  27. From Martinburg by Williamf-port to Hagerstown once a week. Leave Martinburg every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Hagerstown by 10 a m. Leave Hagerstown at 2 p m & arrive at Martinburg by 7 p m.  28. From Winchester by Stevenf-burg or New-town, Strausburg, Wood-flock, New-Market & Harrisonburg to Staunton once a week. Leave Winchester every Wednesday at 10 a m and arrive at Staunton on Friday by 11 a m. Leave Staunton every Friday 
 at 1 p m and arrive at Winchester on Sunday by 3 p m.  29. From Alexandria, by Prospect Hill, Hillsboro, Leesburg, Waterford, Charlesford, Shepherdstown, Martinsburg & Middleway to Winchester once a week. Leave Alexandria every Mon-day at 2 p m & arrive at Martinsburg on Wednesday by 5 p m. Leave Mar-tinsburg at 6 p m and arrive at Win-chester on Thursday by noon. Return-ing. Leave Winchester every Friday noon & arrive at Alexandria on Mon-day by 10 a m.  30. From Alexandria, to Fairfax ch once a week. Leave Fairfax ch every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 9 a m. Leave Alex-ANDRIA every Friday at 3 p m & arrive at Fairfax ch by 7 p m.  31. From Washington city, by Frederickburg, Spottsylvania ch & Wal-terville, Carterville, Cumberland, Farmville, Prince Edward, Charlotte Coleville, Meadville, Halifax, Dan-ville and Harrisville to Hunters-town in N. C. once a week. Leave Washington every Saturday at 8 p m & arrive at Hunters-town the next Tuesday by 8 p m. Leave Hun-ters-town every Wednesday at 4 a m & arrive at Washington the next Satur-day by 7 a m.  32. From Washington city, by Fair-fax ch, Centreville, Goshen, Middle-burg, Upperville, Paris, Milwood, Winchester, Romney, Westernport and Green Glades to Gandy's once a week. Leave Washington every Friday at 3 p m & arrive at Fairfax ch by 6 p m. Leave Fairfax ch at 6 1-2 p m and ar-rive at Gandy's on Monday by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Gandy's every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Fairfax ch on Friday by 5 1-2 a m and at Washington by 9 a m.  33. From Gandy's by Clarkfburg, Murf's, Marietta & Athens to Chilli-cothe once a week. Leave Gandy's every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Chillicothe on Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Chillicothe every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Gandy's the next Monday by 7 p m.  34. From Romney by Moorfields, to Pendleton ch once a week. Leave Romney every Monday at 6 a m, and arrive at Pendleton ch on Tuesday by 4 p m. Returning. Leave Pendleton ch on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Romney on Thursday by 6 p m.  35. From Marietta by Bel Pre to Wood ch once a week. Leave Mari-etta every Thursday at 6 a m and ar-rive at Wood ch by 10 a m. Leave Wood ch at 2 p m, & arrive at Mari-etta by 6 p m.  36. From Clarkfburg, by Buchanan and Randolph ch to Pendleton ch once in two weeks. Leave Clarkfburg every other Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Pendleton ch on Thurs-day by 6 p m. Leave Pendleton ch every other Friday at 6 a m and ar-rive at Clarkfburg on Sunday by 10 a m.  37. From Frederickfburg, by Fal-mouth, Elk run church, Fauquier ch & Salem, to Paris once a week. Leave Paris every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Frederickfburg on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Frederickfburg every Friday at 8 p m & arrive Paris on Saturday by 8 p m.  38. From Leesburg, by Centerville, Hay market, Buckland, Warrenton, Jeffersonson & Culpeper ch to Madison ch once a week. Leave Leesburg every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Madison ch on Sunday by 5 p m. Leave Madison ch every Monday at 8 a m & arrive at Leesburg on Wednesday by 10 a m.  39. From Frederickfburg, by Ger-man, Stevensburg, Culpeper ch Gains Cross Roads & Front Royal, to Win-chester once a week. Leave Fredericks-burg every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Winchester on Monday at 6 a m. Returning. Leave Winchester every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Frederickfburg on Friday by 10 a m.  40. From Culpeper ch by Wood-ville, Washington, Thornton's Gap & Mundell's Store, to New market once a week. Leave Culpeper ch every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at New-mar-ket on Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave New Market at 2 p m and arrive at Culpeper on Wednesday by 6 p m.  41. From Frederickfburg by Thorn-burg, Chilesburg, Chesterfield ch, New found mill, Oxford, Crew's store, Goochland ch Mitchell's, Yanceyville, Louisa ch Pottsville, Bibb's store and Spottsylvania ch to Frederickfburg once a week. Leave Frederickfburg every Tues-day at noon, arrive at Goochland ch on Thursday by 11 a m and at Fre-derickfburg the next Tuesday by 8 a m.  42. From Frederickfburg, by Port Royal and Pittsville to Layton's once a week. Leave Frederickfburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Layton's on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Layton's Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Frederickfburg on Wednesday by 11 a m.  43. From Layton's by Loyd's, Tap-pahannock, Urbanna, Glens and Glou-cesterc h to Yorktown once a week. Leave Layton's every Thursday at noon and arrive at Yorktown every Satur- 
 day by 6 p m. Leave Yorktown every Sunday at 5 a m and arrive at Layton's on Tuesday by noon.  44. From Frederickfburg, by King George ch Brookfield, Mattox Bridge, Leesburg, Templeman's Cross Roads, Richmond ch Mount Airy, Farnham, Kinsale, Northumberland ch and Lan-caster ch to Kilmarnock once a week. Leave Frederickfburg every Wednesday at 2 p m & arrive at Kilmarnock the next Saturday by 5 p m. Returning. Leave Kilmarnock every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Frederickfburg the next Wednesday by 10 a m.  45. From Tappahannock to Rich-mond ch once a week. Leave Rich-mond ch every Thursday noon & arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Tappahannock on Thursday at 6 1-2 p m & arrive at Richmond ch on Monday by 9 a m. 
For Sale. 1 Crate of Liverpool Earthen ware well assorted. 1 Cafe of Shoes and Boots. 1 Cafe of bottled London particular Madeira Wine, Martineque Noyau and Catchup. 1 Small bale of Caffa. 3 Casks of Catalonia and Vidonia Wine. 4 Casks of Gun-Powder. 4 Boxes of Boston Chocolate. 1 Chest of fresh Hyson Tea. Received on consignment and to be sold immediately for Cash or good notes at 60 days.
Who has for sale. Best Spermaceti Candles and oil of the very first manufacture of the United States. Also on hand as usual, A choice stock of good old Madeira Wine, Buccelles, Sherry, Port, Clare, Lisbon and other Wines Cognac, Bordeaux and Virginia, Peach Brandy, Jamaica Spirit, Holland Gin, Bounce, Whisky &c. Fresh Teas, Porter, Ale, &c. &c. Which will be warranted good and sold at the most reduced prices by whole sale and retail.
ELIAS H. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 16-21. THE SUBSCRIBER HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linsed oils-also Paints of every description. THOMAS PATTERSON. Washington city, June 23-28. AMERICAN COFFEE-HOUSE, WASHINGTON CITY.
THE Subscribers have opened for the entertainment of travellers, members of Congress, families, &c. resorting to the seat of government, the houses occupied for several years by Mr. P. D. STEELE, immediately east of the Capitol, to which they respect-fully invite the public. The premises are well known as large and convenient, are provided with new beds and furniture, and the best wines and liquors, fla-vours for 50 horses, with carriage houses, &c. FROST and QUINN. Nov. 4-17.
EZRA VARDEN, TAYLOR, F street, three doors west of the Bank, having lately received a General As-sortment of GOODS suitable for the season and of the best quality-Will make up the same for those gentlemen who will favor him with their orders in the latest and most fashionable style and very superior workmanship. December 1-2m.
CHEAP GOODS. T. W. PAIRO, Seven Buildings, has re-ceived from Philadelphia and Baltimore, a Large Assortment of DRY GOODS, which he will sell very low. Also London PIANO FORTES. Liquors and Groceries of a superior quality. November 7-2Mar.3.
TO CONTRACTORS. PROPOSALS will be received at the COLLECTOR'S OFFICE in Norfolk until the first day of February next, for securing the bank at Smith's Point on the Potomac from washing away by the high tides, gales of winds and rains. It is presumed no person will contract without viewing the place, a wall now stands on the shore, and between it and the bank will be required to be filled up with stone, wood, or oyster shells and clay, or marsh mud, with the grass therein; not more than three feet of fill-ings for filling will be admitted at the bottom of the wall, and bank, the rest must be filled with the above-mentioned materials. A pave-ment of about twenty feet will also be required around the Light House, of stone or bricks, or filled up with oyster shells, of at least one foot deep mixed with clay or marsh mud. THOMAS NEWTON, Collector. November 24-17.
FOR SALE, BY LEWIS DEBLOIS, AT his Store near the United States Navy Yard, city of Washington, a GENERAL ASSORTMENT of LIQUORS and GROCERIES, by wholesale and retail. December 29-1m.
CHARLES A. BURNETT, HAS received from London and Liverpool a handsome assortment of articles in his line, consisting of WATCHES & JEWELRY, Silver, Tortoise-shell, and Steel Spectacles, Table knives and forks with ivory han-dles, Pen knives and scissors. Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket BOOKS. He also continues to manufacture gold and silver ware, at the most reduced prices. George-Town, Dec. 2d-17.
Orphan's Court, 10 January 1807. Ordered on application of Isaac Pomroy, Administrator of John Debenz deceased, that he sell the personal property of the deceased, contained in his inventory on a credit of sixty days for all sums above twenty dollars, taking bond or note with security for payment on interest, and giving ten days notice of the sale. Copy. Teste, JOHN H. WITT, Register. The above property will be sold at public vendue at the late dwelling of the deceased, between the seven Buildings, and the War Office, on Saturday next, the 30th inst, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. ISAAC POMROY, administrator. Washington, Jan. 15th, 1807.-3t.
Notice is hereby given to non-resident proprietors of Land in the state of Ohio; That the subscriber will act as agent, for those of them, who may think proper to con-sign their business to him, either in disposing of their lands, or in the payment of their taxes. His terms will be ten per cent. He will attend to the payment of taxes, in any of the districts in the state; and forward to the pro-prietors the collector's receipt; and will from time to time, give them information of the alterations (if any) which may be made in the law levying a state tax. Those who may wish to employ him, will as early as possible, forward a particular list of their lands on which they wish the taxes paid. Those who will to have their lands disposed of, will forward their instructions and a Letter of Attorney duly executed. Postage to be paid by em-ployers. From the attention he is determined to give, he flatters himself "he shall be able to render considerable satisfaction to his em-ployers." THOMAS SCOTT. Chillicothe, Ross Co. Ohio, Dec. 12-6w. Indiana Territory, Auditor's Office, Vin-cennes, 1st Nov. 1806.
A agreeably to an act of this territory "for laying and collecting a tax on land" I publish the following extracts from the said act, for the information of non-residents claiming lands within this territory. "Be it enacted that if any non-resident claiming lands in this territory, either by en-try, patent, deed of conveyance or any other evidence of claim if his agent or attorney shall neglect or refuse to list his or her lands, and the assessor of the county where such lands may have been entered or located be-tween the first day of January and the twelfth day of February, agreeably to the requisitions of the third section thereof, then the assessor shall immediately proceed to list the lands of such non-resident, that may be in his coun-ty. "Be it enacted that the collector of each county, by the twenty fifth day of May, shall demand payment of the tax or sum assessed on each inhabitant in his county, in person, or by notice in writing left at his usual place of residence. "Be it enacted that in case of non payment of taxes, at the time appointed it shall be the duty of the collector to levy and collect the tax so in arrears, with costs by a sale at the court house of his county, of the lands of such delinquent whether resident or non-resi-dent, giving at least forty days notice, by advertisement at the county, and in some public newspaper in this territory, of the time and place of such sale." PETER JONES, Auditor of said Territory. Jan. 5-3w.
JOHN OTT, DRUGGIST, CHEMIST and APOTHE-CARY, has received by late arrivals a fresh supply of genuine Drugs, Medi-cines, Chemical Preparations, and every arti-cle useful in Pharmacy, such as have met the approbation of eminent practitioners. Gene-ruine patent medicines of every description, shop furniture, paints, dyes, fluffs, spices and peri-umery; all of which he will dispose of on as low terms as the quality and original cost of the article will admit of. Physicians' and family recipes put up with the utmost care and attention, and all orders from city, town or country put up with accuracy and dispatch. In addition to the above, he has just re-ceived a supply of PRESERVES, CONFECTIONS, FRUIT, &c. &c. Preserved Limes, Pine Apple, Oranges, Strawberries, Citron, Quinces, Peaches, Lemon Peel, Currant Jelly, Green Gage, Marmalade, Le-mon, Hozehound, Cream and Mint Candy, Noyau Cordial, Syrup of Currant and Rasp-berry Vinegar, Rose and Orange Flower Water, Lemons, Oranges, Raisins, Currants, Almonds; Filberts, Malaga Grapes, Olives, Capers and Anchovies-London Mufhard Cayenne Pepper, Refined Sweet Oil, Macon-ba Snuff, Havana Segars, Improved fining liquid Blacking for Shoes and Boots, &c. &c. George-Town, Dec. 29-3w. w. w. w.
CHARLES HERSTONS, Bridge street corner of East Lane, has for SALE an handsome assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, among which are London cloths, Cashmere's, Bennets and Constitution cords, Corduroys, Velvets, Silk Mouselkin, &c. for waistcoats, some fashionable and elegant Camels hair Shawls, Damask, do. Muslin, do. do. Dragonet, and figured Cam-brick Mullins, India and English look, do. rich Lace Caps, Brussels and Thread Lace, Long Lawns, Irish Linens and fine ting. Rus-sia sheeting, do. Duck and Drilling, Silk, Guaze, Lambs Wool, Worsted, and Cotton Hosiery. London Hats, &c. &c. George-Town December 17-2w. w. w.
DR. MAGRUDER HAS FOR SALE TWENTY Hogsheads of good Brown Sugar which he will sell at a low price. A few casks of the best winter strained Lamp Oil, Window Glass of different sizes, Japan, Copal & other varnishes, glaziers Diamonds, Polish-Ing Stone, Paper Hangings, &c. &c. A very patent liquid Shoe Blacking in Jugs, at 25 cents each, and his usual extensive assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES, patent Medi-cines, Surgeon's Instruments, Oil and Paints, Die Stuffs, Spices, &c. all of which have been purchased for cash, he can therefore sell many articles uncommonly cheap by the quan-tity. November 19-taw. 15t.