The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-11-18 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1265.
VOL. IX.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1808.
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
ON THE MILITARY CONSTITUTION OF NATIONS.
TO a people who wish to preserve their liberty or political existence the necessity of a military force is too evident to be questioned. Soldiers are the protectors of a nation, and without them its rights can neither be asserted nor maintained, all the blessings of plenty and freedom would be at the disposal of foreign foes, or sedition citizens. But how to constitute that force, how to make it the prop and not the scourge of empires, how to organize it in such a manner as to render it the instrument of perpetual preservation, and take from it at the same time the power of ever proving dangerous to the state whose object it should be to protect, seems to have been hitherto too much disregarded. The experience of ages has pointed out to people and governments the dangers of a bad military constitution; partial attempts to avoid them have been made; but in guarding against dangers on one side, they have been multiplied on the other; if weakness was feared, an excess of power was given; if an abuse of power, impotence was the remedy. Hence nations have been enslaved by the original guardians of their liberty, or have found in them no protection in the hours of peril. To enquire whether such an alternative be absolutely incident to the course of human events; whether empires, like men, must for ever by turns rise and fall; whether no possibility exists of curing the greatest of political evils, is a subject too interesting not to command the attention of all men convinced of the necessity of making the science of war the guarantee of peace. To them, therefore, I submit the following ideas, with confidence, it is true, but with the most ardent wish that my feeble endeavors may direct their minds to an object worthy of all their researches.
Ambition and a thirst for power influence whole bodies as well as individuals; and the government where the profession of arms is most honored, and the military most powerful, will naturally prove in the end the choice of an army. In no times can monarchies exist without them; the monarch falls when he ceases to be a general, to make his soldiers the depositaries of his authority, the partisans of his prerogatives. To a monarchical government therefore armies must be inclined, and a bold and skillful chief will find no great difficulty in making troops used to his command pave his way to the throne. Awake to this danger, republics are averse to large standing armies; they prefer a system where arms are intrusted to citizens, to be used by them only on some particular emergencies. The few armed men whom they keep in their pay have no civil distinctions, less power than the rest of the citizens, and are constantly watched with a jealous eye. The peculiar situation of a country, the manners of its inhabitants, the thinness of its population, may for a time give to this system an appearance of safety, but let any of these circumstances be altered, let such a peaceful country be attacked by disciplined and powerful invaders, or threatened by sedition, and its militia must be turned into a regular army, or its independence and constitution are at stake. If bravery, if a sense of national honor, if the love of one's country were the only requisites of a soldier, the contest could hardly
be doubtful; numbers and patriotism would secure the victory. But experience shows every where whole nations falling an easy prey to troops inured to war, and led on by science as well as valor. We ought not to wait for the moment when protection is necessary to give the defenders of a nation a knowledge of the hardships of war, or of military discipline. Should, however, triumph attend their arms, after the overthrow of the enemy, the conquerors would form a body of regulars, and from them ought to be feared all the dangers of large standing armies.
From these two systems, of all civilized nations Switzerland alone has deviated. Placed in the middle of Europe, confined to a soil scarcely able to feed its numerous inhabitants, alive to her freedom and independence, she sent her hardy sons to be taught in the armies of the different European powers the means of conducting valor to victory. She allowed them to remain in foreign service so long as she did not want their protection, but required them to fly to her assistance as soon as danger made it necessary. Sometimes among strangers the Swiss forgot the simplicity of Helvetic manners, and imbibed naturally an attachment to the power which they served; but the love of their country could never be eradicated from their hearts, and after having spent far from home their years of ambition, they generally returned to end their days on the happy spot where they were born, where their fathers had died. Besides then her militia, Switzerland had at all times with a comparatively trifling expense a brave, well disciplined and numerous standing army, always ready to defend her, and by its dispersion absolutely incapable of ever attempting any thing against the form of her government. For nearly five hundred years she owed to this policy the deeply felt honor of being the only truly independent, respected, and happy republic in Europe. Her fall is among the wonders of our age. She has fallen indeed, but not yet so low as others, and rather a victim to her own political dissensions, to the deeply laid plans of her enemies, than to the superior powers of her neighbors; her fall is no proof against her military system.
It is therefore to an eventually dangerous standing army, to an untaught militia, or to defenders nursed in foreign service, and who are not sufficient protectors of their government, that nations have hitherto confided the sacred care of their prosperity, honor and independence. Are then these military systems the only ones? Could no other be thought of where no danger should exist? where a common interest and common power would equally afford preservation to the government, and protection to the country?
In a country where every man should have been brought up a soldier, where he was familiar with a military life, military tactics and military discipline, no encroachment on power from within, no successful invasion from abroad could ever be feared. Such an equality of forces would always exist at home, as to prevent violence from seizing on the government; and such a resistance could always be opposed to invaders as to baffle all their skill, should the population of the country be superior to the invading army. Should such a people ever attempt conquest, sensible that its principal force consisted in the compactness of its possessions, in the uniform rights and obligations of its inhabitants, it would make them the means of acquiring brothers and not subjects. What limits could then be assigned to the duration of a government and empire so constituted, were the same manners and powers to be perpetuated from generation to generation? Numberless revolutions indeed are written with characters of blood in the annals of the world, but a single glance at them will be sufficient to convince us that the first steps in the fall of an empire are to be dated from the moment when a distinction has been made between its citizens and soldiers, and that this distinction has been the sole cause of those revolutions.
When the increase of population had made the union of several families under a single chief necessary, kingly power soon succeeded the paternal government. Ambition and
love of conquest followed, and in those early days, probably without much resistance, a smaller tribe became subject to a greater. Kingdoms were formed; the care of extending their limits was left to the conquerors now converted into soldiers, and the new subjects were devoted to the cultivation of the land. To the latter, upon some particular necessities, arms were sometimes entrusted; but they hardly knew the use of them, and indifferent as to the choice of their masters, they did not attempt to resist invasion, or if led to battle, only acted as witnesses of a defeat. Thus arose and fell those immense empires of the Assyrians and Babylonians, of which scarcely any thing is known but their transitory existence. Cyrus, upon their ruins, raised the empire of the Persians. It soon proved too extensive to be guarded by its conquerors, and fell in its turn a prey to a handful of Greeks led on by a hero. The empire of Alexander did not survive him; the chiefs who had assisted him in his conquests, at his death, divided them among themselves, and their successors for a time preserved their rich but weak dominions. Meanwhile in a remote part of Italy a few banditti were founding Rome. They rather associated to themselves than subdued their adjoining neighbors, and when strong enough for victory, they always took care to incorporate the vanquished among them. Notwithstanding the civil wars, Romans, Sabines, Volsci, became in time all citizens and soldiers of Rome, equally interested in her defence and glory. When the Gauls conquered the city, they possessed themselves of nothing but its walls; all its inhabitants retired to their citadel, or the neighboring places, from whence they sallied up on the enemy and defeated them. After the retreat of the Gauls, Rome, which for a moment had bent under superior forces, rose with her former vigor. Till the overthrow of Carthage she went on pursuing the same policy of making associates and not slaves of the conquered people, and all the talents and victories of Hannibal were not able to prevail over a nation of soldiers. But after the punic wars the Romans, elated with their success and power, began to think it time to enjoy the fruits of their toils. They became the tyrants and not the brothers of the conquered nations, to whom they sold the glorious name of Romans; a far greater proportion of nominal than of real citizens composed the armies of Rome now fighting still more for plunder than power; at the head of the troops, or in the government of the provinces the Patricians thought only of enriching themselves; they pointed out to their soldiers as fit objects for destruction their rivals in power or riches, whether inhabitants of Italy, Gaul, or Syria; proscriptions followed; a bold and fortunate general overpowered his competitors, and the mistress of the world was made a slave by her own armies. For about four hundred years Rome, reduced to the most abject slavery at home, torn by dissensions and civil wars, gave her name, generals, and a few of her citizens to the immense armed bodies which her emperors sent on all sides for enslaving and plundering the world. But when the conquest of a barren soil and its poor, rude inhabitants were the only rewards those bodies could promise to victory, they ceased to fight, or associating with the enemies of Rome, turned their arms against the country whose name they bore. Swarms of barbarians inundated the Roman provinces; Rome herself bowed her once proud head to the Goths, and hardly assisted by her wishes the feeble efforts her self-named emperors were making to take her from her new masters. The Roman empire vanished. With a people animated also by plunder, as well as fanaticism, Mahomet, shortly after, laid the foundations of the empire of the Califs. Their arms and religion overran Asia and part of Europe; but their conquests were soon taken from them, and after the defeat of the armies that had made them, the defenceless Colossus fell at the feet of the Turks, and its own numerous satellites. The stupendous fabrics erected in turn in Asia by Gengis, Tamerlane, Schah Nadir, have all had but a short duration. Easy conquests were made by soldiers over
slaves, who did not attempt to defend themselves against new invaders. The events of our days, I need not mention.
In this rapid sketch we see almost every where the same conduct, the same faults attended with the same consequences. We see incursions generally bold and successful, resistance feeble and unavailing; not because it is in the nature of things that attack must always be superior to defence, but because invaders commonly have more powerful incitements, and are better prepared than those whom they attack; because it is only to a small proportion of the people that the means of resisting are given. To another cause than the frailty of human edifices may then be traced the decay and fall of governments and empires, and if any possibility exist of avoiding that cause, it is possible to preserve constant health and life to the political body. In a nation of soldiers, as we have seen, no such cause of death is to be apprehended.
By a nation of soldiers is not meant here a nation whose only trade is war, whose only pleasures are the tumults of arms, and warlike achievements; ruled by the harsh laws of Lycurgus, or living as the wild inhabitants of the deserts; nothing is meant but such a nation as has been described above, where the most peaceful citizen, when called by necessity, can at the first signal be changed into the most skillful warrior, in a word where every man while enjoying the sweets of peace, all the comforts of ease and society, and following all the usual occupations of the most pacific people, may be looked upon as an image of Mars sleeping, whom the least noise will rouse.
Is the idea of the existence of such a nation chimerical? Could not a few years of youth, when the ordinary course of education is over, be devoted to the study and practise of arms? Could not at that time such an acquaintance be formed with military arts, life and labors, as never to be afterwards forgotten, as to be occasionally improved in proportion to the progress of military science, as to be used whenever necessity would require it? Would the peace of society be disturbed, would laws be less obeyed, because every body would know how to cause them to be respected? Would manners be less polished, because no inhabitant of the cities would be a stranger to the fatigues of the camp? Would the sacrifice of a few days taken from pleasures appear too dear a price for securing the peaceful enjoyments of all the blessings of a glorious life?
If to show the practicability of such a system, an application of it were required, the following plan might be proposed: Camps of instruction should be formed in five or six convenient positions, according to the extent, or number of inhabitants of the country. All the young men from eighteen to twenty-five years of age, with a few peculiar exceptions, should be divided into four classes, each of which would by turns spend three months dispersed in the different camps of instruction. Each class during its stay in the camps would form the standing army of the country, and as such receive the stated pay of the line. So that the permanent standing army would never amount to more than one fourth of the youth between eighteen and twenty-five years of age, and every young man during the three-fourths of the year, would be enabled to follow his own particular avocations. Camps of instruction are absolutely necessary. It is not enough to drill men to carry or present arms, they must be made complete soldiers, trained to the different orders of marches and battle, to all the secrets of great tactics, to the details of castrametation and armies, to the hardships and discipline of war. In such camps excellent general officers would be brought up, and military science be studied with success. Here every thing relating to war would be taught and practised, and, with the exception of its concomitant horrors, war actually be carried on. And let not so great an importance be attached to this exception as to occasion a fear that it would be sufficient to frustrate the design of the institution. It is not so much fear as irresolution that makes bad troops. Where danger is evident courage and foresight are always the
result of knowledge, timidity and indecision the offspring of ignorance. Soldiers led on by powerful motives, directed by skill and valor, will soon know how to face death in battle, and to find their safety in the destruction of their enemy. In the several camps the population of the country should be carefully mixed; the inhabitants of one part should receive instruction in the other; they would thus forget the peculiar prejudices, habits and distinction of their native places in camps where they would see nothing but the general interests of the great family, where they would form intimate connections with the inhabitants of the most remote parts of their country. After the age of twenty-five every young man would be discharged, but he would then be embodied in the militia, and preserve thro' his whole life the knowledge acquired during seven years of service. At certain epochs, more or less distant, general reviews of the militia should take place; reviews like those of the Prussian army in the time of Frederick, where great manoeuvres would be executed, and the improvements of the military science diligently cultivated. Meanwhile the seaports of the country should be strongly fortified, rather to prevent devastation than invasion, and the same system followed for the navy as for land service. If ever the peace of the country was threatened, if ever circumstances called for it, with what a facility could an army be raised of two or three hundred thousand warriors, who, to be excellent soldiers would have only to remember what they would have been practising for seven years, and studying all their life; who under their well known colors would immediately reassume their martial habits, and numerous fleets manned at a moment's notice by bold and experienced seamen be found, waiting only for a signal to sail triumphant from their harbors.
In this fortunate country, equally impenetrable to foreign and domestic enemies, peace, plenty, and independence would fix their abodes. Courted by all nations, influenced by none, proudly conscious of its superiority, its people would stand for every, defying the world and ages. Its example would probably in time be followed by its less happy neighbors; and ambition and war would be banished from the earth, when every nation, unconquerable at home, would find it impossible to subdue another.
DOCUMENTS ACCOMPANYING THE MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. (Continued.)
Copies and extracts of letters from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison, with enclosures.
Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison. LONDON, Feb. 23, 1808.
Mr. Canning has just sent me a note, of which a copy is enclosed, relative to an intended alteration, upon the subject of cotton, in their bill for carrying into execution the late orders in council. You will perceive that he lays some stress upon the accidental observations, which (as already explained to you in my letter of the 26th of last month) were drawn from me some time since upon the singularly offensive project of imposing a transit duty upon our cotton. I mentioned to you, in my letter of the 2d inst. that he appeared to have apprehended the tendency of these observations, and that in a subsequent conversation he shewed a disposition to remove the obnoxious feature from their plan, for the purpose of substituting an absolute interdict of the export of that article, under an idea that we should then cease to object to it; but that I thought it my duty to decline to give him any encouragement to do so, although I agreed, as he seemed to wish it, to mention his disposition to you. A few days ago, he sent for me again, and renewed his proposal of an immediate change, with respect to cotton, from a prohibitory duty to a direct prohibition. My answer was the same in substance as it had been before. He then suggested the alternative arrangement, which you will see stated in his note; but adhering to the determination I had formed upon the first appearance of the orders in council to make no compromise (without precise direction from my government) with the sy

tem which they announce, by becoming a party to its details, I received the proposal as I had done the other.
The British government, however, had resolved to adopt the last mentioned plan, whether it received my concurrence or not, upon a presumption that it would be more acceptable to us; and, perhaps too, under the idea that it was more defensible than their original scheme; and the purpose of Mr. Canning's note is merely to signify to me, in a manner as friendly and respectful as possible to the U. S. their intention to propose it to Parliament. One object of all this is, certainly, to conciliate us, altho' it may be another, to free their system, as far as they can, from the disadvantage of one of the formidable reproaches which their opponents cast upon it. But the wise and magnanimous course would be, at once, to retract their steps upon the whole of this ill judged measure, instead of relying upon small and unsubstantial modifications, which neither produce an effect upon its character and principle, nor mitigate the severity of its practical consequences. I might, if I thought it advisable, take the occasion, which Mr. Canning's note undoubtedly furnishes, to press upon him once more the policy, as well as the justice of such a course; but I believe it, under all circumstances, to be more prudent to wait for your instruction, which must, I think, be very soon received.
I have already had the honor to send you two copies of the resolutions, moved in the House of Commons, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as tables of export duties, to which their bill should refer. I have enclosed in another letter, with which this will be accompanied, a copy of the bill itself, which will, however, undergo several alterations. Those will be found to be explained (as far as I am acquainted with them) in the letter above mentioned.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) WM. PINKNEY. Honorable James Madison, Secretary of State.
Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney. FOREIGN OFFICE, Feb. 22, 1808. Sir,
I have already had the honor of assuring you, in conversation, of the disposition which is felt by the British government to give due weight to the observations which you have made to me respecting the unfavorable impression, likely, (in your opinion) to be excited in the United States, by the duty proposed to be levied upon cotton declined for the use of the enemy, but brought into the ports of this country conformably to the tenor of the orders of council of the 11th of November.
You are already apprised that the principle upon which the whole of this measure has been framed, is that of refusing to the enemy those advantages of commerce which he has forbidden to this country.
The simple method of enforcing this system of retaliation, would have been to follow the example of the enemy, by prohibiting altogether all commercial intercourse between him and other states.
It was from considerations of intelligence to neutral trade, that the more mitigated measure of permitting intercourse, under the restraints of regulations of a duty in transitu was adopted; and being adopted with this view, it was not immediately felt by the British government, that there might be a distinction taken by neutral states, with respect to articles, the produce of their own soil; and that while the commutation of prohibition into duty was acknowledged as an indulgence, when applied to articles of foreign commerce, of which they were only the carriers, it might be considered as an invidious imposition, when applied to their own productions.
The moment that this distinction has been explained to the British government, they have been desirous of manifesting every attention to it; and if you, sir, had been possessed of the necessary authority from your government, there would have been no difficulty in entering into a specific agreement with you upon the subject. In order, however, to obviate the objection, in a great degree, I have the honor to inform you, that it is intended to be proposed to Parliament, that all cotton, brought into this country, in conformity to the orders of council, should be absolutely prohibited from being exported to the territories of the enemy. But as you are not prepared to take upon yourself to say, that in no case the option would be acceptable, an option will still be left to the neutral owner, either to acquiesce in the total prohibition, or to re-export the article on the payment of such a duty as Parliament may judge it expedient to impose.
I flatter myself, sir, that this alter-
ation in the legislative regulations, by which the orders of council are intended to be carried into execution, will be considered by you as a satisfactory evidence of the disposition of his majesty's government to consult the feelings, as well as the interests of the United States, in any manner which may not impair the effect of that measure of commercial restriction, to which the necessity of repelling the injustice of his enemies has obliged his majesty reluctantly to have recourse.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. William Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning. Great Cumberland Place, February, 23, 1808.
Mr. Pinkney presents his compliments to his excellency Mr. Canning, and has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of his note of yesterday, relative to an alteration on the subject of cotton, in the legislative regulations, by which the late orders in council are intended to be carried into execution, which Mr. Pinkney will hasten to transmit to his government.
Mr. Pinkney requests Mr. Canning to accept the assurances of his high consideration.
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison. LONDON, May 9, 1808.
"I had a conversation with Mr. Canning on Friday last, in consequence of the arrival of the Osage."
"As it was obviously expected that I should seek an interview with him, I went to Downing street on the 5th with that object. He had been indisposed, and was not at the office; but in answer to a note which I sent him in the evening, he asked to see me next day at his house in Bruton street."
"The Osage had for some time been looked for with considerable anxiety, and the government had apparently anticipated a communication (and perhaps a proposal) of some importance from me, as soon as my dispatches should be received. As I had in fact no communication to make, it seemed to be proper that I should render the disappointment of as little moment as possible, by the manner of announcing it, without however putting any thing to hazard by an indiscreet manifestation of unnecessary solicitude."
"The little which I supposed it requisite to say on this occasion, appeared to be very well received; and if any disagreeable impression was left on the mind of Mr. Canning, it certainly was not visible. A feeling of regret was perhaps perceptible, and a hope was intimated that the time was not far distant when I should be enabled to do what at present was out of my power; but nothing occurred which could be construed into a symptom of impatience, jealousy, or dissatisfaction. There was undoubtedly no real ground for any thing of this sort; but it was, notwithstanding, quite possible that the importance which it had become a habit to attach to the arrival of the Osage, from circumstances principally accidental, might have produced a disposition to think otherwise."
"I thought it advisable to make use of this opportunity (although the topic was in many views more delicate than it had been) to suggest the propriety of yielding, as the moment was sufficiently favorable to such a course, upon the subject of the late orders in council, of which I had seen nothing to change my original opinion. There was reason to apprehended however, that it might be worse than useless to press the suggestion, upon my own authority merely, while I could say nothing of the French decrees; and accordingly I forbore to do so."
"An idea has evidently gone forth since the Osage arrived, founded upon rumors of a doubtful description, that our relations with France have grown to be extremely precarious, and that we are consequently about to come to an understanding of a very friendly kind with Great Britain. It is not improbable that the government has, in some degree at least, adopted this idea."
"I have the honor to enclose a copy of a notification, recently received from Mr. Canning, of the blockade of Copenhagen, and of the other ports in the Island of Zealand, which I have caused to be communicated in the usual manner to our consuls and citizens."
"There being no particular inducement for detaining the Osage, Lieut. Lewis, who will be charged with my letters, will leave town the day after to-morrow, and the ship will sail as soon after he reaches Falmouth as possible."
To be continued.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 18.
The Enquirer gives a detailed statement of the votes in a number of the counties of Virginia for electors, which offers the following result. For the Madison ticket 7336—the Monroe ticket 1411—and the Pinckney ticket 432.
Robert Wright, Esq. is re-elected Governor of Maryland, without opposition.
Maryland Electoral Election.—At Vansville, for Gen. Bowie, rep. 282, Mr. Calvert, fed. 62.
In the 7th district. Richard T. Earle, rep. has been elected without opposition.
The accounts from Washington and Allegany are highly flattering to the success of the republican candidates.
Pennsylvania Electoral Election.—In Northampton County, republican ticket 2273—Federal 524.
Massachusetts election for Representatives in Congress.—We have not received full information from all the districts; that received renders it probable that eight republicans and eight federalists are elected, leaving the remaining district altogether uncertain.
A resolution has been introduced into the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, fixing a particular day for the choice of electors, requiring the concurrence of the two Houses without the sanction of the Governor.
The federal prints of Boston state that New Hampshire has chosen federal electors. This information is doubtful.
Pennsylvania General election. The whole returns (except Erie) are now in.—The result.
  Maj. for Simon Snyder 30,212   Maj. for James Ross 2,282   27,930 
The majority in Erie estimated about 200
CONGRESS.
IN SENATE.
Wednesday, Nov. 16.
Mr. Bradley laid on the table the following resolution:—
Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as relates to the Barbary powers and the unjustifiable proceeding of the Dey of Algiers towards our consul at that regency, with the documents accompanying the same, be referred to a select committee to consider and report thereon.
On motion, it was agreed that Mr. Hillhouse's motion for repealing the embargo laws, be the order of the day for Monday next.
November 17.—The bill from the House of Representatives to authorise the transportation of a certain message of the President of the U. S. and the documents accompanying the same, was read three times and passed.
The motion made yesterday to refer that part of the Message that relates to the Barbary powers to a select committee was agreed to, and Messrs. Bradley, Giles and Smith of Md. appointed the committee.
Mr. White offered the following resolution for consideration:—
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate, so far as he may deem consistent with the public safety, the reasons that have induced the late call upon the governors of the respective states, to have their quotas of an hundred thousand militia drafted, equipped, and ready to march at a moment's warning; and the service on which it is apprehended there may be a necessity of employing them.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
NOVEMBER 16.
The following committees are appointed, pursuant to the orders of yesterday:
To enquire what compensation ought to be made to Captain Pike and his companions—Messrs. J. Montgomery, D. R. Williams, J. G. Jackson, Livermore, and Helms.
To enquire into the expediency of amending the ordinance for the government of the territories—Messrs. Poindexter, Holland, John Smith, Kelly and Deane.
To enquire into the expediency of altering the time and place of holding Federal courts of Vermont—Messrs. Fisk, Saml. Smith and Gray.
Dr. Benjamin Say, elected from Pennsylvania, vice Mr. Joseph Clay, resigned, appeared and took his seat.
MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION.
Mr. M'Creery presented the petition of thirty-six American citizens confined at Carthagena, in South America, under sentence of slavery. The petition is dated from the vaults
of St. Clara, Carthagena, Sept. 16, 1808. The petitioners state that they were brought from New-York in a fraudulent manner, in the armed ship Leander, Thomas Lewis commander, on the 2d of February, 1806, together with many other citizens; they detail the sufferings they have undergone; and state that they feel confident, from the justness of their claim to the interference and protection of the constituted authorities of their country, that measures will be adopted to restore them to liberty.
This petition was referred to a committee consisting of five members.
On motion of Mr. Van Horn, a memorial presented at the last session, and not finally acted on, on the subject of a canal through the city of Washington, was referred to the committee of the district of Columbia.
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENTS.
Mr. Poindexter from the committee appointed on the subject, reported a bill concerning the power of the territorial governments. [The object of it is to take away from governors of the territories the power of proroguing or dissolving their legislatures.]
The bill was twice read; and
Mr. Poindexter observed, that as the bill must stand or fall on its principle, and could not want amendment, he should wish to dispense with the usual course of reference to a committee of the whole, and that it should be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Troutt hoped the House would not be precipitated unadvisedly into a decision of a question of this kind; that they would not break in upon a system which had served them so well without maturely deliberating upon it. The ordinance for the government of the territories he considered as constitutional law, and it should be viewed and treated with as much delicacy as the constitution of the general government itself. It had served them well; it had nurtured the territories from infancy to maturity, and he hoped the House would not innovate on the system, but for the most substantial reasons. He therefore wished this bill to take the course of all other business, and go to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Poindexter said it was not his object to exclude deliberation by his motion; as the day for its third reading might be fixed a fortnight hence if the gentleman from Georgia wished it. He knew the difficulty of getting up such bills when committed to a committee of the whole; he also knew that in a few days the House would be engaged in great national concerns, which would occupy their entire attention to the exclusion of other business of minor importance. The gentleman seems to think (said Mr. P.) that to leave to the governors of territories of the U. S. powers which are fitted but for the sovereigns of Europe is highly decorous; whilst I think they should be spurned from the statute book. The gentleman is mistaken when he says that we should view the ordinances in the same light as the constitution; they are mere statutes. Placed by the constitution under the particular care of Congress as the territories are, the ordinances enacted for their government are mere statutes, subject to the revision of Congress, as other laws are.
Mr. Pitkin said the ordinances for the government of the territories had been framed with great deliberation, and should always be considered as a compact between the general government and its territories. Whether an alteration could or could not be made without their consent he would not undertake to say. He thought therefore in this case the usual rule should not be violated, for it was well known that no amendment could be received on the third reading of a bill.
Mr. Troutt said the gentleman from the Mississippi territory had totally mistaken his object. It was not procrastination that he wanted, but a mature consideration of the question, whether on this day or on this day fortnight. When he had considered the ordinance as a compact equally sacred with the constitution of the United States, and as unalterable without the consent of the parties to it, it was then that he considered this a question of such great and signal importance that he wished time for deliberation. And when he said this he expressed the opinion of a man than whom no man in the country was more deeply read in its constitution. St. George Tucker, who had described it as a compact unalterable but with the consent of both parties. The gentleman would take away from the territorial governors the power to prorogue and dissolve the assemblies. What would then be the state of the territorial legislatures? They would (said Mr. T.) be as completely independent of the general government as the general government is, I hope,
of Great Britain at this moment. Retain the qualified veto and take away the power to prorogue and dissolve, and what will be the consequence? The moment a misunderstanding takes place between the legislature and Executive, legislation is at an end; and where legislation ends, revolution begins, and there is an end of government.
Mr. Poindexter said at the suggestion of several gentlemen he should consent to a reference of the bill to a committee, as he did not wish now to hasten the discussion. But the gentleman was mistaken if he supposed that taking away the power to prorogue would deprive the governors of their veto on laws. The governors had an unqualified veto on the acts of the legislature. The gentleman said, observed Mr. P. that take away the power of prorogation, and a misunderstanding arise between the governor and the legislature there is an end of legislation. That is now the fact. If there be any misunderstanding between them, the governor sends the legislature home; and I agree with the gentleman from Georgia, "where legislation ends revolution begins." In this situation, I wish to take some power from the governor and place it in the people, which would render the government more congenial to the spirit of the constitution and of the people of the U. States. But I waive discussion and consent to the reference.
The bill was made the order of the day for to-morrow.
POST OFFICE.
The bill reported yesterday for authorising the transportation by mail, free of postage, of the documents accompanying the President's Message, having been read a third time—
Mr. Randolph said it was very far from his intention to oppose the passage of this bill, as he should suppose there could be but one opinion on its final passage; but he submitted to the committee who reported the bill the propriety of acting on the subject generally, if they should think themselves authorised to do so; if not, after the passage of the bill he would move a resolution to instruct the committee to report a bill to authorise the members of both branches of the Legislature to frank all public papers. He could not see the propriety of the law as it now stood, restricting packages to a certain weight; for if a member wished to send ten times the weight allowed by law, he had nothing to do but to divide it into as many packets as it weighed ounces— cut bono? For the benefit of the Post-Master of this place. The public is taxed, said he, two cents as many times as a document weighs ounces, when thus divided; and from this I understand that the post office here is perhaps the most lucrative in the union. I acknowledge these remarks are not very pertinent; but as this bill is before the House, and no other business demands immediate attention, I thought it pertinent to ask the Chairman of the committee whether the committee considered it within their function to report such a bill.
Mr. Rhea said that his own opinion was that the bill should be general; but the committee had not thought as he did.
The bill was passed without a division.
Mr. Randolph then offered the following resolution, adding to his former reasons, another: that the free packets paid a double duty—a tax at the office where they were received, and, by a special provision, he believed, a duty of two cents to the postmaster here; and this did not prevent members from franking the most bulky packages, with this additional disadvantage, that if one part miscarried, the whole became useless:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for sending free of postage to and from members of Congress, all papers and documents touching the public service of the U. States or of any states or territories thereof.
The resolution was passed and referred to the committee of Post-Offices and Post Roads.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Mr. Chatterden called for the order of the day on his resolution on the subject of the EMBARGO.
Mr. Smith thought, from the commencement of this business, they had taken an irregular course. In his opinion all the resolutions on this subject should have been referred to the committee on that part of the message of the President of the U. S. relating to foreign relations. And to get at this object he moved to discharge the committee of the whole from the consideration of those resolutions.
The Speaker informed Mr. Smiths that the motion could not be received while another was pending.
On the question to take up the order of the day, it was negatively—Ayes 31.

Mr. Cook said he could not discern any disposition in the House to submit to the orders and decrees of Britain and France, and as the resolutions which had been offered did not precisely meet his ideas, he begged leave to submit another:
Resolved, That the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and the several acts supplementary thereto, be repealed, so far as respects the vessels of the U. S. to depart with their cargoes for those countries not subject to the decrees of France, nor the orders of the British council; and
That the citizens of the U. S. be authorized by law to arm and equip their merchant vessels for the purpose of defending them against French and British cruisers who may molest or attack them when bound to any port or place not actually invested or blockaded.
On the suggestion of Mr. Elliot, the Speaker observed that the first clause of the resolution had been moved by Mr. Mumford, and was already before the House.
The second clause was then referred to the same committee to whom resolutions on the same subject have been referred.
Mr. Verplanck presented the memorial of a large and respectable number of the freeholders of Dutchess county, in the state of New York, detailing at considerable length the evils and pressure of the embargo, and praying its removal. The petition was referred to a committee of the whole to whom Mr. Chittenden's and other resolutions are referred.
A message was received from the Senate that they have appointed Mr. Thruston a committee of enrolled bills on their part. Messrs John G. Jackson and Van Allen are appointed on the part of this house.
THURSDAY, Nov. 17.
EMBARGO.
Mr. Livermore said he held in his hand several petitions from inhabitants of the state of Massachusetts, signed by between 4 and 5000 persons praying for a repeal of the embargo laws.
One of the petitions (from Newburyport) was read.
[In this petition the following sentence was twice read, by desire of one of the members:]
"Your memorialists would further represent to your honorable body that they have witnessed with great surprise and alarm a systematic attempt among the enemies of the people to excite a belief that our nation has it in its power only a choice of evils; that an embargo, or war with Great Britain is our only alternative; an opinion which appears to your memorialists wholly devoid of foundation. Whatever injuries the U. S. may have sustained from that power, we cannot perceive that a war with her would be either necessary or just, whilst she evinces on her part a disposition for an amicable settlement of all subjects of controversy; and especially, when we view her as almost alone maintaining a contest, on the successful issue of which depend the rights and liberties of the civilized world."
Mr. Livermore said as the other petitions were precisely similar, he moved that their reading be dispensed with, and that they be referred to the committee of the whole to whom several resolutions on the subject have been referred.
The Speaker proceeding to put the question on reference.
Mr. D. R. Williams said, as he understood the same sentiments were repeated in all, and as there were sentiments expressed in the first which he could not understand, he called for the reading of another of them.
Mr. Livermore said he had no objection.
Another of the petitions was then read and they were all referred, without opposition, to the committee to whom several resolutions on the same subject have been referred.
Mr. Livermore moved that the petition be printed—Negatived, 17 only rising in favor of it.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Mr. Macon said already had many resolutions been submitted to the consideration of the House on the subject of our foreign relations, and the embargo; some for a total and some for a partial repeal of it. As none of the motions had met his entire approbation, and as he considered this as one of the most important questions that could come before the House, he wished to submit to the House two or three propositions; which he wished to take a course different from that which had been given to the others on the same subject.
I have been astonished (said Mr. M.) to see so many resolutions on the subject of the embargo, and none contemplating its entire continuance. Is the American nation ready to bow the neck? Are we ready to submit to be taxed by Great Britain and France as if we were their colonies? Where is that spirit which for this reason separated us from the nations of Europe? Where is that spirit which enforced a simple resolution of the old Congress, not then binding upon the people, as a law from heaven? Is it extinct? Is it lost to this nation? Has the love of gain superceded every other motive in the breasts of Americans? Shall the majority govern, or shall a few wicked
and abandoned men drive this nation from the ground it has taken? Is it come to this, that a law constitutionally enacted, even after a formal decision in favor of its constitutionality, cannot be enforced? Shall the nation give way to an opposition of a few, and those the most profligate part of the community? I think the stand we took last year was a proper one; and I am for taking every measure for enabling the nation to maintain it. Just as our measure is beginning to operate, just as provisions are becoming scarce in the West Indies and elsewhere, notwithstanding the evasions of our law, we are called upon to repeal it. I should not have made this motion at this time, had it not been for the petition just presented. When I stand here, sir, charged by a part of the community with being one of "the enemies of the people" notwithstanding I am willing to commit the petition, treating it with that respect which I conceive to be due from us to the prayer of any portion of the people, I wish my sentiments on this subject to be seen.
A proclamation has been issued by one of the belligerents since the passage of our embargo law, sir. Look at it. What says it? Clearance or no clearance, we will receive any neutral vessel into our ports; and, in speaking of neutrals, recollect that there is no nation in the civilized world that has a claim to the title, except ourselves. This proclamation then tells our citizens "Evade the laws of your country, and we will receive and protect you." This is the plain English of it.
If the mad powers of Europe had entered into compact to injure us as much as they could, they could not have taken a more direct course to it. I consider them both alike, and the measures I would take would place them both on the same footing. I have made my resolutions as general as possible, to give all latitude to the committee.
Mr. M. then read his resolutions as follows:
Resolved, That the committee appointed on that part of the President's message which relates to our foreign relations, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of excluding by law from the ports, harbors, and waters of the U. S. all armed ships and vessels belonging to any of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce of the U. S. as a nation.
Resolved, That the same committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting by law the admission into the ports, harbors and waters of the U. S. any ship or vessel belonging to or coming from any place in the possession of any of the above mentioned powers and also the importation of any goods, wares and merchandise the growth, produce and manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers.
Resolved, That the same committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of amending the act laying an embargo and the several acts supplemental and additional thereto.
On the subject of the first of these resolutions (said Mr. M.) it might be proper to interdict the entrance of all armed vessels, although I have confined the interdict to the belligerents. A certain time might be fixed at which the second should go into operation.
I have thought proper, sir, to bring forward all these resolutions together, to show my own opinion on what ought to be done. It is time for those who think the embargo a lawful and proper measure to come forward and declare it. No other person having as yet thought proper to do it I have now done it. I believe the embargo was right; that it was right to pass laws to enforce it; and believing this, I feel no hesitation in avowing it. Time has been when the impressment of our seamen was cried out against by a large majority of Congress. Now the cry is that we will not let them go out and be taken. For if they go out they must be taken. Neither of the two great powers of Europe have shown the least disposition to relax their measures; neither I hope shall we. I believe we have but three alternatives—war, embargo, or submission. The last I discard;—this nation never will submit; nor are there many people in it that would. That out of the question, then, the only question is, whether in the present state of the world, the embargo or war is the best for us. Arm your merchantmen, as has been proposed, send them out, and you have war directly. If we are to have war, I should rather have it openly, and let the nation know that we mean it. I am for the embargo yet. I am told flour is from 30 to 50 dollars a barrel in the West Indies; I am also told that wheat is 14 shillings sterling a bushel in England. This must have an effect, if adhered to, through Spain and Portugal. France, if she carries her armies into that country, cannot support them. Nor can Spain support her own armies, and at the same time those Great Britain sends there; for where war is waged, almost all agriculture is destroyed; and it only requires firmness in us to force them both by this measure to acknowledge
our rights. If I am mistaken in my opinion, I wish that measure to be adopted which may best maintain our rights and independence.
It is not the embargo which causes the pressure on the people. No, sir; it is the orders and decrees of England and France. Take a licence from England, and you may trade, but on no other terms. Let an officer of the British fleet visit your vessel, and France will condemn it. These are the things which destroy commerce. The country in which I have felt the measure as much as any; they are agriculturists, and their crops remain unsold; and if they will do without the principal, and resist imposition by withholding their produce, those who make a profit by the freight of our produce, may afford to lose that profit. Can any man tell what would be the consequence of war, in these times? In common war some regard is had to the laws of nations by belligerents, and they fight each other. In the present war the belligerents disregard the laws of nations, and fight every one but one another.
Mr. M. concluded by saying that he was aware that he had said nothing new, nor could any thing new be said. The documents published at the last session and those published now put the subject in so complete a point of view, that it was impossible to add light to them.
The House agreed to consider the resolutions.
Mr. Alston suggested to his colleague the propriety of referring the last resolution to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, who had last session reported all the bills amendatory to the embargo laws.
Mr. Macon said he meant nothing less than disrespect to the committee of Commerce & Manufactures, but he wished all the resolutions to go to one committee that they might have the whole system before them.
Mr. Dana made a few observations which were not distinctly heard. He thought that an agreement to the third would commit the House on the subject of the embargo; and suggested the propriety of taking the question on each separately.
Mr. Quincy said he wished the last resolution to be separated from the first, as the House would be committed by its adoption. Not that he wished to avoid a discussion of that subject, for he wished for nothing so much as that the House would permit them to go into a discussion of the subject in committee of the whole. [Mr. Macon consented that the last resolution should lie on the table.]—Mr. Q. said he wished to press a discussion on the subject of the embargo; for such was the state of public opinion in the northern part of the union that but one general sentiment prevailed, that the embargo would be immediately raised. Instead of postponing the subject from day to day, he only wished it to come before the house that gentlemen might understand one another, and put an end to the doubts that now existed.
The first and second resolutions offered by Mr. Macon were agreed to without a division. The third was ordered to lie on the table, Ayes 78. SHOT-MANUFACTORY.
Mr. Say presented a memorial from sundry persons in the city of Philadelphia, stating that they have at great labour and expence erected a manufactory of shot; and praying that, to encourage the domestic manufacture, a duty be laid on all imported shot.—Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. CHITTENDEN'S RESOLUTION. Mr. Chittenden called for the order of the day on the resolution submitted by him for repealing the embargo.
Mr. Quincy called for the Yeas and Nays on the motion to go into committee of the whole on the subject.
The Yeas and Nays were taken on the motion as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, Basset, Blackledge, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, M. Clay, Clopton, Culpeper, Dana, Davenport, Elliot, Ely, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Heister, Hoge, Richard S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Macon, Marion, Masters, Minor, D. Montgomery, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Picken, Quincy, Randolph, M. Richards, Riker, Russell, Sloan, Smelt, J. K. Smith, John Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Taylor, Upham, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, N. Wilson.—56.
NAYS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Bibb, Blount, Boyd, Brown, Burwell, Cutler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Cotts, Dawson, Desha, Durell, Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Johnson, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Love, M'Creery, J. Montgomery, N. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Nelson, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea, Rhea, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, Southard, Storer, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, A. Wilson.—58.
So it was decided that the house will not on this day take up the subject.
Several petitions and resolutions of a private nature were presented and referred; and the house adjourned about one o'clock.
ANSWER OF THE SENATE OF NEW YORK TO THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH.
Sir—The evils which have resulted to this country from the unjust aggressions of the belligerent nations of Europe upon our neutral rights, and the indispensable duty of sustaining those evils, and, if necessary the still greater calamities of man, with fortitude and patriotism, are fully recognized by the intelligence of the nation; and we shall not fail to repose a just confidence in the national government, and to promote with zeal and energy their efforts to support the rights and to promote the honor and welfare of our common country.
It gives the Senate pleasure to observe the progress which has been made by your Excellency, in executing the arrangements that were formed at the last session of the legislature, for the defence of the state; but as this is a paramount duty of the national government, and as our great commercial emporium is peculiarly exposed to the attacks of an enemy, we cannot entertain a doubt, and especially at a period so critical, but that an object of the first importance to the prosperity of the state, will receive the most marked attention of the constitutional guardians of the common defence and general welfare.
The different subjects, recommended by your Excellency to the attention of the legislature, will, as well from their importance as from the confidence we repose in you, receive our early and deliberate consideration; and we feel persuaded, that an harmonious co-operation in the execution of the duties committed to the different branches of the government, will produce results honorable to them and beneficent to the state.
ANSWER OF THE ASSEMBLY.
The assembly can never receive a communication from a governor, who possesses their respect and confidence, without pleasure. To meet such a chief magistrate, and to receive from him information of the state of our public affairs has accordingly given us great satisfaction, upon this occasion.
We learn, with regret and indignation, that the belligerent nations of Europe, still continue their aggressions upon the commerce of the United States. At the same time, we concur with you, in approving the wise measures, which have been adopted by the general government, to counteract those aggressions, and to protect our rights as an independent people. Should war ultimately become necessary, we shall firmly meet the event. The measures and means of resisting the aggressions of foreign powers, belong to our national councils; and in their wisdom and integrity, we have entire confidence.
The several subjects recommended to the consideration of the legislature, shall receive our deliberate attention; and we shall cordially unite with the other branches of the government, in exertions to promote the common welfare.
New-York, House of Representatives.
Mr. BULKLEY'S RESOLUTION. Resolved, If the hon. the Senate concur herein, that the Senators and Representatives from this state to the Congress of the U. S. be requested to use their best endeavors to procure a repeal of the act laying an embargo, and all the acts supplementary thereto, and that the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Assembly certify copies of this resolution, and immediately transmit them by mail.
This resolution was taken up in committee of the whole, on Monday, when the following substitute was proposed:—
Whereas the constitutional right of repealing the act imposing the embargo on the ships and vessels belonging to the citizens of the U. S. and the acts supplementary thereto, is vested in the Congress of the U. S.; and whereas that body is about to convene, and from the communications which will be made by the executive department, will be much better informed of our relative situation with the European belligerents than the legislature of this state are or can be; and inasmuch as our representatives in Congress will carry with them the feelings and wishes of the people; and this House reposing full confidence in their discernment and patriotism—therefore, Resolved, That it would be inexpedient on the part of this House, at this time, to give any instruction or express any opinion upon the repeal of the said acts; and that the further consideration of the resolution to that effect, be postponed until the first Tuesday in February next.
A warm and animated discussion ensued, when the question on the substitute was taken and carried, 59 to 47—the two Lewisite members from Dutchess voting with the federalists.
in favor of the original resolution and against the substitute.
Windsor, Nov. 7.
John Hoxie, Jacob Hoxie, and Frederic Hoxie, who were indicted for treason before the Circuit Court of the U. States in October last, have been acquitted by a special court held at Burlington, on the 27th ult.
Philadelphia, Nov. 12.
Supplies of money and produce, to the amount of seventeen millions of dollars, have been subscribed in the island of Cuba, for the use of the Spanish patriots—to which the free blacks have contributed six thousand boxes of sugar.
Philadelphia, Nov. 15.—We are informed that Don Juan Cagigal, Gov. of Cumana, has communicated to the Gov. of Trinidad under date the 30th Oct. the information received by a vessel from Cadiz which left that place on the 1st Sept. that there had been a brilliant action between the French and Spaniards in which 3500 Manchegans, commanded by Don Josef Lopez Membrillo, routed 5000 French, the greater part of whom they took prisoners, together with their generals, artillery, &c.
Died, on Monday last, at Frankford, captain Stephen Decatur.
INDEPENDENT WASHINGTON VOLUNTEERS.
The Members of the Independent Washington Volunteer company of Infantry, are requested to meet at the Captain's quarters on SATURDAY Evening the 19th inst. at 7 o'clock, for the purpose of considering and deciding on something of importance which will be submitted to them. Punctual attendance is therefore expected.
By order of the Captain, JOHN SESSFORD, Sec. November 18—
COLUMBIAN DRAGOONS. The Members of the Columbian troop of Dragoons are notified to meet at Lindsay's Hotel, THIS Evening, (Friday) at 6 o'clock, without uniform. As business of much importance will be submitted to the Troop, the Members are particularly required to be punctual in their attendance. WM. BRENT, Captain. November 18—
ATTENTION. The Members of the Washington Artillery Company, are requested to meet at the Captain's Quarters on Friday Evening at 3 o'clock, P. M. on business of importance to the company. Punctual attendance is expected. By order of the Captain, JOHN BURNS, Sec. November 18—
MISS H. DARGEN RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies of Washington and Georgetown that she has commenced business in the MILLINARY & MANTUA-MAKING LINE on the Pennsylvania avenue nearly opposite the State Buildings, where she has just opened a very handsome assortment of Millinery of the newest fashions from Baltimore and Philadelphia with a variety of Fancy articles in her line. She will also make Cloaks, Pelices and Dresses of every description in the most fashionable manner.
As Miss Dargen has just commenced business in Washington, she humbly solicits the patronage of a generous public. November 18—
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED from the subscriber on the night of the 9th inst. a GARY HORSE, about 7 year old, and 13 hands high, shod all round, has the appearance of two hall marks through his neck near his withers, which appear on each side of his neck. THOMAS YOUNG. Washington city, Nov. 18—
THE Subscriber will expose to PUBLIC SALE at Rhodes's tavern on Saturday the 26th of this month at the hour of 12 o'clock, a Negro WOMAN with Two CHILDREN, the one about 7, and the other 5 years old. Six months credit will be given to the purchaser on his entering into bond with satisfactory security—the bond to bear interest from the day of sale. ANN TILLEY. Washington, Nov. 18—
CASH Given for any quantity of clean combed HOUS BRISTLES, At the subscribers store, Bridge street, Georgetown. W. S. NICHOLLS. November 18—
Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company.
THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Fourth Instalment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 14th day December next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia".
By order of the Directors, G. DENSALÉ, President. November 18—
WANTS A SITUATION AS WAITER or COOK, A person lately from Europe, whose character will bear the strictest enquiry. A line left with Mrs. HEALEY on the Capitol Hill will be duly attended to. T. W. November 18—
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Prince George's county, had obtained from the Orphan Court of Prince Georges county in Maryland. Letters of Administration on the personal estate of John Rustin, late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, on or before the 7th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 24th day of November 1808. JOHN L. HAYD, Exec. November 18—

TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On Wednesday the 30th of November next on a credit of Six and Twelve months. THAT well known HOUSE, on Pennsylvania Avenue, occupied by Mr. Wm. ... as a hotel, together with all its buildings, necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises gives them some advantages over any other tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices, and also to the street that will lead across the Potomac, to the bridge now erecting over the Potomac, and which is rapidly progressing, with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this site as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement.
Sale to be on the premises, and to commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAK, Auc. Washington city, October 31—tdos
E. OLIVER, HAS just received and is now opening for sale at her Store, in the House next above Mr. Brewster's Jewellery Store, a new and very elegant assortment of MILLINERY & FANCY GOODS, CONSISTING OF Laced Caps, velvet Bonnets plain & figured, Tiara, gold and Silver flowers, Cambric for trimming dresses, Gold and Silver Cord, Do. do. Cords and Tassels, Do. do. Spangles and Thread, Do. do. Bubbles, Artificial Flowers and Feathers, Silk Cords, and Silk Cords and Tassels of all colors, Silk Buttons of new patterns, Black jet, marble and amber Buttons, Beaver Hats and Bonnets, Do. do. do. for Children, Necklaces and Bar Rings, Chip, Leghorn, and Vulcain Straw of new patterns, Silk and velvet Pelices, Police Cordage, Police Velvet and Levant Silks, Angola and Cashmere Shawls, Silver Bear and other Muffs and Tippets, Morocco Jockey Caps—a very general assortment of working Chenille, Spider net Sleeves, hair and beaded Caps and bands, Velvet Ribbons of different colors, Silks and Satins of different colors, Crapes of all colors, Perfumery and sweet Soaps, a very large assortment of Thread and Cotton, soft Satin, and a new assortment of fashionable Ribbons, Madras, Ginghams—Silk and Cotton Umbrellas, a very general assortment of Ladies and Gentlemen's Gloves, best Playing and Message Cards, Wadding, Mahler's Shoes, best Tortoise Shell Combs, mounted and plain, &c. &c. with a general assortment of DRY GOODS. Georgetown, October 26—3w
CHARLES H. FARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT ENAMELLED SPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4f
MRS. LEE, begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of MUSIC, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, she has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruction in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the Globes, Maps, & Charts. Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced; and hopes still to merit by an unremitted attention to the duties of the post reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst. Washington, October 20—2m
NEW GOODS. The Subscriber has lately received an extensive and complete assortment of REASONABLE GOODS, CONSISTING OF Extra superfine London Cloths, Cassimeres, Cambrics, Manchester, Toilettes, swansdowns, Ladies' Choice Cloths, Silk and tabby Velvets, Hammet, raw silks, and Camels hair Shawls, Down Scarfs, Lace Caps, silk Buttons and Cords, Osnaburgs, Artificial Flowers, Fancy Muslins, Linen and cotton Cambrics, Irish Linens and Sheetings, Shirting Cottons, Lace Sleeves and Gloves, Silks of every description, Hosiery, Singheens, Chambrays, Calicoes, London Mats, Second Cloths, Contines, Plains, Kenseys, Half Thucks, Rose and Dunfield Blankets, Heaver Rugs, Dowlass, Ticklenburgs, Osaburgs, Batta's, Mamoodies, Lawns, Quilts, &c. Which will be sold at the most reduced prices. TUNIS CRAVEN, Near the Navy Yard. October 24—1m
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplemental thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said rents will then be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Tame's tavern, in said town—to commence at 10 o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS O'NEILL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
JOHN PETER, HAS just received from Philadelphia, a large & complete Assortment of DRY Goods, viz. Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, Ladies' Choice Cloths, Silk Velvets, Irish Linen & Sheetings, do. India & British Shirting cottons, Hosiery of every description, Silks of all kinds, Bed Tickens, Furniture Chintzes & Dimities, Coarse India Muslins, Best London Hats, Elegant Brussels, Ingrain, Scotch, and Venetian Carpetings, &c. &c. &c. Together with a general supply of coarse Woollens—any of which he will sell at the most reduced prices. Persons who purchase to put on again shall find their interest to price the goods. They were purchased for cash, and will be sold for small profits. October 21—4w
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Now landing from on board the scho. Maria, capt. Fitchugh, and for SALE, at low prices, Jamaica Spirit, Antigua and New England Rum, Mucavado Sugars, Molasses, Coffee, Muscated and bloom Raisins, Holland and country Gin, Sperm and Candles, Sperm and Candles, Spanish Segars, Corks, Powder and shot of the best quality, White Lead in oil, A few crates of Stone Ware. They have also on hand, and for Sale, Madeira, Marsala, and Wine by the cask. Catagonia, Claret in boxes of 1 dozen each, Cogniac and Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, Nyson and Young Nyson, Tea, Best Salid Oil, Mould and Dept Candles, Soap, Whiskey, and A few Logs of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. August 22—
INFORMATION WANTED. IF JOHN BATEBY DOBBINS who came from England some years ago, and resided at Washington (it is not certain in what state) for some time, will call on, or write to the subscriber, he will hear something much to his advantage. Any information that will enable me to ascertain whether the said John Bateby Dobbins is alive or not, will be thankfully received. SAMUEL SPACKMAN, No. 1, Bank Alley, Philadelphia. 10th month, 11, 1808—2m
JOHN GOULDING IS now landing from on board the Polly from Baltimore, a few barrels of West India COFFEE and New Orleans SUGAR, Bottles in hampers, Red and White Champagne Wine in boxes, Fresh Tea, &c. On hand, as usual, most kinds of choice old Wines in bottles and in casks; best Albany Ale; Philadelphia Porter and Ale; Spermaceti Candles, Fruit Oil; Castile Soap in boxes, with sundry articles in his line, to be sold for Cash, and as usual, cheap to his punctual customers. Georgetown, September 16—2m
INFORMATION FOR THE PUBLIC. THE Subscriber is empowered by Judge FINDLEY, the inventor of the Chain Bridge, to superintend and build those bridges, and he is also constituted sole agent, to sell Patent rights throughout the United States. Those who may incline to benefit by this new and invaluable sort of bridge, may obtain information on the subject, by addressing letters to the subscriber in Georgetown, in the territory of Columbia, who will either superintend the construction of those bridges, or build them on contract. JOHN TEMPLEMAN. October 30—cpdm
RICHARD BECK, HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— Superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do. Molekin and silk waistcoating, Bennetts cord and Spanish marcella, do. Constitution cords and velvets, Coating, fizges and kerseys, Rose and striped blankets, Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery, Flannel and baizes, Navy blue cloths, Checks, calicoes and chintzes, White and colored cambrics, Dimities, brown Holland and dowlasses, Bandana and Madras handkerchiefs, Durants and calimancoes, Tapes and bobbing, Silk and cotton chambray, 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens, 4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting, London and other hats, Plain India mul muslins, Sceded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenos, Linen cambrics, Damask, silk and serge shawls, Tabby velvets for pelices, Italian Mantua, Bombazets and bombazens, Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces, Handsome assortment ribbons, Kid and silk gloves, Picket silk mits and gloves, Diaper and diaper table cloths, Kid and Morocco shoes. A few bales India muslins assorted. Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—4f
By order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county will be sold at public Sale to the highest bidder on Tuesday the 13th day of December next, at the plantation of the late George Hutton, near Piscataway, in Prince Georges county, several likely NEGROES on a credit of six months, the purchaser or purchasers giving bond with two good securities, bearing interest from the day of sale. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. BASIL HATTON, Adm'r. November 16—3t
JUST RECEIVED, FOR SALE, By the Subscriber, A NEW HALF PIPE, of MADDIRA WINE, Four years OLD, neat as imported. TOPPAN WEBSTER. Washington, October 30—3w
THE Subscriber has just received at his SHOE STORE near the Navy Yard, a fresh supply of Ladies' & Gentlemen's SHOES, amongst which are Ladies' Morocco with Cork Soles, Kid of all kinds, Misses Morocco and Leather, &c. &c. which he offers for sale at a low rate. JOSEPH CASSIN. November 7—2w
ON THURSDAY the 17th day of November inst. the subscriber will offer to Public Sale, one NEGRO MAN and two NEGRO Women, likewise six Horses, and three Feather Beds, and Furniture, formerly the property of Jacob Edelen of Prince Georges county. At the same time the subscriber will sell all the property which the above mentioned Jacob Edelen is entitled to by virtue of the last Will and Testament of Joseph Edelen, consisting of Negroes, Stock, Farming Utensils and Kitchen and Household Furniture, which property will be shown to purchasers on the day of sale. The sale will be held at the dwelling house of the said Jacob Edelen, near Piscataway and the terms will be cash. ALEXUS BOONE. November 2—tdos
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH MAKER, (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the Bank & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington city, Nov. 14—6w
AT PUBLIC SALE. AT the Indian office, in George-Town, will be offered on Saturday the 19th inst. at 12 o'clock, sundry Goods on hand, and not suitable to Indian purposes, a considerable quantity and variety of coatings—some serges, cassimeres, broad cloths, and a parcel of pins and woollen half stockings, in good order—Also some woollen and linen goods, damaged. The terms of sale will be cash on all sums below one hundred dollars, and negotiable notes at 90 days satisfactorily endorsed for sums exceeding that amount. J. MASON, Superintendent of Indian trade. Nov. 14—tds.
FOR SALE. AN ELEGANT CHARIOT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted Harness for four or two Horses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Inquire of the Editor of this paper. TO THE PUBLIC. I hereby warn all persons from advancing money on my account to any person or persons without a written order from me. PATRICK MACRUDER. Washington city, Nov. 14—3t
PROPOSALS for carrying Mails of the United States, on the following post routes, will be received at the General Post-Office in Washington, until the 16th day of January next inclusive. 1. IN Delaware—From Wilmington by New Castle, St. Georgetown, Cantwell's Bridge, Duck Creek, Dover, Frederica and Milford to Georgetown three times a week. April 15 to November 15.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11 A. M. arrive at Dover by 9 P. M. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Georgetown by 7 P. M. Leave Georgetown every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 A. M. arrive at Dover by 8 P. M. Leave Dover on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Wilmington by 7 P. M. November 15 to April 15—Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 A. M. arrive at Dover by 6 P. M. and at Milford on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 A. M. and at Georgetown by 6 P. M.—Returning. Leave Georgetown every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 6 A. M. and Milford at 2 P. M. arrive at Dover by 5 P. M. and at Wilmington on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 6 P. M.
2. From Georgetown and Broadkill to Lewistown once a week. Leave Georgetown every Sunday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Lewistown by 10 A. M.—Returning. Leave Lewistown every Monday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Georgetown by 8 P. M.
3. From Georgetown by Bridge Branch, N. W. Fork bridge and New Market to Cambridge once a week. Leave Georgetown every Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Cambridge on Tuesday by 11 A. M. Leave Cambridge at 1 p. m. and arrive at Georgetown on Wednesday by 7 p. m.
4. From Georgetown by Concord to Laurel, once a week. Leave Georgetown every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Laurel by 5 p. m. and arrive at Salisbury by 5 p. m. Leave Laurel every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Georgetown by 11 a. m.
5. From Georgetown by Dagsboro', Trap, Snowhill, Horntown and Accomac c. h. to Northampton, c. h., once a week. Leave Georgetown, every Sunday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Northampton c. h. the next Wednesday by 10 a. m. Leave Northampton c. h. every Wednesday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Georgetown on Saturday by 5 p. m.
6. From Wilmington by Christiana, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgetown Cross Roads to Chestertown, three times a week. Leave Wilmington every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p. m. Leave Chestertown every Sunday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p. m.
In Maryland—7. From Easton by Hillsboro', Denton, Greensboro' and Whitehaven to Frederica, once a week. Leave Easton every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Frederica on Wednesday by 11 a. m. Leave Frederica every Wednesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Easton on Thursday by 6 p. m.
8. From Chestertown by Rockhall, to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Chestertown every Monday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Annapolis by 8 p. m. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p. m.
9. From Chestertown by Churchhill and Centerville to Easton, twice a week. Leave Chestertown every Monday and Friday at 4
a. m. and arrive at Centerville by 10 a. m. and at Easton by 5 p. m.—Returning. Leave Easton every Tuesday and Saturday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Chestertown by 6 p. m.
10. From Baltimore by Ellicott's Lower Mills, Poplarstown and New Market to Fredericktown, three times a week. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Baltimore by 4 p. m.—Returning. Leave Baltimore Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 p. m.
11. From Fredericktown by Middletown, Hagerstown, and Greencastle to Chambersburg, three times a week. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a. m. and at Chambersburg by 8 p. m.—Returning. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Fredericktown by 8 p. m.
12. From Fredericktown by Woodboro', Taneytown, Petersville, Hanover, York and Columbia to Lancaster, twice a week. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday and Saturday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster the next days by 6 p. m. Leave Lancaster every Sunday and Thursday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 p. m. the next days.
13. From Hagerstown by Hancock, Berkeley Springs, Oldtown, Cumberland, Cresap'sburg, Frankfort, and Springfield to Romney, once a week. Leave Hagerstown every Thursday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Romney on Sunday by 6 p. m. Leave Romney every Monday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Hagerstown on Thursday by 10 a. m.
14. From Baltimore by Ellicott's lower Mills, Brookville, Montgomery c. h. and Charlesburg to Leesburg, once a week. Leave Baltimore every Friday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Leesburg on Saturday by 6 p. m. Leave Leesburg every Thursday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Baltimore on Friday by 6 p. m.
15. From Fredericktown to Leesburg once a week. Leave Leesburg every Tuesday at 3 a. m. and arrive at Fredericktown by 11 a. m.—Returning. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Leesburg by 8 p. m.
16. From Fredericktown by Newtown, Trap, Harper's Ferry, Charlestown and Battletown to Winchester, once a week. Leave Fredericktown every Monday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Charlestown by 2 p. m. Leave Charlestown at 3 p. m. and arrive at Winchester on Tuesday by 8 a. m.—Returning. Leave Winchester every Saturday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Fredericktown on Sunday by 6 p. m.
17. From Hartford to Bel-Air once a week. Leave Bel-Air every Tuesday by 7 a. m. and arrive at Hartford by 9 a. m. Leave Hartford at 11 a. m. and arrive at Bel-Air by 1 p. m.
18. From Baltimore to Annapolis, twice a week. Leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Annapolis same days by 5 p. m.—Returning. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Saturday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Baltimore by 5 p. m.
19. From Annapolis by Queen Anne's, Pig Point, Tracey's Landing, Friendship, Lower Marlboro', Huntingdon and Calvert c. h. to St. Leonard's, once a week. Leave Annapolis every Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at St. Leonard's on Monday by noon. Leave St. Leonard's every Monday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Annapolis on Friday by 3 p. m.
20. From Annapolis by Haddaway's, St. Michael's Easton, Cambridge, Vienna, Salisbury, Quantico, Princess Ann and Snowhill to Salisbury, once a week. Leave Annapolis every Saturday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Easton by 7 p. m. Leave Easton on Sunday by 6 a. m., arrive at Cambridge by noon, and arrive at Snowhill on Tuesday by 1 p. m.—Returning. Leave Snowhill every Tuesday at 2 p. m., arrive at Easton on Thursday by 10 a. m. Leave Easton at 2 p. m. and arrive at Annapolis on Friday by 3 p. m.
21. From Washington to Brookville, once a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Brookville by 11 a. m. Leave Brookville every Wednesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Washington by 8 p. m.
22. From Washington city by Georgetown, Montgomery c. h. and Charlesboro' to Fredericktown, three times a week. Leave Washington city every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Fredericktown same days by 7 p. m. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Washington city same days by 4 p. m.
23. From Washington city, by Piscataway, Port Tobacco, Allens Creek, Newport, Chapuco, Leonardtown, Great Mill and St. Inigoes, to the Ridge. Leave Washington every Friday at 3 p. m. and arrive at Port Tobacco by 2 p. m. on Saturday and arrive at the Ridge, on Sunday by 7 p. m.—Returning. Leave the Ridge on Monday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Washington on Wednesday morning by 5 o'clock.
24. From Port Tobacco by Hilltop to Nanjemoy, once a week. Leave Port Tobacco every Saturday at 3 p. m. and arrive at Nanjemoy by 8 p. m. Leave Nanjemoy every Sunday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Port Tobacco by noon.
25. From Washington city by Upper Marlboro' and Queen Anne's to Annapolis, twice a week. Leave Washington every Monday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Annapolis by 6 p. m. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Washington by 4 p. m.
26. From Upper Marlboro' by Nottingham, Aquasco, Benedict and Charlotte Hall to Chaptico, once a week. Leave Upper Marlboro' every Friday noon, and arrive at Chaptico on Saturday by 3 p. m. Leave Chaptico every Saturday at 4 p. m. & arrive at Upper Marlboro' on Monday by noon. In Virginia—27. From Martinsburg by Williamsport to Hagerstown, once a week. Leave Martinsburg every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Hagerstown by 10 a. m. Leave Hagerstown at 2 p. m. and arrive at Martinsburg by 7 p. m.
28. From Winchester by Stevensburg or Newtown, Strasburg, Woodstock, Newmarket and Harrisonburg to Staunton, once a week. Leave Winchester every Tuesday at 10 a. m. and arrive at Staunton on Thursday by 11 a. m. Leave Staunton every Thursday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Winchester on Saturday by 3 p. m.
29. From Washington city by Prospect Hill, Lanesville, Leesburg, Waterford, Hillsboro', Charlestown, Shepherdstown, Martinsburg and Middleway to Winchester, once a week. Leave Washington city every Tuesday at 7 a. m. and arrive at Martinsburg on Wednesday by 5 p. m. Leave Martinsburg at 6 p. m. and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 4 p. m.—Returning. Leave Winchester every Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Washington city on Sunday by 2 p. m.
30. From Washington city by Fairfax c. h., Centerville, Middleburg, Goshen, Millwood, Paris, Winchester, Romney, West-temper, Green Glades, and Charles to Clarksburg, twice a week. Leave Washington every Monday and Friday at 5 p. m. and arrive at Fairfax c. h. by 6 p. m. Leave Fairfax c. h. on Friday and Monday at 6 p. m.—Returning. Leave Clarksburg every Tuesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Fairfax c. h. on Friday and Monday by 5 p. m. and at Washington by 9 a. m.
31. From Clarksburg by Marshall, Marietta, Athens, Chillicothe, Williams & Roads, New Market, Williamsburg and Columbia to Cincinnati, twice a week. Leave Clarksburg every Tuesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Cincinnati on Friday and Monday by 10 a. m.—Returning. Leave Cincinnati every Monday and Friday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Clarksburg the next Thursday and Monday by 7 p. m.
32. From Romney, by Moorfield to Pendleton c. h. once a week. Leave Romney every Monday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Pendleton c. h. on Tuesday by 4 p. m.—Returning. Leave Pendleton c. h. on Wednesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Romney on Thursday by 6 p. m.
33. From Marietta by Bel Air to Wood c. h. once a week. Leave Marietta every Thursday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Wood c. h. by 10 a. m. Leave Wood c. h. at 2 p. m. and arrive at Marietta by 6 p. m.
34. From Clarksburg by Buckhannon & Randolph c. h. to Pendleton c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Clarksburg every other Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Pendleton c. h. the next Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Pendleton c. h. every other Friday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Clarksburg the next Monday by 6 p. m. November 7—wjan16
JOHN COX, OF GEORGETOWN, Offers for Sale, the following valuable TRACTS OF LAND: 2038 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seventy-five miles from the seat of government of the United States. Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Allegany county, state of Maryland: Governor's Neglect, 1031 acres, Ormes's Attention, 634, Chesnut Grove, 461, Hard Struggle, 1554, Western Connexion, 1057, Lot No. 2487, 50. These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Smith's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Chesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers. November 14—2w5w
WILLIAM O'NEILL'S BOARDING HOUSE, Near the West Market House, Washington city. FIVE or SIX gentlemen can be accommodated with Gentlemen's Boarding and Lodging, the rooms well furnished, good and faithful servants, stabling for 10 or 12 horses, two good coaches to attend the members of both Houses of Congress free of expense to the Boarders to and from Congress Hall. Wm. O'NEILL. Washington, Nov. 16—4f
NOTICE. This is to give notice that the subscriber of Georgetown, Washington county, had obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of John Lovejoy of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 19th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 11th day of November 1808. WILLIAM NEVITT. November 16—9t
THE Subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has on hand ALBANY ALE, Philadelphia PORTER and ALE by the Hogshead or Dozen, Philadelphia BEER by the barrel of a superior quality, being supplied from the first breweries on the continent, he hopes to give general satisfaction. N. B. A constant supply of GROCERIES. JOHN DOBRYN. Washington city, near the Navy Yard, Nov. 16—7t
Prince George's county court, September term, 1808. ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince Georges county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, Jr. C. November 8—w3m