The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-04-03 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1009.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, APRIL 3, 1807.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 18.
Debate on Mr. Broom's resolution for the better protection of the writ of Habeas Corpus.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. HOLLAND. It is said by gentlemen, that by the conduct of General Wilkinson in sending Bollman and others from Orleans to this city there is a flagrant violation of the constitution and a crime committed that should be punished as a felony, and the purpose of making an offence of this kind a felony is the object of the present motion. That these persons may have been deprived of certain rights secured by the constitution is a possible and probable case; for every illegal deprivation of right secured by law under the constitution may be said with equal propriety to be a violation of the constitution. But, sir, so far as respects the Habeas Corpus, the suspension of it applies to the legislature and not to persons. The constitution says it shall not be suspended but in case of rebellion or when the public safety requires it. This prohibition manifestly applies to the legislature and not to persons in their individual capacity. If therefore the legislature suspend the Habeas Corpus when there is no rebellion or when the public safety does not require it, they would be guilty of a violation of it. But how has general Wilkinson violated it? He has no power to issue or detain the writ. The issuing of the writ of habeas corpus is the duty of your judges, and they have in all cases issued the writ. It was issued in the present case at Orleans; and issued at this place in behalf of these men. Your judges have at all times in this particular been ready to do their duty. And if so, where is the necessity of coercing them as proposed by fines and penalties. Sir, the necessity does not exist. If general Wilkinson has disobeyed this mandatory writ, he stands in contempt, and your judicial courts have already power to punish contempt. If he has violated any law, he is liable to be punished. If he has deprived any persons of their rights secured by the constitution or by the law, he has done it upon his own responsibility. The laws are ample and will give redress for every injury. Let these persons bring their actions, and if it should appear that they are innocent, and that the general has wantonly deprived them of their rights, an honest jury will give exemplary damages; but if on trial it should appear that they are guilty persons, and that the public safety required their being transmitted to this place, they will not, they ought not to recover a single cent.
But how does it happen that so high a sensibility is excited on the present occasion? Is there a single gentleman that doubts of the guilt of these persons? As to the amount of their guilt there may be some difference of opinion; but I will venture to say that none believes they are innocent. I am apprised however that as the offence is of a political nature, a great difference may exist as to the criminality of their conduct. All will admit that they have conspired against this government. But as a great diversity of opinion ever has and always will be entertained as to what kind of government should be established for the good of the human race, according to the preference in the mind of each individual to any particular form of government, the crime will be apportioned. Many well informed honest men have been in favor of a monarchy. Others of an aristocracy. Some for a democracy, or a republic founded upon democratical principles. It therefore follows that if there are any gentlemen in this House who think a monarchy the best, and that this government is not worth preserving, that it is good for nothing, they cannot view an attempt to overturn it as an high offence. No, sir, they cannot; as though as honest men, and men of honor they could not partake in a conspiracy, yet as the means however dishonorable might produce a good end, that of establishing a government better calculated for the general happiness of mankind, they would be ready to excuse. But, sir, all those who believe this the best of governments, will consider an attempt to overturn it as the highest offence. It is said by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) that it is no odds to him from what quarter a proposition is made; that if it is just he will support it. It is so with me, sir; but if it comes from a quarter not in the habit of making propositions of that kind, I will take the liberty of examining whether it is solid, or only a plausible pretext to effect a different object. When I see a strong desire, or seeming anxiety, exhibited for the protection and security of the rights of the citizen against the encroachment of governmental power as in the present case among gentlemen of a certain political description, my mind is led back to past periods, to
times when alien and sedition laws were the order of the day. It was then that the government itself, being administered by persons of this description, adopted a course well calculated to make it strong and energetic. But now, sir, the administration being transferred into other hands, they have become the exclusive guardians of the rights of the citizen. Conduct of this kind may lead us to suspect that what they could not effect when clothed with power may be now effected by artifice. Be this as it may, there has been no cause shown to justify the adoption of the resolution. The case referred to does not justify it. Bollman and Swartwout are not innocent men. Were it demonstrated that they were innocent, and had suffered without a possibility of redress, it might then be proper to adopt measures to prevent future aggressions. But as this has not been shown, and so far as we know anything respecting them, they are culprits, whether they have committed treason or a lesser offence they are guilty of crimes, they are conspirators, and it is unusual for legislative bodies to legislate in favor of offenders.
It is strange that there is so great a difference of opinion on this occasion. The gentleman from Delaware thinks there was no danger, no rebellion, no crime, and no necessity of transmitting these persons from New Orleans to this city. Gen. Wilkinson, who was on the spot, thought different, and from the same evidence officially communicated on which the gentleman has formed his opinion, the judicial authority of this territory formed a different opinion. On this evidence the judges committed Bollman and Swartwout for treason; and on the same evidence the Senate suspended the writ of Habeas Corpus, by which they have announced to us and to the world, that these persons and their confederates have forfeited their right to this writ. But the gentlemen who advocate this motion declare they have not forfeited it; but that it should be better secured to them by law. But, sir I am for a different course. I wish not to touch the subject. We are not prepared to say whether the conduct of your commander has been proper, or what is the guilt of these men. They are now where they ought to be, in the hands of the judicial authority. Under this impression I was opposed to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus, and under the same impression I shall be against the present resolution.
Mr. ALSTON said he did not rise to enter into the merits of the question, which had been yesterday under consideration; but merely to state the reasons which had induced him to change his vote on this occasion. He said he considered the question at present presented to the House, as more objectionable than that first submitted. What was the object avowed by gentlemen as the cause of this discussion? Was it to punish those who had violated the laws of the country? No. This was not the object. The object must then be to have an improper influence on the things that had already happened, and with regard to which the existing laws might be construed differently from what they would be, if the legislature did not interpose. Why had gentlemen laid still for these fifteen years past, and omitted to make the discovery that there was no law in existence to punish any man who may disobey the writ of Habeas Corpus? Why have gentlemen on former occasions suffered individuals to lie in gaol for weeks after that writ had been issued? If the laws at present in existence do not now operate, can any thing which we can do make them operate on those now arrested, or on those who hereafter may be arrested? Gentlemen on this subject may know better than I do, for I believe this conspiracy has spread much wider than is known to this House, or than gentlemen are willing to acknowledge. I am authorised to mention this opinion from the documents on our table.
This proposition is brought forward in a most imposing shape, and it is undoubtedly one to which no one would object, if brought forward at a proper time, if there were not questions depending on which it is calculated to operate, and if there existed the least probability of any thing final being done upon it, before the close of the session. The enquiry is proposed to be made by a select committee; the mover of the resolution will of course, according to the mode of proceeding in the House, be chairman of that committee, and the report will in all probability be made at too late a period of the session, to admit of a full discussion, and an effect be produced by the report very different from that which would result from a full investigation of it. May not its effect be, to cover a decision which the gentleman knows is about to be made? To make it appear that those who make that decision have the voice of the people with them? The first course proposed, of submitting this proposition to a committee of one whole, had a tendency to produce an immediate investigation of the subject; an agreement to the present course will have the contrary effect, of delaying
it. This proposition really presents a strange appearance. Gentlemen, heretofore the vehement advocates of energetic measures, are now converted into their opponents. This, however, is not strange to an accurate observer of human nature, opposition is opposition still, and let it come from what quarter it may, the general clamor is a regard to the liberty and rights of the citizen. But surely this of all species of protection is the strangest!—The protection of men engaged in violating the rights, the liberties and constitution of their country. Any judge, says the gentleman, who shall dare to refuse to grant the writ of Habeas Corpus, or officer who shall refuse to obey it, shall be mulcted in heavy damages. What does this amount to? If any person shall even see treason committed before his face, or Aaron Burr marching at the head of the marine corps, he shall not dare to arrest them; but shall in the first instance go before a judge, or render himself liable to be mulcted in heavy damages. Mr. Alston concluded by observing that the question had been amply discussed, and that he had only risen to give his reasons for considering the direction at present proposed to be given to the subject, more improper than that, at first suggested.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said it was far from his intention again to trouble the House on this subject; but the omission of some ideas which he meant before to have offered, and some doctrines which had been advocated by the opponents of the resolution, compelled him again to address the House. Where are we? said Mr. Randolph. Are we in the Congress of the U. S.? Is this the House of Representatives of this union, and are we to hear on this floor the doctrine advocated that a flagrant violation of the constitution is to be remedied by an action of damages, as in a common assault and battery? Is it possible that such can be the idea of this House; such our respect for the constitution; for the institutions we are all sworn to support, and which if we do not support, whether our treason be committed under the banners of Aaron Burr, or under the cover of law, we are equally traitors. Is this House ready to sanction the doctrine that an open and avowed contempt of the civil by the military authority, shall be considered as nothing more than a common violation of law? A refusal to respect the writ of Habeas Corpus by a civil officer, is a high misdemeanor. Much more is it a misdemeanor, when committed by a military man, and more especially if committed by the commander in chief of an army. With regard to plots and plotters, conspirators and conspirators, I am not their friend. If they exist, I would deal with them according to law, I would give them sheer law; they should have no more at my hands. Do gentlemen, however, pretend to say that you can proceed against a man otherwise than according to law? I stand here as the advocate of the law. Laying aside the question of guilt, I say proceed according to law. If you do not do this, you may first incarcerate a man, and afterwards summon a venire to try whether the act is justifiable. It is said dead men tell no tales. I will put a case. I will suppose Aaron Burr a conspirator against the U. S.; a traitor.—Let him die.—If so, I would hear the sentence pronounced with pleasure.
But suppose another thing—suppose a conspiracy has been going on for several years; suppose a person has been for several years concerned in it, and to cover himself from suspicion he out Herods Herod, and because his weak nerves cannot endure the sight of a traitor stabs him. Is this to be justified? It is well known that a conspiracy to separate Kentucky from the union is no new thing, and no zeal which any man concerned in it may now manifest can throw off suspicion from his shoulders. These are plain facts.
I will put another case. If a man charged with a crime committed in a territory can be carried to a territory two thousand miles distant by a military guard and there tried, what is the situation, Mr. Speaker, in which you stand? You yourself may be arrested—for you are in a territory, and the little remnant of the army here may be charged to carry you to New Orleans. Your privilege will not extend to felony or to a breach of the peace.
I will put another case. A member of this House may be carried to the marine barracks. You may issue your writ, and your sergeant at arms make return that the member is carried to Orleans; and as accidents will happen, he may be knocked over by the boom, and there is an end of him. Will you sit down contented with such a doctrine, that the civil authority shall be put at defiance by the military, and the citizen shipped off to New Orleans there to be tried by a dependant tribunal?
I avoid saying anything as to plots. I have no doubt, however, of the existence of a plot also in 1798, & down to the year 1799. But in what way has every free people become slaves? The common recipe is—take a quantum sufficit of
plots, and of military force, always kept ready for the purpose, and the end is accomplished; and I say this must, if you give sanction to such acts, be the death of your government. Has any revolution taken place in the affairs of France, which was not preceded by a plot? Are we sure that time and chance, which happen to all men and all nations, may not happen to us?
One word on the subject of the quarter from which this motion comes.
An attempt is made to sound the tension, and to discipline the House under the banners of party, on a constitutional question. Where the violation of the constitution is not pretended to be denied, it is expected that the House is to be rallied under the banners of party. The gentleman who brings forward this proposition is charged with the sentiments he entertained some years since; but it is the misfortune of this argument that it cuts two ways; if you resort to the sedition law, the alien law and other acts of those days, you have no right to refuse gentlemen now the benefit of their principles. The people of this country after two, or three jug-gles of this kind will be apt to conclude that federalism or republicanism depends on being in or out of the government; that those who are in are good federalists, and those out republicans; they will find this out, if they do not suspect it already. A few such instances, and the scales will fall from their eyes. You quote the most detestable instances of a violation of a law which have taken place in time past—so this is the most detestable of all, and yet you gravely tell the people that you will not listen to men who advocate rights thus infringed. The people of the U. S. will eventually listen to them, if you pursue this course; and it is because I do not wish them to listen to them, that I do not wish to see them foremost in such a case as this; it is a disgrace to the old republican party, if indeed it is yet in existence, that the writ of habeas corpus should find its first defenders in that quarter—There is on this subject one melancholy fact, and that is—that in 1798 the federalists were in a majority; in 1807 the republicans are in a majority—as the generation in '98 passed away? No—the same people that were in '98 federalists are in 1807 republicans, and that is the clue to the thing; all those who swam with the tide come over to the stronger side.
We are old by some gentlemen, that they do not pretend to set themselves up as the exclusive champions of the constitution or the laws. I am glad of it; for God help the constitution and the laws, if they depended upon them.
In my mind it is high time to make a provision for a complete casus omissus of power delegated by the constitution. You have found members this session voting to make a violation of a provision of the slave bill death, on the broad principle of natural right, and yet would you do less for a violation of the liberty of your citizens, when you are bound to protect them, not only by natural right, but by conventional institutions and your oath? If a military man should take, I will not say a member of this House—but any one of the miserable citizens who inhabit this place, and escorted him under military guard to New Orleans; I say the military man who would do such a thing ought to be precipitated from the top of the capitol. I would teach the military that they are to be subordinate to the civil power, and that if they undertake to violate the civil institutions of their country, they should pay the penalty of their lives. If you do not guard the people from such an excess of military power, the time will come when you will be kicked out of doors at the point of the bayonet. We have seen the legislature of a nation, as enlightened as ours, treated in this way. There is one institution on which I fear we have placed too great a reliance—I have been always attached to the press, and desired to see it free and unuttered; and I have gone uniformly with those who supported this opinion even in the time of alien and sedition bills, and not merely in a period of sunshine. Experience has proved to us that the press in the hands of a tyrant may become one of the firmest supports of his authority; and if there shall be a collision between the press and the bayonet, it needs no prophetic spirit to say which will kick the beam.
Mr. MARM. WILLIAMS said, he would state one or two reasons why he would vote for committing the resolution; as he understood the subject, the only consideration at present was, whether it was necessary to make an enquiry into the expediency of amending the laws on this subject. It had been endeavoured to make this a party question; he considered it of no importance from what quarter a proposition came. If he thought it right, he should vote for it. The gentleman from Tennessee has observed that the constitution has made an ample provision on this subject. It appeared, however, to him that the constitution had only secured the writ of habeas corpus; no penalty had been attached to its violation, and hence the necessity of some legislative provision to answer this purpose. The
same gentleman has observed, that there is no necessity for legislative provision, as the statute book is already crowded with cases. But Mr. Williams said, he believed there was no legislative provision for the violation of the writ under the authority of the U. States. It had been also said, that a provision under the government of the U. S. would abridge the rights of the states; but Mr. W. said he could not see how this remark applied; he did not wish for any abridgement of those rights; the states undoubtedly had a right to pass laws relative to the execution of the writ within their jurisdiction, and Congress had a concurrent power to regulate it under the jurisdiction of the U. S. Mr. W. said, in his mind many arguments had been urged which were irrelevant, such as the conduct of the commandant at N. Orleans, and of the persons brought before the court. It had been said, that this was an improper time, to bring the case before the legislature; but gentlemen would find, that new cases had very frequently given rise to new laws; and the present case clearly shewed the necessity of some new provision. Whether the persons implicated in this conspiracy had committed treason or not, was not the enquiry; the only question was whether any further legislative provision was necessary to secure the writ of habeas corpus. He would ask, whether in this instance, the constitution had not been violated by the interposition of the military authority; whether the persons arrested were guilty or not, was not for the House to say. Mr. Williams said, he did not think that the reference of this resolution would have any influence on the court; as an enquiry by the House would impose censure neither one way or the other.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said he was sorry it was incumbent on him to say, that if the remarks which had fallen from him had been alluded to, he had been either egregiously misunderstood or wilfully misrepresented. He had not introduced the measures of a former administration as a cloak for this House; what he had said could not have made such an impression on the mind of any man; he had not said that the passage of the alien and sedition laws at a former day authorised the present legislature to violate the constitution. He had stated that circumstance as one of the reasons which induced him to be jealous of the quarter from which this measure emanated. He was still of the same opinion; he must be jealous of gentlemen who, notwithstanding their lively patriotism at the present day, had thus slept on their oars for fifteen years past.
We have been told that plots are taken advantage of to destroy the liberties of free nations. This however was an old story, very tickling to be sure to the public ear; but a mere pretext, a kind of declamation which had become a very fashionable substitute for argument. It had also been said by the gentleman on his right, that he felt very happy that certain persons were not the champions of the constitution or the laws. Mr. Campbell said, he had observed that he did not profess to be the exclusive champion of the constitution and the laws; it was true that he did not wish to be thought such; but he trusted in God that the constitution did not depend on the effervescence of an enthusiastic imagination, discharging without argument its ebullitions in such a style as was often heard in that House, or on gentlemen whose remarks on one day are in opposition to those delivered by them on another, and whose speeches delivered on different days answer themselves; he had before said, and said again, that he should be always ready to support the constitution and laws of his country; but he under this pretext he should never come forward as the champion of the constitution and laws merely to declaim and make a noise.
It had been said that such an extraordinary case as the present required extraordinary interference; but he would ask where any deficiency of legislative provision had been shown to exist on this subject? Suppose a man entered this House and killed a member, he would be punished as in common cases. So in the present instance, if the military trampled on the civil power, the courts of justice were open for redress. But it is said we should punish this offence with death; this was an instance of the extravagance of which he had spoken. If every infraction of the constitution and laws was made a capital offence, they would be carried back into that state of barbarity which existed 300 years ago, when life was the uniform penalty attached to every offence. He had thought that the American nation had established a humane system of punishments, founded on the principles of philosophy. If these principles are to be now abandoned, we may retrace our steps into the dark ages of barbarity, when sanguinary punishments were made use of to keep nations in submission to their tyrants. Mr. C. said he should vote decidedly against referring this proposition to a select committee at this time; because he saw no good purpose that

such a reference could answer, because he did not believe that any alteration in the laws was necessary, and if necessary the remainder of the session was insufficient to make it; the laws of the several states had made complete provision for securing the writ of Habeas Corpus in all instances, in which no defects had been pointed out that he had ever heard of.
(To be CONTINUED.)
FROM THE (BALTIMORE) AMERICAN OF MARCH 31.
By a recent arrival from New Orleans, we have received from the hands of an anonymous correspondent, a circular printed letter, in the French language, bearing at the top the following title, written in English—“Letter, from a Member of the Legislature of the Territory of Orleans, to his constituents.” The letter is without signature, bears the general date of “February 1807,” and contained the following production in the shape of a handbill. It is evident, from the introduction to the handbill, from the tenor of the French circular letter, (a translation of which we shall endeavor to present to-morrow) and from the letter and handbill being anonymous, that there is a party in the city of New Orleans resolutely bent on the destruction of Gen. Wilkinson and Gov. Claiborne. Why has not the member of the Orleans legislature put his name to his circular letter? Why does not the printer's name appear to the handbill? Why are these productions forwarded to the Atlantic states? It is probable that the circular letter has been prepared, for the purpose of distributing throughout the U. States, in order to bring down public indignation on the commander of the army and the governor of Orleans, and to withdraw the general attention of the people from the traitors themselves to those who have defeated their diabolical project. Instead of alarming the public at New Orleans, the very course which Gov. Claiborne pursued was calculated to allay all ferment and apprehension. “An agent of the conspirators” was approaching the city, the laws were inefficient to secure his person if arrested—What does Gov. Claiborne do in such an emergency? He “recommended” to the “consideration” of the legislature, “the expediency of suspending for a short time the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus.” He did not violently suspend it; nor rush in the face of the law to the accomplishment of his object—but barely “recommended the subject for consideration.” Surely, when a public officer goes thus regularly to work, there can be no danger; he appealed to the wisdom of the legislature—they did take the matter into consideration, and deemed such a proceeding, as proposed, unconstitutional; and this “agent of the conspirators” is left to triumph in the imbecility of the laws. But it is not Claiborne so much as it is Wilkinson—He is the object of vengeance: He has defeated the treasonable project—a most unpardonable crime in the eyes of the associates! Yet, what would these gentlemen have? They cry, Wilkinson has violated the laws, and played the tyrant! It is admitted that he has violated the laws—that he has acted with a stern mind and a steady hand against the conspirators. Is his conduct justifiable? To violate the laws is by no means justifiable; but on the other hand to defeat a conspiracy against the unity and freedom of the states is highly praiseworthy. The laws condemn Wilkinson, but the public opinion applauds his motive. Every man says his conduct has been illegal, but every candid man acknowledges that in his situation he would have acted in the same way—in fine, may it not be said, in the language attributed to a Senator of the U. S. that—“Wilkinson may be fined and imprisoned, but the nation will thank him. The handbill follows:
New-Orleans, Feb. 20, 1807.
[The following recommendation of a suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus, in order to arrest one man, against whom sufficient proof to support a civil arrest, it seems does not exist, could not appear during the present alarming times, in any print in this city.—It is sent on by mail, in order that it may appear where something like liberty of the press exists. The people of the United States will, perhaps, make those comments on it, which, if made here, might subject the author to military arrest, court-martial discipline, a dungeon, or the more dreadful punishment of “deportation.”]
MESSAGE.
Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and of the House of Representatives.
We have been officially informed that the “reputed leader of the conspiracy,” which has menaced our safety and disturbed our tranquility, was “in the hands of the civil authority at Natchez;” and it is now confidently reported, (although no official information upon the subject has been received by me) that many of his adherents have also arrived in the Mississippi territory. Among them are two individuals, who are represented to have evaded by flight from the state of Ohio, that punishment which the law in force and in mercy, would have awarded against them.
One of these persons I have most satisfactory information for stating, did, in September last, propose to a citizen in whose veracity entire confidence may be placed, “to join in a plan to bring about a dissolution of the union; and after pointing out the advantages which would result to leading men, from the erection of a separate government on this side of the mountains, and observ-
ing that the people were ripe for such a measure, he said their plan would be to go on with an armed force to New Orleans, to seize that place, and after getting the money in the banks, the military stores, and the French artillery there, to force the country to a separation from the Atlantic states, by operating on its commerce. In charity to human nature, I cannot suppose that all concerned in the conspiracy were prepared to support objects so horrible. On the contrary, I am persuaded many have been seduced into the association by artifice and misrepresentation: and to all such I trust a generous forgiveness may be extended.
I cannot, however, disguise from the two houses of assembly, how greatly I regret that the existing laws do not afford adequate means for the prevention of conspiracies of this diabolical nature, for the discovery of the parties concerned, and for their punishment. I have recently been advised, (and from a source entitled to credit) of the approach to this city of an agent of the conspirators;—I am informed of his name, and the route he takes, and have but little doubt as to the objects of his mission.—And yet I believe it is not in my power to adduce such proof as would justify a civil magistrate in committing him to prison. And should I arrest him upon my own authority, a writ of Habeas Corpus would most probably, rescue him from my possession, and he might then be enabled to fulfil the treasonable duty with which he may be charged.
Assured of the fidelity and patriotism of the great body of the American people; assured also, that by the vigilance of the general and state governments, many of the adherents of the conspirators with their boats and supplies have been arrested on the waters of the Ohio, and that the arm of the nation is raised against them; I apprehend no permanent misfortune, nor can this territory, in the worst of times, experience, other than a temporary peril.—We however owe it to our immediate safety to continue for the present our measures of precaution; and in addition to those already adopted, the expediency of suspending for a short time, (and under such restrictions as may be best calculated to protect the innocent, “the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,” is recommended to your consideration.
(Signed)
WM. C. C. CLAIBORNE. New Orleans, Feb. 10, 1807.
[On receipt of the foregoing message, the House of Representatives thought it advisable to ask the opinion of the courts and the United States district attorney, as to the constitutionality of the measure.—The following answer was returned:]
New Orleans, Feb. 12th, 1807.
SIR,
In consequence of your letters of yesterday, we have examined the ordinance by which this territory is governed, and unite in the opinion that the legislature thereof has not the power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus.
We are, with due respect, Your most obedient servts.
DOM. A. HALL, GEO. MATTHEWS, Jr. WM. SPRIGG, JAMES BROWN.
John Watkins, Esq. Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(The day after the above letter was received, the following resolution was adopted with but three dissenting voices.)
Resolved, That the House of Representatives of the Territory of Orleans, have examined with attention the Constitution of the United States, and the ordinance of Congress by which this Territory is governed, and are of opinion that they cannot, without violating the Constitution, suspend under any restrictions whatever, the writ of habeas corpus.
New-Orleans, Feb. 19.
On Tuesday last the following resolutions passed both branches of the legislature of this territory.
“Assured of the attachment and devotion of the citizens of this territory, to the government of the U. States—to which, under the auspices of Providence, they are as highly indebted for their present prosperity and happiness—and desiring to give a solemn testimonial to the world, of our firm determination, under all circumstances and at all hazards, to maintain and support that political connexion, which has united our destinies to those of one of the freest and most enlightened people on earth.
“Be it resolved by the legislative Council and House of Representatives of the territory of Orleans, in General Assembly convened, That they have in common with their fellow citizens of this territory, viewed with horror and indignation, the recent developed traitorous conspiracy, against the union, peace and liberties of United America.
“Be it further resolved, That this legislature has been, and will ever be ready to co-operate to the full extent of its constitutional powers, with the executive of this territory, and to defeat as well the machinations of internal foes, as all enterprises from without, which may be hostile to this territory or to the laws, government, and constitution of the U. States.”
Natchez, Feb. 11.
Anxious to relieve the public mind from the agitation caused by the arrestation of a number of persons last evening, we have delayed the publication of the present number, in order to gain correct information.
The following statement is given as authentic:
Early yesterday morning, a negro boy belonging to Dr. John Cummins, of Claiborne county, appeared at the house of Mr. Fairbank's, near the mouth of Cole's creek, enquiring the road to Natchez.—He rode a horse recollecting by Mr. F. as belonging to col. Burr.—The surcoat coat which the boy wore was also recognised as one belonging to Mr. Burr; the suspicion of Mr. F. was excited, and he examined the negro strictly—the boy produced a passport from his master, and a letter to Mr. Archibald Douglass, (in Concordia, Orleans territory) on a local subject;—Mr. F. proceeded to a particular examination of the surcoat worn by the boy, in the cape of which he discovered, after the closest examination, a small billet, of which the following is a correct copy:
“If you are yet together, keep together, and I will join you to-morrow night, in the mean time, put all your arms in perfect order.
“Ask the bearer no questions, but tell him all you may think that I wish to know—he does not know that this is from me, nor where I am.”
“C. T. & D. P.”
The boy was immediately taken into custody, and the papers transmitted to Governor Williams; by whose order a number of persons in this city who descended the river with col. Burr, were arrested. A guard was stationed on the bank of the Mississippi to take charge of the boats of his party (lately arrived) and another at Mr. Michie's, where the arrested persons were collected: they have since been liberated on their parole—and are to undergo a legal examination; which it is expected will take place this day or to-morrow.
The billet is evidently in the hand writing of Burr; the circumstance, however, of the boy's being in possession of his horse and coat, has given rise to a conjecture by some, that he intended the detection of the billet, in order to divert the attention of the officers of government from the route he has taken to escape. We have understood that an order has been given to arrest Dr. Cummins, and therefore suspend giving any opinion on the motives which induced the writer of the note until possessed of further information on the subject. The circumstances attending its detection, were unquestionably sufficient to warrant the measures pursued by the executive, on the occasion.
THE Directors of the North Carolina Gold Mine Company, will be chosen on the first Monday in May next, at Rhodes's Tavern, in this city. WILLIAM THORNTON, City of Washington April 3—5c
NOTICE.
THE Sale of Dr. John Bull's FURNITURE, is unavoidably postponed on account of the weather, but will commence on Friday the 16th April, 11 o'clock forenoon if fair, if not the next fair day, when it will positively be sold without reserve.
SALE AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday the 1st day of April will be sold at public auction at the house of Dr. JOHN BULL'S, living near the Marine Barracks, all his
Household & Kitchen Furniture, consisting of mahogany and other bedsteads, bureaus, chairs, mahogany dining, tea and card tables, sofas, dressing tables, wash stands, Brussels and Scotch carpeting the greater part of which is new, large pier and dressing glasses, lamps, plated and other candlesticks, lamps, handsome grates, fenders and shovels and tongs, curtains quite new and handsomely made, gilt window cornices, beds, matresses and bed furniture, good paintings and prints in frames, dining and tea china, cut and plain glass, silver and plates ware, consisting of tea furniture, ladies, spoons and boilers—also, one coach and a traveling carriage nearly new, with harness; a pair of good squad horses, and one double barrel fowling piece.
The sale to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, if fair, if not, the next fair day and continue from day to day until all are sold.
Terms made known at time and place of sale. The goods may be viewed two days previous to the sale.
SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct. March 2—tcot
60 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Prince George's county on Sunday the 29th inst the three following slaves—a mulatto young man who calls himself BILL STEWART, he was born at Montgomery court house, was once the property of Honore Martin, was purchased of him by the late Rich. Contee who told him to me; he is a likely we 1 made fellow about 21 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, his hands and feet are large; the evening before he absconded he had his hair cut close; he had with him a variety of clothing, viz. 1 blue coat and overalls, one light colored bearskin coat and overalls, 2 fowndown waistcoats 3 fine Irish linen shirts and some coarse shirts, three mullin neckcloths, a fine hat, price 7 dollars; he took away a prayer book, in the first page at which is written Mary Duckett.
JOE who calls himself Joe Grimes, alias Graham, and HARRY, both young negro men about 21 years of age—the clothing of these cannot be described. Joe has one of his arms broken near the wrist, which makes it longer than the other; when he is spoken to he speaks tall as if his tongue was too large for his mouth Harry, I am informed, has several large scars on his body and one of his thighs occasioned by burns when he was young.
The above reward will be paid for confining the three in jail, or 50 dollars for confining Bill in jail so that I get him again.
WALTER BOWIE. July 7—2awit
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, APRIL 3.
We have perused a letter from Richmond, dated on the evening of Monday, the contents of which may be relied on, which states that on the application of Mr. Hay, attorney of the district, a warrant had been issued by Chief Justice Marshall, for taking Mr. BURR on a charge of treason; who had in consequence been brought before the Chief Justice at his chambers on Monday morning. The Attorney-General and Mr. Hay appeared on behalf of the U. States, and Messrs. Wickham and Edmund Randolph on behalf of Mr. Burr. Various testimony was adduced and an argument commenced. There not remaining that day sufficient time to close the enquiry, the next morning was appointed for continuing it. It does not appear, that the Chief Justice had made any decision. He had, however, admitted Mr. Burr to bail until the next day, himself in 5,000 dollars, with two sureties in the sum of 2,500 dollars, each, viz. John Gamble & Thomas Taylor, both federalists. The Capitol was fixed upon as the place for the continuance of the enquiry. Mr. McCrea, it is also stated, had been employed as assistant counsel on the part of the prosecution.
Extract of a letter, dated Richmond, March 30th.
“Col. Burr continued in the custody of the party who brought him from the southward until this day, when he was taken by the marshal, and carried before judge Marshall. I understand (for the examination was private) that he was prayed in commitment on two grounds. The first for having been guilty of treason; the other for raising an armed force, with an intention of carrying on hostilities against a power at peace with the U. States. They have gone through the proof relating to the first charge, and will proceed to an investigation of the proof as to the second to-morrow. The general impression here is that Mr. Burr will be discharged. The judge allowed him to enter into a recognizance this day in the sum of 5,000 dollars for his appearance before him to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock, when it is expected the examination will be closed.”
A Chillicothe paper of the 21 ult. contains a letter, received from St. Louis, which states the arrest and holding to recognizance, on a charge of conspiracy, major Robert Wescott, col. John Smith, and Henry Dodge.
It is proposed, in the corporation of the city of New York, to lay off in lots a range of land in the neighborhood of the city, for the purpose of enabling the citizens to provide themselves with retreats from the ravages of the yellow fever.
SURVEY OF THE UNITED STATES.
There are few objects more important than the accurate survey of the territory embraced within the limits of nations. The advantages which are derived from such surveys are so numerous, and so intimately connected with the advancement of national as well as individual interests, that it is by no means surprising that the governments of Europe have devoted considerable attention and incurred much expense in effecting them. It is, however, surprising that the United States, where the benefits derivable from such surveys would be so much greater, have betrayed so little solicitude about them. We can only account for this apparent apathy from the multiplicity of important concerns which have claimed the attention of a government yet in its infancy, and from the varying opinions, which in some measure prevail on this point, and which have created a doubt in some minds whether such a work would be the legitimate province of the government of the United States. It is high time that the public mind should be awakened to the importance of this object, that it should decide on the necessity of its attainment, and point out the proper organ and means of effecting it. This is the end of the following remarks.
It is necessary to go into any details to prove the importance of accomplishing a complete survey of all the lands within the limits of the United States? There cannot surely be a man in the U. S. so ignorant as not to acknowledge its importance. As, however, its importance may not be fully appreciated even by those who are not altogether insensible to it, it will not be useless to enumerate some of the leading advantages that would flow from it. It is not, perhaps, a vain hope to calculate upon thus dissipating the apathy of some men, and animating the zeal of others.
1. It would enable the governments, general as well as state, to lay and collect taxes with a more discriminating judgment than at present.
2. It would enable the general government to exercise with wisdom, and on a permanent plan, the important power of designating mail roads. To do this, it is essential that the nature of the ground, the exact situation and size of rivers, and the distances of towns and counties, should be known.
3. It would afford satisfactory information to persons disposed to emigrate from one part of the union to the other.
4. It would enable the state governments to lay out roads, cut canals, and improve the navigation of rivers, so as to come the greatest present and future utility.
5. It would give an opportunity to our youth to acquire correct ideas of their country, and prevent them from imbibing local prejudices; and
6. It could not fail, from the splendor and magnitude of the work, and the display of talent made in it, to impress the European world with a more true and respectful idea of us, thus furnishing them with new inducements, if not to court our friendship, at least to avoid provoking our enmity.
It is confidently believed that a full and candid development of these considerations will satisfy every dispassionate mind of the necessity of attaining this great object.
The next enquiry that presents itself respects the proper organ to effect it.
All will allow that it is a work far beyond individual attainment.
The only difference of opinion that can arise is, whether it ought to be effected by the general or the state governments.
I contend that it is the peculiar and legitimate province of the general government; that it only is competent to accomplish it; that the states are totally incompetent.
It is true that the constitution of the United States denies to the general government all those powers which are not specifically bestowed upon it. A little enquiry will, however, suffice to shew that such a measure as is here proposed is but an incident of powers unequivocally conferred, or is the best, if not the only mean by which they can be effected. It is the duty of the general government to defend the country; and it is among its powers, to lay and collect direct taxes, and to designate the routes to be pursued by the mail. The United States have already, young as they are, been invaded by a foreign force, and disgraced by an insurrection. In both these events, it actually became necessary to march armies, and in one of them to fix military garrisons and to erect fortifications on a large scale. Let those who encountered the difficulties of the revolution (for they alone can) recount the complicated inconveniences, embarrassments and evils they met with from the want of a correct knowledge of the precise situation of the country through which they had to pass; and let transactions events prove the infinite advantages derived from this knowledge. It is a fact that the literature of France has contributed almost as powerfully as the sword to the unprecedented splendor of her triumphs. Will it then be said that knowledge, the most important, and without which the highest power, with which the general government is invested, cannot be fully carried into effect, is not constitutionally within its reach. As well might it be said that the power to build and raise a navy did not give the government authority to send their armed vessels on the ocean, inasmuch as the purposes for which they are to be raised are not designated. It is sufficient to have shewn that the country cannot be effectually, or at least, as well defended without the possession of this power as with it, to convince us that it legitimately belongs to the government. If I have a right to build a house, have I not likewise a right to raise the scaffolding without which it cannot be erected.
The same reasoning applies to the power given to the general government, to lay and collect taxes. To carry this power into effect, so as to render the taxes laid equal and unoppressive, it is absolutely necessary to ascertain the quantity of land in each district and its value, which knowledge cannot be acquired in any other way than by such a survey as is proposed; the power to make which survey is therefore an essential attribute of the power to lay taxes.
But that power of the general government, which, in its actual exercise, bears most directly on this point, and requires, towards its establishment, less implication or inference, is that of designating the routes to be pursued by the mail.
This subject might be dilated on to a great extent; but the object of this piece is merely to offer a text, which, it is hoped, will receive an ample commentary from other pens.
FURTHER EXTRACTS
From Findley's History of the Pennsylvania Insurrection.
“When the President returned to Philadelphia, the secretary of the treasury remained, and marched with the right wing of the army, and on the march, and at different encampments, in the Western country, was extremely attentive to the wants of the army and was looked up to by many in it, as something more than even the commander in chief. The superb marque, which he occupied and which was by far more extensive and elegant than that of the commander in chief on that expedition, or as the officers lay, in the war with Great Britain, contributed to draw the attention of the army and of the country people to him as a man of more than common authority.
“In what character he assumed this superior state and influence, or to what extent he carried his authority, I have not been informed. It is well known, however, that orders were sometimes issued by him, and that he considered on officer in the army, as beyond his controul though much of his authority was probably exercised through the instrumentality of others; some pretty high instances of this were not concealed. It is well known, that by his own authority, he wrote a severe reprimand for supposed

misconduct to the commander in chief of the right wing of the army, in consequence of which, that officer was treated in a manner not becoming his rank; but it is of no importance to trace the character he assumed, or the authority he exercised, in the army; for to him has been ascribed, by some in the army, the measure of discipline that was preserved in it, and the regularity of the supplies they received; though this was undoubtedly ascribing too much to him, as a number of valuable officers occupied the various stations in the army. There is no doubt, however, but his attention and industry were of great service. It is the secretary's connections, however, with the judiciary, that is of the greatest importance to examine. In this he was generally taken, or perhaps mistaken to be, the principal director. To mention all the instances of the authority he exercised as a civil magistrate, would lead me beyond the intended compass of this work; a few instances shall only be selected.
"The commander in chief had his headquarters for some time at the house of major Powers, between Youngstown and Monongahela rivers, and the quarters of the judiciary were at the next plantation. Major Powers had not only behaved well through the whole of the troubles, but had been zealously employed in endeavoring to restore order from an early period, till it was finally established. He had been a member of several meetings for that purpose, and was one of the committee of twelve who settled the terms of amnesty with the commissioners at Pittsburgh, & took an active lead in his neighborhood, in procuring a compliance with those terms, his services were acknowledged while he was paid a larger sum than he demanded for his trouble and expenses."
"After the judiciary and part of the army had gone to the town of Washington, major Powers was invited by a polite letter, to wait on the secretary at that place, which was above thirty miles distant. When he arrived the secretary examined him about the conduct of certain characters, with some of whom he was not even acquainted, but particularly about the conduct of Mr. Gallatin, at the meeting of Parkinson's ferry, &c. On major Powers not answering to his satisfaction, he complained of the difficulty of obtaining information, and advised major Powers to retire an hour, to refresh his memory, in order to be re-examined, and spoke to an officer present to conduct major Powers into another chamber; in all this, the secretary appeared to treat him politely, but he was not a little surprised when he found himself thrust into a room among other prisoners, and there confined under the point of the bayonet. This he thought an odd situation for cool recollection if he had needed any. At the time appointed he was taken again into the presence of the secretary, who asked him if he had recollected himself so far as to give more satisfactory information; on being answered that he had nothing further to recollect, having already related all he knew, the secretary then suddenly assuming all his terrors, told major Powers that he was surprised at him, that having the character of an honest man, he would not tell the truth, alleging, that he had already proofs sufficient of the truth of what he knew he could testify, if he would. After some further insulting language and threats, major Powers was committed close prisoner under a military guard; and though the most unexceptionable bail was offered for permission to go to his family, it was refused, and he was marched under a military guard to Pittsburgh, and there detained till the eighth day after he was taken into custody. The secretary being gone, the judge sent for major Powers, and when he was brought into his presence, invited him to sit down, assuring him that he had no charge at all against him."
"It will appear in various other instances, that it was usual with the secretary to assert to those whom he was examining, that he was possessed of sufficient proofs already of the facts to which he endeavored to extort testimony. The spring following, major Powers was much disposed to bring an action against the late secretary, for the treatment he had received. He thought it necessary for the vindication of the government, as well as to obtain satisfaction to himself, but finding that he would be obliged to go to New-York to prosecute, on the advice of his friends he relinquished the design."
"John Hamilton of Washington is high sheriff of that county, and col. of a regiment of militia, in the Mingo Creek settlement; though a number of this regiment were known to have had an active hand in the attack on the inspector's house, and were in fact considered as the greatest promoters of the insurrection, yet he not only kept himself free from those outrages, but endeavoured, as soon as he heard of the design, to prevent the rendezvous at Braddock's field. It was he who informed Bradford that the arms and ammunition in the garrison at Pittsburgh were designed for general Scott's expedition against the Indians, and with the assistance of some others persuaded him to countermand the orders, and pro-
cured his promise to prevent the march. (See chap. viii.)"
"When he could not prevent the march to Braddock's field, he put himself at the head of his regiment, and was very instrumental in preventing further outrages from being committed. At the court that was held for the county of Washington, a short time after the commissioners left the country, he proposed to take any twenty of the leading insurgents, and lodge them in the county jail, if writs were issued for that purpose, but it was not thought advisable to issue the writs, until it should be known what measures the commissioners would recommend to the President; and until the inflammation would be more effectually cooled down. The sheriff, however, to give testimony that he could have accomplished what he proposed, executed every writ of cahias that he had in his hands without difficulty. He attended all the meetings for restoring order with a view to prevent outrages. His being abroad to order, and living where he did, merited higher approbation, than if he had remained where the citizens generally were less disposed to riot."
"Yet it has been asserted, that this man was by the predetermination of the secretary or the treasury, doomed to be sacrificed as an atonement; to justify this determination by motives of humanity, the secretary suggested that col. Hamilton had no family to lament his loss; and as he understood he was a man of considerable influence in the country, he did not doubt but though it might be difficult to find proofs against him, he was as guilty as any of them."
"Colonel Hamilton was informed by a friend of designs against him time enough to make his escape, but conscious of his innocence he preferred traveling above thirty miles to where the judiciary then was, and presenting himself to judge Peters, informed him that he had heard there was a charge against him, and requested to have it examined. The judge said he was then too much engaged, but would call on him presently; that day, however, passed, till the evening, when major Lenox, the marshal, in the most delicate manner he could, told him he must put him under guard, but afterwards dispensed with arresting him, and only took his promise that he would not depart till judge Peters would converse with him; but the next day the marshal informed him that he had special orders to put him under guard, which he did accordingly, though with evident regret. The sheriff here remarks that major Lenox treated him with as much friendship and politeness as the nature of the case could possibly admit, and let me add that that officer's politeness is generally well spoken of."
"On the third day after he demanded an examination, and the second after he had been put under guard, he was sent back to Washington town, from whence he had come, in custody of a small party of horse. The judiciary having arrived at Washington, the sheriff applied to judge Peters again to have his case examined, who told him he would in half an hour, but on the ninth day after he first applied to the judge, he was sent close prisoner to Pittsburgh, and from thence to Philadelphia, paraded through the streets with an ignominious badge in his hat, and thrown into the cells without his case having ever been examined. After an imprisonment of near two months and a half, he had his case brought before the supreme court on a writ of Habeas Corpus, and on examination nothing being found against him, he was admitted to bail. At the circuit court, held in Philadelphia, in June following, a bill for misprision of treason was sent to the grand jury against him, but every witness that was sworn testified largely in his favor. There was not even a suspicious circumstance found against him."
"Thus a man, who was at the time sheriff of the county, and a colonel of militia, and who, in a part of the country, and in circumstances where temporing might have been excusable, was not only clear of any charge, but had merit, was selected by the secretary for a victim, and without being examined, illegally taken from the exercise of an office, at that time of importance to the peace of the country, and dragged down to Philadelphia in the winter, paraded in a barbarous manner through the streets, thrown for some time into the cells, and though, after a long confinement admitted to bail, yet obliged to attend again at Philadelphia to stand a trial apparently because the secretary of the treasury had determined on his destruction. It is probable, that it was only motives of humanity that operated to prevent major Powers from being also sent to Philadelphia, for he has a wife and family, and we are informed that the sheriff of Washington, having no family to lament after him, was assigned by the secretary as one reason why he was selected as an object of atonement."
"It is not easy to assign probable reasons for selecting these two men as objects of vengeance. They had both been friends of order during the continuance of the disturbances, though they were naturally quiet, and never had distinguished themselves in political contests, nor taken any lead in the discussion of public measures. Perhaps the principal motive for treating major Powers with such unjustifiable severity, was to extort testimony from him, and to teach others what they might expect, if they did not give such testimony against certain characters, as the secretary required. As col. Hamilton was the sheriff of the county, and col. of the battalion, where the insurrection originated, his rank and the relation he stood in to that county, were probably the reasons of his being selected."
"My first personal acquaintance with either Powers or Hamilton, was at the meetings for restoring order, on which occasion their conduct was that of good citizens, and such as entitled them to my esteem. Hamilton was not a member of any of them, more than myself. I was much surprised, when I saw him in Philadelphia gaol, but, especially when I found that he had been committed without any charge or examination."
"When he was admitted to bail, he told me he was about to put a statement of his case in the newspapers, but I advised him not to do it at that time, alleging that with the means that were used to procure testimony against him, it was probable, that some plausible charge might be produced on the trial, and that as some others were committed without examination, who were probably equally innocent, it was best to publish nothing till the final result on the trials would be known. This narrative is taken from col. Hamilton's own statement of the case, and from my own knowledge."
"I have stated, that undue influence was used to procure testimony against certain individuals, and given an instance of it in the case of major Powers; I will add another instance in relation to sheriff Hamilton."
"During the time sheriff Hamilton was waiting to have his case examined, and before he was put into close confinement, a certain John Baldwin was under examination. He was interrogated alternately, by secretary Hamilton, judge Peters, the district attorney, the inspector, and Mr. Vaughan, a light horseman, from Philadelphia; the two last of whom treated him with the greatest indignity. In the course of the examination, every means were used to induce him to testify against the sheriff. Baldwin had candidly informed them of himself being one of the committee at the burning of Nevil's house, and of the persons concerned in that riot, &c. and assured them that the sheriff was not concerned in the business. He was then urged to testify that the sheriff had notified his regiment, to assist at that riot, &c. and when he refused to give testimony to that purpose, because it was not true, he was insulted, and told that he equivocated, and evaded swearing the truth, and was assured that on his conduct, he had forfeited the benefit of the amnesty to which he was otherwise entitled, and also his life and property, in not testifying to what they demanded of him (and of which, he adds, he was conscious it was not true,) and told that he could only save himself by giving such testimony."
"David Hamilton and others were treated in much the same manner, in order to extort testimony against sheriff Hamilton, and though no testimony could, even by these means, be extorted, yet this innocent man was subjected to the insults and sufferings already related."
"I have been informed of various other cases, wherein improper methods were used to influence witnesses, but as a recital of them would swell these sheets to an improper length, I shall decline mentioning them at present, and conclude this chapter with an extract from Mr. Breckenridge's Incidents, page 78."
"In collecting evidence against me, there was no pains spared—in the examination of witnesses, when brought forward, there was no boot nor other instrument of torture in the hands of the examiners; but there was certainly every address to the fears of individuals, to extract from them an acknowledgement of something said or done by me. I am unwilling to mark any thing as contrary to my ideas of propriety, but declaring in all, I have seen or heard, I have nothing else to mark, I take the liberty of stating as what was considered by me as improper, viz. the suggestion to the witnesses in the course of the examination, that the enjoyment of the amnesty which they claimed, depended on the candor with which they gave testimony against others."
"In page 75, the secretary lays down his pen and interrupts Mr. Breckenridge, while he is proceeding in his testimony, and says, "I observe one leading trait in your account, a disposition to excuse the principal actors, and before we go further, I must be candid and inform you of the delicate situation in which you stand; you are not within the amnesty; you have not signed upon the day; a thing we did not know, till we came on this ground, I mean the Western country, and though the government may not be disposed to act rigorously, yet it has you in its power, and it will depend on the candor of your account, what your fate will be."
"Mr. Breckenridge answers, "I am not within the amnesty, and am sensible of the extent of the power of the government; but were the narrative to begin again, I would not change a single word."
"Mr. Breckenridge had conducted with such address, in a situation which rendered it necessary for him to temperate, that he knew he was in no danger from the usual mode of process, but he also knew, that the power of the government, with which he was threatened, conveyed another idea. He had observed, the innocent & the guilty, indiscriminately, in many instances, subjected to unusual sufferings and insults, by the power of government, as exercised by the secretary. If such powerful addresses were made to the hopes and fears of Mr. Breckenridge, who from his profession was able to judge of his own situation, what may we not expect was done, with such ignorant people, as did not know what part of their conduct or expressions might be deemed criminal. It is observable,
that though the subpoena for Mr. Breckenridge, came from judge Peters, yet the examination was conducted, and the terrors, &c. dispensed by the secretary."
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, ch. 20, 1807.
Mr. Clay submitted the following motion, for consideration: Resolved , by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, (two thirds of both Houses concurring) that the following article be proposed to the legislatures of the several states, which, when ratified by three fourths thereof shall be valid, as a part of the constitution of said United States:
"ART. XIII. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to controversies between citizens of different states; between citizens of the same state, claiming lands under grants of different states; nor between a state or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects."
Mr. Thomas H. Balch, an ingenious artist of Newburyport, has just completed a compound Magnet, which by its attractive powers alone, will raise 112 pounds weight. American.
HILL'S SURVEY. There has been no enterprise for which public patronage has been solicited in this city for many years, that has been more justly entitled to the attention and support of the liberal and intelligent, than, " Hill's Survey of the Vicinity of Philadelphia ," which includes a plan of 60 miles in circumference and has been brought to perfection by five years labor of an individual without patronage.
The expenses have been enormously great and would have sunk the spirit of any man not actuated by the most extraordinary degree of perseverance and confidence in the generosity of the public, in which alone, a remuneration can be expected. Phil. Paper.
A STRAY COW.
Strayed away on the 15th of March last, a white and black spotted COW, about 5 years old, had on when she went away a small BELL, with the letters C D E K, and the word "WASHINGTON" in full, scarcely legible, unless closely examined. It is supposed she directed her course towards Rock Creek Church or Tenley Town; she being frequently found at the latter place. Whoever gives information at this Office where she may be found, shall receive a liberal reward.
CORN. DR KRAFFT. April 3—3t
A list of Letters remaining in the Post-Office at Washington City on the 1st day of April, 1807.
A. Lieut. William Henry Allen, Thomas G. Addison, Esq. 2, William Adams.
B. Sam. Bell of Saml. Richard P. Berrian 2, Maria Butler, James Brown, Commodore F. B. Broovorth, Henry Butler, Hon. Geo. Baldwin 2, William Berry, Mrs. Liddy Betch, Gen. Wm. Barton, Abababard Bradford, Esq. David Best, William Brent, jun. Abraham Barge, Silas Butler, Mrs. Mary Bowland, N. Brice, Esq. Miss Jane Barnhouse, Thomas K. Beall, Hon. Frederick Bates, Esq. Benja. C. Bartlett, Joel Barlow, Esq. Doctor Benfon, James Biscoe, Miss Elizabeth Beall.
C. William Chooborough, Richard Crump, Esq. Patrick Collins, Thomas Cook 2, Mrs. Crawford, (care of Richard Forreth,) William Collins 2, George Crooks, Elias B. Caldwell 2, Mr. John Curran 2, Midfn. Overton Carr, jr. Mr. Henry Craig, Mr. Edward Colston.
D. Clement Dorsey, Esq. Danl. Dovlin, John Darby, Esq. Mr. William Douglass, George B. Dexter, George Dashiell 3, Capt. Decatur, M. Amedee De Muin, Ailsey Dermot, James L. Donaldson, Esq. Isaac Davis, Benja. Dulany, Jun. Esq. Francis Donnley.
E. Evan Evans 2, Thomas Eldridge, Samuel Estil, Doctor Thomas Ewell 2.
F. Mr. Louis Forman, Mr. Daniel Fox, Agoneus Faunce, Miss Jane Farr, Isaac Foller, Richard Freeman, Esq. David Ferguson, Capt. Danl. Freeman.
G. Thomas F. Gamble, Miss Gatewood.
H. Miss Milly Horkins, Mr. Alexander Harper, William Hughes, John Hopkins, John Hoye, Esq. James Hughes, Esq. Capt. Isaac Hull, Capt. Samuel Hayward, Miss Hannah Hopkins Mr. George A. Hughes, Lieut. John Howard 2, Mr. Garrard Hopkins 2, Mr. Richard Holme, Charles W. Hare, Esq. Colonel S. Hammond.
I. Major Walter Jones, junr. Mrs. Elizabeth Innes, Honble. Richard M. Johnston, Esq. Mr. Anthony John-
son. Mr. Danl. Kiler, Joseph King, Michael Kromianacker 2.
L. Benjamin Lee, Esq. Jacob Leray, David Lutter, Charles C. Lewis, Esq. Mrs. Lyne, Lieut. John R. N. Luckett 2, Meriwether Lewis, Esq. 2.
M. Mr. Owen, McGowen, Peter, Mills Esq. Robert J. Murray, George B. Magruder, Walter M'Connell, Mr. John Major, Mr. Morrison, Anthony Morales, Esq. 2, Lieut. Francis L. Mitchell, John M'Clary, Lieut. Murdock, Lieut. M'Donough, Humphrey Marshall, Esq. 2, Mr. John Maune, Miss Montgomery, Lieut. Charles Morris.
N. Joseph Nichols, (care of Mr. Charles Goldsborough.)
O. Midfn. John Oneal.
P. Mr. George Pickett 2, Mr. William Parsons, John Wilkes Pratt, Esq. 2. Levy Proctor, Mr. James A. Pearce, William Pole, Richard Parle, Phil. G. Penleton, Esq. Robert W. Peacock, Esq. Mr. Jonathan Price, Mr. William Parker.
R. John Rowan, Messrs. Wm. Rhodes & Son, Miss Sufannah Rorchor, Richard Riker, Esq. 2. Capt. John Robertson, D. M. Randolph, Esq.
S. Mr. David Stuart, Capt. Francis Smith, Mr. Richard Sprigge, Mr. Michael Stultz, Mr. Henry Smothers, Saml. Hoy Smith, Esq. John Sheppard, Mrs. Agostino Sera, Miss Fanny Shorter, Godefrey Smith, Mr. George Stout, Mr. Henry Snewly, Lieut. Thomas A. Smith, Mr. Charles Shaw 2, Robert Story, Esq. Mr. Solomon Stinton, Mr. John Smith, Mrs. Ann Strong, Richard Stuart, Wm. O. Sprigge, Esq. Mr. John Showard, Mr. David Slater, Mr. John Simonson, Mr. Samuel Stebinero.
T. Monsieur Monhou le Colonel Witeen Trefoiser, Leonard Travis, Esq. Doctor Robert L. Thorn, Doctor Thornton, Mr. John Tappan, Mr. Benjamin Thomas.
V. Mr. William L. Venable, Mrs. Cecilia Vanallen.
W. Mr. Abel Willford, Mr. John Walker, Hugh Wilson, Esq. Mr. Joseph Waincoat, Joliah Whetney, Esq. 2. Capt. Wederstrandt, Mr. John Wetzel, Colo. John Whelen, Mr. Elio Williams, George Walker, Esq. Mr. Wm. Walker, Mr. Henry Wilkinson, Mr. Robert Winfat, Elio Whitmoy, Esq. 2 Mr. Nicholas Wailon, Mrs. Sarah Wilson, Mr. John Wilson 2.
Y. Thomas Young, Jun. Esq.
WILLIAM DUANE, OFFERS FOR SALE,
THAT valuable LOT on which his Bookstore stands, in Pennsylvania avenue; it measures 52 feet on the avenue, occupies the whole side of the square on Sixth street, and 40 feet front on C street, with the buildings thereon. It will be disposed of on very moderate terms for cash or secure negotiable paper. Also the ERICK HOUSE near Blodget's Hotel, and the Two LOTS of Ground on one of which it stands. The house was built for a store, and is very lofty and has a dry cellar and plastered garret. This will be sold on similar terms as the above. Apply to R. C. Weightman, at the store, who is authorised to sell either or both. April 3—3t
SALE AT AUCTION.
WILL be sold at Public Auction on Tuesday the 7th inst. at the house of Adam Lindsay near the Navy Yard, sundry articles of Household and Kitchen Furniture, consisting of feather beds, bedsteads, chairs, tables and desks, andrums, shovels and tongs, knives and forks, crockery, queen and glass ware; scales, weights and measures, herring in barrels. Also, a Gig and harness, a plough and harrow nearly new, spades, hoes and shovels, and many other articles not enumerated. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. The terms of sale cash. ISRAEL LITTLE, Auct. April 3—2t
CAUTION.
ON or about the 8th of November, 1806, I passed my note to Thomas Crowley, of Washington city, for one hundred dollars,—Payments have since been made him, some of which have not been receipted on the back of the note, (but which receipts I have in possession). I am under the necessity of cautioning all persons from taking an assignment of said note, as I am determined to pay no part of what may appear due thereof, until my title to the property for which the note was, in part given, shall be cleared of all encumbrance. NICHOLAS WHELAN. April 3—3t
NOTICE.
TAKEN up, a stray, a small BLACK COW, and has got a tail, has no mark perceptible she has been about here all the winter. The owner is requested to come and prove property, pay charges and take her away. ARCHIBALD CRESHER. April 3—3t

This is to give Notice The subscriber has obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington county, in the district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of MATHIAS HART , late of Washington deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the 30th of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of March, 1807. ABIGAIL HART, Adm x of Mathias Hart.
SALE AT AUCTION. Will be exposed at public sale, at the dwelling house of JOHN LOWRY, Sen. on Greenlea's point, on Saturday the 11th of April, at one o'clock post-meridian, all the gun-smith utensils belonging to the late MATHIAS HART , deceased consisting of six vises, an anvil, hammers, files and bellows, some iron, brass and copper, and almost every kind of tools necessary in the gun smith line, and also some guns and pistols, likewise some kitchen furniture. N.B. There is also deposited with the late Mathias Hart, some guns for repair, the owners are requested to prove their property and take them away, otherwise they will be considered as belonging to the estate. ABIGAIL HART, Administratrix. ISRAEL LITTLE, Auct. April 1-3t.
WANTED. To do the duties of a SHIP'S STEWARD , A smart, active, and attentive man, one who writes a good hand, and is acquainted with accounts, is of sober and regular habits, and can produce good recommendations. Apply to the Editor of this paper, or to ROBT. W. GOLDSBOROUGH , Washington, April 1-3t.
JUST RECEIVED, 3000 Bushels Coarse Lisbon SALT, And a quantity of fresh Lisbon LEMONS In boxes in excellent order, for sale by WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH , Georgetown, April 1-2w.
10 Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday the 15th ult. a negro man named DANIEL , about 30 years of age, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, stout made, has a lump on the outside of one of his feet, likewise some lumps on his back, and several light scars in his face, also a scar on the upper joint of his left fore finger, occasioned by the cut of a knife; he can read, and passed the Falls Bridge on Sunday night the 22nd ult. and said he was going to Georgetown and the city of Washington, but may probably pass on to Baltimore. His clothing when he went away was a short blue coat with skirts, fawn-down jacket, and striped lindsay trousers, white yarn stockings, &c. his other clothes not remembered. I purchased him last fall of Mr. Robert Gussell of Virginia, who purchased him some years ago of Capt. John Turbeville, I will give the above reward to any person that will secure him in any jail or give information to me in Fairfax county, Virginia, so that I get him again. H. GUNNELL, Jun. April 1-2w
Seventh, at Charleston, Rocky Mount, on the head waters of the Santee, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of North and South Carolina. Eighth, at Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Virginia. Ninth, at Fort M c Henry, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Maryland and the district of Columbia. Tenth, at Fort Mifflin, Carlisle, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, east of the mountains, and within the states of New Jersey and Delaware.
Eleventh, at Pittsburg, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania west of the mountains. Twelfth, at Fort Jay, West Point, Albany, Schenectady, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the state of New York, Niagara and its dependencies excepted. Thirteenth, at Fort Trumbull, Fort Wolcott, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Connecticut, Rhode Island and Vermont. Fourteenth, at Fort Independence (Boston harbor) and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield, and the district of Maine excepted. Fifteenth, at Portsmouth, Portland, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the state of New Hampshire and the district of Maine.
Sixteenth, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations, which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts, and for the armoures and other persons employed, in the United States' armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1808 to the 31st day of December in the same year, both days included. A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the United States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago for six months, in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transp d , or at any time in case of urgency such supplies of the provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper. It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid by the United States at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable character and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed. The privilege is understood to be reserved to the United States of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed, and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the seaboard, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months. H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. February 25-2aw6w
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be exposed at public Sale, to the highest bidder, at the farm lately occupied by Mr. Richard Crampkin, and at his late dwelling in the town of Bladensburg, on Tuesday the 5th day of April, next if fair if not the next fair day—all the residue or unford part of the deceased's personal estate, (except the crop of tobacco) consisting of a valuable man servant, a pair of well grown oxen, about 80 barrels of merchantable corn, 150 bushels of clean rye, about 10,000 weight of Hay, and various other articles too tedious to mention. The sale will commence on the farm, at 9 o'clock in the morning, and continue from day to day until all is sold. Terms of sale, a credit till the 10th day of March 1808, for all sums above Ten pounds, the purchaser or purchasers to give bond, with two good and sufficient securities, (trebleholders if required) carrying interest from the day of sale; and for all purchases to the amount of Ten pounds and under, the cash is to be paid—No property will be delivered until previously paid or bonded for, as aforesaid. THOMAS BOWIE, Adm r . of Richard Crampkin. March 23-tdof
PUBLIC NOTICE. Pursuant to a Resolution of the House of Representatives of the United States of the 3d day of March instant, I am ready to receive separate Proposals, in writing, for the supply of such articles of Stationery as may be necessary for the service of the said House, until the fourth day of March, 1807, and also the like proposals for the execution of all the Printing business of the said House, and for the supply of Fuel during the same time. The several species of Stationery, Printing and Fuel wanted, are subjoined to this advertisement, and the proposals must be accompanied with the names and residence of sufficient securities for performance. JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States. City of Washington, 25th March, 1807.
STATIONERY WANTED. Letter paper, hot pressed, vellum, extra large, } per ream. Do. do. plain, } Folio post, wove and plain, } Do. medium size, for engrossing, } Pencil, } Peach made pens, per hundred and quills per hundred, } per lb. Red Dutch red wax, } Do. black do. } Red wafers, } Common black sand, in papers, and Wafer boxes, and pounce boxes per dozen, } per dozen. Half pint phials, with corks, } Low priced folders, } Lead pencils, } Red tape, in pieces } Ink of the best quality per gallon } Indian rubber, per bottle } Parchment in skins per dozen, cut dressed, and pounced for use, 28 by 32 inches } Office penknives and crafting knives.
PRINTING WANTED. Plain work, per sheet, octavo, 300 impressions of each sheet } Bills numbered per line, in sheet or half sheet, folio } Figure work, } Rule & figure work, } same number of impressions. Table work, } Folding and stitching, per hundred, for any number of documents exceeding three half sheets, and thence to twenty half sheets, and for all above. } Book-binding in boards } per folio and octavo volume marked and lettered. —calf } —sheep }
FUEL WANTED For the supply of the next session, 100 cord good sound Hickory Wood, to be delivered, sawed, packed and measured, in the public cellar of the Capitol, at the expense of the contractor, the whole to be delivered on or before the first day of October next; a proportion of the purchase money will be advanced on giving sufficient security for performance. And for the supply of the next succeeding session of Congress, 50 cord, to be delivered in like manner, and at such time as may be agreed upon. JOHN BECKLEY. Washington, March 30-3w
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 16-tf
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in ovals from 3 to 144 acres, for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanon at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Warden, living on the premises, near the western branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON, Barnaby, 15th June 1805-tf
CHARLES A. BURNETT, HAS received from London and Liverpool a handsome assortment of articles in his line, consisting of WATCHES & JEWELRY, Silver, Tortoiseshell, and steel Spectacles. Table knives and forks with ivory handles, Pen knives and scissors, Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket BOOKS. He also continues to manufacture gold and silver ware, at the most reduced prices. George Town Dec. 2d-tf
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a deed of trust from James Wigfield to the subscriber will be sold to the highest bidder on the 27th of May next at the hour of 11 o'clock A.M. on the premises a lot of ground supposed to contain ten acres with the wood thereon situated near the lower Eastern branch bridge and on the road leading to Marlinton. Terms of sale cash. BENSON L. MOOREWICK, Trustee. February 27-wtdof
By the Orphans Court of St. Mary's county, February term, eighteen hundred and seven. ORDERED that James Biscoe, executor of Deborah Wolkenhauer, late of St. Mary's county, deceased, give the notice required by law for creditors to exhibit their claims against the estate of the said deceased, and that the same be published once a week for six weeks in the Fredericktown Herald and National Intelligencer. In testimony whereof I have set my hand, this 4th day of March, Anno Domini, one thousand eight hundred and seven. JAMES FORREST, Reg. Wills for St. Mary's county.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Baltimore has obtained from the Orphans Court of St. Mary's county, in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Deborah Wolkenhauer, late of the county aforesaid, deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the 4th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand, this 4th day of March, Anno Domini, eighteen hundred and seven. JAMES BISCOE, Executor. arzh 20-6t
The thorough Bred Horse MONTICELLO, NOW IN HIGH ORDER. Will be let to Mares the ensuing season, to commence the first of April, at my seat, near Georgetown, at FIFTEEN DOLLARS , per Mare, for which a note must be sent payable the first of September, and one dollar to the groom; or in lieu thereof, ELEVEN DOLLARS in money. Good and extensive pasturage, well enclosed, at 50 cents per week, and the mare fed, if required, at the market price, for which the money must be sent. The greatest care taken to prevent accidents or escapes, but will not be responsible for either. JOHN THRELKELD, March 23-tf
FOR SALE, Fresh Red CLOVER SEED, By JUNIS CRAVEN, near the Navy Yard. March 23-1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESP fully informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by Miss ELIZA ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia, A choice assortment Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennets, Velvets, and Cordes, Callimanes, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Tolliets, rich silk Mouselin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. N.B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. Richard Haswell's celebrated patent parallel suspender, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. November 12-tf
TAKE NOTICE. The Commissioners of the tax for Prince George's county, will meet at Upper Marlborough, on Monday the 6th day of April next and continue to sit for eighteen days, for the purpose of making entries of such alterations as have taken place in the property in said county since their last meeting. Test TRUEMAN TYLER, Clerk. March 20-w3t
Valuable Seats for Iron Works. THE subscriber offers for sale between Five and Six Thousand acres of Land bounded on one side by James River, including big and little Owen's Creek, and sit in Amelia county in the state of Virginia. This land is in the mid of a well and thick settled country, about 100 miles above the city of Richmond. There are not more than 30 acres of it cleared. The remainder is heavily timbered—consisting of large pines, white oaks, poplar, black walnut and chestnut. On Big Owen's creek, and within 600 yards of James river, which is navigable for boats at all seasons of the year—there is an excellent site for any kind of water works. The stream is rapid and constant, and about three miles from the seat are, as it is believed inexhaustible banks of iron ore, which the subscriber has secured and which will be sold with the land. This ore has been tried and proved to be of a very superior kind. The land adjoining the seat is of excellent quality. Two hundred acres of smooth meadow might be made on the creek. The upland although hilly in places is well adapted to small grain, and a great proportion of it is suitable to the raising of tobacco. Immediately around the site for water works are inexhaustible LIMESTONE Quarries, together with great quantities of the best building stone. In short there are many advantages combined to render this a most eligible spot for the erection of iron works, or any other kind of water works. It is deemed unnecessary to say more concerning this property than to request those who desire to purchase to view it. It will be shown by captain Henry Halloway in the neighbourhood. The price will be moderate, terms of sale, which will be made very easy, will be made known on application to the proprietor residing in Georgetown district of Columbia. NATHAN LUFON JOUGH, Georgetown, February 16-wtd
By the Orphans Court of St. Mary's county, February term, eighteen hundred and seven. ORDERED that James Biscoe, executor of Deborah Wolkenhauer, late of St. Mary's county, deceased, give the notice required by law for creditors to exhibit their claims against the estate of the said deceased, and that the same be published once a week for six weeks in the Fredericktown Herald and National Intelligencer. In testimony whereof I have set my hand, this 4th day of March, Anno Domini, one thousand eight hundred and seven. JAMES FORREST, Reg. Wills for St. Mary's county.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Baltimore has obtained from the Orphans Court of St. Mary's county, in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Deborah Wolkenhauer, late of the county aforesaid, deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the 4th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand, this 4th day of March, Anno Domini, eighteen hundred and seven. JAMES BISCOE, Executor. arzh 20-6t
The thorough Bred Horse MONTICELLO, NOW IN HIGH ORDER. Will be let to Mares the ensuing season, to commence the first of April, at my seat, near Georgetown, at FIFTEEN DOLLARS , per Mare, for which a note must be sent payable the first of September, and one dollar to the groom; or in lieu thereof, ELEVEN DOLLARS in money. Good and extensive pasturage, well enclosed, at 50 cents per week, and the mare fed, if required, at the market price, for which the money must be sent. The greatest care taken to prevent accidents or escapes, but will not be responsible for either. JOHN THRELKELD, March 23-tf
FOR SALE, Fresh Red CLOVER SEED, By JUNIS CRAVEN, near the Navy Yard. March 23-1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESP fully informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by Miss ELIZA ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia, A choice assortment Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennets, Velvets, and Cordes, Callimanes, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Tolliets, rich silk Mouselin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. N.B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. Richard Haswell's celebrated patent parallel suspender, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. November 12-tf
TAKE NOTICE. The Commissioners of the tax for Prince George's county, will meet at Upper Marlborough, on Monday the 6th day of April next and continue to sit for eighteen days, for the purpose of making entries of such alterations as have taken place in the property in said county since their last meeting. Test TRUEMAN TYLER, Clerk. March 20-w3t
Valuable Seats for Iron Works. THE subscriber offers for sale between Five and Six Thousand acres of Land bounded on one side by James River, including big and little Owen's Creek, and sit in Amelia county in the state of Virginia. This land is in the mid of a well and thick settled country, about 100 miles above the city of Richmond. There are not more than 30 acres of it cleared. The remainder is heavily timbered—consisting of large pines, white oaks, poplar, black walnut and chestnut. On Big Owen's creek, and within 600 yards of James river, which is navigable for boats at all seasons of the year—there is an excellent site for any kind of water works. The stream is rapid and constant, and about three miles from the seat are, as it is believed inexhaustible banks of iron ore, which the subscriber has secured and which will be sold with the land. This ore has been tried and proved to be of a very superior kind. The land adjoining the seat is of excellent quality. Two hundred acres of smooth meadow might be made on the creek. The upland although hilly in places is well adapted to small grain, and a great proportion of it is suitable to the raising of tobacco. Immediately around the site for water works are inexhaustible LIMESTONE Quarries, together with great quantities of the best building stone. In short there are many advantages combined to render this a most eligible spot for the erection of iron works, or any other kind of water works. It is deemed unnecessary to say more concerning this property than to request those who desire to purchase to view it. It will be shown by captain Henry Halloway in the neighbourhood. The price will be moderate, terms of sale, which will be made very easy, will be made known on application to the proprietor residing in Georgetown district of Columbia. NATHAN LUFON JOUGH, Georgetown, February 16-wtd
Bank of Columbia, March 19th, 1807. THE Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per cent per annum—the same will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives at any time after this day. WILLIAM WILSON, Cashier. Georgetown March 20-ep6w