The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-03-24 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL GARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. DCCCXIX.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, MARCH 24, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 6.
DEBATE.
ON MR. GREGG'S RESOLUTION.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. N. WILLIAMS. The subject now under consideration calls for a display of all the knowledge and experience of commercial men and statesmen. And although I do not profess to be of either class, yet if I should chance to bestow a note of information upon a subject of such vast importance to this country, it will no doubt be favorably received by this honorable committee.
The resolution now under discussion has for its principal object the protection of the active commerce of our country; it therefore becomes us perhaps, before we enter into the merits of the measure proposed, to inquire whether commerce is of itself so important to us, as to demand our protection. This first enquiry might seem unnecessary, and even extraordinary, had we not witnessed so recently upon this floor, the very light and trivial manner in which the commerce of this country has been treated, and had we not heard the very strange opinion, that it ought to be left to take care of itself.
It is possible that the agricultural class, which embraces a very great and respectable part of the population of our country, will look for some evidence of the benefits to be derived to them from the protected enterprise of our merchants. Those benefits, however, are so obvious to an attentive observer, that very little need be urged to render them apparent. It has been justly said that agriculture and commerce are handmaids to each other. Indeed their interests are strongly and durably interwoven. Commerce has a direct tendency to raise the price of the product of the farmer's labor, by seeking in every part of the world the best markets for our articles of export, and by bringing back and scattering through the country that circulating medium, which cherishes industry, and sweetens the toils of the labourer. If we had not an active commerce among our own citizens, it is evident that foreign merchants and nations only, would be enriched by the profits of our agriculture, would convert us into mere diggers of the soil for their benefit, and would thereby gain the means of insulting and degrading us more abundantly. The price of our produce will lessen in the proportion that we curtail the means of transporting it to the best foreign markets, and the means will assuredly be curtailed if we withdraw our protection from the enterprise of our citizens upon the ocean. Declare to foreign nations that the active commerce of this country meets no longer the fostering care of government, and you will soon hear of their tenfold insolence upon the seas; and our vessels frowned from the enjoyment of their rights there, will find an asylum in our harbors only, where they will be left to rot. The produce of our country must share a similar fate, unless we consent to dispose of it to foreign merchants and speculators, at any price they may please to offer for it. But what is not less important, if we have a regard for morals and happiness, a horrid picture here presents itself; that moment you stagnate the vent of your grain, an extensive inland country will be mandated with whiskey and the destructive vices which flow from the free use of it.
Although important, this is far from being the most important view which may be taken of this subject. It is a conceded point, that our government must by some means or other have revenue. The greatest statesmen and patriots of this country, have united, I believe, in considering commerce as our most natural and most fruitful source of revenue and riches. It presents a mode of fiscal exaction, the most in unison with the spirit and feelings as well as the interests of the American people, that of indirect taxation. By this mode the consumers of articles of foreign growth and manufacture, contribute freely and copiously to the support of our government, and to that fund which is destined to the payment of the national debt, and this too without feeling in a great degree the weight of the contribution. But the moment, sir, we give up this source of revenue, or expose it to the cupidity and rapacity of foreign powers, a resort to modes of taxation less congenial with the spirit of freedom must be inevitable. Let those who are for giving up this, look about and see what other sources of revenue our country can furnish. Experience, that mother of wisdom, has already instructed us, that excise laws are too odious in many parts of our country, to be borne; indeed this source of revenue would at best be trifling. Personal property is of a nature too occult and too liable to shift and change to become a safe and permanent source of revenue. The sale of the public lands, relied on by some, is an expedient, which on many accounts will be slow and inefficient; but if the sentiment prevails of leaving commerce to take care of itself, and my
notions are correct that such a measure will paralyse the industry of the farmer, it may very justly be doubted, whether our wild lands will meet with a ready market. What then I would ask, remains, but a land tax, to supply a fund to meet the necessary calls of our government; a tax so odious in many parts of our country, as to be one of the powerful causes of the overthrow of one administration, and if again resorted to, may possibly produce the destruction of another.
Should considerations like these, thoroughly pursued, prove insufficient to convince gentlemen, that the commerce of this country is worthy to be shielded by her protecting arm, I may despair of doing it perhaps, by any further arguments within my power to adduce. But it is certainly deserving the remembrance of this honorable body, that our government by the course it has taken, has long since pledged itself to support the rights and interests of our merchants upon the ocean. Aside of the immense revenues drawn from their enterprise and industry, we may consider the measures alone, adopted by our government to protect and guarantee their interests, by compacts with foreign nations and armaments for their defence, as having the direct effect of luring them to embark their property upon the seas with the most implicit security, and with almost a certain assurance that this protection should be continued. In short, I do not see, how it can be denied, that these privileges are as much entitled to the protection of government, as those, equally, though not more sacred, which are enjoyed by our fellow citizens upon land. To relinquish any of them would be taking a step towards a dastardly abandonment of our independence as a nation—and would be announcing to every people on earth, that we have become so tame and submissive that we are willing to be converted into simple tools and instruments for their use and profit, and to desert the defence of our own sacred rights. Whatever course policy or wisdom might have dictated to this nation a priori respecting commerce, it is evidently too late now to retrace our steps; nay, we cannot do it, short of treachery towards the mercantile interest, and without rendering ourselves a subject of derision and contempt to all Europe. If we shrink on the present occasion from that bold and energetic course which the times seem to call for, what a respectable figure we shall cut in history! This will be our story. The American nation finding her commerce in the Mediterranean pestered by the petty barbarous powers surrounding that sea, blustered and talked manfully like Bobadil in the play. Now this hero was invincible, or he would not have talked so valiantly. "Twenty more, kill 'em! Twenty more, kill them too!" But the moment their rights upon the ocean were assailed by a nation at once respectable and powerful, they meanly shrunk from the contest, and in vain did their admired executive endeavor to rally the representatives of the people, in support of the firm and dignified measures which he recommended.
If therefore it is clear, as I trust it is, that commerce is the great supporter of agriculture, that it is at the same time the most rational and most prolific source of revenue and riches to our country, and if in addition to this, government has pledged itself to a vast body of respectable citizens in every part of the U. States, to protect their property legally employed in commerce; to say that this commerce shall now be left to take care of itself, of all the insulting mockeries ever offered to this nation, this appears to me the most insulting. But with many, and I do not suffer myself to doubt, with a great majority of this committee, this question may be considered as at rest—commerce is worthy of our protection. Our natural situation and the laudable enterprise of our citizens, which leads them into every sea and to every land, have made it ours, and we cannot abandon it without being guilty of the most palpable folly.
Should any gentleman here really believe, notwithstanding the volumes of evidence which have loaded our tables to the contrary, that our commercial rights have not been injured or insulted by the British nation, I confess I should feel myself at a loss how to address him. If he will discredit what all our merchants, all our statesmen, and the best writers upon the law of nations declare to be true, I should consider him as irrecoverably lost in the region of doubts, where I should be disposed to leave him in the undisturbed enjoyment of his own gloomy imagination. Indeed, so clear does this subject appear to me, that I fear it would be wasting time even to state a grievance so well known to all. G. Britain has for many years stiled herself mistress of the ocean. And in truth it cannot be denied that she has erected upon that element a colossus of power which overlooks and would overawe all the nations on the globe. 'Rule Britannia' is an old song of her singing; and I have somewhere read that the ballads of a nation go far to portray, if not to form the spirit and propensi-
ties of a people. Consequently jealous of every other commercial nation, this haughty queen would naturally endeavor to suppress the rapid and lofty soaring of the American Eagle. This jealousy has of course given rise to those principles which she attempts to interpolate into the laws of nations, and of which we now complain; such as—That a trade opened to neutrals by a nation at war on account of the war, is unlawful: That a vessel on her return voyage is liable to capture, on account of having carried, on her outward voyage, contraband articles to an enemy's port. To these may be added the right which she daringly assumes and cruelly executes, of impressing persons from American bottoms, sailing under the American flag upon the high seas; and other principles not less important though totally destitute of any legal or equitable foundation, and against which this nation ought to lift up her hands to Heaven by way of solemn protest. And what is alarming to all reflecting men is, that the courts of G. Britain, which have hitherto stood high in the estimation of all civilized nations for integrity, and for legal and political knowledge, have been found of late servile enough to attempt to weave into the code of nations, any principles which have been recommended by that government as favorable to her interests. Now it appears to me, sir, that that the question is not so much whether we shall surrender to that nation those particular branches of the carrying trade, which have given rise to our disputes with her, or whether we shall be allowed to retain any free commerce upon the ocean at all. For all must see that although that nation is slow and cautious in its progress to absolute maritime sovereignty, yet her strides are firm and determined; and nothing is more certain than this, that whatever rights we resign with tame submission are gone forever. It is alarming to hear it said, as it has been upon this floor with a kind of triumph,—What! shall we quarrel with a powerful nation for so trifling an object as the carrying trade? Such blindness is to me astonishing. That nation and her courts have not till lately insisted with any hope of establishing, upon the principles now contended for. It is now an experiment only. She will either advance or recede according to the spirit with which we meet her usurpations. This is only one step in the ladder, and this ladder reaches round the globe. A nation which makes convenience and power the only rule of right and justice, will find no end to her pretensions. Today she finds it convenient to prohibit our carrying the surplus colonial produce in our markets to foreign countries: to-morrow she will find it convenient to prohibit the carriage of our own produce, in our own bottoms, to foreign markets; and she always has power to enforce the dictates of her convenience. No, sir, I would not surrender one single right which our interest and honor call upon us to defend: and more especially, if by receding one step, we jeopardize all the fair features of our commerce, let us boldly contend for every vestige.
This I hope and trust we shall attempt to do, by every means which God and Nature have so abundantly placed in our power. Means, which if applied with firmness and energy, will doubtless produce the desired effect. But what are these means is the question. The proposition now under consideration, or something similar in principle, meets, I am told, the approbation of our greatest and wisest statesmen. Those in this House who will take a calm survey of our situation, I am strong in the belief, will also approve this measure, or one not much unlike it. The wisdom and penetration of the British cabinet will soon perceive, that such a measure, if adopted, is calculated to raise up among them at home and in the West-Indies, a host of hungry and clamorous advocates for our rights, and they will soon see the policy, if not the necessity, of treating us with justice. But without taking some step which discovers firmness and decision on our part, I would ask what privilege we can expect to preserve, except that alone which is seldom denied to the weak & contemptible, the privilege of being plundered and insulted without reserve. To talk of offensive war is unnecessary, it is childish. The weapons within our reach are not at present warlike, though capable of wounding deeply. Some however are of opinion that this measure will lead to war. I think differently. It will in my opinion preserve peace and our commerce at the same time. We have a right surely to say to any nation that injures and offends us, that we will stop all intercourse with her, until she consents to do us justice.
But this project is to lead to measures of defence, and to a loss of revenue! This in a degree is true. And with those who weigh national rights and honor in the same scales with dollars and cents, this may prove an insurmountable objection. But I have calculated, that our ports and harbours will not be left in their present exposed situation, even though this measure should not be adopted. I do hope at a-
ny rate that we shall find patriotism enough here to preserve us from this national disgrace. As to a loss of revenue, it will be but temporary. But our economical system forbids even this loss! Shall we suffer ourselves to be seduced by this plausible and popular, this sacred word—economy? I love economy as much as any body. But let us remember the object of this measure. Shall we, for fear of losing a few millions of dollars devoted to the sinking fund, jeopardize that sinking fund itself? Those who are solicitous, and none can be more solicitous than myself, to pay the national debt, will prove themselves willing, I hope, to pursue the means, and the only rational means of doing it. Let economy be embraced as far as it can be, in consonance with honor and safety. This is true economy. Another sort may be popular, but I pronounce it dangerous.
I do not pretend to have entered into a detailed account of the loss or gain of revenue, which will follow the adoption of this measure. It would be difficult to do it with accuracy, and viewing the subject as I have done, it is unnecessary. It is sufficient for me to know that the loss will be but temporary, and such as we can bear, and that the gain will be durable and honorable to our country. With respect to the various resolutions laid upon our tables relative to this subject, I have some difficulty in deciding which I would prefer. Those which affect specific articles, by laying a duty upon them, are not clear of difficulties. You cannot make a selection without materially affecting certain sections of the union. The resolution now under discussion cuts deep, but I think it deserves a preference.
It is unfortunate, sir, that any gentleman upon this floor should attempt to raise up distinctions among our citizens, or to hold up to the odium of the community a class of men so numerous & respectable as that of our merchants. If mercantile men are avaricious, agricultural gentlemen, I take it, are not totally destitute of greediness. They both labor no doubt, to preserve their profits, and the honorable gentleman from Virginia himself told us the other day, that he had not yet sold his tobacco.
MR. MASTERS. I shall not deny that Great Britain has insulted us by impressing our seamen, neither shall I deny that that nation has committed wanton aggressions and depredations on our commerce, and that commerce ought to be protected. That the resolution under consideration, is the best course to be pursued for the interest of this nation, I shall contend against.
Restraints and prohibitions between nations have always arisen from two circumstances, the first to promote their home industry or manufactures. The liberal price of wages, joined with the plenty and cheapness of land, which induces the laborer to quit his employer and become planter or farmer himself, who rewards with the same liberality which induces his labourers to leave their employment for the same reasons as the first—therefore it is impossible for manufactures to flourish in this country in our present situation.
The case in most other countries is very different, where the price of labour is low, and the rent and the profit consumes the wages of the laborer, and the higher order of people oppress the inferior, which I hope never to see in this country.
It may rationally be calculated that some of the eastern and middle states will eventually become manufacturing states; some of those states are nearly filled with people, and many individuals have large capitals employed in foreign commerce, to the amount in many instances of two and three hundred thousand dollars cash. When peace takes place in Europe, and things come down to their natural standard, and they can no longer employ that capital to advantage in commercial speculations; they will withdraw the same from that employment; they must make use of those capitals some where; they cannot vest them to any advantage in our public funds, bank stock or other corporations beyond a certain extent; they therefore by the aid of water works and machinery, will naturally employ those capitals in manufactures, & I trust the time is not many years distant. That is not now the case, & can have no bearing on the present question; indeed it is hardly contended that the resolution is brought forward for that purpose, it must therefore be brought forward for some other purpose.
The other circumstance, which gives rise to prohibitions between nations, arises from the violence of national animosity, which generally ends in war. This circumstance has brought this resolution into existence, the preamble speaks warlike language, and the whole taken together is a prelude to war with a nation who has two hundred ships of the line, four hundred frigates, besides gun brigs and other armed vessels, whose revenue is between forty and fifty millions sterling, who can go to war with us without any additional expence to themselves, who will sweep the ocean of American commerce, amounting to nearly one hundred million of dollars.
What then will be the situation of your carrying trade? what then will be the situation of your commerce and your country?
But the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Crowninshield) has told us "if we go to war we can do G. Britain the most injury." The navigation of their merchant vessels is principally carried on under convoy, or some individuals may fit out a few privateers & capture now & then a vessel, and put some prize money in their private pockets, it cannot be of any advantage to the nation which will groan under poverty and distress.
It appears to me a matter of great deliberation how far we ought to adopt the present resolution by prohibiting the importation of British manufactures; in every country it ever was, and always must be the interest of the great body of the people to buy whatever they want of those who sell it cheapest. We cannot procure the same articles so cheap elsewhere; even should the measure not involve us in a war, prohibitions and reveyes naturally dictate retaliation, and nations seldom fail to do it. The hon. mover of the resolution, (Mr. Gregg) asks us, "how it is to be inferred, we cannot abide by and execute this system." It is to be inferred from retaliation, and observation of nations who have preceded us. When France in the year 1667 laid discriminating duties on Holland, the Dutch retaliated by the prohibition of French wines, brandies and the like: a war followed, and the peace of Nimeguen regulated their commercial disputes. About that time the English prohibited the importation of lace manufactured in Flanders; the government of that country, which was then under the dominion of Spain, immediately retaliated and prohibited all importation of English woollens. Soon after this the French and English mutually began their heavy duties and prohibitions, and have ever since been in commercial disputes, quarrels, and hostilities; and we with our eyes open are going into the same system. The same hon. gentleman has also said it will attack Great Britain in her vitals, in her manufactures and warehouses—it seems a bad method of compensating injuries done to us, to do another worse injury to ourselves, which I believe will be the case by adopting the present resolution; it will have a natural tendency to retaliation and revenge.
It is very problematical whether the carrying trade is advantageous to this nation. Our merchants in that employ transporting foreign produce from Batavia, and the West Indies to the United States, and storing the cargoes for some time in warehouses and reshipping the same to Holland, the Hanse towns, Antwerp in French Flanders and other ports, and in some instances taking the avails of those cargoes and proceeding to China, from whence they return with teas, in other instances proceed to England and lay out the avails in British goods, and then making circuitous voyages of two and three years, with those large capitals out of our country, and before they can realise those cargoes so as to purchase our domestic produce.
My worthy colleague from N. Y. who has just sit down, (Mr. Williams) has observed, "that commerce is essential to this country and agriculture naturally goes with it." This proposition taken abstractedly I shall not deny, and then asks us "where is the revenue to support government." I will answer that gentleman, by asking him the same question. Where is the revenue to support government when nearly one half of that revenue is derived from G. Britain and her dependencies? I would ask that gentleman where is to be the market for 25,000,000 weight of cotton annually exported, (it is not to be presumed they will not retaliate in every particular) where is to be the market for your tobacco, potashes, flaxseed, provisions and other domestic produce, exported from this country to G. Britain, the British East and West Indies, and Newfoundland to the annual value of between 20 & 30,000,000—rely on it if you adopt this measure, you will embarrass all the operations of the community, and must have recourse to direct taxation on the farmer, who will be unable to pay, for the want of a price for his produce; your merchants become bankrupts and you distress the agriculturalists.
The same hon. gentleman from Pennsylvania, has further observed "it will be such a shock upon G. Britain, she will not be able to endure it." Let that gentleman reflect on the wealth and maritime power of that country. Ever since my memory, the approaching ruin of G. Britain has been frequently foretold, after all the anxiety, after all the vain attempts, they yet regulate the commerce of the world. I must confess, I have but little faith in undertaking commercial regulations with that nation, and I believe we shall shew a very pretty figure in the attempt, and be obliged to recede with disgrace, and I cannot vote for the present resolution.
[To be continued.]

CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is Published
By SAMUEL H. SMITH.
TRIAL
OF
SAMUEL CHASE,
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Su-
preme Court of the United States,
IMPEACHED
By the House of Representatives, for
HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEAN-
ORS, before the Senate of the United
States.
Taken in short hand,
By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS
LLOYD.
In Two large Octavo Volumes.—in
Beards, price—10 subscribers four
dollars and a half—and to non-subscri-
bers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in
the publication of this trial than the Editor
contemplated. He has, however, the satis-
faction of saying that no effort has been omit-
ted by him to give it to the public at an
earlier period. The delay has arisen from the
revision of the speeches of the Managers and
Counsel. The publication might long since
have been made in a less perfect dress; but it
was deemed highly desirable that in a case,
which, independently of its own importance,
might be a precedent in future times, to sacri-
fice time rather than precision. The work
now appears before the public with the ex-
ecution of the Editor that it will be con-
sidered as meriting the character of an impar-
tial, correct and faithful statement of facts.
All the speeches have been revised, and insert-
ed at length, in connection with whatever
else formed a part of the trial.
Editors of other prints will confer a benefit
by inserting this advertisement a few times in
their papers.
March 24—
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 20.
A communication was received from
the Post Master General, comprising a
statement of contracts made for carry-
ing the mail.
The following message was received
from the President of the U. S.
To the Senate and House of Represen-
tatives of the U. S.
It was reasonably expected that while
the limits between the territories of the
U. S. and of Spain were unsettled, nei-
ther party would have innovated on
the existing state of their respective po-
sitions. Some time since, however, we
learnt that the Spanish authorities were
advancing into the disputed country, to
occupy new posts and make new settle-
ments. Unwilling to take any measure
which might preclude a peaceable ac-
commodation of differences, the officers
of the U. S. were ordered to confine
themselves within the country on this
side of the Sabine river, which, by de-
livery, of its principal post, Natchitoch-
es, was understood to have been itself
delivered up by Spain; and, at the
same time, to permit no adverse
post to be taken, nor armed men to re-
main, within it. In consequence of these
orders, the commanding officer at
Natchitoches, learning that a party of
Spanish troops had crossed the Sabine
river, and were posting themselves on
this side the Adais, sent a detachment
of his force to require them to withdraw
to the other side of the Sabine, which
they accordingly did.
I have thought it proper to communi-
cate to Congress the letters detailing this
incident, that they may fully understand
the state of things in that quarter,
& be enabled to make such provision for its
security, as, in their wisdom, they shall
deem sufficient.
TH: JEFFERSON.
FRIDAY, MARCH 21.
Mr. Mumford, from the committee
their independence, freedom and hap-
piness, permanent and secure, and
whose political life will be transmitted to
posterity, in the fairest pages of histo-
ry, as a model of public virtue, and true
patriotism. In canvassing for the elec-
tion of another President, and in at-
tempting to excite jealousies, and dis-
turb the harmony and unanimity of the
nation, at this momentous crisis—be-
sides the low personal abuse, which,
while that subject was before under con-
sideration, has been levelled at a great
number of the most respectable mem-
bers of this House—all of which, I deem
a gross violation of its dignity, and the
honor of the nation, and which I will
set my face against, while I am honor-
ed with a seat on this floor—
Our rules, on this subject are either
misconstrued, or they are defective—I
shall, therefore, propose an altera-
tion. But by this, said Mr. T. I wish not to
be understood, as having any reference
to the low invectives, directed at my-
self, the other day, by a member, whom
I, exercising a constitutional right, cal-
led to order, when, in my opinion, he
was outraging decency and decorum—
for I viewed that only as a stroke, in the
desperate struggle of one, who from
disappointment and chagrin, was politi-
cally strangled by his own hands, and
just expiring—I feel, far above being
affected by any thing of this kind, indi-
vidually, but I feel for the dignity of this
House, and for the reputation of the
American government—And in order,
if possible, to prevent this kind of trans-
gression in future, by bringing questions
of order fairly before the chair and the
House, I will submit the following reso-
lution:
Resolved, That when a member is
called to order by another, he shall im-
mediately sit down, and the member cal-
ling the other to order, shall then be
allowed to state the points, which he ob-
jects to, as being out of order, so that
the decision of the chair, and the House,
may be taken thereon.
Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Clark. Before I sit down I will
lay a resolution on the table, which I
have for some time past kept in my
drawer. I will do this with a view of
affording this House an opportunity of
exercising one of its constitutional pow-
ers. I consider the House of Represen-
tatives as the immediate guardians of
the rights of those whom they represent.
They are more dispersed throughout
the U. S. than any other class of public
men, and from them on their return
home the people may rationally expect
a more complete information of what is
passing here than from any other per-
sons. In so extensive a country there
is a better chance of their affairs being
known through this organ than through
their independence, freedom and hap-
piness, permanent and secure, and
whose political life will be transmitted to
posterity, in the fairest pages of histo-
ry, as a model of public virtue, and true
patriotism. In canvassing for the elec-
tion of another President, and in at-
tempting to excite jealousies, and dis-
turb the harmony and unanimity of the
nation, at this momentous crisis—be-
sides the low personal abuse, which,
while that subject was before under con-
sideration, has been levelled at a great
number of the most respectable mem-
bers of this House—all of which, I deem
a gross violation of its dignity, and the
honor of the nation, and which I will
set my face against, while I am honor-
ed with a seat on this floor—
Our rules, on this subject are either
misconstrued, or they are defective—I
shall, therefore, propose an altera-
tion. But by this, said Mr. T. I wish not to
be understood, as having any reference
to the low invectives, directed at my-
self, the other day, by a member, whom
I, exercising a constitutional right, cal-
led to order, when, in my opinion, he
was outraging decency and decorum—
for I viewed that only as a stroke, in the
desperate struggle of one, who from
disappointment and chagrin, was politi-
cally strangled by his own hands, and
just expiring—I feel, far above being
affected by any thing of this kind, indi-
vidually, but I feel for the dignity of this
House, and for the reputation of the
American government—And in order,
if possible, to prevent this kind of trans-
gression in future, by bringing questions
of order fairly before the chair and the
House, I will submit the following reso-
lution:
Resolved, That when a member is
called to order by another, he shall im-
mediately sit down, and the member cal-
ling the other to order, shall then be
allowed to state the points, which he ob-
jects to, as being out of order, so that
the decision of the chair, and the House,
may be taken thereon.
Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Clark. Before I sit down I will
lay a resolution on the table, which I
have for some time past kept in my
drawer. I will do this with a view of
affording this House an opportunity of
exercising one of its constitutional pow-
ers. I consider the House of Represen-
tatives as the immediate guardians of
the rights of those whom they represent.
They are more dispersed throughout
the U. S. than any other class of public
men, and from them on their return
home the people may rationally expect
a more complete information of what is
passing here than from any other per-
sons. In so extensive a country there
is a better chance of their affairs being
known through this organ than through
licentious presses. With regard to the
public character, who is the object of
this resolution, I have long had sus-
picions, and I have since found, from
what I consider good authority, these
suspicions confirmed. I have good reason
to believe that a man high in office, no
other man than the Post-master-general
of the U. S. has been combining and
machinating against the representatives
of the people, and that he has used his
efforts to seduce a press [Mr. Clark is
understood here to have alluded to the
Aurora] to aid him in a claim depend-
ing before this House. I know of one
authority which could relieve this
House from the necessity of discharging
what may be considered an unpleasant
duty, by getting rid of what may be call-
ed a public nuisance. I mean the Pre-
sident of the United States. It is be-
cause I believe that great and good man,
whose greatest fault, if he has a fault,
consists in his goodness, has not been
fully informed on this subject, that this
course is rendered necessary. I have
such confidence in the President, that I
believe, if he had received this informa-
tion, he would not have suffered this
officer to remain a mom nt in place.
But good, just, and honest himself, he
listens to ear wigs who surround him,
who extol this officer, and whisper
sweet things in his favor. I think it a

All the allied forces were to have withdrawn from Hanover before the end of this month. A number of transports were collected for the conveyance of the British troops, and the Swedes were falling back upon Pomerania.
The death of Count Woronzow, the Russian minister, is confirmed, by intelligence from St. Petersburg of the 28th ult. General Andreossi is to be the French ambassador to the court of Vienna, into which city the emperor was to make a humiliating entry about the middle of January. The archduke Charles was expected to enter that capital, at the head of part of his army, the day after it should be evacuated by the French, which would be either on the 10th or 11th instant.
The new kings of Bavaria and Württemberg, though not at open war, have, through their subjects, already come to blows. Some little squabbles have taken place about demarcations, in which the troops of his majesty of Württemberg were obliged to give way. The Bavarian army was to be increased to eighty thousand men, a force, if properly disciplined, sufficient to prove a most effectual barrier, to any sudden movement hereafter, on the part of Austria.
ST. PETERSBURG, Dec. 22. Yesterday, at five in the morning, our beloved sovereign returned in good health, to the great joy of this capital, being met by the joyful acclamations of the inhabitants of all ranks. We were the day before yesterday, apprised by the publication of the following article in the Court Gazette:
Holitsch, Dec. 8. "The exhausted powers of the court of Vienna, the misfortunes it has sustained, together with a want of provisions, have compelled the Roman emperor, notwithstanding the strong and vigorous support he has experienced from the Russian troops, to conclude a convention with France, to which also a peace must soon succeed. His imperial majesty having come to his assistance as an ally, had no other object in view than his defence, and the averting of those dangers which threatened his empire; and since his majesty the emperor, under the present circumstances, has deemed the presence of the Russian troops no longer necessary in Austria, his majesty has been pleased to order them to leave Austria, and to return to Russia. The relation of the hostile operations, to the period of their cessation, will be published in a short time.
TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN AUSTRIA & FRANCE.
His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria and his majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy, equally animated with a desire to put an end to the calamities of war, have resolved to proceed without delay to the conclusion of a definitive treaty of peace, and have in consequence named as plenipotentiaries to wit:
His majesty the emperor of Germany and of Austria, the prince John Lichstein, prince of the holy Roman empire, grand cross of the military order of Maria Theresa, chamberlain, lieutenant general of the armies of his said majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, and proprietor of a regiment of hussars; and count Ignaz de Guylai, commander of the military order of Maria Theresa, chamberlain of his said majesty the emperor of Germany & Austria, lieutenant general of his armies and proprietor of a regiment of infantry; and his majesty the emperor of France, king of Italy, Charles Maurice Talleyrand Périgord, grand chamberlain, minister of foreign relations of his said majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy, grand cordon of the legion of honor, and knight of the red and black Eagle of Prussia; who having exchanged their full powers, have agreed as follows:
ARTICLE I. There shall be from the date of this day peace and friendship between his majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, and his majesty the emperor of the French, king of Italy, their heirs and successors, their states and subjects, respectively, forever.
II. France shall continue to possess in property and sovereignty the duchies, principalities, lordships and territories beyond the Alps, which were before the present treaty united and incorporated with the French empire, or governed by the laws and government of France.
III. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, for himself, his heirs, and successors, recognizes the dispositions made by his majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy, relative to the principalities of Lucca and Piombino.
IV. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria renounces as well for himself as for his heirs and successors, that part of the states of the republic of Venice, ceded to him by the treaties of Campo Formio and Luneville, which shall be united to the kingdom of Italy.
V. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria acknowledges his Majesty the emperor of the French as king of Italy; but it is agreed that in conformity with the declaration made by his majesty the emperor of the French at the moment when he took the crown of Italy, that as soon as the parties named in that declaration shall have fulfilled the conditions therein expressed, the crowns of France and Italy shall be separated forever and cannot in any case be united on the same head. His majesty the emperor of Germany binds himself to acknowledge, on the separation, the suc-
cessor to his majesty the Emperor of the French shall appoint to himself as king of Italy.
VI. The present treaty of Peace is declared to comprehend their most serene highnesses the electors of Bavaria, Württemberg, and Baden, and the Batavian Republic allies of his majesty the emperor of the French, in the present war.
VII. The Electors of Bavaria and Württemberg having taken the title of king without ceasing, nevertheless to belong to the Germanic confederation, his majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria acknowledges them in that character.
VIII. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, as well for himself, his heirs, and successors, as for the princes of his house, their heirs and successors respectively, renounces the principalities, lordships, domains, and territories hereafter specified.
Cedes and abandons to his majesty the king of Bavaria, the Margraviate of Burgau and its dependencies, the principality of Eichstadt, the part of the territory of Passau belonging to the elector of Salzburg and situated between Bohemia, Austria, the Danube and the Inn; the country of Tyrol, comprehending therein the principalities of Brizen and Botzen, the seven lordships of the Voralberg, with their detached dependencies; the country of Hohenems, the country of Königsegg, Rottensals, the lordships of Tettnang & Argen, and the town and territory of Bindau.
To his majesty the king of Württemberg, the five cities of the Danube, to wit, Ehingen, Munderkengen, Rudlingen, Mengen, and Sulgau, with their dependencies, the city of Constance, excepted, that part of the Brisgau, which extends in the possession of Württemberg, and situated to the east of a line, drawn from Schlegelburg to Möllbach, and the towns and territories of Wildengen and Bretingen, to his most serene highness the elector of Baden, the Brisgau (with the exception of the branch and separated portions above described) the Ortenau and their dependencies, the city of Constance, and the commanding of Metman.
The principalities, lordships, domains and territories above mentioned shall be possessed respectively by their majesties, the kings of Bavaria and Württemberg, and by his most serene highness the elector of Baden, as well in paramountcy as in full property and sovereignty, in the same manner, by the same titles, and with the same rights and prerogatives, with which they were possessed by his majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, or the princes of his house, and not otherwise.
IX. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, acknowledges the debts contracted by the house of Austria, for the benefit of private persons and public establishments of the country, making at present an integral part of the French empire—and it is agreed that his said majesty shall remain free from all obligation, with respect to any debts whatsoever which the House of Austria may have contracted, on the ground of the possession, and of securities on the soil of the countries which it renounces by the present treaty.
X. The country of Salzburg, and of Berchtesgaden, belonging to his royal electoral highness prince Ferdinand, shall be incorporated with the empire of Austria—and his majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, shall possess those in full property and sovereignty, but by the title of a Duchy only.
XI. His majesty the emperor of the French, king of Italy, engages himself to obtain, in favor of the archduke Ferdinand elector of Salzburg, the cession by his majesty the king of Bavaria, of Würtzburg, such as it has been given to his said majesty by the recess of the deputation of the Germanic empire, of the 25th Feb. 1804.
The electoral title of his royal highness shall be transferred to this principality, which his royal highness shall possess in full property and sovereignty, in the same manner and on the same conditions that he possessed the electorate of Salzburg.
And with respect to debts, it is agreed that the new possessor shall stand charged only with those debts resulting from loans formally agreed to by the states of the country, or the expenses incurred for the effective administration of the said country.
XII. The dignity of grand master of the Teutonic order, in rights, domains, and revenues, which, before the present war were dependencies of Meselstein, the chief place of the order; the other rights, domains and revenues, which shall be found to belong to the grand mastership at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty; as well as the domains & revenues in possession of which the said order shall be at the same epoch, shall become hereditary in the person and descendants in the direct male line, according to the order of primogeniture, in which even the princes of the Imperial house, shall be appointed by his majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria. His majesty the emperor Napoleon promises his good offices to obtain, as soon as possible, for his royal highness the archduke Ferdinand a full and entire indemnity in Germany.
XIII. His Majesty the Elector of Bavaria shall occupy the city of Augsburg and its territory and unite them to his states, in full property and sovereignty. In the same manner the king of Württemberg, may occupy, united to his states, and possess in full property and sovereignty the county of Berndorff; & his majesty the Emperor of Germany
and Austria engages himself to give no opposition.
XIV. Their majesties the kings of Bavaria and Württemberg, and his most serene highness the elector of Baden, shall enjoy over the territories ceded, as well as over their antient estates, the plenitude of sovereignty, and all the rights resulting from it, which have been guaranteed to them by his majesty the emperor of the French, king of Italy, in the same manner as his majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, and his majesty the king of Prussia, over their German states. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria both as chief of the empire, and as co-sestates engages, himself not to oppose any obstacle to the execution of the acts which they have made, or will make in consequence.
XV. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, as well for himself, his heirs, and successors, as for the princes of his house, their heirs and successors, renounces all the rights as well of sovereignty, as of paramount right to all pretensions whatsoever, actual or eventual, on all the states without exception, of their majesties the kings of Bavaria and Württemberg, and of his most serene highness the elector of Baden, and generally on all the states, domains, and territories, comprised in the circles of Bavaria, Franconia, and Suabia, as well as to every title, taken from the said domains and territories; and reciprocally, all the pretensions, actual or eventual, of the said states, to the charge of the house of Austria, or its princes, are and shall be, forever extinguished; nevertheless the renunciations contained in the present article do not concern the properties, which are by the 11th article, or which shall be, by virtue of the 12th article, above, conceded to their royal highnesses the archdukes, named in the said articles.
XVI. The titles of the domains and archives, the plans and maps of the different countries, towns & fortresses, ceded by the present treaty, shall be given up in the space of three months from the date of the exchange of the ratification, to the persons that shall have acquired the property of them.
XVII. His majesty the emperor Napoleon guarantees the integrity of the empire of Austria, in the state in which it shall be in consequence of the present treaty of peace; as well as the integrity of the possessions of the princes of the house of Austria, pointed out in the 11th and 12th articles.
XVIII. The high contracting parties acknowledge the independence of the Helvetic republic, as established by the act of mediation, as well as the independence of the Batavian republic.
XIX. The prisoners of war made by France and her allies from Austria, and by Austria from France and her allies, and who have not been yet restored, shall be restored within 40 days from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.
XX. All commercial communications and relations are re-established in the two countries on the same footing as before the war.
XXI. His majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, and his majesty the emperor of the French, king of Italy, shall maintain between them the same ceremonial as to rank and etiquette as was observed before the present war.
XXII. Within five days from the exchange of the ratification of the present treaty, the town of Presburg, and its environs, to the extent of six leagues, shall be evacuated, 10 days after the said exchange the French, and the troops of the allies of France, shall evacuate Moravia, Bohemia, the Viertel Unter Wiener Wald, the Viertel Unter Manhartsberg, Hungary and the whole of Syria. In the 10 following days they shall evacuate the Viertel Wiener Wald, and the Viertel Ober Manhartsberg; and finally, in the space of 2 months from the exchange of the ratifications, the French troops, and the troops of the allies of France, shall evacuate the whole of the hereditary states of his majesty the emperor of Germany and Austria, with the exception of the place of Brannau, which shall remain for one month at the disposal of his majesty the emperor of the French, king of Italy, as a place of depot for the sick and for the artillery.
No requisition of whatever nature shall be made of the inhabitants during that month. But it is agreed, that at the expiration of the said month no corps whatever of Austrian troops can be stationed or introduced within a circuit of six leagues around the said place of Brannau. It is in like manner agreed, that each of the places which are to be successively evacuated by the French troops within the times above mentioned, shall not be taken possession of by the Austrian troops till eight and forty hours after the evacuation. It is also agreed, that the magazines left by the French army in the places which they shall successively evacuate, shall remain at his disposal; and that the high contracting parties shall make an arrangement relative to all contributions of war whatsoever imposed on the different hereditary states occupied by the French army, an arrangement in virtue of which, the raising of the said contributions shall entirely cease from the day of the exchange of the ratifications. The French army shall draw its provisions and its subsistence from its own magazines, established on the routes by which it is to proceed.
XXIII. Immediately after the exchange of the ratification of the present treaty, Commissaries shall be named on both sides to give up and receive in the name of their respective sovereigns, all parts of the Venetian territory, not occupied by the troops of his majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy. The city of Venice, the Lagoon, and the possession of Terra Firma shall be given up in the space 15 days: Ve-
netian Istria, and Dalmatia, the mouths of the Cattaro, the Venetian Isles in the Adriatic, and all the places and forts which they contain, in the space of six weeks from the exchange of the ratifications. The respective commissaries will take care that the separation of the artillery belonging to the republic of Venice from the Austrian artillery be exactly made, the former being to remain entirely to the kingdom of Italy. They will determine by a mutual agreement the kind, and nature of the objects, which being the property of the emperor of Germany and Austria are consequently to remain at his disposal. They will agree either on the sale to the kingdom of Italy, of the objects above mentioned, or their exchange for an equivalent quantity of artillery, or other objects of the same, or a different nature, which shall have been left by the French armies in the hereditary states.
Every facility and every assistance shall be given to the Austrian troops, & to the civil and military administrations to return into the Austrian States, by the most convenient and sure ways, as to the conveyance of the Imperial artillery, the naval and military magazines, and their objects which are not comprehended in the stipulations of sale or exchange which may be made.
XXIV. The ratifications of the present treaty shall be exchanged within the space of eight days or sooner if possible.
Done and signed at Presbourg the 26th Dec. 1805.
(Signed) CH. MAUR. TALLEYRAND, (L. S.)
(Signed) JOHN PRINCE OF LICHSTEINSTEIN, (L. S.)
(Signed) IGNAZ COUNT DE GUYLAI.
We have approved, and do approve the above treaty, in all and each of its articles therein contained; we declare, that it is accepted, ratified, and confirmed; and we promise, that it shall be inviolably observed, in faith of which, we have given these presents, signed with our hand, counter signed, and sealed with our Imperial Seal.—At the palace of Schoenbrunn, 27th Dec. 1805.
By the Emperor NAPOLEON.
The Minister, Secretary of State, H. B. MARET
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, CH. MAUR. TALLEYRAND.
POSTSCRIPT.
We had already prepared for the press the great mass of Foreign News which occupies the preceding columns, when we received intelligence last evening of the arrival at the Hook of the ship Arcurus, captain Main, in the remarkably short passage of 26 days from Bordeaux.—Captain M. came up in a pilot boat, and has favored us with Paris papers to the 13th of February, inclusive, containing London dates to the 5th. They afford no additional advices worth notice, excepting that Bonaparte reached Paris incognito on the 26th of January, and was receiving innumerable addresses of congratulation from every part of the empire; that the kingdom of Italy was declared hereditary in the posterity of Eugene Beauharnois, who is called EUGENE NAPOLEON, and has Venice annexed to his territory; and that the new administration of England is completely organised. On this subject the Moniteur contains the following articles:—
London, February 4. List of the New Ministry, as it has been definitively settled yesterday, between the King and Lord Grenville.
 Mr. Erskine, lord chancellor;  Lord Grenville, first lord of the treasury;  Lord Henry Petty, chancellor of the exchequer;  Mr. Fox, minister of foreign affairs;  Earl Spencer, home minister;  Mr. Windham, secretary of war and of the colonies;  Mr. Grey, first lord of the admiralty;  Earl Moira, grand minister of the ordnance;  Earl Fitzwilliam, president of the council;  Lord Sidmouth, keeper of the privy seal;  Lord Ellenborough—a vote without office;  The ulterior arrangements are not yet definitively made; nevertheless we believe we may venture to publish the following nominations as likely to take place:—  The Duke of York, commander in chief, with a council;  Mr. Sheridan, treasurer of the navy;  General Fitzpatrick, secretary of war;  Lord Minto, comptroller general;  Earl Temple and Mr. H. Addington, pay masters general;  Lord Spencer and Lord St. John, postmasters general;  Earl Derby, chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster;  Duke of Bedford, lord lieutenant of Ireland;  Mr. Tierney, his principal secretary;  Mr. G. Ponsonby, lord chancellor of Ireland;  Mr. Grattan, chancellor of the Irish exchequer;  Mr. Adam, chancellor to the prince of Wales;  Mr. Pigot, attorney general;  Mr. Romilly, solicitor general;  Mr. Vansittart, secretary of the treasury;  Lord Hamilton and Mr. Elliott, lords of the treasury;  Mr. Bland, judge advocate;  Doctor Lawrence, king's advocate;  Sir Francis Vincent, under secretary of state to Mr. Fox; 
Mr. Creevy, or secretary of state to Mr. Windham;
There will be no change in the king's household. The privy council will assemble to day, where the new ministers will take the oath. We sincerely felicitate our country on the imposing and respectable attitude which the administration is about to give it.
FEBRUARY 5. New Arrangements concerning the Administration.
Mr. Creevy, one of the lords of the admiralty;
Mr. Elliott, principal secretary of Ireland;
Lord Minto, governor general of Bengal;
Lord Robert Spencer, inspector general of woods and forests;
Lord Carysford and lord Fortescue, directors of the mint;
All the new nominations will appear in the Gazette of Saturday.
"Our accounts from Madrid, (says a London paper of the 28th) state positively, that Bonaparte has ordered the Spaniards to march an army into Portugal, or that, if they do not, he shall send a French army through Spain for that purpose."
"Letters by the Lisbon mail (says the Sun of the 27th) state, that the Prince Regent of Portugal, who had for some time labored under a heavy depression of spirits, has been so severely attacked by mental derangement, as to be obliged to retire from all public business. This unexpected event has been the cause of considerable embarrassment to the government."
NAPLES, JAN. 28.
The Russians took their departure from Naples about a fortnight since, in two divisions. There remain at Baya, in the road of Naples, only two Russian frigates. All the Russian generals are gone, after having restored to the king the horses they had required. It is thought they are returned to Corfu. The English left Naples about three weeks since they were posted at Fondi, Terrano, Itri, Moli, &c. They never occupied Gaeta. General Filisad, in the service of Naples occupies that place with a garrison of near 2500 Neapolitans, he constantly refused to admit the English. All the riflings in mass are dissolved. The remainder of the Neapolitan troops occupy Naples, Port St. Elmo and dell' Uovo, and several fortified towns in Abruzzi. The Abruzzos are evacuated.
Count Schulessburg set off this morning to take possession of the electorate of Hanover, which will be put in sequestration till peace takes place between France and England. Mr. Engerleffen is to have the supreme direction of this sequestration.
PARIS, Feb. 11.
Part of the army of the North have arrived at this city. The prince Royal of Bavaria has also arrived.
VIENNA, JAN. 30.
The army of the archduke Charles is broken up, and the regiments returned to their garrisons.
HAMBURG, JAN. 28.
It appears from the Berlin Gazette, that Hanover is to be placed in the hands of the king of Prussia till the definitive peace.
BUST OF WASHINGTON.
The MARBLE BUST of WASHINGTON By CIRACH.
Was deposited in Bordeaux before the death of that artist. It is a most elegant specimen of art, remarkable for strength of expression and exact resemblance; superior even to the one previously executed by Houdon. — It is of colossal size.
Mr. Lee, American consul at Bordeaux, has employed an able artist to multiply copies from it in PLASTER CAST, reduced to the size of life.
He proposes to have them delivered in America, to subscribers only, at TWENTY FIVE DOLLARS each, free of cost, either at the office of the National Intelligencer, or in any port of entry in the United States. No money is demanded till the delivery of the Bust.
Subscriptions received at this Office, March 24
Runaways for Sale.
WILL be sold on the 28th day of April next for their jail fees, at the jail in Washington county one negro man named JACK, about 37 years old, five feet 7 inches high, of a black complexion, he has a natural gap in his teeth, he says he was sold about two years since to a Mr. Kennell (a trader in negroes) from the estate of gen. Bradley, in Sussex county, Virginia.—ALSO, A negro man who calls himself BILLY EVANS, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 7 inches high, considerably marked on his back with the whip, he says he was born free in Northumberland county, Virginia, where he was raised, and apprenticed to the shoe making business—had on when committed, a blue cloth coat, black hat, swandown vest, and ranken pantaloons—It is conjectured that he belongs to a Mr. Shadrach Carter, Amherst county, Virginia. The sale will commence precisely at 11 o'clock. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the district of Columbia. March 19—wtd.