The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-07-02 00:00:00

The Gazette.
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[NUMBER 10.]
[VOLUME 1.]
MONDAY, JULY 2, 1798.
Reason, Truth, Argument, Candor.
i. e. the language of the American Envoys.
So powerful is the language of Truth, that it needs only to be real, to dispel the cloud of falsehood, and the mist of hypocrisy. The reader is here presented with the striking features of two nations. Look scrupulously upon them—read them with the attention their importance claims—and judge of them like Americans. The mask is now torn from the face of the French Directory, and we see it in its horrid deformity—we see it leagued with a band of traitors in our own country, and plotting the destruction of our dearest rights. Under the once enticing name of liberty, these children of darkness, these offspring of corruption, are spreading all the miseries of anarchy.—Read both these papers, and meditate on their contrast.
Officially Communicated.
FEDERAL CONGRESS, Monday, June 18, '98.
The following Message in writing was received by both houses, from the President of the United States:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
I NOW transmit to Congress the dispatch No. 8, from our envoys extraordinary to the French republic, which was received at the Secretary of State's office on Thursday the 14th day of this month.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, June 18th, 1798.
No. 8. Paris, April 3d, 1798.
Dear Sir, WE herewith transmit you the copy of a letter written to us by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, dated the 28th Ventose (18th March) and purporting to be an answer to our memorial of the 17th January.
We also find in this inclosure a copy of our reply, which has been presented this morning. As soon as we certainly know what steps the French government mean to pursue in consequence of this reply, you will be informed of them.—We remain with great respect and esteem, your most obedient servants,
C. C. PINCKNEY, J. MARSHALL, E. GERRY.
Col. PICKERING, Secretary of the United States.
[He encloses Talleyrand's letter, a copy of which is inserted in the last page of this day's Gazette.]
THE MINISTERS PLENIPOTENTIARY AND ENVOYS EXTRAORDINARY,
FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FRENCH REPUBLIC,
TO THE MINISTER OF EXTERIOR RELATIONS.
Citizen Minister, YOUR letter of the 28th Ventose (18th of March) in answer to a memorial of the undersigned dated 17th January, was received the day after its date, and has been considered with the most respectful attention.
In that memorial the undersigned, without furnishing cause for reproach, might have limited themselves to a statement of the numerous and well founded complaints of the nation they represent. They have been induced to extend their observations to other subjects, by that sincere desire to reëstablish harmony and mutual confidence between the two republics, which the government of the United States has never ceased to feel and express. Supposing that those misrepresentations to which human actions and human sentiments must ever continue to be exposed, might have impressed on the mind of the French government occupied with the great and interesting events of Europe, the unfounded suspicion of partiality on the part of America, for the enemies of France, the undersigned cherished a hope that a complete review of the conduct of their government, accompanied with a candid and thorough investigation of the real principles on which that conduct was founded, by removing prejudices, might restore sentiments which the United States have ever sought and still seek to preserve.
In taking this review, it was obvious that a minute discussion of every particular fact might encumber the examination with details which previous explanations had rendered unnecessary, and therefore it was confined to those leading measures of which the particular cases were the necessary result. The undersigned, however, declared, and they still declare, that if the government of the United States has given just cause of complaint to that of France, in any case, they are ready to consider, and to compensate the injury: that negotiation, the opening of which they have for nearly six months unrelentingly solicited, & patiently attended, would if entered upon, demonstrate the sincerity of this declaration.
Still animated by the same spirit which has dictated all their efforts to approach this republic, still searching to remove unfavorable impressions by a candid display of truths, and a frank manifestation of the principles which have really governed the U. States; and still endeavoring thereby to facilitate the restoration of harmony between two nations which ought to be the friends of each other; the undersigned will lay before you the result of their reflections on your letter of the 28th Ventose,
Whatever force you may please to allow to their observations, the relative situation of the two republics, it is hoped, will not fail to convince you that they proceed from the most perfect conviction of their justice.—You contend, citizen minister, that the priority of the complaint is on the side of France, and that those measures which have so injured and oppressed the people of the United States, have been produced by the previous conduct of their government.
To this the undersigned will now only observe, that if France can justly complain of any act of the government of the U. S. whether that act be prior or subsequent to the wrongs received by that government, a disposition and a will to do in the case what justice and friendship may require, is openly avowed, and will continue to be manifested.
Your complaints against the United States may be classed under three heads:
 1st. The inexecution of their treaties with France.  2dly. The treaty of amity, commerce and navigation formed with Great Britain.  3dly. The conduct of their government since that treaty. 
If the undersigned shall be disappointed in their hope to convince you, that on no one of these points can their government be justly implicated, yet they persuade themselves that the demonstration of the good faith and upright intention with which it has ever acted, will be complete and satisfactory. This being proved, and a tender of compensation for any unintentional wrong being made, a base for accommodation is offered, which we must yet hope will be acceptable to France.
1st. The inexecution of the treaties between the United States and France.
Under this head you complain, first—that from the commencement of the war, American tribunals have in effect pretended to the right of taking cognizance of the validity of prizes brought into the ports of the United States.
2dly That against the textual sense of the treaty, the government has permitted the ships of the enemy to come into their ports, after having captured property or vessels belonging to French citizens.
3dly. That it has ordered the arrest of a national corvette anchored in the port of Philadelphia, and that the arrestation has extended to the captain commandant.
4thly. The refusal to provide the means to execute the Consular Convention.
These complaints shall be considered in the order in which they are made.
1st. From the commencement of the war, the American tribunals have in effect pretended to the right of taking cognizance of the validity of prizes brought into the ports of the U. States by French cruisers.
You have not been pleased to state a case in which this right has been asserted, and the undersigned are persuaded that no such case exists.
Far from asserting it, the government of America has expressly disclaimed it. Mr. Jefferson, the then secretary of state, in his letter to Mr. Morris of the 16th of August 1793, which letter was laid before the French government, declares "that the United States do not pretend any right to try the validity of captures made on the high seas by France, or any other nation, on its enemies."
These questions belong of common usage, to the sovereign of the captor, and whenever it is necessary to determine them, resort must be had to his courts. This is the case provided for in the 17th article of the treaty which says, that such prizes shall not be arrested, nor cognizance taken of the validity thereof; a stipulation much insisted on by Mr. Genet and the consuls, and which we never thought of infringing or questioning.
Mr. Randolph the successor of Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to Mr. Fauchet of the 29th May 1795 says, "as to prizes made by legal cruisers on the high seas, it never was the intention of the President to interpose, he having abstained (as the 17th article of our treaty of commerce imports) from examining into their lawfulness."
Mr. Monroe in his letter to your predecessor of the 15th March 1796, says "you will observe I admit the principle, if a prize was taken upon the high seas, and by a privateer fitted out within the republic or its dominions, that in such case our courts have no right to take cognizance of its validity. But is any case of this kind alleged? I presume none is or can be shown."
But the United States have deemed it an indispensable duty to prevent, so far as they could prevent, the practice of hostility against nations with whom they were at peace, within their own limits, or by privateers fitted out in their own ports.
For the reasoning of their government in support of this decision, the undersigned will again refer to the letter of Mr. Jefferson already quoted.
"Another doctrine advanced by Mr. Genet is, that our courts can take no cognizance of questions, whether vessels held by them as prizes are lawful or not; that this jurisdiction belongs exclusively to their consulates here, which have
been lately erected by the national assembly into complete courts of admiralty."
"Let us consider first, what is the extent of the jurisdiction which the consulates of France may rightfully exercise here. Every nation has, of natural right, entirely and exclusively, all the jurisdiction which may be rightfully exercised in the territory it occupies. If it cedes any portion of that jurisdiction to judges appointed by another nation, the limits of their power must depend upon the instrument of cession. The United States and France have by their consular convention, given mutually to their consuls jurisdiction in certain cases especially enumerated. But that convention gives to neither, the power of establishing complete courts of admiralty within the territory of the other, nor even of deciding the particular question of prize or not prize. The consulates of France then, cannot take judicial cognizance of those questions here."
"Of this opinion Mr. Genet was when he wrote his letter of May 27th, wherein he promises to correct the error of the consul at Charleston, of whom in my letter of the 15th, I had complained as arrogating to himself that jurisdiction; though in his subsequent letters he has thought proper to embark in the errors of his consuls."
"The real question is, whether the United States have not a right to protect vessels within their waters and on their coasts? The Grange was taken within the Delaware, between the shores of the Jerseys and of the State, and several miles above its mouth. The seizing her was a flagrant violation of the jurisdiction of the United States. Mr. Genet, however, instead of apologizing, takes great merit, in his letters, for giving her up. The William is said to have been taken within two miles of the shores of the United States, when the admiralty declined cognizance of the case, she was delivered to the French consul, according to my letter of June 25, to be kept until the executive of the United States should examine into the case; and Mr. Genet was desired, by my letter of June 29th, to have them furnished with the evidence on behalf of the captors, as to the place of capture; yet to this day it has never been done."
The brig Fanny was alleged to be taken within five miles from our shore: The Catherine within two miles and an half. It is an essential attribute of the jurisdiction of every country to preserve peace and punish acts in breach of it, and restore property taken by force within its limits. Were the armed vessels of any nation to cut away one of our own vessels from the wharves of Philadelphia, and to claim to call a prize, would this exclude us from the right of redressing the wrong? Were it the vessel of any other nation, are we not equally bound to protect it while within our limits? Were it seized in any other waters or on the shores of the United States, the right of redressing is still the same, and humble indeed would be our condition were we obliged to depend for that on the will of a foreign consul, or any negotiation with diplomatic agents. Accordingly this right of protection within its waters, and a reasonable distance on its coasts, has been acknowledged by every nation, & denied by none; and if the property seized be yet within their power, it is their right and duty to redress the wrong themselves."
France herself had asserted the right in herself, and recognized it in us, in the 6th article of our treaty, where we mutually stipulate, that we will by all the means in our power (not by negotiation) protect & defend each other's vessels and effects in our ports or roads, or on the seas near our countries, and recover and restore the same to the right owners. The United Netherlands, Prussia and Sweden, have recognized it also in treaties with us; and indeed it is a standard formula inserted in almost all the treaties of all nations, and proving the principle to be acknowledged by all nations.
In the letter of Mr. Randolph to Mr. Fauchet already cited, that gentleman resumes this subject; and Mr. Fauchet in answer to him says, "the admiralty courts have always ceded to the intreaties of our enemies for their intervention in prize causes, in truth frequently and almost constantly, by using the double plea of which you spoke to me, that is to say, by arguing either of seizure within the jurisdictional lines of the United States, or of armament or armament of armament of the capturing vessels in their ports. On this subject, sir, you request me to specify a circumstance where a prize was arrested which did not come under that denomination, and you take the trouble to establish, that they have a right to intervene in every case that can be brought under those heads. In the first place, sir, I never have, at least to my recollection, contested the right of your courts or of the government, to interfere in matters of the nature of those you mention."
It would seem to be inconceivable, that the principle asserted by the United States, which indeed is an unquestionable principle, has been admitted in its utmost latitude by France. It is believed that in the execution of this principle the government and tribunal have only been guided by a sense of duty and the obligations of
justice. If in any case that can be selected, wrong has unintentionally been committed, that wrong has grown inevitably out of the situation of the United States, out of the conduct of persons they have been unable to controul, and will with readers be corrected.
Secondly. That against the textual sense of the treaty, the government has permitted ships of the enemy to come too, in their ports, after having captured property in vessels belonging to French citizens.
It is to be regretted that you have not been pleased to state some particular case, if the case be founded on a fact, which has manifested this permission, or if it be founded in principle, the precise difference between the construction given by the President of the United States to the article of the treaty of the 6th of Feb. 1798, relative to this subject, and that for which you may contend. For the want of such a guide, the undersigned may discuss unnecessary points without giving you complete satisfaction on that which in your mind may constitute the real difficulty.
The 17th article is in these words, "It shall be lawful for the ships of war of either party and privateers freely to carry whithersoever they please the ships & goods taken from their enemies, without being obliged to pay any duty to the officers of the admiralty or other judge; nor shall such prizes be arrested or seized when they come to or enter the ports of either party, nor shall the searchers, or other officers of those places, search the same, or make examination concerning the lawfulness of such prizes, but they may hoist sail at any time and depart, and carry their prizes to the places expressed in their commissions, which the commanders of such ships of war shall be obliged to show; on the contrary, no shelter or refuge shall be given in their ports to such as shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of either of its parties; but if such shall come in, being forced by stress of weather or the dangers of the sea, all proper means shall be vigorously used that they go out and retire from thence as soon as possible."
Do you contend citizen minister, that this article ought to be rigidly construed according to its letter? If you do, it becomes necessary to ascertain what are the disabilities to which its letter really subjects the vessels belonging to the enemies of France. They are, 1st—That no shelter or refuge be given in the ports of the United States to the ships of war or privateers belonging to the enemy, which shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of France.—2dly, That if such ships of war or privateers shall come in, being forced by stress of weather or the danger of the seas, all proper means shall be vigorously used that they go out and retire from thence as soon as possible.
The letter of the article does not exclude generally the ships of war belonging to the enemy, but those only which have made prize of the subjects, people or property of France. That the vessel shall have made a prize is a part and an essential part of the description.—Whether the vessel be or be not within this description is a fact, the ascertainment of which must precede the measures to be taken in consequence of that fact. When the fact shall have been ascertained, the letter of the article denies refuge or shelter to the ships of war or privateers; but not to the prize which may have been made. You well know, citizen minister, that if the letter of the article is to be set up against its spirit, when the former is most favorable to the views of France, the letter must still be adhered to, though it should counteract those views. The situation of the United States bound them to observe, between the belligerent powers, and exacted neutrality, in all cases where their previous treaties had not stipulated advantages or imposed disabilities.
They could not refuse to one belligerent power those rights of ordinary hospitality which were enjoyed by others, which the common usages of nations permit, and which were forbidden by no particular treaty. Such refusal would have been manifestly partial, and a plain departure from that neutral position in which the United States found themselves, and which good faith, integrity and their best interest impelled them religiously to maintain.—Thus circumstanced it was the duty of the government to give its true construction to a treaty granting advantages to one of the belligerent powers, & imposing disabilities on another. In searching for this true construction, its best judgment ought to be exercised, and the dictates of that judgment ought to be obeyed. The U. States have done so. They have refused shelter in their ports to the prizes made on the French republic, or to the ships of war belonging to the enemy and accompanying such prizes. They have permitted ships of war, not bringing prizes with them, to remain in their ports, without instituting tribunals to enquire whether such ships have at any time captured French cruisers or French property. The reasoning on which this decision was founded, and which appears to the undersigned to have been conclusive will not now be repeated. It has been detailed in sev-

THE GAZETTE.
Portland.
OBSERVATIONS ON TALLEYRAND'S LETTER TO OUR ENVOYS.
Before we enter on the paper itself, let us recollect who and what is the person that wrote it. It is Talleyrand...
So much for the man: now for his manuscript. His letter purports to be an answer to the memorial of our envoys.
When her impudent agents complained that you had made a treaty to settle your differences...
But the old apostate Bishop does not stop here. He sets other complaints in abundance.
PEOPLE OF AMERICA! You, who maintained a long bloody war for independence...
This act, this temporizing of daring to reply to us or Spain, though in self-justification, is listed and is added to the catalogue of the offences!
threat to your Envoys at Paris. All this was known to your President as well as to you; and, therefore, in opening the last session of Congress...
Talleyrand concludes by proposing, that two of the Envoys should retire, and leave the other, "whose opinions promise a greater share of mutual confidence..."
Provoking as this letter is, the end it is proposed to obtain is still more so. It is intended to tell you what you owe to your government.
FOR THIS GAZETTE. COMMUNICATION.
"WHO is a Jacobin?" say some of the Jacobins—who is not a friend of his country?—Gentlemen you shall not go uninformed.
But "who is a Jacobin?"—I'll tell you. A Jacobin is a creature of France. One Genet, who lives on Long-Island now...
Apocryphal of Buxton. A very complete specimen of Jacobinism may be seen in their resolutions and petition to Congress.
MR. JENKS, Please to insert the following in your truly federal paper. The inhabitants of the town of Brunswick...
approve of his prudence, wisdom and firmness, in all the measures by him adopted to bring about a reconciliation with the French republic.
From Philadelphia, June 21. Last evening arrived here Mr. Marshall. This morning about half the house of representatives waited on him in company.
Thread to the Conspiracy!
CERTIFICATE. "AT Paris, on the 19th or 20th of March last, or soon after at Bordeaux, Mr. Lee, the gentleman who brought dispatches to government...
June 18, 1798. [The cutlass blade, has denied that he received the packet from the French Minister.
On Wednesday last a subscription was opened in Boston for building armed ships for the service of the public...
A rendezvous, it is said, is to be held in this town; accounts from the Secretary at war, give us room to hope that its defence will soon be accomplished.
Last Monday arrived at this port, ship Friendship, Capt. Williams, 105 days from Batavia.
Saturday arrived Capt. Shaw from Palsamaguad, who informs that a large English ship was lately stranded near that harbour.
Several important omissions shall be attended to in the next Gazette.
DIED—Yesterday afternoon, Mr. JAMES BRYANT, Esq. 18. To do justice to the memory of this young man...
JUST OPENED, AND FOR SALE,
By Kezia Butler, MILLENER, from Boston, At her Shop in Middle Street, opposite the store of Mr. Joseph C. Boyd.
A variety of Fancy and other articles, suitable for the season. AMONG WHICH ARE, FASHIONABLE Vellum and Sattin Bonnets...
ALSO, A variety of Japanned WARE, and an assortment of CHILDREN'S TOYS. N. B. MILLENARY of all kinds made at the shortest notice.
FRESH GOODS.
J. Blake, HAS just received at his store in Fifth Street, a fresh assortment of SUMMER GOODS, of almost every description...
Isabella Child, Has for sale at her shop in fifth-street, a fresh assortment of GOOD S, suitable for the season.
TAMBORE, Japan and plain Jack-onet Mullins. Checkered, bordered and sheet ditto. Black Mullin, ditto Italian Crape...
Also, a large assortment of SHOES, of all kinds. Hair Powder, Raisins, and a number of other articles, which will be sold cheap.
MILLENARY, done in the latest fashions. Portland, July 2, 1798. To be sold at Vendue, At the Mason's Arms Tavern, on Thursday next, at 12 o'clock, A Riding Chair, and Har-ness.
Ten Dollars Reward.
DESERTED, from brig-daine Joseph. JOHN CHASE, about six feet high, light complexion, long dark hair...
ASA CLAP. July 2.
REMOVED.
Jesse Richards, INFORMS his customers and the public that he has removed from his shop at the head of Titcomb's wharf...
HATS
of every description. Those who may favor him with their commands, shall receive every attention. Portland, July 2.
1000 Green Sheep-Skins,
wanted immediately, for which a good price will be given. Apply to the Printer. July 2.
To Samuel Freeman, Esq. one of the Justices of the Peace within the county of Cumberland.
THE subscribers, being five of the proprietors of the Portland Long Wharf, judging a meeting of the said Justices to be necessary...
DANIEL TUCKER, JOHN KENT, MATTHEW COBB, ABNER BAGLEY, S. HARDING. Portland, June 1798.
CUMBERLAND, ss.
To Daniel Tucker, one of the proprietors of the Portland Long Wharf, and one of the subscribers of the foregoing application.
YOU are hereby required in the name of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to notify and warn a meeting of said proprietors...
Pursuant to the foregoing warrant, I hereby notify and warn the proprietors of the Portland Long Wharf to meet at the time and place...

French Official Communication.
Talleyrand to the American Envoys.
Paris, March 18, 1798.
THE undersigned minister of the French republic for foreign affairs, has laid before the directory the Memorial which he has received from the Commissioners and Envoys Extra of the United States of America, dated the 28th Nivose last.
The first thing with which the mind is necessarily struck, is the memorial of the commissioners and envoys extra, is the method which they have thought proper to pursue in the statement of the points that are in controversy between the two states.
The motives which have induced the preference given to this mode of proceeding have not escaped the directory. Actuated by a proper sense of the dignity of the republic, whose interests it is intrusted with, and willing eventually to guard against the views that might have pointed out such a conduct, it has given it in charge to the undersigned to dispel those delusive appearances which indeed must vanish before a candid statement of facts and as soon as the real intentions of the directory shall have been solemnly made appear in opposition to those views which could only be unjustly attributed to them by taking advantage of their silence.
It is an incontestible truth, which is entirely kept out of view in the memorial of the commissioners and envoys extra, that France is entitled to a priority of complaints and of grievances; that those complaints and grievances were real as well as numerous long before the U. S. had the least foundation for either, & consequently before any of the facts which the envoys have so elaborately and minutely discussed, had taken place.
It is a no less incontestible truth, that all the grievances exhibited by the commissioners and envoys extra, with some exceptions which the undersigned was ready to discuss, are a necessary consequence of the measures which the prior conduct of the U. S. had rendered justifiable on the part of the French republic, and which her treaties with the said U. S. authorised in certain cases which it depended upon the general government of the Union to bring or not into existence.
In fact, from the commencement of the war, the American tribunals claimed the right of taking cognizance of the validity of prizes carried by French cruisers into the ports of the U. S. It resulted from this pretension, contrary to the letter of the treaty of commerce of 1778, that the property of the citizens of the republic was unjustly detained; that the French were entirely discouraged from cruising in the American seas against an enemy who was reviving the most barbarous laws of that mode of warfare, in order to insult and annihilate the American commerce even before the eyes of the Federal Government.
Nor was that government satisfied with favoring the enemies of the French republic, in a point of so much importance; a point indeed, out of which some abuses might have arisen, but which the French government showed itself disposed to prevent—they went so far as to grant to the ships of the enemy, contrary to the plain letter of the abovementioned treaty, an asylum in the ports of the U. S. after having captured property or vessels belonging to French citizens.
Such was the true state of things in the month of August, 1795, when the ratification of a treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, signed at London in November preceding, between the U. S. and Great Britain, filled the measure of the grievances of the republic.
What had been till that period the conduct of the French government towards the United States? The undersigned in order to contrast it with that of the Federal government, needs only to recall to mind certain facts which surely cannot have been forgotten:
Engaged in Europe by the most pressing concerns, the republic had not directed her attention to the U. S. unless it was to give them fresh proofs of the most sincere attachment and friendship; she left to her agents amicably to discuss, with the Federal Government, the controversies, a sketch of which has just now been given, and which, if they had been met on both sides with a
real spirit of conciliation could not have altered, to the present degree, the good understanding of the parties—Scarcely was the republic constituted, when she sent a minister to Philadelphia, whose first step was to declare to the U. S. that they should not be urged to carry into execution the defensive clauses of the treaty of alliance, altho the existing circumstances were in the most unequivocal manner within the casus federis.
Yet it will hardly be believed that the French republic and her alliance, were actually sacrificed at the very moment when she was thus giving to her ally increased proofs of her attention and regard, and that the corresponding demonstrations of the Federal Executive had no other view but to lull her and her government into a deceitful security.
It is difficult to discover in this conduct that which ought to be looked for from a friend, what shall we think of the treaty itself and of its provisions? That treaty is at this day known to all Europe; and the small majorities which gave it sanction in both houses, as well as the strong and numerous expressions of the opinion of the people against it, are so many honorable testimonials in support of the view which the French government has taken of it.
Such are the motives which have prompted the articles of the directory of which the U. S. complain, as well as the conduct of its agents in the West Indies. All those measures are founded on the article II. of the treaty of 1778; which provides, that as to navigation and commerce France shall always stand in relation to the U. S. on the footing of the most favored nation.
From this faithful exposition of the facts which have progressively led to the present existing misunderstanding between the two republics, it is evident as the undersigned observed in the beginning of this answer, that the French republic were first aggrieved, and that such of her measures as may have given rise to the complaints of the U. S. are, with a few exceptions the natural consequence of a state of things, which it was in their power to produce or to avoid.
If the undersigned in setting forth the complaints of the republic should confine himself to the treaty of London, he would but partially fulfil his duty, which directs his attention to further objects.
From the moment when that treaty was put into execution, the government of the U. S. appeared to think itself released from the necessity of saving appearances towards the republic. Notwithstanding the reiterated assurance which had been given to its ministers, that this treaty should make no change in the pre-existing state of the neutrality of the U. S.
Facts being thus placed in their true light, it is disagreeable to be compelled to think that the instructions on which the commissioners have acted, have not been drawn up with the sincere intention to produce a pacific result; since far from grounding their memorial on some acknowledged principle, or uncontroverted facts, they have invented and confounded one and the other; so as
to be enabled to impute to the republic all the misfortunes of a rupture which it appears to be intended to produce by such a line of conduct. It is evident, that the intention unequivocally expressed of maintaining, at every hazard, the treaty of London, which is the principal guarantee of the republic; of adhering to the spirit which has produced that treaty and directed its execution, and of refusing to allow to the republic any of the modes of reparation which she has proposed through the undersigned, have dictated those instructions.
The remote consequences of such a conduct have not escaped the attention of the directory. It is wished, while nothing is omitted which can prolong the misunderstanding, and even encrease it, to throw on the republic, in the view of America and Europe, all the odium of such a rupture:
It is endeavored, to justify by delusive appearances, the prejudices which are disseminated at pleasure against the republic, and the system of exasperation and alienation which is pursued in respect to her, with the most unaccountable perseverance: It is intended, finally, to seize the first favorable opportunity of consummating an intimate union with a power, towards which a devotion and partiality are shown, which has long been the basis of the conduct of the Federal Government.
The intentions which the undersigned attributes to the government of the U. S. are so little disguised, that nothing seems to have been neglected, in Philadelphia, to render them evident to every eye. It was probably with this view, that it was thought proper to send to the French republic, persons whose opinions and connections are too well known to expect from them dispositions sincerely conciliatory.
It is impossible to foresee whether such dispositions may lead. The undersigned hesitates not to believe, that the American, like the French nation, beholds with regret such a state of things, and I sorrowfully affected with the idea of its consequences.
Impressed with the truth of these observations, and the consequences which flow from them, the executive directory have authorised the undersigned to express himself with all the frankness that becomes the French nation.
It is therefore, solely with a view to smooth the way to a solution, that the undersigned has entered upon the preceding explanations. It is with the same view he declares to the commissioners and envoys extraordinary, that notwithstanding the kind of prejudice which may have been entertained with respect to them, the executive directory are disposed to treat with that one of the three commissioners, whose opinions, presumed to be more impartial, promise, in the course of explanations, a greater share of that mutual confidence which is indispensably required.
The undersigned flatters himself, that this overture will meet with no serious opposition on the part of the commissioners and envoys extraordinary; it is the more natural to expect it, as by the tenor of their powers the said commissioners and envoys extraordinary are authorised to negotiate jointly or separately; so that nothing but the desire of precluding all accommodation could raise any objection against that measure, which moreover, is merely pointed out to the commissioners themselves, in order that nothing may, on this occasion have an unfavorable appearance, and which evidently has no other object, than to secure a happy issue to the negotiation, by removing, at the first outset every thing that might in the course of that negotiation, awaken feelings that might evenually convert it.
He concludes by renewing to the commissioners and envoys extraordinary the assurance of his consideration. Signed, CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND.
Notice.
WHEREAS SAMUEL WARD, who now lives in the town of Gorham, who holds a note of hand against me the subscriber, for Fifty Dollars, which was given him some time in September 1797, and witnessed by Joseph Wilson—and although the said Ward has received of my property, according to the judgment of judicious men, to the value of said note, yet he refuses to deliver it up—This is therefore to forbid any person from purchasing said note, as I am determined not to pay it.
BENJAMIN CHIPMAN.
Poland, June 18, 1798.
Thomas Slemmon's Estate.
THE subscriber hereby gives notice, that he hath been duly appointed Administrator on the Estate of Thomas Slemmon, late of Falmouth in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, and taken upon him that trust, by giving bond as the law directs.
All persons therefore, who have any demands against said estate, are requested to exhibit the same—and those who are indebted to said estate, are requested to make payment to
WILLIAM SLEMNON.
June 20, 1798.
Chaise for Sale.
FOR sale by the subscriber, an elegant new standing top CHAISE with harness complete. WILLIAM CALDWELL.
Portland, June 25.
District of Maine.
BY order of the Hon. DAVID SEWALL, Esq. Judge of the District Court of Maine, Notice is hereby given, that a Libel has been filed in said Court against the ship TAME, her tackle, apparel and furniture, for sundry wages due to sailors; and that agreeable to a decree of said Court, such part or parts of said ship, together with her tackle, apparel and furniture, will be sold at public Auction as she now lies, at the long wharf in Portland, as will produce 479 dollars and 99 cents, together with the legal expenses of custody and sale. The above ship will be exposed to sale on the fifth day of July next, at 12 o'clock, A. M. JOHN HOBBY, Marshal. Dated at Portland, June 20th, 1798.
FLOUR.
SUPERFINE and fine Baltimore and Philadelphia FLOUR, of an excellent quality, for sale by WALTER SIMONTON. June 25.
Ran Away,
FROM the English ship Admiral Duncom, Capt. CUTHBERTSON, JOHN SMITH, an apprentice boy, about fourteen years old, short thick light hair, having on when he left the ship, a blue serge jacket with bright metal buttons, and blue trousers—no shoes or hat—Whoever will apprehend said boy, and deliver him to Mr. Arthur M'Lean, or Capt. Cuthbertson of the above ship, shall receive TEN DOLLARS reward, and reasonable expenses. JOHN PILE. Portland, June 25.
William Hudson,
Informs his friends & the public, that he has for sale at his West-India & Grocery Store, fore-street, an assortment of W. I. Goods, Groceries, &c.
AMONG WHICH ARE, Anchovies, Alum, Alspice, Almonds, Awls and Hafs, Black ball, Brown Sugar, Butter, Behows, Bindings, Bed Cords, Candles mould and dipp, Chocolate No. 1 and 2, Cheese, Capers, Cart boxes, Cotton, Cards, playing, Corn, Codlines, Currants, Cloves, Cards, wool and cotton, Copperas, Cinnamon, Chest and padlocks, Cake Soap, Cake Ink, Cloth lines, Corks, English Mustard, Flour, Fustick, Figs, Files, Flax, Florens Oil, Fig Tobacco per cask or single pound, Flat Irons, Fish Hooks of all sizes, Ginger, Glais, window, 7 by 9, German Steel, Gun Powder, Hard Soap per box or lb, Hair Ribbon, India Sugars, Iron Shovels, Knives and forks, Log Wood, Loaf Sugar, Lemons, Long and short Pipes, Mackerel Lines, Men's, Women's & Children's Shoes, Mace, Molasses, Nutmegs, Netting Twine, Nails, Olives, Oiled Umbrellas, Pepper, Pins, Pigtail Tobacco, Paper, writing & wrapping, Pomatum, Powder Flasks, Raisins, Rice, Redwood, Rapper Snuff, Razors, Rat and Mouse Traps, Segars, Scotch Snuff, Slates, Shot of all sizes, Shoe Brushes, Sieves, Spanish, French & China Indigo, Sewing Twine, Shaving boxes, Sewing filks, Stone Ware, Sand Stones, Smoking Tobacco, No. 2 and 3, Tobacco boxes, Tapes, Threads, Thimbles, Twists of all colours, TEAS—Hyson, Souchong and Bohea. LIQUORS, Best French Brandy, Common ditto, W I & N E Rum, Hollands Geneva, Aniseed, Clove water, Snake Root, London bottled Porter, Bottled Cyder, Draft Porter, Vinegar, Cherry Rum, Sherry, Lisbon & Malaga WINE.
Garden Seeds,
of almost every kind, for sale at the above Store. Mr. HUDSON returns his thanks for past favours, and hopes by his attention to meet their continuance. Portland, June 18, 1798.
THIS GAZETTE,
Is regularly published every MONDAY at E. A. JENKS's Printing-Office, Middlestreet, near the head of F street, Portland; where subscription advertisements, and communications, received with attention.
The terms are, ONE DOLLAR & FIFTY CENTS per annum, exclusive of postage. Punctual payments are requested.
The extensive and rapidly increasing circulation of the GAZETTE, renders highly advantageous for ADVERTISEMENTS.
PRINTING,
In its various branches, executed with attention and dispatch. Orders, Books, Pamphlets, Blanks, Handbills, &c. duly attended to.