The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-05-27 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1189.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MAY 27, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
MR KEY'S
Speech on the Embargo.
The following speech, delivered by Mr. Key, at the close of the last session of Congress, has been circulated, and is still in a state of circulation, by extraordinary means. From this circumstance it seems to be a part of the mighty lever, which has been lately put into operation with so much activity, for the purpose of producing a revolution in the political sentiments of the people. If we are not deceived it has been circulated by thousands in various sections of the union, and with unusual activity in the district which Mr. Key represents, with two views; to insure his re-election, and to inflict a vital wound on the administration. Unrefuted it indisputably is calculated to produce this effect, whatever may have been its object; to sow the seeds of dissatisfaction towards a measure, resorted to by the government as the great instrument of security and defence, and consequently to withdraw from it that support, without which it must be productive of more injury than benefit.
If the facts this speech contains be true, and the inferences deduced from them correct, Mr. Key is entitled to the thanks of his constituents and his country. On the other hand, if the allegations are untrue and the inferences unsound, the orator deserves a marked reprobation. How far the one or the other is the case, let a perusal of the speech and the subjoined remarks shew.
One tribute is due to Mr. Key. Neither his opinions or language partake of that malignity and indecorum, which have characterized too many of the recent productions against the embargo. He candidly admits the motives of his opponents to be as virtuous as his own. He does not ascribe the measure to French influence. We find no allusion to the invisible hand of the conqueror. We are warranted in considering this as a virtual acknowledgment on his part that no such influence has been exerted; and that the only difference between him and the friends of the embargo is a difference of opinion. Consequently in the measures adopted by the latter, whatever weakness there may be, there is nothing criminal. The head and not the heart is in fault. If different opinions be diffused, if the dire wand of French influence is waved over the heads of women and children to frighten them out of their senses, let this circumstance be remembered, and that Mr. Key has really given the lie to all such calumnies.
It would be ungenerous not to treat Mr. Key with the same urbanity with which he has treated others. In the subjoined remarks this claim shall be strictly observed, and whatever severity of animadversion may flow from the points investigated, whatever astonishment we may feel at the glosses and misrepresentations of the advocate, we shall not violate the respect due to him as a gentleman.
MR. KEY'S SPEECH.
Mr. Chairman—I rise on this occasion with great embarrassment, because in no instance of my political life, has any measure called on me to act, in which the interests of my country were more deeply involved—In common with my fellow citizens of Maryland, [1] I feel a total aversion to the continuance of the embargo, and I am confident I speak the almost unanimous sense of my constituents in calling for its repeal.—However proper some of them might have considered it in the first instance, as an experiment from which good might result, yet all now are satisfied that nothing short of its immediate repeal, will save them from great distress, and that a long continuance of it will induce bankruptcy and ruin. I am willing, sir, to admit, that those who advocated the embargo were actuated by the purest motives, and had the best interests of their country at heart—that they adopted it as a measure from which great permanent good would result—but time, which tests the correctness of political measures, has sufficiently elapsed to convince them of their error—at least it has impressed on my mind a conviction, that we deeply suffer, whilst those it was intended to operate on, lightly feel its effects.—[2] I was originally opposed to the measure,—I still am opposed to it, and although I
anxiously wish its immediate repeal, yet I am compelled to vote against the present resolution, because in my heart and judgment I believe it is so worded as to violate (if adopted) the constitution of the U. S.—and that I am unwilling to let the repeal of this law depend on contingencies not known or designated, and which are to grow out of the acts of foreign governments.
An honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Love) who originally voted for the measure, has this day admitted it to be a curse. I concur with him, as I hope he will now with me, in a vote and prayer for its speedy removal. I believe the embargo to be partial in its operation, oppressive, and if persisted in ruinous to the country. These are strong terms, but if gentlemen will lend a patient ear, I will endeavor to convince them of their truth, and I will use as much brevity as is consistent with perspicuity. The view I take of this subject is extensive, but I hope not difficult.
The resolution proposes to vest the President with power, on the happening of certain European events to suspend the embargo law. I am against it, because I want an immediate repeal, because it is unconstitutional to vest the President with power to suspend a law, and because it is partial in its operation, oppressive, and ruinous.
It is partial [3] in its operation in two respects—first, as it regards the persons on whom it operates, and secondly, as it respects the product operated on.
The district I have the honor to represent is not bounded on navigable water. So far then as it respects my constituents (and many other districts of different states are in the same situation) the law executes itself with rigor. From their geographical position, they are excluded the means of selling their surplus produce, while this very law operates as a bounty in effect to the citizens of other parts of the U. S. I call the attention of the committee to the northern parts of the state of N. York. That state binds on Lake Erie to Niagara, on the whole extent of Lake Ontario, on a great part of the river St. Lawrence, and the lakes Champlain and George, and has an immediate, direct, easy communication with the British, in Upper and Lower Canada. The whole Genessee country, and the counties, lower down, have a steady constant market, the prices tempting, the access easy, and few or no officers to interrupt the daily supplies given to their British neighbors. We cannot shut our eyes to the fact of this commerce being steadily carried on. [4]
The embargo, so far as it restrains places from exporting their surplus produce, goes to enhance the price of such produce in foreign markets—the enhanced price affords the temptation, and the easy access, gives the means to that country to export it, and in fact by excluding others, gives to them a monopoly of supply. Near 400 miles of northern coast, in proximity to the British settlements, gives to New-York upon the Lakes a steady market. Vermont binds on Lakes which communicate with Canada. Passamaquoddy openly and publicly furnishes supplies to New-Brunswick. In this state of things, and in the mode the law is executed, it is partial and oppressive, and my constituents and others in similar locations so feel and experience it.
[5] But, sir, there is another portion of our fellow-citizens, on whom this law executes itself with peculiar severity, I mean the frugal, hardy, laborious and valuable fishermen of the Eastern states. I see gentlemen smile at a member of the Middle states supporting the interests of the fishermen; but, sir, I should think myself illly entitled to a seat in this House, if I did not know the value of that class of men to society and the union. I wish, sir, their numbers, character, and usefulness were better known and understood than I fear they are. And as on this subject my opinions may not be orthodox, I will refer to the head of the church.
Mr. Chairman, in the year 1791, the now President of the U. S. then Secretary of State, made an able and luminous report on our fisheries. These are his words: 1st, as to the annual value of a Fisherman's labor 2dly, as to the situation and value of
the Whale Fishery as carried on from a sand bar.
Extract 1st.
"About 100 natives on board 17 ships (for there were 150 Americans engaged by the voyage) came to 2255 livree, or about $416 66-100 a man.
Extract 2nd.
"The American Whale Fishery is principally followed by the inhabitants of the island of Nantucket a sand-bar of about 15 miles long and 3 broad, capable of maintaining by its agriculture about 20 families; but it employed on these fisheries, before the war, between five and six thousand men and boys—and in the only harbor it possesses, it had one hundred and forty vessels, one hundred and thirty-two of which were of the large kind, as being employed in the southern fishery. In agriculture then, they have no resources; and if that of their fishery cannot be pursued from their own habitations, it is natural they should seek others from which it can be followed, and prefer those, where they will find a sameness of language, religion, laws, habits and kindred. A foreign emigration has lately been among them for the purpose of renewing the invitations to a change of situation; but attached to their native country, they prefer continuing in it, if their continuance there can be made supportable."—Mr. Jefferson's report 10th Jan. 1791, on the subject of the fisheries.
I call the attention of the committee to every letter of this report, and then let each member ask himself the situation of the fishermen under the embargo law?
Sir, by the Treasury report laid on our desks it appears, that the exportation of dried fish alone in the last year, amounted to 473,934 Quintals. And the whole product of the fisheries amounted to dolls. 2,300,000 a sum equal to the 1-18th part of the whole agricultural produce of the U. States—thus in effect, in point of product, adding another state of the Union. Is this class of men whose farm is the ocean, and whose crops is its fish, to have their whole or nearly their whole interests sacrificed by the unequal operation of the embargo? I hope not sir. I trust gentlemen will see the oppression of the law and its partial operation, and remove it.
Again, sir, as to the product, how does this law operate? The cotton planter, and the tobacco planter, have their articles little deteriorated by time. The embargo to them suspends the use of their capital only; but to those who have flour or fish, the embargo if continued for a few months destroys their capital—the thing itself. In this respect, the embargo works partially, and in reference to its operation on particular portions of our country, on particular classes of people, or on the product, it ought to be repealed at once and without delay. Sir, it is a very remarkable fact, and not more remarkable than true, that if you compare the number of fishermen with the product of their labor; & the number employed in agriculture, with the product of agriculture; that the value of the former to the latter is as 10 to 1—a people whose habits and manners are in consonance with republican institutions, and who are as valuable as the Agriculturists. God has given them a noble estate in the ocean, most bountifully stocked, and diligently do they work it, with profit to themselves & advantage to their country.
Mr. Chairman, I have said the Embargo is oppressive, and if long continued will ruin us. I will not use declamation as to its oppressiveness, I will endeavor to prove it by documents.
Let us take the article of dried fish alone.
In last year the exports of this article amounted to 473,934 Quintals. Of this was exported to French European ports on the Atlantic 65,997 Ditto on the Mediterranean 22,557 Spanish ports (European) on the Atlantic 43,649 Ditto on the Medi-
terranean 35,460 Italy 13,600 These ports by the British orders in council, cannot now be exported to 185,363 288,567
But there remains the quantity of 288,561 quintals of the value of $1,264,000 free to be exported to other places, not interdicted by the British orders of council, nor within the physical power of the French to affect, and only operated on by the Embargo. Such is the fact as it respects that one article; but I will now proceed to a general statement, to which I call the attention of the committee & invite investigation.
By the Treasurer's statement laid on our desks, it appears that the aggregate of domestic produce exported the last year, was $28,699,592
By domestic produce is meant the product of the sea and our soil from our own labor, except about 2,000,000 of our manufactures. I will not interfere with foreign articles exported by us—I mean exclusively, our own inherent, indigenous, absolute produce, growing out of our own labor.
Of that amount, to wit, the sum of $48,699,592 there was exported in the last year to the continent of Europe, &c. and now interdicted by the British decrees of council as follows:
AMOUNT OF EXPORTS IN 1807. Of domestic produce $48,699,592 To Russia $78,850 To Sweden 56,150 To Norway and Denmark 572,150 To Holland 3,093,234 To Hamburg, Bremen, and the Hanse Towns 912,225 To French European ports on the Atlantic 2,507,707 To do. on the Mediterranean 208,434 To Spanish European ports on the Atlantic 797,017 To do. on the Mediterranean 384,214 To Portugal 829,313 To Italy 250,257 To Trieste & Adriatic ports 23,263 To Turkey, Levant & Egypt 4,520 To Morocco & the Barbary States 8,351 To Europe generally—no designation 31,505
Deduct this amount 9,762,204 Amount of domestic produce free to be exported $38,937,388
This surplus of $38,937,388 of our own produce, is not interdicted by the British orders of Council, nor within the physical power of France to obstruct, and is only prohibited from exportation by the operation of the embargo—for I shall not notice the French decree, it is brutum fulmen . The excessive folly of the Emperor's decree, can only be equalled by his weakness and incapacity to execute it [6].
If I am incorrect in my statement, and I again solicit investigation and detection of error, ought not the benefit of an embargo to be clear, certain, irresistible, all-powerful, before it should look up such a mass of product from exportation and sale? Can uncertain, contingent, probable advantages justify an experiment, which hazards so many millions of dollars? Will not the nation demand at our hands, that as good and faithful stewards, we shall account for the property placed under our control? And how have we done it? I fear to ask—By an embargo.
Sir, it has been said and repeated, that the embargo does very little harm; that we have no places to ex-
port our produce to. If such be the fact, Mr. Chairman, then the law ought to be repealed as useless and idle. But, sir, it is very well known, that we have abundance of ports and countries to export to, and that is the reason why there is an embargo by law. Sir, that honorable, useful and well informed body of men, the merchants of this continent, so much superior to us in their knowledge of foreign trade and risques, will put a voluntary embargo on, if trade cannot be carried on to advantage. Men of their understanding, with their extensive foreign correspondence, backed too by the principle of self-interest, may be safely trusted on this subject; they well know to what ports produce may safely go, they well know to which ports produce may safely go, without the intervention of this honorable body; and, if sir, the merchants should not be sufficiently on their guard, the pulse of sea risque, of destination, and of capture, will be safely felt; through the medium of our insurance companies, they will regulate the risk with judgment and precision. I would therefore confide to them the commerce of our country in the exportation of our produce, unshackled by an embargo law.
But Mr. Chairman, let us re-view this law and its effects. In a commercial point of view, it has annihilated our trade. In an agricultural point of view, it has paralysed industry. I have heard that the touch of Midas converted every thing into gold; but the embargo law, like the head of Medusa, turns every thing into stone. Our most fertile lands are reduced to sterility, so far as it respects our surplus product. As a measure of political economics, it will drive (if continued) our seamen into foreign employ, and our fishermen to foreign sand banks. In a financial point of view, it has dried up our revenue, and if continued will close the sales of western lands, and the payment of instalments of past sales; for unless produce can be sold, payments cannot be made. As a war measure, the embargo has not been advocated.
It remains then to consider its effects as a peace measure—a measure inducing peace. I grant, sir, that if the friends of the embargo, had rightly calculated its effects; if it had brought the belligerents of Europe to a sense of justice and respect for our rights, through the weakness and dependence of their W. India possessions, it would have been infinitely wise and desirable, and that they voted for it with such noble views I have no doubt. But, sir, the experience of near four months has not produced that effect; and I have endeavored to shew that from the situation of our country, the manner in which the law is executed, the demand for subsistence, the consequent rise in price, and the facility of supply, that the W. Indies (British) will be supplied.
If that be the case; if such should be the result, then will the embargo of all measures be the most acceptable to Britain; by occluding our ports, you give to her ships the exclusive use of the ocean; and you give to her despairing W. India planter the monopoly of sugar and rum and coffee to the European world. It is in vain to say, sir, that their produce will not find its way into Europe; sugar and coffee become necessities from habit, will find their way to every portion of the continent, in spite of human regulations: Nay, some neutral point will be contrived at to obtain them. But, sir, who are we? What are we? a peaceable agricultural people, of simple and I trust virtuous habits, of stout hearts and willing minds, and a brave, powerful, but badly disciplined militia, unarmed, and without troops; and whom are we to come in conflict with? The master of continental Europe in the full career of universal domination, and the mistress of the ocean contending for self-preservation; nations who feel power and forget right. What man can be weak enough to suppose that a sense of justice can repress or regulate the conduct of Bonaparte? We need not resort to other nations for examples. Has he not in a manner as flagrant as flagitious, directly, openly, publicly violated and broken a solemn treaty entered into with us? Did he not stipulate that our property should pass free even to enemy ports, and has he not burnt our ships at sea under the most causeless pretences? Look to England; see her conduct to

us; do we want any further evidence of what she will do in the hour of impending peril, than the attack on Copenhagen? That she prostrates all rights that come in collision with her self-preservation? Strangely infatuated we should be, to make our repealing the embargo, to depend on the acts of governments, which will be annulled whenever their interest or their danger prompt them. No, sir; let us pursue the steady line of rigid impartiality; let us hold the scales of impartial neutrality with a high and steady hand, and export our products to, & bring back supplies from all who will trade with us. Much of the world is yet open to us, and let us profit of the occasion.
At present we exercise no neutral rights; we have quit the ocean; we have abandoned our rights; we have retired to our shell. Sooner than thus continue, our merchantmen should arm to protect legitimate trade. Sir, I believe war itself, as we could carry it on, would produce more benefit and less cost than the millions lost by the continuance of the embargo. Such are my impressions; I differ with gentlemen who have their country's good equally at heart, but it is from a collision of opinions that a correct view of our situation will be elicited. I have taken up the subject with a view to convince others; I sincerely declare I am open to conviction myself, and will bear with pleasure any satisfactory answer that can be given to my statements and my reasoning.
But supposing I am mistaken; suppose a suspension of the embargo wise and proper, even if it depends on European contingencies, can it be constitutionally suspended in the mode contemplated by this resolution?
I am sorry to fatigue the committee, but I beg their indulgence, while I examine if it is constitutional to grant to the President the power of suspending a law.
A law of the U.S. to have effect must have the assent of the three branches of government, the President, the Senate, and the House of Representatives. These three bodies emanate from different sources, represent distinct and different interests, and must all concur.
1. The people of each state give their assent by their representatives.
2. The several states in their sovereign political capacities, assent by the Senators who represent those sovereignties; and
Lastly, the people of the U.S. by the President their representative.
Each of these distinct interests before a bill can legitimately pass into a law, must express their assent; this once done, it becomes a law, and it is a conceded position that the power to repeal a law, must be the same or co-extensive with the power to make it. It is said that this resolution only grants the power on certain specified contingencies. But is it so, Mr. Chairman? Can we misunderstand the language of the resolution? On the happening of certain events the President is solely to judge if it is safe and proper to suspend the law. Now it is this power proposed to be given him of solely judging of the propriety of suspending a law, that I condemn; because we transfer to him the right of judging whether a law shall remain in force or not, when it is our duty to judge if the same ought to be repealed or suspended. How can we judge of events yet to happen, the terms of which are unknown to us, whether they will afford proper grounds for suspending a law? It is impossible. If we are to act in this way, let us say that when such events (designating them) happen, the law shall be suspended, and let the President give them publicity by proclamation. In this mode the suspension takes place through the constitutional legislative organ.
I cannot believe that the President in this pressing and eventful crisis wishes such an increased responsibility thrown on him. I think we ought not to shrink from it; but if we do, I strenuously contend that we cannot give him the power; that to suspend a law is obviously to repeal it, pro tempore, at least. If we possess, under the constitution, the power of enabling the President to suspend one law, we have equal power to enable him to suspend all laws. It is only a matter of discretion whether we will give it to him or not. Now I ask gentlemen, in what part of the constitution is the power granted, by which we can enable the President to suspend all laws; for if we have not that power granted, we cannot enable him to suspend one. Again, if we have power to enable him to suspend a law for a time, for one month; we have equal power to enable him to suspend it for twelve months, forever; it is a matter of discretion, and where has that discretion been confided to us? It is the most anti-republican doctrine
ever advocated on the floor of this House.
Yet further, to suspend or repeal a law is a legislative act, and we cannot transfer the power of legislating from ourselves to the President; it is not a transferable power. Such an act is a flagrant violation of the constitution in its letter, object and spirit; it is tearing up the limits of the constitution, and converting its prescribed bounds into legislative discretion. If to suspend or repeal a law, be a legislative act, as it manifestly is; then, if we are competent to transfer one act of legislation, we are equally so to transfer all, and it undeniably follows that we have as much right to grant the President a power to make laws, as to repeal laws. Let it not be said, it is too great an absurdity to suppose such a case. I resist the doctrine in limine . I say the constitution never left such a discretion to be used by us. If it has, no distant day determines our liberties, and legislatures will be found hereafter courtly and servile enough to devolve the power on the President, and ease themselves of the burthen of legislation.
Every school-boy knows that Rome, on extraordinary occasions, when assailed from without or within, took refuge in the arbitrary, tho' temporary power of a Dictator. Habituating themselves to the government of one man, and no longer confiding in themselves, the transition was easy to a dictatorship for life. The result need not be pointed out, nor how dearly they paid for their first folly in the reigns of Nero and Domitian. I lay this down as a political truism, that whenever a republic loses its reverence for self government, and trusts the power of legislation to an individual, even for one act it is undone; the example once set leads to certain and rapid destruction. I cannot therefore consent that the destinies of my country, that its laws shall be suspended on the will of any individual, however pre-eminent in virtue, dignified in station, or covered with the mantle of public opinion. The more his merit, the greater the danger. I must therefore, Mr. Chairman, give my decided negative to the present resolution.
REMARKS.
[1] We deny, confidently deny the assertion. If there be a state in the union, pre-eminently satisfied with the embargo, it is the state of Maryland. We pretend not to speak with certainty of the public sentiment in the district Mr. Key represents; tho' we do know that many of its most intelligent and respectable citizens view the embargo as the best measure which could have been adopted. But there can be no doubt of the general sentiment of the state. The popularity of the embargo is not confined to the political friends of the administration, but embraces many of the leading federalists. It has been approved by her legislature, and has excited no dissatisfaction in her commercial capital.
[2] This, like the first allegation, is entirely gratuitous. It is unsupported by proof or by fact. That we deeply suffer may be true. But there is no evidence that those on whom it was intended to operate lightly feel its effects . If those may be said lightly to feel its effects, who pay two, three, and in some cases six times the ordinary price of articles, essential to their subsistence or manufactures, who in many instances cannot obtain their common food, and in others cannot get the lumber to preserve or transport the products of their agriculture, whose whole system of business is interrupted, and who in addition to the endurance of a great positive evil, are presented with the terrors of an uncertain futurity, then we are ready to subscribe to the asseveration. But so long as man continues from his nature to feel the want of food as among the greatest of evils, and the loss of his property as only inferior, will the embargo be felt as a great evil by the belligerent nations. Will Mr. Key deny that it has had a serious effect on the supplies of the French? He cannot deny this. But there may be policy in passing this effect unnoticed.
[3] This idea, on a close examination, will be found to be nothing more or less than a metaphysical subtlety—a mere abstraction. Every thing human is partial. No taxes have or can be laid which are not partial. The impost exonerates landed estates, and vice versa ; the poll tax is proverbially partial; the excise applies variously in different places and on different persons. Where the subjects of taxation are as multifarious as in a large nation they must be, where the situations of the citizens in life and local positions are so various, it is absurd to talk of absolute impartiality. So in the case of the embargo. But is it more partial than any other measure which could have been resorted to?
Is it more so than war, which but for the embargo would ere this have raged, and which would, according to this argument, have been most unjust, as it would have partially exposed the merchant to greater perils than the planter, and the sea coast to depredation and desolation, while the interior remained undisturbed.
[4] This furnishes a good argument for invigorating the execution of the law, but none against the principle of it. Let it be recollected that the act has in this very respect been enforced by a supplementary act, which promises fair to answer the end. The evil, therefore, thus complained of, may be said to be removed. But the evil complained of did not exist at all, and it was impossible that it should exist. The inference will not stand the test of a moment's reflection. If, owing to the laxity of the execution of the embargo, the ordinary exportations of produce went on, they would enhance its price in the interior as much as though no embargo existed. It is granted that these exportations were made from navigable waters; but whence did the articles of which they consist originally come? whence could they come but from the interior? Is Mr. Key ignorant of the first principles of trade, which resemble those of fluids, by which both, from a fundamental law, find their level: and that, consequently, an extraordinary demand in any one quarter will produce an accession from every other quarter.
[5] The case of the Fishermen is eloquently, most eloquently depicted. Two millions, eight hundred thousand dollars of their products, we are told, are annually exported. But we are not told, what proportion this bears to the whole amount of the fisheries, nor are we told, (what ought not to have been concealed by a speaker laying claim to candor) that by far the greater part of this fish neither goes to England, or is consumed in England, and that so much of it as ordinarily takes another direction, would be as completely locked up, or cut off by the British orders, as by the embargo.
Neither are we informed of the extent of the capital ordinarily employed by the fishermen, nor of the expenses of their voyages, nor is it once hinted that a large part of that capital consists of vessels, which may still be employed in the coasting and river trade, while the larger merchant vessels are perfectly idle. Had all these things been exposed, we should have seen why the product of the fisherman's labor is ten times as great as that of the agriculturalist; and it would likewise have most conclusively appeared that the real profit is very trifling compared with the nominal product of his labor. But this would have been to have reduced a mountain to a mole hill; and to have lost a fruitful theme of eloquence calculated to produce a seasonable effect on pending or approaching elections in the state of Massachusetts. Instead of this notice of Mr. Key's condolence with the poor fishermen, it would, perhaps, have been sufficient to have stated the indisputable fact, that these unfortunate men, in the recent elections, have by almost an unanimous vote declared their approbation of the embargo; and to have asked whether a lawyer, residing five hundred miles from the place of their residence, or themselves, are best acquainted with their interests? We shall say nothing of the glaring contrast between the patriotism of these noble fellows, who, amidst all their sufferings, (and they are great enough we have no doubt) supporting by a bold suffrage the measures of their government, and this attempt to convince them that they are oppressed and undone. No, sir; they are neither oppressed nor undone. You allow them to be "a people whose habits and manners are in consonance with republican institutions, and who are as valuable as the agriculturalists." Yes, sir, they are republicans, in habits and manners, and in heart too. They practise what they profess. And it is because they are genuine republicans, that they have an unshaken confidence in their government, in men who have been their friends in adversity as well as prosperity, in the man, pre-eminently whose writings as Secretary of State show that he is sensible of their value; and it is because they are republicans, that they know how to make sacrifices when the public welfare demands them; sacrifices which they know are the price of their protection. They are satisfied that the man, who is so sensible of their value, and whose political principles are in consonance with theirs, will relieve them from the temporary evils they suffer, as soon as such a step shall be compatible with their permanent interests.
[6] We have now reached the grand fulcrum of the argument against the embargo. It courts investigation and it shall have it. In making this investigation, the reader shall have not merely the truth , but the whole truth . From a man of Mr. Key's eminence in his profession, so well acquainted with the value of that oath which is made the standard of legal testimony, a less partial statement might have been looked for; a statement which would, however, have exposed the hollowness of his reasoning, and which was, therefore, doubtless omitted. A faithful statement must comprehend our whole trade, and not be limited to our export of domestic produce. Mr. Key knows, every man at all conversant in the course taken by our trade knows, that the amount of our exports of domestic produce depends in a great degree on the amount of our foreign trade. It is evident that in proportion to the amount and variety of the articles exported will be that of the articles imported; and it is equally obvious that the ability of foreign nations to take off our domestic produce must greatly depend upon the extent of our purchases from them. The whole are in fact connected, and you cannot curtail the one without abridging the other. Nor can I conceive, in the present state of things, how it is possible rationally to draw a line between the benefit derived to us from the exportation of domestic and foreign articles. If we have a redundancy of the latter, it is as much our interest to dispose of them as of our domestic products, to those who want them. Their value is the same. The only difference is that money was the price of one and labor of the other. Let us then take a comprehensive view of the effects of the existing orders and decrees upon our trade. By the official document of the Secretary of the Treasury it appears that the following is the destination of our exports:
   1. To the following countries, which, according to Mr. Key are affected by the British orders: DOLLARS.     Russia, - - - 445,000   Sweden, - - - 94,000   Norway and Denmark, - - - 1,418,000   Holland, - - - 16,184,000   Hamburg, Bremen, and } other Hanse-towns, } French European ports, } Spanish European ports, } Portugal, - - - 3,160,000 13,029,000 5,111,000 988,000   Italy, - - - 5,749,000   Trieste, &c. &c. as stated } in report, } 2,459,000   48,637,000  
The whole of this trade, it is admitted, will be cut off.
2. To this, it is proper to add so much of our exports to the colonies of all other nations except England as would be affected by our diminished demand for their products, which would be in the degree in which the British orders prohibit our exporting those articles to the continent of Europe. The whole of our exports to these colonies was the last year about twenty five millions, and our exportation of those colonial products to the continent of Europe may be computed at twenty millions . To this extent, therefore, being debarred from exporting the colonial products of the enemies of England to the continent, where alone they are in demand, would our exports to those colonies be diminished, on the supposition that our exports and imports will generally be about equal in relation to any particular foreign country.
3. To this is to be added the amount of depredation committed by French vessels of war on our trade to England. Estimating this at a tenth part, and it will amount to three millions.
4. Our exportations to England also would be abridged by her inability to consume them, the continent of Europe being shut to her, and preventing their subsequent exportation from her ports. It is not easy to calculate the precise effect of this circumstance, increased as it would likewise be by our inability to purchase her manufactures in the degree in which we have hitherto done, and by the reduced price of our produce, which would inevitably flow from the glut of the English markets and the inability to export the surplus.
The exports to England and her dependencies amounted the last year to thirty-one millions. Estimating this as likely to be reduced but one third (and there is every probability that the reduction would be much greater) and we have added to the former items ten millions .
Collectively these items amount to EIGHTY-ONE MILLIONS, our trade to which amount would be annihilated by the belligerent orders and decrees; even supposing that we crouched to the British orders, or in other words returned, a willing victim to a state of colonial vassalage. The whole exports, amounting to one hundred and eight millions, leaves,
after deducting this amount the balance of twenty-seven millions.
But even this miserable remnant of our opulence and freedom, this tomb of our departed greatness and memorial of bondage, not exceeding one fourth part of what we once enjoyed, would not be free from oppression. Instead of this it would be tortured with every species of regulation and burthen which the avarice of counting house statesmen could impose upon it; subject likewise to every species of outrage on the ocean, which, it would be soon discovered, would fall with ten fold vengeance on the citizens of a nation who had not only so tamely submitted, but so pusillanimously sanctioned an invasion of every right of neutrality, and attribute of independence. This submission once yielded, these rights would be gone forever. England thenceforth would never abandon an inch of ground. Our people, and the whole foreign world would consider our commercial subjugation as complete and permanent. Three fourths of our seamen would leave us; and the residue would soon fly from our service from the superior profits of foreign commerce—for ours would be scarcely worth any thing. Our means for maritime defence too would be paralyzed and soon destroyed. These would be evils not temporary, not of a day or a year; but permanent, perhaps eternal.
What is the embargo and the temporary evils it brings compared to this representation of distress and ruin, of misery and debasement, of loss of property and loss of independence. No, sir, if we are to be deprived of our riches, let us hold the faster on our liberty. If the injustice of tyrants consign us to poverty, let us cherish our independence. We shall find it infinitely more tolerable than their chains, though forged of gold. It may suspend the season of our enjoyment, but it will soon lead us to the day when our power shall take a dreadful vengeance on our oppressors, which will make them thereafter as harmless as the hornet deprived of his sting.
I cannot close this view of Mr. Key's argument without remarking the little value he appears to attach to national character, by his total silence respecting it; and by his virtual recommendation of a policy, which, in submitting to the British orders, actually abandons it. I regret, deeply regret this omission. For I wish to consider Mr. Key as among those high minded patriots, who would sooner see his country annihilated than degraded. From a tongue too, which portrays so eloquently the value to a republic of cherishing its "reverence for self-government," which considers it "undone" the moment "it trusts the power of legislation to an individual, even for one act," although this individual be among the wisest and best of her citizens; from such a tongue I should have expected the thunder of Demosthenes against any one who dared to propose that the British parliament should legislate for us, not merely by giving us "one act," but by imposing a code of commercial law, enforced at the cannon's mouth. Is it possible that Mr. Key is more afraid of an American President than a British Parliament, and that what he would, as a patriot, refuse in part to the one, he would prodigally bestow exclusively on the other?
It only remains to answer the constitutional question, raised by Mr. Key, relative to the power given the President to suspend the embargo under certain circumstances, which the length of this article precludes being done at present. It shall, however, soon be attended to.
COLUMBIAN DRAGOONS.
The Columbian Dragoons will parade on Friday morning next, precisely at 9 o'clock, on the usual ground, from whence they will march to join the battalion at 10 o'clock. Punctual attendance is required.
By order of the captain, R. C. WEIGHTMAN. May 25—
40 DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR apprehending and delivering Negro HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington or twenty-five dollars for securing said slave so that he get him again. Harry ran off on the 11th day of March 1808, he is about 6 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen on the breast; had on when he went off a blue cloth coat, drab color bear skin round jacket (as a spencer). Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county.
N. B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in hiselopement, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such acts. PETER LENOX.
April 6—tawtf

FRIDAY, MAY 27.
We have received the proceedings of the Court Martial lately held at Norfolk, in the cases of Capt. JOHN HALL, of the Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner of the Chesapeake.
In the case of Capt. Hall, the court sentence him to be privately reprimanded, under the charge of "negligently performing the duty assigned him."
In the case of Mr. Hook the court sentence him to be "dismissed the service of the U. States" "For negligently performing the duty assigned to him."
ELECTIONS. —From New York the Public Advertiser says that the representation to Congress consists of twelve republicans and five federalists.
From Massachusetts all the returns are not yet received. As the ensuing legislature will consist of upwards of six hundred members, it is not surprising that the returns cannot be immediately collated. It is probable, however, from what we have seen, that the parties in the legislature will be nearly balanced.
The ship Raleigh, Hendy, arrived at Philadelphia, on the 23d instant, in twenty-eight days from London. Sailed the 23d April, at which time every kind of provisions were extremely scarce and enormously high. Flaxseed was at 9 guineas. A large quantity which had been shipped to England & Scotland, for crushing, had been returned to Ireland, which kept down the price of that article. The Raleigh has 96 passengers.
By this vessel and the Dryado, from Liverpool, London papers were received to the 14th April. They contain no news of importance. The following paragraphs appear the most material: London, April 12.
We have received a regular series of Dutch papers to the 2d inst.
We have, among other important communications, received the Dutch King's message to his legislature, on the state of the finances; in which he acknowledges the deplorable state of the country, and that they cannot hope for an amelioration for their circumstances until the establishment for a maritime peace. In this deplorable state of their commerce and finances, his majesty has thought proper to acquaint them that the French emperor has given them assurances that, in the peace to be negotiated with England, he is to stipulate for the restoration of the Dutch colonies, particularly of Guiana. This notion would seem to imply that a negotiation was actually on the tapis, and that Napoleon even spoke with confidence of the terms he expected to obtain.
The Dutch papers contain recent intelligence from Copenhagen, that they are proceeding with the utmost activity, in their preparations to invade Sweden; and they even assert, that a body of troops has been actually able to cross over the Scania; but this we totally discredit.
Several private letters, relative to Spain, were yesterday received by the Gibraltar Mail. Among the most important which we have seen, we select the following extract:
Gibraltar, March 28.
"The provinces of Catalonia, Navarre, and Biscay no longer belong to the Spanish Monarchy. They are taken possession of by the French troops; and the Grand Duke of Berg has published a proclamation, stating that this measure is taken for pacific purposes. This proclamation has occasioned a fall in the Vale, from 63 to 60. The number of French troops which have entered Spain exceeds fifteen thousand men. A French force is daily expected at Malaga. Considerable gloom prevails throughout Spain."
At a GENERAL COURT MARTIAL assembled on board the United States ship the Chesapeake, in the harbor of Norfolk and State of Virginia, on Monday the fourth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continued by adjournment from day to day, until Tuesday the sixteenth day of February, in the same year.
PRESENT,
Capt. JOHN RODGERS, President.
  Captains  WM. BAINBRIDGE,  MEMBERS.     HUGH G. CAMPBELL,     STEPHEN DECATUR, Jr.     and JOHN SHAW.    Masters Commandant  JOHN SMITH, and     DAVID PORTER.     Lieuts.  JOSEPH TARRELL,      JACOB JONES,      JAMES LAWRENCE,      and CHARLES LUDLOW.   
The Court pursuant to an order from the Hon. Robert Smith, Secretary of the Navy of the United States,
to captain John Rodgers directed, bearing date on the seventh day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seven, proceeded (as therein they are directed) to try Charles Gordon, Esq. a master commandant in the navy of the United States, upon the charge "for negligently performing the duty assigned him, which is in the said warrant stated, and therein preferred against him: and having heard all the evidence, and very maturely and thoroughly considered the same, gave the following OPINION:
The charge stated in the warrant of the hon. the Secretary of the Navy against the said Charles Gordon, is in these words:
"For negligently performing the duty assigned him."
1. "In that he had the command of the said frigate Chesapeake from the first day of May, 1807, to the sixth day of June, 1807, and during all that time he had not the guns of the said frigate exercised."
2. "In that he had not the guns of the said frigate exercised as often as he was in duty bound to do."
3. "In that the crew of the said frigate Chesapeake were not called to quarters more than three times prior to her sailing for sea."
4. "In that the crew of the said frigate Chesapeake were not called to quarters as often as the said Charles Gordon was in duty bound to call them."
5. "In that from the first day of May to the 6th day of June, 1807, the crew of the said frigate were not quartered."
6. "In that the crew of the said frigate Chesapeake were quartered but a few days before she proceeded to sea."
7. "In that the crew of the said frigate were not quartered as early as the said Charles Gordon was in duty bound to quarter them."
8. "In that he did not see that the guns of the said frigate were securely fitted on their carriages."
9. "In that he did not take proper care to have the sponges and wads of the said frigate of the proper size."
10. "In that he did not take care to have the powder horns of the said frigate filled."
11. "In that he did not take care to have the matches of the said frigate primed."
12. "In that he did not take care to have the matches of the said frigate in their proper places."
13. "In that he did not take care to have the marines on board the said frigate supplied with enough cartridges."
14. "In that he did not take care that the cartridges which the marines on board the said frigate had were of the proper size."
15. "In that he did not call upon the gunner of the said frigate for a regular report of the state and condition of the guns and all other matters in his department."
16. "In that he did not call upon the commanding officer of the marines on board the said frigate for a regular report of the state and condition of the marines and their arms and supplies of ammunition."
17. "In that notwithstanding some of the guns of the said frigate were not securely fitted in their carriages—or that notwithstanding some of the sponges and wads of the said frigate were too large—or that notwithstanding but few of the powder horns of the said frigate were filled—or that notwithstanding the matches of the said frigate were not primed—or that notwithstanding some of the matches of the said frigate were not in their proper places—or that notwithstanding the marines of the said frigate were not supplied with enough cartridges—or that notwithstanding the cartridges which the marines on board the said frigate had were not of the proper size—He the said Charles Gordon did report to the said James Barron that the said frigate Chesapeake was ready for sea."
18. "In that the said Charles Gordon did report to the said James Barron, that the said frigate Chesapeake was ready for sea when she was not ready for sea."
19. "In that he did not upon the said James Barron's going on board the said frigate report to him the exact and particular state and condition of the said frigate, but suffered the said James Barron to remain under the erroneous impression excited by the report he had made to him that the said frigate was ready for sea."
20. "In that notwithstanding certain indications of a hostile intention exhibited towards the said frigate by the said ship Leopard, the said Charles Gordon did not report to the said James Barron the exact state and condition of the said frigate Chesapeake."
21. "In that the said Charles Gordon never did make to the said James Barron a true and faithful report of the state and condition of the said frigate Chesapeake."
In deciding upon this charge the court will make the following statements.
1. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that he had the command of the said frigate Chesapeake, from the first day of May, 1807, to the sixth day of June, 1807, and that during all that time he had not the guns of the said frigate ever exercised. But it appears to the court by the evidence, that twelve only of this ship's guns were on board during this period. That the pilot did not think it safe to take all the guns on board of a ship so large as the Chesapeake, while descending the river from the Navy Yard, because of the want of sufficient depth of water in the Potomac—that it is neither customary or necessary to exercise so few of a ship's guns as this number while in that river. And were it otherwise, that the situation of the Chesapeake during this interval was unavoidably such, as not to permit these guns to have been properly exercised. While therefore the court is of opinion that this first specification is fully proved, they cannot impute any neglect of duty to the said Charles Gordon on this account.
2. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that he had not the guns of the said frigate ever exercised before she proceeded to sea. But it appears to the court by the evidence, that during the whole period between the sixth and twenty-second of June (the day when the said frigate proceeded to sea) her crew were kept closely employed in performing other very necessary duties of the ship. That if the guns had been exercised, the performance of these duties must have been postponed, & the ship delayed in proceeding to sea. And that under the orders given to the said Charles Gordon by the said James Barron his commanding officer, the said Charles Gordon would not have been justifiable to have so delayed the ship, even for this purpose. The court is therefore of opinion, that under these orders it was not the duty of the said Charles Gordon to have exercised the guns of the said frigate, and that this second specification is not proved.
3. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that the crew of the said frigate Chesapeake were not called to quarters more than three times prior to her sailing for sea. But it appears to the court by the evidence, that the crew were quartered on the 19th of June only. That the Chesapeake sailed for sea on the 22d of the same month. And in this interval of three days, they were called to quarters three times. This the court is of opinion was as often as it was proper for them to be called to quarters during this period. While therefore the court is of opinion that this third specification is fully proved, they cannot impute any neglect of duty to the said Charles Gordon on this account. The fact of this ship's company not being quartered at no earlier date is the subject of another subsequent specification, and will be noticed hereafter.
4. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon as is before stated, that the crew of the said frigate Chesapeake were not called to quarters more than three times prior to her sailing for sea. And the court have already stated, that the said Charles Gordon was not bound to call them to quarters oftener than this after they were quartered. The court are therefore of opinion that that this fourth specification is not proved, again repeating, that the fact of the ship's company not being quartered at an earlier date is the subject of another subsequent specification, and will be duly noticed when they come to speak of that.
5. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that from the first day of May to the sixth day of June, 1807, the crew of the said frigate were not quartered. But it appears to the court by the evidence as is before stated, that during this period there were but twelve guns on board the Chesapeake. It moreover appears that her complement of men was not complete. And various other circumstances also appear to the court, that they will notice hereafter, which the court are of opinion are sufficient to absolve the said Charles Gordon from all censure on this account. While therefore the court are of opinion that this fifth specification is fully proved, they cannot impute any neglect of duty to the said Charles Gordon on this account.
6. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that the crew of the said frigate Chesapeake were quartered but a few days before she pro-
ceeded to sea. But it appears to the court by the evidence, that the crew of the Chesapeake as allowed by the government was never completed even when she did proceed to sea. That in order to get her full complement of men her rendezvous was kept open, and new recruits received almost daily, up to the period of her sailing. That her crew were uncommonly sickly; and that from the particular situation of the ship at that time many desertions might have been expected, and actually did happen. Under such circumstances, the court are of opinion there was no obligation upon the said Charles Gordon to quarter his men earlier than he did. While therefore the court are of opinion that this sixth specification is fully proved, they do not impute any neglect of duty to said Charles Gordon on this account.
7. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon as has been before stated, that the crew of the said frigate were not quartered until the 19th day of June, three days before she sailed for sea. But under all the circumstances stated in the remarks of the court upon the preceding specification, the court are of opinion that neither the regulations of the navy, or the usage in such cases, made it the duty of the said Charles Gordon to have quartered the crew more early. And therefore that this seventh specification is not proved.
8. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that he did not see that the guns of the said frigate were securely fitted in their carriages. But the court are far from acknowledging, that it was the duty of the commander of a ship of war personally to see to things of this sort. It would be impossible for him to perform all such minute duties as this. The duty of a commander is to give the proper orders, to the proper officers, to perform such duties, who are to report to him what they have done, and when done, it is the duty of the commander to visit and generally examine the manner of the execution. If there are defects, it is the duty of the particular officer who has the work in charge to report them. The commander is not responsible for such neglects, unless they are reported to him, or are of a nature which ought to be observed by a general superintendent. In this instance some of the guns of the Chesapeake were not securely and properly fitted. But it appears to the court by the evidence, that the quarter deck guns were fitted after a plan devised at the navy yard, and adopted by the said James Barron, and that these guns were fitted under his own immediate inspection. Of course the court cannot consider the said Charles Gordon as responsible for the defects in the plan of their fittings.
The defects in the fitting of the main deck guns were of a nature which would not be observed by a visiting officer, without a minute examination. It appears to the court that the said Charles Gordon ordered them to be fitted by the gunner, whose particular duty it was to fit them. That these guns were fitted by that officer, under the superintendence of the first lieutenant. That all of them had been tried before the ship proceeded to sea. That the crew had been called to quarters three times before she sailed, and that no defects in their fittings were then ever observed by any person, or ever reported to the said Charles Gordon. While therefore the court are of opinion that this eighth specification is fully proved, they do not impute any neglect of duty to the said Charles Gordon on this account.
9. It appears to the court, that the sponges of the frigate Chesapeake were originally too large. That this was discovered off Mount Vernon, as the ship came down the Potomac—and that the sponges were immediately reduced by order of the said Charles Gordon, and made of the proper size. That the wads, some few of them possibly were rather too large, but that these wads were made at the Navy Yard for the guns of the Chesapeake, and received on board by her gunner, who made no report of any deficiency to the said Charles Gordon, (if any deficiency then existed.) The court are therefore of opinion, that the said Charles Gordon did take proper care to have the sponges and wads of the said frigate of the proper size, and that this ninth specification is not proved.
10. It appears to the court, that before the said frigate Chesapeake sailed from Hampton Roads, the said Charles Gordon ordered the gunner of that ship to fill all her powder horns. It does not appear to the court what report was made to the said Charles Gordon of the manner of executing this order, and the death of the first lieutenant of the ship renders it impossible to establish the fact satisfactorily now. The court is of opinion, however, that giving this order was all which the said Charles Gordon as commander of the ship was bound to do to have this duty performed, unless a report that it had not been done had been made to him; and no such report as this being proved to have been made, the court are of opinion that this tenth specification is not proved.
11. It is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that the matches of the said frigate were not primed, or any care taken by him to prime them. But the court is well satisfied, that it is rarely the practice of naval commanders and never necessary to have matches primed; while therefore the court are of opinion, that this eleventh specification is fully proved, they do not impute any neglect of duty to the said Charles Gordon on this account.
12. It appears to the court, that the matches of the said frigate were ordered by the said Charles Gordon to be kept, and were actually kept in the gunner's store room. This the court are of opinion is a place as proper as any, but not more proper than many others on board the Chesapeake for keeping matches. The court are therefore of opinion, that this twelfth specification is not proved.
13. It appears to the court, that the said Charles Gordon did take care to have the marines on board the said frigate supplied with enough cartridges, by sending to the officer of that detachment a number of cartridges for his marines. And as no report of any deficiency appears to have been made to the said Charles Gordon, the court are of opinion, that this thirteenth specification is not proved.
14. It appears to the court, that the cartridges which the marines on board the said frigate had, although they did not exactly and tightly fit the calibre of their muskets, were nevertheless of a good and proper size. The court are therefore of opinion that this fourteenth specification is not proved.
15. It does not appear to the court by the evidence, that the said Charles Gordon did call upon the gunner of the said frigate, for a report of the state and condition of the guns and all other matters in his department. Nor are the court satisfied, that he did not call for and receive such report. This negative accusation requires no proof on the part of the prosecution to establish it, and the death of the first lieutenant renders it very difficult for the accused to disprove it. This report however to have been regularly should have been in writing, and it is admitted by the said Charles Gordon, that no written report was ever made. The court are therefore of opinion that this fifteenth specification is proved.
To be concluded in our next.
MILITARY GENTLEMEN—
ATTENTION!
MARY A. PIC has the honor to inform the Military Gentlemen of the district, that she has just received an elegant assortment of
FEATHERS,
COCKADES,
PLAUMETS,
Gold and Silver Cords,
Cords and Assails for Hats, &c.
MILITARY.
MARY A. PIC has also the honor to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen, that she has now on hand an extensive and truly elegant assortment of Millinery consisting of Diamond Rosina straw hats & bonnets, Silk straw hats and bonnets, Sittin straw do. French gypsy bonnets, Lace caps, Silk shawls of all sizes and colors, Honey comb bonnets, Long Ieno shawls, Gloriana mantles, Artificial flowers, wreathes & bunches, Embroidery chenille, Do. silk, Ladies and gentlemen's gloves, Tortoise shell combs, Silk thread, cotton and black lace, Umbrellas, Whips, Lemons, Best Spanish segars, Shoes, Perfumery, Jewellery, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 27—St
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of WILLIAM CONNER, an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said William Conner, that on Monday the 23d inst. at the court room in the Capitol, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Conner, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, once before said day.
By order of the honorable Wm. Cramb, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Clk.
May 27—14

TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garri- son and Navy Yard Gate, an assort- ment equal to any in the District;— among which are, Velvets, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Beaver skin coatings, Plain, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jacobet muslins, India and British broc. do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenos, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, Damasque and raw silk shawls, 4 damask towels, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lutestrangs, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angora hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tick- lingburg, Osanburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. Also, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genu- ine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
SALE AT AUCTION. On Saturday the 28th inst. will be offered at public sale, the following GOODS, just received, which the sub- scriber can recommend to the attention of dealers. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock, near the Ferry Wharf, at the foot of High-street. Terms of sale: All sums under 100 dolls. cash; above 100 dolls. and less than 200 dolls. to be at 60 days; & all above 200 dolls. for negotiable Notes at the Bank of Co- lumbia, or Office of Discount & Deposit, in the city of Washington, with ap- proved endorsers—viz. Muscovado Sugar in hogsheads, East India do. in bags, Muscovado and bloom raisins, fresh and excellent quality, Soft shelled almonds do. do. Mould and dipt candles of best quality, Sweet scented chewing tobacco, very fine, A few pipes and half pipes of London particular Teneriffe wine, having had the advantage of several sea voyages, and warranted as pure and genuine as when exported from the island several years ago. Samples of the above may be seen at the Auction Room of the subscriber, who is authorized to dispose of any part of the above cargo between this and the day of sale. JOHN TRAVERS, Auctioneer. Geo. Town, May 23—pris
PUBLIC SALE. THE sale of the real estate of Gus- tavus Scott, deceased, heretofore advertised, being postponed by order of the Chancellor, the subscriber as Trus- tee, will sell at public auction, at Van Wyck & Dorssey's Auction Room in the city of Baltimore, on Friday the 17th day of June next at 12 o'clock, the following tracts of unimproved land lying in Allegany county, to wit: acres. Governor's Neglect, containing 1031 Roby's Delight, 421 Ormes Attention, 684 Chesnut Grove, 461 Now or Never, 600 Hard Struggle, 1554 Lot No. 2487, 50 Western Connection, 15484 The lands above mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing, and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase. A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscri- ber. The terms of sale are, that the pur- chaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands, shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within twelve months from the day of sale. The creditors of Gus- tavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale after said. ROGER PERRY, Trustee. Cumberland, May 23—3w.
TO RENT. AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washing- ton Building Company, at present oc- cupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it be- ing so well known, it is not deemed ne- cessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house —for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf.
NOTICE is hereby given, that I will receive until the fifth day of June next, written proposals for supplying the House of Representatives for the next session with one hundred and fifty cords of Hickory Wood; the same to be delivered, sawed and put into the cellar or before the first day of November next. Security will be re- quired for the performance of the con- tract. PATRICK MAGRUDER, Clk. Clerk's Office, H. R. May 3 18—15th June.
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mer- cers, and tailors, New-Jersey A- venue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will ende- avor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fash- ionable goods, suitable for the approach- ing season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N.B. Regimentals and naval uni- forms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dis- patch. October 23—tf.
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gen- tlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadel- phia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangleys and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable pro- perty in the city of Washington, consist- ing of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is re- commended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the per- manent residence and seat of the go- vernment of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
PORT WINE. Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice Liquors of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25—
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, di- ligent and discreet man—well ac- quainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not con- nected in the neighborhood will be pre- ferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N.B. Application must be made be- fore the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—epts
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long stand- ing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assist- ant Mr. Samuel G. O'Fallon, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Tho- mas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eye- brows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffer- ed to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the fore- finger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than per- sons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but de- lights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloths, and took with him one dark green broad- cloth coat and pantaloons with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloons nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surcoat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his appa- rel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress. As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable ex- pences will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Wash- ington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland.— He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—epts
FOR SALE. THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situ- ate on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligi- bility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being si- tuate on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchas- ing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale WM. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
TO BE LET. After the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylv- ania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day.— For terms enquire at Robert Under- wood's, directly opposite. April 27—epts
ALEXANDER COCHRANE, Has lately received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, the following mer- chandise, for sale at his store, North F street, viz. Blue and yellow, company nankeens, Pink and blue gingham and calicoes, Irish linens, diapers & ticks, India and British muslins, lawns, Baniana and other silk handkerchiefs, Linen, Madras, and cotton do. Silk and cotton hosiery, Ladies silk and kid gloves, Gentlemen's silk, beaver & buck do. Sewing silks, twists and threads, Starch and hair powder, A good assortment of brushes, Maccouba, rappee and Scotch snuff, Dixon's mustard, Hahn's chocolate, Imperial, hyson and hyson skin teas, The very best pickling vinegar, Fresh solid oil, in bottles and flasks. ON HAND, Genuine Madeira, port & sherry wine, Old 4th proof cognac brandy, Very old do. Jamaica spirit, Loaf, lump and brown sugars, Whiskey in barrels, molasses in do. Dipt and mould candles, and soap, Also china, glass and queens ware, Gunpowder, shot and flints, Ironmongery, cutlery and hardware, Wrought and cut nails and brads, &c. A. C. is in daily expectation of a further supply of fresh Teas, India and English china, from Philadelphia. He is determined to sell on the lowest terms for Cash, or to good and punctual customers. May 25—3t
TO BE SOLD, a HOUSE in an ex- cellent situation for business near the Navy Yard, a great bargain for cash, if applied for immediately; if it is not disposed of before the 31st day of May, it will on that day be sold at Public Vendue. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. ANDREW ARMSTRONG. May 25—3t
PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive. 1. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, seabrook, Salisbury, New- buryport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, six times a week. May 1, to Nov. 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by 7 A. M. the next day. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 P. M. in 9 hours. Nov. 1, to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 4 P. M. Leave Boston every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 P. M. 2. From Boston by Cambridge, Wat- ertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northbor- o', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Wind- sor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. May 1, to Nov. 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at New Haven on Wednes- day, Friday and Sunday, by 1 P. M. in 30 hours, resting 1 hour at Suf- field. Leave New Haven every Tues- day, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednes- day, Friday and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suf- field. Nov. 1, to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thurs- day, & Saturday, at 8 A. M. & arrive at Worcester by 8 P. M. Leave Wor- cester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Suffield by 6 P. M. Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tues- day at 6 A. M. and arrive at New Haven by 6 P. M. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Suffield by 6 P. M. Leave Suffield every Tues- day, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Worcester by 8 P. M. Leave Worcester every Wed- nesday, Friday, and Sunday, at 4 A. M. and arrived at Boston by 8 P. M. 3. From Boston by Worcester, Brookfield, Brimfield, Stafford Springs, Tolland, Hartford, Wethersfield, Mid- dletown, Durham and Washington to New Haven, three times a week. May 1, to November 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wed- nesday and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Stafford same days by 8 P. M. Leave Stafford every Tues- day, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A.
FOR SALE. FOUR HUNDRED acres of land ad- joining land of Samuel Aurrant, ly- ing in Beaver Township, Northumber- land county, state of Pennsylvania—or exchanged for merchandise or good property well situated in this city. For terms apply to JOSEPH WHEATON. Washington City, May 18—wtf
NOW LANDING From on board the schooner VIRGINIA from New York, First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS, Bordeaux CLARET in boxes of one dozen each, SWEET OIL, OLIVES, CAPERS & ANCHOVIES, for sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23—tf
NOTICE THAT application will be made for the renewal of the following lost cer- tificate of United States stock, issued by Joseph Moore, Register of the Treasury. LOUISIANA 6 PER CENTS. In favor of FRANCIS BARING & Co. of London, No. 93, DECEMBER 24th, 1803—4000 dollars. JAMES DAVIDSON, JUN. May 13—w6w.
FOR SALE. THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylv- ania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day.— For terms enquire at Robert Under- wood's, directly opposite. April 27—epts
ALEXANDER COCHRANE, Has lately received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, the following mer- chandise, for sale at his store, North F street, viz. Blue and yellow, company nankeens, Pink and blue gingham and calicoes, Irish linens, diapers & ticks, India and British muslins, lawns, Baniana and other silk handkerchiefs, Linen, Madras, and cotton do. Silk and cotton hosiery, Ladies silk and kid gloves, Gentlemen's silk, beaver & buck do. Sewing silks, twists and threads, Starch and hair powder, A good assortment of brushes, Maccouba, rappee and Scotch snuff, Dixon's mustard, Hahn's chocolate, Imperial, hyson and hyson skin teas, The very best pickling vinegar, Fresh solid oil, in bottles and flasks. ON HAND, Genuine Madeira, port & sherry wine, Old 4th proof cognac brandy, Very old do. Jamaica spirit, Loaf, lump and brown sugars, Whiskey in barrels, molasses in do. Dipt and mould candles, and soap, Also china, glass and queens ware, Gunpowder, shot and flints, Ironmongery, cutlery and hardware, Wrought and cut nails and brads, &c. A. C. is in daily expectation of a further supply of fresh Teas, India and English china, from Philadelphia. He is determined to sell on the lowest terms for Cash, or to good and punctual customers. May 25—3t
TO BE SOLD, a HOUSE in an ex- cellent situation for business near the Navy Yard, a great bargain for cash, if applied for immediately; if it is not disposed of before the 31st day of May, it will on that day be sold at Public Vendue. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. ANDREW ARMSTRONG. May 25—3t
PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive. 1. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, seabrook, Salisbury, New- buryport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, six times a week. May 1, to Nov. 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by 7 A. M. the next day. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 P. M. in 9 hours. Nov. 1, to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 4 P. M. Leave Boston every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 P. M. 2. From Boston by Cambridge, Wat- ertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northbor- o', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Wind- sor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. May 1, to Nov. 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at New Haven on Wednes- day, Friday and Sunday, by 1 P. M. in 30 hours, resting 1 hour at Suf- field. Leave New Haven every Tues- day, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednes- day, Friday and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suf- field. Nov. 1, to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thurs- day, & Saturday, at 8 A. M. & arrive at Worcester by 8 P. M. Leave Wor- cester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Suffield by 6 P. M. Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tues- day at 6 A. M. and arrive at New Haven by 6 P. M. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Suffield by 6 P. M. Leave Suffield every Tues- day, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Worcester by 8 P. M. Leave Worcester every Wed- nesday, Friday, and Sunday, at 4 A. M. and arrived at Boston by 8 P. M. 3. From Boston by Worcester, Brookfield, Brimfield, Stafford Springs, Tolland, Hartford, Wethersfield, Mid- dletown, Durham and Washington to New Haven, three times a week. May 1, to November 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wed- nesday and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Stafford same days by 8 P. M. Leave Stafford every Tues- day, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A.
M. and arrive at New Haven same days by 2 P. M. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Stafford same days by 8 P. M. Leave Stafford every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Boston same days by 8 P. M. November 1, to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thurs- day and Saturday, at 8 A. M. and ar- rive at Worcester by 8 P. M. Leave Worcester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Stafford by 6 P. M. Leave Staff- ord every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at New Haven by 6 P. M. Returning—Leave New Haven, every Monday, Wednesday and Fri- day, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Suffield by 6 P. M. Leave Suffield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Worcester by 8 P. M. Leave Worcester every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 8 P. M. 4. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Nor- walk, Stamford, West Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Harlem, to New- York, seven times a week. May 1, to November 1. Leave New Haven every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 10 A. M. in 20 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 2 A. M. in 18 hours. Nov. 1, to May 1. Leave New Haven every day at 4 A. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 10 A. M. in 30 hours. Leave New York every day at 11 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 6 P. M. in 31 hours, resting 1 hour at Stamford each way. 5. From New York by Jersey, New- ark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Wood- bridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankfort, to Philadelphia, seven times a week. Leave New York every day at 1 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 17 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 P. M. and arrive at New York, the next day by 6 A. M. in 17 hours. From December 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 A. M. in 18 hours. 6. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vansville, Bladensburg, and Wash- ington City, to Georgetown, every day. April 15, to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day 8 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 4 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 2 A. M. and ar- rived at Baltimore by 11 A. M. in 9 hours. Dec. 1, to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 A. M. & arrive at Washington City by 6 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 10 P. M. and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock, in 11 hours. 7 From Washington City by George- town, & Alexandria, Colchester, to Dumfries, seven times a week. April 15, to Dec. 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 6 A. M. Leave Alexandria at 6 12 A. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 12 noon. Leave Dumfries at 9 12 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 2 12 P. M. Leave Alexandria at 3 12 P. M. and arrive at Washington by 6 P. M. Dec. 1, to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 9 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 11 P. M. Leave Alexandria at 4 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 1 P. M. Leave Dumfries at 10 A. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 4 P. M. Leave Alexandria at 4 12 P. M. & ar- rive at Washington City by 8 P. M. 8. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. April 15, to Dec. 1. Leave Dumfries at 1 P. M. and ar- rived at Fredericksburg by 7 P. M. Leave Fredericksburg at 3 A. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M. Dec. 1, to April 15. Leave Dumfries every day at 2 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg at 8 P. M. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Dum- fries by 9 A. M. 9. From Fredericksburg by the Bow- ling Green, White Chimneys, and Han- over court house, to Richmond seven times a week. April 15, to Dec. 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Richmond at 8 P. M. Returning—Leave Richmond by 9 A. M. & arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 P. M. Dec. 1, to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 5 A. M. and arrive at Richmond by 6 P. M. Returning—Leave Richmond every day at 4 A. M. and arrive at Fre- dericksburg by 8 P. M. 10. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. April 15, to Dec. 1. Leave Richmond at 3 12 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 P. M. Leave Petersburg at 3 A. M. and arrive at Richmond by 8 12 A. M. Dec. 1, to April 15. Leave Richmond every day at 4 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 10 A. M. Leave Petersburg at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 8 P. M. (To be continued.)