The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-06-10 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1195.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, JUNE 10, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Letter of Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison—Concluded.
To your 6th objection, little need be added to what is stated on the subject of it, in our letter of January 3d, 1807. As the paper of the British commissioners to which it relates, had no sanction whatever from us, as was fully shown by that letter, the objection cannot be said to apply to any part of our conduct. The paper was produced by the decree of the Emperor of France, of the 21st November, 1806, and was intended by the British commissioners, to operate as a reservation of right, in their government, not to ratify the treaty, or not to be precluded, under certain circumstances, in case it did ratify it, from adopting such measures, as it might find necessary, to counteract the restrictions imposed by that decree. The exercise of the right reserved was made dependent on the abandonment of the principle of that decree by the French government, or an assurance from the government of the United States, or such conduct as would be equivalent, that the pretension would not be submitted to by it. We apprized the British commissioners that our government would enter into no engagement whatever, of what it would do, in any case, with another power. Had the treaty been ratified, even without any notice being taken of that paper, it could not have imposed the slightest obligation on the United States, either to perform any act on their part, or to submit to any, on the part of Great Britain. I had supposed, however, in the case of ratification, that we should have been instructed to present to the British government, with the instrument of ratification, a counter declaration to that effect. The whole subject was before our government, with our strong and decided objections to the paper. All that we could do was to transmit it to you, with a correct statement of what had occurred in the negotiation respecting it, which we did. To the government it belonged to take the step which the occasion required, not to us.
Having noticed the objections which are especially stated in your letter of May 20, 1807, and given our view of the several parts of the treaty to which they relate, I shall proceed to make explanatory remarks on the other articles, in order to do justice to the conduct of the American commissioners in regard to them.
Article 5. You admit that this article is an essential improvement of that on the same subject in the treaty of 1794. It certainly improves it in two important interests; 1st, in that of the navigation of the U. States, and 2d, in that of duties on American productions carried to the British market. The tonnage on American ships in the British ports had been raised to 20 cents per ton, while that on British ships in the ports of the United States was only 50 cents or 2s. 6d. per ton; and the duty on the bulky productions of the U. States in American bottoms, had been raised to such a height, under the countervailing regulations which the treaty allowed, as to secure in time of peace, the entire carriage of those productions to British vessels; if, indeed, it did not materially affect the price of the articles themselves. What made it more unfortunate was, that the United States could not adopt any measure to remedy those evils without committing a direct and palpable violation of the treaty, as they were bound by it not to raise the existing duties higher than they were at the time the treaty was concluded. Those evils would, however, have been completely done away by this article. By it the United States would have had a right to raise the duty on British vessels to any height to which the British government might raise it on theirs, a check which could not fail to prove adequate to the object, while they had also a right to give what preference they thought fit to their own vessels, which might be done by reducing the duty on them below the tonnage which was imposed on those of G. Britain. This arrangement secured to the U. States an advantage which G. Britain could not countervail, as the necessity she is under to avail herself of every resource which she can command to raise revenue for indispensable purposes, renders it impossible for her to make a like discrimination in favor of her own vessels. The inhibition of all discriminating duties, on the productions of the one, and manufactures of the other party, whether they be carried in American or British bottoms, was a stipulation which it was presumed would also prove highly advantageous to the U. S. The pernicious tendency of that principle was well known to you, and we were happy to be able to suppress it.
The objections which you urge to other parts of the article, apply to clauses in the treaty of 1794, which it was impossible for us to change. I have, however, to observe that there is nothing in it to prevent the passage of a navigation act, provided it be adopted as a measure of general policy. Most of the nations of Europe, especially France, would be happy, in a general view, to see the United States resort to that expedient to counteract the restrictive system of England; and as it is one which could not essentially affect them, they could find no motive of that kind, to inspire a wish to oppose it, nor could the United States, as I supposed, find one to exempt them from it.
We regretted that we could not obtain a stipulation which should compel Great Britain to repeal the laws which impose so high a duty on her manufactures, when exported to the United States. Our letter showed that we did every thing in our power to obtain such a stipulation. I was, however, persuaded, that the want of it would not expose us to all the evils which you seem to apprehend from it, admitting that the British construction of that clause in the former treaty was a sound one, and that nothing is contained in the 23d article of the present one to discountenance it. It is certain that no government will ever tax exports higher than indispensable necessity compels it, because such a tax tends in all cases essentially to check industry, and to destroy the most productive source of national prosperity. The inhibition imposed by the constitution of the United States on the Congress, to tax, in the slightest degree, their exports, affords a strong argument, drawn from the acknowledged wisdom of its framers, against the policy of such a tax, in the abstract; and I persuaded that the reasons against it are as strong with Great Britain, if not stronger, than with any other nation. Without taking a more comprehensive view of the subject, it is sufficient to observe, that a tax on British exports must operate as a bounty in favor of American manufactures, which are already in an advanced state, in certain parts of the union. Great Britain must be sensible of this fact, and aware of the encouragement which the present export duty gives them, & of the consequences attending it. I should presume that there was not much cause to apprehend, that she would tax the export of her manufactures to the United States, to prevent their being sent thence to other countries. The sole effect of such a tax would be to secure to her own vessels the carriage of the articles, if indeed, that were attainable. In both cases the manufactures of G. Britain would be the subject of the commerce. The supply of the great, the productive and increasing markets of the U. S. must be a primary object of British policy, and Great Britain would doubtless be cautious not to hazard it for one comparatively of much less importance.
Article 6. As this article was approved, I shall only observe, that I considered the reservation contained in it important, as it enabled the U. S. to counteract the British policy, in respect to the trade with the West Indies, which is the object of it, by means the most efficacious, whenever they should be resorted to. The trade of Great Britain with the U. S. is carried on principally by circuitous voyages, in which her vessels pass from the ports of the U. S. to the West Indies. By suspending the intercourse between the U. S. and her West Indies, in British vessels, the chain would be broken, and the whole commerce in such vessels be, in a great measure, suspended. The provision in the article obviously looks to such an object, and the time of carrying it into effect, unless the trade should be placed on satisfactory ground, would have depended alto-
gether on the U. S.
Having already noticed the subjects which are embraced by the following articles, I shall add but little more, on any of them, to what is said in our joint letter of January 3d, 1807. The 7th was taken literally from the treaty of 1794. The 8th and 9th amended, as you allow, the articles in that treaty on the same subject. The 10th, relative to blockade, taken in connection with the British paper of December 31, 1806, placed, as I presumed, that interest on ground which would be satisfactory. The preamble cannot affect it unfavorably, as it does not alter the acknowledged law. The only effect which it could have, would be to admonish the courts to be cautious in admitting evidence of notice, on account of the distance of the U. S. from the blockaded ports. It was supposed to give the U. S. a claim to a more favorable rule in respect to evidence, than was allowed to powers more contiguous to the theatre of action. The doctrine contained in Mr. Merry's note to you was not contested by the British commissioners. It is, on the contrary, maintained in their note to us of December 31st, 1806, in which it is asserted to be notorious "that the king did not declare any ports to be in a state of blockade without allotting to that object a force sufficient to make the entrance into them manifestly dangerous." I quote the passage in their note to observe that the doctrine is not made conditional on any other part of it, but is laid down as the established law. It justifies the additional remark that the preamble was not intended and cannot be construed to alter the law. It follows that it cannot produce any other effect than that which is above imputed to it.
The 15th article relates to the search of merchant vessels, and differs from the 11th of the treaty of 1794, in the introductory sentence, which enjoins it on the commanders of ships of war and privateers, to observe in the course of the war, which may then exist, as much as possible the acknowledged rules and principles of the law of nations; and also in the penal sum [which it increases] to be given by the commanders of privateers before they receive their commissions, as a security for their good conduct under them. It was supposed that in this as in the preceding case, the law remained untouched, and that the stipulation produced no other effect, than to enjoin it on the governments respectively, to be particularly attentive to the conduct of its officers in the respect alluded to.
The 18th article and the paper of the British commissioners of the 31st of December, 1806, obviously look to the Russian convention, as the standard of the acknowledged law respecting the search of merchant vessels and blockade. That instrument was held constantly in view on both sides, in every discussion on those subjects, and indeed on every other to which it extends, and its doctrine admitted, especially in those, to be the established law. We were extremely desirous, and used our best exertions, to introduce articles to the same effect, into our treaty, but it was utterly impossible to accomplish it. It must however be allowed that if engagements of the kind alluded to, especially in regard to blockade, for which there was a special document, would not be observed, that it would be useless to stipulate them by treaty.
On the subject of the 17th article, I have already made some remarks under another head. I cannot think that a stipulation to receive the ships of war of each party, hospitably into the ports of the other, restrains them from limiting the number of ships to be admitted at one time, or from designating the ports to which they shall be admitted. A stipulation to admit them settles only, as I presume, the principle, that they shall be admitted, and leaves open to arrangement the other points connected with it. This opinion is supported by a passage in the article itself, as to the ports, which secures to vessels which might be driven by stress of weather, &c. into ports not open to them in ordinary cases, an hospitable reception in such ports. Had the right to designate the ports been given up by the general stipulation, there would have been no necessity for that contained in this passage. The remark is equally applicable to the other case,
that of the number to be admitted at one time. As that must be an affair of special and strict regulation, an exception which admitted more, by securing rights to them in case they entered, would necessarily defeat the limitation itself.
The stipulation which relates to the good treatment of the officers of each party in the ports of the other, being reciprocal, contains no reflection on one, which is not applicable to the other; and I will venture to affirm that it is equally necessary in regard to G. Britain as to the U. S. It is well known in respect to the latter, that the passions, which were excited by the revolution, did not long survive the struggle; that the sword was no sooner sheathed, than the calamities of the war were forgotten. The injured are always the first to forgive. It is, however, just a remark that time has essentially effaced, from the people of both nations, the hostile impression which that arduous conflict produced.
The 23d article was thought to contain an useful stipulation by securing to the U. S. the advantages in navigation and commerce, which G. Britain might afterwards grant to any other nation. That stipulation was obviously founded on the right of the most favored nation, and subject of course to the conditions incident to it. It amounts to this, that if G. Britain should concede any accommodation to another power in commerce with her East or West India colonies, or any other part of her dominions, gratuitously, the U. S. would be entitled to it on the same terms; but if she made such accommodation in consideration of certain equivalents to be given her in return, that the U. S. would not be entitled to those advantages without paying the equivalents. The doctrine is the same in its application to the U. S. If they could grant any privileges in trade to France or Spain for admission into their West India colonies, G. Britain would be entitled to the same, provided she admitted the U. S. into her islands also, and not otherwise. I could not perceive therefore how it was possible that the U. S. should be injured by the stipulation contained in this article; while it was probable that they might derive some advantage from it. It could not restrain them from passing a navigation act to place them on an equal footing with Great Britain, especially if it was made general or applied only to her and the other nations having such acts. The right to pass such an act was not taken away by any other stipulation in the treaty, and there was nothing in this article that had such a tendency. The terms "shall continue to be on the footing of the most favored nation, &c." refer to the principles established by the preceding articles and not to the existing laws or regulations of either party. If the latter was the case, it would follow, that the tonnage duties, the discriminating duties, &c. would remain as they were. The preceding articles were intended, in the points to which they extended, to establish a standard of equality between the parties, to which the regulations of each, whether they exceeded or fell short of it, should be brought. It could not be doubted that the British export duty was of the first description, that it violated the principle of the most favored nation. The British commissioners admitted the fact, and did not pretend to justify it on that ground. They urged in its favor only, that the same duty was imposed on exports to their own colonies in America, and that if any change was made in it, to satisfy the claim of the U. S. on the principle of the right of the most favored nation, it would be to raise it on the goods exported to other countries, not to reduce it on those sent to the U. S. The principle, however, established by this article, being applicable to that duty, it was to be presumed that it might fairly be relied on to obtain a modification of it, either by reducing the duty on exports to the U. S. or raising it on those to other nations. There is nothing in this article to restrain the U. S. from adopting measures to counteract the British policy with respect to the West Indies. If that object had not been secured by a special article, from the possibility of being affected by the others, the principle, established by the present one, could not have affected it, otherwise than beneficially.
Having replied to your objections to the several articles of the treaty, and given our view of them, I shall proceed to make some remarks on the whole subject to do justice to the conduct of the American commissioners in that transaction.
In every case which involved a question of neutral right, or even of commercial accommodation, Great Britain was resolved to yield no ground which she could avoid, and was evidently prepared to hazard war, rather than yield much. There seemed to be no mode of compelling her to yield, than that of embarking in the war with the opposite belligerent, on which great question it belonged to the national councils to decide. We had pressed the claims of the U. S. in the negotiation, to the utmost limit that we could go, without provoking that issue. It is most certain that better terms could not have been obtained at the time, we signed the treaty, than it contains.
The state of the war in Europe suggested likewise the propriety of caution on our part. Russia was then on the side of England, and likely to continue so; and Austria, known to be in the same interest, was holding an equivocal attitude, and ready to take advantage of any favorable event that might occur. Prussia, lately powerful, had been defeated, but was not absolutely subdued; her king, the ally and friend of Alexander, kept the field with him, and made head against France. The emperor of France, far removed from his dominions, was making the bold and dangerous experiment, of the effect which his absence might produce in the interior, and in a situation to be compelled to risk every thing, if pressed by his adversary, on the precarious issue of a single battle. These were strong reasons why we should not throw ourselves too decisively into that scale.
The situation of the United States, always a respectable one, was then less imposing than it usually was. It was known that they were not on good terms with Spain, and that France was the ally of Spain. Their interior too, was disturbed by a conspiracy of doubtful extent and dangerous tendency, the consequences of which were sure to be greatly magnified by all who were unfriendly to our happy system of government. Those circumstances could not fail to be taken into view, by any the most friendly administration in England, when pressed to make concessions which it was unwilling to make. Add to these considerations, the important one, that the British ministry had become much impaired in its strength, especially in what concerned the United States, by the death of a very eminent and distinguished statesman, and had not the power, or thought that it had not, to pursue a liberal policy towards the United States, and that its power was evidently daily diminishing.
These considerations induced us to sign the treaty, and submit it to the wisdom of our government, after obtaining the best conditions that it was possible to obtain. We were aware that, in several points, it fell short of the just claims of our country. But we were persuaded that such an arrangement was made of the whole subject as justified us in the part which we took. In the rejection or adoption of the treaty, I felt no personal interest. Having discharged my duty with integrity and zeal, I neither wished applause nor dreaded censure. Having the highest confidence in the wisdom, the rectitude and patriotism of the administration, I was satisfied that it would pursue the course, which an enlightened view of the public interest, and a just sensibility to the national honor, might dictate.
Our letter of January 3d, was written in haste, and was deficient in many of the explanations which would otherwise have been given of the treaty. I was happy when at Washington to find that you were perfectly willing to receive any explanations which I might now be disposed to give of that transaction, and to allow them the weight which they might deserve. In making this communication I have indulged the freedom which belonged to it, in full confidence that it would be approved. I cannot conclude this letter without adding my most ardent wish, that

the administration may succeed in conducting our affairs with every power, to the happiest result. My retirement, which had been long desired, and delayed only by the arduous and very important duties in which I was engaged, had become necessary as a relief to my mind, after much fatigue, and to the interest of my family, which had been neglected and greatly injured by my absence in the public service. It is still my desire to cherish retirement. Should it, however, be our unfortunate destiny, which I most earnestly hope will not be the case, to be involved in foreign war or domestic trouble, and should my services be deemed useful, I will not hesitate, at the desire of the administration, to repair again to the standard of my country.
I have the honor to be,
With great consideration & esteem, Your very obedient servant, JAMES MONROE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the Resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell for authorising the President to SUSPEND THE EMBARGO under certain contingencies.
TUESDAY, APRIL 12.
In committee of the whole, Mr. DESHA in the chair—
The following resolution being under consideration—
Resolved, That in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe, in the judgement of the President of the United States, he ought to be authorised by law to suspend the act "laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States" and the several acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions and restrictions, as the public interest and circumstances of the case may require: Provided, That such suspension shall not extend beyond days after the commencement of the next session of Congress.
MR. G. W. CAMPBELL said he would state to the House in a very brief manner, some of the reasons which induced him to bring forward this resolution.
It will be recollected, said he, that the causes which induced the passage of the law, imposing an embargo, were, the orders of council by Great Britain, and the decrees by France, which went in a great degree to cut off & destroy the whole commerce of the United States. In case those causes should be removed, I presume it will be thought necessary that there should be a power vested somewhere to withdraw the embargo occasioned by those orders and decrees. As therefore it is believed that we shall not be much longer in session, and it is at least possible that these orders and decrees may be removed, that Great Britain may revoke her orders of council or change them so as not to affect our commerce, and that France may revoke her decrees or change them so as to render our commerce secure, it is all important that a power should be vested somewhere to give the people such relief as would be justified by this state of things. Suppose it were the case that any alteration should take place when Congress were not in session, some weeks, nay some months must pass before Congress could be in session & a law pass for removing the embargo: the consequence of which would be that the country would suffer the pressure of the embargo for weeks or months longer than would be necessary; and I presume no member of the House will say that it would be proper to continue longer than necessary the pressure which the embargo must make upon them. There is I presume at least some reason to believe that the belligerent powers themselves are beginning to see their own interests injured. We see by the latest accounts from Great Britain that propositions are made in Parliament for revoking her orders. Should this take place, it is presumable that we also should revoke our regulations. This measure would also have a good effect in turning the attention of the people to the real source whence their present inconveniences flow; they will be taught to look to those circumstances which produced the embargo, a change of which would justify its removal. This would be a consideration of some importance. The mind of the public would be kept alive by the expectation that every day may bring the news which would induce the government to revoke the embargo,
which no doubt bears hard upon the agricultural as well as commercial interests of the country.
For myself I cannot see what objections can be made to this measure. It is not vesting a power in the President to oppress or embarrass the commercial interest; it only vests in him a power under certain restrictions to remove the pressure which our fellow citizens feel from the measure we have been compelled to adopt. I know no objection which can be made to giving a power to remove, though with great reluctance I should empower the Executive to impose, a burthen. I do not intend at this time to enter largely into the subject, not knowing what objections may be made to the proposition; but will observe that similar measures have frequently been adopted. It is no new case. The Executive has been on a former occasion not only authorized to remove an embargo; but to impose one; and that gentlemen may see the course which was pursued, I will turn to the laws which have vested in the President powers not only equal but greater than that which this resolution proposes to give. The first law to which I shall have reference passed in 1794 to authorise the President to lay and revoke an embargo. Another act passed in 1799 which authorised the President to suspend the law for prohibiting intercourse with the French nation. The sixth section of an act "further to suspend the commercial intercourse between the United States and France, and the dependencies thereof," says "That at any time after the passing of this act, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, if he shall deem it expedient and consistent with the interest of the U. S. by his order, to remit & discontinue, for the time being, the restraints and prohibitions aforesaid, either with respect to the French Republic, or to any island, port or place belonging to the said Republic, with which a commercial intercourse may safely be renewed; and also to revoke such order, whenever, in his opinion, the interest of the United States shall require; and he shall be, and hereby is authorised to make proclamation thereof accordingly." An authority similar to this was again given in the year 1800, in a bill of the same title, in the 6th sec. "That at any time after the passing of this act, it shall be lawful for the President of the U. States by his order to remit and discontinue for the time being, whenever he shall deem it expedient, and for the interest of the U. States, all or any of the restraints and prohibitions imposed by this act, in respect to the territories of the French Republic, or to any island, port or place belonging to the said Republic, with which in his opinion a commercial intercourse may be safely renewed; and also it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, whenever he shall afterwards deem it expedient, to revoke such order, and hereby to re-establish such restraints and prohibitions thereof accordingly." These three several acts were passed then; and, whatever objections may have been made to the laws in general, no objection was made to that part authorising the President to suspend those laws: and it is difficult to point out any reasonable objection to such a power. An objection cannot be fairly inferred from the constitution, which vests in Congress the power of regulating commerce, but does not prevent them from vesting in the President a power to suspend any regulations which they make: and it would seem strange that it should be thought an infringement of the constitution to direct the President to suspend the operation of a particular measure on the happening of certain events pointed out in the law, when in the laws which I have read, a general power and discretion unlimited have been given to the Executive "to lay, regulate, and revoke embargoes;" "to revoke such order (non-intercourse) whenever in his opinion the interest of the U. S. shall require it;" and "whenever he shall afterwards deem it expedient, to revoke (such orders and hereby to re-establish such restraints and prohibitions of intercourse)." Certainly this resolution does not propose to vest a power so unlimited as this. It is only intended to vest in the President a power under certain events to suspend the embargo till such a number of days after the commencement of the next session as will enable Congress to act on the subject.
I will mention another instance, and I believe no man objected to it, in which a power was given in substance precisely the same—the power to suspend the non-importation act. This was a law similar in its nature to the embargo law: it prohibited the importation of certain articles; and the
President was authorised by law to suspend the operation of that law, if he should suppose the interest of the country to require it. The law passed almost unanimously I believe.
The resolution as it now stands seems to me to embrace the principal grounds upon which we ought to authorise the Executive to suspend the operation of the law in question. If a general peace or suspension of hostilities take place in Europe, it would seem that there would be no danger from a suspension of the interdiction of our own vessels from sailing: but if no such event takes place, in the event of such alterations as shall exclude American commerce from the operation of the orders and decrees of the belligerents, it will be proper that the embargo should be suspended, they being the grounds on which the measure was adopted. You must vest a power somewhere to ascertain whether such change take place or not. You cannot precisely determine the fact which shall authorise suspension; for were you to say that in case of a revocation of the decrees of France or England the embargo shall cease, you give a vast advantage to those nations—for they may revoke them to-day and re-instate them to-morrow, as their interest may dictate. It is therefore necessary to vest a power somewhere to ascertain not only the revocation, but a reasonable assurance that they will not be renewed. For this purpose it is essentially necessary that the President should be authorised to determine the changes which shall render our commerce safe, by the assurances which may be given that they will not again resort to similar measures. This I mention only as my general object: as to the expressions in the resolution I am not tenacious of them; and in any modification of them which shall promote the public good I shall certainly acquiesce. I have no objection but one: that the public may see that we have not left our posts till we had done every thing in our power to relieve them from the distress of measures adopted by us and rendered necessary by the conduct of other nations.
I conceive this to be more important to the people on the sea coasts than to the people in the western country. To the western country a few weeks or months protraction of the interdiction in the fall of the year, could not be of much importance; yet it would seem to me that in the commercial cities, and towns in the Atlantic states, a few days or weeks, much more so a few months, which might occur before Congress could convene, would be very important; and they would feel much uneasiness, if, knowing such changes had taken place as would warrant the removal of the embargo, they were compelled to lie under its pressure until Congress could meet to revoke it. It cannot be expected, after the President shall determine to call Congress, that they can be convened here in less than three months. Such a resolution as this therefore would be beneficial to the commercial interest.
I will mention one other circumstance, and that is this: that if no such measure as that proposed should be adopted, and such a change take place in our foreign relations as would authorise the removal of the embargo, Congress might be called here at a season of the year when it would be extremely inconvenient if not dangerous to them to leave their homes. I presume no gentleman would wish to come here in August or even Sept. It is for these reasons, therefore added to the expence attendant on an extra session, that I wish such a measure as this to be adopted. I see many advantages which may result from it; and do not see any serious inconvenience which it can be supposed to produce.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
FOR NORFOLK, The brig Mahitable Capt. LACOCK, will sail in six days. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board, at the Navy Yard wharf.
June 10—3t District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of JOHN ALEXANDER an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said John Alexander, that on the 20th day of June, at the court room at Lindsey's Hotel, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Alexander, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist three times in each paper before said day.
By order of the honorable William C. CANNON, esq. Chief Judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
W. M. BRENT, CLK. June 10—3t
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
No. II.
In the remarks I shall offer, with the view of shewing that Mr. Madison is the individual that ought to unite the suffrages of the people of the U. S. I shall abstain altogether from any thing, calculated to derogate from the well earned characters of the other candidates. For them I solemnly declare that I feel, in common with my fellow-citizens, the highest respect. Over, therefore, any observations bearing upon them, which in the course of these papers it shall be incumbent to make, this sentiment shall preside. I trust that I too sincerely despise intolerance or detraction in others to be guilty of it myself.
The election of Mr. Madison is recommended by the following considerations:
First ; because the fair and usual expression of public opinion has been decided in his favor.
Secondly ; because he is the only candidate likely to insure the unanimous support of the republicans.
Thirdly ; because his election will be the best fitted to the destruction of seism among the republicans.
Fourthly ; because his election will have a powerful influence on the eventual satisfactory arrangement of our foreign affairs.
Fifthly ; because his election will give us a stronger assurance than that of any other man of an adherence to the same course of measures pursued by Mr. Jefferson.
Sixthly ; because his virtues and talents are equal, to say no more, to those of either of the candidates.
We have said that the election of Mr. Madison is recommended, in the first place, because the fair and usual expression of public opinion has been decided in his favor.
He has been nominated by a large majority of the republican members of the two Houses of Congress.
By a large majority of the republican members of the Virginia legislature.
By the unanimous vote of the legislature of Kentucky.
By the republican members of the legislature of Delaware,
And by numerous meetings of private citizens.
On the other hand, no representative body, besides the minority of the Virginia legislature, or meetings of citizens, have nominated any other candidate.
Such an unequivocal announcement of public opinion ought, one should think, of itself to be decisive. Heretofore it has been invariably acquiesced in by the republicans. To that acquiescence they have been heretofore indebted for their union, and on their union depended their strength. But, the times, we are told, are changed, and we are called upon to change with them. Should it, however, be made out that they are changed, which in this respect is denied, it does not follow that we ought to change with them; it does not follow that the principles which governed the republican party, when a minority, or in the infancy of its power, ought to be given up. Is it not the pride of that party, if it be correct to call by such a name the great body of the people, that the same principles that animated their march to power still regulates its exercise? Is it not of the very essence of republicanism in feeling power not to forget right? To do to others as they would that others should do to them?
If these are the sacred and inalienable maxims of republicanism, they ought to be respected and observed at all times and under all circumstances; and the republicans, who having once observed them, intermit their respect for them, cease to be what they were and no longer merit the name.
On this point there has been and still is much misrepresentation of facts blended with inconclusive reasoning.
The number and description of those who attended the Congressional caucus that nominated Mr. Madison have been mistated, and an unjust ascription of sentiments, subsequently entertained, attributed to them, which ought to be corrected.
It is not a little singular that this point is insisted on by those who affect to attach no kind of importance to the caucus as an expression of national sentiment. If no such importance does attach to it, then surely these little incidents are of no kind of consequence, as it is altogether immaterial what the opinions of those who composed it were or are.
On this point, however, we have, fortunately, the most conclusive proof the case admits. An official publication under the signature of the Secretary, has been made, in which the names of those who voted for Mr. Madison, and of those who would, if present, have voted for him are given.
From this document it appears that eighty-three members actually voted for Mr. Madison, and that ten members besides would have voted for him had they been present; and that in addition to these he received the vote of one delegate of a territory. All these gentlemen, except one, it is allowed, are republicans; and this one, Mr. Adams, there is every reason to consider such. If to maintain the violated rights of his country, at a time when they are exposed to the greatest peril; if to support every national measure of the administration with zeal and talents; if to appear at the bar of the public, and invite the lightning of federal vengeance on his head, and actually to receive it, constitute just claims to the distinction of republicanism, there is no man can perhaps urge them with greater force.
The whole number of republican members in Congress, even counting as such Mr. Randolph and his political associates, is 146; of which it appears that Mr. Madison had the decided majority of ninety-three. The whole New-York delegation but one, amounting to 19, declined attending. From their moving all together, and from the almost certainty that some of them are friendly to Mr. Madison's election, there is the best reason to ascribe their declension to attend the caucus altogether to local considerations. At any rate Mr. Madison commands a large and decided majority; while no nomination whatever has been made of any other candidate. Had such a nomination been made, there is every reason to believe that the remaining votes would have been divided between Mr. Clinton and Mr. Monroe, after deducting a considerable number who would altogether have declined voting for either of the three candidates. This would have more strikingly shewed the decided preponderance in favor of Mr. Madison, and have demonstrated the necessity of abandoning the other candidates.
There is one fact, which it may be well to notice on this head, peculiarly applicable to the friends of Mr. Clinton; viz. that at the Congressional caucus which nominated him in 1804 he had but 67 out of 110 republican votes, the whole number given on that occasion.
But it is said that since the caucus there has been a most unfortunate change for Mr. Madison in the opinions of those who composed it. But how is this proved? Is it proved by the official publication, to which we have already alluded, made 8 weeks after the period of the caucus, when the Secretary of the meeting invited a correction of any error which might have crept into the statement? What has occurred to bring such a change about? Much has occurred to strengthen the public confidence in Mr. Madison; but nothing to diminish that before entertained. No new facts have been brought to light calculated to have the latter effect; but many have been brought to light fitted to have the former. His powerful talents as a negotiator, his firmness as a patriot, the justice of the ground taken with foreign nations, and his anxious desire to heal our differences with all of them, and to preserve peace, without a sacrifice of honor, have all fixed him more deeply in the confidence of his country. Who are the members of Congress, who have thus most unfortunately for themselves changed their opinion? But one has had the rash ingenuousness to avow himself, and who is he? James Sloan; and why? Because, forsooth, he fears that Mr. Madison, if President, would prevent the removal of the seat of government. This is the real reason, whatever other motives may be assigned. Let the public appreciate the worthiness of such a motive. For my part the influence of such a name is too little the subject of my apprehension for me to care any thing about the course it recommends. It is said to be the misfortune of most minds to have some strange hobby, and in the name of common sense let James Sloan ride his hobby in his own way, particularly when he chuses a path so eccentric that he is not in the least danger of meeting in it a single human being; let him, therefore, trot along undisturbed, surrounded by the leige subjects of his own power and the happy children of his own imagination.
But, although it is admitted that the vote of the Caucus was that of a majority of the republican members, and that the same sentiments that produced that vote remain unchanged, we are told that the Caucus itself is unconstitutional and dangerous, and ought to have no weight with the people.
This is really so strange an allegation, as scarcely to merit attention. That which I shall bestow upon it shall be brief, but I trust decisive.

Such a Caucus is said to be unconstitutional, because the constitution prohibits the choice of electors from among the members of the two Houses. It is in vain replied that the gentlemen who composed the Caucus acted, and declared that they acted in their individual capacity; this is pronounced a mere cheat; and it is contended that they cannot in such an act divest themselves of their representative character. No! If so, it follows that a citizen in accepting a public place divests himself of some of the political rights which previously belonged to him as a citizen; and is this the fact in a single instance that can be named, unless where the deprivation of right is expressed in the constitution or the law creating the office? And when named, is it not an undisputed principle of law that the restriction on the broad pre-existing right shall be construed literally and rigidly. Under a republican government this rule of construction is of superior obligation, as the great principle of such a government is to maintain inviolate the political and civil rights of the citizen, and to abridge them in no other cases except where the public welfare absolutely requires it. Hence the legislator, the Executive magistrate, and the judge, all retain, in undiminished strength, their political rights as citizens, with very slight qualifications, which qualifications are always construed most rigidly. And it is right they should be. For the political rights of the citizen are infinitely more important than those of the ruler. The latter are indeed the mere creature of the former, and while the first remain unimpaired, the other may, without danger, be varied at pleasure.
But, why, it is said, did the framers of the constitution forbid the selection of electors from the members of the two Houses of Congress, if not to take from them all agency in the election of the Chief Magistrate? I answer, that one of the principal reasons of this restriction may have arisen, and probably did arise from the expectation that the members would in the first instance nominate the candidate for the Presidency, and a desire to withhold from men who exercised this power the ulterior power of election. Without such a restriction there might have been reason to fear that a majority of the members of Congress would name the candidate, themselves be chosen electors, and either as electors, chose a man conformably to their wishes, or throw the choice into the House of Representatives, where the ultimate power would be theirs. Nor is this ascribing too much forecast to a body so illustriously intelligent as the Convention that formed the Constitution, as the expectation might have been entertained, either from the numerous cases which had occurred in the states in which governors had been nominated by the members of state legislatures, or by the foresight that no other fair mode of collecting the public sentiment in a country so widely extended as the United States, could be obtained.
If it be indisputable that the members of Congress had in their individual characters an equal right to nominate a President with their fellow-citizens, that this right is secured by the federal and state constitutions, being in its exercise dependent upon both, it is equally clear that the same instrument, not merely by implication, but by direct and positive provisions, confer the right of associating for all purposes not inhibited by law. The only thing to consider remaining is the place where this right was exercised. And is it not absurd to say that it might be exercised by these gentlemen in their own states, but not in the City of Washington; in a private house, but not in the Capitol? To the first interrogatory, it is sufficient to reply that during the sitting of Congress they could not exercise the right elsewhere than in the city of Washington; and to the second to enquire whether this is not the very first instance in which it has been alleged that a legal act is vitiated by being performed in a public place.
(No. 2 to be concluded in our next)
A BULL.
THERE is now on Col. Tayloe's farm, called Petworth, near the City of Washington, a BUFFALO BULL, of the true English breed, very remarkable for size and figure, will be let to cows this season at one dollar each—those wishing to improve their breed of cattle should embrace the opportunity, as he will be removed the ensuing season.
Apply to the Manager.
N. B. The money to be paid when the cattle are sent.
June 3—6t.
WANTED
To go to North-Carolina in May, a Paper-maker, who is a good workman, and is sober and industrious. To such a person good wages will be given.
Apply to the Editor of this paper.
April 29.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JUNE 10.
DIED —Yesterday Mr. HENRY KREEMER, late a clerk in the Treasury Department, his friends are invited to attend his funeral from the house of Mr. William Rhodes, at 4 o'clock this afternoon.
Mr. Rose arrived in England on the 23d of April, on board the Statira.
It is with the deepest humiliation that we lay before our readers the following resolutions, with the sanction given them by the legislature of Massachusetts. The spirit of party has triumphed over every suggestion of patriotism, and they have passed by 247 affirmative to 219 negative votes.
Should any man be at a loss to assign the motives to which this legislative interposition is to be ascribed, all difficulty will be removed by attending to what these representatives do not say, as well as what they do say. At a crisis so portentous, when the hostile attitude of almost the whole foreign world towards us is unquestioned, it might have been expected, that the representatives of a great and powerful member of the confederacy would have prefaced their Exposé of the state of the nation with an expression of their sense of the indignities and injuries received by us from the belligerent powers, when those indignities and injuries are admitted to be the sole causes of our present situation. It might, particularly, have been expected that some pointed allusion would have been made to the British orders of Council, and that the principle on which they were issued, as well as the evils they inflict on unoffending neutrals, would have been strongly reprobated; this might the more have been looked for, as the resolutions in several instances contain a marked reprobation of French principles. Yet it is a most singular fact that the name of Great-Britain is not to be found in them, or any reference to the celebrated British orders, either for impressing our seamen, or for seizing and condemning our vessels and property.
It might have been expected that, while the policy of the Embargo was questioned, the course of the negotiation with Britain would have been approved. It might have been expected that a body, so alive to the national honor, as to be ready to plunge into the horrors of war to guard it, would not have been insensible to the dignity and talent with which it has been defended, or to the justice of the ground taken by the administration; and that here at least the pride of an American would have silenced the petty feelings of the partisan. It might have been expected to have occurred to such a body that the weight of their opinion would operate abroad as well as at home; and that, consequently, while they were censuring a strong and leading measure of their own government, it became a paramount duty to condemn the unjust conduct of foreign governments. But not a word do we find to this effect. Not daring to approve British violence and injustice; they have shrunk from condemning it. Not in their hearts to condemn it would evince a total desolation of patriotism, which charity will not suffer us to ascribe to them. No—they must feel such wrongs as have been inflicted. To think otherwise would be a libel on their virtue, their spirit, and their understanding. But, they had a political effect to produce; in the day of danger, they surrender themselves to the selfish suggestions of party spirit; they look with a single eye to the loaves and fishes; they must, therefore, prostrate by any means the administration in their way to preferment. Hence, with their celebrated Senators and the Essex Junto, their total blindness to the wrongs we have received, and their culpable silence with regard to the causes which led to the Embargo.
The next thing that presents itself is the substitute recommended for the Embargo. This, however disguised, is nothing more or less than submission to British violence, or war, with a navy. The total silence as to British aggressions leads us to fear the former to be their wish, and that when they talk of a navy, it is meant but a tub to the whale, as a cunning indication of their meaning to do something, when in fact in their hearts they mean to do nothing. Submission! Good God! Can the idea enter into the minds of any Americans? Can it more than all enter into the minds of the sons of Massachusetts? Can they who have been rocked by their illustrious and patriotic forefathers in the cradle of revolutionary independence, whose fathers rank with the Hampdens and Sydneys of England, who risked their property, their lives, in seventy-six, when we were weak, poor, and disunited, can these men in eighteen hundred and eight, when we are a powerful, a rich, an united people, submit to the same nation, to the same chains forged for us, and to the same
still more galling? The idea is too monstrous. It were treason against liberty to harbor it for an instant. It would prove that commerce had made us another Carthage; and that wealth and liberty were incompatible.
And yet, if the object be not submission, to talk of carrying on war with an effective navy gradually created! Against whom? Here again we behold the cloven foot. Not against England surely. With her thousand ships of war what purpose would our little navy, gradually created, answer, but to swell her vast flotilla. When then these representatives talk of a navy, it is not meant to make it the instrument of coercing Britain, of maintaining by its means our rights against this great violator of maritime rights; but, it is to protect our commerce against the pickeroons of France, themselves obliged to seek a refuge in every harbor against the superior force of their enemy, and therefore actually disqualified from doing us any great harm,—and in this way to embroil us in a war with France, and thus force us into an alliance with England.
Unpleasant as the task has been, we have considered it a duty to take from party the mask that hides its deformities. Many other detailed features, scarcely less reprehensible, merit and may receive further notice.
“Whereas the present critical and alarming state of our national affairs renders it peculiarly necessary and proper that our rulers should be correctly informed of the sentiments of the people, who are the only legitimate source of power—and whereas certain resolutions passed at the last session of the Legislature, before means had been afforded to consult their constituents, may have led to a misapprehension of the state of public opinion. And whereas the people of this commonwealth are placed in new & extraordinary circumstances, interdicted by the national government from the use of the ocean, and from the habits and occupations to which they & their fathers have been accustomed to from the first settlement of the country—and at the same time, the surplus of their fields and fisheries is perishing on hand, for want of a market, and the ruinous consequences which must ensue from a continuance of the present system of measures cannot be exceeded by the losses and dangers to be apprehended from any information which has been officially communicated to the public:—Therefore,
Resolved , By the Senate and House of Representatives of the commonwealth of Massachusetts in general court assembled,
That the citizens of Massachusetts have a natural, necessary, and immediate interest in the preservation, and prosperity of commerce, navigation and the fisheries; to the successful extension of which, under the late administrations of the national government, they are, with the blessings of Providence, principally indebted for the rapid improvement in agriculture and the arts, and for the unexampled increase of their domestic resources.
That to secure protection and encouragement to these most important and unalienable interests, was a primary motive for the accession of this Commonwealth to the Constitution of the United States:—
That we therefore view with anxiety and alarm, the operation of an Embargo of an unprecedented extent and unlimited duration, by which not only foreign commerce is annihilated, but the most grievous restraints and embarrassments imposed upon the intercourse between different states, and even between different parts of the same state:—That although a temporary Embargo may be on some occasions expedient as a measure of precaution, and the right to impose it may be admitted as incident to the powers of the national government to regulate commerce:—Yet the power to create a permanent Embargo upon foreign and inland commerce, which a majority of Congress cannot repeal against the consent of the President, was not, it is believed, contemplated by the framers of the Constitution; and the adoption of this measure with a view to coerce foreign nations, is, in our estimation, a novel and dangerous experiment, which discourages industry by destroying its reward, disturbs the natural relations of the citizens, is equally repugnant to the national honor and interest; and while its effects in countering the oppressive policy of any other nation, is at least doubtful, is pregnant with disastrous consequences to our own:—
That if this unexampled prohibition of commerce could rightfully be enforced by Congress, yet the delegation of an authority to the Executive, to regulate the coasting trade, and the ordinary intercourse between the citizens of the same state, and to grant exemptions and dispensations at his discretion to individuals of districts, would be not less dangerous and ex-
traordinary, as it might become the foundation for oppressive monopolies and exclusive privileges, and prepare the country for the habitual surrender of the legislative power into a single hand:—
That while the true policy of the United States points to the cultivation of peace and amity with all nations, yet if these blessings be unattainable by means consistent with national honor, the people of this Commonwealth will be ever ready to sustain all privations, and to make every exertion requisite to support the dignity and enforce the reasonable pretensions of the nation; and it being certain that no degree of forbearance and moderation will exempt neutral nations, at all times, from insult and aggression, and that the claims of military ambition can be satiated only by universal dominion, it is the duty of government to prepare for events, which it may be impossible to avert:—That the spirit and resources of the country are fully adequate to the protection of its maritime and territorial rights, and ought to be directed and employed in such preparations as the experience of ages demonstrates to be alone safe and effectual.—We cannot therefore but deprecate a system of measures, which instead of providing for the defence of our ports and frontier, by usual and obvious means, has impaired our naval force, and left us exposed to every invader:—
That in the estimation of this legislature, a naval force is highly important for the defence of this country and the protection of commerce; and that it is the duty of the Senators and Representatives of this commonwealth in Congress, from time to time to use all due means for the gradual creation of an effective navy:
That the general government, having been instituted expressly to provide for the common defence and general welfare, and to preserve to us and to posterity the blessings of liberty, must be supported at every expence and every hazard, while it secures these inestimable objects by an equal and paternal solicitude for the various parts and sections of the union: But that government must not be confounded with the administration as the latter can only be entitled to the confidence of the people, when by a fair and frequent display of their purposes and policy they rescue themselves from the imputation of partiality, and prejudice, undue fear or affection in the conduct of our foreign and domestic concerns.
Electoral votes for next President.
The Citizen of New York has given his readers the following estimate:
  Mr. Clinton is to have 90   Mr. Madison 15   Federal 22   Doubtful 48 
The Public Advertiser , noticing this estimate, also makes one as follows:
  Mr. Madison 108   Mr. Clinton 12   Mr. Monroe 4   Federal 52 
The Aurora , in commenting on these articles, the latter of which allows Mr. Clinton eight votes in Pennsylvania, says—
“We copy the following from the New York Public Advertiser , a paper conducted with firmness and intelligence, which neither assumes more than it performs, nor undertakes more than it is competent to execute—with this estimate, however, we do not entirely concur; as to a general result perhaps it may be near the case, but in what concerns the votes of Pennsylvania, the Public Advertiser is absolutely misinformed, at no time was there a suspicion that there were more than two of the citizens nominated for electors partial to Mr. Clinton; and it is well known that these will abide by the sentiments of their constituents; what those sentiments are the public already partly know from the sentiments published in various parts of the state, & which will soon generally appear. Liberties have been taken also with the name of the venerable Charles Thompson, that good man entertains an entire respect for Mr. Clinton, but it may be permitted to those who are intimately acquainted with him, and who know his sentiments on the best policy of the United States, to say that he is in favor of that candidate who is most likely to pursue the policy of the present administration, and that he thinks Mr. Madison that man.”
Our opinion, from information derived from various parts of the union, is that Mr. Madison will have every republican Electoral vote, & that the federal electoral votes will not exceed twenty-one. We believe that Mr. Madison will command an unanimous republican vote—
Because, it is ascertained that he will certainly have a majority, which will necessarily make him President.
Because this fact once ascertained, there will be no inducement to the republicans to divide their votes, while there will be strong induce-
ments to them to united them. Guided by patriotic motives, they will deem it duty to diminish the chances to their adversaries of carrying their political objects by giving to the President elect their undivided support; and they will deem it a still higher duty to shew the foreign world the falsehood of the libel that represents us as a divided people. Knowing that the President is the organ of foreign intercourse, and sensible of his great Constitutional power over our foreign relations, they will feel the importance attached by foreign nations to this election with regard to the adjustment of our differences with them, and will elect the man whose sentiments and measures they approve, and who, they are certain, will persist in the same course which has heretofore guided the administration. The importance of their union in this respect will be so self-evident, that they will not permit themselves to be divided. We believe that, in no circumstances, would the republicans suffer themselves to be divided on so important an object; we are confident that under existing circumstances, they will not. Their not having heretofore permitted themselves to be divided, is the best assurance of their union on this occasion.
A decision of the Circuit Court of the U. States for the district of South Carolina has lately been made against the detention, by the collector, of a vessel sailing from Charleston laden with rice. The result of the decision was, the issuing of a mandamus commanding the collector to grant a clearance to the Resource. Several vessels laden with rice, relying on this decision, then took out clearances; and, attempting to proceed, their voyage was arrested by the Hornet sloop of war, and they were forbidden to proceed to sea with rice on board. They were, however, afterwards permitted to proceed. The opinion of the court will be given in our next.
The Intendant of Havanna has issued an order, demanding that the merchants who hold American produce shall furnish for the use of government, 6,744 barrels of flour, 1,027 barrels pork, 1,251 barrels beef, 63,562 wt. of good beans, and 95,813 wt. of ordinary, 9,296 jars of oil, and 81 barrels of vinegar; which, if not delivered in ten days, he will take measures for obtaining by force, for the use of his Catholic Majesty's troops. Nassau Paper.
By the arrival of the schooner Five Sisters at Philadelphia, from New Providence, we have received our file of Bahama papers down to the 21st of May. In these we find the publication by the governor's order, of the instructions of the British commissioners of the high court of admiralty, directing and authorising a trade from the British West-India Islands and Nova Scotia, with the revolted part of St. Domingo. American.
The late Spanish papers state that the Rochefort and Toulon fleets had combined, and arrived in the roads of Corfu 25th February—consisting of 10 ships of the line and several frigates and smaller vessels.
True strength of parties in Massachusetts. —The votes for Governor in April last, as finally ascertained, give
  Mr. Sullivan, republican, 43,074   Mr. Gore, federalist, 40,453 
Republican majority 2,621
Last year Gov. Sullivan had a majority of 2730. So that the embargo may be considered having changed 109 votes out of 83,000.
The term of service of John Quincy Adams, Esq. expiring on the third of March next, the House of Representatives of the state of Massachusetts proceeded to the election of a Senator of the U. States for the ensuing six years. The ballots having been counted, there were
  For James Lloyd, jun. 248   John Q. Adams 213   Laban Wheaton 1 
As the Senate is federal, no doubt Mr. Lloyd, a decided federalist, is elected.
IMPORTANT!
The following information was laid before the underwriters this day, by a respectable Merchant of this City.
“That by the French Emperor's special order of the 27th January last commanding himself, not published or promulgated, or otherwise made known at Hamburg, than by a verbal message from the French custom-house there to the consignee of the ship Juniata, of this port, about the 15th of March, the cargo of this ship, with others in a similar predicament, was definitively confiscated, and the greater part of it ordered to be transported by land to Paris, to be sold there for consumption. And the tribunal of prizes was ordered not to take cognizance of any claims for these cargoes. ( N. American. )”

FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, May 23th, 1808.
IT has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keais, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said Bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post Office as aforesaid: neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keais, and on one part of the back of all or most of the notes, was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of five hundred dollars will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen.
ALBERT GALLATIN, secretary of the Treasury.
DESCRIPTION OF NOTES.
Table with 4 columns: No., Date, To whom payable, Dollars. Lists various bank notes and their details.
Dollars 1,500
May 30—1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT
Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders, far superior to any hitherto in use, can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory.
November 27—tf
TO BE LET, AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company.
April 29—tf.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Thomas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantaloon with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloon nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown suit coat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress.
As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington.
ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—eptf
NOW LANDING From on board the Schooner VIRGINIA from New York,
First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS, Bordeaux CLARET in boxes of one dozen each, SWEET OIL, OLIVES, CAPERS & ANCHOVIES, for sale by
ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23—tf
WANTED
At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—epts
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offutt, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
WOOLLEN DRAPERS, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
PUBLIC SALE.
THE sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, heretofore advertised, being postponed by order of the Chancellor, the subscriber as trustee, will sell at public auction, at Van Wyck & Dorsey's Auction Room in the city of Baltimore, on Friday the 17th day of June next at 12 o'clock, the following tracts of unimproved land lying in Allegany county, to wit:
Table with 2 columns: Description, acres. Lists tracts of land and their acreage.
The lands above mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing, and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase.
A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscriber.
The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands, shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within twelve months from the day of sale. The creditors of Gustavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale aforesaid. ROGER PERRY, Trustee. Cumberland, May 23—3w.
IN obedience to the decree of the High court of Chancery of Maryland will be sold to the highest bidder at Semmes's tavern George Town, on the 11th July at 11 o'clock, A.M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to sundry Lots of ground in Thomas Beall of Georges addition to George Town, purchased of John M. Gantt, esq. being the four easternmost Lots purchased by said Gantt of Thomas Beall of George, esq. and in and to Lots No. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 in square No. 8 in the city of Washington and to part of square No. 3. in said city.
The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery of Maryland aforesaid, with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale. JAMES S. MORSELL, Trustee. June 3—w July 11
FOR SALE OR RENT,
The dwelling house of the subscriber—possession may be had immediately, if required. JOSEPH FORREST. June 3—6t.
NOTICE.
ALL Persons having claims against the estate of Elizabeth Philpot, late of Charles county deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit them legally authenticated, on or before the 8th day of December, otherwise they may by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate, and all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment to Mr. Laurence Perry, who is fully authorised, to conduct the said administration. P. B. SMOOT, Exr. Millersburg, Bourbon County Kentucky, June 8—3t
SUBSCRIPTIONS will be received at D. RAPINE'S Bookstore, on Capitol Hill, for an entire
NEW WORK,
Entitled, "The Manual of the French and English Student, or a new and complete Dictionary of the French and English Languages, in two parts, 1st. French and English; 2nd. English and French.
The whole carefully compiled from the best writers, and particularly from the dictionaries of the French Academy, Boiste, Ferand, Catineau, Wailly, Fouquet, Nugent, Chambaud, Johnson, Walker, &c.
By N. G. DUPLANT.
This work will contain the pronunciation of every word, according to the most polite usage in France & England. It will preclude the necessity of any other dictionary.
The work will be printed on a superfine paper and new type, cast for the purpose, and delivered to subscribers in two volumes, neatly done up in boards at Five Dollars.
D. Rapine has lately received from New York & Philadelphia an extensive collection of Books in addition to his former assortment, among which are all the late and new works of merit.
In a few days will be received the fifteenth half volume of Dr. Rees's Cyclopaedia. May 30—
THE ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.
15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
May 1, to Dec. 1.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 27 hours.
Dec. 1. to May 1.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. & arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Richmond on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours.
16. From Petersburg by Cambypoint, Smithfield, Surry court house, & Sleepy hole ferry, to Norfolk, 3 times a week.
May 1. to Dec. 1.
Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 10 A. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M. in 21 hours.
Dec. 1. to May 1.
Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 5 P. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M.
17. From Charleston by Jacksonboro', Pocotaligo and Coosawatchy to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 A. M. & arrive at Savannah by 8 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M.
18. From Augusta by Jacksonboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah once a week. Leave Savannah every Friday, at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 P. M. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 P. M.
19. From Augusta by Wanesboro' and Louisville to Savannah once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Louisville at 11 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrived at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 A. M. Leave Louisville same day at 10 A. M. and arrive Augusta on Thursday by 10 A. M.
20. From Savannah by Bryan court house, Midway church, Riceboro', Jefferson, McIntosh court house, and Darien, to St. Mary's, once a week by land. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 P. M.
21. From Darien by Brunswick, to Frederica, once a week. Leave Darien every Wednesday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Frederica on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave Frederica at 2 P. M. and arrive at Darien by 6 P. M. on Friday.
22. From Milledgeville (G.) to Athens, (G.) once a week. Leave Milledgeville every Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens on Saturday, by 11 A. M. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Sunday, by 8 P. M.
23. From Sparta by Milledgeville and Jones c. h. to Fort Ocmulgee, once a week. Leave Sparta every Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Ocmulgee on Saturday by 6 P. M. Leave Ocmulgee every Monday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Sparta on Tuesday by 6 P. M.
24. From Milledgeville by Putnam c. h. and Morgan c. h. to Randolph c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Milledgeville every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Randolph c. h. on Tuesday, by 6 P. M. Leave Randolph c. h. the next day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Wednesday by 6 P. M.
25. From Woodbridge, (N. J.) to Amboy, three times a week. Leave Woodbridge Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 6 P. M. and arrive at Amboy by 7 P. M. Leave Amboy every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Woodbridge by 1 P. M.
26. From New Lisbon to Canton, (Ohio). Leave New Lisbon every Sunday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Canton by 6 P. M. Leave Canton every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Lisbon by 6 P. M.
27. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke & Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday Thursday and Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 P. M. Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 6 P. M.
NOTES.
1. The mail will be carried on the routes, number four to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when the roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shown, that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the newspapers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance.
2. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
3. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
4. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained.
5. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
6. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
7. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage he is desired to state it in his proposals.
8. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
9. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 16, are to be in operation on the first day of Oct. next and to continue in force two years from that time; for the routes from No. 17 to 25 to commence at the same time, & to continue in force until the 31st of March, 1811. For the routes, 26, 27, and 28, to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster General General Post Office, Washington City, May 26, 1808. May 16—wtrA.
NOTICE.
THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned, are notified that the Board of Appeal, composed of the city Commissioners will sit at the Council Chamber on Tuesday the 14th day of June next, and continue to sit for TEN days, Sundays excepted, from 3 until 7 o'clock, P. M. to hear and determine on appeals from the late assessment.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington city, June 1—J24
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of NATHAN ORME an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Nathan Orme, that on Monday the 13th inst. at the court room in the Capitol, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Orme, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist twice in each paper before said day.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Clk. June 8—2t