The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-05-06 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1130.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, MAY 6, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
At a general and large meeting of the Republicans of Somerset county, Maryland, held at Princess Ann, pursuant to public notice, on Wednesday, the 13th of April, 1808.
MARTIN L. HAYNIE, Chairman. PETER DASHIELL, Secretary.
The following resolutions were passed:
1st. Resolved unanimously, That the members composing this meeting, participating deeply in the general solicitude arising from the very eventful situation in which our Country is placed, having convened more especially for the consideration of local objects, cannot forbear to express their feelings and sentiments, in relation to our public concerns; agreeably to the usage of citizens in all free governments, and particularly those of our own, when under the pressure of serious difficulties, and dangers more serious and awful.
2nd. Resolved unanimously, That we fully agree with the great majority of the American people in the conviction, that the conduct of this government towards all other nations, with whom we have had friendly or commercial relations has been strictly just, impartial and magnanimous, in a degree so obvious, as to demonstrate that our present difficulties and dangers could not have been avoided, by any endeavors which human foresight could direct, or human abilities perform; and that under this conviction it necessarily becomes a duty to submit without a murmur, to those privations and inconveniences, and with respect to some of us, actual distresses, which we have experienced, or may experience, as an effect of the existing Embargo; believing that measure, as well as the general course pursued, by the constituted authorities, in the present crisis, to have flowed from the purest patriotism, guided by sound, enlightened policy.
3rd. Resolved unanimously, That the firm, determined, resistance of our Executive to the illiberal, arrogant demand of the British government, expressed by their late Envoy extraordinary, as a requisite previous to the offer of satisfaction, for that act of murderous violence which had kindled a glow of indignation throughout our land; after having given the most unequivocal evidence of a spirit of conciliation on the part of our government, merits and meets our warmest approbation; & that whatever consequences may arise out of that act, we feel it a duty on our part to meet with a correspondent firmness.
4th. Resolved unanimously, That the result of the last election for a member of Congress afforded conclusive evidence in the minds of this meeting, that, had any character of sufficient standing as a republican, offered, his election must have been certain; and, that we are far from believing, that the number of republicans bears no higher proportion to the whole number of qualified voters than at that time:—much less, that it has been diminished.
5th. Resolved unanimously, That an arrangement having for its object concert and unity of design throughout the district, would be a probable and necessary means of aiding individual exertion, and securing a successful result; and that it is respectfully and earnestly recommended by this meeting to our fellow-republicans in the counties composing the other members of this district, to elect at general meetings of the counties respectfully, a committee of five members; which, together with a like committee from this county, shall meet together for the purpose of agreeing on proper characters to be supported at the ensuing election, for a Representative in Congress, and an Elector of President & Vice-President of the U. States.
6th. Resolved, That James Bennett, Levin Ferrington, William Williams, Josiah Polk, Junr. and Josiah Wilson Health are appointed a committee to fulfil the objects of the last resolution; and that it is recommended that the meeting of the committees from the several counties be held at
Mrs. Chaille's tavern in Salisbury, at one o'clock on Saturday the 28th of May.
7th. Resolved, That Robert Lemon, George James, Thomas Williams, Henry King and James Miller, are appointed a committee to hold such correspondence, in all parts of the district, as may best promote the several objects contemplated by the proposed arrangement; and that the said committee meet at Princess Ann on the first Tuesday in every month.
8th. Resolved, That Charles Nutt, Arthur Dashiell, Martin L. Haynie, and Peter Dashiell, are recommended by this meeting to their fellow-citizens of Somerset county, as suitable characters to compose a ticket for the next General Assembly; and that we pledge ourselves to support the said ticket, by the employment of every honorable and proper means; and in like manner the election of the characters who may be agreed on by the joint committee, to be polled as a Representative in Congress, & an Elector of President and Vice-President of the U. States.
9th. Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be published in the National Intelligencer, and the Republican Star.
By order of the meeting, MARTIN L. HAYNIE, Chairman. PETER DASHIELL, Secretary.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 6.
Debate on the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force. (CONTINUED.)
Mr. SOUTHARD said, that the importance of the subject would be a sufficient apology for his detaining the House a few minutes. The gentleman from Connecticut, said he, has anticipated me in a great part of what I meant to have said, and has spoken correctly according to my knowledge and experience. I regret that our country is placed in such a situation as to render the passage of the bill upon your table in any wise necessary. The question whether or not our country is in danger from a foreign foe, is a question not now to be decided. Members in various parts of the House, differing materially on other subjects, agree in this: that the country is in danger, and that it would be good policy to prepare in some manner for our protection.
I shall not take up the time of the House to show that members have acted inconsistently with themselves or with their own professions; it is of little consequence to the present question how they voted in '98, when this subject was before Congress. The only question now is, whether the situation of our country at this time is such as requires an addition of force to our military establishment? Various positions have been taken and the bill objected to on various grounds. Yesterday gentlemen from Virginia and N. Carolina, (Messrs. Randolph and Stanford) made speeches against the bill calculated to catch the popular ear. Economy of public money is a fascinating argument; but before we decide, we must test this principle, by placing gold in the one scale, and the character, honor and liberties of the country in the other, and see which kicks the beam. I take this to be the question now to be decided. I may be mistaken; but under this impression I shall give my vote. In order to give my opinion of our present situation as warranting the raising these men, I must take a summary view of our relations with the European powers, and our consequent situation.
I am of opinion that Europe will not long remain in the situation in which it now is. One or the other power must gain the ascendancy, and as soon as that event occurs, a despotic eye will be turned to the U. S. for perhaps there is nothing which more invites war from one nation than the possession of equal rights and liberties by another. Should then peace take place, and the people of the European nations have time to compare their situation with that of the U. S. they will make their empires tremble to the centre, and let their
rulers know that it is the policy of despotic governments to keep their subjects always at war. Where could they better employ their troops than in the U. S.? I must say, that I believe that rather than see that spark of liberty burn, which was kindled in the U. S. in '76, and since fanned into a flame, they would quench it in the blood of our people.
After these observations of a general nature, I will make some which bear more particularly upon what is now before the House. No man has perhaps a more undeviating confidence in the militia than myself. I have seen their service, and my country has experienced their utility. But while I make these declarations I must also declare my sentiments with regard to a regular force. The gentleman from Connecticut has spoken feelingly and experimentally on this point. I never held a commission either in the regulars or militia during the revolution; but I was often called out from home. When the militia were alone, without a rallying point and without experienced officers, they did not feel themselves as competent as when aided by a few regular troops. I have been in a situation in which the very information of the coming of a few regular troops has animated every man; the militia also animated the regulars, and thus united together, conquest and victory crowned their efforts. I believe then that under existing circumstances, the sound policy and interest of the country demand that we should augment our regular force, and that the troops should be stationed in the most vulnerable points, to meet any invading foe that sets his foot upon our soil.
As to our present situation, I have felt indignant at the repeated insults offered to this country by the conduct of one of the belligerent powers to whom it is well known to every gentleman on this floor, we held out the hand of reconciliation; and what I look upon to be an aggravation exceeding others is, that every captain of the British navy is appointed an absolute judge, where liberty, property, and every thing dear to man is involved in the decision. In the case of the Chesapeake, it is true, they have disavowed the act of the officer. But have they made reparation? No. What have they done? Look at the communications lately laid before you. Look at the note of Mr. Canning; look at the note of Mr. Rose. If this be not adding insult to injury I know not what it is. But this is not all. By the late orders in council our national character and independence are assailed. What is their language to our government? Pay tribute; ask our leave and you may navigate the ocean; without it you shall not. What is the language of Bonaparte, the emperor I had almost said of the whole world? Why, if you have the trace of English footsteps on your decks, your vessels are forfeit. Could it be possible that any orders could be issued so destructive and more degrading to the nation than these? What shall we do in this situation? I think it is time for this nation to rouse. I cannot sleep upon my course, so far as my own state is jeopardized in this manner. England rules by sea; Napoleon governs the continent of Europe—he has but to speak the word and his decrees are carried into effect. The sovereigns of the sea and the land have declared by their orders of council, edicts and decrees, that no nation shall be free.
With regard to the unfriendliness manifested in the governments of Nova-Scotia or Canada, whether with a view to protect themselves or to assail the U. S. it is certain they are fortifying themselves. But this is not all. They are not only throwing troops into Canada and Nova-Scotia, but emissaries from them have gone among the savage tribes to influence them to be ready to sacrifice the defenceless people. Can any thing be worse than this? You recollect that since the government has been here, a great number of Indians have always paid their respects to the great father of the country. Where are they now? Has there been a single individual here this winter? None; and therefore I am induced to fear that the efforts of our enemies have been but too successful.
There are two or three points to which I will call the attention of the committee, in which there is dan-
ger of our being attacked, which has been intimated in some degree by gentlemen who have preceded me. It is very well known that our seaport towns are in a situation to be assailed; that they are in a very unprotected state; and that it is in the power of a British squadron to lay any one of our seaports under contribution. Yes, sir, they may if they please, lay it in ashes. The embargo will operate upon them severely; and when hungry and athirst they will come and take what they can find, and rob your banks and treasuries. And to show that I am not alone in this opinion, I cite the late acts of the Legislature of New-York, who have appropriated money for fortifying the city, and passed a law for the removal of the bank on any emergency. Other ports might be mentioned in the same situation as New-York.
The situation of the Michigan territory has been so often brought into view, and so much expressed upon it, that it is needless for me to say more. It is surrounded by hordes of Indians, now in some commotion; and certainly this is a very exposed point. New Orleans is in a more exposed situation by far. I believe that no enemy will land in any of our seaport towns but this, with an intention of remaining there. I call the attention of the people of the U. S. to this place; and to view its situation and consider its importance to the U. S. as well as to an enemy. It is the most valuable point of our all-valuable acquisition. Without it, what is all the rich country of Kentucky, Ohio, and Tennessee worth? Nothing in comparison. Recollect the Washita conspiracy to seize it. Where is Burr now? No doubt lurking in some of his hiding places in his neighborhood meditating fresh enterprises. I am informed from a source on the credibility of which I can rely, that he has now an agent in G. Britain, one who was deeply concerned in the original project. I do not believe that he will ever attempt the enterprise again, because the people of the U. S. would crush it instantly. But let a foreign nation by his assistance once get possession, and it will cost a much blood and treasure to regain them.
These considerations induce me to vote for the bill. I think these troops may be disposed of to great advantage; they will form rallying points to the militia in time of danger; and rallying points I know are of vast utility. As to the sum to be appropriated in consequence of this bill, it is little worth comparison with the object. Will it weigh any thing in the scale with the honor, interest and liberties of this country? However valuable the coin, its expenditure for this object is no objection to the bill.
On the other hand, as to danger to the U. S. from this force, I can scarcely believe gentlemen are serious. I know that gentlemen of ingenuity will bring forward the argument; but it is possible that a force of this kind disposed through the U. S. can ever jeopardize the liberties of the people? No; it cannot. They are liable to be disbanded at any moment; and should any ill disposition be manifested among them, you have but to lift up your hand and paralyze it in a moment. Upon that score there cannot be the least objection to the bill.
I have thought it the policy of this government to take strong ground. I have viewed the disposition of the European powers, and I have believed, if ever we meant to maintain our liberties, we must take strong ground. I never wish to see my country's character sacrificed; rather let us sacrifice our blood, our lives. I think we are now pursuing a course of measures calculated to secure our national honor and independence. I cannot believe there is any danger, except in such vulnerable points as N. Orleans, of serious invasion; or a design to invade our country with a serious idea of subjugating us. Peace is desirable; but if we mean to maintain it, we must be prepared for war. What would have been our situation in 1776, if the patriots of that day had cried out for peace. We might have purchased peace at that day, but at the expence of liberty for ever; & the blessings which we have long enjoyed during a period of peace and prosperity almost unparalleled, are but owing to an exertion in the
day of danger. Had we submitted, what would have been the consequence? We should have been the subjects and sufferers of eternal European wars. I bless God that the Americans of that day united in resistance to imposition; I hope they will do the same on this day, and that gentlemen, throwing aside the distinctions of Democrats, Republicans, and Federalists, will bury the political hatchet: I hope to see a vote on this question which will shew the world that we are united.
We have passed a law for building gun-boats and erecting fortifications; and a law for putting in requisition an hundred thousand militia. In order to complete the system, we now want a few regular troops. It is acknowledged by every gentleman on the floor, that a part of these at least, are wanted for garrison duty. The militia are not calculated for that service; and to employ them in it would be a most inconvenient and destructive economy, creating a much greater expense than even the same number of regular troops. On the score of economy therefore I believe it will be good policy to raise these troops.
I have given the reasons which will induce me to vote for the present bill. In so doing I may go counter to the voice of my constituents, far aught I know. The questions of uniformity and national policy the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Stanford) seemed to view in the same light: he seemed to shrink from the measure however proper, from a fear of jeopardizing his political character: he seemed more afraid of departing from professions than of serving the national character sacrificed. Of this I hope I shall never stand convicted. The gentleman has taken a great deal of pains to turn over records in order to inform you that some members of this House have voted in contradiction to votes which in former times and under vastly different circumstances they have given. I will call in question the motives of no man. Every one will judge the present question according to its own intrinsic merits. Upon this point permit me to say that I act according to my own sentiments; and the very same sentiments as animated me in '76 and '98 actuate me now, and those alone. I believe that we ought to have a full and free discussion of this question. The importance of the question, the situation of the country and my own feelings on the occasion have induced me to express my sentiments: I shall further express them by my vote, and cheerfully leave the result to my constituents, trusting in having done my duty to the best of my judgment. If I shall have been wrong, and the country shall not stand in need of this force, I shall consider it as a blessing: on the other hand should I vote against the bill, and my country be injured or its liberties jeopardized, I should forever regret it. Under these ideas and the responsibility which I as a legislator have assumed, I shall give my vote in favor of the bill.
Mr. STOKES said this was the third time that he had attempted to rise to say a few words; and he felt much discouraged from doing it, more especially when he observed that the superior learning or eloquence of the gentlemen who had preceded him, had vacated most of the seats. He had some doubts whether there were a quorum present; this however was not his business, and he should certainly speak but very few words, for fear that the few remaining members should go away.
I have, said he, attended patiently and strictly, to all that has been said on this important subject, and should have been happy if those who have gone before me, could have convinced my judgement that it is correct to vote for the bill. The House will recollect that this is the first time I have ever opened my mouth on a subject of this nature; and I should not now have done it, but that I am compelled to vote against the bill; and lest it might be thought that in giving my vote I am influenced by religious scruples, I think it necessary to say that I did not accept of a seat in this House under any restrictions which would prevent me from voting for any measure which I conceive the necessity of the case to require. From what has been said this morning, it seems possible that

the vote which I shall give may be called a political error. If a majority of federalists vote against this bill, I shall certainly have fallen into that error from which my friend from North-Carolina (Mr. Stanford) took so much pains to purify himself. I should not under present discouraging circumstances give my reasons, for my vote; were it not that some who have gone before me have declared that they knew very little of military affairs, and some that they knew nothing at all; and in the course of their observations they fully convinced me that they were correct. Although many members have spoken, I find that they have not been able to settle one point, which until this session I thought very plain, that is, whether the nation is in a state of peace or war. Some say war, some say peace, and some say quid war. I will not say that I know the meaning of these terms properly; but I remember perfectly that in the revolutionary war, though I did not take an active part, the fighting came so near me that I saw them shooting at one another, and some of the hirelings of Britain were killed; this I thought was. But to come to the point: when the provisional army was about to be raised in '78, the objection to it in the part of the country where I live, and I joined in it, was, that those in power knew that we were perfectly safe. At that time England and France were engaged in war; and it was a common observation, that France has men but not ships, and England ships but no men; so that they could not injure us. I still believe the same; and am not willing to take a number of citizens from their proper labor and make them in fact nuisances to society. It may be from my bad understanding, and if so, I hope my brethren will bear with me, but I do conceive that there is less occasion for an army at this time than there was at that, and that the reasons against it operate at this time more forcibly than then. The British are more completely masters of the ocean, and less in the power of France, whose emperor may be disposed to invade us; on the other hand, it seems impossible for England, who is struggling for her existence, to invade us. I therefore consider it my duty not only to vote against this bill, but also to give my free opinion. I consider that there is no possibility of either belligerent invading us. I fully approve of what I consider the wise and prudent measures of the administration; thro' the blessing of God we have hitherto passed on enjoying the comforts of peace, and I have no doubt we shall continue to do so, if we continue to act to all nations with that justice which has marked the conduct of the administration. But I wish it to be understood that my objection is not to raising troops but to the number. A proposition was before us two years ago to raise troops to meet the Spaniards: I approved of it and meant to give it my sanction. My worthy friend from Connecticut (Mr. Tallmadge) who has spoken, and on whose judgment in such a case as this I would rely as soon as upon that of any member on the floor, brought in support of his observations the recommendation of the President of the U. S. I pay attention to it; but permit me to observe that the recommendation is not specific. I believed it necessary to raise some additional troops, but thought this number too great. I differ with gentlemen only as to the number, and believing that the passing of a law authorising this number will be injurious to the interests of this country, I am under the necessity of giving this bill my decided negative.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
NOTICE.
The President and Directors of the Washington Bridge Company will receive sealed proposals at Steele's Hotel on Friday the 13th inst. for the delivery of the whole or any part of the following Bill of SCANTLING:
   Foot long. Inch. Inch.     140 Piles 36 11 by 14   140 40 11 14   280 18 11 11   200 40 11 14   60 38 12 12   15 Caps 27 13 13   190 37 13 13   190 Mud Sills 37 10 12   380 Braces 25 7 9   380 20 9 9   200 Stringers 52 8 16   1540 27 8 16  
170,000 Superficial feet of four inch Plank, white pine, or the heart of yellow pine, each plank 18 feet long.
The above materials, except the plank, must be of the best heart, hard, yellow pine, or of the best white oak, free of sap. The proposals to estimate by the cubic foot.
Written Proposals will be received at the same time for the iron work, for Carpenters and Laborers. Proposals may be handed in before the day above mentioned to the President.
DANIEL CARROLL, Pres.
As to all the above timber to be squared and delivered immediately.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MAY 6.
For the conclusion of Mr. Madison's letter, see the last page.
AMERICAN HEMP.
The Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geor.; or New Orleans.
For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted.
Any person transmitting proposals for furnishing a supply of water rotted Hemp, will be pleased to state the price per ton, the place where, and the time, when it would be delivered. Navy Department, 3d May 1808.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
NO. I.
A momentous crisis has occurred in your affairs. The injustice of foreign powers has induced you to make a stand against their oppressions. In making this stand, you have chosen the least evil that presented itself, and have adopted a course of measures, defensive of your own interests, and only so far offensive against those of other nations as their own conduct renders them so.
A patricidal spirit has already dared to hold up these measures to ridicule and reprobation. Falsely calculating upon your want of public virtue, and upon your ascendant devotion to the paltry interests of the moment, those who are busy in exciting prejudice and diffusing falsehood, flatter themselves on your want of discernment or fortitude. Yielding implicitly to the old monarchical dogma, that the people always think and act as they feel, they flatter themselves that the temporary distresses produced by the Embargo will render you hostile to it and those who gave it existence.
With you, fellow-citizens, it rests to refute or justify these predictions of faction; to decide, once for all, whether to maintain your liberties, and to place your republican institutions on an impregnable foundation, you have the spirit to bear a momentary deprivation of a part of your luxury and wealth; or, whether at the day of danger you are ready to shrink from the contest, and consent to be slaves, provided you are suffered to indulge, even in a moderate degree, your mercenary feelings. Can there be a doubt on this head? Is there a single American in heart who would not rather sacrifice a moiety of his property than sanction principles, an acquiescence in which would inflict present disgrace, and entail future slavery on his country?
This is the real question. It is not a mere concern of the day, a point of ordinary expediency; but a question of vital importance, one which as much involves the independence of the U. S. as the revolutionary scenes which led us through blood triumphantly to emancipation. France declares that you shall not trade to Britain, or in British commodities; and England declares all the trade, not interdicted by France, unlawful. She, moreover, has enacted decrees for licencing that portion of trade she tolerates, and for imposing upon it the most oppressive burthens:—burthens, which, in some instances, far exceed the original value of the articles taxed. What is this but oppression, in its most odious form, and what would acquiescence on our part prove other than the most abject submission and slavery?
Unlimited riches held on such terms would be infinitely worse than the injoyment of liberty and indigence. For, however, in the first case we might want the gratifications of the sensualist, and some of the comforts of rational subsistence, we should retain a conscience free from reproach, and an elasticity of spirit unbroken by a consciousness of crime. Of a nation composed of such independent minds, it might hereafter be said, to use the language of an elegant writer, "although the massy trunk was bent to the ground, no sooner did the hurricane pass away, than it again rose with fresh vigor and more lively vegetation." The father of a numerous offspring might console himself with the reflection that the hardships he was enduring were for the good of his posterity, and that in leaving to them a country undebased by a disgraceful vassalage, he left them an ample equivalent for a scanty patrimony. In fact, in the eye of philosophy
and reason, which look entirely to the aggregate of human happiness, what are the fleeting clouds, which for a short period cast a shade over human scenes, compared to that total darkness which so often springs from a radical error in the policy of nations? What are the temporary effects arising from a suspension to reap the fruits which ought invariably to flow from good principles, compared to the permanent abandonment of those principles? The difference is as great as exists between an individual of general good health, who is occasionally exposed to disease, and an individual of an habitually debilitated and broken constitution.
This very analogy, which comes home to the feelings of every man, is strictly applicable to our present situation. We have asserted and are contending for principles, which are just in themselves, which no nation on earth has a right to deprive us of, and which we cannot relinquish without infamy. Shall we then consent to wear these humiliating chains, because they are set off with baubles to dazzle our senses, or because a remnant of liberty is left, which is not likely to remain long, after submitting to such daring pretensions? For one, I say no. I would rather dig my own grave, and resign myself to voluntary death, than do an act which would inevitably degrade me in my own eyes, and my country in the eyes of the world.
In subsequent numbers I shall enter more fully into this subject, and others connected with it.
AN AMERICAN WHIG.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
We invite the attention of our readers to the following interesting communication.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
On Saturday the 30th ult. the ANNUAL SHEEPSHEARING instituted by Geo. Washington Parke Custis, Esq. was held at his seat at Arlington. About forty gentlemen of the neighboring country were present. It was cause of infinite gratification, to see this patriotic and praiseworthy establishment, so numerously and respectably attended, and already exhibiting such strong evidence of the utility contemplated by its worthy founder.
The premiums of the present year were for the finest old ram-lamb, and for the best specimen of ten yards of homespun cotton cloth.
Four gentlemen of the best estates in this part of the country, Major Lawrence Lewis of Wood-lawn, John Tayloe, Esq. of Mount Airy, Hayward Foote, Esq. of Hayfield, and William Alexander, Esq. of Preston, contended as breeders of that invaluable animal, the sheep, and each by his personal attendance and evident anxiety to gain the palm, at the same time that he furnished the most laudable example, exhibited the strongest imaginable proof, of the advantages of stimuli like the present, to bring into action the exertions of the wealthy, and of the reflecting part of society, to develope the latent resources of the country, for the great benefit of the community at large.
The four lambs shewn by those highly respectable gentlemen farmers, were animals uncommon indeed in Virginia and Maryland, and would do credit to any country, as well for size and form as for the weight and quality of the fleece. The visitors selected from their own number, as judges of the day, Thomas Digges, Esq. of Warburton, General John Mason of Anaiostan Island, William Lee, Esq. of Burgandy farm, and Jonathan Swift, Esq. of Alexandria, Col. Dencalle was appointed judge of the weights. They adjudged to John Tayloe, Esq. for his lamb as combining most of the desirable qualities, the Prize Cup. Mrs. Dennison, Mrs. Ball, and Miss Peggy Fields, all of Fairfax county Virginia, produced each a piece of cotton cloth, of their own home manufacture, and delightful specimens of the ingenuity, industry, and good house-wifery of our country they were, all having been spun and woven in their respective houses, amidst the ordinary avocations of the family—the gallant judges placed the golden apple in the fair hands of Miss Fields. General Mason exhibited a handsome specimen of domestic flaxen cloth, and some very fine spun cotton—both highly admired and applauded. Dr. Dick, Thomas Peter, Esq. and several other gentlemen exhibited samples of wool.
Beside the pleasure derived from the competition just described, the visitors were highly gratified by the exhibition of Mr. Custis's own stock, and in witnessing the success of his crossing and improving the different breeds of sheep, collected with much
care and judgement by him—the Mount Vernon Persian stock, the Smith's Island, the Arlington long woolled, the Merino, and several relative crosses were successively shewn, and examined with much approbation.
In the afternoon the company partook of the hospitality of the proprietor, in a most abundant and elegant dinner, served on the lawn under a spacious marque. After dinner, Mr. Custis addressed the company, and congratulated them on the already promising state of the institution—he explained the motives by which he had been induced to set it on foot—he depicted in a concise and very perspicuous manner, the advantages which would certainly arise from fostering manufactures of all kinds, but in this part of the country particularly from encouraging the raising of wool, and the making of home-spun cloth; he took an extensive and extremely interesting view, of the present situation of the United States as related to foreign nations, and pointed out in the most forcible manner, the necessity of rendering ourselves independent of them, by supplying our own supplies of manufactured articles. He adverted in a reserved and highly decorous manner, to his own efforts on these subjects; declared his conviction of the duty which every member of society owes to the community to contribute by individual exertion, and by example, to the bettering the condition of his fellow men, and to introduce & encourage such improvements as are calculated to produce so desirable an end. He disclaimed every thing like personal emolument, from the establishment; asked the aid of the gentlemen present, & of the neighboring country to carry into execution by degrees, his system—calculated for the good of the community, not of himself. He stated that he should in a short time publish a prospectus of the whole, containing some valuable additions to the present plan, and concluded by soliciting the annual attendance of the gentlemen present, and their friends.
The address was received with great satisfaction and applause. Mr. Digges as soon as it was closed gave "The Arlington sheep shearing—many prosperous returns of the day."
Mr. Custis after a few prefatory and feeling remarks, in which he took occasion, in a very appropriate manner to introduce the tent under which his guests were then seated, and which in former days, had old proudly covered his illustrious relative in the field of privation, of toil and of danger, amidst a general emotion excited in the breasts of the whole company (most of whom had been the neighbors and personal friends of that great and good man) by the recollection of past times, gave the "memory of General Washington." General Mason moved that on the next and each succeeding meeting at the Arlington sheep shearing, the visitors should appear clad in American manufacture—the motion was warmly applauded, and immediately and unanimously adopted.
APRIL 30TH, 1808.
THE subscribers appointed by the gentlemen visitors present, to adjudge the premiums offered by the proprietor, George Washington Parke Custis, Esq.—for the finest year old lamb, and for the best specimen of home-spun cloth, proceeded to examine three pieces of cotton cloth; one produced by Mrs. Dennison of Fairfax County, Virginia, dark mixture full yard wide, very fine and remarkable handsome. One by Mrs. Ball, of same county, chequered, of firm and excellent texture, yard wide and of neat pattern. And the third by Miss Peggy Fields of the same county, white, of exceeding fine thread, pattern Marseilles, of small figure, very soft, even and extremely beautiful, 7-8 yard wide.
Four gentlemen offered lambs and entered into competition for the prize.
Lawrence Lewis, Esq. of Wood Lawn, Virginia, exhibited a lamb called Dishley, his size was of the Arlington long woolled race, bred by Mr. Custis. He weighed on the hoof 140 lbs. fleece 6 1-4 lbs.
Hayward Foote, Esq. of Hayfield, Virginia, shewed a lamb called Badger—of same breed and age, weighed on the hoof unshorn 105 lbs. fleece 9 3-4 lbs.
John Tayloe, Esq. of Mount Airy, Virginia, shewed a lamb called Superb, his dam a ewe of Col. Dorsey's stock, (well known) by a ram of Mr. Taylor's own breed, his weight on the hoof unshorn 180 lbs. fleece 8 1-4 lbs.—height 2 feet 8 3-4 inches—length from tip of the nose to the end of the tail 5 feet 10 3-4 inches.
William Alexander, Esq. of Preston, Virginia, shewed a lamb called Preston of the home breed—weight on the hoof unshorn 149 lbs.
fleece 7 3-4 lb.—height 2 feet 5 1-2 inches—length from tip of the nose to the end of the tail 5 feet 10 1-4 inches.
In the opinion of the judges, the wool of Mr. Foote's lamb was of the longest staple—it measured full 12 inches—that of Mr. Tayloe's lamb was of the finest fibre; that of the lambs of Mr. Lewis, and Mr. Alexander was inferior somewhat in fibre to Mr. Tayloe's and in length of staple to Mr. Foote's.
Taking into consideration the great weight and size of Mr. Tayloe's lamb, and the fineness of the wool although the fleece was not so heavy as one of the others—the judges unanimously declare the premium to be his.
And they adjudge to Miss Polly Fields the prize for the best specimen of cloth. They do this with more pleasure, as this beautiful specimen of cloth was spun and woven by Miss Fields herself.
THOS. DIGGES, J. MASON, WILLM. LEE, JONATHAN SWIFT.
The following gentlemen were on Monday elected officers of the Washington Bridge Company for the ensuing year
DIRECTORS.
DANIEL CARROLL of Dud. GEORGE BLAGDEN, FREDEICK MAY, WILLIAM HARPER, ROBERT YOUNG.
TREASURER.
THOMAS YOWELL, junr.
CLERK.
SAMUEL ELLIOTT, junr.
LETTER
Of Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney to Mr. Madison, accompanying the treaty concluded on the 31st of December, 1806.
LONDON, JAN. 3, 1807.
Sir, We have the honor to transmit you a treaty, which we concluded with the British commissioners, on the 31st of December. Although we had entertained great confidence from the commencement of the negotiation, that such would be its result, it was not until the 27th, that we were able to make any satisfactory arrangement, of several of the most important points, that were involved in it. On the next day we communicated to you that event, by several dispatches, three of which were forwarded by vessels from Liverpool, so that we hope you will receive very early intelligence of it. We commit this, with the treaty, to Mr. Purviance, who we flatter ourselves, will have the good fortune to arrive in time to deliver it to you before the adjournment of Congress.
The necessity we feel ourselves under to forward to you the treaty without delay, will we fear, render it impossible for us to enter so fully into the subject of it, as on many considerations, it might be proper to do. We are aware, that such instruments must be construed, by an impartial view of their contents, uninfluenced by extraneous matter. A knowledge however of the sense, in which the several articles of a treaty were understood, by the parties to it, may in most cases be useful. It is also just to remark, that some circumstances occurred in the course of this negotiation, which, although they do not appear, on the face of the instrument itself, yet as they may have no inconsiderable influence on the future relations of the two countries, it is peculiarly important to explain. We shall endeavor to give such explanations, where they may be necessary, in the best manner that may be found compatible with the dispatch, which the occasion so imperiously requires, and we flatter ourselves, without omitting any thing, on any point, that may be deemed of essential importance.
The first article of the present treaty, which stipulates, that peace shall subsist between the parties, is taken from that of 1794, and is found in most of the modern treaties.
The second article confirms those of a permanent nature, in the treaty of 1794. The British commissioners were very desirous to introduce the permanent articles of that treaty, in the form of new stipulations, into the present one. They insisted with great earnestness, that that article, which relates to the trade with the Indian tribes, should be so amended as to admit the traders of Canada, and the Hudson Bay Company, to participate with us in that trade, with the tribes in Louisiana. They seemed to admit, that by a fair construction of the article, they could not support such a claim, but contended, that it was justified by its spirit. Their solicitude on this point, which they had supposed was an unimportant one to the U. States, created some embarrassment and delay in the business.

They intimated that it proceeded from a desire to conciliate the public opinion in this country, in favor of the treaty, which became necessary, in consequence of the concessions which they thought they made us on other points. As we were decidedly of opinion that the article in the treaty of 1794, could not apply to territory afterwards acquired, and could see nothing in its spirit which entitled it to such an extension and more especially as our intentions contemplated a different result, it was impossible for us to adopt their proposal. They finally agreed therefore, though not without evident reluctance, to the article in its present form.
We regret to say that the third article, which regulates our trade with the British possessions in India, which with one essential and most unfavorable difference, is the same with the thirteenth article of the treaty of 1794, is not what we had been led to hope it would be practicable to make it. Aware of the importance attached to this commerce in America, we have used the most zealous and persevering efforts, not only to prevent the introduction of new restraints upon it, but even to emancipate it from some of those which the treaty of 1794 had distinctly sanctioned. The India company have, however, been less accommodating than was at first expected, and hence the rejection of all the amendments proposed by us, one of which sought to omit entirely, and [when that was refused] to modify the proviso copied from the treaty of 1794, that our voyages from the British possessions should be directed to the United States. This amendment in both its shapes was repelled in such a manner as to convince us that nothing would be gained by continuing to press it, and we gave it up at length with great reluctance. In this stage of the business the British commissioners insisted upon an amendment on their part, by which our voyages to British India were required to be direct from the U. S. This unexpected amendment was proposed at the instance of the India Company, after the project of the British commissioners [which with reference to this subject was a literal copy of the 13th article of the treaty of 1794] had not only been presented to us, but fully discussed, & as we understood, settled. The real intention and effect of it, were said by Lord Holland and Lord Auckland, to be no more than to make the article speak unequivocally what was the true meaning of the article in the late treaty. We replied to this, that the article in the late treaty was not susceptible of this limited construction; that its obvious import was, that only the voyage from India should be direct; that this had been solemnly adjudged by their own courts of law, and that the practice had been, and still continued to be so. We were answered by the production of a paper purporting to be a report of
that in their opinion an American vessel was not entitled to a clearance from a port in Great Britain to Calcutta under the treaty of 1794. We were told moreover that Lord Grenville when he made the treaty, the India company when it sanctioned, and the British government when it ratified it, did not mean to authorize any other than direct voyages, outward as well as homeward, between the United States and their Indian possessions; and that if the treaty was liable to another construction, it arose from mere inadvertence in adjusting the phraseology; but that in truth it was not a fair & natural interpretation of words which authorized a commerce between two defined limits, that a commerce between one of these limits & some third place, was intended to be allowed, although not a word was said about it in the article. Having given the obvious answer to these suggestions, we urged as long and as zealously as was thought advisable, the inconveniences to which our trade with India would be subjected by prohibiting any of the modes in which it was prosecuted, as well as the unfriendly appearance of the new restriction for which there existed no adequate motive. We spoke of the sensibility which would be excited in our country by such an ill-timed and ungracious interference, the interests which it would affect, and the passions which it would enlist against the entire treaty; to all which it was finally answered, that the India company could not be prevailed upon to relax upon this point; that moreover it ought not to be forgotten that this was a trade from which their own subjects were ordinarily excluded in favor of the company's monopoly; that this monopoly as a losing concern, seemed at present to require peculiar protection; that our admission into British India, at all, was a boon for which we did not, and could not give any equivalent, and of
course, that we could not justly complain, if that admission was somewhat qualified with a view to the mitigation of the evils, by which it was undoubtedly attended, and which it was not possible wholly to prevent, especially if we were not placed upon a more advantageous footing in that respect, than other friendly powers; which was so far from being the case, that we were unquestionably admitted by the article, as they proposed to amend it, upon much better terms, than any other nation, inasmuch as our commerce, (exclusive of the advantage of being secured by treaty,) would be subject only to British duties, whereas, the Danes and Swedes paid alien duties to a considerable amount, without enjoying any privilege, (whatever might be said to the contrary) to which we were not equally entitled. We were at last reduced to the necessity of accepting the article, with the obnoxious amendment, rendered less obnoxious perhaps by the clause relative to the most favored nation, or making an entry without any article upon the subject, which would have the same, and probably worse effects, or of making no treaty at all. We preferred the first.
The fourth and fifth articles regulate the trade between the United States and the British possessions in Europe. By these we are persuaded, that much greater satisfaction will be given to our government and country, than in the preceding one. The three first clauses of the fifth article, which place the vessels and merchandise of each country in the ports of the other, in respect to duties and prohibitions, on the footing of the most favored nation, are taken from the treaty of 1794. To these, we were not aware, that any well-founded objection was ever made. But the subsequent clauses give a new character to this intercourse. The right which the British government reserved, by the treaty of 1794, to impose a tonnage duty on American vessels, equal to the duty which was payable on British vessels in the United States, is, by the first of these clauses, made reciprocal. Under that reservation, or rather as we presume, on the pretext of it, the British government had actually imposed a tonnage duty on American vessels, of six shillings and five pence sterling per ton, being almost three times the amount of the duty which was payable on British vessels in the United States. And as the United States had expressly stipulated, not to raise the duty on British vessels higher than it then was, it was out of their power, without a palpable violation of that stipulation, to countervail the duty imposed by Great Britain on American vessels. But by making the reservation reciprocal, the United States have an unquestionable right to raise the duty on British vessels to the same level, wherever that may be, and by confining the reciprocity strictly to the principle of national equality, that is, an equality of tonnage duties, which shall be payable on the vessels of each party in the ports of the other, a right is reserved to each to give what preference it thinks fit, within that limit to its own vessels and people. At present such preference is given by our law, to the amount of forty-four cents per ton, which is not only protected by this clause against any countervailing measure, other than by lessening the duty, but the right is secured to increase it in the degree above stated. By this we do not wish to imply that it would be advisable to take all the advantage of this circumstance which the article admits of. The presumption is, that the British government will, in case the treaty is ratified, repeal the additional duty on American vessels, which will leave them charged, in common with their own and those of every other nation, with the sum of four shillings and five pence per ton. Should our government think proper to raise the duty on British vessels to the same point, it may perhaps be advisable not to increase the present discrimination. The last clause of this article which stipulates that the same duties of exportation and importation shall be paid on all goods and merchandise and that the same drawbacks and bounties shall be allowed in both countries, whether the same be in British or American vessels, will it is also hoped, be found of very essential advantage to the United States. The right which Great Britain had reserved by the treaty of 1794, to countervail the difference of duty payable in the United States on Asiatic goods, when imported in British or American vessels, had been productive of very serious injury. The duties which had been imposed by the British government on American productions, on that principle, were so high, making, in most cases, a difference of shillings per ton, in favor of British
vessels, that it must have been impossible, in peace, for our navigation to have borne it. The evil was the greater because the species of commercial warfare in which it engaged us, in consideration of the comparative value and bulk of the articles subject to it, in each country, furnished no remedy. On the contrary, as the principle was unfavorable, the further it was carried the worse would be its effect. By this clause it is presumed that the evil will be completely done away, while we flatter ourselves that the stipulation in favor of drawbacks and bounties, without exposing us to any inconvenience, will be productive of some advantage.
It is proper to remark that we did not omit to propose an arrangement on the subject of export duties, by which the United States should at least be placed in that respect upon the footing of all other nations. The discrimination to our prejudice, in the British duties on exportation, which took their rise in the convoy duty of the last war, has undoubtedly an unkind and an oppressive effect. This discrimination is found in the 43 Geo. 3. ch. 68. a permanent act, [which repealed the then existing duties and substituted others] and in the 43 Geo. 3. ch. 70. which imposes additional duties during the present war. Taking the war duty and the permanent duty together, the consumers in the United States of certain British manufactures [for the duties in question apply only to British manufactures and not to all of them, British cotton yarn and manufactures, and some other articles being excepted] pay 2 1/2 per cent. ad valorem, more than the consumer in Europe or within the straits pays on the same goods.
(Letter to be continued.)
Philadelphia, May 8.
A schooner from the city of St. Domingo arrived at Newcastle on Sunday. It is said this vessel has been dispatched hither with an application to our government for permission to receive a supply of provisions for St. Domingo, and that two French officers, bearing this mission, have landed, and proceeded to Washington.
Baltimore, May 3.
Yesterday the different volunteer corps of the 5th, 6th, 27th and 39th regiments composing the city brigade commanded by Brigadier-General Stricker, were reviewed by major-general Smith. The regiments formed at an early hour, and severally marched to Whetstone Point, the place appointed for review, where the line was formed at a few minutes after 10 o'clock. After going thro' the evolutions and review, a sham engagement took place between the 5th regiment commanded by Col. Buchanan, and the 27th by Col. Lowry on the one side, and the 6th under Col. Biays & the 39th under Col. Mosher on the other.
The precision with which the volunteers performed their duty would do honor to veteran troops. The scene was truly brilliant. About three thousand citizen soldiers, elegantly clad and well disciplined, could not fail to excite the admiration of the spectators. The patriotic spirit of the citizens of Baltimore has been exceeded by no city on the continent. Among the strangers of distinction present at the review yesterday, we are informed, were Admiral Graves and Son, Mr. Mansfield, and Col. Beekman from Calcutta.
Flour was 30 dollars per bbl. at Jamaica, on the 31st of March, and on the rise.
The ship Dumfries, Captain Hancock, arrived at this port, in 25 days from Liverpool. By the politeness of the owner we have been favored with London dates to the 25th of March. They contain little of interest. Captain Hancock informs that the general sentiment in Liverpool was for peace, that on the doors of the warehouses was written "PEACE WITH AMERICA, OR NO KING." All the British naval officers in the service of Russia, are ordered to Moscow, there to remain during the war between that country and Great Britain. The sentence of the court-martial, cashiering general Whitelock, and declaring him unworthy of serving in any military capacity whatever, has been confirmed by the King. Copious extracts from our opposition prints abusing our own government are given in the London papers.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS,
MARCH 11, 1808.
While the orders in council were under discussion, Mr. Grattan, in a speech replete with sound argument and eloquent expressions, declared
his decided hostility to the measure in discussion. He felt that, to Great Britain, her name, her principles, and moral character, at all times necessary, were now indispensable; because, whatever diminished the credit of her reputation, whatever rendered a disregard for moral principle the measure of her actions, however it might afford a temporary benefit to her interests, must, in the result, prove degrading to her character, and consequently irrecoverably impair, if not destroy, the sources of her power. With such an impression fixed upon his mind, he deprecated the system which should force, by an impolitic and unjustifiable violence, a war between this country and America. No measure could be more imprudent, and no more precipitate minister could exist, than him who should propose it. It went to associate your cause with the views and principles of France, and carried in the fleets of England the spirit of domination across the waves of the Atlantic. Indeed, however lightly it may be rated for immediate commercial profits, in its ultimate effects upon England and the world, it was the extreme of insanity. The right honorable gentleman next proceeded to a consideration of this measure, as regulated by the public law of nations. He did not see that ministers had attempted to prove the only justification on which their measures could be supported, namely, the acquiescence of America in the French decree. It was true, they had recommended their policy with an abundance of zeal, only to be equalled by the deficiency of the argument. They totally forgot that paramount consideration, the manner in which it was administered. Had they afforded a single case where that nation had submitted to the requisitions of France? Surely in such an absence of reason, law ought not to be violated, and the character and policy of this great empire forfeited and disgraced, by its wanton imitation of French violence and French oppression. Had America such a system of conduct to expect from this country? On the contrary, did not the mild yet dignified, the forbearing yet determined dispatch of lord Howick, declare to the American government, that as long as they abstain from an acquiescence in that decree, so long would this country abstain from the adoption of the measures of a justified retaliation. To proceed otherwise was assimilating your policy to that of a power, who respected no right, or admitted of no neutrality. Still, however fraught in the abstract, there were circumstances with respect to Ireland, which ought to have recommended a more safe and a more honest policy. That country depended upon the importation of flax-seed from America, for the raw material of its staple commodity, the linen trade. It depended upon America for a great consumption of that manufacture. In what way then, was that manufacture, so vitally important to the interests and prosperity of Ireland, affected by these orders of commercial rigour? It had this effect, that at the last linen markets in the metropolis of Ireland, not one fifth of the linens exposed for sale were purchased, and what were sold were at a depreciation of 20 per cent. for foreign and 10 per cent. for home consumption. There were also a considerable want of potash for that branch of manufactures, and a considerable deficiency of staves, so much wanting for the south of Ireland. On every view, he knew of no greater addition to the calamities of the world than an American war. In the present circumstances of the distracted globe, that nation which yielded most to avoid such a state of hostility, was the nation of most understanding. In such a contest victory and defeat were synonymous terms; as whatever, in point of success, each should obtain over the other, would be nothing more than the accumulated gain of France. Much had been said of the hostile zeal of the American Congress, and of the warmth with which its members debated the nature of the relations existing between the two countries. Have we not had angry debates in the British Parliament? Is it to affix an evil character to the warm contentions of the House? Let us, then, recollect, that America was animated by a spark of the same spirit, that the attack would be between the parent and the child. It would be worse, because it would then be freedom arrayed against its kindred spirit. Depend upon it that such a war will give the title deed of inheritance to the dynasty of Bonaparte. It will place these two islands, the last resting place of liberty between two hostile hemispheres, and ultimately sacrifice the last spot of that sacred soil where it will be possible for a freeman to tread. And for what purpose shall we realize such
an evil on England, on the world, on the last resource and future hopes of mankind? Forsooth, to get a market for sugar—mischievous policy! Can the British Parliament so soon forget, that the imposition of a tea tax on America brought on a property tax upon England. Beware how you establish France in America, and by your frantic quarrel with that nation, enlist the navy of England in the service of Bonaparte. The ocean protests against the calamity, and will an infatuated ministry proceed?
HOTEL SPRING GARDEN.
LIONORE JULIEN respectfully informs the Public, that he has taken the House adjoining the Spring in R street near the Chapel, and intends opening it for their accommodation on the 8th inst. He purposes to keep a constant supply of choicest LIQUORS and CORDIALS, &c. &c. Also Ice CREAMS, CAKES, &c. He hopes by attention to his customers to gain their approbation and encouragement. May 6—3t
NOTICE.
THE Commissioner of the Washington Commercial Company, request a meeting of the Stockholders at Steele's hotel, on Monday the 16th inst. for the purpose of electing twelve Directors, agreeably to the Constitution, to be kept open from 12 till 6 o'clock P. M. May 6—
FRESH FIGS.
THE Subscriber has just received on consignment, 20 Boxes fresh FIGS which he will dispose of on reasonable terms, wholesale or retail.
JOHN OTT, Druggist, George Town, Md. 6—4t
RUNAWAYS.
WAS Committed to my custody as Runaways, a negro man and woman, who call themselves by the names of Thomas W. Ashton, and Betty Ashton; they say that they obtained their freedom, in W. St. Mary's county Virginia, at June term 1803. Tom is about 30 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high; Betty is of a common size, and appears to be about 45 years of age; their clothing is very indifferent; they are in possession of something like certificates of their freedom, signed by Joseph Fox, clerk of Westmoreland county. The owner or owners of them are desired to take them away, or they will be sold for their expenses agreeable to law.
JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county, Md. May 6—7t
St. Mary's county court, March term, 1808.
ON application of Benjamin Tabbs of St. Mary's county to the judges of the said county court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, on the terms mentioned in said act, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said Benjamin Tabbs has resided the two preceding years prior to the passage of the said act, within the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered by the said court that the said Benjamin Tabbs give notice to his creditors of his intention to apply to the next county court to be held at Leonard Town in said county on the first Monday of August next, for a discharge from his debts, and to warn his said creditors to appear before the said judges on the day and at the place aforesaid to show cause if any they have why the said Benjamin Tabbs, should not be discharged agreeably to his said petition, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, weekly for three months successively.
By order, JOSEPH HARRIS, Clerk. May 2—w3m
IN pursuance to the decree of the High court of Chancery of Maryland will be sold to the highest bidder at Semmes's tavern George Town, on the 31st instant at 11 o'clock, A. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to sundry Lots of ground in Thomas Beall of George's addition to George Town, purchased of John M. Gantt, esq. being the four easternmost Lots purchased by said Gantt of Thomas Beall of George, esq. and in and to Lots no. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 in square No. 3 in the city of Washington and to part of square No. 3. in said city.
The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery of Maryland aforesaid, with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale.
JAMES S. MORSELL, Trustee. May 4—w1m3t
TO LET,
A DWELLING HOUSE Fronting North F Street, situate between Josiah W. King's, esq. and the subscriber's, an agreeable situation for a private family. Possession may be had in a few days.
Enquire of JAMES ROBAN. May 4—3t

Mr. Madison's letter to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney—concluded.
It shall be thought eligible to place the reciprocal commercial privileges of the two nations on a more definite basis than they would be placed by the general expression of the most favored nation...
Should the expedient of a maximum be adopted, it must not be overlooked that the productions of the U.S. exported to G. Britain, employ a far greater tonnage than the exports from G. Britain to the U.S.
The only great branch of commercial intercourse which would remain unprovided for, is that of intercourse with the British colonies and dependencies...
As relates to the West Indies & N. American colonies, it must be a permanent object of the U.S. to have the intercourse with them made as free as that with Europe.
The minimum which should be accepted in relation to the intercourse with the West Indies, will be the admission of our vessels laden solely with articles of our growth, produce or manufacture...
may prohibit our vessels from exporting from the British West India islands in sugar and coffee, more than one half of the proceeds of their inward cargoes...
The value of our annual consumption exclusively of the New Orleans sugar, is In sugar, 4,000,000 or five & a half In coffee, 1,500,000 millions of dollars.
To permit us therefore to import for three millions, cannot enable us to re-export. And three millions of dollars compared with the value of the sugar and coffee exported annually from the British West Indies, which amounts to not less than millions, cannot in any degree affect their own commerce or navigation.
The second restriction is intended still more effectually to remove any apprehension that our vessels might become carriers of British West India produce to any other country than the U.S.
The duration of the commercial part of the treaty and of any other parts which do not establish in their full extent, the rights of neutral nations, ought not to exceed the term of eight years...
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county,"...
TO RENT. AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers...
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution, Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk mole skins, etc.
ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms.
ROBERT BRENT. I AM desirous of Renting the WHARF and WARE-HOUSE, lately occupied by Mr. Griffith Coombe. The wharf is advantageously situated for the reception and sale of Lumber, and the Warehouse well calculated for storeage of flour, or any kind of country produce, as well as West India produce.
FOR WINE. Of very good quality in casks, each one closed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING.
Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice LIQUORS of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25—
AMERICAN MILITARY LIBRARY. Just received and for sale at R. C. Waghman's book store, Pennsylvania Avenue, NOS. 5 and 6 Military Library, Medical Reports on the effects of water, cold and warm as a remedy in fever and other diseases by James Currie, M.D.F.R.S. Darwin's Botanic Garden, Life of Dr. Blair, Wild Irish Girl, Memoirs of Samuel Foote, Fife's Anatomy, Ivory and Bone Chessmen, Ornamented Leather Backgammon and Chessboard. Winter in London, 2 vols. a new novel just published. May 2. 1808.
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf.
United States, District of Columbia, county of Washington, to wit. IN CHANCERY, 9th OCTOBER, 1807. Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason, versus Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gabault & Dodrey, James C. Montflore, I. I. Picaud and James Davidson.
THE bill states that the defendant, Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simond to the French government. That the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo, the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith, the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners Taney and Simond. That the debt so due hath been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand, two hundred and seventy francs, French money of the value of 35,675 dollars. That the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing and for several years past having resided in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland, well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complainants' said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris under the Louisiana Convention was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants as the trustees of Francis Lewis, Taney, and Taney and Simond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith in the said debt to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid. That notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C. Montflore of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt, which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; and the said Montflore did actually receive the bills of the ministers of the United States, on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montflore, with a view as the said complainants believe, to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith and as his attorney to the said I. I. Picaud, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston, who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrell, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed the same over to James Davidson, cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees as aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Gabault and Dodrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith, for thirty thousand francs French money of the value of 5625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson, and endorsed over to him for collection in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American minister at Paris on the treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid. The object of the said bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his co-adjudicators, and to obtain a writ of injunction directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c. and particularly to the said James Davidson enjoining and commanding him from paying over to any person besides the said complainants the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills, or parting with the said bills until the further order of this court in the premises. It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gabault and Dodrey, James C. Montflore, and I. I. Picaud, defendants in this cause all reside out of the district of Columbia and are not within the reach of the process of this court. It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted once each week for six months previous to the first Monday in June next in the National Intelligencer, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause, if any, why a decree shall not pass as prayed. By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. December 4—w6m
VENDUE. Will be sold at public vendue, on Thursday the 12th of May next, at the dwelling house of the late John Beckley, Esq. all the personal property of the deceased, consisting of BEDS, Bedsteas and Furniture, Window Curtains, Tables, Chairs, Sideboard, &c. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock, and will be continued until the whole is sold. For all sums under 20 dollars cash will be required, and for all above that sum a credit will be given of 90 days—the purchasers giving bonds or notes with satisfactory security. MARIA BECKLEY, } Extra. MARY PRINCE, } April 27—ept12M.
TO BE LET, AFTER the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylvania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day. For terms enquire at Robert Underwood's, directly opposite. April 27—eft
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. O'Neil, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
ROSS AND GATTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with copper and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
DURAS and BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N.B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
CHARLES H. FARDEA, MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Mole skins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
TO PAPERMAKERS. WANTED To go to North Carolina in May, a Papermaker, who is a good workman, and is sober and industrious. To such a person good wages will be given. Apply to the Editor of this paper. April 29.
RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, district of Columbia, as a runaway on the 11th inst. a black man who calls himself STEPHEN, and says he belongs to Letty Claxton of Montgomery county, Md. and he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, stout made; had on when committed, an old black hat, white kersey jacket, striped kersey pantaloons, coarse linen shirt, old shoes, and no other clothes with him, limps very much in his right leg. His owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away, or he will be sold for his jail and other expenses as the law directs. C. TIPPET, Keeper of the jail for Washington Boyd marshal. April 27—w3t
COMMITTED to my custody, a negro man, called LENN, who says he belongs to Ralph Bowman, of Charles County—he appears to be about 22 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, slender made, his clothing is very indifferent—the owner is desired to take him away, or he will be sold for his expenses agreeable to law. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery County, Md. April 29—3t
40 DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending and delivering a Negro HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington or twenty-five dollars for securing said slave so that I get him again. Harry ran off on the 11th day of March 1808, he is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen on the breast; had on when he went off a blue cloth coat, drab color bear skin round jacket (as a spencer). Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county. N.B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in his elopement, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such acts. PETER LENOX. April 6—lawtf