The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-07-09 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. D-XXXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, JULY 9th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, April 23,
Motion on the Defence of the NATION.
MR. FOX'S SPEECH Concluded.
I have no objection to this language, and I subscribe to all the reports which have been made on the threats of invasion, but with two provisos: 1. That we shall be prepared to meet it, if real; and 2. That such language shall not be used to excite needless terror. If there are serious apprehensions that the enemy has meditated the plan of invasion, and made or is making formidable preparations for that purpose, and that he has weighed in his mind all the probabilities of such an enterprise, it becomes indispensable for this country to devise the means of establishing effectual defence. We must not content ourselves with temporary stratagems, nor rely on any temporary defence. We must not reckon on his coming in the year 3, or 4, or 5, because if he has meditated the scheme, he will not limit himself to the time. The plan once considered and determined on, the attempt may be made hereafter, and therefore we have no alternative. To temporary danger we should do right to oppose temporary means; but to permanent designs of annoyance, we must provide permanent remedies. It is my object, Sir, to draw the attention of the house to this view of the subject. It certainly does appear, that the French consider by their preparations the enterprise of an invasion of this country a practicable attempt. It cannot be concealed that they have gone to a great extent of preparation, and a considerable part of this may be regarded, as meant for the purpose of permanent annoyance. The nation is called upon, therefore to devise the means of permanent safety. My motion, however, will not extend to the general system of defence, which it is essential to provide, but to that of the army only. In the many difficulties which assail us at this moment, and which it would be tedious and wearisome to particularise, I wish to keep the view of the house to a system of permanent defence by land. I do not wish to encumber the question by enquiring this day into the difficulties that press upon us respecting the finances of the country—nor the difficulties arising from the want of currency in Ireland—nor the circumstance of the existence to this day of martial law in that country—I wish to avoid all other topics of enquiry this day, except that of the establishment of such a plan of military defence as shall be equal to the hostile designs of the enemy, however formidable and however protracted they may be. I wish to bring the discussion into as narrow a compass as possible, and therefore to confine myself to the mere question of internal defence. I do not even mean to mix with it any observations on the naval defence of the country; nor shall I attempt to revive the discussion that have taken place on the volunteer question. That subject has been so frequently before the house, that I can only say what I have before so often expressed, that the volunteer body merit the most grateful thanks of their country for the exertions they have made, and that on the motion with which I shall conclude for a committee to consider of the best means of a permanent military defence, the alacrity, spirit, and perseverance of the volunteers will be a good ground for trusting to the system which I mean to suggest. In moving for a committee generally to consider, I leave it to other gentlemen to throw out what particular objects it ought to embrace. It will strike the house, at the outset, that such a committee will have two distinct objects—1. The solid increase of the regular military force, and to remove the impediments that have stood in the way of its late recruitment. 2. The formation of an irregular but auxiliary force of a permanent kind. As to the first, it is impossible for the house at this time to know the real state of it. They have no documents before them upon which they can ascertain the state of the regular army. Gentlemen who have good means of information differ so essentially from ministers in the estimate which they make of the amount of the regular army, that it is impossible to judge between them.
According to the assertions which have been made in this house, the re-
turns of the infantry are said to be double what officers of good information believed them to be. Now why is there all this mystery and concealment on the subject? Surely it cannot be alleged that the enemy will gain any thing by knowing the amount. The number of battalions are known to every one. The expence and establishment is nearly ascertained, and it is therefore in the power of any military man, accustomed to these details, to calculate the force of rank and file. It is idle, therefore, to attempt to make a secret to parliament only of that which is no secret, and which can be no secret to others. But ministers think it quite sufficient to say, that the regular force is fully equal to what it was at the end of the last war. I can only say for myself, that it is difficult to believe this assertion, and alluding particularly to Ireland, in which they assert the regular force to be equal, I fairly say, I do not believe it, if you take into the account of regulars, the militia and British fencible regiments then in Ireland. At the end of the last war, the amount of the military force in Ireland of these descriptions, was between 50 and 60,000 men. Is it possible to believe that there is at this time an equal number? With respect to accessory force, such as artillery, guns, horses, and drivers, it is considerably higher than at the end of last war, if we are to trust to minister's speeches; but as I am incredulous on the subject, I wish it to be made apparent by documents laid before the committee. Before I go on, however, I must advert to an observation that may be made, that all men ought not to complain that the ranks should be thin, because I was for keeping down the peace establishment. It is most true that I was for keeping down the peace establishment, and I was so upon the grounds taken by Ministers themselves. They did not demand a greater establishment than they obtained—they gave the House the most solemn assurances of continuance of peace, and therefore the ground was specifically different from what it is now, and I am justified in saying, what I have always maintained, that the economy of a low establishment, is a time of a profound peace is the sure and best means of enabling us to provide an adequate force in the time of war. But in time of peace, that old constitutional force, the militia, in favour of which so many of my most respectable friends were such warm admirers, was recommended as excellent in its principles, and I know that these persons think we ought to have in view that force, as our chief dependence for internal defence. No man however will say that a militia can be altogether equal to a regular army, since an army that has not been actual service, cannot be equal to an army that has been. For the great purpose therefore of a permanent defence against the meditated plan of attack, the increase of the regular force, or the provision of an elementary force, which would always come in aid of it, is the desideratum to be obtained. And what I complain of is, that our efforts have not been wisely devoted to that purpose. Every regulation has been calculated to counteract the recruiting of the army, and with the impediments in the way of the regulars, it is morally impossible that they should get men. It is natural to think, that on the breaking out of a war there must always be some contraction of the manufactures of a nation, some diminution of the commerce, some parts of its population thrown out of employment, and that consequently men are to be had by the regular army without much difficulty. So it would be perhaps upon a good system; but when I am told that this has happened, and that men are to be got by the regulars at ten guineas, when the army of Reserve are giving 50, I must say I do not believe it. Human nature is the same at all times, and I cannot believe that the people of this country are so little capable of calculation, or so foolish, as to accept of the smaller sum when the greater is to be had. It is in vain to resist plain and simple truths. Men are not to be bubbled by theories which contradict human reason. You must put an end to every foolish impediment that stands in the way of recruiting the regular force, if you expect it to succeed. You cannot hope to get men by the ordinary bounty which the regulars offer, while a competition is maintained so excessive and it is not that inequality only which you have to remove, but a much more serious obstacle on the folly of which I never heard one single military man to differ, I mean the monstrous error of enlisting men for life. Is it not a most singular thing,
that this should be the only country in Europe in which this practice prevails? In all the great military establishments on the Continent no such thing is attempted. In countries the most despotic, where governments of tyranny demand the service of unconditional submission, and where it may be supposed the government would give the greatest facility to perpetuating the service, no such thing has been attempted. But in the freest country in Europe, in that country which boasts of the vigilance & care which it exercises by law over the persons and properties of the people, it is not monstrous that this should be the only place where men are so enlisted? In England the law imposes restraints upon persons with respect to the alienation of their property. A man in many cases cannot dispose of his property, and no man under the age of 21 can alienate any part of his estate. Nay, most unwise in my mind, both sexes are restrained from disposing of their persons in marriage long after they have obtained an age when nature dictates to them the propriety of doing so. But though they cannot give away their properties, nor even yield to the honest and generous affections of the heart in disposing of their persons in marriage, without the consent of their parents, they may by law, in this free land, sell themselves at any age into military bondage for their natural lives! It is a monstrous solecism. It is a stain upon our military code, and, like every other gross and absurd practice it serves to impede instead of promoting the service. For what is it but this contract for life that renders this service so terrific to every parent and to every relative? Every gentleman must have had frequent opportunities of seeing the effect which it has upon the hearts of fathers and mothers, even the very lowest classes of society. They must have seen with what agony they have heard of their son's enlisting for life. And with what eagerness they hord up from their scanty earnings, a sum to buy him off. With what earnest supplications they pray for his relief? And why is all this—but that by the nature of this engagement, made by a youth in a giddy moment, they consider him as cut off from their family forever; cut off from the enjoyment of all the quiet blessings they intended for him, or from the exertions by which their own toils, were to be eased, and their old age protected. Because they consider his enlisting for life as tantamount to civil annihilation; but would it be so if the contract were limited to a certain, and that a short period?—On the contrary, would it not dispose many a parent not merely in the lowest classes of society, but even farmers and tradesmen, to consent to a son's entering into the service, or of viewing his entrance with complacency, if thinking him perhaps a little too unsteady for their quiet occupations, they knew that his military career would be over in a certain number of years, and that he might then return to them with a mind improved by the knowledge of the world, and with habits useful to his future life? If the absurd practice were done away, is it to be apprehended that any considerable number of good men would be lost at the expiration of their terms; & is there any just reason to dread that they should disband in numbers at one time? Against both evils, early provisions might be made. Good soldiers would not be likely to quit the service. Men are fond of that in which they excel—a new bounty—hope of promotion—or perhaps in some cases an increase of pay would be irresistible temptation. And as to a general disbanding that might be easily avoided, and would of course be so if the nature of enlisting was made uniform. New modes must undoubtedly be tried—for hitherto no plan had succeeded. The breach of the peace was announced so long ago as the beginning of March, and hostilities began in May last. We are now within three weeks of a twelve month at actual war, and what success have we made in erecting a regular army? It is said—that one great evil is removed by putting an end to the abuse of rank. Officers cannot get now more than one step. This is fomenting, but with all possible respect for the vigilance with which office is administered at this time, I do not think it possible altogether to check the abuse of rank. There will be evasion of the rules, if the least loop-hole is permitted, that which is so pernicious to the service. Nothing effectual can be done in the way of recruiting the regular army, without radical reforms. There must be no competition for men—no buying them by extravagant bounties, and no inlisting for life. The army of reserve must be totally suspended, and the militia be suffered qui-
etly to melt down to its proper level. With respect to an accessory force, I think there should be a more general armament than that of the Volunteers. I will not say what length the system might have gone indeed, if it had not been checked by government in every way, and by every species of persecution. They resisted their right of resignation, until they were compelled to yield it, and in the same manner they fought every privilege for which the Volunteers contended, & to which they were entitled by the acts under which they enrolled themselves. In this way the government certainly laboured to their utmost to damp the zeal of the volunteers, if their zeal could be damped by any thing which Ministers could do.—But without infringing on the volunteer system, I wish to go farther, and to propose a general arming of the peasantry of the United Kingdom; force though not so good as the volunteer, as to fighting in battalion, will yet be of infinite value for the kind of attack with which we are threatened. I do not which to propose the training of the peasantry to the use of arms in the hope of using them as an army; but it is a great thing to embody all the physical force of the country, and to form it into a shape which might be contributed to the regular force. I should never have done if I were to attempt to enumerate all the advantages which would arise from arming the peasantry, and from employing them locally in the defence of their own immediate homes and neighbourhoods. Those who have seen the consequences of an armed peasantry in the case of an invading foe, can alone form an idea of the estimable value of such a force. It sets a nation actually at ease against the most desperate attack of an enemy.—An armed peasantry, with their geographical knowledge of their own territory, is irresistible. It is the natural strength to which of all others, a free people in a cultivated country ought to look. Every thing else may fail us. The volunteer system may relapse. As the immediate danger disappears—as the threatened invasion is protracted, the volunteers may melt away. Your regular army would be too small to guard every part of the extensive coast—but in a country so adapted to defence—so populous an armed peasantry taking advantage of every hill—of every valley—of every lane—of every hedge—acquainted with every turn and pass, would make it impossible for an enemy to advance, or if advanced, to return. I do not speak of them as of an army to fight battles; I speak of that surer and more fatal species of attack, which they would be instructed to make on an enemy, in which they would give them no respite, and from which the enemy could have no retreat. In every view of the subject it would be a most political thing to institute this sort of force. In case of emergency how much easier would it be to discipline men who had been previously used to some sort of weapon, than to discipline men who had never handled a firelock, and who knew not even by which end to hold it, or whether to draw the lock or the trigger? In the way of recruiting the army also, if all the young men of the kingdom were by a general law practised to the use of arms, though in the most unexpensive way, both as to money and time, how much more disposed would they be to enter into the service on any pressing call of their country? I know that some men pretend to deride the smock-frocked soldier, but they will not deride them who have felt their power. I do not with you, however, to put an end to one force in order to create another. I wish this experiment to be tried, because it must be of the utmost advantage to every part of the service, and in every possible state of the country, both in time of peace and war. I know that the more you trust to the people, the more faithful service they will render you, and that arms can be not only put into their hands with safety, but with use in the way of preventing tumult, of assisting the police, and of restraining depredation. I own I think it is a most desirable thing to promote this species of civil defence even in time of peace, that the military may not be resorted to on every occasion. But in time of war what would be the invaluable value of such a force? Suppose the enemy landed in great and commanding numbers. Let us suppose what however we do not believe will happen—that the event of a battle should be disastrous to the English army. With every possible respect for the bravery of our troops, the supposition ought to be imagined, and the country guarded against. In that case, what
would be the consequence if you had an armed peasantry? That the enemy would reap no advantage beyond the actual field of battle. They would even after their victory remain in a state of positive impotence. They could not afterwards scour the country; they could not send to any town, village or even to any farm, for a single load of hay, without a detachment and an escort—they must be broken into a thousand parts to provide themselves with food, and be enfeebled by their division; or otherwise they must be confined to the identical spot of their glory, while our own beaten army would have time to recover and to reinforce its ranks. I state it fairly, because we must view both sides of a question.—The greatest courage, engaged in the best cause, does not always command success; but let us view the other side. Suppose what is much more likely to happen, that an army of freemen fighting for the security of all that was dear to them should beat the invaders. What would be the consequence of a single victory to them? The annihilation of the enemy! It would not be as it is between contending armies, in a martial territory where the inhabitants were quiet spectators of the battle; but here a vanquished enemy could find no shelter; no suspension; no breathing time; no recovery. No rallying point could be found in a country where every man was armed, and where every hedge was an entrenchment. I recommend this species of defence the more earnestly, because it will be the means of correcting all the errors into which we have fallen, and I must take blame to myself, in common with others, for having suffered an assertion to stand as part of the preamble to the Defence Bill, which is utterly untenable in the constitutional law. It certainly is impossible for the members of that House to watch over every word and sentence of every bill that is brought in. And therefore the particular authors of each bill are looked to as more peculiarly responsible for glaring errors. I believe that ninety-nine out of an hundred acts pass without being critically and carefully examined as they ought to be, by the members of the House, consistent with their strict and rigid duty. But it is in a particular way the duty of ministers, that no bill shall be suffered to assert any false or dangerous doctrine, in the persuasion that it may pass unobserved in the hurry of legislation. In July, 1803, the alarm of invasion was so imminent, according to ministers, that the defence bill must be passed by acclamation and the zeal of the country being aroused to meet the invasion, which was to take place in August; no time was to be lost in weighing and judging of the bill. Accordingly I find we overlooked a most serious declaration in the preamble of the bill, and which certainly if I had seen, I should have exerted the utmost efforts of my mind to have corrected, namely, "that the King has a right to command all his liege subjects to take up arms," &c. a doctrine which, to be admitted as true, ought to have been qualified and defined. It may be said that his majesty has the right to do justice; but he is to do justice according to law. And so is the prerogative of calling forth his people in arms. It may undoubted be said of any community, that they must possess the means of preserving themselves, and that, on the principle of the salus populi suprema lex , the power of calling forth the physical strength of the community, must reside in it; and, that the King as the head, represents the community, and is the organ of its will. But this species of reasoning would justify the most arbitrary assertions; and all such reasoning the spirit of our constitution utterly reprobates.—The rights which our Sovereign possesses are defined as well as limited.—And this has been most sensibly as well as ably stated by a great Judge, who, speaking of this sort of abstract right, made use of these words—"For I freely declare, that ancient precedents, unless supported by modern usage, in cases of prerogative, have little weight with me." Nothing can be more true than these words of the learned Mr. Justice Fofler; and nothing can be more applicable to this strange assertion in the preamble of this act. No such right can be claimed by the King. No such right, however it may have been part of the undefined prerogative in ancient times, can be excised after the words of the statute in the 25th of Edward the 3d, a statute made in an epoch which I respect, because the statutes of that period were marked by their wisdom, and by the principles of found-

Registration. In a statute of that year it is expressly declared, "no person shall be liable to serve but such as are bound by their tenures." If, indeed, there were such a prerogative it would be impracticable. The constitution has wisely planted an inseparable check over the abuse, and, thank God, not one of the ancient undefined prerogatives can be exercised against the liberties of the people. To what an extent, and to what a complete overthrow of every thing for which our ancestors have successfully contended would this right go? Money has been, perhaps, by a trained metaphor, called the sinews of war. If his majesty had the right of commanding the military service of his subjects, he must also be supposed to have the right of maintaining them; and so the power of the purse would be taken out of the hands of the Representatives of the people. I state this only to show how improper and unjustifiable it is to introduce such an expression into a bill, and how negligent it is to let it pass. And it is not in the preamble of this act only that we see a dangerous door opened to abuse. Let us look, then, at the enactments of the General Defence Act, respecting this prerogative which is asserted to be inherent in his majesty. It states that, in the event of invasion, or the appearance of the enemy in force upon the coast, it shall be lawful for his majesty to call out the persons who are enrolled under this act in the different counties; that it shall be lawful to call them out in such proportion as shall seem meet—to place them in any regiment of regulars, militia, or fencibles—out of them under martial law, and march them to any part of the coast, &c. This act, therefore, without any limit or qualification of rank, age or station, empowers the King to compel any individual, however unfit for military service, to serve in the ranks exactly on the footing of enlisted soldiers, to be subject to all the severities of military duty and of martial law. If this really be the prerogative of his majesty, it is one which cannot be contemplated without anxiety. Not to suppose the existence of great and violent abuse, it is sufficient to know that such power is liable to abuse; and no man with the sentiments of freedom, and the confidence of independence can feel perfectly easy to think, that to a law, so unmitigated and so unqualified, he may be subject. Is it possible to reflect on such a power without seeing how it may be abused and perverted? It may be an extreme case, indeed, to state that its sweeping provisions give authority to the King to take the Prince of Wales, place him under the command of his footman, and march him in that inferior capacity against the enemy. I know that such a case is impossible, but it illustrates the boundless authority, which the act confers, and which in many instances, it is quite easy to see, might be exercised.
Might not a tradesman or a farmer be hurried away from his family and occupations, and be placed under the command of a corporal or a serjeant their own servants? Persons of every situation may be pitched upon by malice or by revenge, and sent to perform military service for which they are unfit. I see that such a scheme of things does lie open to abuse, and the monstrous abuse and injustice with which the execution of it would be attended, must have prevented the attempt to carry it into effect at all. I do not understand exactly the mode in which these provisions are to be reduced to practice. If the quota of men are to be furnished by a parish, was to be fixed by ballot, the inconvenience might frequently be very great, even where a sense of abuse did not aggravate the case. The ballot might, without any distinction of rank, age or circumstances compel any man to serve in person. In truth a principle more inconsistent with that sound and rational equality, which all laws and all human institutions ought to aim at in the imposition of burdens, never was devised. In practice it must be productive of extreme inequality, hardship, and grievance. From a true equality the principles of subordination flow, but in the operation of such measures as this, all distinctions are annihilated, and every thing is levelled under the discretion of the crown. Indeed ministers themselves on some occasions have acknowledged enough to show that they were themselves convinced that the general defence act could not be carried into practice. It was said by one of them, that the defence act would "have given way;" and so it must, for such extravagant powers could not have been exercised without an abuse that would have proved fatal to the measure. But still ministers contended it had been of use, as it backed the volunteer system. What! was it then thought necessary to goad the people of this country forward in the defence of their houses, their property, and their liberties, by the terror of these severe provisions? I am certain that the spirit of the nation required no such spur. Why such bughars then? Why thus compel the volunteers on, like a front rank by the bayonets of that behind it? But in truth, what was this bughar—Ministers ad-
mit that this act might have given way? What was the value of this threat, this stimulus of the General Defence Act which had its use? At any rate, if the people wanted spur, as they do not, would you employ a menace, which in fact, had in it nothing that could really alarm. At least you ought not to threaten what you cannot enforce. I remember an anecdote of one of your predecessors, Sir, who is allowed to have maintained the dignity and authority of the Chair, in a manner superior to all those who went before him, however he may have yielded to those who have come after him. It was a custom with that person (Mr. Speaker Onslow,) when any member was guilty of any irregularity, to cry "take care, Sir, or I will name you." And on one occasion, a member ventured to whisper the Speaker, "And what would be the consequence if you did name me?" The Speaker replied "God only knows." Now in the same manner ministers have thought it convenient to keep up the terror of the General Defence Act, in order to stimulate the volunteers; yet they are sensible that the menace would fail them, and if they were to be asked, what would be the consequence of their threat? their answer would be, "God only knows." for no man could think of putting in practice a measure so pregnant with oppression and injustice. In the volunteer bill, which was lately so much the subject of discussion in the House, it was argued to be unjust that a farmer should, against his will, be deprived of the labor of his servant: and this provision, I understand, has been altered in the other House. But indeed it was of little consequence to talk of the hardships of the farmer being deprived of his servant, if he himself was liable to be taken and sent to serve in the army or militia, in Cornwall or Northumberland, or any other place the most remote from his abode. But, in truth, the very atrocity of this fact made it impossible to put it in execution; so that, in reality, it was as little calculated to be used, as it was altogether unnecessary as a stimulus to the zeal and to the patriotism of the country. Having been, therefore, that the general defence act was neither unnecessary in terrorism, and could be of no avail as a bughar, what practical good was it calculated to afford in strengthening our means of repelling invasion? I have repeatedly stated in this House, that I conceived it desirable that, in addition to our other means of defence, we should have an armed peasantry. Ministers themselves go so far as to say that an armed peasantry may be of use, to back the volunteers, as the latter will be of service to back the regular army. They have never, however, proposed any rational practical means by which this advantage can be obtained. Let us, therefore, go into the committee, and discuss the subject. Let us there try if we cannot devise some mode of strengthening and confirming whatever is well conceived in the present system of defence, by that which all consider useful and important, though in different degrees. Let us there discuss how the peasantry are to be called out, armed, and arrayed. Let us discuss how, in case of emergency, they are to be employed; how far, if fire arms cannot be found, pikes may not with advantage perhaps be put into their hands; and whether it may be necessary to place them under martial law, or by what other code they may be rendered subject to discipline? These are fit objects for discussion in the committee, and there alone, indeed, can they be discussed with advantage. There too we may revise, amend, and improve the different measures that have already been passed for the public defence—here we may correct their errors, remove their contradictions, and increase their effect. I have already hinted the general importance of calling forth the exertions of an armed peasantry, and in this, even they who think more highly of the volunteers will perfectly concur, because the armed peasantry is not intended to supersede the volunteers. As to a detailed plan on this head, I do not propose to trouble the house with any at present. Neither am I prepared to say how far this service should be voluntary or compulsory. That the voluntary zeal of the country would supply every thing that could be desired, I am perfectly convinced. At the same time if it should be thought necessary to make the service in some degree compulsory, I will not say that it might not be proper to make some provision for it. Nevertheless, the means of calling forth that aid must be freed from that injustice and inequality to which the general defence act, would now be liable. How likewise is this force to be armed? And if muskets cannot be furnished to all, surely those who are most inclined to despise the pike, must admit that the pike is a much better weapon than spades or pitch-forks, with which alone the peasantry are now armed, even were they so arrayed and organized as to be capable of being employed with effect. These, however, and many other questions which are naturally connected with the subject and which will no doubt be more particularly insisted upon this eve-
ning, will be proper for the consideration of the committee, which it is the purpose of my motion to institute. I shall, therefore, conclude with moving, that a committee be appointed to take into consideration the state of the public defence."
(To be continued.)
From the Morning Chronicle.
THE CONSPIRACY.
No. I.
REPORT OF THE GRAND JUDGE, Continued.
"On the 4th Germinal I arrived at Munich at six o'clock in the evening, and alighted at Mr. Drake's, minister of England; he lodged me at his house, in a chamber on the same floor with his own apartment, as had been agreed upon at our former interview. Enraged jacobin as I was supposed to be, he received me with the most affectionate regard, and I presented him with the letter of my pretended general with a request to answer it immediately, which he did the next day. As this answer contained the principal details of our conversation, I shall content myself with giving a succinct result of it. On Mr. Drake's asking me what news there was in France, I answered, that events had never yet been so favorable for us; that the arrest of several royalists had call an impenetrable veil over our secret projects, and we were rejoiced to find that not a single jacobin had been apprehended, &c. "I believe with you," replied Mr. Drake, "that you are secure from being suspected, and I have no doubt that every stroke which you make is directed with a certainty of success; but remember to recommend it to your general, that it is essential to unite all parties in the first operations that he shall undertake, and that he must present an imposing task to the First Consul; on this occasion he will be able to employ the royalist party with the greatest advantage." I observed to Mr. Drake, that my general was entirely of his opinion, but that the committee could not bring itself to unite to such an excellent cause a party so contrary to its principles, &c. "Make your use of it, at all events (said he to me, as he walked in his garden) and when you have overthrown B—, it will be very easy to purge yourself of all that are not of your party, as you have frequently done in the course of the revolution."
"It was necessary for me to consider the task in which I had engaged, and the utility of my mission to my country, to enable me to restrain the indignation that I felt myself on the occasion. I felt myself powerfully urged to divulge my real name to the wretch, and to demand satisfaction with my sword in my hand, for all the calumny that he dared to express and think. However, I governed my resentment; the conversation then languished for a time, but Drake soon renewed it—"Remember (said he) support the idea that I threw out to your general; an augmentation of pay must be promised to the regiments on which you can rely. I will furnish for some months, all this expense, and you may hereafter supply them from the confiscations of your party. I should have wished that your general would have waited a little before he began his first operations; but, since he thinks the present moment favorable, he is anxious to get possession of Huningen, which is not remote from the centre of your operations. I intend to fix myself at Fribourg, to be able to give you prompt and certain assistance.—As to the citadel of Strasburg, we must think no more of it; it is too distant. I believe that your general will not have failed to make a powerful party in the army to produce a diversion, for without that B— would be able to fight you with advantage; all the means which he possesses to oppose you must be previously calculated, in order to render his efforts abortive; but profit, when the occasion shall offer of the trouble in which the rest of the partisans shall be plunged. Destroy them without pity, pity is not the virtue of a politician."
"Mr. Drake insisted very much that my general should send Mr. Muller to him. "He is indispensably necessary to me; I want him very much to put me in possession of the present course of affairs, and to inform me who are of your party, for without that I shall not be able to justify myself to my own government, which will be desirous of knowing the names of the principal persons when it is to furnish you with such considerable sums of money." Mr. Drake gave me a sum amounting to 74,976 livres in gold—"It is all that I can do for you at present (he said,) but I shall soon send to Mr. Spencer Smith at Stutgard, who will furnish you with a much larger sum; I give you a letter for him, and a passport with an English courier, charged with dispatches for Castel, as in that character, it will not be necessary for you to present yourself to the French envoy, who watches our most minute actions. You will say no-
thing to Mr. Smith as to what has passed between us; you may however, satisfy his curiosity respecting the news in France." I then took leave of Mr. Drake (Monday the 5th inst.) and entered my post chaise, which was brought to the gate of his hotel, at half past ten at night, and took the road for Stutgard; in that city I arrived on the 7th, at half past one in the afternoon, as an English courier. I stopped at the Golden French Horn inn, and was conducted to the house of Mr. Spencer Smith, where I was announced under the name of Lefebvre. His first reception of me was cold, and accompanied with an air of suspicion. I then gave him the letter from Mr. Drake, and no sooner was he informed who I was, than he overwhelmed me with civilities. He begged me to excuse the unceremonious manner in which I was received, "for (said he,) I do not consider myself here as in a state of security. I assure you, that for some days past, I have received no one, but with a pistol in my hand; I am not upon a bed of roses, I regard myself as an outpost, and I declare to you that if B—required that I should be arrested, the elector of Wirtemburgh, though his wife is a princess of England, would instantly deliver me up, without giving me the least previous notice; for he already entertains some doubts as to the nature of my occupation here; and he actually is afraid that it may compromise him with the consul." He informed himself with much apparent interest of the affairs of France, and told me that the arrest of the duc d'Enghein had greatly disconcerted him; that he was very much affected by the misfortunes of Pichegru; and that England had with reason formed sanguine expectations from the mission of a man at once so popular and so full of talent. "I knew him very well," he repeated with great emotion, "because he was the lieutenant of my brother who disembarked him on the coast of France. I flattered myself then he would have been able to escape, but we must reckon no more upon that, since it appears to be certain that he has been apprehended."
"He earnestly requested me to write a letter to Strasburgh, to Madame Franck, the banker, to desire her to forward hereafter all letters which she should receive addressed to Baron de Herbert, a German officer. "She may forward them to me under the false cover of the son of George Henry Keller, banker, at Stutgard; I am the more anxious to receive them, because some among them may be from Pichegru." He desired me also to inform myself of Madame Henrietta de Tremelin, whose husband he had known at Constantinople, he had the very great kindness to inform me that his assumed name was de Brond, and he appeared to derive no considerable consequence, in his own opinion, from the intrigues he had carried on under that denomination. The secretary of this Mr. Smith, is a Pericand, formerly in the service of the bishop of Seiz; this emigrant entertained me for a long time with his lamentations, and quite overcame me with the horrible actions he recounted of the chief of the French nation. Mr. Drake, Mr. Spencer Smith, and M. Pericand, let me know that they should have been most completely tired with the dullness of Munich and Stutgard, if it had not been for the occupation afforded them by the affairs of France: they boasted, however, that they could draw very considerable sums from the English government.
"Trust in your friends," said Mr. S. Smith to me, "there are bills of exchange for 113,150 livres, and I will send whatever they may want, but, par Dieu, they must strike home for it." At this moment he presented me with a pair of pistols of the manufacture of Versailles: "You may," said he, "make an advantageous use of these little friendly twins, for they never miss." I at first hesitated to take them, but I considered myself as an officer of artillery, who assumes a disguise to acquire the knowledge of an enemy's town; every kind of mask becomes him, he flatters his sensibility, and sees nothing but the order of his general, and the object of his mission. I took leave of Mr. Spencer Smith the 9th inst. One of his domestics brought me the post-horses, and hurried them to my chaise at four o'clock in the afternoon. I proceeded to Strasburgh the following day, and continued my route for Paris, where I arrived on the 14th inst. It is vain for me to attempt a description of the sentiments of hatred and rage with which these monsters are animated against our country. The only hope that sustains them, is to see us armed one against the other. There is no occupation so vile or atrocious, for which they are not fitted; at the same time their cowardice is extreme; the shadow of a brave man is alone sufficient to sink them into the earth; they pass their life in forming plots, and which is the natural effect of criminal habits, they continually imagine themselves surrounded with dangers. Whether it is that in the courts friendly to France, and that are under essential obligations to the First Consul, they are not re-
garded with a favorable eye; whether it is that their real characters have been discovered by the inhabitants of the cities where they reside, and that they perceive that all public opinion is against them; whether it is that their own minds every moment inform them, that the man who respects nothing has no claim to respect; they seem bent down under the weight of public contempt, and are marked with the ineffable opprobrium which is attached to their names. Signed "ROSEY."
ALIST of LETTERS remaining in the POST OFFICE WASHINGTON CITY, on the 1st day of July, 1804.
A. Philip Allen, D. D. Addison esq. J. B. Anderson. B. Andrew Bartle, Jona. Burtt, Moses Bullen, Lieut. William L. Brent, John Lewis Brooke, Samuel Bodge, esq. Miss Nancy H. Baker, Eggleton M. Boyle, Wm Burtt. C. Overton Carr, jun. Josiah Curtis, Capt. Silas Caulkins, James Crook, Capt. Wm. Croffey, George Colder, Ann Crone, Mrs. Ann Carr, Harilla Carter, John Cross, George Crowninshield, esq. D. Patrick Dery, Andrew Ddge, Peggy Dorsey, William Durity, William Dupoy, James R. D'rmot, William Dyer, Mrs. Eliza Davies. E. Rufus Easton, esq. Joseph Eaton. F. William Fairburn 2, Mrs. Sufannah B. Finch, Jacob Forman, Joseph Foster. G. Christian Gouldin, John Green, Margaret Gibbs, Thomas Gantt, jun. Mr. Green, Martha Gordon, Robert Gilmer John Grogan. H. Doctor Grafton Hanson, 2, Thomas Hanson, esq. 2, Spencer Hickman, Della Harderton, Benjamin Hutton, jun. Miss Hanson, John Hurrey, J. Hardy, Isaac Henry, care of Isaac Pollock. I. James Jackson, Israel Jones, Ariel Jeans, General Andrew Jackson, John Jennings. K. John Keall, James Kennedy, Capt. James Kinner, Thomas Karns. L. John U. Loulin, 2, George Lewis, Anthony Lithernes, King Luton, Geo. Lane, John Lloyd, Hillary Lanham, Christopher Lowndes, Lieut. Charles Ludlow, Mrs. Lewis, Louis Anbain Citizen Louis Legas. M. Absalom Mayers, William Macgill, Peter Moor, Notley Maddox, esq. 2, Joseph M'Nee, John Mayne, Captain Ignatius Manning, James Miles, Thos. M'Minn. P. Archibald Penton, John Pierson, Thomas Pearce, Lawton Pearson, Wesley Pigman, Thomas Purcell, Peter B. Porter, Esq. Charles Ponge, Wm. Priestman, Oliver Pollock, Esq. R. M. Razilly, Miss Nancy Russan, George H. Rogers, David K. Richardson, 2, Major Rivardi, Major Rogers, 3. Teneh Ringgold, Mrs. Maria Rosnel, care of Mr. Stelle. S. Capt. Thomas Swaine, 2, John Swank, Joseph Schofield, Goufrey Smith, Isaac Smith, Mrs. Jane Savery, Andrew Smith, Esq. George Sands, Esq. T. William Tery, Maria Thomson, Eliza Thompson, Benjamin Talman, 2, John Taylor, Samuel C. Thompson, Lewis Talburt. W. Catherine Wilson, Thomas Wilson, Joseph Wilson, Mrs. Ann H. Winthrop, 2, Thomas Webb, Col. W. A. Washington, Joshua Ward, John A. Wilson, Robert R. Williams, William Wood, Lieut. Melancthon, T. Woolsey, Joseph Williams, Charles White, Jacob Woolsey, George Wilson, Esq. James Wilson. Y. Charles Young, William Young. July 4.
NOTICE.
THERE was committed as a runaway to the jail of Frederick county, a negro man who calls himself CEASA LANGSTON, and says he belongs to Mr. Isaac Langton of Hertford county North Carolina; he is about 37 years of age, five feet seven inches high, a flour well made fellow—his clothing are a grey woollen coat with a blue cape, cotton striped waistcoat and trowsers and a tow linen shirt, he also has four scars on the back of his neck. If his master does not release him he will be sold for the jail fees agreeably to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, of Frederick county. June 25—

WASHINGTON CITY,
MONDAY, JULY 9, 1804
On Thursday Mr. MERRY left this city for Philadelphia.
The Mayor has appointed CORNELIUS CONINGHAM Superintendent of Police, in the room of JOHN WILLIS, resigned.
Amount of flour, butter and lard, inspected within the city of Baltimore for the last quarter, ending the 30th day of June, 1804.
 61,098 barrels of flour,  2,589 half barrels do.  562 barrels of rye flour,  44 half barrels do.  355 barrels of Indian meal,  50 half barrels do.  120 hogsheads do.  1,958 casks and kegs of lard,  251 do. butter. 
By order. ED. J. COALE, Register of the city of Baltimore.
A London paper of April 251 says; "We are informed that government have refused the passports demanded by the Bavarian minister, being resolved to detain him, as a hostage for the safety of Mr. Drake."
Mr. Phillips, bookseller of St. Paul's Church yard, London, has given Bulford Washington fifteen hundred guineas for the English copy right of the life of his illustrious uncle, compiled from his own manuscripts. Seventy thousand dollars were given for the American copy-right! It was intended that the work should appear in both countries on the 15th of May.
Eng. Paper.
Letters from Holland complain that most of the wealthy citizens have emigrated. At Amsterdam, 1500 warehouses are advertised to be sold or let; at Rotterdam, 460. The value of houses has decreased 3-8ths. Of a population of 200,000 in Amsterdam 8500 are reduced to beggary.
Lon. Paper.
New-York, June 29.
PRIZE MEDALS.
The fourth meeting of the Company of Booksellers was held in this city last week. We understand that several specimens of elegant printing were exhibited, in consequence of a resolution adopted by the company at their last meeting, offering prize medals for the three best samples. The works displayed, we hesitate not to say, would vie with the most celebrated London productions, and are a flattering demonstration of the rapid improvement in the art. The Medals were adjudged as follows—First Medal, to Jacob J. Johnson of Philadelphia, on an 8vo. edition of the Bible; second Medal, to Hopkins and Seymour of this city on an edition of the Emperor Charles the 5th; third Medal, to Isaac Collins and Son, on an edition of French Reader.
At the same time several specimens of binding were presented, and the first Medal adjudged to David Bus of this city.
New-York, July 2.
Cambrian Frigate. On Saturday, the United States marshal of this district went again down to the Cambrian, for the purpose of arresting the Lieutenant who commanded the men employed in impressing the crew of the Pitt and who forcibly prevented the revenue officer from boarding that vessel. The marshal went down in the Revenue Cutter, but returned yesterday without success, having been refused admittance on board the Frigate.
Morn. Chron.
On Tuesday the 24th of April, Henry Crymes, of Bath county, state of Virginia, under the influence of delirium, broke his skull with a stone. After having shattered it, he took out a piece about three inches long, and two broad. Concluding that this would not put a period to his existence, he thrust his finger into his head, and tore out a considerable quantity of his brains. Instead of immediate death, he instantly returned to the full exercise of reason and walked home: he lived until the Thursday evening following.—He appeared very
penitent and rational until he expired, and in the meantime gave to his friends the above statement of the transaction. The cause of this derangement is believed to have been a disappointment in marriage.—Through the whole of his life, he supported an unfullied character.
Times.
ON TITLES.
I have perused the communication which appears in this day's paper on the celebration of the Anniversary Festival at New Orleans, with mingled emotions. I have exulted in the bright prospects of happiness which the acquisition of Louisiana laid open to our view. I perceived in the present communication, the most satisfactory proofs, that its people are pleased with the destiny which awaits them, and that they will not disappoint the high hopes which the republicans had indulged of their political improvement, and their attachment to the United States. But the style in which these facts are expressed, have inspired me with no other sentiment than the most profound disapprobation. Wm. C. C. Claiborne is made the central figure round which our imaginations and our feelings are compelled to rally. 'His Excellency,' and your Excellency,' the governor general's cheerful and animating deportment are made to project, in half-relief, far beyond the more interesting objects, which have enriched this subject. The author has certainly forgotten that it was not the magnificent Viceroy of the Spanish king whom he was describing, but the simple citizen of the American republic. Of the use of honorable titles in our country, I have never had but one opinion; and that opinion has been admirably expressed in a letter of gen. Charles Lee to Mr. Henry, when governor of Virginia.
"There is a barbarism crept in among us that extremely shocks me, I mean those tinsel epithets, with which [I come in for my share] we are so besplashed; His Excellency, and his Honor; The Honorable President of the Congress or the honorable Convention. This fulsome naufragating cant may be well enough adapted to barbarous monarchies; or to gratify the unadulterated pride of the magnifici in pompous aristocracie; but in a great, free, many equal commonwealth, it is quite abominable; for my own part, I would as lief they would put rashes in my mouth, as the excellency with which I am daily crammed. How much more true dignity was there in the simplicity of address amongst the Romans? Marcus Tullius Cicero, Decimo Bruto Imperatori, or Gaius Marcellus Consul, than to his Excellency Major General Noodle, or to the honorable John Doodle. My objections are perhaps trivial and whimsical; but for my soul, I cannot help stating them. If, therefore, I should sometimes address a letter to you without the excellency tacked, you must not esteem it a mark of personal or official disrespect, but the reverse."
Richmond Enquirer.
From the London Philosophical Magazine.
IMPROVEMENT IN GEOGRAPHY.
Mr. Churchman, author of the Magnetic Charts, has proposed an improvement in the construction of maps, by which the altitude, declivity and perpendicular height of the hills and mountains throughout any country, or any particular district, can be indicated. This plan consists in tracing certain lines over the surfaces of the parts intended to be so marked, and is applicable to maps already published; that is, to such as have been constructed by a proper survey, as the map of Kent, which has been performed at the public expence, and published under the direction of the board of ordnance, and other maps now executing in a similar manner. The lines are rendered efficient for the purpose proposed by employing them with an universal proportion, to ascertain their respective indications. Such maps would, probably, be useful for military purposes, as well as for matters respecting canal navigation.
It was said, when Mr. Addington was made British Prime Minister, he was to hold the situation no longer than Mr. Pitt inclined he should. It seems the latter had been making attempts to recover his former station; but has been resisted by Mr. Addington and his friends. To outvote Mr. Addington, the old opposition, headed by Mr. Fox, &c. has joined the new opposition of Mr. Pitt, the Grenvilles, &c. On the 23d April, these oppositions made a trial of their strength, on a motion made by Mr. Fox, respecting some modification of the bills for the national defence, supported by Mr. Pitt, and opposed by Mr. Addington, and all the ministry. On the question to sustain Mr. Fox's motion, the numbers were—For it
204—Against it, 256—Majority in favor of the minister 52. On the 25th April, another trial of strength was made, on a motion of Mr. Pitt, supported by Mr. Fox, and opposed by Mr. Addington, &c. On this motion, the division was, for Mr. Pitt's motion 203: against it 240. Majority for the minister 37. Though the whole number of members present was diminished, the absentees were considered as Rats, deserting the minister. In addition to these indications, we learn by captain Davis, from Dublin, that immediately before he sailed, he received the following minute from the American Consul there: "The report of the day, by an express, which has this moment arrived at the Castle, is, that Mr. Pitt goes in Prime Minister; with the privilege of naming whom he thinks proper to retain in or dismiss from the ministry." This capt. D. says was implicitly relied on, in Dublin. It is therefore highly probable, that a change of measures will be the consequence. But whether an accommodation, or a more efficient prosecution of the war, our readers are as well able to imagine as we are. (Bost. Cent.)
Baltimore, July 6, 1804.
Conformably to good old social usage, the republicans of Fell's Point assembled at Mr. Peck's Hotel, to celebrate the glorious Anniversary of American Independence, where a plentiful dinner was prepared, which was enjoyed with the utmost conviviality and harmony—A number of songs were sung—and the following toasts were drank, each announced by a gun, and succeeded by appropriate music:
 1. The day we celebrate—"Hail! Independence hail! Heaven's next best gift, to that of life, and an immortal soul."  2. The President—whose virtues afford an ample shield to repel the bolts of his enemies, without the aid of a Section Act.  3. The government of the United States—the world's last and best hope—may it stand firm against internal enemies, as well as against the assaults of foreign foes; and may its duration be commensurate with the limits of time.  4. The Congress of the U. States—May wisdom, prudence and firmness, always characterize their measures.  5. General George Washington—His memory we sincerely revere, as the father of our country; and as the godlike defender and preserver of her political rights.  6. The venerable shades of Franklin, Hancock, Samuel Adams and Montgomery, and the other revolutionary worthies, whose patriotism aided in rendering this the Natal Day of our country's greatness.  7. The Declaration of Independence—May the magnanimous spirit which produced it, always exist in our country, to the overthrow of oppression and tyranny from every quarter.  8. The sons of glee and harmony, wherever assembled to celebrate this glorious day.  9. Agriculture, manufactures and commerce—May we feel sensibly a general influence spring from their intimate union—and may its good effects find a powerful point of attraction on Fell's Point.  10. The sons of Hibernia who have chosen America for their country—May they find it a haven of rest and happiness—and may they never again be subject to the evil effects of an Alien Law.  11. Louisiana—May its union with the United States be founded on harmony and brotherly love, and may such union, make Louisiana, so honorably acquired, prove an asylum of safety to the persecuted and oppressed inhabitants of the world.  12. The Press—May it, in America, never be fettered by a Scdition act.  13. The Tree of Liberty—May it never produce Burrs.  14. "An Union of all honest men, upon the principles which led Washington to the field, and which placed Jefferson in the Presidential chair."  15. Our foreign ministers, Livingston, Monroe and Pmckney—they deserve well of their country.  16. Equal rights and equal laws—protection to property, preference to virtue and talents.  17. The American Fair—their happiness our dearest object; their virtues our best reward. 
After the President retired— Captain James Biays—On patriotic occasions, like the present, he has ever shown himself ready to meet the republicans of Fell's Point. After the Vice-President retired— Captain T. Chace—He, too, is always prepared to honor the principles of '76; which we this day celebrate.
Wednesday, the 4th of July, being the anniversary of American Independence, the same was celebrated by a select company of mechanics, who par-
took of an excellent repast at a spring near town, after which the following toasts were drank.
 1. The day and all who honor it.  2. The 4th of July 1776—May the liberty which dawn'd on that day, be perpetual.  3. The President of the United States—Long may he continue to receive the best reward of patriotism—The approbation of his country.  4. The immortal memory of Washington.  5. The memory of those heroes who sacrificed their lives and fortunes at the altar of liberty—while patriotism can find a tear to moisten their graves, may their laurels flourish in perpetual bloom.  6. Prosperity, peace and happiness to the brave patriots and soldiers of our revolutionary army, who are still among us.  7. The state of Maryland—increase to her trade, agriculture, commerce and manufactures.  8. The governor of Maryland.  9. The United States of America—in the full enjoyment of those blessings for which our statesmen toiled, and our warriors fought and bled.  10. The union of the states—infirmity to those who advise their dissolution.  11. The mechanics of Baltimore—may they find confidence for their honesty, employment for their skill, and fair prices and prompt pay for their services. 9 cheers.  13. The militia of the United States—a better law for our own state than the present.  12. The army and navy of the United States.  14. Louisiana—acquired without the tear of the widow, or the curses of the orphan.  15. Our unfortunate countrymen in captivity in Tripoli—may they soon be restored to their country and friends.  16. The enemies of our country—those who do not like it, have our consent to march out of it as soon as they please, without drums beating or colours flying.  17. The American fair. May those who are single get Lads to their mind. And those who are married live happy. 
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of JOHN TURNER WILLETTS, late of said county, deceased.—All persons having claims against the above deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the first day of February next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.—Given under my hand this 28th day of June, 1804. NIAN T. WILLETT, Administrator.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of NINIAN WILLETT, late of the said county, deceased.—All persons having claims against the above deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the first day of February next, they may otherwise by law, be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.—Given under my hand this 28th day of June, 1804. NIAN T. WILLETT, July 9—4t w.
For NEW ORLEANS.
The fast sailing ship COMET, J M'Neill master—a constant trader, and elegant accommodations for passengers. She will sail in all this month. For freight or passage apply to WM. TAYLOR, No. 8, Bank Street. Baltimore, July 9—3t
Ten Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the office of the WESTERN STAR, on the night between the 4th and 5th inst. an indented apprentice to the Printing business, named WILLIAM JOHNSON, between 18 and 19 years of age, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high; rather slender make, short black hair and dark complexion, had on and took with him a brown coat with pearl buttons, nankeen pantaloon, white waistcoat, and a good hat; he had also with him a French made watch, with a twisted gold wire chain. The above reward will be given for securing him in any jail, so that I may get him again, or reasonable charges if brought home. Also all persons are hereby cautioned against harbouring or trusting said boy, and all captains or masters of vessels are warned at their peril against carrying away said apprentice. EDWARD COLE, Lewistown, Pennsylvania, July 9—
MEDITERRANEAN PASSPORTS.
Notice is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean Passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the eighth day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which they may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange; and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers, with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone is use.
Department of State, 231 of May, 1804 The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the Customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. May 30—2-w6m
THOMAS M'EVEN, THOMAS HALE & WILLIAM DAVIDSON, who heretofore, have translated business under the firm of Thomas M'EVEN & Co. will in future use that of M'EVEN, HALE & DAVIDSON. PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 1—tw6m
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS HERTY,
Of the City of Washington, Conveyancer, for publishing by Subscription The Second Volume of his DIGEST OF THE Laws of Maryland.
IT will contain all the public acts of assembly passed since the publication of the first volume to the present time, which have not been repealed—that is, the acts of the sessions of 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802 and 1803. It will be printed of the same size as the first volume, and have reference to such parts of the first volume as are repealed, expired or which may otherwise undergo alterations, with a neat index: subject to which, will be given by way of Appendix, a variety of precedents adapted to the law, for the use of justices of the peace, &c. &c.
CONDITIONS.
 1. It will be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers is procured to defray the expence of the work, and finished immediately thereafter as soon as a first attention to neatness and accuracy will admit.  2. Price to subscribers 2 Dollars 50 cts. which to be paid for on delivery; to non-subscribers the price will be enhanced.  3. Those procuring 9 subscribers, and account for the money, will be entitled to an additional copy.  4. Subscriptions received by the Editor at his office near the Treasury Department, by the Booksellers in Maryland, and by those in whose hands subscription papers are left.  5. Printers of Newspapers in Maryland giving the above due publicity will be entitled to a copy.  6. N. B. He has in forwardness and will also propose as soon as ready for A System of Conveyancing calculated for each state in the union; to the precedents of each species, will be prefixed observations on their nature and use, the law on the subject of alienation by deed of each particular state, shall be exhibited, and how such deed shall be authenticated when executed as well by residents as by non-residents, or, as well in the state as out of the state; together with other interesting particulars. March 19—wtf. 
NOTICE
By virtue of three writs of venditioni exponas issued from the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, to me directed, one at the suit of Summers and Coates, against Samuel Blodgett, one at the suit of Edward Pennington, against Samuel Blodgett, and one at the suit of John Mully, against John Mully, will be exposed to public sale for ready cash on the 28th inst at Wm. Rhodes Tavern in the city of Washington, all the right, title, claim and interest of the said Samuel Blodgett and John Mully in and to the following property, viz Lot No 23 in square 107, Lot No. 13 in square 378, Lot No. 2 in square 333, Lot No. 5 in square 54, Lot No. 12 in square 320, Lot No. 2 in square 218, Lot No. 12 in square 285, Lot No. 22 in square 263, Lot No. 23 in square 263, Lot No. 24 in square 263, Lot No. 7 in square 264, Lot No. 8 in square 264, Lot No. 7 in square 409, Lot No. 8 in square 409, Lot No. 17 in square 233, Lot No. 7 in square 233 with a three story brick dwelling house thereon, late the property of the said Blodgett, and Lot No. 5 in square 607, late the property of the said Mully—the sale will commence precisely at 4 o'clock. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. July 2—12w4t
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclining to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD.

WANTED
At the NAVY YARD—Washington, a quantity of the following materials, viz.
 5 inch Oak Plank } Lengths, from 1-2 inch do. } 30 feet up-wards.  3 inch do. }  2 inch do. }  3 inch Yellow Pine }  2 1/2 inch do. }  2 inch do. }  Locust Trunnails, of 18 and 24 inches leng. 
Locust Timber, in the log Cedar do do Beams of yellow Pine and Oak knees of various sizes.
Proposals for supplying the whole or any part of the Materials, specifying the particulars and the lowest price, will be received by the Subscriber until the 6th of August next.
Navy-Yard, Washington, July 6 1804. THOMAS TINGEY.
N. B. All further information which may be required, can be obtained, on application being made at the Contractor's office.
For the information of the Freeholders of the state of Virginia.
THE following are the names of the persons who compose the REPUBLICAN TICKET of Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, as published. The election for the choice of Electors will be held in each county and corporation on the first Monday in November next.
PHILIP N. NICHOLAS, Chairman. JOHN H. FOUSHEE, Sec'y. Richmond, May 25, 1804.
Republican Ticket.
 Richard E. Lee, of Norfolk borough.  John Goode, — Isle of Wight.  Edward Paget, — Dinwiddie.  Dr. Richard Field, — Brunswick.  Thomas Read, — Charlotte.  Greene Taylor, — Cumberland.  William H. Cabell, — Amherst.  George Pean, — Patrick.  George Wythe, — City of Richmond.  John Taylor, — Caroline.  Lakin Smith, — King and Queen.  John Minor, — Spotsylvania.  William Ellzey, — Loudoun.  William Dudley, — Fauquier.  Mann Page, — Gloucester.  John Taliaferro, jr. — King George.  Richard Bland, — Prince William.  Hugh Holmes, — Frederick.  James D'Arty, — Hampshire.  James A. Lee, — Shenandoah.  Archibald Stuart, — Augusta.  James M'Farlane, — Russell.  Gen. John Preston, — Montgomery.  William M'Kinley, — Ohio.  June 27—4w
Prince George's County, Upper Marlboro, June 12, 1804.
At a respectable meeting of republican citizens of Prince George's County, pursuant to the recommendations of a former meeting, HUMPHREY BELT, Esquire, having been appointed Chairman, and TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That William Lyles, Alexander and C.ington, Alexander Contee and William W. Berry, Esquires be recommended to the people of this County as Delegates to the next General Assembly of Maryland.
Resolved, That Isaac Duckett, Humphrey Belt, James G. Wood, Thomas Hewitt and George F. Hawkins, Esqs. be a committee to confer with a similar committee on the part of Anne Arundel County, on a proper character to represent this district in Congress, in the place of Walter Bowie, Esq. who declines being a candidate.
Resolved, That Richard Sprigg, Thomas Rogers and Trueman Tyler, Esqs. be a committee to confer with Calvert County, and that part of Montgomery County composing the electoral District, on a proper character as an elector of President and Vice-President; and that it is the sense of this meeting that the said corresponding committee recommend, General J. Joseph Wilkinson, as a proper character to fill that appointment.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer in Maryland Gazette. HUMPHREY BELT, Chairman. TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary. June 18—3
REMOVAL.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR.
Has removed to the house above Mr. RHODES (LATE LOVELL'S), HOTEL, near the President's Square.
In addition to the present stock of goods, a Handsome Assortment is expected immediately.
Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post will be waited upon with all possible expedition.
Will pledge himself to execute any order with a taste, expedition and moderation at a charge, which shall not be excelled by any.
April 16—tf.
COLUMBIAN LIBRARY.
An Appendix to the Catalogue is this day published and may be had at the Library Room. In the course of the last year, the Directors have been incorporated by an act of Congress, and above 250 vols. have been added to the books, making in the whole upwards of 800 vols. New Shares may be had on application to the Librarian—Books are let out on hire to those who are not shareholders, and are to be taken out and returned on the afternoons of Wednesdays and Saturdays.
George Town, June 5—
HAT MANUFACTURY.
The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chuse to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness be requisites.
JOEL BROWN. George Town, Feb. 17—tf
GEORGE TOWN COLLEGE,
In the district of Columbia, United States of America, under the direction of the Incorporated Catholic Clergy of the state of Maryland.
1. The annual pension of this establishment is two hundred and twenty dollars; but for children under twelve years of age, only two hundred dollars will be required. Those students who continue their education through the classes of Philosophy shall on account of extraordinary expenses and some particular indulgencies allowed them, pay two hundred and fifty dollars per annum.
The pension is to be paid half yearly in advance. A deduction of fifty dollars per annum will be allowed to those parents who may choose to charge themselves with the detail of clothing their children. The college will furnish washing and mending; but will not keep particular accounts, or become answerable for clothing provided by parents.
II. In lieu of bed linen, table service, school books, and other articles usually required on entering establishments of this kind, each student shall pay ten dollars entrance money.
III. The Sunday or holiday dress is uniform, and consists of a plain coat of blue cloth, with yellow buttons, red cloth or kerseymere waistcoats. The use of silk is not permitted—Every student shall bring with him his uniform dress, besides a suit for daily wear, six shirts, six neck handkerchiefs, six pocket handkerchiefs, six pair of stockings, and three pair of shoes, all new. Any deficiency in the above will be charged to the parents.
IV. On the above terms the students are furnished with clothes, linen, washing, mending, lodging, board, fire, candle, table, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, and school rewards; so that nothing will remain to the charge of the parents, but medical attendance and medicines, postage, and such extra lessons of drawing, dancing, music, &c. which they may choose to order for their children.
V. The religion, uniformly practiced by the students living in the college, is the Roman Catholic; but for students of other religious persuasions there are boarding houses, convenient to the college, where they will be subject to the same rules (religion excepted) and enjoy the same advantages for their improvement in science as the pensioners of the college.
VI. Our Boarders must be furnished by their parents with the uniform of the college, and pay annually for tuition, fire, candle, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, school rewards, &c. fifty dollars, always half yearly in advance.
VII. The students are taught English, Latin, Greek, and all the branches of Classical Education, sacred and profane History, Geography, the use of the Globes, Arithmetic, and when sufficiently advanced Algebra and Geometry, with all the other parts of the Mathematics in the respective classes. Particular care is taken that they learn to read well, and write a good hand, and that they speak and write French with accuracy. Four times a year the students are called to a public examination of what they have been taught before Parents and the Friends of Literature. Those who have made extraordinary progress are honored and rewarded. The idle, for punishment, are confined in the vacation to certain extraordinary hours of study during playtime, in order to repair what they have neglected to learn in school; therefore, if they are found defective in the last and most important examination of the year, before the August vacation, they will not be allowed to go home during that time.
VIII. The age of admission is from eight to fourteen. When children are not sufficiently advanced to begin a regular course of classical education, they are placed in an elementary class, attended by a particular teacher, from whom they learn to spell, read, and write.
IX. If the children sent to this College have been before at any other house of education, an attestation of their morals and docility is required.
X. The greatest care is taken to instruct the children in the duties of Religion and Morality, and they are constantly under the eye of one or more of the Professors who see that those duties are practiced, and that the rules of civility are not violated.
XI. Cleanliness and exercise, and every thing which contributes to health, are attended to with particular care.
XII. All the pensioners dine and sup with their professors, and have the same table which they have. No distinctions are allowed in diet or clothing.
XIII. As long experience has convinced the directors, that a provision of pocket money is very prejudicial not only to good order, but even to study and application, they therefore request that parents will not be forward in indulging their children in more than fifty cents at most per month, for this purpose.
XIV. No allowance is made for absence during the vacation, which begins on the 15th August and ends the 15th of September. To these terms the parents are desired to be particularly attentive, in case they choose to
call their children home, as the absence of a few weeks at the opening of school is seldom repaired without very great difficulty. Absence from school at no other time will be permitted. It is indeed the most serious and earnest desire of the Directors, that the children should never be called home during the course of their education, as they have found by experience, that such avocations have often proved prejudicial, not only to study and application, but even to content and happiness. Those children who may be received into the college upon other funds, either totally or partially, then those provided by their parents or guardians, will not be allowed to go home or absent themselves from the college during the full course of their education, unless particular circumstances in the judgment of the President should require permission of absence for a time.
XV. When children are removed from the College, whatever new linen or clothes are furnished them on that occasion, will be charged to their parents. After entering on a new quarter no deduction will be made for the remaining part thereof.
The College is a large building, capable of lodging two hundred persons conveniently. The garden and court adjoining, where the young gentlemen play, are very airy and spacious. The situation is very pleasant and healthy.
It will contribute much to the advantage of the children, if parents on sending them will inform the President how long they propose to leave them at the College, and for what employments in life they are designed. The regular course of education is properly classical; but such as are destined for the commercial line, have a lesson of Arithmetic and Book-Keeping, under a particular Professor appointed for that purpose.
XVI. The above Regulations and Conditions will take place from the 15th day of August, 1804, for all such as enter at, or after that period; but for others, they will only commence at the expiration of the six months, for which the advance payment had become due prior to that term.
Right Rev. LEONARD NEALE, President. Georgetown, June 22—tm.
MECHANIC'S HALL
Is to let for a term of three years. The subscriber being proprietor of the above premises and having lately met very unexpectedly with troubles of a domestic nature which has greatly disconcerted him and consequently injured his business.
The public in general, and his friends in particular are notified that he gratefully acknowledges the liberal support they have given him since he commenced the tavern line, and begs they will not forsake him, as he has a larger and better assortment of liquors than he ever had before, and in addition thereto he has ice and fruit, also a variety of newspapers. He pledges himself to double (if possible) his exertions to please and accommodate all who may call on him, until a suitable tenant can be had.
A description of the property is thought needless as it is known and presumed that no one will rent without viewing the premises.
ANDREW M'DONALD. George Town. June 20—3tw2w
(BY AUTHORITY.)
Scheme of a Lottery. To build an ACADEMY in the city of Richmond. Dollars.
  1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000   1 do. 10,000   1 do. 5,000   5 do. of 1,000 5,000   6 do. — 500 3,000   10 do. — 200 2,000   20 do. — 100 2,000   100 do. — 50 5,000   250 do. — 30 7,500   420 do. — 25 10,500   1,500 do. — 20 30,000   3,000 do. — 15 45,000   1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250   1 do. after 2,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000   5,325 prizes, 150,000   9,675 blanks, not two to a prize. 
15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This lottery has been authorised by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dollars, and 2,500 dollars, in addition, for defraying the expenses attending on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer, a chance, for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce a rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorise it—which it is believed will be on or about the second Monday in December next.
Richmond, March 2—tf T Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price (Reg.) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Prichard.
Cheap Goods.
JOHN COX
HAS received a large and handsome assortment of Spring and Summer goods, and is happy in having it in his power to sell them unusually low. George Town, May 14—ep2m
AT a meeting of the Stockholders of the THEATRE COMPANY, at Rhodes tavern on the 7th June, 1804, pursuant to notice.
ROBERT BRENT, Esq. Mayor of the city of Washington, was called to the Chair, and STANLEY BYUS, appointed Secretary.
On motion made and seconded, the meeting came to the following resolutions:
Resolved, That a Board of Directors, consisting of five Stockholders, be chosen by ballot at the present meeting, to continue in office one year from their election.
Resolved, That the said Board of Directors have the power generally to manage the affairs of the institution during the period for which they are elected.
Resolved, That it be the duty of the said Board of Directors to proceed immediately to the raising by such means as they shall deem most eligible the necessary funds, and thenceforth apply the same to the completion of the building; and to procure a dramatic company, when the prospects respecting the completion of the building will in their opinion warrant the same.
Whereupon the meeting proceeded to the election of a Board of Directors for one year, when the following gentlemen were elected.
John P. Van Ness, Samuel Harrison Smith, Robert Brent, William Brent, and Thomas Law.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer.
ROBERT BRENT, Chairman. June 18—3w
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cashmeres, white and fancy Marceilles, colored and white Jones, India mankeeps, cotton cashmeres, black silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 8—tf
30 Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber, living near Dumfries in Virginia, on the 11th inst. A Negro or dark Mulatto named PRINCE, about 22 years of age, about five feet nine inches high, bow legs, has a mark on his face occasioned by a fall from a horse and a scar on one of his wrists, from a cut with a broken glass bottle. I will give thirty dollars reward for apprehending and bringing said negro home. ROBERT GRAHAM. May 23—tf
NAVY DEPARTMENT.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of DAVID VALENZIN for maintaining and supporting him during his imprisonment, or for defraying the expenses of his interment, will be pleased to transmit their accounts duly authenticated to the Secretary of the Navy, on or before the 10th day of July next.
A HOUSE TO LET,
Upon square No. 728 Capitol Hill is a small convenient DWELLING HOUSE calculated for a store or for a tradesman's shop, and suitable for a small family with the newly fenced in for a garden—Immediate possession may be had by applying at Mr. Stells hotel to GEORGE WALKER. Washington June 27—3t
NOTICE.
APPLICATION is intended to be made at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of the following lost certificates; No. 362, 363, 364, 365, and 366, dated the 5th April 1804, for 2000 dollars each, Louisiana 6 per cent stock, in favor of John Coles of New London, signed by Joseph Nourse, Reg.
JOHN M'GOWAN. June 13, 1804—ep6w
WILL be sold at Public Auction if not previously disposed of to a private purchaser. On Friday the thirtieth of June at Mr. Semmes's tavern—Lot no. 57 at the corner of Fayette and First streets next to Mr. C. Lowndes' facing the Roman Chapel. There is a two story Frame House, with an excellent well on the premises, and the situation cannot be exceeded for health. The dower in the property will be properly relinquished and satisfactory security given that the subscribers conveyance of the property upon the purchasers fulfilment of the terms. The conditions are one half of the purchase money in cash, and the other in a note of twelve months with approved endorsers negotiable in the Bank of Columbia. EDWARD M. BUTLER. June 1—tf
For further particulars enquire at Mr. Lee's second brick house west of the War Office Pennsylvania avenue.
The above sale is postponed until Monday the 9th of July. E. B.
Travellers Hall.
THE subscriber has lately been induced from the rapid increase of his custom to purchase a lot of ground adjoining that on which he lives for the purpose of building a dining room and assembly room, each 54 feet by 32 feet 10 inches with six additional lodging rooms, and intends to finish them before the ensuing winter; which together with his tavern and house will occupy a front of near one hundred feet in the most agreeable part of the town and in the center of business being on the highest part of the public square.
He has considerably increased the furniture &c. of his house and stables. His domestics and servants are of the most faithful dispositions and properly qualified for the departments to which they are assigned. He has a constant supply of the best stable forage; imported and country provisions, imported liquors, &c. of the first quality, foreign newspapers, &c. And his ice will most probably last through the hot weather.
The distinguished preference which the first characters have already given him, fills him with gratitude. He offers his sincere thanks to all his good friends and begs leave to assure them that neither his time nor his purse shall be spared in attempting to render the Travellers Hall a house of entertainment, for GENTEL GUESTS ONLY, equal to any in America.
P. BRADLEY. Lexington, Kentucky, June 12, 1804. A stage runs from the travellers Hall to the Olympic Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the sessions of Assembly. June 29—3m
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern that JOHN EDWARDS is appointed by the Legionary court of the First Legion of Militia of the district of Columbia to collect all fines put into his hands—by order of said court, WM. D. BEALL, Ck. June 22—6v
TO RENT,
A THREE STORY BRICK HOUSE in the city of Washington, situate on that beautiful ridge north east of the Seven Buildings, on 1st street, Lot No. 3, square 106, at present occupied by Mrs. Scott. Possession may be had the 1st of August next. Under said house is a good dry cellar, on the back of the lot is a stable, and near the premises a pump of most excellent water.
Enquire of Mrs. Scott, or of the subscriber, High street at Doctor John Beatty's George Town. ABRAHAM JOY. June 29—tf
JUST PUBLISHED
By Rapine, Conrad & Co.
NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL,
MAJOR'S Universal History, Ancient and Modern, from the earliest records of time, to the general peace of 1801, Vols. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7—This work will be comprised in 25 volumes, at one DOLLAR each to Subscribers in boards. Those who have already favored the publishers with their names are requested to send for their copies, and those who are desirous of possessing this valuable work are informed that the subscription is still open. Also just published and for sale as above.
The works of WILLIAM SMITH, D. D. late provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, vols. 1st and 2nd. This work will be comprised in 4 volumes at 250 cents per volume in boards.
R. C. & Co. Have on hand a most valuable collection of new books, received by the late arrivals from Europe, which they will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. June 29—
PROPOSAL,
For printing by Subscription,
Miscellaneous Poems,
BY MRS. ALLEN, Consort to the Rev. Mr. Allen of Harford county, Written before her marriage.
—CONDITIONS—
THE book to be printed with a clear type, and fine paper, in a duodecimo volume, and delivered to the subscribers neatly bound, price Three quarters of a Dollar, half to be paid on subscribing, and the residue on delivery of the book—which will be put to press as soon as three hundred copies shall be subscribed for.
Subscriptions received by Mr. Matthew Carey, Philadelphia—by Messrs. Warner and Hanna, Baltimore, and by the principal booksellers in those cities, also by Mr. Samuel Harrison Smith, Washington city.
Dr. Jacob Hall, of Harford county, of known literary character, to whose inspection these Poems were submitted, in a letter to the author, expresses his opinion of them, as follows:
MADAM,
I have been honored and gratified with the perusal of your manuscript copy of Poems. In my opinion it is a work of considerable merit, and displays true piety and poetic genius. The pastoral dialogues are commendable for their novelty, simplicity and beauty. The elegies, epistles, and especially the "Man of Misfortune," a Moral Tale, are interesting and pathetic. The Odes and Fugitive Pieces are sprightly and amusing. And the whole composition seems to breathe such a spirit of philanthropy and benevolence as cannot fail to elevate the affections, and to mend the heart. And it is to be regretted, that the author's modesty has hitherto denied the community so refined an entertainment. Your Friend, &c. J. HALL.
Christopher's Camp, March 24—