The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-02-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCXLI
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEB. 24.
MR. J. RANDOLPH observed that some time had elapsed since he gave notice that he should call up his resolution for amending the constitution of the U. S. The state of his health had not admitted of his taking his seat before this day. He, therefore, availed himself of the first opportunity to move that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, with the view of taking that resolution into consideration.
Mr. MASTERS moved a postponement.
The Speaker said, there could be no postponement of a subject referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, as it was in order every day to take up business so referred.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said, if gentlemen were unprepared, he had no objection to wave his call until to-morrow.
The Speaker remarked that there could be no debate on the priority of business.
Mr. CONRAD moved to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of the resolution. He said he would briefly assign his reasons for this motion. The session had progressed, and the season was fast approaching when every man of agricultural pursuits would be anxious to attend to them, unless detained by important business. He did not believe the proposed amendment to the constitution so important, as to require immediate attention. He hoped, therefore, that it would be postponed until the next session, and that the way would thereby be paved for transacting the important national business that claimed their earliest attention.
The Speaker said the first question was on the House resolving itself into a committee of the whole.
The question was taken on this motion, and carried—Ayes 61.
Mr. GREGG was called to the chair of the committee.
The resolution having been read as follows:
Resolved , by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following article be submitted to the legislatures of the several states, which, when ratified and confirmed by the legislatures of three fourths of the said states, shall be valid and binding as a part of the constitution of the United States.
The judges of the supreme and all other courts of the United States shall be removed from office by the President, on the joint address of both Houses of Congress requesting the same.
The committee divided on agreeing to it, without debate—Ayes 51—Noes 55.
The committee then rose, and reported their disagreement to the resolution.
The House, having agreed to consider the report,
Mr. J. RANDOLPH called for the taking the Yeas and Nays on the question of concurrence.
Mr. CLARK moved a postponement of the consideration of the report to the 3rd Monday of March, merely with the view of making it give place to more important business which he said must be attended to. He said he had voted against the resolution, not because he was inimical to the principle involved in it. With a small modification he should be in favor of it; and he hoped the period was not distant, when with such a modification, it would become a part of the constitution.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH hoped a postponement to so distant a day would not prevail. He was himself desirous that it should be postponed for a few days, in order to give notice to the House, that there might be a full vote on what he considered a most important measure. He appeared in this instance, as in many others, to be in a state of profound error. The amendment, or deterioration of the constitution, he had always considered to be a point of the greatest importance. But now, judging by the opinions of gentlemen, it seemed to be of lesser importance than the laying a duty of one or two per cent. to continue but for two or three years. It has, said Mr. R., been a subject of extreme concern to me, though not myself able to attend to the public business, to find, on enquiring daily of my colleagues, that the House has refused to do any business, because on a future day they expected some important business to come before them. I understand that a very important resolution of a gentleman from Pennsylvania, on a business so generally denominated the Yazoo, as to require no other name, was postponed on the same ground that my colleague now wishes the resolution under consideration postponed. If there is such important business to transact, in God's name why not progress in it. But notwithstanding this immensely important business, which serves as an excuse for doing nothing, we make no progress in it, if by it I am to understand the state of our foreign relations. I have no wish, nor do I intend to al-
lude to any thing, which passed while we were sitting in conclave. But I did hope, when one or two members, who were represented as the only hindrances to the dispatch of business, were withdrawn from the House for one or two weeks, every thing would have been completed. I expected the adoption of very efficient measures towards Great Britain. Instead of this I find nothing done. And now, when an amendment to the constitution is brought forward, which is allowed to be very important, and when the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania is called up, we are told by gentlemen, we cannot attend to these subjects; there is important business which we expect to have at some future day before us; and therefore we are determined in the interim to do nothing. One word as to the remark of the gentleman on my left (Mr. Conrad). He belongs to a class of men which I highly respect, for the plain reason, that I belong to it myself. He says the time is approaching when every man engaged in agricultural pursuits must be anxious to go home, and therefore he does not wish at present to act on the resolution I have laid on your table. True; but when men, be they agricultural, mechanical, or of any other profession, undertake any business, it is their duty to go through with it at every hazard. I do not know a man in the House who has suffered more than the individual who now addresses you by his attendance here, and if I could have found an apology in my own mind, I should long since have been gone. If the situation of affairs warranted it, I should be willing to adjourn for two or three months. But I never can agree to adjourn in the present perilous state of affairs, and leave the country to a blind and fortuitous destiny. I must first see something like land, some foothold, something like certainty, instead of a political chaos, without form or body. Before I consent to go home, I must see something like a safe and honorable issue to our differences with foreign powers; and I must see—I hope, another thing—something like an attempt to bring the constitution of this people back to the principles on which this administration came into power. I take this proposition, and that of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) to be two important means of bringing that administration back to those principles. My friend from Virginia says he expects at a future period to obtain this reform. I fear, if delay be permitted, that we shall get into the situation of another deliberate assembly, of which every member agrees that reform is necessary, but that the present is not the accepted time. I am afraid that we are in this situation already. I believe it, because I see it. It is a most fortunate circumstance that we made hay while the sun shone; that we got in the harvest at the first session of the seventh Congress; that we did away the mid-night judiciary and the internal taxes. If those institutions were now standing, I believe they would be as impregnable as any part of the system around which gentlemen effect to rally. I believe it, because I believe appointments would have their effect. Yes, it is but too true, that patriots in opposition are as apt to become courtiers in power, as courtiers in power are fond of becoming patriots in opposition. So far then from wishing to postpone this measure, I believe that delay will only serve to enhance the difficulty of obtaining it. It is a maxim laid down by every man that has written on national policy, that those abuses which are left untouched in the period of a revolution, are sanctified by time, and remain as the nest-eggs of future corruption, until they compel a nation, either to sweep them away, or to sink beneath them. This, without any exception, is the history of all corruptions; and those corruptions and abuses, not reformed at the first session of the seventh Congress, what has become of them? Have they been suffered to sleep? If they have, is it not to be apprehended that they will rise refreshed from their slumbers with gigantic strength? Fortunate it was that at the first session of the seventh Congress the mid-night judiciary and the internal taxes were done away; and it would likewise have been fortunate, if another measure had been attended to at the same time. It would have been, in my firm persuasion, very different in its issue from that which it has been. If the great culprit, whose judicial crimes or incapacity had called for legislative punishment under the constitution, and which have given rise to the motion now before us, had been accused at the first session of the seventh Congress, that accusation would have had a very different issue. And why? Because it is perfectly immaterial what a man's crimes are. Every day that elapses between their commission, & the time he is called to answer, lessens the detestation and horror felt for them, and, of course, enhances the value of his chance of an escape from punishment. I am persuaded that in the remarks I have offered I have been hurried into some observations that do not strictly belong to it. Yet these remarks furnish a sound reason for not deferring the proposition un-
til the time moved by my colleague. I hope, therefore, the House will reject the postponement till the 3rd Monday of March, and that a postponement will take place to some time when the House shall be fuller, when a decision can be made after mature reflection. For truly as to the provision under the constitution, can any man be so mad or foolish as to think of again trying it. I consider the decision of the last session as having established this principle—that an officer of the U. S. may act in as corrupt a manner as he pleases, without there being any constitutional provision to call him to an account.
Mr. GREGG. I feel but little concerned as to the fate of this motion. I am ready at any time to give my vote on the resolution. As it now stands I shall vote against it, but modified, as I have seen it in the hands of a gentleman from Virginia, I shall vote for it. But my principal reason for rising, is to say that a great part of the censure cast on the House by the gentleman from Virginia for not meeting the national business is proper and applicable; and I regret that it is so. But if the gentleman reflects on the subject, he will acknowledge that a great part of the delay which has occurred attaches to himself. Four weeks ago submitted a resolution to the House on some points of dispute between one of the belligerent nations & the U. S. I was anxious that it should be taken up, and promptly decided one way or other. The gentleman from Virginia then called for certain statements from the treasury which he considered as having a bearing on the subject. Under that impression the consideration of the resolution was deferred from day to day; and the statements have not yet been received. I stated, at the time, that these statements could have no influence on my vote; but other gentlemen said they would influence theirs. I regret that we have not been able to go on with this business. I do not know how long we are to be kept in this paralytic state. If the gentleman, who has called for these statements, and other gentlemen will agree, I am prepared at once to go into an examination of the subject. But as the gentleman from Virginia was the first to embark the House in this call, I hope he will take a part of the censure to himself.
Mr. SMILEY. I am sorry the motion of postponement has been made. I do not know any other time better than the present for the discussion of this subject. It is a subject of the last importance to the peace and happiness of the U. S. I am a friend to an amendment to the constitution relative to the judiciary department. Whether that offered is the best that can be made, or whether it is going to far, I cannot determine until the subject shall have been investigated in this House. For my part, I am so sensible that that part of the constitution which relates to the power of impeachment is a nullity, that I see the utmost necessity for an amendment. From what we have seen, I do religiously believe that we cannot convict any man on an impeachment. The resolution before you goes to place the judges of the U. S. on the same independent footing with those of Great Britain. Whether our situation requires that they should stand upon higher ground is a proper subject for discussion. I am rather inclined to think they ought not. It is contended, it is true, that as they have, according to the opinions of some gentlemen, the right of sitting in judgement on our laws, they ought to be placed beyond the reach of a majority of Congress. This subject must, at one time or other, be considered, and some amendment in the constitution must take place. When the delays and various vexations, attendant on an impeachment, are considered, it will be evident that they will generally discourage the House from taking this step; and when it is likewise considered that a conviction can only take place on the votes of two thirds of the Senate, let gentlemen say whether there is any chance of making the constitutional provision effectual. I despair of it. With regard to the particular modification, which may be given to this resolution, that is another thing. I sincerely wish the House would take it up, and consider it without any great delay.
Mr. CLARK. I hope my colleague will do me the justice to believe that I have not made this motion from hostility to his resolution. With a small modification I am decidedly for it. I assure him, it did not require the remarks he has made to day, to show the insufficiency of the present system. Of that I had satisfactory proof the last year. But I doubt whether the resolution, in its present state, is correct. I do hope that my colleague will give it a little more consideration, and I assure him I shall be happy to harmonize with him. In the decision by a mere majority, the scales of justice are so near an equilibrium, that it is doubtful often to which side justice inclines. I therefore think there ought to be some modification of the principle contained in the resolution. But I principally wish the postponement to prevail, that the House may act on resolutions which I conceive all important to the whole country, and peculiarly so to that part
of the community represented by my colleague and myself. Every day's delay increases the difficulty and urges on the ruin that menaces them. It is well known that there is not the best harmony between the merchants and planters. It is at all times the interest of the former to buy produce as cheap as they can, and never was there a better scheme for speculation to them than that furnished by the resolutions on our table. How easy is it for them to convince the planter that there will be a suppression of intercourse, and that his produce will be soon worth nothing. These are the effects that I wish to prevent. My colleague will do me the justice to believe that I have had no hand in the procrastination. I have offered no project. With regard to the proposed amendment to the constitution, I repeat it, I am in favor of it with a small modification. Nor do I wish it postponed for any great length of time. I have no idea of leaving that to be done by our children, which we ought to do ourselves. But let us, in the first instance, proceed to the most important business. Let not my colleague authorise gentlemen to say that to prevent an attention to it, he interposed his favorite scheme. I have another reason for this postponement. There is no occasion for acting on an amendment to the constitution instantaneously. Most of the state legislatures, before whom it must be carried before it is a part of the constitution, have broken up and will not meet again till the fall. If, therefore, an amendment be passed at any time during the session, it will answer.
Mr. MASTERS moved a postponement of the resolution indefinitely, for which he concisely assigned his reasons; but which from his position we were unable to hear.
Mr. BEDINGER called for the yeas and nays on this motion.
Mr. FINDLEY said he was against the indefinite postponement of the subject, though in favor of its being postponed a short time. He thought it was a subject which ought to be fully investigated. He was decidedly in favor of the object of the resolution, but in a different form.
Mr. CONRAD was in favor of the indefinite postponement of the resolution. He did not think the subject ought to be acted upon this session. He was not unfriendly to the principle, but he never could consent that a bare majority of Congress should have the power to remove a judge. If the amendment were so framed as to give the President a discretionary power, to remove a judge on the address of a majority of the two Houses, and to make the removal imperative on the vote of two thirds, he might be for it. At any rate he thought it best to postpone the subject until the next session.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I am perfectly convinced of the correctness and purity of the motives of my colleague on all subjects, and wherever I differ from him in opinion I always consider it a misfortune. But I have principally risen to plead guilty to the charge of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which is that I would not act on his motion without any information on it. I confess the fact. There is, however, one circumstance, that strikes my mind as of some force. What is there to prevent our discussing the business now before us, or any other business, and when there shall be occasion to take up business of greater national importance, dispensing with that which may be before us. I ask whether, if we had taken up this resolution, or that of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, we should not have had ample time for discussion before the information called for shall be received from the Secretary of the Treasury; and if we have not the right, at any time, to make less important give way to more important business? Is not this the course which every man pursues in the management of his private affairs? Are we to sit here, without receiving information from the Secretary of the Treasury, doing nothing? I am as anxious as any man, for a decision of the question implicated in several of the resolutions laid on our table; and for a good reason. My tobacco is unsold. I feel the full force of the observations of my colleague. I know that these resolutions have already given rise to much nefarious speculation. When I called for information, I had no idea of the time it would take to get it; and had I been apprized of it, I do not know whether I should not have preferred acting in the dark to waiting for it.
There is another reason why I wish this business [amendment to the constitution] taken up this session. When I offered this resolution the last session, it was said to be too near the close of the session to act upon it—this was acknowledged. But it was said, print it and let it go abroad. This has been done. But the reason for which I wish it acted upon this session is, that the elections intervene between this and the next session. Gentlemen may say what they please of the principle of quamdum bene se gesserit , but I believe if the members of this House held their seats for seven years, their conduct would not be the same as
it is under the present tenure. I wish to recur to that good old principle that sends the representative back, to render an account of his actions to his constituent. After the next election gentlemen will obtain a credit for two years more of good behavior. I believe my friend from Virginia will allow this to be a good reason against a postponement.
But I am told this amendment comes forward in a very questionable shape; that indeed it is no amendment to the constitution. But this is the first time I ever knew a legislative body refuse to act on a proposition barely because it may require some amendment. If there are any parts of the proposition exceptionable, while the principle is correct, why not amend them? I confess this thing is beyond my depth. I cannot see into it. I cannot fathom it. As gentlemen have stated the substance of the resolution as a reason for its postponement, I will state its substance as a reason for not postponing it. One gentleman says he will not consent that the judges shall hold their offices subject to the will of a bare majority of the two Houses. But does not every thing of importance depend on them? Do they not appropriate millions? Do they not hold the purse and the sword? Or do gentlemen think the wool-sack more important? This is most indubitably the case; and I wish to hear any reasoning against giving efficiency to the will of a majority that does not approximate the doctrine of the Polish veto. There can be no reason for this distinction. And so far from there being danger of this power being abused, the experience of all governments holds me out in saying that there is greater danger that the power will not be exercised than that it will be abused. For this plain reason. It would require some overt act of notorious misconduct, or an equally notorious imbecility of mind or body to justify any man in giving such a vote. It is a point of extreme delicacy to give it; and though some men might, I trust a majority of both branches never would give such a vote for light and frivolous reasons. But it may be thought that, as in all free governments there are parties, a triumphant party would turn out the judges to get into their places. This would be a most humiliating effect. But on what is the probability of such an effect founded? How are the turners out to be turned in? Have they the power to appoint themselves to office? No. And from our experience heretofore, no such inference can be drawn. There is no probability of one triumphant faction putting down another to get their offices. Because a triumphant faction could not rise to power but at the will of a majority; and although they might take offices away from others, they could not bestow them on themselves. But suppose they did. It would be for the first and the last time. It would be a struggle between office hunters and the people; and I believe all the experience we have heretofore had, shews that this description of men are too prone to union for the public to sustain either profit or loss from their divisions. But it is in this opinion I am in error. I would recur back to my first principle to support me. Is the power to remove a judge more important, than the power of declaring war, of laying taxes, and of effecting various other national objects? This is a doctrine to me totally unintelligible.
Mr. SMILEY observed that he regretted that the motion for an indefinite postponement had been made. As it was equivalent to a rejection of the resolution.
The question was then taken, by Yeas and Nays, on an indefinite postponement, and passed in the negative—Yeas 42—Nays 81.
Mr. CLARK then varied his motion, so as to postpone the resolution to the second Monday in March.
Mr. J. CLAY said he wished the gentleman would withdraw this motion, and move a postponement till next Monday. He was very sensible of the importance of the subject, and was only sorry that there was not a prospect of obtaining a constitutional majority in favor of the resolution. Mr. C. said they had been told by his colleague (Mr. Conrad) that he was ready to vest the President with a discretionary power to remove a judge on the address of the two Houses. But if his colleague had attended to the politics of his own state, he would have seen the impropriety of such authority, the consequence of which was that a judge, whose removal had been requested by the two branches of the legislature, actually held his place at the discretion of the governor. The other alternative, his colleague had suggested, was worse than the present provision, as at present a majority of one branch and two thirds of the other were sufficient to remove a judge. Mr. C. concluded by expressing a hope that the gentleman from Virginia would agree to a postponement till next Monday.
Mr. CLARK said he had no objection—
The question was then put, and the postponement to Monday next carried.

Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I beg leave to submit a motion to the House; a very important motion; which at present I only mean to lay on the table. The constitution of the U. S. has provided that no person holding an office under the government of the U. S. shall be capable of holding a seat in either House of Congress. But as the best things are liable to corruption, and as we are told the corruption of the best things is always the worst, so the constitution of the U. S. has received in practice a construction which in my judgement, the text never did, and does not now warrant; but which if warranted by the text, is totally repugnant to the spirit of that instrument, which, composed of the jarring interests of the different states, and settled on the basis of compromise, gave birth to a government of responsibility, without influence, without patronage, without abuse, without privileges attached to any individual class or order of men. It could not have been the object of such an instrument, that while a man, holding an office not exceeding the value of fifty dollars, should be excluded from a seat in this House, a contractor, living on the fat of the land, should be capable under the constitution of holding one. Look through the whole of the constitution, & say where such a privilege is to be found? You find there the single principle of republicanism; that he who has the influence derived from power and money shall not have a place in the councils of the nation; that place-men and pensioners shall not come on this floor. While this principle scrupulously excludes men, holding responsible offices, men known to the whole world, shall it be considered as permitting contractors to creep in through the crevices of the constitution, and devour the goods of the people? Such a departure from the spirit, if not from the letter of the constitution, such a gross evasion of principle calls aloud for remedy. Can a man, who holds a contract for fifty or an hundred thousand dollars give an independent vote on this floor? If so, why not admit the chief justice, and other high officers under the government to a seat here? Is it for any other reason, but that the constitution will not permit the influence derived from office to operate here. The constitution may be tried by another test. It was made for the good of the people under it, and not for those who administer it. It was never intended to be made a job of, and I hope it never will be suffered by the people to be made a job of. I think it is contrary to the tenor of the constitution to hold a plurality of office. We sometimes since received a petition from a learned institution to exempt books imported by them from duty. What did we say on that occasion? We said, no—we cannot exempt your books from duty. All must conform to the laws. There is no man too high or too low for them. The same measure must be meted to all. To my extreme surprise, I see a practice even more repugnant to the spirit of the constitution than a contractor sitting in Congress: and that is an union of civil and military authority in one person; a union more fatal to a free nation than the union of executive, legislative and judicial powers. Having made these remarks, Mr. J. Randolph offered the resolutions inserted in our last paper.
SENATE UNITED STATES. FRIDAY, FEB. 13. BRITISH AGGRESSIONS. DEBATE on the second resolution reported by a select committee, as already given. (Continued from last paper.) MR. KITCHELL observed that he was sorry to intrude upon the patience of the Senate at that late hour; but the observations of the gentleman who had just sat down induced him to beg their indulgence for a few moments—the gentleman in the course of his observations seems to have made two propositions as the ground of his objection, viz. that the resolution now under consideration contains a censure upon the President as not having done his duty in negotiating; and that by passing it we are going to sacrifice the honor and interest of the U. S. and its citizens. Mr. President, I would ask in what manner we shall do either. How shall we censure the President? He has negotiated until there appears no prospect of obtaining that justice to which we are entitled; and he has now submitted the matter to Congress to pursue such measures as shall appear to them prudent. And what are we about to do? Sir, we have already unanimously passed one resolution, in which we say that the capture and condemnation of the vessels and cargoes of our citizens is an unprovoked violation of our independence, and an aggression upon the property of our citizens. And if that declaration is correct what are we to do further? Are we upon the strength of that declaration to sit down and fold our hands together, and expect Britain to do us justice? Or are we to declare war—Sir, are we prepared at this moment to declare war? Will it be wise? Will it be prudent, without one effort to avoid it, with all its horrors of blood and destruction? Are the people now prepared to meet it without our making one more attempt to negotiate? Will they say we have acted wisely? I believe not—Sir, we are one component part of Congress, who have the sole power of declaring war; and by this resolution we are going to say to Britain; not by ourselves, for we are not by the constitution authorised to speak to foreign nations in this way; but we are about to request the President, in our behalf, and in our name, and in the
name of the whole people of the U. S. to say to Britain, you have injured us by your unprovoked aggressions, and we demand satisfaction. We can bear these insults no longer; therefore make us compensation for past injuries, and do us justice in future; and we are willing still to be friends. Wherein does this censure the President? He has pursued negotiation until he finds it unavailing. We now ask of him to make one last effort in our behalf before we appeal to the last resort of war, and I trust we shall arm him with power that will give energy to this last negotiation. And wherein are we going to sacrifice the honor of the U. S. or the interest of the citizens? Does it sacrifice our honor to endeavor to settle our differences in an amicable way, rather than to fly to arms and deluge the earth with blood? Will it fix a stigma upon us in the eyes of any rational men or nations? I believe not. And how are we going to sacrifice the interest of our citizens? Do we do it by demanding justice for them of Britain? I believe that they themselves will not view it in that light, when they see it followed by the third resolution which I hope will be passed. And indeed had it not have been for the expectations of that resolution being carried into effect, in such a manner as to give energy to this, I should have withheld my vote from the first. But under the full expectation that the third resolution will pass, and as I do not believe it contains any censure upon the President, and as I believe it will do honor to the U. S. and will have a tendency to secure reparation to our citizens, I shall cheerfully give it my vote. MR. SMITH, (of Ohio) Mr. President, although the resolution on your table cannot impose a new obligation on the chief magistrate of this country in its present form, yet, from its coincidence with the letter and spirit of his message at the opening of the present session—from its presumptive influence at home, and its probable effect abroad, I am induced to believe that its unanimous adoption is important. The resolution ought not to be construed into an improper interference with executive prerogative, for it will not sustain that interpretation. It is the constitutional right and the daily practice of the Senate to advise the executive to adopt specific measures, as well as to call for information on diplomatic and legislative subjects. What is the object of the resolution? It is, that this branch of the legislature shall share in the responsibility of employing means to execute the measure proposed. This is magnanimous, as it is voluntary on the part of the Senate, for in adopting the resolution we attach a high degree of responsibility to ourselves in the effects to be produced. The object of the resolution seems to be further illustrated on two grounds. 1. That the President demand the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of G. B. prohibited in time of peace; and upon the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations. What is there in this part of the resolution so objectionable to honorable gentlemen? Is it the restoration of the captured property of our citizens? No! Is it the indemnification of our citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by the captures of which we complain? It cannot be. To what then are exceptions taken? Two hon. gentlemen have given the answer. "The resolution if adopted will be an encroachment upon the executive branch of the government." This I shall deny until convinced of the impropriety of entering into any resolution which expresses to one branch of the government the views and desires of another. The freedom of communication, between the legislative and executive branches of government, is sanctioned by the law and usage of all nations that are free. The resolution does not assume the boldness of a mandate, but the delicate form of a request. Having obviated this objection, I contend that the seas are the high road of the world, and that all nations have a right to use it. That we as a neutral nation have a right to trade with all, who are free to trade with us, except with a blockaded port & in articles contraband of war. England has imposed a new restriction beyond the cases of contraband and blockade. In her courts of admiralty, she has taken a lawless distinction between a trade in war and a trade in peace; and that a trade not permitted in peace is unlawful in war. I pronounce it an injurious regulation upon our commerce, and what I trust our government will not submit to, as it is repugnant to the law of nations and a gross violation of neutral rights. Of this new and odious principle, the President of the U. S. has justly complained, and I wish the Senate to unite in bearing testimony against it—and while we do this, let us resort to the means of remunerating our injured citizens. They have been robbed and plundered on the high seas, while sailing under the American flag and engaged in a lawful trade. I feel indignant at this outrage, and cannot silently and deliberately see our flag insulted, our seamen impressed, our citizens ruined, and our trade destroyed. But, it has been said, that if we adopt the resolution it will restrict the President to the strong attitude of demanding the restitution of our property taken by British cruisers, and condemnations. Be it so; he will not surely treat with them but on the ground of restitution. We have treated England as the most favored nation, in all our commercial and diplomatic regulations, she has required us with the imposition of insidious duties, with predatory spoliations at sea, and
illegal condemnation on land. Our nation will be avenged—and the greatest objection which I feel to the resolutions is, that they do not go far enough. I would make a provisional declaration of war, to be carried into effect with vigor, not only against England but against Spain, and any other power who under circumstances so aggravated, refuse to redress our wrongs. Sir, I must honestly confess, that I deprecate the flames and ravages of war, that I should lament the necessity of involving the nation as much as any man; but, sir, I wish it avoided on honorable terms; for rather than see the honor and the rights of my country violated, I would wade through rivers of blood and fight till doomsday in their defence. The second ground of illustration appears in the latter part of the resolution, and in the following words, "To enter into such arrangements with the British government on this and all other differences subsisting between the two nations (and particularly respecting the impressment of American seamen) as may be consistent with the honor and interests of the U. S. and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their citizens, by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they are entitled." Until this resolution came into debate, I flattered myself that the Senate would have adopted it unanimously. The object of the resolution is so very important that I could not imagine one hon. member of the Senate would be found refusing to support it. Sir, permit me to ask, can a true American be indifferent to the depredations committed on our neutral rights, and does not the impressment of our seamen deserve the attention of the Senate. Every member must avow it. In what then do we differ? Merely in the phraseology of the resolution. I did hope for unanimity in the Senate as well upon the form as the substance of this resolution. In this, however, I am disappointed, and as I cannot prevent it I will sit down and regret it.
FOR SALE. ALL that tract of land which I purchased from Mrs. Mary Jenkins and on which I now reside lying in St. Mary's county on the Chesapeake bay, three miles from St. Inigoes creek, containing 700 acres more or less. The advantages of this land are numerous, 400 acres are in wood abounding in oak, locust and poplar. The bay shore affords an inexhaustible source of excellent manure in the sea weed or sea oar as it is commonly called which is at all seasons thrown up in great quantities and is of easy access, lying immediately along side of the fields. No place can be better adapted than this for a flock of all kinds. The woods yield abundance of acorns, and it abounds in grounds well calculated for meadows that produce great quantities of grass. The improvements of this place are likewise considerable. There are on it a good brick dwelling house, every necessary out house, a small water mill, and two tenements now under rent, besides all necessary fencing in good repair. Moreover there are many convenient springs of good water that do not fail in the driest seasons—its situation renders it almost superfluous to mention that it lies convenient to the Baltimore, Norfolk and Alexandria markets. This valuable tract of land I will sell for one cash and the remainder in one two and three years. WILFRED MANNING. Great Mill, Jan. 31—St & wtf
IRON WORKS ON POTOMAC. The Subscriber has for Sale or Rent, a good seat for a Furnace upon the North Branch of Potomac in Hampshire county, with plenty of ore already investigated at considerable expense and found to be good, a constant and sufficient stream with upwards of 30 feet fall, and the wood of more than 9000 acres of well timbered land; enough of which is arable to form a complete establishment. Connected with this may also be rented the forge built by Mr. John Potts at the Great Falls of Potomac, now the property of the subscriber. It is conceived that these two seats are particularly worthy of the notice of Iron Masters of capital; as they are fully adequate to the supply of iron, in its various forms, to an extensive country, having great demand for that article, both above and below the Blue Ridge. The Hampshire property is free from every incumbrance, and the payment of a very few thousand dollars due to the proprietor of the fee simple at the Great Falls (my lease of which is for upwards of 900 years at a low rent) for rents in arrears prior to my purchase, will render this property clear; and afford a complete establishment for all the various manufactures of iron, as well as for mills, with a convenient farm, &c. &c. I have seats equally eligible (if not superior) for furnace and forge, upon the river Shenandoah in this county, with ore, wood, and water, all convenient and abundant: which may be rented for a long term of years, with rich farming land attached thereto. FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Charles town, Jefferson Co. Virg. November 16—wtf
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail a young Mulatto man named ANDREW. He was hired by me last year to Mr. Joseph Thomas who keeps the midle ferry to Alexandria, and absconded from that place about the latter end of August last. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, lufly and well made, has short curly hair, and is frequently subject to have several large pimples on his face. He is reckoned to be a tenable fellow of an easy agreeable address for a man in his low sphere of life. As he has not been heard of by me since his employment, I suspect he has had the address to ship himself as a freeman on board some vessel either at Alexandria or Baltimore. Whoever takes him up and secures him in jail shall receive from me the above reward, as soon as due information thereof is given to me or to Dr. N. P. Caufa at Port Tobacco. G. B. CAUSIN. Maryland Charles County, January 29—wtf
FROM THE ENQUIRER. RELATIONS TO GREAT-BRITAIN. There is a strong resemblance between these relations as they were in the year '94 and as they are at present. At the former period, we complained of the enormous outrages committed by the British armed vessels and cruisers on our trade, in consequence of the famous order of council dated Nov. 1793; of the encroachments made by the governments of Canada upon the American territory, and the indisposition of the court of London to deliver up the forts upon the great lakes, conformably to the treaty of '83. At the present time, our complaints are not less founded in truth, and their encroachments not better founded in justice. They have blockaded our harbors, impressed 3000 American seamen into their service, and are setting up doctrines unknown to the law of nations, and disavowed even by their own precedents, to annihilate our colonial trade. But though our grievances are the same as they were during the year '94, our policy it may be confidently predicted, will be widely dissimilar and the redress obtained infinitely more valuable. Upon this single experiment, are we willing to rest the comparative advantages of the last and the present administration. Let the issue decide between them! Should the result be more fortunate in the present than in the former case, it must not be attributed to the present melancholy prospects of G. Britain, with regard to the war of Europe. These events will no doubt have their effects upon our subsisting relations: but it is an effect, not exclusively confined to the present period. During the year '94 the same disappointment upon the continent was calculated to prescribe the same relaxation of their measures: and the well informed Belsham has not failed to observe that the "reception of Mr. Jay at the court of London was at the first cool and revolting; but in proportion as the allied arms receded, it was remarked that the negotiation advanced." Let us then revert to the policy of the federal administration, while yet even in its bud, unmodified by the prejudices which the British treaty and other federal measures afterwards created. At that time, the same restrictions upon British commerce were advocated by the republican party, as have been lately proposed. Mr. Madison's celebrated resolutions, which like Mr. Nicholson's now before Congress, were intended not to prohibit the intercourse between this country and G. Britain, not to prohibit altogether the importation of British productions, but the importation of some of them, were fortunately enough to pass the House of Representatives, but were unfortunately rejected in the Senate. It was the casting vote of the vice-president, Mr. Adams, which gave them their death blow. Let us only suppose, however, that this measure had been adopted; is it altogether impossible to say, what would have been the result? When the American war commenced, when for the first time the British had felt the mischievous consequences of suspending their trade with America, we saw the merchants of London, Bristol, Glasgow, &c. presenting their petitions against the war, and those petitions consigned to "the committee of oblivion", for no other reason than because the nation was ruled by a ministry, too passionate to consult its real interests, or too strongly impressed with the belief, that the right of taxing America concerned the very sovereignty and unity of the empire. Towards the close of that war we saw that the argument of the minister, "that commerce and politics were matters totally distinct;" had no longer the force which it originally claimed: we saw the manufacturing and mercantile interest again causing its complaints to be heard, and contributing to reform the politics of the cabinet. In fact such is the great dependence of Great-Britain upon America for the sale of the great surplus of her manufactures and her carrying trade, that its suspension for a single month would bring upon her a loss which at no time and much less at a time like the present, could she withstand. The manufacturers and the merchants would make themselves heard: and in a case where so many opposing interests did not operate as they did on commencing the American war, the interest of commerce would control the measures of the government. Such would probably have been the result in '94. It has been stated by Mr. Erving, and we have heard the same account from others, who were then in London, that when Mr. Madison's restrictive resolutions had reached England, the merchants and manufacturers of the capital were struck with a consternation, which was about to vent itself in the strongest petitions to the throne. All the trading and manufacturing cities would have imitated the example; and not a doubt was entertained, that Great Britain would have done us justice, even without the necessity of carrying our restrictive measures into effect. Mr. Adams, however, struck this expedient of redress out of our hands, and Mr. Jay was sent on a new negotiation to the court of London. And how did all this bustle end? What mighty benefits did this federal policy purchase? Reader! Study the British treaty ! trace the mischiefs which its executions and influence have produced; and you are then competent to answer the question. The federal administration was therefore wrong in two respects. It was wrong in first taking from our enemy extraordinary, one of the principal means for enforcing our rights, and by previously deciding against all recourse to commercial restrictions, leaving him
no other alternative to offer to the British cabinet, than war. It was wrong in afterwards consenting to a treaty which neither effectually indemnified us for the wrongs we had suffered, nor secured us against their repetition. In fact, bad as our subsisting relations at that time were, injurious as would have been the consequences of any restrictions upon our commerce, lamentable as might have been the effects of a war with G. Britain, it would perhaps have been better to have encountered any of those calamities than to have set our seal to such a disgraceful treaty. Surely therefore if the present administration stand in any need of experience to regulate their labors, they may find instruction enough in the errors of their predecessors. Even if there were no intrinsic superiority in the principles which they profess, those errors would be nearly sufficient to prevent them from negotiating under such disadvantageous terms, or from bringing that negotiation to such a disgraceful issue. In examining our subsisting relations with G. Britain, the first question therefore which occurs is; to negotiate or not to negotiate ? As we pretend not to know, either the extent to which the negotiation has been hitherto carried by Mr. Monroe, or the aspects which it has successively assumed, it is impossible for us to form any correct opinion on the subject. It is extremely probable, however, that were the very same propositions repeated by our government, which have been already urged, they would at this time command much greater respect from the British government, seconded as they would be by the unanimous declarations of Congress, and the rising spirit of the nation. The present aspect of the war in Europe, too, would no doubt contribute its influence in recalling the British government to a sense of its own injustice, and of our rights. But should it be determined to attempt a new negotiation with the British cabinet, another and a much more important question occurs, than the mere choice of the negotiator. Under what circumstances shall we negotiate? Shall we previously determine that we will not adopt any restrictions upon British commerce? Shall we wave that measure, until the negotiation is concluded; keeping it by us, as one of the resources which we may afterwards employ if we think proper? Or shall we previously agree upon the adoption of commercial restrictions, to take effect, if the negotiation should fail? The first was the unfortunate course pursued by the federal administration. It is a course which by depriving us of one of the principal means for enforcing our rights, is obviously calculated to produce the least effect upon a nation, that pursues not what is right, but what is expedient. The only choice can therefore be between previous and subsequent restrictions? The Senate of the U. S. is likely to adopt the second measure; but it is one, which according to our conception, is at no time and much less at the present calculated to give the greatest effect to the negotiation. It is better at once to assume the firmest possible attitude, than to leave Great Britain any reason to believe, that we will not go all lengths in support of our rights. She may perceive indeed from the present appearances in Congress and among the people, that our resolution may mount to the highest pitch: but it is better at once to exchange presumption for certainty. The slightest suspicion entertained of our want of resolution, may have its effect upon the negotiation. There is no kind of comparison between the influence of a negotiator approaching the throne of his Britannic majesty with a treaty of indemnification in one hand, and a non-importation bill in the other, and a negotiator offering his treaty, backed by an uncertain group of evils, which dexterity on their part, and a want of resolution on ours, may afterwards dissipate. It is said, that the pride of Great Britain will revolt from the threat which is indirectly held forth, it may be replied that the principle of her pride will be combat by the principle of her fear which our marked indignation can scarcely fail to inspire. She will see, that whatever injury the measure for redressing her grievances may impose upon us, we are determined to risk them rather than submit to the injury and indignity which she herself is inflicting. Had commercial restrictions never been proposed in Congress, the policy of adopting them previous to negotiation, would not have been so sensibly enforced. Having now brought them into discussion; having given them so many different shapes, it would look like pusillanimity to wave them altogether. NOTICE. A Benevolent gentleman has, left with me a sum of money, and requested that I should expend it, in the purchase of Medicine for such of the poor as are sick in and about George town. These who cannot conveniently pay for medical assistance, will be furnished with medicines, and be regularly attended to during their illness gratuitously, by applying at my office, nearly opposite Mr. Goulding's grocery store in Bridge street. THOMAS EWELL. Georgetown, Feb. 19—

WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 28.
The President of the U. S. has appointed WILLIAM CRANCH Chief Judge of the district of Columbia...
In our animadversions on the queries addressed to Mr. MADISON, in our last paper...
We understand that the commission of prizes at Martinique has declared illegal the capture of the two American vessels...
THE SENATE have rejected the bill for the relief of Nicklin and Griffiths.
They have likewise disagreed to the bill, introduced by Gen. S. Smith, for a new organization of the militia...
TEAS and NAYS on the second resolution, adopted by the Senate.
TEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Gaillard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchell, Logan, Mac-...
NAYS—Messrs. Adair, Bradley, Plumer, Smith of Vt. Stone, Sumner, Thruston.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 26.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill, received from the Senate, to regulate the laying out and making a road from Cumberland...
After considerable debate the committee rose and reported the bill without amendment, when the House, without coming to a decision on the report, adjourned.
In addition to those gentlemen, represented in our last paper as having spoken in favor of the St. Domingo bill, Mr. Rhea of Ten. spoke in support of it.
THURSDAY, FEB. 20.
The Bill imposing a tax of ten dollars on every slave imported into the U. S. after considerable debate, was re-committed to a select committee.
New-York, Feb. 24.
Captain Hitland, arrived yesterday, informs, that on the evening of the 5th February, in sight of Porto Rico, he passed through a British fleet of 9 ships of the line and a brig.
By the 3 masted schooner Urania arrived last evening from Barbadoes, we received the Bridge Town Mercury of the 1st Feb. in which we find the following paragraph:
"The hon. Judge Bedford, at a court of Vice-Admiralty, held on Thursday last, was pleased to pass sentence of condemnation in the cause of the American ship Angeronia, from the coast of Africa, bound to Charleston, detained by His Majesty's Princess Charlotte decreeing the said ship and cargo, save the private adventures, to be lawful prize to the captors."
Capt. Bachus informs, that the ship Merchant, of this port, had also been condemned, with her cargo, three or four days before he sailed.
TRADE TO CADIZ.
The following letter has been received at Boston by the sch'r Two Brothers, arrived at Marblehead from Cadiz.
Queen, Gibraltar Bay, 19th Nov. 1805. "My Lord Marquis."
"His majesty having been pleased to order that the ships of neutral nations trading to the port of Cadiz and San. Lucar, with such cargoes as are not contraband of war, shall be permitted freely to pass without interruption from his blockading squadron."
"I have to request your excellency will be pleased to order this, his majesty's concession, to be signified to the consuls of the neutral nations residing in Cadiz."
"I have the honor to subscribe myself, my lord, your most obedient servant."
C. COLLINGWOOD.
"To his excellency the Marquis De la Solana, Governor of Cadiz, &c. &c. &c."
FOR SALE
ON BOARD THE SCHOONER SALLY, From Providence Rhode Island, Laying at capt. SMALLWOODS wharf near the Navy Yard.
New England Rum in barrels, Cider do. Molasses in hogsheads, Potatoes in barrels or bulk, Cheese of a superior quality, Meats and prime beef in barrels, and Stone lime.
Feb. 28—3t
Pursuant to a decree of the Chancery Court of Maryland, I will expose to PUBLIC SALE on the twenty fourth day of March next at Montgomery Court House a tract of land in Montgomery county, state of Maryland, containing 319 acres more or less, late part of the estate of Gen. George Washington deceased...
BUSH: WASHINGTON. Feb. 28—2awtMar24
This is to give notice that the subscriber of the county of Washington and district of Columbia hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, state of Maryland, and from the Orphan's Court of the county of Washington aforesaid, letters of administration on the personal estate of WALTER MACKELL late of Calvert county deceased...
Given under my hand this 24th day of February 1806. J. MESS S. MORSELL, adm'r. February 28—2awxm
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at public sale, on Thursday 13th March, at Magruder's ferry, the whole of the personal property of Fieder Rawlings, deceased, consisting of the schooner Nancy and Nelly, burthen 37 tons together with her tackle, a small row boat, and his wearing apparel.
RICHARD B. GARDINER, Adm'r. Feb. 28—w3t
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October, 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone" and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty five feet on any of the avenues."
WHEREFORE I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, Do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than 14 feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall such house be placed within twenty four feet of any brick or stone house.
Given under my hand the twenty-fifth day of February 1806 TH: JEFFERSON. Feb. 28—2aw8w
NOTICE.
THE SUBSCRIBER HAS OPENED A VENDUE STORE, On the Pennsylvania avenue, in one of the frame buildings west of Mr. Herford's brewery, where he is now ready to receive goods, to the disposition of which every attention will be paid by him.
JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. Washington city, Feb. 28—3t. N. B. Commission business done with punctuality and dispatch. J. S. Auction.
Will be sold at Public Sale on Tuesday the 4th day of March, the SLOOP FRIENDS, now lying at the Hamburg wharf, she is well calculated to carry wood, and will be sold without reserve, precisely at 3 o'clock P. M.
JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. Feb. 28—2t
I WILL RENT OR SELL,
THE property where I now live, if it is not rented or sold at private sale before the first Monday in May next, it will then be sold at public sale, two lots in square 88, fronting on Water street, 78 feet 3 inches and running back 18 x 4 feet, which are inclosed in a handsome paled garden—the buildings are a convenient frame DWELLING HOUSE, Smoke House and Ice House. On the south side of Water street, is a wharf sufficiently large to hold 200 cords of wood at once, this part of the property runs to the Hamburg channel, and the situation equal to any in the city for a Lumber, coal, or wood yard. The terms will be made given to the purchaser, and a sufficient title given, by JOHN STEPHEN.
Feb. 28—3t
Subscribers in arrears are respectfully requested immediately to transmit their dues. They will otherwise impose upon the Editor the disagreeable necessity of discontinuing their papers at this interesting period.
WANTED
BOARDING & LODGING, In a private Family for Two Gentlemen. Apply at this office. Feb. 28 ft.
FOR SALE,
A second hand COACHER with a handsome pair of plated Harness. This carriage is the property of a Lady who wishes to sell it, and a bargain will be given. Application may be made to Wm. A. Washington, esq. of Rock-Hill, where the carriage may be seen. February 28—wtf
FALL & WINTER GOODS.
JOHN COX
HAS this day received a Large addition to his former supply of FALL and WINTER GOODS, which makes his assortment very complete.
Most of his goods were bought on such terms as to enable him to offer them by piece or retail lower than the regular importers can afford to sell at. George town, Oct. 18—NI&UGeptf
FOR SALE,
A Handsome two story BRICK HOUSE, 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen fleat and carriage house, its situation for a public or private dwelling is superior to any house near the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the Yard and shipping and is now rented for 300 dollars per annum. I will also sell a valuable unimproved Lot near the premises in sq 881—young negroes will be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard, or to Mr. Samuel McIntire.
NICHOLAS VOSS. Washington, Feb. 14—wtf
CITY LOTS FOR SALE.
THE undermentioned Lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit—they are all free from mortgage or incumbrance, and are subject to no litigation or contest, as the titles are derived by immediate conveyances from the chancellor of Maryland and the commissioners of Washington, to Messrs Henry Pratt, Thomas Willing Francis, John Miller, Jua. John Ashley & Jacob Baker, trustees of the Aggregate Fund.
Square No. 54 Lot no 9—sq 72 Lots no 2 4 8 10 12 13 14 15 18 sq 84 Lot no 1—sq 85 Lots no 20 21 22—sq 103 Lots no 7 8—sq 145 Lots no 1 2 7 8—sq 146 Lots no 1 2 3—sq 147 Lot no 4—sq 163 Lots no 5 6 7 12 13 14—sq 258 Lots no 6 7 10 11 12 15 16—sq 293 Lots no 1 2 3 7 8 11 12 13 18 sq 349 Lots no 1 2 3—sq 376 Lots no 10 16 17 18—sq 407 Lots no 3 4 7 8 9 17 18—sq 487 Lots no 5 6 7 10—sq 488 Lots 8 9 12—sq 489 Lots 3 6 9 sq 491 Lots 10 11 12 16 19 20 24—sq 493 Lots no 7 8—sq 94 Lots no 8 9 10—sq 531 Lots 3 4 8 11 12 13 14—sq 535 Lots no 13 15 16 17—sq 584 Lots no 1 2 3 4 21 22 23 24—sq 588 whole square. Half of 590 whole square—sq 635 Lots no 1 2 3 5 6 9 19—sq 638 Lots no 1 2 3—sq 639 Lot no 1—sq 640 Lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—sq 641 whole square—sq 642 Lots no 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 19—East of 643 Lot no 2—south of 643 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19—sq 644 Lots no 1 5 7 west of 645 whole square—sq 878 Lots no 16 17 18 19 20—sq 973 Lots no 4 5 6 7 8 20 21—sq 995 Lots 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—south of 1019 Lots no 1 2 4—sq 1020 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38—sq 1021 Lot no 1—sq 1022 Lot no 2—sq 1023 Lots no 4 5 7 9 10—sq 1024 Lots no 1 2 3 7—sq 1045 Lots no 9 10 12—sq 1046 Lots no 2 14 15—sq 1047 Lots no 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 19 20—sq 1048 Lots no 7 8 9 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23.
Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to the subscriber at Mrs. Frosts near the capitol.
JAMES GREENLEAF, Agent and attorney to the trustees of the Aggregate Fund. Feb. 24—w6t
FOR SALE
At the Office of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER AND AT RAPINE'S BOOK STORE.
PRICE ONE DOLLAR.
An Examination
OF THE BRITISH DOCTRINE, WHICH SUBJECTS TO CAPTURE A NEUTRAL TRADE,
NOT OPEN IN TIME OF PEACE. January 17.
DESERTED
FROM on board the U. S. frigate PRESIDENT, on the night of Friday the 14th inst. a black seaman named EDWARD THOMPSON, about 5 feet 4 inches high, light made, speaks smart and quick. Whoever secures said deserter and delivers him to me at the Navy Yard, Washington, shall receive TEN dollars.
JOHN CASSIN, Superintendent. Navy Yard, Feb. 17—
To be Sold,
Or EXCHANGED for other property in the City, or its vicinity.
TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6880 acres, and the other 635 acres, by late re-survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber,
JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington, 3 November 6—wtf 3
TO BOOKSELLERS, AND ALL LOVERS OF LITERATURE.
MR. RICHARD PHILLIPS, Proprietor of the Monthly Magazine, and a well known publisher of books in London, having learnt that there exists in every part of the United States of America, an increasing taste for English Literature, without a corresponding increase of facilities for obtaining the best London publications, hereby tenders his services to private Individuals and Dealers in Books, and undertakes to ship from London with punctuality and good faith, assortments of the newest and most valuable publications, collections of standard English books, any of the various periodical publications, books of education and children's books; in short, he undertakes to execute any order or commission connected with Books or Literature, on the most advantageous terms.
In every instance he either expects remittances in good bills, or orders for prompt payment, for which an extra discount will be allowed, or he accepts references to good houses in London, where payment must be guaranteed in ten months from the shipping of the goods. No attention can be paid to any application unless the payment is unequivocally secured in either of these ways.
Mr. Phillips has prepared for the information of his foreign correspondents, two Catalogues, one of the best books and editions of books published in London within the last seven years, and another of books published within the current year, to each of which the regular London prices in sterling money are affixed. London. Bridge-street, Blackfriars, 3 September, 1805—Feb. 10—w6t 3
NORTH AMERICAN LAND COMPANY.
THE subscriber having undertaken the entire guidance of the concerns of the North American Land Company, and being fully and legally authorised to that effect, by the President and Managers of the said company; hereby calls on all persons, possessing any property, title deeds, contracts, maps, &c. belonging to the company, to render up the same to him—and on all agents, surveyors, &c. heretofore employed in the service of the company, to communicate with him on the subject of their respective doings. He also calls on all persons indebted to the company for lands sold, to make payment, and on all who have claims, to render him their accounts duly attested.
All persons possessing information interesting to the concerns of the company, are respectfully requested to communicate the same by letter or otherwise, and all persons disposed to purchase any of the property of the company, for cash or on credit, are desired to make application to
JAMES GREENLEAF, Secretary of the N. A. Land Com. Philadelphia. Feb. 19—w8t
ESTATE
Of Morris, Nicholson and Greenleaf.
THE subscriber, being legally & fully authorised, by the Trustees of a fund created from the joint and separate estates of Robert Morris, John Nicholson, and James Greenleaf, and generally denominated the "Aggregate Fund;" hereby calls on all persons indebted to the same to make payment to him, and on all who have claims, either by mortgage or otherwise, to any of the objects of said fund, to make the same known to him with a view to an adjustment, and all persons disposed to purchase any of the property of said fund either for cash or on credit, are desired to make application to
JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, Feb. 19 —w4t
Estate of James Greenleaf.
THE subscriber being legally & fully authorised by his assignees to adjust and settle finally, all the concerns of his former estate, surrendered under the laws of Pennsylvania, of Maryland, and of the United States, hereby calls on all persons indebted to said estate, to make payment to him, and on all who have claims, to render him their accounts duly attested, together with notice of what property is still held in pledge for securing payment.
JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia. Feb. 19—w4t
FOR SALE.
The subscriber offers for private sale a valuable plantation adjoining the land known by the name of Non Rich, about one mile and a half from the Rafter's Branch bridge, containing about 230 acres with a sufficiency of wood and meadow ground, about 15 acres now in grass and may be well called as pretty a piece of ground as any in the District of Columbia; the main road leading through part of this tract which will be a suitable stand for a tavern and retail store, together with plenty of wood and hay, which always command a ready cash price, will make this property a desirable object to any person wishing to become a farmer. This land is well watered by several never failing springs. Any person desirous of becoming a purchaser may see the title papers and view the premises by applying to the subscriber living on the land, if the above property is not sold at private sale by the 1st day of April next it will then be sold at public auction on the premises, and at the same time ten valuable slaves, mostly young and healthy. Terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale.
JOHN MASTERS. Feb. 21—w5t
PLOUGHS.
THE subscribers take this method to inform the farmers that they have now on hand and purpose keeping ready for sale, a number of large three horse ploughs, (such as are used and recommended by Mr. Thomas Moore) Mr. G. W. Riggs will attend to any orders given, and give information of the terms—some of them may be seen in Mr. McLaughlin's yard, as the great advantage of deep ploughing has been so sufficiently proved by some years experience, it is presumed that every farmer who studies his own interest and the improvement of his farm will get some of those most useful and much admired ploughs.
JOHN THOMAS, 31, & Co. Feb. 17—w6t
GARDENING.
JUST PUBLISHED, by BERNARD McMAHON, at his Grass and Garden Seed Warehouse, No. 129, Chestnut street, Philadelphia,
A NEW & EXTENSIVE TREATISE ON AMERICAN GARDENING
Price full bound and lettered, 3 dollars 50 cents.
The title, as in the following Copy Right, viz.
DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, to wit:
BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the twenty-eighth day of January, in the thirtieth year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1806. BERNARD McMAHON of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit:
"THE AMERICAN GARDENER'S CALENDAR, adapted to the climates, and seasons of the United States; containing a complete account of all the work necessary to be done in the kitchen garden, fruit garden, orchard, vineyard, nursery, pleasure ground, flower garden, green-house, hot house, and forcing frames for every month in the year; with ample practical directions for performing the same. Also general as well as minute instructions, for laying out or erecting, each and every of the above departments, according to modern taste, and the most approved plans; the ornamental planting of pleasure grounds, in the ancient and modern style; the cultivation of thorn quicks, and other plants suitable for live hedges, with the best method of making them, &c. To which are annexed, extensive catalogues of the different kinds of plants which may be cultivated either for use or ornament in the several departments, or in rural economy; divided into eighteen alphabetical classes according to their habits, duration and mode of culture; with explanatory introductions, marginal marks, and their true Linnean or botanical as well as English names, together with a copious index to the body of the work, by BERNARD McMAHON, nursery, seedman, and florist."
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the U. S. intitled, "an Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned" And also to the act, entitled, "an Act, supplementary to an act, entitled "an Act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned," and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints."
D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the Dist. C. of Pennsylvania. (L. S.)
McMAHON, is constantly supplied with a general assortment of fresh GARDEN SEEDS suitable for cultivation in the U. S. and in the West Indies; grass seeds of various kinds, such as read and white clover, lucerne, trefoil, field, burnet, sainfoin, timothy, herd, orchard and ray grass, lentils, spring vetches, &c. & an immense variety of tree, shrub, and flower seeds and roots, procured from various parts of Europe, Asia, Africa and America; spades, shovels, rakes, hoes, rears, lines, trowels, edging-irons, garden shears, watering pots, pruning, budding and grafting knives, &c. Bulb-glasses, hals mats, glass suitable for hot-bed lights and other forcing departments; hemp, rape, millet, canary and maw seeds for bird seeding, &c. Split and whole peas, for boiling, best English flour of mustard, and every other article appertaining to his line of business, all of which he disposes of, wholesale and retail, on the most moderate terms.
The more effectually to accommodate his customers he has connected with the seed trade, a botanical, agricultural and horticultural book-store, where a great variety of the most valuable publications on these subjects, may now be had. This with, with the seed business, he is determined to extend to the utmost of his abilities; and he flatters himself, that by his assiduous endeavors to procure every kind of seed or plant, which may add to, or improve our present variety of important vegetable productions, or that may indulge the curious, gratify the naturalist, or increase the number of our ornamental plants, he will with the patronage of a patriotic public, be enabled to render this establishment, not only useful to himself, but of considerable advantage to the community at large.
He again earnestly invites the admirers of plants in every nation or country, as well as in every state or territory of the union, to an exchange of mutual services; that is to say; he is desirous of procuring from them, the seeds of such trees, shrubs, grasses, herbaceous flowering & elegant plants, as grow wild or are indigenous in their respective countries or neighborhoods; for which he will make ample remuneration in any other kind that may be desired, and in his power to give. He does not consider it absolutely necessary that the persons who may collect these seeds for an exchange with him should know the botanical or even the common names of the plants producing them; but if they do, either particularly the former, should be written on each package; if not he would thank them to number each parcel, and to send him such corresponding descriptions as may be found convenient; remarking the kind of soil and situation in which each sort has been found to grow most luxuriantly. The sooner after being collected and sufficiently dried that they could be forwarded to him the better. Feb. 26—w3t

ATTENTION. A good HOUSE in a central and convenient part of George Town, completely furnished or without the furniture, may be had on reasonable terms (for seven or nine months.) For further information, apply to the printer hereof. Feb. 26—3t
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, the subscriber will offer at public vendue on Tuesday the 26th March next at Mill Town near Magruder's Ferry on a credit of 12 months, all the personal estate of Wm. Walton deceased, consisting of stock, household furniture, &c. the purchaser to give bond with good security. ALEXANDER GIBBONS. Prince George's county } Feb. 26—3t
Painful it is for me to give the following NOTICE, But absolute NECESSITY compels me. IN September last, I gave public notice to all those who stood indebted to me, that my books were passed and proved; and that no further credit would be given even to my best friends; but contrary to my anticipation, that resolution lasted but a few days, and with concern I say it, since that period my book debts have increased nearly NINE HUNDRED DOLLARS.
For a person with my small capital having so much money out, it is impossible for me to support my credit, with that punctuality, which is so much my wish. I am therefore resolved to leave this town on the 10th day of July next, and retire to some peaceful abode where Honor and Honesty reigns, and where the Upright and Good Man will have justice done him over the Rogue and Swindler—for such are the Laws of this Territory, though the capital of America. (And with shame I say it) there is no distinction made between the Man of Honor, who, though Poor, will pay his debts, and the Rogue and Swindler, who retires to, and resides in this Territory, well knowing it to be an Asylum for Villains—the former will call and pay you when able; the latter will have the audacity to shew you Ten fold the amount in cash that he owes you, and bid you defiance to sue him; for, says he, "I have no property"—though at the same time, through some employment or other, he enjoys an income of from 5 to 800 DOLLARS per year—this is a "Liberty" indeed, the boast of our country! but no Justice. As my stay in this place will be but short, and as I do not wish to leave one cent in debt, I earnestly entreat those who stand indebted to me to make immediate payment; by which, they will avoid such a measure being taken, as they are little aware of. For if I cannot have Justice done me, I have this consolation, that I have a Retort yet left, which, if they have any SHAME, or one spark of Honor for their characters, they will avoid my putting in force, for a galled horse will wince.
GEORGE PITT. N. B. A person authorized by me will call on them in a few days, when it is hoped they will be prepared to settle their respective balances. To avoid the necessity of a refusal, I request no one will ask for credit, except those to whom I stand indebted. C. P. George Town, Ter. of Col } Feb. 8—2wtf
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail, negro WALLACE—he ran off in the month of November last, & has since been seen in Washington city, where I suppose he is still lurking, as he is acquainted with Mr. Thos. Washington's Negroes of that place. He is about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, not exceeding 23 years of age, very likely, well made, bright mulatto, with black eyes, and flutters when abruptly spoken to. He carried a good suit of clothes with him, having at sometimes acted in the capacity of officer. If he is delivered to me at my residence, in King George County, Virginia, I will give 20 DOLLARS, besides what the law allows. TOWNSEND DADE. Albion, 26—5t.
This is to give notice that the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of George Hatton late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the 11th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 11th day of February 1806. BASIL HATTON, Admr. Prince George's county near Piscataway, Feb. 24—7t
PUBLIC AUCTION. WILL be held on Saturday the 1st day of March next precisely at 12 o'clock one 2 story Brick House, 16 feet front, 28 feet back, two rooms below and two above with an extensive hake even adjoining the same, fronting on 7th street near the Navy Yard. The terms of sale are one fourth of the purchase money in cash, one fourth in 90 days, one fourth in six months and one in 12 months. Also two feather beds, some chairs, tables, and a variety of other articles too tedious to mention. NICH. L. QUEEN, Auctioneer. Feb. 24—3t
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plots of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Baraboo, 12th June 1805—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Benners' patent cord, woolverton and waistcoating, fancy and black silk molekins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, Flushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N B Ladies habit, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf
THE IMPROVED STRAW CUTTER. May be seen in operation at the subscriber's house between the Six Buildings and the Potomac river; he forms the steel of this machine so as to cause the knife to cut off the straw at an angle of 22 1/2 degrees which makes it cut much easier than at right angles, or square across—also a model of the improved Press. Either of the machines can be had of Oliver Evans in Philadelphia or the subscriber, city of Washington. EVAN EVANS. February 12—ep4w
20 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber about the latter part of December last a negro man named LEWIS about 4 or five and thirty years of age. He is very black, about 5 feet four inches high and rather slender made, when interrogated he has a considerable impediment in his speech and discovers much confusion. He had on when he went off a short coat of bear skin cloth very much worn, and a pair of long breeches, of white planes—he was seen the first of January in the county of Fauquier enquiring the way to the city of Washington where if he gets he will probably attempt to pass as a free man, though being very ignorant it is likely his tale will not be a plausible one. The above reward will be given for securing him in any jail so that I get him again and all reasonable charges paid if brought to me. JOHN WILLIS. Orange county Feb. 7—1m
Twenty Dollars Reward. AARON, a mulatto man about 43 years old, left the city of Washington early in October, and was seen on the road leading from Alexandria to Leesburg in company with a black woman, who I am informed is the property of some person in the vicinity of this place—He is about 5 feet 10 inches high, has fair hair, very bald, in one of his eyes grows (I think it is the left) near his nose, there is an indented scar occasioned by a stroke he received, which fractured the bone in that place, and whenever he has it in his power never fails to drink to excess. It is probable that he has gone to Jefferson or Berkeley county Virginia, where he formerly resided, and from thence will endeavor to go to Kentucky. The above reward will be paid to any person who will have him committed to jail, and give information thereof to the subscriber in George Town, district of Columbia. EDWARD GANTT. Nov. 11—tf
Twenty Dollars Reward, WILL be given for apprehending negro FAMB a very low and tolerable lusty woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having procured a free pass, and passes by the name of Charity Shorter; she was formerly the property of John Chittenden of this county, and was run away for near eight years, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been lurking, I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Port Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril. MASSY SIMMS. Nov. 27—tf
BOOKSELLING AND PRINTING. TO BE SOLD an establishment in the Bookselling & Stationary line, containing a general assortment of approved publications, particularly school and classical books of the best authors, and of the most correct editions, with a variety of stationery articles. Also, a complete PRINTING OFFICE, containing two presses, with fonts of types from full faced canon to brevier, in good order, with imposing stone, chase, furniture, and every article necessary to carry on either book work or newspaper—Likewise a parcel of book-binding materials. To an active young man, this situation may be found a very eligible and profitable introduction to business. Those who are inclined to treat for both branches, or either, will meet with encouraging terms, by applying to Theo. Biand, esq. attorney at law, Baltimore. Baltimore, Feb. 17—6t
City of Washington, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sale only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
The Subscriber offers to lease for a number of years 200 tracts of first rate land situate in the 4th, 5th, 6th, 10th, & 11th ranges on each side of Mad river and between the great and little Miami rivers—Jacob Broadwell, esq. resident in the vicinity of Cincinnati is authorised by the subscriber to lease the whole or any part of the above lands. Industrious families, who first commence their improvements on the premises shall have cattle and other stock on shares if required. The above lands lie in a healthy part of the country, surrounded with mills and a populous settlement. The soil is rich and productive, is well watered, shaded with some of the most valuable sort of timber, and pleasantly situated. Town lots will be given to well recommended mechanics who commence their settlement in one year from this date. Mr. Broadwell is authorised to dispose of ten plantations between the two Miami's well improved, with a large distillery and a set of new mills, equal to any in the western country. They stand on the Little Miami river 8 miles from the Ohio. The grit mill is calculated for five pair of stones, among them is a pair of burrs. Mr. Broadwell will show the premises and make known the terms of sale and an indispensable title will be given on payment of the purchase money, by JOHN SMITH, of Ohio. Washington city, Feb. 14—2w
20 DOLLARS Reward. RANAWAY from the subscriber on the 22d inst. a negro name NED about 30 years old 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, his clothes uncertain, except a blue cloth jacket and trousers. It is believed he rode off a young Grey mare, and as he was raised in St. Mary's county, and has lived in the city of Washington he will endeavor to go to one of those places. He was purchased of Mr. Enoch Millard in George town about 9 years ago. I will give the above reward to any person who will have him secured in any jail so that I get him again. One of his hands has been lately hurt and is yet perhaps a little swelled. DAVID LYNN. Cumberland, Allegheny county, Md. February 12—3w
WANTED, A WOMAN that understands plain cooking and house work; likewise a GIRL of about 14 years of age to take care of children—none need apply but those who can bring unexceptionable recommendations. Enquire at the and house from the west end of the Six Buildings and at this office. Nov. 27—tf ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searly residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. WM. THORNTON, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill. Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes I. P. Jan. 29—epf
FOR SALE, A Valuable Tract of Land, In the state of Kentucky, under an indisputable title, and for which the proprietor will take, if applied for soon, half a dollar per acre, payable one half down, and the other half in 12 months on approved security—Enquire of the printer. Feb. 17—4w
AUDITOR'S OFFICE, Chillicothe, State of Ohio January 31st, 1806.
Extract from an act levying a state tax for the year 1806. Section 2. Be it further enacted, That all lands shall be rated and classified in the manner following: that is to say, first, second, and third rates; and the rule to be observed is, that when a greater part of any tract shall be superior in quality to second rate land, it shall be denominated first rate; when a greater part of a tract shall be inferior in quality to first rate, and superior to third rate, it shall be denominated second rate; and when a greater part of a tract shall be inferior to second rate, it shall be denominated third rate land, taking into view the situation and the quality of the soil. First rate land shall be taxed at the rate of ninety cents, second rate sixty-five cents, and third rate forty cents, each per hundred acres. Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That in all cases where the owners of any lands have, by themselves or agents, entered their lands in their proper classes, with the auditor or clerks of the court of common pleas, agreeably to the laws heretofore in force, such lands shall under this act be placed in the same class for taxation, and all lands which shall not be entered by the owners, or their agents, with the auditor, before he makes out his duplicate, he shall class and charge the same as second rate, and if any owner or proprietor of lands, or their agent, have heretofore, or shall hereafter enter any tract of land in an inferior class to that of its real quality, said land shall (until it is changed into its proper class) be charged, over and above the rate for which it was entered, with double the amount of tax which should have been paid had the same been entered in its proper class; which shall be paid to the collector of the county, township, or district in which such lands may be chargeable, for the use of the state, on the information of any freeholder, making due proof thereof to the auditor or commissioners and be recovered at the same time and in the same way as other taxes are recoverable.
Sec. 4. Be it further enacted, That for the collection of taxes of non-residents lands the state shall be and hereby divided into six collection districts; the first to include the lands purchased by John Cleves Symmes and his associates, and the land within the district of Cincinnati land office; the second to include lands in the Virginia military district, the land within the district of Chillicothe land office and the French grants; the third to include the land purchased by the Ohio Company and all grants included within the limits thereof and the land within the district of the Marietta land office; the fourth to include the lands in the United States military district and the refugee lands, and all the lands within the district of Zaneville land office; the fifth to include the lands within the district of the Steubenville land office, and all lands south of the Connecticut reserve, and not included in the other districts; and the sixth to include the lands in the Connecticut reserve.
Sec. 5. Be it further enacted, That there shall be appointed, by a joint ballot of both houses of the general assembly and commissioned by the governor, a collector in each district, who shall continue in office one year and until his successor is chosen and qualified, who shall collect all taxes due and owing on non-residents' lands within their respective districts. The collector of the first district shall keep his office at Cincinnati; the collector of the second district shall keep his office at Chillicothe; the collector of the third district shall keep his office at Marietta; the collector of the fourth district shall keep his office at Zaneville; the collector of the fifth district shall keep his office at Steubenville, and the collector of the sixth district shall keep his office at the town of Warren, in the county of Trumbull. And shall each, at the time they receive their duplicates, take & subscribe the following oath or affirmation: viz. "I, A. B. do solemnly swear or affirm, (as the case may be) that I will, according to the best of my abilities, faithfully and impartially perform the duties enjoined on me by law; as collector of the district; and that I will not directly or indirectly purchase any land by me sold for taxes."
Notice is hereby given that all taxes within this state are due and payable after the 1st day of August next ensuing, and if not paid by the first Monday of December, the lands will be sold, or so much thereof as will satisfy the amount due with interest. 1st district collector, A. Goforth, Cincinnati. 2d do Virginia army lands, Thomas Scott, Chillicothe. 3d do Wm Skinner, Marietta. 4th do James Herron, Zaneville. 5th do Charles Maxwell, Steubenville. 6th do James Hilman, Warren. THOMAS GIBSON, Auditor of Accounts for the state of Ohio. Feb. 20—6w.
Thirty Dollars Reward, FOR apprehending and securing in jail negro JACOB, who is a low well made fellow, about 25 years of age, complexion rather black, tho' not deep, has a pleasant countenance, is front made about the shoulders and breast with small legs, has a stoppage in his speech and cannot make a quick reply, when spoken to without shutting his eyes or being in motion, which is very observable, his clothing was blue negro cotton jacket and overalls, osnaburg shirt, and wool hat, though they are subject to change, he was late the property of Richard E. Beall of Fauquier county, Virginia, and eloped about the 6th of November last. The constables and others of the city of Washington, George Town, Alexandria, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Norfolk are requested to look out for the said runaway slave, as he above reward will be immediately paid them on the terms specified by JOHN KEDGLIE. City of Washington, Dec. 16—2awtf
FOR SALE, A COUPLE OF HORSES, Suitable for a Hack or Family use—Apply at Mrs. Wilson's at the Six Buildings. Feb. 26—1t
FEBRUARY 12, 1806. R. S. Bickley, versus Thomas Peter, Thomas Monroe, Robert Brent, Benjamin Stoddert, Elias Boudinot Calliswell, William Thornton, John Stickney, Adam Lindsey, Edward Frithy, James Dougherty, Francis Lowndes, Samuel Blodget, Thomas M'Ewen, William Davidson and William Smith.
ORDERED that the report made by Daniel Carroll Brent the trustee in this case of the sale made by him be absolutely ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the 4th Monday in March next. Provided a copy of this order be inserted three successive weeks before that time in the National Intelligencer, the Washington Federalist and the daily Aurora in Philadelphia. The report states that a part of the property mentioned in the decree was sold by him to the amount of twenty thousand seven hundred and thirteen dollars, seventy-five cents, the particulars of which are in the said report stated. By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. Feb. 7—3w
Fresh Garden Seeds, &c. THEOPHILUS HOLT respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has received from London per ship Marato Baltimore, and for sale, a very extensive assortment of fresh Garden Seeds, garden tools, grass seeds, bird seed. Split peas and flour of mustard by the pound. He also has for sale a variety of bulbous flower roots, fruit trees, flowering shrubs, Lombardy poplars, &c. &c. The customary allowance made to Gardeners and those who purchase to sell again. Washington City, Dec. 13—2awtf P. S. An assortment of the garden seeds are for sale at Dr. Ott's George Town.
On the first day of April next, or (if not fair) on the next fair day at noon, will be offered at
PUBLIC SALE To the highest bidder, for ready money, that very desirable and well known estate formerly the property of James Wormeley, esq, Called THE ROCKS; Situated upon the river Shenandoah, in the county of Jefferson, Virginia. It consists of 900 acres of Land (by estimation) more than one third in woods, and has upon it a variety of the most useful improvements with a large scope of river bottom and other distinguished natural advantages. The upland is remarkably adapted to the use of plaster & very productive. It will be sold either in one body, or in the convenient divisions of the farm—the mills—the distillery—and the Ferry with a small tavern for the accommodation of travellers; to each of which a suitable quantity of Land will be attached, by a division to be made previous to the sale. This farm of about 760 acres with plenty of wood and water, including 80 acres of the richest river bottom, and the rest of the arable Land of an excellent quality, with a large and commodious dwelling, the necessary out houses, two barns, &c. &c. may be had at a price which deserves the attention of any gentlemen who wishes a farm detached from the mill property, &c. Also at the same time, on the same terms, a handsome little tract of 300 acres within two miles of the Rocks called
THE MEADOW FARM, About 230s in wood, with fine meadow ground—arable Land, well adapted to the use of plaster, a good mill seat with a constant stream, constant springs of water, and comfortable farm houses. Also, a little farm of only 115 acres 3 4ths still uncleared, adjacent to the Meadow Farm. The object in this sale being to raise as much money as may be necessary to release the only incumbrance that exists on the above property; if the several purchasers produce the sum required, they will respectively be allowed a credit of part of the purchase money, as an inducement to them to buy as largely as they may wish to do; and no money will be required, but in exchange for a clear deed. FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Charles Town, Dec. 23, 1805—3t—wtf N. B. The sale will take place at the Rocks; and should any of the above land be previously disposed of by private sale, notice will be published in due time.
THE Subscriber informs the public and his friends in general that he has commenced business near the NAVY YARD where he has for sale, an assortment of GROCERIES among which are Genuine old Madeira, London particular, do. } WINES. A few bags of Green Coffee, Fyson, Young Fyson, &c. Imperial Teas, fresh, and of a superior quality. JOSEPH CASSIN. Feb. 21—3t
Valuable Property For Sale. THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 4 1/2 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. contains 42 acres. No. 3 contains 202 acres. No. 4 contains 19 acres; Likewise a lot lying between John Layloe, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. These lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers. Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Breckenridge near the property. Jan 24 wtf.