The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-03-01 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL MARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCLXXXVI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MARCH 18, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 31.
DEBATE ON THE GEORGIA CLAIMS.
(Mr. Jackson's speech concluded.)
I will now examine that part of the memorial of the New-England Mississippi land company, which declares that they were specially intended to be provided for in the convention between the United States and the state of Georgia: and that the act of Congress contains a correspondent provision. Upon this subject my colleague has asserted, that they have "suggested an absolute, direct, and palpable falsehood." If they were not intended, they assert a falsehood, if they were they do not; a recurrence to the articles with Georgia, and to the act of Congress, will place this subject upon its proper basis, and by them it will appear whether they were intended to be specially provided for, or not. In the agreement with Georgia it is among other things declared, page 5, of the message from the President of the United States, accompanying the articles of agreement and cession, which had been entered into between the commissioners of the United States and of Georgia, dated on the 26th April, 1802, after the cession of territory, as described in the first article, upon the express conditions therein stated, the first of which conditions provides for the payment of the purchase money. The following additional provisions are made:
"Secondly—That all persons who, on the twenty-seventh day of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, were actual settlers within the territory thus ceded, shall be confirmed in all the grants legally and fully executed prior to that day, by the former British government of West Florida, or by the government of Spain, and in the claims which may be derived from any actual survey or settlement made under the act of the state of Georgia, entitled "An act for laying out a district of land situate on the river Mississippi, and within the bounds of this state, into a county, to be called Bourbon," passed the seventh day of February, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five.
"Thirdly—That all the lands ceded by this agreement to the United States, shall, after satisfying the above-mentioned payment of one million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars to the state of Georgia, and the grants recognised by the preceding condition be considered as a common fund for the use and benefit of the United States, Georgia included, and shall be faithfully disposed of for that purpose, and for no other use or purpose whatever: Provided , however, that the United States, for the period and until the end of one year after the assent of Georgia to the boundary established by this agreement shall have been declared, may, in such manner as not to interfere with the above-mentioned payment to the state of Georgia, nor with the grants herein before recognised, dispose of or appropriate a portion of the said lands, not exceeding five millions of acres, or the proceeds of the said five millions of acres, or of any part thereof, for the purpose of satisfying, quieting, or compensating for any claims other than those herein before recognised, which may be made to the said lands, or to any part thereof. It being fully understood, that if an act of Congress making such disposition, or appropriation shall not be passed into a law within the above-mentioned period of one year, the United States shall not be at liberty thereafter to cede any part of the said lands on account of claims which may be laid to the same, other than those recognised by the preceding condition, nor to compensate for the same; and in case of any such cession or compensation, the present cession of Georgia to the right of soil over the lands thus ceded or compensated for, shall be considered as null and void, and the lands thus ceded or compensated for, shall revert to the state of Georgia."
Here, Sir, is a special provision "for the appropriation of a tract," not exceeding five millions of acres, for the purpose of satisfying, quieting, or compensating for any claims, other than those therein before recognised, which may be made to the said lands, or any part thereof." Nothing can be more clear and better settled, than that the claims of 1789 and 1795, and especially those of 1795, were specially intended by the
articles of cession. If, however, we could doubt as to the meaning of the articles themselves, it would be entirely dissipated on a reference to the report of the commissioners in page 25, of the same message—speaking of the propositions of the claimants under the act of 1795, which they deem inadmissible; and of their title, which they say, "cannot be supported." They add, "But they, nevertheless, believe that the interest of the United States, the tranquility of those who may hereafter inhabit that territory, and various equitable considerations, which may be urged in favor of most of the present claimants, render it expedient to enter into a compromise on reasonable terms."
"Under that impression, a plan is respectfully submitted to the consideration of Congress, which, although it does not give a full indemnity to every claimant, is believed, from such information as has been received, to give, in the aggregate, nearly as much as has been paid in the whole, by all the present claimants."
"As it is understood and generally agreed, that the five millions of acres reserved by the agreement with Georgia, constitute the fund from which the indemnity is to be paid, it is of primary importance, in order to guard against any depreciation, that the nominal sum in money, which may be offered as an indemnity, should not exceed what the fund may be thought amply sufficient to discharge. The probable amount of the annual sales, and the price affixed to the land by Congress, furnish the only data by which that sum can be determined. The commissioners have supposed that the sales could not reasonably be estimated to yield more than three or four hundred thousand dollars annually; and although it has been presumed that in opening a land office, the price of the land will, at present, be fixed at two dollars per acre; they have believed that it would be improper to assume the payment of any sum out of the proceeds of the lands, which would bind Congress not to reduce the price hereafter, if other considerations shall render that reduction expedient."
"It is after having considered the subject in that point of view, that the commissioners have been induced to submit the following propositions as the basis of a compromise."
"1st. That so much of five millions of acres as shall remain after having satisfied the claims of settlers and others, not recognised by the agreement with Georgia, which shall be confirmed by the United States, be appropriated for the purpose of satisfying and quieting the claims of the persons who derive their claims from an act of the state of Georgia, passed on the 7th day of January, 1795."
They were specially intended by the commissioners of the United States, who negotiated the treaty with Georgia; and this intention, as I have urged, plainly appears on the face of the treaty itself. The remaining branch of this enquiry is, were they specially intended by the provisions of the act of Congress. On the third day of March, 1803, the law upon this subject was enacted, and is to be found in volume 6th, page 273. of the laws of the United States, the 8th and 9th sections of which have reference particularly to this subject.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted , That so much of the five millions of acres reserved for that purpose by the articles of agreement above mentioned, as may be necessary to satisfy the claims not confirmed by that agreement, which are embraced by the two first sections of this act, or which may be derived from British grants for lands which have not been re-granted by the Spanish government, be, and the same is hereby appropriated for that purpose; and to such of the residue of the said five millions of acres or of the proceeds thereof as may be necessary for that purpose, shall be, and is hereby appropriated for the purpose of satisfying, quieting and compensating, for such other claims to the lands of the United States south of the state of Tennessee, not recognised in the above-mentioned articles of agreement, and which are derived from any act or pretended act of the state of Georgia, which Congress may hereafter think fit to provide for, provided, however that no other claims shall be embraced by this appropriation, but those, the evidence of which shall have, on or before the first day of January next, been exhibited by the claimants to the Secretary of State, and recorded in books to be kept in his office for that purpose, at the expence of the party exhibiting the same, who shall pay to the person employed by the Secretary of
State for recording the same, at the rate of twelve and an half cents for every hundred words contained in each document thus recorded; nor shall any grant, deed, conveyance, or other written evidence of any claim to the said lands, derived, or pretended to be derived from the state of Georgia, and not recognised by the above mentioned articles of agreement, ever after be admitted or considered as evidence in any of the courts of the United States, unless it shall have been exhibited, and recorded, in the manner and within the time above mentioned; and provided also, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to recognise or affect the claims, of any person or persons, to any of the lands above mentioned; and provided also, that no certificate shall be granted for lands lying east of the Tombigby river, nor for land situated without the boundary lines established by treaty between the U. S. and the Choctaws, made the 17th day of October, in the year 1802.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted , That the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury and the Attorney General for the time being, be, and are hereby authorised and empowered to receive such propositions of compromise and settlement, as may be offered by the several companies, or persons claiming public lands in the territory of the U. S. lying south of the state of Tennessee, and west of the state of Georgia; and report their opinion thereon to Congress at their next session.
They were most certainly intended here, if they were not the sections are sheer nonsense, claims derived from any act, or pretended act of Georgia are none other than the claims of 1795.
My colleague contending that the claimants have asserted a falsehood in their memorial, by alleging they were specially intended to be provided for, in which I trust, I have proven he was mistaken, added, and they too talk of national faith, and national honor, as being pledged to make them compensation. Sir, I do not think with him that the appeal thus made, is a prostitution of virtue and truth to vile purposes; but that national faith and national honor are pledged to them; not the faith and honor which my colleague ascribes to infamy and baseness; but the faith which for the honor of my country, I hope will endure for ever, and the honor which co-extensive with our faith, will be the best patrimony we can hand down to posterity, at once their pride, and national glory. In support of the opinion I have formed, I refer to the articles with Georgia, and the report of our commissioners advising a compromise; and that the claimants should within a limited time register their titles, as also the act of Congress making provision for the quieting and compensating claims derived under any act, or pretended act of Georgia. "Any act or pretended act." Here is a most explicit reference to the 1795 claims. The legislature of that state, in that year, were guilty of gross fraud and perfidy; their act was repealed; exaugured from the records of Georgia, and burned. It was called a pretended act by the repealing legislature, and it has never been contended that any other act of the state was illegitimate. It is alluded to by the appellation of pretended act , in as strong terms as the English language can convey the idea. And the 9th section which I have read, holds out the assurance of a wish to compromise, by authorising the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney General, to receive propositions from the several companies, or persons claiming lands. I repeat it, Sir, I think the faith of the government is pledged to make a compromise with the claimants, if it can be done, if not, I ask, why were the claimants required to register the evidences of their titles at their own expence in the office of the secretary of state?—Why did we say to the state of Georgia; you must give us (remember we did not purchase it) five millions of acres of land to quit those, and other claims; if we had no intention to allow any of them? Why did we pass a law respecting the compensation for claims under any act or pretended act of the state of Georgia; if no claims whatever under the act, or pretended act of Georgia, were to be compromised and settled? And why did we call upon the claimants to incur a great expence in registering the evidences of their titles and to make propositions of compromise unless we intended that they should derive some benefit from a compliance? Unless, Sir, Congress did intend to make some compromise with the claimants, this was a language of deception as it regarded the state of Georgia, unworthy the American go-
vernment, and it was adding insult to injury, and expense to both, as it regarded the claimants—It declared in effect, "commissioners of Georgia, we require five millions of acres of land to compensate these and other claims—it is obtained: claimants, register your titles at your own expence, or you will be barred; this is done—then speculators, swindlers, public plunderers be gone, you have nothing to hope or expect from us;" is this conduct dignified, is it honorable? I trust it is not, and will not be practiced—My colleague alleges that the willingness of the claimants to take one tenth of what they claim is conclusive evidence of the injustice of the claim—Sir, the claimants in their memorial state a sufficient answer to this argument, "the delay of justice is its denial." What rational expectations can they have to acquire a sufficient indemnity unless in this way?—they may indeed wait until the United States shall dispose of the lands in question to some person hardy enough to purchase a disputed title; as until then they know they can have no opportunity to try their titles; and then the great expense of the law's delay; and the multiplicity of suits necessary to obtain adjudications to the extent of their claims, will produce unavoidable ruin—There is another substantial reason: they do not wish to contend with the strong arm of government; and instead of their willingness to effect an amicable compromise operating as an evidence of the injustice of their claims; it affords a great proof of their magnanimity and patriotism—they consider themselves entitled to a full compensation, but consulting the interests of the nation they are willing to accept a pittance—My colleague says he last year proved that Georgia had no right to make a grant of the land in question, this is an immaterial point, it is however not conceded. I contend we have obtained a recognition of the justice and equity of the claims, and are bound to provide for them. The same gentleman not satisfied with the arguments he has used endeavors to make it a party question, and deplores the absence of party spirit—Justice, Mr. Speaker, like the dew of Heaven, should be showered down upon all men indiscriminately—Shears above the horizon of political speculators, and disdains to be told of any distinctions: and when she decides in favor of any man, it is because truth, immutable from the beginning of the world to the end thereof, is on his side, accompanied by reason co-extensive with time itself—tell me not then when we invoke her aid that this or that man is good or bad; she is blind to parties, but eagle eyed to search out truth—What is it to me if the postmaster general, who is one of the agents, has as many millions as would balance the wealth of the old world? if he is entitled, fairly and honestly entitled to more, I will give it. But "his official powers scatter confusion, men can be found clothed with temporal honors who will abandon them, and by accepting offices within his gift, prostrate themselves at his feet, and others are ready to receive the long contracts which he can bestow—Hence if the measure which he advocates be adopted, it will be proof of corrupt influence which "scatters confusion." Is the gentleman aware of the tendency of this doctrine? the executive recommends measures, and as the executive has many valuable offices in its gift, presumed corruption may be urged in all cases of their adoption; although as in the case of the post master general the individual members never receive the smallest benefit from the power of appointment to office—and although the national security, and the integrity of the members forbid the imputation—As to the contracts spoken of, the mode of disposal is to prefer the lowest bidder; the principal clerk in the post office department is a federalist; and disappointed applicants, when others were preferred from motives of favoritism, would be found ready to promulge the perfidious act; considering those circumstances which are most important checks, and that notwithstanding the avidity with which the press lozes on occasions of supposed impropriety in the acts of the government, or any of its agents: not a single solitary case of malfeasance has ever been charged against this officer, I am confident none has existed. And here allow me to add that the friends of this measure whom my colleague has reduced to a level with 95 Yazoo men, have quo ad hoc the same security for their integrity, that the President of the U. S. and the commissioners have for theirs—they recommended what we approve. Yes, Sir, this
measure which if adopted, he declared made us a party to a nefarious swindling—the approvers of fraud—the felons who flit from the poor, their support—which reduced us to a level with the corrupt legislature of Georgia in the year 1795—and made us the patrons of a ruinous robbery; has been recommended by the President of the U. S. and by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney General.—The President of the U. S. in his message to Congress at the second session of the seventh Congress after speaking of the convention with the state of Georgia which was then ratified, and of certain negotiations with the Indians, he adds "we are to view this position as an out post of the U. S. States, surrounded by strong neighbors, and distant from its support. And how far that monopoly which prevents population should here be guarded against, and actual habitation made a condition of the continuance of title, will be for your consideration. A prompt settlement too of all existing rights and claims within this territory, presents itself as a preliminary operation." Remember, Sir, that this message was made on the 15th December, 1802,—and the message containing the convention with Georgia and the report of the commissioners, expressly mentioning all the species of claims, and particularly those under the act of 1795, bears date, the 26th of April 1802, long before the delivery of the communication containing the recommendation I have just read.
And in page 25 of the report accompanying the message I have quoted, (to wit the message of 26 April, 1802) the commissioners say in express terms they "believe that the interest of the U. S. the tranquility of those who may hereafter inhabit that territory, and various equitable considerations which may be urged in favor of most of the present claimants render it expedient to enter into a compromise on reasonable terms," and who, Sir, will have the hardihood to say the President of the United States, and the high officers of the government have been influenced by sinister motives?—It is (says my colleague) the spirit of federalism which unites us—Sir, I am young in years, and I am a child indeed in politics if this be the spirit of federalism, and with all my enmity to it, which I own has been very great, if it consists in complying with prudent advice, and honest engagements, in doing justice to the unfortunate, and deciding on questions of private right, by the rules of universal law—I will receive it with open arms—I will cherish it—and hug it to my bosom with the affection of a father for a long lost son returning to the paths of virtue.
My colleague near me (Mr. Clark,) with the same liberality which characterises his general conduct on this floor, has investigated the question of the legality of these claims; and contended it was most clear that the parties have no species of legal right.—I am not disposed to go largely into this examination; the volume presented by the agents which is called a "proclamation of argument," is an able vindication of it—I will however notice some of his positions. In establishing his premises he assumes certain facts as conceded, which are denied, in the most explicit and direct manner—first, that the claimants now before us, had notice of fraud when they purchased the lands in question, this notice he says was unquestionably given by the message of the President to Congress, and the proceedings in the House of Representatives. I have answered this assertion by a minute recapitulation of all the proceedings at that period; and I deny that they either express or imply fraud, or corruption in the removed manner.—"They had notice by the presentments of the grand juries in the state of Georgia." Sir, I for one can declare I never saw those presentments in the newspapers; nay farther I never saw a Georgia paper to my recollection until I had the honor of a seat on this floor; they are not extensively circulated beyond the limits of the state, and the fact adduced by my colleague proves nothing—but (added the gentleman) here is presumed notice ; facts, he, always delect presumptions ; it is not a principle admitted in law that because it was possible that the party might have obtained notice—the inference must be that he had notice.—And how is the fact of notice or no notice to be settled? My colleague well knows that if the United States shall sell any of their lands to individuals, and the claimants do, as they indubitably will, contest the title; the proper process will be the action of ejectment, in which it is a prin-

single than which no one is better estab- lished that the elder grant must pre- vail. What then? why, Sir, the settler will resort to a court of equity whose province it is to relieve against fraud, and he will charge in his bill in chance- ry, that his antagonist derived his title from the act of a corrupt legislature, and that he purchased from the grantees with notice of such fraud. The answer which is sworn to, expressly denies the notice, for, Sir, the parties solemnly aver- red, they had no notice of fraud, or corrup- tion, when they purchased, and a know- ledge of their high characters leaves no doubt on my mind of its truth; and it is also a well settled rule in equity; that where the answer is responsive to the bill, it shall be conclusive; unless con- tradicted by two positive witnesses, or one witness, and strong corroborating circumstances; where then is my col- league's dilemma of presumed, implied notice? They are, Sir, pendente lite purchasers, and here the gentleman must have recurred to a good old law maxim that "a purchaser for a valuable con- sideration without notice has a good title," and he is a pendente lite purcha- ser—what, Sir, pendente lite purcha- ser when they derive their title from the law of an independent legislature? the grantees armed with its official records! the great seal of the state affixed! a solemn acknowledgment of the receipt of pay- ment in their possession? That it can be assimilated to a lis pendens between A and B would indeed be a far fetched supposition—if any suit was pending, it was between the Georgians and their corrupt agents for abusing the trust reposed in them, not for exceeding their powers—as well might it be urged, that if an individual give his agent full powers, and he sell his pro- perty at a shameful sacrifice; that a suit between such individual and his agent is to affect the property which he had power to sell.—My colleague declares his willingness to make provision for such claims as shall appear to have originated in purchases without knowledge of fraud, these alone are the claims which I am willing to provide for; but we are so- lemnly assured by the applicants that they are all in this situation. Is this House competent to a due investigation of 1500 claims? Sir, the whole period of a session will be inadequate to this ob- ject, it is to get rid of the great difficult- y which such an enquiry would im- pose, and more especially to remove be- yond our reach the possibility of renew- ing the unpleasant discussion which this subject has produced, and which for the honor of my country I hope will never be witnessed again, that I am desirous to refer the question as to the cases which are deserving of compensation, and the extent of it, to commissioners to be se- lected by the President, in whom the ut- most confidence can be placed.—My colleague near me declared that no con- tract originating in fraud can ever be rendered valid by any subsequent transaction. I will prove to him an exception to this rule, in the laws and judicial decisions of the state to which he belongs, and this, Sir, will be sufficient to show that the universality of the rule cannot be contended for.—In Virginia our laws declare that no bond given for a gaming contract can be available in law, that money won at gaming may be recovered in a suit brought either by the party losing or any other person who will sue for it, that all conveyances of land on that account shall be utterly void, yet under this law the high court of appeals have decided that where a party gave a bond for the payment of a gaming debt, and assured a third person in the presence of the obligee that it was good, and he would pay it; which third person received the bond by assignment, he should be ever afterwards incapable of claiming the ben- efit of the statute, and that the debt should be paid.—But I shall be told by the gentleman this is not a case analogous to the one before us; in answer to this, I will say, it is not necessary that it should be, it is a strong exception to his rule, and that was what I engaged to have.—Mr. Speaker, strip this ques- tion of all extraneous matter, and what is it? plainly this—the United States are appointed trustees by the state of Geor- gia, to dispose of a certain designated fund which belonged originally to Geor- gia, and by the claimants it is contended was ceded to others; but which Geor- gia denies was a legitimate act.—This fund as I have shown cost us nothing— we are requested, nay we have engaged to appropriate it for quieting, and com- pensating those claims thus contested, and to carry these engagements into exe- cution, we are about to appoint commis- sioners of our own choice, with powers adequate to the object, and this act is denounced as a stupendous robbery; by an appeal to the people—be it so.—Peo- ple of the United States, we invite your attention to this transaction, we confide in the purity of our motives which are in- fluenced by considerations of justice alone; and we rely on you for an ap- proval of our conduct. The persons whose claims are before us, are purcha- sers of land from the grantees of Geor- gia, for a valuable consideration with- out notice of fraud, those from whom they purchased were in possession of the law of Georgia ratifying the sale of grants, duly executed with all the
solemn formalities—and of receipts for the purchase money—many of the claim- ants are among the most distinguished characters in the northern states, they had held, and then held important offices under the state authority, and had taken an oath to support the constitu- tion of the United States; which de- clares that full faith and credit, shall be given to the acts and judicial proceed- ings of the respective states; their in- clination as well as their oaths induced them to give full credit to them; it could not be presumed by them that the Representatives of a sister state, had been corrupted; and although the act of sale might have been indirect, and a bad bargain to the vendors: they knew also, that the constitution prohibited the states from passing any ex post facto law, by which any title vested in others will be im- paired—under these circumstances, they ask that we should give them a part of the property set apart for satisfying their claims, or permit their right to be de- cided before the judicial tribunals of the nation, and to grant this request is what a majority of the House of Represen- tatives believe that justice, no less than sound policy dictates; and this is what we have been told, is a stupendous rob- bery—I rely on the policy of this mea- sure, that alone is sufficient in my opi- nion to warrant the adoption of this report; we can now quiet these claims by a portion of the five millions; they may it not quieted recover fifty millions by the decrees of our courts of justice; this is a serious reason, in favor of the po- licy of the measure—Last year, when, as my colleague alleges, the press was gagged, and a virtual sedition law was in force, he declared "let them get a decree of the courts in their favor, let them take possession of the property and I will expend the last dollar in the trea- sury, and sacrifice the last life in the trea- sury to fight them out of the country," (here Mr. Randolph declared, loud enough to be heard, that he still said so) Mr. Jackson proceeded. The gen- tleman declares that he is still in the same mind, that these titles are to be trampled under foot, by a lawless soldi- ery.—Is this true policy? God forbid, that my colleague, whose influence in this House, is equal to the rapacity of the speculator whose gigantic grasp has been described by him, as extending from the shores of lake Erie, to the mouth of the Mobile, should make the nation think so. Sir, an enlightened and independent judiciary is the safeguard of the poor, against the tyranny of the rich, it is the safeguard of the citi- zen against the tyranny of his govern- ment.—In England, Sir, the vir- tue of the judiciary has, except in a few instances, disgraceful to their authors, been the only refuge of the subject against the gripings of tyranny—he judiciary there has been the pride and boast of that nation, and has excited the eulogies of this; our judiciary is the sweet anchor of safety, against popu- lar fury, or the more destructive, though less violent attacks of usurpation. I look to it with veneration and respect, as the preserver of civil rights, and civil liberty; but if it is to yield to the power of an army, and its decrees are to be reversed on the points of hiring, mercenary bay- onets; then indeed, nought remains of liberty but the name, a phantom not worth preserving.—It is politic in the language of the President, to compromise these claims, "a prompt settlement too, of all existing claims within this terri- tory, presenting itself as a preliminary op- eration." It is politic, Sir, on every ground, many eminent lawyers alike superior to the quibbles, and quibbles of the law, as well as the heresy of making the law yield to a military force, believe in the legality of these claims, and if there is a pretext of law on their side, it will pro- duce more injury than the value of the land, they are willing to take; I speak experimentally upon this subject—ten millions of acres of land, (by computa- tion) in the district I represent, are claimed by persons called the Indiana company, by a grant from the six nations of Indians!—In the year 1744, a public treaty under the regal authority, was held at Lancaster, with those Indians, and at that time they ceded the whole of their title to all the lands within the chartered limits of the state: some years afterwards viz. in 1768, as an indemnity to a company of merchants for goods forcibly taken by the Indians, they ceded a large tract of land, bound- ed by the Laurel Hill, on the east, the Pennsylvania line on the north, the Ohio river, on the west, and the little Kenhawa on the south; to Trent and others. In 1779, this company petitioned the Virginia legislature, to grant them some compensation, this they refused to do, and they proceeded to pass sundry resolutions upon the subject, namely, that this grant to Trent, and his associates was null and void, that the exclusive right of pre-emption from the Indians, was vested in the govern- ment, and that they would vindicate its rights to their utmost power.—Soon after the constitution was adopted, suit was brought against Virginia in the federal court, and in consequence of the amendment concerning the suability of the states, it was dismissed; various ef- forts were afterwards made by the com- pany to obtain some allowance, and
finally, they instituted a suit against us in the Virginia circuit court of the United States, which is now depending. I presume from a reference to the dates of the grants, and the established rule that individuals cannot purchase the In- dian title; every member of this House will join me in saying, that there is no chance of success for the company—yet, Sir, the district attorney of Virginia, who my colleague on a former occasion, pronounced to be a gentleman of great legal learning, (which I also ad- mit) has given an opinion in their fa- vor, and he with other eminent lawyers equally as learned as himself, are their counsel; the effect of the ex- istence of this claim is, that a tract of country larger than M a chachusetts, se- parated from the province of Maine, larger than Connecticut, New Hamp- shire, or Vermont, possessing the most salubrious climate in the United States, a most fertile soil, and temperature se- cond to none in the Union, situated too upon large navigable rivers—scarcely contains thirty thousand inhabitants; and even now in consequence of a re- newal of the suit, our most valuable citi- zens are abandoning their homes, which are sold for much less than their value, and removing to a country where no such dispute can annoy them. Sir, if we had resorted to a compromise which they sought and urged, the al- lowance of their utmost demand, would have been much less than the injury we have so sensibly felt. Mr. Speaker, hav- ing taken this view of the subject, I shall, notwithstanding the claimants have been denounced as swindlers, liars, hy- pocrites, and accessories to a stupendous robbery, which far outstrips the petty larcenies of the federalists, vote for the reference of their claims, to commission- ers; because I believe their respectful exercise of a constitutional right, the right of petitioning, is entitled to atten- tion, and because I do not think they are base men, but abused in a cruel man- ner, whose lives refute the charges made against them—and if I were permitted to address them upon the occasion, I would say, be not afraid of the slanders of slan- der, your characters are your shields, and I would add, in the language of a great man, who, after an attentive study of human nature, declared, "Be thou as chaste as ice, as pure as snow, Thou shalt not escape calumny." (To be continued.)
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
MR. S. H. SMITH, I request a place in your paper for the vindication of my character, against an unusual attack made thereon in the Aurora, headed February 5. If the at- tack had been only scurrilous, I would have passed it over, as I have always done every thing of that kind; but it was an unqualified assertion of fact. On reflec- tion I am induced to believe, that I owe it to my friends, my children, and so- ciety, at my time of life, not to stand on an absolute untruth against my character, by my silence. The words are, "the Yazoo squad gains strength.—Mr. Find- ley is gone over to them, &c. He voted uniformly against this nefarious specu- lation before, and his eyes became suddenly open in his old age." I do not quote for your paper any more of such language than is necessary to state the fact. I called peaceably on the editor of the Aurora, and requested him to correct the assertion in what manner he pleased—he refused to take my word as authority, and I referred him to the journals from the year 1795, on that subject. He refused to pay that atten- tion to the subject, but told me I might write in his paper if I pleased. This I was justified in declining, by the dispo- sition he discovered. I am not too old to have my mind enlightened. I certainly would think it my honor to change my vote if I was convinced I was wrong, and never condemned a member in any public body for doing so. It is not the charge of changing, made in the most indecent language, that I resent, but the absolute falsehood of what is stated as a fact in this case. I perfectly recollect what my judgment was always on this subject; but least I should have forgot, I have examined the journals for ten years back, and can trace no inconsistent vote respecting it.
The solemn obligation entered into by the states before they consented to ratify the confederation, that every colony and new state should make a cession of the territory within its jurisdiction, that was the property of the King of Great Bri- tain, and not appropriated to any indi- vidual, to the United States, as a com- mon fund to defray the expense of the war, must be recollected by every citi- zen acquainted with the proceedings of that eventful crisis. Other states made such cessions of territory as was accept- ed by Congress. Georgia made a cession clogged with such conditions as was re- jected—perhaps unwise that state was frequently called on by Congress to make such a cession as would be accepted, but declined. In 1789, when the confeder- ation government had ceased, the legisla- ture of Georgia made a sale of the lands, including the Yazoo creek or river, to several companies, and received part of the payment. The succeeding assembly, by an ex post facto resolution, in opposi-
tion to a law, rejected the tender of the remaining payment, refused to complete the title, and directed the money to be returned, which was eventually done; at this time Congress was not so far orga- nized as to think it prudent to inter- fere. In 1795, the legislature of Georgia made a more extensive sale of land, to certain companies, located by natural boundaries, of which the amount could not be known, but was then estimated at about 20 000 000 of acres, but which the commissioners of the United States have estimated at 35 000 000, and some others without any date, have called 40 and some 50 000 000 of acres, and some an empire. During the next month, February 1795, the President by message informed Congress of this ex- tensive sale. The message was referred to a select committee, consisting of Mr. Nicholas of Virginia, Mr. Mason of North Carolina, Mr. Murray, of Mary- land, Mr. Findley, of Pennsylvania, Mr. Boudinot, of New Jersey, Mr. Ames, of Massachusetts, Mr. Shur- brough, of New Hampshire. Though parties had not been discriminated in the same degree as they were some time af- terwards, all these were members well known in the United States, and four, viz. the majority at least, uniform republicans. On this subject, how- ever, there was but one opinion. They knew that no method had been provided to compel a state to relinquish territory which she claimed, however invalid her claim might be, nor to pay her debts due to the United States. They knew that Georgia was under a moral obliga- tion arising from contract to make a cession. They also knew that the titles of the colony of Georgia from the king, having been so often varied and so greatly ex- tended, might be doubtful. They knew that the cession from South Carolina, lying along the northern boundary of Georgia, belonged to the United States, and did not admit that the 31st degree of latitude then about to be ceded by Spain to the United States agreeably to the definitive treaty with Britain, and which by all along the southern bound- ary of Georgia, did of right belong to Georgia, though she claimed it. They also believed that the claim of Georgia was much too large for one state to oc- cupy. But they knew also that there was no method of bringing about an ac- commodation, but by compromise, and therefore laid the plan which at last, tho' slowly, accomplished that desirable ob- ject. The first resolution that passed in consequence of the deliberation of that committee, provided for authorizing the President to obtain a cession of the whole or a part of that territory, then and yet owned and occupied by the Indians. The next was, requesting the President to direct the attorney general to examine and report on the charters or other titles of Georgia to the jurisdiction and soil and the extent of her sales and the bound- aries, &c. of the lands of the United States adjoining. This was followed by a resolution that no state or individual should negotiate with the natives for the extin- guishment of the right of soil; all these resolutions were calculated and designed to induce the state of Georgia, and the companies or individuals who had pur- chased pre-emption rights to soil owned and occupied by the natives, and to make it their interest, to agree to an equitable compromise with the United States; but a bill founded on these resolutions which passed the House of Representatives was too late in the session to be passed by the Senate, and it was the second session of the next Congress before the report was received in Congress, from the attorney general.
On April 7th, 1798, a law was passed authorizing the President to appoint com- missioners to treat with commissioners that were or might be appointed by the state of Georgia for that purpose. By the same law a temporary government was erected for that territory, with an ex- plicit security of the right of jurisdiction and soil to the state of Georgia and to individuals. So far I was one of the committee which origi- nated the plan of compromise and that voted for all the subsequent measures to carry that plan into effect.
After I had ceased to be a member of Congress, viz. in May 1800, a sup- plementary law was passed renewing the authority of the commissioners to obtain a cession of territory from the state of Georgia, on the principles of an amicable compromise, and renewing the assurances in the most explicit manner, that the claims of individuals should not be impaired. On the 26th day of April, 1802, the present President, in pursuance of the aforementioned act, certifies that Messrs. Madison, Gallatin and Lincoln were appointed to settle by compromise with the commissioners appointed by the state of Georgia the claims and cession to which the said act has relation; that is to say, the claims of persons and cession of the state. The President after- wards certifies that articles of agreement and cession had been signed and entered into, &c. and lays the same before Con- gress to act thereon legislatively. One express condition of the act of cession was a reserve of five millions of acres out of what is estimated at 52 millions, to satisfy specific claims, and the residue
to satisfy, quiet and compensate other claims derived from any act or pretended act of the legislature of Georgia. And the law regulating the land office for specific claims expressly appropriates the residue of the five millions of acres to- wards satisfying, quieting and com- pensating those claims which originated un- der any act or pretended act of Georgia. In pursuance of the said law the afore- said commissioners made proposals of compromise to the claimants aforesaid, and required them to register their claims in the secretary's office within twelve months, and they received proposals from them, both which are contained in the President's message. They were also required by law, agreeably to the pro- posals of the commissioners to register their claims at a specified rate of ex- pence. Thus it appeared to me that the faith of government, before the question came up in Congress, was fully and repeatedly pledged to apply the re- sidue of the five millions of acres agree- ably to the express words of the contract with Georgia and of the law of 1803, towards satisfying, quieting and com- pensating these claims, otherwise making proposals to them and receiving propos- als from them inviting them by law to bring their claims forward and to regis- ter them, and having received a dispo- sition of land from Georgia for that purpose to refuse now to enter on a compromise was what I did not expect to be attempted, and could not avoid considering it as an instance of tantalizing beneath the dig- nity of a regular government. I was always very much opposed to the extent of the territory over which Georgia claimed jurisdiction, as it con- tained the most numerous and powerful nations of Indians within the U. S. and with whom none but the U. S. or by the intervention of the U. S. could hold treaties. I also thought it wrong that the blood and treasure of the U. S. should acquire such an extensive un- settled territory to give it to one state. I was equally opposed to her large sales of land, not only as impolitic, but as calculated and apparently designed to defeat the claims of the U. S. There- fore cheerfully promoted the plan to bring about the compromise. When however it was accomplished, I was not in Congress, but rejoiced at the success of the plan and approved of the terms of the cession, and of the terms of com- promise proposed by the commissioners. I rejoiced that the state of Georgia, and the speculations were both reduced to rea- sonable bounds. Consequently I was aston- ished when I found the resolutions for carrying it into effect opposed with so much zeal, & unusual resolutions brought forward to defeat it. I voted again every resolution that had that tendency, and finally, for a postponement of the question till this session, that the mem- bers whose attention had not been for- merly called to the subject might have opportunity to be more fully informed. [See the yeas and nays on the Journals.] This session I have voted for and advo- cated the report and the recommenda- tion of the commissioners, and in doing so, I have acted in consistency with my whole conduct with respect to this sub- ject for ten years past, since it originat- ed, and am sorry that so good a plan for the tranquility of the U. S. states should meet with difficulty in the con- clusion. Among the new things that this question has produced, one of the great- est novelties is, ascribing the decisions on this subject to political party views; this indeed applied to the decision on claims, is by implication a charge of the highest degree of depravity. That this should be done in such a manner in a public newspaper while the case is still depending, is a novelty in this, and I presume in every other country. That it was not confessed as a party business heretofore, is evident from the records. The majority of the Congress in Feb. 1795, and the majority of the commit- tee appointed to originate the plan were republicans. The majority of Congress in 1798 and 1800, were decidedly fe- deral, but they pursued the same plan and carried it to greater maturity. The majority of the Congress of 1803, which carried the plan into effect so far, was republican, and the commissioners on both the part of the U. S. and the state of Georgia, who had actually made the compromise, and whose recom- mendation is contained in the Pres- ident's message, are decided republicans. Of a committee of five members last session, who unanimously recommended a similar resolution to the present Congress, four are republicans, and the majority of the committee of Claims, who reported the resolutions under debate are also repub- lican, and it is admitted that the ma- jority of the claimants are republicans. This far I thought proper to state, to vindicate the character of the legisla- ture from the impudent slander of be- ing influenced by political party in de- ciding on claims. For my own part I can say with a good conscience, that I have always acted agreeably to the de- grees of information I possessed in deciding on claims, as an honest man, and not as a party politician; and I trust every member does the same thing. If I had not been mentioned by name and dis- tinguished by a particular and absolutely false charge of criminality from the rest

the majority of Congress, I would not in this way have addressed the public attention. WM. FINDLEY.
TO THE PUBLIC.
A regard to character exerts the following publication at this period— Motives of delicacy have hitherto constrained me to silence, under a cloud of obloquy, but longer forbearance might sanction misrepresentation. Much art and pains have been employed to perplex a plain question, to confound the broad constitutional privileges of the citizen, with the limited rights of the soldier, and to invert military order, for the purpose of misleading the public judgment, with intention to obfuscate the rays of truth, to excite sympathies where they were undeserved, and to produce antipathies where they were undeserved. A respectable band of meritorious unresisting militia officers, merchants, judges and attorneys of the state of Tennessee, have recently volunteered a coup de main on ground which they had not reconnoitred, and against works whose strength they did not understand; to repel this unkind and unprovoked attack of many against one, the following exhibits are offered to the public without comment;—The hour for complete development has not arrived, and I disclaim the bitter spirit of recrimination.
JAMES WILKINSON.
Head Quarters, Fort Adams, June 1st, 1803.
SIR, I have been compelled by a sense of duty, to arrest Colonel Thomas Butler of the 24 regiment of infantry, on charges which intimately affect the fundamental principles of military institutions. My aid de camp Mr. Walbach, will submit to the tribunal at which you preside, a copy of the arrest, with the documents essential to substantiate the charges alleged, which may, I hope, find place on the records of the court; it is not my purpose to call oral testimony, unless some unexpected course of proceeding should render it necessary, in which case I must beg to be indulged. The affair which claims the attention of the court is untainted with personality, but it involves an investigation of vital import to military systems in general, and the pending decision must radically affect the discipline, order and efficiency of our own small corps.
On a question of such high and comprehensive interests, I deem it a matter of propriety towards the honorable body I address, and to my own station, to assign the opinions and motives by which I have been governed. The very circumscribed observation and limited enquiry to which my destiny has restrained me, sanction the belief that the head is the most striking point of uniformity in military corps, and of consequence that the cut of the hair becomes as essential a subject of regulation, as the fashion of the heels, the hat or the coat.
The hair of the head considered as the gift of nature, or an appendage of our persons, cannot be held more holy than the beard or the nails, and you are not to be told that it is as common to increase the beard by military mandate in some corps, as it is to regulate the uniform of the head in all by the same authority. General Wayne gave mustaches to our dragoons by order. The patriotic General Lord Howe, who fell near Tyconderoga, cropped the hair of his whole army, before he embarked on lake George, and we are informed the immortal Wolf adopted the same measure, giving himself the example.
In the time of the great Gustavus Adolphus, and the celebrated Charles the twelfth, the crop was the prevalent uniform of the head, and Marshal Saxe, second in capacity and improvement, to no chief, ancient or modern, has recommended the crop of the hair—at this moment the cut and dress of the hair and beard, is regulated throughout the armies of the world, by general or regimental orders.
With the example of such high and respectable authorities before me, I could not doubt the legality of the order of the 30th of April, 1801, or my own competency to issue it, and whoever has reflected on the delatory nature of our own service, will I have no doubt concur in the sentiment, that the crop of the hair is peculiarly adapted to it, not only on the ground of uniformity, which we could never before attain, but in point of neatness, cleanliness, health, comfort, and economy of time and pay. Believing with Marshal Saxe, that goes, clubs, taupes, powder and poma-tum in southern climates and in summer campaigns, present a filthy and insalubrious ornament, and that they are inconvenient, expensive, and waste time, I have attempted to banish the toilette from our camps and quarters; but I should never have made this attempt, at the expence of a single unalienable right or a solitary principle of honor; the order was sanctioned by illustrious precedents, and its legality had never been before questioned, for (though the beard of a Musselman may be held sacred) I have never understood that the hair of
the head was considered an appendage of honor, but by the Diaro of Spain, whose hair, beard and nails are held in such sacred respect by his subjects, that it is deemed sacrilegious to take them from him, while awake, and therefore they are cut and pared while he sleeps, which is considered a species of robbery, and in the estimation of his idolaters, abates considerably the impiety of the act.
In regard to the flagrant breach of the President's orders, of which the Colonel stands charged, it may suffice for me to observe that obedience must be considered the basis on which military institutions rest, and that without it, the profession of arms would become not only useless, but dangerous to society. I cannot believe that blind submission will debauch the mind or tarnish the reputation of the soldier, but on the contrary, that it is an high demonstration of military worth. It gives a soul and harmony to service, it gives strength to authority, and merit to obedience, it supports the staff of the marshal, and the sword of the soldier, which secure the effect of command, and the repute of the execution; it does maintain the right of the superior, it also renders him responsible for consequences, and if it reduces the inferior to blind subjection, it likewise secures him against reproach. But to reason upon an order, is to baffle the most important, critical and best concerted enterprizes, and to expose to hazard the honor of the general, and the safety of the state, and moreover opens a door to the subre-fuges of cowardice and treachery—our honor and our God forbid it then—that a principle so destructive should prevail in our service.
To you, gentlemen, the important discussion is submitted, and whatever may be my own frail opinions, I fondly hope the judgment which may ensue, will stand the test of criticism, and add repute to the military character of our country throughout the universe.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, Yours, and the Court's, most obedient servant, JAMES WILKINSON. The President of the General Court Martial, ordered for the trial of Colonel Thomas Butler.
Extract of a letter from the senior officer of the last army, commanded by General Washington.
The Hon. C. C. PINCKNEY, to GEN. JAS. WILKINSON, dated Charleston, Oct. 10th, 1804.
"With respect to the authority to prescribe the mode of wearing the hair in the army, I have no doubt but that it is as much a subject of military regulation as the cut of the coat, the fashion of the hat or shaving of the beard.—It is a subject of military order in every European service, with which I am acquainted. You may recollect that it formed one branch of the regulations General Hamilton was preparing for the army when we met at New-York; like all other military regulations it may be fixed by the President, if he thinks proper; if he does not intermeddle with it, the commander in chief may do so; and if no general regulation is made on the subject, I have always thought a colonel could regulate the fashion of wearing the hair in the regiment he commanded.—Your information is correct that in conformity to this idea, when I had the honor to be a colonel of a regiment, in the revolutionary war, I directed by regimental order the hair of the regiment to be cropped, and set the first example of it myself, for from experience I was soon convinced, both of the justness of Marshal Saxe's observation "that long hair is a filthy ornament for a soldier in the field," and of the propriety of his recommendation, that a soldier should wear his hair short."
Extract of a letter from the adjutant general, of the last army, commanded by Gen. G. Washington.
GEN. W. NORTH, to GEN. JAMES WILKINSON.
In answer to your question respecting the "cut and dress of the hair, and by what authority it is to be regulated" I have no hesitation in saying, that there is no doubt in my mind, either as to the right or as to the duty of a commanding general relative to this object.
The Secretary of War directs generally, he cannot enter into the minutiae of the service, it is the commander of an army, who must adapt every thing relating to his troops, to the stations and circumstances in which they are placed. He must cut any superfluity, and supply defects—to his superiors he is answerable for his doings—His inferiors have nothing left to their discretion, they must obey—The general is the first police officer, in his army, and is accountable to his sovereign, for the health of his men, as well as their proficiency in tactics, or acquirements in any other branch of their profession, and cleanliness especially in a warm climate, is necessary to health—A soldier with long and thick hair, and that hair dressed, as 'tis called with flour and grease, has
little chance of being clean—he has neither time, nor probably the means of extending his care beyond the surface. In a ball-room or at a levee, a profusion of well dressed hair may be considered ornamental, and for a soldier's face, I should have no objection to a pair of mustaches, to twirl them would be an amusement on his part—and the terror of his countenance would be augmented in proportion to their blackness and their size, but the hair which is covered by the hat, or in a queue, or ringlets dangling in the air, is an incumbence without a benefit. When conscious of the propriety of your commands, you ordered, your orders ought to have been promptly obeyed, not to be obeyed is better to be a private citizen and cease to obey.
Dated, Duaneburg, Oct. 25, 1804. Extract of a letter from General Alexander Spotswood to General James Wilkinson, dated Virginia, Fredericksburg, November 17th, 1804.
While the army lay at Middle Brook, an order was issued directing the commanding officers of regiments to have their men's hair cut short—this order was accompanied with good reasons, and was positive, in consequence of which the hair of every soldier in my regiment was cut short and thinned.
Extract of a letter from the senior colonel of the last army, commanded by Gen. G. Washington.
COL. WILLIAM S. SMITH, to GEN. JAMES WILKINSON.
I am decidedly of opinion, that the cut and dress of the hair, constitute a material part of military uniformity, and is and ought ever to be, subject to military regulations.
It is very justly remarked by a late writer on military discipline, that there are some things to which sufficient attention is seldom paid, which some officers look upon as trivial.—It frequently happens, however, that these are of no inconsiderable importance, negligence in the slightest things insensibly leads to indifference in those of greater moment.
It is no part of the business of him who obeys, to enquire into the motives and the purposes of the orders given to him, submission is his duty, not examination.
They in military service who reason most, are commonly found the most deficient in performing, such characters are the never failing cause of relaxation in discipline, and too often prepare the way for the utter destruction of an army.
Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis, tempus eget. Dated New-York, Oct. 25, 1804.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MARCH. 1.
On Wednesday, the pleadings in the trial of Judge Chase were brought to a close.—Mr. Rodney finished his remarks in a speech of about a half an hour's length; when Mr. J. Randolph rose about half past 11, and continued speaking till about 3 o'clock. Mr. Harper replied, in explanation, and Mr. J. Randolph followed him. On motion of General Jackson, the court came to resolution to pronounce judgment on Friday at 12 o'clock. (This day.)
Thus are the proceedings, in this important case, nearly brought to a close, after a full, patient, and deliberate hearing. In no instance, perhaps, in this country, or in any other, has a tribunal of justice exhibited more honorable traits of impartiality, or signified deportment. During the whole progress of the trial a degree of order and decorum has been preserved, which reflects high honor on the Senate of the United States, and the individual who presides over their deliberations.
IN SENATE.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 27.
Agreeably to notice—Mr. LOGAN asked leave to bring in a bill to suspend trade and intercourse with the island of St. Domingo, and on the question, Shall leave be given?
It was determined in the negative, by the casting vote of the Vice President.
The following resolutions were submitted to the Senate by Gen. S. Smith. He introduced them by stating, that a duty of four per cent. had been imposed by Great Britain on goods, wares, and merchandise exported to the United States, and of only one and a half per cent. on similar goods, when exported to the nations of Europe, that this duty operated as a tax of one million and a half of dollars on the people of the U.
States, and that the duty paid by the U. States, more than was paid by the nations of Europe for a similar amount of goods, was 937,500 dollars. He stated also, that he had selected in the second resolution, articles usually imported from G. Britain, which in case it shall be thought proper to prohibit their importation from thence, might be procured from other nations, nearly on equal terms; that he did not know whether Congress would recriminate, but if such should be their wish, the proper documents would be in readiness for the two Houses to act upon.
Resolved, That the Secretary of State be directed to lay before this House at the next meeting of Congress, such laws of Great Britain as impose any higher or greater duties on the exportation of goods, wares, and merchandise to the United States, than are imposed on similar goods, wares and merchandise, when exported to the nations of Europe, and also to report the amount in sterling money of the exports to the United States, from Great Britain and Ireland, for the years 1802, 1803, and 1804, on which such duties are charged.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before this House at the next meeting of Congress, a statement, showing the value (agreeably to the prime cost) in sterling money, of Irish linens, and all other manufactures of linen, of sail duck, nails, hats, looking glasses, plated and glass ware, ribbons, silks of all kinds, printed linen and cotton, and the quantity of British salt and rum, imported into the United States during the years 1802, 1803, and 1804, and also the value of linens imported into the United States from all other foreign nations.
PROPOSALS
For publishing by Subscription, A HISTORY Of the rise, progress, and termination of the Revolutionary War, BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Interspersed with Biographical, Political, and Moral Observations. By MRS. M. WARREN.
THE work begins with a short introductory chapter relative to the state of society, the manners, morals, and political situation of the inhabitants of the American colonies previous to the rupture with Great Britain.
The regular, historical narration is begun with the introduction of the Stamp Act, and continued to the Treaty of Paris, among the belligerent powers in 1763; to which is added a supplement, comprising important events relative to the affairs of the United States after the restoration of peace. An appendix is annexed to each volume, consisting of original letters, papers, &c. &c. In addition to the above concise view of the nature and design of the work, the publisher offers some extracts from the author's address to the public in the beginning of her history.
"She observes, that, "Connected by nature, friendship, and every social tie, with many of the first patriots, and most influential characters on the continent, in the habits of confidential and epistolary intercourse with several gentlemen employed abroad in the most distinguished stations, and with others since elevated to the highest grades of rank and distinction, she had the best means of information, through a long period that the colonies stood suspended, waiting the operation of foreign courts, and the success of their own enterprising spirit."
"As circumstances were collected, facts related, and characters drawn, many years antecedent to any history since published relative to the dismemberment of the colonies and to American independence, there are few allusions to any later writers or events. Active characters have been portrayed, the principles of the times developed, and the changes marked."
"Several years have elapsed, since the historical tracts now with diffidence submitted to the public, have been arranged in their present order."
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The work will be executed in the best style of printing, and delivered to subscribers in three Octavo volumes, each containing from four to five hundred pages, at the moderate price of Six Dollars the set, bound in boards.
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John Baufman, CURRIER, No. 16, SOUTH LIBERTY STREET, BALTIMORE.
MANUFACTURES and has for sale, Boot Legs, grain and buffed, and Coffack Legs, all kinds of Side Leather, Wax and Grain Bridle, do. Wax and Grain Calf Skins, Sole Leather and Skirting, which he will sell on reasonable terms—all orders will be punctually attended to. March 1—3t
In the case of HENRY DUNLAP an insolvent debtor.
ORDERED that six months from and after the first day of February next, be limited and appointed for the creditors to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee. It is also ordered that this notice be published in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer, and in a paper published in Philadelphia once a month for three months. By order of the hon. Mr. Cranch, ass't one of the assistant judges of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. Test U. FORREST, Clk.
Jan. 23—ram3m
The subscriber being appointed trustee in the above case, requests the creditors of the said Dunlap to exhibit their claims without delay.
JOHN THOMPSON.
10 & a 1-2 CENTS REWARD.
RAN AWAY APPRENTICE. ON the 20th of December last, named JOSEPH STEPHENS; when he went away had on a blue cloth jacket and trowsers, a round hat and short black hair, and the mark of a cut on his thumb, and he is about five feet six inches high, a little round shouldered, his father says he is above twenty years of age—Whoever delivers the said apprentice to the subscriber shall receive the above reward. JOHN KEDDLAI, Plaiter. City of Washington March 1—3t
ELEMENTARY EDUCATION.
Just Published, AN EPITOME OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BEING A comprehensive system of the Elementary parts of an useful Education. Illustrated with Engravings of various subjects in Natural History, &c.
THIS book is an improved and enlarged work, upon the plan of the Rev. Mr. TURNER's book, of Oxford England. That work has been very generally approved and adopted in the best schools in the middle states, though it was in what related to government, and some other particulars, not so well adapted to American principles, and habits of thinking. The present work was undertaken, with a view to the removal of the exceptionable part, but in accomplishing this purpose, the American Editor extended his views still farther, and the several articles of Grammar, Arithmetic, Geography, Statistics, Chronology, Government, Politics, Mythology, Chemistry, &c have been rendered more plain and conformable with modern improvements, than the original work.
The book contains nearly 300 pages, and the engravings are not in the caricature style usual in school books.
This book is sold at a Dollar volume, bound and lettered, at Duane's Book-Store, Washington City, and at the store of Mr. Martin George, Georgetown, of Messrs. Warner and Plummer, Baltimore, and of the Booksellers generally in Philadelphia. March 1—2t
TRIAL OF JUDGE CHASE.
It is the intention of the EDITOR of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, to publish in a volume the proceedings on this interesting trial at full length, with as little delay as circumstances will admit.
The extent of the work cannot at present be ascertained with any precision. It will, however, probably exceed 500 pages octavo.
It shall be published in boards, at a price not exceeding 50 cents for an hundred pages.
Gentlemen desirous of securing copies are requested to leave their names with the Editor—and the printers of newspapers will confer a favor by inserting this advertisement a few times.
This day is Published, BY SAMUEL H. SMITH.
And for Sale at Ripipe's Book-Store, PRICE ONE DOLLAR AND A QUARTER.
ADDRESSES
OF THE Successive Presidents OF THE UNITED STATES, TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, At the opening of each Session, with their answers; from the commencement of the present government, to January 1, 1805. Together with the Inaugural Addresses during the same period, and the FAREWELL ADDRESS of George Washington. February 11—
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE proprietor wishes to SELL a RENT, on moderate terms, a neat two story framed house, eligibly constructed for the accommodation of a private family, situated on 11th near F street, about 150 yds from the Bank and nearly the same distance from the Theatre. Persons wishing to purchase or rent, will please to apply to Mr. William Woodward, Pennsylvania Avenue or to the subscriber. Possession may be had on the 21st day of April next. MARK STOCKWELL. 29th Jan.—2awtf

BURR & HAMILTON.
Museum of Wax-Work.
MOULTHROP AND BISHOP, Respectfully acquaint the Ladies and Gentlemen of George-Town, that they have opened at the house of Mr. Semms, a new collection of WAX-FIGURES, superior to any ever exhibited in America, among which are the following characters:
A STRIKING likeness and representation of the late unfortunate duel fought between Col. AARON BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and Gen. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, wherein Gen. Hamilton is supported by his second after receiving the mortal wound, while Col. Burr is led from the field by his second. A striking representation of the place where the duel was fought, painted upon Scenery, which adds much to this interesting representation.
COLUMBUS,
The first discoverer of America, in Princely Robes.
A striking likeness of the late General Washington,
A striking likeness of Thomas Jefferson,
President of the United States.
BUONAPARTE,
Represented at the battle of Marengo. The Beauty of America, represented as being far superior to any Physiognomy ever exhibited.
The Beautiful Coquette, represented up to Nature.
The Sleeping Beauty.
Virginias, the Roman Soldier, slaying his daughter to preserve her from the hands of Appius Claudius, in defence of her Virtue.
The Zealous Father frowning upon the wantonness of his daughter with her gallant. And a number of other figures. Musician in elegant Organ.
Admission for grown persons, Half a Dollar children half price.
The Museum will be opened from nine in the morning until nine in the evening, Sundays excepted.
Feb. 27—3t.
Lombardy Poplars, &c:
SEVERAL hundred handsome Lombardy Poplars, a variety of Fruit trees of different sorts, Flowering shrubs, &c. &c. and also a variety of garden seeds of his own saving last year, for sale by
THEO. HOLT, Eastern Branch Washington.
T. H. Daily expects a large and extensive assortment of fresh garden, grass and flower seeds, garden tools, &c. &c. per ship Proteus, arrived at City Point from London.
Feb. 27—3t.
FOR SALE.
About 2000 young APPLE TREES, the proper size for planting, of the best grafted fruit, and about 200 pear trees of the best selected fruit, also a few hundred Lombardy poplars of the largest size for transplanting.
For the fruit trees 18 cents each, and for the poplars 12 cents each, will be required on delivery—Apply to the subscriber at Col. Forrest's farm, two miles from George-town.
THOMAS McGRATH.
Feb. 24—3t.
FOR SALE,
THE subscriber intending to decline his present business, offers FOR SALE two Coaches with venetian blinds, likewise Gigs and Plated Harness, with or without Horses. If not disposed of at private sale, they will be sold at Auction on Saturday the 23d inst. opposite Steele's Hotel.—The sale to commence at 12 o'clock.
Also for sale, Any quantity of WOOD by the cord. Application to be made to the subscriber at the place formerly occupied by Mr. George Walker, near the Capitol.
THOMAS BARWISE.
Feb. 8—tf. The above sale is postponed until Monday the 5th of March. T. B.
By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Chancellor of Maryland, the subscriber will sell at public sale, on the premises, on Friday the 15th day of March next, that valuable plantation formerly owned by Allen Quynn, deceased, consisting of the following tracts of land, to wit: Young's Chance, Dunkin's Luck, Hambleton, Hill's Good Luck, Timber Neck, Brompton and part of Wardrope, supposed to contain 1000 acres of land. It is situate on South river, about 4 miles from Annapolis, and the new road to the city of Washington passes thro' it. It has the benefit of a valuable ferry attached to it, over which the mail stages from Annapolis to Washington and George town pass. There are valuable improvements consisting of two large brick dwelling houses and one frame dwelling house, with barns, tobacco houses, and every necessary out building. The land is in general extremely fertile, and well provided with wood and timber. There are extremely good orchards, both peach and apple, extensive and regularly laid out. There may always be had great abundance of fish and oysters. A more particular description is unnecessary, as those inclined to purchase will view the premises and judge for themselves. The terms of sale are bond with approved security to be given for the payment of the purchase money in four equal annual payments from the day of sale. Possession will be given immediately except of a part now under lease to Mr. Nicholls, and which part will be shown at the day of sale, when an accurate plot will also be prepared of the whole land. It will be sold entire or in parcels as shall be judged most advantageous and most convenient to purchasers. On payment of the purchase money a clear and unquestionable title will be given.
JOHN JOHNSON.
Feb. 25—
ADAM KING, & Co.
AT their wine store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A MAP OF VIRGINIA, Formed from actual Surveys, and the latest as well as most accurate observations. BY JAMES MADISON, D. D. President of William & Mary College.
To which will be added A MAP Of the greater part of the state of OHIO, from actual surveys, including the whole of the Virginia Military tract; with all that part of the state west of the Ohio river, to the Indian boundary line. The North-east corner of the map will be ornamented with an interesting VIEW OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND. The size of the Map will be 5 feet 6 inches in length, and 3 feet 8 inches in breadth. An ingenious and skillful engraver is engaged to execute the work, in a style not inferior to any similar work in the United States.
CONDITIONS.
The price to subscribers will be eight dollars, neatly mounted, colored, and glazed. One dollar, (to lighten the great expense of publication) to be paid on subscribing. To non-subscribers, the price will be ten dollars. Copy right secured.
IN offering the above work to the public, the proprietors are sensible that excellence is not often attainable; but with candor and truth, equally remote, from arrogance and partiality, they can say, that they conscientiously believe it has a just claim to the confidence and patronage of the people.
A map of Virginia has been long and anxiously looked for: None has been published, on the plan of the one now offered, for many years.
The labor, expence, and apparent difficulties, in accomplishing so interesting a work, have deterred several from the arduous undertaking. The proprietors, finding that most of the other states had recently given encouragement to similar productions, and entertaining a high sense of the real dignity and importance of Virginia, embarked in the business, from a well grounded belief, that the magnitude and utility of the work, would insure, if accomplished, a remuneration. And while Virginia is powerfully stimulated with the love of science and virtue, they hope and believe she will view domestic productions, which prove pre-eminently useful, with a generous pride.
Those gentlemen who take subscription papers, are requested to return them to the subscriber, in Petersburg, by the first day of May.
The maps will be ready for subscribers, in the course of the ensuing summer. WILLIAM PRENTIS. Petersburg, Feb. 1805.
Subscriptions received by SAMUEL H. SMITH, and by several gentlemen with whom subscription papers are lodged. Feb. 20—Mar. 3t
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce. Genuine Cogniac brandy, Inferior French do. Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, Sherry, Lisbon, Claret, Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, Firkin Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds; Anchovies, Capers, Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hyson, Imperial, Young Hyson. Salt Herrings in Barrels. PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
ROBERT CHERRY.
HAS removed his store, to the house of Mr. George Blagden New Jersey avenue on the Eastern Branch, where he has just received (in addition to his former stock) by the Schooner Hyland from Philadelphia a general assortment of groceries and liquors of superior quality, with a few boxes India china of the best quality eighty pieces to the set; all of which he will sell wholesale and retail at the most reduced prices for cash, or in exchange for country produce—All orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch; he flatters himself from the quality of his articles he will be able to render ample satisfaction to his friends and all those who may be pleased to favor him with their custom. All kinds of commission business will be attended to with the utmost attention. Washington city Dec. 12—tf
NOTICE.
THE Legionary Court of enquiry which met by adjournment the 2d instant, is again adjourned to meet at the Union-Tavern in George-Town, the 5th March next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. As there is business of importance to come before the Court it is hoped the members will be punctual in their attendance. By order, Wm. D. BEALL, Clk. 1st. L. M. D. C. Feb. 8—10t
TO THE PUBLIC.
DURING the present year, J. Ogilvie will continue to instruct youth in the city of Richmond. In addition to the various branches of literature and science heretofore taught in his school, his pupils will have an opportunity of studying the higher branches of mathematical science, a more extensive course of natural philosophy, the dead languages, and the French and Spanish languages. In teaching the higher branches of Mathematical science and the dead languages, J. Ogilvie will be assisted by Mr. Wood of this city, whose superior proficiency and skill in Mathematical and Physical science eminently entitle him to public patronage. The French and Spanish languages will be taught by Mr. Bonnadil, with whose ability and qualifications in the line of his profession, the citizens of Richmond are sufficiently acquainted. These arrangements, whilst they will considerably diminish J. Ogilvie's emoluments, will greatly enlarge the utility of the school. The principal advantages of schools conducted by a single teacher, are, the principal and uninterrupted pressure of exertion, the dissipation of thought amongst such a variety of studies as almost to preclude the possibility of pre-eminent skill or proficiency in any one department of knowledge, and the consequent imperfection and incompleteness of the course. These disadvantages will be radically obviated by the preceding arrangements. Thus modified and extended, the plan of education which will be pursued in this school, will embrace probably, as comprehensive and complete a course of literature and science as can be reasonably expected in a seminary, so totally destitute of every sort of extrinsic support. The school will be opened on the second Monday in January. P. S. Mr. Wood will teach the arts of drawing and painting, to such young gentlemen as may be desirous to acquire some knowledge and skill in these highly elegant and useful accomplishments. February 18 1 m,
American Printed goods. Calicoes, Shawls, Pocket Handkerchiefs, &c. manufactured by the subscribers near Baltimore, and sold at No. 13 Calvert street.
To remove that distrust often felt respecting new undertakings, and so prejudicial to manufacturing attempts in America, they think it proper to observe, that nothing is wanting in the business to enable good artists to perform their work here as well as in Europe. That they have these artists; that two of the partners were bred to the business in a factory of the best repute carried on by their father, long afterwards by themselves. They trust that while foreign goods are received without a question, an unreasonable suspicion will not prevent their countrymen from giving that trial to their goods, which only can prove their value. Besides a natural doubt, they know that certain interests, national as well as individual, will suggest objections to their undertaking. They have no difficulty in saying, that work of the like kind shall be as well executed here, as in other countries. The colors capable of being fixed, will be found as permanent; the cloths perhaps better substance, and the prices lower than of the imported goods. M'COLLOCH & LUNNUNY, Baltimore, No. 13 Calvert Street. Sept. 17—tf
FALL GOODS.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square. HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Orders executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and on the most moderate terms. Oct. 31—tf
TO PRINTERS.
THE subscriber takes Order for Type from the well known Foundry of William Caslin, jun. and Co. London.—Specimens and list of London prices to be seen at Mr. Geo. W. Riggs, Georgetown.
CHARLES WIRGMAN, No. 215, Market-street, Baltimore. Jan. 16. tf.
Tucker's Blackstone.
May be had for the present at the subscription price of J. MARCH, George-town, Wm. Duane, and Rapine, Conrad & Co. city of Washington—J. Kennedy, and Messrs. Gray's Alexandria—Mr. Brundige, Dumfries—Mr. Henderson, Frederickburg—Mr. S. Pleasants, and Mr. Prichard, Richmond—Bonfale, Conrad, and Co. Norfolk—Somerville, Conrad & Co. Petersburg—J. Bell, Winchester—J. Swape, Staunton—J. Alberts, and Wm. Somerville, Martinsburg—J. Gales, Raleigh—Bailey and Waller, Charlston—Conrad, & Co. G. Hill, S. Butler, Bonfale, Warner and Hannah, Baltimore—the book stores generally in Philadelphia—Messrs. Swords, New York, and C. Bingham, Boston. February 11—ep4w
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Besnet's cord, toilettes, fancy and white Marcellies, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marcellies, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
Thirty or forty likely NEGROES,
Will be offered for sale for ready money at Loudon March court, on the first day of the court, before the door of Mr. Jones, Inn-keeper in Leesburg; where due attendance will be given by the subscriber, WILLIAM EYRD PAGE, Trustee of F. Fairfax. Jefferson county, Feb. 18—tdof
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, in the suit of Samuel Speake complainant, against Joshua Gregg, defendant in chancery, will be sold to the highest bidder at public auction on Saturday the sixteenth day of March next, at the Union Tavern, in George Town, all that part of two lots of ground in Thomas Beales addition to George Town, known and distinguished by the numbers one hundred and thirty-four and one hundred and thirty-five, beginning for the first part at sixty feet southerly, from boundary number thirty seven on Washington street and running easterly parallel with Dumbarton street sixty feet, then southerly parallel with Washington street sixty feet, to lot number one hundred and forty-four, then westwardly with said lot to Washington street, then with said street northwardly to the beginning, being and intended to be the half of said lot—beginning for the second part of lot number one hundred and thirty-five, being the fourth half of said lot number one hundred and thirty-five and adjoining lot number one hundred and thirty four, at the end of the third line of lot number one hundred and thirty-four, and running reverse with said third line sixty feet, then easterly parallel with Dumbarton street sixty feet, then southerly parallel with Washington street sixty feet, then to the beginning, it being and intended for the fourth half of the above described lots, with the improvements thereon. The sale will commence at 4 o'clock P. M. The terms of sale, ready money, or money to be paid immediately on the courts ratifying the same, the time of which ratification will be notified in the same papers in which the sale is advertised, after the report of the said sale shall be made to the court, which report will not be made until the court commences their next sitting, for the county of Washington. HENRY WHETCROFT, Trustee. February 15—3w
FOR SALE,
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Robert Ware Peacock, to the subscriber, for the purposes therein mentioned, will be exposed for sale, at Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington, on Saturday the 2nd day of March next, at 4 o'clock P. M. for ready money, to the highest bidder, all the right and estate vested in me by virtue of a deed of trust from Robert Ware Peacock, bearing date the 22nd day of June 1804, to part of lot numbered one, in squares numbered two hundred and ninety one in the plan of the city of Washington, with the Houses and improvements thereon. Possession to be given on or before the first day of April next ensuing. JOHN DAVIDSON, Trustee.
Fifteen Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from Thomas King, some time in October last, a Negro Woman, named FAME, whom I had hired to him for one year, near the Eastern Branch, in Prince George's county, Maryland, 5 feet high, very black, full featured, and her face scarred very much, and has a great defect in one of her eyes, occasioned by the small pox; 38 years of age, when spoken to she has a down look, one of her upper teeth broken out—Her clothing, when she went off, was blue striped country cloth; but in all probability she will endeavour to alter it. She has been seen in the city since she ran away. She has obtained a free pass from a certain Charity Shorty, who has obtained her freedom, and this Negro Fame passes under the said pass as a free woman. If taken up out of the district of Columbia the above Reward will be paid, on delivering her to me, or securing her in any jail, by applying to me, in Charles county, Maryland, or to Mr. Samuel Speake, of the city of Washington; or if taken up in the district ten dollars. All persons are forewarned harbouring or employing the said Negro Woman, Fame. MASSEY SIMMS. February 18, 1805. 4w
NOTICE.
THE subscriber intends to embark for England early in the next month, for the purpose of importing his Fall Goods. As the object will require a considerable sum of money, he requests all those indebted to him, to call and pay their accounts immediately. ELISHA RIGGS. CASH
GOOD TOBACCO.
He has on hand, and will continue to keep as usual, an extensive assortment of DRY GOODS, which will be sold much lower than the regular prices for Cash. Feb. 15—7t
THIS is to give notice that the subscribers of the city of Washington, have obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of James Thompson, late of Washington county aforesaid, deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers, at or before the 10th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under our hands, this 19th day of February 1805. HENRY HERFORD, THOMAS HERTY, } Administrators.
IN pursuance of an order of the Orphan's Court of the county of Washington in the district of Columbia, will be sold at public sale on Monday the 11th day of March next at the house of Mr. Daniel Keely, tailor, at the Navy Yard, all the personal property of the late James Thompson, deceased; consisting of groceries, slops, household furniture, &c. &c. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock. All sums under twenty dollars, cash; for sums above that amount a credit of six months will be allowed upon the purchasers giving bond with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale. Feb. 23—3t
New Books
FOR SALE, BY Rapine, Conrad, & Co. NEAR THE CAPITOL.
CARD's history of revolution of Russia to the accession of Catharine the 2d, including a concise review of the manners and customs of the 16th and 17th centuries, Good's memoirs of the life and writings of the Rev. Alexander Geddes, The Anti-Gallican, or Standard of British Royalty, Religion and Liberty, Young's analysis of the principles of Natural Philosophy, Wesley's Natural Philosophy, Leslie on the nature and propagation of Heat, Segur's history of the reign of Frederick II. King of Prussia, 3 vols. Gardiner's literary, political and economical Essays, 2 vols. Naval Chronicle, 11 vols. complete, Witsman's Travels in Egypt, Roffeau's original Correspondence, not before published, 2 vols. Burdin's Medical Studies, 3 vols. Murray's Materia Medica, 2 vols. Chemistry, 2 vols. Elements of Seamanship, 5 vols. Morris's treatise on Brewing, Little's Poems, Poetical Register for 1801-2, 2 vols. Flowers of Literature, 2 vols. Amalina, or the American Foundling, 2 vols. Chances, 3 vols.—Heliadora, 3 vols. Depraved Husband, 2 vols. Picture from Life, 2 vols. Zofra—Woman of Feeling, 4 vols. and of a Lover, 6 vols. by Sophia Lee, author of the Recess, &c. Unexpected Legacy, 2 vols. Modern Faults, 2 vols. Dutches of La Vallier, 2 vols. by Madame Genlis, Confession in Elysium, 5 vols. St. Clair of the Isles, 4 vols. Benson's Apology for the Methodists, Kotzebue's Travels from Berlin through Switzerland to Paris, 3 vols. Lewis' (Charles Lee) Comic Sketches, The Pic Nic, 2 vols. Segur on the condition and influence of Women in society, 3 vols. The Revolutionary Plutarch, exhibiting the most distinguished characters in the recent annals of the French Revolution, 2 vols. Memoirs of a Family in Switzerland, 4 vols. Murry House, 5 vols. by Mrs. Parsons, The Watch Tower, 3 vols. Theodorus De Zulvin, the Monk of Madrid, a Spanish Tale, by the author of Grafvite Abbey, 4 vols. Southy's translation of Amadis de Gaul, 4 vols. Maudine Bette, by the author of My Uncle Thomas, &c. 3 vols. An Essay on the art of Tormenting, with rules for the exercise of that amusing study, Aiken's (Dr.) Letters on English Poetry, Cavalca's Natural Philosophy, 4 vols. Richmond's Elements of Philosophy. James on Bilious Diseases, Johnson's history of the progress and present state of Animal Chemistry, 3 vols. Bisset's history of the Mathematics, Fellow's Guide to Immortality, 3 vols. Black's Chemical Lectures, 2 vols. Fuleli's Lectures on Painting, delivered at the Royal Academy, in 1801, Original Sonnets on various subjects, by Ann Seward, The American Gardener, being a practical work by the late David Hepburn, for many years gardener to gen. Malton. February 20, 1804. mdf3w
I DISCOVERED
a few days since (in the Telegraph) a challenge by Samuel Norwood, Esq. Bonaparte against Democrat—At Annapolis this fall, I proposed running Democrat against Bonaparte, carrying from 110 lbs to 140 at the discretion of Mr. Norwood; which was rejected. As Mr. Norwood refused the proposition made by me at that time, I am not bound to run the race proposed by him in the Telegraph—Democrat will run Bonaparte over the Annapolis race course, on the third Tuesday in May next, four miles and repeat, for 1000 dollars, play or pay, carrying 126 lbs. each; which is the weight they are to carry by the rules of racing, both being seven years last spring—Should Mr. Norwood decline this offer, Democrat will cover mares next spring at the subscribers farm, from the first day of March until the first day of August, at Sixteen dollars each and Fifty cents for the groom. Democrat's pedigree is equal to the pedigree of any horse to be produced, having in him the blood of Medly, Eclipse, Figure, Dove, Zedolphin, Arabian, and Mr. Talkin's silims. If this proposition is approved by Mr. Norwood, notice will be given in the Maryland Gazette within forty days from the date hereof. ISAAC DUCKETT. December 21—tawtApr30
To the Refugees from Canada and Nova Scotia,
Take Notice.
THAT all those persons who claim and have located any tract or parcel of land within the State of Ohio, which has been appropriated by Congress for the relief of the Refugees, must pay the tax due on the same on or before the first Monday in April next, together with the penalty of 25 per cent. to be paid to the Collector in the respective county or counties where the land lies; otherwise to much of each tract will be sold (after thirty days notice) as will satisfy the amount of tax and penalty of 25 per cent for each year in which the payment of the same has been neglected on each and every tract listed in the year 1804 and which were liable to taxation for the four preceding years. The above advertisement is made by one who feels a lively interest in the welfare of the revolutionary citizens, whose property is implicated as above stated. From like motives, it is hoped that the PATRIOTIC PRINTERS throughout the United States will give the above a few insertions in their papers.