The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-08-10 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXXVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST, 10th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS—May 24.
WAR WITH FRANCE.
(CONCLUDED.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EX- CHEQUER said, that he never heard with more admiration the talents of the honorable gentleman, nor had greater occasion to lament that the effusions of his great and exalted mind should have been employed for the purpose for which they were then applied. It cer- tainly was not the intention of that honorable gentleman to produce the effect of unhinging and unnerving the house, at a period the most important for the consideration of the most mo- mentous subject that could come before Parliament; and he could not help la- menting, that the powers of such should have been so employed, and to give en- couragement where there ought not to be encouragement given, namely, to our enemies; not that it could be so intend- ed, although it might be considered as likely to have such effect. He would put it to the candor of that honorable gentleman's mind, and would ask him, upon reflection, whether he thought the language he had used was not likely to accomplish an object, which he could not wish to have accomplished?— Whether he did not think, that describing that subject in the man- ner in which he had described it, was necessary for any good purpose; and whether he thought it fair to make such an appeal as he had done to the feeling of mankind, for the purpose of enlisting them, as it were, to fight against their public duty? Such might be the effect of the eloquence of the hon. gentleman that night; but he had a firm reliance on the good sense and fortitude of the people of this country; and he had a perfect conviction that at that moment they felt the danger of their situation, and would not be led away by any arti- fice or eloquence whatever. He should not follow the hon. gentleman into a minute detail of this case; he should rest it upon its plain and obvious good sense. Having been one of those who advised his majesty to send to Parliament the message on which the address now before the house was moved, he was satisfied to rest with the house, the consideration of his motives, and that of his colleagues upon this occasion, and he hoped the house were satisfied that no reluctance had ever been shown on his part to enter into that discussion: that he had been desirous to have it considered by the house, and that he had frequently ex- pressed his mind to that effect, for that he had said, that he should not think from the moment of discussion; but on the contrary, had waited with impatience for the arrival of this moment; that every part of his conduct might be can- vassed by the house. He earnestly wished also to obtain, and he trusted he should obtain, the concurrence of the house, in every part of his conduct in this par- ticular. The hope which he entertained that such a discussion would take place before the house, was now fulfilled.— He had hoped it would be the general opinion of the house that night, that his majesty's ministers had been sincere, in their conduct, and their endeavors to preserve peace, although the honorable gentleman who spoke last, had laid they were not so, and had objected to the address on that account. Now, what were the words of the address in that particular?—“That this house enter- tains a just sense of his majesty's anxious and uniform endeavors to preserve to his people the blessings of peace.”—Such were the words, and he never expected to hear in that house, that such endea- vors for the preservation of peace had not been sincere. He now, however, knew there were many; he wished to God there were not so many, who tho' they were not sincere in such endeavors, and there were others who thought that, although they were sincere, they had not been wise in their endeavors to preserve peace. He then proceeded to take no- tice of what had been stated by Mr. Fox by way of comment on the declaration of his majesty on the subject now be- fore the house—on the point of the in- demnities—on the subject of the French troops not evacuating Holland—of the subject of Parma and Piacenza, and the annexation of Piedmont—of the case of Switzerland, and on the various other topics stated in that declaration. Upon all which topics the honorable gentleman seemed to insist that his majesty's min- isters had not performed their duty, inas- much as they had omitted to make spe- cific remonstrances to France in each of these cases as they occurred, instead of
waiting for the accumulation of them all. Upon this subject, however, he beg- ged leave to say, the honorable gentle- man had not done justice to ministers, for representations had been made upon almost every one of these topics. He then proceeded to prove this, by reading from different parts of the correspon- dence, the instructions which were given to our ministers, Mr. Linton at the Hague, and to lord Whitworth at Paris. He said he should not go over all the grounds of these instructions. With regard, however, to Switzerland, he would observe, as the hon. gentleman had particularly noticed our conduct in that respect, and maintained that we had a right to interfere in the case of Swit- zerland, because it was the case of the strong overpowering the weak, and justi- fied the conduct of his majesty's min- isters in the instructions which they gave to Mrs. Moore in that respect—their object was to maintain the independence of Switzerland, and they expressed that object by Mr. Moore, and intended to support the Swiss, until it became im- practicable by their being overwhelmed. However, the interference of this coun- try had not been totally useless in that respect, for although our wishes were not accomplished, yet much had been accomplished by our exertions, for he had reason to apprehend that our ex- ertions had been the means of preventing the first conflict from declaring himself their first magistrate: this had been effected by the efforts of his majesty's ministers, and it was a gratification to them to find it so. He was convinced of this from the information of those who had an opportunity of observing what passed in Switzerland, and from which he learned that the interposition of his majesty's ministers in that respect had been beneficial to the people of Switzer- land. More might have been done, had their disposition been properly supported, and more would have been endeavored by ministers in that case, but it was discovered that there was no correspond- ing disposition in the other Great Pow- ers of Europe to make a common cause with the people of Switzerland. There were therefore no farther means left in this country for that purpose. The course which he should take would be to show that the whole of the conduct of the government of France, taken col- lectively, was manifestly the animus to injure and insult this country, and that it was under conviction of this animus , that the question of peace or war was properly to be decided. He maintained that all the parts taken collectively, manifested that animus . An imputation had been cast on his majesty's ministers, as if they had neglected their duty, in not having demanded satisfaction upon points, as they occurred; but it did ap- pear to the house, that satisfaction had been demanded on each particular case which required it. He then referred to the correspondence in several particulars relating to the report of Sebastiani, from which, he contended, it appeared to be the determination of the French govern- ment to interfere with respect to Egypt, and to conduct itself contrary to the express provisions of the treaty of Am- iens, which provided for the integrity of the Turkish Empire; and to various other parts of the correspondence be- tween lord Whitworth and the French minister, as well as to the long conference therein detailed, as it took place between lord Whitworth and the chief consul himself; and also to what related to Malta in particular, and maintained that it appeared from these extracts, that his majesty's ministers had never omit- ted any part of their duty, but had with great care and attention endeavored to perform it. Having expatiated upon these topics for a considerable time, he maintained it appeared in every article that it was the disposition of the French government to avail itself of every op- portunity that occurred, to show its hos- tile temper, and to manifest a determina- tion of going to war, or of rendering war inevitable; and proceeded to show that they had made preparations for the pur- pose, by an augmentation of their forces, for, that it appeared that from the 4th of February to the 4th of March, 1803, an army was to be paid 243 millions of livres, voted for that year; and the charge of the navy was larger in pro- portion for the same period, amounting to 129 millions of livres. He then went over the material parts of the cor- respondence, as they applied to the offer that was made for the guarantee of Mal- ta by the Emperor of Russia, &c. and alleged the reason why such guarantee did not take place. He made several comments upon this part of the case, tending to show it was not the fault of
this country that this part of the treaty was not carried into full execution. The hon. gentleman had said, that he believed the war might yet be avoided: the war could certainly not be avoided, because war was already begun; but if the emperor of Russia, or any other con- siderable power, should be pleased to in- terfere, with friendly intentions, and make any proposition of a practical na- ture, by which peace may be restored, he was sure there was not any individual in the house, or in this country, who would be more glad to attend to it than himself; and he would go further, and say, that he should betray his duty to his sovereign and to his country, if he did not endeavour to forward such an under- standing, always remembering, that such object should appear practicable before it should be recommended to the considera- tion of his Majesty, and also consistent with the honour of the crown, and also of advantage to the country; he meant not the apparent advantage in the opin- ion of some persons, but the real advan- tages of the people, and to give them the advantages of peace; to give us the pros- pect of peace. He was not so vain as to talk of a permanent peace; but a real prospect of the real enjoyment of peace. Whenever that proposition should be thought advisable to be made, he should feel a great satisfaction in being the in- strument in laying it before his Ma- jesty, and in advising his Majesty to show that which he had indeed invariably manifes- ted, an inclination to peace, when peace can be obtained with honour, and a re- pugnance to war, when war was avoid- able; but under the present circumstances, he should deceive the country, if he said he saw any thing in the disposition of the French government which warranted such an expectation. We ought there- fore to prepare for meeting all the diffi- culties of an arduous contest. If by any false advice we were to be lulled asleep, or to relax in our endeavours for the preservation of the state, and by which our security was maintained, and leave all our chance to the caprice of fortune, not only should we then not discharge our duty to the country, but the coun- try itself might not then be at any great distance from ruin. He was desirous this should be impressed on the mind of every individual member who did him the honour to attend to him, that he did not, and that he could not ask for sup- port on any thing less than a conviction that he who does support this system, must make up his mind to great sacrifices in a case which required them, and which had been proved to be necessary, as he stated already, and which had been recom- mended by the highest force and autho- rity in the house yesterday, (that of Mr. Pitt.) We must provide effectually for our domestic security; many persons, he was aware, must be put to great inconve- nience, and they must suffer great depri- vations for the purpose of having the country secured against the danger and the hatred with which it was already menaced. He wished to impress upon the house these truths; that the present war was founded on unavoidable neces- sity, and that there is in his majesty's min- isters, a sincere disposition to terminate this war when ver it can be terminated with honour; but he was also anxious to impress upon the house, that it must make up its mind to meet our difficulties properly in the face. The only regret he felt was, that state to which the house was necessarily driven, by the want of unanimity; he would therefore indulge a hope, that the hon. gentleman opposite to him who had moved the amendment last night (Mr. Grey), would sacrifice a private opinion in this case to the advan- tages of unanimity. The hon. gentleman opposite to him, who opened this debate to night, had well and patriotically said, there was no sacrifice consistently with conscience, which he would not make for the sake of unanimity in this case. He said the same thing, and ministers intreated that no member in the house would feel the slightest expression of approbation on any part of the conduct of ministers, either to preserve peace, or to any terms here- made—Under these circumstances, what the motive could be for depriving the country of the benefits of unanimity on this most important occasion he could not possibly discover—the difference between the sentiments contained in the address and those in the amendment, in the opin- ion of any man of plain common sense, was literally nothing. There was no reason for depriving the country of the advantages arising from a general con- currence of sentiment on this occasion.— He should therefore entertain a hope that the hon. gentleman would examine at- tentively the words of the address pro- pounded by his noble friend, and also the
amendment moved by the hon. gentle- man, and then he should leave it to the gentlemen on the other side to see if they could have any ground for resisting the address—With respect to the papers now upon the table, he should say no- thing of them by way of comment, he should leave them to speak for them- selves. He was satisfied they furnished abundant materials for satisfying the house, that the French were pursuing a course of aggrandizement, which was inconsistent with the honour of this coun- try: In a word, the case we had to suf- tain was founded on incontrovertible justice, against insult and aggression—a cause which had left to his Majesty or parliament no alternative. Sir L. PARSONS spoke in favour of the address, and observed, it was highly necessary to check the power and ambi- tion of the First Consul. The ATTORNEY GENERAL af- firmed the house did not mean to tres- pass on their attention many minutes; but he could not suffer the eloquence of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox) to pass unresisted, as it was a cliche to senti- ments which were calculated to destroy the unanimity of the house. The amend- ment he did not so much object to, as his speech that accompanied it; the argu- ments which the hon. member had offer- ed to the house were calculated to do much mischief, as they were founded in ingenuity. He had talked much of the value of the blessings attending peace; the house also knew the value of peace as well as the hon. gentleman, but he would say, that peace could not be valu- able to the country, when maintained at the hazard of our ruin, and perhaps the loss of our nation. The hon. gentleman had made an appeal to the feelings of the house with great success, and describ- ed the miseries of war with a very ani- mated pencil, but the house was to be directed by wisdom, and not el- quence; let any man look over the papers now on the table relative to the negotiation be- tween this country and France, and he was sure it would be immediately ac- knowledged, that the French wished to destroy the British power. Every person who has considered the subject without prejudice, must see the necessity to check the ambition and overgrown power of the First Consul. The hon. gentleman had laid down principles, which would serve Bonaparte, and also furnish him with arguments for the justification of his conduct. Mr. Fox had observed that the war was quite unnecessary, but he thought if ever a war was commenced on an honourable principle, it is the war we are about to enter into, and he hoped there would be but one opinion on the question, that we may be able to stop the alarming increase of a foreign power. The amendment, supported by the hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox) tells us to give our hearty support to the war; but that hon. gentleman's speech went to destroy the loyalty of the people, and his senti- ments were quite opposite to the mean- ing of the amendment. He did not wish at this late hour, to intrude on the time of the house, otherwise he had materials before him that would convince the house of the immediate necessity to com- mence a war against a powerful and dan- gerous enemy. Mr. WINDHAM said, it was not his intention to trouble the house many minutes, but the arguments offered by Mr. Fox appeared to him as fallacious, and he could not but express his disap- probation of the sentiments delivered by that hon. gentleman. The question be- fore the house was certainly of consider- able moment; he could not approve of the hon. gentleman's (Mr. Fox) argu- ments if arguments they may be called; that gentleman had told the House that it was his wish to suspend hostilities, in order to see whether the negotiation may not be kept open for the benefit of a peace: this would be giving time to our enemy and doing us a considerable injury, he could not but think the argu- ments which the hon. gentleman had of- fered to the house went like poisoned ar- rows to each member; and was the effect of wickedness. To encourage delay, un- der any flattering hope of peace, would be a stab to the country, and place it at the foot of our enemy. Mr. Fox talked of the income tax, but how would the people of this country like an income tax laid on by the French. If the hon. gen- tleman could shew by any possible means that the interference of the Russian power would produce a good effect, he would support the measure proposed. Mr. Fox had used eloquence to destroy every thing that is valuable to society. It had been said by the hon. gentleman, that he did not wish to see the right hon- able gentleman (Mr. Pitt), in the house, as he had given his support to the ques-
tion. But he should always be happy to see that right hon. gentleman in the house as he was one of the brightest or- naments of the state. He considered it a perfectly just war, and a peace under the present situation of affairs, would be dangerous to the country. The house of commons he considered like an assem- bly of dragons, convened to execute a great, but delicate operation, and he would ask, whether it would not be bet- ter to give the patient a little pain, than let him perish by false kindness. This is the exact state of the country at the pre- sent moment: we must suffer pain, to save our country from becoming a heap of ruins; it was therefore necessary we should lose a limb to preserve our body. He should therefore support the original question. Mr. WILLIAM SMITH rose, and complained of the language used by Mr. Windham to his friend Mr. Fox. He said, Mr. Windham had observed, that the arguments of Mr. Fox were the effect of wickedness. Mr. Windham declared he did not in- tend the word as personal to the hon. gentleman, Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox excepted the apology. Mr. Grey proposed to withdraw his amendment, if an alteration was made in the words of the address. The house then divided on the amend- ment. For the amendment, 67 Against it, 398 The original question was then put and carried. The house adjourned at half past four this morning.  Extract from a History of the British Expedition to Egypt. The following is a part of colonel Wil- son's account which is considered as deviating from fact, and which gave great offence to the First Consul. It is alluded to in the papers of the ne- gotiations: “General Hutchinson was very an- gry with the Turks for still continuing the practice of mauling and cutting off the heads of the prisoners; and the cap- tain Pacha, at his remonstrance, issued again very severe orders against it; but the Turks justified themselves for the massacre of the French by the massacre at Jaffa. As this act and the poisoning of the sick have never been credited, because of such enormities being so in- credibly atrocious, a digestion to au- thenticate them may not be deemed in- trusively tedious; and had not the influ- ence of power interfered, the act of ac- cusation would have been preferred in a more solemn manner, and the dam- ning proofs produced by penitent agents of these murders; but neither menaces, recompence, nor promises can raise the cries of outraged humanity, and the day for retribution of justice is only delayed.” “Bonaparte having carried the town of Jaffa by assault, many of the garrison were put to the sword; but the greater part flying into mosques, and imploring mercy from their pursuers, were granted their lives; and let it be well remem- bered, that an exasperated army in the moment of revenge, when the lays of war justified the rage, yet the voice of pity, received its impression, and prou- dly refused to be any longer the execu- tioners of an unresisting enemy. Sol- diers of the Italian army, this is a laurel wreath worthy of your fame, a trophy of which the subsequent treason of an individual shall not deprive you!” “Three days afterwards, Bonaparte, who had expressed much resentment at the compassion manifested by his troops, and determined to relieve himself from the maintenance and care of 3900 prison- ers, ordered them to be marched to a rising ground near Jaffa, where a divi- sion of French infantry formed against them. When the Turks had entered into their fatal engagement, and the mournful preparations were completed; “Bonaparte had in person inspected pre- viously the whole body, amounting to near 5000 men, with the object of saving those who belonged to the towns he was preparing to attack. The age and noble physiognomy of a veteran Janissary attracted his obser- vation, and he asked him sharply, “Old man what do you do here? The Janissary, un- dismayed replied, “I must answer you that question by asking you the same, your answer will be, that you came to serve your Sultan; so did I mine.” The intrepid frankness of the reply excited universal interest in his favor. Bonaparte even smiled. “He is loved,” whis- pered some of the aide-camp. “You know not Bonaparte,” observed one who had served with him in Italy, “that time does not proceed from the sentiment of be- nevolence, remember what I say.” The opin- ion was too true. The Janissary was left in the ranks, doomed to death, and suffered.

the signal given. Vultures of miscreancy and grace instantly pounced upon them; and Bonaparte, who had been regarding the scene through a telescope, when he saw the smoke ascending, could not restrain his joy, but broke out into exclamations of approval; indeed he had just reason to dread the refusal of his troops thus to dishonor themselves. Kieffer had remonstrated in the most serious manner, and the officer of the East India Company who commanded (for the general to whom the division belonged was absent) even refused to execute the order without a written instruction: but Bonaparte was too cautious, and sent Berthier to enforce obedience.
When the Turks had fallen, the French troops humanely endeavored to put a period to the sufferings of the wounded, but some time elapsed before the bayonet could finish what the fire had not destroyed, and probably many languished days in agony. Several French officers, by whom partly these details are furnished, declared, that it was a scene, the retrospect of which torments their recollection, and that they could not reflect on it without horror, accustomed as they had been to sights of cruelty.
There were the prisoners whom Assaf, in his very able work on the plague, alludes to, when he says that for the three days the Turks showed no symptoms of that disease, and it was their putrifying remains which produced the pestilential miasma, which he describes as afterwards making such ravages in the French army.
Their bones still lie in heaps, and are strewn to every traveller who arrives; nor can they be confounded with those who perished in the assault, since the field of butchery lies a mile from the town.
Such a fact as this will not, however, be alleged without some proof, or leading circumstance stronger than assertion being produced to support it; but there would be a want of generosity in naming individuals, and with infamy for playing a command when their submission became an act of necessity, the whole army did not mutiny against the execution; therefore to establish farther the authenticity of the relation, this only can be mentioned, that it was Bona's division which fired, and thus every one is afforded the opportunity of satisfying themselves respecting the truth, by enquiring of officers serving in the different brigades composing this division.
The next circumstances are of a nature which require a more particular detail to establish, since the idea can scarce be entertained that the commander of an army should order his own countrymen (or if not immediately such, those amongst whom he had been naturalized) to be deprived of existence when in a state which required the kindest consideration. But the annals of France record the frightful crimes of a Robespierre, a Carrier, and historical truth must now recite one equal to any which has been recorded.
Bonaparte finding that his hospital at Jaffa were crowded with sick, sent for a physician, whose name should be inserted in letters of gold, but which from weighty reasons cannot be here inserted: on his arrival he entered into a long conversation with him respecting the danger of contagion, concluding at last with remarking, that something must be done to remedy the evil, and that the destruction of the sick at present in hospital was the only measure which could be adopted. The physician alarmed at the proposal, bold in the confidence of virtue and the cause of humanity, remonstrated vehemently, representing the cruelty as well as the atrocity of such a murder; but finding that Bonaparte persevered and menaced, he indignantly left the tent, with this memorable observation: "Neither my principles nor the character of my profession will allow me to become a human butcher; and general, if such qualities as you possess are necessary to form a great man, I thank my God that I do not possess them."
Bonaparte was not to be diverted from his object by moral considerations; he persevered, and used an apothecary who (reading the weight of power, but who since has made an atonement to his mind by unequivocally confessing the fact) consented to become his agent, and to administer poison to the sick. O! rum at night was distributed in gratifying food, the wretched unsuspecting victims partook, and in a few hours five hundred and eighty soldiers who had suffered so much for their country, perished thus miserably by the order of its idol!
Is there a Frenchman whose blood does not chill with horror at the recital of such a fact? Surely the manes of these murdered unoffending people must be now hovering round the seat of government, and . . . .
If a doubt should still exist as to the veracity of this statement, let the members of the Institute at Cairo be asked what passed in their sitting after the return of Bonaparte from Syria: they will relate that the same virtuous physician, who refused to become the destroyer of those committed to his protection, accused Bonaparte of high treason in the full assembly, against the honour of France her children, and humanity; he entered into the full details
of the poisoning of the sick, and the massacre of the garrison, aggravating these crimes by charging Bonaparte with strangling, previously at Rofetta, a number of the French and Copts, who were ill of the plague; thus proving that this disposal of his sick was a predetermined plan, which he wished to introduce into general practice. In vain Bonaparte attempted to justify himself; the members sat petrified with terror, and almost doubted whether the scene passing before their eyes was not illusion. Assuredly all these proceedings will not be found in the minutes of the Institute; no, Bonaparte's policy fore saw the danger, and power produced the erasure; but let no man, calculating on the force of circumstances which may prevent such an avowal as is facilitated, presume on this to deny the whole: there are records which remain, and which in due season will be produced. In the interim, this representation will be sufficient to illuminate enquiry; and, Frenchmen, your honour is indeed interested in the examination.
Let us hope also that in no country will there be found another man of such Machiavelian principles, as by supposing to pollute those transactions, nor must the judgment abuse itself by bringing to recollection the horrors of the French revolution, and thus diminishing the force of those crimes by the frequency of equal guilt in France during her contest for liberty or slavery. †
Bonaparte pleaded that he ordered the garrison to be destroyed, because he had no provisions to maintain them, or strength enough to guard them; and that it was evident if they escaped, they would act against the French, since amongst the prisoners were five hundred of the garrison of El Arish, who had promised not to serve again, if they had been compelled in passing through Jaffa by the commandment to leave, and that he destroyed the sick to prevent contagion, and five themselves from falling into the hands of the Turks; but these arguments, how so specious, were refuted directly, and Bonaparte was at last obliged to rest his defence on the position of Machiavel. When he afterwards left Egypt, the Sultans were so angry at being left behind, contrary to promise, that they elected the physician president of the institute; an act which spoke itself.
An anecdote, after what had been said, will, should, however, be related as a proof of the commanding genius of Bonaparte, and will be told as repeated by a Frenchman of high consideration. "Bonaparte notwithstanding his successes and fame, was considered by those who knew him best, as not in himself possessing the great qualities attributed to him. We regarded him as indebted more to an extraordinary pecuniary good fortune, than to his own abilities and exertions. After his successes and results at Acre, our opinion was confirmed, and we expected to see him return dejected, conscious of disgrace. His fame aggravated by the recollection of his having been a messenger with a dispatch, and which was read in the institute, in which he expresses himself, "In three days I shall be in Acre; when you open this he assured that Djezzar Pasha is no more." The day before he entered Cairo, we received orders to our astonishment, to prepare illuminations, triumphal arches, &c. for honor to the conquerors of Syria, and of Djezzar Pasha. The troops who had despondingly anticipated a different reception, whose murmurs against the man who had planned their expedition amounted to mutiny, whose exclamations even menaced death to him as an atonement for their seven thousand comrades who had perished, saw with surprise the honors paid to them; heard their chief and themselves styled conquerors; and, in the delirium of vanity, forgot their injuries and defeat. The next morning Bonaparte, assured of the intoxication still continuing, assembled his army on parade, distributed rewards, then moved forward a battalion of grenadiers, whom he upbraided for having refused to make another assault on Acre, and sentenced them to carry their arms along behind, till their character was retrieved. It was then, said the narrator we pronounced Bonaparte really a great man. We confessed his knowledge of human nature, who in a few hours could so improve his situation, and resume his influence, as to disgrace those very men, who the day before would, with the applause of their comrades (now approving of their dishonor) had uttered a word of censure, have instantly assassinated him."
FROM THE NATIONAL REGIST. LOUISIANA. TO THE PEOPLE.
It is our birthright, Americans, to investigate, and your unalienable privilege to approve or censure the proceedings of your government. A power "in the last resort" seems vested in the people of every republic, by the efficacy of public opinion. From this, such governments derive their surest support. It is of consequence, therefore, that information, which is the only sure regulation of public opinion, should be widely diffused and correctly obtained. To judge with reason and act with precipitancy has been a misfortune, to which the people of republican governments have been peculiarly subject; a misfortune which has destroyed the noblest principles of ancient constitutions, and not unrequently endangered our own.
The affairs of government are to be regulated by cool and deliberate reflections on well authenticated facts, and not by the hasty and impetuous motion of the passions, without order or direction. Your magistrates are amenable at the bar of public opinion.—On the decisions of this tribunal, the efficacy of their measures and the success of their designs almost entirely depend. It is the privilege, together with your elective rights,
that gives not essential part only, but the entire sovereignty, as far as it can be possessed by a people, to the free citizens of the United States.
Possessing this prerogative, supreme and commanding, and desirous of retaining an interest so essential to your welfare, it must be the desire of every American to guard its existence with religious veneration.
By as much as an individual would desire to have a candid and unprejudiced jury to determine a cause, in which his property, his life, or his character were at issue; and by as much as every jurymen would consider it a sacred and inviolable duty, to guard his mind from favor and affection, so must it be desirable by the government, to have a public opinion free from prejudice, and equally the desire of every American to investigate, with coolness, before he pronounces a definitive decision.
These remarks are intended to be applied to the subject of Louisiana. Its cession to the United States is a fact universally conceded; and the general terms of the cession, though variously reported, are now pretty well ascertained. It is likewise acknowledged to be the most important event, which has occurred since the conclusion of our revolutionary war, and of sufficient magnitude to warrant a proclamation for the assembling of Congress, at an earlier period than it would otherwise convene. Beyond this, all is vague conjecture, and uncertain calculation; still, however, we find it a matter for much public speculation. Though the various points by which it bears on the unalienable interests of the United States, are difficult to be seen, and by no means generally understood, yet, as affording an opportunity to your enemies to oppose, with plausibility, the conduct of the administration, it is made a subject of complaint and severe reprehension.
To neutralize the public sentiment, till after Congress specially convened for the purpose might give us some farther documents on which to rely, is what might reasonably be expected; to do this however, it has become necessary to extend the field of observation, on account of the cavils raised against the measures and the agents.
The parade of eloquence and pomp of declamation were not long since called forth, to demonstrate the importance of annexing the province to the territory of the United States. The dangers of war, the stagnation of commerce, with its consequent distresses to the farmer and the merchant, were represented as ideal ills, compared with the necessity, interest, and honor of possessing this valuable territory. If it has come into our hands, though by different means from those then pointed out, the value and importance of the territory will not be denied. This being the case, the first question presented itself is, Was it obtained in the best possible mode? This again divides itself into two parts, as it respects the interest and the honor of the nation. Full,—the interest.
It is supposed to have cost the treasury fifteen millions of dollars; the terms of payment are not yet disclosed, in such a manner as to gain general belief. I shall not contend that this was the very smallest sum the First Consul would receive. I shall not pretend that our ambassador "beat him down" to the lowest selling he would take, nor that Bonaparte, in the disposal of a territory, larger than the kingdom of Great-Britain, would be as exact and scrupulous as a farmer would be, who was selling corn in the market place. Men were treating with men, and their negotiations were conducted on the principles of liberality. This is but a fair construction, from what at present appears.
It was said in Congress, that the country was inclined, and "we must and would obtain it." Whether the uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi, as necessary to the western inhabitants as the Atlantic ocean to the Massachusetts merchants, and whether an extensive country, fertile and exuberant, was not a cheap purchase at the sum to be paid, was a question not open for decision, on the principles which govern sales of felt or molasses; but one connected with the very existence of the western settlers, and the most extensive interests of the Union; and on which the negotiators were as able to decide, as any individuals in the United States. "But we must and would obtain it." Was negotiation cheaper than war? It will be recalled, that when we were urged to warlike preparations, the whole world was at peace. The enterprise of our merchants had extended our commerce to every quarter of the globe. There was not a port, in which American ships were permitted to ride, but there our flag was displayed, and the opulence of our merchants a subject of wonder. The first discharges of cannon would have proclaimed to your enemies their superiority over the defeated and suspicious commanders of your vessels. The loss by capture it is impossible to estimate; but the calculation should be made in millions of money, in extension of misery, and in numberless instances of poverty and ruin.
Is it not better, then, if even a few millions more should be paid, that it
should be taken from the treasury, and be proportionally borne by every citizen, than that the expense of the conquest of the colony should be paid for by the poverty of our merchants, the loss of our credit, and the destruction of our enterprise? Would it have cost you nothing to have armed your militia, to have fed, clothed and encamped them; and would it have cost them nothing, to have left their farms and their occupation, their wives, their children and their friends? Calculations have been made upon HONOR; it is time they were made on MORALITY. Would it have cost you nothing in the end, to have instructed your young men in the dissipation of a camp, or exposed your wives and daughters to the licentious desires of the soldiery? Your soldiers are not always to conduct with that manly dignity, which characterised the revolutionary troops. You must make some calculation on the effect of example taught them in that war, by the standing troops of England and France, and on the probability of imitation, when called into that garden of licentiousness— camp . Or suppose you had determined to arm a body of standing troops? Would it have cost you nothing to support this regular-formed battalions, (for such are flaming armies) whose trade would be slaughter, whose existence the prolongation of war? Or would it have contributed to your HONOR, after having conquered, by their aid, the inhabitants of Louisiana, to have assigned them, untutored and undisciplined, against the veteran legions of Bonaparte? Would it have cost you nothing, to have exposed your Peasants to the rages of some of them formerly suffered? Was the American blood, which must first have crimsoned the soil, to be considered as no cost? Are the painful emotions excited by the fear-worn bosom of the warrior, to be accounted as nothing? Those that led the van in the declamatory war, knew these accounts would not come into their calculation of expenses. If they had lost an arm or a leg, it was neither in a war of contest, nor a "war of extermination." Suppose now the purchase money had been 50, instead of 15 millions. Add the costs of a war, and see which be the greatest sum.
I have gone hitherto on the idea that you would be successful. You might have succeeded in the outset; it might have been otherwise. "The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." In any event, you would have provoked the resentment of two powerful nations, whose strength is not to be despised, and whose honor, immensurable as your own, would have demanded reparation for the insult.
Is Negotiation more honorable than War?
In what does honor consist? In my mind, rectitude of conduct forms the first principle of national, as well as personal honor. I cannot conceive a separation between justice and honor, nor can I suppose justice to warrant a declaration of war, when every end it proposes to accomplish may be obtained by fair negotiation. Was it independence or liberty? They indeed must be fought for, because they never can be purchased; and cursed be the man, who would shrink from the contest, if the principles of '76 were again to be vindicated, and the tree of liberty, which his fathers had planted, required again to be nourished with his blood. It was the boasted honor of our forefathers, that this country was purchased as far as possible by a fair sale from the Indians, though the wilful moralists have believed, they had a right to demand it. And shall it be considered our honor to advance sword in hand on the Christian inhabitants of a civilized country, with no other right than pretended necessity, and no other necessity than love of aggrandizement. The flourish of eloquence may amuse and deceive you. Art may lay a foundation, on which to build delusive theories; and deception, while she persuades you to error will force you to destruction. Be not deceived. Let reason and judgment decide, and you will perceive that government has laid the foundation for your best interests, and its own future and eternal glory.
MANLIUS. FROM THE AURORA.
The following extracts taken from the minutes of the annual conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church will clearly discover the state of religion, both under the federal and present administrations in the Methodist Church.
From the minutes for A. D. 1791.
Question—"What numbers are in society?"
Answer—"Total—76,153."
From the minutes for A. D. 1801.
Question—"What numbers are in Society?"
Answer—"Total—72,874."
Hence, it is evident, that in ten years, under the federal administration, the church had experienced a declension of 3,279 members.
But let us take a view of it under Mr. Jefferson and the present administration.
From the minutes for A. D. 1802.
Question—"What numbers are in Society?"
Answer—"Total—86,734."
Increase this year 13,860.
From the minutes for A. D. 1803.
Question—"What numbers are in Society?"
Answer—"Total—104,070."
Increase this year 17,336.
By which it appears that in two years, under the present administration, the Methodist Church has experienced an increase of 31,196 members—and I have no doubt from the information that I have received, was it in my power to ascertain the whole increase from the commencement of Mr. Jefferson's administration to the present period, it would amount to 40,000 members.
Likewise, that there has been admitted during the space of two years 110 preachers, and who are now travelling—That 22 had declined "thro' bodily weakness and family concerns," and 4 had died, which gives an increase of 35 preachers in the travelling connection, and nine more than it had experienced during the space of ten years under the federal administration.
As many of my Christian brethren in the Methodist Church, have been blinded by the scals of federal slander, falsehood, ignorance and hypocrisy, I have selected these facts for their serious consideration, and remain their affectionate fellow citizen,
JOHN FIRTH.
We take a pleasure in extending the circulation of the following address, by inserting it in the National Intelligencer.
TO THE PATRONS OF THE EXAMINER.
The Examiner is now in the fifth year of its establishment. The first of next December will complete that period.—During the time that I have wholly or in part conducted that paper, my exertions have been directed to the promulgation of moral and political truth; as far as I have succeeded in my efforts, I am entitled to consideration; and no further. But humanity dictates indulgence towards those aberrations, which have not their origin in depravity of heart; and such I trust, have been the source of my errors, from the commission of which, no mortal is exempt.
It would be improper for me to decide upon the benefits which have or have not resulted from the establishment of the Examiner; but as its circulation has been more diffusive than that of most News-papers, and as it has been selected by citizens highly enlightened as the medium through which to convey their sentiments to the people, I must believe that its utility has been considerable.—That my object in becoming an Editor was not selfish, is most certain: that I did not make my sentiments subservient to the political temper of the Examiner, is also most certain. When I commenced my Editorial career, I left a station in society considered as honorable, in which, and in the legislature of my State, I had invariably supported those political principles, to which the Examiner afterwards gave strength and currency. If personal ease and tranquillity had been preferred to the welfare of my country, the persecution of those Editors whose political opinions flowed in the same channel with my own, presented to my view a scene awful and portentous; and would have checked the ardor with which I felt myself animated: I should have shrunk from the contest. A law had passed which might consign an Editor to the gloomy cell of a Jail, and at the fatal moment when pecuniary punishment had deprived his family of the means of subsistence; and Mrs. Adams in one of his political visions, had seen a party in Virginia, which ought to be reduced to dust and ashes. Such was the state of society when I embarked in a profession hostile to a dominant and overbearing faction, but which times, more propitious and peaceable, now authorize me to relinquish without fear of censure. I feel that I have borne my full proportion of persecution, and I have amply contributed my quota to the revered cause of republicanism.
In relinquishing, as I now do, any concern or pecuniary interest in the Examiner, I have been careful that it shall be conducted upon the principles which gave it birth. My brother, Skelton Jones, who for a few months past has been the sole proprietor of the Examiner, will continue its publication as usual. The defects which may have been, or hereafter may be objected to, in his juvenile exertions, will, I trust, be found to arise chiefly from inexperience. It has been agreed between us that all publications which as public Printer I have heretofore been obliged to make in the Examiner, shall hereafter be inserted in that paper gratis. This regulation will be the more necessary, if the friendship of the Legislature shall induce them to continue me in office, to the duties of which my health is competent; but not to the incessant application which a faithful Editor owes to his patrons.
I cannot close this short address without returning my sincere thanks to those of my subscribers and countrymen, who have aided me in the worst of times. A recurrence to certain epochs in my pub-

He character, will never fail to excite feelings dear to my heart; since they remind me of the humbles, disinterested and sincerity, of patriotic and intelligent friends.
MERIWETHER JONES. July 29th 1803.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 10.
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."
Declaration of Independence.
These are the declarations of, perhaps, the most illustrious body that ever assembled in this, or in any other part of the world. Among those who composed it, we find a Franklin, a Jefferson, a Witherspoon, a Walton, a Rodney, a Lee, and a Rutledge.
Notwithstanding, however, the attestations of these great names to the above truths, it has become of late too common to doubt and deny them. Whatever astonishment or indignation this may excite in a nation where the practical illustration of them is attended with blessings unknown under any other political institutions, there is no difficulty in tracing it to its true cause. Though the people are happy and contented, devoted to the principles of their government, and the wise and honest measures of those who administer them, there are those among us, who, either from preconceived error can discern no good in any system excepting that which they have been early taught to respect as perfect, or who from foreign influence are wedded to foreign systems, or who, from a turbulent ambition are hostile to every plan that diffuses and guarantees equal rights. These men, whether under the subjection of honest or vicious motives, affect to despise republican government, ridicule the idea of equal rights as visionary, abhor democracy, and leave no occasion unimproved of recommending the energies and splendors of monarchies and aristocracies.
The love of a republican government is too deeply rooted in the hearts of our countrymen, and the benefits it diffuses are too sensibly felt, to fear any material injury from the dissemination of these heretical opinions. Still it is important, whenever principle is attacked, and especially a principle the most sacred, to meet the assailant, expose the imbecility of the attack, and demonstrate the existence of an enemy, who, however harmless in open hostility, may be dangerous in stratagem and seduction.
If there be a party of men among us who are monarchists in heart, and who only wait the favorable moment to revolutionize us into a subjection to all its horrors, let them be exposed, let their sentiments be held up to a severe condemnation, and let the eye of patriotism be vigilantly fixed on their conduct.
That there is such a party, who can now doubt? The public prints from New Hampshire to Georgia attest its existence. Scarcely a day passes without exhibiting some criminal attack, made in federal prints, on the fundamental principles of a republican government; and, as if these attacks were the offspring of a wide spread concert and indicated the general views of the federal party, we find them circulated with avidity in all their repositories of misrepresentation.
Whatever, too, characterizes a republican system, whether it be simplicity of manners in rulers, economy in the public disbursements, frequent elections, or peace with our neighbors, are hooted at as unworthy of the spirit of a great nation.
Were then our wisest men in seventysix, fools? Did they, in the solemn act of declaring these states independent and free, hold the language of imposters or children? Were they so villainous as to deceive us, or were they so weak as to be themselves deceived?
We have been lately told by a high authority that the idea of equal rights in a state of nature is an absurdity. "I have long since," says Judge Chase, "subscribed to the opinion that there could be no rights of man in a state of nature, previous to the institution of society; and that liberty, properly speaking, could not exist in a state of nature."
Again—the judge says, "I hold the position clear and safe, that all the rights of man can be derived only from the conventions of society; and may, with propriety, be called social rights."
And yet—strange to tell, and infinitely humiliating to the pride of man, to the infallible claims of judicial eminence, we find the name of this same man, of SAMUEL CHASE, (not then indeed a judge or a federalist,) affixed to the declaration of independence, and solemnly declaring "these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."—And "that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men."—And adding,
"for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."
Well may Judge Chase say, "I have been a decided and avowed advocate for a representative or republican form of government." But, unfortunately tempora mutantur et nos mutamur in illis .
We will not deny that it is the prerogative of the human mind to discover truth and to pursue it, however, it may carry us away from our early opinions. Be this the apology of those who in '75 thought with Judge Chase, and now think with him. Their honest and disinterested motives will elevate them above the reproach of being swayed by party spirit, by the love of power, the thirst of lucre, or any of those ignoble passions that in other times have covered with the mantle of infamy the proudest names. They have a right to change! Be theirs the singular distinction of retracing the paths of error, and of attempting to lead us back to the principles of those dark ages which our wisest and best citizens had scattered themselves were long since exploded.
While, however, those who have reached the eminences of political station, or imagine themselves to be fast rising to them, part, with such facility, with what perhaps constituted the means of their preferment, and having gained their ends, despite the instruments of their elevation, and affect to hold in contempt those from whom is derived all their brief authority; it is fortunate for the cause of truth and the liberties of mankind that the people of these United States have not forgotten their rights or abandoned the discharge of their duties. While the public sentiment continues enlightened and upright, liberty has little to dread from the arbitrary of the country. More with a view to enlighten that sentiment than to punish the arrogance of apollite politicians, we shall extend these remarks, in order to show the novelty and weakness of the assertion "that there could be no rights of man in a state of nature, previous to the institutions of society; and that liberty, properly speaking, could not exist in a state of nature;"—and further "that all the rights of man can be derived only from the conventions of society; and may, with propriety be called social rights."
These are the declarations of Judge Chase in 1803—We have already seen that they are directly opposed to those of the same individual in 1776.
(To be Continued.)
Philadelphia, August 6.
The resolution for preventing intercourse between New York and this city, offered on Thursday to the board of health, was yesterday taken into consideration, and adopted. A communication on this subject, it is believed, will be made in form of hand bills, for the information of our citizens, and published this day. The intercourse by water has been suspended for some days, the resolution adopted yesterday extends to the restriction of intercourse by land. In consequence passengers in the stages, &c. will have to perform a quarantine of fifteen days previous to admission into the city or Liberties. The place of quarantine, we are informed, will be in some central situation between this city and Bristol.
The accounts from New York generally agree in stating the existence of contagious yellow fever in that city—but as usual, there are some contradictions, some letters allaying there are but one or two cases, others that the alarm had nearly subsided. One fact however is published in the N. York papers, the death of Mr. Ogden, of the yellow fever—otherwise the prints of that city are silent on the subject.
The United States sloop of war SYREN, under the direction of capt. Charles Stewart, was completely coppered to the bends in ten hours, on Saturday last.
The SYREN, we understand, will be launched to-morrow afternoon, at 4 o'clock, from Mr. Hutton's ship yard, Southwark. Phil. paper.
New-York, August 4.
This morning arrived here the ship Alknomac, capt. Gore, in 19 days from St. Lucca, Jam. By her we learn, that upwards of 40 prizes had been sent into the port of Kingston, by the British cruisers; amongst which were one French frigate, two sloops of war, and several valuable merchantmen. The Alknomac has a cargo of 385 puncheons of rum.
New-York, August 6.
A Demerara paper, of June 23, contains a proclamation, permitting the persons who import provisions and lumber to take sugar in payment for one half the amount, calculated at the invoice prices, (the other half to be received in rum, or other payment) which sugar may be exported, paying, in cash, 6 per cent. duty, at the rate of the colony prices. This regulation is to continue till favorable accounts are received from Europe.
Captain Bragdon, of the ship Thomas Gordon, from Lisbon, informs, that an English frigate of 44 guns, commanded by captain Woodward, out 12 hours from that place, bound to Gibraltar, was cast away on Cape St. Vincent—crew all saved.
Leicester, July 26.
In consequence of the glorious news of the cession of Louisiana to the United States, a number of the citizens of Bourbon county partook of a barbecue on Thursday last, on the banks of Sinner, when seventeen appropriate toasts were drank. After dinner the company danced in a bower erected for the purpose. About 300 sat down to dinner.
A Mr. DOUELAS, has lately made four new machines, from the title of which the greatest improvements are expected to arise to the woolen manufactures of France. The first is a machine which opens 70lb. of Spanish wool in the hour, by a force equal to that of two men, with a boy to feed the machine with wool. The second is a machine for mixing wools of different colors. It mixes, and at the same time opens 40lb of Spanish wool in the hour, with the application of the force of only one man, and with a boy to supply the wool. The third of these machines enables a man and a boy to prepare a piece of superior cloth of the largest breadth in the space of one hour. It requires only the force of one ordinary horse to work it. The fourth is a complete loom, with a fly shuttle, which may be wrought by a single person placed in the middle of it.
BIOGRAPHY.
Died at Marblehead, on Tuesday evening last, ISAAC STORRY, jun. Esq. of Rutland.—A gentleman well known by numerous productions in polite literature. In his manners bland, social and affectionate; in his morals, pure, generous, and unaffected; in his mind, vivacious, refined, and facetious. As the usual academic course, he pursued the science of jurisprudence, and gave promise of an honorable station among advocates. In the interval of juridical studies, he courted the Muses, and occasionally gave to the public specimens of accomplished composition.—Wit and humor were provinces in which he sought peculiar favor; though he not unfrequently minized in his poetic effusions the gravity of sentimentalists with the lighter graces. But alas! the wit, the poet, and the moralist now exist only in his writings.—Death has consigned him to the common lot of mortality.
Spirit of him, whose chastened soul Could touch each cord of pure desire, Whence, flown beyond the mind's controul, Thy brilliant thought, thy Druid fire?
Loft in thy manhood's earliest bloom, O'er thee small Pity meekly mourns, And many a Sylph, who haunts the gloom, With twilight dews bespread thine urn. Beside thine 'airy harp' shall rest, With wonted charms unskilled to play, Or wildly charmed in grief's supprest, Fling to the breeze its fun'ral lay.
Yet may the willow love to bend, And there the gentler myrtle woo, While softly lights each passing friend, Ah! YORICK, bard of truth adieu! Salem Register.
Extracts from ANNALS OF PHILOSOPHY for 1802.
On Galvanism.—The history of which is given for the year 1801, we shall give the following illustration.
"The first paper to which we shall direct attention is one by Volta, the ingenious inventor of the Galvanic Pile, in which he attempts to explain the electrical phenomena of Galvanism by the known laws of electricity, independently of any other principle. The author had before remarked, that when two different metals are placed in contact with each other they become thereby not only conductors but exciters of electricity, or electromotors; and in this latter property the metals exceed every other class of bodies; so that when a clean plate of silver and another of zinc (which two metals are respectively the most active and opposite to each other as electromotors) are placed in contact with each other, by one or more points, the natural state of electricity is disturbed in each before contact is changed, the equilibrium is broken and the electric fluid passes from the silver to the zinc, so as to become rarified, or in a negative state in the former metal, and condensed, or positive, in the latter. This state of opposition remains permanent (for a considerable time at least) unless either of the metals is brought in contact with other conductors, which may restore the equilibrium of electricity, either by giving this fluid to the silver, or subtracting it from the zinc. The author then proceeds to examine the operation of a single pair of metals, as a fundamental experiment, by which the whole theory of the Galvanic Pile is to be explained. If two blades of metal, the one zinc and the other silver, are joined together at one extremity (either by riveting or soldering, or any other method) so as to form one continued metallic arc, the zinc end will always be in a state of positive electricity, and the silver in the negative state. This difference, however, is too small to be perceptible without particular management, and it is by the assistance of the condenser, and the straw electrometer connected with it, that the author gives a proof of what has been advanced. Volta's condenser is composed of two metallic discs (made of copper or brass) about 3 inches in diameter, and ground so as to apply very accurately one upon the other. The polished surfaces, by which the contact is made, are covered with a slight layer of sealing wax, or gum-lac, copal varnish; and a glass handle, coated with sealing wax is fixed in the centre of each disc, in order to separate them by tilting them asunder, and to retain them in an insulated state. The condenser being thus disposed, the upper disc being insulated, and the lower communicating with the ground, the folded blade of zinc and silver, and holding the zinc end in the hand, causes the silver end to touch the upper disc of the condenser for some time. On removing up the metal, raising up the disc by its glass handle and applying it to the straw electrometer, it is found to have acquired two, three, or four degrees of minus, or negative electricity, by the contact of the silver blade."
"If now the experiment is reversed, and the silver blade held in the hand whilst the zinc end touches the condenser, no effect whatever is produced if these two are in immediate contact; but if a piece of wetted card is interposed, the condenser, then requires three or four degrees of electricity, which in this case is plus, or positive. The explanation which the ingenious author gives of these phenomena is the following: in the first instance (that is, where the hand holds the zinc end, and the silver touches the upper plate of the condenser) the latter partakes of the same state of electricity as the silver end, and both become negative, owing to the superior attraction of the zinc, which is positive. This experiment too succeeds equally whether or not a wet card is interposed between the silver and the condenser: but in the reverse experiment, when the zinc immediately touches the upper disc of the condenser, it is placed between two substances, namely, the copper or the condenser and the silver blade to which it is folded, each of which propels electricity into zinc with nearly the same force and consequently according to the laws of that fluid, the zinc being placed between two equal and similar powers the accumulation of electricity is so small as not to be perceptible. It becomes, therefore, necessary to employ a third conductor of a different nature, a wetted card for, example, which being a simple humid substance, which compared with the metals, possesses a much smaller force of electric excitement or electromotion. The wet card being thus interposed between the zinc and the upper plate of the condenser, the electric fluid, which is constantly propelled from the silver end held in the hand, into the zinc, passes the wet card without obstacle, and proceeds to the condenser where it excites about three degrees of positive electricity. Hence may also be explained, why the first experiment succeeds equally well without as with the interposition of a wet conductor; for in this case the zinc which attracts positive electricity from every other metal, is in immediate contact with the hand, and the silver blade and the copper plate of the condenser, possessing nearly the same force for excitement, little or no mutual action takes place between them, to interrupt the free passage of positive electricity through each into the zinc."
To answer the objection which might be made against the explanation here given, from the contact of one or other of the metallic blades, with the hand that holds it, the ingenious author observes, that this may be entirely avoided, and the blade of the United metals opposite to that which touches the condenser may remain entirely insulated, and still the same phenomena will take place, though not quite to the same electrometrical degree. It is necessary, however, in this case, to connect the insulated blade with a large Leyden phial which is neither charged nor insulated, in order that it may furnish or receive a considerable quantity of electricity.
varies in different places; but in every part it is uniformly wider at top than towards the bottom. That the two sides of the chain were once united appears very evident, not only from projecting rocks on the one side corresponding with suitable cavities on the other, but also from the different strata of earth, sand, clay, &c. being exactly similar from top to bottom on both sides; but by what great agent they were separated, whether by fire or by water, remains hidden amongst those arcana of nature which we vainly endeavour to develop.
The arch consists of a solid mass of stone, or of several stones cemented strongly together, that they appear but as one. This mass it is to be supposed at the time that the hill was rent asunder, was drawn across the fissure from adhering closely to one side, and being loosened from its bed of earth at the opposite one. It seems at present, I think, that the mass of stone forming the arch was first forcibly plucked from one side, and drawn across the fissure, as that one hill should have remained disunited at this one spot from top to bottom, and that a passage should afterwards have been forced through it by water. The road leading to the bridge runs through a thick wood, and up a hill, having ascended which, nearly to the top, you pause for a moment at finding a sudden discontinuance of the trees at one side; but the amazement which fills the mind is great indeed, when, on going a few paces towards the part which appears thus open, you find yourself on the brink of a tremendous precipice. You involuntarily draw back, stare around, then again come forward to satisfy yourself that what you have seen is real, and not the illusion of fancy. You now perceive that you are upon the top of the bridge, to the very edge of which, on one side, you may approach with safety, and look down into the abyss, being protected from falling by a parapet of fixed rocks. The walls, as it were, of the bridge at this side are so perpendicular, that a person leaning over the parapet of rock might let fall a plummet from the hand to the very bottom of the chasm. On the opposite side this is not the case, nor is there any parapet; but from the edge of the road, which runs over the bridge, is a gradual slope to the brink of the chasm, upon which it is somewhat dangerous to venture. This slope is thickly covered with large trees, principally cedars and pines. The opposite side was also well furnished with trees formerly, but all those that grew near the edge of the bridge have been cut down by different people, for the sake of seeing them tumble to the bottom. Before the trees were destroyed in this manner, you might have passed over the bridge without having had any idea of being upon it; for the breadth of it is no less than eighty feet. The road runs nearly in the middle, and is frequented daily by wagons.
At the distance of a few yards from the bridge a narrow path appears, winding along the sides of the fissure, amidst immense rocks and trees, down to the bottom of the bridge. Here the stupendous arch appears in all its glory, and seems to touch the very skies. To behold it without rapture, indeed, is impossible; and the more critically it is examined, the more beautiful and the more surprising does it appear. The height of the bridge to the top of the parapet is two hundred and thirty feet by admeasurement with a line, the thickness of the arch forty feet, the span of the arch at the top ninety feet, and the distance between the abutments at bottom sixty feet. The abutments consist of a solid mass of limestone on either side, and, together with the arch, seem as if they had been chiselled out by the hand of art. A small stream, called Cedar Creek, running at the bottom of the fissure, over a bed of rocks, adds to the beauty of the scene.
NOTICE. LEGIONARY ORDERS.
A Legionary Court of Enquiry, under the Militia Law, will be held at Rhoads's Tavern in the City of Washington, on Thursday the 25th instant, at 9 o'clock in the morning, for the purpose of hearing appeals from the Battalion Courts, and assessing fines for offences and for other purposes.
A punctilious attendance of the members will be expected. By order of Lieut. Col. Comdt Brent, WM. D. BEALL, Adjutant. Aug. 10, 1803.
TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which the now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next.
A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises.
MARY SWEENEY.
City of Washington, June 15.
Description of the celebrated Rock Bridge.
[From Weld's travels in America.] This bridge stands about ten miles from Fiuwanna river, and nearly the same distance from the Blue Ridge. It extends across a deep cleft in a mountain, which, by some great convulsion of nature, has been split asunder from top to bottom, and it seems to have been left there purposely to afford a passage from one side of the chasm to the other. The cleft, or chasm, is about two miles long, and is in some places upwards of three feet deep; the depth varies according to the height of the mountain, being deepest where the mountain is most lofty. The breadth of the chasm also

FROM THE AURORA. Manufactures interesting to the north-ern states and foreigners. Circumstances in the United States favorable to our established manufactures...
1. The principal articles of raw materials which are not produced in the country are capable of importation free from duty. 2. The principal raw material, capable of water, spinning cotton, is raised in the country to the amount of twenty one millions of pounds per annum...
3. Innumerable mill seats, and immense bodies of wood for fuel, and as a source for charcoal, and great quantities of pitcoal. 4. Iron ore, without limit, and of every quality for steel, for castings, and for the hammer.
4. Duties on all rival foreign manufactures, from 12 1/2 to 20 per cent. On grain spirits 23 cents per gallon. On beer and porter 8 cents per gallon. Nails 2 cents per pound, carpets 15 per cent. &c. 5. Great quantities of hides, skins and furs; and hides and skins capable of importation free of duty.
Many millions of acres of land, capable of producing indigo, madder, and other dyes—the former of which is extensively raised. Foreign dyes free from duty. 6. No excise on beer, ale, porter, spirits, leather, soap-candles, or any other articles, foreign or domestic.
7. An universal disposition in the legislators, the executives and the proprietors of the soil to encourage manufactures, as the surest and most effectual support of agriculture and as auxiliary to foreign markets. 8. A plus 1,101,000 barrels of wheat flour for exportation besides Indian and rye meal, all of which might be detained in America to feed new manufacturers here instead of being shipped off at a heavy loss to the farmer to feed foreign manufacturers in Europe...
9. The subject of manufactures is well explored, examined, considered, and approved by the people at large of the United States. 10. Who deem them indispensably necessary to their complete independence and prosperity. 11. The duties and charges of importation on linen or cotton goods (for example no bulkier than Irish yard wide linens of fifteen pence sterling per yard, are equal at the lowest duty (of 12 1/2 per cent.) thirty per centum on the European cost...
12. A large body of manufacturers are actually existing in America, friendly to each other and to the foreigners daily coming to settle here, and they are united fairly to withstand competition with their rivals, the manufacturers who shall continue to live in Europe. 13. A number of branches of manufactures are already well and extensively established, but they are capable of great variations, improvements, and increase by European machinery, skill, and capital.
14. The American government and citizens are very anxious and watchful to improve, diversify, and increase our manufacturers. The stock of knowledge is already very considerable both as derived from experience and as learned from English, German, and French books, those languages being understood in America. Books upon the useful arts and manufactures are much read in America. 15. All European improvements and inventions are perfectly free to be used by the manufacturers in America without any purchase from or damages to the European patentees.
16. All foreigners are capable of setting up their manufactures and business and hiring shops and houses on the day of their arrival, and entitled to purchase shops, houses, and lots in Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and other states. Also capable of becoming in five years, free holders and free citizens of every state, and of the United States. 17. Perfect religious liberty to every church and to the members thereof.
18. A certain asylum, and recourse stands in reserve, in farming and cheap renting and purchasing of lands, in those cases wherein the attempts in business under Providence prove unsuccessful. 19. The lawful money of the country is altogether gold, silver and copper coins. No man can compel another to receive even bank notes in payment.
20. The tools of every man's trade and manufactory are capable of importation free of duty. Every year produces new facilities and encouragements to American manufactures, and many exist, which are not here particularized.
FRANKLIN. MECHANISM. The following account of a most curious piece of mechanism, is extracted from Tooker's life Catherine the second; after mentioning a number of curious productions of the same kind, the author proceeds:
But the most superlative production of this artist is a bureau or writing desk, which the Empress presented to the museum of the Academy of Arts and Sciences about eight years ago. Here the genius of its inventor has lavished his riches and fertility, in the greatest variety of compositions; all seem the work of enchantment. On opening this amazing desk, in front appears a beautiful group of bas-reliefs in bronze, superbly gilt, which by the slightest pressure on a spring, vanish away, giving place to a magnificent writing flat, inlaid with gems. The space above this flat is devoted to the keeping of valuable papers or money. The bold hand that should dare to invade this spot, would immediately be its own betrayer, for at the least touch on the table part, the most charming trains of music instantly begins to play upon the ear; the barrel organ whence they proceed, occupying the lower part of the desk behind. Several small drawers for holding the materials for writing, &c. likewise start forward by the pressure of their springs, and shut again as quickly, without leaving behind a trace of their existence. If one would change the table part of the bureau into a reading desk, from the upper part a board springs forward, from which with incredible velocity, all parts of a commodious and well contrived reading desk expand and take their proper places. But the mechanism of this performance, as well as its outward ornaments should be seen, as nothing can be more difficult to describe. The price set upon this desk was 20,000 roubles, to which the Empress added 5000, so that for this wonderful work the artist got 25,000 roubles, or about 5000l. sterling.
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY. To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore. Dollars. 1 prize of 20,000 1 do 10,000 2 do 5,000 5 do 1,000 10 do 500 15 do 200 200 do 100 200 do 50 200 do 25 250 do 20 4000 do 15
1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 15,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 2,000 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000 7154 Prizes, 210,000 1386 Blanks—Not two to a prize. 21,000 tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beaufort, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Chas. Ghequiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell. July 13, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk Floratine, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marseilles, Swandowns, Toiletnettes, Velveteens, Paney cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made to the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802.
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations. June 22. 3m. Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer. Boarding & Day Schools. PRESIDENT'S SQUARE. J. GARDINER instructs Youth in Arithmetic, Book-Keeping, Writing, and English Grammar. Mrs. GARDINER teaches Needle-Work, Tambouring, &c. Young Ladies who desire to do so, can divide their time betwixt the two schools. Boys from the country accommodated with board and lodging on reasonable terms. June 1. 2mo
TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE, GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLT TRI-NNITY CHURCH LOTTERY. In the City of Philadelphia. 1 Prize of ten thousand dollars 10,000 1 six thousand 6,000 1 three thousand 3,000 1 two thousand 2,000 5 one thousand 5,000 10 five hundred 5,000 20 three hundred 3,000 20 two hundred 4,000 35 one hundred 3,500 90 fifty 4,500 100 twenty 2,000 6000 seven 42,000 6774 prizes, 60,000 11726 blanks, less than two to a prize. 18000 The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each. The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each. The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars. From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contemplated, and that the tickets will be raised considerably before that period. They may be had at SIX dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. No. 67, Chestnut Street. MATTHEW MCCONNELL, 82, S. Street. D. C. D. C. Whole tickets 6. Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half, 3 25 Eighth, 95 Letters post paid, including the cash, shall be duly attended to, and St. Augustine and New York lottery prizes received in payment. July 20. epim
HICKORY WOOD. PROPOSALS will be received until the last day of July for furnishing, for the use of the House of Representatives of the United States, One hundred cords of Hickory wood, which must either have been cut last winter, or must be cut in the month of August. The whole quantity is to be delivered at the most convenient wharf, or at the Capitol, by the last day of September. It is expected that any person undertaking this business will have no objection to bind himself under a penalty for the faithful performance of the contract. For further particulars apply to THOMAS CLAXTON, Capitol hill. July 20, 1803. 50 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber living at Popes Creek in the county of Prince George, and state of Virginia, on the 19th inst. a negro man named FRANK, by trade a blacksmith, of a tawny complexion, long visage and remarkable fine lost voice; about forty-five years of age, five feet four or six inches high, straight limbed. He generally wore a long tail'd coat; but he is not known certainly what clothes he took with him—he may easily be detected, as he has taken with one of his youngest sons named John, who is not more than 9 years of age and is of a very black complexion and a long visage, like his father. I am induced to think, Frank has made for some of the large towns particularly Alexandria or Baltimore, in the former of which, or its neighborhood, he has a free brother by the name of Rogers, who did by near Dr. Smith's, upon Ravenworth in the county of Fairfax. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure said Frank with his son and give information thereof to the subscriber. And 100 dollars if taken out of the state, and the money paid as soon as I get him. RICHARD STUART. July 20. tl
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills. It is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber. There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. Thos. POLLARD. Feb. 21st. ep
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by— ROBERT M'LEAN. Washington May 25. tf. ON Monday the 29th day of August next, at the town of Sharpsburgh in Washington county Maryland, will commence the sale of several thousand acres of valuable land lying in Washington and Frederick counties, a great part of this land is excellent arable land, abounding with wood and finely watered—it will be laid off in separate lots as suit the convenience of purchasers—it will be sold at public sale to the highest bidder, the purchaser to give bond and security to pay one half with interest from the day of sale at the end of one year, the other half with interest at the expiration of two years. This property is sold under a decree of the court of Chancery, and clear titles will be made and conveyances given on payment of the purchase money and not before—This sale worthy the attention of persons desirous of purchasing fine farms. PHILIP L. KEY, WILLIAM MAKEURY } Trustees. July 18th, 1803. 3w.
NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are Burke's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Pervouche's Voyage 2 vols. 8vo. Mickel's Lucia, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pitt the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 3 vols. 8vo. Soulasie's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vol. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watton's Philip 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Recuyer's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Beccaria's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Pooley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Hornman's do. Grant's life of France. Deschamps 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimor 2 vols. 12mo—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees 4 vols. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Dread Grims, by G. Coleman, Beloevaren's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. &c. In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.
FIRST LEGION. ATTENTION! AT a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 15th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act more effectual to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the following be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to the battalion companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz. D. DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST, WHITE TRELCHES and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE OVERALLS, with SHOES and ROUND BLACK HAT: which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court. WM. D. BEALL, Clerk of L. c. c. Sec. 27. And be it further enacted, That all non-commissioned officers and privates, belonging to battalion companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly clothed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be determined on for the respective legions, by the first legionary courts of enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved of by the Brigadier General; provided the expense of the same, additional to that of usual, ordinary, and dress clothing, does not exceed five dollars for each person, and every such non-commissioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published in some newspaper within the legionary district and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip himself.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS, of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloth's and Cassimere's, Superior NAVY BLUE and other colours, handsome NAVY & FASHIONABLE BUTTONS, &c. Gentlemen of ARMY, NAVY and FASHION served with an expedition and taste. New Jersey Avenue, seventh house from Capitol Square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's square. April 13 1803. tf.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 24th of June last, near the Eastern Branch ferry, City of Washington, a Negro man named ABRAHAM, but being an artil fellow, I expect he will change his name, and pass for a free man. He is about 28 years of age, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made. He is rather of a yellow complexion; his wool is very short, and a few on one side of his head near the top; he speaks very quick, and stammers in his speech. He was formerly the property of D. M. Blake of Calvert county. I have some reason to believe he has made for that place, or otherwise for Baltimore. He had no clothing with him but what he had on, which was Oldenburg trousers, an old shirt, a grey short coat. Whoever delivers the said fellow to me, shall receive the above reward. LEWIN TALBURT. July 11, 1803. tawtf
LANDS FOR SALE. THE subscriber wishes to sell a tract of land situate near the foot of the Blue Ridge and Short Hills in Loudoun county Virginia, bounded partly by Potomac river within two miles of Harper's Ferry and the mouth of Shenandoah. It is of strong good soil, answering perfectly well for Plaintiff of Paris, and contains by patent 2340 acres. It is so well known as a valuable and fine tract of land that a further description is unnecessary to those who inquire to purchase will naturally view and examine it. A clear and indisputable title will be given by the subscriber. There is no mortgage, judgment, debt, lease, claim or demand whatever against any part, it having been always let to tenants at low annual rents who are rented and removable at will; but the occupying tenants (through favor only) have been permitted to claim from any coming in tenant one half of the deposit money as may be settled between them, for the improvements and good will, the other half going to the landlord. There are at present sixteen or seventeen tenants upon the estate at very low rent—and it is recommended as an object well worth the attention of any person who would purchase the whole to parcel it into larger farms to the resident tenants or others willing to purchase parcels of it. The terms of sale at a portion of one fourth paid down in money, or in approved negotiable paper, and the remainder in one two or three years as may be agreed upon carrying interest from the day of sale. Application may be made personally, or by letter, to the subscriber residing at Warrenton on Potomac river, near to Alexandria, to James M'Ilwaine near the premises, or to Mr. John Janney merchant in Alexandria. THOMAS ALWOOD DIGGES. July 15, 1803. taw2m
MECHANICS HALL. THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the course in George Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanic's Hall. All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic will find their interest to call on him, as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room. He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble servant, ANDREW M'DONALD. A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding, by the week, month or year. A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. August 3. tawtf
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same; and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 20. tf
It is the wish of the Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER to engage an individual well qualified to REPORT THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Immediate application, with the terms that will be agreeable, is requested. The Editors of papers who publish Debates from the National Intelligencer are requested to insert this advertisement in their papers a few times. Conveyancer's Office. THOMAS HERTY, Grateful for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCERS OF LAND, and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms. Title is invariably good, &c. A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue end in other desirable situation in the City to lease or sell. N. B. Herty's Abstract of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 1 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 18 1803. twtf