The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-08 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
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WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1809.
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
JANUARY 30.
Debate on raising Embargo, and authorising Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
(Mr. Gardner in continuation.)
But how do gentlemen make out rebellion in this case? Does any gentleman suppose the town meetings in New-England are to rise up and make rebellion or unorganized resistance to the laws? Indeed let me assure gentlemen that there is not the slightest ground for apprehension of this kind. You must recollect, sir, that the general government was originally formed by free and independent states; and when the causes which produced the union ceased, it is not to be wondered at that the union should cease with it. And it is the duty of this body to take care that the causes which produced it shall be kept in full and complete existence. It is by employing proper means only that you can ever hope to produce a desired effect. The government was instituted for certain purposes; when those purposes cease the government must cease also. All free people know this; history is full of examples of it. Instead then of telling the people that they are in a state of rebellion, make your laws such that they will like them, as that they shall be happy under them, and they, sir, you never need talk to the people from this House. You have evidence of it under the present administration. The people felt obliged to it that they were happy, because the sun shone upon them; but the system pursued is at an end, because it was not calculated for the storm and tempest, it could not endure turbulent times. Because it has fallen to pieces, the administration has become more unpopular. The President himself has said that when laws please the people, they will rally round the standard of the law. It would seem, sir, as if a degree of pleasure was felt by some gentlemen in the House in supposing the people of the East and North to be a people inclined to be restless. Suppose that the people of the South could not believe that the embargo would answer the purpose for which it was designed. Suppose that they were satisfied that it would bring them to no happy result.—Is there that disposition in the people of the South that they would sit quiet and bless the hand that put these useless burthens upon them? Is that the character of the South? I have a much better opinion of the people of the South than to believe it. If, notwithstanding the embargo has produced no effect, their great confidence induces them to go on supporting this thing, they act very patriotically in so doing. The North and East oppose it from motives equally patriotic; and it is strange to me, that, as to that point, thirteen months should not have brought all men to the same mind. When the people of the South, under a former administration, felt themselves aggrieved, when they thought that the public liberty was in danger, when they were told that the alien and sedition laws were about to run them, did they sit still under them? Was there a quiet submission to the government? No, sir, the Legislature of the state of Virginia did what they thought to be their duty; they thought themselves right and the government wrong, and took a great and commanding stand for the liberty as they thought of Virginia. Why should not Massachusetts take the same stand when she thinks herself about to be destroyed—not because she differs from you on mere points of theory—it is their very bread which is attempted to be taken from the people there, without which they cannot enjoy the liberty of the press and speech, a pressure infinitely more severe than that caused by the alien and sedition laws. And I am rather surprised that gentlemen whose hearts no doubt glowed with patriotism when they saw their own state take a stand, cannot endure the same stand when taken by another state.
I do not make these remarks by way of casting a reflection on the state of Virginia; I do it to show that human nature is the same throughout the United States. Make your people believe that they are imposed upon and suffering without cause, and they will every where manifest the same disposition. Let the people of the South be but once convinced, as the people of the North are, that this embargo is but a weak and feeble expedient, and they will join the people of the North against it. But it seems that in one point at least gentlemen show a proper practical disposition, and I give them most sincere thanks for it. They start at last at pursuing a system which might in the end produce consequences which I tremble to think of. But it seems at last that the embargo is to be repealed, and, in behalf of the suffering country which I in part represent, I give gentlemen my most sincere thanks for it. But I beg of them, having made up their minds to relieve us from one calamity, that they will not in the manner of doing it bring a still greater calamity upon us; that they will not, when we ask them for bread, give us a stone. The resolution taken altogether, is no removal of the embargo. It is a continuance of the embargo in its worst shape, in its most distressing form; though I believe, if gentlemen who are disposed to relieve us from the embargo could see the substitute for it in the same light in which it appears to my mind, that there would be no difficulty in rejecting the latter part of the amendment, proposing the issuing of letters of marque and reprisal. In that case, vessels may get out; but where will they go? You will in that case be at war with both France and G. Britain. Is there any one who believes that we can enjoy any commerce under such a state of things? Do you affect to tell us that we shall be restored to the navigation of the ocean, and at the same time create dangers which did not exist before, by adopting such measures as will utterly prevent the practical enjoyment of liberty? You tell a merchant to go out to sea & there he will be captured. It is trifling with the impatience of the people, trifling with their interests; it is giving them nothing. It is strange, sir, that the government of the U. S. when there was little real danger in navigating the ocean, should have thought it necessary for the purpose of "keeping in safety our essential resources" to lay an embargo; & that when they have by their measures made a safe navigation so impracticable that scarcely one in twenty can escape the clutches of the enemy, they should say to the merchants "now you may go." Depend upon it, sir, that you cannot deceive the people of the commercial states in this way. If you would comply with their requests, and obviate the further progress of the ruin which like a blast has spread over them, restore them their commerce. They will thank you. You will strengthen the bonds of union, which should never be relaxed. Let them be the bonds of a great and high spirited people, and they will endure forever. But do not give them this boon which, in the moment of giving it, you prevent them from enjoying. An act which shall say that the embargo shall be repealed by prohibiting commerce more effectually by another mode than the embargo could do, will not and ought not to satisfy the people. There is nothing in it. I protest to you, sir, that I feel no little affliction that, at a moment when I thought that there was a probability that the embargo was to be removed, the liberty of the seas should be wholly taken away by the proposed system which will produce war with G. Britain. The only difference between the two systems is, that now you enforce the embargo, and if this resolution take effect, G. Britain will enforce it for you. The impossibility of carrying on a practical navigation will be precisely what it was before. I do not know, in point of experience, that it might not be better that Britain should keep on the embargo than that we should do it ourselves. If blood is to be spilt in keeping on the embargo, I had rather it should be British blood than American. Let us know what we have to depend upon, sir. If you mean to repeal the embargo, do repeal it. But remember that if in doing it you do not restore us the use of the ocean, you do not repeal it for that purpose for which its repeal is necessary. Remember that, sir; and let your acts be such as shall spread harmony and happiness through the country. But the people are too wise to suppose
that any sincere disposition exists to restore commerce when you your- selves say that it shall be at an end in the same breath that you profess to restore its wonted activity. I was in hopes, when the first resolution on this subject was proposed by the gentleman from Virginia, that some compassion was to be manifested to the people of the east; but that hope declined with that day's sun. The same system is still to be persevered in. Can gentlemen hope, that they can restore the confidence of the people by this sort of conduct? Let the government either enforce the embargo or remove it. Let them either permit our citizens to go on the ocean, or let them say, that they shall not go on it. Let not gentlemen suppose, that the people of the east, will take such a present as that proposed. They will bye and bye shrink from your presents, and will not touch them. We beg for nothing but to be dealt fairly with, to be told in plain terms what you will do. If you do that which is right, and go to work and restore the prosperity of the country, we will join with you heart and hand; but we are not to be brought into unanimity because a course is pursued which all reflection tells us is visionary. I was pleased yesterday, sir, with the impassioned eloquence of the gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) as honest a man as God ever formed. He told us if we removed the embargo, we must go to war. It is in vain for gentlemen to expect us to go to war when we can see no object for war. We value too highly for that, the prosperity of our people, their wives and children. We go amongst them and see their situation, they are a people fond of money, if you please; and when we find that a man can support life comfortably, we think there is really more honor in seeing the families in our cottages, well fed and decently clothed, than in sending them out to fight, when no man can tell what it is for. It is not so spirited, sir, but there is much more happiness in it. When I have done my duty in keeping the people in a state of happiness, I can go home and place my head on my pillow with a safe conscience; but I could not if I were to plunge this country into a war which on the one hand is unnecessary, and on the other can produce no good. If we even have real ground for going to war with G. Britain and France, if by going to war we could only be worsed, I would smother my resentment a while, and do as boys at school often do, wait till I am big enough to fight. I would at least have the instinctive wisdom of children. I know not what to add on this subject. My mind is exceedingly distressed by the course which it strikes me is now contemplated. I wish to see gentlemen less theoretic and more practical; to see them abandon theory and consider for a while the means of promoting the plain honest comforts of the people. Mr. DANA said, he rose at this time principally to protest in the name of the people of the state of Connecticut, against the supposition that it could be necessary for them, for a moment to vindicate their character against any insinuation of the editor of a newspaper, printed at the seat of government, however the editor might suppose it to be gratifying to those whom he wished to please. When gentlemen talk of N. England, (said Mr. Dana) and of Connecticut, as comprised in it, I would observe one thing; that the people of Connecticut have confided the management of their affairs here, to their Representatives in Congress; that they are not in the habit of petitioning this House. If they wish laws repealed, they do not address memorials to you on the subject; but if you believe, because they do not, that they approve of the laws, you are totally ignorant of the country. Whatever may be imagined about that state's being managed in a peculiar way, you know but very little about that people, if you imagine that they are not actuated by sentiments of liberty, if you imagine that the sentiment of liberty is not one of the most inextinguishable, or that their attachment to republican principles is not of the strongest cast. Their love of liberty is characterised by a high and sacred regard to order. The liberty which they wish is a rational liberty, one in which wisdom and justice reign supreme, which secures to every man his right and protects every man against aggression. As to the idea of a rebellion in the northern portion of the Union, I say that no such thing exists. I have heard spoken of as if there did. It is strange that gentlemen can in one moment, if they hear a bad rebellion
exists. If it does, let not one day pass over before you array your battalions and order them forward. If you will not do this, you are but not to consider any agitation as rebellion. If it be rebellion you do not do your duty, if you do not suppress it. You are compelled to decide whether you will denounce it rebellion or dissatisfaction. If it be rebellion, crush it. If it be only an expression of dissatisfaction at your measures, respect it. Gentlemen speak very freely of that country; they cannot touch it too lightly, especially when they speak of the bayonet as applied to it. Sir, gentlemen must beware how they touch on this topic, especially when it is viewed as arraying one great portion of the union against another, especially when you load with terms of opprobrium, a large portion of the union, when it is represented as being the hot bed of faction, as the nursery of toryism, as the residence of "British agents and persons corrupted with British gold." When gentlemen talk on this subject, let them recollect one thing. The inhabitants of that part of the country are not ignorant of their own strength; and no threat of vengeance will make them obey you for a moment. It is a moral force and that only which controls them. Of one thing, sir, gentlemen cannot be ignorant, neither are we. The physical strength of the different portions of the union, is not according to the ratio of representation on the floor of this House. When, therefore, gentlemen talk of engaging the authority of the government, let them appeal to sentiments more worthy, more honorable; and when we talk of our acts, let us recollect that a power superior to ourselves has set limits to our authority, and said, "thus far shall you go, and no further." [Mr. Eppes asked, to whom the gentleman particularly referred in the observations which he made.] Mr. DANA said, he did recollect particularly, but he was remarking on the general current of observations, which had been made in the House for two or three months past. He could only say, that though he felt the observation is at the time, he had not particularly noted by whom they were made, and they had left only a general impression. And there is one other thing (said he) which I have felt very strongly—the habit or example of denouncing, of covering with terms of opprobrium a portion of the people of the United States, who are not approve all the measures of the government. I have felt these things, because they are grossly misconstrued as an encouragement to that ferocious yelp of denunciation, to that savage war whoop of vengeance which is excited out of this House in certain portions of the union. It is of the utmost moment that that spirit should be repressed in various parts of the country. If in the moment of peril instead of arraying on this floor the petty passions of party, we were to combine to suppress it, we should more consult the interest of our country.
A committee appointed to consider our foreign relations, has presented us three alternatives—submission—embargo or war with Great Britain and France. They conceive it to be necessary to take one of those. For myself, sir, I declare that I do not wish to take either. As to war with G. Britain and France, I should wish to delay that till I could understand how it was to be made. As to this going to war with two nations at war with each other, I should like first to make some enquiry on the subject. I wish to know if any gentleman of military talents has drawn up any system of fighting three armies together. One against two on the same side, is no new thing, sir; but three against each other is a perfect novelty. I really do not know how they could draw up their troops in order of battle, supposing three armies to meet. They could not be drawn up in parallel lines, for each army must be opposed to two others. It is a sort of prismatic or triangular thing; for I cannot take three lines and form a square of them, or any other regular body. How would they form a line of reserve? The only way that I could think of arranging an army on this principle, was to draw up the three armies in a triangular form, the angles at 120 degrees, the whole making 360 degrees, or a whole circle; but in this case you must keep them there, not let them move, or you destroy the principle. This is a new thing which I wish to have explained. It is not the old fashioned way of fighting at all, nor was it ever known in ancient or modern war. When we go to sea, how will the system stand? Three frigates, British, French and American, all at war with each other, meet. Now if any two of them were on the same side I could understand it; but I cannot understand this. I have read an account of an English ship of the line going out and running between two enemies ships of the line in the night, and a heavy fire commencing on each side, backing with considerable address and leaving them to fire on each other. But really, sir, I cannot imagine how ships of three belligerents are to go to work. They cannot lay along side, forward, or aft; and yet I do not mean to deny that this thing cannot be done. For myself I have no suspicion that any man who has nautical skill enough to command a frigate, or any man who can give the order of battle for a brigade, could think of engaging at the same time with two enemies. If on this principle you go to war, therefore, you must trust the command to persons totally unworthy of command.
Mr. EPPES. I am glad that the gentleman from Connecticut has exhausted in debate the feelings with which he commenced—that he had concluded his remarks in perfect good humor I have no doubt. His dissertation on triangles, although ingenious enough, does not appear to me entirely new. The gentleman might add much to his stock of information on the uses of the triangle, by perusing a luminous pamphlet recently printed on this subject, called the "Trial of Alexander Whistelo." It is a book containing much curious learning, and I am certain the gentleman from Connecticut will receive amusement and instruction from its perusal. I regret extremely some of the observations which have fallen from the gentleman, and am happy that he did not intend to apply any part of them to me. I disclaim having ever reflected on the people of any part of the U. States. When on a former day in debate I declared that the tory principle had assumed in this country an official form, I referred to a sentiment which I read from the Essex Resolutions, containing what I at that time considered, and consider, a tory principle. We are told that we are now about to abandon the embargo and make a new experiment. What is the new experiment? Letters of marque and reprisal. The trial of force after every other remedy has failed is not a new experiment. It always has been and ever will be the last resort in contests between nations. When every other mode of adjusting a difference has failed there is nothing left but to give up the contest or fight. Sir, from the period at which the U. S. under the auspices of the federal government assumed its rank among the independent nations of the earth, we have been the object of suspicion and jealousy to the present great belligerent nations of Europe. Attached to peace and anxious to preserve it, all our efforts have been directed to this object. Our habits are not warlike. The glory of conquest and the spoiler of conquerors are spectacles unknown to this happy country. The sympathy excited in this country towards France by the American revolution first roused the jealousy of G. Britain. To this jealous feeling we may attribute many of the wrongs inflicted on us by G. Britain from the year 1783 to the year 1795, when our differences were adjusted by treaty. The conclusion of this treaty roused the jealousy of France. The sympathy produced by the American revolution had been weakened by time, and was totally lost during the sanguinary period of the French revolution. From the conclusion of the treaty with G. Britain our peace with France was in danger. Various acts of injustice and violence on the part of that government brought us again to a state of actual war. Our differences were adjusted by treaty; but the suspicion and jealousy of both these powers remain. To that unfounded suspicion and jealousy we owe many of our present difficulties. The demon of jealousy alone could induce either of these powers to believe that this nation is disposed to attach its destinies either to France or Great Britain. Nothing will satisfy G. Britain but involving us in her contest with France; nothing will satisfy France but involving us in her contest with G. Britain. Every thing short of this is represented by each as partiality towards her enemy. Each has power on the pretext of our being partial to the other has offered us injuries, to which we must either oppose equal retaliation or surrender

our independence. Shall we fold our arms and sit down content under all the wrongs that we have received? No; we must try our strength? It is no longer a political delusion. We are about to remove the embargo. This precautionary measure is to be abandoned; our vessels are no longer to be chained to the docks; they are to be employed on the ocean, and American seamen will find active employment in avenging the wrongs and vindicating the rights of their country. In this important object I had hoped we should all unite. It seems however that this new experiment of fighting is considered rather worse than the embargo. I have been astonished to hear gentlemen get up and speak on the old worn out subject of the embargo. They tell us that the people must find their way to the ocean; can they go on it without arms? Take letters of marque—fight your way—No, this is war, it will prevent their going on the ocean at all. It will wholly destroy commerce. Nothing but resistance to Great Britain and France (said Mr. E.) effectual resistance can ever restore commerce. It is gone, and with it agriculture, if these decrees and orders are not opposed by all the energies of the nation.
What is our present situation? It is not my intention (said Mr. E.) to occupy the time of the House in reading documents; from these documents I consider as established beyond a possibility of denial the following positions:
1. That Great Britain has violated our territory—murdered our citizens—committed enormous depredations on our commerce—impressed our seamen—excluded from market 70 millions of dollars of our exports—and subjected to tribute to the following amount the great staples of our country—viz. tobacco 3 dollars per 100lb.—cotton 16 cents per lb.—corn 16 cents per bushel—flour two dollars per barrel—fish 90 cents per 100lb.—pork 6 dollars 86 cents per barrel—beef 3 dollars 33 cents per barrel.
2. That France has violated her treaty—committed enormous depredations on our commerce—burnt our vessels on the high seas—subjected them to capture for causes over which we have no control; & subjected to capture our commerce with Great Britain, its islands and dependencies amounting to 33 millions of dollars.
3. That both these powers have attempted to mark out the course which the U. S. ought to pursue towards its enemy; and under the pretext of retaliating on us for supposed submission have carried their injustice and violence so far as to leave to the U. S. no commerce which can be pursued with safety or honor.
4. That negotiation has been tried with both these powers in every possible form and has failed.
Will any gentleman come forward and deny any one of these positions? He cannot. Documents on the table demonstrate their truth. These injuries cannot be submitted to. They must be resisted. The last appeal to the justice of these nations has been made. Whenever the embargo is removed we must fight. Whether we fight on the triangle, the square, or the form called rough, roll and tumble, I care not—fight we must, unless we are destitute of principle and of courage.
I will not submit without a struggle, to the unjust pretensions of either of these powers. The causes which produced the American revolution were trifling, compared with the present monstrous pretensions of the belligerents.
Will the people who spurned a penny tax on tea, when united under the same government with Great Britain, submit to a tax on the most valuable staples of their country, and hold the right to carry them to market at the will of a foreign power. It is impossible; our ancestors gave up a gratuity affording every thing to gratify avarice and pride. They placed themselves under the goddess of liberty, in a forest filled with howling savages, and destitute of the comforts of life. Shall we, the descendants of that people shrink from maintaining our independence. Shall we to avoid the evil of war, take the greatest of all evils, a base submission to foreign powers.
We are told that the alien and sedition laws, which called forth all the energies of Virginia, were mere sops compared with the embargo. They were bitter pills, never to be swallowed; they were clear, open and manifest violations of the constitution, and the reasoning of the committee of the Virginia Legislature, against these laws, remains unanswered to this day. Whenever the people of Massachusetts, or any other state, shall come forward and shew me that a law is unconstitutional, and in the same form and constitutional form, and that I have violated their rights, I am willing to retrace my steps. But when they tell me that they cannot live but by a base submission to a foreign power, I will say to them starve . Whenever the people of this country cannot live without
crouching to a foreign power, let them starve. I cannot consent to surrender as a desert or for a whole dinner, the rights of this country.
We are told we cannot maintain our rights; that we must grow before we fight. We cannot grow under base submission to foreign despotism. Look at the history of the world, and see whether any nation has grown up under oppression. It is tyranny which produces ill-formed and rickety children, and not an adherence to the rights of men. But the gentleman from New-York, has told us that this attempt to assert the rights of the nation by war, is worse than insult! I have shown you, sir, that the people are excluded from the ocean by the decrees of G. B. and France, and if we raise the embargo, war must be the consequence. Why, sir, if we take off from the list of places to which we usually trade, those places affected by the decrees and orders, we have, as has been repeatedly shown, but a commerce of seven millions and a half. Will you take this? If you do and prohibit intercourse with the places affected by the decrees, it is submission.
Take the second point which has been offered, viz. to arm our merchant vessels, and allow them to trade. If our differences were with France alone, this would be an effectual and honorable provision. We could force a trade against France. Our situation would permit it. But will any gentleman say that we can carry tobacco, or rice, or cotton, or fish to market on the continent of Europe, and protect it with cannon against Great Britain? No, sir, arming the merchant vessels will give only a commerce with Great Britain. It is consigning to individuals the destinies of the nation—issuing letters of marque and reprisal is a fair, manly and open resistance on the part of the nation. It will afford to our citizens a chance to get back some of the property of which they have been plundered. It will give neither power a monopoly of our commerce. We can assail both belligerents and fight them both at triangles, squares or oblongs, or in every possible form in which we can meet with them. If our arms can be employed with effect on water, our vessels must not be encumbered with cargoes—letters of marque and reprisal will be effectual resistance to both these powers—arming our merchant vessels is not resistance in the present state of the world. It can be followed only with disgrace to the nation and ruin to the individual. It will give to Great Britain the exclusive monopoly of our commerce and destroy the value of all the great staples of our country. Having already stated to the House once to day the reasons why I think that the embargo should not be continued beyond the first day of June, I shall trespass no longer on your attention.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1. Mr. BACON said, that perhaps the almost insuperable difficulties to which this subject of embargo in whatever shape it was presented to us always gives rise, might justly be esteemed not the least amongst those many inconveniences which were imputed to it. Sure he was, that it was by no means an evil so entirely imaginary as were many of those which both in and out of this House had been laid to its charge. It had cost us a most vehement and impassioned debate to get into it; had been the theme of an almost perpetual debate during its continuance, and it now seemed that we could get out of it only by the same course. For himself he should have been willing to have met the present question by a silent vote, if a similar disposition had been generally evinced on either side of the House.
From present appearances (said Mr. B.) I am sorry to be obliged to realise, that in my vote on both parts of the resolution under consideration, I shall probably be compelled to differ with many, though I trust not a majority, of those, with whom it has usually been my pleasure and my pride to unite on most questions of a public nature. In the observations which have already fallen from some of those gentlemen, there has appeared to me to have been intermingled at least some indirect thrusts at those of us who on this question might be thought disposed to differ with them in opinion, in relation to the propositions now pending before us. This is a state of things which it was perhaps very natural to expect, and we may probably as well now as ever give a free vent to those transient feelings which it is calculated to excite, and settle the account at the outset.
On this head it was intimated yesterday by a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Jackson) that the popular clamors which were at present so loud in some quarters of our country might perhaps deter some gentlemen from adhering to that course of policy to which they might otherwise assent; cautioning them at the same time, that they might be hurled from their seats by the people, if through a defect of the nerves they should shrink from a rigid perform-
ance of that duty, which the crisis called upon them to perform. Sir, with respect to political nerves we have probably most of us as good an opinion of the strength of our own as they deserve; but to judge of this particular working upon the system of others, is at once a difficult and delicate undertaking. So much does the nervous system vary according to the different habits and constitution of politicians, that it is impossible precisely to ascertain its operation, or the different results to which it sometimes conducts us. With some it undoubtedly operates to create a sort of instinctive horror at the prospect of popular disapprobation, and a peculiar sensibility to popular clamor. With others its tendency is to foster a confirmed repugnance against differing in any essential point from those enlightened few whose opinions we have been habituated to reverence, and whose general principles we have been accustomed to respect. Its influence upon our public conduct should unquestionably in both respects be sedulously guarded against. For if in one case it degrades the legislator into the variable and unstable demagogue, in the other it sinks him into the levee politician, or the accommodating courtier. For one I can truly declare, that I know of no public situation in which the firmness of the nerves can be so severely tested, as that in which we are forced to differ from the opinions of those in whom we are accustomed to confide as politicians, and sincerely to respect as men. My present situation enables me to speak with a most feeling sense of the truth of this remark. But as on the one hand I feel it my duty not to be driven, or as the expression has been, not to be kicked into any course which I cannot approve by the rudeness of my political adversaries, so on other would I be careful not to be seduced into it by an overweening deference to the opinions of my friends, however respectable in their private characters, or exalted in their public standing.
With respect to the present question (Mr. B. said) he was compelled from the best consideration which he could bestow upon it, to differ from the very respectable mover of the resolution on both parts of his proposition; on the first as to the time at which he proposed to give it effect, and on the second as to the extent of the measure itself. The proposition now was, to fill the blank with the first day of June. So far as this applies to the repeal of the embargo, what beneficial ends can be answered by deferring it to so late a period? There were certainly many positive benefits to be calculated upon from its early repeal; amongst these was the consideration, that it would more effectually quiet those public jealousies and discontents which had been so assiduously excited & promoted in some parts of the union. Most of these to be sure he well knew to be unreasonable and unfounded, many of them he had no doubt were wicked and perverse. Still if by any measure not otherwise exceptionable, they could be effectually allayed, it was certainly not an undesirable object. It surely could not be sound policy by adhering to this system beyond the measure of absolute necessity, to risk in the hands of any faction which might be disposed to wield it, an instrument by which they may endanger the union of our country, and raise themselves to power on the ruins of liberty and the constitution. There were many other advantages in a commercial view which we should derive from a speedy repeal, and which would be very much lost by deferring it to so distant a period; these had been urged by others and he would not enlarge upon them.
What then are the advantages expected to be derived from a protraction of this measure four months longer? As to any coercive operation which it may have upon foreign nations when the utmost period of its continuance is once declared by law no gentleman expects any thing of that sort from it—from the moment that a limitation is fixed, its coercive force is allowed to be gone. It is only then as a measure calculated for the preservation of peace with foreign powers, that the protraction of its repeal for so long a period can be thought desirable. That this is an object of the highest moment, and for the attainment of which we should cheerfully submit to very great sacrifices cannot be denied; it is for this and this alone that we have so long consented to them; but as it may sometimes even buy gold too dear, so the chance of an honorable peace, and under the present aspects it is at best but a chance, may be purchased too high. It will be too high if it even expose to hazard and interruption the continuance of our internal union and our national tranquility. Sir, when I speak of an interruption of tranquility, I beg not to be understood as being intimidated myself, or impressing others with any apprehensions of domestic insurrection, or as it has been denominated sometimes on this floor, rebellion against your
laws, in any part of this nation. Tho' no such idea can be entertained by those of us who are well acquainted with the people of N. England, yet in justice to those gentlemen from other quarters, who have in their remarks here alluded to such a state of things, I must say that the outrageous and intemperate language which is daily held forth in most of the principal papers of a certain character in that section of the country, and the direct and open justification of forcible resistance to our laws, which they frequently inculcate, have an inevitable tendency to create in the minds of the public here, a belief that New England is fast verging to such a lamentable and disgraceful state. Sir, I have said heretofore, and shall continue to say, that all such suggestions from whatever quarter they may come, are a libel upon the good people of New England, and however much disposed the conductors or patrons of these prostituted papers may be to plunge their fellow citizens into acts of insubordination and open resistance to the laws of the nation, they will never succeed. The known and established character of that people is a sure pledge of their incapacity to be driven into any such desperate attempts by the arts of a few ambitious and infatuated partisans, & for the subserviency only of their selfish purposes. It is not therefore from the fear of having to meet any such state of things that I should be desirous of shaping any public measure. But there may perhaps arise a state of public feeling through the influence of prejudice and delusion, which, tho' very far from either open resistance or insurrection against law, may yet be very different from that state of public tranquility and national union which at a period of threatened hostility from foreign powers, it is extremely desirable to cherish and preserve, when it can be done without the sacrifice of any material object on the part of the nation, and as no material object can in my view be calculated upon by a continuation of the embargo to the first day of June, which we shall not be at least as likely to attain by placing it at an earlier day, I cannot but allow some weight to the consideration which I have alluded to. By means of the embargo we are to obtain our object with foreign powers, of which we are not without hope, it has probably before this time had its effect and if not, no effect can be hoped from it after its limitation shall be known, whether the period of its repeal be fixed either one month or three months distant.
So much, sir, as to the day with which it is proposed to fill the blanks, so far as it applies to that part of the resolution touching the repeal of the embargo laws. As it affects that part of it which goes to authorise general reprisals against either or both of the aggressing nations, I would remark, that even were I satisfied with the character of the measure proposed, in the present peculiar state of our affairs, I could by no means consent to this mode of taking it. In every point of view, the policy of declaring offensive war against any nation four months in advance, is to me wholly objectionable. In the first place, it is taking upon ourselves to judge of the fitness of a measure at a future time, which our successors in the next Congress can when the time arrives, determine the expediency of, under all the circumstances which may then present themselves to them, much better than we can; and it ought to be remembered, that if the contest is then entered upon, it is our successors, and not we, who have got to carry the country through the struggle.
It is further objectionable, as its effect must be to throw the advantage of the game out of our hands and into those of our adversary; and after being formally notified, that we are determined to strike on the first of June, and not before; they must be poor calculators indeed, if they do not take advantage of us and strike first. Such a step is also eminently calculated to defeat the very object which is usually and principally intended by the measure of reprisals; which object is, as I have ever understood, to enable the citizens of an injured country to indemnify themselves for the losses which they may have sustained through the aggressions of the injuring country, or those of its subjects, out of the property and effects of the latter wherever found. It ought, therefore, from its very nature and object to be an operation of the moment. The blow should be struck at once, while the effects of the adversary are within our reach; but by giving public notice of our intention so long before hand, can any thing else be expected than that the latter will either withdraw his property, or so protect and secure it, that the great object of our reprisals will be in a great measure defeated? Surely not.
But in addition to these objections, as to the time proposed for the execution of this measure, I am by no means convinced that the measure itself is the next best which can be presented to us, by which to resist
the aggressions of our adversaries, upon removing the embargo. It has very often been urged upon us, that the idea of a war on our part with two nations, each of whom was at the same time at war with the other, was utterly absurd and impracticable, and could not be seriously thought of; that the difficulties of such a state of things were great and serious, as it related to a direct offensive war, could not be doubted, though no one could say that the situation of a nation might not be such as to render it her duty to meet and risk it, at every hazard. At any rate the objection to it could only be considered as having any force when applied to an offensive state of hostilities; as to defensive resistance, or a war of defence merely, it could surely be no objection to it, that it would have to be exercised against two or more nations, who might be aggressing upon either our territorial or maritime rights—these it would be our duty at all hazards, to defend as well as we could, should they be assailed by all the nations of Christendom. If all the warring tribes of savages beyond the Mississippi should at once invade our territory in different directions, we must meet them; and whether we fought by any rules of either ancient or modern warfare or not, repel them by our utmost means; our maritime rights might not be capable of the same effectual defence, but if attacked we must resist and defend them in some shape or other, be the assailants as numerous as they might. Such is in some measure the peculiarity of our present situation, and it furnished a weighty consideration why we should avoid waging an offensive war as long as possible, seeing that we could not well select our single adversary with honor to ourselves, or without seeming to do it by compulsion of the other; but this furnished no reason why we should not resist defensively the aggressions of both, in the manner proposed in the resolution, which I had the honor a few days since to lay on the table, and which is now regularly before this committee. It is in fact for the reasons before suggested, that I should prefer this as the first step to hostilities; and the next best mode of interposing our resistance to our enemies. Another reason is, that it affords us another and a much more probable chance of escaping an open and general war, the calamities of which have been so feelingly described; the horrors of which, at this extraordinary period, no tongue perhaps can describe, and the end of which no man can, with any precision, calculate. If we at once issue general reprisals, which is only another name for direct war, the die is from this moment cast, the last hope of peace is fled, and we have nothing to do but to make the best of the contest we can. On the other hand, if we take the intermediate step, authorise defensive resistance, and special reprisals, only when first assailed, we do not thereby put both the belligerent powers up to their mettle, and place them on that point of pride from which they may fancy they cannot, consistent with their honor, recede. Such will not be the situation in which a measure of mere defensive hostilities will place the relations between us. So far from it, that if we are at liberty to entertain any hope of a returning sense of justice from either of them, it may, I flatter myself, be calculated upon from a course of this sort. From which of them it may first be expected, it is impossible to undertake to calculate. In relation to what may be expected from one of them, no one can perhaps conjecture. But I will say, that if those who govern the councils of Great Britain are not yet utterly overcome with a spirit of madness and infatuation, they must recede from the execution of the system which they have levelled against us, when they see that after so long a forbearance we are at length determined to risk open collisions, if they see fit to force them upon us any further. Should they then recede, there can be little doubt that France will do the same in a very short period. But if she shall not, I think that I may safely pledge myself, for all those at least with whom I have usually acted, that they will unite as one in avenging in the best practicable mode those outrages upon the national honor, interest and independence which we have unanimously declared, are not to be submitted to from any power on earth; and which, whatever may be pretended by Great Britain, this government has always been ready and anxious to vindicate our country against; could we have been suffered to do it with honor to ourselves, and without a seeming compulsion at least on her part towards us. The fact is, that as it respects both those powers, their conduct has on both sides hitherto been so utterly wanton, capricious and thwarting towards us, that they have contrived, in the expressive language of our minister at the court of Great Britain, to embarrass, perplex and confound all those measures of resistance to the aggressions of either, which they have been continually requiring us to take as

each other. We choose not to take measures any more than "to give reasons upon compulsion," and we will not so take them. We will, however, I trust, defend ourselves against the depredations of both, and if they both, or either choose to persevere in the execution of their lawless aggressions, we shall, it is hoped, become more united in our determination and our efforts to vindicate our rights, if they shall continue to be assailed.
At any rate, I am for leaving it to the wisdom of the ensuing Congress, which is to meet at an early day, to determine upon that position which the nation shall take in relation to such a state of things as may grow out of the course which I propose. They may very probably choose to enter a step further into the contest, should no accommodation of our differences be effected before they shall assemble. As one of that body I shall not at present any further pledge myself to what extent I would then go for the protection of commercial rights and for the interests of commercial men. After the sample which they have too generally afforded of their principles, and the treatment which this government have received for the difficulties in which they have involved themselves at their request, and in the vindication of those interests which these men claim as peculiarly their own, it is to be hoped every future administration will very cautiously commit the fortunes of the country at their instigation. Like most of the members on this floor, I represent only an agricultural people. That people though having no peculiar interest in the pursuit of foreign commerce, have been willing hitherto to contribute their most effectual aid in assisting their commercial brethren in maintaining their peculiar rights. But after what has so lately passed on the part of these gentlemen, I should hardly advise my constituents that it was their duty not only to insist upon fighting all the world for the assertion of commercial rights, but even to fight the merchants themselves, as it seems they must, in order to make them also fight for their own interests. In the management and regulation of the concerns of these people, there really appears to be something which renders it at least unsafe for a legislator to pledge himself to any thing specific in their behalf. In regard to the noble animal who traverses the land or roams the forest, there is something steady and stable upon which we may with some safety calculate; but with respect to the wayward motions and tortuous windings of the slimy and slippery eel, who squirms in the ocean, it is impossible to calculate where or how we may best lay hold of him, or the most effectually regulate his course. On all these points without pledging ourselves any further, I am disposed to leave it to the wisdom of our successors to put the nation in such an attitude as the circumstances then presenting shall render it most expedient.
(Debate to be continued.) BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of building and improvements on the Lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others, whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorized by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June 1796 to this day, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions being experienced, it is deemed proper to revive and continue the same with the exception hereafter mentioned.
Therefore, I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare, That the first and third articles above recited, shall be and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington, previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected; except that no wooden house, covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall any such house be placed within twenty-four feet of a brick or stone house.
Given under my hand the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and nine. THO: JEFFERSON. February 8—w6t
NOTICE. All persons interested, are hereby requested to attend on Saturday the 18th day of February next, either in person, by agent or attorney, at the Office of James Forrest, Esq. Leomardtown, for the purpose of receiving their dividend in the estate of Henry Lee, deceased, as on that day I shall proceed to make payment and distribution amongst the creditors of the said deceased. WILLIAM T. LEE, Adm'r. January 20—w8
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 8.
Letters have been received from Boston, which state, that an order had been received by the commandant at the fort from General Dearborn, instructing him to inhibit the passage of vessels; that considerable ferment had been excited by the order; that the masters of the ships in harbor determined to wear their colors half mast high; that this was done by all the captains except one, who raised his flag to the mast head; that he was waited upon by a deputation of mariners, who advised him that unless he struck his flag by a certain hour they would do it; that he persisted in his purpose until a large body of sailors boarded his vessel, seized him, pulled down and destroyed his flag; after which they conducted him to a remote part of the town and set him at liberty. The letters add, that the same body of sailors in parading the streets came across a tender to the fort, having on board fresh provisions for the garrison, which they immediately seized and threw into the river, declaring that as the fort cut off their supply of fresh fish, they would not permit the soldiers to have fresh meat.
We shall offer no comment on these occurrences, as fuller information may prove them, as we hope it will, altogether untrue or greatly exaggerated. Such has in fact been the fate of the greater part of the alarming rumors lately circulated.
SENATE—FEB. 7. MR. SMITH of Maryland, from the joint committee appointed on the subject, reported the following resolution, which was adopted:
Resolved, That the two Houses shall assemble in the chamber of the House of Representatives on Wednesday next, at 12 o'clock; that one person be appointed a Teller on the part of the Senate, to make a list of the votes as they shall be declared; that the result shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall announce the state of the vote, and the persons elected, to the two Houses assembled as aforesaid, which shall be deemed a declaration of the persons elected.
Ordered, That Mr. Smith be appointed Teller on the part of the Senate.
[This resolution has been substantially agreed to by the House of Representatives, and Messrs. Nicholas and Vandike, appointed Tellers on their part.]
The bill to incorporate a company for opening the canal in the city of Washington, was ordered to a third reading.
ERRATUM—In Mr. Randolph's observations in the last National Intelligencer, instead of the words, "There is not a single department of this government, not a man in the administration, concerning whom I would make a charge of this sort, with greater diligence than against the Secretary at War, &c."—Read, "There is not a single department of this government, not a man in the administration, against whom I would credit a charge of this sort, &c."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6. Mr. Gardner presented a petition from sundry citizens of the state of New Hampshire, praying for a repeal of the embargo laws; and Mr. Munford presented a petition from two wards of the city of New York against the act for enforcing the embargo—Referred.
On motion of Mr. Morrow, Resolved, That the committee on the Public Lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of making further provision for compensation of the Board of Commissioners, Clerk and Translator for adjusting claims to land in the Louisiana territory and that they report by bill or otherwise.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. Several petitions having been presented, in addition to those heretofore stated, against the mode in which the late election in the state of Massachusetts was conducted— Mr. Bacon offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the Clerk of this House do carry to the Senate the several memorials from sundry citizens of the state of Massachusetts, remonstrating against the mode in which the appointment of Electors for President and Vice President has been proceeded to on the part of the Senate and House of Representatives of said state as irregular and unconstitutional, and praying for the interference of the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S. for the purpose of preventing the establishment of so dangerous a precedent.
Mr. J. G. Jackson said he saw no objection to the resolution, or even to going farther than it proposed. The constitution had declared that the election of Electors in each state should be held in such manner as the legislature should direct; and he said he never could consent to the doctrine that any set of men, without the authority of law, could make an election of Electors. He believed that the
case was not provided for; and as the present case could not vary the general result of the Presidential election, gentlemen appeared not to be disposed to interfere in it. But he hoped it would operate on the House to induce them to consider the propriety of providing some mode of hereafter distinguishing between legal and illegal or surreptitious elections.
Mr. Van Horn moved to strike out the words in italic , as he understood them as committing the House to express an opinion on the subject of the petitions—Motion lost, Ayes 18.
Mr. Rowan was opposed to the resolution. He contended, that, the constitution having provided that each state shall chuse in such manner as the legislature shall direct, a number of Electors equal to the number of their Senators and Representatives, it was improper that this House should interfere in it? Why might it not as well interfere in the election of Senators? He said that Congress certainly did not possess a superintending power over the acts of the states in general cases; if they did in this particular instance, he wished it to be shown. He thought that an interference by Congress would be an assumption of power on their part, forming a dangerous precedent. The House was called upon to say that the legislature of the state of Massachusetts had improperly directed the manner of election. Was Congress to form for the states a model of the manner in which they should direct their elections to be held? Congress had no power to act on the subject. Why then send the memorials to the Senate? He said he was against taking any order in relation to them. In his opinion it was improper to give the petitions a place on the files of the House; because they related to a subject on which the House had not the power to legislate. Although it was a general principle that all petitions should be heard; this rule certainly did not include petitions on local matters or state concerns, on which the House had no jurisdiction. It seemed to him improper, therefore, that the petitions should have been received; but having been received, he wished them to lie on the table.
Mr. Bacon observed that the adoption of the resolution would not commit the House at all. He was aware that there was a difficulty in acting on this subject, and he only wished to give an intimation to the Senate that such petitions had been received. It was but decorous to the petitioners that their petitions should be brought into view; though Mr. Bacon said, with the gentleman from Kentucky, he doubted whether any thing could be done for them.
The resolution was agreed to, 51 to 24.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO, &c. The following resolutions were offered by Mr. Durell on Saturday, and referred to the committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution:
Resolved, That the United States will consider any capture and condemnation of merchant vessels of the U. S. owned wholly by a citizen or citizens thereof, and engaged in lawful commerce, by an armed vessel sailing under a belligerent flag, and acting by and under authority of orders, decrees, or edicts violating the lawful commerce or neutral rights of the U. S. as a declaration of war on the part of that government to which said belligerent flag shall belong, and in whose courts such condemnation shall be had.
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. on being satisfactorily informed of such capture and condemnation as aforesaid, be requested, forthwith, to recall from such belligerent state, by and under whose authority such capture and condemnation shall be made, such resident minister or ministers of the U. S. as may reside at the government thereof.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the resolutions offered by Mr. Nicholas, Mr. Bacon, and Mr. Durell.
The amendment offered to Mr. Nicholas's resolution by Mr. Randolph, in the following words, being under consideration: "to authorize the merchant vessels of the U. S. owned wholly by citizens of the U. S. to arm and defend themselves against any armed vessels sailing under the British or French flag, so long as their orders or decrees are unrevoked."
Mr. J. G. Jackson spoke against it for about three hours.
When the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again.
Tuesday, Feb. 7. Mr. Mason presented the petition of a number of inhabitants of Washington county, Mississippi territory praying for an extension of the right of pre-emption, and for the free navigation of the Mobile, for which they now pay to the Spanish government a duty of 12 per cent. on their produce. The first part of the memorial was referred to the committee of Public Lands, and the latter part to the Secretary of State.
Mr. Poindexter also presented a petition of sundry inhabitants pray-
ing for an extension of the right of pre-emption.—Referred.
Mr. Southard presented the petition of the Jersey company, praying that the town of Jersey may be erected into a port of entry.—Referred.
REPEAL OF EMBARGO, &c. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole 53 to 51, Mr. Mason in the chair, on the resolutions on the subject of the state of our foreign relations.
Mr. Randolph's amendment yet under consideration.
Messrs. Sloan, Cook, and Lyon advocated the amendment.
The question was taken on striking out so much of Mr. Nicholas's resolution as relates to issuing letters of marque and reprisal; there were
For striking out 57 Against it 39
Majority 16
So that the next question is on inserting the substitute offered by Mr. Randolph; on whose motion the committee now rose, 56 to 37, and obtained leave to sit again—Ayes 57.
Baltimore, Feb. 4.
We confidently state, from the best authority, and to their honor be it spoken, that the merchants of Baltimore, without even a solitary exception, have complied with all the provisions of the last supplementary act of the Embargo.
Our Providence paper of Saturday last informs, that
It is false that any portion of the militia have been ordered out to enforce the embargo law, and that the whole story of their refusing to fire, and the people cutting a brig out of the ice, is a base and wicked federal fabrication, to excite the citizens in other parts of the union, to a violation of the laws.
It is also false that the Collector of the port of Providence has resigned, as stated in the Boston Centinel by an extract of a letter said to be dated Providence, January 23. 1809, and also stated in the N. York Evening Post, under the assuming title of an "extract of a letter dated Providence, January 20. 1809." The truth is that the collector did on the 23d of January, make representations to the commander in chief, which induced the latter to issue orders to a brigade of militia, to hold themselves in readiness to enforce the laws, but it was not necessary to order them.
AT a meeting of the Commercial Company, this day, a Dividend was declared of Five per Cent. for the six months ending the 31st December last, which will be paid to the Stock-holders or their representatives on Saturday the 18th inst. JOSEPH FORREST, Fr. February 6—418th
DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP.
THE Partnership of William T. Reed & Co. being this day dissolved; all persons having demands against said firm are desired to bring in their accounts to the subscriber for settlement, and all persons indebted to said firm are warned against paying any money, but to the subscriber who will call on them with their accounts. FRANCIS CLARK.
N. B. The business will be carried on at the same place, and all orders attended to with punctuality, by FRS CLARK, & Co. Washington, February 8—3t.
A CARD.
MR. GENERES has the honor to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington, that his next BALL will be on Wednesday 17th inst. at Mr. Long's Hotel, and to be continued on the same day once a fortnight. Feb. 7—3t.
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET.
GRATEFULLY sensible of the past favors of both his Friends and the Public at large, takes the liberty to offer in addition to his lately Advertised Stock of DRY GOODS, a new supply of—
Common Broad Cloth, Pellice do. Tappy Velvet, Silk do. and Flannels of almost any description at the most reduced prices, as also every other article in the Dry Good line, at the most reasonable accomodations a favoring public can expect. He has also newly received by the schr. Hope, capt. James Keeth, and offers for Sale by Wholesale, 5000 lbs. best Green Coffee, 500 lbs. well tanned Seal Leather of first rate slaughter Hides, 1 pipe Holland Gin, 1 pipe Almonds in shells, 9 boxes Tin, A quantity of best Sheet Iron, single, double and treble, 1 box London Imported Hats, A few pieces Oil Cloth, Spanish Segars by the box, Linen Checks, Apron do. Cotton Velvets, Black Cambrics, Do. silk Velvets, Plain Velvet Binding of all numbers, 1 trunk elegant Calicoes, Silk Shawls, Pellice Cloth, Dressing Looking-Glasses, Black Worsted Stockings, Cotton Stripes, Linen do. 1 trunk tanned Buck skins suitable for gloves and pantaloons making, 5000 best Clarified Quils, All of which he intends to dispose of on the most pleasing terms for cash or approved notes. December 28—3t&w8
20,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 2 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery authorized by law for removing Obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA. SCHEME. 2 prizes of $10,000 each 2 20,000 2 3,000 2 10,000 2 2,500 2 5,000 3 1,000 3 3,000 6 500 6 3,000 15 200 15 3,000 30 100 30 3,000 60 50 60 3,000 150 20 150 3,000 300 10 300 3,000 13,800 5 13,800 69,000 35,650 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize. 50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prize to be paid by Thomas McKean, esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery.
Part of the above prices determinable as follows:
The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each, do on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500 do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do.
The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do.
Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments to their interest.
Letters post-paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes or lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun.
No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city. December 12—w8t
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON, of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cumberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided.
Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT.
By his Excellency's command, NIXON PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Fredericktown; the Maryland Herald, at Hagerstown; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. Jan. 4—2aw6w.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided.
Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT.
By his Excellency's command, NIXON PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27—2aw6w
FOR SALE.
THE two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Creven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency.
GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6—2aw6w.

MESSAGE of the President of the UNITED STATES, transmitting information respecting the execution of the act of Congress of the 21st February, 1806, appropriating Two Millions of Dollars for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
To the Senate of the United States.
According to the resolution of the Senate of the 17th inst. I now transmit them the information therein requested, respecting the execution of the act of Congress of February 21, 1806, appropriating two millions of dollars, for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
TH: JEFFERSON.
January 24.
In compliance with the resolution of the Senate, so far as the same is not complied with by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the 20th inst. the Secretary of State respectfully reports, that neither the whole nor any portion of the Two millions of dollars appropriated by the act of Congress of 21st February 1806, "for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations," was ever authorised or intended to be applied to the use of either France, Holland, or any country other than Spain; nor otherwise to be applied to Spain than by treaty with the government thereof, and exclusively in consideration of a cession and delivery to the U. States of territory held by Spain eastward of the river Mississippi. All which is respectfully submitted.
JAMES MADISON.
Department of State, January 21.
In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 17th inst. the Secretary of the Treasury respectfully
REPORTS
That the President of the U. S. did, by virtue of the act of the 21st February 1806, authorise the Secretary of the Treasury to place Two millions of dollars at the joint disposal of John Armstrong and James Bowdoin, commissioners for settling all matters of difference between the U. S. and government of Spain, and in case of the death of one of them, at the disposal of the survivor, to be jointly applied by the said John Armstrong and James Bowdoin, or in case of the death of one of them, by the survivor, to such purposes as he the said President should think proper to direct in his instructions to them.
That the Secretary of the Treasury did accordingly on the 18th day of March, 1806, authorise the said John Armstrong and James Bowdoin, to draw bills of exchange for the said two millions of dollars, in the manner following: viz. on the bankers of the U. S. at Amsterdam for one million of dollars, and on the treasury of the U. S. for one million of dollars.
That this transaction was officially communicated by the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress at their next session, in his annual report on finances, of 5th December 1806, and in the following words: "It is here proper to state, that under the authority given by that act, a credit of one million of dollars has been opened in Holland, in the names of the U. S. appointed to treat with Spain. Should the credit be used, the million will be charged to the proper appropriation; but although the balance charged to the expenditure of the year 1807, will in that case be only one, instead of two millions as stated in the above estimate, the general result will be the same; as it will then be necessary to replace in Holland the million thus employed for a different object than the payment of the foreign debt, to which it now stands charged."
That no specie was sent to any country whatever, nor any other remittances made, nor any other measures, than those above stated, taken by this department, for the purpose of carrying into execution the above-mentioned act.
That John Armstrong and James Bowdoin have not, either jointly or separately, drawn either on Holland or on the treasury, or in any other manner, for any part whatever of the sum which had been thus placed at their disposal; and that all the remittances which had, with a view to that object, been made to the bankers at Amsterdam, were made for the payment of the foreign debt, and not for any other object.
That the authority which had been given to John Armstrong and James Bowdoin to draw for that money, or any part thereof, ceased with the return of the last mentioned gentleman to the U. S.
And that no part of the monies appropriated by the above-mentioned act, of the 13th Feb. 1806, has been, or can hereafter be expended; the appropriation untouched and entire having expired on the 31st day of December last, and been carried to the credit of the surplus fund, in conformity with the provisions of the act, entitled "An act making further provision for the support of public credit, and for the redemption of the public debt," passed March 3, 1795.
Respectfully submitted, ALBERT GALLATIN. Treasury Department, Jan. 20, 1809.
(Copy) By virtue of the act, entitled "An act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the U. S. and foreign nations," passed on the 13th day of Feb. 1806, and of which the annexed is an official exemplification:—I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the U. S. of America, do hereby authorise and empower Albert Gallatin, secretary of the treasury of the U. S. to take all proper and necessary measures for placing the two millions of dollars appropriated by the act above recited at the joint disposal of John Armstrong and James Bowdoin, commissioners plenipotentiary and extraordinary, for settling all matters of difference between the U. S. and the government of Spain, and in case of the death of one of them, at the disposal of the survivor—to be jointly applied by the said John Armstrong and James Bowdoin—or in case of the death of one of them, by the survivor, to such purposes as I may think proper to direct in my instructions to them; and for
so doing this shall be his sufficient warrant.
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the U. S. to be hereunto affixed.
Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and six.
(Signed) TH: JEFFERSON.
By the President. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. Secretary of State.
Be it known, that I, Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury of the U. S. for the time being, by virtue of the within commissions, power or warrant of the President of the U. S. of America, have authorised and empowered, and by these presents do authorise and empower the within mentioned John Armstrong and James Bowdoin, jointly, or in case of the death of one of them, the survivor to draw bills of exchange, for the two millions of dollars appropriated by the annexed act of Congress, in manner following, viz. on Wilhem and Jan Willink, N. & J. & R. Van Staphorst, bankers of the U. S. at Amsterdam, for two millions, five hundred thousand guilders, current money of Holland, equal at par to one million of dollars, and on the treasury of the U. S. for one million of dollars, being the remainder of the sum appropriated as aforesaid—the bills for one fourth part of the last mentioned million to be made payable on demand, and the bills for the remaining three fourths thereof, to be drawn at thirty, sixty and ninety days after sight.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the Treasury to be hereunto affixed to these presents, and have hereunto (Seal) subscribed my hand at the city of Washington, the 18th day of March, one thousand eight hundred and six. (Signed) ALBERT GALLATIN.
(Copy) An act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a sum of two millions of dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated towards defraying any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred, in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, to be paid out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to be applied, under the direction of the President of the United States, who shall cause an account thereof to be laid before Congress as soon as may be.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorised if necessary, to borrow the said sum, or any part thereof, in behalf of the United States, at a rate of interest not exceeding six per centum per annum, redeemable at the will of the congress of the United States. And it shall be lawful for the bank of the United States, to lend the whole or any part of the same.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That so much as may be necessary of the surplus of the duties on imports and tonnage beyond the permanent appropriation, heretofore charged upon them by law, shall be and hereby is pledged and appropriated for the payment of the interest and reimbursement of the principal of all such monies as may be borrowed in pursuance of this act, according to the terms and conditions on which the loan or loans may be effected.
(Signed) NATHL. MASON. Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. February 13th, 1806. APPROVED, (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON.
(Copy) I, JAMES MADISON, Secretary for the department of state of the U. S. of America, hereby certify, that the writing within contained, is a true copy of an act of the Congress of the said states, passed on the 13th day of February last, entitled "An act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the U. S. and foreign nations," the said copy having been compared with the original roll remaining in the office of the department of state, aforesaid.
Witness my hand and official seal, at the city of Washington, the eighteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and six; and of the independence of the said states the thirtieth. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
(Copy) MARCH 18, 1806.
GENTLEMEN—Having been directed by the President of the United States to place at your disposal two millions of dollars under the authority vested in him by the act, entitled "An act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations," passed on the 13th of February, 1806, I have the honor to enclose a power under the seal of this office, authorising you to draw 2,500,000 guilders current money of Holland, and equal to one million of dollars, on the bankers of the United States at Amsterdam, and the other million of dollars on the secretary of the treasury at Washington. An open letter to the said bankers, is also enclosed, which you will be pleased to transmit to them only in case you may find it necessary to draw on them for that sum, as I have not thought it proper to give them any previous information on the subject, and have only placed sufficient funds in their hands without apprizing them of the object. It will, therefore be necessary, that you make arrangements with them respecting the manner in which you will draw; but I believe they will be able to answer your drafts even if they were at ten days sight. It is proper for me to add that you are not authorised to draw partially on that fund, nor for any other object than that pointed out to you by the secretary of state. And it will be necessary that you should inform me as early as possible, whether you will draw on Amsterdam or not; as the extent of the remittances to be made by this department on account of the foreign debt, will depend on the knowledge of that fact.
In relation to the drafts on the secretary of the treasury for the other million of dollars, you will be pleased to observe that they must not be at shorter sights than is mentioned in the power, that they must be expressed in dollars, and that they must not be negotiated under par. Letters of advice must accompany every draft, and in addition thereto, a triplicate list of all the bills should at the same time be transmitted.
ted. I have the honor to be, respectfully, gentlemen, your obedient servant, (Signed) ALBERT GALLATIN.
Their Excellencies John Armstrong and James Bowdoin, commissioners plenipotentiary and extraordinary, for settling all matters of difference between the United States and the government of Spain.
(D.) (Copy) Treasury Department, March 18, 1806. GENTLEMEN—In my three letters of the 1st and 13th inst. and of this day, I enclose remittances, amounting altogether to Gls. 2,597,660 11; which remittances were made on account of the principal and interest of loans obtained by the United States in Holland, but subject nevertheless to such other dispositions as I might think proper to direct.
I have now the honor to inform you that in conformity with orders received from the President of the United States, I have this day authorised John Armstrong, minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, and James Bowdoin, minister of the United States at Madrid, (who have been appointed commissioners plenipotentiary and extraordinary to adjust all differences between the said states and government of Spain) jointly, or in case of the death of one of them, the survivor to draw on you for two millions five hundred thousand guilders, current money of Holland. You will therefore be pleased to honor their joint, or in case of death, the survivor's drafts on you to that amount, and as soon as you shall have received notice of their intention to draw to give me immediate intimation, in order that I may have time to replace the funds necessary to meet the demands payable at Amsterdam in 1807, on account of the principal and interest of the loans obtained by the U. S. in Holland.
From my view of the funds heretofore placed in your hands, I presume that you may honor the drafts of those gentlemen even before the time when the remittances above-mentioned shall become due. But in order to prevent any inconvenience or disappointment, Messrs. Armstrong and Bowdoin have been requested to write to you, and to make in concert the necessary arrangements on that subject.
I have the honor to be, Respectfully, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, (Signed) ALBERT GALLATIN. Messrs. Wilhem and Jan Willink, N. & J. & R. Van Staphorst, Merchants, Amsterdam.
A FEW COPIES Of the Interesting Work mentioned below both in the Large and Small Edition, may be had at THIS OFFICE, and at the STORE of JOS. MILLIGAN, in Georgetown.
BOARDS $2 — IN SHEEP $2 50 IN CALF $3 —
The following is from a Philadelphia paper.
BARLOW'S COLUMBIAD. C. & A. CONRAD & Co. have it now in their power to put the public in possession of this excellent Poem, at a very moderate price. The author has consented to their publishing a second edition in two volumes, 12mo. which they now offer for sale at Two Dollars, in concordance with the large and splendid Edition at 20 Dollars, a few copies of which remain to be disposed of.
This work is unquestionably one of the proudest monuments of American genius that we have yet to boast of. As a monument of our Literature, both in prose and in poetry, it clearly stands the first; and it would not be strange if the present century should pass away without giving it a rival in any country. The notes and the preface, which are copious and instructive, may probably be quoted as the finest specimens of prose composition in the English language. Their style is a happy mixture of force and perspicuity, simplicity, elevation & elegance; they display a wide scope of erudition; united with profound philosophical research; they inculcate the most defensible system of morals, while they have a charm on the mind in favor of the soundest principles of liberty, and the best grounded hope of improvement in the social state of man. We speak not merely as booksellers interested in the sale of the work, but as patriots, lovers of our country, actuated by the broader interest of seeing it prosperous and happy, improving its own advantages, and giving lessons of practical wisdom to other nations, and future ages, when we recommend this valuable production to the perusal, re-perusal, study and attention of our fellow-citizens. It ought in our opinion to enter as an elementary book into our academies and colleges, as a syllabus of sound principles in morals, as a noble stimulus in the pursuit of true glory, and of national as well as individual happiness. If the rising generation could be well imbued with the principles of this book, the nation must be happy, because it must cherish every practical truth, every honorable pursuit, every foundation on which national happiness can be erected and supported.
The Quarto edition, ornamented with twelve of the most beautiful engravings that the Graphic Art has ever produced, and dressed in the highest typographical luxury, Hildesbrandt attained on either side of the Atlantic, is still offered to those amateurs whose love of literature is accompanied with an admiration of the fine arts.
A few Sets of the Engravings, separate from the Poem, may be had at TEN Dollars per Set, to accommodate such persons as are desirous of possessing themselves of these exquisite specimens of art at a lower price than accompanied by the work. The original pictures, painted in Oil, by Smibert, are now to be seen at the Academy of Fine Arts. February 6—2t.
INFORMATION TO TRAVELLERS.
THE BRIDGE at Pen Mills Creek being now passable for Carriages and Horses, the Directors of the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike company," have opened a ROAD from their paved road, near Lindo's tavern, into the Georgetown road at the mouth of Mr. Custis's lane, which will save nearly a mile and a quarter in the distance from Alexandria to Georgetown ferry, and by actual survey, is only 242 yards longer than a straight line and passes over level ground most of the way. February 6—2t.
A BLACK MAN. For SALE or to HIRE by the year, an able bodied young Negro fellow. Enquire at this office. January 30—3t.
SADDLE HORSE. FOR SALE an excellent SADDLE HORSE with Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar. Also—a remarkably smart Waiting BOY, about 13 years old, who has waited in the house for three years. They can be had on trial any time this month. Enquire at this office. February 6—3t.
RICHARD PARROTT, Has just arrived at Alexandria, on board the Sea-Forcer, capt. Marshall from Savannah. 75 tierces Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse, George Town) at Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turk's Island, St. L. Ushes, ground Allum and Blown Salt, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 3 hds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do, 9 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Goshen Cheese, 100 barrels Tar, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Bohea, Coffee, Alspece, Pepper, Mustard, Mould & Dpt Candles, Soap, Snuff. Fish Oil, Plaster Paris (ground & in stone) Bacon, Pork, Herrings, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Bar Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bed-cords, Plough-Lines, Traces, Sail-Twine, and Cordage of every description. Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce. January 9—tf.
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 30 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould, 8 casks Gin, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 30 bags Corns, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Spern. Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
THREE PIPES OF MADERA WINE To be Exchanged for FLOUR. Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPPEN APPLES. Washington. January 30—1m.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. WILL be offered for sale at Public Auction at Rhodes's hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on F street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Boyd. From its contiguity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAML. SPEAKE, Auc. Washington, January 30—tdos.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Charles as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber, to Bridge, erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Graves, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. January 30—tdos.
NOTICE. THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city, and all others concerned, are hereby informed that the Tax for the year 1806, on Real and Personal Property, also the Tax on Slaves and Dogs, became due on the 1st inst. and must be paid immediately at the City Treasurer's Office. The Treasurer returns his thanks to those who have usually called at his Office and settled their accounts, and will still be thankful to those who may make it convenient to settle in that way. He also informs those who are in arrears that no further indulgence can be given, and that they must pay the amount due immediately, or their property must be seized and sold to satisfy the same. HENRY WHITCROFT, Treasurer of Washington City. January 20—2v.
TEN DOLLARS. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER, a blacksmith by trade, about 23 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fauquier Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAML. FISHER. January 30—1m.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelts & rich silk Molesekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf.
ANY LADY or GENTLEMAN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE, May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3—3t.
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an Instrument of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share, is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 12—
FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county. Dec. 16—tf.
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the Bank & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20—
THE subscriber having obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington County, District of Columbia, letters of administration on the estate of ABSALOM JOY, late of the said district, deceased. ALL persons indebted to said estate, are requested to pay the same to me, the subscriber, without delay; and those having claims, are earnestly requested to exhibit them either to the subscriber, or to Dr. John Ott immediately—As those neglecting to exhibit their accounts for more than one week from this date may thereby deprive themselves of receiving so prompt a payment as they otherwise would. SAMUEL BROOK. Feb. 3—3t.
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 Boxes of fresh Muscatel Raisins of superior quality. He has also received per the brig Oozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do. Rose Blankets 2 do. 6-4 Cloths 7 do. Negro Cottons 5 do. Flannels 4 do. Carpeting 2 do. Bocking Baise 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do. Dimities 4 do. Velvets and Cords 2 do. Shirting Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. V. Market do. Sherry do. Teneriffe do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Bucellas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotont Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dpt, and Spermaceti Candles, Castile, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cardinals, best Havana Segars, Table oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper, Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3—2awtf.
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO. HOLT. Washington city, January 18—2aw2m.
NEW STORE. The commodious new store, counting room and cellar on F street, near the Treasury Office, is to let—possession may be had the first of next month—Few stores (if any) in the district are so well situated for the wholesale or retail business in any line—There is a dwelling house on the lot to accommodate a family—Enquire of JAMES ROBAN. January 27—6t.
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with either dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12t.
A NEW PAMPHLET, Just received and for sale at D. Raphe's Book Store, Capital Hill. An address to the Congress of the United States, on the utility and justice of restrictions upon foreign commerce. With reflections on foreign trade in general, & the future prospects of America. Price FIFTY cents. January 27—4t.