The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-13 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1201.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MR. CAMPBELL'S SPEECH
ON THE
Resolution for authorising the President under certain conditions to suspend the Embargo law.
(CONTINUED.)
There were some remarks made by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) with respect to an expression in the letter of Champagny to Mr. Armstrong our minister at Paris which I think proper to notice in this place. I am not certain I understand the application of those remarks or the object the gentleman had in view in making them. If not I shall willingly be corrected in this respect. He seemed to infer that the letter contained a threat or menace against the United States; and some of his remarks were calculated to make an impression that there was some mysterious understanding between the French government and that of this country in regard to the measures that have been adopted by the latter—I cannot concur with him on either of those points. In regard to the first, I do not understand the letter in the same light which that gentleman seems to do, as if intended to awe or menace the Union—and with respect to the second, I feel confident in asserting there is not the slightest ground for such an insinuation, nor is it countenanced by any thing contained in that letter, when fairly understood. In saying this much I would not be understood as in the least degree palliating the harshness of the expressions used in that letter; I have no such intention—they breathe a spirit which I do not now, and never shall approve in that, or any other government; but I am still willing to do it justice. The expressions particularly alluded to, are these—“He (the Emperor) has ordered that they (the vessels that had been brought into French ports) should remain sequestered until a decision may be had thereon, according to the dispositions which shall have been expressed by the government of the U. S.” The gentleman seemed to place particular stress on the words “shall have” and gave us to understand that he considered them as relating to such measures as our government had adopted previous to the time of writing the letter in question. He further stated that the letter alluded to was written on the 15th January; and that the embargo was laid in this country on the 22d of December before; and he hoped the embargo was not the measure which it was wished according to that letter should have taken place. Here is, sir, an attempt to give plausibility to an erroneous suggestion founded on mere conjecture, by placing a forced & ungrammatical construction on the expression above cited from the letter in question. According to the known rules of the English language, and the best authors on the subject with which we are acquainted the words “shall have” are used to designate an event or transaction, which is to take place, before some other event which is also to take place in future, and are never used to express an event which had actually occurred at the time of speaking them. In the letter in question Mr. Champagny is speaking of American vessels which had been taken and brought into French ports under their decrees, upon which no decision had taken place, and respecting the release of which he had been addressed by Mr. Armstrong. He says the Emperor had ordered that they should remain sequestered (instead of being condemned according to the decrees) until a decision may be had thereon according to the dispositions which shall have been expressed by our government. That is, evidently, the dispositions that shall have been expressed previous to such decision, not those which had been expressed previous to the time of writing that letter; if such had been his meaning he would have used words calculated to express it, as it is not to be presumed he was unacquainted with the use of language. What pretence then was there for insinuating, (as the gentleman was understood to do,) that the embargo, which was laid nearly a month before, and was not known there until nearly two months after,
was the measure alluded to in that letter—and that there must have been some secret understanding between the two governments, by which the measure was adopted to accommodate France? If this was the meaning of what was said and intended to be conveyed to the public, it is an additional proof of the extreme inconsistency of gentlemen's arguments and objections to measures; who at one moment tell you the embargo was laid to accommodate France, and in the next, insist it was the very measure Great Britain wished you to adopt. But the idea that this House or any branch of the government acted under the influence of the French Emperor, or in pursuance of any known wishes on his part, is too absurd to require refutation, and too ridiculous and improbable to gain belief among men possessing any tolerable portion of information. There is not a solitary fact which can be adduced to support the assertion, nor will any fair construction of the letter in question give it the least plausible countenance.
With regard to the style of the letter in question, I feel no disposition to justify it. I disapprove its tone and harshness as much as any man ought to do—but I cannot see in it that threatening or commanding language which some have pretended to discover. The object of the letter appears evidently to be to induce this nation to join France in the war, rather than Great Britain; and in order to effect this purpose, the writer attempts, by strong representations of the conduct of Britain towards us, to convince our minister, that we ought to go to war with her, and says that Bonaparte's believing this to be the case, concluding that we are already at war with that nation, is willing to consider us associated with France and the other powers of the continent who have to defend themselves against England. This does not appear to me to contain a mandate, a threat, or menace, but only an endeavor to persuade this nation that it was her interest and consistent with her duty to join in the contest against Britain, and as an inducement for her to do so, it was stated that the French Emperor has ordered the vessels and property taken not to be condemned, but only to be retained sequestered, until it is known what the disposition of this country may be on the subject. What did Great Britain tell two years ago? That unless you resisted the decrees of France she would, notwithstanding the treaty then proposed, reserve the right to act as circumstances might require towards you (as well as other neutrals) and to adopt measures of retaliation. Is not this the same in substance, only in different language, with what is contained in the above letter? Has not Mr. Canning repeated the same thing to your ministers at London? That his majesty had not discovered in the conduct of the American government such a disposition to resist the decrees of France as would induce him to withdraw the note containing the above sentiments, which had been annexed to the rejected treaty—and although he stated, that if the treaty had been ratified by us, he would have carried it into effect, yet he would still reserve the right to retaliate by imposing restrictions on neutral commerce, because our government had not resisted, in the manner he expected, the French decrees. To me therefore the conduct of those two powers appears precisely in the same point of view in this respect; with no other difference except as relates to the commencement of their system of restrictions on our commerce, (and this point I shall not examine at this time,) but after that system was once commenced, each power appeared to use every mean it possessed to get us involved in the war against the other. This was the principal object they seem to have had in view, & in this they have hitherto failed.
It has been stated on this floor, upon what authority, or for what purpose is not very obvious, that the embargo has been better received in England than in France. This may or may not be the case; for we have no correct information how it was received in France; and very little respecting the manner in which it has been re-
ceived in Great Britain; nor can it be very material to this nation which of those powers thinks most favorably of the measure. The best information from England states that, it does and will press very severely on her manufacturing interest; and that thousands will be thrown out of employ and reduced to a state of famine for want of the ordinary means of support. That our importations from that country, which are estimated at nearly sixty millions of dollars annually, have been almost entirely stopped in consequence of the embargo; no orders being sent for them by our merchants. This immense sum will therefore no longer flow into that country, in supplies or specie; their goods will remain in the hands of the manufacturers, and not in their warehouses; there being no other part of the world to which they can send them for consumption. This will carry the effects of the embargo home to every class of society in that country; the people will sensibly feel them, and speak to their government in a tone of language, that will command their attention. In addition to this, that country will be deprived of about fifteen millions of pounds of cotton, which she annually received from us, being about one half the amount of that article required to supply her manufactures. This cannot be furnished her from any other part of the world, and of course her trade will be palsied; her manufactures must stop; a great portion of those engaged in this business will be thrown out of employ, and encroach the general scenes of ruin and distress in the nation. These circumstances have already alarmed the people of that country, made very serious impressions on the best informed men there, and produced numerous applications to their government, for peace with America. A distinguished member of their parliament has given notice that he would move to repeal the orders in council. If we wanted evidence of the effects of the embargo, we have here the strongest proofs that could be expected on the subject. And further, with respect to the causes that produced this measure, the ablest statesmen in England have stated on the floor of parliament in direct contradiction of what has been stated here, that the orders of council were to this country just cause of war. They were therefore certainly sufficient to authorise the embargo.
But you have been told that the present state of our public affairs is not to be attributed to the proceedings of the belligerent powers, but to the conduct of your own government in rejecting the proposed treaty with Great Britain. That treaty has been examined in this House already, in a manner which renders it unnecessary for me to go at large into the subject; but it may be proper to notice some circumstances attending that instrument, and draw the attention of the House to some of the provisions it contained. In the first place that treaty was presented to your government for their acceptance, accompanied by a mandatory note annexed thereto, containing a threat, that if you did not resist the French decree of Nov. 1806, in a manner agreeable to the views of Great Britain, she would at your expense adopt measures of retaliation, and expressly reserving the right to do so, notwithstanding you should ratify the treaty; while on your part you would have been bound by the terms of the treaty, without any condition or reservation whatever. Thus she would have had the power to adopt such measures of retaliation as she might chuse to consider your conduct required, might let loose all her engines of destruction against your commerce, while you were bound by the treaty, not to adopt a single measure that would really affect her trade or interest. To accept a treaty under such circumstances, would disgrace the government of any independent nation; the American people would spurn within indignation those who should succumb in such a manner to any foreign power, and agree to ratify a treaty, accompanied by conditions so humiliating to this nation, even supposing there had been no other objections to the instrument itself; but upon examining that instrument, as shall be more particularly noticed hereafter, it will be found that this government is there bound not to prohi-
bit importations from, or exportations to Great Britain, being thereby deprived of the only means we possessed of coercing that nation, while she is not bound in a single instance in which you are materially interested. To place your government in this situation, therefore, by ratifying that treaty, would be to sacrifice the best interests, the honor and dignity of the nation.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. R.) further stated, that the want of a provision respecting the impressment of our seamen, was alleged by our government, as the principal objection to ratifying the treaty; and he observed that the informal arrangement agreed upon by the commissioners of the two powers, contained in an unofficial note, written by those of Great Britain to our ministers, was such as ought to have satisfied our government on this point. Upon examining this part of the subject, we shall find that this informal note so much relied upon, if it was calculated to have any effect, left the principle of impressment in a situation more unfavorable on our part, than it was before, and did not in any respect go to correct the practice. The American government never did admit that Great Britain had a right to impress her own seamen from on board our merchant vessels; she insisted she had such right; and the question rested thus undecided; it being insisted on by the one side strenuously, and it is believed correctly denied by the other, that such principle or practice was sanctioned by the laws of nations. In this celebrated unofficial or informal note, so satisfactory on this subject to the gentleman, Great Britain insists on the right, and also on the practice, and only says that instructions have been given, and shall be repeated to exercise that right with caution, &c. still retaining the right to impress those she may call her own seamen from on board your ships—G. Britain has made similar professions for years past; these are no new professions, but a repetition of the former ones, and under those she has incessantly impressed your seamen, and thereby, as well as by other means embarrassed and harassed your commerce. It was stated that this informal note corresponded with the project proposed by our ministers on this subject in conformity with the instructions they had received from their own government; and it was also stated that the only objection to this arrangement was, that this note was not formal or official. This statement will be found upon examination, not to be correct. There were two projects under discussion, the one proposed by our ministers, under the directions of our government, and the other a counter project proposed by the commissioners of G. Britain, and entirely disagreed to by our ministers. The former of these after some unimportant amendments proposed by the said commissioners and agreed to by our ministers was laid before the British government and by them rejected. This is the only project that had the assent of our ministers or the approbation of our government. By this project, the pretended right set up by G. Britain to impress her seamen when found on board our vessels is entirely abandoned, the principle is laid out of the question; and it is stipulated that the contracting parties shall respectively enact laws, whereby it shall be made penal for the commanders of vessels of either of the said parties to receive deserters from the vessels of the other; and it also provides for delivering up such deserters, when the vessel having them on board shall arrive at any port of the party to which they belong. This project provides completely against the British practice of impressing seamen; relinquishes the right to impress claimed by her, and provides against abuses on either side. The unofficial note alluded to so far from containing stipulations corresponding with those in this project, has not a single provision of a similar nature, or any one calculated to afford our seamen the like security; on the contrary it expressly recognizes the principle and reserves the right to impress their seamen on board our vessels; and only gives assurances that instructions shall be given and enforced for the observance of the greatest caution in exercising that right, &c. It may be proper here to
read this note so highly approved of by the gentleman; it will merit the attention of the House, and shew what kind of provision he is willing to accept for the security of American citizens. [Here Mr. Campbell read the note, and the project and counter project.] The House must now see (said Mr. C.) that this note contains no stipulations in any manner corresponding with those in the project in question. It provides no remedy against the evil complained of, it promises no additional security to our seamen. G. Britain always pretended she was willing to give up our impressed seamen when their citizenship was proved, and that she only claimed the right to impress her own seamen and not ours; this note does no more; it makes no new provision; but merely repeats the same professions and promises that had been made and disregarded in practice, for years before. It does not therefore in my view place the subject of impressments on any ground more favorable to us than it was on before. It would not then be considered as any substantial inducement to agree to the rejected treaty; and the merits of that instrument rested on precisely the same grounds they would do, if no arrangement whatever had been made on this subject—and I apprehend no American will venture to assert that our government ought to have ratified a treaty, which made no provision to guard our citizens against impressment, which left unadjusted by far the most important matter of difference that was in discussion, and the principal object at least, if not the only one for which an extraordinary mission was sent to that country.
There is another provision in this treaty that has been already alluded to, which deserves more particular attention. It is that by which this government is prevented from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any articles to or from G. Britain. It is contained in the 5th art. and is in the following words—“Nor shall any prohibition be imposed on the exportation or importation of any articles to or from the territories of the two parties respectively, which shall not equally extend to all other nations,” &c. This provision at first view might seem to be reciprocal, but upon examination it will be found, that in practice it would have no reciprocity in it. The articles we receive from Great Britain are chiefly luxuries, that we could without much serious inconvenience dispense with, and which might be obtained from other countries, with nearly the same advantages and equal facility that they are from her; whereas those articles which she receives from us are of the first necessity to her, without which her territories could not well subsist, and such as she could not be supplied with from any other quarter of the world; neither could she find customers for those articles of manufactures which we receive from her to the amount of about sixty millions of dollars—while on the other hand the whole continent of Europe, and other parts of the world would furnish markets, nearly if not altogether equal to those of G. Britain for our productions. In this view of the subject there is no reciprocity in this provision—its advantages are entirely on the part of G. Britain. It never can be her interest to prohibit the exportation of her manufactures to this country, or the importation of most of our productions into her territories, for which there is always a great demand; she never could produce any serious impression on us by such a measure—she would herself feel it much more severely than we would, and it would prove much more destructive to her interest than it would to ours. But it might be vastly important for us to prohibit importations from that country, as well as exportations to it—we could supply ourselves from other countries, and find other markets for our produce, while at the same time we would by such a measure produce the most serious impression upon that nation, and affect her interests in the most vital part. Nothing can prove this more clearly than the present state of our public affairs; the necessity we have been under of resorting to the embargo, and the effect it is likely to produce. It circumstances had rendered it proper to confine its operation to one nation only, its pressure would have been equally severe

on that nation, while its effects would have been much less severely felt by us. By the provision in this treaty you would not adopt such a measure unless it were general—you cannot prohibit the importation of goods from G. Britain, or the exportation of your own productions to that country—you are in fact deprived of the control of the produce of your own soil, your hands are as it were tied up—you are called upon to relinquish the strong hold you have upon that nation, the only effectual means to coerce her to do you justice, and thereby to sacrifice the best interests of your own country.
(Mr. Campbell's Speech to be continued.)
SPEECH
Against the ORDERS IN COUNCIL, Just received and for sale at R. C. WRIGHTMAN'S Book-store Pennsylvania avenue. Brougham's speech before the House of Commons against the Orders in Council—price 37 1 2 J. Q. Adams' letter to H. G. Otis, 12 1 2 Sampson Mem rs , 2 50 Female Biography, 3 vols. bds. 6 00 Salmagundi, 2 vols. 3 25 Espriella's letters, 2 vols. 2 00 Winter in London, 2 vols. 2 60 Corinna or Italy, 2 vols. 2 50 Debates on the British Treaty, 2 50 Ennui's map of Europe, spec- did, 15 00 Military Library No. 9, per number, 50 Printing Ink, first quality. July 13—6t
Fredericktown Maryland. THIS IS TO CERTIFY that agreeable to a contract with us, the subscribers, appointed by the Legislature of this state, Managers of a Lottery to raise money for such purpose, the bearer, John Achman, has constructed a FIRE ENGINE, which we have accepted as fully complete. It throws water through a tube 3 4ths of an inch diameter, 100 feet distance, and through a hose of 1 1/4 inch diameter, the additional distance of 70 feet. The plan on which this Engine is constructed, is new to us, and he says is according to the late improvements. The box is made of copper, the pumps of brass, and the rest of the works of iron, on four wheels adapted to the convenience of such occasions as may require its use. We further certify, that we consider Mr. Achman as possessing a competent knowledge of the mechanism of this description, from the above specimen of his work.
Given under our hands this 24th day of June, 1808.
Henry Bantz, Jacob Medert, Francis Manz, Peter Buckhart, Henry Steiner, George Creager, sen. Lewis Waltheimer.
THE subscriber a. makes Hose and Engines with suckers. He can make every description of Engines to suit any person who may wish to contract with him. The materials he uses are brass, iron and copper.
JOHN ACHMAN.
Fredericktown, Md. July 13—3t
IN CHANCERY, JULY 9, 1808. Charles Neale, versus Leonard Neale, Francis Ignatius Neale, and others.
THE object of the bill in this cause is to obtain a decree for a certain unspecified quantity of two Tracts of Land lying and being in Charles county, devised by the complainant's father, Raphael Neale, to the said Leonard Neale, Francis Ignatius Neale, and others, during their lives, with a provision that they should release to the said complainant when he arrived at age so much thereof with the buildings thereon as should be necessary for him and his negroes to cultivate.
The bill states that the said Leonard Neale and Francis Ignatius Neale, reside out of the state of Maryland. It is thereupon prayed and ordered that the complainant, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer before the 6th day of August next, give notice to the absent defendants of this application, and of the object of the bill, that they may be warned to appear here in person or by a solicitor of this court on or before the 6th day of December next to show cause if any they have, wherefore a decree should not be passed as prayed.
True copy. Test NICH. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can.
July 13—w3t
25 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 28th May, a negro man named BAPTIST, about 21 or 22 years old, 5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, well made, is neither black nor yellow—had on when he went away a pair of dark corded pantalettes, a home spun round about cotton waistcoat with large red spots, a felt hat half worn, but he will probably change his clothing; he plays the fiddle and is somewhat knock kneed, walks with his toes well out, tells different stories when examined and will try to make his escape. I suppose he has made for St. Mary's county, where he was born, as he was seen near the Long Old Field, on the day that he left home. Whoever takes him up and secures said fellow so that I get him again shall receive the above reward, and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by me.
OBID BEALL, near Bladensburg.
July 13—3t
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
FARMER—No. VI.
Among the strong recommendations of Mr. Madison to the Presidency is his agency in the formation and adoption of the Federal Constitution. It is admitted, on all hands, that there is no other citizen who had so efficient a share in the accomplishment of this great event; an event which has insured us liberty, union, and plenty at home, and respectability and peace in our relations with the foreign world.
Is it necessary, to demonstrate the importance of this event, to pass in review our situation from the close of our revolutionary struggle to the era of the general government? The circumstances attendant on those times are either fresh in the recollection of our readers, or are rendered familiar to their minds by faithful narration. It is universally admitted that the loose government that confederated us was fitted for no other times than those of revolution, and entirely unavailing without the existence of an ardent sentiment of patriotism, which nothing but a sense of the greatest dangers and the possession of the purest virtue could keep alive.
It is admitted that this sentiment had, with its causes, ceased to exist. The mighty exertions of the revolution, according to the natural course of things, had subsided into a dead calm. It is not less astonishing than true, that it was the necessary effect of these great exertions to unhinge and disorganize to their centre the ordinary avocations of the citizen, to take from those pursuits the means of carrying them on, and to arrest the whole career of improvement. Although, therefore, these exertions were crowned with a brilliant success, which lifted the American name to the admiration of mankind, the independence gained was still exposed to the most imminent perils. It remained to be seen whether happiness or misery would be its fruit. It remained to be seen whether the wisdom or folly of our political institutions to confirm or blast our best hopes. It is notorious that the blessing was deemed by many extremely doubtful; and that the friends of royalty laughed at the phantom which our imaginations had created.
The articles of confederation, while they enjoined it as a duty to protect the nation, gave none of the necessary means of protection. Not a dollar could be raised without the consent of the states; and a mournful experience had proved the utter impracticability of uniting the suffrages of so many independent sovereignties in any fiscal measure proposed by Congress. Added to this, immense debts, the price of our liberties, remained unredeemed.
When we look back upon such a state of things, our surprise is, not so much at the debility as at the existence of the union; and it requires but a small share of superstition to consider our remaining at all united as owing more to the special interposition of a beneficent being than to the ordinary causes which regulate the affairs of men.
From this state of things, pregnant with great, and foreboding still greater evils, it was the good fortune of a band of illustrious men to snatch us. And of these it was the distinction of James Madison to occupy the foremost rank. At a period of life when most men are revelling in sensual enjoyment, or pushing their fortunes in the bustling scenes of life, it was his distinction to be devoting his days and his nights to the cultivation of powers, and the formation of plans for the good of his country. Already, by the discernment of his fellow-citizens, raised to stations of eminence, we find him both in his native state and in Congress fixing a steadfast eye on the great work afterwards so gloriously achieved. We find him the first to propose, and the most persevering and resolute in the accomplishment of a plan for a more perfect union of the states. Through the whole series of these exertions, we see him guided by the most comprehensive views. While others thought only of vesting the existing government with a limited power of taxation, he perceived the necessity of an entirely new system of government. This, it will be recollected, was the most prominent source of differences at the period the Constitution was framed. A body of the sincerest patriots in the country, honestly devoted to the federal principle, were warmly attached to the articles of confederation, and were for engrafting on their leading principles a few additional powers; and such was the strength of prejudice, and such the dread of the least approximation to a consolidated government that it required the most active zeal and powerful talents to convince the people of the necessity of adopting a system, whose organisation as well as
powers were so widely different. It is no derogation from the patriotism of even a Henry and a Clinton, that they were the apostles of the old system; but the tenacity with which they adhered to revolutionary prejudice presents a striking foil to the mental superiority of those whose comprehensive minds foresaw the total inadequacy of a system so imperfect to the expanding consequence of a nation destined to rise to the loftiest eminence of greatness.
We have not that precise knowledge of the proceedings of the convention, and the respective parts taken by its members, which would have been gained from the publicity of its meetings. But we know enough to satisfy us that no member of the body took a more active or successful part in its deliberations than Mr. Madison. We know enough to convince us that but for his distinguished zeal, and that of those who coincided with him in opinion, the constitution as submitted to the people would have contained fewer barriers against tyranny and much feebler protections of liberty. We know that there were men in that body, eminently distinguished for their talents and formidable from their power, who were anxiously bent upon the establishment of a system of government, invasive at once of state sovereignty and the most fundamental principles of republican institutions. At the head of these men was Alexander Hamilton, of whose talents and zeal the most indisputable monuments remain. His views are recorded on the page of history. Had they prevailed, the President of the U. S. would have been chosen for life, the Senate for life, and the governors of the respective states, possessed of a negative upon the state laws, would have been chosen by the President. To portray the dangers attendant on the adoption of this plan it is only necessary to give it at length.
Propositions of Col. Hamilton of New York, made in the Convention for establishing a constitutional government of the United States.
"1. The supreme legislative power of the United States of America, to be vested in two different bodies of men, the one to be called the Assembly, the other the Senate, who together shall form the legislature of the United States, with power to pass all laws whatever, subject to the negative hereafter mentioned.
"2. The assembly to consist of persons elected by the people, to serve for three years.
"3. The Senate to consist of persons elected to serve during good behavior; their election to be made by electors chosen for the purpose by the people; in order to this, the states to be divided into election districts. On the death, resignation or removal of any Senator, his place to be filled out of the district from which he came.
"4. The supreme executive authority of the U. States to be vested in a governor, to be elected during good behavior. The election to be made by electors chosen by the people in the districts aforesaid. The authorities and functions to be as follows—to have a negative upon all laws about to be passed, and the execution of all laws passed; to have, with the advice and approbation of the Senate, the power of making all treaties, to have the sole appointment of the heads or chief persons of the departments of finance and foreign affairs; to have the nomination of all other officers, (ambassadors to foreign nations included) subject to the approbation or rejection of the Senate; to have power of pardoning all offences except treason, which he shall not pardon without the approbation of the Senate.
"5. On the death, resignation or removal of the governor, his authorities to be exercised by the President of the Senate, until a successor be appointed.
"6. The Senate have the sole power of declaring war; the sole power of advising and approving all treaties; the power of approving and rejecting all appointments of officers, except the heads or chief of the departments of finance, war and foreign affairs.
"7. The supreme judicial authority of the United States to be vested in judges, to hold their offices during good behavior, with adequate and permanent salaries. The court to have original jurisdiction in cases of capture, and an appellate jurisdiction in all cases in which the revenues of the general government or the citizens of foreign nations are concerned.
"8. The legislature of the United States to have power to institute courts in each state, for the determination of all matters of general concern.
"9. The governor, Senators, and all officers of the United States, to be liable to impeachment for mal and corrupt conduct; and upon conviction, to be removed from office and disqualified from holding any place of trust or profit; and all impeachments to be tried by a court, to consist of the chief judge, or judge of the superior court of laws of each state, provided such judge hold his office during good behavior, and have a permanent salary.
"10. All laws of the particular states, contrary to the constitution or laws of the United States, to be utterly void; and the better to prevent such laws being passed, the governor or president of each state shall be appointed by the general government, and shall have a negative upon the laws about to be passed in the state of which he is governor or president.
"11. No state to have any force, land or naval, and the militia of all the states to be under the sole and exclusive direction of the United States, the officers of which to be appointed and commissioned by them."
Such an institution would have been the grave of the elective principle, and the death warrant of state sovereignty. It is to the success with which this proposition was resisted, and another of a far happier stamp substituted, that we are probably indebted for the rich harvest of prosperity which we have already reaped, and for the bright prospect of future glory that beams upon us. For had Mr. Hamilton's plan been sanctioned by the Convention, its rejection by the people would have been scarcely less fatal than its adoption. The abortive issue of an attempt to form a more perfect system of government, made under auspices so eminently fitted to insure success, would but too probably have prevented its renewal; and have left the states to the feeble guidance of a system of government, which, totally incapable of providing for the simplest and most pressing wants, would have rendered them a prey to internal differences among themselves, and have thereby most effectually paved the way to their eventual subjection to a foreign power.
Such, indeed, at this period were the gloomy apprehensions of these dreadful evils, extensively entertained among us, that a large and powerful class of men were ready, rather than incur their risk, to submit to a system of government which should in many important features depart from the radical principles of republican institutions.
But the great duty, devolved on Mr. Madison and his associates, remained but imperfectly discharged by the formation of the constitution. It was one thing to enlighten the understandings and to guide the wills of a small body of distinguished statesmen, and another to produce a correspondence between their ideas and those of the people.
The change contemplated by the new form of government was radical. It did not consist in repairing the existing edifice; but in its entire demolition, and the erection of a totally different structure. Hence the loud clamor with which it was instantly received, and the zealous hostility with which it continued to be opposed.
Mr. Madison came forward before the bar of the public as its advocate, not under the shelter of an anonymous signature, nor with the ostentation of a man who by boldly giving his name to the public was to hush all opposition; but with the modesty of one who neither courted notoriety or concealment. A series of papers, under the signature of the Federalist, known to be in part the production of his pen, were among the earliest, and certainly the most powerful defences of the frame of government submitted to the people. In these essays the principles of the constitution are clearly expounded, the necessity of a new system demonstrated, the difficulty of devising one satisfactory to all minds shewn, and the necessity of magnanimity and conciliation enforced. Among all the productions which the active contest that ensued gave rise to, none contain so comprehensive a view of the subject, so much deep political science appropriate to the condition of the American people, displayed and applied with so honorable an exemption from the illiberal invective of the day. As in the midst of danger it is the attribute of true courage to preserve its tranquility; so, in the agitations which the proposed frame of government produced it was the peculiar distinction of the Federalist to enlighten the judgment without inflaming the passions, and to assert the right to freedom of opinion without intemperately violating the same right in others. It might, perhaps, be saying too much to affirm that the federal government would not have been adopted but for these writings; but it is indisputable that they were the ablest offered in its defence, and did more than any other to insure its adoption. Of these productions, it is the singular good fortune, to have extorted the equal approbation of all parties, and to be still
quoted as the most correct expositions of the principles of the government. They have taken their station among the political classics of our students, and constitute an indispensable part of the library of every man that aspires to political importance.
In the mean time the several state conventions were called, and the solemn issue hung on their decisions. The system proposed required the concurrence of nine states before it could be organised; but even this sanction would probably have been insufficient to carry it into effect, had one or more of the most powerful states withheld their approbation. No feature of it was viewed with a more justifiable jealousy than this. An honorable apprehension extensively prevailed of the fatal consequences which might ensue from a partial confederation of the states, leaving a powerful minority, under a different system, and thereby destroying that harmony of sentiment which could be alone the offspring of one government; and the most respectable opinions were not wanting to the belief that it would be infinitely preferable to forego the benefits of a system, otherwise however perfect, whose establishment threw out of its pale any considerable portion of the American people. Hence the anxiety to command the general approbation of the states was scarcely inferior to the solicitude to obtain that of nine states.
Of all the states, the decision of Virginia was looked up to as the most important. This arose from the great superiority of her numbers at that time to those of any other state, from the distinguished lustre with which she had uniformly shone as a member of the confederacy, from being the native state of Washington whose fame & talents were required to cement and defend the system, and from the great influence which her decision would have on the whole southern and western country. This solicitude was still further excited by the zeal with which the contest was commenced and pursued in Virginia.
One of the most virtuous, & in every respect distinguished of her sons, George Mason, had retired indignant from the bosom of the convention; the then Governor Randolph, rich in public favor, likewise a member, had retired and had addressed the legislature on the subject; & above all, the patrician Patrick Henry, the thunder of whose eloquence had clothed him with immortal glory, come forward as the champion of the articles of confederation, and the determined opponent of the new system. These men, too, formed but a part of the bright galaxy, that threatened to decide the vote of Virginia and the fate of the constitution. But the lists were entered with a zeal not inferior to that of their opponents, by a Washington, a Madison, a Pendleton, and their numerous associates. For information every eye was fixed on Madison. Rumor had assigned to him a leading agency in the formation of the constitution, and he was called upon to explain and defend all its principles. The task was Herculean; but it was performed with zeal and dignity. The lightening of that eloquence, which was wont, with irresistible power, to prostrate all opposition, was arrested by the dispassionate and solemn accents of reason; and the passions, so powerfully agitated or entranced by music only comparable to that of the spheres, were subdued into calmness or sobriety by the still voice of truth. Never was there beheld a more illustrious display of the triumph of mind, supported by candor and moderation. In the angry collisions which daily sprung up in the convention, Mr. Madison seemed to be elevated above the fury of the storm. Without mingling in personal feuds or indulging acrimonious attack or recrimination, he enlightened and guided its decision; the final vote was taken, and the Constitution ratified.
With the opposition of Virginia terminated that of all America, and the constitution went into operation, on the swelling tide of popular enthusiasm.
To, however, the excitement of this sentiment, and, indeed, to the ratification of the constitution nothing was more admirably fitted than the suggestion of certain enumerated amendments after its adoption. Of these Mr. Madison was the first proposer, the most strenuous advocate, and the successful accomplisher. In the Virginia Convention he pledged his support towards their adoption; and in the first Congress that was convened, proposed them and by his zeal insured their adoption. Every one of these amendments contains some protection of personal liberty, or security of state rights against the overwhelming powers of the general government.

Such then is the system of government under which we are now united; in a great measure the work of his hand; the object of his devoted ambition; the child of his patriotism. Carried into operation, he watched over it with parental solicitude, and for several years led the popular branch of the government and shared the confidence of Washington. When the federal government became the fortress of inveterate error; when those within, of his mode of thinking, found themselves incapable of arresting its progress, he retired—but for what? To restore, through the influence of the states, the republican tone it had lost. How well he succeeded in this let his incomparable report on the Alien and Sedition laws, and the consequent revolution of 1800 tell!
Let any dispassionate man, who has attended to this brief review of events, say, whether there is any citizen among us from whom we have a right to expect a more enlightened and faithful discharge of the duties of the Chief Magistracy, than James Madison. These duties consist in an honest application of the powers of the general government to the existing state of affairs. Who can have a higher ambition to make this application than the man who had such a leading agency in the formation and adoption of the constitution?—Whose greatest fame, in future times, is to be reaped from the eventual success of this great experiment in securing the liberty and prosperity of the new world. The page of history glows with the achievements of the hero who has fought the battles of his country, and with the labors of the legislator who has passed wise and just laws; but its brightest effulgence beams around the individual, who ranks as the founder of the fundamental system, which adjusts for ages the limits of power and its application to the varied and complicated wants of man. How powerful, then, will be the inducements of such a man faithfully to administer a form of government, on whose eventual purity so large a share of his reputation will depend? Who, so able to give us a practical commentary on its true meaning and powers? And who so irresistibly called upon, by the strongest motives that can influence the human heart, to pursue the straight line of honest policy, without being led astray by the false lights of a sinister ambition?
In such hands the system will be secure. Vigilance, virtue and wisdom will guard it from pollution. It will equally defy violence without, or corruption within. Its friends will be inspired with new confidence, and its enemies cease to cherish the faintest hope of its subversion.
A FARMER.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 13.
The Secretary of the Navy has left this city for Baltimore, and the Secretary of War for Portland.
Mr. Erskine, the British minister, arrived in this city on Monday.
Washington, July 11. 1808.
Pursuant to a notification from the Committee appointed on the 21st ult. to report a plan for the establishment of Domestic Manufactures in the city of Washington, a meeting of Citizens was convened.
The Committee reported the following Articles of Association which were read twice and agreed to unanimously:
ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION OF THE COLUMBIA MANUFACTURING COMPANY.
WE the Subscribers, do hereby agree to form a company or limited partnership, & do also hereby associate & agree with each other, to conduct business in the manner herein after specified and described, by and under the name and stile of the Columbia Manufacturing Company, and we do further hereby mutually covenant and agree that the following are and shall be the fundamental articles of agreement with each other, by which we and all the persons who at any time hereafter may transact business with the said company, shall be bound and concluded.
Article 1. The objects of this association are declared to be the establishment and carrying on of manufactures of cotton, wool, hemp, and flax, and the promotion of such other domestic manufactures as shall be thought advisable.
Art. 2. The capital stock of the Company shall consist of 50,000 dollars, to be raised by subscription on 2000 shares at 25 dollars on each share, of which Five dollars shall be paid to the commissioners at the time of subscription, and the residue to the President and Directors, in instal-
ments of five dollars, as called for by them: Provided, that sixty days previous notice thereof be given in one or more of the public prints in the city of Washington, Georgetown & Alexandria. The books shall be opened on the first Monday in August, in the city of Washington, Alexandria and Georgetown, under the direction of the commissioners, hereinafter named, and at such other places as they may name. They shall continue open as long as the commissioners shall direct, who are also authorised to use such other means for filling the subscriptions as they shall consider necessary.
Article 3. As soon as 500 shares shall have been subscribed, the commissioners shall convene the stockholders to meet in the City of Washington, giving at least ten days public notice, for the purpose of framing a plan, not inconsistent with these articles, for conducting the business of the institution, at which meeting each stockholder shall be entitled to as many votes as he holds shares, and at which a majority of the whole number of shares subscribed for shall be represented; and until such a number of stockholders shall assemble, and form said plan, the commissioners may adjourn the meeting from time to time.
Article 4. In case 500 shares shall not be subscribed within six months from the opening of the books, the money subscribed shall be returned to the subscribers, it being in the mean time deposited by the commissioners in some one of the banks within the district of Columbia.
Article 5. The commissioners shall pay the monies received by them, after deducting their necessary expenses, to the order of such persons as the company may direct.
Article 6. Dividends shall be made of the profits of the company, so soon as the progress of the works and the state of the funds will permit.
Article 7. Application shall be made to Congress to incorporate the company.
Article 8. It is hereby declared expressly, and made part of this association, that all persons who deal or contract with the said company, or with the President & directors thereof, on its account, in any manner whatsoever, do so deal or contract, on the sole credit of the capital stock, common property and joint funds of the said company, and not on the private or individual credit of the said President and directors or any of them, or of the stockholders or any of them, and do expressly relinquish and disclaim all right and pretence of right to look to or receive anything from the individual property or persons of the said President, directors or stockholders, or any of them, by reason or on account of any such contract; to which effect there shall be a clause inserted in all contracts, writings or obligations to be made by the President and directors in pursuance of these articles, with any person or persons whomsoever—unless an act of incorporation shall be obtained.
Article 9. This association shall continue for 20 years from the day on which the first general meeting shall be held; unless two thirds of the proprietors of the capital stock shall, at a general meeting to be called for that express purpose after 60 days public notice, dissolve the same.
On motion resolved, That the chairman be authorised to appoint nine commissioners, viz. three for Washington, three for Alexandria, and three for Georgetown, and communicate to them the plan.
On motion resolved, That the chairman be requested to transmit to all the Editors of newspapers in the district a copy of the proceedings of this meeting.
ROBERT BRENT,
Chairman.
JOHN GARDINER,
Secretary.
Major SWANN having resigned his appointment as Pay-master of the army of the United States, ROBERT BRENT his successor entered upon the duties of that office on the 1st. inst. to whom communications for the Department may hereafter be addressed.
It is not often that we find occasion to notice any thing contained in the Washington Federalist; not, from any dearth of misrepresentation in that print, but from the articles of this character usually carrying on the face of them their own refutation. But that paper on Saturday, in giving Mr. Lewis as authority for the declaration of Bonaparte, that he would no longer suffer us to remain neutral, calls for the most marked contradiction, which, from the information we have received, we are justified in giving it. We have seen Mr. Lewis, and
it is on his authority that we make the contradiction.
We likewise offer the following statement relative to the treatment of the Osage on the same authority; a statement which has become the more necessary from the numerous wilful falsehoods with which the federal prints teem.
On the arrival of the Osage at L'Orient, she was arrested by the custom-house officers, conformably to their general instructions, in consequence of having been spoken by a British vessel. Mr. Lewis immediately proceeded to Paris, and there without difficulty obtained her recognition as a national vessel and release.
On her arrival at Falmouth the British Excise officer seized her and took out her naval stores, in virtue of an alleged infraction of the revenue laws, which prohibits private ships from entering with more than a prescribed quantity of them. Representation was forthwith made to the government at London, and Mr. Canning's order obtained for her release, the restoration of the stores, and her treatment as a national vessel.
Thus it appears that the treatment in both countries was not substantially different; & that such difference as does exist shews the conduct of the English subaltern officers to have been more aggravated than that of the French. It is, however, sufficient for our satisfaction, that both governments on complaint promptly interposed to set affairs right.
The 4th of July has been celebrated at Philadelphia with the most lively enthusiasm by the republicans, and particularly by a very brilliant military fete.
By an arrival at New-York, we learn that at Guadalupe flour is at 45 dollars and scarce, and that the inhabitants are on an allowance of six ounces a day. Beef and pork are at 30 dollars, and fish at 12 dollars a barrel.
DEATHS. —Fisher Ames, at Dedham, Massachusetts. Distinguished funeral honors have been paid him at Boston.
John Shee, Collector of the port of Philadelphia.
We have received a file of various London papers to the 15th of May. We have examined them carefully; but find little interesting besides that already given to the public. The debates in Parliament relate almost exclusively to local points.
The Corporation of Dublin have, 49 to 32, passed resolutions disapproving of the union.
The proposition in Parliament to confine the distilleries to the use of sugar begins to be warmly agitated. It seems to be too absurd and unjust an expedient to be eventually adopted.
A writer in one of these papers states that the late stamp duties on a conveyance by lease and release amounted to twenty-eight pounds sterling; and that by the proposed new system it will amount to no less a sum than two hundred and sixty-five pounds sterling, which exceeds a thousand dollars, and will in this country pay for a handsome farm. Such are the dreadful expedients to which the authors of the British orders, the destroyers of commerce, are driven. Can the reign of such men endure?
Aaron Burr has arrived at Halifax (N. S.) The Aurora, in announcing this intelligence, furnishes an interesting article, which shall be given in our next. A letter from a passenger on board the British Packet, dated June 18th, says—
"You will perhaps have heard that Col. Burr to be one of us. We took him out of a pilot boat four leagues from the Hook, after having him to, waiting for him until 9 at night. He was accompanied by —, who introduced him on board, as a Mr. Edwards, under which name he continues, as he supposes, incog. though every one on board knows who he is. He proceeds with us to England," &c.
The following articles are from late London prints:
MONTHLY AGRICULTURAL REPORT.
The cold easterly winds, attended with rain, snow and sleet, which have prevailed during the most part of the month, have been very unfriendly to the progress of vegetation, in consequence of which every thing is in an unusually backward state, many sorts of field crops having made scarcely any advance. The grass lands, even in those districts which are the most favorable to that sort of husbandry,
are in a very backward condition, having but little of that fine green appearance which is usual at this season, the crops must of course be late in being cut for hay. The same causes have likewise been far from favorable to the rape, tare, rye, and other similar crops, cultivated as early spring cattle food, which last month promised well, should the weather have been suitable for them.
All these circumstances have contributed, with various others, to render the keeping of all sorts of stock extremely scarce, and consequently high in value, which has had the tendency of keeping store cattle of most sorts much lower in price than would otherwise have been the case, while the effect in respect to fattened stock has been that of raising it much higher.
The turnip crops, and those of the thousand headed cabbage, which has lately become more extensively cultivated as a cattle crop, have, however, perhaps this season held out better than usual as articles of cattle food.
From the continued frosts and dryness of the last month, and that which preceded it, the tillage lands have scarcely ever worked in a more perfect manner, those spring crops which have been already put into the soil, having had the most complete preparation. Even on the heavy descriptions of land this has been the case, especially where the beneficial practice of laying them well up in the autumn has been had recourse to. The crops of oats, barley, pease, and others of the spring kind have been already put in on a very considerable breadth of land in many arable districts.
The stocks of wheat in the country are in most situations considerable, though the corn markets have not been lately so fully supplied, in consequence of which, the sales have been more brisk, and at somewhat higher prices.
MAY 7.
A letter was yesterday received by a respectable house in the Russian trade, which implies the complete acquiescence of the Russian Court in the views of Bonaparte. This letter, which is dated St. Petersburg, 18th of April, N. S. states, that the Emperor has issued an Ukase forbidding any intercourse whatever between his territories and any neutral power until the conclusion of a general peace. By the terms of this Ukase, none but ships belonging to those powers which are in actual alliance with Russia, are permitted to enter any Russian port.
MAY 5.
It was yesterday stated that Bonaparte has issued a decree from Bayonne, which, if justly described, is quite tantamount to a declaration of war against the United States. For it is said to order the confiscation of all American property in France. This measure, combined with the embargo upon American vessels, would most unequivocally demonstrate the mind of Bonaparte, and leave no doubt as to the result. But considerable doubts are entertained as to the truth of the statement. The foundation upon which it professed to rest, is a letter from Antwerp of the 28th of April; but by whom such a letter was received we could not, after the utmost inquiry, ascertain; nor could we learn that there was any arrival yesterday from the continent, by which such a letter could have come.
Another report, of quite a different character from the former, was also in circulation. According to this, a decree had been issued permitting American vessels to enter any French port in ballast, and to load with French produce, even though such vessels came from this country. Whence this report originated we cannot pretend to say. We present it to our readers merely as we received it.
New-York, July 9.
Intelligence has been received in this city from a respectable commercial house in Madeira, under date of May 26th, stating, that the Spaniards had risen, attacked, and beaten the French army in Spain; and that the British squadron off Cadiz was expected to co-operate with the Spanish fleet in conveying Charles IV. and the royal family to South America. It was a report current in the British fleet off Lisbon, that the Portuguese squadron on its voyage to Rio-Janeiro, had captured four Spanish frigates, having on board forty millions of dollars.
The Wasp sloop of war sailed yesterday morning on a cruise.
We have received information that the stores of the Osage were seized at Falmouth by the custom house officers, and that they were not liberated till application was officially made by Mr. Pinckney to Mr. Canning. Had the French done this, there would
have been no end to federal clamor. Not a syllable respecting this affair has transpired from any of our Tory editors, though informed of it immediately on the arrival of the Osage.
N. Y. Public Ad.
Boston, June 24.
On the 24th inst. the frigate Nemesis arrived at Halifax, from Cork and England; and the Halifax sloop of war from the West Indies. The Nemesis brought under her convoy two transports and two ordnance store ships. The transports brought 100 artillery, and 150 car-artillery and drivers. We understand it was reported, that the store ships brought 6000 stands of arms for the militia, 6,000,000 ball cartridges, and 5,000 barrels of gun powder.
THE CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON
Are requested to meet at the Council Chamber, on Thursday Evening at six o'clock—on a subject of interesting import to every true friend to the character and feelings of an injured and distinguished Fellow-Citizen.
July 13. 1808—
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 2, 1808.
Merchants and others wishing to send letters to Europe are informed that a vessel, under the orders of the government, will sail from this city on the 16th of this month, which will deliver in France and England all such letters as may be respectively consigned to those countries, or to others through the same.
The postage on the letters must be paid to this place.
July 4—
CHINA GOODS.
Thompson & Moxley have landing from on board sloop Unity. Capt. Hand, from Philadelphia, 38 packages CHINA.
CONSISTING OF DINING Sets from 100 to 198 pieces, Tea Sets from 49 to 80 pieces, superb patterns,
Evening Cups and Saucers by box & doz. Coffee, do. do. bell shape, do. do. do. upright, Bowles, plates, di-hes, &c. &c.
Also by same vessel, a quantity of patent shot assorted sizes, and a few packages of elegant cut glass, &c. &c. &c.
And in Store,
Prime Old Madeira, Lisbon, Teneriff, and Geneva Port } Wines.
Cogniac Brandy from 2 to 6 years old, Peach brandy 5 proof, superior quality, 2 years old,
Jamaica Rum, imported in 1803, Holland and country gin,
Lee, hump and brown sugar, Imperial Hyson, young Hyson, and Hyson Skin Teas,
Mould, dipt and Spermaceti candles, Olives, Cucumbers and Sweet Oil, Clove, Nutmegs and black Pepper, Ground and Race Ginger, Muscatel and bloom Raisins,
Together with a general assortment of goods in their line, which they are disposed to sell at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits, to punctual customers.
George Town, July 11—3t
PUBLIC SALE.
ON Monday the 18th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with adjacent FRANK Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct'r. June 15—tdos
A LETTER-CARRIER WANTED.
AS I shall quit the carriage of the Letters, in the City of Washington, the 10th of October next, I give this Public Notice, that the Citizens may be provided with some person to succeed me (in whom they can confide). Any person undertaking it, I will give them any information I am capable of if they should require it.
Those persons with whom I have been in the habit of keeping accounts, will please to take notice, that I shall expect a full and punctual settlement of all their accounts, prior to the 10th of October next, as it will not be in my power, to give them any longer indulgence after that date.
Z. FARRELL.
July 11—
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY.
THE Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company are hereby notified that the second instalment of Ten dollars on each share is called for by the Directors and must be paid on or before the 1st day of August, next, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors.
DANIEL CARROL of Dud'a President. June 20—x 5t

NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet , capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000   1795 May 11. 13168 800   1795 July 16. 13450 230 08   1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   1796 June 11. 14341 247 81   1796 June 14. 3615 1,567 55   1797 February 7. 14942 277 30   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 882  
Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. 19,999 99
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet , viz.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   1796 June 14. 14345 2,000   1796 June 14. 14346 2,000   1796 June 14. 14347 2,000   1796 June 14. 14348 738 42   1796 June 14. 3616 2,000   1796 June 14. 3617 2,000   1796 June 14. 3618 2,000   1796 June 14. 3619 2,000   1796 June 14. 3620 2,000   1796 June 14. 3621 458 15   1797 February 7. 14944 222 05   1797 March 3. 15005 1,500   1797 June 3. 15204 750 78   1797 June 16. 15237 1,700   1798 February 1. 15604 1,505 65   1799 December 17. 16917 930  
Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. 25,891 03
WILLIAM WHANN.
June 20—ep6w
TO RENT. An possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers —it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company.
April 29—tf.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on account of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a choice assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
AMERICAN HEMP. The Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w1N
District of Columbia, Washington County. Orphan's Court, 11th June, 1808. WILLIAM RHODES being, this day, applied for letters of administration on the personal estate of HENRY KREMER , late of the City of Washington deceased—claiming the same as a creditor. Ordered that he give notice thereof by advertisement inserted once a week for six weeks in the National Intelligencer , one paper published on the Eastern Shore, Maryland, and one in the city of New York. TEST, JNO. HEWITT, Reg. wills. June 13—w6t.
WANTED At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—p8s
FOR SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale , in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land situate the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Fayton Manor , lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
W. & C. SMITH have just received from the Maria from New York, 6 Chests } Fine Imperial Teas 20 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } Hyson Teas 15 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } Young Hyson Teas 18 Half do. } 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Teneriffe wine. Georgetown, June 20—2wtf.
TO RENT. BY the month or year, a Negro man COOK, about 23 years of age who is supposed to be perfectly acquainted with the business, as he has been for the last six or seven years learning the art of cooking in the first taverns in Baltimore. For terms, &c. apply to the Printer. July 8—
10 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber an Apprentice boy by the name of THOMAS A. AUSTIN , a Taylor by trade. All persons are forewarned against harboring or employing said apprentice. The above reward will be given to any person who will deliver him to me. JOSEPH S. CLARKE. July 8—3t
Treasurer's office, Washington city, July 1, 1808. WHEREAS by an act of the City Council of Washington, entitled "An act laying a tax on slaves the property of non-residents," it is among other things enacted, that from and after the 1st day of July 1808, there shall be paid for all slaves hired to labor or service in the city of Washington, & owned by persons not residing in the city, by the owners of such slaves respectively, the following sums, to wit: For all male slaves under eighteen years of age, eight dollars per annum; for all male slaves above eighteen years of age, fifteen dollars per annum; for all female slaves under sixteen years of age, four dollars per annum; and for all female slaves above sixteen years of age, six dollars per annum. Notice is therefore hereby given to all persons hiring slaves of the above description, that the subscriber will attend at his office, near the Theatre, every day (Sunday excepted) from 12 o'clock in the forenoon until 2 o'clock in the afternoon, to receive the taxes due thereon. HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington city. July 8—
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk molskins do. Tolinetts, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jacobnet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmul figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osanburgs, bastas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havanna segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
TAKE NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, Maryland, on the 20th day of April last, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JOHN ROMAN ; he appears to be about 29 years of age, about five feet five or six inches high, well made, very black, and has a smiling countenance: his clothing when committed, was as follows:—a blue cloth coat and pantaloons, a striped cotton waistcoat, an osanburg shirt, a pair of black woollen stockings, and one pair of shoes, all of which are pretty much worn; by trade, as he says, a blacksmith and gunsmith; he has a small scar between his eyes, and says he belongs to Bennet Taylor, of Jefferson county, Virginia, within six miles of Charlestown, on the water of Bullskin, near the place it empties into the Shenandoah. The owner is requested to come and release him otherwise he will be sold for his prison fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, jun. Sheriff, Frederick county, Md. May 13—w8t.
SOLOMON STENGER. July 11—3t
FOR SALE. THE Two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. Wm. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
NEW BOOKS Just received and for sale by J. MIL-LIGAN at J. March's bookstore, George Town, the following BOOKS, Johnson's works, 12 vols. octavo 33 00 Chaucer's tales, 3 vols. 6 00 Blumenbach's anatomy 4 25 Winer in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Discarded son, 2 vols. 2 50 Sampson's memoirs 2 50 Shakespeare's plays, 9 vols. 14 00 Bryan Perdue, 3 vols. 4 00 Thompson's works, 3 vols. calf? 13 50 gilt, plates Do. seasons, calf, plates, fine 3 50 Knox's Sermons 2 25 Hill's life of Blair 1 25 Medical Guide 2 50 Playfair's Geometry 2 00 Parkinson's Tour 2 vols. 7 00 Sinclair on the Revenue, 2 vols. 6 50 Sully's Memoirs, 5 vols. 8 00 Chesterfield's Letters, 4 vols. 5 00 Evening at Home, 2 vols. 2 50 Conversations on Chemistry 2 25 Also a large supply of Foolscap, quarto and folio Post of a superior quality, together with a valuable assortment of Stationary, which will be sold low for cash. June 29—6t
LANDING THIS DAY, From on board the schooner MARIA , capt. Fitzhugh, from New York— A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and cannisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf  Prince George's county court, April term, 1808. HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805, and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditor or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the foregoing, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer , previous to the next term. True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. Ck. June 1—3t
ON application of Benjamin Tabbs of St. Mary's county to the judges of the said county court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, on the terms mentioned in said act, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said Benjamin Tabbs has resided the two preceding years prior to the passage of the said act, within the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered by the said court that the said Benjamin Tabbs give notice to his creditors of his intention to apply to the next county court to be held at Leonard Town in said county on the first Monday of August next, for a discharge from his debts, and to warn his said creditors to appear before the said judges on the day and at the place aforesaid to show cause if any they have why the said Benjamin Tabbs should not be discharged agreeably to his said petition, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer , weekly for three months successively. By order, JOSEPH HARRIS, Ck. May 2—w3m
IN CHANCERY, JUNE 24, 1808 James Egerton, versus James Eden, and William Mills. ORDERED that the sale made by William Mills the Trustee in this case be confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the 30th day of August next; provided a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks before the 30th day of July next. The report states that the land in the bill mentioned whereon John Eden the grandfather of the defendant, James Eden, formerly lived, consisting of several tracts of land, and containing two hundred and seventy-seven acres more or less by the trustee sold to William Thomas of St. Mary's county for the sum of thirty-one hundred and eleven dollars. True copy, Test NICH. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. July 4—w3t
St. Mary's county, Orphans Court, June term, 1808. ORDERED by the court, that Monica Jones , administratrix of Solomon Jones, deceased, sell at Public Auction the whole of the deceased's Personal Estate for ready money, after giving four weeks previous notice of the same, in the American and Commercial Daily Advertiser , National Intelligencer , and Washington Federalist . Test JAMES FORREST, Register Wills for St. Mary's county.
NOTICE. IN Virtue of the above order, will be offered for sale, for ready money, on Saturday the 30th day of July next, at the late dwelling of the deceased, near the Great Mill in St. Mary's county, all his Personal Estate, consisting of seven very likely young Negroes, Stock of all kinds, house and kitchen Furniture, plantation Utensils, and other property which it is unnecessary to mention. MONICA JONES, Adm'rx. July 1—w4t
PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Wells, York, & Kittery to Portsmouth (N. H.) three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday, at noon, & arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next day by 9 A. M. in 11 hours.
2. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Doytals, Berwick and Dover, to Portsmouth, three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday noon, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland the same day by 4 P. M. in 12 hours. The same arrangement for route No. 1 from December 1, to April 15, reversing the days.
3. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, seabrook, Salisbury, (Mn.) Newburyport, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, 7 times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 1 A. M. and arrive at Boston by noon, in 11 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 9 P. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15. Leave Portsmouth every day at 11 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by noon, in 13 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth same day by 11 P. M. in 13 hours.
4. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 A. M. & arrive at Boston on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.
5. From Boston by Dedham, Walpole, Foxboro', Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewett City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford & Branford to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.