The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-08-15 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 102.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
LONDON, June 13.
A Russian gentleman arrived in town on Saturday from Petersburg, via France, and immediately waited on Count Woronzow, the Imperial ambassador. He is reported to have been the bearer of important dispatches from the emperor, his master, relative to the recent proceedings of the French government. Upon this subject, we understand the remonstrances of the Imperial Alexander to Bonaparte are of the most spirited description. Napoleon deems it insolent and presumptuous, and a private letter from Holland says, that Talleyrand's private secretary has written to a friend at Amsterdam, informing him "that a terrible answer is preparing to the haughty remonstrance of Russia." It was indeed reported yesterday, that war against that power had been declared by France but we are well assured, that no such intelligence has been received either by our government or the Russian ambassador.
June 14.
Mr. Drake is to embark at a Danish port for England. The Elector of Saxony would not permit him to remain in his territory, alleging (according to the Paris Papers,) "that his principles did not permit him to harbour a man ordered to quit Munich, for having dishonoured the first and most sacred of characters."
June 15.
The German Electors and Princes have sent new credentials to their ministers at the Court of France. The Elector Arch-Chancellor of the Empire has written to the Emperor of the French, to compliment him upon his elevation. As his Electoral Highness would not act without the concurrence of Austria, we may be sure that the new government will be acknowledged by the court of Vienna.
All the English at Leghorn have been arrested & conveyed to the new fortress: seals were put by the French upon all their papers, warehouses, and effects. From this measure only such Englishmen were exempted as have lived there for 15 years as Tuscan subjects.
A letter from Vienna, dated May 23, says, "There is a talk now of an important change in the political state of Europe. The principal item of this report is, that as Napoleon Bonaparte receives the Imperial Crown of France, Poland will, by the intervention of Russia, and with the consent of Austria and Prussia, receive a King in the person of Louis XVIII."
"Men of consequence assert, that the French Emperor has proposed to the Courts of Vienna, Petersburg, and Berlin, the following new partitions: Austria to have the Ionian quarter (without prejudices to Bavaria); the Arch-Duke Charles, as Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, to have the title of Elector, and all the possessions of the Order, of Malta, in Germany, (which is to be entirely suppressed, as the English are masters of the Island of Malta,) besides the two Prussian Principalities in Franconia, of Ansbach and Bareuth; Prussia is to have Hanover; and the city of Erfurt, with its district, is to be ceded by Prussia to Saxe-Weimar, along with the Eichsfeld."
"On the other hand, we learn from the Banks of the Maine, that a private arrangement has been made between the Court of Petersburg, and the French government, consisting of the following heads:
1. The French troops are to evacuate the Electorate of Hanover. 2. They are to quit the territory of the King of Naples. 3. The King of Sardinia is to receive a sufficient indemnity. 4. The Elector of Baden shall receive a fiefdom for the inroad of the French troops into his territory. 5. The concerns of the Grand Empire shall henceforth be conducted at Vienna."
The case of Robert Atlet has not yet been reported to His Majesty, and fifteen other prisoners are in the same condition.
June 19.
Last night a very long debate took place on the defence bill; and at five o'clock in the morning a division took place.
For the bill 265 Against it 223
Majority 42
Thus, after efforts almost unexampled the minister only has a majority of for-
Mr. Pitt took occasion to state repeatedly, that he would not retire whatever might be the fate of the bill. The tone and manner of this bravado most evidently disguised the fear and reflecting men of all sides. We think it not only disgusting but alarming, after the strange revolution which Europe has lately exhibited, and France has been consummated.
While Mr. Pitt's friends were in the lobby, he intimated that the third reading of the bill was intended for this day. He at the same time stated, that as the debate had been so long protracted, an early division might be expected. He cannot detain any longer the Generals, Admirals and Captains, that have been sent for.
June 20.
The contending parties in the House of Commons displayed the utmost exertion of their powers on Monday night. The nation looked to the event as a kind of criterion by which they were to determine on the future government of the country; and according to the result of it, the public mind expected to attain some degree of certainty as to the party to whom the administration of public affairs at this important crisis, would be entrusted. The debate, as might be expected, branched off into a subject of consideration, which naturally enough presented itself to the attention of the House. This was the late change in his majesty's ministers.
The subject was introduced in a manner not altogether expected. Mr. Canning assumed a degree of importance which required, as it received, the chastening hand of Mr. Sheridan. It has been said that Mr. Pitt would, with all the influence of his authority, find it a matter of no small difficulty to keep his lesser colleagues from being induced to each other; and this appears from the small degree of consideration with which Lord Hawkesbury is treated by Mr. Canning. Indeed, after the opinion given of the noble Lord by that gentleman, we cannot very well reconcile the probability of their remaining in office together. The minister had considerable difficulties to encounter. It must indeed, be acknowledged that the period when he resumed the helm of power is pregnant with them. The Opposition possesses a formidable character, both as to talents and number; nor is it to be supposed that their vigilance will be lulled asleep, or their activity suspended. We may therefore look forward to an occasional scene, at least of parliamentary contest.
Last night the bill was read a third time, and passed without a division.
We are still without authentic intelligence of the issue of Moreau's trial, although private accounts from Paris of the 14th instant, state, that the execution of the pretended conspirators would take place in the same clandestine manner as the murders of Pichegru and of the Duke d'Enghien. Rumours were even circulated on that day, that some of them were found dead in their dungeons, and were said to have committed suicides.
These accounts add, that immediately after the closing speech of the imperial attorney-general, Bonaparte convoked a council of state, at which all the great officers of the Empire and the all the ministers were present. He desired their opinion, whether, according to his own inclination, it would be political to pardon most of the pretended conspirators, or to let the law take its course. His brothers voted for clemency, but the plurality of the members thought it dangerous to pardon men, who, if shut up in prison, or transported to the most distant colonies, might find opportunity to escape, who were incorrigibly fanatical for the Bourbons, and that therefore the safety of the Emperor and empire required their punishment. Bonaparte with difficulty assented to their opinion, and protested that, without their better judgment, he would have forgiven them all, not excluding even Georges, abhorring to shed human blood. This story the police agents report every where, adding that Bonaparte left the council of state with tears in his eyes!!!
PARIS, May 23.
The situation of the foreign diplomatic corps here is ridiculously awkward—They are all accredited to a chief magistrate, and to a government which does not exist any longer. The removal or change of both was officially announced to them by Talleyrand, on the 20th inst. on which occasion, persons present at Talleyrand's diplomatic levee affirm, that the minister's political gra-
vity, when he pronounced the name of the Emperor Napoleon, was almost suppressed by the diplomatic shyness of Cobentzel, Lucchesini, &c. in talking of the French government. All the independent foreign agents here have ever been unanimous in their determination, not to appear either at the levees of the emperor, or at the routs of the drawing-room of the empress, until they have instructions from their respective courts how to act; and notwithstanding the threats held out to some, and the pecuniary inducements offered to others, they have continued in a conduct not very flattering to the vanity of Bonaparte, who gave them seven weeks, or from the 27th of March, the day of the absence of the Senate to its Senatus Consultum of the 18th inst. time, more than sufficient, even for the courts of Constantinople and Petersburg, to dispatch orders to their agents here on this subject. When I mentioned the unanimity of the foreign diplomatic corps, I meant all those present at the consultation, as the Dutch, Swiss, Italian, and Etrurian ministers, which the Pope's Nuncio, declined attending. It is, however, whispered, that besides these refractory diplomats, the new emperor has the certain promises of Spain and Prussia; and if, therefore, Messrs. Gravina and Lucchesini have not yet officially acknowledged his dignity, they only wait to be joined by Count Cobentzel, to whose Sovereign six couriers have been sent, in one week, on this affair. The promotion of Lasies to a Field-Marshal makes it almost certain that the court of Lisbon has agreed to every thing, as much as the non-advancement or status quo of General Houdouville proves that the emperor of Russia has declined, hitherto all fraternity with the emperor of the French. For a courtier like Cobentzel, and for a flatterer like Lucchesini, this diplomatic interregnum is very disagreeable. They take, however, every opportunity to declare their sentiments. At the last opera, Cobentzel bowed repeatedly to the new emperor, whilst the French police agents applauded him; and at a dinner yesterday by a banking Senator, Lucchesini, in announcing himself there, only in his private capacity, repeated his imperial majesty so often, and with such an affection, that it disgusted even the cringing courtier, the Senator Roederer, who was present. A courier, has arrived, via Holland, from Livingston, and the new emperor hopes that his intrigues in England will have complete success, either so as to embroil all parties, that he may command a peace, or that private animosities will lull asleep the public spirit, and make the conquest of England, or at least the change of dynasty, easy.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, March 7.
DEBATE on Georgia Claims.
In committee of the whole,
Mr. Dawson in the chair, on the bill providing for the settlement of sundry claims to public lands lying south of the state of Tennessee.
Continued.
Mr. BOYD hoped the committee would not rise before they had decided on the resolutions one by one, and gentlemen allowed a full opportunity of declaring their opinions. He would say for himself that, in his opinion, Congress did not possess the right of censure the proceedings or taking away the rights of a state. If they acted wrong, their constituents would put them right.
Mr. ELLIOT. It is certainly unnecessary to reply to the arguments of the gentleman from Virginia. The sense of the House has repeatedly been ascertained upon this subject. I will only observe that the inconsistency which the gentleman believes that he has pointed out in the conduct of those who oppose his resolutions, exists only in his own imagination. We make no decision, we give no opinion, upon either of the acts of the state of Georgia. We carefully avoid that view of the subject, and consider the question as a question of expediency and policy only.
I rejoice to hear, from a gentleman of high political character on this floor, that it is already doubtful whether party spirit any longer exists within these walls. But I cannot consider the opinion as the result of cool reflection. Could I believe that this delightful dream of the imagination is to be realised this day, I
would hail it as the most auspicious that has beamed upon our country, since the declaration of independence. Circumstances of a most imperious nature are constantly occurring, which admonish us to sacrifice our party passions and our ancient prejudices, upon the altar of our country. But many distinguished men have believed that parties are useful in republics; and the day of their union in our own is yet very distant.
The gentleman from Virginia has apologized to the committee for that warmth which he so frequently displays, and which we are told is occasioned by the adventitious circumstances of constitution and complexion. On this ground, perhaps, the gentleman does not stand alone; and I shall always be as ready as any other member to ask pardon for having injured the feelings of any one. But some of his remarks are very extraordinary. We are told that not only are men of every shade and character of political distinction, united in opposition to these resolutions, but even the furious and ferocious animals of the forest; "the bear of the arctic and the lion of the torrid zone;" the bear that roams in the cold regions of the north, and the lion that wanders in groves warmed by the beams of a vertical sun. Was this allusion personal or otherwise? It is impossible for me to answer the question. But it will be recollected by those who have read the fables of Esop, that even the majestic lion, when fallen from his former dignity, was abused by a very inferior animal, an animal distinguished as the emblem of stupidity and folly.
I shall conclude with the observation that the minority will have no justification of complaint against the majority, if the resolutions should be virtually rejected by the rising of the committee. The mover has been indulged on the present occasion, in an elaborate and ingenious argument in support of the resolutions; and other gentlemen who hold the same opinions may claim the same privilege.
Mr. SMILIE did not think it of much utility to be spending time about Lions and Bears. His wish was to consider the subject. When he looked at the resolutions and the quarter from which they came, he was certain they proceeded from the best motives. He believed also it was a respect due to every gentleman to give him an opportunity of supporting any motion he might bring forward; and he should be sorry if this right should be denied. In this instance it had been granted; and the mover of the resolutions had supported them with a degree of ability that did him honor. At the same time, how undoubted soever might be the truth of these remarks, a proposition offered may be of such a nature as to render any expression of opinion by the House improper. It may be improper in point of time, matter or consequences; and under such circumstances a decision may be properly avoided by a motion similar to that before the committee. This then is the simple question, whether it is expedient to decide it at this time on the abstract propositions contained in these resolutions. Those who think it is, will vote against the committee's rising; while those who hold a different opinion will vote differently. Mr. S. concluded by observing that he considered the propositions, generally considered, as true; but he was of opinion, that it was improper at the present time to express any opinion respecting them. He should, therefore, vote for the rising of the committee.
Mr. LUCAS declared himself hostile to any compromise with the claimants.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he was sorry to be so troublesome; but when he found that he entertained different sentiments from a gentleman whom he highly respected, it became incumbent on him to sustain as well as he could his own opinions. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has stated a proposition which may be true in the abstract; and yet it may not follow that in this instance it is not advisable for the legislative body to express an opinion. No one would be kardy enough to deny the abstract proposition laid down by the gentleman, and yet the inference deduced from it may be totally unsearchable. His refusing amounts to this. Because it is not proper for a legislative body to express an opinion on an abstract proposition having no connection with business before them, therefore it is improper to express an opinion on an abstract proposition having such a connection. If a member should bring forward a proposition on that acid and alkali united produce a neutral salt, the committee could, notwithstanding its truth, throw it out. But this is not the nature of the pro-
positions before us? Have they no bearing on the subject under consideration? Because we refuse to express an opinion on abstract motions having no relation to business before us, shall we refuse to express an opinion on subjects that have? Certainly not. Mr. R. said he was rather of the opinion that if these propositions had no little bearing as some gentlemen represented, they would not have received so strenuous an opposition. Had he brought forward a proposition that Lake Erie was the boundary between Canada and the United States, or that a whole was equal to its parts, the committee would have sneered at its folly and stupidity, and have given it a silent decision. So if these propositions had been considered trifling or harmless they would have been easily passed over. But they are not to be considered. They are not said Mr. R. mere abstract truths; but they probe to the very vitals the question before you; they contain facts which give the death blow to the claims of 1795. Are specific proofs of corruption abstract propositions? Facts are not abstract propositions. If gentlemen are disposed to doubt them, let them appoint a committee to examine into their truth. Let them not attempt to get under, over, or around the question; but let them meet it. Mr. R. said he was sorry to be deserted by any of his friends, or to desert them with whom it was his honor on most occasions to act. Nor was there a gentleman on the floor with whom he differed with a livelier regret than the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) nor only from a respect for his political character, which he had known long before he knew him; but because he had heretofore acted with him hand in hand.
Mr. SMILIE observed that his remarks had been applied to the propositions only, and not to the bill.
MR. RODNEY said he was willing after the able discussion of his friend from Virginia, with whom it was his pride and pleasure to act, to decline saying any thing on the subject. He only wished to have a vote on the resolutions, and to have an opportunity in the House of recording it.
Dr. ELMER could not conceive that gentlemen could reasonably desire a vote on the result of the abstract principles and facts, which had been already decided on. The facts may be true, and the principles likewise in some senses, but not in others. What can gentlemen require more than the result of facts and principles; and why go into an investigation of facts not necessary to act upon? All that is necessary is to far to decide facts and principles as they are connected with the bill.
The question was then taken on the rising of the committee and carried—Ayes 57—Nots 48—The committee accordingly rose and reported in part their agreement to the bill, with a request to have leave to sit again.
An adjournment was moved and lost—Ayes 57—Nots 57.
On the question of leave being given to the committee to sit again, Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he presumed the question about to be put was dictated rather by a compliance with form than substance. Is it possible, after the House have sent the resolutions to the committee and the committee have refused to act upon them, that they will by a kind of legerdemain give them leave to sit again, thus keeping the resolutions exchanged and preventing the sense of the House from being taken on them. I do not believe, said Mr. R. that the House will consent to countenance such a procedure. If this, however, shall be the course pursued, I shall now on this, as on all other occasions, to the will of a majority; but my submission will flow not from the heart, but from necessity. But I cannot bring myself to believe that after the committee have refused to act on the resolutions, by declining to do any thing more than report the bill, that the House will keep the resolutions in a state of obedience till they shall be dismissed by an adjournment.
Mr. NICHOLSON said if the mover of the resolutions did not with the committee to have leave to sit again, he hoped leave would be refused.
Mr. HOLLAND said he trusted there was no gentleman that could not allow that the resolutions had some bearing on the question before the House. They, in truth, had a very decisive bearing; and Mr. Holland said he believed if they were fully investigated, many gentlemen heretofore friendly to the bill would be hostile to it.
Mr. RODNEY hoped the committee would at present receive leave to sit again. If gentlemen should not here-

er be ready to allow them leave to sit, when the order comes up, they may move to discharge them from the further consideration of the resolutions. As they were then in the possession of the committee he hoped their friends would vote in favor of their having leave to sit again.
Dr. RUSTIS hoped the committee would not obtain leave to sit again. If he understood the decision of the committee it implied the adoption of the principle that the claims in question may be compensated out of the five millions without investigating the circumstances attending the passage of the acts of Georgia of 1789, 1795, or 1796. Whether this decision is just or honorable will be decided by a higher tribunal than this House. But, if ever respect is due to the decision of a majority, it is in this case after the opinions of gentlemen have been so fully expressed.
Why shall the committee of the whole sit again? To debate a proposition, which they have determined not to consider, and which they have decided to have no bearing on the subject before them? There can be no further discussion. Have not these resolutions so far regards their substance, been already fully advocated by their friends? It is not only consistent with the principles of justice and honor, that justice which regards the public interest, but it is likewise consistent with the rules of the House that when a bill and certain resolutions are referred, and the bill reported, which amounts to a supercession of the resolutions, that leave should be refused to the committee to sit again. The resolutions, in this instance, were referred as the ground work of a system hostile to the bill. They were intended to declare the act of Georgia invalid, as a reason for rejecting the bill. If such had been the desire of the House, would they not have suspended the bill, and have given the resolutions the investigation they merited? By taking up the bill, and rejecting the substance of the resolutions, the committee have given a proper satisfaction to the mover and his friends. It is a misfortune that on this question the whole generally act together as divided; but it is a misfortune from which no legislative body, or set of men is exempt. When such occasions do occur, it is the duty of the minority to submit, and not by unnecessary opposition to widen the difference. If one gentleman is strong in his own opinion, he should have candor and indulgence for those who differ from him, and who may feel equal convictions of the truth of their own belief. A disposition to leave the ground of reason appears to me always to have a tendency to draw the attention of the House from the merits of the question and to lead it astray from the path of duty. It is not my personal interest, said Dr. RUSTIS, to advocate or oppose these claims. I have no expectation of gain from their allowance or rejection. But while I allow to other gentlemen a sacred regard to the public good, a sense of public duty, of honor and of justice, I claim the same respect for myself and those who act with me, however different our opinions on this particular point. We are as conscious of our integrity as those who oppose us. I am sorry the character of this debate compels me to declare that I can consider no observation made during the course of it as personally applicable to me; and I wish that the same were the case with other gentlemen. There is indeed cause for regret that any thing urged on this occasion should have been considered personal. For myself, it is my practice to urge arguments grounded on the nature of the case, and not on the passions or prejudices of others; and while I extend this right to others, I claim it for myself.
With regard to the resolutions they have been fully discussed by the mover and his friends. I consider some of them as containing abstract propositions from which the House cannot dissent, as being universal principles in politics; others as of a doubtful nature; but the whole of them so far as they are applied to the legislature of a state, are unanswerable, impolitic, not to say, unconstitutional. But I will say when this House adopts the language of abstract propositions and applies it to the legislature of a particular state we tread on dangerous ground. If it be said, we barely speak our opinions, I ask whether we came here for that purpose. No, we came here to legislate. If the language is intended to apply to the legislature of a particular state, I enquire whether this House possesses any such power? Is it thereby intended to warn one state of her course of proceeding? Is it intended to guard any other state against it? If so the act is unconstitutional. Should therefore the resolutions be proposed again and again, with my present view of the subject, I shall consider it, my duty to move the previous question. I am unwilling to decide upon them. The more I consider them the more unwilling I find myself. They point to the specific act of a sovereign state. May there not be other acts of other states equally reprehensible; and can we justify to ourselves as an impartial body the passing on one and not on all. Are there not other legislatures who have disposed
of the public lands in cases where their own members were part owners. If there are, will not this be an act of partiality?
I hope I shall not be understood as the advocate of the Georgia transaction, or of any part of it, or of other legislatures who have pursued a similar course. No. I am of opinion that it is inconsistent with the honor and duty of a legislator to convey land with one hand and receive it with another. But I appeal to gentlemen whether this has not been the practice. Knowing it to have been the practice, I am unwilling to express the abhorrence I feel of this act, because such an expression of opinion goes to involve others in guilt, in cases where no such right of criminal conviction constitutionally belongs to Congress.
The course we are now pursuing is the true course, that which is founded in justice and in sound policy. It is to cover the transaction without approving it; to pass the whole of its scenes over in silence. Whereas we cannot consider the resolutions without going to the marrow of this foul wound, which every dictate of policy and wisdom prompts us to conceal. I consider this course as going ferver to close this offensive wound; to bury it in eternal oblivion. With this view I made the motion. It is immaterial to me whether the committee be refused leave to sit again, or be discharged from a consideration of the resolutions. So long as the resolutions live, I will with zeal oppose their consideration; without saying that I will bring the House to a vote. A gentleman may propose what he pleases, but it is for the House to dispose of it. I will oppose their consideration, because I see in them nothing of public utility, because they are a source of personal irritation, and because wisdom dictates that the whole transaction to which they relate should be thrown into oblivion.
Mr. DAWSON concisely advocated the consideration of the resolutions; he thought it but fair that an opportunity should be given to their friends to support them.
Mr. SMILIE said he had avoided through the whole of the discussion considering the merits of the resolutions. He would state at this time one reason why he was unwilling to vote upon them. Congress should be extremely careful when they were establishing their own rights, not to violate the rights of others. These resolutions declare the act of Georgia under which the claims in question are preferred a nullity. I ask what will be the effect of this declaration on the claims when they are brought before a court of justice? Can they have the same chance of justice after this solemn decision of the House of Representatives of the union. It is acknowledged to be wrong to bias a jury; and it is well known that printers are punished for publications during a pending suit. Can any thing they may publish have such an effect as the decision of the national legislature? This is the reason, said Mr. S. why I am reluctant to express any opinion on these resolutions.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH enquired whether if leave were refused to the committee of the whole to sit again, the resolutions would not therefore be considered as before the House.
The Speaker said they would.
On granting leave the Yeas and Nays were taken, and were, Yeas 8—Nays 101.
The question was then taken, by Yeas and Nays, on considering the resolutions, and carried in the affirmative, as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alston, jun. Archer, Bard, Bedinger, Blackledge, Boyd, Brown, Bryan, Butler, Galey, Claiborne, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Dawson, Earle, Findley, Gillespie, Gooch, Grifin, Hammond, A. Hanna, Hasbrouck, Hoge, Holland, Jones, Leib, J. Lewis, jun. Lucas, M'Corde, Meriwether, A. Moore, N. R. Moore, Newton, jun. Nicholson, Olin, Purviance, J. Randolph, T. M. Randolph, J. Ross, [of Pennsylvania] Richards, Rodney, Sammons, Sandford, Sloan, Southard, Stanford, Stanton, Steward, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Horn, M. Williams, Winn, and Winston—57.
NAYS—Messrs. Baldwin, Betton, Bishop, Byle, Chamberlin, Chittenden, Claggett, Crowningfield, Cutler, Curts, Dana, Divenport, Dickson, Dwight, Elliott, Elmer, Eustis, Fowler, Gregg, G. Griswold, R. Griswold, Hastings, Hough, Huger, Jackdon, Knight, Livingston, Lyon, N. Mitchell, S. L. Mitchell, Morrow, Plater, Skinner, Smith, J. C. Smith, Stedman, Stephenson, Taggart, Tenney, Thatcher, Thomas, Van Rensselaer, Varum, Vesperman, Wadsworth, and L. Williams—46.
The House then adjourned. (To be continued.)
FOR SALE, For negotiable Notes. A good Cook, with her child about twelve months of age. Enquire of the printer. August 10—3t
National Intelligencer.
Description of the river Mississippi and its Delta, with that of the adjacent parts of Louisiana. By William Dunbar, of the Natchez, communicated by the Author, a Member of the Society; through the President.
[Continued] The inundation takes place during the season that the crops are under cultivation, and in the precise time when required for perfecting the culture of rice, which is therefore most conveniently placed in the rear of the plantation; nor is the inundation necessary for any other species of crops, but on the contrary is often extremely injurious by its excess: the embankments are frequently ruptured, and the crops of many plantations are totally lost: the lives of the inhabitants are sometimes in danger from the disruption of their levees in the night time; this however is but a rare case. The planters possess great experimental knowledge in the art of arresting the progress of this devastation, and even entirely shutting up the breach which has been made by the torrent of the Mississippi. They begin their operations at some distance from the extremities of the breach at the parts of the embankment, and advancing in form of a crescent towards the margin of the river, where they know the land to be most elevated, they are often enabled to shut out the river by this process, the greater part of the work being thus carried on in water comparatively still; whereas every inch of the breach is acted upon by a furious torrent, becoming every instant deeper & wider. A very great breach happened during Governor Miro's administration about three leagues above New Orleans; an immense body of water advanced on its rear and threatened to drown the city; the people were discouraged. The Governor called out all the assistance which could be spared from town and country and placed himself in the row of common labourers, transferring his load from hand to hand, to those who, from their superior knowledge in this species of hydraulic architecture, were employed in constructing the provisional embankment: they did not succeed in completely shutting up the breach, but the quantity of overflowing water was reduced to one quarter, and the extremities of the new levee were fortified until the retiring of the waters; vast quantities of fish were precipitated upon the land, which corrupted and filled the air with a pestilential stench. The town was usually sickly that season.
The Mississippi is already celebrated on account of the salubrity of its waters: in which respect, no doubt, it rivals the Nile. It seems to be admitted (perhaps without due investigation) that it possesses properties favorable to the multiplication of the human species by promoting fecundity; it is probably more certain that the use of its waters contributes to banish several disorders common in other countries: the gout would be unknown were it not introduced by strangers; and instances of the stone and gravel are extremely rare. The Creoles who drink this water are a comely race, both male and female, of middle stature, and handsome persons; the males are ingenious, active, bold and enterprising; fond of hunting and other laborious amusements, and capable of enduring great fatigue: the gracefulness and beauty of the ladies are universally acknowledged.
The water of the Mississippi is drunk in great purity by the first class of French planters, and inhabitants of New Orleans; it is suffered to deposit by repose (in large earthen jars containing a hundred or more gallons) its sediment and feculencies; the precipitation is sometimes accelerated by bruised peach stones and kernels. Volney says that in Egypt bruised bitter almonds are applied to the same purpose; certainly the process of the Chinese is much neater by means of alum. The inhabitants generally employ two jars, in order that one may be filled while the other is in use, by which means they always drink the purest water: those who are long in the habit of drinking the Mississippi water, cannot immediately reconcile themselves to the taste of any other.
When the river is low and the current extremely gentle, the water possesses but a very slight degree of turbidness; the current is however at all times sufficiently strong to roll an immense body of water into the ocean, in which respect the diminutive Nile cannot bear a comparison; the waters of the latter being frequently in a state of corruption immediately before the commencement of the inundation: the Nile becomes also shallow in many places, whereas a ship of the line might find, at all times, sufficient water 6 or 700 miles up the Mississippi, were the impediment on the bar removed.
There is a very striking difference in the momentum of the waters of the two rivers at their entrance into the sea; that of the Mississippi is at all times sufficient to preserve 17 feet of water upon
the bar of the principal branch, whereas the mouths of the great branches of the Nile are so choked up with mud & sand, that small coasting vessels can scarcely enter, & this is practicable only through a very narrow winding channel, which resembles very much the entrance into many of the creeks, which to the westward of the Mississippi serve to disembogue the waters of the inundation.
The Mississippi has its Delta as well as the Nile, but that of the former is much more extensive than that of the latter; if we suppose the apex of the Delta of Egypt to be at Grand Cairo, near which the high land diverges considerably to the east, its latitude from south to north will be nearly a degree and a half; and its base, along the sea coast, about two degrees: if we admit the Delta of the Mississippi to commence only at Natchez (although there is an immense body of alluvial land above) opposite to which the high lands on the west of the valley open to the right with a rapid divergence, its latitude will be not less than two degrees and a half, and its longitude on the coast, about three degrees; hence it results that the superficial content of the Mississippi Delta is to that of the Nile as 5 to 2, which may be adopted as the proportional magnitude of the two rivers, though there is reason to believe that our Nile pours into the ocean a much greater proportion of water than what we have stated, and that the Delta of the Mississippi would have been much more extensive, were it not placed in the tract of a perpetual vortex formed by an immense current in the sea, occasioned by the tropical east winds forcing the ocean against the oblique coast of America, which produces a continual flux between the main land and the island of Cuba, giving birth to the well known gulph stream; but a great body of this current, rushing on with impetuosity in a direct line northerly, impinges against the west coast of East Florida, and is there deflected and dashed along the coasts of East and West Florida, Louisiana and Mexico; and by the promontory of Yucatan is thrown again into the main current, thus constituting a permanent vortex, which sweeps along a great proportion of the spoils of the Mississippi, as fast as they are projected into the ocean: in confirmation of this position it may be remarked that the bay of Campeche, so favourably situated for the reception and retention of alluvial matters, is exceedingly embarrassed with shoals of sand and mud; so that vessels of moderate burthen can scarcely get within two miles of any part of the coast: this evil is upon the increase, and can only be attributed to the operation of the current, taking up every moveable matter along our coast, and depositing it in every bay or creek in contact with the circumference or the vortex: there are no alluvial rivers flowing into the bay of Campeche; but the Rio del Norte, and one or two others of less note, contribute no doubt to the production of this effect, by throwing their mite into the ocean.
Paraling our parallel of the two rivers, we shall find that the Mississippi as well as the Nile, proceeds to the ocean by two permanent branches, that to the west breaks off, about two or three miles below the Red river, and bears the Indian name of Chafalaya, or river of the Apolousas: there is every appearance that this branch may have anciently been a continuation of the great Red river; the quantity of water delivered by the one and received by the other being nearly equal, and the general appearance of the banks and common breadth of the channels being very similar. The Chafalaya is dangerous for boats under the conduct of unskillful pilots descending the Mississippi; the velocity of the stream passing laterally out of the Mississippi, occasions an attraction (if the term may be admissible) of all floating bodies at a considerable distance from the shore; if the unwary or ignorant voyager falls within the sphere of this attraction, and his boat be not sufficiently manned to enable him to escape, by taking an oblique course out of this unexpected suction, he is precipitated into the western branch, heavy boats cannot regain the Mississippi; the lightest must be well manned to stem the extreme rapidity of the current; the perpetual rising of the bank and bed of the great river from the influence of the inundation, is probably the cause of so precipitate a descent into the smaller river. The Chafalaya was formerly, but is not now navigable into the country of the Apolousas and Alacapas; the inconceivable quantity of drift timber which went down, had formed many islands, which so contracted the different channels, that at length they have been entirely shut up, (not to the passage of water, but to the passage of every kind of craft; there is said to be at this time a floating bridge upon the Chafalaya, ten leagues along the course of the river, and continually accumulating by the cause which produces it; some parts of it are so compact as to have an appearance of solidity; and vegetation has made considerable progress thereon. The Chafalaya in its progress through the Delta collects many other inferior streams, and before its junction with the ocean be-
comes, in certain situations, a mile in width; it is said to have nine or ten feet water on its bar; it is probably superior to the Paumatique branch of the Nile, but is not equal to one tenth part of the Mississippi. The mouth of the Chafalaya is probably distant from the principal mouth of the Mississippi nearly 150 miles, and is now unnoticed; at some future period its river will be crowded with vessels and boats transporting the rich harvests of its ever productive soil. *Volney.
A certain extent of the Red River is in this situation; the water is heard gurgling under foot, being completely concealed by a stratum of timber upon which there is soil sufficient to support plants, and even trees of a moderate size.
FROM THE ENQUIRER. VINDICATION OF VIRGINIA. NO. III
Having examined some of the most interesting events of the American revolution; having attempted to show that all the querulous and illiberal efforts which have been made to tarnish the laurels of Virginia, have only terminated in bringing them forth into brighter lustre; let us now approach the next celebrated epoch in our political history, which has furnished the discontented federalists of the north with a fruitful theme of declamation and complaint. They have pleased themselves with thinking that the adoption of the federal constitution, and the first amendments which were proposed, have furnished them with the most satisfactory evidence, that Virginia has either acquired, or that she has been anxious to assume an exorbitant influence in the administration of the national government. They have discovered in this great era of our political history, three sources of complaint, two of which they have represented as peculiar to Virginia; the third as common to her with all the southern and western states. Why [they have demanded] did Virginia hesitate to adopt at once the federal constitution; and why did she almost in the same breath, propose such amendments to it, as would invalidate the political powers which it had conferred to a federal head? By what principle of abstract justice and representative government, can the people of the southern and western states, presume to justify that article of the federal constitution which gives them a political influence, proportionate to three fifths of their negro population?—Happy is it for the Virginians, that they can again triumphantly recur to the historical documents of their country, for the most complete justification of their conduct, on the two first of these charges! Happy is it for the southern and western states, that the immutable maxims of justice, will bear them out in the exercise of that representative right which the federal constitution has conferred upon them!
Adoption of the Constitution.
The following quotation from one of the northern papers, will sufficiently explain the grounds of the present and the subsequent complaint. "Mr. Jefferson nor any of his "sect" have ever made the energies and dignity of the federal government a part of their plan. They take a different and a more certain road to power and patronage. In one of his messages he says, that the particular states are invested with all the needful powers for internal government, and seems to assign to the government of the union, only the scraps and parings, such as concern not ourselves merely, but are blended with foreign politics. To weaken the federal head, and throw back its proper authorities into the hands of the ruling faction—behold Jefferson unmasked! this has ever been the policy of Virginia, and ever will be. It was for this reason she came so late and so loath into the union. She abhorred the constitution the moment it pretended to be a government, and she lost not one moment to insist that such amendments, should be added to it, as would reduce it as near as possible, to the insignificance of the old confederation; she wants servile tools, not lawful superiors." How far does the history of that period, and the policy attributed to our state, go to support the statements and reasonings of this illiberal author?
Virginia was the first state in the union, that proposed the expedient which ultimately led to the formation of the present admirable constitutions. She was the first to propose any effectual remedy, for the various calamities which accompanied her peculiar situation, arising from a want of credit, and from a want of some general power to establish a proper system of commercial regulations. Commissioners were appointed in 1785, by the House of Delegates in Virginia, who should meet such as might be appointed in the other states, to form a system of commercial regulations for the United States, and recommend it to the several legislatures, for their adoption. When the com-

Delegates from several states had met at Annapolis in the Summer of 1786, they discovered that all the states were not represented; and they believed that their own powers were too limited to propose a system of regulations adequate to the purposes of government. They agreed to recommend a general convention to be held at Philadelphia the next year, with powers to frame a general plan of government for the United States. The convention met at Philadelphia in May 1787, and after four months deliberation agreed to recommend the plan of federal government which was originally adopted.
Virginia was not the only state of the union which hesitated to adopt this constitution. "In Massachusetts the opposition was large and respectable;" and it was finally adopted by its convention in the ratio of 187 to 168. "In New York two thirds of the delegates in convention, were at their first meeting determined to reject the constitution;" and though many of the anti-federal members were induced to relinquish their opposition, when they heard that the 9th and 10th states had acceded to the proposed plan of government; the constitution was still ratified in the small ratio of 30 to 25. The opposition in Rhode Island was so powerful that the constitution was adopted by a majority of two only. Indeed, in almost every state, the anti-federalists were powerful in numbers and respectable in talents. Bring then all these facts together; compare this violent opposition with these various majorities with the ratio of 89 to 79, according to which the constitution was adopted in the Virginia convention, and then say what kind of justice is that, which selects Virginia from all the states of the union, and accuses her only of an illiberal opposition to the national compact? Why did her opposition exhibit a greater desire to "reduce the constitution to the insignificance of the old confederation" than the opposition in Massachusetts, New York or Rhode Island?
Her opposition to this national compact did not demonstrate her violent attachment to the confederation, much less did it establish a general character of selfish ambition. Virginia was opposed to the present constitution, not because she was really devoted to the old confederation, but because she saw or believed she saw greater dangers in the former than in the latter. The form of government, which was now proposed to them, was a new subject for political experiment. The animals of the world had never before displayed the form of a federal constitution, which should operate upon the individual members of the society, and which should at the same time contain within its bosom several subordinate sovereignties for the administration of their internal and local affairs. It is no wonder then that some prophetic apprehensions should arise, lest in the progress of time the state governments should lose their individual and independent character, and that all their separate powers should be ultimately merged in the progressive usurpations of a consolidated government. These apprehensions were still increased, when they looked into the constitution itself, and discovered that it wanted some effectual provisions for securing the most important rights of individuals. The liberty of conscience was not protected. The federal government might at any time by shackling the operations of the press have "laid its hand upon the spring that is in society, and put a stop to its motion." The inestimable rights of criminals had not been sufficiently guaranteed. The important question whether the powers conferred on the federal government, were general or specific, had not been settled; and a grand line of description had not been drawn between the rights conferred on the general governments and those which were reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. Is it surprising then that the members of the Virginia Convention, with a prophetic wisdom which reflects the highest honor upon their names, should pause, should meditate, should canvass all the provisions of this complicated system; and that many of them should finally vote against its adoption, until those important rights had been fortified by previous amendments? Is it surprising that Mr. Jefferson when he was in France should have mentioned to his friend in this country his great anxiety that "the four latest [states] which ever they be, may refuse to accede to it, till amendments are secured?" Could not the chary of federalists of the north have discovered a more honorable excuse for the opposition of Virginia, than a ridiculous policy of preserving the "insignificance of the old confederation?"
Had Virginia even in the cradle of her government, indulged any unnatural desire of enlarging her own powers at the expense of her sister states; had she nourished a faction within her bosom, who required the aid of "servile tools, not lawful superiors," she would never have adhered to the rules of the old confederation. A form of government which communicated an equal power to all the states, and which reduced her to the same level with the small federations
ties of Delaware and Rhode Island, could never have been an eligible instrument for the accomplishment of her ambitious projects. The 4th clause of the 5th article of the confederation expressly stipulates, that "in determining questions in the United States in congress assembled, each state shall have one vote." The 5th clause of the 9th article provides for the appointment of "a committee of the states," and to consist of one delegate from each state. It would surely have been a more sagacious policy to have exchanged this old confederacy for a new form of government, which should give her an influence proportionate to her population; which, instead of allowing her one vote in the enacting of a law, should entitle her to 19. Had Virginia looked forward to the possession of universal empire; had she been ambitious of becoming superior to the other states, instead of remaining contented with her own independent sovereignty, her most obvious policy would thus have been to adopt the constitution. But had she entertained some jealous fears for her own political salvation; instead of willing to become the tyrant of other states, had she indulged an apprehension that the federal government would tyrannize over herself, she would have found her wisest policy in an opposition to this new government. It was this prophetic policy which induced some of her most enlightened statesmen to regard the new constitution with the most scrupulous attention; it was this which excited such a decided opposition; and not any ridiculous attachment to the "insignificance of the old confederation."
Had Virginia been really possessed with the insane ambition of rising above the other states, in political importance; had this produced all her opposition to the new government; a change in the circumstances of the times would surely have introduced a different policy. It would not have been true "that this has ever been the policy of Virginia, and ever will be." Surely she would not have pursued the very same policy under the administration of Mr. Jefferson, which she pursued under the administration of gen. Washington and Mr. Adams. Their maxims were not altogether congenial with the democratic principles of Virginia; and hence it would have been her interest to have exercised every nerve "to weaken the federal head." But Mr. Jefferson's attachment to democratic principles, and to the Virginia interest would have ensured a complete support to all her ambitious projects. She could not have added too much strength to the arm of the federal government, because it would have been entirely converted to her own selfish purposes. Are not the federalists of the north even now continually complaining, that the interests of the Virginians are alone consulted in the administration of the government? That the repeal of the internal taxes, the continuance of the impost, the acquisition of Louisiana, and the amendment to the constitution, are multiplied proofs of this melancholy truth?
Can the federalists of the north consider all these facts and reasonings; can they review the discussions of that important period, when the federal constitution was proposed to the consideration of the states; and any longer indulge the frivolous idea, that the deliberate and divided opposition of the Virginia convention to the new form of government could have arisen from the absurd idea of preserving the "insignificance of the old confederation?" Do not all the facts which have been mentioned; her proposing some general system of commercial regulations; the opposition which the new form of government received from several states; the suspicions which she must have entertained of a constitution which might have terminated in a consolidated government; the obvious advantages which her ambitious projects might have derived from the substitution of an efficient government for an insignificant confederacy; do not all these facts contribute to prove, that she was sensible of the imperfections of the old government, but that she was apprehensive the new constitution might terminate in a general despotism? Can any impartial politician require a more satisfactory apology for the deliberate, wary and decided opposition, which the federal constitution experienced in Virginia?
First amendments. There are three great points of difference between the old confederation and the present constitution. 1st. The former operated upon the states, and the latter upon individuals. 2nd. The former did not embrace such extensive powers as the latter. 3rd. The former gave an equal influence to each of the states in the legislative and executive departments, whereas the latter adjusted this influence in a certain ratio to the scale of population in the several states. No one will contend that any of these amendments, which Virginia so ably advocated, were designed to remove the first of those distinctions; that they were designed to substitute the feeble method of recommendation and requisition to a certain and effectual power exercised over individuals. If any one perceive a different tendency in any one of these amend-
ments, let him produce it. No one can pretend to believe, that it was or ever will be the policy of Virginia to remove the last of these distinctions; to allow to all the small states an equal influence in the administration of the government, instead of an influence proportionate in a certain degree to their population. If these amendments then do really "reduce the constitution as near as possible to the insignificance of the old confederation," it can effect it only by removing the second distinction, by retrenching some of the powers, which were either expressly given or not expressly denied to the federal government by the constitution. Surely no one will venture to assert, that such amendments were not extremely proper, provided they related to powers, which the federal government should not be permitted to exercise. But let those amendments be examined; they will be found principally to protect the most important rights, which can belong to individuals, or to states. They will be found to embrace three very topics, which had excited much opposition in the convention of Virginia to this national compact. The rights of conscience, speech and of the press; the privileges of individuals in all criminal proceedings; and the sovereign powers of states; have been particularly designated. That man must be an extraordinary politician indeed, who would object to these valuable amendments because they secured the rights of the nation, by retrenching the powers of the government; and because they may in this manner have tended "to reduce (the constitution) to the insignificance of the old confederation."
* Boston Repertory. † Morse's American Geography. ‡ Logan's Philosophical History.
WASHINGTON CITY, WEDNESDAY, August 15.
We some years since attracted the attention of the public to a subject which we then deemed it important to investigate,—the alleged suppression of the works of Dr. Franklin. No elucidation having been made, the subject has acquired additional consequence. From the silence with which the enquiries made have been treated, the suspicions then afloat have derived considerable confirmation. If they are well founded, the transaction to which they relate is of so criminal a hue as to require the severest animadversion; and if they are untrue, it is of some importance to relieve innocent men from aspersion. We trust, therefore, that the new notice, now about to be taken, will draw forth information that shall guide the public in the formation of a correct decision.
It was some years ago confidently reported that Temple Franklin, the grandson of the Doctor, to whom was bequeathed his books and papers, repaired to London for the purpose of publishing his life and writings, including several unpublished tracts. It is certain that Benjamin Bache, then residing in Philadelphia, repeatedly stated that a complete edition of the Doctor's works was compiling by Temple Franklin, with a view to publication at London to supply the European demand, and that a co-temporaneous edition would be printed by him at Philadelphia to supply the demand in this country. This was at least seven years ago. About that time enquiries were often made when the work was to appear; to which it was answered that it might be looked for daily. From that day to this no life of Franklin, or any of his performances unpublished while he lived, have appeared; nor has any reason been assigned by Temple Franklin for their non-appearance. It was also reported some years since that Mr. Dilly, an eminent London bookseller, had bought the copy right of the Doctor's works from Temple Franklin for a large sum; on what terms was not stated;—but, that instead of publishing them, he had afterwards disposed of them for a larger sum to the English ministry, who bought them with a view to their suppression, and that they have been accordingly suppressed.
In ascertaining the truth of this statement not only the friends of the character of Franklin, but likewise his country and the whole literary and poli-
tical world are interested. If it be true, it manifests a turpitude that will be but inadequately punished by the severest reprobation.
No man enjoyed a wider field for acquiring correct political information respecting the American revolution than Dr. Franklin. He possessed the confidence of his own government, and likewise, in an unusual degree, that of the courts to which he was sent. No one, from natural penetration, and from the access which his great reputation gave him to the great, was more qualified to trace the secret springs of action. Hence the strong curiosity excited by the expected publication of his works! In France, the focus of information, he occupied the highest reputation, and was in the confidence of all descriptions of persons, enjoying equally the respect and society of the votary of pleasure and ambition. His share in the great events of this country is known to all; and it is likewise known that no man among us was better qualified, from the strength of his judgment, and a happy knowledge of men, to develop motives and impartially to record events.
We trust that those who possess the means of satisfying these enquiries will not deem it unimportant to give that information which alone can or ought to allay the national sensibility already excited.
KNOXVILLE, (TENN.) July 27.
This forenoon the legislature of this state by the unanimous vote of both branches, passed the act, ratifying the amendment proposed to the constitution of the United States.
FRANKFORT, June 3.
The accession of Napoleon Bonaparte to the imperial crown of France, and it being made descendable to his family, have been officially notified to the different Germanic States by the French ministers who were accredited to them. Exclusive of those particular communications, M. Bacher, the French charge d'affaires at the Diet of Ratisbon, has made a general one to the diet of the Germanic Empire, on the 28th of last month. All the notifications were made in the same form of words, to which were annexed copies of the decree of the French Senate of the 28 Floreal. The note addressed by M. Bacher to the diet is as follows.
"The undersigned, the French charge d'affaires, has the honor to transmit to the General Diet of the Germanic Empire, the annexed copy of the decree of the Senate, which determines henceforth the style, the forms and the transmission of the supreme power of France, the only things which, in the organization of the Republican government, did not bear a due proportion to the greatness and calls of the state."
"He hastens, in these circumstances, to notify, conformably to the orders of his government, that his imperial majesty, Napoleon, Emperor of the French is invested by the laws of the state, with the imperial dignity, and that this title and dignity are to be transmitted to his descendants in the male line direct; & in default of such issue, to the male line direct of their Imperial Highnesses Prince Joseph and Louis Bonaparte brothers to the Emperor."
In making this notification, the undersigned thinks it necessary to remark that all official communications are to be suspended until the former titles shall be replaced by those of the imperial protocol, as well in the credentials of the ministers accredited to France, as in those of his imperial majesty the Emperor of the French, accredited to foreign courts. The confidential communications necessary for the commencement and progress of business, may still be made in the usual manner.
"The undersigned is, in the mean time, instructed to declare, that the important law which has completed the organization of the state in a manner suitable to the dignity of the French people, will produce no change in its political relations. France, in placing them under the protection of a government invested with greater plenitude, and surrounded with a dignity more analogous to the nature of circumstances, confers greater force and consistency to the reciprocal advantages that friendly nations have a right to expect from her; and at the same time, she gives more consideration to the respect that all governments shall receive from her, and which they, in their turn, are bound to manifest towards her."
(Signed) "BACHER." The diplomatic connexions between England and the states of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, have been put an end to in consequence of the disagreeable oc-
currances which took place at the courts of Munich and Stuttgart, produced by the conduct of the British ministers resident there. The English Ambassadors to those German courts have been formally recalled. Of these two ministers one, Mr. Spencer Smith, set out for Italy by way of Vienna, and the other is come to the North of Germany. Mr. Duke arrived the 15 of May, at Berlin from Dresden, and was received by Mr. Jackson's from whence he has, most probably, continued his journey to his own country. His stay at Dresden was shortened, we understand, by some difficulties that the presence of this minister experienced on the part of the government of the Elector of Saxony.
Three Dollars Reward.
STRAYED from the subscriber's Farm, near Rock Creek Church, a small RED and WHITE COW, appears to be about 12 years old, with a white face and a remarkable short body, the left ear slit, the right branded with two letters not remembered, and a piece of her tail cut off. The above reward will be paid to any person on the delivery of the Cow at said place. S. H. SMITH. August 11.
Circuit court for the County of Washington, District of Columbia, 1st.
ON the report of AGNES JACKSON and WILLIAM JACKSON trustees for the sale of the real estate of JONATHAN JACKSON deceased, of the sale made by them as trustees aforesaid, of the property described to be sold in the bill of WILLIAM H. DORSEY and others against the executors and heirs of the said JONATHAN JACKSON. It is ordered that the said sale be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the twenty fifth day of August instant, provided a copy of this order be inserted at least three times prior to that day, in the same papers in which the sale was advertised. The report states that the property was purchased by sundry persons and that the aggregate amount of said sale was Two Thousand & Forty Two dollars. Copy to be, URIAH FORRESTER, CLK. August 15—5t
Columbian Academy.
THE GENTLEMEN who attended the examination of the scholars belonging to the COLUMBIAN ACADEMY, are happy to express their satisfaction with the attainments of the several classes in branches of science, which had occupied their attention since the last examination. The exhibition this evening drew together a numerous and respectable audience of LADIES and GENTLEMEN, who were highly gratified with the manly efforts of the YOUNG ORATORS. The academy will open again on Monday the 3d of September. A teacher for the French Language will be employed—the price of tuition in the upper school is 20 dollars and 67 cents per year—in the lower school 20 dollars—Those who study French, 4 dollars a quarter additional. Boarding may be had from 100 to 150 dollars per year. The highest attention will be paid to the MORALS and IMPROVEMENT of the youth. Georgetown, August 15.
NOTICE.
A BATTALION COURT of Enquiry, pursuant to Law, for the first Battalion of the first Legion of the Militia of the district of Columbia, will be held this day at RHODES'S Hotel at 10 o'clock, A. M.—at which all concerned will take notice. August 15.
500 Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS on the first day of April last a Negro fellow named SIROTHAR and his wife named PHILLIS absconded from my plantation near Chester court house South Carolina—and as I have reason to suspect that some white person or persons has been accessory in said negroes escape, or has feloniously carried them away—I hereby offer the above reward upon conviction of any white person concealing or carrying away said negroes.
Forty dollars with all reasonable expenses will be paid for lodging said negroes in any jail and giving notice by letter to me at Chester C. H. South Carolina, to that I may get them, or twenty dollars for each; that is, if they are taken by any person after this date—any jail or other persons giving notice to me of said negroes, that they are lodged in any jail before this date shall be very handsomely rewarded.
SIROTHAR is 22 or 23 years of age, a little yellow complexioned, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, stout made, crooked legged, very large feet, has a four countenance, has large scars on his back occasioned by a severe whipping, by his former overseer in Virginia for rebelling against him.
PHILLIS is 20 or 22 years old, of a middle size, trim made, black complexion, has a small lip when she speaks—said negroes formerly belonged to Mr. Edward Carter, in Prince William county, State of Virginia, where it is supposed (if they have eloped of themselves) they will try to go.
Any letters of information will be very thankfully received. JOHN JOHNSTON. Chester C. H. South Carolina, July 11—12wtf

DOCTOR MAGRUDER. BARS for sale a few hogsheads ash proof Jamaica spirits, linseed and lamp oil, spirits of turpentine, window glass, glaziers diamonds, grue, lamp black, white lead, Spanish brown, yellow ochre, chalk, Spanish whitewash, Venetian red, red lead, verdigris, drop lake, flake white, patent yellow, rofe and Dutch pink, king's yellow, Turkey umber, gold and silver leaf, painters and sweeping brushes, camel's hair pencils, water colours in boxes, Spanish indigo, fig blue, arnott, red wood, alkali, madder, logwood, turmeric, salt petre, alum, copperas, sweet oil, pearl barley, timothy and clover seed, tamarinds, castor oil, marle mortars, spring trusses, ginger, cinnamon, cloves, mace, Chings worm destroying lozenges, an assortment of paper hangings, playing cards, copy slips, ink powder, English Latin, Greek and French school books, large family bibles, and his usual complete assortment of drugs and medicine, patent medicine, surgeons instruments, &c. George Town, July 20—tf
Ten Dollars Reward. Ranaway from the subscriber living in Calvert County on the 19th inst. a negro lad named WILL, about 5 feet 2 or 3 inches high of a yellow complexion a sensible and artful villain; had on and took with him sundry clothes unknown—I expect he will endeavor to get to Annapolis, Baltimore or George Town, at which latter place he has a father living. Any person apprehending said negro so that I get him again shall receive the above reward if out of the county, but if in the county 10 dollars and all reasonable expenses paid by JAMES HIGHT. August 3—6w
(BY AUTHORITY.) Scheme of a Lottery. To build an Academy in the city of Richmond. Dollars. 1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000 1 do. 10,000 1 do. 5,000 5 do. of 1,000 make 5,000 6 do. — 500 — 3,000 10 do. — 250 — 2,500 20 do. — 100 — 2,000 100 do. — 50 — 5,000 250 do. — 30 — 7,500 420 do. — 25 — 10,500 500 do. — 20 — 10,000 3,000 do. — 15 — 45,000 1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250 1 do. after 2,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000 5,325 prizes, 150,000 9,675 blanks, not two to a prize, 13,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 130,000 B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. This lottery has been authorised by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purpose of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dollars, and 2,500 dollars, in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer, a chance for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce a rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorise it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next. Richmond, March 2—tf 85 Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price (Rex) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Prichard.
Travellers Hall. THE subscriber has lately been induced from the rapid increase of his custom to purchase a lot of ground adjoining that on which he lives for the purpose of building a dining room and assembly room, each 32 feet by 22 feet 10 inches with six additional lodging rooms, and intends to finish them before the ensuing winter; which together with his tavern and house, will occupy a front of near one hundred feet in the most agreeable part of the town and in the center of business being on the highest part of the public square. He has considerably increased the furniture &c. of his house and stables. His domestics and servants are of the most faithful dispositions and properly qualified for the department to which they are assigned. He has a constant supply of the best stable forage; imported and country provisions, imported liquors, &c. of the first quality, foreign newspapers, &c. And he will most probably last through the hot weather. The distinguished preference which the first characters have already given him fills him with gratitude. He offers his thanks to all his good friends and begs leave to assure them that neither his time nor his purse shall be spared in attempting to render the Travellers Hall a house of entertainment, for COUNTRY GUESTS ONLY, equal to any in America. P. BRADLEY. Lexington, Kentucky, June 12, 1804. Stage runs from the Travellers Hall to the Olio Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the sessions of Assembly. June 29—3m
HAT MANUFACTURY. The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chuse to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness are requisites. JOEL BROWN. George Town, Feb. 17—tf
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cassimeres, white and fancy Marcellies, colored and white jeans, india nankeens, cotton cassimeres, black silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first stile of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 8—tf
TO BE SOLD On Tuesday 28th August, at Rhodes's Hotel on a credit of 6 and 12 months by notes negotiable, bearing interest with approved endorser in either the George Town or City banks. A Complete two story BRICK HOUSE, in 14th street west in this city, now in the occupation of the subscriber, containing on the ground floor 2 parlors and kitchen, on the 2nd floor, 3 bed rooms, servant rooms over the kitchen, a good cellar, paved yard, pump with excellent water within 20 feet of the premises—the above premises are in complete repair and fit for the reception of a small genteel family—the house covers 23 feet front and the title from the commissioners. At the same time and place will be sold two bay horses, on credit of six months, one 15 hands 1 inch high, steady in harness, six years old and fine figure; the other 14 hands 3 inches, quiet in harness and rides pleasant and well, his quality's well known for two years in this city; also a strong chaise with head & harness complete, and one gr. cask of old Madeira wine of the first quality. Sale to commence at 4 o'clock precisely. WM. LOVELL August 6—11t.
REMOVAL. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Has removed to the house above Mr. Rhodes (LATE LOVELL'S) HOTEL, near the President's Square. In addition to the present stock of goods, an Handsome Assortment is expected immediately. Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post, will be waited upon with all possible expedition. T. C. will pledge himself to execute any order with a safe, expedition and moderation of charge, which shall not be excelled by any. April 16—tf.
PORT WINE OF A SUPERIOR QUALITY, just received and for sale by the subscriber; Also Beck's Tea of the WASHINGTON and PLOUGHBOY'S Cargoes, and a few East India and Havana WHITE SUGARS. JOHN BANKS, High Street, Geo. Town. D. C. August 10—2wtfw
Valuable Property for Sale. WE will sell on Tuesday the 28th inst. on the premises at 3 o'clock, those two large lots in George Town, No 74 and 75 with the stone house thereon, on a credit of 3, 6 and 12 months. The lots will be sold together or separately to accommodate purchasers—Notes with good indorsers payable at the Bank of Columbia will be expected and on the payment of said notes a good title will be made. STEPHEN WEST, RICHARD W. WEST, H. B. WEST, BEN. ODEN. August 10—128
Now Published, BY G. DOUGLAS, BALTIMORE. FORENSIC ELOQUENCE. SKETCHES OF TRIALS IN IRELAND for High Treason, &c. including the speeches of Mr. CURRAN at length accompanied by various papers illustrating the history and present state of that country. P. S. As the subscribers to this book are much scattered over the continent, and as the expense attending it has been considerable, the publisher respectfully hopes that they will take the earliest opportunity of sending for it. Baltimore August 10—3t
This day is published By Rapine, Conrad, & Co, CAPITOL HILL, NEW JERSEY AVENUE. REPORTS of cases argued and adjudged in the Supreme Court of the United States in August and December terms, 1801, and February term, 1803: by William Cranch, assistant judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. Also just published as above—THE BUILDERS UNIVERSAL PRICE BOOK, containing a correct list of prices to the works of the several artificers concerned in building, in dollars and cents; with observations on erecting found and permanent buildings, by John Evans—price one dollar. July 16—
THEATRE. AS measures have been taken by the Directors of the Theatre to have that building carried on with spirit, so as to be completed by the approaching season, it is earnestly hoped that all persons who have subscribed Cash for that object, and who may not have as yet made payment, will make the payment immediately to some one of the Directors. Those who have subscribed work or materials—that may not have executed the first or furnished the last, will please make early application to Mr. George Hadfield, who will contract for the materials, or for such work as may be required. The Directors have thought proper to give this public notice, that every subscriber may come forward in the manner promised at the time of subscribing. They cannot doubt but that there will exist a generous emulation among all, to tender their promised aid in promoting an object which may conduce materially to the advantage of the city. If however, contrary to their expectations, the Directors should find themselves disappointed by any of those who have agreed to furnish materials or work—in that case they will be constrained to contract with others for such work or materials to be paid in cash—and call upon such subscribers for the amount of their subscriptions in cash, which it is hoped will not be deemed unreasonable or improper. City of Washington, August 4, 1804.
Ten Dollars Reward. STRAYED or stolen from the commons near the Capitol, in the city of Washington on the 24th of last month, (July) a deep SORREL HORSE, about four feet 10 inches high, well made, lately shed all round, a blaze on his forehead, hanging mane and switch tail, trots and canters well, carries his head very low when rode; he is between six and seven years old. Whoever brings him to the subscriber, living near Mr. Gallatin's in the said city, shall receive the above reward. NATHANIEL GREGORY. Washington city, Capitol hill, August 10—3w
FOR SALE. The following City Lots, ON A LIBERAL TIME, Upon SECURITY, viz. LOTS—3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in square No. 919.—Lot 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 988. Lots 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 986. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 & 19, in square No. 1042. Lots 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13, in square No. 1066. Apply to CHARLES MINNIE, Washington City, or to RICHARD C. JONES, at Philadelphia. Washington, August 3—tf.
N.B. C. M. hath sundry other lots for sale or ground rent (on easy terms to improvers,) and in eligible situations. HERTYS LAWS of MARYLAND. Volume II. Those holding subscription papers to the above, are requested to forward a list of the subscribers and their residence, to the Editor in the city of Washington, before the 4th August next, in order that they be inserted, agreeably to the proposals. The work will be ready for delivery a few days thereafter. The Editors of papers in Maryland who published the proposals, are requested to give publicity to the above. July 13—cp
In the case of NICOLAS FEBRUARY An Insolvent debtor, SIX months from and after the first day of March, is limited, and appointed for the creditors to bring in, and exhibit their claims to the trustee, and that notice be given in the Washington Federalist, and National Intelligencer once a month, three times in each paper before the expiration of said term—it is further ordered, that the trustee sell the property of the insolvent, at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 6 months, giving six months previous notice thereof, by public advertisement, in the same papers once a week for 6 weeks prior to the day of sale. By order, Wm. Cranch, Esq. URIAS FORREST, Clk. March 7—1am3t
TO RENT, A THREE STORY BRICK HOUSE in the city of Washington, situate on that beautiful ridge north east of the Seven Buildings, on 1st street, Lot No. 3, square 106, at present occupied by Mrs. Scott. Possession may be had the 1st of August next. Under said house is a good dry cellar, on the back of the lot is a stable, and near the premises a pump of most excellent water. Enquire of Mrs. Scott, or of the subscriber High street at Doctor John Beatty's George Town. June 29—tf
THOMAS M'EUEN, THOMAS HALE & WILLIAM DAVIDSON. SON, who heretofore, have translated business under the firm of Thomas M'EuEN & Co. will in future use that of M'EUEN, HALE & DAVIDSON. PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 1—tw&ugtf
To be Rented. THE subscriber has two or three small Farms to let from two to three hundred acres in each, in Prince George's county about six miles from the city of Washington and two from Bladensburg; he will let them on a moderate rent, to industrious farmers who will keep them in good repair, and use the Plaster and Clover, for terms apply to the subscriber near Bladensburg. LEONARD M. DEAKINS. August 3—5w
To be Sold, At public sale, at Mr. John Barney's COLUMBIAN INN, on the 10th day of September next, at 2 o'clock, P. M. ALL the right, title, interest, and estate of Nicholas February (an insolvent debtor) in, and to sixteen and three quarter acres of land, with a dwelling house thereon, in the vicinity of George Town, also some household and kitchen furniture.—Terms of sale, the purchaser to give bond with approved security, payable in six months after the day of sale, any person wishing to view the property before the sale, may apply to the subscriber. In the above case, the creditors are requested to exhibit their claims within the time limited, to the subscriber. GEORGE BEATTY, Trustee. George Town March 7 MEDITERRANEAN PASSPORTS.
Notice is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean Passport if sued to vessels of the United States, that from the eighth day of July next those of the new form will be issued as the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which they may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers, with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use. Department of State, } 23d of May, 1804. }
The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the Customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. May 30—2w&6m
50 Dollars reward, STRAYED or stolen from the commons of Washington city, between Saturday and Monday the 7th and 9th of July, inst. a pair of bright BAY HORSES, of the following descriptions:—One about fifteen and a half hands high over the shoulders, and about two inches lower over the hips, supposed to be eight years old, black mane and tail, mane on the right side, trots and canters, a star in the forehead, both hind ankles white, and has partly on the inner side of each, uniformly placed, about one inch above the hoof a black spot of about three quarters of an inch diameter; no other striking natural marks are recollected. This horse is supposed to be three fourths English blooded; he is when in flesh very handsome, and moves with ease and elegance. He is now much reduced in appearance by a long journey, his back something injured by the saddle, and has old marks of similar abuse. The other horse is about fifteen and a half hands high before, and the same behind, six years old, not so handsomely built in any respect as the other, but carries himself very well, trots hard, canters easy and racks a little, his mane and tail are likewise black; his mane thin and on the right side; left hind ankle white; has a star in the forehead, and a snip in the nose, mostly inclined to and running into the left nostril; a circular brand on the left shoulder, with a character in the center believed to be intended for an A. He is not so low in flesh as the other, the new saddle marks are worse, but he has few or no old ones, except a slight appearance of a former naval gall. They were shod all round. If stolen the above reward will be paid on conviction of the thief; if strayed and found within 20 miles of Washington city a reward of 20 dollars will be given, and if beyond that distance, 40 dollars, expenses included, on their return to Phineas Bradley, Washington city, or Renner and Safford, George Town. August 1—1awtf
Valuable Property FOR SALE. THE subscriber will sell his Plantation adjoining the town of Upper Marlboro' in Prince George's county, containing eight hundred acres. This plantation is considered amongst the best in the neighbourhood, it is well adapted to the growth of wheat, Indian corn and fine tobacco, and has a great sufficiency of wood for its support. The improvements are a large and commodious dwelling house, with every other necessary buildings for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, all in good repair—There are also on the premises several large tobacco houses, corn house, stables, &c. most of which are almost new—As it is presumed that those who are desirous to purchase would wish to view the premises, it is thought unnecessary to be more minute.—A liberal credit will be given. For further particulars apply to Nathaniel Cranch residing within eight miles of Washington or to the subscriber. DAVID CRAUFORD. Upper Marlboro' July 23—1awtf The purchaser may be accommodated with negroes, farming utensils, and stock of very kind. W. C.
NOTICE. THE Subscriber, being legally and fully authorised, by his assignees, to adjust, and settle finally, all the concerns of his former estate, surrendered under the laws of Pennsylvania, of Maryland, and of the United States, hereby calls on all persons indebted to said estate, to make payment to him; and on all who have claims, to render him their accounts, with notice of what property is still held in pledge for securing payment. JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, April 13—wtf
NOTICE. The subscriber having been legally authorised, by Messrs. Henry Pratt Thomas Willing, Francis, John Miller, jun. John Alsley, and Jacob Baker, trustees of a fund created from the joint and separate estates of Robert Morris, John Nicholson and James Greenleaf, and generally denominated the "Aggregate Fund," hereby calls on all persons, having any claims or pretensions by Mortgage or otherwise, to any of the objects of the said Fund, to make the same known to him, with a view to their adjustment. And all persons disposed to purchase any of the property of the said Fund either for cash, or on terms of short credit, are desired to make early application to JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia April 13—wtf The property of the AGGREGATE FUND lying in or near the river Potomac, consists of a large number of house lots in the city of Washington. A number of handsome brick houses and a few wooden houses in do. A wharf and store in do. Lands on the Eastern Branch, opposite do. Do. on Hunting Creek near Alexandria. Do. adjoining Fort Cumberland. Do. about 12 miles from do. The subscriber will in person receive applications on any of the objects of his agency, at Mr. Stelles hotel, until the 10th inst. after which until farther notice, he requests that all applications may be made to capt. Thomas Tingey, William Cranch, Esq or Mr. Samuel Elliott, jun. Washington, June 4—3t twf
Valuable Lands for Sale. By order of the court of Calvert county, will be exposed to Public Sale the following lands, the property of the heirs of captain Walter Smith, deceased.
ON Monday the 20th day of August next, will be sold on the premises the plantation on which the said capt. Walter Smith formerly resided, containing by actual survey, 1225 1 2 acres of land lying adjoining Patuxent river, bounded on the south west by the said river, on the east by a fine navigable creek, called Saint Leonard's creek, to that one and a half miles of fencing will include the whole land—The soil of this land is equal if not superior to any on Patuxent, either for farming, planting or grazing, and in their season the greatest plenty of fine fish and oysters may be had either from the river or creek—A great part of the above land is covered with Red Cedar, fit for posts or fencing. On Tuesday the 21st on the premises, will be sold one other plantation in the Forrest at about two miles distance from the former containing by survey 627 and one half acres of land, the greatest part of which is covered with hickory, chestnut and oak wood, and a great proportion of swamp land, which at a trifling expense might be converted into valuable meadow, belongs to this land. On Thursday the 23d on the premises, will be sold one other plantation lying adjoining on Chesapeake Bay, bounded on the north east by the said bay, on the north by a creek called Parkers creek, containing by survey 536 1 2 acres of land; on this land there are a good proportion marsh and meadow land and a great abundance of fine timber. It is thought needful to give a fuller description of the above lands, as it is presumed that those who wish to purchase will view the lands previous to the day of sale—and on application to Mr. John Turner who resides near the two first mentioned tracts; they may see the plans of the different tracts of land, and will view the lands contiguous to him; and Mr. Richard Hance who resides on the last mentioned tract, will show the outlines of the same to any person wishing to view it. The above lands will be sold either in the whole, or be divided into parcels as may appear most advantageous for the heirs. The purchasers to give bonds with approved securities for the purchase money, to be paid in three annual payments, the interest to be paid yearly, and on the ratification of the sale by the court, and a full payment of the purchase money and interest thereon a deed of conveyance will be executed to the purchaser agreeably to an act of Assembly in such case made and provided, by J. WILKINSON, } Commissioners, JAMES HUGHES, } JOHN TURNER, } Calvert county, June 3—1awtf 20 ug.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of JOHN TURNER WILLETT, late of said county, deceased.—All persons having claims against the above deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the first day of February next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.—Given under my hand this 28th day of June, 1804. NINIAN T. WILLETT, Administrator.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of NINIAN WILLETT, late of the said county, deceased.—All persons having claims against the above deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the first day of February next. They may otherwise by law, be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.—Given under my hand this 28th day of June, 1804. NINIAN T. WILLETT,