The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-04 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1205.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, JULY 4, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The federal prints have lately assured us that the legislature of New Hampshire is decidedly federal and inimical to the Embargo. We are happy in the opportunity of offering the following conclusive proof!
Portsmouth, June 21.
The following address to the President of the United States, approbatory of the measures adopted by the general government passed the legislature of this state on Tuesday last, by a majority of 43. It was advocated by Messrs. B. Evans, Morrill, N. Upham, and others; and opposed by Messrs. Thompson Wilson, G. B. Upham, and other.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES OF AMERICA.
Sir, The legislature of New Hampshire being assembled, and realizing that the present is to our country a momentous period; and sensible that the band of confederation, which connects the independent states of America, is strengthened by unanimity alone between the National Council and the state legislatures; and not ignorant that the present crisis in our national affairs has excited the peccant humors that occasionally afflict the national system, and mar the fair aspect of our political institutions—Therefore, we feel in incumbent on us as a duty to our constituents, and to the nation, to express our sentiments on the nature and tendency of certain measures of your administration.
In retracing the progress of events, the necessary brevity of an address of this kind will preclude us from considering many important measures, and we shall be able to notice, only, such features of the republican administration, as will determine its character.
We recur, in the first place, to the period when you entered upon the duties of the Presidential office. Measures were immediately proposed, and adopted, to effect a reduction of the public expenditures. Oppressive laws which abridged the rights of the citizen, and imposed unnecessary and unequal taxes, were repealed. Useless offices were abolished, supernumerary officers dismissed, and thereby the imposing and dangerous influence of executive patronage was done away. A system of economy was established by which the nation soon felt relieved from the burden of an accumulating debt; and a new spring was furnished to commerce, to agriculture, and to all the subordinate instruments of national wealth and greatness. These, sir, were the salutary effects of the first moments of your administration, and they afforded a fair presage that your future endeavors would tend to the advancement of your country's glory.
As we proceed, we ought not to omit noticing the regard that has been shown to our Indian neighbors. Altho' they are comparatively weak, yet justice has been done them. Their best interests have been consulted, and under the fostering care of their "Great Father," many tribes are advancing from a state of barbarism to civilization.
Our disputes with Spain relative to a place of deposit at New Orleans, or on the banks of the Mississippi, were happily settled by the purchase of Louisiana. This subject had originated many questions, not so much on the expediency of acquiring that territory, as in regard to the mode of acquisition. Those who opposed the administration, in almost all its measures, urged that N. Orleans itself was worth a struggle, and that an attempt should be made to wrest it from Spain by force of arms. But the friends of peace preferred an equitable purchase to a contest that would have involved us in a war, not with Spain only, but with France and her dependencies. And this purchase of New Orleans and territory of Louisiana was made at a price far less than would have been required by the expenses and sacrifices of one year's war. The friends of the country were aware that the heterogeneous particles that composed the population of Louisiana, might occasion some trouble, but less danger was ultimately to be apprehended from that
people, if assimilated to ourselves, and under our protection, than if retaining the subjects of European powers. By this acquisition, it was foreseen that many advantages would result to commerce; and in the event of a state of things (which from the injustice of European powers, does now unhappily exist) our means of bringing nations who might injure us to a sense of justice, without an appeal to arms, were greatly enlarged, inasmuch as hereby we can more effectually withhold those supplies without which they must suffer.
The conspiracy of Aaron Burr engaged the attention of our country. His objects were happily frustrated by the precaution of government, and the virtue of the people.
Notwithstanding the sanguinary conflicts in which the nations of Europe were engaged; and the unceasing endeavor of enemies without and within, to involve us in a contest that agitated the world; the U. States hitherto maintained its peaceful position. At home the nation was employed in improving its internal policy; disencumbering itself from debt; providing wholesome laws; and advancing the general happiness. And abroad our citizens were pursuing the fair objects of commerce. Towards the belligerent powers, a conduct strictly neutral and impartial, had been observed by the government of the United States. Against injuries it demonstrated in a tone of amity and forbearance. It asked for justice! and not, until its sovereignty was attacked, and the lives of its citizens wantonly sacrificed, did it raise its voice and demand reparation for the past & security for the future. The outrageous attack on the Chesapeake excited the sensibility of the nation, and a general burst of indignation was heard. The citizens of the U. States pledged to you their property, their lives, and their sacred honor, that they would abide and uphold such measures as the government should deem expedient for the maintenance of our rights and the preservation of our dear bought privileges. You, sir, still influenced by a sincere desire for peace with all nations, had issued a proclamation which, for its dignified and moderate tone was almost universally approved. You repressed the rising indignation of the country, and dispatched a messenger to England, and in due time convened Congress to deliberate on the critical state of the nation. The great council assembled at an important juncture. The proclamations and orders of Great Britain, and the decrees of France were substantial evidence that the rights of neutrals were no longer to be respected; & the alternative was before us, either, to submit to the exactions of Great Britain and thereby be degraded almost to colonial subjection, or become a party in war. In this dilemma a measure was proposed that in its consequences would acquire the exercise of much virtue, but which was the only measure that could be adopted to save our extensive commerce from the rapacious grasp of a piratical power and our seamen citizens from insults, slavery, and death. A measure well calculated to evince to the world a firm resolution to maintain our national independence and sovereignty. The Embargo acts, with the approbation of a large majority of the Representatives of the nation assembled in Congress, have become the laws of the land. We, sir, also approve them, as the only means that could be devised to preserve our peace and safety. We will suffer any privations rather than submit to degradation, and will cooperate with the general government in all its measures.
By the goodness of God our country is abundantly supplied with the comforts and conveniences of life. Should we murmur, and repine, whilst in possession of blessings and privileges, for which the inhabitants of other parts of the world sigh in vain; we should prove ourselves an ungrateful and wicked people.
Your Presidential term will soon expire, and you decline a re-election to office. The reasons you assign for this determination are consistent with the pure principles which have formed the rule of your conduct. In retirement you will not be indifferent to the welfare of your country; and your country will remember with grateful
feelings the Patriot who devoted a long life to the cause of liberty. That your last days, may be your best days; and your last comforts, your sweetest comforts; and on your exit from this world, that you may receive the plaudit of God, is, sir, the wish, and prayer of the people of New-Hampshire.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on the bill from the Senate authorising the President under certain conditions to suspend the Embargo law.
(CONTINUED.)
TUESDAY, APRIL 19.
MR. FINDLEY said that when this subject was discussed formerly he had been prepared to make some observations on it, but the floor being sufficiently occupied he had declined rising, and had intended to have done so now, but for reasons which he would mention.
On the former discussion, the embargo was declared to be unconstitutional. It was boldly asserted that the government was not authorised to lay an embargo, &c. He was indeed astonished to hear such an assertion, especially coming from the quarter it did. He had apprehended however that on that occasion it had been so ably refuted by others that it would not be introduced again; but it having been again introduced to day, and the proposed transfer of the power of suspending the operation of the embargo to the President objected to on the same ground, he claimed the attention of the committee for a short time. His object was to state the observations he had early made on this subject and the precedents that existed. In doing so he would not follow the gentlemen's arguments on the other side in detail, but would state facts and draw some very concise conclusions. In doing this he would confine himself to proving the constitutional authority of Congress to lay an embargo, and the constitutionality and expediency of the proposed transfer of the provisional suspending power to the Executive and the expediency of the measure.
It is known to every member that one of the greatest defects in the confederation government was, the total want of the power to regulate commerce. The first instance in which this was severely felt was in the want of power to lay an embargo. It must be remembered by many who heard him that the army was frequently reduced to a state of starvation. That particularly at the Valley Forge in 1778, famine was in the camp, and the horses died for want of forage, while provisions were exported in commercial speculations, either designed to feed the enemy or become prizes to their cruisers, and was applied to that purpose. Afterwards for the accommodation of the general government, the legislature of Pennsylvania laid an embargo to prevent the exportation of flour, but the neighboring states declined doing so. The consequence was that the export trade of Pennsylvania was diverted to other channels. The flour was exported from Wilmington, &c. This circumstance afforded strong conviction of the necessity of vesting in Congress the power of regulating commerce with foreign nations. It was not till the public debt had accumulated near the conclusion of the war, that the propriety and even the necessity of raising a revenue from commerce added a powerful inducement to this purpose, and these with other additional motives which were developed by experience, were the efficient causes which produced the federal constitution under which we are entrusted to act. Pennsylvania early rested Congress with the power of regulating, but some other states persevered in refusing it.
Mr. F. said several gentlemen had a few days since deduced the power of laying an embargo from different sources; but from the observations already made, it was evident that he deduced it from the power of regulating commerce, taken in connection with the other powers vested in Congress. To prove this it was however proper to examine the constitution itself. Here he read that part of the constitution which vests Congress with the power of regulating commerce, and
said it included every possible commercial legislative power that was not expressly excepted; that making special exceptions to any power vested in government, fully demonstrated that every part of that power that was not excepted was granted. He then read the exceptions, which are—that no duty or tax shall be laid on articles exported from any state, and that no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another, &c. and that Congress should not have the power of stopping or embargoing the slave trade for a given time, in this section it considers persons, no doubt meaning slaves, to be an article of commerce, and as such Congress was authorised to impose a tax or duty on such importation.
From the arguments which had been offered on this subject, he was induced to suspect that gentlemen differed in opinion about the meaning of the word embargo. He understood an embargo to be a stopping of trade generally, or of any article of trade or commerce, either by land or water; this he said was the definition of that term, such as he found it in the best authorities; but if there could be any reasonable doubt of laying embargoes being included in the power of regulating commerce, which he thought there could not, it was clearly deducible from other powers taken in connection with this. Here he read and applied the power to provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, and the power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, &c. He said he agreed with gentlemen on the other side, that this only authorised Congress to carry into effect the powers therein before enumerated, and vested no new power in Congress, but it demonstrated beyond a doubt that Congress had power to apply these regulations of commerce to an embargo, if in their opinion it was necessary for the common defence and general welfare of the United States. He said that considering an embargo as incidental, or necessary, either as a substitute of prevention or aid in prosecuting war, the power was beyond dispute, but on this he would not enlarge, it being sufficiently evident otherwise, but he would by stating the exercise of that power heretofore illustrate the subject.
That Congress by the constitution are the official interpreters of that instrument as far as it relates to legislative power must be admitted by all, and has never been denied by any. No other authority can interfere with the exercise of this power, even admitting the power of the judiciary to decide on the constitutionality of laws to the most extravagant extent that ever has been suggested. Yet even on that ground the legislative construction must be held good till a court of justice has decided otherwise. Embargoes have been frequently laid, and no measure can possibly afford more evident or more numerous cases for bringing the constitutionality of the law before a court of justice, but though council has been employed in embargo cases, yet none has ever questioned the authority of the law as unconstitutional.
In 1794, three embargoes were authorised by Congress, two of them were in full operation during the period prescribed. No doubt the circumstances were different from what they are now; but circumstances relate to the expediency of the measure but not to the authority of the legislature. This affords three precedents of the exercise of the constitutional authority of laying an embargo. Numerous other instances may be given. He had already stated that every stoppage of any usual trade by law was an embargo, for less or more did not change the principle. The Congress which met in 1793, stopped the exportation of arms and ammunition, that is to say, laid an embargo on them; he believed this had been done on other occasions, and these were now included in the present embargo. An embargo had been laid several years on all trade with St. Domingo, which still continues, and this had till then been a usual and very beneficial trade, but every prohibition of a usual trade being an embargo to the extent of the prohibition, it was not necessary to enumerate them all. He would only add, that at the last session of
Congress a law was enacted for laying a complete embargo on the slave trade, a trade which had been carried on between Africa and the British colonies, now United States, without legal interruption, for more than 200 years, but though that embargo was laid without limitation of time, it might be repealed.
The gentleman, (Mr. Randolph,) who has most powerfully objected to the embargo as an unconstitutional measure, has taken strong hold of the circumstance of no limited period being fixed when it may terminate or be re-enacted. He has considered this circumstance as without precedent. Mr. F. presumed that neither that gentleman nor himself had examined the precedents set by other commercial nations so as to pronounce on them with certainty. The general embargo recommended by President Washington, it was true, was only laid for 30 days at one time and renewed, but it was only occasioned by a temporary aggression of one nation, viz. the British plundering orders of November, 1793, which were restrained in January following; but least they should be renewed during the recess of Congress, power was transferred to the President to lay and regulate an embargo during the time Congress stood adjourned. On the present occasion the embargo was intended as a precaution against and a corrective of a seemingly permanent system of retaliation between the great belligerent powers, each of which, though they agreed in nothing else, were agreed in exterminating neutrality from the ocean, if not from the world, and the precautionary and corrective measure was necessarily calculated to correspond with the aggression. But why did not gentlemen recollect that the embargo laid on the slave trade had no limitation of time, that most probably the Congress which laid it wished it never to be repealed, yet Congress might repeal it to-morrow if they thought it expedient, and so they might the embargo laid upon our own ships and the exportation of our own produce, and they will do so, as soon as they judge doing it for the general welfare, for the members of Congress have a common interest with their constituents in the repeal of the embargo when it can be done to advantage.
The first embargo laid by Congress was soon after the constitution had undergone a critical and severe scrutiny in every state in the union, not only by the press but by the state conventions, a member of one of which he had been, and had assisted in examining it, not with the most delicate hand; but neither that convention nor any other, it was believed, censured the transfer of the power of laying an embargo, to the general government, nor challenged the want of it, nor moved to have it excepted out of the general powers of regulating commerce as the power of taxing exports had been. The third Congress was also in a considerable degree composed of such as had not long before been members of the general or state conventions or both. Such was the President Washington who recommended the first embargo, and he was no mean judge of the extent of the constitutional powers. Almost every Congress since that period had exercised the same power in a greater or lesser degree. He admitted that this Congress had an equal right to judge of the extent of the powers granted by the constitution as any former Congress, but they possessed no superior advantages to enable them to judge more correctly.
Mr. F. said, he had a right to make an apology for detaining the committee so long in proving a position which he thought so plain. His only excuse was that the House had been so boldly charged a few days since with usurping an authority not granted by the constitution which is a tyranny of the worst kind, and that this charge had gone abroad, and notwithstanding it had been sufficiently refuted by other members, it had been urged again to day in argument; but when he considered that it was a new light suddenly burst forth, and that new lights were apt to dazzle the eyes for a while and vanish, it would probably be the case with this also. When it is considered how long the gentleman who advocated this objection with so much eloquence had been an advocate for an embargo, and how lately

he had moved for, and how zealously he had supported that measure, he thought it probable that on more mature reflection he would again change his opinion.
Mr. F. said that as for himself, he was not very liable to be taken with the first impression and therefore not in much danger of being misled by new discoveries. The principles which he advocated had been received and acted upon for at least 14 years, & the first doubt had been only heard of a few days ago. All the branches of the government having deliberately determined that the embargo in present circumstances was expedient, arguments to prove it to be so would now be unnecessary, especially as the members now were much more unanimous in their opinion of its expediency than when it was laid.
The constitutionality of the embargo being demonstrated, the direct question before the committee was, are we not restrained by the constitution or at least by the nature of the government from transferring the power of suspending its operation on any terms to the President, and is it expedient to do so? Mr. F. said the first was a question of some delicacy, about which good men might very much differ, the constitution however was silent on the subject, and theory, by some called the spirit of the government, such as that it consists of three separate and distinct branches, could never be perfectly carried into effect, but only in a limited degree. This was demonstrated by all the American constitutions and by the experience and practice of all other governments. The common theory that though executive power may be transferred legislative power cannot, has also its limitation in practice, these theories are good general rules, but like all other general rules, they have their exceptions in practice. He admitted with the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) that suspending or changing the embargo as it changed the rule of conduct was a legislative act, but not in the full sense of that term. If Congress were to adjourn leaving the embargo as it is in full operation, and the president during the recess were to suspend or change it, solely by his own authority, this would be an assumption of legislative authority and a complete legislative act, in opposition to which the gentleman's arguments would apply with great force, but they do not apply against the transfer proposed in the bill. In the bill before the committee, Congress express its will that the embargo should be suspended as soon as the causes from which it originated cease, or modified in its operations agreeably to the change of those causes, over which we have no control, these changes, depending wholly on the will of the belligerent powers, it is impossible for Congress to prescribe the contingencies that may produce these changes, so it is impossible to prescribe the specific contingencies on which it would be proper to modify or suspend the embargo, therefore it is only the power of applying the law to cases which are yet uncertain, that is proposed to be transferred to the President. This is not strictly transferring a legislative power, but a latitude of discretion in the execution of the law, a latitude which arises solely from the nature and necessity of the case, and must be justified from that necessity.
Mr. F. said that such a latitude being vested by law in the Executive was neither new nor singular. A portion of it was to be found in almost all our general laws. In the revenue laws, and in the laws for organising the army and navy, large portions of discretion which depended on the will of the legislature were vested in the Executive departments, and several cases might be produced if he had time to examine, in which the applications of the law depended on the President's opinion of contingent, but probable events as they arose; this arose from the nature of the case. Legislating for existing cases of which all the circumstances are known does not require much discretion to be vested in the Executive; but legislating by anticipation for cases that probably may or may not happen, but which the common defence and general welfare renders it necessary that the legislature should provide for before hand if they should take place, renders a large portion of Executive discretion in such cases absolutely necessary to be vested in the Executive; this is precisely the case with the present bill.
Laws for the internal government of a nation seldom require large portions of discretion to be vested in the Executive; but regulations of commerce with foreign nations always do, because their operations are so much under the control of the regulations of other commercial nations, all of whom vest large portions of discretion in the Executive. By these, changes are often
made so suddenly as not to admit of the slow method of convening a deliberative body. In Britain, the most skillful in commerce of any nation in the world, large portions of discretion are constantly vested in the Executive to be exercised by the king in council, or by the lords of trade, as the case may be, but when they exceed the powers, thus from time to time, vested by act of Parliament, as they have done in the late oppressive orders respecting neutrals, they must seek for and obtain an act of indemnity, or pardon from Parliament, as they have recently done; but if this is refused, all who have done so are liable to impeachment, except the King, which in that country goes to life and estate as well character. With us, the President is equally liable to punishment as any other officer. In short there is a very material difference between regulations of foreign commerce in which other nations are a party and laws made solely for the government of our own citizens, over which foreign nations have no control; hence arises the expediency of settling these regulations by commercial treaties negotiated and ratified by the Executive.
Mr. Findlay's speech to be continued.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JULY 4.
DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.
At a Meeting of the Committee appointed to form a plan for the promotion of Domestic Manufactures, it was resolved to invite the citizens of the district of Columbia generally & of the adjacent country, to attend a PUBLIC MEETING for the purpose of receiving the report of the Committee.
The Committee, therefore, request the Citizens of the District and of the adjacent country, to meet at Stelle's hotel , on Monday the 11th inst. at 6 o'clock P. M. when a plan for the establishment of Domestic Manufactures will be submitted.
July 4—45
The return of THIS DAY irresistibly recalls our attention to the day, when thirty-two years since, the American people declared themselves independent. Making a due allowance for the difference of situation between a nation at its birth and one advanced to considerable maturity, there is an interesting similarity between these two eras. In 1776 we declared ourselves independent of a nation whose tyrannical exercise of power left us no alternative but slavery or resistance. In 1808 we are called upon to resist the same invasions attempted by the same nation, with similar violations of right by other powers. In 1775 we refused to hold commercial intercourse with a nation that aimed at exercising over us a cruel despotism. In 1808 the injustice of the same nation, with that of other nations, has driven us into the same measure. It remains for futurity to decide how far the parallel shall be further extended, and to determine whether our manifestation of an unshaken purpose to resist these outrages will recall foreign powers to a sense of justice towards us, or whether, in defence of our rights we shall be compelled to wade through the same scenes of blood, by which our independence was achieved. At one thing every true American will feel pride; at the general resolution of our countrymen to submit to every sacrifice rather than sanction by a pusillanimous acquiescence the injustice of our enemies. There is a further source of rich consolation. The resources of our country, unlike those of the perilous period of our birth, are such as to insure a certain result, altogether consistent with our wishes. If we are summoned to the field of battle, those who defend us will be well fed, clothed and paid; and their numbers will be such as to command victory; or, should the contest be of a different kind, and be limited to the ocean, however our career of wealth may be arrested, we shall have within ourselves the abundant means of a comfortable subsistence.
In 1776 we had no national existence. In 1808 we find ourselves consolidated by a form of government admirably fitted to defend us against foreign violence, and to protect the independent sovereignties of the states, no less fitted to promote, encourage, and develop our internal resources.
In 1776 our confidence reposed on a theory. In 1808 it rests on an experience of thirty-two years, during which we have enjoyed more tranquility, and attained a higher prosperity than any nation in existence.
In 1776 our numbers scarcely exceeded two millions. In 1808 they transcend six.
In 1776 we had no capital. In 1808 we have a capital equal to all our wants.
If then a righteous cause at that period prompted our patriots and heroes to proclaim, with one voice, their resolution to die rather than submit to the tyranny attempted to be practised over them, how much more forcibly are we called upon to resist similar outrages, when the evils we shall incur will be so comparatively light and trifling?
Let war, with its greatest evils, befall us. However it may impede our growth, it will not prevent us from still continuing the happiest people on the face of the globe. Even grant that its effect should be to rob us entirely of our commerce, what will this deprivation be compared with the miserable wretchedness to which the miserable nations of Europe are exposed?
If, during our revolutionary struggle, we did without commerce, cannot we do without it now? Our agriculture was then very imperfect compared to what it now is. The products of the soil were neither so abundant or varied. We were dependent on others for the important articles of cotton and sugar.
Our navigation was inadequate to the transportation of our productions from the place where they grew to that where they were wanted. At present it is more than adequate to this object.
At that time we had not a single canal or turnpike from one end of the continent to the other. Now, we have several hundreds of these, uniting in many instances, remote parts of the Union.
At that time, we had no monied interest. Now we have a monied interest ready to embark their millions to any rational extent in the promotion of internal improvements.
At that time, our manufactures were in their infancy. Now, they have attained to great importance, their extent being vastly beyond the foreign fabrics imported.
Should then war produce the greatest evil that can be apprehended from it, its worst possible effect would be a change in the direction of the capital and employment of a portion of our citizens, which might, perhaps, eventually prove the greatest blessing that could be conferred upon us.
We should continue to enjoy a plenty of every article essentially to a comfortable subsistence. We should neither feel the scourge of famine, or even dread its possible occurrence. We should be free from the oppression of burdensome taxes. We should still enjoy our rights; and we should have the inestimable facility of feeling and uniting like a band of brothers, convinced that they possessed a common interest and had a common destiny. Gloomy as war is, it is not the greatest evil to which a people can be exposed; and, when it is the inevitable offspring of the injustice of others, it surrounds a proud and powerful nation with an armor impervious to the shafts of its enemies. Amidst the injuries it inflicts it brings with it some splendid blessings. It enables such a nation, by a striking demonstration of its power, to teach the disturbers of the peace of nations the futility of invading its rights. It inspires the citizens of such a nation with a higher confidence in their strength than they otherwise would possess. It paves the way eventually to a durable period of tranquility and prosperity. It proves the infinite superiority of the interior riches of a flourishing nation over those that emanate from commerce. And, above all, it tends to form a national character, the most happily fitted to elevate us above a servile imitation of the follies and vices of corrupt states.
Let not a spirit of misconstruction view this in the light of an eulogium on war. Far different are the feelings under which it is penned. War, under any circumstances, is admitted to be a great evil. But a beneficent Being seems to have ordained that when it befalls a just nation it should lose half its terrors.
In looking back to the glorious period of our revolution, we are called upon once more to commemorate the virtues and talents of the founders of our freedom. There is an astonishing sublimity in the idea that to the virtue and talents, so illustriously practiced and displayed by a few men, we owe, perhaps, not only the universal happiness spread over the country, but even our existence. To estimate the depth of the obligation incurred to these men, it is necessary to realize the probability that but for their noble stand and consummate wisdom the greater portion of us would not have drawn the breath of life, and that of those who did, perhaps the whole would have been doomed to an ignominious slavery. Treated like other colonists, our labor would have been exclusively devoted to swell the luxuries and enjoyments of our oppressors, and to the forging of our own chains. While their splendid palaces and bachanal riots
sprang from the sweat of our brow, we should have been subjected to all the horrors of an inexorable tyranny, the more unfeeling because so far removed from the theatre of its oppressions, and only illustrated by its onerous taxes, its brutal soldiery, and its sanguinary punishments. The region, which nature destined for a paradise, would soon have become a desert; the asylum from persecution a prison.
Mark the contrast, presented by our present condition, which is by far a better subject for feeling than description, and with the sentiments it inspires let us raise an imperishable monument to our revolutionary heroes and statesmen. Let us, contemplate towering above the rest, Franklin and Washington, and in the admiration of their virtues render ourselves worthy of being ranked among their sons. Let us like them suffer no grovelling feelings to interfere with the calls of our country. With the immortal Franklin, let us with one voice declare—"while we preserve our reason, we will preserve our honor—and while we preserve our honor, we shall preserve our independence. For national as well as personal honor is the only tenure of independence."
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
A DECLARATION, by the Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, July 4, 1776.
WHEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's GOD entitle them; a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires, that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it; and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments, long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism; it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature; a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies, at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records; for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large, for their exercise; the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions from within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others; to encourage their migration hither; and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.
He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power.
He has combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction, foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, from a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:
For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing taxes on us, without our consent:
For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of the trial by jury:
For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences:
For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument, for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies:
For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments:
For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us, in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and ferocity, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages; whose known rule of warfare is, undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.
In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms: Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked, by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts made, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations; which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind; enemies in war; in peace, friends.
We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World, for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; that all political connection, between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and

independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
Signed, by order and in behalf of the Congress, JOHN HANCOCK, President. Attested. CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.
The weather for the past week has been unusually warm. On Monday last the mercury in Fahrenheit rose to 95 degrees, & rose to nearly the same height on the three succeeding days. On Friday it rose to ninety-eight and a half degrees.
We are proud to acknowledge that Ohio will support JAMES MADISON; and, fortunately for our country, there is little doubt of his election. His pre-eminent virtues—his modest merit—his unrivalled talents entitle him to the highest station in the gift of a free people. Fredonian.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
WINCHESTER.
The citizens of Halifax county have had a meeting lately for the purpose of originating and promoting domestic manufactures. The meeting we are informed was numerous and the resolutions spirited. There are but few counties in the interior of Virginia that can boast of more independence, intelligence and patriotism than the county of Halifax.
In the Lexington Telegraph of the 14th a meeting of the citizens of Rockbridge is recommended for the purpose of adopting measures for the encouragement of domestic manufactures. Stanton Eagle.
FARMERS,
We propose to you a meeting on the 4th of July, at 10 o'clock, at the Messrs. Baldwin's wool factory, near Parkins's Mill, in this county, for the purpose of forming some plan for the improvement of our breed of sheep. The golden opportunity of taking this first step towards the encouragement of domestic manufactures, ought certainly to be embraced by all those Americans who value the independence of their country. It is believed that by forming a society, under certain regulations to be agreed on, and with a small fund to be raised, better terms than those proposed in the newspapers, by owners of the improved breed, may be obtained—with a reference to the motives only of this invitation for their authority, the subscribers, are, with high consideration & respect.
Your most obedient servants,
Hugh Holmes, Charles Magill, Robert Macky, Isaac Perkins, Lau. A. Washington, John Smith, Edward Smith, C. Baldwin, Peter Lauck.
Frederick County, June 28.
FROM THE MONITOR.
GEN. WILKINSON.
The General concluded his vindication on Saturday about one o'clock. We have not been enabled to obtain a complete copy; but offer the following as a correct statement as far as it goes. The court of enquiry will, it is expected, decide on the case in a day or two.
"Gentlemen,"
"Had I consulted my personal feelings, in the circumstances which occasion my appearance before you, I should have preserved an inviolable silence with regard to the contrivances of a combination of men, who would inevitably sink into contempt, were they deprived of particular notice. They had something to gain in a contest with the commander in chief of the American army; but to defeat their machinations, and gain a victory over them, would add nothing to the reputation of Gen. Wilkinson."
"The office which I have the honor to hold under the government, exerts from me a vindication of my motives and actions, which all the artifices of my most malignant enemies could never have impelled me to offer to the world: I owe it to my countrymen in general, and to my family, my friends, and my profession in particular, to demonstrate that the commission I wear is not tarnished by my character; and in doing so, I conform to that sacred principle of the constitution which inculcates a respect for the good opinion of our fellow men."
"The crime with which I am charged, is the darkest in the gloomy ca-
talogue of human villainies; and, to a soldier of sentiment and of honor, is more frightful than plague or pestilence; more afflictive than the loss of life or liberty. To substantiate an offence of such magnitude, it was certainly to be expected that my accusers would have pointed to some overt act, exhibited some respectable living witness, or produced some memorial in my own handwriting; but they have appealed only to the evidence of unauthenticated documents, to the vile suggestions of black-hearted calumny, and to the mouldering tenants of the grave: to suspicion. I have been called on to oppose legal testimony—to simple assertions, the solemnity of oaths; and it has been imperiously proclaimed that I am guilty and undone, unless I can prove a negative, before the affirmative has been even plausibly verified. From the mischievous absurdity of such logic, I might securely shelter my fame under the maxims of law and the common sense of mankind; but a military man, when he enters on the protection of his honor, seems to avail himself of any rules, however wise; of any sentiment however just, which might furnish the wicked a specious pretext to arraign his motives. In battle for his country, he employs the arts and the implements of war; but in defence of his reputation, he presents no weapon but pure reason; he uses no art but guileless truth."
"If magnanimous men had spoken of me with disdain, I should indeed have felt myself mortified and humbled; but surely it can excite little surprize that I should remain calm amidst ungenerous practices, although intended to destroy me, when their authors are known, and when you reflect that there always exist in the political world, men who feed and fatten upon calumnies, as the stork does upon serpents."
"My accusers affect to wonder that I should adopt a mode of vindication, which involves the integrity of their own characters; but you will perceive, gentlemen, they have placed me in a situation which admits no other course of defence. In ordinary cases, it is held that every man shall be considered innocent until he is convicted of guilt; but with respect to me the rule has been reversed, and I am declared to be guilty, until I can prove my innocence. I will ask you, gentlemen, is it possible to substantiate by positive testimony, that a man has not committed this or that act? The more spotless the accused, the more difficult is it for him to bring witnesses to exculpate himself from a particular crime alledged against him; for the non-existence of the fact baffles the application of testimony."
"I repel the infamous charge, of having received base bribes from the Spanish government for corrupt purposes. By the holiest affections of the soul, and the most noble feelings of the heart, I protest it is the fabrication of ferocious revenge! and being false, my only avenue to justice is to shew, that those who prefer it are governed by impure motives, and are unworthy of credit. If they are deserving of faith, I must be culpable; but if I prove that they are not, I demonstrate my own innocence. At once prosecutor and witness, they urge the trial, and furnish the testimony; but if you attempt to cross-examine them, and expose their manoeuvres, they question your authority, and shrink from fair enquiry."
"It is imposed on me, in defence of my aspersed honor, to unveil the actions of my enemies, that I may expose the foul interests by which they are moved: the office is a painful one, and the anticipation wounds my sensibility."
"Hallowed forever be the feelings of honorable minds! respected the obligations of social correspondence! If, in the course of this vindication, I draw your attention to the contents of private letters in corroboration of my reasoning, I trust the necessity of the case, and the proceedings of my adversaries, may speak my apology."
The General then proceeded to investigate the charges adduced against him, the substance of which we shall from time to time give to the public, as correctly as notes, founded upon recollection, will enable us; unless we should succeed in our endeavors to procure a complete copy of the proceedings."
The deposition of Mr. Clark was the main subject of the General's consideration: And here he went into a minute scrutiny of all its parts, adducing several depositions which go to invalidate its most material allegations, and produced a great number of letters from Col. Clark, the uncle and patron of the present Daniel Clark, together with many from the latter, (all of a date subsequent to the period of the General's alleged connection with the Spaniards,) which vindicate the General from the charge of a Spa-
nish connection, speak of him in terms of ardent affection, respect, veneration and gratitude, as a man firmly attached to the interests of the United States, and always prepared to assert their rights. In some of the letters of Mr. Clark, the writer represents himself in a curious character; as a person who can play any part to attain his object; capable of canting, whining, &c. to dive into the views of men: And in other letters, there is an equivocal squinting at Burr's project, a glance at what he calls the "Land of Promise," which, combined with the particulars of various depositions submitted to the court by General Wilkinson, conclusively go to establish Mr. C's connivance with Col. Burr. It would be impossible to do justice to this part of the vindication in a sketch like the present; suffice it to say that the General placed Mr. Clark's politics and morals in the most odious point of view imaginable, and fixed upon him the seal of infamy, by alleging his perjury, and supporting his allegation by what appeared to be the most irrefragable testimony, in the case of the ship Grand Sachem.
From the many vouchers produced by the General to substantiate Mr. Clark's hostility to the government of the United States and concurrence in Burr's plan, the following is selected on account of its force and clearness. The reader will remember that at the very time Mr. C. was a delegate in Congress. It is from lieutenant Murray's deposition I quote; and the reader may rely upon its correctness:
"Lieut. Taylor (lieut. Murray declares) arrived at Fort Adams where he was stationed in March, 1806, and informed him he was calculated on as one to bear part in an expedition against Mexico; that he had come for the express purpose of proposing the plan to him and of carrying him back to New Orleans; that he (Murray) must reconnoitre Baton Rouge as he went down the river, as it would be assigned to him to take that place, and observed "as your particular friend Mr. Clark is concerned, of course you cannot hesitate." Murray proceeded to N. O. with Taylor, and was invited to dine with Judge Workman; where they laid open their plan to him of seizing upon the bank at New Orleans, impressing the shipping, taking Baton Rouge, and joining Miranda by way of Mexico; after which he (Murray) declared he would not disgrace his commission and the country that gave him birth, by having any thing to do with it—but afterwards related to his friend Mr. Clark all that had passed at Judge Workman's, and told him he (Murray) was calculated on to attack Baton Rouge, which he (Mr. Clark) advised him by all means to do, and urged as an inducement, that he, Mr. Clark, was coming on to Congress, and would do all he could in his (Murray's) favor; that he would represent to the government, that it would require a large force to retake it. And he further observed that at any rate if the government should be disposed to trouble him (Murray) before they could send a sufficient force, he (Murray) would be in a situation to take care of himself." Or (added General Wilkinson) in other words, that Burr would be in possession of the country.
Among the great variety of documents, submitted by the general, was a letter from Thomas Power; which, from its peculiar cast, made so great an impression, that we venture to give the following as a correct copy:
"Having been laid up these four days with a catarrh, sore throat and fever, I had not an opportunity of seeing Bradford's scurrilous, lying, contemptible attack on me until this morning. I wish to know if anything that may come from the venal pen of such a trifling fellow, will be any obstacle to my seeing you; and if not, at what hour convenient to yourself I may call on you to-morrow?"
The readers are requested, to observe that this letter preceded the certificate of Mr. Power given on the 16th of May, 1807, which went to exculpate the general from the very charges to which Power alludes as having been published in Bradford's paper and which have been since repeated by Mr. Clark.
The conclusion of the General's review of the testimony was manly and affecting: He contrasted in glowing colors his own conduct with that of his enemies, and emphatically appealed to the justice and patriotism of his country.
Neither the judges nor the spectators could, without strong emotions, behold the tear of sensibility bedew the cheek of the patriot soldier and saviour of his country from the machinations of treason. We shall endeavor to give a sketch of the concluding part in the course of the week.
The Manchester Petition for peace was sent up by the country members yesterday week, and presented by Col. Stanley on Friday to the House of Commons. It was signed by FORTY SEVEN THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED persons!
The Bingley petition for peace was sent up yesterday week. From the returns it appears, that out of a population of 2580 competent petitioners, 2542 of them signed the petition, being a proportion of upwards of sixty to one! Liverpool Paper.
TRANSLATION.
In the name of the Emperor and King, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine.
ARRET OF MAY 19, 1808,
Which shall exempt until further orders, flour, corn, salted beef and pork, fish, butter and salt, from all duties of entry, and Droit d'excedant.
The Captain General, and Colonial Prefect of Martinique and its dependencies, taking into consideration the extraordinary difficulties which the actual state of the war causes to commercial undertakings for the introduction of articles of the first necessity into this colony; and considering further, that its situation demands that no encouragement should be withheld, which may lead to attempts to surmount these difficulties—DECREE:
ART. 1. All duties of entry upon flour, corn, salted beef and pork, fish, butter and salt, which are introduced into the colony, shall be suspended until further orders; and that by this decree, no cargo shall be subjected to the Droit d'excedant.
ART. 2. Nevertheless, the declaration of the importation shall be made at the custom-house, under pain of forfeiture of one fourth of the value.
ART. 3. The present Arret shall be recorded at the office of Inspection. And the director general of the treasury department, is charged with its execution.
Given at Martinique, the 19th May, 1808.
VILLARET, By the Captain General, Secretary of the Government, CHARLES SORIN. LAUSSAT, By the Colonial Prefect. JUBILEA, Sec.
FROM THE PARIS ARGUS. An Imperial Decree of Feb. 7, contains the following provisions:
ART. 1. All the Algerine vessels which may be found in any of the ports of our empire or kingdom of Italy shall be sequestered.
II. All Algerine subjects shall be arrested and confined in fortresses.
III. All goods and property belonging to the Dey of Algiers, or to any Algerine subject which may be found in our empire or kingdom of Italy shall be sequestered.
IV. These measures shall subsist as long as the Dey of Algiers shall persist in retaining his galleys against our Genoese subjects, or those of our kingdom of Italy.
PHILADELPHIA PORTER AND ALE.
HERFORD & SON have at present for sale a quantity of the best Philadelphia Porter and Ale in bottles, which they are willing to dispose of at the same price they sell at last year, 1 DOLLAR and 25 CENTS per dozen. They have also, of their own Brewing, Bottled Porter, at 1 Dollar per Dozen, and draught BEER in casks is and half barrels, at their usual price.
All orders left at their Brewery, Pennsylvania avenue, will be immediately attended to.
July 4—3t
COLUMBIAN DRAGOONS.
YOU are hereby notified to attend parade on the usual ground, in full uniform on MONDAY next the FOURTH inst. precisely at NINE o'clock in the morning.
Actual attendance is required. By order of the captain, R. C. WEIGHTMAN. July 1—2t
IN CHANCERY, JUNE 24, 1808. James Egerton, versus James Eden, and William Mills.
ORDERED that the sale made by William Mills the Trustee in this case be confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary, on or before the 30th day of August next; provided a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks before the 30th day of July next.
The report states that the land in the bill mentioned whereon John Eden the grandfather of the defendant, James Eden, formerly lived, consists of several tracts of land, and containing two hundred and seventy-seven acres more or less by the trustee sold to William Thomas of St. Mary's county for the sum of thirty-one hundred and eleven dollars.
True copy, Test Nichs. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. July 4—x3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JULY 4.
After a full investigation of such evidence and circumstances as have come to the knowledge of the court in the course of its proceedings, a correct statement of which is hereto annexed, and after mature deliberation upon the same, the following opinion on the amount of the testimony is respectfully submitted.
It has been proved to the satisfaction of this court, that Brigadier General James Wilkinson had been engaged in a tobacco trade with Governor Miro of New Orleans, before he entered the American army in 1791; that he received large sums of money for tobacco delivered in New Orleans, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and that a large quantity of tobacco, belonging to him, was condemned and stored in New Orleans in that year; but it has not been proved, and after the fullest investigation and comparison of testimony in possession of the court it does not appear, that he has received any money from the Spanish government or any of its officers, since the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, or that he has ever received any money from that government or its officers for any other purpose but in payment for tobacco, and other produce, sold and delivered by him or his agents.
It has been stated by the General that after his damaged tobacco had laid some years in store at New Orleans, his agent there received for it and remitted to him, the several sums, credited in the copy of an account current presented by him and marked No. _____, and under the impression that the letters accompanying the said account were written by his said agent Philip Nolan, the court think it highly probable that the statement is correct. They however do not consider the verity of it of the least importance in the case, since if he did receive the money as stated, the transaction was fully justifiable, and if he did not so receive it, there is no proof of his having received it at all.
It is, therefore, the opinion of this court, that there is no evidence of Brigadier General James Wilkinson's having at any time received a pension from the Spanish government, or of his having received money from the government of Spain or any of its officers or agents for corrupt purposes; and the court has no hesitation in saying, that as far as his conduct has been developed by this enquiry, he appears to have discharged the duties of his station with honor to himself and fidelity to his country.
City of Washington, June 28, 1808. (Signed) H. BURBECK, President. T. H. CUSHING, JONA WILLIAMS, Members.
July 2, 1808. APPROVED, (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 2, 1808.
Merchants and others wishing to send letters to Europe are informed that a vessel, under the orders of the government, will sail from this city on the 16th of this month, which will deliver in France and England all such letters as may be respectively consigned to those countries, or to others through the same.
The postage on the letters must be paid to this place.
NOTICE.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Leonard Waring deceased, are hereby warned to submit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber on the first Tuesday in September next, at which time a dividend of the funds and land will be made. Those neglecting this notice may by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
CLEMENT HOLLIDAY, Ad'r, of L. Waring deceased. July 4—x3t
FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land situate in the county of Charles, being part of a tract of land called Fenton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nobjack creek on the post road leading to Nobjack from Port Tobacco near the "Bull Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 360 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase.
F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos

PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive. 1. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperell's, Biddeford, Saco, Kennebec, Waterville, and Bangor, to Augusta, (N. H.) three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday, at 11 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. 2. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperell's, Biddeford, Saco, Kennebec, Waterville, and Bangor, to Augusta, (N. H.) three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 11 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by 10 P. M. in 12 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Portland the same days by 4 P. M. in 12 hours. The same arrangement for route No. 1 from December 1, to April 15, reversing the days. 3. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, (Ms.) Newburyport, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, 7 times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 1 A. M. and arrive at Boston by noon, in 11 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 9 P. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15. Leave Portsmouth every day at 11 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by noon, in 13 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth same day by 11 P. M. in 13 hours. 4. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours. 5. From Boston by Dedham, Walpole, Foxboro', Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewett City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford & Branford to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours. 6. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West-Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Hartsdale, to New York, every day. Leave New Haven every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at New York the next days by 2 P. M. in 18 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours. 7. From New York by the turnpike road to Philadelphia, 7 times a week. Leave New York every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York, the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. This will contain the main mail, and is not to be opened at any intermediate office. 8. From New York by Jersey city, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg, and Frankford to Philadelphia, six times a week. Leave New York every day, (save Sunday) at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 P. M. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 P. M. 9. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vansville, Bladensburg, and Washington to Georgetown, seven times a week. Leave Baltimore every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Baltimore by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. 10. From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 5 A. M. 11. From Alexandria by Colchester to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours. 12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 1/2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M.
NEW BOOKS Just received and for sale by J. MIL-LIGAN at J. March's bookstore, George Town, the following BOOKS, Johnson's works, 12 vols. octavo 33 00 Chaucer's tales, 3 vols. 6 00 Blumenbach's anatomy 4 25 Wincer in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Discarded son, 2 vols. 2 50 Sampson's memoirs 2 50 Shak-spear's plays, 9 vols. 14 00 Bryan Perdue, 3 vols. 4 00 Thompson's works, 3 vols. calf? 13 50 Do. seasons, calf, plates, fine 3 50 Knox's Sermons 2 25 Hill's life of Blair 1 25 Medical Guide 2 50 Playfair's Geometry 2 00 Parkinson's Tour 2 vols. 7 00 Sinclair on the Revenue, 2 vols. 6 50 Sulley's Memoirs, 5 vols. 8 00 Chesterfield's Letters, 4 vols. 5 00 Evening at Home, 2 vols. 2 50 Conversations in Chemistry 2 25 Also a large supply of Foolscap, quito and folio Post of a superior quality, together with a valuable assortment of Stationary, which will be sold low for cash. June 29—6t
THE EDITOR  FREAKS OF COLUMBIA, A publication, which was to have made its appearance on the fourth of July, respectfully informs the public, that his late indisposition, which lasted for a fortnight, has prevented his carrying his friendly efforts for the Author into effect; but, in order that the Author may not be disappointed, he implores the indulgence of the public for six days, so as to put off the fourth of July for that period. It will be merely changing the Style from the Old to the New, and it will be nothing extraordinarily absurd, as in the year 1786, an Eclipse of the Moon, was postponed in the London Newspapers, in order to make room for Mrs. Siddon's benefit. July 1
NOTICE is hereby given to the Subscribers to the Washington Institution for the Education of Youth, that an election will be held at Mr. Speeden's tavern, square 490, on Monday the 11th inst. for the purpose of choosing six trustees on their part for said institution during the ensuing year. This election will be open from 9 A. M. to 7 P. M. Nicholas King, Henry Ingle, R. Underwood.
LANDING THIS DAY. From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 29—6t
ON MONDAY the 18th of July next will be held at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with adjacent FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mrs. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel. The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct'r. June 15—6t
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—6t
COURT OF CALVERT COUNTY the subscriber will offer at PUBLIC SALE at the late residence of Gilbert Smith, of the aforesaid county, on Wednesday the 29th inst. at 2 o'clock if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, all the Personal Property of the said Gilbert Smith, consisting of two Negro men, 2 boys 1 Woman, and 3 Girls, Horses, Cows, Hogs, Hough and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, five hogheads Tobacco, and the crop on the ground—the greater part of this property will be sold for cash, and the balance on a credit of six months—the particulars will be made known on the day of sale by MORDECAI SMITH, Adm'r. June 24—6t
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of an order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to public sale at the late Dwelling Plantation of Zephaniah Prater, deceased, on Monday the 11th of July next the whole of the deceased's Personal Estate, remaining unsold, consisting of Negroes and sundry articles of Household Furniture. A credit of six months will be given on the purchasers giving bond with two good securities with interest from the date. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock. ZEPHANIAH PRATHER, Adr. Prince George's county, June 22—6t
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trailgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfticks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chints, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mull-mull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 3-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarfloth and other colored bombazets, Hereth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Thomas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantaloons with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloons nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surcoat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress. As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will also be paid, if he should be delivered to me, in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—6t
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Rugg, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offutt, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniels and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington; N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w1N
NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet, capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz. N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.     Denomination of the stock.  Dates of the Certificates  Numbers.  Sums in    Dolls.  Cts.      6 per cent stock  1792 December 5.  8368  11  000     1795 May 11.  13168  80      July 16.  13450  240  08     1796 June 11.  14537  2,000      1797 February 7.  14942  247  81     1798 February 1.  15605  1,567  55     1799 December 17.  16918  277  30       98  25       19  999 99    Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808.
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet, viz.     Denomination of the Stock.  Dates of the Certificates  Numbers.  Sums in    Dolls.  Cts.      6 per cent stock.  1796 June 14.  14344  2,000      1797 February 7.  14345  2,000      March 3.  14346  2,000      June 3.  14347  2,000      16.  14348  75  42     1798 February 1.  14944  2,000      1799 December 17.  15005  2,000       15204  776  78      15257  1,700       15604  1,500  65      16917  980        25  891 05    Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. WILLIAM WHANN. June 20—ep6w
TO RENT. AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to MR. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Rugg, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offutt, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniels and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington; N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w1N
NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet, capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz. N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.     Denomination of the stock.  Dates of the Certificates  Numbers.  Sums in    Dolls.  Cts.      6 per cent stock  1792 December 5.  8368  11  000     1795 May 11.  13168  80      July 16.  13450  240  08     1796 June 11.  14537  2,000      1797 February 7.  14942  247  81     1798 February 1.  15605  1,567  55     1799 December 17.  16918  277  30       98  25       19  999 99    Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808.
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet, viz.     Denomination of the Stock.  Dates of the Certificates  Numbers.  Sums in    Dolls.  Cts.      6 per cent stock.  1796 June 14.  14344  2,000      1797 February 7.  14345  2,000      March 3.  14346  2,000      June 3.  14347  2,000      16.  14348  75  42     1798 February 1.  14944  2,000      1799 December 17.  15005  2,000       15204  776  78      15257  1,700       15604  1,500  65      16917  980        25  891 05    Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. WILLIAM WHANN. June 20—ep6w
St. Mary's county court, March term 1808. ON application of Benjamin Tabbs of St. Mary's county to the judges of the said county court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, on the terms mentioned in said act, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony, that he said Benjamin Tabbs has resided the two preceding years prior to the passage of the said act, within the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered by the said court that the said Benjamin Tabbs give notice to his creditors of his intention to apply to the next county court to be held at Leonard Town in said county on the first Monday of August next, for a discharge from his debts, and to warn his said creditors to appear before the said judges on the day and at the place aforesaid to show cause if any they have why the said Benjamin Tabbs should not be discharged agreeably to his said petition, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, weekly for three months successively. By order, JOSEPH HARRIS, Ck. May 2—w3m
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber of Montgomery county hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of said county in Maryland Letters of administration on the personal estate of William Richards late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, or Jesse Leach my agent, at or before the first day of January next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 16th day of June, eighteen hundred & eight. TABITHA RICHARDS, Adm'r. Rockville, June 22—3t
W. & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York, 6 Chests } Fine Imperial Teas 20 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } Hyson Teas 15 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 20 Boxes } Young Hyson Teas 18 Half do. } 30 Boxes } 10 Chests Hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Ihd. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Teneriffe wine. Georg. town, June 26—2wtf.
A MIDDLE AGED respectable WOMAN IS WANTED. To take charge of a small family in George Town. She must produce good recommendations and be qualified to attend to children. To such an one liberal wages will be given. Apply at the Office of the Washington Federalist in George Town. June 17—6t