The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-05-01 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1021.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MAY 1, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, Thursday, March 5.
CATHOLICS.
"United we stand, divided we fall." That a schism has taken place among the Republicans, in certain parts of the Union, is a fact too well known to admit of the least doubt. The writer of this will not enter into an examination of the causes which have produced this unfortunate event. He will leave to those, who are versed in state politics , the patriotic task of exposing hypocrisy and denouncing ambition. He cannot, however, refrain from making a few remarks on the dangerous tendency of these divisions.
It has ever been the fate of republics to be cursed with a number of intriguing and unprincipled characters, who not content with enjoying a share of public patronage, have arrogantly claimed the exclusive right of governing the commonwealth, or in the language of Mr. Adams, wished to be " put into a hole by themselves "—To effect which, they have invariably excited divisions among the friends of liberty; and, during the agitated state of the public mind, some one, more daring than the rest, has seized the reins of government, and the people were made to believe that " the calm of despotism " was preferable to " the tempestuous sea of liberty ."
Although but little more than thirty years have elapsed since we assumed the rank of an independent nation, attempts have already been made to subvert our liberties—as a proof of which, witness the arbitrary and unconstitutional measures which were pursued by the late administration. It is unnecessary to enter into a detail of them. They are still recent in the public mind, and will not soon be forgotten. The attempt however was found to be rather premature. The American people were not prepared to wear the fetters which were forging for them. They exercised their constitutional right of dismissing from their service men who no longer enjoyed their confidence, and placed in their stead a band of patriots, who have not ceased to deserve well of their country.
Although " the well born " were compelled by the indignant voice of a much injured and insulted people to abandon the helm of state, they were nevertheless sanguine in their expectations of soon regaining their lost authority and influence. It was however considered necessary to resort to calumny and misrepresentation , for the purpose of destroying the characters of those whom the people delighted to honor, and in particular that of the President. But the arrows of calumny, (though dipped in wormwood and gall, and stained with malice and slander) have been hurled at them in vain. The name of Jefferson is still dear to the American people, and his memory will be adored as long as virtue, patriotism and talents shall have votaries. The opposition party have been equally unsuccessful in their attempts to render the measures of government unpopular. The citizens of this country (at least nine tenths of them) have unequivocally approved of the measures which have been adopted since the change of administration, persuaded (as they are) that they have promoted the happiness and prosperity of our country. Republicans—although the dangerous machinations of their political opponents have been hitherto contemplated, it is charitable to suppose that they have abandoned their homicide projects . They have, however, in some measure, changed their mode of warfare. Instead of confining themselves to calumny and misrepresentation, they have for some time past been industriously employed in exciting divisions among the friends of the administration . In this laudable pursuit, in this Bladensburgian policy , they have met with some success. Persons who still assume the garb of a publican ; who still call themselves the friends of the President, openly advocate an union with the sworn enemies of Democracy , and the calumniators of the virtuous and patriotic Jefferson —Republicans, be vigilant—regard with a jealous eye those who are the advocates for so hateful an union —for should this ever take place, we may put on the mantle of mourning, and bid adieu to the constitution and liberties of our country.
CATO.
The thorough Bred Horse MONTICELLO, NOW IN HIGH ORDER.
Will be let to Mares the ensuing season, to commence the first of April, at my farm, near Georgetown, at BITS AND POLLS No. 3, for Mares, for which a note must be sent payable the 1st of September, and one dollar to the groom; or in lieu thereof, Leaven Dues in money.
Good and extensive pasture, well enclosed, at 50 cents per week, and the mare fed, if required, at the market price, for which the money must be paid. The greatest care taken to prevent accident or escape, but will not be responsible for either.
JOHN T. KIRKLAND.
March 23—tf
Lord Howick rose, for the purpose, he said, of bringing in a bill, pursuant to the notice he had given, for securing to all classes of his majesty's subjects the privilege of serving in the navy and army, and the free exercise of their religion while therein employed. The only condition which he should propose to be annexed to this, was the security of an oath; and thus protected, he could not imagine that any objections could be made to the measure he intended to submit to the House. The object of the bill, in short, which he meant to propose, was to unite the whole of the empire in its defence, and to prevent any portion of its population from being excluded from that honorable privilege, at a time when we were liable to be attacked by a power which had overwhelmed the greatest part of Europe. It was not his business or intention, at present, to discuss the propriety of the laws which excluded numerous classes of the subjects of this realm from certain places of trust and profit, or to question the right of every government to enact such laws. The subject would always be a question of expediency. It was generally supposed that religious and political opinions were identified with each other, and it was upon this mistaken notion that the principle of exclusion had been so long justified. It was upon this principle that it was supported by Dr. Paley, than whom perhaps there never existed a more enlightened man, or one whose opinions were more liberal in other respects. It, however, it should be found that this identification of religious and political opinion had long since ceased to exist, he trusted the House would agree with him that it was time the restriction to which the existence or suspicion of it had given rise, should be done away. If what he stated should be made out to the satisfaction of the House, as he trusted it would, this consequence would follow, that it would be highly unjust to exclude the Catholics of Ireland and England, who contributed one fourth of the population of the empire, from the privilege of serving it. He was relieved from much of the difficulty incidental to this subject, by circumstances which he would state to the House. A majority of the army and navy, and particularly of the latter, was at this very moment composed of Catholics. At this moment, too, by a law passed in the Irish parliament, in 1793, Catholics have a privilege of holding commissions in that country. The object of the bill which he meant to propose was, to extend this privilege generally, and to persons of all religious persuasions, subject to the oath which he should annex to it. The attention of his majesty's government was first drawn to this subject, by the extreme hardship of the case, and the strange anomaly of a law having force in one part of the empire, which was not recognised in the other. By the act of 1793, persons of the Catholic persuasion were at liberty to enter into the army, to advance and obtain rank in it, subject only to the following restrictions, that they could neither fill the office of commander in chief, master general of the ordnance, or general on the staff. To all other military employments and offices whatever they were eligible. This act gave rise to one of the most striking incongruities which could occur in any country. By this act, an officer could head his battalion or regiment in Ireland, but if an invasion of this country, a rebellion, or any other circumstance, should render it necessary for him to come to this country, the moment that he set his foot on British ground he became disqualified: he must either renounce his profession and his rank, the scanty remuneration for hard and various service, or remain in it, subject to the anxiety and uneasiness to which he must continue exposed as long as the present prohibitory law was in force. He was persuaded that he had only to mention this difficulty to the House to induce it to correct the inconvenience produced by it. This absurdity was strong y felt in Ireland at the time, and the then Secretary of State in that country (Lord Buckingham) pledged himself in the commons, as did Lord Clare in the House of Lords, that a bill should be brought into the English parliament to remove this inconsistency. It was for the purpose of putting an end to this anomaly, and redeeming that pledge, that he would offer to the House the bill of which he had given notice. He wished the act of 1793, or at least the principle of it, to be extended to this part of the empire. This was not the proper time for him to expatiate on the merits of the Catholic officers, or to lay before the House the eminent services which they had rendered to their country on the shores of Egypt and Calabria. In
another stage of the bill, he would have much to say on the gallantry, the skill, the loyalty, and the spirit which they displayed every where, and on every service in which they had been employed. These would be the subject of the approbation and gratitude not of him alone, but he trusted, of every man in the House capable of appreciating eminent services rendered to his country. His object was to do that generally for persons of all religious persuasions, which was at present permitted in Ireland, and to extend to every one the privilege of defending his country. To this, as far as the general feeling of this country went, he thought there could be no objection. ( Hear, Hear! ) The difference between the Irish act, and the bill which he intended to offer to the House, was this. In the Irish act, this privilege, or right, as he should rather call it, was applicable to the army alone, and for this reason, that Ireland had no navy. The present bill would allow persons of all religious to serve both in the army and navy. In the propriety of this, he was persuaded the House would agree with him. If Catholics were allowed to serve in the army, he was at a loss to discover any reasonable grounds for objecting to their serving in the navy also. If any possible danger could arise from allowing Catholics to serve in the army, that danger must be greatest when they were serving in a Catholic country; and yet, by a strange inconsistency, they were allowed to serve in Ireland, where there were 3,000,000 of Catholic population, and they were prohibited from serving in England, where the persons professing the Catholic religion did not constitute a greater proportion than one in twenty of the other religious persuasions. In the bill which he should propose, it was not his intention to continue the restrictions of the Irish act. He saw no good reason why an officer, professing the catholic religion, should not be eligible to the offices from which he was excluded by the provisions of that act. For his part, he saw no danger in it. He would propose that they should be admitted generally, and without restriction, both in the army and navy. This he would propose on the same principles that the laws of both countries were assimilated. It was unnecessary for him to point out to the House the inconvenience arising from the existing restrictions. As the law stood at present, an officer might serve with distinction and pre-eminence as a major or a colonel, but the moment he attained to a higher rank, his country became deprived of the benefit of his services. The restriction was a disadvantage to the country and the service. As a security, no person could suppose for a moment, that it was worth anything. It would always be in the discretion of the executive government to employ whom it pleased. The restriction, in fact, could tend to no good effect whatever, and might possibly give rise to much discontent. It would be the object of the bill, not only to open the army and navy to persons of all religions, but to secure to those who were already employed the same privilege. It might be objected to him, that provision might be made for this in another way. He would be told, perhaps, that this free exercise of religion practically exists. To this, he would answer, that he was afraid it was not always so. He had become acquainted with some instances, in which no liberality of this kind was displayed. The effect of these instances was to excite discontent, to prevent people from engaging in the army and navy, and to diffuse general suspicion and apprehension of insecurity. To prevent the possibility of the recurrence of any such vexatious for the future, was a chief motive with him for bringing in the present bill. He did not suppose, that much objection could be made to it in the first stage, particularly when its object was of so liberal a nature, as to provide that dissenters of any kind shall not be interrupted in the exercise of their religion. It would, perhaps, be very cordial in the approbation of the principle of this bill, to be seen that it was not intended that any religious establishment should be connected with it. It would require neither priests nor chaplains. He hoped, when the subject was coolly and dispassionately considered, that there would be no objection to the bill. He would not enter further into the question at present, but reserve himself for the argument, which might be offered against it. His lordship concluded with moving, for leave to bring in a bill to allow persons of all religious persuasions to enter into the army and navy, and to secure to them the free exercise of their religion, &c. &c.
MARCH 19.
Lord Howick.—Mr. Speaker, since I had the honor of introducing to this house a bill for enabling his majesty to avail himself of the services of all his liege subjects, in his naval and military forces, circumstances have occurred which induced me twice to postpone the second reading of the bill. The second reading was fixed for to-morrow, it is my duty now to state to the house, that those circumstances still continue, and that I shall not to-morrow move for the second reading of that bill. It is also my duty to state, that I cannot precisely say when I can make that motion. I am perfectly aware, sir, that the statement I have made may excite much general observation, and cannot satisfy it.
It is not for me, however, to explain that statement. I rely confidently upon the indulgence of the house, and am sure that indulgence will not be refused. I could not enter into that explanation without being authorised, the house will think me justified in withholding it. I can only say, sir, that when the opportunity shall arrive, I shall willingly embrace it, in the hope of giving to the house that satisfaction and decisive communication, which urgency of necessity, in the present instance, compels me to withhold.
Lands for Sale.
By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery, will be sold at Public Auction, on the premises, at 12 o'clock, on Wednesday the 13th of May next if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter, the Real Estate of Henry Addison, late of Prince George's county, deceased, lying and being in the county aforesaid, and containing 500 acres of Land. This Land will either be sold entire, subject to the Dower of the widow, or two thirds of it will be exposed to sale free from all encumbrances, as may best suit the convenience of the purchaser. The terms of sale are, the purchaser shall give bond, with approved security, to the trustee, for paying the purchase money—one half within nine months, and the other half in eighteen months, with interest on each, from the day of sale.
THOMAS G. ADDISON, Trustee.
April 20, 1807—tf
N. B. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the deceased, to exhibit their claims, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, within four months from the time of sale.
THOMAS G. ADDISON, Trustee.
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by Miss ELIZA ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia,
A choice assortment
Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennetts, Velvets, and Cordes, Cambrics, single and double milled Satin Cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Tolonets, rich silk Molaskin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made to the first line of fashion.
Richard Harrell's celebrated patent parasol suspenders, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
November 13—tf
HENRY HORT,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
Has an Office in Mr. INGLE'S Brick House, on the Capitol Hill, where he gives constant attendance, and may be consulted on any subject within the line of his profession.
Washington city, April 13—rm
Bank of Columbia,
March 19th, 1807.
THE Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per cent per annum—the same will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives at any time after this day.
WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier.
Georgetown March 20—cpow
By virtue of a decree of the hon. the circuit court of the district of Columbia for Washington county, will be sold at
PUBLIC SALE
on Wednesday the 20th of May next, at the right and title of Jacob Groth, Bernard French and John Threlkel in and to Lot No. 100 in Threlkel's addition to Georgetown, with the improvements thereon. The terms of sale will be on a credit of 9 months the purchaser giving bond with approved security with interest from the date, and the sale at Mr. Anthony Guffey's near the premises at 3 o'clock P. M. Conveyance will be made on receipt of the purchase money, and the sale subject to ratification by the court.
D. B. TRACY, Trustee.
The creditors of the said Jacob Groth are hereby notified to bring into the said court their claims against the said Jacob Groth with the vouchers thereof within two months from the day of sale aforesaid.
D. B. TRACY.
Georgetown, April 23—3w
FOR SALE.
A handsome, dark bay, well bred, saddle gig horse, eight years of age. Apply to
W. GOLD BOND.
April 29—st
National Intelligencer.
Biography of John Wilkes, concluded.
Mr. Wilkes, on the 22d, a week previous to the day of election for Middlesex, wrote to the solicitor of the treasury, intimating his intention, in the ensuing term, to appear personally in the court of king's bench. Mr. Wilkes fulfilled his engagement, and no sooner had finished the address in which he surrendered himself up to the discretion of the court, than the attorney general moved for his instant commitment upon the outlawry. Mr. attorney general (Thurlow) was replied to by Mr. serjeant Glynn and other counsel, who moved, on their part, for a writ of error: it had before then been demanded by the law-officers of the crown and had been refused. Lord Mansfield and the rest of the judges concurred in opinion that they could not commit upon a voluntary appearance. "The attorney general could not with the least appearance of reason or law move for the commitment of a person who was not legally before them; nor had the counsel for the defendant any better plea for their motion in favor of a man who appeared in court gratis." Both parties were dismissed. On the 27th at noon, Mr. Wilkes was served with a writ of capias utlagatum , and in about a week after writs of error were allowed. Bail offered on behalf of Mr. W. was rejected by the attorney general, and he consequently ordered to the king's bench prison. The uproar of the multitude during these events, and the armed preparation and military precaution of the ministry, are well known. Mr. W's letter of thanks to the electors of Middlesex on his being chosen their representative, was written to them from prison, on the 5th of May. The argument upon the outlawry was heard upon the 7th of the same month, and on the 9th of June, in the following term, it was finally reversed.
The outlawry reversed, objections were next taken to the verdicts found against him. Amongst others, one was vehemently urged on the ground of the informations having been altered by Lord Mansfield, without the consent of the solicitor of the defendant, the evening previous to the trial. The word tenor was substituted for purport . That it was altered without the consent of the defendant's agent is true; but in none but a political cause would a practitioner of experience have witnessed his consent.
The objections were overruled; and he was sentenced, for reprinting and publishing the North Briton No. 45 to pay a fine of 500l. and (having already been imprisoned two) to a committal of ten months longer. For publishing the Essay on Woman his sentence was to pay a second fine of 500l. and to be imprisoned for another five months. He was at the expiration of these terms to find securities for his future conduct during seven years, himself under a penalty of 1000l. his securities in 500l. each. This judgment was far milder than had been expected by the public; and it is said indeed that Mr. Wilkes might, had he chosen so to do, have certainly made, at this period, his peace with government. A negotiation was opened with him upon the subject, with the knowledge of the duke of Grafton (the prime minister), and one condition only was proposed to him, in which he refused to concur. Mr. Wilkes declared, on the 3d of November, to the freeholders of Middlesex, that he should shortly present to the House of Commons a petition relative to his case, upon which he should demand their decision. This administration foresaw, would necessarily involve in its discussion all the transactions of the late parliament. The condition therefore proposed, upon which he was to take his seat unimpeded, was, that this petition should not be presented. A pledge, however, he conceived had been given to the contrary, & from this public pledge he resolved not to withdraw. The petition was laid before the House on the following day by Sir J. Mawbey. It was received as the declaration at a second war.
On the 10th of May the populace had assembled in great numbers about the neighborhood of the king's bench prison, where Mr. Wilkes was in confinement. The riot act was read by the justices of Surrey, and the mob not dispersing, the military was imprudently ordered to fire: several persons were slightly wounded, some more seriously, and one was killed on the spot. Lord Weymouth, the secretary of state, had written to the magistrates a letter dated April 17, exhorting them to be active in the suppression of any popular tumult which might arise; and Lord Barrington, the secretary at war, returned written thanks after the fatal 10th of May, in the name of his majesty, to the officers and soldiers of the regiment of guards which had been employed on that occasion. These two letters were transmitted to the newspaper by Mr. Wilkes, accompanied with some brief remarks, in which he denied the anti-priest transaction a massacre. Of these remarks he avowed himself, at

the bar of the House of Commons, to be the author. The remarks were voted false, and he, as the author of them, was expelled. If the people were irritated before, they were still more irritated now. If Mr. Wilkes was dear to them before, he was now endeared to them tenfold. Before the voice of the House of Commons was favorable to him, it was now wholly his own; it uttered no good but that of his name, unless it was the cry, "Liberty," which was synonymous with "Wilkes." He was re-elected on the 16th of February, without opposition. On the following day he was declared by a majority of the House of Commons incapable of being elected into that Parliament, and the election was voided. This was assuming that the expulsion of a member of Parliament was equivalent to exclusion; and that a single branch of the legislature could control by its fiat the choice of electors, however explicitly declared. But it rested not here. On the 17th of February, the day after his re-election, Mr. Wilkes was again expelled, the House resolving that he was incapable of being elected into that Parliament. Notwithstanding this resolution, he was, a third time, elected again, without opposition; a Mr. Dingley indeed offering himself as a candidate, but not obtaining a single freeholder even to nominate him. That election was, also, on the next day, declared void. On the 13th of April, Mr. Wilkes was, a fourth time, elected by a majority of 1143 votes, against Mr. Luttrell, who had only 296. The same day the House of Commons resolved, that Mr. Luttrell ought to have been returned. On the 29th of April a petition was presented by sir George Savile, from the freeholders of Middlesex, declaring that their intention was not, in voting for Mr. Wilkes, to throw away those votes, or waive their right of representation, and praying therefore against the return of Mr. Luttrell. Notwithstanding which it was finally determined, on the 6th of May, that Mr. Luttrell was duly elected. Mr. Wilkes' contests, like the battles of Homer, arose one above the other in progressive majesty. Not within the walls of the legislative assemblies only was it fought, but without also; in the wider plains of literature, of general intellect, & general feeling. In this, his fiercest and most important fight, the immortals descended into the war. The gravity of Johnson, blessed by its favorite political possessions, brought forward to the aid of power its impressive weight. The same Blackstone, with his book of wisdom, the characters of which were attempted to be read against him, supported also the cause of ministers. Burke, more subtle, if less vehement than in latter days, broke his lance in defence of popular right; Burke, supporting as utility seemed to him to require, the people or the throne; and turning, like the poet's feigned Almanzor, in favor of the weaker side, the scale of fortune. Above all, the fiery and rapid Junius, in dazzling armour, but his heart down, coursed along the list, scattering lightnings round him. Nor were the thunders rolled in the senate less awful than the eloquence of the press. Lord Chatham, how much soever he had once personally condemned Mr. Wilkes, was now, with the fullness of his great soul, of his party; for his party was that of the constitution. He quoted Lord Somers and Lord Holt; "he called them honest men, who knew and loved the English constitution. I vow to God (to Lord Mansfield, who defended the measures of the majority,) I vow to God, I think your Lordship equals them both in abilities. The House of Lords is privileged to interfere, in the case of an invasion of the people's liberties; and the case of the county of Middlesex is a case of such invasion." To the vote of the 17th of February, 1769, wisely and fortunately no resistance was made, but the resistance of logic and complaint; the murmur was loud and long, but vented itself in the legal mode permitted and justified by the constitution. The petitions presented to parliament were, by Lord Chatham, stated honorable and manly; by the partisans of ministers scurrilous, by some of them even treasonable. Petitions were succeeded by remonstrances, some of which were composed in language sufficiently intemperate; but the flame, which ministers had in cautiously raised, they possessed not the courage to extinguish. They believed, probably, it would of itself in time consume and die away: they stood therefore wholly on the defensive, rejecting the propositions made in parliament to rescind the resolution, but cordially avowing to punish those, without doors, who complained, however rudely, of its injustice. Mr. Wilkes in the mean while, within the walls of the king's bench prison, continued to pass a not inglorious confinement. From the time of his first election for Middlesex, in March 1768, through the whole of the year 1769, and even far into 1772, he was the sole and unrivalled political idol of the people, who lavished upon him all in their power to bestow, as if willing to prove that in England it was possible for an individual to be great and important through the means alone. A subscription was opened for the payment of his debts, and 20,000l. are said in a few weeks to have been raised for that purpose, and for the discharging his fine. The society for the support of the bill of rights, presented him with 300l. Gifts of plate, of wine, of household goods, were daily heaped upon him. An unknown patron conveyed to him in a handsomely embroidered purse, five hundred guineas. An honest chamber enriched him with a box containing of candles, a magic number of dozens, forty-five.
High and low contended with each other who most should serve and celebrate him. Devices and emblems of all descriptions ornamented the trinkets conveyed to his prison: the most usual was the cap of liberty placed over his crest: upon others was a bird with expanded wings, hovering over a cage, beneath a motto, "I love liberty." Every wall bore his name, and every window his portrait. In China, in bronze, or in marble, he stood upon the chimney-piece of half the houses of the metropolis: he swung upon the sign post of every village, of every great road throughout the country. He was accused, himself to tell with much glee of a monarchical old lady, behind whom he accidentally walked—looking up, she murmured, within his hearing, in much spleen—"He swings every where but where he ought." He passed her, and, turning round, politely bowed. But the voice of disapprobation, whether of old women or of young, of men or of youths, was the voice of one amidst a thousand. The most grateful of all harmony, says Balzac, arises from the dissenting voice of a single individual, when mixed in the general concert of public applause: the appetite for popularity is not often distinguished; it loves no number rather than select. "Praise from the rivet'd lips of toothless, bald Decrepitude; and in the looks of lean And craving poverty; and in the bow Respectful of the smatch'd artificer: Is oft too welcome, and may much disturb The mass of the purpose." What wonder then, if, accompanied by the praise also of the splendid, the polished and the wealthy, it invigorate and confirm the purpose? Amongst the public bodies that testified their approbation of his spirit, the city of London took the lead. As early as the 2d of January, 1769, he was elected alderman of the ward of Farringdon without: by a mistake in closing the poll books, the election however was pronounced void; but on the 27th of the same month he was declared duly elected. In November, 1769, he brought his action against Lord Halifax, for false imprisonment, and the seizure of his papers: he obtained a verdict of 4000l. On the 17th of April, 1770, he was discharged from his imprisonment. On the 24th he was sworn as alderman. In 1773, he seized the advantage afforded by his magisterial situation, to make reprisals on the House of Commons. A messenger having orders from the House to command the attendance of a printer, (against whom complaint was made that, contrary to the privileges of parliament, he had published the debates of the house), attempted in vain to execute what was required. After several fruitless visitations, the sergeant at arms reported that the printer was not to be met with. An address to the sovereign was drawn up, in pursuance of which a proclamation was issued, offering for the apprehension of the printer a considerable reward. He was apprehended and the reward claimed. Mr. alderman Wilkes discharged him, apprehended under an illegal warrant, and bound over the printer to prosecute the party apprehending him for an assault. He at the same time wrote a letter to Lord Halifax, the secretary of state, acquainting him with what had been done. The same conduct was adopted by Mr. alderman Oliver, and the lord mayor, Brass Crosby, with relation to other parties similarly situated: nor did they stop here; in one instance the magistrates of the city not only discharged the person against whom the House of Commons had directed their orders, but, as their joint act, committed the messenger who endeavored to put them in force. The Commons, fired at this contempt of their authority, proceeded to command the attendance of the magistrates. The lord mayor and Mr. alderman Oliver, as members of the house, attended in their places, and justified the part which they had acted. They were committed to the Tower; and though brought up by habeas corpus to the court of common pleas, where their case was argued at length, were remanded thither, and continued there till the close of the sessions. Their being, however, as members, within the jurisdiction of the house, was not applicable to Mr. Wilkes. In a letter to the speaker, he peremptorily refused to comply with the order of attendance, except as representative of the county of Middlesex. The order was renewed, and renewed again, but it was not obeyed. At length he was ordered to be present on the 8th of April, and an adjournment was then made to the 9th, and thus, to use the words of Junius, "by this mean, pitiful evasion," was the point given up. The wretchedness of this shift became still more apparent from the house having previously erased out of the Guildhall rota book an entry taken by the magistrates of their examination of the printer, for answering of whose charge they bound over the messenger to give security. These minutes were at the command of the house expunged by the lord mayor's clerk at the speaker's table. If the power of the commons in parliament was such as to justify this interposition, it seemed to follow as a necessary consequence, that it was such as to justify the commitment of Mr. Wilkes, who with his colleagues had signed the minutes. If their jurisdiction were circumscribed, and extended only to that which was immediately a part of their body, it became difficult to say, what control they possessed over the judicial papers of the city magis-
cy: Lord Chatham, in the house of peers, denounced this interference the act, not of a parliament, but of a mob; and the metropolis at the time approved so much of the conduct of their magisterial officers, that at a court of common council thanks were voted to them, for having supported the privileges and franchises of the city, and having so firmly defended the British constitution. Mr. Wilkes triumphantly observed, that it was now evident the house "had had enough of him." His victory was decisive; and all that a well-wisher to the country could regret was, that it was a victory gained over the elected representatives of the nation, and that those representatives had, in part, merited their defeat. From this period, Mr. Wilkes's career was a course of good fortune. On the 3d of July, 1771, he was chosen sheriff; in October 1774, he was elected Lord Mayor; and parliament being suddenly dissolved in its sixth session, he was elected one of the new representatives of Middlesex, and took his seat unmolested in the December of the same year. He had during the whole of the last parliament publicly termed himself the real and legal representative of that county: its sheriffs too had, at two distinct calls of the House, returned him as such. In 1774, he actually attended to be sworn, but the tender of the oath was refused, without a certificate from the clerk of the crown; which, naturally enough, was refused also. His election secure, he had now the privilege "of calling names," and the still more important privilege of pressing upon the House, in person, an oft repeated motion for rescinding the resolution of 1769. This for several years was not accompanied with complete success, though it was, at almost each attempt, attended with an augmentation in number of those who voted with him. In April, 1775, he presented, as Lord Mayor, a remonstrance to the sovereign, from the city of London; and in July, a petition: both of them relating, not to his own peculiar case, but to the state of public affairs; both, however, hostile to the conduct of ministers. Having several times stood candidate for the chamberlainship of London, against alderman Hopkins, he, in 1779, upon the death of his opponent, obtained that, not dishonorable, and very lucrative office. He obtained it by a most decided majority, and held it, without interruption, for life. Amid these more substantial benefits, it is scarcely worth relating, that a Mr. Temple left him, by will, 300l. "for his strenuous endeavors in the cause of freedom, and his noble defence of the constitution against a series of despots and wicked ministers;" and that the city of London presented him with a valuable silver cup, embossed with the death of Caesar in the capitol. In 1782, upon the dismissal from office of the ministers who conducted the war against America, the obnoxious resolution was, at length, upon his own motion, expunged from the journals. This was the crown of those political labors, which more immediately concerned his own personal actions. He thenceforward deemed himself "a fire burnt out." Such are the main and more important incidents of the life of John Wilkes, a man, about whom, even were it unwilling, posterity necessarily must make enquiries; since the circumstances of his life are interwoven with the history of his time, and with the history of the constitution of his country. His after life was passed in the punctual and faithful discharge of the duties attached to his office of chamberlain; in a temperate attention, as a senator, to national affairs, and the proceedings of parliament; and in the cultivation of letters and the fine arts. As treasurer of the city of London, (such is the chamberlain) his accounts were kept with exactness, and his personal attendance was most regular. No officer subordinate to him, no person in any way concerned with his office, ever had occasion to wait one moment beyond the appointed time of daily business. He died on the 26th, aged seventy. He was interred in Grosvenor chapel, south Audley street. According to the directions of his will, eight laboring men, dressed in new mourning, bore his coffin from the door of the chapel to the vault. The bearers, by his will, received, in addition to their clothes, a guinea each. A tablet, its inscription written by himself, has this memorial: THE REMAINS OF JOHN WILKES, A Friend to Liberty; Born at London, Oct. 17, 1727, O.S. Died in this Parish.
ALEXR COCHRAN, JUN. BEING determined on going to Ireland as soon as he can get his affairs settled. He offers for sale on easy payments. A LOT of ground fronting the Marine Barracks on square 904 on which are two new two story convenient brick houses, in one of which he lives himself, and the other is rented. Also on square 799 and 800 are two new two story brick houses, both under rent at 6 do. per month each, one of them being on a new street, and near to where the Tobacco Warehouse is to be built, and the other on 4th street near to the Navy Yard. He also offers to sell his entire stock of Goods, a hard conducting of a good assortment of Provisions, Dry Goods, Crockery, and Ironmongery, which he will do on terms pleasing to any person who may wish to purchase. April 27-38 N.B. All persons indebted to A. C. Jr. are desired to settle their accounts immediately otherwise they will be put in the hands of an officers, without further notice.
WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, MAY 1. CANAL-PARTY shall appear in our next paper. Although we do not relish the suggestion of creating a new debt of fifty or hundred millions of dollars for promoting internal improvements, we shall notwithstanding be much gratified by the future speculations of the writer. The public were, in the last number of this paper, advised of the death of Mrs. TINGEY. She died in the 57th year of her age, above thirty of which she had passed in the married state. Her virtues in the relation of a wife, a parent, & a friend were, perhaps, unsurpassed by any of her sex, and constitute a monument in the hearts of her kindred and friends, which will be imperishable. A long, lingering, and often excruciating illness, she bore with more than ordinary fortitude, and with a cheerfulness superior to what, considering her emaciated frame, her friends could have conceived her capable of supporting. At length worn down by the violence of disease, she resigned without a groan or struggle, her soul to Him who gave it, retaining her entire senses to the last—having some time previously given full testimony of her faith in the holy Christian Religion, and through that of an assurance of being received to a life of bliss—leaving a disconsolate family, and numerous friends to bewail her loss. Our readers will find in our preceding columns the liberal and manly sentiments avowed by Lord Hawick, long the friend and political associate of Fox; both of whom opposed in all its stages the tyranny practised by England against this country. It is these sentiments, and the measure to which they were about to give birth, that awoke the infatuated monarch of Britain from his momentary trance, and threaten a return of the reign of prejudice and superstition. Let the apologists of England reflect on these things, and cease to extol that nation as the freest on earth. Among the important subjects recommended by the President, at the opening of the last session of Congress, to their attention, was an enquiry into the expediency of appropriating the surplus revenue to the purposes of education and internal improvements. This part of the message was referred to what, in parliamentary language, is denominated a grand committee, composed of a member from each state. Although, however, this reference took place during the first week of the session, no report was made; nor have we public to this day been advised, whether at all, or in what way, the committee discharged the important duty assigned them—a duty, we will venture to affirm, not interior to that devolved on any select committee during the session. We believe the fact is that few meetings were held, and that no decision was made on any point. Whatever apologies may be offered for this supineness, we must notwithstanding be compelled to consider it highly exceptionable. If the members on the committee were indifferent as to the importance of the subject, they should have vacated their seats in favor of those who viewed it important. If too much engaged in business of a more pressing nature, they should have pursued the same course. And if, after a diligent research into the subject, they should have found themselves, as they possibly might, unable to devise a system in which a majority united, they should, at least, have made a report, and assigned the leading views which had been taken of the subject; but to pass it over sub silentio , we repeat, was highly exceptionable. The supineness of the House of Representatives, however, imposes a stronger duty on that part of the people, who view the subject as of great importance, to draw the public attention to it. NOW is the time for a fair, temperate and enlightened examination. Enjoying the calm of peace, and prosperous and happy as we ever can be, no season can be more propitious for a just and impartial decision whether the general government will interpose in the accomplishment of these great objects, or whether they shall be left exclusively to the states. Whatever diversity of opinion may exist on this point, there ought to be, and it is presumed there is none on the necessity of making such a decision. For until it shall be made, it is in vain to expect either the general government or the states to adopt those extensive plans, and to apply towards their execution those great resources, which the industry of our citizens, and the national interests and honor require. If the states individually undertake the accomplishment of what may be deemed national objects, what security have they that the federal government will not in a few years execute on a bolder scale plans which will render their labors fruitless? What security, for instance, have they that they, or their citizens will be permitted to reap the harvest of their capital and enterprise expended on turnpiking a section of the present main mail line; when Congress may at any moment they please designate another route, which shall be more direct, and in every respect more convenient to travellers? Is it not most obvious, that while Congress continue to refuse a decision on the extent of their powers on this subject, and the expediency of exercising them, that they in effect put a seal
on the exertions of the states? Surely, then, if this is the unqualified truth, all will agree, however they may differ in other respects, in the propriety of bringing this interesting point before the proper tribunal for a decision. Is there any one in this country, who, at this day, doubts the inestimable benefits of good roads and navigable canals? If there be such a man, or such a body of men, we fear that they are wedded to unclaimable prejudice. They can only be compared to the man, who disputing the existence of the sun, to convince his companion that it did not exist, desired him to shut his eyes against its light. Why is England the richest and most productive country on earth? Because she has better roads and more canals than any other country. It is this that has enriched her lands, by the facility with which manures are transported from one place to another, and has increased their productive capacity at least fifty per cent. in a period of twenty years. It is this which has rendered it easy and cheap to distribute through the whole nation the important articles of coal and lime, and many others, which, but for these means, would be confined to narrow districts; and above all, it is owing to this circumstance that soils the best calculated for particular products are almost exclusively devoted to their cultivation. The average production of an acre in England is twenty two bushels of wheat. What would the value of lands in the U. States be, compared to what it now is, if they produced this quantity of grain, and if the means of transportation were such as they are in England? It is true, that a great, if not the greater part of the lands in the U. States are capable of producing nearly the same crop. But only a small portion of these lands are yet in cultivation. Of that part which is at present cultivated, there is scarcely a fourth that produces half the quantity. It may be said that we have not manures in sufficient quantities to raise our worn out soils to the state in which the English lands are. This may be true; but it is only true in a limited extent. The manures which we have, though not comparatively equal to those of England, would yet be competent to effect a decisive change in the state of agriculture on the Atlantic board. Lime and marle are found in great quantities, and plaster answers extremely well for perhaps more than one half of the lands of this country. To diffuse the blessings of which these are the magical causes only requires good roads and canals. Let not then the American people slumber on this momentous subject. They are, perhaps, the only people in the world deeply interested in the accomplishment of these objects. Compared with their condition, the whole world besides is a dreary despotism, in which the laboring classes are in fact the slaves of the great monopolists who consume all the surplus product of the land. It is very doubtful, whether, under such systems, the situation of the great body of the people is ameliorated by the increased fertility of the soil and facility of internal commerce. Although more is produced, such is their abject state, that they are still merely fed and clothed in the plainest manner—while all that contributes to comfort, or administration to vanity, goes to the highest orders, or is squandered by government. In these countries the die of a laboring man is cast at his birth, and nothing but a miracle can afterwards elevate him above the necessity of incessant occupation. Here man stands in a far different relation. The door to distinction is open—politically all men stand in the same ranks—we have no monopolies—and our institutions, so far as they trench on the rights of property, all tend to equalise it. Such too is the cheapness of land that it requires but a small sum to become a proprietor and cultivator of the soil; and this step once taken, scarcely half the life of a man is passed before he is raised above the necessity of constant drudgery. Industrious, it is necessary for him, still to be; but he is no longer chained to that incessant toil which deprives him of the pleasure of passing a part of his time with his friends, of enjoying himself in the bosom of his family, of cultivating his mind by reading and observation, and of joining in the important public duties to the discharge of which he may be called by the favor of his country. Such a man has a deep, nay, he has the deepest interest in the accomplishment of these great objects. For in them, not only he will find his reward, but likewise his children, and his children's children. John Clopton is re-elected a representative in the next Congress, for the state of Virginia by a majority of 164 votes over Peyton Randolph. MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION. The last Boston Chronicle received states the number of votes given this year for Governor to be— For Mr. Sullivan 41,092 Mr. Strong 38,527 Republican majority 2,565 The same town last year— Mr. Strong 36,940 Mr. Sullivan 36,309 Federal majority 631 The Chronicle adds—"The election is decided—and what does the result prove?" "1st, It proves that all the charges and allegations against Judge SULLIVAN are, in the opinion of a majority of the qualified voters, false, malicious & scandalous." "2dly, It proves that the leaders of the federal party, together with the

of the last General Court, have... the public confidence, and worn... the great body of the people of the state. For if... the majority had been accorded... the majority could not have voted as they did.
It proves a majority (and... a larger majority than appears... to be in favor of a Representative Democracy: it proves that our is a POPULAR GOVERNMENT. In other words, that it was made by the people and for the people, and that the will of the majority must and will govern. Mr. Gore and Mr. Otis, and their followers, if they hate such a government, ought to retire from it. Whether they do or not, they may rest assured it will never be in their power either to direct or def it.
Alexandria, April 25. Extract of a letter from the district of Maine, dated April 8th. The last winter has been the most severe here of any these 20 years. From the 1st to the 30th of this month we had the most terrible storm of any this season, which left the snow on a level five feet deep. The ice in the Kennebec was remarkably thick, and in consequence of a great fresh, did considerable damage to bridges, mill dams, fences & lumber of all kinds were borne promiscuously away. Where the ice jammed together and stopped it exhibited an interesting view: I measured one of these bodies of ice in the middle of the river, and found it twenty six feet thick, and twelve of it above water.
Boston, April 22. We yesterday were favored with a Dutch paper of the 18th March—it was obtained by the Drono (from Calcutta) from a vessel spoken at sea, bound from Antwerp to Philadelphia. All the news articles it contains are extracted.
BERLIN, March 5. The French grand army is in winter quarters behind the Passarge (a small river which empties into the Vistula, a few miles south of Thorn). Its left wing leans on Marienwerder and Ebing.
A Russian division, 10,000 strong, having advanced against Braunsberg, at the summit of our winter cantonments, Gen. Dupont was ordered to attack it; which he did on the 26th of Feb. and obliged it to recross the Passarge, with loss of 16 pieces of cannon, 2 stands of colors, and 2000 prisoners. Our loss in killed is not worth mentioning.
Marshal Augereau, who is wounded, has obtained leave to go to Paris; and Marshal Massena commands at Warsaw, vice Lannes who is ill.
ROMEUROPE. Yesterday the fast sailing ship New-Pegasus, Capt. J. F. Trost, arrived here 25 days from Liverpool. It was currently reported, that the Russian army had been entirely routed and defeated by the French; but we could obtain only two London papers of the 23d of March, both of which are silent as to any news from the Continent. They state that the British public were much agitated by the reports of differences in the cabinet, on the subject of the bill to enable Catholics to hold commissions, with the free exercise of their religion, in the army and navy. This bill has been made the ground of removal of the ministry; and an entire new arrangement was to be submitted to his majesty on the 23th ult.
The Gion of March 23, says— "although the Duke of Portland has accepted the place of first Lord of the Treasury, & is now at the head of the ministry; we find that Viscount M.ville is the principal actor behind the curtain."
The French squadron lying in the harbor of Rochefort is expected to put to sea the first favorable opportunity. It consists of six sail of the line, besides frigates and small vessels, and is generally supposed to be destined for the W. I.
WARSAW, Feb. 16. Marshal Massena is still in this capital where he arrived on the 12th inst.
LONDON, March 17. Some letters from Stettin were received on Saturday, by a vessel which sailed from thence at the latter end of February. No accounts of any action subsequent to the battle of Eylau, except the affair at Ostrolenka on the 16th, had been received there. The result of this was reported to be quite different from what the enemy represented. The division of Lasue, which was stationed on the Narew, for the purpose of preventing the junction between the main army and general Von Essen's corps, made an attack upon the latter, which was received with such firmness as compelled the French to fall back precipitately, and leave the Russians to pursue their march unopposed. The knowledge that this reinforcement was on its way, is supposed to have determined Bonaparte to bring on a general engagement, in which, if he had been successful, the junction would have been impracticable. The information upon which he acted, does not appear to have been very accurate. No exertions of gen. Von Essen's corps could have enabled it to join the main army for several days after the St. In assuming, therefore, a division of his army on the Narew, Bonaparte absolutely deprived himself of the preponderance which its junction might have afforded. Savary, with the force under his command, might have decided the battle of Eylau; instead of which he appears to have been posted at Ostrolenka, ever since the commencement of the month, to prevent a junction which could not possibly take place, were even the route unobstructed, until its conclusion. Gen. Von Essen is said to have since joined the main army, and we expect the next accounts from the continent will inform us that the Russians have resumed offensive operations. It is not unlikely that we shall soon hear of another general engagement.
It is obvious that Bonaparte has started under the effects of a protracted war; in order therefore to put an end to a system that consumed his provisions, and afforded the Russians so many advantages, he resolved no doubt to make one deliberate effort to measure his arms at once with the allied army. Every preparation appears to have been made by the enemy, to carry this resolution into effect on the 8th of February. On that day Bonaparte commanded in person—yet what was the result even in the French accounts should be credited to their fullest extent? We shall give it in the words of the 58th bulletin. "The plan of the enemy (the Russians) which had for its object to extend themselves towards Thorn, and to turn our left wing, has completely miscarried. Having defeated this enterprise of the enemy, and driven them 100 miles from the Vistula, the army has returned to its cantonments and is going into winter quarters again." Is this the grand winding up of a series of engagements, in which the French are represented as having performed prodigies of valor, led on by the grand duke, Davoust, Ney, Soult, Augereau, Lannes, &c. and all the experienced commanders that could be collected? It should seem, from the words "returned to cantonments," that the French have retrograded to the Bug, and the Narew; if so, it amounts to a proof, that the affair of the 8th, terminated in what is called a drawn battle, for it had been as decisive as it is stated in the bulletin, the enemy would have pressed forward to Koningsberg, the possession of which was one of their favorite objects, and of which they seemed to have been certain, that the prince of Neufchatel, on the 6th of February, wrote a letter from Great Gladau, to the empress Josephine, in which he lays— "We shall be at Koningsberg to-morrow."
New York, April 27. A passenger in the Augusta, from Bordeaux, informs us, that six hours before the vessel left the river, he was on board the French frigate Penelope, laying in Verdun Road, whose captain just returned from Bordeaux, with intelligence of letters being just received from Paris, stating that Bonaparte had announced, that Bonaparte had surrounded and was about entering Koningsberg; and that the king of Prussia had removed his head quarters to Memel.
The British merchants residing at St. Petersburg, have presented the Russian government with 235,000 roubles towards defraying the expenses of the war.
Philadelphia, April 28. Extract of a letter from Barbadoes, dated March 1, received at Baltimore. The London, Cork, and Liverpool fleets have arrived in this port, and bring intelligence that the French have taken a considerable number of their merchantmen lately, among which were about 30 Indiamen; I did not hear how many others; and that the French fleet was to leeward, waiting for the leeward bound fleet, &c."
via and Wallachia (2) They have besieged the fortresses of Cootzim and Bender. (3) The garrisons, small in number, and unexpectedly attacked, at a time when they reposed on the faith of treaties, have yielded to superior force, and the two fortresses have been taken possession of by the Russians.
Whatever is held sacred among men, has been trodden under foot. Blood has been profusely shed, while the envoy of Russia, whose presence alone should have been the proof and guarantee of peace, continued at Constantinople and never ceased to repeat assurances of friendship, on the part of his master, for his highness the Sultan.
The Porte was ignorant of the aggression, and knew not that her provinces were invaded until it was announced by the manifesto of gen. Michelson, which I have the honor to place before your majesty; and what is alike shameful and disgusting, when this manifesto was transmitted to the Turkish government, the Russian envoy protesting that he had received no orders from his court, and that he gave no credit to the rumor of war, affected to disavow the proclamations of the generals, and to doubt the entrance of the Russian troops on the Turkish territories.
To what fate would Europe be reserved if her destiny depended on the caprices of a cabinet necessarily fluctuating; torn by contending factions, and which, influenced only by its passions, is either insensible to or ignorant of those sentiments and regulations which preserve the order of the civilized world.
The Ottoman Porte had long been assured of the infallibility of prince Ipsilanti, hospodar of Wallachia; nor did prince Mouruzzi, hospodar of Moldavia, inspire the government with greater confidence—exercising the incontestible right of sovereignty they were both deposed, and replaced by the princes Guzzo and Callimachi. This measure displeased Russia, and her envoy declared (4) that he should quit Constantinople unless the deposed hospodars were reinstated. At this period an inconceivable war seemed to be on the point of breaking out between France and Prussia. Astonished to behold a misunderstanding between the two powers most interested in her safety, the Porte perceived the advantage which must result to her natural enemy from their disunion. (5) An English admiral appeared with a squadron, and signified that England would make common cause with Russia, unless the hospodars were restored.
The Porte yielded to necessity, and avoided the storm with which she was menaced, (6) by reinstating the hospodars whom she had declared traitors, and removing the men of her choice. Russia was satisfied, and England succeeded beyond her hopes. As the price of her condescension, the Porte expected, and had reason to expect, that she would preserve a peace, which had been so grievously and dextrously purchased. But the news of Prussia, and the first acts of hostility, were soon announced at Petersburg. The court of Russia secretly rejoiced at a war which involved two allies, against whom she cherished an equal resentment; two powers that ought forever to oppose her projects against Turkey. From this moment her measures were undisguised. Orders were dispatched to general Michelson to enter Moldavia, and she already, in expectation, devoured prey which had been devoted for years, and which the union of France and Prussia had hitherto preserved from her grasp.
Lipply for Turkey the Prussian war was but of short duration, and the French army arriving at the Vistula when the Russian troops were assembling on the Dniester, compelled them to retreat to the defence of her own frontier. The hopes of the Ottoman Porte were revived. She perceived the abyss into which her concessions had nearly plunged her. She has recognized the miracle by which she has been saved, and all Turkey has run to arms, to become henceforward the inseparable ally of France, without whose assistance she was in danger of perishing.
On the 28th of December, the Russian ambassador and all persons attached to the legation left Constantinople together with all the Russian and Greek merchants, who resided there under the protection of Russia. All of them were respected and permitted to depart without molestation, while the Russians carried prisoners to Russia, your majesty's consul at Yassy, although they had given him passports to retire to Austria.
Few nations have employed as much artifice and perseverance in the execution of their projects as Russia. The stratagem and violence which were alternately practised during sixteen years against Poland, are the same arts which she now wields against the Ottoman empire. Abusing the influence, which, since the late wars she had acquired in Moldavia and Wallachia, she has, from the heart of these provinces, every where diffused a spirit of sedition and revolt. She has encouraged the Servians in their rebellion against the Porte. She has furnished them with arms, and sent officers to command them.
Availing herself of the native savagery of the Montenegrins, and of their disposition to rapine, she has excited and armed them—she has also, with a view to future projects, armed the Morca after alarming the people with imaginary dangers, the rumours of which she had industriously circulated.
She has even under pretexts the most frivolous, continued to occupy Corfu, and the other islands of the Ionian sea, of which she herself had acknowledged the independence.
Her projects being thus prepared by every mean of artifice and intrigue, she has adroitly seized the occasion of the war between France and Prussia, with a violence, which neither knows nor respects the rights of others, to carry them into effect.
Circumstances of this serious nature compel us to recur to former government of France at a time, to which we must refer, to ascertain the cause of present events. Of all the faults of that government, the most inexcusable, because the most mischievous, was to permit, as it did, with inconceivable imprudence, the first partition of Poland, which it might, with great facility, have prevented. But for this first partition the other would not have been attempted, and could not have been carried into effect. Poland would still have existed, and Europe would have shunned those shocks and agitations, which for ten years she has unnecessarily suffered.
The Cabinet of Versailles even aggravated its fault, by leaving the Turks to contend single handed against Russia; and forced to make the most grievous sacrifices, when she might have prevented them, and, with the greatest facility interposed her succor; either in 1806, after the peace, or five years afterwards when the war took place, which terminated in the ceptorable peace of 1791.
This neglect of the interests of France, and of all Europe, would at this day have been attended with consequences still more extraordinary and fatal, if your majesty had not rendered them impossible.
But your majesty has done every thing to inspire your enemies with the desire of peace, and to make it easy of attainment; for it is impossible to believe that Russia should be so blind as to renounce all the benefits of peace by refusing to enter into the only engagements which your majesty exacts, that of henceforth abstaining from those enterprises which she has made for thirty years, and which she is now renewing against the states which border on her southern frontier; and to recognise the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire, so essentially important to the policy of France, and the repose of the world.
Signed, CH. M. TALLEYRAND. Warsaw, 23th Jan. 1807.
(1) Nov. 2. (4) Sept. 20. (2) Dec. 1. (5) Oct. 12. (3) From Nov. 23 to 28 (6) Oct. 15.
SALE AT AUCTION. ON Saturday the 9th May at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, at the Auction Room, a quantity of elegant Mahogany Furniture, the property of two gentlemen leaving the District; consisting of, Side Board, a set of elegant Pembroke Tables, mahogany Side Table, Loo and Breakfast Tables, Card Tables, two Cereus, one Stand, one Portable desk, elegant Mahogany and other Bedsteads, mahogany Windsor Chairs, two Beds, fine Sheets, Pillow Cases, diaper Table Cloths and Napkins, the whole of which are new—they may be seen any time between now and the day of sale at the Auction Room.
JOHN TRAVERS, Auctioneer. Georgetown, May 1—4t
This is to give notice, that the subscribers, executors named in the last will and testament of John Beckley, late of the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia, deceased, have obtained from the Orphan's court of the said county, letters of administration, with the will annexed, on the personal estate of the said John Beckley deceased. All persons therefore, having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the said executors, at the city of Washington in the said county, for settlement, on or before the fifth day of November next, as they may otherwise be by law excluded from all benefit of said estate.
GIVEN under our hands and seals, this 30th day of April 1807. N. B. All persons indebted to the said estate are requested to make immediate payment to the said executors.
MARY PRINCE, MARIA BECKLEY. May 1—
PORTRAIT PAINTING. C. BOYLE respectfully informs the public that he paints Likesses in Oil Colors, in the building formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, near Duane's book-store. N. B. a few specimens to be seen, January 3—4t
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Washington in the district of Columbia, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Thomas Duckett, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber on or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Those indebted to the deceased are desired to make immediate payment.
ALLEN B. DUCKETT, Adm. City of Washington, March 13—4t All claims forwarded by mail must be paid.
THE COMMISSIONERS Appointed under the act of the Corporation, for erecting an INFIRMARY in the city of Washington, will receive sealed Proposals in writing, until the 10th of May next, for the brickwork & Carpenter's work for a section thereof, agreeable to a plan and bill of particulars to be seen on application to
JOHN DAVIDSON, Foreman near the Market. April 29 3t
HOUSES FOR SALE. TWO Frame Dwelling Houses on a corner lot fronting 1 and 7th Streets, near the Navy Yard, at present occupied by Dr. M c Williams. The situation is high and healthy, and a very eligible stand for public business. The smaller house is one story high, well adapted for a Grocery or Grog Shop—the other is a two story house with four rooms neatly finished with a kitchen adjoining and a convenient garden under good fence—well calculated for the accommodation of a rented family. The whole will be sold together. For terms apply to the subscriber next door to No. 8. H. Smith's Printing Office.
WILLIAM BUNYIE, Penn. Av. city Washington April 29—3t
20 DOLLARS REWARD. Reward from the subscriber in August last, Negro CHARLES—he is a thrifty well made black man, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; has lost some of his fore teeth; is remarkably polite and much of a gallant. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him home or inform him any jail to that I get him again.
WM. B. BRANNAN. Upper Marlinton, Jan. 9—reward
Treasury Department, United States April 26, 1807. EXTRACTS from the proceedings of the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at a meeting held on the 23d day of March 1807, on the annual appropriation of the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, created in pursuance of the several acts of Congress passed on the 16th day of July 1798, and 7th day of May 1800, should be re-embursed on the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and eight.
This is therefore to give notice that the principal of the said Eight per cent stock will at the expiration of the term be paid on the first day of January 1809, to the respective stockholders or their lawful representatives or assigns, duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury or at the Loan Office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock respectively held by them.
It is further made known for the information of the parties concerned, that an interest of the said Eight per cent stock either in the hands of the Treasury, or in the hands of the Commissioners of Loans will be allowed for the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and eight. And the interest on all certificates of stock which shall not have been surrendered in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
And whereas the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at their meeting held on the 23d day of March as aforesaid, did vote and resolve, that the sum which after making the current payments for the years 1807 and 1808, and after reimbursing the principal and half per cent stock, might remain to complete the annual appropriation of Eight millions of dollars for those two years, should, among other purposes, be applied to the purchase of the Eight per cent stock at private sale, and that such of the Calibers of the Bank of the United States, and of its office of Discount and Re-purchase, be the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate, be the agents under his superintendence for making the said purchase: Notice is hereby accordingly given, that James Davidson jun r Collector of the office of Discount and Re-purchase at Washington, has been appointed agent for that purpose in Washington, to whom such of the proprietors of Eight per cent stock as may be willing to sell the same within the prices limited by law, are requested to apply.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
Washington, April 26th, 1807. Having been appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, agent for purchasing the 8 per cent stock of the United States floating on the books of the Treasury, and the books of the Commissioners of Loans for Maryland and Virginia.
Notice is hereby given, That I am ready to treat with any persons for the purchase of said stock at private sale, within the price limited by the act of Congress of the 13th of April, 1806, a copy whereof is hereto annexed.
JAMES DAVIDSON, Jun. Agent, &c. FEC. 2d. And be it further enacted, That the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund shall not be authorised to purchase any of the several species of the public debt, at a higher price than at the rates following, that is to say—they shall not pay more for three per cent stock than sixty per cent of its nominal value; nor for any other species of the public debt more than the nominal value or its un-decreased amount, the eight per cent stock only excepted, for which they shall be authorized in addition thereto, to give a share of one half of one per cent on the said nominal value for each quarterly dividend, which may be payable on each purchase from the time of such purchase to the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine. May 1—3 w.

PROPOSALS
For carrying the MAILS of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the 1st day of July next, inclusive.
(CONTINUED.)
43. From Salem, by Danvers, Topsfield and Boxford, to Haverhill, once a week. Leave Salem every Monday at 7 p.m. and arrive at Haverhill by 6 p.m. Leave Haverhill every Monday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Salem by 10 a.m.
44. From Boston, by Salem and Manchester, to Gloucester, three times a week. Leave Gloucester every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 6 p.m. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Gloucester by 6 p.m.
45. From Salem to Marblehead, six times a week. Leave Salem every day (Sunday excepted) at noon, and arrive at Marblehead by 1 p.m. Leave Marblehead every day at 2 p.m. and arrive at Salem by 3 p.m.
46. From Boston, by Medford, Woburn, Beleria, Chelsea, Charlestown, Tyngsboro', Lowell, Nashua, Manchester, Nashua, Nashua and Claremont, to Windsor, Vt., twice a week. Leave Boston every Monday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Windsor by noon, and at Amherst by 7 p.m. Leave Amherst on Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Windsor by 6 p.m. Returning—Leave Windsor every Monday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Amherst by 6 p.m. Leave Amherst on Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 5 p.m.
47. From Billerica, by Patucket bridge, Dracut, Pelham and Windham, to Londonderry, once a week. Leave Billerica every Monday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Londonderry on Tuesday by 9 a.m. Leave Londonderry every Tuesday at 10 a.m. and arrive at Billerica by 7 p.m.
48. From Boston, by Concord, Littleton, Groton, Townsend, Athol, New Ipswich, Jaffrey, Marlboro', Keene & Walpole, to Rockingham Bridge, twice a week. Leave Boston every Monday & Thursday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Keene on Tuesday and Friday by noon. Leave Keene at half past 12 p.m., and arrive at Rockingham by 6 p.m. Returning—Leave Rockingham every Tuesday & Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Keene by noon. Leave Keene at half past 12 p.m. & arrive at Boston on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p.m.
49. From Concord, by Stow, Bolton & Lancaster, to Leominster, twice a week. Leave Concord every Monday and Thursday at 1 p.m. & arrive at Leominster by 7 p.m. Leave Leominster every Wednesday & Saturday at 5 a.m. & arrive at Concord, by 11 a.m.
50. From Leominster, by Westminster, Templeton, Gerry, Athol, New Salem, Wendell & Montague, to Greenfield, once a week. Leave Leominster every Friday at 5 a.m. & arrive at Greenfield by 7 p.m. Leave Greenfield every Saturday at 5 a.m. & arrive at Leominster by 7 p.m.
51. From Worcester, by Holden, Rutland, Hubbardston, Tiptonville, Winchendon, & Fitz William, to Keene, once a week. Leave Worcester every Wednesday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Keene on Thursday noon. Leave Keene every Monday noon, & arrive at Worcester on Tuesday by 6 p.m.
52. From Worcester, by Holden, Rutland, Barre, Peterham, Athol, Orange, Warwick, Northfield & Hindsville, to Brattleboro' once a week & to return by Wadsworth and New Salem, instead of Warwick, Orange, & Athol. Leave Worcester every Thursday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Brattleboro' on Friday by 10 a.m. Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 1 p.m. & arrive at Worcester on Saturday by 7 p.m.
53. From Shrewsbury, by Holden, Rutland, Green, Hardwick, Pelham, Amherst and Hadley to Northampton once a week. Leave Shrewsbury every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Northampton on Wednesday by 10 a.m.—Leave Northampton every Wednesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Shrewsbury on Thursday by 7 p.m.
54. From Brookfield, by Belchertown, Hadley, Northampton, Chesterfield, Worthington, Partridgefield, Dalton, Pittsfield, Hancock and New Lebanon to Albany twice a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Brookfield every Monday and Thursday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Albany on Tuesday and Friday by 7 p.m. Leave Albany every Wednesday and Saturday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Brookfield on Thursday and Monday by 7 p.m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Brookfield every Monday and Thursday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Northampton by 7 p.m. Leave Northampton every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Albany on Wednesday and Saturday by 3 p.m. Returning—Leave Albany every Tuesday and Friday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Pittsfield by 8 p.m. Leave Pittsfield every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Northampton by 8 p.m. Leave Northampton every Thursday and Monday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Brookfield by 7 p.m.
a.m. and arrive at Brookfield by 7 p.m.
55. From Suffield, by Westfield, Southampton, Northampton, Hatfield, Whately, Deerfield, Greenfield, Bernardston, Hinsdale, Brattleboro', Putney, Westminster, Rockingham, Charlton, Claremont, Cornish, Windsor, Hartford and Plainfield, to Haverhill, twice a week. Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Northampton at 1 p.m. and at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a.m. Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p.m. and arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at half past 12 p.m. and arrive at Hanover by 8 p.m. Returning—Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at half past 12 p.m. and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 11 a.m. Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p.m. and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p.m.
56. From Springfield, by West Springfield, Russell, Blandford, London, Bethlem, Tyringham, Stockbridge and West Stockbridge, to Kinderhook, once a week. Leave Springfield every Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Kinderhook on Friday by 6 p.m. Leave Kinderhook every Saturday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Stockbridge by 6 p.m. Leave Stockbridge every Tuesday at 4 p.m. and arrive at Springfield on Wednesday by 6 p.m.
57. From Boston, by Dedham, Medford, Medway, Bellingham, Milford, Medford, Uxbridge, Douglas, Thompson, Pomfret, Ashford and Tolland, to Hartford, once a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 5 p.m. Leave Hartford every Friday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Boston on Monday by 4 p.m.
58. From New Hartford, Ct. by Sandisfield, London, Becket, Lee, Lenox, Richmond and Hancock, to New Lebanon, New York, once a week. Leave New Hartford every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at New Lebanon on Saturday by 6 p.m. Leave New Lebanon every Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at New Hartford on Friday by 10 a.m.
59. From Boston, by Dedham, Wrentham, Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewetts City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford and Branford, to New Haven, three times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Providence by noon. Leave Providence by half past 12 p.m. and arrive at New Haven on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 1 p.m. Returning—Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. and arrive at Providence on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Boston three days by noon. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a.m. & arrive at Plainfield by 8 p.m. Leave Plainfield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at New Haven by 8 p.m. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 8 p.m.
60. From Boston, by Milton, Canton, Easton, Taunton, Berkley & Freestown, to New Bedford, three times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a.m. and arrive at New Bedford by 8 p.m. Leave New Bedford every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 8 p.m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Taunton by 7 p.m. Leave Taunton every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a.m. and arrive at New Bedford by 7 p.m. Returning—Leave New Bedford every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Taunton by 8 p.m. Leave Taunton every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 7 p.m.
61. From New Bedford to Nantucket, once a week. Leave New Bedford every Tuesday at 9 p.m. and arrive at Nantucket in 24 hours. Leave Nantucket every Friday at 3 a.m. and arrive at New Bedford by 8 a.m.—Wind and weather permitting.
62. From Boston by Weymouth, Hingham, Cohasset, Scituate, Marshfield, Duxbury and Kingston, to Plymouth, once a week. Leave Boston every Wednesday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p.m. Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 7 p.m.
63. From Sandwich by Barnstable, Yarmouth, Dennis, Harwich, Chatham, Orleans, Eastham, Wellfleet, Billingsgate and Truro, to Provincetown, once a week. Leave Sandwich every Wednesday at 11 a.m. and arrive at Provincetown on Friday by 11 a.m. Leave Provincetown every Friday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Sandwich on Monday by 6 p.m.
64. From Plymouth by Sandwich
Falmouth and Holmwood, to Edgartown. Leave Plymouth every Wednesday and Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Edgartown on Thursday by 1 p.m. Leave Edgartown every Thursday at 4 p.m. and arrive at Falmouth by 8 p.m. Leave Falmouth on Thursday and Saturday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 8 p.m.
65. From Sandwich, by Wareham, Rochester, New Bedford and Little Compton, to Newport, once a week. Leave Sandwich every Saturday at 11 a.m. & arrive at Newport on Sunday by 6 p.m. Leave Newport every Monday at 3 a.m. & arrive at Sandwich on Tuesday by 5 p.m.
66. From East Bridgewater by Middleboro' East meeting-house to Rochester, and from Rochester by the same route to East Bridgewater, once a week. Leave East Bridgewater every Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Rochester by 11 a.m. Leave Rochester at 1 p.m. & arrive at East Bridgewater by 7 p.m.
67. From Warren by Swansey, Somerset, Dighton, Taunton, West Bridgewater and Abingdon, to Weymouth, once a week. Leave Warren every Wednesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Weymouth on Thursday by 6 p.m. Leave Weymouth every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Warren on Saturday by 6 p.m.
68. From Salem to Marblehead every day except Sunday. Leave Salem at noon, and arrive at Marblehead at 2 p.m. and arrive at Salem by 3 p.m.
69. From Taunton by Rehoboth & Patucket falls, to Providence, once a week. Leave Taunton every Monday noon, and arrive at Providence by 7 p.m. Leave Providence every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Taunton at half past 11 a.m.
IN RHODE-ISLAND.
70. From Providence by Barrington, Warren & Bristol, to Newport, six times a week in Summer, and three times in Winter. May 1 to November 1. Leave Providence every day (Sunday excepted) at 7 a.m. and arrive at Newport by 4 p.m. Leave Newport every day (Sunday excepted) at 8 a.m. & arrive at Providence by 4 p.m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Providence every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 7 a.m. & arrive at Newport by 4 p.m. Leave Newport every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 7 a.m. & arrive at Providence by 4 p.m.
71. From Providence by East Greenwich, Patucket, Wickford and Little Reef, to Tower-hill, once a week. Leave Providence every Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Tower-hill by 11 a.m. Leave Tower-hill every Friday at 1 p.m. & arrive at Newport by 7 p.m.
72. From Newport, by South Kingston, Charlestown, Westerly, Stonington, Ct. and Groton, Ct. to New London, twice a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Newport every Tuesday and Thursday at 10 a.m. & arrive at New London on Wednesday and Friday by 3 p.m. Leave New London every Tuesday and Thursday at 9 a.m. & arrive at Newport on Wednesday and Friday by noon. November 1 to May 1. Leave Newport every Monday and Wednesday by noon, & arrive at New London on Tuesday & Thursday by 6 p.m. Leave New London every Wednesday and Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Newport on Thursday and Saturday by 10 a.m.
IN CONNECTICUT.
73. From Hartford by Simsbury, Granby, Granville, Blandford, Sandisfield and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 3 p.m.—Leave Stockbridge every Tuesday noon, & arrive at Hartford on Wednesday by 6 p.m.
74. From Hartford by Simsbury, West Simsbury, New Hartford, Winchester, Norfolk, Canaan, Sheffield, Hillsdale and Claverack to Hudson once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Hudson on Saturday by 10 a.m. Leave Hudson every Friday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Hartford the next Monday by 7 p.m.
75. From Hartford by Farmington, Harwington, Litchfield, Washington, New Milford, Danbury, Ridgefield, Salem and Bedford to New York once a week. Leave Hartford every Tuesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Litchfield on Wednesday by 9 a.m. at New Milford by 3 p.m. & at New York on Friday by 11 a.m. Returning. Leave New York every Friday at 6 p.m. and arrive at New Milford on Monday by 9 a.m. at Litchfield by 3 p.m. and at Hartford by 10 a.m. on Tuesday.
76. From Litchfield by Cornwall & Sharon to Poughkeepsie once a week. Leave Litchfield every Wednesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Sharon by 7 p.m. & at Poughkeepsie on Thursday by 2 p.m.—Leave Poughkeepsie on Thursday at 5 p.m. and arrive at Litchfield on Saturday by noon.
77. From Hartford by Glastenbury, Colchester and Montville to New London once a week. Leave Hartford
every Thursday at 1 p.m. and arrive at New London on Friday by 7 p.m. Leave New London every Saturday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Hartford on Monday by 9 a.m.
78. From Hartford by East Hartford, Hebron, Lebanon and Norwich to Chelsea twice a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Hartford every Wednesday & Friday at 5 a.m. & arrive at Chelsea by 5 p.m. Leave Chelsea every Tuesday & Thursday at 5 a.m. & arrive at Hartford by 5 p.m. November 1 to May 1. Leave Hartford every Tuesday & Saturday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Chelsea by 6 p.m. Leave Chelsea every Monday & Friday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Hartford by 6 p.m.
79. From Hartford by Coventry, Windham & Canterbury to Plainfield once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Plainfield on Friday by 6 p.m. Leave Plainfield every Wednesday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 a.m.
80. From Norwich by Canterbury & Brooklyn to Pomfret once a week. Leave Pomfret every Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Norwich by 10 a.m. Leave Norwich every Friday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Pomfret by 8 p.m.
81. From Middletown by Middle Haddam, East Haddam, Haddam & Petty Pough to Saybrook once a week. Leave Middletown every Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Saybrook by 5 p.m. Leave Saybrook every Saturday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Middletown by 6 p.m.
82. From New Haven by Cheshire & Southington to Farmington once a week. Leave New Haven every Thursday at 10 a.m. & arrive at Farmington by 7 p.m. Leave Farmington every Wednesday at 1 p.m. & arrive at New Haven on Thursday by 8 a.m.
83. From New Haven by Woodbury, Watbury & Watertown to Litchfield once a week. Leave Litchfield every Friday at 6 a.m. & arrive at New Haven by 3 p.m. Leave New Haven every Friday at 5 p.m. & arrive at Litchfield on Saturday by 3 p.m.
84. From New Haven by Derby, Southington, Woodbury, Bethlehem, Litchfield, Gothen & Canaan to Sheffield once a week. Leave New Haven every Tuesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Litchfield on Wednesday by 11 a.m. and at Sheffield on Thursday by 9 a.m. Leave Sheffield every Monday at 5 a.m. & arrive at New Haven on Tuesday by 10 a.m.
85. From Bridgeport by Newfield, Trumbull, Huntington, Newton & Brookfield to New Milford once a week. Leave Bridgeport every Thursday at 2 p.m. & arrive at New Milford on Friday by 6 p.m. Leave New Milford every Wednesday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Bridgeport on Thursday by 10 a.m.
86. From Danbury by South East, Franklin, Pawling, Dover, Kent, Sharon, Salisbury, Sheffield, Great Barrington, Stockbridge, Lenox, Lansdown, Williamstown & Pownal to Bennington once a week. Leave Danbury every Monday at 5 a.m. & arrive at Bennington the next Thursday by 11 a.m. Leave Bennington every Thursday at 1 p.m. & arrive at Danbury the next Sunday by 7 p.m.
IN NEW-YORK.
87. From New York by Brooklyn, Jamaica, Hempstead, Merrick, South Oysterbay, South Huntington, Islip, Patchogue, Fire Place, Moriches, West Hampton, Southampton and Bridgehampton to Sag Harbor once a week. Leave New York every Thursday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Jamaica by 1 p.m. & at Sag Harbor the next Saturday by 3 p.m. Leave Sag Harbor every Monday at 8 a.m. & arrive at New York the next Wednesday by 3 p.m.
88. From Jamaica by Queens c.h. Jericho, Huntington, Dix Hills, Winnetacom, Smithtown, Setauket, Brookhaven & Riverhead to Southold once a week. Leave Jamaica every Thursday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Southold on Saturday by 2 p.m. Leave Southold every Saturday at 4 p.m. and arrive at Jamaica the next Tuesday by noon.
89. From West Hampton to Riverhead, once a week. Leave West Hampton every Saturday at 1 p.m. & arrive at Riverhead by 3 p.m.—Leave Riverhead at 4 p.m. & arrive at West Hampton by 6 p.m.
90. From New York by Kingsbridge, Yonkers, Greenburgh, Mount Pleasant, Peekskill, Fishkill, Poughkeepsie, Staatsburg, Rhinebeck, Redhook, Germantown, Hudson and Kinderhook to Albany three times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave New York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 p.m. & arrive at Yonkers by 8 p.m. Leave Yonkers every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Poughkeepsie by 8 p.m. Leave Poughkeepsie every Wednesday, Friday & Sunday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p.m. Returning. Leave Albany every Tuesday, Sunday & Tuesday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Poughkeepsie by 8 p.m. Leave Poughkeepsie every Friday, Monday & Wednesday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Yonkers by 8 p.m. Leave Yonkers every Saturday, Tuesday & Thursday at 4 a.m. & arrive at New York by 10 a.m.
91. From New York by Bergen, Hackensack, Paramus, New Arcadia, Chester, Southfield, Gothen, Wallkill, Montgomery, Kingston, Sageres, Catskill, Lunsburg, Coeymans & Coeymans & Bethlehem to Albany three times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave New York every Tuesday, Thursday & Sunday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Paramus by 8 p.m. Leave Paramus every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Kingston by 8 p.m. Leave Kingston every Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p.m. Returning. Leave Albany every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Sageres by 8 p.m. Leave Sageres every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Gothen by 8 p.m. Leave Gothen every Wednesday, Friday & Sunday by 4 a.m. & arrive at New York by 8 p.m.
92. From Fishkill, by Fishkill Landing, to Newburg, twice a week. Leave Fishkill every Tuesday and Saturday at 4 p.m. & arrive at Newburg by 6 p.m. Leave Newburg every Tuesday & Saturday by noon, & arrive at Fishkill by 2 p.m.
93. From Rhinebeck to Kingston, once a week. Leave Rhinebeck every Monday at 11 a.m. & arrive at Kingston by 1 p.m. Leave Kingston every Monday at 3 a.m. & arrive at Rhinebeck by 10 a.m.
94. From Kingston by Shandecan, Middletown, Delhi, Walton & Sidney, to Church's ferry, once a week. Leave Kingston every Wednesday at 8 a.m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a.m. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Kingston on Tuesday by 4 p.m.
95. From Hudson to Catskill, once a week. Leave Hudson every Friday at half past 1 p.m. & arrive at Catskill by half past 4 p.m. Leave Catskill every Friday at 8 a.m. & arrive at Hudson by half past 10 a.m.
96. From Catskill by Gault, Preshold, Bristol, Benheim, Stamford, Harpersfield, Kortright, Meredith, Franklin, Unadilla and Clinton, to Church's ferry, in Jericho, once a week. Leave Catskill every Wednesday at 8 a.m. & arrive at Meredith on Thursday by 8 p.m. Leave Meredith on Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Unadilla by 2 p.m. Leave Unadilla at 3 p.m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a.m. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Unadilla on Sunday by 9 a.m. Leave Unadilla at 10 a.m. & arrive at Meredith by 7 p.m. Leave Meredith on Monday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Catskill on Tuesday by 4 p.m.
97. From Church's ferry, in Jericho, by Oquossque, Binghamton, Union, Otego, Athens, Chemung, Newtown, Great Flats & Painted Post to Bath once a week. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Union on Sunday by 11 a.m. Leave Union at noon & at Owego by 7 p.m. Leave Owego on Monday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Athens by 11 a.m. Leave Athens at 1 p.m. & arrive at Newtown by 7 p.m. Leave Newtown every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Athens by 11 a.m. Leave Athens at 1 p.m. & arrive at Owego by 7 p.m. Leave Owego every Friday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Union by noon. Leave Union at 1 p.m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a.m.
98. From Meredith to Delhi once a week. Leave Meredith every Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Delhi by 10 a.m. Leave Delhi by noon & arrive at Meredith by 6 p.m.
November 1 to May 1. Leave New York every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Peekskill by 8 p.m. Leave Peekskill every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Rhinebeck by 8 p.m. Leave Rhinebeck every Wednesday, Friday & Sunday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p.m. Returning. Leave Albany every Tuesday, Sunday & Tuesday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Rhinebeck by 8 p.m. Leave Rhinebeck every Friday, Monday & Wednesday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Peekskill by 8 p.m. Leave Peekskill every Saturday, Tuesday & Thursday at 4 a.m. & arrive at New York by 7 p.m.
99. From New York by Bergen, Hackensack, Paramus, New Arcadia, Chester, Southfield, Gothen, Wallkill, Montgomery, Kingston, Sageres, Catskill, Lunsburg, Coeymans & Coeymans & Bethlehem to Albany three times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave New York every Tuesday, Thursday & Sunday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Paramus by 8 p.m. Leave Paramus every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Kingston by 8 p.m. Leave Kingston every Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p.m. Returning. Leave Albany every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Sageres by 8 p.m. Leave Sageres every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Gothen by 8 p.m. Leave Gothen every Wednesday, Friday & Sunday by 4 a.m. & arrive at New York by 8 p.m.
100. From Fishkill, by Fishkill Landing, to Newburg, twice a week. Leave Fishkill every Tuesday and Saturday at 4 p.m. & arrive at Newburg by 6 p.m. Leave Newburg every Tuesday & Saturday by noon, & arrive at Fishkill by 2 p.m.
101. From Rhinebeck to Kingston, once a week. Leave Rhinebeck every Monday at 11 a.m. & arrive at Kingston by 1 p.m. Leave Kingston every Monday at 3 a.m. & arrive at Rhinebeck by 10 a.m.
102. From Kingston by Shandecan, Middletown, Delhi, Walton & Sidney, to Church's ferry, once a week. Leave Kingston every Wednesday at 8 a.m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a.m. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Kingston on Tuesday by 4 p.m.
103. From Hudson to Catskill, once a week. Leave Hudson every Friday at half past 1 p.m. & arrive at Catskill by half past 4 p.m. Leave Catskill every Friday at 8 a.m. & arrive at Hudson by half past 10 a.m.
104. From Catskill by Gault, Preshold, Bristol, Benheim, Stamford, Harpersfield, Kortright, Meredith, Franklin, Unadilla and Clinton, to Church's ferry, in Jericho, once a week. Leave Catskill every Wednesday at 8 a.m. & arrive at Meredith on Thursday by 8 p.m. Leave Meredith on Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Unadilla by 2 p.m. Leave Unadilla at 3 p.m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a.m. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Unadilla on Sunday by 9 a.m. Leave Unadilla at 10 a.m. & arrive at Meredith by 7 p.m. Leave Meredith on Monday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Catskill on Tuesday by 4 p.m.
105. From Church's ferry, in Jericho, by Oquossque, Binghamton, Union, Otego, Athens, Chemung, Newtown, Great Flats & Painted Post to Bath once a week. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p.m. & arrive at Union on Sunday by 11 a.m. Leave Union at noon & at Owego by 7 p.m. Leave Owego on Monday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Athens by 11 a.m. Leave Athens at 1 p.m. & arrive at Newtown by 7 p.m. Leave Newtown every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Athens by 11 a.m. Leave Athens at 1 p.m. & arrive at Owego by 7 p.m. Leave Owego every Friday at 6 a.m. & arrive at Union by noon. Leave Union at 1 p.m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a.m.
106. From Meredith to Delhi once a week. Leave Meredith every Friday at 4 a.m. & arrive at Delhi by 10 a.m. Leave Delhi by noon & arrive at Meredith by 6 p.m.