The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-06-22 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1200.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 22, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the Resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell for authorising the President to SUSPEND THE EMBARGO under certain contingencies.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. MASTERS. Mr. Chairman, I shall not undertake to say that the rejected treaty is so advantageous as we had a right to expect. I do not hesitate to declare, that, or even Jay's treaty is preferable to the present state of our affairs. If we take into our view all the relative circumstances of the British nation with France, Russia, and the other belligerent powers, and pay proper attention to the unprotected and defenceless situation of our country and our commerce, in forming our ideas of what we ought to expect from that nation, whose navy commands the seas; can we then expect she will sacrifice that navy or any part of her power, by conceding the point of search for her seamen on board of neutral vessels? It is inconsistent with their interest, and it is inconsistent with their superiority. This right of search for their own subjects, Mr. Masters considered as the main block in the way of negotiation, which sound policy and interest require we should clear away. The British and American commissioners had informally put this point on as good footing as he expected. Although the resolution under consideration is not properly limited and defined, he should not vote against it. His wish was to raise the embargo and arm our vessels. The nation could not bear the pressure. The embargo virtually inhibits all intercourse with foreign nations: the effects are and will be pernicious to the agricultural productions of this country, and produce will fall to the lowest ebb, and enforce the most unparalleled distress in the community. Commerce ought always to be left to the merchant, unshackled and unembarrassed, as much as possible. Our commercial intercourse is the principal resource, both of revenue and commercial opulence. The embargo will tear up by the roots and annihilate the commerce of this country. And the effects will be, heavy taxes; an exhausted treasury; a diminished and ruined revenue. It weakens your own power, fetters your operations, and deludes your citizens; it devours not only the fruits, but the seeds of industry. It will sink down and depress the nation to an absence of hope and a want of resources; it will be felt by the nation as a calamity, without deciding the general question of dispute. Prove to me the embargo is consistent with common sense, and will be the means of adjusting our differences with the belligerent powers; and I will then be an advocate for it. Though we have the constitutional right to lay an embargo, it is a matter which requires great consideration, whether the measure will have the effect to which it was seemingly intended. It may be good in theory; he esteemed it chimerical in practice, a mere speculative proposition. Wisdom is to be gained in politics, not by one rigid principle, but by looking attentively at causes and the effects they have or will produce; not by adopting that false philosophy, which seeks perfection out of that, which, in its nature is imperfect; which refers every thing to theory, and nothing to practice; which substitutes visionary schemes, for solid test of experiment, and bewilders the human mind in a chaos of opinions. Search all the histories of the world, and you will not find eleven hundred thousand tons of shipping, of one of the greatest commercial nations, embargoed for an unlimited time. Mr. Chairman, the season of our severe trial is not at an end, nor are we yet relieved from the dejection and gloom which hangs over our heads; doubt and uncertainty mingles with the hopes and expectations of the people. If you bring our commerce into the situation of the Chinese, you will end in the wild state of nature, that mocks the name of liberty, and the human character will be degraded instead of being free.
If you entertain a sense of the many blessings which you have enjoyed;
if you value a continuance of that commerce which is the source of so much opulence; if you wish to preserve that high state of prosperity by which this country has for some years past been so eminently blessed, you lose all these advantages by continuing the embargo and neglecting to arm your vessels. Restore, then, confidence and vigor to commerce. You are at war with your own interest and every idea of policy; instead of protecting commerce you destroy it. In whatever view the embargo presents itself, it appears to me to be fraught with impolicy; it was laid at midnight; that miserable scene was closed under that darkness which suits with it, and under the secret shelter of our own walls. If we are to go to war, you have instead of war-like preparations and exerting every sinew of national ability, laid an embargo, and obtained just nothing.
The policy of France as regards Great-Britain, is to make a warlike non-intercourse, and we have by a side wind fallen into the measure; adopted and sanctified it: we have abandoned the great highway of nations; our dispute with Great-Britain is about commercial rights; we have given them up.
Is this country at that crisis when we shall surrender all those rights her citizens hold most dear? God forbid! I have contemplated upon the embargo, which is hazardous and impolitic, with great pain and anxiety, and I turn my face from it with horror. If there are any who improperly foster and countenance the threatening storm and whatever consequences may follow, they are answerable to their country and their God.
All the advocates of the embargo on this floor have admitted that it was oppressive and a curse. Take away this curse and arm your vessels. It does not follow, as the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Love) supposes, that arming will involve us in a war. When Great Britain finds we resist the French decrees, she will revoke her orders of council. When France sees she cannot bring us into her views, she will revoke her decrees.
Mr. Fisk wished to say a few words on this subject. I am very much surprised, said he, at the expressions of the gentleman last up, and the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) yesterday. They expressed sentiments which if they once take root in this nation, will prostrate your liberties and rights at the feet of foreign governments. The gentleman just sat down has observed that the subject of impressment was the main block in the way of negotiation. Very true it was, sir; it goes to the personal liberty and security of your citizens; and if you surrender that right what do you expect those citizens will say to you? Do you expect they will greet you with "well done thou good and faithful servant?" What can the gentleman think when he recollects the sensation displayed at New York on the death of Pierce in consequence of the exercise by Britain of the right of impressment? Were those tears and lamentations feigned or were they the sincere effusions of citizens feeling the injury done them, and burning with indignation at seeing their fellow-citizen murdered almost before their face? If we could believe what the gentleman now suggests, we should suppose that the liberties & lives of our citizens were of no value compared with commerce. Why do gentlemen tell us these things? Are they sincere? They cannot weigh life or liberty in the scales with sordid pelf. It is impossible.
It has been observed by the gentleman from Virginia & it seems to have been intimated by the gentleman from New York to-day, that the question of impressment was by the rejected treaty placed on better ground than ever was expected; that something like security was afforded to the U. States, something on which we could rely: and this assertion is brought in with no other view than as a defence of British measures and a crimination of our own. Let us see the language of the British minister, in order to ascertain the fact. In the letter from Mr. Canning, dated Oct. 22, he says, in answer to our ministers pressing this same question for some security, "no engagements were entered into on the part of his majesty
as connected with the treaty except such as appear upon the face of it. What ever encouragement may have been given by his majesty's commissioners to the hope expressed by the commissioners of the United States, that discussions might hereafter be entertained, with respect to the impressment of British seamen from merchant vessels, must be understood to have had in view the renewal of such discussions, not as forming any part of the treaty then signed (as the American commissioners appear to have been instructed to assume) but separately, and at some subsequent period more favorable to their successful termination."
It would seem, however, from what was observed yesterday, that this was left, though informal, on such a settled basis, that it might have been satisfactory. If my memory serves me, the Secretary of State says these vexations are greater than ever. The British government was never serious in making any settlement against this practice. We find in the first place, that the British ministers never yielded that right. We find that Mr. Canning in answer to our ministers tells them they were not to consider the late proclamation respecting impressments as any new regulation on the subject; that the proclamation was not considered in that light, but merely as conveying instructions to the British commanders who might be at a loss how to act; that the proclamation had been framed for nearly three months but never issued till that time. If it had been in existence for three months, it must have been framed at the very time that the attack on the Chesapeake was in view; that was to try the sentiments of this country and they meant to steer their course by them. Therefore it is not an instruction given to naval commanders, lest they should mistake their duty from the late incidents, because it was framed before the attack on the Chesapeake took place. It unfortunately happens that the British government has not in this case covered its object.
I am a little surprised to hear gentleman telling us that arming our merchant vessels would not produce war. Why arm if they are not to defend themselves? If the belligerents defend their proceedings will they not resist our vessels arming against their orders? Could it be done without being met by a declaration of war? But the gentleman from New York has told us that if we suffer our merchants to arm, the British would consider it a sufficient token of our resistance to the French decrees, and remove their orders of council. You have seen all the decrees and orders which make innovations on the law of nations and subject our commerce to plunder. Are those of France the most hostile? Is the aspect of that nation the most hostile? Compare the letter of Champagne which declares that our vessels shall be held in sequestration depending the measures of this government, with the note of Canning, as well as the communications from Mr. Erskine, and what is the result? Look at the treaty which our government is on this floor condemned for not signing, with the note annexed, declaring that if we submit to the decrees of France, his Britannic majesty would consider himself bound not to observe the treaty. This note contained a threat; but it was nothing to what Mr. Canning, in observing to our ministers on this subject, says: "his majesty cannot profess himself to be satisfied that the American government has taken any such effectual steps with respect to the decree of France, by which the whole of his majesty's dominions are declared in a state of blockade, as to do away the ground of that reservation which was contained in the note delivered by his majesty's commissioners at the time of the signature of the treaty; but that, reserving to himself the right of taking, in consequence of that decree and of the omission on the part of neutral nations to obtain its revocation, such measures of retaliation as his majesty might judge expedient, it was nevertheless the desire and determination of his majesty, if the treaty had been sanctioned by the ratification of the President of the United States, to have
ratified it on his majesty's part, and to have given the fullest extent to all its stipulations."
With regard to this treaty I have no idea of entering into its merits. The gentleman from Virginia yesterday seemed to be extremely anxious to justify the treaty. He might have postponed its defence till it was before us, or at least till it assailed. I will observe that whatever might have been the intention of our ministers, they placed the U. S. in a very disagreeable situation, obliging them to declare that they had not right to negotiate such a treaty. It has given occasion to Mr. Canning to say, "some of the considerations upon which the refusal of the President of the U. S. to ratify the treaty is founded, are such as can be matter of discussion only between the American government and its commissioners; since it is not for his majesty to enquire whether, in the conduct of this negotiation, the commissioners of the U. S. have failed to conform themselves in any respect to the instructions of their government." He then goes on to animadvert on the conduct of the American ministers. Had they kept within the real limits of their own instructions, they never would have given occasion for this reflection on them.
On the score of informal negotiation, it will be recollected that from the earliest days of the government to the present time, the subject of impressment has been pressed upon the British government, not only in times of war but in times of peace. If there were in reality any foundation for the charge on our government of having sacrificed the interest of or lost a security to our seamen by a rejection of this informal article, it will be only necessary to recur to the correspondence between our ministers and the British commissioners, and it will be found that not only formal but informal articles were such as we ought not to have accepted; that reasonable concessions on our part were offered for the sake of accommodation and refused; that the treaty of 1794 was in some measure proposed as the basis, but was not accepted by the British ministry.
Let me ask the gentleman for a single moment what were the terms offered in this treaty which he regrets that the government did not accept? Independent of its exceptional provisions, it was accompanied by a note which contains a reservation to the British government to regulate its own proceedings, and leaves us but two alternatives—either to declare war against France, or suffer the British ministers to rule us. What do they offer us now? If we will trade as they please, and pay them a duty on all our exports we may carry on our commerce. Is it possible that any man who professes himself an American could accede to this? The spirit of 1776 refusing to pay a duty of two per cent on tea, would certainly not now yield that for which they then contended, and become again tributary to the British government? This is not all. Even this admired treaty which the gentleman from Virginia so much regrets, allows us to trade to the colonies if we will pay tribute. Was it not easily discoverable that two, three, four or five per cent. would be laid upon the trade, and virtually prohibit us from carrying on this commerce altogether? It was better than prohibition; but if we would not tax it, they would prohibit it altogether. What right had they to demand this? Certainly none; and yet gentlemen wish us to raise the embargo, to embrace these regulations, open all our ports to this fettered commerce, and will not place it in the power of the Executive to suspend the embargo. I am a little astonished that gentlemen who consider the embargo as the heaviest curse which could befall this nation, should be against any measure for removing its pressure. But so it is. Here permit me to say that I admire the flexibility of the gentleman's sentiments. It must be well known to every gentleman in the House that a gentleman from Virginia, in combating measures which were then carried into effect, as the non-importation law, said that if we take measures at all they should be strong measures—none of your milk and water measures, but an EMBARGO; which would be an efficient measure. This same gentleman at the present session exclaims against the Executive influence which produced the em-
bargo. At this very session we cannot forget the scramble betwixt him and another gentleman in this House (Mr. Crowinshield) who should have the honor first to propose the measure; even urged expedition in the measure as he had a bill ready prepared. In the course of deliberation on the subject he urged it as the only thing which could promote the national interests; and persisted in this, till one of his colleagues informed us of the effect which it would have upon Britain. He then rose and told us that he had done with the measure; that the measure was partial (not unconstitutional;) that it was a new invention; that it was expressly aimed at Great Britain—and this was the great objection. But now we are told that the British government will ask nothing better of us, than giving up the carrying trade. But unless the gentleman can prove that they are the carriers for their enemy and for us, he will find it difficult to prove that it favors England. Really I am at a loss to see the difference between the proposed measure and that which the gentleman so long since supported for authorising the President of the United States, to suspend the non-importation law. But the gentleman disclaims the influence of precedents. The gentleman has another objection; that it proceeds from a recommendation from the Executive. The gentleman took the liberty to pay a compliment to the President of the United States for declining a re-election; but expressed great resentment against those states which solicited him to retain his station. I consider this as the highest mark of respect for the course pursued by the present administration. But it seems, although totally irrelevant to the subject under discussion, the gentleman from Virginia has undertaken to question the motives of all who have joined in the request. The man who has the vanity and arrogance to suppose that he is superior to all mankind, may boast of his republicanism; but possesses none. I envy him not his sensations. It will be recollected that the constitution has not denied the right of a President for two successive terms again to be elected. The legislatures then did not travel out of their constitutional course; and it would have been as modest in the gentleman from Virginia (to say no more of it) to have let the subject alone.
In regard to the constitutionality of this measure, which has been questioned, the bill supported by the gentleman from Virginia two years ago, was to enable the President to do a thing at a distant day, if he should think it expedient. What is the object of the present resolution? To put the whole commercial interest at the discretion of the President? Certainly not. If certain events take place, the President is to be authorised to suspend the operation of the embargo law. We command; he obeys. He is the agent, we the principal. The law giving power to suspend the non-importation law, was more vague than this resolution. In that he had a perfect discretion; there was no land mark laid down in the law. Here there is. The distinction taken by the gentleman from Virginia is a distinction without a difference. The principles of both are the same. The powers given and the consequences of the exercise of those powers are the same.
But it seems the gentleman from Virginia has undertaken to arraign all the measures of government taken for some time past. A few days ago he was violently opposed to the raising a military force. At the present moment he draws consolation from the circumstance that both Great Britain and France are hostile to us. If he really feels a satisfaction in the hostile attitude of both powers, he ought certainly not to complain of the acts which he says have placed us in that situation. I cannot conceive how a man can with propriety arraign the conduct of an administration, when he says their measures have produced the very effect for which he is so gratified. We learn from his observations the other day, and it was insinuated again yesterday, that the raising of an army was against the interest of the country. In 1805-6, he was in favor of strong measures against Spain, for he said in the same proposition as we took measures against Spain, Great Britain would respect our rights; because

France and Spain being one and the same, measures taken against one were also against the other. But the effects of strong measures seem now to be viewed in a different light. If it was just then to raise an army against France or Spain to make them respect our rights, it is certainly proper now to take strong measures against both France and England; except the gentleman can show that the disposition of nations as well as of men, have changed since that time. At the present time the military spirit is a horrid thing; at that time it was a very pleasant thing.
For a single moment let us consider the embargo. The gentleman says it is unconstitutional; that the constitution having prohibited the power of laying a duty on exports, denies the power to prohibit exportation altogether. There is no difference in this respect between the non-importation law and the embargo. If the argument be true, you must allow trade at all times, whether it furnish a means of annoyance against yourselves or not. Is it not a well known fact that G. Britain is in the utmost want of supplies for that navy which murders your citizens, and blocks up your ports; and therefore you partially disarm them. However gentlemen please themselves and amuse the people (for that will be its only effect) with the idea that the embargo is a pleasant thing to Great Britain, we find that even by the debates in their Parliament, their orders are considered as measures so hostile, that they expect a declaration of war. How happens it that we become their apologists? That their conduct strikes gentlemen on this floor in a more favorable light than it does the Britons themselves? They consider them as too strong. These members of Parliament must be much mistaken, if some gentlemen in this House are correct.
To return to the embargo. To believe most religiously that had it not been for sentiments expressed in this country so favorable to Britain, had it not been for insinuations that it was impossible for us to maintain this measure, before this time we should have been treated with respect by G. Britain. I cannot but notice while up what must be obvious to all: that not only in this House but abroad every attempt has been made to show that this measure is improper, unjust and injurious. The table of this House has been loaded with petitions against the embargo—it is known from what source. Another circumstance attends them: that though they come from different quarters, they owe their existence to one parent, and come from one land. It is very easy to sow the seeds of discord and discontent, if persons industriously and insidiously apply themselves to that object. Whenever a measure has been attempted against G. Britain, we have found what rancorous opposition it has met with.
We are now asked to raise the embargo. What encouragement have we to do it? The treaty of '94 sacrificed our most important rights. Did it conciliate that government? Did she even then respect your rights? From that moment to the present, your flag and citizens have been constantly violated. More than three, four or five thousand seamen have been impressed into their service. Is it possible that gentlemen can eliminate the government of the U. States for not accepting a treaty which gave no security against this? Certainly not. The gentleman told us yesterday that we were contending with a great commercial nation, and had very little to offer in exchange for what we ask. Was it necessary to make this apology for Britain? I have thought very differently. Was our commerce of so many millions "nothing?" Let us consider the other point which is taken: that the circumstances attending the treaty alter the aspect of it; for this treaty is (to say the best of it) no better than Jay's, which the gentleman says he so much abhorred. When Jay negotiated his treaty, almost all Europe was in arms against France, Spain and Italy, then independent nations. When this new treaty was formed, Italy, Spain, Holland, Switzerland, &c. were at the feet of France; and that war which was engendered at the court of St. James's between Prussia and France was decided. Prussia was overwhelmed; and the knowledge of it reached our ministers before signing this treaty. Germany was at peace. In this situation was the attitude of Great Britain so very imposing as to justify greater sacrifices than were made in 1794? It was not. It was believed and said in this country that the arms of Buonaparte would conquer the world. Why then make this sacrifice? Had we any assurances, if that treaty was ratified, that it would be held sacred? On the contrary doubts were ex-
pressed and conditions annexed to it. Has not her conduct since justified a refusal of more than informal stipulations? At the moment when she attacked Copenhagen she had a treaty with Denmark. She first attacked the town and then offered terms of accommodation, which were of course refused. What can be said in justification of that outrage? There was, as we were told the other day, some supposition that the fleet was about to be delivered up to France. It was no such thing, sir; it was justified on the supposition that the treaty of Tilsit contained some secret articles, and the British government did not know what they were. When she had taken the Danish fleet and burnt the city, she asked the mediation of Russia to secure a peace between them. Can we believe her sincerity in these things? If she really believed there were such secret articles, is it natural to believe that he would ask his mediation to restore friendship between her and the injured nation? If we could not see a treachery through this mist we must be blind. But I would not have noticed the subject, but that a disposition has been manifested to eliminate our government and prejudice the minds of the nation, instead of looking to the real cause.
I should have supposed, after what has been communicated to us, no one would have accused this government of a want of justice in its negotiations with foreign powers. Whoever has read the instructions of the Secretary of State to our ministers must be convinced to the contrary. Even on the subject of impressments they were instructed to press it in such a manner as not even to irritate the feelings of G. Britain. A peculiar solicitude has been displayed, in all our proceedings, to maintain friendship. It has been all in vain. We have been driven to the last alternative, either to shut up our ports for a while or to fight. What do gentlemen now ask? That we should open our ports to Great Britain alone: for that would be the effect of raising the embargo. Has it been in the power of our government to make a settlement? No. Are gentlemen willing to put up with what has happened? The terms which Great Britain has offered it would have disgraced any people to accept. After she has attacked your national ship, shed the blood of your citizens, and obliged you to exclude ships of war from your ports, she requires that you rescind your proclamation before she will even tell you what satisfaction she is willing to make. She says, I have abused you; humble yourself, succumb to me, and I will make such satisfaction as I think fit. This is the nation for whom you are to lift the embargo, and these the favors you are to receive in return. I had rather see this nation again tributary to them, than sacrifice so great a proportion of their independence, than acknowledge that all we have done is wrong, and all they have done is right. I consider that whenever this nation is reduced to such a state of apathy as to endure these things, our independence is not worth a straw. You have certain rights, first principles. Recede from them and you open yourself to perpetual violation; if persisted in they will prostrate your independence. With these sentiments I cannot consent to repeal the embargo; and the opposition to this resolution seems to be founded in a wish to do that.
Mr. KEY. [Here should have been inserted, in course, Mr. Key's speech, which was given in our paper of the 27th ult.]
Mr. SLOAN said he had been sorry that yesterday morning a debate had commenced on this subject; but he rose to acknowledge his mistake, for no debate which he recollected had progressed so much to his satisfaction as this. It has given an opportunity, said he, for the enemies of the measure of embargo to bring up all their artillery against it. I flatter myself that my friend from Maryland was reserved for the forlorn hope, with the heaviest artillery. What has he done? He may consider it paradoxical in me, when I say that he has convinced me of the wisdom and propriety of it; and all his artillery has had no more effect than a child's popgun would have. He has fully convinced me that it is an impenetrable fortress, so cemented together, that it cannot be shaken; and I flatter myself now that it is in vain to attack it. I hope the friends of the measure are convinced that there is no occasion to defend it; I hope they will consider themselves perfectly at ease about it, and let its enemies play all their artillery upon it. The nation are united more and more in favor of it, considering bloodless arms more powerful than the sword. I consider the U. States to be supremely blest, that they are so situated that they
can live within themselves; and that by the bounty of Providence the country abounds with every thing to make us happy. Is it possible that any persons are so lost to the feelings of humanity as not to rejoice at it? Very numerous indeed are the advocates of the measure; and it gives me pleasure to be surrounded by so many who prefer peace and prosperity to war and carnage. We have nothing to do, but to adhere to this measure until the unjust orders and decrees of our enemies are revoked. I shall not detain the House on this subject, because it is one which does not require much to be said upon it. An attempt to illuminate it would be as futile as an attempt to add light to the glorious luminary of heaven. I had almost trembled when my friend from Maryland rose, lest he should work some effect; but I heard him with great attention, but stripping his address of the flowers of eloquence, having ransacked the universe, travelled from one end of the U.S. to the other, and given us a geographical and historical account of them, I discovered only this solid argument in all he said: that the constituents of some gentlemen have power to evade the embargo law, whilst his have not. I hope the friends of this wise and prudent measure will consider that it is secure, and does not want further defence.
(Debate to be continued.)
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of an order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to public sale at the late Dwelling Plantation of Zephaniah Prather , deceased, on Monday the 11th of July next the whole of the deceased's Personal Estate, remaining unsold, consisting of Negroes and sundry articles of Household Furniture. A credit of six months will be given on the purchases giving bond with two good securities with interest from the date. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock.
ZEPH. NIAH PRATHER, Ad'r. Prince George's county, June 22—tds
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE,
That the subscriber of Montgomery county bath obtained from the Orphan's Court of said county in Maryland Letters of administration on the personal estate of William Richards late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, or Jesse Leach my agent, at or before the first day of January next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 16th day of June, eighteen hundred & eight. TABITHA RICHARDS, Adm'r. Rockville, June 22—3t
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Malatto Man , named BOB , who calls himself Robert Thomas , about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantalettes with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantalettes nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surcoat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress.
As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned, by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington.
ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—epu
NOW LANDING
From on board the schooner VIRGINIA from New York.
First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS , Bordeaux CLARET in boxes of one dozen each, SWEET OIL , OLIVES , CAPERS & ANCHOVIES , for sale by
ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23—tf
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
THE FARMER—No. III.
The preference of Mr. Madison over the other candidates for the Presidency, is strongly recommended by his being the only one likely to insure the unanimous support of the republicans.
That the individual ought to be preferred who will receive this support is not questioned. It is of vital importance to the maintenance of our rights, to the preservation of our republican institutions, to their vigorous administration, that the man, who fills the exalted station of chief magistrate, should have the full support of the republican interest. Recent events admonish us that federalism, though it has slumbered, is not dead; and that when it has a favorite object in view it is still capable of mighty exertion. The same events admonish us of the necessity of union among the republicans as the only effectual antidote. Many of our good republicans have indulged the Utopian dream, that the real interests of the country would be as safe in the hands of federalists as republicans.
There is something so captivating to the heart of a philanthropist in an oblivion of past differences and in the renewal of brotherly affection, that the existence of such a sentiment ought not to surprize us. But a wise man, whose confidence has been once abused will be diffident of professions that may again ensnare him; and common sense as well as philosophy teach us the value of scepticism. There was recently a period, when our political opponents seemed indeed to be holding out the olive branch; when the political milenyum was apparently at hand; and when the lion and the lamb exhibited marks of mutual regard. But let us recollect that this was a period of sun-shine; a period when a virtuous and enlightened administration was reaping its reward in the unclouded prosperity of its country. Then, we were told, by our opponents, why keep up an unmeaning strife; we differ but in name; we are republican federalists, and you federal republicans; our objects and interests are the same; you have, we admit, made your country prosperous and happy, but it is by following up our measures. You have done the same as we should have done, had we been in office instead of you. Let us then bury the hatchet, and henceforth live in peace.
The harmony of the spheres could not have been more soothing to thousands and tens of thousands of republicans, than these syren sounds. Their arms were opened for the embrace of restored friendship. The cup of reconciliation had almost reached their lips, when, alas! the horizon is overcast, and a tempest rises in the east. The day of danger comes, demanding the union and co-operation of all parties; the opposing to our enemies the unbroken column of our strength.
Do our political adversaries on this occasion unite and co-operate with us? No, the cup of reconciliation is instantly dashed to the ground; and instead of aiding us, they take part with our enemies; they endeavor by a clamorous and indiscriminating opposition, to paralyse the strength of the government, and thus to embolden the hostility of our enemies. They traduce the motives of the most virtuous men, misrepresent their actions, oppose every thing done, and offer to do nothing.
Most truly may we exclaim with the moralist, that it is the day of adversity that tries friendship. The moment the troubled state of their country presented a gleam of hope of turning the popular feeling against the administrators of the government as its cause, the mask is thrown aside, and treachery exchanged for treason; not for that legal treason, which, with its overt acts, knows how, under the protection of judicial ramparts, to laugh the public vengeance to scorn, but that treason of the heart, infinitely more atrocious because more cowardly, that insidiously attempts what it dare not openly practise.
To my countrymen, I appeal, whether the enemies of liberty have ever assumed a front of more deadly hostility to the existing administration, and the true interests of their country.
Let us not then delude ourselves. We have enemies within our walls, inexorable, vigilant, and powerful; such enemies as the cause of equal rights must forever wage an unceasing war against. They spring up from the very nature of things. The same inordinate love of power which has raised Napoleon to his lofty eminence, impels them; and if they do not pursue the same means to attain their ends, it is because we are vigilant and powerful. Let us forever remember that they would, but for this vigilance and power, have made Burr our President; and who doubts but
that, either he would have been another Napoleon, or our fields been crimsoned with blood.
To be safe then we must be united. Whoever is our next President must have all our votes; & James Madison is the only candidate that can unite them. To shew this a thousand facts and reasons might be assigned; but a regard to conciseness must limit the number.
1. An unequivocal majority of the republicans have declared themselves in his favor. This appears, by the Congressional nomination, by the avowed sentiment of Virginia, of the whole Western Country, and of various other sections of the Union. No regularly organised body has declared itself in favor of any other person. Will this majority yield their just pretensions to the minority of the republicans, if indeed, such there be? The vital principle of liberty is that a majority shall govern. To yield, therefore, to a spirit of conciliation at its expence, is impossible.
Even should it be admitted that some other candidate, by adding all the federal votes to a minority of the republican votes, could command a constitutional majority, does this give such candidate any pretensions to the confidence of the republicans? It does not. It destroys them. Because the inevitable effect of such a heterogeneous coalition of interests in any one man, would be a forfeiture of republican confidence in him. His election would be the triumph of federalism, arising from the defection of the republican minority. This would absolutely destroy the union of republicans, and rob them of their strength. They would be the prey of their adversaries. The republican party would be broken up—and, whatever the nominal politics of the President elect might be, the government would be federal. He would be the creature; the federalists the creator.
2. The political character of James Madison is better understood than that of either of the other candidates. I mean no reflection on them when I say so; but the fact is indisputable. Madison has been tried in a crucible to which they have not been exposed. The station he has occupied for eight years has called upon him, not merely to profess but to practice what he considers as most involving the solid interests of his country. Of his general republican principles I shall say nothing, but that he is as much, though probably no more a republican than James Monroe and George Clinton. On this ground they are all equal. But it is manifest that the actual contest among us is as to the policy recommended by our foreign concerns. Shall we preserve the peace of the country at every sacrifice but that of honor; shall we refrain from large standing armies; shall we avoid the dangers of a great navy; shall we uphold our great neutral and maritime rights in the style adopted by Jefferson; shall we refuse to take part with either of the belligerent nations of Europe? These are the great features of the present administration; and they are equally upheld by James Madison and Thomas Jefferson. Between these virtuous and illustrious men there has always subsisted, there still subsists the closets confidence. If, therefore, James Madison, is elected President, all these great traits will continue to characterise the administration. Whether this will, likewise, be the case should another succeed him must, to say no more, be doubtful. Might not Mr. Monroe, if elected President, give us the rejected treaty; and might not Mr. Clinton give us a great navy? I say not that they would; but they might; and we want neither. Either would divide; both would probably ruin us.
3. We all know the talents of Mr. Madison for managing our foreign affairs; we have read with approbation and delight his incomparable defence of our rights, which has reflected distinction on his country, and impressed on the foreign world a conviction of his talents. We do not know that the other candidates possess the same genius, the same learning, the same accurate perception, the same savoir faire in mode blended with the same fortiter in re . These necessary attainments of an exalted station would make him independent; the want of them in others might produce weakness and dependence.
4. That part of the republicans, who, if their own individual opinions were to govern, might take some other candidate in preference to Mr. Madison, are themselves divided in opinion as to the eligible candidate. Those of New York are for Mr. Clinton, while those of Virginia are for Mr. Monroe. A cordial union between them is impracticable. Each may be willing to give their support to the candidate of the other as Vice;

President; but this is the full measure of their courtesy. In the whole course of the animated discussions in Virginia, no one has declared himself in favor of Mr. Clinton as President; nor in New-York has any one declared himself for Mr. Monroe as President. Were, therefore, Mr. Madison's pretensions altogether thrown aside, there is no reason to believe that a coalition would take place between the friends of these candidates. These considerations abundantly shew that the only chance of unanimity among the republicans consists in giving Mr. Madison a preference over the other candidates. It may be added that this preference will involve no sacrifice of principle, no abandonment of duty. For it is not believed that there is a single republican in the United States that will deny that Mr. Madison possesses either the talents or the virtue required for discharging the duties of the Chief Magistrate.
A FARMER.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 22.
A meeting of Citizens was last Evening held at Stelle's, agreeably to notification.
Robert Brent, Esq. was called to the chair, and
John Law, Esq. appointed Secretary.
Mr. Smith offered the following resolutions which were seconded by Judge Cranch, and unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That at a time when our rights as an independent nation are trampled upon with unprecedented audacity and injustice by the belligerent nations of Europe; when a system is organized and powerfully enforced to deprive us of all the benefits of trade, and to reduce us to a state of colonial subjection; and when our government, for the purpose of preserving our property from robbery, and multiplying our chances for the continuance of peace, has suspended the export of our products; it becomes the people of the United States to meet the crisis with intrepidity, and to demonstrate their equal readiness, at the call of their government, patiently to endure inevitable sacrifices, or actively to unfold their energies.
Resolved, That whether our future lot be peace or war, it is the dictate of the soundest patriotism to render ourselves independent of the workshops of Europe.
Resolved, That this is the propitious moment for the commencement of a system for developing and embodying those internal resources that can alone insure this independence, and on which alone may depend the continuance of peace; for the commencement of a system, permanent as our national existence and co-extensive with the Union.
Resolved, That to insure the accomplishment of this inestimable object, thus educating good out of evil, it is the duty and ought to be the ambition, of every town and section of the Union, by the force of example and union of resources, to encourage, by suitable plans, the establishment and extension of domestic manufactures.
Resolved, That the city of Washington, from its local position, from its being the nearest navigable point to the Western country, from its easy access by water to a wide extent of surrounding country, from the fertility of various districts in its vicinity, and from its abundant fisheries, is eminently fitted for attaining manufacturing importance.
Resolved, Therefore, to afford the citizens of Washington an opportunity of co-operating with their fellow citizens throughout the union in the promotion of this great object, a committee of seven citizens be appointed, with instructions to report to a subsequent meeting a proper plan for the establishment of domestic manufactures.
The following committee was thereupon appointed.
Mr. Samuel H. Smith, Judge Cranch, Mr. Gabriel Duval, Dr. Cornelius Cunningham, Mr. A. Cutting, Mr. G. Blagden, Mr. Buller Cocke, Mr. Robert Brent.
On motion of Judge Cranch, Resolved, That the said committee be authorised to call a meeting of the Citizens of Washington, to consider of their report when it shall be prepared.
Extracts from evidence on the British Orders, delivered before the English Parliament. (Shakespeare Philips' evidence concluded.)
Is not a great part of the cotton employed in your manufacture the
product of the U. S. of America? The greater part.
Had you diminished your trade to the U. S. of America in consequence of the French decree in 1806? No.
You have stated that you have diminished your orders for goods to be sent to America. Has the price of those goods declined in Lancashire? Very greatly indeed.
When you spoke of the rates of insurance, did you mean the rates of insurance on vessels bound from England to America? I did.
Is this reluctance to ship, since the orders of council, also common to your neighbors in Manchester; is it a general thing? I believe universal; I know the great majority of houses there will not ship a single package.
Have you not known several instances when a reduction in the prices of those goods you are speaking of, have been as great as at present? I never knew the price of goods so low as at present.
Mr. George Palmer.
Can you state the particulars of the extent to which your house does business? We have shipped in the course of the last three years, in one article alone, which is British printed and dyed cotton, 5,688,287 running yards.
Can you give this house any idea of the total value of goods exported by you to America? It rather exceeds, probably, on an average, 300,000l. sterling a year.
If the American embargo were removed, and the orders in council were to continue in force, as at present, would your house continue to ship as formerly to America? By no means.
Have you shipped as formerly to America, since the orders of council? We have not shipped or purchased one single piece of goods.
Suppose the orders in council were revoked, would you resume your shipments to America? Yes, if they were revoked, we should recommence our shipments.
Suppose the orders in council were revoked, and suppose the embargo in America were still to continue, would you resume your former shipments to America? We should not be able to obtain our remittances for our goods, and therefore could not resume our shipments to any extent.
Suppose the orders of council were at an end to-morrow, what would you do in shipping goods to America? I should recommence our shipments to the full extent, under the expectation that the embargo in America would be taken off. I apprehend I might have been misunderstood in my answer to that before, that is my idea.
Although you had not heard of the American embargo being taken off, yet if you heard that the orders in council were taken off in this country would you resume your shipments? Yes, I would, under the impression that the embargo would be taken off.
I think you stated that the house you represent have exported goods to the amount of 300,000l. per annum? Yes, we have.
When did that exportation decrease? We have not shipped or purchased a piece of goods, since the orders in council.
Do you not suppose that the American embargo, which you state has deterred you from shipping, may have deterred other houses from shipping? It is the orders in council have deterred us from shipping.
Alexander Glennie.
You have received from the continent remittances on American account to the amount of half a million sterling in the year? We have.
Do you believe there is any house in this country which receives remittances to an equal or greater amount than the house you are engaged in? Yes, I believe there are houses in London; there certainly is one house in London, a member of this honorable house, who receives much more than we do.
Are you aware of the articles which furnish the funds from whence those remittances from the continent are made? Chiefly sugar and coffee.
I think you say that American vessels going direct from this country to the enemies ports were stopped? Yes, I have understood so.
At what period did that begin? I cannot answer that with any precision.
Was that before the orders in council? Yes, I believe that such a thing took place soon after the decree of the 21st of November, 1806, but all that were stopped in that way were soon afterwards released, though they were known to come from this country.
Mr. William Bell.
Do you export manufactures on your own speculation to America? Never.
Suppose the American embargo were removed, and the orders in council still to continue in force, would you export to America? Certainly not.
State your reason.—Because I conceive they could not pay us who do not consume a sufficient quantity of American produce to pay for more than one third of the manufactured goods exported from this country to that; without the market of the continent they would never be able to pay us.
Then I am to understand, that if the embargo were taken off, if the orders in council continued, you would not ship to America, partly because you could not receive American produce here, and partly because American produce could not go to the continent? I could receive American produce here.
Then your reason is, that American produce could not go to the continent? Yes; the glut here would be so great that it would not pay the freight.
Do you mean to say, that the value would be little or nothing of what would come here in consequence of the glut? Trifling, I conceive.
Would the certainty of receiving this produce from America, by the removal of the embargo, be any inducement to you to ship goods for America? Certainly not; I should not like to engage in it at all.
Have you written to your correspondents in America, respecting shipments of American produce to be sent to this country? I have.
To what effect have you written? I have written, that, should America think proper, notwithstanding those orders, in council, to continue to trade with this country, to suspend for the present all business.
Why did you give that advice to your correspondent? For the reasons I have just stated, that the produce they would send in return, would not suit any thing at all; I conceive that I should even get myself into debt by paying the charges.
Supposing the American embargo, which at present forbids the exportation from America to the continent and this country, were removed as to this country, but not as to the continent? I could ship more if the embargo was removed betwixt America and the continent, because I consider the consumption of American produce greater on the continent than what it is here; I might therefore venture to ship more, because I believe I could still have remittances from the continent; I have had some very lately.
Do you conceive that not only the conveying American produce to the continent, but even the conveying goods of the W. India colonies by the American ships, is necessary to their paying for the manufactures of this country? I conceive it is absolutely necessary.
You have stated, that you conceived, that if these orders in council should continue, the glut would be so great you would not pay the freight; from whence do you draw the opinion that these orders in council will entirely preclude the exportation of American produce, and those commodities which generally are received through America, from the continent? I know of no method whatever of getting tobacco to the continent of Europe: there has been shipped from the U. S. annually 75,000 hogsheads; England consumes 14 or 15,000 annually only; the rest have been sent to the continent, and the proceeds remitted to England for the payment of bills; therefore I calculate if those 75,000 are thrown into the English market, and no outlet, the glut would be so great as not to pay the freight.
Why do you conceive there would be no outlet? At present I have not been able to discover any; the decrees of the French, together with the orders in council, cross each other and shut every thing up in the place it stands; it appears to me impossible to move. I cannot send a shillingsworth to any place.
Do you not believe that the wants of the continent, for such an article as tobacco, will probably force the continent to receive tobacco even thro' the medium of this country? I am very much afraid it will, on the contrary induce them to grow a sufficient quantity for their own consumption.
In point of fact, since the months of September and October, have you from any circumstances or information whatever been led to conclude that the ports of Holland have been so completely shut against American ships as that you could not suffer them to go thither? I should never have hesitated to send forward American ships as they arrived, had it not been for that order in council; if we had not enforced the register of the shipments, I should have continued to send them on as usual, and I have no doubt they would have been admitted.
(To be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS.
FRIDAY, JUNE 10.
REPUBLICAN PROTEST.
Ordered, unanimously, that the following Protest be entered on the Journal:—
WHEREAS, certain resolutions were introduced to the House of Representatives, by Mr. Wheaton, of Norton, and passed there on the 2nd day of June inst. for the purpose, in the present alarming situation of our country, of expressing the sentiments of this state, in relation to certain measures of the general government; and although many abstract positions contained therein, may be considered as unexceptionable; yet so far as relates to the embargo, the undersigned representatives deem it their duty to enter to said resolutions their Solemn Protest and Dissent; for the following, among numerous reasons:
1st. Because the passage of the resolutions will have a tendency to paralyze the efforts of the National Administration in the operation of a measure calculated, by it, for the public good, without the most remote prospect of any important advantage resulting from them.
2d. Because we consider them as assuming incorrect premises, in insinuating that the Embargo is the cause of our present embarrassments; when in fact we view as their essential and ultimate cause, the conflicting ordinances of the belligerent nations of Europe.
3d. Because if the resolutions were to attain the proposed object; and were to be followed by a rescinding of the Embargo under existing circumstances, we should consider our situation as replete with distress and embarrassment; for in most cases we see no expedient which can be resorted to, but either to navigate our vessels under British licences and taxation, which, besides prostrating our sovereignty and substantially recolonizing us in relation to Great Britain, would inevitably involve us in a war with France; or by allowing our ships to arm and resist the ordinances of the belligerents, would necessarily plunge us in a war with Great Britain; as by reason of her possessing the control of the ocean, we should be most liable to the enforcement of her orders in council.
4th. Because we apprehend the true interests of this country ought to induce the undivided wish of remaining at peace, so long as is consistent with national honor and sovereignty.—And as for the reasons above suggested, we consider a departure from existing measures as inevitably involving us in war; we cannot too solemnly deprecate the injurious tendency of the resolutions to produce such an event; an event replete with the most gloomy anticipations, and incalculable in its consequences.
5th. Because we conceive the probable effect of the resolutions, by shewing a distrust, at this alarming crisis, in the measures of the government, will be, to invite evasions of the Embargo, and to excite resistance to the laws.
6th. Because we consider the resolutions, by advertizing to the late administrations of the general government, and bestowing on them all their approbation, in relation to the preservation and prosperity of commerce, navigation and the fisheries, as intending the inference, that the present administration have neglected to foster objects so essential to the interests of the United States, and peculiarly dear to Massachusetts.—If such be the intent of the resolutions, we deem it unjust. In no instance have our commerce, navigation and fisheries prospered so extensively, as many years under our present rulers. At no period have they embraced so large an amount, as in the year ending in September last. And we cannot conceive how an administration whose financial operations, both in relation to the payment of our national debt, and its own support, are exclusively predicated on commercial arrangements, can be deemed desirous of annihilating them. Indeed, had the same causes existed under the former administrations for imposing an Embargo—had the convulsions and injustice of the old world reached us in a similar manner as at present, with their desolating effects; we are confident the measure would have been resorted to, as the last anchor of hope, and the only ark of safety to our sovereignty and peace.
7th. Because the preamble of the resolutions states as their cause, the circumstance of others having passed the last session of the legislature, of a different nature—and represents as their object, the removing of any false impressions, which may have been excited, respecting the views of this state in regard to the Embargo.—It will be recollected that the resolutions of the last session went to support, not
to paralyze the national administration, in this alarming crisis of our affairs. Their object was to strengthen the public arm, and not to weaken it, to inspire general confidence, and not excite universal distrust. But the present resolutions, we apprehend, will have an opposite tendency.—While they embrace the sinews of the citizens at home, they will add new vigor to the belligerents abroad, in pursuing their atrocious system of infracting the rights of neutrals. Europe will consider us a divided and distracted people.—She will gain fresh hopes from our disunion, and perhaps, will contemplate with satisfaction, that the pressure of her injustice, will have the twofold effect of compelling us to accede to the most dishonorable terms, and of giving a new sanction to the principle maintained by despots, THAT THE PEOPLE ARE THEIR OWN WORST ENEMIES.
8th. Because we conceive there is a proper degree of confidence in the exercise of executive power according to the forms and spirit of the constitution, as the most important of civil duties. If, in times of critical anxiety and apprehension, this confidence can be shaken without an essential cause, it will prove ultimately fatal to all republican institutions. By introducing continual vibrations of the public sentiment, and fluctuations of individual opinion, without proper reasons, the way is paved, by altering the general sentiment, for a radical change in the substance of our social institutions; and affords to the enemies of our happy constitution, an opportunity to introduce systems where force will govern instead of popular opinion, and where the strong arm of power will not even desire a reasonable confidence in relation to its measures.
[Signed by one hundred and sixty-eight members.]
Philadelphia, June 17.
The Philadelphia Gazette and True American, having stated, apparently upon the authority of captain Gordon, of the ship Ocean, from Rotterdam, that the American vessels in the ports of Holland had been condemned; we are authorised by that gentleman, to state that he gave no authority for such an assertion—that none of the American vessels had been condemned; but that, being detained by the general embargo that existed in Holland, the masters of ten of the American vessels agreed to send their mates and crews home, to save expenses; for which purpose captain Gordon had received special permission from the king of Holland, to depart for the U. States.
A vessel which was permitted to sail from one of the ports of Holland, under plea of carrying Americans home, had gone into a port in England, sent the American seamen ashore—and took a charter for a cargo of British goods to a distant port. Now the captain of this vessel we have not the least doubt will be applauded to the skies as a provident fellow, and every federalist and friend to the seamen will allow that he took care of his owners; but if under cover of his British vessel, passport—a passport which virtually acknowledges British supremacy and abandons American independence—if under this British passport, this same vessel should be taken by the French—much less if she should be sunk or burnt (as she would deserve to be)—we have not the least doubt that every warm federalist in the United States, would consider it as a good cause of war in behalf of the insulted sovereign of the ocean.
An American vessel had some time ago made a trip from Ireland to St. Ubes, in Portugal; she was suffered to pass the British fleet into port, but on coming out with a cargo of salt, she was captured, sent to England, and there condemned; the vessel we are told belonged to a captain Keith; the transaction would not be suffered to appear on the Philadelphia Coffee House books! Need we say more?
Aurora.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
ON the petition of WILLIAM B. CHAPPELL, an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said insolvent, that on Monday the 27th instant at the court room in Lindsay's Hotel, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said W. B. Chappell, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, twice in each paper before that day.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
Wm. BRENT, Clerk.
June 22—26

The ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.
15. From Petersburg by Cabinpoint, Smithfield, Surry court house, & Sleepy hole ferry, to Norfolk, 3 times a week.
May 1, to Dec. 1. Leave Petersburg, every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 10 A. M.
Dec. 1, to May 1. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 5 P. M.
Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M.
17. From Charleston by Jacksonboro', Pocotaligo and Coosawatchy to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 A. M. & arrive at Savannah by 8 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M.
18. From Augusta by Jacksonboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah once a week.
Leave Augusta every Friday, at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 P. M.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 P. M.
19. From Augusta by Wanesboro' and Louisville to Savannah once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 A. M.
Leave Louisville at 11 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 P. M.
20. From Savannah by Bryan court house, Midway church, Riceboro', Jefferson, McIntosh court house, and Darien, to St. Mary's, once a week by land.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 A. M.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 P. M.
21. From Darien by Brunswick, to Frederica once a week.
Leave Darien every Wednesday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Frederica on Thursday by 10 A. M.
Leave Frederica at 2 P. M. and arrive at Darien by 6 P. M. on Friday.
22. From Milledgeville (G.) to Athens, (G.) once a week.
Leave Milledgeville every Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens on Saturday, by 11 A. M.
Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Sunday, by 8 P. M.
23. From Sparta by Milledgeville and Jones c. h. to Fort Ocmulgee, once a week.
Leave Sparta every Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Ocmulgee on Saturday by 6 P. M.
Leave Ocmulgee every Monday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Sparta on Tuesday by 6 P. M.
24. From Milledgeville by Putnam c. h. and Morgan c. h. to Randolph c. h. once in two weeks.
Leave Milledgeville every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Randolph c. h. on Tuesday, by 6 P. M.
Leave Randolph c. h. the next day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Wednesday by 6 P. M.
25. From Woodbridge, (N. J.) to Amboy, three times a week.
Leave Woodbridge Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 6 P. M. and arrive at Amboy by 7 P. M.
Leave Amboy every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Woodbridge by 1 P. M.
26. From New Lisbon to Canton, (Ohio).
Leave New Lisbon every Sunday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Canton by 6 P. M.
Leave Canton every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Lisbon by 6 P. M.
27. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke & Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday Thursday and Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 P. M.
Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 6 P. M.
NOTES.
1. The mail will be carried on the routes, number four to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when the roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shewn, that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the newspapers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance.
2. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
3. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all
offices where no particular time is specified.
4. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of the next mail, whereby the mail is delayed for such mail, the contractor shall lose a trip a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained.
5. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
6. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
7. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage he is desired to state it in his proposals.
8. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
9. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 16, are to be in operation on the first day of Oct. next and to continue in force two years from that time; for the routes from No. 17 to 25 to commence at the same time, & to continue in force until the 31st of March, 1811. For the routes, 26, 27, and 28, to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster General General Post-Office, Washington City, May 26, 1808. May 16—wfa.
District of Columbia, Washington-county, to wit.
ON the petition of JAMES THEKER an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said James Theker, that on Monday the 27th instant at the court room at Lindsay's Hotel, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said James Theker, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, twice in each paper before that day.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. June 20—2t
LANDING THIS DAY.
From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
PASSPORTS
GRANTED by the Department of State to citizens going into foreign parts, having been in sundry instances obtained from the persons receiving them, by others assuming their names; it has been thought proper to guard against the abuse by requiring the former to write their own names in the body of the passports, and with this alteration they will be issued after the 21st day of June, 1808.
Department of State, June 15, 1808.
The Printers who publish the laws of the United States are requested to insert this notice. June 17—
JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a Foreman to the Boot and Shoemaking business, to whom constant employment and good encouragement will be given. Also 20 or 30 Journeymen to make strong shoes, by JOHN MINCHIN. New Jersey Avenue, June 20—3t
PUBLIC SALE.
ON Monday the 11th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with adjacent FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 923, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel. The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. June 15—tdos
BURAS AND BEALL.
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, May 28th, 1808.
IT has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keais, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tudor Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post-office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said Bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post-Office as aforesaid: neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keais, and on one part of the back of all or most of the notes, was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen.
ALBERT GALLATIN, secretary of the Treasury.
DESCRIPTION OF NOTES.
Table with 4 columns: No., Date, To whom payable, Dollars. It lists various bank notes with details like '1401 20th July, 1804, Adam Gilchrist or bearer at Charleston, for 100'.
Dollars 1,500
May 30—1m
NOTICE.
Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander, of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet, capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.
N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.
Table with 4 columns: Denomination of the stock, Dates of the Certificates, Numbers, Sums in Dols. Cts. It lists stock certificates with details like '6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000'.
Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. 19,999 99
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship British Packet, viz.
Table with 4 columns: Denomination of the Stock, Dates of the Certificates, Numbers, Sums in Dols. Cts. It lists stock certificates with details like '6 per cent stock 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000'.
Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. 25,891 05
WILLIAM WHANN.
June 20—
TO RENT.
AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to MR. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—epids
NOTICE.
THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned, are notified that the Board of Appeal, composed of the city Commissioners will sit at the Council Chamber on Tuesday the 14th day of June next, and continue to sit for TEN days, Sundays excepted, from 3 until 7 o'clock, P. M. to hear and determine on appeals from the late assessment. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington city. June 1—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN
MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaneels and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
WANTED
AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to R. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—epids
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
PROPOSALS
in writing for building a bridge across Rock Creek, at the termination of Bridge Street, will be received, by the Mayor, until Thursday the 23d inst. The bridge must be built of stone, with one stone arch of at least eighty feet span, raised on solid abutments of stone. It must have parapet walls four feet high, and must be thirty six feet in width inside of the parapet walls, and the centre of the arch be at least 25 feet above the level of high water.
The contractor must give bond and security to complete the bridge before the first day of January next—and to support it in safe, firm & passable condition for five years after being completed.
Persons proposing to contract would do well to hand in a draught of their plan with the proposals, and to be particular in describing the manner in which they would perform and finish off the work.
Thomas Corcoran, John Mason, David Wiley, Wm. Whann, Wm. Crawford. Commissioners. George Town, June 14th, 1808.
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Tollinets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lences, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 3-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambrie Dinners, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO,
Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havanna segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
FRESH TURNIP SEED.
Early Turnip, Yellow do. Ruta baga or Swedish do. Hanover do. Large white do. For sale at Theo. Holt's Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and Dr. Ott's Medicine store, George Town, Washington city, June 20—tf