The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-04-18 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, APRIL 18, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 10.
DEBATE
On Mr. Gregg's Resolution.
[CONTINUED.]
MR. MACON (Speaker). Mr. Chairman—I feel myself bound by the call which has been made by three gentlemen from Pennsylvania, (Messrs. Gregg, Smilie and Findley,) with whom I have long been in the habit of friendship; a friendship on my part sincere, to state the reasons which will govern my conduct on this occasion, whether they may be satisfactory to others or not, they are perfectly so to me. That a difference of opinion subsists between the members with regard to the measures best adapted to the present crisis of our affairs, is evident from the number of resolutions on your table. An attempt has been made to liken this resolution to one agreed to in 1793; but are they alike? I think not. That was general and operated alike on every part of the union, while this, in my opinion, is special, and will only operate on one part of the union; and this partial operation will be severely felt, by that section of the country which I in part represent. Besides this clear difference in the two resolutions, will not all the three gentlemen agree, that there is a great and striking difference in our affairs with G. Britain, in 1793 and now. Her motives may be as unfriendly now as then; but I speak of facts known to all, not of motives; she then held the western posts, she then detained an immense property belonging to the southern people, both in violation of the treaty of peace. She then instigated the Indians to war on the frontiers, and then, as at this time, impressed our sailors and captured our vessels; besides the United States had not then relinquished the principle, that free ships should make free goods; in relinquishing this principle, they in a great measure lost sight of the carrying trade, by peaceable means; but if gentlemen wish to turn to Europe, they will find that in 1793, the treaties of Paris and Piltz were in force. Let the facts which I have stated, be compared with those of the present day, and all must confess, that there is a very considerable difference. I have said this much, to show that there is no analogy in the facts of the present time, and those of 1793, and that there is no change of opinion in me. If, however, I am mistaken, it is an honest mistake.
This nation, in my opinion, must take her choice of two alternatives; to be happy and contented, without war, and without internal taxes; or to be warlike and glorious, abounding with what is called honor and dignity, or in other words taxes and blood. If it be the first, the people will continue to enjoy, that which they have hitherto enjoyed, more privileges than has fallen to the lot of any nation with whose history we are acquainted; they will, as they have done, live plentifully on their farms, and such as choose, will carry on a fair trade, by exchanging our surplus productions, for such foreign articles as we may want. If we take the other ground, we shall, I fear, pursue the same career, which has nearly, or quite ruined, all the other nations of the globe. Look at the people of England, legally free, but half their time fighting for the honor and dignity of the crown, and the carrying trade, and see whether they have gained any thing by all their battles, for the nation, except taxes; and these they have in the greatest abundance. Look also at France, before the revolution, and we shall see a people, possessing a fertile country and fine climate, having the honor to fight, and be taxed, as much as they could bear, for the glory & dignity of the grand monarque. Let us turn from these two great nations, and view Switzerland during the same period; though not powerful like the others, we shall see the people free, and happy without wars, contented at home, because they had enough to live comfortably on, and not over taxed. The history of these three nations, ought to convince us, that public force and liberty, cannot dwell in the same country.
I mean not to impute improper motives to any one, nor to examine the journal after changes, though I am perfectly willing to have it thumbbed over from the day I took a seat in the House to the present, after my name; and if on examination, it shall appear, that I have changed my political principles, or have not uniformly adhered to them, I am willing to bear the name of a political hypocrite. I have formerly been on very great questions, in very small minutiae, a minority, not sufficient to command the yeas and nays, on a most important question. I will say no more on this subject; nothing can be more disagreeable than to talk about one's self, and nothing could justify it, but the call which has been made; perhaps, I have already said too much on it, but it was impossible to say less.
The dispute with Great Britain is most unquestionably for the carrying trade; a trade which is less beneficial to
the nation, than any other, and a trade, which has produced most of our disputes with foreign nations, and it is the only trade that requires expensive protection. Will any one contend, that this trade is half as important as the coasting trade; this cannot, and will not be contended; for every one knows that the coasting is the best trade. It not only exchanges the products of one part of the nation for those of another, but it also tends, by making us better acquainted with each other, to connect us more intimately, and to make every part harmonize for the public good.
The trade which I consider the next best, for a nation to carry on, is the direct trade for home consumption, by which, the surplus produce of one country, is exchanged for that of another; and in this, as in every branch of trade, this great rule will be adhered to, buy cheap and sell dear if you can. With the coasting and direct trade, agriculture is more nearly connected, than with any other. But a nation may be agricultural without being commercial. The Swiss cantons, and Milan, were of this description, and it may be remarked that Milan is the most populous country in Europe. China is said to be of the same character; but as little is known of that country, I shall not quote it, to establish a fact, which is clearly established by the other two. A country may also be commercial, without being highly agricultural, as was the case with Venice, and some other European powers. But let us pursue that system, which our own experience has proved to be the best for the United States; for since the adoption of the present constitution, and before this day, we have had trying times. It will be remembered, that during the French revolution, we had complaints against France; her government issued orders, of which we justly complained; one of them, I believe, declared all the productions and manufactures of Great Britain, to be contraband of war; this if executed, would have nearly cut off all communication, with a nation, with whom we carried on the greatest trade. What did we then do? We sent ministers to France, with two of whom she refused to have any intercourse, but pretended to be willing to negotiate with the other; all the ministers finally returned home, and we took half way measures against her, which are the worst of all measures, and which produced a sort of half war, which, I believe, injured us more than her; for besides the actual expense, which may be estimated at not less than 10,000,000 of dollars, it nearly ruined the agricultural people, by reducing the price of produce; flour reduced from twelve and fourteen dollars per barrel to six—and tobacco from ten and twelve dollars per hundred to three—and had no doubt the same effect on other articles of exportation. And how were we relieved then from these evils? We again sent ministers, they were received, and made a treaty. Besides what has been before stated of the conduct of Great Britain, it will not be forgotten that she declared all France in state of blockade, and this order would have cut off all commercial intercourse with her, who then wanted much of our produce. To Great Britain also, a minister was sent, and he made a treaty. I am now desirous that the same steps should be pursued, before we adopt decisive measures. We once laid an embargo, of which we tired. This shows the necessity of acting cautiously, and of taking no measures, which we cannot adhere to. All the gentlemen who have supported the resolution, now under consideration, have expressed doubts whether it would produce greater effects on Britain or ourselves; this is surely doubting its policy, and if its policy be doubted by its friends, what ought to be the result of our enquiries, especially when it is believed that its adoption will materially injure one part of the country, and that part entirely agricultural; does the public good about which we have heard so much, require that a measure which its friends seem to think of doubtful policy, ought to be adopted, when none can doubt but it will injure if not sacrifice the real interest of a part of the community. Examine the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and it will at one glance shew from what quarter the great export is made to Britain; cut off the import, and you will lessen the price of the export, if it shall be exported. But we are told that we are bound to protect commerce, meaning I suppose that this resolution must be adopted; then if we are really bound and there is no discretion, nothing of expediency, there is no occasion for this investigation. But gentlemen well know that on every question discretion may and will be exercised. But have we really done nothing for commerce and navigation? On this subject I can confidently appeal to those most interested. What since the adoption of the present constitution has made this the second commercial nation in the world? (before that we had but little claim to the character of a commercial people.) Has not the protecting duties on the tonnage of foreign vessels, and on goods imported in the country, produced the effect? They have secured to our vessels the
carrying our own productions, which encourages navigation in proportion to their bulk. Let gentlemen enquire the number of cargoes which tobacco and cotton alone furnish the American vessels. Besides this encouragement given to navigation, has not a law been passed to favor the fisheries, and thereby to form sailors for the use of the merchant service? It may be right here to observe that I neither approved nor voted for that law, but no attempt has ever been made to repeal it. This is the encouragement by which, during a time of peace, we have become the second commercial nation in the world, and this too in the short space of time since the adoption of the present constitution—say, if you please, since the 3d of March, 1789. One consequence a little curious is produced by this encouragement, which is this—When Europe is at peace, the protecting duties prevent any competition by foreign vessels to carry our productions, and when at war, so many of our vessels carry for the belligerent nations, that freight is nearly as high with us as it is with them, so that what the agricultural people pay in time of peace to encourage, they lose the benefit of when Europe is at war, and when it is most wanted.
Among the arguments urged to show the effect of this measure on G. Britain, one is that it will ensure us a powerful aid in that country; that the British merchants and manufacturers, whose interest will be seriously affected, will give you all their assistance. This argument has been completely answered by a gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Early.) But if gentlemen really calculate to make friends on the other side the water, it seems to me that a different plan would produce more effect. Cut off all intercourse between them and us, and adhere to the plan long enough, and you will find the merchants and manufacturers of England joined by all the inhabitants of the West Indies, to have the intercourse opened. The assembly of Jamaica have acknowledged that they cannot get supplies in plenty except from the U. States; but this plan would operate as much on beef, pork, fish and flour as on tobacco or cotton. But this would be too strong for them, while they are desirous to adopt a measure which will have the same effect on cotton and tobacco. What is this but a sacrifice of a part of the agricultural interest of this country to what they believe will be a protection for the carrying trade. I should like it quite as well if the attempt was not to be made solely at the risk of one part of the union. The evil is felt in one part, but the remedy is to be applied in another—Adopt general measures, which will operate equally in every part of the country, and if the shoe is to pinch, let it pinch all alike, and all will then be willing to have it off as soon as possible.
I am willing to acknowledge that a dollar got by this carrying trade, and made the property of the nation, is just as good as a dollar got any other way, even by the cultivation of the land. But does it follow from thence that you are to make more sacrifices to get the dollar in that way than it is worth? I think not. The adoption of the resolution, besides its unjust and partial operation, will considerably affect the revenue, and no ways and means are proposed to meet any deficiency. On the present question we risk a revenue of ten million of dollars raised on the consumption of foreign articles in the union, to gain—what? (I speak only of revenue)—an additional sum of $50,000 dollars, which additional sum you will lose as soon as you depart from your neutrality. It is asked again and again if we have not a right to the trade about which so much has been said? If the doctrine that free ships should make free goods had obtained, there could be no doubt on the question; but I mean not to examine the right but the effect of the resolution; nor do I mean to deny that the trade is of some use to the nation. Merchants would not so anxiously pursue it, if they made no profit by it; and their profit adds to the national stock, and may affect the price of native articles offered for sale. I am also willing to acknowledge that a cargo of flour or any other native production sent to the West Indies, and there fairly exchanged for sugar, and the sugar brought home, that the sugar is as much ours as the produce of our own soil, and this sugar so obtained we have a right to carry to those that may want it. But the question before the committee is not a question of right, but of expediency. Is the protection which will be given to this carrying trade, by the adoption of the resolution, of that sort and of such certainty, as to justify the adoption of a measure, which will operate exclusively hard on one part of the union. The right of deposit at New Orleans before we purchased the country, was certainly as well established as our right to carry coffee and sugar to France & Spain, or any where else—it was a right acknowledged by treaty; but when the deposit was refused, what did we do, we took pacific measures and succeeded; we heard then much about honor and dig-
nity, and that it was our duty to enforce our right by arms; but notwithstanding all this, we adopted no measure like the present; we then acted for the general welfare: does it follow, because I am opposed to the resolution, that I am unwilling, for our citizens to own vessels—it does not, I am willing they may have as many as they please, and do what they please with them, so that they do not involve the nation in war by them. On this subject the interest of the husbandman in New Hampshire and Georgia are the same.
The gentleman who introduced the resolution expressed a wish, that no party or geographical feelings, should be brought into the debate. If there was no cause for geographical feelings, why the wish, or why anticipate them? Let the report of the secretary of the treasury be examined, and it will be seen that there is cause for this feeling; indeed the statement, made from that document by a gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early) must have convinced all of the partial operation of the resolution. On the first page of the report it appears, that the annual exports to Great Britain and her dependencies are estimated at about 15,690,000 dollars, of which sum tobacco and cotton alone make 8,860,000 dollars—it also appears, that we exported to the dominions of Great Britain in Europe for each of the three years ending on 30th of September, in 1802, the sum of 12,066,521 dollars; and that cotton, tobacco, rice, pitch, tar, and rosin, made of that sum 3,485,762 dollars; in 1803 the sum of 16,459,264, and that the same articles made of that sum, 11,912,493 dollars; in 1804, the sum of 11,767,699 dollars, and that the same articles made of that sum, 9,443,807 dollars. These articles are selected, because they are the produce of one section of the Union. The same part of the country produces the following articles in common with other parts of the nation, but the proportion of each is not known, flour, wheat, beef, pork, staves, heading boards, plank, scantling, timber, flax-seed, skins, wax, hams, bacon, turpentine spirits, lard, and Indian meal, and I may add, pickled fish; some of these articles are carried to the middle and perhaps to the eastern states, and are there exported, or consumed, and if consumed enable them to export more of their own productions.
It has been said, that we have no complaint against any nation, except Great Britain. I wish most sincerely we had not, and that all nations would act as honestly towards us, as we have done and are willing to do towards them; but in examining this subject, we ought not to deceive ourselves; truth, and truth alone should be our aim and guide. Have we no complaints against France and Spain for the conduct of some of their people on the ocean? I mean not to say a word about the conduct of one of them on our south western frontier. What has been the practice at Cuba, to take our vessels, and sell them and their cargoes whether with or without a trial I know not. The owners I believe, have generally lost both vessel and cargo; and how have they treated your seamen? turned them on the first shore they could, and leave them to get home as they could; but it may be said, this is done by picaroons, and without the consent of their governments, and that these governments do not justify those who act in this piratical way. The government at Cuba must have knowledge of these facts; they are committed too near it, and too frequently to remain long unknown; and we cannot have forgot that captains Murray & Chauncey have both very lately been cruising on our own coast to drive these picaroons from it; besides all this, we have heard, that a French fleet lately burnt all the American vessels it met to prevent their giving information of the course it was steering. In this case they treated the crews well, at least I have not heard to the contrary, and promised to pay for the property destroyed. No one will contend that the fleet had a right to destroy this property. These facts are not stated to exculpate Great Britain, but to shew that gentlemen are mistaken, when they say we have no complaints except against England; against her I agree with the gentlemen we have well founded complaints.
The gentleman first up, from Pennsylvania, has observed, that the contraband trade was generally carried on by foreigners. (Mr. Gregg explained, and said he had observed that he believed this to be the case in many instances.)
MR. MACON. I thank the gentleman for the explanation, as I have no wish to misstate what has been observed, but the difference in the statement will not affect the question, that foreigners may be concerned both in illicit and contraband trade. I have no doubt but there are some facts known to all that will shew, that others besides foreigners have been concerned in business not the most honorable. The petition of Nicklin and Griffith now before the House, contains the proof, that an American, with an American register, covered a vessel for a foreigner, who armed vessels to fight their way into the St. Domingo trade. I have heard it
was not a foreigner but an American, who fitted out the Leander for Miranda, and who by this act ran the risk of committing the peace of the country. I understood that it was an American. In stating these facts I mean no reflection on the merchants; they, like every other class in the community, have among them good, bad, and indifferent. The same gentleman said he was not willing to protect the wild carrying trade. I know not what this wild trade is, unless it be that which will involve the nation in war; it is not the contraband, because that no one will protect.
It has also been said, that if we adopt the resolution, and cannot get what we want from G. Britain, we will manufacture for ourselves. This sounds well on this floor, but I very much doubt the practicability of making this nation manufacture for itself, while we have land enough for every industrious citizen, to become a land holder, and a cultivator of the soil. Connecticut and Massachusetts have tried the experiment, and both without success, and both on articles in which it was most likely to succeed; if these states, with their population could not succeed, what chance of success is there in other states? The practicability ought to be satisfactorily shewn before we enter on the plan. It may, as has been said, prevent our wives from wearing silk gowns, & ourselves from wearing broad cloth; whether it will produce this effect is quite uncertain; fashion is as great a tyrant as any we have to contend with; it will, I fear, be difficult to destroy its influence, by legislation. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) and myself, plain as we are, are both obliged in some degree to yield to it, we can no more contend with it, then we can fly to Europe.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Crowninshield) has told us, that the balance of trade between this country and G. Britain is 10 or 12 millions annually against us, and endeavours to support the assertion by the report of the secretary of the Treasury. It is true that the report states a balance against us of 11,710,000 dollars, and this the secretary attempts to account for; no doubt he has done it as well as it can be done from custom house books. But surely every one must be convinced, that you cannot rely on them for the balance of trade; this balance is a way a secret, and depends much on the economy and industry of those concerned in trade. Is it possible that this balance can really be against us, and that it has been against us ever since the establishment of the present constitution, and that our commercial intercourse should be constantly increasing with that nation, it seems to me to be impossible. If the balance was really so much against us, our merchants would long since have declined the trade. There is a trade carried on with the British dominions in the East Indies from the U. S. which appears by the report to be more against us than that just mentioned, and I am sure that the gentleman from Massachusetts will not say that the balance of that is against us. The annual exports to which are one hundred and thirty thousand dollars, and the annual imports 3,530,000 dollars. Here is a greater balance appearing against us, than that stated by him, because the whole exports to the first has been stated to be 15,690,000, and the whole imports are 27,400,000 dollars. The India trade I have always understood was very profitable, perhaps as much so as any carried on from the U. S. But the same report informs us, that on the whole trade of the nation there appears to be a balance against us, of 6,655,000 dollars. Can there be any thing more astonishing than this, and is it not evident that no reliance can be placed on the custom house books for the balance of trade? Look at the people happy and prosperous, beyond example, all classes doing well; the old part of the country rapidly improving; the new settling with unheard of success; the villages growing into towns, and the towns becoming cities, and all this with the last mentioned balance against us. Philosophers and statesmen may talk about the balance of trade, but if they confine themselves to the information to be derived from custom house books, they might as well read Robinson Crusoe.
The same gentleman said, if war should come, we could take more from G. Britain than she could from us, that we had done so in the revolutionary war. Without enquiring into past captures, let us examine the situation of both, at both periods. We are certainly much stronger now than we were at any time during the war; we have more men & more tonnage and more property on the ocean, and could if the same naval force could be had to operate on the British navy now as then, nearly destroy her commerce. But this cannot be had. At that time the navies of France, Spain and Holland were all united against her, and the navies of the two first for some time disputed possession of the channel with hers. The navies of these are now gone. But besides, the armed neutrality acted upon her like a powerful screw; under the pressure of all these she nearly sank toward the latter end of the war. Playfair's political atlas

fully demonstrates this: No doubt in case of war by privateering, we could take many of her vessels; suppose we took more of hers than she did of ours, would this be a commerce that would be beneficial to agriculture or to the merchants engaged in exporting by fair and regular trade the productions of the country? No, it would not. In the regular trade every thing is certain, in the other all uncertain.
It has been said we might sequester the debts due from this country to Britain, and thus indemnify ourselves. This I never will consent to, so long as the treaty made by Mr. Jay is in force, however I may disapprove that instrument, I consider the faith of the nation as much pledged by it, as it can be by any engagement she can enter into with any foreign power. But it has been observed, that we may repeal the treaty, and thus, I suppose, get clear of the objection to sequestration, which is derived from it. We have once before tried this plan of repealing a treaty, with other half war measures; but the repeal did not produce any consequence favorable to the U. S. Suppose you repeal the treaty by law, and then undertake to negotiate, and your ministers are asked, are you in consequence of the repeal at war? What answer will be given? This treaty too provides against sequestration in case of actual war; what opinions, civilians and jurists may entertain of the repeal of such treaty, I know not. But be this as it may, I never will consent to aid in blasting the fair fame which this nation has deservedly acquired for honesty and fair dealing; in this she is in my opinion inferior to none. I sincerely hope the gentleman who used the expression, will, from his known candor, on reflection, take it back.
I very sincerely regret that a gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie,) ascribed to a sentiment delivered by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. J. Randolph,) a tendency to dissolve the union. In my mind it had no such tendency. The dissolution of the union ought not, I conceive, to be mentioned in this House on any pretence whatever, and certainly ought not to be hinted at on slight grounds. I believe every state and every part of the country attached to the union, indeed the union may be compared to a chain, the value of which depends on its being whole, but may be destroyed by taking any one of its links away; and whoever breaks the chain, by which the states are linked together, will render the whole people miserable.
I come now, to that part of the subject where every man must feel the injury done to his fellow-citizens. I mean the impression of our seamen. Is there a father who does not feel this? No not one in the nation, and that man who shall devise a certain remedy for this evil will deserve the thanks of his country; he will, indeed, be its greatest benefactor; he, like the impressed sailor, will have a place in the tenderest part of the hearts of his countrymen. If a plan, to prevent this injury, was only made known, the very knowledge of the plan would put an end to the injury. But can gentlemen seriously believe that the adoption of the resolution will produce this effect; the means are not adequate to the end, I conceive, at least it remains to be shown that they are. I will, without hesitation, state what I believe to be the best remedy for the evil. It is this, to agree with G. Britain that neither country shall employ the sailors of the other, and to agree also, on the proof that shall be required on both sides; we might expect that G. Britain would adhere to an agreement of this kind, because it would be her interest to do so, and on her interest alone I should rely. In considering this subject, we must look at things as they really are, and not as we could wish them to be. The British government exercise the right or rather the power of impressing their sailors, and I believe in time of war of prohibiting their going into foreign service. Under these circumstances it may not be advisable for us not to employ them; notwithstanding we may do it with their consent, especially if it would prevent their impressing our countrymen. If the merchants really be the friends of the American sailors, they would willingly agree to such a regulation. If they would not be willing, is it not clear they would employ British sailors at the risk of having ours impressed? On this subject it might not be improper to state, that I have been informed in some parts of the world, certificates of persons being American citizens are sold, and that the market has been well supplied. I have also been informed, that a British officer in Philadelphia actually procured one for the purpose of enabling him to go home. This favored G. Britain. I have given this information, to show that others, besides citizens, may obtain certificates. Impressments I fear can only be prevented by negotiation; indeed I have heard that the two governments have been engaged on this interesting subject. I hope it will be resumed, and that it will end in securing to our countrymen their safety on the ocean.
We are told that the nation calls for strong measures, that the President has recommended them, and that men of the greatest talents think them requisite. This may be true, but as I have neither seen nor heard of this call of the nation, and as I do not know the opinion of others, I shall certainly pursue my own. The first message of the President to Congress, most unquestionably pointed as strong toward Spain, as it did to G. Britain; and hitherto but little has been said about the usage we received from her. But the recommendation of the President alone, is not always a good reason for legislating, I apprehend; because, every President has
recommended subjects for the consideration of Congress, on which no act was ever passed. If ever the liberties of this nation are destroyed, by strong measures, it will be, when the recommendation of the President shall alone be deemed good cause for their adoption. At present we have choice of all the resolutions on the table, notwithstanding all that has been said in favor of the one now under consideration. No doubt can be entertained, but the mover of each thinks his own the best. From the number, it would seem there was no difficulty in finding remedies for the injuries we have received. Again, we must adopt this resolution or we shall be degraded. This is no new piracy to me; I have formerly heard it so often, and on so many occasions, that I have become a sort of a sceptic on it. We shall not be degraded by living in peace with all the world. We shall not be degraded, by not following the example of the European nations, by rushing into war, on every opportunity that may offer. War is nothing but another name for blood and taxes; we shall not be degraded, being free and happy at home; but we shall be degraded, if we fail in paying the national debt, or if we refuse to observe treaties, constitutionally made. This will be the worst kind of degradation, because it will proceed from a want of morality. In order to induce us to adopt the resolution, we are seriously told, that the revenue is derived from commerce. This I deny, and say that it is derived from the whole labor of the community. Stop the laborer in his field, and the revenue is gone—Commerce is useful, it is the means by which our productions are exchanged for the productions of other countries.
It has been said, that the land tax overthrew one administration; adopt this measure, and you may possibly overthrow another. I doubt whether the gentleman who made the assertion, is altogether correct in point of fact; it may have aided; but other laws were passed, which undoubtedly had more effect, and were more obnoxious in the part of the country where I live; I mean the attempt to raise an army without an actual war; an army of officers, almost without soldiers; the alien, and sedition laws. It was also said, we were pledged to protect this carrying trade. This reminds me of what I once heard said before, which is this, that we were pledged to pay the salaries of certain judges, after the law was repealed, under which they were appointed. I believe, we are as much pledged in one case as in the other, and not more; I know of nothing binding in this country except the constitution and the laws. A majority of both Houses of Congress may pass a law to give the carrying trade what protection they please, and that law will be binding. We are also called on to become the champions of the laws of nations, as if all nations would at once agree, with us, what these laws really are, and as if a majority of them adhered to their principles; when we know that scarcely a nation in Europe pays any regard to them; and that they will at different times, entertain different opinions on the same subject. Have not most of them formerly declared, that free ships should make free goods, and have not some of the same nations since given up the principle? Before we undertake this business, would it not be prudent, to endeavor to ascertain the opinions of other nations, whose interest may be most like our own. I wish no alliance with any of them; but, if all the nations of Europe should be willing to yield the principle which we are desirous to maintain, no man will be glad enough to say we ought to contend for it. There is certainly a great difference of opinion, as to the nature of the measure. Some think it a war measure; others that it may lead to war, and others again consider it entirely pacific. Without attempting now to enquire which of the three opinions is most correct, it is sufficient for me, that I believe it will not produce the effect intended, and that its operation on the U. S. will be partial. It, however, it should be adopted, and produce war, that war we must support with all our strength; and if it produce a good effect, I for one will rejoice as much any man in this House. A great many appeals have been made to the spirit of 1776; that spirit was not only the spirit of liberty, but also of magnanimity and justice; all the measures then taken, operated equally on every part of the union.
It is said, this is the right time to settle all our disputes with G. Britain, because she is now hard pushed—if we wish to make a treaty that may be lasting, we ought not to take any unjust advantage of her situation—if we do, whenever she shall be free from her present embarrassments, she will be discontented and restless under it, and never satisfied until she gets clear of it. The true rule for us, is to take no advantage, and in all cases to act justly. I agree in opinion with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Smilie) that war destroys the morals of the people, hence I was greatly surprised, when he followed this correct sentiment, with an assertion, that he would rather have war than loss of national honor. This thing called national honor has ruined more than half the people in the world, and has almost banished liberty and happiness from Europe. Destroy the morals of the people, and we may play over such a game of war as has been played in France—nothing less than to perpetuate the liberty and happiness of the nation, ought to induce us to go to war.
It is a little remarkable that the U. S. have, since the adoption of the present constitution, become the second commercial power in the world; when,
if we believe the public prints, she has lost capital enough to have ruined the most wealthy nation in Europe. Million after million is lost, and yet her prosperity is unrivalled, either in ancient or modern times. I know full well that, according to the opinions of the writers on the laws of nations, we now have just cause of war against Great Britain. I also know as well, that we have heretofore had a good cause of war against both G. Britain and France. We then preferred peace—the result has been prosperity. What destroyed the prosperity and liberty of Venice, of Genoa, and of Holland? Wars—and wars, too, generally undertaken to protect the carrying trade.
It being now about half past three o'clock, Mr. Smilie suggested the propriety of an adjournment, in which the House acquiesced, on the intimation of Mr. Mason that indisposition disabled him from finishing the remarks which he wished to offer.]
TUESDAY, March 11.
MR. MACON, (in continuation.)—Permit me, Mr. Chairman, to return my thanks to the committee for their indulgence yesterday; I was then too much exhausted to have concluded the observations I wished to make. I was then showing the fate of a few nations who had attempted to protect the carrying trade by war. It has I believe been the fate of all who have made the attempt, G. Britain alone excepted, & she is at this moment engaged in a most tremendous war, almost overloaded with taxes, and tottering, under her public debt. Can any fact more clearly illustrate the advantage of the peace over the war system, then a comparison of the tonnage between the United States and Great Britain, in 1789 and now. Ours has been the peace, hers the war system, and we have probably increased ten to her one. It seems to me, that it is impossible for any nation to carry on the whole trade of the world; and every attempt to force trade, is acting under the idea that it can be done. And every attempt to engross the whole carrying trade, is acting under the same impression. The large capitalists in the U. S. are concerned in this business. I wish not to meddle with it, but leave it, like every other branch of industry to find its own level. They may not dread war, because they may employ their stock in another way. But what is to become of those less rich, especially the young beginners? They must be ruined. If the resolution produces any beneficial effects, it must be on the carrying trade. It does not appear to be intended for any thing else, and no one can believe that it will operate favorably to the seamen.
The measure will not only effect the revenue paid on the tonnage of vessels, and on the importations of goods, but it will also affect the revenue to be derived from the sale of the public land; it must very considerably lessen the number of purchasers, and may ruin many who have already purchased in Ohio. Many, no doubt, who have removed to that state, have sold their property, on a credit, to meet the payments which they were to make for the lands there purchased of the U. S. Stop by your measures, the sale of produce, or reduce the price thereof to almost nothing, and how are these people to get paid for the property sold before they went to Ohio? A disappointment to them may be ruinous; it may cause them to lose the land and all the improvements made on it. They have not quite so quick a remedy against their unfortunate debtors, as the U. S. will have against them. You may turn the people off the land, and nearly depopulate the state, but you will get no money.
It is pretty evident, from an argument of the gentleman from New York (Mr. Williams) that the resolution is not expected to operate injuriously on the exportation of grain from the middle states. He told us that we must protect commerce; and that he was in favor of the resolution (meaning I suppose, that the resolution would protect it) or the people in the back country would drink too much whiskey. If then the resolution will protect commerce, and thereby ensure the exportation of grain, there will not be grain left in the country, to make whiskey. This is in some measure acknowledging that for which we have been contending, to wit: that the resolution will operate partially; but I deny, that the people in that part of the country are more in the habits of intoxication than their neighbors in other parts of the union. They are as moral, as industrious, and as honest as those living elsewhere. I do not contend that they are superior, only that they are equal.
Much has been said about the spirit of the nation, and that we are far behind it; meaning, I suppose, those who oppose the resolution. As to my part, I do not know how the spirit of the nation has been ascertained. There is no manifestation of it on the table. It is however, true, that two towns have sent resolutions pledging their lives and fortunes to support whatever measures Congress may adopt. There are also several memorials from the merchants and insurance companies; but if gentlemen take these for the manifestation of the national spirit, they are, I think, mistaken. The national spirit is to be found no where but among those who are to fight your battles. These people may, for aught I know, be of that number. They may have been before Tripoli, and they may now be ready to enter into the army or navy. Addresses, we well know, will not fight battles nor fill regiments. We have seen in former days the Speaker's table loaded with addresses from almost every part of the union, pledging also their lives and fortunes, to support any measures
that the then administration might adopt. What was done? Among other acts, one was passed to raise twelve regiments of infantry. There was no difficulty in getting officers, unless, indeed, it was to make the selection out of the great number that applied; but how was it about privates; instead of getting enough for the twelve regiments, scarcely enough for four could be enlisted. At that time too, we heard a great deal about the spirit of the nation, and saw a something of the spirit then talked of in a corps called —— Blues. Those who then spoke of the spirit of nation, were deceived; they took the vapouring of the towns, and the noise of the addressers to be really the spirit of the nation. But, be assured, sir, that whenever the spirit of this nation shall move, that every individual, in every department of the government will move too.
The ocean must be considered a common and undivided property, to which each nation has a right; hence the difficulty of affording the same security and protection there as on land, where each knows the spot where his dominion ends, and his neighbour's begins. It is vain, therefore, the real situation of the U. S. being considered, to expect from her that perfect protection on the ocean, which she can afford within her territorial limits; I believe this cannot be done even to that part of the ocean from whence we get a part of our exports; other nations also frequent the same place, for the same purpose; this like the rest is joint property; not so with our land, no nation pretends to claim a right to cultivate that.
Permit me here to remark, though not directly connected with my last observation; that I consider the report of the secretary of the treasury, to be as correct as any man living could make it. And that from custom house books, it is impossible to obtain that information, which could really shew the true balance of trade.
A gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Findley,) has gravely told us; that it would do more harm, since the resolution has been taken into consideration, to reject it, than if it had never been brought forward. This is placing those who do not like it, or who prefer any of the other resolutions to it, in a strange dilemma. The friends of it, ought to have thought of this, before they went into the discussion. If any injury should be produced, either by the rejection or the adoption, they are to blame; and not those who oppose it. It is their measure, not ours. It is, in fact, endeavouring to throw the blame of their conduct on us. The same gentleman made a very unfortunate comparison, when he compared wagons, carrying our flour to market, to vessels engaged in the carrying trade. No two things are more unlike. The waggon is only intended to carry our own productions, to our own markets; and the vessels are engaged in carrying foreign produce, to foreign markets. Besides, the nation pays protecting duties, to encourage the owning of vessels; while the owner of the waggon, is left to depend on his industry and skill. And if any man should ask the government, to give encouragement to the employment of wagons, he would be laughed at; yet wagons are certainly as necessary as vessels. The one carries loads of our own productions, to our own markets; while the other, which is engaged in the fair trade, for home consumption, carries cargoes of them to foreign markets.
A gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. McCreery,) in order to induce us to adopt the resolution, has informed us, that the towns, in proportion to their numbers, pay more taxes than the country. He did not prove the fact to be so; he cannot. The towns, I apprehend, pay little or no tax. Their merchants and mechanics, who act prudently, calculate on, and generally get, a certain profit. You cannot tax the capital of the merchant. Impose what duty you please on goods; he immediately considers it like first cost, and charges the same profit on it. The consumer not only pays all the tax and charges on merchandise; but he pays them with a profit to the merchant. Whenever a merchant shall begin to live on his capital, we all know he will soon eat it out. To the mechanic, the government has given protecting duties, which secures to him, the sale of every article he may make, at almost any price. The cultivator of the soil depends on himself, and is often compelled to sell the products of his land for any price he can get; because they will not keep in good condition all the year, like the goods of the merchant and mechanic. From these considerations, it seems to me, that it is, at least probable, that the towns do not pay more than their proportion, nor even as much.
The same gentleman told us, that the nation sustained a considerable loss by sending too much tobacco to England. This seems to me, to be a little like, what we heard about the balance of trade. But it may be so. I will, however, state my sentiments on the subject. If erroneous, I shall be glad to have them corrected. Merchants like every body else, do business with a view to gain; and would they, year after year, send tobacco to England, if they could do better, by sending it to the continent. I apprehend they would not. They understand their business, and generally do that which is best calculated to promote their interest. In examining this subject, we ought to take into consideration the profit to be made on the whole voyage, not barely the price of a single article at a particular place. The place where the whole exported cargo can be sold dearest, and the imported one bought cheapest, is the place which will always give the most profit. If a merchant should send a cargo of tobacco to England, and wished a few pieces of
Russian sheeting, in part of the return cargo; would it not be better to purchase them there, than send his vessel to Russia for them, where they could be bought a little cheaper. He would, I conceive, actually save by so doing. I wish the gentleman had told us, the places where the tobacco might have been exported to, so as to save all that he now thinks we lose, by sending it to England. I should have been glad to have been informed, whether the places were known to possess mercantile capital, and whether merchants of established character lived at them; that sort of character, to which a prudent man, might with safety consign the most valuable cargo. He did not tell us, that we lost by sending cotton to Great Britain. It may, therefore, be presumed, that it could not be sold any where else at this time, to more advantage. Is there any other country in Europe, now prepared to manufacture it? I believe not; nor will it be purchased by any to lay up, until able to do it. Before it is possible to manufacture, mechanics, who understand the business, must be obtained. Neither they, nor the necessary machinery can be got in a day. It is now well known, that since the introduction of labour saving machines, manufactures do not depend so much on the number of people as formerly. I ask, what country on the continent of Europe, convulsed as she is to her center, can offer a market for this article? What country there, is now in a situation to commence large and extensive establishments, to manufacture for exportation? Is it Germany—overrun? Or is it France, raising every man she can, to make new conquests? If they have mechanics and merchants both; is the skill of the one, or the reputation of the other known? I fear not. Sir, I would to God that we had not so much commercial intercourse with Great Britain, and I sincerely wish, our commerce was more equally divided among the nations of the earth, than it is; but I know not how this is to be done. Trade thrives best when left to itself. The merchant must be left to trade in the way he most approves; provided he shall not hazard the peace of the country thereby.
The gentleman from Vermont, (Mr. Elliot,) has told us, that by adopting the resolution, we shall encourage other European nations, to manufacture for us. It is, I conceive, quite enough for the agricultural part of the community, to pay their money, to encourage the manufactures of this country. It is as much as I am willing to do. But what certainty have we, if we adopt the resolution, and give the proposed encouragement, that any one of them will leave their present occupation, be that what it may, to take our advice. Each one of them may think that their interest is as well understood at home, as we can possibly understand it.
The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Bidwell,) stated the case of our prisoners at Tripoli, as a case in point. He is I think mistaken. We were at open war with that power, when the frigate Philadelphia unfortunately struck on the rocks in the harbor of Tripoli. The result is known—the enemy got possession of the vessel, and the crew were made prisoners of war. There then existed a state of actual war between the U. S. and the Tripolitans. In the present case we have just cause of complaints against Britain; and are endeavoring to have them settled by negotiation. I will state a case which seems to me to compare better with the situation of our unfortunate countrymen, who may be now impressed on board the British ships of war. It is the case of captain O'Brian and his crew, who were captured by the Algerines, and remained with them so long, that I believe the captain in the latter part of the time, dated all his letters to his friends, by the year of his captivity. I have understood that they suffered as much as any people could bear. We had then, I believe, no addresses, no resolutions, nor memorials from the merchants & insurance companies. But this case may not be thought to apply to that part of our complaints which relate to the capture of our vessels carrying coffee and sugar to France and Spain by the British armed ships. I will state one, which I think has some. It is the case of Scott, of S. Carolina, which has been decided in this House. He claimed pay for property taken by the Indians at a time when no open and declared war existed. He got nothing from the national government. The U. S. in a treaty gave the property up to the Indians. I believe at the time it was taken, some hostilities had been committed. Permit me here to observe that no agent was appointed by the government to endeavor to recover this property, and that I well recollect, when the claim was under debate, that it was stated by a member of the House, that one of the Indian agents had got the treaty at his desire so formed, as to relinquish a claim for the property.
I have endeavored to confine my observations to the resolution now under consideration, and to answer some of the arguments urged in its support; though I confess, that while examining this, I have also paid some attention to the others on the table. I wish gentlemen before they vote, would seriously consider whether this is the best. I think it is not. When we reflect on the happiness we enjoy, the prosperity of the nation, the growth of the villages, towns, and cities; the improving state of agriculture, the number of turnpikes, roads, bridges, and canals, which are undertaken in many parts of the union, and that one improper act may alter for a time this happy state, and retard every improvement; we ought to be cautious before we change the ground on which we stand. Complaints have been made, of delay, on this important subject; they are, in my opinion,

without foundation. It required serious deliberation, and no time has been lost. It is always far better to decide rightly than quickly. It is immaterial to other nations, what estimate we form of our own strength, there are two rules by which they will judge; the number of men, and the state of the treasury. Indeed it seems of late to have become a maxim in war, that the longest purse is the longest sword. It is true that we have a single million in the treasury to spare; it is equally true that resolutions are before us, which, if adopted, will require at least that sum to carry them into execution. In this situation, ought we to take measures, which may endanger the revenue without providing ways and means to meet any deficiency? We talk of war with an almost empty treasury; no two things can be less connected, except that they are both bad. I have stated that, which appeared to me, to be the best plan to secure our seamen from impressment; but the man who shall actually produce the plan, which shall have the effect, will deserve the gratitude of the nation.
In this time of difficulty, we are all embarked in the same ship; my ardent prayer is, that whatever shall be done, may promote the interest and happiness of all.
[To be continued]
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, APRIL 18.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
APRIL 15.
Mr. Tracy moved to postpone the bill to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, for the purpose of considering the following resolution.
Resolved, That in consequence of a more favorable course of conduct on the part of G. Britain, in respect to the disturbance of the trade of the U. S. and entertaining a hope that the British ministry lately established will be disposed to a reasonable arrangement of all affairs of difference between the two nations; the Senate do hereby postpone the further consideration of the bill entitled "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise", to the first Monday of November next.
On agreeing to this resolution the Yeas and Nays were taken as follows:
YEAS. Messrs. Adair, Adams, Hillhouse, Logan, Pickering, Plumer, Sumner, Tracy and White—9.
NAYS—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Coudit, Gailard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchell, Maclay, Mitchell, Moore, Smith of Md. Smith of N. Y. Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tenn. Smith of Vt. Stone, Thruston, Worthington and Wright—29.
When the question was taken by Yeas and Nays on the passage of the bill; as follows:
YEAS. Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Coudit, Gailard, Gilman, Howland, Kitchell, Maclay, Mitchell, Moore, Smith of Md. Smith of N. Y. Smith of Ohio, Smith of Tenn. Smith of Vt. Thruston, Worthington and Wright—19.
NAYS—Messrs. Adair, Hillhouse, Logan, Pickering, Plumer, Stone, Sumner, Tracy, and White—9.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 16.
A bill for fortifying the ports and harbors of the U. S. and for building gun boats, was read a third time and passed.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Gregg in the chair—on the bill supplementary to the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U. S."
The chairman proceeded to read the bill until he came to the 4th and 5th sections, which authorise the commissioners of the sinking fund to appoint one agent in London, and another in Amsterdam, to receive subscriptions and transfers, and to issue new certificates; and to enable the holders of old six per cents deferred or three per cent stocks who may become subscribers to the new stock either in the U. S. or in Europe, and who, on the first day of April next, and on the day of the subscription, shall be resident in Europe, to receive the interest on their stock, either in the U. S. or at London, or in Amsterdam.
Mr. Varnum moved to strike out the fifth section.
This motion was supported by Mr. Davenport, and opposed by Mr. J. Randolph, and disagreed to—Ayes 34—Nays 42.
On motion of Mr. J. Randolph, the compensation allowed to each of the above agents was fixed at 8,000 dollars—Ayes 48.
The 8th section was read as follows:
SEC. 8. And be it further enacted , That from and after the first day of April next, whenever it shall be necessary to issue new certificates, either in lieu of such certificates of old six per cent, or deferred stock, as may be lost or destroyed, or by reason of a transfer of such stock from a stockholder to another, or from the books of an office to those of another office; the new certificates, instead of stating the nominal amount of stock which originally was, but is no longer the sum actually due by the U. S. shall express the true amount of the annuity due, at the rate of eight per cent, on the original amount of principal, at the time when it shall cease. But all the other provisions heretofore made by law, and now in force, relative to the said stocks, shall remain in full force, as if no alteration had been made in the form of the certificates; and such new
Certificates may be subscribed, in conformity with the provisions of this act, according to the then unredeemed amount of the principal stock originally due.
Mr. Quincy moved to strike this section out, under the impression that it impaired the original contract between the U. S. and the public creditors.
Mr. J. Randolph vindicated the section against this charge.
Mr. Dana did not think it impaired the original contract, but considered it superfluous, as in his opinion the power given by it was already vested by law in the officers of the Treasury department; when the question was taken and the motion lost without a division.
Mr. J. Randolph moved to fill the blank in that part of the bill which provides for the conversion of three per cent. stock into six per cent. with "sixty-two and a half;" by which the holder of every hundred dollars in the 3 per cent. stock is entitled to receive sixty-two and a half dollars of six per cent.
Mr. Crowninshield opposed this motion, as well as the provision for converting the three per cent. into six per cent. stock under the idea that it would be injurious to the U. S.
Mr. J. Clay defended the provision and made a detailed argument to show that it would be beneficial to the U. S.
Mr. Dana declared himself in favor of the proposed modification of the public debt.
Mr. Jackson spoke against it.
Mr. J. Randolph advocated this part of the bill, and
Mr. Crowninshield replied.
When the question was taken on the motion of Mr. J. Randolph & agreed to—Ayes 51—Nays 34.
A motion, made by Mr. Mumford requiring the agents, before they enter on the execution of their offices to take an oath or affirmation for the diligent execution of their trusts, and requiring them to give bonds in one or more sureties, in the penal sum of 20,000 dollars, was agreed to.
Mr. Dana moved to strike out the words marked in Italics in the following sec. with a view of restraining the provisions of the bill to the present 3 per cents, & under the impression that in the new stock proposed to be created, the government liberated itself from the obligation to pay a certain part of the principal and interest heretofore stipulated.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled , That a subscription to the full amount of the old six per cent. deferred and three per cent. stocks be, and the same is hereby proposed; for which purpose books shall be opened at the treasury of the United States, and by the several commissioners of loans, on the first day of April next, to continue open, until the seventeenth day of December next following, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for such parts of the above mentioned descriptions of stock as shall, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the treasury, and of the several commissioners of loans, respectively; which subscription, shall be effected by a transfer to the United States, in the manner provided by law for such transfers, of the credit or credits, standing on the said books, and by a surrender of the certificates of the stock subscribed.
Mr. J. Randolph and Mr. J. Clay opposed this motion, & denied the justice of the observation made by Mr. Dana.
When the motion to strike out the section was lost without a division.
The committee rose and reported the bill with several amendments, which were agreed to by the House, and the bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow—Ayes 56.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Tenney in the chair—on the bill repealing the acts laying duties on salt, and continuing in force for a certain time the 1st section of the act, entitled "An act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against the Barbary Powers"—as follows:
SEC. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled , That from and after the day of
next, so much of any act, or acts, as lays a duty on imported salt be, and the same hereby is repealed, and from and after the day aforesaid, salt shall be imported into the U. S. free of duty.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted , That from and after the first day of January next, so much of any act, or acts, as allows a bounty on exported salted provisions, and pickled fish, in lieu of drawback of the duties on the salt employed in curing the same, and so much of any act, or acts, as makes an allowance to the owners and crews of fishing vessels, in lieu of drawback of the duties paid on the salt used by the same, shall be, and the same hereby is repealed.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted , That so much of the act, passed on the 25th day of March, 1804, entitled an act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against the Barbary powers, as is contained in the first section of the said act, be, & the same hereby is continued in force until the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.
Mr. Quincy moved so to alter the first section, as only to take off the duty of 8 cents a bushel on salt, imposed by an act of Congress passed subsequently to the act previously imposing a duty of 12 cents.
This motion was advocated by Mr. Quincy, and opposed by Messrs. J. Randolph and J. Clay.
Mr. Lyon spoke generally against the bill, and concluded by moving to
strike out the first section.
Mr. Bidwell advocated the principle of the bill.
Mr. Dana intimated his disposition to vote for it, under the idea that those who had the responsibility of government attached to them, thought they could dispense with it.
Mr. Elmer supported the bill, and opposed the motions made by Mr. Quincy and Mr. Lyon.
Mr. Lyon's motion to strike out the first section was disagreed to—Aye 1.
When Mr. Quincy's motion was likewise disagreed to without a division.
On motion of Mr. J. Randolph the blank in the first section was filled with the first day of October.
Mr. Alston moved to amend the 3d section by striking out the words at the end thereof "in force until the end of the next session of Congress," and inserting "made perpetual."
This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 36—Nays 60.
The committee then rose and reported the bill, and the House took the report into immediate consideration.
Mr. Mumford moved to fill the blank in the first section with the 1st day of January.
This motion was opposed by Messrs. J. Randolph, T. Moore, Crowninshield and Sloan, when the House concurred in the report of the committee of the whole to fill it with the first of October.
Mr. Crowninshield moved to amend the last section so as to continue the two and a half per cent. duty on all goods paying an ad valorem duty for three years.
This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 28.
Mr. Lyon again spoke against the bill, so far as relates to taking off the duty on salt.
When it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow—Ayes 83.
THURSDAY, APRIL 17.
The bill supplementary to the act entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U. States," was read a third time.
Mr. Talmadge moved to postpone this bill indefinitely, and supported the motion in a speech of considerable length.
Mr. J. Clay replied. When the Yeas and Nays were taken—Yeas 49—Nays 45—and the motion, consequently, obtained.
The bill repealing the acts laying duties on salt, and continuing in force, for a farther time, the first section of the act, entitled, "An act farther to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against the Barbary powers," was read a third time.
Mr. Masters moved to recommit the bill, for the purpose of modifying its details.
Mr. Quincy supported the motion—which was lost—Ayes 37—Nays 49.
When the Yeas and Nays were taken on the passage of the bill—Yeas 84—Nays 11.
Mr. Clark from the committee appointed to enquire into the conduct of Gideon Granger, Post Master General of the United States, and to report whether, in their opinion, he has so acted in his capacity of Post Master General, as to require the interposition of the constitutional power of the House, made a report.
The committee state that they have found themselves unable to make a full enquiry into the official conduct of Mr. Granger, and recommend a postponement of any further enquiry to the next session.
Ordered to lie on the table. [The details of this day's proceedings in our next.]
The motion ascribed, in the proceedings of Tuesday, to Mr. Goldsborough, to insert "George Town," after "New-York"—was made by Mr. Magruder.
New York, April 9.
At a meeting of the committee of merchants held at the Tontine Coffee House on Monday evening the 7th inst. it was resolved that the following letter addressed to the Secretary of State, relative to the foreign commerce of the U. States, with the answer thereto, should be published for the information of the merchants.
By order of the general committee, THOMAS FARMAR, Chairman. JOHN FERRERS, Secretary.
New York, March 11, 1806.
SIR; I have the honor to address you, by direction of a committee appointed at a general meeting of merchants in this city, on the 26th December.
The opinions and wishes of the commercial interest of New York, were expressed in their late memorial, since which, nothing has occurred to change their sentiments, or diminish their apprehensions.
Sensible that foreign relations must be intricate, and believing those of the United States to be involved in unusual perplexity, the merchants of New York have waited in silence, but with anxiety, the development of those measures which the wisdom of government may have devised for the redress of wrongs already suffered, and protection against injuries still apprehended.
Even at this late hour, although warranted as well by the usage of other nations as by our republican institutions, freely to ask and confidently to expect every useful information, which can be given without embarrassing the measures of government, they would still preserve the same respectful silence, if they were not otherwise impelled by motives of irresistible force.
The season approaches to commence their most important operations dependent for success, on a continuance of peace. The present stagnation of business, if protracted, would not merely diminish their profits, but must distress those of their fellow citizens who depend on daily labor for daily bread. It must injure those also who procure, by selling the productions of their soil, articles of subsistence which habit has rendered necessary to comfortable existence. On the other hand, merchants and insurers must be ruined if they adventure on calculations essentially erroneous. The mechanics with whom they are connected must be involved in the same catastrophe. The produce of our country will then no longer find those markets which gave a spring to national industry, and thus our prosperity will vanish.
Under the pressure of such cogent circumstances, the merchants of New York hope it will not be deemed impertinent, respectfully to solicit information on four distinct points highly interesting, and which are now involved in dangerous obscurity.
The situation in which we are placed with England, claims the first notice because of her prodigious naval power, which, it is apprehended by some, may be suddenly employed to annihilate our commerce. We wish therefore to be informed whether the injurious principles, adopted by her tribunals, have been relinquished or extended; whether the measures devised by the wisdom of government to obtain redress, compensation, and security, promise a successful result; or whether the merchants must expect more portentous events.
Rumours have prevailed respecting our relations to the opposite belligerents, and of events tending to embroil us with them, which have alarmed the merchants of New York. They are desirous of knowing whether those rumors be idle and vain, or whether from transactions in the knowledge of government it would be prudent to suspend or wholly to abandon our commerce with France and Spain.
There was reason to believe that peace had been made with Tripoli, but as no ratification of a treaty has been officially published, the merchants wish to know whether investments for the Mediterranean can be safely made, or whether they must provide against the depredations of Barbary corsairs.
Finally the plunder and outrage to which commerce is exposed in the West Indies, and even on our own coasts, render it very desirable to know whether government contemplate employing a respectable naval force to repress those predatory aggressions.
I am directed by the committee to disavow all intention, or even wish to pry into the secrets of government, or urge the disclosure of measures which it may deem useful or convenient to conceal; more especially to ask any thing incompatible with your official obligations.
With great respect, I have the honor to remain, sir, Your most obedient humble servant, THOMAS FARMAR, Chairman General Committee of merchants.
HON. JAMES MADISON, Secretary of Department of State.
Department of State, March 31, 1806.
SIR, I have received the letter which you wrote me on the 11 inst. by the direction of the committee, appointed by a general meeting of the merchants of New York.
The solicitude of those engaged in foreign commerce at the present crisis, which led to the application, could not fail to awaken the regret, that the course of mercantile operations could not in all cases be regulated, by a more precise knowledge of the prospect of foreign occurrences; but you are doubtless sensible, that a communication of the features of that prospect (which if not multiplied and varied, with the multiplied variation incident to it, must itself become a source of miscalculation) would exceed the duty and responsibility of any government, as it would frequently do the rules of prudence, if the task were less impracticable. It is only, therefore, in peculiar cases, where the existence, or the decided approach of events deeply affecting the whole, or particular classes of citizens, may be known to the government, and not sufficiently within the general means of conjecture and anticipation, that special notifications can be required; either according to expediency or usage; and it is a just subject of congratulation in this country, that such is the degree of publicity given by the ordinary vehicles of circulation to foreign occurrences and appearances, and such the capacity of our mercantile fellow citizens for appreciating them, that that intelligent portion of the community is as little dependent in the United States, on the notifications of the government, as in any country whatever.
Persuaded, sir, that the justness of these remarks will at once be perceived; I make no other apology for limiting the answer to your enquiries, to a general assurance of the disposition of the President to give to every class of citizens, the proper information which it may be with the executive to afford, and to an intimation, that whatever embarrassments or risks may be incident to particular branches of commerce, the occasion is not of a character to justify the government, in undertaking to predict or define them.
I have only to add, that the delay in acknowledging your letter has proceeded from other duties, pressing both as to time and importance; it was possible, also, that the interval might have produced the means of a more satisfac-
tory answer to particular articles of your enquiry.
I have the honor to be, sir,
With great respect,
Your obedient servant,
JAMES MADISON.
THOMAS FARMAR, Esq. New York.
[It is proper to observe that the above answer of the secretary of state is a corrected copy, freed from several errors attending the publication of it in the New York prints.]
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
For Governor.
Ninety-nine towns give
Mr. Strong, 14,987
Mr. Sullivan, 13,919
Majority, 177
The same towns last year, gave Mr. Strong a majority of 463.
JUST RECEIVED,
And for sale, at DUANE'S Book-Store, Pennsylvania Avenue:
Debates in the Virginia Convention. The Rainbow, or a Series of Essays originally published in the Richmond Enquirer.
Herman & Dorothea, a poem from the German of Goethe, by T. Holcroft. April 18—1t
TO BE SOLD.
By the subscriber, a neat and commodious BRICK HOUSE in the town of Bladensburg, four miles from the city of Washington, with about two acres of ground belonging thereto, comprehending a large and fertile garden, a handsome yard, &c. and all kind of fruit trees; also a meat House, Stable and other necessary houses and conveniences; the whole well inclosed and ornamented by a great number of locust & lombardy poplar trees. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down and the residue in three equal annual payments with interest thereon from the day of sale.
Application to be made to me residing on the premises.
ALEXANDER McDONALD.
Bladensburg, April 18—3t
10 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber's plantation near this place on Sunday last Neger JIM, distinguished in the neighborhood by the name of JIM ELLIOTT, he is a straight thin made black man about 40 years old, 5 feet eight or 9 inches high, has a remarkable wart near one of his temples; speaks but seldom intelligible; his clothing unknown. Having several acquaintances in the city of Washington it is supposed he has gone to that place, where he will probably lurk for several days; he has a grandmother at Mr. Belle's. The above reward will be paid to any person who will deliver said fellow to the subscriber, or lodge him in any jail so that the subscriber shall get him again. If lodged in the city jail by any person who will call on captain Hamilton the reward will be paid them.
WM. B. BEANES.
Upper Marlboro, April 18—3t
ON Monday the 21st day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold on the premises at 12 o'clock at public sale to the highest bidder, the dwelling plantation of the late WM. DUGEE, consisting of 230 acres of land—there is on the premises a handsome commodious dwelling house, Stable, Barn and negro quarters—the Land is of good quality and well suited to plantation—there is an excellent garden and a great deal of choice fruit—the dwelling house is situate 4 miles from George town; and from the beauty of its situation, its healthiness and other advantages, a more desirable place for the residence of a gentleman cannot be offered. It is at present subject to the life estate of a Lady upwards of 70 years old, and will be sold under that incumbrance. And at the same time and place will be sold, plantation on Rock-creek, containing 215 acres, of which 200 acres is in wood—This tract has on it a fine Mill seat, distant about 5 miles from the city of Washington. And at the same time and place will be sold between 15 & 20 valuable likely negroes—men, women and children, among the former are some valuable tradesmen and farmers—the negroes are orderly and sober, and all raised in the family, and nothing but the embarrassments of the estate could compel a sale of them—Terms of sale for the negroes, notes with approved indorsers payable 1-3 in 60, 1-3 in 90 and 1-3 in 120 days; the land on a credit of 1, 2, and 3 years with interest from day of sale—If any default in payment of any instalment, the whole to become due.
JOSEPH W. CLAGETT, } Trustees.
PHILIP B. KAY, }
March 17—ep4w.
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
At Duane's Book-Store, Pennsylvania Avenue, may be had,
OBSERVATIONS on the Impressment of AMERICAN SEAMEN by the officers of G. Britain, &c.—25 cents.
The FIRST SPEECH (N. York edition) of Mr. John Randolph, on the non-importation resolution—25 cents.
The SECOND SPEECH of Mr. Randolph on the same subject—12 1-2 cents. JAMES SLOAN'S Speeches on the same subject—6 cents.
Also—SAMPSON against the PHILISTINES, being an investigation of juridical establishments and the abuses of Law practice.
No purchaser having offered for either of his establishments W. DUANE will continue to execute Printing, Stationary, and Bookselling orders as heretofore. April 18—2t
REMOVAL.
The subscriber has removed his CABINET SHOP to his dwelling house on Jefferson Street, the first door below Valentine Reinhardt's buildings, where he is ready to serve the public in general, and his customers in particular.
WM. KING, Junr.
George Town, April 16—3t

CHARLES H. VARDEN,  MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL.  Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Pennets patent cord, woolleneen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk molekins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, plushes, flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion.  N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner.  Washington, Dec 18—tf  PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of a deed in trust from Daniel Hurly, I will offer for Saturday the 3rd day of May next at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises, part of lot number one in square number eight hundred and forty five in the city of Washington—with a well built two story BRICK HOUSE on the same adjoining the house of Robert Alexander, esq. and now occupied by Mr. Sanford. The title is indisputable as may be seen on application to  NICHOLAS VOSS.  April 4—tm3
Twenty Dollars Reward,  WILL be given for apprehending negro FANNY a very low and tolerable lufly woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having procured a free pass, and passes by the name of Charity Potts; she was formerly the property of John Chittenden of this county, and was run away for near eight years, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1809 and has been lurking, I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Port Tobacco.  P.S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril.  MASSEY SIMMS.  Nov. 27—tf
By virtue of a deed of trust from the heirs of John Brown late of Prince George's county deceased, I will offer at  PUBLIC AUCTION,  on the premises at 12 o'clock on Tuesday the 24th day of May next, if fair, if not, the next fair day thereafter,  ALL that valuable tract of Land formerly the property and in the occupation of the aforesaid deceased, lying in the neighborhood of Robert Sewell, esq. about seven miles from Poolesville and 12 from the city of Washington, containing about 360 acres of rich fertile land, well adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, and every kind of small grain. Upwards of 25 acres of fine meadow. Land and a very great proportion of wood and timber of the most valuable kind.  Terms will be made known on the day of sale.  CHARLES D. HODGES.  April 11—tdof
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.  THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house.  PONTIUS D. STELLE.  Washington City, March 25—tf  N. B.—F. D. S. will rent the house lately vacated by him on the adjoining square  FOR SALE.
I WILL sell or exchange for dry goods TWO BRICK BUILDINGS, well calculated for a retail store, being opposite the Centre Market—for further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises.  ROBERT HARRISON.  April 2—tf  On a liberal credit.  THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chiefester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 677 acres is laid off in lots from 23 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanlon at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.  ANTHONY ADDISON.  Barnaby, 14th June 1805—tf
NOTICE  TO NON-RESIDENT OWNERS OF MILITARY LANDS.  THE Subscriber has made an arrangement with a gentleman in Ohio, by which he will be enabled, upon the amount being remitted to him in this city, to pay the taxes due or becoming due on Virginia and United States military lands.  The following are the rates of taxation.  For the first quality 90 cents per 100 acres.  Do. Second do. 65 do.  Do. Third do. 40 do.  MICHAEL NOURSE.  April 16—
In the case of RICHARD MORGAN an insolvent debtor.  SIX months from and after the first day of February next is limited and appointed for the creditors of the said Richard Morgan to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee. It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer three times prior to the first day of May next.  By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, esq. WM. BRENT, Ck.  April 14—3t
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805.  Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only , having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.  Sept. 9—tf  By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington, In the suit of James Barry, complainant, against  Dorothy O'Brien, James O'Brien, Mary Anne O'Brien and John O'Brien, defendants in Chancery;
Will be sold at Public Auction,  To the highest bidder on Monday the 28th of April inst. at Stelle's hotel, all those two parcels of land situate in the city of Washington near the Eastern Branch, and contiguous to Booth's wharf, bounded as follows:  The first beginning at the intersection at the west side of South Capitol Street, with Water Street, and running thence with South Capitol Street eighty-four feet, thence due west thirty feet two inches to Water Street, and thence with Water Street to the beginning. The second part beginning at the end of one hundred and fifty-six feet measured westwardly from the north east corner of square numbered six hundred and sixty-two on the south side of South R Street, running thence south one hundred and thirty feet, thence west sixty-four feet three inches, thence north one hundred and thirty feet to South R Street, and thence east with the line of said street to the beginning, with the improvements and appurtenances on the same two pieces of land or either of them being so appertaining. The only improvement on the first piece or parcel of ground abovementioned is, a two story framed Dwelling House, and on the other a single story framed building—any person desirous of purchasing said property can be shown it by applying at the Clerk's Office.  The sale to commence at 12 o'clock precisely. The terms ready money, or money to be paid immediately on the Court ratifying and confirming said sale. The time of which ratification and confirmation, will be notified in the same papers in which the sale is advertised.  LEWIS FORD, Trustee.  April 7—3w
Bank of Columbia.  THE board of directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of TEN per cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the stock holders or their representatives on or after Thursday the 20th inst.  WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier.  March 10—6w
A BARGAIN.  THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable. From its vicinity to two growing cities many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searly residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. WM. THORNTON, Washington.  Isaac Pollock,  Fruit Hill,  Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes  I. P.  Jun. 20—cpff
WILLIAM H. DORSEY, ATTORNEY AT LAW,  Has opened an office in George Town next door to the Bank of Columbia. He will attend Montgomery county court and the courts held in Washington county in the district of Columbia.  April 4—1m
FOR SALE,  A handsome second hand GIG  On liberal terms, Enquire of the Editor or Mr. Joseph Caslin near the Navy Yard.  April 4—6t
TO RENT,  THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co.  Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May.  March 28—tf
This is to give Notice,  That the subscriber had obtained from the Orphan court of Calvert county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of Samuel Whittington late of Calvert county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the proper vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 19th day of March, eighteen hundred and six.  WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Adm'r.
N. B. All persons having claims against the partnership of Samuel Whittington and company are requested to make them known to the subscriber as speedily as possible. Those who are indebted to make immediate payment to  WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Adm'r. of Francis Whittington, the surviving partner of S. Whittington & Co.  March 26—3w  ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,  Has removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
FOR SALE.  UPWARDS of 2000 acres of Land lying on each side of Little River in Loudoun county being part of the Goose Creek tract of land purchased of the late col. Charles Carter; the river runs nearly through the middle of it and forms on each side upwards of two hundred acres of low grounds, of which about forty acres is Timothy. It is in general good farm land, and remarkable for the production of grass and of Timothy in particular. About three fourths of the tract in my own occupation, the remainder in the possession of tenants. The land lies well, abounds in good springs, and has a sufficiency of white and red oak timber, and some fine poplars. The purchaser may be supplied with stock of every kind, also from 20 to about 30 negroes in families and taking them in that manner upon very reasonable terms; the land lies but the same distance (40 miles from Washington, Alexandria, and Dumfries, eight miles from Leesburg & six from Middlebury; there is on the part in my occupation a small dwelling house containing two rooms and an entry below, and two rooms above stairs, a kitchen, good stable and carriage house and other necessary buildings, all of them erected within the last five years, a good garden. The purchaser may be accommodated in the payments.  JOSEPH JONES.  Near Leesburg, Loudoun County,  April 7—cpm
All persons having claims against the estate of Uriah Forrest accruing since his bankruptcy, are requested to have them proved according to law, and presented to Philip B. Key, before the 21st day of June next, that a distribution of the personal assets may be made as early as practicable.  REBECCA FORREST, Executrix.  April 4—4v
This is to give notice that if the heirs of a certain STEPHEN REYNOLDS, who died on his way from the western country in the month of August 1803, and supposed to have been a native of the state of New Hampshire or one of the Eastern states will apply to JOHN RINE administrator, living in the town of Cumberland, Alleghany county, state of Maryland, will hear of something to their advantage.  By order of Alleghany county orphans court  March 3—cpam
WANTED, either a school master or mistress, to reside with a gentleman in the upper part of Virginia, apply at this office.  March 10—
For Sale, Freight or Charter,  The new patent brig ARCHILLES, of 166 63/95 tons burthen, built under the inspection and direction of Mr. G. Livingston, of Poughkeepsie—ALL her plank, whelps, knees and oak timber, have been well water seasoned and dried before they were used, (which management has heretofore, on a vessel built at the same place and by the same person, insured a duration of more than 18 years, without a single graving piece in either whales or bottom, although owned and used in the West Indies about 15 years of the time) her two lower rudder hinges are copper, as are the spikes at her hood ends; all her butt bolts and iron spikes are composition covered, so that she is ready for coppering.  The Achilles has been one voyage to the West Indies, and is, by the captain and mate who failed in her, supposed to be not only the fastest sailing vessel they ever met with, but one of the best of sea boats, carrying her sails and canvas at least equal, if not superior to any other vessel they have ever seen. When going out, although very deeply laden, she made ten miles an hour close haul on the wind; and returning, although her bottom was very foul, in 23 hours from opposite Cape Charles light house, directly east, she ran so as to bring the light house at Sandy Hook directly well, a distance very considerably beyond 300 miles; including the stays she made in her course, the average run was between 13 and 14 knots an hour—Enquire of  JOHN BRAZIER, 67 Washington Street.  April 14—3t
FOR SALE,  AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and included with a good board fence.  Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, included with a stone wall, The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid.  Note—If not sold, it will be let for the season.  April 16—tf
BY THE  PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.  WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October, 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of building and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone" and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June in the year 1796 to the first day of January last, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced it is deemed proper to revive the same with the exception hereinafter mentioned.
WHEREFORE I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, Do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than 12 feet from the floor to the eve shall be erected, nor shall such house be placed within twenty feet of any brick or stone house.  Given under my hand the twenty-fifth day of February 1806.  TH: JEFFERSON.  Feb 28—2aw8w
Runaways for Sale.  WILL be sold on the 28th day of April next, for their jail fees, at the jail in Washington county, one negro man named JACK, a boy 37 years old, five feet 9 inches high, of a black complexion, he has a natural gap in his teeth, he says he was sold about two years since to a Mr. Kennell (a trader in negroes) from the estate of gen. Bradley, in Suflex county, Virginia—ALSO,
A negro man who calls himself BILLY EVANS, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 7 inches high, considerably marked on his back with the whip, he says he was born free in Northumberland county, Virginia, where he was raised, and apprenticed to the shoe making business—had on when committed, a blue cloth coat, black hat, swansdown vest, and nankeen pantaloon—It is conjectured that he belongs to a Mr. Shadrach Carter, Amherst county, Virginia.  The sale will commence precisely at 11 o'clock.  DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the district of Columbia.  March 19—wtdf.
FOR SALE,  A Handsome two story BRICK HOUSE, 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen stable and carriage house, its situation for a public or private dwelling is superior to any house near the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the Yard and shipping, and is now rented for 300 dollars per annum. I will also sell a valuable unimproved Lot near the premises in sq. 881—Young negroes will be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard, or to Mr. Samuel McIntire.  NICHOLAS VOSS.  Washington, Feb. 14—wtf
IRON WORKS ON POTOMAC.  The Subscriber has for Sale or Rent, a good seat for a Furnace upon the North Branch of Potomac in Hampshire county, with plenty of ore already investigated at considerable expense and found to be good, a constant and sufficient stream with upwards of 30 feet fall, and the wood of more than 9000 acres of well timbered land; enough of which is arable to form a complete establishment. Connected with this may also be rented the forge built by Mr. John Potts at the Great Falls of Potomac, now the property of the subscriber. It is conceived that these two seats are particularly worthy of the notice of Iron Masters of capital; as they are fully adequate to the supply of iron, in its various forms, to an extensive country, having Great demand for that article, both above and below the Blue Ridge. The Hampshire property is free from every incumbrance, and the payment of a very few thousand dollars due to the proprietor of the fee simple at the Great Falls (my lease of which is for upwards of 900 years at a low rent) for rents in arrears prior to my purchase, will render this property clear; and afford a complete establishment for all the various manufactures of iron, as well as for mills, with a convenient farm, &c. &c.  I have seats equally eligible (if not superior) for furnaces and forges, upon the river Shenandoah in this county, with ore, wood, and water, all convenient and abundant: which may be rented for a long term of years, with rich farming land attached thereto.  FERDINANDO FAIRFAX.  Charles town, Jefferson Co. Virg.  November 16—wtf
FOR SALE,  The first Monday in May next, the property where I now live, with a HOUSE & LOT in George Town, viz.  Two Lots in square No. 1, fronting on Water and K street, and adjoining the lower bridge over Rock Creek; the buildings are, a two story frame Dwelling house with a Warehouse and Wharf, a two story frame Dwelling with an addition for a store house on Orange street near the Methodist Meeting house George Town; one third of the purchase money will be required in hand, the other two thirds in twelve and eighteen months, the purchaser giving negotiable notes in George Town or the City banks.  The sale to commence at 10 o'clock.  HENRY SCHNIVLY.  April 7—w3t
Will be sold at PUBLIC SALE  the property where I now live, on Friday the 2d day of MAR next, at 12 o'clock. TWO LOTS in square 88, fronting on Water street, 78 feet 3 inches, and running back 181 x 4 feet which are included in a handsome paired garden—the buildings are a convenient frame dwelling house, smoke house & coach house. On the fourth file of Water street, is a wharf sufficiently large to hold 200 cords of wood at once; this part of the property runs to the Harnburgh channel, and the situation equal to any in the city for a lumber, coal, or wood yard. The terms will be on third of the purchase money in hand, the other two thirds in nine and eighteen months on the purchaser giving negotiable notes on either the city or George Town banks, with sufficient indorsers, or I will take merchandise in lieu of cash for one half of the purchase money.  JOHN STEPHEN.  April 14—twtf  St. Mary's county court, March term, 1806.
NATHANIEL WASHINGTON an insolvent debtor of St. Mary's county having applied by petition in writing to Saint Mary's county court, praying the benefit of "an act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the last session of the General Assembly of Maryland, and a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on each as by the said act is required, being annexed to his said petition and the said Nathaniel Washington being under arrest upon sundry causes for debts due before the passage of said act, and having proved to the satisfaction of said court that he hath resided in the state of Maryland the two last years preceding the passage of said act, it is thereupon adjudged and ordered that the said Nathaniel Washington appear before the said court at the court House in Leonard town on the 19th day of July next, then and there to produce to said court the effect in writing, of creditors, holding two thirds of the amount of his debts and to answer such interrogatories as may be proposed to him by his creditors, that the said day be and it is hereby appointed the time for said creditors to appear and recommend a trustee for their benefit, and that the said Nathaniel Washington give them notice of the passage of this order by causing a copy of it to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for six successive weeks from the date hereof.  Test JOSEPH HARRIS Clerk of St. Mary's county court.  April 4—w6t
Valuable Property For Sale.  THE Subscribers will offer at Public Sale at the Union Tavern in George Town on Tuesday the 20th day of May next if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, that valuable tract of Land with the improvements thereon, the late residence of Anthony Holmead, deceased, containing upwards of 146 acres, which is divided in the following manner, viz. one Lot containing about 65 acres, 10 or 12 of which is woodland, and including the improvements, which are a two story Brick DWELLING HOUSE
38 feet in length by 27 wide, with four rooms on each floor and a cellar under the whole, a large barn and other out buildings, also a good apple orchard, chiefly young thriving trees, and abundance of other choice fruit trees, a good garden, and a well of excellent water in the yard. One other Lot adjoining the above, containing upwards of 69 acres, nearly one half is wood land. A 4th one other Lot adjoining the last mentioned, containing about 11 acres chiefly in woods. These lots of Land are situated between north and north west of the President's house, and adjoining the city of Washington, and Rock Hill, the seat of Colonel W. A. Washington, this land is generally allowed to be as handsomely situated as any in the district of Columbia, having an extensive prospect of the city of Washington, George Town and Alexandria. Also, will be offered at the same time and place, three whole Squares in the city of Washington numbered 65, 66, and 132, the two last mentioned are well enclosed with a common rail fence, one of them in clover, the other in timber. A 4th part of Lot no. 16 in Holmead's addition to George Town, fronting on Bridge and Rock Creek streets. The terms of sale are one fourth of the purchase money paid down, and a credit of one, two, and three years will be given for the balance, on the purchaser giving bonds with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale; the interest to be paid annually on the whole sum due on the receipt of the last payment a good and sufficient title will be given to the purchaser. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. Any person wishing to view this property will be shown the same with the plats thereof by either of the subscribers.  JOHN HOLMEAD, } Executors of ANTHONY HOLMEAD, } Anthony Holmead, dec'd.  April 9—wts
Any of the above property may be purchased at private sale, previous to the day of sale.  J. H. A. H.  AT the same time and place and immediately after the sale of the above property the subscriber will sell to the highest bidder for ready cash agreeable to a deed in trust from the heirs of col. Charles Beatty for the purpose therein mentioned, part of Lot Number 200 in Beatty and Newkin's addition to George Town, fronting on Market street one hundred feet, and running back seventy feet.  JOHN HOLMEAD.  April 9—wtf
Valuable Property For Sale.  THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 2 1/2 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. contains 43 acres, No. 3. contains 102 acres; No. 4. contains 19 acres; Likewise a lot lying between John Sayloe, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. These lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers.  Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Breckenridge near the property.  Jan 24—wtf