The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-11-23 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 126.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
(DOCUMENTS CONCLUDED.)
Copy of a letter from the hon. David M. Erskine, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, to the Secretary of State of the United States, dated Washington, March 12, 1807.
Sir—I am charged, by his majesty, to express to the government of the United States, his majesty's perfect confidence in their good sense and firmness in resisting the unjust pretensions contained in the decree issued by the French government, at Berlin, on the 21st November, which, if suffered to take effect, must prove so destructive to the commerce of all neutral nations.
His majesty has learnt, that the measures, announced in this decree have already, in some instances, been carried into execution by the privateers of the enemy; and there could be no doubt that his majesty would have an indisputable right to exercise a just retaliation. Neutral nations cannot, indeed, expect that the king should suffer the commerce of his enemies to be carried on through them, whilst they submit to the prohibition which France has decreed against the commerce of his majesty's subjects. But though this right of retaliation would, unquestionably, accrue to his majesty, yet his majesty is unwilling, except in the last extremity, to have recourse to measures, which must prove so distressing to all nations not engaged in the war against France.
His majesty, therefore, with that forbearance and moderation, which have, at all times, distinguished his conduct, has determined, for the present, to confine himself to the exercise of the power given him by his decided naval superiority, in such a manner, only, as is authorised by the acknowledged principles of the law of nations, and has issued an order for preventing all commerce, from port to port, of his enemies: comprehending, in this order, not only the ports of France, but those of other nations, as, either in alliance with France, or subject to her dominion, have, by measures of active offence, or by the exclusion of British ships, taken a part in the present war.
His majesty feels an entire confidence, that the moderation and justice of this conduct will be duly appreciated by the United States, and has charged me to express to their government, in the strongest terms, the regret he has experienced in being thus compelled, in his own defence, to act in a manner which must prove, in some degree, embarrassing to the commerce of neutral nations, and his sincere desire to avoid any stronger measures; to which, however, if the injustice and aggressions of his enemies should not be resisted by those nations, whose rights and interests are invaded by so flagrant a violation of all public law, it may be ultimately necessary for the king to have recourse.
I have the honor to be, with great respect and consideration, sir, your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) D. M. ERSKINE.
Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, in reply to the foregoing March 20, 1807.
Sir, I have laid before the President your letter of the 12th inst. communicating the views of his Britannic majesty, in relation to the French decree of November 21, 1806, and to the principle of retaliation, through the commerce of neutrals, who may submit to the operation of that decree; as, also, the measure actually taken, of prohibiting all neutral commerce from port to port of his enemies, not only the ports of France, but those of such other nations, as, either in alliance with France, or subject to her dominion, have, by measures of active offence, or by the exclusion of British ships, taken a part in the present war.
The President cannot be insensible, sir, to the friendship and confidence towards the U. S. which are signified by his Britannic majesty in this communication. In making this acknowledgement, however, the President considers it not less incumbent on him, to reserve for a state of things which, it is hoped, will never occur, the right of discussing the legality of any particular measures, to which resort may be had, on a ground of retaliation. At this time, it would suffice to observe, that it remains to be more fully ascertained, in what sense the decree in question will be explained, and to what extent it will be carried into execution; and, consequently, whether in any case, the U. S. can be involved in questions concerning measures of
retaliation, supposed to accrue to one belligerent from such a proceeding by another. But, it is worthy the justice and liberality of the British government, to recollect, that, within the period of those great events, which continue to agitate Europe, instances have occurred, in which the commerce of neutral nations, more especially of the U. S. has experienced the severest distresses from its own orders and measures, manifestly unauthorised by the law of nations. The respect which the U. S. owe to their neutral rights, and the interest they have in maintaining them, will always be sufficient pledges, that no culpable acquiescence, on their part, will render them accessory to the proceedings of one belligerent nation, thro' their rights of neutrality, against the commerce of its adversary.
With regard to the particular order issued against the trade of neutrals, from one port to another, of the enemies of G. Britain, no fair objection can lie against it, provided it be founded on, and enforced by actual blockades, as authorised by the law of nations. If, on the other hand, the order has reference, not to such a blockade, but to a supposed illegality of the neutral trade from one to another of the described ports, the remark is obvious, that on that supposition, the order is superfluous; the trade being, as interdicted by the law of nations, liable, at all times, without any such order, to the capture of British cruisers, and the condemnation of British courts; and, if not interdicted as such, by the law of nations, it can no otherwise be made illegal, than by a legal blockade of the ports comprehended in the order. This inference is applicable, even to the case of a neutral trade between the ports of France herself; since it is not a principle of the acknowledged law of nations, that neutrals may not trade from one to another port of the same belligerent nation. And it would be an innovation on that law, not before attempted, to extend the principle to a neutral trade, between ports of different countries, confessedly open in times of peace as well as of war.
If the British order refers for its basis to the principle of retaliation against the French decree, it falls under the observations already made on that subject, and which need not be repeated.
I have the honor to be, with great respect and consideration, sir, your most obedient, (Signed) JAMES MADISON. The Hon. D. M. Erskine.
From the same to the same. March 29, 1807.
Sir, Further reflection on the tenor and tendency of the order of his Britannic majesty, communicated by your letter of the 12th inst. which was answered by mine of the 20th, induces me to resume that important subject.
From the difficulty of supposing that the order can have for its basis, either a legal blockade impossible to be extended to all the ports described in the order, or a supposed illegality of the trade between those ports, an illegality which has never been applied by the British government or its admiralty courts to an accustomed trade even between ports of the same belligerent nation, and is utterly at variance with the conduct of both in reference to a trade between a belligerent nation and its allies, a necessity seems to result of ascribing the orders to the policy of countervailing, through the commerce of neutrals, the French decree of the 21st Nov.
In this view of the order, it demands, on the part of the U. S. the most serious attention, both to its principle and to its operation.
With respect to its principle, it will not be contested, that a retaliation by one nation on its enemy, which is to operate through the interest of a nation, not an enemy, essentially requires not only that the injury inflicted should be limited by the measure of injury sustained, but that every retaliating step, in such a case, should be preceded by an unreasonable failure of the neutral party, in some mode or other, to put an end to the inequality wrongfully produced.
Were it certain, therefore, that the French decree is to be enforced in the sense in which it is taken, and that in violation of the treaty between France and the U. S. the commerce of the latter will not be exempted, the British order being peremptory in its import and immediate in its execution, might justly be regarded by the U. S. as a proceeding equally premature and unfriendly.
But, in the uncertainty as to the real meaning of that decree; and whilst a presumption offered itself that the decree, if avowed and executed in an unlawful extent, might not embrace the commerce of the U. S. they are bound by justice to their interests, as well as by respect for their rights, to consider the British order as a ground for serious complaint and remonstrance.
Should it prove that the decree had not the meaning ascribed to it, and particularly should the respect of France for her treaties with the U. S. except their trade from the operation of the decree, the order of the British government will stand exposed to still severer comments. It will take the character of an original aggression, will furnish to the French government, a like ground with that assumed by itself for retaliating measures, and will derive a very unfavorable feature from the consideration, that it was a palpable infraction of a treaty just signed on the part of the British government, and expected, at the date of the order, to be speedily ratified on the part of the U. S.
The necessity of presenting the subject in its true light is strengthened by the operation which the British order will have on a vast proportion of the entire commerce of the United States. Not to dwell on the carrying branch of the commerce between the ports and countries of Europe, and which the immunity given to our flag, in consequence of treaties with the enemies of Great Britain, to British property, and not enjoyed by the property of her enemies, has hitherto been advantageous to Great Britain; and without enquiring into the effect of an application of the interdict to the other quarters of the globe, all of which are evidently within the comprehensive terms of the order, it cannot be overlooked, that the character and course of nearly the whole of the American commerce, with the ports of Europe, other than of Great Britain, will fall under the destructive operation of the order. It is well known that the cargoes exported from the United States frequently require that they be disposed of, partly at one market, and partly at another. The return cargoes are still more frequently collected at different ports, and not unfrequently, at ports different from those receiving the outward cargoes. In this circuitous voyage, generally consisting of several links, the interest of the undertakers materially requires, also, either a trade or a freightage, between the ports visited in the circuit. To restrain the vessels of the United States, therefore, from this legitimate and customary mode of trading with the continent of Europe, as is contemplated by the orders, and to compel them, on one hand, to dispose of the whole of their cargoes at a port which may want but a part, and on the other hand, to seek the whole of their returns at the same port which may furnish but a part, or perhaps no part, of the articles wanted, would be a proceeding as ruinous to our commerce as contrary to our essential rights.
These observations which are made in conformity with the sentiments of the President, cannot fail, sir, to have the weight, with an enlightened and friendly government, to which they are entitled; and the President persuades himself, that the good effect of the truths which they disclose, will be seen in such measures as will remove all ground for dissatisfaction, and demonstrate on that side, the same sincere disposition to cultivate harmony and beneficial intercourse, as is felt and evinced by the United States and their government.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. The Hon. David M. Erskine, &c. &c. &c.
COW LOST. STRAYED from Kalorama on Rock-hill, near Washington, a Young new MILCH COW. Her head and neck are dark brown, sides spotted with white, hind legs and tail nearly all white. Artificial marks not remembered. Two dollars reward for certain information where she is, or Five dollars if returned to the above place. Enquire at this office. November 23—3t
ATTENTION. THE COMMISSIONED AND NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND PRIVATES of the 4th company of M. B. Artillery, commanded by capt. George Andrews, are requested to meet on Wednesday next at 5 o'clock P. M. at capt. CHARLES JONES'S, on business of importance. Punctilious attendance is required. GEORGE ANDREWS, Capt. Washington city, Nov. 21—2t
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
I have read with considerable attention the new English pamphlet entitled, "Hints to both Parties," &c. It is understood to have been written by a member of the British House of Commons, very closely allied to the present administration. The writer's object is to prove that the superiority of the British at sea, authorises that government to enforce their orders in council to the utmost extent, and that it is the duty of the administration to permit no trade to be carried on except through the medium of a British port. He speaks most indignantly of the U. S. and of those persons in England who have defended the law of nations and the rights of neutrals. It is not my design at present to confute his reasoning, or to prove the falsity of his statements, I wish first that my fellow-citizens should know the opinions which the British government, and their partizans entertain of the stability of our constitution, the patriotism of our citizens, and the effects which a temporary delusion has produced. It may not however be improper to remark, that the writer of this pamphlet will entertain a different opinion of the citizens of the U. S. when he sees the President's message, and is informed of the result of our Congressional and Presidential elections. I forbear now to enlarge. Your paper is occupied with subjects of the utmost importance to the U. S. but I trust you will give the following remarks from the pamphlet alluded to an insertion, and if you should be able to allot me a portion of your paper, I may convince your readers that this writer is completely ignorant both of the patriotism, and views of the citizens of this country.
EXTRACTS.
"Providence has ordained, that nations as well as individuals, should, in a certain degree, be dependent on each other: and the inhabitants of no country can be debarred from their accustomed commercial communications, without being deprived of many advantages and enjoyments. Society being thus constituted, the government that attacks the comfort and happiness of the people, by prohibiting this intercourse, alienates their affections, and consequently holds its authority by a very precarious tenure. When the late emperor Paul entered into the confederacy against Great Britain, his subjects were at once reduced to severe and general distress. Their hemp, their flax, their tallow, their ashes, their iron, their timber, all their great staple commodities, for the sale of which they depended on British purchasers, were left a dead weight upon their hands. If the produce of the land becomes of no value, the landlord may apply to his tenant for rent in vain. If the vassal can procure no employment, he can pay nothing to his lord. Thus the nobles, whose revenue is derived from the rent of their estates, and the labor of their vassals, found themselves involved in the calamity of their inferiors; and were led by common interest, to attempt that revolution, which cost the emperor his crown and his life."
"If any farther elucidation of the principle to which this event is ascribed were wanting, it promises to be found in the United States of America; where the cultivators of the soil are deprived of the fruits of their labors and the merchants of their commercial gains, by the present embargo. This forced state of things, cannot be of long continuance. Already have the Vermontese set the constituted authorities at defiance, and persist in carrying on their trade with the Canadians across lake Champlain, while the northern states manifest strong symptoms of discontent. Mr. Jefferson flattered himself, that if Great Britain, already excluded from all commercial intercourse with the continent of Europe by the decrees of Bonaparte, were likewise excluded from all intercourse with the United States of America by his embargo, she must yield to this combination against her manufactures and maritime rights, which she had claimed from time immemorial, and under all circumstances had uniformly refused to relinquish; but the exercise of which, Mr. Jefferson was pleased to term "her interposition into the maritime code, operating upon her enemies, though she violated rights of neutrals." He has however the mortification of seeing, that Great Britain can withstand this shock unmoved. Our manufacturers find employment, without orders for goods from the U. S. of America. Our West India colonies are neither starving, nor in a
state of revolt, as his partizans predicted they would be. Canada and Nova Scotia will soon be encouraged by the monopoly of the supply of the British West India islands, to raise a sufficient quantity of almost every article necessary for their use: and surely his majesty's ministers will be taught by the lesson they have now received, the wisdom of fostering this intercourse, so as to render our West India islands independent in future of the caprice of any foreign power, when by so doing, they will at the same time take our much neglected provinces in North America, to that prosperity and importance which they are capable of attaining. While such is the state of Great Britain under the American embargo, France indeed feels her full share of those evils, which Mr. Jefferson expected to inflict on all the belligerent powers; she is suffering every possible privation from the want of neutral commerce; and her colonies are literally, according to his denunciation, "at once cut off from the sale of their productions, and the source of their supplies." Privateers from Guadalupe arrive in the ports of the United States, demanding supplies to save the inhabitants from famine. Gen. Ferrand sends Mr. Jefferson a deputation, stating that the city of St. Domingo must be abandoned, unless he furnishes it with provisions; and it remains to be seen whether he will violate his neutrality, by complying with these requests; abandon the system which he recommended as being founded on the most dignified and consummate policy; or risque a revolution, by persisting in his endeavors to enforce it."
"The public papers state that Bonaparte has lately intimated to the American minister, his willingness to rescind his decrees, if Great Britain will revoke her orders in council. This appears highly probable. Experience has at length taught him the mistaken policy of that system, from which he formed such sanguine expectations. He is farther aware, too, that now the state of affairs in Spain obliges him to withdraw his troops from the different ports of Europe where they have hitherto been stationed as centinels to watch over the execution of his decrees, they will no longer be carried into effect. He wishes, therefore, to make a merit of conceding, what he cannot enforce; and to obtain advantageous terms, for the restoration of that intercourse with the continent, which Great Britain may soon expect to enjoy without any conditions. If such an overture has really been made it is to be hoped that his majesty's ministers, while they show every disposition to conciliate America that is consistent with the paramount object of distressing the enemy; while indulgent to those high notions of independence which her sons have inherited from their British ancestors they modify some of the provisions of the orders in council, which are grating to their feelings; will not, by relaxing the rigor of their retaliatory measures, relieve Bonaparte from being made the victim of his own system, and take this modern Phalaris out of that brazen bull which he himself invented for the torment of others."
"From what has been adduced upon the subject of privations, it may be inferred that the attempts of other powers to injure Great Britain by pursuing this system, must be abortive. But it is not so with the same system adopted by G. Britain, in retaliation upon them. What they can only threaten, she can execute. While they can only partially restrict her commerce, her naval superiority gives her the means of annihilating theirs. The people thus reduced to misery and distress, will consider their rulers as the authors of their sufferings; and this sentiment once excited, will lead to revolt; through revolt to revolution; through revolution to a change of measures; and, ultimately, to peace."
"Let then the principle of the orders in council be strictly enforced. When the enemy feels the pressure of our retaliation and relaxes his decrees, we should reject, instead of admitting those commodities, by the sale of which he procures resources for the revenue, gives relief to his subjects, encourages them to the continuance of the war, and reduces them to his authority."
"Such are the sentiments of one of the most leading men in England. From them every American may indignantly dissent; and I have the patriotism of my fellow-citizens to perceive in these remarks an additional incentive to prepare for the sacrifices which they will be called on to make, in order to secure a

national honor and independence only, but personal safety against the attacks of European tyrants. G. B. [Other Extracts, with comments, omitted to make way for the more interesting matter which follows.]
CONGRESS.
IN SENATE.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 21.
EMBARGO.
This being the day fixed for the discussion of the following resolution offered by Mr. Hillhouse,
Resolved, That it is expedient that the act, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," and the several acts supplementary thereto, be repealed, and that a committee be appointed to prepare and report a bill for that purpose.
The Senate took up the subject. Mr. Hillhouse opened the debate. When the reporter entered the Senate chamber, Mr. Hillhouse had been speaking for a few minutes, and was then discussing the effect which the embargo had had upon France, and the light in which it was viewed by her rulers. He alluded to the declaration of satisfaction at this measure, contained in a late French expose, and made many observations tending to show that it was not a measure of hostility or coercion, as applied to France.
On England it had little or no effect. Her resources were immense. If deprived of a supply of grain here, she could obtain it elsewhere. The Barbary powers were at war with France and at peace with England, who might thence obtain wheat in any quantity she pleased. Great Britain he said was a nation with the whole world before her; her commerce spread over every sea, and she had access to almost every port and clime. Could America expect to starve this nation? It was a farce, an idle farce. As to her West India islands they raised Indian corn; all their sugar plantations could be converted into corn fields, and would any man say that they would starve because they could not get superfine flour? Was this a necessary of life without which they could not subsist? On the contrary a great proportion of the American people subsisted on it, and enjoyed as good health as if they eat nothing but the finest of wheat flour. The moment people understood that they could not get their necessary supplies from a customary source, they would look out for it in another quarter, and ample time had been given to them to make arrangement for this purpose. A man of the first respectability in the town in which Mr. H. lived had been there during this embargo, under the President's permission. What accounts did he bring? Why, that the trade in corn meal and live cattle, articles of great export from Connecticut, and comprising not only the product of that state, but of parts of the neighboring states, would be entirely defeated; that where they had formerly sent an hundred hogsheads of meal they would not now find vent for ten; and that from South America, where cattle had in times past been killed merely for their hides and tallow, cattle in abundance could be procured. Were these people to be starved out, when they could actually purchase cheaper now from other places than they had formerly done from us? No. The only consequence would be, and that too severely felt, that we should lose our markets; the embargo thus producing not only present privation and injury, but permanent mischief. The U. S. would have lost the chance of obtaining future supplies, they would have lost their market, and ten or twenty years would place them on the same footing as before. Mr. H. said the W. Indians would have learnt that they can do without us; that they can raise provisions cheaper on their own plantations than we can sell them; and knowing this they would never resort to us. Though we might retain a part of this commerce, the best part would be lost forever. The trade would not be worth pursuing; though this might answer one purpose intended by the embargo, and which was not expressed.
Having considered the article of provisions as important to various parts of the union, Mr. H. said he would now turn to another article, cotton. It had been very triumphantly said that the want of this article would distress the manufacturers of Great Britain, produce a clamor amongst them, and consequently accelerate the repeal of the orders in council. Mr. H. said he would examine this a little, and see if all the evil consequences which opened to him at the time of the passage of the embargo law were not likely to be realised. He had hinted at some of them at that time, but the bill had gone through the Senate like a flash of lightning, giving no time for examination; once, twice, and a third time in one day, affording no time for the development of all its consequences. This article of cotton was used not only by Britain but by France and other nations on the continent. Cotton, not being grown in Europe, must be transported by water carriage. This being the case
who would now be most likely to be supplied with it? Not the continental powers who have so little commerce afloat nor any neutrals to convey it to them; for the U. States were the only neutral which of late traded with France, and now the embargo was laid, she had no chance of getting it, except by the precautionary measures made by her privateers. To Great Britain then was left the whole commerce of the world, and her merchants were the only carriers. Would not these carriers supply their own manufacturers? Would they suffer cotton to go elsewhere till they themselves were supplied? America was not the only country where cotton was raised; for he had seen an account of a whole cargo brought into Salem from the East Indies and thence exported to Holland, with a good profit. Cotton was also raised in Africa, as well as elsewhere; and this way nation, Great Britain, conceiving that the U. States might be so impolitic as to keep on the embargo, had carried whole cargoes of the best cotton seed there for the purpose of raising cotton for her use. Great Britain had possessions in every climate on the globe, and cotton did not, like the sturdy oak, require forty or fifty years to arrive at maturity; but if planted would produce a plentiful supply in a year. Thus, then, when this powerful nation found America resorting to such means to coerce her, she had taken care to look out for supplies in other quarters, and with the command of all the cotton on the globe which went to market, could we expect to coerce her by withholding ours? Mr. H. said no; all the inconvenience which she could feel from our measure had already been borne; and G. Britain was turning her attention to every part of the globe to obtain those supplies which she was wont to get from us, that she might not be reduced to the humiliating condition of making concession to induce us to repeal our own law, and purchase an accommodation by telling us that we had a weapon which we could wield to her annoyance. Mr. H. wished to know of gentlemen if we had not experience enough to know that G. Britain was not to be threatened into compliance by a rod of coercion? Let us examine ourselves, (said he) for if we trace our genealogy, we shall find that we descend from them, were they to use us in this manner, is there an American that would stoop to them? I hope not; and neither will that nation from which we are descended be driven from their position, however erroneous, by threats.
This embargo, therefore, instead of operating on those nations which had been violating our rights, was fraught with evils and privations to the people of the U. States. They were the sufferers. And have we (said he) adopted the monkish plan of scourging ourselves for the sins of others? He hoped not; and that, having made the experiment and found that it had not produced its expected effect, they would abandon it as a measure wholly inefficient as to the objects intended by it and as having weakened the great hold which we had on G. Britain, from her supposed dependence on us for raw materials.
Some gentlemen appeared to build up expectations of the efficiency of this system by an addition to it of a non-intercourse law. Mr. H. treated this as a futile idea. They should however examine it seriously and not like children shut their eyes to danger. Great Britain was not the only manufacturing nation in Europe. Germany, Holland, France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy manufactured more or less, and most of them had colonies, the exclusive supply of whose manufactures they had heretofore reserved to themselves. Whilst we had enjoyed the carrying trade, we had supplied the deficiency in navigation of those nations; & all the inconvenience felt for the want of it ceased because we stopped in aid of them. This trade had been cut up, and perhaps it was not a trade which the energies of the nation should be embarked in defending. Who was there now to supply all these various colonies that used to be supplied by us? None but England, the sole mistress of the ocean. Whose products then would G. Britain carry? Would she carry products of other nations and let her own manufacturers starve? No; and this exclusion from the colonies of other manufactures and leaving her merchants the sole carriers of the world, produced a greater vent for her manufactures than the whole quantity consumed in the U. States.
This, however, was arguing upon the ground that the U. S. would consume none of her manufactures, in case of a non-intercourse. Mr. H. said he was young when the old non-intercourse took place, but he remembered it well, and had then his ideas on the subject. The British army was then at their door, burning their towns and ravaging the country, and at least as much patriotism existed then as now; but British fabrics were received and consumed to almost as great an extent as before the prohibition. The armies could not get fresh provisions from Europe, but
they got them here by paying higher prices in guineas for them than was paid by our government in ragged continental paper money. When the country was in want of clothing and could get it for one-fourth price from the British, what was the consequence? Why all the zealous patriots—for this work of tarring and lathering, and meeting in mobs to destroy their neighbor's property because he could not think quite as fast as they did, which seemed to be coming in fashion now, had been carried on then with great zeal—these patriots, although all intercourse was pe- nal, carried on commerce notwithstanding. Supplies went hence, and manufactures were received from Europe. Now what reliance could be placed on this patriotism? A gentleman from Vermont had told the Senate at the last session that the patriotism of Vermont would stop all exportation by land, without the assistance of the law. How had it turned out? Why, patriotism, cannons, militia, and all had not stopped it; and altho' the field pieces might have stopped it on the lakes, they were absolutely cutting new roads to carry it on by land. And yet the gentleman had supposed their patriotism would effectually stop it! Now Mr. H. wanted to know how a non-intercourse law was to be executed by us with a coast of 1500 miles open to G. Britain by sea, and joining her by land? Her goods would come through our courts of admiralty by the means of friendly captors; they would be brought in, condemned, and then naturalized, as Irishmen are now naturalized, before they have been a month in the country.
Mr. H. went on at some length to show the impracticability of enforcing a non-intercourse law, and its demoralizing consequences on our citizens. It had been said that the embargo should not be raised, because there was no commerce that could now be safely pursued. He was astonished that gentlemen should introduce this argument; as it went upon the ground that France and England could mutually arrest our commerce with each other. If this were really the fact, merchants, who were so nice in their calculations, would not risk their property. The insurance offices were perfect thermometers by which to calculate the degree of risk in any commerce. They always made their calculations on the safe side; and it would be found that no property was more sought after than insurance stock, and this was because the institutions were generally conducted by cautious merchants. A few hum- scamm individual merchants might engage in hazardous enterprizes, and lose all. Such men would never be controlled by law or prudent considerations. But the great body of merchants would always regulate the course of trade, and there was no need of an embargo to save them from running too great a risk.
How had they done in times past? Laws had been in force making it unlawful to trade with the Spanish possessions in S. America; but we had nevertheless carried on a profitable trade there, and not all the vigilance of Spain could prevent it. Now and then a few of our citizens had been caught and imprisoned, but that had not stopped our trade; nor was it in the power of France and England combined to do it. On this subject Mr. H. said gentlemen took for granted what was not true. France had issued her decree, saying that no vessel should navigate to England or her dependencies. What had been the consequence of this decree? It had not raised insurance five per centum. Had there been no good reason for this? Yes; it was well known that the whole combined navy of France was not able to meet a British fleet on the ocean. The French ships of war therefore could never go out but by stealth, and could not spread over the ocean so as to endanger our commerce. Insurance had therefore been very little affected; and was it worth while to abandon trade with England altogether because France said we must not carry it on? This was revenging ourselves upon them with a witness. After the embargo had been laid—for at that time he affirmed they had no knowledge of the British orders; some newspaper speculations on the subject had appeared, but the orders were not officially communicated by the President till the 4th of Feb. ensuing—what said England? You shall not trade to France, said she, England had it in her power to enforce her decree, and the insurance rising proportionably, the merchant had it in his power to say whether his probable profits would justify his sending a cargo to France under so great an insurance. But he asked a question now as to our interest simply, excluding other forcible considerations—when it was not in the power of France to enforce her decrees, and it was in the power of England to enforce her orders in a very great extent, would it have been good policy to involve ourselves in a maritime war with England, who had overcome all the combined fleets of Europe, for the sake of defending our trade with
France? If any trade cost more than it was worth, Mr. H. said it was our interest to abandon it. But there was another danger attendant on our trade to France, and which had ever attended it—sequestration. American property was very apt to be sequestered; and in enforcing their Berlin decree, the French had thought proper to burn our vessels; and though it had been said that the Berlin decree had never been applied to us before the case of the Horizon, yet vessels had been sequestered in Feb. 1807, sold, and the money retained and would probably never be restored. This sequestration had been practised in the French ports more or less since the commencement of the revolution, and we had never got one dollar as compensation. To be sure, in the treaty of Louisiana, we had been allowed to pay money to our own citizens, but it had never come out of French coffers. Was it worth our while to engage in a maritime war with England to support a trade with France? Mr. H. said no; our interest would not have warranted it. For, notwithstanding all France could do, at a risk of five per cent. we might have had a trade with the British islands, Sweden, Portugal, the E. Indies, the British W. India islands and other countries—a profitable trade too. But gentlemen said, would they submit to pay tribute to G. Britain? No. This tribute was but a mere name. They must pay tribute for going from England to France, where they would be captured as a matter of course because they had touched English ground. It was a tribute to be paid in a case which would never happen—a mere nullity. But said gentlemen, there are American vessels which have gone to England, the embargo notwithstanding, and thence to various ports of the continent, by the aid of false papers. Were they to embark in a conflict to prevent their citizens from doing this? All this smuggling work, where it was not under the sanction of laws of the U. S. reflected no disgrace on the honor of the nation, which was not responsible for it.
If there were nothing that would commit the honor of the nation in the way of it, Mr. H. said it would be the interest of this nation to abandon its commerce with France, not only on account of the risk in carrying it on, but on account of the risk after it gets into port. Mr. Armstrong said—but he would not allude to him for fear he might tread on confidential ground; however, accounts had been received from our consuls and merchants, that whenever it suited the convenience of the French nation to lay their hands on American property, they had done it. And therefore he said our trade to that country was on a very insecure footing indeed.
But, said gentlemen, if they allowed our vessels to trade to England and not to France, it was a submission to her orders and a resignation of our independence; therefore the embargo must be maintained to keep on equal ground. I could never see, observed Mr. H. how the embargo was the means of preserving the honor of the nation. These nations say we shall not trade; and therefore, by an embargo, we destroy our commerce. This is magnanimous indeed. It is a new way of preserving commerce, because foreign nations say we shall not follow it, we say we will abandon it. Do we not comply with the requisition of these nations completely—more than comply, for we surrender all commerce. It is the most tame surrender of our rights.
But, said gentlemen, we must have embargo or war. This, Mr. H. said, had been urged in public debate, in the newspapers, and almost all communications they had received. For his part he could not see how a repeal of the embargo was to involve us in war, except it were, as said last winter, that Bonaparte would have no neutrals; and therefore, if we did not continue the embargo he would declare war against us. Was this a ground on which to surrender commerce and subject all our citizens to inconvenience because he would otherwise declare war? What more could he do than he had done? What more than burn our ships and sequester our property? He could do no more. Why then should they be terrified thus? If war came thus, let it come. Mr. H. said he was not for declaring war against any nation, but he was for authorizing the arming our commerce, for authorizing our merchants to defend those maritime rights which were clear and indisputable; and this would not be war, for no nation, not predetermined to make war, would make war upon us for defending our maritime rights. I should not (said he) be willing to go to war for doubtful rights, as that of the carrying trade between the mother country and her colonies; but our indisputable neutral rights I am for defending, not abandoning.
Mr. H. said he thought when the embargo was laid, though perhaps he had been singular in the opinion, that it was intended as a permanent measure; that the real object was not what had been expressed in the message, but to put down commerce and set up manufactures; to convert all
our commercial capital into manufactures, and all our commercial men into manufacturers; and many honest politicians had thought it would be a practicable and useful and beneficial plan, though the contrary had ever been his opinion. In confirmation of his opinion, Mr. H. said, when they looked over official and other publications which bore the stamp of authority, or were considered as being approved by the constituted authorities of the country, they were told that the agriculturist and manufacturer should be planted side by side, and that they should sit at their own doors clothed in their own manufactures of those articles which they had before received from others. These ideas could never be realized but by abandoning commerce.
Mr. H. here went at some length into a discussion on the subject of manufactures, using arguments tending to demonstrate that large manufactures are as unsuitable to the genius of a free people as to the peculiar habits of the people of the U. States.
Mr. H. said no man was more desirous to obey the laws of his country than he was; but in a free country laws could not be forced down. Either by force or in some other way the people would get rid of a disagreeable law. They always had and always would do it. Therefore attempting this system was prostrating the dignity of the government and teaching the people to trample on the constituted authorities. He wished to see the magistracy of a free country omnipotent in its laws; but if by projects of this kind the people were driven to opposition they would not confine themselves to the constitutional remedy, but feeling their power, would exercise it with violence. Therefore, when a measure was found not to operate right, they should retreat, and they might do it too with a good grace, for it would be for the honor of the nation that they should retrace their steps.
Mr. H. said he imagined some ulterior steps might be proper if the embargo were raised; but on conversing with members, he had found so many different opinions to prevail, that he had not coupled any thing with this. When the embargo should have been done away, no doubt the councils of the nation would come to some result and adopt some measure which would take its place. For all these reasons, Mr. H. concluded by saying that he was clearly of opinion, that his resolution should be adopted, and the embargo repealed.
Mr. Bradley moved the postponement of the further consideration of the subject till tomorrow. A committee had been appointed by the House on this subject, and the present agitation of the subject must paralyse the proceedings of the committee, if not operate against its total dissolution.
Mr. Hillhouse said he had no objection that the subject should be postponed till tomorrow, but the reason the gentleman had given for it was a very extraordinary one, for when an objection had been made to the appointment of this committee it had been answered that its appointment would not at all interfere with his (Mr. H's) resolution; upon which ground no opposition had been made to the appointment of the committee.
Mr. Pope said it had been his opinion this morning that this resolution should have been referred to that committee, but after what had been said it was his wish that some commercial gentlemen, whose knowledge of commercial subjects would enable him to explore the wide field taken by the gentleman from Connecticut, would have answered him. He had hoped, at this session, after the Presidential election was decided, that all would have dismounted from their political hobbies, that they would have been all Federalists, all Republicans—all Americans. When they saw the ocean swarming with pirates, and commerce almost annihilated, he had hoped that the demon of party spirit would not have reared its head within these walls, but that they would all have mingled opinions and consult the common good. He had heretofore been often charmed with the matter of fact argument of the gentleman from Connecticut; but on this day the gentleman had resorted to arguments from newspapers, and revived all the old story of French influence, in the same breath in which he begged them to discard all party feelings and discuss with candor. The gentleman had gone into a wide field which Mr. P. said he would not now explore, but begged time till tomorrow, when he would endeavor to show to the nation and to the world that the arguments used by the gentleman in favor of his resolution were most weighty against it. If patriotism had departed the land, if the streams of foreign corruption had flowed so far that the people were ready to rise in opposition to their government, it was indeed time that foreign intercourse should cease. If the spirit of '76 were no more, if the spirit of commercial speculation had surrounded all patriotism—if this was the melancholy situation of the United States, it was time to redeem the people from this degeneracy, to regenerate them, to cause them to be born again of the spirit of '76. But he believed he should be able to show that the proposition of the gentleman from Connecticut hardly merited the respect or serious consideration of this honorable body. Mr. P. said he had expected, that in advocating his resolution, the gentleman would have told the Senate that we should go to war with G. Britain and France; that he would have risen with patriotic indignation and have called for a more efficient measure. But to his surprise, the gentleman had risen, and with the monosyllable fiat told them, let your ships go out; ship's well; and nothing to be apprehended. Mr. P. said he would not go into the subject at this moment; he had but risen to express his feelings on the occasion. He wished the subject postponed the more, because he wished to consult a document just laid on their table, to see how the memorials presented a short time ago from those whose cause the gentleman from Connecticut undertook to advocate, accorded with the sentiments he had this day expressed for them.
(The remainder of this page is occupied by other matter. This subject resumed this day and Tuesday. No question yet taken.)

We make no apology for deferring a variety of original and compiled matter in type, to make room for the commencement of the interesting debate in the Senate, and for the following highly important Report of Mr. G. W. Campbell made yesterday in the House of Representatives, which was made the order of the day for Thursday, and of which 5,000 copies were directed to be printed for the use of the members.
REPORT.
The committee to whom was referred so much of the message of the President of the United States, of the 8th instant, as respects our relations with foreign powers;
REPORT IN PART.
After a period of twenty-five years of peace, hardly interrupted by transient hostilities, and of prosperity unparalleled in the history of nations; the United States are, for the first time since the treaty which terminated the revolutionary war, placed in a situation equally difficult, critical and dangerous.
Those principles recognized by the civilized world under the name of law of nations, which heretofore controlled belligerent powers, regulated the duties of neutrals & protected their rights, are now avowedly disregarded or forgotten by Great Britain and France. Each of those two nations captures and condemns all American vessels trading with her enemies or her enemy's allies; and every European power having become a party in the contest, the whole of our commerce with Europe and European colonies, becomes liable to capture by either one or the other. If there be any nominal exception, it is made on a condition of tribute, which only adds insult to the injury.
The only plea urged in justification of those hostilities, is that of retaliation, grounded on a presumed acquiescence of the United States in previous aggressions by the other party. Waving a discussion of the correctness of the principle of retaliation, a principle doubtful in itself, and altogether inadmissible to the extent to which it has been carried, and when operating on the neutral rather than on the enemy; it is altogether untrue that the United States have ever voluntarily acquiesced in the unlawful aggressions of either nation; omitted or delayed any measures calculated to obtain redress, or in any respect deviated from that impartiality to which they were bound by their neutrality. France has alluded to the violations of the national flag, and of the sovereignty of the United States, in the instances of Pierce's murder, of the outrage on the Chesapeake, and of the destruction of the Impetus. The measures taken to obtain redress in those cases are of public notoriety, and it may be added, that with the exception of the last, those aggressions on the sovereignty of the United States did not affect their neutrality, and gave no right to France either of complaint or interference. Setting aside irregularities of less importance and equally chargeable to both nations, such as the British order of June, 1803, and the decree of the French general, Ferrand; the principal violations by England of the neutral rights of America, prior to the Berlin decree of November, 1806, and which, if acquiesced in, might have given grounds of complaint to France, are the capture of American vessels laden with colonial produce, founded on a renewal of that pretended principle generally called "the rule of 1756," the impressment of American seamen, compelled thereby to become the auxiliaries of England against France, and proclamation or nominal blockades, particularly that of the coast from the river Elbe to Brest, notified in May, 1806.
It will not be asserted, that the United States ever tamely acquiesced in either of those pretensions. It will not be denied, that with respect to the two first, the most strenuous efforts were incessantly made to procure an alteration of the British system.
It is true, that to the nominal proclamation blockades of England, the United States had opposed only spirited and repeated remonstrances, and that these had not always been successful. But the measures which a neutral nation may be supposed bound to take, against the infractions of its neutrality, must always bear a certain proportion to the extent and nature of the injury received, and to the means of opposition. It cannot certainly be pretended, that a hasty resort to war should in every such instance have become the duty of America. Nor can the irregularities of England, in declaring in a state of blockade, a certain extent of coast, part of which was not, and the whole of which could not, even by her powerful navy, be actually invested and blockaded, be plead in justification of that decree, by which France, without an efficient fleet, pretends to announce the blockade of the dominions of a power which has the uncontested command of the sea, and before
no port of which, she can station a single vessel.
The Milan decree of 1807 can still less rest for its defence on the supposed acquiescence of the U. S. in the British orders of the preceding month, since those orders, which have not certainly been acquiesced in, were not even known in America at the date of the decree. And it is proper here to add, that the French have, particularly by the sequestration of certain vessels in their ports, and by burning our ships on the high seas, gone even beyond the tenor of their own extraordinary edicts.
The allegation of an acquiescence in the Berlin decree of November 1806, by which alone the British government pretends to justify the orders of council, is equally unfounded. In the note on that subject, addressed on the 31st of December 1806, by the British government to the American ministers, after having stated that "they could not believe that the enemy would ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system," the following declaration is expressly made, "If, however, the enemy should carry these threats into execution, and if neutral nations, contrary to all expectation, should acquiesce in such usurpations, his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate in his just defence, &c." The two requisites necessary in the opinion of Great Britain to justify retaliation, are stated to be, the execution of the decree, and the acquiescence of neutral nations. Yet, within eight days after, and in the face of that declaration, without waiting for ascertaining either of those facts, the retaliating British order of January 7th, 1807, was issued, which, contrary to the acknowledged law of nations, subjected to capture, vessels of the U. States sailing from the ports of one belligerent to a port of another belligerent.
The United States in the mean while, and without delay, had taken the necessary steps to ascertain the manner in which the French government intended to execute their decree.
That decree might be construed merely as a municipal law forbidding the introduction of British merchandise, and the admission of vessels coming from England. Under that aspect, and if confined to that object, the neutral rights of America were not affected by its operation.
A belligerent may without any infraction of neutral rights forbid the admission into his ports of any vessel coming from the ports of his enemy. And France had undoubtedly the same right to exclude from her dominions every species of British merchandise, which the United States have exercised in forbidding the importation of certain species. Great Britain might be injured by such regulations; but America had no more right to complain of that part of the decree, than France had to object to the American non-importation act. So far indeed as respects the United States, they were placed by the municipal part of the decree in the same situation, in relation to France, in which they are placed in their intercourse with Great Britain by the permanent laws of that country. The French decree forbids American vessels to import British merchandise into France. The British navigation act forbids American vessels to import French merchandise into England. But that broad clause of the Berlin decree which declared the British islands in a state of blockade, though not followed by regulations to that effect, still threatened an intended operation on the high seas. This if carried into effect would be a flagrant violation of the neutral rights of the United States, and as such they would be bound to oppose it. The minister of the United States at Paris, immediately applied for explanation on that subject; and the French minister of marine on the 24th December, 1806, seven days before the date of the above mentioned note of the British government, stated in answer, that the decree made no alteration in the regulations then observed in France with regard to neutral navigation, or to the commercial convention of the United States with France. That the declaration of the British islands being in a state of blockade did not change the existing French laws concerning maritime captures, and that American vessels could not be taken at sea for the mere reason of their being going to, or returning from an English port.
The execution of the decree imported for several months with those explanations: several vessels were arrested for having introduced articles of English growth or manufacture, and among them some which being actually from England, and laden with English colonial produce, had entered with forged papers, as if coming from the United States. But no alteration of the first construction given by the French government took place until the month of September, 1807. The first condemnation on the principle that the decree subjected neutral vessels to capture on the high seas, was that of the Horizon on the 10th of October following. Prior to that time there could have been no acquiescence in a decree infringing the neutral rights of the United
States, because till the time it was explained, and what was more important, executed in such manner as not to infringe those rights, because until then no such infraction had taken place. The ministers of the United States at London, at the request of the British minister, communicated to him on the 18th October, 1807, the substance of the explanations received, and of the manner in which the decree was executed. For they were at that time ignorant of the change which had taken place.
It was on the 18th of September, 1807, that a new construction of the decree took place; an instruction having on that day been transmitted to the council of prizes by the minister of justice, by which that court was informed, that French armed vessels were authorized, under that decree, to seize without exception, in neutral vessels, either English property or merchandise of English growth or manufacture. An immediate explanation having been asked from the French minister of foreign relations, he confirmed, in his answer of the 7th of October, 1807, the determination of his government to adopt that construction. Its first application took place on the 10th of the same month, in the case of the Horizon, of which the minister of the United States was not informed until the month of November; and on the twelfth of that month, he presented a spirited remonstrance against that infraction of the neutral rights of the United States. He had, in the meanwhile, transmitted to America the instruction to the council of prizes of the 18th of September. This was received on the 10th of December; and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon, having at the same time reached government, the President aware of the consequences which would follow that new state of things, communicated immediately to Congress the alteration of the French decrees, and recommended the embargo, which was accordingly laid on the 22nd of December, 1807; at which time it was well understood, in this country, that the British orders of council, of November preceding had issued, although they were not officially communicated to our government.
On the 11th of that month those orders did actually issue declaring that all the ports of France, of her allies, & of any other country at war with England, and all other ports of Europe, from which, although not at war with England, the British flag was excluded, should thenceforth be considered as if the same were actually blockaded; that all trade in articles of the produce or manufactures of the said countries, should be deemed unlawful; and that every vessel trading from or to the said countries, together with all goods and merchandise on board, and also all articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries, should be liable to capture and condemnation.
These orders cannot be defended on the ground of their being intended as retaliating on account of the Berlin decrees, as construed, and uniformly executed from its date to the 18th September, 1807, its construction & execution having till then infringed no neutral rights. For certainly the monstrous doctrine will not be asserted even by the British government, that neutral nations are bound to resist, not only the acts of belligerent powers which violate their rights, but also those municipal regulations, which, however, they may injure the enemy, are lawful and do not affect the legitimate rights of the neutral. The only retaliation to be used in such cases, must be such as will operate on the enemy without infringing the rights of the neutral. If solely intended as a retaliation on the Berlin decree, as executed prior to the month of September, the British orders of council should have been confined to forbidding the introduction into Great Britain of French or enemy's merchandise, and the admission into British ports of neutral vessels coming from a French or other enemy's port. Indeed the ground of retaliation on account of any culpable acquiescence of neutrals in decrees violating their rights, is abandoned by the very tenor of the orders; their operation being extended to those countries from which the British flag was excluded, such as Austria, although such countries were neither at war with Great Britain, nor had passed any decree in any way affecting or connected with neutral rights.
Nor are the orders justifiable on the pretence of an acquiescence on the part of the United States, in the French decree as construed and executed subsequent to the 18th Sept. 1807, when it became an evident infraction of their rights, and such as they were bound to oppose. For their minister at Paris immediately made the necessary remonstrances; and the orders were issued not only without having ascertained whether the United States would acquiesce in the injurious alteration of the French decree, but more than one month before that alteration was known in America. It may even be asserted that the alteration was not known in England
when the orders of council were issued; the instruction of the 18th September, 1807, which gave the new and injurious construction, not having been promulgated in France, and its first publication having been made in December, 1807, and by the American government itself.
The British orders of council are, therefore, unjustifiable on the principle of retaliation, even giving to that principle all the latitude which has ever been avowedly contended for. They are in open violation of the solemn declaration made by the British ministers in December, 1806; that retaliation on the part of Great Britain would depend on the execution of an unlawful decree, and on the acquiescence of neutral nations in such infraction of their rights. And they were also issued, notwithstanding the official communication made by the ministers of the United States, that the French decree was construed and executed so as not to infringe their neutral rights, and without any previous notice or intimation denying the correctness of that statement.
The Berlin decree as expounded and executed subsequent to the 18th September, 1807, and the British orders of council of the 11th November ensuing, are therefore as they affect the United States co-temporaneous aggressions of the belligerent powers, equally unprovoked and equally indefensible on the presumed ground of acquiescence. These, together with the Milan decree of December, 1807, which filled the measure, would on the principle of self defence have justified immediate hostilities against both nations on the part of the United States. They thought it more eligible in the first instance by withdrawing their vessels from the ocean, to avoid war, at least, for a season, and at the same time, to snatch their immense and defenceless commerce from impending destruction.
Another appeal has in the mean time been made, under the authority vested in the President for that purpose, to the justice and true interest of France and England. The propositions made by the United States, and the arguments urged by their ministers are before Congress. By these, the very pretext of the illegal edicts was removed, and it is evident that a revocation by either nation on the ground on which it was asked, either must have produced, what both pretended to have in view, a restoration of the freedom of commerce and of the acknowledged principles of the law of nations; or in case of refusal by the other belligerent, would have carried into effect, in the most efficient manner, the ostensible object of the edicts, and made the United States a party in the war against him. The effort has been ineffectual. The propositions have been actually rejected by one of the belligerent powers, and remain unanswered by the other. In that state of things, what course ought the U. States to pursue? Your committee can perceive no other alternative, but abject and degrading submission; war with both nations; or a continuance and enforcement of the present suspension of commerce.
The first cannot require any discussion. But the pressure of the embargo, so sensibly felt, and the calamities inseparable from a state of war, naturally create a wish that some middle course might be discovered, which should avoid the evils of both, and not be inconsistent with national honor and independence. That illusion must be dissipated; and it is necessary that the people of the U. States should fully understand the situation in which they are placed.
There is no other alternative, but war with both nations, or a continuance of the present system. For war with one of the belligerents only would be submission to the edicts and will of the other; and a repeal in whole or in part of the embargo must necessarily be war or submission.
A general repeal without arming, would be submission to both nations.
A general repeal and arming of our merchant vessels, would be war with both, and war of the worst kind, suffering the enemies to plunder us without retaliation upon them.
A partial repeal must, from the situation of Europe, necessarily be actual submission to one of the aggressors, and war with the other.
The last position, is the only one on which there can be any doubt; and it will be most satisfactorily demonstrated by selecting amongst the several modifications, which might be suggested, that which may on first view appear the least exceptionable; a proposition to repeal the embargo, so far only as relates to those powers, which have not passed or do not execute any decrees injurious to the neutral rights of the U. States.
It is said that the adoption of that proposition would restore our commerce with the native powers of Asia and Africa, and with Spain, Portugal, Sweden and Russia. Let this be taken for granted, although the precise line of conduct now pursued by most of those nations, in relation to the United States, is not correctly ascertained. So far as relates to any advantages which would result from
that measure, if confined to its ostensible object, it will be sufficient to observe that the exports of articles of the domestic produce of the United States, during the year, ending the 30th September, 1807, amounted to 348,700,000; and that the portion exported to the countries above enumerated, falls short of seven millions; an amount too inconsiderable, when compared with the bulk of our exports, to deserve attention, even if a question affecting the independence of the nation was to be decided by considerations of immediate profit.
But the true effect of the proposition would be to open an indirect trade with Great Britain, which, through St. Bartholomew and Havannah, Lisbon, Cadiz or Gottenburg, would receive, at prices reduced by glutted markets and for want of competition, all the provisions, naval stores, raw materials for her manufactures, and other articles which she may want. Whether she would be satisfied with that favorable state of things, or whether, considering that boon as a pledge of unqualified submission, she would, according to the tenor of her orders, interrupt our scanty commerce with Russia, and occasionally, under some new pretext, capture rather than purchase the cargoes intended for her own use, is equally uncertain and unimportant. Nor can it be doubted that a measure, which would supply exclusively one of the belligerents, would be war with the other. Considered merely as a question of profit, it would be much more eligible at once to raise the embargo in relation to Great Britain, as we would then, at least, have the advantages of a direct market with the consumer. But the proposition can only be defended on the ground that France is the only aggressor, and, that having no just reason to complain of England, it is our duty to submit to her orders. On that inadmissible supposition, it would not only be more candid, but also a more dignified, as well as more advantageous course, openly to join England, and to make war against France. The object would be clearly understood, an ally would be obtained, and the meanness of submission might be better palliated.
It appears unnecessary to pursue further the examination of propositions, which the difficult situation of the United States could alone have suggested, and which will prove more inadmissible, or impracticable, as the subject is more thoroughly investigated. The alternative is painful; it is between a continued suspension of commerce and war with both England and France. But the choice must ultimately be made between the two; and it is important that we should be prepared for either the one or the other.
The aggressions of England and France, collectively affecting almost the whole of our commerce, and persisted in, notwithstanding repeated remonstrances, explanations and propositions the most candid and unexceptionable, are, to all intents and purposes, a maritime war waged by both nations against the United States. It cannot be denied that the ultimate and only effectual mode of resisting that warfare, if persisted in, is war. A permanent suspension of commerce, after repeated and unavailing efforts to obtain peace, would not properly be resistance; it would be withdrawing from the contest, and abandoning our inalienable right freely to navigate the ocean. The present unsettled state of the world, the extraordinary situation in which the United States are placed, and the necessity, if war be resorted to, of making it at the same time against both nations, and these the two most powerful of the world, are the principal causes of hesitation. There would be none in resorting to that remedy, however arduous, if a selection could be made on any principle of justice, or without a sacrifice of national independence.
On a question of such difficulty, involving the most important interests of the union, and which has not, perhaps, until lately, been sufficiently considered, your committee think the House alone competent to pronounce a decisive opinion; and they have, in this report, confined themselves to an exposition of the subject, and to such introductory resolutions, as will be equally applicable to either alternative. The first of these, being merely declaratory of a determination not to submit to foreign aggressions, may, perhaps, at a first view, appear superfluous. It is, however, believed by the committee, that a pledge by the representatives of the nation, that they will not abandon its essential rights, will not at this critical moment be unacceptable. The misapprehensions which seem to have existed, and the misrepresentations which have been circulated, respecting the state of our foreign relations, render also such declaration expedient. And it may not be useless that every foreign nation should understand, that its aggressions never will be justified or encouraged by any description of American citizens. For the question for every citizen now is, whether he will rally round the government of his choice, or enlist under foreign banners? Whether he will be for his country, or a dissembler?
The committee respectfully submit the following resolutions:
1. Resolved, That the United States can not, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France. 2. Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States; and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either. 3. Resolved That measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence.
No business of importance done in the House of Representatives for the two last days.
Capt. DAVENPORT's company, now at the Treasury at 3 P. M. fully equipped, on business of importance as per 2d of the Brigade Orders. Nov. 24.

(BY SPECIAL PERMISSION.) The fine new ship MISSOURI , Robert Hart, Master. WILL sail from Baltimore for NEW ORLEANS, about the 1st of December. Her conveniences and elegance of accommodation for passengers are not exceeded by any ship belonging to the United States, and the master is thoroughly acquainted and experienced in that navigation. For freight or passage, apply in Baltimore to captain or bar.
REVIN D. SHEPHERD. November 21-41
Have just received by the Cores, Captain Weeks, from New-York— 30 Boxes prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Boxes ground Ginger 10 Boxes Pepper and Timento 20 Boxes and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Cases Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 10 Boxes Chocolate 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town. November 21-2aw6w
ISRAEL LITTLE, Auct. November 7-41
ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince Georges county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several acts supplemental thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on which as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied, by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
ON application to me the subscriber in the recess of the court as Chief Judge of the first Judicial District of the state of Maryland by petition in writing of HENRY ADDISON CALLIS , of Prince Georges county, praying for the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, and the several supplements thereto on the terms mentioned in the said acts—a schedule of his property and list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them, being annexed to his petition; and the said Henry Addison Callis , having satisfied me by competent testimony that he has resided in the state of Maryland two years immediately preceding the time of his application; having also stated in his petition that he is now in actual confinement for debt, and not on account of any breach of the peace or for the non-payment of any fine, or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the sheriff of Prince Georges county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement on the terms prescribed in the said acts, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court to answer any interrogatories that may be made against him by his creditors. I do hereby order and adjudge that the said Henry Addison Callis be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in December next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the county court at the court house of said county, at 12 o'clock of the said first Monday in December next for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Henry Addison Callis then and there taking the oath prescribed for the discharging of his property and to show cause if any they have why the said Henry Addison Callis should not have the benefit of the several acts of Assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors.
MRS. LEE, begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its Vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of Music, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, she has engaged a gentleman of known ability to attend to instruction in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBE, MAPS, & CHARTS. Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced, and hopes still to merit by an unmitigated attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst.
LUKE LEVY. CLOCK & WATCH MAKER (FROM PHILADELPHIA) 81 Street between the Brink & Vineyard. Informing the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington city, Nov. 14-5w
PLATING CARDS Of the First Quality, Just received, and FOR SALE By the Gross, Dozen or Pack, at Dr. MAGRUDER'S Drug & Medical Store, George Town. October 21-11
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, living in Montgomery county, Maryland, near the Great falls of Potomac, on the 16th ult. a Negro Man, named JACK; he is about 5 feet 8 inches high, well made in proportion, and is a very useful fellow, about 40 years of age, an African by birth, speaks bad English, stammers very much; he has a remarkable large mouth and teeth, very thick lips, a dull countenance when spoken to, & speaks quick; he has lost both his little toes. It is no dress to describe his clothing, as he took away with him several suits, and no doubt will change his dress, and it is highly probable he may have a pair. Whoever will take up said fellow, and secure him in any jail, so that he can be seen again, shall receive the above reward, if taken 120 miles from home, and in proportion if nearer. MARGARET OFFUTT. November 4-4w4
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, Esq. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, the General Assembly of Maryland, did, by an act passed at November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act to reduce into one the several acts of Assembly, respecting elections, and to regulate said elections," direct that the Governor and Council after having received the returns of elections of the members to represent this state in the Congress of the United States, should enumerate and ascertain the number of votes given for each and every person voted for as a member for Congress aforesaid respectively, and shall thereupon declare, by proclamation, signed by the Governor, the name of the person or persons duly elected in each respective district: We in pursuance of the directions of the said act, do by this our proclamation, declare that by the returns made to us, it appears that John Campbell , esq. was elected for the first district; Archibald Van Horn , esq. was elected for the second district; Philip Barton Key , esq. was elected for the third district; Roger Nelson , esq. was elected for the fourth district; Nicholas Tauxon Moore , and Alexander M'Kim , esqs. were elected for the fifth district; John Montgomery , esq. was elected for the sixth district; John Brown of Nathan , esq. was elected for the seventh district; and Charles Goldsborough , esq. was elected for the eighth district. Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the great seal of the state of Maryland, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT, By the Governor, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of four weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Fredericktown; the Maryland Herald, at Hagerstown; and in Mr. Smith's paper, at Easton. October 28-2aw4w
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, Esq. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been represented to me on the oath of Kitty Brawner an infant of the age of ten years, that a Rape has been committed on her by a certain Thomas Burk , of Frederick county, and on the oath of William Brawner and Catharine Brawner the parents of the said Kitty Brawner that there were marks of violence on their said daughter who charged said Burk . And whereas it has been certified by Thomas Bond , esq. a Justice of the peace of Frederick county, that the said Thomas Burk has fled from justice. And whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice; I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation: and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer One Hundred and Fifty Dollars reward, to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and bring to justice, the said Thomas Burk . Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America, the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, that the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of five weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown; the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. October 28-2aw5w
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern, in said town—to commence at ten o'clock, A.M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21-ep41
FOR SALE. AN ELEGANT CHARIOT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted Harness for four or two Horses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Inquire of the Editor of this paper. ALE. POTTER & BEER. THE Subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has on hand Albany ALE , Philadelphia PORTER and ALE by the Hogshead or Dozen, Philadelphia BEER by the barrel of a superior quality, being supplied from the first brewery on the continent, he hopes to give general satisfaction. N. B. A constant supply of GROCERIES. Washington city, near the Navy Yard, Nov. 16-7tj
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On Wednesday the 30th of November next on a credit of Six and Twelve months. THAT well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. Wm. Rhodes as a hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices, and also to the street that will lead across the River, to the bridge now erecting over the Potomac, and which is rapidly progressing, with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment—Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement. Sale to be on the premises, and to commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAK, Auct. Washington city, October 31-4dos
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Near landing from on board the schr. Maria , capt. Fitzhugh , and for SALE, at low prices. Jamaica Spirit, Antigua and New England Rum, Muscavado Sugars, Molasses, Coffee, Muscadell and bloom Raisins, Holland and country Gin, Spermaceti Candles, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars, Corks, Powder and shot of the best quality, White Lead in oil, A few crates of Stone Ware. They have also on hand, and for Sale, Madera, Marsala, and } Wine by the cask. Catalonia, } Claret in boxes of 1 dozen each, Cognac and } Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, } Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, Best Salid Oil, Mould and Dipt Candles, Soap, Whiskey, and A few Logs of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. August 22-
INFORMATION WANTED. IF JOHN BATEBY DOBBINS who came from England some years ago, and resided at Washington (it is not certain in what state) for some time, will call on, or write to the subscriber, he will hear something much to his advantage. Any information that will enable me to ascertain whether the said John Bateby Dobbins is alive or not, will be thankfully received. SAMUEL SPACKMAN, No. 1, Bank Alley, Philadelphia. 10th month, 11, 1808-2m
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, Esq. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been represented to me on the oath of Kitty Brawner an infant of the age of ten years, that a Rape has been committed on her by a certain Thomas Burk , of Frederick county, and on the oath of William Brawner and Catharine Brawner the parents of the said Kitty Brawner that there were marks of violence on their said daughter who charged said Burk . And whereas it has been certified by Thomas Bond , esq. a Justice of the peace of Frederick county, that the said Thomas Burk has fled from justice. And whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice; I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation: and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer One Hundred and Fifty Dollars reward, to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and bring to justice, the said Thomas Burk . Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America, the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, that the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of five weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown; the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. October 28-2aw5w
THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Fourth Instalment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 14th day December next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. BENEAL, President. November 18-13t
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On Wednesday the 30th of November next on a credit of Six and Twelve months. THAT well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. Wm. Rhodes as a hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices, and also to the street that will lead across the River, to the bridge now erecting over the Potomac, and which is rapidly progressing, with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment—Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement. Sale to be on the premises, and to commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAK, Auct. Washington city, October 31-4dos
UNION CIRCULATING LIBRARY. MANY well informed Inhabitants of Georgetown & Washington, as well as several respectable persons residing in their vicinity, having frequently expressed their wishes to have access to a well chosen Circulating Library, and their regret that no institution of the kind is here to be found on a scale sufficiently ample to afford copious information on the various subjects of general Literature: the subscriber has resolved to establish one on a new and extensive plan. It is intended, in the first instance, to furnish it with a numerous selection of those works to which time has affixed the seal of sterling worth, and to replenish it with every book published in the United States, as soon as issued from the press, whether historical, political, scientific, or of that description which is designated by the more general term, amusing, including all the new plays; together with a regular series of the British Reviews, and every French and English publication of merit. The advantages of such an establishment are obvious; to Ladies and Gentlemen of literary taste it holds out a pleasing and never ending source of rational amusement; to those in search of knowledge, a cheap and easy attainment of their wishes; and to persons desirous of forming a private library, a valuable opportunity of selecting such books only as they may approve, which cannot be determined otherwise than by a previous perusal—an advantage, which, without such an institution, can be obtained only by the expense of a purchase frequently ending in disappointment. Should this plan meet with that encouragement which is necessary to justify the undertaking, it shall go into operation on the following CONDITIONS. First—As soon as one hundred subscribers, at Five Dollars each, are obtained, the Union Circulating Library shall be opened with $1000 worth of books, and in like proportion for any greater number of subscribers. Second—The terms of subscription will be—for one year, Five Dollars—six months, Three Dollars—three months, Two Dollars, and one month, One Dollar. Third—All subscriptions must be invariably paid in advance. Fourth—Each subscriber to be entitled to one book at a time, or two volumes, if of the same set, which may be changed once a day and not oftener; but subscribers residing more than six miles from Georgetown will be allowed two books at a time. Fifth—To accommodate subscribers as early as possible, two copies at least of such new books as possess a high degree of interest shall be placed in the Library. Sixth—The prices will be marked in each book belonging to the Library, and any subscriber who may lose or damage any of them will be required to pay the amount or replace the same—if part of a set, the remaining volumes to be delivered to the subscriber who will be charged with the whole. Seventh—The Library shall be open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning till sun-set. For the accommodation of strangers, books will be loaned at the following rates, viz.—Six Cents for books of the value of one dollar and fifty cents—Twelve and a half Cents for those of two dollars fifty cents, and in like proportion for books of higher value. A deposit equal to the marked price of each book will be required, to be returned on safe delivery of the book into the Library, deducting the premium for reading. JOSEPH MILLIGAN. Georgetown, November 14, 1808. N. B. As soon as the Library shall be established, a proposal will be made to extend the plan by the addition of a Reading Room, which, however, will be distinct from the Library, and furnished with New Books, and Periodical Publications, as well as with files of at least six Newspapers from different parts of the Union, and a complete Atlas. Subscriptions received by J. Milligan, Georgetown, and R. C. Weightman, Washington city. November 14-40p1
THE Subscriber will expose to PUBLIC SALE at Rhodes's tavern on Saturday the 26th of this month, at the hour of 12 o'clock, a Negro WOMAN with Two CHILDREN, the one about 7, and the other 5 years old. Six months credit will be given to the purchaser on his entering into bond with satisfactory security—the bond to bear interest from the day of sale. ANN TILLEY. Washington, Nov. 18-3t
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county in Maryland, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of John Rustin , late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 7th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 7th day of November 1808. JOHN H. HALL, Adm. November 18-16t
In Chancery, November 9th, 1808. ORDERED that the sale made by Roger Perry , trustee for the sale of the real estate of Catherine Scott , deceased, shall be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown before the first day of February next, Provided that a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks, before the first day of January next. The report states that sundry tracts of land in Allegany county were sold to the amount of $4,439 15 cts. True copy, Test NICH. BREYER, Reg. Cur. Can. November 16-13t
W. & C. SMITH HAVE removed to their New Warehouse corner of KEYS and WALTER streets, near the PERRY , where they have lately received from New York, a large additional supply of GOODS in their line. They now have in Store and offer for sale on reasonable terms Madeira Wine in pipes, half pipes, and quarter casks, Sherry, Lisbon and Tenerife Wine, in quarter casks, Old Port and Catalonia Wine in pipes and quarter casks, Claret in Boxes, 1 dozen each, Old Cognac Brandy, superior quality, Bordeaux and Marseilles do. Genuine Holland and New York anchor Gin, Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, 4th Proof Whiskey, very old and fine, 1st Proof do. Loaf and Lump Sugars in hogsheads and barrels, Muscovado Sugars, superior quality in hogsheads and barrels, Do. 2d quality do. do. Imperial, } TEAS, fresh and of approved qualities in chests, boxes and lead canisters, Hyson, } Young Hyson, } Hyson Skin, } Coffee, Nutmegs, Pepper and Allspice, Mustard, Chocolate and Sweet Oil, Almonds, soft shelled, and Currants, Segars, Ginger and Basket Salt, Soap, mould and dipped Candles in boxes, Spanish Indigo, Demijohns, Gin Cases, Liverpool Brown and Ground Anise Salt, &c. &c. &c. Georgetown, October 26-2aw6w
THOMAS W. FAIRO HAS removed next door to his former store, where he has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore a new supply of goods, which make his assortment very considerable—he has London and French Cloths, Cassimeres and Coating a Fancy Waistcoatings, Silk and Cotton Velvets, Cords and Thicksets, Rose Blankets, Scarlet Flannels and others, green, blue and brown bucking baze, Bandannos, Madras Handkerchiefs, India Muslins, Cambrics, Book Muslin, Leno Handkerchiefs, Chambrays, Tappy Velvet, Black Silk do. Parisian Shawls, Silk and Camels Hair, do. Shirting Muslin, Crapes and Fancy Trimmings, Silk Stockings, and a large assortment of cotton and worsted hosiery, Ladies and Men's Gloves, Ladies and Men's Shoes, Children do. Irish and German Linens, Irish and Flanders Sheetings, Knitting and Sowing Cotton, Spinning do. Silk Spencers, Linnen and cotton Checks, Hats, Ribbons, Lace, Cotton and Thread, Sarsanets and Peelings, Plaid Silks, Tortois Shell Combs, Mock do. do. Silk Cords, Suspender, Razors, Penknives and Scissors, Span Buttons, Gilt and Plated do. Playing Cards, Ink Powder, Quills, Pencils, Slates, Oil Cloth, Powder and Shot, Nails and Augurs, An assortment of Glass Ware, also, The following Liquors and Groceries. Madeira, Lisbon, L. P. Tenerife, Madeira, Port Wine, Claret, French Brandy, Old Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey, Cherry Bounce, Coffee and Tea, Chocolate, Loaf & Brown Sugar, Raisins, Pilbergs, Rice, Soap, and Candles, Spanish Segars, and Philadelphia Porter and Ale. All of which will be sold on low terms for Cash or to punctual customers. AMERICAN PLAYING CARDS, Of the very best quality just received from the Manufactory, which will be sold whole sale & Retail, cheap for cash; also Muscavado SNUFF . The Members of Congress are respectfully informed that T. W. Fairro will be happy to furnish them with any of his choice Liquors, and find himself cases for them. Washington, October 24-3w4w
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED from the subscriber on the night of the 8th inst. a GREY HORSE, about 7 years old, and 15 hands high, shot all round, has the appearance of two bad marks through his neck near his withers, which appear on each side of his neck. THOMAS YOUNG. Washington city, Nov. 16-3t
WANTS A SITUATION AS WAITER ON COOK, A person lately from Europe, whose character will bear the strictest enquiry. A line left with Mrs. HEALEY on the Capital Hill will be duly attended to. T. W. November 18-3t
CHARLES H. FARDEAN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines, Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelines & rich silk Molskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Very Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS, far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27-4f
MISS H. DARCEAN RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies of Washington and Georgetown that she has commenced business in the MILLINARY & MANTUA-MAKING LINE, on the Pennsylvania avenue nearly opposite the State buildings, where she has just opened a very handsome assortment of Millinery of the newest fashions from Baltimore and Philadelphia with a variety of Fancy articles in her line. She will also make Casks, Peaches and Dresses of every description in the most fashionable manner. As Miss DARCEAN has just commenced business in Washington, she humbly solicits the patronage of a generous public. November 18-4f