The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-02-24 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1149.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the bill for increasing the military force establishment of the United States.
(CONTINUED.)
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 17.
Mr. TAYLOR was not in the habit of acquiring or had the facility of giving information. If however the gentleman was anxious for information why the peace establishment should be increased, let him look at the history of the world for twelve months past; let him, said Mr. T. recollect that nowadays a formal declaration of war is dispensed with, and that a coup de main is the order of the day. Recollect the smart which we felt for the attack on one of our own vessels in our own waters. When we are then told that it is necessary to man our fortifications, what further information does the gentleman want? I contemplate this bill as having in view peace, but also the unsettled state of things in the world, and I beg the House to keep in view the cases of Egypt and Lisbon. These are sources of information. And this House is in possession of information if they know their own acts. They have appropriated immense sums of money for fortifications, without authorising the employment of a man to garrison them.
Mr. W. ALSTON could not conceive what information the gentleman could want? Did he wish the Executive to send a message to this House and tell them that for a certain purpose he wanted a certain number of men? It is the business of the President to show to us the force of the nation and the state of our affairs; and it is ours to say what shall thereupon be done. Did not the gentleman hold an opinion as to what force was necessary? Did he not know as well as the President of the U. S. did, and could he not act as understandingly as if the President had told them what was wanting? On this ground it was not necessary to postpone. He was opposed to delay, though he did not express a definite opinion on the propriety of increasing the peace establishment.
Mr. CHANDLER hoped that the committee would rise; and his reason was that he was willing to discuss war measures. Surely this could not be called a war measure. He himself saw nothing to induce him to believe that a war establishment would not be necessary, and believed it would be correct to enter into it. But it was very uncertain what might be the situation of this country when a general peace took place, or how large a peace establishment might be wanting.
Mr. JOHNSON declared the western country to be peculiarly interested in this bill. From the moment he had taken his seat in the House he had contributed his mite in every thing which had for its object the defence of the nation; and whenever peculiar means became necessary for any part of the country he should consider it a common cause; and was happy to say that there appeared to be a spirit of unanimity on this subject. It had been asked what reasons now existed for an increase. It will be recollected, said he, that when our army was reduced to the smallest possible number, we had not then Louisiana, and thirty or forty thousand Indian warriors at the same time around us. For repelling foreign invasion and neighboring hostility this force is necessary. If the British or any other nation can excite the hostility of the Indians by furnishing them liberally with supplies, they will also engross the whole peltry trade. Not only so, but the influence of traders with the natives is almost incredible; and at any moment those who trade with them think proper, our western territory is open to devastation and ruin. The Indians will rush in upon Indiana and Orleans also. Have you any rallying point in the St. Louis country? You have not. Have you any forces up the Missouri and Mississippi? Will you not protect your people in that country? I want not a standing army; but I think that a small addition to our standing force would be both rational and politic. When the establishment was fixed we had not the western country; we had a large and
increasing public debt and an exhausted treasury. Is that the case now? Is your treasury exhausted? Is not the preservation of Orleans important in a political as well as commercial view? One third of your exports, perhaps more must hereafter find its way through Orleans. And are we not one great family cemented in union by political as well as commercial ties? Assuredly. I have more confidence in the people of the territories than many people; although they may be discontented, I believe they will stand forth as the defenders of American independence against the attempts of any foreign power. But can they do it in their present situation? No. They must call upon Kentucky and her citizens; and though these would risk their lives and fortunes for their beloved country, yet they dread the climate of Orleans more than a foreign foe. I consider it necessary that there should be an augmentation of the army, and more fortified places on the frontier, for protecting it from savages and foreign invasion, and that circumstances at this time fully justify the increase.
Mr. DANA said as respected any regular official information on the subject either from the heads of departments or from any committee if it existed, he knew not of it. He thought it perfectly proper upon subjects of this nature, relating to a general system of defence and security, that there should be information given frankly and freely when gentlemen desired it. He thought it would be a decent respect to their own understanding, and to the decorum of public business that every subject should be explained. It should be deemed a matter of course to explain. And although for myself, said he, I am very ready to declare that I consider the present peace establishment inadequate to the protection of territory so exposed, yet I think it proper to have more full and satisfactory information on this subject. The bill proposes the raising of infantry, riflemen and cavalry. I do not conceive that these are exactly the best species of troops for artilleryists. In raising any body of troops if we undertake to specify, it would seem proper to that we should have some general information of what species of troops are wanting, whether infantry, cavalry, or artilleryists. Are we told by a committee why these species are selected in preference to others? If it is artilleryists that are required, we want not cavalry or infantry. We are not then informed why these troops are of these species. How many fortified posts are we to garrison, or are we to fortify places with troops where there are not fortifications? What is our present force? The real amount cannot be easily ascertained. I know what is the amount of our paper establishment; but there is an essential difference between that & an effectual force. Perhaps we may make a deduction of some hundreds from the paper force when we wish to estimate the actual force. The deduction must be here greater than in Europe, in proportion as their station is at a much greater distance from the recruiting ground. We cannot recruit beyond the force authorized by law; there must therefore always be a deficiency when we recruit several hundred miles from the camp. My reason for rising was to ask for some information either from a committee of the House or some office of government, so that the principle on which we act may distinctly appear—some principle or other, some statement of facts or estimate of the force requisite for public service. This is the regular mode. As it respects noise and parade on paper this session, we have had much; but as for any thing efficient that we have done, I am glad that it is so distinctly understood that it amounts to nothing. All this noise gives a sort of clangor of preparation; I should hope that bye and bye we shall adopt some systematic method of provision for the exigency of the country, and to protect us against invasion.
Mr. TALLMADGE professed himself friendly to the rising of the committee, & at the same time observed that whatever measure was proposed for consideration that should go to raise some efficient force should receive his full support. He did not object to the bill in its present shape, because it pro-
posed to add an additional force to the present military establishment, but because there were material defects in the very structure of the bill. As reasons had been given why it should not be passed in its present state, he would state one additional reason. In the bill there was no provision for the term for which these troops should be enlisted, whether for one year, for five years or for life. This was a material defect. Another objection: that there was no provision in the bill that a person wounded in battle should receive the provision made in such cases by the act to which this is a supplement; the other provisions were detailed and this omitted. He had other objections to the bill, but was content that the committee now rise.
Mr. TAYLOR observed that the gentleman had objected to the detail of the bill. In the very time that he was doing this the amendments might have been made. Objections had been made to the number and a proposition made to strike out a part. Mr. L. expressed himself friendly to the principle; he would not have objected had the number been twice as large. He wished the committee not to rise. Mr. L. then took a view of the situation of the western country, and asked if it could be expected that the nation should add to its territorial possessions, extend its arms on all sides as it were, and not require greater force on a peace establishment, than if kept within itself?
Mr. EPPES said no man would be more ready than he to provide for the defence of the nation, or to pass this bill, if he considered it as part of that system which in the present situation of affairs they ought to adopt. But he would be very glad if any member of the House could say why this was more important at the present time than in the year 1803, when we acquired the Louisiana territory. This bill, said he, is not new; it is not a new principle on which we are called on to act. It has been the favorite bending of one branch of the legislature since the year 1803. A similar proposition has been yearly made; and as often as one branch of the legislature has thought proper to increase the standing force of the nation, and the other not. I defy any gentleman to show a reason since that period for increasing it. Shall we now depart from the principle we have pursued? For what? of what use will this force be in the defence of the country? It is calculated in time of war that a regular soldier costs 300 dollars. Thus one thousand of these men will cost 300,000 dollars annually, and for what purpose? If we have war this increase of the army will be useless; if peace, I am opposed to it. I am in favor of putting arms into the hands of our citizens; and then let them defend themselves. We have been told that men are wanted to garrison fortifications. The gentleman from South Carolina surely has not only weighed the matter. Undertake to garrison New York, Boston, &c. with a force sufficient, and see what an army you will raise. It was calculated at a time when the fortifications of New York were fixed upon, that it would require 13,000 men to garrison them. And this is a great objection to the fortification system. I am willing to erect fortifications and place cannon on their walls, & leave them to use the cannon for themselves. As to the western country and the city of Orleans particularly, they will find that city in a better state of defence than any city in the U. S. and the people better able to defend it. Take into view the almost boundless frontier of the U. S. and what avail would be a thousand men as a defence to the people. Had they not rather have muskets?
In the present state of the world when power is adopted by most nations as their code of law, it is not in such a system as this that we are to find our safeguard. I had rather see the young men of our country prepared for service, the militia classed, and put into the hands of every man his musket.—That kind of defence I wish, and that alone is proper in a country like ours, where the only danger of attack is on our soil. If we depend on regular troops alone, the liberty of the country must finally be destroyed by that army which is raised to defend it. Is there an instance in which a nation has lost its liberty by its own citizens in time of peace? It is by standing armies and very often by men raised on emergency and professing virtuous feelings, but who eventually turned their arms against their country. If you mean to rely upon a standing army for protection, this may be a part of it; but if you would erect such a force as shall secure the nation, trust not in standing troops; render your militia effectual. And it is because I am in favor of this mode that I am in favor of the committee's rising; for if we have peace, this force is unnecessary; if war, it is doing worse than nothing. It would produce a bad effect to see the national legislature adding a thousand men when the whole energies of the nation should be brought into action. We know not how soon we may have war, to-morrow, the next day, or
two months hence. It is not for me to state what preparations have been made; but whenever it is necessary to try, it will be found that the nation is ready to strike a blow. We are now in a situation to use the militia; and the large seaport towns, though not perhaps able to resist the force of a great maritime power, are in such a situation that they will harass any force that may come against them.
Mr. TAYLOR said he would set the gentleman right as respected himself. When he was up before, he had stated that there were not men enough to sweep the gang way of the fortifications, and turn the guns round. I do say now, said Mr. T. that an increase is absolutely necessary, except you say when you mount guns that they shall lie there, and be destroyed. I have a fact which I can state, that there is a fortification in the U. States tumbling down for the want of half a dozen men just to take ordinary care of it, now inhabited by goats, which might in case of war command one of the most important towns in the U. States. I mean Newport in Rhode Island. Gentlemen who go from the southward to that town inform me that this is actually the case. If gentlemen suppose that by advocating the bill, I advocate the raising of 13,000 men for N. York, he is certainly wrong. Something, however, is required for our fortifications. If nothing else is required I would have a bell to sound the tocsin of alarm, and rouse the militia. I have seen instances of a necessity for this small addition to our force in my own state. The public cannon sent from Charleston to be deposited in a fort there, were lodged on the wharves, and when the hurricane came, these wharves amongst others were destroyed, the cannon slipped down into the foundation, and the owners of the wharves rebuilt them upon these very cannon; they now lie buried in the bowels of the earth. If then we do deposit public arms within these fortifications, there must be some body to take care of them. Is there any principle on which we could put the militia in draft to take care of fortifications? As to the observations of the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) I may have travelled out of the record; infantry are not cannoners, artificers, or engineers; but if a man can handle a musket he can a cannon. Another thing. Gentlemen who some times differ in opinion with me, held out to our western brethren, when we were expending millions on the seacoast, while the posts on our western frontier are some hundred miles asunder, that we should also provide for them when requisite. Are we to yield the point? Is it handsome? Would they not have held back their assent to fortifications if they had supposed we should have refused them this little when they asked it. I know that the militia are the most competent defence for a free country; but I know from those acquainted with the mode of warfare on the frontiers, that rallying points are of immense importance, and a few men might save the lives of thousands.
Mr. EPPES certainly had not an intention to cast the slightest reflection on the views or intentions of the gentleman from S. Carolina, as for both he had the highest respect. What I meant was, said Mr. E. that it is time to decide whether we will adhere to our national defence, or whether we should depend upon regular troops. This addition, although trifling, brings into view that principle. If you mean not to depend on this system, you will not raise troops, and the case which I stated, as to the fortifications of New York, was merely to show that the gentleman from South Carolina was not aware what his argument would lead to, and not to insinuate that the gentleman had any disposition to raise a standing army.
Mr. SOUTHARD advocated an addition to the military force; but wished the committee to rise and take up the war establishment. In speaking of the frontier he stated that common report said that the governor and council of Canada had determined, in case of war, immediately to seize on our out posts, as they were weak, and could be easily and immediately seized; the present situation of our western posts was a temptation to aggression. Where was Burr? Rumor said that he was pursuing his original plan more daringly than ever; and to save a few dollars should they object to increasing the peace establishment? Surely not. Mr. S. went into an argument to show that the militia were not calculated to serve in garrison. He was opposed to a standing army; but this increase did not tend towards the erection of a standing army. The observations of the gentleman from S. Carolina brought to his recollection some lines he had lately seen in a newspaper.
"John Bull caught them fast asleep, &c."
And look back for several years, and they would find that in all military expeditions, G. B. had ever taken advantage of the unprotected situation of its opponents.
Mr. MASTERS said he understood the hon. gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) to say, that this nation was in a
state of defence, and ready to strike a blow; & gravely asked if there are any members in this House who dare risk their reputation, by saying they were not. He would ask that gentleman, if he was willing to risk his reputation on the assertion that we were in a proper state of defence. I admit, said Mr. M. that we have appropriated one million of dollars for fortifications, and authorized the building of 188 gun-boats. Does the hon. gentleman suppose by this, the nation is ready to strike a blow? How is this nation defended? Almost all our fortifications on our extended sea coast are in ruins; and a single ship of the line can enter any of your harbors, and lay any of your towns under contribution. The Spanish possessions are adjoining on the one side, the British on the other, who are reinforcing and strengthening their posts; we have an immense frontier bordering on savages; Indians; and the few troops stationed at Detroit and Michilimackinac, are liable to be massacred by a small band of Indians; yet we are told we are ready to strike a blow. I consider the defenceless situation of those and other places, a disgrace to the nation. I have been surprised the whole of this session to hear members daily on this floor declare we were on the eve of a war; at the same time no measures are taken to raise a single soldier, and scarce a fort or battery in good repair. The fort on Governor's Island, in your most important harbor, has one cannon well mounted, and fifteen or twenty more mounted on rotten carriages. Is this a state of defence? I believe we stand at the brink of a precipice, and the nation are trembling and awaiting the result of our foreign relations; and we are next to defenceless; we have about sixty gun-boats built, and those partially manned.
The Secretary of the Navy has recommended the employment of 1273 sailors in addition to our present establishment of 1400. The House went into committee of the whole on the bill, which met with opposition, and the committee rose; the Secretary of the Navy made an additional report, stating the President did not wish any more sailors, and there the business rests.
The question on the merits of this bill is, whether it is necessary to increase the number of our troops on the peace establishment. I applaud the augmentation of our little army, though it scarcely deserves the name of an army; it is not a sufficient skeleton, at all times so necessary to build upon. I am convinced an increase is necessary for the safety of the nation; we have not regular troops sufficient for the necessary service in time of peace. The country will always be in some degree liable to the approach of danger, when our affairs were not alarming. I am among those who are willing to reduce our political practice as near as possible our political principles.
I have never understood that it was contrary to these principles, to have as many standing troops as were necessary to defend our frontiers and garrison our towns. I contend that our present peace establishment is not sufficient for that purpose; an increase is for the common security of all, and sound policy and common justice require it. I have no objection to the committee reporting progress, if it is for information and not for delay.
Mr. EPPES said if the gentleman from New York was as little acquainted with other parts of the U. States as with his own state, he was but ill qualified to legislate on measures of defence. Does he, asked Mr. Eppes, mean to stake his reputation upon this? Let him apply to the Secretary of War and see how ignorant he is of the situation of the chief town in his own state. I said that this was a proper time to decide on the system. Did I then say that the western people should not be protected? I am willing to give the people of that country the same protection which is given to every part of the U. States. The question is in what way will you do it? Do you talk of protecting that country by two or three thousand men picked up in the streets of your cities, possessed of no patriotism? When the whole extent of the frontier is threatened, do you send these few men? The same expense which would send them into the country would put into the hands of the people 30,000 muskets—that is, a defence greater than that proposed, as 30 is to 1. Good God! Does any man doubt that it would be better to put these arms into the hands of the people, particularly of the Indiana territory, who now petition for them, than to send regular troops amongst them? Could not 30,000 arms be better employed for defence than 1,000 regulars, and would this not be a better system? The gentleman from New York says we have nothing for defence. Let me ask the gentleman, if we pass a law for raising 100,000 men, how soon should we get them into service? In this country, where industry is the order of the day, it is difficult to get recruits. It never was contemplated in this country, except indeed by men who vibrate from one extreme of principles to the other, solely on a standing army because if we raise them in war they

must be kept up even in peace. I never yet have voted for a regular army or soldier in time of peace. Whenever an opportunity has offered, I have voted them down, and so help me God, I will as long as I live. And so long too I am disposed to arm our own citizens. Lay aside this bill and appropriate half a million for arms, and I will vote with you. Look at the regular armies which went against the Indians. Look at their defeats, and the money which they cost. The state of Kentucky ridiculed the U. S. and our regulars and with a few militia went out and completely defeated the Indians—and yet we talk of regular troops. These cannot be supported in sufficient number to repel attack without endangering liberty.
If you are disposed to support liberty by regular troops, I for one despair of it. However disposed for peace the time must arrive when we cannot avoid war; and the moment which consigns the sword of defence to mercenary troops destroys the main bulwark of freedom. I have been led further on this subject than I intended to go, as I rose only to reply to the gentleman from N. York; and before he takes his reputation on the subject, I would advise him to apply to the Secretary of War to know how many cannon there are on good carriages in the city of N. York. Any traveller who may have walked in the port and seen one cannon, cannot pretend to say what is the real force there.
Mr. MASTERS said he had not said there was but one cannon: he had said there were but a few, and that would be found to be the fact. But it seemed the gentleman wanted no information as to our real situation. He had told the House that he had voted down every soldier, and by God he would. I admit, said Mr. M. that the gentleman had here shown his superior skill as a statesman. I will not detract from the militia; I believe them a brave set of men, and wish they were armed; but we want some regulars. I do say that the nation is not in a state of defence in that point. No assertion can convince the nation to the contrary; for from fact we know that we are not in a state of defence. These are facts which cannot be contradicted, notwithstanding the gentleman's declaration.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS observed, that after what had been said by the gentleman from Virginia as to the principle of the bill he need say nothing more than, bravo! to it, and that he should like to hear it over again. The gentleman from Virginia had told them true; this measure had often been before the House, and as often been attempted to be made the entering wedge to a standing army. My honorable colleague, said Mr. W., has given some reasons in favor of the bill. The same reasons would operate for raising 3000 men, only 3000—and my colleague, if his reasons were to prevail, might see, before he retired from Congress in which I hope he will long continue, a standing army of 60 or 70,000 men. I should not have risen at this time but to prevent an idea which may arise from what fell from my colleague, who stated the fact in relation to some cannon; but as the blame may fall upon the Secretary of War, I will observe that the cannon were under the charge of the navy agent at Charles-ton; and that agent into whose wharf they sunk did not take care of them, and the fault rests with him. I understood the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Southard) to urge the propriety of raising an additional force to defend us against traitors. We stand no more in need of it now than we did before for that purpose. The probability is that the 1st conspiracy has totally subsided. I understood the gentleman from Kentucky to call upon us to defend our frontier against the Indians. Is it not a fact that the first force we employed was to prevent transgressions of our people on the Indians, and not to repel their transgressions on us? I think it was so.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL thought this debate had taken rather a curious course, for they were discussing a war instead of a peace measure. The bill under consideration proposed a military peace establishment, and every gentleman in who had spoken had gone into a discussion of a war establishment. Nothing could more forcibly show the propriety of setting aside the peace establishment, until the war establishment was decided on. For myself, said he, I really cannot think it important for gentlemen to come here and discuss our state of defence on the one side or enfeeble it on the other. Their assertions have no effect; and it is of much more importance to attend to the subject now before the House. If war be apprehended, it is more important to authorize the raising of such a number of men as may be necessary in case of rupture, before we determine what shall be done in peace. I do not agree with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes). I think if we have war that we must have an addition to our military force; and that we ought to authorize the raising an army at this time. Gentlemen tell us of arming the militia; it is little more than a phantom at this time; and with respect to the idea of giving the people protection by giving them arms it is still more futile. There are very few effective men in the western country who have not arms. They have arms and which they can manage much better than any arms the U. S. can give them. When it is possible to get arms I shall have no objection to place them in the hands of the militia. But to talk of arming the militia when we are talking of raising a military force is irrelevant. I think the committee should rise as this appears to be intended as an increase of the peace establishment, & take up a measure calculated to prepare for war; and therefore I wish the peace establishment to be on the able, and immediately to take up the
bill to raise a provisional army. If we have war, the troops proposed by that bill can be raised; if we have peace it will be time enough then to determine for or against an addition to the peace establishment. Let us examine the subject as it presents itself; when in war, let us adopt war measures; when in peace, we may adopt peace measures. These are my impressions; and I hope therefore the committee will rise, and for this a great reason is the very turn which this discussion has taken.
Mr. GARDENIER hoped the committee would not rise. Reasons had been given by one side of the question in favor of the rising of the committee that the bill might not be put to sleep in that way by a refusal again to consider it. Instead of putting it to sleep side way, as was now rather the fashion, he hoped it would be decided on principle; that they would go on with it and decide on its merits. As to the principle of the bill he could on one side very easily perceive the necessity for the additional force contemplated to be raised, and on the other could not see any possible danger to arise from it. In the Atlantic states, said he, we do not, to be sure want an augmentation of the peace establishment. The country being pretty fully inhabited possesses in itself a power to repel assault. But would any gentleman suppose that on our frontiers, so defenceless and exposed, the militia would be competent for defence? Assuredly not. They ought to have a force adequate if not to prevent, at least to repel invasion when it comes. The situation of the country demands it—our duty demands it. The people on the frontier have not in themselves the means of protection from the savages; and though we may regain the country after it is over-run, in doing so you will have to march over the bodies of your citizens whom you have left defenceless, who have approached you with supplications but in vain. I will not take upon myself responsibility of this kind. This government owes protection to every individual however mean or abject his condition; and wherever every individual is protected, the whole community is secured. I wish particularly, from the alarms in the western country, not only to establish a force which shall be sufficient to repel internal as well as external violation, but to remove from that country, all cause of national discontent—to show them that we are as much alive and sensible to their interests as to our own—that we consider the United States as one great political body, every part of which it is our duty to protect. This is the true policy of the government, and will leave to conspirators little hope of succeeding in attempts to corrupt your citizens. If you act otherwise you open a door to the wiles of conspiracies. In every point of view therefore an augmentation of the standing military force of the country is necessary. I am as hostile to a standing army as any gentleman; but I do not call every little augmentation the erection of a standing army. There would be but little fear of our being overcome by even ten thousand men; there is no evil to apprehend from augmentation. Independent of these considerations of immediate danger, we ought not to adhere too closely at this time to the policy of not augmenting our military peace establishment. This is not an age of the world in which pacific measures are to be indulged. If in other ages it has happened that liberty has been over-set by corrupting the military force, we do know that in the age in which we live power and might sway the nations of the universe. We know that no nation is secure except it be strong, nor strong except it be in a situation to exercise its power. However pleasing it be to indulge in pacific maxims the truth is, we must be powerful and in a situation to exercise our power, or we are not secure. Nothing else can secure us. In every measure therefore, which has for its object this security I shall readily concur. I am not conversant in detail—that I will leave to others. It is necessary at this time to throw off our pacific, inoffensive, and philosophic character, and assure one more commanding, which if not by justice, yet by the fears which it inspires may be preserved. On the one hand I think gentlemen wrong who oppose standing force in every shape, and on the other I think those wrong who oppose the militia. Both may be employed and both to good purpose, but we should always have in view the peculiar circumstances of the country. It is not enough to be talking about the insult on the Chesapeake or to be dealing out anathemas against the British nation. This may produce a rage throughout the nation, though not that feeling which is necessary for the protection of the country. It is idle policy to listen to the trifling in-
jury which we might receive from a standing force when the public good requires it. We should therefore not only talk but act, that before the moment arrives in which we must meet the calamities of war we may be prepared for it as much as in our power. If we raise this force the expense will be but little for tranquility, and which we can easily pay if exempt from the burthens attendant on a state of war; if we do not encroach our present force, the lives of our citizens which may be lost in consequence of the omission cannot be regained. The maxim will not do that justice may rely on the justice of others. We are just to others, but others are not so to us. Power only can ensure justice. On the same principle that I advocated fortifications on our sea shore, I would go all lengths for raising force for protection of the western country. My only objection to the bill is that the amount of force to be raised is not double what the bill provides.
Mr. DANA said perhaps it might be an expedient course for gentlemen always to vote against measures which were sometimes unpopular. He tho' he had heard of a person who always voted against the levying of taxes and against the grants of money. It is a safe course of proceeding, said Mr. D., because if a tax is popular, he will be exempt from reproach; if unpopular no body can find fault with him for it. I cannot boast as the gentleman from Virginia, that I have always voted against regular troops; that I have always voted them down; and certainly I have not so much confidence in my own wisdom and foresight as to pledge myself with a solemn invocation that I never will vote for them. When the gentleman tells us that every country which has lost its liberty has lost it by a standing army, did he mean that it was by a standing army of its own, or by the standing army of a foreign power, to which it had not a regular force to oppose? Mr. D. cited several instances from history of liberty lost by nations from other causes than standing armies. What is there, said he, in all this noise about standing armies and war? If we have war, those who best understand it must have preference; the ripest in experience in every thing is superior to the novice. Does the gentleman mean to say that the militia will answer for garrison duty? I would apply to any man of them whoever shouldered a musket or wielded a sword, and he would tell me that for garrison duty they are peculiarly unfit, because they peculiarly abhor service on the frontiers, taking care of stores, &c., which requires an exercise of constant, regular, and persevering patience and incessant attention. 'Tis of all modes of garrisoning posts the most wasteful, prejudicial to the community and dissatisfactory to the people—at least such is the opinion I have been led to form. As respects arms at fixed stations, you certainly want some person to be responsible for them; & certainly as respects important points which are the keys of the country, you want some men there. Need the House be informed of the importance of those positions which command great portions of the country whether maritime or territorial? Need any one be informed of the importance of such a post as Michilimackinac? Need any one be told of the importance of New Orleans, so exposed to the attack of any foreign power? Need any gentleman be told that whoever seizes the key will not have much difficulty in opening the trunk? There a constant vigilance is required. I feel therefore willing, because I deem it perfectly proper as it respects garrison duty in time of peace, to raise a sufficient number of men for the purpose of keeping guard of magazines, &c. I am perfectly willing to vote for them, because I believe them cheaper, better, safer.—But I am not able to ascertain with convenience what should be the number; and as it respects the present bill, I have not information to enable me to say whether this bill ought to pass, and no discussion which can take place in this House will enable me to decide. I find that by the bill provision is made for a battalion of cavalry. The annual expense for each private would be about four or five hundred dollars, making for the whole battalion an additional annual expense of from 120 to 150,000 dollars. According to my present view, if merely for the purposes of peace, I cannot see the necessity for cavalry, though it may be necessary. The question is not now whether this number of men shall be raised, but whether of this specific description. As I do not perceive the necessity for these, I should wish for some information as respects the service which may be expected of them. I am therefore in favor of the committee's rising; for whatever may be our zeal as respects the providing means of defence, zeal alone will not do. There must be some thing like conduct, capacity and intelligence, as well as zeal, patriotism and imagination.
Mr. SOUTHARD remarked, that from the arguments used by gentlemen it might be supposed that the question was, whether they should raise a standing army or make a requisition of the militia. This was not the question. The question was whether they would pass this bill to raise a small addition to their present military force. No man placed more implicit confidence in the militia than himself; but he wished a small addition to the regular force. He thanked God that the force which we have had been efficient to meet and face an enemy on the Sabine, and to crush one of the most nefarious plots that ever existed in the country, and that we had so far an honest man to command it, as to do this effectually. He wished the country always to be prepared to crush an internal foe or an external enemy.
Mr. RHEA urged the passage of the bill. He did not know what information the gentleman from Connecticut could want. All his observations had gone to the detail and not to the merits of the bill. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) seemed to think they ought now to decide what method of defence they would adopt. There were several bills before the House for classing the militia, raising a provisional and a standing army, and the question could as well be determined on this bill as on any other. The House, said he, goes into a committee on the militia bill, spend three or four days on that without doing any thing—after that, takes up the bill for the provisional army with the same success—then the war establishment; after 4 or 5 days spent on it, the committee will rise and obtain leave to sit again, and perhaps we never may get it up afterwards. I am not in favor of a standing army, but wish an addition to the present force. Gentlemen have told us of the militia performing that which the regulars could not, achieved what the militia could not, and finished that war which had cost so much. Mr. R. then alluded to the situation of Michigan, Detroit and Louisiana; their unprotected situation weighed with him to insist that the committee should not rise. The gentleman from Virginia had told them that he would rather give them 30,000 stand of arms than 1,000 regulars. I wish for both, said Mr. R. and if the gentleman would give us arms with such liberal munificence, he will give us men also, not for our defence, but for the service of the U. States. We do not wish defence for ourselves, but for our extended frontier. We do not know the month, day, or hour in which we may hear that thousands have been massacred. What security have we that the country is not already attacked? While we are disputing about the expense of a few regular troops, our neighbors may do us a mischief to the amount of ten times the expense of these troops. I do not like this contracted policy; I wish to save money as much as any man, but not in this way. We have gone on long enough in this routine of reading first one bill and then another, without doing any thing. Gentlemen say they will arm our own citizens, and not employ regular troops. If these regular troops are not our own citizens, where will you get them from? I have as much confidence in the militia as any one; at the same time I agree with the gentleman from New York, that from 10,000 regular troops there would be no danger to the U. States—nor from 20,000. The only danger from a standing army is, when it is so large as to overcome the others. There would be no danger from this number with even an Alexander or a Caesar at their head.
Mr. M. CLAY hoped the committee would rise, for it was past three o'clock.
Mr. EPPES agreed with gentlemen who said that there could be no danger from these few men; but it was the commencement of a system which had destroyed the liberties of all countries. The gentleman represents me, observed Mr. E., as saying that I never would on any occasion vote for regular troops. In the warmth of debate I might have said so, but my meaning was that I would never rely altogether on regular troops. If I understood the gentleman from Connecticut, he agrees with me in wishing the committee to rise and in objecting to the bill, but he is apprehensive lest it should be supposed that he is opposed to a standing army, and has quoted history in favor of that species of force. On some other occasion I will take an opportunity for a more ample discussion with the gentleman on this subject. The gentleman says some men always vote against taxes. I might retort upon the gentleman and say that some gentlemen always vote for them. I understood him to say that some gentlemen do it to reconcile it with their constituents. My constituents were always opposed to high taxes and standing armies; in 1798 and 1799 they learnt to dislike them, when the gentleman's constituents learnt to like them; mine have ever since been against them, and his in favor of them; he speaks the sentiments of those whom he represents, and I likewise. What I advocate now was my sentiments in 1798 & 1799, and the reverse was professed and practised by the gentleman from Connecticut; we are both consistent; he has not quit his course, and I trust I shall not quit mine. But we are told that this measure is absolutely necessary to give to the nation that dignified attitude which is required in the present convulsed state of the world. It really would be curious to publish the observations of the gentleman from N. York in one column and the law under consideration in another. He calls upon us to raise a thousand troops to show that we mean to protect our citizens and ensure justice. I hope in God, whenever the U. S. are disposed to show their attachment to my district of country, that it will not be by sending us regular troops. We want them not. For what purpose are they to be sent to the western country? To overawe sedition? There was never yet a country in which they have not produced it. Oppression and tyranny will drive the people to rebellion, and standing armies produce both. What is the case in the territories? Do we not see that you can scarcely put an officer there, who can withstand the prevalent faction and party; and such will always be the case where there is a superior tribunal to look up to. If there be any
thing which will harass and disgust the people, it will be the sending an army amongst them. I do not want to keep them quiet in that way. If they rebel I would rather take the system of punishing them for it. I have always been opposed to standing armies in time of peace; and I always shall be opposed to resting the defence of the nation on standing troops. I did not mean to say that I should always vote against them, but that I would not rest the defence of the nation on them alone.
Mr. LYON made some observations in favor of the bill; he hoped this was the auspicious time to increase the regular force of the U. S. Mr. L. compared the discussion which had taken place in relation to garrisons, to a dispute which might arise in a city whether it should be watched by men hired for the purpose or by alternate watches of the citizens themselves. He took a view of the exposed situation of the western country, and advocated generally the support of a moderate standing force. He expected the committee would rise as it was late; but he hoped the subject would be resumed and the bill passed, if it were only that they might approach one step nearer to putting the nation in a state of defence. The committee then rose, ayes 70, and obtained leave to sit again.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22. Mr. Quincy presented a petition of John Derby, and S. G. Derby of Salem, and John Prince, jun. of Boston, praying that they may be authorised to dispatch a vessel in ballast, under such restrictions as Congress may be pleased to prescribe for the purpose of conveying to the U. S. the schooner Hope, of Salem, which the petitioners say had arrived at Sierra Leone in the month of October last, laden with a valuable cargo, consisting of gold dust, ivory, gums and bils of exchange. Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
A report was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, favorable to the petition of Timothy Wellman, and referred to the committee of Claims.
Mr. J. Montgomery observed that to captains Lewis and Clark who had explored the western country a compensation had been made, he held in his hand a similar resolution for remunerating Captain Pike for the important services he had rendered on an almost similar expedition, which he proposed as follows:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire what compensation ought to be made to captain Pike and his companions for their services in exploring the Mississippi river, and in their late expedition to the sources of the Osage, Arkansas, and La Plate rivers, together with their tour through New Spain; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Marion objected to the phraseology of the resolution, as sanctioning a general principle to which he was not prepared to assent. The resolution did not go to enquire if any compensation but what compensation should be given; thus taking for granted that some remuneration should be made. Mr. M. wished it to be so modified as to enquire "if any, and if any what" compensation should be granted.
Mr. Montgomery according to this alteration the resolution was adopted.
Messrs. J. Montgomery, D. Montgomery, Rowan, L. J. Alston, and Humphries form the committee.
Mr. Boyle from the committee of Public Lands, reported a bill to direct the mode of surveying land in the Orleans territory, and for granting rights of pre-emption in certain cases; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the House took up for consideration the unfinished business of Saturday last on the bill amendatory of the embargo law.
The motion for recommittal under consideration.
A considerable and warm debate ensued, in the course of which, the chairman of the committee of Commerce and Manufactures assented to the recommittal, and none opposed it. The debate consisted almost altogether in replies to Mr. Gardenier's observations on Saturday last. After a discussion of two hours the bill was re-committed without a division.
[Debate as soon as possible.] On motion of Mr. M. Clay, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for classing the militia of the U. S. The motion for striking out the first section being yet under consideration; Messrs. Rowan & Livermore supported, and Mr. Nichol opposed the motion for striking out the 1st section—when the committee rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Rowan said, he had been absent when a resolution was this morning adopted for enquiring if any, and what compensation should be rendered to Captain Pike for his services on an expedition into the western country. It was in his power to give some information on the subject. He had some time ago received a letter from Orleans that a Mr. Joseph Ballenger a friend of Burr, had returned from an expedition with Capt. Pike, and was incessant at Wilkinson for blowing up the expedition, as he had engaged two or three nations of Indians to join col. Burr. I have, said Mr. R., since that spoken to col. Ballenger a brother of this person, who informed me that his brother had been sent by Wilkinson for the purpose of promoting the project. Col. Ballenger is a man of truth and entitled to credit. The Mr. Ballenger the brother to the gentleman just mentioned is in Kentucky and his evidence could be had. If this is the case and Mr. Pike is privy to this confederacy, he ought not to receive

compensation. In obedience to my duty and from no other motive I have given this information to the House, which the Speaker may communicate to the committee or to such other order as he pleases.
The Speaker said the gentleman might communicate it to the committee appointed to be thought proper; or it could be reduced to writing and referred to the committee.
Mr. J. Montgomery said that from his own knowledge he could state that captain Pike's expedition was for a very different purpose. It was commenced, continued and concluded under the orders of the government, and the report of the expedition was made to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Rowan begged it to be understood that he knew captain Pike, respected him, and would not wish unnecessarily to wound his feelings. He was willing to disclose any idea he might have formed upon proper information to refute it. He had no desire to appear before a committee as an informer or prosecutor.
Mr. W. Aston said it would be recollected that he was chairman of the committee appointed to enquire what compensation should be made to captain Lewis and Clark. On the investigation of this subject he was told it might be necessary to make a certain appropriation to explore certain waters, and was told that captain Pike was then engaged in it under the orders of the government.
The House now adjourned.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23.
Mr. Culpeper, a member from North Carolina, appeared and took his seat.
On motion of Mr. Van Rensselaer, Resolved, That a committee be appointed for the purpose of enquiring into the expediency of continuing the act for extending jurisdiction in certain cases to state courts; and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Dawson called up the resolution which he submitted a few days ago for the appointment of a joint committee to enquire into what business is necessary to be done previous to adjournment.
Mr. Rowan wished for some information on this subject; without which he thought the resolution at present improper. The great business for which they had been called together, had not yet engaged their attention in the way which was expected. He presumed that gentlemen expected that there would be some disclosures, which must occupy the attention of the nation, and he doubted whether it would be proper before these were made to intimate a design shortly to adjourn. He was unwilling that an impression should be made on our enemies, or the foreigners in this country, that the House even thought of an adjournment before these measures were discussed. The gentleman who proposed the resolution however might be possessed of information which would remove his scruples.
Mr. Livermore understood the object of the resolution to be to ascertain precisely what the gentleman from Kentucky was desirous to know—information on the state of affairs.
Mr. Smith would only ask before the question was taken on the appointment of a committee, what that committee could do. Is any man within this House, said he, possessed of the necessary information to enable him to say when we should adjourn? Our adjournment depends on contingent circumstances; for my own part I wish to know how things are; and till I do, I never shall consent that the resolution shall be adopted. If we do adjourn in the situation in which we now are, we cannot account to our constituents for our conduct. If a committee be appointed, except they procure information, they can do nothing; and I think gentlemen concerned in diplomatic business will not disclose its progress till something with certainty be known.
Mr. Rowan wished it to be understood that he was anxious to adjourn and depart hence, but he did not wish that the idea should go abroad, that they thought of adjournment till measures assumed one shape or other. Business belonging to our interior regulations they were all acquainted with and could act upon without further information. They had met here for a specific purpose, and till the negotiation should terminate one way or the other he did not wish to adjourn.
Mr. Dawson was sorry that his object in offering the resolution was so little understood. Far, very far was it from him to wish Congress to adjourn till they had done that business which the public interest demanded and their duty required. This was not his intention. It was in order to bring these matters before the House that he now offered the resolution. It was painful to him to repeat that Congress had been in session between four & five months, during which time they had been discussing mere projects, removals of the seat of government, and matters of a local and personal nature. It was now time that they should proceed to the adoption of those measures which the protection of the country required. He begged the House to cast their eyes for a moment to the occurrences on the other side of the water. Look at Copenhagen; examine the decrees of the British government, and the more recent one of the French government; and look at the hostile measures in the territories adjoining. It is time that the public attention should be called to public measures. There were several bills for that purpose before the House. It was his wish to bring these matters forward and not to waste the time of the House for days, weeks and months on local and personal matters. It was in order to attend to the state of the
nation and to enquire what was necessary to be done that this resolution was proposed, and not from a wish to adjourn before the House had accomplished the purpose for which they had met.
After some further discussion, a motion having been made by Mr. Rhea, (Ten.) without effect, that it lie on the table, the question was taken on the resolution and negatived, 55 to 50.
On motion of Mr. M. Clay, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. HELMS in the chair, on the bill for the classification of the militia, and the motion for striking out the first section (virtually to negative the bill) being yet under consideration, Mr. Quincy supported the motion, and Messrs. Eifler & Lyon opposed it; when the question was at length taken on the motion to strike out the first section of the bill, and carried, 55 to 49.
The committee immediately rose and reported the bill as amended.
A motion being made to consider the report.
Mr. M. Clay was desirous if gentlemen would permit it, that the report should lie on the table for consideration, as 30 or 40 members were absent and he wished to have the question decided in a full house.
The question being taken on now considering the report was negatived, 54 to 51. So that it lies on the table of course, and may at any time be called up.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. PITKIN in the chair, on the bill making appropriation of the support of the military establishment of the United States for the year 1808; which being gone through, the committee rose and reported the bill which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The bill amending of the non-importation law was returned from the Senate with two or three verbal amendments; which were concurred in.
A motion made by Mr. Cook to take up the bill for extinguishing debts due to the U. S. was negatived—44 to 40.
On motion of Mr. Newton the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for the extension of credit on revenue bonds.
Mr. Newton having explained the object of the bill, and the bill being gone through without further debate, the committee rose & reported it; & it was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
After refusing to go into committee of the whole on the bill concerning contracts, the House adjourned.—Ayes 64.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24.
IN THE SENATE.
FEB. 22. 1808.
Mr. WHITE—Mr. PRESIDENT—It is with much pain and regret, sir, that I rise to announce to the Senate the irreparable loss our country has sustained in the death of one of her worthiest citizens and most distinguished patriots. Time has measured and told the days of another venerable sage of the revolution. JOHN DICKINSON, the illustrious cotemporary and friend of Washington and Franklin, is now no more—his head and his heart devoted to the service and love of his country, till his locks were bleached by the frosts of more than seventy winters, have now descended in silence to the grave. —No humble eulogy of mine shall attempt to approach his exalted merit. The happiness of his fellow-citizens was his only aim, and upon the grateful hearts of his countrymen is indelibly engraven the dearest memento of his wisdom and his worth. Those who shared his personal acquaintance will never forget his private virtues—volumes from his pen that do honor to the age and that will be read and admired—as long as the love of science and freedom shall be cherished, record his inflexible patriotism; and the liberties of this country, which he contributed so essentially in establishing, will I hope long, very long indeed, sir, continue to be the proud and unshaken monument of his fame. The feelings of every gentleman of this honorable body will I am sure be in unison on the motion I am about to propose, it is an humble tribute of respect to the memory of the deceased in the form of the following resolution:
Resolved, unanimously, That the Senate is penetrated with the full sense of the merit and patriotism of the late John Dickenson, Esq. deceased, and that the members thereof do wear crape on the left arm, for one month, in testimony of the national gratitude and reverence towards the memory of that illustrious patriot. This resolution was immediately adopted.
Mr. Culpeper is re-elected a member of the House of Representatives
of the U. S. for the state of N. Carolina.
A spirited article in a late London print on the recent British orders, concludes in the following terms:
"These orders we take it, are as good as a declaration of war against America; and their effect will be, instead of reducing the tone, and crippling the means of one enemy, to give us another. We shall then have to fight with all the world for commerce, without a soul to buy an article from us; and whilst we rule the sea, there will not be an inch of coast free to receive a bale of our commodities."
We extract from the Raleigh Register, the following reply of the President of the United States to the Address of the Legislature of N. Carolina. To the General Assembly of North Carolina.
"The wrongs our country has suffered, fellow citizens, by violations of those moral rules which the Author of our being has implanted in man as the law of his nature, to govern him in his associated, as well as individual character, have been such as justly to excite the sensibilities you express, and a deep abhorrence at indications threatening a substitution of power for right in the intercourse between nations. Not less worthy of your indignation have been the machinations of parricides, who have endeavored to bring into danger the union of these states, and to subvert for the purposes of inordinate ambition, a government founded on the will of its citizens, and directed to no object but their happiness."
"I learn, with the liveliest sentiments of gratitude and respect, your approbation of my conduct in the various charges which my country has been pleased to confide to me at different times: and especially that the administration of our public affairs, since my accession to the chief magistracy, has been so far satisfactory that my continuance in that office after its present term, would be acceptable to you. But, that I should lay down my charge at a proper period, is as much a duty as to have born it faithfully."
[The residue of the reply is in similar terms with the reply made by the President to the other state Legislatures.]
COMMUNICATION.
MR. SMITH, I understand that the hon. John Rowan, this day in House of Representatives mentioned that he had been informed that a certain Joseph Ballenger who accompanied me in part of my tour to the Westward, was employed as an emissary of Col. Burr at the instigation of Gen. Wilkinson, to seduce the Indians to join in the scheme of Col. Burr to attack the Spanish provinces. I have only to reply that Ballenger enlisted with me at Belle Fontain, a short time previous to my departure in July, 1806, that I gave him the birth of a sergeant, that by my orders he descended the Arkansas river under the command of Lieutenant Wilkinson, and that during the time he was with me, he never directly—or indirectly, insinuated his having any commission from General Wilkinson—and that I am conscious he had no opportunity, and did not make use of any intrigue, or in fact hold any conference with the Indians more than any other private individual of the party.
Z. M. PIKE, Capt. 1st. U. States Regt. Infantry.
The following proceedings of the MILITARY COURT of ENQUIRY in the case of General Wilkinson have been communicated for insertion in the National Intelligencer.
The court being formed on the 16th inst. at the particular request of General Wilkinson, for the purpose of perpetuating testimony. He presented himself and addressed that body.
GENTLEMEN, I beg leave to premise a few remarks before I proceed to call a witness.
Nothing could be so acceptable to me as to be confronted by my accusers, who have artfully and wickedly hung me up to the world for offences, which cannot but affect the feelings of a man of honor nearer than life; and wherefore am I refused this rightful indulgence? Is it because my enemies, conscious of the fallacy of their accusations, content themselves "spargere in vulgum voces ambiguas," and prefer to trust the result to the jealousies of a free people, excited by the machinations of the friends and partisans of that conspiracy which I have defeated? Or is it because the eye of the injured man is insupportable to the sight of the base injurer?
Whatever may be the cause, it will not be denied, that the case is a hard one. It is indeed peculiarly so—and every person will admit, that to be eliminated without an opportunity of defence, and to be condemned without a
hearing, is a sad recompence for services acknowledged, and a poor encouragement to future sufferings and sacrifices in the public cause.
This circumstance, and denied the opportunity to meet the testimony which may be opposed to me, I hope the peculiarity of my situation may be my excuse for defying my enemies, and daring them to a candid investigation. If then Mr. Clark will come before this court and answer interrogatories, I will not only defend myself against his foul imputations, but if the testimony which has been recently offered to me, be not greatly deceptive, I will convict him of forgery, perjury, and a co-operation with Aaron Burr in his treasonable designs, and if his right worthy patron, the very gallant and honorable John Randolph, will step from the floor of privilege, and utter what has been ascribed to him in the public prints, I will institute an action of slander, and will give him an opportunity in a court of civil jurisdiction, to verify his assertions, and satiate his vindictive spirit, or of being himself convicted of the most atrocious, wanton, and murderous calumnies which ever found place on record.
It is apparent from the mode of the attack, that my accusers had rested much on the audacity of the assault, and the hateful aspect of the charges alleged, supported by the mock solemnity of a voluntary ex parte affidavit . They expected from the time—the place—the manner, and circumstances of the accusation, to excite a torrent of indignation, which might prostrate reason and justice before prejudice and passion, and in a moment of popular phrensy, sweep me from the lists of honor to the occlusion of all further enquiry. Then indeed Mr. Randolph might with malignant delight have exclaimed "my cat is completely answered" by the destruction of the man who has dishonored me. The attempt was worthy its authors—worthy the cause it was destined to abet. It deserves all the merit which is due to desperation, and will meet the ample reward of full-blended infamy. For I do still live—live in honor, and can assure you, gentlemen, I have fortunately saved from the casualties incident to an erratic life and the wreck of time, the means of my complete vindication, which shall be submitted to you, so soon as the testimony to support the accusation is brought forward.
In the mean time to invalidate, discredit and destroy the effect of whatever has been or may be said or sworn by Daniel Clark to my prejudice, I must pray that his ex parte voluntary affidavit submitted to the House of Delegates may be received by this court at its full estimate, and that I may be permitted to rebut it with such testimony as may now be had, and which if not perpetuated at this time, may, by further delay, be lost to me forever.
I therefore request that Lt. Spence of the navy, and Lt. Murray of the army may be sworn.
The court then proceeded to take the testimony Lt. Spence of the navy, Lt. Murray of the army, and Thomas H. Williams, secretary of the Mississippi territory.
The rules of the court having prohibited the publication of the testimony as it occurs, we can barely state from a bye-stander of good authority, that Lt. Spence acknowledged he had embarked at Philadelphia with Madame D'Auvergne, Bollman and Alexander, with the privy of Burr—that he bore a letter of recommendation from Burr to Daniel Clark, dined with Clark in company with Bollman—that he bore letters from Bollman and Madame D'Auvergne (alias North Haskell) to Burr, whom he expected to find at Nashville, Tennessee, but did not meet him until he got to Lexington, Kentucky—that Daniel Clark gave him a letter of introduction to a gentleman on his route, but that he did not deliver it.
Lt. Murray's testimony was, we learn, of great importance. He declared, that on being urged to attack Baton Rouge, he, after resisting the proposition made by Judge Workman, and Lewis Kerr, applied to his friend, Mr. Clark, then in New Orleans, who advised him to attack and take the place by all means, adding that he "was going to Congress, and would in him (M.) all the good there he could"—that he would "inform the government it would require a large force to retake the place—and that before the government could send down troops for the purpose, he (Murray) would find himself in a situation to do as he pleased." This happened in April, or May, 1806.
Mr. Williams was called to prove that Daniel Clark and D. Walshworth were appointed on the part of the American commissioners, Claiborne and Wilkinson, to receive the Spanish archives at the surrender of the province of Louisiana—which Mr. Williams did most amply and satisfactorily, stating the reasons why Mr. Clark was appointed.
The Military Court have adjourned to the 14th of March, subject to the call of the President in the mean time.
FROM THE ALBANY REGISTER.
The following is an extract of a letter from a Senator of the United States to a gentleman who holds a seat in the Senate of this state. We have had this extract on hand for several weeks, but it accidentally got mislaid, which is the reason of its not appearing sooner.
"Washington, Jan. 4. 1808.
"It gives me pleasure to learn, that the papers I have sent you af-
ford any thing interesting. I should have written you also, but on no occasion were there any facts respecting the proceedings of Congress, or relative to our foreign relations, that were not stated in those papers. During the closed doors I was not at liberty to communicate, and since the injunction has been taken off the whole transaction has been published. You may be assured that all the information upon which Congress acted, has been made known, and the letters which the President asked to have returned contained nothing more than was in substance said in the one published. The Embargo is thought by the republicans a proper measure. The federalists we must expect to find fault."
Philadelphia, Feb. 19.
Captain Sawdrey from Martinique, informs that on a confirmation of the news of the Embargo in the U. States, Flour rose from Eleven to Eighteen dollars!!
LOST out of the CONGRESS LIBRARY The First Part of the First Volume of the CYCLOPEDIA, Philadelphia Edition. It belonged to the late Abraham Baldwin, Senator. It can be of little use but to the owner of the set. Whoever will leave it at the Office of the National Intelligencer shall be liberally rewarded.
February 24—42
SUBSCRIBERS in America (if requested to forward without delay their respective dues. As this paper almost entirely depends for support on the regular payment of the subscriptions, this request must be complied with, otherwise the Editor will be constrained, however reluctantly, to discontinue the paper, notwithstanding the deeply interesting nature of the crisis.
RISE OF TICKETS.
Tickets in the Philadelphia Grand Lottery—highest prize 10,000 D.—will sell at TWO Dollars on Tuesday the 23d inst. and will continue to rise as the drawing progresses.
Tickets to be had at N. C. WRIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Pennsylvania avenue.
February 19—36
THIS is to give Notice, that the Subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans' Court of Prince George's county, in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the estate of Charles Hodges, late of said county, deceased. All those having claims against the said estate are hereby warned to exhibit them on or before 14th August next, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, in Upper Marlborough, otherwise they may by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All those who are indebted to the said estate are hereby notified that sums will be instituted without respect to persons, if immediate payments are not made.
ALEXANDER H. POTTER, Admr. February 22—w65
Treasury Department, United States, April 28, 1807.
WHEREAS the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at a meeting held on the 23d day of March 1807, did among other things resolve, that the eight per cent Stock, created in pursuance of the several acts of Congress passed on the 16th day of July 1798, and 7th day of May 1800, should be reimbursed on the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and nine.
This is therefore to give notice that the principal of the said eight per cent Stock will on surrender of the certificates, be paid on the first day of January 1809 to the respective Stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury or at the Loan Office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of Stock respectively held by them.
It is further made known for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfer of the said eight per cent Stock either from or to the books of the Treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans will be allowed after the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and eight. And the interest on all certificates of said Stock, which shall not have been surrendered in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
And whereas the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at their meeting held on the 23d day of March as aforesaid, did also resolve, that the sum which after making the current payments for the years 1807 and 1808, and after reimbursing the four and a half per cent Stock, might remain to complete the annual appropriation of Eight Millions of dollars, for those two years should, among other purposes, be applied to the purchase of the eight per cent Stock at private sale, and that such of the Cashiers of the Bank of the United States, and of its office at Discount and Deposit as the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate, be the agents under his superintendence for making the said purchases—Notice is hereby accordingly given, that James Madison, Jun. Officer of the office of Discount and Deposit at Washington, has been appointed agent for that purpose in Washington, to whom such of the proprietors of eight per cent Stock as may be willing to sell the same within the prices limited by law, are requested to apply.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Jan. Secretary of the Treasury.

TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of  DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening at his new Store, between the Marine Garri- son and Navy Yard Gate, an assort- ment equal to any in the District;— among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cards and velvets, Constitution Garrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Tolinetts, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Beeskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India tan-trail figured and plain, Plain and figured lenos, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8 4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask towels, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and busters, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Black muslin and leno cap patterns, 4 4 7 8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pin-striped do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarf-tand other colored bombazets, Mearh rugs, Russia sheeting, tick- ing, Osnaburgs, basters, gurrals, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hysan tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genu- ine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms, February 3—tf
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just receiv- ed from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. back wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, po- lished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
BURAS AND BELL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mer- cers, and tailors, New Jersey Av- enue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeav- or to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fash- ionable goods, suitable for the approach- ing season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N.B. Regimentals and naval uni- forms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dis- patch. October 23—tf
TWO ELEGANT FORTPIA- NOES. THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. He has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS , among the latter peach brandy 6 years old, fourth proof, and best kind of  HAMS —also, he offers a pair of PI- STOLS , in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a musket handle, original cost 100 dollars. F. A. WATLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market. N.B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice. December 25—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Steele—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
WANTED a man in the occupation of a SCHOOLMASTER ; any person coming well recommended will find encouragement by applying to THOMAS H. LYLES, RICHARD IRELAND, Jr., THEODORE HODGKIN, MORDECAI SMITH. Calvert county, Feb. 17—3t
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. DANAWAY from the subscriber on the 10th day of October last a mu- latto man named HARRY; he is about 6 feet high, well made, about 28 or 29 years of age, plays the fiddle well; he is a tolerable good carpenter and stone mason, he has a white spot on the top of his head about 2 or 3 inches square, occasioned by a hurt when small; no other mark or scar recollected on him. He had on when he went away a brown broad cloth coat, white fur hat, cordu- roy pantaloons and waistcoat. It is likely he has altered his name and clothing as he is a cunning fellow, and took plenty of money with him, or at least fifty dollars; he is an easy spoken fellow and generally speaks low, no ways forward or impudent. Any person that will take up said slave and secure him in any jail in the United States, and give information to the subscriber living in Hampshire county, 18 miles from Winchester on the road leading from Winchester, Romney and Moorefield, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges if brought home. JACOB JENKINS. February 19—3t
CHARLES A. WARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gen- tlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadel- phia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangle and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent panted SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. FOUR or FIVE good Journeymen wanted, who will find constant employ. November 27—tf
In pursuance of a deed of trust, dated on the 17th day of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, from Isidore Hardey, of Prince George's county, Maryland, to John Francis Hardey, will be exposed to Public Sale, on the premises, on Tuesday the first day of March next, if fair, and if not, the first fair day thereafter, ALL those two Tracts or Parts of Tracts or Parcels of Land, lying and being in Prince George's county, called Gardner's Meadows and Ty- ler's Advantage , containing 330 acres. These lands are encumbered with the right of dower, and will be sold for cash. The above tracts of land are situated about 5 miles from Piscataway, in Prince George's county, and are tolera- bly well improved. A more minute de- scription is deemed unnecessary, as those who wish to purchase will view the premises, either on or before the day of sale. RICHARD B. GARDINER, Adm'r of John F. Hardey. January 20—1Mar.
AGREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable pro- perty in the city of Washington, consist- ing of 646,483 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is re- commended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the per- manent residence and seat of the go- vernment of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington City, Dec. 11—tf
THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED under the act of the Con- gress of the United States, "Authoris- ing the ERECTION of a BRIDGE over the RIVER POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia" to receive Sub- scriptions for erecting the same, herby give notice that the Books of SUBSCRIP- TION, will be opened at Stetson's Hotel in the city of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, at 12 o'clock at noon, and continue open until 3 P.M. ROBERT PRENT, DANIEL CARROLL, (of Duddington), THOMAS MUNROE, JAMES D. BARRY, FREDERICK MAY, SAMUEL H. SMITH, JONAH THOMPSON, JONATHAN SWIFT, THOMAS VOWELL, CUTHBERT POWELL, ELISHA JANNEY, CHARLES ALEXANDER.
The act of Congress authorises the Subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of Ten dol- lars on each share at the time of sub- scription. The residue to be paid in instalments of Ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix. None of Power required from those who make use of an agent. I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia." February 19—
THE COLUMBIAD, BY JOEL BARLOW.
The Lovers of the FINE ARTS need not see it, and they will universally pronounce it the most splendid Work ever published in America. The EN- GRAVING of the PLATES alone, cost upwards of 4,000 dollars. A few copies of the above work are received, & for Sale at J. MARCH'S Book-store, Georgetown. February 12—1aw1m
PUBLIC NOTICE Is hereby given to all persons who have any demands against Peter Foor- his an insolvent debtor, that the sub- scriber, assignee of the said Peter, will attend at the House of John Baird, inn- keeper, in the town of Hackensack, on Monday the 1st day of August next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the pur- pose of examining and ascertaining the debts due from the said Peter to such of his creditors as shall then and there at- tend and exhibit their demands. The subscriber will also attend at the place aforesaid on Thursday the 1st day of September next at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of making a division agreeably to law, of all such money as shall then have come to his hands, of the estate of the said Peter, of which those concerned will please to take notice. WILLIAM A. DE PEYSTER. Hackensack N.J. Feb. 10th, 1808.
Will be Sold at Public Auction, ON the Premises, on Thursday the 25th day of February next, part of LOT No. 4, in Square 78 being 28 feet front, near the Western Market, and extending back about 147 feet to an alley. There is erected upon this Lot, a good BRICK BUILDING covering the whole front, with a good Kitchen and enclosure, and was formerly occu- pied by Dr. Bullus. As the property is well known, nothing further descriptive is the right necessary. January 25—tdos
A BRICK HOUSE AND LOT FOR SALE. ON Monday the 8th day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to public sale on the premises at 4 o'clock in the evening, part of Lot No. 6, in square No. 141. in this city, fronting 16 feet 9 inches on North G street, and running back 133 feet, with the improvements there- on, consisting of a convenient two story Brick House and enclosure. The Lot was leased to the former tenant for a term of 99 years at the rent of 35 dollars per annum, and the benefit of a cove- nant to purchase the fee simple there- of.
On default of payment of three years rent, the subscriber has been put in pos- session of the premises, according to the law in such cases provided; for which, and accruing expenses, it will be sold, subject to the conditions of the former lease, and a new lease executed to the purchaser on complying with the terms of sale. Being in the vicinity of the public offices, and in a thick settled neighbourhood, it would be an eligible situation for a gentleman doing business in either of the departments. The premises may be viewed and the papers seen by applying to Thomas Herty, prior to the day of sale. JOSEPH NOURSE. Terms of sale, a negotiable note with an approved endorser, payable 60 days after date.
The Sale of the above Property is postponed until Monday the 14th day of March next, when it will be offered for sale at the hour and place above-men- tioned. February 17—tdos
STRAYED or STOLEN FROM the city of Washington, the following HORSES, viz. a jet black MARE with a long bushy mane and tail, about 14 hands 3 inches high, rising 7 years old, trots and canters; she was taken away about the last of August. Likewise a Bay HORSE, dark mane and tail, about 15 hands high, limps very much in one of his hind legs, 9 years old next spring—he was taken away about the first of September last. Also, a dark Bay MARE with a black mane and tail, about 15 hands high, trots and canters, when rode, and checked with the bridle carries her head very high. The said mare was carried away about the first of December last. I cannot be very accurate as to the description as they were not long in my custody. I will give 20 dollars for apprehending the person or persons respectively that stole said horses, and 15 dollars for each by delivering them to the subscriber residing in the city of Washington. FRANCIS JENKINS. February 1—w3t
By THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the disposal of the Public Lands, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted that for the disposal of the Lands of the United States, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, a Land Office should be established at such place, as the President of the United States might direct: And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid with the excep- tion of certain tracts therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall by a public proclamation of the President of the United States be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, and on the same terms and conditions as are provided for the lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river. Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in con- formity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare and make known, that sales shall be held at Canton in the state of Ohio, for the disposal of the above mentioned lands, to commence on the second Monday of May, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks. Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—wtM
Treasury Department, Registers' Office, June 5th, 1807. Notice is hereby given, THAT, in conformity with the provision of the act supplementary to the act, enti- tled "An act making provision for the re- demption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the Treasury on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the pur- pose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription Rand on the books of the treasury.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above- mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot. The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe and may assent to that modifi- cation, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no varia- tion; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent on the interest thus paid. JOSEPH NOURSE, Reg. of the Treasury
NOTE—Proprietors of 1000 dollars nomi- nal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to re- ceive, 649 62 of new six If subscribed between the 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 64 37 Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808 019 03 Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, sub- subscribed before the 1st Oct. 1807, will be enti- tled to receive, 855 78 If subscribed between the 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62 Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808, 831 42 Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October 1807, and 1st January 1808 respectively. Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock, will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six. June 8—wgm.
I WISH TO SELL , about 20 acres of LAND, adjoining George-town, with the following improvements: a new framed dwelling 40 feet cellar under the whole, 5 rooms and a piazza on the first floor, stone kitchen 18 by 24, a wash house 14 by 16, smoke house, stable and carriage house, also, paled yard and garden, there are a number of young fruit trees beginning to bear, and 6 or 7 acres in clover. I believe this place as healthy as the Alleghany mountain, and perhaps second to none for a coun- try seat; for although about three quar- ters of a mile from Georgetown market, yet by reason of a deep valley between it and town it is rendered very private, and the road good; the prospect com- manding and variegated. As I wish to improve near the Rope Walk, I would sell this place low. RICH'D. PARROTT. Georgetown, December 14—wtM
By THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October 1791 for regulat- ing the materials and manner of build- ings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided, "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared, "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues," and whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others whose circumstance did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the Presi- dent of the United States, from the fifth day of June 1796 to this day, and bene- ficial effects arising from such suspen- sions having been experienced, it is deemed proper to revive and continue the same, with the exceptions hereafter mentioned: Wherefore, I Thomas Jefferson, Pre- sident of the United States, do declare, That the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same hereby are suspended until the 1st day of Janu- ary in the year one thousand eight hun- dred and nine, and that all houses which shall be erected in the city of Washing- ton previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house, covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eves shall be erected, nor shall any such house be placed within twenty-four feet of a brick or stone house. Given under my hand, the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight. TH: JEFFERSON. Jan. 11—w6t
By THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the act, entitled "An act making provision for the dis- posal of the public Lands situated be- tween the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted, that for the disposal of the Lands of the United States lying on the Ohio river, between the Cincinnati and Vincennes district, a Land Office should be established at Jeffersonville. And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid, with the exception of certain tracts, therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall by a public Proclamation of the Presi- dent of the United States, be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, & on the same terms & conditions as are provided for the lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river. Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in con- formity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare and make known, that sales shall be held at Jeffersonville in the Indiana Territory for the disposal of the above mentioned lands, to commence on the second Monday of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks. Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November one thousand eight hundred and seven. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—wtAp
Charles County court, August Term, 1807. SAMUEL BAXTER, an insolvent debtor of Charles county, having applied by petition in writing to the judges of the court here praying the bene- fit of an act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, passed at the last session of the General Assembly, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on his oath as far as he can ascertain them, as directed by the said act having accompanied his petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Samuel Baxter has resided the two pre- ceding years within the state of Mary- land prior to the passage of the said act, and having been brought before the court here and discharged from impri- sonment upon giving bond, by the said act required. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, by the said court, that the said Samuel Baxter appear before the said county court at the court house, on the first day of March term next to answer such interrogatories as may be proposed to him by his creditors; and that the said day be, and is hereby ap- pointed for the said creditors to appear, and recommend a trustee for him be- nefit, on the said Samuel Baxter, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for delivering up his proper- ty; and the said Samuel Baxter, give notice of the passage of this order by causing a copy thereof to be served on each and every of his creditors or in so many of them as can be served there- with or their agent or attorney at least three months before the said first day of March term, and by causing a copy thereof to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week during that time aforesaid, previous to the next term. Test JOHN BARNES, CLk. Nov. 27—wtMar.