The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-06-07 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1351.
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On remunerating sufferers under the Sedition Law.
Saturday, May 27, 1809.
MR. STANFORD said he had risen to offer a resolution, which he wanted to have offered immediately after that which had been offered by a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) and adopted by the House, on the subject of prosecutions for libel at common law; but not being then able to get the floor, he would now beg leave to move his by way of instruction to the same committee. That committee, Mr. S. said, had been charged with an enquiry into what prosecutions for libel at common law had been instituted in the courts of the United States, which he hoped the committee would duly make, and lay before the House. Thus the House would see what system of persecution, if any, had been resorted to, and cherished by the late administration or its friends, in any part of the United States; and he equally hoped some remedy might be devised at this time, the beginning of a new administration, to obviate any like occurrence in future. But, said Mr. S. let it not be that any thing be done partially. While we are about to bring to our view all the cases of prosecution for libel under the common law, we are not likely to know any thing about prosecutions for libel, which had occurred under the sedition law, and that too under a different administration. He has not authorised any such enquiry. That abuses have occurred under both, is but too probable, and I think it will be liberal, as it is certainly just and fair, to make the enquiry more general on the subject. If any citizen has been oppressed or injured by such prosecutions, let it be known, and let justice be done him; even now, if with propriety, any way can be devised to do so. Enquiry, however, is all that is asked for the present.
It may be perceived, said Mr. S. and if not, I wish it should be understood, when I speak of justice being done, that I speak with rather peculiar reference to a gentleman of this House, who has been a principal sufferer under the well known sedition law. I think it never too late to do justice, under whatever circumstances or motives of policy it may have been withheld for a time. I trust no gentleman will, upon this occasion, suspect me of a design to excite any party feelings. It certainly is not my wish, whatever may be the effect. The resolution I am about to offer is not so framed, nor would it necessarily involve the question of the constitutionality of the law. I feel persuaded, therefore, that the different gentlemen of the House may, from a spirit of liberality and fair concession, indulge the enquiry asked for.
But, sir, said he, since the other enquiry has been gone into, it cannot be unfair to say that the majority of the House owe it to themselves to extend the injury, as well to cases of prosecution under the sedition law, as to those under the common law; and I shall be permitted to say also, they owe it, as well to the feelings and sufferings of the gentleman to whom I have alluded. Whatever may be the aspect of political opinions and parties now; it is known to you, sir, and a few others on this floor, that to him which is due for the present ascendancy of the majority; perhaps to no one more, to the extent of his sphere of action and influence. In the famous contested election for President in this House, eight or nine years ago, he gave the vote of a state, which sufficed to decide the contest; and more especially so, if the blank votes of the state of Maryland could have rendered that vote doubtful. But, however, such considerations may or may not avail, nothing is more clear to me than that the enquiry should be indulged on the most liberal principles.
Resolved, That the committee, appointed to enquire into what prosecutions for libels at common law have been instituted before the courts of the United States, be instructed to enquire what prosecutions for libels have been instituted before the courts of the United States under the second section of the act entitled an act in addition to an act entitled an act for the punishment of certain crimes against the U.S. passed the 17th day of July, 1798, and the expediency of remunerating the sufferers under such prosecutions.
MR. SAWYER moved to amend the resolution by adding at the end of it the words "and that the committee also enquire whether any and what private compensation have been made to such suffering persons."
MR. MACON said he did not know how the committee could go about to make such an enquiry as that contemplated by the amendment. The gentleman must be well satisfied that the government could not rightfully enquire into transactions between individuals.
MR. DANA said that he had no particular objection to meet this enquiry. As to the disclosure of facts as to the reimbursement by individual contribution, it might be amusing, if this House had authority to make it. He said he should like to know who contributed to the relief of James Thompson Callender when he was prosecuted; but he had some doubt whether it was proper to enter into any enquiry, or whether it was proper to pass the resolution pointing to the remuneration of sufferers under the sedition law. He should have supposed that it might be proper to leave it at large for the committee to report. He said he had certainly no objection to enquire, though he conceived that prosecutions at common law and under the sedition law were essentially different; because, supposing the Congress of the United States to pass such a law, the courts of the United States might take cognizance of it; but without such a law, it did not belong to the judiciary to extend its care to the protection of the government from slander. Such was the decision of Judge Chase (said Mr. D.) who decided that the court had no jurisdiction at common law in suits for libel; and the Supreme Court of the United States never did decide the question. The strong contrast is this: that while there was a description of men who said that no prosecution could be had at common law for libel, nor under the statute which modified the common law so as to allow the truth to be given in evidence—who, whilst they excited indignation against this statute, should afterwards undertake to institute prosecutions at common law where there was no limitation in favor of the defendant. There is this difference in the cases: that we find practice precisely different from professions. I do not say that the heads of departments were instrumental in instituting these prosecutions; but it marks some of the subordinate men who were active in making professions. I am very willing that the proposed enquiry should be made; but I cannot see the propriety of our undertaking to give any opinion as to remunerating those who suffered.
MR. STANFORD said—Mr. Speaker, I would ask if my colleague's motion of amendment can be in order?—It is no concern of this House, or of the government, what private contributions may have been made to the gentleman from Kentucky—and if it was, the enquiry is impossible. [The Speaker said, not being able to enter into the views of the mover of the amendment, he considered the motion in order.] Then, said Mr. Stanford, if my colleague is anxious to know what he could not otherwise know, I will tell him I had contributed a small sum to the gentleman from Kentucky, as a sufferer in what was then considered a common cause; but upon his return to his seat in the House, he could not brook the idea of such a contribution, and returned the amount to myself I know, and to others, I believe. My colleague would do well to tell us how much he contributed. It is well known contributions were made in a quarter not far from him; and if he did not, I am well persuaded it was not for the want of sympathy on his part, or extreme zeal in the democratic cause—for I am confident I have seen as much or more seditious matter from under his pen, than I ever
saw from under that of the gentleman from Kentucky. Be that, however, as it may, I am for one willing, if no constitutional difficulty can be shown, to remunerate the sufferers—at least to take such money out of the treasury, and restore it to its original, rightful owners—and if it cannot be consistently done, why the enquiry can do no harm.—But, indeed, we have great examples in the case before us. Did not the late President, when he came into place, refuse to let such money come into the treasury in the case of the worthless Calender? As the proper authority he thrust it from him as unworthy the coffers of his country—and did not his doing so meet general approbation? I confess it met mine most cordially, and I believe it did that of my colleague also. Have we not, moreover, the best recorded proof that the present President holds similar opinions on this subject? His spendid opposition to the sedition law is the proof to which I allude, and is, in my mind, conclusive on this subject. But if it were not, where is the impropriety of an enquiry? The House will be better able to decide when the whole matter shall come fairly before them.
MR. QUINCY said this appeared to be a proposition to aid a single individual; and, by the amendment, gentlemen who had aided that individual were anxious to prevent him from gaining more than he had paid. It was a kind of application to the House to repay to those persons who relieved the sufferers under the sedition law, the sums which they had paid. If this were the object, Mr. Quincy suggested whether it would not be proper for them to come forward and lay their claim in the ordinary form before the House.
MR. SAWYER said he was, as he always had been, willing to contribute his mite to the relief of the sufferers; but he did not wish to see them remunerated from the public treasury.
MR. LYON—I have been for some time in suspense whether I ought, or ought not to make any observations on the subject before the House; delicacy on the one hand bids me be silent, while a duty I owe to myself, to my family, and to the nation, requires (that since my particular case has been alluded to,) the members of this House & the public, should be made acquainted with many of the circumstances of that case which have either never come to their knowledge, or have long been buried up among the confused heap of political occurrences, disputations and publications of these days. Besides, sir, I have it in my power to throw much light on the subject of the inquiry wished for, by the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Sawyer) who has proposed the amendment under consideration, & I will assure the gentleman that I shall not be backward in doing so. It is true, sir, that I was unjustly condemned to pay a fine of a $1000 & to suffer an ignominious imprisonment of 4 months in a loathsome dungeon; the common receptacle of felons, runaway negroes, or the vilest malefactors, and this when I was the people of Vermont's Representative in this House of Congress. It cannot be said there was no other room in the prison, there were rooms enough; yes sir, one of my judges during my imprisonment found another room in the same jail to be imprisoned for debt in until he gave bonds for the liberty of the yard. To heighten the picture exhibited by official tyranny, and to add to the cruel vexation of this transaction, I was carried out of the country in which I lived, 50 miles from my family, kept six weeks without fire in the months of October and November, nearly the whole of which time the Northwest wind had free admittance into the dungeon, through the same aperture that admitted the light of Heaven into that dreary cell. And let it be asked in these days of the mild reign of republicanism, for what crime was all this extraordinary, this ignominious punishment inflicted?
I hold a copy of the indictment in my hand which includes the charges against me. I will not trouble the House with a recital of the technical jargon and tedious repetition of words of course, which constitute the bulk of such instruments. No, sir, but I will read the identical words of the charge, which says that on the 20th of June 1798, Mathew Lyon wrote a letter to Alden Spooner of Windsor Vermont, in which he said, "As to the Executive, when I shall see the efforts of
that power bent on the promotion of the comfort, the happiness and accommodation of the people, that Executive shall have my zealous and uniform support: But whenever I shall on the part of the Executive, see every consideration of the public welfare swallowed up in a continual grasp for power, in an unbounded thirst for ridiculous pomp, foolish adulation & selfish avarice. When I shall behold men of real merit daily turned out of office for no other cause but independency of sentiment—when I shall see men of firmness, merit, years, abilities, and experience discarded in their application for offices for fear they possess that independence; and men of meanness preferred for the ease, with which they take up and advocate opinions the consequence of which they know but little of—when I shall see the sacred name of religion employed as a state engine to make mankind hate and persecute one another, I shall not be their humble advocate."
This is the whole of my crime, and what do those words amount to. Who is here that hears these words, but what approves the sentiment they contain, what do I say in these words, other, or more, or less than that when the Executive is doing right, I will support him—when doing wrong I will not be his humble advocate. This ought to be the creed of every member who enters these walls; was there to be an oath or abjuration added to the constitutional oath, to be taken by the members of this House, can any person who hears me, devise a better, or one more proper. Could any person who really thought Mr. Adams quite clear from all those improprieties, as merely possible from the nature of man, mentioned in my letter, have thought of my libelling the President by this declaration? I presume not, sir. Yet this, my crime, received one of the condemnations which you are called upon by this motion to constitute an enquiry into—an enquiry I cannot persuade myself will be refused. The letter, sir, was an answer to a violent invective against me, published in the same paper a short time before, in which besides a number of other charges against me, it was imputed to me as a crime that I acted in opposition to the Executive.
I did not begin the altercation. A person who was a friend to the Adams administration in the act of libelling me, (one of the constituted authorities) ushered the Executive into his performance. My character, ever dearer to me than life, was concerned, I designed to answer him, after expostulating with him on my right as one of the constituted authorities of the nation to exercise my own judgement in my official conduct, and shewing that my merely differing with the Executive proved no more than that the Executive differed with me. I incidentally proceeded in the words for which I was indicted, the very words I just now read. I was charged with neither more or less as coming from my pen. As if to outrage every principle of law and every sentiment of decency and propriety, this indictment founded on the sedition law passed on the 14th day of July, 1798 charges me with having in Philadelphia on the 20th of June prior, written a letter to Alden Spooner of Vermont, which contained those words I have been reciting. My letter was produced in court and carried the Philadelphia post mark of some day in the same June, I do not recollect which day, Judge Patterson himself admitted this fact and that it was out of my power & control in the June before the sedition law was past. This is the indictment which was the foundation of the barbatous treatment I received carried on its front its own condemnation—but this defect was remedied by the ingenuity of the party judge, who dexterously mingled his assertions that the crime was cognizable under the common law, with his admonitions to a pliant jury not to be deterred from finding a verdict where the man who wrote was a member of Congress and knew the sedition law was about to be passed and probably hurried his letter to evade the law.
It may be said, sir, that I was charged in the indictment with publishing a copy of a letter, from an American diplomatic character in France, to a member of Congress, commonly called the Barlow letter. I was so; and there was a third count in the indictment for aiding and abetting in the publication of said letter. The words
selected as seditious were as follows:— "The misunderstanding between the two governments has become extremely alarming: confidence is completely destroyed: mistrust, jealousy, and a wrong attribution of motives, are so apparent as to require the utmost caution in every word and action that are to come from your Executive; I mean if your object is to avoid hostilities. Had this truth been understood with you before the recall of Monroe, before the coming and the second coming of Pinkney, had it guided the pens that wrote the bullying speech of your President, and the stupid answer of your Senate, in November last, I should probably, had no occasion to address you this letter; but when we found him borrowing the language of Edmund Burke, and telling the world that although he should succeed in treating with the French, there was no dependence to be placed on their engagements; that their religion or morality was at an end, and they had turned pirates and plunderers; and it would be necessary to be perpetually armed against them, tho' you were at peace, we wondered that the answer of both Houses had not been an order to send him to a mad-house! Instead of this, the Senate have echoed his speech with more servility than ever George the 3d experienced from either house of Parliament." No proof appears on the trial of my printing or aiding, or abetting in printing, or circulating a printed copy of this famous letter. I had read the copy of the letter in company, but the advocates of the sedition law would never admit that such reading was punishable by that law. The printer who printed the letter, swears that he had been anxious to get the letter from me, and that I had refused to suffer it to be printed, and repelled every attempt to persuade me to the printing; that he had obtained the copy of the letter in my absence. The fact was, that my wife was persuaded by a gentleman who is now a member of this House, that the republican cause and my election (which was pending) would be injured if the letter was not published; and, as I understood, she gave it to him; the letter was printed, and that gentleman had some of the copies before I came home: I suppressed the remainder of the edition. The judge finding no proof to support this part of the charge, directed the jury to find a verdict of guilty generally, as there could be no doubt of my being guilty on the first count. I had acknowledged my having written the letter to Alden Spooner. They did so. I will not detain the House by going into a detail of the manner in which that jury was packed. After all the care and management in the original selection, there was one man on it, whose honesty my persecutors feared; and to get him off a wretch falsely swore that he summoned jury man had expressed to him something like an opinion that I could not be found guilty. I will not here dwell upon the judge's denial to me of a challenge upon the jury,—as great a crime as any Judge Chase was charged with. I look for an investigation of this business when all the features of it shall come fairly to public view. Should that investigation be refused at this time, I shall not fail to look for it at some future time. I can never forgive the unjust stigma that has been placed on my character; and should justice be refused me during my whole life, I will leave it with my children and theirs to seek it. When my enemies wounded my feelings, robbed me of my property, and affected temporarily my reputation, I consoled myself that my friends would soon be in power, and they would make every thing right. My wounded honor would be consoled; the wound would be healed—a share at least of the property of which I had been deprived, would be reimbursed.—How cruelly have I been thus far disappointed.—Generous men, at the time I suffered, said it is enough for you to bear the mortification of the temporary insult—we will share with you the loss of property. Under this impression much money was collected—the greater part of which went to relieve oppressed republican printers—it has all been charged to me. I never asked, nor would I have received a cent of this gratuity, could I have avoided it without insulting the benevolent views of the good man (general Stevens Thomson Mason, deceased) who set the subscription on.

foot. That good man gave me a list of those to whom he considered me beholden, and the amount—while the thing was fresh in every one's mind I made a compliment, which he considered ample, and more than ample, to every one of those on that list that was within my reach—to those few that remain in that list uncompensated, I feel beholden and much indebted. As the thing has grown old, and as I have come in contact with those gentlemen, I have felt myself in an embarrassed, awkward situation, from which I wished to be relieved by being able to say to them, the public have restored your money—here it is—it is yours, not mine.—Judging other men to have feelings like myself, I am at a loss how to get rid of the obligation I feel, in any other way than the restoration of their money when it comes in a way they cannot refuse it. From this source any anxiety for the restoration of the money unjustly taken from me, arises more than from any other. And on every review of the subject, I am bound to say that I have been more cruelly treated by the neglect of a duty to which my friends had pledged themselves, when they declared me innocent and patriotic, than by enemies who thought me guilty, and found me goading them in their progress toward the destruction of the liberty and republicanism in this country—as it to make this cruelty more insupportable, insult is added to the injury by daily insinuations that I am bound by faith to stand by those who call themselves republicans, in all their projects, right or wrong.—Before I was elected a member of Congress from the state of Kentucky, I sent to a member of this House, who had promised me to bring it forward, a petition to be laid before the House of Representatives for redress in this case. He returned the petition on the 10th of March, in a letter, which I have in my hand—in which he says, "I am sorry and ashamed that I have not presented the petition—I have not wrote to your father, and confess I am ashamed—pray you the first time you write to Col. Lyon do endeavor to make an excuse for me."—Such, I believe, was the impression of most of those I had acted with in the reign of terror, as we called it; but that impression has been wearing off, it seems, while my feelings have been every day increasing in their poignancy at their neglect of a duty, to which they had solemnly pledged themselves, while they were struggling with their adversaries for precedence and power. Happily the awful silence which surrounded this extraordinary business has been broken. I consider this a prelude to investigation and a correct issue; and let the event of the vote now about to be taken be what it may, I shall not desist.
I shall at this time say no more on this subject than to declare I wish not to have my case singled out for reparation. I wish the investigation general; the provision for remuneration general to all who suffered under the lash of that unconstitutional sedition law.
Mr. Sawyer's amendment was negatived without a division. Mr. Ross rose to propose another amendment to the resolution. It was a fact, he said, well known in almost every part of the United States, that the people in the district from which he had just been returned, had suffered as much in the cause of democracy as that of any other; that they had presented as from a barrier to federal oppression, and perhaps had as just claims as any other people in the U. States to remuneration for losses in the cause. It was well known that at the time that high-handed measures were taken in this country, an insurrection had taken place in Pennsylvania, commonly known by the name of the hot water insurrection; that it occurred in consequence of the oppression of the law for the collection of a direct tax. Many persons who had opposed the law, under the idea of its being unconstitutional, were prosecuted, punished, and some of them in consequence of those prosecutions and the sentence resulting from them, expired in prison. To some who remained after the aspect of the affairs of the country was changed, mercy was extended by the Executive of the United States; but to those whose prosecutions and convictions were of an earlier date, lenity was not extended; they were compelled to pay their fines before they could be relieved from imprisonment. Mr. R. declared his object in rising to be, to move to amend the resolution in such a way as to instruct the committee to enquire whether any, and if any, what compensation and remuneration should be made to the persons who suffered and were punished in consequence of an act to lay and collect a direct tax in the U. States.
Mr. DANA said the gentleman's amendment contemplated remuneration to those who suffered by their opposition to a statute. He would propose an amendment to enquire into the propriety of remunerating those who had suffered by their submission (not by their opposition) to the several acts respecting the embargo, certainly
much more meritorious conduct than that of opposition. As respected the whole of this subject, he said he was very free to declare that as regarded those who had been prosecuted at common law in the state of Connecticut, who had certainly been at very considerable expense, their defence perhaps having cost them several thousand dollars, yet, on the principle of correct legislation, he had not the least idea of remunerating them. Where shall we stop, said Mr. D. if we tread back on the steps of each other. We shall have opportunity enough for censure in reviewing our own conduct. Perhaps it might be as well to draw the veil of oblivion over past transactions, and learn from experience to err no more.
Mr. JOHNSON said, that however much the act laying a direct tax was disapproved, and arose from measures which were improper, yet he had never deemed it an unconstitutional law, as he had the sedition law. He should therefore vote against the amendment and for the resolution.
Mr. GARDENER suggested to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, since he had brought the subject before the House, the propriety of going the whole length of his principle. To my mind it is very clear (said he) that if those who oppose the law are to be remunerated, for what it cost them in consequence of prosecution, you must go only on the principle that the direct tax never ought to have been laid at all. If the law was right, it was improper to oppose it. If it was improper, perhaps, according to modern democracy, it might be proper to oppose it by force. That, to my mind, is a very dangerous doctrine for legislators to broach; it is a doctrine to which I myself can never agree, for it is making government a nullity. The suggestion which I wish to make is this: that of those men who suffered in the hot water insurrection are to be remunerated, it is no more than fair that those should be remunerated who have quietly paid this tax. They were at least respectful to the laws. The committee therefore ought to be instructed to enquire into the propriety of repaying to the several contributors in the various states the direct tax, collected from them, unless there be something so admirable, so lovely, so worthy of encouragement in insurrection, that those concerned in it have peculiar claims to encouragement by government. If that be the case, the gentleman stopped at the proper point. If there was nothing in insurrection however, which the legislature would feel it proper to cherish, the gentleman should either go the whole length of his principle or not touch it at all.
Mr. Ross said he had not undertaken to state any principle at all. His object was to refer the subject to a committee to decide upon. He had not said that he considered the original resolution to contain a correct principle; it was a point left for the committee to consider and for the House to determine on. But if it was a correct principle, that those who suffered under the sedition law should be remunerated, he said he had no hesitation in saying, that his constituents who had suffered as materially and as much as any for the democratic interest in this country, should be placed on the same ground as those who were asking, for the favor of the House for no better reason—and when the gentleman calls upon me (said Mr. R.) to go the whole length of a principle which he states, it is calling upon me to do that which is consequent on a principle which I have not assumed. The gentleman from Kentucky conceives that there is a difference between the cases alluded to in my amendment and the cases arising under the sedition law. Where is the difference, sir? In both cases they were laws of the United States; in both cases the judges of the courts of the United States were authorized to proceed. In neither of the cases did they decide the law unconstitutional. If then persons were punished by the sedition law in its full operation, carried into effect by the constituted authorities, where, I ask, is the distinction between that and any other law? To all the purposes of legality, that law is as much legal as that under which the direct tax was instituted. Whether the law under which a direct tax was collected, was constitutional or not, has it not as equally received the disapprobation of the republicans of the U. States as the sedition law? If then it was the object of the democratic party to rid the country of such a law as much as of the sedition law, I ask whether those who suffered under each law have not equal claims? There can be no legal claim upon the House under either law; but we know that it was the hardy yeomanry who presented a firm phalanx to the irresistible torrent of injurious laws of the federal administration, and who gave the present party the ascendancy, and many of them have not, as the gentleman from Kentucky has been, compensated for their sufferings by a long continuance in an honorable and lucrative office which he enjoys by the confidence of his constituents. Mr. POTTER declared himself at a loss to know whether the House was
sitting here as a branch of the legislature to pass laws, or as a body to remunerate those concerned in the violation of them. The House sat here to make laws and not to encourage those who resisted them; but if they determined to give premiums for the violation of laws, they had better depart home at once.
Mr. RHEA (T.) wished the House to get rid of this motion and the amendment as speedily as possible. If the House were to go on as it had commenced the session, the whole time of the House would be spent about nothing, discussing propositions which could not possibly produce good to the nation. He therefore moved to postpone the whole subject indefinitely.
Mr. MACON said he had been in hopes when this motion had been made, that it would be one of the happy days of the House; that the question proposed would occupy the whole day in debate, and that all would agree in it at last. As to comparing this case with that of the direct tax, it was notorious that the discussion on the sedition law and the public opinion also took a very different turn from that which it took on any other law. The whole discussion (said Mr. M.) as well as I recollect, turned upon the constitutionality of the law. Then if it is still believed that the law was unconstitutional, I leave it to gentlemen to say whether it can be viewed in the same light as a law, the constitutionality of which is not disputed. In the one case, trials took place for speaking and writing; in the other case for opposing the execution of a law. I wish this question to be settled for this reason. In all governments where liberty and freedom have existed, parties also have had existence. Thinking honestly produces parties. That those gentlemen who were in power when the sedition law was passed, should step a little too far, was not so much to be wondered at as that those who came after them should do so; because they were making the first experiment of the instrument. I then believed, and do still believe, that the law was unconstitutional. Taking up this question, the original resolution of my colleague is, that remuneration should be made to those people who suffered under it; but seeing that the question with respect to the constitutionality of the law had always been matter of dispute, it proposes that a committee shall enquire into the subject. The House is no farther committed by passing this resolution, than to consent to the enquiry being made. I submit it to the candor and reflection of gentlemen of all parties, whether this thing in a national point of view can produce any evil—on the contrary, may it not produce good? All that has been said about the direct tax laws can have no other effect than to draw off the attention of the House from the true question before them. The question on this law, in my mind, is a different one from any other law which has been passed. I feel no hesitation in acknowledging that it is my opinion that all the sufferers ought to be remunerated, both those who suffered under the sedition law, and those who suffered under the common law. It is the business of all parties to settle as amicably as they can any subject of contention between persons of different political persuasions. If this first resolution should be referred to a committee, and they report that the law was unconstitutional, I will venture to pronounce that no majority will ever again make a law of that kind. If, sir, the sufferers under the sedition law did suffer contrary to the constitution, ought not their expenses to be reimbursed? On the subject of contribution, I know that that party to which I was attached, did contribute, and did consider it an honorable cause. I was willing (and there are gentlemen in this House who know it) to open my purse when a man of a very different political creed from myself, Peter Porcupine, was oppressed. I care not of what party a man be that is oppressed. I can prove that the party opposed to me in politics have also subscribed. It is all no more than the subscriptions for printing speeches which are occasionally made in the House, in which gentlemen of all parties unite. Suppose that the whole fine in any particular case had been paid by individual subscription, what has the government to do with that? Will it be contended, because an old soldier who received a pension also received individual contributions, that the pension should be taken from him, or that the government is thereby acquitted of what it owed him? Surely not: the government has nothing to do with transactions between individuals. As to the particular gentleman brought into this discussion, I believe that every man that contributed anything towards paying the fine levied on him, was remunerated to his satisfaction. I have thought proper to state these opinions of mine, and to avow myself in favor of reimbursing the sufferers. But before I sit down, I must say that my opinion of modern democracy is very different from that of the gentleman from New-York. I consider it as neither leading to insurrection, rebellion, or any such thing: I believe that the true
principle of every modern democracy is, that the law constitutionally made is supreme, and is to be obeyed; that it has nothing to do with riots, rebellion and insurrection. I know very well, and shall not deny it, that there are times when insurrection is a holy thing, but it is not peculiarly attributable to democracy. With us, elections put every thing to rights; and on them every man of pure democratic principles depends. It is doubtful whether the question of the constitutionality of the sedition law can be settled in a more easy way, and in a mode less liable to irritation, than that proposed by my colleague. If the committee report as I wish, it is well; if not, it settles the question for ever; and it is surely desirable that the question should be settled. However gentlemen may differ as to the principle proposed to be investigated, they might with propriety vote for the enquiry, as is the ordinary course of every day. I do not consider this as proposing to give a premium to violators of the laws. I know that much depends in this world on names; and that if you give any man or thing a bad name, whether merited or not, it is difficult to get rid of it. I hope the House will not be deterred from this enquiry by any name attempted to be given to it. It is proper that this question should be settled; and if considered now, it will be settled by a body which did not partake of the heats of those times, and when, to say the least of it, there is a little division in the great parties of the nation—and it seems to me that the gentleman who moved it has been fortunate in the selection of his time. Eight years have elapsed, a new President is just inducted, and the question is now brought up for our decision. I am sorry that any member of the House should make a motion with no other view but for procrastination. I do not believe that my colleague who made this motion is in the habit of procrastinating the public business more than other members of the House; and I was in hopes that there would have been a dissentient voice to his motion. He only asks of you to let the enquiry be made. He does not ask a single member of the House to commit himself upon the question, but merely asks that a committee may be permitted to enquire into it—and this, it seems to me is no extraordinary request. I hope that the resolution, without being trammeled with any extraneous matter, will be passed.
Some further observations were made by Messrs. Gold, Pickman, Porter and Rhea against the resolution; and by Messrs. Stanford in favor of it.
(To be continued.)
Eleanor Hungerford, vs Elizabeth Bourne, Dorcas Bourne, Thomas Reynolds, Joseph Blake, James Heigh, and William E. Hungerford and Samuel Chew.
In Chancery, May 15, 1809.
The object of the bill is to make the real estate of Thomas Bourne liable for the payment of his debts, in lieu of the personal property, or if the personal property is applied to discharge the debts, the complainant, to whom said Thomas Bourne bequeathed the whole of the personal estate, may by substitution, stand in the place of the deceased's creditors, and to the extent of the personal property applied to the discharge of the debts, be reimbursed out of the real estate, also to recover a sum of money due from Samuel Chew for land in Kentucky sold him by the deceased.
The bill states, Thomas Bourne bequeathed the whole of his personal property to the complainant, and made no disposition of the real, which on his death descended to the complainant, his sister, and Elizabeth and Dorcas Bourne, his nieces. That the deceased sold to Samuel Chew, land in Kentucky for 2,200 dollars, the money to be paid out of Chew's proportion of Walter Smith's estate, sold under the act to regulate descents—that he gave orders to his agents, Blake, Reynolds and Heigh, to pay the money out of the said fund, and that since countermanded their orders. The bill also states, the deceased in all things complied with the contract made with Chew, and that he now has the land sold, and resides on it.
It is thereupon, on motion of the complainant, ordered, that she cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once in each of three successive weeks before the first day of July next, to the end that the said Samuel Chew may have notice of this application, and may be warned to appear in court on or before the first day of November next, to show cause, if any there be, wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy—Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Reg. Cmr. Can. June 7—w3t.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Essex, about 12 miles below Tappahannock, a likely negro man named CHARLES. Of a dark complexion, large white eyes, large black whiskers, inclined to be bow legged. Had on when he went away, a dark great coat lined with green baze, and took with him sundry other clothing that at present cannot be recollected. He has a wife living at Capt. Henry Gannet's in this county—his mother belongs to Mrs. Blair in Fredericksburg. It is probable he may be lurking about one or other of those places. The above reward will be paid for apprehending and delivering the above described fellow to me, or securing him in any jail so that I get him again, if taken out of the state of Virginia. If taken within the state, I will give twenty dollars for his apprehension and delivery. JAMES ROY. Letters directed to me, at Tappahannock, Virg. will be attended to J. R. June 7—3t.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. AT Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 5th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq. and are the same on which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof of heavily timbered. The uplands consist of about 1000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable.
The premises will be shown to persons inclined to purchase, by col. James Moore, who lives on them, or by Samuel Bladwell, Esq. who lives near to them; and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to THOMAS ROBINSON, Near Chesier, Delaware, Or to W. LEWIS, at Phila. June 7—tds.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Alexandria, on the 22d ult. THOMAS BURNETT, an apprentice to the sack making business, about nineteen years of age, five feet three or four inches high, fair complexion, and has but little to say except when spoken to. As his mother keeps house for a Mr. Clark, up Rock Creek, into Montgomery county about 12 miles, I expect he may be found there or thereabouts. The constables of this and the adjoining counties are requested to pay attention to this advertisement. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him so that I get him again, or if brought home all reasonable charges will be paid. All persons are forewarned from harboring, employing, or carrying him away, as I am determined to put the law in full force against any such offender. DANIEL M'DOUGALL. June 7—3t.
BATH. THE trustees for the town of Bath, Berkeley County, Virginia, think it their duty to state to the public that the old timbers which formed the Bath and lower part of the Bath House have been removed, and their places supplied with new baths, trunks, &c. built with sound timber, which will no doubt add to the health and pleasure of persons who may visit the place the ensuing season. The inhabitants have promised that cleanliness shall be strictly attended to so that nothing will remain to affect the health of the place. Rawleigh Colston, Elisha Boyd, David Hunter, John Balcom, Henry St. Geo. Tucker, Philip C. Pendleton, Alfred H. Powell, Henry S. Turner, Hugh Holmes, Adam S. Dandridge, Trustees. June 7—3t.
A GENEROUS price will be given for four or five likely NEGROES, boys or girls, between twelve and fifteen years old. Enquire of the owner. June 7—3t.
REAL ESTATE AT AUCTION. WE will sell on the 1st Monday in August next, at the tavern of Mr. Ruth, in this town, the entire real estate (yet unsold) of col. Chas. Beatty, deceased, consisting of a number of valuable improved and unimproved lots in Georgetown and its additions, and in the city of Washington. Several tracts of land in the neighborhood of the two places, and others in Montgomery, Frederick, and Washington counties, Maryland, with one of 5152 acres, (an old grant) in Randolph County, Virginia. Plots and tide papers will there be shown, and terms of sale then made known. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. and continue from day to day until the whole is sold. JOHN M. BEATTY, CHAS. A. BEATTY. Georgetown, D. C. June 5—wils.
FOR SALE. THE SHIP ALLEGANY, 341 61-95 tons burthen by Register. Now laying at the mouth of the Eastern Branch, in complete order to receive a cargo, and may be sent to sea without expense. She had a complete repair in Dock at Greenock on her last voyage. If not sold before Saturday the 10th inst. she will on that day be put up at public sale at Alexandria. Particulars may be known by application to the captain on board, or at the counting house of the subscriber, opposite to Mr. Semmes' Tavern, in George town. ANDREW SMITH. June 7—2t.
GRAND NATIONAL FESTIVAL FOR THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1809. THE subscriber proposes, should it be approved of by the citizens of the district of Columbia, to furnish a dinner for a number not exceeding 500 persons, in the grove adjoining his springs, which forms a beautiful shade and will be covered with a thousand yards of canvas handsomely decorated. He also proposes illuminating the grove in the evening with variegated colored lamps, and to conclude the mirth of the day with fire-works. The best band of music that can be obtained will be procured to assist in the grand festival. Should his plan be approved of, an early notice would be necessary, in which case the co-operation of two gentlemen of the district in his line of business will be solicited. A. LINDO, Sebastian Spring. June 7—
AT PUBLIC SALE. WILL be sold on Thursday the 15th instant, at 11 o'clock A. M. at Lindsay's Hotel, on Pennsylvania Avenue, Lot No. 15 in square 433, in this city, either whole or divided into two equal parts of 25 feet 6 1-2 inches each, in front, and nearly one hundred feet in depth, as will best accommodate purchasers. The premises are elegantly situated, east of the great Hotel, in an elevated position, fronting on the Judiciary square, and commanding a most interesting and extensive view. The terms of sale will be one third cash in hand, another third at 60 days, and the remainder at 90 days. The two last payments to be secured by approved and endorsed notes, negotiable at the bank. June 7—tds.

CONGRESS.
SENATE, JUNE 5.
Mr. Mathewson announced the death of his colleague, Francis Malbone, Esq. who died yesterday morning.
On motion of Mr. Lloyd, resolved, that the Senate will attend the funeral of the honorable Francis Malbone, this afternoon at 5 o'clock, from his late residence; that notice thereof be given to the House of Representatives, and that a committee be appointed for superintending the funeral.
Ordered that Messrs. Lloyd, Giltman and White be the committee.
On motion of Mr. Lloyd, resolved unanimously, that the members of the Senate, from a sincere desire of showing their respect to the memory of the hon. Francis Malbone, deceased, late a member thereof, will go into mourning for him one month by the usual mode of wearing a crape on the left arm; & that a sum not exceeding one hundred and fifty dollars be applied out of the contingent fund, for placing a neat slab or monument with a suitable inscription over his tomb.
On motion of Mr. Lloyd, resolved, that as an additional mark of respect to the memory of the honorable Francis Malbone, the Senate now adjourn.
June 6.
Mr. Giles, from the joint committee appointed on the part of the Senate, to consider and report the business requisite to be acted on during the present session, made a report, which was read for consideration.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the letter of General S. Smith, a Senator from Maryland, and Mr. Giles submitted a resolution, which was amended, and is as follows:
Resolved, That the honorable Samuel Smith, a Senator appointed by the Executive of the state of Maryland, to fill the vacancy which happened in the office of Senator for that state, is entitled to hold his seat in the Senate of the United States during the session of the legislature of Maryland, which by the proclamation of the governor of said state was to commence on the 5th day of the present month of June; unless said legislature shall fill such vacancy by the appointment of a Senator, and this Senate be officially informed thereof.
Mr. Anderson moved to amend this motion, by striking out all after the word Resolved, and to insert as follows:
"That any Senator of this body, who holds a seat under an Executive appointment, cannot, according to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, be entitled to continue to hold his seat as a member of this body, after the meeting of the legislature of the state, from which such Senator may be a member."
This motion having passed in the negative, the original motion was agreed to—Yeas 19—Nays 6—as follows:
Yeas. Messrs. Anderson, Brent, Franklin, Gailhard, German, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Griswold, Hillhouse, Lambert, Mathewson, Meigs, Pope, Robinson, Smith of N. York, Thruston, White and Whiteside.
Nays. Messrs. Bradley, Leib, Lloyd, Parker, Pickering and Turner. Mr. Anderson, from the committee appointed, on the 25th May, to enquire whether it be expedient at this time, to make any modifications of the laws relating to the army and navy of the United States, reported in part a bill; which was ordered to a second reading.
The consideration of the bill to fix the time for the next meeting of Congress was resumed, and the blank, fixing the time, filled with the "4th Monday of November."
Mr. Pope reported a bill for a further census of the inhabitants of the U. S. which was postponed to the 4th Monday in November.
The bill making an additional appropriation for ports and harbors was read a second time.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, June 2.
Mr. Clapham, from Virginia, appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Aetion reported a bill to continue in force an act declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the legislature of South Carolina, passed the 31st December, 1804—Twice read and referred.
Mr. Montgomery presented a petition from distillers and others, citizens of the United States, praying Congress to prohibit the importation of spirits distilled from grain, and to impose much higher duties on distillation from other materials.—Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENTS.
Mr. Poindexter observed, that in consequence of the frequent and wanton exercise of the power given by the ordinance of 1787 to the territorial governors to prorogue and dissolve the general assembly, he thought it is duty to present a resolution. He said he did not expect it would be acted on, but he thought it his duty not to let a session pass over, without attempting to expunge this foul stain
States. The following is the resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of repealing so much of the ordinance for the government of the several territories of the United States as empowers the governors thereof to prorogue and dissolve the Legislature.
Mr. Troup had no objection to the appointment of a committee, but he trusted that the committee when appointed would take special care not to interfere despotically with the articles of cession, or any articles of agreement between the state of Georgia and the U. S.
Mr. Poindexter said the gentleman certainly could not wish to retain this principle, which had been borrowed from the worst features of monarchical government of Great Britain.—When a bill was reported, if the gentleman thought the people of the Mississippi Territory were exclusively to be ruled in this manner because that territory had once been attached to the state of Georgia, he might prevail upon the House to except that territory from the benefits to be granted to other territories.
Mr. Troup said it would be recollected that this question had been stirred at the last session, debated at considerable length, and that the same proposition as this was rejected by a respectable majority as he believed, and exclusively on the ground of such a repeal being an interference in the articles of compact between Georgia and the U. S.
Mr. Poindexter wished to state the fact, that it had then been postponed, indefinitely not rejected, by a majority of only three votes.
Mr. Poindexter's motion was carried 57 to 32.
On motion of Mr. Montgomery, a committee was appointed to enquire what compensation it was proper to make to Major Pike and his companions for certain exploring expeditions made by them.
Monday, June 5.
Ezekiel Whitman, a representative from Massachusetts, & Richard Winn, a member from South Carolina, appeared and took their seats.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House of the death of the honorable Francis Malbone, Senator from the state of Rhode Island, and that his funeral will be at five o'clock this evening.
On motion of Mr. Potter, Resolved unanimously, That this House will attend the funeral of Francis Malbone, Esq. late a member of the Senate of the United States.
On motion of Mr. Potter, Resolved unanimously, That the members of this House do wear crape on the left arm for the space of one month, in testimony of their respect for the memory of the deceased.
And on motion of Mr. Smilie, the House adjourned, nem. con.
Tuesday, June 6.
Mr. W. C. Nicholas, from Virginia, appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Sawyer, after some general observations on the subject of manufactures, moved to discharge the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures from so much of the President's message and other documents as relate to manufactures, with a view to refer it to a committee to give it a more particular consideration.
This motion, proposing to amend a standing rule of the House which prescribes the duties of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, was ordered, according to the rules of the House, to lie on the table for one day.
On motion of Mr. Nelson, the messages of the President of the United States of last session, and the session before the last, relative to the road from Cumberland to Ohio, were referred to a select committee.
Mr. Lewis asked (the third time) for the consideration of the resolution offered a few days ago to appoint a committee to enquire into the propriety of removing the military academy from West Point to the City of Washington.—For considering it 50; against it 57.
On motion of Mr. Lewis, the petitions of the Commercial Company of Washington, praying for incorporation, and of the Bank of Alexandria, praying an extension of their charter, presented last session, were referred to the Committee of the District of Columbia.
Various petitions of merchants, claimants and others, were received, and referred to committees.
Mr. Southard presented a petition from sundry hatters of New-Jersey, praying that a duty may be laid on imported hats.
Mr. Helms reported a bill authorising the discharge of John Hurd from his imprisonment.—Twice read and referred.
Mr. Bassett, from the joint-committee appointed to enquire into the business necessary to be done before the adjournment of Congress, reported several subjects on which it would be necessary to act before the adjournment of Congress; and recommend-
stant.—Ordered to lie on the table.
GUN-BOATS.
Mr. Pitkin, after some observations on the state of the Treasury, and the necessity for diminishing the expenses of government, moved
"That the committee on the naval establishment be instructed to enquire into the expediency of selling such of the gun-boats belonging to the United States as are not necessary to be employed in actual service."
On motion of Mr. Macon, Mr. Pitkin's motion was so modified as to insert the words "public armed vessels and" before the word "gun-boats;" and, after a short debate between Messrs. Cutts, Dana, Lyon, Randolph, Macon and Troup, agreed to, Ayes 70.
Mr. Randolph reported a bill authorising a summary mode of procedure against marshals and their deputies, who have received money by virtue of executions issued from the courts of the United States.—Twice read and committed.
Mr. Eppes from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill supplementary to an act entitled "An act making further provision for the support of public credit and for the redemption of the public debt." [This bill is reported according to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury, to explain the act authorising the borrowing of money it necessary, to discharge the annual instalments of the public debt.] Twice read and committed.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
On motion of Mr. J. G. Jackson the committee of the whole was discharged, Yeas 130, from the further consideration of the bill for amending and continuing in force the non-intercourse &c.—And it was re committed for amendment.
Two attempts were made by Mr. Gardenier, the one to refer the bill to a different committee with instructions, and the other to instruct the committee of foreign relations to report the whole of the system judged proper to be retained, in one bill. The House refused to consider the motion in both instances; in the first 66 to 52; and in the second, 66 to 59.
Messrs. Bassett, Pitkin and Desha, successively occupied the chair of the committee of the whole on the bill respecting the board of commissioners of Kaskaskias, the bill declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the legislature of S. Carolina, and the bill supplementary to an act for carrying into effect a treaty with the Chickasaw Indians, &c.—which were severally ordered to the third reading to-morrow.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 7.
Massachusetts Election. We are at length enabled to pronounce with tolerable accuracy on the result of the Elections recently held in this state. On the 31st ultimo the Legislature convened. In the Senate 39 members attended. The votes given for Clerk, were for the federal candidate 21, and for the republican 18. For Speaker, for the federal candidate 20; for the republican candidate 17. In the House of Representatives 576 members attended. The votes given for Speaker were, for the federal candidate 306; for the republican candidate 269.—It follows that the government of Massachusetts is, in all its departments, federal. We are not however, precipitately to infer that their proceedings will be tinged with the dark spirit that characterised their last session. We shall continue to hope better of them until their deeds shall convince us of our error. Every thing in the existing state of our national affairs dictates harmony. Events have irrefragably refuted the imputation of foreign partiality, and loudly call upon men of all parties, by giving the government a firm and cordial support, to enable it to obtain the most advantageous terms from foreign nations.
The Editor of the Chronicle says, that if all the republican members had attended, the federal majority in the House would have been only 27; and further, exhibits a statement, by which it appears that "there are 7 more federal, and 67 less republican members in the House this year, than there would have been, had equal zeal been exercised in a good cause, as the federalists have shown in a bad one."
From causes of a fugitive nature the citizens of New-York, at their late election, as our readers have been advised, made choice of a majority of federal representatives in their assembly. We are pleased to find that a majority of the whole number of votes given for Senators is republican, as appears from the following statement:
   Votes given in the several districts of the state of New-York.     Southern Dist.—rep. maj. 767   Middle do. do. 803   1570   Eastern do. fed. maj. 685   Western do. do. 480   1165   Leaving a rep. maj. of 405  
Senate in New-Hampshire having been counted, it appears that that body is composed of five republican and seven federal members.
Sailed, on the 6th instant, from the Eastern Branch, the schooner William Yeaton, commanded by Garret Barry, sen. with a full cargo, bound to the West-Indies—owned and loaded by citizens of this city, residing on the Eastern Branch.
We are happy to state to the public, that there are two Merino rams of the three quarter breed from the celebrated ram Donpedro, owned by Mr. Dupont at Wilmington, Delaware, lately brought to this city by an individual who intends to improve the breed from a common ewes until he is further supplied with the full breed which he hopes to have in the fall of 1810—their wool is so little inferior to that of the real Merino that it is scarcely perceptible with the naked eye, which is the finest. It is to be hoped that every encouragement will be given to the improver of this useful article for the use of our domestic manufactures, of fine cloth and hats, &c.
Although the ram are small, and the wool from two and a quarter to two and a half inches long, their fleeces weigh much more than a superficial observer would imagine. The largest ram has the finest and shortest fleece, which weighs 6lb. 14oz.; the other weighs 5 1/2 lbs.
Extract of a letter written by a respectable gentleman residing at Mobile, to a member of Congress, dated April 22.
"The Spaniards in the neighborhood of this place appear to have given up their mother country as irrecoverably lost. A convention of provincial governors and other Spanish officers is about to take place at the Havana; and rumour (which substitutes explanations for every thing) says their object is to establish their independence. I mention this more because of its plausible, and, to me, acceptable texture, than from any particular ground which I have had to test its correctness.—Indeed it is next to impossible to ascertain with any precision what these people intend doing; but that some important measures are to be adopted at the contemplated convention at the Havana, there can be no doubt."
Philadelphia, June 3.
There is no truth in the report of an arrival in the Delaware from Bordeaux. A gentleman passenger in the Active, from St. Bartholomews, says, that he was captured on his passage from Bordeaux, which port he left about the first of May, at which time there was great rejoicing on account of the news of France and Austria having concluded a strict alliance, the latter power giving two of her principal ports as a security for the faithful performance of the compact. This report, (which we are far from believing) probably gave rise to the paragraph in the Aurora.—Relf.
COMMUNICATION.
DIED—On the 11th ult. at his seat in Stafford county, John Fitzhugh, Esq. aged 82.
Though perfectly blind he was always "very happy to see his friends"—though wealthy he was never sick a day—and though a native of Virginia (famous for law) he never sued nor was sued in all his life.
His VIRTUES were a galaxy that gilded the gloom of the grave, and rendered him cheerful when perhaps the great Napoleon will tremble. One of his grand-children, about eighty in number, at leaving him said, "God bless you, grand papa; I hope to see you in great deal better health, by and by." He shook his locks of snow, and in a punster's pleasant vein replied, "I hope so too, my dear child; but not in this world."
"High master!" exclaimed his servant, who always addressed and put him to bed of nights, "what's the meaning of all this?—Your feet are badly swelled, sir."
"Ah, ah, Tom!" replied he with great gaiety. "And are my old trotters come at last to that?" meaning the dressy, "Well then my dance is pretty near off, my boy."
Then telling his children "he had a good hope of falling into good hands," he fell asleep like an infant who after the harmless playings of a summer day, sinks with a smile on his mother's bosom as sure again to receive his kiss and cake with the returning morn.
Reader, according to report we came crying into this world; then let us try, for God's sake, if we can't like this amiable old man, go smiling out of it. Thus lived and died good John Fitzhugh.
Happy, reader, if the ton fits you.
June 7—St.
JAMES HODGSON.
Legion of Militia of the District of Columbia will be held on Saturday the 10th inst. at the house of William Rhodes in this city, at 6 o'clock P. M.
June 7—2t.
50 WASHINGTON BRIDGE SHIRTS WILL be Sold on the Bridge by Public Auction on next Saturday afternoon (10th June) at 6 o'clock precisely, fifty shares of the above stock, for each an approved endorsed notes at 60 days. They will be offered in lots to suit purchasers—A instalments of 10 dollars each have been paid thereon.
N. B. At 10 o'clock in the morning of the same day I shall offer for sale at Long's dock an elegant Saddle Horse, and one new silver watch.
June 7—2t. S. SPEARE.
SPRING GOODS.
BAKER & HIGGS—SIGN OF THE PRINCE.
Has received by the late arrivals an extensive assortment of
DRY GOODS.
Which they will sell at reduced prices for cash, or to punctilious customers at short dates.
Among their stock are—
560 Pieces Calicoes, Cambrie, Muslins, Ginghams, Dimities, Chintzes & Shirting Muslins.
500 Pieces of coarse and fine India Muslins.
2500 Yds. Bright Ingaine and Venetian Carpeting.
600 Yds. Italian, French and India Silks: Notted, Ceded, Mull and Leno Muslins.
Paney Robes, Long Shawls, Spencers and Veils.
Silk and Cotton Hosiery, Sleeves and Gloves.
Cloths, Fancy Waistcoats, and fine Hats. Elegant Silk Shawls, Linen Cambrics and Laces.
10 Cases Furred and Wool Hats—Cheap. Furniture Calicoes, Dimities and Checks. Furniture Pringe, Lace, Cassels and Hinters Trimmings.
Bed Tickling, Sheetings, Table Cloths and Diapers.
White, Jones, Country Linen and Ozanburghs, &c.
—ALSO— Many other articles not mentioned—A liberal deduction will be made to large buyers and those that buy to sell again.
June 7—con'dw.
MRS. THOMPSON.
IN THE SIX BUILDINGS, Can accommodate a few more Gentlemen, or a family, with good bed-chambers and the use of a drawing room, with carriage house and stables.
May 31—St.
VALUABLE FARM AND LOTS FOR SALE.
WILL be sold at public sale, on the first Monday in October next, if not previously disposed of, that valuable farm in Prince George's County, Maryland, known by the name of ST. OSYTH.
ST. OSYTH contains by estimation seven hundred and fifty acres of Land, between seventy and eighty acres of which are meadow, now fit for the scythe, and capable of being made to produce an hundred tons of hay at a crop—about two hundred and fifty or three hundred are in wood and timber, and the residue arable. No place perhaps in America, can be better watered or more healthy. The improvements consist of a dwelling house, two stories high, forty-two feet long by thirty-six wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below and four above, with a garret the whole size of the house, a kitchen and laundry under the same roof, two stories high, with two large rooms above for servants, a meat house, wash house, corn house and granary, a large tobacco house which may very easily be converted into a barn, a productive garden and pigeon house, and a young thriving orchard of excellent fruit and of great variety from Prince's nursery on Long Island. The enclosures are new and in good order. Upon the same property and within a quarter of a mile is a small dwelling house with three rooms below and two above stairs, a kitchen, meat house and barn. This place at a small expense may be easily fitted up and made a most comfortable house for a small family. St. Osyth lies within four miles of the city of Washington, and about the same distance from the nearest ferry to Alexandria. If sold at private sale the lowest price for this valuable property is ten pounds an acre. A further description of the property is deemed unnecessary as those inclined to purchase will doubtless come and see it. The terms of sale may be known on applying to the subscriber living on the premises, Col. Sam. Hanson of Washington, or Dr. Wm. Baker, George Town.
On the same day, if not before by private sale disposed of, will be sold the negroes, stock, etc. attached to the estate of the late O. Carr, deceased. The negroes will be sold for a term of years.
For sale—Also, the following lots in the city of Washington:
Lot No. 2, in sq. 702, front 54 feet 7 in. depth 175 ft. 8 in. In sq. 906 Lots No. 13, front 57 10 1/2, depth 100 ft. 20 ft. 25 ft. No. 14, front 58, depth 75. No. 15, 54 front, 78 and 100, 10 1/2 depth. No. 16, 54 front, 100 ft. 10 1/2 depth. No. 17, front 49 ft. 6 in. depth 100 10 1/2.
JONA. H. CARR, Executor.
MAY 17—1wt.
WILLIAM WARD.
F. STREET, SIGN OF THE FAN, Has just received and for sale, an elegant assortment of Cheap Fancy Goods, &c. viz:
LINEN CAMBRICS & Cambrie handkerchiefs: Plain, Spotted, Worked and Loam Seeded Mull Mull Muslins. Plain Worked and Diagonal Lenoes—Worked, Seeded & Painted Dresses & Robes—4 1/4 & 6 1/4 Cambrie Muslins—7 1/4 and 10 1/4 Damasked Cotton Diaper for table cloths—A well selected assortment of Silk & Cotton Hosiery—Gingham, Calicoes and Chintzes—Indian & British Wool Muslins—Muslin and Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs—Long and Short Yellow Naheen & Walsketting Combs and Ribbons, Maudslay Handkerchiefs; Linen and Cotton Checks; Thread and Cotton Laces, black & white; Sewing Cotton and Thread; Pins, Needles, Tape, Buttons, &c. Garters and Buttons in boxes of pieces of Sew Suckers—Ladies and Children's Shoes—Also a few boxes best Spanish Serapis—Best Green Coffee, Sugar and Tea—Soap and Candles, &c. &c. all of which he will sell very low for Cash, or a short credit to his usual customers.
April 26—1wt.

FOR SALE OR LEASE FOR A TERM OF YEARS. MANUFACTURING MILL, on the Neabsco run, near the stage road...
NOW OPENING AND FOR SALE. R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S assortment of Books, and Stationery...
LAW BOOKS. Harrison's Chancery, 2 vols. Sutherland's Law of Vendors, Newland on Contracts...
MISCELLANEOUS. Capt. Parry's Memoirs, Montgomery's Poems, Chaplain's Chemistry...
NEW NOVELS. Teyler, or the Huts of Athens, by Miss Owenson, Princess of Warsaw...
MINIATURE EDITIONS. Prince's British Theatre 18 vols. Zimmermann on Solitude...
A RUNAWAY. COMMITTED to my custody as a runaway on the 4th day of March last...
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION. On the premises on the 15th day of June next...
PATENT WASHING MACHINE. A newly invented Patent Washing Machine...
ON the petition of JOHN STEPHEN an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county...
IN COMMEMORATION OF THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1776. The Democratic Citizens of the District of Columbia...
FOR SALE. ALL or any part of the Estate of the late Subscriber, lying on the Eastern Branch...
ALSO FOR SALE. The whole, or any part of the Estates of the "North American Land Company"...
FOR SALE. Mr. DUPONT, respectfully informs the ladies and gentlemen of Georgetown...
A RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the goal of Washington County, in the District of Columbia...
WANTED. Some shares Washington Building Stock.
WALTER COX, BROKER AND COMMISSION AGENT AT ALEXANDRIA. Acquaints the public that he buys and sells merchandise...
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY. TO THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Washington Bridge Company...
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law...
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION. On the premises on the 15th day of June next...
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia and Public in general...
WILLIAM S. NICHOLLS, HAS just received from Philadelphia, and opened for sale, at his Store, opposite the Coffee House...
OF SPRING & SUMMER GOODS. Which being purchased on the very lowest terms...
CONFECTIONERS, High Street, Georgetown. BEG leave to inform the ladies and gentlemen of the city of Washington...
SEBASTIAN SPRING. SITUATED near the new turnpike road between Washington and Alexandria...
FOR SALE. Alexandria Marine Insurance Stock. Potomac Bank do. Potomac Bridge do. Turnpike Road do.
HAVING received a large supply of Prime Materials in his Line, has it in his power to supply BOOTS...
AUCTION BUSINESS. THE subscriber having for two years past received a considerable share of public patronage...
PUBLIC SALE. VALUABLE UNIMPROVED LOTS in the city of Washington, for sale at Auction...
JUST RECEIVED AT REILLY'S STORE, ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. Fresh Lemons, A few boxes good Raisins...
WILL BE OFFERED AT PUBLIC SALE, ON Monday the 3rd day of July, if fair, and if not, on the next fair day thereafter...
PHILIP B. SMOOT. RICHARD BECK HAS just received from New York & Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable GOODS...
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale - Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks.
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States a patent for an improved KNAPSACK...
TO WHOM APPLICATIONS ADDRESSED BY POST MAY BE MADE, or to B. H. LANE, at the city of Washington.
THE bill states that the defendant Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simmond...
UNITED STATES - DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, COUNTY OF WASHINGTON, TO WIT. In Chancery, December Term 1808. Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason, versus Thomas Waters Griffith...
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gobaut and Doyrey...