The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-07-12 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCLXI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, JULY 12th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
If duly improved, the free press in France will be replete with instruction to the United States. These events attest the vast power of the word. It is absurd to suppose that the people of France are charmed with tyranny; or that the success of their arms has impaired their enthusiasm for liberty. No, they will fight for freedom. But how can they acquire it? Having for defence concentrated all power in the hands of a military leader, that leader has turned the energies of France on her own bosom. The standing army has enslaved her.
Such is the situation of Frenchmen, than whom none have exhibited greater valour and patriotism. Her situation may not be peculiar to herself. Like causes may produce like effects. We are free, and our brethren are well acquainted with their rights. But we have ambitious men among us, who either do, or will aspire to absolute authority. Their road to supremacy will be by ways which will require a large standing army, with which, after overcoming foreign danger, they may attempt to enslave us. I lay such will be the case, as all history is full of such examples. Amidst such dangers, where is liberty to look for defence?
I answer, that defence can only be found in an energetic militia . Standing armies will always be the tools of their generals. A leader of an army may sometimes be friendly to freedom. But the legislature is a rare one, and ought not to be counted upon. On the contrary, we ought to expect that every leader of an army will exert all his power to destroy liberty; and expecting this, it is not our duty to seize the present time for the erection of a barrier, which shall either prevent altogether this evil, or successfully overcome it?
Can there on this point be a doubt? Is there a freeman who values his rights, to that would refuse that small sacrifice of time which the preservation requires? If there be not one, let us awaken from our slumbers; let us act as though an enemy were at our door, and let us, by measures wise and efficient, call into existence the greatest bulwark of our happiness! Let the nation be electrified on this great concern, and let the public sentiment, by its irresistible energies, dictate to our public councils the commanding necessity of prompt and decisive measures.
An Enemy to Standing Armies.
HISTORY
OF THE Last Session of Congress.
[CONTINUED]
On the 17th a bill was reported, which apportioned among the several states the following members:
New-Hampshire 5; Massachusetts 17; Vermont 4; Rhode-Island 2; Connecticut 7; New-York 17; New-Jersey 6; Pennsylvania 18; Delaware 1; Maryland 23; North-Carolina 8; South-Carolina 8; Georgia 4; Kentucky 6; Tennessee 3.
On the next day the house went into committee of the whole on the bill; when Mr. Mason, a representative from North Carolina, moved to strike out the ratio of "thirty three" for the purpose of inserting "thirty."
As all the submitting diversity of opinion entertained by different members settled down into the affirmative or negative of this question, we shall condense the debate which took place on this as well as on several subsequent days, into one general point of view.
Messrs. Mason, Jones, T. Morris, Dennis, Bayard, Gritwold, Giles, Smith, and Dand, supported the striking out the ratio of "thirty-three thousand;" and Messrs. Van Ness, Bacon, Randolph, Davis, Eustis, Mitchell, S. Smith and Lowndes opposed it.
Those who supported the motion of Mr. Mason, and of course opposed the ratio of "thirty-three thousand," were divided in opinion on the grounds of support; some being in favour of the ratio of 30,000, and others in favour of a ratio still higher than 33,000.
They alleged, that no material inconvenience would arise from the increased delegations that would be created by an adoption of the ratio of 30,000, the aggregate of which would not exceed 160 members, a number much smaller than that of several state legislatures, wherein public business has been conducted with intelligence, with order and with promptness; that if the interests of a state require
ed such a delegation, how much more did the interests of the United States, so vastly extended, require one equally large; that it was an object of primary magnitude to attach the confidence, and even the affections of the great mass of the people to the representative body, and that no happier mean could be devised of attaining this end, than that of an increased representation, whereby the constituent might be acquainted with his representative, and not depend, as was at present the case owing to the largeness of the district, on the opinion of others; that it was an essential principle of a republican government that the citizen voting should know whom he voted for, that the elector should be well acquainted with the elected; and though it was allowed that it was impracticable absolutely to reach this point, it was still the duty of the legislature to approach it as nearly as possible.
That it was true wisdom to increase the strength of the government of the United States; no further, it was granted, than to enable it to protect itself from subversion or despotism by the unconstitutional encroachment of the states; that this strength was not to be acquired by extending the power of the executive; but by augmenting the members of the popular branch, whereby the affections of the people to the government would be invigorated; and it was added by Mr. Bayard, that more real power would be conferred by the addition of ten members, than by an army of 10,000 men.
It was contended that the House of representatives was, and necessarily would be the main pillar of the general government. While it retained the attachment, and possessed the confidence of the nation, the government would endure; but if any state should succeed in weakening the affections of the people from this house and transferring their confidence exclusively to the states, the government would perish.
That it was wise to enlarge the field of action and employment under this government. So small a number occupied the ground upon the floor of that House that the talents and ambition of the mass of men aspiring to distinction were directed to state objects, and seeking the aggrandizement of the states, eventually became hostile to the general government. The representation of the country was too sparse, it was not sufficiently united and bound to the bosom of the nation. The same sympathy and confidence did not subsist between a representative and constituent when widely separated. Under the state governments, the representatives proceeded from every neighbourhood. They were well known, connected by common interests and friendship, and thence enjoyed the entire confidence of their constituents. Whereas a representative in that house was known by name only to the greater number of those who elected him.
That the representation in that house was national, and not that of states; that thence the necessity of a large representation, not merely acquainted with state interests, but also with the wants and the wishes of the whole people; and that the fear entertained that the general government might become too strong, by the means of a great representation, for the governments of the states, was altogether chimerical, inasmuch as all real alarm arose from an apprehension that the governments of the states would become too strong for this government. It was asked, by way of inference, whether it was conceivable that the confidence of the citizens of Virginia in her state representatives would be shaken, by the proposed inconsiderable addition to her federal representation?
That the suggestion that the members of that house were not the representatives of the people was founded on a dangerous principle, subversive of the government and in the face of the constitution, and which, from its being calculated to confer power on the large states, claimed a rejection by every friend to the constitution and to national harmony.
That it was necessary, considering the great powers possessed by the other branches of the government, to pursue every constitutional expedient for giving energy to that House, to ensnare it with effect to maintain its due weight in the government, and to resist the undue encroachment of the other branches.
It was further alleged that the ratio of 30,000 was that which left the fewest unrepresented fractions; and that considerations, no less of magnanimity than of justice, should recommend its adoption, from its effect upon the state of Delaware; which under it would be entitled to two representatives, whereas under the proposed ratio of 33,000, she would have only one representative, with an unrepresented fraction of 29,000 persons.
On the other side, those who opposed the motion to strike out "thirty-three thousand," contended that it became the legislature to ascertain and conform to the will of the people on this point; that that will had been clearly expressed in the constitution which had decided that the ratio should not be less than 30,000, and in the law passed immediately after the adoption of the constitution fixing the ratio at 33,000; that this was the ratio which had been adopted when our numbers were much less than they now are; that it appeared to have given general satisfaction, and that no other inconveniences had accrued, than such as might be expected to follow from the adoption of any other ratio whatever.
It would seem to be rather unnatural, and the reverse of what was contemplated by those who enacted the constitution, as our numbers increased, to lessen the ratio of representation.
A divisor of 33,000, would now give a house consisting of at least 140 members, which even, on the present ratio, must soon become, not only expensive, but unwieldy.
As to what had been urged of the disadvantage to which electors were subjected in large districts, of not knowing the characters of their representatives and candidates, it was observed, that this was a disadvantage which was lessening with rapidity from year to year, and from one election to another—that to whatever inconvenience electors may heretofore have been subjected by the want of a knowledge of their candidate, from this inconvenience they are already in a great measure relieved, and it will in a short time entirely cease to exist. If any inconvenience of this kind still remains, by an election or two more it would be entirely removed.
It was contended that though the difference between the two proposed ratios was not great, yet that it was highly important that a doctrine so heretical and improper as that avowed on the opposite side should be exploded on its first announcement; a doctrine which considered that house as the representatives not of the states, or of the people of those states in their respective sovereign capacities, but of the aggregate of the people of the United States in their national capacity; that the inevitable effect of this doctrine was a deduction of the federal principle on which the constitution had been founded, and a substitution of the alarming principle of consolidation; that whatever tended to produce this effect was destructive of the liberty and harmony of the people and of the stability of the government; that it was desirable that the general government should possess the entire confidence of the people so far as related to federal objects, but no further; that if the representation in that House should be increased until it should reach the number of a British parliament or a French convention, a proportionate diminution of confidence in the state governments would follow; until they should either be prostrated, or become feeble barriers against the ascendant powers of the general government; that under the old congress, organized on the federal principle, the smallness of the delegations had not prevented the transaction of public business with less skill or virtue than under the present government; that without enquiring whether the powers devolved on the general government exceeded the measure which true wisdom prescribed, it was certain that they did not fall short of it; and that an extension of those powers by whatever means, ought to meet with the uniform resistance of those who were friends to the federal feature of the government; that the House had been told that this accession of representatives would contribute in a higher degree to increase the power of the government than a military force; but it was to be hoped, that, after military and naval preparations, and every other expedient devised for carrying power beyond its constitutional limit had failed, the House would not be driven on the forlorn hope of the authors of those measures, who having failed in their primary means, now pursued by different means the same end, by attempting nominally to vest great powers in this House, which would really be shared by the co-ordinate branches, over which the people have little control; that the harmony of our political system depended no less upon the unimpaired sovereignty of the states, than on the exercise of the legitimate powers of the general government, which were intended to be federal, leaving to the states the legislation of internal concerns. For this object, the constitution was so constructed as to compose the jarring interests of the states. Extend it further; let it embrace objects for which it was not designed; let it trench upon
the powers of the states; make it a national government, in the sense contended for, and it will become a government vicious in its organization, hating the reasons for that organization cease to apply, whenever it ceases to be a government of states, and becomes a government of the people in the aggregate.
With respect to the effects of the ratio of 33,000 on Delaware it was replied, that though to be regretted, that regret was lessened, when it was considered that that state more than any other participated in the powers of the government beyond the proportion of her numbers in her having, notwithstanding their inferiority, a delegation in the senate equal to that of the largest states.
Such were the abstract grounds on which the adoption of each ratio was urged, in all of which were more ingenious than profound; and neither of which, perhaps, even allowing them to be just, conclusively established the inference deduced from them. Under the disguise of these theories lurked a more substantial source of conviction, founded on the basis of state interests, and party calculation. Near the close of the debate, general S. Smith, with his usual openness, rent the veil, and observed, that "he had listened to the discourses of gentlemen on the abstract question introduced, and had found that every gentleman, before he sat down, proved himself to be the representative of a particular state, after all that he had said. The point was, one altogether of calculation. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gritwold) had been strong for 30,000, and now, after making his calculations, he agrees with his friend from Delaware (Mr. Bayard) in preferring 30,000, only, perhaps, because it peculiarly benefits Connecticut, but because it benefits the party with whom he acts. Let us view the gentleman from Delaware, and we see him pursuing the interests of Delaware, and caring nothing for other states, and thus he shows us that he is the representative of the state of Delaware. The gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Mason) heretofore always economical of the public money, is for once prodigal in wishing an enlarged representation; and why? Because he thereby will promote the interest of his state. This was perfectly fair and right; and if he, Mr. Smith, were similarly situated he should act in the same way. But Maryland happened to be differently situated. The ratio of 30,000 would leave a fraction to her of 29,000. Could it therefore be expected that any member of that state would be for that ratio?"
After these disclosures, which occupied the deliberation of several days, the question was taken on striking out the ratio of "thirty three thousand," and 1st—Ayes 42—Noes 48. After various efforts to defeat, or postpone the bill, it was ultimately, on the 6th of January, read a third time and passed—Ayes 85—Noes 43; and after a feeble opposition confirmed in the senate.
During the progress of this discussion, the perpetual exhibition of discordant interests, more imaginary than real, and the combustible passions which a sense of it perpetually excited, demonstrated the expediency of placing the ratio of representation beyond the reach of legislative control. Whatever tends to division, without bringing with it a benefit, at least equal to the concomitant evil, ought to be avoided, so far as human wisdom can devise a remedy. In the exercise of this power, the remedy is the most easy of attainment. Instead of allowing a discretion to the legislative body to apportion its own members among the states, which in the best of times produces division and jealousy, and may, in the worst, produce injustice and corruption, the constitution should rigidly determine the number of representatives conformed to the successive gradations of population. And until this is done, a palliative should be found in the delegation by law of the ratio by the congress sitting antecedently to the promulgation of the census. Thus, in the adoption of abstract principles whose local application could not be foreseen, all grounds of crimination, and all apprehension of oppression entertained by the smaller states, would be removed.
Latest Foreign Intelligence.
LEGISLATIVE BODY.
16 Floreal, 6 May.
DEFENSIVE LEAGUE.
The counsellors of state, Roederer, Bruix, and Berlier are introduced, to communicate to the legislative body the definitive treaty of peace between England and the French republic, and to
present the plan of a law relative to the promulgation of it.
Berlier read the articles of the treaty. Berlier then read the following message:
Citizen Legislators, The government transmits to you the treaty which puts a period to the last dissensions of Europe, and completes the great work of peace.
The republic has fought for her independence—her independence is recognized; the acknowledgment of all powers consecrates the rights which she acquired from nature and the limits which she owes to her victories.
Another republic has been formed in the midst of her, imbued with her principles, and seeking, at her source, the ancient spirit of the Gauls. Attached to France by the remembrance of a common origin, by common institutions, & above all by the tie of benefits, the Italian republic has taken her rank amidst powers as among our allies; she will maintain it by courage, and distinguish herself in it by virtue.
Batavia, restored to an unity of interests, freed from that double influence which vexed her councils, and misled her politics, has resumed her independence, and finds in the nation that conquered it the most faithful guarantee of her existence and her rights. The wisdom of her administration will preserve to her her splendour, and the active economy of her citizens will restore her all her prosperity.
The Helvetic republic, recognised without, is still agitated within by factions which are disputing the possession of power. The government, faithful to principles, have not exercised over an independent nation, any other influence than that of counsel; their counsel, hitherto, has been inefficacious; they still hope that the voice of wisdom and moderation will be heard, and that the neighbouring powers to Helvetia will not be forced to intervene for the purpose of putting an end to the troubles, whose continuance would endanger their own tranquillity.
The republic owed it to her engagements, and to the fidelity of Spain, to use all her efforts to preserve the integrity of her territory. She has fulfilled this duty throughout the whole of the negotiation, with all the energy that circumstances permitted. The King of Spain has acknowledged the loyalty of his allies, and his generosity has made to peace the sacrifice which they had attempted to spare him. He has thereby acquired new rights to the attachment of France, and a sacred claim to the gratitude of Europe. Already does the return of commerce console his states for the calamities of war, and soon will a verifying spirit introduce into his vast possessions new activity and industry. Rome, Naples and Vienna, are reported to repulse to the arts of peace.
Lucca, under a constitution which has united all hearts, and put an end to hatred and dissention, has found again calmness and independence.
Liguria has laid down, in the silence of parties, the principal of her organization, and Genoa sees commerce and wealth return to her doors.
The republic of the Seven Isles is still, as well as Helvetia, a prey to anarchy! but in concert with France, the Emperor of Russia is sending thither the troops he had at Naples, to bring back the sole benefits which are wanting to those happy parts; tranquility, the reign of laws, and oblivion to named and faction.
Thus, from one end to the other, Europe sees repose again bless the continent and the sea, and her happiness is founded upon the union of great powers, and the faith of treaties.
In America, the known principles of the government have restored full liberty to Martinique, Tobago and St. Lucia. We fear no more the sway of those imprudent laws, which would have introduced into the colonies devastation and death. They aspire now only to be united to the mother country, and they bring her, with their confidence and attachment, a prosperity at least equal to that which they had lost in them.
At St. Domingo great evils have been done, and great evils are to be repaired; but rebellion and revolt are daily more and more repressed. Frailty, without factions, without treasure, without army, no more than a brigand, wandering from morne to morne , with some brigand, like himself, whom an intrepid warrior has pursued, and whom they will soon have caught and destroyed.
Peace is known at the Mauritius and in India. The first cares of government have already restored love to the republic, confidence in its laws, and every hope of prosperity.

In the Washington Federalist of Friday, some recent remarks in the National Intelligencer on the usurpation of Bonaparte are noticed.
It is said that the National Intelligencer is the official paper, it is supposed generally to express the opinion and to coincide with the sentiments of the government; and it is asked if Bonaparte and the other officers of the French government will be allowed to continue a friendly intercourse with a nation, whose government and citizens are in holding them up to the abhorrence and execration of mankind?
The inference is that the National Intelligencer ought not to express any opinions to the disadvantage of Bonaparte or the French government.
To this it might be answered, that the remark is a most unfortunate one, considering the quarter from which it comes. But a short time has elapsed, since all the federal points, and presumably the official prints, reprobated not in terms of general severity, but in the specific language of abuse, whatever was G. Blean. Even the Federalist, when entitled under the republican banner, was overwhelmed with unceasing abuse. From this it would seem that just in the proportion in which the republic was an object of contempt, in the same proportion should the monarchy be an object of sacred regard.
This might be the reply to the remarks of the Federalist. But it is deemed proper on this occasion to exhibit a more conclusive and satisfactory exposition of the principles on which the National Intelligencer is edited; and it will be seen that they are such as ought to preside over the management of every free press.
A free press possesses the right of investigating with temperance every measure of the government of the country in which it is fixed, and of every other government in the world. The first object of this declaration will not be deemed in theory, however it may have been in practice, in practice. It will not be denied, since the good of the nation ought to be the object of all governments, that it is the right, and in certain cases becomes the duty of the citizen to expose those governmental proceedings which destroy instead of promoting the general benefit. In this way, by enlightening public opinion, a change of measures produces a change of measures.
On this precise ground rests the right of the press to expose the measures of a foreign government. On those measures our interests may materially depend; and they may greatly depend on a correct knowledge of them. This cannot be had, without enquiry into the motives of the government, and an examination of the tendency of its measures. It is proper, therefore, that this enquiry should be made. Besides, when we consider how important the influence of public opinion is in preserving a respect for virtue even in the minds of those whose inordinate passions perpetually tend to lead them astray from its observance, we shall be more deeply impressed with the value of that freedom of remark which belitates not to call tyranny by its true name, and which, in a free country, dares to exhibit the usurpations of power in all their deformities. Thus we may hope that the dread of universal reprobation will repress the rage of ambition or if it should rage, that it will soon be cut down by a union of wills against it.
It will follow, from this statement, that the sentiments expressed in the National Intelligencer, may or may not be those of the executive government of the United States. Whether they are, or are not, is on this and all similar occasions, perfectly immaterial. Their appearance in the National Intelligencer, in the disinterested form in which they have been exhibited, is evidence neither one way or the other. It is only evidence that the Editor, or some writer, holds them, and recommends them to popular acceptance.
The assertions and remarks, in the Federalist, that follow, scarcely merit notice, as they are bold assertions and remarks for which no authority is given, and which every man of the least information knows are false. The President, is said to have been so imprudent as to admit the first Council, and to arraign the conduct of the French government, in his conversation with the charge of affairs. No man who knows the character of the President can credit so gross a calumny. His invariable patience, and tender regard to the feelings of others, are sufficient disproofs; and we do not hesitate to pronounce it totally false.
As to the right of the French people to establish for themselves whatever system of government they choose, it cannot, and is not questioned, any more than the right of any American citizen, be he the editor of a paper, or not, to advertise on it.
French effect? When it was formerly in the possession of the French, they were able to make nothing of it, while they rendered their other West-Indian possessions of infinite value. As a naval station, the best informed represent it to be of no consequence. With regard to the political effect, predicted from its cession, laying open America to the influence of France, it must be observed, that it has hitherto been the policy of America to maintain an even balance of power in that quarter of the globe, between Great Britain and France. America must, by the cession of Louisiana, consider this balance as destroyed; and of consequence become more jealous of France, and more attached to Great Britain than ever. Some imagine, that this new possession of the French might endanger the safety of America; but when we recollect her efforts in 1776, when alone, and unsupported, we could not surely feel much for her safety in her present state of power and resources. All these circumstances considered, the house might judge if it was expedient to continue the war on account of the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France.
TRANSLATED FOR THE AMERICAN.
Liberty. Equality. FRENCH REPUBLIC.
ARMY OF ST. DOMINGO. PROCLAMATION.
Head Quarters, at the Cape, 22d Prairial, (June 10) 10th year.
The general in chief of the colony of St. Domingo, to its inhabitants.
Citizens, Toussaint was a conspirator; this you will be judge of by the enclosed letter directed to citizen Fontaine. I thought it my duty not to endanger the tranquillity of the colony. I caused him to be arrested and embarked, and I send him to France, where he is to account for his conduct to the French government. In another letter directed to citizen Fontaine, he discharges heavy invectives against general Christophe, and he complains that general Dessalines has abandoned him.
He forbids Sylla to lay down his arms, and the cultivators to work on any plantation, but those intended for provisions.
He sent one of his accomplices to general Dessalines, to induce him not to submit with good faith.
He depended much on Massinet, in St. Mark. He is arrested.
I have inflicted punishment upon the miscreant; and I order all the generals of the army to compel all the cultivators who are still in arms, in the mountains, to retire to their duty.
The cultivators are not the most guilty—it is those that mislead them—in consequence of which every commandant of the national guard, every officer, overseer or planter, who shall be found in an armed meeting, shall immediately be shot.
As to the inhabitants of Ennery, I order that they shall be immediately disarmed, for having been so tardy in submission.
General Brunet shall cause this order to be executed.
The chief of the general staff shall cause the present order, together with general Toussaint's letter, to be printed, published and posted; and he will, with all speed possible, send it to the whole army throughout the colony.
(Signed) LE CLERC.
Copy of Ex General Toussaint's letter
To Citizen FONTAINE.
You give me no news. Endeavour to stay at the Cape as long as you can. It is said that general Leclerc is in a state of bad health at F. Rouge—this you must be very particular about informing me of.
You must see, for arms from America (Nouvelle). As to the flour, for we are in want of some of the last kind, it ought not to be sent without passing through Savanna, that we may know the depot where it might be placed with safety.
If you see the general in chief tell him positively, that the cultivators will not obey me. They want to make them work at Hericourt; but the overseer ought not to do it.
I ask you if we can bribe some of the attendants of the general in chief, that we might free D. — if he would be very useful to us, through his credit both in America and some where else.
Inform Gengembre that he must not leave the Borgne, where it is necessary that the cultivators should not work.
Write to me at the plantation Najar.
(Signed)
TOUSSAINT LOVERTURE.
True copy from the original.
The general of division, chief of the general staff of the army.
DUGUA.
*It is understood by "Nouvelle," the United States.
†Supposed to mean Develcourt, one of Toussaint's aid-de-camp.
Many years will elapse for a without man. You have accompanied this blessing with a system of public instruction, by which our young sons will receive in gratitude and good morals, the equivalent of the palms which their elder brothers have reaped in the field of victory. It is to the peace, it is to the hero who has conquered it, that we owe the progress that we have made towards our social re-generation. In arms this young warrior has earned to the immortal age of Alexander. History, in comparing them, will say, which of the two rendered his career illustrious by virtues unknown to the other? For peace they are the years of Solon which he commences, and already has our legislation received the impression of his genius. But, to speak of great men, a happy expression is necessary, which I do not possess; and I leave to more favored orators the task of celebrating, in language worthy of the subject, the joy of the French people, and the glory of their government.
Paris, May 12.
The law upon public instruction, not permitting any establishment to preserve the name of Lyceum, or institute; the institute of jurisprudence, and political economy, has taken the title of academy of legislation. The lyceum of arts, has taken the title of antheum of arts, and the lyceum of Paris, that of the antheum of foreigners. The Moniteur contains a decree directing that as soon as the flag of the republic shall be displayed in the islands of Martinique, St. Lucia and Tobago, the fort and town called Royal, shall take the name of Port de France, the Fort of Bourbon shall take the name of Port d. Ix. the Fort and town of St. Lucia, called Carreca, shall take the name of Carcass, and the port town called Port Louis, in Tobago, shall take the name of Scarborough.
A decree has been passed by the consuls, stating, that the publication of marriages shall take place only on Sundays, conformably to the third articles, second section of the law of the 20th September, 1792, upon the civil state of citizens.
EXTRACTS
From Parliamentary Debates, received by the ship America, arrived at New York from Liverpool.
LOUISIANA.
Mr. Windham, during the discussion on the Definitive Treaty in the British House of Commons on the 13th May, observed, that "The cession of Louisiana next called for his notice, but it was of such magnitude that it almost deter-
red him from saying any thing about it. We had nearly given France possession of a fourth part of the globe: We had established them in a possession which but for this they could not have had. He did not mean to say that they were not in some measure established there at a former period, that they had not possessed them there before, but certainly nothing in comparison with what they possess there now. He did not mean to say that the French placed in that continent, with an indefinite wilderness behind them, could suddenly become powerful there—but what have we done? We had given them possession of the two greatest rivers in America, the Mississippi and the Amazon, the one giving them command of North America, the other of South America: we had given them possession of both, and had made them a present of a brace of continents. In what situation must this country be placed in consequence of such a cession, which, he feared, would prove the severest blow we had ever sustained? There were several other points which might be necessary to advert to, the principal of which was the non-revival of former treaties. This was a complete subversion of former practice, and of what must be considered as the public law of nations, and it was incumbent on those who had done it, to show that it could be done with safety. They were to show that such an omission could be made without injury; they were to show that it did not affect our interests at the Bay of Honduras, and above all that it did not shake the foundation of our power in India.—With respect to India, he was glad there was some preliminary discussion upon that subject; his honorable friend (Mr. Dundas) had shown, by the change of opinion, the uncertainty which existed as to the fact itself. The means which France possessed to carry their vast plans into execution, were almost infinite: they stood possessed of a large portion of the two continents of America, whilst to the power they possessed there we had little means of resisting. Added to this, their power in America gave them an immense influence over the American States; we were perfectly aware of the growing power of the United States, and if they were to be placed in the hands of France, surely there was more reason than ever to be jealous. We really believed, however, strange as it may appear, that a great part of the approbation to this fatal treaty was founded upon the fanciful opinion, that France would be so far occupied with the conquests she has made, as to give no interruption to our commerce and manufactures; how such an opinion could be entertained, he was at a loss to know. It seemed as if we had kept our terms, but lost our tone.—France had shown a determined disposition to attain universal empire, in pursuance of which the world must be destroyed; that being necessarily a part of her plan.—France displayed her sentiments upon the subject; she had marked out her plan and taken her positions, and this to evidently, that her object could not be mistaken. We had a war of arms, now we are to have a war of subterfuge; the attacks of France, which we lately made against our territories were now levelled at the commerce of the British Empire.—This being the situation of France, it remained to be inquired what was the situation of Great Britain, and what we could do and what she ought to do. In considering this point, they must take into their view what had been the exertions of this country, where were the feelings which had been aroused by those exertions and what was the judgment formed as to our future exertions.—Our commerce might not suffer for immediately or not for some years to come; but though predictions had been ridiculed, yet those which had been made during the American war had been fulfilled. Had we now possessed America, France would probably not have had the means of continuing the late contest. He believed that it was an idea with some at the present moment, that the country would last their lives, and that it would continue for a long time to supply food to the animalculi upon its surface; but let them beware, our dangers might come on in a short time. Let them look at Spain; she made peace, and became the vassal of France; we could hardly date the loss of her independence, and calamity might reach this country even in our own time."
Lord Hawkesbury in reply, said—"Another subject insisted upon, was the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France. This we could not indeed be viewed with indifference, but it was to be considered how it could justify our refusing to continue the negotiation for peace. It had originally been a French colony, and the Mississippi was then the boundary between it and Great Britain. It had been ceded in a private convention to Spain between the preliminaries and definitive treaty in 1765. This shewed, that such transactions, though not to be approved, were not now first heard of. Louisiana had even been mentioned in the preliminaries to that treaty, which it had not been in the present. It was then to be considered, if Louisiana, thus voluntarily ceded, and thus originally situated, was an object which called for a continuation of the war. If we consider its value, it is at present worth nothing. But it may be laid, what may not the industry of the
man. You have accompanied this blessing with a system of public instruction, by which our young sons will receive in gratitude and good morals, the equivalent of the palms which their elder brothers have reaped in the field of victory. It is to the peace, it is to the hero who has conquered it, that we owe the progress that we have made towards our social re-generation. In arms this young warrior has earned to the immortal age of Alexander. History, in comparing them, will say, which of the two rendered his career illustrious by virtues unknown to the other? For peace they are the years of Solon which he commences, and already has our legislation received the impression of his genius. But, to speak of great men, a happy expression is necessary, which I do not possess; and I leave to more favored orators the task of celebrating, in language worthy of the subject, the joy of the French people, and the glory of their government.
Paris, May 12.
The law upon public instruction, not permitting any establishment to preserve the name of Lyceum, or institute; the institute of jurisprudence, and political economy, has taken the title of academy of legislation. The lyceum of arts, has taken the title of antheum of arts, and the lyceum of Paris, that of the antheum of foreigners. The Moniteur contains a decree directing that as soon as the flag of the republic shall be displayed in the islands of Martinique, St. Lucia and Tobago, the fort and town called Royal, shall take the name of Port de France, the Fort of Bourbon shall take the name of Port d. Ix. the Fort and town of St. Lucia, called Carreca, shall take the name of Carcass, and the port town called Port Louis, in Tobago, shall take the name of Scarborough.
A decree has been passed by the consuls, stating, that the publication of marriages shall take place only on Sundays, conformably to the third articles, second section of the law of the 20th September, 1792, upon the civil state of citizens.
EXTRACTS
From Parliamentary Debates, received by the ship America, arrived at New York from Liverpool.
LOUISIANA.
Mr. Windham, during the discussion on the Definitive Treaty in the British House of Commons on the 13th May, observed, that "The cession of Louisiana next called for his notice, but it was of such magnitude that it almost deter-
red him from saying any thing about it. We had nearly given France possession of a fourth part of the globe: We had established them in a possession which but for this they could not have had. He did not mean to say that they were not in some measure established there at a former period, that they had not possessed them there before, but certainly nothing in comparison with what they possess there now. He did not mean to say that the French placed in that continent, with an indefinite wilderness behind them, could suddenly become powerful there—but what have we done? We had given them possession of the two greatest rivers in America, the Mississippi and the Amazon, the one giving them command of North America, the other of South America: we had given them possession of both, and had made them a present of a brace of continents. In what situation must this country be placed in consequence of such a cession, which, he feared, would prove the severest blow we had ever sustained? There were several other points which might be necessary to advert to, the principal of which was the non-revival of former treaties. This was a complete subversion of former practice, and of what must be considered as the public law of nations, and it was incumbent on those who had done it, to show that it could be done with safety. They were to show that such an omission could be made without injury; they were to show that it did not affect our interests at the Bay of Honduras, and above all that it did not shake the foundation of our power in India.—With respect to India, he was glad there was some preliminary discussion upon that subject; his honorable friend (Mr. Dundas) had shown, by the change of opinion, the uncertainty which existed as to the fact itself. The means which France possessed to carry their vast plans into execution, were almost infinite: they stood possessed of a large portion of the two continents of America, whilst to the power they possessed there we had little means of resisting. Added to this, their power in America gave them an immense influence over the American States; we were perfectly aware of the growing power of the United States, and if they were to be placed in the hands of France, surely there was more reason than ever to be jealous. We really believed, however, strange as it may appear, that a great part of the approbation to this fatal treaty was founded upon the fanciful opinion, that France would be so far occupied with the conquests she has made, as to give no interruption to our commerce and manufactures; how such an opinion could be entertained, he was at a loss to know. It seemed as if we had kept our terms, but lost our tone.—France had shown a determined disposition to attain universal empire, in pursuance of which the world must be destroyed; that being necessarily a part of her plan.—France displayed her sentiments upon the subject; she had marked out her plan and taken her positions, and this to evidently, that her object could not be mistaken. We had a war of arms, now we are to have a war of subterfuge; the attacks of France, which we lately made against our territories were now levelled at the commerce of the British Empire.—This being the situation of France, it remained to be inquired what was the situation of Great Britain, and what we could do and what she ought to do. In considering this point, they must take into their view what had been the exertions of this country, where were the feelings which had been aroused by those exertions and what was the judgment formed as to our future exertions.—Our commerce might not suffer for immediately or not for some years to come; but though predictions had been ridiculed, yet those which had been made during the American war had been fulfilled. Had we now possessed America, France would probably not have had the means of continuing the late contest. He believed that it was an idea with some at the present moment, that the country would last their lives, and that it would continue for a long time to supply food to the animalculi upon its surface; but let them beware, our dangers might come on in a short time. Let them look at Spain; she made peace, and became the vassal of France; we could hardly date the loss of her independence, and calamity might reach this country even in our own time."
Lord Hawkesbury in reply, said—"Another subject insisted upon, was the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France. This we could not indeed be viewed with indifference, but it was to be considered how it could justify our refusing to continue the negotiation for peace. It had originally been a French colony, and the Mississippi was then the boundary between it and Great Britain. It had been ceded in a private convention to Spain between the preliminaries and definitive treaty in 1765. This shewed, that such transactions, though not to be approved, were not now first heard of. Louisiana had even been mentioned in the preliminaries to that treaty, which it had not been in the present. It was then to be considered, if Louisiana, thus voluntarily ceded, and thus originally situated, was an object which called for a continuation of the war. If we consider its value, it is at present worth nothing. But it may be laid, what may not the industry of the
man. You have accompanied this blessing with a system of public instruction, by which our young sons will receive in gratitude and good morals, the equivalent of the palms which their elder brothers have reaped in the field of victory. It is to the peace, it is to the hero who has conquered it, that we owe the progress that we have made towards our social re-generation. In arms this young warrior has earned to the immortal age of Alexander. History, in comparing them, will say, which of the two rendered his career illustrious by virtues unknown to the other? For peace they are the years of Solon which he commences, and already has our legislation received the impression of his genius. But, to speak of great men, a happy expression is necessary, which I do not possess; and I leave to more favored orators the task of celebrating, in language worthy of the subject, the joy of the French people, and the glory of their government.
Paris, May 12.
The law upon public instruction, not permitting any establishment to preserve the name of Lyceum, or institute; the institute of jurisprudence, and political economy, has taken the title of academy of legislation. The lyceum of arts, has taken the title of antheum of arts, and the lyceum of Paris, that of the antheum of foreigners. The Moniteur contains a decree directing that as soon as the flag of the republic shall be displayed in the islands of Martinique, St. Lucia and Tobago, the fort and town called Royal, shall take the name of Port de France, the Fort of Bourbon shall take the name of Port d. Ix. the Fort and town of St. Lucia, called Carreca, shall take the name of Carcass, and the port town called Port Louis, in Tobago, shall take the name of Scarborough.
A decree has been passed by the consuls, stating, that the publication of marriages shall take place only on Sundays, conformably to the third articles, second section of the law of the 20th September, 1792, upon the civil state of citizens.
EXTRACTS
From Parliamentary Debates, received by the ship America, arrived at New York from Liverpool.
LOUISIANA.
Mr. Windham, during the discussion on the Definitive Treaty in the British House of Commons on the 13th May, observed, that "The cession of Louisiana next called for his notice, but it was of such magnitude that it almost deter-
red him from saying any thing about it. We had nearly given France possession of a fourth part of the globe: We had established them in a possession which but for this they could not have had. He did not mean to say that they were not in some measure established there at a former period, that they had not possessed them there before, but certainly nothing in comparison with what they possess there now. He did not mean to say that the French placed in that continent, with an indefinite wilderness behind them, could suddenly become powerful there—but what have we done? We had given them possession of the two greatest rivers in America, the Mississippi and the Amazon, the one giving them command of North America, the other of South America: we had given them possession of both, and had made them a present of a brace of continents. In what situation must this country be placed in consequence of such a cession, which, he feared, would prove the severest blow we had ever sustained? There were several other points which might be necessary to advert to, the principal of which was the non-revival of former treaties. This was a complete subversion of former practice, and of what must be considered as the public law of nations, and it was incumbent on those who had done it, to show that it could be done with safety. They were to show that such an omission could be made without injury; they were to show that it did not affect our interests at the Bay of Honduras, and above all that it did not shake the foundation of our power in India.—With respect to India, he was glad there was some preliminary discussion upon that subject; his honorable friend (Mr. Dundas) had shown, by the change of opinion, the uncertainty which existed as to the fact itself. The means which France possessed to carry their vast plans into execution, were almost infinite: they stood possessed of a large portion of the two continents of America, whilst to the power they possessed there we had little means of resisting. Added to this, their power in America gave them an immense influence over the American States; we were perfectly aware of the growing power of the United States, and if they were to be placed in the hands of France, surely there was more reason than ever to be jealous. We really believed, however, strange as it may appear, that a great part of the approbation to this fatal treaty was founded upon the fanciful opinion, that France would be so far occupied with the conquests she has made, as to give no interruption to our commerce and manufactures; how such an opinion could be entertained, he was at a loss to know. It seemed as if we had kept our terms, but lost our tone.—France had shown a determined disposition to attain universal empire, in pursuance of which the world must be destroyed; that being necessarily a part of her plan.—France displayed her sentiments upon the subject; she had marked out her plan and taken her positions, and this to evidently, that her object could not be mistaken. We had a war of arms, now we are to have a war of subterfuge; the attacks of France, which we lately made against our territories were now levelled at the commerce of the British Empire.—This being the situation of France, it remained to be inquired what was the situation of Great Britain, and what we could do and what she ought to do. In considering this point, they must take into their view what had been the exertions of this country, where were the feelings which had been aroused by those exertions and what was the judgment formed as to our future exertions.—Our commerce might not suffer for immediately or not for some years to come; but though predictions had been ridiculed, yet those which had been made during the American war had been fulfilled. Had we now possessed America, France would probably not have had the means of continuing the late contest. He believed that it was an idea with some at the present moment, that the country would last their lives, and that it would continue for a long time to supply food to the animalculi upon its surface; but let them beware, our dangers might come on in a short time. Let them look at Spain; she made peace, and became the vassal of France; we could hardly date the loss of her independence, and calamity might reach this country even in our own time."
Lord Hawkesbury in reply, said—"Another subject insisted upon, was the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France. This we could not indeed be viewed with indifference, but it was to be considered how it could justify our refusing to continue the negotiation for peace. It had originally been a French colony, and the Mississippi was then the boundary between it and Great Britain. It had been ceded in a private convention to Spain between the preliminaries and definitive treaty in 1765. This shewed, that such transactions, though not to be approved, were not now first heard of. Louisiana had even been mentioned in the preliminaries to that treaty, which it had not been in the present. It was then to be considered, if Louisiana, thus voluntarily ceded, and thus originally situated, was an object which called for a continuation of the war. If we consider its value, it is at present worth nothing. But it may be laid, what may not the industry of the
man. You have accompanied this blessing with a system of public instruction, by which our young sons will receive in gratitude and good morals, the equivalent of the palms which their elder brothers have reaped in the field of victory. It is to the peace, it is to the hero who has conquered it, that we owe the progress that we have made towards our social re-generation. In arms this young warrior has earned to the immortal age of Alexander. History, in comparing them, will say, which of the two rendered his career illustrious by virtues unknown to the other? For peace they are the years of Solon which he commences, and already has our legislation received the impression of his genius. But, to speak of great men, a happy expression is necessary, which I do not possess; and I leave to more favored orators the task of celebrating, in language worthy of the subject, the joy of the French people, and the glory of their government.
Paris, May 12.
The law upon public instruction, not permitting any establishment to preserve the name of Lyceum, or institute; the institute of jurisprudence, and political economy, has taken the title of academy of legislation. The lyceum of arts, has taken the title of antheum of arts, and the lyceum of Paris, that of the antheum of foreigners. The Moniteur contains a decree directing that as soon as the flag of the republic shall be displayed in the islands of Martinique, St. Lucia and Tobago, the fort and town called Royal, shall take the name of Port de France, the Fort of Bourbon shall take the name of Port d. Ix. the Fort and town of St. Lucia, called Carreca, shall take the name of Carcass, and the port town called Port Louis, in Tobago, shall take the name of Scarborough.
A decree has been passed by the consuls, stating, that the publication of marriages shall take place only on Sundays, conformably to the third articles, second section of the law of the 20th September, 1792, upon the civil state of citizens.
EXTRACTS
From Parliamentary Debates, received by the ship America, arrived at New York from Liverpool.
LOUISIANA.
Mr. Windham, during the discussion on the Definitive Treaty in the British House of Commons on the 13th May, observed, that "The cession of Louisiana next called for his notice, but it was of such magnitude that it almost deter-
red him from saying any thing about it. We had nearly given France possession of a fourth part of the globe: We had established them in a possession which but for this they could not have had. He did not mean to say that they were not in some measure established there at a former period, that they had not possessed them there before, but certainly nothing in comparison with what they possess there now. He did not mean to say that the French placed in that continent, with an indefinite wilderness behind them, could suddenly become powerful there—but what have we done? We had given them possession of the two greatest rivers in America, the Mississippi and the Amazon, the one giving them command of North America, the other of South America: we had given them possession of both, and had made them a present of a brace of continents. In what situation must this country be placed in consequence of such a cession, which, he feared, would prove the severest blow we had ever sustained? There were several other points which might be necessary to advert to, the principal of which was the non-revival of former treaties. This was a complete subversion of former practice, and of what must be considered as the public law of nations, and it was incumbent on those who had done it, to show that it could be done with safety. They were to show that such an omission could be made without injury; they were to show that it did not affect our interests at the Bay of Honduras, and above all that it did not shake the foundation of our power in India.—With respect to India, he was glad there was some preliminary discussion upon that subject; his honorable friend (Mr. Dundas) had shown, by the change of opinion, the uncertainty which existed as to the fact itself. The means which France possessed to carry their vast plans into execution, were almost infinite: they stood possessed of a large portion of the two continents of America, whilst to the power they possessed there we had little means of resisting. Added to this, their power in America gave them an immense influence over the American States; we were perfectly aware of the growing power of the United States, and if they were to be placed in the hands of France, surely there was more reason than ever to be jealous. We really believed, however, strange as it may appear, that a great part of the approbation to this fatal treaty was founded upon the fanciful opinion, that France would be so far occupied with the conquests she has made, as to give no interruption to our commerce and manufactures; how such an opinion could be entertained, he was at a loss to know. It seemed as if we had kept our terms, but lost our tone.—France had shown a determined disposition to attain universal empire, in pursuance of which the world must be destroyed; that being necessarily a part of her plan.—France displayed her sentiments upon the subject; she had marked out her plan and taken her positions, and this to evidently, that her object could not be mistaken. We had a war of arms, now we are to have a war of subterfuge; the attacks of France, which we lately made against our territories were now levelled at the commerce of the British Empire.—This being the situation of France, it remained to be inquired what was the situation of Great Britain, and what we could do and what she ought to do. In considering this point, they must take into their view what had been the exertions of this country, where were the feelings which had been aroused by those exertions and what was the judgment formed as to our future exertions.—Our commerce might not suffer for immediately or not for some years to come; but though predictions had been ridiculed, yet those which had been made during the American war had been fulfilled. Had we now possessed America, France would probably not have had the means of continuing the late contest. He believed that it was an idea with some at the present moment, that the country would last their lives, and that it would continue for a long time to supply food to the animalculi upon its surface; but let them beware, our dangers might come on in a short time. Let them look at Spain; she made peace, and became the vassal of France; we could hardly date the loss of her independence, and calamity might reach this country even in our own time."
Lord Hawkesbury in reply, said—"Another subject insisted upon, was the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France. This we could not indeed be viewed with indifference, but it was to be considered how it could justify our refusing to continue the negotiation for peace. It had originally been a French colony, and the Mississippi was then the boundary between it and Great Britain. It had been ceded in a private convention to Spain between the preliminaries and definitive treaty in 1765. This shewed, that such transactions, though not to be approved, were not now first heard of. Louisiana had even been mentioned in the preliminaries to that treaty, which it had not been in the present. It was then to be considered, if Louisiana, thus voluntarily ceded, and thus originally situated, was an object which called for a continuation of the war. If we consider its value, it is at present worth nothing. But it may be laid, what may not the industry of the
man. You have accompanied this blessing with a system of public instruction, by which our young sons will receive in gratitude and good morals, the equivalent of the palms which their elder brothers have reaped in the field of victory. It is to the peace, it is to the hero who has conquered it, that we owe the progress that we have made towards our social re-generation. In arms this young warrior has earned to the immortal age of Alexander. History, in comparing them, will say, which of the two rendered his career illustrious by virtues unknown to the other? For peace they are the years of

We are enabled by the late arrivals to lay before our readers the act of the British Parliament on counteracting duties; by which it will be seen how easy an amicable adjustment on this interesting subject could have been had not the proposition made in the House of Representatives by General Smith, been frustrated by the prejudiced opposition of the New England members.
An Act to empower His Majesty to cause certain countervailing Duties granted by an Act of the Thirty-seventh Year of the Reign of His present Majesty, intituled, An Act for carrying into Execution the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, concluded between His Majesty and the United States of America, to cease, or be suspended until the Twenty-fifth Day of March, One thousand eight hundred and three, under certain circumstances.
[24th March, 1802.] WHEREAS by an Act passed in the Thirty-seventh Year of the Reign of His present Majesty, intituled, An Act for carrying into Execution the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, concluded between His Majesty and the United States of America, certain Duties were granted to His Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, on certain Goods imported from the American States in American Vessels, to countervail the Difference of Duty payable, in the United States of America, on the Importation of European and Asiatic Goods, when imported into the United States of America in British or American Vessels: And whereas certain Tonnage Duties was also by the said Act imposed on American Vessels entering the Ports of His Majesty's Dominions in Europe, equal to the Excess of the Duty payable in the Ports of the said United States on British Ships, beyond that payable by American Ships entering the same Ports: And whereas it is expedient that His Majesty should, for a limited Time, be empowered, under certain Circumstances, to cause the same, or either of them, to cease, or be suspended, either in the Whole or in Part; be it therefore enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That from and after the passing of this Act, until the Twenty-fifth Day of March, One thousand eight hundred and three, it shall be lawful for His Majesty, or by any Proclamation under that for that Purpose, to cause the said American States, and also the said Tonnage Duties granted by the said Act on American Vessels, or any Part or Proportion of the said Duties, or either of them, wholly to cease, or to be suspended only from such Time or Times, and for a or during such Period or Periods, as His Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, may deem expedient and necessary; any Thing in any Act or Acts to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.
FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATION DEFEATED.
No. XVIII.
From the WILMINGTON MIRROR.
The following extract of a letter has made its appearance in most of the federal papers: Extract of a letter from Delaware, to a gentleman of the first respectability, dated May 31.
"I went on Monday to an entertainment at Christiana Bridge, given to Mr. Bayard on his return from Washington, by a large and very respectable company of his friends. I was much pleased; for it appeared to me not mere idle pageantry, but the genuine tribute of heartfelt gratitude and affection. After dinner a short address was presented to Mr. Bayard, expressive of their sense of the value of his public services, and their earnest solicitude that he would not now desert them. Mr. Bayard's reply which was unpremeditated, was modest and dignified.
He observed in answer to their request, that it had been his fixed determination, and that he had expressed it without reserve—to decline a re-election; but that having voluntarily embarked in the cause of his country, and having uniformly experienced the most liberal confidence of his constituents, he felt under every obligation to bend his will to theirs.—Mr. Bayard's private character is no less interesting than his public. Among the federalists of this state he is almost idolized: And such, among the opposite party, is the idea of his popularity, that their leader Mr. Rodney declines standing in competition with him, tho' they so recently had the majority with them.—There appears within a few weeks, to have been a wonderful political change in this state; and our friends entertain a full confidence of completely retrieving the character of Delaware, at the approaching election. This change has been produced, it is to be supposed, on correct and proper principles. Mr. Bayard observes, that nothing has contributed so much to it as the late election in Massachusetts. The citizens of Kent county gave Mr. Bayard an entertainment in Dover the week before last, in Sussex, one on a much larger scale
will be given during the court in June. The enthusiasm of the people on this subject, is much increased by the discovery of a correspondence of Mr. Jefferson with Mr. Rodney, and others of the party, the object of which is to excite them to use their utmost efforts to displace Mr. Bayard.
It may appear a little strange to some, that a communication of this kind should appear first in Massachusetts, at such a distance from the scene of action. It is however easy to be accounted for. The writer of this letter, to replete with falsehood & misrepresentation, is an ex-clergyman of New-England, who for two years past resided in the town of New-Castle in this state. He is a rank and most incorrigible aristocrat. So much was he interested in the cause of federalism, that the late triumph of democracy in this state, almost broke his heart. Finding himself pretty much of a cypher, in New-Castle, he made his exit from that place a few weeks ago, and has now returned to his native state to disseminate the heresies of federalism, and if possible to prop the falling faction of which he is a member. So much for the writer—now for the facts.
It is false that the entertainment given to Mr. Bayard, at Christiana, was attended by a large number of his friends. The company so far from being large, was very small, not exceeding twenty at most, which dumped the spirits of Mr. Bayard and his friends not a little. It is worthy of remark, that from this borough, where Mr. B. is so well known, and where there are from 350 to 400 voters, but four or five of his friends attended. It is also a notorious fact, which has been avowed by a gentleman who was present on the occasion, that Mr. Bayard did not at that time consent to stand for a re-election. He was wavering and undecided. He entertained, then, and every day entertains more serious doubts of success. He knows full well, that at the next election he has to compete with Mr. Rodney, who is by far the most popular and deserving man in the state, in whose integrity and talents, even the most perverted federalists have unlimited confidence.
It is false, that the federalists in this state idolize Mr. Bayard—to their credit be it spoken. There are a few, indeed, of a certain grade, who fawnish worship and sycophantize him, but they are very few. Mr. Bayard is far from being popular in his own state; he is too lordly in his manners. He never was able to obtain a seat in the state legislature although he was a candidate for several years successively. He was elected to Congress by the mere force of party.
It is false that Mr. Rodney has declined standing in competition with this Col. He has given assurances to the delegates appointed by the people to select a suitable character to serve them, that he would obey the voice of his fellow citizens, if chosen in the next Congress, and who accordingly, without a dissenting voice, nominated him.
There has been a wonderful political change in this state, beyond the most sanguine expectations of its friends—but not in favor of federalism, as this writer falsely asserts. The state of Delaware has retrieved her character, and will support it at the approaching election. Democracy is rapidly and daily gaining ground. Mr. Bayard, by his unqualified conduct in Congress but federalism, promoted the interest of that cause, which he so ardently attempted to destroy.
Notwithstanding great exertions were made in Kent County, to collect a great number of federalists; the company was thinner at Dover than at Christiana Bridge. How he will be received by his friends, the old Tories of Sussex, is yet to be witnessed. It is a fact however, that Republicanism is progressing in that county.
As to the discovery of a correspondence between Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Rodney, and others, which was for its object to displace Mr. Bayard, it is too contemptible to merit notice.
If we are to form an opinion of the number, and the spirit of Mr. Bayard's friends, from these instances, we have just reason to conclude, that he will soon have rest from his labors, and may retire, in company with his father-in-law, from public service. There appears to be not a shadow of doubt, but that Mr. Rodney will be elected by a considerable majority.
On Monday, the 3rd inst, a number of gentlemen assembled at Mr. Newman's tavern, in Centre-ville, for the purpose of celebrating the birth day of American Independence—the hon. J. H. Nicholson in the chair. After partaking of an elegant dinner which had been previously prepared, the following toasts were drank.
1. The 4th of July 1776: may the liberty which dawned on that day continue to expand till its blessings are felt by all the nations of the world. 2. The 4th of March, 1801: the day on which the sun of federalism burst forth with new splendor, and witnessed the regeneration of United America. 3. THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States: may he long continue to enjoy the reward of
his patriotism—the approbation of his country.
4. The memory of those Heroes who fought and died for American Independence.
5. The memory of their great leader, GEORGE WASHINGTON, whose virtues entitle him to the fairest page in the volume of faithful history.
6. The memory of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, the able, the upright, and unswerving assertor of American rights.
7. The Press, the strong bulwark against tyranny; may its freedom never again be invaded by sedition-laws.
8. The democracy of America—truth their means, liberty their end.
9. The true republican principle—economy in the governors, vigilance in the governed.
10. The Constitution of the United States—esto perpetua.
11. The State of Maryland—still faithful to the principles of 1776.
12. A well regulated militia—the proper and natural defence of a free government.
13. Peace and prosperity to all the nations of the world.
14. More consistency between federal professions and actions.
15. An Independent judiciary—dependent only on their God, their good behaviour, and the existence of their offices.
16. The American Fair.
After the chairman retired, The hon. Joseph H. Nicholson—our member in Congress.
Postscript of a letter from an American at Paris, of the 17th May, 1802.
"Since writing the foregoing, a law has been proposed and will pass, fixing the duties on tobacco per French vessels at 22, and all foreign vessels at 33, making a difference of 11 livres per cwt. to our prejudice, and confining the importation to the ports of Havre, Dunkirk, Dieppe, Morlaix, Nantes and Bourdeaux, Certe and Marilles. There is surely no reason why our vessels should pay so extravagant a duty on the produce of our own country. On other foreign goods carrying our tobacco it may be right, but we must oppose it by countervailing duties. This is an important moment for our minister (Mr. Livingston) to explain and remonstrate; for when once passed into a law, it will be too late."
A New-York paper says, BUREAU DE POSY, (well known as the companion of Gen. LA FAYETTE) is said to be appointed by the French government Prefect of the colony of Louisiana.
Account of flour inspected within the city of Baltimore, for the last quarter, ending the thirtieth of June, 1802.
96237 barrels wheat flour, 6594 half do. do. 835 barrels rye do. do. 632 do. corn do. do. 25 bds. do. do. Published by order of the mayor, EVAN BEALE, assistant regiller.
Died, in New-York, after an illness of a few days, at a very advanced period of life, James Livingston, well known as a printer to the King of Great-Britain for the colony of New-York previous to the revolution.
From the Boston Chronicle.
Two things appear remarkable in the latest intelligence from Europe.—1st, That Gen. Bernadotte has dismissed his suite, and was not coming out to take possession of Louisiana; agreeably to a former arrangement—and, 2d, In speaking on the subject of that colony being ceded to the French Republic, Lord Hawkesbury took occasion to declare that he considered Mr. Jefferson as the first and greatest statesman in America.
From the severe animadversions on the conduct of the Executive relative to the late appointments of Commissioners of Bankruptcy, one would suppose that the federalists think they have an exclusive right to monopolize all that branch of business.
The Federalists have rung every peal of fear against the administration, till at length they have settled down on the dull notice of the 'mammoth cheese insurrection,' they are so ignorant as not to know what a burlesque this mammoth rebellion is upon all their former conduct. Their top plots, massacres, French demands, &c. are all of a piece. A demand! a demand! a plot! a plot! a massacre! a massacre! I have long dined in our ears; and now the cry is—rebellion! maggot! maggot!—Where, where is the iniquity? The whole group assemble in the utmost surprise, and behold it is in the mammoth cheese! wonderful discovery truly; call forth your disbanded troops, go forward and attack the foe, major! But 'paule! paule! for heaven's sake! paule!' and approach not too near the intruchments of the enemy, lest you become food for worms before your time. Rally your veteran phalanx; 'rule New-England!' rule; throw your unputating knives, for 'Columbians never, never will be flaves.' Man the ships, lest the maggot crawl from their present quarters, and destroy the remains of our navy!
The maggot charm is more terrific than any we have yet experienced. An express has arrived to the editor of the Continel, with the wonderful narrative! Turn out! turn out! ye federalists, or the country will be over run with vermin! The plagues of Egypt will soon visit our lands—navy yards null, therefore, be bought with all possible expedition! The northern states are threatened with an invasion—the Junta are in consternation—but to soothe their fears, we hear the redoubtable major is to be appointed Generalissimo of the maggot Expedition!!!
From the True American.
By the Delight we have received a file of the Moteur. Any articles of importance will be given to-morrow. From a correspondent at Bourdeaux, we shall be regularly furnished with the above journal, which we hope will prove an additional source of information and amusement to our readers. The following is an extract of a letter to the editor:
"As all vessels coming from the United States to French ports are henceforward to be provided with a bill of health, I think it may be satisfactory for you to know the step taken on this head by government here; it will subject all such vessels without a bill of health, to a rigid and strict quarantine."
"You will find among the bundle of newspapers, one of this town of the 27th inst. entitled L'Echo du Commerce, where you will observe a copy of a letter of the Minister of Marine, which for the benefit of trade in the United States, ought to be made known there in the greatest publicity; and the merchants on your side should act for their own behalf in conformity to what is requested therein."
"There is nothing new on the theatre of Europe. The merchants of France and Spain are exerting themselves to recover their trade; the latter are receiving large treasures from the mines of South-America."
From the POUCHEKEESE POLITICAL BAROMETER, July 6.
On Thursday night last, the Aurora Borealis made their appearance in as brilliant and splendid a manner as we ever recollected to have seen. A luminous arch, or semicircle, extended from the N. West to the N. East, the diameter of which might be about 20 degrees above the horizon. From all parts of this arch, (which to appearance was about one yard in width) long pyramidal columns of apparent flame shot forth, some of which reached to the zenith, alternately rising, brightening, and fading away. The space beneath the arch, quite to its base, was filled with a black substance, resembling smoke, interspersed with spots of inconceivable brightness. The light which they reflected, was equal to the morning twilight a short time before sun-rising. The wind breezed gently from the south. Fahrenheit's thermometer, had not for several days, much varied from the degree of summer heat; the next day it arose several degrees higher. During the appearance of the light, there was, distinctly to be heard, a low humming sound, in the region of the north, like the roar of distant winds.—This circumstance we have remarked on several similar occasions.
These phenomena have appeared, at different periods, since about the year 1720; previous to that time we have no account of them, either in Europe or America. They are common in Canada, Iceland, Greenland, and other northern countries. They were very frequent in the time of the late American war, since which they have rarely visited us. The causes of their appearance have not been accounted for, on philosophical principles.
In the Case of URIAH FORREST a Bankrupt.
WHEREAS a Commission of Bankruptcy hath been issued against URIAH FORREST of the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia, and he being declared bankrupt, is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them, on the 19th and 30th days of July instant, and on the 19th day of August next at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, at the house of William Rhodes, Inkeeper, in the City of Washington, and to make a full discovery and disclosure of his estate and effects, when and where the creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts—at the second sitting, to choose assignees—and at the last sitting, the said bankrupt is required to pass his examination, and the creditors are to assent to, or dissent from the allowance of his certificate. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his estate or effects, are not to pay or deliver the same, to any person not appointed by the commissioners, but give notice thereof to
JOHN C. DENT, Sec. to the Commissioners. 22916 h a
Five Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or Rolen from the fisherher living in George town, on the 14th of May last, a black Mare, five years old next May, about 14.12 hands high, has a small white spot on her near shoulder—whoever brings her back shall receive the above reward, and reasonable charges paid. JOHN CURAN. George town, July 12, 1802. 123W
A Valuable Farm for Sale, In King George County & State of Virginia.
THIS Farm contains five hundred and thirty five acres—about three hundred and fifty of which are cleared and divided into three fields with good inclosures;—it is situated on Potomac river, and bounded on the South East side for a mile and half by Rizer's creek, which admits a great abundance of fine fish and wild fowl, crabs, oysters, &c.—thirty miles from Fredericksburg ferry-boat from Alexandria, and fifty from Washington City.
On this land are very extensive shell banks, exclusive of the advantages to be derived from these banks by the lime business, they are very favourable to the production of corn and wheat, and the full meadow-land; there are about sixty or seventy acres of this kind of land, and the balance that is cleared of an excellent quality, and a great number of springs of fine water; it can with certainty be claimed among the most healthy situations below the falls of Potomac—indeed, the natural advantages attending this place are innumerable.
The improvements are a two story framed dwelling house, sixty-four feet long, commanding a beautiful view of the creek and river; one other house intended for an office, twenty-six feet by eighteen with three rooms, and a cellar in good repair; a large house, including a hall for eight horses, a carriage house, carriage house, laddle and harness room, and a commodious granary above, and other convenient buildings on the farm—a small orchard of well-chosen apples and peach trees. The yard and garden inclosed, with spring, with pipes and running—The whole plantation in good repair, and the land in a great state of improvement.
The terms of sale will be made known by Mr. Francis Whiting, who in a short time will be a resident of Berkeley county, or by the subscriber on the premises.
WILLIAM P. FLOOD. July 9, 1802.
Notice is hereby Given,
TO all whom it may concern, that I, NICHOLAS WHELAN, of the City of Washington, have obtained a power of attorney from my father Patrick Whelan, now in the City of Galway in Ireland, to collect all his debts and pay all his creditors here, and in general to do his business as he himself could do in law or equity.—This is to give notice, that such as will not come to me and settle their accounts with the aforesaid Patrick Whelan, that I shall proceed to compel them as the law directs in such case.
NICHOLAS WHELAN. July 12, 1802.
Dalby L. Clark, vs. William Johnston.
In Chancery, June 25th, 1802.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a decree for a sum of money alleged to be due from the defendant to the complainant, and for the payment of the sum decreed to be due, to sell the equitable interest of the defendant in Lot No. 6, and part of Lot No. 23, in the town of Bladensburg, in Prince George's county.
The bill states, that the complainant contracted with the defendant for the sale of the said Lots and executed to him a bond of conveyance that the defendant according to the contract, engaged to give for the same the sum of twenty-two hundred and fifty pounds, to be paid part in cash and part in property, but that exclusive of interest, there is due the sum of thirteen hundred and fifty pounds. The bill also states, that the defendant resides out of this state.
It is thereupon on the motion of the complainant ordered, that the cause a copy of this order to be inserted at least once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the first day of August next, to the end that the defendant may have notice of the complainant's application, and of the subject and object of his bill, and may be warned to appear in this court in person, or by solicitor, on or before the first day of December next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
(True Copy) SAML. H. HOWARD Reg. Cur. Chan.
July 9, 1802. 3t
PARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED.
The partnership which heretofore existed between HUGH DENLEY, and JOHN A. BURFORD, in the grocery and dry goods business, in the City of Washington, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons having claims are requested to bring them in for settlement, and those indebted are requested to make immediate payment to THOMAS BEATTY, near Rhodes's City Tavern, who is fully authorized to settle the same.
July 12th, 1802.
N. B. The above business in future will be carried on by JOHN A. BURFORD, who will have no objection to a partner that can advance cash, or a part of it, for an equal share of stock now on hand; and take an active part in the business, which requires the attention of two persons. Navy Yard, Washington City. 3t.
For Sale,
A TRACT or parcel of land consisting of 240 acres, more or less, late the property of Robert Beall, deceased, lying in Prince George County, Maryland, and on the point branch of the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River. Any person inclined to purchase, may view the wood and meadow land, as also the improvements and situation. If the above land is not sold before the 25th day of August, it then will be offered for public sale.—And also the whole or the following property of said estate: Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, household and kitchen Furniture, and plantation utensils. Terms at public sale for the land one-third cash, and a credit of twelve months for the balance, by giving bond with interest and approved security. For the personal property all sums over 50 dollars 12 months credit, by giving bond as above; all sums not exceeding 50 dollars, cash. The above land is situated about five miles from Bladensburg and on from George Town. Possession will be given in December next. JAMES TUCHAN, Acting Execr. April 26, 1802. 32W42G