The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-07-07 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. DCCCXCIV.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JULY 7, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
APRIL 10.
DEBATE.
On the bill to prohibit officers of the Army and Navy from holding or exercising any civil office.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. GREGG in the chair.
The bill, having been read, was reported to the House without amendment.
Mr. N. WILLIAMS observed that when this bill was first read he had remarked that he thought it contained a principle not to be found in the resolution on which it was predicated—a principle, which appeared to him to be new, which would, if adopted, prove extremely pernicious, and which went to the removal of an officer in the enjoyment of an office constitutionally held by him. It did not belong to the legislature to give to any law a retrospective operation, or that would affect officers in the enjoyment of their constitutional privileges. If they did so they would assume the right of removing an officer from his office. The bill, therefore, as it stood, struck him as altogether unconstitutional. The legislature was not the proper department for the exercise of this power.
The constitution had provided a particular mode in which officers could be removed from office; and the legislature had no power to over-rule this provision. It may be said that we are only making a regulation that officers of a certain description shall not hold another office. Mr. Williams said he agreed to the correctness of this principle; but in the present instance, they were assuming a power which the constitution did not give. He, therefore, hoped that gentlemen favorable to this principle would so amend the bill as to remove the objection he had stated. If it should be so amended as to confine its operation to all future appointments, he should have no objection to it. But if it were to affect existing officers constitutionally enjoying their offices, he considered it dangerous and should vote against it. Not having the bill before him, he could not state what amendment would be satisfactory to him. He, therefore, moved that the bill should be printed.
Mr. J. CLAY said the bill was very short, and contained no new principle whatever. This was an age of discoveries, and the gentleman from New-York has discovered that the bill to "prohibit officers of the army and navy from holding or exercising any civil office," is at war with the resolution which declares "that provision ought to be made, by law, to render any officer in the army or navy of the U. S. incapable of holding any civil office under the U. S."
This is really a discovery, said Mr. C. and how the gentleman can vote for the one and not for the other, is a most extraordinary thing. But the gentleman has made a constitutional discovery—that when a man holds an office the officer cannot be destroyed. But had not officers under the excise law been destroyed, and have they not been removed by the abolition of their offices? And have not the commissions of the judges been revoked? And I see nothing which shall prevent us from saying the governor of the Louisiana or Indiana territory shall not be a military officer. As to printing the bill, as it consists of but three or four lines, I can see no occasion for it whatever.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said the gentleman from New-York, notwithstanding his extraordinary modesty, certainly had made a great discovery, viz.—that, passing a general law, which is a general rule, is similar to legislating on a particular case—that a law declaring that certain officers shall be appointed for four years, is equivalent to A, B, and C being turned out at the end of four years. The bill, Mr. R. said, was strictly conformable to the resolution—there was no difference between them, however the gentleman might be for throwing an anchor to windward to claw off a lee shore. Are we about to say that A, or B, holding a military office shall be removed from the civil offices they now hold? No—We are merely saying they shall not be both held by the same person, which is surely a legislative act. If we violate the constitution and trench on the prerogatives of the Executive, has not the constitution armed the Executive with a power to defend itself? If we pass such a bill, will not the Executive return it to us, if it be not previously arrested in the other House? Are we a legislative body with the power of binding by our acts the whole government, or a mere chamber to register edicts and pass supplies? I had always supposed that we were a legislative body, and I had hoped an independent legislature. If we are, we have a right to prescribe rules for the government both of the Executive and the judiciary—for be it remembered that before a bill becomes obligatory, it is necessary to have the assent of the other branches,
But on the construction we have heard, I ask the gentleman why we have not the same right to declare a man after a certain day shall not exercise both a civil and military office, as to say that no military officer shall hereafter be appointed to a civil office? The gentleman's ideas will apply to one case as well as the other. If, however, gentlemen choose to vote out the bill, they will do as they please. It will be extremely easy for them to find a pretext; but they will not be able to assign reasons to influence the vote of any man possessed of a clear head and a sound conscience.
Mr. R. NELSON said he had voted against the resolution on which this bill was bottomed, because he thought it had a squinting at a particular case, and because he thought they had no right to pass such a law. It was a sound doctrine that the laws of the land ought to be general, and that they ought not under the cover of a general law, to provide for a particular case. Mr. N. said he should not have supposed that this was the case in this instance, had not some of the advocates of the bill mentioned the man against whom it was intended to operate. He had another reason against the measure. He thought they had no constitutional right to pass such a law. As the case of the governor of Louisiana had been mentioned, he would likewise notice it. He would ask whether the governor of Louisiana held his office of governor under a law of the U. S. or under the constitution. If he held it under a law, he wished gentlemen to point it out. He believed, however, there was no such law; but that he held his office under the general provisions of the constitution. If he were correct in this opinion, he would ask whether it was competent to Congress to alter the tenure by which the office was held without first altering the constitution. If under the constitution the President had a right to appoint a military officer governor of Louisiana, he would ask whether they had the power by law of abolishing this right. He apprehended not, as it required as great a power to undo as to create a constitutional provision. The case had been likened to the case of an excise officer. But the excise officers were held under a law, and it was only necessary to repeal the law to abolish the office. So with regard to the judges. When the law establishing them was repealed they fell with it. But is this a similar case? Are we about to repeal a law? No. We are about making a law the effect of which is to drive a man from an office which he now holds under the constitution. Mr. N. said these were the principal reasons which induced him to vote against the bill as well as the resolution.
Mr. SMITH hoped the bill would be printed. It certainly contained a principle, which it was their duty carefully to examine before they adopted it. He would confine his remarks to one point—the constitutional principle implicated in the bill. If it provided that after a certain day no appointment should be made of a military man to a civil office, the case would be different. But it declares that after a certain day no man shall hold both a civil and military office. The cases which had been mentioned were not analogous. The removal of officers by disbanding the army and that of the judges had been mentioned. What were those cases? In both instances a law had been passed abolishing the establishment of which they formed a part. Was that the case here? No—On the contrary they were about to pass a law removing a man from office, without abolishing the office. Could any gentleman show any power possessed by Congress of removing a man from office without abolishing it? Mr. S. said he should adhere to the constitution in good as well as bad times, and deeming this measure a direct violation of it he should vote against it.
Mr. CLARK said the gentleman from Maryland had declared the officer alluded to by the constitution, created by the constitution, and not by law. He wished the territorial law might be read.
Mr. R. NELSON replied that he had said no such thing. He knew full well that there was a law for the appointment of a governor of Louisiana. If they wished to get rid of the man, they should repeal that law. He had said that the appointment was under the constitution, which being constitutionally made, there was no power in the legislature to remove him.
Mr. J. CLAY said the objections raised by gentlemen to this bill appeared to him very strange. Several acts had been passed by the legislature establishing various offices. Gentlemen all acknowledged that it is in the power of Congress to destroy these offices by repealing the laws that create them, and yet they deny that it is in their power to modify them. It is within the power of the legislature to say that a man, though appointed for three years, shall vacate his office at the expiration of one year. So it is in their power to say no military officer shall be appointed governor of a territory. If they have power to repeal a law and destroy the office created by it, there can be no question of their having the power of modifying the office. Your law, said Mr. C. consti-
tutes the governors of the territories commandants of the militia. Surely then it is in the power of the law to say that they shall no longer be commandants of the militia. So with the officers of the army, you have a right to destroy the office of brigadier general, or to say it shall not be held by a governor of a territory.
Mr. C. said he had no enmity to the person alluded to. He had no personal knowledge of him. But he was of opinion that a man appointed to a civil office which was from its nature local, ought not to hold a military office which might carry him from the place where the first was exercised. It had been remarked by the gentleman from Maryland, that this officer had been appointed under the constitution by the President and Senate, and that it would require as great a power to repeal as to make this provision. He agreed to the accuracy of this remark; but would answer it by stating that the proposed law before it became binding, would require the concurrence of the President, the Senate and that House.
The House divided on the motion to print the bill—Ayes 46—Noes 52. When the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
APRIL 11, 1806.
Mr. GREGG said he never found himself involved in greater difficulty. He was in favor of the principle involved in the bill, and yet he could not vote for its passage. He believed it was a correct principle that civil and military offices should be kept distinct, and he wished the constitution had prohibited the union. In relation to the individual on whom it was mentioned yesterday this law was to operate, he was satisfied it would be best if he could be removed from one of the offices he held, and if such a course had been pursued, he should have been in favor of destroying the office of brigadier general, to get rid of the officer. The effect of this resolution would be to take from a man an office which he held under the constitution. This power they did not possess. The only constitutional way to effect the object was to destroy the office. He would agree likewise to amend the constitution, so as to declare the union of civil and military office incompatible, or to a law providing that after a certain time no person should hold two such offices; and he should, if practicable, be for doing away the office of governor of Louisiana; because he believed the person holding that office was, by his course of proceedings, producing a disturbance in the territory. But although he entertained a favorable opinion of the principle of the bill, and would wish to remove that gentleman from one of the offices he held, yet he must vote against the bill, as it went to the unconstitutional removal of an officer.
Mr. SMITH thought the passage of this bill involved a principle of a very serious nature. As to the abstract principle involved in the bill he did not dispute its correctness, or that it ought to have been a part of the constitution. But the question was, whether they had a right by a legislative act, to prejudice any other branch of the government. They were not in his opinion warranted in travelling out of their own sphere, to remove existing evils. There was but one way in which the constitution provided for the removal of a public officer. It says "the President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the U. S. shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Here was the true and only sphere in which the House could move. If the constitution did not give the right of removal in any other way, it did not exist; and if they undertook by a legislative act, to remove a man constitutionally appointed, who might pretend to say what mischief might not result from it. For these reasons he should vote against the bill.
Mr. QUINCY said it appeared to him that one of the arguments urged by gentlemen against this bill was fallacious—that which considered it an invasion of the rights of the executive. This argument went on the assumption that the President would necessarily sign the bill sent to him, which might or might not be the fact. If he accedes to it, the argument of gentlemen falls to the ground; and if it shall be returned, it will be then time enough to discuss the constitutional principle. With regard to the general expediency of passing such a bill, the strongest arguments would be found in favor of it on the page of history. If history proved anything, it was that the condition of those was most degraded who lived under the colonial governments of republics. This was amply proved by the annals of the Carthaginian and Roman republics—the territory under contemplation was a kind of colonial government, and might in the course of time be a powerful engine in the hands of the executive. He wished therefore for a separation of the civil and military powers, which might arise under it.
Mr. SMITH said if the question was what was most convenient or best, he should have no difficulty in agreeing
with the gentleman from Massachusetts. But it rested on higher grounds—on what was constitutional. If he had a right to make the constitution, he would have no hesitation in separating the civil and military powers. But he could not forget the occurrences which had taken place in the state he had the honor to represent in part. In that state there had been but a single branch of the legislature, without any executive veto on the passage of the laws. He had seen that government destroyed by sweeping away the executive power before the irresistible authority of the legislature, and he had seen the people obliged, from this circumstance, to give up that constitution and frame a new one. The measure under consideration was of the same kind. The constitutional powers of the executive ought not to be encroached upon, unless the object was to produce confusion. He had seen the effects of such measures and deprecated them. You may, said Mr. Smith, abolish the office, and the officer falls with it, but in no other way while the office continues, can you remove the officer except by impeachment. Shall we then in order to get rid of a man who may not have done right (and as for myself I am ready to answer I have no affection for the man) go into a new scene, the length of which we cannot foresee. This principle once established may lead to anything—it may lead to a destruction of the powers of the executive altogether. I am as tenacious of the powers of the legislature as any man—but I believe the powers of the executive to be equally necessary. Indeed I think there is more danger to be apprehended from the overwhelming power of the legislature than from the powers of the executive. For the legislature are so powerful that there can be little danger of the executive encroaching upon it.
Mr. EPPES. If I took the same view of the operation of this law with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, I should certainly give it my negative. As however I voted for the resolution on which it is founded, and consider the law in conformity with the resolution, I will assign in a few words the reasons which will govern my vote.
We have been told that all the departments of the government are independent of each other—No man denies the correctness of this principle. Let us not interfere with the constitutional rights of the other departments, nor abandon our own. The Executive has by the constitution the right of nominating for office any citizen of the U. S. whether an officer of the army or navy, or not. This being a constitutional right, he certainly cannot be deprived of it by law—the right remains and may be exercised if the law passes—the law merely severs the civil and military offices, and leaves the military officer to decide whether he will vacate his military command by holding or accepting a civil office—the Executive will have the same right to appoint; the individual will have the same right to accept the civil office as heretofore, but the acceptance vacates his command in the army or navy. If then the Executive right to appoint, and the right of the officer to accept remains after the passage of this law, how can gentlemen contend that the constitutional right of appointment is narrowed; all the difficulty on the present occasion arises from the law being made to bear on the constitutional right of appointment—it is intended to operate only on offices in the army or navy which are created by law, to the tenure of which we may annex such conditions as the public good may require. Under the constitution we have a right to prescribe rules for the government of the army or navy—in passing this law we add a new clause to the articles of war, viz. That an officer of the army or navy shall not hold or accept a civil office. Do gentlemen really suppose we have no right to make this rule. If we can say that an officer shall not get drunk, that he shall have short hair, a coat of a certain form, that he shall not absent himself from his duty, or if we can in fact annex any other condition calculated to insure to the public his services, why may we not declare by law that he shall not hold or accept a civil office, he shall forfeit his military command. The public welfare is the basis of the rules for the government of the army and navy—we have a right to prescribe such rules as the public good requires, and it is our duty to establish such as will insure to us the services of our military officers in that station to which they are appointed.
But we are told we are about to remove from office a civil officer by law. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has read the clause of the constitution which provides for the removal of civil officers by impeachment. This law is not to operate on civil but on military officers—civil officers it is true are removed by impeachment—military officers by such forms as we think proper to prescribe by law—the operation of this law will be precisely the same with any other new rule prescribed for the government of the army or navy. Suppose we were to pass a law that any officer found drunk after the 1st of July
next shall forfeit his office—his having been drunk before would not subject him to the penalty of the law—but his being drunk after the 1st of July next would deprive him of his office. Apply this to the case of a civil officer. An officer of the army or navy having accepted a civil office or holding a civil office does not at present vacate his military office; the reason is obvious, there is no law against it; if, however, after the 1st of July next he accepts or continues to hold a civil office he forfeits his military command under the new article of war which this law establishes. The law severs the two offices, declares them incompatible with each other and leaves the individual free to make his election. As to the general principle that the civil and military ought to be separate and distinct, I have no doubt if the principle is correct, the law ought to extend to all cases, not only such as may hereafter arise, but to those which at present exist.
The question was then taken by Yeas and Nays on the passage of the bill—Yeas 64—Nays 34.
Speech of Mr. LYON on the proposition to build two seventy-four
Mr. LYON. Ignorant as I may be supposed with respect to nautical affairs, it will no doubt be thought presumptuous for me to join in this debate, or to offer my crude opinions to the committee. I can assure you, sir, that so fully am I persuaded of this, and so little hope have I, that anything I can say on this subject will alter the opinion of one gentleman on this floor, that I would have given a silent vote on this extremely important question, did I not know that this is a question of the first magnitude, as it respects the interest of the western country, and did I not feel it my duty to attempt an explanation of that interest.
The question before us I view to be merely this, will the nation afford the reasonable encouragement and protection within her power to her own commerce, carried on in the vessels of her own citizens, built of her own materials and by her own artificers? Or in other words, will you afford a reasonable share of that revenue which you derive from commerce to its protection? While commerce is paying your national debt; while she supports your civil list, and your war department; while she pays immense sums under the heads of foreign intercourse, and Mediterranean and Indian tributes; while she is adding to your dominion the finest rivers on the globe, with numberless millions of the richest acres, and while she furnishes you with the products of every other country at a reasonable price, thereby greatly enhancing the value of the produce of your own; at the same time increasing her own power of serving you in a compound ratio of about ten per cent, will you suffer her wings to be clipped, and her vitals to be struck at by every foreign robber who can set afloat a bark able to carry a gun? The documents laid before you from the treasury department, shew that I am within bounds, when I thus describe the powers and the utility of this, I had almost said omnipotent hand maid, commerce. While the petitions from the merchants all along the sea board with which your tables have been loaded, together with the newspapers you every day read, portray a share only of the injuries commerce sustains, and the dangers to which she is exposed, they justify me in asking the question. Will gentlemen, I say, sir, like the avaricious boy in the fable, kill the goose that lays the golden egg? Or shall the ox that treads the corn be muzzled and starved in the midst of surrounding plenty?
I know very well I am addressing two classes of gentlemen who are in the habit of viewing this subject in a light very different from myself. The first class the largest, and very respectable they are indeed, consists of back country gentlemen, who live inland, all along from N. Hampshire to Georgia, being but little interested in commerce themselves, many of them believe that by the destruction of foreign commerce, their constituents will be driven to provide their own necessities by their own industry, and that it will be a blessing to them. I fear, sir, these gentlemen do not reflect with due consideration, if they did, they would see that by the destruction of foreign commerce, they will be obliged to recur to internal taxation, at a time when every source is dried up from which the people have been in the habit of receiving money to pay their taxes. I fear, sir, that those gentlemen have not sufficiently examined the truth of the position, that the necessity of satisfying the mere wants of nature seldom excites industry, and that industry is produced only by a desire to obtain those things which meet the artificial wants of man. I fear, sir, they disregard the well founded maxim, that in proportion as a nation neglects and despises commerce, she approaches to barbarism.
To this class of gentlemen permit me to say, that when by my situation, I was exposed to all the prejudices which oak country people have imbibed on this

subject, I saw, as clearly as I now do, the prospect and the necessity of this nation becoming a great maritime power. I saw that the industry of the nation, and her first interest, I mean the agricultural interest, would be best promoted by providing for the defence of the general commercial enterprise of our fellow citizens, who ventured to build vessels and embark their property on the ocean; I voted accordingly, under the former administration, until I found the land was to be taxed to build ships of war. I thought it time then to pursue a different course; and although we have now an administration in whom I place the most unbounded confidence, and my geographical situation is changed, to a part of the U. S. by far the most interested of any in the protection of the commercial enterprise of the nation, (as I shall hereafter show,) I would not vote for money for the navy which is to be drawn from a land tax, or which is wanted to fulfil the engagements of the government for the payment of the national debt. To the other class of gentlemen who look upon this subject in a light different from me, and who live on or near the sea coast, in the middle and southern states, let me be permitted to observe, that seldom seeing the want of shipping to carry away the produce of their lands, I fear they feel but little for those who are differently situated. I have often heard these gentlemen say, that "we as a nation, have no business on the ocean; there are foreigners enough who wish to carry our produce to their own countries, let them do so, we have employ enough for our people on the land; let them till the ground." But, sir, the western people cannot say that foreigners will carry away their produce; and as for our eastern brethren, who have not the most productive soil, they are blessed with industrious hands and prolific wives, they have already a plentiful population, whose adventurous and enterprising genius has led them to be familiar with the seas, from the neighborhood of the north to that of the south pole; to the northwest coast of America they are no strangers; Kamtschatka, Japan, China, and the Indian seas are nearly as familiar to them as the Mediterranean, the Baltic, the Bays of Biscay or of Fundy. In the construction of ships they stand behind no people on earth. They claim a right peaceably to navigate the seas in all their lawful and honest pursuits; they have a claim on the nation for every reasonable support of that right. It is enough, sir, that they have to encounter the danger of the boisterous element, on which they toil for our comfort and accommodation. It is too much for us tamely to suffer to be added to those dangers, the depredations of robbers and freebooters. We ought surely to be prepared to protect them on our own coasts. In the mouths of our own harbors our fellow citizens have been robbed of their hard earned pittance, and within a few hours travel of their wives and their families, the very men to whom we are indebted for having procured the luxuries, and I may say, the necessaries with which our tables are provided, have been dragged by a cruel banditti, into the service and compelled to fight the battles of those whose tender mercies are cruelties—the very nation whose soul burns with envy at the prospect of the rising glory of this. How long is all this to be borne with? How long ought it to be borne with, sir? On the other hand I may be asked, how is it to be remedied? To that case I will answer, it may be long before it can be completely remedied; in the mean time, every reasonable effort in our power is due from us. Some gentlemen say, let us defend our commerce by treaties, we will refuse our custom to Britain, we will not receive her unnecessary manufactures, unless she will give up our seamen and recognize our rights. I also say, tre, sir, I say punish those who invade your rights by non-importation laws, as far as that will go, but with all the treaties we can make, I should like to see a demand made by a commander of an American ship of superior force, on our coast, on a commander of a British ship, for the surrender of the American citizens on board his ship who had not voluntarily enlisted. In that case, with a treaty on your side, you might look for a compliance. Some gentlemen, who place their confidence in treaties, expect that Bonaparte, having reduced the British pride by his conquests in Germany, the British court will be obliged to acknowledge the principle of free ships making free goods. I have heard talk of a convention of the ambassadors of the powers whose commerce is endangered by the pernicious principles and the powerful grasp of Britain, and that this nation ought to have a representation in that convention, which are to force on Britain the principles of the armed neutrality of 1780. If ever there is to be such a convention it must consist of those nations who can compose an armed neutrality. If the legislature of this country set their faces against the increase of their naval strength, what pretensions can we have to a representation in the convention sitting for the purpose of agreeing on and demanding the principles of the armed neutrality? I confess in that case I see none. But, sir, let it be known that you have determined to increase your naval strength, with the increase of your means, and your representative will stand on a very respectable footing in such a convention, if there should be any such. I have but little hope of such a convention. I believe Bonaparte thirsts for universal dominion, now he has got the way open for such a convention we hear nothing of it. I believe he will let conventions talk while he acts, and I believe he will attempt to possess himself of the British navy, by seizing on their masters in London; and should he, under the smiles
of fortune, who has hitherto proved his friend, be able to get possession of that navy, he will, in defiance of conventions and armed neutralities, dictate to the nations of the earth terms more severe, than that nation now does who claims to be mistress of the ocean. But, sir, this is taking up the time of the committee with mere conjecture; I will talk of reality. It is really well understood at this day, that treaties unappended by power are no longer regarded by the nations who make them, as they compare with their interest. Either party will break them when interest dictates; how many evidences have we had of the truth of this position during the little time this nation has existed? The very statute book on your table contains a law of the U. S. entitled, "an act to declare the treaties heretofore concluded with France, no longer obligatory on the U. S." Has it not during this session, been proposed to repeal the British treaty? If it has not been proposed in due form, it has been much talked about, and if I mistake not, by a gentleman who was one of those who sanctioned that treaty, by a vote for the appropriations necessary to give it effect. He, I believe, has suggested that it might be repealed—I say, make treaties, sir, but after making treaties, the sure way to have them respected is to be able in some degree, to enforce them. It is certainly in our power to give that protection to our commerce on our coast and in the neighboring seas, which can suppress and keep in awe all pirates and robbers, let their ships be large or small. I am far from expecting that this young nation can meet the whole British force on the element they have long called their own; but I wish the legislature to dispose of a considerable share of the present and the future increasing surplus of the revenue in providing for that defence which our commerce stands in so much need of; but some gentlemen say if we build 74 gun ships, we build them for the British—we have not built frigates without building them for the British? Have we not safe harbors for our ships to retire to whenever a superior fleet of any nation visits our coast? Visit it, is all they can do, and while they are uncomfortable abroad, our naval force may be comfortable at home, and out again when the superior force retires. Can we be excused in doing nothing at all, because we cannot do every thing, because we are not able immediately to create a fleet superior to that of any other nation. Shall we sit down with folded hands, determined to bear every insult, every injury, and every degradation that shall be offered. No, sir, I hope not. I believe this nation is destined, at some future day, to wrest the trident from the very same hand that now holds it. It is my wish to see my coadjutors of this day possessed of a share of that patriotic enthusiasm which will prepare the way, and lead to the speedy completion of that glorious event. But, sir, it has been often said that the maintenance of a naval force is impracticable in a free country, that impressions must be resorted to, and impressions constitute slavery. Are not many of the principles of our constitution new, as they respect ancient or modern republics? Has not our own experience and progress in the business of government been a constant contradiction to theories and theorists? Are you not told at this day that a republican form of government cannot be supported in Europe, notwithstanding the example of this nation before their eyes? Because Britain is obliged to make use of a press gang to man her fleet, which goes abroad in pursuit of conquests, in which the lives of poor fellows are sported away, who have no interest in the issue, shall it be said that we shall be obliged to press our gallant, our patriotic seamen. No, sir—Our sailors are the children, not the outcasts of the nation; they will volunteer to cruise in the neighboring seas to defend their own gallant comrades, and the property of the men who give them employ. No, sir, we can never have occasion to press sailors. The same fisheries which has long been the boasted nursery for British sailors lie at your door, and will always give employ in time of peace to our seamen—we have an immense coasting trade, which is a school for seamen—we shall find seamen as fast as we shall build ships, and so far do our seamen exceed all others, that American ships are navigated with about half the hands that are employed by any other nation to navigate ships of equal burthen. But suppose, sir, that all the American seamen should be regularly registered and arranged into divisions and subdivisions on a well regulated marine militia system, subject to be called upon to do their respective tours of duty as the land militia are. For my part I wish this may be done—no man can doubt the justice or practicability of such a measure—if this should be called impressment, then ordering out the land militia may be called impressment. It is a hardship for a sailor to be obliged to go a three or four months cruise in defence of his and his country's rights, for wages fixed on by the government, is it not also a hardship for a militia man to be ordered out and obliged to march 500 or 1000 miles in defence of his own and his country's rights. I do not pretend to be a judge with regard to what sized vessels are best for the defence of our commerce, but in it we ought to attempt to defend it I most religiously believe. One reason that induces me to vote for the resolution now under consideration, is, that I incline to think it may be well to have some ships of all sizes; another is, the resolution comes before us sanctioned by the opinion of a respectable committee of this House, as well as that of the President of the U. S. in whose judgement in matters of this kind I confide more than in my own. In his communication to
this House at the opening of the session, after bringing to our view the pillaged and exposed state of our commerce, he expressed himself in these words—"Considerable provision has been made under former authorities from Congress for the construction of ships of 74 guns; these materials are on hand subject to the future will of the legislature. An immediate prohibition of the exportation of arms is also submitted to your determination." I am sure that no member, who considered the latter measure as recommended by the President of the U. S. can say the former clause is not also a modest recommendation of the President to use the materials and build the 74's. Considerable of those materials spoken of by the President, are unfit for any other use than 74 gun ships. This I have from the best authority. This nation, sir, has been called a great land animal, and it has been wittily said, that she must keep out of the water lest the shark bite off her poboscis; but, sir, if I may be indulged in prophetic allegory, I will say this nation shall be like unto a grand mammoth beaver, the wisdom of her sagacious head, and the industry of her powerful claws shall raise her agriculture and manufactures to grandeur indescribable; her rivers directed into canals, flowing regularly, like the blood in the veins and arteries of a great animal, shall waft to and from the centre, and from one extreme to another; her internal commerce created and supported by her highly improved arts and manufactures; her broad back extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, upholding 1000 fine towns and cities, painted with all the variegated colors of a land scape, shall team with all the richest productions of the globe—it shall be intersected with useful roads and most magnificent cause-ways; she shall support in a style of comfort and accommodation, heretofore unknown to any nation, one hundred millions of people, free and happy.—In those days she shall, by the exercise of her mighty and piscatory tail, sweep from the ocean the pirates of every nation, and she shall give the grateful and consenting world a commentary on the laws of nations, contained in six words, namely, man shall peaceably occupy the seas. I believe, sir, I have as great a desire to deserve and obtain the good opinion of this House as most members in it; but unfortunately my zeal in whatever I deem important to the nation, has led some gentlemen at times to attribute to me motives which never govern me. On this occasion I will take the liberty of troubling the committee with an explanation of that high interest, which, in the outset, I observed the western country had in the question before the committee. When I have done this I will rest on the candor of every gentleman to attribute my zeal to the true motive, the interest of the people I have the honor to represent. I neither wish nor expect to have 74 gun ships built on the western waters. The shoals at the mouth of the Mississippi will not suffer them to go to sea if they were built there; besides which, I think they ought to be built nearer to the eye of the government; but, sir, I have a more powerful motive—I mean the interest the western country has in the sale and the price of merchant ships. It is too well known to need proof or explanation, that the western country has, for some years past, raised more produce for exportation, according to the number of working hands, than any other part of the U. S. and that exportation from that country is increasing in a ratio nearly equal to its population. It is also well known that neither foreign nor domestic shippers will come to purchase our produce at our ware houses—no, sir, we don't boast of being able to get rid of our produce with the same convenience the gentlemen from southern states can. We have to carry it ourselves many thousand miles before we can find a purchaser, and then too often to a very low market, for want of shipping at New Orleans to carry it from there. Flat bottomed boats of fifteen tons burthen have generally been used for carrying this produce down, the average price of which is 100 dollars; five men are employed at the average price of 100 dollars each; it costs at least 100 dollars to support the hands down and to support the supercargo while at Orleans, and 100 dollars more may be set down for insurance. This is 800 dollars for the freight of 15 tons; the flat boat is set adrift, or sold for the price of fire wood at most. Within a short time ship building has been commenced on the western waters. It is found that ten hands can navigate a ship of two or three hundred tons burthen easier, and with more safety, than five hands can navigate a flat boat of 15 tons. There is now a ship of 450 tons at the falls of Ohio; she will carry as much as thirty flat boats when navigated by 12 hands; this will save in the construction of flat boats, 3,000 dollars; she will save the wages of 158 men, which is 15,800 dollars more, besides the saving to the country of the labor of 138 men three months at least, who may be usefully employed in raising another crop. She will save 6,000 dollars in the provision for the hands and in the insurance. Suppose this ship to be loaded with 4,500 barrels of flour, and suppose we throw off from the 22,800 dollars calculated to be saved, 4,800 dollars for the extra wages of the ship's hands down and for insurance. The saving between carrying down a barrel of flour in this way and in the usual way of flat boats is four dollars at least—a very pretty saving, indeed, sir, in a country where flour has often been sold under three dollars a barrel. A proportionate saving will be made in the carriage of beef, pork, cotton, hemp,
tobacco, and almost every other article that we send to market. If the government extends that protection to commerce which will hold up the price of American built ships, this saving will be continued, if that protection is withheld, this important saving must be lost to us—and although, at the outset, a considerable share of the saving goes into the pocket of the merchant, it must, if the business of ship building increases, as we would fain hope it will, it must, I say, eventually, by the enhancement of the price of produce, go into the pocket of the farmer. The state of Kentucky itself could have very conveniently spared 500,000 bushels of Indian corn last year, to be sent, at a great profit, to the Atlantic states, where it seems it was much wanted, had she had sea vessels to send it in. She could do the same this year—yet some persons who ventured to take corn down in flat boats last year to New Orleans, could find no vessels to ship it in, and it was there sold for less than half a dollar a bushel, while in some of the Atlantic ports, it sold for more than two dollars, and many of them but little short of it. Thus some of our venturers were ruined, and all injured in a very laudable enterprise. The state in whose representation I have the honor of bearing a part, includes the river Ohio for near 900 miles—it borders on the Mississippi, and includes one half of that river, about 70 miles—Scarce a mile the whole length of this way but a site for a ship yard can be found, from the bosom of that state seven fine large rivers discharge themselves into the Ohio, on all which sea vessels may be built, and from thence floated into the ocean. Our white oak, walnut, mulberry, cedar and locust timber of which we have an inexhaustible supply, is exceeded by none on the continent. The timber on our best lands, which are to be speedily cultivated, will be destroyed, and no benefit derived from it, unless used within a few years. Our mountains abound in iron ore and stone coal, to which there are fine streams for water works adjacent. No state in the union at this time I believe, produces half as much hemp as Kentucky, and the culture of that article is rapidly increasing in many parts of the western country. If, sir, the statements I have made are correct, and I believe no one can doubt their authenticity, it must be seen that no portion of the nation is so deeply interested in the protection of its commerce, as the western people. The laws and regulations of other commercial nations not allowing American built ships to be naturalised, their subjects or citizens seldom buy our ships; the strong current of the Mississippi does not allow them to come back to us, and without the aid of government in protecting the commerce of the nation, the American merchant cannot afford to buy them—so that just as we have entered on the ship building business, and beginning to see its utility, without that aid and protection we shall be thrown back on our flat boat system, by which one half the value of our produce is expended in carrying it to a place of shipment. In an other and more important point of view the people of the western country are more deeply interested in the nation's having some line of battle ships than any other part of the union. The produce of that whole country watered by 100 navigable rivers must empty into the bay of Mexico at one narrow pass. Any nation with whom we have a difference, possessing a single line of battle ship may block up that pass; our frigates whose timbers and whose metal are inferior to those of a 74 cannot meet her on equal terms. Thus while the nation is without ships of the line as they are called, the merchants who export the produce of the Western country are momentarily exposed to ruin and our produce is subject to perish on the hands of the farmer for want of a market. This argument may be said to apply to N. York or some other Atlantic port, but sir it applies in a tenfold ratio to the western country, the blocking up of one of the Atlantic ports would increase the business of another, and although there might be great injury done by such blockade, it would not ruin the whole eastern country, as must be the case with the western country in blocking up the mouth of the Mississippi. The sunbeams of commerce have just begun to bless the western hemisphere with her genial and fascinating smiles by the introduction of ship building, but the late depredations on the commerce of this country cause a darkening cloud to hang over our prospects, and all our fond hopes are in danger of being blasted by what I call a narrow and illiberal policy. I pray God most fervently to open the hearts and eyes of gentlemen on this important subject.
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
The following is the letter of acceptance, which the hon. Levi Lincoln, sent to the senate and house of representatives on being informed of his election as counsellor.—Such sentiments coming from such a source must have great weight with the public. To the honorable the senate, and the honorable the house of representatives of the commonwealth of Massachusetts. GENTLEMEN, I yesterday received notice that I had been chosen by the joint ballot of both houses a counsellor of this state for the ensuing year. I should have been better pleased had the public attention been directed to some gentleman more disposed to public business, and more capable of transacting it. I am now in a situation, for which I have
been sighing many years; resident at my own home, engaged in agricultural pursuits, improving the fruits of thirty years labor and fatigue; prospering in the prosperity of our country, happy in its unrivalled happiness, my ambition is as it always has been, not offices, nor their emoluments, but the humble honor of doing my duty, and serving my friends, and the public in a private station. This, with the moderate means of rural enjoyments, accomplishes all my wishes in respect to myself. For the attainment of this, I have submitted to a separation from family and near connections for more than half my life. But strong as are my motives and allurements to retirement, strengthened as they have been by observation, and reflection which my own experience has furnished; fixed and devoted as have been my determination to this line of conduct, yet again yield to the superior gratification promised from acting in concert with the public wish, in my native state, the harmonizing with her sister states in a dignified confidence and attachment to our national government under the administration of men, whose integrity, ability, moderation and carelessness and solicitous exertions for the general welfare, especially of its illustrious head, I have individually witnessed. My grateful acknowledgements to both houses of the legislature, for a very distinguished testimony of their esteem and confidence will be best expressed, regardless of personal considerations, by my acceptance of the office to which they have elected me, and by my greatest endeavor in the discharge of its constitutional duties, to preserve and advance whatever conscience shall tell me will be the best interest of our happy country. In two or three days, as soon as some private concerns can be disposed of, rendered indispensable by previous arrangements, I will attend the call of the public at the seat of government. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, most respectfully, your most obedient and very humble servant. LEVI LINCOLN. Worcester, June 13, 1806. FROM THE NEW YORK EVENING POST. INTERESTING EXTRACT. Halifax, May 31st 1806. Sir, "You can hardly conceive the pleasure which I feel in being released from the most unhappy situation in which I was ever placed; but thank God, I am at liberty thus far, and can write now without restraint. The tale I am about to relate is not of the pleasantest kind; but will I trust, afford you some satisfaction in knowing the particulars and bearing of my safety, although the circumstances under which it was transacted must fill the mind of every American with honest indignation." "It is surely no small disappointment to be captured unlawfully against all our expectations, within three hours sail of our much wished for port; thus, in an instant to be blasted in the joyful expectations of joining our families and friends; such has been my case, and will, I fear, be the case of many others, unless our government adopts prompt and vigorous measures." "At the news of the proceedings in N. York, every officer was a captain Bobadil, and would destroy his 20 houses, after that 20 more, until the whole city was battered down, unless their officers who were procuring supplies, returning in safety, for which they waited five days at anchor near the Hook, and then made every preparation for proceeding to town with the ships, they however thought it most prudent first to send a flag of truce by the First Lieutenant to the commander of the fort on Governor's Island, fearing to land at the city, to know the reason of their detention, of which I suppose he was informed, and returned the following evening on board; the foraging gentlemen arrived in the night, without the intended supplies—thanks to the gentlemen who intercepted them—and the next day made sail for Halifax, where we arrived on Friday the 10th May. During our passage several vessels were overhauled, and 2 men pressed from each—one in particular after hearing too, was fired at six times, with directions each time to fire upon her; and by way of compensation, we are told, if unjustly robbed, will be indemnified for losses." "For my part, I expect redress only in the united determinations of our citizens to support their natural rights and punish the cruel invaders of our national liberty and laws. Remonstrance is only subjecting ourselves to further insult, as all experience has plainly shown, and the sooner it is abandoned & more energetic measures adopted, the sooner will our flag be respected and our citizens be permitted to trade unmolested and in peace. I am grieved to see so many American vessels lying here, some condemned, others waiting their trial, and new ones coming in every day. On Sunday the 15th inst. arrived the brig Romulus captain McDanil, of New York, from Havana, sent in by the Tartar frigate. There is also lying here the brig Mars, loaded with Mahogany belonging to Samuel Bowling, of N. York, lately tried and cleared after a strong contention on the part of the captor, that beef and pork, part of her outward bound cargo came under the denomination of contraband of war; they however condemned the claimants in the costs and damages, and they are permitted to depart with their vessel almost a wreck through the misconduct of the captors. The ship John and Francis, of Charleston has also been tried and part of her cargo condemned, the remainder with

the ship is over her beam ends, and... The brig Ranger, of Wiscasset, since our arrival has been condemned for leaving on board a few poles which they said would make good yards for the brimasted schooner Mignon , of N. York, is waiting her trial; the ship Aurora was libelled on Monday the 13th, and her trial commenced in 21 days from that date. Sailed from this port on Sunday, 19th inst. (the Squirrel sloop of war to cruise off New-York, and the Leander on the 22d for the same cruising ground) it is said. What a terrible play it is that two or three frigates cannot be spared from the service in the Potomac river to drive those ruffians from our shores. It might, indeed, answer the double purpose of bringing Whitby to justice, who, it seems, cannot be brought thereby the common course of law. It is more than probable he will not confine himself to the limits prescribed by our government; but, as usual, commit his depredations in the waters, and within the jurisdiction of the U. S. thereby affording a fit opportunity to attack and bring him to justice, although by an uncommon course of law. There is another arrival lately, the brig Hannah , captain Ropes , of Salem, from Leghorn, sent in by the Leander . This brig was loaded with sugars, bound to Naples, and was boarded on her outward bound passage by a British frigate, and on examination found that her sugars were imported into the U. S. by two other vessels, for which reason she was permitted to pass. On her arrival in the Mediterranean, she was informed by a man of war brig that she could not enter Naples; she then went into Leghorn, discharged her cargo, and when returning home with a considerable quantity of specie, the proceeds of that cargo, was seized by that gallant commander, Whitby , and was sent in for adjudication for the very reason that induced the others to let her pass. The condemnation of vessels here is so little regarded, that it becomes a matter of course from their being sent in, and the captors are so well aware of this, that they immediately begin to calculate the amount of prize money accruing to each from the sale of the vessel so captured. Indeed, some of the officers of the Aurora already in their possession before their arrival in Halifax.
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail a young Mulatto man named ANDREW . He was hired by me last year to Mr. Joseph Thomas who keeps the road, Le Ferry to Alexandria, and absconded from that place about the latter end of August last. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 9 inches high, luffy and well made, has short curly hair, and is frequently subject to have several large pimples on his face. He is reckoned to be a sensible fellow of an easy agreeable address for a man in his low sphere of life. As he has not been heard of by me since his departure, I suspect he has had the address to ship himself as a freeman on board some vessel either at Alexandria or Baltimore. Whoever takes him up and secures him in jail shall receive from me the above reward, or as soon due information thereof is given to me or to Dr. N. P. Causin at Port Tobacco. G. B. CAUSIN. Maryland Charles County, January 29—wtf
IN pursuance of an order from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at Public Sale on Saturday the 14th July, at 12 o'clock at the tavern of Mr. Samuel T. Coolidge in Upper Marlboro', a NEGRO MAN, late the property of John Stewart, deceased. The terms of sale will be 6 months credit, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security. All persons indebted to the said John Stewart, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and those having claims are requested to present their accounts properly authenticated to the subscriber. THOMAS NEVITT, Execr of J. Nevitt, deceased. June 16—w3w.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. STOLEN or stolen from the commons of George town on Monday the 26th of May a bright BAY GELDING, about 14 hands high, 6 years old, some saddle marks, no perceivable brand, long switch tail, much rubbed with the trace, smooth flood before, and one white wind foot. Any person taking up the said horse shall receive the above reward on application to the subscriber living in Prince George's county 5 miles above Bladensburg. RANDOL MORRIS. June 11—w3t
WASHINGTON CITY. THE subscriber takes this method to inform the public, that he has enlarged his tavern considerably for the accommodation of Travellers and Boarders; his stand being on E Street opposite the Bank and very near the public offices. He flatters himself from the advantage of his situation and the reasonableness of his charges, with the first attention to business, to give general satisfaction. THOMAS THORPE. June 20—wtf
FOR SALE, A HANDSOME two story BRICK HOUSE , 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen Gable and carriage house, its situation for a public or private dwelling is superior to any in the neighbourhood of the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the yard and shipping and is now rented for 300 dollars per annum. It will also sell a valuable unimproved lot near the premises in 1881 young negroes will be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard, or to Mr. Samuel McIntire. NICHOLAS VOSS. Washington, Feb. 14—wtf
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, JULY 7. THE ANNIVERSARY of OUR INDEPENDENCE was on Friday celebrated in this place with the usual demonstrations of joy. At sun rise a salute was fired from the Navy Yard, where, during the day the national vessels were dressed with the colors of the U. S. and those of nations in amity with us.
About noon another salute was fired from the Navy Yard. About the same time a large assemblage of ladies and gentlemen collected at the House of the President, to congratulate him on the return of a day so intimately interwoven with his feelings and glory. After having partaken of a rich variety and liberal supply of refreshments between two and three o'clock the company separated.
During this time a detachment of the militia of the District of Columbia, consisting of the horse, the artillery, the light infantry and detachments from the battalion companies, the whole under the command of Major Sprigg, paraded north of the President's house. The line was formed at about half after 12 o'clock, when it was reviewed by Col. VAN NESS, and went through the usual firings and evolutions. They then paid the President of the U. S. a marching salute, which was received by him, attended by the Secretary at War. The troops then returned to the ground of review, where they were again formed; after which the officers of the day waited on the President.
At 4 o'clock a respectable company, honored with the presence of the heads of Departments, other officers of government, and strangers of distinction, set down to an elegant dinner prepared by Mr. Stelle—Mr. ROBERT BRENT acting as President, and Captain TINGEY as Vice-President. During the entertainment pieces of music were played at intervals by the fine band attached to the Marine Corps. The cloth being removed, the following toasts were drank, interspersed with vocal and instrumental music.
1. THE EVENT we have assembled to commemorate—may we never lose sight of the blessings that flow from it, nor cease to improve them, for those who are to come after us. 2. The PEOPLE of the United States—may they see their true interests, and exhibit an illustrious and lasting example of concord, justice and good sense. 3. The PRESIDENT of the United States—whilst we enjoy the benefits of his administration, let us do justice to his wisdom, and the purity of his intentions. 4. The VICE-PRESIDENT of the U. States—a soldier and patriot. 5. WASHINGTON'S memory—may his virtue be the pattern, and his fame the stimulant of every patriot. 6. The Principles of our government—let us cherish them, and study to make them respectable in the eyes of all the world. 7. The CONGRESS of the U. States—may their deliberations be marked with wisdom and liberality, and may they provide with parental regard for the safety and happiness of all classes of our citizens, and every region of our country. 8. The constituted authorities of the U. States—may they know how to deserve and properly to appreciate the public support. 9. The Martyrs to American freedom—may our posterity ever invoke their names in their devotions at the shrine of liberty. 10. The nations of Europe—may they suffer us to live in peace. With the weakest, war is our abhorrence; with the strongest, it is not a terror to us. 11. Humanity—may no side of prosperity, or motives of resentment sweep from the American breast those sympathies, which the miseries of man should excite. 12. The Army of the U. States—small but brave. The centinels of our safety. 13. The Navy of the U. States—faithful to its duty, it has exalted the national character by a splendid display of valor and enterprize. 14. Agriculture, commerce, arts and sciences—the children of one family, let no foolish jealousies divide them. Together all will prosper, separated, each must languish. 15. The territorial governments—the gardens in which republican principles will be cultivated, and brought to perfection. 16. The fair of our country—their smiles the reward of merit, their frown the punishment of ignominy. May they feel their power and make a right use it.
VOLUNTEERS. Captains Lewis and Clarke: On the retiring of the heads of Departments. The heads of Departments. May their counsels and their measures continue to be directed to the best interests of our country. Of the songs interspersed among the toasts, was the following, sung by Mr. Cutting, being Stanzas originally sung at an entertainment given by George W. Erving, esq. in London, to celebrate the Anniversary of the Installation of THOMAS JEFFERSON as
President of the United States of America, the 4th March 1805.
TUNE—"To Andreeon in Ilwian." Well met, fellow freemen! let's cheerfully greet, The return of this day with a copious libation; For Freedom this day, in her favorite retreat Hail'd the patriot Jefferson chief of our nation! A chief in whose mind, Republicans find, Fair probity, honor, and wisdom combin'd: Let our wine sparkle high while we joyfully give, The health of our Sachem and long may he live!
Political discord raged wild o'er the earth, Ambition and rapine with blood ting'd the ocean— While, Jefferson ripening sage systems for birth, Found the peaceful, legitimate path to promotion. With reason his guide, At Washington's side His virtue and talents full often were tried; Now he's chief in command let the universe see How happy a nation of freemen can be!
While Europe's proud chiefs wield the sword, or the pen, By force, or by fraud to acquire new possessions, Our rulers speak "peace, and good will unto men," And their practice accords with their cordial professions. But should foreign foes, Their rancour disclose, And by discord or arms dare disturb our repose, Let our chief give the word, and he safely may trust That those jealous disturbers shall soon "bite the dust."
Such ardour would prove to an insolent foe That freedom's brave sons, by a word and a blow, Can repel civil discord, or foreign invasion; But though danger rears, Let our vigour increase, And our arms form a hedge round the olive of peace; Those arms, always bright, shall convince foe and friend That the rights we enjoy, we know how to defend.
May Jefferson's genius sublimely control The carping of envy, the frenzy of faction; At his bidding, let union attune each free soul, And Goodlike philanthropy spring into action. Thus blessing and blest, By his country caress'd, Sweet peace shall forever illumine his breast: Admiring his virtues again let us give "The health of our Sachem and long may he live!"
At an early hour the greater part of the company rose from table. During the whole scene the greatest urbanity, harmony, decorum and conviviality reigned. Unlike the same day thirty years since, it was on Friday without a cloud. After a spell of very warm weather, owing to a heavy fall of rain and a change in the direction of the wind, the mercury sunk from ninety to sixty degrees, and the air assumed the most delightful temperature, thus augmenting the pleasure of those who joined in the festivities of the day. A universal sentiment pervaded every breast, of the unrivalled happiness of the U. S. and that for the greater part of this felicity they were indebted to the sublime act that made us an independent nation. May this sentiment be immortal! May it be perpetuated by each returning anniversary being as politically unclouded as this.
We are happy in having it in our power to state that the representations, contained in a letter from a gentleman from Detroit, inserted in our last, of hostilities being meditated by the Indians in that quarter against the U. S. are altogether unfounded. Rumors to this effect have been circulated, but are probably, in a great measure, to be ascribed to the arts of land-joubers.
Philadelphia, 30th June. Letters from New-Orleans, dated June 1, say, "Governor Claiborne has lately given his negative to two or three bills passed by the Legislature. This has greatly irritated that body; in consequence of which, a resolution to the following purport, passed both Houses: Whereas the members of these Houses, in accepting seats therein, were actuated by the purest wishes for the public good, and whereas the Governor of this territory has successively negatived their wisest laws and proceedings, it is therefore resolved, that this House, taking into consideration the heavy and unnecessary expense it occasions to the territory, do unanimously adjourn until the first week in February."
Philadelphia, June 20th. Advice is received by the ship Enigma , that the British were preparing an expedition at the Cape of Good Hope, to be reinforced at St. Helena, and thence to proceed against the Spanish settlements on the River La Plata. Montevideo was supposed to be their first destination.
In the British House of Commons, May 1st the Attorney General moved the third reading of the bill prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the United States and neutral islands in British vessels. Mr. Rose, Sir R. Peale, General Gascoigne, Sir Charles Price, and Gen. Tarleton, spoke against the bill; and Mr. Bagwell, Sir William Younger, and Mr. Fox, in its favour.
Norfolk, June 30. This morning arrived the brig Wheeler , Captain Jessop, in 44 days from Liverpool. Capt. B. has favoured us with London papers from the 1st to the 11th of May, and from our mercantile friends we have received others of contemporaneous dates.
These papers we are sorry to observe, contain nothing new or important. The important subjects before Parliament are, the slave Limitation bill, Defence bill, and American Intercourse bills; sketches of the Debates on these measures will be given in subsequent papers. The latter bill was read a second time in the House of Peers on the 6th of May and ordered to be committed to the 8th. In the course of debate the Duke of Montrose observed that he wished the bill to be postponed, as it was certain that negotiations for a more close and intimate connexion with the United States was then depending. Lord Hawkesbury opposed the bill, as he wished to know what was to be given by America for concession in her favour, and which he hoped would be found in the result of the depending negotiations. It does not appear that our prohibitory bill had been received.
We have given our files a careful examination, and do not find that any American vessels have been lately sent into the British ports.
As the papers which we have received are silent as to a rupture between France and Denmark, we must discredit that information received from the West Indies. It appears that Admiral Linnis had not all his plunder on board when captured. Our readers will observe that captain Whitby is suspended in the command of the Leander ; but this has not been in consequence of his recent conduct, accounts of which had not reached London, his removal is nothing more than what is customary on such occasions. The Leander being intended for Admiral Berkeley's flag ship, he selects his own captain.
There has been some serious misunderstanding between the Porte and Russia, but it has terminated amicably, by a renewal of the treaties between those powers.
KINGSTON, May 31. A rumour was afloat yesterday, that Gen. Miranda had abandoned, for the present, his project on the Spanish settlements, and had proceeded for Trinidad. On his arrival on the coast, he is said to have been apprised by his friends, that information having been received at Laguira, three months before, of his intended enterprise, a very formidable force were in arms to oppose him, and that, from the measures of precaution that had been adopted to prevent his obtaining a footing, there was not the least probability of success with the comparatively insignificant force he had with him; and was advised to desist from attempting to carry into execution the object he had in view, until a more favorable opportunity should present itself. We do not vouch for the truth of this report.
JUNE 2. —We learn by the General Walstetstoft , a confirmation of the capture of two of Miranda's sch's which are stated to have been carried into Porto Cavelo, where the people on board were landed and examined before a Notary Public, five of whom were sent to the city of Carraccas, and the remainder imprisoned at another place, and it was supposed that several of them would either be executed, or put to the torture.
ASSIZE OF BREAD, In the city of Washington for month of July, Weight of a single loaf, 16 ounces. Do. double loaf, 32 ounces. Cash price of Superfine Flour 8 dollars per barrel. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the City of Washington. July 7.
Whereas my wife Mable Farrell has eloped from my bed and board, and has behaved so improperly that I am determined to live no longer with her. I hereby warn all persons from trusting her as I will not pay any debts which she may contract on my account from this date. PATRICK FARRELL. Washington 7th July, 1806—3t
June Court 1806—In Chancery. Thomas Law, vs. Richard Gridley.
THE Report of Daniel C. Brent the trustee formerly appointed in this cause having been returned and sworn to and filed and the proceedings therein approved—it is therefore decreed and ordered that the said report be ratified and confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the 1st Monday of October next provided a copy of this order be published for three successive weeks before that time in the Washington Federalist and the National Intelligencer . The report therein that the mortgaged property therein mentioned was sold for the sum of four hundred and thirty-five dollars. By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. July 7—w3t
In Chancery, June 10th, 1806. James Barry, vs. Dorothy O'Brien & others. THE report made by Lewis Ford the trustee heretofore appointed by this court to the sale of the mortgaged premises in the bill mentioned being now returned and filed in this cause and by the court confirmed. It is hereby ordered, adjudged and decreed that on the day of June 1806, that the said report of the said trustee be approved and the fee of the premises therein mentioned be ratified as confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the 5th Monday of October next, failing however to the said Dorothy O'Brien her legal right of dower, in & to the said premises to that the said fee be set in any manner affected by the said sale, the reservation being made with the consent of the purchaser. It is further ordered that a copy of this order be published three times in the National Intelligencer & Washington Federalist before the first day of September next. The report of the said trustee that the mortgaged premises were sold for the sum of five hundred dollars. By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. July 7—3t
60 DOLLARS REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscriber living in Prince George's county on Sunday the 29th inst. the three following ill-represented young men who call themselves BILL, SIEW, and ARY , he was born in Mongoey court house wescent the property of Honore Martiny was purchased of him by the late Rich. Contee who told him to me; he is a likely well made fellow about 21 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, his hands and feet are large; the evening before he absconded he had his hat cut close, he had with him a variety of clothing viz. 1 blue coat and overall, one light colored bear skin coat and overalls, 2 town down waistcoats 3 fine linen shirts and some coarse shirts, three or four neckcloths, a fine hat, price 7 dollars; he took away a prayer book, in the first page of which is written Mary Deane . J. R. who calls himself Joe O'Brien , alias Graham , and MARY , both young negro men about 21 years of age—the clothing of these cannot be described. Joe has one of his arms broken near the wrist, which makes it longer than the other; when he is spoken to he speaks as if his tongue was too large for his mouth. Harry , I am informed has a scarlet large tear on his body and one of his thighs occasioned by burns when he was young. The above reward will be paid for confining the three in jail, or 30 dollars for confining Bill in jail so that I get him again. WALTER BOYER. July 7—2w3t
In Chancery, July 3, 1806. ORDERED that the sale made by James S. Morrell as trustee of the real estate of Thomas Clarke, deceased as reported by him this day, be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the 20th day of August next provided a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks before the 16th inst. The report states that a part of the said estate was sold for 3547 dollars, and another part for 210 dollars. Test SAM. H. HOWARD, R. C. C. July 7—w3t
20 DOLLARS REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscriber living near Bryantown , Charles county, Maryland, a likely yellow complexioned negro lad named RALE about 20 years of age, and about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, he has a scar under one of his eyes and a long under lip, also a large cut on the top of one of his feet. Rale is not very stout made. He had on and took with him a black broad cloth coat, country cotton over jacket striped with yellow and blue, striped town down under jacket, a pair of blue striped country cotton trousers, and yellow striped, country cotton trousers yellow and blue, two silk handkerchiefs, one Irish linen shirt, country cotton shirt and trousers and a white country cloth over jacket double breasted, and a black wool hat. It is supposed that he will change his name and endeavor to pass for a free man. Whoever secures the said negro in any jail so that I get him again will be entitled to the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, by BENEDICT BOARMAN. June 30—w12t
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery, will be sold at Public Auction on the premises, on the first day of July next if fair, if not on the first fair day thereafter, the dwelling plantation of the late Richard Williams , deceased, situate in Prince George's county, about 14 or 15 miles from the city of Washington, and about 25 from the city of Annapolis. This plantation contains about 300 acres, well calculated for farming or planting, with a sufficient quantity of wood land for its support. The improvements are considerable, consisting of one old log dwelling house and a tobacco house. It is presumed any person willing to purchase will view the property previous to the sale. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser shall give bond with approved security for paying one third part of the purchase money, with interest, within six months from the day of sale; one third with interest, within two years, and the remaining with interest within three years from the time of sale; and on the ratification of the sale and on the payment of the purchase money, the trustee will convey to the purchaser. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Trustee. June 9—w3t
NOTICE Is hereby given to the creditors of Richard Williams , deceased, to exhibit their claims with the vouchers thereof to the Chancery, on or before the first day of October next. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Trustee. June 9—w3t

FRANCIS PIC.
Taking the liberty of informing his friends and the public that he has taken the ANCHOR TAVEN opposite Mr. Semmes's lately occupied by Mr. Pitt, where may be had LEE CREAM and MEAD on the 4th July and during the season. The greatest attention will be paid to those who may favor him with their custom. The 4th July and the 24th, admission may be had through the arch on Bridge Street.
George Town, July 2—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit: IN the case of THOMAS FRY an insolvent debtor
On the petition of Thomas Fry an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Thomas Fry that on the 7th day of July next at 7 o'clock A.M. at the court room in the Capitol, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia" will be administered to the said Thomas Fry & a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist twice before that day.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck.
July 2—2t
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hinton at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON.
Barnaby, 13th June 1805—tf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
Advertisement.
THIS is to give Notice that ICE can be had every day between the hours of 10 and 12 o'clock on very reasonable terms, at the intersection of South Capitol Street and Georgia avenue, near captain Barry's whar.
J. BOO B. G. BARRY.
Washington, June 4—tw3w
TO RENT,
THE COMMODORE BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co.
Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
SELL'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the SPACIOUS HOTEL lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house.
PONTIUS D. STELL.
Washington City, March 25—tf N.B. — D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
FOR SALE,
I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying in Allegany county in the state of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadows" patented 31st December 1805, for 341 acres, near Shelly or Selly's Little Meadows; the other "Mount Parnassus," patented 31st December 1805, for 298 acres; this tract lays on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never seen the lands, consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqrs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the situation of the aforesaid tracts of Land they must be of an excellent quality.
Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince Georges county.
SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE.
June 23—2w
The legal representatives of Nancy Atherbury deceased, and to all others whom it may concern.
Take notice, that, at the last court of Common Pleas, held at Carlisle for Cumberland county, James Corbet and Margaret his wife late Margaret Clark, widow and relict of John Clark late of Allen township in Cumberland county, deceased, in right of the said Margaret presented their petition to the said court praying the appointment of commissioners to take the testimony of witnesses, in support of the last will and testament of the said John Clark deceased, in perpetuam rei memoriam. and the said court have appointed the first Monday of August next, as the day, upon which all persons concerned may come forward and contest the same, or show cause, if any they have, why a commission to perpetuam rei memoriam in support of the said will, shall not issue.
By order of the court.
WM. VON, Prothonotary.
Carlisle, June 23—3w
TO LET.
THREE HOUSES, One three story & one two story brick, compleatly finished with Coach Houses and Stabling, both situated on Capitol Hill, and one neat two story frame near the Tyber, on Pennsylvania avenue.
Enquire of Henry Ingle, who has on hand a good assortment of Mahogany Furniture.
June 23—3m
Treasury Department of the United States, June 21, 1806.
WHEREAS the commissioners of the Sinking fund, at a meeting held on the 28th day of April, 1806, did resolve that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight millions of DOLLARS, should among other purposes be applied to the reimbursement of the navy six per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress passed on the 30th day of June, 1798 and to the reimbursement of the five and half per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 3d day of March, 1795.
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said navy six per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will on the 1st day of October next, ensuing the date hereof, be paid to the respective stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury, or at the Loan office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock, respectively held by them; and that the principal of the five and half per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will in like manner, and at the same places, be paid on the 1st day of January, 1807, to the respective stockholders, or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized.
It is further made known, for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the navy six per cent. stock, either from or to the books of the treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the 1st day of September ensuing, nor of the five and half per cent. stock, after the 1st day of December ensuing. And the interest on all certificates of said stocks, which shall not have been surrendered, in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine, on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT GALLATIN,
Secretary of the Treasury.
June 23—2t.
CHARLES H VARDEN, Merchant Taylor,
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, that he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London, a fresh supply of the best superfine cloths, cassimeres, &c. with a choice assortment of plain nankeens, cotton cassimeres, India nankeens, blue and yellow, fashionable Trafalgar white and fancy Mericelles, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer.
N.B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
Richard Harwell's new invented patent elastic suspenders, which are far superior to any heretofore in use can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
June 23—tf
WANTED
AN APPRENTICE, Where the fine arts combined with mechanical practice will be taught—drudgery not being understood as any part of his employ, it is hoped that talent and respectability will be his recommendation.
Apply for information at Mr. Lewis Clephan's near the Bank F street.
June 6—tf
FOR SALE,
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and included with a good bear fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid.
NOTE.—If not sold, it will be let for the season.
April 16—tf
ALEX'R. COCHRANE, F STREET NORTH,
HAS just received by Captain Ellwood, 4 chests of fresh Teas, viz. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Hyson skin, Best chocolate, mustard, & pickling vinegar, Men's fine shoes, and women's Morocco slippers.
Yellow and blue Indians nankeens; Also from BALTIMORE, Kersymere's, dimities and linen checks, India and British muslins and shawls, Italian plaid silks and fancy waistcoatings, Trafalgar chintzes, calicoes, and chambrays, 4 4th and 7 8th Irish linens and lawns, Sundry diapers and diaper table cloths, Silk and cotton hosiery, gloves, Fine lawn bordered handkerchiefs, Silk and cotton, do. China, glass, and Queens ware, Cut and wrought nails, Ironmongery, and is constantly supplied with the best Liquors and Groceries. all of said good and will sell on the most reasonable reasonable terms.
June 11—3w
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a compleat assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils—also Paints of every description.
THOMAS PAT ERSON, Washington city, June 23—tf
WM. S. NICHOLLS.
HAS removed his store to the house lately occupied, by Mr. MELVIN, next door to Mr. John Goulding, where he has just received from Philadelphia, and are now opening a very handsome assortment of Spring and Summer Goods, consisting of
 Cambric muslins, crapes, dimity, and cambric Lappet lace cambric  Calicoes and chintzes, shawls, Irish linens, Sattin pealongs, Long lawns, White and pink far-  Linen cameries, nees, Pink and buff cross bar Ladies parrotfoles, gingham, Umbrelloes, Checks and strips cot-Handsome Ribbons, tona, Laces and edgings, Silk, cotton, and thread Fans assorted, hosiery, Diapers, Silk and cotton Cham Gurrachs and bastas and berry muslins, thin India muslins, Black and colored lute-Dowlas and Ticklen-  frings, burg, Plain Martius, Baudano and Madras Plain do, handkerchiefs, silk and kid gloves, Brown Holland, Men's raw silk, beavershirt and dress buttons, and thread do. Catgut and Passe-board, Cotton cassimeres, superfine blue and drab Yellow and blue nan- cloths, keens, London hats, Plain colored do. Sewing silk of all kinds, Fancy Mericelles waist-Thread tape, and bob-  coating, bin, Do. Janes and Mus Tartaric shell combs, linets, Morocco Shoes with White India dimity, many other goods  Handsome silk Shawls which will be sold on & Handkerchiefs, the lowest terms, Black and white Italian 
FOR CASH ONLY, June 4—4w
JOHN LAW,
HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, clerk of the County Court.
May 21—2m
"BE it enacted by the first and second chambers of the city council of Washington, that a sum not exceeding one hundred dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated to defray the expense of furnishing each pump belonging to the corporation, and standing in need thereof, with a cut stone gutter, and that the mayor be, and he is hereby authorised to contract for said gutters with the lowest bidder."
AGREEABLY to the foregoing powers the cutting and furnishing the foregoing stone gutters will be let to the lowest bidder, at Myers's Hotel on Pennsylvania avenue, on Monday the 7th of July next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. A description of such as may be required will be furnished by the pump maker, Mr. Yates.
ROBERT BRENT, MAYOR.
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
[CONCLUDED.]
IN VIRGINIA.
60. From Lynchburg by Bethell, Pedlar mills and Wincanton, to Lexington, once a week.
Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Lexington by 6 p m.
Leave Lexington every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Lynchburg by 6 p m.
61. From Waterford by Smucker's gap, R. Braden's store, J. Janny's store, Upperville and Israel Janny's mill, to Waterford, once a week.
Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Upperville by 6 p m.
Leave Upperville every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Waterford by 6 p m.
62. From Wythe c h by Taz-well c h Russell c h and Lee c h to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks.
Leave Wythe c h every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Robinson's mills on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Robinson's mills every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Wythe c h on Thursday by 6 p m.
IN NORTH CAROLINA.
63. From Wilmington by Conwayboro' to Georgetown, S.C. once a week.
Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Georgetown on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Georgetown every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m.
64. From Wilkesboro' to Ashe c h once a week.
Leave Wilkesboro' every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Ashe c h by 6 p m.
Leave Ashe c h every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilkesboro' by 6 p m.
IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
65. From Porters Ferry to Conwayboro' once a week.
Leave Porters Ferry every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Conwayboro' by 2 p m.
Leave Conwayboro' every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Porters Ferry on Sunday by 10 a m.
IN GEORGIA.
66. From Washington to Petersburg, once a week.
Leave Washington every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Petersburg by noon.
Leave Petersburg every Monday at 6 a m, & arrive at Washington by 6 p m.
67. From Athens by Tellico, to Knoxville, T. once in two weeks.
Leave Athens every other Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Knoxville the next Monday by 10 a m.
Leave Knoxville every other Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Athens the next Monday by 10 a m.
IN KENTUCKY.
68. From Newcastle by Gallatin c h and Boone c h to Lawrenceburg, T. once a week.
Leave Newcastle every Wednesday at 4 a m & arrive at Lawrenceburg by 6 p m.
Leave Lawrenceburg every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Newcastle by 8 p m.
IN TENNESSEE.
69. From Lebanon by Kaventagh and Caithage, to Mount Granger, once in two weeks.
Leave Lebanon every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Mount Granger by 6 p m.
Leave Mount Granger every other Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Lebanon by 6 p m.
70. From Nashville to Charlotte, once a week.
Leave Nashville every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Charlotte by noon.
Leave Charlotte every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Nashville by 8 p m.
71. From Burrville by Walnut Cove and Guitwood, on the turnpike road, to Wayne or Pulaski c h Ky. once in two weeks.
Leave Burrville every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Wayne c h on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Wayne c h every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Burrville on Tuesday by 11 a m.
72. From Palmyra by Stewart c h to Eddyville, once in two weeks.
Leave Palmyra every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Eddyville on Sunday by noon.
Leave Eddyville every other Thursday at noon, and arrive at Palmyra on Friday by 6 p m.
IN MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.
73. From Nashville T. by Franklin T. Occo-hoppe and M'Intoshville, to Walnut Hills, once a week.
Leave Nashville every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Walnut Hills the next Thursday by 6 p m.
Leave Walnut Hills every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Nashville on Thursday by 6 p m.
74. From Walnut Hills by Grind-stoneford, Port Gibson, Greenville, Hunsford, Washington, Natchez, Fort Adams, Puckeyville, Thompson's creek, Buller's plains, Baton Rouge, Iberville, Manchac, Abbeville, La Forch German coast, & Red church, to New Orleans, once a week.
Leave Walnut Hills every Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Natchez on Saturday by 5 p m and at New Orleans the next Thursday by 10 a m.
Returning.—Leave New Orleans every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Natchez on Tuesday by 6 p m and at Walnut Hills on Thursday by 6 p m.
75. From Natchez by Fort St. Stephen, to Fort Stoddert, once a month.
Leave Natchez the first Monday in every month, at 6 a m and arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Fort Stoddert the second Monday in every month, and arrive at Natchez the next Sunday by 6 p m.
76. From Natchez by Caddo's ferry, Catahoula, and Rapid, to Nachitoches, once a month.
Leave Natchez the first Monday in every month at 6 a m & arrive at Nachitoches the next Thursday by 3 p m. Leave Nachitoches the next day, Friday, at 6 a m and arrive at Natchez the next Tuesday by 6 p m.
IN ORLEANS TERRITORY.
77. From Rapid or Alexandria, to Opelousa, once in two weeks.
Leave Alexandria every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Opelousa by 3 p m.
Leave Opelousa every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 8 p m.
NOTES.
1 The Post Master-General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of this contract, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2 Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3 For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar, and if the delay continue until the departure of any departing mail, whereby the mails destined for such departing mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4 Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5 Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
6 Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of February, May, August, and November; one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7 No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8 Here the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9 The Post Master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10 The contracts for the routes numbered 10 to 14, are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and to continue in force for two years, from that time; for the routes No. 15 to 57, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year; and for the routes No 58 to 77, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force until the 31st day of March 1809.
GIBSON GRAY G. R.
Post Master-General.
General Post Office, Washington City, May 19—WLAN
FOR SALE.
A pair of handsome YOUNG MULERS, each three years old, Male and Female, the horse has been cut one year, and has been a short time used to the draught, warranted perfectly sound—a short credit will be given.
Enquire of Mr. Wm. Prout, merchant, Navy Yard, Washington city. June 6—tf
FOR SALE.
THAT extensive and valuable estate formerly owned by Francis Thornton, esq. and late the property of Sharp Deaky, esq. deceased, situated in Northumberland county Virginia, three miles from the Court House, and lying on the Potomac nearly opposite to Point Look Out.
The property consists of about 2500 acres, 1700 of which is fertile low grounds well adapted to the growth of Indian corn, tobacco and all kinds of small grain, and highly important for grazing. These lands naturally rich and fertile are capable of the highest improvement, having inexhaustible sources of fresh water upon the shores, easily obtained. Large quantities of oyster shells on the shores, and in Indian banks on different parts of the lands; some valuable marsh easily reclaimed may be adapted to grass or culture.
There is on the premises a substantial built brick dwelling house two stories high, upwards of eighty feet front, well finished, two well built brick houses forming a square with the dwelling house & used as offices. Upwards of 30 by 20 feet in good repair; a brick stable with stalls for 24 horses and a large coach house in the middle; a brick dairy and a brick still house, also an extensive frame barn.
There is a large proportion of wood lands included in the 1700 acres, heavily covered with white oak, hickory, and chestnut, and a considerable quantity of thriving locust, red cedar and wild cherry.
The high land consisting of 800 or more acres is of a good quality, level and affords a good opportunity of improvement. This property will be sold together or divided into convenient farms, to suit purchasers, and possession will be immediately given. Any further description is thought unnecessary as persons inclined to purchase will no doubt view the lands.
Application to be made to John Murphy of Westmoreland county, or James Moore on the premises, who are duly authorized to make conditional contracts for the same. June 4—w2m
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is Published By SAMUEL H. SMITH.