The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-11-19 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,  WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
DCXLIII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 19th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. TO THE PEOPLE, THE DEFENCE.
No. XX. (Subject of Foreign Relations, Continued.)
This treaty, like every other measure of the administration, was vehemently opposed by the minority. With a temerity, unprecedented, even in the versatile region of politics, they unsaid all that they had a short time before so solemnly and eloquently affirmed: and under the talisman of party, the paradise of Louisiana was converted into a howling wilderness; and in the late nursery of national strength and glory nothing but thorns and thistles and briars were now seen. Let us fly from this degrading spectacle; and in answer to the numerous allegations of party, concisely view the benefits and evils which may be expected from the possession of Louisiana.
In the first place, it has averted war with the most powerful nation of Europe, from which we could not possibly have acquired more than the treaty gives us, and in which we should have expended in a single year more than the price of the purchase.
Secondly, we have gained the entire, instead of the limited, navigation of the largest river in North America.
Thirdly, we have secured the unmonopolized enjoyment of a trade, already of great, and every year of growing importance.
Fourthly, we have removed many sources of collision on our frontier, and thereby diminished the only serious causes of future wars that threatened us.
Fifthly, we have acquired the most fertile region on earth, in which we may raise, it is believed, every production of consequence which our wants or comfort require.
For these great results the price paid is murmured at. With what justice the following statement will shew. Of the fifteen millions, 3,750,000 dollars are to be paid to our own citizens for debts due by the French Government, and 11,250,000 dollars are to be paid to France at the expiration of fifteen years, allowing in the mean time an interest of six per cent.
Supposing that the whole sum will assume the shape of a loan at six per cent. the United States will have to pay thereon the following sums for fifteen successive years, being the amount of interest paid on the principal, calculated in a compound ratio; viz.
  In 1804 900,000   1805 954,000   1806 1,011,000   1807 1,073,000   1808 1,142,000   1809 1,210,000   1810 1,283,000   1811 1,362,000   1812 1,439,000   1813 1,525,000   1814 1,617,000   1815 1,714,000   1816 1,823,000   1817 1,932,000   1818 2,048,000   20,996,000 
When there will be due the principal of 15,000,000
Whole sum paid 35,996,000
According to an official document presented to Congress at the opening of the last session the annual imports of Louisiana then averaged the amount of two millions and a half of dollars, and the exports amounted to about the same sum. This was under the injudicious regulations of an arbitrary government. We have already, in some degree, ascertained the effects of a milder government; and we may estimate the imports without the least fear of exaggeration, at three millions and a half. Should these imports only keep pace with those of the United States generally they will increase at the rate of above ten per cent. a year. But there can be no doubt of their increasing with much greater rapidity. The population of the western country doubles in five years, and the importations have uniformly in our country increased in a quicker ratio. It will be a very moderate computation, to consider them as destined to advance at the rate of fifteen per cent. The average duty paid on imported articles is twenty-five per cent. From these data, it will result, that the following duties will be received.
   Dollars. principal and interest.     In 1804 875,000   1805 1,006,000 1,934,000  
  1806 1,156,000 3,206,000   1807 1,329,000 4,737,000   1808 1,527,000 6,537,000   1809 1,755,000 8,684,000   1810 2,018,000 11,223,000   1811 2,319,000 14,212,000   1812 2,666,000 17,730,000   1813 3,065,000 21,853,000   1814 3,424,000 26,693,000   1815 3,937,000 32,231,000   1816 4,526,000 38,690,000   1817 5,200,000 46,110,000   1818 5,984,000 54,860,000   40,787,000 
The first column exhibits the sums received for duties; the second those sums with the addition of the accruing interest, in order to compare the probable profit with the probable expense; from which it follows that during a period of fifteen years duties will be received, which may be valued at dollars, 54,860,000 And an expense incurred of 35,996,000
Leaving a profit of 18,864,000 which exceeds, by three millions, the whole price of the purchase.
There remains to be considered the incalculable value of from two to four hundred millions of acres.
Viewed, then, in a pecuniary point of light, this event will be productive of a great national gain.
But we are told that this immense acquisition of territory will destroy the political importance of the Eastern states, and is therefore unjust, and that our enlarged domains will prove destructive of republican governments.
It is impossible to do justice to these points without descending into an extensive detail. Not attempting this, we shall satisfy ourselves with offering a few considerations that evince the incorretness of these fears.
The Eastern states, viewed in the aspect of their numbers, had, before the cession, lost their comparative importance. In the year 1800, when the present census was taken, they were entitled to thirty-five representatives, while the middle states were entitled to fifty, the southern to forty six, and the western to ten. It follows that, considering the confederacy as composed of certain great local sections, and the local interests of those sections as under the guarantee of their political power, the eastern section was already greatly inferior to either the middle or the southern. How then can it be said that this section will lose hereafter an importance which it does not at this time possess. The only local competitors for power will be the middle, the southern and the western states. At present the middle states about balance the southern, and in a few years the western states will rise to an equality. And so far from the power of New England suffering from these different interests, it will constitute a kind of umpire in their rivalries. The most active rivalries will unquestionably arise between the southern and western states, while there will be no source of jealousy between the states of the east and those of the west. Add to this the fact that the greater part of the population of the western country will arise out of emigrations from New England; and it will become apparent that the power of the western states, so far from uniting itself with that of the southern states, will be most apt to unite with that of the eastern. In this point of view, if our eastern brethren do really entertain the lively alarms, they express, of their southern brethren, they ought to hail this as the most auspicious event which has ever occurred for them.
CURIUS.
FROM THE ENQUIRER. A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE RIGHTS OF BRITISH AMERICA. Set forth in some Resolutions intended for the inspection of the present Delegates of the People of Virginia now in Convention. BY THOMAS JEFFERSON.
[Concluded.] But in what terms, reconcilable to majesty, and at the same to truth, shall we speak of a late instruction to the governor of the colony of Virginia, by which he is forbidden to assent to any law for the division of a county, unless the new county will consent to have no representative in assembly? That colony has as yet fixed no boundary to the westward. Their western counties, therefore, are of indefinite extent; some of them are actually seated many hundred from their eastern limits. Is it possible, then, that his majesty can have bestowed a single thought on the situation of those
people, who, in order to obtain justice for injuries, however great or small, must, by the laws of that colony, attend their county court, at such a distance, with all their witnesses, monthly, till their litigation be determined? Or does his majesty seriously wish, and publish it to the world, that his subjects should give up the glorious right of representation, with all the benefits derived from that, and submit themselves the absolute slaves of his sovereign will?—Or is it rather meant to confine the legislative body to their present numbers, that they may be the cheaper bargain whenever they shall become worth a purchase.
One of the articles of impeachment against Trefilian, and the other judges of Westminster Hall, in the reign of Richard the second, for which they suffered death, as traitors to their country, was, that they had advised the king that he might dissolve his parliament at any time; and succeeding kings have adopted the opinion of these unjust judges.—Since the reign of the Second William, however, under whom the British constitution was settled on its free and ancient principles, neither his majesty, nor his ancestors, have exercised such a power of dissolution in the island of Great Britain; and when his majesty was petitioned, by the united voice of his people there, to dissolve the present parliament, who had become obnoxious to them, his ministers were heard to declare, in open parliament, that his majesty possessed no such power by the constitution. (*) But how different their language and his practice here! To declare, as their duty required, the known rights of their country, to oppose the usurpations of every foreign judicature, to disregard the imperious mandates of a minister or governor, have been the avowed causes of dissolving houses of representatives in America. But if such powers be really vested in his majesty, can he suppose they are there placed to save the members from such purposes as these? When the representative body have lost the confidence of their constituents, when they have notoriously made sale of their most valuable rights, when they have assumed to themselves powers which the people never put into their hands, then indeed their continuing in office becomes dangerous to the state, and calls for an exercise of the power of dissolution. Such being the causes for which the representative body should, and should not, be dissolved, will it not appear strange to an unbiased observer, that that of Great Britain was not dissolved, while those of the colonies have repeatedly incurred that sentence?
But you, majesty, or your governors, have carried this power beyond every limit known, or provided for, by the laws: After dissolving one house of representatives, they have refused to call another, so that, for a great length of time, the legislature provided by the laws has been out of existence. From the nature of things, every society must at all times possess within itself the sovereign powers of legislation. The feelings of human nature revolt against the supposition of a state so situated as that it may not in any emergency provide against dangers which perhaps threaten immediate ruin. While those bodies are in existence to whom the people have delegated the powers of legislation, they alone possess and may exercise those powers; but when they are dissolved by the lopping off one or more of their branches, the power reverts to the people, who may exercise it to unlimited extent, either assembling together in person, sending deputies, or in any other way they may think proper; and the frame of government thus dissolved, should the people take upon them to lay the throne of your majesty prostrate, or to discontinue their connection with the British empire, none will be so bold as to decide against the right or the efficacy of such avulsion. We forbear to trace consequences further; the dangers are conspicuous with which this practice is replete.
That we shall at this time also take notice of an error in the nature of land holdings, which crept in at a very early period of our settlement. The introduction of the feudal tenures into the kingdom of England, though anient, is well enough understood to let this matter in a proper light. In the earlier ages of the Saxon settlement feudal holdings were certainly altogether unknown; and very few, if any, had been introduced at the time of the Norman conquest. Our Saxon ancestors held their lands, as they did their personal property, in absolute dominion, disencumbered by any superior, answering nearly to the nature of those possessions which the federalists term allodial . William, the
Norman, first introduced that system generally. The lands which had belonged to those who fell in the battle of Hastings, and in the subsequent inroads of his reign, formed a considerable proportion of the lands of the whole kingdom. These he granted out, subject to feudal duties, as did he also those of a great number of his new subjects, who, by persuasions or threats, were induced to surrender them for that purpose. But still much was left in the hands of his Saxon subjects; held of no superior, and not subject to feudal conditions.—These, therefore, by express laws, enacted to render uniform the system of military defence, were made liable to the same military duties as if they had been feuds; and the Norman lawyers soon found means to saddled them also with all the other feudal burthens. But still they had not been surrendered to the king, they were not derived from his grant, and therefore they were not holden of him. A general principle, indeed, was introduced, that "all lands in England were held either mediately or immediately of the crown," but this was borrowed from those holdings, which were truly feudal, and only applied to others for the purpose of illustration. Feudal holdings were therefore but exceptions out of the Saxon laws of possession, under which all lands were held in absolute right. These, therefore, still form the basis, or groundwork, of the common law, to prevail wherever the exceptions have not taken place. America was not conquered by William the Norman, nor its lands surrendered to him, or any of his successors. Possessions there are undoubtedly of the allodial nature. Our ancestors, however, who migrated hither, were laborers, not lawyers. The fictitious principle that all lands, belong originally to the king, they were early persuaded to believe real; and accordingly took grants of their own lands from the crown. And while the crown continued to grant for small sums, and on reasonable rent; there was no inducement to arrest the error, and lay it open to public view. But his majesty has lately taken on him to advance the terms of purchase, and of holding to the double of what they were; by which means the acquisition of lands being rendered difficult, the population of our country is likely to be checked.—It is time, therefore, for us to lay this matter before his majesty, and to declare that he has no right to grant lands of himself. From the nature and purpose of civil institutions, all the lands within the limits which any particular society has circumscribed around itself are assumed by that society, and subject to their allotment only. This may be done by themselves, assembled collectively, or by their legislature, to whom they may have delegated sovereign authority; and if they are allotted in neither of these ways, each individual of the society may appropriate to himself such land as he finds vacant, and occupancy will give him title.
That in order to enforce the arbitrary measures before complained of, his majesty has from time to time sent among us large bodies of armed forces, not made up of the people here, nor raised by the authority of our laws: Did his majesty possess such a right as this, it might swallow up all our rights whenever he should think proper. But his majesty has no right to land a single armed man on our shores, and those whom he sends here are liable to our laws made for the suppression and punishment of riots, routs, and unlawful assemblies: or are hostile bodies, invading us in defiance of law. When in the course of the late war it became expedient that a body of Hanoverian troops should be brought over for the defence of Great Britain, his majesty's grandfather, our late sovereign did not pretend to introduce them under any authority he possessed. Such a measure would have given just alarm to his subjects in Great Britain, whose liberties would not be safe if armed men of another country, and of another spirit, might be brought into the realm at any time without the consent of their legislature. He therefore applied to parliament, who passed an act for that purpose, limiting the number to be brought in and the time they were to continue. In like manner is his majesty restrained in every part of the empire. He possesses, indeed the executive power of the laws in every state; but they are the laws of the particular state which he is to administer within that state, and not those of any one within the limits of another. Every state must judge for itself the number of armed men which they may fitly trust among them, of whom they are to consist, and under what restrictions they shall be laid.
To render these proceedings still more criminal against our laws, instead of subjecting the military to the civil powers, his majesty has expressly made the civil subordinate to the military. But can his majesty thus put down all law under his feet? Can he erect a power superior to that which erected himself? He has done it indeed by force; but let him remember that force cannot give right.
That these are our grievances which we have thus laid before his majesty, with that freedom of language and sentiment which becomes a free people claiming their rights, as derived from the laws of nature, and not as the gift of their chief magistrate: Let those flatter who fear; it is not an American art. To give praise which is not due might be well from the venal, but would ill becom those who are asserting the rights of human nature. They know, and will therefore say, that kings are the servants, not the proprietors of the people. Open your breast, fire, to liberal and expanded thought. Let not the name of George the third be a blot in the page of history. You are surrounded by British counsellors, but remember that they are parties. You have no ministers for American affairs, because you have none taken from among us, nor amenable to the laws on which they are to give you advice. It behoves you, therefore, to think and act for yourself and your people. The great principles of right and wrong are legible to every reader; to pursue them requires not the aid of many counsellors. The whole art of government consists in the art of being honest. Only aim to do your duty, and mankind will give you credit where you fail. No longer persevere in sacrificing the rights of one part of the empire to the inordinate desires of another: but deal out to all equal and impartial right. Let no act be passed by any one legislature which may infringe on the rights and liberties of another. This is the important post in which fortune has placed you, holding the balance of a great, if a well poised empire. This, fire, is the advice of your great American council, on the observance of which may perhaps depend your felicity and future fame, and the preservation of that harmony which alone can continue both to G. Britain and America the reciprocal advantages of their connection. It is neither our will, nor our interest, to separate from her. We are willing, on our part, to sacrifice every thing which reason can ask to the restoration of that tranquility for which all must wish. On their part, let them be ready to establish union on a generous plan. Let them name their terms; but let them be just. Accept of every commercial preference it is in our power to give for such things as we can raise for their use, or they make for ours. But let them not think to exclude us from going to other markets to dispose of those commodities which they cannot use, or to supply those wants which they cannot supply. Still less let it be proposed that our properties within our own territories shall be taxed or regulated by any power on earth but our own. The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time; the hand of force may destroy, but cannot disjoin them. This, fire, is our last, our determined resolution; and that you will be pleased to interpose with that efficacy which your earnest endeavors may ensure to procure redress of these our great grievances, to quiet the minds of our subjects in British America, against any apprehensions of future encroachment, to establish fraternal love and harmony through the whole empire, and that these may continue to the latest ages of time, is the fervent prayer of all British America!
(*) Since this period the king has several times dissolved the parliament a few weeks before its expiration, merely as an assertion of the right.
STRENGTH OF FRANCE.
[Extract from a late publication on the strength, projects, &c. of France and Russia.]
As to the military force of France it appears to be equal to the military force of the rest of Europe, Russia excepted; the peace of Nimeguen made the dominions of Louis XIV. the most compact and populous kingdom in Europe: that of Utrecht extended them to Spain and the Indies, and a natural consequence was the consolidation of the military preponderance of that monarchy. The present situation of Holland, Germany, Italy, was then foreign, and the rising

of Great Britain if it was predicted." It is shrewdly and sneeringly remarked, that the former was the 'preliminary' to the subjection of Europe, and the latter the 'definitive treaty.' The one put France in an offensive position, the other destroyed the defensive means of all her neighbours.
From a general review of the subject it appears, that
"The political advantages which the republic, in a military point of view, possesses in preference to her neighbours, are,
"1. An immense, secure, annual revenue.
"We have already observed, that the European territory and industry of France, are capable of producing, without inconvenience to the public, thirty millions sterling to government.
"Or, if we take fifteen per cent. as a medium assessment by cadastre, of the property and income of the nation, it will give the said sum and upwards.
"From these thirty millions deducting about two millions, which the consulate is yet pleased to allow to the creditors of the state, and there will remain a clear and unincumbered revenue of 28,000,000. sterling. A sum equal to, if not exceeding the unincumbered part of the revenues of all the independent governments of Europe. Add to this, that, in all other European states, the public imports, as they are raised, amount to upwards of thirty per cent. upon the income of the taxable part of the community.
"2. The military organization of the republic.
"By the conscription law, every male is liable to serve in the lowest military capacity: there is neither legal exemption nor privileged preferment—and consequently, there is no subject for jealousy in the army, nor for discontent in the community. In France upwards of six millions of men are able to carry arms; of these, two millions and a half are between 18 and 23—Any number of these young men may be armed and put in motion by a parole d'ordre—for both the legislation and sovereignty of the republic are in the staff of the army; the military is the only road to consideration and power. And such is now the reputation of that profession, that, to avoid the contempt of the public, it is necessary either to serve or to have served. These are advantages which no other government possesses.
"3. The frontier and avant-post of the republic.
In a definite point of view, since the meridian of the Roman power to the present time, no state had ever its frontiers so judiciously covered as those of the French republic now are.—The strength of the frontier lines of monarchical France has often been proved; the subjugation of Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, render those lines now we may say, inaccessible. Those vassal auxiliaries, being acknowledged by the rest of stupendous Europe as independent states, may either serve as neutral out-works, or will have to maintain French armies sufficient to oppose any force that can be brought against them. Considered as offensive, the strength of her frontiers, and the localities of her several dependents, must necessarily give to the armies of France a decided preponderance in Europe. From the Ems, up the Rhine to Bâle and Feldkirch; from thence by Verona and the Adriatic sea to Calabria, the republic is covered with a chain of double and triple lines of natural barriers and military posts. Secure at home, her avant-posts, open to her armies every part of the continent from the Morea to Pomerania—Bonaparte's legions may be at the gates of Vienna and Berlin, before the Austrian and Prussian cabinets have any suspicion of the count's hostile intentions: Lord paramount of Naples, the cession of Malta, and all other military and naval stations on the Mediterranean, by Great Britain, puts the Turkish government under the immediate direction of the consulate. With the command of Constantinople, or only enjoying the freedom of navigating the Dardanelles and Bosporus of Thrace, the republic will check the operations even of Russia itself; and may make that mighty empire subservient to her future project.
"We have already stated, that the fisheries and trade of the republic, in her present situation, will employ and maintain 120,000 able seamen; and by managing other powers with a pacific prudence, she may double the number of her sailors, and secure a dominion on the ocean, before any of her neighbours are aware of her design. Commanding the powers, the ports and arsenals of Spain, Italy and Turkey, France may very soon possess the absolute sovereignty of the Mediterranean: with the Rhine, she has the forests of Germany for the use of her dockyards; with Holland she requires an extent of coast and a chain of sea ports, which may enable her to raise a numerous navy in a few years."
The leading policy of France has ever been to reduce the power and political influence of Great Britain—with the same disposition she has now more power than she ever had. The annul-
ment of the treaty of Amiens, indeed by which we retain possession of Malta, and the consequent superiority in the Mediterranean, has abridged the consular power in that quarter since these sketches were written. If France, however, is mistress of the southwest half of the continental Europe, Russia claims a similar dominion over the north and eastern parts.
"These two mighty empires are come in contact; Berlin, Vienna, Constantinople, can only be considered as their neutral ports, situate in their line of demarcation." The free, secure, and independent communication between the southern provinces of Russia and the Mediterranean is of too great importance to be abandoned; nor is the republic of France likely to cede the navigation which it has obtained of the Black Sea. If these two powers then do not go mutual shares in the trade and government of the Turkish empire, an event perhaps impossible, which of the parties is to give up its pretension?
"The cabinet of Petersburg must certainly know, that should the consulate be allowed to assume an ascendancy at Constantinople, or to intermeddle in the affairs of Turkey, the fate of Moscow may again be disputed at Paltava! Will the present government of France retract and leave the seraglio and St. Sophia to the desecration of Russians? In that case a Cossack and Highland army, seconded by a Russian and British fleet, might yet confine the empire of Bonaparte to the government of his Gauls of the west. Or can the ambition of Russia and the avarice of France be satisfied with a partial partition of Turkey?
"Thus between these two governments matters seem to come to a crisis."
Capt. Gildea, from Cape Francois, states, that in consequence of a humane effort, on the part of the Americans there to rescue certain French families, from the sanguinary rage of the Blacks, capt. Tate, second officer of the ship Pilgrim, of this port, forfeited his life. Capt. Gibson of the Pilgrim, it appears, was ordered to be shot; but some delay taking place in the execution of this brutal mandate, afforded an opportunity for his friends to interfere by which means his life was preserved.
The circumstances of this affair, it appears were, that a suspicion arising among the Blacks, that several Frenchmen were secreted in the American fleet, the whole squadron were brought to at the Fort; and upon a strict search being made, thirteen miserable objects of this description, were found on board the Pilgrim. These, together with the officers of the ship, were conducted on shore, and Capt. Tate, and two of these unfortunate men, instantly hung on the public wharf!
A proclamation was issued three days prior to the sailing of the fleet, interdicting any master or supercargo, from retaining any part of the cargoes and obliging them to sell the whole to the administration or to one individual merchant.
Another proclamation forbids the master of any vessel from secreting on board his vessel or attempting to carry off any of the Emperor's subjects or French residents, under the penalty of forfeiting vessel and cargo and ten months imprisonment, afterwards to be sent to America, never to appear in the island, under the pain of death.
The following extract of a letter from a gentleman in Cape Francois, dated Oct. 23, with which we have been obligingly favoured by a mercantile friend, contains some additional particulars relative to this event:
"Since the date of my last, the convoy, which intended to depart the next morning, have been detained until now, by an order from the Emperor, he having been informed, that a number of Americans contrary to the laws of this country, were endeavouring and had actually succeeded in getting off to the fleet a great many persons, to whom the commander in chief here had often refused passports. For a number of days, this clandestine affair was conducted with great activity, but with very little caution; for it was observed with much regret by General Christophe, to whom advice had been given daily of the persons thus embarking; yet he hoped, as the convoy would not be ready to sail for some days, that they would repent their temerity, and again return on shore, in which case, nothing would happen to them."
"In fact, it was only two days ago that there was a general assembly of men, women, and children, belonging to the town, when the Emperor addressing himself more particularly to the people of colour, assured them of his wish to make them all happy, and would protect them and their families from all kind of insult and violence. Notwithstanding they continued to remain, and others to go on board the different vessels especially on board the ship Pilgrim, whose consignee assured the Emperor he was ignorant
any one being on board but those possessed of passports."
"The vessels still met with detention, and we were at a loss to account for it. At length they were permitted to clear out, and yesterday was the period fixed on for departure. The preceding night a counter order was given for a general embargo; and in the morning guards were appointed to go and search every vessel in the harbor, when, painful to relate, they found on board the Pilgrim, 15 or 16 persons of both sexes, whom together with the first officer of said ship, were immediately sent as prisoners on shore, the first to answer for endeavoring to leave the island contrary to law, and Mr. Tate for resisting the guards sent to search the vessel. Three of these unfortunate people, in which number, I am sorry to include poor Tate, were banged on the quay a short time after their landing, and so exasperated were the different officers and soldiers, that it was impossible to afford that unfortunate man the least assistance."
"It is deeply to be lamented, that an act so humane as was the intention of the Americans in this instance, should so ill accord with the laws of the country; but as it was our duty as well as safety, strictly to adhere to them, this deviation exposed us and the poor creatures we were desirous of serving, to the unhappy illue that has taken place."
[REPEL'S GAZETTE.]
From the Boston Independent Chronicle of the 8th Instant.
THE ELECTION.
On last Monday, the citizens of Massachusetts voted for the Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, and for Representatives to the ninth Congress. In regard to the manifestation of the public will, as exercised in the town of Boston, on this important occasion, we are concerned to state, that it was in our imperfect opinion miserably significant of a dereliction from all the found principles of republican policy. We are morally persuaded, that the anti-republican result of that day's polling, in this especial town, (as thank God, we cannot admit such a disgrace to be extended beyond its limits) was not fully declaratory of the popular mind, which had been warped from the high interest of public virtue. The intrigues, menaces, and perhaps bribery, of that small and diminishing Anglo tory Cabal , had secretly contrived to gather within its influential vortex, many honest individuals, who have been unhappily seduced from the true path of national glory and political rectitude, through the medium of their necessities or their weaknesses—we hope not through the medium of their vices: for a vice it certainly is, if a man can be persuaded to exchange his civic independence for any pecuniary consideration whatever. Whether master builder or journeyman, whether principal or labourer, each individual owes his vote to the true interests of his country, and to the essential principles of its national establishments.
In respect to the loss of Dr. Eustis's election in this district, the enlightened republicans throughout the Union, will be good enough to observe, that his personal qualifications and connections, in this town, where he is so well known and so much respected; his political experience, his real knowledge of, and his undoubted attachment to, the substantial interests of New England; has not secured him a single vote more than was given for the Jeffersonian ticket, with the name of Sullivan at its head. On the other hand, strange as it may appear, he had one vote less than this very ticket! The inference from this event is too striking to need an illustration: we shall make no remarks, calculated to form an invidious comparison between the personal, mental and political attributes of the rival candidates. This town does know, and in the next Congress the citizens of the U. States will know, the real difference between these gentlemen, and will be compelled to appreciate them accordingly. We do not envy the feelings of Mr. Quincy, on his triumph; and we have the fullest assurance, that the defeat of Dr. Eustis, (no loss to him, though a great one to the public) will be attended, to his friends and admirers, with no sort of mortification. His political honor has "mounted no feather."
Although the political atmosphere has been clouded in this department, and a star of no small magnitude has suffered an eclipse; yet the horizon of Old Massachusetts is irradiated on every point, with renewed splendor, which portends a renovated and increasing power to the republican principle, and a restoration of the real character and appropriate influence of this truly virtuous and excellent state in the federal galaxy. We will not presume to inform our republican friends throughout the Union, that the Jeffersonian ticket will succeed on the issue of the election, in this state—but this we can aver with great truth, that at no time since the patriotic elections of the amiable and munificent
Hancock, and the venerable S. Adams (the proscripted patriots of Massachusetts) has there been such strong manifestations of popular energy and Democratic ardor, as has been displayed on this occasion. As far as we have heard the proportion of votes, in the various towns, forming the central force of the commonwealth, the returns have been decisively republican, by a great and stupendous majority, considering all that has recently passed. We have indeed often wondered, after all that we have seen and read, respecting the state of public opinion, in this important part of the Union, how the same state, and the same people, who cherished and supported with an almost unexampled zeal, the political sentiments of those illustrious citizens, could be persuaded, under any circumstances, to act in direct opposition to their sage and salutary admonitions. If there ever was a man, who carried with him the unfeigned respect, affection and admiration of any two contemporaries, Mr. Jefferson (as we are told) possessed that honorable distinction, in the unlimited confidence of John Hancock and Samuel Adams, for his personal virtues, and the irreproachable integrity of his political character.
In descending from this elevated subject, we shall merely notice, that there is the highest probability of NINE republicans being returned from this state to Congress, giving the republicans a majority of one in that honourable body. Mr. Seaver is undoubtedly chosen, by a majority of nearly two to one, in despite of all the pitiful arts that have been exerted to wound his reputation. Since the son of Mr. Adams had no merit to plead of his own, and no pretensions to advance on the score of his father's popularity in Norfolk, his friends and advocates were lamentably constrained to support his election by the pretended faults of the rival candidate, rather than by the recommendation of his immediate endowments.
Such, fellow-citizens, is the present florid, healthful condition of republicanism in Massachusetts; and we have no hesitation in advancing our belief, that this commonwealth in particular, and the Union in general, will exhibit a glorious instance to the Universe that it is possible for a Democracy, or government by the people, to be created by wild men, supported by morals, and cemented by virtue.
In the Register of last evening, major Jackson again noticed the President's message—his observations are vague—his insinuations unfounded. His principal object was to persuade the reader that since Mr. Jefferson had not particularly mentioned the captives at Tripoli, in his communication to Congress, he had not made an effort to procure their release—we say this is an unfounded insinuation, a deduction not warranted. The release of the captives could be procured but in two ways—force or purchase: the administration has employed an adequate and even more than adequate force, in the Mediterranean, to compel the Tripolitans to surrender the prisoners; for this purpose the American squadron, by our latest advices, had made every disposition, an attack by frigates and gun boats was to be made, and we may every day expect to hear the result. Yet, with the knowledge of these facts, the major has ventured to insinuate what the public know to be untrue. Again, if force cannot procure the release of the captives without ransom, it can certainly create such apprehension that the tyrant cannot demand such a sum as under different circumstances there is no doubt he would. And, again, we hazard the assertion, without dread of refutation, that the administration has been equally attentive to the other mode of release—purchase. If force is the best, the most efficacious method of inducing the barbarians to do us justice—then has the administration furnished that force; if ransom is the most honorable, efficacious and prudent method, the administration will not hesitate.
The major will not dare assert that the force in the Mediterranean, at the present moment, is not sufficiently strong to reduce the petty power of Tripoli; he will not dare to dispute the ability of the commanders, the courage of the seamen—in what other manner then would he have the administration ask? It is his wish that our frigates should be loaded with presents and treasure, and thus sent to sue for peace, which might be broken the next moment? or is it more becoming to send them prepared to teach the pirates that we are neither Spaniards nor Italians?
The truth is simply this, if the next advices from our squadron announce the release of our seamen by ransom, the major will talk of the expense; he will exclaim is this economy? If the captives are released by the employment of force, the major will refuse the administration any share of the credit. Such is the inconsistency of men governed by vindictive, unworthy passions, and not by a respect for truth or principle.
We assert, and are willing to maintain the assertion, that the administration, has been particularly attentive to our fellow citizens, who are captive,
and to the general fate of our affairs in the Mediterranean.
Aurora.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 19.
REMARKS ON PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. [Concluded.]
The next topic to which the President alludes is that of Gun Boats, so fertile a source of merriment to the opponents of the administration. It is not a little curious that these gentlemen, amidst their deep toned denunciations against the government, have all-along had some light matters which have happily engaged their talent for wit and humour. For a long time the Mammoth Cheese was the vehicle of infinite pleasantries, and now, novelty being a necessary ingredient we find their factitious faculties occupied on gun-boats. In the former instance, the republicans satisfied themselves with silent admiration at the bright display of talents on so barren a topic; and even in the latter the same equivocal indication of astonishment or indifference seems to have prevailed. Without meaning to disturb the playful sports of a luxuriant fancy, we proceed to notice the ideas suggested by the President. Those, who are so unfortunate as to be insensible to the charms of wit lavished on this topic, may expect a few us notice of a measure connected on one hand with a considerable expenditure of money, and on the other with the defence of an important part of the country.
The Message presents the text of perhaps all that can be said on the subject.
It appears:
1. That the measure has not arisen in Executive discretion; but has actually proceeded from an act of Congress of the 28th of February, 1803, which, so far as we recollect, passed both houses of Congress with perfect unanimity.
We are informed,
2. That gun-boats are an obstacle to the naval enterprise of foreign vessels against our sea ports. Is this a just remark? If it is, the measure cannot be too highly approved by the whole community, and particularly by the commercial part of it.—This is a point so entirely technical, that an individual unversed in nautical tactics cannot be expected to discuss it in detail. We must necessarily resort to the opinions of the best seamen.—Having made it our business to make ourselves acquainted with them, we venture to assert that they are unequivocally in favour of the adoption of this mode of defence as the most efficacious for this particular purpose, in the power of the United States to adopt. Besides this, every one acquainted with the naval armaments of the European nations knows that a certain number of gun-boats forms an essential part of them.
3. "Their utility towards supporting within our waters the authority of the laws," is a recommendation of them which, it is presumed, no man will dispute.
4. "The promptness with which they may be manned by the seamen and militia of the place in the moment they are wanted, and the facility of their assembling from different parts of the coast to any point where they are required in greater force than ordinary," give them peculiar value to a nation whose coast is so extensive, and whose naval armament is so limited as that of the United States.
5. "The economy of their maintenance and preservation from decay when not in actual service, and the competence of our finances to this defensive provision without any new burthen, are considerations which will have due weight with Congress in deciding on the expediency of adding to their number from year to year, as experience shall test their utility, until all our important harbours, by these auxiliary means, shall be secured against insult and opposition to the laws."
We are here presented with two powerful arguments in favour of gun-boats—first, their economy; secondly, their defensive character.
With the enormous expenses of a navy our readers are doubtless conversant. In the British navy the building & equipping a ship of war is supposed to cost a thousand pounds sterling, a gun, a sum but little below five thousand dollars. The expenses in this country are considerably increased. When built, the larger vessels, such as frigates and ships of the line, are generally so perishable as not to survive more than twenty years.—The gun boat, on the contrary, is susceptible of such a construction as to last a century, and may be built for a few thousand dollars. The managing of her to, when in actual service, is comparatively simple, that common seamen will answer, such as can be obtained on an emergency. In times, therefore, of peace, all that will be required will be a few men to take care of them.

Equally important is the defensive character of Gun Boats. The most frequent objection urged against them has been their inability to leave the shore—To this it is a sufficient reply to say that this is not contemplated. Their object is defence , not offence . This trait will be peculiarly interesting to those, who cannot divest themselves of that jealousy of naval armaments, which arises from the facility, with which, under an imprudent direction, they may become the instruments of embroiling the United States with foreign powers, and in proportion to this jealousy, will they cherish an instrument of power purely defensive, always under the immediate control of the government, and exposed to the eye of the nation.
Notwithstanding, however, all these forcible recommendations, the President only submits to Congress the expediency of "adding to their number, from year to year, as experience shall tell their utility."
The last information, furnished by the Message, relates to the fiscal affairs of the government. No new taxes are required; the revenues have increased, and have fulfilled every expectation; the public debt is in a rapid course of extinguishment—There is not another nation on earth of which the like can be said.
Such is the information exhibited by the Message. If all is not sunshine, we may truly affirm that no portion of the world has ever enjoyed a more cloudless sky. We repeat it—this high distinction is owing to our justice. By regarding the rights of others we have taught them to respect our own.
"These, fellow citizens, are the principal matters which I have thought it necessary at this time to communicate for your consideration and attention. Some others will be laid before you in the course of the session. But in the discharge of the great duties confided to you by our country, you will take a broader view of the field of legislation. Whether the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, commerce or navigation, can, within the pale of your constitutional powers, be aided in any of their relations? Whether laws are provided in all cases where they are wanting? Whether those provided are exactly what they should be? Whether any abuses take place in their administration or in that of the public revenues? Whether the organization of the public agents, or of the public force is perfect in all its parts? In fine, whether any thing can be done to advance the general good?—are questions within the limits of your functions, which will necessarily occupy your attention."
That these interesting enquiries, submitted by so high an authority, will be made by the legislature, must be the wish of all America. It is certainly of infinite importance to decide whether, and if so, in what degree, the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, commerce or navigation, can, within the pale of their constitutional powers, be aided by Congress?—The revolutionary debt is fast disappearing, our sources of revenue are almost as rapidly rising, and the time is approaching when means will not be wanting, should the power exist, of raising a new creation under the fostering spirit of a munificent and enlightened policy.
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 16. The engrossed bill making further appropriation for carrying into effect the treaty of amity commerce and navigation between the United States and Great-Britain was read a third time and passed.
M. R. Griswold moved for the appointment of a committee to enquire what further provision ought to be made by law for the encouragement of the fisheries of the United States; the motion was carried; and the report on this subject made at the last session was referred to the same.
Mr. Jackson moved for the appointment of a committee to consider of the making provision for the application of the money heretofore appropriated for buying out and making certain public roads. A committee of five was appointed.
Mr. Kennedy presented a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Roanoke, &c. in North Carolina, praying a port of entry may be established at the town of Plymouth, referred to the committee already appointed on that subject.
Mr. Findley from the committee of Elections reported that the members who had been returned in the place of those who had resigned or deceased were entitled to take their seats.
Mr. Dryan reported from the committee on the official letter of Mr. Thomas Claxton, door-keeper of the House of Representatives, respecting the admission of chaplains to preach in the chamber of Congress; that in the case stated by him, he had acted with propriety, and they recommended a resolution to the following effect. That no person shall be authorised to preach in this
chamber unless by consent of the Speaker or being introduced by one of the chaplains. Ordered to lie on the table. Adjourned.
The following table exhibits the political character of the ELECTORS of PRESIDENT and VICE-PRESIDENT actually appointed.
   Republican. Federal.     Connecticut 0 9   New-York 19 0   Vermont 6 0   New-Jersey 3 0   Virginia 24 0   57 9  
A New-York print announces the death of General Philip Schuyler at Albany on the 10th inst.
The Pittsburg (Penn.) paper states the election of John Hoge , the federal candidate, by a majority of 38, over Aaron Lyle , the republican candidate, a representative in Congress, to supply the vacancy, for the present session, occasioned by the resignation of William Hoge.
In Pennsylvania, in the districts of Westmoreland, Armstrong, Indiana, and Jefferson counties the republican electoral ticket had 474, and the federal 7 votes.
RALEIGH, Nov. 12.
Friday last being the day fixed by law for appointing Electors for choosing a President and Vice-President of the United States throughout this State, a poll was opened at the court-house in this city. There being no opposition, but few citizens attended from distant parts of the county. All the votes received, except two, were for Col. Joseph Taylor, the Republican Candidate. At a separate election held on Wednesday, all the votes were for the Colonel.
We have not heard from Johnston and Granville, the other two counties of this district, nor from any of the other districts.
Chillicothe, Nov. 5.
At an election held in this town on Saturday last, for Scioto township, for the choice of three electors of President and Vice-President, and one representative for the state legislature, the following votes were taken:
   ELECTORS.   Republican Tickets:     Nathaniel Massie 118   William Goforth 116   James Pritchard 108   Federal Ticket.   Bazaleel Wells, 29   John Carlisle 23   John Riley 23  
ASSEMBLY.
Elisha Langham, 76 Duncan M'Arthur 57 The returns from the other townships composing the county of Ross, have not yet been received at the clerk's office. From the townships we have heard from, the republican ticket has succeeded almost unanimously; and major D. M'Arthur obtained a majority for the legislature.
Baily Washington.
On New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, next door to Mr. Dockter's Soap and Candle Manufactory, has received by different conveyances, in addition to his former stock of Goods, the following articles:
 BLACK , olive, dove, and drab constitution cords of a very superior quality, yellow and white do do, corduroy and velvets, men's white, black and flesh coloured silk stockings, do. fine lamb's wool black & grey worked do. Men's fine white worked and gauze do. Do. do. white cotton and fancy do. Do. do. lamb's wool and worked half do. Do. do. beaver, drawn tan, white kid and worked gloves, Do. do. white and black silk do. Women's do. black worked and silk stockings, Do. do. white cotton and gauze do. Do. do. extra long black & white silk gloves, Do. do. white, col'd kid & cotton do. White and coloured camel's hair shawls, caresses, chitzes, white and coloured cambric muffs, plain and tambooured fine cotton shawls, ladies' white and coloured silk flues and slippers, gentlemen's black Morocco do. do. superfine and coarse cloths, calimeres, rose and duffel blankets, &c. &c. with a number of articles in the Grocery line, which he is now vending at the most reduced prices. 
N.B. A few hogsheds of very bright TOBACCO is wanted; for which Cash will be given. November 17. 18, 1804. 6 t.
IN the case of Charles Peale Polk, an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Charles Peale Polk, that on Friday the 23rd day of November inst. at 11 o'clock A. M. at the court room in the capitol, the acts of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Polk, agreeably to the act of Congress now in force respecting insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published three times in the National Intelligencer, and twice in the Washington Federalist.
By order of the hon. W. Kilty, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. URIAH FORREST, Ck. November 19—3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 19.
Massachusetts Election.
The Boston Centinel of the 10th inst. enumerates the votes of 208 towns for the electoral ticket, which give The republican ticket 19 427 Federal ditto 18 245 Republican majority 1,182 The Centinel adds: "The above are all the returns we have received.—Only a few places in Maine have been heard from; but from the votes now published the reader may easily calculate the final result.—If however, Massachusetts is doomed to become a fatality of Virginia, no imputation can rest on Suffolk."
We are enabled from letters to state the following additional information received from other towns: In 17 towns in Berkshire not included in the above statement, there is a republican majority of 630 In Bristol there is an additional republican majority of about 250 In York we have heard from a few towns which give a republican majority of above 500 Add the above majority of 1,182 2 562 And we have the present ascertained republican majority. There remain about 200 towns unheard from, which, it is expected, will considerably augment the present majority.
We might on this brilliant success, call upon our fellow-citizens to rejoice. But we desist—A few days will unequivocally ascertain the result; and should it correspond with our hopes, then, indeed, we shall have gained a triumph worthy of a Jubilee.
Of the representatives, it is ascertained that Messrs. Varnum, Crowningshield, Seaver, Bishop, Bidwell and Barber, republican, and Messrs. Quincy, Stedman, Taggart, Ely and Nelson, federal, are elected. It is reduced nearly to a certainty that Mr. Cutts is re-elected, and it is probable that Messrs. Bangs, Green and Chandler are also chosen—making ten republican representatives out of seventeen.
The Chronicle of the 12th instant gives a more comprehensive statement than the Centinel, by which it appears that the republican electoral ticket has 20,938 votes And the federal 19,083 Republican majority 1,855
The Eastern Argus, printed in Portland, states the votes of 13 towns in Maine for the electoral ticket, which give 906 votes to the republican, and the same number to the federal ticket. Eight towns in York give Mr. Cutts 690 Mr. Cleaves 174 Mr. Leland 269
The legislature of Delaware, on Monday last, made choice of the following gentlemen for electors of President and Vice President.
 Maxwell Bines, of New-Castle.  George Kennard, of Kent, and  Thomas Fisher, of Sussex county—  All federal. 
The following day, James A. Bayard was elected a Senator of the United States for the state of Delaware, to serve until the 4th of March next, in the room of William H. Wells, resigned.
By an arrival at New York London papers are received to the 27th of September. The Russian charge de affairs had left Paris. The minister of Sweden had been directed to leave Paris within six days. The French minister at the Russian court had been ordered to leave Petersburg immediately. An insurrection had taken place at or near Bilboa in Spain, and 20,000 men had entrenched themselves to resist the commands of the Spanish government.
A London print of the 24th September observes "Letters from Spain, with the last Lisbon mail, mention, that after the arrival of a courier from Admiral Gravina, the Ambassador of his Catholic Majesty in France, the Cabinet of Madrid ordered the equipment of some ships of the line and frigates; Bonaparte insisting that the blockade of one of its ports by a British squadron is an infringement upon the neutrality of Spain. It is believed that those Spanish ships now arming are destined to serve as convoy to the French and Dutch ships at Ferrol, or rather to augment their number; and, in case they are attacked, such an act will be regarded as a declaration of war on the part of Spain. It was even said at Lisbon, that these proceedings, and this determination of the Court of Spain, had already been announced to the Court of St. James's."
Baltimore, Nov. 17.
A gentleman from Annapolis informs, that a French frigate of 44 guns arrived there on Tuesday, when she saluted the city. She conveyed to this country, General Thuriot, the Imperial Ambassador to America, who landed at Annapolis early yesterday morning. American.
COMMUNICATION.
The editor of a newspaper at Vincennes, and after him, Messrs. Smith and Duane, and perhaps others, have been pleased to publish a speech said to have been delivered by a certain Mr. G. Gratiot, at a meeting of the representatives of the inhabitants of Upper Louisiana held on the 14th September, in the town of St. Louis. In this speech are these words. "We are calumniated on the very floor of Congress." To identify the calumny it is said that Mr. Gratiot hath allusion to the speech of Mr. Lucas a member from Pennsylvania, from which the following quotation is pretended to be made "the people of Louisiana have not been consulted in the act of cession; meaning the cession by France; but have been transferred by a bargain made over their heads; it was a proof, continued Mr. Lucas, this act had not been received with approbation by them, that when they saw the American flag hoisted in the room of the French they shed tears; this was a proof that they were not on as friendly terms with our government as some gentlemen imagine." To this it can be briefly answered that the above quotation is incorrect and irrelevant; it is incorrect because Mr. Lucas expressly referred the act of shedding tears to the lowering of the French flag at New Orleans and not in the Upper Louisiana; it is irrelevant, because Mr. Lucas never spoke on that part of the bill from the Senate, devising a form of government for the district of Upper Louisiana, nor could he have known it, having upon leave absented himself from the House for the remaining part of the session several days before that part of the said bill was discussed; for the accuracy of the last fact reference can be had to the journal of the House of Representatives.
(By Authority.)
Washington THEATRE.
A GRAND EXHIBITION,
Moral and Entertaining, WILL BE PERFORMED ON MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 19th, 1804.
The celebrated Mr. S. J. MAGINIS has the honour of presenting to the Citizens
THE GRAND ITALIAN PANTOCCINA, Which, by an astonishing Group of ARTIFICIAL COMEDIANS, three feet and a half high, with the powers of Mechanism, poises the exact movements of Life, Will be presented, an Ancient Dramatic Piece, taken from a Ballad, entitled the NORFOLK TRAGEDY, OR, CHILDREN IN THE WOOD.
AFTER WHICH, THE Grand Eudifocian: Or, Mysteries of Mechanism. FROM ROME, IN ITALY.
Composing a collection of Rich and COMIC FIGURES, who perform equal to life, in their different characters, as follows:
 1st. A Rich Group of Figures representing the ancient Egyptian court, four feet and a half high; their graceful movements, and brilliancy of dress, surpass any exhibition ever yet seen.  2d. The Olympic Cabinet Dance, by a Figure in the character of the Empress of Morocco, beating and dancing with exact time to the music.  3d. The Lovely village Maid will dance a Fancy Dance, with native elegance and simplicity.  4th. A small Figure, (in imitation of the celebrated Little Devil,) will perform all manner of Ground and Lotty Tumbling, truly astonishing. This phenomenon of human invention, is worthy the attention of the most enlightened characters.  5th. The astonishing Lasland Sorceress will dance a Jig, and in the course of dancing, by the powers of mechanism, change her face three times imperceptibly.  6th. An Automaton Figure, in the character of an American Tar, will dance a Hornpipe, performing a variety of steps, equal to the best performers in that line, and exactly characteristic of the brave Tar. The spectator is often lost in wonder at beholding the correct attitudes of this piece of ingenuity, and at times forgets himself, by imagining the Figure to possess Life. 
After which, in order to render the evening's entertainment as agreeable as possible, will be introduced a variety of the late celebrated
BRESLAW'S EXPERIMENTS & DECEPTIONS.
A few will only be mentioned, a bill being too small to enumerate the whole.
The experiments will commence with the philosophical sheet of paper, which will be transformed into 26 different shapes, with mathematical accuracy,—it has never failed of giving universal satisfaction.
A pack of unopened cards will be given to the company, they may draw a dozen or twenty, after which any of the company shall put the cards in their
pocket, the proprietor will take from the pocket the cards drawn.
A card may be taken from the pack at pleasure, and kept concealed, a plate full of hazel nuts shall be thrown to the company and examined, one shall be broke and the name of the card drawn found in the kernel of the nut.
The wonderful experiment of Eating Fire will be performed—to which will be added, an ingenious specimen of mechanism, by producing a number of yards of ribbon from the fire.
Silver shall be dissolved at the word of command, the person keeping the money in their own pocket.
The proprietor possesses the power of changing the face of cards, at ten yards distance.
A card shall be drawn and shuffled into the pack at pleasure, and the pack thrown on the floor; the proprietor will suffer himself to be blindfolded, and with a sword, pick out the card drawn.
With a number of other experiments, composed of cards, eggs and money.
By an ingenious piece of machinery will be presented a splendid representation of
A Sea Engagement.
On the Front an exact movement of the Sea—two Fleets drawn up in line of Battle, commencing with Cannonading—Ship's firing, and others blowing up.
Previous to the engagement will be displayed A rich Spectacle of the Different Animals that inhabit the Dreary Deep.
The Whale, or Leviathan, Sea Lion, Bear, Horse, Crocodile, Orion on the Dolphin's Back, attended by the rest of the funny tribe: also the various Fowles that reside on the Ocean, in all their richness of variegated plumage, gliding gently through the waves.
To conclude with NEPTUNE, GOD OF THE OCEAN, AND HIS QUEEN,
Drawn in their Shell'd Car by Sea Horses, attended by the Beautiful Mermaids.
Doors to be opened at Six, and the performance to commence at Seven o'clock. ADMITTANCE—Box one dollar. Pit 75 cents.
Tickets to be had at Mr. Smith's Office, Mr. Duane's Store, and at the Theatre. Seats taken for the Boxes on the day of performance.
N. B. The different Lobbies are well provided with stoves—the different performances will be accompanied by the
ITALIAN BAND.
Winfor Chair Manufactory.
A FEW DOORS BELOW THE UNION TAVERN.
HECTOR SANDEFORD begs leave to inform the public that he has on hand a great variety of chairs handsomely finished, among which are some NEATLY GILT , he will, at a short notice, execute any command in that line, to suit any pattern prescribed to him, and he warrants his work will not be found inferior to any done in the United States.
Old chairs mended and painted on moderate terms. November 19—3t
Notice.
BROKE out of Mrs. Sweeney's stable on Wednesday morning last a SORREL MARE , mixed through with white hairs, has a white spot under her neck where it joins to the head, and one under near the girtling place, white in the face, some of her legs and feet white, not branded, upwards of fourteen hands and one inch high, handsome built and trots. Whoever will deliver the said mare to Mrs. Sweeney in Washington City, shall receive a reward of FIVE DOLLARS . November 19, 1804.
The meeting convened at Stelle's Hotel in consequence of notification, on Thursday evening the 15th inst. to make arrangements for the Washington dancing assembly—nominated the following gentlemen managers for the season. viz.
 ROBERT BRENT,  COL. WHARTON,  MAJOR VAN NESS,  MAJOR W NGATE,  WILLIAM A. BURWELL,  WILLIAM SIMMONS,  THOMAS MUNROE,  WILLIAM BRENT. 
Who are requested to meet at Stelle's Hotel, on Tuesday evening next at six o'clock, for the purpose of making further arrangements. Saturday November 17.
Notice to Subscribers.
The terms of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER requiring the annual advance of FIVE Dollars the papers of subscribers, who shall not have complied with this term on the FIRST day of DECEMBER , will be discontinued.

NOTICE. THE taxable inhabitants of Washington city and others concerned, are hereby informed that the tax on real and personal property, also the tax on slaves and dogs for the year 1804, must be paid to the subscriber on or before the 1st day of December next.  WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington city.  Sec. 3. And be it enacted , That every person who shall neglect to pay his tax to the Treasurer on or before the said first day of December in each year, shall in addition thereto pay five per centum, on the amount thereof, provided the same be paid within one month thereafter, and in case the same be not then paid at the rate of three per centum for every month's further delay it being understood that at the period of payment or satisfaction thereof, any shorter period than a month beyond an entire month shall be reckoned the same as a month; provided that such penalty shall not be demanded from the residents of the county of Washington, or persons having known agents therein, unless the tax on which the same may have accrued shall have been demanded according to the provisions of this act.  Oct. 9—e2m.
ADAM KING, & Co. At their wine store in High Street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention.  George Town, November 5—tf
EZRA VARDEN, TAYLOR & WOOLLEN DRAPER. IN F STREET 3 DOORS FROM THE BANK.
HAS just received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL GOODS—consisting of the best London Superfluous, Coatings, Knaps, Molekins, Beavers for Sur-touts, Silk Molekins, Toilettes, Marfeilles and Swansdowns, with a good assortment of Manchester goods and patent Bennets cord, &c. &c. which he will make up in the most fashionable style and good workmanship for any gentleman who may favor him with their orders and will also tell to those gentlemen who may think proper to employ others to make.  November 5—1m
A FEW Hundred bushels of white, well burnt SHELL LIME, will be sold for cash, at 16 DOLLARS the 100 bushels, if applied for immediately, a less quantity than 100 bushels will not be sold at this price.  Apply to CON. CONNINGHAM. November 5—tf
Cash will be given for WELL cleaned EARLEY.
FALL GOODS. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square.  HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Orfers executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and on the most moderate terms.  Oct. 31—tf
FOR SALE. The following City Lots, ON A LIBERAL TIME, Upon SECURITY, viz.
LOTS—3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in square No. 919.—Lots 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 938. Lots 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 986. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 & 19, in square No. 1042. Lots 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13, in square No. 1066.
Apply to CHARLES MINIFIE, Washington City, or to RICHARD C. JONES, at Philadelphia. Washington, August 3—tf.  N.B. C. M. has sundry other lots for sale, or ground rent (on easy terms to improvers,) and in eligible situations.
TO BE SOLD AT Public sale, by virtue of an order from the Orphan's Court of Washington County, on Monday, the 26th of November next, at the farm of the late NOTLEY YOUNG, esq. adjoining the city of Washington, a number of VALUABLE SLAVES, late the property of the deceased, on a credit of four and six months, on giving notes with approved indorsers, negotiable at the banks, and bearing interest.  BENJAMIN YOUNG, NICHOLAS YOUNG, ROBERT BRENT, Executors. Nov. 1—N26.
The executors being extremely desirous to close the affairs of the deceased, solicit payment from all those indebted to the estate.  CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.  Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cassimeres, white and fancy Marfeilles, cotton and white Janes, India nankeens, colored cassimeres, black silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season.  M. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 8—tf
(BY AUTHORITY.) Scheme of a Lottery. To build an ACADEMY in the city of Richmond. Dollars.    1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number,  20,000    1 do.  10,000    1 do.  5,000    5 do. of 1,000 make  5,000    6 do. — 500 —  3,000    10 do. — 200 —  2,000    20 do. — 100 —  2,000    100 do. — 50 —  5,000    250 do. — 30 —  7,500    420 do. — 25 —  10,500    1,500 do. — 20 —  30,000    3,000 do. — 15 —  45,000    1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250 1 do. after 2,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000  5,325 prizes, 150,000 9,675 blanks, not two to a prize, 150,000  15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This lottery has been authorised by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dolls. and 2,500 dolls. in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer a chance for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great, as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorise it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next.  Richmond, March 2—tf  Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price (Esq.) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Prichard.
SUWARROW BOOTS. BOOT & SHOE WAREHOUSE. JOHN MINCIN Boot-Maker from Philadelphia, respectfully acquaints his friends former customers and the public that he has now opened an elegant assortment of gentlemen's fashionable Suwarrows boots, plain boots, bootees, dress and strong shoes.  Washington, New Jersey avenue near the Capitol—November 7—tf
HAT MANUFACTURY. The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chuse to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness be requisites.  JOEL BROWN. George Town, Feb. 17—tf
NOTICE. IS hereby given that the sale of all those Lands and Lots (heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette) on the 20th day of August last, for a tax due the county of Washington in the territory of Columbia will commence on Monday the 10th day of December next at Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington, at 11 o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day until all are sold or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges thereon, unless the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale.  By order of the commissioners of the Levy court.  WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington county. November 7—3w
ALEX. M'CORMICK. AT his store on East Capitol street four doors from the capitol square, has received and offers for sale a general assortment of liquors and groceries which he will sell low and warrant of as good a quality as any sold in the district of Columbia—He has 20 pieces fine Irish Linen, with sundry other articles in the dry good and hardware line.  November 12—tf
WILLIAM DOUGHTY, respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received from Philadelphia by the sloop Harmony, a general and extensive assortment of WINTER GOODS among which are many elegant and fashionable articles, all of which having been purchased upon the best terms, will be sold at the most reduced prices.  November 12—4t
TO RENT, THE house occupied by J. P. VAN NESS. Enquire of John Little at the Treasury Department or of the subscriber, at Doctor John Beatty's George Town. Possession given on the 1st December.  ABRAHAM JOY. November 7—tf
American Printed goods. Calicoes, Shawls, Pocket Handkerchiefs, &c. manufactured by the subscribers near Baltimore, and sold at No. 13 Calvert street.  To remove that distrust often felt respecting new undertakings, and so prejudicial to manufacturing attempts in America, they think it proper to observe, that nothing is wanting in the business to enable good artists to perform their work here as well as in Europe. That they have these artists; that two of the partners were bred to the business in a factory of the best repute carried on by their father, & long afterwards by themselves. They trust that while foreign goods are received without a question, an unreasonable suspicion will not prevent their countrymen from giving that trial to their goods, which only can prove their value. Besides a natural doubt, they know that certain interests, national as well as individual, will suggest objections to their undertaking. They have no difficulty in saying, that work of the like kind shall be as well executed here, as in other countries. The colors capable of being fixed, will be found as permanent; the cloths perhaps better substance, and the prices lower than of the imported cottons.  M'CULLOCH & LUNNUY, Baltimore, No. 13 Calvert Street. Sept. 17—tf
SAMUEL MC INTIRE. Begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has moved his store to Pennsylvania avenue opposite to Mr. Dusne's Book store, where he has to dispose of Wines Brandy, Groceries, &c. of the first quality—Flour of the best quality constantly for sale by the barrel.  Washington City, Nov. 2—tf  N. B. S. Mc Intire will accommodate SIX members of Congress, with boarding and lodging.
Any gentleman desirous of purchasing STUD HORSES of the first description of good performances, and well attested pedigrees, can be accommodated by applying to THOMAS LARKIN (Mr. Tayloe's training groom) at the Washington jockey club races, the thirteenth November next.  N. B. Any of the above horses remaining unsold, will be farmed out the ensuing season on liberal terms.  Oct. 31—tf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce.  Genuine Cogniac brandy, inferior French do. Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask Sherry, } and case, or smaller quantity. Lisbon, } Claret, } Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality, Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, Firkin Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, } In bottles. Capers, } Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hyson, } Teas, fresh, and of superior quality. Imperial, } Young Hyson, } Salt Cerrings in Barrels.  PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
M. JONES, LATE OF PHILADELPHIA.  RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies of Washington, Georgetown and their vicinities that she has removed her fine goods and MILLINERY store to Bridge street, opposite Jefferson street Georgetown, and is now exposing for sale (at Philadelphia prices) the following articles—Fine thread laces and edgings, patent do. and cloaks, whites and black lace veils, lace and pic nic gloves, fine silk velvets of every fashionable color, rich sarinets, white and black soft Mantua's, chequer'd and damask silk shawls, cambric mull and camels hair lo neck and shoulder comforts, fancy handkerchiefs, ribbons of every description, a large collection of cotton, bead and silk trimmings, mull mull, colorade, lace and cambric mullins, elegant linen, do. and shawls, linen cambrics, chintzes and cottons, a large assortment of habit, extra and common length gloves, flowers and feathers, gold and silver ornaments, fans &c. &c. Also velvet, silk straw, and durable millinery, with a variety of other fancy goods.  Georgetown, November 14—3t&tawtf
FOR RENT. THE farm adjoining the city at present in the occupation of Thomas Jenkins. Possession to be given on the 1st day of December next. Application to be made to the subscriber.  WM. BRENT. Washington, Nov. 14—3w
BOARDING. SIX or eight gentlemen may have excellent accommodations and on very moderate terms, by applying to RICHARD WILLSON, Pennsylvania Avenue, three doors from Dusne's Book store.—Application to be made from 7 to 9 o'clock in the morning, and from 4 to 8 in the afternoon.  Nov. 14—3t.
STATIONARY & FANCY STORE. GEORGE TOWN.  THE Subscriber has just received from New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, a large and general supply of STATIONARY &c.—Amongst which are the following articles, viz.  Atlas imperial, superroyal, royal, medium and demy English papers, Extra large thick folio post, do. Do. do. thin do. hotpressed do. Small, plain and wove folio post do. Plain and wove foolscap do. Hotpressed, gilt, mourning, wove and plain letter do. Folio and quarto copying do. Super Royal cartridge do. Medium, demy and foolscap French marble do. Demy blotting do. Passe and bonnet boards, } Single and double ruled ledgers, journals, and waste books Medium, demy and foolscap blank books suitable for public offices Best Holland quills and ready made pens Black and red ink and ink powders Japan and durable ink Printing ink for book and newspaper use Red and black sealing wax Red and black wafers Large red and white wafers for office use Wax tapers and taper stands Counting house seals Pink and blue silk tape Broad and narrow red tape Ball and hank twine Cases of mathematical instruments Reading glasses in horn and tortoise shell frames Gold leaf Parchment squared and pounced Scuttle fish bone and pounced Ivory and bone pounce boxes Black lead, crayon and camels hair pencils Do. with silver cases Reeves colours in boxes Kizing knives and paper scissors Counting house and pocket pen knives Do. with ivory scale and rule handles Ivory and bone paper folders Round and flat rulers Gum Tragacanth and Gum Arabic Slates and slate pencils Plated, glass, wedgewood, pewter, & pocket inkstands Sand boxes and sand glasses Black sand, and steel filings Mosaic and visiting cards Geographical and genealogical pastimes and arithmetical games with tetums Portable writing desks with apartments for dressing apparatus Mahogany, japanned and Morocco shaving cases Shaving boxes with soap and brushes Razors of a superior quality Ladies and gentlemen's japanned dressing cases Playing cards and ivory boxes with counters Cribbage boxes and boards Backgammon tables and dice boxes Ivory chessmen and chess boards Billiard balls and dice Drum battle-drums and shuttles Violins, flutes and fifes Violin strings and bows Fowling pieces, shot pouches, and powder Horns and pocket pistols [flasks] Silver and gilt mounted small swords, dirks and hangars Gold and silver epaulets and sword knots Do. do. shoulder straps and crescents Military fasces, lace, cords, &c. Officers travelling canteens with cooking utensils &c. complete Gold and silver bullion, spangles and thread An elegant assortment of gold, silver and gilt mounted combs Gold and silver hair slides Wreaths and bunches of artificial flowers Ostrich feathers, fancy plumes, &c. Tortoise shell and superfine ivory combs Coquillo and jet necklaces Gentlemen's doe skin and dress gloves Boots, shoes and pumps Morocco skins, and bend foals Bailey's and Morley's patent blacking Hair powder and powder puff Powder bags and powder puffs Tortoise shell and horn dressing combs Curling tongs and crumpling irons Wash ball and wash ball boxes Tooth powder and shaving powder Essence of musk, lavender, burgamot and ambergrease Segar boxes and snuff boxes Tooth brushes and tooth picks Cloth brushes and hair brushes Sweeping, dusting, scrubbing, shoe and furniture brushes Switch, chair and carriage whips Walking sticks and sword canes Silk and morocco elastic braces Green wire fenders with brass tops ornamented Fashionable brass and irons Coal hods, cinder sifters and pokers An elegant assortment of japanned tea trays Satin wood and mahogany knife cases Green and white ivory tables and deser knives and forks in sets Elegant plated tea and coffee urns Plated tea and coffee pots Do. bread baskets and toast stands Do. candlesticks and branches Do. snuffers and snuffer trays Do. candles, double flint cut glasses Do. salts with do. do. Do. mugs, tumblers and bottle stands Gold, pebble and glass watch cases Do. watch chains and keys Do. rings, brooches and breast pins Plated and common coach and gig lamps Do. furniture for harness double and single horse Do. mouldings for carriages Do. gig springs, and hubb bands Do. chaise, duke and snaffle bridle bits Do. horn, bridoons and curbs Do. patent and common spurs Japanned lamps and hand lanterns. Lamp wick and lamp glasses Worsted Web and teddie cloths Mill and cross cut faws Gentlemen's tool chests Travelling trunks, &c.  ALSO—FOR SALE, An Inventory of Hardware Which will be sold low at a credit six months.  EDGAR PATTERSON. Nov. 12—tf.
An elderly man without a family who can be well recommended for sobriety and honesty, with a comfortable situation near the city, to a man of small Grift Mill—An Enquiry made to  ROBERT FRANT. City of Washington, Nov. 5—3w
NEW STORE, SEVEN BUILDINGS, CITY OF WASHINGTON.  THE Subscriber, who lately opened store at the well corner of the seven Buildings, has just received by captain Rowood, from Philadelphia, an extensive assortment of dry goods, amongst which are a variety of fancy articles, viz.  London superfine and second cloths, cassimeres, nappes, coatings, forest cloths, hockings, London hats, lannels, bays, blankets, counterpanes, dimities, fluffs and durants, London best letter paper, common writing do. fealing wax, wafers, quills, pencils & paste board, fancy waistcoating, linens, Irish and German, Russia sheeting, diaper, bed ticking, velvets, cords and thickets, patent bonnets cord, Barcelona handkerchiefs, bandannos, one bale coarse mullin, best Spanish segars, chandeliers, goblets, decanters and salt cellars.  ALSO, Ladies silk spencers for the winter, elegant silk and mullin shawls, veils, ridicules, crapes, farcenets, figs, Mantua and other ribbons, India mull mull, cambric, jacquet and book mullins, split straw, chip and Leghorn bonnets, silk velvets, fenstuffs, lute strings and plaid silks, English and French silk hosiery, pic nic gloves, and mits, raw silk, wash leather, beaver and kid gloves, turtle shell combs, necklaces and beads of great variety, lace, puffs and fans, silk cord, childrens leather caps, handsome snuff boxes, wadding, &c.  Piano fortes, violons, violon strings, music, fresh hyson tea, &c.  The subscriber has imported his London superfine cloth, hats and part of his other woollens himself and can therefore sell them unusually low by wholesale and retail.  THOMAS W. PAIRO. Nov. 9—3t&tf
NOTICE. BY VIRTUE of a writ of Venditioni Expos was issued from the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of the President Directors and Company of the Bank of Columbia—WILL be exposed to public sale for ready cash on the 29th day of November next, at Wm. Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington, all the right, title, claim and interest of John P. Van Ness in and to the following property, viz.—Lots no. 3, 4, 5 and 6 in sq. no. 492. Lots no. 5, 6, 7 and 10 in sq. no. 493. Lots no. 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 in sq. no. 494. Lots no. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 13 in sq. no. 535. Lot no. 1 in sq. north of sq. no. 463. Lot no. 15 in sq. no. 838. Lots no. 5, 6, 7 and 10 in sq. no. 874. Lots no. 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18 and 19 in sq. no. 585. Lots no. 9 to 12, 13, 14, 15, 17 and 18 in sq. no. 587. Lots 2, 3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 and 22 in sq. no. 642. Lots no. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 in sq. no. 537. Lots no. 2 and 3 in sq. no. 577. Lot no. 3 in sq. no. 579. Lots no. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 in sq. no. 581. Lots no. 2 and 18 in sq. no. 583. Lot no. 1 in sq. north of sq. 583. Lots no. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26 and 27 in sq. south of sq. no. 643. Lots no. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27 and 28 in sq. no. 645. Lot no. 8 and 11 in sq. no. 728. Lots no. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25 and 26 in sq. no. 826. Lots no. 6 and 7 in sq. no. 256. Lot no. 11 in square no. 378 and Lots no. 13, 14 and 15 in square no. 491 as laid down in the plan of the city of Washington—The sale will commence precisely at 2 o'clock.  DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. October 29—3t
FALL AND WINTER GOODS. JOHN COX, GEORGE-TOWN.  HAS received a large and general assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, which he will sell on the very best terms. Amongst which are carpets and carpeting, negro cottons, kerseys and plains, rose and striped blankets, superfine, second and coarse cloth, and cassimeres, patent Bennets cord, thicketts, velvets and fancy cords, coatings, flushing's baizes, flannel and buckings, swansdown and molekin waistcoating, gentlemen's fine fur and silk molekin hats, common fur and coarse wool do. childrens do. men's and women's silk, cotton, worsted and yarn hose, muffs and tippets, gentlemen and ladies neck and shoulder comforts, book, jacquet, cambric and lace mullin, white and colored enameled cambric, do. silk and mullin shawls and handkerchiefs, fur and molekin do. elegant laces and edgings, silver, silk, and cotton trimmings, silver frogs and shoe roses, American manufactured bed ticking, bed lace, Irish lines and sheeting, Ozanburghs, Peckleburghs, brown hempen and rolls, mahogany dressing cases with silk cushions, do. dressing glasses, tea trays and Morocco decanter stands, ladies pic nic, silk, cotton, doe skin, kid and beaver gloves and mits, men's beaver, cotton and fuled gloves, Leghorn flats and bonnets, white and black feathers and sprays—craps, pealongs, fatties, lute strings and farconets, Marfeilles and cotton counterpanes, elegant fans, with almost every other article of fancy and substantial goods.  October 1—tawtf
New Shoe Store, OPPOSITE MR. COCHRANE'S.  SAMUEL CLARK, respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Georgetown that he has removed from Alexandria to this place, with his large stock of shoes; consisting of Ladies kid and Morocco slippers all colours, from 1 Dollar to 2 1-4. Women's leather slippers, 58 7 1-2 to 6s. Gentlemen's fine shoes and Morocco pumps 15s. 3d. to 15s. Mens common bound and unbound shoes. Boys fine and coarse shoes, and children's Morocco bootees. A variety of other shoes too numerous to mention, also, 200 reams wrapping paper, a quantity of suspenders, plated candlesticks, hair combs, trunks, &c.  Georgetown, October 24—taw6w