The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-01-25 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. NO. DCLXXI. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. FRIDAY, JANUARY 25th, 1805. PAID IN ADVANCE.
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 9.
Debate on receding the District of Columbia.
(Mr. Taggart's Speech concluded.)
Being, I trust, as real a friend to the rights of Man as any member on this floor, and willing to extend, rather than abridge those rights, I think it needless at present to enter into any discussion on that subject. But if we confine political rights to the right of suffrage only, although I duly appreciate that right, and will it extended as far as is consistent with the greatest political good of society, yet I hope I shall not be accused of nourishing a germ of Anarchy, or of harbouring a Vulture, either fledged or unfledged in my bosom, when I express my belief that there are other rights of equal, if not of greater importance, I mean that life liberty and property be protected by mild and equitable laws, faithfully and impartially executed. No man who enjoys these privileges in their full extent, can be considered as enslaved or degraded. These rights are universal. They are the property of free citizens of all classes: but the right of suffrage can be exercised only by a part, and the extension of it in the several states is unequal. The modification of this right is different in the adjoining states of Virginia and Maryland. But I have no satisfactory evidence that the essential privileges of freemen, are better secured to the citizens of Maryland, than they are to those of Virginia. There is a small variation in the modification of this right, between the states of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, but I believe it will hardly be asserted that the citizens of New Hampshire, are more free, and have their liberties more secure and better protected, than the citizens of Massachusetts. But in every state certain modifications of that right have been deemed necessary. In all the states that sex which is formed by nature to be the ornament of society, and which, in every kingdom, state, or nation forms half or nearly so, of the whole population, is excluded. Of the male population, those under twenty one years, generally forms more than one half, these are also excluded. If to these classes we add, various other individuals of several descriptions, which are excluded, it will, I presume, appear that considerably less than one fifth of the whole population enjoy the right of suffrage in those states wherein that right is farthest extended. But will it be said that the remaining four fifths or upwards, are in a degraded situation, stripped of all privileges, and destitute of the invaluable blessings of a free government, or that they have not equal security for life, liberty, and property? I trust it will not. I farther observe that, so far as the actual proceedings of Congress, in certain cases, express their sentiments correctly, it does not appear to be their opinion that the right of suffrage, and of framing and organizing a government by their own immediate representatives, is, in every case, necessary for the security of life, liberty, and property. In the territories of the United States for instance, i. e. those parts which are not so far advanced in population as to obtain a state constitution, their government is organized immediately under the direction of the President of the United States. Their rulers can feel but a small degree of individual responsibility to the people over whom they are placed, and the immediate responsibility of the President himself is still less, and from local distance, or other causes, even his control over the agents of his own appointment is somewhat remote. If a President of the United States is not, in these instances determined, from acting tyrannically, by his regard to the maxims of a sound policy, by his attachment to the constitution of the United States and the spirit and genius of our government, and by his sacred oath, and his responsibility to the nation at large; he will feel but very little check arising from his responsibility immediately to the citizens of the territories. It will not, I believe be admitted that they are in a state of political non-existence, that their rights are sported with, that either their lives, liberties, or property are insecure, or themselves slaves. In pass-
ing the act last session of Congress for the government of the ceded territory of Louisiana, it did not seem to be the sense of the House, that this particular description of political rights was, in all cases necessary. But will it be admitted that the inhabitants are hereby deprived of every thing essential to freedom, and that all that is worthy of preserving is rendered insecure? No Mr. Chairman, this will not be admitted. Though sincerely wishing that as soon as it can be done consistent with a constitutional provision, and the plighted faith of government, the right of suffrage, as it respects the several branches of government, may be as liberally extended to the citizens of Columbia, as to other parts of the United States. Yet, permit me to observe, that if any people can be secure, under the temporary suspension of this description of political rights, we would naturally expect it to be the case of those who are immediately under the fostering care of the legislature of the United States. I see not what motive those, who are by their station guardians of the constitution of the United States, and the liberties of the Union, can have, to oppress the citizens of the district of Columbia. Congress, it is true, possesses a physical power to violate the constitution, and to enact an oppressive statute, which may operate injuriously against this district. So they possess the same kind of power to pass a law which may be oppressive to either of the states of Georgia or Vermont. In this case should the representatives of Vermont, for instance, not be deterred from voting for a law to oppress the state of Georgia, by their fidelity, to the constitution of the United States, and by their solemn oaths, and general responsibility to the nation at large, they would feel but little check arising from their immediate responsibility to the citizens of Georgia, and so, vice versa, of the representatives of Georgia, in case the statute should have reference to Vermont. Certainly but few members of this House can feel a less degree of responsibility to the citizens of this district, than would be felt in either of these cases. And is there any more danger that a statute, intentionally oppressive, would be sanctioned in the one case more than the other? Besides altho' the district of Columbia has no immediate representative on this floor, yet it has now, and as long as it continues to be the seat of government, will, from its contiguous situation probably retain virtually as efficient a representation, as any portion of territory of equal extent and population within the United States; nay it probably has now, and will maintain a greater influence over the deliberations of this House, especially when the peculiar local concerns of the territory, are under consideration, than some whole states. An honorable gentleman, who has given considerable scope to his imagination, in painting the danger of oppression and tyranny to which, this district is exposed by the continuance of the present system, admits that there is no immediate present danger—that he presumes the present Congress harbours no designs of that nature; but he entertains frightful apprehensions of danger arising from the uncontrolled, tyrannical dispositions of future Congresses. I grant it to be somewhat of a natural disposition in mankind to entertain the suspicion that every body of men to whom power is delegated, will be prone to abuse it, unless an exception is to be made in favour of our noble selves. There at least we can probably view it safe. But though it may be admitted, that such an event is barely possible, yet I wish not to harbour the supposition for a single moment. I will not admit it to be probable that the citizens of the United States will be less careful in time to come, than they are now, or than they have been in times past, in selecting men of probity and virtue to represent them on this floor. Let us rather cherish the pleasing anticipation that our successors will make progress in wisdom, in patriotism, and in every public virtue. Probably no member of this House will say that such an event is undeniable, or that there is not room. Should an extension of the elective franchise and a local legislation be deemed expedient, this may, I believe, be effected without any of those constitutional difficulties involved in a recession.
But were we even to admit that this horrible system of degradation and oppression did actually exist, and that both in points of principle and expediency a recession was necessary, the resolutions before the committee are wholly inadequate to the contemplated object. If it is necessary to recede certain portions of
the district, in order to restore the citizens to their political rights, the argument must be equally forcible for recession of the whole. If it is contrary to the spirit of our government, and to every description of civil and political rights, that a district of ten miles square should be deprived of the elective franchise, it is certainly an equal infringement upon natural right that the city of Washington should be left in that situation. If it is wrong to exercise a tyrannical government over the whole district, and if the present system is a tyrannical one, it is equally wrong to exercise it over the city. One, two, three, or four miles square ought no more to be tyrannized over than ten. So far, therefore, as these and similar arguments have any weight, they operate equally in favour of a recession of the whole, as of a part. Should such a degree of confidence in the idea of this continuing to be the permanent seat of government prevail, as to exclude all apprehensions of a future removal, it is highly probable that before a very great lapse of years, the city would become, by far, the most populous of any part of the territory. Surely the political rights of the citizens ought to be as sacred as those of any part of the territory. With respect to the expediency of the recession, on account of the time necessarily spent in legislating for the territory, this, instead of being a growing evil, as seems to be apprehended by gentlemen, might, I think, probably be lessened. But whether this should be the case or not, the resolutions offer no adequate remedy for the evil; for if Congress has full power to legislate for the city, there will be very little difference in respect to time, between that and legislating for the whole territory, and it is even problematical whether there is really any expense of time; it is difficult to say, that the sessions of Congress would be shortened or a cent saved to the public in that way, if the territory was receded. But should it be found necessary to spend a few days every session in legislating for this territory, it cannot be thought altogether unreasonable. For, with the exception of a very few of our largest commercial cities, I believe no portion of territory of the United States, of equal extent, contributes so largely to the revenue, as the district of Columbia. Upon the whole, I hope the committee will not agree to the resolutions.
Mr. ROOT said, that he should not have troubled the committee during the discussion of this question, had it not been for the very extraordinary promise made yesterday by the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Nelson). That gentleman, in the exordium of a lengthy harangue, had promised that before he sat down he would convince every member of this committee that the passage of the resolutions on your table was both unconstitutional and inexpedient; as he has not performed this promise in full, said Mr. R. my mind remaining yet unconvinced, notwithstanding the supposed force of his arguments, I owe it to that gentleman, to state some of the reasons which induce me to believe that the passage of the resolutions are both constitutional and expedient.
The gentleman, from Maryland, has indulged himself in declaiming against forced constructions of the constitution, the chicanery of lawyers, and the villainy of judges, and defeating upon the unwritten constitution of England. And how, Mr. Chairman, has he attempted to prove that the passage of these resolutions is unconstitutional? If I understood him correctly, he attempted it by resorting to that construction which he affects to condemn. Because the constitution has delegated to Congress the power of exercising "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district not exceeding ten miles square, as may by cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States," and because Congress have accepted the cession of the District of Columbia, the gentleman seems to infer, that Congress must at all events continue forever to exercise the exclusive jurisdiction over this district, and that no part of it can at any time or under any circumstances be transferred or receded. Whence, Mr. Chairman, is this inference drawn? Surely not from the constitution itself, nor from the practice under that constitution, unless by a very forced construction indeed, and such an one as I would cordially join that gentleman in deprecating.
I should suppose, Mr. Chairman, if Congress, by the acceptance of the jurisdiction over this district, are inhibited by the constitution from transferring the
entire and exclusive legislation and sovereignty over that part thereof embraced by the resolutions now under discussion; that we cannot rightfully delegate or transfer any part of the legislative powers derived under the constitution. The same principles which apply to the whole, are applicable to a part, and yet we see that certain legislative powers have been delegated to the city of Washington—in one of the papers of this city we frequently see acts published with all the forms and solemnity of statute laws. Here we discover an exercise of legislative powers upon subjects over which you have a concurrent jurisdiction—You have continued, and were but the other day engaged in passing a bill for extending certain legislative powers to the common council of Alexandria, and yet I never heard the constitutionality of the measure called in question. But, Sir, we have no occasion to have recourse to former practice or opinions formerly entertained upon this subject. We need only to refer to the constitution itself, and from that instrument in my opinion we can plainly and clearly discover the powers contended for by the mover of these resolutions. In the 8th section of the first article it is ordained that "the Congress shall have power" among other things "to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district not exceeding ten miles square as may by cession of particular states become the seat of the government of the United States." Many powers are delegated to Congress by this article, and will gentlemen contend because the constitution has declared, that "the Congress shall have power" to do certain acts that they must and shall at all events exercise those powers? Congress have power to establish uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies; they have exercised this power, but the bankrupt law is repealed; Congress have power to fix the standard of weights and measures, they have never thought proper to exercise this power, and will gentlemen lay that our predecessors as well as ourselves, have by this omission violated the constitution of their country? The Congress have power to declare war, and must this power be also put in exercise whether occasion shall require it or not? Or are gentlemen ready to say that when a war shall once be declared that a peace cannot be concluded? Altho' there is no express power delegated in the constitution for the conclusion of a peace, yet I am induced to believe that the President and Senate by virtue of their treaty-making power might put a stop to the ravages of war whenever such a calamity should happen to this nation.
We are told, Mr. Chairman, that Congress cannot constitutionally recede any part of this district without the consent of the people—that citizens cannot be passed away and alienated as an article of property; that they cannot be bartered like 'cattle' or like the 'vassals of Russia,' and the gentleman from Maryland has referred us to certain modest resolutions of a meeting in Alexandria, which have been communicated for the information of Congress—Such expressions are well enough calculated to amuse the ear, but whether these citizens are to be considered as vassals appendant to the soil, or otherwise, I have no doubt but the constitution authorizes in express terms the transfer contemplated by the resolutions on the table—I perfectly agree with gentlemen in the position that Congress possesses no powers except those delegated in the constitution; but I contend that the power claimed by the advocates of these resolutions is expressly and clearly delegated—I can point out, in the language of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Thatcher) the chapter and verse where such power may be found—By the 8th section of the first article "the Congress shall have the power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district not exceeding ten miles square, &c." Here we find the power of legislating without limitation or control on all subjects which may properly come before any legislature. If the legislature of a state can make a cession like the present, surely we possess the same power. The legislatures of Virginia and Maryland, acting in their ordinary legislative capacities, have ceded this district to the United States and by the same principle we may recede. The Congress possess all power of legislation over this district which is not forbidden by the constitution—The power now claimed not being forbidden, nor denied to belong to the ordinary legislature of a state, is already delegated to Congress by the article, to which I have just referred—I know, Sir, that
gentlemen have said that the consent of the people to the original cession was virtually expressed through their representatives in the legislatures of Virginia and Maryland. But I would ask if there is any article or clause in the constitutions of those states, which expressly authorizes their legislatures to make that cession? And if not whether the people themselves by any public act of theirs, specially authorized and instructed their representatives to make the cession? I presume that neither can be shown, of course it was but an ordinary act of legislation growing out of a general delegation of powers—The same powers are possessed by Congress and may be put in exercise even without the consent of these people, we can tax them without their consent—we can pass laws to bind them in all cases whatsoever, and I presume that gentlemen will not think it necessary to ask their consent. By an ordinary act of legislation these people have been once alienated, like cattle if gentlemen please, and I am ready to re-assign them to the states where they originally belonged.
If, Mr. Chairman, the cessions of Virginia and Maryland were extraordinary acts of legislation not flowing from the ordinary legislative powers, and as no special and express consent of the people has been pretended, I should suppose that those acts are void—These resolutions, then, amount to nothing more than a relinquishment of claim. If we have a bad title, let us abandon it. But I am inclined to believe that a state legislature, acting in its ordinary legislative capacity, may cede and transfer the jurisdiction over a part of her citizens and territory—Connecticut and New-York have exercised this power—South Carolina and Georgia have done the same—The conclusion, in my mind is that Congress in exercise of the ordinary legislative powers over this district, as delegated in the constitution, may rightfully adopt the resolutions on your table.
The gentleman from Maryland has endeavored to perform the second part of his extraordinary promise by calling these resolutions the "stepping stone" to a recession of the city of Washington and another gentleman (Mr. Thatcher) considers them 'but an entering wedge' to the recession of the city and the removal of the seat of government—I confess, Sir, that I do not feel much alarm at the observations. The recession of the city would not be to me a deplorable event—If any gentlemen will make a motion to that effect I will cheerfully second him; and indeed I should not much deplore the event of a removal of the seat of government. But I am willing to adopt the resolutions as they are offered; we shall gain a great point by getting rid of those rival towns and their conflicting interests. If I cannot be gratified in all I shall content myself by shaking off a part of this cumbrous load.
Mr. DAWSON. The resolutions which are now on the table, I had the honor to offer at the last session. I then thought that we ought to adopt them, and some reflection and observation, added to some occurrences which have taken place during the last and the present session, have confirmed me in that opinion, and that we ought to do it without delay; could I however be brought to believe, that thereby we should, in the most distant manner violate the constitution which I have sworn to support, or the contract which we have made with the proprietors of land within the city of Washington—that we should impede its growth or prosperity, or do an injury to any part of the district of Columbia, I would immediately withdraw my support and give to them my opposition. The contrary are my firm convictions, formed after some examination, and much reflection; and with a disposition most friendly to the city of Washington; a position which I have evinced on several occasions, and on none more than on the vote I shall give on this day. I do believe that by the adoption of these resolutions, we shall give life and enterprise to the city of Washington; that we shall more truly establish it as the seat of our government; that we shall free our national treasury from a heavy annual expense, and above all, that we shall raise a number of respectable men from the humble and degraded state in which they now stand, to the more dignified one of citizens; there being the benefit and disinterested convictions of my own mind, and these the advantages, it will not be a matter of surprise that I am an advocate of these resolutions. What are the objections, and what the disadvantages, I know not, and as I have not ingenuity to an-

participate, I must wait until gentlemen will furnish us with them, when they shall be acknowledged, or receive such answers as they appear to merit.
Without entering into the merits of this question, I will beg leave to mention one fact, which may meet an argument which I expect will be used here as it has been elsewhere, and which has excited some alarm, and some doubt with persons friendly to this city, as to the retrocession. It has been believed that there is a connection between the law fixing this as the permanent seat of government, and that assuming the jurisdiction over the latter will endanger the other; than this in my judgment no opinion can be more incorrect; the laws themselves are separate and independent, and the objects of them different and distinct, the one passed in 1790, the other in 1801, and here, Sir, permit me to observe that the last law passed subsequent to the death of that great man, a gentleman from Maryland whose thought preceded its introduction, said in my judgment very inaptly on the present occasion, I will not however believe that that person, if alive, would give his support to a law which goes to the destruction of those rights, in the attainment of which he had been spent, or that he would have countenanced the disadvantages advanced by that gentleman on this day.
Mr. D'Arnaud replied, that he had supposed that the gentleman meant to apply his observations to the subject under consideration which was a repeal of the law directing the inhabitants of the district of the right of representation—and then proceeded. By the first this is established as the permanent seat of government, and a solemn contract entered into between the proprietors of land within the city, whereby they relinquished one half to the general government. This Sir, forms the obligation of the contract, from which we cannot depart without a violation of the public faith, and to do which I shall ever be found among the last.
The other was an act left to the discretion of Congress, which they might pass or not, according to their pleasure, and which could not by any possible construction affect the original contract which would have been equally secure without it, & in my judgment more so, it was passed, and strange to tell, it was passed to gratify the wishes of a majority of this district, without any consideration on their part—Sir, be it remembered, that they have not made relinquishments to the government, or contributions to the establishment of the City.
I hope it will not long remain a stain in our code.
I voted in its favour, and I have ever felt anxious to make an atonement for that vote by advocating its repeal.
Mr. Chairman, to possess and to the present age, it must appear a matter of astonishment, that at the seat of our representative government, where it is presumed that its principles are understood, and within a few years after adoption, a number of our most respectable citizens, some of whom had fought, and many of whom had contended for eight years for the rights of representation, on which all other political rights are founded, come forward and pray you to divest them of it. Sir, when I cast my eyes on the table, and examine its contents, I am almost induced to doubt the reason of my senses—at the same moment, I behold a memorial from the inhabitants of Louisiana, just fresh from the shackles of an arbitrary government, written in the enthusiastic spirit of freedom, imploring you to grant to them the right of representation, as the first gift of God to man, and I copy the petition of the inhabitants of Columbia, the seat of our representative government, begging you to divest them of that right, and to reduce or rather continue them in a state which the Louisianians esteem a degraded one—whence Sir, does this arise, is that spirit, which animated those persons, many of whom I know and highly respect, in 76—when they demanded representation or death! Has it expired in a few that, or is it to be bartered, "for as much trash as may be granted them"—for a supposed increased value in their property? I hope, Sir, we shall not be instruments to the contrary, or arm the trustees for its performance.
These observations, Mr. Chairman, may answer to one which has been frequently made; "that a majority of the inhabitants of the district are opposed to the retrocession,"—be that as it may, it has not any weight on my mind. I am not disposed to adopt as my political guardians, or to appoint as the trustees of the rights of others, men who have voluntarily relinquished their own—and that right on which all others depend—the right of representation—however highly I may personally esteem, as I do, many of the characters, politically speaking I view them as non-entities—I with they were not.
Mr. D. then argued in favor of the constitutional right of Congress to repeal the law, and contended that there was
not any connexion between the law establishing the city of Washington as the permanent seat of the government, and the one assuming the jurisdiction over the District of Columbia—the first of them formed the obligation of the contract, for a valuable consideration, and for the performance of which the public faith was pledged—the passage of the second was left to the discretion of Congress, might be repealed at their pleasure, to the several precedents which had been adduced to show the constitutional right, he begged leave to add one which had not been mentioned, and which in his judgment was conclusive—the same section in the constitution which gave Congress the right to assume the jurisdiction over the territory, gave them the right to "constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court." (Here Mr. D. turned to the const.) the latter right has been exercised—inferior courts have been established, and completely organized—Judges were appointed, and the system went into operation—and yet, Sir, two years ago a large majority of the Congress thought that they had a right to repeal that law, and put down the system—I now call on gentlemen, and I particularly invite those who favored that repeal, to show me a difference in the exercise of the two rights—except indeed, that by that repeal you virtually discontinued officers who had received commissions, and which was relied on by the opponents, to the repeal as their strong ground.
He concluded by saying, as there was not any constitutional bar—as in his judgment, the interests of the city would be advanced by freeing it of useless encumbrances which impeded its growth—that the part of the district without the city would be benefitted by returning to their parent states,—That the national treasury would be freed from a heavy annual unnecessary payment, which might go to the redemption of our public debt, or of our fellow citizens in captivity—and above all, as it would raise a number of respectable persons from the unequal situation in which they now stand, to the more dignified one of American citizens, he should vote in favour of the resolutions, and hoped for their adoption.
(To be continued.)
NEW ORLEANS.
FRIDAY, December 7, 1804.
Orleans Legislative Council.
TUESDAY, December 4.
This day the Legislative Council of this Territory, formed a quorum, and proceeded to business: members present, Messrs. Poydras, Watkins, Pollock, Kinner, Morgan, D'Arnaud and Wikoff. The council proceeded to the choice of officers, as follows:—The Hon. M. Poydras president, James Workman Esq. Secretary, James M. Bradford, Printer, and Isaac Camp, Sergeant at Arms.
Mr. Kinner was deputed to inform his Excellency the governor, that the council is now ready to receive any communication he may have to make. At 12 o'clock his Excellency met the council in the principal, where he delivered the following
SPEECH:
Fellow Citizens of the Legislative Council,
RECEIVE my sincere congratulations on your present assemblage, and permit me to accompany an acknowledgment of the pleasure I feel on the occasion, with an expression of my anxious solicitude for the honor and usefulness of your labors. When I revert to the important events which produced our present political connexion and look forward to the pleasing prospects of permanent aggrandizement;—When I reflect upon our union with the freest people upon earth, and our dependence upon that just government under whose auspices a young nation has so soon become powerful, and amidst an unexampled advancement of agriculture, and extension of commerce, enjoyed liberty, laws, and uninterrupted peace; the satisfaction with which I contemplate the future destinies of this territory, is equalled only by my admiration of the wisdom and virtue which have diffused such political blessings, and promise (under the favor of Heaven) their perpetuity.
To you, gentlemen, is first committed the important trust of giving such laws to this flourishing district, as local wants shall suggest, and the interest of the citizens may require. A trust important and arduous: but one of which patriotism and talents, will insure a faithful and able discharge. I confidently look to you gentlemen, for those qualifications, & I doubt not but your labors will be brought to a fortunate close. The obstacles however, we have to surmount, ought not to be concealed. To misestimate them in any way, might prove injurious;—to esteem our duties too light to require extraordinary exertion, would be to err in one extreme; to be dismayed by an apprehension of their gigantic weight, would be equally unfortunate on the other. To know
that they are within the compass of our powers, and not much below them, is the happy mean which encourages exertion, and inures success.—For my part, I am deeply sensible of the delicacy and importance of the situation in which my present office places me—I enter upon it with a degree of diffidence, produced by existing circumstances, and the expectations of the district, my only sources of confidence are your wisdom and experience, and in an honest intention on my part, to assist your councils in every measure that may tend to promote the public good.
The territory of Orleans, in some points, may be considered as a new territory; but for the most part, as one more matured.—Much is to be created, but more regenerated. Too great care, therefore, cannot be taken to draw the true line of distinction between those parts of the system which require only to be strengthened, and those that demand reform. Innovation in an imprudent or careless hand, often does injury; but when evils exist, the indolence or timidity that refuses to extirpate them, partakes in the criminality of commission. Begin then, gentlemen, the work with caution; but it is your province to prepare your country for the political rank that awaits her.
The first object of your attention, I trust, will be to provide a system of jurisprudence suited to the interest, and as much as possible, adapted to the habits of the citizens. This subject should, indeed, receive the earliest attention, for until some judicial organization is directed by the legislature, the territory will remain exposed to great inconvenience.—When the American commissioners first arrived here, we found most of the former Spanish authorities abolished, and no courts of justice in existence—daily in expectation of some fixed government, and unwilling to exercise my temporary powers in matters of such permanent importance, I made no systematic attempts to organize regular tribunals of justice. To meet however, the wishes of the people, and to promote what I thought their interest, I established an inferior court, of limited jurisdiction, for the city of New Orleans, and in all cases of more moment, the best exertions were used in the court where I had the honor to preside, to dispense justice with an equal and impartial hand.—These and a small jurisdiction given to commandants and justices of the peace, are the only arrangements of a judicial nature which were made during the late provisional government. But they were not intended or calculated for permanency, and I persuade myself, that such legislative provisions will speedily be made, as will give the judicial authority a more convenient and wise direction.
On this subject, the act of Congress, under which your powers are derived, has marked the outlines of your duty. The number of superior judges; the extent of their jurisdiction, the mode of trial and number of sessions are prescribed. To finish the detail, and give motion to the system; to determine in what manner those sessions should be distributed through the territory, the forms of practice to be observed, and above all, the laws which are to be administered, are objects of high consideration devolving upon the legislature.—In regard to the forms of practice, permit me to hope, that they may be as simple and short, as may be consistent with equity and public convenience. The tedious and expensive routine of forms, which often embarrasses the avenue to justice, and sometimes render it inaccessible, I trust are forever banished from this country.
A system of criminal jurisprudence is also matter for your consideration. I think it probable, that on examination, you will find the existing code of criminal law imperfect, and not adapted to the present constitution of the territory. On this subject, I cannot forbear recommending an energetic system.—but by the term energetic, I do not mean a sanguinary or cruel system. Laws are not the weaker by being merciful. It is not the severity, but the celerity and certainty of punishment, that repress crimes. While there is a hope of impunity, sons of rapine would brave even the axe or the wheel, who would tremble at detection when followed by a prompt and certain, though a light suffering.
The establishment of inferior courts of limited jurisdiction, throughout the territory, and the powers and duties thereof will necessarily engage your attention; and in their arrangement your own judgment and knowledge of the country will be your surest guides. Before I finish my observations, relating to a judiciary, allow me to give an opinion, that the laying out the territory, into several judicial districts, of superior jurisdiction, might be attended with happy effects. The presence of the supreme judges would attach confidence and command respect; their charges to jurors, and their legal opinions would disseminate information as to the principles and advantages of the American government, and above all justice would be brought to the doors of our fellow citizens, and might be obtained freely
without price, and promptly without delay. Allow me also to embrace the present occasion to congratulate you on the introduction among us, of the inestimable privilege of trial by jury; a privilege revered throughout the United States as a barrier against oppression, and the bulwark of freedom. Some inconveniences I am aware will attend its first introduction, but be assured it is well worth a temporary embarrassment; this mode of trial is invaluable, and I trust will remain the pride and boast of every American.
As another object of legislative care, I must request your attention to the interest, convenience and comfort of this city.—Having an extensive trade, and being the residence of many citizens of mercantile reputation and enterprise,—New Orleans already claims high rank. Happily situated on the only effective outlet that connects the western states and territories with the sea, it must become the grand depot for the surplus productions of the extensive countries which stretch from the Allegheny mountains to the distant and yet unexplored western frontiers of Louisiana, countries rich beyond calculation, in natural resources, and daily increasing in population, and improving in the arts.—To this city, as a centre, the Mississippi, the Ohio, the Mississippi, and all their tributary streams will annually convey their treasures, and will ere long be the channels of an immense reverting commerce.
New Orleans is, moreover, the only city or town in this territory; the only general market for the consumption or commercial transfer of property, either imported, or produced from the soil.—The city therefore has great claims on your most affectionate patronage. Although not neglected heretofore, and of late greatly benefitted by the care of the municipality, yet much remains to be done to organize a more energetic police, to improve the streets, to enforce cleanliness, and above all, to take every measure, with the merciful aid of Almighty God, to preserve the health, and promote the comfort of the inhabitants, and make charitable provision for the relief of poverty and sickness. How far therefore it may be expedient to enlarge the powers of the present municipality, or to vest the care of the city in a corporate body differently organized, is an enquiry worthy of your serious deliberation.
Having laid thus much concerning the welfare of the commercial centre of the territory, my reflections are naturally turned towards the interest of agriculture. On agriculture as a basis, rests all the real prosperity of a country—The people who draw their wealth from the soil they inhabit are truly independent. Among such a people commerce makes her most liberal returns, and enterprise finds the most agreeable field for exertion. Commerce and agriculture are as intimately connected, as the mother with the offspring to which she gives birth, and nourishes. The real interest of the merchant and planter is the same, and he is no friend to either who would wish to divide them.—Permit me to remind you then, that the interest of the territory would be benefitted by an early attention to our internal intercourse, particularly to our rivers, creeks, roads and levees; and that some liberality judiciously applied to these interseeling objects might be attended with beneficial effects.
In advertizing to your primary duties, I have yet to suggest one, than which, none can be more important or interesting—I mean some general provision for the education of youth. If we revere science for her own sake, or for the innumerable benefits she confers on society—If we love our children, and cherish the laudable ambition of being respected by our posterity, let not this great duty be overlooked. Permit me to hope then, that under your patronage, seminaries of learning will prosper, and the means of acquiring information, be placed within the reach of each growing family. Under a free government, every citizen has a country, because he partakes of the sovereignty, and may fill the highest offices. Free America will always present flattering prospects for talents and merit—let exertions then be made, to rear up our children in the paths of science and virtue, and to impress upon their tender hearts a love of civil and religious liberty.
Among the several states of the union, an ingenious emulation happily prevails, in encouraging literature, and literary institutions, and some of these are making rapid strides towards rivaling the proudest establishments of Europe. In this sentiment, so favorable to the general good, you gentlemen, I am certain, will not hesitate to join. I deem it unnecessary to trouble you with any detail of arrangements—I am however persuaded, that parsimonious plans will seldom succeed—my advice therefore is, that your system be extensive, and liberally supported.
As connected with the education of our youth every constitutional encouragement should be given to ministers of the gospel.—"Religion exalts a nation, while sin is the reproach of any people."—It prepares us for those vicissitudes which so often chequer human
life.—It dispels every misfortune of her victory—it invites to harmony and good will in this world, and affords a guarantee for happiness hereafter.
Before I conclude, gen. men, I should be wanting in duty, did I not submit your attention to the militia of the territory.
In the age in which we live, as well as in almost every one that has preceded it, we find that neither moderation or wisdom, nor justice, can protect a people against the encroachments of tyrannical power. The abundance of agriculture; the advantages of agriculture; the usefulness of the arts—a war, every thing dear to a free people, may be considered as insecure, unless they are prepared to resist aggression.—Hence we find, that the Congress of the United States, and the legislatures of the several states, are particularly solicitous to keep the citizens armed and disciplined; and I persuade myself a view so favorable to the general safety, will be pursued by this assembly.
In all your arrangements for the public convenience, let me advise a prudent economy. Extravagance in a government, leads inevitably to embarrassment; Liberty, but not prostration; economy, but not parsimony, should be your guide.
In all your deliberations, gentlemen, permit me to recommend a free, candid, and dispassionate discussion, as the best means of insuring an harmonious and useful session.
WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE.
New Orleans, December 4, 1804.
After his excellency had concluded, the President delivered an address in the French language.
On motion of Dr. Watkins, a committee was appointed to draft an address to the Governor's speech. Ordered that Messrs. Watkins and Pollock be that committee.
On motion of Dr. Watkins, the address of M. Poydras was ordered to be printed.
Messrs. Wikoff and Morgan were appointed a committee of ways and means. Sine gentlemen a committee to fix the salaries of the officers of the council.
On motion of M. Pollock, leave was given to bring in a bill "to indemnify certain officers for the act therein mentioned, and for other purposes," and ordered to be referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1806.
The committee appointed to prepare an address to the governor's speech, made report, which being read, was agreed to as follows:
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.
Council Chamber, Dec. 7, 1804.
SIR, WE beg leave respectfully to join our congratulations with yours, on the first meeting of the legislature of this territory, and to return our thanks for your excellent and comprehensive speech.
Our union with a wise and free people, and our connexion with their just government, under whose auspices they have so soon become powerful; who have made such rapid advances in agriculture and commerce; and who have been in the continual enjoyment of liberty, of laws, and of uninterrupted peace, make us look forward to the pleasing prospect of permanent aggrandizement. Upon us has devolved the honorable & important trust of first giving to this flourishing district such laws as the wants and interests of its inhabitants may suggest; & however great may be the obstacles we have to surmount, our patriotism forbids us to shrink from the attempt. Whatever talents we possess, shall be faithfully employed to ensure as far as in us lies, an able and faithful discharge of that arduous task. Our anxious solicitude for the effect of our labors, is lessened by the hope of the aid we shall derive from the wisdom and experience of your excellency, and our confidence in your willingness to assist in all measures which may tend to promote the public good.
Your advice, and our own inclination, will make us endeavor to avoid the evils resulting from impetuous or careless innovation, on the one hand, or from indolence or timidity on the other. A system of jurisprudence, suited to the interest, and as much as possible, to the habits of the citizens, will occupy our first attention; persuaded that without it, the territory remains subject to great inconvenience. And although your excellency, from a daily expectation of some fixed government, found yourself under the necessity of delaying the organization of regular tribunals of justice, yet we are fully persuaded that according to existing circumstances, you acted for the best, and with the purest intentions, in establishing the temporary courts which lately existed. We cannot omit this opportunity of testifying, that an authority almost without limit, was upon all occasions exercised by you, with a moderation unexampled. Indeed,

when we had that you were obliged to exercise at the same instant, the several duties of governor, intendant, chief justice, and commander in chief, and consider also the interruption arising from the free access which our citizens had to your person, at all times, and upon all occasions, great or trivial, we are more surprised that so much has been done, than that more has not been effected.
No time will be lost on our part, to give the judicial authorities a fit and convenient duration; to shorten and simplify the forms of practice, and so far as may be, to prevent the delay of justice. We will also endeavor, in forming a system of criminal jurisprudence, to avoid a too sanguinary or cruel mode of punishments, by tempering severity with mercy. The establishment of inferior tribunals, will be early attended to; and we entirely agree with your excellency, in the advantages that will result from the laying out the territory into several judicial districts, whereby justice will be brought to the very doors of our fellow citizens.
The city of New Orleans has great claims on the patronage of the legislature; and it will be our care to vest such powers in a municipal body, as will enable it to organize a more energetic police, to preserve, with the aid of God, the health of the inhabitants, and to effect the other desirable ends designated in your address.
Our best attention will be directed to the establishment of public seminaries, for the education of youth, and the advancement of learning and science; and every constitutional encouragement shall be given to the ministers of our Holy Religion, which blunts the edge of misfortune, and invites to harmony and mutual good will, in this world, and gives us the glorious promise of happiness in the next.
Convinced that neither moderation, nor wisdom, nor justice, can always secure to a people the enjoyment of peace, our attention will be necessarily directed to the organization of the militia of the territory, and to devise such measures as will best tend to keep our fellow citizens armed and disciplined, for the protection of our laws and our government, and for the preservation of the blessings we enjoy under them.
In our several arrangements we shall never lose sight of a prudent economy; and we entreat that your excellency will from time to time favor us with such communications and suggestions as may enable us the better to execute our high and important trust.
J. POYDRAS, President of the Council, By the President, JAMES WORKMAN, sec.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 25.
Our last information from Lancaster states the probability of the trial of the impeachment of the Judges of Pennsylvania being closed within a few days.
The Committee for the relief of the poor west of the Capitol, acknowledge with the liveliest gratitude the liberality of the citizens in their contributions. Already have the money received through the collecting committees exceeded their most sanguine expectations, and been the means of relieving a number of deserving objects. The Committee find that a distribution of warm clothing at this time, would have the happiest effect. Donations of bed and other clothing are respectfully solicited by the Committee at Rhodes's Tavern.
P. HAGNER, J. M'GOWEN, W. BOYD.
Jan. 25.
It is with pleasure we have to announce to the public, that the Insurance Companies in this city have come to the conclusion jointly to fit out the brig Ann Maria, captain Coffin, with men, provisions, and other necessaries, to cruise off the coast for the purpose of aiding our merchantmen into port, and to succour the distressed wherever they may be found. She will probably remain out 30 or 40 days, and will sail this day. So humane an undertaking deserves the most liberal support of all who can feel for the wretched situation that many of our fellow beings must be in, from the continued inclement weather we have experienced.—Mer. Adv.
BALTIMORE, January 21.
On Tuesday last the bill to withdraw certain funds from the cities of Baltimore, Annapolis, and the town of Easton, &c. passed the senate of this state. The yeas and nays are as follows:
Affirmative—Messrs. Brown, Christie, Partridge, Runggold, Thomas, White—6.
Negative—Messrs. Harwood, president, Duckett, J. Johnson, T. Johnson, McCulloch,—5.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 23.
On motion of Mr. Thomas it was resolved that the Secretary of State be directed to lay before the House a list of those persons who have obtained patents for new inventions or improvements in the arts and sciences, with a general description of the patent right and the date of the grant of the same.
Mr. Stewart presented a petition from a number of the inhabitants of York county in Pennsylvania, complaining of the conduct of the Post-master-general for changing the route of the western mail from the legal establishment by the way of Elizabeth Town and Harrisburg to Fort Pitt.
Referred to the committee on Post-Offices and Post Roads.
Mr. Sammons presented a petition from captain John Little of the Militia of N. York, praying relief in consideration of a wound he received in the shoulder by a tomahawk during our revolutionary war.
Mr. Archer, presented a petition from John Lowry of col. Smallwood's 1st Maryland regiment, praying an increase of his pension in consideration of his growing infirmities and advanced age. These two petitions were referred to the committee of the whole who have under consideration a bill making a further allowance to the wounded and disabled soldiers of our revolutionary army.
A letter received from the Secretary of State was read, giving a statement of the American seamen impressed by the belligerent nations. The documents accompanying them were voluminous, and contained the names of 1538 seamen impressed since the commencement of the present war in Europe.
It was moved to print the documents, with the letter from the Secretary of State; but the motion was withdrawn on the suggestion of a gentleman that it would be very expensive.
Mr. Huger called up the unfinished business of yesterday relative to calling on the Secretary of the Treasury for a return of foreign shipping paying additional duties, and the produce or the light money paid into the treasury.
Agreed to. A message from the Senate by Mr. Otis their secretary, informing that they had passed the bill for completing the south wing of the capitol and other purposes with an amendment, which on motion of Mr. Thompson was concurred in by the House. The amendment was to strike out the words "for the accommodation of the House of Representatives." The bill is consequently passed, and appropriates 130,000 dollars. Also a bill for carrying into more complete effect the 10th article of the treaty with Spain, with an amendment, which was on motion of Mr. Crowninshield, referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.—And the bill making an appropriation for the navy of the U. States, during the year 1805, with an amendment which received the unanimous concurrence of the House.
Mr. R. Griswold moved to resolve, that the Secretary of War be directed to lay before the House a report of the situation of the public buildings on the bank of the Schuylkill near Philadelphia, what would be the probable expense of completing them, and whether in his opinion the public interest will not be promoted thereby.
On motion of Mr. Nicholson, the latter part respecting the opinion of the Secretary was struck out.
Gen. Varnum then moved to add, "and a statement of the quantity of public stores deposited in the same building." This motion was lost, 38 being in its favor and 42 against it.
Mr. Gregg thought such an amendment as the last suggested was necessary, he therefore varied the language and offered a motion in this shape, "and a statement of the military stores deposited in said buildings." This amendment being agreed to.
The question was taken on the original motion as amended, and carried, 61 voting in its favor.
Mr. Crowninshield observed, that he was not in his place at the time the letter of the Secretary of State was read; but he understood the report contained the names of more than 1500 seamen, impressed chiefly by the British. He hoped the House would not regard the expence of printing. The United States ought to know that a great number of its citizens were detained by a foreign government, and he had almost laid in a state of slumber, certainly contrary to their inclination. We wanted the services of this useful body of men. No foreign government had a right to authorise the seizure of American citizens. We knew that many outrages had been committed on their personal rights, and he wished Congress to point out a remedy adequate to correct the evil. The expence of printing the list was no consideration with him, and he trusted the House would agree to it.
Mr. Jackson supported the propriety of printing the whole documents, and the House accordingly agreed to it by a large majority.
The bill for the relief of Captain Alexander Murray went into a committee of the whole on the motion of Mr. Dana.
Gen. VARNUM in the chair. After some time spent in considering and debating the same, the committee rose and reported the bill without any amendment, it was then ordered by the House that the bill be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Crowninshield said the House would recollect, that a list of impressed seamen was furnished this morning from the Department of State, which exceeded in number any thing he had expected. He thought these impressments ought to be prevented, and that the subject demanded investigation. He had drafted a resolution which he would submit to the House having in view to connect this with another very important subject. Many gentlemen must have observed that some late proclamations had been issued by the governors of the several British West India islands, interdicting the American trade after May next. The proclamations bore date in October or November, and were to take effect in six months. It appeared to him that the British government were determined to exclude us from their islands; upon the expectation that their vessels would be competent to carry the necessary supplies. Mr. C. said we had a right to carry the productions of the United States in American bottoms, and he hoped we should never permit foreign ships to come to our ports and carry on an exclusive trade with any country whatever where our vessels were not allowed the same privilege. His intention was to prevent the American carrying trade to the West Indies from falling into the hands of other nations. He would not exclude foreign vessels from our ports; but it was desirable that our own export trade should not be monopolized by foreigners. The subject was highly important to this country. Will the United States tamely submit to see some of its best citizens torn from their families and friends, without attempting something for their relief? Shall we see another country pursuing measures hostile to our commercial rights and make no effort to correct the mischief. The West India islands depended on the United States for their ordinary supplies, and our vessels had usually carried a large proportion of their cargoes on American account; but it appeared now that we were to be shut out from this trade and it was in future to be carried on in foreign vessels. An effectual remedy would be to prohibit the exportation of our productions in foreign bottoms to all ports or islands with which we were not permitted to have intercourse, and in order that the subject might undergo an examination which its importance demanded; he offered the following resolution.
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire if any, and what further provision be necessary for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States; and to enquire whether any foreign country has made any late regulations with a view to monopolize any branch of the American carrying trade, to the exclusive benefit of such foreign country, or which in their operation may be injurious to the agricultural or commercial interest of the United States. And also to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the exportation from the United States, of all goods and merchandise whatever, in foreign ships bound to any port with which the vessels of the United States are not allowed communication, or where a free and unrestricted trade is not permitted in the productions of the United States; and that the committee be authorised to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Randolph wished the resolution to lie for consideration a few days. He would mention Monday; the gentleman had said it was an important subject, and if he had no objection it would be as well to allow the resolution to remain unacted upon for a little time. It might be printed for the consideration of the House, and he rather supposed some alteration would be necessary in the form of the resolution.
Mr. Crowninshield replied that he was perfectly willing the resolution should remain for consideration agreeable to the desire of the gentlemen from Virginia, and he would consent to any reasonable delay; but he would not consent to its remaining unacted upon till a period so late as to preclude any measures from being adopted this session because the proclamations would take effect in the month of May. He was not tenacious of forms, it was the substance of things he looked to, and he would with great pleasure agree to modify the resolution to any shape which the gentleman from Virginia might suggest.
A motion was made to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole for Monday next, which was agreed to, and the resolution ordered to be printed.
Erratum. In Mr. Lucas's speech on the secession, say "contract," instead of "consent," in the first column, second page of the last paper.
Yesterday arrived the fine ship Delaware, captain Farrier in 68 days from the Cape of Good Hope. Captain Farrier informs, that a ship arrived at the Cape the 29th of October, which hoisted American colours, and was said to be the Jefferson, Smith, of Boston. She came to anchor, and the captain went on shore. The deputy governor, Mr. Palmo, had some suspicion of her being an English spy, and detained the captain and boats crew with a view to ascertain the fact; however the captain found means to get to his ship alone. It coming on to blow fresh she parted her cables and went to sea. She continued off the harbor some time, till she sent another boat ashore, with a flag and supercargo, they were also detained. The deputy governor then wrote a letter to the captain, which he sent by captain Farrier, inviting the ship in, and if an American, to offer her protection.—(We have seen a letter from the carrier of the ship, to his father in this city, which states that she is under American colors and American papers, but he dare not write the particulars for fear of miscarriage. We are also informed from another quarter, that this ship is the English sloop of war Rattle Snake, from the coast of Brazil.) They daily expected at the Cape, to be invaded by the English, and the governor was in the country at the head of his troops.
Morn. Chron.
JANUARY 10, 1805.
Abstract of goods, Wares, and Merchandise, exported from, and imported into the district of Alexandria in the district of Columbia, during the year 1804 taken from the Custom-House Books.
EXPORTED.
Articles of the growth, produce, and manufactures of the United States
 61514 Barrels of Flour  1754 do Beef  2111 do Pork  40 do Apples  23696 do Bread  6599 Kgs ditto  2227 Barrels pickled F.h  391 Quintals dried ditto  115 Barrels Indian Meal  362 Busheis Beans  36870 do Corn  3481 do Peas  120 do Potatoes  8500 do Wheat  3757 Hogheads Tobacco  380 Tierces Rice  10 ditto Flax Seed  480 Pair Shoes  1638 Pounds manuf. Tobacco  814 do Wax  625 do Gunpowder  18116 do Butter  3873 do Cheese  30540 do Cotton  13309 do Candles  15252 do Bacon-Hams  14230 do Lard  34514 do Soap  259 Gallons Brandy  462 do Beer  4000 Bricks  66800 Staves and headings  166850 Shingles  35400 Feet boards and plank  45 Sheep 
Value of those articles at the time of exportation 1,031,689 95
Value of articles not enumerated 2,769 98
Value of American produce dols. 1,034,459 93
Articles of the growth produce and manufacture of foreign countries, viz.
 1975 pounds Co. a  532,844 do Coffee  14,142 do Cotton  2,582 do Nails  120,688 do Sugar  3,513 do Pepper  8,941 do Soap  165 do Tea  6,107 gallons Spirits  1,155 do Wine 
Value of those articles at the time of exportation 181,530 66
Value of articles not enumerated 84,911 65
Value of foreign produce 266,442 31
Total value of articles exported to foreign countries dols. 1,500,902 24
Exported Coastwise exclusive of foreign goods viz.
 46536 Barrels Flour  1307 half ditto  1254 Barrels Bread  369 half ditto  784 Kgs ditto  92 Barrels Whiskey  9 do Beef  26 do Brandy  165 pickled F.h  47 do Ship stuff  140 do Tar  181 do Indian Meal  13 do Beans  10 do Pork  5829 busheis Wheat  17496 do Corn  150 do Rye  11 Firkin Butter  3 Bags Hops  154 Kgs manufactured tobacco 
 425 Hogheads manufactured do  162 Casks flax seed  61 Barrels gunpowder  24 Tierces rice  5460 Staves 
The value of those articles are unknown as goods exported coastwise are regulated in a different manner, from those exported to foreign countries.
Imported from foreign ports, viz.
Value of goods paying duty ad valorem 265,203 22 Enumerated articles not included in the above valuation, viz.
 945 pounds Gloves  8801 Red and white lead  38418 lead & manufactures of lead  3136 Spikes  43421 Nails  15069 Cocoa  3501484 Salt  1415 Cheese  669152 C. fee  1104425 Sugar  18870 Cotton  504 Indigo  1290 Figs  6480 Almonds  56 Plumbs  3745 Railings  6000 square feet window glass  23 pair Boots  3 Shoes  915 gallons Beer  99035 Spirits  8502 Wines  22591 Molasses  646 busheis Coal  201 cwt. Steel  12 Glauber Salts  20 Twine  1467 Hemp 
Those articles paying a specific duty, their value is consequently unknown.
No articles imported from ports in the United States are included in the above statement of imports.
Alexandria, Jan. 8, 1805.
ONE CENT REWARD.
Ranaway from the subscriber on Tuesday the 22nd inst. a white bound servant girl, named Matilda Edmundson, but more generally known by the name of Patty Edmundson, between 13 and 14 years of age. She is inferior to no one in the art of lying, and to but few in that of stealing. The above reward will be given to any person who shall bring her home, but no charges paid. All persons are forewarned employing or harboring her at their peril.
T. H. GILLIS.
Washington, Jan. 25.—2t
A Grand Concert OF INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.
P. Mauro, Professor of Music,
RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington, George-town and its vicinity, that he intends holding a Grand Concert of Instrumental Music (provided sufficient encouragement offers) in the Ball Room of Mr. M'Laughlin's, on the evening of Monday the 11th of February next, when the following pieces of Music will be performed, to the full satisfaction of the audience:
 1st. A Grand Symphony—Mozart, with full orchestra.  2d. The Battle of Prague, on the Piano, by a young Lady, pupil to Mr. Mauro.  3d. A Grand Concerto—Korich, on the Piano, by Mr. Mauro, accompanied by the other instruments.  4th. A Grand Concerto—Steibelt, on the violin, by Mr. Hupfield, accompanied by other instruments.  5th. Sonata Pleyel, on the Piano, by Mr. Mauro, accompanied by violin and violoncello.  6th. A Grand Symphony—Widerkehr, executed by Mr. Mauro, on the Piano, and by Mr. Masse, on the clarinet, accompanied with full orchestra.  7th. Life let us cherish, with variations, on the Piano, by a young Lady of 8 years old, pupil to Mr. Mauro.  8th. Grand Concerto on the clarinet, by a new performer lately from Europe, accompanied with the other instruments.  9th. Grand Sonata—Walter, on the Piano, by Mr. Mauro, accompanied by violin and violoncello.  10th. Quartetto—with two violins, a viol and violoncello—To conclude with a Military Piece by all the instruments. 
As P. Mauro does not commence this undertaking from particular views of emolument, but principally for the purpose of affording an agreeable entertainment to the inhabitants of Washington and George Town, he respectfully solicits the amateurs of music, &c. to subscribe their names, on papers left for that purpose, at the bars of Messrs. Steele's Hotel, on Capitol Hill, Rhodes's, near the Treasury Department, and M'Laughlin's, George Town, as early as possible, thereby to enable him to judge if sufficient encouragement offers to defray the incurring expence of procuring performers from Baltimore, to assist at the entertainment.
Subscribers to pay one dollar each, on the delivery of Tickets of admission, some days previous to the Concert.
January 18—3taw
This day is published by SAMUEL H. SMITH,
price 50 cts.
A DEFENCE
of the MEASURES OF THE ADMINISTRATION of THOMAS JEFFERSON.
BY CURIUS.
Taken from the National Intelligencer.

STATIONARY & FANCY STORE
GEORGE TOWN.
THE Subscriber has just received from New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, a large and general supply of STATIONARY & Amongst which are the following articles, viz.
 Atlases imperial, superroyal, royal, medium and demy English papers,  Extra lar e thick folio post, do.  Do. do. thin do. hotpressed do.  Small, plain and wove folio post do.  Plain and wove foolscap do.  Hotpressed, gilt, mourning, wove and plain letter do.  Folio and quarto copying do.  Super Royal cartridge do.  Medium, demy and foolscap French marble do.  Demy blotting do.  Plate and bonnet boards,  Singie and double ruled ledgers, journals, and waste books  Medium, demy and foolscap blank books suitable for public offices  Pen, Holland quills and ready made pens  Black and red ink and ink powders  Japan and durable ink  Printing ink for book and newspaper use  Red and black sealing wax  Red and black wafers  Large red and white wafers for office use  Wax tapers and taper stands  Counting house seals  Pink and blue silk tape  Broad and narrow red tape  Ball and hank twine  Cases of mathematical instruments  Reading glasses in horn and tortoise shell frames  Gold leaf  Parchment squared and pounced  Scuttle fifth bone and pounces  Livery and bone pounce boxes  Black lead, crayon and camels hair pencils  Do. with silver cases  Reeves colours in boxes  Brizing knives and paper scissors  Counting house and pocket pen knives  Do. with ivory scale and rule handles  Ivory and bone paper folders  Round and flat fans  Gum Tragacanth and Gum Arabic  States and state pencils  Plated, gilt, wedgewood, pewter, & pocket inkstands  Sand boxes and sand glasses  Black sand, and steel filings  Messge and visiting cards  Geographical and genealogical pastimes an arithmetical games with torums  Portable writing desks with apartments for dressing apparatus  Mahogany, japanned and Morocco shaving cases  Shaving boxes with soap and brushes  Razors of a superior quality  Ladies and gentlemen's japanned dressing-case  Playing cards and ivory boxes with counters  Cribbage boxes and boards  Backgammon tables and dice boxes  Ivory chessmen and chess boards  Billiard balls and dice  Drum battle drums and snuffles  Violins, flutes and fifes  Violin strings and bows  Fowling pieces, shot pouches, and powder  Holsters and pocket pistols  Silver and gilt mounted small swords, dirks and daggers  Gold and silver capes and sword knots  Do. do. shoulder straps and crecents  Military fusils, lace, cords, &c.  Officers travelling canteens with cooking utensils &c. complete  Gold and silver bullion, spangles and thread  An elegant assortment of gold, silver and gilt mounted combs  Gold and silver hair lids  Wreaths and bunches of artificial flowers  Ornith feathers, fancy plumes, &c.  Tortoise shell and super fine ivory combs  Coquilles and jet necklaces  Gentlemen's doe skin and dress gloves  Boots, shoes and pumps  Morocco skins, and bend foals  Bailey's and Morley's patent blacking  Hair powder and pomatum  Powder bags and powder puffs  Tortoise shell and horn dressing combs  Curling tongs and crumpling irons  Wash ball and wash ball boxes  Tooth powder and shaving powder  Essence of musk, lavender, burgamot and ambergrease  Segar boxes and snuff boxes  Tooth brushes and tooth picks  Clothes brushes and hair brushes  Sweeping, dushing, scrubbing, shoe and furniture brushes  Switch, chair and carriage whips  Walking sticks and sword canes  Silk and morocco elastic braces  Green wire fenders with brass tops ornamented  Fashionable brass andirons  Coal hods, cinder luters and pokers  An elegant assortment of japanned tea trays  Skin wood and mahogany knife cases  Green and white ivory tables and desert knives and forks in sets  Elegant plated tea and coffee urns  Plated tea and coffee pots  Do. bread baskets and toast stands  Do. candlesticks and branches  Do. snuffers and snuffer trays  Do. castors, double fluted glasses  Do. salts with do. do.  Do. mugs, tumblers and bottle stands  Gold, pebble and glass watch seals  Do. watch chains and keys  Do. rings, brooches and breast pins  Plated and common coach and gig lamps  Do. furniture for harness double and single horse  Do. mouldings for carriages  Do. gig springs, and hubb bands  Do. chain, duke and snaffle bridle bits  Do. horn, broodoms and curbs  Do. patent and common spurs  Japanned lamps and hand lanterns  Lamp wick and lamp glasses  Worsted Webb and saddle cloths  Mill and crobs cut faws  Gentlemen's tool chests  Travelling trunks, &c. 
ALSO—FOR SALE, An Invoice of Hardware Which will be sold low at a credit of 3 months. EDGAR PATTERSON. Nov. 12—tf.
One Dollar Reward.
Ran away from the Subscriber, living in George Town, on the night of the 16th instant, an apprentice boy by the name of John Hopewell, between 15 and 16 years of age; he has a down look when rather spoken to—he had on when he went away a blue jacket and overalls. Grey cashmere waist coat; and took with him a variety of other clothing, too tedious to mention. I forewarn all persons from harbouring the said boy, as I am determined to prosecute the offender according to law.
JOSEPH WHITE. Jan. 18—3t
TO PRINTERS.
THE subscriber takes Order for Type from the well known Foundry of William Caslin, Jun. and Co. London—Specimens and list of London prices to be seen at Mr. Geo. W. Riggs, Georgetown. CHARLES WIRGMAN, No. 275, Market-street, Baltimore. Jan. 16. tf.
For Sale,
A NEGRO WOMAN, about 25 years of age—she is an excellent house maid, can wash, iron, &c. For terms apply to the printer. Washington, Jan. 16—3t
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber intends to embark for Europe in a short time. All those indebted to him are requested to call and pay their accounts, which will be rendered immediately. ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, Jan. 16—tf. N.B. Cash will be given for a quantity of good tobacco. Apply as above.
NOTICE.
IS hereby given that the sale of all those lands and lots heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette on the 20th day of August last for a tax due the county of Washington in the territory of Columbia for the year 1801 (which sale was to have taken place on Monday the 10th day of December next at Rhodes Hotel in the City of Washington) is postponed until the first Monday in February next, when, at the same place at 11 o'clock A.M. the sale will commence and continue from day to day until all are sold or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon unless the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale. By order of the commissioners of the Levy Court. WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington County. December 8th, 1804. eptdf
FALL GOODS.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square. HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Orders executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and on the most moderate terms. Oct. 31—tf
GEORGE H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cashmeres, patent Benner's cord, toilettes, fancy and white Marceilles, black and figured silk moleskins, fancy silk, Marceilles, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and fatin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N.B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce.
 Genuine Cogniac brandy,  Inferior French do.  Old Jamaica spirits,  Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask  Sherry, } and case, or smaller quantity.  Lisbon, }  Claret, }  Brown Sugar, 2st and 4st quality,  Loaf and Lump, do.  Molasses,  Firkin Butter,  Mould Candles,  Sweet Oil,  Spices of different kinds,  Fig Blue,  Starch,  Almonds,  Anchovies, } in bottles.  Capers, }  Powder and Shot,  Excellent Wine Vinegar,  Gin,  Whiskey,  Hylon, } Teas, fresh, and of superior quality.  Imperial, }  Young Hylon }  Salt Herrings in Barrels.  PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
ROBERT CHERRY.
HAS removed his store, to the house of Mr. George Blagden New Jersey avenue on the Eastern Branch, where he has just received (in addition to his former stock) by the Schooner Maryland from Philadelphia a general assortment of groceries and liquors of superior quality, with a few boxes India china of the best quality eighty pieces to the set; all of which he will sell wholesale and retail at the most reduced prices for cash, or in exchange for country produce—All orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch; he flatters himself from the quality of his articles he will be able to render ample satisfaction to his friends and all those who may be pleased to favor him with their custom. All kinds of commission business will be attended to with the utmost attention. Washington city Dec. 12—tf
ALL persons who are indebted to the estate of Michael Roberts deceased (for debts contracted at his store in George town) are requested to come forward immediately and make payment to Edgar Patterson, who is duly authorized to receive the same, otherwise their accounts will be put in suit without discrimination—those who have demands against said store, if any there are, are requested to apply as above for payment. FRANCES ROBERTS, Executrix. THOMAS CUMPSTON, } Exec utors. JOSEPH WILLIAMS, } George town, 26th Dec. 1804.—eprm
THE VIRGINIA WESTERN LINE OF STAGES.
THE owners of the line of stages running between Frederickburg and Charlottesville, return their thanks to the public for their patronage—they beg leave to assure them that no attention shall be wanting to merit a continuation of it, and that that line, will continue to ply through the winter as it has hitherto done through the summer. January 18—w4t
LOTTERY TICKETS.
A Few tickets in the Catholic Cathedral Lottery of Baltimore, Warranted undrawn, have been deposited in the hands of the Rev. Mr. MATTHEWS and WILLIAM BRENT for sale. Washington, Dec. 24—cp2w
NOTICE
NOTICE is hereby given to ROBERT BOYES and JAMES BOYES, if now living, children of Robert Boyes, who was the son of the late Esq. Boyes, of Londonderry in the county of Rockingham and state of New Hampshire, deceased; which said Robert the elder left Londonderry aforesaid upwards of thirty years ago, married in Baltimore in the state of Maryland, and removed to Virginia and there died; that, if they will apply to Silas Beton of Salem in the state of New Hampshire, now in the city of Washington, or to Alexander Boyes of Londonderry aforesaid, may hear of some property worth their attention. The several printers of Virginia and Maryland will serve the cause of humanity by republishing the above. Jun. 9
RUNAWAY NEGRO.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, on the 18th of October last, as a runaway, a negro man, who calls himself, WILLIAM BLACKSTON, and says that he is a free man. He is 5 feet 6 inches high, and about 27 years of age. The clothes which he has on are a brown cloth coat, a fowndown waistcoat, dark cloth overalls, a tow linen shirt, and a wool hat. His owner is desired to come, prove property, pay charges and take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick county. November 16—1aw8t
100 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY, two months ago, about the middle of November, a Negro Man, named TOM DANIEL, five feet ten inches high, black complexion, has lost some of his jaw teeth, very knock kneed, about 45 years of age. It is supposed that he has mad to the northward, and has a free pais. He took with him a grey mare, and is very fond of driving a cart—Apply to RALPH LANE, Centreville, Fairfax county, Virginia.
TO RENT,
On very moderate terms, FOUR two story brick dwelling houses ON north H street, square No 77, directly south of the Six Buildings. For terms apply to T. H. GILLISS At the Navy Office Washington City, Nov. 24, 1804—M&Fuf
Runaway,
Some time in April last a bright MULATTO WOMAN named FANNY, she is nearly 6 feet high and stout in proportion, thick lips, middling large eyes, very large breasts, bends forward when she stands or walks, quick in speech, and has very large feet, her apparel is not remembered, took with her a large bundle thereof, and it is probable often changes them—I have been informed that she is in the service of a Mr. Thompson in Georgetown, whoever secures her in Washington city jail so that her mistress, Mrs. Sarah Brooks gets her again or will deliver her to the subscriber in Upper Marlboro shall receive Ten dollars and all reasonable expenses paid by SAML. J. COOLIDGE. December 3—8w
American Printed goods.
Calicoes, Shawls, Pocket Handkerchiefs, &c. manufactured by the subscribers near Baltimore, and sold at No. 13 Calvert street.
FOR SALE,
TWO very valuable and likely SLAVES, viz. a man and his wife, both healthy and young. The man is a very excellent cook and waiter, and a good coachman; he is a tolerable shoemaker and rough carpenter, and is uncommonly ingenious and handy. The woman is also a good cook, and a very brisk and well instructed house servant. They are tradable and well disposed, have no children, and are sold by a person moving from Maryland who can't carry them with him. They will be sold to no person unless willing, and the purchaser may have them on trial—also an active, stout, handsome mulatto BOY aged 14 years, who is an excellent waiter—an accommodating credit will be given; apply to HENRY SUTTLE. Eight or Ten valuable men to hire, apply as above. Georgetown, Jan. 9—4t
NEW STORE, SEVEN BUILDINGS, CITY OF WASHINGTON.
THE Subscriber, who lately opened store at the west corner of the Seven Buildings, has just received by captain Elwood, from Philadelphia, an extensive assortment of dry goods, amongst which are a variety of fancy articles, viz. London superfine and second cloths, cassimere, napps, coatings, forest cloths, baskings, London hats, fannels, bays, blankets, counterpanes, dimities, stuffs and durants, London best letter paper, common writing do. sealing wax, wafers, quills, pencils & paste board, fancy waistcoating, linens, drish and German, Ruffia fleecing, diaper, bed ticking, velvets, cords and thicksets, patent bennets cord, Barcelona handkerchiefs, bandannoes, one bale, coarse muslin, checks, shirting, best Spanish fegars, chandeliers, goblets, decanters and salt cellars. ALSO, Ladies silk spencers for the winter, elegant silk and mouselin shawls, veils, ridiculous, crapes, sareenets, fig. Mantua and other ribbons, India mull mull, cambric, jacquet and hook muslins, split straw, chip and Leghorn bonnets, silk velvets, senfhas, tutelri gts and plain silks, Ennui and French silk hosiery, pic nic gloves, and mitts, raw silk, wash leather, beaver and kid gloves, turtle shell combs, necklaces and beads of great variety, lace, purses and fans, silk cord, childrens leather caps, handsome snuff boxes, wadding, &c.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October, 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the Lots in the City of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone." And by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty five feet on any of the Avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others, whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorized by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June, in the year 1796, to the first day of January next—and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced, it is deemed proper to revive the same with the exception hereafter mentioned.
Wherefore, I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and six, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and six, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall such house be placed within twenty-four feet of any brick or stone house. Given under my hand the twentieth day of December, 1804.
TH: JEFFERSON.
IN virtue of an order from the Orphan's court of Calvert county [state of Maryland] I shall offer for sale on a credit of six months on bond with approved security, at the late dwelling of Benjamin Ward late of said county deceased. Two negro men, horses, cattle, sheep and hogs, with all the household and kitchen furniture, plantation utensils, and also corn, fodder, wheat, and the crop of tobacco now in the house—The sale of the above property will take place on Tuesday the 29th day of January 1805, (if fair or the the first fair day thereafter) and commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon—All persons having claims against the estate of the said Benjamin Ward, are requested to exhibit the same on the day of sale, or they will be excluded in a distribution; and all persons indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment to ZACARIAH WARD, Admr. Calvert Co. Jan. 9—3w
To be Sold by Auction.
ON Wednesday the 6th day of February next, in virtue of my power I will expose to sale at Mr. Stale's hotel near the Capitol, the hour of sale Twelve o'clock A.M. the Lot No. 1, in square No. 377 and also a capital three story house the property of John Crocker together with all the improvements thereon for cash—the premises may be seen on the spot, and for any further particular enquiry of me THOMAS LAW. Washington Jan. 9—2awim
FOR SALE,
TWO very valuable and likely SLAVES, viz. a man and his wife, both healthy and young. The man is a very excellent cook and waiter, and a good coachman; he is a tolerable shoemaker and rough carpenter, and is uncommonly ingenious and handy. The woman is also a good cook, and a very brisk and well instructed house servant. They are tradable and well disposed, have no children, and are sold by a person moving from Maryland who can't carry them with him. They will be sold to no person unless willing, and the purchaser may have them on trial—also an active, stout, handsome mulatto BOY aged 14 years, who is an excellent waiter—an accommodating credit will be given; apply to HENRY SUTTLE. Eight or Ten valuable men to hire, apply as above. Georgetown, Jan. 9—4t
BY virtue of a writ of Venditioni Exp. issued from the Circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of the President, directors and Company, of the Bank of Columbia, will be exposed to public sale for ready cash on the 23th day of December next, at Wm. Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington, all the right, title, claim and interest of John P. Van Ness in and to the following property, viz.—Lots no 3 4 5 and 6 in sq no 492 Lots no 5 9 and 10 in sq no 493 Lots no 4 5 6 and 7 in sq 494 Lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 and 13 in sq 535 Lot no 1 in sq 463 Lot no 15 in sq no 878 Lots no 5 6 9 and 10 in sq no 874. Lots no 5 7 8 9 10 12 13 14 15 17 18 and 19 in sq no 585. Lots no 9 10 12 13 14 15 17 and 18 in sq no 587 Lots no 3 4 5 13 16 17 18 20 21 and 22 in sq 622 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 and 7 in sq no 537 Lots no 2 and 3 in sq no 577 Lot no 3 in sq no 579. Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 and 6 in sq no 581. Lots no 2 and 3 in sq 583 Lot no 1 in sq no 587. Lots no 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 and 27 in sq south of sq no 643 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 and 28 in sq no 643 Lots no 2 8 and 11 in sq no 592. Lots no 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 and 26 in sq no 826 Lots no 6 and 7 in sq no 256 Lot no 11 in sq no 378 and lots no 13 14 and 15 in sq no 491 as laid down in the plan of the city of Washington—The sale will commence precisely at 10 o'clock DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. October 29—1awtf
The sale of the above property is postponed to the 30th day of January next, on which day the sale will certainly commence precisely at 10 o'clock. Dec. 19—w2
ADAM KING, & Co.
AT their wine Store in High Street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
Cheap Groceries AND CROCKERY WARE.
THE Subscriber intending to decline business, offers for sale, on the lowest terms, a general assortment of Groceries and Crockery Ware, among which are, viz. Cogniac, xerescola, and old Peach Brandy, Port, sherry, Naples and Malaga Wine, Cherry Bennes, Aniseed cordial, best Wine Bitters, preferred fruits in brandy, preferred ginger Pickles, Sweet Oil, spices, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Coffee, tea, Tea, Sweeping Brushes and Scrubbing, do. Spanish Segars, Chewing Tobacco, Mustard, Hair Powder, Gun powder, Shot, Thread by the ounce, very cheap, &c. &c. &c.—China, Glass, and Crockery ware. A person desirous of following the mercantile line, in the city of Washington, cannot find a more eligible situation for business, than the one occupied, now, by the subscriber, for either a Dry Good or a Grocery Store, it being in one of the most inhabited parts of the city; the house is very convenient and the rent moderate. Such a person by applying to the subscriber on the premises, will meet with a very cheap bargain and with every thing necessary for carrying on the grocery line. J. A. XAUP. F street, near the Branch Bank, city of Washington, Dec. 21—1awtf
he subscriber offers for
sale a very valuable MILL SEAT, (the race of which is in part improved) with about twenty acres of handsome low ground annexed thereto, situated on the Shenandoah river three miles below the fork in the county of Frederic and state of Virginia. This property lies in the heart of a fine farming neighborhood, in which vast quantities of wheat and other grains, are annually raised. Its situation immediately upon the bank of the river, the navigation of which is rapidly progressing, its fine fall, and other natural advantages render it capable of being improved upon the most extensive scale. In the opinion of competent judges a sufficient quantity of water can at all seasons be drawn from the river to work machinery of any extent. This property is unquestionably worth the attention of men of capital. For terms and other particulars apply to the subscriber in the said county, near Stephensburg, or to Mr. Mak- ion Atkinson in the same neighborhood. Mr. Atkinson will be in the city of Washington a few days, and will receive propositions from any person who may incline to purchase. Letters post paid directed to the said Atkinson or the subscriber by the Stephensburg mail will be duly attended to. An indispensable title can be had. SAML. KERCHEVAL. Jan. 9—6t
DISCOVERED
A few days since (in the Telegraph) a challenge by Samuel Norwood, Esq. Bonaparte against Democrat—At Annapolis this fall, I proposed running Democrat against Bonaparte, carrying it from 110 lbs to 140 at the discretion of Mr. Norwood; which was rejected. As Mr. Norwood refused the proposition made by me at that time, I am not bound to run the race proposed by him in the Telegraph—Democrat will run Bonaparte over the Annapolis race course, on the third Tuesday in May next, four miles and repeat, for 1000 dollars, play or pay, carrying 140lbs. each; which is the weight they are to carry by the rules of racing, both being fifteen years old spring—Should Mr. Norwood decline this offer, Democrat will cover mare next spring at the subscribers farm, from the first day of March until the first day of April, at 50 dollars each and fifty cents for the groom. Democrat's pedigree is equal to the pedigree of any horse to be produced having in him the blood of Medly, B. B. Pique, Dove, Godolphin, Arab and Mr. Tallin's Jima. If this proposition is approved of by Mr. Norwood, notice will be given in the Maryland Gazette within forty days from the date hereof. ISAAC DUCKETT. December 21—1awtf