The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-07-08 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXXIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JULY 8th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Papers laid before the British Parliament respecting the NEGOTIATION WITH FRANCE.
NO 1.—TRANSLATION.
London, May 23, 1802.
My Lord,
The 10th article of the treaty of Amiens, which fixes the new organization of the order of Malta, having prescribed various measures, to the execution of which it is necessary that the two principal contracting powers should concur, the First Consul has named general Vial as minister plenipotentiary to the order and island of Malta, for the purpose of concerting with the person whom his Britannic majesty shall appoint for that purpose, respecting the execution of arrangements agreed upon in the late treaty. General Vial will set out on his destination as soon as your excellency shall have informed me of his majesty's intentions, and of the choice he may make.
I have the honour to be, &c. OTTO.
NO 2.
Downing-street, May 24, 1802.
Sir,
In answer to your letter of yesterday, in which you communicate to me the nomination by the First Consul, of general Vial to be minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic, to the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem; I have the honour to inform you that the king has been pleased to appoint Sir Alexander Ball to be his majesty's minister to the Order. Sir Alexander Ball will shortly proceed to Malta; and will be instructed to concert with general Vial the necessary measures for carrying into effect the arrangements relative to that island, which are stipulated in the 10th article of the definitive treaty of peace.
I have the honour to be, &c. HAWKESBURY.
M. Otto, &c. &c. &c.
NO 3.
Extract of a dispatch from lord St. Helens to lord Hawkesbury, dated St. Petersburg, April 23, 1802.
I hope very soon to be enabled to re-dispatch your lordship's last messenger with the answer of this government to the communications which I have made them in obedience to his majesty's commands, respecting the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens. In the mean time I must not conceal from your lordship, that there is great reason to fear that his imperial majesty will decline taking part in the proposed joint guaranty of the possessions and new constitution of the Order of Malta.
NO 4.
Extract of a dispatch from lord St. Helens to lord Hawkesbury, dated Petersburg, May 7, 1802.
I have reason to hope that the first impressions that had been produced here by certain parts of the arrangement relative to Malta, have been removed; and that his imperial majesty may even be ultimately induced to guaranty the whole of the arrangement; provided that the steps which have been taken towards the election of a new grand master, according to the mode suggested by this court, be considered as fulfilling what is required on that head by the latter part of the paragraph of the tenth article of the treaty of Amiens; and consequently that no new election for that office is to take place in the manner pointed out by the former part of the same stipulation.
NO 5.
Downing-street, June 5, 1802.
Sir,
I informed you in my dispatch No. 10, that M. Otto had made an official communication to me, that general Vial was appointed by the First Consul minister plenipotentiary to the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Sir Alexander Ball has been in consequence invested with the same character by his majesty. He will proceed immediately to Malta, and he will receive instructions to concert with general Vial the best means of carrying into complete effect the stipulations contained in the tenth article of the definitive treaty. By the paragraph marked No. 1. in that article, it is stipulated:
"The knights of the Order, whose languages shall continue to subsist after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, are invited to return to Malta as soon as that exchange shall have taken place; they shall there form a general chapter, and shall proceed to the election of a grand master, to be chosen
from amongst the natives of those nations which preserve languages, if no such election shall have been already made since the exchange of the ratifications of the preliminary articles of peace."
The object of this paragraph was, that in the event of an election having taken place subsequent to the exchange of the ratifications of the preliminary articles of peace, and antecedent to the conclusion of the definitive treaty, that election should be considered as valid; and that no mention is made in the article of the proclamation of the emperor of Russia soon after his accession to the throne by which the knights of the Order were invited to assemble, and to proceed to the election of a grand master, the stipulation in question evidently referred to the contingency of an election taking place on the continent in consequence of that proclamation.
You will inform the French government, that his majesty is ready to consider the election which has lately taken place at St. Petersburg, under the auspices of the emperor of Russia, to be valid, according to the stipulation in the 10th article.
His majesty has no other object in the whole of this transaction, than that the 10th article of the treaty may be fairly executed; and that the arrangement may be carried into complete execution with as little difficulty as possible.
As the 13th paragraph in the 10th article stipulates that the governments of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, should be invited to accede to the arrangements respecting Malta, it is desirable that the French government should instruct, without delay, their ambassadors or ministers at Vienna, Petersburg and Berlin, to make conjointly with his majesty's ministers at those courts, an official communication, desiring the accession of those powers to the arrangements relative to Malta in the definitive treaty; by which it is provided, that the independence of the island and the other stipulations, shall be under the guarantee of those powers, in conjunction with his majesty, the French government, and the king of Spain. I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) HAWKESBURY. Anthony Merry, Esq. &c. &c.
NO 6.
Extract of a dispatch from Anthony Merry, Esq. to lord Hawkesbury, dated Paris, June 17, 1802.
I have the honour to transmit to your lordship, inclosed, a copy of an answer which reached me last night (though dated eight days back) from the French minister, to the note verbale which I delivered to him, containing his majesty's propositions respecting the execution of some points of the arrangements relative to Malta, contained in the 10th article of the definitive treaty of peace. You will find the entire acquiescence of this government to those propositions, expressed in a very satisfactory manner.
(Inclusive referred to in No. 6.) His Britannic majesty's minister plenipotentiary has the honour to transmit herewith to citizen Talleyrand, minister for foreign affairs of the French Republic, the "Note Verbale" of the communication he has been ordered to make to him by his government, who are desirous that the proposals it contains may be acceptable to the French government; and they may be assured, that the British government, in making these proposals, have no other object in view than to facilitate in the easiest manner, the execution of the treaty of Amiens, and to act in this respect in perfect harmony with the French government.
Mr. Merry has the honour to renew, on this occasion, the assurances of his high consideration for M. Talleyrand. (Signed) ANT. MERRY. Paris, 8th June, 1802.
The Citizen minister for foreign affairs will find inclosed a list of suffrages obtained from several priories of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, for the election of a grand master, which has been received from St. Petersburg by the British government, with the notice that these priories have agreed amongst themselves, that his holiness the pope shall select (pro hac vice) from amongst the candidates therein specified, the person who is to fill the post of grand master.
His Britannic majesty on his part is willing to consider an election so made as valid, according to the stipulations of the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens. His majesty therefore is ready to acknowledge, in quality of grand master, the person whom the pope shall think proper to fix upon, from amongst the names contained in that list.
His majesty has no other end in view
in this, than to see the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens duly fulfilled, and the arrangement it contains executed with as little difficulty as possible.
It is stipulated by the 13th paragraph of the same article that the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian governments, shall be solicited to accede to the said arrangement.
The British government is of opinion that it might be proper for that of France to send without delay instructions to their ministers at Vienna, Petersburg, and Berlin, to make conjointly with his Britannic majesty's ministers a communication to those powers, in which they should be invited to accede to the arrangements respecting Malta, by which the independence of the island, and the other stipulations relative thereto, are placed under the protection and guaranty of those powers conjointly with their Britannic & Catholic Majesties, and the French Republic.
Translation.
The undersigned Minister for foreign affairs, has the honour to transmit to M. Merry, his Britannic majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary, his answer to the Note Verbale which he addressed to him on the eighth Prairial. He doubts not that his majesty's ministers will see in this answer a new proof of the constant dispositions of the First Consul to come to an agreement with the English government, for the securing and facilitating the execution of the respective clauses of the treaty which has re-established peace between the two states.
The undersigned has the honour to renew to M. Merry the assurance of his high consideration.
GHA. MAU. TALLEYRAND.
Paris, 20th Prairial, Year 10.
The minister for foreign affairs of the French Republic has received the communication which has been made to him by his Britannic majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary, of the list of the candidates nominated by the votes of the different Priories to the Grand Master-ship, of the order of Malta; and he has submitted to the First Consul the proposal concerted between the priories of the order, and approved by his Britannic majesty, of submitting (pro hac vice) to his holiness the choice among the proposed candidates.
The First Consul has no other object in whatever relates to the order of Malta, than to see the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens duly executed, and to remove all the obstacles which might render that execution tardy or difficult. He moreover desires equally with his Britannic majesty, that France and England should act in concert, in order the better to secure the independence and the organization of the order of Malta. He therefore consents that the choice of its grand master, from the candidates proposed by the votes of the priories, should for this time be submitted to his holiness.
As to the 13th paragraph of the same article, respecting the accession of the powers, the First Consul thinks with his Britannic majesty, that the powers should be invited to give their assent to the arrangements agreed upon; and the French Ministers at the courts of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, shall consequently receive orders to take, conjointly with his Britannic majesty's Ministers, the necessary steps for obtaining the accession provided by the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens.
Paris, 10th Prairial, Year 10.
No. 7.
Paris, June 4, 1802.
My Lord,
I had occasion to see M. Talleyrand yesterday afternoon, for the purpose of introducing to him by appointment, some English gentlemen, previous to their presentation to-day to the First Consul.
Having gone first alone into the minister's cabinet, he said, that he had been directed by General Bonaparte, to represent to me several circumstances which stood very much in the way of that perfect reconciliation and good understanding between the two countries and their governments, which it was the First Consul's sincere wish to see re-established, in order that such obstacles might be removed before the arrival in London of the French Ambassador; because although the circumstances in question, had already produced a very disagreeable effect, whilst only M. Otto, as Minister, had to witness them, they would acquire a great addition of force if they should subsist when the Ambassador should be present; and since the First Consul had given orders to General Andreossi to proceed to his destination with as little delay as possible, he wished that I should take an early
opportunity to give an account to your lordship, of the observations which he was charged to make to me.
After a preface to this effect, M. Talleyrand proceeded to state to me, that the accounts which M. Otto had transmitted of the disgust and inconvenience which he could not but feel and experience, at meeting frequently at his majesty's court and at other places, the French Princes and some French persons still decorated with the insignia of French orders which no longer existed; and at seeing the countenance and support which continued to be given in England, to what he termed the clandestine French Bishops, as well as to other persons (he here mentioned Georges) inimical to the present government of France, had affected so strongly the First Consul, and were in fact so calculated to prevent that system of cordiality which he was anxious to see established; that it was incumbent upon him to express his wish, that his majesty's government might be disposed to remove out of the British dominions, all the French Princes and their adherents, together with the French Bishops, and other French individuals whose political principles and conduct must necessarily occasion great jealousy to the French government. He continued to observe, that the protection and favour which all the persons in question continued to meet with, in a country so close a neighbour to France, must always be considered as an encouragement to the diffused here even without those persons themselves being guilty of any act tending to foment such disturbances in this country; but that the government here, possessed proofs of the abuse which they were now making of the protection which they enjoyed in England, and of the advantage they were taking of the vicinity of their situation to France, by being really guilty of such acts, since several printed papers had lately been intercepted, which it was known they had sent, and caused to be circulated in France, and which had for their object, to create an opposition to the government. I cannot, my Lord, do better than refer you to what you will have read in the French official paper of the day before yesterday, under the article of Paris, for the exact text of M. Talleyrand's discourse upon this subject; which he concluded by saying, that he thought the residence of Louis XVIII. was now the proper place for that of the rest of the family, and that I might add this suggestion in my report to your lordship.
I answered the French Minister that without any reference to you I could assure him, that the practices of the French residing in England, of which he complained, had not been encouraged, nor would be countenanced by his majesty's government; which was as sincerely disposed to cultivate harmony and good understanding between the two countries, as he had represented the First Consul to be; but I could by no means say how far they would be disposed to adopt the measures which he had intimated it to be Gen. Bonaparte's wish they should pursue, in order to remove to effectually, every thing which might not perhaps be considered equally by them, as giving just cause of offence or jealousy to France.
M. Talleyrand did not rejoin upon the matter; but asked me when I proposed writing. Upon my replying I should lose no time, he said, that if I should write as to-day, he would avail himself of the opportunity to convey a letter to M. Otto.
I have the honour to be &c. (Signed) A. MERRY. The Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c.
No. 8.
Downing-street, June 10, 1802.
Sir,
Your dispatches of the 4th instant were received on Monday night, and have been laid before the King.
The account given in that dispatch of the conversation which passed on the 3d instant between you and M. Talleyrand, respecting the French Princes and their adherents, would have afforded here considerable surprise if his majesty's government had not in some degree been prepared for it by information which had been previously received; from the manner, however, in which this subject has been mentioned to you, it is important that you should take a proper opportunity to explain candidly and fairly, to the French government the line of conduct which his majesty feels it to be his duty to pursue in this very delicate business. His majesty would certainly consider it inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the Treaty of Peace, between him and the French Republic, to encourage or countenance any projects that might be hostile to the government of France. It is sincerely desirous that the Peace which has been concluded may be permanent, and may lead to the establishment of a system of good understanding and harmony between the two countries. With these
sentiments he is disposed to employ all the means in his power to guard against any circumstance which can have the effect of disturbing the tranquillity that has been so happily restored; and he certainly expects that all foreigners who may reside within his dominions, should not only hold a conduct conformable to the laws of the country, but should abstain from all acts which may be hostile to the government of any country with which his majesty may be at Peace. As long, however, as they conduct themselves according to these principles, his majesty would feel it inconsistent with his dignity, with his honour, and with the common laws of hospitality, to deprive them of that protection which individuals residing in his dominions can only forfeit by their misconduct. The greater part of the persons to whom allusion has been made in M. Talleyrand's conversation with you, are living in retirement, and his majesty has no reason whatever to suppose that the conclusion of Peace they have availed themselves of their residence in this country to promote any designs injurious to the government of France.
I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) HAWKESBURY. Anthony Merry, Esq. &c.
No. 9.
Paris, June 17, 1802.
My Lord,
I have the honour to acquaint your lordship, that I have executed the instructions given me by your secret and confidential dispatch (No. 15) in consequence of the communication from M. Talleyrand which I translated in my number 23, respecting the residence of the French princes, and other French persons in his majesty's dominions.
In delivering my answer on this business to the French minister, I took care to express, in the strongest manner, the assurances which your lordship has authorized me to give of his majesty's sincere desire that the peace which has happily been concluded should be permanent, and that it should lead to the establishment of a system of harmony and good understanding between the two countries; and that as his majesty's conduct would in every respect, be guided by those sentiments, he of course would not tolerate, much less encourage any proceedings on the part of persons within his dominions, which might be hostile to the present government of France; which assurances might I trusted be sufficient to tranquillize and satisfy the First Consul, without recurring to the measure which had been intimated to me, and which could not but be considered as inconsistent with the common laws of hospitality, which he could not but observe towards foreigners within his dominions, until they should have forfeited that protection by their misconduct.
M. Talleyrand expressed to me in reply, that the First Consul had solicited no more than the British government itself had, at the time demanded of France when the pretender was in this country, and that had been practiced by other governments under similar circumstances. That he could not see any humiliation in the measure which he had intimated to me; that he could assure me it had not been suggested with any such idea; and that he could only repeat that the adoption of it would be in the highest degree agreeable and satisfactory to the First Consul, and be considered by him as the most convincing proof of his majesty's disposition to see a cordial good understanding established between the two countries; concluding his answer with a request that I would report it to your lordship.
I rejoined upon this subject by observing to the French minister that even without advertting to the serious consideration of the king's dignity and honor, the feelings of the people of England were to be taken into account on the occasion; that he must be sensible the relative situation hitherto of the countries, especially in regard to trade, afforded his majesty's subjects no room to reap those advantages which were common to, and which were always expected from a state of peace, and that it therefore appeared to me that the First Consul would equally give a proof of his disposition to see harmony and a friendly intercourse re-established between the two nations, by not repeating his will upon a matter which would operate in the strongest manner against such an approximation and reconciliation of sentiments, were it even only to come to the knowledge of his majesty's subjects.
I am happy, my Lord, to say, that M. Talleyrand showed no warmth, or any very marked eagerness in his manner of
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Whatever may be the protection which the English laws afford to native writers and to other subjects of his majesty, the French government knows that foreigners do not here enjoy the same protection; and that the law, known by the title of the Alien Act, gives the ministry of his Britannic majesty an authority which it has often exercised against foreigners whose residence was prejudicial to the interests of Great Britain. The first clause of this act states expressly, that any order in council which requires a foreigner to quit the kingdom shall be executed under pain of imprisonment, and transportation. There exists, therefore, in the ministry a legal and sufficient power to restrain foreigners, without having recourse to the courts of law, and the French government, which offers on this point perfect reciprocity, thinks it gives a new proof of its pacific intentions, by demanding that those persons may be sent away, whose publications uniformly tend to sow discord between the two nations. It owes to itself and to the nation at large (which has made it the depolitary of its power, and of its honour) not to appear inflexible to insults and to plots during profound peace, which the irritation of open war could not justify, and it is too well acquainted with the conciliatory dispositions of the British ministry, not to rely upon its efforts to disperse a faction equally the enemy of France and England.
The undersigned minister seizes this opportunity to present to his excellency lord Hawkesbury, the homage of his respectful consideration.
(Signed) OTTO. London, 17th August, 1802.
NO. 13.) Downing street, Aug. 28, 1802.
Sir, I send you the copy of a letter which I received some days ago from M. Otto, together with a copy of an official note inclosed in it. I have informed M. Otto, that you would receive instructions to enter into explanations with the French government on the several points to which it refers. It is impossible not to feel considerable surprise at the circumstances under which it has been thought proper to press at such a time, and at the style in which it is drawn up, and at the complaints contained in it. Whatever may be the general dispositions of the French government towards this country, supposing them to be as hostile as they have been at any former period, or even more so, it would appear so contrary to their interest to provoke a war with us at the present moment, that I am inclined to ascribe their conduct, in the whole of this business, more to temper, than to any other motive; but whether their conduct is to be referred to temper or to policy, the effects of it may still be the same; it is therefore become of the utmost importance that a frank explanation should be made of the line of conduct which his majesty has determined to adopt on reasons of the nature of those to which this note refers, and of the motives on which it is founded; and it is to be hoped that such an explanation will have the effect of putting an end to a course of proceedings which can lead only to perpetual irritation between the two governments, and which might ultimately tend to the most serious consequences.
The first consideration that naturally arises on this transaction is that of the peculiar circumstances under which the note of M. Otto has been presented. It cannot be denied that some very improper paragraphs have lately appeared in some of the English newspapers against the government of France; it cannot be denied likewise that publications of a still more improper and indecent nature have made their appearance in this country, with the names of foreigners affixed to them. Under these circumstances the French government would have been warranted in expecting every redress that the laws of this country could afford them; but as, instead of seeking it in the ordinary course they have thought it to resort to themselves, or at least to authorize it in others, they could have no right to complain if their subsequent appeal to his majesty had failed to produce the effect that otherwise would have attended it.
Whatever may have been the nature of the prior injury, they have in fact taken the law into their own hands. And what is this recrimination and resort? The paragraphs in the English newspapers, the publications to which I have above referred, have not appeared under any authority of the British government, and are disavowed and disapproved of by them; but the paragraph in the Moneur has appeared in a paper avowedly official, for which the government are therefore considered as responsible, as his majesty's government is responsible for the contents of the London Gazette . And this resort is not confined to the unauthorised English newspapers, or to the other publications of which complaint is now made, but is converted into, and made a pretence for a direct attack upon the government of his majesty. His majesty feels it beneath his dignity to make any formal complaint on this occasion; but it has
been impossible for me to proceed to the other parts of the subject, without pointing your attention to the conduct of the French government in this respect, that you may observe upon it in the manner it deserves.
The propositions in M. Otto's official note, are six in number; but may in fact be divided under two heads; the first that which relates to the libels of all descriptions, which are alleged to be published against the French government; the last, comprehending the five complaints which relate to the emigrants resident in this country. On the first, I am sure you must be aware that his majesty cannot, and never will, in consequence of any representations or any menace from a foreign power, make any concession; which can be in the smallest degree dangerous to the liberty of the press, as secured by the constitution of this country. This liberty is justly dear to every British subject. The constitution admits of no previous restraints upon publications of any description; but there exist, judicatures, wholly independent of the executive government, capable of taking cognizance of such publications as the laws deem to be criminal and which are bound to inflict the punishment the delinquents may deserve; these judicatures may take cognizance not only of libels against the government and the magistracy of this kingdom but, as has been repeatedly experienced, of publications defamatory of those in whose hands the administration of foreign governments is placed. That our government neither has nor wants any other protection than what the laws of the country afford; and tho' they are willing and ready to give to every foreign government all the protection against offences of this nature, which the principle of their laws and constitution will admit, they never can consent to new model their laws or to change their constitution, to gratify the wills of any foreign power. If the present French government are dissatisfied with our laws on the subject of libels or entertain the opinion that the administration of justice in our courts is too tardy and lenient they have in their power to redress themselves by punishing the vendors and distributors of such publications within their own territories, in any manner that they may think proper, and thereby preventing the circulation of them. If they think their present laws are not sufficient for this purpose they may enact new ones; or, if they think it expedient, they may exercise the right which they have of prohibiting the importation of any foreign new papers, or periodical publications, into the territories of the French Republic. His majesty will not complain of such a measure, as it is not his intention to interfere in the manner in which the people or territories of France should be governed; but he expects, on the other hand, that the French government will not interfere in the manner in which the government of his dominions is conducted, or call for a change in those laws with which his people are perfectly satisfied. With respect to the distinction which appears to be drawn in M. Otto's note, between the publication of British subjects and those of foreigners, and the power which his majesty is supposed to have in consequence of the alien act, of sending foreigners out of his dominions, it is important to observe that the provisions of that act were made for the purpose of preventing the residence of foreigners, whose numbers and principles had a tendency to disturb the internal peace of his own dominions, and whom the safety of those dominions might require in many instances to be removed, even if their actual conduct had not exposed them to punishment by law. It does not follow that it would be a warrantable application of such a law to exert its powers in the cases of individuals such as those of whom complaint is now made, and particularly as they are liable to be prosecuted under the law of the land, in like manner as others have been in similar cases, at the instance, and upon the complaint of foreign governments.
The second general head, which includes the five last complaints, relates to the removal of some of the French emigrants resident in this country. His majesty entertained hopes that the explanation furnished on this head in my dispatch No. 14, would have proved satisfactory, and would have precluded the necessity of any farther discussion on this subject. The French government have upon several occasions resorted on this part of the subject to precedent, and have particularly relied on the demand formerly made by this country, that the person then called the pretender, should be sent from the French dominions. It is important that the differences between these two cases should be stated. When James the second abdicated the throne, and left this country, he retired with his adherents to France; and though in the war which immediately succeeded that event, the French government adopted his cause as their own, no stipulation was made at the treaty of Ryswick, that he should be sent from that country, nor was any subsequent demand ever made to the French government to this effect; but he was suffered to remain at Saint Germain, in the neighbourhood of Paris,
surrounded by his family and friends, till the time of his death. It was not till after his demise, when Lewis the fourteenth, in direct violation of the treaty of Ryswick, had acknowledged his son as King of Great Britain, that a different course of proceeding was adopted by the British government and in the treaty of peace signed at Utrecht, which put an end to the war which had been carried on, on account of the Spanish succession, an article was inserted to prevent the Pretender from residing in any part of the French dominions. The demand which was subsequently made for the removal of the Pretender from a town which was situated in the centre of these dominions, was founded on this article of the treaty, which was in fact one of the conditions of the peace; but both the article in the treaty and the demand were confined to the Pretender personally, and were not extended to any of his family, or to any of his adherents. After his removal, many of his adherents continued to reside in France; many persons resident in this country, who were attached to the cause of the Pretender, and had promoted the rebellion in his favour and who were consequently attainted for high treason, sought refuge in France, and were permitted to remain there till their death, without any application ever having been made by the British government for their removal. The Duke of Berwick, the natural son of James the second, who from his principles and talents was the most dangerous man to the interests of this country and the protestant succession, continued to be a general in the French armies, and though descended from the King, an Englishman and an emigrant, it was not required that he should be sent out of France. In the present case, there is no article in the treaty of peace, by which his majesty is bound to send from this country any Frenchman whatever, except on account of the crimes specified in the twentieth article of the definitive treaty, and in consequence of the proofs therein required having been adduced. In the present case, it cannot be pretended that his majesty has ever given the slightest countenance to the cause of the royalists in France against the present government, since the period when he acknowledged that government; and if there were not these important differences in the two cases, they would be dissimilar in the only remaining point; for in the case of the house of Stuart, as has been already stated, notwithstanding the violence of the times, and the danger to which the protestant succession was really exposed, this strong act of authority was confined to the person of the Pretender; and the individual who must be recognized in that character by the French government, and whose case can alone bear any similarity to the former even in this respect, is not, and never has been within his majesty's dominions. Other precedents might be adduced for this subject; but it is not necessary to state them, as the foregoing are sufficient.
With respect to the complaints in detail under the second head. Upon the first, you may inform the French government, that the emigrants in Jersey, many of whom remained there solely on account of the cheapness of subsistence, had actually removed, or were removing previous to the representation concerning them in M. Otto's note, and that before your explanation with M. Talleyrand can take place, there will probably not be an emigrant in the island.
To the second complaint, which relates to the bishops of Arras and St. Paul de Leon, and others, his majesty can only reply, that if the facts alleged against them can be substantiated; if it can be proved that they have distributed papers on the coast of France with a view of disturbing the government, and of inducing the people to resist the new church establishment, his majesty would think himself justified in taking all measures within his power for obliging them to leave the country; but some proof must be adduced of these facts; and such proof must not be that of their having in a single instance, viz. in reply to the Pope's Mandate published a vindication of their own conduct, in refusing to conform to the law establishment a proceeding in which they would be justifiable on every principle of toleration and justice; but should show that they have since availed themselves of their situation in this country to excite the people of France against the authority of that government, whether civil or ecclesiastical.
Of the third complaint, which respects the removal of Georges, and those persons supposed to be described as his adherents. M. Otto must have mistaken me in what he supposes me to have said on that subject. His majesty is however very desirous to obviate any cause of complaint or uneasiness with regard to these persons, and measures are in contemplation, and will be taken, for the purpose of removing them out of his majesty's European dominions.
On the fourth complaint respecting the princes of the house of Bourbon, I can only refer you to my former answer. His majesty has no desire that they should continue to reside in this country,
if they are disposed, or can be induced to quit it, but he thinks it to be inconsistent with his honor and his sense of justice to withdraw from them the rights of hospitality, as long as they conduct themselves peaceably and quietly; and unless some charge can be substantiated of their attempting to disturb the peace which subsists between the two governments.
With respect to the fifth complaint, which relates to the French emigrants wearing in this country the orders of their ancient government, there are few if any persons of that description in the country who wear such orders. It might be more proper if they all abstained from it; but the French government could not persist in expecting, that even if it were not consistent with law, his majesty could not be induced to commit so harsh an act of authority as to send them out of the country on such an account.
I have thus stated to you his majesty's sentiments on the several points contained in M. Otto's note. You will take an early opportunity of communicating these sentiments to the French government, and of accompanying them with the arguments and explanations above stated. And if it should be desired, and you should be of opinion, that it was likely to produce any good effect, there is no objection to your putting the substance of what you shall have stated in writing, and of delivering it to the minister of Foreign Affairs, as a memorandum of your conversation.
Upon the general tone and style of M. Otto's note, it is important to observe, that it is far from conciliating; and that the practice of presenting notes of this description, on any motive or suggestion of personal irritation, cannot fail to have the effect of indisposing the two governments towards each other, instead of consolidating and strengthening the peace which happily subsists between them. That after a war, in which the passions of men have been roused beyond all former examples, it is natural to suppose that the distrust, jealousy, and other hostile feelings of individuals should not immediately subside, and under these circumstances it appears to be both the interest and the duty of the two governments by a mild and temperate conduct, gradually to allay these feelings, and not on the contrary to provoke and augment them by untimely irritation on their part, and by ascribing proceedings like those above noticed, to causes to which they have no reference. His majesty has thus fully and frankly explained his sentiments, and the ground of his conduct. He is sincerely disposed to adopt every measure for the preservation of peace, which is consistent with the honor and independence of the country, and with the security of its laws and constitution. But the French government must have formed a most erroneous judgment of the disposition of the British nation, and of the character of its government, if they have been taught to expect that any representation of a foreign power will ever induce them to consent to a violation of those rights on which the liberties of the people of this country are founded.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) HAWKESBURY. Anthony Merry, Esq. (To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY
FRIDAY, JULY 8.
The Fourth of July was a proud day to the President. On that day in the year seventeen-sixty-five, after having drawn the Declaration of Independence, with his illustrious co-patriots he pledged "his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor" to support the independence of his country; and to maintain her liberties. On the same day in the year 1803 he reaped the merited reward of his labors in the wide spread joy of millions at an event which history will record among the most splendid in our annals. Happy in having successfully asserted the rights of his fellow-citizens from foreign danger, he is now not less happy, in having maintained and extended them amidst the blessings of peace. The very day that informed us of the recommencement of European scenes of blood, incalculable in extent and duration, announced the removal from our horizon of the only cloud that threatened our peace. Let us hope that in our feelings inspired by this event, we shall be "all federalists, all republicans."
By the cession of Louisiana, we shall preserve peace, and acquire a territory of great extent, fertility, and local importance. However great the latter object may be, the former is of inestimable value, and it is principally in relation to it that the importance of the cession is to be estimated. A nation, whose population is doubled in twenty-four years, whose resources increase with still greater rapidity, and which enjoys a free government, only requires peace to elevate her in a few years above the storms which with so little intermission, agitate the European world.
National confidence has hitherto attended our administration in all their leading measures. This great event adds powerful reasons for its continuance. Great as were the hopes of patriotism, they have been more than realised. We have secured our rights by pacific means: truth and reason have been more powerful than the sword.
We omitted to notice, in our last, that the President had furnished the company at Stelle's with a supply of the Mammoth Cheese, which was also distributed among the ladies and gentlemen who waited upon him in the morning. Good judges are of opinion that it has greatly improved, and that it only requires time to be an excellent cheese. It is in a state of the best preservation.
COMMUNICATION.
THE MILITARY.
The 27th Anniversary of the Independence of our country was celebrated in this City with the most splendid eclat. The day was ushered in at sunrise by a discharge of 18 guns, at the navy yard, under the direction of capt. Cullin. The Italian band of music, early in the morning took a serenading circuit thro' the City; and a number of volunteer corps of the first legion of the militia of the district of Columbia assembled for the purpose of complimenting the President of the United States with a military display and salute. At about 11 o'clock A. M. an oration adapted to the occasion, was delivered in the Treasury Office, at the request of the officers of the legion, by capt. W. O. Sprigg of the light infantry to a numerous audience of ladies and gentlemen: after which the officers proceeded en corps to pay their respects to the President.
Whilst the President was entertaining company, the military composed of the horse, artillery, infantry and grenadiers, under the command of major Chandler, were paraded in front of the house, manoeuvring and firing until he walked out to the gate and received from them a marching salute.
George Town.
The FOURTH of JULY, the Anniversary of Independence, and the birth day of the American nation, was celebrated by the citizens of Washington and George Town in a splendid and brilliant manner.
The day was ushered in by the discharge of cannon from the United States shipping at the navy yard in Washington, and capt. Edgar Patterson's field pieces in George Town. At 9 o'clock the Washington troop of horse, under capt. Brent, capt. Sprigg's company of light infantry, capt. Benjamin Patterson's Washington grenadiers, and capt. Patterson's company of artillery, all elegantly uniformed and accoutred paraded in the centre of George Town, and were joined by capt. Smith's company of infantry in uniform. At ten the whole took up their march in solid column, with music playing and colours flying, and proceeded to the city, where they were joined by a number of the legion, also in uniform, and displayed columns before the President's house. The horse and light infantry on the right—the artillery and grenadiers on the left—the battalion infantry in the centre; the whole under the command of major Chandler. At 12 the review by general Mason took place. The approach to the review was announced by the discharge of a cannon. The general was attended by the field and staff. The review being over, the firing in honour of the day commenced from right to left, and were executed in a manner highly honourable to the whole. Eighteen rounders were discharged by the artillery and infantry. After the firing ended, the whole formed again in solid column, marched by the President's house, and as they approached the President, gave the marching salute, and passing the square were halted. They were then dismissed for a short time, while the officers formed in a body, and marched, with music, to levee the President. After the levee was over, the several companies again formed, the march was ordered, and as they arrived opposite the President's, capt. Sprigg's company of light infantry began a marching fire, wheeling and retreating to the rear, till the whole had gone through the firing, continuing the march to George Town, where they commenced a similar firing through the streets, till they had passed the centre of the town, when they halted for a few minutes. The different companies then filed off to the places they had respectively appointed to dine, and partook of elegant entertainments, drank many appropriate toasts, and ended the day by discharges of musketry and cannon.
Impromptu, and sung by Mr. Moxon at the entertainment at Mr. Stelle's, the 4th July.
THIS day we find Maurel's success, Is crown'd, and sets the nation Without a blood-stain'd deed, yea more With increase to our nation. Yankee doodle let us sing, Jefferson's the dandy, No Ross's fifty thousand men He wanted to be handy.

Like man of Ross, not Ross the man, One Jefferson succeeded; For ever then be that his plan Since Louisiana's ceded
Though Morris dance on Senate boards, Would plunge us into war, fir, Negotiation oft accord With husbandry and trade, fir.
Those furious legislators now, No longer can be jolly; The world with dumb their wretched schemes As will of all folly.
While though John Bull exert his pull, To tear the bone apart, fir; His slaves are free to have their full Tale of his father's merc, fir.
The Anniversary of American Independence, was celebrated by the Militia, and a great number of respectable Citizens of the Town of ALEXANDRIA and its vicinity.
The day was ushered in by the discharge of 17 pieces of Artillery; and having been appointed by the Legionary Court for a regular muster of the companies, in order that the citizens might have an opportunity of observing the old and laudable custom of celebrating the day by military parade and evolutions, & at the same time of discharging part of a necessary duty imposed by law, to as at once to gratify them in the voluntary observance of a usage, sanctioned by habit and prompted by inclination, while they diminished an unavoidable contribution of their fines.
The military evolutions were conducted with great spirit and correctness, after which the whole company assembled, and Capt. Walter Jones, jun. of the Cavalry, at the request of the committee of arrangements, delivered an ex tempore Address, preliminary to reading the declaration of Independence; that instrument was then read to them by Col. Peyton.
The very handsome and appropriate address of Capt. Jones being entirely unpremeditated, it is not in the power of the committee to publish a copy; but as it embraced several new and interesting topics, they hope in a few days to be able to give the principal heads. The company then partook of a frugal and joyous repast, prepared under an arbor in the field, and to the number of nearly three hundred drank to the following toasts, with undivided and earnest applause, accompanied by a discharge of artillery.
1. The day—May the principles which gave it birth, be ever justly appreciated by all Americans. 2. The United States—League in principle, attached by interest, and uninfluenced by a foreign faction. 3. Thomas Jefferson—The author of the declaration of independence, and the lover of freedom, the patron of science, and the friend of man. 4. The immortal memory of those heroes who fought—who bled—and who died in defence of their country. 5. The memory of Genl. Washington—the successful leader of our armies—May his glorious example instruct the rising generation, and emulate posterity. 6. The 4th of March 1801—As the 4th of July gave us independence, and the right of a free choice in the form of government—so we are indebted to the 4th of March for a true support of those principles for which we fought during a long and bloody war. 7. The heads of departments—May their vigilance be ever wakeful to all subordinate truths, and their influence exerted in the cause of democracy. 8. The commonwealth of Virginia—The seat of science, the nursery of republicanism, of political virtue, and of liberal sentiment—may no ignorant and presuming demagogue, no vile incendiary, even succeed in exciting unfounded jealousies of a power naturally resulting from an extensive fertile territory, a growing prosperous population, and respectable for the beneficence with which it is exercised.—3 cheers. 9. The memory of Genl. Stevens Thomson Mason, whose profound abilities as a statesman, were only equalled by his eminent zeal in the cause of freedom. 10. The genius of Liberty—May that divine spark which first kindled in America, be borne to distant climes, & illumine the Universe.—3 cheers.
11. The liberty of the press—as it has survived the open attack of its enemies, so may it outlive their more insidious attempts, at once to bring it into disgrace, and to gratify their malice by the most atrocious abuses.
12. The judiciary of the United States—Genuine independence of mind and impartiality of judgment, constitute their good behaviour: May their good behaviour never depend upon the concentration of oligarchic power in a judicial corps, irreversibly elected for life, aspiring to control the supreme departments of the government, and irresponsible to the community for the discretion or the wisdom of their conduct.—3 cheers.
13. The opposition—May no republican administration ever abandon an official discrimination of political facts, until the essential doctrine of democratic power, shall be received by all as a first principle; nor until the temperance, the decency and the honesty of different parties, shall permit the free chosen trustees of popular power to conciliate without meanly condescending, to tolerate diversities of opinion, without compromising with doctrines, palpably absurd in theory, and treasonable to the republic.—6 cheers.
14. James Monroe—May the success of his mission be commensurate with the wisdom that devised it, and with the virtue of the minister in defiance of the unprincipled counteractions attempted by those who would humiliate their country in the face of the world for the sake of a factious triumph to themselves.
15. X. Y. Z.—Judicial references to the history of impostures, either weakly suffered, or impudently practised by those who pretended to complain of them.
16. The Militia of the United States—our brothers in arms—none but an armed nation can dispense with a standing army.—6 cheers.
17. Our younger sister, the state of Ohio—may those blessings of republicanism which so highly adorn her first entrance into the Union, be expanded by the genial sun of liberty, and produce the glorious fruits of freedom and prosperity.—3 cheers.
The following attempt at wit lately made its appearance in the Charleston Courier , a federal print, replete with a bundle of republican principles and the measures of the present administration. It is republished, without farther comment, as one misrepresentation among the thousand which the opposition prints industriously propagate.
“LOUISIANA.” “We are not speaking at random when we say, it is generally known in France, that one of the most ridiculous propositions which ever fell from the feverish fancy of a new politico-philosophico fanatic, has been made by the American Executive to the Consulate—and has not only not met with any serious entertainment from that body, but on the contrary excited much merriment among them, at the expense of this country, and no little contempt for its rulers. And as merriment is contagious, the fun has reached London itself, where it has actually overcome the phlegm of John Bull, and made him roar with obnoxious mirth in every coffee-house.—So me there will not believe it; others pretend not to believe it, by way of tossing out the ball of mirth; but many make it the topic of discourse. The worst of it is, that it is said, (with what truth we cannot take upon us to affirm) that our President has backed his propositions with two draughts, one on his banker, the other on his eloquence; but as one was nearer to his own economical nature, and the other nearer in his self complacency, than they were to the expectations or taste of Talleyrand, they only served to heighten the ridicule very considerably. The Consulate think it enough to profit by the cosmopolitan cant of the day, but nothing is further from them than any intention to practise it.”
“These being the notions, it will cost our readers very little to believe, that a foreign state paper, professing to have for one of its objects the advantage of France, labouring to show them that the proposed arrangement, though advantageous to America was miraculously so to France, recommending it to that modest disinterested body (who are known to be so apt to let slip out of their fingers any thing that may be turned to advantage,) not to be blind to their interest, but to close with the proposal—that such a paper, we say, would not be very likely to excite any other emotion than contempt, or to receive any other return than ironical thanks or open derision. It will readily be considered sufficiently probable that such a man as Bonaparte would hand it back to Talleyrand with a malignant sneer; and that Talleyrand might say—“The Consul is thankful to P. U. S. for his high consideration, philanthropic advice, and tender concern for France and all the world; but being a little opinionated, and having no reason, as yet at least, to distrust his own judgement and that of his counsellors on the subject of what is or is not the interest of France, he requests (with all due submission to the P. U. S.) that he may be permitted without offence to follow the dictates of his own opinion; and he requests it the rather because he is determined to do so.”
Savannah, June 23.
IMPORTANT. The following letters from col. Hawkins to the governor of this state, announcing the capture of W. A. Bowles, the celebrated son of mischief, together with the disposition and ‘talk’ of the chief, will be found of the utmost interest and importance to the people of this state; and not unimportant to any part of the union. We presume Bowles has finally terminated his career.
Oche upo-fu, on Coosa river, May 20. In my last communication to your excellency, I apprized you of the state of affairs in this agency. I have now the pleasure to add, that the Chiefs of the Creek Nation convened on the 20th, at this place, and were joined by a deputation from the Cherokees, Chickasaws and Choctaws; that on the 24th the Seminoles and other chiefs in opposition, with their leader, W. A. Bowles at their head, arrived, and that on the 28th he was apprehended, confined in irons and sent under a strong guard of Indians, by order of the chiefs, to governor Toloh, of Pensacola, to answer for his crimes against the subjects of his catholic majesty in East and West Florida.
We are so crowded with Indians and visitors that I must defer going into detail till the national council adjourns. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, fir, your excellency's most obedient servant.
BENJAMIN HAWKINS. His Excellency Gov. Milledge, Georgia.
Creek Agency, June 8th. I wrote your excellency on the 30th ult. by Mr. Robertson, a gentleman of Greenborough, to inform you that Mr. Bowles was apprehended, confined in irons, by order of the chiefs, and sent under a strong guard of Indians, to governor Toloh, of Pensacola, to answer for his crimes against the subjects of his catholic majesty in East and West Florida. As soon as the event took place a general muster for the day only, run through the chiefs in opposition. With the evening, by the prudent conduct of the council of the nation, the whole subdued, and they were brought to take the U. States and Spain by the hand of friendship, and to join in a solemn declaration of the national council, “that they were resolved on eternal peace with all the world; that when they were dead and gone their children might grow up in peace, repeat and remember this talk, and take it to the end of the world.”
I heard a few days past that my having some property near Fort Wilkinson has been a subject of animadversion on the part of some members of your legislature. The place there (Hawkins's Springs) was assigned me by the chiefs of this agency for my accommodation as agent six years past, has been occupied generally by the military or myself, for public purposes. As soon as the lines are run, and the military are removed, my property will accompany them, and whether they remove or not, as soon as you can take possession of that country I intend my claim to cease, and my property to leave it. The Indians will be ready to run the line as soon as orders are given for that purpose and communicated to the speaker of the nation. With assurances of my continued exertions for the prosperity of the state over which you have the honor to preside, and of sincere wishes for your personal welfare, I have the honor to be, fir,
Your Excellency's most obt. servt. BENJAMIN HAWKINS. His Excellency John Milledge, Governor of Georgia.
At the Court of the Queen's Palace, the 16th day of May—Present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty in council.
It is this day ordered by his Majesty, by and with the advice of the Privy Council, that no ships or vessels belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects be permitted to enter and clear out for any of the ports of the French or Batavian Republics, or for the ports of any country occupied by the armies of France until further order; and his Majesty is further pleased to order, that a general embargo or stop be made on all ships belonging to the French and Batavian Republics whatsoever, now within or which hereafter shall come into any of the ports, harbours, or roads, within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, together with all persons and effects on board the said ships or vessels; but that the utmost care be taken for the preservation of all and every part of the cargoes on board any of the said ships, so that no damage or embazement whatever may be sustained; and the right hon. the Lords Commissioners of his majesty's treasury, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.
W. FAWKENER.
WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mill, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber.—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eight for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises.
THOS. POLLARD.
WAS committed to the goal of Baltimore county as a runaway, who calls himself JIM LICK; he is about 27 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, is thin and spare made, has a scar on his right wrist, about the size of a copper; has on a brown mixed cloth coat, with green velvet cape; black calimere vest light colored calimere pantaloons; fine Holland shirt and a half worn hat. He says he belongs to Mr. John Harris Updegraff, living in Essex county, near Holmes's Hole, in the state of Virginia. If the owner does not release him, he will be sold for his good fees, according to law.
JAMES WILSON, sheriff. July 4th. law. cf. P. & F.
JUST COME TO HAND, AND FOR SALE AT RAPINE, CONRAD & CO'S.
BOOK STORE, New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. A Prospect of exterminating the Small-Pox, being a narrative of facts concerning the progress of the new inoculation in America; together with practical observations on the local appearance, symptom upon mode of treating the King Pox; including, and letters to the author, from some distinguished characters—By Benjamin Waterhouse, M.D. professor of the theory and practice of medicine in the University of Cambridge—Price One Dollar.
R. C. & Co. have always on hand a good assortment of MEDICAL BOOKS, which they will sell at very moderate prices. April 4. M & F.
FIRST LEGION.
ATTENTION!
AT a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 17th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, “An act more effectually to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia,” ordered that the following be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to the battalion companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz. a DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEAT WHITE BREECHES and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE OVERALLS, with SHOES and ROUND BLACK HAT: which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court.
WM. D. BEALL, Clerk of L. c. b.
Sec. 27. And be it further enacted, That all non-commissioned officers and privates, belonging to battalion companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly dressed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be determined on for the respective legions, by the first legionary courts of enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved of by the Brigadier General; provided the expense of the same, additional to that of usual, ordinary, and cheap clothing, does not exceed five dollars for each person, and every such non-commissioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published, in some newspaper within the legionary district, and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip himself.
A valuable Farm for Sale.
IN the county of Jefferson State of Virginia, four miles above Harper's Ferry, and four miles from the county town of Charlestown—containing about 580 acres of limestone land; it is under several leases until the end of the present year, and has been managed to an improvement of the premises at a rent of about 500 dollars per annum. One tract contains 404 acres, one third of which is well timbered—13 acres of good meadow, watered by a constant stream—an apple orchard of about 200 trees of choice fruit well grown; the improvements upon this tract are a stone dwelling house and kitchen, a new log barn 60 by 24, a constant spring of good water, near the kitchen door—Another tract contains 53 acres, one third of which is also well timbered, 4 acres of meadow, and an apple orchard of about 100 trees—the improvements thereon are a comfortable dwelling house, kitchen, barn and stables, with a well of good water at the door; the other are three tracts of 43 acres each, with a proportion of wood and meadow, on which there are buildings for tenants. These several tracts adjoin and make a complete farm; the situation is pleasant and healthy, and in an agreeable neighbourhood. The price is Twenty Dollars per acre for the whole tract, and it sold separately the price will be at an advance. One half to be paid in cash, the other moiety in one, two and three years with interest from the day of sale and a security of the premises. The lands will be shown by the tenants on application to George North, Esq. at Charles-town. An indisputable title will be made by the subscriber to whom letters may be addressed on the subject.
JOSEPH NOURSE. George Town, District of Columbia, June 24. 1803.
N. E. corner of Ferry, on the Potomac river, is a public landing at which boats take in lading for George Town, Alexandria and the City of Washington. An armory has lately been erected at this place and is now carried on by the United States.
A LIST OF LETTERS
Remaining in the Post Office at Washington City, on the 1st July, 1803.
A. Mrs. Eliza Alexander, Lieut. A. B. Armistead.
B. Benjamin C. Barnett, James Blake, Mark Blair, Wm. Blair, Rev. Gideon Blackburn, Jeremiah Booth, Robert Brown, John Brackenridge, Samuel Booke, Gerard S. Boorman, Hugh Boyd, Solomon Bond, Jacob Bugg, Clement Booke, Isaac Boon, Esq. John Brown (sailor) Wm. Butts (care of J. Brown) John D. Bradburn, Robert E. Brandt, for William Tyrrell.
C. Miss Mary Clarke, (care of Samuel Booke) Pierre Galy, at Richard C. Lee's, George Galy, Directors of the Chamber of Commerce, James Galy, Esq. Doctor Edward Galy, John Christy, (farmer) Lieut. Michael Carroll, (2) John Caton, (ditcher) Hugh G. Campbell, Esq. William Cannon, jun. of the Essex, Jacob Craven, Solomon Carrier, (farmer).
D. Margaret Davis, (Greenleaf's point) Samuel B. Davis, John Dunbar, Mr. Decatur, (navy) Skey Davis, Henry Diggins (of the Boston) John Dunbar, William Dean, Alexander Done, (navy department).
E. Madame Elvis, Edward Ellis (taylor) Ignatius Edekin.
F. John B. French, Dennis Fitzgerald, Azariah Foxton, Capt. John Fraser, Philip Fitzgerald.
G. William Gibbins, John Gregg, Russell Goodrich, James Gibson (milkmaid) Peter Gaveney, Henry Gidith, Joseph Gandy.
H. Samuel Hester, John Hutton, John H. Hooker, Esq. Captain Charles Hyde, (6) Edward Hall, Bernard Heedry, Daniel Hurley, Michael Huck, Samuel Hoan, Lieut. Isaac Hall, (of the Adams) John S. Higdon, Andrew Hoop.
J. David Johnson, Richard Jones, Captain Izard, Honorable Charles Jarvis, Peter Jackson, (care of Samuel Hartless) Francis Jones.
K. G. W. Kirkland, Edward Keaton, (joiner) Ezekiel King.
L. Mrs. Butler Lee, A. B. Lindley, John Love, G. A. Lawrence, D. Lepier, Rev. Wilson Lee.
M. Robert Myers, Ezra Mantz, Philip Menn, Gen. William Mill, Miss Mary Mitchell (2) Rev. John Morgan, (2) Mr. Magill, James McDonald, Esq. Benjamin Mallow, (carpenter) Mans. M c Henry, Edward M c Carty, John M c Caul, Samuel Miller, (farmer) James M c Cow, (mariner) James P. Mix, (2) Thomas Mathis.
N. David Norris, James Nite.
P. John Payne, Wm. Pickering, (2) Henry Page, (2) J. B. Pearce, William Prentiss, (2) Peter Pumpkin, Esq.
R. Isaac Raner, John Richardson, Esq. Thomas O. Roberson, (masters mate) William Iron Rea, (sail maker) Thomas Roghan.
S. Robert Short, Esq. Elizabeth Stone, Mary Santorous, Stephen Sykes, Ralph Smith, jun. Richard Stephen, jun. (gunner) Charles Stewart, Mr. Sinclair, William Sykes, Hendrick H. Staats, Samuel Smith.
T. Miss Gracy Turner, Edward Turner, Joseph Thompson, Doctor Nathaniel Tiffdale, Charles C. Byrd Thompson.
W. Thomas West, (of Kentucky) Abraham Weston, Wallace Wormley, Samuel Wright (care of Robert Bawn) Widow Wilson, Roger C. Weightman, James Wilson, Joel Werts, John Wilby, John W. Wyman, Benjamin Witt, (taylor) Charles Wilkins, Esq. (of Kentucky) Gen. John Wilkins, (late quarter master general.)
TO LET.
And be entered upon immediately, three well finished BRICK HOUSES, NEARLY opposite Morn's Tavern, on Twelfth street very near Pennsylvania Avenue, built for the WASHINGTON BUILDING COMPANY. The Houses will be rented on very reasonable terms. Apply to THOMAS CARPENTER near the President's Square. Dec. 22.
The highest price in Cash will be given for a quantity of HOMMONY BEANS and BLACK EYED PEAS. Apply to WM. BRENT. Washington, June 29. ep3w

(Continued from first page.) replying to my communication, and that on conversation on this head terminated with the last remarks I made to him when he changed it to another subject.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) ANTHONY MERRY. Right hon. lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c.
No. 10.—(Translation.) Portman Square, July 25, 1802.
MY LORD, I transmitted some time ago, to Mr. Hammond, a number of Peltier, containing the most gross calumnies against the French government, and against the whole nation; and I observed that I should probably receive an order to demand the punishment of such an abuse of the press. That order is actually arrived, and I cannot conceal from you my Lord, that the reiterated insults of a small number of foreigners assembled in London to calumniate against the French government, produce the most unfavorable effects on the good understanding between the two nations. Even though the first article of the treaty of Amiens had not provided for the maintenance of that respect, which two independent nations owe to each other; the general maxims of the law of nations would formally condemn so revolting an abuse of the liberty of the press. It cannot be believed, that the law can give more latitude to a libellist than to any other individual, who, without a declaration of war should permit himself to violate the duties of good neighbourhood. The offence in question is so much the more serious, as its object is evidently to disturb the harmony which subsists between the two governments.
It is not to Peltier alone, but to the Editor of the Courier Francois de Londres, to Colbet and other writers who resemble them, that I have to direct the attention of his majesty's government. The perfidious and malevolent publications of these men are in open contradiction to the principles of Peace and if it were ever entered into the mind of the French government to permit retaliation, writers would doubtless be found in France, willing to avenge their countrymen by filling their pages with odious reflections on the most respectable persons, and on the dearest institutions of Great Britain.
The want of positive laws against these sorts of offences cannot palliate the violation of the law of nations, according to which peace should put a stop to all species of hostilities; and doubtless those which wound the honor and the reputation of a government, and which tend to cause a revolt of the people, whose interests are confided to that government, are the most apt to lessen the advantages of peace, and to keep up national resentment.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) OTTO. To his excellency lord Hawkesbury, minister and Secretary of State for the Foreign Department. No. 11.
Downing Street, July 28, 1802.
Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter on the subject of the last number of Peltier. It is impossible that his majesty's government could peruse the article in question without the greatest displeasure and without an anxious desire that the person who publishes it should suffer the punishment he so justly deserves. The calumnies, however, to which his majesty's government, and many of the best subjects in this country, are frequently exposed in the public prints, must necessarily convince all foreign governments of the difficulties which exist in a constitution like that of Great Britain, in preventing the abuse which is often unavoidably attendant on the greatest political benefits; and though publications of this kind are as they certainly ought to be, by the law of England, subject to punishment, it is often difficult to prove the guilt of an individual sufficiently as to obtain the judgment of a court of justice; and the inconvenience which arises from prosecution unless there is a reasonable prospect of success, is frequently sufficient to deter both the government and individuals from undertaking it. In the present case, I have thought it my duty to refer the article in question to his majesty's attorney general for his opinion whether it is or is not a libel according to the construction of the law of England, and whether it is such a libel as he would under all circumstances recommend for prosecution. As soon as I receive his report, I shall have the honor of communicating it to you.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) HAWKESBURY. M. Otto, &c. &c.
No. 12.—(Translation) NOTE. The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of the French Republic, having submitted to his government the Letter which his Excellency Lord Hawkesbury Minister and Principal Secretary of State to his British Majesty, did him the honor of writing under date of the 27th July, is directed to offer the following observations:
If the British government tolerates censures upon the acts of its administration and the personal abuse of the most respectable men, it does not suffer even the slightest attempt against the public tranquility, the fundamental laws of the empire, and the supreme authority which arises from them. Every nation is, moreover, at liberty to sacrifice any advantage whatever in its interior, in order to obtain another to which it attaches a higher value; but the government which does not repress the licentiousness of the Press when it may be injurious to the honor or the interests of foreign powers, would afford an opportunity for libellists to endanger the public tranquility, or at least the good understanding that forms the basis of it, and whenever such serious injuries are continued in a regular and systematic manner, doubts must arise as to its own dispositions.
The particular laws and constitution of Great Britain are subordinate to the general principles of the law of nations, which supercede the laws of each individual state. If it be a right in England to allow the most extensive liberty to the press, it is a public right of all civilized nations, and the bounden duty of government to prevent, repress, and punish, every attack which might by those means be made against the rights, the interests, and the honor, of foreign powers.
This general maxim of the law of nations has never been mistaken without paying the way for the greatest divisions, and has ever furnished in England a plausible pretext to those who have written volumes to prove the necessity of the last war against France. Are these men now desirous of presenting to the Consular government a weapon which they have wielded with so much address? And can they flatter themselves that the authorities which have signed the peace has not power to maintain it?
By the first article of the treaty of Amiens, the two powers agree to afford no protection, either directly or indirectly, to those who should cause prejudice to any of them.
But the greatest of all injuries doubtless is, that which tends to debase a foreign government, or to excite within its territory evil will and religious commotions; and the most decided of all protection, is that which places under the safeguard of the laws, men who seek not only to disturb the political tranquility of Europe, but even to dissolve the first bonds of society.
The undersigned minister must moreover observe, that this is not a question respecting some paragraphs, which, through the inadvertence of an Editor, might have been accidentally inserted in a public print; but it is a question of a deep and continued system of defamation, directed not only against the chief of the French Republic, but against all the constituted authorities of the Republic, against the whole nation, represented by these libellers in the most odious and degrading terms. It has ever been remarked that many of these prints contain an appeal to the French people, against the government and fundamental laws of their country.
If these observations apply to the English writers, who for these three months past, have deluged the public with the most perfidious and unbecoming publications, they are still more applicable to a class of foreign calumniators, who appear to avail themselves of the asylum offered them in England only for the purpose of the better gratifying their hatred against France, and undermining the foundations of peace.
It is not merely by insulting and seditious writings, evidently published with a view to circulate in France, but by other incendiary papers distributed thro' the maritime departments, in order to excite the evil-disposed or weak inhabitants to resist the execution of the Consulate, that these implacable enemies of France continue to exercise hostilities, and to provoke the just indignation of the French government and people. Not a doubt exists of these writings having been composed and circulated by Georges and by former bishops of France. These men can no longer be considered but as rebels against both political and religious authority; and after their reiterated attempts to disturb the good understanding between the two governments, their residence in England militates openly against the spirit and letter of the treaty of peace.
The meetings likewise which have taken place in the island of Jersey, and the odious plots which are there framed, in spite of the representations which the undersigned minister has already taken care to make on this subject, also demand immediate measures to be taken by a government the neighbour and friend of France.
Other persons (attached, by recollections never to be effaced, and by regrets too long fostered, to an order of things which no longer exists in France) find themselves daily implicated by the plots of those who pretend to serve them. A sense of their own reputation will, without doubt, lead them to avoid a focus of intrigues, with which they ought not to have the least connection.
Peace happily re-established, the mutual desire of the two governments to render it solid and lasting, and the general interests of humanity, require that all these causes of dissatisfaction should be done away, and that his Majesty's ministry should, by frank and energetic measures, manifest their disapprobation of all the attempts made to produce new divisions.
The undersigned has in consequence received especial orders to solicit,
1st. That his Majesty's government will adopt the most effectual measures to put a stop to the unbecoming and seditious publications with which the newspapers and other writings in England are filled.
2d. That the individuals mentioned in the undersigned minister's letter of the 23d July last, shall be sent out of the island of Jersey.
3d. That the former bishops of Arras and St. Pöl de Léon, and all those, who like them, under the pretext of religion seek to raise disturbances in the interior of France, shall likewise be sent away.
4th. That Georges and his adherents shall be transported to Canada, according to the intention which the undersigned has been directed to transmit to his government at the request of Lord Hawkesbury.
5th. That in order to deprive the evil disposed of every pretext for disturbing the good understanding between the two governments, it shall be recommended to the Princes of the House of Bourbon at present in Great Britain, to repair to Warsaw, the residence of the head of their family.
6th. That such of the French emigrants as still think proper to wear the orders and decorations belonging to the ancient government of France, shall be required to quit the territory of the British empire.
These demands are founded upon the treaty of Amiens, and upon the verbal assurances that the undersigned minister has had the satisfaction to receive in the course of the negotiations, with regard to a mutual agreement for maintaining tranquility and good order in the two countries. If any one in particular of these demands does not proceed immediately from the treaty concluded, it would be easy to justify it by striking examples, and to prove how very attentive the British government has been in times of internal fermentation, to remove from the territory of a neighbouring power those who might endanger the public tranquility.
(Continued on second page.)
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN & IRELAND. HOUSE OF COMMONS.
(Continued from our last.)
Mr. Grey readily acquiesced in the mode of proceeding suggested by the noble Lord, and more especially in the propriety of abstaining from asking any opinion from the House upon a subject respecting which the House had till the present moment been left in total and unprecedented ignorance. He had listened to the message with great attention, but there was one subject to which it did not seem to advert. From the message, indeed, he understood that the dissensions which had been subsisting between the two governments were terminated; that in consequence of the conduct pursued by the French government, Lord Whitworth had been instructed to leave, and had actually left Paris, and that the French ambassador had left London. That his majesty, therefore, under these circumstances, looked with confidence to the zeal and spirit of that House, and to the exertions of his brave and loyal subject in the support of a just cause, (the justice of the cause he must presume that ministers would be able to make out,) and when they did, he was sure he only spoke the sentiments of every man in that House and in the country, when he asserted, that, when the justice of the cause was fairly made to appear, his majesty might fairly rely on the alacrity of the House, and on the readiness of the people, to give his majesty their joint and unanimous support. [ A cry of hear! hear! ] But the question which he was anxious to ask and to gain information, respecting which was the chief motive of his rising, was, whether the country should be looked upon as already in actual hostility? That he could not well doubt, if he attended to the general and positive reports that letters of marque and reprisals had already been issued—If such were the case, he could not but look upon the message as deficient in not conveying that information to the public—an information concerning which they were so long left in the dark, and about which they could not but feel extremely anxious. Neither could he help remarking upon another subject, viz. the assertion that has been made a few days ago, that no formal and official communication could be made to the House before the actual arrival of Lord Whitworth in this country. The communication was, however, made this day, though Lord Whitworth was not arrived; surely the same communication could have been made on Friday last,
and might so far have sooner terminated the suspense and anxiety under which the public mind had so long been allowed to labour. It was, however, thought proper to communicate the intelligence through another channel, though, in his opinion no channel could be more genuine and constitutional for transmitting that to the two Houses of Parliament. He should not, as he had already said, object to the mode of proceeding proposed by the noble lord, but he could not at the same time but lament that the country should find itself again involved in actual hostilities, without Parliament having a single opportunity to deliberate upon the great question that it was to decide upon peace or war.
Lord Hawkesbury had no difficulty in confessing that orders had been issued for granting letters of marque, but in his opinion it was not usual to advert to such a circumstance in express terms in a message from the Throne. As to what the hon. gentleman alluded to in the close of his speech, respecting the propriety of making no communication until Lord Whitworth was actually in England, circumstances had occurred since Friday, when that assertion was made, which fully justified the propriety of that precaution. Indeed Lord Whitworth must be now at Calais, and it was well known, that Gen. Andreossi had already quitted London; so that there was now left no channel of regular communication between the governments of the two countries.
Mr. Fox had only to express a wish, that the production of the papers might be expedited with all possible dispatch; and a regret that letters of marque had already been issued—for in his opinion, under the present situation of the two countries, the advantage of issuing letters of marque five days sooner could not be put in competition with the advantage that might be derived, from having an opinion delivered by the House on a subject of such serious importance to the country.
Mr. T. GREENVILLE wished to be informed, whether it was the intention of the noble lord to lay before the house, papers of that ample and comprehensive description which might be expected to throw light upon the whole of the difficulties, since the conclusion of the definitive treaty of Amiens?
Lord Hawkesbury had no difficulty in saying, that the papers to be produced would not be confined to the late difficulties; but would also comprehend all the material discussions that had been entered into since the treaty of Amiens.
The question was then put, that his Majesty's message be taken into consideration this day se'nnight, and unanimously agreed to.
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by ROBERT M c CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORRESTER, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorised, in my name, to adjust and settle the same; and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLOGET. March 30. tf.
SPRING GOODS.
JOHN COX, HAS just received an elegant and extensive assortment of fashionable Spring Goods, which he is now selling at very reduced prices. Also, A quantity of Spinning Cotton in bags. George-town, June 1. 6w.
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations. June 22. 3m.
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. BOOKSELLERS & STATIONERS, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, HAVE JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE, Washington's Reports of cases argued and determined in the court of appeals of Virginia—Price 6 dollars. An address to the government of the United States, on the cession of Louisiana, second edition—Price 25 cents. Monroe's Embassy, in relation to our claims to the navigation of the Mississippi—Price 25 cents. An address on the past, present and eventual relations of the United States to France—Price 18 cents.
Also, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BOOKS in every branch of literature and science; and a constant supply of the Stationary; all which they will sell at their usual moderate prices.
FOR SALE, By public auction on Thursday the 8th inst. at 11 o'clock before 12, at Stulle's hotel, on Capitol Hill
THE commodious two story brick dwelling house with the out houses and lot number 10 and 11 in square number 225 in the city of Washington, open to and bounded in part on Pennsylvania Avenue, and by ninth street east, leading to the Navy Yard. The premises may be viewed any day previous to the sale. The terms one third cash, when a clear and sufficient title will be given; one third in 6 and one third in 12 months with interest on the last two payments, to be secured by bond and mortgage on the premises. THOMAS TINGEY. Washington, July 5, 1805. idol.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR. HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of BRUNO and SUMNER Goods, of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloths and Cassimere's, Superior Navy Blue and other colours; handsome Navy & FASHIONABLE Buttons, &c. Gentlemen of ARMY, NAVY and FASHION served with expedition and taste. New Jersey Avenue, seventh house from Capitol Square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's Square. April 13 1803. tf.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD, FOR delivering to the Subscriber a negro boy, Edmond, who was a few days ago sent with a letter to a gentleman in the city and has not since returned. RICHARD FRAZER. Washington June 27, 1843. 6w.
Boarding & Day Schools, PRESIDENT'S SQUARE. J. GARDINER instructs Youth in Arithmetic, Book-Keeping, Writing, and English Grammar. Mrs. GARDINER teaches Needle Work, Tambouring, &c. Young Ladies who desire to do so, can divide their time between the two schools. Boys from the country accommodated with Board and Lodging on reasonable terms. June 1. 2m.
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer. tf.
ELISHA RIGGS, Has just received from Philadelphia A large supply of Seasonable Goods, viz. EMBOSS'D and Coloured Mullins, Very fine Mull Mull & Book 20. Lace Shades and Wide Laces, Spangled Tiffey and blk. Fans, Silk Cotton and thd. Hosiery, Very fine Cambric and long lawn, Cotton Counterpans and Dinamica, Striped Silk for Coats, Fancy Waistcoating and Janes, 9.8 and 7.8 Buff and Silk Chintzes, London Cloths and Cassimere, Naukeens, Eulians and Checks, White and Buff Cord for Uniforms, Silver Lace and Blue Plumes, Irish and German Sheetings, Bed Prints and Tickings, Men's Light Beaver Hats, Diaper Table Cloths. ALSO, Cheap Irish Linens, And many other articles, which being bought at the best market, & will be sold very low for Cash. George Town, June 15, M & F 2w F4w
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superior Cloths, Cassimere, Silk Floratine, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swardowns, Toillnettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802. tf.
20 Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY on the 28th inst. from the subscriber, residing in the borough of Lancaster, (Penn.) a bound Negro Servant lad named LESTER, but sometimes calling himself BILLY JONES, aged about 20 years. He is about 5 feet 10 inches high, pretty well limbed, and likely in the face. He took with him an olive coloured ribed naukeen Coatee, new, an old coat of superfine brown cloth, a white Marcellas and a cotton-stripe waistcoat, white diaphy pantaloons and brown fustian trowsers, good shoes, and a good coffee hat; but it is probable he has other clothes besides these. It is supposed he will endeavor to get a place as a waiter, or attempt going to sea. All masters of vessels are therefore cautioned against carrying him off; and any person who shall secure him to his master may have him again, shall receive the above reward and reasonable charges. WILLIAM BARTON. Lancaster, June 23, 1803.
N. B. The printers in Frederick town, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York, are requested to give this advertisement a place in their papers.