The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-25 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1214.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, JULY 23, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Letter from JOHN SMITH, to the Governor of Ohio.
To his excellency Thomas Kirker, Speaker of the Senate, and acting Governor of the state of Ohio.
SIR, I take the liberty of hereby making known through you, a determination which I have long since formed, to resign my seat in the Senate of the United States. You will excuse my troubling you on this occasion, instead of the President of that honorable body—I prefer this course, though it may appear an unusual one, because I do not feel any obligation to conform to any ceremonies of retiring which are not agreeable to me, and because I wish to give my reasons for withdrawing from political life, and to give them with more freedom than might possibly be considered consistent with the courtly style which might be required in an address to the Senate.
I am the more anxious to avow my motives, as I fear they may be misunderstood, & that such may be attributed to me as I would scorn to allow the least share of influence on my actions. It may be supposed, that dissatisfied with the result of the late enquiry into my conduct, mortification and disappointment must have driven me from my seat in a body, of whose members a considerable portion, in point of numbers, have declared me unworthy of an association with them. This, sir, is far from being the case. I never expected, ardent as were my hopes to extirpate all prejudices, to remove all doubts—I could not expect to convince those who were determined never to change their opinions, or that those who wished to pronounce on my guilt (in a summary manner) without allowing me to exhibit any evidence of my innocence, would listen to that evidence when I produced it; I could only offer a luminous mass of proofs to the world, but I could not force open all eyes to behold it. That this result was, however, in some measure different from what I expected, I pretend not to deny—that nineteen men could be found in the Senate of the United States to pronounce me guilty, I did not suppose possible, and I will frankly own that when I saw it, though indignation was the predominant sentiment of my heart, yet it was in some degree mixed with other and more painful feelings—but, sir, it was the weakness only of a moment. I had many sources of consolation to add to those which a proud consciousness of innocence afforded me. In the first place, I saw who were the advocates of this resolution, and who were its opponents, and though I will not say that I did not regret the censure of the former (for I desire the good opinion of all, the little as well as the great) yet the open and honorable approbation of the latter extinguished every trace of such feeling—I saw, what the nation will see, and what every man must acknowledge (who does not count Senators, like cattle, by the head) that my right to my seat and character was established by as remarkable a preponderance of the talents, worth, and respectability of that House as ever distinguished one of its votes.
I also recollected that this proceeding was a public one, the proofs and principles on which it was conducted within my reach, and that it was in my power to exhibit them fairly and impartially, and claim an honorable acquittal from all who would do me the justice to read them—that if amenable to the laws of my country (as I certainly am if guilty) I might be called to appear before any of her tribunals, and welcome with exultation any investigation.
I have it also, sir, in my power to answer a question which may be here very naturally asked—"How is it possible (it may be said) that nineteen Senators could solemnly affirm the truth of an accusation without some testimony to warrant it?" I am not so uncharitable as to say that all or even many of those gentlemen really believed me innocent—nor will I say that all or perhaps even any of them are incapable of forming a correct opinion upon a plain matter of fact. No, sir, I do not thus so highly impeach either their hearts or heads—but I answer (and it is an answer
which they will one day have to urge as their excuse for the injustice they have done me) that they had yielded, perhaps without a struggle, to the control of the most obstinate prejudice—that they wished to believe me guilty, and believed what they wished. They are not the only men who have been thus seduced. What absurdities are not believed—what glaring truths denied—what violations of propriety committed when prejudice usurps the throne of the mind and assumes the dominion of reason?
To prove the complete surrender of their faculties to these motives, I need only refer to the proceedings of the Senate during their investigation of my conduct. As I mean to detail these together with the discussion hereafter, I will now only ask to what but the most inveterate prejudice can the very first step taken by the committee be attributed, when on my application to their chairman to know whether I should be allowed to appear before the committee, to hear my accusation and procure proofs in my behalf, a resolution is adopted forbidding any member to hold a private conversation with me on the subject? What but prejudice could have directed their answer to my subsequent demand of an hearing, when I am told that committee "have no authority to hear me in my defence." When constituted for the purpose of enquiring into the truth of a charge, could reason tell them to confine their enquiry to the proofs against me, & to listen to no evidence in my favor? What but a partial and prejudiced report could be expected from an enquiry thus conducted? And when this report is examined, what can excuse the extraordinary principles and the gross mistakes (to speak most tenderly of it) which are contained in so labored a production? Passing over many circumstances of intemperate zeal and precipitation which attended the whole proceeding, what but the blindness of prejudice can account for the vote given by most of these nineteen gentlemen to decide immediately upon the accusation without allowing any opportunity of procuring evidence to discredit or explain what was offered against me? And that too after I had stated upon affidavit the materiality of the testimony I could produce. Surely men, who were impartially and dispassionately enquiring after truth, could never have wished to declare a man guilty of a crime, & inflict upon him the severest punishment without permitting any other testimony to be offered to them except that which was intended to criminate him—Yet this mode of "summary proceeding," as it was termed, was warmly recommended in the report, and found many advocates in the Senate. There is one circumstance which so plainly shews the spirit of injustice and persecution manifested towards me by most of these gentlemen (the weight of whose opinions it is surely fair that I should thus be allowed to deprecate) that I cannot forbear to state it. When it was determined by the Senate that I should be permitted to procure evidence in my behalf, and the first day of March appointed for me to produce it, I was directed to give "reasonable notice" to all the witnesses against me, whom I meant to discredit, of the time and place of taking my depositions. This was on the 20th of January. The principal witness against me, Elias Glover, was in Cincinnati; the witnesses to discredit him, were in a distant part of New York and Connecticut, where he had formerly lived, and one or two in New-Orleans. It will, therefore, be obvious that it was impossible for me to give him any such notice of which he could in any manner avail himself, provided my depositions were taken in time to reach Washington by the 1st of March. Yet all that could be expected, I did. I proceeded immediately to Cincinnati, and thinking that perhaps the mail might out-travel me, I did send him a notice by the mail from Berryville, Virginia, on the 25th of January (which on my arrival was also repeated) and in which I informed him that I should take testimony to discredit him on the 15th and 20th of Feb. in New-York and Connecticut, that the time limited by the Senate would not allow me to delay it, but that I would permit him to appoint any subsequent day to cross examine the witnesses I should produce, and
would direct them to attend, if he thought he could do so before the Senate would decide upon the subject. Notwithstanding this, when I offered the depositions thus taken of between thirty and forty witnesses to prove the infamy of this accuser, it was to my amazement urged that they ought not to be read because the witness discredited did not receive that "reasonable notice" which the order of the Senate had rendered impossible, and most of these nineteen gentlemen actually voted to reject them.
What renders this still more extraordinary is, that all the evidence they received to criminate me (except that of Col. Taylor) was taken not only without any notice whatever to me but with the most studied secrecy. Many were produced which I had never heard until they were read as evidence against me, two days before the final decision of the question—these also containing new accusations charging me with new facts, to refute which I of course had no opportunity of producing evidence.
If any other proof in addition to that which appears on the face of the proceedings of the existence of prejudice against me, can be necessary, it may be seen in the frank and honorable avowal of Messrs. Giles and Pope. These gentlemen candidly owned that their impressions had been excited strongly against me—that they were really apprehensive that their prejudices were so strong as almost to unfit them from rendering me strict and impartial justice—yet these gentlemen arose superior to an influence which so frequently subdues the powers of less vigorous minds—they declared that the proofs of my innocence were so clear and conclusive, that I had so completely disproved or explained every suspicious circumstance against me, that they not only believed me unconnected with the conspiracy but entitled to the thanks of my country for exertions in suppressing it. Certainly I can have no cause to regret any censure which has procured me the honor of so distinguished a commendation.
By what means or by whose agency these prejudices were excited against me, to what vicious sources they are to be attributed, it cannot be necessary to shew. My accuser had the art to connect his tale with some trifling circumstances which might, until explained, justify suspicion—and although my testimony did explain them and prove his perjury most conclusively, it might yet have come too late for those minds which having once formed an opinion, think it true wisdom to persevere in it. I might also, sir, have shewn (as I hope I did) at the commencement and thro' the whole course of this enquiry, an unbounding and unconciliating demeanor towards men who had manifested such a readiness to suspect me. There may also, sir, have been some political feeling on this as on all other occasions. Some parts of my public conduct may have been disagreeable to my associates; some of my declarations and opinions (for even these were subjected to the scrutiny of their investigation) might perhaps be considered such as to render it "incompatible with the privileges and dignity of the Senate, that I should retain a seat among them."
These is one circumstance of this nature which I so strongly suspect to have been the source of some displeasure against me, and which is in some measure connected with the origin of the charge against my conduct, that I must be excused for detailing it. It will be recollected that this accusation was first made by a certain Matthew Nimmo and forwarded, together with Glover's affidavit, in letters to the President of the U. States. Had these creatures slandered me where they were known, I should have been careless of the consequences, but as their infamy might not be notorious enough to reach the President, I felt no little anxiety, as soon as I had reason to suspect what they had done, to remove any doubts their misrepresentations might have excited. I therefore wrote to him requesting to know by whom and of what I was accused. Not being answered, and thinking what I asked was reasonable, I wrote again, and again. After a long time, I received an answer which is now before me, in which I am told that "though sorry to refuse any request of mine, a compliance with what I asked would be a breach
of trust. That it is essential for the public interest that people should be induced to give him information, and therefore necessary that what is thus deposited should be secret and sacred." I must confess that the "salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect" which accompanied this polite refusal did not satisfy me. I considered that if I could convince the President of the falsehood of this charge (which I am sure I could have done) that the opportunity of doing so ought not to have been denied me. But if I could not, the information would then be strengthened and would justify him in any proceedings against me. And why should this concealment be insisted on only against me? Why should they be shewn to others? Can any thing be more unaccountable than that I should be told in May, 1807, "that writing from Monticello where he had not his papers to turn to, he could not even say whether he had received such as I mentioned," but that if received, it would be a breach of trust to inform me of them, and yet that he should have just before delivered them to the attorney general of the United States?
When I ask for the means of refuting an insidious calumny, I am told "that there is no danger of my being injured by it, as he considers such information as a mere suggestion for enquiry, that these papers must therefore be kept secret and sacred," when in fact, instead of being kept secret and sacred, they had not been kept at all, but were at that moment in the hands of others as the foundation of a prosecution against me, and when too many of them, though material to my defence before the senate, were actually lost. But sir, independent of my individual wrongs, I did think it a most extraordinary and highly dangerous principle which was thus brought into action and avowed in this letter. It opened to my view a system of encouraging malicious spies and informers, which I had always heard execrated as the most odious features of tyranny, and never expected to see practised in a free government like ours. I could not see how it was "essential to the public interest" thus to subject men of the fairest characters to the most malignant accusations, thus to patronise and protect the base and cowardly slanderer by sheltering his falsehoods and himself from exposure and disgrace. I also was still less reconciled to this principle, by observing the plea of state expediency or necessity (the very language of despotism) urged in support of it. Such, sir, were my thoughts upon this subject, and warm with these feelings, I attempted not to conceal them, but (as I always have done, and I trust I ever shall) I expressed them frequently and freely. Nay, I did more, and what to a guilty man, would have been the most impolitic and unsafe step which could be taken. I wrote to this very Matthew Nimmo, avowing my surprise and indignation at the treatment I had received from him and the government. All which declarations, and this letter were, as might naturally be expected, and as the event has shewn, detailed and transmitted with due diligence to Washington, where they were no doubt "kept secret and sacred," until they were called forth by the late enquiry in the Senate. It is not my object, sir, to criminate the conduct of the President in this particular. He acted no doubt upon principles in his opinion correct—and though I think them erroneous and unjust, I have no wish to question the sincerity of that avowal, which I understand he has made of his conviction of my innocence, and only regret that he did not think himself justified to allow me an earlier opportunity of justifying myself.
Nor have I stated this for the purpose of charging either the President with using, or any members of the Senate with submitting to any influence or control in the institution or conduct of the proceedings against me. I am certainly less than ever disposed to indulge suspicions when I have just seen how fatally even some honest minds may be seduced by them. I might otherwise have thought it even yet uncertain whether I was beyond the reach of that secret mysterious and inquisitorial power to which I have been subjected; whether it ceases its operations when it has collected its proofs, or whether it is
also "essential to the public interest" to continue its unseen agency in dictating or devising a punishment.
No, sir, I only contend that by thus censuring the administration, I must have subjected myself in some degree to the displeasure of that administration and its zealous supporters, and that this is to be attributed (without in any manner impeaching their integrity, for whose integrity renders him superior to all human infirmities) that prejudice which I have so manifestly shewn in the judgment of those who censure me, and it is most probable that this feeling towards me was considerably increased by the inclination which this conduct indicated, of withdrawing my allegiance from that administration and that party to which I had rendered my decided, though not obsequious support. I have thus endeavored to shew that those prejudices which so often and so powerfully pour themselves into deliberate bodies, from party spirit, political resentments and attachments, and various other sources, and which were so wisely foreseen and guarded against by the framers of our constitution, operated so plainly and forcibly on this occasion as to leave me no room to be dissatisfied with a decision, which under existing circumstances, I regard as a signal triumph.
There is also one other motive, sir, to which I should be equally unwilling that my resignation should in any degree be attributed. I mean to a request to that effect which the legislature of Ohio thought proper to make of me. However willing I might have been to retire from my station, I could not think it either reasonable or just to ask me to do so, and thus shrink from an expected enquiry which I was most solicitous to meet. Had I been as guilty as those gentlemen believed me, the case would have been different—and though I am now willing to make allowances for a hasty and intemperate vote, and am persuaded that every member of that legislature will do me the justice to examine my justification, and have the candor to avow his mistake, I yet must beg to be excused from paying any respect to a proceeding which unjustly prejudiced my cause, and sanctioned a calumny which I had then no opportunity of refuting.
No, sir, my determination to abandon a public life has arisen from no consideration in any manner connected with the circumstances I have been detailing. It has been formed upon mature reflection and observation, and would have been long since effectuated but for those accusations against my conduct, which my duty to myself, my family and my friends called upon me to defy and expose. I had long before seen enough of the political world, the bitterness of its contests, the malignity of its persecutions, the overbearing arrogance of some, and the disgraceful compliances and base arts of others, to excite my disappointment and aversion. To such a state of things have these incessant heats and struggles reduced our country, that any man who looks calmly around him, must see and deplore their poisonous effects—not only in the councils of the nation, but in almost every station of life, he may see in politics the source of numberless vexations and oppressions, the fruitful mother of a thousand calamities, the betrayer of principles, the corruptor of morals. Has a man attached himself to party? He is in chains—from that moment he is expected to renounce his own opinions, his own principles, and follow blindly wherever he is led; he is to support and oppose measures, not as his own conscience and understanding shall inform him, but often in direct opposition to the clearest dictates of both. Does he dare to break from this disgraceful bondage? Is he rash enough even to speak with irreverence of any the idols whom he is commanded to worship? He is denounced, reviled, and upon the slightest pretext persecuted to his ruin. I have long thought, sir, that a far different spirit from this was necessary to give dignity, harmony and strength to public deliberations, and to save our nation; that every man should cast off this vassalage of party; that he should not only disdain any obligation to adopt the opinions and support the measures of others, but that he should exert his own talents in the most unprejudiced manner, and act only as his own conscience directed him, without any solicitude as to

who should vote with him or against him. We have, I hope, some such characters as these, some shining examples of this independence and greatness of mind. And no man more sincerely wishes than I do, to see their numbers and consequence strengthened. But of this I almost despair. To stem this prevailing and overwhelming current, calls for the united force and talents and confidence of our country. Sensible that I could yield but a feeble and insufficient aid to this great object, I willingly retire with the hope, that my place may be filled by one who possesses more ability (more zeal he cannot) to support the honor and interests of the nation.
I have been insensibly drawn, sir, into a much more considerable detail than I had intended. It will be attributed, I trust, to my desire to place in a correct point of view, the motives which have prompted me to this, the last act of my political life.
I pretend to no stoical indifference to the opinions of my fellow citizens, to those particularly with whom I have been more immediately and dearly connected, who unsolicited have honored me with their confidence on many occasions, and whose esteem and friendship, I have regarded as my greatest enjoyment. I have felt an irresistible impulse to justify myself, and this must be in some degree my excuse for having thus trespassed on your patience.
I am, sir, with due respect, Your excellency's Most obedient servant, JOHN SMITH, of Ohio. Washington, 25th April, 1808.
WASHINGTON & ALEXANDRIA TURNPIKE COMPANY. The Stockholders of the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company" are hereby notified that the second installment of Ten dollars on such share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, treasurer in Alexandria, on or before the 26th day of August next, agreeable to the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria in the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. July 25—1A26
Head Quarters, Washington, July 15th, 1808.
GENERAL ORDERS The General takes command of the army, and the superintendancy of the recruiting service; all persons interested are to regulate their conduct accordingly.
The commanding officers of posts, camps, or cantonments, are until further orders to address their monthly returns, as well of inspection as of the troops under their command, to major Abimail Y. Nicoll, adjutant and inspector at this city; and on the receipt of this order, they are with the least possible delay to make up and transmit, to the same address, the following returns, for the accuracy of which they will be held strictly accountable, viz.
1st. A critical return of the troops to distinguish between those who are fit for the harry services of the field, those who are competent to garrison duty, and those who are fit subjects for discharge. 2nd. A return to show the monthly expiration of the periods of service for which the troops were engaged. 3rd. Exact inspection returns by companies, to show the state and condition of the clothing, arms, and accoutrements in use and in store. 4th. A return of arms, accoutrements, ammunition, military stores, and the tools and implements of the laboratory in magazine to include cannon and mortar pieces, mounted and dismounted, and to distinguish the articles fit for service, from those which are not. 5th. A return to include every species of tools, implements, and stores appertaining to the quarter master's department, with a discrimination of the sound from the damaged.
The recruiting officers and the superintendents of districts, will receive particular instructions for their government; and the general flatters himself every exertion will be made, to complete the levy of the new corps as speedily as possible.
In resuming the command, the general thinks proper to call the attention of the officers of the army to the standing orders of the 22d May 1797, which constitute the rule of conduct, except when contravened by superior authority or subsequent arrangements.
The gentlemen in commission will be pleased to observe, that all official communications are to be endorsed "public service" and are to have the name and rank of the officer subjoined.
JA: WILKINSON. By the general's command, CLEMENT C. BIDDLE, Captain Light Dragoons and Adjutant General. July 25—
FRESH TURNIP SEED. Early Turnip, Yellow do. Ruta baga or Swedish do. Hanover do. Large white do.
For sale at Theo. Holt's Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and Dr. Ott's Medicine store, George Town. Washington city, June 20—w6w
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. No. II.
It will be frankly admitted that the object of the former number of this paper was to render manifest some of the earliest and greatest of those aggressions on the rights and trade of neutrals, and those infractions of "the usages of war among civilized nations," whereby it is believed that England has brought the world to its present extreme condition of passion and violence. We shall now pursue the subject.
It is many years, more than ten, since England, through her late admiral, Sir Horatio Nelson, announced to Spain, that for the mere cause of her having made war against England, "it was found right that Spain should no longer have any trade." If Spain now, in concert with France, retaliates that excessive idea, it was England that set her the unfortunate and unwarrantable example, of an unheard of infraction of neutral rights. In the first case England noticed the neutrals, that they were to conform to this determination. She cannot deny, that such conduct in Spain now, is a simple and undeniable retaliation on her, and a use of neutrals, like to her own use of them. All this was done as punishment to Spain for joining France, and of course gave France a right to consider the irregularity of England towards her allies and towards the neutrals, as matters for which she might take revenge, or such remedy, for which she might retaliate. Thus neutrals were either drawn too close to France and Spain, if they were kind and just, or were subjected to like evils from them, in consequence of these British irregularities and violences.
Britain with Spain early in 1793, before her June orders, openly threatened Tuscany and Genoa with violence, and declared the neutral conduct of Tuscany inadmissible, and forced her to abandon her legitimate neutrality. At Copenhagen also in 1807, they declared, that the Danes could not be neutral, and forced them out of their neutrality. The British ministry, through their ambassador to Tuscany, declared in a public letter, that to be neutral in the war against France, was to be "an accomplice" with her, treating neutrality as guilt. If France has been guilty of similar declarations since those acts, has not England by those prior pernicious acts, of fatal example, brought on this excessive conduct of France? England and Prussia drove the French ministers and agents from neutral Hamburg in 1793, and England and Spain drove the French minister from neutral Florence, in the same year. The same attempt was made in 1793 on Denmark. Thus England used and abused neutrals against France. This was a prelude and provocation to many of those acts, of which England, culpable as we prove her, now complains against the French government. If they now commit such outrages of neutral rights, England, by her pernicious and early examples, has excited France to these things. Towards England they are mere retaliations. We speak known-recorded—historical truths. We commend not England or France, but we shew we prove that England really and long ago began the perversions and injuries if neutrals on shore—on many shores, as well as at sea. She had then no plea of necessity, for she was at first at peace, and afterwards supported in the war by the vast forces of Russia, Sweden, Austria, Prussia, Spain and Holland, against France alone.
Britain has subjugated all India, monopolised its trade, and excluded from it French produce, manufactures, ships & men. And India, as acquired by England has more millions of men and once had more sovereign princes than Europe, as acquired or even influenced by France. England holds in chains the commerce of all India. If France does the same by Europe, who set the avaricious, despotic, and pernicious example? It would be the extreme of error for G. Britain to think that she is not observed and well understood. It is time to proclaim these things from our house tops, in all our sea ports, and from our hills and mountains. Let our firm and faithful voices proclaim our sufferings from the continental powers of Europe to be as they really are, from the retaliations of the illegitimate measures of G. Britain. Chapter and verse, day and hour can be quoted in proof of these early, frequent and continued English provocations of the belligerents, these English aggressions upon neutrals, these English causes of the evils of our country. A conjoint system of foreign 'Orders of Council' and 'Imperial Decrees' have cut off our supplies, shut in our crops, and forced us into an embargo. For these orders of council, England has no legitimate plea or excuse, and France
has no apology, but in the prior conduct of England. Thus England is not only deeply mischievous to us herself, but is the real cause of extreme mischiefs to us from others—from all the rest of the civilized world.
To what it may be asked does all this argument tend? To establish truth, we answer, and promote a just estimate of the times: extraordinary times: such as we have never seen before. Shall we draw the sword in the murderous business of original aggression and thus make ourselves accessories after the fact, to the crimes of Britain? Or shall we draw the sword in the wasteful, bloody, impassioned business of a wild retaliation? Let us not swell the rivers of tears, which already flow from miserable man. Let us not enlarge the ocean of blood, which our mangled fellow creatures have already poured upon the reeking earth. Let us not scatter the treasures, saved from the labors of an honest people, wantonly on the ground. Let us rather use a part of the vast sums, which modern armies and navies consume, in creating all we want—a great home market for our abundant produce. Let us raise our own Manchester and Sheffield, our own Birmingham and Leeds, our own Norwich and Drog-heda. Let household manufactures be the universal care. These are our Lares. Americans look for serious trials, which manufactures in your families can render supportable; or which, these neglected, will pinch you with discomfort and necessity. Look for those outrageous and wicked obstructions, which meet your crops on the free ocean in their way to foreign markets—an evil which nothing can so well annihilate, as the demand of your own anvils and looms, your own carding and spinning machinery, your own processes and your own dexterities in aid or in execution of the useful arts. We do not persuade you to manufacture; we announce to you, that you must manufacture, that you will manufacture. We do not tell you, that you can manufacture. We announce to you, that already you do manufacture. Do you want a just, an innocent, a noble, a complete satisfaction from Britain for all her own aggressions, and all the evils of the retaliations she has provoked? Do you want to fine her in millions for her actually producing the embargo? Do you want to bring her to condign punishment for the injuries of forty years long, with which she has grieved you? Then let one set of Americans seize her carding machinery, another her spinning mills, a third her breweries, a fourth her grain and molasses distilleries, a fifth her stocking frames, a sixth her cloth looms, a seventh her hammers, an eighth her anvils, a ninth her rollers, and so with the other branches, till you make all her useful arts, trades and manufactures completely your own and establish markets for your own produce. This will be death to her naval and commercial usurpations, and life to you. It will lay the sure foundation of her future moderation and of your future independence. All other remedies are demoralizing—bloody—and ruinous in expence. This will feed and clothe instead of murdering man. It will enrich your country, instead of wasting it by foreign plunder and domestic war. It will make the best of our situation and place you in a condition far beyond that of your fellow men. It is impossible to foretell to what height the manufacturing system of a country, forced as ours now is by foreign obstructions to the sales of our produce, may rise. It is impossible to say to what height manufactures, unimpeded by excises, may ascend, how wide they may spread, how deep they may take root. Look at a fact. In the centre of Pennsylvania, a single county, more than 120 miles from Philadelphia, Baltimore and Pittsburg, has received and sold in six months from the latter place 20,000 pounds weight of cotton wool raised on the Ohio, Tennessee and Mississippi. Of this cotton there are eighty millions of pounds weight raised within our country, courting the hand of the maiden and the arm of the manufacturer. The market for produce, afforded by our manufactures, is much more sure than that afforded by our commerce. Foreign plunder, foreign despotism cannot touch our manufactures. Nothing scarcely can protect our commerce from spoliation and violation. To protect manufactures you only require to maintain the blessings of law and order. To protect commerce, you must make and maintain such an immense mill stone, as the British government have slung, under the form of a navy, around the necks of their people. Honor, profit, public spirit, a manly remedy of injuries—all these require that Great Britain shall from this day be most impressively admonished, that if we do not plough and trade, we will—we must plough and manufacture.
JURISCOLA.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JULY 25.
Mr. CHARLES MINIE has been appointed by the President of the United States, a Justice of Peace for the county of Washington.
In compliance with the request of Mr. Smith, we this day insert his letter of resignation. It is useless to say a word on the grievances of which he complains, as the debate in the Senate, which we are now publishing, with the information already before our readers, amply refute the charge of ill-treatment. No man, similarly situated, perhaps, ever received more indulgence.
Our city has been honored for a few days past with the presence of a CHINESE Mandarin and Merchant, with his secretary. His object in visiting this place is to obtain an exemption from the restrictions of the embargo, so far as to be permitted to charter a vessel for China, to carry back his property, collected in this country to the amount of forty or fifty thousand dollars. There are, we hear, various circumstances of a very peculiar nature connected with this request. One of these, as characteristic of national modes of thinking, is worth stating. The Mandarin's father being ninety years old, his death may be daily looked for. According to the usages of the disciples of Confucius, of which he is one, his remains, in case of his death, cannot be interred, in the absence of his son, in less than seven years. This necessarily renders his son very anxious to return.
Their physiognomy, dress and manners are very peculiar and interesting. Their dress and external characters correspond exactly with the representations of the statuary and painter; the leading characteristics of their countenance and manners are gravity, benevolence and mildness.
Extract of a letter from a respectable gentleman, residing in Claiborne County, Mississippi territory, to his friend in Madison county, Virginia.
"The circumstance of a very respectable mercantile house of this territory, having undertaken, and actually commenced, building some large craft at Port Gibson has excited considerable speculation. One of those boats is in considerable forwardness, and appears to me to be calculated for navigating the coast of America. She is to be decked, has sixty feet keel and about eight feet hold, with about 15 feet beam, is built very sharp and appears well calculated to sail fast. There are a number of hands employed in the building of this vessel, and I was yesterday informed that as soon as this one is timbered another is to be laid on the stocks. How many are to be built I know not—for what use I cannot pretend to say. They appear to me, not calculated for the navigation of the Mississippi. The master builder has promised the gentlemen and ladies of Port Gibson, a ball in the cabin as soon as the vessel is finished, and Mississippi barges have not generally ball rooms in their cabins, you know."
It is announced in the South Carolina prints that David R. Williams declines a re-election as a representative in the next Congress, and that Robert Witherspoon will, if chosen, serve as his successor.
The inhabitants of Liverpool, England, have passed an address to Parliament, approving of the contemplated measure of prohibiting the use of grain in the distilleries, under the avowed impression of the obligation "of using every means in their power to prevent the most dreadful of all calamities, a scarcity." We may expect to hear our mad men ringing a thousand changes upon this fact, as proving the little effect of the embargo in England!
At the late session of the supreme court of the state of North Carolina, held at Raleigh, a communication was addressed to the Judges by Governor Williams, stating the receipt of petitions and presentments of grand juries from about ten out of 60 counties in the state, requesting the governor to call an extra session of the legislature, for the purpose of affording relief to debtors during the existence of the embargo. The governor addresses his communication to the judges, supposing them, from their circuits throughout the state, to be acquainted with the general sentiments of the people on the subject, and requests their advice. The following is their answer:
Raleigh, July 5, A. D. 1808.
SIR, With every disposition to furnish your Excellency with the information requested by your letter of yesterday, we find, upon consultation with each other, that we scarcely witnessed any further indications of the public sentiment than such as are contained in the petitions and presentments laid before you. The courts were held in several counties too soon after the operation of the embargo acts, for their necessary effect and impression to be perceived; and since the period at which these may be supposed to have extended themselves through the state, we have passed through several counties, in which we have heard too little on the subject, to be enabled to form an opinion as to the wishes of the citizens. With very few exceptions, we believe this remark to be correct in relation to all those counties from which no expression of the public wish has been laid before you.
With great regard, we remain, Your Excellency's ob't. servants. John L. Taylor, John Hall, Francis Locke, Blake Baker. His Excellency Benj. Williams, Esq.
The President of the United States, has appointed ROBERT H. JONES, of Warrenton, attorney of the United States for the district of N. Carolina, in the place of B. Woods, deceased.
Bonaparte has granted domain lands in Hanover to no less than 70 of his officers of the annual value of more than 2 1-2 millions of florins.
CHARITY—The following paragraph is copied from the New York Gazette.
"Agreeable to the request of the unknown donor, Dr. Abeel acknowledges that he received through the Post Office yesterday, nine hundred dollars for the New York Missionary Society."
The latest advices from England indicate a disposition to what Mr. Windham would call a negative peace; or a peace like a war; military stores and a particular species of equipage, little calculated for war in the West Indies, but well calculated for war on a marshy continent, which had been shipped on several transports nominally destined for Antiua, had been disembarked, and the transports sent upon other service. A gentleman who writes to his friend in this city, supposes that the stores were originally destined for the Floridas, and infers from their being withdrawn, that the British government have "resolved not to eat us—for the present." Aurara.
Extract of a letter, dated State House, Columbia, S. C. June 8.
"The Legislature, as was anticipated, have refused to interfere between Debtor and Creditor. The joint committee, to whom this subject was referred, reported, That in their opinion, the exigencies of the country do not require any legislative interference, and this report was concurred in by the House of Representatives, 67 to 38—and by the Senate, 21 to 10."
Republican meeting of Mercer County.
Resolved, That we approve of the nomination of JAMES MADISON, for President, and GEORGE CLINTON, for Vice-President of the U. States, and that we will support the ticket formed by the democratic republicans at Lancaster for electors.
FOURTH WARD, NEW-YORK.
At a numerous and respectable meeting of the republican citizens of the fourth ward, convened agreeable to public notice, at Pierson's tavern, in William street, on Friday evening, July 25th, 1808, ABRAHAM BLOODGOOD was chosen Chairman, and HENRY FANNING, Secretary; when the following resolutions were read, approved, and passed unanimously:
Whereas, the critical situation of our foreign relations at the present time, requires that we should be firmly united to support the general government in the vindication of our national rights and the honor of our country; and whereas we have uniformly, both in our state and Presidential elections, adopted the principle of supporting the regular nomination made by a majority of the republican members of the legislature, as best calculated to insure success, and to preserve union and harmony amongst ourselves; and whereas a large majority of the republican members of Congress who possess our confidence have, conformably to our uniform practice, nominated and recommended James Madison as a suitable candidate for the office of President, and George Clinton for that of Vice President of the United

States, at the ensuing election, and we believing the same to be fairly done from pure and patriotic motives, Therefore,
Resolved, as the sense of this meeting, that the said nomination is entitled to our approbation, and ought to be supported by every consistent republican.
Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that our government has adopted the most prudent measures to meet the difficulties that have been brought on us by the unprecedented acts of the belligerent powers; and that any attempt to disunite and distract the republican party (particularly at the present crisis) is highly censurable, and meriting the decided disapprobation and reprehension of every republican.
Resolved, That we will adhere to principles, and not to men, whatever may be their names, and consider it the inherent right of freemen publicly to meet and express their sentiments of men and measures, whenever occasion may require; and that our object in this meeting and expressing our opinions, is to preserve union and integrity in the republican cause, and publicly to testify that we will support the administration of our general government, in all suitable measures to prevent the encroachments of foreign nations on the interests and lawful privileges of our country.
Resolved, That we hold sacred and inviolable the freedom of opinion and of the press; but when under the hypocritical garb of pretended republicanism, the most insidious attacks are made on our republican administration, it becomes us to remove the veil, and expose the apostate to public view in all his naked deformity.
Resolved, That the resolutions passed by the republican citizens of the seventh ward at their meeting held at Reuben Brooks' on the 1st inst. and the resolutions passed by the republican citizens of the second ward at their meeting held at Abraham B. Martling's on the 12th inst. meet our cordial approbation.
TENTH WARD, NEW-YORK.
At a numerous and respectable meeting of the republican citizens of the tenth ward, convened by previous notice, at the house of Daniel Tier, Bowery, on Friday evening, July 15, 1803, MANGLE MINTHORN, Chairman, REUBEN MUNSON, Secretary, the following resolutions were adopted unanimously.
Whereas in all elective representative governments, it is indispensably necessary, that some general and equal system should be adopted as to the manner of nominating candidates to fill offices of high trust and responsibility: that in regard to the nomination of candidates for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States we know of no method more equal and impartial than that which has hitherto been used and approved; namely, that such nominations should be made by the members of both Houses of Congress: Therefore,
Resolved, That we do cheerfully acquiesce in the nomination of JAMES MADISON for the office of President, and GEORGE CLINTON for the office of Vice President of the U. States; and that it is the opinion of this meeting that the said nomination was fairly and impartially made.
Resolved, That we have the highest confidence in the abilities, wisdom, patriotism and integrity of our illustrious fellow-citizen GEORGE CLINTON, and that if he had been nominated for the office of first magistrate, he should receive our unanimous support.
And whereas, it is the opinion of this meeting, that the freedom of the press is essentially necessary to the existence of a free people, and that liberty cannot exist in any country where the press is shackled by improper restrictions; that it is the undoubted right of the people peaceably to assemble themselves together, for the purpose of deliberating on their public concerns, whenever in their opinion it shall be necessary for them so to do; and to communicate the result of their deliberations to their fellow-citizens, through the medium of the press, or otherwise, as may be most convenient—That, as it is necessary that the press should be pure, that it should be uncontaminated by foreign influence, and unawed by domestic faction—That, as it is necessary that the press should be free from corruption, so it is also necessary that it should be free from suspicion and distrust—And that the doctrines promulgated through it should be calculated to promote harmony and good understanding in the body politic, and inspire confidence in, and respect for the constituted authorities—That, as the press ought to be free and uninterrupted, so ought its errors and licentiousness to be cor-
rected by the united sense of the body politic.
And whereas also, it is the opinion of this meeting, that the two papers published in this city by James Cheetham, under the titles of "the American Citizen" and "Republican Watch Tower," have for some months past breathed a spirit hostile to the dignity and honor of our general government, and that through the medium of the said papers the said James Cheetham has for some time past labored to induce the belief, that the general government of this country has basely and dastardly submitted itself to the direction of a foreign despot, under a pretence that such was the opinion of the people at large; and by this pretence to excite disunion and distrust—Therefore
Resolved, That we have the highest confidence in the patriotism, the wisdom and the integrity of our general government, and that we are determined to support the honor and dignity of our beloved country, as well against domestic faction, as foreign violence and intrigue.
Resolved, That for the reasons above set forth, we have no confidence in the said James Cheetham, as a republican, and that the said papers called the "American Citizen," and the "Republican Watch Tower," are not any longer considered as republican papers, and ought not any longer to be esteemed as the organs of republican opinions.
The republican meetings of the Fourth and Tenth Wards, convened last evening, were the most respectable and numerous ever witnessed in this city. This unanimity of sentiment and the truly patriotic accordance in opinion, augurs a complete triumph in favor of correct principle.
Public Advertiser.
Adams County, Pennsylvania.
Agreeably to notification, a respectable meeting of the democratic citizens of Adams' county, took place at Mr. Lashell's, on the fourth day of July inst. for the purpose of recommending suitable characters as candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States, at the ensuing election.
JOHN AGNEW, Esq. was called to the Chair, And Dr. DANL. SHEFFER, appointed Secretary to the meeting.
Some appropriate observations on the purport of the meeting, were made by Dr. Wm. Crawford, after which the following resolutions were moved by him, and adopted unanimously:
Resolved, That until constitutional provision shall be made for the manner in which the nomination of suitable characters as candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the union, shall emanate from the people, we consider the nomination by our representatives in Congress, of all other modes, that which is least liable to exception, because they have better opportunities than any other body of citizens, of becoming acquainted with the general interests and wishes of their constituents, and with such characters as may meet the wishes and consult the interests of their fellow citizens.
Resolved, That we duly appreciate the motives which influenced, and cordially approve the nomination lately made by the majority of our representatives in Congress, of JAMES MADISON, as a candidate for the Presidency, and of GEORGE CLINTON, as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency of the union, at the approaching general election for those offices.
Resolved, That though we highly respect the characters of our worthy fellow citizens, GEORGE CLINTON and JAMES MADISON; yet conscious of the advantages resulting from unanimity in defeating the machinations of our enemies, we entirely disapprove of every attempt made to disunite us by setting either of them up as a bone of contention among those who profess to regulate their conduct by the principles of democratic republican federalism.
NEW MARKET WARD, PHILADELPHIA.
Resolved, That this meeting highly approve of the wise, prudent, and firm measures pursued by our administration, for preserving our national dignity, as it respects our foreign relations, and our domestic happiness, by defeating the vile attempts of daring traitors.
Resolved, That we highly approve of the embargo, and consider it as the only means in our power to prolong the blessings of peace, bring the belligerents to a sense of the just rights of independent nations, and turn the attention of the citizens of the United States, to consider their own internal and inexhaustible resources, and we deem all those who are opposed to this salutary measure, enemies to our independence, friends to the British government, and unworthy of the name of American citizens.
Resolved, That we heartily concur with the united voice of the democratic interest in the U. States, to support James Madison for President, and George Clinton for Vice President; as we have the fullest confidence in their firmness, patriotism, love of our national unity and independence; and on such grounds only will support with all our influence, the electoral ticket agreed upon at Lancaster.
From the (Philad.) Democratic Press.
It has been remarked by the readers of the Press, that for some weeks I have declined any publication on the Presidential Election. Let it not be inferred that I have been an indifferent observer on so important a public question. With patient industry, unwearied attention, and an ardent desire to come to right conclusions, I have read all that has published on the subject throughout the U. States. I have reflected on it with seriousness and anxiety. The result I now submit.
My opinions as to the merits and claims of Mr. Clinton and Mr. Madison, and as to the dangerous tendency of the mode of nominating, remain as they were; and could I believe, as I have done, that there was a probable chance of Mr. Clinton's being elected, by the votes of the democratic party, he should have my ardent and zealous support. I do not so believe. On the contrary, I am thoroughly satisfied that if it were possible Mr. Clinton could succeed, it must be by the aid of the votes of the federal party, who can have no serious expectation of electing a man of their own principles. I have seen enough and more than enough, in Pennsylvania, of the evil consequences of elections conducted on such understandings, ever to wish to see a Chief Magistrate elected by such unnatural means, as the union of the minority of the democrats with the federal party. With the consequences, deadly and destructive as they have been, of the memorable election of 1805 before my eyes, I should be infatuated, criminally obstinate or corrupt, if I did not cry aloud & spare not, against such a connection.
The causes which have led to these conclusions and determinations are many. I shall state such of them as occur to my mind.
A great number of respectable republican meetings in the several states have determined to support James Madison as President & George Clinton as Vice-President of the United States: not a single meeting in any district of the Union has come to resolution to support Mr. Clinton as President, except the late meeting of township delegates in the county of Northumberland.
That county is assuredly one of the most decidedly democratic counties in this state, and the meeting of delegates which declared in favor of Mr. Clinton, was composed of some of the most respectable men in that truly respectable county. With most of them I have long had the honor and pleasure to be in habits of personal intimacy and confidential intercourse. I know and venerate the purity of their motives and the soundness of their principles, and I am perfectly satisfied that when the evidence which is daily presenting itself to the public mind shall be presented to theirs, they cannot resist the new current of opinion which has set in favor of Mr. Madison in this state.
Next to the regular organization of public meetings for an expression of public opinion, the toasts which are drunk on National Festivals, are among the best criteria to ascertain the public sentiment. I have read those drunk on the fourth of July, with care, and marked well that the same preponderance of the public mind which prevailed in favor of Mr. Madison in the calm deliberation of public bodies did, still more decidedly, influence the spontaneous effusions of the American people when commemorating their emancipation from foreign thralldom, and renewing their oaths to freedom and independence.
Another and a powerful means of judging as to the state of the public mind is from the public journals. I have observed that, with very few exceptions indeed, the republican papers on the continent have declared for Mr. Madison.
These strong and impressive facts of a domestic and party nature: facts which must seriously affect every democrat who values the integrity of the party, is conscious of the advantages of union, and has no motive but principle, no object but the public good. There are also National considerations, of no light or trifling kind, which press heavy upon this subject,
and cannot fail to awaken serious apprehensions. A large proportion of the republican papers which do advocate Mr. Clinton, advocate him in such a manner as must wound his feelings and excite his disapprobation. I make this assertion on the firm confidence that I have in the inflexible principle of a veteran of the revolution. He can never lend his name to sanction arguments the object and tendency of which are to give efficacy to federal declamation and put to hazard the peace and prosperity of the country, by obstructing the measures of a wise and virtuous government, which are honestly intended and well calculated, to correct mischief from abroad and prevent evils at home.
The Presidential election is too intimately connected with our foreign relations, not to make the following circumstances well deserving the attention of the people of the United States.
It will not be denied, at this day, in the present state of the European and commercial worlds, and with the mass of testimony which is before us, that foreign nations feel greatly interested in the decision of the citizens of the United States, as to who shall be their Chief Magistrate: But if there be well-grounded suspicions that any foreign government is attempting, either directly or indirectly, to influence the election it would, as it ought, arouse all the proud spirit of independence, the manliness of national feeling and meet the determined opposition of freemen.
It is now fully ascertained that the federal merchants, the anglo-federalists and British agents in the U. S. in their private circles make no scruple to avow that they consider the failure of Mr. Madison's election as equivalent to a vote of censure on the principles and measures of the present administration of the general government. Any man, therefore, but Mr. Madison, no matter how pure, no matter how inflexible, no matter how determined, would by them, be welcomed with Hosannah's and his path strewn with flowers, as the harbinger of a victory over democratic principles and democratic men.
One other fact of a solemn and alarming nature has within a few days come to my knowledge and that in so unquestionable a shape as to leave no loop upon which to hang a doubt of its truth. It is a volume of argument in favor of Mr. Madison. A British officer in this country declared to the following purport, that he should "consider it a triumph if any other candidate than Madison were to be elected President!!"
If these solicititudes and this extraordinary declaration from a British officer, be taken in connection with the late tour of the accredited agents of the British government thro' the Eastern states and the anticipated announcement in the federal papers that Mr. Rose is shortly expected to return to this country, they are abundantly sufficient to excite alarms, jealousy and apprehension, and abundant motives to induce all the lovers of the real and substantial independence of America to rally round their government and unite as one man in a determined, animated and national exertion to defeat the machinations of a government whose inclination and endeavor it is, and ever has been, to humble the just pride and blast the freedom and happiness of the U. S.
With anxious and deliberate attention I have considered all the facts, which in the abstract I have now offered, and which so deeply affect the public interest, the harmony and unity of the democratic party and the national honor and independence; and I am frank to confess my decided conviction that it has become necessary for the whole democratic party cordially and faithfully, to unite in the support of James Madison as President and George Clinton as Vice-President of the United States. Such unanimity will be fatal to the aspiring hopes of the enemies of our principles at home and convince the foreign enemies of the U. S. that they have nothing to hope from democratic difference of opinion.
Newburyport, July 15. To the Editor of the Newburyport Herald.
Eastport, 18th June, 1808. Sir,
On Monday the 13th inst. came to this place two men in common apparel, as passengers in a boat, by the names of Patrick McGuire and Connally Donalds. Immediately after their arrival, lieutenant Swett, commanding part of a company of the United States forces stationed here, by military force, took and pinioned and confined them in the rendezvous, and kept them in that situation until the Wednesday following, when they
were demanded by some of his Britannic majesty's subjects, as deserters from the troops quartered at St. Johns, N. B. Lieutenant Swett desired them to send a boat to a bye part of the island; when, after disguising the prisoners, they were conducted to the boat in two of lieutenant Swett's men's great coats. The boat then proceeded to put them on board one of his majesty's cutters, which sailed immediately for St. Johns, where they have received the following sentence: One is to be shot, and the other is to receive nine hundred and ninety-nine lashes. As I conceive no treaty at present exists between the two countries, and no law whatever to have induced the lieutenant to deliver up these men, I consider it an infringement of the laws of hospitality, and contrary to the constitution of the U. States; and hope you will give this publicity, that it may for the future deter the like inhumanly wanton occurrences.
MONTREAL, (L. Canada) June 20.
We understand that on Monday evening and Tuesday morning last, a fracas took place at the provincial line on Lake Champlain. The circumstances which happened were on account of a large raft, which the American custom house officers had embargoed, and meant to prevent going to Quebec market; the citizens, however, adjacent to the place where the raft was taken from, embodied, and in defiance of the whole force which could be collected on the occasion, brought her to this side the line. In this transaction considerable powder and balls are said to have been expended on both sides, but no blood shed. A small cabin erected on a raft, was perforated in forty different places, by the balls of the militia from the custom house.
We learn by a gentleman from Lake Ontario, that a person there in the employ of the custom-house officers, was lately shot dead, when on the watch for those attempting to run property into the province. The coroner's inquest was accidental death . A solemn omen for American custom house attendants.
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
ESCAPED from the subscriber on the road leading from George Town towards Lee-burg, about 15 miles from the former place, a negro man named LUKE, about 35 years of age, 6 feet high, dark skin, two of his upper front teeth are out; he has a down cast look, and generally speaks in a low voice; his clothes and name he will probably change, I purchased him of Mr. Theophilus Hughs to take to my residence in Kentucky, he has had several masters about Bladensburg, and he will certainly be lurking about that place as he has a wife, the property of Mr. Isaac Barrett near Bladensburg. I have appointed Mr. Everard Gary of George Town my agent, and the above reward will be paid by him to any person who will deliver the said fellow to Mr. C. Tippett in the city jail.
SAML. M'LEAN. July 25—6w
A RUNAWAY FOR SALE.
WILL be sold on the 27th day of August next, for his jail fees, at the jail in Washington County, District of Columbia, a black man who calls himself JOHN, said he belonged to John Clarke of Alexandria. But has since confessed that he belongs to John P. Woodbeck of Neshannock near Albany, state of New York, he is about forty years of age, 5 feet 5 1/2 inches high, pitted with the small pox & has lost his left eye.
The sale to commence at 11 o'clock. C. R'VARGH TIPPETT, Keeper of the Jail for Washington Boyd, Marshall. July 25—w3t.
RUNAWAY.
WAS Committed to the jail of Washington County, District of Columbia, as a Runaway on the 17th inst. a black man who calls himself ELLICK, and says he belongs to David R. Williams, Esq. Chersaw District, South Carolina, he is about 20 years of age, 5 feet 3 1/2 inches high, had on when committed a black hat, striped silk coat, cotton shirt, blue cotton trowsers and old shoes. His owner is desired to come prove him and take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs.
CARTWRIGHT TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail, for Washington Boyd, Marshall, July 25—w3t.
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY.
THE Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company are hereby notified that the second instalment of Ten dollars on each share is called for by the Directors and must be paid on or before the 1st day of August, next, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac within the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors, DANIEL CARROL of Dada President. June 20—x5t

TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,  Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Tollinetts, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plais, kerseys, halfticks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & net sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and Jett strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish lenes, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloon do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tick- lingurg, Osnaburgs, bastas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genu- ine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 5—tf
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, di- ligent and discreet man—well ac- quainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not con- nected in the neighborhood will be pre- ferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made be- fore the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—ptS
SPEECH Against the ORDERS IN COUNCIL, Just received and for sale at R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store Pennsylvania avenue. Brougham's speech before the House of Commons against the Orders in Council—price 37 1 2 J. Q. Adams' letter to H. G. Otis, 12 1 2 Sampson Memoirs, 2 50 Female Biography, 3 vols. bds. 6 00 Salma-gundi, 2 vols. 3 25 Espri-Has letters, 2 vols. 2 00 Winter in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Corinna or Italy, 2 vols. 2 50 Debates on the British Treaty, 2 50 Enouy's map of Europe, splen- did, 15 00 Military Library No. 9, per number, 50 Printing Ink, first quality. July 13—6t
LANDING THIS DAY, From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York— A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutm- gs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Pow- der, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY, George Town. June 20—tf
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD RAN AWAY from the subscriber, an apprentice boy by the name of ROBERT GRAVES, plasterer by trade—all persons are forbidden against harbouring or employ- ing said apprentice. The above re- ward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail. JOHN KEDGLE, July 15—3t
CHARLOTTE HALL SCHOOL. A PUBLIC EXAMINATION of the Pupils will commence on Tuesday the 26th of July: Oration will be de- livered on the following day. The Parents and Guardians of the Pupils and the Patrons of the Institution are respectfully invited to attend. GEORGE RALPH, Principal. Cool Springs, July 20—3t
The ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive. May 1, to Dec. 1.
1. From Portland by Scarborough, Pep- perellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebec, Wells, York, & Kittery to Portsmouth (N. H.) three times a week. April 15, to December 1.
Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday, at noon, & arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wed- nesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and ar- rive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours.
2. From Portland by Scarborough, Pep- perellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kenne- bec, Doyestalls, Berwick and Dover, to Portsmouth, three times a week. April 15, to December 1.
Leave Portland every Monday, Wed- nesday and Friday noon, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland the next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15.
Leave Portland every Monday, Wed- nesday and Friday, at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by 10 P. M. in 12 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Portland the same days by 4 P. M. in 12 hours. The same arrangement for route No. 1 from December 1, to April 15, re- versing the days.
3. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, sebrook, Salisbury, (Mrs.) Newburyport, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wen- ham, Beverly, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, 7 times a week. April 15, to December 1.
Leave Portsmouth every day at 1 A. M. and arrive at Boston by noon, in 11 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 9 P. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15.
Leave Portsmouth every day at 11 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by noon, in 13 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth same day by 11 P. M. in 13 hours.
4. From Boston by Cambridge, Wat- ertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Wind- sor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 A. M. & arrive at Boston on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.
5. From Boston by Dedham, Walpole, Foxboro', Attleboro', Providence, Sci- tuate, Plainfield, Jewett City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killing- worth, Guilford & Branford to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 8 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Mon- day, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.
6. From New Haven by Milford Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Nor- walk, Stamford, West-Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Harlem, to New York, every day. Leave New Haven every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at New York the next days by 2 P. M. in 18 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours.
7. From New York by the turnpike road to Philadelphia, 7 times a week. Leave New York every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York, the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. This will contain the main mail, and is not to be opened at any intermediate office.
8. From New York by Jersey city, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Prince- ton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg, and Frankford to Philadelphia, six times a week. Leave New York every day, (save Sunday) at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 P. M. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 P. M.
9. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vansville, Bladensburg, and Wash- ington to Georgetown, seven times a week. Leave Baltimore every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Wash- ington City every day at 6 A. M. and ar- rived at Baltimore by 2 P. M. in 8 hours.
10. From Washington City to Alexan- dria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 5 A. M.
11. From Alexandria by Colchester to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours.
12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5
1-2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M.
13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover court house, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours.
14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1/2 P. M.
15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk three times a week.
1-2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M.
13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover court house, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours.
14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1/2 P. M.
15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk three times a week.
BALTIMORE TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY, Positively commences drawing on the first day of November next.
The Managers give notice that they have contracted with a Company of Gentlemen for nearly all the unsold TICKETS and have given them bonds that the drawing shall positively take place as above stated, and to draw 2000 tickets per week till the whole is com- pleted.
SCHEME. Subject to no Deduction.     Dollars. Dollars.     1 prize of 5000 is 5000   1 3000 3000   2 2000 4000   2 1500 3000   3 1000 3000   6 500 3000   20 200 4000   35 100 3500   70 50 3500   175 20 3500   500 10 5000   5250 6 31,500   665 Prizes, 72,000   11935 Blanks.   18:00 tickets less than two blanks to a prize: sum raised 15000   Expenses including com- mission to the corporation, 3000   90,000  
Part of the Capitals will be determined as follows:  1 prize of 200 dollars to the first drawn blank. 1 do. 200 do. after 2000 tickets. 1 do. 200 4000 1 do. 200 6000 1 do. 200 8000 1 do. 1000 10000 1 do. 500 12000 1 do. 500 14000 1 do. 500 16000 1 do. 1500 17000 1 do. 2000 last drawn blank. July 20—eopl.m.
NEW BOOKS Just received and for sale by J. MILL- IGAN at J. March's bookstore, George Town, the following BOOKS, Johnson's works, 12 vols. octavo 33 00 Chaucer's tales, 3 vols. 6 00 Blumenbach's anatomy 4 25 Winer in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Discarded son, 2 vols. 2 50 Sampson's memoirs 2 50 Shakespeare's plays, 9 vols. 14 00 Bryan Perdue, 3 vols. 4 00 Thompson's works, 3 vols. calf } 13 50 gift, plates Do. seasons, calf, plates, fine 3 50 Knox's Sermons 2 25 Hill's life of Blair 1 25 Medical Guide 2 50 Playfair's Geometry 2 00 Parkinson's Tour 2 vols. 7 00 Sinclair on the Revenue, 2 vols. 6 50 Sully's Memoirs, 5 vols. 8 00 Chesterfield's Letters, 4 vols. 5 00 Evening at Home, 2 vols. 2 50 Conversations on Chemistry 2 25 Also a large supply of Foolscap, quarto and folio Post of a superior qua- lity, together with a valuable assortment of Stationary, which will be sold low for cash. June 29—6t
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, sugars, Coffee, &c.
W & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York,     6 Chests  } Fine Imperial Teas    20 Boxes    100 Canisters    25 Chests  } Hyson Teas    15 Boxes    100 Canisters    20 Chests  } Young Hyson Teas    18 Half do.    30 Boxes    10 Chests hyson skin do.     1 Case nutmegs and cloves.     52 Hhds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality.     40 Bags best Martinique green coffee.     12 Bags Corks.     20 Small baskets best Marseilles re- fined olive oil.     10 Quarter casks London particular Teneriffe wine.      Georg town, June 20—2wtf.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber, of Prince Georges county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county in Maryland, letters of adminis- tration with a copy of the will annexed, on the personal estate of Zachariah Baldwin late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to ex- hibit the same, with the vouchers there- of, to the subscriber, at or before the tenth day of January next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said Estate. Given under my hand this 6th day of July 1808. HENRY CULVER, Adm'r. July 11—w6t
NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander, of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet, capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.     Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000   1795 May 11. 13168 800   1795 July 16. 13450 250 08   1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   1796 June 11. 14341 247 81   1796 June 11. 14341 1,567 55   1797 February 7. 14942 277 30   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 882   19,999 99    Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808.
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in he name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet, viz.     Denomination of the Stock. Dates of the Certificates. Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   1796 June 14. 14345 2,000   1796 June 14. 14346 2,000   1796 June 14. 14347 2,000   1796 June 14. 14348 758 42   1796 June 14. 14349 2,000   1796 June 14. 14350 2,000   1796 June 14. 14351 2,000   1796 June 14. 14352 2,000   1796 June 14. 14353 2,000   1796 June 14. 14354 2,000   1796 June 14. 14355 2,000   1796 June 14. 14356 2,000   1796 June 14. 14357 2,000   1796 June 14. 14358 2,000   1796 June 14. 14359 2,000   1796 June 14. 14360 2,000   1796 June 14. 14361 458 15   1796 June 14. 14362 227 05   1796 June 14. 14363 1,500   1796 June 14. 14364 1,500   1796 June 14. 14365 1,500   1796 June 14. 14366 1,500   1796 June 14. 14367 1,500   1796 June 14. 14368 1,500   1796 June 14. 14369 1,500   1796 June 14. 14370 1,500   1796 June 14. 14371 1,500   1796 June 14. 14372 1,500   1796 June 14. 14373 1,500   1796 June 14. 14374 1,500   1796 June 14. 14375 1,500   1796 June 14. 14376 1,500   1796 June 14. 14377 1,500   1796 June 14. 14378 1,500   1796 June 14. 14379 1,500   1796 June 14. 14380 1,500   1796 June 14. 14381 1,500   1796 June 14. 14382 1,500   1796 June 14. 14383 1,500   1796 June 14. 14384 1,500   1796 June 14. 14385 1,500   1796 June 14. 14386 1,500   1796 June 14. 14387 1,500   1796 June 14. 14388 1,500   1796 June 14. 14389 1,500   1796 June 14. 14390 1,500   1796 June 14. 14391 1,500   1796 June 14. 14392 1,500   1796 June 14. 14393 1,500   1796 June 14. 14394 1,500