The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-05-19 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCXXXIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 19th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Letter from DAVID HOLMES, member of the House of Representatives U.S. to his constituents, dated Washington, May 3, 1802.
Conformably to that mode of disseminating information among my constituents I have heretofore practiced, it is with sensations very different from those entertained on former occasions when performing this duty, that I now address you. Then, when detailing the measures of Congress, I was constantly reminded of their pernicious effects, and at times was ready to despair of the welfare and preservation of the liberties of this country. Yet had I been entirely destitute of the least hope of a change, I could not have justified yielding to the current without that conviction in the rectitude of procedure by the party in power, which I never felt. Then it was my lot to complain, and to endeavour by displaying the injudicious tendency of the measures generally adopted to bring about a reformation in the opinions of such as I thought were deceived and misled. The change which has been happily effected places those who wished for it in a dissimilar situation. They view the administration progressing with accelerating the adoption of measures which they believe will be conducive to the happiness of the community & the maintaining that spirit for rational freedom consistent with the station man holds in creation. Under these impressions I will proceed to state the principal subjects that have occupied the attention of the present Congress, avoiding any vain exultation of party or personal invective against those who differ with me. Political intolerance, a prejudice so strong against political opponents as to believe them all dishonest and influenced by impure motives, I never have knowingly cherished. The subject of a monarch, the slave of a despot, the supporter of an aristocracy, may be attached to their several forms of government without being liable to the accusation of moral depravity. True it is that a degraded state of human nature is propitious to the growth of vice, yet it does not follow that all who submit are vitiated by the example of their oppressors.
The President's message to both houses of Congress at the opening of the session is the first official document that presents to our view the ideas of the executive on the course of policy that ought to be pursued, to insure the happiness, the interest, and safety of the country, and herein, amid the various important subjects recommended to the consideration of Congress, we discover a disposition hitherto little known in the administration of governments; few instances, if indeed any, can be found of a chief magistrate of a country advising the legislature to lessen his patronage by abolishing offices in his gift, and the enacting of laws limiting his discretion in the appointment and paying of his agents. It is a pleasing indication, that he does not calculate upon drawing support from a source bottomed upon individual interest, and consequently inimical to the exercise of opinion on his public conduct.
The repeal of the law, passed late in the last session, commonly called the new judiciary act, early occupied the attention of the present congress. The power and expediency of abolishing this system were the two points presented for consideration. To detail the arguments urged on both sides would be incompatible with the limits of a letter intended only to give a general view of the transactions of the session. As to the first point the law carries upon the face of it an acknowledgment that the power of abolishing courts exists. It actually does away the district courts of Kentucky & Tennessee. It is true they provided other offices for the judges by constituting circuit courts in those states; this was an infraction of the constitution, because that instrument invests the appointment of all officers in the President, with the advice and consent of the senate. But my conviction of the right the legislature have to abolish inferior judiciary tribunals arises not from the inconsistent conduct of my political opponents; 'tis a source from which I wish not to draw any support for my opinions. On this subject my mind was determined before it was agitated in congress, by the calm exercise of my best judgment upon the words of the constitution, and the consideration they would fairly and reasonably admit of; this opinion was confirmed by argument afterwards. There is no knowing the extent of the danger of establishing the doctrine contended for by the present opposition respecting the judiciary, to wit; that congress cannot abolish the
office of a judge, let that office be ever so conspicuously unnecessary and useless. The position destroys not only the effect of the constitution, but the original intention of its adoption, if we consider it as a check upon those who may administer it. The federal compact confines the legislature within a sphere of action, and presupposes that a disposition may exist at some period in the public servants to act in contradiction to the welfare of the people. Let me then ask you, sir, if this country ever should be so unfortunate as to be governed by corrupt men, what would become of all the restrictions laid down by the people. If the power to create as many officers, under the appellation of judges, with lucrative salaries, for life, without the possibility of being removed, however well disposed their successors might be to correct this evil, should be established? Revolution and civil war would be the only remedy. I abhor this construction, because it points to a possible destruction of that government, under which we live, through its own defects. The expediency of the repeal I shall forbear to remark upon, believing there are but few who do not think the system useless, expensive and wholly unnecessary. An amendment to the former judiciary act has been passed without creating any new judges.
The army of the United States has been considerably reduced, so as to create a saving of five hundred fifty-four thousand, two hundred and fifty-seven dollars, being the difference between the sum appropriated for the year eighteen hundred, and one, and that of eighteen hundred and two. A sufficient number of troops for the public service (in the opinion of those most capable of judging) have been retained. The appropriation for the support of the navy is two hundred thousand dollars less for the year eighteen hundred and two, than for the last year. Notwithstanding, in all probability we shall be obliged to have stationed in the Mediterranean a squadron for the protection of commerce against the Tripolitan corsairs. Hence it appears that upon these two objects there has been economized, seven hundred & fifty-four thousand dollars. If to this we add the savings made upon the civil bill, by the executive prior to the meeting of Congress, and the difference between the appropriations for the fortification of ports and harbours, and for the defensive protection of the frontiers for the year eighteen hundred and one, and that of the present year, the aggregate amount of actual retrenchments in the public expenditures will not be less than one million of dollars. These measures have enabled congress to dispense with the whole of the internal revenue without the least risk of any pecuniary embarrassment; the net amount produced from that source did not exceed seven hundred thousand dollars. If this sum be deducted from the savings already made, a considerable balance will remain in favor of the treasury. Thus, by a prudent management of the public concerns, the country has been relieved of an odious, troublesome, and expensive system of taxation. Yet this measure met with violent opposition, and every means to render it unpopular was used by the oppositionists. They insisted that the impost duties upon bohea tea, coffee, brown sugar, and salt, should be reduced, well knowing that both objects could not be attained at this time. I am in hopes it will not be long ere the government will be enabled to lower those duties, which were laid by the very men now loud in their clamours against them. The redemption of the public debt must be an object of real desire to all who are not inimical to the prosperity of the community, and the stability of our present form of government. When we look into the conduct of the late administration, it is a circumstance not among the least to be regretted, that we find instead of diminishing they have increased this burthen. True it is, that a specious plan on paper for the gradual accomplishment of this end, has for some years past been in operation, but the ruinous system of borrowing, lately in vogue, has so far exceeded its progress, that the result has been a considerable augmentation, and at an enormous interest. While they were paying two per cent. per annum, upon the principal of the six per cent. stock, they were borrowing at eight per cent. The present congress have placed this business upon a footing, from which we may expect a very different issue: they have made an annual appropriation of seven millions three hundred thousand dollars for the payment of the interest, including the redemption of the two per cent. per annum upon the six per cent. stock, and for the redemption of the whole of the pub-
lic debt; after satisfying the two first objects, a large sum will remain to be applied to the purchasing of public stock, and meeting the instalments of the Dutch loan, one of which, amounting to near two millions, has been discharged since the present administration came into power. By this arrangement, should the economical system now commenced be pursued, and no unexpected failure take place in the revenue, it is calculated that the whole of the debt will be extinguished in sixteen years, unless indeed, we should be involved in an expensive war, of which there is no appearance at present.
The public debt of every description amounted on the 1st of January, 1801, to eighty millions one hundred and sixty-one thousand two hundred and seven dollars; on the 1st of January, 1802, to seventy-seven millions, eight hundred and eighty-one thousand eight hundred and ninety dollars, the difference amounting to upwards of two millions, having been redeemed between the two periods mentioned.
By a negotiation lately concluded with Great Britain, on the subject of the 6th article of Jay's treaty, we shall have to pay that nation six hundred thousand pounds sterling, in three annual instalments, as a full indemnification on the part of this government, for losses sustained by the British creditors, in consequence of the revolutionary war. The commissioners appointed to act upon that subject, not having been able to agree upon a final adjustment of the claims, which would have amounted to near twenty millions, if the principles contended for by the commissioners on the part of Great Britain, had been acceded to. I never thought this stipulation just or reciprocal, but being bound by treaty, it is our duty and interest to observe good faith; the negotiation was commenced, and the above sum offered by our minister at London, under the late administration.
A committee was appointed this session to investigate and examine the accounts on the books of the treasury. By their report it appears that large sums of money, during the late administration, have been applied to objects where there was no law authorizing the expenditure, & in many instances where appropriations were made by law for one purpose, the money has been illegally applied to another. By the same document, it seems that the system of favouritism then pursued was not wholly confined to the dispensation of offices. It made its way into the public treasury, and there, displayed itself by advancements of money upon contracts never performed, and to agents entirely useless, and apparently for their own accommodation.
Having now, sir, noticed the most important measures of the present Congress, in as concise a manner as the nature and magnitude of them would admit of, I shall conclude with one or two cursory observations upon the state of parties in this country. One of the principal points in which they differ, relates to the course of proceeding that would effectually strengthen, add to the stability, and ensure the permanency of the government. The oppositionists, if we are to judge by their conduct when in power, thought this end was to be accomplished by drawing from the people as much power & money as they would by any means consent to part with; hence their constant attempts to bring into contempt the state governments, to create offices for their favorites, to borrow large sums of money, at very profitable rates to the lender, to title enquiry into their conduct by the sedition act, to heap upon the executive extensive authorities and great discretionary powers.
The present men in power profess to believe in a variant doctrine, to wit, that the strength, stability and permanency of this government depend not upon progressively extracting additional power from the people, nor attaching by artificial means individuals to it through personal interest; but simply upon the community's being truly convinced that it is administered for their benefit solely. So far they have and I hope will continue to act in coincidence with this belief. It therefore remains for the citizens of this country to determine whether they will suffer a fair experiment of the principles of the present administration to be made, or whether they will permit calumny, misrepresentation and falsehood to mislead their judgments and dupe them into the opinion that a certain degree of corruption is a necessary ingredient in the operation of all governments. It cannot be denied that unfounded reports have been put in circulation with no other view but that of deceiving the people, as for instance, it has been industriously propagated through the union, that the French
nation made a peremptory demand of a loan from this country of six millions of dollars, and that the administration had acceded to it. Every person near the seat of government, of the least information knew this to be a direct falsehood, originated for and calculated to affect the approaching elections of several states. That any party should pursue this practice is to be regretted; but that it should have any effect upon the public mind is a real misfortune. Permit me, sir, now to observe, that if any expression contained in this letter should be the cause of exciting disagreeable sensations in the breast of any individual, it was not my intention it should produce that effect. I sincerely believe that the greater part of those citizens who justified the proceedings of the late administration, did so with the best intentions; I mean those who were not conspicuous actors in the scene.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on the bill making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States.
[CONTINUED.]
Mr. Bayard. The question is now on the second member of the amendment.
Mr. Randolph. It falls of course with the failure of the first member.
Mr. Bayard. I move to strike out the word "or."
Mr. Speaker. The word "or" was put in by a vote of the house; it is, therefore not in order to strike it out.
Mr. Bayard. I move then the amendment offered by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) as a distinct motion.
Mr. Randolph considered the whole decision on, as the chair had already determined.
Mr. Speaker. The motion of the gentleman from Delaware is not in order.
Mr. Bayard. I have another amendment to offer. The 6th section provides for employing an agent abroad, whom it contemplates to give 3,000 dollars a year. I can only consider this provision as intended to create an office, which some one is to fill, and to receive 3,000 dollars a year. It is the doctrine of the day to reduce executive patronage. We ought not, therefore, to knock down one office, and immediately establish another. We have lately put down one office at the Hague, which cost the nation 4,500 dollars a year. The people were congratulated upon the saving. Circulars were written by honorable gentlemen, informing their constituents of it as a great thing; and now we impose upon those gentlemen the necessity of writing other circulars to state that another office is created, with a salary of 3,000 dollars. It is surely improper to give gentlemen this trouble. Is there any difference between an agent and a diplomatic character? I do not know but that the object may be to have a political agent for the government to correspond with. If we had no occasion for a minister, we can have no occasion for an agent. All the business required by this act can be done through a mercantile house, which must at all events be employed by the agent.
There are other parts of the bill from which I find, that though we are saving by parsimony in one hand, we are dissipating with prodigality in the other. One of the provisions of the bill allows 1-4 per cent. for borrowing two millions, which commission will amount to 5,000 dollars. With respect, however, to this section, I consider it as dissipating the public money unnecessarily. I therefore move to strike out the 6th section, which is as follows:
"And be it further enacted, That the commissioners of the sinking fund be, and they hereby are empowered, with the approbation of the President of United States, to employ, if they shall deem it necessary, an agent in Europe for the purpose of transacting any business relative to the discharge of the Dutch debt, and to the loans authorized by this or any other act, for the purpose of discharging the same; and also to allow him a compensation not exceeding three thousand dollars a year, to be paid out of any monies in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated."
Mr. Bayard called the yeas and nays on striking out, which were as follows:
YEAS.
Messrs. Bayard, Boude, Cutler, Dana, Davenport, Elmer, Geduld, Gist, Wood,
Hemphill, Henderson, Hoge, Huger, L. R. Morris, Mott, Read, Stansbury, Van Rensselaer, R. Williams.—18.
NAYS.
Messrs. Alston, Archer, Bacon, Bailey, Brown, Butler, Claiborne, Clay, Coodit, Davis, Dawson, Dickson, Elmer, Fowler, Gray, Hanna, J. Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Leib, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, New, Newton, Nicholson, Randolph, Smilie, T. Smith, J. Smith (of New-York) J. Smith (of Virginia) Stanford, Stanton, Stewart, Taliaferro, Thomas, Thompson, A. Tripp, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Horn.—43.
Mr. Bayard moved to amend the 5th section by striking out the word "fourth" and inserting the word "eighth." Mr. Bayard said this was the commission allowed the agent of the commissioners for purchasing bills, &c. One-fourth per cent. commission would on two millions amount to 5,000 dollars. One-eighth per cent. would amount to 2,500 dollars, which he deemed a competent sum.
Mr. Randolph. The gentleman from Delaware is indeed grown extremely sparing of the public money of late days! We are told that the amount of commissions on the purchase of two millions three hundred thousand dollars will be 5,000 dollars. Let it, however, be remarked, that this great sum is to be purchased not by one individual, but by a great many, scattered all over the United States. It is true that the bank of the United States has offered its services gratis. But it has appeared to me that the commission allowed in the bill is a small charge in the case of a provision like this, and that the individual who is entrusted with such a power ought to receive at least one-fourth per cent. Yet the gentleman inveighs against this as a vast extension of executive patronage, and this under an administration by whom hundreds of offices have been abolished. He says two mighty ones are created! I make no doubt but that such a system of patronage will rouse the indignation of the whole American people until it shall equal that of the gentleman from Delaware!
Mr. Bayard. This then, if taken, will be progressive: Two offices are now created. This is the time to complain. I understand that more offices are to be made under the judiciary system. I am very happy at the compliment of the gentleman from Virginia. If those who have been heretofore against expense are now prodigal of the public money, it is necessary to have some men who are economical of it. I do not know that the putting down one office is a reason for putting up other officers. This motion, however, is not for abolishing any office, but for giving 2,500 dollars, which I think a liberal compensation, as the agent can purchase bills through the post office, as the purchase is confined to mercantile towns.
The question was then taken on Mr. Bayard's motion, and lost—Ayes 19.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Thursday, April 15, 1802.
The bill for the redemption of the whole of the public debt was read the third time, when on the question of passage,
Mr. Dana said that he should trouble the house with but a very few remarks. He considered this bill, so far as it was meant to be an efficient provision for the payment of the public debt, as unnecessary, as the provisions of former laws were completely adequate. When government has once contracted a debt, and appropriated money to its discharge, there is wanted no special subsequent authority to recognize the full force of the obligation. But he should have no objection to add promise to promise, if the new promise were not connected with a power to make new loans and new foreign connections and to create new foreign claims; he considered the provisions of the bill to be such as may eventually increase the debt, and lessen the responsibility of the public officers. It was on these grounds principally that he deemed it improper and unnecessary to pass the bill.
The question on the passage of the bill was then taken by Yeas and Nays, as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Alston, Archer, Bacon, Bailey, Bishop, Brown, Butler, Claiborne, Clay, Coodit, Davis, Dawson, Dickson, Elmer, Eustis, Fowler, Gray, Hanna, J. Heister, J. Heister, Helms, Henderson, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Huger, Jackson, Leib, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Mott, New, Newton, Nicholson, Randolph, Smilie, T. Smith, J. Smith (of New-York) Jos. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stanley, Stanton, Stewart, Taliaferro, Tillinghast, Thomp-

For, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Nels, Van Horne, R. Williams—35.
Nays—Messrs. Boude, Campbe, Dana, Dayport, Dennis, Foster, Goddard, Griswold, Hallings, Hemphill, Lowndes, L. R. Morris, T. Morris, Plater, J. G. Smith, Stratton, Wadsworth, L. Williams, Woods.—19.
FRIDAY, April 17, 1802.
Debate on the bill making appropriations for the Naval service for the year 1802.
Mr. Huger moved to strike out the sum of 50,000 dollars appropriated to contingencies for the navy, for the purpose of introducing a larger sum originally proposed by the Secretary.
It is not my intention, said Mr. Huger, to go into an argument. The arguments assigned in committee by two gentlemen were sufficient to show the impropriety of cutting down to low the contingent fund. This is an extraordinary change in the opinion of the Secretary. I conceive that he has as great a regard to economy in the commencement of the session as he can have now. I cannot, therefore, understand with what views this change has taken place. We have seen by his estimate offered in the preceding part of the session, less was required than had been expended the preceding year; afterwards he offers another estimate that required 200,000 dollars, less than the first, and now a still smaller sum is required. I have great confidence in our officers generally, and in the Secretary of the navy in particular; but I am inclined to believe in this business he has not been left to his own mind. I was originally a friend to a navy, and I think this is the time to cherish it. I have not withstanding, no objections to economical arrangements in the army. I have accordingly voted for reducing the army. That establishment you can repair in a short time. But not so with respect to the navy, for the establishment of which you must prepare for years beforehand.
It seems, however, that 200,000 dollars, must be saved—and that this department must be pared down to the extreme injury of the country. We have heard from gentlemen, that two public vessels now requiring repairs, will consume the whole of this 50,000 dollars. If this be the case, is it right to make an appropriation so low as to provide for no other contingencies? Is this right? Will gentlemen suffer our public vessels to rot for want of repairs? I do not believe this will be the effect of this step. Is this the liberal support which ought to be given to a navy? Suppose one of your national vessels meet a Tripolitan, must the not repair?
It is true, that we are obliged to keep up the establishment to satisfy the public sentiment; but we are at the same time doing that which will shake the navy. I believe the first estimate proper, as it was made before the rage for economy was declared in this house. This is the most pitiful of all pitiful economies! If we are not to have a navy, let us in God's name put it fairly and decidedly down.
Mr. S. Smith. If the gentleman's motion does not prevail, I will move an addition to the bill which will overcome his objection, and which I hope will meet the unanimous approbation of the House; viz. that any excess on the items for which appropriations are made, beyond the actual expenditure, shall be applied to the repairing vessels injured in actual service.
Mr. Huger. I am against the amendment of the gentleman. The effect of it will be, in order to meet one object, to starve several others. I wish the whole former estimate of the Secretary incorporated in this bill. I wish the timber, the live oak to be obtained, which, unless got now, will be soon cut down from the value of the land on which it grows for rearing the valuable article of cotton. No part of the appropriations are too great. I am for vesting a liberal discretion in the Secretary of the navy and the President, and on their responsibility; and I think that a specific sum sufficiently great should be appropriated.
Mr. Randolph. This is one of those questions on which I did not expect to see any, or if any, so much warmth as has been manifested by my friend from South-Carolina. I believe it would have been as well for the gentleman to have discussed the army question, or any other question, in its proper place, and to have confined his remarks to the question now before the House.
He tells you that if a specific appropriation is necessary in one case it is necessary in all; and yet, in the next breath he tells you, that the contingencies for repairs are indeterminable; and yet he says it is as necessary to specify this appropriation, as it is to specify those for pay, for provisions, or for any other objects. I do not understand this.
Suppose every public vessel stranded, what becomes of the navy even with the appropriation of 100,000 dollars for repairs? The truth is, that the Secretary has made his estimates upon ordinary circumstances, and the amendment, proposed by the gentleman from Maryland, will enable the Secretary to provide for any casualty, while it will not enable him to
travel out of the sum appropriated; but simply to apply a certain sum, originally contemplated for one object, to another.
This is a very different result from that stated by the gentleman from South-Carolina, who, I had flattered myself, would have had more respect for the house, than to assert as a matter of fact, that which is not fact. I assert that the effect of the bill will not be to starve the navy. I state, what cannot be denied, that the head of that department, who is a warm friend to the navy, has offered us an estimate of the sums required for the present year, which we are now about to adopt. The gentleman should be cautious, and not speak in this way of our making pitiful attempts to reduce the navy by indirect means. I do hope he will in future be more cautious, and speak in a style more becoming this house and himself.
The truth is, when we were for reducing the army, we disbanded it by an open resolution; and we will do the same thing with respect to the navy, when we think it proper to reduce it. For my part I am willing to support a navy to far as it is required by the welfare of the country; I am now for complying with the estimates of the departments; and when I am for doing this, am I to be told that I am for destroying, by pitiful means, that which the people love? I do not understand this language. I will only say, that in voting appropriations, I will vote what I think enough. If the executive requires more than is necessary, I will vote less than they require. I believe, however, there is no danger of any executive demanding too little; and I have no idea of forcing upon them money they do not want.
If the gentleman from South-Carolina will act from his own motives, without discriminating ours, the public business will go on better than it has hitherto done.
It remains with the gentleman to prove that 50,000 dollars is not sufficient, as well as to prove that his sum is sufficient. Until this shall be proved, I hope the present sum will be retained, and if deemed important, that the ideas of the gentleman from Maryland will be adopted.
Mr. Huger. I certainly feel a great personal respect for the members of this house! But when we are arguing on political points, we must speak of the effects of particular measures, if not of the motives of those who urge them. I must express my surprise at the mode now recommended by the gentleman from Virginia, in wishing to confine this discussion to a particular point, as I believe no gentleman on this floor has more frequently employed his fertile imagination in similar circumstances, in casting reflections upon others; in branding others with the charge of ragamuffins, &c. It is not, however, extraordinary that when he is in and I out, he should be offended at the remarks made by me.
The gentleman has mistaken me on the score of specific appropriations. I say let us make a specific appropriation, and make our officers responsible for a deviation from it; whereas he is for making specific appropriations, and for suffering the excess of all to be applied to the deficiency of one. I believe all the items are small enough, and that the effect will be to starve the navy.
With respect to men in general, I believe that every Secretary of a navy, or of any other department, will retrench the sums he may think necessary, if those around him say he must reduce them.
With respect to the army, I repeat it, I am not tenacious. I voted lately in favor of reducing it, and it may perhaps be right to reduce it still lower. We have only reduced it by 1,000 men less than we had when a bloody war raged in Europe. This is a mighty saving! a wonderful evidence of economy!
When I recollect that gentlemen on the other side are not friendly to a navy; when I recollect to have heard a respectable gentleman from Virginia say he was not friendly to a navy, though he was willing to give way to public opinion, I am justified in saying that I was afraid that the intention of gentlemen was to starve the navy.
Mr. Dana. I understand the object of the motion is to appropriate 103,000 dollars, instead of 50,000, the sum at present in the bill. This is warranted by the estimate of the Secretary of the navy. At the commencement of the session, when he could have no particular views impressed upon him, he had estimated 103,000 dollars, as necessary for the contingent expenses of his department. I ask if that sum is less necessary now than it was then? Then congress had not given power to the President to equip 13 national vessels for the protection of our merchant vessels in the Mediterranean and the adjoining seas. We have had, it is true, a subsequent estimate of 50,000 dollars; but has any gentleman explained the grounds of this change? If we are to repose confidence in the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. S. Smith) that the emperor of Morocco is dissatisfied, shall we not probably have occasion for the employment of more ships in the Mediterranean, and will not the expense of their repairs be increased?
The least number of frigates we shall require will be four. Now when we consider the disasters to which all vessels are subject, is it possible that 50,000 dollars,
will make them good, particularly when we consider the remote situation from this country. The gentleman from Virginia gives no reason for this change of estimate; but he charges my friend from South-Carolina (Mr. Huger) with putting his opinion in opposition to that of a head of the department. If he had done so, had he not a right to do it; but he stands on higher ground. The secretary lays precisely what my friend says.
I make no doubt, the gentlemen are for appropriating what they consider necessary; but some gentlemen may think no appropriation necessary.
This contingent fund should be less circumcribed than any other article; for when the squadron is employed in a distant service, and when your agent draws bills for necessary repairs, will you dishonour them, shall they be protested, and will you suffer your credit to sink below that of a merchant?
This bill proceeds on the idea of economy; but it is an economy only on paper. I consider it as a waste of public money. For if it is necessary to protect commerce, we must have a navy, and if we have a navy, we must pay for it.
I will explain my ideas with respect to specific and general appropriations. With regard to the navy and army, no man can predict the occurrence of calamities, when either is in actual service, whether we shall have a battle, and what shall be the event of it. And though it be admitted, that there may be some estimate of the cost of a given force, yet when this expense is applied to particular objects it is difficult to ascertain the precise sum required for each; the true way, therefore, is in a state of war to give a general sum, and suffer the specific appropriations made by congress to designate the general ideas of the government. But then it is necessary to have a contingent fund for each article. Now I would prefer a specific sum for a general contingent fund, to one for each specific article.
I object, however, to this item, inasmuch as it is not enough to cover the objects contemplated. Four frigates will be the smallest possible number required—more may be wanted, if danger is apprehended from Algiers and Morocco. I rest, therefore, upon the belief that the secretary of the navy, when unbiased by the opinions of others, stated this sum of 103,000 dollars as necessary.
The Yeas and Nays were then taken on agreeing to the report of the committee of the whole, to insert 50,000 dollars, which was carried. Yeas 39—Nays 24.
Mr. Huger moved to strike out 195,000 dollars appropriated for the purchase of timber, &c. with the view of inserting a larger sum, originally proposed by the secretary of the navy.
The question was taken on agreeing to the report to insert 195,000, and carried—Yeas 40.
The next appropriation applied 50,000 dollars to navy docks.
Messrs. Huger and Dana objected to this sum, and proposed the application of 100,000 dollars.
The report of the committee, to insert 50,000 dollars was carried without a division.
John Weems against John Weems jun. Sarah Weems, Wilhelmina Gantt, Henry Gantt, Philip Barton Key, and Charles Lowndes.
IN CHANCERY, May 12, 1802.
THE object of the bill filed in this cause is to obtain partial relief against a bond, executed by the complainant to the said John Weems jun. for 2500, and a bond to Philip Barton Key, for 5000. It states, that the said bonds were executed by the complainant, to secure a supposed balance to Amelia Weems, one of his father's representatives, due from him, as executor to his father, that the said balance was not justly due from him, because since the decree of this court, directing him to pay money on account of which the said bonds were given, the complainant, as executor aforesaid, hath had a decree against him at the suit of Daniel Kent, for the sum of 1395 1 8 3/4 and that several other suits have been instituted against him as executor.
It states likewise, that the said balance was not due from him, because he was entitled to a contribution from the said Amelia, for money paid by him on a compromise, made of a suit brought against him by William Loch Chew, for the recovery of a tract of land called Loch Eden, which suit his father, by his last will had directed to be defended to the last resort, at the expence of his estate. It is farther stated that some of the defendants reside out of the state.
It is, on the complainant's motion, therefore ordered, That he cause a copy of this order to be inserted, at least once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the 12th day of June next, to the intent, that the non-resident defendants may have notice of the complainant's application to this court, and of the substance and object of their bill, and may be warned to appear here on or before the second Wednesday in October next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
(True Copy) SAMUEL H. HOWARD. Reg. Cur. Can.
May 19, 1802. 12W3W For Sale, A Quantity of SHELL LIME, on the most reduced Terms.—Apply to Brohawn & Byss, Young's wharf. April 16, 1802. ep3w
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, May 19, 1802.
MARRIED, JOHN P. VANNESS, Esq. Member of Congress, from the state of New-York, to Miss MARCIA BURNS, of this city.
NEW-YORK ELECTION.
In order to ascertain the relative strength of parties, as expressed in the late elections in New-York, for members of the House of Representatives of the United States, we have collated the majorities given on each side in twelve districts from which we have called accounts have been received. We have no other evidence of the accuracy of these accounts beside the information exhibited in the papers of that state nearest the several scenes of election. We have every reason to think them correct, tho' we decline any responsibility for their accuracy. In these twelve districts which elect twelve members, the following are the citizens elected, with the majority of each citizen chosen.
   Repub. maj. Fed. maj.     1. Dr. Mitchill, rep. 4,440   2. Mr. Sands, fed. 49   3. H. W. Livingston, fed. 114   4. Mr. Tibbitts, fed. 61   5. D. Thomas, rep. 963   6. K. K. Van Rensselaer, fed. 513   7. F. A. Bloodgood, rep. 394   8. C. Elmendorf, fed. 73   9. Mr. Bloom, rep. 307   10. Mr. M'Cord, rep. 922   11. Mr. Root, rep. 136   12. Mr. Sammons, rep. 1,095   5239 810  
Thus it appears that seven republicans are elected, to five federal members, and that the seven republican members obtained their seats by a majority of five thousand two hundred and thirty nine votes over their opponents, while the five federal members elected obtained their seats by a majority of only eight hundred and ten votes over their republican opponents—giving a clear absolute majority to the republicans of four thousand four hundred and twenty nine.
In one of the districts in which a republican candidate was elected, 1258 votes were given for a republican citizen who was unsuccessful. As this was therefore only a division respecting men, and not respecting principles, that number of votes, or the larger part of it, should be added to the above great majority.
The foregoing are the ascertained votes given. From the five remaining districts correct returns have not been received. But the New-York papers consider one district as likely to return a federal, and the remaining four, as many republican members. The total result, in this event, will be eleven republican to six federal members: and if the votes already received be considered as a criterion of those to be received, the majority on the republican side will exceed seven thousand.
This is the basis on which so much federal boasting has risen! This is the ground on which it has been vaunted that a great change had taken place in the political sentiments of the citizens of New-York! It is true that a great change has taken place; but it is in favor of republicanism and the present administration of the general government. For on no antecedent similar occasion has the republican majority been so large. On this additional testimony of the enlightened patriotism of the people, we congratulate the friends of republicanism, rejoicing to find that misrepresentation through every part of the union sinks below truth, and that in proportion to the diffusion of information is the triumph of principle.
RHODE-ISLAND ELECTION.
Official statement of the whole number of votes given at the late election, for Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and Senators.
   Arthur Fenner, 3802   William Greene, 1934   majority for Fenner, 1863   Samuel J. Potter, 3784   George Brown, 1942   majority for Potter, 1842   Waterman Tibbitts, 3768   Isaac Johnson, 1971   majority for Tibbitts, 1797   Benjamin Howland, 3802   Isaac Baily, 1964   majority for Howland, 1838   Thomas Hoxhe, 3804   Jonathan Maxson, 1943   majority for Hoxhe, 1861   Paul Mumford, 3789   William Tew, 1962   majority for Mumford, 1827  
Nehemiah Knight, 3820 Elisha Bartlett, 1948
majority for Knight, 1872
Timothy Wilmarth, 3793
Darius Smith, 1958
majority for Wilmarth, 1835
William Waterman, 3692 Charles Wheaton, 1947
majority for Waterman, 1745
The other three senators, together with the secretary of state, attorney general, and general treasurer, were elected without opposition.
The above shows the progress of Republicanism since last May, when the average majority for Republican Senators was less than 500.—Now it is nearly two thousand.
FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATION DETECTD.
N. IX.
FROM THE ALBANY REGISTER.
We call the attention of our readers to the following letter, which was circulated in hand-bills at many of the polls in the Western District, during the late election. It needs no comment. But as it has been denied by certain persons to have been written by Mr. Morris, we would just remark, that admitting he did not write it, still it must be viewed as a federal trick. We are told, however, by a gentleman of veracity, that on enquiring of Mr. Cochran, a few days since at Utica, whether he had received it from Mr. Morris, Mr. C. replied in the affirmative. Our readers will compare it with the annexed letter from Mr. Clinton, which is copied from the American Citizen of the 27th ult. and make their own deductions.
FRENCH LOAN.
The following letter was received by yesterday's mail.
Washington, April 17th, 1802.
DEAR SIR,
I expect that we shall end our long and unprofitable session, by one of the most unexpected acts that our constituents can imagine. It is now reduced to a certainty that Monsieur Pichon, the French minister, has applied to the executive government for a loan of a million of dollars!—which from the language of Mr. Jefferson's friends I feel persuaded will be granted. How will the honest Yeomanry of our country like to see a Million of their Money go to a Nation by whom we have been plundered and insulted in order to enable them to reduce to slavery the Blacks of St. Domingo. That the demand has been made and will shortly be laid before this house, is certain, for the French minister himself has informed at least a dozen members of our house of it.
We are told that we shall adjourn by the first of May. It is evident, that for some reason or other, the ministerialists are disposed to protract the session as long as possible. We are daily expecting the arrival of a French fleet of 16 or 17 sail of the line and frigates. It is said that they are without provision and without money; and I am persuaded that Mr. Jefferson will never part with congress until they have left our shores. It is said if we do not give them the million which they ask, that they will plunder our merchantmen to a greater amount. The day will certainly come when Mr. Jefferson will be brought to account for having stripped us of the means of self-defence and having brought on us robbery and insult.
Your Friend,
THOMAS MORRIS.
James Cochran, Esq. April 26, 1802.
From the AMERICAN CITIZEN.
The following letter from the honorable DE WITT CLINTON, a Senator for this state in the senate of the United States, was politely communicated to us yesterday by Mr. Rice for publication.
Washington, 21st April, 1802.
DEAR SIR,
As the same falsehoods respecting the demand of a loan to France from our government, which have been so industriously circulated in the eastern parts of the union, may be brought into view, to operate upon the approaching elections in the state of New-York; I have thought it my duty to state to you explicitly, that no request or demand has been made of our government for such a loan—and that there is reason to believe that no intention exists to make such demand or request. This information has been received from an authority which cannot be doubted. and I do hereby authorize you, if you deem it expedient, in order to guard against the arts of misrepresentation, to publish it with my name.
I entertain the most firm conviction that nothing will be done by our government, in this or any other respect, which

will compromise the interest or honor of the United States.
I am, with great esteem, your most obedient servant. DE WITT CLINTON. Richard Riker, Esq. New-York.
NEW-YORK, May 14.
Yesterday arrived at this port, the ship Brothers, Capt. Hall, (belonging to Messrs. Dunlap and Grant,) in 40 days from Liverpool. This arrival furnishes us with an official account of the signing of the definitive treaty, by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, France, Spain and the Batavian republic. This important news is said to have had the most enlivening effect in England; illuminations, firing of cannon and the ringing of bells were the first demonstrations of joy. Our London papers are no later than the 27th of March; of course they contain nothing respecting the principles of the treaty; but, in all probability, we shall not be many days without a copy of this interesting paper.
We cannot say what effect this news had in England on the articles of commerce, as there was no time for an alteration in prices between the receipt of it, and the sailing of the Brothers.
This morning arrived the ship Brothers, captain Hall, in 40 days from Liverpool. She brings the important news of the signing of the definitive treaty, officially announced by a note from Lord Hawkesbury to the Lord mayor. An article from a French paper, a few days previous to the signing of the treaty, states, that the Scheldt is to remain shut, Malta to be in the power of the English, and Martinico to remain in their possession till the payment of the sums advanced for French prisoners, and Holland is to pay for the shutting of the Scheldt.
The member of parliament for Liverpool, in communicating the intelligence of the signing of the Definitive Treaty to the mayor of that port, adds the following for the information of his constituents:—
“House of Commons, 29th March.” “Immediately upon receiving information that the Definitive Treaty was signed, I made application at Lord Hawkesbury's office for information respecting the time that would be allowed for importation of the produce of the captured islands in the West Indies, about to be ceded to the belligerent powers. After some hesitation I received for answer that no part of the Definitive Treaty could with propriety be made public officially, until the same had been ratified, which would require a fortnight in time.”
(Signed)
ISAAC GASCOIGNE,
Extract of a letter from an eminent commercial house in Liverpool to another in this city, dated March 31st, inclosing the London Gazette Extraordinary.
“We beg leave to refer you to the above Gazette account, and have only to add that our markets continue extremely heavy, and that we are at a loss to say how far it may affect the prices of produce generally.”
LONDON, March 28.
It is stated, that on the signing of the definitive treaty, Cambacérès, and Le Brun retire from the consulate; the first to be grand chancellor, and the other superintendent general of Finances; that Bonaparte will declare himself President for life; his brother Joseph perpetual President of the council of state, with the power of governing in case of the absence, illness or demise of Napoleon; the third brother Lucien, to be perpetual President of the Legislative Body; and Louis, of the Tribunate. Jerome and Achille, are not mentioned in the list. Le Clerc and Murat are to be military governors of St. Domingo and of Italy. The Republic, it is added, is to be divided into twenty-five departments, each to be governed by a prefect, a general, and a bishop. The Roman Catholic Religion is to be the only one paid by the state, and to have 6,000 Cures, or Vicars, with a suitable number of inferior clergy.
The Duke of Kent, it is said, is to be the new governor of Gibraltar.
Mr. Pitt, who is said to have for some months been on indifferent terms with Lord Grenville, passed last week with his lordship at Dropmore.
The jewels of the late Queen of France are said to have been sent by the First Consul for sale to London.
The jewels of the Queen of Portugal are proposed to be pawned for about half a million of money, at an interest of 3 per cent. to answer the demands of the Chief Consul of France upon the court of Lisbon.
The banking-house of Roberts, and co. in Lombard-street, was some days since sold to the three first of the old proprietors for 16,500l. The two adjoining tenements in the occupation of the Post-Office, sold for 3,770l.
It is again reported in the German papers, that the Hereditary Prince of Orange is to be appointed chief consul of the Batavian Republic.
BOSTON, May 13, 1802.
Yesterday the inhabitants of this town assembled for the purpose of electing representatives to the general court for the ensuing year. At the close of the poll, the whole number of votes were 2408; consequently 1205 made a choice. The following are the gentlemen voted for:
   FEDERAL:    C. Jones 1386  H. G. Otis 1378  J. Russell 1358  S. Packman 1385  J. Lowell 1369  W. Brown 1382  J. Hunnewell 1574     REPUBLICAN:    Dr. Charles Jarvis 1030  J. Bowdoin 1022  N. Fellows 1018  B. Austin, jun. 1023  R. Sturgis 1024  D. Tilden 1020  S. Brown 1036  
The votes given in for Gov. Strong, in April, were 2372; the highest number on the federal list yesterday was 1386, making a deficiency of 986 federal votes. The Republicans had 1498 for Mr. Gerry, and 1036 for representatives. By this comparative view of the votes in the two elections, it is evident that the Republicans are more permanently consolidated in their numbers than the federalists.—Time will produce its effects.
DEFINITIVE TREATY.
On Wednesday noon arrived at Marblehead the Schooner Molly, 42 days from Havre. Mr. Biddow, a passenger, has favored us with a paper of that city of March 30, containing a copy of the Definitive Treaty of Peace—of which the following is a translation:
Definitive Treaty of Peace between the French republic, the King of Spain and the Batavian republic, on the one part, and his Majesty the King of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland on the other.
THE first consul of the French republic, in the name of the French nation, and his majesty the King of the United Kingdom, &c. equally animated by a desire to put a stop to the calamities of war, have laid the foundations of the peace, by the preliminary articles signed at London, the 1st of Oct. 1801; and as, by the 15th article of the said preliminaries, it has been agreed, that there shall be nominated on the one part and the other, plenipotentiaries, who shall resort to Amiens, to draw up the definitive treaty, in concert with the allies of the contracting parties; the first consul of the French republic, in the name of French nation, has appointed citizen JOSEPH BONAPARTE , counsellor of state; and his majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the marquis CORNWALLIS , Knt. of the most illustrious order of the garter, &c. his majesty the King of Spain, and the government of the Batavian republic have appointed for their plenipotentiaries, Don JOSEPH NICOLAS D'AZARRA , &c. and ROGER JOHN SCHIMMELPENNICK , &c. who, after having exchanged in due form their powers, which are hereinafter stated, have agreed to the following articles:
Art. I. There shall be peace, amity and a good understanding between the French republic, the King of Spain, his heirs and successors, and the Batavian republic, on the one part; and his majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, his heirs and successors, on the other part.
The contracting parties shall endeavor to maintain a perfect harmony between them and their states, without suffering, on either side, any sort of hostility by land or sea, under any pretence whatever; they shall carefully avoid every thing which may, in future, disturb the union so happily established, & shall afford neither aid nor protection, directly or indirectly, to those who would prejudice either of them.
Art. II. All the prisoners made on either side, by land or by sea, and the hostages taken or given during the war, and to the present time, shall be restored without ransom, in six weeks at farthest, to reckon from the day of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, after paying the debts contracted during their captivity. Each contracting party shall (liquidate) pay, respectively, the advances made by either of the contracting parties for the subsistence and maintenance of prisoners in the country where they shall have been detained.—There shall be appointed a special commission to establish and regulate the compensation due either party. The time and place of meeting of the commissioners, charged with the execution of this article, shall be fixed in concert; they shall state an account, not only of the expenses of the prisoners, but also for the foreign troops, which, before being taken, were in the pay of any one of the parties.
Art. III. His Britannic majesty restores to the French republic and its allies, the King of Spain and the Batavian republic, all the possessions and colonies which belonged to them respectively, & which have been occupied or conquered by the British forces in the course of the
present war, with the exception of the Isle of Trinidad, and the Dutch possessions in the Isle of Ceylon.
IV. His Catholic majesty cedes and guarantees in full possession, and sovereignty to his Britannic majesty the Island of Trinidad.
V. The Batavian republic cedes and guarantees in full possession and sovereignty to his Britannic majesty, all the possessions and establishments, in the island of Ceylon, which belonged, before the war, to the Republic of the United Provinces, or to its East Indian company.
VI. The Port of Cape of Good Hope is restored in full sovereignty, as before the war, to the Batavian Republic.
The vessels of every description, belonging to the other contracting parties, shall have the privilege of resiting and purchasing the necessary provisions as formerly, without paying any other duties than the Dutch are subject to.
VII. The territories and possessions of her most faithful majesty are to remain entire, as they were before the war; but the limits of French and Portuguese Guyanna are fixed at the river Arawany , which empties into the ocean above the “North Cape,” near “New Isle,” and the Isle of Penitence , in about a degree and a third of north latitude. These limits shall follow the course of the river Arawany , from its mouth, the farthest from the Cape, to its source—thence in a straight line drawn from this source to “Rio Branco” towards the west. Therefore, the northern bank of the river Arawany , from its mouth to the source, and the territory north of the above limits, shall belong in full possession to the French Republic. The southern bank of the said river, from the mouth, and all the territory south of said limits, shall belong to her most faithful majesty.—The navigation of the river Arawany in its whole course, shall be common to the two nations.
The arrangements which have taken place between the Courts of Madrid and of Lisbon, for the establishment of their frontiers in Europe, shall be made according to the stipulations of the treaty of Badajoz .
VIII. The territorial possessions and rights of the Sublime Porte, shall be maintained entire as they were before the war.
IX. The Republic of the seven Isles is acknowledged.
X. The Islands of Malta, Gozo, and Comino, shall be restored to the order of St. John of Jerusalem, to be held by it under the same conditions as before the war, and under the following regulations:
1st. The Knights of the order, whose (“languages”) languages continue to exist, after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, are invited to return to Malta, as soon as the exchange takes place: They will there form a general chapter, and proceed to elect a grand master, selected from among the natives of those nations who preserve (des langues) the language, unless they shall have already made choice since the ratification of the preliminaries. It is understood that an election made since that epoch shall alone be considered valid; to the exclusion of every other which may have taken place prior to that epoch.
2d. The governments of the French Republic and Great Britain, wishing to place the Order and Island of Malta in a state of entire independence in respect to them, agree, that henceforward neither the French nor English language shall be suffered there, and that no individual of either of these powers can be admitted into the Order.
3d. There shall be established a Maltese language, which shall be maintained by the territorial revenues, and the commercial duties of the island. This language shall be entitled to the dignities proper to it, to benefits (“trailenans”) and to a college (“audierge”). Proofs of nobility shall not be required for the admission of the Knights of the said language; they shall be admissible to all the offices, and shall enjoy all the privileges with the Knights of other Orders. The municipal, administrative, civil, judicial, and other offices dependant on the government of the island, shall be occupied, one half at least, by the inhabitants of Malta, Gozo and Comino.
4th. The forces of his Britannic majesty shall evacuate the island and its dependencies in three months after the exchange of the ratifications, or sooner, if possible, when it shall be restored to the order in the state in which it is found, provided that the grand master, or commissioners fully authorized according to the statutes of the order, be in the said island to take possession thereof, and the troops which are to be furnished by his Sicilian Majesty, as hereafter stipulated, be arrived.
5th. Half of the garrison at least, shall be composed of native Maltese: The remainder, the order shall have the power of raising among the natives of those nations who continue to possess the language. The Maltese troops shall have Maltese officers. The command in chief of the garrison, as well as the nomination of officers, shall belong to the grand master, and he cannot dispense with it, even temporarily, but in favor of a knight, according to the advice of the council of the order.
6th. The independence of the islands of Malta, of Gozo, and of Comino, as well as the present establishment, is placed under the protection and guarantee of France, Great Britain, Austria, Spain, Russia and Prussia.
7th. The order and island of Malta, with its dependencies, are declared neutral.
8th. The ports of Malta shall be open to the commerce and navigation of all nations, who will pay there equal and regular duties; these duties shall be applied to the maintenance of the Maltese language, as specified in the 3d sect.—and of the civil, and military establishments of the island, and also of a general Lazaretto, open to all nations.
9th. The Barbary powers are, excepted from the two preceding stipulations, until the contracting parties shall procure a cessation of the hostilities which subsist between the said Barbary states, the order of St. John, and those powers that possess the language, or are a component part of it.
10th. The order shall be governed, as well in its spiritual as temporal capacity, by the same laws, which were in force when the knights quitted the island, as far as they are not deprived of them by the present treaty.
11th. The regulations contained in sections 3d, 5th, 8th, and 10th, shall become laws and perpetual statutes of the order in the usual form, and the grand master, or if he should not be in the island when it shall be restored to the order, his representative, as well as his successors, shall make oath punctually to observe them.
12th. His Sicilian majesty shall be requested to furnish 2000 men, natives of his dominions, to serve as a garrison in the different fortresses of the said islands. This force shall remain there a year, from the restitution to the knights; and if, at the expiration thereof, the order shall not have levied a sufficient force in the judgment of the guarantee powers, to serve as garrison to the island and its dependencies, as specified in sect. 5th, the Neapolitan troops shall remain there until replaced by another sufficient force.
13th. The different powers designated in section 6th, to wit: France, Great Britain, Austria, Spain, Russia, and Prussia, are invited to accede to the present stipulations.
ART. XI. The French troops shall evacuate the kingdom of Naples and the Roman state; the English forces shall likewise evacuate Porto Ferrajo, and, generally, all the ports and islands which they occupied in the Mediterranean or in the Adriatic Sea.
XII. The evacuations, cessions, and restitutions, stipulated by the present treaty, shall go into operation, as they regard Europe, in the course of a month, the seas of America and Africa in three months; the continent and seas of Asia in six months, following the ratification of the present definitive treaty, except in those cases especially provided to the contrary.
XIII. In all cases of restitution, granted by the present treaty, the fortifications shall be restored in the condition in which they were found at the moment of signing the preliminaries, and all the works constructed since their being occupied shall remain untouched.
It is moreover agreed, that in every case of cession, stipulated, there shall be allowed to the inhabitants, of whatever condition or nation, a term of three years, from the ratification of the present treaty, to dispose of their property acquired and possessed, whether before or during the present war; during which period of three years, they may enjoy freely their religion and their property. The same is granted in the countries restored, to all those, whether inhabitants or not, who shall have made any establishments during the period when these countries were possessed by Great Britain.
As to the inhabitants of places ceded or restored, it is agreed, that no one shall be persecuted, or disturbed in his person or property, under any pretext, on account of his political conduct or opinion, of his attachment to either of the contracting parties, or for any other cause, except debts contracted with individuals, or for acts posterior to the present treaty.
XIV. All requisitions, on the one part or the other, laid upon funds or revenues, of whatever kind they may be, belonging to one of the contracting powers, or to its citizens or subjects, shall be taken off immediately after the signature of this definitive treaty.
The decision of all claims between the individuals of the respective nations, for debts, property, effects, or whatever rights, which, conformably to the established usages and to the rights of nations, should be exhibited at the moment of peace, shall be laid before the competent tribunals, and prompt and full justice shall be rendered in these cases in the dominions where the claims shall be made.
XV. The fisheries upon the coasts of Newfoundland and the adjacent Isles, and in the gulf of St. Lawrence, are placed upon the same footing as before the war.
The French fishermen of Newfoundland, and the inhabitants of the Islands
of St. Peter and Miquelon, shall be allowed to cut the wood necessary to them in the Bay of Fortune, and of Despair, during the first year, from the ratification of the present treaty.
XVI. To prevent all subjects of complaint and contest which may arise from captures which may be made at sea after the signing of the preliminary articles, it is mutually agreed, that the vessels and effects which shall have been taken in the channel, and in the North Seas, after 12 days from the exchange of the ratifications of the preliminaries, shall be restored on both sides; and the term shall be a month from the channel and the North Seas, to the Canary Isles, inclusively, whether in the Ocean or in the Mediterranean; two months from the Canary Isles to the Equator; and five months, in all other parts of the globe, without any farther exception or distinction of time or place.
XVII. The ambassadors, ministers and other agents of the contracting powers, shall respectively enjoy, in the states of the said powers, the same rank, privileges, prerogatives and immunities, which agents of the same class enjoyed before the war.
XVIII. The branch of the House of Bourbon, which was established in the ci-devant republic of the United Provinces, now the Batavian republic, having retained lands as well in private property as by the change of the constitution adopted in that country, there shall be promised compensation equivalent to the said losses.
XIX. The present Definitive Treaty of Peace is declared common to the Sublime Ottoman Porte, ally of his Britannic majesty, and the Subim. Porte shall be requested to transmit its accession thereto as soon as possible.
XX. It is agreed, that the contracting parties, upon the demand by them respectively made, or by their ministers and officers, duly authorized to this effect, shall be held to deliver up to justice, persons accused of the crimes of murder, of forgery, or of fraudulent bankruptcy, committed within the jurisdiction of the party making the demand, provided that it shall not be done unless the evidence of the crime shall be so well established, that the laws of the place, where the accused person shall be discovered, would authorize his detention and transmission to justice in case the crime had been there committed; the expence of apprehending and transmitting the person to justice, shall be defrayed by those who make the demand. It is understood that this article does not regard in any way, the crimes of murder, forgery, or fraudulent bankruptcy, committed prior to the conclusion of this Definitive Treaty.
XXI. The contracting parties promise to observe with sincerity and good faith all the articles of the present treaty, and they will not suffer their respective citizens or subjects to act in contravention of the same, directly or indirectly, and the said contracting parties guarantee to each other generally and reciprocally all the stipulations of the present treaty.
XXII. The present treaty shall be ratified by the contracting parties within the space of thirty days or sooner, if possible, and the ratifications in due form shall be exchanged at Paris.
In faith of which, we, the undersigned plenipotentiaries have signed, with our hands, and by virtue of our full powers respectively, the present Definitive treaty, and affixed our respective seals.
Done at Amiens, March 25, 1802. (signed) BONAPARTE, CORNWALLIS, AZARRA, SCHIMMELPENNICK.
PROPOSALS
WILL be received by the Committee of the Washington building company, for erecting and completing three brick buildings on Lot 4, Square 322, the whole extent 55 feet 9 inches, by 36 feet, with back buildings.
The plans and particulars may be seen at Mr. Thomas Henry's, Secretary to the Company, with whom sealed proposals may be left on or before Friday the 28th day of the present month (May), twelve o'clock.
By order of the building Committee, THOMAS CARPENTER, Chairman May 19th, 1802.
Last Notice,
In the case of THOMAS WATERMAN, a BANKRUPT.
NOTICE is hereby given to the creditors of Thomas Waterman, that his final certificate of discharge will be granted on Saturday the 22d inst. between the hours of 9 and 11 o'clock A. M. at the office of the marshal of the district of Columbia, in the city of Washington, unless cause be then and there shown by one or more of said creditors to the contrary.
By order of William Cranch Esq. one of the assistant judges of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
Test. URIAS FORREST, Clerk of the circuit court, district of Columbia. May 19, 1802.
FOR SALE,
An excellent Blacksmith, together with his wife and three likely children, to wit, two boys, 10 and 8 years of age, and a girl four. The woman has been employed altogether in washing and ironing. An examination of the blacksmith's work will be his best recommendation. To have unsuccessful applications the price of the family is 1,400 dollars.
V. PEYTON. Stafford, March 8, 1802.
To be Rented,
And immediate Possession given. A VERY convenient three story brick house, in a fine airy situation.—Enquire at this office. April 12, 1802.

For Sale, A NEGRO WOMAN about 38 years of age; she is an excellent Cook, and good washer. For terms apply to the Editor. April 5. 1802. eptf
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR, HAS just received part of his assortment of his Spring and Summer goods, which he will sell or make up on very reasonable terms.—Pennsylvania Avenue well at the President's House. May 14. 1802. eptf
For Sale, A VERY elegant saddle HORSE, ten years old, paces, trots, and canters; and in other respects completely broken to the bridle.—For further particulars inquire of Mr. Steele on Capitol Hill, and see the horse at his stable. April 26. 1802. eptf
Wanted Immediately, AT William Duane's Printing Office, Washington City. A good steady PRESS-MAN.—None need apply but those who can give satisfactory recommendations of their good behaviour. May 12. 1802. eptf
FOR SALE, LOOKING GLASSES & FURNITURE.
The subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has just received from New-York various kinds of Looking-Glasses, from 5 to 70 dollars each.—Also card tables, bureaus, &c. of an elegant and fashionable make. He continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of ornaments for chimney-pieces, door caps, frontispieces, metal foliages, &c. &c. GEORGE ANDREWS. April 14. 1802. eptf
NOTICE. THE subscriber takes the liberty to inform the inhabitants of Washington (who may not attend particularly to that part of the Corporation law respecting the right of suffrage) that unless their taxes be paid prior to the first Monday in June next, the day appointed for the election of common council for the City of Washington, they will be deprived of their right of voting. He also informs those who may make it convenient to call on him for the purpose of settling their dues that he may be seen at his lodgings (at Mr. Johnson's) every day from 5 to 8 o'clock A. M. and on Friday and Saturday from 4 to 6 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Rhodes's Little Hotel until the first Monday in June. WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of the county of Washington. May 12. 1802. eptf
Great Bargains may be had. THE subscriber offers for cash, flock of Columbia, or any other bank, or approved note at 60 days, from 1 to 50 lots in the city of Washington, situated on squares 144, 173, 226, 227, 235, 236, 237, 238, 288, 291, 293, 323, 348, 349, 377, 378, 457, 489, 490, 491 to 533. and if the same be not disposed of previous to Wednesday the 19th of May, they will be offered at Rhodes's Tavern on that day at 11 o'clock, at public sale. It is unnecessary to make comment as to the situation of this property. It being generally considered among the best in the city, and with respect to title, no dispute whatever exists. ISAAC POLLOCK. April 30. 1802. Several houses in this city and other valuable property near it, will also be sold at very low rates for payments as above, and part of which will be exchanged for a few negroes. dM19
TO RENT, And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on F street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made cash on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYER. April 7. 1802. eptf Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W. D.
Commissioners Office, Washington May 6, 1802. Public Auction.
To be sold at Public Auction at Rhodes's Tavern on the eighteenth inst. at ten o'clock for ready money. ALL the wooden buildings on the President's Square, erected by order of the Commissioners for the accommodation of workmen; which to avoid as much as possible any inconveniences to the present occupants, will be permitted to stand, if required till the 1st day of September next, but no longer. At the time of sale will be offered the following articles for cash, if not previously disposed of, viz. 22 chimney pieces, 12 barrels nails, a quantity of ironmongery of superior quality, one large beam, weights, &c.—A quantity of cordage, one iron kettle, two pair small cart wheels, 16 barrels tar, one barrel lime, 12 window sills, two grindstones, one pair reelyards, and 7 iron blocks. By order. THOMAS MUNROE, Clerk Com. May 10. 1802. eptf
Fifteen or twenty Shares In the Washington Building Company to be offered at public sale on Saturday evening next at 7 o'clock, at Mr. Morin's tavern on the Pennsylvania Avenue, if not sold before by private sale. THE flourishing state of the stock may be seen at Mr. Herty's office, who is secretary for the company. If one half cash advance will be an accommodation to the purchaser it may be lodged in the hands of the Secretary until the next Saturday evening when the certificates will be delivered.—Apply to WILLIAM DYER. May 27. 1802. eptf
EDUCATION. THE subscriber begs leave to inform the citizens of Washington, that he has opened a school at Mr. Doyne's boarding house in front of the President's house; where he will instruct those committed to his care spelling, reading, writing, vulgar and decimal arithmetic, book-keeping and mensuration, &c. according to the most approved methods.—Those desirous of seeing his recommendations from where he last taught, will please apply as above, to PATRICK EDWARDS. May 12. 1802. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Best superfine cloths, Cassimeres, Swansdown, Toylenettes, Velverettes, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N. B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice.—Washington City, New-Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16. 1801. eptf
Annapolis, May 4, 1802. St. John's College. ON the 22nd day of June next the trustees of St. John's College purpose to proceed to the appointment of a professor of English and Grammar in St. John's College, who shall receive for his services at the rate of 200, to be paid quarterly—Dolls 533 33. His duty is in conjunction with an assistant, to teach English grammatically, and the Latin grammar, the vocabulary, and Corderius, so as to prepare students for the schools of languages. He and his assistant are likewise to teach writing and arithmetic, and the lower branches of the mathematics, if required, to such of the students as are not destined for the upper schools. By order of the visitors and governor of St. John's College. A. G. HANSON. May 12. 1802.
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORNTON, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is swain high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, cotton, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out houses, all in good repair. The orchard and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk; there are two good mill sites for grist, or sawmill on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber which if fawed up into cantilong will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary.—Apply to RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 25, Walnut-street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11. eptf
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments. The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the state of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c. A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in. Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT. N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21. 1802. eptf
Lots for Sale, Or to Let on Ground-Rent. THE Subscriber offers to sell or to lease one hundred Lots, advantageously situated; some in the vicinity of the Capitol, and others near the Navy Yard; for cash, credit or wet or dry goods. WILLIAM PROUT. Washington City, April 5. 1802. z2w
Notice is hereby given, TO all persons having claims against Mr. NOALEY YOUNG deceased, to render them properly authenticated to Robert Brent, in the City of Washington; and all those indebted to him are requested to make payment. BENJ. YOUNG, NICHOLS YOUNG, } Ex'rs. ROBERT BRENT, } April 19. 1802. ep6w
Now Landing AND FOR SALE, BY the subscriber at his store in Jefferson street, at very reduced prices, by wholesale and retail, for cash, country produce, or approved notes at 60 and 90 days. Loaf, lump and brown Pepper, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Madder, Indigo, Fig Blue, Scotch snuff in bottles, Real Havana segars, First quality chewing tobacco, Coarse and fine salt, Shad and herrings in barrels, Hams, Shoulders, and middlings of bacon, Georgia Cotton, Portland pitchers, China Bowls, Glass ware assorted, Sets of tea China, Port wine in quarter or bottles, Patent cheese, Porter in bottles, Powder, shot, & bar lead, Russia Glue, Allum, and a few dozen very cheap long and short kid and fancy gloves. B. G. ORR. April 30. 1802. eptf
PROPOSALS For carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City, until the 12th day of July next, inclusive. 49. From Providence, R. I. by North-Providence and Cumberland, R. I. by Mendon, Upton, Grafton, Worcester, Holden, Rutland, Barre, Peterham, New-Salem, Wendell and Northfield, Mas. to Brattleboro' Vert. once a week. Leave Providence every Tuesday at 9 AM, and arrive at Brattleboro' on Friday by 9 A M. Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 3 P M, and arrive at Providence the next Monday by 5 P M. 50. From Brookfield by Ware, Belchertown, Granby, South-Hadley, Northampton, Chesterfield, Worthington, Patridgefield, Dalton, Pittsfield, Hancock, and New-Lebanon, N. Y. to Albany twice a week. Leave Brookfield every Monday and Thursday at 9 A M, and arrive at Northampton by 8 P M. Leave Northampton on Tuesday and Friday at 5 A M, and arrive at Pittsfield by 1 P M, and at Albany on Wednesday and Saturday by 3 P M. Returning—Leave Albany every Tuesday and Friday at 9 A M, arrive at Pittsfield by 8 P M. Leave Pittsfield on Wednesday and Saturday at 4 A M, and arrive at Northampton by 8 P M. Leave Northampton on Monday and Thursday at 4 A M, and arrive at Brookfield by 4 P M. 51. From Bennington, Vt. by Pownall, Vt. Williamstown, Mas. Ashford, Lanesboro', Pittsfield, Lenox, Stockbridge, Great-Barrington, Sheffield, Salisbury, C. Sharon, C. Kent, C. Dover, N. Y. South-East, N. Y. Salem, N. Y. Bedford, N. Y. North-Castle, N. Y. and White Plains, N. Y. to New-Rochelle, N. Y. once a week. Leave Bennington every Wednesday at 6 A M, and arrive at Stockbridge by 7 P M. Leave Stockbridge on Thursday at 6 A M, arrive at Sheffield by 10 A M, at Sharon by 3 P M, and at New-Rochelle the next Saturday by 5 P M. Returning—Leave New-Rochelle every Saturday at 6 P M, arrive at Bedford on Sunday by noon. Leave Bedford at 1 P M, and arrive at Sharon on Tuesday by 4 P M. Leave Sharon at 5 P M, and arrive at Sheffield on Wednesday by 10 A M, and at Stockbridge by 4 P M. Leave Stockbridge every Thursday at 6 A M, and arrive at Bennington same day by 7 P M. 52. From Springfield by West-Springfield, Westfield, Russel, Blandford, Loundon, Bethelheim, Tyringham, Stockbridge and West-Stockbridge to Kinderhook, N. Y. once a week. Leave Springfield every Thursday at 6 A M, and arrive at Kinderhook on Friday by 6 P M. Leave Kinderhook on Saturday at 6 A M, and arrive at Stockbridge by 4 P M. Leave Stockbridge on Tuesday at 4 P M, and arrive at Springfield on Wednesday by 5 P M.
IN RHODE ISLAND. 53. From Providence by Barrington, Warren and Bristol, to Newport three times a week. Leave Providence every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 AM and arrive at Newport by 4 P M. Leave Newport every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 8 AM and arrive at Providence by 4 P M. 54. From Providence by Patuxet, Warwick, East-Greenwich, Littleell & Wickford to Towarhill, once a week. Leave Providence every Friday, at 4 A M and arrive at Towarhill, by 11 A M. Leave Towarhill every Friday, at 2 P M and arrive at Providence on Saturday by 8 A M. 55. From Newport by Towarhill, Chacestown, Westerly, Stonington, G. and Groton to New-London, G. twice a week, May 1 to Nov. 1. Leave Newport every Thursday and Tuesday at 10 A M and arrive at New-London on Friday and Wednesday, by 3 P M. Returning—Leave New-London every Tuesday and Thursday, at 9 A M and arrive at Newport on Wednesday and Friday by noon. Nov. 1 to May 1. Leave Newport every Wednesday and Monday, at noon and arrive at New-London on Thursday and Tuesday, by 6 P M. Returning—Leave New-London every Monday and Friday at 4 A M and arrive at Newport on Tuesday and Saturday by 10 A M. 56. From Providence by Patuxet Falls and Rehoboth to Taunton once a week. Leave Taunton every Monday at 10 A M, and arrive at Providence, by 3 P M. Leave Providence every Tuesday at 5 A M and arrive at Taunton by 10 A M.
IN CONNECTICUT. 57. From Hartford by East-Hartford, Hebron, Lebanon, Windham and Lebanon to Norwich twice a week. Leave Hartford every Tuesday and Friday, at 6 A M and arrive at Norwich, by 6 P M. Leave Norwich every Monday & Thursday at 6 A M and arrive at Hartford by 6 P M. 58. From Hartford by Middletown, Haddam, East-Haddam, Colchester and Montville to New-London, once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 1 P M, and arrive at New-London on Friday by 7 P M. Leave New-London every Saturday at 11 A M, and arrive at Hartford on Monday by 7 P M. 59. From Hartford by West-Simsbury, New-Hartford, Winchester, Norfolk, Canaan, Sheffield, H. H. Dale and Claverack to Hudson once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 8 A M, and arrive at Hudson on Saturday by 10 A M. Leave Hudson every Saturday by 10 A M and arrive at Hartford the next Monday by 7 P M. 60. From Hartford by Farmington, Bristol, Harwinton, Litchfield, Washington, New-Milford, Brookfield, Danbury, Ridgefield, Salem, N. Y. and Bedford to New-York city once a week. Leave Hartford every Tuesday at 2 P M, arrive at Litchfield on Wednesday at 9 A M, at New-Milford by 3 P M, and at New-York on Friday at 11 A M. Returning—Leave New-York every Friday at 6 P M, arrive at New-Milford on Monday by 9 A M, at Litchfield by 3 P M, and arrive at Hartford at half past 3 P M and arrive at Hartford on Tuesday by 10 A M. 61. From Litchfield by Cornwall and Sharon to Poughkeepsie, N. Y. once a week. Leave Litchfield every Wednesday at 2 P M, arrive at Sharon by 7 P M, and arrive at Poughkeepsie on Thursday by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Poughkeepsie every Friday at 6 A M, arrive at Sharon by 6 P M, and at Litchfield on Monday by 9 A M. 62. From New-Haven by Derby, Southbury, Woodbury, Bethlem, Litchfield, Goshen, Canaan to Sheffield, once a week. Leave New-Haven every Tuesday noon, & arrive at Litchfield on Wednesday by 11 a m. Leave Litchfield at 2 p m, & arrive at Sheffield on Thursday by 9 A M. Returning—Leave Sheffield every Thursday at 11 A M, arrive at Litchfield by 8 P M. Leave Litchfield on Monday at 11 A M, and arrive at New-Haven on Tuesday by 10 A M. 63. From Fairfield, Bridgeport, Trumbull, Huntington, Newtown and Brookfield to New-Milford, once a week. Leave Fairfield every Wednesday at noon & arrive at New-Milford on Thursday by 3 P M. Leave New-Milford every Friday at 9 A M, and arrive at Fairfield on Saturday by 8 A M. 64. From New-Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, New-Rochelle, N. Y. to New-York city, three times a week. May 1 to Nov. 1. Leave New-Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 P M, and arrive at New-York city on Wednesday, Friday and Saturday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave New-York city every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 10 a m, and arrive at New-Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by 5 a m, waiting one hour at Stamford. Nov. 1 to May 1. Leave New-Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 1 p m, and arrive at New-York on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 11 a m. Returning—Leave New-York every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 11 a m, and arrive at New-Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by 3 p m, resting one hour at Stamford.
IN NEW-YORK. 65. From New-York by Bergen N. J. Hackinack, Paramus, New Antrim, N. Y. Chester, Goshen, Wardbridge, Shawangunk and New Paltz to Kingston once a week. Leave New-York every Friday at 6 A M and arrive at Kingston on Saturday by 6 P M. Leave Kingston on Sunday by 7 P M. and arrive at New-York on Monday by 6 P M. 66. From Fishkill to Newburg twice a week. Leave Newburg every Tuesday and Friday at 2 P M and arrive at Fishkill by 4 P M. Leave Fishkill every Tuesday and Friday at half past 4 P M and arrive at Newburg by 6 P M. 67. From Newburg by New Windsor, Goshen, Warwick, Hamburg, Newtown, Johnsburg, Hope, Belvidere and Easton, to Bethlehem, Pa. once a week. Leave Newburg every Monday at 1 P M and arrive at Warwick on Tuesday by 7 A M and arrive at Newtown on Wednesday by 9 A M and at Easton on Thursday by 11 A M and at Bethlehem at 2 P M. Returning—Leave Bethlehem every Thursday at 4 P M and arrive at Easton by 7 P M. Leave Easton on Friday at 4 A M, arrive at Newtown by 7 P M and at Newburg on Saturday by 9 P M. 68. From Rhinebeck to Kingston twice a week. Leave Rhinebeck every Monday and Friday at 11 A M and arrive at Kingston by 1 P M. Leave Kingston every Monday and Friday at 8 A M and arrive at Rhinebeck by 10 A M. 69. From Hudson to Catskill twice a week. Leave Hudson every Monday & Friday at 3 P M and arrive at Catskill by 5 P M. Leave Catskill every Monday and Friday at 8 A M and arrive at Hudson by 10 A M. 70. From Catskill by Freehold, New Durham, Bloemfield, Head of Delaware, Harpersfield, Kortright, Meredith, Franklin and Oquago to Union, and from Union by Windham, Walton, Delhi, Head of Delaware, and the same route thence to Catskill once a week. Leave Catskill every Monday at 6 P M and arrive at Union the next Thursday by 6 P M. Leave Union on Friday at 6 A M and return to Catskill the next Monday by 7 A M. 71. From Albany by Troy to Lansingburg six times a week. Leave Lansingburg every day Sunday excepted at 9 A M and arrive at Albany by 11 A M. Leave Albany at 4 P M and arrive at Lansingburg same day by 6 P M. 72. From Lansingburg by Yates's, Cambridge, Salem, Hebron, Granville, Hampton and Poulitney, Vt. to Fairhaven Vt. once a week. Leave Lansingburg every Friday at 8 A M and arrive at Salem on Saturday by 10 A M. Leave Salem at 11 A M and arrive at Fairhaven on Monday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave Fairhaven every Monday at 2 P M and arrive at Salem on Tuesday by 10 A M. Leave Salem on Wednesday at 6 A M and arrive at Lansingburg on Thursday by 3 P M. 73. From Lansingburg by Watford, Stillwater, Westfield, Fort Miller, Fort Edward, Sandhill, Kingbury, Fort Ann and Whitehall to Fairhaven once a week. Leave Lansingburg every Saturday at 8 A M and arrive at Sandhill on Sunday by 8 A M and arrive at Fairhaven on Monday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave Fairhaven every Thursday at 6 A M and arrive at Sandhill by 4 P M and at Lansingburg on Friday by 6 P M. 74. From Albany by Schenectady, Tripp's Hill, Conajohary, Herkimer, Utica and Whitesboro to Rome twice a week. Leave Albany every Monday & Thursday at 2 P M and arrive at Schenectady by 6 P M. Leave Schenectady on Tuesday and Friday at 6 A M and arrive at Conajohary by 6 P M. Leave Conajohary every Wednesday and Saturday at 6 A M and arrive at Utica by 6 P M. Leave Utica every Sunday and Thursday at 6 A M and arrive at Rome by 11 A M. Returning—Leave Rome every Sunday and Thursday at 2 P M and arrive at Utica by 5 P M. Leave Utica on Tuesday and Friday at 6 A M and arrive at Conajohary by 6 P M. Leave Conajohary every Wednesday and Saturday at 6 A M and arrive at Schenectady by 6 P M. Leave Schenectady every Monday and Thursday at 5 A M and arrive at Albany by noon. 75. From Utica by New Hartford, Wellmoreland, Oneida, Manlius, Onondaga, Marcellus, Aurelius, Cayuga & Geneva to Canandaigua, once a week. Leave Utica every Thursday at 6 A M and arrive at Oneida by 2 P M and arrive at Manlius by 7 P M. Leave Manlius on Friday at 5 A M and arrive at Cayuga on Saturday by 9 A M and at Canandaigua by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Canandaigua every Monday at 6 A M and arrive at Utica the next Wednesday by 6 P M. 76. From Canandaigua by Hartford to Niagara once a week. Leave Canandaigua every Monday at 6 A M and arrive at Niagara the next Thursday by 9 A M. Leave Niagara every Thursday by 3 P M and arrive at Canandaigua the next Monday by 6 P M. 77. From Cayuga to Scipio once a week. Leave Cayuga every Saturday at 11 A M and arrive at Scipio by 2 P M. Leave Scipio at 4 P M and arrive at Cayuga by 7 P M. 78. From Oneida to Cazenovia once a week. Leave Oneida every Thursday at 3 P M and arrive at Cazenovia by 7 P M. Leave Cazenovia every Friday at 6 A M and arrive at Oneida by 10 A M.