The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-01-19 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 977.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JANUARY 19, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
REPORT
Of the committee appointed on the 3d ultimo, on so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as relates to the repairs of fortifications, and to the farther protection of our ports, towns and rivers.
The committee to whom was referred on the 3d ultimo, so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as relates to the repairs of fortifications, and to the farther protection of our ports, towns, and rivers, report, that they have taken the same into consideration, and beg leave to recommend the following
RESOLUTIONS
Resolved, That a sum of money not exceeding _____ dollars, be appropriated to enable the President of the U. S. to cause our fortifications to be improved and repaired.
Resolved, That a further sum of money not exceeding _____ dollars be appropriated to enable the President of the U. S. to cause to be built a number of gun boats, not exceeding _____, for the better protection of our ports, towns, and rivers.
NAVY DEPARTMENT
December 10, 1806.
Sir, In answer to your letter of the 6th inst. I have the honor to state, that we have at this time in for service four bomb vessels and thirteen gun boats. That we have on the stocks and lately launched fifty-six gun boats, all of which will be in for service early in the ensuing year.
That of the appropriation, viz. 250,000 dollars, made by law of last session, we have expended the sum of dollars, 191,118 92, leaving unexpended of that appropriation, the sum of dollars, 58,881 08, which will, however, be wanted to complete the gun boats contracted for under that law.
In answer to your enquiry with respect to the additional gun boats wanted, the President has instructed me to communicate to you his opinion, that it would be expedient to authorize by law the building of sixty additional gun boats; for which it would be necessary that the sum of three hundred thousand dollars be appropriated.
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, Rt. SMITH. Roger Nelson, esq.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
December 9, 1806.
Sir, In answer to your letter of the 3d inst. permit me to refer the committee, of which you are chairman, to the report of the Secretary of War, of the 13th of February last, on the subject of fortifications, and to add thereto the following remarks, relative to the repairs, additional works and expenditures, which have since been made.
At Portsmouth, New Hampshire, about three thousand dollars have been expended in erecting new barracks.
At Fort Trumbull, New London, Conn. repairs have been made on the barracks.
On Governor's Island, in the harbor of New York, a regular work in masonry has been commenced, and is far advanced. The expenses attending it have not yet been adjusted, but probably amount to between twenty-five and thirty thousand dollars.
At Fort Nelson, Virginia, twenty heavy cannon have been mounted on travelling carriages.
At Fort Johnston, North Carolina, further progress has been made in the works.
In South Carolina every thing remains as heretofore, owing to a disappointment in fixing the scites.
Although captain Macomb, of the corps of engineers, in pursuance of orders from this department, proceeded on the 20th June last to Charleston, and remained there until the 11th of July, nothing on this head could be done, in consequence of his being unable to procure from the office of the deputy secretary of state of S. Carolina, the map on which the lands and scites for fortifications, ceded to the U. S. were particularly delineated.
Having been ordered a second time to Charleston, it is expected that he will be able to do something on the subject this winter.
In Georgia a new military establishment has been made on the Ocmulgee river.
At New Orleans we have been disappointed in having suitable scites selected for proposed works; it is presumed, however, that some progress has lately been made in fortifications at that place, which will be continued.
Of the 150,000 dollars appropriated the last session of Congress, for fortifying ports and harbors, not more than 48,000 have probably been expended.
Arrangements have been made for the next year, which will likely exhaust the remainder of the aforesaid
appropriation, together with the sum applicable to that object, in the estimate for this department for the ensuing year.
I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, H. DEARBORN. Hon. Roger Nelson.
STATE OF DELAWARE.
Red Lion Inn, Jan. 7, 1807. At a meeting of delegates of New Castle county, in the state of Delaware, conformably to a recommendation of the grand jury of said county, Dr. James Tilton was appointed Chairman, and Dr. Wm. McKee, Secretary.
When the following address was unanimously agreed to.
To the President of the United States:
Sir, As delegates of the county of New Castle, in the state of Delaware, chosen by the people, and convened by the solemn advice of our grand jury, we beg leave to address you on a subject, which we deem very interesting to the public welfare of our country. Through various sources we have obtained information, that puts it beyond a doubt, that you have declared your intention, at the end of the present Presidency, to decline a re-election, and retire from the arduous duties of first Magistrate, to the repose of private life. Although we honor the disinterestedness of such conduct, a variety of circumstances impress us with the apprehension, that even this virtuous example might be hazardous at so critical a moment.
Clouds of danger hang over our common country, which threaten to burst in deep laid treason and open violence. At such a crisis, the canvassing and cabals consequent on the change of a President, might, we apprehend, be dangerous. With your consent, however, our choice would not only be enlarged, agreeably to the design of the constitution, but we are persuaded, the election would be made without difficulty, or any hazard of derangement in our public affairs.
We, therefore, entreat you, sir, not to withhold your name, at the ensuing Presidential election; but once more permit the public good to outweigh all personal considerations. At the end of four years more, we hope there will be no impediment or restraint to your laudable ambition of setting a glorious example to future chief magistrates.
We will not take up your time with professions of regard or admiration of your public conduct. All America, & we believe, all the world are ready to approve this ground of our confidence. But we declare, that by according with our ardent wish and expectation, which we sincerely believe is the hope of our republican fellow citizens; you will add additional obligations to the numerous blessings, which under the smiles of Providence, with grateful hearts, we are at all times ready to acknowledge as the result of your happy administration.
May Providence grant you a long life, and make you a lasting blessing to your fellow citizens!
Ordered, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, be transmitted to the President of the U. S. and published in such newspapers as may be thought proper.
JAMES TILTON, Chairman. WM. MCKEE, Secretary.
New-Orleans Nov. 10.
CENSUS.
His excellency Governor Claiborne has received the following returns of the census directed to be taken by an act of the last general assembly of this territory.
   Counties. White men 21 years and upwards. White men under 21 years. White women of every age. White children of every age. Free men, women & children of color. Slaves of every age and sex. Total.     Natchitoches 407 270 410 121 1209 2477 4794   Ge-mau conf. 555 647 972 229 3285 5688 16176   Rapides 488 513 746 5 716 2378 4146   Aggregate 1450 1430 2128 365 5200 10543 24116  
Returns from the other counties have not yet been received.
On the 3rd ult. two hundred and fifty seven men, and one hundred and thirty six women and children, belonging to the Chactaws, Pascagula, Tensaw, Apalach, Beluxi and Uapi tribes of Indians, assembled on the north side of Red river, opposite to Alexandria, the county town of Rapides, for the purpose of a ball play. The play continued for two days, and on the third they dispersed. Not the smallest outrage was committed during the time of the play, nor in going to or returning from it, and there was scarcely a single instance of intoxication among them.
We understand that the chiefs and
warriors of the above named tribes, who were at the ball play, have given to his excellency governor Claiborne the most satisfactory assurances of the friendly disposition of their respective nations towards the U. States.
Opelousas, in Lower Louisiana,
Oct. 26th, 1806.
Dear Sir, As many of our fellow citizens may not have understood the causes which gave rise to our late dispute with the Spaniards in this country, I beg leave, in addition to my former details on this subject, to communicate the subjoined account of the rise and progress of the affair.
Immediately after the cession of Louisiana from the French Republic to the U. States, it was a matter of primary importance, that the line of demarcation between the Americans and Spaniards should be ascertained and fixed. Accordingly the American executive directed certain ministers, then in Europe, to enter upon a negotiation for that purpose, with the court of Spain, which had ceded the country to France, just prior to its cession to the Americans.
Whilst these negotiations were depending, the President gave notice to the minister of Spain, that the river Sabine, which washes the western border of Louisiana, would be considered by the government as the line between the two nations, until it should be specifically fixed by treaty. Whether this notification was ever communicated to the government of Mexico, is not certainly known. It is true however, that our executive gave directions to the commanding officer at Natchitoches, that if the Spaniards attempted to cross the Sabine, they should be immediately driven on the other side of that river. A party of Spaniards did actually pass it some time after these orders, for the purpose of taking possession of a tract of country which they alleged had never been included in the cession of Louisiana to the Americans, and which virtually belonged to his catholic majesty. This body of men by an inferior number of Americans under the command of captain Johnson of Natchitoches, was compelled to retreat beyond the Sabine. The Spaniards irritated at these measures on the part of the Americans, which they considered as an aggression on their rights, and an actual commencement of hostilities, communicated the affair to the government of Mexico. It is said that the council of that province was immediately assembled, and that an army of 36,000 men was decreed to be raised for the purpose of taking possession of the ground from whence the first party had been repelled by the Americans.
It is certain however, that some time in the year 1805, the Spaniards began to collect an armament in the country on this side of the Sabine, between that river and the Rio Fonde, and continued to increase it until the fall of 1806. Information of this armament was communicated to the governor of the territory of Orleans, who immediately repaired to Natchitoches. A correspondence, conducted with considerable warmth, but by no means unsuitable to the existing posture of affairs, was opened between the governor and gen. Harrara, a field marshal in the Spanish service, and commander in chief of the Spanish armament on the Rio Fonde. The governor asserted the right of the U. States to the territory upon which the Spaniards had encamped, remonstrated on the injustice of the Spanish commander in having taken three American citizens, and sent them as prisoners to Nagadoches; and for having protected several negroes who had fled from American citizens within the boundaries of the Spanish dominions. These dispatches were conveyed by col. Hopkins, a young officer of considerable merit, to the Spanish camp. The governor received a verbal message from the Spanish commander, in reply, that he had not been invested with authority to enter into any specific investigation of the principles upon which the dispute of the two nations had been grounded; that he had sent the governor's dispatches on to the captain general of Mexico, and that he held the station where he was then encamped by order of his catholic majesty, from whence he could not retreat without actual compulsion.
In consequence of this message, conveying the intelligence that the Spaniards were determined to maintain their ground on the Rio Fonde, gov. Claiborne thought it expedient to call out a part of the militia of the territory. A draft was accordingly made in the counties of Opelousas and Rapides. That part of the militia of Opelousas composed of Americans, turned out with great readiness; but the French discovered every mark of dissatisfaction to the cause. These people have been imposed on ever since the cession of Louisiana by Spanish emissaries, who had deluded them with the idea that the country would either be again ceded to the French or Spanish governments, or wrested from the dominion of the Americans by conquest. When the Spanish armament was formed on the Rio
Fonde, they conceived that the period for the accomplishment of this event had arrived; and therefore resolved to remain neutral to avoid the censure of the Spanish government. The militia from Rapides marched on the expedition with considerable promptitude and spirit. They were principally Americans. From Opelousas, a troop of horse composed of volunteers was made up in the course of a few days and were in perfect readiness to receive orders to march. A very handsome corps, elegantly equipped marched also from the Mississippi territory. The place of rendezvous was at Natchitoches, where there was a considerable number of effective troops stationed in the garrison at that place.
About the time when these military preparations for an attack on the Spaniards were making, general Wilkinson arrived at Natchitoches to take the command of the American forces. It is thought that the Americans would have been able to oppose between 13 and 14 hundred men to the Spanish armament, which from the best authority never consisted of more than 800 men. The Spaniards were all mounted on horseback, and armed with a dagger about a foot long, a small fuzee and a brace of pistols. The body was covered by a light shield worn on the left arm, and made of several hides of leather closely attached together—but by no means invulnerable to the rifle ball at a distance, or to the shot of the common horse pistol, in close engagement.
As soon as general Wilkinson arrived at Natchitoches, he opened a correspondence with the governor of Monterea, who was then at Nagadoches. Col. Cushing, the commander of the fort at Natchitoches was sent to that place with dispatches, stating in mild, polite and determinate language the right of the U. S. to the tract of country then occupied by the Spanish armament, and expressing his surprise that the Spaniards should pretend to any kind of claim to a portion of territory which had actually been ceded to the Americans in the cession of Louisiana; that he had received positive orders from the American Executive to repel any armament of the Spaniards which might be formed on this side of the Sabine, with an exception to the small settlement on Bayou St. Pierre; that it was the wish of the government to prevent the effusion of blood by every rational means of accommodation, but the orders of the Executive would be rigidly enforced provided it became expedient.
Col. Cushing was politely received at Nagadoches and treated with great hospitality by the governor of Monterea, who in reply to the communications of gen. Wilkinson, stated in a very short dispatch, that he was not authorised to enter upon an investigation of the existing differences between the two nations, but that the dispatches of the American commander in chief should be immediately communicated to the governor of Mexico. The governor of Monterea added in a verbal message by colonel Cushing, that accounts had arrived from Madrid of an amicable negotiation between the two governments having taken place; that the Florida had been ceded to the U. S. for 11,000,000 of dollars, & that under those circumstances, as it was not the desire of his government that blood should be shed upon that occasion, the Spanish armament should be withdrawn to the western side of the Sabine. It was accordingly ordered to pass that river.
A few days after the retreat of the Spaniards an officer belonging to the army came in with dispatches from the governor general of Mexico. They contained an answer to those which had been sent on to Mexico by general Harrara, when governor Claiborne and that officer first opened their correspondence. These dispatches were brought in 26 days, a distance of 700 leagues, and being of a public nature were opened by general Wilkinson. The governor of Mexico expressed his surprise that the Americans should lay in any kind of claim to the country which the Spaniards had occupied on this side of the Sabine; that it had ever been considered by the former governments which had successively held dominion over the country, as the rightful territory of his Catholic Majesty, and that a large army had been collected in Mexico for the purpose of maintaining the claim of the king of Spain; that with respect to the American citizens who had been taken, they should be delivered up, provided it should appear that they had not violated the laws of the country; and that the negroes who had fled to the Spanish dominions should be also returned to the proprietors. On this last point the governor general expressed a desire that some arrangements might be made between the two countries with respect to negroes who should leave their masters and pass into the dominions of either of the two nations.
The affair having advanced to this crisis, gen. Wilkinson, disbanded the principal part of the militia, which had been assembled at Natchitoches, except a company of 40 men commanded by capt. Welsh, and the Natchez troop of horse. As the Spanish government, however, had asserted their right to the
country lying between the Rio Fonde and the Sabine, and had actually taken possession of it with a considerable armed force, gen. Wilkinson conceived it to be his duty to support the right of the U. S. to that territory, in the same manner. He accordingly wrote to general Harrara, informing him that it was his intention to fix his camp near Sabine. Several companies of soldiers were marched towards that river; and by the last intelligence from Natchitoches, it was the intention of the general to move the main army forward, in the course of a few days.
The conduct of gen. Wilkinson upon this occasion, has been highly meritorious. He has acted in the prosecution of every measure with uncommon moderation, promptitude and firmness. Indeed very great merit is attached, not only to all the officers who have been engaged in these operations, but to the Americans in general who composed our little army. The principles of patriotism appeared to animate all their movements, which were upon all occasions active, spirited and courageous, in a very high degree.
Dr. Sibly has in his possession a very large volume of manuscripts, containing an account of the ancient boundaries of this country, and copious details on its civil and political history. I shall go to Natchitoches in a few weeks for the purpose of procuring additional documents on the subject of Indian affairs. To Dr. Sibly I am already under great obligations for vocabularies of several Indian languages. I expect by the spring to be enabled to complete my collections on this subject, of nine or ten different idioms. A copy will be presented to the American Philosophical Society, and one also, to Dr. Barton of Philadelphia, to assist him in his investigation on the origin of Indians.
I am, dear sir,
With much esteem,
Your most obedient,
ALLAN B. MAGRUDER.
Mr. Daniel Bradford.
PARIS, OCTOBER 30.
The following letter to the king of Prussia, was carried by capt. Montesquieu, who set out from Gera on the 13th of October, 1806, at 10 o'clock A. M. and arrived at the camp of general Hohenlohe, at 4. P. M. General Hohenlohe detained that officer and took from him the letter he was the bearer of. The army of the king of Prussia was 9 leagues farther back. This prince then ought to have received the letter of the emperor at the latest, at 6 in the evening. They assure, however, that he never received it before the 14th, at 9 in the morning—that is to say, when they had already begun to fight.
It is likewise reported that the king of Prussia then said:—"If this letter had arrived sooner, perhaps he would not have fought; but the heads of those young men are elated in such a manner, that if there had been yesterday any mention of peace, I could not have brought back to Berlin one third part of my army."
Sir, my Brother,
I have only received, on the 7th, the letter of your majesty of the 23th of September. I am sorry that you have been made to sign that kind of pamphlet. I answer it only to protest to you, that I shall never attribute to your majesty the things contained therein—are all contrary to your character, and the honor of both. I pity and despise the writers of such a work. I have received, immediately after, the note of your minister of the 1st of October. You have given me a rendezvous for the 8th, and as a valiant knight, I have kept my word; I am in the heart of Saxony. May your majesty believe me, I have such forces that, with all yours, you cannot long contend with me for victory.
But why should we shed so much blood? For what end?—I shall hold the same language to you that I have held to the Emperor Alexander two days before the battle of Austerlitz. Would to Heaven that men, either sold or fanatical, greater enemies to yourself, and to your reign, than they are to me and my nation, had not given the same counsels to produce the same result.
Sir, I have been your friend for these six years. I am not willing to profit by this vertigo, which gives the impulse to your councils, and which has made you commit political errors, at which Europe is yet astonished, and military errors, the enormity of which Europe will soon resound. If you had asked me in your note, possible things, I would have granted them—you have asked my dishonor—you might have been certain of my answer. You have then waged war against me—the alliance is broken off for ever.
But why should we have our subjects burthened?—I do not value a victory purchased by the lives of a number of my children. If I were just entering the military career, and if I could fear the chances of combat, this language might be misplaced. Sir, your majesty shall be vanquished; you will have committed to hazard the tranquility of

your life, the existence of your subjects, without the shadow of a pretext. You are as yet untouched, and can treat with me in a manner conformable to your rank. Before a month has passed away, you will treat in a different situation—you have suffered yourself to be acted upon by stimulants that were calculated and artfully prepared.—You have often told me that you had rendered me some services; well! I am willing to give you the greatest proof of my gratitude. You have yet it in your power to snatch your subjects from the ravages and calamities of war—it has scarcely begun; you may terminate it, and thereby do a thing grateful to all Europe.
If you listen to those frantic men who, fourteen years ago wanted to take Paris, and who now have embarked you in a war, and immediately after in an offensive plan equally inconceivable, you will do your people an injury which the rest of your life cannot amend. Sir, I have nothing to gain against your majesty; I want nothing, nor did I ever wish any thing from you; the present war is impracticable. I feel that I am perhaps irritating in this letter, a certain susceptibility natural to every sovereign; but the present circumstances allow of no gentleness; I tell you things just as I think them.
Besides, your majesty, give me leave to say, that it is no great discovery for Europe to learn that France is three times more populous, as brave and as warlike as the dominions of your majesty. I have given you no real cause for war. Order this swarm of evil-minded and inconsiderate men to be before your throne, in that respectful silence that is due to you; I restore tranquility in your own breast as in your dominions. If you never again find in me a rival, you will find a man desirous of making war when indispensably necessary to the policy of my people, and not to shed blood in a contest with sovereigns who have with me no opposition of interest, commerce and policy. I pray your majesty to see in this letter nothing but the desire that I have of sparing the blood of men, and to withhold from a nation that geographically cannot be at enmity with mine, the bitter regrets of having too much listened to ephemeral sentiments that are excited and calmed so easily among the people.
I pray to God, sir, my brother, to keep you in his holy and sacred keeping. Your majesty's good brother, (Signed) NAPOLEON. In my Imperial camp of Gera, 12th October, 1806.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JANUARY 19.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 16.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. In the President's message, at the commencement of the session, he announced to us as follows:
"Having received information that in another part of the United States a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing themselves, contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition against the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary, by proclamation, as well as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and suppressing this enterprise, for seizing the vessels, arms, and other means provided for it, and for arresting and bringing to justice its authors and abettors."
So long, said Mr. R. as the illegal movements of these persons were supposed to be directed against a foreign nation, although the interest of the U. S. and their honor too required that prompt and decisive measures should be taken for suppressing their designs, yet I believe there is no gentleman in this House, but will agree with me in the opinion that the U. S. and this House in particular, could not feel so deep and lively an interest against a conspiracy of that kind as against one for the subversion of the union, and perhaps of the liberties of those who compose it. I have waited with anxious solicitude for some information in relation to this subject, that might be depended upon;—for some official information. I contented myself for a long time with the belief, inasmuch as no information had been given to the House, that there were imperious reasons connected with the public welfare which forbade a disclosure; but the aspect which affairs have taken on the Mississippi is such, that I can no longer reconcile it to my sense of duty, as the independent representative of an independent people, to be satisfied in that state of supineness and apathy in which the House has been satisfied to remain for the six or seven weeks past. Sir, from the information I have been able to collect, and it is such that I am obliged to place great, if not implicit reliance on it; it does appear to me, that if the government of Spain is in any wise concerned in these measures, it is concerned not as the defendant, but as the plaintiff;—as the aggressing party, and not as the party on whom the aggression is made. So long as I was induced to believe that by withholding correct information from the legislature, the substantial interests of the nation would be more essentially subserved, than by laying it before them, so long, though not without reluctance, I acquiesced in its being withheld. But from the hostile appearances on the Mississippi, it seems to me that the state of things is such as requires the most prompt and efficacious measures for securing the union. The table is said to have upset, and there no longer remains any reason
why the information in the possession of the executive ought to be withheld. But to guard against all possible objection I have endeavored so to frame the motion, as to do away any objection arising from this consideration. It does appear—from the newspapers it is true—but under a much higher sanction than is generally attached to information received through such a channel—it does appear in evidence under the sanction of an examination before the legislature of Kentucky, that ever since the peace of 1783, Spain has incessantly laboured to detach the western people from the union; that subsequently to the treaty of San Lorenzo she has carried on intrigues, and in the most faithless manner withheld acceding to its stipulations, in order to excite a spirit in the western country subversive of the union; that she subsequently made a proposition of the most flagitious kind to several leading characters in Kentucky, and as I believe elsewhere. It appears indeed that she has never lost sight of this object; and I believe she never will lose sight of it so long as she shall find materials to work upon, or a shadow of hope that she will succeed. It appears to me that she has found those materials; that they are of the most dangerous nature; that they are now in operation; and that, perhaps, at this moment while I am addressing you, at least for a time, the fate of the western country may have been decided.
Sir, this subject offers strong arguments, in addition to the numerous reasons presented during the present session of Congress, to justify the policy avowed by certain gentlemen during the last session, so highly condemned; and if I am correctly informed, the other branch of the legislature are now acting on that policy so contemned and despised.
[Mr. Speaker said it was not in order to allude to the proceedings of the Senate.]
MR. J. RANDOLPH—I shall say no more on that point, but I will say this in relation to our own proper business. We have had a bill before us authorizing the President to accept volunteers. A member of the committee, with whom this bill originated, and with whom I had the pleasure of concurring, intimately connected and domesticated with the secretary of war, did make a proposition before that committee, substantially the same with that rejected the last session—to augment the military forces to meet the pressing exigencies of the times, and which I presume must have had the sanction of that officer. Is there a man in this House, who at this day doubts, that if the government—I mean the executive and legislature—had taken a manly and decisive attitude towards Spain, and instead of pen, ink, and paper, had given men and arms—is there a man who disbelieves that not only Spain would have been overawed, but that those domestic traitors would also have been intimidated and overawed, whose plans threaten to be so dangerous? Would any man have dreamt of descending the Mississippi at the head of an unprincipled banditti, if New Orleans had been fortified, and strong fortifications erected in its neighborhood? What did we then hear? Money, dollars and cents! Is there not now every reason to believe, especially when we consider the superintendence under which the expenses are incurred, that the saving of the campaign on the Sabine, and the saving of the costly measures taken, by the commander in chief on his own responsibility, would have been equal to the expense of raising and maintaining for one year the additional forces proposed at the last session to be raised. There can be no doubt but that on the principle of economy, without taking into view the effect on the union, the U. S. would have been gainers. A spectator, not in the habit of reading our public prints, or of conversing with individuals out of doors, but who should draw his ideas of the situation of the country from the proceedings of this House during the present session, would be led to infer that there never existed in any nation a greater degree of peace, tranquility or union, at home or abroad, than in the U. S. at this time; and yet what is the fact? That the U. S. are not only threatened with external war, but with conspiracies and treasons, the more alarming from their not being defined. And yet we sit and adjourn, adjourn and sit, take things as school boys, do as we are bid, and ask no questions. I cannot reconcile this line of conduct to my ideas of the duty of a member on this floor. Among the state authorities, there appears to be one that has acted with a promptness and decision that does it great honor. Yes, the youngest member of the federal family has been found to be the first to ward off the impending danger, while the eldest members are sleeping, snoring and dozing over their liberties at home. Under this view of the subject, I beg leave to offer the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be and he hereby is requested to lay before this House any information in possession of the Executive, except such as he may deem the public welfare to require not to be disclosed, touching any illegal combination of private individuals against the peace and safety of the union, or any military expedition planned by such individuals against the territories of any power in amity with the U. S.; together with the measures which the Executive has pursued and proposes to take for suppressing or defeating the same.
MR. CHANDLER said he had the honor to be a member of the committee alluded to by the gentleman from Virginia, and he believed from the propositions that were made by him, he was the member referred to. He believed he had made a proposition in
the committee to augment the number of the present forces by adding to each company such a number of men as would enlarge it to an hundred instead of eighty. He made this proposition, because from the extension of our territory he thought it necessary, and because he thought by thus adding to the number of our troops, without increasing the officers, the public would be as well served without incurring the expense attending the creation of additional officers. He believed the proposition went farther, and authorized the President to raise a certain number of troops, provided the public good in his opinion required it. He presumed, however, that the secretary of war had never known that such a proposition was made or intended to be made, and much less had he noticed it by his opinion. Mr. Chandler said he barely mentioned this circumstance, to show that the secretary of war did not communicate information in this way.
MR. ALSTON believed that no man in the House was more disposed than himself to receive any information from the executive government, that would enable them to take the necessary steps against foreign or domestic enemies. But where did they meet with any grounds to justify the opinion that a foreign attack was meditated? The contrary was his opinion. He had heard of no circumstance which justified the belief of such an attack being meditated, particularly by Spain on the well side of the Mississippi. What was known on this subject? That the commanding officers on the part of the U. S. and Spain had agreed not to violate the intervening territory, until fresh information was received from their governments. There was no ground therefore to believe that an attack would be made from that quarter. On the contrary, if newspaper information was to be credited, the attack was to be from our own territory and was contemplated against that very nation. If this were true what right have we to believe in a foreign attack from any other quarter? Did evidence exist in the hands of the executive of any such foreign attack being contemplated? If so, is there not the strongest reason to believe that we should have received information of it without a demand. Let any gentleman examine this subject, and say if it is not wise to leave the business where it now is. Whether the measures adopted at the last session, or those which were proposed, were the best, it is not, said Mr. Allston, for me to say. Time will determine. But this, I may say; if we had then passed an act for raising a few regiments, there would not have been one of them by this time on the Mississippi. We might have got, as heretofore, a regiment of officers; but there would have been no regiments of men.
We have been further told of the policy of taking a manly attitude against Spain. We had a resolution offered to us, which in my opinion amounted to a declaration of war—not merely for defending the country on the frontier, but for carrying on a war against Spain. What was the situation of the country when this resolution was submitted? Defenceless indeed—We might have acted here, but Spain would have acted there. If the persons alluded to by the gentleman from Virginia are now in a combination with Spain, might they not have also been in a combination then, and had we assumed a hostile attitude might they not have acted with more effect than they can now? There is not a doubt in my mind, that as soon as it is proper, information will be laid before us without calling for it. If such a resolution be carried to the President he will deem himself bound to communicate the whole information in whatever terms it may be couched. I have no apprehension and feel no dread of any force that can be brought against us in the Western country. Our force there will be able to cope with any that shall be embodied against the U. S. and the moment the man at their head shall declare himself hostile to the union, the very forces which he has raised will turn their bayonets against him; they will desert him. It is this all the ground that can be assigned, I think it best not to carry this resolution immediately to the President. In a few days we shall probably receive another western mail, and if the information then received shall not be satisfactory, or serious danger appears to exist, we may call for that information which is now necessary.
MR. J. CLAY said this was the first time that he had ever heard it stated that newspaper information was proper for legislative action. For this reason we are to wait, it seems, until we get two or three more newspapers from the western country. He would ask if there ever were ideas so strange submitted to a legislative body? He said, he knew that it was very fashionable for the majority to express a full confidence in the executive magistrate; but he would ask whether this was a correct doctrine? The constitution vested the important power of declaring war in the two branches of the legislature. When, therefore, the peace and safety of the country were placed in the hands of the two Houses, did it contemplate that in the exercise of these powers they should depend on newspaper information? The gentleman says, if we had passed a law for raising additional troops at the last session, we should not have got the troops by this time.
Mr. C. said this was the first time he had ever heard delay assigned as a sufficient reason for omitting to do any thing. The gentleman says we have every reason to believe that Spain entertains no hostile intentions towards us. But take the gentleman's own source of information, the newspapers, and we have every reason to believe, that from the year 1783, that government has been in a conspiracy against the peace and unity of the U. S. We know with what determination the minister of Spain, in 1783, endeavored to make our ministers accede to a more limited boundary of the U. S. than that established by treaty. Spain has never lost sight of this object, and sometimes by fair and sometimes by foul means has continued to pursue it.
What is the object of this resolution? We find that great alarm exists, particularly on the Atlantic board. We find gentlemen from the westward either ignorant, or pretending to be ignorant of the existence of any thing alarming. Under these circumstances, the House are without official information. We are told that because we have confidence in the executive, we ought to rely on his giving us information as soon as it is proper. Mr. C. said he would submit whether this compromise with the dignity of a representative, & whether it was proper for him to depend on newspaper information.
MR. ALSTON said that all he had observed in reply to what had been said on this point by gentlemen on the other side.
MR. J. CLAY resumed his remarks; but after uttering a few words, declared himself too unwell to proceed, and sat down.
[From the severe cold with which he was apparently oppressed, we with great difficulty collected his remarks, which are probably but imperfectly given.]
MR. BURWELL said, on attending to the resolution, he thought it one that was highly expedient to be adopted at this time. He viewed it as a call upon the executive for true and precise information of acts and measures on which the peace of the union, perhaps, depended. It was perfectly immaterial to him whether Spain, England, or France should be implicated in the information given; whether the whole or a part of these nations were combined in the project. It was sufficient for him that the peace of the country was threatened, that the minds of our citizens were alarmed, and that this was the only branch of the government competent to preserve the peace of the country, and tranquillize the public mind. It was clear that danger did exist; that the peace of the country was threatened by a lawless banditti, whose object was to violate the laws of the country, and to dismember the union. It was important to know the extent of these measures, that the legislature might be enabled to decide what steps it was proper to take to guard against them. There was a time, Mr. B. said, when he should have been opposed to such a resolution. That time was when the executive was endeavoring to gain information calculated to throw light on the plot; but that time had passed by. All those engaged in it must by this time be completely enlisted and embarked in it, and nothing which the executive shall now disclose could extricate them from being secured and punished as they deserved. If a resolution were laid on the table for an enquiry into the nature of the plot, as that might place the men concerned in it on their guard, he should be opposed to it. But was it not known to every gentleman, that the plot was so far matured that the information could not reach the conspirators in time to prevent its execution. Suppose the executive shall state to us, that certain individuals were implicated. Can that enable them to elude punishment? No, they are fully embarked, and nothing remains for us to do, but to take such measures as the case requires. Another advantage would result from the resolution. Suppose the executive to have taken every necessary measure, and I believe, said Mr. B. that they have to defeat these projects, what will be the consequence? Will not this information tend to tranquillize the mind of every man in the country. Mr. Burwell said he repeated, that it was because he had confidence in the executive magistrate; because he wished for true and full information on the subject, because the disclosure of persons implicated could do no mischief, and because an official statement would tranquillize the public mind, that he was in favour of the resolution. For his part, he was ready to say that if the executive gave information that required an augmentation of our forces, he was prepared to give him the necessary means for defending the country, under the impression that it was the duty of every member to protect the Union from internal injury or foreign danger.
MR. MASTERS—Mr. Speaker. From the best information I have been able to obtain, the conspiracy is yet progressing with increased ardour and zeal.
If there were no conspiracy existing, and not a conspirator in the United States, I believe it high time to pursue more energetic measures for the safety, security and honor of this nation, and at least be prepared to act. His not the government of Spain refused to ratify her 1806 treaty, and for several years manifested hostile intentions towards the American nation, and actually put her troops in motion to invade our territory. Has she not refused to recall her minister, who has repeatedly intimated the nation, and whose recall has been demanded by the executive? Does she not continue to pro-
crastinate and delay the pending negotiation, probably with a view to see the result of our negotiation with Great Britain, and stimulated by France to view that negotiation with a jealous eye, as though there were secret instructions to operate to her disadvantage, or some other pretence for aggression?
When the committee reported the bill to authorize the President to accept of volunteers, I must confess I was astonished, because the report contained no clause for raising regular troops. I therefore called on the committee, to know if that was the only measure contemplated by the committee. If it was, I thought it very inefficient in the present state of affairs, both internal and external. I obtained no direct answer, but was informed it was only a report in part.
I wish to get the necessary information from the executive, and to pursue active and efficient measures, and not drink of the cup of national degradation.
MR. SMILIE. We have had such a picture drawn of our situation, that I am willing to go any proper length. But I am surprised to hear such a representation made, as would lead us to believe we were on the eve of a war. If this representation be founded, it appears that certain persons have been perpetually intriguing, and have only waited for an opportunity to strike the most deadly blow. For one, however, I shall be indisposed, as I always have been indisposed, to go into measures of a warlike character, without the most sufficient reasons. Indeed my opinion is, that while the country is in a state of safety, we never should commit it to the horrors and hazards of war. On either side we have nothing but newspaper information with regard to the representation that has been drawn. We know, however, from a different source, that a negotiation has been for some time depending with Spain; that that negotiation is not terminated; and that the troops of Spain, as well as our own, are on the frontier; and the commanders of those troops have made an agreement not to disturb each other until they shall have received special instructions. Does this look like being on the eve of a war with Spain? Surely not. And if not, why this extraordinary anxiety, on this occasion? I do not like the resolution, for this reason—it bespeaks a want of confidence in the executive. Congress have the power to declare war, and to provide the means for carrying it on—when provided, it is the constitutional duty of the Executive to conduct it. Now, have we not already provided, or are we not providing all the means that have been required? Do we doubt the capacity of the Executive to judge of the means that are necessary to be given, or of his using them properly? Is it to be presumed that if the President thought it necessary to apply for further means, he would not have done so? Nobody can hold this opinion, who does not doubt the integrity or the capacity of the President. It is his duty to do this, and if he has not done it, we must consider him either incapable of judging what is necessary, or as guilty of something worse.
An allusion has been made to the measures of the last session. It is regretted by the gentleman from Virginia, that his opinions were not adopted; and he thinks he has a right to triumph, because the same measures, which he then recommended, are now found necessary. Suppose the same measures should now be necessary, which he then recommended—which, however, I am far from admitting—are the circumstances of the country the same? It will be recollected that one of the purposes for which that gentleman wished troops to be raised, was to chastise Spain. I was not of opinion that it was then necessary to chastise Spain; and I am still of opinion that it is not necessary to chastise her. Another reason has been assigned by that gentleman for those measures—it seems those measures would have prevented this internal conspiracy. It does not, however, appear, that we knew of the existence of, or foresaw any conspiracy, or had any expectation of such a thing; nor did the gentleman himself apprehend or predict it. If he had entertained such opinions, it would certainly have been kind to have told us so. If, then, every thing on this subject was so vague, are we to be told that it was necessary to raise troops to guard against a conspiracy that might happen seven years afterwards? In my opinion we ought not to have raised additional troops the last year, nor ought we to raise them this year, so long as things remain as they are. At all events, I will never give my consent, during a time of peace, to raise additional troops, unless necessary for garrison duty. I believe the militia and volunteers are abundantly sufficient for all exigencies. I will however say this, that if it should be considered necessary, from the extension of our territory, to raise a few additional troops, for garrisoning our posts, I do not know that it will meet with my opposition. But as to raising additional forces, with which to go to war with Spain, I have no idea of it; and as to raising troops to crush any conspiracy that may exist, or be apprehended, I see no necessity for it. It is remarkable, that we should entertain any opinions in favor of such a measure, when the President, on whom the great responsibility rests, does not consider it necessary.
Mr. S. repeated his surprise at the alarming picture which had been drawn of our situation, and his opinion that no necessity existed to adopt the resolution at this time. As he believed the President had adequate to the performance of his duty, he might be the more ready to accede to it; but, believing him fully competent, he should vote against it.

Mr. HOLLAND. This appears to me to be a very improper course. The President is required to tell us what measures he has taken, and what measures he hereafter intends to take, to suppress this conspiracy. This seems to me extremely exceptional, and may go to defeat the very end intended to be answered by obtaining the information desired. Where is there any necessity at all for this measure at this time? Is it not the duty of the President to give us such information at all times as the exigencies of the country require? And have we not reason to repose confidence in the executive? If we have, this resolution is altogether useless. We have been told by the gentleman from Virginia, that if the measures recommended at the last session had been adopted, he thinks it would have been much better for the country, and that all kind of danger would have been removed. I, however, am one of those who do not possess that confidence in a regular establishment, which the gentleman from Virginia possesses. Nor have I any apprehension for the peace and safety of the country. I have reason to believe that there are some desperate characters engaged in disturbing the peace of society; but I confide in the integrity of the people; and I believe the strength of the militia will always be found competent to the exigency. I have, however, fears, they do not arise from this quarter; they do not arise from the want of a regular establishment. The larger that establishment the greater the fears. If any fears are to be entertained, in my opinion they ought to be fears of the disaffection of the army. I hope, however, that we have no grounds for fears at present on this head. But if there should be any such disaffection, I believe the energy of the people would be sufficient to resist, would be sufficient to resist any danger from within or from without. Thinking differently from the gentleman from Virginia, and that the safety of the country does not consist in the extent of our military establishment, I am for taking different measures. I am against extending the army, but in favor of organizing the militia, in such a way as to render it efficient. I am, however, hostile to the adoption of this proposition. The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Burwell) has remarked at the time he came when we may safely adopt the proposition. That gentleman may have information which we do not possess, that may induce him to form this opinion. But from the information I possess, I think differently. I believe the President will communicate to us all the information that is necessary and proper for us to possess, and his not having communicated it in this instance, is conclusive evidence to my mind of the impropriety of asking it.
Mr. FINDLEY considered the resolution as of some importance and worthy of consideration before it was adopted. He therefore moved its postponement till Monday.
Mr. BURWELL said he had a single remark to make in reply to the gentleman from North Carolina, who had intimated that he might be acquainted with some circumstances not in possession of the House. He begged leave to inform him, and the other members of the House, that he was acquainted with no circumstances other than those which he had obtained thro' the newspapers or from official communications.
Mr. LLOYD. When this resolution was laid on the table, it appeared to me so simple that nobody could doubt its propriety. For my part, I shall not enter into a consideration of the measures of the last session; the propriety or impropriety of which are not now at issue. The only question before the House is this—Is it proper for this House, when the country is threatened with an insurrection or an invasion, when there is reason to think imminent danger exists, to request the necessary information, to prevent the injurious consequences that may ensue, without the application of proper remedies? I have heard but three objections made to this resolution, neither of which seems to me entitled to the least force. The first is, that if the resolution be carried to the President, he will consider it his duty to communicate all the information in his possession. But gentlemen who make this objection surely have not attended to the language of the resolution. Does it not expressly confine the request to the communication of such information as the President may think proper, and such as may not defeat any objects he may have in view? If, then, he has received any information, which he may deem it improper to communicate, he is authorized by this very resolution to withhold it. I should have very little confidence either in the ability or integrity of the executive, if in contravention of the wishes of this House, and in direct hostility to the objects intended to be answered by this request, he should communicate information which ought to be withheld. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Alston) who has spoken of the resolution as compelling the executive to communicate information in his possession, must surely have overlooked its discretionary language. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has observed, that the resolution appears to him as expressive of a want of confidence in the executive. If the doctrine of confidence is to be carried to this length, that you, who are the guardians of the people, shall sit idle spectators of every impending storm, I shall never subscribe to it. However I may confide in the integrity and wisdom of the President, I owe something to myself, nor can I sit here merely to legislate under executive patronage. I want facts on which to act. If the resolution shall be adopted, it will betray no want
of confidence in the executive; it will only manifest the zeal of the House to possess information, which it is necessary for them to have before they can be prepared to act.
Mr. ALSTON. The gentleman from Maryland says this call on the executive is necessary. But what is the state of the case at present? Is it not the duty of the President, under the constitution, at all times to give such information to the legislature, as he may deem necessary and proper for them to act upon? And what is the language of the resolution?—To give such information as in his judgment shall not be improper? On this ground, then, it is not necessarily to adopt it. But take the subject in the view in which I before presented it. If we call on the executive in this way, he will deem it his duty to give the information called for. I have not particularly attended to the phraseology of the resolution, but I question very much whether the qualification in the fore part of it applies to the latter part, which refers to the measures taken, or intended to be taken by the executive. It is clear that some parts of this information may be improper to be communicated. For my part, I believe that such a communication on this subject, as is proper, will be laid before us as soon as practicable. On the point of confidence in the executive magistrate, I will say, that I am not in the habit of subscribing to, the opinions of any man, or set of men whatever. An implicit dependance on the opinions of others is altogether contrary to my habits; but can any man doubt that if there is anything in the possession of the President, proper in his opinion to be communicated, he would have conceived himself bound to have communicated it before this day? As I said before, two or three days may bring us a western mail, and news of the extent and state of the conspiracy. Let us wait till this time; the state of things may then induce us to call on the President for information. It is but a few days since we have heard from Orleans; there appears to exist there the greatest confidence in the executive, and a force sufficient to meet any force that may be brought from the upper country. Do we know the extent of this combination, or all the characters implicated in it, and where they now are? If the President were to make a communication on the subject, is it not probable, that if there are any among us concerned in it, we should disclose it to those interested in making their escape, even were it communicated in confidence? May not the safety of the union depend on defeating it before a disclosure be made? If such a disclosure be made, will not the conspirators either make a decided stand, or, by retreating, screen themselves from punishment? We have had, however, I believe, enough of confidential communications; and I hope we shall not soon have any more. For one am ready to wait till the President shall deem it advisable to make a communication to this House.
Mr. HOLLAND. If we were called upon by the executive to act in this case, it might be proper to ask for information. As, however, we have not been so called upon, and as the executive is the proper organ for taking the necessary measures, on this subject, the adoption of this resolution on our part would evince a desire to intermeddle with his duties. As the constitution enjoins it upon him as his duty, to give information to the legislature from time to time, I can only consider the request made, under the impression that we have not confidence in him. It is true the resolution is couched in very curious language—it requests only such information as he may deem the public welfare requires not to be disclosed. But what is the balance of the information? Exactly what the constitution enjoins upon him to give. What is the inference? That the President of the U. S. has not discharged the duties of his office; that he has not done what it was his duty to do; that he has been guilty of delay; and that Congress has been compelled to tell him he has not done his duty. Such considerations ought to induce us at least to hesitate before we pass such obloquy on any branch of the government, and more especially upon the President as the confidence we now ask for him is merely that reposed in him by the constitution.
At the instance of Mr. DANA, the clerk read the following extracts from the Journals of the House:
MONDAY 2d January, 1797. Resolved , That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before this House, information what measures have been taken for carrying into effect, the treaty between the United States and the Dey and Regency of Algiers; and also, whether any, and what further legislative aid may be necessary for that purpose.
FRIDAY, 30th March, 1798. “On a motion made and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House, the dispatches from the Envoys Extraordinary from the United States to the French Republic, mentioned in his message of the nineteenth instant; or such parts thereof, as considerations of public safety and interest, in his opinion, may permit.
Ordered , That the consideration of the said motion be postponed until Monday next.
MONDAY, 2d April, 1798. “The House proceeded to consider
the motion of the thirtieth ultimo, relative to the dispatches of the Envoys Extraordinary, from the United States to the French Republic: Whereupon, “The said motion being amended at the Clerk's table, to read as followeth: Resolved , That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House, the instructions to, and dispatches from the Envoys Extraordinary from the United States to the French Republic, mentioned in his message of the nineteenth ultimo. The question was taken, that the House do agree to the same, as amended, and reformed in the affirmative—Yeas 65—Nays 27.”
“Mr. Allen, from the committee appointed to present to the President of the United States, the resolution of this House relative to the instructions to, and dispatches from the Envoys Extraordinary to the French Republic, reported, that the committee had, according to order, performed that service; and that the President signified to them, that he would take the subject into his consideration, and do thereon, what it should appear to him, the public safety required.”
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL. I understand the question to be on postponing the consideration of the resolution till Monday. I have never opposed a resolution calling for information in any case where I believed the information could be of any possible use; nor am I disposed to say that it is at present necessary to negative this resolution, but I do not see any use in adopting it at this time. I ask what use is to be made of the information the resolution proposes to obtain? In introducing it, we were told that the country was threatened with a conspiracy. Will gentlemen say their object is to raise a standing army to quell it? Are we to do nothing until we get a war establishment? If so, the conspirators will have time to accomplish their object, or to fly from justice, before they are overtaken. Whatever may have been the object of the conspiracy, it is at this time either assumed or exploded. It is either carried into effect, or the probability of its being effected is destroyed. It has been said, if the measures proposed at the last session had been adopted, the country would not now be menaced from abroad, or conspiracies be engendered within. I cannot conceive the use of introducing, on this occasion, such observations. The object recommended at the last session was to raise a war establishment, not merely to increase the existing peace establishment. This was declared the last year, and it has been declared this year. Gentlemen have said, they will not increase the peace establishment, but will create a war establishment. What were the apprehensions entertained the last year, on which the proposition of these measures was founded? Has the danger from Spain, then insisted upon, been realised? No, sir, official documents tell us the contrary. If the reasons brought forward last year did not justify it, nothing has since intervened to sanction it.
With the gentleman, who says if we had adopted the measures recommended the last session, they would have averted the dangers which now threaten us, tell us whether there was then any reason for apprehending them; will he say that he then expected this man would at this time have been carrying on this conspiracy? If so, he surely ought to have told us of it. I am disposed to believe, that so far as relates to this, or any other combination within our limits, no standing army is necessary. If we must have a standing army, to put down our own citizens, whenever there is any serious violation of the laws, it is high time to lay down our liberties. If the militia are incompetent to maintain the peace, it is full time to acknowledge the futility of our political principles. On this ground never will I agree to raise a regular army, to meet our own citizens. As far as it depends upon me, it never shall be said, that we have raised a regular army to turn their bayonets against our citizens. If a majority of the people shall be embarked in an insurrection they ought not to be controlled; and if the majority shall be on the other side, they will have power to crush it. It has been stated, on the introduction of this resolution, that a member of the select committee who bro't in the bill, authorising the President to raise volunteers, proposed an increase of the regular army; similar it is added to the increase proposed during the last session. The fact, however, is this. The gentleman alluded to offered two propositions; one to add to the present peace establishment, which was rejected by all the members of the committee but himself. Even the gentleman who introduced the resolution under consideration gave his vote against this proposed increase of the peace establishment.
There is a bill now before me from the Senate, the object of which is to increase the peace establishment; and this the gentleman says is one of the measures proposed at the last session. I have, however, already observed, that that gentleman opposed the proposition for increasing our peace establishment, and yet he informs us that this measure is the same with that proposed the last session for the creation of a war establishment. I have considered it my duty to make these observations, because at the last session, I was opposed to raising an army; and I am still opposed to it unless the public exigencies require it. I do not, however, consider this
the proper time to investigate this point; as, if it be intended to crush the conspiracy, the measure will be too late. It may be proper to observe that in my opinion this conspiracy has been painted in stronger colours than there is reason to think it deserves. It has been stated as dangerous to the union. On what grounds? There is no evidence that there is in any part of the U. S. two hundred persons collected for the purpose of carrying it into effect. We have not even evidence of this. We have indeed newspaper evidence, that it was reported that the author of it was to march at the head of 2000 men, and that 4000 Kentuckians were to follow. At the same time, however, we learn that Kentucky is taking the most effectual measures to crush it. Early from there being 4000 Kentuckians enlisted, I do not believe there are ten, unless, indeed, the stragglers passing through that state are so denominated.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania has observed that the members from the Western country are either ignorant, or pretend to be so, of this plot. I cannot suppose the gentleman alluded to a member of this House. There is one circumstance on this head worthy of notice—the greater part of the men associated came from the Eastern country, and from the state of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. With regard to the sentiments of the Western country, I believe they are as well affected towards the union as those of any other part of the confederacy. I do not conceive there is ground for the alarm that has gone forth. I am, however, willing to take any proper measures to aid the Executive in crushing the plot.
It has also been observed by the introducer of this motion that the expenses attending the military expedition on the Sabine will be equal to the expenses that would have attended the proposed augmentation of the army. But it seems to me that this must be altogether a mistake. This expedition was composed of the regular forces and about five hundred militia, who were engaged but for a few weeks. The expenses of the former may have been somewhat increased by their movement, and the price of provisions; but no additional expense has been incurred for their pay. The only important item of expense must arise from the militia—this cannot be considerable; it will not be pretended that it can bear any comparison with the expenses of raising an army of five or ten thousand men. I am not disposed to say any thing of the expenses incurred by the commander of the army at New Orleans, as I am unacquainted with the subject; but I presume it cannot be considerable.
But, to return to the only question before us, the President has informed us that there is a combination, the object of which is to conduct a military expedition against the territories of Spain. What is the information which we have since received? Does it not go to the same object? If the President is convinced from information since received, that the object is a different one, is it not most probable that he would have so advised us? If the secret information respecting those implicated be divulged, will it not put many concerned in it on their guard, and induce them to escape? This is the evil I apprehend from agreeing to this resolution, and none other. Believing, therefore, that the information we may receive will not enable us to strengthen the hands of the executive, I shall vote for postponing the further consideration of this resolution until Monday. The President has already advised us that he has taken such measures as are calculated to check the expedition, and bring its abettors to punishment. He possesses the power of calling out the militia if he thinks the case requires it; and I know of no acts which we can pass, which can strengthen the hands of the executive more than the existing laws.
[Want of room compels us to reserve the remainder of the debate for our next paper.]
Mr. J. RANDOLPH spoke again in support of the resolution, and Mr. SMILLIE against it.
Mr. EPPES spoke in favor of it. When the question to postpone its further consideration was disagreed to—Yeas 38.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH again spoke in its support.
Mr. THOMAS requested a division of the resolution at the words “United States,” and observed that he should vote in favor of the first, but against the second member.
Mr. EARLY moved to adjourn, which motion was lost—Yeas 47—Nays 68.
Mr. ELMER spoke against agreeing to either member of the resolution.
Mr. JACKSON declared himself in favor of the first member of the resolution, but against the second.
Mr. SLOAN spoke against the whole resolution.
Mr. GREGG declared himself in favor of the first member, but against the second, as it stood.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH gave notice that in case the first member of the resolution should be agreed to, he meant to modify the second.
Mr. ALSTON again spoke against the resolution, and moved to postpone it till to-morrow; which motion was lost—Yeas 48—Nays 68.
The Yeas and Nays were then taken on the first member of the resolution, which was agreed to—Yeas 109—Nays 14.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH then moved to strike out of the second member of the resolution the words, “and proposes to take;” which was agreed to without a division.
When the question was taken on the second member, which was agreed to—Yeas 67—Nays 32; and Messrs. Randolph and Lloyd named a committee to carry the resolution to the President.
A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed the following bill.
A BILL
Supplementary to an act, entitled “An act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States.”
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That in addition to the present peace establishment of the United States, and as a part thereof, the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to raise one regiment of infantry and one battalion of cavalry; and the said regiment of infantry shall consist of the same number of commissioned officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates as are directed by the act to which this is a supplement. And the said battalion of cavalry, shall consist of one major, and one adjutant, one quarter master, and one pay master (each being a lieutenant,) one surgeon, and four companies; each company of one captain, one lieutenant, one cornet, one sergeant major, one quarter master sergeant, one trumpeter, four sergeants, four corporals, one farrier, one saddler, and sixty four privates: And shall moreover at the discretion of the President do duty either on horse or on foot.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President shall be, and he is hereby authorised in all cases of imminent danger, when in his opinion the defence or safety of the United States shall require it, to increase the number of men in each company of infantry on the peace establishment to one hundred privates.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That suitable clothing be provided for the cavalry, adapted to the nature of their service, and as near as may be of the value of the clothing allowed to the infantry and artillery.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the commissioned officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates, by this act directed to be raised, shall be entitled to receive the same pay, emoluments, and bounty, as are allowed to the troops now in the service of the United States, and they shall be governed by the rules and articles of war, which have been, or may be by law established.
The House adjourned at half past 5 o'clock.
Other business was transacted which a want of room prevents us from noticing to day.
Extract to the editor, dated Orleans, Dec. 6, 1806.
“The utter uncertainty of receiving any thing by the medium of the post office, induces me to request you will forward the Aurora to me by every opportunity that offers by sea.
“Commodore Shaw has purchased the schooner Ranger, and she is now arming and manning for immediate service. The recruiting has also commenced briskly for this, and, (it is said) for other purposes!
“On Thursday last (December 1) the Charlotte schooner arrived here with arms and other warlike stores.—Since the arrival of Gen. Wilkinson here, I understand he has given instructions for repairing all the old military works, and the construction of pickets round the city; in a word, to put the city in as good a military state as it is susceptible. We know not the cause of these preparations, they are the subject of much and very contradictory surmise.”
Aurora.
BAILY WASHINGTON, Has received by the sloop Olive Branch and other Conveyances.
MADEIRA and Lisbon Wine, Cogniac Brandy, Apple, do. Antigua Rum, country, do. Whiskey, Gin, Molasses, Imperial, Old Hylon, Young Hylon, and Soochong tea, table Salt in Baskets, Capers, Cloves, Mace, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Allspice, ground Ginger, Starck, Almonds, Raisins, warranted Chocolate, London refined Salt Petre, Coffee, Pearl Barley, Rice, Pepper, fig Blue, Dixon's Philadelphia Mustard, Cayenne Pepper, Lump, Loaf and Brown Sugars, fresh and salted Butter, Windsor shaving Soap, Eagle Gunpowder in canisters of one pound each and of a very superior quality, genuine Spanish Segars and Demijohns with a neat selection of Dry Goods, Glass and Crockery Ware, which he is selling as usual at the most reduced prices at his store South B Street near the Capitol.
January 19—tawaw.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by Miss ELIZA ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia.
A choice assortment
Of Extra Superfine cloths, Pennets, Velvets, and Cords, Cashmere, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Toilets, and silk Moirékin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the best style of fashion.
Richard Harwell's celebrated patent parallel suspender, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
November 12—tf

PROPOSALS for conveying the Mail. (CONCLUDED.)
97. From Columbia by Newbury ch & Laurens ch, Belfast, Reedy Shoal River & Greenville ch to Columbia, N. C. once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday 2 p m & arrive at Asheville Thursday by 8 p m. Leave Asheville every Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Columbia the next Monday by 10 a m. 98. From Columbia, by Mierlville, Stareburg, Sumterville, Salem & Kingstree, to Winton once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winton on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Winton every Thursday at 6 a m, & arrive at Columbia on Saturday by 6 p m. 99. From Monks Corner, or the Black Oak on Santee Canal, Pineville & Murray's ferry, to Kingstree once a week. Leave Monks Corner every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Kingstree by 6 p m. Leave Kingstree every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Monks Corner by 6 p m. 100. From Orangeburg, by Johnston's bridge, Danwell, ch & Roberts', Tieways and Town Creek to Campbelltown once a week. Leave Orangeburg every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Campbelltown on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Campbelltown every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Nelson's ferry on Wednesday by 6 p m. 101. From Camden, by Columbia, Edgefield ch & Gampelstown, to Augusta once a week. Leave Camden every Friday at 5 a m & arrive at Columbia, by 4 p m. Leave it at 5 p m & arrive at Edgefield ch on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave there at 11 a m & arrive at Augusta by 6 p m. Return. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Edgefield by 1 p m. Leave there at 2 p m & arrive at Columbia on Thursday by 8 a m. Leave there at 9 a m & arrive at Camden by 8 p m. 102. From Edgefield ch by Amos Richardsons, Camberidge, Southampton, Abbeville ch & Rocky River, to Pendleton ch once a week. Leave Edgefield ch every Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Pendleton ch every Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Pendleton ch every Wednesday by 6 a m & arrive at Edgefield ch the next Saturday by 10 a m. 103. From Goosewathatchie, by Black Swamp, Lower 3 Runs, & Upper 3 Runs, to Augusta, once a week. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Goosewathatchie on Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave Goosewathatchie every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Augusta on Saturday by 4 p m. 104. From Pocotaligo to Beaufort twice a week. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday & Saturday, at 1 p m & arrive at Beaufort by 7 p m. Leave Beaufort every Tuesday & Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Pocotaligo by 10 a m. IN GEORGIA. 105. From Augusta, by Little River, Lincoln ch & Petersburg & Elberton, to Franklin ch once a week. Leave Franklin every Thursday noon & arrive at Augusta on Saturday by 5 p m. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 8 a m & arrive at Franklin ch on Tuesday by noon. 106. From the High Shoals, of Appalachians river, by Coweta, Point Pleasant or Tuckabatchee, & Alabama river, to Fort Stoddert once a week. Leave the High Shoals, every Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Friday by 6 p m. Leave Fort Stoddert every Sunday at 4 a m & arrive at High Shoals the next Saturday by 1 a m. 107. From Augusta, by Columbia ch to Washington once a week. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 3 p m & arrive at Washington on Monday, by 4 p m. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 8 a m & arrive at Augusta on Wednesday by 10 a m. 108. From Washington, by Burris's, Lexington, Athens, Watkinsville, and Clarksville, to Jackson ch once a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 8 a m & arrive at Jackson ch on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Jackson ch every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Washington on Monday by 4 p m. 109. From Washington by Greensboro', Powelton, Richardsonville, Sparta, Georgetown & Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Louisville on Friday by 11 a m. Leave Louisville every Friday at 3 p m & arrive at Washington on Monday by 5 p m. 110. From Louisville, by Saundersville, & Fort Wilkinson to Millidgeville once a week. Leave Louisville every Friday at 4 p m & arrive at Millidgeville on Saturday by 4 p m. Leave Millidgeville every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m. 111. From Riceboro', by Fort James, to Tattall ch & from Riceboro', to Sunbury once a week. Leave Riceboro', every Wednesday at 11 a m & arrive at Sunbury by 1 p m. Leave Sunbury every Wednesday at 4 p m & arrive at Tattall ch on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Tattall ch every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Riceboro' on Sunday by 6 p m. IN ORLEANS. 112. From Fort Stoddert M. T. to
New Orleans, once a week. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at New Orleans the next Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave New Orleans every Wednesday at 3 a m & arrive at New Orleans the next Saturday by 6 p m. IN TENNESSEE. 113. From Orelville by Powell's valley, Cumberland Gap, Barker'sville, and Raccoon Spring, to the Road Forks or Hazle Patch in Kentucky once a week. Leave Orelville every Tuesday at 3 p m & arrive at Hazle Patch on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Hazle Patch every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Orelville on Sunday by 9 a m. 114. From Blountville by Massingale, Elizabethton, Jonesboro', Greeneville, Cheeks Cross roads & Danbridge to Knoxville once a week. Leave Blountville every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Knoxville on Monday by 11 a m. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Blountville on Thursday by 11 a m. 115. From Orelville by Chaks Cross roads to Newport once a week. Leave Orelville every Sunday at noon & arrive at Newport on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Newport every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Orelville on Tuesday by 8 a m. 116. From Knoxville to Point Pleasant or Tuckabatchee once in two weeks. Leave Knoxville every other Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Point Pleasant on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Point Pleasant every other Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Knoxville the next Friday by 6 p m. 117. From Knoxville to Marysville once a week. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Marysville by 7 p m. Leave Marysville every Monday at 7 a m & arrive at Knoxville by 11 a m. 118. From Knoxville by Campbell, Gardner, Kingsley, Blackburn Springs, Fort Blount, Dixons Springs, Craig's Point, Gallatin and Hendersonville to Nashville once a week. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Nashville on Thursday by 7 p m. Return. Leave Nashville every Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Knoxville on Monday by 10 a m. 119. From Springfield by Port Royal and Clarksville to Palmyra once a week. Leave Springfield every Friday at 5 a m & arrive at Palmyra by 4 p m. Leave Palmyra every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Springfield by 5 p m. 120. From Dixons Springs by Lebanon & Rutherford ch to Nashville once in two weeks. Leave Dixons Springs every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Nashville on Friday by 4 p m. Leave Nashville every other Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Dixons Springs on Sunday by 6 p m. IN KENTUCKY. 121. From Lexington by Nicholasville, Richmond, Woods & Metcalfe to Hazle patch once a week. Leave Lexington every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Hazle patch on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Hazle patch every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Lexington on Saturday by 6 p m. 122. From Danville by Lancaster, Stanford & Crab Orchard to Hazle patch once a week. Leave Danville every Wednesday noon & arrive at Hazle patch on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Hazle patch every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Danville on Saturday by noon. NOTES. 1. The Post master general may expedite the mails & alter the times of arrival & departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby. 2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening & closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified. 3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; & if the delay continues until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails decline, for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred. 4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; & if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument, & for what sum without that emolument. 5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival & departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alteration desired, & the difference they will make in the terms of the contract. 6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year; those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of August, November, February & May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter. 7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail. 8. When the proposer intends to con-
vey the mail in the livery of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals. 9. The Post master general reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each. 10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next, & are to continue in force for two years. GIDEON GRANGER, Post Master General. General Post Office, Washington City, Nov. 13, 1806. Dec. 8—law 21 Jan.
SALE AT AUCTION.
WILL be sold at the house lately occupied by Henry Schribbley near the lower bridge on Rock Creek, on Monday the 18th inst. HOUSEHOLD & KIT. HEN FURNITURE. SALE to commence at 11 o'clock. Terms of Sale cash. JOHN HEWITT, Trustee. JOHN STEPHEN, Auctioneer. Washington Jan 5—3t ** The sale of the above property is postponed to Friday next.
LIKENESSES Engraved.
H. F. Fisher has the honor to inform the ladies and gentlemen of the cities of Washington and Georgetown, that he has taken rooms at Rhodes's Hotel, for the purpose of taking Likenesses. He thinks proper to remark, in order to prevent disappointment, that his stay in this city will be but eight days from the date. St. MEMIN. Washington, 11th Jan. 1807—3t
NOTICE.
ALL persons having business with the Subscriber are requested to apply to him before Friday next, at Mr. Eliot's house, at Greenleaf's Point. JAMES GREENLEAF. January 12, 1807—3t
TUITION.
A TEACHER of experience who is well acquainted with the Latin, Greek, French, and English languages, and has no objection to go to any part of the country, will be heard of by applying to the Rev. Mr. ELLIOT at his Academy on the Capitol Hill January 12—3t
PRIVATE ACADEMY.
DURING the ensuing year the Rev. G. H. DEVENISH will resume and pursue the professional instruction of youth at the SWEET SPRINGS. The extreme healthiness of the situation, the cheapness of boarding, the total exclusion from every opportunity or incitement to dissipation, and the singular advantage it enjoys of being visited by a number of literary characters, capable of inspecting and superintending its management; render this amongst the most eligible situations in Virginia for an institution of this nature, and are among the principal reasons which have induced him to make choice of this most delightful and advantageous place, as the seat of his Seminary. His course of instruction will be divisible into two parts; the first part will comprehend English Grammar, Geography with the use of the terrestrial globe and maps, Elocution, Arithmetic, Book keeping, Knitting, Elements. The greatest attention will also be paid to the Dead Languages, where it may be the desire of parents or guardians—the second part will comprehend Logic, Political economy, History, Composition and Ethics. It is his most anxious wish that a majority of his pupils may be composed of boys from nine to fifteen years of age, who will be continued under his direction until they shall complete the course. Under these circumstances he flatters himself, that it would be in his power to render permanent and substantial services, and to inspire his pupils with a love of virtue, knowledge, and a predilection for manly, useful, and honorable sentiments and pursuits, which would not exert a predominant influence over their future happiness and usefulness in life. He wishes to receive from 20 to 25 pupils. His charge for tuition will be 10 DOLLARS per quarter paid in advance, for boys under 15 years of age, and 12 DOLLARS and a half per quarter in advance; for boys over that age. His charge for board, washing, candles and fire (the fees of tuition not included) will be 20 DOLLARS per quarter paid in advance, for boys under 15 years of age, and 22 1/2 DOLLARS per quarter paid in advance, for boys after that age. Each boarder must furnish his own bed, or be subjected to an additional charge of 7 DOLLARS per annum, payable as above, in case of having it furnished. Parents who may wish to place their children under his direction, will make application to Messrs. George and Robert Turner, Richmond, or to the subscriber at the Sweet Springs, Monroe county. G. H. DEVENISH. N. B. The Academy will go into operation the 1st Monday in February 1807. The hours of public tuition in this Seminary will be from 9 o'clock every morning (Sundays excepted) till 1 o'clock, and again from 3 to 5 o'clock in the afternoon. No vacations that can possibly be avoided will be allowed, Mr. D. conceiving them to be equally injurious to the morals of the teachers and pupils. Sweet Springs, December 8—w8t
DR. MAGRUDER HAS FOR SALE
TWENTY Hogsheads of good Brown Sugar which he will sell at a low price, a few casks of the best winter Brained Lamp Oil, Window Glass of different sizes, Japan, Copal & other varnishes, glassers Diamonds, Russian Que. Salt, Petre, Paper Hangings, Rayons patent liquid Shoe Blacking in jugs at 25 cents each, and his usual extensive assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES, patent Medicines, Surgeons Instruments, Oil and Paints, Die Stuffs, Spices, &c. all of which have been purchased for cash, he can therefore sell many articles uncommonly cheap by the quantity. November 19—law 21st
AMERICAN COFFEE-HOUSE, WASHINGTON CITY. THE Subscribers have opened for the entertainment of travellers, members of Congress, families, &c. referring to the seat of government, the houses occupied for several years by Mr. P. D. STELLS, immediately east of the Capitol, to which they respectfully invite the public. The premises are well known as large and convenient, are provided with new beds and furniture, and the best wines and liquors, stables for 50 horses, with carriage houses, &c. FROST and QUINN. Nov. 4—1f.
EZRA VARDEN, TAYLOR.
Three doors west of the Bank, having lately received a General Assortment of GOODS suitable for the season and of the best quality—Will make up the same for those gentlemen who will favor him with their orders in the latest and most fashionable style and very superior workmanship. December 1—2m
CHEAP GOODS.
W. PAIRO, Seven Buildings, has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, a Large Assortment of DRY GOODS, which he will sell unusual low. Also London PIANO FORTES. Liquors and Groceries of a superior quality. No. 10—Mar. 3
TO CONTRACTORS.
PROPOSALS will be received at the COLLECTOR'S OFFICE in Norfolk until the first day of February next, for securing the bank at Smith's Point on the Potomac from washing away by the high tides, gales of winds and rains. It is presumed no person will contract without viewing the place, a wall now stands on the shore, and between it and the bank will be required to be filled up with stone, wood, or oyster shells and clay, or marsh mud, with the gravel thereon; not more than three feet of topings for filling will be admitted at the bottom of the wall, and bank, the rest must be filled with the above-mentioned materials. A pavement of about twenty feet will also be required around the Light House, of stone or bricks, or filled up with oyster shells, of at least one foot deep mixed with clay or marsh mud. THOMAS NEWTON, Collector. November 24—1f
Orphan's Court.
10 January 1807. Ordered on application of Isaac Pomroy, administrator of John Deleitz deceased, that he sell the personal property of the deceased, contained in his inventory on a credit of sixty days for all sums above twenty dollars, taking bond or note with security for payment on interest, and giving ten days notice of the sale. Copy. Teste, JOHN HEWITT, Register. The above property will be sold at public vendue at the late dwelling of the deceased, between the Seven Buildings, and the Star Office, on Saturday next, the 30th instant, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. ISAAC POMROY, administrator. Washington, Jan. 15th, 1807—3t.
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber in August last, Negro CHARLES—he is a fragile well made black man, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; has lost some of his fore teeth; is remarkably polite and much of a gentleman. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him home or lodge him any jail so that I get him again. WM. B. BRANES, Upper Marlboo', Jan 9—law 6t
JUST RECEIVED.
WOOD'S best London superfine cloths and cashmeres, Bennet's patent cord, } best Spanish. Do. do. cloth, } Rich meleskin waistcoating, Fancy do. do. 1-4th linen and Ruffie sheeting, Men's best London hats, Silk, worsted, lambs wool, cotton, and ganze flockings, Fancy printed muffs and shawls, Carpets and carpeting, Rich Brussels do. Fine white and scarlet flannels, Plains, coatings and second cloths, Which with my large assortment of woollens and fancy goods, were bought on such terms as to justify my selling them lower than any regular importer can afford to sell at. JOHN COX. George Town, December 8—6w
FOR SALE,
By LEWIS DELBLOIS, At his Store near the United States Navy Yard city of Washington, a GENERAL ASSORTMENT of LIQUORS and GROCERIES, by wholesale and retail. December 29—1m
CHALRES A. BURNETT,
Has received from London and Liverpool a handsome assortment of articles in his line, consisting of WATCHES & JEWELRY, Silver, Tortoiseshell, and steel Spectacles, Table Knives and forks with ivory handles, Pen Knives and Scissors, Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket BOOKS. He also continues to manufacture gold and silver ware, at the most reduced prices. George Town, Dec. 28—1f.
RUNAWAY NEGRO.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, Maryland, a negro man who calls himself JON, about 33 years old, 5 feet 9 inches high, two cuts in each ear, and a lost tooth on his fore teeth out of his upper jaw—his clothes are a drab mouselon coat, blue cloth do. one cotton do. one black cassimere vest, one pair of cotton and one pair of linsy overall, a coarse linen shirt, wool hat, & coarse shoes. He says he belongs to col. James King, of Sullivan county Tennessee. If his owner does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees according to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff. Fredericktown Jan. 7—7t
TEAS, BRANDY, SUGAR, SEARS, ORANGES, &c. &c. WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH have just received by the Maria, captain Stodder from New York and the Union, capt. Bacon from Boston, 10 chests fresh young hyson tea, best quality, 20 boxes fine imperial tea—small packages put up for family use, 9 pipes genuine old 4th proof cogniac brandy, very superior quality, 40 bags East India white sugar, 40 boxes Roussetts, best Havana sugars, 20 do. do. 2d quality, 7 bags black pepper, 12 boxes fresh London mustard, 5 casks excellent Goshen cheese, 3 chests Dutch half pint tumblers, 100 Boxes bloom and Muscatel raisins, 6 barrels Spanish silberts, 5 boxes fine Smyrna figs, 19 barrels Newtown pippins, 15 barrels best Newark cyder, 3000 fresh oranges, 150 boxes mould & dipped candles—Sampson and Co. and Morris's manufacture, 22 crates well assorted, Queens ware, 750 gals. y. bags. AND IN STORE, Fresh Hyson, Hyson Chulan, Hyson Skin, & Souchong Teas, in chests and boxes, 25 hds; excellent Trinidad Suli Sugars, genuine old London particular Madeira wine in pipes and quarter casks, Lisbon, Teneriffe, Sicily, Catalonia, Port, and old Sherry Wines in quarter casks, real Holland and New York anchor Gin in pipes, Whiskey, Peach, and Apple Brandy, high 4th proof Jamaica Rum in puncheons, loaf and lump sugars in barrels, Oliver, Capers, and Anchovies, in boxes, assorted, a few boxes Chocolate, Fig Blue, 6 boxes best Marcellis Almonds, 2000 lbs. Coffee, 20 boxes brown Soap, a few boxes Spermaceti Candles, and a quantity of boiled Linseed Oil in jugs.—Also an assortment of India Piece Goods, All of which will be sold at a very moderate advance. George Town, January 2—2 wsw&wt
W. S. NICHOLS,
Has for sale a complete assortment of the Seasonable GOODS, consisting of the best superfine London cloths and cashmeres, Bennets, velvets, and cordis, silk mouselin and other fancy waistcoating—A complete assortment of Manchester, best Colerain 4 4ths and 7 8ths Irish linen, long lawns, cambric muffs and dimities, London hats, umbrellas, calicoes and chintzes, Trafalgar patterns, a large assortment of flannels, silk, cotton, lambs wool and worsted hosiery well assorted, together with a complete assortment of woollens and many fancy goods, which he offers for sale. As he contemplates making this his permanent place of residence, on such terms as will induce those who purchase ONCE to give him their custom hereafter. George Town, Dec. 12—3w Indiana Territory, and for Office, Vincennes, 1st Nov. 1806.
Agreeably to an act of this territory for laying and collecting a tax on land I publish the following extracts from the said act, for the information of non-residents claiming lands within this territory. "Be it enacted that if any non-resident claiming lands in this territory, either by entry, patent, deed of conveyance or any other evidence of claim if his agent or attorney shall neglect or refuse to do his or her lands, with the affixation of the county where such lands may have been entered or located between the first day of January and the twelfth day of February, agreeably to the requisitions of the third section thereof, then the affixor shall immediately proceed to list the lands of such non-resident, that may be in his county." "Be it enacted that the collector of each county, by the twenty fifth day of May, shall demand payment of the tax or sum assessed on each inhabitant in his county, in person, or by notice in writing left at his usual place of abode." "Be it enacted that in case of non payment of taxes, at the time appointed it shall be the duty of the collector to levy and collect the tax so in arrear, with costs by a sale at the court house of his county, of the lands of such delinquent whether resident or non-resident, giving at least forty days notice, by advertisement at the county, and in some public newspaper in this territory, of the time and place of such sale." PETER JONES, Auditor of said Territory. Jan. 5—3w.
Notice is hereby given to non-resident proprietors of Land in the state of Ohio; That the subscriber will act as agent, for those of them, who may think proper to consign their business to him, either in disposing of their lands, or in the payment of their taxes. His terms will be ten per cent. He will attend to the payment of taxes, in any of the districts in the state; and forward to the proprietors the collector's receipt; and will from time to time, give them information of the alterations (if any) which may be made in the law levying a state tax. Those who may wish to employ him, will as early as possible, forward a particular list of their lands on which they with the taxes paid. Those who wish to have their lands disposed of, will forward their instructions and a Letter of Attorney duly executed. Postage to be paid by employers. From the attention he is determined to give, he flatters himself he shall be able to render considerable satisfaction to his employers." THOMAS SCOTT. Chillicothe, Ross Co. Ohio, Dec. 15—6w
Fifty Dollars Reward.
FOR apprehending RICHARD GOTIER, who broke jail last night. He was committed on his confession or passing counterfeit checks; he is about 5 feet 7 inches high, fair complexion, light hair, grey eyes, very much pitted with the small-pox, and pretty much round shouldered. He was a tailor in the United States service, had a blue tailcoat jacket and trousers, a long blue coat, several white linen shirts, a pair of breeches and a very good black hat. The above reward will be given for apprehending and securing the said Gotier in any jail and giving me information thereof. DANL. C. BRENT, Marshal of the district of Columbia. December 8—2awtf