The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-04-05 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CXXX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, APRIL 5th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1802.
DEBATE.
On the bill received from the Senate, entitled "An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the courts of the United States."
[MR. RUTLEDGE—Concluded]
The district judge in Rhode Island was appointed circuit judge, and Mr. Greene was appointed district judge. On the fourth day of March Mr. Greene took his seat in the Senate—the friends of the administration objected to his keeping it—they said he was a judge, as appeared by the journals of the Senate—they here made a complete recognition of his appointment as judge, and he vacated his seat—after getting home he received his commission, in which the blanks had been filled with the words circuit judge instead of district judge. Mr. Greene enclosed his commission to the executive in a letter most profoundly respectful, and requested the errors of the clerk in the department of state might be corrected, and his commission made to conform to the appointment, as recorded on the senatorial journal. To this letter which was in highly respectful terms, the president would not deign to have any answer given; he pocketed Mr. Greene's commission and placed another gentleman in his office—this is a history of the appointment of Mr. Greene, and the manner in which the president "corrected the procedure." To my friend from New-York, (Mr. Morris) who some days past adverted to the president's system of persecution, the honorable gentleman from Virginia says he is so ignorant of the existence of any such system that he cannot conceive what is alluded to—and my friend from North Carolina (Mr. Henderson) who spoke of the destructive spirit which had mounted in the whirlwind and now directs the storm against one half of the community, he charges with having winged his flight into the regions of fancy—and tells us the spirit he sees is a mere spirit thin as air, and without real form or substance. Sir, my honorable friend from North Carolina is under no magical delusion—the spirit he noticed is a gigantic spirit, and with a giant's size unites a giant's appetite—it attacks the independence of mind and violates the right of opinion—it establishes a rental tyranny—tamper with integrity and poisons morals—it has arranged one half of the community against the other—it denounces as a "sect" in our country all those whom the illustrious Washington took to his confidence and invested with his favor. It establishes boards of inquisition to know how men who are in office voted at the last election, and if they did not then subserve the views of the ruling party they are stripped of their offices. Many of the proscribed are veterans of seventy six—they wasted their youth and their substance in fighting our revolutionary battles, and as a small reward for great services they had offices given to them by the distinguished Washington. Most of those who had been appointed by him, this destroying spirit has turned adrift, and to those who are not yet destroyed it gives (in the New-Haven reply) the promise of Polyphemus to Ulysses, and says "you shall be devoured last." This is the spirit, Sir, against which my friend from North Carolina has raised his voice, and if the honorable gentleman from Virginia will appeal to the wives and children of ninety or a hundred meritorious men who have been hurled from office to make way for those who are willing without examination to yield a blind support to ministerial measures—to sing Hozannas to the president, and bend to his will as the ozier does to the breeze; I say, Sir, if he will appeal to the wives and children of those gentlemen, who have been degraded, disgraced, and reduced to want as far as it was in the power of the executive to degrade and reduce them, they will tell him this is a spirit of subservience, and not thin as air. Fatigued by its labours we see now this great spirit resting on its club—it no longer dispatches its victims as heretofore by batches, but, as strength and appetite return, proscriptions are continued though in detail. Since the meeting of congress there have been many dismissals—in the last week only I heard of that of a meritorious officer
who is an aged and war worn soldier. To this gentleman, who had grown grey in the service of his country, general Washington gave an office which might cheer the evening of his days; the duties of it were discharged with industry and fidelity. He has been a useful citizen—he has thirteen children, and most of them are daughters, the eldest has scarcely numbered 18 years, and the youngest not more than eight months. This gentleman has been placed on the proscribed list; not, Sir, because he had been negligent of any of his duties, but because some of those hands which (as it has been modestly said) burst open the doors of honor and confidence, were widely stretched out for rewards; to give them loaves and fishes they have been taken from the support of this numerous and lovely family. Sir, there not only exists, as my friend from North Carolina tells us, a great and destroying spirit, but there are also subordinate spirits employed in this goodly work of proscription—the master spirit, unable to take a view of the whole ground, has its under spirits; these minor spirits, within the spheres of their respective departments, are stinging out objects of executive vengeance. By some of the papers which lie before me on my desk, I see the Postmaster General is busily employed; every postmaster and every little deputy postmaster, who cannot prove his claims to executive favor by proofs of conformity to the orthodox faith of the day, is considered as a heretic. In the persecution by the Postmaster General of those who are not devoted to the party, I observe something truly ridiculous; thinking, I suppose, that public opinion would demand some justification of this conduct, he undertakes to assign reasons for it. I observe in the paper of this morning the Postmaster General has removed one of his deputies at Augusta in Georgia, and makes a sort of apology for it. He tells the man it is because he is a printer and the occupations are incompatible. This gentleman writes to him that he is not a printer and that he never was concerned directly nor indirectly in the publishing of a paper. It seems then the Postmaster General was mistaken, but the deputy left his office. This lesson will prevent future explanations probably by the Postmaster General. It will be more convenient for him to wrap himself up in executive infallibility and insist "The king can do no wrong." The gentleman from Virginia has noticed the edition act and lays, the present executive requires no such shield for his protection; that he wants no artificial means of defence; yet in the very same breath we hear the gentleman complaining of defamatory scribblers, and of the profligacy of our press. It does not become the honorable gentleman to complain of the public prints. It is well recollected that when heretofore we endeavoured to check the licentiousness of the press, he and his friends insisted that its licentiousness and liberty were so closely allied that should we attempt to touch this vein we would run the hazard of giving a mortal wound to the great arteries of the body politic. This was formerly the language of gentlemen who are now it seems suffering from the effects of their own policy; they are now experiencing what they might have learned from a good old book, "That who seweth the wind will reap the whirlwind." It did not become them (to use our Saviour's expression) "to cast the first stone." I shall here, Sir, close my observations in answer to those offered by the gentleman from Virginia, to whom I have had occasion to refer so often; permit me however, before taking my leave of him, to express my sorrow that he deemed it necessary in ranging the wild field he occupied to visit Mount Vernon, and attempt to disturb the ashes of our political father. This circumstance was not required to prove that pre-eminence is often obnoxious, "and why must Aristides be called more just than others" was asked by the envious Athenian who voted for his banishment. Another honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Thompson) asks my friend from North Carolina, why he now moans and sighs over the constitution, which he last year assisted to violate, and insists upon it we did wound the constitution, in putting down the two courts of Kentucky and Tennessee. Sir, it has been satisfactorily shown by my learned friend from Delaware, that the offices were not in those two instances destroyed but modified, and that we did not take their offices from the judges but merely assigned them new duties. This, however, the gentleman from Virginia calls wounding the constitution, and proceeds to say you did destroy two courts and we will destroy sixteen. What, Sir, will he tell us that
our hands are red with the blood of the constitution to justify his embracing it? Because he thinks we then violated the constitution, will he now murder it? Sir, it was by founding the claim about meditated violations of the constitution and by gross misrepresentations of our intentions, and reiterated charges of not respecting the constitution, that public opinion was vitiated, the public mind misled, and the administration of our government placed where it now is. But almost in the moment of changing, when the present administration is in its grille, it assumes the attitude of a gladiator, attacks the judiciary, violates the rights of the judges, and lays to us you set the example. Sir, had we set them the example, it was a bad one, and it does not become them to follow it; but we never gave any such examples, we always revered the judiciary as the bulwark of the constitutions, and considered the rights of the judges as the rights of all the people of America. It is said by the gentleman from Virginia, that our devotion to the judiciary establishment makes us wince at any attempt to strip off some of its superfluous and expensive trappings, and that we will not part with the corinthian & composite pillars which have been added for its decoration. Sir, the judiciary is, the fabric of the constitution not a corinthian pillar, not any ornament added by Congress; it is, Sir, the grand doric column; one of the three foundation pillars formed, not by Congress, but by the people themselves; it binds together the abutment, it is laid in the foundations of the fabric of our government, and if you demolish it the grand arch itself will totter and the whole will be endangered. We are asked by the gentleman from Virginia if the people want judges to protect them? Yes, Sir, in popular governments constitutional checks are necessary for their preservation; the people want to be protected against themselves; no man is so absurd as to suppose the people collectively will consent to the prostration of their liberties; but if they be not shielded by some constitutional checks they will suffer them to be destroyed; to be destroyed by demagogues, who flatter the confidence of the people by pretending to be their friends; demagogues who, at the time they are soothing and cajoling the people with bland and captivating speeches, are forging chains for them; demagogues who carry daggers in their hearts, and seductive smiles in their hypocritical faces; who are dooming the people to despotism, when they profess to be exclusively the friends of the people; against such designs and such artifice were our constitutional checks made to preserve the people of this country. Will gentlemen look back to the histories of other countries, and then tell us the people here have nothing to apprehend from themselves? Who, Sir, proved fatal to the liberties of Rome? The courtier of the people; one who professed to be "the man of the people," who had willed away his fortune to the people, and had exposed his will to the public eye; a man who, when a crown was proffered to him, shrunk from the offer, and affectedly said it did not come from the people; it was Julius Cæsar who prostrated the liberties of Rome, and yet Cæsar professed to be the friend of Rome, to be in fact the people. Who was it that in England destroyed the representative government and concentrated all its powers in his own hands? One who styled himself the man of the people; who was plain, nay studiously negligent in his dress; disdaining to call himself Master, it was plain unaffuming Oliver—Oliver Cromwell, the friend of the people; the protector of the commonwealth. The gentleman from Virginia says he would rather live under a despot than a government where the judges are as independent as we wish them to be. Had I his propensities, I like him, would fold my arms and look with indifference at this attack upon the constitution. It has been my fortune, Mr. Chairman, to have visited countries governed by despots; warned by the sufferings of the people I have seen there, I am zealous to avoid anything which may establish a despotism here. It is because I am a republican in principle and by birth, and because I love a republican form of government and none other, that I wish to keep our constitution unchanged. Independent judges, at the same time that they are useful to the people, are harmless to them. The judges cannot impose taxes; they cannot raise armies; they cannot equip fleets; they cannot enter into foreign alliances; these are powers which are exercised without control by despots; and as the gentleman from Virginia does not hold despots in abhorrence,
he and I can never agree in our opinions on government. Whether another honorable gentleman from Vir. (Mr. Randolph) has derived all the service from his sling and his stone he had expected, or whether he feels acquitted of his promise and now thinks himself capable of prostrating the Goliath of this house, armed cap-a-pie, with the constitution of his country, I cannot conjecture; whether he has discovered the skill and the prowels of David, or whether he is likened to him only by the weapons he wars with, it is for the committed to judge—for myself I must say that his high promise had excited expectations which in me have not been realized, and when the gentleman far down I was sorry to find my objections to the bill on your table undiminished—I say sorry, for I can lay my hand upon my heart, and in the fulness of sincerity declare there is nothing I desire more anxiously than to be convinced by gentlemen that this measure is not unconstitutional. It is not competent for us to decide where the power of judging shall be placed, as is supposed by the gentleman from Virginia, who says the only question is where this power shall be placed. Sir, the true question is where this power placed by the constitution? and the honest answer must be, that it was obtained to the judiciary by the will of the people. Their power is paramount to that of the legislature and revocable only by the authority that gave it. In deprecating the adoption in this country of the common law of England, which was brought to it by our ancestors, and the principles of which are the fundamental maxims of our liberties, the gentleman from Virginia has attempted to shew the inconveniences resulting from its uncertain rules, and has noticed the case of Williams which occurred in Connecticut. Sir, I am surprised that a gentleman so correct as he generally is, should have fallen into the inaccuracy he has. The case of Williams is a notorious one, and it was not a prosecution at common law—the history of it is, that when general Powney was at Paris he learned that some of the privateers which were then cruising against the American commerce were commanded by Americans—as soon as this information reached congress they passed a law to prohibit our citizens from going into the service of any of the belligerent powers. Williams continued to command a French privateer, and he had captured many of our vessels—he was afterwards brought into Connecticut, and there tried and punished—not under the common law as the gentleman from Virginia supposed; but under our statute; under the law we passed in 1793. The gentleman has asked, whether if we had created an army of judges, and given them monstrous high salaries it would not be right to repeal the law; that if the power exists to repeal any law which might have passed on this subject, it might not now be used, and has been pleaded to say we would have created more judges and given them higher salaries if we had not wanted nerves, and tells my honorable and learned friend from Delaware that we were restrained by the same feebleness of nerve which induced us at the presidential election to put blank votes into the ballot box. Sir, my friend from Delaware does want that sort of nerve that some gentlemen now discover; although he is as brave as he is wise, yet in living without fear he will live without reproach, and never make himself liable to the charge of prostrating the constitution of his country. For such a work it is true he has no nerve. The observations of one honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) being now reiterated by another respecting the course of conduct we pursued at the presidential election shews that time has not abated the resentment of Virginia which we excited by our not voting for the Virginian candidate. Permit me here to declare, Sir, that in reviewing all my public conduct I can discover no one act of which I am more satisfied than my having put a blank vote into the ballot box—much has been said on this subject; my friend from Delaware and myself have been denounced by the jacobins of the country; at their civic feasts and in their drunken frolics we have been noticed; European renegades who have left their ears on the whipping posts of their respective countries, or who have come to this country to save their ears, have endeavored to hang out terrors to us in the public prints; nay, Sir, circular letters have been diffused through the country, charging us with the intention of preventing at one time the election of a president and at another with the design of defeating the vote of the electors and
making a president by law. This was all a calumny, and as it relates to the South Carolina delegation, I declare they had no intention of defeating the public will; they never heard of any project for making a president by law; they had but one object in view, which they pursued steadily as long as there was any prospect of attaining it. The gentleman from Virginia and the gentleman from New-York had an equal number of votes; we preferred the latter; we voted for him more than thirty times, but when we found our opponents would not unite with us, and seemed obstinately determined to hazard the loss of the constitution rather than join us; we ceased to vote; we told them we cannot vote with you, but by ceasing to vote, by using blank votes we will give effect to your votes; we will not chuse, but we will suffer you to chuse. Surely, Mr. Chairman, there was nothing in all this which had any aspect towards defeating the public will. Why I did not prefer the gentleman who ultimately was preferred has already been mentioned. This is a subject on which I did not expect to be called upon to explain; but the gentleman from Virginia has called, and it was necessary to answer. Permit me to state also, that besides the objections common to my friend from Delaware and myself, there was a strong one which I felt with peculiar force. It resulted from a firm belief that the gentleman in question held opinions respecting a certain description of property in my state, which should they obtain generally would endanger it, and indeed lessen the value of every other. Following the example set by his colleague the gentleman from Virginia has bestowed much censure on the past administration, and makes it a serious charge against them, having appointed under this law a gentleman from Maryland who he says was not with us formerly, but unfurled his standard in the service of his king, and fought against his countrymen whom he then deemed rebels. I did not expect, Mr. Chairman, to hear this observation from one of the friends of the executive. Since the fourth of March last I thought philosophy had thrown her mantle over all that had passed; that sins were to be forgotten and forgiven, and to prove the sincerity of this forgiving spirit sinners were to be distinguished by executive favors—one would have thought so in reviewing executive conduct; where persons had been imprisoned and fined under our laws, they, we know, were released; where fines had actually been paid, the officers of government had been ordered to return them, and not only Tories had been appointed to office, but old Tories, rank old Tories who had been banished. The present collector of Philadelphia for the internal revenue has been appointed since the fourth of March last, and although he never, like the gentleman alluded to, shivered lances in the service of his king, yet he was actively employed in the more lively service of giving information to the British generals, and marching before Sir William Howe, and decorated with laurels he conducted him into the metropolis of his native state. Sir, there are many instances of this kind. Have gentlemen forgotten the young Englishman who was so busily employed here last winter during the Presidential election, that in seeing him one would really have supposed him not only a member of this House, but like him of Tennessee holding an entire vote at his command—this youngster was sent out here by some merchants in England to collect debts due to them in this country, and his father whose Tory principles carried him from America early in the revolution is now fulfilling on a royal pension—and this young man has been appointed our consul at London, and the former consul, a native and staunch American, whose conduct had been approved by our merchants generally, has been turned out to create a vacancy. The gentleman from Virginia has repeated the observation of his colleague, that the people are capable of taking care of their own rights, and do not want a corps of judges to protect them. Human nature is the same every where, and man is precisely the same sort of being in the new world that he is in the old. The citizens of other republics were as wise and valiant and far more powerful than we are. The gentleman from Virginia knows full well, that wherever the Roman standard was unfurled, its motto "Senatus Populusque Romani" proclaimed to a conquered world, that they were governed by the senate and the people of Rome. But now, Sir, the Roman Lazaroni, who crouching at the gates of his prince's palace,
(Continued on last page.)

CONSTITUTION OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC.
TITLE I.—Of the Italian Republic.
Art. 1. The Catholic Religion, Apostolic and Roman, is the Religion of the State.
2. The Sovereignty resides in the whole of the Citizens.
3. The territory of the Republic is divided into Departments, Districts and Communes.
TITLE II.—Of the Rights of Citizenship.
4. Every person born of a Cisalpine father, and remaining on the territory of the Republic, acquires the rights of a Citizen as soon as he becomes of age.
The next Three Articles regard Naturalization. Strangers who have acquired property in the State, or who possess commercial or manufacturing establishments, and who have resided seven years in it, may be naturalized. All persons who possess great talents or experience in any of the arts or sciences, even in the mechanical ones, or who have rendered great services to the State, may acquire the right of Citizenship.
5. The law determines the ratio of property, the quantum of property necessary to constitute a qualification, and the causes for which the exercise of the rights of Citizenship may be lost or suspended.
9. Also replaces the formation of a civic register. Those Citizens only whose names are inserted in this list shall be eligible to office under the State.
TITLE III.—Of the Colleges.
10. The three Electoral Colleges, namely, the College of the Possidenti, that of the Dotti, and that of the Commercianti, are the primitive organ of the national Sovereignty.
The next three Articles regulate the forms of their meetings. They are to meet once in two years, at least, on the invitation of the Government, to complete their number, to appoint the Members of the Consulta, of the Legislative Body, and of the Tribunals of Revision and Appeal, and the Commissaries of Finance. Their sittings are to continue a fortnight. They are to deliberate, but not discuss, and that by secret ballot, and a third of the Members must be present to make a Houle.
14. At every ordinary sitting of the College, the Government is to present to each of them a list of the places vacant, and the instructions necessary for the nomination to them; and the Colleges may receive the claims of the candidates.
15, 16, 17. They are to approve or reject denunciations, give their decision on the alterations in the Constitution that may be proposed to them. No person under 30 years of age is eligible to any of the Colleges, and the election is for life.
18. A Member of any of the Colleges forfeits it—1st, by fraudulent bankruptcy; 2d, by absence without good cause during three following Sessions; 3d, by accepting an employment under a foreign power without consent of the Government; 4th, by remaining without the State for six months after being recalled, or for any of those causes which induce for failure of Citizenship.
19. Every College on adjourning shall send to the next Censorial Assembly the minutes of its sitting.
TITLE IV.—Of the Colleges of the Possidenti.
20. The College of the Possidenti is composed of 300 Citizens, chosen from such landed proprietors as possess a revenue of 6000 livres at least. The place of its meetings, for the first ten years, shall be at Milan.
21. Every Department may send a Member to this College, in the proportion for every 30,000 inhabitants.
22. If there be not a sufficient number of inhabitants in a department possessed of all the qualifications required by the 20th Article, the number shall be completed from a quadruple list of the most considerable proprietors of the same department.
23. At every session the College is to complete its numbers according to the lists of landed property which it is authorized to require of the Government.
24. It is to elect nine Members from its own body, who are to constitute the censorial power.
25. It is to make out a triple list, according to the relative majority of votes, for the election of the public functionaries, indicated in the 11th Article, and present it to the Censors.
TITLE V.—Of the College of the Dotti.
26. The College of the Dotti is composed of 200 Citizens, chosen from among persons who are celebrated for their knowledge in the sciences, or the liberal or mechanical arts, or from among those who are distinguished for their acquaintance with ecclesiastical learning, or their researches in morality, legislation, political or administrative
information. It shall reside for the first ten years at Bologna.
27. At every meeting the Session transmits to the Censorate a triple list of those Citizens duly qualified, according to which it is to fill up the vacancies in offices.
28. It is to select from its body six members, who are to constitute part of the Censorate.
29. It is to form a double list, according to the majority of suffrages, for the election of public functionaries mentioned in the 11th Article, and present it to the Censorate.
TITLE VI.—Of the College of the Commercianti.
30. The College of the Commercianti is composed of 200 Citizens, chosen from among the most considerable merchants and manufacturers. It is to reside at Brescia for the first ten years. It is to complete itself at every session, according to the information it has a right to demand of the Government.
The articles 28 and 29 are common to all the Colleges.
TITLE VII.—Of the Censorate.
33. The Censorate is a Committee of 21 Members, nominated by the Colleges in the form and proportion expressed in the 24th and 28th Articles. It shall reside for the first ten years at Cremona.
34. It shall assemble always on the 5th day after the sittings of the three Colleges.
35. The sitting shall continue for only ten days, and seventeen Members are necessary to constitute a meeting.
36. It is to nominate to all vacant offices from the lists transmitted by the three Colleges, and by the greatest number of votes.
37. It is to declare the election of the Functionaries nominated by the majority of the three Colleges.
38. It is to nominate to the vacancies in the College of the Dotti, agreeable to the 27th Article.
39. It is to terminate its nominations within the time fixed for its meetings.
40. It is to exercise its functions according to the Articles 109, 111, 114.
41. The Censorate is to renew itself at every meeting, ordinary or extraordinary, of the Electoral Colleges.
42. The acts of the Censorate are to be presented to the Colleges at their first meeting.
TITLE VIII.—Of the Government.
43. The Government is entrusted to a President, a Vice-President, a Consulta of State, to Ministers, and to a Legislative Body, in conformity of their respective privileges.
44. The President is to exercise his functions for ten years, and to be indefinitely re-eligible.
45. The President has the originating of all the laws, conformably to Article the 79th.
46. He has also the originating of all the diplomatic negotiations.
47. He is exclusively invested with the executive power, which he is to exercise through the medium of the Ministers.
48. He appoints the Ministers, the Civil and Diplomatic Agents, the Chiefs of the Army and the Generals. The law provides for the nomination of officers of inferior rank.
49. He names the Vice-President, who, in his absence, takes his place in the Consulta of State, and represents him in all the capacities which he may choose to confide to him. Once appointed, he cannot be dismissed during the Presidency of him by whom he was elected.
50. In every case where the office of President may be vacant, he shall possess all the privileges of the President, until the election of his successor.
Next follow several regulations respecting the transaction of the public business between the President and the Secretary of State.
53. The salary of the President is fixed at 500,000 livres of Milan, and that of the Vice-President at 100,000.
TITLE IX.—Of the Consulta of State.
54. The Consulta of State consists of eight citizens of forty years of age at least, elected for life by the Colleges, and distinguished for eminent services done to the Republic.
55. The President presides in the Consulta of State, and one of its members is to be appointed for foreign affairs.
56. The Consulta of State is especially charged with the consideration of diplomatic treaties, and every object which relates to the foreign affairs of the State.
57. The instructions relative to negotiations are discussed in the Consulta, and treaties shall be definitive only when sanctioned by the absolute majority of its members.
[The 58th, 59th, 60th, 61st, and 62d sections are not of much importance.]
63. The President exclusively possesses the initiative in all affairs proposed in the Consulta, and in all decisions his vote is to preponderate.
64. In case of the cessation, resignation, or death of the President, the Consulta of State elects his successor by an absolute majority of votes within the space of forty-eight hours; and it cannot separate until the accomplishment of that object.
65. The salary of the members of the
Consulta of State is fixed at 50,000 livres.
TITLE X.—Of the Ministers.
Under this head are comprehended a Grand National Judge or Minister of Justice, a minister for the administration of the public treasury, and a secretary to the National judge, who is occasionally to be his substitute.
74. No act of government can be voted unless signed by a minister.
TITLE XI.—Of the Legislative Council.
75. The Legislative Council cannot be composed of less than ten citizens of the age of thirty years at least, appointed by the President, but who may be dismissed by him at the end of three years.
76, 77, 78, 79. The members of the Legislative council have deliberate voices on the projects proposed by the President, which cannot be passed but by an absolute majority of votes. They are specially charged with the drawing up of projects of law, and explaining the motives for sanctioning them. The salary of each counselor is fixed at 20,000 livres.
TITLE XII.—Of the Legislative Body.
81. The Legislative Body is composed of twenty-five members, or thirty years of age at least, chosen by each department according to its population. One half of them are to be taken from the colleges.
82. It is to be renewed by thirds every two years. The going out of the first and second third is to be determined by lot.
83. The government convokes the Legislative Body, and prorogues its sittings. They cannot, however, be shorter than two months annually.
84. In order to entitle it to deliberate more than one half of the members must be present, not including the orators.
The regulations which follow, merely relate to the forms of appointing the orators, and pronouncing or denouncing laws as unconstitutional.
The salary of the members of the Legislative Body is fixed at 6000 livres of Milan, and that of the orators at 9000.
TITLE XIII.—Of the Tribunals.
This head embraces the appointment of the different Tribunals, civil and military, which are formed after the model of the French republic.
The judges are all appointed for life, and cannot be deprived of their situations but in consequence of improper conduct.
TITLE XIV.—Of the responsibility of the Public Functionaries.
105. The functions of the members of the colleges and of the censors, of the President and Vice-President of the government, of the members of the Consulta of State, of the Legislative council, of the Legislative body, of the chamber of orators and of the tribunals of revision and cassation, are not subject to any responsibility.
107. The ministers are responsible;—1, for the acts of the government signed by them; 2, for neglect in executing the laws and the rules of public administration; 3, for particular orders given by them contrary to the constitution, and to the regulations by which it is supported; 4, for peculation.
The other sections of this head relate to the powers of the tribunal of cassation, for trying the ministers accused, and to the share taken by the colleges and the censors in that transaction.
TITLE XV.—General dispositions.
116. The constitution acknowledges no other civil distinction than that which is derived from the exercise of public functions.
117, 118, 119. Every inhabitant of the Cisalpine territory is free with respect to the particular exercise of his religion. The republic recognizes no privileges for, or impediments to industry and commerce, both externally and internally, but those founded in law.
120. There is throughout the Republic a uniformity of weights, measures, coin, of civil and criminal laws, and the elementary system of instruction.
121. A national institute is charged with collecting discoveries, and bringing to perfection the sciences and the arts.
122. A national exchequer is to regulate and ascertain the accounts of the revenues and expenses of the republic. It is to consist of five members appointed by the colleges. One of whom is to resign in every two years, but is to be re-eligible.
123. The troops who receive pay to obey the orders of the administration. The national guards are subject only to the laws.
124. The public force, by its very nature, must obey. No armed body can deliberate.
125. All the debts and credits of the ancient provinces, now the Cisalpine, are recognized by the Republic.
126. Every purchaser of national property, at a legal sale, cannot be disturbed in the possession of it; but any lawful claimant is to be indemnified by the treasury of the States.
127. The law assigns, on the national property, not sold, a sufficient revenue to all bishops, chapters, seminaries, curates and for church repairs. This revenue cannot be otherwise applied.
128. The Consulta may at the end of
three years propose any alterations in the constitution it seems necessary.
After the constitution was read, Marmont developed the spirit and the advantages of it, and read the first organic law of the constitution relative to the clergy.
The bishops are to be elected by the government and instituted by the holy see. The curates are chosen by the bishops; the limits of the dioceses are not to suffer any innovations; each diocese has its chapter. The bishop may ordain any ecclesiastical delinquent to a retreat of penitence in the seminaries, or in some convent. If the offence be heinous, he interdicts him from his functions. The clergy are relieved from all military service.
After this law was read, the Archbishop of Ravenna expressed the assent of all the Cisalpine clergy and invited all the ministers of worship to inculcate obedience to the constitution.
The First Consul confirmed the wish expressed by the Archbishop.
The lists of all the members of the colleges, government, &c. were then read.
The Members of the government are,
 Bonaparte, President.  Mez, Vice-President.  Guicciardi, Secretary of State.  Spanochi, Grand Judge. 
Members who compose the consulta of State.
  Marescalchi Venardi, Joseph   Sorbelloni Contani   Cepiani Luosi   Paradisi Moccati   Members of the Legislative council.   Aldini Felici, Daniel   Bargnani Lambertenghi, Louis   Villa Calico, Ex-Venetian   Birago D. Bernardi, of L. Agone   Gustavillani Giovin, Louis   Biumi, Joseph Cicognara, Leopold   Tassi, Charles Veneri, of Reggio   Holani, Ex-Senator 
PARIS, January 13.
We have the following particulars from Lyons, under the date of the 27th.
On the 23th, at break of day, Bonaparte-square was crowded with citizens eager to behold the First Consul, surrounded by the original conquerors of Egypt. The troops (among which was the famed 32d) arrived in regular succession, took their ground and formed. At twelve o'clock the First Consul made his appearance; it was observed that he looked happy at seeing himself in the midst of such brave fellows, whom he had so frequently led on to victory. He conversed familiarly with several grenadiers whom he recollected, and to whom he mentioned many traits of individual bravery, which did them honor, and remained indelibly impressed on his memory. After the parade, which was a most brilliant one, Bonaparte delivered muskets, &c. of honor to such soldiers as had been pointed out by their officers as worthy of being distinguished; these men afterwards dined with the First Consul. Bonaparte was highly pleased with the soldier-like appearance of Lyoneze volunteers.
The spokesman of the commission of thirty, chosen by the Cisalpine deputies, made the following speech to the First Consul:—
"The general assembly of the consulta extraordinary having heard with satisfaction, and the greatest applause, the report of its committee, and approving the declaration contained therein relative to the situation of the Cisalpine republic, charges the said commission to lay before the First Consul a copy of the same.
"Given at Lyons, 25th January. (Signed) "MARESHALCHI, President. "STREGELLI, Sec'y."
REPORT OF THE COMMISSION OF THIRTY.
"Citizen Deputies,"
"The Commission of Thirty, after having taken into their most mature consideration, the duty incumbent on them to make a proper choice of persons qualified to be members of the government, now lay before you the result of their reflections concerning the election of the first magistrate.
"After having employed six days in deliberating on the most essential of all objects, after having, in various discussions, taken into consideration whatever could have reference to such a choice, they have drawn the same conclusion from different premises.
"If there be not generally in a state many persons capable of filling the first situation, it must be acknowledged that our position at home renders such characters more rare among us.
"In effect, it may easily be conceived, that in the very short period which has elapsed since the Cisalpine republic has been formed by the union of different nations, such nations have not had time to know each other sufficiently, in order that the most distinguished character should excite equal confidence in the half of all. To choose an individual from among themselves might be attended with great danger, if it be considered that distinguished as we are by
our laws, our usages, and our manners, accustomed to different modes of thinking, it can hardly be supposed that we should find one among us the very man who would make of his private way of judging, & take upon himself the task of removing us from our ancient habits, and of introducing among us that national spirit which is the most solid basis of republics, nor has the history of the preceding revolutions of the Cisalpine republic proved of any advantage to the commission, in its deliberative investigations; for either the individuals who have lived during the revolutions alluded to, were not invested with any public authority, consequently it cannot be presumed that they are sufficiently versed in the ever difficult art—but greatly difficult among us—of ruling; or they have held the reins of government; but agitated by the shock of different opinions, counteracted in a thousand different ways, and influenced by foreign impulse, they could not have established a reputation, which, in less unhappy times would have ensured them public confidence.
"But, supposing that (notwithstanding the great variety of obstacles) a man were sufficiently qualified to bear the great weight, others, or still more considerable obstacles would naturally prevent themselves.
"The Cisalpine Republic cannot yet be completely evacuated by the French troops, several political reasons, and our own general interests (being as we are, without national troops) will not allow it to be so.
"Moreover the Cisalpine Republic, although its existence be secured by the treaties of Tolentino and Luneville, cannot hope to obtain by herself, and the dawn of her formation, that public consideration which is necessary for its consequence both at home and abroad.
"She must support, and through the support she must be acknowledged by several powers who hitherto have had no intercourse with her. She therefore stands in need of a man, who, by the ascendancy of his name and of his power, shall place her in a rank which her dignity claims; it would be in vain to look among ourselves for that name, or for that power.
"In order then to establish the dignity of government against the influence of foreign troops, and to shed splendour over the cradle of the Cisalpine Republic, the commission has conceived it to be essential to the felicity of the Republic that she should be upheld in her first onset by the greatest and the most powerful.
"Such being the forcible reason, the commission has concluded that, if, on one side, the Consulta extraordinary wishes the constitution to be proclaimed, and that the colleges, the Legislators, and the other authorities, be chosen from among those who have appeared most worthy of its esteem, in order to put an end to the provisional government: on the other, it should earnestly desire that General Bonaparte would have the good-nels to honor the Cisalpine Republic so far, as to continue to govern it, as long as it shall appear necessary to him, in order to establish an uniformity of principles, and to cause us to be acknowledged by the powers of Europe."
(A true Copy)
Yesterday the First Consul, attended by the ministers of the home and foreign department, four counsellors of state, twenty prefects, and several general officers, went to the assembly of Cisalpine deputies, and made the following speech to them in the Italian language:—
"The Cisalpine Republic, acknowledged by the treaty of Campo Formio, has already experienced many vicissitudes. The first efforts which were exerted to give her a constitution were not attended with success; invaded since that time by hostile armies, her existence seemed no longer probable, when the French people, for the second time, by force of arms, drove your enemies from your country. Since that period every measure has been resorted to to dismember you, but the protection of France prevailed; you were acknowledged at Luneville. Having acquired an accession of one fifth to your population, you are now more powerful, better constituted, and indulge greater expectations."
"Formed of six different nations, you are about to be united under a constitution better adopted than any other to your manners and your circumstances."
"I called you together at Lyons being the principal citizens of the Cisalpine Republic; you have given me all the necessary information to fulfil the august duty which I have undertaken as full magistrate of the French people, and as the man who chiefly contributed to your existence as a people—to your creation."
"The choice I have made in appointing your first magistrates, has not been directed by a spirit of party or local circumstances; with regard to your president, I have not noticed among you any individual sufficiently qualified, nor who has rendered important services enough to his country to be chosen."
"The report of your commission of thirty which you directed to be laid before me, and in which are scrupulously and truly analyzed all the circumstances appertaining to your native country, has

afford me much. I adopt your wish— ( J'adhère à votre vœu. )
I shall, while these circumstances continue study your interest, and in the midst of my important avocations, shall not lose sight of your welfare. You have only partial laws, they must become general—your countrymen have only local habits, they must have national ones; in fine, you are without troops, while the powers who might become your enemies have formidable armies; but you possess what produces an army—extensive population, fertile fields, and you have the example which on all occasions the first people of Europe have held out to you."
Bonaparte's conduct respecting the Cisalpine Republic, is justly exposed to censure. It is clear that the wishes and the sentiments of the people have not been consulted. Every thing has been transacted at the mandate of the Chief Consul, and in a manner the most indecent. Has not Bonaparte enough to do to govern France? All the nations of Europe must be offended at this flagrant usurpation, and we apprehend that France will again be obliged to dispute the ascendancy she now exercises over Italy. Bonaparte, by making so many great changes, and then the ball at all his treaties, in reality does not give peace, but a sword. He sows the seeds of new wars. If, however, Bonaparte could establish tranquility in France, it would be worthy of him, indeed, to render Italy a free and independent nation.
PARIS, January 16.
The last letter from Germany informs us that the King of Prussia has given orders for his troops, being put upon the footing of a peace establishment. It appears, in consequence, that the difficulties which had arisen between Austria and Prussia with respect to the indemnities, either are at an end, or on the eve of being terminated.
LONDON, January 22.
By the last American papers it appears that congress had not voted an immediate address in answer to the President's speech, but had postponed its consideration for a few days. From several letters written by federal members, we are, however, enabled to collect, that it was received with very general approbation. The speech was indeed of that temperate and conciliatory character, and manifested so strongly an anxious desire to promote the interests of the American republic, that it seemed to preclude all opposition; and it is rather a matter of surprise that it should not have experienced applause, even from those most strongly attached to the party in opposition to the President's measures. But we find that the more violent federalists affect to be dissatisfied with the speech, as discovering principles and recommending measures subversive of the federal constitution of the states. They consider it as a libel on the administration of former presidents, on no other ground which they have thought proper to allege, but that it proposes the abolition of a number of useless officers, and strenuously recommends a rigid system of economy in every branch of the public expenditure. They are much offended at its being delivered in the form of a message, though the President had adopted this mode of communication for the greater convenience of the different members of the legislature. In the speech, gentlemen of the senate were addressed by the title of fellow citizens; and in this they perceive a display of the President's levelling principles, an evidence of his desire to subvert the federal government! From these specimens of the objections made to the speech, our readers will be enabled to form a tolerable idea of the nature of the opposition which it has had to encounter. Many of the friends of the late President anticipated, or at least affected to anticipate, from Mr. Jefferson's elevation to the chair, consequences highly injurious to the interests of America. Experience has proved that their fears were wholly groundless; and the President, by his wise and temperate conduct, has reconciled many of his warmest opponents to his government. No man of an enlightened and sober mind sees any thing in the speech to create the smallest dread of the future conduct of the President; and indeed, a member of congress who was most active in opposing his election, candidly allows, in a letter to a friend, that the system of measures which the speech recommends, is such as no admirer of Washington and no supporter of Adams can, with any propriety, oppose.— Morn. Chron.
LONDON, February 1, 1802.
The last Paris papers announce the discovery of Piazza's new planet, for which all the Astronomers of Europe have been searching for many months past.
The sale of Newspapers at Paris is uncommonly extensive and profitable. The papers in the greatest calculation are:
   per day.     The Moneur , which publishes nearly 20,000   Journal de Paris 16,000   Publiciste 14,000   Journals Des Debats 12,000  
Journals des Défenseurs de la Patrie 17,000 Chef du Cabinet 6,300
Then there are the Journal de Commerce , Le Citoyen , François , Journal du Soir , Gazette de France , &c. &c. each of which publish but few. But there are the Petites Affiches , which is like a Daily Advertiser , and for Advertisements only . It publishes at least 30,000 daily, and all by subscription , which is about 36s. sterl. a year. The net profits of the Moniteur is supposed to be one halfpenny sterling on each paper, which profit owing to the extensive sale, is enormous. Roederer, the counsellor of state, is part proprietor of the Journal de Paris , and an eminent minister is sole proprietor of the Moniteur , and part proprietor of the Journal de Paris .
February 3.
A Dutch mail arrived this morning, and brought us letters from Holland of the 22d, 26th, and 29th ult. The Stadholder has written the following letter to all the members of the former government:
"Having learnt that several members of the government, ministers and other functionaries of the province of _____, who were in office on the 18th of January, 1795, as well as before the revolutions that took place after that period, entertain scruples with respect to the acceptance of places under the present circumstances, and since the introduction of the last constitution, and refuse to take employments which have a relation to the government and administration of the country; I have thought it necessary to inform you by these presents (requesting you to make what use of them you think necessary) that according to my opinion, there are no longer any motives which should restrain you from using your efforts (considering the order of things which has lately been introduced) to procure for your country as much good as it is susceptible of and thereby to prevent its total ruin. You may accept, without any difficulty, when you think proper, employments and sit in the colleges which are connected with the administration of the affairs of the country and take a place in the government, co-operating with the members of the present government."
"I am with esteem, &c. &c. "GUILLAUME P. D'ORANGE." "Orangestein, 25th Dec. 1801."
The Empress Dowager of Russia, having resolved to introduce the Cow-pox inoculation into the Foundling Hospital at Petersburg, Dr. Schultz, lately arrived from Berlin, has offered his services for that purpose.
February 4.
A report was brought over yesterday which was stated to be confidentially believed in France, that Bonaparte was to be chosen Chief Magistrate of the Batavian and Helvetic Republics.
February 4.
The Paris papers which we yesterday received, were most important indeed, and furnish much matter for serious observation.
The deliberations of the Cisalpine Consulate, considered abstractedly, cannot excite much interest; but it is the conclusion of those deliberations, and the effects which are likely to result from it to the whole of Europe, that merit, in a striking degree, our admiration.
On the 25th ult. the Consulate presented the report of their commission to the First Consul, in which, after having examined on the political condition of their republic, they declare, that their country stands "in need of a man, who, by the ascendancy of his name and power, may place it in the rank which becomes its grandeur."
This declaration appears to be modest, rational and proper; but to our utter astonishment, and we are persuaded that it will be a subject of wonder with the remotest posterity, they proceed in the next paragraph to avow publicly, a most extraordinary fact, if true, and degrading if false, "that man," say they, "that power, we should seek for in vain among ourselves."
Thus, after having boldly premised, that the political existence of the Cisalpine republic, is completely secured by the treaties of Tolentino and Luneville, they acknowledge in the same breath, their incompetence to administer the government of their country, without the aid of a foreign chief magistrate, supported by foreign troops.
We do not challenge the political expediency of the measure itself; the only circumstance of ominous tendency implied in it, is the nomination of the First Consul of France, to the government of that country.
He has accepted of this high office, upon the following grounds, which we give in his own words:
"The choice I have made of those who are to fill the first places of magistracy among you, have been made independent of all idea of party, or local spirit. As to that of President, I have not found any body among you, who would have sufficient claim to the public opinion, who would be sufficiently independent of the spirit of locality; and who, in fine, had rendered great services enough to his country to entrust it to him. I shall still preserve, as long as circumstances may require it, the great care of your affairs."
Italy, to be renowned in ancient days, for the wisdom of its legislators, and the valour of its people, and so famed in modern times for its legislators, for such men as Gianoone, Giamma and Becaria, should be now as fallen as not to possess one individual, competent to be at the head of its government!
To be Sold
For half price, a good serviceable Horse and Chair. Enquire of the Printer.
April 5, 1802.
The Imported Horse DRIVER.
WILL stand the ensuing season, at the stable of the Publisher, at sixteen dollars the season, and five dollars to the groom. The season will commence on the first of March, and end on the 10th of August next. This will probably be the last season that Driver will stand here, as he is provisionally engaged the next season to stand in North Carolina. Driver was seven years old on the 28th of April last. He is fifteen hands three inches high, of great beauty, uncommon bone, strength and agility. He is a beautiful blood bay, with a star, small hip, a circle of white round each hind foot, with black mane, tail and legs. Three hundred pounds cash were raised for him at ten months old. Applications made at Mr. Rhodes's, and Mr. Johnson's Tavern.
PEDIGREE.
Driver was got by Lord Edmunt's famous running horse Driver, which now stands so high in England, and won twelve races out of fourteen in one year against the best horses; his dam, bred by Lord Offery, was full sister to Strawberry, by Dorimont, an extraordinary good runner; her grand dam the famous running mare Mude, gotten by old King Herod; her great grand dam by Shepherd's Crab; her great great grand dam Miss Meredith by Cade, full brother to old Lath, by the Godolphin Arabian; her great great great grand dam the Little Bardey Mare, by Bartlett's Ch. Dars, full brother to Flying Childers, and Sire of Squirt, which was the sire of Marfle and grand sire of Eclipse; her great great great grand dam Flying Childers, by Williams's Woodstock Arabian, gr. gr. gr. gr. grand dam Points, by the St. Victor Barb, out of a daughter of Whynot, son of the Fenwick Barb.
Lord Egremont's Driver, foaled in 1783, was gotten by Trentham, out of Coquette, who was gotten by the Compton Barb, out of a Godolphin Arabian Mare, own sister to Regulus, her grand dam Grey Robinson by the Bald Galloway, great grand dam by Snake, out of old Wilkes, who was gotten by Hant boy, out of Miss D'Arcy's Pet Mare, a daughter of a Sedbury Royal Mare.
Dorimont was foaled in 1772, gotten by Otho, his dam by Balaam; grand dam by the Hampshire Court Childers, out of the Duke of Somerset's Bald Charlotte. Dorimont won eleven thousand two hundred and ninety nine guineas, besides cups, stakes, subscriptions, and the jockey club plate.
W. THORNTON.
N. B. The dam of Driver was purchased by my relation Isaac Pickering, esq. of Foxleese, Hampshire, England, who sent her to the Earl of Egremont's, by one of his own grooms. The individual pedigrees were examined in the stud book by Governor Ogle.
Driver was never tried but once, by John Tayloe, esq. at Appomattox, in Virginia, when the bets were in favor of the winner (Varicolour) distancing the field; but Driver lost one heat by only a few feet, and the other heat by only four inches, in three mile heats, distancing the other horse; which, as Driver, like his celebrated sire, is a four mile horse, was thought a great race, especially as he was much out of order in consequence of a bad cough. Col. Hoomes told me he was thought, by those who saw him run, one of the best bo-tough horses in America, or perhaps in the world.
Driver was put into training the last Autumn, but met with an accident which prevented his starting; however, he proved one of the fleetest horses Mr. Duvall ever trained, and of everlasting bottom.
"I hereby certify, that I trained Dr. Thornton's horse Driver six weeks, and that I never trained any horse that improved more than he did for the time. I think he has great speed for four miles; I think him full even for one quarter of a mile; and if I had trained him at four years old, I think he would have made the best horse on the continent."
Signed,
"CHARLES DUvall."
November 12, 1801.
A filly by Driver, belonging to Walter Bowie, esq. is so extraordinary in size, symmetry and activity, that although only a year old, he informed Mr. Duvall he would not sell her for less than one thousand dollars; and he will run her next fall, against any unraced horse, mare or gelding in the United States, of the same age, for one thousand dollars!
W. T.
From a high bred mare only 14 and 12 hands high, one of Driver's colts is 15 and 12 hands high, and not three years old. He is likewise so handsome and active, that 500 dollars cash were offered for him by Mr. Darnall, who having possessed many running horses, may be considered as an excellent judge; but this money was lately refused by Thomas Peter, esq. This sole respt. at 2 years old, over a fence and deep gully in the presence of several witnesses, and the leap was extraordinarily measured by Mr. James White and others, and found to be twenty four feet on the level!
I hereby certify, that my colt, got by Dr. Thornton's high bred imported horse Driver, is larger strong, remarkably handsome and active. He is a rich forel, well marked, and is 14 hands 3 and 12 inches high, although not two years old till the 28th of May, out of a blooded mare, and this is her first foal. I have repeatedly refused five hundred dollars for him.
April 5, 1802.
* Varico has proved a capital runner, having beat many of the best horses in Virginia. General Lingen will supply pasture at 50 cents per week. saw2w&1awtf
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, APRIL 5, 1802.
In presenting to our readers the details attending the establishment of the new Italian Republic, we cannot forbear the remark, that the President, Bonaparte, has displayed not only the actions but the language of a military conqueror; actions and language too appropriate to that character, to be mistaken for any other. There is a splendor in it that may dazzle but cannot deceive.
The interesting details of foreign intelligence, and other important articles, have suspended the insertion of the sketch of the proceedings of the House of Representatives on Friday and Saturday. The amendments of the Senate to the bill for repealing the internal taxes were a good deal. The other business transacted was either of a private or subordinate nature.
The command of the Squadron destined for the Mediterranean has been given to Commodore RICHARD V. MORRIS, in the place of Cpt. TRUITON, who has retired from the service.
Extract of a letter from B. Dandridge, Esq. Consul at Aux Cayes, dated March 3, 1802.
"Upon the first arrival of the French troops at Port Republican, Dessalines had written to general Laplume, who resides here and commands the South Department; that in case the French attempted to land troops here, to defend the place as long as he could; but if overpowered, to burn the town and kill all the white inhabitants, to destroy all the plantations in the neighbourhood, and to retreat to the mountains. It is impossible for me to express the gratitude that is due by me and all the Americans residing in this department, to our benevolent and humane general Laplume; our lives and fortunes were wholly depending on his will. On receiving the savagely cruel mandate from Dessalines before cited, and before he had received any dispatches from the French general, he instantly, prompted there by the native goodness of his heart, decided to resist with all his force the execution of the bloody decrees of Dessalines, and prepared to oppose him, should he bend his course this way from Jacquemel. The officers and soldiers followed the humane example of their chief, whom they loved and respected, and thus we have been saved. A few days since general Darbois arrived here with 700 or 800 men, from Port Republican, and every thing is now perfectly tranquil in the South department. Of these troops only five hundred will remain here, and the rest will embark for Jeremie this evening; and general Darbois will go in a day or two. An embargo has been laid on all American vessels here for a day or two past, by order of the captain general Leclerc."
Malaga, 9th Feb. 1802.
"Sir, I have the honor to include a copy of my last respects 7th ultimo, and of the different accounts and letters that accompanied them. It is a singular satisfaction for me to have it in my power to announce to you, that orders have at last come down from Madrid, for all vessels from the United States, to be immediately admitted to Port on being furnished with a certificate or attestation from the Spanish Consul in the Port they proceed from, that no contagious disorder prevails; it consequently becomes absolutely necessary the captains of merchant vessels coming to Spain, should be provided with that document, otherwise they will be subjected to a rigorous quarantine. This new order must be the result of our minister's fresh remonstrances to the court of Spain, with the certified copy of a Bill of Health, legalised by the Spanish consul in New-York, which I forwarded to him."
"I have no further intelligence from Commodore D. L. The frigate Essex, captain Bainbridge, called in here on the 3d inst. for a supply of spirits, vinegar, and some other articles which I furnished him with, and again proceeded yesterday for Gibraltar to procure provisions out of the store ship, that I had received information had just got in there from Baltimore, and at the same time to watch the motions of the Tripoline cruiser, whose captain I learn had arrived at Tetuan from Fez, with an order from the Emperor to be furnished with the men and provisions he required."
"With sentiments of much respect and regard,
"I am Sir,
"Your most obedient, &c."
"WM. KIRKPATRICK."
"The Secretary of the United States of America, Washington."
BOARDING.
Three or four Gentlemen can be accommodated with separate Rooms near the Capitol.—Apply to the Printer. March 29, 1802. ep3w
[By Authority.]
AN ACT To authorise the President of the United States to convey certain parcels of land therein mentioned.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorised, to grant and convey, in fee simple, by patent or otherwise, unto Cornelius Vermule and Andrew Godma, respectively, certain parcels of lands situate in the county of Essex, in the state of New Jersey, which in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, has been purchased for a military cantonment, and which were sold to them in the year following, by order of the Secretary at war, and the price received.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That such grant and conveyance shall vest in the said Cornelius Vermule and Andrew Godma, respectively, an absolute estate, in fee simple, in the lands respectively purchased by them as aforesaid.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, March 30, 1802. TH. JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
For Sale,
A NEGRO WOMAN about 38 years of age; she is an excellent Cook, and good washer. For terms apply to the Editor. April 5, 1802. epf
Lots for Sale,
Or to Let on Ground-Rent. The Subscriber offers to sell or to lease one hundred Lots, advantageously situated; some in the vicinity of the Capitol, and others near the Navy Yard; for cash, credit, or wet or dry goods.
WILLIAM PRUIT. Washington City, April 5, 1802. sawtf
Public Sale.
By Order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George County, Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder on a credit of nine months at the dwelling house of the subscriber in the City of Washington, on Tuesday the 27th inst. at 11 o'clock A. M.—
ALL the personal property of Lewis Williamson deceased; consisting of different articles. The purchaser to give bond with good security for payment of the purchase money.
CATHARINE WILLIAMSON, Administrator. Washington, April 1, 1802. saw3t
New Invention.
THE IMPROVED SAW MILL, for which the subscriber has obtained a Patent.
THIS improvement saves the sawyer much labour, and the work is also much more expedited. The log being flatted, turned down, and the saw started, the whole operation proceeds without further manual aid; for, the instant the cut is finished, the log moves back, and at the same time is gauged to the utmost exactness by the machine, ready for another cut in two thirds of a minute. The saw resumes its action in the log, and thus moves in alternate succession until the whole be cut up in any given dimensions, at which time the mill flirts up if required, or at any number of cuts for which the sawyer prepares, for his attendance is unnecessary.
Any person or persons inclining to purchase the privilege of erecting this valuable & simple machine, or of adding the improvement, which may readily be affixed to any saw Mill already in use, will please to apply to the subscriber at West Brandywine Bridge, on the Philadelphia and Lancaster turnpike road, Pennsylvania, or to Dr. Thornton, commissioner, City of Washington.
MOSES COATES.
Washington, April 5, 1802. saw2awtf
We the Subscribers, inhabitants of Chester county in Pennsylvania, having been called upon by Moses Coates, to view his new invented plan of sawing, were eye witnesses to the following facts:—
First, that in consequence of hands playing on a rag iron attached to the common rag wheel, the saw is relieved from the log.
Secondly, that by the action of another principle the log is moved the required distance for the next cut, and that the saw is kept in motion after the log is flatted and turned down, until the same is cut into the kind of boards required. The whole of the above is accomplished by his new invented plan exclusive of manual labour.
Francis Gardner, John Flemine, E. C. Isaac Coates, Thomas Vickers, William Baity.
FOR SALE.
A superb Curricle with plated Harness ALSO a pair of young, handsome and fleet PONIES, and a capital saddle horse, who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer. Dec. 18. epf
FOR SALE,
An excellent Blacksmith, together with his wife and three likely children, to wit, two boys, 10 and 8 years of age, and a girl four. The woman has been employed altogether in washing and ironing. An examination of the blacksmith's work will be his best recommendation. To save unnecessary applications the price of the family is 1,400 dollars.
V. PEYTON.
Stafford, March 8, 1802. sawtf

(Continued from first page.) begs the offals of his kitchen, would never know that his ancestors had been free—not that the people had counted for any thing in Rome, or that Rome ever had her Senate, did he not read it on the broken friezes and broken columns of the ruined temples, whose fragments now lie scattered over the Roman forum. Sir, the mournful histories of the republics of Rome and Greece, are not the only beacons which warn us of the dangers of instability and innovation. All Europe was once free. But where now is the diet of Sweden? Where are the states of Holland and Portugal, and the republics of Switzerland and Italy? The people of those countries were once free and happy, but their governments for the want of some protecting check, some inherent principle to defend themselves, have all been subverted—they have all travelled the same road—it is as plain as a turnpike—it is pointed out by the ruins of other republics—every where the same causes have produced the same effects. The government gets into the hands of theorists, and they make inroads on the constitution, perhaps with honest views—but their innovations are pretensions to sanction subsequent innovations of men with bad views, and despotism succeeds to anarchy. This is what we learn from every page of history. Let us profit by these admonitions—let us take experience as our guide. We all have one common interest in this constitution, let us then leave it untouched—if you touch, others will ruin it—what has happened elsewhere will happen here—these gentlemen are not malons in politics and government—they cannot build up again—they are mere tappers and miners, and if they pull down this mild government, those who come after them will build up a despotic one. If you will not reject this measure, postpone it for a year—the people want no change of our constitution, give them but time, and my life on it they will say so—the President will respect public opinion, give time to his expression and the President will subordinate his desire to destroy, to theirs to preserve. Is there no ground upon which gentlemen will meet us and compromise? If the remnant of the army is disliked, we will abolish it—if a further reduction of our little navy is desired, we will reduce it—we will join in abolishing the internal revenues—indeed, indeed, sir, there is no sacrifice we will not make to prevent the sacrifice of this constitution. Gentlemen say, the constitution will live—sir, it may last our time, but it will drag out a miserable existence after receiving this wound—it will be mortal—submit it and you doom it to ruin—like the best and most lovely part of God's creation, violate and you destroy it—as has been observed in the House above by a countryman and honorable friend of mine, that it will be with this constitution as with a confused fluid—if a drop of it escapes, the leak through which it steals, will soon become a breach by which the whole will pass away. This bill is an egg which will produce a brood of mortal consequences. Although the blow aimed at the constitution will not immediately destroy, the injurious effects will be immediately felt—it will soon prostrate public confidence—it will immediately depreciate the value of public property, who will buy your lands? Who will open your Western forests? Who will build upon the hills and cultivate the valleys which here surround us? He must be a speculator indeed, and his purse must overflow, who would buy your western lands and city lots, if there be no independent tribunals where the validity of your titles will be confirmed. Have gentlemen forgot the fates of public lands made in France—the national domain was sold for assignats—after they had been well sold and one instalment paid, the terms of payment were changed and the purchasers were obliged to pay in specie or relinquish the lands. Sir, look at home and we see examples to prove the necessity of an independent judiciary. Have we not seen a state sell its Western lands, and afterwards declare the law under which they were made null and void. Their nullifying law would have been declared void, had they had an independent judiciary. Whenever in any country judges are dependent, property is insecure. An honorable gentleman from Kentucky says, he does not want to seek examples across the Atlantic. Sir, is this wise—are we to shut our eyes to the light of history and turn away from the voice of experience. Sir, the untutored Indian marks on his toma-hawk great events as they pass, and augurs what will happen from knowing what has happened, and shall we travel on without noticing the finger boards erected by historians for our security? The gentleman censures our having noticed France, and read a passage from a speech of the illustrious Washington, where he called the French a great and wise people—What has been the fate of this gallant people? Where is their constitution? We have seen La Fayette in the champ de Mars at the head of 50,000 warriors who with one hand grasping their swords and the other laid on the altar, swore in the presence of Almighty God, they never
would desert their constitution. Through all the departments of France familiar pledges were given. Frenchmen received their constitution as the followers of Mahomet did their Alcoran, and thought it came to them from heaven. They swore on their standards and their fabrics never to abandon it. But, sir, this constitution has vanished; the twords which were to have formed a rampart around it, are now worn by the consular janissaries, and the republican standards are among the trophies which decorate the vaulted roof of the consular palace. Respecting the expediency there was for passing the law which gentlemen now seek to repeal, I shall say nothing, as my hon. friend from Delaware has entered into a most ample detail of it—Indeed, sir, he travelled through so extensive a field of enquiry respecting the unconstitutionality of the repeal as well as of the expediency of having passed the law, that he has greatly narrowed the ground for all who follow him; his range was commensurate with the extent of his mighty mind and with the magnitude of the subject; a subject, sir, let me tell gentlemen that is perhaps as awful a one as any on this side of the grave. This attack upon our constitution will form a great epoch in the history of our government. In the important changes we read of in the systems of other governments we find some public benefit to have been intended; something plausible at least was offered in justification. But here, "when we are in the full tide of experimental success," a revolution commences without any necessity or pretence. It is not to be presumed the executive has been incited to this by the paltry consideration of saving 30,000 dollars. He has proved by his expenditures since the fourth of March that our nation is not in great want of money. The fact is, sir, that so good was the management by the past administration of our fiscal concerns that our treasury overflows with money; to this cause may be ascribed some of the great expenditures made during the recess and which to me appear to have been perfectly useless; but perhaps they were not so. Although the Senate last session appointed a minister to France; immediately upon its rising the executive appointed another honorable gentleman (who now sits near me) envoy to carry over the treaty; although the French had called in their cruisers, and for us it was a time of peace, this gentleman was sent over in a man of war at an enormous expence. If gentlemen will look at the printed report of the Secretary of the Navy for the last year of money necessary to be appropriated, they will read in page 52, that the expences of the ship Maryland are estimated for a year at 57,269 dolls. 77 cents. The Maryland was seven months in carrying our envoy, waiting his orders, and returning to America; and for seven months the expence of this ship would be thirty-three thousand four hundred and seven dollars. Perhaps all this was wise and necessary on the part of the executive. I barely state the fact. Another which I will notice is, that without waiting for the final ratification of the treaty, or for Congress to make appropriations for its fulfilment, the executive had the ship Berceau repaired to be delivered up to the French government at the enormous cost of 30,000 dollars. Besides this, the officers were paid when at Boston, six dollars per day. How does all this agree with assailing the most precious part of our constitution to save a little money. But if I am under any delusion and we are not rich; if we want to save and must save money; let us turn to something else; let us begin with ourselves. The Speaker of this house receives twelve dollars a day; give him six—we receive six; let us be content with three; on our side we cheerfully agree to this reduction. If gentlemen will look at the catalogue of expenses under the head of "Legislature" they will find a number of items which if summed up will amount to 193,470 dollars; let us retrench as I have proposed, and save to the nation one half of this sum; we will in doing so save nearly 100,000 dollars a year. Sir, gentlemen may depend upon it the people of this country are too intelligent to ascribe this measure to the mere desire of saving a little money; they will view it as the vengeance of an irritated majority.—I conjure gentlemen to celebrate their victory by more harmless sports.—Let them triumph over us, but not by immolating the constitution; let them beware that in erecting a triumphal arch for the celebration of their success, they do not dig a grave and decree funeral rites for our constitution. I repeat again that this is not a way to save money. If saving really be the object, let our opponents procure it by more gentle means. To attempt saving a little money by injuring the constitution, would be like taking from the foundation to patch the roof. Like digging up for use the roots of a tree, instead of lopping off the boughs. To the confidence inspired by the independency of our judges are we indebted for much of our national prosperity. Pass this law and the tribunals in America will be like those of France as described by the most bril-
liant scholar and sagacious statesman of this age. On the subject of the French judges, Mr. Burke has said, "In them it will be in vain to look for any appearance of justice towards strangers; towards the obnoxious rich; towards the minority of routed parties; towards all those who in the election have supported unsuccessful candidates. The new tribunals will be governed by the spirit of faction." I feel myself much honored, Mr. Chairman, by the great attention the committee have given to my observations. They have, I fear, exhausted all your stock of patience. I find they have exhausted all my strength; but the magnitude of the subject will, I trust, be an apology for their length. Permit me here to express my sorrow at hearing the declaration of an honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gregg) who yesterday, after joining in the call for the question, rose, and said it was useless to continue the debate, as the minds of the majority were fully made up. It seems then gentlemen are not open to conviction, and that they have determined to violate the sanctuary. Myself and my friends will not, however, be deterred by this menace. We have always been the sincere friends of this constitution, and we will attempt its defence as long as we have the means of making it. We will struggle to the last; if we cannot command success we will endeavour to deserve it. If the friends of the constitution are subdued by numbers, the ministerial phalanx, in building into the temple will, I hope, find them all at their posts; they will be in the portico, the vestibule, and around the altars, grasping, grappling the constitution of their country with the holds of death, and with natumus mutarion their lips.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of cloths, cashmeres, twandowns, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents. His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage. Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings. Dec. 7, 1801. eptf
NOTICE. COMMITTED to the jail of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, as a Runaway, a Negro Woman named CHARLOTTE, about nineteen years of age, five feet four or five inches high. She says she is the property of Lewis St. John, near Battle Town, Frederick county, Virginia. The owner is requested to come and pay Charges and take her away. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Feb. 5, 1802. eptf
Looking Glasses. J. COOK Wishes to inform his friends and the public that he has a large and elegant assortment of Looking Glasses and Prints, FOR SALE, At J. March's Store, High-Street, Georgetown. THE subjects of the Prints are very interesting, and in superbly gilt frames; and the glasses are of the first qualities; in the most modern and elegant frames, and of any sizes. They are marked at the lowest cash Prices. March 15, 1802. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Best superfine cloths, Cassimeres, Swan-down, Toylenets, Velveretts, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N.B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice—Washington City, New-Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. eptf
FOR SALE. I WOULD sell on reasonable terms, three or four hundred acres of Land, in the centre of my estate at Marlborough, on the Virginia side of the river Potomac, about 45 miles below the City of Washington, and 13 distant from Fredericksburg; the whole constituting a very desirable situation for a substantial Farmer, on a moderate scale. This tract extends for length, from Potomac river across the neck of Accokeek creek—it has most beautiful situations on the river for a country seat; it has a fine Rock & Herring Fishery, and a landing that must be very valuable, as it is the only bold water on the Potomac, that can be connected by land carriage with Fredericksburg. The soil is very rich, and it lies very well for cultivation, with a large bank of the richest shell marle—part of it is a most valuable firm marl, from which 100 to 150 tons of good hay might be annually taken, a portion of this is ditched and drained for Timothy. The improvements are an overicer's house, barn and negro quarters. If not before sold by private contract, it will be offered at public vendue on the 20th of May, on the premises, (the seller reserving a bid) deliverable in the fall. Mr. William Hay, the present tenant, will show the premises to persons inclined to purchase. JOHN F. MERCER. Annapolis, Feb. 26, 1802. ep6w.
Farming Lands for Sale. THE Subscriber would sell about 1000 acres of the tract of Land whereon Dr. John D. Orr at present resides, in the county of Prince William, situated a few miles from the seat of the district Court, and within convenient marketable distance of the Occoquan Mills and Dumfries. It is of the first rate quality of soil, is abundantly supplied with wood and water, and has a large proportion of ground which is in a peculiar manner adapted to the growth of Timothy grass. Also the tract of Land adjacent to the above, late the property of Mr. Thomas Swann of Alexandria, together with about 100 acres of wood-land, of the above described tract, making about 1550 acres; the quality and advantages being similar to that. The first-mentioned tract will be conveyed to the purchaser free from every encumbrance, a considerable payment in hand will be expected, and the lowest price per acre twenty dollars. Possession to be given the ensuing Spring, with a reservation of the growing crop of small grain, but the last-mentioned tract will be sold subject to existing Leases for short terms of years, under strict covenants guarding against waste and injury of the property, &c. and subject to the purchase money which will be due for the same to Mr. Swann, with interest, in about 9 years. The payment required in hand is the remainder of the amount, about two thousand pounds; and the price per acre is eighteen dollars. Also the reversionary interest in the Piedmont tract, situated below the mountain called the Short Hill, in Loudoun county, consisting of several thousand acres, chiefly under Leases to the occupants, and forming perhaps the best settlement in Virginia, of the same extent, extremely well watered; improved with the best meadows and orchards, and peculiarly adapted to the use of the Planter of Paris. This Land will be sold in Lots consisting of one or more tenements, as may best suit purchasers, together with one or more Lots of woodland to be laid off on the S.E. side of the Short Hill for the convenience of any of said tenements that may be scarce of wood. There are several good mill seats upon this tract, which is not more than 55 miles from Alexandria and the City of Washington, and no part of it more than 15 miles from Leesburg. The price per acre will be various, according to the quality and advantages of the Land, and circumstances of the Leases, but an extensive credit will be given by instalments, upon receiving what it may be convenient for the purchasers to pay in hands. It is desired that persons willing to purchase this property, will signify their intentions before the wood land is laid off.
Also two or three small Farms with every requisite convenience for immediate operation, in the counties of Jefferson and Frederick, and at various prices. And several valuable building Lots, situated upon the Pennsylvania Avenue, in the City of Washington; some upon square 74, near the Six Buildings, and some upon square 38; besides other very valuable Lots in that City. Application to be made in person, or by Letter, (post paid) directed to Charles Town, Virginia, to FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Shan. Hill, March 5, 1802. ep8w
In Council, Annapolis, Feb. 8, 1802. Ordered, That the act to alter such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to voters, and the qualifications of voters, passed at the last session of the general assembly of this state be published twice in each week, for the space of three months, successively, in the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the federal Gazette, the American and the Telegraphic, at Baltimore; the Museum, at George-Town; the National Intelligencer; the paper at Eastern; Bartges's paper, at Frederick-town, and in the Washington Spy. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clk.
An ACT to alter such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to voters, and qualifications of voters. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland, That every free white male citizen of this state, and no other, above twenty-one years of age, having resided twelve months in the county next preceding the election at which he offers to vote, and every free white male citizen of this state above twenty-one years of age, and having obtained a residence of twelve months next preceding the election in the city of Baltimore or the city of Annapolis, and at which he offers to vote, shall have a right of suffrage, and shall vote by ballot in the election of such county or city, or either of them, for delegates to the general assembly, electors of the senate, and sheriffs.
And be it enacted, That all & every part of the constitution and form of government of this state repugnant thereto, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, shall be and the same are hereby abrogated, annulled and made void. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alteration of the said constitution contained therein shall be considered as a part, and shall constitute and be valid as a part, of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. February 19, 1902. 2av 3m.
NOTICE. THE Creditors of Mr. William Bayly, are requested to meet at Mr. Samuel T. Ayers, George-Town, on Monday the 12th of April next, at 6 o'clock in the afternoon. WALTER MACKALL. March 29, 1802. eptf
For Sale, A NEAT Frame House and Lot, on New-Jersey Avenue, square 690; sixteen by twenty-four, consisting of a shop in front with a large bow window, a parlour and closet back on the second floor two rooms and a closet, and two rooms on the third floor, together with the lot, twenty-one feet three inches front, running back to an alley one hundred and thirteen or fifteen feet, or thereabout.—For terms apply to JOHN MINCHIN, N. Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. March 5, 1802. eptf
FOR SALE. On Monday the 17th day of May next, will be sold at Vendue, at Mr. Semmes's Tavern, George-Town. ALL those tracts or parts of tracts of land called Scotland and Barbadoes, lying on the navigable waters of the Eastern Branch, containing 206 acres more or less, about half this land is in wood, mostly chestnut. Mr. Henry Smith lives on the premises, and will show them. At the same time the store and lot at the corner of High and Bridge-Streets, at present occupied by Mr. James Doyle, and the square where Mr. Bayly now lives, adjoining to Col. Deaking and Mr. Charles Lowndes which will be divided into small lots. On the premises are a small though comfortable frame house, kitchen, stable, and smoke house; the situation of this property must make it a desirable object. The terms are notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia, at 6, 12, and 18 months, with interest. I will sell at private sale, a mill, mill-seat, and 42 and an half acres, of land, lying on Rock Creek, within one mile of Georgetown and the City of Washington; its situation with its other great advantages must render it truly valuable. This property will be sold on very moderate terms, if speedy application is made. And on a credit of 1, 2, and 3 years with interest, all those lands called Bradford's Rest and Batchelor's Torrell, lying in Montgomery county, containing 331 3-4 acres; this land will be divided into lots to suit purchasers, if not sold before the first day of August next, it will then be sold at Public Sale, at the house where Mrs. Lynn formerly lived, on terms which will then be made known—I will also sell a number of lots in eligible situations in the City of Washington. For the terms of any or all the above property, please to direct to the subscriber. WALTER MACKALL. Benedict, March 29, 1802. 2aw3w
For Sale at Rhodes's Tavern. On the 15th day of April will be sold at Public Auction, by Loring and Forrest, at 12 o'clock the following valuable property, unless disposed of by private contract. THREE two story brick houses in separate Lots to accommodate purchasers. Situated in Fourteenth-Street, in squares 253, being on a high and healthy situation, near the Treasury Office, at present much under let at 205 dollars each per annum; to respectable tenants as follows: No. 1, to David Rawn; No. 2, to Wm. James; No. 3, to R. W. Peacock; each house is 23 feet front, and containing a good dry cellar. On the first floor are two parlors, kitchen and servant's room over the same; second floor contains three well finished bed rooms with closets where necessary; back yard paved, with out-houses, and lot inclosed with close boarded fence, 6 feet high, to an alley 26 feet wide. The front of the said houses is paved with brick, Locust trees planted, and post and rail fence, with a pump of excellent water adjoining the same; the whole completely finished in a neat, genteel manner. The titles are good, being from the commissioners. Terms of payment, one half the purchase money down, or such bills as will be approved of at 60 days, and the balance in seven equal quarterly payments with interest. At the same time will be sold two improved ground rents on square 462, being on the south side of the Pennsylvania Avenue, and butting on Tyber Creek near the Market House. One lot containing 44 feet front, let on lease to Mr. Henry Burford, forever for 60 dollars per annum, payable half yearly; whereon is built a double two story brick house, with cellars and other buildings. The other is 47 feet 8 inches front in two leases for ever, to John Gardner, at 72 dollars per annum, payable half yearly. He has built a large two story double brick house, with cellars under the same, occupied by Mr. Thompson for a liquor store. This property is equal to bank stock, or any other property in the United States. For further particulars enquire of Loring and Forrest Auctioneers or WILLIAM LOVELL. March 24, 1802. eptf
PROPOSALS By THOMAS HERTY, For publishing by subscription an Appendix to his Digest of the Laws of the United States. IT will contain all the public acts of the two preceding and present session of Congress, that is, the acts of the first and second sessions of the Sixth, and the first session of the Seventh Congress. It will be printed in the same order of arrangement, and have reference to such parts of the aforesaid work, as shall be repealed, is suffered to expire, or which may otherwise undergo alterations subjected to which, will be given, a correct table of the duties on imports and tonnage, and a neat Index; this, connected with the foregoing, will embrace the whole law in force. CONDITIONS. It will be put to press immediately after the close of the present session of Congress, (provided a sufficient number offer to defray the expense of the work) and be ready for delivery in about two months thereafter. The price to subscribers will be one dollar and fifty cents in boards, to be paid for on delivery. It shall be neatly printed on good paper. Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his Conveyancing Office, near the Treasury Department, City of Washington; and by those in whose hands proposals are left. March 12, 1802. Kant