The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-07-20 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXVIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY JULY, 20th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
No. LIV.
Extract of a Dispatch from Lord Whitworth to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Paris, April 14, 1803.
Since my last the Negotiation is at a standstill in the expectation I suppose, of the answer which may arrive, to the overture which I communicated to your Lordship on the 9th instant, and which is expected here to produce a good effect, notwithstanding the little hope I have given. Tomorrow I shall, in all probability, be in possession of this answer from your Lordship, and be enabled to speak still more positively.
No. LV.
Downing Street, April, 13, 1803.
My Lord,
His majesty has received from his Chargé d'Affaires at Hamburg, the most extraordinary account of the conduct of Monsieur Rheinhard, the French minister at that place, with respect to a most gross and unarrantable libel on his majesty's government. He has been assured that the French Minister, having proposed the insertion of that libel in the official gazette of the town of Hamburg, and the insertion of it having in the first instance been refused, the French Minister went so far as to demand in his official capacity, the insertion of that article by order of the senate. His majesty is unwilling to believe that the French government could have authorized so outrageous an attack upon his majesty and his government, and so daring a violation of the independence of a neutral state. It is in his majesty's pleasure, that you should communicate these circumstances to the French government, and state at the same time the impossibility of bringing the present difficulties to an amicable conclusion, unless some satisfaction shall be given to his majesty for the indignity which has thus been offered to him in the face of all Europe by the French minister at Hamburg.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) HAWKESBURY.
His excellency Lord Whitworth, K. B. &c.
No. LVI.
Downing Street, April 13, 1803.
My Lord,
Your Excellency's dispatches have been received, and laid before the King. His majesty has observed, with great satisfaction, the admission by the French government of the justice of his claim to some compensation in consequence of the increased power and influence of France, since the period of the conclusion of the definitive treaty.
Although, under the circumstances of your conversation with M. Talleyrand, and particularly after the note verbale which he gave to you, it might have been expedient that you should have deferred presenting the project contained in my dispatch No. 7, in the form of a project, it is desirable that you should communicate without delay in some mode or other, the contents of that project, for the purpose of ascertaining distinctly whether the conditions are such as to induce the French government to give way upon the question of Malta. These conditions appear to his majesty to be well calculated to save the honor of the French government on the subject of Malta—if the question of Malta is principally considered by them as a question of honor—and at the same time hold out to them such important advantages, that the success of the proposition is at least worth trying, particularly as the result of it might be productive of the most easy means of adjusting the most material of our present differences.
With respect to the allusion to often advanced and repeated by M. Talleyrand in your last conversations of the non-execution of the treaty of Amiens relative to Malta, I have only to observe again, that the execution of that article is become impracticable from causes which has not been in the power of his majesty to control. That the greatest part of the funds assigned to the support of the order, and indispensably necessary for the independence of the order and defence of the island, have been sequestrated since the conclusion of the definitive treaty, in direct repugnance to the spirit and letter of that treaty; and that two of the principal powers who were invited to accede as guaranties to the arrangement, have refused their accession, except on the conditions that the part of the arrangement which was deemed to material relative to the Maltese inhabitants should be entirely cancelled. The conduct of the French government since the conclusion of the definitive treaty, gives his majesty a right which is now at length admitted by themselves, to demand some compensation for the pain and security for the future. Such compensation could never be considered as obtained by the possession of an island, which would entail a very heavy expense on this country;—and the degree of security which would be provided by these means, would only be such as his majesty, under the present circumstances, is entitled to demand.
I observe in the note verbale of Monsieur Talleyrand, he makes use of the expression, the independence of the order of Malta. If this is meant to apply to the order exclusively, his majesty would be willing, for the preservation of peace, that the civil government of the island should be given to the order of St. John; the Maltese enjoying the privileges which were stipulated in their favor in the treaty of Amiens; and that, conformably to principles which have been adopted on other occasions, the fortifications of the island should be garrisoned for ever by the troops of his majesty.
In the event of either of these propositions being found unattainable, his majesty might be disposed to consent to an arrangement by which the island of Malta would remain in his possession for a limited number of years, and to wave in consequence his demand for a perpetual occupation, provided that the number of years was not less than ten, and that his Sicilian majesty could be induced to cede the sovereignty of the island of Lampedosa for a valuable consideration. If this proposition is admitted, the island of Malta should be given up to the inhabitants at the end of that period, and it should be acknowledged as an independent state. In this case his majesty would be ready to consent to any arrangement for the establishment of the Order of St. John in some other part of Europe.
You will not refuse to listen to any proposition which the French government may be disposed to make to you with a view to an equivalent security for those objects in regard to which his majesty claims the possession or occupation of Malta; but the three propositions to which I have above alluded, appear at the present moment to sum up the only basis for a satisfactory arrangement; and you will decline receiving any proposition which does not appear to you to offer advantages to his majesty as substantial as that which I have last stated.
It is very desirable that you should bring the negotiation to an issue, if possible without referring to his majesty's government for further instructions, after the receipt of this dispatch; and if you should be of opinion, that there is no hope of bringing it to a favourable conclusion, you may inform M. Talleyrand of the necessity you will be under, after a certain time, to leave Paris. I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) HAWKESBURY.
His Excellency Lord Whitworth, K. B. &c. &c.
No. LVII.
Is a letter from Lord Whitworth to Lord Hawkesbury, informing his lordship that the conduct of M. Rheinhard respecting the publication in the Hamburg newspaper, was considered by the French government as highly reprehensible, and that every satisfaction was promised on that point.
No. LVIII.
Paris, April 18, 1803.
My Lord,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your lordship's dispatches of the 13th inst. I saw Joseph Bonaparte immediately on the receipt of your lordship's dispatch; and endeavored to convince him of the importance of preventing the ultimatum under which would inevitably follow the rejection of what he had to propose. I will briefly state, that on finding it perfectly impracticable to establish the principle of our keeping possession of Malta in perpetuity, I delivered to him in writing the second proposal I had to make. He did not fail to observe, that by this modification the difficulty which he considered as insurmountable was not removed; that although the order was restored, it could not be considered as independent, and in fact Malta would belong to that power which had possession of the forts. I enforced the adoption of this plan by every reason which could serve to recommend it; but the possession in perpetuity was constantly urged as a difficulty which nothing could remove. Our conversation lasted near two hours.
I confess that I granted no solid ground of hope that the project, which he assured me he would take to the full consul at St. Cloud, would be adopted. But he said that he was not without hope that he might be authorized to propose to me the occupation of the fortresses for a term of years. It was my wish, that such a proposal should come from him rather than from me.
I told him that I did not well see how such a tenure would suit us, but that I wished too sincerely to avoid the fatal extremities to which I saw the discussion was tending, not to give any reasonable proposal which might be made on their part every assistance in my power. This proposal originated with him, and was therefore received by me, merely as a matter which I would refer to your lordship. If however I can bring the matter to an immediate conclusion and without further reference to your lordship on the principle of our retaining possession of the fortresses of Malta for a term of years, not less than that stipulated out by your lordship, and with the assurance that this government will not oppose the cession of the island of Lampedosa, I shall have great pleasure in announcing to your lordship such a conclusion.
The conversation which I had the same morning with M. de Talleyrand, differed in no wise from what I have above mentioned. He suggested also the possibility of coming to an arrangement on the ground of a temporary occupation, and I made him the same answer.
(Translation of Inclosure referred to in No. 57)
"His majesty will consent, for the sake of preserving peace, that the government of the island of Malta shall be given to the order of St. John; the Maltese enjoying those privileges which have been granted on former occasions. The fortifications of the island shall be occupied in perpetuity by the troops of his majesty."
No. LIX.
Paris, April 20, 1803.
My Lord,
"I had hoped that the first extraordinary messenger I should have had occasion to send, would have been to announce to your lordship, that the differences between the two governments were adjusted on one of the modifications pointed out to me by my last instructions from your lordship. In this expectation I am deceived. I saw Joseph Bonaparte the night before last, before I had sealed up my dispatches of that evening to your lordship, in those dispatches, I added nothing to them. He assured me positively, that I should hear from M. de Talleyrand in the course of yesterday morning, and that a meeting would be appointed in order to settle the term of years for which the first consul might be induced to consent to the cession of Malta."
"I am sorry to say, that no such summons has been received by me, neither has any further notice been taken of the business. So that I feel, that I should betray the confidence your lordship may place in me, were I to delay any longer requesting, that I may be immediately furnished with the terms on which his majesty's ministers would be willing to conclude, in order that I may propose them in the form of an ultimatum; and that at the expiration of the period allowed for deliberation, I may be authorized not only to declare that I am to leave Paris, but actually to do so, unless in the intermediate time, the French government should accede to our demands."
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) WHITWORTH. Right hon. Lord Hawkesbury."
No. LX.
Downing Street, April 23, 1803.
My Lord,
Your excellency's dispatches of the 18th and 20th inst. have been received, and laid before the King. It is necessary for me to do little more on the present occasion than to refer you to my dispatch of the 15th April, in which I stated to you the several propositions on which alone, in the judgment of his majesty, the differences between this country and France could be satisfactorily adjusted.
If, upon the receipt of this dispatch, it shall not have been in your power to bring the negotiation to a conclusion on any of the propositions to which I have above referred, it is his majesty's pleasure that you should communicate, officially, to the French government, that you have gone, in point of concession, to the full extent of your instructions; and that if an arrangement, founded upon one of these propositions, cannot be concluded without further delay, you have received his majesty's commands to return to England.
His majesty can only consent to relinquish the permanent occupation of Malta, by his forces, on the conditions that the temporary possession shall not be less than ten years; that the authority, civil and military, shall during that pe-
riod, remain solely in his majesty; and that, at the expiration of that period, the Island shall be given up to the inhabitants, and not to the Order; and provided likewise, that his Sicilian majesty shall be induced to cede to his majesty the island of Lampedosa. It is indispensable that, as a part of this arrangement, Holland should be evacuated by the French troops within a short period after the conclusion of a convention by which all those provisions are secured. His majesty will consent to acknowledge the new Italian states, upon the condition that stipulations in favor of his Sardinian majesty, and of Switzerland, form a part of this arrangement.
It is his majesty's pleasure that, in the event of the failure of the negotiation, you should delay your departure from Paris no longer than may be indispensably necessary for your personal convenience; and that you should in no case remain there, after the receipt of this dispatch, more than seven days.
I have the honor to be, &c. HAWKESBURY. His excellency Lord Whitworth, K. B. &c. &c.
No. LXI.
Paris, April 23, 1803.
My Lord,
As I heard nothing from M. de Talleyrand I called on him on Thursday, in order to learn the effect of the proposal which I had made, conformably to your Lordship's instructions, on the basis of a perpetual possession of the forts of Malta, on re-establishing the order in the civil government of the island. He told me, that if I had called on him sooner, he should two days ago have communicated to me the First Consul's answer, which was, that no consideration on earth should induce him to consent to a concession in perpetuity of Malta, in any shape whatever; and that the re-establishment of the order was not so much the point to be discussed, as that of suffering Great Britain to acquire a possession in the Mediterranean. I told him that I did not call sooner because I had been given to understand, that he would have himself proposed it to me, for the purpose of communicating the answer of the First Consul; and that it did not in any shape become me to put myself on the footing of a Solicitor in this transaction. After some conversation, and finding (what I most sincerely believe to be the case) that the First Consul's determination was fixed on the point of a possession of Malta in perpetuity; I repeated to him what I had previously suggested to Joseph Bonaparte, the modification which I had to propose, namely, that for the sake of peace, his Majesty would be willing to wave his pretensions to a possession in perpetuity, and would consent to hold Malta for a certain number of years to be agreed upon, on the condition that no opposition should be made on the part of the French government to any negotiation his Majesty might let on foot with his Sicilian Majesty for the acquisition of the island of Lampedosa. We discussed this proposal in a conversation of some length, and I made use of all the arguments which have been furnished me by your Lordship, or which occurred to me in its favour. I begged him particularly to recollect that we were in actual possession of the object, and that therefore every modification tending to limit that possession, was in fact a concession on the part of his Majesty, and a proof of his desire to sacrifice to his love of peace the just claim which he acquired in consequence of the conduct of France, and which had recently been admitted, of a much more considerable compensation and counterpoise. M. de Talleyrand did not seem disposed to dispute any of my positions, and I left him, I confess, fully impressed with the idea that the next day (Friday) I should find him prepared to treat on this ground, and that the only difficult point to be arranged would be the number of years for which Malta should be ceded to his Majesty.
Your Lordship will conceive my surprise, when on seeing him the next day, he told me that although he had not been able to obtain from the First Consul all he wished, still the proposition he had to make would, he trusted, be such as fully to answer the purpose. He then said that the First Consul would, on no terms, hear either of a perpetual or a temporary possession of Malta; and that rather than submit to such an arrangement as that I had last proposed, he would even consent to our keeping the object in dispute for ever; on the ground that in the one there was an appearance of generosity and magnanimity; but in the other, nothing but weakness and the effect of coercion; that therefore
his resolution was taken, and what he had to propose was the possession we required of the island of Lampedosa, or of any other of the small isles of which there were three or four between Malta and the coast of Africa; that such a possession would be sufficient for the object we had in view, which was a station in the Mediterranean as a place of refuge and security for any squadron we might find it convenient to keep in that sea. I suffered him to expatiate a considerable time, and without interruption, on the great advantages we were to derive from such an acquisition, as well as on the confidence which the First Consul reposed in our pacific intention in lending a hand to such an establishment.
In reply Lord Whitworth stated how urgent his orders were to bring the negotiation to an issue, and that this spirit of procrastination would only have the effect to make him communicate, in the form of an ultimatum, the terms he had offered, and from which he could not depart.
"To all I could say (continued his lordship) M. de Talleyrand objected the dignity and honor of the first consul, which could not admit of his consenting to any thing which might carry with it the appearance of yielding to a threat. I told him that it never could be admitted that the first consul had a right to act in such a manner as to excite jealousy and create alarm in every state of Europe, and when asked for explanation or security, say that it was contrary to his honor or his dignity, to afford either. Such arrangements might perhaps be made when applied to some of those governments with which France had been accustomed to treat, or more properly to state to, but never could be used to Great Britain; that his majesty had a right to speak freely his opinions, and possess all the means, whenever he chose to employ them, of opposing a barrier to the ambition of any individual, or of any state, which should be disposed to threaten the security of his dominions, or the tranquility of Europe."
"Our conversation concluded by M. de Talleyrand's assuring me that he would report the substance of it to the first consul in the evening, and that probably he should have occasion to see me on the following day."
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) WHITWORTH."
LXII.
Paris, April 25, 1803.
My Lord,
"The conversation I had on Saturday morning with M. Talleyrand has produced nothing from which I can draw a more favorable conclusion as to the result of the negotiation than when I last addressed your lordship. He told me, that although he had seen the first consul the night before, he had nothing to add to what he had communicated to me on Friday; that the first consul was determined not to give his consent to our retaining Malta, either in perpetuity or for a term, although of the two he would prefer the former tenure as the least repugnant to his feelings; that he was therefore ordered to repeat the proposal he had lately made to me, of acceding to our demand of Lampedosa or any of the neighbouring islands; and that as our object was to obtain a settlement in the Mediterranean we imagined that which we had ourselves pointed out would answer every purpose we might have in view. But, at all events, the first consul neither could nor would relinquish his claim to the full execution of the treaty of Amiens. To this I could only repeat what I had already said to him on the inadequacy of such a proposal, and of the impossibility in which I found myself to transmit it to your lordship. I lamented the course which the negotiation was taking, and that the first consul should have to little regard to the dreadful consequences which must ensue, as to suffer them to be outweighed by a mistaken notion of dignity. And I added, that notwithstanding the acquaintance which he might have met with from others, the plea of its being incompatible with the dignity of the French government to give satisfaction or security, when both might with justice be demanded, could never be admitted by Great Britain."
"M. Talleyrand heard every thing I could say with the utmost patience, notwithstanding he had nothing satisfactory to say, he seemed unwilling to break up the conference. He constantly brought forward the same inadmissible proposals, requesting that I would at least communicate it to your lordship. This I told him I could not refuse to do, since every thing which passed between him and me must of course make the subjects of my report to your lordship. I declared,

however, at the same time that I did not think myself by any means authorized to suspend the execution of any instructions I might receive, tending to bring the negotiation to an issue, in the expectation of any change which such a proposal might produce. All I could do and that I could certainly do, would be to communicate the ultimatum, if his majesty should think proper to furnish me with it, confidentially to M r de Talleyrand, before I presented it officially to him as minister for foreign affairs. He assured me, that he should consider such a conduct as a further proof of my desire to conciliate, and that he could not yet foresee that the difference might be adjusted. I repeated that if his hope was founded on the expectation of his demand it would be deceiving himself to cherish it.
The remainder of the conversation turned on the calamities which would follow the failure of our endeavour to avoid a rupture. He insinuated that Holland, Naples, and other countries connected with Great Britain, would be the first victims of the war. I asked him whether he thought that such a conduct would add to the glory of the British crown, or whether the falling on the innocent and defenceless would not rather tarnish it, and ultimately unite against him, not only the honest men in his own country, but every government in Europe. That it certainly would excite more detestation than terror in England, and at the same time that it would serve to impress upon us all more strongly the necessity of omitting no means of circumventing a power so perniciously exercised. I could not help adding that although no act of hostility had actually taken place, yet the inverteracy with which our commerce, our industry, and our credit had been attacked in every part to which French influence could be extended, did in fact almost amount to the same, since it went to prove, in addition to the general system of the first confidant, that his object was to produce, under the mask of peace, the same line of conduct in which the preceding government had acted.
I in truth entirely to the effect of the ultimatum, which will at least convince him that we are in earnest, and that he has nothing to expect from protraction. I shall not, however, as I said before, make use of this on a party, until I have tried its effect in a more conciliatory manner.
I have the honor to be, Sec.
(Signed)
WHITWORTH.
The right hon. lord H. Wellesley, Sec. P.S. Your lordship's despatches of the 25 th , with their inclosures, were delivered by Shaw this evening, at nine o'clock. I shall see M r de Talleyrand to-morrow morning, and I trust your lordship will not disapprove my following the line of conduct I had proposed, and which I have mentioned to your lordship, of informing him of the nature of my instructions a few hours before I carry them officially into execution.
(To be continued.)
INTERESTING DEBATE.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 11.
The order of the day was moved for a going into Committee to consider further of the supply to be granted to his Majesty.
The House accordingly resolved into the Committee, and M r Sergeant moved that ten thousand men be added to the number now existing.
After the question was put from the Chair,
M r FRANCIS rose to offer a few observations on the motion, and it is with regret we mention that the commencement of his speech was delivered in a tone of voice too low to be distinctly heard in the gallery. The vote which the Committee were now called upon to accede to was one which involved considerations of the most important nature, and before any member could, consistently with his duty, agree to it, some general explanation was due on the part of his Majesty's Ministers. It was of importance to the committee to have some information communicated respecting the situation in which the country was placed, the reasons which rendered so extraordinary preparations necessary, the character of those with whom the application of those preparations would be vested, the views they entertained in calling on the House to make the preparations, and the degree of confidence to which, by their past conduct, they were entitled. He wished sincerely that the Address on a former evening had passed without any observation. The discussion which had taken place had put the House in possession of no new information, and at its close Members appeared as completely ignorant of the circumstances on which the Address was founded, as before the motion was brought forward. While he called for explanation, he disclaimed all opposition, or hostility to his Majesty's Ministers, and indeed he was the more entitled to demand this explanation, as he had hitherto given them his support, and had reposed confi-
dence in their ability. He had therefore at this moment a peculiar right to know whether circumstances existed to justify the continuance of this confidence. He had a right to be informed whether it was to the fault or the misfortune of Ministers that the present situation of the country was to be attributed. When the preliminary peace were first signed, and before the terms on which it had been concluded were known, he had been thankful for the termination of a disastrous war. With this sentiment he felt obliged to Ministers for the peace which they had concluded, viewing it merely as the deliverance from a war without object or end. When the terms of the peace were known they had been strenuously objected to by Gentlemen of whole talents it was impossible to speak without the greatest respect. He did not mean to say that the objections, separately considered, did not possess great weight; but viewing the conditions of the peace, and connecting them with the continuance of war, the sacrifices which had been made did not appear to him greater than the object deserved. With such views, therefore, he was full willing to give Ministers credit for the conclusion of peace. That the executive power had the full right of determining in the first instance, on peace and war, was a doctrine which he by no means wished to controvert. This, however, did not by any means interfere with the right of the House to inquire how far the servants of the Crown had exercised their power in a treacherous manner, or precluded them from presenting an address to his Majesty for their removal, if they should be judged incapable of managing the affairs of the nation under perilous circumstances, connected with the maintenance of peace, or the renewal of war. On these principles, he therefore ventured to ask whether, when peace was concluded, on terms involving considerable sacrifices, when these sacrifices, great as they were considered, as the price of an object of anxious desire, and there was now reason to apprehend a renewal of hostilities, the House had not a fair right to be informed what, after all these sacrifices, was the return which was to be expected; what, for all these sacrifices, was the return which had been obtained? It was not peace, but the prospect of war, or every concession had been made as the price of tranquillity and repose. Were the House now to be told that they should obtain no explanation? Was the country to be brought into the perilous situation in which it was placed, and was no account to be given of the causes by which the situation had been produced? Till the House and the country were informed what the circumstances were which had led to this situation, he could not, consistently with his duty as a representative of the people, justify the present motion. As far as the defence of the country was concerned, there was no need of a re-communication from the Throne to induce the House to do what loyalty, unanimity, and harmony would have suggested. This was an object which, in the view of a threat of invasion from any quarter, the House would ever have in view, but they would more particularly consider it if that threat came from France. At a moment when that which was dearest at stake, there was no room for difference of opinion, because every man in defending the country only considered the means of his own defence. But had not the House and the Country a right to have it made out that the conduct hitherto pursued by his Majesty's Ministers was unwise and impolitic; that improper concessions had not been made, that the country was not unnecessarily again to be plunged in war? Till this explanation was given, he could not consistently with his public duty, continue the same confidence which he had formerly reposed. He did therefore hope that some explanation would be given by Ministers how far they meant to go with the preparations, the necessity of which they had stated. By agreeing to this vote without explanation would in fact say that the same Minister who had by the greatest sacrifices concluded peace, were to be allowed to bring the country into war, without affording the smallest information as to the ground of the renewal of hostilities. He threw out these suggestions, not so much with the view of entering into any detailed discussion, as of engaging Gentlemen of greater abilities to take up the subject. Ministers owed it to their own characters, to the House, and to the country, to show that we were not brought into our present perilous situation by any fault on their part. Perhaps to their conduct the extraordinary preparations now called for were owing, and it was surely not fit that those who had brought the country into a situation where war was the only alternative, should pledge the House to the support of that war, without affording any information respecting the circumstances on which it was founded. This he contended, was the clear law of Parliament, the present was not a moment readily to plunge the country in war. It had already been seen what effect his Majesty's Message had produced on public credit and how much the prospect of a war, no one object of which was explained, would
dishonour the people. At a time like the present, when every exertion might be necessary for the support of our independence, it was of high importance that the people should repossess the most ample confidence in his Majesty's confidential servants. The least distrust of their capacity could tend only to dishonour the people, and to fill them with astonishment and terror. At a moment like this, when we might be called upon to struggle even for our existence as a nation, it was a lamentable consideration that the whole ability of the country was excluded from the Government. At the most perilous crisis in which the country was ever placed, we were deprived of the opinion, the advice, the talents of all those great men whose co-operation was so essential to the salvation of the country. This language might give offence to many Members, but this was not a moment for an independent representative of the people to conceal his sentiments. It was necessary to speak out under the existing circumstances. If he slipped, then all would go down with the unskillful pilot. He wished to present these considerations which he had no offered to the attention of the House without due reflection. He had viewed the subject with the greatest possible seriousness, and he had suggested what his anxiety for the safety and welfare of the country suggested.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, spoke to the following:—I think it my duty, Sir, on the present occasion, to follow the same course which I thought it expedient to pursue when the motion for the Address to his Majesty was under consideration. I then stated that under the present circumstances any explanation was what I conceived the House had no reason to expect; and to this opinion I still adhere. At present I will only with the view of animadverting very shortly on the observations which the honorable gentleman has made with the view of showing the necessity of explanation. I confess that the arguments which the honorable gentleman used in favor of the propriety of explanation, appeared to me, and I believe that they appeared in the same light to the house, totally inconsistent with the with which he professed when he set out, that the address had been carried without any comment at all. I leave it to him to reconcile this opinion with the sentiments which he has on the present occasion expressed. The honorable gentleman professes a desire that nothing which fell from him might be considered as designed to disturb the unanimity which prevailed when this subject was formerly before the house. Now, Sir, I ask, if prudent reasons existed which rendered any explanation inexpedient on a former occasion, whether, acting on the same principle, his majesty's ministers ought now to give that explanation? If in the one case it was politic and expedient that concealment should be observed, it is impossible for any gentleman to show that the same causes did not operate with equal force. The honorable gentleman, Sir, has said, that at a crisis when we may be called upon to contend for our existence as a nation, it is a matter of deep regret that the whole ability of the country are excluded from his majesty's government. I will readily allow, for myself, and I believe I may take upon me to make the same avowal for my colleagues in office, that we feel in their duty it is exerted, the difficult and arduous duties which we are called upon to perform, and are sensible of the responsibility we owe to the country for their due performance. This, Sir, may be a very fair subject of observation to the honorable gentleman; but I may be allowed to ask, on what principle it is that this gentleman, who tells the house distinctly, that a ministry enjoyed his confidence, from which the whole ability of the country is excluded, should now bring forward against them the charge of weakness and incapacity? This is a sort of conduct which I leave the honorable gentleman satisfactorily to explain to the house. I leave it to him to explain the reasons for withdrawing the confidence which he formerly reposed. On this part of the honorable gentleman's speech, I shall not at present further enlarge, but proceed to make a few remarks on some other observations which he adduced. The honorable member laid down the principles which the declaration of peace or war is regulated with accuracy and precision. By the constitution of this country, this declaration is solely made to rest with the chief magistrate. If, however, a peace inconsistent with the national honor and safety is concluded, I admit most unequivocally with the honorable gentleman, that his majesty's confidential servants are deeply responsible for the advice which they have given to their sovereign. The honorable gentleman has applied the general doctrine to the present situation of the country, and he has argued, that if by the misconduct of ministers the country has been brought into its present perilous situation, they are deeply and necessarily responsible for this situation. To this sentiment I am bound explicitly to assert, and I have no difficulty in saying, that if it can be shown that his majesty's ministers have lost sight of the motives which induced them to recommend to his majesty the
conclusion of the treaty of peace, which the honorable gentleman himself, though in qualified terms, has applauded; if it can be proved that any of the principles which they have hitherto declared to be the guides of their conduct, have been departed from, then I will allow to the honorable gentleman that they have been guilty of a very serious violation of their duty to the house and to the country.
But, Sir, I aver that that has not been taken by me or my colleagues in office; that no advice has been given respecting the difficulties now depending betwixt the two governments which did not originate from the most ardent desire of preserving the peace, and which was founded in the true spirit of peace. It is, Sir, with the same views that ministers thought it their duty to recommend to his majesty to send to parliament the message on which the present motion is founded. It was solely with the view of giving the greater probability to the continuance of peace that additional preparations have been recommended. In these preparations ministers looked forward to the most likely means of bringing the points in dispute to an amicable adjustment. The honorable gentleman, however, insists on the right of the House to explain. I do not mean, Sir, at all to dispute the ultimate right of the House to a full and fair explanation on this subject. This right I have already over and over again fully admitted. I do contend, however, that the house have not a constitutional right to demand explanation at a moment when explanation would essentially injure the advantages which government might derive from existing difficulties. It is clear that if ministers were now to yield to this call for explanation, they might lose most important advantages resulting from concealment, and at the same time give no satisfaction. The points on which different members require explanation are various and discordant. One member lays, let us not hazard a war, and therefore let ministers show us that their system is conciliatory. Another party are afraid of too much concession, and nothing will satisfy them but a full explanation, to prove that the national honor has not been compromised. What advantage, then, is to be derived from explanation, amid such contrariety of opinion, while, on the other hand, the inconveniences of explanation under the present circumstances are obvious? It must be clear that when negotiations are pending which have given rise to considerable disputes, if they are brought to an amicable adjustment, this can only be accomplished by concessions on the one side or the other. I ask then, Sir, would it be prudent that the nature of these concessions should, in the present stage of the business, be explained? I believe that a great majority of the house think with me, that such an explanation would be highly inexpedient. From what I now say I beg, however, that no inference may be drawn to countenance the idea that ministers have consented, or will consent, to any improper concessions. My observations refer likely to the prudent considerations which would, in the present circumstances, render any explanation highly impolitic and disadvantageous. As to the motion now before the committee, the honorable gentleman does not object to it. He gives it his cordial acquiescence. He even goes so far as to say, that if the number of men proposed to be voted had been greater, he should have given the motion his support. His only objection is founded on the want of explanation, which, I think, has been satisfactorily shown to be inexpedient at the present moment. I repeat what I have already more than once distinctly stated, that I hold myself deeply responsible for the course which his majesty's confidential servants have thought it proper to adopt, but never shall I deviate from the principles which I have laid down on this subject. I trust it will ultimately be found that in the hands of ministers the security of the country will not be endangered, its rights curtailed, or its honor sullied. I trust that it will be found that no concessions have been made, which they will not be able fully to justify by the combined desire of preserving peace and supporting the honor and the independence of the country. I know, Sir, that to some gentlemen this language may excite disgust. But if the period shall ever come, which God grant it never may, as it would involve the renewal of hostilities; if ever that time came, I hope the conduct of ministers will stand fully justified. Whatever may be the result of this; whether gentlemen shall or shall not be satisfied with such explanation as may be then given, I am ready to bear every objection rather than violate that duty which prescribes to me the impropriety of affording any explanation of matters now in dispute betwixt the two Governments.
Mr. Fox. I cannot help feeling some degree of surprise at the language which my honorable friend who began the discussion, and the right honorable gentleman over the way, have used respecting the conversation which took place on the motion for the Address, on which the present proposition is founded. I myself certainly began that discussion, but
I do not feel that I was guilty of bringing from any one gentleman who spoke, a single sentiment or expression which could produce a feeling of rancour or animosity in France, in this country, or any other part of Europe. My honorable friend is unwilling to negative the present motion, though he is desirous of an explanation of the grounds on which it is proposed, and the right honorable gentleman is surprised that this explanation is demanded, when my honorable friend expresses his readiness to vote for even a much larger number of seamen, if such a number were necessary to the public service. I am, Sir, as ready as any member to vote for the proposed addition of seamen, on the principles that they are necessary for the public service; but I have at present no better ground for my vote than if twenty-five thousand, a hundred thousand, or any number of additional seamen had been proposed. My objection rests on this plain constitutional ground, that as representatives of the people in the proper discharge of our duty, we have a right to have the causes of these increased preparations explained, and not be called upon to vote on the unlimited confidence which we chose to repose for a time in ministers. I have always understood that the prerogative of the crown to conclude a peace was clear and undisputed, and I can have no difficulty in agreeing with the sentiments which my honorable friend entertains on this point. I certainly do agree with him, and those who have counseled his Majesty to conclude any peace, are responsible for the merit of its terms; that peace, and are liable to censure if they appear inconsistent with the national honor and safety. I cannot, however, allow, that after the peace has been concluded and after its terms have been canvassed and approved, that if circumstances occur which render the continuance of peace impossible, Ministers are to be necessarily accused of having, by their conduct, produced these circumstances. With respect to his majesty's right of declaring war, there was as little doubt in theory, but in practice a very important distinction existed. In this declaration might be involved every principle of a free constitution, every thing connected with the property, nay, the very existence of the subject. The sovereign might be ill advised, and experience had fully proved that this is not merely a possible case. The country might be plunged into a war, of which it was impossible to see either the equity or the necessity. It might be continued against the will of the parliament or the people, and the whole, or part of every man's property might be wrested from him, if in practice this prerogative of the crown were carried to all the extent which theory supposed.
But, Sir, such a construction of the prerogative strikes every one in a moment as monstrous, and while in theory we admit the power of the sovereign to declare war, in practice and in substance we possess the privilege by which alone that declaration can be carried into effect. This privilege is founded in the means we possess of giving or withholding the necessary supplies. This, Sir, is an operation to the prevention of war to a considerable degree, though it is only the privilege of the people which we enjoy. This alone must therefore be necessarily parties to every war. How, Sir, is this to be done? Why, Sir, the mode of our becoming parties is simple. His majesty in all cases listens to us on the grounds on which he has thought a declaration of war necessary, and he calls upon us to grant the supplies necessary for the prosecution. We all know that instances are not wanting in which the sovereign has been compelled to relinquish a war, because parliament, convinced of its injustice and ruinous effects, no longer afforded the supplies. I will not here determine how far the American war was put an end to by the voice of parliament; but there is one striking instance in which a war was put an end to by the exercise of this constitutional power, and that was the instance in which the parliament of Charles the II. compelled that prince to relinquish the Dutch war. Now, Sir, how does the case stand at present? And here I will rest my argument. We know that in practice armaments precede any official communication from the throne, or any vote of supply; and trust that, if danger really exists, armaments are now going on with a rapidity correspondent to the emergency on which they are founded. The certain effect of the vote is only to make us direct parties to any war to which these armaments may be applied. What I object to, then, is simply, that I heard no grounds to justify any extraordinary preparation; and, therefore, I must, on constitutional principles, enter my protest against the mode of proceeding which has been adopted. The case of the Russian armament is one in which many persons were desirous to pursue a course similar to that when the conferences of that armament are considered, that the proceedings then adopted will be very likely to encourage imitation. I hope, Sir, I may be allowed to reason hypothetically respecting the independence of parliament in granting supplies

CONSTITUTION OF THE AMERICAN COMPANY OF BOOKSELLERS. 1. This association shall be called the American Company of Booksellers, and shall consist of such persons as originally agreed to the constitution, and of such others as shall be elected by the committee of election herein after mentioned.
11. The officers of this association shall consist of a President, Vice-President, and Secretary, who shall be elected by ballot, annually, on or before the second day of meeting.
111. The President, or in his absence, the Vice-President, or in the absence of both, a Chairman for the time, shall preside in all the meetings of the association.
IV. In all questions where there is an equal division of voices, the presiding officer shall have the casting vote.
V. An electing committee of nine members, of whom one, at least, shall be an inhabitant of Boston, one of New-York, one of Philadelphia, and one of Baltimore, shall be chosen annually, by ballot, at the time of choosing the officers of the association. This committee, or any five of them, shall have the power of electing members. The votes of a majority of a quorum of this committee shall be sufficient to admit a candidate.
VI. The meetings of the association shall be held annually, on the third Monday of June, in New-York.
VII. No additions or alterations shall be made in this constitution, unless at a meeting, where one third of the members of the association are present.
VIII. During the continuance of the Fair, auctions of books and Stationery, shall be held, as often as may be found necessary, under their regulations:—
1. No person shall be admitted to attend but a member of the association. 2. No less than twenty-five octavos, or fifty in duodecimo, or stationery to the amount of twenty-five dollars, shall be put up for sale. 3. All books in quires shall be delivered, gathered and collated. 4. No imperfections shall be claimed, unless within three months after the delivery of the books, except otherwise stipulated by the parties. 5. No books shall be offered for sale at auction without a sample shown at the time of sale.
IX. A committee of five members, to be called the managers of auctions, shall be chosen by ballot, annually, who shall have the power of forming such regulations for the management of auctions as they may judge proper, but not contrary to the provisions of the eighth article.
X. Any member of this association, who shall be proved to be in the habit of selling books by public auction, shall be expelled from the association.
XI. Every member attending the annual meetings shall, before taking his seat, produce to the President or Secretary, a list of all the books which he has published within a year past, with the retail price annexed to each. And it shall be the duty of the Secretary for the time being, to arrange the whole of said lists, proper, and have such number printed as shall be necessary, affixing against each book the price and the name and residence of the publisher.
MATTHEW GAREY President. Philadelphia. Samuel Campbell, Vice-President, New-York. George F. Hawkins, Secretary, New-York.
Authentic Anecdote. —The following anecdote is this moment communicated to us, in a manner so direct, and from a source so respectable, as leaves no room to doubt its strict correctness:—
A French emigrant preferred residing in this country to hazard his liberty on the general amnesty; but he afterwards received a special invitation, accompanied with sufficient assurances from Talleyrand, by the direction of Bonaparte, and returned to France. A letter lately received from him contains a passage, of which the following is believed to be a pretty correct translation:—“The government is not very different from the ancient regime, excepting as to the freedom of speech, as to which, a circumstance will give you some idea. Having been accustomed while in your country to express myself without much reserve on any subject I pleased, I did not give myself the trouble to place any restraint on my lips here; but judge of my surprise on receiving a card from the First Counsellor, in his own hand writing, containing the following caution:—‘Beware how you converse about things that do not concern you; beware how you meddle with the affairs of government; but above all, beware how you quote as a precedent here the Jacobin government of America’”—E. Post.
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by ROBERT M'CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer, tf.
FOR SALE, By public action on Thursday the 28th inst. at 11 o'clock before noon, at Stelle's hotel, on Capitol Hill.
THE commodious two story brick dwelling house (at present occupied by Colonel Burrows) with the out houses and lots number 10 and 11 in square number 925 in the city of Washington, open to and bounded in part on Pennsylvania avenue, and by ninth street east, leading to the Navy Yard. The premises may be viewed any day previous to the sale. The terms one third cash, when a clear and sufficient title will be given; one third in 6 and one third in 12 months with interest on the last two payments, to be secured by bond and mortgage on the premises. THOMAS TINGEY. Washington, July 5, 1805. tldf.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA.
HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Calimerees, Silk Floraines, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Maritines, Swandowns, Tolimines, Velveteens, Paney cords, Coatings, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. H. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1803.
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S
Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations. June 22. 3m.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD, FOR delivering to the Subscriber a negro boy, Edmund, who was a few days ago sent with a letter to a gentleman in the city and has not since returned. RICHARD FRAZER. Washington June 27, 1843. 6tep.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorised, in my name, to adjust and settle the same and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf.
WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington; Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber. There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. Thos. POLLARD Feb. 21st. cp
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 24th of June last, near the Eastern Branch ferry, City of Washington, a Negro man named ABRAHAM, but being an artful fellow, I expect he will change his name, and pass for a free man. He is about 28 years of age, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made; He is rather of a yellow complexion; his wool is very short, and a scar on one side of his head near the top; he speaks very quick, and stammers in his speech. He was formerly the property of Doctor Blake of Calvert county. I have some reason to believe he has made for that place, or otherwise for Baltimore. He had on clothing with him but what he had on, which was Osnaburg trowsers, an old shirt, a grey short coat. Whoever delivers the said fellow to me, shall receive the above reward. LEWIN TALBURT. July 11. 1803. tawtf
Conveyancer's Office.
THOMAS HERTY, Grateful for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND, and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, titles investigated, &c. A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell. B. B. Herty's Abridgement of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 18. 1803. tawtf
The highest price in Cash will be given for a quantity of HOMMONY BEANS and BLACK EYED PEAS. Apply to WM. BRENT. Washington, June 29. cp3w
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
Dollars. 1 prize of 20,000 20,000 1 do 10,000 10,000 2 do 5,000 10,000 5 do 1,000 5,000 10 do 500 5,000 15 do 200 3,000 200 do 100 20,000 200 do 50 10,000 200 do 25 5,000 250 do 20 5,000 4000 do 15 60,000
1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 14,000 do 500 1 do after 16,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 500 2 last drawn tickets, which may have a blank to its number, 4000 7134 Prizes, $10,000 13,856 Clanks—Not two to a prize.
21,000 tickets, at 20 dollars each, 420,000 The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beccan, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles O'Quigley, Patrick Bennet, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Frances Mitchell copit July 13, 1803.
The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale. NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are Banks's Works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Perceval's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Middle's Lucia, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 3 vols. 8vo. Sonawick's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spitzweg's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vol. 8vo. Grandier's Voyage in the Indian Occan 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Bell's Moral Philosophy, 3vo. Payne's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Norman's do. do. Grant's life of France. Delphine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vol. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vol. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimou 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyramids, 4 vols. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Bread Grins, by G. Coleman, Boicawen's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. &c. In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction. May 20, 1803.
NOTICE.
WAS committed to my custody as a runaway on the 5th inst. a negro boy, who calls himself Jonathan and says he belonged to a certain William Tuff, near Battle-town Virginia. He is about 15 years of age, 4 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a full down look and a stammering in his speech. His clothing is an old linen shirt, spotted cloth doublet and White cloth overalls, also an old wool hat much worn. LAURENCE BRENGLE. Sheriff, Frederick County. July 18, 1803. tawtf
TO LET.
COMMITTED to the goal of Prince George's county Maryland, on the second day July, a Black fellow by the name of JACK, about twenty two years of age, five feet six inches high, has a scar on his left cheek near his eye, and some grey hairs on his head; his clothing is an Oznaburg shirt and trowsers—fays he was sold not long since by Joseph Griffiths of Calvert county Maryland, to a person living in one of the southern states, from whom he made his escape. His owner is requested to release him from goal, or he will be sold for his prison fees as the law directs. THOMAS MACGILL, sheriff Prince George county, Maryland. July 18, 1803. tawtf
TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next. A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. xawtf
TO LET.
WAS committed to the goal of Baltimore county, as a runaway, on the 15th inst. a bright mulatto man, who calls himself ELICK; he is about 27 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, is thin and spare made, has a scar on his right wrist, about the size of a copper; has on a brown mixed cloth coat, with green velvet cape; black cambric vest light colored cambric pantaloons fine Holland shirt and a half worn hat. He says he belongs to Mr. John Harris Updegraff, living in Elick county, near Holmes' Hole, in the state of Virginia. If the owner does not release him, he will be sold for his goal fees, according to law. JAMES WILSON, Sheriff. July 4th. taw. tf. P & F
TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next. A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. xawtf
TO BE RENTED, And entered upon in a few weeks, A CONVENIENT HOUSE for the accommodation of a numerous family, at a moderate rent on North G. Street, near the Executive Offices—There are four Rooms with a fire-place in each; besides four Bed Chambers. The Kitchen is in a two-story back building connected with the dwelling house by a piazza stair case—in the kitchen an oven, &c—the cellar is dry—the tenant will have the use of a dry well for the preservation of meat—the garden ground, which is paled in, extends the depth of the lot 83 by 33 1-3—Apply to Ezl. King who lives adjoining the premises. June 20 tawtf
ON Monday the 29th day of August next, at the town of Sharpsburgh in Washington county Maryland, will commence the sale of several thousand acres of valuable land lying in Washington and Frederick Counties, a great part of this land is excellent arable land, abounding with wood and finely watered—it will be laid off in separate lots as for the convenience of purchasers—it will be sold at public sale to the highest bidder, the purchaser to give bond and security to pay one half within one year from the day of sale at the end of one year, the other half with interest at the expiration of two years—This property is sold under a decree of the court of Chancery, and clear titles will be made and conveyancers given on payment of the purchase money and not before—This is a worthy the attention of persons desirous of purchasing fine farms. PHILIP B. K. V. WILLIAM M. MABURY } Trustees. July 18th, 1803. 3w.
Boarding & Day Schools.
PRESIDENT'S SQUARE. J. GARDNER instructs Youth in Arithmetic, Book-Keeping, Writing, and English Grammar. Mrs. GARDNER teaches Needle Work, Tambouring, &c. Young Ladies who desire to do so, can divide their time betwixt the two schools. Boys from the country accommodated with Board and Lodging on reasonable terms. June 1. tmo
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway, on the 8th inst. a negro man, who calls himself EDWARD JACKSON; he is about 30 years of age, 5 feet 11 inches high, stout and well made, has lost the greater part of his left ear, has a scar on his head, and on each hand over his thumbs, has on a white shirt, jacket, blue cloth trowsers, and ozanaburg shirt; he says he is free, and came last from New Orleans. If he is not reclaimed he will be sold for his jail fees according to law. James Wilson, Sheriff. June 20 tawtf
ELISHA RIGGS,
Has just received from Philadelphia A large supply of Seasonable Goods, viz. LIMB SIED and Coloured Muffins. Very fine Wool Muff. & Book do. Lace Shades and Wide Laces. Spangled Tiffany and Pl. Fans. Silk Cotton and thd. Hosiery. Very fine Cambric and long lawn. Cotton Counterspins and Dimities, Striped Silk for Coats. Fancy Waistcoating and Janee, 9 8 and 7 8 Buff and silk Chintzees, London Cloths and Cashmere, Nankeens, Fuliangs and Checks, White and Buff Cord for Uniform, Silver Lace and Blue Plumes, Irish and German Sheetings, Bed Prints and Tickling, Men's light Beaver Hats, Diaper Table Cloths. ALSO, Cheap Irish Linens, And many other articles, being bought at the best market, & will be sold very low for Cash. George Town, June 15, M & F 2w
FOR SALE OR RENT.
I will either SELL OR RENT a very handsome & commodious dwelling house and lot, situated at the corner of Gay and Congress Streets in George town—The lot has a front of 180 feet; and there are on it a good stable, carriage house, smoke-house, and dairy. This property is at present in the occupation of Walter Smith, Esq. to whom application may be made. I will also sell or rent a very comfortable two story dwelling house, together with some other small buildings, on lot No. 2, square 289 in the city of Washington, a few doors east of the bank—application may be made to me by letter at this place, or to Mr. Boud, adjoining the premises. Also for sale a very valuable tract of land about 7 miles from George-town, in Montgomery county, on the river road. This tract contains upwards of 200 acres, the greater part of which is covered with wood and valuable timber; and there is already made near 30 acres of Timothy meadow, and nearly as much more may be made; it is within a mile of the navigation of the Potomac river, which affords an easy conveyance for wood, hay, &c to market. Its contiguity to the seat of government renders it an object worthy the attention of any one disposed to purchase. Also about 320 acres of land on the navigable water of the Potomac, and is distant from Alexandria about 12 miles, from this place 3 miles; the greater part of which is covered with wood and timber; the soil is good, some meadow is already made and a considerable quantity more may be made. Likewise 1000 acres of land in Monongalia county, state Virginia—This land is of very good quality and in the vicinity of Morgan town. Any person desirous of purchasing any of the aforesaid property may be accommodated on moderate terms and indispensible titles will be given, on application to me at this place. JAMES BLAKE. Colchester, May 11. twf.
TO LET.
And be entered upon immediately, three well finished BRICK HOUSES, NEARLY opposite Morn's Tavern, Twelfth Street very near Pennsylvania Avenue, built for the WASHINGTON BUILDING COMPANY. The House will be rented on very reasonable terms. Apply to THOMAS CAVILNER near the President's Square. Dec. 11. twf.
TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next. A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. xawtf
TO LET.
WAS committed to the goal of Baltimore county, as a runaway, on the 15th inst. a bright mulatto man, who calls himself ELICK; he is about 27 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, is thin and spare made, has a scar on his right wrist, about the size of a copper; has on a brown mixed cloth coat, with green velvet cape; black cambric vest light colored cambric pantaloons fine Holland shirt and a half worn hat. He says he belongs to Mr. John Harris Updegraff, living in Elick county, near Holmes' Hole, in the state of Virginia. If the owner does not release him, he will be sold for his goal fees, according to law. JAMES WILSON, Sheriff. July 4th. taw. tf. P & F
Columbian Library. At a meeting of the Shareholders of the Columbian Library on Saturday last, Stephen B. Balch, Joseph Nourie, Thomas Turner, John Craven, Francis Lowndes, Jun. and Adam King, were chosen directors for the ensuing year. Received, that the price of shares to new subscribers be hereafter, at the rate of 15 dollars a share; and that all shares heretofore subscribed for, and on which there are arrearages due prior to the 1st day of January last, be forfeited, unless the said arrearages be paid on or before the first day of August next—and it is hereby declared to be the duty of the Librarian to consider and enter as forfeited, all the aforesaid shares on which the arrearages shall not be paid as aforesaid. Resolved also, that the annual payment be two dollars for the present year. Extract from the minutes. DAVID WILEY, Sec'y.
It may be worthy of notice, that all who have ever held shares in the Library, and have not transferred them, will still be entitled to them, upon paying off the arrearages, as above; that a considerable number of new books have been provided within the last year; that the support and encouragement of the institution may be both honorable and useful; that the Library is kept open for the delivery and return of books every Wednesday and Saturday afternoon, from 3 o'clock till sundown—that every share is entitled to two books at one time, and may keep them out fourteen days—that other persons may have equal access to the books with the Shareholders, on paying, in advance, for one year, four dollars, for one quarter of a year, one and one half dollars; and for one month, half a dollar giving competent security for the return of the books. The books are kept in an apartment of the Columbian Academy. George-Town, April 1. eog tawtf
FOR SALE OR RENT.
THE subscriber offers for sale the following thoroughbred Nags, viz. Lady Bollings-broke and her foals; Lady B. was got by the imported horse Pan-tan-oon. Pan-tan-oon was got by King Herod out of Nutcracker, her dam by Herod out of Primrose, who was got by Dove, out of Stella, who was got by Black and all Black out of Celine, who was got by the Godolphin Arabian. The above mare is in foal by the celebrated horse Diomed; her eldest foal is a Fully got by Diomed, two years old this Spring, full 15 hands high—she is engaged in a Sweepstakes at New-Brunswick of two dollars each, nine subscribers; and is full sister to Lavinia who won the great subscription for 3 year old's at Peterborough in May last. Her second is a filly, very large and promising, full 14 hands high, and is full sister to Col. Tayloe's famous running mare Detention, by Dare-Devil, who won 4 capital Sweepstakes at 3 years old, distanced the field in every instance. The above filly is engaged in the great subscription to be run for at Richmond in October, 1805, of 250 subscribers 200 dols. each. Her third is a stud colt foaled this Spring, is very large and handsome, and was got by the imported horse Whipple's Saltram. The whole of the above stock or any part thereof may be bought of the subscriber, living in Chesterfield county, Virginia, near Petersburg. All of the above colts are perfectly gentle, round and healthy. EZEKIEL DANCE. June 22. 5w.
FOR SALE OR RENT.
I will either SELL OR RENT a very handsome & commodious dwelling house and lot, situated at the corner of Gay and Congress Streets in George town—The lot has a front of 180 feet; and there are on it a good stable, carriage house, smoke-house, and dairy. This property is at present in the occupation of Walter Smith, Esq. to whom application may be made. I will also sell or rent a very comfortable two story dwelling house, together with some other small buildings, on lot No. 2, square 289 in the city of Washington, a few doors east of the bank—application may be made to me by letter at this place, or to Mr. Boud, adjoining the premises. Also for sale a very valuable tract of land about 7 miles from George-town, in Montgomery county, on the river road. This tract contains upwards of 200 acres, the greater part of which is covered with wood and valuable timber; and there is already made near 30 acres of Timothy meadow, and nearly as much more may be made; it is within a mile of the navigation of the Potomac river, which affords an easy conveyance for wood, hay, &c to market. Its contiguity to the seat of government renders it an object worthy the attention of any one disposed to purchase. Also about 320 acres of land on the navigable water of the Potomac, and is distant from Alexandria about 12 miles, from this place 3 miles; the greater part of which is covered with wood and timber; the soil is good, some meadow is already made and a considerable quantity more may be made. Likewise 1000 acres of land in Monongalia county, state Virginia—This land is of very good quality and in the vicinity of Morgan town. Any person desirous of purchasing any of the aforesaid property may be accommodated on moderate terms and indispensible titles will be given, on application to me at this place. JAMES BLAKE. Colchester, May 11. twf.
TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next. A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. xawtf
TO LET.
WAS committed to the goal of Baltimore county, as a runaway, on the 15th inst. a bright mulatto man, who calls himself ELICK; he is about 27 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, is thin and spare made, has a scar on his right wrist, about the size of a copper; has on a brown mixed cloth coat, with green velvet cape; black cambric vest light colored cambric pantaloons fine Holland shirt and a half worn hat. He says he belongs to Mr. John Harris Updegraff, living in Elick county, near Holmes' Hole, in the state of Virginia. If the owner does not release him, he will be sold for his goal fees, according to law. JAMES WILSON, Sheriff. July 4th. taw. tf. P & F
TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next. A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. xawtf
TO LET.
THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next. A Store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. xawtf
TO LET.</