The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-08-16 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. NO. DCCLVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 16, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
ENGLISH HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 11. IMPEACHMENT OF LORD MELVILLE.
MR. WHITEHEAD ROSE, and observed that it must have given great satisfaction to the House, that the noble Lord who was the subject of the accusation that had been brought forward by him, and against whom the House had passed resolutions of censure, had taken this opportunity of being heard on the charges against him. It would afford himself complete pleasure if it were compatible with the forms of the House, that the noble Lord could be present to answer such arguments as it was his intention to urge on the subject. The noble Lord, after having stated in the strongest terms his innocence, had expressed his expectation that posterity would do him justice. But it was impossible for the House to take on this occasion, the assertions of the noble Lord which were contrary to his own testimony on oath, and to the declarations of others also under a similar sanction. If the noble Lord was willing even to go on his trial, he had stated, that there was no competent tribunal in the country to try him. It was impossible for him to be tried on an impeachment before his Peers, because some of them had already prejudged his case, and no impartial jury could be found in the country because their minds had been contaminated against him. So that, according to the statement of the noble Lord, there was not a single individual in the whole country competent to try him. Towards the close of his speech, the noble Lord had said, that the former proceedings adopted by vote of the House, were inconsistent with the motion he proposed to make that night; but he denied the assertion. He called on the learned gentleman opposite, (the Attorney General) to watch all that should fall from him on this subject, and to correct him if he should be wrong, and he repeated, that not one of their former proceedings was inconsistent with the motion which he should have the honor of submitting to the House that night. The noble Lord had alluded to something that had fallen from the present Treasurer of the Navy on a former occasion. The right hon. gentleman had very unnecessarily put a question to him, when he first gave notice of his motion of this night, whether in bringing the motion forward he acted as the organ of the committee? The right hon. gentleman knew full well that he was not the organ of the committee; and he had not himself let fall a single expression that could lead any gentleman to suppose that he was. If there were to be any organ of the committee it must unquestionably have been the chairman. But though the question was put without necessity, it might not have been put without design. It might have been put for the purpose of intimating that the motion had been brought forward against the sense of the committee. The committee, however, had not come to any decision or resolution on the subject; and as a member of that committee, he looked upon himself as justified in submitting to the House of Commons a motion, such as he had given notice of, founded on the report of the committee to that House of Commons, which had with so much honor to themselves voted the resolutions of the 8th and 10th April. The first proceeding that ensued was a motion for a committee to enquire into the matter of the tenth report, after which a civil process had been proposed. The committee was agreed to, but under such restrictions as rendered their inquiry of little avail, as was afterwards proved, and he had then predicted. When the motion was made for instituting a civil suit against the parties, an amendment had been proposed in order to substitute a criminal prosecution; but the civil suit had been preferred. Did the civil suit preclude a criminal prosecution? And what would be the consequence if such a doctrine were to be admitted? The crown might thereby at any time defeat the ends of justice, and shelter a public delinquent from an impeachment, by directing a civil suit to be commenced against him. But were there never in fact two suits, one civil and the other criminal, carried on against the same individual? Whenever the offence was so atrocious as to call for exemplary chastisement, a civil action took place for the recovery of the money, and a criminal prosecution for the punishment of the offender. Notwithstanding all that had been said by the noble Lord, he could not consider, nor could the House, nor would the country consider, that the bare recovery of the money would be a sufficient satisfaction or punishment in the present case. If it were not consistent, however, to commence a criminal prosecution whilst a civil suit was depending, what was the House to do? Why to cut the knot they could not tittle; to abandon the civil suit which had been commenced, and to institute the criminal prosecution, which alone leads to an adequate punishment of his delinquency. There was, however, another course that might be adopted, to suspend the civil suit till the criminal
prosecution should be brought to a termination. But, said the noble Lord, will you place me, by adopting the motion to be submitted to you, in a situation in which no man was ever placed?—Will you subject me to the judgment of several jurisdictions at the same time, so that the evidence taken in one court might be produced in another, to influence its decision? What was the situation of Mr. Hastings? When the impeachment was brought against him, a civil suit was also pending against him in the court of chancery, at the suit of an individual. What did my Lord Loughborough do on this occasion? He directed the suit to be suspended till the impeachment should be decided. This was exactly what he proposed, and he was inclined to think, that the honorable and learned gentleman opposite, (the Attorney General) had not made such progress in the suit yet, and that no evidence had yet been produced in that cause, which would be detrimental to the noble Lord if produced on the impeachment. With regard to the latter part of the noble Lord's speech, in which he had appealed to the feelings of the House, he was as much alive as any hon. gentleman to the force of it. He was not insensible to the feelings of the noble Lord's family or relatives, at the degraded state in which the noble Lord had represented himself as placed. He felt unfeigned sorrow and regret on the occasion, but was it consistent with his public duty, to shrink from the prosecution of measures which he deemed essential to the public welfare in obedience to such feelings? The situation of the noble Lord was the same as that of all great public delinquents. As to the defence which the noble Lord thought proper to make, so far was he from thinking it a justification, that, in his opinion, it furnished additional documents, aggravating even those parts of his case on which the House of Commons had already voted condemnation. The noble Lord had said, that he was already punished. How? The resolutions were voted against him, and on the same night a motion made for an address for his removal from office, which was not agreed to. The noble Lord then resigned, the right hon. gentleman opposite suffering him to withdraw himself from the vote of the House. When notice had been given of a motion for an address for his removal from his Majesty's councils, the right hon. gentleman again withdrew him from the vengeance of the House. So that it was not in consequence of a vote of that House, but of the advice of the right hon. gentleman, though he had before stated his intention not to give such advice to his Majesty, that the noble Lord had been struck out of the list of Privy Counsellors. The additional circumstances that had now come out with respect to the tenth report, rendered it impossible for the House not to adopt the impeachment or some criminal prosecution. It might be said that the committee had no power to investigate the question of participation, and he admitted that no such power was delegated to them, and that they had no intention of going into it. But the matter came before them incidentally, so as to warrant him in charging upon Lord Melville, that he did participate, and it would have been a dereliction of duty in them on such a case not to have gone into it. To reduce the question to the analogy with private life.—Suppose a gentleman employed a solicitor to settle the books of his agent, and not suspecting the integrity of the agent, told the Solicitor he need not inquire very closely in the accounts, as he was convinced of the man's honesty. If the Solicitor should discover traces of corruption in the accounts, would he not be bound to report them to his employer? So the committee when incidentally made acquainted with these circumstances, felt themselves bound to report them to the House, and when they are laid before the House, what course was to be taken but by impeachment? They were yet but on the brink and verge of the discoveries that would be made. They might judge of what was to come, by what had been already found out; as a giant's stature might be judged of by the paring of his nails.—He called on the House, therefore, to vote for the impeachment of the noble Lord, on three distinct grounds: 1st. On the ground of his connivance at a breach, and of a high breach of duty. 2d. On the ground of his participation with Mr. Trotter; and further, on his having obtained, under fraudulent pretences, a release for certain sums of money due of the late Mr. Adam Jellicoe. As to the first, the House of Commons has declared, that the noble Lord has been guilty of an evasion of the law, which the noble Lord denied, admitting, however, the breach of duty, though not a gross one. But he contended that the noble Lord has committed a breach both of the law and of his duty. He should not take up the time of the House by noticing the observations of the noble Lord on the resolutions, but should come directly to the charge. It appeared first, that
Mr. Trotter had an unlimited power of drawing the money voted for navy services to any amount from the Bank. He drew at one time a million, and might draw, as he perhaps had sometimes done, all that was in the Bank. This was one of the grand charges against Lord Melville, that by conniving at this practice he suffered the money to be carried beyond his controul, for when once lodged in the bank of Messrs. Coutts, it might be applied by them as they pleased. What was added to this by the report of the Select Committee? That the power which Lord Melville had given to Mr. Trotter had been delegated by this latter, on his going to Scotland to Mr. Wilton, to whom he left blank drafts; so that neither having a controul over the other, the practice might be continued through all the clerks in the office, and the dangers to the public treasury multiplied. The deputy's deputy he was afraid, was too common in office. He had formerly stated, that he thought it highly improper, under the present circumstances, in the Right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) to continue Mr. Wilton in the same situation which he held. But having seen that gentleman before the Select Committee, he thought it but justice to him to say that his demeanor was correct and proper, and that according to what he had heard, he behaved very well in the business of his office: but then he refused to answer questions which might lead to a discovery of malversations, and on that account he repeated, that it was improper in the Right honorable gentleman to continue him in the same office, when such conduct ought to be marked by some punishment on the part of the public.
The noble Lord had said, that till this day he had not had an opportunity of being heard on the charges against him. Had he not been examined upon oath before the Commissioners of naval enquiry? If he wished to be heard before the House, he should have written to the Speaker to that effect when the tenth report had been laid on the table: He wrote to the Commissioners to be re-examined, but they declined, having made their report to all the branches of the Legislature. Did he then write to the Speaker to be heard? No. But his letter to the Commissioners was laid on the table as containing a full justification. No charge of participation had been made before this occasion, & the defence of the noble Lord had strengthened the impression on his mind. The noble Lord had stated that the bill for regulating the machinery of the office was less perfect than the army pay office bill. But if it had not been adequate to its purpose, who was to blame? If he neglected to bring in a bill for the amendment of his bill when he found it defective, had not the public cause to accuse the noble Lord of inattention to his duty? With regard to Mr. Trotter, thro' whose agency the whole business had been conducted, had the noble Lord represented him as a person not to be credited? It had been stated by the noble Lord, that the money had been drawn in small sums from the bank, and yet in the absence of Mr. Trotter in Scotland, 40,000l. had been drawn by Mr. Wilton, and the person by whose desire that sum had been drawn, stated the drafts to have been for small sums. The noble Lord had made an extraordinary assertion relative to the participation of Mr. Trotter, which he accounted for from his being a Scotchman, namely, that as it was customary in Scotland for persons lodging money in the bank to be allowed some share of the interest arising upon it, he derived the same advantage from the money he lodged at Coutts. No such practice obtained in this country, and the noble Lord and Mr. Trotter had lived long enough in England to know some allowance was made on extraordinary transactions, leaving large balances in a banker's hands, but none at all in small sums. The noble Lord had said that he never saw Mr. Trotter's accounts with Messrs. Coutts till he saw the report, and if Mr. Trotter had deceived Lord Melville in this instance, whatever may have been the merit of his suggestions which led to the bills for the better protection of the property and claims of seamen, all of which were good, he ought not to have been continued in his situation. The noble Lord had said, that if Mr. Trotter had been asked in this or that manner, he would have answered fully. But the fact was, that Mr. Trotter had been asked in a variety of ways, whether Lord Melville had participated, to which he would give no answer. As to the excuse of the mixed account, was any man so credulous as to believe that the pro-
portions might not have been immediately ascertained, of the different funds constituting it by simple subtraction. If Mr. Trotter's books and Messrs. Coutts' books had been lost, yet Messrs. Coutts remembering the aggregate sum due to Mr. Trotter to have been 500,000l. though they might not recollect the items that made up that aggregate, Mr. Trotter, by inquiring of the different sub-accounts, their respective balances might have been ascertained, how much of that aggregate was public, and how much was private. The whole of Mr. Trotter's funds must have been public money, or derived from the misapplication of public money. He had been recommended to Lord Melville, and appointed to a place with a salary of 500l. a year, and it was impossible with such means he could have had money to lend to such amount, if not derived from the use of the public money. The noble Lord had said that the money had been drawn from the bank only for navy services: if that were the case, it might have been safer to keep it in a private bank than in the hands of the accountants. But then why not amend the bill? The noble Lord had revived an argument which he was surprised to hear, because it had been abandoned by every one else, that neither loss had accrued to the public, nor delay occurred in any payment, and he was therefore, ashamed to take up the time of the House by considering such an argument. The act when brought on by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) had been represented as calculated to remedy all the defects in the office, and the person who was to succeed to the office as the most fit for it. Before he should examine whether any particular loss had been sustained by the public, or whether the noble Lord had participated with Mr. Trotter, he wished to advert to one circumstance; the increase of salary to Lord Melville of 2000l. per ann. being in consideration of lodging the navy service money in the Bank of England, and giving up the use of it, was for 16 years lost to the public, as the money had not been left in the bank.—There was another circumstance also, which he wished to advert to before he came to consider the question of participation. The noble Lord had said that there were only two persons, himself and Mr. Trotter, who were acquainted with the transactions. Was the noble Lord ignorant that Trotter had refused to answer before the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry? That he had been several times examined before the Committee, and refused to answer whether Mr. Tierney had participated; and then after three days consideration he had returned with a written statement admitting that he had only advanced from 10 to 20,000l. to Lord Melville, and that Mr. Tierney, as every body knew, had derived no profit from the use of the public money. He had afterwards repeated the same information before the Select Committee, which the noble Lord had contradicted; as he had proceeded by degrees in his evidence, there was no reason to think that when properly roused he would give more. From what had appeared before the select committee there were additional grounds to suspect the noble Lord of participation.—Was not his confidence in Mr. Tierney's refusal of Mr. Trotter to answer, a clear presumption of participation? And was that presumption lessened by the habitual mode of expression of the noble Lord? He was more than ever inclined to suspect that the noble Lord had participated. It was a presumption too, that as Mr. Trotter could have none but public money, and Lord Melville borrowed from him, he had participated. When his lordship had declared that he had not knowingly participated, he was not aware that a balance of 5000l. had remained in his hands from his ex-treasurership, which had not been paid till within these few weeks. Another strong presumption was, that his lordship had never mentioned the practice in the office to the commissioners of accounts in 1786, nor the committee of finances in 1796. Another strong presumption arose from the destruction of books of accounts, which did not belong to the parties only, but were also the property of the public, and would have been preserved if not destroyed for the purpose of defeating enquiry.
His lordship had stated in his letter to the commissioners, that he had been in the occasional habit of destroying useless papers; and yet, what appeared to be an inconsistency on the face of it, he informed them, that he had no documents for making out the account they desired. Amongst the aggravations that had been brought to light in the select committee, it had appeared, that larger advances than were before known had been made to his lordship without interest; and yet his lordship had unblushingly told them, that he would never reveal the application of some of these advances. Before the select committee, Mr. Trotter had confessed that the books had been destroyed, in conformity to a release executed between him and Lord Melville. The noble Lord had said much of this release, but his suspicion had been strengthened by it. It was not till he had been two
years out of office, that the thought struck Mr. Trotter that such a release was necessary. In the interval between the appointment of the commission of naval enquiry, and the signing of the release on the 19th February, a precept had been issued by the commissioners of enquiry on the 17th of January, for an account of the balances in the navy office. The noble Lord had denied having given any instructions for preparing such a deed, but Mr. Spottwood had been agent for both parties, and knew what course the nature of their transactions required. In the common sense view of it, he agreed that the clause for the destruction of papers was nonsensical, yet after the release was executed, the sympathetic conflagration took place here and in Scotland. The noble Lord stated the clause to be in the common form, but he appealed to the hon. and learned gentleman opposite, and to every man acquainted with it, whether it was so. They had examined Mr. Spottwood, and Robinson his partner, and they knew nothing of such clauses. Mr. Innes, a Scots gentleman, who was also examined, stated, that a clause for giving up vouchers was usual in Scotland, but never for their destruction. Was not that overstrained anxiety to conceal the transaction a presumption of guilt? These were the circumstances that had appeared before the select committee to strengthen the presumption of his participation. There was another new circumstance also which had come out before that committee, and afforded a strong presumption of his lordship's guilt. He was the more disposed to state this circumstance, as it came out in evidence before the committee, inasmuch as it exonerated the right honorable gentleman opposite (the chancellor of the exchequer) from any knowledge of private emolument having been derived from the use of public money. But it was therefore the greater aggravation of the guilt of Lord Melville, who had been that right hon. gentleman's brother minister, who had been the confidential friend of that right hon. gentleman, to whom the administration of the finances of the country was intrusted, and who nevertheless had concealed from him this criminal practice, which that right hon. gentleman had right hon. gentleman had declared he would have put a stop to if he knew of it. The noble Lord had not told that right hon. gentleman as he had done the commissioners, that the money was drawn and lodged in a private banker's hands for safety, that he believed the drafts were not increased beyond what the service required. He could not but think, however, that that right hon. gentleman had been deficient in duty, in not having enquired further into the business. He had too much confidence in the noble Lord, and had been betrayed by his friend. What had Lord Harrowby said when asked whether he knew of any abuses in the office? That he had not enquired because the office had been regulated by acts of Parliament brought in by his immediate predecessor, and having been a member of the committee in 1797, he had no reason to suppose any abuses existed. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) had said before the committee, that he did not think Lord Melville adverted to the act, or thought the practice illegal. The noble Lord had adverted to the infirmity of Mr. Trotter's memory, and that was one reason why the documents ought to have been preserved. The right hon. gentleman himself, who was one of the brightest stars amongst those whose talents and oratory rendered them eminent in the world, he whose prodigious powers of recollection could command transactions and events of distant periods, and bring them to bear on the question immediately under discussion, even he, in time of need, could not draw upon his memory for occurrences that had taken place within a few years back. He could not recollect having made any written memorandum of the conversation. These circumstances, and particularly this new circumstance, aggravated the guilt; and if on a trial the noble Lord were to challenge every jurymen, and select his own twelve men, it would be impossible for them not to convict him. The evidence was circumstantial, but there were no circumstances that might not be overturned by a fact. He did not call for conviction on circumstances; but that the noble Lord should be put upon his trial, when his lordship would have an opportunity of disproving those facts, which he would pledge himself to substantiate. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to comment on that part of his lordship's defence which related to the sums Mr. Trotter was at different times in advance to him, and contended that their assertions were contradictory, and that that was another reason for sending them to trial. He then adverted to the sums drawn through Mr. Tweedy, and contended that no account was given there or when the sums were received, or where or when they were paid. It was perfectly unexplained by Lord Melville to what public purpose he had applied the public money that had been from time to time advanced to him. He had not been in any high situation in his majesty's government in 1786,

when Mr. Douglas was postmaster, that would afford him the pretext for asserting that he had applied the money to confidential services; yet he will not reveal, he does not offer to state it even to a secret committee. If he would state it even to a jury of honor, composed of his right hon. friend (Mr. Pitt), the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Windham,) who had formerly been in office, and any other honorable man, and they should acquaint the house that they were satisfied with his explanation, he too would be satisfied. If the noble lord had any friend in the house, if he had any relation; if he had those feelings which belong to persons in high situations, he would apply to the house to do away all that had been done, if it would interfere with further proceedings, and to put him on his trial. What did the noble lord? He says I am innocent; but do not try me, and he adds, that posterity will do him justice. The hon. member having thus gone thro' two parts of his charge in such a manner as he trusted would induce every man of honor, and every man of feeling, in justice to lord Melville, and to the house, to put him on his trial. He came next to consider the third part, relative to the acquittances obtained under false pretences for 24,000l. due of Mr. Adam Jellicoe. Having dwelt for some time on this topic, the hon. gentleman continued contending that lord Melville had not been punished. He felt it to be his duty to call on the house of commons not to convict but to put him on his trial, that if guilty he might be punished; or if innocent he might be acquitted. It had been said, that this was not a time for engaging in the trial of delinquents, when the exertions of all classes were called for in the defence of the state. But the fault was with the public delinquents where guilt rendered such trials necessary. He should not propose the articles of impeachment in the first instance, but a simple resolution, which being agreed to, he should propose the articles. It had been said that the trial by impeachment was tedious, but this was not always so. In the case of lord MacClesfield only 21 days had elapsed between the motion for impeachment and the pronouncing of sentence. As to the expense in a subject of this serious nature, that ought not to be considered, heavily burdened as the country was at present. If it were not too poor to be robbed, it ought not to be deemed too poor to render itself justice. In such a cause the money would be well spent. It would convince the world, either on the one hand, that men of the greatest consequence in this country were not out of the reach of the law, or on the other, that we were anxious to give each man every opportunity of justifying their conduct, and proving their innocence of the charges adduced against them. Mr. Whitehead concluded with observing, that he thought it his duty to move, and the duty of the house to concur in the motion, "That Henry Lord Viscount Melville be impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors."
West Indies.
BERNARD McMATHON SEEDSMAN, No. 129. CHESUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA, Has just imported from London by the ship Columbia , A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Garden Seeds,
PARTICULARLY of such kinds as are frequently in demand in the West Indies, and as other hot climates; and also of such sorts as are necessary for summer and fall sowing in the United States. They are all fresh, of the last season's growth, and will be disposed of on moderate terms.
TURNIP SEED.
He has likewise imported from one of the most eminent Turnip farmers in England, a quantity of the genuine White Norfolk field Turnip seed, which is the most profitable kind yet known for cattle feeding, and exceed- ed by none for ordinary purposes.
FLOWER ROOTS.
His flower roots being now taken up, his friends and the public may be supplied with upwards of three hundred varieties of the most superb Tulips, all named, and arranged in their proper divisions, a large collection of the best double Hyacinths, Anemones, Ranuncu- luses and Jonquils; likewise Crown Imperial, crocus spring and autumnal, Cycamen roots, with several other kinds.
BOOKS.
He is constantly supplied with the best and most approved works on Agriculture, Botany and Gardening, and in a few weeks will have ready for publication his treatises on AMERI- CAN GARDENING, adapted particularly to the climate, seasons, and vegetable productions, that are, or may be profitably cultivated in the United States.
He is also supplied with the best English flour of mustard and split peas; white and brown mustard seed for mangoes, &c. water- ing pots, base mats, pruning, grafting, and in- oculating knives; garden rakes, hoes, reaps, lines, spades, shovels, trowels and edging irons, hot bed lights and glases, Lysacinth glass, red, white, and yellow clover seed, burnt, muerne, rye grass, timothy, herd grass and orchard grass loas, cutts, vetches, peas, beans and every other necessary article in the seed trade.
Mr. McMATHON invites, may be solicited a cor- respondence and reciprocity of services with the admirers of curious and useful vegetable productions, in the United States and else- where; and having it considerably in his power, being generally supplied with an im- mense number of scarce, curious, and valuable seeds, he hopes they will find in him an at- tentive and useful correspondent.
July 15.
RAGS.
The highest price, in Cash or Books will be given for any quantity of clean Linen and Cotton Rags, by Rapine Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill.
June 24
Foreign Intelligence.
LIVERPOOL, June 26.
The Gazette of Saturday night con- tains dispatches from General Lord Lake, which reach to the 11th January. They confirm the accounts previously re- ceived of the reduction of Fort Deig, and of the repulse of a most gallant at- tack made by the army under his com- mand on the town of Bhurtpore, which his lordship entertained no doubt would shortly fall into his hands. Advices have also been received from the camp of his Excellency the commander in chief under the date of the 13th January, by which it appears that a body of 700 of Je- wunt Rao Holkar's horse had quitted the service of that chieftain, and come into camp that morning. The Sirdars of this body of horse had visited his excellency the commander in chief upon their arrival at head quarters.
DUBLIN, June 13.
Captain Dwyer in the mountains, who has been so long in Kilmalincham gaol, has refused to go to Botany Bay. He requires to be sent to America, he and three of his myrmidons, with their families, and the expense of such a voy- age to be defrayed for them—a request with which government will not comply. He is therefore to be tried, and his three followers. Four others of his gang have consented to go to Botany Bay.
LONDON, June 15.
A letter from Holland says, that one of the first acts of Schimmelpennick, after he attained his present situation, was to sign a treaty with Bonaparte, by which the Batavian republic consented to exchange the cape of Good Hope for the Island of Bourbon, now called l'Isle de Reunion. It is added, that Bonapar- te had engaged, if possible, to restore Ceylon to the Dutch. If the destina- tion of the Toulon fleet really be to the East-Indies, probably Ceylon will be the first object of attack.
Private letters from Vienna state, that the Emperor of the French has deman- ded of the court of Vienna, permission to occupy Austrian Dalmatia with French troops. It is much doubted whether that court will consent to this proposal.
JUNE 17.
Information of importance has reach- ed Government this morning by the Gottenburgh mail. The ultimate des- tination of the combined fleets is ascer- tained to be at the East-Indies, and that Bonaparte has an extended plan for a very important diversion in that quar- ter.
The army of Brest, under the orders of marshal Angereau, has, in an ad- dress to his majesty, renewed his as- surance of devoted attachment to him. It concludes thus—"May we, sire, in ex- ecuting the plans conceived by your ge- nius, prove to the English that your en- emy towards the disturbers of the world equals our attachment to the he- ro who wishes only for its peace and happiness!"
Letters from Vienna positively state that the court of Russia has notified to that of Austria its determination to take no part in the present war; and that it consequently had refused the accept- ance of any subsidy from England, of- fering, however, at the same time, its mediation for the re-establishment of peace. This intelligence excited the most agreeable sensation at Vienna.
The Cork mercantile Chronicle, of Wednesday, May 29, contains the fol- lowing observations:
"Our provincial intelligence, which is drawn from numerous and authentic sources, is flattering, and in every in- stance indicative of the prevailing tem- per and disposition of the country. The spirit of the nation warmly inclines to- wards that internal cordiality and pub- lic unanimity in sentiment and object, which leaves the understanding leisure to perceive the public interest, and calls up honest perseverance to pursue it, un- distracted by the antipathies of preju- dice, or the animosities of party. That such a temper should be unfavorable to the views of individuals, who are im- portant only as the nation is unfortunate, and who live and fatten upon the ran- cor of party, is but too obvious: and therefore we ought not to feel surprized if we read of mighty combinations and conspiracies that never existed; of meetings, swearings and associations that never had place, but in the fabri- cations of malignant and disappointed speculators. We know of misrepresen- tations to such effect which have been sent to London; and we are disposed to credit information, that fabrications, intended to malign the character of the inhabitants of this kingdom, have been prepared, which in due time may find their way into the chaste and generous pages of— But neither the libels of that print, nor the falsities of its Dublin correspondents will succeed in dishonoring this country in the minds of our English brethren, nor of reviving that disgust and desperation among us, which is the certain offspring of domes- tic mistrust, vexation, and repulsive al- ienation; and which must be followed by our immediate disgrace, and our fu- ture destruction."
Government yesterday morning re- ceived dispatches from Lisbon, which are said to represent the Portuguese ca- binet in a very embarrassed situation respecting certain demands that have been made on the part of France, the
object of which is the exclusion of all English ships and merchandise from the ports of that country.
By extracts from the Moniteur given in the Dutch papers which we have re- ceived to the 5th inst. the expedition under General Craig is represented as having been compelled, in consequence of the united remonstrances of the French and Spanish ministers to the Portuguese government, to quit the Tagus within 48 hours. The Prince Regent is stated to have ordered the bat- teries to be prepared in case the peremptory order he issued should be re- fused.
The fact is, that every possible in- dulgence was extended by the Portu- guese government to the English force which took refuge in the Tagus, and that the prince Regent was reluctan- tly compelled to announce to the com- mander of the expedition, the hard ne- cessity under which he was obliged to act.
JUNE 18.
Yesterday in part of our impression, we announced the arrival of dispatches from St. Petersburg relative to the in- tercourse of negotiation between that court and France. These dispatches are said to be of importance, but the par- ticulars have not been suffered to trans- pire.
By the same dispatches intelligence was received that the Toulon fleet was certainly destined for the East Indies. Bonaparte promising himself important advantages from a great diversion in that quarter. The information contained from the intercepted dispatches, it is said urged him to the adoption of this plan. Should this intelligence prove correct, it will be some time yet before we receive any certain accounts of the operations of this force.
JUNE 21.
A report is circulated that Mr. Pitt means to dissolve Parliament, and the reason assigned is, that he finds he cannot carry any measure in opposition to the Addington party. We believe there is no foundation for this report, but the with of some individuals that a real misunderstanding should be pub- lished between Lord Sydney and Mr. Pitt, because, while they can act together, others have but little chance of coming into power. The compliments paid to Mr. Pitt by Mr. Fox, in the debate of last night, are considered by some as a kind of proof that a new coalition is aim- ed at. All this, however, is mere un- founded rumour.
PROPOSALS FOR PEACE.
We were yesterday informed, and we believe on good authority, that a no- tification has been given to our govern- ment of a disposition being entertained by the Emperor of the French to enter into a negotiation for the restoration of peace, "on any terms consistent with his own honor and the welfare of the French people."
This notification was made through the medium of those Courts by which an intercourse has been carried on for some time past between the belligerent powers, and combining this intelligence with the line adopted within these few days by the French Official Journal, it appears very probable that this above statement has truth for its foundation.
Letters were on Thursday received from our squadron off Ferrol, dated the 11th instant, at which time there were ten sail of the line, under Sir R. Calder, blockading the enemy's ships in that harbour, consisting of twelve sail of the line which for some time past have shewn a strong intention of putting to sea. Five sail had been dispatched to look out for the Rochefort squadron regaining that port, but were quickly obliged to return, in consequence of the wind changing t. forable for the enemy to come out of Ferrol.
In the case of DAVID ASTIN an insolvent debtor.
Six months from and after the first day of August next is limited and appointed for the creditors of the said David Astin to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, three times be- fore the first day of October next.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, esq. WM. BRENT, Ck.
Aug. 14—31 The Subscriber being appointed trustee in the above case, requests the creditors of David Astin above named, to bring in and exhibit their claims agreeably to the above order. ISAAC JOHNSON.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadel- phia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cashmeres, patent Bennet's cord, toilettes, fancy and white Mar- seilles, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marseilles, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and Astin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. M. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—18
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, August 16.
We learn that a part of the collec- tion of the curiosities collected by cap- tain Lewis on the Missouri, has reached Baltimore. Among these are a living animal, called the wild dog of the Prairie, and one magpie. Four mag- pies were sent, but one of them des- troyed the other three.
Mr. Bowdoin, our minister to the court of Madrid, had arrived at St. Andero previous to the 28th of June.
A letter has been received from Ca- diz, dated June 28, which is altogether silent as to the rumoured condemnation of one of our gun-boats. The Adriana, which brings this report, having arrived at New-York after a passage of 40 days, renders the report very doubtful. This letter is from our Consul at Cadiz, and as it does not even mention the cap- ture, it is probable that her immediate restitution made that circumstance, in his opinion, the less important to be stated.
WILLIAM DAVY, of Philadelphia, has been appointed to superintend ge- nerally the trading houses of the United States with the Indian nations within our limits. By this appointment, it is probable, that much good will be ac- complished. By the act of Congress of 1796 the fund appropriated for this pur- pose, amounting to 150,000 dollars, was placed under the direction of the Presi- dent of the United States, who was au- thorised to establish trading houses and appoint agents to conduct them. In vir- tue of this authority six trading houses were established. The agents sold the goods with which they were furnished by the United States for money or ar- ticles, chiefly peltries, given in ex- change by the Indians. The supply of the goods sent to these trading establish- ments, and the sale of the peltries re- ceived from them, from the complex nature and extent of the business, be- came an object of no small difficulty. This department of the business being entirely devolved on the President, without any legal designation of agents to act under him, had, probably with a view to economy, as the President could not himself buy the goods or sell the peltries, been divided among subor- dinate officers of the government, such as the secretary of war, the purveyor of public supplies, &c. who, in their turn, employed subordinate agents. It is ob- vious that a business, thus conducted, would be exposed to great inconveni- ence. The obtaining the assortment of goods necessary for the Indian market required correct and peculiar know- ledge, which none but a merchant could be expected to possess, and very differ- ent from that ordinarily possessed by civil officers. The extensive nature, likewise, of the business required sys- tem which could not be looked for, while the general management was so divid- ed. The consequence had, in some measure, been occasional loss to the United States, arising either from bad bargains or a want of rigid responsibility of the agents. The quality of the goods purchased was not always the best, nor was their transmission so promptly and advantageously effected as was desira- ble. From these and other considera- tions, it became manifest, that the ex- isting arrangements required such a mod- ification as should, by placing the gene- ral superintendence of the several a- gencies under the control of one officer, directly responsible to the executive, insure a more complete discharge of duties on the part of the subordinate a- gents. The necessity of this measure was strengthened by the acquisition of Louisiana, and by the contemplated es- tablishment of trading houses therein, which would proportionably augment the general duties of superintendence. Accordingly at the last session of Con- gress, the House of Representatives, on appropriating an additional hundred thousand dollars for this object, provid- ed in the same bill for the appointment of a general superintendent. But the senate, owing, it is probable, to the hur- ry of business, instead of passing the detailed bill from the House, attached to another bill a clause merely making the appropriation, and placing it under the same direction, as the appropria- tions previously made. In virtue of this general authority, three new trad- ing houses have been opened in Louis- iana, and Mr. Davy has been appointed, with a salary of 2,000 dollars, a sum much below that which would other- wise be expended in the numerous a- gencies required. Though the acts of Congress do not impose it as a duty on the executive to appoint such an agent, yet, by confiding to him the entire di- rection of the fund, it clearly authorises him to appoint such agents as he may see fit. Such an authority has always been heretofore exercised; without it the directions of the laws on this sub- ject could not be complied with. We may expect, in future, the accounts to be more correctly kept, and the whole duties of furnishing goods and selling peltries being placed under his immediate direction, the great benefits accruing from system and responsibility will be gained.
We observe in the Philadelphia Re- gister a string of animadversions on the conduct of Mr. Davy, in the dis- charge of his official duties, which a- bound with misrepresentations. Indeed the President is charged, through him, with the design of injuring the Ameri- can manufactures of which peltry is the basis, by importing it to Europe, instead of selling it at home. But all the facts
on which the allegation is made are un- founded. The secretary of war, under whom Mr. Davy acts, has expressly in- structed him always, in the first in- stance, to sell in the home market the peltries for which an adequate price is offered. This has been done; and only the surplus stock, not exceeding 7,000 dollars in value, has been exported, which, after sufficient notice, our manu- facturers declined purchasing, because, it is most likely, it was not of the kind they wanted.
Another charge is laid to the door of Mr. Davy, which we believe to be e- qually unmerited, the charge of deriv- ing an enormous profit, in the shape of commission, from the exportation of peltries. This is swelled to the high amount of 50,000 dollars a year. The fact, however is that Mr. Davy is un- der an obligation to cause the whole bus- iness to be transacted as low as it can possibly be done, and as the transaction will be entirely for cash, there is not the smallest doubt of the business being conducted with rigid economy. Some profit there may and ought to be to the importer and exporter; but means have been taken to keep them within moderate limits.
The Legislative Council of New-Or- leans have passed an act for instituting an UNIVERSITY within that terri- tory, which commences with a preamble containing the following just and re- publican sentiments:
"Whereas the independence, hap- piness and grandeur of every republic depend, under the influence of Divine Providence, upon the wisdom, virtue, tal- ents & energy of its citizens and rulers."
"And whereas science, literature and the liberal arts contribute in an eminent degree, to improve those quali- ties and acquirements."
"And whereas learning hath ever been found the ablest advocate of genu- ine liberty, the best supporter of ration- al religion, and the source of the only solid and imperishable glory which na- tions can acquire."
"And forasmuch as literature and philosophy furnish the most useful and pleasing occupations; improving and varying the enjoyments of prosperity; affording relief under the pressure of mis- fortune, and hope and consolation in the hour of death."
"And considering that in a com- monwealth, whose humblest citizen may be elected to the highest public office, the knowledge which is requisite for a magistrate should be widely diffused."
The University is to be superintended by the governor, the judges of the su- perior court, the judge of the court of the United States for the district of Or- leans, the Mayor and Recorder of the City of New-Orleans, the president of the Legislative Council, and seventeen citizens.
The regents of the University are directed, as speedily as may be, to es- tablish a college within the limits of the city of New-Orleans, with a president and four professors; one professor for the Latin and Greek languages, logic and ancient history; one for the English, French and Spanish languages, rhetoric and modern history; one for mathema- tics and natural philosophy; and one for moral philosophy and the law of na- ture and nations.
The regents are further directed, as speedily as may be, to establish within each county of the territory, one or more academies for the instruction of youth in the French and English lan- guages, reading, writing, grammar, arithmetic and geography.
The regents are also directed to es- tablish such number of academies in the territory, as they may judge fit, for the instruction of the youth of the female sex in the English and French languages, and in such branches of polite literature, and such liberal arts and accomplishments as may be suitable to the age and sex of the pupils.
After the establishment of the above college and academies, the regents are instructed to establish a public library in each county.
For the establishment and support of these institutions the annual sum of fifty thousand dollars is appropriated, to be raised by lottery.
Such are the plans which have occu- pied the deliberations of the first legisla- tive council of Orleans; such the fruits promised by their union with the United States and their enjoyment of a free government. Had the people remained under the dominion of Spain, centuries might have passed before a plan had been dreamt of, and had even the plan been formed, the execution would have been marred by bigotry and civil tyranny. We know not to whom the chief merit of this plan is to be attributed; but from a knowledge of the correct and ze- alous sentiments of the governor on the subject of education, we are led to as- cribe it to him. Whoever it may be, who has had this leading agency, is emi- nently entitled to the thanks of Orleans, nay to those of all America.
WE have troubled ourselves but little for a considerable time past, in refuting the humble calumnies of the opponents of the present administration. For this we have had several reasons. Among these were, a reluctance to stain our columns with a language unworthy of a gentleman, and reproachful to the na- tional character; and a belief that such

Calumnies were harmless, that they in truth only reflected disgrace on their authors. We have long beheld with pleasure the pure state of public opinion, and have seen it with pride elevating itself above the base alloy with which it has been unceasingly attempted to depreciate it. We have beheld the Patriot Magistrate and Legislator rising higher and higher in the esteem of his fellow-citizens from the ungrateful revilings of those who enjoyed a rich participation of the unprecedented prosperity of the country. So long as every returning election, that admirable organ of public opinion, brought with it increased harvests of honor, and so long as every class of the citizens continued to advance in prosperity with greater rapidity than at any former period, we have entertained no fears of the just decision of our countrymen. To harbour the apprehension that the low libels of a Parke or a Coleman would obscure the merits of lives devoted to the public good, in the estimation of an intelligent community, would be to pay but a poor compliment to the virtue of a people, which is and forever must be the foundation of genuine republics. We have believed, and the whole succession of political events confirms the belief, that the only antidote, which such a people requires to the copious streams of poison that pour in upon them, is a full exposure of the measures of the government, and of their tendencies. Sometimes, indeed, it will happen in the complicated machinery of events, even under a republic, that some transactions, especially with foreign nations, will remain for a time without that full disclosure and development, which are generally requisite for forming a just decision on their merits. But, in general, in such cases, a people, who have for a considerable length of time reposed a confidence without its having been abused, which has, on the contrary, in every instance ultimately evinced on the part of rulers, integrity of motive and intelligence in the choice of means, will not fail, under such circumstances, to rest satisfied in the final issue of events. They will hold their judgment in suspense; and will, when informed, decide dispassionately. During this period of suspense, which generally lasts as long as most important pending negotiations, prints, under the dominion of malignant feelings, will teem with misrepresentation as well of facts as motives. They will roundly assert successive falsehoods, sensible that in most cases they will not be contradicted. For the friends of the government, being as much in the dark as its opponents, whatever may be their disposition, they do not possess the means of refutation. Thus will the superficial observer enjoy, as he imagines, many a temporary triumph over his adversaries. But he will in fact pronounce in this way the severest sarcasm on his own virtue or wisdom. On such topics we have not had the temerity to appear learned. We have therefore waited with respectful silence for that information which time only could disclose.
On other topics, however, not of less intrinsic importance, it has been our pride to occupy our columns. Believing, in the best exercise of our judgment, the general measures of the administration the offspring of an enlightened policy and pure patriotism, we have not hesitated to support their prominent features with reason and fact, against the indiscriminate censure cast upon them. So far as this censure has been mixed with personal scurrility we have thought it beneath our notice.
We have likewise considered it one of the great and appropriate duties of a public print to suggest plans of improvement, geological as well as political. Indeed, properly understood, the one is but a branch of the other. Well convinced that in proportion to the improvement of the country, to the quantum of its produce, will be its solid strength, the means of its prosperity in peace, and its sinews in war, we have thought no task more important and pleasing than that of awakening the national attention to this great object, thus aiming at unlocking and advantageously engaging vast resources less profitably employed.
We shall continue to steer by the same compass. Cordially despising calumny in any shape, we shall rigidly abstain from being the first to use it, and we shall rarely think it worth while to repel it; and with regard to petty editorial quarrels, we have either too much pride or too much humility, perhaps both, to have any thing to do with them.
As, however, it is expected that a newspaper should be the chronicle of the times, it may not be improper to record, occasionally, the libelous publications against the administration: often without any, and generally with but little animadversion; trusting, in most instances, to their carrying their best refutation with them.
Of such a character is the following malignant extract from Jackson's Political Register, replete with the grossest misrepresentations and dishonorable insinuations.
FROM THE POLITICAL REGISTER. AS we are not acquainted with the precise import of the correspondence, which is said to have lately passed between the Secretary of State and Mr. Yrujo, it would be improper to draw any direct inference of its result. But if the last intelligence from Spain be correct, and both public and private accounts concur in stating that Mr. Munroe's negotiation had failed in every point, that he had asked for his passports, and was leaving Madrid, there can be little doubt that we are on the eve of reaping an abundant harvest of calamity from that land of promise, Louisiana .
That the fruit of this POLITICAL UPAS would be domestic dissention and foreign hostility, has been long predicted by the wisest and best patriots of America—but that the apple of discord, armed with the thorn of aggression, was so soon to ripen, had not been foreseen, and can only be accounted for from one conclusion.
Confound the measures of a weak and indecisive cabinet, with the temper of a powerful and determined people, & mistaking protracted negotiation for the fears of the nation, the Court of Madrid has been hurried to a conclusion, which she may repent at leisure, in bitter and unavailing regret.
Destructive as war is, it is not the worst evil that might befall our country; and although we sincerely deprecate its occurrence, and still hope that mutual concessions to justice may, on the present occasion, avoid an appeal to arms. Yet, if the die is cast, and a decision by the sword is inevitable, we know our strength, and we ought to confide in our courage, and the goodness of our cause.
If the "entanglements," of this blessed purchase must bring war, there could not certainly be a moment less auspicious to the hopes of Spain, than that, which she has chosen for the rupture; when her contest with Great Britain nullifies her marine superiority, the only advantage she possesses, and for which she is, in no inconsiderable degree, indebted to the time-serving policy of our present administration.
Had the line of battle ships, for which legislative provision was made, been procured, Mr. Yrujo would never have uttered the idle threat of blocking our ports—nor would his government have even contemplated such a measure.
Let Spain, however, remember that her colonies, the most important portion of her empire, will be within the grasp of our power, whenever she shall, by direct hostility, authorise reprisals. But let us also hope that accommodation is still possible, and that the horrors of war may yet be averted.
Correct answers to the following queries, would show to whom much of the approaching crisis may be ascribed:— Who was the foreign Minister that, in the years '96 and '97, dared to infult the American nation, and injure the interests of his own, by an audacious appeal from our government to the people?
What would have been the conduct of the Spanish government, if Mr. Munroe, on the failure of his late negotiation, had made an appeal to the people?
Under whose authority, and at whose instance, was this foreign Minister who, had he justly incurred the dignified resentment of a former administration, and been refused all personal intercourse with the chief magistrate, not only restored to his functions, but studiously courted and caressed?
Against which administration ("for he would not call it government") did this minister afterwards issue his anathemas in the news-papers, and bring charges of exciting insurrection in the territory of the King his master?
To whom is the impending war imputable? To that administration which had vindicated the rights of the American people and their government, by resenting the outrages, and rejecting the intercourse, of this minister? Or to the time-serving cabinet, which, sacrificing all sense of national dignity and personal decorum to political spleen, could not only fraternise with such an agent, but invite his return to office?
The work has however come home to its author—the engine has recoiled—and the gentleman, to whom it owes its renewed power, will be well off, if by compelling a second abdication, it only "picks his pocket" and does not "break his leg."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in St. Mary's county to his friend in this city, dated July 25, 1805.
On the 12th of this instant there was a negro woman delivered near this of a dead child. Its head, neck and ears resembled those of the squirrel, with a piece of loose skin on its forehead, that by pulling it asunder the teeth appeared resembling those of a squirrel; its body appeared like that of the flying squirrel, with membranes reaching from the fore to the hind legs, the body was covered with hair. Its tail resembled the tail of our common wild rabbits. This singular and disgusting production was viewed by a number of respectable persons of both sexes.
To the Editors of the Political Observatory.
GENTLEMEN, I NOTICE in your paper some strictures on my ninth letter, under the signature of Franklin, extracted from the National Intelligencer. Your candor will furnish me with a column in your pages for the purpose of proving that all my statements are correct and true, and of course that those of Franklin are incorrect and untrue.
It has been said that the southern planter who possesses fifty slaves has thirty-one times the political weight of the New-England farmer. This Franklin denies. Here is the proof.
The southern states are allowed a representative for 55,000 slaves. Of course 1,100 planters, each possessing 50 slaves, would form a constitutional district, and might be entitled to a member of Congress. It requires 33,000 people possessing no slaves to elect a member; and 1,100 is one thirtieth part of 33,000.
Franklin has stated a case which displays the most preposterous attempt at deception that any man ever witnessed. He supposes a district of 20,000 whites and 19,667 slaves. "Suppose these slaves to belong to 392 planters, each planter owning 50 slaves, and the residue of the whites having no slaves. Now, says Mr. E. this planter who possesses 50 slaves, possesses all the consequence derived from 31 votes. Assume this as a fact and what follows. Why that every constituent has the same consequence, &c."—Nothing can be more absurd than this. Because I have said that the planter who possesses 50 slaves has 31 times the weight of the northern farmer, have I also said that "every constituent" in a southern district, man, woman or child, possessing slaves or not possessing them, is entitled to the same weight? No such thing. Every reader will apply to Franklin his own exclamation—"Away with such flimsy logic!"
Franklin allows that 50 slaves authorise 5 votes but not 31. I have proved that he is incorrect.
Franklin denies that the southern planter contributes much less than his proportion to the support of government. Here we are at issue. Let him produce the documents. Yet they are very immaterial, as I have applied the remark to those planters only who possess 50 slaves. Every man of common sense knows, that it is true, as I had stated, that "the laboring slaves consume nothing of consequence upon which a duty is paid," whatever their masters may consume.
Franklin says that it was an error to state that 15 representatives for slaves are allowed to the southern states. It was not an error. I calculated the number of slaves in the southern states only at 832,992, three-fifths of which is 499,794, giving 15 representatives and a fraction of 4,794."
All the statements of Franklin are thus proved to be incorrect. Whether he be a "deceiver and dishonest" or not, will be left to the decision of his own conscience, as it was not intended to apply that character to "a writer so ignorant of his subject, as to mistake its simplest elements."
JAMES ELLIOT.
The Editor of the National Intelligencer, and the other editors who have published the lucubrations of Franklin, are requested to republish the above.
DIED in Savannah, on the 25th ult. in the 28th year of his age, Mr. SAMUEL MORSE, a native of Connecticut, the editor of the Georgia Republican.
We have the pleasure of announcing, on the authority of Capt. Waterman, that the United States frigate John Adams, from this port, with seven gun-boats under her convoy, arrived in safety at Algesiras, and sailed from thence on the 18th of June, to join the squadron in the Mediterranean.
Mer. Adv.
Capt Barber, of the schooner Alleghany, who arrived at New-York on Friday last in 9 days from Havanna, informs, that a number of French and Spanish privateers infest the South coast of Cuba, and had taken a number of vessels from England for New-Orleans, took them into a small port 20 leagues to leeward of Havanna, and plundered them of their cargoes and burnt the vessels. He also informs, that there were 10 or 12 sail of privateer schooners in Havanna, under French colours ready for sea. There are 12 Spanish passengers in the Alleghany.
Phil. pap.
THE services of THOMAS EWELL, M. D. in the practice of Medicine and Surgery may be had by applying at the office lately occupied by Wm. O. Sprigg, esq. opposite Mr. Semmes' tavern. George town, Aug. 16—3t.
For Sale
IN the county of Prince William, Virginia, Nesbico Furnace and its appendages, with four or five thousand acres of land adjoining, near the town of Dumfries, and within four or five miles of the Potomac—the soil is generally adapted to small grain, and if too considerable for one purchaser, will be laid off in Lots suitable for small farms—a description of the land is thought unnecessary—as those wishing to purchase will no doubt first view it: the payments required will be one third cash, and the other two thirds in annual instalments, to be secured by a mortgage on the land; and no deed given until the last payment is made; any person wishing to purchase, may know the terms by applying to Mr. Thomas T. Page, living near the premises, who is fully authorised by me to sell the whole or any part.
JOHN TAYLOR.
August 16—3m. N. B. A valuable mine bank in Maryland may be had with the furnace if required. J. T.
FOR SALE.
AN unfinished two story brick house with an excellent cellar fronting on Seventh Street, east, square No. 907, in the city of Washington; if not disposed of at private sale previous to the 4th day of September next, it will on that day be offered at public sale, for terms apply to the subscriber.
And on the same day will positively be sold a frame house situated on the same street and square as the above property; and a quantity of household and kitchen furniture.
The vicinity of the above property to the navy yard renders it an object worthy of attention.
WILLIAM PROUT. Aug. 12—
SULLIVAN'S LECTURES,
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS B. WALL & Co. FOR PRINTING, BY SUBSCRIPTION, AN HISTORICAL TREATISE ON THE FEUDAL LAW, AND THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF ENGLAND; With a Commentary on Magna Charta, and Illustrations of many of the English Statutes. BY THE LATE FRANCIS STOUGHTON SULLIVAN, L.L.D. Royal Professor of Common Law in the University of Dublin. To which authorities are added, and a Discourse is prefixed, concerning the Laws and Government of England, BY GILBERT STUART, L.L.D.
THE Lectures of Professor Sullivan , delivered to the Students in the University of Dublin, are in very high repute among all Lawyers of eminence, and have been uniformly recommended as an elementary book to those young gentlemen who begin the study of Law with a view to render themselves respectable in the profession.
However obsolete the feudal policy may now seem to be, it having gradually disappeared as mankind grew more civilized and became better acquainted with their natural and inalienable rights and privileges; yet a research into the history of the government of jurisprudence of the nations of Europe, will satisfy any one, that many consequences of that system still exist and influence the opinions and decisions of the highest and most enlightened tribunals of justice. Every author who has undertaken to give a regular and systematic account of the rise and progress of modern nations, has felt himself obliged to resort to the history of feuds and feudal rights, as the fundamental principle from which all existing civil and political institutions have taken their rise; and every jurist who has employed himself in explaining the constitution and laws of his country, has gone to the same source for the correct materials of his essays and dissertations. Robertson, in his history of the Emperor Charles V. has with great beauty and perspicuity illustrated so much of the feudal policy as was necessary to enable the scientific reader to understand that valuable book; and Sir Wm. Blackstone has in the course of his commentaries, led the student to a contemplation of the ancient tenures, many of which depend upon the doctrine of feuds, as established in England by the Norman conqueror.
But in both those invaluable productions, the feudal policy was adverted to, only as incidental to the principal object of the authors, and therefore cannot be supposed to furnish so complete and satisfactory an account, as would be given by so distinguished a lawyer as professor Sullivan, who declares the great purpose of his lectures to be the full discussion of the subject, which was of necessity but partially considered by the other writers.
This work has become so scarce in this country, as to be seldom seen, even on the shelves of a practising lawyer; a fact to be accounted for only by the difficulty of obtaining the book: for it cannot well be supposed that any one of the profession, who has higher views than the mere pecuniary advantages of the practice, would willingly neglect an enquiry into those ancient institutions, upon which, notwithstanding the lapse of ages, most modern improvements are founded. But it is not to the profession alone, that this book may be considered useful. In this rising empire, where local knowledge to a certain degree is claimed by all, and actually possessed by many; a book which so lucidly and perspicuously brings to view the laws, institutions, manners and customs of those nations from which our English ancestors descended, must be peculiarly useful, as it will enable young politicians to trace all our civil regulations to their source, and thus to account methodically and scientifically for many modern usages and practices, of which their knowledge is extremely superficial. In this book they will see how our ancestors struggled for the establishment of those privileges which artful monarchs and a proud nobility were continually attempting to destroy; and they will also learn that the persevering industry of the people, aided by the wealth which their skill and enterprise brought into the country, finally obtained a complete victory in the establishment of principles and customs, which, transplanted into America by our progenitors, terminated in those glorious conditions which distinguish the people of America, for liberty and happiness, from every other people on the earth.
CONDITIONS.
The work shall be elegantly printed, in two octavo volumes, on five wove paper, with a new and beautiful type.
It will be delivered to Subscribers, bound in calf, at Five Dollars; and in boards, at Four Dollars.—To non-subscribers the price will be enhanced. No money will be required till the delivery of the work.
Those who subscribe for ten sets shall have one gratis. To booksellers the usual allowance will be made.
Portland, June 24—
The above work will be printed from a correct London Edition.—The few copies of an Irish Edition now circulating in this country are considered by the first law characters as extremely incorrect, and not to be relied on as historical authority.
Lands for Sale.
PURSUANT to an order of the court of Calvert county—the tubercles will sell at public auction at the house of Mr. James Duke, at Prince Frederick, Town in the county aforesaid on the 29th day of August, if fair, if not the next fair day—All the real estate of captain Walter Smith late of said county deceased, consisting of the following tracts of land.
The tract on which the said captain Smith resided, containing 1225 1 8 acres lying on the river Patuxent, bounded on the west by said river, and on the south and east by a line navigable creek called St. Leonard's, to that a short fence will enclose the whole land—the irtl of this tract is equal to any on Patuxent either for farming, planting, or grazing; and no other season a great abundance of fine fish and oysters may be had either from the river or creek.
One other tract of land in the Forest, about two miles from the former, containing 627 1 2 acres. The greater part of which is covered with hickory, chestnut, and oak wood, and a great proportion of swamp land, which at a trifling expense might be converted into valuable meadow.
One other tract of 536 1 2 acres lying on Chesapeake Bay, bounded on the east by said bay and on the north by a creek called Parker's creek; on this tract there is a very fine salt marsh, a quantity of fine meadow land, and abundance of timber.
It is thought needless to give a fuller description of those lands, as it is presumed no one will purchase without first viewing them. And on application to Mr. John Turner who lives adjoining the first mentioned tract he will show the different tracts as well as the plats of the same.
These different tracts will be sold in a body, or divided into lots, as may best suit those who wish to purchase: The purchasers to give bond on interest with approved security for the purchase money to be paid in three equal annual payments the whole interest to be paid yearly. And on the ratification of the sale by the court and a full payment of the purchase money, a deed of conveyance will be executed to the purchasers agreeable to an act of assembly in such case made and provided.
JO. WILKINSON, JOHN TURNER, JAMES HEIGHE. } Commissioners. July 31—wts.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY on the 9th inst. from the subscriber's farm near Frederick Town, (Maryland) a dark mulatto fellow named MOSES,
But commonly called LANHAM, He was raised near Piquetown and sold by a Mr. Barrels to the late James Marshall, deceased, of Frederick county. Lanham is about thirty years of age, nearly six feet high, stout and very active, fond of spirituous liquors, has been accustomed to working aboard shipping, likewise in a brick yard and is well acquainted with the management of horses and with the ferrying business; he is a very artful fellow, and I expect he has obtained a pass and will pass under the name of Samuel Beall. He had on and took with him an ozabuck shirt & trowsers, a blue cloth coat with a black silk velvet cape bound with flax ferreting, a black fur hat nearly new, a pair of shoes nearly new, an old drab fur coat, with sundry other clothing not recollected; he has a scar under one of his eyes but it is not recollected which, somewhat hard of hearing and round shouldered. From his acquaintance in the city of Washington I suppose he has made for that place or some other seaport. Whoever takes up and secures said fellow in any jail so that I get him again shall receive if taken ten miles from home eight dollars, if twenty miles sixteen dollars, if thirty miles twenty dollars, if fifty miles thirty dollars, and if a greater distance the above reward with all reasonable charges if brought home.
JOHN L. HARDING. N. B. Masters of vessels and others are cautioned against harboring said runaway at their peril. July 26—1m
TO BE SOLD, AT PUBLIC VENDUE,
At Gadsby's Hotel, in Alexandria, on Monday the 16th day of September, at 12 o'clock at noon.
ALL that TRACT OF LAND late Presley Thornton, Esquire's, situated in Northumberland county, Virginia, lying immediately on the Potomac river. The following description is given of this property by persons well acquainted with it:—"It contains 2,500 acres, 1,700 acres of which are the most valuable low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 acres heavily timbered, and the remainder very high land extremely productive. The fol of this tract is equal to any in the state for the cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious Brick Mansion House and two Offices, a large Brick Stable, valuable Barn, Cow House, and many other out houses. The Orchards and Garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Baltimore Alexandria and Norfolk. There are two good mill seats for grist and saw mills on the estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, for which an excellent market may be found at the city of Washington."
The terms of sale are—one fourth cash, one fourth in one year, one fourth in 18 months and the residue in two years from the day of sale. The payments to be secured by bonds, with mortgages on the premises, and to be on interest from the day of sale.
For further information, application may be made in behalf of the subscriber, Thomas Robinson, to Richard Peters, jun. attorney at law in the city of Philadelphia, or to William Lewis, in the same city, (Philadelphia.)
THOMAS ROBINSON, W. LEWIS. June 19—ep Sep.16
ALEXANDER M'CORMICK, Has just received a coo. weight of BACON which he offers for sale. August 9—3t

Ten Dollars Reward. WAS lost on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased silver Watch, maker's name Crosswaite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia. Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligencer, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 9.—tf.
ON a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately on the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanon at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
To be Sold, Or exchanged for other property in the City, or its vicinity. TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6880 acres, and the other 6252 acres, by late survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber, JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington, July 17—cp2m
ADAM KING, to Co. AT their wine store in High Street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual will be attended to with the utmost attention George Town, November 5—tf
Runaway Negro. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, as a runaway, on the 25th day of last June, a negro man who says his name is BEN JOHNSON, he is about 30 years old; is 6 feet 1 inch high, and has a scar above his left eye—His clothes are 1 check and 2 linen shirts; one red cassimere and one striped jacket; one pair of blue, one pair of nankeen, and one pair of oznsburg overalls; two pair of stockings, one brown cloth coat, two round-about jackets with sleeves, and one fur hat. His owner is desirous to release him, or he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law GEORGE CRAIG, Sheriff of Frederick county. August 7—w3t
Twenty Dollars Reward. STRAYED or was stolen from the commons of the city of Washington on the night of the 4th inst. a Bright Bay Riding Horse, about eight years old and fifteen hands high—he has a star in his forehead, and as well as it is recollected one of his fore feet is white—he canters, paces and trots, and possesses great spirit—he has had for some time a sore on his back which has prevented his being rode. His tail is cut square and is trimmed remarkably close. The above reward will be paid on the recovery of the horse, and if stolen, for the conviction of the thief, and ten dollars will be paid for the delivery of the horse to the subscriber and all reasonable charges. WILLIAM BRENT. Aug. 12—tf.
PUBLIC SALE. IN virtue of an order issued from the hon. court of Calvert county, will be offered at public sale, on the 28th day of August next, (if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter) at the late mansion of Benjamin Ward, deceased, at the hour of 12 o'clock, a valuable plantation, containing 184 acres of Land, lying on the Chesapeake Bay, in Calvert county. The improvements are a small dwelling house, kitchen, tobacco house, corn house, and other out houses; a large orchard of fine fruit. This fertile spot has every advantage, it abounds in heavy timber, and has a great proportion of rich low ground, capable of being made into meadow at a very trifling expense. The soil is extremely rich—tobacco, wheat, rye, and Indian corn, grow with little labour—the neighbourhood affords a society of very genteel and friendly people—places of worship surround it—convenient to mills, and a ware house for the inspection of tobacco within two miles of the premises. This Land will be laid off in small parcels, or sold all together, as may best suit purchasers.—Bond with approved security will be required, carrying interest from the day of sale, payable in two equal payments, the first in 12, and the last in 18 months from the day of sale. WM. M. CARCAUD, DAVID L. WREMS, CHAS. WILLIAMSON, Commissioners. July 3—tp8w
Rapine, Conrad, & Co. On New Jersey Avenue Capitol Hill, HAVE just received and offer for sale, at a low price, a quantity of PERUVIAN BARK by the pound and smaller quantity. They have also, lately received an addition to their former assortment of books and stationery. July 10—
FOR SALE, ONE HUNDRED ACRES of LAND, in a healthy situation near Hugh's bridge on Rock Creek, and near also to Mr. Leonard Jones's and Charles Jones's mills. It is about eight miles from George Town, from whence there is a good road. If not sold at private sale before the 20th of August next, it will be on that day exposed to public sale on the premises if fair, if not on the next fair day. Mr. Wm. Carroll on Rock Creek will show the land and give any information to persons wishing to purchase. ROBERT BRENT. Washington, July 17—w20Aug.
Forty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the subscriber on the 8th April 1805, a small negro man named NACE, 21 years old, about five feet high, dark complexion, a small scar on his upper lip, quick spoken: had on when he went away an osnaburg shirt, striped cotton round over jacket, white dimity waistcoat, striped cotton pantaloons and a straw hat, but no doubt he has changed his dress by this time: he was seen at the fishing landings on the Potomac a few days after he left home; probably he might get a passage in a fishing vessel to Baltimore or elsewhere. Whoever apprehends and secures the said negro man in any jail, or brings him home, so that I may get him again, shall be entitled to the above reward, including what the law allows. THOMAS MUDD, Prince George county, near Piscataway, Maryland—July 29—w3t
This is to give notice, That the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington county and district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of Joseph Hodgson, late of Washington city, deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 29th day of January next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate—Given under my hand this 29th day of July, 1805. REBECCA HODGSON. Aug. 5—12w3w
Twenty Dollars Reward. STRAYED or stolen from the subscriber on the night of the 4th inst. two BAY HORSES, one a large bay six years old, one of his eyes appears to be injured, his tail bobbed very short. Shod all round; the other an old horse, with two white hind feet, several white saddle spots, has a switch tail, which has been lately cut at the ends; the first accustomed to the carriage, trots & paces, the second made use of as a road horse, trots easy, but paces badly, very lately shod all round. As I am satisfied they have been stolen, I will double the reward, on conviction of the thief or thieves, and on getting the horses. DANIEL CARROLL of Dud'n. July 12—F&W1m.
1500 DOLLARS REWARD. HIGHWAY ROBBERY. YESTERDAY about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Mr. JOHN PETER, an Officer of the BANK OF COLUMBIA, was stopped on horseback on the road between this town and Alexandria, and within about 2 miles of the latter place, by some unknown villain, shot through the body with a pistol, and robbed of a sum of money in his possession belonging to this Institution which he was taking to Alexandria, for the purpose of exchanging with the banks there. The whole sum taken amounted Eighteen Thousand One hundred and Fourteen Dollars and Sixty five Cents, made up in several packages, among which were, Dol. G. 1 post note of the Bank of Virginia, for 800 1 do. of the same, for 500 1 do. of the same, for 500 1 do. of the same, for 450 1 do. of the Bank of Potomac in favor of Joseph Riddie by him endorsed to Washington Bowie, dated 6 July, 1805. No 117 149 65
A check of the Union Bank, on the Bank of Alexandria, drawn by R. Higginbotham, cashier, in favor of Greatham and Devereux, by them endorsed and by Benj. Stoddert, and C. Smith, Teller. There were also a parcel of post notes of the Bank of Alexandria for 100 dolls. and for 50 dolls. each. The remainder was in current notes, principally of the banks of Alexandria and Potomac, and some few of the Bank of Virginia of different sizes and denominations. As the attack was sudden, and the wound received of a nature to deprive Mr. Peter instantly of his senses, (although it is now hoped he will recover) the description obtained may not be very accurate—As far as we are informed—the man who perpetrated the act, is of middle stature, good countenance, and had a genteel appearance. He had on a dark blue or black coat, nankeen pantaloons, shoes, and a black hat, he was on foot and alone at the time, but may have had accomplices concealed, and will probably change his clothes. FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given to any person or persons, who will detect and bring to conviction the robber: and ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS additional for the recovery of the whole of the money, or in proportion for any smaller sum recovered—should there be accomplices, and one of them make a discovery, so that it leads to the conviction of the robber, or to the recovery of the money he shall receive the above reward, and interest will be made to obtain his pardon. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier of the Bank of Columbia. George Town, July 31—
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
Council, Annapolis, May 16, 1805. ORDERED, That the act to provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals, be published twice in each week for the space of three months in the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the American, Telegraph and the Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate and Bartgis's paper at Frederick Town; Greaves's paper at Hagerstown, and in Smith's and Cowan's paper at Easton. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk.
AN ACT To provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and forms of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals. BE it enacted by the general assembly of Maryland, That this state shall be divided into six judicial districts in manner and form following to wit: St. Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties, shall be the second district; Calvert, Anne Arundel and Montgomery counties shall be the third district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the fourth district; Frederick, Washington and Allegany counties shall be the fifth district; Baltimore and Harford counties shall be the sixth district; and there shall be appointed, for each of the said judicial districts, three persons of integrity and sound legal knowledge, residents of the state of Maryland, who shall be appointed, in the district for which they shall respectively be appointed, one of whom shall be styled in the commission chief judge, and the other two associate judges, of the district for which they shall be appointed; and the chief judge, together with the two associate judges, shall compose the county courts in each respective district; and each judge shall hold his commission during good behavior, removable for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law, or shall be removed by the governor, upon the address of the general assembly, provided that two thirds of all the members of each house concur in such address; and the county courts, so as aforesaid established, shall have, hold and exercise, in the several counties of this state, all and every the powers authorities and jurisdictions, which the county courts of this state now have, use and exercise, and which shall be hereafter prescribed by law; and the said county courts established by this act shall respectively hold their sessions in the several counties at such times and places as the legislature shall direct and appoint, and the salaries of the said judges shall not be diminished during the period of their continuance in office.
II. And be it enacted, That in any suit or action at law hereafter to be commenced or instituted in any county court of this state, the judges thereof, upon suggestion in writing by either of the parties thereto, supported by affidavit or other proper evidence, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in the county court of the county where such suit or action is depending, shall and may order and direct the record of their proceedings in such suit or action to be transmitted to the judges of any county court within the district for trial, and the judges of such county court, to whom the said record shall be transmitted, shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such suit or action had been originally instituted therein; provided, nevertheless, that such suggestion shall be made as aforesaid before or during the term in which the issue or issues may be joined in the said suit or action; and provided also, that such further remedy may be provided by law, in the premises, as the legislature shall from time to time direct and enact.
III. And be it enacted, That if any party presented or indicated in any of the county courts of this state, shall suggest in writing to the court in which such prosecution is depending, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such adjoining county court shall hear and determine the same in the same manner as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein; provided that such further and other remedy may be provided by law in the premises as the legislature may direct and enact.
IV. And be it enacted, That if the attorney general, or the prosecutor for the state, shall suggest in writing to any county court, before whom an indictment is or may be depending, that the state cannot have a fair and impartial trial in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court, in their discretion, to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such county court shall hear and determine the same as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein.
V. And be it enacted, That there shall be a court of appeals, and the same shall be composed of the chief judges of the several judicial districts of the state, which said court of appeals shall hold, use and exercise, all and singular the powers, authorities and jurisdictions, heretofore held, used and exercised, by the court of appeals of this state, and also the appellate jurisdiction heretofore used and exercised by the general court; and the said court of appeals hereby established, shall sit on the western and eastern shores for transacting and determining the business of the respective shores, at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint, and any three of the said judges of the court of appeals shall form a quorum to hear and decide in all case pending in said court and the judge who has given a decision in any case in the county court, shall withdraw from the bench upon the deciding of the same case before the court of appeals; and the judges of the court of appeals may appoint the clerks of said court for the western and eastern shores, respectively, who shall hold their appointments during good behavior, removable only for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law; and in case of death, resignation, disqualification or removal out of the state, or from their respective shores, of either of the said clerks in the vacation of the said court, the governor, with the advice of the council, may appoint and commission a fit and proper person to such vacant office, to hold the same until the next meeting of the said court; and all laws passed after this act shall take effect, shall be recorded in the office of the court of appeals of the western shore.
VI. And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government which relates to the court of appeals and the general court, or the judges thereof, or that is in any manner repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby repealed, abrogated and annulled upon the confirmation hereof; provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to as to authorise the removal of the clerks of the respective county courts being in commission at the time of the passing of this act, in any other mode or manner than that prescribed by the constitution and form of government.
VII. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing in the said constitution and form of government to the contrary, notwithstanding. May 31—2aw3m
I will sell upon a liberal credit, the following valuable property.
MY plantation on St. Charles's branch containing 800 acres, about three miles from Upper Marlbro, and not more than one from Patuxent River.
Few plantations in Prince George's County combine greater advantages, or flatter an industrious man with better prospects of profit. The situation of the dwelling house is elevated, pleasant and remarkably healthy. The spring water, fine and abundant. The arable land, extremely favorable to the growth of Tobacco, Corn and all kinds of small grain. The meadows, sure to remunerate, are extensive, and with proper management will produce two hundred tons of Hay annually. This plantation abounds with fire wood, rails, and fine timber, so distributed that little labor is required in making the necessary repairs, and much can be spared in the vicinity of a good market towards refunding the purchaser his money. In 1803 it produced 28,000 lb. of tobacco, with only 11 hands, the product would have been greater the next year, but for the succession of uncommon freshets. The dwelling, out houses, four tobacco houses and four quarters, are in good repair, and the plantation abounds with fruit trees.
The purchaser may be furnished with the negroes on it, about 20 in number, twelve of whom are working hands and of them eleven are men. Mules, horses, about sixty head of cattle, a waggon, a cart, and every necessary for carrying on said plantation.
Strawberry Hill, containing 180 acres within two miles of Upper Marlbro, on the post road leading from thence to the City of Washington. The soil is remarkably fertile and nearly one third may be made good meadow. The buildings are sufficient for a small family, who, with care and industry, would be sure to reap, on land, so congenial to the growth of tobacco, corn, small grain and graze the full benefit of their labor.
Its situation renders it a pleasing retreat to a gentleman of fortune, disposed to take the advantages it promises to health, and amuse himself with the cultivation of a small rich plantation, in a genteel neighborhood, at the distance of about 12 miles from the seat of the general government, to which the road is very level, and nearly equal to a turnpike.
Four hundred acres of land about 2 miles from Hancock in Washington County Maryland. About 40 acres of this land is cleared, and a small house on it; the balance heavily timbered, well watered and level, the post road from Hancock to Allegany passes through it; near the road about the centre of the land is a fine spring, well calculated to turn a saw mill, or to carry on a Distillery; timber may be easily taken from this land to Hancock, and from thence floated to the city of Washington, where it always commands a handsome price.
1 Lot in the City of Washington, sq. 652, No 12 fronting 173 feet 7 inches on South North Street, and 55 feet 3 inches on half Street West. WM. B. BEANS. Upper Marlbro, July 10—10w.
Twenty Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber's plantation near this place, on Monday the 10th of June, PHIL, Who commonly calls himself Phil Brice, a dark mulatto, aged about twenty four years, five feet eight or nine inches high, remarkably polite, speaks quick (though with difficulty) when spoken to, his clothing unknown. Having acquaintances in Baltimore, Alexandria and the City of Washington, I think it probable he has gone to one of those places. The above reward will be paid to any person who shall bring him home, or ten dollars for lodging him in any jail, so that I get him again. WM. B. BEANS. Upper Marlborough, July 12—w6t
HISTORY Of the West Indies: A WORK in the contents of which every citizen of America must be interested, whether devoted to business, or desirous of information through the medium of amusement. A new & revised edition of Mr. EDWARDS's History of the West Indies, with a third volume, (completed by its amiable author a short time previous to his death) has lately been published in London. This third volume contains the interesting and important history, with a large Map of the Island of St. Domingo, or Hispaniola, as also that of Tobago; likewise a history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1773, and a tour of Sir William Young through several of the islands. It is accompanied by a highly finished portrait of Mr. Edwards, a history of his life written by himself, and a prefatory advertisement by Sir William Young, Baronet, M. P. F. R. S. &c. under whose editorship it has been given to the public.
The subscriber, impressed with a sense of the great importance a general knowledge of the history, civil and commercial, of the West Indies, must be to every citizen of America, and of the great celebrity of the above work, proposes to print it by subscription, and respectfully offers the following for public patronage and encouragement.
Proposals for Printing, From the London copy, 3 volumes quarto, THE HISTORY, CIVIL AND COMMERCIAL, Of the British Colonies in the West Indies. BY BRYAN EDWARDS, ESQ. F. R. S. A. S. Containing, with a variety of other matter:—
A political and topographical survey of the sugar islands. A comprehensive account of the ancient and present inhabitants, agriculture, productions, laws, government, constitution and commerce. An historical review of the slave trade; including observations on the character, genius, dispositions, and situations of the enslaved Africans. An historical review of St. Domingo, comprehending an account of the former government of the French part of that island, its political state, populations, productions, and exports; a narrative of the calamities which have desolated the island ever since the year 1789; and a detail of the transactions of the British army in that island. Also, a tour through the islands of Barbadoes, St. Vincent, Antigua, Tobago and Grenada, by Sir William Young, Baronet, &c. A history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1793, &c. &c.
CONDITIONS. It will be printed in four volumes, large octavo, on a perfectly new and beautiful type, and on a handsome large medium paper, agreeable to a specimen, which may be had at the subscriber's Book Store.
The price to subscribers to be three dollars the volume, in boards; each volume to be paid for on delivery.
With the last volume will be given an ATLAS, (without any additional price) containing the following maps, viz 1 A large general map of the West Indies. 2 Map of Jamaica. 3 Barbadoes. 4 Grenada. 5 St. Vincent. 6 Dominica. 7 St. Christopher's. 8 Nevis. 9 Antigua. 10 Virgin islands. 11 St. Domingo, or Hispaniola. 12 Tobago.
To prevent disappointment or complaint, it is now promised, that on the publication of the second volume the subscription price will be advanced to three dollars, and a half the volume, and on the publication of the last volume the price will be again enhanced.
With the last volume, besides the Atlas, will be given an elegant engraving of the celebrated author. Also a list of the subscribers names. The London copy of the foregoing work in three volumes cannot be sold in America, in boards, under sixty dollars. JAMES HUMPHREYS.
Subscriptions are received by said Humphreys at his book-store the corner of Second and Walnut streets, and by the principal Booksellers through the Union. Philadelphia, July 15—
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public; assuring them that 'tis his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and so to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
PUBLIC SALE. On the first Monday in November next will be held at Public Auction, on the premises at the hour of eleven o'clock A. M. all those Lots of ground, No. 18 and 26 which were allotted and set apart for JAMES WIGFIELD, of Washington county, District of Columbia, situated near the fourth end of the Eastern Branch Bridge, and vested in me in virtue of a deed of trust from said Wigfield. Terms of sale CASH. BENSON L. MCCORMICK, July 22—1wN.