The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-10-10 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1243.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, OCTOBER 10.
Accusation against the administration of hostility to England and partiality to France—Continued. During the year 1793 the government of the U. S. had a very difficult duty to perform. At this period Gen. Washington was President, and Mr. Jefferson Secretary of State.
It was, at this interesting era, that Mr. Genet as a fire-brand came among us. Those who were then conversant with political affairs have doubtless a full recollection of the course pursued by the French minister, of his hardy attempts to commit the peace of the U. S. by endeavoring in the first place to induce the government to authorise the most flagrant violations of its neutrality, and, after having failed in this purpose, to inflame the people of the U. S. against their government. As, however, a term of fifteen years has since elapsed, during which almost millions of our fellow-citizens have attained the age of manhood, we shall probably render an acceptable service by stating these events somewhat in detail. The course pursued by the American government, and more especially by Mr. Jefferson, who was its organ, the sentiments avowed, the principles maintained, and the measures taken, collectively present the most irrefragable evidences of a mind exclusively impressed with considerations involving the welfare of his own country, and a determination to maintain an attitude towards France as well as England of fair neutrality, of rigid impartiality.
Let it be recollected that this was the critical period of enthusiasm, when the wishes of the whole nation were in the highest measure excited on the side of France, and when, it is most probable that the personal feelings of Mr. Jefferson were in unison with those of his countrymen. If then at such a period, when the heart, from the common principle of human nature, is but too apt to betray the judgment, Mr. Jefferson firmly maintained a purpose officially to manifest partiality to neither side, but to preserve the scales of justice even, we have the strongest possible evidence that the charge of partiality towards France, and hostility towards England is a base calumny.
To substantiate this statement, it is only necessary to resort to the correspondence between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Genet, from the 22d of May to the 18th of September, 1793, which was in the same year submitted to Congress.
This correspondence is too long to notice in detail. It is, however, sufficient to say that through the whole of it Mr. Jefferson opposed the firm language of truth to the angry invective and superficial reasoning of the minister.
On the 16th of August a letter was written by the Secretary of State to Mr. Morris, our minister in France, requiring the recall of Mr. Genet. In this letter a full summary of the whole correspondence is to be found, from which we offer the following extracts:
"In my letter of June 13th, I inclosed to you the copies of several letters, which had passed between Mr. Ternant, Mr. Genet, and myself, on the occurrences to which the present war had given rise within our ports. The object of this communication was to enable you to explain the principles on which our government was conducting itself towards the belligerent parties; principles which might not in all cases be satisfactory to all, but were meant to be just and impartial to all. Mr. Genet had been then but a little time with us; and but a little more was necessary to develop to him a character and conduct so unexpected and so extraordinary, as to place us in the most distressing dilemma, between our regard for his nation, which is constant and sincere, and a regard for our laws, the authority of which must be maintained; for the peace of our country which the Executive magistrate is charged to preserve; for its honor offended in the person of that magistrate; and for its character grossly traduced in the conversations and letters of this gentleman. In the course of these transactions, it has been a great comfort to us to believe, that none of them were with-
in the intentions or expectations of his employers. These had been too recently expressed in acts which nothing could discolour, in the letters of the Executive council, in the letters and decrees of the National Assembly, and in the general demeanor of the nation towards us, to ascribe to them things of so contrary a character. Our first duty, therefore, was to draw a strong line between their intentions, and the proceedings of their minister; our second, to lay those proceedings faithfully before them.
"On the declaration of war between France and England, the United States being at peace with both, their situation was so new and unexperienced by themselves, that their citizens were not, in the first instant sensible of the new duties resulting therefrom, and of the restraints it would impose even on their dispositions towards the belligerent powers. Some of them imagined (and chiefly their transient sea-faring citizens) that they were free to indulge those dispositions, to take side with either party, and enrich themselves by depredations on the commerce of the other, and were meditating enterprises of this nature, as there was reason to believe. In this state of the public mind, and before it should take an erroneous direction, difficult to be set right, and dangerous to themselves and their country, the President thought it expedient, through the channel of a proclamation to remind our fellow-citizens that we were in a state of peace with all the belligerent powers, that in that state it was our duty neither to aid nor injure any, to export and warn them against acts which might contravene this duty, and particularly those of positive hostility, for the punishment of which the laws would be appealed to; and to put them on their guard also as to the risks they would run, if they should attempt to carry articles of contraband to any. This proclamation, ordered on the 19th and signed on the 22d day of April, was sent to you in my letter of the 26th of the same month.
"On the day of its publication, we received through the channel of the newspapers, the first intimation that Mr. Genet had arrived on the 8th of the month at Charleston, in character of minister plenipotentiary from his nation to the United States, and soon after, that he had sent on to Philadelphia, the vessel in which he came, and would himself perform the journey by land. His landing at one of the most distant ports of the Union from his points both of departure and destination was calculated to excite attention, and very soon afterwards we learnt that he was undertaking to authorise the fitting and arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men, foreigners and citizens, and giving them commissions to cruise and commit hostilities on nations at peace with us, that these vessels were taking and bringing prizes into our ports, that the consuls of France were assuming to hold courts of admiralty on them, to try, condemn, & authorise their sale as legal prize, and all this before Mr. Genet had presented himself, or his credentials to the President, before he was received by him, without his consent or consultation, and directly in contravention of the state of peace existing, and declared to exist in the President's proclamation, and incumbent on him to preserve till the constitutional authority should otherwise declare. These proceedings became immediately, as was naturally to be expected, the subject of complaint by the representative here of that power against whom they would chiefly operate. The British minister presented several memorials thereon, to which we gave the answer of May 15th heretofore inclosed to you, corresponding in substance with a letter of the same date, written to Mr. Ternant, the minister of France then residing here, a copy of which I send herewith. On the next day Mr. Genet reached this place, about five or six weeks after he had arrived at Charleston, and might have been at Philadelphia, if he had steered for it directly. He was immediately presented to the President, and received by him as the minister of the Republic; and as the conduct before stated seemed to bespeak a design of forcing us into the war, without allowing us the
exercise of any free will in the case, nothing could be more assuaging than his assurances to the President at his reception, which he repeated to me afterwards in conversation, and in public to the citizens of Philadelphia, in answer to an address from them, that, on account of our remote situation and other circumstances, France did not expect that we should become a party to the war, but wished to see us pursue our prosperity and happiness and peace."
Mr. Jefferson then enumerates the several points set up by Mr. Genet.
"1st. Mr. Genet asserts his right of arming in our ports, and of enlisting our citizens, and that we have no right to restrain him or punish them.
"2d. Another doctrine advanced by Mr. Genet is, That our courts can take no cognizance of questions, Whether vessels held by their prizes, are lawful prizes or not: That this jurisdiction belongs exclusively to their consulates here, which have been lately erected by the National Assembly, into complete courts of admiralty.
Both these doctrines are ably refuted.
"3d. Mr. Genet, in his letter of July 9th, requires that the ship Jane, which he calls an English privateer, shall be immediately ordered to depart; and to justify this, he appeals to the 22d article of our treaty, which provides, that it shall not be lawful for any foreign privateer to fit their ships in our ports, to sell what they have taken, or purchase victuals, &c. The ship Jane is an English merchant vessel, which has been many years employed in the commerce between Jamaica and these states. She brought here a cargo of produce from that island, and was to take away a cargo of flour. Knowing of the war when she left Jamaica, and that our coast was lined with small French privateers, she armed for her defence, and took one of those commissions usually called Letters of Marque. She arrived here safely, without having had any encounter of any sort. Can it be necessary to say, that a merchant vessel is not a privateer? That though she has arms to defend herself in time of war, in the course of her regular commerce, this no more makes her a privateer, than a husbandman following his plough, in time of war, with a knife or pistol in his pocket, is thereby made a soldier? The occupation of a privateer is to attack and plunder, that of a merchant vessel is commerce and self-preservation."
"4th. The 17th article of our treaty leaves armed vessels free to conduct, whithersoever they please, the ships and goods taken from their enemies, without paying any duty, and to depart and be conducted freely to the places expressed in their commissions, which the captain shall be obliged to shew. It is evident, that this article does not contemplate a freedom to sell their prizes here; but, on the contrary, a departure to some other place, always to be expressed in their commission, where their validity is to be finally adjudged."
"5th. Another source of complaint with Mr. Genet, has been, that the English take French goods out of American vessels, which he says is against the law of nations, and ought to be prevented by us. On the contrary, we suppose it to have been long an established principle of the law of nations, that the goods of a friend are free in an enemy's vessel, and an enemy's goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend."
"6th. In a case like the present, where the missionary of one government construes differently from that to which he is sent, the treaties and laws which are to form a common rule of action for both, it would be unjust in either to claim an exclusive right of construction. Each nation has an equal right to expound the meaning of their common rules; and reason and usage have established, in such cases, a convenient and well understood train of proceeding. It is the right and duty of the foreign missionary to urge his own constructions, to support them with reasons which may convince, and in terms of docility and respect which may reconcile, the government of the country to a concurrence. It is the duty of that government to listen to his reasonings with attention and candor, and
to yield to them when just. But if it shall still appear to them that reason and right are on their side, it follows of necessity that, exercising the sovereign powers of the country, they have a right to proceed on their own constructions and conclusions as to whatever is to be done within their limits. The minister then refers the case to his own government, asks new instructions, and in the mean time acquiesces in the authority of the country. His government examines his constructions, abandons them, if wrong, insists on them, if right, and the case then becomes a matter of negotiation between the two nations. Mr. Genet, however, assumes a new and a bolder line of conduct. After deciding for himself ultimately, and without respect to the authority of the country, he proceeds to do, whatever his sovereign could not authorise; to put himself, within the country, on a line with its government, act as co-sovereign of the territory, arms vessels, levies men, gives commissions of war, independently of them, and in direct opposition to their orders and efforts. When the government forbids their citizens to arm and engage in the war, he undertakes to arm and engage them. When they forbid vessels to be fitted in their ports for cruising on nations with whom they are at peace, he commissions them to fit and cruise. When they forbid an unceded jurisdiction to be exercised within their territory by foreign agents, he undertakes to uphold that exercise, and to avow it openly. The privateers Citizen Genet and Sans Culottes, having been fitted out at Charleston, (though without permission of the government, yet before it was forbidden) the President only required they might leave our ports, and did not interfere with their prizes. Instead, however, of their quitting our ports, the Sans Culottes remains still, strengthening and equipping herself, and the Citizen Genet went out only to cruise on our coast, and to brave the authority of the country by returning into port again with her prizes. Though in the letter of June 5th, the final determination of the President was communicated, that no future armaments in our ports should be permitted, the Vainqueur de la Bastille, was afterwards equipped and commissioned in Charleston, the Anti-George, in Savannah, the Caramagnole, in Delaware, a schooner, and a sloop, in Boston, and the Polly or Republican was attempted to be equipped in New-York, and was the subject of reclamation by Mr. Genet, in a style which certainly did not look like relinquishing the practice. The Little Sarah or Little Democrat was armed, equipped and manned, in the port of Philadelphia, under the very eye of the government, and as if meant to insult it. Having fallen down the river, and being evidently on the point of departure for a cruise, Mr. Genet was desired, in my letter of July 12th, on the part of the President, to detain her till some inquiry and determination on the case should be had. Yet within three or four days after, she was sent out by orders from Mr. Genet himself, and is at this time cruising on our coasts, as appears by the protest of the master of one of our vessels maltreated by her.
"The government thus insulted and set at defiance by Mr. Genet, committed in its duties and engagements to others, determined still to see in these proceedings but the character of the individual; and not to believe, and it does not believe, that they are by instructions from his employers. They had assured the British minister here that the vessels already armed in their ports should be obliged to leave them, and that no more should be armed in them. Yet more had been armed, and those before armed, had either not gone away, or gone only to return with new prizes. They now informed him that the order for departure should be enforced, and the prizes made contrary to it should be restored or compensated. The same thing was notified to Mr. Genet in my letter of August 7th; and, that he might not conclude the promise of compensation to be of no concern to him, and go on in his course, he was reminded that it would be a fair article of account against his nation."
"Mr. Genet, not content with using our force, whether we will or not, in the military line, against nations with whom we are at peace, undertakes al-
so to direct the civil government; and particularly for the Executive and Legislative bodies, to pronounce what powers may, or may not be exercised by the one or the other. Thus in his letter of June 8th, he promises to respect the political opinions of the President, till the representatives shall have confirmed or rejected them, as if the President had undertaken to decide what belonged to the decision of Congress. In his letter of June 14th, he says more openly that the President ought not to have taken on himself to decide on the subject of the letter, but that it was of importance enough to have consulted Congress thereon; and in that of June 22d, he tells the President, in direct terms, that Congress ought already to have been occupied on certain questions which he had been too hasty in deciding: thus making himself, and not the President, the judge of the powers ascribed by the constitution to the Executive, and dictating to him the occasion when he should exercise the power of convening Congress, at an earlier day than their own act had prescribed."
"On the following expressions no commentary shall be made."
"The philosophical proclaimed by the President."
"The opinions private or public of the President, and this Egis not appearing to you sufficient."
"The federal government has been eager, urged by I know not what influence."
"I cannot ascribe measures of this nature, but to extraneous impressions, over which time and truth will triumph."
"They pursue with rage the French privateers by the orders of the President."
"This refusal tends to accomplish the internal system of the king of England and of the other kings, his accomplices, to destroy by lamina French freemen and freedom."
"The cowardly abandonment of their friends."
"In vain the desire to preserve peace leads you to sacrifice the interests of France to this interest of the moment; in vain the thirst of riches preponderates against honor in the political balance of America; all this management, all these condescensions, all this humiliation, end in nothing. Our enemies laugh at it, and the French too confident, are punished for having believed that the American nation had a flag; that it had some respect for its laws; some conviction of its force; and that it had some sentiments of its dignity. It is not possible for me to point to you all my sensibility at this scandal, which tends to the diminution of our commerce, to the oppression of ours, and to the debasement and vituperation of republics."
"If our fellow-citizens have been deceived, if you are not in a condition to maintain the sovereignty of your people, speak: we have guaranteed it when we were slaves, we know how to render it respectable being become free."
"We draw a veil over the sensations which these expressions excite. No words can render them; but they will not escape the sensibility of a friendly and magnanimous nation, who will do us justice. We see in them neither the portrait of ourselves, nor the pencil of our friends; but an attempt to embroil both; to add still another nation to the enemies of his country, and to draw on both a reproach, which it is hoped will never stain the history of either. The written proofs, of which Mr. Genet was himself the bearer, were too unequivocal to leave a doubt that the French nation are constant in their friendship to us. The resolves of their national Convention, the letters of their Executive Council attest this truth in terms which render it necessary to seek, in some other hypothesis, the solution of Mr. Genet's machinations against our peace and friendship."
After enumerating the evidences of our good faith towards France, Mr. Jefferson concludes as follows:
"And for these things he rewards us by endeavors to excite discord and distrust, between our citizens and those whom they have entrusted with their government; between the different branches of our government; between our nation and his. But none of these things, we hope, will be found in his power. That friendship

which dictates to us to bear with his conduct yet awhile, lest the interest of his nation here should suffer injury, will hasten them to replace an agent whose dispositions are such a misrepresentation of theirs; and whose continuance here is inconsistent with order, peace, respect, and that friendly correspondence which we hope will ever subsist between the two nations. His government will see too that the case is pressing. That it is impossible for two sovereign and independent authorities to be going on within our territory, at the same time, without collision. They will foresee that if Mr. Genet perseveres in his proceedings, the consequences would be so hazardous to us, the example so humiliating and pernicious, that we may be forced even to suspend his functions before a successor can arrive to continue them. If our citizens have not already been shedding each others blood, it is not owing to the moderation of Mr. Genet, but to the forbearance of the government. It is well known that if the authority of the laws had been resorted to, to stop the Little Democrat, its officers and agents were to have been resisted by the crew of the vessel, consisting partly of American citizens. Such events are too serious, too possible, to be left to hazard, or to what is worse than hazard, the will of an agent whose designs are so mysterious. Lay the case then immediately before his government; accompany it with assurances, which cannot be stronger than true, that our friendship for the nation is constant and unabating; that, faithful to our treaties, we have fulfilled them in every point to the best of our understanding; that if in any thing, however, we have construed amiss, we are ready to enter into candid explanations, and to do whatever we can be convinced is right; that in opposing the extravagancies of an agent, whose character they seem not sufficiently to have known, we have been urged by motives of duty to ourselves, and justice to others, which cannot but be approved by those who are just themselves; and, finally, that, after independence and self-government, there is nothing we more sincerely wish than perpetual friendship with them."
On the circumstances enumerated or adverted to in these Extracts, no further comments are necessary. The language they speak is too plain to be misunderstood by the meanest understanding.
At a numerous and respectable meeting of the republican Freeholders of Fairfax county, Virginia, held at the tavern of Reuben Wilcoxen on Monday the 3d day of Oct. 1808 agreeably to public notice.
General THOMSON MASON was appointed chairman; and
JOHN C. HUNTER Secretary. On motion, the following gentlemen were appointed a committee for the purpose of draughting resolutions expressive of the sentiments of the meeting:
General THOMSON MASON, JOHN C. HUNTER, GEORGE GRAHAM, GEORGE SUMMERS, HUMPHREY PEAKE, HENRY ROSE, WILLIAM MOSE, JAMES WAUGH, FRANCIS COFFER, GEORGE MINOR, and LEWIS SUMMERS.—The committee retired and in a short time reported the following which was unanimously adopted.
Resolved. That our confidence in the wisdom, patriotism and integrity of the President and Congress of the United States is undiminished—and that the just, pacific and strictly neutral conduct which our Executive government has prescribed to itself, and which it has firmly and unswervingly pursued in all its relations and intercourse with foreign nations, commands our highest approbation and entitles it to our most zealous support.
Resolved. That the decrees of the French government and British orders in council were not only such outrages on our commerce, but were also such direct attacks on our independence as imperiously to call on our government for prompt and efficacious measures to counteract them—that to it were left the alternatives only, of war with all or one of the belligerent powers—or of submission to the most flagrant violations of national right and national independence—or a temporary abandonment of the ocean until the peeling of the storm should have passed by—to have waged war against all the belligerent powers would have been Quixotic. Against either of them would have necessarily entangled us in alliances with the others, a policy so emphatically deprecated by the great WASHINGTON. To have submitted, would have been a pusillanimous sacrifice of national honor and independence. To have relinquished our pursuits on the ocean for a time seems then, to have been that measure to which our government was imperiously urged by every dictate
of humanity as well as sound policy. It has certainly preserved us from becoming a party in one of the most desolating wars that ever disgraced the annals of man. It has saved to us a number of our fellow-citizens and an immense value of property that was afloat on the ocean. It has given to the belligerent powers time to revise their conduct under the pressure of those inconveniences which that conduct had brought upon themselves. And it has preserved to us unsullied our national honor and independence—at the expense certainly of many individual pecuniary sacrifices—but they are sacrifices to patriotism and we cheerfully make them.
Resolved. That although we think every man who is not disposed to sacrifice the good of his country to personal or party aggrandizement ought at all times to be exceedingly cautious in publicly disapproving of, or protesting against such measures as his government may have taken to coerce foreign powers into a respect for its rights. Yet if any of our citizens choose so to do, in a candid and respectful manner, we know of no right that any other portion of them have to object; but when such sedulous and disorganizing sentiments, such base, unfounded and malicious calumnies against our government, as are contained in an address to the President of the United States from certain persons styling themselves a committee of the people of Augusta county, are attempted to be disseminated among the people by party men, for party purposes, we think it the duty of every good man, of every party, to come forward and express his decided disapprobation and utmost abhorrence of such proceedings.
Resolved. That whatever differences of opinion may have existed among us, as to the propriety of the original nomination of a fit republican character to fill the office of President of the United States, we are now called upon by every principle of patriotism to sacrifice those differences at the altar of the public good and to the promotion of the general cause of republicanism—therefore having great confidence in the talents and integrity of James Madison we will zealously support him at the ensuing election for President of the U. States.
Resolved. That we will also zealously support the election of George Clinton as Vice-President of the United States—the whole tenor of his life, as well as his decided and marked disapprobation and reprehension of the conduct of Aaron Burr in the election of President in the year 1801, are sure pledges to us, that he never will disappoint the wishes of the great mass of his friends, by the aid of his enemies.
Resolved. That the foregoing proceedings be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published in the National Intelligencer and Alexandria Daily Gazette .
THOMSON MASON. Chairman. JOHN C. HUNTER, Secretary FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The Constitutionality of the Embargo. —The attachment of the American people to the Constitution of their country is a voluntary tribute of respect to the best form of government, which human ingenuity has established. However the popular sentiment may vary on subjects of minor importance, on this it is uniform and steady, and the majority of all parties agree in the loyalty and submission which is due to this sovereign of their affections.
In proportion to the enthusiasm of their attachment is the jealousy and suspicion of the people; and as no act could be more popular than one which submitted the wishes of the administration to the authority of the Constitution, so none would more certainly tend to the destruction of its advocates than that, which should interfere with the provisions of constitutional law.
A disposition of this nature is liable to be abused; and the misguided zeal of a warm and honest attachment to cause the destruction of the edifice it was intended to support.
There are many among us, who ridicule the idea of a "paper constitution," or the attempt to check the course of power by the principles of law. They delight in that glorious uncertainty which obscurity occasions—in that liberal character, which never being defined, can never be violated, and which trusting entirely to the will of the magistrate leaves him perfectly independent of the people; and they endeavor to bring into contempt with the people by presenting an invariable opposition between the commands of the one and
the interests of the other, and by always representing the wishes of those who administer the government to be at variance with the modifications and restraints which the constitution places on their power.
Hence it is that of late on all favorite questions of party we have heard the authority of government questioned and denied, and some abstract clause of the constitution quoted with triumph as an obstacle to measures, which the commonest capacity would know to be incident to legislation. Indeed this mode of attack on the administration has become so frequent, that it now derives no consequence from novelty, and the cry that the constitution is in danger has been so often fallacious that it ceases to alarm.
If this be the course of the opposition when there is no cause for attack on the government, but the love of contention, no other could be anticipated to follow from a great measure, like the embargo, which is candidly admitted by its friends to have been the result of a choice of evils, and to be defended, not as entirely unproductive of distress, but as producing consequences far less injurious than any other measure in the power of government. Accordingly we find the argument of unconstitutionality is at length most seriously urged, not merely in the venal columns of a prostituted newspaper, but even in the courts of law and before the solemn altars of public justice.
It is this last circumstance that entitles it to attention. For the argument like many other things in life, derives more consequence from the place it is found in, than from its own character or weight. Let us then examine it with the attention which it claims. If the foundation of our government is indeed so weak as not to bear the weight of a measure, which all allow may at some time be necessary, let us lament the inexperience of those sages, who formed our constitution, and whom we have hitherto admired as prodigies of political talents; let us yield to our emotions of surprise and regret that they should deprive our government of a measure incident to every other independent sovereignty and necessary to all , but let not our rulers mistake power for right, or attempt to save their country from the calamities of a war or the degradation of bending at the footstool of a foreign power by violating a single provision of that glorious constitution which we have all sworn to defend.
The question whether the embargo acts be a constitutional exercise of legislative power is entirely disconnected from every other question to which they have given rise. Whether or not the embargo was the only or the best measure to which the government could resort, whether it was the result of national favoritism or of dignified impartiality—whether it will produce the best consequences on our future commercial character, or no consequences at all; or whether, as is ludicrously pretended, it will destroy the future enterprise of the country, are questions, which are apt to mingle so intimately with our feelings and with the party prejudices of the day as to cloud the steady light of the judgment, but they are in no way connected with the very different enquiry, whether the embargo acts are fairly within the legitimate powers of Congress.
It is the right to act, not the policy of acting which is now in dispute; the latter has been discussed till the opposition was compelled to take different ground, and the former is now ringing in our ears as if noise would alone produce conviction.
In examining the constitutionality of the act, it is not immaterial to advert to the first suggestion of its dubiosity. Whatever has transpired of the private session of Congress and whatever intimations of its doings have been given with open doors, nothing appeared to hang a doubt upon as to the power of Congress to adopt the measure if it pleased. We heard at that time many objections to the measure as improper and impolitic, and an anger and a rage was discovered that would not omit any plausible argument to exasperate or alarm. Even " the hand of Bonaparte " which was seen, or thought to be seen by some Machiavels in the council, was not then apprehended to be leading the government across the constitution of the country.
The supplementary acts, which had to contend with the opposition of personal interest and the animosity of party, never produced a discussion of the constitutionality of the original act. The MASSACHUSETTS legislature in two successive sessions adopted resolutions on this subject of an opposite tendency, but at both these times the unconstitutionality of the embargo act was a discovery which escaped the penetration of these "wise men of the east." But as the e-
lections come round and the fears of the people were to be excited, then came forth the declaration of the unconstitutionality of the act—a declaration first made in eagerness to preserve a property which was liable to confiscation for an attempted infraction of the law; and gladly seized upon by the zealots of party to provoke that resentment, which must ever arise from a violated constitution, and which it was thought the present moment of embarrassment and difficulty was peculiarly favorable to excite.
"An embargo" is defined to be an arrest laid on ships or merchandise by public authority or by a prohibition of state." "In common acceptance an embargo means the prohibition of vessels from sailing, and extends when not otherwise expressed, equally to those of the country where imposed, as to those of foreign nations." An embargo act is no novelty in American legislation. The legislature in March, 1794, and again in the month of April, thought proper to cause this "arrest," and by an act of the 4th of June of the same year, authorised the President to impose one if he should judge it expedient. The acts have always been considered constitutional. Hence it follows, that it is allowable to lay an embargo, unless in the manner of it there is something exceedingly wrong and offensive.
The difference between the present acts and that passed during the administration of General Washington is, 1st. General Washington had a power delegated to him to lay an embargo which should cease and determine in 15 days from the actual meeting of Congress next after the laying of the same. President Jefferson by the present laws has a power delegated to him to suspend the same in whole or in part, under such restrictions as he may think the public interest may require, provided such suspension shall not extend beyond twenty days after the next meeting of Congress. 2d. The former embargo included foreign vessels, the present allowed those which were here at the time to depart. 3d. The resolutions of Congress in 1794 limit the continuance of the embargo to 60 days, the present contains no express limitation, except the power given to the President to suspend its operation. These are the principal differences which appear between the two laws, although the latter, being more minute and particular, and containing a variety of special regulations, have adopted a phraseology which evidently carries the idea of a short continuance, and which would leave on the mind of any disinterested reader a strong impression that the whole were temporary acts produced entirely by the circumstances of the times. The former acts are not entitled to more respect than the latter, as both were enacted by the same authority, and it will not follow that either is wrong because they are not alike.
It being conceded to the cavillers at this exercise of legislative power that there is no limitation of its continuance expressed in the body of the embargo act, we return to meet them on their own ground, and to assert,
1st. That Congress have a constitutional right to suspend the commerce of the union, without limiting the suspension to any definite time.
2dly. That the present embargo acts do contain a limitation, and in this respect are temporary laws.
In examining the first point of this enquiry we assume it as a truth which cannot be controverted, that the "common defence and general welfare of the United States" may at some time and under some supposable circumstances require a suspension of its commerce, and that this suspension, to be effectual should be of an uncertain duration, and would then desire the captious controvertist to examine the 8th sec. of the first article of the federal constitution in which it is declared that "Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, but all duties, imposts and excises shall be common throughout the United States." If this clause of the constitution has any meaning it must amount to as much as is contended for.
But, perhaps the truth of the principles I have assumed will be denied. Yet what body or set of men is to determine, what is necessary for the common defence, but the Congress? If the measure be necessary it is clearly constitutional, & whether it is necessary or not is solely within the determination of Congress. We need not stop here. Circumstances may certainly arise in which a general suspension of commerce would be for the general welfare. Laying aside all deference to a precedent which is sanctioned by the name of Washington, let it be asked whether the same circumstances would not again
* Lex Mercatoria.
most wisely produce a similar act? Whence is it that the pages of commercial history so frequently announce the occurrence of Embargoes in every commercial country, and whence is it that the laws of insurance are so definitely arranged concerning them, unless they have every where been found to be melancholy evils necessarily incident to the affairs of a mercantile people, and which extraneous events may frequently produce. But if the proposition that a suspension of commerce may be for the general welfare be not denied, will it be affirmed that the time of its suspension must be ascertained by the act which enforces it? Why? Where is the provision which gives authority to suspend commercial intercourse, and yet requires the time of its suspension to be ascertained and promulgated?
FRANKLIN. (To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, OCTOBER 10.
The St. Michael arrived at Baltimore on Saturday, last from L'Orient, which she left the 21st of August, bringing dispatches both from Mr. Pinkney and Gen. Armstrong.
The contents will doubtless be made known to Congress, which is soon to meet, with any further communications which may be previously received. In the mean time there is reason to believe that no final decision had been expressed by either of the belligerent governments, on the appeal made by the President to the justice and policy of rescinding their illegal edicts, under the authority vested in him by the act of Congress, to suspend in whole or in part the Embargo laws. Notwithstanding the manifest interest and sound policy which plead with France, to concur in the equitable views of the United States, her insinuated attachment to the particular system she has adopted against her enemy discourages a reliance at least on her setting the example of changing it. It is understood, that appearances were at first favorable to the expectation that the British government would yield to the unobjectionable arrangement contemplated by the President of a revocation of the Orders of Council as they regard the United States, and of the Embargo as it regards Great Britain; and that there was moreover a disposition indicated to resume the affair of the Chesapeake, with a view to some effective step towards its accommodation, particularly the restoration of the seamen still detained in captivity, to which it was admitted there could be no reasonable objection. At a later date, the apparent disposition to concur in the contemplated arrangement had undergone a change. Difficulties were started as unexpected as they were irrelevant and inapplicable. Whether further explanation and reflection would lead to the result due to the fair and friendly views of the United States must soon be known. As the offer to repeal the Embargo as it relates to England on her revoking her orders as they relate to the United States, leaving the Embargo in force as to France if she adheres to her illegal decrees, takes away absolutely the sole pretext on which the British orders are expressly founded, to wit; the acquiescence of the United States in the French decrees; and as her wishes would be gratified with the whole of our trade in case France refused to repeal her decrees, or a removal of all illegal obstructions to a general commerce would take place, in case France agreed to repeal them, England may still be expected to accede to the views disclosed by the President, if her own views do not now forsake the original and avowed object of her orders, in favor of some distinct and unfriendly policy towards this country.
For ourselves we do not conceal our conviction, founded on a variety of known circumstances, as well as the language of certain English prints, that the British policy is co-operating with the efforts made among ourselves, to alienate the affections of our citizens from their government, thus the more effectually to answer and promote the views of the British government by rendering abortive the measures taken in vindication of our just rights. Sue calculates upon our divisions, and to divide and paralyse us, acts one way and talks another. There can scarcely be a doubt that she is playing the most dexterous card in order to influence the pending elections, particularly that of Chief Magistrate for the ensuing four years. We shall be happy, if, even after she shall have been completely baffled in her hopes on this head, as paul she infallibly will be, she at length accedes to the just terms offered by our government.

According to verbal intelligence received by the St. Michael, Joseph Bonaparte had, on his retreat from Madrid, reached Bayonne.
On the 3rd inst. the District Court of U.S. resumed its session in Salem, when his honor the judge pronounced the constitutionality of the Embargo laws.
The Department of State has lately received the following account from Cayenne in relation to the brig Littlear, Samuel W. Balch master, which sailed from Boston on the 26th of December, 1806, bound to the River of Plate:
That after the arrival of the said brig at Montevideo, she was sold and transferred by the said Balch to James A. Boucher, who is stated to have been a citizen of the United States belonging to Norfolk, in Virginia, or its vicinity, and to have had a family there; that soon afterwards (on the 5th July, 1807) the Littlear was carried on a coasting voyage by Boucher, and she was brought back to La Plate on the 12th January, succeeding, that she again sailed (on the 15th April, 1808) under the command of Boucher, bound to Rio Janeiro; that on the passage Boucher fell a victim to the treachery of a part of his crew, being assassinated by them; that, therefor, the command of the vessel, with the name of her murdered captain, was assumed by the person who had acted as the mate; that on the 12th June last, the Littlear arrived at Cayenne under the command of the pretended capt. Boucher, who consigned both vessel and cargo to Jonathan Barry (or Barns) the informant of this Department; and that the "Brig and her cargo have been since sold by the Tribunal 'La Premiere Instance' at Cayenne."
October 7th, 1808.
On Monday we laid before our readers a statement of the Electoral votes, founded upon a bare possibility. We said that it was barely possible that all the votes of the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware, and four of Maryland, and a like number of North Carolina, would be federal; which would make 84 votes. We did this to exhibit the importance of vigilance on the part of the republicans of New-York, as in that event the electoral votes of that state would be requisite to the choice of a republican President. By a kind of legerdemain, perfectly familiar to federalism, the words, "barely possible," are metamorphosed into "very probable;" and we are made to say, that it is very probable that all these votes will be given to a federal candidate. The same writer, who possesses this surprising ingenuity of thus making the worse appear the better cause, goes on to give four votes in Maryland, six in North-Carolina, the whole of South Carolina, the whole of Georgia, four in Kentucky, and one in Tennessee to Mr. Monroe or Mr. Clinton, thus most convincingly bringing down the whole of Mr. Madison's votes to 42!
We confess our utter inability to enter the lists with such profound sagacity; a sagacity that converts a bare possibility into a great probability, and gives fifty votes indifferently to Clinton or Monroe!
Our conviction that there will be a great majority of the electoral votes for Mr. Madison remains unshaken. Our sincere belief is that he will have the following votes:
 New-York 19  Vermont 6  New-Jersey 8  Pennsylvania 20  Maryland 9  North Carolina 13  Virginia 24  South Carolina 10  Georgia 6  Kentucky 8  Tennessee 5  Ohio 3 
131
And he may besides have the votes of New-Hampshire and Rhode Island.
MARYLAND ELECTION.
In addition to the accounts in our last, we add the following:—
ANNE ARUNDEL COUNTY.
For Congress—A. Van Horn, 1068—H. A. Callis, 597—Mr. Van Horn is consequently re-elected by a large majority.
Four republican members of Assembly are elected by a majority of about 470.
Queen Ann. Four republican members of Assembly elected by a majority of 650.
Talbot. Three republicans and one federalist elected.
Caroline. Three republicans and one federalist elected.
These three counties form a Congressional district and give Mr. Brown, republican, a majority of 949 votes.
Harford. Four republican members of Assembly elected by a great majority.
In this county for Congress, Mr. Montgomery, republican, had 995, Mr. Archer, republican, 759, and Mr. Spencer, fed. 164 votes. Mr. Montgomery is unquestionably re-elected.
Washington County. Majority of 384 for Nelson.
Four republican members of assembly elected by a majority of about 480.
Recapitulation. Thirty-nine republican and twenty-one federal members of Assembly are elected. The Assembly consisting of 80 members, twenty remain to be heard from. It is, however, reduced almost to a certainty that a large majority will be republican. At all events, should every other member be federal, as the whole Senate consisting of 15 members is republican, there will be a republican majority of 13 in joint meeting.
For Congress it is ascertained that Messrs. M'Kim, Moore, Van Horn, Montgomery and Brown, republicans, and Mr. Key, federal, are elected.
The aggregate republican majority of votes yet ascertained exceeds six thousand.
Pennsylvania. In half the districts of Lancaster county, hitherto federal, republican Inspectors have been chosen.
In Chester county, the republican candidates have succeeded in 20 townships.
In Dauphin county, the same ticket has prevailed for the first time in Middletown district.
DELAWARE. In the county of New-Castle the republican ticket has triumphed by a majority of 687.
In Sussex County the federal majority is 430.
Baltimore, October 5.
After the certainty of the county election was ascertained yesterday, a procession was formed at the Point, composed of the farmers of the county, and the seamen, mechanics and merchants of the city and Point, together with other republican citizens. In the front was borne the plough on wheels, under the guidance of capt. Stansbury, one of the county members elect. This was followed by citizens of the precincts and county. To this succeeded a schooner appropriately rigged, decorated & manned. On board of this vessel were the city candidates for assembly, and the congressional members elect of the district, with the proper officers. Citizens of every business and profession were in the processional ranks. They were attended by martial music.
After moving through the different streets of the city, they reached Hampstead hill about dusk, where they kindled a flame around six pipes of Gin, on which had been paid tribute to Great Britain, accompanied by a discharge of 17 rounds of cannon.
Over the pipes of Gin was suspended a canvas, which bore the following inscription—"British orders of Council." The frame to which it was attached, somewhat resembled a gallows; the whole was consumed amid the patriotic shouts of thousands of our fellow citizens.
After this was accomplished the procession returned by torch light to the city. When they arrived in South street opposite the residence of Mr. M'Kim, he addressed them as friends, fellow citizens and Americans, thanked them for the honors conferred on him, gloried in the testimony they had given of their attachment to the principles for which the best blood of our country had been spilt, and was glad that they had not tarnished the lustre of the day. When three huzzas were given. The procession moved on a small distance further, when the patriotic farmer, Stansbury, addressed the audience with his usual warmth, was huzzaed, and retired. The procession as they passed General Smith's residence gave him three hearty cheers, returned to whence it started, and the multitude quietly dispersed.
American.
FURTHER ACCOUNTS FROM SPAIN. CADIZ, Aug. 8.—We learn, that the diplomatic characters at Madrid, such as the ambassadors from Russia, and from the United States, have not acknowledged king Joseph.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman in Cadiz to his friend in New-York, dated 24th of August, 1808.
"Joseph Bonaparte, with his French troops, evacuated Madrid on the 31st ult. and it is said he is now at Burgos where the remains of the French
armies are collecting, with the intention probably of maintaining themselves near the frontiers until the arrival of the reinforcements from France. The provincial Juntas are now deliberating on the establishment of a general government, which will probably be fixed at Madrid. From present appearances, it will settle in a kind of Federative Republic, the provincial Juntas delegating to the general government such powers only as they themselves are unable individually to exercise; such as the negotiations with foreign powers, the management of the colonies and the direction of the army and navy. It is likewise proposed, that each province shall be represented by two members, with equal votes. I send you the declaration of two of the Juntas, viz. of Granada and Valencia, on this subject. In the mean time, the greatest exertions are making by the Provinces to be in readiness to resist the expected attack, and so encouraged and elated are the people, that not a doubt is entertained of the final result of the war; and we cannot wonder when we reflect on the almost uniform success of their arms against the people whom they had been taught to believe invincible. Already the losses of the French in this country are said to be in killed and prisoners more than 50,000 men, and I believe the statement is not exaggerated, as it appears by the Spanish official account that the army of Dupont alone amounted before the battle of Baylen to upwards of 20,000 men."
Extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated Aug. 26.
"The British ships of war in this quarter, and particularly off here, have received orders from the Admiralty to discharge all the American seamen on board of their respective vessels; and in consequence a great many have obtained their discharge and come on shore here; this you may state as a fact, as I can vouch for the truth of it, having conversed with many of them since their liberation—this looks well. Our vessels navigating in this quarter are treated politely by the English and no obstacle is thrown in the way of our trade, which is admissible. This port being now open, all neutrals, are admitted to a free entry—the blockade is raised and some of the British men of war have quitted this station entirely. Lord Collingwood leaves here in a few days to proceed to Barcelona, in Catalonia, which place, after being for a long time in possession of the French, is at length said to be entirely clear of them."
PROCLAMATION.
FERDINANDO VII. King of Spain and the Indies, and in his name by the Supreme Junta of both Governments.
The evils of Spain have arrived at the utmost extremity. Treachery and perfidy have carried away to France the King Ferdinand VII. the King's father, the Queen, and all the Royal family, compelling them to renounce the crown. Whether this renunciation was obtained by falsity or truth, it is evidently void; and the French Emperor, by attempting to give a King to the Spaniards, has been guilty of an atrocity, unexampled in the history of nations. Napoleon, to execute and consummate this monstrous crime, to make himself master of Spain, had prepared all the means which ambition could invent. His numerous armies have entered these kingdoms as friends; and under that pretext, have robbed the country, and committed assassinations with a degree of cruelty and injustice perhaps hitherto unequalled.
Renas, July 20.—The Junta of Terregon, has expedited an officer express with the information that the aid-de-camp of Napoleon had been taken; having despatches for general Doheame, who has made his escape from Barcelona, and is said to have gone to France.
The French division of Hostalrie is between two fires.
The Spanish troops in Minorca are recalled to defend the kingdom.
Manresa, July 21. We have received official intelligence that the French division which went against Cerona, is entirely destroyed. The destruction of the division under Hostalrie is horrible.
Rodengo, July 23. General Cuesta is in Salamanca, with 800 horse, and is moving towards Estremadura.
Madrid, August 5. The capitulation of Dupont on the 26th ult. has caused the greatest consternation in the French army, which is evident from its extraordinary movements The army departed in three divisions—the first in the night of the 29th; the second, escorting Joseph Bonaparte, on the 30th; and the third the day following. They robbed the treasury before their departure; and of
the palace they left nothing but the walls.
The French had ordered that no portrait of Ferdinand VII. should be sold in Madrid under pain of death: but yesterday the city was amply supplied with them. Joseph had no coachman at the time of his marching; and his soldiers, who undertook that office, executed it so bad, that he was obliged to go on horseback. All is tranquil, and our hopes are resting on the army of Andalusia.
Cadiz, August 9. The captain of a vessel arrived here from Carril, reports, that on the 6th inst. passing by Lisbon, he heard a very heavy cannonading, probably between the fleets of England and Russia.
Letters from Durango state, that Biscay is free from Frenchmen, and is united to our cause.
Seville, August 13. Sir John Stuart, who is to be appointed commander in chief of the Sicilian troops, arrived at Messina on the 15th, and has been received with distinguished honors.
Philadelphia Oct. 5.
The following is an extract of a letter from an intelligent gentleman at Cadiz, to his friend in this city, dated Cadiz, August 25.
"Our government has as yet come to no determination respecting the ships and property detained at Algeciras. We are promised a decision from one day to another, and I really believe it will be issued ere long. Their time, however, has been much taken up with the movement of the army to Madrid, and forming a plan of campaign."
"The success of the Spanish armies has been incredible. Saragossa has immortalised itself. The number and obstinate attacks on it by the French, who kept pouring in fresh troops, have been most extraordinary; and it is more so, that they should have been defeated in every attack, and finally completely routed, and almost annihilated."
King Joseph I. has united his forces at Burgos, after evacuating Madrid, and robbing it of every thing valuable that could be carried off. The Spanish armies under Cuesta, Blake and Castanos, are advancing towards him, and he must retreat, unless large reinforcements arrive from France.
* Burgos is the capital of Old Castile, and is situated partly on a mountain, and partly on the river Arlanzón. It is 117 miles north of Madrid.
The ship Mary, arrived at Boston, brings London papers to the 13th of August.
These state, that 135,000 patriots were on their march towards Madrid to intercept Joseph; that Napoleon had convoked the Senate at Paris, and had proposed calling out every Frenchman between 16 and 40, which, it was reported, had been received with some disapprobation, in consequence of which eight members had been thrown into prison.
Boston, October 4.
By the arrival of the ship Sally, Hastings, 56 days from Malaga and 48 from Gibraltar, we have papers of the latter place to Aug. 13; they however contain no intelligence from Spain, of later date, than is received by the Mary, from London.
The following note was handed to capt. Hastings, just before he set sail from Malaga:—
Mr. Kirkpatrick begs leave to inform Capt. Hastings, that the post, just arrived, brings official information, that the French army in Madrid has demanded to capitulate. The governor of Madrid, by desire of Joseph Napoleon, sent despatches to Gen. Castanos, to that effect, thinking his victorious army was marching towards the capital, immediately after the surrender of Dupont. It is not known what Castanos answered; but it is most probable he will not have admitted of any terms, but left the French army to understand, or treat with gen. Cuesta, who was near Madrid, with an army of 120,000 men. It is generally thought that before the 10th of this month, (August) Madrid will be in our possession, and that few Frenchmen will escape. The populace hold in recollection the 2d of May, and the quantities of innocent blood then shed there. Advices from Catalonia mention, that Barcelona, and its fortresses had been taken by the Catalonians.
Capt. Hastings says, (that the report of the capture of Barcelona, and its fortresses, was questioned at Gibraltar.
The illustrious Duke du Infantado, who accompanied Joseph from Bayonne, has separated from him, and was at Valladolid among the Patriots raising a respectable army. On the 6th of August gen. Blake, at the head of his army, consisting of 90,000 men, arrived at Astorga from Galicia, on his way to Burgos. General Cerbellon, who is commander in chief of the army of Valencia, enter-
ed Madrid on the 3d of August with 5000 men, and restored tranquility to the city, and happiness to its inhabitants.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, dated 5th Aug.
"The Tiger from Philadelphia to Bordeaux, is condemn'd for having dispatches on board, which she was conveying in a clandestine manner from Tureau to Champagne at Paris. The nature of the dispatches has not transpired, but they are considered important, as relating principally to the state of the influence of the French party in America."
Extract of a letter from a commercial house in London to another in N. Y. dated July 26.
"Although it is impossible to say what will be the result of depending events in Spain, we fear that the opposition to the French in various districts, although aided by this country, will ultimately throw that monarchy into the hands of Napoleon as a conquered country. Under this impression we think any speculation to any port of Spain extremely hazardous. And although our government have declared the blockade raised on all ports not under the French control, yet they will give no licences but to British and Spanish ships; and we fear that the orders of council, yet remaining in full force, would endanger and expose to condemnation any of your vessels not proceeding for England direct, or under permission from thence."
TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS.
Subscribers in arrears are earnestly requested to comply with the terms of this Paper, which, it will be recollected, require the annual payment of Five Dollars in advance. As no period, in the affairs of our country, has been more momentous than the present, so, never has there been a time that required greater exertions from the public prints. While the most unceasing and uncomitted efforts are made to lead the public mind, and to give it a direction destructive to the great interests of the nation, it becomes the duty of the republican prints to be firm, vigilant & active in the diffusion of truth. This duty shall be performed by us. As heretofore the public shall be presented with a full and impartial view of the proceedings of the government, including the Debates of Congress, and the interesting Documents that emanate from the several departments of the government. If we are to judge from passing events, no session since the era of the government will have been more important than the one at hand.
To enable the Editor the more satisfactorily to discharge these duties, he has associated with himself, JOSEPH GALES, Jun. who, during the sittings of Congress, will be principally occupied in reporting their proceedings; a department in which he has already shown his competency and impartiality.
As this, together with other arrangements, will involve great additional expenses, we are compelled, notwithstanding the peculiar circumstances of the times, to address ourselves to the justice of our subscribers, under the hope that they will, by their punctuality, enable us faithfully to comply with our engagements.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN from the stable of the subscriber last night, the 6th inst. a handsome BLACK RIDDLING HORSE, about 15 hands high, white blaze face, hind feet white, an M. branded on the right side of the neck, and a W on the left shoulder; a scar on one of his fore legs. He is about eight years old, is in high order, and has coat shining-black.
The above reward will be paid for the detection of the THIEF, and return of the Horse, or one half that amount for either.
FREDERICK MAX.
Washington city, October 10—
SALE AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday next, at the Hotel lately occupied by P. E. STELLE, will be sold to the highest bidder, sundry articles of HOUSEHOLD AND KITCHEN FURNITURE. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock, A. M. where the conditions will be made known, by
S. SPEAKE, Auct.
Washington, October 7—2t
PRINTING INK.
SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PATRO, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JON. MIXCELIN'S New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol. October 10—3spw3m
THIS DAY!
Published by Joseph Miligan, George-Town, Price $175 cents,
ADELINE MOWBRAY, OR THE
MOTHER AND DAUGHTER, A TALE, IN 2 VOLUMES,
By Mrs. Opie.
The above work has passed the ordeal of criticism in Europe and America with uncommon success, and from the flattering reception which the Simple Tales (by the same author) has met with, the publisher of Adeline Mowbray has no doubt, but the few copies which he has on hand, will soon be purchased by a discerning public, who are always inclined to encourage merit.
**The above work may be had of the publisher, in George-Town, and of R. C. Weightman, or Daniel Ralfe, Washington, & of the principal booksellers throughout the United States. October 10—2t

TO BE LET. A comfortable dwelling house, with every convenience to accommodate a genteel family, now occupied by the Rev. Mr. Laurie—possession may be had on the 1st of this month—Stable and Carriage House if required. Apply to PIERCE PURCELL. Also a Two Story Brick House on F. Street—an excellent stand for business—a large store completely finished, a dry-cellar, &c. &c. Stable and carriage house. Apply as above. October 3—3t
MANHATTAN ACADEMY FOR YOUNG GENTLEMEN. M. DAPONTE informs his friends and the public, that he has opened his Academy nearly adjoining the Manhattan Bank, up Broadway road, where he will instruct Young Gentlemen in the French, Latin, & Italian Languages . Every attention will be paid to the morals of those entrusted to his care. N. B. M. Daponte begs to say he has, at the request of several parents engaged a very able person to teach, not only Writing and Cyphering in his Academy, but also the Long-hand Grammar, Geography, and other Juvenile rudiments . October 5—
SLOOP UNITY HAND. Arrived at Philadelphia the 20th inst in three days from NORFOLK , is taking in Freight, and will sail soon for this place. October 3—
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. DESSERTED on the evening of the 20th of September last, DANIEL HARGEN , a recruit belonging to this rendezvous, says he is thirty-one years of age, but appears older; five feet seven inches in height, hazel eyes, black hair and sallow complexion, was born in Ireland, and by occupation a blacksmith; had on of the public clothing, a black hat bound with white tape, cockade and Eagle, a coarse shirt ruffled at the breast, white frize vest with an Eagle button marked first regiment, a pair of coarse linen trousers, short stockings, and shoes. He had on of his own an old cloth coat, of a dark mixture, wore out at the elbows. The above reward with reasonable charges will be paid for apprehending and delivering him to me, or to any other officer of the army, or securing him in any jail in the United States, and giving me or any other officer of the army information thereof. ROBERT CHERRY. Commanding Recruiting Rendezvous. Washington City, October 3.
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Now landing from on board the schr. Maria , apt. Pittsburgh , and for SALE , at low prices, Jamaica Spirit, Antigua and New England Rum, Muscavado Sugars, Molasses, Coffee, Muscadel and Bloom Raisins, Holland and country Gin, Spermaceti Candles, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars, Corks, Powder and shot of the best quality, White Lead in oil, A few crates of Stone Ware. They have also on hand, and for Sale, Madera, } Wine by the cask. Marsala, and } Calomela, } Claret in boxes of 1 dozen each, Cogniac and } Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, } Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, Best Salid Oil, Mount and Dpt Candles, Soap, Whiskey, and A few Logs of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. August 22—
DR. WILLIAM GRAYSON , has taken a part of the house lately occupied by Mr. JOHN TEMPLEMAN on Bridge street, two doors above SEMMES tavern, where he begins to offer his PROFESSIONAL SERVICES to the Citizens of Georgetown, and the public in general. Georgetown, Sept. 14—4f
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponcelts & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
WASHINGTON JOCKEY CLUB RACES. On Tuesday the 23th day of October next, will be run for over the Washington Course, a Purse of Five Hundred Dollars , four miles and repeat—free for any horse, mare, or gelding. On Wednesday the 26th will be run for, a Purse of Three Hundred and Fifty Dollars , three miles and repeat—free as above, the winning horse of the preceding day excepted—and On Thursday the 27th will be run for, "The City and Town Purse" of Three Hundred Dollars , two miles and repeat—free only for colts and fillies. Each race to be run and conducted agreeably to the rules of the Club. The Purses will probably be considerably larger than has been stated. The amount of each cannot be stated with positive certainty, because it is made up, in part, from the tolls collected at the gates, and from the rent of the booths. SAMUEL BOOTES, Sec. George-Town, August 31—tr
N. B. The members of the Club are particularly requested to meet at the Union Tavern, at 6 o'clock on the evening of the day preceding the first day's race, in conformity to a standing rule of the Club. S. B.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Ringe's tavern, in said town—to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL , of Saml. March 21—cpids
NEW GOODS. The Subscriber has just received from New-York, and now opening, at his Store, in Bridge-Street, the following Goods, viz. 1 Case 4-4th and 6-4th cotton cambric muslins, 1 do. 7-8th Irish linens well assorted, 1 do. 8-4th and 10-4th Irish damask table cloths, 6 do. men's low priced f'd hats, 1 do. men and women's cotton stockings, plain, laced, and sandals, 1 trunk low priced English calicoes, 1 do. 8-4th cotton damask table cloths, 1 do. containing 35 dozen cotton damask towels, 1 do. 60 pieces scarlet and brown Bandano handkerchiefs, 1 do. dark plaid ginghams and black cambric muslins, 6 bales India cottons, different kinds, 4 do. white and brown German ticklenburgs, 46 boxes Havannah segars, All of which will be sold low for cash or approved paper at 60 or 90 days. EDWARD L. SMITH. George-Town, September 2—5w
PORT-TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WILL be run for, over the Port-Tobacco Jockey Club Course, on the second Tuesday in October next, a Purse of Three Hundred and Sixty Dollars , four miles and repeat, free for any horse, mare, or gelding, and on the second day a Purse of Two Hundred Dollars , two miles and repeat, the winning horse of the first day's race only excepted. Weights agreeable to the rules of the Club; and on the third day a handsome Saddle, Bridle and Martingale, value Fifty dollars, one mile and repeat, by saddle horses. All horses must be entered with the Secretary on the evening previous to their running. WM. D. HARRISON, Sec. August 24—
JOHN W. HOLLINGSWORTH, MERCHANT TAYLOR FROM BALTIMORE, Near the Navy Yard in 8th street, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has for sale a quantity of ready made goods, viz. Coats, Vests, Jackets, &c. and also a quantity of Hair Powder , suitable for Barbers at a moderate price. October 3—3t
NOTICE. WILL be exposed to Public Sale, on Friday the seventh day of October next, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, at Mr. Rhode's Tavern, NEGRO SALLY and her Child, the property of the heirs of James R. Derron, taken for taxes due to the Corporation of the City of Washington. Terms of Sale—Cash. HENRY WHETCROFT. Preliminary of Washington City September 30—3t
BANK OF COLUMBIA. THE President and Directors having this day declared a Dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of eight per cent per annum. The same will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives on or after Tuesday the 20th inst. WM. WILANS, Cashr. September 19—6w
Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company. THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Third Instalment of Ten Dollars on each share is called for, by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 23th day of October next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. September 28—13t
SHERIFF'S SALE. Will be exposed at Public Sale, on Thursday the 29th inst. on the premises, for Cash. THE FARM whereon Ignatius West now lives, containing upwards of 500 acres of Land, the greater part in woods—late the property of said West, taken by virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias , at the suit of Cornelia Lansdale , assignee of John Hodges of Thomas , who was assignee of Benjamin Oden use of Wm. B. Beans . The sale will commence at 3 o'clock, P. M. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county, Md. September 14—7t
N. B. The above Sale is postponed to Tuesday 11th of October, at 12 o'clock precisely. J. F.
LOST. A CHECK on the Branch Bank in this City, bearing date the 3d inst. for $250 in favor of Robert King or bearer, as the payment of which is stopped, it can be of no use to any person but the owner—a reasonable reward will be paid to the finder by delivering it to the subscriber at the Treasury Department. ROBERT KING. Washington, October 5—3t
THE LAWYER, OR MAN AS HE OUGHT NOT TO BE; A TALE. Price One Dollar. The above highly interesting work is just published, and may be had at J. March's Book-Store, George-Town. September 26—6t
JOHN GOULDING. Is now landing from on board the Fanny from Baltimore, a few barrels of West India COFFEE and New Orleans SUGAR , Bottles in hampers, Red and White Champagne Wine in boxes, Fresh Tea, &c. On hand, as usual, most kinds of choice old Wines in bottles and in casks; best Albany Ale; Philadelphia Porter and Ale; Spermaceti Candles, Train Oil; Castle Soap in boxes, with sundry articles in his line, to be sold for Cash, and as usual, cheap to his punctilious customers. Georgetown, September 16—2m
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New-London; New-York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Georgia, or New-Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w1N
WANTED to purchase or hire by the year, a NEGRO WOMAN , who is acquainted with washing and plain cooking. Also a NEGRO MAN , as a waiter, and who has some knowledge of horses.—Satisfactory testimonials of their honesty and sobriety will be required. Enquire of the Printer. October 5—w1f
Orphan's Court, Prince Georges county, July 19th 1808. IT being represented to this court by petition in writing of Robert McGill administrator of Benjamin Gaither late of said county, deceased, that in consequence of the absence of the deceased's representatives from the state of Maryland, and of doubts being entertained whether the said absent representatives are in existence or have left any issue to represent them, he cannot safely make distribution of the assets in his hands without the interposition of this court. It is therefore ordered, that unless the said absent representatives appear before the 20th day of January next to receive their respective dividends, that the court will then proceed to make distribution of the assets in the hands of the said Robert McGill , among the deceased's representatives, residing in the state of Maryland, provided the said Robert McGill shall cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for eight weeks before the 20th day of November next. Test, TRUELMAN TYLER, Reg. of Wills for Prince George's county. August 29—w8t
Prince George's County, to wit: I hereby certify that Notley Maddox of the said county, brought before me as a Stray , trespassing on his inclosure, a dark brown GELDING , about 12 years old, 14 1-2 hands high, a small star in his forehead, switch tail, heavy lopped ears, no perceivable brand, much galled both by the saddle and gears. Given under my hand, a justice of the peace in and for the county aforesaid, this 26th of July, 1808. HENRY A. CALLIS. The owner of the above mentioned Horse is desired to prove his property, pay charges, and take him away. NOTLEY MADDOX, Living near the Eastern Branch bridge, Prince George's county, Md. September 26—w3t
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, Sugars, Coffee, &c. W. C. SMITH Have just received by the Maria , from New-York, 6 Chests } Fine Imperial Teas, 20 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } 15 Boxes } Hyson Teas, 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } 18 Half do. } Young Hyson Teas, 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson-skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves, 52 Hds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality, 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee, 12 Bags corrs, 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil, 10 Quarter casks London particular Tenorife wine. George-Town, June 20—2awtf
VALUABLE LAND & MILLS. THE Subscriber offers for sale, or barter, for Property in the City of Washington or George-Town, 125 acres of LAND: one half well timbered, the soil of an excellent quality, with a proportion of meadow ground, a never failing stream a water running directly through it, on which is a Grist and Saw Mill adjoining, all in complete order, with a fifteen foot water wheel, overshoot, also a small comfortable Dwelling and other out houses, with a variety of young fruit trees, and a spring of excellent water bursting out of a large rock near the house. It is deemed unnecessary to describe the natural advantages of this seat, as it is presumed those inclined to purchase will view the premises. The above property is beautifully situated in Montgomery county, four miles from Richard Ross's tavern on the Baltimore road, seven miles from Blacksburg, and twelve from the city of Washington and George-Town. RICHARD LANSDALE. September 28—1awtf
District of Columbia, county of Alexandria. IN the case of ROBERT BROWN JAMES son an insolvent debtor, late of the district aforesaid. Notice is hereby given, to the several creditors of the said Robert Brown James , to bring in and exhibit to Colin Auld , trustee, appointed for the benefit of the said creditors, their respective claims within five months from this 24th day of September 1808—and it is ordered, that notice of this order be published in the Alexandria Daily Gazette , and the National Intelligencer , once in each week, for three successive weeks. By order of the honorable Nicholas Fitzhugh , assistant judge of the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia acting judge in the case of the discharge of the insolvent debtor, aforesaid. Witness my hand and seal this 24th September, 1808. G. DENEALE, C. C. September 30—w3t
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county , will be sold, at Public Sale, at Vansville , in Prince George's county , on Saturday the 15th day of October next, THE residue of the Personal Estate of Zachariah Baldwin , late of said county, deceased; consisting of sundry valuable Negroes. A credit of six months will be given, on the purchasers giving bond, with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. HENRY CULVER, Adm. with the will annexed. September 26—w3t
FOR SALE. THE two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
This is to give Notice, THAT the subscribers of Prince George's county , hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county , in Maryland, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Isaac Magruder , late of Prince Georges county , deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscribers, at or before the 13th day of March next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all the benefit of the said estate. Given under our hands this 13th day of September, 1808. ANN MAGRUDER, THOS. MAGRUDER, Administrators. September 14—w6t
Prince Georges county, ss. ON application to me the subscriber in the recess of the court as Chief Judge of the first Judicial District of the state of Maryland by petition in writing of HENRY ADDISON CALLIS , of Prince Georges county , praying for the benefit of the act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, and the several supplements thereto on the terms mentioned in the said acts—a schedule of his property and list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them, being annexed to his petition; and the said Henry Addison Callis , having satisfied me by competent testimony that he has resided in the state of Maryland two years immediately preceding the time of his application; having also stated in his petition that he is now in actual confinement for debt and not on account of any breach of the peace or for the non-payment of any fine, or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the sheriff of Prince Georges county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement on the terms prescribed in the said acts, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do hereby order and adjudge that the said Henry Addison Callis be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in December next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the county court at the court house of said county, at 12 o'clock of the said first Monday in December next for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Henry Addison Callis then and there taking the oath prescribed for the delivering up his property and to show cause if any they have why the said Henry Addison Callis should not have the benefit of the several acts of Assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors. Given under my hand this 12th day of August 1808. JOHN GANTT. September 2—w3m
By Virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the Subscriber as trustee for the sale of part of the REAL ESTATE of James Beall son of Robert , deceased, will sell at PUBLIC AUCTION at Mr. Daniel Beall's , living on the premises, on Monday the 31st day of October next—the following Tracts or parcels of LAND , lying in Montgomery county and adjoining the lands of the late Allen Bowie : Part Euster , 142 acres. First Vacancy, 41 Part Second Vacancy, 38 Resurvey on Batchelor's } Purchase, 49 270
A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money with legal interest thereon, within twelve months from the day of sale. SOLOMON HOLLAND, Trustee. Rockville, October, 7—3w
WANTED , to Teach ARITHMETIC & GEOGRAPHY in a Female Academy , a Gentleman who is competent thereto, and who can devote three afternoons in the week to those objects. For particulars enquire of N. KING , War Office. October 7—3t
THIS is to give notice, that the Subscriber of Prince George's county , hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county in Maryland, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of CASSANDRA HILLERY , late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the 10th day of April next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 6th day of October, 1808. GEORGE HILLERY, Adm. of Cassandra Hillary. October 7—3t
A LIST OF LETTERS Remaining in the Post-Office, Washington City, October 1st, 1808. A—Lucy Austin, John Abron, John Arnett. B—Samuel Button, Benjamin Bryan, Thomas Brister, Clement C. Biddle, Robert Brown 2, Rev. O. B. Brown, William Bankson, Lazarus Beach, Mr. Bruff, Breekenridge, John Babcock, James Bankhead, Jonathan T. Bell, Thomas Beatty, John W. Bronaugh, John M. Baker, Thomas Blount, Thomas P. Brice, James Button. C—Col. Thos. Cushing 2, Overton Carr, Philip Cevalean, John Crafts, James Chesnut, George Curtis, Walter Cure, Philip Clayton, John Chamberlain, Capt. Wm. Campbell 2, Anne Crone, Ann Cooper. D—Dawson (M. C.) W. M. Duncan 2, Beall Duvall, W. W. Davis, Anthony Doibler, Monsieur Dauci 2, John P. Decker, William Donnison. E—Charles E. Eckel 2, Mid'n. Jesse D. Elliott, Robert L. Edmund, Frederick Ebece, Elisha E. Flam, Mrs. Elizabeth. F—C. Floris, Wm. Ferguson, Mary Fox, Mrs. Fletcher, Ferdinandus Fairfax, Roy. Edward Fenwick, Elizabeth B. Finch. G—George Gillespy, Hannah L. Gibbs, Adam Glossbrenner, Silas Grog, Capt. G. Gill, Dr. Wm. Grayson, Walter Gaither. H—Peter Hagner, Wm. Hines, Robert Holliday, Simon Hulbert, George Hodge, Maj. James Heard, B. G. Hopkins 2, Hanson Hodges, Lt. Dan. Hughes 2, David Henry, Hill & Nichols, Alex. Hunter, Joseph Henrickson, Levi Hollingsworth, John Heron, Gustavus Higdon, Ben. Howard. I—Francis Jenkins, Thomas Johnston, (black man) Peggy Jones, Mary Jones, Henry B. Joy. K—Henry Kramer, John Kramer, jun. Sarah King, Joseph Kern, Alexander Kerr 2. L—Lt. Wm. Lewis 4, Capt. Winslow Lewis, Conrad Lang, Lt. Jas. T. Leonard 2, Jas. Livingston, Richard Leake, Andrew Lady, Edward Livingston 3, J. Lockwood, Joseph Lewis, jun. Owen Lyon, Alexander Lucas, Thomas Lynch, John Lyon. M—Hon. J. Marshall 2, Mary Matthews, Peter Mills, Capt. Wm. A. Murray, Capt. Myer Moses, Capt. Andrew McClary 3, John Maddox, Leonard Matly, Miss Mile, Honoria Moore 7, Mr. Moore, Edward L. Miles, Lt. Daniel Murray, Enoch Miller, James Moore, Ebenezer B. Morse, Lieut. G. A. Marcellin, William March, Mr. Miller, Wm. R. McKay, William Minnife, Charles Mullen, Serj. D. Maher, Jacob Miller sen. David Magruder. N—Lt. Noah Nicholl & Peck, Wm. L. Neale, John Nowland. O—Warren Offutt, Daniel Osterday, James Oldham, Col. Archibald Orme. P—Capt. Jos. Perry, David Parish, R. W. Peacock, John Peebles, Capt. N. Pinckney, Bernard Parsons, Stephen Perry, Capt. Joseph Perry. R—John B. Rittenhouse, Dr. John Ridgely, George Rowland, Gilbert C. Russell, Edmund Rogers, Com. John Rogers. S—Mrs. Simon, Mr. Spalding, Horatio Smallwood, David Slater, Thomas Simpson, Thos. Y. Spruce 2, Susan Sotomoro, John Smith, John Sharp, Wm. Sherard, Maj. Ames Stoddard, William Shorehouse 2, Foxhall Sturman, Thomas Shields, John Smith, George C. Sibley, Richard Spalding, R. Stanford, Ebenezer Sturges, Jacob Summers, Col. Patrick Sim, Miles Smith. T—William Thornton 2, Joseph Thom, Col. Abisha Thomas, Robert Riley, Elizabeth Tucker, Stephen Thomas, Elisha Thomas, John Thompson. W—John G. Woolfolk 2, James White 2, Philip Williams, Stephen Woodland, Serj. Sam. Whinnery, Edward Webb, Jacob F. Walden 2, Joseph Walker, D. Whitehurst 3, Henry Watson 2, Joshua E. White, Levi White, John Westcott jun. 2, Rubin Whips, David Woods, George Wolgar, Miss Catharine M. Wood. Y—John E. Young, Mrs. Cloe Young. October 7—w3t
Post Office, Washington, 3 September 21, 1808. AFTER the First day of October next, the Northern Mail will arrive at two o'clock, P. M. and be closed at 5 o'clock A. M. The Southern Mail will arrive at 6 o'clock A. M. and be closed at 2 o'clock P. M. Letters and Newspapers for these mails must be deposited before the hours above noted for closing them, otherwise they will not be forwarded till the next day. September 23—4t
FOX'S NEW HISTORICAL WORK. Just received from Philadelphia, the History of the Early Part of the Reign of James II.—by the Right Hon. Charles James Fox . With an Appendix, containing the correspondence between Louis XIV. and M. Barrillon on English affairs, and other original and important papers.—Published by Burch & Small , Philadelphia, and for sale by J. MILLIGAN Georgetown, D. RATINE and R. C. WRIGHTMAN , Washington city, and J. KENNEDY , sen. Alexandria. Price in Boards 2 Dolls. 50 Cents, and Bound 3 Dolls. September 26—4t
Mr. JOHN RUST. Sir—Your not being a resident of this state, I take this public method of notifying you that I shall proceed to take sundry affidavits at Richmond court-house on the third day of October next, to be read as evidence in an Injunction pending in the district Chancery court, held at Williamsburg, state of Virginia, wherin I am plaintiff and you are defendant. You will also take notice that I shall take affidavits to be read as evidence in the above mentioned Injunction, at Westminster land court house on the 5th day of October. PETER RUST , Richmond county state of Virginia. September 14—3w