The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-05-01 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCCXII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 18, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
From the Enquirer.
REPORT OF A DECISION, IN THE High Court of Appeals.
Robert Reed, Collin Reed, } Plaintiffs. Hugh Ballentine, and } Frances his wife, } vs. } Margaret Reed, Defendant.
(Concluded.)
3. In considering the operation and effect of the TREATY OF PEACE upon the present case, three distinct views may be taken of the rights of British antenati:
1st. In relation to lands actually holden by them in this country, at the epoch of our declaration of independence; but as no right of this sort exists in the present case, this topic will be very slightly and incidentally considered.
2nd. In relation to lands purchased by them since that epoch, and which, if they be aliens, will accrue to the commonwealth, by way of 'forfeiture.'
3rd. In relation to such lands as have descended to them since that epoch, and which, if they be aliens, will accrue to the commonwealth by way of 'escheat.' In this class, the present case is found to fall.
As the case of a right accruing by way of forfeiture is a stronger one than the case of a right accruing by escheat, it is properly entitled to a preliminary investigation.
1. It is the 6th article of the treaty of peace which has been relied upon by the plaintiffs in this suit, for one of the foundations of their title: And the words of that article, which are supposed to have a principal bearing upon the question, are 'that there shall be no future confiscations made.' What then is the import of the term confiscation, here employed.
The right of the commonwealth to lands purchased by an alien is an ordinary right derived from the common law. It exists at all times. It is independent of, and does not arise out of a state of war. In the present case, it resulted to the commonwealth from the establishment of a new government here, to which the plaintiffs had not acceded. Although in fact the plaintiffs were enemies to this country from the commencement of our hostilities with Great Britain, they were not, legally speaking, aliens until the erection of the new government. Prior to that event, the right in question would not have accrued to the commonwealth: so on the other hand if the erection of our new government had preceded or been unaccompanied by, a state of war, the right in question would have existed before as well as after the commencement of hostilities. This is not a right therefore arising jure belli ; it results from a mere municipal regulation. It exists not, because the person purchasing from an enemy, but because he is an alien. It is not as that extending over the subjects of a particular power only, with which we may chance to be at war, but over the subjects of all foreign nations at all times whatsoever.
This is the right which by the common lawyers is technically denominated a 'forfeiture.' 'Forfeitures of lands and goods for offence' a right founded on the offence of the alien in presuming to purchase lands contrary to law, says Blackstone 1 Bl. 372. Bl. 2. 274 'are called by the civilians bona confiscata , because they belonged to the Fiscus or imperial treasury, or as our common lawyers term them, 'bona foris acta.' Indeed lord Coke seems in one place to consider confiscation and forfeiture as synonymous terms, 3 Ins. 227; and Blackstone also in a few passages appears to have used the term confiscation to signify a forfeiture into the treasury: but preserving the distinction which this learned commentator has taken between the two terms, as above stated, the one being a civil law, and the other a common law term, and discovering also that he has expressly treated of the right now in question in a chapter under the head of 'title by forfeiture,' 2. Bl. 267, is it not fair to conclude that the technical and appropriate term descriptive of this right is forfeiture and not confiscation? At least is not this the most familiar and proper term to designate the right in question? And cannot we also fortify this definition by a most respectable authority; by the constitution of this state, which in transferring this among other powers from the king to the commonwealth employs the terms 'escheats, penalties and forfeitures' art. 20, without making any mention of confiscation.
The term 'forfeitures' was used, because the article related to forfeitures by the common law only: but it omitted the term confiscation, which is appropriated to the description of civil law, and jure belli forfeitures, because forfeitures of that class were not then within the contemplation of the convention.
Besides this ordinary right of forfeiture, there is an extraordinary one accruing to belligerent nations, by right of war, of confiscating the property of their enemies. This right does not await and attend on the contingent event of a purchase by or a descent to an alien; it affects property then actually holden by the enemy; nor is it carried into effect by the ordinary course of the municipal laws: the property is seized and confiscated by an extraordinary act of the government of the belligerent nation. It is seized not because it belongs to an alien, but to an enemy. To this right it is that the term confiscation is technically and properly applied.
Here then are two senses, in which the term confiscation may be applied: the one restricted to a mere seizure by a belligerent nation in right of war; the other an extensive sense covering not only the right which has just been mentioned, but also comprehending a mode of acquiring property by the commonwealth under a permanent municipal regulation. In which of those acceptations is the term to be employed in the 6th article of the treaty of peace? becomes therefore a most important question.
This article, it is to be recollected, is contained in a treaty of peace; which, according to Vattel b. 1, page 34. 'naturally and of itself relates only to the war which it puts an end to, and therefore it is only in such a relation that it is to be understood.' Such a treaty therefore does not naturally relate to a mere municipal regulation. In fact, a treaty of such extensive application could not at that time have been formed by the American commissioners; because the government under which they acted had been very much circumscribed in its powers by the articles of confederation. It may be seen by referring to the documents attached to Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Hammond, No. 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11, that the American commissioners had disclaimed all power in Congress to 'interfere in matters appertaining to the internal polity of the several states; and even declared that the power of Congress did not authorise them to stipulate for a restoration of the confiscated estates of real British subjects, much less those of refugees, because those acts had taken place under the authority of the several states. The most that they could or did perform was modestly to recommend such a restitution to the several states: and the British commissioners acquiesced in this restricted arrangement. Congress claimed and exercised the power of interdicting all future confiscations, i. e. jure belli confiscations, but they disclaimed any power of restoring even the property which confiscations of this kind itself had thrown into the state treasuries. Congress had the power of peace and war: they had a right to make any treaty, which should convert enemies into friends, and remove all the disabilities that were attached to the former character; but Congress had no power to invade the ordinary rights of the states, and make citizens of Virginia out of those whom the 'internal polity' of her laws had thrown into the class of aliens.
The term confiscation then when occurring in a treaty of peace naturally means a confiscation jure belli , and does not extend to the common law right of Escheat and forfeitures. Two circumstances conspire to fortify this construction.—1st. The confiscations here prohibited are connected in the same article, and in the same sentence of that article with prosecutions on account of the part taken in the war; 2dly, the history of the revolution clearly proves that many such confiscations were made on the part of the state governments. See the references of Mr. Hammond's letter to Mr. Jefferson of 5th March, 1792. To what class of persons, these confiscations and prosecutions related, it will be of considerable importance to determine.
The 6th article of the treaty of peace, which contains these terms, upon the whole context of it taken together, can only relate to those, who being once American citizens, afterwards became refugees, and joined the enemy. It cannot relate in a collective point of view to real British subjects. For would it not have been absurd to stipulate, that after peace had taken place between the two nations, we should not commence
prosecutions against real British subjects for the part they had taken during the war? Had there been no such article in the treaty of peace, and America had commenced such prosecutions against such British subjects, Great Britain would justly have considered them as acts of hostility against herself. In regard to British subjects therefore, this provision would have been wholly superfluous and unnecessary. But with respect to the American refugees; it was strictly necessary and proper. They had become citizens of these states, and without expatriating themselves had joined the standard of the enemy.—They had exposed themselves to the severest penalties, which the states might choose to inflict upon them after the peace for their treachery during the war: and the humanity and the honor of the British nation were deeply interested in their protection. It was to them, therefore, that the latter part of this article exclusively applies. The interdiction of prosecutions for the part they had taken in the war, sufficiently secured them from such common law forfeitures, as were incident to traitors or prosecutions for treason. Not being aliens, though enemies and traitors to the United States, they were safe independently of the treaty, from the ordinary effect of the laws of escheat and forfeiture. It is only then in relation to legislative acts of confiscation and seizure, that the first part of this article is to be understood even as it respects the refugees. Why therefore should we give a construction to the treaty, which will entrench upon the municipal systems of the several states, when every end necessary to be attained in relation to the refugees can be completely effected by the interdiction of extraordinary acts of confiscation and seizure?
This article, taken collectively, does not then relate to real British subjects; and as to that particular part of the article which interdicts future confiscations, it is superfluous and unnecessary to apply it to them; for such interdiction had already arisen from the mere conclusion of the treaty of peace.
2. With respect to lands holden here at the time of our separation, i. e. at the epoch of our independence, by British subjects, it would be unnecessary to express any opinion, because the present case stands on a much weaker foundation than that. Such lands are safe in the hands of these holders, by the principle of the common law, literally understood, in relation to escheat and forfeiture for alienage; that law not permitting a subject to become an alien. If then it be true, that the lands of those holders are safe under the operation of the laws of escheat and forfeiture, the treaty need not receive such an extended construction as will protect them from confiscation, and as such lands are also protected from extraordinary confiscations by the mere signature of the treaty, that instrument need not to be applied at all to the lands so holden by real British subjects.
But even if a contrary opinion should prevail; if it should be even deemed necessary to give to the treaty a strained interpretation in regard to vested rights, the same necessity does not exist in relation to contingent possible rights. The cases of this class occurring during the war were probably very few, because all intercourse between the two countries being prohibited and interrupted, few would wish to purchase a title to real property in either country; and we must impute a very gross ignorance to our people, on the subject of alienage, before we can suppose that many devices were made, or many descents were permitted, to such aliens. Besides whatever obligations there may have been upon the British government to guarantee to its subjects property held in the enemy's country at the commencement of hostilities, it was not equally bound to protect all future, possible or eventual acquisitions. With respect to such acquisitions as may have accrued since the date of the treaty, it would have been most unreasonable for the British king to have expected us to grant, such inestimable privileges to his subjects, as the people of no other power upon earth are permitted to enjoy, although they render us no services, and owe us no allegiance. An analogous illustration may be drawn from the subsequent treaty of 1795; which although it has expressly established the title to lands then actually holden in either country, has suffered these eventual rights, or in other words, this famous doctrine of legitimization to be cast into that fathomless vortex prepared by our revolution for all those parts and principles of the common law of England, which refuse to be
blended with our republican institutions.
3. But every observation which has been advanced to establish a discrimination between forfeiture and confiscation , applies with much greater force to the discrimination between an escheat and confiscation . It would be doing much more violence to the signification of the latter than the former term, to confound it with the term confiscation . And yet the right now in question, is a right accruing by escheat.
The construction of the 6th article of the treaty of peace may now be collected into one general point of view. It appears, that that part of it which prohibits all future confiscations relates only to American refugees, and perhaps also through abundant caution to real British subjects; that it was intended to secure no other privileges even to these men, than a future indemnity from all extraordinary acts of seizure and confiscation—and that under all these considerations, that construction of it can no longer be admitted, which under the cover of its general expressions, would attempt to prostrate all the ordinary rights of escheat and forfeiture, which the several states have claimed over the mere contingent and future acquisitions of British subjects.
The claim of the plaintiffs therefore is to be supported neither by the principles of the common law, nor by the 6th article of the treaty of peace.
The court affirmed the decision of the district court, and the defendant retains the property.
ENGLISH HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11.
SPANISH WAR.
MR. PITT commenced the debate with a review of the relative situation of the two countries at the beginning of the war. "I need hardly say more to characterise that situation than barely mention the treaty of S. Ildefonso, and the stipulations it contained. Spain was bound to France by a treaty, on the face of it both offensive and defensive; and, in fact, a treaty which was by the contracting parties so entitled. Besides guaranteeing neutrality, their territories, &c. they agree to assist each other with fifteen ships of the line and 24,000 men; and this assistance, too, as appears from the 8th article, is to be given upon the demand of the requiring party, and the demand is to be taken as conclusive evidence of the necessity, precluding the party required from making any investigation or enquiry as to the justice of the war, or the policy of the object for which the succours were to be granted. Nay, by the 11th article of this treaty, the contracting parties are to assist each other with their whole forces in case the stipulated succours should be insufficient. Such a treaty, said Mr. Pitt, unless virtually disclaimed by Spain, was a just cause of hostility against her, and such was the relation of the countries at the moment when the present war broke out. In any other circumstances, had it not been believed that the heart of the Spanish government could not be concealed in such a treaty, the government of this country could not have been justified, unless they had in the very outset demanded the renunciation of it, or made it a cause of war. But they felt that the engagement of Spain were not of choice but necessity. It did appear, indeed, that the Spanish government, at the commencement of the war, felt a disinclination to enter into it, with a view to elude the stipulations by which they were bound to France. On the other hand, without distrusting the sincerity of Spain, we had reason to fear that she might be driven by the overbearing ascendancy of France into hostilities fatal to her own interests, at any moment it suited the policy of the Ruler of France to avail himself of her resources. It therefore became their duty to watch with peculiar jealousy the conduct of Spain—to take care that during the period of neutrality she could not be enabled to fill her coffers and to replenish her arsenals, that her recruited means might be employed against us at the nod of our inveterate foe. If France was entitled to call for 15 ships of the line and 24,000 land forces, what security would there have been that Spain would not have been farther required to put forth all her strength? And for what purpose? For an object avowed even before the commencement of the war, and never abandoned since but in practice, the utter extinction of Great Britain as a na-
tion, and her reduction to even worse than that state of subjection and dependence in which Spain was placed. Having stated these general principles as applicable to the state of our relations with Spain, it remains to consider how they have been followed up. Gentlemen will see in the papers on the table the instructions by Lord Hawkesbury to our minister at Madrid, so far back as October, 1802. They will there see that the first object of our policy was, if possible, to detach Spain from her degrading connection with France, and it that was impracticable, at least to endeavor, that in case of any future war, either a system of neutrality should be settled, or at least that hostilities with her might be deferred. In June, 1803, instructions were given to Mr. Frere, to demand from the Spanish government a renunciation of the treaty of Ildefonso, nor will any man, I believe, dispute that the instructions to which I allude, as the points to be insisted on, are fully justified by the laws of nations. It is needless for me to dwell upon the question, how far the limited succors in the treaty of Ildefonso would have been consistent with the neutrality of Spain, as that makes no part of the case. I must say, however, that it never was admitted that we were bound to acquiesce in that succors being given, so that all argument founded upon the commutation of assistance into pecuniary aid are inapplicable, because, if we did not admit the one, we were certainly no way bound to acquiesce in the other. The conduct which a nation is bound to follow in the case of limited succors furnished in pursuance of a defensive treaty, must depend upon the extent of the assistance, and that extent must be taken in proportion to the whole strength and resources of the nation furnishing. Much will depend, too, upon whether the treaty is recent or ancient, whether it is general in its provisions, or concluded with direct reference to hostilities with a particular state. But while the moderation of this country was unwilling to drive Spain into war, it was unquestionably necessary to obtain some pledge that the treaty of Ildefonso should not be acted upon. If they did not make it a specific ground of war, they were entitled to insist that its hostile principle should be abandoned." Mr. Pitt then went through the general progress of the negotiation with Mr. Frere and the Spanish ministers,—the demand that the treaty of Ildefonso should be renounced; that all conventions with France should be laid open, and that no specific sum which was paid by them in lieu of the treaty should be unreservedly declared: These sums amounted to no less than three millions of money. "Now then," said Mr. Pitt, "can it be maintained in this house, that a war subsidy of three millions is not an infringement of neutrality, and does not render Spain a principal in the war? The Spanish government, indeed, all along contended that the subsidy, the extent of which they refused to communicate, was only an equivalent for the succors stipulated; but we were not told whether it was to be considered an equivalent for the limited or the unlimited succors. If to the latter, nothing can be more absurd; and if as to the former, on what principles of calculation is the equivalent estimated? Under the name of an equivalent, any sum might have been paid. In different nations different estimates of that equivalent would be formed. In this country, owing to circumstances connected with our prosperity, though sometimes butchery in their operation, the pecuniary equivalent for military aid would be higher than in any other country probably in the world. What then might be the rated equivalent in England for 15 sail of the line and 24,000 land forces? At the highest estimate, the pay and charges for 15 sail of the line for a twelvemonth, would not exceed one million, leaving two for the land force. This would be allowing between 80 and 90 pounds for every man. It is well known that this is infinitely beyond the allowance necessary in any service or in any treaty. O what is allowed as pecuniary commutation for service in kind, we may take an instance from the treaty between this country and Holland in the year 1788, in which it is stipulated that between 9 and 10 crowns shall be paid for each man in the infantry, and 11 and 12 pounds for each man in the cavalry. By this calculation of equivalent, however, Spain pays between 80 and 90L for each man; an allowance extravagant and unreasonable in the extreme. Can it be doubted, then, that a pecuniary subsidy to the annual amount of 3,000,000L made by Spain a principal in the war, & could never be considered as a fair equivalent for any moderate extent of military

my alliance? If this be the general principle, as it most unquestionably is, why did the government forbear to make it a ground of war? I have already touched upon the reasons. They believed that Spain rather submitted to adverse circumstances than acted from choice. They believed that she looked to circumstances that might enable her to escape from the thralldom in which she was kept, and to pursue a course more suited to her interests and to her dignity. Let me state, however, by the way, incontrovertible evidence of the control at this period exercised by France over the government of Spain. Mr. Frere, according to his instructions, insisted that the convention with France of the 19th of October should be communicated. It was refused, and the alleged reason was, "General Buonaparte is displeased at it." The court of Spain admit the justice of the demand, but plead the resentment of France as the result of her compliance. Could any government in this predicament be exempt from the dilemma? Ministers, however, were still desirous of making even yet an amicable arrangement with Spain; but the right of war was fully reserved; Spain was reprieved only from compulsion, though the sentence of just hostility, a sentence founded on national law, reason, and common usage, was in full force against her. The indulgence of Great Britain could not be considered as connivance, even if such a construction had not been formally protested against it was meant as mercy, and was no more to be construed into a relinquishment of the right of punishment, than the reprieve of an offender, which only suspends the execution of judgment, is to be held as an acquittal of his crime. Meantime, the hostility of Spain became more manifest. Mr. Pitt here went into a long account of the armaments, and the manning of French vessels in Spanish ports, the condemnation of prizes, the imprisonment of British sailors, &c. &c. and above all, the vague and shuffling explanations of the Spanish ministers when taxed with these infringements of neutrality. He applied to the detention of the plate ships, the arguments so often advanced, and finished with moving the customary address.
The order of the day was then moved for resuming the debate of the Spanish papers, agreeably to adjournment.
Mr. Wyndham and Mr. Raine rose at the same moment, but the speaker having declared that the latter gentleman had first caught his eye, he was allowed the customary precedence. He began by apologizing to the House for intruding on their attention in preference to the other right honorable member who had offered himself to their notice. But he was anxious to seize that opportunity of delivering his sentiments, which, in all probability, he could not expect to obtain so readily at a subsequent hour. The right honorable gentleman who opened the discussion had chosen to confine his view of the subject principally to one topic; he felt himself called on to adopt another course. He wished first of all to say that he considered the seizure of the Spanish frigates as an act utterly contrary to every idea of national honor. I read the perusal of the voluminous papers on the table, left on his mind a strong impression that the measure was little better than an act of piracy. In this light he felt himself bound to view it, whether he looked to precedents, or whether he reflected on the spirit of the law of nations. He was aware that a right honorable and learned gentleman opposite [Sir J. Nicholl] had attempted to produce several precedents to justify the measure, but he could not allow that they were cases bearing on the question; they were drawn unquestionably from a high authority, but they did not refer to analogous events. He did not deny that there were cases where hostilities might be commenced without a positive declaration of hostilities. But while he admitted this, he maintained that there were no cases where hostilities could be commenced without a declaration, while important discussions were pending between two nations. Any doctrines of the last century, to a contrary import, had never been generally adopted by the best lawyers, or attempted to be reduced to practice. There was, indeed, one instance which in many respects bore a considerable resemblance to the case in question. The releasement was, however, a very awkward one, and one which was not to be defended. The case was the notorious attempt made on the Dutch Smyrna fleet in the century before last. It was well known that this was a measure advised by that cabal, none of whose actions were transmitted to succeeding times with greater reprobation. But even here the Dutch were not so much taken by surprise as the Spaniards had been, when their frigates were seized. It was true, that there were no discussions going forward between the two countries. But the Dutch government were jealous of the dispositions of the government of this country, and when the fleet was attacked they were on their guard, and beat off the attacking squadron. The hon. member after illustrating his point, sat down by declaring his complete acquaintance in the audience.
Mr. Banks declared his intention to support the address. He was convinced of the good faith and moderation which had marked the whole of our negotiation with Spain. On our part was requisite vigilance, circumspection and jealousy; on the part of Spain we had a right to expect candour and openness of communication. He saw much appearance of contrary qualities on the part of the Spanish government, and an unaccountable backwardness to withhold all reasonable explanation. At first Spain was pacific, and, perhaps, at the time the rupture took place she acted under a controul which she could not resist. At the same time this charge was manifest, and therefore he supported the address.
The learned gentleman then adverted to the supposed convention between this country and Spain, relative to the admission of a communication on the part of Spain, of pecuniary subsidy for military and naval succours. He denied the existence of any such convention, and affirmed that even no such understanding could be made out from the papers before the House. Spain may have made use of words he admitted, that might have been construed into such a meaning, had any other document at all countenanced it. But certainly we were not accountable for the words which the Spanish government might think proper to make use of, as we ourselves had never admitted that any such negotiation for neutrality ever subsisted. So far were government from having entered into any negotiation on the subject of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, that they had even no official information on the subject, and though he could not say that they knew nothing of it, he very much questioned if they knew its contents. That such a treaty did exist, they must no doubt have had some knowledge—as such an act done at Madrid, however, much care might be taken by that government to prevent its measures from transpiring, could not remain long a secret. But the amount of the contingents was but imperfectly known, as also the precise stipulated sum in room of these contingents. The refusal of Spain to explain herself fully on this subject, was a clear proof that they had stipulated too much, and that the whole treaty was of such a nature as she was certain could not meet with the concurrence of this country. Such at least was the suspicion which the circumstances of the case sufficiently warranted.
But not only had they refused categorical explanation on a head of such essential importance; they had gone still farther, and rendered the facility, if possible, more hostile to this country, by converting this month's subsidy into a loan transferred at Paris. The hon. gentleman then entered at some length on the hostile nature of the armaments in the ports of Spain, the existence of which, he maintained, at the different periods referred to in the documents, notwithstanding they were denied by some gentlemen sitting near him. He argued from the superior power of France, that a treaty between that country and Spain must necessarily preponderate in favor of the former, and must therefore be unfavorable in an equal proportion to this country; whenever two Powers, he maintained, of unequal strength formed an alliance, whether offensive or defensive, it might easily be guessed of what nature were the terms. The ostensible reason that had at last been assigned for the armaments in the Spanish ports was to enable the government to suppress an insurrection in Biscay. This certainly was a very sufficient ground for armament, but had it been the real cause, why should Spain have been anxious to conceal it from this country? It was for this reason that he considered this allegation as a mere pretext, and was induced to think that the armament had a very different object. It was not unlikely that it was designed to form a part of a combined expedition against England. The hon. gentleman, after some other remarks, concluded by expressing his regret for the melancholy event that had accompanied the attack and seizure of the frigates. No man lamented that catastrophe more than he did, but between the measure and its accidental consequences, it was only fair to make a distinction. It was a measure of precaution. As such it was necessary; and as such, Spain must be answerable for the consequences. It was much to be regretted, however, that the force employed on that occasion had not been greater, and by that means prevented all resistance by crushing every hope of success.
Mr. Johnstone went at great length into the merits of the question, examining and comparing the dispatches, with the other documents in detail. On a subject so extensive, he said, he should not have detained the house, had he not found that not only in that house there were many, but that there were a large proportion also of the public favorable to the war. This might be owing, in great measure, to the martial spirit of the country, but it was a general observation also, that a Spanish war in this country was generally popular, independently of the grounds on which it relied. The treaty of St. Ildefonso he affirmed, was
nothing more than a transcript of the family compact, and yet in the war with France it was not thought fit on that account to go to war with Spain. The honorable gentleman attached less blame to his Majesty's late ministers in this business, than to the present government. He thought, however, lord Hawkesbury to blame in not employing a more proper person to represent his Majesty's government at Madrid, he meant a person of higher birth and more weight in the country. In regard to the subsidy, the noble Lord in the dispatch of the month of August, had not expressed his disapprobation, and for his own part he would maintain that it was more expedient for this country to permit Spain to give that subsidy to France, than to have gone into a war on that account. The subsidy, it had been said, was more than an equivalent for the stipulated succours, but three millions was the sum stipulated, gentlemen ought not to forget that one million of that sum went to the payment of a debt due from Spain to France, leaving a sum only of two millions, as an equivalent for the contingents, which he did not think more than enough for the quota of ships and men stipulated, and certainly a much smaller sum than we should think necessary for such an armament. The argument, therefore, that the allowance was too much, fell to the ground. It would now be proper to consider in what light England viewed that subsidy, and for this purpose they had lord Hawkesbury's letter and opinion on the subject. Lord Hawkesbury had acted with the greatest wisdom in remonstrating, but no one he believed in his Majesty's cabinet at that time entertained the remotest design of making that subsidy a cause of war. Were they to judge from the letters of Mr. Frere, it would appear that that honorable gentleman took his instructions rather from his right hon. friend, than from the Secretary of State. The hon. gentleman adverted at some length on the manner in which in the correspondence the different complaints had been taken up and dropped, and particularly that of the subsidy. Mr. Frere, after having taken time to consider of the demand of M. Cevallos, of a full explanation, on the grounds of complaint, drops all idea of the subsidy, and only states the armament and the sale of prizes as the grounds of remonstrance. The silence, therefore, on the subject of the subsidy might fairly be regarded as an abandonment of the principle, and on no pretence could it be afterwards alleged that it was the system of government to make war on the ground of subsidies. Spain, he contended, was extremely fair in her explanations, and it was evident that the answer of that government, in respect to Portugal, rejected the terms proposed by England. From the face of the correspondence, therefore, it was evident that, in the month of May, we had abandoned all idea of a war with Spain on the grounds of the subsidy. Here then we come to the armament, and here the right on the side of England was not to be denied should the case be sufficiently made out. But the probability was, that this armament was for the purpose for which it was stated. There were at least good reasons for saying it was not intended against England. The governor of Ferrol had stated that its object was a secret commission, and here the report stopped; whereas it ought to have added also, in the words of the governor, that the ships were not half manned, and therefore could give no uneasiness to any power in Europe. It was not unlikely that the governor of Ferrol would have told, as a mere cover to the real design, that this armament was intended to quell the rebellion in Biscay, had it been the intention of Spain in contravention to her former faith, to unite those ships with the French fleet in any combined expedition against this country. That no such declaration was made, although nothing could have been more favorable to such designs, must be attributed to the honest and ingenious intentions of the court of Spain. That the object was not immediately avowed, however true, might be attributed, on the other hand, to an honest feeling, which was not by any means unnatural.
The court of Spain was not forward to avow that her subjects were in such a state of insurrection. Such an avowal was not immediately to have been expected, unless it had been to serve some unfair or interested object. In addition to this, the utter want of preparation in every other part of Spain was another proof that by this partial armament she could have no such views of hostility, as had been alleged—a want of preparation and a want of vigilance, so great indeed, that the capture of the frigates, though taken not ten leagues from their own coast, was long before it was known to them. The right honorable gentleman denied also that the march of troops by land was more easy than conveyance by sea, and that therefore the latter mode, without some good reason, would not have been resorted to. A few hours by sea might accomplish this object, whereas several days might be necessary by land. He inveighed also in pointed terms against the mode in which a right honorable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had availed
himself of a double argument, resulting from an inversion of the question. It was hardly fair, he thought, thus to make a monopoly of argument, and by no means logical to impress into his service both the arguments for and against. The right honorable gentleman argued, that it was more for the interest of France that Spain should oblige the treaty, than that she should be at war with Spain; we defeated the views of France, but he did not stop here, he argued also that France, anxious to have the co-operation of Spain in the war against this country, had induced Spain to adopt such measures as rendered the war unavoidable without any wish for hostilities on our part. This mode of reasoning, he observed, was quite irrefutable, as a man was sure by such means to be always in the right. He objected, in toto, to the manner in which the negotiations had been carried on. In point of policy he condemned the war in which we had engaged. He wished his Majesty's ministers had weighed the evils on the one hand with the advantages on the other. The resources of France were daily rising. The loss of 2,000,000 pounds could not be to her a great object. So long as she continued to have an armed force of five hundred thousand men, she must continue to be formidable; and the additional expence to which the new war would put this country, must be more than two millions of which France has been deprived, while we had afforded a pretence to France to introduce troops into Spain, which might terminate in the destruction of that monarchy, and by this means tend to the aggrandizement of France, which it was so much our interest to prevent. Was it just, he asked, at the same time, thus to expose the interests of our ally, Portugal, and thus to enter into a war that was not justified by circumstances of necessity, without any regard to her protection or safety? The hon. gentleman concluded with observing, that it was rather curious that we should break with Spain on account of the subsidy of two millions, while it was well known that Portugal had given 500,000l. to the same power, as the purchase of her neutrality, and we had said nothing about it.
(To be continued.)
To the Editor of the Calcutta Gazette.
SIR, It is the opinion of several medical gentlemen, that the following case of St. Vitus's dance, completely cured by Galvanism, ought to be made public. Be so obliging, therefore, as to give it a place in your next Gazette.
The state of the case, by Mr. Kelly, is contained in a letter to me of which the following is a copy.
Dear Sir, My assistance is required by Mrs. Durell, for a Miss Jane Wilcocks, ten years of age, afflicted for two or three months past, with a disease called Chorea, or Dance of St. Vitus, which is a spasmodic affection of one side. The hand and foot are in constant involuntary motion. The hand is entirely useless, being unable to feed herself with it, nor has she any mode of restraining its unnatural action, than by holding it with the other. A spasm of the cheek, pulling the corner of the mouth, in quick vibratory contractions, towards the ear, has been observed to take place frequently for the last fortnight. It is a disease that has at all times been of very difficult cure, and most frequently continues, in spite of every remedy, until the age of puberty, when it most commonly ceases spontaneously. I am inclined to think Galvanism may be of service, therefore wish to try its effects in this case, but having no apparatus, must beg leave to solicit your kindness in the application of it on the occasion. Mrs. Durell humanely and tenderly anxious for the recovery of the child, says, she will send her to your house as often as may be necessary, and at such hours as may be most convenient to you. She has not taken any medicine, therefore a good subject for experiment.
The poor girl has a strong claim on our humanity, for to be an unfortunate orphan is calamity sufficient, without the additional chance of dragging on a miserable and useless existence for some years to come.
A compliance with my request will oblige, Dear Sir, Your's respectfully, Signed, J. KELLY. Calcutta, Sep. 26, 1804.
On the 2d of October, I began to Galvanize my little patient, and continued twice a day for about four weeks. For the first four or five days, the Galvanic discharge was sent along both arms, the power from forty to fifty pair of metals. The shock was afterwards sent from the hand to the foot of the side affected. The foot, with the shoe off, was placed on a piece of tin foil, sprinkled with salt water, and laid on the floor. To this was hooked one of the conducting wires, while the patient held, or rather attempted to hold, the other conductor in her hand, for so violent, and so frequent were the motions of the hand, that I
was obliged to hold it with the cord. As soon as it was removed from the pile of the battery, which once would have happened, but for the timely interpolation of a gentleman present. The power employed here was from sixty to eighty, and sometimes even a hundred pair. In this manner, with some trifling variations, the operation was continued to the end. About the middle of the second week, I thought, and at the end of it, I was certain, that the motions of the hand were both less violent and less frequent. In the third week, her recovery was rapid. Before the end of it, she could both sew and thread her needle. Early in the fourth week, I had infinite satisfaction in learning from Mrs. Durell, that every symptom of the disease had disappeared, and that the health of the poor girl had not only been completely restored, but even greatly improved. About ten or twelve minutes were employed in every application, with one or two intervals of two or three minutes. From one hundred to two hundred shocks were given at each visit, and never did any patient receive with more fortitude, so many and so powerful shocks, as this good natured little girl. When I sometimes took in, by stealth, the whole battery of a hundred pair, which gives a shock sufficient to make some of the stoutest of my male friends rub their elbows, and look comically at each other, my little patient only rebuked me with a smile.
Galvanism has, with me, been also successful in six cases of Rheumatism, and three of palsy.
I shall probably take the liberty of troubling you, on some future occasion, with one or two of the most remarkable.
I am, Sir, your's, &c. J. DINWIDDIE. Calcutta, Nov. 12, 1804.
English Intelligence to the ninth of March.
LONDON, March 6.
Government have, we understand, received intelligence that an unusual degree of activity has lately prevailed in the Dutch ports; and it is also reported that Bonaparte was last week at Bologne. If Bonaparte has seriously determined to make an attempt upon this country, we think it probable that it will be made soon, because, from the disposition manifested by some of the great continental powers, it is not very likely that he will be able long to keep so large a portion of his military force on the opposite coast of France. We confess that we should almost regret any division on the continent that would prevent the usurper from making his long threatened attack upon this country; because we should feel no uneasiness as to the result of such an attempt; and we should be happy to have an opportunity of proving, beyond all possibility of doubt that Great Britain is fully able to contend single-handed with France.
The Investigator sloop, which sailed some time ago on a voyage of discovery under the orders of Captain Flanders, and was afterwards wrecked on the coast of New Holland, has been repaired at New South Wales, under the direction of Governor King, for the purpose of conveying necessaries from one settlement to another.
March 7.
Mr. Sheridan's motion for the repeal of the additional force bill was last night submitted to the consideration of the House of Commons, and negatived. It produced a very warm and interesting debate.
Letters from Madrid, of the 24th of January, state that several privateers have put to sea to cruise against the English. Several small vessels have been sent to Minorca and Menorca with troops and ammunition. About three thousand people were carried off at Alicante by the late fever.
March 9.
The Channel fleet got under way from Torbay on Thursday with a favorable breeze at south east. It consisted of 16 sail of the line, four frigates, and three cutters. It passed Plymouth the same evening on its course for Brest.
Accounts were yesterday received from our fleet off Ferrol, which state that five large ships with troops on board, and two smaller vessels, had been seen in lat. 40, and long. 16, standing to the S. W. supposed to be steering a course for the West Indies. The same accounts add that the French squadron in Ferrol was ready for a start, and it was supposed they would attempt to get out while the long nights lasted. Our squadron, of course, was proportionably vigilant. Four Spanish ships were fitting out in the harbor of Ferrol, but they were in total want of stores, from the French having robbed them of every thing for the equipment of their own ships.
Frankford, Feb. 1.
Letters from Rochefort mention the sailing of five ships of the line, and of their junction at sea with 21 ships of war from Brest, which have on board 40,000 troops. This junction took place on the 13th January; the letters from Rochefort are of the 16th.

Lyons, Jan. 3. The English are in possession of Port Mahon and the island of Minorca. The fleet from Toulon was twelve leagues from Mahon when it received this intelligence, which occasioned its return.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 1.
THE POLITICS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
Considering elections as a criterion of public opinion, there appears to be, in this quarter of the union, nearly an equal division.
Table with 2 columns: State, Population. Rows: Rhode-Island 75,000; Massachusetts 620,000; New Hampshire 190,000; Connecticut 260,000.
In the whole 1,145,000. The following statement will, with sufficient precision, graduate the scale of political opinion.
Table with 2 columns: State, Republican, Federal. Rows: Rhode Island 50,000, 25,000; Massachusetts 310,000, 310,000; New Hampshire 100,000, 90,000; Connecticut 120,000, 140,000; Total 580,000, 565,000.
If this result be compared with that evinced by the recent elections in the other parts of the union, we shall perceive a wide difference, if we except the states of Vermont and Delaware, where parties are nearly balanced.
In New York, above three fourths of the people are republican.
In New Jersey, a decided majority is republican.
In Pennsylvania, about four-fifths are republican.
In Maryland, above three-fifths are republican.
In Virginia nine-tenths are republican.
In North Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio, republican principles are almost universally prevalent.
In South Carolina, four fifths are republican.
Whence is it, that such a wide difference in public opinion exists? Are the interests of the North so essentially variant from those of the South, that principles and measures promotive of the one are hostile to the other? This will be contended for by no man, who has been an attentive observer of political events, or who is correctly acquainted with the manners and modes of thinking in the different parts of the United States.
The only material difference that exists arises from the relative state of agriculture, commerce and manufactures. The first is more generally pursued in the south; and the two latter in the east; but in both quarters, they are so mingled with each other, and the successful pursuit of either is so intimately connected with that of the others, and this impression is so general, that it cannot be said that any serious collisions exist between them.
How then shall we satisfactorily account for this marked difference? I answer that it principally arises from local and personal predilections or aversions, or from temporary causes. It is unnecessary to attempt a specification of the causes of the inflexible spirit with which our fellow citizens of New-England have on all occasions, for two centuries past, asserted their rights and opinions. Driven from their native country by religious persecution, they united in the new world as a band of brothers. The toils and dangers to which they were exposed cemented their union; and insensibly produced the most intimate coalition of interests.
lineation would not be complete, were we to omit adding, that the superior information scattered among all ranks, and a compact population, insured, at an early period of their colonisation, better interior arrangements, and more domestic comfort than fell to the lot of their neighbours.
Contrasting their condition with that of the residents in the southern states, it is not surprising, that the people of New England should imbibe a strong predilection for their own institutions, and give them a decided preference.
It is owing, probably to these causes, that there has existed in the eastern part of the union a greater stability of sentiment than in the southern; and that there has been entertained a deeper veneration for the habits of their ancestors.
At this time they either formed, or approached very near to being the majority of the nation, and in a proportionate degree enjoyed the power of the community.
The time soon arrived, when the accessions of population to the other states brought with it a correspondent accession of power; until a great ascendancy of numbers gave them a decided control of public affairs.
There were not wanting, during this period, ambitious and designing men, who did not fail to avail themselves of these circumstances to further their personal or political views.
That people, when the constitution was submitted to their consideration, were republican, and were strongly attached to order and good government. Depending greatly on their enterprise on the ocean for their subsistence and prosperity, they had long wished for a system of government which by concentrating the national authority should command the respect of foreign powers, and by inspiring a general confidence among our own citizens, draw their resources into activity.
The opposition, which these measures received in different parts of the union, produced a still closer alliance in the East; and, at the same time excited a distrust of the leading men in the other states.
All these causes aided by many others scarcely less powerful, consolidated an hostile interest in New England to the administration raised to power by the voice of their country in 1800.
The suffrage, which effected this change, was not so decisive as unequivocally to indicate its permanency. Hence every effort was tried, by the friends of the old administration, to regain their lost power; and they were pleased, not so much to rely on defending the wisdom of their measures, as on depreciating the motives, characters and views of their opponents.
of the democratic party, from a diffusion of the apprehension, that, once invested with power, they would soon subvert the system of order and government in operation, they, for a while, retained their unanimity of sentiment.
Notwithstanding, however, these powerful engines, the march of truth, though slow, has been steady. Actions have, to the disinterested part of the people of New England, spoke louder than words; and their continued, nay increased prosperity, has spoke still louder.
The following gentlemen have been elected Representatives in Congress for the state of Virginia:
Thomas Newton, jun. John Randolph, Thomas M. Randolph, John Smith, Joseph Lewis, John Clopton, John Dawson, Alexander Wilson, Matthew Clay, Edwin Gray, Peterson Goodwyn, John Claiborne.
Godwin has just published a novel, entitled Fleetwood, or the New Man of feeling.
Milton's Paradise Lost has just appeared at Paris in a translation by the Abbe de Lisle.
A new composition for preserving inflammable bodies from the effects of fire, has been made known at Hamburg, by professor Palmer.
Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser.
PROCLAMATION BY THE SENATE OF BREMEN, Dated 17th January, 1805.
The yellow fever having lately prevailed in North and South America, and in some parts of the Mediterranean, we are under the necessity of giving notice to our citizens, and especially to those who are engaged in commerce.
We have the pleasure of announcing to the public that the Tunnel through Blisworth-hill near Northampton, was yesterday morning completed.
The Tunnel now forming through Mowen Down, on the banks of the Tavy and Tamar, which is a hill about 700 feet above the level of the tides in the rivers, has advanced about 300 yards;
COMPLIMENTS.
The witty and licentious earl of Rochester meeting with the great doctor Isaac Barrow in the park, told his companions that he would have some fun with the sulky old pat.
drf, immediately called off his driver, and returned the bow, with, my lord I am yours to the ground.—R. Chester followed up his salutations by a deep bow, saying, Dr. I am yours to the centre.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT
Supplementary to an act entitled, an act providing for the establishment of semi annual fairs.
Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the board of directors appointed, or to be appointed for the regulation of fairs, be authorised to grant special licenses for the retailing of liquors during the continuance of the fairs, on the payment of one dollar for each fair, any act to the contrary notwithstanding.
SAMUEL H. SMITH, President of the first Chamber, &c. ALEX. M. COOMICK, President pro tem. of the second chamber, &c. Approved April 30, 1805. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test THOMAS HERTY, Sec.
The COMMITTEE, appointed by the Council to receive subscriptions for the PERMANENT INSTITUTION FOR THE EDUCATION OF YOUTH IN THE CITY OF WASHINGTON, inform the citizens that they have been employed for several weeks in calling generally upon them.
NICHOLAS KING, GEORGE BLAGDEN, SAMUEL H. SMITH.
NOTICE.
CHRISTOPHER HILBOURN, who formerly resided in Loudoun county, state of Virginia who is said to have removed into some other part of that state, is hereby informed, that by the death of his aunt Elizabeth Limebacker of Northampton in the county of Bucks and commonwealth of Pennsylvania, he is entitled to a considerable estate in lands and cash which will be delivered to him on application to Gerardus Wynkoop or Leffert Leffert's, executors of the last will and testament of Elizabeth Limebacker, deceased.
IRON WORKS FOR SALE.
IN Wythe county state of Virginia, on Cripple Creek about 15 miles from the Great Kanawha and 40 miles from the north fork of Holston which affords a tolerable safe navigation to a prodigious scope of the western country, where perhaps iron is in greater demand than any other quarter of the United States.
Cripple Creek affords a sufficiency of water for both forge and furnace, being fed by bold never failing springs. The furnace and all the buildings have been commenced within 4 or 5 years—they consist of dwelling houses, kitchens, and a store house; also, a large and convenient stable—the forge has not long been completed.
The quality of the iron is acknowledged by those who have used it to be equal to any. It is particularly sought for by lock makers, faddle tree platers, cutlers, &c.
The demand for iron in that country is far beyond what is made, and is selling from 40 to 50. per ton.
As it is supposed a purchase of this magnitude would not be made, without a view of the property by those inclined to purchase, it is deemed unnecessary to give a further description.
SALT WORKS
On Holston in Washington county Virginia, which is now rented at 10,000 Dolls. a year, I have adjoining to it between 5 and 6,000 acres of land well covered with timber, a considerable proportion of which in point of fertility is equal to any land whatever, and will afford 3 or 400 acres of meadow, nearly 100 being now in good timothy.
Francis Preston. May 1—
AN extensive Field for Speculation is offered for Sale of the
POWHATAN ESTATE.
Which is contiguous to the lower limits of Richmond, contains 3000 acres of land, borders a mile on James river, and runs 3 miles back.
The principal part is fine grain land, covered with valuable timber, convenient to a saw mill erected thereon, which has cut 1700 feet per day, and connected with a grist and manufacturing mill, on a constant stream with two pair of stones.
There is a small farm, with a commodious brick mansion, ice house, the usual offices, and two fisheries.
It has many elegant sites for building, furnished with good water, commanding views of the city, falls and shipping, which is opposite to them.
There is a beautiful level already laid out into lots, at right angles, on the river.
The peculiar advantages of this property are multiplied by a late act for the establishment of an inspection of tobacco on it, and the act for uniting the upper and lower navigation by locks, which as the point of junction render it valuable for store houses.
Few persons are unacquainted with the political importance of Richmond, as the capital of the most influential state of the union, nor its commercial advantages from the immense quantities of coal, flour and tobacco, which pass through its market—and will it be necessary to add that these advantages will be shortly increased by the western produce brought through the Kanawha to this navigation and deposit, to be thence shipped directly abroad when the contemplated improvement of the lower navigation shall be complete.
It is submitted to manied men to consider whether a purchase by shares either to sell or improve parts of this growing estate, would in a few years afford a certain and handsome remuneration for their attention; being free from those contingencies to which many institutions are liable.
In such an establishment the proprietor would willingly participate. A liberal credit will be allowed the purchasers, on payment of interest and further particulars made known by applying to Mr. Robert Atkinson near Petersburg, Mr. Alexander Fulton, Baltimore, Messrs. Proffer and Moncure, Richmond, or the subscriber on the premises. W. MAYO.
Powhatan, near Richmond, Virg. May 1—w6c
FOR SALE.
I am desirous to dispose of the HOUSE belonging to me in West Tenth street, in the city of Washington. The person, who may be inclined to purchase it, will observe I am not the proprietor of the ground.
A. B. WOODWARD. May 1—6t
WASHINGTON BUILDING COMPANY.
Notice is hereby given, that the next stated monthly meeting will be held at Woodward's tavern near the Centre Market, on Monday evening next 7 o'clock—subjects of importance to the institution will be taken into consideration.
By order of the Building Committee. May 1—3t.
City Lots for sale.
THE undermentioned lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit—they are all free from mortgage or incumbrance, and are subject to no litigation or contest, as the titles are derived by immediate conveyances from the chancellor of Maryland and the commissioners of Washington, to Messrs Henry Prarr, Thomas William Francis, John Miller, junior, John Ashley and Jacob Baker, trustees of the Aggregate Fund.
Square No. 54 Lot no. 9—sq 72. Lots no. 2 4 8 10 12 13 14 15 18 19 84 Lot no. 1 Sq 85 Lots no. 20 21 22—sq 103 Lots no. 7 8—sq 145 Lots no. 1 2 7 8—sq 146 Lots no. 1 2 3 Sq 147 Lot no. 4—sq 163 Lots no. 5 6 7 12 13 14—sq 248 Lots no. 6 7 10 11 12 13 15 16—sq 293 Lots no. 1 2 3 7 8 11 12 13 18—sq 349 Lots no. 1 2 8—sq 376 Lots no. 10 16 17 18—sq 407 Lots no. 3 4 7 8 9 17 18—sq 487 Lots no. 5 6 9 10—sq 488 Lots 8 9 12 34 89 Lots 5 6 9 Sq 491 Lots 10 11 12 16 19 20 24—sq 493 Lots no. 7 8—sq 494 Lots no. 8 9—sq 531 Lots 3 4 8 11 12 13 14 19 533 Lots no. 13 15 16 17—sq 584 Lots no. 1 2 3 4 21 22 23 24—sq 388 whole square. Bats of 390 whole square. Sq 635 Lots no. 1 2 3 5 6 9 19—sq 638 Lots no. 1 2 3—sq 639 Lot no. 1—sq 640 Lots no. 1 2 3 4 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—sq 641 whole square—sq 642 Lots no. 1 5 6 8 9 10 12 13 14 19—Bats of 643 Lot no. 2—South of 643 Lots no. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 28—sq 644 Lots no. 1 5 7—West of 645 whole square—sq 878 Lots no. 16 17 18 19 20—sq 973 Lots no. 4 5 6 7 8 20 21—sq 995 Lots no. 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—South of 1019 Lots no. 1 2 4—sq 1020 Lots no. 1 2 3 4 5 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38—sq 1031 Lot no. 1—sq 1032 Lot no. 2—sq 1033 Lots no. 4 5 7 8 9 10—sq 1034 Lots no. 1 2 3 7—sq 1045 Lots no. 9 10 12—sq 1046 Lots no. 2 14 15—sq 1047 Lots no. 7 8 9 10 12 13 19 20—sq 1048 Lots no. 7 8 9 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23
Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to THOMAS HERTY, Esq. attorney at law and conveyancer, opposite to Rhodes's tavern Pennsylvania avenue.
JAMES GREENLEAF, Agent and attorney to the trustees of the Aggregate Fund. Washington, New Jersey avenue, Feb. 27—3rdw6t
STRANGER IN FRANCE.
Just opened, and for sale by Kapine, Conrad, & Co. THE STRANGER IN FRANCE; OR A TOUR FROM DEVONSHIRE TO PARIS; BY JOHN CARR, Esq. Price 130 Cents.

MRS. SMITH and MRS. WILY respectfully acquaint their friends and the public, that they have removed their boarding school from the house they occupied in Water street, to a large brick house fitted up for a school, on the Main street near Mr. Francis Lowndes, with a good garden, yard, and excellent spring of water. They solicit the patronage of the inhabitants of George town and its vicinity, which they have liberally experienced, and gratefully acknowledge. They teach reading, writing, English grammar and geography. The best masters attend to instruct the young ladies in music, dancing, arithmetic, French and drawing. Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Willy continue to teach plain work, marking, embroidery in lamb's wool, silk and chenille, with a variety of other kinds of needle work, in the afternoon. April 26—6w.
FAIRS. The board of directors for fairs to be held in the city of Washington, having met agreeably to appointment, and among other arrangements, HEREBY NOTIFY THE PUBLIC. That they have prepared a number of stalls to accommodate those who may be disposed to attend at the Fair to be held on Wednesday next the first day of May, to vend their Goods and Merchandise. They will also distribute premiums for the best Lamb, Calf, Sheep, Steer, Myles Cow, yoke of Oxen, and Horse actually sold at the Fair. JAMES HOBAN, JOSEPH HODGSON, HENRY INGLE. April 26—3t.
SURVEYING. THE Subscriber who was regularly bred to LAND SURVEYING, respectfully informs the public, that he now undertakes business in that Department, which he executes with accuracy and expedition, and warrants his surveys to be correct. His mode of practice, which comprises essential improvements, he has no doubt, will be found to meet the approbation of the judicious, and presumes, that on trial, it cannot fail to obtain the patronage of those gentlemen who are interested in the sale or purchase of land. Commands addressed to him at the Treasury of the United States, or Rhodes's hotel, city of Washington, will receive attention. RICHARD FREEMAN, April 23—cp4w
Traveller's Hall. THE subscriber tenders his sincere thanks to his friends for the very liberal encouragement which they have bestowed on him. He will finish one of his new rooms in a few weeks, which will be large enough to dine near 200 persons at a time, and will shortly after have the remainder of his additional building completed, which will give him a front of near 100 feet, in the most agreeable part of the town, and in the centre of business being on the highest part of the public square. He has on hand, and has contracted for a constant supply of the best wines, and foreign spirituous liquors imported, and country provisions, stable forage, foreign & state new provisons—and has secured a quantity of liquors sufficient for the use of his table and bar during the season. He assures his friends, and that respectable part of the public who have patronized him, that there shall be nothing wanting which his time or purse will command, to render the TRAVELLER'S HALL a house of entertainment for genteel guests only, equal to any in America. R. BRADLEY. Lexington, Kentucky, March 1st 1805. N. B. A stage runs from the TRAVELLER'S HALL to the Olympic Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the session of the Legislature. March 27—cp3m.
NOTICE. IN obedience to general orders the First Battalion of the 1st Legion of Militia of the District of Columbia will meet for inspection in the city of Washington, on the vacant ground south of the President's House and near the Tyber, on Saturday the 4th May next, at 10 o'clock in the morning, &c. The 2nd Battalion of the same Legion will meet on the vacant ground east of High Street continued in George Town, commonly called the Old Orchard, on Saturday the 11th May next, at 10 o'clock in the morning. By order of Lt. Col. J. P. VAN NESS. WM. D. BEALL, Adj. April 19—10t.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cambric, patent Bennet's cord, toiletcots, fancy and white Marceilles, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marceilles, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and fustian Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first stile of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public; assuring them that 'tis his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and so to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
Bank of Columbia. THE Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 30th inst. at the rate of Eight per cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives, on or after Wednesday the 30th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 18—6w
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARREY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce. Genuine Cogniac brandy, Inferior French do. Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, Sherry, Lisbon, Claret, Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, Finkin Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Pig Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, Capers, Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hylon, Imperial, Young Hylon, Salt Herrings in Barrels. PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
TO LET. I wish to let for 2-2 years the house in which I reside, furnished as it is. The house is large and tolerably convenient; the furniture ample, new and fashionable. My demand for the whole is 750 dollars per annum, payable quarterly yearly—if more agreeable to the tenant I will reserve the lower room now occupied, by me as a store, and deduct 100 dollars from the annual rent. Possession may be had 1st July next. CHARLES LOVE. Georgetown, Jefferson street. April 12. 3w. N. B. For sale a large stock of Groceries, by wholesale only.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. ON Friday evening the 22nd inst. ROBERT W. PEACOCK, confined in the Jail of Washington County of the District of Columbia, upon a conviction of forgery at December Term, 1804, escaped from said Jail. He was before this conviction a practicing Attorney in the City of Washington, and is very well known in Virginia and Maryland, having resided in both. He is a stout man, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, about 34 or 35 years of age, looks young of his age, has blue eyes, full face, fair and ruddy complexion, light hair, which he wears tied behind. He is also very much inclined to copulency. Whoever apprehends the said felon, and secures him in any Jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward from DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. March 25—tf
ADAM KING, & Co. At their wine store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention, George Town, November 5—tf
I DISCOVERED a few day since (in the Telegraph) a challenge by Samuel Norwood, Esq. Bonaparte against Democrat—At Annapolis this fall, I proposed running Democrat against Bonaparte, carrying from 110 lbs. to 140 at the discretion of Mr. Norwood; which was rejected. As Mr. Norwood refused the proposition made by me at that time, I am not bound to run the race proposed by him in the Telegraph—Democrat will run Bonaparte over the Annapolis race course, on the third Tuesday in May next, four miles and repeat, for 1000 DOLLARS, play or pay, carrying 126lbs. each; which is the weight they are to carry by the rules of racing, both being seven years old spring—Should Mr. Norwood decline this offer, Democrat will cover mares next spring at the subscribers farm, from the first day of March until the first day of August, at Sixteen dollars each and Fifty cents for the groom. Democrat's pedigree is equal to the pedigree of any horse to be produced, having in him the blood of Medly, Eclipse, Figure, Dove, Godolphin, Arabian, and Mr. Taskin's Silima. If this proposition is approved of by Mr. Norwood, notice will be given in the Maryland Gazette within forty days from the date hereof. ISAAC DUCKETT. December 21—tawtApr30
To be sold at public auction, on Thursday the 20th of May next, at 12 o'clock, at Mr. STELLE's in the city of Washington, if not sooner disposed of by private contract, of which due notice shall be given to the public, the estate called Chichester, lying on the Eastern Branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington, and extending from near the foot of the bridge to some distance below the Navy Yard. This tract of Land, containing 697 acres, is laid off in Lots from 83 acres to 117 for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate, and the terms of sale, are in the hands of Col. Hanson, at the Navy Yard, and Capt. John Davidson at Rhodes's Hotel, or Charles Mayman, of Georgetown. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the bridge. Should the weather prove bad on the 20th of May, the sale will take place on the next fair day. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, April 19—9:22w.
RAGS. THE highest price CASH, given for clean RAGS, by EDGAR PATTERSON, George town, and SAMUEL STETTENIUS, near the Centre market, Washington March 8—tf.
TO LET. A LARGE, handsome and convenient three story brick house, situate on Pennsylvania Avenue, between the President's square and the Capitol, together with carriage house, stable and other out houses. This house contains three large rooms, and a great number of small lodging rooms, with a fire place in each, in an eligible situation for a large private family, and for an extensive boarding house or tavern, is superior to any in the city perhaps. The terms will be made very moderate if applied for immediately, to RICHARD WILLSON, near the Centre Market, and three doors from Duane's book store. Washington, April 24.—2aw2w. N. B. A variety of household goods for private sale at said house.
PROPOSALS. For carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following post-roads, will be received at the General post-office, in Washington, until the 10th day of July next, inclusive. IN MAINE
1. FROM Scoddy by Denneysville, Machias, Chandlers, Columbia, Harrington, Steuben and Gouldsboro' to Sullivan once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Scoddy every Wednesday at 2 p m arrive at Denneysville by 6 p m. Leave Denneysville at 7 p m and arrive at Sullivan the next Saturday by 6 p m. Returning—Leave Sullivan every Sunday at 6 a m arrive at Denneysville on Wednesday by 6 a m. Leave Denneysville at 7 a m and arrive at Scoddy by 10 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Scoddy every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Sullivan on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Sullivan on Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Scoddy on Thursday by 6 p m. 2. From Denneysville to Eastport once a week. Leave Denneysville every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Eastport at 9 a m. Leave Eastport at noon and arrive at Denneysville by 2 p m. 3. From Sullivan by Trenton, Bluehill, Castine, Bucksport, Prospect, Belfast and Ducktrap to Camden once a week. November 1 to May 1—Leave Sullivan every Monday at 1 p m and arrive at Camden on Wednesday by 6 p m—Leave Camden every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Sullivan on Monday by 10 a m. 4. From Bucksport by Frankfort, Hampden, Bangor, Eddington and Orrington to Bucksport once a week. Leave Bucksport every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Eddington by 4 p m. Leave Eddington every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Bucksport on Monday by 2 p m. 5. From Camden by Thomaston, Warren, Waldoboro', Nobleboro' and Newcastle to Wisecasset twice a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Wisecasset every Wednesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Camden on Thursday and Saturday by 11 a m. Leave Camden every Tuesday and Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Wisecasset on Wednesday and Friday by 11 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Camden every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Wisecasset by 6 p m—Leave Wisecasset every Thursday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Camden by 6 p m. 6. From Wisecasset by New-Milford, Deldien, Gardner, Hallowell, Augusta, Winthrop, Monmouth, Green, Lewistown, New-Gloucester, Gray and Falmouth to Portland once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Portland every Monday at 6 a m arrive at Hallowell on Tuesday by 3 p m. Leave Hallowell at 4 p m and arrive at Wisecasset on Wednesday by 11 a m. Leave Wisecasset every Wednesday at 2 p m arrive at Hallowell on Thursday by 8 a m. Leave Hallowell at 9 a m and arrive at Portland on Friday by 7 p m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Portland every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wisecasset on Thursday by 6 p m—Returning—Leave Wisecasset every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland on Monday by 10 a m. 7. From Hallowell by Augusta, Vassalboro', Winslow, Waterville, Fairfield and Canaan to Norridgewock once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Hallowell every Thursday at noon and arrive at Norridgewock on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Norridgewock every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell on Monday by 7 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Hallowell every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Norridgewock on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Norridgewock on Monday at 6 p m and arrive at Hallowell on Tuesday by 6 p m. 8. From Hallowell by Augusta, Mt. Vernon, Unity, Sharon, Farmington, Chester, Readfield and Augusta to Hallowell once a week. Leave Hallowell every Thursday at noon and arrive at Farmington on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Farmington every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell on Thursday by 10 a m.
9. From Wisecasset by Bath, Brunswick, North Yarmouth, and Falmouth to Portland three times a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Wisecasset every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Portland the next days by 11 a m. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 p m and arrive at Wisecasset, the next days by 11 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Wisecasset every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Wisecasset, by 6 p m. 10. From Brunswick, by Boudoin and Litchfield, to Hallowell, once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Brunswick every Friday at 7 a m and arrive at Hallowell by 3 p m. Leave Hallowell at 6 p m. and arrive at Brunswick on Saturday by 2 p m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Brunswick every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell by 6 p m. Leave Hallowell every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 6 p m. 11. From Portland, by Windham, Bridgetown, Waterford, Paris, Buckfield, Turner, Norway and Poland to Portland, once a week. Leave Portland every Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Turner on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Turner every Saturday at 6 p m and arrive at Portland the next Monday by 4 p m. 12. From Portland, by Sacarapoe, Gorham, Standish, Flinstown, Hiram and Brownfield to Friburg once a week. Leave Portland every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Friburg by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Friburg every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Portland on Wednesday by 6 p m. 13. From Portland by Gorham, Buckston, Limerick, Limington, Parsonsfield, Newfield, Shapleigh, Lebanon, Doughty's falls, Sanford, Alfred, and Waterville to Portland once a week. Leave Portland every Monday at 11 a m and arrive at Doughty's falls on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Doughty's falls on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland the next Monday by 8 a m. 14. From Portland by Scarboro', Biddeford, Kennebunk, Doughty's falls, Buxton and Dover N. H. to Portsmouth three times a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Paris and every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11-2 p m and arrive at Portsmouth the next Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by noon. returning. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 12-1-2 p m and arrive at Portland on Wednesday, Thursday and Saturday by 11-1-2 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 6 p m. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m. 15. From Portland by Scarboro', Biddeford, Kennebunk, Wells, and York to Portsmouth three times a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 11-2 p m and arrive at Portsmouth the next days by 11 a m. returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 p m and arrive at Portland the next days by 11 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 6 p m. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday by 6 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m. 16. From Wisecasset to Booth-Bay once a week. Leave Booth-Bay every Wednesday at 7 a m and arrive at Wisecasset by 11 a m. Leave Wisecasset 1 p m and arrive at Booth-Bay by 5 p m. IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 17. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Middletown, Ossipee, Moultonboro', Center Harbor, and Plymouth to Haverhill and Newbury Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmantown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth once a week. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m. Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill on Friday by 5 p m and at Newbury by 7 p m. returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m. Leave Plymouth at 7 p m and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m. 18. From Fryburg in Maine by Conway, Bartlett, Rosebrooks, and Jefferson to Lancaster once in two weeks. Leave Fryburg every other Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m arrive at Fryburg on Tuesday by 10 a m. 19. From Exeter by Epping, Nottingham, Epsom, Pembroke, Concord, Salisbury, Grafton, Lebanon and Pelham to Hanover once a week. Leave Exeter every Tuesday at 9 a m arrive at Concord by 10 a m on Wednesday. Leave Concord at 11 a m arrive at Salisbury by 3 p m. Leave Salisbury at 4 p m and arrive at Hanover on Friday by 8 a m. returning. Leave Hanover every Friday at 1 p m arrive at Concord on Saturday by 2 p m. Leave Concord at 3 p m and arrive at Exeter on Monday by 3 p m. 20. From Portsmouth by Exeter, Kingston, Haverhill, Andover, Wilmington, Woburn, Medford and Charlestown, to Boston three times a week. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Exeter by 7-1-2 a m. Leave Exeter at 8 a m and arrive at Boston by 7 p m—returning. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a m arrive at Exeter by 3-1-2 p m. Leave Exeter at 4 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 p m. 21. From Exeter by Chester, Londonderry, Merrimack, Anberst, Peterboro', Marlboro', and Chesterfield to Brattleboro' once a week. Leave Exeter every Tuesday at 8 a m arrive at Anberst on Wednesday evening, arrive at Keene on Thursday by 3 p m. Leave Keene at 4 p m and arrive at Brattleboro', on Friday by 10 a m. returning. Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 2 p m arrive at Keene on Saturday by 9 a m. Leave Keene at 10 a m and arrive at Exeter the next Monday by 3 p m. 22. From Salisbury by Andover, New Chester and Bridgewater to Plymouth and thence by Hildernest, New Hampton and Sanborntown to Nashua once a week. Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 1 p m. Leave Plymouth at 2 p m and arrive at Nashua on Friday by noon. (To be continued.)
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber has obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Hyram Drane late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit them to the subscriber proper y authenticated on or before the twentieth day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. RICHARD W. BRASHERS, Adm'r April 1—3v
NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself GILBERT DAY and says he belongs to John Hodd, of Baltimore county, Maryland. He is about 18 or 20 years old, 5 feet 7 inches high; his clothing is a striped Nankeneen coat, black cashmere waistcoat, osnaburg shirt, and an old pair of dark cloth pantaloons. He is very black, and has a pleasant countenance. If his master does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick County. April 15—w8t
NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JACK—He is about 24 years old, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high; his left foot and leg have scars on them occasioned by burns; large lips. His clothing are, a home made linen doublet, a pair of old blue pantaloons, and a home made linen shirt. If his master (whose name he says is Claiborne, and whom he confesses he left at Waterford, Virginia) does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick county. April 17—w8t
ON Friday the 10th day of May next between the hours of 12 and 3 o'clock, at Mr. Stelle's hotel in the city of Washington, near the premises, will be offered to public sale on a credit of six months, a two story brick house, with two rooms and a passage on each floor, a garret and good dry cellar; situated on lot No. 10 in square 723 on East Capitol street, near the Capitol. Negotiable notes bearing interest from the date, with approved endorser payable at the city of Washington or Georgetown banks, to be given by the purchaser in one hour after the sale, when immediate possession will be given and a clear title made to the purchaser when the money is fully paid, by SAMUEL TYLER. April 17—w3t
NOTICE. THIS is to give notice that the subscribers of Washington county in the district of Columbia have obtained from the Orphans court of said county letters of administration with the will annexed, on the personal estate of Col. Charles Beatty late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers, at before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under our hands this 19th day of March 1805. CHARLES A. BEATTY, & AB. RITCHIE, Adm'rs. with the will annexed. March 20—xaw8w
Valuable Land for Sale. The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington on the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD.