The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-01-18 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 101.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 18th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
House of Representatives.
THURSDAY, January 5.
Debate on Mr. Randolph's motion for the appointment of a committee of enquiry into the official conduct of SAMUEL CHASE.
(Continued.)
MR. LEIB. I am by no means an enemy to enquiry, but I am not a friend to the partiality of this resolution. We are told that it is grounded on the misconduct of the circuit court in Philadelphia on the trial of Fries. If one judge of that court was guilty of misconduct, the other attending judge must have been equally guilty. The conduct complained of was the act of the court, and not of an individual judge. This resolution ought therefore to embrace both the attending judges. My opinion is that both are criminal, and ought to be brought to the bar of justice. I therefore move an amendment of the resolution by introducing the name of RICHARD PETERS, so as to embrace an enquiry into the conduct of both judges, and call for the Yeas and Nays on the amendment.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I wish to state for the information of those gentlemen who were not in the last Congress, that the gentleman from Pennsylvania, whose statement, thus made, is the grand work of the present enquiry, did not offer any matter which tended to impeach the conduct of Mr. Peters, while there was a specific charge of misconduct brought against the other judge. In consequence of this charge I conceived it my duty to make an enquiry into the official conduct of Judge Chase. I mention this circumstance to show that however the charge of partiality may apply to the resolution, it cannot apply to the mover.
MR. LEIB. I do not charge the mover with partiality, but the resolution on which embracing one judge instead of two. Judge Peters was on the bench at the time. This outrage upon justice was the act of the court. How the conduct, therefore, of one judge shall claim investigation, while that of the other is passed over in silence, to me is mysterious. I think impartial justice calls for an investigation into the conduct of both.
MR. SMILIE said there could be no doubt that if the court were agreed, Judge Peters had been equally guilty of misconduct. On the trial of Fries, Mr. Chase presided, and Mr. Peters attended. If Judge Peters concurred in the decision, he was equally culpable.
MR. NICHOLSON. This resolution is grounded upon a statement made during the last session by a member from Pennsylvania, implicating the character of one of the justices of the supreme court. Upon information thus given, my friend from Virginia has thought himself bound to bring the business before the House, that an enquiry may be made into his conduct. For myself, I will never hesitate, I care not who the person implicated may be, and however exalted his station, to give my vote for enquiring into his official conduct, when a member of this House rises in his place, and states that, in his opinion, he has been guilty of misconduct. For this reason I shall vote for the amendment; it having been stated by a member that Judge Peters was on the bench and did concur with Judge Chase.
The Yeas and Nays were taken on the amendment, which was carried in the affirmative—Yeas 79—Nays 37—as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Allison, junr. Alexander, Biddle, Blacklock, Byle, Brown, Bryan, Burley, J. Campbell, Clay, Clapton, Croom, Cushing, Cutts, Dennis, Dickson, Early, Elliot, Elmer, Eppes, Eustis, Findley, Gillespie, Gray, Gregg, Griffin, Hanna, Hasbrouck, Hallings, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Huger, Jackson, Jones, Kennedy, Knight, Leib, Lewis, junr. Lowndes, Lucas, McCord, Meriwether, R. Moore, T. Moore, Morrow, New, Newton, junr. Nicholson, Olin, Patterson, Phelps, J. Randolph, junr. T. M. Randolph, J. Rhea, (of P.) J. Rhea, (of T.) Richards, Root, Sammons, Sandford, Seaver, Skinner, Van, Smilie, J. Smith, (of Virginia) Stanford, Stanton, Stevenson, Stewart, Thomas, Phipps, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Horn, Varnum, Verplanck, M. Williams, Winn, Winston, Wynns—79.
NAYS.—Messrs. Baldwin, Bard, Beallinger, Betton, Boyd, Chamberlin, Chisenden, Claggett, Cutler, Dana, Davenport, G. Griswold, R. Griswold,
Hough, Hunt, Lewis, Livingston, M'Greery, N. Mitchell, S. L. Mitchell, Mott, Palmer, Plater, Purvis, Sands, J. C. Smith, J. Smith, (of New-York), Southard, Taggart, Tenney, Thatcher, Tibbets, A. Trigg, Van Rensselaer, Wadsworth, Whitehill, Williams—37.
MR. LOWNDES. Were I to be governed by considerations other than those resulting from a sense of duty I should vote for this resolution, as I believe it would afford the character implicated the readiest mode of vindication. But I do not feel to high a respect for the opinion of any one member, as to give up my opinion to his as to the course most proper to be pursued on this occasion. The gentleman who has offered this resolution, says that the facts on which it is founded are within his own knowledge. Let the gentleman then lay them before the House. Otherwise we shall legislate not on facts before us, but merely on the opinion of a single member on facts only known to himself. We are told that this motion is founded on the statement of an honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania.—What is that statement? That one of the council in the trial of Fries informed him that the judge declared the council had no right to argue a point of law after the mind of the court was made up. I ask if any gentleman is prepared to say that the judge was wrong. I am not prepared to say so. While too I am unwilling to detract from the respect due to the statement of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, I am equally unwilling to subscribe to his opinions. He may have misconceived the information communicated to him. It is said that it is necessary to preserve the streams of justice. I agree in this remark, and I say that the resolution on the table goes to destroy the independence of the judges, and of consequence to pollute the streams of justice; to make the judges the flexible tools of this House. It is impossible that under such circumstances men of talents and integrity will take seats on the bench, when their characters shall be liable to be scrutinized without any facts being previously adduced.
I think it absolutely necessary that this resolution should not pass. For if it passes, it will establish a precedent that any member may procure an investigating committee to enquire into the conduct of any executive or judicial officer merely upon his opinion unsupported by facts that such an enquiry is necessary. Suppose parties to be nearly equally divided; a member has only to propose an enquiry into the conduct of any officer to whom he may feel inimical, and thereby throw a cloud upon his character, and render him the object of suspicion. Thus do I fear that this precedent will furnish the instrument of vengeance of one party against another. The price we pay for our liberties is the excellence of parties among us; but it becomes us rather to restrain than to invigorate their passions. If we establish this precedent we shall render impeachments so easy, as greatly to facilitate the means of oppression.
MR. LOWNDES concluded by saying that in this affair he threw party considerations entirely out of view. He was personally unacquainted with Judge Chase, and if there was a single affidavit of his misconduct, the appointment of the committee of enquiry should have his vote; but that under the circumstances attending it, he considered the measure improper in every point of view in which he could consider it.
MR. FINDLEY observed, that the abstract right of the members to move for an enquiry into the conduct of public officers in order to find whether presumptions against their character afforded ground for impeachment, was not expressly denied, yet the manner in which the opposition to the present resolution was conducted was equal to denying the right. He trusted, however, that the House would support this right, as it was one of the most important of any with which they were vested. It grew out of the power of impeachment, and it was necessary for the exercise of that power, and was justified by precedents. By the rules of the House any member has a right to have the doors shut in order to move such a resolution as he thinks proper. This has been usual in cases of impeachment in Britain, from which we derive the forms of impeachment. There it has been common to shut the doors and for a member to move for an impeachment of a public officer, and to procure the officer impeached to be taken into custody before there was time or opportunity to take any other testimony than the information stated by the member who
moved the resolution, probably supported by public fame. Taking the party into custody was necessary to the circumstances of that country, and the extent of punishment which might not only affect the liberty and property, but even the life of the party found guilty. It was necessary because of the influence of the powerful nobility, who might have it in their power to stand in their defence, but as all the penalties in the power of this government to inflict by impeachment only affect the official trust and character, taking into custody is unnecessary.
He observed, that the arguments in opposition to the resolution turned chiefly on the ground of expediency and of precedent.
In his opinion it appeared not only expedient but necessary, from the notoriety of facts on which the resolution was founded; that they were publicly known and had impaired confidence in these judges, could not be denied. That it was known to Congress during the last session was acknowledged. It was not only known, but Congress acted on it. A bill was in progress before this House appointing the attendance of judges to particular districts—the members of two respectable states in which, by the bill, Judge Chase was appointed to attend, objected unanimously to that appointment, because they had not confidence in him; and the facts on which the resolution is founded were stated on the floor, upon which the House altered the bill and appointed another judge to that district. This was a strong testimony that Congress believed that this open expression of want of confidence in that gentleman was justified by the facts that had been stated.
He said, that though he had not at that time a seat in the House, he had expected an enquiry to be made into the causes of this want of confidence at that time—perhaps it was prevented by the shortness of the session.
It is expedient for the character of the gentlemen and for the public good; for the gentlemen themselves, if they are innocent or have acted on justifiable ground, it is necessary that their characters may be vindicated, and confidence in their public conduct restored—it is expedient for the public good, because if the judges are guilty in the manner stated; if they have justly lost the confidence of the people and of Congress, as it appears by the transactions of last session, one of them has done, the case ought to be examined and the citizens protected, for if he was unfit to preside on the bench for one district, he is unfit to preside in another—it is expedient, in order to secure the confidence of the citizens in the government itself.
But precedents are called for by the gentlemen opposed to the resolution, and several of them contend that such special facts should be stated as would be unexceptionable ground of impeachment, before the enquiry is gone into. A gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Elliot) who argued yesterday in favor of postponement for further information on the subject, in the same argument said, that he never would agree to the appointment of a committee of enquiry, until the charges were first stated and proved to his satisfaction. Mr. F. said he was astonished at this inconsistency. If the facts were first stated and established, appointing a committee of enquiry would be an absurdity. What would they enquire after but what they already knew? That gentleman and others, in order to defeat the resolution, gave the object of it an odious designation; they called it an inquisition and spoke of it in such terms as if it was the well known Spanish law of that name—the character of that court was too well known to the members of this House to require definition—it was sufficient to say that in it witnesses were examined without the knowledge of the party accused; that it compelled the accused to give testimony against themselves, and had authority to pass sentence of the most dreadful kind, without appeal. The gentlemen knew that no such thing was intended by the resolution. The character of the judges had been impeached in public opinion by numerous citizens of all descriptions. Congress on that account gave a decisive testimony of want of confidence in one of them. The object of the resolution was to enquire whether there was a real foundation for this want of confidence and ill fame. If Congress did not make enquiry in such cases, who was to do it? It did not by the constitution belong to any other authority—every other method of proceeding would be as ingeniously objected to as the one proposed by those who wished to prevent
further proceedings in the case; denying the means of bringing forward impeachment, had the same effect as if the power of impeachment was renounced. The power of this House has been asserted to be similar to that of a grand jury—this seems to be conceded on both sides, but though it bears a resemblance, it was not strictly so, it was more extensive. Grand juries were authorized to prefer such indictments or such complaints or information as were submitted to them by the attorney general, or which they knew of their own knowledge. The attorney only enquires if there is probable ground for the complaint, and brings the witnesses before the jury, who examine them to establish the facts alleged—but this House has no officers authorized to make enquiry and bring forward the business in due form; therefore the House possesses both the power of the attorney-general and the grand jury, with relation to impeachment, for where a power of decision is given, all the powers necessary to carry that decision into effect are implied. The making enquiry, procuring witnesses, or other testimony, and preparing the case in due form, is the object of the resolution; and if the House does not do it in this or some other such method, there is no other agent authorized to do it.
With respect to precedents and parliamentary usage, Mr. F. said he had formerly examined many, but was not prepared to state them at this time, and did not think them necessary on this occasion. If all the examples of impeachment by the British parliament, from the reign of Henry the 8th, when parliamentary power was reduced to a mere shadow, till the present time, when the parliamentary power has been amply enlarged and established, and their proceedings become more uniform, there will be shades of difference found in all of them, arising from various circumstances; we have few precedents of our own, and of these few none of them apply to the present case. It is the constitutional duty of this House to impeach when impeachment is necessary, and of the Senate to decide on impeachment; but with respect to the manner in which each House should proceed, they are not trammeled by forms nor entangled in precedents.
There are however examples of proceedings both with the British parliament and with us, as similar to the method now proposed as the various cases would admit. With ourselves the case of the unfortunate western expedition mentioned by my colleague, Mr. Gregg, yesterday, was much more to the purpose than the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold) was willing to admit. Mr. F. said he had the honor to be one of the committee of enquiry which sat on that subject, a great proportion of two sessions. The expedition was too late in setting out to the Indian country, they were laid to have been ill provided with necessaries, and long detained for want of them, a large proportion of the army were killed or taken by the savages, and all the stores with the army left. The citizens were discontented, and the numerous complaints were heard, but none knew with certainty whom to blame, a committee was appointed to examine witnesses and report the testimony to the House, in order to discover the party who had been to blame. Some had charged it on the commanding general, others on the secretary of war, and others on the commissary of military stores, and their last endeavored to wrest the blame from themselves on the general. It was certain that a great misfortune had happened, but it was not certain that any officer was to blame, no charge had been made to Congress against any officer, yet Congress thought proper to make an enquiry, and it was not opposed on the account of want of form, or want of precedents by any of the friends of the party. Towards the close of the first session the committee made a concise report, referring to a great amount of testimonies. Some of the parties implicated by the report, thought themselves injured by it, and it was alleged, that other witnesses ought to be examined. Consequently at the next session the business was recommitted to the same committee, and it was near the close of the last session of that Congress, before all the witnesses were procured and examined, and the parties heard by the committee, each of the parties wrote and delivered to the committee a large book of explanations and defence. The committee reported a large wooden box full of testimony, of original letters and instructions, and the three books of explanations and defence accompanied
with some observations; it was not possible for that Congress to enter on the business, and the cause being of a transient nature, and the parties who applied for the second enquiry, not willing a disclosure of the testimony, the business was not afterwards entered on, but the trial of testimony, &c. is yet in possession of Congress. This, it is presumed, applies well in favor of the present resolution.
Gentlemen object to the resolution, because of the indelicacy of implicating the character of a judge. They seem to believe the character of a judge to be sacred and immaculate. But are not judges men? Are they not men subject to like passions and like failings as other men! Judges and other official characters voluntarily surrender a part of the rights they enjoyed in common with other citizens, in return for the honors and emoluments of office; others have a right to the privilege of trial by jury, in the decision of all charges against them, but public officers by accepting of office subject themselves under this government, to trial by impeachment; subjecting judges to impeachment, indicates unequivocally a constitutional opinion, that judges would be even more liable to transgress than other citizens, and might transgress in a more aggravated manner than mere citizens; this mode of trial, however, in this country, is become almost a harmless thing, it is deprived of more than half its terrors. It does not reach life or property, but only the official character.
Mr. F. said, he was a friend to the independence of the judges, but that all independence in all governments had its limits and its restraints. It was not provided for the aggrandizement of the judges, but for the protection of the citizens. So far as it is applicable to this purpose, it is necessary, but any further it is injurious and subject to restraints. Under no government with which we are acquainted, are the judges rendered so independent as that of the United States. In Britain, from which we have derived the model of our judiciary, the judges were appointed during pleasure, till little more than a century ago, they were rendered independent by the revolution parliament for the security of the people against the encroachments of the monarch, and the overbearing influence of a very powerful nobility, and for this purpose it was not only salutary, but absolutely necessary; but even with that boasted independence, that judiciary is subjected to restraints and modes of correction, not provided in the federal constitution. The judges are liable to be removed from office by the vote of both houses of parliament without trial. They are liable to be removed, or their standing changed by act of parliament; that parliament on whose act their independence depends, can repeal the act, the two houses of parliament can make and unmake their kings. They are also liable by an act of attainder, not only to lose their office, but their estate, the honor of their families, and even their lives.
The judiciaries in all the states of the union are rendered less or more independent, some are appointed for shorter and some for longer periods. In New Jersey they are appointed for seven years, they were so in Pennsylvania formerly, since the revision of the constitution they are appointed during good behavior; they are, however, subjected not only to removal by impeachment, but also by the vote of two thirds of each House for any cause which the House do not think a sufficient cause of impeachment; but in the federal government, there is no method provided for removing them for any misfeasance or nonfeasance, or incapacity, as even when they may unfortunately be under mental derangement, except by impeachment, which is inapplicable to official crimes and conducted with tedious forms. The power of impeachment being the only shield provided by the government, for the protection of the citizens from judicial oppression, and this House being the only constitutional organ for obtaining the foundation of official excesses and bringing forward articles of impeachment, ought not to bind up their own hands from doing their duty, and this they will do if they reject the resolution now on the table.
But while the gentlemen consider the character of these judges so sacred that their conduct cannot be inquired into, notwithstanding such proofs of want of confidence in them, and that as a gentleman near me from South Carolina (Mr. Lowndes,) has said, that he is afraid of impeachment, and grounds his fears on the incapacity or the unfitness of the members of this House, or because the members of this House may abuse the

power. Mr. F. asked, were not the members of this House selected and qualified for the discharge of this necessary duty? were they not appointed by respectable authority as the judges? were they not under a solemn oath of office for the faithful discharge of this as well as every part of their high trust? and were they not protected by special privileges and protection during the discharge of their trust equally with the judges, and their actions as respectable as that of the judges? They are not only protected from civil actions, but are not subjected to impeachment for misbehaviour in office as the judges are. They are in their official capacity subjected only to the censure of public opinion. If this is true, it is improper, it is impolitic, for the members of this House to degrade their own character, it amounts to saying, they are not capable of discharging the trust they are solemnly bound to discharge, and ought not to have been invited with. He knew, however, that this was only introduced as an excuse for unwillingness. But the same gentleman adds, as a reason for opposing the resolution, that he is not acquainted with the history of the business. That is probably the case with him and others, especially such as had not a seat in the last session of Congress, or who resided at a great distance from the scene alluded to in the resolution; admitting this to be true, the best and the only regular way to become acquainted with the history of the case, is to carry the resolution into effect—to have a committee appointed with such power as would enable them to procure such information as that gentleman and every other member who is uninformed could depend on. The gentleman's objection in fact is one of the strongest arguments in favor of the resolution. The gentlemen from South Carolina has however offered one other objection to the resolution which merits some notice. He has said that if a committee is appointed for the object proposed by the resolution, men of character and talents will not accept of appointments in the judiciary. The solidity of this objection will be best examined by the test of observation and experience. It has been already mentioned that several states have appointed their supreme judges for short periods, and that others have vested the legislature with the power of removing judges from office without impeachment, merely on their own opinion. Can the gentleman from South-Carolina say, can any member on this floor, where all the states are represented say, that these states are deficient in judges of respectability and talents? They cannot say so—there is no such complaint. The judiciary of New Jersey, where the judges are chosen but for seven years, is as respectable and the application of her laws as well brought home to the security and happiness of her citizens as they are in the states where judges are appointed for life. The same may be asserted with confidence of the state of Pennsylvania, before the revision of her constitution as they are since. There is this difference, however, where they have been appointed for limited periods there has been no impeachment or removals, and generally if not always, the judges were re-appointed and justice was well administered, but since they have been appointed for good behaviour there has, at least in Pennsylvania, been both, and more complaints of inattention, expense and delays in the administration of justice than had been formerly. Many of the judges, however, are very respectable and enjoy a high degree of confidence, but not more confidence than they did before the change of the constitution. There has been no attempt to remove or impeach the judges of the supreme court in that state.
To enquire into the conduct of the judges when confidence in them is evidently wanting is the only true way to secure the respectability of the judiciary. If that necessary confidence is withdrawn without cause, an official enquiry will restore confidence and the usefulness of the judges. This observation is supported by precedent and parliamentary usage. In that country from which precedents are so frequently sought, one precedent offers itself to recollection. In the year 1730 a committee of the British House of Commons was appointed to examine the jails. In the course of examination the committee discovered that Sir Robert Eyres, chief justice of the common pleas, a judge of very respectable character, was suspected, not of tyranny on the bench or of putting any man's life in jeopardy, but of having held an improper correspondence with a person confined for crime or misdemeanor, and this suspicion chiefly supported by anonymous letters. A committee of the House of Commons were appointed to make enquiry and it was found to the satisfaction of the committee and of the people, that the allegations on which the suspicion was founded were false, and the judge's character was vindicated and restored. Mr. F. said this precedent applied well to the present case. If the judges mentioned in the resolution had done their duty their characters would be vindicated by the enquiry and the public confidence in their integrity restored;
if they were guilty and not entitled to confidence they ought to be removed from office, and neither the one nor the other could be done unless the enquiry proposed was authorised.
He said that the enquiry was necessary to secure the purity, honor and usefulness of the judiciary department. If that House refused or neglected to exert the powers vested therein for securing public confidence in the judiciary; unprincipled men would find means of recommending themselves to appointments and would vitiate the streams where justice is expected to flow, and the citizens would be oppressed without the means or hope of redress, and would feel the effects of tyrannical power in the administration of a government which in its other departments was the greatest and best of any in the world. Let proper enquiries be made where they are necessary—let the character of judges unjustly charged be vindicated and the vicious and unworthy be removed, and improper characters will cease to intrude themselves, their friends will not dare to recommend them, and Congress will have confidence that the laws which they pass will be applied agreeably to their genuine principles, to the protection and ease of the citizens; if we do not provide for this, we had better cease to make laws.
If virtuous men are appointed and the vicious discouraged, Congress may from particular circumstances be called on to make enquiries, but very rarely indeed to be employed in impeachments, (no men of real virtue and talents would refuse a seat on the bench for fear of enquiry or impeachment.) He said that the judges of the supreme court in the state he had the honor of representing though they differed in political opinions, administered justice with such purity and diligence, that though some of them had been long in office they enjoyed the confidence of the citizens, were in no danger of impeachment or removal by vote, and he believed would not shrink from enquiry if necessary. The more extensive the confidence of the citizens that was reposed in the judiciary the easier it would be to fill up vacancies with men of character and talents. He said that among several other observations which occurred to his mind, with offering which he would not detain the House, he had once thought of stating other charges against the official conduct of these judges of which he had been well informed, but on reflection he declined mentioning them and thought it most for the public good to insist on the appointment demanded by a member on the responsibility of his own official character, and as a matter of right, and would do nothing that might impair the weight of the precedent that he hoped would be set by agreeing to the resolution as it stood.
Mr. F. said that having so long engaged the attention of the House he would conclude by observing, that as the case now stood it is proper for all the members to vote for the resolution, those that believed as he did, that there was a want of necessary confidence in those judges and that this want of confidence was occasioned by their unauthorized and oppressive conduct were obliged in conscience to vote for the enquiry, and every member who believed the judges to have done their duty, and that the public confidence is withdrawn from them without cause, are bound in duty to vote for the resolution in order that the judges may have an opportunity to vindicate their character, that confidence in them being restored they may become useful to the public, therefore in every light he could view it, he was convinced it was his duty to vote for the resolution and would act accordingly.
(To be continued.)
A LIST OF LETTERS Remaining in the Post Office at Washington city, on the 1st day of Jan. 1804.
A John Jacob Astor, esq. David Allen, Mr. Angrand, Peter Abbott, Mr. Appleton, William Allison, care of Robert Hamilton. B Joseph Bryan, 2. William A. Burwell, Esq. 2 Robert Barton, 2, Capt. Robert Bailey, Miss Renose Brown, Isaac Briggs, Esq. George Bille, John Ballers, Esq. Doctor William Baker, Mr. John N. Barron, John Brown, William Bard Esq. Charles Bennett, Benjamin Boots, Nicholas Boon. Jacob Bond, Jun. Henry Bradley, Captain George W. Balch, Mr. William Baker, care of Mr. Lowry, C. pt. Thomas Bitton, Augustus Baldwin, Esq. John C. Baum, Esq. Lieut. Barchin, Major James Bruff, James W. Bryson, Mr. Lewis Beckwith. C George Washington P. Custis, Esq. 2, Isaac Cowdrey, 2, Major Richard Claiborne, 2, Mrs. Betty Cook, James Coyles, Thomas Cumming Esq. Citizen William Chapman, William Clarke, William Campbell, Esq. Joseph Clark, 2. Capt. Hugh G. Campbell, James L. Clouney, Mr. Whipple Crow, Rev. Bishop John Gaurea, Daniel Calley, care of
of William O'Brien, James Colman, Francis Clarke, Thomas P. Chiffelle, Esq. Right Rev. Doctor Claggett, James Connor.
D Mr. John Donnell, Lieut. Dent, Mr. Decheare, Mr. Daniel Dorrance, Mr. George Delany, care of Mr. Fennell General Davies, Josephes Donaghy. E William Eaton, Esq. 4, W. B. Elwyn, Esq. Triplet S. Eltes. F Anthony Farnis, Joshua Farnham, Patrick Frazier, Winna Fletcher, Ignatius Farrol, Monsieur Francis Fabre, M c arty Fitzhugh.
G Theodore Gaillard, Esq. 9. Lieut. Edmund P. Gaines, 2, Joseph Graves, Doctor Thomas Gampell, Monsieur Generetz, William Green, 2, Mr. George L. Gray, William Godby, Nathan Good-hole, John Gillaspy. H Samuel Hoar, 2. Capt. Charles Hyde, 3. James Hume, Esq. 2, Major I. E. Houston, 2. Capt. John Hand, Miss Kitty Hughes, Patrick Hany, Solomon Harrison, Mrs. Mary Hammon, Mr. James Hunter, Abijah Hunt, Andrew Hunter, John A. House-Houseman, Francis Henderson, Esq. Nathaniel Heyward, Esq. William Holmes, Mr. Richard Harrison, 2, Daniel Hodgekin, Mr. John Hankart, John Harris, James Huey, E. Hart, Esq. Col. Elathan Haskell, Daniel E. Huger, Esq.
J Walter Irvine, 2. Lieut William C. Jenckes, 2, Jacob Jon, Esq. John Ioor, Fanny Johnston, Charles Jouett, Esq. Robert W. Jones, Esq. David January, Mrs. Island.
K Roger K Buck, 2, Alexander Kennedy, Ephraim Kerby, Rev. Samuel Knox, William Kemp, Henry Kurtz, George Kirkland.
L Theodorick Lov, Esq. 2, George Lyndon, Jacob Loudonday, General H. Lee, 2, Rev. James Laird, John T. Lindsay, Lewis Leroy, John Lynde, Honorable Thomas Laurence, Mrs. Sarah Lewis, Messrs. Lear & Co.
M Henry Myrrett, 2, Mrs. Ann Macculin, John Mace, Henry L. Martin, John M c Lean, Samuel Mitchell, James M c Cleary, John M c Nish, Esq. George M c Allister, Len M c Daniel, Mrs. Ann H. Magruder, Notley Maddox, Messrs. H. and I. P. Marshalls.
N Robert Newman, Samuel Nicholson, Esq. Austin Nichols, Esq.
O Henry Oswald, James Oldham, George Oxlade, John Ormrod, 2.
P Lawson Pearson, 2, Robert Piper, Thomas L. Paterson, J. S. Potts, Messrs. Panton, Lisle & Co. Lieut. Samuel Poole, Messrs. Isaac and David Pollock James Pendleton.
R John Rutledge, Esq. Alexander F. Rufe, Esq. William Robertson, Doctor Samuel Robinson, William Ryan, John Richards, Esq. William S. Reid, Joseph Reed, Stephen Ravenel, Daniel Rooney.
S John Shuttuck, 3, Robert Swartout, John Shyren, Capt. Thomas Swain, Thomas Smyth, Jun. G. H. Smith, Thomas B. Shediner, Lieut. Joseph G. Swift, Capt. Gorham Sturges, Mrs. Sunday, Levin Sothorn, S. Agathy Shediner, John Cleve Sumner, Benjamin Shacklott, Collop Smith, John Swank.
T William H. Thom, 2, Obas S. Timberlake, John Turner, Solomon Taylor, William Timmer, Charles C. Byrd Thomson, Garrard Tracy, Alexander Thomson, Jonathan Tilley, Miss Charlotte Thornton at Col. Washington's.
U John Underwood. W John Woodward, Leonard Wheeler, Charles Wayman, John Walter, Esq. J. M. White, Eli Whitney, Esq. George Wray Esq. George Winlet.
PATENT MACHINE For boring Holes in Rocks under water or in any situation and blasting them.
THE subscriber having purchased the patent right from Jean Baptiste Aveille, the original inventor, for the counties of Frederick, Shenandoah, Jefferson, Berkeley, Augusta, Rockingham, Hampshire, Hardy and Botetourt in the state of Virginia, will dispose of it to any person or company for any particular object. The model may be seen at any time, and terms made known by A. LINDO, Fred. Co. Vir. Winchester Jan. 18—wtf
Ten Dollars Reward.
DESERTEED from on board the frigate New-York, on the 12th inst. JAMES MANLEY, a seaman about 5 feet 7. GABRIEL MARTEN, a German, about 5 feet 9. WILLIAM COMEFORD, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high. Whoever will apprehend said deserters & deliver them to captain John Coffin superintendant of the Navy Yard, Washington, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges. Jan. 18—st
For the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER
The late reference to a committee of Congress of a petition presented two or three years ago, for a bridge over Potomac river, somewhere between the mouth of the Eastern Branch, and George Town, excited no alarm among those whose interest would be most affected by it; because it was not believed that such a petition could find a respectable advocate in either House of Congress. But within the last two or three days, some of the petitioners have appeared to exult in the certainty of success—one, indeed, has gone so far as to advise his friend to sell without delay his property in George Town—and names of high authority are quoted as favorers of this project. A few observations therefore on the subject may not be improper.
Many years ago the people of Boston and Charlestown, united to throw a bridge across the river that separates these two towns. No injury was apprehended to the navigation, as their bridge like the one now in projection, was to have a draw in it for the passage of ships, and those therefore who held property above the bridge in the towns, were as desirous of its erection, as the more fortunate owners of property below it. But mark the result! Of the few large vessels that attempted to pass the draw, none escaped without injury, and one or two were sunk: all attempts to pass the bridge, were soon abandoned; and the owners of the wharves and other property above it, discovered too late that they were ruined.
The river here is wider and more turbulent than that between Boston and Charlestown: Our gulls of wind are as sudden; and our current is at times infinitely more violent. Of course a large vessel would be less governable here, than at Boston, in the delicate and dangerous operation of passing the draw—After one or two unsuccessful efforts no more ships would attempt to pass the bridge, and the property depending for its value on the navigation above it, would be as effectually destroyed as if nature had closed the river.
Against a project thus pregnant with mischief it cannot be needful to multiply objections—for that would imply, that apprehensions were seriously entertained, that Congress would deliberately commit the grossest, and most palpable injustice, and that too without a motive. No such apprehensions are entertained, and I will not therefore dwell upon the danger of filing up the river by stoppages of trees and collections of mud about the pillars of the bridge—nor of the danger to the navigation below, as well as above by the overthrow of the bridge itself by the ice towards spring, sometimes borne along with a force that twenty times the strength of a wooden bridge, could not for a moment resist.
It was a matter of surprise and must forever remain a matter of regret, that a petition should be presented to Congress, by American citizens, praying for the destruction of their neighbours property, for the chance of benefitting their own. Charity will suppose, that many of the petitioners, were themselves ignorant of the evils certainly to follow a compliance with their petition. But it is on record, and cannot be forgotten that Congress have been solicited to commit an act of open flagrant injustice. It is for congress by their marked disapprobation of this petition, to assert their own dignity, and to check the growth of that kind of spirit in the district, which could dictate the insult. A people without political rights are apt to forget that there are moral duties. The citizens of Columbia cannot be too soon instructed, that though congress have the power of exclusive legislation, they have no more right than inclination, to violate private property. Unless we are taught this lesson, congress may soon expect to have their tables crowded with petitions for the division amongst the humble petitioners, of the unwieldy estates of Robert Peter, D. Carroll, and other wealthy men. The reason assigned may be as in the case before us, public convenience, or public good, and it will not be difficult to shew, that a million of dollars in the hands of fifty men, will probably produce more enterprise, more improvement in the city, and more public good than twice that sum remaining in the hands of an individual.
A CITIZEN OF COLUMBIA.
WASHINGTON ASSOCIATION:
The office of the Washington Association and United States Insurance company is removed to the corner of square No. 226 fronting on the President's square and Pennsylvania Avenue. THOMAS HERTY, sec'y P. T. Jan. 18—st
WASHINGTON CITY
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 18.
BRIDGE OVER THE POTOMAC.
A performance will be seen by the reader in the paper of this day under the signature of a "CITIZEN OF COLUMBIA," in hostility to the project of a Bridge over the Potomac opposite the city, as prayed for by a number of its respectable citizens. Had the spirit of this performance comported with the importance of the subject, the few observations, now to be offered, would have been spared, under a full conviction that there is too much good sense in the legislature of the union, not to perceive the general interest, and too much spirit not to adopt the best means for its promotion. The writer of these remarks does not conceal the fact that he is a citizen of George-Town; the writer of these remarks acknowledges himself to be a citizen of Washington. The opinions of both may, therefore, be presumed, to be interested, and to merit but little notice. To the facts and reasons adduced by each exclusive regard should be paid. I shall, first, consider, the objections urged against the bridge, and then some of the arguments that recommend it.
It is said the commercial interests of George-town will be injured by it. The declaration is altogether gratuitous, except so far as the effects of a bridge in the vicinity of Boston are considered as applicable to George-town, if a bridge shall be thrown over the Potomac.—But is there any weight in this remark? Is it logical, from a single fact, which may or may not be true, to deduce a general inference, absolutely at variance with a great number of other facts? It is far from unusual to throw bridges over navigable streams; and in most cases in which they have been erected, they have aided, instead of injuring the channel. Such, it is confidently believed, will be the effect of this bridge, if properly constructed.
But, even granting that the interests of George-town may be affected by it has Washington no interests? There may be half a dozen sea vessels that annually enter the port of George-town. Is it reasonable that a slight inconvenience incurred by these should frustrate a measure on which the interests of the union, equally with those of the city, depend? Are we to be told that the little interests of a town, containing a population, whose progress must depend upon that of the city, shall put down those of a place, destined to vie in numbers and in wealth with the largest cities on the continent? To all the impassioned assertions of this nature contained in the performance of the Citizen, it is a conclusive answer that the union and the city have rights as well as George-town, and that the denial of these rights to which they are entitled is as invasive of justice as it would be to divest them of rights actually enjoyed.
The citizens of Washington request permission to erect a bridge over the Potomac, because it gives them direct intercourse with Alexandria, and the southern country, instead of being compelled, as at present, to go the circuitous route by George-town, by which about six miles are lost, besides the inconvenience of crossing a river, often obstructed by ice, and sometimes very turbulent, in boats not affording the best accommodation. From this direct and easy intercourse great advantage will accrue to the city. At present, owing to the low situation of trade in Washington, the citizens are obliged to go to Alexandria or George-town for a considerable portion of their articles of consumption. From the superior commercial importance of Alexandria, the market there furnishes a more varied assortment of goods at cheaper rates than at George-town. This arises from the former carrying on a very extensive, while the latter carries on a very limited trade with Europe and the West-Indies.
The citizens of Washington also ask permission to erect this bridge, from the beneficial operation of the measure as well on the general, as on their local interests. The place, at which it is contemplated to erect the bridge, will fall in with the main pull line that passes through the United States, by which a considerable distance, at present travelled, and a proportionate expence, will be saved to the government of the United States. The measure will, therefore, be of eminent use to every man who travels this road; and it will be of like use to every person who writes a letter in the quick progress of which to its place of destination he is interested; and this is presumed to be the case with the whole commercial and political world. It is a fact that, at present, the mail travels a retrograde course, and produces a delay and expence proportionate to the distance passed over. These views might be greatly amplified; but it is confidently believed that

enough has been laid, in connection with that which must occur to every intelligent mind, to show that the proposed bridge,
 1. Will considerably advance the general interest.  2. Will greatly advance the interests of the citizens of Washington, by which the accommodation of the members of the government will be increased; and that  3. It will not deprive George-town of any of her just rights. 
It is true it will operate, in an eminent degree, to accommodate the inhabitants of the city by their early access to the best commercial market in the district, and that it will give them the benefits derivable from the stages, and many private carriages, waggons, and horsemen stopping in the city instead of going to George-town. But these are advantages to which she is entitled from her local situation, and to which George-town can have no just claim. It is feared that these considerations are the only true grounds on which the inhabitants of that place oppose this measure.
The following MESSAGE from the President of the United States, accompanying sundry documents relative to a delivery of possession, on the 20th ultimo, by the Commissary of the French Republic, to the Commissioners of the United States of America, of the Territory of LOUISIANA, was presented on Monday to the two Houses of Congress.
MESSAGE To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
In execution of the act of the present session of Congress, for taking possession of Louisiana, as ceded to us by France, and for the temporary government thereof, Governor Claiborne of the Mississippi territory, and General Wilkinson were appointed commissioners to receive possession. They proceeded with such regular troops as had been assembled at Fort Adams, from the nearest posts, and with some militia of the Mississippi territory, to New Orleans. They were prepared for any thing unexpected which might arise out of the transaction, a respectable body of militia was ordered to be in readiness in the states of Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee, and a part of those of Tennessee was moved on to the Natchez. No occasion, however, arose for their services. Our commissioners, on their arrival at New Orleans, found the province already delivered by the commissioners of Spain to that of France, who delivered it over to them on the 20th day of December, as appears by their declaratory act accompanying this. Governor Claiborne being duly invested with the powers heretofore exercised by the Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, assumed the government on the same day, and for the maintenance of law and order, immediately issued the proclamation and address now communicated.
On this important acquisition, so favorable to the immediate interests of our Western citizens, so auspicious to the peace and security of the nation in general, which adds to our country territories so extensive and fertile, and to our citizens new brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self government, I offer to Congress and our country my sincere congratulations.
TH: JEFFERSON. January 16. 1804. City of New Orleans, Dec. 20th, 1803.
SIR, WE have the satisfaction to announce to you, that the province of Louisiana was this day surrendered to the United States by the commissioner of France; and to add, that the flag of our country was raised in this city amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants.
The enclosed is a copy of an instrument of writing which was signed and exchanged by the commissioners of the two governments, and is designed as a record of this interesting transaction.
Accept assurances of our respectful consideration. WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE, JA: WILKINSON. The honorable James Madison, Secretary of State, City of Washington.
The undersigned William C. C. Claiborne and James Wilkinson, commissioners or agents of the United States, agreeable to the full powers they have received from Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, under date of the 31st October, 1803, and twenty eighth year of the independence of the United States of America, (8 Brumaire, 12 year of the French Republic) countersigned by the Secretary of State James Madison, and citizen Peter Clement Luffat, Colonial Prefect, and commissioner of the French Government for the delivery in the name of the French Republic of the country, territories and dependencies of Louisiana, to the commissioners or agents of the United States, conformably to the powers, commission, and special mandate which he has received in the name of
the French people from citizen Bonaparte, first consul, under date of the 6th June, 1803. (17 Prairial, 11 year of the French Republic) countersigned by the Secretary of State, Hugues Maret, and by his excellency the minister of marine and colonies Decres, do certify by these presents that on this day, Tuesday the 20th December, 1803 at the christian era, (28th Frimaire, 12 year of the French Republic) being convened in the hall of the Hotel de Ville of New Orleans, accompanied on both sides by the chiefs and officers of the army and navy, by the municipality and divers respectable citizens of their respective republics, the said William C. C. Claiborne and James Wilkinson delivered to the said citizen Luffat their aforesaid full powers by which it evidently appears that full power and authority has been given them jointly and severally to take possession of and to occupy the territories ceded by France to the United States by the treaty concluded at Paris on the 30th day of April last past, (19th Florial) and for that purpose to repair to the said territory and there to execute and perform all such acts and things, touching the premises, as may be necessary for fulfilling their appointment conformable to the said treaty and the laws of the United States, and thereupon the said citizen Luffat declared that in virtue of and in the terms of the powers, commission and special mandate dated at St. Cloud, 6th June 1803 of the Christian era (17th Prairial 11 year of the French Republic) he put from that moment, the said Commissioners of the United States in possession of the country, territories and dependencies of Louisiana, conformably to the 1. 2. 4. and 5th articles of the treaty and the two conventions, concluded and signed the 30th April 1803, (10th Floréal 11th year of the French Republic) between the French Republic and the United States of America by citizen Francis Barbe Marbois, minister of the Public Treasury, and Messrs Robert R. Livingston and James Monroe, ministers plenipotentiary of the United States, all three furnished with full powers, of which true and two conventions the ratifications, made by the first Consul of the French Republic, on the one part, and by the President of the U. States, by and with the advice & consent of the Senate, on the other part, have been exchanged and mutually received at the city of Washington, the 21st October 1803, 28 Vendemaire, 12 year of the French Republic, by citizen Louis Andre Pichon, charge des affaires of the French Republic, near the United States, on the part of France, and by James Madison, Secretary of State of the United States, on the part of the United States, according to the process verbal drawn up on the same day; and the present delivery of the country is made to them, to the end, that in conformity with the object of the said treaty the sovereignty and property of the colony or province of Louisiana may pass to the said United States, under the same clauses and conditions as it had been ceded by Spain to France, in virtue of the treaty concluded at St. Ildefonso, on the 1st October, 1800 (9th Vendemaire, 9 year) between these two last powers, which has since received its execution by the actual re-entry of the French republic into possession of the said colony or province.
And the said citizen Luffat in consequence at this present time, delivered to the said commissioners of the United States, in this public sitting, the keys of the city of New Orleans, declaring that he discharges from their oaths of fidelity towards the French republic, the citizens and inhabitants of Louisiana, who shall choose to remain under the dominion of the United States.
And that it may forever appear the undersigned have signed the process verbal of this important and solemn act, in the French and English languages, and have sealed it with their seals, and have caused it to be countersigned by their secretaries of commission, the day, month and year above written.
(Signed) Wm. C. C. CLAIBORNE, (seal.) JAMES WILKINSON, (seal.) LAUSSAT. (seal.) (Here follows the Proclamation insert in our last paper.)
The Governor's address to the citizens of Louisiana.
Fellow Citizens of Louisiana, On the great and interesting event now finally consummated—an event so advantageous to yourselves, and so glorious to United America, I cannot forbear offering you my warmest congratulations. The wise policy of the Consul of France has, by the cession of Louisiana to the United States, secured to you, a connection beyond the reach of change, and to your posterity the sure inheritance of freedom. The American people receive you as brothers; and will hasten to extend to you a participation of those inestimable rights, which have formed the basis of their own unexampled prosperity. Under the auspices of the American government, you may confidently rely upon
the security of your liberty, your property, and the religion of your choice. You may with equal certainty, rest assured, that your commerce will be promoted, and your agriculture cherished; in a word, that your true interests will be among the primary objects of our national legislature. In return for these benefits, the United States will be amply remunerated, if your growing attachment to the constitution of our country, and your veneration for the principles on which it is founded, be duly proportioned to the blessings which they will confer. Among your first duties, therefore, you should cultivate with assiduity among yourselves, the advancement of political information, you should guide the rising generation in the paths of republican economy and virtue; you should encourage literature, for without the advantages of education, your descendants will be unable to appreciate the intrinsic worth of the government transmitted to them.
As for myself, fellow citizens, accept a sincere assurance, that during my continuance in the situation in which the President of the United States has been pleased to place me, every exertion will be made on my part, to foster your internal happiness, and forward your general welfare, for it is only by such means, that I can secure to myself, the approbation of those great and just men who preside in the councils of our nation.
WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE. New Orleans, 20th Dec. 1803.
The House of Representatives yesterday resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. DAWSON in the chair—on the motion of Mr. Rodney to extinguish the State Balances.
Mr. Rodney in a speech of considerable length, advocated the measure, which was also supported by Messrs. Thomas, Smilie, Macon, and Mitchell; and opposed by Messrs. Elmer, Thatcher, Hastings, Gregg, Boyd, Sloan and Dennis.
The committee rose, without coming to a decision, and obtained leave to sit again.
Second General Assembly of the state of OHIO at the first session begun and held at the town of Chillicothe in the county of Ross, on Monday the 5th day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three:
Resolved, by the General Assembly of the state of Ohio that the measures taken by the General Government of the United States to secure to the citizens the free and uncontrolled navigation of the Mississippi river, and to obtain the right to, and the free possession of the Province of Louisiana merit the approbation of this Assembly.
H. CARITAT'S PROPOSALS
For Publishing by subscription, a National work, entitled A Journey, Made by order of the French government, from Pittsburgh on the river Ohio, through the western territory of the United States to the Upper and Lower parts of
LOUISIANA, Chiefly on the Mississippi, Missouri, Illinois, Arkansas and the adjacent rivers as low as NEW ORLEANS In the years 1796 and 1797, BY GENERAL COLLOT.
This work will be comprised in two volumes in 4to. containing thirty charts drawn for the most part on imperial paper of the dimensions of three feet six inches, together with plates and views executed by the best artists of Paris, describing the aspect of the country, its supposed boundaries, the nature of the soil, the farms, hamlets, villages and towns, which border on the Ohio, the Mississippi, and other rivers, and marking their foundations and those of the creeks which pour their waters into their floods. Translated into English from the original manuscript, by Helen Maria Williams—Subscriptions to this work are received by Mr. John Barnes, and Mr. John March, George Town, and Mr. Wm. Doyne and Messrs. Rapins, Conrad & Co. Washington—and the principal booksellers in the United States.
PROSPECTUS.
The French government having formed the design of making the acquisition of Louisiana, became highly interested in procuring more positive information respecting that country, than it had hitherto obtained. Gen. Collot was therefore commissioned in 1796, to take the most accurate survey of the country.
This mission Gen. Collot undertook notwithstanding the dangers with which it was attended and which proved fatal to some of his suite & which consisted among others, of twelve persons, skilled in geography and drawing. He began his expedition at Pittsburgh, where he embarked on the Ohio and followed the course of this river to its junction with the Mississippi, descending the country on each side of its banks, the rivers which empty themselves into the Ohio, and the creeks, shoals and soundings. From the Ohio, general Collot took a survey of the Mississippi and other rivers on the west, which empty themselves into the Mississippi, the course of which
he followed "To New Orleans, where Spain jealously attacked him, there he owed his liberty only to the firmness of his character; escaped from this new danger he reached Philadelphia from whence he had departed."
Gen. Collot not satisfied with taking the soundings of the creeks and rivers which he surveyed, pointing out the dangers of the navigation, directing the course of future travellers, by marking on his charts, the rocks, shoals, banks and bars which obstruct the passage, &c. He has also indicated the quality of the lands, and the character of the country, with a degree of precision that cannot fail to be eminently useful to American emigrants. Forests as ancient as the world here lift their towering heads, while natural meadows, which extend 40 leagues without a tree, bounded by woods and intersected by an infinite number of creeks, demand the hands of cultivation. There, the most luxuriant vegetation invites the wanderer to fix his dwelling.
Gen. Collot astonishes his readers, while he conducts them through immense plains till now unknown, covered with mulberry trees, and silk worms equal to those of the East Indies, and left to the care of nature. He leads them to mountains of pure salt, to lakes covered with birds and full of fish of every kind; in short to lands become the domain of an innumerable quantity of game.
The author bestows equal attention on natural history and commerce as on other objects; he treats of furs in the minutest detail; nothing is neglected; nothing escapes his penetration: neither quadrupeds, reptiles, birds, plants, trees, nor mines of any kind. To relieve the minds of his readers from that lassitude, which is too often inseparable from geographical description, he has been careful to enlarge each of his chapters, with historical remarks, which afford just ideas of the manners and dispositions of the Indians he had visited and which are naturally connected with his subject. And engage by the interest they excite.
This interesting work was on the point of being published at Paris, at the expense of the French government, when Louisiana was ceded to the United States, which circumstance left general Collot at liberty to dispose of it.
Already several Americans residing in France, at the head of whom was Mr. Swan of Bolton, wished to treat with general Collot, under the favor and advice of his excellency Mr. Livingston, Ambassador. They were disposed to advance the price, when the correspondent of Mr. Caritat, then in France, yielding to the solicitations made him from every quarter, consented to purchase it, on condition that the American gentlemen residing in Paris in July last, should subscribe first, which they did with eagerness. Mrs. Helen Maria Williams, so advantageously known in America, by her literary fame, after having read the manuscript with the greatest earnestness undertook to translate it into English, and Mr. Tardieu, the first engraver of France, undertook the maps and plates, which are at present finished.
The publisher is respectfully requested to observe that Mr. Caritat did not consent to become the Publisher of this important Work, and to advance near 10,000 dollars to complete it, until he received from his subscribers at Paris the positive expectation that their example would be followed in the U. States, by all men of Public Character, of Literature, Merchants and Persons in easy circumstances, interested in the glory and prosperity of their country. The Publisher has only one circumstance to regret, that he could not diminish the price of the work, which will however be found moderate, as may be proved, when the various and heavy expenses attending such a publication, are calculated.
The drawings and plates being extremely expensive, the public are informed that there will only be a sufficient number of copies to satisfy the demands of the subscribers.
The publisher is not ignorant that a work so necessary to the public, must generally speaking, be put within the reach of every class, as much as possible. This principle which applies to every country ought to be more scrupulously observed in America, where they are not familiarised with editions of the quarto size which the publisher has been obliged to adopt in the aforesaid work; had he taken any other, the end, as well as the utility of this work would have absolutely failed. The reason will appear just, when it is remembered that the size of the copper plates and maps, would not have allowed them to fold in 8vo. without being exposed to such mutilation as would render their use impracticable, after having opened the book only three or four times.
† General Warrin, his Aid de Camp, was killed by an Indian New-York, Nov 28, 1803.
CONDITIONS: The price of each copy on fine paper, with elegant type, will be 22 dollars, neatly bound, and 20 in boards, to be paid on delivery. They will be ready for delivery on the first of May. A List of the subscribers will be published at the end of the second volume.
LIST of those who subscribed both in Paris and here, before the Prospectus was put to press.
The President of the United States; his Excellency Robert R. Livingston, Ambassador to France; his Excellency James Monroe, Ambassador to Great Britain; Mr. Skipwith, Commercial Agent of the United States in Paris; Messrs Robert Louis Livingston, Peter R. Livingston, Burnet, Maclure, Cutting, Fulton, Barlow, Melville, Swan, Benton, Montmorence, Grant, Burch, Fenwick, White-fide, Wayer, Pinckney, Norry, Garden, Saint-Clair, Robertson, Norris, Miller, Col, Orne, and capt. Burn.
January 18th, 1804.
NOTICE.
THE Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned are hereby informed, that the assessment by order of the corporation of Washington for the year 1803, is now complete, and that the tax on real and personal property must be paid at the City Treasurers office on or before the first day of March next. The owners of slaves and dogs are also informed that the tax on the same must be paid on or before the first day of February next.
WASHINGTON BOYD, City Treasurer. Jan. 13—5124W
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES December 28.
Mr. Jackson from the committee to whom was referred the enquiry into the expediency of extending the carriage of the Mails of the United States, in stages or covered waggons reported the following letter to, and answer from the Post Master General on that subject.
Ordered, That the same be printed. Senate Room, Washington, Nov. 15. SIR,
A committee is appointed by the Senate to enquire into the expediency of extending the carriage of the Mails of the United States in stage or covered waggons.
I am directed by that committee to defer answers from you to the following questions.
1st. Has the extension of the carriage of the mail of the United States, in stage or covered waggons, under the act of the first session of the seventh congress, entitled, "An act further to alter and establish certain post roads; and for the more secure carriage of the mail of the United States," been fully carried into operation on the route therein described, if not, what circumstances occasioned its failure.
2d. Has the carriage of the mails in stage or covered waggons, on the route on which it has been established, answered the expectations formed at the time of the passage of the aforementioned act; and has it been of public utility, both as respects the safe carriage of the mail, and the conveyance of travelling citizens?
3d. Will it become an object for the United States, at the expiration of the present contracts, to provide stages or covered waggons, for the carriage of the mail at their own expence, on the route pointed out in the said act, and will the intercourse support it?
4th. Is it expedient to extend on other roads, than those pointed out by the said act, the carriage of the mail in stages or covered waggons, and what mode will be most advantageous, by private contract or otherwise?
I am, Sir, By order of the committee Yours with respect, (Signed) JAMES JACKSON, Chairman.
H. N. Gilson Granger. Post Master Gen. ral, United States. GENERAL POST OFFICE, November 22d, 1803.
HONORABLE JAMES JACKSON, Chairman of the committee from the Senate, appointed to enquire into the expediency of extending the transportation of the Public Mail by stages. SIR,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 15th, and in compliance with the request of the committee, return the following answer to the queries proposed.
1st. The act of congress referred to, authorised the post master general, to extend his contracts for carrying the mail to five years, and to add one third to the amount then paid, to induce contractors to convey the mail of the United States, on the post road from Petersburg in Virginia, to Louisville in Georgia, in public stages, calculated for the conveyance of persons, passing from Petersburg towards Louisville, the post road branches out at Fayetteville into two distinct roads, one by Georgetown, Charleston, and Savannah, the other by Camden, Columbia, and Augusta; to Louisville. A line of stages has been established from Petersburg to Fayetteville.
(To be continued.)
Public Sale of Lots, In George Town and the City of Washington.
THE executors of the estate of Anthony Holmead deceased, will offer at public sale, at the Union Tavern in George Town, on Monday the 30th instants 57 lots in Holmead's addition to George Town, many of them in eligible situations—Also several lots in the city of Washington, in squares 48, 49 and 62. The terms, which will be moderate, will be made known on the day of sale. The sale to begin at 12 o'clock. Any person wishing to view any of the above lots, will be shown them on application to the subscriber.
JOHN HOLMEAD. Jan. 4—tf
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN off the Race ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely Sorrell MAKE, saddle and bridle; the saddle is about half worn with plated stirrups, and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about four hands high. Paces trots and gallops; shot before; the outsoles of both hind feet a little worn by dragging them when rude; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder, that resembles the letter A. Whoever delivers the above described mare, saddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the six buildings in the city of Washington will receive the above reward and all questions asked. November 14—wif

For Sale or Rent.
A convenient two story Dwelling HOUSE, in the city, situated in a most remarkable pleasant situation, opposite the twenty buildings, and commanding a view of Alexandria, there is a very convenient kitchen, a small garden, and office with it. Any other particulars, may be known by applying to the subscriber, residing near the Navy Yard.
RICHARD FRAZER.
CITY TAXES.
Notice is hereby given that the Board of Appeal
On contested valuations of property under the several acts of the corporation relating to the valuation of property, will meet on Monday the 23d inst. at the office of the Treasurer of the city and continue their meetings for two weeks thereafter, to whom all and every person who feel aggrieved by the late assessment of property in the city, may apply for redress.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor, of the city of Washington.
Jan. 13—123
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA.
HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk Serotine, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toiletteens, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coatings, &c.
With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. November 8. 1802
TO RENT,
And immediate Possession given,
A Two story Frame House, in the City of Washington, situated on N. F. Street, square 224—containing 4 rooms beside two garret rooms, piazza and pantry, kitchen, floor room, &c. with a good garden—lately occupied by Mrs. Lee, adjoining to Mr. Koupie's store—Also that convenient two-story frame on same square, late in possession of Dr. Tabs, opposite to which Robert Peacock, Esq. lately resided—consisting of 6 rooms, and two garret rooms, piazza and balcony to fourth floor, cellar with dry well, kitchen, carriage house, stable, an excellent garden, with every convenience for the reception of a genteel family. For particulars enquire at Mr. Rhone's tavern, Mr. Koupie's store, or to the subscriber
REDMUND PURCEL.
January 13. 1804—tf
FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the Will of the late Patrick Henry, a Tract of Land, lying on both sides of Falling river, in Charlotte county Virginia, and containing about 1800 acres. This Land is in general poor, but contains a bank of Iron Ore, supposed to be the best, of any known in that part of the country. It lies on an excellent farm, a branch of Roanoke river, within four miles of its mouth, from whence is an easy and safe navigation. There are water-falls, stone and timber on the Land for all the purposes of an Iron Work; in the midst of a fine corn country; and about 400 acres of the Land is valuable for its soil. For further particulars enquire of Mr. RANDOLPH, of the House of Representatives. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser by
EDMUND WINSTON, Exr. of Patrick Henry.
Buckingham county, V. Dec. 23.—tf
NOTICE.
ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town. Nov. 25—tf
JOHN COX
Has just received a quantity of American manufactured Bed Tickens warranted to hold the down of the feathers, which will be sold by the piece at the manufacturers prices, and by retail at a very small advance—Also sewing, darning and tampering cotton, with a quantity of chintzes and calico, which he will sell lower than the regular importer can afford to sell at. Elegant thread lace, fox, bear, and martin skin muffs and tippets, handsome paper hangings, with almost every other article in the dry good line, both fanciful and substantial, which he will sell at his usual low prices for cash, or in exchange for tobacco and flaxseed. For six feed he will allow 11s. 3d. per bushel. Also a few handsome double barrel fowling pieces. George Town, Dec. 23—2m
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18; two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighbourhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land; of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
OVERTON CARR.
September 19. epf
S. THOMEE.
BEGS leave to inform his friends that he has removed his store from George Town to King Street Alexandria, where orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch. Orders left at Mr. March's Book-Store will be duly attended to.
GILDING
AND EXAMELLING ON GLASS, A few doors above the Washington tavern—Looking glass and picture frames made and regilt.
NEEDLE WORK
Framed in the handsomest manner, and names done on glass.
S. THOMEE, as a stranger being determined to establish in the line of his profession, solicits that encouragement alone which he trusts the reasonableness of his charges and his ability to business may entitle him to. Window cornices handsomely gilt, and every thing in his line done to please the fancy of the owner equal to any imported.
M. B. He has some glasses and prints for sale on low terms. Jan. 9—epsm
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been trained about the head and ears. Any person giving me information that I get him again shall receive the above reward and brought home all reasonable charges paid by,
BENJAMIN ODEN.
November 21—tf
LOST,
THE following described certificates of funded three per cent stock issued by the Register of the Treasury in the name of Jacob Fietamer of Amsterdam, for the renewal of which application is intended to be made at the proper office.
  No. 3113 dated 23th Octo- ber 1701 for 12,419 53 per cent stock.   No. 3500 dated 23d Novem- ber 1791, for 7 900   No. 6271, dated, 7th De- cember 1792, for 831 41   No. 1201 dated, 5th De- cember 1792, for 8749 29   Dolls. 30 000 00 
ROBERT GILMOR, & Sons.
Dec. 28—ep7w
NOTICE.
AGREEDLY to a deed of trust from the late Mr. John Beall, the subscriber will offer for sale, by public auction, at Mr. Dougherty's in Bladensburg, on the Saturday the 21st of January next, at one o'clock, All the right and title of Mr. Beall, to several tracts of land, conveyed by him for the benefit of his creditors. These lands are not more than a mile and a half from the town of Bladensburg, and contain about 240 acres, on which are a good dwelling house, a large barn & other useful houses. Also a few acres of valuable meadow. The land will be sold clean of dower—cash required for one third of the purchase money, and bonds with approved security, for the other two thirds, payable in one or two years, with the interest from the day of sale.
BEN. LOWNDES, Trustee.
Dec. 30—ep121
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made easy, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever.
A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 200 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after her being completed—they now being in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement, with about ten thousand acres of land adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mills, on which are several valuable farms. The timber on the mill site are inexhaustible and unexceptionably good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from George Town South Carolina, to which place the lumber is carried being rafted at the mills without the trouble of hauling, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the states of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at times of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mills is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stables, carriage and harness houses and other necessary out buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Purvis at the city of Washington.
WM. NORMENT.
Millville N. C. Dec. 12. N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23—tf
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11—wif
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR
HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14 tf
MICHAEL ROBERTS
HAS FOR SALE, AT HIS STORE, GEORGE-TOWN, A GENERAL
Assortment of Stationary,
And other articles in his line, viz.
 ATLAS, imperial, superroyal, royal, medium, demy, and folio post papers.  Plain and vellum fool's cap ditto.  Hot pressed, gilt, wove & plain quarto post de.  Superroyal and royal cartridge do.  Medium, demy & fool's cap, French marble de.  Plain and ruled blank books.  Best quills and ready made pens.  Pen knives, crafting knives and paper scissors.  Black and red ink and ink powder.  Black and red sealing wax and wafers.  Large red and white do. for office use.  Silk tape and red and white tape.  Parchment, scutic fish bone and pounce.  Ivory pounce boxes and paper folders.  India rubbers and gum arabic.  Black lead pencils, (warranted)  Ditto with silver cases.  Round and flat rulers.  Marking types and Reeve's colours in boxes.  Backgammon tables and cribbage boxes.  Billiard balls and dice.  English and American playing cards.  P. table writing desks.  Gentlemen and ladies pocket books.  Sheet and house almanacs for 1803.  Sheep & calf skins dressed for bookbinding use.  Printing ink and printing paper.  Wadsworth, glass and pewter inkstands.  Sand and water boxes.  Wax candles and tapers.  Ivory handle table desert knives.  Plated tea and coffee urns, large and elegant with silver head and brims.  Ditto tea and coffee pots, silver brims.  Ditto coffee double filter cups.  Ditto bread baskets and toast stands.  Ditto goblets and tumblers.  Ditto salt and mustard pots.  Ditto Decanter stands and fish knives.  Ditto plain, high and patent round and oval cardholders.  Ditto small do.  Do chamber do. with snuffers & extinguishers.  Ditto snuffer and snuffer trays.  Fashionable brass audrons.  Green wire fenders and fire forcers with brass tops.  Shovels and tongs.  Coal hods and cinder sifters.  Hand bellows with brass and iron pipes. 
Plated Mouldings for Carriages.
 Gigg springs.  Spurs and stirrup irons.  Chaise, duke & saddle bridle bits.  Horse bridoons and curbs.  Carriage, chair and switch whips.  Walking sticks and sword canes.  Horseman's and pocket pistols.  Officers travelling canteens, with cooking utensils, &c. complete.  Swords and dirks.  Gold and silver epaulets.  Sword knot and crimson silk sashes.  Gold and silver lace and cords.  Guns and fowling pieces.  shot pouches and powder flasks.  Game and hawking bags.  Catlin nets mounted and unmounted.  Travelling trunks and travelling pouches.  Buckskin gloves and breeches.  Morocco skins of various colours.  Boot and girth webbing.  English bend and cork soles.  Gentlemen & ladies japanned dressing boxes.  English and American hair powder.  Powder bags and powder puff.  Curing tongs and crimping irons and powder knives.  Hard and soft pomatum.  B. & warranted razors.  Shaving brushes and boxes.  Benzoin, almond, palm, palmaseen, cowslip, and windor soaps.  Wash balls and wash ball boxes.  Essence of musk, and ambergris.  Bargamot and avender.  Rufus's Tincture for the teeth.  Tooth brushes and tooth powder.  Ivory and boxwood fine combs.  Tortoise shell and horn braid combs.  Do. do. dressing do.  Genuine black and flesh colored plaister.  Patent shoe blacking and shoe brushes.  Clothes, hair and hat brushes.  Sweeping, scrubbing, and dusting do.  Tortoise shell and japanned sugar boxes.  Mother of pearl, tortoise shell and japanned snuff boxes.  An assortment of upholsterers ware, consisting of fringe line, tassels, &c. 
ALSO FOR SALE,
BY EDGAR PATTERSON, at the above store,
FRESH FRUITS,
just received from the Brig Celia, capt. Brown, from Malaga. George-town, Dec. 21.
Conveyancer's Office.
THOMAS HERTY,
Grateful for past favors, in-
forms his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, Title investigated, &c.
A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell.
N. B. Herty's Abridgement of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 1st 1802
By the President of the United States.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS by the first articles of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the seventeenth day of October, 1791, for regulating the Materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided that "the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared, "that the wall of no house shall be higher than 40 feet to the roof, in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than 35 feet on any of the Avenues:
AND WHEREAS the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles, has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States from the fifth day of June 1796, to the first day of January 1804, and the beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced—it is deemed proper to revive the same, with the exception hereafter mentioned.
Wherefore, I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, and that all Houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than 320 square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the Eve shall be erected—nor shall such house be placed within 24 feet of any brick or stone house.
GIVEN under my hand, 28th December, 1803. TH: JEFFERSON.
A RUNAWAY.
ABSCONDED on the 26th of December last for fear of being sold. A stout, strong, square built, black slave called CIMON; a well behaved and well looking fellow, about 26 years of age. In speaking to gentlemen he shows a set of white teeth, appears diffident and even somewhat agitated. He carries no fear nor mark of any injury—Having worked in a blacksmith's shop his hands are very rough; he came from Mrs. Eden's estate in St. Mary's county, and was there called Peter; his clothing was new and strong; the jacket and overalls of grey kersey. He had a long blue broad cloth coat, and a pair of overalls of the same kind of cloth; the coat and overalls had yellow metal buttons, with the figure of a spread eagle on them. His brother Harry (dave to Miss Grace Storr who has been hired in the city of Washington) has a strong resemblance to Cimon. I offer Ten Dollars reward for delivering Cimon to me, or confining him in any jail. And if found out of the county the additional reward of one quarter of a dollar for every mile he may be brought. M. I. STONE. Charles county. Jan. 13—1aw3w
FOR SALE
By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on F. street City of Washington.
PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS.
 White Lead in kegs  Red Lead, and dry.  Spruce Orche.  Stone Ocher of superior quality.  Patent Yellow.  Gold Litage.  Turkey Umber.  Prussian Blue, 1st and 2nd quality.  Vermilion.  Kings Yellow.  Best Carmin drop lack.  Painters brushes of all sizes.  Linseed oil and spirits of turpentine.  Window glass 10 by 12—8 by 10, and 7 by 10.  Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book.  Large sheet glass cut to any size. 
Gentlemen sending their orders will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to. August 3. 1awtf
MECHANICS HALL.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the causes way in George-Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall.
All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find their interest to call on him, as he pleases himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter, also newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room. He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble, servant, ANDREW McDONALD.
A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year.
A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. August 3. 1awtf
Valuable Lands and Lots.
FOR SALE.
I will sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz.
THE valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 1300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, about three miles distant from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will fold together or separately.
Part of a tract of Land, called Hille and Dales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomac, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 701.4 acres.
Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying, to the south east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the lands of the late Richard Henderson, Esq. containing 160 acres all in wood. And 83.1.2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson.
The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best situations in the town, is generally admired, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden, ice-house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this house, &c. not be sold previous to the 1st of December, it will then be to rent.
One other lot or parcel of ground, adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard T. Lowndes, Esq. containing 93.8 acres.
Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 703, in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 35.8 square feet.
A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Hugh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to
JOHN LAIRD, Trustee.
N. B. I hold 2.5 1.2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hille and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms.
JOHN LAIRD, George-Town, Oct. 24, 1803. epw1awtf.
BY AUTHORITY.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY,
To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
  Dollars.   1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 10,000   5 do 1000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   15 do 200 5,000   200 do 100 20,000   200 do 50 10,000   200 do 25 5,000   250 do 20 5,000   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 20,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7154 Prizes, 210,000