The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-12-19 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1278.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IN SENATE.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
NOVEMBER 24.
Mr. MITCHELL said he was not prepared to vote on the question of repealing the embargo laws, in the precise form in which it had been brought before the Senate. There was as yet a want of information; for certain additional documents expected from the executive had not yet been communicated, and the select committee to which the part of the message concerning the foreign relations of the country was lately referred, had not brought forward a report. He would have been better pleased if the proposition had been so framed as to have expressed indignation at the injuries our government had received from foreign nations. Then he would cheerfully have given his concurrence. But now when those who are willing to do something though not exactly what the motion proposes, are made to vote directly against a removal of the existing restrictions upon our commerce, their situation is rather unpleasant; indeed it is unfair, inasmuch as they must either give their assent to a measure, to the time and manner of which they may be averse, or they must vote negatively in a case which but for some incidental or formal matter, would have met their hearty approbation. He could therefore have wished that the question had been presented to the House, in such terms as to afford an opportunity of expressing their sense of the wrongs our nation had endured from foreign sovereigns, and of the restrictions laid upon American commerce by their unjust regulations, as well as on the further restrictions, that, under the pressure of events, it had been thought necessary for our own legislature to impose.
But although this course had not been taken, he should avail himself of the present occasion to offer to the Senate such sentiments as had arisen in his mind on the subject. In doing this he should endeavor to take a commercial view of our situation; and although he felt no small discouragement from inability to arrange in a methodical way, the proper topics for a speech: yet he found it his duty to offer something like a survey, however partial or detached, of the mercantile condition of the United States. For this purpose he should give a sketch of the progress of our trade and navigation from the recognition of our independence in 1783.
Immediately after the severing of their empire in America from the British crown, difficulties arose on the mode of conducting commercial intercourse between this country and G. Britain. The parliament immediately took the matter into consideration and provided by law for a commercial intercourse with the new states. The details of this arrangement were vested in the king and council, and to this first statute of the British on the manner of conducting American trade may be traced the origin of the delegated legislative power, with which that body of men have in subsequent years assailed neutral rights. Thus authorized by parliament to regulate commerce, they have prescribed, enforced, relaxed, or rescinded their orders according to their pleasure, or the ever-varying course of events, and thereby been enabled in a summary way to meet the exigencies of the times.
About this time may be traced the commencement of that wonderful spirit of adventure which so distinguishes our people. We find some of them doubling the Cape of Good Hope and displaying for the first time the flag of their nation to the Chinese at Canton, while others found their way round Cape Horn, and opened a traffic with the nations of the North West coast of America. And the joy which was excited on this side of the Atlantic by the success and the profits of these voyages, was attended by a jealousy on the other, that the monopoly of the East India company would be invaded by these daring competitors. The exertions of this class of our countrymen have been such, that a small firm in partnership, or even the capital of an individual American merchant, has repeatedly provided the outfit, that only forty years ago required the patronage of an European government. Madeira, the Sandwich & the Fijee islands have been visited, and served but as resting places for our mariners in their circumnavigations of the globe.
Difficulties having been found to increase between the American states and the British islands, in respect to their commerce, it was found exped-
ent on our part to send them a minister plenipotentiary. And accordingly in 1785, Mr. Adams went to London in that capacity. As an evidence of the temper both of England and France at that period of our history ought to be mentioned, the attempt then made to seduce the whalemen from Nantucket. So successful for a while were these wily efforts, that the sandy but industrious island whence its inhabitants migrated to Liverpool and Dunkirk, suffered no inconsiderable shock by the migration of many of its most active citizens, and a removal of much of its shipping and stock. It was easy to discern that the desire of the two great commercial nations to increase their respective supplies of spermaceti bone and oil, was gratified by depriving our country of the most skillful and daring of its seamen.
While the precarious orders of council thus governed the trade of our people to G. Britain, there existed a source of difficulty within the American states themselves, which proceeded from their political condition. A cluster of independent governments, loosely adhering by the original articles of compact framed during the revolution, and under the specious appearance of political unity assuming the character of thirteen distinct sovereignties, begat a variety of unprecedented occurrences. Attempts to strengthen this confederation, by granting the duties on imports to Congress for the purpose of paying the debts and supporting the credit of the nation, were ineffectual. And the refusal of N. York in 1787 to surrender its rich and increasing impost, may be considered as having left the union to expire for want of support. Under the new constitution which was framed that very year, provision was expressly made for vesting in Congress the authority to regulate commerce. We were merely enabled to remedy many of the defects inherent in our former system; and particularly to assume an entire and undivided character in relation to foreign powers.
The navigating spirit of our countrymen having called the attention of the commercial world to the North West coast of America, we find that in 1790, G. Britain and Spain were preparing to engage in a war concerning the possession of a region, which in truth belonged to neither; but which had been purchased of the natives some years before, and possessed in full right and property by citizens of Massachusetts. In 1793, France having undergone its republican metamorphosis, declared in due form the same commercial privileges to this as to other nations.
This, if I am not mistaken, said Mr. Mitchell, is the point of time when the commercial enterprise of our countrymen was considered by the belligerent powers of Europe, as worthy of special attention. And here is the commencement of these efforts to drive a lucrative trade on the one side, and of those exertions to curtail it on the other, which have led us step by step to our present awful situation. Repeated disasters and defeats had weakened the naval armament of France. She was unable to maintain her dominion on the ocean, or to give adequate protection to her external commerce. The business which had heretofore been carried on by her own merchant ships was now transferred to neutrals. And of these, the Americans, as the most enterprising, and contiguous to her West India colonies, acquired the principal part of it. G. Britain saw with displeasure the relief thus afforded to her enemy. She endeavored to prevent this interference of a neutral. And that very year, ordered her cruisers to stop vessels of neutrals going to France and her dominions. The vast diffusion of our commerce, already spread over the greater part of the maritime world, was now very ably portrayed, and presented to the inspection of a prosperous and thrifty people by the American secretary of state. The intercourse with France still alluring neutrals by the prospect of great profits, our people crowded their ports with vessels and cargoes. The British persisted in their interruptions of this trade, and proceeded to make seizures, on the allegation that those ships were freighted with French property.
With the British nation possessing a commerce of the greatest extent, and a navy capable of protecting her trade and settlements abroad, it was a matter of the most ardent desire, that our government should have a treaty of amity and commerce. The uneasiness of the people, and the discontent in the great cities were so se-
rious, that it was judged necessary to send an envoy extraordinary to the court of St. James. And with the hope that the fermentation would be allayed by a suitable negotiation, Mr. Jay was dispatched on a special mission. He succeeded in forming a treaty. When, however, the President submitted it to the Senate, and its contents were made known to the nation, the dissatisfaction seemed to have been rather aggravated than assuaged. It was contended on the part of a people who could count but ten years since the date of their existence as a nation, that the terms were unequal and disadvantageous; and that a total rejection was preferable to the ratification of an instrument by which we made such mighty concessions. It was always my opinion, sir, that the statesman employed to negotiate on this occasion, was treated by public clamor with unmerited severity. He obtained a treaty from Great Britain, at that juncture, which on the whole answered our purposes exceedingly well, and was in reality more favorable to us than it probably would have been, had not the pressure of her affairs on the continent of Europe, induced her ministers to be rather more conciliatory than usual.
In the mean time the Thirteen Stripes were displayed with increasing frequency and numbers along the coasts of Europe. And such was the opinion of the three great maritime kingdoms, of their appearance, that in 1794 and 1795, the cruisers of Spain, as well as of England and France, made captures of American vessels. They offered various pretexts for these acts. These chiefly referred to evasions of blockades, to the carrying of enemy's property, and to the concealing or covering it by fraudulent invoices and papers. On the part of France, however, our affairs soon wore a more serious aspect. Uncivil dispositions were working up to hostility. The resident minister of the U. S. was recalled, and another sent in his stead. At length after successive and fruitless attempts to accommodate the differences, during which marked disrespect had been shown to our government and its commissioners, Congress formally dissolved the existing treaty between the two nations, and authorised American vessels to cruise against those of France. This brings me to the year 1798, during which, and the time we were then embroiled, the British government granted for a stipulated sum, the protection of convoy to the merchant vessels of the U. States.
This period of our commercial history, of which I am tracing this faint and imperfect outline, was distinguished by two remarkable events; one emanating from an act of our own legislature; and the other from the misconduct of a petty despot of Barbary. And they are worthy of notice as tending to display the course of our trade and navigation, and of the proceedings of the government in relation to them. The voyages to Africa for slaves had long disgraced while it enriched several of the European nations. The profits of a traffic in which rum and baubles were bartered away for negroes, allured our countrymen to embark in it. But, for the purpose of stopping so disgraceful and unprincipled an employment, Congress enacted heavy penalties against it. And the commerce of a people, which, as far as its internal regulations extended had been universal, underwent a restriction which permanently prohibited the trade to Guinea in human beings. The rich cargoes conveyed under our flag thro' the Mediterranean sea had often tempted the cupidity of the Dey and Beys ruling the inhabitants of its southern shore. By annual stipends and subsidies paid by the government, for the protection of our foreign commerce in those distant regions, the persons, and the goods of our citizens were protected against those audacious pirates. One however more unwise and unjust than the rest, by the exorbitancy of his demands, drew on himself the vengeance of our nation. He had captured American vessels and doomed their officers and crews to slavery. A war with Tripoli was the consequence, and at the expense of a million of dollars from the treasury, our naval heroes compelled those sons of rapine to respect the rights of our nation, and restore to its women freedom the commerce of its citizens.
In 1801, there was an occurrence which though it happened in Denmark, was of evil augury in the eye of neutral nations. And as forming a link in the chain of events it ought to be mentioned here. A project had
been formed among the northern powers of Europe to revive the armed neutrality which had been originally conceived at St. Petersburg in 1780. A British fleet was sent to the Baltic Sound to dissolve it. A destructive cannonade of Copenhagen was the consequence of Danish adherence to their principles. Awe by superior force, those brave assertors of their rights sunk into acquiescence. But the citizen of our own or of any neutral nation who considers this transaction in its true bearings and tendencies, will find it big with mischiefs to the weaker powers that take no part in the neighboring wars. An armed neutrality, or an armed commerce, may be expected alike to impel the stronger belligerent to repress it as a measure of precaution, or to destroy it under a pretence of necessity.
The peace of Amiens subsisted but a short year; for in 1803, the recommencement of hostilities between France and G. Britain implicated in additional difficulties the foreign commerce of America. Our citizens persisted in their right to visit the ports of friendly nations. Our dispute with France had been terminated amicably by a treaty with the first consul. The British council, acting under a conviction that this trade was conducted in a manner that succoured the enemy while it greatly accommodated themselves, determined that interference was necessary. Their cruisers seized American vessels trading with some of the French ports that were not blockaded, and their courts passed decrees of condemnation against ships with innocent cargoes on a return from ports to which they had carried contraband articles.
Moralists have sometimes considered blindness to the future, a happy trait in the constitution of the human mind. They might with equal or with greater propriety have ascribed much of private and public felicity to a becoming degree of foresight. There was indeed little, very little of a prophetic spirit wanting to satisfy us that our halcyon days were passing rapidly away, and a season of privation and adversity would arise. The haughty nation that had terrified the Scandinavian thrones, next tormented the American coasts. The Hudson, the Delaware and the Chesapeake had been annoyed by her squadrons of vigilance; ships both inward and outward bound had been captured and sent to Halifax. The trade of New York, Philadelphia, Norfolk, Charleston, and Baltimore was sorely distressed at the very mouths of their harbors. Passengers and seamen were arbitrarily impressed, as the milder phrase is, but really kidnapped or made prisoners. Coastal vessels carrying the domestic produce of our country from one port to another, and in no respect concerned in foreign commerce, were fired upon, and one of their people killed. The national territory was violated, the service of writs to arrest some of those disorderly persons was resisted, the civil authority despised, and defied, and even the public vessels of the revenue assailed with shot. Conduct of this atrocious character was so impudent and so reiterated, that the repeated appeals of the citizens to their government, rendered it at length a case in which right blended with duty called upon Congress to act, and the result of that state intolerable outrages was the statute for preserving peace in our own ports and harbors.
In the ordinary intercourse of nations, such conduct would have amounted to war. It was indeed war; it was legitimate cause of war; nothing was required after such a severe blow given by them, but for us to return it, and the American would have entered the bloody amphitheatre to contend with the gladiators of Europe. But a pacific policy prevailed. The feeling of our people, smarting still under the wounds of the revolution, and maintaining the doctrine that every citizen possesses an indefeasible inheritance, a portion of his country's sovereignty, was averse to contention in arms. On the part of France no reparation had been made for the heavy spoliations made upon our commerce by her cruisers; save the sum provided to be paid out of our own treasury in satisfaction of them, by one of the conventions appurtenant to the treaty by which Louisiana was ceded to us. For the losses sustained by our merchants and underwriters, reparation had years before been sought for from Congress; but it had there been decided that losses in consequence of capture by a belligerent as well as by danger from the seas were to be borne by the concerned, and not to be considered as guaranteed by the national treasury.
I now come to the year 1806, an eventful year to the foreign commerce of our people. An extravagant and unprofitable trade had for a considerable time been carried on by some of our citizens with the emancipated or revolted blacks of Hayti. The French minister, conformably to the instructions of his government, remonstrated against this traffic as ungracious and improper; and under an impression that our citizens ought to be restrained from intercourse with the negroes of Hispaniola, Congress passed an act forbidding that altogether. This was the second time that our government circumscribed the commercial conduct of its citizens. It was also during this year that memorials were forwarded to the executive and legislative branches of our government by the merchants of our principal seaports, stating the vexations of their foreign commerce to be intolerable, and calling in the most earnest terms for relief or redress. These addresses were mostly composed with great ability; it seemed as if the merchants were in danger of total ruin. Their situation was depicted as being deplorable in the extreme. The interposition of their government was asked in the most strenuous and pressing terms; and your table, Mr. President, was literally loaded with petitions. The chief cause of this distress was briefly this. These citizens of the United States were engaged during the war in Europe, in a commerce with enemies colonies not open in time of peace; by this means, the produce of the French West Indies was conveyed under the neutral flag to the mother country. Great Britain opposed the direct commerce from the colony to France through the neutral bottom. The neutral then evaded the attempt against him by landing the colonial produce in his own country, and after having thus neutralized or naturalized it, exported it under drawback for Bordeaux or Marseilles; this proceeding was also opposed by the British, and much property was captured and condemned in executing their orders against it. Their writers justified their conduct by charging fraud upon the neutral flag, and declaring that under cover of them a "war in disguise" was carried on, while on our side the rights of neutrals were defended with great learning and ability in a most profound investigation of the subject.
Connected with these events, progressing from bad to worse, are some proceedings of the Senate, which I deem it necessary here to state. This dignified body listened with peculiar attention to the complaints of the merchants. Their tale of sufferings excited a general sympathy. The most studious efforts were made for devising a plan of relief; at least it occurred that the peculiar organization of the Senate would enable it to pursue a course different from the ordinary routine of legislative business. In its executive capacity, the Senators were the constitutional counsellors of the President as to treaties with foreign nations; and the Senate influenced by a desire of removing the difficulties that were thickening around us, resolved to express their sense to the President upon that solemn occasion. After full consideration they framed two strong resolutions, which are recorded in your journal of that session; the one expressed indignant feelings at the aggressions made by the belligerents, and the other requested to demand restitution and reparation for the captures, condemnations and impressments they had committed. Two members of the Senate were sent to communicate these resolutions to the President. It was my lot, sir, to be employed in that service, and I well remember the interview. What effect this conduct of the Senate produced in the mind of the President, it is impossible for me to say; but certain it is that shortly after, he nominated Mr. Pinkney as envoy extraordinary to England; and the Senate gave their advice and consent; and this important step was taken to appease mercantile uneasiness, and to remove obstructions to the freedom of commerce.
This same year was ushered in by a proclamation of Gen. Ferrand, the French commandant at St. Domingo, imposing vexations on the trade of our citizens; and a partial non-importation law was enacted against G. Britain by Congress about the middle of April. But these were not the only impediments which arose. Notices were given to the American minister in London of several blockades. The chief of these was that of the coast from the Elbe to Brest, which was

May: And here, as it occurs to me, may I mention, the spurious blockade of Curacoa, under which numerous captures were made. And lastly, to complete the catalogue of disasters for 1806, and to close the woful climax, the French decree of Berlin came forth in November, and as if sporting with the interests and feelings of Americans proclaimed G. Britain and her progeny of isles to be in a state of blockade.
Hopes had been entertained that such a violent and convulsed condition of society, would not be of long duration. Experience, however, soon proved that the insatiable rage of man was as yet unsatisfied, and had much greater lengths to go. For, early in the succeeding year (1807) an order of the British council was issued, by which the trade of neutrals, and of course of American citizens, was interdicted from the port of one belligerent to the port of another. And in the ensuing May, the rivers Elbe, Weser, and Ems, with the intermediate coasts, were declared by them to be in a state of blockade, and a similar declaration was made on their part to neutrals in regard to the straits of the Dardanelles, and the city of Smyrna. But these were but subordinate incidents in this commercial drama: the catastrophe of the tragedy was soon to be developed. On the 22d of June, by a formal order from a British admiral, our frigate Chesapeake, leaving her port for a distant service, was attacked by one of those vessels which had been lying in our harbor under the indulgence of hospitality, was disabled from proceeding, had several of her crew killed, and four taken away. Immediately the President by proclamation interdicted our harbors and waters to all British armed vessels, forbade intercourse with them. Under an uncertainty how far hostilities were intended, and the town of Norfolk being threatened with an immediate attack, a sufficient force was ordered for the protection of that place and such other preparations commenced and pursued as the prospect rendered proper.
In furtherance of these schemes, a proclamation was published, holding all their assent seamen to their allegiance, recalling them from foreign service, and denouncing heavy penalties for disobedience. The operation of this upon the American merchant service would have been very sensibly felt. Many British born subjects were in the employ of our merchants, and that very government which claimed as a British subject every American citizen who had been but two years a seaman in their service, refused to be bound by their own rule in relation to British subjects who had served an equal term on board the ships of the U. S. But this was not all. The month of November was distinguished by an order retaliating on France a decree passed by her sometime before, declaring the sale of ships by belligerents to be illegal, and thus by virtue of concurrent acts of these implacable enemies, the poor neutral found it impossible to purchase a ship either from a subject of G. Britain or of France. That season of gloom was famous, or rather infamous, for another act, prohibiting wholly the commerce of neutrals with the enemies of G. Britain, and for yet another, pregnant with the principles of lordly domination, on their part, and of colonial vassalage on ours, by which the citizens of these independent and sovereign states, are compelled to pay duties on their cargoes in British ports, and receive licences under the authority of that government, as a condition of being permitted to trade to any part of Europe in possession of her enemies. This outrageous edict on the part of Britain was succeeded by another on the side of France, equaling, or if possible, surpassing it in injustice. In December came forth the decree of Milan, enforcing the decree of Berlin against American trade; dooming to confiscation every vessel of the U. S. that had been boarded or even spoken to by a British, and encouraging by the most unjustifiable bounties, passengers and sailors to turn informers. The abominable mandate was quickly echoed in Spain, and sanctioned by the approbation of his most Catholic majesty. It has been executed with shocking atrocity. In addition to other calamities, the property of neutrals has been sequestered in France, and their ships burned by her cruizers on the ocean.
Such, Mr. President, was the situation of the European world, when Congress deemed it necessary to declare an embargo on our own vessels. Denmark and Prussia, and Russia, and Portugal, had become associated or allied with France; and with the exception of Sweden, the commerce of our citizens was prohibited, by the mutually vindictive and retaliating belligerents, from the White Sea to the Adriatic. American ships and cargoes were declared the prize and plunder of the contending powers. The widely extended commerce of our people was to be crushed to atoms between the two mighty millstones, or prudently withdrawn from its dangerous exposure, and detained in safety at home. Policy and prudence dictated the latter measure. And as the ocean was become the scene of political storm and tempest, more dreadful than had ever agitated the physical elements, our citizens were admonished to partake of that security for their persons and property, in the peaceful havens of their country, which they sought in vain on the high seas, and in European harbors. The regulations so destructive to our commerce, were not enacted by us. They were imposed upon it by foreign tyrants. Congress had no volition, no vote upon the question. In the shipwreck of our trade, all that remained for us to do, was to save as much as we could from perishing, and as far as our efforts would go, to prevent a total loss.
I touch, with a delicate hand, the mission of Mr. Rose. The arrival of this envoy extraordinary from Britain, was nearly of the same date with an order of his government, blockading Carthagena, Cadiz and St. Lucar, and the intermediate ports of Spain, and thereby vexing the commerce of American citizens. The unsuccessful termination of his negotiation has been but a few months since followed by a refusal on the part of his government to rescind its orders, that works so much oppression to our commerce, on condition of having the embargo suspended in respect to theirs. And the French ministry has treated a similar friendly and pacific overture, from our executive, with total disregard. In addition to all which, we learn from the highest source of intelligence, that the British naval commander at Barbadoes, did about the middle of October, declare the French leeward Caribbean islands to be in a state of strict blockade, and cautioning neutrals to govern themselves accordingly, under pain of capture and condemnation.
If it should appear to you, sir, that I have dwelt with too much minuteness on the series of events, that have progressed step by step to the present crisis, the only apology I have to offer is, that I consider it necessary for the purpose of ascertaining WHAT THE SITUATION OF THE NATION TRULY IS. Unequal indeed is the contest between the weak and the strong. Where force is substituted for principle, it is vain and useless to talk of rights. Two foreign nations are contending with gigantic efforts for superiority. They have laboured with but too much success, to make the bye-standers take sides in the contest. Our government has hitherto magnanimously maintained its neutrality. Yielding to the solicitations of neither, it was desirous of doing impartial justice to the two. But this fair and equal demeanor would not satisfy them. The tempter not unfrequently practices upon innocence the arts of circumvention; and exalted virtue gives to its possessor no immunity against malice. The uprightness of our public conduct was pleasing neither to Albion nor to Gaul. And as we had refused to become the ally of either, we have to a certain degree suffered the hostility of both. That ancient and venerable code prescribing law to civilized communities, is abrogated. New and capricious inventions, calculated to suit the clamor of a party, or the spite of a foe, are substituted in their stead. The freedom of the ocean is taken away. That high way of nations is infested with free booters and pirates. And the more powerful legislatures for the rest, in all cases whatever. Towards ourselves the old colonial principle is revived. Americans may navigate the seas indeed, but on condition of paying duties to Britain, or taking from her licences to trade, and observing such further directions as it shall please her to prescribe.
Are the American people prepared to submit to this? Having examined in my cursory manner the modern and I may say the present state of our affairs, I shall next take a hasty retrospect of this American people, while yet related to Britain as colonists, and before the idea of a separation had entered into the boldest head. The parliament and council maintained the right to tax and bind the colonies. The people of the plantation colonies, since risen to the dignity of states, denied the pernicious doctrine. The mother country prepared to enforce it; and the colonies meditated resistance.
(Sketch to be continued.) The subscriber offers for sale the following articles, viz:
 12 Puncheons old proof spirit  8 Hhds. good retailing molasses  6 Boxes Muscovado sugars  4 Pipes L. P. Madeira wine  1 Half pipe old Brazil do.  4 Half do. do. Teneriffe do.  Several quarter casks L. P. Madeira and Teneriffe do.  2 Boxes real Spanish segars  80 Bushels St. Eust. salt  4 Half boxes London Crown Glass  Some few barrels old peach brandy  50 Bbls. beef, New-York inspection  50 Boxes Spermaceti candles  150 Pair coarse shoes  Any part, or the whole of the above, will be sold to retailers on liberal terms—Any person disposed to purchase the whole stock may also have the preference of the store at a moderate rent—the stand is equal to any in the neighborhood. NATHANIEL COCKE. December 19—36.
REPORT.
In obedience to the directions of the Act supplementary to the Act, entitled, "An act to establish the Treasury Department," the Secretary of the Treasury respectfully submits the following.
REPORT AND ESTIMATES.—The net revenue arising from duties on merchandise and tonnage which accrued during the year 1806, amounted to $16,615,430. And that which accrued during the year 1807, amounted, as will appear by the statement (A) to 16,059,924. The same revenue, after deducting that portion which arose from the duty on salt, and from the additional duties constituting the Mediterranean fund, amounted during the year 1806, to 14,848,784. And during the year 1807, to 14,375,855. But it is ascertained that the net revenue which accrued during the three first quarters of the year 1808, did not exceed eight millions of dollars, and is daily decreasing.
The statement (B.) exhibits in detail the several species of merchandise and other sources, from which that revenue was collected during the year 1807.
It appears by the statement (C.) that the sales of the public lands have during the year ending the 30th September, 1808, amounted to about 200,000 acres; and the payments by purchasers to near 550,000 dollars. The proceeds of sales in the Mississippi Territory, being, after deducting the surveying and other incidental expenses, appropriated in the first place, to the payment of a sum of 1,250,000 dollars to the state of Georgia, are distinctly stated.
It appears by the statement (D.) that the payments on account of the principal of the public debt, have, during the same period, amounted to only 2,335,000 dollars. But the payments from the Treasury, for the annual reimbursement of the six per cent. and deferred stocks, and for the final reimbursement of the 8 per cent. stock, will (exclusively of a sum of 730,000 dollars already in the hands of the Treasurer, as agent for the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund) amount during the last quarter of this year to 5,376,000 dollars: Making the total of public debt reimbursed from the 1st of April, 1801, to the first January, 1809, about thirty three millions six hundred thousand dollars, exclusively of more than six millions paid during the same period, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty and convention with Great Britain, and of the Louisiana Convention.
The public debt will, on the 1st day of January 1809, amount to 56,647,663 dollars, consisting of the following items:
The interest on the whole debt and the annual reimbursement on the six per cent. and deferred stocks, will for the ensuing year, amount to 4,226,000 dollars, leaving, in order to complete the annual appropriation of 8,000,000 of dollars, a sum of 3,774,000 dollars applicable to the reimbursement of the new exchanged six per cent. stock. The whole of that, and of the other new six per cent. arising from the conversion of three per cent. stock, amounting together to 7,853,000 dollars, would thus be reimbursed within two years. And after the 1st day of January, 1811, the whole annual amount payable on account of interest and annual reimbursement, could not during the seven ensuing years, exceed 3,756,000 dollars. But under existing circumstances, it is believed that the reimbursement of that new six per cent. stock will be nominal, and must be effected by incurring a new debt to an equal amount.
The actual receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th September, 1808, as they principally arose from the revenue accrued during the preceding year, (and the payments on account of drawback having been diminished by the embargo), have been greater than those of any preceding year, and
the appropriation of dollars 677,064.47, to cover the deficit of the preceding year 2,357,064.47. Public debt, principal and interest (the greater part of the payments for the year 1808, falling as already stated, in the last quarter) have amounted only to 5,688,984.89. Leaving a balance in the Treasury, on the 30th September 1808, of 13,846,717.52. $26,481,992.98. The cash in the hands of Collectors and Receivers, and the outstanding revenue bonds which will almost altogether fall due prior to the 1st of January 1810, may, after deducting the debentures, yet unpaid, and the expenses of collection, be estimated to have amounted on the 30th September 1808, to $10,500,000. Making together with the balance in the Treasury on that day, of 13,846,000. An aggregate of 24,346,000. Although the expenses of the present quarter cannot at present be precisely ascertained, they will not, including the reimbursement of 5,376,000 dollars on account of the principal of the public debt, exceed 8,346,000. Leaving on the 1st day of January 1809, a sum of $16,000,000.
Sixteen millions of dollars in cash or bonds payable during the year 1809, and applicable to the expenses of that year. It is presumed that the receipts arising from importations and payments for lands subsequent to the 30th September 1808, will not be greater than the deductions on account of bad debts, and of the extension of credit on certain articles.
The expenses of the year 1809, would according to the appropriations already made, and to the usual annual estimates, amount to thirteen millions of dollars, consisting of the following items—
 1. Civil List and miscellaneous expenses 900,000  2. Foreign intercourse 200,000  3. Grants by Congress and other miscellaneous unforeseen demands 150,000  4. Military and Indian Departments 2,735,000  5. Naval Department 1,014,000  6. Annual appropriation for the public debt 8,000,000 
$13,000,000. Leaving a surplus of only three millions of dollars for defraying all the expenses for fortifications, military stores, increase of the army and navy, or otherwise incident to a state of actual war, or of preparations for war. The annual appropriation on account of the public debt, amounting to eight millions, and the interest for the year 1809, being less than three millions of dollars; an authority to borrow five millions, would only create a new debt equal to the principal of old debt reimbursed during that year, and appears sufficient to provide for any deficiency arising from the extraordinary expenses which may be thus authorised by Congress.
It thus appears, that notwithstanding the general warfare of the belligerent powers against neutral nations, and the consequent suspension of commerce which took place in the latter end of the year 1807, and notwithstanding the increased rate of expenditure naturally arising from that state of things; the ordinary revenue will have been sufficient to defray all the expenses of the years 1808 & 1809, including for 1808, a reimbursement of debt exceeding six millions of dollars, and without making any addition to that debt in 1809. The measures necessary to be adopted in order to make a timely provision for the service of the ensuing years, depend on the course which the United States will pursue in relation to foreign aggressions. And that being yet unascertained, it becomes necessary to examine the several alternatives left to the choice of Congress.
Either the navigation of the ocean will be abandoned by the U. States; or it will be resumed. The first supposition is that of a continuance of the embargo of the vessels of the U. States, and admits of two alternatives.
1. Either a provision generally forbidding exportations, may continue to make part of the system, in which case, importations, whether expressly interdicted or not, must, for want of the means of payment, be also discontinued:
2. Or exportations, and corresponding importations may be permitted in foreign vessels. The second supposition also offers two, and only two alternatives. It may indeed be admitted that the decrees of France can be enforced only in her own territories, and in those of her allies, that however efficient in preventing any commerce between the United States and herself, those decrees cannot materially affect that between her enemies and the United States, and may therefore in that respect be disregarded. But G. Britain having the means of enforcing her orders on the ocean, the navigation of that element cannot be resumed without encountering those orders; and they must either be submitted to or resisted. There can be no middle way between those two courses. 3. Either America must accept the portion of commerce allotted to her by the British edicts, and abandon all
that is forbidden; and it is not material whether this be done by legal provisions limiting the commerce of the U. States to the permitted places, or by acquiescing in the capture of vessels stepping beyond the prescribed bounds.
4. Or the nation must oppose force to the execution of the orders of England, and this, however done, and by whatever name called, will be war.
Of those four alternatives, the second and third differ neither in principle nor in their effect on the revenue. As both plans consist in permitting partial exportations and importations, it must be acknowledged, that objectionable as that course may be in other respects, if considered merely in relation to the fiscal concerns of the union, it will for the moment be attended with less difficulties than either the present system or war. For however narrow the limits to which on that plan, the exportations and importations of the U. States may be reduced, yet there will still be some commerce and some revenue arising from commerce. And, as in pursuing that humble path, means of defence will become unnecessary, as there will be no occasion for either an army or a navy, it is believed that there would be no difficulty in reducing the public expenditure to a rate corresponding with the fragments of impost which might still be collected. If that course be adopted, no other provision seems necessary than an immediate reduction of expenses.
The system now in force, and war, however dissimilar in some respects, are both considered as resistance. Nor is it believed that their effect on national wealth, and public revenue would be materially different. In either case, a portion and a portion only, of the national industry and capital heretofore employed in the production, transportation, and exchange of agricultural products, or in the foreign carrying trade, can immediately be diverted to other objects. In case of a continuance of the embargo and non-exportation, either a less quantity of commodities must be produced, or a portion will accumulate until the freedom of commerce shall be restored. In case of war that surplus will be exported, and although a part must be lost by capture, a portion of the returns will be received. If the embargo and suspension of commerce shall be continued, the revenue arising from commerce will in a short time entirely disappear. In case of war, some part of that revenue will remain; but it will be absorbed by the increase of public expenditure. In either case, new resources to an amount yet unascertained must be resorted to. But the assertion that that amount will be nearly the same in either of the two alternatives of embargo or war, is correct only on the supposition that the embargo and non-exportation are after a certain time to be superseded by war unless foreign aggressions shall cease, and that rendering therefore, preparations for war necessary, they require a rate of expenditure far beyond that of a peace establishment.
If however, the embargo and non-intercourse are to have equal continuance with the belligerent edicts, indefinite as that is, if it be determined to rely exclusively on that measure, and at all events not to risk a war on account of those aggressions, preparations for war will become useless, and the extraordinary expenses need not be incurred. In that case the expenditure for the year 1809, ought not to exceed the sum of thirteen millions of dollars, which as has been stated is requisite for the support of the present establishment. And this would leave for the service of the year 1810, the above-mentioned surplus of three millions, and the proposed loan of five millions, which together would be sufficient to defray the peace establishment, and to pay the interest on the public debt during that year. Thus two years more would be provided for, without either increasing the public debt, or laying any new taxes. It is certainly only with a view to war, either immediate or contemplated, that it will become necessary to resort, at least to any considerable extent, to extraordinary sources of supply.
Legitimate resources can be derived only from loans or taxes: and the reasons which induce a belief that loans should be principally relied on, in case of war, were stated in the annual report of last year. That opinion has been corroborated by every subsequent view which has been taken of the subject, as well as by the present situation of the country. The embargo has brought into, and kept in the United States, almost all the floating property of the nation. And whilst the depreciated value of domestic products increases the difficulty of raising a considerable revenue by internal taxes, at no former time has there been so much specie, so much redundant unemployed capital in the country. The high price of public stocks, and indeed of all species of stocks, the reduction of the public debt, the unimpaired credit of the general government, and the large amount of existing bank stock in the United States, leave no doubt of the practica-

ability of obtaining the necessary loans on reasonable terms.
The geographical situation of the United States, their history since the revolution, and above all, present events, remove every apprehension of frequent wars. It may therefore be confidently expected, that a revenue derived solely from duties on importations, though necessarily impaired by war, will always be ample sufficient during long intervals of peace, not only to defray current expenses, but also to reimburse the debt contracted during the few periods of war.
No internal taxes, either direct or indirect, are therefore contemplated, even in the case of hostilities carried against the two great belligerent powers. Exclusively of the authority which must from time to time be given to borrow the sum required, (always providing for the reimbursement of such loans within limited periods,) and of a due economy in the several branches of expenditure, nothing more appears necessary than such modifications, and increase of the duties on importations, as are naturally suggested by existing circumstances.
1. Although importations have already considerably diminished, and may under the system now in force, shortly be altogether discontinued, no reasonable objection is perceived against an increase of duties on such as may still take place. Had the duties been doubled on the 1st of January, 1808, as was then suggested, in case of war, the receipts into the Treasury during that and the ensuing year, would have been increased nine or ten millions of dollars. Those articles of most universal consumption, on which an increase of duty would be inconvenient, are generally either free of duty or abundant.
It is, therefore, proposed that not only the Mediterranean duties, which will expire on the 1st day of January next, should be continued, but that all the existing duties should be doubled on importations subsequent to that day.  2. The present system of drawbacks also appears susceptible of modifications. The propriety of continuing generally that provision of the embargo laws, which allows a drawback on articles exported more than one year after they have been imported is doubtful. A modification might check speculations and monopolies. The diminution of importations has afforded sufficient profits on most of the articles which had been imported: and a provision which would have a tendency to bring into market, and to lessen the price of those articles, would be generally beneficial.
3. The causes which induced the adoption of a partial non-importation act, have ceased to exist. The object then in view has merged into a far more important one. The selection of interdicted articles was founded on the possibility of obtaining them in other countries than England; and does not agree with existing circumstances. The act producing now, no other effect than to encroach the temptations, and to produce habits of smuggling, impairs and injures the revenue. A general non-intercourse with that country would supersede that partial measure, and might be executed with greater facility. And it is believed that under every event its repeal will be beneficial, and that a permanent increase of duties on articles selected with a view to those which may be manufactured in the United States, would be preferable.
4. It is believed that the present system of accountability of the military and naval establishments may be rendered more prompt and direct, and is susceptible of improvements which, without embarrassing the public service, will have a tendency, more effectually to check any abuses by subordinate agents. Provisions to that effect are rendered more necessary by the probable increase of expence in those departments.
All which is respectfully submitted.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. Treasury Department, December 10th, 1808.
New-York, Dec. 14. Yesterday morning arrived within the Hook, the ship Favorite, Pierce from Cadiz, which per she left the 11th of October. The passengers came up from the ship in a pilot-boat. One of them is the bearer of dispatches from Mr. Erving, to the Secretary of State.
We have received by the above arrival, Madrid & Seville Gazettes, to the 3th of October; but their contents have been anticipated through London papers.
We learn by the passengers that the American vessels detained under the Berlin decree, at Algeciras, had not been released. They further inform us, that the patriots of Spain were confident in the belief that they should eventually succeed in expelling from their territories the disturbers of Europe.
The harbor of Cadiz was full of British merchantmen, laden with rich cargoes, which would not bring more than first cost.
The French fleet remained in Cadiz, with the exception of one 74, which
had been dispatched to Lima by the Spanish government.
Extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated 10th Oct. 1808.
"The Junta of Seville has opened the trade of the Province to the English. Cotton manufactures, formerly prohibited, are allowed to be imported on paying a duty of 15 per cent. Sugar, Coffee, and Cocoa, in English or American vessels, are admitted (provided the property is British) paying double what is paid when imported in Spanish vessels. This harbor is full of British vessels, loaded with West India and British productions, on which an immense sum must be sunk.
"Provisions of every kind are extremely low. Tobacco would bring 22 to 25 dollars; but the moment the embargo is raised in America, it will probably fall to 10 dollars or less. I would caution all my friends in America against shipments to this, or indeed almost any foreign country, immediately after the embargo is raised; as such immense shipments must be made to all parts that every market will be overstocked."
From accounts from the Havanna, as late as the 20th of November, by the ship Four Friends, it appears that the late acting American agent there closed his office on the 18th of that month; declining in the present difficulties of the times to take upon himself the risk of exercising the duties of the office, whilst such an exercise was noxious to the Spanish government, rendered more so at this time. It is also understood that the British agent, major Foster, had been refused an acknowledgment by the government in that capacity, although otherwise very respectfully treated. This latter event is no doubt founded upon the principle, which was suggested a short time since in this Gazette, which led to the supposed answer given to the British Commissioner, Colonel Williamson; that the government would not agree to any new commercial propositions, until they should see what, in the new state of affairs would be hereafter proposed or adopted in Old Spain; the laws of which forbid the formal recognition of any foreign agents in their colonies. The departure of major Foster therefore from the Havanna, who holds another office—as aid-de-camp to the duke of Manchester, the governor of Jamaica, is not to be viewed as having been occasioned by any unfriendly conduct towards him or his government.
Accounts were also received by the Four Friends, that flour had fallen, at the Havanna, to 20 dollars per bbl.
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, DECEMBER 19.
(For the conclusion of Mr. Burwell's Speech see last page.)
VOTES FOR PRESIDENT.
   Republican. J. MADISON Federal. G. G. FINCKEY.    N. Hampshire 7  Rhode Island 4  Massachusetts 19  Connecticut 9  New Jersey 8 0  Pennsylvania 20 0  Delaware 3  Maryland 9 2  Virginia 24 0  N. Carolina 11 3  S. Carolina 10  
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
   Republican. G. CLINTON Federal. R. KING.    N. Hampshire 7  Rhode Island 4  Massachusetts 19  Connecticut 9  New Jersey 8 0  Pennsylvania 20 0  Delaware 3  Maryland 9 2  Virginia 24 0  N. Carolina 11 3  S. Carolina 10  
In New-York, for President, Mr. Madison 13, Mr. Clinton 6; for Vice-President, Mr. Clinton 13, Mr. Madison 3; Mr. Monroe 3.
The Electors of Vermont have given 6 votes for James Madison as President, and 6 for John Langdon as Vice-President.
The following extract of letter from a member of the legislature marks the triumphant ascendancy of republicanism, and places the election of Mr. Madison to the Presidency beyond all doubt, his actual votes now amounting to 101.
"Columbia, Dec. 6.—We yesterday proceeded to the election of Electors for President and Vice-President of the U. States, and it gives me great pleasure to state that not a shadow of opposition to the republican nomination was made—136 votes were given and several of the electors had 134, 133, 132, and so on. We have about fifteen federalists in both houses, some of these voted for the ticket, and about seven did not vote. The electors have just opened their door and declared that they have given an unanimous vote for James Madison, President, and George Clinton, as Vice-President; so that you see this business has ended here as we all wished. Indeed it is a pleasing reflection that may be made on our state, it can be said that nothing like division exists in it."
The following are the Electors
chosen:—Joseph Gist, John Wilson, John McMorris, (Wm. Strother, Wm. Zimmerman, Joseph Bellinger, Langdon Cheves, Paul Hamilton, Samuel Mays, Wm. Rouse.
The legislature of South Carolina have elected John Drayton, a decided republican, Governor.
On the 14th inst. a deputation of Cherokees, consisting of six chiefs, two of whom have with them their wives, accompanied by their agent, col. Meigs, arrived in this city. Their object is, we understand, to consult with the President of the U. States on subjects interesting to them, and particularly to manifest the respect and affection of their nation for him before his departure from office.
The Senate and House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, in joint meeting, have chosen, as Senator of the United States, for six years from the 4th of March, 1809, Gen. Michael Leib.—The votes were:
   Gen. Leib, 90   Joseph Hemphill, 24   Scattering, 10  
In reply to the Enquiries of a committee of the House of Representatives, the Secretary of the Navy has returned the following answer:
NAVY DEPARTMENT, December 7, 1808.
Sir—I have received your letter of the 3d inst. and, in answer, have the honor to state, that the accompanying paper, marked A, exhibits the additional number of officers and seamen required for the public service; none of which could be employed without the authority of a special act of Congress. The same paper also exhibits the number of marines required, in addition to the present establishment; for the employment of which provision by law will be necessary.
Paper B. exhibits a view of the annual expense of maintaining in service the number of officers, petty officers, seamen and marines, required, in the opinion of the President, in addition to the number already estimated for in the annual estimate presented to the House through the Secretary of the Treasury.
This additional estimate, added to the estimate presented through the Treasury Department, will make the different items of the necessary appropriations as stated below, viz.
   For pay & subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, 1,077,834   For provisions, 490,354 31   For hospital account, 30,000   For repairs of vessels, 445,000   For contingent account, comprising freight, store rent, commissions to agents, travelling expenses, &c. 150,000   For pay and subsistence of the marine corps, 186,920 70   For clothing, 44,699 50   For military stores, 6,703   For hospital account, 3,000   For contingent account, 19,035   For navy yards, 60,000   For ordnance, 150,000   Dollars 2,662,949 51  
I have the honor to be, respectfully, sir, your most obedient servant, Rt. SMITH.
Honorable R. Nelson, Chairman of the Committee on military and naval establishments.
A. states the additional number of officers, seamen and marines, required for the public service, which cannot be employed, without the authority of a special act of Congress, as follows—234 midshipmen, 2,000 seamen, 144 corporals, and 162 private marines.
SENATE—DECEMBER 17.
The bill to authorize and require the President of the U. States to arm, man and fit out for immediate service all the public ships of war, vessels and gun boats of the U. States, was read the third time and passed. The bill appropriates 400,000 dollars.
The bill making further provision for enforcing the embargo was read the third time; when a debate commenced on its passage. Mr. Goodrich spoke at length against the bill, when the Senate adjourned, without taking the question.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16.
A motion was made by Mr. Gardner, that when the House adjourns, it do adjourn to Monday. Negatived, by Yeas and Nays, 58 to 43.
Mr. Lewis reported a bill supplementary to an act, entitled "An act to amend the charter of the town of Alexandria."
PIKE'S EXPEDITION.
Mr. J. Montgomery reported a bill making compensation to capt. Z. M. Pike and his companions.
These bills were twice read and referred to committees of the whole House.
REPORT ON FINANCES.
The Speaker laid before the House the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which will be found in this day's paper. The report having been read—
Mr. Randolph said, as this was an extremely interesting report, he hoped means would be taken for expediting the printing, and that more than the ordinary number would be printed.
Mr. G. H. Campbell moved that 2000 copies of the report be printed, and the usual number of the documents accompanying it. Carried.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The second resolution (relative to non-intercourse) reported by the committee of the whole being yet under consideration—
Mr. Newton supported it, and the report generally, in a speech of about two hours and a half.
When the House adjourned, 53 to 52.
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 17.
SALT.
The following resolution, offered by Mr. Livermore, was ordered to lie on the table:
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of permitting certain vessels to depart from the harbors of the United States, for the purpose of importing SALT, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
QUESTION ON NON-INTERCOURSE DECIDED.
The following resolution again under consideration:
Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the U. States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain—or France—or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States—and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either.
Mr. Rhea (T.) supported it in a speech of two hours. Mr. Taggart opposed it in a speech of the same length.
The resolution was divided into different questions as marked by the dashes (—) in the resolution; and after many motions to adjourn, and amendments offered, which were withdrawn or declared out of order, about 9 o'clock the question was taken on the following member of the resolution: "Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain," and CARRIED by Yeas & Nays, NINETY-TWO to TWENTY-NINE.
Previous to taking the first question Mr. Gardner spoke for half an hour against the part interdicting British vessels.
And the question being taken on the next member—"or France," was CARRIED, NINETY-SEVEN to TWENTY-FOUR.
And the question being taken on the next member—"or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States"—was CARRIED, NINETY-SIX to TWENTY-SIX.
Mr. Randolph now made a speech of two hours and a half against the remaining clause of the resolution.
When, at near twelve o'clock, the question was taken on the last clause in the following words—"and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers or imported from any place in the possession of either," and CARRIED, EIGHTY-TWO to THIRTY-SIX.
The question was then, at twelve o'clock, taken on the whole resolution, and CARRIED, EIGHTY-FOUR to THIRTY.
The question was then put on the following resolution:
"Resolved, That measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence"—and CARRIED UNANIMOUSLY.
Both resolutions were referred to committees; and thus after eighteen days debate, the House concluded the agitation of the subject for the present about twenty minutes after 12.
A complete statement of the proceedings of this evening, with the Yeas and Nays on each important point, will be given in our next.
SACRED MUSIC.
Just received, and for sale at D. Rapine's Book Store, on Capitol Hill, READ'S COLUMBIAN HARMONIST, Containing a valuable collection of sacred music, expressly calculated for singing schools—Also; The SUPPLEMENT to the AMERICAN SINGING BOOK. Teachers may be supplied by the dozen or single, on the most reasonable terms. December 19—6t.
Post Office, Washington 17th Dec. 1808.
MEMBERS of Congress, officers of government and others, are respectfully informed, that it has become necessary, in consequence of a change in the contract for carrying the mail from Fredericksburg, Virginia, to the state of Tennessee, Mississippi Territory, Orleans Territory, &c. via Orange C. H. Charlottesville, Virg. &c. that the express mail from this office for that route, which heretofore departed every Tuesday at 3 o'clock P. M. shall in future depart on that day at noon, and that consequently all letters to be sent thence must be deposited in the Post office by half past eleven A. M. December 10—3t.
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to, I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with either dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to at the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12t.
ON application by petition, in writing, of GEORGE W. WILLETT, of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt, and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next be, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1808. DANIEL CLARKE. True Copy, Test, JOHN READ MACGRUBER, jun. C. P. G. Cy. Ct. December 19—w13t.
TO THE LOVERS OF NATURAL HISTORY.
A new and superb work, being the first of the kind ever attempted in America.
Now publishing by Subscription, By Bradford & Keese, Philadelphia, in imperial quarto, price 12 dols. handsomely half bound in Morocco.
VOLUME I OF AMERICAN ORNITHOLOGY, OR, The Natural History of the Birds of the United States;
Comprehending those resident within our territory, and those that migrate thither from other regions; among which will be found a great number of land and water birds hitherto undescribed. Specifying the class, order, and genus to which each particular species belongs, following with a few exceptions, the arrangement of Latham, describing their size, plumage, places of resort, general habits, peculiarities, food, mode of constructing their nests, term of incubation, migration, &c. &c. Illustrated with plates, engraved and colored from original drawings taken from Nature.
By ALEXANDER WILSON.
This now upwards of a year since the Prospectus of this work was first issued; but owing to a train of unforeseen events, its publication has been retarded to the present time. During this temporary suspension the author has had leisure to review and reconsider his plan, and to new-model it in such a manner as will render the work in point of elegance not inferior to any of the kind that has appeared in Europe; and as the whole materials of its mechanical parts are the produce and manufacture of our own country, the publishers trust it will stand not only among ourselves but with foreigners, as an honorable testimony of the state of the arts in this young and growing empire.
The original design was to publish the work in Numbers, each to contain 3 plates; but the inconvenience of parceling it out into such small parts, and the injury that both the engravings and letter-press would inevitably sustain in that detached and exposed state induced the author to abandon it for a more commodious and respectable form, better suited to the nature of the publication. Those gentlemen, therefore, who were pleased to patronize the work under its first form will, it is hoped, approve of the change; and are at liberty to withdraw their names, or to extend their patronage to the present.
CONDITIONS.
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Vol. I. contains 9 plates, each 13 inches by 10, comprehending the figures of 38 of our native birds, of the size of life, engraved by Lawson and Murray, from the original drawings; and colored from nature with the most scrupulous attention to the true tints of the originals; the descriptive part consists of about 160 pages.
Ten volumes it is expected will comprehend the whole; one of which of the same size and price with the present, containing a like number of plates, and executed in the same style of elegance will be published every six months until the whole be completed.
Any subscriber who, on the publication of the second volume, disapproves of the work, shall be at liberty to withdraw his name.
A list of the names of those who patronize this splendid national work will be printed in the last volume.
Subscriptions are received by D. Rapine, Bookseller, Capitol Hill, Washington city, where a specimen of the first volume may be seen. December 19—3t.
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DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. (CONTINUED.)
But, sir, gentlemen may attach some stability to this indulgence, from the exception of the Spanish and French colonies. In the orders of council. They have often adverted to the fact; and the British government itself has not failed to press it upon you as a proof of her favor, and a new claim upon your gratitude. The truth is, she was pursuing her own interest; she was more concerned in the trade to the colonies than you were yourself, for which your merchants exported only four or five millions in native products. They became factors of the British, and circulated nearly twenty millions of English goods, which could not otherwise find entrance into those ports. Is it not easy to discover what was the policy of the permission to trade to these islands? It was that her special interests, not yours, were promoted by it. No, she would not even permit you to seek a market for your indemnification after serving her. Now she can go there directly and sell her goods without your assistance—what follows? Does she consult your interest by permitting you to carry on the trade open to her own merchants? No, sir, and if any doubts remain, let me call your attention to the late proclamation, blockading the French West India islands. We have despatches from England down to the 25th of September; at that time there was no intimation to your minister, and not a whisper in the political circles of this thing—and suddenly when it was supposed in England, (in the language of the gentleman from Massachusetts) "that we must take off the embargo," you see a proclamation dated only fifteen days later than the latest dates from England, declaring that every vessel going to the French West India islands, shall be liable to seizure and condemnation. What language does it speak? What policy does it evince? To my mind it presents a train of reflections, to which I am unwilling to give utterance, and apply the appellation which the transaction deserves. It is insidious and hostile to its utmost extent. Suppose the gentleman had moved to take off the embargo the first of the session, and had succeeded by the tempting promise of this trade. You well know the French Islands have been literally ruined by the embargo. They have not been (like the islands of his majesty) supplied by the infraction of the law, (principally British agents), through Canada and Nova Scotia, with provisions. Every vessel laden with flour and provisions would have shaped her course to those islands, where there was the greatest scarcity, and the greatest probability of profit—and by this "unfortunate concurrence" between the removal of the embargo, (as was expected in England), and the proclamation of blockade, all your commerce in that direction would have been swept off and destroyed. This blockade is of old standing, at least as old as the petitions of the last summer—it is dated the 14th of October—delayed six days, and sent by express for our notification about ten days after the meeting of Congress, at which time it was supposed the embargo would be raised. It is said this express vessel met British vessels going into Barbadoes as she came out, from whom the instructions were received. But it is reduced to certainty, these vessels arrived on the 20th, and the proclamation issued on the 14th. Yes, sir, the acts were artfully spread, the sportsmen stationed, and the whole flock would have been entangled and taken, but for the embargo. Will gentlemen not take warning.
There has been one observation made on which I will make a few remarks, and but few; but they are necessary to a fair and candid discussion. It has been said that we ought to have resisted the Berlin decree; that if we had done that, we should have been saved from our present disagreeable situation, and have taken from Great Britain a pretext for enforcing her orders in council. The gentleman from Massachusetts defines submission to be the doing that which you are commanded to do, and resistance in the doing that which you are commanded not to do. I thank him, he is perfectly correct. I will use his definition, and apply his own principles to this case. What said the Berlin decree? You shall not go to Great Britain, if you do France will seize and confiscate your property. What was our conduct? we did go to Great Britain, and our shipments were nevertheless as great as before the decree, we did carry on the forbidden trade; and therefore by the gentleman's own definition, resisted. Let us take another view of this subject. In the note of Lords Holland and Auckland, attached to the rejected British treaty—they tell us among other things, that if the enemy should carry these threats into execution, and the United States should acquiesce, they should probably be compelled to retaliate in the same way; but disclaim the right to retaliate if the French government,
formally abandons, or tacitly relinquishes them. What is tacit relinquishment? was there a single case in which it was executed, and known to us previous to the orders in council? Not one, and does not the fact, that American vessels went from England to France as before, prove a tacit relinquishment? Certainly. Indeed so far from its being a tacit relinquishment, it was a formal abandonment, amounting to a positive and express acknowledgment, that the decree was not in force against the commerce of the United States. I have already shown, England received no injury from the operation of that decree, because we traded with her as we had done before, and the retaliating orders, admitting the right of Great Britain to retaliate on her enemy through neutral trade, could not exist until we had received an injury and acquiesced in it. But so far from its being known we had acquiesced, the execution of the Berlin decree, and the orders of 11th of November, reached this country nearly at the same time. If our commerce had been vitally assailed by this monstrous decree, and we had not effectually resisted, I am not prepared to say how far it would have been a departure from our neutrality, and would have justified the measures adopted. Sir, I never would have submitted to it. You must remember I declared I would vote against a general embargo, but that I anticipated from the British measures quite similar to those of France. We did our duty, resisted when attacked by it, and I scouted all idea that the people would have submitted, or that any man would have proposed such submission. You hear no apology for France—you hear no palliation of her outrages, or disguise of her views, and you see every man ready to exert the energies of the nation to avenge the wrongs of the country. Take the orders of council in another point of view: they profess to retaliate on France through us, because we have permitted her to attack our rights. Why then were they not confined in their operation to France; why did they comprehend nations with whom we were in amity, and from whom we had received no injury? Will any person say we ought to have gone to war with Russia, Denmark, and Sweden? You are bound to consider these nations independent, and treat them as such; while they manifest no disposition to change the subsisting relations between us, and refrain from hostile acts. The unlimited scope given to the orders in council, manifestly shews the retaliation on France, was a mere pretext. But if the object of Great Britain was really retaliation on France, how could she get over the proposition made by the government of the United States to continue the embargo as to France, and remove it as to England, provided she would withdraw her orders in council? This would have been a compliance with her requisition for resistance to the Berlin decree, and destroyed all ground for the continuance of the orders. But here we are told that our government has offered to comply with that, which if they had done in the first instance, would have saved us from difficulties. This is indeed a strange inference; that England would have acceded to the proposition formerly, because she now rejects it. Sir, the United States can never consent to give authority to that unlimited right of retaliation which she claims. And so far from this offer being a compliance with that demand, it was an honest and fair avowal of the conduct which the government would pursue towards France, if left to itself. It was honorable, sir, and the rejection of that favorable proposition, connected with the obvious causes of that rejection, convinces my mind she does not want to be on good terms with us. She thinks more may be made in another way.
It has been urged in the course of this debate that the embargo destroys all our revenue, and that if we remove it our Treasury would be again filled. What is the fact on this subject, taking it upon their own ground? You inevitably lose upwards of a million of dollars collected by way of drawback, on articles re-exported from the U. S. for consumption in foreign markets; the obstacles interposed by the orders, and the imposition of a transit duty by act of Parliament equivalent to the duties remitted in this country, cut off at once this amount—it is pocketed elsewhere. Again, we have heretofore derived a revenue from all that part of our imports which is from the continent of Europe & every other part of the world not included in the orders of council; the impost derived from this trade, and the means which it afforded of paying revenue into the Treasury are at an end; nor could it be resumed by raising the embargo. I will venture to assert these losses constitute one half of the revenue; they are irretrievably lost while Europe continues in its present state. Again—suppose you continue to trade with England, how would your revenue derived from the consumption of her manufactures stand affected? Grant that one half of our revenue is now collected from the commerce with G. Britain—if the produce of this country is reduced to a mere drug by being restricted to her ports (and I have shown that would be the case) could you continue to consume her goods? It is an established axiom in trade that the exports and imports must always bear an exact proportion, and it is ridiculous to suppose the use of foreign goods would continue after the means of payment ceased to exist; in other words, the exchange of labor between the two countries would be too unequal to last. In a short time even that branch of revenue would
wind into insignificance; it would not replenish the Treasury. Thus, sir, take these edicts and orders in council in any possible point of view, their operation upon your commerce is exclusion from the continental market, the destruction of your revenue, the lessened value of the produce of your soil, and the prostration of your fisheries and navigation. Enterprise cannot continue when every avenue of commerce is cut off—in short they produce the very evils which gentlemen wish to charge on the embargo. I have endeavored to consider this question as a question of pecuniary calculation altogether, and it is so clear to my mind, that there does not exist a temptation to sacrifice the honor and independence of the U. S. that I am astonished gentlemen can take any other view of the subject than that I have taken. To take off the embargo at this time, while the decrees of France, and the orders of England remain in force, without adopting some other measure equally efficient would be to submit to the meanest degradation. It would be sending your property to certain ruin, exposing it to the lawless spoliation of every pirate with which the ocean is infested, without the means of resistance or the hope of justice. If you do not now take a stand for your rights, when will you? Can the occasion ever be more urgent? It would be vain hereafter when you have yielded, and the nation is habituated to foreign domination. Do you flatter yourself that your grievances will close here? You will be mistaken—it is not the nature of power intoxicated with success to retract its encroachments, or commercial avarice to relax its pretensions. The little you now have will soon be claimed, & what you have already yielded, will furnish the pretext to enforce your compliance—you will not even be remunerated by profit for your disgrace. It is not a time when submission is entitled to moderation, or concessions ensure forbearance. Our agriculture must continue as it now is until some new direction be given to the destructive tempest, which renders it almost impossible to navigate the ocean. I know that the operation of our measures is strong, that every man must feel them more or less, and the plainest calculations cannot quiet the restlessness of pecuniary embarrassment. But sir, while I candidly believe the members of this House feel their full share of the public pressure, (that at least is my case) and are honestly governed by what they believe the interest of the country, I cannot bury upon the patriotism of the people. Let gentlemen therefore, who disapprove of this system, come forward and say what they think best to be done. They owe it to themselves, and their constituents, and they cannot withhold their councils without violating a sacred duty, they are pledged to perform. Let them do this instead of dividing and distracting the government and weakening the nation—they are Americans and ought not to sacrifice the national rights to the pride of party. As to the embargo, shewing me something better and I will retract like an honest man, and adopt it. I do not consider myself precluded from a choice of measures because I once voted for it. There is no object to which I stand pledged but the safety of the nation, and no system but that which will most certainly promote it.
My colleague has said, we are called on by every sense of duty we owe to ourselves and country to unite & annoy our enemies, & make the strongest possible impression upon them. I agree with him. It is time to retaliate the aggressions and injuries of which we have been so long the victims. This is the only way to change their temper by reporting the evils of their own injustice—some foreign magic must have withered his brain, and that man must be under the influence of foreign governments who will not go all lengths to support the honor of the nation. It is to be regretted our harmony has been disturbed by the introduction of subjects not connected with the existing state of things, or calculated to meet future difficulties. Union would be more promoted by looking prospectively. As to those measures alluded to by gentlemen, as the causes of our present difficulties, they passed before I had a seat on this floor, and without any participation of mine. Can there exist a doubt that the crisis has arrived when we must take care of ourselves, and keep to ourselves? Every mode of insult to the nation has been tried, and even your public ministers have come in for their full share of neglect. As to keeping them any longer in Europe to be writing notes and papers, it is out of the question—for one I am prepared to go along with my country and share its fate. I shall vote for the first and third resolutions, because we cannot without dishonor submit to the flagrant violation of our neutral rights, and because we should be prepared to defend them. The second, exempting armed vessels, shall also have my approbation—I am willing to place the English and French upon the same ground. Their conduct has forfeited all claim upon us, to the hospitality and protection of our waters. I am disposed to exclude the productions of both and cut off all intercourse until they are disposed to renew it upon terms of equality. As for this measure injuring England more than France we cannot help that; but it ought to be recollected that it has not been long since we were told by the British themselves, all their efforts to injure France were vain, while she enjoyed the benefit of the American commerce.
(Debate to be continued.)
PROPOSALS for carrying Mails of the United States, on the following post routes, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the 16th day of January next inclusive.
(Continued.)
84. From Halifax, by Tate's store, Enfield, Tarboro, Greenville and Washington to Newbern, twice a week. Leave Halifax every Wednesday and Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Newbern on Saturday and Wednesday at 10 a m. Returning. Leave Newbern every Wednesday and Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Halifax on Saturday and Tuesday by 6 p m.
85. From Scotland Neck, by Norfolk's ferry, Grandberry cross roads and Gaskill's to Wilmington once a week. Leave Scotland Neck, every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilmington by 4 p m. Leave Wilmington every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Scotland Neck by 6 p m.
86. From Raleigh, by Chapel hill to Hillsboro' once a week. Leave Raleigh every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Hillsboro' on Saturday by 8 a m. Leave Hillsboro' every Wednesday at 5 p m and arrive at Raleigh on Thursday by 5 p m.
87. From Hillsboro' by Mount Tazewell, Person's ch, Leesburg, Calwell's ch, Lenox Cottle, B. Watkins and R. Kingham to Germanton, once a week. Leave
Hillsboro' every Saturday at 10 a m, arrive at Calwell's ch on Sunday noon, and arrive at Germanton the next Tuesday by 8 p m. Leave Germanton every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Hillsboro' the next Saturday by 8 a m.
88. From Aversboro' by Haywood, Pittsburg and Jones's ferry to Hillsboro', once a week. Leave Aversboro' every Thursday at 6 a m, & arrive at Hillsboro' on Saturday by 8 a m. Leave Hillsboro' every Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at Aversboro' on Sunday by 6 p m.
89. From Raleigh, by Nuttall's, to Oxford or M. Britt's, once a week. Leave Raleigh every Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Oxford by 6 p m. Leave Oxford every Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at Raleigh by 6 p m.
90. From Raleigh, by Paul's ferry, Wagon's cross roads, Richardson's, Woodards, Dowfons, or Tufnsat, to Tarboro' once in two weeks. Leave Raleigh every Friday, at 6 a m, arrive at Tarboro' on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Tarboro' every other Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Raleigh on Monday by 6 p m.
91. From Williamsboro' by Bullock's store, Brown's store, Williamsville, Sterlingville & Red House, to Calwell's ch once a week. Leave Williamsboro' every Saturday at 4 a m, arrive at Calwell's ch on Sunday by noon. Leave Calwell's ch every Sunday by 2 p m and arrive at Williamsboro' on Friday by 4 p m.
92. From Warrenton, by Williamsboro', Oxford, Hillsboro', Allenton, Martinville, New Garden, Salem and Lexington, to Salisbury, once a week. Leave Warrenton every Friday at 2 a m and arrive at Hillsboro' on Saturday by 8 a m. Leave Hillsboro' at 9 a m, & arrive at Salem on Sunday by 3 p m. Leave Salem at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Monday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Salisbury every Monday at 1 p m, & arrive at Salem on Tuesday by 8 a m. Leave Salem at 9 a m, & arrive at Hillsboro' on Wednesday by 3 p m. Leave Hillsboro' at 5 p m and arrive at Warrenton on Thursday by 5 p m.
93. From Salem, by Bethania, Huntville, Rockford and Wilkes to Morganton, and thence by Island Ford, Stateville, Hallowell and Huntville to Salem once a week. Leave Salem every Tuesday, at 10 a m, and arrive at Morganton the next Thursday by 5 p m. Leave Morganton every Friday at 8 a m, & arrive at Salem the next Monday by 8 a m.
94. From Salisbury, by Concord, Alexandria, Charlotte, Hunterville, Lincolnton & Morganton, to Ashville, to return by Morganton, Lincinton, Catawba fords & Mount Monroe to Salisbury once a week. Leave Salisbury every Monday at 2 p m, and arrive at Charlotte on Tuesday by 3 p m & arrive at Ashville on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Ashville every Friday at 6 a m, & arrive at Salisbury on Monday by 10 a m.
95. From Ashville, by the Warm Springs, Ne port T. & Sevier to Knoxville T. once a week. Leave Ashville every Friday at 6 a m, & arrive at Knoxville on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Ashville the next Thursday by 6 p m.
96. From Morganton, by Rutherford and Gowen's store to Greenville ch S.C. once a week. Leave Morganton every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Greenville ch on Sunday by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Greenville ch every Monday at 6 a m, & arrive at Morganton on Wednesday by 6 p m.
97. From Charlotte, by Beggan's ferry, and Hill's Iron works, to York ch S.C. once a week. Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 9 a m and arrive at York ch by 8 p m. Returning. Leave York ch every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Charlotte by 6 p m.
98. From Raleigh, by Smithfield, Wintonboro', Green ch and Kingston, to Newbern once a week. Leave Raleigh every Friday at 9 a m and arrive at Newbern the next Monday by 10 a m. Leave Newbern every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Raleigh the next Thursday by 4 p m.
99. From Charlotte, by Lincolnton, Gafford, and Providenc to Camden, once a week. Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 5 p m. Leave Camden on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Charlotte on Saturday by 6 p m.
100. From Fayetteville by Elizabethton to Wilmington, and thence by South Walhington and Sampson's ch to Fayetteville once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Monday at 4 a m, and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 6 p m.
101. From Fayetteville, by Andersonville to Wilmington, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Sunday by 9 p m. Leave Wilmington every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Fayetteville on Thursday by 7 p m.
102. From Fayetteville, by Laurel Hill, Wauilville, Goshen's ch to Camden S.C. once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 5 a m & arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 p m. Leave Camden every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 p m.
103. From Fayetteville by Moore's ch, Gafford & Ralph's ch to Salisbury, and thence by Lincolnton, Henderson,
son, Wadesboro' Springville, Sneadsborough and Richmon ch to Fayetteville, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Salisbury the next Monday by 10 a m. Leave Salisbury at 2 p m and arrive at Richmon ch on Wednesday by 4 p m and at Fayetteville on Thursday by 5 p m.
104. From Wilkes's ch to Ash's ch once in two weeks. Leave Wilkes's ch every other Thursday at 6 a m, arrive at Ash's ch same day by 7 p m. Leave Ash's ch every other Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Wilkes's ch the same day by 7 p m.
105. From Newbern to Swansboro' once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Swansboro' same day by 11 a m. Leave Swansboro' every Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Newbern on same day by 7 p m.
IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
106. From Sneadsboro' by Packer's ferry, Chatham, Gheraw ch, B. Bownville, Dallington ch, Puleyville, J. Ferrays and the Clay House, to Port's ferry once a week. Leave Sneadsboro' every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Port's ferry on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Port's ferry on Sunday at 4 a m and arrive at Sneadsboro' on Sunday by 8 p m.
107. From Camden, by Statesburg and Jamesville, to Nelson's ferry and Monk's Corner, to Charleston, twice a week. Leave Camden every Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Statesburg by 10 a m and at Charleston on Tuesday & Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Charleston every Tuesday and Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Camden on Thursday and Monday by 8 p m.
108. From Columbia by Orangeburg and St. George to Charleston, twice a week. Leave Columbia every Sunday and Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Charleston on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Charleston every Tuesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Columbia on Thursday and Sunday by 6 p m.
109. From Columbia by Winnsboro', Chester ch, York ch, Pinckneyville, Union, Meaiville ch and Spartanburg, to Greenville ch once a week. And return by Stoneville, Shackleford's store, Croft's Anchor, the Keys, O'Neal's, Henderson's and Hampton's to Columbia. Leave Columbia every Monday at 8 a m, and arrive at York ch on Tuesday by 7 p m. Leave York ch at 7 1/2 p m & arrive at Greenville ch on Friday by 8 a m. Leave Greenville ch at 10 a m & arrive at Columbia on Sunday by 6 p m.
110. From Columbia by Newberry ch, Laurens ch, Belfast, Fork Shoal, Greenville ch, Redville, Glyptonville, to Ashville. Return by Murrayville, Greenville, Tumbling Shoal, Laurens ch, Belfast, Newberry ch to Columbia once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Ashville on Thursday by 8 p m. Leave Ashville every Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Columbia the next Monday by 10 a m.
111. From Columbia by Mieriville, Starrburg, Sumterville, Salem, and Kingstree, to Willtown, once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Willtown on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Willtown every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Columbia on Saturday by 6 p m.
112. From Monk's Corner, or the Black Oak on Santee Canal, Pinckville and Murray's ferry to Kingstree, once a week. Leave Monk's Corner every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Kingstree by 6 p m. Leave Kingstree every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Monk's Corner by 6 p m.
113. From Orangeburg by Johnstons bridge, Barnwell ch, Robert's, Treadways and Town Creek to Campobello, once a week. Leave Orangeburg every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Campobello on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Campobello every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Orangeburg on Wednesday by 6 p m.
114. From Camden, by Columbia, Edgefield ch and Campbelltown, to Augusta, once a week. Leave Camden every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Columbia by 4 p m. Leave it at 5 p m and arrive at Edgefield ch on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave there at 11 a m and arrive at Augusta by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Edgefield by 1 p m. Leave there at 2 p m, arrive at Columbia on Thursday by 8 a m. Leave there at 9 a m and arrive at Camden by 3 p m.
115. From Edgefield ch by Amos Richardson, Cambidge, South Hampton, Soney Point Abbeville ch and Rocky river to Pendleton ch, once a week. Leave Edgefield ch every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Pendleton ch on Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Pendleton ch every Wednesday by 6 a m and arrive at Edgefield ch the next Saturday by 10 a m.
116. From Cofawatchie, by Black Swamp, Lower three runs, and upper three runs, to Augusta once a week. Leave Augusta every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Cofawatchie on Tuesday by 4 a m. Leave Cofawatchie every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Augusta on Saturday by 4 p m.
117. From Pocotaligo to Beaufort twice a week. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday and Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Beaufort by 7 p m. Leave Beaufort every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Pocotaligo by 10 a m.
(To be Continued.)

SUPPLEMENT.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 21.
JOHN COX
OF GEORGETOWN,
Offers for Sale, the following valuable
TRACTS of LAND:
238 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seven or five miles from the seat of government of the United States.
Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Alleghany county, state of Maryland:—
 Governor's Neglect, 1081 acres.  Orme's Attention, 684  Chesnut Grove, 451  Hard Struggle, 1554 
 Western Connexion, } 1057  Lot No. 2487, } 1601 5-3  6180 
These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Simkin's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Chesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers.
November 14—2aw6w
RICHARD BECK,
Has just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are—
 Superfine cloths and cassimeres,  Second do. do.  Moleskin and silk waistcoating  Bennett cord and Spanish marcel, &c.  Constitution cords and velverets  Coating, frizes and kerseys  Rose and striped blankets  Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery  Flannel and baizes  Navy blue cloths  Checks, calicoes and Chintzes  White and colored cambrics  Dimities, brown Holland and dowlas  Bandanno and Madrass handkerchiefs  Durants and calimancoes  Tapes and bobbins  Silk and cotton chambray  4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens  4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting  Loudon and other hats  Plain India mul muslins  Seeded do. do.  Diagonal and Trafalgar do.  Plain and figured lenoes  Linen cambrics  Damask, silk and serge shawls  Tabby velverets for pelices  Italian Mantua  Bombazets and bombazeens  Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces  Handsome assortment ribbons  Kid and silk gloves  Picknet silk mits and glove  Diaper and diaper table cloths  Kid and Morocco shoes  A few bales India muslins assorted  Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. 
All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes.
Georgetown, Nov. 11—tf
FOR SALE,
And now on the Stocks at Neabsco, near Dumfries, and can speedily be launched,
A SCHOONER,
Of the following dimensions.
 48 feet Keel,  18 1-2 feet Beam,  8 feet 2 inches Hold, 
She is of the best possible construction, as uncommon pains have been taken with the work, and is built of White Oak, Mulberry, Cedar, and Locust, with a flush deck; shewing seven ports of a side; can carry 14 Guns and is supposed will sail remarkably fast, and is precisely adapted for a Revenue Cutter.
JOHN TAYLOR at Washington, or THOMAS T. PAGE , agent at Neabsco. 12—2aw2w
FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and young and healthy children. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county, Dec. 16—tf
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON,
Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale,
 20 hlds. Muscovado Sugar,  6 Pipes Holland Gin,  9 hlds. Rum,  3 pipes Cogniac Brandy,  6 pipes L. P. Madeira,  2 pipes Marsalla,  5 qr. casks Lisbon,  5 qr. casks Sherry,  15 qr. casks Catalonia,  80 boxes Claret,  17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea,  25 barrels Loaf Sugar,  16 boxes Spermaceti  25 do. Mould  8 casks Ginger,  2 do. Salt Petre,  2 do. Pimento,  5 do. Pepper,  12 boxes Mustard,  3 bales Cassia,  6 do. soft shelled Almonds,  20 boxes Raisins,  8 do. Olives,  10 do. long and short Pipes,  10 barrels Mackerel,  3 do. Cranberries,  2 do. Fig Blue,  50 boxes Spanish Segars,  50 bags Corks, 
They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c.
JOSEPH FORREST, Pres.
December 5—
SHERIFF'S SALE.
WILL be sold at Public Sale on Thursday the 22nd inst. if fair, if not the next fair day, on the premises, for cash, the FARM whereon John Orme now lives, containing Two hundred and thirty-eight acres, four Horses, three Cows, a parcel of Tobacco, one Cart, and one Clock—late the property of said Orme, taken by a writ of fifa, at the suit of John Hoy, Adm'r. D. B. Non, of William Deakins, jun.
JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county Md.
December 7—7t
WHARVES FOR RENT.
IN Virtue of the power vested in the Mayor of the City of Washington, by an act of the City Council, entitled, "An act for renting the Wharves at the end of 12th and 17th streets west, and for other purposes," the property of the corporation of said city; he hereby notifies, that the said Wharves will be rented for One Year from the 1st day of January next, to the highest bidder, at Rhodes's hotel, on Saturday the 31st inst. between the hours of 12 and 1 o'clock, subject to the regulations contained in the above-mentioned act.
By order of the Mayor, THOS. HERTY, Reg. Washington, Dec. 7—
BOOT MAKING.
JOHN MINCHIN, Boot Maker, impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the liberal support & distinguished preference he has received in his line, since he first commenced his Boot Manufactory here, which was previous to the removal of the government to this city, being confident that good work is ever the best recommendation, had resolved (contrary to his annual custom) to decline intruding his advertisement on the public, being already sufficiently established, until he was convinced, from the best information, that some of his brethren of the craft had artfully, sily and insidiously asserted repeatedly that his boots were all imported that he kept only a shop & not a manufactory. He thus contradicts those fabricators of falsehood, by challenging them to produce boots of any description equal to what he manufactures. They have declared that they would undersell him, but they dare not pretend to excel him in neatness, durability, taste and fashion, which he is ready to prove to the satisfaction of those who may please to favor him with their orders. N. B.—A large assortment of elegant Boots of his own manufacture on hand. December 5—cp1p
CHARLES M. FARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponcelts & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
30,000 DOLLARS, FOR 800 CENTS!
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY.
For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next; 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature.
The Capital Prizes are:—
 30,000 dollars  20,000 dollars  10,000 dollars  5,000 dollars  2,000 dollars 
Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c.
Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each.
TICKETS—Halves, Quarters, & Eighths, are to be had at G. & R. WAITE'S truely fortunate Lottery Offices, No. 64, Maiden-Lane, & No. 38, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231 10,000 — No. 25,403 5,000 — No. 20,799
Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 2000 dollars, besides several others of 2000, 1000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotteries were sold at the above offices—
 17199 25,000 dolls. 11736 2000 dolls.  3929 20,000 dolls. 28573 2000 dolls.  3639 10,000 dolls. 13904 2000 dolls.  26135 5,000 dolls. 16617 2000 dolls.  30356 5,000 dolls. 25596 2000 dolls.  15298 3,000 dolls. 20885 2000 dolls. 
And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz.
 6974 30,000 dolls. 19894 1500 dolls.  15564 15,000 dolls. 1788 1500 dolls.  7001 10,000 dolls. 1525 1500 dolls.  6977 5,000 dolls. 7440 1500 dolls.  14425 1500 dolls. 
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares returned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number.
Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this.
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, SIX Dollars, which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
FOR SALE.
AN ELEGANT CARRIOT, for Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted Harness for four or two Horses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Inquire of the Editor of this paper.
CHARLES J. NOBLE,
Has received per the Citizen, Capt. Sturges from New York, and offers for Sale on reasonable terms at his Warehouse, in front of Lowndes's Wharf,
 45 chests and boxes of—  Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea, } FRESH TEAS.  4 chests of Imperial and Young Hyson in canisters of 2lb each,  54 hlds. and barrels of prime Sugar,  3 boxes Havanna do.  40 barrels and kegs of West India and Bourbon Coffee,  7 pipes of best Cogniac Brandy,  5 do. fine flavored Holland Gin,  2 do. New York Anchor, do.  28 do. half pipes and Qr. casks of old London Particular Madeira,  New York market Madeira,  Old Port, Teneriffe, Sherry, Malaga, Bucellas, & Catalonia, } Wines of Superior Quality. 
 20 cases real Chateux Mar-geaux Claret,  65 boxes mould dipt and Spermaceti Candles,  50 do. Castile, white and yellow Soap,  20 do. Chocolate,  15 boxes and casks of Raisins,  5 do. Prunes,  5 cases Olive Oil,  25 baskets table do.  2 hlds. winter thinned Spermaceti Oil,  2 do. Molasses,  5 bags Pepper and Pimento,  5 kegs Ginger,  2 bales of Cassia,  10 cases of Cordials,  20 do. Olives, Capers and Anchovies,  10 do. Mustard, 8 doz. each,  1 bale of Mow Mamoodies,  2 do. Gurrahs,  2 do. Baftas,  200 pieces Bandanna handkerchiefs assorted,  116 whole, half, and qr. boxes of Havanna Segars, among which are some of Martin's best,  Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, &c. 
And in Store, 4000 bushels of ground allum Salt, 2000 do. Isle of May do. 2000 do. Lisbon do. Georgetown, Dec. 7—4w
JUST PUBLISHED,
And for Sale, at D. Rapine's Book-store, on Capitol Hill,
A new Pamphlet, entitled "A View of the Rights and Wrongs, Power & Policy of the U. States of America." By Charles Jared Ingersoll, of Philadelphia. This pamphlet is not of the ordinary kind, and merits the perusal of every American and friend to his country. December 5—ep6t
FRESH FRUITS, &c.
The Subscriber in addition to a general Assortment
OF DRUGS & MEDICINES,
HAS just received a fresh supply of Prunes, Filberts, soft shelled Almonds, Oranges, Limes and Lemons—Genuine Martinique Noyeau Cordial, preserved Limes and Ginger, French Mustard Currant Jelly, Macawba, French and Lancaster Snuffs, Rose and Orange Flower Water, Perfumery, &c.
JOHN OTT.
Georgetown, Dec. 12—2w
Cotton, Tea, Sugars, Mustard, &c. W. & C. SMITH,
Have just received by the Ceres, Captain Weeks, from New-York— 30 Bales prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Kegs ground Ginger 2 Bags Race Ginger 10 Bags Pepper and Pimento 20 Chests and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Cases Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 10 Boxes Chocolate. 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town, November 21—taw6w

MAY be had in about Five Thousand Acres of LAND in the county of Monroe, about 12 miles from the Sweet Springs in the state of Virginia, it is well timbered and a good part for it fit for cultivation, it is well adapted for grain and meadow about one hundred acres of which may be made in a body & conveniently watered, there is about one hundred acres of opened land, well enclosed and some necessary houses on it, very considerable bodies of good iron ore, lime stone, and a large and well built furnace with the necessary buildings for casting, &c. the end of the bridge house butts against a considerable bar bank; these works have not been in use for several years past and are much out of repair, there is a forge seat about a mile below the furnace; the subscriber would make the payments very accommodating on receiving about a thousand pounds cash on making a title, & the other payments satisfactorily secured; any person inclinable to purchase may see the land by applying to Mr. Alexander Hutchinson who lives on the plantation near the furnace, or Maj. John Handley who lives within a few miles, or Mr. Robert Bland who lives on a part of the plantation, and a bargain concluded by applying to the subscriber in Buckingham county on James River.
JOHN CABELL.
Dec. 14—13t.
MRS. LEE , begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its Vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of MUSIC, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, She has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruct in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBES, MAPS, & CHARTS.
Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced; and hopes still to merit by an unremitting attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst.
Washington, October 20—2m
STRAY HORSE.
Strayed or was Stolen from the Capitol Hill, city of Washington, on Wednesday the 7th inst.
A SORREL HORSE.
About 17 hands high, a white star in his face, a long mane hung on the right side, the two hind feet white. Whoever will deliver said horse to the subscriber or give information so that I get him again shall receive the sum of Five Dollars .
CHARLES JONES.
Washington city, Pennsylvania Avenue, December 12—3t
THIS is to give Notice, that the subscriber, of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's court of Prince George's county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Nathaniel C. Weems, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, at or before the 20th day of May next, to Trueman Tyler , Esq. of Upper Marlborough, who is fully authorised to settle and adjust said administration, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of November, 1808.
VIOLETTA WEEMS, Adm'x.
N. B. All those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment.
Violetta Weems, Adm'x.
November 30—w6t
A HORSE STRAYED.
ON the night of the 17th of August last strayed or was stolen from the commons of this city, a bright BAY HORSE, 4 years old last spring, 15 1-2 hands high, with a thin mane and tail, is slender made a natural trotter, was shod all round, & had a small lump on his back by a hurt from the hind part of the saddle, no particular mark recollected, nor any white about him; but am not certain as I did not own him 4 days. TEN dollars will be paid for the delivery of the Horse, or 25 for horse and thief (if stolen.)
CHESTER BAILEY, opposite the Bank.
Washington, December 12—3w
PUBLIC SALE of LOTS in the city of Washington.
BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, passed on the 9th day of October, 1806; and of two additional and supplementary decrees, passed during the same term with the original decree; one thereof dated on the 24th day of Oct. 1806, & the other on the 1st day of December 1806, and constituting part of the said original decree; in a suit instituted in the said court of Chancery, prior to the separation of the district of Columbia from the state of Maryland, by Thomas Morris, Samuel Coates, and Joseph Morris, executors of Mordecai Lewis, and by Edward Burd, against Robert Morris, the heirs of John Nicholson, the Commissioners of the city of Washington, James Greenleaf, Thomas Law, and others.
The subscriber, E. S. Burd, trustee, appointed by the Chancellor, under the said decrees, will, on Tuesday the 17th day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, offer for Public Sale, at Rhodes's hotel, in the city of Washington, Two hundred and ninety-five LOTS, and three-fourths of a LOT , in the said city; each lot averaging five thousand two hundred and sixty-five square feet, and which are contained in the following squares, viz. in square No. 626, sq. 628, sq. 684—sq. 687—sq. 723—sq. 726—sq. 727. sq. 729—sq. 758—sq. 760—sq. 782—sq. 786. sq. 789—sq. 814—sq. 816—sq. 818—sq. 841. sq. 843—sq. 866—sq. 868—sq. 896—sq. 897. sq. 899—sq. 918—sq. 919—sq. 922—sq. 923. sq. 943—sq. 966—sq. 967—sq. 968—sq. 970. sq. 972—sq. 992—sq. 1014—sq. 1016—sq. 1037—sq. 1039—sq. 1040—sq. 1062—sq. 1072—sq. 1075—and sq. 1076.
For the convenience and information of purchasers, a plan of the city, and particular lists of the squares, and of the lots which they respectively contain, will be exhibited at the time of the sale, by the subscriber.
The terms of sale are: that the purchaser is to pay into the chancery court of the state of Maryland, the full amount of the purchase money, immediately after the day of the ratification of the sale; which ratification, if it takes place, will, according to the stipulation of the original decree aforesaid, be passed within five weeks from the time of the report to be made by the subscriber, trustee as aforesaid.
And on the approbation and ratification by the chancellor of any sales made, and on the payment of the purchase money into the Chancery Court as aforesaid. The subscriber, trustee as aforesaid, will by good and sufficient deed or deeds, convey to the purchasers respectively and their heirs, the property so by them purchased; that is to say, all the right, title, and interest, which at the time of the execution of a certain mortgage comprehending the said lots, by Robert Morris and John Nicholson, in favor of James Greenleaf of the 20th of June 1796, were in the said Morris and Nicholson, Thomas Law, or the Commissioners of the city of Washington, free, clear, and discharged from all claim or title of them, the said Robert Morris and John Nicholson, or the heirs of John Nicholson or any person claiming under them, or any of them subsequent to the said deed, and from all claim or title of the other parties to the said suit.
E. S. BURD, Trustee of the court of Chancery of Maryland. December 12—cpJan.17
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. TO BE SOLD,
At public auction, at the Union Tavern, in George-Town, at 12 o'clock on Monday the 15th day of January next, if not previously disposed of by private contract—that Valuable property situated on the Potomac River, in Washington City, contiguous to George Town, formerly the property of Messrs. Lear, & Co.
The Lot is 128 feet front, by 105 feet deep, on which is erected a substantial Ware House , built of stone, 83 feet by 43, together with the large commodious Wharf adjoining.
Also—SIX LOTS in Holmeads , addition to George-Town, bounded on Bridge Street and Rock Creek, in George-Town.
For terms and other particulars, apply to JOHN DAVIDSON, or WALTER HELLEN.
Nov. 28—t15j.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufacture .
3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4. 240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 480 3-4. 1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel. 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheeting, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of whited brown Thread, 10 lb. of red Thread, 100 lbs. of blue Thread, 20 lbs. of yellow Thread, 3500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called quality, 2000 yards of stout Plains, for watch coats, any color excepting red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain.
The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured.
November 23—
Prince George's county court, September term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince George's county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the aforesaid to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, Jr. C. November 8—w3m
In Chancery, November 28, 1808.
ORDERED that the Sale made by James S. Morsell, trustee for the sale of the Real Estate of Thomas Clarke, deceased, shall be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown before the twenty-first day of January next. Provided a copy of this order be inserted three successive weeks in a newspaper of the city of Washington before the thirtieth day of December next. The report states that sundry property was sold amounting to $4340.
True copy,
Test NICH. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. December 7—w3t
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE,
THAT the subscriber of Charles county and state of Maryland, has obtained from the Orphans court of said county, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Benjamin Benson, late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 2nd day of June next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate; all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment.
Given under my hand this 2nd day of December 1808.
WILSON SMOOT, Ex'r. December 1—w3t
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of Certificate No. 12,329 , issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock.
JOHN DAVIDSON.
Nov. 25—6w.
PUBLIC SALE.
BY Virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, appointing the Subscriber Trustee for the sale of the Real Estate of the late Samuel Hepburn, esq. of Prince George's county, will be offered at Public Sale to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 22d day of December next (if fair if not the first fair day thereafter) on the premises, part of the real estate of the said deceased, being part of two tracts or parcels of Land called Maiden's Dowry , and Grey Eagle enlarged, containing Three Hundred and Ninety-two Acres. This land is situated in Prince George's county directly on the mail road leading from the city of Annapolis through Queen Ann and Upper Marlboro' to the city of Washington and Alexandria, is distant about ten miles from the two latter places and about five miles from Upper Marlboro' and adjoining those two fertile and well known farms in said county called the Wood Yard and Millwood ; it is well adapted to the production of Tobacco and all kinds of grain, and has a sufficient quantity of rail timber and firewood for the support of two such farms. The terms of sale are twelve months credit, the purchaser giving bond with security to be approved by the trustee, bearing interest from the day of sale, and on the ratification of the sale by the Chancellor, and on payment of the purchase money, the trustee will by a good and sufficient deed convey to the purchaser and his heirs all the right, title, and interest which the said Samuel Hepburn had in the said lands.
TRUEMAN TYLER, Trustee.
N. B. The creditors of the said Samuel Hepburn are requested to lodge their claims with the vouchers therefor in the Chancery Office within two months from the day of sale.
TRUEMAN TYLER, Trustee.
November 30—wts
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday 11th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark complexion, and slow of expression. His clothing when he went off, was a dark brown broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantalettes—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows.
NATHAN SOPER.
More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write.
N. S.
Prince George's county, Nov. 23—2awtf
FOR SALE,
THREE Two Story BRICK HOUSES, well finished, with back Kitchens and good Cellars, in a very healthy situation on E street near the Great Hotel, and contiguous to the invaluable Hotel Spring—they are all under rent, and will be sold on very accommodating terms; in order to close the estate to which they belong. A good title will be given to the houses and lots. A large Back Building adjoining the above property and under rent is likewise offered for sale. For further particulars apply to
PINEAS BRADLEY.
November 7—6w