The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-01-01 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1125.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, JANUARY 1, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 29.
Mr. Macon said he wished to introduce to the notice of the House a subject which was last session before them, but which was not then finally acted on. He meant the subject of the pensioners of the several states, who had received known wounds during the revolutionary war. It would be recollected that two years ago the House of Representatives had directed the Secretary of War to call upon the several states for a list of all the invalids who were placed on the pension list of each state. To bring this subject again before the House, and to put all the states on equal footing with regard to the pension list, he moved a resolution to this effect which was adopted:
Resolved, That the committee of Claims be instructed to enquire into the expediency of placing on the pension list of the U. S. the persons on each state pension list in consequence of wounds received in the revolutionary war.
Mr. Macon said that he had understood the return from N. Carolina had been lost or mislaid; he therefore presented an authenticated copy of that return; which was referred to the same committee.
Mr. Babb, from the committee appointed to enquire whether the Representative Hall could be made fit for the purposes of speaking and hearing, reported the following resolution, which was agreed to:
Resolved, That the committee of accounts be instructed to direct the hanging of blue curtains between the columns, and that they defray the expenses thereof out of the contingent fund.
An engrossed bill extending certain privileges therein mentioned to Anthony Boucherie, was read the third time and passed.
An engrossed bill supplementary to an act entitled "an act regulating grants of land, and providing for the disposal of lands south of Tennessee," was read the third time and passed.
On motion of Mr. Blount, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Masters in the chair, on the bill from the Senate, for the maintenance of peace and for preserving the authority of the United States in the ports within their jurisdiction.
The bill having been read through five paragraphs as far as the 7th section, without opposition,
Mr. Burwell said he should move that the committee rise and report progress. He had not expected that this bill would have been called up at this time, and was not prepared to give a vote on it. The House was now extremely thin, and upon the discussion of a bill of this importance, every member of the House should be present. He was perfectly unprepared to act on this subject, and the more he reflected, the more he thought they should deliberate before they gave the President of the United States the power of interdicting our ports and harbors to foreign armed vessels; it was a power exclusively reserved to Congress. This bill would besides place the executive of the country in a very awkward situation, requiring from him services which the existing state of the country would not authorize him to perform: it was well known that it had been doubted whether the United States possessed a force competent to expel foreign armed vessels from our waters. If it was necessary to adopt such a measure, the power should certainly be left with Congress, and no authority given to the Executive to do an act which might involve the country in war.
The committee then rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Masters presented the petition of the Wyandott nation of Indians, and other tribes in their behalf, and also the petition of White Knaggs, praying for certain grants or confirmations of titles to certain lands—Referred to the committee of Public Lands.
Mr. W. Alston, in the absence of the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means, moved that the House resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the bill continuing
ing for a limited time the salaries of certain officers of the government. Agreed.
Mr. Storer in the chair.
The bill having been gone through, and reported by the committee, on the suggestion of Mr. Stanford, that there had been some communication on this subject to the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means from some one of the officer of government, its further consideration was postponed till Thursday.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported, in conformity to the resolutions moved by Mr. Crowninshield yesterday, a bill supplementary to the act entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States."—Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Newton said, as the bill was very important, and it was necessary that it should pass through with as much expedition as possible, the laying the embargo being very defective, he moved that it be made the order of the day for this day.
Mr. Quincy objected to its consideration to-day, as the amendment was proposed to an important law; and if the supplementary law were passed in too much haste, it might be necessary in a few days to pass a law to amend the amending law. He wished it to be laid on the table for this day, that they might come to-morrow prepared with all their intelligence on the subject.
Mr. Crowninshield was in favor of an immediate discussion. Gentlemen would recollect, that by the law laying an embargo, no penalties had been laid on vessels departing contrary to its provisions. It was true that registered vessels going from port to port were obliged to give bond that they would not land their cargoes at any foreign port; but no restriction was placed on licenced or coasting vessels. He had in his hand a letter which stated that certain vessels of the latter description were now changing their registers, and taking out coasting licences, as there was no restraint imposed on these by the act, and they might slip off to a foreign port with their cargo. Another provision of the act contemplated the extension of the time for obtaining drawbacks. He hoped gentlemen were all ready to say that the defects in the law should be remedied; and he therefore hoped the bill would be this day considered.
Mr. Lyon said he should not agree to consider the bill till he had taken it home with him, read it, considered, & slept upon it.
Mr. Nicholas pressed the necessity of an immediate discussion.
To-morrow being named as the day the question was of course first taken on that day and negatived—Ayes 21.
To-day was then agreed to without a division.
Mr. Marion presented the petition of sundry merchants and others, in Charleston, S. C. stating that many vessels had cleared out from thence for the purpose of importing slaves, before the law was passed by Congress prohibiting the importation of slaves, and some had cleared out immediately after the passing of the law, and had been detained by accidents beyond the time limited by law, and praying that a law may be passed affording them relief.
The question being put on a motion made by Mr. Marion for a reference of this petition to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, Mr. Masters said, if there was any subject in favor of which a petition should not be referred, it was the slave trade. These petitioners knew when the prohibitory law would go into operation, and they were not entitled to relief by the laws of God or man. The motion for reference was negatived—Ayes 37, Nays 39.
Mr. Smith, of Virginia, obtained leave of absence till Saturday.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Cotts in the chair, on the bill this day reported, for amending the embargo law.
The first section having been read, Mr. Quincy said, when the law imposing the embargo was before the House, he had the honor to submit a motion with respect to fishermen. This was rejected on the ground that it was important to keep out men within the U. States. This amendment
to the law, he presumed, was intended to give fishing vessels a limited privilege of going out to fish. Mr. Q. doubted whether the law would be effectual, because it prohibited vessels from carrying goods foreign or domestic, salt excepted; it might by a strict construction exclude their apparatus or stores. That it might be clearly understood that this class of citizens were not to be deprived of their usual privilege, he moved that the following proviso be added to the end of the section:
And provided that nothing in the act to which this is a supplement shall be construed to prohibit the sailing of any ship or vessel duly registered, enrolled or licensed for carrying on the whale and other fisheries with the usual tackle, apparel, and supplies customary on a fishing voyage.
Mr. Crowninshield objected to the amendment as supererogatory; because he considered it implied in the law imposing the embargo that fishing vessels were excepted: and this he conceived to be the reason why the amendment then proposed by the gentleman last up had not prevailed.
Mr. Quincy supported his amendment, conceiving his colleague's construction of the law incorrect; and believing that the amendment offered by him to the original law had been rejected for very different reasons than those just stated, and which were then urged.
Mr. W. Alston, proposed to the gentleman to withdraw his amendment, in order to move the insertion of the words "apparatus and stores" after the word "salt."
Mr. Macon would rather the question should have been first tried on the principle, by striking out the clause excepting fishing vessels. In the decision on the amendment moved by the gentleman from Massachusetts to the embargo law, gentlemen had voted against it from different reasons. Mr. M.'s reason for voting against it was to keep within the limits of the U. States every thing which would sustain life. His reason for voting in favor of the bill (he knew it would bear hard on fishermen, but equally so every part of the community) was, to try whether they could not produce an effect on the powers of Europe; he therefore wished to prevent provisions or supplies of any kind from going out of the U. States, until a settlement of our differences was had. If the bill were to remain in its present situation, and fishing vessels were to give no security for their return, he could not conceive why whale fishermen should not be as well included as fishermen on our banks. Was there not a motion now before the House, Mr. M. would move to strike out the exception in favor of fishing vessels, to try the question at once.
Mr. Taylor called the attention of the House to the section proposed to the embargo bill by the gentleman from Massachusetts, and which included every idea which was suggested by the present amendment. Mr. T. had understood that the bill now under consideration was intended to narrow down and clear the imperfections visible in the original bill. It appeared to him that it went to widen instead of narrowing the bill; it contained the very proposition which had been in the discussion on the former bill been negatived 32 to 45. The same principle was precisely embraced; and he need say no more after stating the division on the former question.
Mr. Quincy said that it was now intended to extend the provisions of the bill to whale and bank fisheries equally, and he thought this could be so restricted as to prevent infractions of the embargo on goods, wares or merchandise. They had no more right to prevent fishermen from exercising their usual avocation, than to prevent a man from taking his produce from his own farm. This business could not be included under the general head of commerce; it was distinct from commerce altogether. He wished to have the sense of the House on this question specifically understood and clearly designated. It was therefore his duty to insist on his amendment.
Mr. J. Montgomery said, that when this subject was before acted on, it was conceded that there were defects in the bill, and that a supplementary law might be brought forward to prevent evasions of the original law. This course was now pursued; the committee of Commerce and Manufactures had reported a bill for prevent-
ing evasions that might be practised under the law imposing the embargo. Since that law had passed, information had been received that evasions were already practised under it; information had been received, that, as coastwise commerce was permitted by the embargo, merchants were giving up their registers and taking out licences; this was the practice of this day in several ports of the U. States. It became their duty to provide a remedy for this elusion of the law, to close the door on evasion. What was the effect of the proviso under consideration? While the 1st section closed one door, the proviso moved as an amendment to it, opened two doors. Was it not known that merchants sometimes did evade the provisions of laws, and that they were now exercising all their ingenuity to evade the law passed the other day? That law prohibited registered or sea-letter vessels from sailing, but permitted vessels to sail coastwise; the merchants were therefore turning all their vessels into coasters; and if this law passed with the proviso they might call merchant vessels fishing vessels or whaleers. Mr. M. hoped the good sense of the House would not open more doors to fraud or evasion than already were open under the embargo law. He considered this proposition a mere tub to the whale; and hoped it would catch no person in the House.
Mr. Lyon considered with the gentleman from S. C. (Mr. Taylor) that it was not intended that the fishermen should go out while other classes of citizens could not receive benefit from their lumber or tar. He was in favor of telling these men explicitly that they should or should not go out.
Mr. Bacon said it appeared that these fisheries were a great and permanent source of wealth to the nation, and he believed the exercise of that occupation could be so regulated as not to let in any invasion of the general policy of the law; if this could be effected, there could be no objection to the object. The only question then was whether such a provision could be made in favor of fishing vessels, as should prevent them from carrying on an illegal commerce, and shut the door on evasion. An amendment to this effect had been negatived the other day, not he believed because the House was opposed to the principle it contained, but because they did not wish the bill to be encumbered at that time by any other provisions than those it already contained. Neither this nor any other law could be so constructed that an invasion could not be made; but he believed that it might include the right of fishing without affecting the general provisions of the embargo. There was proposed, by the second section of the bill under consideration, a forfeiture and personal penalty on all persons infringing the general provision of the embargo law; a person might undertake a voyage contrary to law; but if he did, he incurred this penalty. The small inconvenience (if any) which would arise from permitting fishing vessels to sail, would by no means counterbalance the ill effects of a restriction to fishermen from pursuing their usual avocation. If this permission was not already implied, he should be in favor of expressing it.
Mr. Newton explained the law in regard to licencing fishing vessels. Although vessels of more than 60 tons were not usually employed in this trade, yet, if not otherwise engaged, vessels of 100 or 500 tons might take out licences for fishing. What had induced the committee to insert this clause in the bill was, that the people in the Northern states were accustomed to supply themselves with fish. As the law now stood, they were excluded from fishing even for their own use.
Mr. Livermore said the amendment offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts seemed to be opposed by different gentlemen on different grounds; and he must say that he was surprised to hear one of his colleagues object to it. The proviso contemplated nothing more than rendering more explicit the first section of the bill. If the first section was essentially wrong, the proviso was unnecessary; if it was the intention of Congress to allow fishing vessels to go out, why not make the section more explicit? He had no idea of stealing a march upon the legislature. If it was their intention, and he prayed that it might be, to let fishing vessels proceed on their business, let it be ex-
plicitly expressed. He did not know but the law imposing an embargo, which he had opposed as much as he could, and the passage of which he should ever regret, might have afforded that privilege by implication; but as it had now become a question before the legislature he wished the intention to be explicitly expressed. Thus much in favor of the proviso: if that were rejected, he should still vote for the first section. He did not precisely know whether it was necessary now to go into a discussion of the propriety of allowing the full exercise of the business of fishing. It is for the people who would by this act be forced to obtain a precarious subsistence by begging. To throw 6000 citizens out of employ, to cast them on the world, to force them to go to foreign countries for employ and livelihood, was to him a serious evil. He hoped that it would be decided that this class of citizens should not be altogether deprived of the means of subsistence; he could see no occasion for it. He conceived that a general embargo could not be intended to deprive them of what was their necessary avocation; the drawing something from the depth of the sea, the making something out of nothing. These men brought property in the U. S. to a large amount—a statement of the annual income of the fisheries had fixed it at three millions of dollars—three millions out of nothing. To prevent them from following an avocation so beneficial to themselves and to the community was in his opinion a serious evil. By suffering them to pursue their avocation on the ocean, did it permit these men to violate any existing law? There was in such a permission no other risk than the mere chance of their being captured or pressed into British service. He begged gentlemen who came from parts of the union different from himself to exercise candor, he requested them to consider the effect of this embargo upon a large portion of his constituents, to weigh the question, whether they would do any essential service to the country by inhibiting this particular trade. He wished gentlemen to place themselves in the situation of these men if they could, and consider for a moment that they were deprived of the means of obtaining a livelihood, which they could not obtain in any other way, and would be driven into the service of foreign governments to obtain from them the protection refused by the U. S. He did not pretend to more expanded views than others, but it was certainly astonishing to him, where gentlemen could discover a necessity for preventing fishermen from going on the ocean to obtain their accustomed livelihood? Whence could a benefit result to the U. S. from such a denial? Was it considered an injury in the year 1794 that fishermen should exercise their calling during the existence of an embargo? No. The only apprehension then was, according to documents which were read the other evening, that possibly the embargo might be evaded by fishing vessels exporting goods; it was then never imagined that going on the fishing grounds and taking fish could have an injurious tendency. As the law now stood he should put the same construction on it as the gentleman from Massachusetts; but as it might create difficulties among the collectors, he wished it to be more explicit, except, and he hoped not, it was their intention to prevent fishing vessels from going out of the U. S.
Mr. Crowninshield explained his reasons for opposing the amendment. He said that the same provision was already expressed in the first section of the bill, and implied in the embargo law; he was decidedly in favor of it, and that fishermen should be allowed to go on the banks, and bring their fish into the United States. He would not admit, even if the provision were struck out of the first section, that their citizens would be obliged to starve in the streets, or seek employ in foreign countries. It was not the intention of the House to deprive these worthy men of the means of subsistence; and he did not wish such an idea to be impressed on the public. If they were deprived of their subsistence, they might think Congress had acted unjustly, but they would submit; they would not seek the service of foreign countries, more especially of Great Britain. He should not have been, had not an

attempt been made to convey an intimation that we were opposed to the principle of the proviso; he was not opposed to it; he believed they ought to be allowed to fish; and he believed if the bill was allowed to pass as it now stood, that the Secretary of the Treasury would conceive himself authorized to permit them to go abroad on their fishing voyage; the Secretary himself had told Mr. C. that he should so consider the intention of the law.
Mr. QUINCY expressed himself opposed to hastening the decision of a measure of so important and complicated a nature as this without one moment's consideration. It seemed from the conversation which had taken place that an addition to this proviso would make it more palatable; he therefore moved to amend his motion by adding as follows:
And provided also that bond with sufficient security be previously given that such ship or vessel shall not directly or indirectly carry on any commerce whatsoever, during the voyage, and shall return with her fishing fare to some port or place within the United States.
Mr. MACON doubted whether the amendment as it now stood would be attended with its contemplated effect; for the first part of the first section excepted those vessels from giving bond, while the proviso proposed declared that they should give bond. While up he would make a few remarks. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) seemed to suppose that gentlemen who opposed the amendment wanted candor; Mr. M. supposed he must mean him, because he was the only person who had opposed it; he would not say whether this severe charge attached with justice to him, but the House would judge, who had so long known him. The same gentleman had said, if this exemption were not made in favor of fishermen, they would go to foreign countries. If this position was sound the whole law was wrong. Where was the difference between fishermen out of employ and sailors out of service? Would not one as soon as the other seek foreign service? If they had so little patriotism, one description would go as soon as the other. The embargo was intended totally to stop our exports; but the gentleman said fishing was a regular business. So was navigating vessels a regular business of seamen; it was the means by which they lived. Another gentleman from Massachusetts was not perfectly correct as to the construction given by the Secretary of the Treasury to the law; which operated no farther than the opinions of those concerned were in concurrence with this opinion. All the Secretary could do, was to give his instructions; and those who thought them not correct could appeal from his construction of the law.
Mr. Livermore said, if any observation had fallen from him impeaching the candor of the gentleman from N. Carolina, he would retract it, for he had seen as much candor in the conduct of that gentleman as of any other within these walls. It was true he had called for candor on this subject, in which he was so nearly interested; he conceived that the feelings of some gentlemen might be different from the feelings of his constituents, and he had called upon gentlemen candidly to consider the subject. He agreed with the gentleman as to the construction of the law; for every person concerned should put such a construction on a law as the words implied. Mr. L. thought they were now going too hastily on this subject; he had been of the same opinion when the embargo law was under consideration, and in every stage of it.
He thought they should not hastily have passed the law; and he had contended that there was no necessity for that precipitation which had prevailed, for taking a leap in the dark, when every consideration should have induced them to pause and proceed with deliberation. And the House were now proceeding on this bill without having had time to consider it; the committee of Commerce and Manufactures had reported, and the House was called upon implicitly to follow them, without further light on the subject. The gentleman had said that the same argument would apply to sailors as to fishermen; that they also might throw off their allegiance to the U. S. This was the very thing Mr. L. had contended in conclave, and would have contended for it longer, had not his voice been drowned by the noise which was made, and the determination which was manifested to prevent debate. The colossal power of a majority had put down the still small voice of reason and had declared that strength alone should reign. While he had a right to give his voice, Mr. L. said, he would argue against measures, brought forward and received on so precipitately, when based on false or fallacious grounds.
It seemed as if it had been determined to run headlong into them without giving reason time to operate. If the present law were to be passed in this manner, in a few days perhaps gentlemen would come forward with a proposition to amend this, as this was a proposition to amend the former. From the short time which he had to consider the measure in its present form (though he had revolved the general measure and its ill effects repeatedly in his mind) he had not sufficient to consider the different provisions of the bill. He therefore moved that the committee rise and obtain leave to sit again.
Mr. Love pressed the decision of the question on the amendment, and opposed the motion for the rising of the committee. There was now no question of policy or impolicy of an embargo to be considered; the only question was, to secure that part of the citizens of the U. States, who obtained a livelihood by fishing, from infractions of the general provisions of the law. Why should they deprive the fishermen of their wonted occupation, if they gave proper security that they should not touch at a foreign port? This was a plain question on which every one could decide.
Mr. J. MONTGOMERY observed that the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) had done well in allowing the gentleman from N. C. a claim to candor, for his conduct ever did evidence his liberality. But were not other gentlemen entitled to the same allowance? Mr. M. was not much acquainted with the gentleman from Massachusetts, but he should conceive from the language he had used, that the anathema which he had pronounced against others, recoiled upon himself. What did the gentleman mean by the colossal power of the majority? Where did this exist to the exclusion of the still small voice of reason? Mr. M. had seen no evidence of it in this House during the discussion of the law which the gentleman had alluded to. If that gentleman had a particle of candor in his composition, he would appeal to it whether liberality and forbearance were not the order of the day? What was the conduct of the majority on that evening when language was used unworthy of a Representative or a citizen? They manifested a forbearance at which he had been astonished. While he was up, Mr. M. said he would take occasion to notice a letter which had appeared in New-York and other papers, purporting to be a letter from a member of Congress, bearing date the 19th of December. Mr. M. could not believe that any gentleman on the floor could use such language as was contained in that letter. What member would rise in his place and tell the House that they were under French influence, knowing as he must that no such influence existed? What man would tell the House that French influence guided them, and that they in consequence of it were acting in conclave? What man would express his abhorrence of their proceedings and tell them that their conduct was infamous? Mr. M. could not conceive that any man who could use this unprincipled language would be entitled to a seat on this floor. No; he would not believe that this letter could be written by a member of Congress; he must pronounce it a foul, base, and unprincipled calumny.
The law of embargo was now passed; it was the duty of every man to rally around the measure, and of Congress, to make such amendments as would render it complete. It was now a late hour, but he thought the principle under consideration should be decided before they adjourned.
[The following is the letter alluded to. It originally appeared in the N. Y. Evening Post, and is pronounced by the republican prints of New-York the production of Mr. Gardenier. It will be remarked, from its date, that it was written while the injunction of secrecy still remained in force.]
Washington, Dec. 19th, 1807. Dear Sir, Yesterday we received a message from the President of a confidential nature. We immediately closed our doors, and they are still closed. Of course I am not permitted to inform you either what the President has communicated to us, or what we have done in consequence of it. But I may be permitted to tell you we are doing no good. I fear we are about to plunge the nation into the most dreadful calamities—unnecessarily and wantonly—I am now more than ever persuaded that there is but too much FRENCH INFLUENCE. And it is well that those who succumb to it, should act in secret. This is the reason, and I pledge myself to you, almost the only reason why we sit with closed doors. Our deliberations no more require secrecy at this moment, than they did when we were debating on the subject of fortifications. Nay, sir, we are in my opinion, violating
the great rights of the people, by sitting at this moment with closed doors. I cannot express to you in terms sufficiently strong, my abhorrence of what we are doing, and the manner in which we are doing it.]
The motion for the committee to rise was negatived, Ayes 32.
Mr. MILNOR said the House was now very thin, and it was desirable, that on measures of so much importance they should have a full expression of the opinion of the House. When the original embargo law was passed, a large number of members were present; it was then wished to postpone the bill, and in vain urged that there had not been sufficient time maturely to digest it. The present bill contemplated an amendment to that act; and as it had been but a very short time before the House; he hoped they should have further time to consider it. He was not prepared to vote for this amendment; for although he might be in favor of fishermen pursuing their usual employment, the licence for that purpose should be so restricted as to render evasion impossible. True, he did not vote for the law laying an embargo; but since it did exist, he wished that it should be carried into full effect, that there should be no evasion; and he sincerely wished it might answer the purposes contemplated by the gentlemen who first proposed it. He understood that one of the principal objects of the embargo was to preserve our seamen: now he did think that if a free and unrestricted licence was granted to fishermen, it would be the means of drawing out a large proportion of our seamen, and thus expose them to impressment by the British. This was one great reason which would induce him to vote against the amendment; he was not however prepared to decide, and wished further time to digest it; he considered it a matter of more importance than most gentlemen seemed to be aware of. If every vessel in the United States was at liberty to take out a fishing licence, it was necessary to guard the privilege by strong restrictions and large security. As the bill under consideration now stood, it expressed that bond with sufficient security should be given; this loose and undefined expression would put it in the power of the officers of the revenue to connive at evasions. He was opposed to the amendment under consideration, and even to the section as it now stood.
Mr. SMILIE hoped the committee would at least decide on the amendment; when it might be proper to rise and resume the subject to-morrow morning; at the same time he thought the bill should pass as soon as possible. When gentlemen were talking on this subject, he wished them to consider whether other classes of citizens were not equally affected by this measure as fishermen. He wished the House to recollect that the measure which it had been obliged to adopt, subjected the whole agricultural interest to great inconvenience, and did not affect commerce only? Would they have ever had a contest with Great Britain or France, but for the carrying trade? They would not. Had not their tables been loaded with petitions from these men for years past, calling upon Congress forcibly to take some measure for the protection of their men and vessels? Had not this been the class of men who had called most loudly for energetic measures, and should they now enjoy an exemption while all other classes suffered deprivation? He hoped not. With respect to seamen he entertained an opinion different from that which had been expressed by some gentlemen; he thought they had too much patriotism to go into foreign service; they had been tried and found worthy of trust, and would be found so now. The House had been told that these men, thrown out of employ, would be obliged to beg in the streets for subsistence. Mr. S. said such would not be the case; the man who in this country wanted bread, must be a man who did not deserve it. If men could not find subsistence on the water their country was blessed with an abundant soil. What did gentlemen mean by opposition to measures now adopted? Did they intend to give up all claim to our rights as an independent nation, or did they mean to make a stand against oppression? If they meant to contend that the power of making money was more valuable than our national rights, let them openly express it. What measure would they propose as a substitute to that which had been adopted? They had not submitted any other when this was under consideration. He hoped he should be clearly understood as conveying the idea that whilst he was willing to do justice to the mercantile interest of the country, and grant them any protection which was consistent with the honor and interest of the country, they must not look for exclusive privileges; they must partake of the general stock, and suffer the same pri-
vations as other parts of the community.
Mr. QUINCY said that fishermen and merchants whom the gentleman last up had confounded together, were totally distinct classes of people. The object of the embargo was expressed in the message of the President of the United States, and it had no other object than that. The allowing fishermen to go about on the coast and banks to obtain a livelihood (the only way in which they could support themselves) was not at all within the object for which the President had recommended an embargo. Gentlemen had said that they could obtain a livelihood on land. Mr. Q. said they could not; they were accustomed only to water. Would the House then doom this industrious class of people to distress & want, by a deprivation of their only means of subsistence.
Mr. HOLLAND moved that the committee should rise. He believed that no gentleman wished to deprive any particular class of citizens of their occupation; but merely to secure the general embargo from infraction; and this they would do more effectually after further consideration.
The committee then rose and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. BASSET presented the following resolution, which he considered of importance, and wished to put in a way of being considered.
Whereas the Constitution of the United States provides, that no officer of the government shall be eligible to a seat in either House of Congress, thereby establishing the genuine republican principle, that the members of the representative body should be exempt from every improper bias. And as it is the bounden duty of the representatives of the people to give the fullest effect to constitutional principles.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law to prohibit the officers of government from making any contract, on behalf of the United States, with any person being a member of either House of Congress, or with any other person for his or their use.
Resolved, That every contract hereafter to be made on the part of the government of the United States, shall contain a clause or condition to render the contract absolutely void, if the contractor should be elected a member of either House of Congress.
Resolved, That any officer, infringing the foregoing provisions, ought to be punished by removal from office, and incapacity of ever after holding any office.
These resolution were referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
WEDNESDAY, DEC. 30. On motion of Mr. Newton, the House resolved itself into committee of the whole on the bill supplementary to the act laying an embargo.
Mr. Quincy's motion for amendment being yet under consideration, Mr. Newton said, that as considerable difficulty had yesterday arisen on the consideration of the bill, from the clause respecting fishermen not being sufficiently explicit, if the gentleman from Massachusetts would withdraw his motion, he would propose a new section as a substitute to the first.
Mr. Quincy said he had no particular preference for any form, if he obtained his object, and withdrew his motion for adding a proviso, when
Mr. Newton moved to strike out the first section of the bill: which being agreed to,
Mr. Newton moved the insertion of a new section, to the same effect as the other, but in somewhat different terms.
Mr. Macon, to settle the principle at once, moved to strike out that part making an exception in favor of fishing vessels.
This motion was negatived—Ayes 23.
The new section moved by Mr. Newton was then agreed to without a division.
The bill then progressed by paragraphs. In the course of its consideration, many verbal amendments were made, not materially affecting the principle of the bill, on which a desultory conversation took place. The two most material amendments proposed are hereafter noticed.
The fourth section, imposing a penalty and forfeiture on all foreign vessels which shall during the embargo "take on board any specie or goods" other than provisions, &c. being under consideration,
Mr. Macon did not wish to encumber this law for explaining the former law with provisions in themselves impracticable; he therefore moved to amend the section by striking out the words in italic, relative to specie; as he believed it would be utterly impracticable to enforce that prohibition.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Marion, Pitkin, Dana, Maccon, and Quincy, and opposed by
Messrs. Crowninshield, Newton, and Taylor.
The advocates of the motion generally contended for it on the ground of expediency; that if the exportation were not permitted, citizens indebted in foreign countries could not pay their debts when they became due, as they were already prohibited from sending produce; that the denial of the right to export specie would operate very severely on these merchants, as they must either lose their credit, or pay an enormous premium for bills of exchange which would be above par, which loss some merchants, supposing that the present state of things would not continue for any length of time, would suffer rather than risk the destruction of their credit abroad, and of course of their business; that money was useful only when in circulation, and accumulated millions in the country would be a loss to the community; that such a prohibition would afford an opportunity for speculation, so much money being locked up in the country, dollars would become much below par in value, whereas a premium of 3 and 4 cent. had been heretofore given for silver to send to the East-Indies or China; that the general restriction on specie supposed to be implied in the former law would affect only the master, commander, or owner, while every other person concerned, as sailors, &c. could not be prevented from carrying it on board; that an idea had been thrown out that this permission to export would indulge the merchant and affect the planter injuriously, which was not correct, for it would be impossible to prevent this money going out of the country in some way; if it was possible to prevent its exportation from ports of the U. States, it would exude through the channel of the neighbouring provinces. It was also contended, that it was totally impracticable to prevent the exportation of specie; that the most powerful monarchies in the world had in vain attempted that object; that the small bulk in which specie could be conveyed, would render it impossible to prevent its exportation; that such prohibitory laws generally had an effect contrary to that intended; and the experience of other governments had proved, that from the moment such a law was enacted, specie became more and more scarce, till it could scarcely be procured at all.
Those who opposed the motion, and of course advocated the restriction of exportation of specie, contended that it was highly expedient to prohibit the exportation, because if it were allowed, foreigners alone would be benefited by it, as they could bring goods from the West-Indies or elsewhere, and carry specie in return; in reply to the hardship on merchants, which was complained of, it was said that while planters and farmers where suffering by their produce having become of little or no value, it would be absurd to allow merchants to export specie merely because they would otherwise have to pay interest on money due by them in foreign countries; [Mr. Newton denied that bills of exchange would increase in value from the effects of embargo] the effect of a permission to foreigners to export specie would be, that they could bring their produce or manufacture into this country, and take away specie in return, while by the general embargo our produce was rotting in stores, and could not be exported; that the prohibition of the exportation was no doubt implied by the law laying the embargo, though it would be well it should be here expressed, as this law was intended to give the other a more effectual operation. In reply to the assertion of the impracticability of enforcing a law prohibiting the exportation of specie, it was contended that although foreign powers had prohibited the exportation it had been under a penalty merely of perhaps 10 or 15 per cent. on the amount, while the present law contemplated not only the forfeiture of vessel and cargo concerned in the infraction of the law, but besides imposed a personal penalty for every offence of the kind; that the case of other nations therefore did not apply to this; that the prohibition could as easily be carried into effect on specie as on goods; the revenue officers being faithful and seeing the laws strictly enforced; that it would be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to put an inspector on board every foreign vessel in port, and to retain him on board till such vessel sailed, to prevent the law from being infringed: that the small space occupied by specie would not afford so great an opportunity as was imagined of conveying it clandestinely away, for although there was by the general laws of the U. S. a heavy duty on the importation of watches and jewellery (which occupied as little compass at least as specie) there were very few, if any instances of their being smuggled into the country.

The question being taken on Mr. Macon's motion for striking out the prohibition on exporting specie, was negatived—Ayes 24.
Mr. Munford offered the following as a proviso to be added to the 6th and last section (which extends the time for obtaining drawbacks:)
And that the term now allowed by law for the payment of all bonds on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States shall be, and the same is hereby extended for and during the term of six months beyond the time specified on said bonds.
Considerable objection being made to this by several gentlemen on the ground of its being too extensive and the difficulty of fixing a precise period for the extension of the time when these bonds should become due, and also from the great injury which the revenue would sustain from such a measure,
The above amendment was so modified as to extend the payment of the bonds beyond and during the continuance of the act laying an embargo.
This motion was negatived, ayes 13.
The bill having been gone through the committee rose and reported it to the House.
A message was received from the President of the U. S. on Indian affairs, and referred to the committee on military and naval establishments.
THURSDAY, DEC. 31.
The bill supplementary to the act laying an embargo was discussed in the House, when, about 1 o'clock, on motion of Mr. Randolph, it was postponed.
Mr. Randolph then rose for the purpose of making a motion, and giving information to the House which he had just received. This was a duty which he owed not only to himself, but to the enlightened and independent freeholders who gave him a seat on this floor, and to the country at large. Within a few days information had been put into his possession, of a nature and on a subject which he deemed it proper for the constituted authority to enquire into. Had this information come earlier into his possession, he should not till now have delayed giving it publicity. He would first state certain facts, and those facts would be the ground of his motion, on which he should offer no argument. Mr. R. then read the following documents.
TRANSLATION.
In the galley the Victoria, Bernardo Molina, Patron, there have been sent to Don Vincent Folch, nine thousand six hundred and forty dollars, which sum, without making the least use of it, you will hold at my disposal to deliver it at the moment that an order may be presented to you by the American general, Don James Wilkinson. God preserve you many years.
New Orleans, 20th Jan. 1796.
The BARON DE CARONDELET. To Senor Don Thomas Portell.
I certify that the foregoing is a copy of its original to which I refer.
(Signed) TOMAS PORTELL.
New Madrid, 27th June, 1796.
Fort Washington, Sept. 22, 1796.
Ill health and many pressing engagements must be my apology for a short letter. I must refer you to my letter to the Baron for several particulars and for a detail of my perils and abuses. I must beg leave to refer you to our friend Power whom I find of youthful enterprise and fidelity; he certainly deserves well of the court and I don't doubt that he will be rewarded.
What political crisis is the present! and how deeply interesting in its probable results, in all its tendencies, and thereby must hope it may not be carried into execution. If it is, an entire reform in the police and the military establishments of Louisiana will be found immediately indispensable to the security of the Mexican provinces. I beg you to write me fully on this question in cypher by Power, whose presence in Philadelphia is necessary, as well to clear his own character, attacked by Wayne, as to support the fact of the outrage recently offered to the Spanish crown in his person, and to bring me either the person or the deposition of a man, now under your command, who had been suborned by Wayne to bear false witness against me, and afterwards for fear he should recant, bribed him to leave Kentucky. Power will give you the perfect of this infamous transaction, and I conjure you by all the ties of friendship and of policy to assist him on this occasion. If Spain does not resent the outrage offered to Power in the face of all Kentucky. My letter to the Baron will explain the motives, which carry me to Philadelphia, from thence I will write again to you. Power will explain to you circumstances which justify the belief of the great treachery that has been practised with respect to the money lately sent me. For the love of God & friendship enjoin great secrecy and caution in all our concerns. Never suffer my name to be written or spoken. THE SUSPICION OF WASHINGTON IS RISEN AWAKE. Beware of Bradford, the Fort Pitt refugee, he seeks to
make peace—there are spies everywhere. We have a report here that you are appointed governor of Louisiana. God Grant it, as I presume the Baron will be promoted. I am your affectionate friend. W.
Copy of a letter in cypher received from general Wilkinson. Natchez 6th of February, 1797.
(Signed) Manuel Gayosa de Lemos. In a separate paper he says what follows:
This will be delivered to you by Noland whom you know is a child of my own raising, true to his profession and firm in his attachments to Spain. I consider him a powerful instrument in our hands, should occasion offer, I will answer for his conduct. I am deeply interested in whatsoever concerns him and I confidently recommend him to your warmest protection. I am evidently your affectionate
WILKINSON.
A copy, (Signed) Manuel Gayosa de Lemos.
N. B. Don Gayoso was then governor of Natchez and the same year was made governor of Louisiana.
Mr. Randolph stated the following to be an extract of a letter signed T. Power, whose hand-writing he understood could be identified:
"On the 27th of the same month [October last] appeared in the Richmond Enquirer a certificate given by myself to Gen. Wilkinson in New Orleans on the 16th of May preceding. Immediately on my getting sight of this piece, which was the same or the next day, I addressed a note to his Excellency Gen. Wilkinson [No. 3.] Of this I did not keep a copy and therefore dare not vouch that it is an exact literal transcript of the original. But I will be bold to say that it is nearly (or to make use of the General's own language) substantially the same.
Between my repeated declarations to many of my friends and acquaintances (I must say it with a blush) and this certificate there is a manifest contradiction. And between this same certificate and the deductions to be drawn from my declaration before the Richmond court, there is an apparent inconsistency which it is now my task to clear up and reconcile.
During Gen. Wilkinson's residence in New Orleans last winter, I used occasionally to visit him—a few days before he left Orleans I waited upon him one morning, and after some conversation on certain transactions that had taken place at a former period in the western country, and on the delicate situation in which his conduct during the winter was likely to place him, he asked me if I had any objection to give him a certificate that might help him to silence that foul mouthed Bradford, and refute the assertions of the editor of the Western World. I replied without hesitation that I had none, and would give him one with pleasure, provided he promised me it should not be published. On this he assured me that the only use he proposed to make of it, was to lay it before the President, with the view to prove the falsehood of the charges circulated against him, vindicate his character and secure the confidence of the executive. This if not exactly, is substantially what the general said. He then desired me to sit down and write the certificate. I observed that I might not make it out entirely to his satisfaction; and that as he best knew the points he wished should be embraced in it he had better make it out himself, and I would copy it. To this he agreed. Next morning I waited on his Excellency, and he presented me the certificate, which I copied, as it has been published with a few alterations. One, a very material one, is that after these words, "do most solemnly declare that I have, at no time carried or delivered to General James Wilkinson." I erased the words "either directly or indirectly." And declared to the general that I could not insert those words. He did not insist and contented himself with saying that he wished me to insert them if my conscience would allow it, but not otherwise. This is ingeniously, exactly what passed between the general and myself at that time.
Now let me, with the same frankness and ingenuousness, without referring to any preceding or subsequent event, narrate the transaction of 1796, alluded to in my certificate, and concerning which I offered to give testimony in the Federal circuit court in Richmond. It is the same that is the subject of the affidavits of Messrs. Derbigny and Mercier. That of the former gentleman is correct as to substance, for I actually did receive from capt. Dn. Thomas Portell, commandant of New Madrid, the sum of 9640 $ for general Wilkinson, towards the latter end of June or beginning of July, 1796, which was packed up in the manner described by Mr. Derbigny, and when I was stopped and my boat searched on the Ohio by lieut. Steele, under the orders of Gen. Anthony Wayne, I had other sums on board, but this was the only one I had received for general Wilkinson. On my arrival at Louisville, determined not to expose myself a second time to mi-
litary insult and fearful of being overtaken by Steele on his return, and of being again overhauled, I landed my cargo, purchased a horse, and proceeded by land to Cincinnati. As I passed through Lexington, I published in Stewart's Kentucky Herald my affidavit concerning this outrage, supported by those of the spectators of the transaction, Welsh, White and Sansom; preceded by a few strictures on this military piracy, signed impartial. And I now take this opportunity of clearing gen. Wilkinson of the charge of being the author of it, as is asserted by Bradford of New Orleans, and declare it was written by myself, and that, excepting Captain Campbell Smith, no person ever saw it before it was put into the hands of the printer.
At Cincinnati I acquainted general W. with the circumstances that had occurred, and he gave me orders to deliver the money to Mr. Philip Nolan. These orders I punctually executed. Mr. Nolan conveyed the barrels of sugar and coffee, that contained the dollars to Frankfort in a waggon. I there saw them opened in Mr. Montgomery Brown's store. The sugar and coffee, I afterwards sold to Mr. Abijah Hunt of Cincinnati.
I shall take no notice of Mr. M c Donough's affidavit. It does not refer to anything alluded to in my certificate. That part of mine that has reference to my mission to Kentucky and Detroit in 1797, I shall also pass over in silence as it has no connexion with the present subject.
I will now endeavor in a few words to reconcile what may appear contradictory and inconsistent in my certificate, and the declaration I have just laid before you.
Was I base, and dishonorable enough, to descend to tergiversation, captious logic, and sophistical evasion, I could maintain that this contradiction does not exist, and that I never did carry or deliver to gen. Wilkinson any cash, bills, or property of any species. It is true, I delivered a certain sum of money by his order to Mr. Nolan; but Philip Nolan is not James Wilkinson; ergo, I may with a safe conscience swear that I never delivered James Wilkinson any money, &c. but I scorn to make use of such pitiful, contemptible and degrading mode of defence, and will allow for a moment, that I did deliver to gen. Wilkinson the monies in question. It is generally admitted that in politics morality is not to be measured by the same narrow scale as that which ought to regulate the moral conduct of men in their private concerns. The rigid stoic would on a long run make but a bungling politician; and the most austere moralist, if he has his country's interest at heart, and is acting in a public capacity, would not hesitate to do that which as a private man, and in private concerns he would shrink and recede from with horror and trembling precipitation.
Let us now for a while suppose that I was a secret agent of the Spanish government, and that gen. Wilkinson was a pensioner of said government, or had received certain sums for co-operating with and promoting its views, and that those views and projects were inimical to that of the U. States, should I be worthy of the trust reposed in me by my government, were I to refuse to give gen. W. any document that might contribute to raise him in the good opinion of the administration of his country, blazon his integrity, and patriotism, and fortify him in their confidence, and by their means enlarge his power of injuring them and serving us? Surely not; or if I did, I should deserve to be hooted as an idiot.
Mr. Randolph then said, it would be waste of time to comment on what he had read; but he conceived it his duty to tell the House that he had good cause to believe that there was a member of this body, who had it in his power, if the authority of the House were exercised upon him, if he were coerced, to give the House much more full, important, and damning evidence, than that which had already appeared. He alluded to the gentleman from the territory of Orleans (Mr. Clark) whom he had now the pleasure to see in his seat. If the United States were in the critical situation which had been so often represented, and in which all considered them to be placed, in what position was the military force of the U. States at this moment? Was it not proper that this business should be inquired into? He had been given to understand long ago that an enquiry on this subject was to be courted; it had not taken place. He had no more to say, but moved the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause an enquiry to be instituted into the conduct of Brig. Gen. James Wilkinson, commander in chief of the armies of the United States, in relation to his having, at any time, while in the service of the United States, corruptly received money from the government of Spain, or its agents.
Mr. Clarke said he unexpectedly heard himself named, and he would
observe, that it had been long supposed, from his residence in Louisiana, his acquaintance with military officers, and the various means of information which he might have possessed while consul at Orleans, that he was acquainted with certain transactions which had taken place in that country. The knowledge which he had possessed, and had endeavored to impart to the administration at different times, both verbally and by a written correspondence, to which a deaf ear had been turned. As this information had not been attended to, he had refused to gratify curiosity on the subject. And notwithstanding the gentleman's calling upon him, he felt himself bound to say, that he would not be influenced by fear, favor or affection, to give any information on the subject, except compelled by a resolution of the House.
[A further detail in our next.] A debate ensued, which continued till past 5 o'clock, almost entirely on the mode proper to be pursued, whether to refer the resolution to a select committee or a committee of the whole, or to pass it without reference. No decision was however, made. The further consideration of the subject was postponed on motion of Mr. Smith till Monday.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 1.
Letters from Baltimore advise that the Statira frigate, with Mr. Rose, the British Envoy Extraordinary on board, was spoken on the 24th, going into Lynnhaven Bay, by a pilot boat sch'r.
The British Packet, for Falmouth, sailed on the 27th ult. having been dispatched several days earlier than is usual by the British minister, with the act laying an embargo.
Mr. Adams, yesterday submitted to the SENATE a report in the case of John Smith, a member of that body. As the report is very long, and it is our intention to insert it entire in our next paper, we shall at present take but a brief notice of it.
Previously to its being offered, on motion of Mr. Adams, Mr. Smith was notified to attend in his place, in compliance with which notification he immediately took his seat.
The report was then read. It is couched in energetic and impressive language, and will command the universal attention of the American people. It begins with unequivocally avowing the opinion that any person engaged in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr is unworthy of a seat in the Senate, and submits to the decision of the Senate how far the facts exhibited prove John Smith to have been so engaged. It then states the course pursued by the committee in receiving evidence, and adds that Mr. Smith had appeared before the committee, and given full information on every point deemed important by him; but that he still claims the right to be heard by counsel and to be confronted by witnesses before the Senate.
The opinion is intimated that under the peculiar circumstances of the case, Mr. Smith ought not to have hesitated to have met the charges against him by a plain acknowledgment or denial, instead of entrenching himself behind the technical forms of law.
An elaborate, and extremely interesting investigation ensues on the discretionary power of the Senate to expel a member without being controlled by the rigid principles that characterize ordinary judicial proceedings. The conspiracy of Burr is represented in the blackest colors, and the prosequi entered in the case of John Smith is considered as no evidence of his innocence.
The report concludes with a resolution, that John Smith, a Senator from the state of Ohio, by his participation in the conspiracy of A. Burr, has been guilty of conduct which incapacitates him from holding a seat in the Senate, and that he be expelled therefrom.
The documents, accompanying the report, are very voluminous. Among them is the answer of Mr. Smith, covering 96 manuscript pages. Mr. Adams also offered a further report, made in consequence of a supplementary instruction of the Senate. This report states the existence of an allegation against John Smith, that since his election as a Senator, he had taken an oath of allegiance to the king of Spain. On enquiry the committee consider the oath as having been taken, but previously to his election. They conclude with the opinion that it is unnecessary to take further order on this charge.
The first report was ordered to be printed. On the printing Mr. Smith's answer a short and desultory conversation took place. A part of that answer goes to implicate the character of judge Nimmo, and the committee being of opinion that this part of the answer was altogether irrelevant to the charges against Mr. S. it was thought by them unnecessary and improper uselessly to criminate Mr. Nimmo by making the publication,
leaving it however to the discretion of the Senate. This conversation was arrested by the reading of the whole paper and others connected with it.
The motion to print Mr. Smith's answer was then renewed and insisted upon by Mr. Illhouse. It was opposed by Messrs. Adams, Pope, Bradley and Crawford, on the ground that it contained observations relative to judge Nimmo, altogether irrelevant to the charges against Mr. Smith, and that these together with accompanying letters related to his private life while in England, and that it would be highly improper for the Senate to sanction such a publication, especially in the case of one, who could not be heard before them in vindication of his character. It was finally, on the suggestion of Mr. Goodrich, determined to return the answer to Mr. Smith, that he might expunge the exceptional matter. In this Mr. Smith acquiesced; when the Senate adjourned about 4 o'clock.
COMMUNICATION.
Vive la Bagatelle.
The first of January, 1808.
TUNE—"Yankee Doodle."
1—I HAIL new Eighteen hundred eight, Perhaps renown'd in Story; Though none can see COLUMBIA'S fate, I'll sing her days of glory. CHORUS—Yankee doodle is the tune
Its notes are so delightful! Then join chorus every one Who means to join in fighting 2—Our Yankee boys from former wars, Came home both fat and funny, They'd INDEPENDENCE (scall'd with scars), Although they had no money.
They Yankee doodle sung aloud, Yankee doodle dandy, While els came dancing in a crowd, And bled like cherry brandy!
3—Each told his list of scenes of war, And dangers past recounted; While trickled down the pearly tear At hearing his surmounted.
But Yankee doodle joining hands, Yankee doodle dandy, Began to form their honest plans, To take their jys more handy.
4—They regimental parades laid by, Resum'd the frock and trow sers; And while bright hope illum'd each eye, They built them huts or houses.
Then Yankee play away, Yankee doodle dandy, Should wars return in future day, You'll find young soldiers handy.
5—Some scuttled down on Dadda's farm, Some mov'd out to Kentucky; While others western lands did charm, Each bought himself most lucky.
While Yankee doodle cheer'd each heart, Yankee doodle dandy, Nor fear'd from those dear scenes to part As sweet as fugas candy.
6—By honest toil they clear'd their lands, Bred cows, and faxes, and herces; They happy liv'd in social bands, All nurline lads and lass's.
But Yankee doodle growing wile, Yankee doodle dandy, Looks out for storms that may rise, From foes w'ser or handy.
7—An ancient proverb went about, The people said 'twas true, fir— It said "when rogues and knaves fall out The honest get their due fir"—
Sing, Yankee doodle, honest heart, Yankee doodle dandy, While Johnny Bull and Bonaparte, Steal all our hips to haney.
8—They scuttled upon another rule, Perhaps 'twas prove a wrong scent, "The world's a cheat—and he's a fool Who does not have a hand in't."
Now, Yankee doodle, keep in port, Yankee doodle dandy, That's the way to spoil their sport, And make them lean and scrawdy.
9—Some few our honest course would stop, Who sport aloud most hearty, With Royal notes shrivell'd up, Can smell a strong French party.
But Yankee doodle, never mind, Yankee doodle dandy, Rogues and knaves shall quickly find Republicans are handy.
10—But why this dreadfull scent affairs, The funny dupe supposes, If no discernment which prevails, 'Tis smelt through BRITISH noses.
But Yankee doodle hold avast, Yankee doodle dandy, All honest men are learning fast, Who guard their rights most handy.
11—We've spirits choice, a little band, With ROYAL hopes inflated, Had justice grasp'd with IRON hand They had been elevated.
Yankee doodle, crook'd times, Yankee doodle dandy; When Law can equal at blackest crimes, And ease away so handy.
12—In vain we've strove by doing right, To live with all in peace, fir; But Ya kees one and all will fight Ere they wi't brook disgrace, fir.
Yankee doodle stand erect, Yankee doodle dandy, No peace my boys, can we expect Unless to fight we're handy.
13—A bran new scheme is now the toast, By iron brought to light, fir; If knavish heads of age can lead, Then force can make them right, fir.
Yankee doodle, now we fight, Yankee doodle dandy, Keep your muckers clean and bright And learn to use them handy.
14—Then Yankee bold, brush up each gun, Despising fear or dangers; Each to the nearest sea port run To meet that bold strong fir.
Yankee doodle bold advance, Note how scenes have put on, Virginia boys began this dance, As Yankees erst at Bunker.
15—But fly and let 'em at Congress, say; "If knows would f'th be cheating, Fobor's the word; we'e all away, To give our jces a beating."
Yankee doodle sail forth, Yankee doodle dandy, Vermont boys, free to the North, Tho' line our coasts, w'ch ahdy.

NON PLUS ULTRA. The Subscriber has received by Captain HAND, Jun. Four PIANO FORTES, Two from Clements, and two from Broadwood, instrument makers, in London, which he offers for sale on moderate terms. They are without exception, and in every regard the best in this District, and will be warranted good and of superior quality, by P. MAURO, at the Seven Buildings. December 20—1w
NOTICE. I SHALL offer to the highest bidder, on the first Monday in February next, unless prevented by a private sale before, of which due notice will be given; that very celebrated and lucrative INN, at present occupied by Captain BROOKS, in the town of Upper Marlinton, with TEN acres of adjacent Ground, and all its common appurtenances, on a credit of four years, with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale; one fourth of the purchase money to be paid at the expiration of two years, with interest; one fourth at the end of the third year, with interest, and the residue on the termination of the fourth year; thereby affording an opportunity, to even a tolerable manager, of making the property more than pay for itself before one cent can be inconveniently demanded from him. THOS. C. BOWIE. November 11—wtdos
The Sale of the above Property is postponed till the 1st Monday in February next. T. C. B. December 30—4t
NOTICE. The Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned are hereby informed that the tax for the year 1807, becomes due this day, and that the inhabitants will be called on during the present month, the amount of tax the same as for the year 1806. The subscriber returns his thanks to those who have usually called at his office, and settled their accounts, and will still be thankful to those and others who may make it convenient to settle in that way. He also informs those who may be in arrears that no further indulgence can be given and that they must pay the amount due when called on, or their property must be seized and sold to satisfy the same. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington city. December 14—1m
VALUABLE NEGROES FOR SALE. On Tuesday the 5th day of January next will be sold to the highest bidder at the Dwelling Plantation of the Miss Hood's, near the city of Annapolis for cash only, between 30 and 40 valuable country born Slaves, consisting of men women and children, two house carpenters and joiners, several house servants and cooks. The cause of these negroes being sold is, they have too many masters to reduce their number by sale, or person from any of the southern states, or their agents will be admitted to bid. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock and continue until all are sold, by WILLIAM WORTHINGTON, Sr. Acting for the Miss Hood's. December 9—3w
ROSS AND GETTY. IN Addition to a Large and General Assortment of GROCERIES, have for sale at their store next door to the Union Tavern George Town, Genuine Old Madeira, Sicily Madeira, Sherry, Particular Teneriffe, Old Port in hogsheads and in bottles, Lisbon, Malaga, Corsica, Claret & Pontiac, Cognac, Bordeaux, Peach, and Apple Brandy, Jamaica, Antigua, and New England Rum, Holland and Country Gin, Irish and Country Whiskey, Crab Apple Cider, in hogsheads and bottles, French Cordials and Sweet-Meats of different kinds Olives, Capers, Anchovies, Salmon, Mackerel, Cod-fish, and smoked Herrings. By the Schooner Fair American, captain Clements from New York and the ship Unity, captain Hand from Philadelphia, besides many other articles in the Grocery Line, they have received a quantity of CHEESE, Currants, Spanish Sugars of an excellent quality; best winter stained Sperm-citi Oil, Mould and Dip'd Candles, &c. &c. November 6—tf
VALUABLE LOTS, To be Sold at Public Auction. Four Lots, Nos. 8, 9, 13, & 14, in square No. 238. This valuable property, contiguous to which are Mr. Van Ness's, and other highly improved lots, is also partly situated on 13th and D streets, the former being the street on which the Branch Bank stands; they are about midway between the Bank and the Tyber. The situation would be very eligible to any of the gentlemen attached to the public offices to improve on, as it is not more than five minutes walk from thence to the President's square, and as they will be sold on very low and accommodating terms; if they are not disposed of by Tuesday the 12th day of January ensuing, they will on that day, if fair, if not the next fair day, be offered at public sale, at 1 o'clock at Rhodes hotel. The subscriber will in the mean time make known the terms and shew the premises to any person or persons desirous of purchasing. S. SPEAKE, Auct. December 21—eptdos
NOTICE. A GENTLEMAN, unencumbered with a wife or family, of unexceptionable moral character and uniform exemplary deportment, who is qualified to teach the English Language, and the Rudiments of Mathematics, may find employment, in the capacity of private Tutor, by applying to the Rev. David Wiley, Georgetown, Columbia; or to ARMISTEAD T. MASON, Loudon, Virginia. November 30—8w
WILL be sold at public sale on Wednesday the twentieth day of January next, on the premises, for cash, the farm whereon Nathaniel Wilson resides, containing two hundred and eighty acres of land. Also, two negro men and one negro woman, late the property of said Wilson, taken by a writ of Fieri Facias at suit of Daniel Reintzel, Adam King and John Threlkeld. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery County, N. B. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. December 25—7t.
TWO ELEGANT FORTEPIANOS. THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. He has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS, among the latter peach brandy 6 years old, fourth proof, and best kind of HAMS—also, he offers a pair of PISTOLS, in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a musket handle, original cost 100 dollars. F. A. WAGLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market. December 25—4t.
N. B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice. December 25—4t. LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf.
NOTICE. THE subscriber having sold his entire stock of Goods in the month of March last, and having declined business in George-town, is now preparing to leave the District. All persons who have accounts against him will be pleased to render them for payment before the 20th of next month; and those indebted to him are earnestly requested to make payment before that time. JOHN MAFKIT. Wanted to Purchase, FIFTY SHARES of COLUMBIA BANK STOCK, Georgetown, Dec. 14—e.p. till Feb. 1.
MIDDLEBURG GRAMMAR SCHOOL. THE subscriber, who for some time past has had the care of the above school, informs the public that he has removed it to his farm near Middleburg, where he will, as heretofore, teach the Languages, and the more useful branches of the Mathematics. His experience as a teacher, having acted in that capacity for more than 20 years, and his determination to pay the utmost attention to the improvement and morals of his pupils; in connexion with the local advantages of the school justify him in hoping for a considerable share of public patronage. WILLIAM WILLIAMSON, V.D.M. Green Hill near Middleburg, Loudon county, Virginia, November 23—tf
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS, Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
FOR SALE —Lot No. 15 in square 377 of Washington city—this lot is bounded on the North by North F street, on the West by West 10th street, and contains a very convenient Two Story house, but a very few steps distant from Caffrey's Spring—an indisputable title will be given. Those who wish to purchase may apply for the terms to Thomas Patterson in Washington city or to the subscriber in Berkeley county Virginia. ALEXANDER PORTERFIELD. Virginia, November 23—1m
County of Washington, to wit. I DO certify that Richard Fenwick, brought before me as a trespassing stray, a dark Bay Mare, supposed to be three years old; about 13 1/2 hands high; star and clip; her two hind feet white, a natural trotter; shod all round; has no appearance of being marked in harness. Given under my hand this 23d day of December, 1807. DANIEL RAY PINE, one of the Justices of the Peace for said county. December 28—3w
FOR SALE, A likely young NEGRO WOMAN and Boy, both bred up as servants in a genteel family. Enquire of the Printer. December 2—4w
COGNAC BRANDY. THE subscriber has for sale 38 pipes of 4th proof COGNAC BRANDY, of EXCELLENT FLAVOR, lately imported from BORDEAUX. HENRY SUTTLE. Dec. 14—2m.
Negroes wanted by the Year. Generous wages will be given for twenty or thirty strong negroes to work in the timber business on M'Carthy's Island, about twenty miles above Georgetown. It would be desirable to have among these hands from ten to twelve good sawyers and hewers. Application to be made to James Middleton, Manager, on the island, or the subscriber in Georgetown, opposite the Roman Chapel. JOHN W. BRONAUGH. Dec. 25—2m.
WEISKOPFF AND KELLER, CONFECTIONERS, RESPECTFULLY inform the ladies and gentlemen of George Town and the city of Washington, that they can be supplied with every kind of CAKE, of the very first quality— Ornaments for Tables, of the most elegant form, and in the newest stile. Ice Creams, Jellies of all kinds, on the shortest notice. They keep always on hand, Cordials of every kind, excellent in quality, and genuine, such as Noyeau, Orange, Raspberry, &c. &c. High street, George Town, } November, 11—tf
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscribers living in Surry county N. Carolina, on the night of the 30th Sept. Two Negro Fellows: one black, about 30 or 40 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high (a waggon maker and carpenter by trade). He writes a tolerable hand, and it is supposed has written passes, and both will probably pass for free men, and attempt to get to some of the Northern states, or the state of Ohio. The other is a yellow fellow, about 34 years of age, 5 feet 11 inches high. Their cloaths unknown, as they have several suits. The above reward will be given if the negroes are committed to any jail on the Continent, so that the subscribers get them, or they are delivered to Nathan Chaffin, jun. Humeville, or twenty five dollars for either. N. CHAFFIN, Jun. JOSHUA CRESON, Sen. December 25—6t.
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, will be exposed to sale on Wednesday the 20th of January next, at the dwelling house of the late Henry Addison, all the PERSONAL PROPERTY of the deceased consisting of several valuable slaves, sheep, oxen, cattle and horses, and household furniture. The above property will be sold on a credit of six months, with interest from the sale, the purchaser or purchasers giving bond with approved security. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock, if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter. DENNIS MAGRUDER, THOMAS G. ADDISON, Administrators. December 23—tdos
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanglets and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. Four or FIVE good Journeymen wanted, who will find constant employ. November 27—tf
Prince George's county, to wit: ON the 23d day of November 1807, Archibald Van Horne, residing near the town of Bladensburg, brought before the subscriber a trespassing stray of the following description, to wit, a Sorrel Mare, about 13 hands high, 4 years old, bald faced, and white hind legs, no brand or perceivable flesh marks. Given under my hand the day and year above written. GABRIEL P. VAN HORNE. The owner is required to prove property, pay charges and take her away. A. VAN HORNE. December 28—w3t
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c. THEOPHILUS HOLT has for sale at his Garden, Eastern Branch, a large assortment of Fresh Garden Seeds, &c. principally of his own growing the present year. Also a variety of Bulbous Flower Roots, &c. as Ranunculus, Tulips, Anemones, Double Jonquils, Polyanthus Narciss, Guernsey Lillies, Crown Imperials, Hyacinths Double Red, White, Blue and Yellow. A few kegs of Best Flour of Mustard, superior quality by the keg of 18lb. or in smaller quantities. December 9th—tawtf
IMPORTANT INFORMATION. OFFICIAL Intelligence is this day received from the city of Baltimore, that on the 31st day of this month the richest wheel in America will be turned round by Fortune, who has 30,000 15,000 and three 10,000 dollars to bestow on her votaries. The blanks and prizes were about to be put in the wheel, and every other preparation making for the commencement of the drawing of the Grand Lottery for the promotion of Literature in Baltimore—what few Tickets remaining unsold, we understand are in the truly fortunate Lottery Office of Messrs. G. & R. Waite in Baltimore, corner of Market and Charles street, and will be advanced to 12 dollars each on the day of drawing. ** A few tickets may be had by early application at J. March's Book-store, Georgetown, where a regular check book of the drawing will be kept. December 23—2w
Proposals for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange ch. Milton & Charlottesville to New York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p.m. & arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 a.m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a.m. and arrive at New York by 11 a.m.—Leave New York every Friday at 1 p.m. arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p.m. 2. From New York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week: Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at New York by 11 a.m. Leave New York every Friday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p.m. 3. From Richmond by Goochland ch. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p.m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a.m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middlesex, Harrisburg, Carlisle and Shippensburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 p.m. & arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p.m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a.m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p.m. 5. From Chambersburg by M'Connellstown, Bedford, Somerset & Greensburg to Pittsburg three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a.m. arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p.m. and arrive at Pittsburg on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday by 10 a.m.—Returning, Leave Pittsburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 8 p.m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, & to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts. GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master-general. General Post-Office, Dec. 18—tf14
ELISHA RIGGS, Has imported by the late arrivals, from London and Liverpool, via Baltimore and Alexandria. EIGHTY-NINE PACKAGES, FALL GOODS. And now opened at his New Store Bridge street—which being direct from the Manufacturers, will be sold very low, by Wholesale or Retail for CASH, or to punctual customers only at short dates—(liberal allowances, will be made to Retailers or Purchasers)—Among them are, 9 bales superfine cloths, cassimeres, coatings and fries, 21 do. flannels, blankets, kerseys, cottons and plaices, 6 cases checks, dimities, Manchester, and cords, 3 trunks upholsterers furniture, and hatters trimmings, 3000 lbs. London sein twine, in casks of 350 lbs. each, 10 boxes and 3 casks, tin, plate, cutlery, and buttons, 6 cases gentlemen's hats, and umbrellas, 8 trunks silk, cotton, Angola and worsted hosiery, 3 bales carpets, carpeting and hearth rugs, ALSO, A large supply of cheap Irish linens, calicoes, ginghams, shirting muslins, coarse linens and India muslins. FANCY GOODS. Ladies pelice cloths, velvets, silk pelices, lace caps, lace handkerchiefs, artificial flowers, fancy beaver bonnets, hats, feathers and cords, head ornaments, laces, silk and set buttons, cossettes, satin shoes, elegant silk hosiery, sleeves and gloves, fancy muslins, short dancing dresses, cashmere and damask shawls, fancy silks, Shawbia muslins, ribbons, linen cambric & lace shades. Harwells, celebrated, Patent Sunshades, for ease, elegance, strength, &c. exceeds any in use. Cash will be given for 40 shares of Columbia stock—Apply as above. George Town, Nov. 20—F&M2m
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
NEW STORE. THE Subscriber begs leave to acquaint the public that he has begun business in the GROCERY & DRY GOOD line, and shall be happy to accommodate his customers on the most reasonable terms. He has received an assortment of Morocco and Kid Shoes of all sizes; also men's Shoes and women's Slippers. All kind of Wines and Liquors, and excellent Cider. To be LET 3 or 4 fine Rooms up stairs to a genteel family. F. A. WAGLER, near the Centre market house, November 30—wif
Charles County court, August Term, 1807.
SAMUEL BAXTER, an insolvent debtor of Charles county, having applied by petition in writing to the judges of the court here praying the benefit of an act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, passed at the last session of the General Assembly, a schedule of his property and a list of the creditors on his oath as far as he can ascertain them, as directed by the said act having accompanied his petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Samuel Baxter has resided the two preceding years within the state of Maryland prior to the passage of the said act, and having been brought before the court here and discharged from imprisonment upon giving bond, by the said act required. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, by the said court, that the said Samuel Baxter appear before the said county court at the court house, on the first day of March term next to answer such interrogatories as may be proposed to him by his creditors; and that the said day be, and is hereby appointed for the said creditors to appear, and recommend a trustee for their benefit, on the said Samuel Baxter, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed; for delivering up his property; and the said Samuel Baxter, give notice of the passage of this order by causing a copy thereof to be served on each and every of his creditors or to so many of them as can be served there-with or their agent or attorney at least three months before the said first day of March term, and by causing a copy thereof to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week during that time aforesaid, previous to the next term. Test JOHN BARNES, CLK. Nov. 27—wMar.
ST. MARY'S COLLEGE, GRAND LOTTERY, BALTIMORE.
Authorised by the General Assembly of the state of Maryland, the scheme of which is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing, besides a large number of other good prizes. 1 prize of 30,000 dollars, 1 do. of 15,000 dollars, 3 do. of 10,000 dollars, 2 do. of 5,000 dollars, 8 do. of 1,500 dollars, 7 do. of 1,000 dollars, Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize is twelve dollars. The scheme contains only 21,500 tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen, in New York, to whom the Managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the city of Baltimore, On THURSDAY the 31st day of DECEMBER next, and to draw 500 tickets per day. Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers and very rapidly, at TEN Dollars and a HALF each, for a short time, at G. & R. WAITE'S ruly fortunate Lottery Office, corner of Market and Charles streets Baltimore. The grandeur of the Scheme of the above lottery, together with an assurance from the Managers that it will positively commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the city of Baltimore for the express purpose of facilitating the sale of the tickets. G. & R. WAITE.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily, to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks. The next New York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next—tickets of which lottery may be had at Waite's offices, No. 64 and No. 38, Maiden Lane New York. ** Distant adventurers, accompanying their orders with Bank Notes, of any description to either of Waite's offices, in New York or Baltimore, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G. and R. Waite, will be paid by them. ** Tickets in the above Lottery are to be had at J. MARCH'S Book-store, Georgetown, where the prize list will be regularly received. Tickets may likewise be had at John Goulding's. October 12—taw3m