The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-09-16 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1238.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
To the EDITOR OF THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
A Massachusetts newspaper called "The Repository" is now on my table. It ascribes to the pen of Mr. Madison the series of papers under the signature of "Juriscola." It is utterly untrue that Mr. Madison wrote or caused the composition of any one of those essays. They were written by a native citizen of America far North of Washington. Whatever may be the faults of the writer of "Juriscola" they are not imputable to any of our administration at that place. Neither Jefferson nor Clinton, Madison, Gallatin, Dearborn, Smith or Rodney, could have seen a line of the papers before their publication. The whole superstructure of acrimonious censure, built by "The Repository" upon the pretended authorship, falls therefore to the ground.
The cloud which "The Repository" endeavors to throw over the historical truths collected by Juriscola, cannot conceal them.
Great Britain began, though a neutral, in 1792, those lawless violations of neutral commerce, which have brought on by their plain consequences, the suspension of our trade.
She cannot therefore claim the rights of retaliation.
Yet her present orders of council are openly grounded on a pretence to a right to retaliate.
As France was an intended victim of the British aggressions on neutral trade, she has, as against Britain, a right to retaliate.
Yet, since it is believed that our measures of peaceable resistance to this conduct of Britain are sincerely intended and well calculated to prevent the perversion of our neutrality to the injury of France, it is contended by Juriscola, that France ought to be convinced that she has not the right of retaliation, as against us. This defence of American rights and interests at the expence of England, though in part also at the expence of France, offends the writer in the Boston Repository.
It was stated in the essays of Juriscola, that while Britain enslaved scores of hereditary princes and eighty millions of people in India, and kept her Hanoverian and Irish brethren under military despotism, her government could not be allowed, by discriminating Americans, a right to stamp "usurper and despot" on the front of Bonaparte. The real friends of the rights of mankind may consider the royal author of Asiatic bloodshed, despotism, partitions, plunders, famines, and unequalled slavery, as not less dangerous and criminal than his imperial enemy. Juriscola defended not the conduct of either. He appeals to the tenor of the essays. It is asserted, that the papers of Juriscola are written with great labor. It is not so. They offer truths, which all public men well know, and which are imprinted, by their own intrinsic weight, deeply on the memory of thousands of our countrymen. Let the Repository fairly republish the essays, and then offer its own commentaries, affording Juriscola an opportunity to reply in the same newspaper. He pledges himself to perform his duty. The cause will thus go fairly before the country. Truth and reason alone can thus prevail.
"The Repository" charges the essays of Juriscola with a spirit and design of war against England. It would be easy to prove that the whole tenor of the writer's opinions and expressions have been opposed to offensive war with any nation, considering it as indisputable "murder on an extended scale"—"genuine murder on the scale of millions." It is equally capable of proof, that he is averse to all extra-territorial wars, excepting however those cases when we may be obliged to carry war into an enemy's country to prevent predatory and murderous inroads on our frontiers and coasts. It is an opinion too, adopted on deliberate examination, that no war upon the ocean can redound to our real and ultimate advantage, though it may be necessary to our defence. Commerce, it is believed, as a general idea should be left free, but as British aggressions and French retaliations subjected our ships and cargoes to ruinous confiscations and our seamen to imprisonment, slavery, insult, degradation and a forced participation in British battles
against powers with which we were at peace, and even in British aggressions on our commerce, our flag and ourselves, it appears to have been the bounden duty of our Executive department to suggest the measure of an embargo to the consideration of that legislative body, to whom the people and the states have committed the high power. Since France confiscates, and England confiscates our property at sea, and since England captures, enslaves, servets and murders our mariners and passengers, will you not, said the President to Congress, suspend these insults and fatal injuries by ordaining an embargo on our own vessels? In the House of Representatives, all but forty-two concurred in the law; and after much agitation of all the suggestions of "French influence" a secret hands, &c. &c. all but twenty-two of that House, late in the session, confirmed the measure by a new act of Congress. The President, the Senators and the Representatives, amount to more than one hundred and eighty persons; and only 28 or 30 of this whole number opposed by their votes the act confirming and strengthening the embargo law.
It is pretended in the Repository, that it is an object of Juriscola to convince France that we have adopted measures of "revenge" towards G. Britain. Never did a country less vindictively act in so temperate a spirit of mere defence against equal wrongs, as the U. States have displayed towards G. Britain before all her enemies. It is admitted that pacific measures, tending to coerce England out of her course of infracting neutral rights and her incessant violations of the law of morals among nations, have been so openly and firmly taken, as, in the sincere opinion of Juriscola, to be sufficient to convince all the continental powers of Europe, that we are determined to struggle, as far as in us lies, against the perversion of our neutrality, which have been so often made by England. No man, who remembers the British treatment of the Hamburgers, Bremeners, and Lubeckers in January 1793, and of Genoa and Tuscany in the same year, can doubt the justice and wisdom of such a struggle at this time on our part. When England in March, 1793, agreed with Russia to prevent not only our contraband, but our innocent trade with her enemies, by force and arms beyond the law of nations, we might justly have cut off all her intercourse with our country till she should declare our absolute exemption from that insolent, unwarrantable and inadmissible attempt to regulate the trade of the neutral world. As we are now doing less towards her, though she has since injured us more in our persons, our property, our vessels and our trade, nay, in our clearest and most important rights as independent states, Juriscola is firm in his convictions, that our present measures towards G. Britain are perfectly warrantable before heaven and earth. If Executive influence and the influence of Bonaparte are so great as are pretended by the Repository, how is it that we have not declared war against G. Britain? If the essays of Juriscola deserve so much consideration and reprehension as the Repository alleges, a faithful edition of ten thousand copies shall be immediately published, if the Editor of the Repository will previously provide for the expence, in order to subject their contents to the public judgment.
A most disingenuous paragraph dishonors the observations in the Repository. Recent condemnations in France, unknown in America when the essays under this signature were published in "the National Intelligencer," are given as evidences of deliberate falsification in Juriscola. The Editors and writers of this charge are advised to meditate on the high command, that we bear not false-witness against our neighbor. It is too early to decide upon the list of captures. The evidences of the grounds of the condemnations are not before us. If they are finally confiscated under the Milan decree they are the first we have known except the shipwrecked vessel. We never defended any of them. We defend them not at this time. If true, we are sorry to believe, that they are produced by the
* The votes in the Senate are not at hand, but the majority there, for the embargo, was stronger.
long series of British aggressions on neutral rights, with the avowed design to injure France, which England has committed since the year 1791.
The observations of the Repository on commerce and manufactures are obviously sophistical. Is it incompatible with justice and amity towards England to maintain the interests of our own manufactures by permanent measures? Then has G. Britain been unjust and inimical to us since the revolutionary war, for she has maintained a severe and extreme permanent system to promote her manufactures and restrain ours. Not "a hobnail," said that thoroughgoing Englishman, the old Lord Chatham, should the American colonists be permitted to make for themselves! Not a new spinning mill shall be erected in America, said the statute of that British Parliament, which contended for the right to bind us in all cases whatsoever. The American militia in the democratic state of Pennsylvania were to be armed in 1799 by muskets to be shipped on a contract of Governor Mifflin with an English house; but the British government refused permission to ship them; yet it is a crime in the view of the Repository permanently to encourage their manufacture in our own country. The produce of our fisheries, of our farms, of our forests and of our mines may rust or decay, deprived of their markets abroad by British original impediments and French limitations, but our own manufacturers must not be permanently encouraged to employ or consume them. A writer living among the numerous manufacturers of the Eastern states, attempts to render Jefferson and Madison unpopular there, because they are willing to encourage manufactures, as well as commerce! There is no doubt, that more persons subsist by manufactures in these states than by foreign commerce. Manufactures are therefore entitled to as much favor as trade. There is no doubt that more value of our own produce is consumed and worked up by our manufacturers, their assistants and cattle, than is consumed and exported by the merchants, their assistants and cattle. In these positions we include household manufactures.
The Repository complains that the commerce of America is unfavorably treated by Jefferson and Madison. Does England, which plunders and teaches the foreign world to plunder our trade, injure our commerce less than a faithful government which saved it from confiscation by a well-timed embargo? Does the British practice of taking away sailors of all nations from our vessels, promote our commerce more than the steady resistance to British impressment, which has been made during the time of our present administration? Do the British extensions of the list of articles, contraband of war, in the old treaty of 1794, favor our trade more than the ordinary rules of the law of nations, which our government will secure by a new treaty founded thereon or by resting matters on the customary ground? Did the purchase of Louisiana lessen our trade more than would the plans of Liston and Blount, and of Aaron Burr (now with England!) to establish the British monopoly at the mouth of the Mississippi? Does the British claim to the superiority on the ocean promote our trade? Does their extending their monopoly, to all the India and American commerce, favor our merchants? Does their seizing our ships in the colonial trade of their enemies and carrying on the same trade in their licenced and public ships help our commerce? Does their impressing passengers in our vessels, (enemies not military or their own subjects not liable to impressment in their own dominions) favor the trade of America? The commercial subject might be continued further, but it will be concluded with a few reflected opinions. It is firmly believed, that if the British government had never violated neutral rights and the rights of the adversary belligerents, in the manner they passed on from the year 1792 till the recent and insufferable imposition of duties on our vessels exports and imports to and from the continent of Europe, we should never have heard of the French decrees of Berlin, of Milan or of Bayonne; nor of the non-importation and embargo laws of the United States. The fall of our produce, the advanced price of our supplies, the distress of our fisheries,
our sailors and our merchants by the embarrassment and suspension of trade and commerce, would not have occurred. The island of Great Britain is therefore in truth the Pandora's box of the planters, the seamen and the merchants of America. To the manufacturers she occasions unintended benefits.
JURISCOLA.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
At a very numerous and respectable meeting of the democratic republican citizens of New-Castle County in the state of Delaware, on the 3d of September, 1808.—Convened pursuant to a resolution of a former meeting, dated the 19th of Aug. last, in order to agree on resolutions, relative to our political affairs, as regards the national government, and pending Presidential election; and also to agree on measures to be adopted relative to the ensuing election of this state.
GEORGE READ, chairman of the committee to whom the objects of the meeting were referred to report on—Reported the following introductory observations, and resolutions, expressive of the sense of the citizens assembled, in relation to those objects; and which were unanimously adopted.
URGED by the dangers that encompass our country on every side; threaten the infraction of its peace, and hazard its safety—the democratic citizens of New-Castle county have assembled to express their sentiments concerning, and communicate their views of, the state of public affairs—rendered infinitely interesting by the approaching national election for President and Vice-President of the United States:—The dignity and influence attached to these high offices, present them, as objects of great ambition and deep interest; their attainment is too often attempted by the aid of domestic faction and foreign intrigue; and it is apparent, that at the present crisis—combinations of a serious and alarming nature are forming to bias the election; hence results the importance of requiring 'talents,' 'patriotism' & 'worth,' and we would add—'a total exemption from foreign partialities'—as qualifications, essential to entitle the candidates to the support of those, upon whom the constitution devolves the important trust of electing, and of the exercise on their part of the utmost vigilance to guard against the wiles of faction and intrigue.
Whereupon Resolved, That the unjust & injurious measures pursued by Great-Britain and France, in imposing undue and illegal restraints on, and finally, interdicting the commerce of the United States with the belligerent powers—left no other alternative but War with both nations, or withdrawing our ships and vessels from commercial intercourse, by retaining them within our ports and suspending exportation.
Resolved, That the Congress of the United States in laying an Embargo on our ships and vessels, and restraining such exportation, subserved the best interest and promoted the real benefit of this great community; subjecting us merely to that measure, to a few temporary privations, instead of preferring the alternative 'War,' an evil of the first magnitude in the social state; a war too in which the odds would have been 'as a hundred to one,' against the people, who must have borne the burthen of the calamity, after commerce had become extinct, and bankruptcy and the ruin of private fortune had prostrated their energies and their ardor.
Resolved, That the strictly neutral and independent stand, which the President of the United States and majority of both houses of Congress have made against the efforts of foreign intrigue, seconded by domestic defection, to induce the adoption of a system of measures that would inevitably have made the U. States parties in the present disastrous and protracted war, merits the gratitude and applause of their fellow-citizens.
Resolved, That the real interests of the people of the United States will be best and most permanently promoted by the observance of a just and impartial conduct, hereafter as
heretofore, towards the nations of the earth, and indicating a temper of moderation and forbearance, when unfortunate collisions produced by ambition or unjust pretensions, may endanger subsisting pacific relations.
Resolved, That 'Peace on earth and good will among men,' being inculcated by the Divine Author of our holy religion, as pleasing to himself, and conducive to the temporal as well as eternal welfare of his followers; it becomes a matter of religious duty, as well as of civil obligation, to conform to a principle, which addresses itself with peculiar force to the religious of all denominations, and to support with every exertion the present administration and its measures—which has made, and we have no doubt will continue to make—'Peace,' and its concomitant, 'the people's happiness,' the bias of its policy. Remembering that the highest authority has promulgated "blessed are the peace-makers."
Resolved, That the uniform conduct of the President of the United States, the amiable and enlightened JEFFERSON, and of those connected in the administration of the general government during his presidency, has been the practical application of the principles avowed and recommended by the preceding resolutions; in consequence of which our prosperity and safety have flowed in an uninter-rupted current, and so far as the wisdom and policy of pre-concerted measures can warrant the expectation—the future welfare of the U. States ensured.
Resolved, That our fellow-citizen JAMES MADISON, unites those virtues and talents which in an eminent degree qualify him for the first office in the gift of a free people: The dawn of his genius was hailed by the early confidence of his country, and after successively filling and ably sustaining the duties of various official situations in the United States, and meriting in a peculiar degree, the applause of all patriots, for his amelioration of the Constitution of the United States, by salutary amendments,—he was appointed by the President to the important station of Secretary of State; his services in this department are too recent and illustrious to be forgotten by any one—and more especially his zeal and ability in displaying and sustaining the rights of neutral nations against the unjust pretensions and gross violations of the belligerent powers, will confer a celebrity of character indestructible as the pyramid of national law.
Resolved, That the selection of JAMES MADISON to fill the office of President of the United States, after the expiration of the present term of Presidency, was dictated by a wise policy, obviously indicating the necessity of continuing the succession of the powers of administering the government in those hands, that would give a fair scope to, by securing a perseverance in, those political measures, originated by the present administration, now in the full tide of successful experiment; and predicated on principles, recognised and approved by the preceding resolutions—we do therefore approve in the most decided and unqualified terms of the selection thus made, of James Madison; considering him the most proper person to fill the office of President of the United States, believing him to be exempt from all undue influence, either foreign or domestic, and do hereby pledge ourselves to use all honorable and proper means to promote his election.
Resolved, That we approve of the selection at the same time of GEORGE CLINTON, for the office of Vice-President of the United States, and will yield the like support in the promotion of his election.—This declaration is made and will be conformed to, on the principle alone, of Mr. Clinton's having declined all pretensions to the Presidency, and affording no countenance to our political opponents in rising his name as a candidate for that office.
Resolved, That the mode of selection of proposed candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the U. S. is less exceptionable, and liable to fewer objections, than any other that has suggested itself to us: The circumstance of the men, who advised together and determined on the measure, being members of Congress, cannot certainly diminish the

weight of their recommendation, or lessen its claim to public attention—although to be viewed as private citizens on the occasion, they were entitled to all the confidence, which individual merit, distinguished by public favor could confer; and we esteem it essential to the due exercise of the right of suffrage, connected with this subject, that a recommendation to a nomination should take place previous to the election, in order that improper characters should not be foisted into office—but on this point the Constitution of the United States is silent, leaving very correctly to individual citizens, or associations of citizens, to suggest when they should deem fit, such persons as may in their view be proper to put in nomination; this is a right they certainly enjoy, and may exercise, in common with other rights not embraced, modified, controlled or restrained by the constitution. This mode is also entitled to countenance and support because its manifest tendency is to give the people, when they choose electors, a more immediate influence in the ultimate choice of those who should fill the high offices of state; we do therefore most explicitly and unreservedly approve of the mode of selection adopted by the republican meeting at Washington city last winter.
The following resolutions were afterwards proposed in addition to the preceding resolutions, and unanimously adopted.
Resolved , That this meeting recommend to the citizens of Christiana Hundred to choose ten, and each of the other Hundreds five delegates, on the day of the hundred elections—and that the said delegates meet at the Red-Lion Inn on Saturday the 17th of Sept. inst. and there form a ticket for members of the legislature and levy court for New-Castle County, and provide for printing and distributing the same at the general election.
Resolved , That George Read, John Warner, Enoch Thomas, George Clark and Peter Bauduy, (or a majority of them attending) be and are hereby appointed delegates for New-Castle County, to meet at Dover, delegates from the other counties of the State on Tuesday the 20th of Sept. inst. for the purpose of nominating a republican candidate to represent this state in the House of Representatives of the U. States.
Resolved , That taking into consideration the importance as well as embarrassments of the present crisis, this meeting beg leave to address to their fellow citizens of New-Castle County their earnest request, that appreciating the magnitude of the occasion, involving the dearest interest of their common country,—they will lay aside all minor considerations and former differences, and rallying round the constitution, come forth in their might at the ensuing general election and give their votes in support of the measures of the present administration; thereby evincing to the nations of the world, that they are not to be deterred from the exercise and preservation of their rights by the influence of foreign intrigue or domestic faction.
Signed, JAMES TILTON, CHAIRMAN.
SPANISH MANIFESTO. (CONCLUDED.)
All persons believed that the French would unite with the Spaniards to celebrate the happy incident of having prevented their kings from abandoning Spain and embarking in an English squadron. But what was their surprise, when they saw that this very event which ought to have been so agreeable to the French, was the pretext which they laid hold of to persecute us, destroy our kings, put an end to the monarchy, and commit horrors such as history, neither does nor can relate! They have multiplied them so that it will be very difficult, not to say impossible, to detail them in their order. The first was the entry of the French army into Madrid, who fixed cannon in various public places, and assumed an authority such as no monarch of Spain would have exercised. The shout of joy at the accession of Ferdinand VII. still continued; but Charles IV. so often deceived, made a protest against his former abdication, sent it to Bayonne to Napoleon I. & made the latter the arbiter of his fate. Ferdinand VII. departed in person to receive Napoleon, who had promised and caused the duke of Berg to publish that he was coming to Spain, for a period of four days for his arrival. Ferdinand VII. sent before him his brother the Infant Don Carlos, who on meeting Napoleon, entered France. King Ferdinand followed him to Vitoria, and at that city the inhabitants whose affectionate and loyal hearts presaged the sad destiny which awaited him in France, impeded his departure, cut the traces of his coach,
and implored him not to deliver himself to Napoleon. The king, whose generosity and greatness of soul caused them to disregard these clamors, continued his journey, and entered Bayonne to embrace Napoleon, who had invited him by a thousand deceitful caresses and assurances, giving him in his letters the title of King of Spain. Before we proceed, let us return to Madrid, and to the horrible deeds which he (Napoleon) was expecting. Ferdinand VII. had created a supreme council of government, whose members he designated, and appointed for President his uncle the Infant Don Antonio. It was necessary to destroy this council, and consummate the iniquitous designs which were formed; for this purpose the royal family were compelled to set out for France, without excepting those infants whose tender age ought to have excited some compassion. On seeing this the people of Madrid were infuriated, and the French troops made their irritation a pretext, for entering with arms and artillery on the 2d of May, attacking furiously the unfortunate inhabitants, and committing a butchery—the recollection of which even now fills us with horror. The weak Spanish governor, oppressed by the duke of Berg, after having prohibited the Spanish troops from going to the assistance of their brethren, presented himself publicly in the streets of Madrid, and on seeing him the people laid down their arms and calmed their fury. This obedience, this respect peculiar to the Spanish people, instead of appeasing, irritated the ferocious Murat; and under the pretence that some of them carried arms, although they were not prohibited from doing so except by a subsequent law, he caused them to be shot in cool blood. Priests then suffered death, only for carrying a penknife; artisans for carrying the implements of their trades; and persons of every class from the bare suspicion of a furious army, without honor, without religion and without reflection.—Afterwards the Infant Don Antonio was obliged to depart for Bayonne. Ferdinand VII. had chosen the members of the council of government, and no one could add others; notwithstanding, the foreigner Murat was not ashamed to oblige these members to elect him President even in his presence, a circumstance which of itself suffices to prove the horrible violence with which he acted; this decree was signed and published by all the members of the council. What subjects! What Spaniards!—The French attempted to form a party in Madrid and in the kingdom for Charles IV. and made use of insidious proclamations and other indecent methods, but could not succeed. The authors of these plots go unpunished, but the nation, Europe, the whole world, have seen that the French have impudently falsified the truth when they published that in Spain there are divisions and parties. There are none, and to the perpetual ignominy of those who have spread such reports, the whole nation exclaims that she wishes not, loves not, that there is not, any other king than Ferdinand VII.—At length appeared in the council of Castile the protest of Charles IV. sent by Napoleon to Murat; and that body governed by terror to its eternal dishonor, determined that Ferdinand VII. was not king of Spain, but Charles IV. and that the abdication of the latter was a nullity. What a crowd of reflections present themselves here, when it is considered that the council is the first tribunal of justice of the kingdom, and its ministers the ministers of the laws! But let us continue—Charles IV. by having resumed the crown, again possessed the power of choosing a governor for the kingdom, and affecting the French spirit and language even in his expressions, appointed Murat, or if you please the duke of Berg, to that office with the title of lieutenant. Hitherto appearances had been preserved, but in a very short time, even appearances were no longer regarded. On the 4th of May Charles IV. was declared king at Bayonne, and said that he wished to consecrate the remainder of his life to the government and happiness of his subjects. But on the eighth day of the same month of May, King Charles forgot all this, and renounced the crown of Spain in favor of the emperor Napoleon, with an express power to the latter to confer it at his pleasure on whom he should think proper. What contradictions! What folly! The monarchy of Spain did not belong to Charles IV. nor did he possess it in his own right, but by the right of blood, agreeably to our fundamental laws; and the same Charles IV. had just before expressed and acted upon that principle in resuming the throne. By what authority, by what right does he transfer the crown of Spain, and treat Spaniards like herds of cattle that graze in the fields?
By what power does he take away the succession to the monarchy from his sons and descendants, and from all the heirs to it by birth and by blood?—It will certainly be an authentic proof of the blindness of ambition, that Napoleon with his vaunted talents did not know these truths, and has drawn upon himself the eternal infamy of having received the Spanish monarchy from one who had no right, no power to give it to him. And there would be the same nullity, should he succeed in his infamous designs, in making his brother Joseph Napoleon king of Spain, since neither he nor Napoleon I. can be nor shall be kings of Spain, but by the right of blood, which they have not, or by the unanimous election of the Spaniards, which will never take place; and let them know this from henceforth forever. It was desirable to sanction these violations of right with the name and signature of Ferdinand VII. and for that purpose there was first published his renunciation in favor of Charles IV. his father, and afterwards a second one in favor of Napoleon, which Ferdinand, his brother the Infant Don Carlos, and his uncle the Infant Don Antonio, were forcibly compelled to sign. There are very weighty reasons for presuming that these two renunciations are forgeries; but granting them to be genuine, they evidently manifest the state of violence in which they were made, and their perfect nullity. On the 4th of May Charles resumed the throne, and the renunciation of Ferdinand VII. bears date on the 6th. If Charles IV. could of himself reassume the throne, of what utility was the renunciation of Ferdinand VII.? If that renunciation was at all necessary, by what authority did Charles IV. previously reassume the throne? The same argument still more strongly applies to the renunciation of the sovereignty of Spain in favor of Napoleon. Charles IV. made it on the 8th of May, and Ferdinand VII. on the 12th. Consequently that of Charles IV. was not valid, because that of Ferdinand VII. was wanting; for if it was valid, why require the other?—In both, the violence which compelled them to be made, is not only apparent, but without example. Ferdinand VII. was treated as soon as he entered France, in the most unworthy manner. He is surrounded with French guards; he has been separated from his retinue: he has been reduced to a miserable situation, and has even been threatened with the loss of life. The strongest circumstance is, that Napoleon I. with all this ignominy, has not attained his purpose. Besides Ferdinand VII. his brother the Infant Don Carlos, the whole royal family and their descendants, retain an inviolable title to the throne of Spain.
Posterity will learn with wonder that even the council of Castile lent its aid to so many and so horrible usurpations, and authorized them with its name, by which some persons of little reflection have been deceived. It is clearer than the light, that the council of Castile has no power to change the reigning dynasty, and overturn the fundamental laws respecting the order of succession. The horrible consequences of having been obliged to arrogate to itself this power which it has not, have brought the most heavy calamities upon the whole nation. It was, then, absolutely necessary for the remedy of those calamities, that the Supreme Council of government of Seville should be created at the time at the instance of the people: which Supreme Council of Seville in the exercise of its powers has declared itself independent, has disobeyed the council of Castile, has cut off all communication with Madrid, has raised armies and caused them to march to combat the French. God has bestowed his blessing upon us and our pure intentions. Between the 23d of May and 27th, the whole nation has arisen in a mass to proclaim their king and defend their country. They have elected Captain-generals and commanders of the army. They have been organized; the people run to arms with ardor, and individuals and corporations who possess the ability are making abundant donations. Andalusia was attacked by a French army at the very moment when she raised her voice in favor of her religion, her king and her country; and in less than fifteen days we have already surrounded it, and it cannot avoid either a surrender or a disgraceful retreat. The French struck anchored at Cadiz, has just struck its colors, and surrendered itself to us at discretion. The provinces of Spain continue to recognize in this Supreme Council the faithful depositary of the royal authority and centre of union, without which we should expose ourselves to internal or civil wars, which would completely ruin our holy cause. We have made an armistice with the English; we have a free communication with
them; they have offered & given us much assistance, & we expect still greater; they have landed part of their troops & are now fighting for us at several places; there are at Cadiz ready to embark three envoys from us to the king of Great Britain, who will doubtless negotiate a durable and advantageous peace with the English nation. Portugal is in commotion, and ready to shake off its disgraceful yoke. America, as loyal to its king as European Spain, cannot fail to unite with her in so just a cause. Both will make the utmost exertions in behalf of their king, their laws, their country and their religion. America is threatened, if she does not unite with us, with the same calamities which Spain has suffered, the destruction of the monarchy, the overturning of her government and laws, dreadful dissoluteness of manners, robberies, assassinations, persecutions of the priests, violation of the temples, of the virgins consecrated to God, the almost total extinction of the religion and its rites; in short the most barbarous and ignominious slavery, under the yoke of an usurper, who knows neither piety, nor justice, nor humanity, & is insensible to shame. We shall deride his rage, if Spain and Spanish America be united. This Supreme Council will provide for every occurrence with an indefatigable zeal. America will support it with the abundance of her fertile soil so favored by nature, sending immediately the royal property and what she can acquire by patriotic donations of corporations, communities prelates and individuals. Commerce will again flourish with freedom of navigation, and with the favors and privileges which this Supreme Council will dispense, of which our compatriots may be certain. Let us be all Spaniards. Let us then be truly united in defence of religion, the king and our country.
Royal Palace of Alcazar of Seville, 17th of June, 1808.
FRANCISCO DE SAAVEDRA, President. The arch-bishop of Laodicea, Co-administrator of this diocese.
Fabian de Miranda Sierra, Francisco Cien Fuegos, Vicente Hore, Francisco Diaz Bermudo, Juan Fernando Aguirre, El Conde de Tilly, El Marques de Granina, El Marques de las Torres, Andres de Mininoy las Casas, Antonio Zambrano Carrillo de Albornoz, Andres de Coca, Jose de Chica, Eusebio Herrera, Adrian Jacome, Antonio Zambrano, Manuel Peroso, Jose Morales Galego, Victor Soret, Celedonio Alonso, Manuel Gil, Jose Ramarez.
By order of her Serene Highness, JUAN BAUTISTA PARDO, Sec. MANUEL MARIA AUGILAR, Secretary.
JOHN GOULDING Is now landing from on board the Polly from Baltimore, A few barrels of West India COFFEE and hogg-heads of New Orleans SUGAR, Bottles in hampers, Red and white Champagne WINE in boxes, Fresh TEA, &c. On hand, as usual, most kinds of choice old Wines, in bottles and in casks, best Albany Ale, Philadelphia Porter and Ale, Sperm and Oil and Candles, Tran Oil, Castile Soap in boxes, with sundry other articles in his line, to be sold for cash, and as usual cheap to his kind and punctual customers. George Town, Sept. 16—2m
SALE AT AUCTION.
To be sold at Public Auction on Thursday the 22d of this inst. at the house of Jacob Chandler, on the Navy Yard Hill, a number of WINDOW and DOOR FRAMES, and one Grindstone, one pair of Scales, and sundry articles too tedious to mention—the property of Daniel Bailey late of the city of Washington.
ISRAEL LITTLE, Auc. September 16—3t
NOTICE.
THE subscriber has taken up a stray COW & CALF, after the most diligent enquiry for the owner—the Cow is chunky, of a pale red color, and one of her horns broken, she calved about 8 or 9 weeks ago—the subscriber means in a short time to kill the Calf unless the owner claims her, on whose appearance he is ready to deliver the Cow and the value of the Calf, on his detraying the expenses incurred.
ADOLPHUS F. PLATE. September 16—3t
AMERICAN HEMP.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—w1N
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 16.
The President's Answer. It was foreseen, that the reply of the President to the town of Boston, whatever its contents, would be treated with asperity. It could not, however, have been foreseen that it would have been treated with a ferocity that sets at defiance all regard to truth, decorum or common sense. It would seem as though the mildness of its language and the benevolence of the sentiments it conveys had only served to increase the mortification and sharpen the resentment of those to whom it is addressed. So difficult it is for the injurer to forgive the injured, that his good offices and kindness often only serve to exacerbate revenge.
The New York Evening Post says—“The answer of the President to the Boston petition, will be read with deep interest, sorrow, and humiliation by every patriotic American. The refusal to suspend the Embargo is bottomed solely on the dangers to which our commerce is exposed on the ocean. And the reasoning of this paper goes the whole length of assuring us, that while these dangers continue, no change in the present policy can happen. Not a word is said to induce a suspicion that the Executive does, or ever did expect, that the embargo would bring France or England to terms. The only ground on which this measure then is supported by its author, is, that it was and is necessary to the safety of our property on the high seas. On this ground the President has placed himself; on this ground he must stand or fall.”
“Let us then be permitted to enquire, why the land embargo law was passed? To save the property employed in the land trade, from capture? Surely not; for that property was in no danger. Why then was it passed?—There can be no motive, or the motive is mysteriously concealed. Why is it concealed?”
“Again: If the safety of property was the object, why is not all such trade as may be safely carried on, permitted. And that much may be carried on safely, and profitably too, is proved by the avidity with which so many speculators engage in the forbidden trade, setting at nought not only the pretended dangers from foreign cruisers, but the high penalties consequent on capture by our vessels of war. But, if there even was great danger, why not inform the merchant accurately of its nature, extent, and probable duration, and then leave him to calculate the risque, which in each particular case he can better do than the administration can do it by wholesale for him.”
“Mr. Jefferson's story is very smoothly told, and he might be believed if there was not so irreconcilable a contradiction between his professions and his acts.”
“The refusal to suspend the Embargo is bottomed solely on the dangers to which our commerce is exposed on the ocean.” This is totally untrue. Although the President assigns this as the principal reason for laying the embargo, he grounds his refusal to suspend it, the sole power vested in him, on the limited authority reposed in him by Congress to do so on the occurrence of certain events, certain changes, which have not taken place. In this power, the original causes of the embargo, be they what they may, are not recognized. It was unnecessary to specify them. Congress had decided by a vast majority that they were a sufficient justification of it. Leaving, therefore, no discretion with the President as to their sufficiency, his power to suspend was confined to the event of a peace or a change of measures by the belligerents. No such change, he says, has occurred, and consequently the right to suspend does not accrue to him.”
“Let us then be permitted to enquire, why the land embargo law was passed? To save the property employed in the land trade from capture? Surely not; for that property was in no danger.”
Is it possible that the Evening Post can think of gulling the meanest understanding with this miserable subterfuge? Would not the property, as soon as it was carried out of the U. States into the adjacent British provinces, and thence embarked on the ocean, be exposed to capture? Surely it would. If it still retained the character of property of citizens of the United States, it would be subject to capture by the British, and if it acquired the character of British property, it would be liable to capture by her enemies. So that take it either way the risque would not be diminished.”
“Why is not all such trade as may be safely carried on permitted?” For the plain reason, that no such trade

exists, or to such an inconsiderable amount, or so involved in other trade connected with it, or so implicated with the basest submission, as altogether to forbid its exemption from the conditions applied to other trade.
But we pass on to the criticism of the Boston Gazette. It is here that we have not been disappointed in hearing the loud thunder of the opposition, and really Mr. Jefferson is in great danger of being annihilated by the lightning of its vengeance! Compared with it, the tones of the Evening Post are like the music of the spheres. Long as the article is it will be useful to give it entire, as a portrait, drawn to the life, of the genuine characters of the federalism of the Essex Junto.
"We would always wish to treat with respect the communication of our first magistrate, especially when it is couched in language so civil and soothing, as the letter from Mr. Jefferson to the town of Boston; but must not be led by its honied words into a ready credence of its contents. We have had enough of professions, under this administration, and would now wish to realise that our rulers sympathise with the people, in their distress by seeing some effort to relieve it. Now, we know Mr. Jefferson has not taken one step towards an accommodation with England; and if he has done any thing more, than send to the court of the Continental tyrant, assurances of obedience, we know no relief is to be expected; for at the very moment the haughty Napoleon assures Mr. Livingston of his hearty approbation of all Mr. Jefferson had done to please him, he positively declares he shall not relax, and orders all our ships to be condemned—not so with England. While suffering every insult from us, in non-intercourse and prohibitory laws, and the most abusive language from government papers, accompanied with threats of our vengeance, she makes every concession to us, even to a degree satisfactory to the patriotic Pinkney. Yet all is in vain—no adjustment must take place, lest it offend Napoleon, and bring us into a war with France—as if we were not already at war while her cruisers arrest, and her courts condemn every American ship brought within her ports.
"Citizens of Boston, be not deceived, the danger to which our commerce is exposed, as described by Mr. Jefferson, is of his own making—he keeps up a quarrel with England, to please his French master, who issues his decrees for this very purpose; and he then takes the advantage of these dangers, (brought on and continued by his own choice) to annihilate our commerce. This is the grand object in view. Mr. Jefferson says, "we have wished war with neither." Yet, we know that he did try every means to work Congress up to a war with England, but could not succeed; we do know this is now his object. He speaks in his letter to New Hampshire, of preparing for the "last appeal," and we have already some hints from Washington of his insidious plan to involve us in a war, which is to be brought forward in Congress—and which, in time, we shall fully expose. We forbear to remark, on the attempt of Mr. Jefferson to convince the people that all our commerce with each of the belligerents is interdicted by the other, when it is notorious that Great Britain will not interrupt our immense trade with her enemies' colonies. But a volume of severe reply might be written to this letter—which is full of cold, hollow-hearted hypocrisy; but one point only have we time to touch upon:—His apparent indifference with regard to the fate of Spain—astonishing boldness in the ruler of a free people, after all his professions, to speak of the "contest for the government in Spain," with such indifference. Does he think our feelings are buried with our servile acquiescence in his own arbitrary measures? We may have lost feeling for ourselves, but we do feel for the patriots of Spain.
"Yes the people of Boston, the cradle of American independence, do know and feel that the patriots in Spain are engaged in a contest like ours—for National Independence—though with much stronger grounds for union. There is no subtle question there to be discussed as here about the right of taxation. The only alternative there, is the submission to the dominion of a foreign despot, to the most odious and hateful tyranny, or a successful resistance and re-establishment of their own self government. We also know, there is no division among the people, every soul is animated with the holy fire of patriotism, and resolved to live free or die;—we know that they have been hitherto successful—have possession of nearly all the kingdom, and having, also possession of all the colonies:—we know, that with this whole people we might, and ought on every principle to have
free trade, and we should have it, if this cold-hearted philosopher was sincerely willing to relieve our distresses. But it is too plain that he does not; he affects to doubt, that a peace is made between Spain and her colonies, and G. Britain. Yet he knows that there is the most friendly intercourse, and that with regard to those immense tracts of country, the English orders do not proscribe neutral commerce, and of consequence we might have free and profitable trade, sufficient to take nearly all our produce; but he dares not offend the tyrant Bonaparte, who calls the Spaniards "Rebels"—he too probably, does not wish to open any commerce to us again:—and he therefore pretends there is no "such peace" as will authorise him to grant us permission to trade.
It is most falsely said, that Mr. Jefferson has not taken one step towards an accommodation with England. We have demonstrated that he has taken several decisive steps with this view; that he has taken every step he could take; that he has pursued the very course pointed out by the British government itself; that Mr. Pinkney in the first instance addressed himself to Mr. Canning, who told him, "the orders being already adopted, discussion could now answer no valuable purpose," and intimated that Mr. Erskine would be the organ through which the American government might address any thing they had to say; and that, finally, Mr. Madison did remonstrate to Mr. Erskine in the strongest terms against the orders, which remonstrance, although it has been several months in the hands of Mr. Canning, still remains unanswered. Will the Boston Gazette, in atonement for its monstrous untruth, state these facts. No—It dares not do it. Will it add, that a like spirited remonstrance has gone to France, that both governments have been treated precisely alike. No—As to these important facts, before which the edifice of detraction against our government would totter to its base and crush its authors in its ruins, the federal prints are silent as the grave.
Further— "While suffering every insult from us, in non-intercourse and prohibitory laws, and the most abusive language from government papers, accompanied with threats of our vengeance, she (England) makes every concession to us, even to a degree satisfactory to the patriotic Pinkney."
Gracious Heavens! Where is your thunder, when such falsehoods are suffered with impunity to deceive thousands of honest, credulous souls. "Every insult," "every concession!"—insult, which consists in an exact imitation of her policy—concession, which consists in robbery and murder! The non-importation law goes not half the length of her navigation act, and she never has pronounced it an act of aggression on her rights. This is the full measure of insult we have offered her, and this, although involving no more than an exercise of our undisputed rights, was notwithstanding in a state of suspension when she committed the outrage on the Chesapeake, and when she committed the still greater outrage contained in her orders.
And what concession has she made us? We answer boldly none. She has given us nothing; but she has deprived us of much, and she has banished our vessels from the ocean, she has hermetically sealed our whole trade. Part of it she permits us to retain, provided we are base enough to blacken the escutcheon of our fame by submission and tribute. To clap the climax of falsehood, we are told, that this concession is satisfactory to the patriotic Pinkney. We deny it. We say, there cannot be a fouler reproach cast on his fair fame. In the communication, laid before Congress, at the last session, Mr. Pinkney, in the most pointed terms, reprobates the orders, as well as the spirit which dictated them. We say further, that there is not a minister or agent of the U.S. abroad that does not approve of the Embargo.
Of the farrago that follows we shall say nothing, except that it is, in every point of the least importance, untrue.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
MR. CANNING'S SPEECH. 2. The lawless attack on the frigate Chesapeake.
Mr. Canning's observations concerning this outrage justly subject him to the severest animadversion. There is an apparent deliberate evasion of the truth in all his remarks relating to it. He admits it to be "a decidedly wrong act;" and in his correspondence with Mr. Monroe on the subject, he informed him that his majesty disavowed it, and that "he neither does nor has at any time maintained the pretension to a right to search ships of war in the national service of any state for deserters;" and there was a promise that the most
prompt and effectual reparation should be afforded to the government of the U. States. Unfortunately, perhaps for both countries, this promise not only remains unfulfilled to this day, but no offer of reparation has been made.
Mr. Canning declared that in the whole conduct of the British government with respect to the affair of the Chesapeake they had endeavored to keep in view the principle upon which they set out, namely, to make ample reparation for that which was a decidedly wrong act; but to make that reparation under a determination not to surrender a right which the great majority of the country has ever considered as essential to its dearest interests. By this declaration it is evident that he intended to convey the idea that reparation had not been made because the American government had refused to separate the subject from the impressment of seamen. The implication is too strong to admit of a doubt. How far he was justifiable in making the assertion will appear in the sequel.
This aggression marked with such high indignity and insult to a friendly power had roused the spirit of the nation. The animation pervaded the whole community. There appeared to be but one general sentiment which called loudly for prompt and distinguished reparation. The seamen taken from the Chesapeake had been ascertained to be American citizens. It was the exercise of this vexatious claim to impress our seamen that led to the attack made on the Chesapeake. It was a continuance of the general practice that produced the particular injury. Therefore, when combined, they comprised but one subject. It was proper when a demand was made for reparation for the particular injury to urge the necessity of a remedy for the whole evil. Under these circumstances the American minister was instructed to insist upon a formal disavowal of the deed, the restoration of the seamen to the ship from which they were taken, and an entire abolition of impressments from vessels under the flag of the U. States.
Mr. Canning gave an unqualified refusal to the proposition to treat relative to the entire subject, but professed himself ready to discuss the affair of the Chesapeake. Mr. Monroe's instructions not permitting him to agree to a separation of these topics, there was an end to the negotiation in as far as it respected the Chesapeake; and this circumstance produced the special mission of Mr. Rose to the U. States.
As soon as it was known that the powers of Mr. Rose to treat were confined to the affair of the Chesapeake, the American government evinced their readiness to bring it to a just conclusion by a determination to agree to make it a distinct subject of negotiation, and Mr. Rose was at large to accomplish the purposes of his mission. He then demanded another condition,—that the proclamation of the President should be revoked. In his letter of the 26th of January to the Secretary of State, he declares that he is expressly precluded by his instructions, from entering upon any negotiation for the adjustment of the differences arising from the encounter of his majesty's ship Leopard, and the frigate of the U. States, the Chesapeake, as long as the proclamation of the President of the 2d of July, 1807, shall be in force. He did not consider himself at liberty previously to disclose the reparation proposed to be made, but peremptorily insisted on a revocation of the proclamation. This was peremptorily refused. It was a condition which Mr. Rose could not reasonably suppose would be complied with. There could be no ground for a belief that the American government would descend to such a state of humiliation. It was contrary to the usage of nations similarly circumstanced, and particularly to that of Great Britain when his majesty was the complaining party, as will evidently appear on a perusal of the following observations of the Secretary of State, in his reply to Mr. Rose. The President had indulged "the expectation, that his Britannic majesty would at once perceive it to be the truest magnanimity, as well as the strictest justice, to offer that prompt and full expiation of an acknowledged wrong, which would re-establish and improve both in fact and in feeling, the state of things which it had violated."
"This expectation was considered, as not only honorable to the sentiments of his majesty, but was supported by known examples, in which being the complaining party, he had required and obtained, as a preliminary to any counter complaints whatever, a precise replacement of things, in every practicable circumstance, in their pre-existing situation."
"Thus in the year 1764, Bermudians and other British subjects, who had according to annual custom, taken possession of Turk's Island, for the season of making salt, having been forcibly removed with their vessels and effects by a French detachment from the island of St. Domingo, to
which Turk's island was alleged to be an appurtenance, the British ambassador at Paris, in pursuance of instructions from his government, demanded, as a satisfaction for the violence committed, that the proceedings should be disavowed, the intention of acquiring Turk's Island disclaimed, orders given for the immediate abandonment of it on the part of the French, every thing restored to the condition in which it was at the time of the aggression, and reparation made of the damages which any British subjects should be found to have sustained, according to an estimation to be settled between the Governors of St. Domingo and Jamaica. A compliance with the whole of this demand was the result."
"Again: In the year 1789, certain English merchants having opened a trade at Nootka Sound, on the North West coast of America, & attempted a settlement at that place, the Spaniards who had long claimed that part of the world as their exclusive property, dispatched a frigate from Mexico, which captured two English vessels engaged in the trade, and broke up the settlement on the coast. The Spanish government was the first to complain, in this case, of the intrusions committed by the British merchants. The British government, however, demanded that the vessels taken by the Spanish frigate should be restored, and adequate satisfaction granted, previous to any other discussion."
"This demand prevailed; the Spanish government agreeing to make full restoration of the captured vessels, and to indemnify the parties interested in them for the losses sustained. They restored also the buildings and tracts of land of which the British subjects had been dispossessed. The British, however, soon gave a proof of the little value they set on the possession, by a voluntary dereliction under which it has since remained."
"The case which will be noted last, though of a date prior to the case of Nootka Sound, is that of Falkland's islands. These islands lie about one hundred leagues eastward of the straits of Magellan. The title to them had been a subject of controversy among several of the maritime nations of Europe. From the position of the islands and other circumstances, the pretension of Spain bore an advantageous comparison with those of her competitors. In the year 1770, the British took possession of Port Egmont, in one of the islands, the Spaniards being at the time in possession of another part and protesting against a settlement by the British. The protest being without effect, ships and troops were sent from Buenos Ayres by the governor of that place, which forcibly dispossessed and drove off the British settlers."
"The British government looking entirely to the dispossession by force, demanded as a specific condition of preserving harmony between the two courts, not only the disavowal of the Spanish proceedings, but that the affairs of that settlement should be immediately restored to the precise state in which they were previous to the act of dispossession—the Spanish government made some difficulties; requiring particularly a disavowal, on the part of Great Britain, of the conduct of her officer at Falkland's islands, which it was alleged gave occasion to the steps taken by the Spanish governor; and proposing an adjustment by mutual stipulations in the ordinary form."
"The reply was, that the moderation of his Britannic majesty having limited his demand to the smallest reparation he would accept for the injury done, nothing was left for discussion but the mode of carrying the disavowal and restitution into execution; reparation losing its value if it be conditional, and to be obtained by any stipulation whatever from the party injured."
"The Spanish government yielded. The violent proceedings of its officers were disavowed. The fort, the port and every thing else were agreed to be immediately restored to the precise situation which had been disturbed; and duplicates of orders issued for the purpose to the Spanish officers, were delivered into the hands of one of the British principal Secretaries of State. Here again it is to be remarked, that satisfaction having been made for the forcible dispossession, the islands lost their importance in the eyes of the British government, were in a short time evacuated, and port Egmont remains with every other part of them in the hands of Spain."
The foregoing extract from the letter of the Secretary of State to Mr. Rose cannot but be satisfactory and conclusive with the reader, because it shews the unreasonableness of the demand of the British minister that a revocation of the proclamation should precede a discussion of the subject. Yet the President, adhering to the moderation by which he has been invariably guided, and anxious to rescue the two nations from the circumstances under which an abortive issue to Mr.
Rose's mission would necessarily place them, authorised the Secretary of State, in the event of his disclosing the terms of reparation which he believed would be satisfactory and on its appearing that they were so, to proceed to concert with Mr. Rose a revocation of the proclamation, bearing the same date with the act of reparation to which the United States are entitled. Mr. Rose thought proper to decline this frank and liberal offer, and thus to close the door to an amicable adjustment. All these facts were known to Mr. Canning, at the time of his Parliamentary harangue, and yet he had the audacity to declare in the face of the House of Commons, of Europe, and of the world, that reparation had been tendered to America for this outrage, and was not accepted!—He proceeds one step further, and hazards an opinion that "the manner in which the British reparation was tendered to America, by a special mission, was to all the feelings of nice honor an effective reparation, although not accepted;" and that so in fact they had every reason to believe that it was considered by the American government. Can any man in his senses imagine that Mr. Canning himself believed this declaration? In what page of the history of the United States did he learn that the American people are apt to grasp at the shadow and let go the substance? A moderate knowledge of the character of the American people for forty years past should have taught him better. They have been steady and united in their opposition to tyranny. They have at all times been ready to resist oppression, and to assist and maintain their rights at the hazard of every thing dear to freemen.
More than twelve months have elapsed, and no reparation has been tendered to the government for this flagrant outrage upon the sovereignty of the United States. Ample time has been afforded, in which if the British government had been sincere in its professions reparation might have been made, without surrendering a right which the great majority of the country has ever considered as essential to its dearest interests.
PLAIN TRUTH. (To be Continued.)
New York, Sept. 13. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Quebec, to one of the first merchants in this city, dated the 5th of Sept. 1808.
"We have London news here to the 20th of July, which state, that Russian goods have risen considerably again, in consequence of all arrangements of the adjustment of the differences between G. Britain & Russia having vanished."
The Madrid official Gazette of June 30th states the entrance of the French troops into St. Andero on the 23d, and the flight of the Bishop of that place; that on the 26th the French army met 5000 Spaniards in the defiles of Sierra Morena, forced all their positions and killed 300 of them; and that on the 27th general Dupont took the city of Jaen.
VIENNA, JUNE 18. After many negotiations with different powers, our political relations continue to exist on the most perfect neutrality.
Vermont Election.—In Bennington County, the republican ticket has 943, and the federal 683 votes. In Brattleboro, federal 286, republican 25. In Hinsdale, federal 65, republican 11.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
(FOR FOUR NIGHTS ONLY.) ON SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 17, 1808. Will be presented an admired Comedy IN FIVE ACTS, (NEVER ACTED HERE,) CALLED, TOWN AND COUNTRY. OR WHICH IS BEST.
Written by MORETON, author of CURE FOR THE HEART ACH, &c. &c. Plastic, Mr. Miller, Trot, Mr. Bray, Cosey, Mr. J.erson, Glenroy senior, Mr. Cross, Reuben Glenroy, Mr. M'Kenzie, Captain Glenroy, Mr. Cope, Armstrong, Mr. Wilmot, Dwindle, Mr. Seymour, Ross, Mr. Briers, Williams, Mr. Jacobs, Evans, Mr. Seymour, Robin, Master Harris, Hawbuck, Mr. Bissett, The hon. Mrs. Glenroy, Mrs. Wilmot, Rosalie Summers, Mrs. J. F. son, Mrs. Trot, Mrs. S. your, Mrs. Moreen, Mrs. Francis, Tuffine, (with a song) Miss Hunt.
Between the Play and the Farce— "GILES SCROGGIN'S GHOST" By Mr. J. F. son. To which will be added THE ADMIRED MUSICAL ENTERTAINMENT OF THE REVIEW, OR THE WAGS OF WINDSOR. The next night's Performance will be on MONDAY.

DR. WILLIAM GRAYSON, HAS taken a part of the house lately occupied by Mr. JOHN TEMPLEMAN on Bridge street, two doors above Sumner's tavern, where he begs leave to offer his Professional services to the citizens of George Town, and the Public in general. George Town, Sept. 14—tf
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, ON Monday the 19th inst. at Ten o'clock in the forenoon at the dwelling house formerly occupied by James Webb, a variety of Household Furniture consisting of Beds, Tables, Chairs, one Bureau, Looking Glasses, Glass ware of several kinds, and painted Eggs, adapted to a Grocery store, a few barrels of Cherry Brandy, and a variety of other articles too tedious to mention—where due attendance will be given by HENRY WEAVER. Terms will be made known on the day of sale. H. W. September 14—3t
Mr. JOHN RUST. Sir—Your not being a resident of this state, I take this public method of notifying you that I shall proceed to take sundry affidavits at Richmond court-house on the third day of October next, to be read as evidence in an injunction pending in the district Chancery court, held at Williamsburg, state of Virginia, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant. You will also take notice that I shall take affidavits to be read as evidence in the above mentioned injunction, at Westmoreland court house on the 5th day of October. PETER RUST, Richmond county state of Virginia. September 14—3w
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit. ON the petition of THOMAS Y. SPROGELL an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Thomas Y. Sproggell that on the 26th day of September inst. at Lindsay's hotel, in the city of Washington at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia" will be administered to the said Thomas Y. Sproggell and a trustee appointed unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered that this notice be published three times before the 23d inst. in the National Intelligencer, Washington Federalist, and the United States Gazette, published in Philadelphia. By order of the honorable William Craich, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Ck. September 14—3t
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangleys and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms, retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
NOTICE. THE sale of Negro JOHN, advertised for sale, the 27th of August, for his jail fees, is postponed until Saturday 17th of September precisely at 10 o'clock, A. M. at the jail in Washington county, at which time and place there will also be offered for sale two other likely young NEGRO MEN. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal D. C. September 9—2ios
FURNITURE FOR SALE. ON Monday 26th inst. will commence at the dwelling house of the subscriber on Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, the sale of a large quantity of excellent household and Kitchen furniture—viz. Mahogany dining, breakfast and card tables, ditto sideboard & sofa; a number of carpets but little used from 7 1/2 by 6 1/2, to 4 by 3 yards, one settee several dozen of chairs, writing tables, washstands and basins; a quantity of double and single beds, bedsteads, curtains, blankets and sheets to suit, in good preservation; large and small looking-glasses, open stoves, grates, andirons, shovels and tongs, one large urn, a quantity of china and glass ware, knives and forks, pickling and preserving jars. Also a variety of kitchen furniture too tedious for specification; and two excellent milch cows accustomed to the place. Terms of Sale. All purchases under 50 dollars, cash—from 50 to 100 dollars, ninety days and upwards 100 dollars 120 days, with interest calculated thereon and notes satisfactory endorsed payable either at the City or Columbia Bank. JOHN COYLE. Sept. 9—ept
SHERIFF'S SALE. WILL be exposed at public sale on Thursday the 29th inst. on the premises, for cash, the FARM whereon Ignatius West now lives, containing upwards of 300 acres of Land, the greater is in woods—late the property of said West taken by virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias , at the suit of Cornelius Lunsdale, assignee of John Hodges of Thomas, who was assignee of Benjamin Oden use of Wm. B. Beans. The sale will commence at 3 o'clock P. M. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county Md. September 14—7t
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit. ON the petition of HEZEKIAH BERRY an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Hezekiah Berry that on the 19th day of September instant at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. at Lindsay's Hotel, in the city of Washington, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Hezekiah Berry and a trustee appointed, unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, and Washington Federalist three times in each paper before said day. By order of the honorable William Craich, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Ck. September 9—3t
To holders of NON-RESIDENT LANDS, within the state of OHIO. WEL knowing that many gentlemen, non-residents of this state, and who own lands within it, and particularly those who hold it within the Virginia Military District , are subjected to many inconveniences and impositions by men in this state; and, upon a particular examination of the books in the Auditor's office, of this state, I discover that many gentlemen holding lands within the above mentioned district, have, from a non-payment of the taxes due thereon, subjected them to be sold for the taxes so due, by the collector of the taxes on non resident proprietors' lands for said district. And it frequently happens that the purchaser at such sales will not relinquish his title to the original owner, under one-fourth of the real value of the land. From the circumstances above mentioned, and many more that might be recited of equal if not greater importance to land holders, I am now prompted to come forward and offer my services to such gentlemen, as an agent to superintend the payment of their taxes, the redeeming of their lands sold by the collector mentioned above; and also for the selling of any lands which they may wish to sell, which business I will transact on moderate terms; much more so than those on which many within the compass of my knowledge have their business of that nature transacted. Any gentleman who shall think proper to entrust to me the management of his business, may be well assured that entire justice will be done him. As I reside with the Auditor of this state, and have always access to his books, I have every opportunity of ascertaining the precise situation of any lands within the state, which are subject to taxation, and as I am not engaged in any land speculations, will have no inducement to withhold correct information. By an act of the last session of the legislature of this state, the rate of land tax was raised to the following rates, viz. First rate 100 cents, Second rate 75 cents, and Third rates 50 cents per 100 acres. And under the said act, all lands which are hereafter sold for the payment of taxes, may be redeemed by paying to the purchaser thereof, 100 per cent. and interest on the purchase money and costs: Provided such redemption shall take within one year after the purchase. All lands subjected to taxation within this state, & which shall not be paid between the first day of August past, and the first day of December next, will, as has always been customary, on that day, be offered for sale for the taxes due thereon. Any letters on the above business, postage paid, will be strictly attended to, by CADWALLADER WALLACE. Chillicothe, Ohio, Aug. 15—3w
I WILL RENT for the next year, several LARGE FARMS, situated on the Potomac in the state of Virginia, about 20 miles above this place. These Farms will all be seeded at the proper season with Wheat and delivered up to the persons that rent on the first day of January next, or sooner if required—they will be shown to any persons desirous of renting by Mr. James Middleton, who resides at M'Carthy's island near them, or by the subscriber. JOHN W. BRONAUGH. George Town, August 31—4w
FOR SALE. THE Subscriber has just received and offers for sale at his store near the Navy Yard a general assortment of LADIES & GENTLEMEN'S SHOES, Which he will sell for Cash at a low price. JOSEPH CASSIN. N. B. He has always on hand an assortment of GROCERIES of the first quality. September 2—tw
PORT-TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WILL be run for, over the Port-Tobacco Jockey Club Course, on the second Tuesday in October next, a PURSE of three hundred and sixty dollars, four miles and repeat, free for any horse, mare, or gelding, and on the second day a PURSE of two hundred dollars, two miles and repeat, the winning horse of the first days race only excepted. Weights agreeable to the rules of the club; and on the third day a handsome Saddle, Bridle, and Martingale, value Fifty dollars, one mile and repeat, by saddle horses. All horses must be entered with the Secretary on the evening previous to their running. WM. D. HARRISON, Sec. August 24—
NOTICE. Pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—ept
WASHINGTON JOCKEY CLUB RACES. ON Tuesday the 25th day of OCTOBER next, will be run for over the Washington course, a Purse of five hundred dollars, four miles and repeat—free for any horse, mare, or gelding. On Wednesday the 26th will be run for, a Purse of three hundred and fifty dollars, three miles and repeat—free as above, the winning horse of the preceding day excepted—and On Thursday the 27th will be run for, "The City and Town Purse," of three hundred dollars, two miles and repeat—free only for colts and fillies—Each race to be run and conducted agreeably to the rules of the Club. The Purse will probably be considerably larger than has been stated. The amount of each cannot be stated with positive certainty, because it is made up, in part, from the tolls collected at the gates, and from the rent of the booths. SAMUEL BOOTES, Sec. George Town, August 31—tr
NEW GOODS. The Subscriber has just received from New York, and now opening at his STORE in BRIDGE STREET, the following Goods, viz. 1 Case 4-4th and 6-4th cotton cambric muslins, 1 do. 7-8th Irish linens well assorted, 1 do. 8-4th and 10-4th Irish damask table Diapers, 6 do. men's low priced fir'd hats, 1 do. men and womens cotting stockings, plain, laced, and sandals, 1 trunk low priced English calicoes, 1 do. 8-4th cotton damask table diapers, 1 do. containing 35 dozen cotton damask towelling, 1 do 60 pieces scarlet and brown bandana hankerchiefs, 1 do. dark plaid ginghams and black cambric muslins, 6 bales India cottons, different kinds, 4 do. white and brown German ticklenburgs, 45 boxes Havannah segars, All of which will be sold low for cash or approved paper at 60 or 90 days. EDWARD L. SMITH. George Town, September 2—5w
FOR SALE or RENT, THE Hotel at present occupied by P. D. STELLE. The advantages of this situation are so well known, that it is useless to say more of it—it is convenient to the Capitol, is calculated for a large establishment, with stabling for 40 or 50 horses. The Bridge, rapidly progressing over the Potomac, with the turnpike road to Alexandria, also in great forwardness, will add to the many advantages this situation possesses. To a man qualified to carry on such an establishment, no situation can insure a more certain and rapid fortune. Occupation can be had any day before the first of October next. Apply to the subscriber, DANL. CARROLL of Dud'n Washington, August 5—eptO
DANIEL RAPINE, On Capitol Hill, has just received the following New Books, which he offers for sale at the lowest possible prices for which they can be purchased at any place in the United States. Cruise's digest of the Laws of England respecting real property, 5 vols. Booth on real actions, with references to the English and American authorities. The Register of arts, or a compendious view of some of the most useful modern discoveries and inventions, by Thomas G. Fessenden. The American Register; or a general repository of history, politics, and sciences, vol. 2nd for 1807. Letters from England, by Don M. A. Espriella 2 vols. There is good authority for saying, that this valuable little work is written by Robert Southey. The Fatal Revenge, 2 vols. by D. J. Murphy. ** * D. R. has also just received Rees' Cyclopaedia, vol. 8, part 2nd—Subscribers at a distance are solicited to send for their copies, and those who have not been regular in taking up the work are particularly requested to call, as the work is expensive and requires punctuality. A handsome collection of Paper Hangings and Bordering, of select patterns, for sale as above. Also a quantity of choice Chewing Tobacco, of superior quality. August 22—
PROPOSAL, By JOSEPH MILLIGAN, George Town, For publishing by Subscription, ADELINE MOWBRAY; or THE MOTHER & DAUGHTER. IN TWO VOLUMES. By MRS. OPIE.
CUSTOM, and perhaps propriety, have rendered it necessary to bespeak the favorable opinion of the public to a new book: but the writings of Mrs. Opie have long held such an undisputed claim to excellence, that nothing more seems necessary than to point out the leading object of the present very interesting tale, to recommend it to general patronage. Those who have attentively read the writings of Mr. Godwin, well know, that however correct his abstract positions, and however logical his deductions may be—still they are, in many instances, by no means suited to the actual state of society. His opinions on the matrimonial engagement would, if generally adopted, infallibly destroy those bonds which are at once the most efficacious restraint upon licentious passion, and the best, nay the only security for domestic happiness. I've counteracted his fatal theory appears to be the principal design of the work now offered—in which the characters are so well supported, the incidents arise so naturally from the situations in which they are placed, the reasoning is so perfectly just, the whole narrative so essentially pathetic, and the impression which it is calculated to produce on every ingenuous mind, so favorable to the cause of morality, that the publisher confidently anticipates its meeting the same universal applause in this country which it obtained in England.
CONDITIONS. To those who may subscribe before the first of October next, the price will be seventy-cents per volume, in boards, after which it will be advanced to eighty-seven and a half cents per volume. August 12—copim
STRAYED or STOLEN FROM the commons (near the Eastern Branch), on Saturday the 27th August, a tolerable large Brindle COW, about 8 years old—she had some white on her belly, face, and part of her tail; had a gimblet hole bored in each horn, the mark in her ears not recollected—she was raised up the country. Any person that delivers the said Cow to the subscriber, shall receive three dollars reward, paid by JEREMIAH BOOTHE. Washington, Sept. 7—2aw2w
NOTICE. MERCHANTS and others desirous of forwarding LETTERS to Europe, are hereby informed that a vessel will sail under the orders of Government from Philadelphia, on the 15th of September next, or as soon as may be thereafter, for France and England. The postage on Letters must be paid to Philadelphia. Department of State, } August 29—6t }
WINES. Maderia, } Teneriffe, } Sherry, } Lisbon, } Malaga, } Sicily Madeira, } Claret and } Burgundy, } Jamaica spirits, } St. Croix, do. } Gin, } Molasses, } Sonchong, } Hyson, } Young Hyson and } Hyson skin, } Brown Sugar, } Coffee and Almonds, } Mould and Dipt Candles, } Soap, Cotton Wool } Muscadel Raisins, } Sugars, &c. &c. } Sept. 7—6t.
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to Public Sale on the 30th day of September next, at Rhodes's tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of Wm. Esenbeck, to LOTS numbered Two and Three in Square 257 in said city—said property is seized and sold by virtue of a writ of fieri facias , issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington at the suit of John C. Severman, against said Esenbeck. The sale will commence precisely at 11 o'clock, A. M. Terms cash. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal D. C. Aug. 29—2awts
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to public sale on Saturday the 17th day of September next at Rhodes's Tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of Thomas T. Gantt to Lot No. 15 in square 293, Lots Nos. 12 and 14 in square 430, Lot No. 2 in square 12, Lots 21, 22 and 23 in square 569, and Lots 13 and 14 in square 1023, taken by virtue of a writ of fieri facias , issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Samuel Crowder, sen and others (for the use of William Brent) against Thomas T. Gantt: the sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock. Terms, a credit of 60 days and 90 days, the purchaser giving notes with approved endorser. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal District Columbia August 11—2awts
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, sugars, Coffee, &c. W. & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York, 6 Chests } 20 Boxes } Fine Imperial Teas 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } 15 Boxes } Hyson Teas 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } 18 Half do. } Young Hyson Teas 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hinds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Teneriffe wine. Georgetown, June 20—2wtf.
Orphan's Court, Prince Georges county, July 19th, 1808. IT being represented to this court by Petition in writing of Robert McGill administrator of Benjamin Gaithe late of said county, deceased, that in consequence of the absence of the deceased's representatives from the state of Maryland, and of doubts being entertained whether the said absent representatives are in existence or have left any issue to represent them, he cannot safely make distribution of the assets in his hands without the interposition of this court. It is therefore ordered, that unless the said absent representatives appear before this court on or before the 20th day of January next to receive their respective dividends, that the court will then proceed to make distribution of the assets in the hands of the said Rbt. McGill, among the deceased's representatives residing in the state of Maryland, provided the said Robert McGill shall cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer one a week for eight weeks before the 20th day of November next. Test TRUEMAN TYLER, Reg. of Wills for Prince Georges county. August 19—w8t
The Rt. Hon. CHARLES J. FOX'S HISTORICAL WORKS. BIRCH & SMALL of Philadelphia announce that they have just received from London, and will publish on or before the 10th September, The History of the early part of the reign of James the Second , by the Rt. Hon. Charles J. Fox; to which is prefixed a copious Address to the Reader, by Lord Holland, under whose care it was published, with an Appendix containing a correspondence between Louis XIV. and M. Barillon on English affairs, and other original and important papers. It will be printed in one handsome Octavo Vol. price Two Dollars & Fifty Cents, in boards, containing the whole of the whole London 4to. which cost Thirty-six shillings sterling in England. August 24—3t
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to public sale on the 23rd day of September next, at Rhodes's Tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of BENJAMIN PERKINS to lot No. 1, in square Seventy-five in said city, together with a small frame workshop thereon; the above property is seized and sold to satisfy two writs of fieri facias issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, the one at the suit of Timothy Caldwell, and the other at the suit of Alexander Coccurane use of Hugh Smith, against said Perkins. The sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. Terms cash. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal D. C. August 22—2awts