The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-09-09 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. V. WASHINGTON CITY. PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. NO. DCCCLXVII. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1805. PAID IN ADVANCE.
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately adjacent to the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 33 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plots of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Mansfield at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON.
Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
SALE at AUCTION.
ON the 7th of October at 11 o'clock in the forenoon will be sold at public auction (at the COLUMBIAN INN in GEORGETOWN.)
a handsome assortment of HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, consisting of beds, bedsteads and furniture, mahogany dining tables, side board, walnut tables, looking glasses, carpets, chairs, brass andirons, fenders, shovels and tongs, &c. &c. and a great variety of other articles - a liberal credit will be given for all sum above one hundred dollars.
JOHN TRAVERS, Auctioneer.
Aug. 21—2awti
FOR SALE.
THAT valuable Tract of Land where 1 now live called Brookefield, containing 418 acres and 3-4 of an acre; the soil is peculiarly good; there are a great number of well bearing apple, pear, and peach trees. It abounds with yellow L. cuts, and has a sufficiency of oak for every necessary use. There is a large dwelling newly finished with four brick chimneys, two piazzas, four commodious rooms and a passage on each floor, and a large convenient kitchen adjoining it, a spring milk house, meat house, stables, carriage house, and an overseers house with a brick chimney, four tobacco houses, a large new quarter, corn houses, and granaries; a great proportion of swamp land, very rich and well secured from freshets - like wise 120 or 30 acres of wood land about three miles and a half distant from the aforesaid tract, a level public road leading to it. The dwelling plantation is about 3 1-2 miles distant from the port of Nottingham, 7 1-2 from Upper Meribro, 18 from Alexandria Ferry, and about the same distance from the Federal city. Any person wishing to purchase will apply to the subscriber.
THOS. BROOKE.
Brookefield, Sept. 4—w3t
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Benet's cord, toilettes, fancy and white Marcelline, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marcelline, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. 1 new Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
To be Sold,
Or exchanged for other property in the City, or its vicinity.
TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6380 acres, and the other 6252 acres, by late re-survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid.
Apply to the subscriber,
JOHN BECKLEY.
City of Washington, July 17—ep2m
A Valuable Tract of Land FOR SALE,
LAYING on the main road, leading from Charlottesville to Washington city, containing 663 acres; six miles from Culpapper Court House, Virginia, convenient to a number of fine merchant and saw mills. The situation pleasant and remarkably healthy, the land level, fertile and well adapted to the production of Indian corn, tobacco, wheat and other small grain, and is remarkably well watered, having the north fork of Cedar Run passing through the center of it, and sixteen bold and never failing springs on it; 140 acres of timothy meadow land on it, all of which may be put in good repair at a very small expense and a superabundance of large and lofty timber on it. The improvements are a dwelling house, three rooms on a floor, a good kitchen, a very large barn two stories high and other out houses sufficient, and which are strong and well built - 2400 bearing fruit trees, principally apple trees, together with all kinds of seed and stone fruits. It is so situated as to admit of being divided into two convenient and profitable farms. I will sell it entire or divide it as may be found most convenient and give immediate possession - there is a good chance to feed a large crop of grain on it this fall. I will take negroes to the full amount of the above land or any part thereof for the accommodation of a purchaser; if the above land is not sold before the 20th of October, it will be sold on that day to the highest bidder; the sale to take place on the premises.
MORTON PANNELL, Culpepper county, Virginia.
August 21—wti
ADDRESS
Delivered by JULIEN PORYTRAS, President of the Legislative Council of Orleans to that body, on its being prorogued the first day of May last.
HOW delicious is the fruit of the tree of liberty to those who can taste its fruits without having had the trouble of rearing the plant or of watering it with their sweat or blood! Without having been obliged to pass anxious nights and tedious days, in watching over and laboring at its delicate precarious culture! What care must be taken, what precaution used, to keep at a distance all that might check or prevent its growth; and now dexterously to remove, now forcibly to tear from it those destructive vines, which, like devouring parasites, closely twining themselves round its trunk, penetrate the earth, even to its roots; and again rising in a thousand different shapes, interweave their numberless tendrils, spread themselves over its highest branches, intercept the course of its sap, with which they nourish themselves, and deprive it of the salutary influence of the air and its nutritive gases; finally causing it first to wither, next to perish, and not ceasing their work of destruction, until they have robbed an entire people of its vivifying shade; which, if I may be allowed the expression, infuses a second soul in those who already possessed one, and creates a soul in those who were induced with none.
This prodigy, however great in appearance, is no more than the natural effect of that self-love, that longing after happiness which is implanted in every heart, and of those continual efforts which all men use for the improvement of their condition. Covered with the Ægis of Liberty, under the safeguard of a government essentially just and impartial, republicans gradually become sensible of their dignity, of their importance. Their eyes gradually open; they perceive that they have a country which cherishes them, which watches over them with solicitude; which secures their rights, seconds their efforts, and supports them in the flowery path that leads to those true and delightful enjoyments which serve as a counterpoise to the vicissitudes and misfortunes of life; and which alone can constitute happiness, if any there be upon earth.
Sensible of the infinite advantages to be derived from a government truly free, and penetrated with sentiments of the liveliest gratitude, every generous citizen feels the inmost recesses of his heart to glow with the love of his country; that sacred flame, which if once kindled is never to be extinguished. To him, labors and dangers are converted into duties, and duties into pleasures. As there is nothing to which every individual may not aspire, there is nothing which he dares not undertake; and seeing within his grasp security, reward and honor, he takes the boldest flight which he is capable, and makes the most energetic efforts to avail himself of all the means with which nature, fortune and education have furnished him, in order to act a distinguished part. The love of glory, that truly creative genius, seizes men possessed of superior powers in every line, influences them, and renders them capable of the most brilliant enterprizes. From this general combination of all the efforts, the talents and the virtues of the members composing a great society, result that union of force and that concentration of light, which have raised to distinction, crowned with fame and covered with glory, all the free nations of the earth, and have explained those miracles wrought by the talisman of liberty.
If cold reason and rigid equity were the only springs that set in motion this great machine, of which the powers are so various and so complicated, laws would be almost useless amongst us, and punishments unknown; all our days would be ushered in by pleasure, and the golden age would be renewed upon earth. But alas! it is not so! Good and evil in this world, ever go hand in hand, and always maintain a nearly equal balance. The same passions which animate us, and are the source of our virtues and enjoyments, often also become the cause of our vices and evils; and self-love, which if well understood and well directed, ought to be the instrument of our happiness, when suffered to degenerate into selfishness, renders man the enemy, the tyrant of that very society of which he ought to be the support.
On a first view it appears inconceivable, that a feeble mortal, who if abandoned to himself alone, would doubtless be the most wretched of all beings, and who is incapable of satisfying his most pressing wants, without the concurrence of an infinite number of his fellow-men, whose united labor is absolutely necessary, in order to render his painful existence supportable; it appears inconceivable, that blind to his true interests, deaf to the voice of reason, hardened against the remorse of his conscience, he
should become, all at once, a prodigy of madness, a monster of ingratitude, and that he should wish to tear open the bosom which nourishes him, and to break all those ties by which the author of nature has attached him to society; those ties which are the only sure pledges of his felicity.
How is the vicious man to be pitied! how deplorable is his lot! He becomes a gangrened member of society, and is rejected with horror from its bosom, he abandons the straight and consolatory paths of found morality, which conduct directly to happiness, and is entangled in the intricate, craggy mazes of vice, by which he is drawn on, from precipice to precipice, and finally plunged into an abyss of evils, out of which he can never more emerge. Loft to him are all the enjoyments of life; no longer does virtue gain him the friendship and faith of mankind; no longer does universal confidence procure him the good will and respect of his fellow-citizens; no longer do the effusions of friendship pour consolation and joy into his desolate soul; in him the feeling language of gratitude can no more excite emotion, nor can the once endearing ties of conjugal love and filial piety, open a way to his heart, or create in it those delightful sentiments, which constitute the supreme felicity of the greater part of mankind. His miserable wretched life, deprived of every enjoyment, and a prey to every species of misfortune, is a thousand times more intolerable than death.
It was for the purpose of obviating those enormous evils, of avoiding the horrors of confusion, the crimes of anarchy, which would be the necessary result of passions abandoned to their own impulse and left without control; of securing the happy effects of those same passions, when actuated by the desire of happiness; it was in order to enjoy in peace the inestimable advantages of liberty, founded on equality of rights, universal justice and common good, that men united in society, have found themselves compelled to establish a government, to create magistrates, and to make laws.
Such is the great, the painful task that has been the constant object of our labors, during this long session. In order to fulfil this task with success, it was necessary to employ time, to exercise patience and to enact good laws. Our time and our patience were at our disposal, and it is with pleasure that we have sacrificed to render ourselves useful to our fellow-citizens. As for the laws which necessity has compelled us to enact, it belongs not to us to pass on them any judgment but that which we have already made public, by giving them our consent; promulgated through the press, they will be subject to the scrutiny of the public, who will know how to appreciate them according to their true value.
Whatever may be their fate, we will bear with us this consolation, that in forming them we have employed all the means that our feeble talents could suggest, we have drawn our materials from those sources which we thought the purest. We have confined ourselves to the terms which were prescribed to us; we have associated to our labors, co-operators, to whose assistance, prudence and zeal for the public good directed us to recur. Should the success of our efforts fall short of our expectations, we will at least have the merit of having endeavored to succeed; of having taken the most difficult step, for the first is always the most difficult; of having begun to extract order from confusion; of having supported the first steps of a government still feeble in its course, which when strengthened and consolidated by the talents of our successors, will soon be, let us indulge the pleasing hope, a sure pledge of prosperity to ourselves and our descendants.
Great would be our consolation, could we here address ourselves to our fellow citizens, and submit to their view all that we have done for them; could we convey to them a slight idea of the pleasure we have felt in laying the foundations of all the most essential public institutions, in making such regulations as were requisite, and in framing laws of the most urgent necessity which may serve as elements for the future progress of our new country. We have not done all; but we have done all that was in our power to do. Further, we have taken the measures that were necessary in order that the entire work might be found sketched out by skilful hands accustomed to work of this nature, and it is undoubtedly doing much towards the execution of a great piece, to have the whole plan regularly delineated, so
that nothing be left for its completion, but to blend the labors, lights and shades in their just proportions, according to the taste of the spectators for whom it is intended, and who are to decide on its merits.
Our successors will be happier than we have been, they will enjoy the confidence of their fellow citizens by whom they will have been elected; we on the contrary have been deprived of this great support, many have carried republican freedom so far as to censure us publicly, and even in our presence. If their censures be founded in reason and justice, they must be supposed to possess knowledge and talents that were denied to us. Far from giving us any pain, those strictures have afforded us a sincere pleasure, and we flatter ourselves that the public, enlightened as to its true interests, will know how to distinguish those men of merit, and to place them in the situations to which they are entitled. We in the mean time, following the example of that Greek, who aspiring to a certain magnificence, and finding himself excluded by the selection of three hundred from among his fellow citizens, hurried to the temple and returned thanks to the gods that his country contained three hundred citizens of greater merit than himself; we, I say, following this example, will rejoice that the public should find five and thirty citizens more capable than ourselves of serving them; we will join our suffrages to theirs; far from censuring the men of their choice, we will be the first to applaud their success. Should they err, we will sigh for them in secret, and openly give them all the encouragement in our power; for experience has taught us that nothing on earth is more difficult than to effect the public good.
As we are not to render an account of our conduct to the public, not having been chosen by them, let us take the liberty of requesting his excellency the governor, to forward to our illustrious President, our most grateful acknowledgments for the confidence with which he has honored us, having been a witness of, and a principal co-operator in our labors, his excellency can testify that we have done all that depended on us, to fulfil his instructions; and that what we have most to regret is that our feeble means have not corresponded with our desires. Let us also intreat the governor to add our sincere congratulations on the President's re-election to the Chief Magistracy of the United States. This flattering testimony rendered by so immense a majority of all the citizens, gives us so high an opinion of his civic virtues and superior talents, that it compels us to take the most lively interest in his personal welfare, and to consider it as essential to the prosperity of the entire union, which shall ever be the object of our most fervent wishes.
ADDRESS,
Delivered by JULIEN PORYTRAS, to the Legislative Council, on its being prorogued, July 3, 1805.
THE close of our long session presents me with a favorable opportunity, which, did I follow the bent of my inclination, I would be tempted for a moment to indulge; of giving a loose to the sentiments of friendship and gratitude, with which you have inspired me. I might expatiate on your zeal for the public good; on the union and harmony that have reigned amongst us, notwithstanding occasional differences of opinion; I might particularly dwell on the good intelligence which has existed between the two branches of government, and the singular aid we have received from his excellency the governor; but vain praises are not what you expect from me, they are truths of another kind: permit me then, my dear colleagues, to tell these truths naturally and without disguise.
The enactment of laws, however excellent, is almost nothing, if they be not literally executed. It is incumbent on us, by our example, to promote the most scrupulous execution of them. What nation may not boast of having some wise laws? but alas! these laws have hitherto been, and hereafter will be, an ineffectual restraint upon tyranny, and a slender protection to freedom, if the conduct of those citizens who enjoy, or wish to enjoy liberty, be not founded on the immovable basis of good morals, civic virtues, and generous devotedness to the public good.
Behold with horror this beneficent Deity, whose name is so often expressed by the lips, but so seldom cherished in the heart, become a fugitive on the face of the earth! reflect thereon with attention, and you will find that virtues and vices, knowledge and ignorance, valor and cowardice, riches and poverty,
ty, disgrace and glory, impiety and religion, in a word, all the faculties, and all the passions of which human nature is susceptible, are so many formidable weapons which her enemies use, to attack her, to combat her with success and to force her last intrenchments.
It is to their defence we have consecrated our labors. In this undertaking we have experienced difficulties, which circumstances have rendered insurmountable. Let us however hope that this great work will one day be perfected. By time and patience all things may be accomplished. It is sufficient to keep the object always in view, to diffuse light, to tear off the veil, to overcome prejudices, to paint in strong and in true colours the inestimable advantages to be derived from laws that are simple, natural, clear, intelligible to those whose conduct is to be regulated thereby, and adapted to the local circumstances, the necessities, the manners and customs of the people which they are to rule; they ought above all to be divested of those complicated, expensive and unnecessary forms, which render the dispensation of justice both difficult and ruinous. Their style should be pure, correct, and purged of those barbarous foreign expressions that are become obsolete and unintelligible, giving to laws the appearance of mysterious oracles, not to be consulted without the assistance of an interpreter; as if man, doomed to a perpetual infancy, were condemned, during the whole course of his life to be tyrannised over in a thousand different ways, an object of derision to those who blindfold him and lead him by the string.
I will ever consider as a wonderful phenomenon, and as the greatest misfortune of the human race, that servile attachment to ancient usages, whether good or bad; to ancient laws, though most absurd, and formed in the midst of tyranny and barbarity. This unlucky bias transforms men into apes, and forces them to consider that man as the greatest, who has overburthened his memory with the greatest load of this antiquated stuff; without even suspecting, that he would indeed be the greatest man, who profoundly meditating on the physical and moral situation of the people for whom he wished to legislate, should so well adapt his legislation, to their actual circumstances, as to render it peculiarly fit for them, and for no others. Placed as we are so vast a distance from perfection, there is but too much truth in the observation, that the romance of a good legislation has not yet been invented.
Reflect, I conjure you, on the consequences of this fatal prejudice. We are on the eve of seeing confusion established on the banks of the Mississippi, by the forced introduction of a voluminous body of common law to which we are total strangers; laws which are quite foreign to our constitution, our liberty, our circumstances and our manners, and are wholly unknown and inapplicable to us. And why is this to take place? Because our ancestors of glorious memory were children of the Thames, had they been natives of Japan or China, the Bamboo would be justice of the peace amongst us, as it has been for numberless ages amongst the inhabitants of those empires.
In expectation of the happy moment when the science of liberty shall be thoroughly understood, when every citizen well knowing its essence, shall seek the truth with sincerity, shall speak it without dreading the consequences of his candor, and hear it without being offended thereby, let us approach as near as we can to its sanctuary, let us open our hearts to every sentiment that is generous and useful to society, let us be united, just, benevolent, patriotic and courageous, let us practice every virtue that becomes citizens truly free, without which the idea of liberty is but a mere chimera; and unfortunately it is considered as such by nations that have endeavored to gain it, but have found their endeavors vain, being destitute of all the qualities necessary for its enjoyment. Let us reject that foolish pride, that ever wishes to set us above our equals; but let us trample under foot that sordid interest that constantly impels us to establish our own fortunes at the expense of others; we ought incessantly to labor at the improvement of our condition; it is the wish of nature, it is our first duty, it is the only means of becoming useful members of society, and worthy citizens; let us not forget that we ought to succour our fellow citizens, to support them, to assist them in the road that leads to their welfare, to communicate to them and even divide with them our happiness. It is thus that we will enjoy it with usury, it is thus that we will be doubly happy.
SUBSCRIBERS to the National Intelligencer in arrears are requested to make immediate payment. It may be proper to remind subscribers, that the indispensable term of the Paper is the annual payment of Five Dollars in advance; and that unless the term be complied with, their papers will be discontinued.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.
HOUSE OF LORDS, July 4.
Colonial Intercourse with America.
Lord HOLLAND
Rose to bring forward his promised motion for some important information on this subject. He prefaced it with a very able and argumentative speech, of considerable length. He described the proceedings which had taken place in some of the West India Islands, particularly in Jamaica, which induced him to think the present appeal to the wisdom of Parliament necessary. They arose principally from the conduct of the governors of those islands, with respect to the discretionary power exercised by them, relative to the commercial intercourse between the islands, and the U. States of America. He alluded to the suspension of the navigation laws, in one point of view, but more especially to the restrictive power exercised by them with respect to the importation of American produce; so necessary for the sustenance of the islands, or the shipping of that country. The line of conduct to which he referred, either in a political or commercial point of view, was of the most serious importance, and still more, as it affected the supply of the islands with articles of the first necessity, as lumber and provisions. The inhabitants of Jamaica in particular felt it so strongly, that their legislative assemblies made repeated representations to the governor upon the subject, who, in one of his answers, stated, he could not permit the importation in neutral bottoms longer than a given period. With respect to the question, though as affecting the interests of the islands, of great importance, was still of greater, as it may affect the commercial intercourse and good understanding between this country and the U. States of America. He deprecated every thing like a narrow, selfish commercial policy with respect to America. Ministers should consider the circumstances and situation of America, the great importance of continuing that good understanding and extensive commercial and friendly intercourse which now happily subsists between the two countries, and to which their common origin, language, and manners, so very fortunately dispose them. One of his objects in coming forward was to give an opportunity to his majesty's ministers to disclaim any such notions or principles as actuated their conduct with respect to the restrictions on the trade and commercial intercourse between the West India Islands and America. It so happened, and fortunately, he thought, that our West India Islands could not be adequately supplied with articles of the first necessity, except from the U. States. He thought this was eventually fortunate, because the important consideration to which he adverted would operate as an additional inducement with the government of this country to cultivate a friendly understanding with America. He adverted to some ineffectual attempts which had been made under former administrations to supply our West India Islands from the British dominions in North America. Adverting to the incalculable importance of the American commerce to this country, he observed, that any attempts to exclude America from the trade of our West India Islands, would be worse than the conduct, as related in the ancient fable, of the dog in the manger, whose determination was comparatively wise and liberal. It would go to remind him of the fable of the two petitioners to Jupiter, to whom the Godhead said, that whatever he gave to the one, the other should have double—then, said one, in a paroxysm of folly and malignity, give me blindness in one eye, that my neighbor may be blind both eyes? So would it be metaphorically, did this country wish to exclude America from our West India trade, upon the narrow principle of commercial jealousy. His lordship took a view of the policy and effects of the navigation act, in its different bearings—and argued, that the changes in the system of Europe, and the relative situation of this country, rendered the policy of acting upon it very different from what it was at its first enactment. In war, generally speaking, it was impracticable. He wished the affairs to which he adverted were placed on a liberal footing and permanent basis—and it was important they should declare what line or system of conduct they intended to adopt, respecting the intercourse between America and our West India colonies, in time of war. Throwing the whole of his speech, more especially towards the conclusion, the noble lord expatiated upon the great national importance, either in a political or commercial view, of maintaining an amicable intercourse and close connexion with America—and repeated, that one of his principal objects in coming forward was to give ministers an opportunity, of disclaiming all notions of narrow or selfish policy, with respect to their intended intercourse in question, a circumstance which would give great satisfaction to all parties; and with respect to their intended system in future, he thought they should be explicit. His lordship concluded by moving an address to his majesty, "for the production of the communication which took place between the legislative assemblies of Jamaica and his majesty's government of that island, touching the intercourse between that colony and the U. States of America, from the commencement of the war with France, to the 21st of May last; also for copies of the correspondence between his majesty's secretary of state for the colonial department, and the governor of Jamaica, on the
subject, within the same interval—also, for various documents, respecting the quantities of provisions, &c. imported from America and the Island of Jamaica, at certain given periods, distinguishing those imported from British America, and those from the U. States of America."
The question being put on the first motion:
The Earl of CAMDEN in allusion to what had transpired on the subject on a former evening, observed he had stated that counter orders had been sent out to the Governors. The orders which were sent relative to the conduct of the Governors, respecting the subject in question, were precisely to the same purpose, during the last war. By the act of the 28th of the King, he observed, all goods and commodities were prohibited from being imported into the British West India Islands from the United States of America, with the exception of certain articles, as provisions and lumber, in cases of necessity; of these the respective Governors were generally constituted the judges. They were to act upon their responsibility with respect to the admission of these articles, and bills of indemnity were passed, when they had acted contrary to the law. The noble Earl adverted to the extensive nature of the information called for—the propriety of accompanying these documents with others which were necessary for the full illustration of the subject, and which, in this very advanced period of the session, it would be impracticable to produce. He therefore submitted to the Noble Baron the propriety of withdrawing his motion for the present; or in case he persisted, he should think it his duty to move the order of the day upon them.
Lord Holland shortly explained.
Lord Hawkesbury's objections were not so much against producing the required information, as producing that alone, which should produce a false prejudice upon the subject, and would by no means put the House in full possession of the case. Under that conviction ministers would feel it their duty also to move for a number of additional documents. With respect to what was said of the restrictions upon the trade in question, he had to observe that there were many representations made, from respectable and important quarters, of a direct contrary tendency to those alluded to by the noble Baron, and reasons adduced that government, instead of imposing unnecessary restrictions, were, in fact, too indulgent with respect to that part of the trade of the United States, to the great detriment of the British merchants; their lordships would therefore see the propriety of the proposed additional documents, in order to afford Parliament and the public an opportunity to decide and judge thoroughly on the merits of the question. He admitted the subject was one which any noble lord might fairly bring before Parliament, but the advanced period of the session rendered the production of the necessary documents impracticable. He was, therefore, of opinion with his noble friend, it would be preferable to postpone the discussion to another session, when all the information proper to be laid before Parliament could be produced. With respect to the line of conduct intended to be pursued by his Majesty's government relative to the subject in question, it would be regulated by their convictions of the true interests and character of their country, and a due respect for the principles of the Navigation Laws. With respect to what was said of their views in regard to the trade of America, they would be regulated by no sentiment contrary to those just and liberal principles of commercial policy, so well understood in the present day; upon principles, founded not only upon the true interest of their own country, but even with a proper regard to the interest and prosperity of America herself.
Earl Stanhope contended that ministers had not been sufficiently explicit, particularly with respect to their intended conduct during the recess. Instead of giving a plain answer to the queries of his noble friend, the Secretary of State answered only by generalities. His lordship then spoke in support of some of his noble friend's arguments, with respect to the great importance of a good understanding between America and this country, whose example the latter ought to follow, with respect to her line of internal and external policy.
The Duke of Montrose replied, with considerable spirit, to many of the positions advanced by the noble Earl who spoke last, with warmth of expression, he supposed, might arise from the warmth of the present season, a period in which he generally thought proper to attend his duty in that house. He contended that his noble friend had been sufficiently explicit: the orders given, they stated had been the same as during the last war; and the line of conduct would be persevered in. He conceived that every country had a right to regulate the trade of its own colonies, and that no other state could properly complain of it. With respect to the noble Earl's panegyrics upon America, he understood a noble Earl had lately disposed of his
property and gone to that country; perhaps if the noble Earl opposite to him would follow the same example, he might, after a short residence in that country, return home in a better humour with his own!
The Earl of Limerick was of opinion the answers given by ministers were explicit; and adverted to the consideration, how far too great an indulgence with respect to the trade of America, would operate injuriously upon the trade of Ireland with our West India colonies.
The Earl of Suffolk spoke in support of some of the positions of his noble friends, Lords Holland and Stanhope.
Lord Hawkesbury, the Earl of Camden, and the Duke of Montrose, spoke severally in explanation.
Earl Stanhope, in explanation said it was the duty of a person in his situation to watch over the interests and concerns of his country at home, and not to leave it because he might be out of humour, at the misconduct of weak, inefficient, and incapable ministers.
The Earls of Darnley and Carrysford spoke shortly in support of the leading arguments of noble Lords on that side of the House.
Lord Harrowby briefly vindicated the conduct of the ministers on the subject in question; and he deemed them sufficiently explicit in their declarations.
Lord Holland spoke in reply, and contended that ministers had not been explicit; their declarations were mere generalities; in allusion to what was said of the emigration of a noble Earl (Selkirk) to America, he referred to his late work upon the subject, which he regarded as full of useful information, and vindicated the motives which induced that noble Lord to go to the country in question. He warmly reprehended the idea of noble Lords being told, when they openly and freely declared their opinions of misconduct or incapacity of ministers, that they should leave their country, if they did not like it. No, it was the duty, as his noble friend, well observed, of persons in their situation to stay in their country, watch over its interests, endeavor to rescue it from destruction, and to abide its fate.—Such was the duty of members of that House, and they who asserted otherwise knew little of the duties of the legislature.
The Duke of Montrose said a few words, in consequence of what fell from noble Lords opposite; he would not be dictated to, as to the line of debate or observation he would pursue. He would adopt that which he thought most likely to conduce to his object; it was not his practice to rebuke others, neither would he be rebuked. The question being loudly called for, a division took place. For the motion, 8—Against it, 14—majority 6.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors which on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that 'tis his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and so to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travellers, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty.
PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
MACHINE FOR CLEANING CLOVER SEED
The subscriber having obtained a patent for the said machine which must be deemed a very valuable invention and now solicits the patronage of a generous public. The machine is to be constructed that it may be made to go by water, which will clean from thirty to forty bushels per day; a permit for which may be had at the rate of 40 dollars. A permit for a horse mill may be had at the rate of 30 dollars, which will clean in the neatest manner from 10 to 18 bushels per day. Hand mills are made by the subscriber at the rate of 35 dollars which will clean from 4 to 7 bushels per day which depends greatly upon the dryness or dampness of the air. Permits for hand mills may be had for 16 dollars. The subscriber also wishes to inform the public that he is a mill wright by occupation, and persons wishing to have said machine constructed in their mills upon application to him will have their work done in the best and neatest manner; any such applications will be duly attended to and the public approbation gratefully acknowledged by the public's Humble Servant, MICHAEL ZORGER. York county, Penn. Aug 30.
FOR SALE.
An unfinished two story brick house with an excellent cellar fronting on Seventh Street, east, square No. 907, in the city of Washington, if not disposed of at private sale previous to the 4th day of September next, it will on that day be offered at public sale, for terms apply to the subscriber.
And on the same day will positively be sold a frame house situated on the same street and square as the above property; and a quantity of household and kitchen furniture.
The vicinity of the above property to the navy yard renders it an object worthy of attention.
WILLIAM PROUT. Aug. 12—
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 1.
DEBATE ON THE YAZOO CLAIMS,
(Continued.)
MR. FINDLEY said that after the attention he had experienced in communicating his opinions on this subject two days ago, it was with reluctance he called their attention a second time on the same question. He would not have done it if the opposition had been conducted in the usual manner, and if such honorable notice had not been taken of himself, while most of his arguments remained unrefuted and some of them wholly avoided. His colleague (Mr. Clay) had lamented the want of unanimity in the members of Pennsylvania, and particularly the want of his own vote. Mr. F. said that he did not know how his colleagues would vote till the question would be taken, he had never consulted them nor the members of any other state on the subject, nor communicated his opinions to but a few of his colleagues in private, before the question came on. If the members of the state he represented had held a meeting on the subject they had not informed him, and he did not believe they had, but be that as it may, he would inform that gentleman that he was not sent there to vote on either his opinion or theirs, but on his own. That in making up his mind he could assure his colleague, that he never had taken greater pains and care to free it from prejudices on the subject, which he acknowledged had been strong, and to examine it in all its aspects by the rules of equity, expediency and national faith, and that he had decidedly made up his mind. He hoped his colleagues had done so too. It was a subject on which good men might differ in opinion. He had not in any manner denounced his colleague for voting as he had said he would do, and he did not know what authority he had to notice him in the manner he had done. If we were obliged by the constitution to be unanimous, it indeed suggested an idea of economy he had not thought of before. The state of Pennsylvania by sending one member to give the votes of eighteen, would procure a considerable saving to the United States, and he supposed his colleague would do very well to give the vote for the whole. Some other respectable gentlemen he said, had honored him with particular attention, but in such a manner as he had too much respect for the character of that house and his own character, to follow with any remarks.
Mr. F. said he would not at this late hour detain the house with any observations on the laws of Georgia of 1795 and 1796, but would offer a few remarks on the title of Georgia to the land in question as it respected these claims. A gentleman from Virginia yesterday (Mr. Holmes) had read Vattel on the law of nations to prove that some of the kings in Europe could not alienate the Royal Domains. He begged leave to observe that this maxim did not apply to this country which had a common law peculiar to its circumstances. Many of them had vacant land, but this land was not considered so much as part of the sovereignty as a source of revenue arising from its sale and the power of disposing of it was vested in and exercised by the respective legislatures, and the constitution of Georgia in this respect was similar to that of the other states. None of them had royal domains. Congress had repeatedly acknowledged this right in the legislature of the state of Georgia by soliciting a cession of land to be made by it to the United States, and finally by accepting a cession from it on specified conditions. But being in undisturbed possession was agreeably to the practice of this country, sufficient to protect her grants. He believed most of the states of the union had made compromises of territory and transfers, even of inhabitants, from one to the other on the principles of compromise. The state of Pennsylvania had done so with all the neighbouring states. The property of the islands of the river Delaware was settled by compromise with the state of New-Jersey. The boundary between Pennsylvania and Maryland had been long contested and was finally settled by compromise in such a manner as that Maryland rights for land in Pennsylvania, and Pennsylvania rights laid in Maryland were both protected. But the accommodation which applies more fully to the present case was made with Virginia. On the conclusion of the Indian war which broke out in 1763, a settlement was formed at Redstone Creek, perhaps fifty miles or more within the chartered bounds of Pennsylvania, and the settlers claimed to hold under Virginia—it was forbid by the law of Pennsylvania to settle that country, and the governor sent as commissioners, Gen. Potter, Col. Allison and the Rev. Mr. Steel, to the place to inform them of the title of Pennsylvania and to forbid the settling the land, it not being then purchased from the natives. The respectability of the commissioners was supposed to give weight to the object. They informed the settlers that the land belonged to Pennsylvania, and warned them of the danger of persisting in an unlawful claim. This solemn and candid notice had not the desired effect, citizens from other colonies and even from Pennsylvania flocked to that part of the territory professing to hold under the state Virginia. At this time the government of Virginia had given no official titles to the land, but it was well known that the price of land in Virginia was much lower than in Pennsylvania. No such claim was ever made by the United States to any of the territory of Georgia nor such war-
ing given against purchasing or settling the land.
In a short time after this however, Lord Dunmore the last royal governor of Virginia opened a land office in that country and issued land warrants at one tenth of the Pennsylvania price and less than one twelfth of the fees, and at least three counties were organized by Virginia within the chartered bounds of Pennsylvania, in which only one county court was organized by Pennsylvania, and the justices of that court were arrested while sitting on the bench at a place near one hundred miles within the chartered limits of that state, and above seventy miles from the limits afterwards made by compromise. The revolutionary war commenced and the settlers under the authority of both states made temporary compromise, by which the country was protected against invasion and property secured.
Though there had been contentions between the settlers, there had been harmony between the states, and after various attempts which failed, before the war with Britain ceased, the two states made a compromise. Pennsylvania gave up to Virginia half a degree of her chartered claim and Virginia gave up to Pennsylvania three organized counties with their inhabitants. Let it not however be said, that the actual settlers alone were secured in their pre-emption right as was usual in Pennsylvania. This was not the case. Those who proved that they held under Virginia procured patents from Pennsylvania at less than one tenth of the price which those who held under Pennsylvania had to pay, and those who claimed unseated land under Virginia grants held their claim. That fine body of land called Washington's Bottom in Fayette county, above 40 miles within the present limits of Pennsylvania, has been held without contest, and about the year 1786 gen. Washington in the character of Guardian, recovered seven or eight plantations by the decision of the state court of Washington county in Pennsylvania, on which so many families had made large improvements without suspicion of a prior claim, and there is now a claim of the same kind before the supreme court of Pennsylvania brought by Craughan's heirs to a much larger amount. There was a larger amount of land contested between Virginia and Pennsylvania than that which is reserved in the convention with Georgia and the United States to satisfy claims. The claims under Virginia had extended into what is now five extensive counties of Pennsylvania. Adding to this half a degree of latitude of the chartered claim of Pennsylvania for about ninety miles of length ceded to Virginia amounts to much more than the residue of five millions of acres, which is the greatest amount in question. All this was amicably settled by compromise, and the sister states continued in harmony and the country was settled with respectable citizens. The case, he said, which he had mentioned the other day of the claims of the settlers at Wyoming had been supposed to teach an opposite doctrine, but the members who were acquainted with the circumstances would acknowledge it did not. They must acknowledge that the southern boundary of that state, bordering on Maryland and Virginia, was settled to the utmost western boundary, that the northern boundary which included the Connecticut settlement, was not settled to half that extent or at most very dispersedly settled, that at least ten or twelve counties on that side of the state laid out by law, could not be organised for want of people and that all the other side of the state east of the Ohio was thickly settled and organized long ago, and that several counties west of the Ohio are so far settled as to be organised on the south western boundary; such were the different effects of a compromise and a continued contest.
Mr. F. said he had reason to beg pardon of the House for calling their attention to so tedious a narrative and which they might suppose had little relation to the question, but it was his opinion that if the report of the committee and the treaty or convention with Georgia was not carried into effect, though he might not live to see it, the examples he had stated would be found to have a bearing on the subject, but on this view of it he would not enlarge and he hoped his apprehensions would not be realised. But he was astonished to observe his friends, who on this subject took the other side of the question, depart so widely in their arguments from the question before the house. He said that the laws of Georgia passed in 1789, 1795 and 1796 were certainly not now before the house. The law of Georgia passed in 1789 and the still more extensive and he believed from good information the most corrupt sale of 1795, were all set aside, and they were not then called on to decide on a territory as extensive as any kingdom in Europe, as the gentleman just sat down (Mr. Sloan from N. Jersey) had alleged. These monstrous speculations had vanished as many others had done, the whole square miles it would contain was but little more than was not long since contained in one county through which he had to pass going home, but which is now divided into more counties. He said he disapproved of monopolies, but still more of rendering all property insecure. He disapproved of such speculations.
Mr. Findley said though he had had the best opportunities, he had taken no share in those or any other speculations, yet while there is so much land in the U. States at market, he had found they were not attended with all the evils which he had anticipated, they payed high county and road taxes which they would not have

done if they had not been owned by individuals, and no profit could be obtained from them but by sale to actual settlers, which could now be done but on easy terms and in small instalments. The foreign companies who held much larger bodies of land in Pennsylvania than any other, were much more mischievous. The poor actual settlers were by them dragged 400 miles to the federal courts in Philadelphia and from thence to this city, to have their claims decided, and even if they gained the action, they had to part with their plantations to pay their own expenses and the attorney's fees; this, though a great evil, he believed was an incidental one. That clause of the constitution of the U. States which had been construed to favor this practice, he believed was never intended to bring municipal cases before the federal courts, and the construction which it had obtained in practice, he had no doubt would soon be remedied. He acknowledged he might be thought to have wandered from the subject, but he supposed he would obtain an easy excuse from gentlemen on the other side, some of whom in their arguments had scarcely ever touched the point in question.
This observation might seem harsh, but if time would permit it would easily be substantiated. The candor of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nelson) who was up this morning, he said he was sure would induce him to acknowledge that instead of arguing against the obligation of the convention between the United States and Georgia and the law of the U. States, whereby we are obliged to apply the deposit of the residue of five millions of acres or part thereof to satisfy these claims or to return the land to the state of Georgia, he had taken other ground; he had collected into one mass all the corruption of the legislature of Georgia yet unpunished by the judiciary of their own state, and all the corrupt influence of the original purchasers from that legislature, and this gentleman with others on that side of the question had heaped all the guilt of this speculation and of all the speculations if not since the world began, at least from the commencement of the revolution, on the heads of innocent and honest purchasers against whom, tho' there was above 1200 of them, no charge of fraud was brought, and whose characters had been asserted not only to be unimpeachable, but very respectable both in a moral and political point of view by members whose testimony was entitled to the highest respect, yet the contrary had not only been presumed but argued from, as an established fact. He acknowledged, however, that the gentleman just sat down (Mr. Sloan) had admitted this position was not supported by any kind of testimony, but had told the house that he had found or created a clue out of his own imagination to trace their guilt and to convince him that the people at 1100 miles distance acted in concert with the corrupt legislature of Georgia in preparing a snare for themselves and their friends, but the gentleman had not informed the house how to trace his imaginary clue; visionary clues had been mentioned for other purposes formerly in Congress but never traced nor realised.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
For Sale IN the county of Prince William, Virginia, a Mesbico furnace and its appendages, with four or five thousand acres of land adjoining, near the town of Dumfries, and within four or five miles of the Potomac—the soil is generally adapted to small grain, and if too considerable for one purchaser, will be laid off in lots suitable for small farms—a description of the land is thought unnecessary—as those wishing to purchase will no doubt first view it: the payments required will be one third cash, and the other two thirds in annual instalments, to be secured by a mortgage on the land; and no deed given until the last payment is made; any person wishing to purchase, may know the terms by applying to Mr. Thomas T. Page, living near the premises, who is fully authorised by me to sell the whole or any part. JOHN TAYLOR. August 16—3m. N. B. A valuable mine bank in Maryland may be had with the furnace if required. J. T.
BOARDING SCHOOL FOR YOUNG LADIES. MRS. LEE takes this method of returning her grateful acknowledgments to her friends and the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington and its vicinity, for their liberal patronage, and solicits a continuance of their favors which she hopes to deserve by a strict attention to their morals, as well as the other branches of education, and flatters herself from her long residence in Paris, that she is enabled to teach the French language with peculiar advantage. TERMS AS FOLLOWS: DOLLS Board and Tuition, per quarter, 30 Needle and Fancy work, English, Writing, and Arithmetic, 5 French, 4 Small children, 4 Pennsylvania avenue, three doors west of the President's Square August 23—6t
RAGS. The highest price, in Cash or Books will be given for any quantity of clean Linen and Cotton Rags, by Rapine Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill. June 24—
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 9.
At length the friends of the drama are about to reap some pleasure, and we hope some profit too, from the captivating amusements of the THEATRE. The Manager, Mr. GREEN, has fitted up the theatre in a neat and handsome style; and we believe it will be found to possess every convenience for the accommodation of the audience. Performers, with the names and talents of which most of our readers must be well acquainted, appear in the bills, who, aided by a good orchestra and scenery, cannot fail by the display of their powers to interest the spectators. Let it, however, be recollected, that the exertion of theatrical talent always depends in a very great degree on the fullness of the house, while thin benches chill the most ardent genius. The encouragement which we can give to this amusement is now to be tried. If it be liberal, we shall hereafter be able to command the ablest performers on the continent, some of which will this night appear on the boards. If they are this season welcomed by overflowing houses, and if among the spectators are seen the most respectable of our citizens, the reputation of Washington will be fixed, and the dramatic art will look to the metropolis for its most flattering reward, that reward which consists in a liberal pecuniary support, and the approbation (at least during the winter,) of the most enlightened audience of America. Let those whose feelings are sluggish, remember that it is in some measure the dictate of duty to aid this establishment in its infancy. Its great and primary object unquestionably is to strew the path of legislation with a few flowers in addition to those already in it. It has been truly said that the members of Congress require some public amusements as a relaxation from their grave and toilsome duties. Of all such amusements, the dramatic are of the highest order. Indeed, in their capacious bosom, they embrace the varied gratifications of every other species of amusement. Let us then, citizens of Washington and George Town, welcome the appearance of the children of Thespis among us, let us give them a fair trial, and shew them that we are not insensible to merit.
The republicans of Delaware have nominated David Hall, and the federalists, James M. Broom as representative in Congress.
Address of the inhabitants of the District of Saint Charles, Louisiana, to GOVERNOR WILKINSON, and his reply.
SAINT CHARLES, July 12, 1805. "PERMIT me, sir, at the request and on behalf of the citizens of Saint Charles, to congratulate you on your accession to the office of Governor of Louisiana.
When, sir, we have taken into consideration the peculiar situation of the inhabitants of this territory, not long enough connected with the United States to have a full knowledge of their laws, and institutions, and wanting a complete system by which to regulate their conduct, we have felt the necessity of having our first magistrate to reside in our country, and are well satisfied at your arrival.
While we have experienced the disadvantages and evils arising from an imperfect code of laws, we have ardently desired a government founded on the immutable principles of freedom and of equal rights and privileges; principles in which our safety and happiness are involved, and for which you, sir, have long and successfully contended.
We hope, sir, that the period is not distant, when law and order will be established in our country on a solid basis, defined in such a manner that every individual may clearly comprehend them; that no man can exculpate himself from their obligations under the pretence of ignorance, and when the partial grievances that are inseparable from a change of government will be remedied.
We are convinced, sir, that it is an important and difficult task to direct the affairs of a people composed of different nations and languages, and attached to ancient prejudices, laws, customs and usages to universal satisfaction. But, sir, we persuade ourselves that your wise and prudent efforts for the good of the community, will be seconded by every good citizen in this district.
Engaged as we are, sir, in agricultural and domestic pursuits, having no interests apart from those of our country; deriving our whole security from the laws, we shall cheerfully coincide with our fellow men to carry into execution such regulations as may be established for the preservation of peace, and for the encouragement of good order in society.
From your reputation, sir, we have the fullest confidence that our infant country, under your fostering care, and parental guidance, will prosper and increase; that your precepts and examples will promote union and brotherly kindness among our citizens; that party animosities and disagreements, the bane of social harmony (but which happily do not exist in this district) will through your influence be totally extinguished, and that your administration may add lustre to a life hitherto constantly devoted to the service of your country. "without fear and without reproach."
Accept, sir, of our wishes for your welfare and happiness. I have the honor to be, Sir, Very respectfully, Your most obt. And very hbl serv't, E. HEMPSTEAD."
HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES WILKINSON, Esq. GOVERNOR OF LOUISIANA TERRITORY." REPLY OF THE GOVERNOR. SAINT CHARLES, July 12, 1805. "SIR, "I thank you and the gentlemen of St. Charles and its vicinity, for the polite and unexpected reception with which you have been pleased to honor me. That you should desire the residence of your chief magistrate among you, was as natural as it is necessary, for a thousand reasons too obvious to be mentioned, and the general government by indulging your wishes, have testified their respect for your rights, and their regard for your prosperity.
I hope with you, that the day is not far distant, when our present happy condition will be improved, by such sound institutions, as may from experience be best adapted to the state of our society.
The diversity of the laws, habits, and prejudices under which we have been bred, and of the languages we speak, may in the outset involve some perplexities in the conduct of our public affairs; but I flatter myself such difficulties may soon yield to a spirit of conciliation, mutual forbearance, and interchange of kind offices, and that benevolence of sentiment which warms the heart, and awakens its finest feelings, and if my example can promote ends so desirable, you will certainly be availed of it, because my own happiness depends essentially on the contemplation of that of my fellow-citizens who surround me.
Left to the free exercise of all your faculties, under such wholesome restraints as have been deemed necessary to the preservation of order, and the security of your persons, and property, I sincerely hope these important objects may be carefully fostered and firmly maintained by a coincidence of sentiment, and a co-operation in conduct, since it is on them you must depend for the permanency of your enjoyments.
You have formed a false estimate of my merits which are humble, but you have not misapprehended my dispositions. If a sacred regard to the rights, interests, and feelings of every honest man—If a deportment frank, sincere, and cordial—If the reprobation of party animosities, and the recommendation of social harmony—If the exertion of my best faculties for the promotion of your welfare, and the firm, but mild, exercise of the powers vested in me, for the general good can found pretensions to your confidence and good wishes, you may believe me gentlemen, I shall deserve them, and that you will never have cause to regret the obliging terms in which you have been pleased to address me.
The harmony which has reigned in the district of St. Charles excites my admiration and respect, and is a pleasing presage of the future tranquility and happiness of its worthy inhabitants, while it does honor to the head, and the heart of your civil commandant.—
Accept, I pray you, sir, My good wishes and Assurances of respect, J. WILKINSON. To Edward Hempstead, Esq. for himself and the citizens of district of St. Charles.
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805.
Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only , having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendant of the City.
A malignant fever has made its appearance in New York.—Fifteen cases have occurred in three days.
New York, September 3. The following important information, was received from Mr. Hartford, of Darien, Georgia:—"Intelligence has reached this place that an English fleet of nine sail of the line, with frigates and transports are at anchor in the mouth of St. John's river, and that their object is the conquest of Florida. The Spaniards are extremely alarmed, and all is bustle and confusion.
New-York, Sept. 5. Capt. Simmons, arrived at Boston on Saturday in 35 days from Gibraltar, informs, that an official and detailed account of the negotiation and peace with Tripoli, had been received at that place, and that he was promised a copy of the same by the American consul; but being ready for sea, and a favorable breeze springing up, he left the place without it. He however understood, that the terms were an exchange of prisoners, and a gratuity from our government of 60,000 dollars.
A letter to Wm. Gray, Jun. esq. at Salem, from a gentleman in Naples, confirms the pleasing intelligence of the deliverance of our American Brethren from bondage at Tripoli. No particulars are given, as his correspondent supposed the information would have been received before the arrival of capt. Leach. It is added (in the Salem Gazette of Friday last) that the brother of the Bashaw failed in his object of recovering the government.
The board of health of Philadelphia state, "the malignant fever has made considerable progress in Southwark, but is still confined, with very few exceptions, between second street and the river, and between Almond and Christian streets. Very few cases have appeared within the limits of the city, and those have been traced to intercourse with the infected part of Southwark." On the 3d of Sept. there were seven persons admitted into the hospital, and three deaths. On the 4th, five admitted, and three died. On the 5th, four admitted, and three died. Nineteen remain in the hospital, of which five are convalescent.
Preparing for the Press, AND will be published early in the Spring in one closely printed volume, The spirit of the Public Journals; Being an impartial selection of the best original Poetry, Essays, &c. which have appeared in the newspapers of the United States during the year 1805.
The Editors of Newspapers who exchange with the BALTIMORE Evening Post, are requested to give the above advertisement a few insertions in their papers. When published, a copy of the work will be sent to each office. Sept. 9—
ISAIAH BALDERSTON, & SON, AT the sign of the Fan and Screen, No 52 Front street, Old town, and 1 Hanover street (nearly opposite Evans's Tavern) Baltimore. Manufacture and fell the following articles, viz.—Fans for cleansing wheat, Wire Saws of the most approved kinds, Rolling & Standing Screens (for merchant mills, and flaxseed Rolling Screens) on the common construction, or on Isaiah Balderston's improved plan, which is found to be superior to any heretofore in use for separating garlic from wheat) Riddles and Seives for corn, coal, ore, barley, rye, oats, flax and clover seeds, wheat, cockle, lime, sand, snuff, flax, and brick dust. Woven Wire for milk houses and cellar windows, together with all kinds of wire work, of which they constantly keep a complete and extensive assortment. Orders for any of the above articles left with Wm. Morgan, George Town, or forwarded to them will be executed with punctuality and dispatch on moderate terms. 8th Mo. 23—
PROPOSALS For publishing by subscription, A NEW WORK, ENTITLED "PLAIN DISCOURSES ON THE CHEMICAL LAWS OF MATTER" Containing a general view of the principles and improvements of the science of CHEMISTRY, with a particular detail of such parts as are the objects of more common attention. By THOS. EWELL, M. D. &c. of Virg.
TO THE PROMOTERS OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. I HAVE ventured to present for your patronage a new work. It is a system of Chemistry exempt from such technical terms as retard the study, by those not desirous of entering into the useless refinements of the science; and it will convey particular descriptions of those processes which are for domestic purposes. The object of the work is to render the study of chemistry less difficult, more general and agreeable, as well as to lead to improvements in various arts.
Long has the greater part of mankind labored under difficulties which might have been avoided by learning the discoveries of Philosophers. During the study of most sciences we notice improvements unknown to the majority of the people; and in no one have these become more conspicuous than in the science of Chemistry. Since the wild conjectures of deluded men were banished from its annals, the study has become one of the most useful and interesting to ALL of common understanding. The science is now characterised by a simplicity, hostile only to the pride of the pedantic scholar. Its extensive scenes are open, and with powerful attraction they invite the entrance of the intelligent in pursuit of pleasure, of information, or of most of the arts. An entrance is desired, that the wonderful beauty and wisdom displayed in the operations of nature may be contemplated with rapture, in parts neglected by the vulgar as a "dreary void."
To those in the pursuit of pleasure, the study of chemistry affords the greatest delight. The conversion of solids into volumes of vivifying airs, and of airs and other fluids into solids, are processes which altho' inferior to many in chemistry, give unusual satisfaction. To know the composition of the substances surrounding us, with their connection and relation to each other, and to understand many of the arts of chemists—will impart to the mind an agreeable action, while they increase its capacity to make improvements. And such are the fascinating powers attached to the pursuit of this knowledge, that France is fast becoming a nation of chemists, in consequence of the general study of the science by the ladies as well as gentlemen.
The respectable cultivators of Land will be much benefited by an acquaintance with chemistry. It will teach them the properties of the soil they cultivate, the art of making manures, and the kinds of vegetables as well as manures best adapted for their respective farms. An idea of this may be formed from the famous fact, that by a judicious management of the grave yards at Paris, in quantities of salt-petre were procured for the powder manufactories as to enable the French government to prosecute their war.
To be able to detect the presence, and discriminate between the noxious and innocent metals, as well as to make most useful combinations of them, to ascertain the constituents of medical springs, to detect the adulterations of our drinks, and to correct corrupted airs, must be of consequence to most individuals. The combustion of bodies, the arts of tanning and preserving meats, of coloring and of making glass, of brewing and distilling, as well as many other arts, are chemical.
chemical operations. The state of most of them could be improved by a further cultivation of the science, which from its simplicity could be done in but a part of the time than required by the arts. This will be demonstrated by reading the following extract from a letter received from the President, Mr. Jefferson, dated MONTICELLO, August 1805. "Of the importance of turning a knowledge of chemistry to household purposes, I have been long satisfied. The common herd of philosophers seem to write only for one another. The chemists have filled volumes on the composition of a thousand substances of no sort of importance to the purposes of life; while the arts of making bread, butter, cheese, vinegar, soap, beer, cyder, &c. remained totally unexplained. Chaptall has lately given the chemistry of wine making; the late Dr. Pennington did the same as to bread, and promised to pursue the line of rendering his knowledge useful to common life; but death deprived us of his labors. Good treatises on these subjects should receive general approbation. Accept of my salutations and assurances of respect. TH: JEFFERSON."
But, fellow citizens, for you to know the beauty, the connection and the importance of the science I wish to communicate to you, it is necessary that you know the science itself. To relate in the most intelligible terms the discoveries of chemical philosophers, will not be the extent of my labors. I shall offer a new view of the art of ascertaining the fertility of Lands, and of the formation of vegetable juices, which has been approved of by some distinguished characters. I shall also relate some original experiments, a part of which establish a hitherto disputed doctrine concerning heat, & throw light on the art of enriching improved Lands.
You will now determine by your subscription, whether the desire of one to disseminate useful knowledge shall be gratified—whether the proposed publication shall appear. T. EWELL.
TERMS OF PUBLICATION. As soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained, the work shall be put to the press. It will be comprised in from 4 to 500 pages 8vo. will be printed on good paper with suitable type.—A general Index will be annexed to the work—with proper drawings of the apparatus commonly used by chemists. The work shall be bound in boards and delivered to Subscribers at three dollars per copy. Those who become answerable for more than five copies, shall receive the usual allowance of Booksellers.
The citizens of Washington and George town are respectfully informed that THE WASHINGTON THEATRE WILL OPEN THIS EVENING, With an occasional ADDRESS, by Mr. GREEN. After which will be presented a favorite Comedy (written by Mrs. Inchbald) called Wives as they were, AND Maids as they are.
Sir William Dorrillon, Mr. Green. Sir George Evelyn, Mr. Clark. Lord Priory, Mr. Hopkins. Mr. Bronzely, Mr. Claude. Mr. Norberry, Mr. Bignall. Oliver, Mr. Wilmot. Nabson, Mr. Comer. Servant, Mr. Martin. Lady Priory, Mrs. Green. Lady Mary Raffle, Mrs. Bignall. Miss Dorrillon, Mrs. Wilmot. To which will be added the Farce of
Ways and Means, OR A Trip to Dover. Sir David Dunder, Mr. Thrumwood. Random, Mr. Bignall. Scruple, Mr. Claude. Tiptoe, Mr. Hopkins. Paul Puff, Mr. Comer. Lady Dunder, Mrs. Bignall. Harriet, Mrs. Claude. Kitty, Mrs. Hopkins.
ADMITTANCE—Box one Dollar, Pitt three quarters of a Dollar. Tickets to be had at Mr. McLaughlin's tavern, George-Town, at the office of the Washington Federalist, at the Theatre, and at A. & G. Way's Printing-Office. Doors to be opened at 6, and the performance to commence at 7 o'clock precisely.
NOTICE to Delinquent Subscribers to the THEATRE.
ALL Subscribers to the Theatre, who have not made full payments on their shares, or contributed the materials and work promised, are hereby notified that unless the same be done on or before the first day of December next, their shares will be forfeited; after which day certificates of stock will be issued to those subscribers who have complied with the terms of subscription on application to the Directors. ROBERT BRENT, } Directors. WILLIAM BRENT, } SAMUEL H. SMITH, } Sept. 4—4t

A Brewery for Sale.
By virtue of an authority given to the subscriber to be sold upon the premises to the highest bidder on Monday the 21st day of October next at the hour of twelve. Lot numbered 10 in square each of square numbered 88 in the city of Washington; upon this lot is a small house 12 x 16, a dwelling house of four rooms, to which is attached the brew house, containing a copper of 600 gallons and another of 100 gallons, a mashing tun, at present down, a working tun and a number of hogsheads; also a small granary with cellar room for sixty run hogsheads—the standing works are convenient and the whole may be put in complete repair for 500 dollars. Annexed to the brewery is a good horse mill. A wharf may be extended from it at a small expense, to receive wood and grain, and beer may be conveyed from it by water to all the more populous parts of the city and George Town. The above property is extremely desirable in all respects to a person wishing to go into the brewing line.
The terms of sale are, the purchase money to be paid one half in six and the other in nine months. For which payments security will be required. Any person wishing to view the premises will please apply to Dr. Coningham residing thereon.
MARSHAM WARING.
Sept. 3. 1801
PUBLIC SALE.
IN virtue of an order issued from the bench of Calvert county, will be offered at public sale, on the 28th day of August next, (if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter) at the late mansion of Benjamin Ward, deceased, at the hour of 12 o'clock, a valuable plantation, containing 184 acres of Land, lying on the Chesapeake Bay, in Calvert county. The improvements are a small dwelling house, kitchen, tobacco house, corn house, and other out houses; a large orchard of fine fruit. This fertile spot has every advantage, it abounds in heavy timber, and has a great projection of rich low ground, capable of being made into meadow at a very trifling expense. The soil is extremely rich—tobacco, wheat, rye, and Indian corn, grow with little labour—the neighbourhood affords a society of very general and friendly people—places of worship surround it—convenient to mills and a ware house for the inspection of tobacco within two miles of the premises. This Land will be laid off in small parcels, or sold all together, as may best suit purchasers.—Bond with approved security will be required, carrying interest from the day of sale, payable in two equal payments, the first in 12, and the last in 18 months from the day of sale.
WM. M. CARCAUD, DAVID L. WEBBS, CHAS. WILLIAMSON, Commissioners.
July 3 - ep3w
1500 DOLLARS REWARD.
HIGHWAY ROBBERY.
YESTERDAY about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Mr. JOHN PETER, an Officer of the BANK OF COLUMBIA, was stopped on horseback on the road between this town and Alexandria, and within about 2 miles of the latter place, by some unknown villain, shot through the body with a pistol, and robbed of a sum of money in his possession belonging to this Institution which he was taking to Alexandria, for the purpose of exchanging with the banks there.
The whole sum taken amounted Eighteen Thousand One hundred and Fourteen Dollars and Sixty five Cents, made up in several packages, among which were,
   Dol. C     1 p st note of the Bank of Virginia, for 800   1 do. of the same, for 500   1 do. of the same, for 500   1 do. of the same, for 450   1 do. of the Bank of Potomac in favor of Joseph Ridde by him endorsed to Washington Bowie, dated 6 July, 1805. No 117 149 65  
A check of the Union Bank, on the Bank of Alexandria, drawn by R. Higginbotham, cashier, in favor of Greatham and Deveraux, by them endorsed and by Benj. Scodder, and C. Smith, teller.
There were also a parcel of post notes of the Bank of Alexandria for 100 dollars, and for 50 dollars, each. The remainder was in current notes, principally of the banks of Alexandria and Potomac, and some few of the Bank of Virginia of different sizes and denominations.
As the attack was sudden, and the wound received of a nature to deprive Mr. Peter instantly of his senses, (although it is now hoped he will recover) the description obtained may not be very accurate—As far as we are informed—the man who perpetrated the act, is of middle stature, good countenance, and had a genteel appearance. He had on a dark blue or black coat, nankeen pantaloons, shoes, and a black hat, he was on foot and alone at the time, but may have had accomplices concealed, and will probably change his clothes.
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given to any person or persons who will detect and bring to conviction the robber; and ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS additional for the recovery of the whole of the money, or in proportion for any smaller sum recovered—should there be accomplices, and one of them make a discovery, so that it leads to the conviction of the robber, or to the recovery of the money he shall receive the above reward, and interest will be made to obtain his pardon.
WILLIAM WILLIANN, Cashier of the Bank of Columbia. George Town, July 31—
The subscriber begs leave
to inform his friends and the public generally, that he has removed from the Navy Yard to the Capitol Hill, in the hotel lately occupied by Mr. P. D. Steele, where he hopes to be favoured with a part of their patronage. It being a desirable situation, and the conveniences of the hotel excelled by none in the city, he therefore hopes to please those that call upon him in every instance.
WILLIAM R. KING.
August 20—tf.
TO BE SOLD,
AT PUBLIC VENDUE,
At Cadbury's Hotel, in Alexandria, on Monday the 16th day of September, at 12 o'clock at noon.
A tract of LAND late Presly A. Thornton, Esquire's, situated in Northumberland county, Virginia, lying immediately on the Potomac river. The following description is given of this property by persons well acquainted with it. "It contains 2,500 acres, 1,700 acres of which are the most valuable low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 acres heavily timbered, and the remainder very high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious Brick Mansion House and two Offices, a large Brick Stable, valuable Barn, Cow House, and many other out houses. The Orchards and Garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Baltimore Alexandria and Norfolk. There are two good mill sites for grist and saw mills on the estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, for which an excellent market may be found at the city of Washington."
The terms of sale are—one fourth cash, one fourth in one year, one fourth in 18 months and the residue in two years from the day of sale. The payments to be secured by bonds, with mortgages on the premises, and to be on interest from the day of sale.
For further information, application may be made in behalf of the subscriber, Thomas Robinson, to Richard Peters, jun. attorney at law in the city of Philadelphia, or to William Lewis, in the same city, (Philadelphia.)
THOMAS ROBINSON, W. LEWIS.
June 19—ep Sep. 16
West Indies.
BERNARD M'NAULTN SEEDSMAN,
No. 129.
CHESSUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA,
Has just imported from London by the ship Columbia,
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Garden Seeds,
PARTICULARLY of such kinds as are usually in demand in the West Indies, and as other hot climates; and also of such sorts as are necessary for summer and fall sowing in the United States. They are all fresh, of the last season's growth, and will be disposed of on moderate terms.
TURNIP SEED.
He has likewise imported from one of the most eminent Turnip farmers in England, a quantity of the genuine White Norfolk field Turnip seed, which is the most profitable kind yet known for cattle feeding, and exceeded by none for ordinary purposes.
FLOWER ROOTS.
His flower roots being now taken up, his friends and the public may be supplied with upwards of three hundred varieties of the most superb Tulips, all named, and arranged in their proper divisions, a large collection of the best double Hyacinths, Anemones, Ranunculus and Jonquils; likewise Crown Imperial, crocus spring and autumnal Cyclamen roots, with several other kinds.
BOOKS.
He is constantly supplied with the best and most approved works on Agriculture, Botany and Gardening, and in a few weeks will have ready for publication his treatises on AMERICAN GARDENING, adapted particularly to the climates, seasons, and vegetable productions, that are, or may be profitably cultivated in the United States.
He is also supplied with the best English flour of mustard and split peas; white and brown mustard seed for mangoes, &c. water-ing pots, bats mats, pruning, grafting, and in oculating knives; garden rakes, hoes, reels, lines, spades, shovels, trowels and edging irons, hot bed lights and glais, hyacinth glasses, red, white, and yellow clover seed, burnet, lucerne, ray grass, timothy, herd grass and orchard grass seeds, lentils, vetches, peas, beans and every other necessary article in the seed trade.
M'MAHON invites, may he solicit a correspondence and reciprocity of services with the admirers of curious and useful vegetable productions, in the United States and elsewhere; and having it considerably in his power, being generally supplied with an immense number of scarce, curious, and valuable seeds, he hopes they will find in him an attentive and useful correspondent.
July 15.
Rapine, Conrad, & Co.
On New Jersey Avenue Capitol Hill,
HAVE just received and offer for sale, at a low price, a quantity of PERUVIAN BARK by the pound and smaller quantity.
They have also, lately received an addition to their former assortment of books and stationery.
July 10—
Council, Annapolis, May 16, 1805.
ORDERED, That the act to provide for the trial of felons in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals, be published twice in each week for the space of three months in the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the American, Telegraph and the Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate and Bartgis's paper at Frederick-Town; Greaves's paper at Hagerstown, and in Smith's and Cowan's paper at Easton.
By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk.
AN ACT
To provide for the trial of felons in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and forms of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals.
BE it enacted by the general assembly of Maryland, That this state shall be divided into six judicial districts in manner and form
following to wit: St. Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties, shall be the second district; Calvert, Anne Arundel and Montgomery counties shall be the third district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the fourth district; Frederick, Washington and Allegany counties shall be the fifth district; Baltimore and Harford counties shall be the sixth district; and there shall be appointed, for each of the said judicial districts, three persons of integrity and sound legal knowledge, residents of the state of Maryland, who shall previously to and during their acting as judges, reside in the district for which they shall respectively be appointed, one of whom shall be styled in the commission chief judge, and the other two associate judges, of the district for which they shall be appointed; and the chief judge, together with the two associate judges, shall compose the county courts in each respective district; and each judge shall hold his commission during good behavior, removable for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law, or shall be removed by the governor, upon the address of the general assembly, provided that two thirds of all the members of each house concur in such address; and the county courts, so as aforesaid established, shall have, hold and exercise, in the several counties of this state, all and every the powers authorities and jurisdictions, which the county courts of this state now have, use and exercise, and which shall be hereafter prescribed by law; and the said county courts established by this act shall respectively hold their sessions in the several counties at such times and places as the legislature shall direct and appoint, and he salaries of the said judges shall not be diminished during the period of their continuance in office.
II. And be it enacted, That in any suit or action at law hereafter to be commenced or instituted in any county court of this state, the judges thereof, upon suggestion in writing by either of the parties thereto, supported by affidavit or other proper evidence, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in the county court of the county where such suit or action is depending, shall and may order and direct the record of their proceedings in such suit or action to be transmitted to the judges of any county court within the district for trial, and the judges of such county court, to whom the said record shall be transmitted, shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such suit or action had been originally instituted therein; provided, nevertheless, that such suggestion shall be made as aforesaid before or during the term in which the issue or issues may be joined in the said suit or action; and provided also, that such further remedy may be provided by law, in the premises, as the legislature shall from time to time direct and enact.
III. And be it enacted, That if any party presented or indicted in any of the county courts of this state, shall suggest in writing to the court in which such prosecution is depending, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such adjoining county court shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein; provided that such further and other remedy may be provided by law in the premises as the legislature may direct and enact.
IV. And be it enacted, That if the attorney general, or the prosecutor for the state, shall suggest in writing to any county court, before whom an indictment is or may be depending, that the state cannot have a fair and impartial trial in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court, in their discretion, to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such county court shall hear and determine the same as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein.
V. And be it enacted, That there shall be a court of appeals, and the same shall be composed of the chief judges of the several judicial districts of the state, which said court of appeals shall hold, use and exercise, all and every the powers, authorities and jurisdictions, heretofore held, used and exercised, by the court of appeals of this state, and also the appellate jurisdiction heretofore used and exercised by the general court; and the said court of appeals hereby established, shall sit on the western and eastern shores for transacting and determining the business of the respective shores, at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint, and any three of the said judges of the court of appeals shall form a quorum to hear and decide in all cases pending in said court and the judge who has given a decision in any case in the county court, shall withdraw from the bench upon the deciding of the same case before the court of appeals; and the judges of the court of appeals may appoint the clerks of said court for the western and eastern shore, respectively, who shall hold their appointments during good behavior, removable only for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law; and in case of death, resignation, disqualification or removal out of the state, or from their respective shores, of either of the said clerks in the vacation of the said court, the governor, with the advice of the council, may appoint and commission a fit and proper person to such vacant office, to hold the same until the next meeting of the said court; and all laws passed after this act shall take effect, shall be recorded in the office of the court of appeals of the western shore.
VI. And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government which relates to the court of appeals and the general court, or the judges thereof, or that is in any manner repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby repealed, abrogated and annulled upon the confirmation hereof; provided, that nothing herein
contained shall be construed so as to authorise the removal of the clerks of the respective county courts being in commission at the time of the passing of this act, in any other mode or manner than that prescribed by the constitution and form of government.
VII. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing in the said constitution and form of government to the contrary, notwithstanding.
May 31—2aw3m
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
HISTORY Of the West Indies :
A WORK in the contents of which every citizen of America must be interested, whether devoted to business, or desirous of information through the medium of amusement.
A new & revised edition of Mr. Edwards's History of the West Indies, with a third volume, (completed by its amiable author a short time previous to his death) has lately been published in London. This third volume contains the interesting and important history, with a large Map of the Island of St. Domingo, or Hispaniola, as also that of Tobago; likewise a history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1793, and a tour of Sir William Young through several of the islands. It is accompanied by a highly finished portrait of Mr. Edwards, a history of his life written by himself, and a prefatory advertisement by Sir William Young, Baronet, M. P. F. R. S. &c. under whose editorship it has been given to the public.
The subscriber, impressed with a sense of the great importance a general knowledge of the history, civil and commercial, of the West Indies, must be to every citizen of America, and of the great celebrity of the above work, proposes to print it by subscription, and respectfully offers the following for public patronage and encouragement.
Proposals for Printing,
From the London copy, 3 volumes quarto, THE HISTORY, CIVIL AND COMMERCIAL, Of the British Colonies in the West Indies.
BY BRYAN EDWARDS, ESQ. F. R. S. A. S. Containing, with a variety of other matter:—
A political and topographical survey of the sugar islands.
A comprehensive account of the ancient and present inhabitants, agriculture, productions, laws, government, constitution and commerce.
An historical review of the slave trade; including observations on the character, genius, dispositions, and situations of the enslaved Africans.
An historical review of St. Domingo, comprehending an account of the former government of the French part of that island, its political state, populations, productions, and exports; a narrative of the calamities which have desolated the island ever since the year 1789; and a detail of the transactions of the British army in that island.
Also, a tour through the islands of Barbadoes, St. Vincent, Antigua, Tobago and Grenada, by Sir William Young, Baronet, &c. and
A history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1793, &c. &c.
CONDITIONS.
It will be printed in four volumes, large octavo, on a perfectly new and beautiful type, and on a handsome large medium paper, agreeable to a specimen, which may be had at the subscriber's Book Store.
The price to subscribers to be three dollars the volume, in boards; each volume to be paid for on delivery.
With the last volume will be given an ATLAS, (without any additional price) containing the following maps, viz.
 1 A large general map of the West Indies.  2 Map of Jamaica.  3 Barbadoes.  4 Grenada.  5 St. Vincents.  6 Dominica.  7 St. Christopher's.  8 Nevis.  9 Antigua.  10 Virgin Islands.  11 St. Domingo, or Hispaniola.  12 Tobago. 
To prevent disappointment or complaint, it is now premised, that on the publication of the second volume the subscription price will be advanced to three dollars and a half the volume, and on the publication of the last volume the price will be again enhanced.
With the last volume, besides the Atlas, will be given an elegant engraving of the celebrated author. Also a list of the subscribers names.
The London copy of the foregoing work in three volumes cannot be sold in America, in boards, under sixty dollars.
JAMES HUMPHREYS.
Subscriptions are received by said Humphreys at his book-store the corner of Second and Walnut streets, and by the principal booksellers through the Union. Philadelphia, July 15—
Ten Dollars Reward.
WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased Silver Watch, maker's name Crosswhite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia.—Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the Navy Yard at Intelligence, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 10—tf
SULLIVAN'S LECTURES,
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS B. WAIT & Co. FOR PRINTING, BY SUBSCRIPTION,
AN HISTORICAL TREATISE
ON THE
FEUDAL LAW,
AND THE
CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF ENGLAND;
With a Commentary on Magna Charta, and Illustrations of many of the English Statutes.
BY THE LATE
FRANCIS STOUGHTON SULLIVAN, L. L. B. Royal Professor of Common Law in the University of Dublin.
To which authorities are added, and a Dictionary is prefixed, concerning the Laws and Government of England,
BY GILBERT STUART, L. L. D.
THE Lectures of Professor Sullivan, delivered to the Students in the University of Dublin, are in very high repute among all Lawyers of eminence, and have been uniformly recommended as an elementary book to those young gentlemen who begin the study of Law with a view to render themselves respectable in the profession.
However obsolete the feudal policy may now seem to be, it having gradually disappeared as mankind grew more civilized and became better acquainted with their natural and inalienable rights and privileges; yet a research into the history of the government of jurisprudence of the nations of Europe, will satisfy any one, that many consequences of that system still exist and influence the opinions and decisions of the highest and most enlightened tribunals of justice. Every author who has undertaken to give a regular and systematic account of the rise and progress of modern nations, has felt himself obliged to resort to the history of feuds and feudal rights, as the fundamental principle from which all existing civil and political institutions have taken their rise; and every jurist who has employed himself in explaining the constitution and laws of his country, has gone to the same source for the correct materials of his essays and dissertations. Robertson, in his history of the Emperor Charles V. has with great beauty and perspicuity illustrated so much of the feudal policy as was necessary to enable the scientific reader to understand that valuable book; and Sir Wm. Blackstone has in the course of his commentaries, led the student to a contemplation of the ancient tenures, many of which depend upon the doctrine of feuds, as established in England by the Norman conqueror.
But in both those invaluable productions, the feudal policy was adverted to, only as incidental to the principal object of the authors, and therefore cannot be supposed to furnish so complete and satisfactory an account, as would be given by so distinguished a lawyer as professor Sullivan, who declares the great purpose of his lectures to be the full discussion of the subject, which was of necessity but partially considered by the other writers.
This work has become so scarce in this country, as to be seldom seen, even on the shelves of a practising lawyer; a fact to be accounted for only by the difficulty of obtaining the book; for it cannot well be supposed that any one of the profession, who has higher views than the mere pecuniary advantages of the practice, would willingly neglect an enquiry into those ancient institutions, upon which, notwithstanding the lapse of ages, most modern improvements are founded. But it is not to the profession alone, that this book may be considered useful. In this rising empire, where political knowledge to a certain degree is claimed by all, and actually possessed by many; a book which succinctly and perspicuously brings to view the laws, institutions, manners and customs of those nations from which our English ancestors descended, must be peculiarly useful as it will enable young politicians to trace all our civil regulations to their source, and thus to account methodically and scientifically for many modern usages and practices, of which their knowledge is extremely superficial. In this book they will see how our ancestors struggled for the establishment of those privileges which artful monarchs and a proud nobility were continually attempting to destroy; and they will also learn that the persevering industry of the people, aided by the wealth which their skill and enterprise brought into the country, finally obtained a complete victory in the establishment of principles and customs, which, transplanted into America by our progenitors, terminated in those glorious constitutions which distinguish the people of America, for liberty and happiness, from every other people on the earth.
CONDITIONS.
The work shall be elegantly printed, in two octavo volumes, on fine wove paper, with a new and beautiful type. It will be delivered to Subscribers, bound in calf, at Five Dollars; and in boards, at Four Dollars.—To non-subscribers the price will be enhanced. No money will be required till the delivery of the work.
Those who subscribe for ten sets shall have one gratis. To booksellers the usual allowance will be made. Portland, June 24—
The above work will be printed from a correct London Edition.—The few copies of an Lish Edition now circulating in this country are considered by the first law characters as extremely incorrect, and not to be relied on as historical authority.