The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1799-03-04 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 45.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME I.]
Portland.
Monday, March 4, 1799.
Communication.
AS I presume it is incontestibly clear that the self-titled republican party were originally opposed to the constitution, I shall now from this "precious confession" of Mr. Jefferson endeavour to prove that their design and principal object is and yet will be TO DESTROY IT. Nay, start not, Jacobins—you are not "timid men"!
ESSAY IV.
IT is not easy for a political party to be converted. Appearances of this kind are generally fallacious, except in the well-meaning part of the mass of followers, who sometimes yield to argument, but always to favourable events. But opposition-parties are never formed upon the abstract principle that government is wrong, and so they never yield on evidence that government is right. It was therefore to be expected that the embryo-Jacobins of the United States would make the best stand they could against the administration of a constitution, which they had in vain contested the final ratification. But we shall have to look deeper for a political malice of which no country has so patiently furnished the example before, that of subverting the instrument itself, and reducing things to the primæval chaos, or in more fashionable language "tempestuous sea" of unassociated man. Let the Vice-president shew the views and courage of his party.
Though the Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party had succeeded so far as to give us, (we ought to bleed them for it!) the constitution, "nevertheless" says Mr. Jefferson "the principal body of our citizens REMAIN faithful to republican principles." This smells of falsehood, for how could a principal part be of a different sentiment from the principal part? Certainly the constitution was adopted by the majority. But I shall be answered this was only by majorities of all the conventions. There is no other answer, and this is truly republican, for even representative governments are too tyrannical, and all delegated authority is "heretical" with the pure and perfect sons of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The "tempestuous sea" is their element, and has certainly this advantage in favour of the political bark, that it has no shore. As to rocks, quicksands, whirlpools, water-spouts and hurricanes, and more especially a good stock of ammunition and provisions, these things are beyond republican foresight, and beneath republican care. "If we perish, we perish," is their prudence, and "eternal sleep" their consolation.
The Vice-president shoots with the long bow again when he says "All our proprietors of lands are friendly to those principles, as also the men of talents."—Now it is undeniable after what I have demonstrated, that whatever these republican principles were, they were anti-constitutional principles. Proprietors of lands! Men of talents! were you not basely calumniated, most wantonly traduced by this assertion?—Men of talents! has not your class a principle of accuracy, and a soul of honour, to expel from your college this unprincipled babbler?—In the same breath he says that "SOLOMONS IN COUNCIL have embraced these heresies." Must it be the eternal fate of Jacobinism to beat out its own little brains?—This man who will not be ruled that two majorities are more than the whole, nor perceive that ALL is total without exception, is at the head of philosophy in the United States. I wonder whether it be natural or moral philosophy. Both mathematics and ethics of the old sort would have rejected such positions. But there is one comfort—the new philosophy rejects nothing.
"They would take from us that liberty which we have obtained by so much labour and peril, but we shall preserve it." This clause referring to the "Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party," now reduced to the federal government, is tantamount to a determination to overthrow the constitution, more especially when taken in connection with a preceding clause, viz. "We have against us (republicans) the Executive power, the Judiciary power, all the officers of government, &c."—for a party is as well described by its opposite party as by its own character. What one would take is well understood by what the other would keep, and what one would keep by what the other would take. So here, though the deceptive and hypocritical word liberty is used for what the Jacobins would keep, yet as the government intend to take away nothing but what the constitution has taken, liberty is not the thing, but merely unconstitutional disorder; and again, as the government mean to keep the constitution, so that is what the Jacobins would take away. It is a "precious confession" that these branches of the government are against the Jacobins, because it proves that the Jacobins are against these branches; and whether it be taken that the branches mean those departments in the constitution, or the persons
then (in 1796) in the exercise of them, to a thinker will make but little difference—for in 1796 the Jacobins had not, nor have they yet, been able to shew the least infringement of the constitution by either of these departments, and so again, by my reasoning, if the President and Judges maintained and administered the constitution, it follows that the Vice-president and his party would subvert and destroy it.—If the President and Judges proceed by a certain rule, and the Jacobins do not like their proceedings, they cannot like their rule. And again, if those proceedings are such as the President and Judges by the rule are bound to render, and so their mere official duty, and the Jacobins would have no such proceedings, they would either have no such rule, or they would have the President and Judges act against it. And if they would have no such rule, they would destroy it, and if they would have the officer act against it, they already consider it as a nullity, or would take one method to make it so. In short, it is impossible to reconcile this jargon of Mr. Jefferson on any other principle than this, that he and his party are set upon overthrowing the "form of the British government."
Political Information.
[The following masterly performance, while it does the highest honour to the talents and patriotism of the minority, cannot fail to have the happiest effect in removing the errors and prejudices concerning the general government, which are entertained in Virginia, or in any other State. So found in principles, so strong in argument, so elegant in expression, its eloquence is irresistible; it has given a decisive blow to the antifederal party in that State, whose downfall may be dated from this epoch.] Gaz. U. S.
ADDRESS
Of the Minority, consisting of 58 Members, in the House of Delegates in Virginia—which the Address of the Majority rendered necessary, for the explaining and justifying the opinions of the minority.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
OPPOSING, as we did, resolutions of the General Assembly, passed on the 24th day of December, we cannot remain silent under the unprecedented example exhibited in support of them, by a detailed display of those reasons which influenced their adoption. We lament their existence; and we deprecate the deviation from our legislative usage, which their adoption has produced.—If this was the only evil resulting from the system of which they form a conspicuous feature, we should in silence wait your application of the constitutional corrective, which you annually dispense: but considering the happiness united America enjoys, and foreseeing the evils which disunited America must inevitably suffer, we cannot shrink from the discharge of the momentous duty to which we are unexpectedly called, and on which we reluctantly enter.
To place the present crisis plainly before you, it is necessary to recur to past transactions. For the purpose of perpetuating the blessings of our national independence, the people of united America were induced to exchange their first political association for that now existing.—The will of the majority produced, ratified and conducted it. This first principle in our federal
past cannot be impaired without proportionate injury to the body politic.
The fallibility of man prohibits the hope of perfection in his works; and the best rule for freemen to adopt, in the opinion of our ancestors, was that which inculcates obedience to laws enacted by a majority of functionaries appointed by the people. Foreseeing the terrible effects which ensue from differences of opinion on national subjects, they added to the first principle two others, which promised immortality to the work of their hands! they declared the compact amendable, and plainly pointed out the ways; they limited powers to fixed periods; returning to the choice of the people for the delegation of authority.—Under a constitution thus formed, the prosperity of America was great and unexampled. War broke out in another quarter of the globe: the government and people of the United States bemoaned alike the distresses incident to a vast portion of the human race; distresses not within their control, and in the termination of which they did not possess even a remote influence. Avoiding the existing carnage, the continuance of our existing happiness became, as was proper, the primary object of the attention of government. The President of the United States, a citizen the most tried, and the most beloved, weighed all the difficulties to which our relation to the belligerent powers exposed us, promulgated by proclamation the existing state of things, and warned his fellow-citizens of the pernicious consequences which would follow the dereliction of their neutral condition. An adherence to this situation was enjoined by law, and approved by the general plaudits of our country.—Yet, unfortunately for America, and for republican governments, a few openly, and more secretly, lifted their voice against their country's will. A foreign minister's contumelious appeal from the acts of government to the people, whose honour and comfort alike commanded their support of that government, was maintained with affection to the foreign agent, and with acrimony against the constituted authorities of the nation. The subject became familiar to the whole people; and their voice, spontaneously uttered, sunk into temporary and contemptuous oblivion the abettors of this wicked effort. Smothered for a while only, the unextinguished fire rekindled as occasion afforded fuel.
The treaty which terminated our revolutionary war, although followed by the immediate possession of the main good, yet held some secondary objects unfulfilled. The consequence of war is a state of mental ire, which yields only to acts of mutual beneficence, and to time.—This state of mental warfare had not ceased, when the unjustifiable conduct of our late foe, especially on the ocean, rekindled our ardour for hostility and revenge. The executive of the United States, uninfluenced by the passions of hatred or affection, continued to view peace, so long as it was to be preserved without dishonour, as his highest duty, in a moment menacing war, made his last effort to avert its miseries from our land. He sent a minister to Great-Britain, for the purpose of settling the existing discord. Peace was preferred with honour. This event, instead of confirming our internal tranquility, was turned with much dexterity to the renewal of past animosities; the views of Genet were reacted in a different dress, & the executive of the union was branded with every epithet of opprobrium, because in preventing war, every good wished for by one of the parties to the contract of peace had not been obtained. Here the indignation of the American mind was addressed with considerable effect. At length the people, roused by self attention, spoke—all was tranquil; and error, whether resulting from mistaken confidence, or vicious intention, sunk again into oblivion.—France, our ally, to whom our government had from the beginning of the war presented repeated proofs of sincere friendship, taught by the bickerings of ourselves, on the subject of the British treaty, re-echoed American reproaches with French views and French objects. Similarity of sentiment too often begets union in design—our commerce became a prey to French cruizers; our citizens were captured, and all the injuries heretofore received from the British nation, were repeated on our defenceless country, with this striking difference—A former foe, claiming unexpected stipulations, inflicted the first; while the latter proceeded from the hand of a former friend, bound to us by the tie of a solemn treaty, and receiving from us every good in our power to bestow, without violating our neutrality, and thereby committing suicide on our national and individual happiness.
Influenced by the same pacific principle, the President (the same tried and beloved Washington) attempted, as before, by a timely interference to avert the impending war. He sent a minister to France, with full powers to remove, by candid explanations, mistaken opinions; to renew ancient friendship, and to perpetuate the blessings of mutual peace. This minister was not even received, but was ordered to depart with marks of contumely and threats of imprisonment.
The successor of Washington, actuated by the same principles, and anxious for the same beneficent end, made a second effort to restore peace, and paid an unusual compliment to the French government, by sending three envoys extraordinary, with ample powers to hear, to explain, to redress, and to bury every complaint in a fair, honourable and friendly adjustment. This renewed testimony of our desire for peace, was returned by increase of insolence and affront.
Thus situated, we had but to choose between submission to the will of a foreign nation, and the maintenance of our independence. What American could hesitate in the option? The choice being made, self preservation commanded preparations for self defence. With this view, & to this end, various defensive measures were adopted by the last Congress, the most effectual of which were, the equipment of the fleet, the raising of an army, a provision for the removal of dangerous aliens, and for the punishment of seditious citizens. The two first are charged with the atrocious design of creating a monarchy on the ruins of our free government, and the two last are declared to be usurpations of power in violation of the Constitution; while all of them are viewed as parts of a fixed system, tending to the establishment of despotism. This serious accusation, if true, commands your effectual interposition; if untrue, it ought to guard you against the warning of those who from error, or with the most pernicious design, invite you to the adoption of measures baneful to American happiness, and fatal to American liberty.
When the most powerful nation in Europe by whose invidious policy and numerous armies, populous, warlike and wealthy states have been overturned, whose lust of dominion is insatiable, and whose only rule of conduct is her will, has demanded tribute at our hands, and menaced us with the fate of nations conquered and debased, what means could have been adopted more convenient or more likely to secure our defence? The equipment of a fleet guards the remains of our commerce from their privateers, enables us to incommode any offensive attempts which their enemy might devise, and to facilitate our exertions for self defence, by facilitating the conveyance of the requisite supplies for military operations in our extensive country. Important, already, have been the beneficial consequences to our commerce, flowing from this wise measure, and every benefit to trade, in an increased ratio, enlivens and invigorates agriculture: More important will be its effects in securing our protection, should we be forced to the last appeal in defence of our liberty and property.
Upon so solemn an occasion, what curses would be adequate to the supineness of our government, if militia were the only resort for safety against the invasion of a veteran army, flushed with repeated victories, strong in the skill of its officers, and led by distinguished commanders? Should not the American citizen be prepared to meet the eventual combat by those acquirements which place him on an equal footing in the day of battle? Or, is he so little esteemed as to be designedly submitted to an unequal conflict? What more than placing him on an equality with his foe is proposed by raising an army? Thus our ancestors acted in the revolutionary war; and suspicions perverting their intentions, like those now disseminated, would have been treated with contempt, or punished as the schemes of men devoted to the enemy. Where is the change in our situation which authorises denunciation of a measure now, then admitted to be wise and indispensable? Does it argue a love of country, to paralyse means adopted for its defence? Does it demonstrate affection to our fellow citizens, to reprobate endeavours which bestow upon them equality of skill with their antagonists? Does it evince a wish to disregard and distrust our militia, when an army is formed of citizen soldiers for that very militia to rally around, and hand in hand, to march to attack the foe? Can that army be called mercenary, which is composed of our brothers and our sons, levied by law, paid by law, and embodied to defend their and our common rights? Would your WASHINGTON lead a mercenary army? Is he not again any general? Why then, these unfounded suspicions, and this opprobrious unwarranted epithet, but to inflame your passions, and to mislead your judgments?—Pause, reflect, and say, whether counsel thus administered can have your good for its object; and whether under the pretence of promoting your happiness, it does not lead to an ill-fated disaster to America, and calamitous to Virginia!
Alike erroneous, and alike destructive of the common weal, is the distorted construction of the Alien and Sedition Acts.
Nevertheless, these acts are confidently pronounced unconstitutional, so much so, that to many of our fellow citizens the question may appear to have been completely decided.
In the opinion of some, to deliberate on this subject is to be criminal, and to pause before we declare that the constituted authorities have knowingly and intentionally violated that sacred

that by which they hold their political existence, is to be inimical to that republican liberty, which constitutes the pride and happiness of our country, and which can only be preserved by preserving that government which is now so boldly arraigned. Had the measures which profess their origin from these laws been confined to ordinary, peaceable and constitutional efforts to effect their repeal; had a decent respect for the real majority of the American people been maintained, no opposition would have been made by those who now address you. But when a partial irritation, in some degree produced by misconception, is sought to be excited into general hostility against the government of our country; is seized as afforded a fair occasion for proceedings which may sap the foundation of our union, we must, in obedience to that duty which gave birth to this reply, submit to our fellow citizens some reflections on these laws:
The act concerning aliens makes it lawful for the President of the United States to order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace & safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States, within such time as shall be expressed in such order.
This law has been declared to be unconstitutional, because—First. It transcends the powers of Congress;—2d, It violates that article which restrains the prohibition of migration till 1808;—3d, It unites legislative, executive & judiciary powers in the chief magistrate;—4th, It deprives aliens of the constitutional right of trial by jury.
Time will not allow a minute investigation of this subject; the several objections will be but briefly reviewed.
1st. It is alleged to be an exercise of a power not delegated. The Constitution of the United States is in its organization dissimilar to any scheme of government which has heretofore been devised.
It presents to us for many purposes an entire nation, and for other purposes several distinct and perfect sovereignties. Perpetual peace among ourselves; a complete participation of privileges through all the states; and, above all, safety from abroad, were perhaps the strongest motives which induced America to unite under one government. All objects which are general in their nature, which interest all America, which are connected with the general safety; all external objects can only be obtained by the co-operation of the whole, and therefore the powers necessary for their attainment would be naturally vested in the government of the whole. The mass of social and interior regulations can be most beneficially attended to by the state sovereignties—and therefore the government of the union is and ought to be excluded from participating in their formation.
When we examine the situation of the United States, & the objects for which its government must necessarily have been formed, the mind is irresistibly led to the demarcation of a plain line of partition between the general and particular sovereignties. Since the general and state governments equally represent the people, and are alike accountable to them for misconduct, those powers which are essential to our happiness and protection may, with equal safety as to their abuse, be trusted to the one or the other. It is therefore rational to suppose, that they are placed where they can be exercised most beneficially, and that they are given to that government which is destined to effect the particular object for which those powers are calculated. This obvious principle seems to have actuated those who framed our constitution; the powers of peace, war and commerce, of external intercourse in all its variety of forms, of calling out and directing the force & wealth of the nation, are placed in the general government. They are rightly placed, because to that government we look for protection from enemies of every denomination.
With respect to these objects, America is one nation, and therefore the state governments are restrained from interfering with these great acts of sovereignty: the power of protecting the nation from the intrigues and conspiracies of dangerous aliens who may have introduced themselves into the bosom of our country, seems to be of the class with those necessarily delegated to the general government: security to the union from their wicked machinations, cannot otherwise be ensured, and this security is essential to the common good. The means of obtaining intelligence of their plots are in possession only of the general government, nor can any one state do more than repel them from its territory—their right of residence is not unfrequently provided for in treaties, and treaties can only be formed or dissolved by the general government. If in the act of removing them, unjustifiable injuries be committed, reparation is demandable by the sovereignty of their nation.
The reparation is demandable, not from state, but from the United States' government—All America, therefore, is interested in the manner in which this power shall be exercised, and would consequently choose to place it in the hands which all America, chooses and controuls.
In conformity then with the general theory of our government, the power of protecting us from the conspiracies of aliens should be associated in the same hands with the nation, and the general power of protection from hostility of every kind. Yet it is admitted, that if in the formation of our Constitution, a different arrangement is made, that arrangement, however
inconvenient, must be sacredly obeyed till constitutionally changed.
It hovers us, however, to satisfy ourselves completely in this interesting point. The government of the United States is indubitably limited as to its objects, however it may be as to the means of obtaining those objects. It possesses only delegated powers, and it is proper to enquire whether the power now under consideration be delegated or not. It is necessary in pursuing this enquiry, to bear in mind that we are investigating a Constitution which must unavoidably be restricted in various points to general expressions, making the great outlines of a subject; and not a law which is capable of descending to every minute detail.
If we construe the former by rules strictly applicable to the latter, the power of fortifying our ports and harbours might well be questioned; nor could the utility of the clause authorizing Congress to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution all powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof, be readily pointed out.—It would be difficult too to assign a reason for omitting in the 12th amendment in our constitution, which is evidently copied from the second article of the ancient confederation, the very material word expressly . That article of the confederation, and the amendment of our constitution, were designed as a plain and explicit admission of the principle, that the powers not delegated are retained. In the confederation, all powers not expressly delegated are retained; but in the amendment this very operative word is wisely omitted.
In reviewing then our Constitution to decide on the powers vested for general purposes, in our general government—we must examine the whole paper—we must examine it fairly, but liberally.
Congress has power “to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal and make rules concerning captures on land and water”.—To make reprisals is a power distinct from, and which not unfrequently precedes war; as a branch of this power, those members of Congress who are decided in their declarations against the alien law, united in 1794 in support of the bill for sequestrating British property.—But reprisals may be made on the persons as well as the property of aliens; and as sequestration is the exercise in an inferior degree of the general power of repulsion on property, so may the removal of aliens be considered as the exercise in an inferior degree of the general power of repulsion on persons. If the whole power of repulsion be delegated, the particular degree or manner in which it shall be exercised, is a question of political discretion, and not of constitutional authority.
Congress has power “to define and punish piracies and felonies, committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations.”
By the law of nations, or by particular treaty an alien requires a right of residence in a country at peace with his own, and it is an offence against that law, to become dangerous to the peace and safety, or to be concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government of the country in which he resides. These offences Congress may both define and punish .
Congress may call forth the militia, “to suppress insurrections and repel invasions”—and further, “the United States shall guarantee to every state in the Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion.”
By this latter clause, something further was intended than merely to repel invasion. Invasion actually made it to be repelled , and for that purpose the militia may be called out. But Congress is to do more than merely to repel actual invasion. This power having been granted in the 8th section of the first article, the constitution, in the fourth section of the fourth article, gives the additional power, and makes it the duty of Congress, to protect each state against invasion. To protect against an evil, includes the right of taking proper and necessary steps for its prevention. Of these proper and necessary steps, the government, possessed of the power, must judge. To cause to depart from our territory the individuals of a nation from whom invasion was apprehended, is most obviously a measure of precaution dictated by prudence, & warranted by justice. It appears then to be fairly deducible, from the theory of the constitution, and from a correct view of its particular parts, that the power of protecting the American commonwealth against dangerous aliens, whether dispersed through the interior of our country, or embodied in arms against us, is an existing efficient power placed with all others necessary for the common safety in the only hands which can bring it into complete and beneficial operation.
[TO BE CONTINUED]
Legislature of Massachusetts.
HOUSE—FEB. 22.
A Committee was appointed to consider the relative authorizing late of lands on Fenobscot River—and to report necessary alterations.
Consideration of measures relative to the unappropriated lands of the Commonwealth was referred to the next General Court.
A petition from plantation No. 2, to incorporate it into a town, was committed.
The disagreement relative to the Tax Act has not been compromised by the two Houses.
The Act directing the evidence necessary to accompany bills for maintaining State's Poor, was passed.
A Resolve directing a special grant to the Justices of the Supreme Judicial Court, passed.
FEB. 23.—The bill for continuing in force the Fee Bill was passed.
A Bill respecting Notary Public's Records, was passed.
NATIONAL CONCERNS.
LEGISLATURE of the UNION.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FEB. 12.
Mr. Josiah Parker, from the Navy Committee reported the pay of Captains and Commanders of ships and vessels of the United States, which was committed.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill respecting balances due from individual States to the United States, was taken up and concurred in. They went to give the right of jurisdiction to the United States of all places whereon fortifications should be built; but referred to the States the right of soil and the right of serving criminal and civil process therein.
A bill was received from the Senate, vesting the power of retaliation, in certain cases, in the President of the United States.
FEB. 13.
Mr. J. Williams observed, that it was laid the other day, that some additional revenue might be drawn from commerce. As a bill had passed this house for the purpose of effectually protecting commerce, he hoped some additional would be raised from it; and proposed a resolution to the following effect:
“Resolved, that the committee of ways and means be instructed to enquire whether any, and if any, what additional duty ought to be laid upon drawbacks, allowed on goods exported from the United States, and that they report by bill or otherwise.”—Ordered to lie on the table.
The bill from the Senate vesting the power of retaliation in certain cases in the President of the United States, was read, and, on a motion being made, to commit the bill for tomorrow.
FEB. 14.
On a motion of Mr. S. Smith, the house went into a committee of the whole on the bill to establish the compensation of officers employed in the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, and for other purposes; and after making some amendments, the committee rose, and the house concurred in the amendments, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
On motion of Mr. Josiah Parker, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill fixing the pay of Captains of ships and vessels of the United States, and after some amendments, the bill was reported, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
FEB. 15.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, In pursuance of the request in your resolve of yesterday, I lay before you such information as I have received, touching a suspicion of the arrest of the French Republic communicated to your House by my message of the 28th of January. But if the execution of that arrest be suspended, or even if it were repealed, it should be remembered, that the arrest of the Executive Directory of the 2d of March, 1797, remains in force; the third article of which subjects explicitly and exclusively American seamen to be treated as pirates, if found on board ships of the enemies of France.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, Feb. 15, 1799.
Extract of a letter from Reflex King, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary, &c. London, to the Secretary of State, dated 28th November, 1798.
“Annexed I send you a copy of a note from Lord Grenville respecting the French arrest transmitted to you with my No. 9. A late French paper contains a second arrest which postpones the execution of the first.”
Lord GRENVILLE to Mr. KING.
The undersigned, his Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the honor of communicating to Mr. King, Plenipotentiary for the United States of America, for the information of his government, that by a decree published officially at Paris, it appears to have been declared in the name of the French Directory, that every person being a native of or originally belonging to neutral countries, or to such as are in amity & alliance with the French Republic, who shall bear any commission under his Majesty; or who shall form a part of the crews of any British ships of war or other vessels, should, on the proof of that fact alone, be considered and treated as a pirate, and that it has been ordered that this resolution be notified to the neutral powers and to those in alliance with France.
Even this decree, contrary as it is to the usages of every civilized nation, cannot excite any surprize, as proceeding from those in whose name it has been published. To the different powers who are thus insulted, and whose innocent subjects are exposed to the most cruel treatment on the part of a government professing friendship or alliance with them, his majesty must leave it to adopt such measures, as they will without doubt, judge necessary, in the case of an outrage hitherto unexampled in the history of the world.
The King however feels, that protection is
also due from him to those who sail under his flag, either in his majesty's ships of war or in other British vessels; his majesty has therefore not hesitated to direct it to be signified to the Commissary for French prisoners in Great Britain that the first instance of the execution of this decree shall be followed by the most rigorous retaliation against the French prisoners whom the fortune of war has already, or may hereafter place at the king's disposal.
It would certainly never be but with extreme reluctance that the king could yield to the painful necessity of exposing so many unfortunate individuals to the fatal but inevitable effects of this atrocious decree; but his majesty will have at least the satisfaction of feeling that nothing has been omitted on his part to prevent its execution, and that the authors of it can alone be considered responsible for all its guilt and all its consequences.
GRENVILLE.
Downing Street, Nov. 27, 1798.
The bill fixing the pay of captains and commanders of the ships and vessels of war of the United States—The bill to establish the compensation of officers employed in the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, and for other purposes—were read the third time and passed.
FEB. 16.
Mr. A. Foster laid on the table a resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution with respect to the mode of electing the President and Vice President of the United States, by making it necessary to designate the person voted for as President and the person voted for as Vice President, which resolution was ordered to lie on the table and to be printed.
On motion of Mr. S. Smith, the House resolved into a committee of the whole on the bill for augmenting the salaries of the officers therein mentioned. This bill proposed to advance the salaries of the heads of the departments, from 3,500 dollars to 5,000 dollars, and the other officers of the executive branch of government in proportion.
After some debate, the committee rose, and the question being, “shall this bill be engrossed for a third reading?” It was negatived 45 to 42.
A Report of the Secretary of the Treasury in favour of a monument on Boone island, in Maine, was read and committed.
FEB. 18.
A Bill came from the Senate, giving the President of the United States authority, in imminent cases, to raise 24 regiments of infantry, three of cavalry, and one of riflemen—Also to call out the volunteer corps. If it be necessary to carry this law into effect two millions are appropriated. Ordered for a second reading 45 to 37.
An Engrossed Bill authorizing the discharge of Robert Sturgeon for confinement, and a bill for compensating Marshals, Attorneys, &c. were read and passed.
House in Committee, on a bill for encouraging the capture of French armed vessels, by armed ships or vessels, owned by a citizen or citizens of the United States, and for allowing salvage in certain cases.
This bill is to allow a premium on every vessel belonging to France in proportion to its guns that should be captured and brought into port by any private armed vessels, after the condemnation of such vessel: and allowing salvage for recaptures.
Considerable debate was made in discussing this bill, but the house adjourned without coming to any decision.
FROM GIBRALTAR.
Extract of a letter from an American Captain in Gibraltar, dated Nov. 27.
“I told you before I failed, that this would be a voyage of misfortune, and so it has proved thus far. On entering the Straights, we were under the necessity of beating off three privateers, who came from the Spanish shore, doubtless with the intention of carrying us into Algiers. We fired about 25 at them before they sheered off. On passing Cabalter Point, the Spanish fort fired four 36 pounders, which passed between our masts without doing us any injury.—Another privateer came out from under the Point, and was nearly on board of us; but four well directed discharges of round and grape made them scramble off. These privateers have from 50 to 60 men, & some of them carry a 24 pounder in their bows.
“I have had half an hour's conversation with Lord St. Vincent. He informed me he had read the newspapers which I sent him on my arrival with great satisfaction. He spoke handsomely of the spirit of our countrymen, in defending their property. Some of our men had been pressed who had no protection. I represented to his Lordship the great expense of our arming, that I hoped he would not take the means of defence out of our hands by depriving us of our seamen; he replied that we were all fighting the common cause of Christendom, & shedding our blood in defence of humanity, and that notwithstanding he was in great want of men, I should have all mine back, foreigners included, and immediately gave an order for their release.
“The Mediterranean is still crowded with French privateers, who lay secreted under the land; many of them mount from 12 to 14 six pounders; and from late accounts, it is said an order has come from the Directory, that none should be fitted out under that force—they are desperate fellows, but I hope we have spirit enough to meet them.”

THE GAZETTE.
Portland.
MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1799.
From Philadelphia, Feb. 19.
The President yesterday sent a message to the Senate, in which he informed them, that he continued faithful his declaration never to send another minister to France, unless he had assurances of his being received as became Great, Free, Powerful and Independent Nation; but as he had received assurances from the French Minister, thro' VANS MURRAY, our minister at the Hague, of such a reception, he had nominated WILLIAM VANS MURRAY, that Minister on the part of the United States.
The President further mentioned in message, that he should instruct Mr. MURRAY not to leave Holland till he received Unequivocal assurances that a Minister equal in dignity was appointed on the part of the Directory to settle the existing differences, and conclude a treaty.
From Europe. The ship Benjamin, Cpt. Bullock, arrived at us on Wednesday last in 70 days from London. Papers are said to be received as late as Feb. 21. The following article, copied from Observer of Dec. 16, is probably confirmed at later dates:—
LONDON, DEC. 16. THE FALL OF BUONAPARTE. The important event, which a combination of circumstances taught society to look for, is as generally believed to have taken place, and Buonaparte, whose name has been an host in the days of tyrants, is slayed by some accounts to be fallen by the pistol of a slave. Mr. Took, India Company's Agent at Constantinople, transmitted to his employers intelligence that this celebrated General had been killed: report says, in an action with the forces of Egypt & the Pacha of Acri, whilst another report says that he was assassinated in the Town of Ajaccio, as he was giving orders for a new expedition. Mr. Fawkner, who came with all the expedition from Vienna, made his passage from Hamburg in an advice boat with dispatches to Government, which for the individual information of the House of Commons, issued following note:—
Accounts have been received at Constantinople from Grand Cairo, by seven different Turkish Messengers, stating, that on the report of the death of a formidable army from Syria and Egypt, Buonaparte had summoned all officers, and those of the native Chiefs who joined him at Cairo; that upon Buonaparte's demanding supplies, a Tripoline soldier drew from under his cloak a pistol, and shot Buonaparte dead; that this was the signal for general massacre, which was extending itself through the whole of the French army when the accounts were dispatched to Constantinople, and that Alexandria had been taken from the French.
The Secretary of the Navy, has received a letter from Capt. Decatur, of the U. S. Sloop of Delaware, dated before the Havannah, Feb. 7, informing that he had conveyed a fleet of merchantmen in safety to the Havannah, and had preserved an American Schooner from the pursuit of two French privateers—the wind light they escaped by their sweeps. One of the French ships was captured at the Havannah, but with hitting her—Jan. 5, the American Consul at the Havannah came on board, and laid there was an embargo at that port—and about 200 of American vessels there, and a French of 28 guns.
It is said, the President of the United States has appointed a new Consul to reside in the Republic of St. Domingo; and that trade will be opened between the two countries, as soon as the new order of things is established there. A letter from the American Consul at Gibraltar, states, that the important Island of Minorca, had surrendered to the British arms. Lyon has taken his seat in the Councils of Union. His term of imprisonment has expired.
APPOINTMENTS—By authority. RUFUS KING, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary for the special purpose of negotiating a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, with the Emperor of all the Russias. WILLIAM SMITH, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the Sublime Ottoman Porte.
Upwards of Five Millions of dollars, of the last year's appropriations, are unexpended. COMMUNICATED FOR THE GAZETTE. From Wiscasset, Feb. 23. "Yesterday being the anniversary of the birth day of our beloved WASHINGTON, a number of respectable federal citizens met at the house of Capt. ALEXANDER ASKINS in this place, and partook of an elegant repast provided for the occasion.—After dinner the following toasts were cordially drunk. The afternoon was spent in federal hilarity, and the company at nine o'clock retired to their respective houses, filled with the pleasing thought, that the man whom the people still delight to honor, is yet living, and again stretches out his aged arm in defence of his native country."
TOASTS. 1. The land we live in. 2. His excellency JOHN ADAMS, President of the U.S. 3. The illustrious and patriotic WASHINGTON, the man whom the people delight to honor. 4. May the Pillars of our Constitution stand unshaken till our earth feels its own dissolution. 5. Our late Envoys to the designing, intriguing, mercenary, and rascally presiding rulers of the present French government. 6. The memory of those who fought and died in the struggle to establish the liberty, independence and happiness of their native country. 7. Confusion to all jacobinical plans formed against the peace and happiness of our country. 8. Buonaparte—May he eternally stay in, or on, the spot he has endeavoured to conquer. 9. May peace, love, and good will, universally prevail. 10. Integrity, inflexibility, firmness and patriotism to all our rulers. 11. Courage, intrepidity and success, to those worthy citizens who have voluntarily engaged to defend their country's cause, at the surrender of the sweets of a peaceful asylum. 12. The Navy of the United States—May it ever be able to combat and defeat the enemies of our country. 13. His Excellency the Governor of this Commonwealth. 14. His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, Senators, Representatives, and all Officers Civil and Military in this Commonwealth. 15. The Reverend Clergy—May their purity and patriotism be equally conspicuous. 16. The day we celebrate—Universal good will to all mankind. VOLUNTEER.—The amiable Fair Sex of America—May their virtue and charms inspire the hearts of every citizen with courage to protect and defend them.
From Freeport. "On the 22d inst. a number of gentlemen desirous to celebrate the birth-day of our illustrious WASHINGTON, assembled at the house of Capt. Joseph Stockbridge in Freeport, and after a convivial repast, the following toasts were given:
1. Lieutenant General WASHINGTON—May his natal day be grateful to every American, till time shall be no more. 2. President ADAMS—May his firmness continue till Jacobinism be extinct. 3. TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State—May he continue to stand as a sentinel to guard his country's liberty. 4. JAMES M'HENRY, Secretary at War—May he never desert his country's standard. 5. BENJAMIN STODART, Secretary of the Navy—May the honor of the American flag be his primary object. 6. Our late Envoys to France. 7. Our infant Navy. 8. The Sons of Columbia—May they ever stand ready to attend on the calls of their country. 9. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 10. Governor SUMNER. 11. Lieutenant Governor GILL. 12. The Senate of Massachusetts. 13. The Majority of the House of Representatives of this Commonwealth, who voted in favour of the Report respecting the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions. 14. May the Minority on the above-mentioned Report, be treated by their constituents with merited contempt. 15. The District of Maine. 16. The virtuous Minority of the legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky. The evening was concluded with several patriotic songs—when With joy elate in all their eyes, The festive scene did close:— May WASHINGTON in future rise, To crush Columbia's foes.
MISCELLANEOUS. THE two pretty sisters Liberty and Equality who have so long reigned the belles of Paris, are conjectured to be of the rabbit kind—their extreme prolific powers seem to justify this idea—Among their numerous offspring we notice discord, anarchy, tyranny, confusion, impiety, indecency, immorality, treachery, infamy, and beggary.—This promising family are full grown and reside in Paris and other parts of France, and hold lucrative offices under the French government; a large swarm, of the same features and complexion, have spread themselves abroad and are now making a tour of Europe. This numerous clan will not excite much astonishment when it is known that Talleyrand and all the members of the Directory have been tele a tele and upon the most fond and familiar terms of intimacy with these alluring Misses. Wif. Tel.
Strange as it may appear, yet it is a fact that the cartridges, 24, 18, and 9 pounders taken out of the French prizes, captured off the coast of Ireland, on unloading their stores, prove on examination, to be made out of the paper books they plundered in France and Italy. On ripping them open, several beautifully illuminated initials were discovered, elegantly painted in the style of a highly finished miniature, particularly an holy family, and a Romish priest administering sacrament.
The subscriptions to the Federal Loan, it is now estimated, will exceed Twenty Millions. A rupture between Spain and France, has been expected; and from recent accounts from Teneriffe, will speedily be declared. The Spaniard has long withstood under the fraternal embrace of the Republican Frenchman; and has wished a less cordial connexion;—and the war between Great Britain and Spain has for the last two years been conducted with a civility closely allied to friendship.
The Revolt in Belgium has arrived at a moody head. The insurgents combat with a fury bordering on desperation; but are no match for the steady discipline of their French task-masters, who make as little ceremony in sacrificing them, by tens and by hundreds, as the British do the insurgents in Ireland.
MARRIED—In this town, Mr. DANIEL LITTLE to Miss BETSEY NICHOLS.
DIED—At Falmouth, Rev. EBENEZER WILLIAMS, aged 60. At Gorham Mrs. Abigail Haskell, aged 60. At Wintham, Mrs. Jones, wife of Mr. Lemuel Jones. —Mrs. Patience Hall, wife of Mr. Stephen Hall. At Canaan, Mrs. Elizabeth Calef, aged 30, wife of Rev. Jonathan Calef. At Belgrade Mr. Nathan Hall. At New-Heaven, Mr. Samuel Green, aged 56. One of the Editors of the Connecticut Journal.
Marine Articles. Port of Portland. The Pamela, Randall, of this port, was at Tobago, Jan. 18. Brig Enterprize, Cunningham, of Wiscasset, was spoken in lat. 24—had sprung her mainmast, and was trying to get into Charleston. The U. S. Sloop of war, Ganges, of 24 guns, Capt. Tingey, was lately fallen in with by the British frig. Surprise of 36, and required to give up any English men he had on board—He replied he should protect all who were under his flag—and immediately prepared for action.—The Capt. of the Surprise, then sent word he had been misunderstood, & requested a supply of medicine, which was granted. [Capt. Tingey makes no mention of this affair in letters to government: But Philadelphia Editors nevertheless assert that it is true.]
WHEREAS I the subscriber having rashly and inconsiderately spread certain reports tending to destroy the harmony subsisting between Mr. William Elwell and his wife, to the injury of the good name of Abigail Elwell—do by these presents acknowledge my fault, and declare that said reports are totally void of any foundation, and that I am heartily sorry for the same. MARY X ROW. In presence of ANDREW R. GEDDING. mark. Pejepscot Claim, Oct. 6th, 1798.
JOSHUA BLAKE, (at the store formerly occupied by Mr. R. Boyd) HAS JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE, on the lowest terms for cash, A VARIETY OF European & India GOODS, AMONG WHICH ARE.
Superfine black, navy blue, dark m'd and other coloured BROAD CLOTHS, Plain and emboss'd Kersymeres, Men's best plain and emboss'd English Sattins, India ditto, German Serge, Devonshire Kersies, Coatings and Lambkins, Elastic and Orleans Stripes, Flannels and Baizes, Scotch Carpetings, Crapes, Wildbores, and Camblets, Black and coloured Rufsels and Calimancoes, Moreans and Taboreans, Shallons, Durants and Tammies, Sattinets and Lastings, Twill'd Velvets and Thicketts, Marfeilles quilt, Swansdown, and Silk Waistcoating, Patent, ribb'd and plain worsted Hose, Black and white Silk ditto, White and fancy Cotton ditto, Silk, Beaver, and knotted worsted Gloves, Ladies' Kid & Silk ditto, Kid, morocco and cloth Slippers, Misses morocco ditto, Thread, Edgings and Laces, Bugle Trimmings, Plumes, Spangles, Silk Girdles, Black, white and coloured Sattins, Black, white, plumb coloured, and a variety of changeable Lustings, Black Modes, Sarcenets of all colours, Silk Crapes and Tiffanies, Plain & Crape Gauzes, Chintzes and Copper-plates, Book and Jaconet Muslins, Mullinets and Dimities, Silk and Muslin Shawls, Book and Jaconet Muslin Handkerchiefs, Black, Bandanna and check'd silk ditto; Irish Linens and Sheetings, Check'd Linens and Bed Ticks, India Cottons, coarse and fine, Men's Nelson crown'd beaver Hats, Violin Strings, Umbrellas, Men's worsted Caps, No. 3 and 4 Dutch Ribband, French and English coloured ditto, Galoons and Ferrers, Black silk Laces, Silk twills, & sewing silks, Tapes, Bobbins, and fluted Buttons, Best polish'd Steel, pearl, Italian and metal Buttons, Pins, Chappel Needles, Scissors, Penknives, Pocket Books, &c. &c. Also, a general assortment of Hard and Hollow Ware, 2od, 1od, 6d, 4d, Nails, Brads of all sizes, Powder, Shot and Flints, Hyslop, fouchong and bohea Tea, &c. &c.
Justices' Blanks, for sale at this Office.
FRESH GOODS.
Frye Poor, Respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has received by the last packet from Boston, A general assortment of Goods, (in addition to his former assortment) which he is determined to sell low for cash, at his Store in the eastern end of the New Brick Building, fronting Middle Street, near Union Street, among which are the following articles:
Broadcloths, Cassimeres, Plains, Elastic, Duffels, Swansdowns, Vest patterns, black, white and yellow Flannels, red, yellow and green Baizes, Devonshire Kersies, Wild Bores, Durants, Moreans, Shallons, Calimancoes, Rufsels. Cotton Bed ticking, Checks, India Cottons, German Sheetings, White & brown Holland, Diapers, Linens, Calicoes, Mullin Chintz and purple Shawls, Mullinet, Book & Jaconet Muslins, Tambor'd, spotted and cross bar'd do. of the newest fashion, Mullin Handkerchiefs, Black, purple, flat, white and changeable Lustings, Colour'd Sattins, Black Sattins and Modes, Green, blue and white Sarsenet, Ladies' long and short Kid Gloves, and habit do. Ladies' Cotton Hose, Black, red, green and yellow Morocco Shoes, Diaper & common Taper, Threads, Bobbins, Silk and Twill, Ribbons, Quality and shoe Bindings, Laces and Edgings, Glove tights &c.
Hard Ware. 4d and 1od Nails, 3d, 4d, 5d and 6d, Brads, 8 oz. & 14 oz. Tacks, 2d, Clout Nail Coffee Mills, Shovels and Tongs, Brads Chaving Dishes, Spoons, Files, H and H-L Hinges, Sheep Shears, Bed Screws, Brass Candlesticks, Shoe and nail Hammers, Pincers and Nippers, Chest and Padlocks, Plated Pelham and snuffle Bits, Polish'd do. Plated Spurs, Sturrups, Webben, Buckles and Tips, Pewter Platters, plates and basins, Tin Ware, Crockery Ware, Iron Ware, &c.
West-India Goods, Groceries, &c. Brandy, 1st & 4th proof. W.I. Rum. Geneva, Madeira, Port, Sherry Lisbon & Malaga WINES. Loaf & brown Sugar. Box and cask Raisins, Figs. Currants. Almonds. Nutmegs. Mace. Cinnamon. Cloves. Pepper. Ginger. Allspice. Capers. Cayenne pepper. Starch. Cassile, Wine for and cake Soap, Glue. Liquid Blue. Cheese. Table Salt, Sweet Oil White Lead, Pipes. Philadelphia & Swedes Iron, Harte and Club Steel. Hyslop, fouchong and bohea TEAS. Coffee. Cotton. Assortment Tea Boards. Looking Glasses. Floor and hearth Brushes.
THE COPARTNERSHIP OF Thomas Simonton & William Frances, Is this day by mutual consent dissolved, —All persons, therefore, who have any demands upon, or who are indebted to said firm, are desired to apply to THOMAS SIMONTON, for settlement. T. Simonton, W. Frances. Portland, Feb. 7th, 1799.
Said Simonton informs his customers and the public, that he carries on the Baking Business, at his bake house in Union-street, where he will be happy to receive their commands. JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY
Isabella Child, At her Shop in Fifth-street, Portland. An assortment of fashionable Fancy and Winter GOODS. CONSISTING OF
JACONET, tambore, japan, corded, cross-bar'd, sheer and black Muslins; very fine jaconet and other Mullin Handkerchiefs; fashionable Bonnets and Turbans; French and India Cambricks; Linens; Calicoes and Ginghams; Calimancoes and Durants; patch coloured and purple Shawls; Linen Pocket Handkerchiefs; Cotton do.; Sattins; Modes and Sarsenets; silk, beaver, and kid Gloves; a variety of fashionable fash and other Ribbons; black Laces; do. Italian Crapes; do. Veils; do. Gauzes; delicate red and Spanish Leather Slippers; plain emigrant Socks; plaid and plain Silk Handkerchiefs; Fashionable steel Clasp; Velvet Ribbon; Thread. Laces and Edgings; cheniel and braid Trimmings; Cord and Tassels; Plumes and Feathers of all kinds; Spangles; Tiffanies; Shoe Tassels; Pearl Buttons; Thread Fringes; Silver Pencil Cases; tambore needle do.; Pins; Tapes and Bobbins. Gentlemen's Vest Patterns of all kinds; black satin Florentine of a superior quality; silk Nankinets; silk, cotton, and worsted Hose; Mullin Handkerchiefs; superfine dark Queen's Cloth; superfine and other White Flannels; fine Lambkin, and Green Baize; Fur Trimmings, &c. Also, Coffee, Starch, Hair Powder, Wash-Balls.
A large assortment of ladies' and children's SHOES; House Paper &c. &c. MILLINERY made in the latest fashion. Feb. 20.
NOTICE is hereby given to the nonresident proprietors or owners of Lands lying in the town of Frye, in the county of Cumberland or Lincoln, that their lands are taxed in the State, County and Town Tax for the year 1796, and committed to me the subscriber to collect, as follows, viz. State & County Tax. No. Lot. No. Range. C. M. C. Supposed to be in dispute. 7 in 10 7 3 17 8 10 7 5 17 8 6 7 5 17 The above are on the east side of Androscoggin River, and the following on the west. In dispute. No. 25 in Range No. 6. And unless said taxes are paid, together with all necessary charges, on or before the 26th day of March next, at 9 of the clock, A.M. so much of said Lots, as will be sufficient to discharge the same, will then be sold at Public Vendue, to the highest bidder, according to law, at the dwelling house of Moses CRAFT, in said Frye. WILLIAM GODING, Collector. Frye, Feb. 1, 1799.
No. Lot. No. Range. C. M. C. Supposed to be in dispute. 7 in 10 7 3 17 to be in 8 10 7 5 17 dispute. 8 6 7 5 17

POETRY.
The TEAR OF BEAUTY.
SEE down MARIA's blushing cheeks The tear of soft compassion flow; These tears a yielding heart bespeak - A heart that feels for others' woe.
MISCELLANY.
MALLET DU PAN
To disprove the assertion of the Directory, and their partisans, that the peasantry of Switzerland were oppressed by slavery and poverty, before they taught them the new rights of man, relates the following anecdote.
I CANNOT without pain recollect a scene which passed before my eyes about a year ago. As I was returning from Zurich to Berne, I fell in at a handsome village, three leagues from the latter place, with a rural wedding, which was at once a picture of the manners and prosperity of the country.
The mirth of the day was tempered by a sense of religion, and the party did not forget at the inn the ceremony which had been performed at church, where a solemn engagement had been contracted in the presence of the deity.
The happy pair did not return home to their village for two days. The expense of the inn had been previously agreed upon at 60 Louis d'ors and the pay of the music, alms and presents raised the sum to seventy-five.
These were the sort of people whom the Paris mountebanks, came to convince with their cannon shot that they were slaves, and that the remedy to their misfortunes was to be found in the philosophy at Chenier, in the constitution of the year III, and in Tribune harangues!
In the midst of this affecting feast an involuntary thought of the horrors of the French revolution crossed my mind and cast a mist on the scene: seized with a secret dread, I implored the almighty to avert from this happy country the scourges which France was spreading through Europe; unavailing prayers, perhaps this young woman has been sacrificed to brutal violation, perhaps this happy farmer has fallen by the weapons of the plunderers who have enslaved his country, perhaps this union which I saw formed at the altar under the auspices of peace and safety is now no more than a communion of wretchedness, discord and despair!
From a LONDON Paper.
OUR fair countrywomen have certainly arrived at a great pitch in elegance of dress, and the younger part, by throwing off the wearing of hair powder, have contributed to render their charms more conspicuous.
LAW INTELLIGENCE.
KINGS BENCH.
Serving Rules on Sunday.
THE question here was, whether a rule for an attachment could be served on a Sunday? After hearing Counsel on both sides, Lord Kenyon expressed much disapprobation of it - His Lordship said he was not for mixing the transactions of civil life with the performance of religious duties, the observance of which it was incumbent on every Court of Justice as far as in them lay, to enforce.
The Counsel moved, that the rule might be enlarged till the next term. - He said he would grant them no indulgence whatever.
THE battle of the Nié bears some similarity to an engagement fought between the combined fleets of England and Holland, and the combined fleets of France and Spain, in the bay of Vigo in 1702.
THE art of rendering fused iron ductile and malleable is brought to such perfection in England, that its use is extended in the manufacture of numberless articles, which it was heretofore thought could only be made of iron or steel wrought upon the anvil.
Translated from a late Paris paper.
STILL-BORN INFANTS.
DR. HERBOLT, an eminent Man-midwife and a Surgeon of Division at Copenhagen, has made the following important discovery. That the cause of apparent death in still-born children, is their having their wind-pipe filled with water.
By the simple process of laying the infant in such a position as to procure a gradual and total discharge of the water, Dr. Herbolt has had the happiness to rescue in the proportion of twelve out of thirteen of the innocents fortunately submitted to his care.
All persons having any
BOOKS, belonging to JOSEPH WARREN'S Library, are requested to leave them at Mr. STEPHEN PATTEN'S Book Store. And those who are indebted to said Library are desired to make immediate payment to said PATTEN.
Notice.
THE subscribers, administrators on the estates of John Burnham & John Burnham, jun. late of Portland, deceased, hereby give notice to all persons who are indebted to, or who have any demands against said estates, to exhibit their accounts for settlement by the first of August next.
Thomas Burnham, Josiah Burnham.
Portland, Feb. 23. 1799.
Take Notice.
A FURTHER time of six months from the date hereof, is allowed by the Hon. William Gorham, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to the creditors of the
Estate of Thomas Hodges,
merchant, deceased, to bring in their claims to the subscribers, who will attend for that purpose, at the store of Woodbury Storer, on Union Wharf, the second Tuesday of this and the five following months, from two to five o'clock, P.M.
Arthur McLellan, Woodbury Storer.
Portland, Feb. 5th. 1799.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine.
An ACT, limiting the time within which Petitions for Wages which have been drawn by forged Orders, shall be sustained.
BE it enacted by the Senate, and House of Representatives in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same That no petition for Wages which have been drawn by forged Orders shall be entertained or after sustained, unless such petition shall be filed within TWO YEARS from the passing of this Act; and on failure thereof the Petitioner, Applicant and Claimant shall be forever excluded and barred from any claim or demand against this Commonwealth for or on account of any Wages so drawn, or alleged to be drawn, by virtue of any such forged Order.
In the House of Representatives, Jan. 29. 1799. This Bill having had three several readings passed to be enacted.
EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Speaker.
In Senate, Jan. 28. 1799. This Bill having had two several readings passed to be enacted.
SAMUEL PHILLIPS, President.
January 29, 1799 - Approved. INCREASE SUMNER.
True Copy - Attest, JOHN AVERY, Secretary. To be published three months successively, in the several News-papers printed in this Commonwealth. JOHN AVERY, Secretary.
To AMOS HARSEY, Clerk of the Proprietors of a tract of Land lying in the town of Poland in the county of Cumberland confirmed to JOHN BRIDGHAM, and others, by a Reference of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts on the first day of February, 1793:
WE the subscribers, being five of the proprietors, judging a proprietors meeting to be necessary, do hereby request you to call a meeting of said proprietors, to be held at the house of Capt. JONATHAN NASH, in said Poland, on Monday the eleventh day of March next, at nine o'clock in the forenoon, to act on the following articles, viz.
1. To choose a Moderator for said meeting. 2. To agree upon a method of coming to a division of the unsettled lands in said grant. 3. To see if they will choose some person as agent to commence such law suits as shall be judged necessary, for and in behalf of said proprietors. 4. To raise such sum or sums of money as they shall judge necessary to defray the charges which have arisen or may arise in said proper city.
JAMES HARSEY, NOAH HARSEY, BENJAMIN BEAL, SAMUEL POOL, JONATHAN NASH.
In pursuance of the foregoing application to me directed, I do hereby notify the proprietors of the afore described tract of land, to meet at the time and place mentioned, in the foregoing application, and for the purposes therein expressed.
Dated at Poland, the sixteenth day of January, A.D. 1799. AMOS HARSEY, Clerk.
Take Notice.
THE proprietors or owners of the several lots of unimproved lands in the town of Gray, county of Cumberland and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, hereafter mentioned, are hereby notified that the same are taxed in bills committed to me the subscriber, collector of said town, for the year 1798, to collect, in the following sums, viz.
Table with 4 columns: First Division Lots, No., No. Acres, Tax; Second Division, No., No. Acres, Tax; Third Division, No., No. Acres, Tax; Fourth Division Lots, No., No. Acres, Tax.
If no person shall appear to discharge said taxes and all necessary intervening charges, on or before Tuesday the second day of April next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, so much of the said lots of land as shall be sufficient to discharge the same will then be sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder at the dwelling house of Mr. Joseph Libby, Innholder in said Gray.
Joseph Pennell, Collector.
Gray, Feb. 9, 1799.
General Prices Current, PER QUANTITY - BOSTON, FEB. 23.
Table with 4 columns: Item, Price per unit, Quantity, Price per unit. Items include ASHES, Pearl, Bread, ship, Butter, shipping, Beef, ship stores, Beans, white, Brandy, French, Spanish, Naples, Beer, Wax, Cocoa, Coffee, green, Cotton, Foreign, American, Chocolate, common, best kinds, Candles, Cheese, English, American, Cod Lines, Fish, Tails, Merchant, W. India mfr., Scale, Shrimps, Salmon, Herring, Mackerel, bay, N. Scotia, Fur, Beaver, bear, Fox, cross, red, Minks, Musquash, Otter, Fishers, Sables, FLOUR, Super fresh, Fine, X Brand, Middlings, Feathers, Flaxseed, Glass, Botton, Grain, Barley, Corn, South, North, Ry, Oats, Hops, Hoops, Hogs Lard, Iron, Pig, Philadelphia, bar, Russia, do, Sweden, do, Leather, fowl, dried, Lumber, Boards, clear, Shingles, Molasses, Nail Rods, Nails, 4a, 6d, 8d, 10d, 20d, Sweatning, Drawing, Pepper, Pork, One & half bgs, One Hog, Middle pieces, Puch, Rum, Jamaica, New England, Rosin, Soap, American white, Sugar, Havana, brown, West India, Salt, St. Ubes, Liverpool, Steel, German, Blyfired, Tea, Bohea, Souchong, Tobacco, Wines, Madeira, Lisbon, Sherry, Teneriffe, Claret, Malaga, quarter C, Red Port.
ALMANACK.
Table with 4 columns: MARCH, S. R., M. R., H. W., REMARKS. Rows for Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday.
THIS GAZETTE.
Is published every MONDAY, at E. A. JENKS'S OFFICE, Middle-Street, near the head of Fish-Street, PORTLAND - where Subscriptions, Advertisements, and Communications are received with attention. The price is ONE DOLLAR & FIFTY CENTS per year. Exclusive of Postage. Punctual payment are requested. The extensive and rapidly increasing circulation of THE GAZETTE, renders it highly advantageous for ADVERTISEMENTS, which will be inserted reasonably, and in a conspicuous manner.
PRINTING.
In its various branches executed in the neatest manner, and at the shortest notice. Orders for Books, Pamphlets, Blanks, Hand-Bills, Cards, Tickets, &c. duly attended to.