The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-08-09 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. C LXXIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, AUGUST 9th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HISTORY
OF THE Last Session of Congress.
[CONTINUED]
Amendment of Judiciary System.
On the 9th of April a bill, to amend the judicial system of the United States, was received from the Senate.
The most material alterations proposed by this bill were 1st, that there should be only one term of the supreme court in a year, for the trial of causes, to be held on the first Monday in February, and one term requiring the presence of but one justice, to be held on the first Monday in August, at which all measures preliminary to trial should be taken; 2d, That the districts of the United States should be formed into six circuits, to each of which a justice of the supreme court should be allotted, who, together with the district judge shall hold two courts in every year in each district; that whenever the justice of the supreme court and the district judge may differ, the supreme court shall ultimately decide; 3d, That the President should appoint as many general commissioners of bankruptcy in each district as he may think expedient, from which the district judge shall select three for each particular case of bankruptcy.
On the 19th of April the bill was taken up, when the first alteration was resisted with great vehemence by Messrs. Bayard, Griswold, Dennis, Henderson, T. Morris, Duna and Goddard; while it was strenuously supported by Messrs. Nicholson, Elmhurst, R. Williams and Holland.
By the former it was contended that the great, though disguised object of the bill was to prevent the next session of the supreme court, which would, according to the old law, be held in June, but which the present bill delayed until February ensuing; in order to deprive that court of their constitutional right to decide on the constitutionality of the late repealing judiciary acts; that it was further an evidence of a disposition to render the supreme court as inefficient as possible; that it might cease to be the object of popular respect, thereby perhaps paving the way for its eventual destruction; that the reducing the terms from two to one in each year would operate with peculiar hardship upon present litigants, and would from the unavoidable prostration of business, convert the court into an engine of injustice.
By the latter, all opposition to interfere with the constitutional power of the supreme court was disclaimed; it was not believed that that body would or could pronounce the act alluded to, unconstitutional, but if they should, the decision would be perfectly harmless, and would only tend the more to unite the public opinion. The true reasons on which this modification of the old law was made, were the trifling business required to be transacted by that court, and the new duties required to be performed by the justices as members of the circuit courts. The average number of suits annually decided since the establishment of the court appointed only to and those at present on the docket did not exceed eight in number. It was asked whether it would be just for the accommodation of the few litigants in this court, to subject to inconvenience the great mass of litigants in the inferior courts. It was denied that one annual session instead of two, would materially delay the administration of justice, as all the preliminary steps would be antecedently taken, and as it might be expected, when the terms were so distant, the court would not, without substantial reasons, admit a postponement; and much time being gained from that consumed heretofore in the travel of the judges, the terms might be greatly extended beyond their usual length.
On the question of agreeing to a motion made by Mr. Bayard, to insert two sessions, in the room of one, there rose only 26 in the affirmative, and the motion was accordingly lost.
The second alteration was opposed principally by Messrs. Bayard and Griswold—and supported by Messrs. Nicholson and R. Williams.
The great argument, urged on one side, and disputed on the other, turned on the controverted principle, whether the judges of the supreme court, in order to insure the best administration of justice, should be fixed or rotatory; and as this topic may be presumed to be familiar to the minds of most readers, it is unnecessary here to detail the arguments on either side.
The third alteration, relative to the appointment of commissioners of bankruptcy, gave rise to an animated discussion, on the motion of Mr. Dennis to strike
out that part of the bill which applied to this point.
By Messrs. Dennis, Bayard, Goddard, and Mott, it was alleged that this provision demonstrated the fallaciousness of those professions which had affected to reject whatever tended to swell executive patronage, inasmuch as it divested the courts of a power inherent in them, and transferred it to the President, who might appoint, without limitation, any number of commissioners; the reason of this was to deprive the judges of power, whose exercise was not agreeable to those whose politics did not coincide with theirs, and vest it in a President whose politics did; it was contended too, that great inconvenience would be experienced from the new arrangement, under which the President would be obliged to appoint general commissioners, who could not be expected to be so well fitted for the trial of a particular commission, as men appointed for each occurring case by the district judge.
To this it was replied by Messrs. Giles, Bacon, Elmhurst and S. Smith, that the broad power of appointing to office was vested by the constitution in the President, and that without good cause being shown for its deposit in other hands, which it was presumed could not be shown in the present case, it ought not to be lodged with others; that great inconvenience had been felt in some of our commercial cities from the favoritism of the district judge, who had appointed his friend, and sanctioned extortionate charges; and that this had been strikingly the case in New York, where the office, by allowing to each commissioner six dollars a day on every case before him, had been made extremely lucrative. It was added, that this modification was rendered the more necessary from the consideration that appeals, being carried from the commissioners to the district judge, the former, if appointed by him, might be in properly biased by him.
Mr. Dennis's motion was lost by a majority of one. In a subsequent stage of the bill a similar motion prevailed, conformably to which an amendment was made in the bill. But the Senate, insisting upon the provision, the House afterwards concurred.
In the progress of the bill Dr. Leib moved the insertion of a new section, prohibiting the return of special juries by the clerks of the court, and devolving the discharge of that duty on the marshals.
Mr. Dennis said he understood the object of the gentleman was to prevent the packing of juries. He wished to know whether this effect was likely to follow from transferring the duty from an officer who holds his appointment during good behaviour, and who, he believed, was dependent upon no one, to an officer who was the mere creature of executive power.
Mr. Leib replied that his object was to prevent the packing of juries, which had heretofore been exercised by the clerks. He held an opinion contrary to that of the gentleman from Maryland. He considered the marshal as a responsible officer, amenable to the President; whereas the clerk was the mere creature of, and dependent on the court. He therefore thought a more impartial selection of juries would be obtained by confiding this duty to the marshal than the clerk.
Mr. Giles hoped the amendment would obtain, the effect of which was simply to transfer to the marshal the duty of selecting special juries, in those states where this is not already the case. It is easy to see that if the judges should possess a bias towards particular individuals, no mode could be readier to give efficacy to that bias than by declaring the cause should be tried by a special jury, and making their clerk designate them. He would ask, if, under these circumstances, the clerk would not be most likely of all other individuals to summon a jury favorable to the views of the court. We have been informed, that there have been inconveniences of this kind experienced, in cases where there have been biases of courts to particular descriptions of citizens. Mr. Giles said, he had no doubt of the existence of such impressions.
Mr. Davis. The power of selection must reside some where. The officer called upon to perform this duty ought to have some knowledge of men. The sphere of acquaintance enjoyed by the clerk, from the nature of his ordinary duties, is limited; whereas the marshal necessarily becomes acquainted with all the prominent characters in his district. For this reason I think the duty will be best confided to the marshal.
Mr. Dennis. The restoring of the gentlemen from Virginia and Pennsylvania is founded in mistake. They have
taken that for granted which remains to be proved. If the clerks were the creatures of the courts, and removable at their pleasure, there would be some force in their remarks. But that remains to be proved. The courts have the power of appointing, but not of removing; for I take it for granted that the officers appointed by the courts are only removable for mal-conduct.
It appears to me since we have heard so much about executive patronage, that no possible case can be conceived of, where there can be greater danger than in giving the right of selecting jurors to the marshals, who are the mere creatures of the President. We are told, there is no danger from this source, except in cases of a political complexion. But there is no medium, through which political prejudices will operate more effectually than through the marshals.
Mr. Bayard said, he did not feel, a strong spirit of hostility to the amendment, because, as it was expressed, he deemed it an extremely harmless thing, which tended only to expose the house to ridicule. It provided for jurors being returned by marshals in cases where clerks of the court had heretofore returned them.—Now, Sir, no such cases exist—clerks never do, nor ever did return jurors.
Mr. B. was, however, opposed to the principle which he supposed it was intended to carry into execution. The object of the amendment, it would be perceived, was to prevent special juries.—He deemed it very important to retain the power of summoning special juries in certain cases. In questions of great importance, which often arise in courts, and which involve great principles of law as well as intricate questions of fact, special juries are important. However competent ordinary juries may be to decide causes generally, yet when great commercial questions are involved in such decision, it must be very proper to have the power of summoning a jury of merchants to decide. The same remark is applicable to other professions and business in life. Men whose time has been devoted to particular pursuits ought to be called on to decide in questions which regard their particular business. Clerks of the courts he considered as the proper persons to select such jurors. They are responsible officers, appointed by the court, dependent on their good behaviour; and who is most competent to decide what is the nature of a cause, the court or the marshal? Marshals are the mere creatures of the executive, proceeding from the nostrils of your President. Their political existence can be extinguished in a moment.
I am at no loss to see the object of this motion. Notwithstanding the declarations of gentlemen against executive influence, we have for one year past seen a succession of acts tending to the principle from which they had been before diverging. They are now for making the selection of juries dependent upon a marshal, who is dependent upon the President, as they find that power not in the hands of men so dependent upon them as a marshal. And from this pernicious motive, they are for establishing a precedent so dangerous to the administration of justice.
Mr. Giles. I did not intend to have risen in this debate, as my indisposition is such as almost to make silence necessary. But the charge of fostering executive patronage has been so often made that I will trouble the house with a few ideas. I beg gentlemen to review the measures of the session, and say whether they are in the least at variance with the professions under which those now in power came into place; and whether those, who have heretofore been the strenuous friends of executive patronage, have not lately tried to divest the President of every power constitutionally delegated to him? What has been done this session? The internal revenue have been abolished. I beg gentlemen to look at the volume laid before us, and to see how many offices have been taken from executive patronage. I have not counted the number; but I observe them in large columns. These have been destroyed at a single blow. Those, who when out of power, were hostile to executive patronage, now say to the President, we repeat to you what we heretofore have told you, and we have therefore taken from you the appointment of more than 400 officers.
I ask how many new offices have been created, or transferred to the President. I know of none; unless the commissioners of bankruptcy, who according to this act, are to be appointed in the first instance by the President.
Four or five hundred old officers have been dismissed, no new ones have been created, and yet we are told that we are
in favor of swelling executive patronage. Again, I find several foreign ministers dismissed, and still we are told that we are favorites of executive patronage. I deny the point. I deny that we have ever voted for an office that was not necessary. I say, on the other hand, that the number of officers we found in existence have been much lessened, and may be lessened still more.
I must observe that the gentleman from Delaware has come nearer the true point, than the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Dennis) who said if the clerks are the creatures of the court, there would be some force in objecting to their having the selection of jurors. The gentleman from Delaware lays the court itself has this right. But how long have we heard this doctrine? For my part when I heard the gentleman make the declaration that the courts had this power, I thought it most singular. But grant that the courts have this power, what does it amount to? If chosen by the courts, will jurors be independent? In the existence of political divisions, are courts impartial? I say, that it is within my own knowledge that jurors have been selected with a view to particular ends.
It is true that they are not now so selected. No! Sir. For if the marshal is on one side, the court is on the other, and is a check on his partiality? The court has the power of directing the jury, and, if they see fit, of granting a new trial; and permit me to say, nothing can be so dangerous as to unite the power of selecting jurors, and of deciding causes.
We are told there may be commercial cases, which require a select jury. In such cases why may not the marshal make the selection?
But suppose a political case should occur. This is the most likely, when it does occur, to be productive of mischief; and I believe, if we have had mechanical and commercial, we have also had political juries.
The gentleman from Delaware (Mr. Bayard) says he is not at a loss to understand this question. No doubt he is not at a loss. He understands all questions. And I wish that that gentleman, as well as every other gentleman, should understand it. I say it is improper that judges should empanel the jury. If there are such marked political divisions, as I fear there are, it is most dangerous to unite the power of empanelling with that of deciding. If you do this, you allow the principle so long contended for, not that of the independence, but the supremacy of the judges. For during the whole of this session gentlemen have been using improper names. No man values more highly than I do the independence of the judges—but the question is a question of supremacy—they are to be made supreme! They are to control all our laws! You have given them a great variety of powers, and now they are to have the power of empanelling juries.
I beg leave to observe that this amendment will not have the smallest operation on Virginia, where the marshal summons all juries; but if there be a part of the United States where this evil exists, it ought to be remedied. Not that I am in favor of any bias whatever in the designation of jurors. I with there was none; I am sorry that our judges are politicians; but so long as the courts are political it seems to me necessary, in order to meet them, that there should be political juries. The courts can almost do anything—they decide the evidence received, they charge the jury, and may grant new trials. It is, therefore, improper that the clerk should empanel the jury.
The gentleman from Delaware says there may be a change of men hereafter. To me it is immaterial, as I am for acting on general principles, which shall equally apply to all men.
Mr. Bayard said he should have no objection to vote for the amendment, if he did not consider it not only harmless but absurd. He did not see how political questions had any thing to do with special juries. Such questions arise only on criminal prosecutions; and in those special juries are never used; they are summoned in civil actions only. But he considered the amendment as a mere lazarette, it was only a grail at all power to be placed in the hands of the executive.—As to executive patronage, if the repeal of the internal taxes proved that those who voted for the repeal were for reducing executive patronage, it proves also, that those who voted against it were not unwilling to give to the executive a legitimate exercise of patronage where it was necessary for the public good.—But he had seen instances, in cases not calculated to alarm the public mind,
where a strong disposition had been shown to extend executive patronage.
The question was then taken on Mr. Leib's motion, and carried—Ayes 41—Nays 32.
On the 23d of April, the bill was read a third time, and passed—Ayes 40—Nays 30.
FROM THE MEDICAL REPOSITORY.
VOL. V.
American improvement in the discipline of ships.
Various have been the experiments employed to render ships and sea vessels as healthy as habitations on shore. Many attempts have been made to remove the unwholesome exhalations engendered within them, by ventilation. And many machines and projects have been contrived to accomplish that end. The labours of the Rev. Stephen Hales are well remembered for excelling ferret and introducing fresh air. This was a most desirable object.
Numerous also have been the attempts to increase the wholesomeness of vessels by fumigation. The end proposed by these processes was to destroy the mischievous qualities of putrid and pestilential air, by means of certain vapours circulated through the infected hold, cabin and spaces between the decks. The proposals of Messrs. Smith & Morveau are amongst the most recent of the schemes of this kind. It is generally known they consist in emitting nitrous and miasmatic acid vapours thro' contaminated portions of atmosphere, to correct their vitiated qualities. This is a very improving but costly project.
In the American navy another expedient has been adopted; that is, ALKALIZATION. This is to be effected by means of pearl ash and barilla, the two alkalies which form the basis of soaps used in house-keeping; and its object is to introduce into ships, which are human dwellings afloat, the same maxima and modes of purification, which have been employed with perfect success in the domestic economy of houses or human habitations on shore. This is a noble example set by the directors of American naval affairs to all the maritime governments. It is to be hoped they will soon adopt it on board their ships, both in military and commercial service, and thereby extinguish pestilential vapours.
Letter to the Secretary of the Navy—dated City of Washington, February 3, 1802.
SIR, Pursuant to the request you made, I reduce to writing the project of introducing alkaline salts into the navy of the United States.
It is estimated that a pound of hard soap will do the washing of ten persons for one week. Such a family would thus consume fifty two pounds of soap in twelve months.
Hard soap is a compound of barilla and tallow, fluff, or some greasy thing. Frequently the manufacturers blend with the barilla a portion of resin or turpentine, because these articles are cheaper than animal fats. In all soaps the only active material is the barilla. The whole of the other ingredients is to put it in a form convenient for use. But this barilla, too, is the dearest article employed in the manufacture of soap.—Hence the artists contrive to put as little of it as possible into the composition of their soaps. A great proportion of their profit consists in selling to the consumers grease and resin at the barilla price. This is one of the mysteries of the trade.
There is a great inconvenience attending the employment of soap at sea. This is the decomposition of it by salt water. It being always impossible to employ soap to advantage with water drawn from the ocean, and it being often impossible to afford a supply of fresh water from the stores/casks, soap is of very limited use at sea. Accordingly it has rarely or never entered into a seaman's ration or allowance, in any of the best disciplined navies. Mariners must purchase it from the purser, or go without it. The latter course is commonly the fact. To this source may be traced much of that disgusting nastiness in the persons, clothing, bedding, and apartments of seamen, which every person must have observed who has been a voyage to a distant port.
And from this necessity, accumulated, proceed the noxious exhalations which so impair the health and destroy the lives of the crew. The free and reasonable use of barilla can prevent the external source of this mischief among sailors, by the same means that it soon

terials, in daily use, uncleanness and pollution in well alkalized and neat habitations on shore.
"It is a curious fact, that, disguised in soap, men are all their lives in the habit of employing barilla, without knowing either its existence or name."
"There are soft soaps which are very efficacious in domestic economy. These are fats united to pot-ash instead of barilla. And they are of great strength and efficacy, because they contain a much larger proportion of a stronger alkaline salt. In naval economy they would be highly serviceable, were it not that they, like the former, or hard soaps, are decomposed by salt or ocean; of course their use at sea must also be very circumscribed."
"But, comfortably for mankind, it happens that alkaline salts can be employed in naval as well as domestic economy, without being concealed under the cover of either hard or soft soaps. They may be employed to great advantage in their native or proper forms. And a few barrels of pearl-ash (which is only a milder form of pot-ash) or of barilla, ought to be put on board as a part of the stores of every well equipped ship."
"Soaps are known to be operative only in proportion to the barilla or pot-ash they contain. In sending barilla or pearl-ash, then, you send those ingredients for which alone soaps are useful and valuable; and, by being less bulky, much stowage is saved by the exchange."
"It may be estimated, that not more than a third of common soap is alkali; consequently, three pounds of soap will not be more efficacious than one of barilla or pot-ash, provided due care is taken to avoid waste. Five ounces and one third ought, therefore, to serve men for one week; and the supply for one of our forty-four gun ships, carrying 312 men, for a twelve month, would be somewhere about 338 avoirdupois pounds. This, however, only refers to personal cleanliness. When it is considered that a liberal provision of the alkali ought to be made for scrubbing, scouring, and overcoming all manner of uncleanness, both in the ship itself, and every thing therein contains, the quantity ought doubtless to be about double."
"Nothing can be more plain than the use of it. When mixed with fresh water, a very small quantity is to be employed to make a lads, or to impart to the water a slippery feel. This is the key for washing clothes, and for scrubbing floors, berths, utensils and timbers. When employed with ocean water, it will turn of a white or milky colour. But salt water requires more alkali to make key than fresh water does. There must be enough added to give it all the lizivial or slippery feel. Clothes may be soaked and washed immediately in this milk coloured water, without straining or letting it settle. And ocean water may be alkalized and prepared the more effectually for scrubbing the cabin and whole inside of the ship by the same means."
"Another advantage will result from this practice when adopted. The ships will be the longer preserved from rotting. Nothing contributes so much to the rapid decay of timber, and the rusting of iron and copper, as salt water. The prevention of this by alkaline salts, then, will have the double effect of preserving the lives of the men, and the durability of the vessel. I only with the plan to be fairly carried into operation; and, under special instructions from the Secretary of the Navy to some of our intelligent commanders, I have no doubt of its prompt and perfect execution."
"I have the honor to be, &c."
SAMUEL L. MITCHELL.
"Hon. Robert Smith, Sec. of the Navy."
A section recommended to be added to the collection of Naval regulations, issued by the command of the President of the United States, on the 25th January 1802.
Rules for preventing the offensiveness and noxiousness of septic vapours.
1. When provisions are spoiling, or putrid, they should be brought upon deck, or corrected by pouring on them, in the cask containing them, a lot of pearl-ash, barilla, or of common wood ashes.
2. When the store room or hold shall have become foul or sickly, from putrid exhalations, it shall be cleaned by washing and scrubbing with similar alkaline ley.
3. Where a berth and its bedding shall have been rendered nasty during sickness, or from unavoidable necessity, they shall be rendered clean by securing with a mixture of pearl ash, barilla, or wood ashes in water.
4. The clothes of the sick, and all surgeon's bandages, and applications, not thrown overboard, shall be soaked, alkalized and cleaned in the manner.
Whenever fresh water cannot be spared for washing the clothes of the crew, there shall be issued to them a quantity of pearl ash or barilla, sufficient to render salt water capable of being washed with.
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
Since the letters from the late President of the U. States, to his correspondent in Boston have been published in the Boston Gazette , the Palladium , and the Centinel , it has been a subject of enquiry who that correspondent was, as well as who those noble families were that have sprung up "in our time" in this town. For the public information we can now say; there is scarcely a doubt but the late Gov. Samuel Adams, of this town, was the gentleman. When the letters are published, the names of those noble families will appear at full length. We flatter ourselves to be able soon to procure the original replies, of the eminent and consistent Republican to whom they were addressed. In that case we shall favor the public with all the letters, in a pamphlet, exactly as they were written by the ex-president, & the answers of Gov. Samuel Adams. The whole correspondence will then be before the public in a single point of view.
This publication seems now to have become indispensable, since the partial exposition the community have had will not otherwise have a clear, unequivocal view in their minds, on this interesting and important correspondence, between two of the early friends of the revolution, on the subject of our existing constitutions and their acknowledged principles. In the mean time, we present our readers with the following comment on one of the letters, from the Essex :
It is not our intention to enter into a minute analysis of this extraordinary production. There is an air of mystery in the sentiments, and a darkness in the phraseology, which place it beyond the reach of every close investigation. We shall barely mark the more leading and prominent features. When these are examined and compared, we leave every intelligent reader to determine for himself, whether they do not exhibit "confirmation strong" of Mr. Adams's declaration from the first principles of republican government. It is true he has declared himself, in the outset, warmly attached to this system, and has stated it as a fixed principle, that "all good governments, and must be, republican." But from the subsequent parts of the letter and not from this general profession, we are to form our opinion of that particular species of republican government, which is adapted to his feelings and opinion. A republic, according to his definition, is a general term, and includes every government, in which the people have, collectively, or by representation, a share in the sovereignty. None of Mr. Adams's political enemies have ever contended that it was his disposition to deprive the people of all their rights, in the government of themselves. But how great a portion he was willing to leave them, may be inferred from this confidential disclosure of his political creed. He has spoken of a "Republic" as the "most fraudulent word in lexico-ography." From this we may fairly infer that in any other sense than that which he attaches to it, he has a thorough contempt and detestation, even for the very name of "Republic." A republican in England, he has assured us, "is as unamiable as a witch, a blasphemer, a Rebel, or a Tyrant." What, then, are his ideas of a perfect Republic? As a preliminary to the avowal of two important and leading "principles," he has laboured to prove that "Nobles" have been useful in all governments, where they have been under proper restraint, and that they have been "essential parties in the preservation of liberty whenever and wherever it has existed." By "Nobles," however, he does not mean, peculiarly, an hereditary nobility, or any particular modification, but the "natural and actual aristocracy among mankind." These he would call "Nobles of Nature," and such an aristocracy, he has told us actually exists in our country. "Four Noble Families," he says, "have risen up in Boston." These are not expressly designated, but we have a right to presume that his own is included in the number. After having thus endeavored to establish the idea of a natural distinction among mankind, after having compared the love of liberty in man, to the roving ferocity of the wolf, and enforced the necessity of a constant restraint upon his passion, he resorts to one of his leading axioms; that "the multitude, in every society, must have a check." This check is to be found in the well born families who compose the "natural and actual aristocracy of the country"—the Eugenies of the Greek—the Bien Nés of the French—the welgeborenen of the Germans and Dutch; the beloved families of the Greeks, and he might have added, the Essex Junto , of the United States. The dignity, the power, the influence of this "natural aristocracy" is to be supported, by extensive fortunes, splendid largesses, and above all, by "family pride."
It was thus the Patricians of our Country were to be severed from the Plebeians; and it was thus the natural distinctions of genius and talents, with the adventitious advantages of birth and of fortune, were to form together a factitious order in society, which should be erected into a separate and powerful
branch of the government. An inequality of rights was to be the consequence of an inequality of birth, of talents, and of fortune, and the "natural and actual aristocracy of the country" was to be moulded in a class of constitutional and hereditary nobles!
But the project was not to terminate here. The system of checks and balances would not yet be complete. The nobility, thus erected, would require some restraint.—What was to be the expedient? "These families," to make use of his own expression, were to be put into a hole by themselves, and two watches were to be set upon them; a superior to them all on one side, and a peer on the other." Who this superior was to be, we have only to infer from the general tenor of the letter.—He is to be elevated above the nobles, and is to be opposed to the people! If a chart of this Republican constitution were to be delineated upon paper, this is precisely the ground which would be allotted to a KING. We have only to place a diadem upon his head, a sceptre in his hand, to seat him comfortably on a throne, and we have at once a perfect view of such a Republic, as is adapted to the sentiments and wishes of the writer. But how will this correspond with another axiom he has advanced? "Let us, says he, do justice to the people and the nobles (for nobles there are, as I have before proved, in Boston, as well as Madrid); but to do justice to both, you must establish an arbitration between them. This is another principle." And this is the principle, upon which he was anxious for some "sweet commerce" with his friend. Who was this arbitrator, to decide between the nobles? In England, where the government is so nicely regulated by checks and balances, a KING is the mediator by whose interference the clashing interests of Lords and Commoners are adjusted, and the preponderance of either power is prevented. Such an "arbitrator, superior to them all," Mr. Adams would create, "to do justice to the people and the nobles." But the plain understanding, even of the most unlettered reader, will enable him to trace in this document, a full and ample disclosure of the principles which have long been ascribed to Mr. Adams.—However he may affect to cover his sentiments, by a pretended attachment to republican forms of government, however he may attempt to disguise his predilection for hereditary titles, by talking about the "natural and actual aristocracy among mankind," speaks in every sentence and syllable of this letter.
We are at a loss for what purpose it has been published at this moment. It could never have been intended as a vindication of his political character. We are more inclined to believe that it is intended to prepare the public mind for a change in the constitution, which, we are convinced, has been long contemplated by the friends of Mr. Adams. Under his administration, the scheme, was for a while, "in the full tide of successful experiment." If, by the force of federal calumny, the people can be again wrought up to the same pitch of delusion, we may at once bid adieu to the liberties of our Country!
FROM THE NEW-YORK CITIZEN.
August 4.
A statement having appeared in Mr. Lang's Gazette and the Daily Advertiser of Monday morning, respecting the duel between Mr. Swartwout and Mr. Clinton, signed by Col. Smith, I consider it due to the honor of Mr. Clinton to give my statement of facts and my impressions of the affair.
On Monday evening, the 26th ult. I received the following note from Mr. Clinton:
DEAR SIR, "I wish to see you at my house tomorrow morning at 9 o'clock positively,—mention this to nobody."
Yours, DE WITT CLINTON. Richard Riker, Esq.
Accordingly on Tuesday morning I breakfasted at Mr. Clinton's, and after breakfast we walked into the fields. He then related to me what had passed at Mr. Robin's in relation to Mr. Burr and Mr. Swartwout; the imputation which the latter gentleman had cast on him, and the epithets which he had applied to him in consequence thereof. He then handed me Mr. Swartwout's letter and his own answer, with a request that I would see Col. Smith by 10 the next morning. Accordingly waited on Col. Smith rather before the hour, and we conversed some time on the subject. We mutually expressed our regret that two gentlemen, in their situation in life should be compelled to adjust their difference in a manner which might terminate fatally, and our wishes that an honourable compromise might be effected. Accordingly sat down and wrote the basis of compromise which Col. Smith has stated in No. 4.—the words "and as a gentleman apologizes for the use of them," being suggested by him. Col. Smith called on me about half past 12, and informed me that he had seen Mr. Swartwout, and submitted the propositions.
He then handed me his letter, No. 5, which I opened as soon as we parted. It enclosed the certificate which he has mentioned.
I immediately wrote him a note, requesting an interview at Mr. Little's. I told him that I would see Mr. Clinton that evening, and submit to him the terms of compromise which I had written, together with the letter and certificate which he had just delivered to me, but added, that I knew Mr. Clinton would not accede to terms which were in the least dishonorable, and accordingly agreed to ride out with him the next afternoon, and select a suitable place.
I saw Mr. Clinton on Long-Island on Wednesday afternoon, and submitted to him the terms of compromise which I had drawn, with which he was satisfied, and declared that he was happy to have it in his power to make an honorable apology to Mr. Swartwout, as he had used the expressions in a moment of resentment. I then presented him with Col. Smith's letter to me and the certificate before referred to. He rejected the proposition with disdain, but assured me he would always be willing to comply with the terms proposed by me.
Accordingly the next day, agreeably to our former arrangement, Col. Smith and myself rode out together, and agreed on the place. I mentioned to him what had passed between Mr. Clinton and myself the preceding day, and informed him that I would write him a letter on the subject, which I did that evening, and delivered it to him the next morning; soon after which I received his, covering a copy of the arrangements, for my signature, which shortly after I returned to him, signed by me.
Mr. Clinton being on Long-Island, I had no opportunity of submitting to his consideration the arrangement made between Col. Smith and myself, until I saw him on Saturday morning. After perusing them, he expressed a wish that the 5th article might be changed, saying that it would embarrass him to turn round, and that he wished to look his adversary in the face. As he seemed solicitous that an alteration should be made, I waited upon Col. Smith about half past 3 o'clock, who was at the Vice-President's, with Mr. Swartwout, as I was informed, and communicated to him Mr. Clinton's request. He replied that he believed it was too late, but that he would consult with Mr. Swartwout, and answer me on the ground. We arrived there a few minutes before him, and shortly after Col. Smith informed me that he had conversed with Mr. Swartwout, and that the request of Mr. Clinton could not be granted. Mr. Clinton on the ground repeated the request to Col. Smith, alleging, as before, that he was not accustomed to turning, and wished to FACE his adversary. Col. Smith said the terms were made, and could not be altered.
The distance was measured and agreed upon by both of us. We tossed up for the choice of positions and who should give the words, both of which were won by Col. Smith. The parties having taken their positions, Col. Smith gave the words distinctly, as he did preceding each succeeding fire. They fired without effect. Mr. Clinton then requested me to ask Mr. Swartwout, which I did through Col. Smith, whether he was satisfied; declaring at the same time, that he bore him no resentment, and would be willing to meet him on the terms of their original friendship. Mr. Swartwout declared he was not satisfied. The pistols were again loaded and delivered to the gentlemen. They turned at the word and fired as before without effect. The same declarations were made by Mr. Clinton, and the same question put, the answer being as before, the pistols were a third time loaded, and upon the words "Attention gentlemen" being pronounced by Col. Smith, I observed Mr. Swartwout turning, and he was nearly round before Col. Smith had pronounced the words "to the right face;" upon which I said "stop." He paused a moment and fired a little before Mr. Clinton. I remonstrated against it immediately after the fire, and requested Col. Smith to inform Mr. Swartwout that it must not be repeated.
I observed that Mr. Clinton, had been shot through the coat, and then said to Mr. Swartwout through Col. Smith, and by the request of Mr. Clinton, as before, "Mr. Clinton has no enmity to Mr. Swartwout: he is sorry that this disagreement has happened, and is willing to bury all in oblivion: that he was shooting at a man whom he did not wish to injure." On asking whether he was satisfied, the answer was no: nor should he be until the apology was made which had been demanded. This was refused; and at the same time, a certificate was presented to Mr. Clinton by Col. Smith. I never saw it, and knew nothing of its contents, except that I heard Mr. Clinton as he read it over, say, "and ask his pardon." He returned it with some resentment, which was the only time he had shown any, and said "I would sooner fire all night," and, on taking the pistol from me, took his station with the utmost coolness. The word was given as before, by Col. Smith, and the two gentlemen, turned with exactness; they were more deliberate than at any other time, and Mr. Clinton fired rather after Mr. Swartwout. His took effect: upon which Mr. Swartwout immediately called for
another pistol. I replied to Col. Smith that I had brought but one pair with me, and that I had a right to a loaded pistol in my own hand: to this he instantly and humbly apologized, and I proceeded to charge, saying, that I would not be longer than in the preceding: I believe I was a few seconds within the time. It is proper to observe that Col. Smith, once called to me to make haste: This I attributed to an ardent zeal to do justice to his principal. I did so, and met his expectations; for in a very little time I put into the hands of Mr. Clinton the pistol to discharge the fifth time.
Before this, and while I was charging the pistol, I observed Mr. Swartwout attentively, the blood flowed profusely, and he looked pale. His surgeon, Dr. Douglass, was permitted to go to him—while there, it is stated by Col. Smith, that he extracted the ball from the opposite side of the leg. Had I known that at the time, I would instantly have declared the affair terminated under the 7th article.
When my principal's pistol was prepared, I again looked at Mr. Swartwout and seeing him very pale and hearing one surgeon say "Mr. Swartwout wants or requires a surgeon," I confess the disposition produced by the written apology greatly changed; and I said as nearly as I recollect and in accents of sympathy, and begged Col. Smith to repeat it to Mr. Swartwout, "Sir, are you satisfied? Mr. Clinton bears you no resentment. He is sorry for what has passed, and will meet you on the score of original friendship." This was refused by Mr. Swartwout, and standing in his place, as had Mr. Clinton during the whole time, he said, "I am not; it is useless to repeat the question." Then Mr. Clinton said, "I beg you all to bear witness I have no enmity to Mr. Swartwout, and I am compelled to shoot at a man whom I do not wish to hurt, but I will sign no paper—I will not dishonor myself." Upon which the parties again took their stations. The word was again given by Col. Smith, and they fired regularly. Mr. Swartwout's ball went if it was not deceived, far from Mr. Clinton, and Mr. Clinton's again produced effect. Mr. Swartwout said he was ready to take another shot, and Col. Smith, I think, repeated it. I passed by Mr. Clinton with an intention to load, when Dr. Ledyard said from the bank, "Mr. Clinton don't fire again, Mr. Swartwout wants our assistance." Upon which Mr. Clinton slept two or three steps from his position towards the bank, and looking to Dr. Ledyard, enquired "will it be right to fire again?" Dr. Ledyard replied "no, by no means." Upon which he said I will not fire again. And I think both the surgeons were defending the hill, when Mr. Clinton asked me what was proper, or what he ought to do? I, after pausing a few moments, replied, addressing myself to Col. Smith, "Mr. Clinton shall not fire again." I did not say, that he should not fight any more or receive another fire; but I did not quibble in such a case—I intended to be understood that he should neither give nor receive another shot.
I will here observe, that, Dr. Ledyard informs me that he descended from the bank where he stood, to Mr. Swartwout, upon his replying to Mr. Clinton's question, whether he should fire again? That Mr. Swartwout was then sitting on a stone, and said that he "felt faint;" upon which Dr. Ledyard, gave him very strong brandy and water, and soon after drew off his boots, and assisted Dr. Douglass in dressing his wound. I aided Dr. Ledyard in getting Mr. Swartwout into the boat, the doctor supporting him on the left, and I on the right side. He attempted to step upon his wounded leg, but failed, and was in that manner supported to the boat by us, using one foot only. Although Mr. Swartwout declared he would take another shot, and continued standing until after Mr. Clinton appealed to me, and my reply was given, the event has justified my determination to my own feelings.
It is due to Mr. Swartwout to declare, that he acted with honor and bravery. I am satisfied his turning prematurely the 3d fire was accidental, and that his permitting the 7th article to be violated, by receiving the Surgeon's assistance, when he intended to proceed, was mere inadvertence. It is due to Col. Smith to declare that he acted with coolness, fairness, and honor. It is due to Mr. Clinton to declare that he acted with bravery, honor, and humanity, and discovered no personal concern. And it is due myself to declare that I considered it my duty to proceed—that I entertained no doubt whether Mr. Swartwout would have been able to turn in due time—that in judgment it would have been barbarous in me, under all circumstances, to reload; and having been influenced by these motives, I shall ever view that part of my conduct with peculiar approbation.
R. RIKER.
Tennessee Company.
THOSE interested in the Company, and who have not signed the deed of trust, are hereby notified, that the fulcrum will extend at the city of Washington on the 20th of December next, to give them an opportunity of complying with this regulation of the company.
JAMES STRAWBRIDGE, May 26, 1802. enw2D

WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, AUGUST 9, 1802.
The republican citizens of Philadelphia have agreed to support Joseph Clay, as their Representative in Congress.
Eight adults and eleven children were interred in the different burial grounds in the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, during the 24 hours ending the 4th inst. at noon, and four adults and six children on the 5th, and 2 adults and 8 children on the 6th.
The board of health officially state, recommending at the same, an entire evacuation of the city; that, "the reports made since a more alarming increase of the mortality of the prevailing fever, than has hitherto appeared during the present season. From the number of new subjects daily added to the list of sick, and the malignant issue of many of them, there is ample cause to believe, that the present CONTAGIOUS DISEASE is marked with characters of as malignant a nature as any which has hitherto affected the city."
Yesterday arrived the Frigate Essex, Capt. BAINBRIDGE
FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATION DETECTED.
No. XIX. Extract of a letter from Westville, in Pendleton county, to a gentleman in Charleston, dated May 31, 1802.
Dear Sir—Having observed a short publication in Freneau and Williams's Carolina Gazette of the 13th instant, by a citizen of Charleston, stating, that Mr. Rutledge, in his speech at congress, asserts, that the republicans came forward and wanted to compromise for the election of Mr. Jefferson and general Pinckney, as President and Vice-President; and having before been hints to the same effect in several of the public prints, I am induced to believe such an idea has some how gone forth, whether by mistake or design I cannot pretend to say, but I charitably hope the former. Mr. Rutledge was not at Columbia at the time, nor do I believe any gentleman who was there will either believe or inculcate such a report. Having been myself at Columbia at the time, and in a situation which compelled me to take an active part in the said election, and having repeatedly conversed with my friends, as well federalists as republicans, upon the subject of that business, I can with confidence assert, the report is not true; and for the truth of which assertion, I appeal to the gentlemen who were present, whether federalists or republicans, and in that unequivocal confidence that the truth of it will not be disputed. You are authorized to publish this with my name.
ROBERT ANDERSON.
Philadelphia August 3.
VINE COMPANY.
At the stated meeting of the subscribers to the fund for promoting the cultivation of Vines in Pennsylvania, held at the State Hall on Saturday last, the managers reported, that the nursery of vines planted by their order last spring, appeared in a flourishing state—that a large quantity of cutting had been ordered from various countries, and were expected to arrive in the course of the ensuing autumn, winter and spring. That they had ordered the translation of a treatise on the art of making wine by the Abbe Rabbion; and were endeavouring to obtain information from various well informed persons, on the subject of Vines—that the stock already in their possession was considerable. In particular they mentioned an interesting communication received by the president of the Company, from Mr. Dufour, Superintendent of the vine yard of the Kentucky Vine Company, and another by one of the managers, from Madeira. Communications from other quarters have been promised.
The managers further stated with pleasure, that in the opinion of every Frenchman, and other foreigners now resident among us, who have cultivated vines in this state, and to whom application has been made on this subject, the climate of Pennsylvania is highly favorable to the cultivation of the grape; that the chances of good seasons are as great as in France and in other countries, which abound with grape, or as much in favour of that as of any of the native fruits of our country; and expressed a hope that by obtaining a knowledge of the mode of conducting and managing the vines of other countries, especially of those climates most resembling our own, and uniting it with their own individual experience, and that of others who cultivate vines in this country, they will be able to conduct the concerns of the company with great advantage.
The managers stated further the necessity of calling upon the subscribers for an additional subscription of five dollars upon each share, in order to enable them to purchase a place they have in view for a permanent vineyard—and it was unanimously agreed to make such call.
As it is of wine was produced by one of the managers, made by a patriotic farmer, from the common small wild grape of our state, commonly called the chicken grape, which, although made by the common process of our farmers, and with the addition of one pound of brown sugar to every gallon of juice, was found of a pleasant taste, and more agreeable than great part of the Sherry and Malaga wines imported into this country, and did not permit a doubt to exist of the possibility of making a better and more agreeable wine than any white wine imported, (Madeira excepted) from our native grapes, by paying the necessary attention to the process.
Washington, (Geo.) July 3. The principal militia officers in Franklin, Jackson, and Clarke counties, with a federal officer, set off on Thursday the 25th ult. for the purpose of removing within our lines, all the settlers over the Indian boundary. It is said there are upwards of 200 families. The militia are to be raised to execute the orders if necessary.
New-York, Aug. 4. Capt. Westcott, arrived at Providence in a short passage from the Cape, informs, that one of the black regiments under gen. Christophe, had been sent to disperse the troublesome negroes; when Christophe's detachment was cut to pieces by the brigands. Le Clerc then detached a body of French troops, who defeated the brigands with great slaughter. A reinforcement of 20,000 men was hourly expected from France.
Capt. Chapman, from St. Bartholomew, informs, that the Swedes took possession of that island on the 12th ult. on which day the English and Swedish colours were exchanged.
By the Hopper, we learn, that Surinam was to be given up about the first of August. The English were preparing to embark.
The following article was inclosed in a letter from an American gentleman at Lisbon, received via Plymouth.
WARNING. Whereas several vessels have been seized, detained and confiscated, with their cargoes, in different ports of Brazil, either for or on suspicion of illicit trade on the said coasts and ports, and the crews committed to the most rigorous confinement, and afterwards sent to Lisbon. It is absolutely necessary to inform our citizens in the different ports of the United States that the strictest orders have been sent from this government to Brazil in general on this subject; and that for the future it will be extremely imprudent for our vessels to go there.
Some of the vessels seized have been regularly cleared at the custom-houses in the United States for Rio de Janeiro, which is contrary to the laws of Portugal, as they suffer no trade to be carried on with their colonies but in their vessel direct from Portugal.
BONAPARTE.
The following account of the early years of Bonaparte is from the pen of a gentleman, who was his school-companion.
Bonaparte, of a family originally Italian, was born in the year 1769, at Calvi, a little town of Corsica, of parents noble but poor; his god-father, the celebrated Paoli, gave him at the font the name of Napoleone. Madame de Bonaparte, his mother (handsome, as they say) had attracted the attention of the Count de Marboeuf, named by Louis XV. to the government of Corsica; and it is to him that malice ascribes the honour of the hero's birth. Should his be true, it would give force to the world's wild opinion, which inclines to bestow on children, the escaping of unlawful love, a more decided and manly character. However it may be, the Count de Marboeuf had given many testimonies of friendship and good will towards the family of Bonaparte; and had particularly taken upon himself the care of the young man, whom he had a long time assisted with his credit and his purse. In 1778 the Count had designed to send the young protege to France, with the view of giving him an education suitable to his birth, and necessary to his future establishment.
France, under the ancient government, and more particularly under the reign of Louis XV. and Louis XVI. had formed establishments for the education of gentlemen of small fortune; and the maintenance of the Kings had spared nothing to render them, at the same time, useful and agreeable to young men. These institutions, called Ecoles Royales Militaires , were to the number of thirteen, and established in different provinces of the kingdom; that of Paris served as a centre to the whole, and was the object to which the young men, admitted by the King, directed their views. It was held in as a recompence to those who most distinguished themselves by their progress in the different studies.
From their entrance into the school at an early age, the minds and bodies of the pupils were kept in constant employment; and their instruction continued for seven or eight years, during which time the most unremitted care was equally bestowed on all. The most able masters in every branch gave up all their time to direct the studies of the youth,
and to inspire them with sentiments of virtue. The study of ancient and modern languages, of history, of geography, of mathematics, and the various branches of military science, formed the basis of their education. And in these establishments, while the utmost attention was paid to youthful instruction, the agreeable maxim was not forgotten; that by rendering science amiable, the youth might not contract that dryness of manner which too frequently accompanies profound erudition.
It was in one of these schools that the Count de Marboeuf was desirous to place the young Bonaparte. Corsica, since being united to France, had obtained for its inhabitants, among other privileges, that of sharing the Royal beneficence; so that the Count had no difficulty to procure for his protege the place of one of the Eleves du Roi .
The Maréchal de Segur, then Minister of war, and charged with the department of military schools, placed Bonaparte in that of Brienne in Champagne; in which he entered, I believe, in the beginning of the year 1779.
It was about 15 or 16 months afterwards, that my father, availing himself of the right which all strangers of family had to educate their children in these royal institutions, sent me there to begin my education. Different in temper and character, and younger than Bonaparte, I formed no particular friendship with him; but, living under the same roof, and sharing the same exercises, I remarked him early as something extraordinary, perceiving no one, among 150 youths who in the least resembled him, either in disposition or in talk. In this I only confirmed an idea very generally allowed, that children are often more observing than they appear to be. Of this, curiosity is probably in them the only cause, being more eager in youth than advanced age; and a young person, without troubling himself about the reason, which his faculties are not yet able to reach, has his attention attracted and fixed only by that which strikes him. Bonaparte, with inclinations different from his companions, separated himself from us, and therefore became, naturally enough, the object of our observations.
I do not recollect that he ever showed the slightest partiality in favour of any of his comrades; gloomy and fierce to excess, almost always by himself, one might say, newly issued from a forest, and till then withdrawn from the light of men, he now began, for the first time, to feel the impressions of surprise and of suspicion. Continually alone, averse likewise to all that is called children's plays and amusements, he was never seen to share in the noisy mirth of his school-fellows; every far from that; if sometimes he came among them, it was only to find fault, notwithstanding the known danger to which a boy-pedagogue inevitably exposes himself by recommending his young companions; a danger of which his growing courage had early taught him not to be afraid; for, when attacked by a number of our school-fellows, whom his offensive railleries had provoked, I have seen him repel, with the utmost sang froid, their blows and united efforts. Thus, so young, Bonaparte seemed to disdain to be no more than a child, as if he had already foreseen that destiny would one day call him to surmount the greatest obstacles.
Bonaparte showed very early the desire or rather the need of liberty. The love of his country (the island of Corsica, which he then considered as his native home) triumphed already over the sentiment of gratitude due to the bounty of the King. The idea of dependence appeared to him degrading; he was humbled by it; and often indignant to be exposed to the malicious witticisms of his comrades on the union of Corsica to the monarchy of France: "I hope to be able," replied he, in the tone of an offended spirit, "I hope to be able, one day, to restore it to freedom." Unconsciously then that he was to be called in a few years to fix the power of France itself, and decide the fate of the other great states of Europe.
His first steps in learning were not marked by any extraordinary progress; and whether from carelessness or dislike, he gave but little application to the study of the Latin tongue. This negligence appears so much the more astonishing, as his desire of instruction and occupation very soon became in him a real passion; but latent genius already directed his choice to the study of those branches of knowledge, which were afterwards to become the instruments of his glory. Mathematics, fortification, the attack and defence of places, but, above all, the study of history, occupied all his time. To these studies he gave himself up without relaxation; and I have no doubt but his enthusiasm originated in his favourite reading of the lives of great and illustrious men, whom he had, from the beginning, propensed to himself as proper models.
No one was able to judge better than myself of the uncommon avidity with which he pursued his readings, and the great connections which we had together on that head; were, doubtless, what contributed to fix my attention upon him in so particular a manner. To explain that more clearly, it is necessary to mention an establishment which had taken place, in the Military School of
Brienne, during the residence of Bonaparte, which was the foundation of a library entirely under the direction of the young men, and destined to their pleasure and instruction. But, to give us proper notions of arrangement and of order, our superiors proposed to leave the distribution of the wells, and the administration of the funds, dedicated to the support of the library, to the absolute management of two boarders to be chosen by their comrades. I was one of those whom my school-fellows had named to that employment, to which I gave up the leisure hours of three years, perhaps the most pleasant in my life. It was then that I had repeated opportunities to see Bonaparte, who, perhaps, in preference to me, ought to have been chosen the librarian; but our companions thought otherwise; and probably he would have distanced the appointment, believing all the moments lost to his own instruction, which he must have sacrificed to the minute detail of such an office. However that might be, his calls became so very frequent, as to render me unreasonably out of humour. It is in the nature of man, and in my own justification, not less in that of children, to arrogate to themselves, by degrees, all the privileges of authority. It was, indeed, my duty to have been complainant, but I found it more convenient to be capitious. Plagued by demand so often repeated, I sometimes pretended to mislaid his application for tea or and intempestive importunities; and sometimes also I had reason to repent my rudeness. Bonaparte, young, was not more patient, nor less positive than now, and has made me frequently feel, that it was always unsafe, that it was always to provoke him. At that time I should have been ashamed to own it, but at present such a confession is not so painful.
Reserved in his temper, and wholly occupied by his own pursuits, Bonaparte courted that solitude which seemed to constitute his delight. He employed, during a long time, some of the hours allowed to recreation, in cultivating a little garden that spot which fell to his share, of a considerable portion of ground which was divided among us. After having forced two of his partners to give it up entirely to him, his first care was to render the access to it difficult by a strong palisade; in forming which, he spent all the money which the Count de Marboeuf had sent to him for his little expenses. The green arbours, which he planted himself, and cultivated with the utmost pains, rendered his garden, at the end of two years, the retreat of a perfect hermit. Woe to the curious, the malicious, or the playful, who dared to trouble his repose! You might see him basking in the sun from his retreat to repel them, nor was he deterred by the number of assailants. It was in this concealed retreatment where the soul of Bonaparte, greedy of glory, insensibly evolved the seed of that noble ambition, feasting on the example of those great men whom he was preparing himself to imitate.
A mode of life so very singular could not fail to be remarked. Incapable to estimate his uncommon merit, or rather to penetrate his true motives, his superiors and his school-fellows taxed him as fastidious and ridiculous. Every means was tried, in vain, to restore him to himself, by making him change his conduct. Inflexible to all, to which he could not consent, he repelled the railleries of the masters by silence and disdain. Humiliation, and even punishment, which were also employed, had no better success. I believe I have forgotten to mention that the meeting of the young men were established on a military footing. Divided into companies, they composed a little battalion, the Colonels, and all the officers of which, chosen among themselves, were decorated by the ornaments which distinguished the French uniform. Bonaparte had the rank of captain. One would suppose that he must be sensible to the loss of a distinction so only granted to merit, and every day becoming more flattering from the eagerness by which it was sought for by the young men. A council of war established with all its forms, declared him unworthy to command those comrades whose good will he will he deprived. After the sentence was read, which degraded him to the left place of the battalion, he was stripped of the distinguishing marks of his rank. Bonaparte appeared insensible to the affront, or distained at least to show that he was affected by it; his superiors, perhaps, repented having obliged him to undergo this disgrace; but his comrades from that time, restored to him their friendship, because generous minded youth ceases to persecute those who are unfortunate.
This conduct had the most happy effect. Bonaparte testified his sense of the generosity of his young friends. He continued his studies, but became more sociable with his school-fellows; he joined some time in our games, and acquired by that a right to propose in his turn some new diversions. It would have been little amusement to him if he could not have united reality with pleasure; and, in fact, the plays which he proposed marked strongly his character. The Olympic games of Greece, and those of the Circus of Rome, were the models proposed for our imitation. Novelty pleases children, particularly those of France. Bonaparte became our leader, and the loss of his title of captain was
SUPPLEMENT.
By the Packet, arrived at Halifax, foreign advices are received as late as June 5.
On the 21st of May a strong rumor prevailed at Paris, of a meditated attempt to assassinate Bonaparte. D'Barbier had taken place in Paris on account of the high price of bread. The Gazette of St. Petersburg announces that a Congress is to be held at Brussels in June, on which the First Consul is to preside. A rebellion had broken out in Martinico against the Empire, headed by his nephew, a great battle had taken place, in which the latter had been defeated. The Bays, deposed by the Porte, are in open insurrection against the Grand Vizier. The Dutch government is preparing to send 2,000 troops to the West Indies. A new expedition is fitting out at Brest to assist the Le Clerc with 20,000 men. The Moniteur announces the appointment of a Commercial Commissioner to England, for the purpose of adjusting disputed points. The whole of Eastern Italy is threatened with absolute dearth.
In the Official Gazette of St. Domingo of the 14th July, (of which a regular copy to that date is received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser) the General in Chief orders, that from the 19th day of July, all vessels, French as well as foreign, at the time of clearance from any ports of the colony, shall pay a tonnage duty of 80 centimes per ton, to be appropriated for repairing the wharves, &c. of the said ports, which are at present in a ruinous condition; and is in ballot to pay half that sum.
An article, alluded previous to the above orders, that the condition required of a resident merchant, previous to his acting as consignee to foreign vessels, shall be a residence of six months in a permanent habitation, after having established a house of commerce in the colony. This disposition applies only to foreigners; French citizens are domiciliated from the moment of their arrival.
soon replaced by that of director of our diversions, which was maximally granted to him. If men, in their pleasures, almost always exceed the limits of moderation, we may easily suppose that virtue to be still more seldom the lot of young people. Our games became battles; by turns Romans and Carthaginians, Greeks and Persians, we behaved ourselves called upon to imitate the enthusiastic fury of the ancient warriors. Stones were weapons, and often were productive of wounds, so that our superiors found themselves obliged to suppress our courage. The games were forbidden, and our general severely reprimanded.
Bonaparte withdrew himself into his favourite garden, resumed his former occupations, and appeared no more among us, till the snow covering the ground and concealing the stones, furnished him with a pretext to open a new campaign. The hostilities became necessarily of another sort, and the modern art of war succeeded to that of the ancient. Being seriously occupied by the study of fortification, he wished to put his theory in practice; and fort entrenchments, forts, bastions, and redoubts, were erected of snow, in the great court of the school. We all laboured at these works with an activity and pleasure which can be easily imagined, the young Bonaparte directing our operations. The whole was executed with so much art and exactness, as to excite the curiosity of the people of the town, and even of strangers, who came in crowds, during the winter, to admire our fortifications of snow. As soon as these works were finished, we had no peace till the order of attack and defence was settled. Bonaparte again took the care of directing our motions; and, by turns, at the head of assailants and opponents, he learned betimes, from these useful games, to unite adroitness with courage. Snow-balls were the weapons of both parties, and the wounds they gave not being mortal, our masters saw our diversions without alarm; they even had the good sense to encourage them, by applauding those who distinguished themselves, whether by their courage, or by some new stratagem. Bonaparte, already fertile in expedients, found means to keep up the interest by devising every day some new manoeuvres; but the fun of the month of March disturbed our amusement, and put an end to them till the winter.
Such was the school, and such the first essay of the young hero, who since, at the head of a new raised army, without discipline, and almost without confidence, has known how to conquer the bravest troops of Europe, and discover the measures of the most experienced generals. Eager to gain the approbation of his young rivals, it was in their juvenile plays that he first learned the way to conquer; from them spring that warlike enthusiasm, which afforded the full display of his great genius. Kindled into admiration of the heroes of antiquity, their great actions and virtues became his models, and the glory of surpassing them the object of his life.
(To be continued)