The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-05-31 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1343
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, MAY 31, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The National Intelligencer is conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH, and JOSEPH GALES, Jun. and printed at the office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested to address themselves.
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LETTER
From the Secretary of the Navy, transmitting a general view of the state and disposition of the vessels belonging to the navy of the United States, and of the gun-boats.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, MAY 24th, 1809.
SIR, I have the honor of transmitting to you herewith, to be laid before the House of Representatives, the enclosed paper marked A, which will afford a general view of the state and disposition, at this time, of the vessels belonging to the navy of the United States, and of the gun-boats. It appears proper here to observe, for the information of the House of Representatives, that the frigates Constitution and Chesapeake, the ship Wasp, the brigs Hornet and Argus, and the schooners Revenge and Enterprise, were in commission prior to the passage of the act, entitled, "An act authorizing the employment of an additional naval force," passed 31st January, 1809; and that the frigates President, United States and Essex, the corvette John Adams, the brigs Siren, Vixen and Nautilus, and the cutter Ferret, have been put in commission since the passing of that law, agreeably to its provisions; that the frigates United States and Essex, and the corvette John Adams, have had such thorough repair and improvement, that practical gentlemen pronounce them to be, at this time, better and more efficient vessels than they were when originally launched; and that the frigate President is now undergoing a thorough repair, which is nearly completed, and being repaired under the advantages afforded by extensive experience, she will be, in all respects, greatly superior to what she was when first launched.
Respectfully submitted, PAUL HAMILTON. The Hon. Joseph B. Varnum, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(A.)
EXHIBIT, showing the state and disposition, at this time, of the vessels belonging to the Navy of the United States, and of the gun-boats.
   Vessels' Names. Where Stationed. REMARKS.     Frigate Constitution, U. States, Chesapeake, Essex, New-York, Norfolk, Boston, Norfolk, Officered, manned, victualled, and in other respects prepared for service.   Corvette John Adams, Baltimore, Officered, and nearly manned and prepared.   Frigate President, Washington, Philadelphia, Officered, and nearly manned—will be ready for service in July.   Ship Wasp, Norfolk, In all respects prepared for service.   Brig Hornet, New York, Do. do.   Argus, Gone to France, Do. do.   Siren, Charleston, Do. do.   Vixen, New York, Do. do.   Schooner Revenge, Enterprise, Norfolk, Officered, victualled, and completely repaired—and nearly manned.   Brig Nautilus, Washington, Preparing for service, but recruiting orders not issued.   Cutter Ferret, Do.   Frigate Congress, Constellation, New York, Adams, Boston. At the Navy Yard, Washington, Require repairs.   GUN-BOATS.   24 Gun-Boats at New Orleans, Orders given to reduce their crews to the number required for their navigation and safety.   13 do. Charleston,   21 do. Norfolk,   10 do. Baltimore,   20 do. Philadelphia,   52 do. New York,   2 do. Westerly, R. I. In ordinary.   2 do. Norwich, Ct.   4 do. Wilmington, N. C.   1 do. Boston,   9 do. Portland, Maine,   1 do. Lake Ontario,   2 do. Lake Champlain,   9 do. Washington, In the yard without expence.  
HANDSOME TEETH. The greatest personal ornament of the human physiognomy. R. C. SKINNER, SURGEON DENTIST, etc. etc. RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of Washington, that having concerns that require his continuance near the seat of government until the 6th of June, proposes (during his leisure hours) to attend to his professional business; those persons who have been so unfortunate as to lose their front teeth, have therefore a favorable opportunity of having them replaced in a very superior style, (in most cases without the least pain) and in a manner that cannot be excelled in beauty and natural appearance, by art, or even nature herself. Those persons whose teeth are carious, or partially decayed, may (by early application) have the decay arrested, the teeth plugged with gold (prepared for that purpose,) the pain of extracting them obviated, and thereby preserved free from pain, permanently useful. R. C. S. having served a regular apprenticeship with one of the most eminent dentists in London, had near 20 years extensive practice in New York, and possessing the highest recommendations from a number of the most exalted characters in that state, presumes he may be entitled to the confidence of those persons that require his professional assistance. He may be consulted any hour at Long's Hotel, Capitol Hill. Ladies will be attended at their own houses if desired. May 31-31.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT the subscriber, of Calvert county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Calvert county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of GILBERT SMITH, late of the said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the first day of December next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand, this tenth day of May, eighteen hundred and nine. MORDECAI SMITH, Administrator of GILBERT SMITH. May 31-31.
MANUFACTURING COMPANY. THE STOCKHOLDERS are hereby notified, that the 4th installment will be due on the 1st Monday of June next. As the election for members of the City Council takes place on that day, the treasurer will, for the accommodation of the stockholders, attend in person or by deputy, at each of the polls in the respective wards, to receive the installments due. A set of Machinery is expected from Philadelphia by the first vessel. Punctuality in the payment of installments due, will enable the directors to commence manufacturing immediately. Those who have omitted to pay their 2d and 3d installments, may be excluded if they are not punctual on the day above stated. May 31-.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, May 26.
VOTE OF APPROBATION.
Mr. RANDOLPH said that for the last eight years or thereabouts an alteration had taken place in the manner of doing business at the commencement of each session of Congress. He said he recollected when the first Congress under the administration of Mr. Jefferson had met at this place, instead of Congress being opened as heretofore by the President in person and by a speech, a note in these words had been received by the Speaker, inclosing a message from the President:
"December 8, 1801.
"SIR, The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practised, of making by personal address the first communications between the Legislative and Executive branches, I have adopted that by Message as used on all subsequent occasions through the session. In doing this I have had a principal regard to the convenience of the Legislature, to the economy of their time, to their relief from the embarrassment of immediate answers on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a procedure founded in these motives will meet their approbation, I beg leave through you, sir, to communicate the inclosed message, &c."
It is unnecessary, I believe, (said Mr. R.) to state that the hint contained in the message that no answer was to be expected, was taken by the House; and from that day no answers have been given to the messages of the President at the opening of Congress. It would ill become me, sir, who so highly approved then and who so highly approve now the change introduced by communicating to the two Houses by message instead of by speech, to say any thing that might imply a disapprobation of it. I like it, sir. To tell the truth, the stile of communicating by speech was more in the stile of the opening of the British Parliament by the king. I therefore like the mode of communication by message. But I am not so clear, though we were then half right, that we were wholly right; tho' on this subject I do not mean to give a definite opinion. No man can turn over the journals of the first six Congresses of the United States without being sickened, fairly sickened with the adulation often replied by the Houses of Congress to the President's communication. But nevertheless the answer to an address, although that answer might finally contain the most exceptional passages, was in fact the greatest opportunity which the opposition to the measures of the administration had of canvassing and sitting its measures; and, in my mind, whatever goes to take away this opportunity, goes so far to narrow down the rights of the minority or opposition commonly so called, and in fact to enlarge the rights of the majority & the administration party so called—and I beg leave not to be understood as speaking of the state of parties at this time, but of that which has always existed. This opportunity of discussion of the answer to an address, however exceptional the address might be when it had received the last seasoning for the Presidential palate, did afford the best opportunity to take a review of the measures of the administration, to canvass them fully and fairly, without there being any question raised whether the gentlemen was in order or not—and I believe the time spent in canvassing the answer to a speech was at least as well spent as a great deal that we have expended since we discontinued the practice. I do not say that any answer is proper or ought to be given; but I do believe that when this House goes into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, it is for purposes a little more elevated than to dissect the message of the President of the United States, or to strip it up and transfer it to select and standing committees. If that be the whole object of going into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, I can see no reason for having any such committee,
nor why the message should not be taken in the first instance, dissected by the knife of the operator most in the fashion of the day, and referred to different committees. And it has a tendency to cast a sort of ridicule on our proceedings, when this august assembly resolves itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, and resolves that the message shall be referred to such and such committees—and would induce shallow observers to believe that in fact there is little or no use for such a committee. But whatever may be my opinion on the subject of opening the two Houses by message, I do think that there are occasions, and that this is one, on which it behoves this assembly to express its opinion on the state of public affairs. I will not recal to your recollection sir, because perhaps, and most probably it passed over your mind without making any impression, that sometime during the last session of Congress, I stated that if the gentleman in whose hand the reins of government were about to be placed did not even tolerably perform the task assigned to him, some allowance ought to be made for the state in which he found the nation.—And, sir, when I see the situation of the country so materially changed for the better, am I and is this House to sit still and regard it but as newspaper talk of the day and express no opinion on it?—And what is our opinion? It is either in approbation or disapprobation of the conduct of the Executive. In my opinion it is due to the Executive that he have an expression of our sentiment on this subject. In the part of the country in which I live dinners have been given, feasts have been held, and the song and toast have passed round in commemoration of the event—And is this House to be insensible, and to leave the President of the United States, in ignorance or doubt whether his conduct has or has not received the sanction of their approbation? Or is he to get that information from inofficial sources? I hope not. I hope he will get it from ourselves. I therefore move you—
"That the promptitude and frankness with which the President of the United States has met the overtures of the government of Great Britain towards a restoration of harmony and free commercial intercourse between the two nations, meets the approbation of this House."
Mr. Findley said that this proposition contemplated a novelty in the legislative proceedings of this country. Where would it end if the House were now to make a solemn resolution approving of the conduct of the President? The answer returned to the speech of the king in monarchical governments committed the House making it to all that was contained in it. The practice in this country had been long considered an evil; indeed he thought he could shew by the journals one instance in which the discussion of a single section in an answer occupied the House 13 or 14 days. It was a practice too which introduced at the very opening of the session all that irritation that commonly arose in the course of a session. Mr. F. said he supposed there was not a member in the House but did approve of the President's exercise of the authority vested in him. He presumed that they approved equally also of the same offer heretofore made to the Court of London. If the House were to appropriate the conduct of one President, they must appropriate that of others; and the conduct of the different administrations under the constitution might be brought into view. Mr. F. was totally against this motion, or any other of the kind.
Mr. Dana said that at the present time he should certainly not be for adopting the resolution. The adopting it at this time would certainly not comport with the object professed by the mover, which he had understood to be, to present a question on which there might be a general view of the conduct of the Executive in relation to the object in question. If the object was to bring up the question in a regular form that gentlemen might express themselves fully in relation to our affairs, it was very proper that this subject should be discussed in committee of the whole on the state of the Union. For himself, Mr. Dana said that he thought the mode of answering speeches might do very well in such a government as this, and
whatever might be said of economy of time, by an attention to the actual expence it would be found that in fact very little time was lost by it. At the last session of Congress a committee had reported a resolution to which there were but two dissentients, the discussion of which occupied nearly three weeks. All agreed as to the result, but gentlemen combated each other's arguments. And undoubtedly Mr. D. said, the rapidity with which the message was shot through a committee of the whole, was rather a farcical piece of business—and, indeed, it was not without some little surprize that, when he had come to the House this morning, he found the whole subject disposed of. If he had a convenient opportunity, Mr. D. said he should have no objection to express some of his opinions on points in the conduct of the administration. Yet he was not certain that an abstract proposition of this kind was a desirable thing to be adopted; although he admitted that it was desirable that there should be some mode of expressing an opinion on the measures adopted by the Executive during the recess, without being narrowed in the discussion by the rules of order.
Mr. W. Alston said, that when a resolution like the one proposed was presented to him, the substance of which met his approbation, if he was compelled to vote directly upon it, he would rather vote for it than against it. But if it were the object to bring before the House a discussion upon the message of the President and to return an answer to his Excellency's most gracious message, he should certainly be opposed to it. If ever there had been one particular part of the conduct of the former administration which had met the approbation of the Republicans of this country generally, it was the discontinuance of this practice. The result of the alteration was, that although more was done during the sessions of the Republican congresses, they terminated them three or four weeks sooner than ever had been done before. As to the opportunity which the answers afforded for debate, could any one say that sufficient latitude had not been taken in debate? Had not gentlemen even called others by name, and introduced every subject on any question? Mr. Alston said he was pleased with what had been done, and he could not vote that he was not pleased; but he was certainly opposed to entering into a full discussion at the opening of each session, of every thing which was to come under the consideration of the House. If they were to take up this resolution, they might as well take some abstract act of Mr. Adams's, he being still living, and discuss his political life—Washington, at least he hoped, having departed from us, would be permitted to rest in peace.
Mr. Bacon said that with other gentlemen he could not but regret that this proposition had been brought forward. If he were brought to vote upon it, he need not tell the House that he should cordially vote for it; but it was really one of the last observations which he had expected to have heard from any gentleman that we wanted field for debate. He had thought that the grievance was the other way; that the cause of complaint was, that they consumed too much time in debate. He said he should certainly vote for the resolution, were it brought to a direct vote; but for the purpose of placing before the House the view of the subject which he entertained he should take the liberty to move an amendment to it, and then move to refer it to a committee of the whole. The amendment was in these words, proposed to be added to the motion:— "And furnishes an additional proof of the spirit of accommodation on the part of the government of the United States, which has at no time been interrupted."
Mr. J. C. Jackson moved that the whole subject be postponed indefinitely.
(To be Continued.)
BOARDING HOUSE. Mrs. DOYNN will be able to accommodate a few gentlemen with boarding and lodging during the ensuing session.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN. Charles County, April 26—wpm

ON LIBELS AT COMMON LAW.
(Concluded.)
Mr. Bacon said he was for one by no means displeased with the introduction of the motion of the gentleman from Virginia. He took occasion to remark that it was with some pain that he perceived any remaining particles of this political heresy in any part of our country. He was happy that there were so few remnants. He had known of no instances except those mentioned by the gentleman from Connecticut. He could not account for their appearance in that state only; whether it was because this doctrine of common law jurisdiction in the courts of the United States was there planted in a more congenial soil he could not say. Certain it was that it had not pervaded any other state in the Union. I have understood (said Mr. Bacon) that it is not through the peculiar instrumentality of the district attorney that these suits were commenced. As I understand it, the district attorney has no power to entertain suits; that he has no power but to reduce to form indictments of the grand jury. It is certainly the case in the state in which I am a representative, and I presume in Connecticut also. It is a mere clerical office to reduce to form presentments of the grand jury. With respect to the courts, I understand that the question was first brought before the district judge of Connecticut. Whatever was his opinion, he said he considered the law as settled by his betters, by the judges of the supreme court; and he did not consider it incumbent on him to reverse that opinion until it should be done by a court of equal authority, leaving the question however open to appeal by the parties. I will only observe that I am very happy this motion is brought forward, and hope, that as we succeeded in getting rid of the sedition law, that we shall get rid of all the political heresies of former times, and shall succeed in rooting out this obnoxious weed from the territory of Connecticut.
Mr. Randolph observed that he had understood long ago that prosecutions of this sort had been entertained in the federal courts, under the administration of Mr. Adams; and he had been one of those who had supposed that when that administration had been turned out of office, and a new one introduced, there would be an end substantially of these prosecutions at common law, although on the vote whether the sedition law should be engrossed for a third reading on its proposed re-enactment, there was only a majority of three or four in the negative. During the prosecution of Mr. Chase before the Senate (said Mr. R.) I had a paper put into my hands by a member of that honorable House, stating that a judge of the supreme court of the United States, and one who I believe is considered an ornament to his profession, even with all his political heresies thick upon him, had entertained a prosecution for a libel at common law in the district of Vermont, and stated that such was the law as settled by the supreme court of the United States. I could not tell for what purpose this paper was put into my hands, unless under the idea that it would induce me to bring forward a motion for the impeachment of the gentleman in question. It was no business of mine that this was done by one of the persons sworn to judge the case of impeachment, if instituted—Every man is the keeper of his own conscience. Neither was it my desire to divert the public mind from the steady view of justice in relation to the gentleman then under prosecution by bringing any other before the House. Nor did I know, nor do I now know that the opinion that the common law is the law of the United States is an un pardonable offence; because you may have heard gentlemen of the first legal erudition on this floor support the doctrine—I allude particularly to a late member from the state of Delaware (Mr. Bayard.) But my object in making this motion was to go back to the institution of the government itself and bring into view every case in which prosecutions at common law for libel had been entertained by the courts of the United States by way of showing the necessity of providing some legal provision on this subject. The gentleman from Massachusetts, with his usual accuracy, has declared that the district attorney is but the instrument of the Grand Jury. But, sir, the Grand Jury is selected by the marshal, and the marshal and the district attorney are appointed—how? Removable—now? I am perfectly convinced, sir, that in all cases of libel, in all cases where too often politics and not law or justice preside, it is idle to expect impartiality of trial. If the government or judge take part for or against a prosecution, it is perfectly idle to expect justice. To guard against this evil, I hold, sir, in my hand a resolution, which, if the House agree to that which is under consideration, I shall lay on the table:
Resolved, That provision ought
to be made by law to secure the right to an impartial jury, in all cases, civil and criminal, maintained in the courts of the United States."
But before I sit down, I will make one observation on what has fallen from the gentleman from Connecticut. He says he feels no disposition to censure the District Attorney. I am happy to say that I know not the District Attorney, his name or person. I am equally ignorant of the name or person of the district judge; nor do I know that I am acquainted with the circuit judge. On this subject I am happy to be ignorant; because I am sure that I am in a better state to act impartially than if I were acquainted with his person or politics—for, whatever may be said of an unbiased mind, human nature will have its way. Whether the Attorney General be blame-worthy or not, will depend much upon the fact whether he held these opinions anterior or posterior to his induction into office. If he was one of the federalists of the old school, if he was an Essex man, and held that the common law was supreme, I cannot blame him for executing his duty. But if he was one of those who held up his hands against that doctrine, and protested against the men who supported it, then I say that he is blameable—for I will not acknowledge the right of any man to make a commutation of principles and the good of this country for his office; or that he is bound by the instructions of his superior to do that which he conceives illegal, unconstitutional and unjust. As an honest man he would give up his office rather than his principle. And I trust, sir, that we live in a state of society in which a man acting in that manner will always meet with confidence and support.
Mr. Livermore said that, for his own part, he had no idea that a district attorney was the mere officer of a grand jury or in any way dependant on the grand jury. He was an officer as independent of the grand jury as the grand jury were of him. He is (said Mr. L.) an officer appointed by the United States to prosecute all offences against the United States. If the common law of England be admitted in the courts of the United States, if it be taken as a rule of proceeding, I conceive it should be taken in all its parts. The district attorney may not only prosecute by indictment but by presentment. Although a prosecution be generally instituted by indictment, it does not follow that it must be so, for it may be by information lodged by the district attorney in which the grand jury has no kind of agency. If the prosecution be by indictment, the authority of the district attorney must come in aid of it, or no prosecution can proceed: it can have no effect till it receive the sanction of the district attorney, who has equal authority to put an end to it at any instant without accounting for it. In short, he has the whole control in suits in behalf of the United States. He is therefore an Executive officer made use of to prosecute on behalf of the United States, or to persecute if he chuses to submit to superior influence. Far be it from me, sir, to say that this is the case; but I conceive that there is a possibility of making provision by law to prevent persecution in this way. It is high time some law was provided to punish those who make such egregious abuses of power; it is high time there was some law to punish those who prostrate the laws of the United States to such purposes. I shall therefore vote for the appointment of this committee; and I hope they will be able to point out some mode to prevent such abuses in future. As to the sedition law, that has passed away; I do not know that it is necessary for "an Essex man" or any other to defend it. It had one excellent feature in it; that one relative to libels. It is no great injury to any man to be prosecuted for a libel if he be admitted to give the truth in evidence on his defence. When it was the practice, as it was ten or twelve years ago, to tell infamous lies without being subject to prosecution, it was necessary that some remedy should be applied. If the citizen were allowed to give the truth in evidence he could suffer no injury from an impartial jury of his country.
Mr. Dana said, that if it was intended that this resolution should be adopted with the peculiar view of liberating the soil of Connecticut from its crop of political heresy, he should be averse to having this favor forced upon them. I feel no particular obligation (said Mr. D.) to the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Bacon) on any other, who wishes to reform the heresies of the people of Connecticut, with a view that they should be adopted into his political church. As to the prosecutions in that state, however, it might be well to enquire into them, and to put a stop to them; or, if we do not put a stop to them, to assure to the people the liberty of giving the truth in evidence. It would be well now, sir; but it would have been better while the prosecutions were pending and before they were all defeated. Three years have elapsed since this subject was mentioned in the House by myself, and a call made for an account of the expences which had been
incurred in certain prosecutions at common law, and they were laid on the table and printed. I think two sessions before the last. I made a motion at the time in respect to the subject; but, from the pressure of business it was not ultimately acted on; I was not very solicitous to press it; but chose to give public information on this subject, that the experiment might pass before the public whether, when this information was made public, the government would undertake to arrest the prosecution. I am not certain that it was not known prior to that time. Certain I am that I mentioned it to one of the heads of departments at that session. The prosecutions were not arrested; and, really sir, there must have been something peculiarly bad in that soil which wanted the culture of such a district attorney as was placed at the head of it. As to the district attorney, I acquit him of any peculiar malignity in this business; I had rather supposed that he was impelled by such influences as appointed him; that the persons concerned in appointing him, or others connected with them, were desirous of instituting these prosecutions, and that he had not the firmness to resist them. As to the sedition law, for my constituents I ask but one privilege; that, when they are prosecuted for libels, they may have the liberty to prove the truth of what they publish; and if they do not prove the truth, let them suffer. I ask nothing further for them. I should wrong their opinion of the respect which is due to truth, if I asked for them any greater liberty than that of proving the truth of what they utter. As to their being peculiarly attached to what is called common law, it is not the common law of the British empire, but that portion of unwritten law which they have found at once adapted to convenience, conformable to the principles of moral rectitude, favorable to the support of government and of the principles of civil liberty. So much they chuse to adopt—whether it come from beyond the Atlantic, or out of our own soil, they find it at once conducive to their happiness, conducive to moral order, to the good of society, and to the perpetuity of government—this is the common law which chastises guilt and protects innocence and to this they are attached.
Mr. Bacon asked whether any prosecutions had been commenced in the state of Connecticut in any other manner than by indictment?
Mr. Dana.—Certainly not.
Mr. Good made some observations upon the duty of an attorney-general. He said that this officer looked to the jury for facts; but if law combined with fact, they were bound to look to him for their guides in offences against the public peace. They wanted no guide but their own eyes and ears; indictments for such offences flowed from the grand jury alone, from their own conviction; but when otherwise, that officer was immediately referred to. Having had occasion to observe something in relation to the course which had been pursued in cases of criminal prosecution, Mr. G. said he had thought proper to state this much. He noticed another observation made by a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) in relation to the prosecutions having been produced from the peculiar soil of Connecticut. In repelling this remark, it indeed there were any thing to be repelled in it, it was proper to observe, that when a question of justice, especially of that kind to be obtained by prosecution, was brought before the House, nothing could be more unfortunate than for a moment to connect it with party Justice. Mr. G. said, had a nobler view; it defied such weapons. He conceived the public justice of the country to have been wounded, and that the wound was aggravated when it was carried on the narrowed theatre of politics. He thought it peculiarly unfortunate, not only as respected the reputation of the administration, but as respected the expence, that of six or eight prosecutions, the whole should have fallen to the ground, without one of them having been put to an issue. After all, if the persons implicated were guilty, a rod had been held over them, which had never fallen; and if innocent, a great expence had been incurred, and it was right at least that they should have an opportunity, before a jury of their country, to be compensated. It seemed, he said, that the persons prosecuted had been defended, and he had no doubt well defended. He believed that justice demanded that their expences, in consequence of the prosecutions, should be refunded to them.
Mr. Troup said that he was so sensibly alive to whatever might directly or indirectly affect the reputation of the late President of the United States, that he could not forbear expressing a hope that whatever might be done directly or indirectly affecting his character, might be so done that the truth and all the truth in relation to it might be in possession of the House. If he had understood the gentleman from Connecticut correctly, he had declared himself ignorant what was the nature of the prosecutions directed to be instituted. He conceived the enquiry to be important, not only as to what was the nature of the prosecutions, but
as to the fact, whether the prosecutions were directed to be instituted, and by whom they were so directed. [Mr. Dana observed, in explanation, that it was supposed in the state of Connecticut that the prosecutions were produced by the influence of the administration of the United States; that he himself doubted the correctness of that opinion. The fact had been known two sessions ago, for he had then mentioned it to an officer of the government, who, when it was mentioned, appeared at that time to have been entirely ignorant of it.]—Mr. Troup said he was happy at the explanation of the gentleman from Connecticut; and he, as he was sure the House did also, felt indebted to him for the liberality which he had displayed. It was important to understand on what ground the prosecutions had been commenced; if upon the common law doctrine of libel, and the prosecutions were criminal, the defendant was precluded from giving the truth in evidence; but if they were actions for libellous or slanderous words spoken, even by the common law doctrine of England, the defendants were permitted to give the truth of the words so spoken in evidence. It therefore resulted as material to the enquiry to know not only what was the nature of the prosecutions, but by what authority they had been instituted. On that account he moved to amend the motion so as to enquire not only by what authority the actions had been instituted, but who were the institutors of these actions.
Mr. Randolph said he had no objection to the amendment. His object was to come at the truth, to do justice and secure the liberty of the citizen; and if that was done, it was perfectly indifferent to him by whom it was done, or who had the credit of it, whose reputation was tarnished, or whose brightness it. One thing he knew: that he would never attack the reputation of any man by any indirect mode; & he conceived it would become the duty of the committee to sift into the particulars. With respect to actions for slander commenced in the federal courts of the United States, in which the defendant was permitted to put in the dangerous plea of justification, he never heard of any, nor did he believe there was an instance in which they had been instituted. He spoke in the resolution before the House of prosecutions at common law for libel. On what species of plea could the federal court get jurisdiction of a case of that nature between two parties? As he understood the constitution, Mr. R. said, the circuit court had no such jurisdiction. They might as well attempt to punish murder, because the man killed lived in one state, and the murderer in a different state. Even the gentleman from Delaware (Mr. Bayard) had never pushed his argument to the length that federal courts had cognizance of murder or felony committed within the jurisdiction of the state courts. He therefore had no kind of reference to actions of slander in the resolution, and he assured his friend from Georgia (Mr. Troup) that he should feel a pleasure, not much inferior to his, at seeing the reputation of the party involved, whomsoever that party might be, the late President of the United States, the district attorney, or the district judge, rescued from any imputation which, what had fallen from the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) at the last session, might have a tendency to cast upon it. Mr. R. here most solemnly avowed, that the mention made of this subject by the gentleman from Connecticut at the last session, was the first time that he ever had what he deemed creditable evidence of the fact. He had indeed seen intimations of the kind in the newspapers; but on enquiring if they were true, he had been told that they were federal lies; and accordingly he had set them down as federal lies—he meant of the editors of federal newspapers; for, indeed, it was known that newspapers were not confined to the truth, and that those people in the United States who could afford to take but one paper, or whose prejudice was so strong that they would read but one side of the question, stood but little chance of knowing the real state of affairs.
Mr. R. stated the circumstances under which he had moved an enquiry into the conduct of Samuel Chase as being similar to those under which he moved the present enquiry. When the fact had been stated by the gentleman from Connecticut at the last session, he said, he had been astonished that it had created so little sensation in the House or in the nation. If he, a representative of the nation, who had an opportunity of seeing various publications and having access to various information which others had not, was till then ignorant of the fact, was it not possible, nay more than probable that the great mass of the American people were at the moment he was speaking in perfect ignorance of the fact? If we are to preserve our republican pure, said Mr. R. we must often recur to fundamental principles, look frequently over our file of precedents, and expunge those which are not salutary and those especially which we find to be unconstitutional; espe-
cially we should draw the pen over all made in hard and unconstitutional times. With regard to one observation made by the gentleman from Connecticut that he wishes his constituents to have no other law of libel or of justice than that which they find under the sedition act, viz. the privilege of giving the truth in evidence, I will remark, that, however proper this principle might be in a single integral government, it varies when we apply it to a federal government exercising only certain specified powers, and having an aspect principally to foreign affairs. To what purpose does the constitution declare that Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of the press, if Congress can make laws such as the sedition law, or if the courts can entertain prosecutions at common law for libels? That there should be a power on this subject somewhere is one thing; but that the general government should possess that power, which, however inherent in an integral government, is denied to that government by the constitution, is another thing. It was a weapon wielded with great force against us at the time of the discussion on the sedition law, that men who told seditious lies ought to be liable to punishment; and I suppose, sir, the difference was not perceived between the men who wrote libels being liable to punishment, and their being subject to punishment in the federal courts. The question was not whether there should not be a punishment for libels, but whether the government of the United States had or could have, agreeably to the constitution, any law of libel. Mr. Randolph asked of the House, if it was now right to reform the abuses which had taken place, to set about the work. An attempt had been made in the other House and failed like an attempt to promote economy and enforce accountability. You know very well (said Mr. R.) that there were many of us, and I was one, who thought that at the commencement of Mr. Jefferson's administration it would be proper for us to pass a sort of declaratory act on the subject of the sedition law, something analogous to Mr. Fox's celebrated declaratory bill on the subject of libels, which did not so much enact a new law as declare that Lord Mansfield's law was not law—but on this subject, as well as on the reduction of the army below its then standard, as on some others, I had the honor (or dishonor as some might esteem it) to be in the minority. I had thought that we ought to have returned the fines of all those who suffered under the law; that we should have followed the example of that precedent which rescinded all the resolutions in relation to the Middlesex election; that we should have made whole, as far as in our power, the persons who came under the lash of that law. But you know that it was said that we came in as reformers; that we should not do too much; that we should go on by little and little; that we should fire minute guns, I think was the expression, which produced no other effect that I ever found than the keeping up a spirit of irritation which might have been and ought to have been long ago allayed. I would have acted in that case as I presume the master of a family would act if offended by his children; I would first have punished and then forgot—and it is in this manner alone that a state or family can be kept in due subjection to the father of that state or family, without at the same time having their confidence impaired. But if the father will not punish, but will continue to remember the fault, he alienates the child. If he will continue to twit him in the teeth with his wrong doings, he must count upon losing his confidence. It is better to give him his due, and then forget that he has offended, and reinstate him in his affections. I am sorry to have said so much, sir, but I owed it to myself. Among the different charges which have been made against me, one was that I had no projects, no projects I think was the term. I trust that before the session is ended, I shall satisfy the House that I am at least as full of projects as they could have wished me to be.
Mr. Troup said that the gentleman from Virginia was wholly mistaken in his ideas, for he (Mr. T.) was no less friendly to the motion than the gentleman from Virginia himself; and, as to motives, he had no hesitation in declaring that he believed those of the gentleman to be pure and worthy as those of any man, and that the gentleman was utterly incapable of making a dishonest attack on any man. But I wish the gentleman to understand the distinction which I took (said Mr. Troup) and remark the obvious difference which might result from the mode in which the enquiry was to be conducted. If after a certain mode, it might lead to this result: that the President of the United States had instructed the district attorney to institute criminal prosecutions under the English common law doctrine against a citizen for the purpose of oppression, whilst the defendant was prevented from giving in evidence the truth of his words or writings. In such a case I have no hesitation in saying that

I would consider the President giving such an order as not only highly censurable, but as meriting an impeachment, as guilty, of high crime and misdemeanor. But if a different result should convince me that, so far from being directed by the President of the United States, the prosecutions were made by the mere voluntary motion of the district attorney, the criminally would not rest with the President of the United States, but with the district attorney, more especially if not only unauthorized but unsanctioned.
Mr. Randolph observed that he had not said that he suspected this or that that man. If his own impression was worth anything, he did not believe that any direction on this subject had been given by the late President of the United States. But this was his mere belief; and it was impossible to say where the blame rested.
Mr. Pitkin said he rose not to enter into the discussion, but to state a fact which had not been mentioned. Reference has been made to the grand jury and the district attorney, (said Mr. P.) and the gentleman from Massachusetts seems to suppose that the district attorney is the mere agent of the grand jury. Whatever is the law on this point is totally immaterial at present; the gentleman however is mistaken as to the origin of these suits. I understand the fact to have been that the district judge, who was appointed under the late administration, was sole acting judge in the court in consequence of the absence of the other judge. In his charge to the grand jury he particularly called their attention to libelous publications against the government of the United States. That charge was printed in one of the newspapers of that state; in that one, I believe, in which the laws of the U. States are printed. In consequence of what was delivered to the grand jury, they took the subject into consideration, and made the presentments. I merely state this as the fact.
A motion was now made by Mr. Gholson to insert the word "criminal" before the word "prosecutions" in the resolution, which produced a desultory debate of more than an hour on the powers of the federal and state courts, turning chiefly on the construction of the words of the first part of the 2d section of the 3d article of the constitution of the U. States. Messrs. J. G. Jackson, Randolph, Gholson, Love and Nelson partook of the debate; in the course of which
Mr. Talmadge took occasion to quote the journals to show that several motions on the subject of those prosecutions had been made in this House in January, 1807; and he observed, that after this, how any gentleman in public life could to this day have remained ignorant of the fact, was to him astonishing. He expressed himself highly pleased that this subject was at length taken up, and hoped that no delay would obstruct an enquiry or prevent the passage of a law for the protection of the citizen in future.
Mr. Gholson withdrew his motion to insert the word "criminal"; and the motion was agreed to unanimously by Yeas and Nays, 124 voting in the affirmative.
SENATE.
Monday, May 29.
Mr. Thruston presented the petition of John Mason and others, praying that such part of the act supplementary to the act to incorporate the inhabitants of the City of Washington, as exempts the City of Washington from taxation by the Levy Court of Washington county, be repealed.
Referred to Messrs. Thruston, Anderson and Brent.
Mr. Giles, from the committee to whom was referred so much of the President's message, as relates to the revision of our commercial laws, for the purpose of adapting them to the arrangement which has taken place with Great Britain, reported a bill to amend and continue in force the act entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes," which was read, and ordered to a second reading.
A message was received, by Mr. Graham, from the President of the United States, transmitting a report of the Secretary of War, showing the progress made in carrying into effect the act of April, 1809, for raising an additional military force, and the disposition of the troops.
The President laid before the Senate a letter from Mr. Smith, Senator from the state of Maryland, stating that he was appointed by the Executive of that state, a Senator in conformity with the constitution, until the next meeting of the legislature; that this meeting will take place on the 5th of June; and requesting the determination of the Senate as to the question, whether an appointment under the Executive of Maryland, to represent that state in the Senate of the U. States, will or will not cease on the first day of the meeting of the legislature thereof.
Ordered that the consideration thereof be postponed till to-morrow.
Mr. Giles gave notice that he should to-morrow ask leave to bring in a bill
to fix the time of the next meeting of Congress.
The bill, from the House, entitled "An act respecting the ships or vessels owned by citizens or subjects of foreign nations with which commercial intercourse is permitted," was, by unanimous consent, read three several times, and passed.
May 30.
The consideration of the bill, reported yesterday, by Mr. Giles, was postponed till Thursday.
Messrs. Giles, Franklin and Hillhouse were appointed, on the part of the Senate, on the committee of the two Houses on the business requisite to be done during the present session.
Mr. Pope offered the following resolution:—
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether it be expedient at this time to pass a law for taking the census of the inhabitants of the U. S. and territories thereof.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the letter from Mr. Smith of Maryland, communicated yesterday.
On motion by Mr. Giles,
Ordered, That the further consideration thereof be postponed to the 5th June next.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, May 29.
Messrs. Smilie, Say and Cook, appeared and took their seats.
VOTE OF APPROPRIATION.
Immediately on the meeting of the House—
Mr. Randolph called for the consideration of his resolution on the subject of the conduct of the President in the late accommodation with Great Britain.
The Speaker decided that the motion was not now in order, inasmuch as it was a settled practice of the House to devote the first hour of each day's session to the receiving petitions, reports, &c. Mr. Randolph appealed from his decision, and after a conversation on the point of order, which occupied nearly two hours, in which Messrs. Randolph, Smilie, W. Alston, Dana, Bacon, J. G. Jackson, Boyd, Gholson, Quincy, Potter, (R. I.) Pitkin, Gardenier and Key, took part, the Speaker's decision was affirmed by yeas and nays—77 to 48.
The hour having more than passed, Mr. Randolph again called for the consideration of his resolution, and the House agreed to take it up by yeas and nays 66 to 62.
It will be recollected by our readers that the motion pending at the time of adjournment on Friday last, was for an indefinite postponement of the subject.
Mr. Dana, not expressing any opinion how he might ultimately vote on the question, was nevertheless opposed to indefinite postponement of the resolution, and stated his reasons at length.
Mr. Randolph followed Mr. Dana in a speech of about two hours in length, in support of his motion and against postponement, which he considered equivalent to rejection, inasmuch as the subject could not be revived during the session.
When Mr. Randolph concluded, a motion was made by Mr. Smilie to adjourn, and carried—ayes 70.
[Debate hereafter.]
Tuesday, May 30.
THIRD CENSUS OF THE U. STATES.
Mr. Randolph said that it was now precisely ten years since he had the honor of being a member of this house. The first session of the sixth Congress was held at Philadelphia in December, '99; and at that session a law was passed for taking the second census of the inhabitants of the U. States. It had been then allowed on all hands that that law was delayed so long, that the marshals had not time to make the proper enumeration in as accurate and faithful a manner as it ought to have been done. On the third census of the people of the U. States would depend not merely the gross numbers of the Southern and Western, and, in fact, of the middle and Eastern states, for perhaps none were increasing with greater rapidity than the two great middle states of New-York and Pennsylvania. He thought it proper that provision should be made at this session for taking the third census. Such a provision could not accelerate the time, but would enable the officers of the U. States to take proper means to ensure the excellence of the work. He therefore moved—
"That provision ought to be made by law for taking the third census of the inhabitants of the U. States."
Mr. Lyon expressed his pleasure at seeing this proposition introduced. He said it was important that the people of the United States be should represented according to their numbers. The district which he had the honor to represent contained more than 100,000 souls. The state of Ohio had by this time a population of 200,000 souls and had but one Representative; the state of Tennessee had perhaps doubled its population. It behoved Congress to set about the business as soon as they could.
Mr. W. Alston conceived that it was necessary that the census should be taken in every part of the Union as nearly at the same time as possible.
Were the law now to be passed, it might be taken in some parts of the United States between now and January next, and in other parts in not less than 3 years. He hoped, he said, that the House would not be thus troubled with unnecessary business. If the passage of the law were deferred to a session or too, the different parts would be more equally represented, though an immediate census might be favorable to his part of the country, because he was convinced that it was losing ground in the general scale of population of the U. S.
On the suggestion of Mr. Quincy, with the consent of Mr. Randolph, the motion was ordered to lie on the table—Ayes 101.
Messrs. Gholson and Fisk were appointed a committee of enrolled bills on the part of this House.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill supplementary to an act entitled an act making an appropriation for carrying into effect a treaty between the U. States and the Chickasaw nation of Indians and for establishing a land office in the Mississippi territory—Read twice and Referred.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Mr. J. G. Jackson from the committee on our foreign relations, reported a bill to repeal the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States and the several acts supplementary thereto and to revive and amend the act entitled an act interdicting commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France and their dependencies.—Twice read and made the order of the day for Friday next.
AMERICAN SEAMEN.
Mr. Dana said that he rose for the purpose of calling the attention of the House to a subject which could not but be interesting to the councils of the nation. It related to American seamen. He wished to propose a resolution, the object of which was to designate American seamen, and to ensure to them the benefits properly appertaining to that character. It was a proposition which could not impede any object which the administration could have in view, or embarrass any negotiation with foreign powers. He was the more desirous to bring up this subject, because it was extremely difficult to ascertain the number of foreign seamen in the service of the United States. In answer to an enquiry made at the last session with a view to ascertain the number of foreign seamen who had been naturalized, an answer had been received, which, although he knew much deception had been practised, astonished him. He said it might be presumed that there were on board American shipping between ten and twenty thousand seamen, who were not natives of America. In the course of twelve years, the whole number of persons naturalized according to the laws of the United States, and registered as seamen, did not amount to four hundred and fifty! It might be set down for fact, Mr. Dana said, that under our existing laws not less than 10,000 certificates of protection are annually afloat, which are obtained by false swearing. To this fraud he wished to put an end. At present vessels might claim the privilege of carrying the American flag, without a single American mariner on board, a permission contrary to the usage of all civilized nations. For the security and encouragement of our seamen therefore, he proposed the following resolution:
Resolved, That for the benefit of the seamen of the United States, it is proper to make provision that registered ships or vessels shall not be entitled to the privilege of ships or vessels of the United States, unless a certain proportion of mariners on board the same shall be mariners of the United States.
On the suggestion of Mr. Burwell, with the consent of Mr. Dana, the resolution was ordered to lie on the table.
ARMED TRADE.
Mr. Dana said he wished to propose another resolution, the object of which contemplated a provision for arming the commerce of the United States, not as against any particular power, but it was an attempt to draw a line of discrimination between armaments for defence and armaments for attack, between the principle of resistance to aggression of foreign nations and the principle of reprisal; in fact, an attempt at experiment, whether we could not transfer to the water that system which exists on the land, for a practical demonstration of which he would refer to gentlemen from the western country, where he understood that the citizens individually or combined, armed for their defence against predatory incursions or attack. This was a species of arming distinct from arming for attack or plunder. The resolution which he held in his hand was similar to one proposed at a late day last session; it was however directed against one principle, and that was the principle of blockade by proclamation. It completely contravened the principle of the French decrees as to British ports, and the principle of the British orders in council. The resolution was as follows:
Resolved, That it is expedient to make provision, by law, to allow merchant vessels of the United States to be armed for defence in voyages to ports of Europe, the West Indies, and Atlantic coast of America, and, accordingly, to furnish the documentary evidence which may be proper in any such case to manifest the defensive character of the armament allowed; and at the same time by law to require securities for the vessels respectively, that they will not proceed to any port known to be actually blockaded, nor carry articles contraband of war to the dominions of a belligerent power, nor violate the laws or treaties of the United States, or the rules of public law by them acknowledged, but will observe the instructions which may be given by the President of the United States for preventing all such violations, and that due satisfaction shall be made for all damages and injuries if any should be committed in contravention thereof.
It was referred to a committee of the whole, on motion of Mr. Dana.
Various memorials and petitions were presented and referred. Among others
Mr. Helms presented the petition of Gen. John Hurd, late collector of Amity, now lying in jail at the suit of the United States, on the peculiar hardship of whose situation Mr. H. expatiated.—Referred to a select committee, with instructions to report by bill.
Mr. Goold presented the petition of Mrs. Hamilton, widow of the late Gen. Alexander Hamilton of New-York, stating that her husband was a Colonel during the Revolutionary war, and as such entitled to half-pay; but that from his delicate situation as a member of Congress he had relinquished his claim, the amount of which the petitioner prays may be allowed to her. Mr. Goold moved a reference to the committee of claims. Mr. Gholson moved to refer the petition, together with one which he conceived to be similar, to a select committee. On this motion a debate of near two hours, upon the subject of claims generally, took place, in which Messrs. Gholson, Goold, Macon, Southard, Lyon, Tallmadge, Nelson, Quincy, Smilie, Southard, Gardenier & Randolph partook. The petition was eventually referred to the committee of claims by a small majority.
VOTE OF APPROPRIATION.
The unfinished business of yesterday was resumed. ayes 63.
Mr. J. G. Jackson withdrew his motion for indefinite postponement, and Mr. Nelson renewed it.
Mr. Johnson spoke in support of Mr. Bacon's amendment.
When he sat down, several members rising to speak, a motion was made to adjourn and carried, ayes 66
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 31.
The following is the bill submitted by Mr. Giles to the Senate on Monday.
A BILL
To amend and continue in force the act, entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes."
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States and the several acts supplementary thereto, and the act to enforce and make more effectual, an act entitled, an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States; and also the thirteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth sections of the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes, be, and the same are hereby repealed: Provided however, That all penalties and forfeitures, which have been incurred on account of any infraction of any of the said acts or sections, shall be recovered and distributed in like manner as if the said acts and sections had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes, as is not repealed by this act, shall continue in force until the end of the next session of Congress: Provided, That nothing therein contained shall be construed to prohibit any trade or commercial intercourse which has been or may be permitted in conformity with the provisions of the eleventh section of the said act.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of this act, no ship or vessel shall be permitted to depart for any foreign port or place with which commercial intercourse has not been or may not be permitted by virtue of the last mentioned act: And no ship or vessel, bound to a foreign port or place with which commercial intercourse has been or may be permitted by virtue of the said act, shall be allowed to depart, unless the owner or owners, consignee or factor of such ship or vessel shall, with the master have given bond with one or more sureties to the United States, in a sum double the value of the vessel and cargo, that the vessel shall not proceed to any port or place with which commercial intercourse is not permitted by virtue of the said act, nor be directly or indirectly engaged, during the voyage, in any trade with such port or place, nor shall put any article on board of any other vessel destined for such port or place. And if any ship or vessel shall, contrary to the provisions of this section, proceed to any such prohibited port or place, or be directly or indirectly engaged in any trade with such port or place, or shall depart from any port of the United States without clearance, or without having given bond in the manner above mentioned; such ship or vessel, together with her cargo, shall be wholly forfeited, and the owner or owners, agent, freighter or factors, master or commander of such ship or vessel shall,
moreover, severally forfeit and pay a sum equal to the value of the ship or vessel and of the cargo put on board the same. Provided always, That the provisions of the eleventh section of the last mentioned act, shall extend to the prohibitions imposed by this section; which prohibition shall cease to operate in the manner and under the limitations prescribed by the eleventh section aforesaid, in relation to any nation with which commercial intercourse may hereafter be permitted in conformity with the provisions of the eleventh section aforesaid.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted That all penalties and forfeitures arising under, or incurred by virtue of this act, shall be recovered & distributed, and may be remitted or mitigated in the manner prescribed by the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies and for other purposes.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all the vessels which may have arrived at any port or place within the United States, from Great Britain, her colonies or dependencies, since the twentieth day May, one thousand eight hundred and nine, or which may arrive before the tenth of June next, shall be exempted from all the forfeitures and penalties incurred in consequence of any violation of any of the provisions of the said act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. States and G. Britain and France and their dependencies.
From the Mercantile Advertiser of May 28. From London Papers to April 13th, received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser by Spanish sch. Good Voyage, from Liverpool.
London, April 19.
Extract from a letter dated Stockholm, March 24, 8 P. M.
The king has this afternoon been removed under a strong escort from Drottningholm to Gripsholm, a palace about 45 English miles from Stockholm. He has hitherto been kept closely confined, and has not been permitted to see the queen.
By two Gotteburg mails which arrived last night, we have received intelligence from that place to the 25th inst. and from Stockholm to the 25th inst. The report of the rising of the Lalkearls, for the purpose of effecting the liberation of their deposed and imprisoned monarch, appears altogether unworthy of credit. The unfortunate Gustavus has been transferred to a fortress fifteen leagues more remote from his capital, where he continues closely confined, and all intercourse between him and his queen is carefully prevented. The duke of Sudermania exercises the functions of royalty with uncontrolled power, and Adler-spars, who first gave the signal for insurrection, is arrived at Stockholm with a division of the western army. The inhabitants are stated to have conferred upon these troops every possible mark of approbation and regard.
It appears that the Russians had made considerable progress in their operations, when a flag of truce was sent by the duke of Sudermania, proposing an armistice. The proposal was acceded to, the armistice concluded, and the terms dispatched by the Russian general to the emperor Alexander. Whether Sweden is to enjoy tranquility, and we are to be excluded from the Swedish ports, will, however, depend upon the decision of Bonaparte, to whom the question of peace or war is ultimately referred.
Gotteburg, March 31.—The emperor of Russia has given his sanction to the armistice, and the evacuation of Alland; it is, however, understood to be only till he receives from Paris an answer to a communication he has made to the French emperor on the subject.
TAMMANY SOCIETY.
A stated meeting of the Society will be held at the council fire of their great wigwam (Lindsay's Hotel) on Friday the second day of the month of heats, precisely at the going down of the sun. The council of Sachems will assemble at 6 o'clock P. M. on that day, at the same place.
By order of the Society,
WM. LAMBERT, Secretary.
City of Washington, 30th May 31—2 Month of Flowers, 317. V. Members elect will please to attend at an early hour for the purpose of initiation.
A CARD.
MR. DUPOUT respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Georgetown and Washington, that he is just arrived from New-York, and will on Thursday next, first of June, open his DANCING SCHOOL. For further particulars enquire at J. Milligan's Book store, where the subscription is left.
May 31—3t
JUST RECEIVED
AT REILLY'S STORE, ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
Fresh Lemons, A few boxes good Raisins, Jamaica's celebrated Crackers, and Flour for family use of a superior quality.
May 31—
NOTICE.
THE Gentlemen appointed by the City Council, as Assistant Judges of Election, will please to meet this afternoon at six o'clock, at Lindsay's Hotel, for the purpose of fixing on the places for holding the ensuing election. May 31—1.
NOTICE.
A Meeting of the citizens of the 1st and 2d Wards, is requested, at Rhodes' Hotel, on to-morrow (Thursday) at 6 o'clock P. M. for the purpose of forming a ticket for the next Council, and making such other arrangements as may be deemed advisable. May 31—1.
MRS. THOMPSON,
IN THE SIX BUILDINGS,
Can accommodate a few more Gentlemen, or a family, with good bedchambers and the use of a drawing room, with carriage house and stables.
May 31—3t

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, ss. To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting: In Chancery, December Term 1808. Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason, versus Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Goubaut and Picard, James C. Montflore, J. I. Picard, James Davidson, Robert R. Livingston and Daniel Parker.
THE bill states that the defendant Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simmond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simmond to the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners Taney and Simmond; that the debt so due had been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand two hundred and seventy francs French money of the value of 35,675 dollars; that the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complaints said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris, under the Louisiana Convention, was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants, as the trustees or Francis Lewis Taney, and Taney and Simmond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith in the said debt due to the complainants as trustees aforesaid; that notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C. Montflore of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; and the said Montflore did actually receive the bills of the Minister of the United States on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montflore with a view as the said complainants believe to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith, & as his attorney to the said J. I. Picard, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrell, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed them over to James Davidson, cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington, who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills, for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French Government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees as aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Goubaut and Doyrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith for fifty thousand francs, French money of the value of 5,625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson and endorsed over to him for collection, in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American Minister at Paris on the Treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid.
The object of the bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his coadjutors, and to obtain a writ of injunction, directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c. and particularly to the said James Davidson enjoining him & commanding him, from paying over to any person besides the said complainants, the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States, in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills or parting with the said bills, until the further order of this Court in the premises.
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Goubaut and Doyrey, James C. Montflore and J. I. Picard, defendants in this cause, all reside out of the District of Columbia, and are not within the reach of the process of this Court.
And whereas further, in the supplemental bill filed in this cause, in which bill the said Robert R. Livingston and Daniel Parker are made defendants, reciting the substance of the said original bill, further states that Daniel Parker, a non-resident of the District of Columbia who resides in Paris in France was concerned in the fraudulent assignment of the bills of exchange mentioned in the said original bill, that the said Parker at the time he procured the assignment of said bills knew that the claim for which the same were drawn was liquidated in the name of Thomas W. Griffith was the bona fide property of the complainants, and had been properly before transferred and assigned to them, and also that the said Robert R. Livingston is not a resident of the said District of Columbia, but resides in the state of New York, and is the person really claiming the proceeds of the said bills, and prays that he may be made a party to said bill and compelled to answer to the facts stated in the original bill—Also that said Parker may state the circumstances, attending the pretended transaction between Picard and Montflore the defendants, whether he paid any consideration and what to Picard & Montflore, and whether he did not know, or whether he had not received notice of the complainants claim and right at the time of or before the said transfer. The object of the bill is to obtain a decree in favor of the complainants, ordering and decreeing the monies for which said bills are drawn, now in the hands of James Davidson, to be paid over to the said complainants as the assignees of Taney and Taney and Simmond, and to enjoin the defendants and each of them from paying over or receiving the same until the decision of the court in the premises.
It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer printed in the city of Washington, six weeks successively previous to the fourth Monday in December next, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application, and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this cause in person or by solicitor on or before the said fourth Monday of December next, or in default thereof, why a decree should not be as prayed.
By order Wm. Brent, Ck.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Montgomery County, Maryland, near the Court House, on Saturday 21st inst. a likely young NEGRO MAN named JACOB, who calls himself JACOB SWAILS, but there is no doubt of his changing his name, as he will persist in a lie to the last extremity. He is about 25 year old—five feet eight or ten inches high, well made, very dark complexion, and full round face; has a scar above the eye and on the great toe, occasioned by a burn. As Jacob is a very artful fellow, and can read and write, it is possible he will, by forging a pass, attempt to pass for a freeman. Whoever apprehends said negro, and delivers him to me, or secures him in jail so that I get him, shall receive the above reward if taken out of the state; if within the state, 25 dollars and all reasonable charges will be paid by WM. FULKS.
All masters of vessels and others are warned not to harbor said slave at their peril. May 29—3t.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. THAT Application will be made for the renewal of the following LOST Certificates, of the United States Eight per Cent. Stock, issued by Joseph Moore, Register of the Treasury, in favor of John Barnes. viz. 7th Oct. 1800, No. 2, for $4000 8th Aug. 1801, 11, 400 13, 100 George Town, Dist. of Columbia, JOHN BARNES. May 8—6w.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES BUTCHER, Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it is provided by the thirty-second article of the Constitution and Form of Government, "that upon the death, resignation, or removal out of this state, of the Governor, the first named of the Council for the time being shall act as Governor, and qualify in the same manner, and shall immediately call a meeting of the General Assembly, giving not less than fourteen days notice of the meeting, at which meeting a governor shall be appointed in manner aforesaid for the residue of the year." And whereas his Excellency ROBERT WATSON, Esq. late Governor of this state, resigned the said office on Saturday, the sixth inst. I have therefore, in virtue of the above power and directions, appointed Monday the fifth day of June next, for the meeting and holding of the General Assembly of this state, of which the several Sheriffs are hereby enjoined to give public and due notice. Given at the City of Annapolis, under the seal of the State of Maryland, this eighth day of May, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and nine. By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Ck. of the Council. May 12—tds.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by J. MILLIGAN, George-Town. PRICE 3 1-2 Dollars. Works of FISHER JAMES. Compiled by a number of his friends. To which are prefixed notices of his life and character.—As above may be had T. B. Watts and Co. correct edition of Blackstone's Commentaries, and a variety of new books, plays, and pamphlets. May 24—6t.
SEBASTIAN PRING. SITUATED near the new turnpike road between Washington and Alexandria, about three quarters of a mile from the Washington Bridge. The Subscriber has opened a House of Entertainment for the accommodation of travellers, the citizens of both places and their vicinity—Public Dinners and Tea Parties, &c. &c. will be furnished on a short notice in the style required. He will always keep supplied with the best of Madeira, Port, Claret and Champagne—and will endeavor generally to keep the dainties of the season. A private room will be kept for the accommodation of Ladies. Ladies can be supplied with Syllabus under the Cuv every morning until six, and every evening until seven o'clock. He flatters himself that the encouragement he may receive, will enable him to extend his present plans. A. LINDO.
N. B. Just received from New-York, a fresh supply of Champaign, Burgundy and Old Hocks. Strawberries and Cream, while in season, every afternoon. If for a large party a day's notice is requested. * * * Liberal wages for one or two smart boys.
CHARLES H. PARKER, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spencelets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4t.
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On the Premises on the 15th day of June next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. LOTS No. 16 and 17, in Sq. 101, in the city of Washington, together with the Buildings thereon standing. Said property is directly opposite Mr. Wm. O'Neal's houses near the West Market, and is most advantageously situated, it being the estate formerly owned by Mr. Samuel Wilson, deceased. The terms of payment are one fourth cash in hand, the remainder divided into three equal annual payments with interest annually on these three payments which are to be secured by good notes negotiable Bank and a mortgage on the property. Also at the same time and place, Two SHARES in the Theatre. April 17—tds.
VERY CHEAP SPRING GOODS. THE Subscriber has just returned from Philadelphia with an extensive assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS. Amongst which are a variety of fancy muslins and other fancy articles for ladies and gentlemen, which will be sold much lower than usual for Cash or to principal customers. THOS. W. PAIRO. May 17—
JAMES PATTERSON, On the south side of the Pennsylvania Avenue opposite the Seven Buildings, HAVING received a large supply of Prime Materials in his Line, has it in his power to supply BOOTS on as good terms and as faithfully made, as any of his Profession in this District. He will always acknowledge with gratitude the kindness of those who may favor him with their custom, and from a sense of duty engages that nothing on his part shall cause them to regret any confidence reposed on his skill and punctuality. N. B. He has for sale SOAL and UPPER LEATHER, English BEND SOLES, with every article in the finding line, and some very nice Skirting for Saddles. May 21—9t.
WHEEL-WRIGHTS WANTED. THE subscribers will give encouragement to two or three good WHEEL-WRIGHTS, such as are acquainted with the making of Coach Wheels, &c. STEADY men may expect continual employment and liberal wages. THORPE and HUNT. May 17—4t.
PATENT WASHING MACHINE. A Newly Invented Patent Washing Machine, far superior to any heretofore in use, may be had of the subscriber, who has the Patent Right for the district of Columbia. I am so well satisfied of the inestimable value of this machine from a trial of one of them more than two months, that I purpose to have one made, that any family wishing to purchase can first make a trial of. JNO. THOMAS, 3rd. May 24—3t&wtf.
BOOT MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT-MAKER, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, has on hand and manufactures, BOOTS of the first quality, of the best materials and workmanship, and equal in neatness and durability to any in the United States—he can employ FIFTY MEN more to make strong shoes, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given. May 24—1m.
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Sallad Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 24—4t.
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On the Premises on the 15th day of June next, at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. LOT No. 3, in Sq. No. 161 in the city of Washington together with a Dwelling House and Slaughtering-House thereon. Said property is well situated for a butcher. A fine run of water passes near it. It was formerly owned by Daniel Guyer. Terms of payment, one fourth cash in hand, one fourth payable in six months from the sale with interest, one fourth payable at the end of 12 months with interest and the remainder payable at the end of 18 months with interest. Said payments are to be secured by good notes negotiable at the Bank and a mortgage on the property. April 17—tds.
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY. NOTICE is hereby given to the Proprietors of Sixteen Shares of the Capital Stock of the said Company, upon which the Second Instalment of Ten Dollars a share remains unpaid, which shares are numbered 461, 462, 467, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1992, 1993, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, and to the Proprietors of 85 Shares upon which the Third Instalment of Ten Dollars a share remains unpaid, numbered 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 461, 462, 463, 474, 475, 476, 477, 478, 479, 480, 481, 482, 483, 484, 485, 486, 487, 488, 489, 490, 491, 492, 493, 579, 580, 581, 582, 583, 584, 585, 586, 587, 588, 659, 660, 641, 642, 643, 1059, 1069, 1070, 1339, 1340, 1468, 1534, 1535, 1924, 1925, 1926, 1927, 1928, 1929, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1992, 1993, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, that unless the respective Instalments of Ten Dollars on each share, be paid to the Treasurer, on or before the first day of June next, the President and Directors will proceed on that day, to forfeit for the benefit of the Company, the said Share, in conformity with the provisions of "An Act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac within the District of Columbia." NOTICE is also given to Delinquents on the Fourth Instalment, that unless they make payment immediately on their shares, the Directors will advertise them for forfeiture. By order of the Directors, DAN. CARROLL, of Dudd'n. Pr. April 26—tdun.
TO BE SOLD, A COACHEE AND PAIR OF HORSES Belonging to a gentleman who has no further use for them. Apply to Mr. CRAWFORD, of the Union Tavern, or to the Proprietor at Mrs. WHITE's Boarding House, Bridge Street. Georgetown, May 26—3t.
FRESH LEMONS. Now landing from the schooner Elizabeth at Alexandria, AND FOR SALE BY Faxon, Metcalfe, and Co. 80 Chests and Lemons, only 39 days 20 Boxes from Lisbon. They have on hand— Macarado Sugars, Holland Gin, French Brandy, Soap and Candles, Writing and Wrapping Paper, various qualities; Teas, Mince-meats, Chocolate from Maker's Manufactory, and a general assortment of shoes. May 29—3t.
DR. ROBERT FRENCH RESPECTFULLY informs the public that he has commenced the practice of PHYSIC and SURGERY in Georgetown and its vicinity. He keeps his shop in the House lately occupied by Dr. John Weeks, deceased. May 3—4t.
NEW GROCERY AND PROVISION STORE. NOW opening for sale by the subscriber, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, adjoining to Col. Van Ness's present dwelling on 12th Street, the following useful articles in house keeping, viz: Muscovado Sugars, Loaf and Lump do. Molasses, Rum, Whiskey, Coffee, Imperial Tea, Old and Fresh and Young Hyson do. Nice. Soft shelled Almonds, Raisins, Spermaceti Candles, Mould and Dipt. Tallow do. Hard and Soft Soap, New England Cheese, Mustard, Pepper, Allspice, and Ginger, Men and Women's Leather Shoes, Ladies Morocco do. Bacon assorted, of excellent quality, Pickin and fresh Butter, Hogs Lard, Corn and Corn Meal, Oats and Bran separate, Same ground together. To which will be added a choice assortment of wines and other good liquors as soon as can be procured at the usual rates, all of which shall be sold at the most reduced prices for cash. Wm. REILLY. Also—a constant supply of fresh Superfine and Fine Flour, particularly selected for family use. May 26—
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. ON Thursday evening, the 18th inst. I lost my BAY HORSE, with saddle and bridle, from the rack at my door. He is about 9 years old; his tail being lately docked and nicked, is not quite heated up, and some of the hair is torn out. He is a handsome horse, about fourteen and a half hands high; in good order; a little crestfallen, and his feet rather clumsy; no white marks. After the above description, any person may know him at first sight. It is impossible to say whether he has strayed or was stolen. If taken up in the city or neighborhood, 5 dollars will be given—if above 20 miles, 10 dollars; if 100 miles, 20 dollars, and the same reward if stolen, with proof of the theft, and all reasonable expenses will be paid by F. A. WAGLER, Near the Centre Market. Washington City, May 26—3t.
District of Columbia, Washington County, to wit: ON the petition of JOHN EVANS, an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington County aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said John Evans, that on the 5th day of June next, at the hour of 9 o'clock A.M. at the Court Room at Long's Tavern, in the City of Washington, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia," will be administered to the said John Evans, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered, That this notice be published three times in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer, and the Alexandria Advertiser before that day. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, Chief Judge of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Ck. May 29—3t.
District of Columbia, Washington County, to wit: ON the petition of EDWARD LANGLEY, an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington County aforesaid for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Edward Langley, that on the 5th day of June next, at the court room, in Long's Tavern, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 9 o'clock A.M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Edward Langley, and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered, That this notice be published in the Alexandria Daily Advertiser, in the Washington Federalist, and in the National Intelligencer, three times in each paper before that day. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, Esq. Chief Judge of the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Ck. May 29—3t.
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have taken a commodious house in the street directly opposite the Marine Barracks, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction. NICHOLAS I. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29—4t.
WILLIAM S. NICHOLLS, Has just received from Philadelphia, AND OPENED FOR SALE, At his Store, opposite the Coffee House, an extensive assortment OF SPRING & SUMMER GOODS, Which being purchased on the very lowest terms—principally for cash—he will sell them as low as any person in this place. His assortment has generally been very complete; but he can assure his friends that it is better this spring than usual. He has many goods which he will sell by the piece lower than can be had in this place. Purchasers who wish to buy to sell again, will find it to their advantage to call on him. George-Town, May 29—
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, For cash, on Saturday the 3d of June, at the front door of the South Wing of the Capitol, ABOUT EIGHTY ACRES OF LAND situate near Mrs. Casinave's, and not more than a mile and a half from the Centre Market. On the premises is a small tenement, etc. The land lies well, and being so convenient to the market, may be cultivated to great advantage. SAM. SPEAKE, Auct. May 29—3t.
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN—TO THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Washington Bridge Company, that the FIFTH INSTALMENT of TEN dollars on each share is hereby called for, which must be paid on or before the 15th of June next, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled, "An act authorising the erection of a Bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia." By order of the Directors, DANL. CARROLL of Dud. President. May 26—dt15thJun.
NOTICE. THE purchasers of property at the public sale of Mrs. REBECCA MACKALLS personal estate, in Calvert County, in November last, are respectfully reminded, that their obligations became due on the 25d of the present month, and their being an absolute necessity for an immediate and final settlement of that estate, no indulgence can be given. For the greater convenience of the obligors, their notes are lodged with Alexander Cence Miller, Esq. at Annapolis, for collection. WM. POTTS, Administrator de bonis non of Rebecca Mackall. Frederick County, May 29—3t.
WEISKOPFF and KELLER, CONFECTIONERS, High Street, George-Town, BEG leave to inform the ladies and gentlemen of the city of Washington, that they will be daily supplied with ICE CREAMS, to be served up either at their store or privately by giving a previous notice thereof. They will constantly be supplied with the various articles of confectionery, preserves, and cordials of an exquisite taste. Ladies and gentlemen who will please to favor them, will meet with an anxious desire to give general satisfaction. May 26—12t.
PUBLIC SALE. VALUABLE UNIMPROVED LOTS. In the city of Washington, for sale at Auction on the 10th June, 1809, AT RHODES' HOTEL, at 3 o'clock. 5 Lots in sq. 219, Nos. 3, 4, 6, 10 and 11; the two first are situated on an eminence in direct view of the President's House with a beautiful prospect of the river Potomac; they are in a very salubrious situation, and excellent water can be procured at a small expence. For a gentleman's dwelling house, there is not a superior spot in the whole city. 3 Lots in sq. 168, Nos. 9, 10 & 12; the situation of these lots is valuable for business. They lie in the neighborhood of Dr. Elizay, Caleb Swann, John Tayloe and many others; No. 9 is a corner lot, well situated for a store, it being in the thickest settled part of the city and near to the War Office; the adjoining lots are built on. 3 Lots in sq. 458, Nos. 1, 2, 3; these lots are situated back of Mr. Weightman's book store and Lindsay's hotel and are contiguous to the public market. The plat of the foregoing squares and lots can be seen by applying to the subscriber, who will show the premises. Title indisputable. SAM. SPEAKE, Auct. N. B. The above property will be shown to persons inclined to purchase, on application to Samuel Speake, previous to the day of sale. May 19—
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. LHERBETTE, 81, Maiden Lane, New-York, To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe, at the city of Washington. May 19—eodam.
MRS. LEE, BEING impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the many favors which she has received from the Ladies and Gentlemen in the western section of this city; to whom she tends her most unfeigned thanks, and respects for their liberal encouragement. She takes this opportunity to inform them, and the public in general, that a few families of the first respectability have induced her by a liberal endowment to relinquish, with reluctance, her establishment near the War Office; and to embrace a situation near the CAPITOL, in a house which is large, airy and commodious; with a beautiful garden, and every necessary appurtenance suitable and convenient for such an establishment: Where, in addition to the select number of Young Ladies, by whose parents she is engaged, she is at liberty to admit a number of her former Scholars, or any other Young Ladies of respectable connections who may offer. She likewise begs leave to inform the public, that she has uniformly attended, in a particular manner, to a due selection of Professors of character and experience to instruct her Pupils in the higher classes of Arithmetic, Geography, & Music, and in the arts of Dancing & Drawing, and that suitable Masters of that description will attend the new establishment, which will commence on the 17th inst. N. B. Her present residence on the Pennsylvania Avenue to let; enquire of Mr. Buzzard, in Georgetown. Washington city, April 12—eodam.