The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-15 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1303.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1809.
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on raising the Embargo, and authorizing Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
Thursday, Feb. 2.
Mr. W. ALSTON said that for himself he would prefer the course which the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Troup) had pointed out; and, if the gentleman from Delaware had not declared that he wished the embargo to be removed, he should have insisted that also to be his idea, because he had set out with declaring that he had wished that the embargo laws should have a fair experiment. And Mr. A. asked the gentleman and the House whether they had received a fair experiment? Certainly not; for the violations had been such heretofore that the embargo had not by any means had that experiment which it ought to have had. No one could tell what would be its effects if it were permitted to have that trial which the honorable gentleman from Delaware wished to have had. Mr. Alston could not decide how to fill up the blank in the part of the resolution under consideration, until he knew what other measure was to be adopted in place of the embargo. If we were to have war, he cared not whether it was declared to-morrow, or in March, or in June. If further time was to be allowed for negotiation he thought that things had better remain as they were, more especially as there was now a probability that the embargo would be carried into effect. Notwithstanding the frequent assertions which he had heard, he believed that there was no such thing as rebellion in Massachusetts. He believed from his heart that the good sense of the people of that state would carry the laws into execution. If things should be left as they now stood, our enemies would not officially know what the government intended to do; though they might judge for themselves by declarations made on the floor, which he hoped to see substantiated by action when the proper time came.
Mr. TALLMADGE said that it did appear to him that the nation was placed in such a position that it became imperiously the duty of this committee to decide some very important question relative to the embargo. I am sorry (said he) that the gentleman who introduced the resolution (Mr. Nicholas) is unable to appear, from indisposition, and to maintain and defend the principles of his resolution; and I am glad that the resolution is so worded as to admit of a division as to the two great questions of a continuance of the embargo & a commencement of hostilities, so that they may be distinctly presented to the minds of the members of this House. I am very free to declare as to the first question, which is the only one now pending, that my mind is completely made up; and although I should rather fill the blank for the time of its repeal with the word "immediately," yet I am perfectly willing to meet gentlemen who wish for the longest period, on the middle ground, and fix on the 4th of March for its repeal. I do conceive it to be a duty highly incumbent on this committee to decide this question emphatically and at once; and there are several reasons which I will offer to the House, which have induced me to form this opinion. The first reason is a respect for ourselves and for the government of the United States. What will be the opinion of our constituents, when they see resolutions offered to repeal the embargo, postponed from day to day, without obtaining a decision on them; and, after that, when they see a resolution offered for repealing the embargo, annexed to which is a proposition tantamount to a declaration of war? I am afraid that the people will think either that we do not understand the business, for which we came here, or that our conduct amounts to direct procrastination. I am therefore for deciding the question abstractedly whether we will repeal the embargo or not. When that question is once decided, the
people will know what to depend on. When, sir, I review the present condition of this country I feel alarmed. We all must read the public papers and know the events now daily occurring, some of which cannot have escaped your observation. Into one of the northern states (Vermont) the President sent his proclamation in April last making it known that combinations were forming and an insurrection about to take place, and calling upon all officers civil and military to aid in suppressing the same. The grand jury of one of the counties in that state have really made a presentment of it as a grievance although the proclamation has not been specially named. This must be disagreeable to every gentleman on this floor, and is one of the evils which I wish to remedy. To me it appears to be a serious circumstance that the measures of the government should be thus treated; and it is a state of things which I would take all proper measures to avoid. Another circumstance I will mention. Since the passage of the last supplementary embargo law, the governor of the state of Rhode Island directed some of the military officers to call out a portion of the military force. Several companies were accordingly called out; and when they came upon the ground they determined that they would not obey the instructions of a revenue officer. They did not refuse to obey their own officers, but they said they knew no such officer over them as a revenue officer. This is another disagreeable circumstance; and I am very unwilling to see the laws in such a situation that either civil or military officers shall refuse to execute them with impunity. In another state, the large and respectable state of Massachusetts, the citizens, where they have felt the effects of the last embargo law bearing hard upon them, have resorted to the law of the state under which they live, to obtain redress. The consequence is, sir, that your revenue officers are, from the nature of the case, unable to execute your laws. Such heavy bonds are required of them by the state courts, that they cannot readily procure them & must decline the execution of the law or go to prison. This is another evil which I am anxious to see remedied; and therefore I do not wish a law of the U. S. to remain in this situation.
I have another reason which induces me to urge a speedy decision. I wish to see an end put to all speculations arising out of the laws or proceedings of this government. What will be the effect of the resolution on the table? I will venture to predict that the price of articles proper for export will be raised ten, twenty or even fifty per cent. under a belief that the embargo will be raised. What will be the effect of postponing the repeal till the period proposed? That speculation will be prolonged; and I wish to see an end to it.
I have another reason, sir, I feel unwilling that the dignity of this nation should be prostrated in the view of foreign governments. We seem to be resolving and re-resolving without doing any thing, till we become indeed the laughing-stock of the European world. I wish to see the government respected at home and abroad. For these reasons I am filling the blank with the earliest period, but am willing to compound with gentleman and take the 4th of March as a middle day.
Mr. SOUTHARD commenced his observations by referring to the sad spectacle which the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Tallmadge) who had preceded him had given of the state of the nation, which, if true, must cast an everlasting stigma upon this country, which had been boasted of for its independence and forbearance. Obedience to the laws was characteristic of a good citizen, and to this principle he believed it was always safe to appeal first. Now had this been so strongly evinced as was desirable to the Northward? It was true that there were a number of petitions on the table for the repeal of the embargo laws, but there was very little evidence that they waited for the desirable redress. If he was not much misinformed, very great pains had been taken in the New England states to sour and irritate the minds of the inhabitants against the embargo system of laws, particularly by gentlemen of the law; and circular letters had been sent from town to town to inflame the people on a subject with which they were perhaps but too little acquainted, the real causes for which the restrictions were laid on commerce, having been concealed from them as much as possible.
The proposition now under consideration (said Mr. S.) is very important indeed. The subject to which it relates has produced more agitation in the nation, and occasioned more debate and discussion in this House than any subject I have ever seen brought before the national legislature since I have had the honor of a seat in it. It has always been an unpleasant and disagreeable subject to act upon, and a hard and difficult question for me to decide, and therefore I have generally given what is called a silent vote. I have voted in favor of the embargo with reluctance; but the measure was imperiously called for by the situation of our country, and the disposition of the belligerent nations of Europe. I voted for it on three accounts: First, to secure the property of the U. States, against the depredations of the rulers of the ocean. Necessity seemed to impose these restraints upon us, even though they were irksome; but however irksome, they ought to be preferred to the prostration of our national rights and interest to the decrees of the belligerents. Secondly, I voted for it as the best measure which I could perceive our government had in its power to preserve peace, and to use against those nations who had deprived other nations as well as ours of their property, their rights and their government. From such nations I wish to withdraw as much as possible all connection, lest they might injure us as they have all others that have been connected with them. Thirdly, I thought that by such a disavowal our manufactures might be the more encouraged, and thus our true independence be rendered more firm. This advantage I considered of great importance, and such circumstances, if no other, might promote the growth of so desirable an object, without which we can never be said to be truly independent.
Mr. S. expressed himself decidedly a friend to commerce, but at the same time did not believe that the existence of the country depended, as had been said, solely upon commerce. He would venture to say, that if this country would maintain its independence in fact as well as in name, it must resort to manufactures. This doctrine would by some be considered as treason against England, and importing merchants; but it was nevertheless true. We cannot (said he) have a stronger evidence of this fact, and of the necessity of encouraging our own manufactures, than by a circumstance which took place about two years since. The President of the U. S. had entered into a contract with a person for a supply of 30,000 stand of arms, which were to be shipped from Holland. The emperor of France being informed of this contract, immediately prevented the shipment of the arms. We were disappointed—but this proved to be a fortunate circumstance. The government was convinced of the necessity of manufacturing in our own country this important article. I hold it to be a correct principle, that this country should manufacture for itself every necessary of life. The bowels of the earth are full of riches, and the face of the country abounds with every raw material sufficient not only for the necessaries, but also for the luxuries of life.
The seed is sown—the germ is already sprung. By means of the embargo we shall reap a permanent good. Many infant manufactures are already established throughout the country, and are rapidly progressing to perfection. Another great advantage will arise by inducing domestic industry. Families will provide themselves with the necessaries and conveniences of life, which heretofore they have procured at a great expence, and which manufactures he believed would render the country more independent of foreign nations than any thing else which could be devised.
Mr. S. had some faint hope that the embargo would have operated as a coercive measure upon the belligerents. But in this hope he was in some measure disappointed, because either the law was not observed, or not enforced. He solemnly believed that the law would have answered every valuable purpose for which it was intended, if it had been obeyed. He blamed members of this House, as well as other persons, for the long continuance of this measure. There have been written not only during the last, but also during the present session seditions and inflammatory letters, calculated and intended to excite
the people to rise in opposition to the law; and at the same time giving encouragement to the belligerents to continue their destructive measures towards us. He was persuaded that if members had acted as good citizens, the embargo laws would have been repealed six months after their passage. Mr. S. believed that various were two views and calculations of gentlemen who advocated or voted for the embargo, and of the effects which it would produce on ourselves and upon the powers against whose injustice and avarice it was intended to guard us. No man of sense, he was confident, ever believed the measure was intended to be permanent, but only as a temporary and precautionary mean, whereby to save our property and seamen from the depredations of those powers whose only rule of right is the extent of their power, and who regard neither the laws of justice nor of nations. The doctrine of necessity, which they so strenuously advocate, to which no bounds can be prescribed, is plead by them to justify the greatest enmities.
Notwithstanding all that had been said and written against the embargo, Mr. S. did not regret that he gave his vote in its favor. It had produced much good—it had saved to the country an immense amount of property, and so far it had preserved us from war. The principal difference of opinion in that House appeared to be in this, whether the blank in the resolution should be filled with the first day of June, or fourth day of March next. He was in favor of the latter day and was ready to join a majority of the House in such other measures as should better secure and maintain the honor and independence of the country.
The opponents of the embargo (Mr. S. said) have told the House a great deal of the unparalleled sufferings which this measure has produced. Can this be a correct representation of facts? No, sir, it cannot be. The ruin and distress which gentlemen say this measure has inflicted upon the people of the Eastern states has again and again been depicted by them in such strong and glowing colors, that all the sufferings of the revolutionary war, all the sufferings of our impressed seamen on board British ships of war from the year 1794 to the present day, have been lost and swallowed up in this ideal mass of misery. And, sir, it is only ideal when contrasted with the sufferings endured during a seven years' war; or the sufferings of our impressed seamen groaning under the lash of a tyrant, who has deprived them of liberty and of every comfort of life. Our slaves are infinitely better circumstanced than these men. I would ask what has become of the spirit of sympathy which appeared to actuate gentlemen who used to describe the real sufferings of our seamen in such impassioned language? We were then told that every wave and wind that crossed the Atlantic wafted the groans of our fellow citizens into the bosom of their native country. Their tongues are now mute, or employed only to traduce the government.
There are members on this floor, said Mr. S. who have seen more real suffering in one day, than what could possibly be produced by the restriction on trade since the passage of the law so much complained of. For one, I have seen towns and villages wrapped in flames, the country desolated, helpless women and children turned out of their houses by the near approach of a cruel and vindictive enemy, & fleeing for their lives destitute of every comfort; men slaughtered in the defence of their natural rights, property and families, and yet we are to believe, that a partial privation of a few of the luxuries of life is more ruinous and destructive than all the calamities of war. The whole blame which our situation produces, is thrown on our own government, while all the injuries which we have sustained from foreign nations are covered under a mass of prejudice against the administration. The injustice of one of the belligerents is either wholly overlooked or palliated, while every supposed error of our government is exaggerated. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardenier) calls for a free trade—"give to us (said he) a right to the ocean." Why does he demand of this House a free commerce? Let him turn to the orders and decrees and see whether it can be obtained. But these destructive measures of the belligerents are considered by some members as mere trifles—innocent things—growing out of mere necessity. However innocent and harmless some gentlemen may con-
sider these orders and decrees, the belligerents consider them as very ruinous to neutral commerce. Mr. S. referred to the letter from Champagne to Mr. Armstrong, and read a paragraph from the letter of Mr. Erskine to Mr. Madison of the 12th March 1807, in the following words, "But though this right of retaliation would unquestionably accrue to his majesty, yet his majesty is unwilling, except in the last extremity, to have recourse to measures which must prove so distressing to all nations not engaged in the war with France."
Mr. S. lamented that members of Congress, to whom were confided the best and dearest interests of the country, were found palliating the impositions of foreign powers, that they might thereby inflict the deeper wounds on their own government. Restore, said the gentleman from New York, the confidence of the people in their government. Mr. S. despaired of so desirable an object ever being accomplished whilst there were in the national councils men leagued with the British Cabinet, and hiring printers laboring with all their might to detach the people from the government. This, sir, is no new thing, (said he). Look back for more than seven years and you will find a systematic opposition against the administration. With them, nothing is right; every thing is wrong; every act of consequence has been denounced; great pains taken in various parts of the union to stir up the people to opposition; the laws represented as unconstitutional, cruel and oppressive.
The same gentleman from New York, now declares against war, and against the use of our national colors. I also said Mr. S. against war. Let not him who preaches against war be supposed to be a peace man because he preaches against war. It is not long, every gentleman told this House and the country, "that the salvation of the country depended on war"—"that we must fight England and declare war against France." Sir, for one, I differ from that gentleman. Any young man of either of those powers and on either side such a state; you find the death warrant of the liberties of this country. It would be a far better to fight these powers single handed than to be allied with either; because when you had fought by yourself, you may negotiate by yourself and make peace without asking leave of your ally. What has become, asked Mr. S. of all those nations who have allied themselves with G. Britain, or been subsidised by her? British gold has corrupted and ruined almost all the nations of Europe. She has destroyed their commerce, and France has deprived them of their liberty.
The gentleman from N. Y. regretted that he had words should have been used by the majority calculated to wound the feelings of the minority. Can the gentleman imagine that the majority have no feelings—the government no sensibility? Who first began to use hard words and obnoxious language, but the minority? Let me, said Mr. S. remind those gentlemen of an old adage—let those who live in glass houses beware how they throw stones. In order to relieve this country from its present embarrassments, we are called upon to retrace our steps, to turn back to the policy of a former administration, and undo all we have done. Sir, should the gentleman himself take a sober review of the measures pursued and the cruel and unjust policy adopted in those happy days of which he speaks, the recollection of the actual situation of our country might cause a blush—but I forbear to pursue so disagreeable a subject. It was said that there ought to be more time given in order to favor negotiation. If it was probable that by that day they could be effected by negotiation, it would be best to take the most distant day; but I believe there is not little prospect at present of our differences being settled by treaty. The fact as it may, as soon as you pass the resolution now on your table, the embargo laws will cease to have any coercive effect on foreign nations and will only operate to the injury of our citizens. If the embargo laws are to be repealed, so as to take effect either in March or June, the earliest day will be the best. It will afford sufficient time to the honest and virtuous citizens who have obeyed your laws to be ready to take advantage of foreign markets as soon as the man, whose cupidity has induced him to prepare to violate every sacred obligation which he owes to society.
Mr. S. said that under existing circumstances, he had but very little hope or expectation that much advantage would be derived from com-

merce, and he feared some men might be base enough to pay tribute, or sail under British license. Perhaps, sir, (said he) I may be too much prejudiced against such license and protection, owing to what took place somewhat of a similar nature during the revolutionary war with Great Britain. Was there an instance of a man who went voluntarily into the enemies' lines and took his majesty's protection, who has not proved an injury to his country? The man who, for the sake of gain, would pay tribute to a foreign government, ought forever to lose the protection of his own.
He thought it his duty to make these observations in vindication of his own conduct in voting for the embargo law, and also in support of the government, against which the tongue of calumny had been so long aimed. If these laws are repealed, he hoped and trusted that others would be substituted in their stead better calculated to maintain the independence of the U. S.
With respect to a resort to war as a remedy for the evils experienced at present, Mr. S. would only observe that war was in itself so great an evil that the U. S. had wisely considered peace and an honest neutrality as the best foundation of their general policy. It was not for him to say, under what degree of aggravated injuries and sufferings, a departure from such policy would become a duty. The most pacific nation on earth might find itself compelled to exchange for the calamities of war, the greater distresses of longer forbearance. Should imperious circumstances require the U. S. to enter into war to defend & maintain their liberties, Mr. S. pledged his life that his fellow-citizens of N. Jersey would cheerfully rally round the standard of their government, and, as in 1776, rather see their hills and their plains smoking with the blood of their sons, than tamely submit to the dictates of France, or degradingly pay tribute to England.
Mr. UPHAM said a few words expressive of astonishment that the gentleman from N. J. (Mr. Southard) should have taken exception at the statement of facts made by his colleague (Mr. T. Bradbury) in relation to the execution of the embargo laws, and the impression which they produced in some parts of the country. So far from producing irritation in the House, Mr. U. conceived it to be the bounden duty of every man who knew of such facts to state them to the House. He was surprised that gentlemen should object to hearing facts.
Mr. DURANT said, although forming an opinion upon the subject more immediately under discussion, it may not be necessary to go over the whole field of argument, in relation to the great questions of war or embargo, yet there is such a connection between these subjects and the question of filling the blank in the resolution upon your table, that I must beg the indulgence of the committee while I enter into such a view of the case as seems to be necessary in order to understand the precise point of the question before us.
The resolution upon your table proposes a repeal of the embargo and hostilities against Great Britain and France. There appears to be a strong sentiment in favor of the first proposition, viz. a repeal of the embargo. And if the sentiment in favor of war is not so strong, it is not for the want of provocation—this, God knows, we have in abundance—but because war would be putting too much at hazard, and at best, would be assuming a new and positive evil, for no better reason than to get rid of an old one, although of a negative and very doubtful quality. To exchange the embargo for war would (to indulge in the homely simile of our forefathers) be but stepping out of the frying pan into the fire. However, sir, if war is to be substituted for the embargo, and is to begin where that ends, then in filling the blank upon your table, the question, instead of being—when shall the embargo be raised? Should be—when shall hostilities be commenced? The former, considered singly, and unconnected with the latter would be of very little moment—in settling it we should merely take into view the convenience of our merchants in the several seasons in the union; but in considering the latter we should exclusively calculate upon the convenience of the state. The precise time for removing the embargo, in this case, is merged in that when it would be most proper to commence hostilities. The one may be done at almost any time without much hazard, but the other requires great deliberation and should not be adventured upon too precipitately—surely not till we are prepared for it. If then war must begin where embargo ends, the question is not when shall embargo end—but, when shall war begin.
There are two reasons why war should be postponed to the longest day that has been mentioned—first, that we might be the better prepared
to meet it, and secondly, to give us further chance for negotiation. Sir, we propose commencing hostilities against two of the most warlike, and powerful nations the world has ever witnessed in arms. With no less than the master of the continent of Europe, and the mistress of the ocean. And are we prepared to meet the shock? I am aware it may be said—indeed it already has been said, that a war with France would be merely nominal. But are your strong points fortified in a manner to resist the attacks, even of Britain from the side of the ocean, with her thousand ships of war? Or are you exposed from Maine to Georgia, not only to the thunder of her ships of the line, but even to the pitiless peltings of her vile privateers?
Again—It is understood, sir, that dispatches from your government are on the point of sailing for your ministers at Paris and London. It is also rumored that a further attempt at adjustment is to be tried by a new offer to negotiate; and for my part I have no objection to this ultimate of experiment, this last appeal to interest (for reason and justice are quite out of the question) before there is an appeal to the sword. I should have said ultima ratio regum , for that, I think, sir, is the courtly phrase with politicians; and altho' the success of this new overture will, probably, depend upon the mere chances of the war upon the continent; yet I am willing that the last chapter of accidents should be turned over leaf by leaf, so long as there is the chance of an issue in our favor. Thus much I have thought it my duty to say in favor of putting far away the evil day. But if war is to commence so early as June, I must confess there are very strong reasons why it should begin at an earlier period.
Any measure we may adopt, which will carry with it a repeal of the embargo would, in a very great degree, relieve the public anxiety. The people have so long complained of restraints imposed by the embargo, that like one laboring under the hysterics, from an imaginary, they have fallen into a real disorder, from which nothing will restore them but an entirely new course of regimen—and whatever this new course should be, the body politic has so long labored under this disease, that it would cheerfully submit to any other course the government should choose to prescribe. I do not, myself, consider this as a very overwhelming argument, yet, when we reflect that ours is peculiarly a government of the people, made by themselves, and for their sole use and benefit, and that we, their representatives, have been selected by them to execute their will, it cannot be considered as a very weak one. On the whole it appears to me that the very caprices of the people must sometimes be gratified, even at the expence of their interest. They appear very solicitous to barter away the embargo for something else, and for one, I am for gratifying them, even if this something else were to be an immediate declaration of war.
Again, sir, if you go to war, your object, at least in part, is indemnity for the past; and where is this to be found? Not entirely upon the ocean. It is true, you will harass and cut up the enemies' commerce, but as this is to be done chiefly by privateers, the booty acquired will not belong to the government, but to private individuals, whose valor has wrested it from the foe. This indemnity, then, must be sought, not upon the ocean, but upon the plains of Quebec, and at Halifax, in Canada and Nova Scotia, in the fisheries of Newfoundland, and the rich soil and extensive forests bordering upon the lakes and the St. Lawrence, whose ample waters are destined, one day, to waft the fruits of American enterprise and industry from their very sources to the Orient. If then, Canada is to be attacked, your operations ought not to be delayed till June; because this would be giving the enemy time to fortify and intrench himself as well as to receive reinforcements from Europe. The plan, sir, should be no sooner conceived than the blow should be struck, if you intend to conquer; but if you intend to be foiled, and put to an unnecessary expence and delay—then take care to notify the world of your intentions, but be sure not to commence your operations till June, that the enemy may be on his guard.
Again, to delay hostilities till June would protract the war at least a year, because it would then be too late to collect your army, march to Canada, make the necessary dispositions, conquer and garrison the country, and bring back the residue of your troops before the commencement of the inclement season. In this case you would be obliged to winter in the country, which, already desolated by the scourge of war, could afford you but very scanty supplies; and, if unsuccessful in the onset, you must either return to the states without effecting any thing, or winter in the country, in the face of the enemy,
under every disadvantage both of shelter and climate.
On the whole, sir, if we must have war between this and the first of June, and one of its objects is the conquest of Canada, it is high time we set ourselves about it in good earnest, and in my opinion, the sooner the better.
Thus far, in considering this subject, I have supposed that war must necessarily and immediately follow a removal of the embargo. But, sir, there are many, very many, within these walls, and who belong to this committee, who cannot persuade themselves that war must necessarily be substituted for embargo. And if a measure so distressing, even to the victors can be honorably avoided, who is there in this honorable assembly who will raise his voice in favor of a state of things so disastrous—I might say, fatal to society as war?—Here then, Mr. Chairman, a very important question presents itself. Can the embargo be raised consistently with the national honor and interest, without the hard necessity of recurring to war as a substitute? Let us examine this question fairly and with candor, for of all others it is of the first importance to this nation.
Mr. Durant's speech to be continued.
NOTICE. THE subscribers to the "Manufacturing Company of the City of Washington and district of Columbia," are requested to meet at LINDSAY'S Hotel on the 22d inst. to elect by ballot nine directors and a secretary agreeably to the "articles of association." The election to commence at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, and to close at 8 o'clock in the evening.
By order of the committee. CHARLES MINIFIE, Chairman. Feb. 13—3t.
WANTED TO RENT During the next Session of Congress, A SMALL FURNISHED HOUSE, Convenient to the CAPITOL—Apply at this Office. February 14—3t.
SAMUEL SPETINUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET. GRATEFULLY sensible of the past favors of both his Friends and the Public at large, takes the liberty to offer in addition to his lately Advertised Stock of DRY GOODS, a new supply of Common Broad Cloth, do. do. Pelite do. do. Tappy Velvet, do. do. Silk do. do. and Flannels of almost any description at the most reduced prices, as also every other article in the Dry Good line, at the most reasonable accommodation a favoring public can expect. He has also newly received by the sch. Hope, capt. James Keeth, and offers for Sale by Wholesale, 5000 lbs. best Green Coffee, 500 lbs. well tanned Soal Leather of first rate slaughter Hides, 1 pipe Holland Gin, 1 bale Almonds in shells, 9 boxes Tin, A quantity of best Sheet Iron, single, double and treble, 1 box London imported Hats, A few pieces Oil Cloth, Spanish Segars by the box, Linen Checks, Apron do. Cotton Velvets, Black Cambrics, Do. silk Velvets, Plain Velvet Binding of all numbers, 1 trunk elegant Calicoes, Silk Shawls, Pelite Cloth, Dressing Looking-Glasses, Black Worsted Stockings, Cotton Stripes, Linen do. 1 trunk tanned Buck skins suitable for gloves and pantalon making, 5000 best Clarion Quills, All of which he intends to dispose of on the most pleasing terms for cash or approved notes. December 28—3t. & w.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6—2tw3t.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNELL CARTY , as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnell Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorizing and commanding it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnell Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27—2w6w
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving this summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden , Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THOMAS HOLT. Washington city, January 13—2w2m
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 15.
SUBSCRIBERS to the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER in arrears are respectfully informed that the prompt payment of their dues has become INDISPENSIBLE, which, it is hoped, they will discharge on this intimation.
A CARD.
The Editor of the Boston Certine could not content himself with a bare vindication of the charge, which he says, was made against the British minister, of having caused the letter of Mr. Canning of the 23rd Sept. to Mr. Pinkney to be published; but has chosen to do it at the expence of others: he is therefore called on to state explicitly the authority on which he asserts "that the letter in question was taken from the Cabinet files," and to name the person thus guilty of a violation of so sacred a trust.
No acts of government have been so flagrantly misrepresented as those for the more effectual execution of the embargo. They have been pronounced oppressive, unprecedented, and unconstitutional; although their sole effect is to restrain the profligate conduct of the violators of the laws of the land, and notwithstanding analogous provisions to those complained of have long existed in the statutes of the United States, originally enacted by the very political description of citizens, who are now the loudest in their clamor, and have been carried into full effect without a murmur. To show this we shall present, in a very short compass, a few indisputable proofs, taken from the laws of the U. S. States, which every man that reads can understand, without comment. To exhibit, however, the mournful length to which a spirit of misrepresentation not only can go, but actually has gone in this case, we shall, in the first place, invite the attention of our readers to the act proposed in the Senate of Massachusetts. This act is prefaced by an elaborate report, embracing a string of resolutions, the object of which is to establish, not merely the inexpediency, but the oppressive and unconstitutional nature of the embargo. After the feelings of the reader are supposed to be sufficiently excited by the report, resolutions are offered, declaring the embargo acts unconstitutional, and an act proposed to be passed by the Massachusetts legislature, "to secure the people against unreasonable, arbitrary and unconstitutional searches in their dwelling houses," imposing penalties on any one, who by day, or by night, shall enter a dwelling house, for the purpose of searching for specie, or any article of domestic growth, produce or manufacture.
Would not a plain, honest man, not otherwise informed, conclude that this act, thus ushered into the legislature, was expressly intended to guard against the oppressive effects of the embargo laws? And yet what must be the astonishment of such a man, at finding that there is no authority in any of those laws to enter the dwelling house of a citizen. This is the fact, as appears from the section that gives authority to seize these articles, which is as follows:
"And be it further enacted, That the collectors of all the districts of the United States, shall and they are hereby authorised to take into their custody specie or any articles of domestic growth, produce, or manufacture found on board of any ship or vessel, boat or other water craft, when there is reason to believe that they are intended for exportation, or when in vessels, carts, wagons, sleighs, or any other carriage, or in any manner apparently on their way towards the territories of a foreign nation, or the vicinity thereof, or towards a place whence such articles are intended to be exported; and not to permit such articles to be removed until bond with sufficient sureties shall have been given for the landing or delivery of the same in some place of the United States, whence, in the opinion of the collector there shall not be any danger of such articles being exported."
After this comparison of the embargo act with that proposed in the legislature of Massachusetts, what other inference can be drawn, than that this honorable body intend by the passage of their act to deceive the people, by making them believe, in defiance of truth, that the general government has authorised its officers to enter the dwelling house of a citizen, not only in the day, but likewise in the night, and seize his money and articles of domestic growth or manufacture?
The provisions of the Embargo acts, most loudly complained of, and on which the charge of unconstitutionality is principally rested, are—the authority given to the collectors to take possession of and detain property on suspicion, or, in the words of the act, "when there is reason to believe that they are intended for exportation,"—and the authority given to the President to employ the military force, or empower such one as he pleases, to employ it, to prevent the illegal departure of any vessel, and to guard any specie or domestic articles seized for a violation of the embargo.
Precedents of analogous powers might be quoted from the laws of
the U. S. States to no inconsiderable extent. But, as our object is to be concise, that this article may thereby find admission into every honest print in the country, we shall limit our extracts to the provisions of two acts, passed before the age of party passed under the administration and stamped with the approbation of Washington, a man whose virtues we all profess to venerate, and whose advice, it is devoutly to be wished, we would all follow.
The first provision in the embargo laws, to which exception is taken, is contained in the 9th section, which we have just cited. We have marked the part objected to in Italic .
Compare this provision with the 3rd section of "The act to prohibit the carrying on the slave trade from the U.S. to any foreign place or country," which follows, and particularly with the words in Italic , and you will find, if not a perfect correspondence, at least an equivalent investiture of power.
"That the owner, master, or factor of each and every foreign ship or vessel, clearing out for any of the coasts or kingdoms of Africa, or suspected to be intended for the slave trade, and the suspicion being declared to the officer of the customs, by any citizen, on oath or affirmation, and such information being to the satisfaction of the said officer, shall first give bond with sufficient sureties, to the Treasurer of the United States, that none of the natives of Africa, or any other foreign country or place, shall be taken on board the said ship or vessel, to be transported, or sold as slaves, in any other foreign port or place whatever, within nine months thereafter."
The second provision, objected to, is contained in the 10th and 11th sections of the last embargo act, which are as follows:—
"That the powers given to the collectors, either by this or any other act respecting the embargo, to refuse permission to put any cargo on board any vessel, boat, or other water craft to detain any vessel or take into their custody any articles for the purpose of preventing violations of the embargo shall be exercised in conformity with such instructions as the President may give, and such general rules as he may prescribe for that purpose, made in pursuance of the powers aforesaid; which instructions and general rules the collectors shall be bound to obey."
"That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces or militia of the United States or of the territories thereof as may be judged necessary in conformity with the provisions of this and other acts respecting the embargo for the purpose of preventing the illegal departure of any ship or vessel, or of detaining, taking possession of, and keeping in custody any ship or vessel, or of taking into custody and guarding any specie or articles of domestic growth, produce, or manufacture, and also for the purpose of preventing and suppressing any armed or riotous assemblage of persons resisting the custom-house officers in the exercise of their duties, or in any manner opposing the execution of the laws laying an embargo or otherwise violating, or assisting and abetting violations of the same."
Compare these provisions with the following provision contained in the 7th section of "the act in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," and you will likewise find a still closer correspondence.
"That in every case in which a vessel shall be fitted out or armed, or attempted so to be fitted out or armed, or in which the force of any vessel of war, cruiser or other armed vessels shall be increased or augmented, or in which any military expedition or enterprise shall be begun or set on foot contrary to the prohibitions and provisions of this act; and in every case of the capture of a ship or vessel within the jurisdiction or protection of the United States as above defined, and in every case in which any process issuing out of any court of the United States, shall be disobeyed or resisted by any person or persons having the custody of any vessel of war, cruiser or other armed vessel of any foreign prince or state, or of the subjects or citizens of such prince or state: In every such case it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia thereof as shall be judged necessary for the purpose of taking possession of, and detaining any such ship or vessel, with her prize or prizes, if any, in order to the execution of the prohibitions and penalties of this act, and to the restoring such prize or prizes, in the cases in which restoration shall have been adjudged, and also for the purpose of preventing the carrying on of any such expedition or enterprise from the territories of the United States against the territories or dominions of a foreign prince or state, with whom the United States are at peace."
From this statement it follows, that the most important powers given in the embargo laws, which are stigmatised as oppressive and unconstitutional, are not only substantially the same with those bestowed by laws passed during the administration of Gen. Washington, but are, in their leading features, word for word the same. So cautious have the framers of the embargo laws been to proceed correctly, that they have actually trodden in the very steps of Washington and the Congress of 1794.
The SENATE have agreed to the resolutions, offered by Mr. Giles, for raising the embargo, and the passage of a non-intercourse law with France and G. Britain, &c. Yeas 22—Nays 9.
Gen. Obadiah German is elected a Senator of the U. S. for the state of New York, for six years ensuing the 3d of March next, in the place of Dr. Mitchell, the term of whose appointment on that day expires.
Mr. German has 65 votes—Mr. Brookes 43—and Dr. Mitchell 16.

Our readers will find the Answer of the Senate of Massachusetts to the Lieut. Governor in the last page of our paper. As a composition it is not, perhaps, saying too much to declare it the most fuente production that has ever emanated from a public body. Charity would lead us to infer that it came from the pen of some pedagogue, who in his exclusive attention to words, had lost the capacity of reflection.
They will also find a Memorial from the citizens of Boston to the legislature in the time of the British occupation, in the noted effusions of Newburyport.
Does not the following extract from Mr. Gore's report in the legislature of Massachusetts, to use a vulgar phrase, cut the cat out of the bag ?
"If Congress repeal the embargo, and the convention with France, forbid all commercial intercourse with the French dominions, arm our public and private ships, and unfurl the republican banner against the imperial standard."
Can any thing more irrefragably demonstrate the attachment of these men to England? She has done us most wrong. But perdition to the man, that raises his voice in favor of resorting to war to resist her violence, or to him that recommends war with both nations! While war, of the most determined kind, is urged against France.
The disorganizing spirit of the Essex Juntas has roused the whigism of the country. The militia of Boston and Charlestown have determined to maintain the empire of the laws, and the surrounding and remote counties are coming out with a boldness, that will check, if not apal faction. The towns of Saco, Gray and Dorchester have passed strong resolutions against the efforts of faction to disunite and distract.
The spirited resolutions passed at Albany have animated the whole state of New York, and from every quarter we receive the most patriotic proceedings.
Martinique has not, as it was reported, fallen. The French have succeeded in supplying it with extensive succors.
At a Meeting of the President and Directors of the Bank of the United States, on the 7th of February 1809, the undermentioned Stockholders were elected Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit at Washington, from the 1st Monday of March next until the first Monday of March 1810, viz.
 John P. Van Ness,  William Stewart,  Thomas Tinker,  Caleb Swan,  Joseph Norris,  James D. Barry,  Thomas Munroe,  Lewis Beblins,  David Peter,  Eliza B. Caldwel,  Walter Hellen,  William Brent,  John Taylor. 
To the Manufacturing Company of the City of Washington and District of Columbia.
THREE attempts have been made to form a Manufacturing Company in this city, the third has succeeded, & a fair prospect now appears, that by means of your patriotic association, the city of Washington will in a short time exhibit a flourishing Cotton Manufactory.
The success of infant manufactures depends in a great measure upon their being conducted with skill, fidelity and economy. With a view to the latter, your articles provide that the Directors shall have no compensation with a view to the former, your officers should be elected.
Having heretofore had the superintendence of a Cotton Manufactory for some years in Ireland; having now an employment under the government of the United States, and an employment under the corporation of this city, I feel it to be my duty as an adopted citizen, and a servant of the public, to contribute all in my power to the establishment and prosperity of American Manufactures; I therefore offer you my services as Secretary, and shall (with the permission of your Directors) devote my leisure hours to the superintendence of your Manufactory. I do not ask pecuniary compensation; but should it be found at the end of the year that my practical experience, and zealous attention to the manufactory shall have contributed to render it profitable, I shall be proud to receive some honorary testimonial that I have deserved well of the Company and of my adopted country.
JOHN GARDNER. Washington, 14th Feb. 1809.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 13.
PETITIONS AGAINST EMBARGO.
Mr. Milnor presented a petition signed by upwards of 3000 citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, praying for a repeal of the embargo laws, and particularly remonstrating against the last supplementary law. Referred to the committee of the whole to whom is referred a bill interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. Mumford presented a petition from several wards of the city of New York of the same tenor. Referred.
Mr. Van Dyke presented a petition from 458 inhabitants of Smyrna, Del. and its vicinity, of the same tenor.
A bill from the Senate to authorise the making of a turnpike road from Mason's causeway to Alexandria, was twice read. Mr. Van Horn moved
that it now be read a third time, which motion was opposed by Mr. Lewis , and, after a diffuse debate, a motion made by Mr. Milnor to refer it to the committee on the district of Columbia was carried 44 to 35.
PUBLIC LANDS.
The bill from the Senate to extend the terms of credit on the payment for public lands, was read the third time. Mr. Bibb moved that it be re-committed to a committee of the whole; which motion was opposed by Mr. Morow (O.) but carried—37 to 34.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
The bill concerning associations for the security of navigation being about to be read a third time, Mr. Eppes moved that it be re-committed to the committee who reported it.—Negatived 40 to 33.
Mr. Eppes then moved to commit it to a committee of the whole. Carried 37 to 35—and made the order for to-day, Ayes 45.
On motion of Mr. W. Alston , the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for imposing additional duties on all goods, wares and merchandise imported into the U. S. by after being in committee of the whole House a few minutes a quorum not being present, the Speaker resumed the chair, and reported that the committee was dissolved for want of a quorum.
A motion made to adjourn was then negatived by Yeas and Nays, 64 to 24.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of Daniel Cohen. Mr. Masters in the chair; and the bill was gone through and ordered to a third reading. The bill was subsequently passed, by Yeas and Nays, 57 to 36.
The bill for the disposal of certain tracts of land in the Mississippi Territory, claimed under Spanish grants, and declared by the land commissioners to be ante-dated, and for other purposes, went through a committee of the whole, Mr. Masters in the chair, and was ordered to a third reading.
Mr. Pitkin obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
A bill for extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory and for other purposes, went through a committee of the whole, Mr. Desha in the chair, and was ordered to a third reading.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14.
[The bill for the disposal of certain tracts of land in the Mississippi Territory, claimed under grants from the Spanish government, and declared by the commissioners of public lands to be ante-dated, and for other purposes, was read a third time—and a motion made by Mr. Rowan that it be postponed indefinitely. The motion was supported by Mr. Rowan and opposed by Messrs. Poindexter and Morrow . Motion lost, Ayes 16. Mr. Ely moved that it be recommitted, which motion, after a diffuse debate, was lost. The bill was passed, 56 to 24.
Mr. Love reported a bill to regulate process in certain cases in the courts of the U. S. Referred to a committee of the whole House.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. Nicholas stated, that as one of committee who reported the bill on the subject of non intercourse, he was prepared to act on it; but that he had been requested not to call it up, from the lateness of the day and thinness of the House.
ADDITIONAL DUTIES.
On motion of Mr. W. Alston , the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Masters in the chair, on the bill for imposing additional duties on all goods, wares and merchandise imported into the U. S.
[This bill provides "That an additional duty of _____ per centum on the permanent duties now imposed by law, upon goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States from foreign ports or places, shall be laid, levied and collected upon all goods, wares and merchandise, which shall, after the thirty-first day of Jan. 1809, be imported into the U. S. from any foreign port or place; and a further addition of ten per centum shall be made to the said additional duty, in respect to all goods, wares and merchandise imported in ships or vessels not of the U. S.; and the duties imposed by this act shall be levied and collected in the same manner, and under the same regulations, mode of security, and time of payment, respectively, as are already prescribed by law, in relation to the duties now in force on the importation of articles imported from any foreign port or place. That this act shall continue in force until the first day of April, 1810, and no longer: Provided, that the additional duties laid by this act, shall be collected on such goods, wares and merchandise as shall have been imported previous to the said day."
Mr. W. Alston , in the absence of Mr. G. W. Campbell , the Chairman of the committee of Ways & Means, moved to fill the blank in the bill with the word seventy-five, stating that the opinions of the members of the committee had varied as to the proportion
with which to fill the blank, some being for 100, some for 50; and 75 had been taken as the average.
The motion to fill the blank with "seventy-five" was negatived 51 to 37; and "fifty" agreed upon, 59 to 30.
The words in Italic in the above were struck out on motion of Mr. W. Alston .
The words "and allowances as to drawback" were inserted on motion of the same gentleman, between the word "regulations" and "mode of security, &c."
A motion was made by Mr. Milnor to strike out the first section of the bill, which gave rise to considerable debate; but was withdrawn by Mr. Milnor , who moved that the committee rise, with a view to recommit the bill. Motion negatived.
In the course of the debate, Messrs. Milnor , Lloyd , Tulmadge , Sloan and Quincy opposed the principle of the bill on the ground that the House had not before them a specific information on which to act; that the duties on imported goods were already very high; that an increase of them would encourage evasions of the revenue laws by smugglers; that the bill imposed additional duties indiscriminately on all articles imported, whilst the House, however it might tax some articles, should avoid burthening those articles used almost exclusively by the poorer classes of the people; that the tax if raised as proposed, would operate as a complete prohibition of the importation of some articles; that an additional duty would increase the value of goods now in the hands of monopolizers, and excite discontent in a part of the community; and finally, that if the measure was proper in itself, it was at this time premature, the House not having decided what course of policy it would pursue.
Messrs. W. Alston , Fisk , Smilie , Taylor , Eppes , and Rhea (T.) supported the bill. They remarked that those who were opposed to supporting the government would undoubtedly vote against any proposition for raising revenue; that besides producing revenue, the bill would encourage our own manufactures, and thus render us more independent of foreign nations; that this measure had been proposed at the last session, though not acted on, and was therefore not a sudden proposition; that if the proportion proposed was too large, the committee might refuse it and agree to a smaller; that it would be impossible at this late period of the session to form a new tariff of duties discriminating between the increase of duty on different articles imported; that even supposing there were a difference of opinion as to the mode of laying the duty, the time for the spring importations was nearly arrived, and by delaying the passage of the bill beyond the present session the benefits of it would be lost; that a bill for imposing discriminating duties would be wholly different from this, and could not be got through the House during the present session.
Messrs. Lyon , Bacon , Cook and Burwell were in favor of the object of the bill, but wished it to be so amended as to discriminate between the articles on which the duty was to be laid, excepting from it those of the first necessity.
Mr. D. R. Williams wished to impose the additional duty exclusively on goods imported from England & France; and thus make the increase of duty a measure to operate on foreign nations as well as to produce revenue to the U. States.
The bill having been gone thro' and a motion having been made that the committee report the bill—
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to amend the bill by inserting after the words "goods, wares and merchandise" in the beginning of the bill the words "the produce or manufacture of G. Britain and France, and the colonies of either." Mr. W. said it would be perceived that this motion proposed wholly to change the aspect of the bill; and as it was late in the day, he moved that the committee rise, to give time for reflection on it.
The committee then rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again. Adjourned.
We understand that a further quantity of cotton bagging has been seized by the custom house officers, in a store on India-wharf; probably of the same importation as that taken on Saturday last. Boston Chron.
Philadelphia, Feb. 9.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER.
"Liverpool, Nov. 29.—On the 25th instant an American schooner arrived here, said to be from N. York, loaded with 400 bbls. turpentine and 41 bales cotton; she brought one of the owners out who I understand is a Mr. Marshall , a Scotch gentleman; but as she is without papers, the captain of the Princess Charlotte seized her yesterday and she will probably be condemned as a Droit d'Admiralty . I understand the American Consul has taken cognizance of this breach of the laws of his country,
and that the American minister has been made acquainted with the fact. I think the schooner's name is Jane . Be so good as to publish in the newspapers for the information of gentlemen who are disposed to evade the measures government has resorted to, that all such vessels will be seized and that they are liable to condemnation."
A letter has been received in New York from Antigua, dated the first of January, 1809, which states, that five French frigates had recently arrived at Martinique, and two at Guadalupe, from France, full of troops and provisions.
[BY AUTHORITY.]
An act making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the sea-port towns and harbors of the U. S. and to defray the expense of deepening and extending to the river Mississippi the canal of Cavendish .
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That for the purpose of completing the fortifications commenced for the security of the sea-port towns and harbors of the United States and territories thereof exclusive of the contemplated line of blocks and chains across the harbor of New York, there be, and hereby is appropriated the sum of four hundred and fifty thousand dollars to be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to cause the canal of Cavendish leading from Lake Ponchartrain , by way of the Bayou St. John , to the city of New Orleans, to be extended to the river Mississippi, and made sufficiently deep throughout to admit an easy and safe passage to gun-boats, if, upon survey thereof, he shall be convinced that the same is practicable and will contribute to the more effectual defence of said city; and that for the purpose of defraying the expense thereof, there be, and hereby is appropriated the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars to be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro-tempore. FEBRUARY 10, 1809. APPROVED. TH: JEFFERSON.
MR. MADISON'S PORTRAIT.
An elegant engraved Portrait of JAMES MADISON, delin'd by the celebrated Edm. Philp. Stewart , from an original painting by Stewart , is just received and for Sale at the Book-store of R. G. WEIGHTMAN, Pennsylvania avenue. PRICE 2 DOLLARS. Published by C. Boyle, Baltimore. February 15—6t
FRESH CLOVER SEED, FOR SALE BY RICHARD PARROT. February 15—3t
In the case of ROBERT BROWN JAMESON, an insolvent debtor.
THE Creditors are hereby notified that the time limited for the production of claims expires on the 22nd inst.; on the following day they may have an opportunity of inspecting the claims, produced and a statement of the transactions of the trustee relative to the subject; and on the 1st proximo a division will be made of the money in his hands among those creditors whose claims are admitted, upon their entering into bonds with sufficient sureties to refund the dividends received by them respectively, in case the final order of the circuit court passed 1st July term should hereafter be set aside by the absent defendant therein mentioned. COLIN AULD, Trustee. Alexandria, February 15—3t
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
Will be offered for Sale at Public Auction at Rhodes's hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on P street, in square 233, at present occupied by Washington Boyd . From its contiguity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAML. SPALL, Auc. Washington, January 30—10t ☞ The above Sale is postponed until 2nd of March at 1 o'clock P. M. Feb. 15—ep
ATTENTION
THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs , and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as further indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the business as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price. ROMULUS RIGGS. N. B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6—2aw6w
FOR SALE,
A TRACT OF LAND, containing about Eighty acres, lying in the District of Columbia, about two miles north of the Capitol. The premises are at present occupied by a Mrs. Halsey . Any person inclining to purchase will make application before the 1st of March next, to Mr. THOMAS CLAXTON at the Capitol. February 10—3t
PIANO FORTE'S.
The subscriber has just received from Philadelphia, Three Piano Forte's, with additional Keys, American manufacture, equal to any yet imported, which he offers for Sale on reasonable terms. P. MAURO. December 30—wtf
ANY LADY OR GENTLEMEN
Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE. May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3—3t
A TEACHER. CAPABLE of Teaching, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Geography, and the Rudiments of the Latin Language, wants a situation in a Private Family. One on the banks of the river Potomac or Patuxent would be preferred. A line addressed to A. Z. in the city of Washington by mail, (and the postage paid) will receive prompt attention. February 10—3t
NOTICE.
ALL persons interested, are hereby requested to attend on Saturday the 18th day of February next, either in person, by agent or attorney, at the Office of James Parrot , esq. Leonardtown, for the purpose of receiving their dividend in the estate of Henry Lee , deceased, as on that day I shall proceed to make payment and distribution amongst the creditors of the said deceased. WILLIAM T. LEE, Adm'r. January 30—wtf
NOTICE.
THE citations given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with their dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w13t
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON , of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in umberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley ; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided.
Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By his Excellency's command, NIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. Jan. 4—2aw6w
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of building and improvements on the Lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June 1796 to this day, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions being experienced, it is deemed proper to revive and continue the same with the exception hereafter mentioned.
Wherefore, I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare, That the first and third articles above recited, shall be and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington, previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected; except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall any such house be placed within twenty-four feet of a brick or stone house.
Given under my hand the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and nine. TH: JEFFERSON. February 8—wtf
CHEAP GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS, (SIGN OF THE PLOUGH).
HAVE removed to the Store, lately occupied by Romulus Riggs , and have bought his entire Stock of GOODS, (very low) which added to their former supply, with some Fresh Goods, just received from Philadelphia, makes their assortment very extensive, they being bought principally for cash, previous to any material rise in the markets, enables them to sell lower than the present prices. Amongst their Stock are Irish Linmens, Shirting & Cambric Muslins, linen Cambrics, Cambric Handkerchiefs, Furniture Dimities & Chintzes, Fine Mill Mull Leno & Ceded Muslins, Muslin Shawls, Mantles & Robes, Super undressed Shirting Muslins, very fine Cambric Muslin for Cravats, veils, laces, shades, silks, crapes, Silk Shawls, Elastic India Crape, Ladies Beaver and Straw Bonnets, Silk, Cotton & Worsted Hosiery and Gloves, Bleached country Linen for sheetings, Cloths, Cords, Blankets, Waiscoating, Carpeting, and many other Fancy and substantial articles, which will be sold low for Cash, and a liberal discount to persons to sell again.
They also expect to receive in a few days, a quantity of best Ingraine, No. 1, 2, 3, and Venetian CARPETING with the usual cloths.
Georgetown, February 6—3wtf

The following ADDRESS to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, has been adopted by the House of Delegates of Virginia—Jan. 120—N. 24.
Sir:—The General Assembly of your native state cannot close their session, without acknowledging your services in the office which you are just about to lay down, and bidding you a respectful and affectionate farewell. We have to thank you for the model of an administration, conducted on the purest principles of republicanism; for pomp and state laid aside; patronage discarded; internal taxes abolished; a host of superfluous officers disbanded; the monarchical maxim, "that a national debt is a national blessing," renounced; and more than thirty-three millions of our debt discharged. We have the right to nearly one hundred millions of acres of our national domain extinguished; and, without the guilt or calamities of conquest, a vast and fertile region added to our country, far more extensive than her original possession, bringing along with it, the Mississippi and port of Orleans, the trade of the west to the Pacific Ocean, and in the intrinsic value of the land itself, a source of permanent and almost inexhaustible revenue. These are points in your administration which the historian will not fail to seize, to expand and teach posterity to dwell upon with delight. Nor will he forget our peace with the civilized world, preserved through a season of uncommon difficulty and trial; the good will cultivated with the unfortunate aborigines of our country, and the civilization humanely extended among them; the lesson taught the inhabitants of the coast of Barbary, that we have the means of chastising their piratical encroachments, and aving them into justice; and that theme on which, above all others, the historic genius will linger with rapture, the liberty of speech and of the press, preserved inviolate, without which, genius and science are given to man in vain.
In the principles on which you have administered the government, we see only the continuation and maturity of the same virtues & abilities which shone upon you, in your youth, the resentment of Dimmore—From the first brilliant and happy moment of your resistance to foreign tyranny, until the present day, we mark with pleasure and with gratitude, the same uniform, consistent character, the same warm and devoted attachment to liberty and the republic, the same Roman love of your country, her rights, her peace, her honor, her prosperity.
How blessed will be the retirement into which you are about to go! How deservedly blessed will it be! For you carry with you the richest of all rewards, the recollection of a life well spent in the service of your country, and proofs the most decisive of the love, the gratitude, the veneration of your countrymen.
That your retirement may be as happy as your life has been virtuous and useful; that our youth may see in the blissful close of your days, an additional inducement to form themselves on your model, is the devout and earnest prayer of your fellow-citizens who compose the General Assembly of Virginia.
Le salut de Massachusetts.
[The following answer of the Senate, to the Governor's speech, was, after debate, accepted by a majority of one.]
May it please your Honor, While the Senate lament the solemn dispensation of Divine Providence, which has deprived the Commonwealth of its Chief Magistrate, they earnestly beseech the Father of Light to endow you with wisdom to discern, and fidelity to pursue the path of duty, in the discharge of the high and responsible trust, which in consequence of this event, the constitution has devolved upon you. Assisted in council by men distinguished for their talents, experience and integrity, we trust, that while they will share with you the responsibility, their advice will have a proper influence in the direction of the measures of the executive department.
Deeply impressed by the perilous and distressing aspect of our public affairs, we assure your Honor of our best exertions for the general welfare.
We are happy to accord with you, that our enemies alone could have represented the New-England states as prepared for opposition to the authority of the law, and ripeing for a secession from the union. We believe with your Honor, that "such suggestions," in regard to New-England, are "unfounded." "It cannot indeed be concealed that in this state existing difficulties, and apparent indications of greater ones," have, as in a former memorable period of our history, roused the spirit of our citizens; but we trust with your Honor, that their character is not marked with propensities to outrage, disorder and blood. On the contrary, that as they correctly understand their duties, they will steadily and resolutely maintain their rights.
The people of New-England perfectly understand the distinction between the constitution and the administration. They are as sincerely attached to the former as any section of the United States. They may be put under the ban of the empire, but they have no intention of abandoning the union. And we have the pleasure explicitly to declare our full concurrence with your Honor, "that such suggestions are not less a libel upon the great body of the New-England people, than on their patriotism."
As the government of the union is a confederation of equal and independent states with limited powers, we agree with your Honor, "that it is not unbecoming any member of the union with firmness and moderation to question the justness or policy of measures while they are pending and ripeing for adoption" and we learn with concern from your Honor, "that there are stages when questions involving unalienable rights can be no longer open to controversy and opposition"—stages when an end must be put to debate, and a decision thence resulting be respected by its prompt and faithful execution, or government loses its existence and the people are ruined."
Even if your Honor's principle were correct, can it be imagined that "we are" (as your Honor is pleased to intimate) "now in this stage, on the great questions of non-intercourse and national defence?" These measures are "still pending and ripeing for adoption" is it then "unbecoming" for this state to question their "justness or policy?"
But with great deference to your Honor, we apprehended that this principle if carried into effect, would render our free government a despotism, and bring inevitable ruin upon the people. If we apply it, to one of the cases mentioned by your Honor,
the embargo, the principle will present itself in some of its deformity. It is well known that the act imposing the embargo passed the Senate of the United States in the space of a few hours, and passed all the forms of legislation in four days, after that the measure was recommended by the President.
The people of this state, therefore, could not by any possibility have had an opportunity "to question its justness or policy," and even Senators in Congress, were not allowed the time they requested for that purpose. And are the people of Massachusetts to understand that "a decision" of this nature, "must be respected by its prompt and faithful execution?" that it is too late for them to question its "justness or policy?" Are they to believe that the "stage" has passed, and that indeed nothing remains for them but quiet submission. We owe it to ourselves and to the people distinctly to deny this doctrine, at once novel and pernicious.
An administration may become corrupt, but the people will remain pure. We are therefore constrained with great respect to express our mingled regret and amazement, that your Honor should seem to doubt the capacity of the people to decide on questions involving their inalienable rights. Your Honor is pleased to ask, "if citizens in the streets—in town-meetings—in multi-tudinous assemblies, pressed with deep personal interests, are capable of deciding on great, complicated and constitutional questions?" And to observe that from "hence our need."
May we be permitted to ask, who shall decide when the public functionaries doubt their trust?—We need not inform your Honor, that the meetings to which you allude, have been attended by men second to none in the United States for their legal and political knowledge—for their love of order—and for their patriotism: many of whom are grown grey in the public service and confidence—many of them holding high and important offices in the state; and that these meetings have been conducted with great order and decorum.
Can such assemblies of the citizens merit censure in a republican government? But you will please to permit us to remark, that your animadversion upon these meetings, appears the more extraordinary, because in another part of your communication, your Honor is pleased to observe, "that it had been the arduous task of our rulers to collect the diversified sentiments of their constituents, and to assimilate and concentrate them as far as possible to an according system, predicated on the prevailing opinion"—a measure indeed very proper, but which could only be effectual, by the free interchange of opinion, and those very meetings of the citizens, from which your Honor seems afterwards to apprehend so much danger, your Honor may be assured that we "question not the sincerity of the opinion" which you have been pleased to intimate, of the incapacity of the people. But you will permit us to declare that upon their knowledge of their rights and duties, and their firmness and perseverance in maintaining them, our hope is placed. They will ultimately form a just decision. Hence our Ark—not "our peril."
We beg leave to observe that those rights, which the people have not chosen to part with, should be exercised by them with delicacy—only in times of great danger—not with "distraction and confusion"—not to oppose the laws, but to prevent acts being respected as laws, which are unwarranted by the commission given to their rulers. On such occasions, passive submission would on the part of the people, be a breach of their allegiance, and on our part, treachery and perjury. For the people are bound by their allegiance, and we are additionally bound by our oaths to support the constitution of the state—and we are responsible to the people and to our God, for the faithful execution of the trust.
But your Honor is pleased to observe that "the union have their favorite projects—states, towns and individuals have theirs" and to inquire whether "thus jarring with augmented resentments, we are to rush together in ruinous collisions?"
Can it be necessary to remind your Honor that the aggressor is responsible for all the consequences which you have been pleased so pathetically to describe? That the people have not sent us here to surrender their rights, but to defend and maintain them? And that we have no authority to dispense with the duties thus solemnly imposed? Your Honor has described "the enemies which introduced our federal constitution," with great truth. "Our government was humbled and inefficient—our union a thread—our commerce unregulated and unprotected—our revenue nothing—our faith perjured—our credit bankrupt—our privation the want of every thing—individuals were embarrassed," &c. "and our courts of justice stopped," &c.
Can it be necessary to remind your Honor, that the administration of Washington produced precisely the reverse of the picture which you have been pleased to draw so much to the life?
And will you permit us to ask in our turn, but in your Honor's words, "whence then the causes of jealousy, distrust, altercation and bitter aspersion" of that great and good man, and upon all who were attached to his measures. "Whence then the ever to be regretted indiscretions, suddenness and individual rashness which denominated an administration, that safely guided the people to prosperity and glory, amidst great and impending dangers? Were these calumniators "more worthy of confidence," "better instructed," or "did they possess higher means of information?"—were they less "blinded by their interest," less "actuated by prejudice or stimulated by resentment," than the political saviors of his country and his companions? Whence then "he misrepresentations, groundless suspicions, violent and indiscriminate abuse" thrown upon men who had a right to call for "union" in support of their measures—upon men who had given to the public "the proof of their talents, zeal and labors to serve and render their country great and happy."
But the present administration, although aware of the effects of past arrangements, "had not the wisdom or magnanimity to adopt them. They have ventured upon new expedients—and are responsible to their country for the distressing results."
Our Honor is pleased to enquire "if we could not wait with mananimous patience, and endure privations a few months longer, and give to government one fair unimpeded experiment upon foreign nations."
The administration has indeed been "pressed to the very wall," and we know not how much "further" they would "retreat" if they could.
But may it please your Honor, we have seen as little of "spirit" as of policy in the embargo system. We know that the emperor of France approves, if he did not dictate the measure. We know that Great Britain receives immense advantages from
the surrender to her of the whole trade of the world—and we cannot imagine why the people should be called upon to "endure privations" any longer, unless the administration, having failed to operate on the fears or interests of the "warlike powers," expect ere long to obtain some relief from their compassion.
We most heartily concur with your Honor, "that there is a point in national sensibility, as in the feelings of men, where patience and submission end." And when that crisis shall arrive, your Honor may rest assured that the people of New-England will (as you have been pleased to say) rally around the national constitution. But, sir, they will not "cling" to an administration which has brought them to the brink of destruction—they will not "keep their hold in the extremity of its exit," nor "sink with it in the frightful abyss." No, sir! The people of Massachusetts will not willingly become the victims to fruitless experiment.
We shall be ready at all times with you "to cherish the interests of literature, especially the university at Cambridge," and the sentiment which your Honor is pleased to advance, that "no crisis should arrest the progress of the arts and sciences," meets our concurrence.
We shall endeavor to find a remedy for the "accumulation of depreciated and counterfeit bank bills," to which your Honor has been pleased to call our attention.
Touching the militia—we cannot conceal our regret that the administration of the general government has not discovered that dependence upon "an establishment" which your Honor is pleased justly to observe is "so preferable to a standing army in time of peace, and to which the constitution looks with confidence for the defence of our country." We regard that institution at once with pride and with confidence—and we agree with your Honor that it can never want the patronage of a provident legislature; surely not in times of peril like these. Your Honor was pleased to anticipate a difference of opinion, but we beg you to "rest assured of our ardent, assiduity, and best endeavors to promote what from our own convictions shall appear most conducive to the good of the whole. And we join with your Honor in the wish, that the "wisdom" which is from above, which is gentle and easy to be entreated, "may lead in our councils, but we fervently pray moreover, that not only our conduct, but that of the general government, may be directed by that wisdom, which is also pure—peaceable, full of good fruit, without partiality and without hypocrisy."
BOSTON, FEB. 7.
To the honorables the Senate and House of Representatives of the commonwealth of Massachusetts in General Court assembled.
The subscribers, inhabitants of the town of Boston, most respectfully represent, That impelled as well by a sense of their own immediate wrongs, and sufferings as by a sacred regard to public liberty, they think it their duty to lay before your honorable body, their constitutional guardians, a new, and (although it may seem incredible) a still more arbitrary and despotic exercise of power.
Boston is deprived of her rights, she is disfranchised—her port is shut, she is put out of the protection of the law, she is no longer permitted to seek from the ocean and from other ports, the necessaries of life. Cold and hunger—misery and want are the punishments which are threatened.
For what crime are her inhabitants thus singled out for exemplary and vindictive vengeance? Prior to the arrival of this order no one town upon the continent had exhibited a more quiet and submissive example. The correct principles and moral habits of our inhabitants had produced a moderation and obedience, which a formidable military force could not have effected.
Has any public law authorized the blockade or "occlusion" of our port? Amidst all the arbitrary and unexampled powers vested in the President, they can discern no such authority. How then has this measure been effected? They are advised that they are thus disfranchised by a military in all its mandate. While this proceeding in every other respect precisely resembles the measures of lord North against this same devoted town, in this particular, it exceeds the violence of that minister's counsels. Lord North was supported by the authority of Parliament. The secretary at war, it is presumed, has acted on his own sovereign will and authority, not thro' the civil power but by the direct application of military force.
When they recollect the noble opposition of this town against the measures of Lord North, the patriotic conduct of the state legislature, and the sympathetic address of their fellow-citizens in other towns upon that occasion, they should blush for their degeneracy, if under a free constitution expressly limited they should patiently endure outrages, that they resisted with indignation when attempted by the British Parliament which claimed unlimited power.
They therefore humbly pray, that your honorable body would adopt some speedy and effectual measures, to cause to be removed this arbitrary interdiction of the trade of this town, that they may once more be enabled to seek the road necessary to their subsistence, and the fuel necessary to their comfort and even existence.
That if this unmerited, unconstitutional, and oppressive measure, shall appear to have resulted from some act of Congress which they have not yet seen, that your honors would endeavor to procure its immediate repeal. But if it should appear to have been the unauthorized act of any superior or subordinate executive officers, that proper measures may be taken to bring the offender or offenders to speedy and exemplary punishment.
November 27—14
January 18—
RICHARD PARROTT.
Has just arrived at Alexandria, on board the Sea-Flower, capt. Marshall from Savannah. 75 tierces Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse, George Town) at Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turk's Island, St. Ubes, ground Allum and Blown Salt.
3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 3 hds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do. 9 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Boston Cheese, 100 barrels Tar, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Bohea, Coffee, Alspice, Pepper, Mustard, Mould & Dpt Candles, Soap, Snuff. Fish Oil, Plaister Paris (ground & in stone) Bacon, Pork, Herring, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Bar Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bed-cords, Plough-Lines, Traces, Sail-Twine, and Cordage of every description. Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce.
RICHARD PARROTT.
January 9—14
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON,
Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and a waffer for Sale,
20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsalla, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould, 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sper. Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres.
December 5—
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION.
ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber to Bridge, creating over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Grates, &c. in the five places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEARS, Auc.
January 30—1600
LEN DOLLARS.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER, a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward in-pudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a downy look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is looking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fauquier Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAML. FISHER.
January 30—1m
CHARLES H. PARKER,
MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Like wise an elegant assortment of Sponcelots & rich silk Mole skins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Parrott's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory.
November 27—14
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an instrument of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share, is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr.
January 18—
THREE PIPES of MADEIRA WINE
To be Exchanged for FLOUR Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPPEN APPLES. Washington, January 30—1m
AT a meeting of the Commercial Company, this day, a Dividend was declared of Five per Cent. for the six months ending the 31st December last, which will be paid to the Stock-holders or their representatives on Saturday the 18th inst. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. February 6—18th
PRINTING INK.
SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PATRO, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN MINCHIN's New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol. October 10—3p&w3m
THIS is to give notice, that the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington city and district of Columbia, Letters of Administration on the Personal Estate of HENRY HOWES, late of said city deceased. All persons having claims against said estate, are hereby notified to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 15th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All persons that are indebted to the said estate are requested to come forward and settle up their accounts, otherwise I shall put the books in an officer's hands to act as the law directs. Given under my hand this 10th day of February 1809. IGNATIUS HOWE, Ex'r. February 10—3t
FOR SALE.
Avaluable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county, Dec. 16—1f
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 1-2 DOLLARS!!
In the Third Class of the Lottery authorized by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA.
Table with 4 columns: Prize Amount, Number of Prizes, Total Amount. Includes prizes of $10,000, $5,000, $2,500, $1,000, $500, $200, $100, $50, $20, $10, and 1-2 blanks to a prize.
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Wilson, esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery.
Part of the above prizes determinable as follows:
Table with 2 columns: Prize Amount, Number of Prizes. Includes prizes of $10,000, $5,000, $2,500, $1,000, $500, $200, $100, $50, $20, $10, and 1-2 blanks to a prize.
The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do.
Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest.
Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city. December 12—1m
CHARLES J. NOURSE.
Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Muscatel Raisins of superior quality. He has also received per the brig Orozumbo from Liverpool,
5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do Rose Blankets 2 do 64 Cloths 7 do Negro Cottons 5 do Flannels 4 do Carpeting 2 do Bocking Baise 3 Cases of 44 and 64 Cambric muslins 3 do Dimities 4 do Velvets and Cords 2 do Shirting Muslins
which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cogniac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Port do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Bussell do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotout Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dpt. and Spermaceti Candles, Castle, White and BROWN Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper, Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Live-pool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3—2awtf.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
ON the petition of EDWARD GANTT, an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Edward Gantt that on the 20th inst. at the Court room in Long's hotel in the city of Washington, at the hour of 10 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Edward Gantt and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist three times in each paper before said day. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Ck. February 12—3t