The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-04-18 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1173.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, APRIL 18, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
AN ACT.
To raise for a limited time an additional military force.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That in addition to the present military establishment of the United States, there be raised five regiments of infantry, one regiment of riflemen, one regiment of light artillery, and one regiment of light dragoons, to be enlisted for the term of five years, unless sooner discharged.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the said regiments of infantry, riflemen, and artillery shall consist of ten companies each, and the regiment of light dragoons of eight troops; and the field and staff officers of each regiment of one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, one major, one adjutant, one quarter master, one pay master, one surgeon, one surgeon's mate, one sergeant major, one quarter master sergeant, two principal musicians, and for the regiment of light dragoons, one riding master; each company of infantry and riflemen to consist of one captain, one first & one second lieutenant, one ensign, two cadets, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and sixty-eight privates; each company of artillery of one captain, one first and one second lieutenant, one cornet, two cadets, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, one sapper, one farrier and sixty-four privates.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That when in the opinion of the President of the United States, a suitable proportion of the troops authorized by this act shall be raised, there may be appointed two additional brigadier generals, who shall be entitled to one aid-de-camp each, to be taken from the subalterns of the line; two brigade inspectors, and two brigade quarter masters; and such number of hospital surgeons, and surgeons mates as the service may require, but not exceeding five surgeons and fifteen mates, with one steward, and one ward master to each hospital; the brigade inspectors appointed under this act shall be taken from the line; and the brigade quarter masters, the adjutants, regimental quarter masters and pay masters from the subalterns of the line.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the compensation of the officers, cadets, non-commissioned officers, musicians, artificers and privates, authorised by this act shall be, viz. to each brigadier-general, one hundred and four dollars per month twelve rations per day, or an equivalent in money, and sixteen dollars per month for forage when not furnished by the public; each brigade inspector, thirty dollars per month, in addition to his pay in the line; each brigade quarter master & aid-de-camp twenty dollars, and each adjutant regimental quarter master and paymaster, ten dollars per month, in addition to their pay in the line, and to each six dollars per month for forage when not furnished as aforesaid; each hospital surgeon, seventy-five dollars per month, six rations per day, or an equivalent in money, and twelve dollars per month for forage when not furnished as aforesaid; each hospital surgeon's mate forty dollars per month, two rations per day, or an equivalent in money, and six dollars per month for forage, when not furnished as aforesaid, each hospital steward twenty dollars per month and two rations per day, or an equivalent in money; each wardmaster sixteen dollars per month, and two rations per day, or an equivalent in money; to the colonel of light dragoons, ninety dollars per month, six rations per day, and forage for five horses; to the lieutenant colonel of light dragoons, seventy-five dollars per month, five rations per day, and forage for four horses; to the major of light dragoons, sixty dollars per month, four rations per day, and forage for four horses; to each captain of light dragoons, fifty dollars per month, three rations per day and forage for three horses; to each lieutenant of light dragoons thirty-three and one third dollars per month, two rations per day, and forage for two horses; to each cornet of light dragoons, twenty-six and two thirds dollars per month, two rations per day, and forage for two horses; to the riding master, twenty-six and two thirds dollars per month, two rations per day, and forage for two horses.
per day and forage for two horses; each saddler and farrier ten dollars per month, one ration per day, and a suit of uniform clothing annually; and all other officers, cadets, non-commissioned officers, musicians, artificers and privates, authorised by this act, shall receive the like pay, clothing, rations, forage and other emoluments as the officers, cadets, non-commissioned officers, musicians, artificers and privates of the present military establishment: Provided, The officers and riding master furnish their own horses and accoutrements and actually keep in service the aforesaid number of horses to entitle them to the foregoing allowance for forage, or its equivalent in money: And provided also, That the whole or any part of the regiment of light dragoons shall be liable to serve on foot as light infantry until by order of the President of the United States, horses and accoutrements shall be provided to equip the whole or any part thereof as mounted dragoons.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the officers, cadets, non-commissioned officers, musicians, artificers, and privates raised pursuant to this act shall be entitled to the like compensation in case of disability by wounds and otherwise incurred in the service as the officers, cadets, non-commissioned officers, musicians, artificers and privates in the present military establishment, and with them shall be subject to the rules and articles of war which have been established or may be hereafter, by law [be] established: And that the provisions of the act entitled "An act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States," relative to the widow, child, or children of any commissioned officer who shall die, while in the service of the United States, by reason of any wound received in actual service of the United States, to courts martial, the regulation and compensation of recruiting officers, the age, size, qualifications and bounties of recruits, arrears of pay, the bonds and duties of paymasters, penalties for desertion, punishment of persons who shall procure or entice any soldier to desert, or shall purchase from any soldier his arms, uniform, clothing or any part thereof; and the punishment of any commanding officer of any ship or vessel who shall receive on board of his ship or vessel, as one of his crew, knowing him to have deserted or otherwise carry away any such soldier, or shall refuse to deliver him up to the orders of his commanding officer; to the oath or affirmation to be taken, and subscribed by officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates, to the allowance for extra expense to any commissioned officer in travelling and sitting on general courts martial, to arrests of non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates for debts, to soldiers discharged from service, except by way of punishment, shall be in force and applied to all persons, matters and things within the intent and meaning of this act, in the same manner as if they were inserted at large in the same.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the subsistence of the officers of the army, when not received in kind, shall be estimated at twenty cents per ration.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That there shall be appointed to each brigade one chaplain, who shall be entitled to the same pay and emoluments as a major in the infantry.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That in the recess of the Senate the President of the United States is hereby authorized to appoint all or any of the officers, other than the general officers, proper to be appointed under this act, which appointments shall be submitted to the Senate at the next session for their advice and consent.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That every commissioned and staff officer to be appointed in virtue of this act shall be a citizen of the United States or some one of the territories thereof.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, & President of the Senate. April 12, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
PORTRAITS,
PAINTED IN OIL COLORS. By C. BOYLE, at the Ballroom formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, Pennsylvania Avenue. Washington, March 11—tf
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Debate on the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force.
MONDAY APRIL 4.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. QUINCY. It is not my intention to emulate the zeal of those gentlemen, who advocate this bill upon the principle that it is an augmentation of military force called for by the national crisis and worthy of it. But as in the vote I am about to give I shall coincide with many, from whom it is usually my lot to differ and be in opposition to some, with whom it is often my pride and pleasure to unite, I shall very concisely assign the reasons which influence my mind.
I am astonished that to the raising of only 6,000 men so much popular machinery should be thought requisite by the friends of this bill. The insults and injuries of Great Britain, the menacing aspect of France, our national honor, our safety, our independence, have all been made pleas and apologies for the proposed additional military force—these six thousand men! We have witnessed no ordinary expenditure of patriotic declaration, and no inconsiderable exertion of resolute zeal, to screw the courage of the majority up to "sticking place," in a vote for six thousand men! The labor has no conformity with the object. The means are wholly disproportionate to the end. The arguments and warmth of gentlemen compared with their immediate purpose is a resemblance of nothing so much as that representation of the poet, of "Ocean into tempest wrought, to waft a feather, or to drown a fly." Do gentlemen really deem it necessary on the question of such augmentation of our force, as that now contemplated, to utter studied invectives against one, or both of those belligerents who so cruelly interfere with our rights? Is this a force for their punishment, or for our protection against them? Is it wise that these nations should consider themselves the objects of such a levy? For myself I should deeply lament it either of these great powers could, for one moment, deem that this was the preparation we were about to make for such a contest; that this was at such a crisis, the scale, and our estimate, of the national defence; that in contemplation of war, with one, or with both of those empires, which almost divide the globe, this was the bulwark of independence, we were about to raise. I should blush for my country if with such a preparation as this, it could expect seriously an attack from either of those nations, or to assail either of them. I should tremble for its hopes, if such as these were its exertions in real anticipation of a struggle, for whatever is valuable or dear to man. Though I join in vote with the advocates of this bill, I am not coincident with them in my reason for it. As a defence against France or Great Britain, I place very little reliance on a force of six thousand men. The general state of the country, the extent of our sea-coast and frontier lines, the number of our military posts and of our fortifications, are my inducements to support this bill and not the particular national exigency, to which it has, if any, only a remote reference.
But it is objected that this is an augmentation of our military peace establishment; and that this is a standing army in time of peace; & that a standing army has been in all times the bane of liberty. This has opened a wide field which has occupied with great powers of argument and eloquence. If any gentleman call it an augmentation of our military peace establishment, he is at liberty to do it. The name affects not the substance. But the designation expressed in the bill seems to me much more appropriate. It is an "addition out to military force." It has nothing permanent in its nature; the enlistment is but for five years; subject at any time to the repeal of Congress—and every two years under a limitation of army appropriations prescribed by the constitution must pass the ordeal of this House. The terrors so vividly expressed of a standing army seem to be not justified by the number of the augmented force, nor by the provisions of the bill. An army is an instrument. It is necessary to be used. It is liable to be abused. What is the dictate of wisdom in relation to it? Not to forego the advantage of the use of the instrument out of fear of danger from its abuse. But so to limit its
usage at the time of its formation as it may, as far as human foresight extends, never exceed its legitimate purpose. This security exists in the utter incompetency of the number to effect any project hostile to the liberties of such a nation as this, and also in the general provisions of the law and the constitution, which puts it in the power of Congress to disband the force when it pleases, and every two years into the power of this House, by refusing appropriations, to compel its dissolution.
But it is said this is a precedent; it is but the beginning; an entering wedge; its augmentation will be progressive; we shall never be able to diminish it. I confess I cannot realize the force of these suggestions. They seem to me to be founded on an opinion not just to ourselves or to this people. If experience shall shew that this force is more than the state of the country requires, what motive Congress can have not to repeal, and if the other branches should think otherwise, what motive this House can have not to exercise its power of refusing appropriations, and reducing it at the end of two years, I cannot imagine: Nor can I see the difficulty of such a measure. We shall not have, I trust, hereafter less virtue than we have now, nor will those who succeed us have probably less than we. And should any undue influence operate, we are in the hands of the people of the U. States; if we abuse their confidence, they can and will transfer it to men more worthy. This is a rational ground of security against the influence of precedents; it is also a constitutional security.
I cannot agree with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) that the labors of this army will be wholly useless to the U. S. in case peace should continue. We have military posts which it is necessary to guard; every one of them it is important to strengthen; many of them to enlarge. We have fortifications to erect. In working on these fortifications the best and most economical labor is that performed by soldiers. They are universally so employed in the garrisons in Europe. In the intervals between military exercise they labor on the forts; they lay down their muskets to assume the spade. Distributed along our coasts, they would not be idle; their industry would not only be applied to learning the discipline of the camp, but might also be employed to the best advantage on work permanently beneficial, and such as other laborers at higher wages must be paid for erecting.
The course my mind has pursued in attaining to the determination of voting for this bill is very simple and obvious. The question I ask is—whether the present military force of the U. States, (the peace establishment as it is called) is sufficient for the exigencies and state of the country? This force now consists of about three thousand men. It is impossible for me not to answer that it is insufficient to our general exigencies in the present state of America and of the world. With fifteen hundred miles of sea coast, with frontier lines of still greater length, with forty or fifty ports, fortifications, and military posts to put in preparation of defence and to guard, I can have no hesitation that it is wise to increase our military force. Considering the unexampled state of Europe, and that the sword is now the sole arbiter of right, I should not fulfil my sense of duty to the country, did I oppose such an augmentation. As to the degree of increase I have had also some difficulties. Three or four thousand men in addition to the present establishment, so as to make the whole number six or seven thousand, my own judgment would prefer. The increase by this bill will raise the whole force to something less than ten thousand men; I do not believe that previous to the next session, unless dangers more immediately urgent should impend, that this force can be organized. And I should prefer to authorize a smaller force, and have it complete in a course of discipline and labor, than a larger to remain imperfect and unorganized. My opinion also inclines to the belief that cavalry in our present situation is not an eligible part of the establishment. But in these opinions I am obliged to yield to those of men of military experience, in whom I have justly great confidence. Indeed, when my mind is once convinced that an augmentation is necessary, the opinion of the public responsible officers has, as I think it correct it should, great weight with me in deciding the number and species of the force to be raised. If the augmentation proposed
be not excessive; if it be such that there is no rational ground to fear that it can become dangerous to our liberties and independence, it is an honest and wise error to lean towards the side of preparation rather than towards its opposite. Believing an augmentation of our military force necessary, I will not oppose the bill because it does not precisely agree with my speculative opinions on a subject, with which I cannot pretend to be conversant, and on which I have only very general information.
Mr. LYON gave his reasons for voting for the bill. He wished it distinctly to be understood that he did not vote for this bill because he approved of other measures of the administration; for he retained the same opinion of them as he had ever done. He then made some observations in relation to the embargo. Some gentlemen seemed to think that if no embargo existed, the decrees and orders of the belligerents would destroy all commerce; but he said that upon examination he found that out of 108 millions of our commerce, 30 were not interdicted. He thought that it was a curious mode of retaliation for injury to thrash ourselves; and expressed an opinion that in the course of the late negotiation the President ought to have withdrawn the proclamation interdicting British vessels from our waters.
Mr. MACON observed that he had not intended to have said a word on the present question, and that he should have persevered in that intention, had not allusions been made by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) to what had been done in the year 1798, a gentleman whom he much respected, and he believed the sentiment of respect was perfectly reciprocated; a sincere desire to retain it, which he well knew could only be done by pursuing his own judgment, and a conscientious discharge of his duty had induced him to state the reasons in as few words as possible, which would govern his vote and the vote would be precisely contrary to that which had been given in 1798, and it was clear that this was no produced by a departure from principle on his part, but by an entire change in the state of our foreign affairs now and then. There is, said he, no analogy between the present crisis and that of 1798—I regret to be obliged to make the observation; I mean no reflection on any one, or any party by it; but then we seemed to try to provoke a war; in fact we were the attacking party, now we have been attacked. The attack on the Chesapeake is not disputed; notwithstanding this, I do not believe that we shall have any serious invasion, yet it is certainly probable after what has taken place that attempts may be made to attack some of our towns for the purpose of laying contributions on them; under this impression I shall act.
It has often been stated to the House, that it had been said we were at war. If this was meant to apply to me, it must have proceeded from misunderstanding what I said. I did not say we were at war; but I did say in an early part of the session that the attack on the Chesapeake was as much war on the part of G. Britain as the attack on Copenhagen, and I now repeat it; if it was not, I will thank any gentleman to show the difference; nay, I will thank any one to tell the House what is now the actual state of things between us and G. Britain or even between us and France; the difficulties are unquestionably much greater now than when we came to this place. What is the state of things, I again ask? Is it war, or is it peace, or is it neither peace nor war; or will gentlemen say that it is a sort of quid war. I mean no reflection on any political party in the nation by this term; but I am uncommonly anxious to know what is the real state of things between us and the two great belligerent powers of Europe; every document which has been published by the House, evidently shows their unfriendly dispositions towards us, and they may be said to include at this time all the civilised world. One of them cannot easily approach us—the other may, and she may come as unexpectedly as she went to Copenhagen or Constantinople. It will not be saying too much to say, that we are not on quite so good terms with the English now, as the Danes and Turks were, when their cities were attacked. In the present state of the civilised world and our relation with the two great powers before mentioned, what may we not expect, from what has been done to other unoffending nations. I know perfectly well that the British government has disclaimed the attack

on the frigate Chesapeake; but has reparation been made for the attack by that government, or has a single officer concerned in it been punished? No, sir—neither has been done, and I doubt whether either ever will be done. I believed when I came here that no reparation could be made, and I believe it now, unless circumstances should compel it.
With respect to the 6,000 men which is proposed to be raised by the bill, I feel no hesitation in declaring, that I agree with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) that they are not enough for offensive war. They are not I presume intended for that purpose; but they are enough to render great service about the cities if they should be attacked. It is for this I apprehend they are wanted, and they are enough to make a rallying point at every place where an attack may be made. They will afford a place, let the danger be ever so sudden, where every man may go to defend his home; it is of much importance to have such a place; without it there must be great difficulty and perplexity. In fact the having the spot fixed, where a few men are known to be, and they prepared for action will encourage all to join them. There can be no doubt, but that it is possible the raising these men may turn out to be useless, and that the money which will be expended might as well be thrown away. As to the mere putting them in fortifications for the sake of having them there when no danger was expected, that would be worse than useless; but is it probable that they will be useless—this each member must determine for himself. Is it not more likely now, under existing circumstances that we shall be attacked, than it was last summer that the Chesapeake would be attacked, or have we less reason to expect one than Copenhagen or Constantinople had? I wish we had.
As to the idea of defending any one place with its portion of the troops to be raised, it cannot be entertained by any man, though they will be very valuable in the view that has been taken of them as a rallying point.
In the present state of the civilized world, and the great political changes which have been lately made in it, especially within the last twelve months, what may not be expected from the two great belligerent powers. I regret, sir, that I cannot speak of them with the same complacency as the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Rhea). Look at the documents made public last Saturday. One says you shall go through her country with your produce, in fact that she will tax you, and the other that she considers you an associate power in the war which she is now carrying on, and holds your property until she knows your determination. I am opposed to these acts of theirs, and am also opposed to becoming either tributary to England or an associate with France, and have no partiality to either of them; as to the expectation of obtaining justice from them by treaty, nothing can be more futile; you have tried it, and you have tried it with the best talents of the nation, and what have you got by the attempt? Nothing, your ministers are only beggars, and they have not got any thing by begging, and if you had the best negotiators that ever lived, while one possessed the sea and the other the land, your negotiations would be of no avail. It is true that on paper they shew beyond contradiction the justice of your claim, and the injustice of their pretensions. But force and not reason is their rule to decide questions between nations; both have levied contributions on every place which their power could reach. Can we believe after what we have seen and heard that they will spare us, or that we shall be so highly favored that they will permit us to escape, after they shall have us within their grasp? I wish I could believe they would, but I cannot, and I very much question whether at any time either would feel an inclination to prevent the other from attacking us, much as they hate each other; judging from their actions it is not unfair to presume that they do not regard us more than they do each other.
It cannot be denied that the troops if raised will cost about two millions of dollars a year; this is a serious consideration, but it ought not to be the only consideration. Is not the danger to be apprehended to some parts of the nation equally serious? Is there not cause to apprehend danger to the towns where large quantities of money are collected in the banks, and where immense quantities of country produce are collected for exportation? It seems to me to be impossible that any one can be serious when he talks about repelling an actual invasion by a strong force, with the men proposed to be raised. I consider them as intended, as has been stated, only as rallying points, to which every man who possesses true patriotism, or what I call whiggery, may repair, whenever an enemy shall appear. But for the main defence the nation must be armed, and the militia classed according to age; it is the young men of France that have made her armies invincible; class the militia
and select the young men for active service, and if you should ever want them, they too will be invincible. I repeat it, do not tell us about any supposed disorganization to be produced in the militia by separating the young from the old. We have appropriated money to erect fortifications, which may take fifty years to finish, and to build gun-boats, which to say the least of them, are an experiment. But the whole world knows that a free nation completely armed, would be a terrible foe, and it may well be questioned, whether the money laid out in arms, would not have been more beneficial to the nation, than in fortifications and gun-boats at this time. Gun-boats can be had whenever wanted, because every well built sloop or schooner would do for one, and every port where an attack might be expected has enough of them.
I do not consider the troops to be raised intended for a peace establishment. If I did, I should not vote for the bill; I verily believe that I never shall consent to add to the peace establishment, in times of real peace; the establishment is useless, and is a dead weight to the industry of the people. It has been said there would be great difficulty in getting the men. This will in some measure depend on the proper selection of officers; but be this as it may, notwithstanding I am in favor of the bill, I feel no reluctance in saying, that I believe it is almost as difficult to get clear of a military peace establishment, as it is to enlist the privates for that establishment.
In this great crisis of our affairs, it is our duty to speak freely, and the nation ought to know what we say. By comparing opinions and stating the facts on which they are founded, we shall most likely do that which we ought to do. Perhaps my sentiments concerning our foreign affairs are different from those of any other member of the House, and if they are erroneous, they have been uniform and are honest. If I could discover in all the documents which have been printed, one spark of a friendly disposition in the governments of the two nations which have been before mentioned, it would give me more pleasure than any political event which has lately taken place. War seems to be their delight, peace is ours, and peace is of more consequence to us than to any nation on the globe; because we have more to lose by war; if war should come, we have not sought it; we love peace, and have honestly endeavored to preserve it. In the present situation of our affairs, we must prepare to defend the country and to make every sacrifice which may ensure it.
I have heard to day, and at former times, a maxim boldly advanced, which to me never appeared correct or true,—that to preserve peace you must be prepared for war. In all countries, especially those which are free, the thirst for military fame is greater than that for civil, and if it gets a complete ascendancy, is extremely difficult to allay. It may be observed, that our country is not exempt from this passion which has done so much injury to the human race. We seem to admire the heroic actions of our young men, more than we do the civil virtues of Franklin, Hancock, Adams and Dickerson; though it would be no easy question to decide, whether Washington was greater as a civil or military character, yet his military character is that which I believe gives the nation the most delight.
Our situation is a critical one, about which I firmly believe we honestly differ, and differ as to the proper measures which ought to be adopted. It is agreed by all that it is our interest to settle our disputes with every nation as soon as possible; but this does not depend on us alone. Let England and France make peace, and it may be more difficult for us to adjust our affairs with them; but until they settle the disputes with us, we must endeavor to prevent any farther injury being done to us.
Mr. STANFORD had not expected to have said a single word on the passage of this bill, because he had as usual anticipated that a very large proportion of that company with whom he had thought and acted for more than ten years past, would on this occasion also have been of the same opinion with himself; but with painful surprise finding himself mistaken, and that he should be in a minority unusually small, and that to consist of but few of his old friends, & first political associates, he could not think of giving a silent vote as on common occasions he was used to do. He felt no difficulty, no great solicitude of mind in a difference of opinion with his friends on questions of minor importance. But on a question like the present, involving in it an important principle, he could not feel the same indifference. He could assure them it was much otherwise, & that he regretted the event sincerely. In so far, indeed, as his long established political opinions upon the subject would permit, he had even suspected himself and the views he had taken of the times, out of real deference to
them. Yet after all under the influence of the honest convictions of his own mind he felt it his duty to give his decided negative to the bill.
Mr. S. then said in the course of the observations he was about to make he should not impeach the motives of gentlemen, and if he should appear to do so through the hurry of expression it would not be intentional, and he must hope for the forgiveness of his friends. He had no reason to doubt the motives of gentlemen who advocated the bill, and hoped his claim was well founded to a like liberal consideration on their part. His object would be to draw a contrast in a general way between first principles and the bill before the House.
This question of a standing army, said he, is among the number, which involves first principles, and goes to mark, as it should do, the two great opposite political systems in our country of which we have heard so much—a question which did distinguish the one from the other political party during the late administration. I have, said he always thought and still do think, am indeed from long experience obliged to think that as politicians having formed deliberate opinions, we should be slow to change, even where circumstances themselves seem to change. The more unchanging, uniform and consistent our political course, the more intelligible are we to those who have to approve or disapprove our measures. This I am persuaded should be the case, not merely for our own sake, but for the sake of the nation—I mean the people, who so long as we remain free must form the main spring of all political motion in this country, and who, when they approach the hustings to put in the ballot of approbation or disapprobation, should know for whom and for what they vote, the man and his principles. If they are not to know, distinction avails nothing; right and wrong is a mere jumble, only a nominal thing, and it were better in such case there never had been a distinction. I am therefore convinced that all, especially those who have had to do with our political affairs long enough to have formed opinions and adopted a system, should be as true to such system as the needle to the pole. I am for none of this variation in the political compass, but would desire to be, what my conscience tells me I should be, steady, firm and persevering in the good old way of first principles, and first professions.
I am, Mr. Speaker, among those who believe we shall never have another patriot army in this country, because I can foresee no occasion which could produce one, such as we once had. I mean no reflection on our present army, nor that which this bill proposes to raise—nor to deny them love of country. I have no reason to doubt that, but at so great a distance from the belligerent powers of Europe are we thrown, and in every point of view so superior to any thing that presents itself either from our North East, or South West frontier we have nothing formidable to dread or to fear. In times of peace standing armies are as little suited to the genius as to the interest of this nation, and to the planter's ear there is nothing more odious than the beating of the recruiting drum. For as to myself I must confess standing army & direct tax bring to my mind the old association of ideas. I cannot separate the one from the other. I combine them involuntarily from a recollection of the past. On a former occasion they followed in train, and it is but fair to expect the like again. If we look back on former times we shall see the natural result, a large majority reduced into a minority scarcely now to be estimated at all.
So varying are the views of gentlemen on this subject, some viewing it as a peace, some as a war army; some as a limited, and some an unlimited bill, and so reasonable is it that we should begin to anticipate a favorable turn of affairs abroad, I will venture to predict if the bill were postponed to the last days of the session it would not pass. First principles and first professions would come into my aid, and the bill would, as it should, get the go-by—would share the same fate as your marine army bill, your peace army bill, and the volunteer system. All these projects seem now to sleep, and I now doubt if expediency will again awaken them. When the President's late message was received on this subject, instead of the volunteer system as recommended, this bill was reported in the Senate and passed. I then began to anticipate something wrong, and not till then, did I suppose we were to have a standing army in lieu of every thing else. Times are little different, if not precisely the same that they were in '98, except that this bill is predicated on a British and not on a French war, for indeed the greater insult has been received from the former, and I am not one of those who look for occasions to soften it down. If gentlemen advocated absolute war, and would make the declaration, I will not say that I should go with them. I certainly should not—but I will say
that the question would present itself to me in a very different point of view, and most indubitably I would not withhold the necessary means to make it effectual. But when without contemplating such a course, or knowing why or wherefore we have need of these men, we go upon a supposition that there is a probability of an occasion for them, I am left in the dark, and cannot give my consent to the measure.
Let me now advert, said Mr. S. to our late Spanish crisis, and see what was then the disposition of this House. It was only the session before the last, and if the decision then made upon this subject was correct, can we, ought we to reverse that decision to day? Honorable consistency forbids it in any and every way that I can view the question. The Journal is before me, and if it were necessary, I could turn to the recorded vote where a large majority determined not to add a man to our present numbers. What was then our situation? We had received an insult such as we have not been accustomed to since the revolution. As a gentleman from Virginia then happily expressed it, "The sacred soil of the good old United States had been trodden by the foe." With impunity was this inroad made upon our territory—and at the same time a menacing attitude assumed on a more distant frontier, and soon after with insolence not more daring, but equally so, did a number of troops of the same nation take a position within limits before recognized to the U. S. Spanish troops! And do we not know?—Are we not obliged to confess that Spanish soldiers are French means? If you add but French officers, you have a French army. We were not without information in these respects; I do not know if I might not say, and that official too; but if I am out of order, I beg pardon, for such has been the mixture of the confidential and unconfidential for some past, it has become difficult for the mind to discriminate, [the Speaker said he had no recollection of any thing official on the subject]—but I do, said Mr. Stanford, and lest it should be improper will forbear. Added to all this, then, I wish further to draw the attention of the House to the period of these outrages—this Spanish and French crisis. It should not be forgotten that this time was in its germ one of the most daring projects of conspiracy that has ever been conceived in this country, and that too known to the government, in a sufficient degree at least to awaken its vigilance. I allude to the late Ouachita conspiracy, which has since become the more horrible in its form & features, because in its ramifications it has been traced within the walls of this Capitol, as we could now witness, if we were in the other wing. (J. Smith then on trial.) Great as was the alarm of war during this period, and I confess I thought it more than probable war would happen, what did Congress do? They refused to raise a single man. This House rejected the proposition made for that purpose by a most decided majority. We were told, I believe justly, that the gentlemen of Kentucky and Tennessee were competent to the correction of any disorder in that quarter, and with pleasure too it was heard they stood ready to obey the orders of the government. A gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Rhea) who spoke yesterday and advocated the standing force now contemplated, then defended the militia as competent for any probable emergency. Another gentleman from Tennessee also (Mr. Campbell) of my recollection serves me right, was eloquent on the competency of the militia without any addition to the regular force. I fully confided in their arguments, and had then the pleasure of voting with those gentlemen.
I will now beg leave to shew, so far as recorded opinion can go to shew, that, however small the minority in which I am now to vote, I do not stand alone. That I am, indeed, contending only for the correctness of first principles. For this purpose I will claim the attention of the House while I quote the highest authority in the nation—an authority which politically, I have most assuredly thought was not only the highest but most orthodox in this world. When the people in their majesty had said it, and power was given to the present majority, it was given us, as a first principle, shall I say as a new star to be placed in the bright constellation which was to illumine our way, that "a well disciplined militia" was "our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them." It did, to my thinking, illumine our way, as from what followed will appear. The President's message at the opening of the 7th Congress contains this paragraph:
"A statement has been formed by the Secretary of war, on mature consideration, of all the posts and stations, where garrisons will be expedient, and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. The whole amount is considerably short of the
present military establishment. For the surplus no particular use can be pointed out. For defence against invasion their number is as nothing; nor is it considered needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up, in time of peace, for that purpose."
This then, sir, was the doctrine, and a kind of touch-stone of the political correctness of the times, and the army which our mistaken predecessors had left us, consisting only of about five thousand men were not deemed "needful," nay not "safe," & was reduced to three thousand—I believe I ought to say repealed, for it and done at our celebrated repealing session, when all misrule was to have been repealed, and literally & truly speaking, much was! But, sir, let us come at once to the times nearest to the present, and we shall find the same unshaken firmness of political principle maintained in this respect through every crisis, and there were many intervening periods of just alarm. We find from the same high, admirable, and correct source, the message of the President of the U. S. at the commencement of our last session, the same doctrine was again inculcated and expressed in a style still more excellent, if that were possible. It reads thus, "Were armies to be raised whenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never should have been without them. Our resources would have been exhausted on dangers which have never happened, instead of being reserved for what is really to take place." It should be remembered that this message was sent to Congress at the most alarming period of the conspiracy to the West—And can it be forgotten at this particular juncture of all others, that armies, navies & taxes were our constant themes for declaiming and denouncing political heresy? That war must first come before we would either admit or countenance their necessity.
Mr. Stanford's speech to be continued.
NOTICE.
SUCH of the creditors of the late General Uriah Forrest, deceased, as have claims against his estate prior to the issuing of the commission of Bankruptcy against him, are hereby notified that the Commissioners of Bankruptcy will meet to make a dividend, at Rhede's tavern in the city of Washington on Monday the 30th day of May next, at 11 o'clock A. M. when and where they will please to attend in person or by attorney.
JOHN HEWITT, Assignee, City Washington, April 15—wfm
BY order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county, will be exposed to public sale, on Monday the 9th day of May next, in the town of Piscataway, all the Personal property of Electus Edelean, deceased, consisting of Horses, Dry Goods and Groceries, assorted, which will be sold on a credit of nine months, with interest from the day of sale, the purchaser or purchasers giving bond with approved security. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock and continue from day to day till sold.
W. EDELEAN, Exr. All persons indebted to the above estate are solicited to make immediate payment to the subscriber. W. EDELEAN, Exr. April 18—w3
NOTICE.
To the Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company. IN pursuance to an act of Congress, you are called on by the late Commissioners to attend in person or by proxy at Washington the 23rd of May next, to elect five Directors, a Treasurer, and Clerk. I take the liberty through this medium to offer myself a candidate as your Clerk. The advantage to the Alexandrians of the clerk residing in Alexandria, as the office is to be kept in Washington, is obvious, and no injury can possibly arise from this arrangement to the Stockholders in the City. It will render unnecessary in case of transfers, that the persons conveying or receiving the conveyance should repair to the Clerk's Office in the City to have the needful done—true it is, that it may be done by power of Attorney; but the trouble attendant thereon is an inconvenience, independent of the necessity of an agent to effect the transfer; whereas the clerk residing in Alexandria, might be the means of saving that expense and trouble by keeping a transfer book there. I shall be content to receive whatever emolument the service may be deemed worthy of, or as low as any competitor that may be presented for your suffrage. A. LINDO. Alexandria, April 19—fm
PROPOSALS
For publishing by subscription, a new work, entitled, "THE LAWYER; or MANASSHE OUGHT NOT TO BE." A Tale. CONDITIONS. 1. This work will be printed on fine paper, and handsomely bound in boards. 2. It will be published in one duodecimo volume of about 250 pages, and delivered to subscribers at one dollar. 3. Those who shall obtain 12 subscribers, shall be entitled to one copy gratis. 4. As the expense of publication will be considerable, a discount of one eighth of a dollar will be allowed to such as pay in advance. Subscriptions for the above work are received at the book-store of D. Rapine, Capitol Hill, where a general assortment of books and stationery are always kept for sale. March 30, 1808.—62

It is with unfeigned sorrow, that we make known to the nation the death of one of her best and most distinguished sons. Jacob Crowninshield no longer lives, to defend the violated rights, and to maintain the true interests of his country.
Few men have lived, more entitled to, or more rich in the esteem of his fellow-men. Possessed of the most amiable manners, of an open disposition, and a liberal heart, he was universally beloved wherever he was known. No one, consequently, was better fitted for domestic happiness, or enjoyed more of its pure delights. Congenial, however, as these gratifications were to the bent of his mind, he was not insensible to the higher claims on the citizen of a free country. He loved that country too dearly not to realise, in their full extent, the obligations it imposed upon him. Hence he accepted, without a murmur, the station to which the suffrages of his fellow-citizens called him. Let those, who mingled with him in the performance of public duties, say how he discharged them. Placed at the head of an important committee, to whom were confided the great commercial and manufacturing interests, he was diligent, prompt and zealous in promoting whatever he viewed as conducive to the general welfare. But it was on the great national questions which the injustice of foreign powers had raised, that his patriotism and talents shone most conspicuously. On these occasions he unhesitatingly sacrificed every personal prejudice and professional bias on the altar of patriotism; and seemed never to be more happy than in supporting measures which, while they tended to secure the general interest, hazarded his own. Of this his strenuous support of the embargo constitutes a proof so illustrious, as to furnish an imperishable monument to his virtue. At that very time, he had property beyond the Cape of Good Hope uninsured to the amount of three hundred thousand dollars, which by this measure was exposed to the most imminent peril.
His commercial knowledge was, perhaps, more extensive and accurate than that possessed by any other man in this country; and it was altogether exempt from those narrow views which too frequently characterise the mere merchant.
The loss of such a man, at such a time, is irreparable.
On Saturday the remains of Mr. Crowninshield were attended, from the house of Mr. Machin, by the members of the two Houses and other citizens, who proceeded a short distance on the Baltimore road. The body was thence moved on, it being the intention of the friends of the deceased to carry it to Salem.
On Saturday the Senate ordered to a third reading a bill authorizing the President to suspend in whole or in part the operation of the embargo, in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities, between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the U. S. sufficiently safe in his judgment.
The Vice-President of the U. S. having on Friday retired from the chair of the Senate, Gen. Smith of Maryland was elected President pro tempore.
The following are the propositions of amendment to the constitution of the U. States, offered by Mr. Hillhouse:
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following articles be proposed to the legislatures of the several states, as amendments to the constitution of the U. States; all or any of which articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said constitution, viz.
ARTICLES in addition to and amendment of the constitution of the U. States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the legislatures of the several states, pursuant to the fifth article of the original constitution.
Art. 1. After the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, the House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every year by the people of the several states: their electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature: and their terms of service shall expire on the first Tuesday of April in each year.
Art. 2. After the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, the Senators of the U. States shall be chosen every year, and their term of service shall expire on the first Tuesday of April.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as
equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the first year, of the second class at the expiration of the second year, and of the third class at the expiration of the third year; so that one third may be chosen every year. Vacancies to be filled as already provided.
Art. 3. On the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, the President of the U. S. shall be appointed, and shall hold his office until the expiration of the first Tuesday of April one thousand eight hundred and fourteen. And on the first Tuesday of April in each succeeding year, the President shall be appointed to hold his office during the term of one year. The mode of appointment shall be as follows:
In presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, each Senator belonging to the class whose term of service will first expire, and constitutionally eligible to the office of President, of which the House of Representatives shall be the sole judges, and shall decide without debate, shall, beginning with the first on the alphabet, and in their alphabetical order, draw a ball out of a box containing the same number of uniform balls as there shall be Senators present and eligible, one of which balls shall be colored, the others white; the Senator who shall draw the colored ball shall be President. A committee of the House of Representatives, to consist of a member from each state, to be appointed in such manner as the House shall direct, shall place the balls in the box, shall shake the same, so as to intermix them, and shall superintend the drawing thereof.
In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties thereof; if Congress be then in session, or if not, as soon as they shall be in session; the President shall, in the manner before mentioned, be appointed for the residue of the term: and until the disability be removed, or a President be appointed, the Speaker of the Senate shall act as President. And Congress may, by law, provide for the case of removal by death, resignation, or inability of the President, and vacancy in the office, or inability of the Speaker of the Senate; and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability of the President be removed, or another be appointed.
The seat of a Senator who shall be appointed President shall thereby be vacated.
Art. 4. After the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, the compensation of the President shall not exceed fifteen thousand dollars a year.
Art. 5. After the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, the office of Vice President shall cease, and the Senate on the same day in each year, when the President shall be annually appointed, shall choose a Speaker; and in the absence of the Speaker, or when he shall exercise the office of President, the Senate shall choose a Speaker, pro tempore.
Art. 6. After the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, the President shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the U. S. whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law: But Congress may, by law, vest the appointment of such officers as they think proper in the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate; and of inferior officers in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments; but no law vesting the power of appointment shall be for a longer term than two years. All proceedings on nominations shall be with closed doors & without debate; but information of the character and qualifications of the persons nominated shall be received.
Art. 7. After the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, the President shall have power to fill all vacancies that may happen during the recess of Congress, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. No removal from office shall take place without the consent of the Senate and of the House of Representatives. But Congress may by law authorise the removal by the same power as may, by law, be authorized to make the appointment. But in every case of misconduct in office, where the consent of the Senate, or of the Senate and House of Representatives, shall be necessary to a removal; the President, during the recess of Congress may suspend the officer, and make a temporary appointment of a person to exercise the office, until the next meeting of Congress, and until a decision can be had, by the Senate, or by the Senate and House of Representatives, as the case may be, on a question for the removal of the officer suspended. All
proceedings respecting removal from office shall be had without debate, upon the information and reasons which shall be communicated by the President, and with closed doors.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, APRIL 15.
As soon as the Journal was read. Mr. Bacon said, I rise with feelings of the deepest sensibility to perform a solemn and painful duty. It is to announce to the House the death of my friend and colleague, Mr. CROWNINSHIELD, who expired this morning at 6 o'clock.
On motion of Mr. Risk, Resolved unanimously, That a committee be appointed to take order to superintend the funeral of Jacob Crowninshield, Esq. late a representative from the state of Massachusetts.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams, Resolved unanimously, That the members of this House will testify their respect for the memory of Jacob Crowninshield, Esq. late a member of this body, by wearing crape on the left arm for one month.
On motion of Mr. Newton, Resolved unanimously, That the members of this House will attend the funeral of the late Jacob Crowninshield, Esq. to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock.
On motion of Mr. Smith, Resolved unanimously, That a message be sent to the Senate to notify them of the death of Jacob Crowninshield, late a member of this House; & that his funeral will take place to-morrow morning, at 10 o'clock.
On motion of Mr. Findly the House agreed nem. con. to meet at 9 o'clock to-morrow morning.
On motion of Mr. Newton that the House now adjourn—Agreed nem. con.
SATURDAY, APRIL 16.
The House met at 9 o'clock, and after reading the journal, adjourned till 12 o'clock, in order to attend the funeral of Mr. Crowninshield.
The House met according at 12 o'clock.
Mr. Quincy presented petitions respecting the operation of the embargo in relation to fish—Referred to the committee of the whole to whom the subject had been referred.
A bill from the Senate to continue in force for a further time an act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and the waters under their jurisdiction, was read three times and passed without a division.
A bill for the relief of Darius Gates and Matthew Smith, went through a committee of the whole and was ordered to a third reading.
The bill to continue in force an act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to state judges and to state courts, went through a committee of the whole, and was ordered to a third reading.
The House took up the amendments of the Senate to the bill concerning public contracts, 41 to 37.
Mr. Basset congratulated the friends of the bill that another sanction had been given to the principle established by the bill. The Executive department had long since sanctioned it; the House of Representatives had given it their sanction by a large majority, & the consent of the Senate was manifested. The only material amendment made to the bill by the Senate was, that offenders were to be punished by fine instead of impeachment. All the branches of government having declared that the connection in contracts of members of Congress was a political immorality; and being so, no one could object to punishing it. He therefore hoped the amendments, though material, would be agreed to, as it was infinitely more important to establish the principle than to fix the mode of punishment.
After considerable discussion on various amendments, some of which were withdrawn, and others, less important, agreed to, the House concurred in the amendments proposed by the Senate—Yeas 59.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 44 to 38, on the bill for arming the whole body of the militia of the U. States.
Mr. Randolph moved to fill the blank in the bill (the sum to be annually appropriated for this purpose) with one million of dollars.
After some debate, the committee rose without taking a question, and debate arising on the question whether the committee have leave to sit again, and a quorum not appearing within the bar, a motion was made that the House adjourn. The question on adjournment was taken (at half past five) by Yeas & Nays called by Mr. Randolph, and negatived 39 to 30.
The motion for adjournment was then renewed, and Mr. Taylor calling for the Yeas and Nays, on the motion (6 o'clock) it was negatived 32 to 26.
The House then adjourned, on motion of Mr. Burwell 34 to 22. (Details in our next.)
New-York, April 13.
Captain Lawson, from St. Croix, informs us, that the island of Marti-
nique was in a state of revolt, occasioned by famine; and that the inhabitants having received a partial supply of provisions from the British, had solicited them to take possession of the island.
Captain L. further informs, that two British frigates had captured the island of Mariegalante, where they found five millions weight of coffee, which they were about to carry off in British vessels that had been ordered there for the purpose.
The British colonies in the West-Indies are represented as being well supplied with flour, a large quantity having been shipped to St. Croix from Barbadoes.
Sailed yesterday morning for Bordeaux, by permission of government, the ship Arcadius, captain Main. We understand she has on board including passenger and crew, one hundred and ten souls.
The sloop of war Wasp, was got under way yesterday afternoon, and sailed we understand for Westpoint.
Extract of a letter from Savannah, of the 26 March, per the schooner Rotta.
"The Rochefort squadron is said to have arrived at St. Augustine (Floridas) with 16,000 troops on board.
New-York, April 14.
Capt. Pascall, in 13 days from Havana, informs us that about a week previous to his sailing, news reached that place, that the British had lost 5000 men in a recent attack upon Martinique.
IMPRESSIONS OF THE WHARF AND WARE HOUSE, lately occupied by Mr. Griffith Coombe. The wharf is advantageously situated for the reception and sale of Lumber, and the Warehouse well calculated for storage of flour, or any kind of country produce, as well as West India produce. The terms will be reasonable and immediate possession given.
Vessels drawing 13 feet water can come to the wharf.
ROBERT BRENT.
April 18—5w
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit: IN CHANCERY, Circuit Court, D. C. term 1807. John Roberts vs. Samuel G. Griffith, complainants, against Benjamin B. a—defendant.
Therefor the J. G. M. Donald the trustee heretofore appointed in this cause, under the decree of the 16th January last, having been removed, worn to and filed, and the proceedings thereon approved:
It is therefore ordered, adjudged, and decreed, this 15th day of April, 1808, that the said report be ratified and confirmed, unless cause be shown to the contrary on, or before, the first Monday of June next; Provided a copy of this order be published in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three successive weeks before said first Monday in June next.
The report states that the mortgaged property therein mentioned, was sold for the sum of four hundred and five dollars.
By order, Wm. BRENT, Ck.
April 18—w3
CHEAP SPRING & SUMMER GOODS.
THE Subscriber has just received from Baltimore a very handsome assortment of Spring, Summer and Fancy Goods, among which are as follows; viz.
A large quantity of handsome calico, 4 4th and 6 4th, and striped cambric muslins, silk shawls, cotton lace, ribbons, white and black saracenet, ladies and gentlemen's silk and cotton hose, kid, beaver and leather gloves, bobbin, tape, thread, silk, needles, pins, fans, Italian crape, elegant crape handkerchiefs, veils and shawls, worked and plain mull, Japan and book muslins, linen cambric, yellow and white canvas, 4 4th and 6 4th ginghams, Irish linen, shirting cotton, white and crab jeans, bombazett and bombazine, linen and cotton bed ticks, Irish and German sheeting, dimities and furniture dimity, white and brown platillas, diaper, nankeens, cotton and silk umbrillas, kid, spangled and Morocco shoes, &c. &c. Which will be sold very cheap for cash or on credit to his punctual customers, and no others.
P. MAURO, at the corner west of the Seven Buildings. April 18—6t
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
Br AUTHORIT.
The Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of Washington and Georgetown are respectfully informed that a sufficient number of GENTLEMEN, (For their amusement,) WILL ON TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 19TH, Perform a TRAGEDY (in five acts) CALLED
D O U G L A S
Or the NOBLE SHEPHERD.
After which will be presented, (Also, by Gentlemen of Washington and George Town, for their amusement,) A FARCE (in two acts) CALLED
THE PRIZE,
OR 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8.
For characters see handbills.
Doors open at half past five, o'clock,
an commence at half past six.
Box one dollar, Pit half a dollar.
Tickets to be had at Mr. Stelles
hotel, Mr. Rhodes's city tavern, and
at the Theatre, on the night of per-
formance.
April 13—3t
IMPRESSED SEAMEN.
IT has been represented to the Secretary of State, that Nathan Thompson, Thomas Williams, Benjamin Baguelli, Joseph Setta, Joseph Cox, Charles Hedding, Samuel Henshaw, A. Girdon, Samuel Clapson, William Thompson, John Brant, Thomas Webb, Matthew Soderstrom, F. Race, George Smith, William Brown, Minor Smith, William Bender, Robert McCord, William Price, Henry Manier, David Porter, Benjamin Young, Charles Anderson, Isaac Ganes, Thomas Cook, William Jones, John Galloway, Peter Lewis, Thomas Marcum, John M'Intire, Daniel M'Intire, James Boggs, William Tietz, John Jason, James Carney, John LeMont, William Lindzey, Nicholas Miller, John Porter, Peter Murphy, James Peterson, John Skinner, Thomas Allen, Christopher Skyn, J. C. Brecker, John Swain, John Jervis, William A. Jennings, Theodore Young, James Hoyt, Joseph Rosay, John Tilt, Joseph Haswell & John Williams, who call themselves American citizens, have been impressed and are now detained in the British service. The friends of these men are hereby notified that upon their transmittal to this department, proof of their citizenship, together with a description of the persons of the above named seamen, measures will be taken to procure their discharge.
Department of State, April 13 1808—3
THE Editor of the National Intelligencer, and the Editors of such other papers as publish the laws of the Union, in the Atlantic States, are requested to insert the above notice, Three Times, in their respective Gazettes. April 15—3t
UNITED STATES NAVY HOSPITAL.
(near the Marine Barracks)
THE Subscriber is directed to give this public notice; that hereafter on every Sunday an Wednesday between 10 and 12 o'clock, the Hospital will be open for all Physicians and Students of Medicine, who may be desirous of observing the cases. The prescriptions of the Surgeon will be suspended on these days until the above hours, in order that such as wish to view the treatment of the patients may be gratified; as the number of patients varies from 20 to 40; and as there are several interesting works attached to the establishment, the regulation it is presumed will prove of service to Students, while the opportunity for free medical consultations among the physicians may prove of no less service to the sick.
JOHN KEARNY, Dresser U. S. N. H. April 15—
40 DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR apprehending and delivering a Negro HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington or twenty five dollars for securing said slave so that I get him again. HARRY is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen in the breast; hair on when he went off a blue cloth coat, arab color bear skin round jacket (as a spencer) Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county.
N. B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in his escape, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such acts.
PETER LENOX. April 6—law 6
By his EXCELLENCY ROBERT H. LIGHT ESQ. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND, A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it has been presented to me on oath that an horrid murder has lately been committed in Cecil county, by a certain John McGuire, on a certain James Coyle; and that said John McGuire is described to be about five feet seven inches high, light complexion, dark hair, boyish countenance and cast down look, aged about twenty years, stout make, strong and active—had on when he escaped an old short blue coat, linsey trowsers and swans-down vest; his wrists considerably marked with the irons and perhaps his legs also, and has lately broke jail; and who rears it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice; I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation, and do by and with the consent of the Council, offer One Hundred and Fifty Dollars Reward to any person or persons who shall apprehend and bring to justice the said John McGuire.
Given in Council, at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this ninth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the Independence of the United States of America the thirty-second.
ROBERT WRIGHT.
By his excellency's command,
Ninian Pinkney,
Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing Proclamation be published twice in each week for the space of four weeks in the American, and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hagerstown; and in the Star at Easton. March 14—2aw4w
A Stock of well Assorted HARDWARE, FOR SALE.
THE subscriber wishes to decline the Hardware business, and offers his entire stock in that line at a low advance upon the first cost, to a person wishing to purchase the same; a credit will be given, upon giving approved security.
HENRY INGLE. March 13—2aw4w

MR. JOSHUA B. BOND'S CELEBRATE running Horse FIRST CONSUL
WILL stand this season, at the subscriber's farm in Prince Georges county, Maryland, about seven miles from Queen Anne, ten from Bladensburg, the same distance from Upper Marlborough, and about sixteen miles from the city of Washington; at Twenty-five dollars the season, and one dollar to the groom; but Twenty-One dollars will be received in full if sent with the MARES; if the money is not sent with the MARES it is requested that notes of hand will be sent at that time, given for Twenty Six dollars, payable at the expiration of the season, which will commence immediately and end the 1st of August. Good pasture will be furnished gratis, as soon as the grass is good, and in the mean time, hay and corn furnished at the common price, for the mares according to orders. The utmost care will be taken of the mares, but I will not be answerable for accidents or escapes. Consol is of fine figure, beautiful bright bay, with a small blaze in his face, and his hind ankles white; full 15 and 12 hands high. It is expected that the stock from Consol and well bred mares, will not be surpassed by the stock from any horse (scarcely) in America, for the turf, carriage, or saddle; or even from Consol and good looking mares, which have none of the running blood; their colts cannot be other than elegant in a carriage or under the saddle.
Such mares as have little, or not any of what is supposed to be running blood in them, may be put to Consol at half price, the money sent with the mares. It should be preferred by gentlemen living beyond Bladensburg and Upper Marlborough, who wish to breed from Consol, by giving notice to the subscriber, he can be sent one day in each week to each place, from the first day of April, while there will be any mares to send to him from either of those directions; say Bladensburg on Tuesday, and Upper Marlborough on Saturday.
ISAAC DUCKETT.
March 12, 1808.
PEDIGREE OF FIRST CONSUL.
He was foaled in Philadelphia county, June 1798, got by the noted running horse Flag of Truce, his dam by the imported horse Slender, his granddam from the imported mare Dinna, Dinna was got by Old Eclipse, Slender was got by King Herod, who produced more runners than any other horse in England, as may be seen by the Racing Calendar, therefore it may in truth be said on the dam side of First Consol, the two great grand sires were the best horses England ever produced. Flag of Truce was bred by colonel Good of Virginia and was esteemed the best turf horse in his day and was the sire to colonel Taylor's famous running horse Leviathan. First Consul has won either 20 or 22 purses from 100l. and 100g. and never started against a horse he did not outrun until the fall he was eight years old—the spring following he won three purses and distanced the field the first day at New Market on Long Island.
JOSHUA B. BOND, Philadelphia.
March 18—entM&wf
30 DOLLARS REWARD,
FOR apprehending and safe keeping, black MOSBY , about 5 feet 10 inches high, about 25 years old; has lost an upper fore tooth, has a rupture near his groin; when sharply spoken to shows submission, his voice is soft and low, his gestures is such as has induced him to deceive those who are acquainted with him. I have had him twice since the 30th of July last; once he broke from the stocks; once from five men on the 26th December last. On the day after he broke Wm. Lee's house, and took therefrom all said Lee's wearing apparel, also a saddle and bridle and a horse from my stable. The horse, saddle and bridle I have recovered, which was taken from him by Mr. Wilson who keeps ferry near Duffries. The principal part of clothing he had with him when he was lodged in Dumfries jail, on 30th December last, consisted of home made cloth, which he took with him on the 1st of January last when he broke jail and cleared himself. I suppose he is lurking about George Town or Alexandria. He called himself a free man, and passed by the name of John Lucas Roulle. It is likely he will take some other. The above reward and all reasonable charges I will pay to any person who will lodge him in any jail, or deliver him to me in Orange county.
JOHN PAYNE, Black Walnut Run.
March 18—10
BAKER, RIGGS & CO
At E. Rigg's old stand, (sign of the Plough) a few doors above the Union Tavern, Have just received a large supply of
SPRING GOODS;
Among them are fancy muslins, unpressed chintzes, ginghams, linen cambrics, cambric handkerchiefs, long lawns, fancy printed robes, long shawls, Leno veils, Italian silks, spring bonnets, gloves, flowers, hosiery, ribbons, ladies' and gentlemen's umbrellas, India crapes, white jeans, fancy Mar-seilles, tablecloths, Irish linens, superfine cloths, 4 & 4 & 4 Russia diapers, and many other fancy and substantial articles; all of which have been selected at the best markets, (principally for east) enables them to sell very low.
Geo. Town, April 5—M&F6w
ROSS AND GETTY,
HAVE for sale at their store George Town, those following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz.
30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with copper and brass heads, &c. &c.
January 5—tf
ENGLISH GOODS.
By the JOSEPH ADAMS and ST. JOHN
from Liverpool.
APPLETON & CO.
16, Calvert street, Baltimore,
HAVE received their regular supply
of Goods, calculated for the present
and approaching season:
Cambric and common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities, Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, Do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, Do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine cloths and Cassimeres, Patent Nankeens, Grandurells, Canton Cassimeres, 6 & 4 & 4 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Haricord and Check, do. Plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, Riddle, &c. do. Colored do. do. do. 4 & 4 plain book do. Gingham, Silk do. Satins, Persians and Sarsenets, Bonnet Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, Do. Bracelets, Do. Laces and Footings, Do. Quillings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringes and Red Lace.
Cotton and Linen Checks,
Buttons,
Birmingham Ware, &c.
IN STORE,
A few dozen Gentlemen's best BEAVER
Hats from Marseilles.
These Goods will be sold low for cash
or undoubted paper at 60 days.
April 8—10t
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of
DRY GOODS from Alexandria to
Washington, and is now opening, at his
new Store, between the Marine Garrison
and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment
equal to any in the District;—
among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk mouselins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bears skin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duff blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mouselin figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elégant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8 4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask do. Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and interstrangs, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4 & 4 & 8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c.
ALSO,
Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars.
T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms.
February 3—tf
NOTICE.
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorising the erection of a BRIDGE over the river POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia," hereby give notice that a meeting of the Stockholders, of the "Washington Bridge Company," agreeably to the directions of the said act, will be held at Stelle's Hotel in the city of Washington, on Monday the 2nd of May, between 10 A. M. and 3 P. M. for the purpose of electing five Directors, a Clerk and a Treasurer, and such other officers, agents, and servants as the said company may think fit to appoint, and for transacting any other business, in pursuance of said act, and appertaining to the nature and objects of the institution of the said Company.
By order of the Commissioners,
ROBERT BRENT, Chairman.
FORM OF PROXY.
I hereby empower _____ to give as many votes in my name for the officers of the Washington Bridge Company at the ensuing election as I held shares, & to transact, during the same, such other business as may be necessary. Given under my hand this _____ day of _____
One witness.
April 13.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of his brother Romulus Riggs, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or
ELISHA RIGGS.
George Town, March 16—tf
FOR SALE OR RENT.
A Valuable CORNER LOT, well improved, in the city of Washington, fronting south on Pennsylvania avenue west on the west Market Square. The improvements thereon are a three story brick HOUSE, lately papered & painted in great taste, and finished every other way proportionately, two story Kitchen, built with brick, a covered way between, and a commodious and dry Cellar; also two small FRAME HOUSES, now under a good rent. Any person wishing to rent or purchase will find this a desirable situation for business or retirement, should it not be sold or rented before the 18th inst. then it will be set up at Public Auction , at 4 P. M. (if fair, if not the next fair day). For terms of rent or sale, apply on the Premises, to
ALEX. M'DONALD.
April 11—3
IN obedience to the decree of the high
court of Chancery of Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at the premises on the 4th day of May next at 3 o'clock, P. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to part of a Tract of LAND, called Brock Hall , supposed to contain about one hundred and twenty acres, and part of a Tract of LAND called Beall's Hunting Quarters , supposed to contain about seventy acres, lying in Prince Georges county Maryland. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest thereon from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale.
All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale.
JAMES S. MORSEL, Trustee.
April 13—3w
FAMILY PHYSICIAN.
A new and greatly improved Family Physician, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion,"
FOR SALE AT
R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S
Book-store, Washington city.
J. MILLIGAN'S George-Town,
And KID & Thomas's , Market
street Baltimore.
March 28—3w
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1808.
This day is the Third day of drawing of the New York State Lottery , (highest prize 25,000 dollars)—present price of tickets Eight Dollars, but will shortly advance.
Tickets warranted undrawn may be had at J. MARCH'S Bookstore, George Town, where a regular check book of the drawing, both blanks and prizes is kept.
Prize tickets in St. Mary's College Lottery taken in exchange for undrawn tickets in the New York state Lottery.—All prizes sold at J. March's bookstore, will be paid there if agreeable to the holder of the ticket.
April 13—3t
CHARLES H. VAN DEN
MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gen
lemen of the district of Columbia
and public in general, that he has just
received by a late arrival from Philadel
phia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT
Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Mouselins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory.
November 27—tf
JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED Immediately 40 or 50 Journey men Shoemakers, to make strong Shoes, to whom constant employment will be given, apply to
JOHN MINCHIN, New Jersey
avenue near the Capitol.
April 13—3t
LINDSAY'S HOTEL.
THE Subscriber has taken that well
calculated house on the Capitol Hill.
Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly
by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to
open a Tavern on the 24th October.
Those gentlemen who may favor him
with their Custom may rely on every
attention in the Power of the Public's
devoted Servant.
GEO. W. LINDSAY.
N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS
may be conveniently accommodated.
October 19—tf
RUNAWAY.
WAS committed to the jail of Wash-
THE subscriber has purchased out
the stock of GOODS lately belong-
ing to Mr. Elisha Riggs, and will be
enabled, from the conditions of pur-
chase, to dispose of them in the same
house on as liberal if not better terms
than they were sold before. He expects
by capt. Hand, from Philadelphia this
week or the first of next, a handsome
Spring Supply, which will make his as-
sortment complete. They were laid in
for cash, therefore will accommodate
his friends no doubt satisfactorily.
JOHN PETER.
George-Town, March 16—cp4w
NOTICE.
THIS is to give Notice—
That the subscriber of St. Mary's
hath obtained from the Orphan's
Court of Saint Mary's county in Mary-
land, Letters Testamentary on the
personal estate of Wilfred Neale,
late of Saint Mary's county, de-
ceased. All persons having claims
against the said deceased, are hereby
warned to exhibit the same with the
vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or
before the 25th day of September next,
they may otherwise by law be excluded
from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 20th day
of March 1808.
HENRY NEALE, Ex'r.
March 25—6w
NOTICE.
BY order of the Orphan's Court of
Washington county district of Co-
lumbia will be sold at PUBLIC AUCTION,
on Friday the 22d inst. at 10 o'clock A.
M. at the late Dwelling of Addison
Murdock, deceased, in Washington
city, the Household and Kitchen Fur-
niture and an elegant Gig, with plated
harness—
And on Saturday the 23d inst. at Ten
o'clock A. M. will be sold at Public Auc-
tion at his farm about three miles above
George Town, negroes, horses, cattle,
a waggon and gears, corn, rye, oats and
tobacco, with sundry farming utensils.
Terms of sale, six months credit for
all purchases above 20 dollars.
MARIANNE C. MURDOCK,
GEORGE FRENCH, Adms.
N.B. All persons having claims
against the estate of Addison Murdock,
deceased, are requested to present them
to George French before the day of
sale; those intended to said estate are
also requested to call and settle their
accounts.
April 15—tdos
A GREAT BARGAIN.
JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and
Commission Merchant, has put into
his hands for sale, at his office in F
street near the Bank, a valuable pro-
perty in the city of Washington, consist-
ing of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS
advantageously situated on the most
prominent and valuable streets, and
near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to