The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-06-19 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1556.
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MONDAY, JUNE 19, 1809.
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(BY AUTHORITY.)
AN ACT
To continue in force "An act declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the state of South Carolina, passed the twenty first of December, one thousand eight hundred and four."
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the act of the twenty-eighth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and six, entitled "An act declaring the assent of Congress to an act of the state of South Carolina, passed on the twenty-first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and four, so far as the same relates to authorising the city council of Charleston to impose and collect a duty on the tonnage of vessels from foreign ports," be and the same is hereby continued in force from the passage of this act for five years, and thence to the end of next session of Congress thereafter and no longer.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
June 15, 1809.
APPROVED,
JAMES MADISON.
AN ACT
Authorizing the appointment of an agent for the land office at Kaskaskia, and allowing compensation to the commissioners and clerk.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorised to employ an agent, whose compensation shall not exceed five hundred dollars, in full for all his services, for the purpose of appearing before the board of commissioners for adjusting the claims to land in the Kaskaskia district, in behalf of the United States; to investigate the claims for land, and to oppose all such as he may deem fraudulent and unfounded.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That five hundred dollars shall be allowed to each of the said commissioners and to the clerk of the board, as compensation for their services rendered in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
June 15, 1809.
APPROVED,
JAMES MADISON.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, June 1.
DEBATE
On Mr. Randolph's motion for approving the late conduct of the President of the U. States.—Continued.
(Mr. Rhea's Speech concluded.)
The case between the United States and Great Britain some how or other hath been considered as if the United States were the aggressor, and had done wrong in opposing in any manner the conduct of the British government towards them. That mode of considering the case is incorrect: The United States are not the aggressor in any instance. It is well known that in consequence of the orders of the British government, some thousands of seamen, citizens of the United States, were impressed—and that property amounting in value to many millions of dollars of the citizens of the United States, was captured by British armed ships and vessels and condemned; that the citizens so impressed were reclaimed, and indemnification for the captured property demanded by the ministers of the United States, and
refused or delayed to be restored and indemnified for by the British government. An amicable adjustment of all differences was earnestly insisted for, but could not be obtained. These things occurred previous to the enacting of the old partial non-importation law. That was the first law enacted by the United States, prohibiting the importation of British merchandise, and operating in a commercial view directly on Great Britain. Several violations of the sovereignty of the U. States were perpetrated by British armed vessels prior to the attack on the Chesapeake; after that hostile attack the President issued the proclamation of interdiction. Afterwards the British government issued their orders in council, afterwards the law laying the embargo was enacted—and at the same session of Congress a law was enacted authorising the President on certain conditions to suspend the embargo laws as they respected either Great Britain or France. The terms were proposed to Great Britain, and by that power rejected. At the subsequent session of Congress the so much talked about non-intercourse law was enacted. The consequences of these measures are now well known, and the prospects of peace and happiness to the United States are becoming more promising. In this view of the subject no aggression can be charged to the United States. The so long cherished unfounded idea of partiality to France is abandoned—and it is admitted that the United States have continued their impartial neutral position. All the measures of the United States adopted in their own defence were regularly opposed, as if Great Britain had a right to legislate for the United States. If the United States had adopted no measure in their own defence, colonization of commerce under Great Britain might have been the consequence—and if the opposition had prevailed, probably no defensive measure would have been adopted. But it hath been said and may be said again, that if the rejected treaty had been accepted and ratified, it would have saved us from all these difficulties. Would it indeed? No; it would not. That treaty was an expression of permission only, and not of mutual equal reciprocity. It would, if ratified, have bound the United States in a species of commercial subjection to Great Britain. It is admitted that the note subjoined to that treaty would have put the United States into a state of difficulty with France, that is, if the U. S. had not joined in the war against France, G. Britain would not have considered that treaty obligatory—this of itself was sufficient reason to reject that treaty. It hath been intimated that the U. S. are now in the same state as to G. Britain and France, that that note would have placed them in. This proposition is not admitted to be correct. The obligation of the note followed the ratification of the treaty, the treaty would have bound the U. S. in a kind of commercial subjection to Great Britain, and the note would have placed the U. S. in a state of difficulty, that is, of war with France. That state of relations does not now exist. That treaty is not obligatory on the U. S. they are not in a state of difficulty or war with France. Great Britain heretofore was endeavoring to impose unfriendly and hostile restrictions on the U. S.—that power hath now offered friendly and honorable propositions of accommodation, for renewal of commercial intercourse, and an amicable adjustment of all differences. The people of the U. S. know, that Great Britain hath made these friendly propositions—the people of the British empire will soon know the same, and that the government of the U. S. hath accepted them as the pledges of justice and honor. G. Britain is bound solemnly in justice and honor to go on until all differences with the U. S. are accommodated. Mr. R. observed, that he would not say that Great Britain, by making the same propositions, had descended from its dignity; nor would he admit that that power had condescended; (because the U. S. are on a scale of equality with any nation on earth) but he would say that G. Britain in offering the same propositions had ascended to dignity and honor—from injustice to justice—from political vice to political virtue—from a determination to disturb and injure a peaceable and neutral nation to a determination to make honorable, and just reparation for all injuries to that
nation. But let not Great Britain retrace or turn back—the eye of the people of the U. S. is upon her—the eye of the people of the British empire is upon her—a recurrence to former hostile practices will be fatal.—Let her progress on the principles of justice and honor until the work of reconciliation with the U. S. is completely and unequivocally finished, and then she will merit the grateful remembrance of every man, woman and child in the U. S. and in the British empire.
What the cause was which induced G. Britain to adopt the friendly disposition to offer honorable specific reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, and to revoke the orders in council so far as they respect the U. S. and to propose friendly negotiation, is made matter of enquiry. How unimportant soever that enquiry may be—the human mind prone to investigate will occupy itself with the subject. The disposition hath been ascribed to the embargo—it hath been ascribed to the defeat in Spain, and it hath been ascribed to the provisions of the non-intercourse law. To the provisions which that law was expected to embrace, the British government, by its minister, in the late correspondence appears to attribute that disposition. It is of no great importance to contend or to know whether the disposition alluded to proceeded from all or any of the same causes. It may reasonably be concluded that the old partial non-importation law, the proclamation of the President interdicting British armed vessels—the embargo laws—the defeat in Spain, and the expected provisions of the non-intercourse law severally had their influence in promoting that disposition.
Several objects may have influenced the British government to carry on the war in Spain, the expulsion of the French from that extensive and fertile country, would have conducted to preserve the dominion of the ocean, and that monopoly of commerce—the obtaining whereof had employed the energies of that government for centuries—the late disastrous defeat hath in a great degree excluded the hope of success in that country. The non-intercourse law had not gone into operation, but by the operation of the embargo laws, the British government was by experience enabled to form an opinion of the effect which a perpetual continuance of the embargo system, as was expected to be provided by the non-intercourse system, would have had on the British empire. That government had also experienced the effects of the old partial non-importation law, and of the proclamation of the President, and from all these by experience were enabled to understand what effects would have resulted from a complete and general interdiction of all the produce and merchandise, of all the ships and vessels armed and unarmed, of the British empire, from the ports, waters, harbors, and hospitality of the U. S. as intended by the provisions expected to be contained in the non-intercourse law. The consideration of the effects which an absolute non-intercourse system would have had on the British empire, certainly had influence in disposing that power to make the offered propositions to the U. S.—that it had in some manner an influence is manifested in the written communication of the British minister to the Secretary of State, before alluded to. The examination of this subject however is not very important. The prospect of peace and happiness and prosperity to the U. S. is become more promising. The sound and noise of war as it respects them, it is to be hoped, will cease. They are far removed in the depths of the wilderness in the west, from the bloody fields of Europe, and have no business with the war of vengeance, which for years past hath existed with unrelenting fury, and continues to exist in that quarter of the earth. The disposition of friendship lately manifested by Great Britain towards the United States may be ascribed to a fixed determination to return to the principles of justice, of public law and reason, which are also the principles of honor. But there is a cause (said Mr. R.) to whom truly and properly is to be attributed the change of the relations between the United States and Great Britain, namely, the great first cause, the Almighty ruler of the universe, who holds the destinies of nations and manifests himself the pro-
tecting guardian of these U. States. It is intimated that all the British minister has given for a change of our position is a revocation of the orders in council—old moth eaten parchment, for reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake was previously offered; very well, let that be examined. When or at what time was honorable reparation offered for the attack on the Chesapeake—previous to the offer honorably and candidly made by Mr. Erskine, the British minister? The diplomatic proceedings on that subject do not evidence that any reparation was previously offered, let them be examined. No reparation was offered in Great Britain: and it is well known, that the envoy Mr. Rose, although it was rumored that he came for that very purpose, offered no reparation, nor did he specify any, and not that only, but he refused to inform the government of the United States what the intended to be offered reparation would be, except the government did previously rescind the proclamation interdicting British armed vessels. The government very justly and properly refused previously to rescind that proclamation; thereupon Mr. Rose refused to offer or specify any reparation, and so he returned to Great Britain, without having accomplished any known object. But the British minister hath given us nothing for a change of our position but a revocation of the orders in council, old moth eaten parchment. If then the revocation of the orders in council be nothing but old moth eaten parchment and of no benefit, the resolution under consideration ought not to be agreed to by this House.
The British government constantly declared that the orders in council were issued to retaliate on France. Whatever the real objects of the orders in council were, it never was pretended that they were issued directly against the United States: that would have been a declaration rather too bold and explicit—the orders however had the same effect as if they had been so declared to have been issued. They are the long intended, fatal, all comprehending, every where extending orders, by the operation whereof Great Britain designed to colonise and to make tributary all the commerce of all the world. The same orders in council, so far as they respect the United States, are to be rescinded.—Mr. Erskine, the British minister, on behalf of his government, hath offered and stipulated with the government of the United States that the same orders in council will have been rescinded on a certain day if the government of the United States will renew commercial intercourse with Great Britain.—That offer of the British minister is accepted—and a proclamation of the President to that effect issued accordingly; and Great Britain is bound to perform. This is more than a destroying of old moth-eaten neglected parchment. The orders in council being revoked, the commerce of the United States will again float on the great highway of nations, untrammelled, unshackled, unfettered with the chains which were forged out for it, and contained in the so much deplored, rejected treaty, subject only to the laws of justice, honor and public reason. The British minister hath no reason to put on sackcloth and ashes. He is the organ of his government, and for what, by the directions of his government he hath done, he ought to put on the vestment of honor and the mantle of glory. Let him illumine his mind with the splendid rays of sun-shine satisfaction and complacency, for he hath broken down the wall of division which separated two great nations, and commenced the glorious work of reconciliation. He, making justice and honor the foundation, hath begun to build an edifice, which, if his government will authorise him to perfect, may endure until the pyramids of Egypt are mouldered in ruin, and old time himself render up his existence. War hath been prevented, and it appears to have become a question, who prevented it? The investigation of this question, in this House, appears unnecessary: It is too much like children contending for, "who did it?" The citizens of the United States will, for themselves, investigate it. They will form correct opinions respecting it, and will for themselves determine the question, and duly appreciate the merits. At this time, when reconciliation is the
order of the day, it might be as well to omit in this House every circumstance which may help to fan the flame of party and disunion. Party, in the political world, is like evil in the moral world—a destroyer of the peace and happiness of mankind. Let the chief study be, who shall do most good, and the liberty, sovereignty and union of this nation, will be perpetual. It doth not appear necessary to adopt this resolution. It hath not been made appear that any good will flow from it. The citizens of the United States will testify their approbation of the conduct of the President—and when their Representatives return home let them also in their individual capacity, join their fellow-citizens in the general voice of approbation.
The resolution "that the promptitude and frankness with which the President of the U. S. hath met the overtures of the government of G. B. towards a restoration of harmony and free commercial intercourse between the two nations meets the approbation of this House," contains two propositions; the one express, the other implied. The express proposition approves the conduct of the President of the U. States: the implied one, approves the conduct of G. Britain; for the conduct of the President cannot be approved in this case without approving the conduct of G. Britain; and in approving the conduct of the President this approbation is confined to the particular case—the approbation impliedly intended by the resolution for G. B. is general. This is going further than may be proper at this time. If the President of the U. States, in this particular case, be approved, the late President of the U. States ought also to be approved—for this plain reason that the measures adopted on the part of the U. S. which could have had any influence in promoting a friendly disposition, on the part of G. B. were all adopted during the administration of the late President; and hence it follows that the objects of the late President have so far been carried into effect. In approving the effect, the cause ought not to be kept out of view or thrown in the background; it ought also to be approved unless it can be made appear that an effect can be without a cause. The resolution is capable of an unfavorable construction; by the form of it, it may be concluded, that G. Britain heretofore hath been in the constant habit of making the same overtures to the U. States and that they were not accepted by the President. This is not admitted to be correct, and to shew that it is not correct, there is no necessity again to repeat what already hath been urged on this subject.
This resolution if adopted by the House, will virtually have a tendency to invade the treaty making power, a power which by the constitution is exclusively confided to the President and Senate of the United States. It may become a dangerous engine in the hands of G. Britain, operating in favor of that power and against the best interests of the United States, in any negotiation that may hereafter be carried on for the purpose of making a commercial treaty between the U. S. and Great Britain. For these and other reasons not necessary to be recapitulated it may be most proper to postpone this resolution.
Mr. McKee said, that after the lengthy discussion which had taken place on this subject, he did not rise to enter at large into an examination of it; but there were one or two remarks which he would offer to the House. The question, when first submitted to the House, had appeared to him to be one of no importance, to be one that could excite no interest, whether decided in the negative or affirmative; but by lying on the table for a day or two, it had increased in magnitude. Why so much importance was attached to it he could not see. I am (said he) opposed to the adoption of the resolution and in favor of indefinite postponement, because I cannot see any good consequences which can possibly result from the adoption of it. I consider it more proper for the legislature of the nation to apply its time and resources to objects of utility, than to descend to useless debate on a subject which can be of no im-

portance. What is the object of the resolution? Is it to communicate information which shall regulate the conduct of the President of the United States in the detail of the negotiation, the basis of which is formed? If so, the President can obtain it from a proper source. Holding, as the President of the United States certainly does, an extensive patronage, which is to be distributed to individuals who may meet his approbation, a suspicion must arise that the mover, or perhaps advocates of such a resolution as this, were candidates for the loaves and fishes. And does this House possess the information on our foreign relations which the President must possess? Or do we possess that knowledge of the sentiments of our constituents which would warrant us in voting for the motion, if it were expedient so to do? We do not, sir. I can speak for myself and the delegation from Kentucky that we do not know the sense of the people on this subject, and our votes will be but individual votes, and not expressive of the will of the people. I see no good, and do see a possible mischief which may arise from the adoption of the motion. Why should expressions of joy be uttered? What great victory has been achieved? What great good has the Executive obtained? Is it any thing more than an acknowledgment of our rights? I presume not; and our joy can only be similar to that which an individual feels when he has obtained from an unjust debtor his right. There is not cause for more of exultation; and the same course of conduct which produces an effect on individuals, will produce the same effect on nations. If joy be loudly proclaimed, may it not have a tendency to create difficulties in the detail of the negotiation? It certainly may produce that effect. I therefore draw the conclusion that it is not good policy to adopt the resolution, and I conceive it to be without a precedent in the history of this country, at least in the history of the last administration.
The gentleman from Virginia has produced a case which he is willing to draw into precedent. I think that an examination will show, that it is essentially different from the present case, and predicated upon the same principle as that nauseous stuff which the gentleman dislikes and which was offered up to the Executive by the legislatures prior to the commencement of the late administration. It will be found to be an address to President Washington, which recognized his conduct in issuing the proclamation of neutrality in 1793. That case was very dissimilar to the late act of President Madison, which was but a duty which he was expected to perform. He has done it with ability and integrity, and there was not a citizen of the United States but expected it of him. President Washington had done an act which he was not directed to do by the legislature; he had issued a proclamation on his own mere motion. I mention with great diffidence that it was questioned whether this measure was not a stretch of Executive power; and if it was so, it was necessary for the Legislature to recognize the act, inasmuch as it was one of the highest importance. Therefore I say that the case is not a precedent.
Several other reasons have been mentioned in favor of the resolution, which have been so ably answered by the gentleman from New York, that I shall not notice them. Here might be an end to the discussion, was it not for the manner in which the subject has been discussed by the gentleman from Virginia, and I think it fair to answer him in his own way. He seems to contend for the credit of the late accommodation—with whom? I have not understood that the republican party have claimed any merit from it. It has not been said that this or that party should be entitled to the credit. No such claim, as far as have I any knowledge, has been set up in this country. It will then be fair to examine, on this subject, whether the gentleman's right to the credit which he claims is fairly made out. We are told that it is owing to the passage of the non-intercourse law that the overtures were made by Great Britain. The gentleman from Virginia has told you that he was opposed to the passage of that law, not from any dislike to it, but because he supposed that he might get clear of the embargo wholly. Suppose the gentleman had succeeded in his vote upon the non-intercourse, and then repealed the embargo, there would then have been existing no measure of resistance to British oppression. The orders in council would have been acquiesced in by this government. Suppose that the disposition of the British government to accommodate with America be ascribed to her misfortunes in Spain;—I ask whether she would have had any inducement to withdraw her orders in council in this state of things? The reverse in Spain having produced
a disposition to accommodate, yet, no measure of hostility being presented to the orders in council, why would Great Britain have withdrawn them? Is it to be supposed that the British government is so very ignorant of the situation in which she was placed by the orders in council, that she would have withdrawn them? It cannot be attributed to this motive. If not, to what? Will you suppose, sir, that she has feelings of such sympathy towards America that she would have done it? I need only call to my aid the history of that nation from 1774 to the present day, for proof of a contrary disposition; for she could not withdraw a law in relation to this country, much less advantageous to her than her orders in council, till its fields were stained with the best blood of the country. It is then to be ascribed to the non-intercourse. If the embargo had been repealed without the latter, we should to this day have been groaning under the orders in council, and perhaps our situation would have presented as mournful an aspect at the meeting of Congress, as the gentleman so feelingly described us, voting supplies, marching to Canada, &c.—for, sir, what would then have been our situation, if we had at the last session repealed the embargo wholly?—We should have been retracing our steps, or plunging the nation into war, hesitating between the one and the other, exhibiting a stain on the American character, which years could not have effaced. Is this picture too highly coloured? Is not the consequence which I have portrayed fairly resulting? Or will this visionary phantom which I have raised, vanish into air at the slightest examination? Did not the gentleman vote against the embargo, against non-intercourse, against every thing? What measure did he advocate to resist taxation? [Mr. Randolph.—Arming our merchantmen.] Arming our merchantmen! I ask that gentleman and this House, sir, to determine whether that was not a measure of hostility fraught with greater inconvenience than any other; and whether it would not have produced the voting of supplies for the bombardment of New-York, as certainly as any other mode of warfare? It is to my mind as clear that arming these merchantmen would have produced war, as the radiant orb of day is to my sight. How then does the gentleman obtain his title to the credit of the present peaceful situation of our country? I conceive that his claim will not be supported by this house or the nation. I should have been happy, for the gentleman's sake and for my own, that this subject had never been presented for discussion. But as it has, I have thought it my duty to express my sentiments on it. Those feelings under which a young speaker necessarily labors, have deprived me of much of the matter and most of the manner of what I intended to say. I have given most of the reasons which will induce me to vote for indefinite postponement; if that does not carry, to vote for the amendment of the gentleman from Massachusetts; and finally as those events will place it in my power.
(To be continued.)
** The Meetings of the Citizens of the 1st and 2d Wards, advertised in the National Intelligencer of Monday last, have been adjourned to meet at Rhode's Hotel this Evening at 6 o'clock.
EIGHTY DOLLARS REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscriber on the 5th inst. a mulatto lad—JIM—who is about seventeen years of age, has straight black hair, lately cut, and black eyes. He had on when he absconded from me, a short blue kersey jacket and blue pantaloons patched with white, a large pair of laced shoes, an old hat, osnaburg shirt, with an old handkerchief round his neck—he has a father living in the city of Washington, near the navy yard, by the name of George, or George Beall, who served his time with Mr. John Addison, Jun., and a mother by the name of Sophy, who I sold to her husband a few years past, and expect he will make to them or probably to Baltimore as he has some friends and relations there also. I will give forty dollars for securing said lad in jail so that I get him again, or the above reward if taken out of the district of Columbia or state of Maryland.
RACHEL PRATT, Prince George's County, June 18th, 1809. June 19—3c/wtf.
RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the Goal of Washington county, in the district of Columbia, as a runaway on the 8th inst. a black boy who calls himself SAM JONES, and says he belongs to Thomas Contee of Prince George's County Maryland, and says he is about 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when committed, an old blue cloth jacket and trousers, coarse linen shirt, old hat, and no other cloaths with him—his owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs.
C. TIPPETT, Keeper of the Goal for W. Boyd, Marshal. June 19—3c.
FOR LIVERPOOL. The fine fast sailing ship ALLEGANY—Captain John Morris, will sail from Alexandria in eight or ten days—For passage only, having very good accommodation, apply to the captain on board, or to ANDREW SMITH. George Town, June 19—3c.
SENATE.—June 16.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill for the remission of certain penalties and forfeitures.
On motion of Mr. Reed, the following section was struck out—Yeas 19—Nays 9.
"And be it further enacted, That every owner of any such slave may have and exercise the same rights of ownership over the same as if the act aforesaid had never been passed, until the legislatures of the several states and territories thereof within which any such slave or slaves may have been brought, as aforesaid, shall have disposed of the same according to the provisions of the act aforesaid."
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading—Yeas 20—Nays 5.
After consideration, the bill to direct the sale of gun boats was, on motion of Mr. Anderson, recommitted—The committee are Messrs. Anderson, Turner and Hillhouse.
June 17.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill to amend and continue in force the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain and France and their dependencies.
When, on the question, "shall the bill be engrossed and read a third time," it was resolved in the affirmative.
The bill for the remission of certain penalties and forfeitures, was postponed till Monday.
Mr. Brent, with leave, introduced a bill to appropriate certain public lots in the City of Washington for the erection of baths.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, June 16.
NEW ORLEANS BATTURE.
Mr. Macon said that he was directed by the committee to whom was referred the report of the attorney-general on the subject of the batture, to ask to be discharged from the further consideration of it. The committee were of opinion, before they proceeded to the examination of this report and documents, that they should have another report on the subject, viz. an examination by the attorney-general of the claim of the United States to the batture; and if the committee should be discharged, he was directed to make a motion to that effect. If the House was to adjourn before the first of July it would be impossible for the committee to go thro' with the examination of the documents. The committee had heard the petitioner in defence of his claim and in reply to the delegate from the territory (Mr. Poydras) who had informed the committee that there were many more documents to examine before they made their report, some of which were not translated from the French language. One of the documents he had understood contained 300 pages, of which but a part was translated. The examination of these documents it would be perceived would occupy much time; & it was supposed by the committee that the opinion of the attorney-general on the title of the U. S. was necessary.
The committee were accordingly discharged, 52 to 36; and Mr. Macon offered the following resolution, which at the request of the petitioner, he wished to be on the table for one day.
Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the U. States of the 27th of March, 1808, as relates to the batture in the suburbs of St. Mary's adjoining New Orleans, and the documents which accompanied it, together with the petition of Edward Livingston and the petitions of the citizens of New Orleans on the same subject, and the documents which accompanied the same, be referred to the attorney general of the United States, and he be instructed to receive and collect such other testimony as may be necessary to ascertain the title of the U. S. to the before mentioned batture, and that he be directed to report to this House, at the next session of Congress, his opinion as to the validity of the claim of the U. States to the said batture.
FINANCES.
The question pending at the time of adjournment yesterday, that the committee have leave to sit again on the bill supplementary to the act for the support of public credit, &c. was carried 52 to 36; and on motion of Mr. Eyles the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the subject, Mr. Pitkin in the chair.
Mr. Dana's amendment offered yesterday for restricting the operation of the bill to the event of a deficiency in the sum of eight millions pledged for the payment of the public debt, was negatived, after debate, Ayes 32.
The committee then rose and reported the bill.
Mr. Randolph after quoting the law establishing the office of Secretary of
the Treasury, to shew that it authorized the motion he was about to make, moved
"That during the discussion of the bill entitled 'An act supplementary to an act for the support of public credit and the redemption of the whole of the public debt,' the Secretary of the Treasury be required to give information to this House touching the same in person."
The House agreed to consider the motion, by Yeas and Nays, 62 to 59.
This motion was opposed by Messrs. Findley and Smilie on the ground that it had been long settled by practice that the correspondence with the Heads of Departments should be in writing, as a more responsible mode. If further information was wished it could be obtained in writing. If the Secretary of the Treasury were to come to this House to take part in its deliberations, and was to be answered in any thing he might say by the members of the House, it would be better at once to make him a member of the House as in monarchical governments.
When the law constituting the Treasury Department had been passed, the Secretary of the Treasury had been every thing in finance, there being then no committee of Ways & Means. It appeared at that time to be the wish of the party who supported him that he should so continue; and after a long struggle, when the republicans had carried the question for having a committee of Ways and Means, they had thought it a great point gained. The right of the Secretary to appear in person here was consistent with the views of party, but certainly never with the views of the republicans. It never had been approved by the republican party, and it was hoped that the vote on this question would shew that it was not yet.
The resolution was supported by Messrs. Dana and Randolph; by the former on the ground that the House ought to know more on this subject than was officially known, and that they should have the same information which appeared to be possessed by particular members on the subject of the operations of the commissioners of the sinking fund and of the treasury department. In reply to Messrs. Findley and Smilie it was said by Mr. Randolph, that the constitution had denied the power to make the heads of departments members of the House, but not the power now proposed to be exercised. Many questions had been stirred during the debate—and from whom could the House with greater propriety derive information as to the present and past state of the funds of the commissioners of the sinking fund, and as to what were deemed to be their resources, than from the Secretary of the Treasury? And in what manner could this information be more conveniently received than by oral testimony? It was not proposed to enlarge or decrease his sphere of action. Indeed, if he had a seat on the floor, the House would derive no slight benefit from his intelligence. The creation of the Committee of Ways and Means did not affect this question. There was no occasion to look back to the feuds and party bickerings of former times to decide one of the plainest questions in the world. Was it of no moment to have the opinion on a doubtful case of the man who was to decide it, who was to carry the law into execution when passed? As to the mode of receiving his opinion, the Secretary could give more information orally in one hour than by writing in five. The Secretary was certainly not a man who need be ashamed to shew his face on the floor; it was an honor to him to be called on, and appearing here in person would be even to him a saving of time and labor.
Mr. Randolph's motion was negatived by yeas and nays, as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Baylies, Blaisdell, Breckenridge, Campbell, Chamberlin, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Cobb, Dana, Davenport, Ely, Emott, Goldsborough, Gold, Hale, Hubbard, R. Jackson, Knickerbacker, Lewis, Livermore, Livingston, Lyon, Matthews, M'Bryde, McKee, Moseley, Nicholson, Pearson, Pickman, Pott, Randolph, Sammons, S. Smith, Stanley, Stephenson, Swoope, Tallmadge, Upham, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer—41.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Anderson, Bacon, Bard, Basset, Bibb, Boyd, J. Brown, R. Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Cockran, Cox, Crawford, Crist, Cutts, Dawson, Desha, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gannett, Gardner, Gholsdon, Goodwyn, Heister, Helms, Holland, Howard, Huffty, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kennedy, Love, Lyle, Macon, Marion, M'Kim, Miller, Milnor, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Morrow, Mumford, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, J. Porter, Quincy, Rea of Pen. Rhea of Ten. Richards, Roane, Root, Ross, Sage, Sawyer, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sheffey, Smilie, G. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Taggart, Taylor, Thompson, Tracy, Troup, Van Horn, Weakley, Wheaton, Whitehill, Winn, Witherspoon—83.
The House having agreed to take up the report of the committee of the whole on the table—
Mr. Dana moved that the bill lie on the table to give him an opportunity to move that the Secretary of the Treasury be required to lay before the House certain information.
The motion was negatived—68 to 39.
Mr. Dana moved to amend the bill by inserting a provision restricting its operation to a case in which the products of duties on imports and tonnage, &c. "shall be insufficient to discharge the sum of eight millions annually pledged for the payment of the public debt."
Mr. Livermore moved to adjourn.—Ayes 47, noes 54.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved that the bill lie on the table.—Ayes 42, noes 54.
Mr. Pitkin commenced a speech against the bill; but having sat down to permit explanation by Mr. J. G. Jackson—
A motion was made by Mr. J. G. Jackson to adjourn (with Mr. P.'s consent) and carried—near five o'clock.
Saturday, June 17.
BATTURE AT NEW-ORLEANS.
Mr. Sheffey laid upon the table the following resolution, premising that he did not mean to call it up this day, but at a future day, when he conceived that he should be able to prove to the satisfaction of the House that this was the proper mode of disposing of the subject:
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill authorizing the President of the United States to appoint commissioners to try and determine the dispute between the U. States and the person who was ousted from the possession of a certain portion of land called the Batture at New Orleans, on the 25th January, 1808."
FINANCES.
Mr. Dana moved, in substance, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House such information as may be in the Treasury Department touching the exercise or construction of the authority given to the commissioners of the sinking fund to borrow money on account of it; and also copies of any correspondence with the Bank of the United States touching any loan or loans for the redemption of any stock under the act for the support of public credit, and for the redemption of the whole of the public debt.
Mr. Ross moved that it lie on the table.—Motion negatived by yeas and nays—56 to 31.
Mr. Taylor objected to the motion for the reason that it could produce no new information in addition to that contained in the Secretary's annual report.
Mr. Dana's motion was adopted by yeas and nays—65 to 46.
The House then took up the unfinished business of the report of the committee of the whole, yesterday under consideration—61 to 45. When the House adjourned Mr. Dana's amendment was under consideration.
Mr. Pitkin advocated the amendment at length, and opposed the bill.
Mr. Quincy spoke at length against the bill.
Mr. Sheffey replied.
Mr. Randolph moved that the bill and amendment be indefinitely postponed, and spoke at length in support of the motion, and against the bill. When he concluded, the motion for postponement was negatived by yeas and nays, 75 to 52, being a majority of 23 against thus putting the bill to sleep.
Mr. Cook moved to adjourn.—Negatived—ayes 30.
Mr. Dana's proposed amendment was negatived—77 to 45, by yeas and nays.
Mr. Dana proposed the following amendment: "Provided, That no money shall be borrowed in virtue of this act until at least months previous public notice of such loan."—Negatived by yeas and nays—74 to 47.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next—ayes 70.
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the Chancellor of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale on Monday the 17th day of July next, if fair, if not on the next fair day, on the premises, all the estate, right, title, claim and interest of Nathaniel Washington of St. Mary's county, in and to a tract or parcel of land lying and being in St. Mary's county, on the Patuxent river, being part of a tract of land called Trent Neck, to which the said Nathaniel Washington is entitled in right of his wife Margaret Washington. This land is of a superior quality.
ALSO—
All the estate of the said Nathaniel Washington and Margaret his wife, in and to one other tract or parcel of land, lying in St. Mary's county aforesaid, being another part of the aforementioned tract, called Trent Neck, situated in the forest, at the distance of three or four miles from the tract before mentioned. A more particular description of these tracts of land is deemed unnecessary: And there will be offered for sale at the same time and place, a variety of personal property of the said Nathaniel Washington, consisting of Negroes, Horses, Stock, Utensils and Household furniture. The above property will be sold in such lots or parts to accommodate purchasers as shall be judged most advantageous.
Terms of sale—A credit of twelve months, purchasers giving bond with sufficient security, and to be on interest from the day of sale.
JOHN RALPH, Trustee. Charlotte-Hall, St. Mary's County, June 10—Avr.

WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JUNE 19.
* * * Subscribers near the Navy Yard and Point are requested to send for their papers, the carrier being attacked by the measles.
The President of the U. S. on Friday communicated the following MESSAGE to the Senate:
To the Senate of the United States.
In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant, I transmit extracts from letters from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, accompanied by letters and communications to him, from the British Secretary of State for the Foreign Department; all of which have been received here since the last session of Congress.
To these documents are added a communication just made by Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of State, and his answer. JAMES MADISON. June 15, 1809.
FROM MR. CANNING. Foreign Office, 24th Dec. 1808.
SIR, In my official note of the 23d of September, I stated to you the probability that some alterations might be made in the orders in council, with a view to adapt their operation more exactly to the altered state of Europe, and to combine all practicable relief to neutrals with a more severe pressure upon the enemy.
As this statement was however only incidental, and as I at the same time disclaimed any intention of taking advantage of such proposed alterations in the discussions then pending between us—seeing that if made, they would not be founded on the admission of any of the principles for which you were contending—it was perhaps not necessary that I should trouble you with any further communication upon this subject. But the order of which I have the honor to inclose a copy, having been passed by his Majesty in Council on Wednesday last, I am desirous previously to its actual publication, of explaining to you the grounds on which the more extended alterations, which were in contemplation, have been suspended.
It was intended to relax in a certain degree the regulations of the orders in council, with respect to such of the powers in hostility with his Majesty as were not, or should not place themselves, in a state of hostility with Spain; but at the same time that this relaxation was extended to other powers, to prohibit absolutely by strict, rigorous and unmitigated blockade, all intercourse whatever with France.
The adoption by these powers, who were to have been the objects of such relaxation, of the views and projects of France with respect to Spain, does away all assignable ground of distinction between France and those powers, and that part therefore of the intended alterations does not take place.
The alteration contained in the inclosed order in council stands upon a separate ground, and, as I have more than once understood from you that the part of the orders in council which this order goes to mitigate is that which was felt most sorely in the United States, I have great pleasure in being authorized to communicate it to you.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, Your most obedient, Humble servant, (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. William Pinkney, Esq.
His Majesty, in virtue of the powers reserved to him, by two certain acts passed in the 48th year of his Majesty's reign, the one entitled "An act for granting to his Majesty, until the end of the next session of Parliament, duties of customs on the goods, wares and merchandise therein enumerated, in furtherance of the provisions of certain orders in council." The other entitled "An act for granting to his Majesty, until the end of the next session of Parliament, certain duties on the exportation from Ireland, of goods, wares and merchandise therein enumerated," is pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the operation of the aforesaid acts be suspended as to any duties on exportation, granted by the said acts, so far as relates to articles being the growth, produce or manufacture of any country, for the time being, in amity with his Majesty, and from the ports of which the British flag is not excluded, imported direct from such country into any port or place of the United Kingdom, either in British ships or in ships of the country of which such articles are the growth, produce or manufacture.
And his Majesty is further pleased, with the advice aforesaid, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the said duties on exportation be suspended, as to all goods, wares and merchandise, which have been, or may be condemned
as prize until farther order shall be made therein.
MR. PINKNEY TO MR. CANNING. Great Cumberland Place, Dec. 28th, 1808.
SIR, I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 24th instant, communicating an order passed by his Majesty in Council on Wednesday last; and have transmitted copies of these papers to my government.
It is perfectly true, as the concluding paragraph of your letter supposes me to believe, that the United States have viewed with great sensibility the pretension of this government (which, as a pretension the present order plainly reasserts, without much, if at all, modifying its practical effect) to levy imposts upon their commerce, outward and inward, which the orders in council of the last year were to constrain to pass through British ports.
But it is equally true, that my government has constantly protested against the entire system, with which that pretension was connected, and has in consequence required the repeal, not the modification, of the British orders in council.
I have the honor to be, With great consideration, Sir, your most obedient, humble servant, (Signed) WM. PINKNEY.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated March 10, 1809.
"I have received from Mr. Canning a notification of Blockade of which a copy is enclosed."
MR. CANNING TO MR. PINKNEY. The undersigned, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, has received his majesty's commands to acquaint Mr. Pinkney that his majesty has judged it expedient to establish the most rigorous blockade of the Isles of Mauritius and Bourbon. Mr. Pinkney is therefore requested to apprise the American Consuls and Merchants, residing in England, that the Isles above mentioned are, and must be considered as being in a state of blockade; and that from this time all the measures authorized by the law of nations, and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels attempting to violate the said blockade after this notice.
The undersigned requests Mr. Pinkney to accept the assurances of his high consideration. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. Foreign Office, March 8, 1809.
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated London, May 1, 1809.
"I had the honor to receive, on the 25th of March, the letter of your predecessor of the 10th of February; and on the 15th of last month, Lieutenant Reed delivered to me your letter of the 15th of March."
"Upon the receipt of your letter of the 15th of March, it became my obvious duty to ask a conference with Mr. Canning. It took place accordingly on Monday, the 17th of April."
"At the close of the conference he told me that my communications were such as would require reflection, and would naturally make him anxious to see me again; and that he would fix as early a day as possible, and give me notice."
"Our next interview took place on the 27th of April."
"Mr. Canning read the new order in council, and then proceeded very briefly to suggest the practical alterations which it would introduce."
"I thought I should best discharge my duty by forbearing useless discussion—and by receiving as it was offered, but without making myself a party to it, an actual improvement, capable of future extension under the auspices of just and friendly sentiments and enlightened policy."
MR. CANNING TO MR. PINKNEY. Foreign Office, April 30, 1809.
SIR, When I had the honor to transmit to you on the 24th of December last, the orders in council passed on the 21st of that month, I referred to that passage of my official note of the 23d of September, 1808, in which I stated to you that, "It is not improbable indeed that some alterations may be made in the Orders in Council, as they are at present framed; alterations calculated not to abate their spirit or impair their principle, but to adapt them more exactly to the different state of things which has fortunately grown up in Europe, and to combine all practicable relief to neutrals with a more severe pressure upon the enemy,"—and I at the same time explained to you the grounds on which the design of the larger alterations which had been in contemplation in September was for the time laid aside.
By the order of Council which I have now the honor to inclose to you, that design, as explained in my official note of September 23d, is fully carried into execution.
I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedient Humble servant, (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. William Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
[Here follows the British order of the 26th of April, as given in our paper of the 12th inst.]
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH. Washington, June 15, 1809.
SIR, I have the honor to enclose the copy of an order of his Majesty in Council, issued on the 26th of April last.
In consequence of official communications sent to me from his Majesty's government, since the adoption of that measure, I am enabled to assure you that it has no connection whatever with the overtures, which I have been authorised to make to the government of the United States, and that I am persuaded that the terms of the agreement, so happily concluded by the recent negotiation, will be strictly fulfilled on the part of his Majesty.
The internal evidence of the order itself would fully justify the foregoing construction; and moreover, it will not have escaped your notice that the repeal has not thereby been made of the order of the 7th of January, 1807, which, according to the engagement I have entered into, on the part of his Majesty, is to be abrogated with the other orders, in consequence of the adjustment of differences between the two countries, and the confidence entertained of a further conciliatory understanding.
I have the honor to be, With the highest respect And consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble Servant, (Signed) D. M. ERSKINE. The hon. Robt. Smith, &c. &c. &c.
MR. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE. Department of State, June 15, 1809.
SIR, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of this day, communicating the order in Council, issued by His Britannic Majesty on the 26th April last.
However well persuaded the President may, at all times, have been that the arrangement so happily effected by the late negotiation, would be strictly fulfilled on the part of His Britannic Majesty, he has, nevertheless, received with satisfaction your renewed assurance to that effect, with the further assurance, founded on official communications to you from your government since the adoption of the order in Council of the 26th April, that, that order was not intended to have any connection whatever with the overtures, which you had been authorised to make to the government of the United States.
I have the honor to be, With the highest respect, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) R. SMITH. Hon. David M. Erskine, &c. &c. &c.
CANADA. Immediately upon information being received by colonel Simonds, who commands the detachments on that frontier, on the 14th May he issued an order to captain Bennet, of which the following is a transcript. "Albany, May 14, 1809."
"In consequence of an outrage committed by a party of your men, acting under your orders, on the rights and sovereignty of a nation at peace with the United States, I deem it an indispensable duty which I owe my government, to order you to be put under arrest; it is also the most correct mode of proceeding as to yourself, as by it you are afforded the fairest opportunity of vindicating your conduct. —You will proceed to this place and wait further orders."
"Lieut. Nichols, of my staff will hand you this."
"JONAS SIMONDS." Captain Bennett has surrendered himself to the arrest, and will of course be tried by a court martial.
From Bell's [London] Messenger. AARON BURR, AND MIRANDA.
The Spanish Junta ambassador at London, [Apadoca] having made representations to the British minister for foreign affairs, that several persons were in London who had a hand in enterprise against the Spanish colonies in America, Miranda and Burr were particularly named; the former however contrived to obtain a passage in a vessel bound to St. Christopher's, for which place it is said he departed; Aaron Burr, who was also summoned to appear, did not make his escape, but presented himself according to the summons, and was notified that he must depart from England; he disclaimed all connexion or participation
with any design against the Spanish colonies, and claimed as a British subject, under magna charta, to remain unmolested in the country, to which he owed and avowed allegiance!
Upon its being urged that he was an American citizen, and that he had held a station there, which put his character of an American beyond question: he disclaimed the character of an American citizen, and asserted that he was entitled to protection by his birth under the British government, long before the independence of America; and that although the British government might connive at it, he maintained, that the principles of British law and policy never admitted of expatriation; and could not refuse to recognize the right of any subject born within the realm or its colonies.
He was nevertheless advised that he must depart the realm. He thereupon signified that it was out of his power, that he was destitute of the fund requisite to defray the expenses of his removal, or to discharge the obligations which he had already incurred.
Whether the funds were advanced or not, we have not learnt—but he was accompanied to one of the ports on the North Sea, and shipped for the continent.
We heard several weeks ago that he had taken his passage for the island of St. Christopher's, and was destined for Trinidad.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To Richard S. Briscoe, Thomas Herriott, Pierce Pownell, William Thornton, T. H. Gillis, and John Sinclair. GENTLEMEN,
The protest which you have volunteered before the public in the Monitor of Saturday last, and in the Intelligencer of Monday, upon the subject of our late city election, reflects little credit either on your candor or legal information. Had you carefully reflected upon the nature of the conduct you condemn, or dispassionately examined the laws, on which you hazard an opinion, you would have been saved from this public exposure of your imprudence, and the citizens of Washington would not have been troubled with the barren enquiry you have excited. Your publication has laid you open to a charge not only of palpable errors of judgment, but of several gross misrepresentations of facts. The former might be forgiven as the offspring of passion. But what satisfactory apology can be offered for the latter?
As the motive of your protest, you declare that you consider it your duty to state to the public the reasons which induced you to refuse your signatures to the notifications sent to the persons who were said to be duly elected, by two of the judges, and consequently not by a majority. This lame apology for your publication will not stand investigation. You would wish the public to believe, that the signatures of all the magistrates and judges were required to those notifications, by law, that your signatures had been applied for and that you had refused them. But was that the fact? You must have known it to be the invariable custom, for those magistrates only who were present to sign the notifications, and that in the present instance, only two of the magistrates, Mr. Minifie, and Mr. Rapine, attended, and consequently forming a majority of those present, signed the notice. They were under no necessity of requiring the concurrent sanction of your signatures. They never applied to you for the purpose. Will you therefore be pleased to explain in what manner and at what time you resolutely refused your signatures?
You would also have the public believe by your above noticed remark, that only two persons out of the body of the judges of election, concurred in confirming and declaring the result of the election, against the opinion of the remainder. But have you forgotten that only three of the judges of the first and second wards, and that all the six judges of the third and fourth wards, attended the counting of the votes, and that the latter constituting a majority of those present, sanctioned the act of the two magistrates? I am aware that you will say that by the "two judges of election," you meant only the two magistrates. But did you not know, gentlemen, that the associate judges of the election are invested with the same power, and are as much the judges in contemplation of law, as the magistrates themselves? And will you have the goodness to explain if there is any distinction between them, by what right the latter are exclusively entitled to the appellation of judges of election?
Let us now examine the reasons for not signing, or rather as you have been pleased to say, for refusing your signatures to the notifications.
1. It will not be denied that the 4th section of the act of incorporation makes it the duty of the judges on closing the polls, to seal the ballot boxes and to meet on the day following, when, in the presence of the council, the seals are to be broken, and the votes counted. You then proceed to observe, "This part of their duty the undersigned performed in part, that is, they repaired to the council chamber at the time appointed by law." Now, gentlemen, is this the fact? Did you all attend? Are you not conscious that three of you, I mean Messrs. Thornton, Briscoe, and Sinclair, did not attend the council chamber for a moment during the day? In justice to your own characters, reconcile if possible, this palpable deviation from the fact. To extricate yourselves from this difficulty, I hope you have some resource remaining in your ingenuity.
It is admitted that a majority of the former council did not attend at the counting of the votes. But is the negligence or perverseness of any council to render a future elect ionoperative or void? Is the city to remain without a council, until a body of men upon whom no compulsory process can be served, are pleased to perform their duty? Could the judges have forced their attendance? Or could their attendance have controlled the election? Could the judges of election have adjourned until the council were persuaded to attend, and he thus disobeyed the peremptory mandate of law, which requires them to count the votes
on the day ensuing the day of election? It is a principle both of reason and law, that statutes must be construed with a due regard to consequences and conveniences, and before you presumed to blame the conduct of the judges of the last election, you ought to have reflected that the construction you contended for, would have been pregnant with the most serious evils, while a contrary construction is equally consonant to reason, and warrantable both by the letter and spirit of the act of incorporation.
Your second position is, that no votes ought to have been received, that were not given in conformity to the act of the city council, passed on the 8th November last. The slightest reflection will convince every individual that all laws passed by the city council on the qualifications of voters in the city election, are either unnecessary or illegal. If they only repeat the words of the act of incorporation on the subject, they are unnecessary. If they go beyond the words of the act, and suspend or restrict any qualifications for voters, which are specified in the act, they are illegal. The law of the city council to which you refer, is of the latter kind, and by a comparison with the act of incorporation will be found to require other qualifications than are contemplated by that act. The Congress of the United States have enacted, that the city council shall be annually elected by the free white male inhabitants of full age, who have resided twelve months in the city and paid taxes there, in the year preceding the election being held. But the late council of the city have decreed, that the judges are to be furnished with lists of the free white male persons assessed and residing in the city, on which list those who have paid taxes, are to be distinguished from those who have not, and it is made their duty to refuse the votes of those whose names do not appear on those lists, as not having paid taxes previous to the day of election. I would now ask, what does the act of incorporation say of assessment lists? What does it say of the time when the taxes for the preceding year are to be paid? Did Congress ever design that the rights and privileges of the free citizens of this district were to depend upon the will of the collector or assessor of taxes; that no person should be permitted to vote, whom the collector had refused or neglected to put upon his assessment list? Do you mean to contend that the collector in making his assessment list, is endowed with infallibility, and that a citizen is to be deprived of his privilege of voting, in consequence of any possible negligence, mistake, or impropriety of a collector? I hope not. Such opinions would be too derogatory to your understandings. Many instances of mistakes in the assessment lists, and such mistakes are unavoidable, were proved to the satisfaction of the judges of election. But were we inclined to avoid the argument you invite, it would be sufficient to observe, that no certified or proved assessment lists were submitted to the judges on the day of election.
Permit me also to observe, that the judges of election hold their office under the act of incorporation, and in the discharge of their duties are not bound to look beyond the act that created and defined their authority. They know nothing of the city council or their proceedings, and it would be preposterous to suppose that they are controllable by every idle and illegal act which interested councils may choose to enact. The principles upon which they acted, at the last election, have been frequently recognized by the decisions of the House of Representatives, in cases of contested elections. The constitution stands in the same relation to them, that the act of incorporation does to the city council and judges of election, and the same reason that induces Congress to disregard the laws passed by the states on the qualifications of voters, will apply with equal force to the case of the city elections.
Let me now ask you, gentlemen, with what view did you publish your unfortunate protest? Did you suppose that the council that has been elected, would notice it in their collective capacity? Did you mean that it should excite the attention of Congress? Or was it intended as the incentive and grounds of proceedings which you wished the citizens of your two wards to adopt? Whatever was your object, let prudence dictate, before you are further involved, the necessity of declining a contest from which you cannot hope to derive either credit or advantage. A CITIZEN.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
On Tuesday Evening, June 20, 1809, Will be performed a Comedy, in five Acts, called
JOHN BULL;
AN ENGLISHMAN'S FIRE-SIDE.
To which will be added,
A COMIC OPERA, IN TWO ACTS,
CALL'D THE
POOR SOLDIER.
** Box One Dollar—Pitt Three Quarters of a Dollar.
** Tickets to be had at the Office of Dinmore and Cooper, Eleventh-street, near Pennsylvania Avenue.
Doors will open at Six—Curtain rise a Quarter before Seven o'Clock.
DOCTOR I. J. COMMUN, OPERATING DENTIST.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints the ladies and gentlemen of Washington and George-town, that he intends to practice in both those places, for a few days, in all the various branches of his profession. His method of cleaning the teeth is allowed by hundreds to be easy and effectual, he removes the tartar (let the gums be in the tenderest state possible) without giving the smallest pain or incurring the slightest injury to the enamel, in cases where the front teeth are loose from the separation of the gums, or other causes, he makes them fast by bringing the gums to adhere closely to the teeth. He sets artificial teeth from one to an entire set with such nicety, so as to answer the useful purposes of nature, and to make it impossible to discern them from real ones—in cases of decayed teeth, his method of removing the decayed part and preventing further tendency to decay in the teeth, will be found to exceed any method yet practised in this country.
Dr. C. being regularly bred to the practice of physics, and his long experience in the dentist business on the continent of Europe, France and Spain, enables him to flatter himself, that he will give every possible attention to those who favor him with their commands.
Dr. C. may be consulted at Stelle's Tavern, in Washington, on Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays; at the Union Tavern, in Georgetown on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays.

FOR SALE, All or any part of the Estate of the Subscriber, lying on the Eastern Branch of the Potomac, between the two Bridges, and immediately opposite the city of Washington; a considerable part of the Estate is heavily wooded, and the whole is divided into convenient Farms, each containing a proper proportion of wood and arable land. On payment of one fourth part of the purchase money, indisputable titles will be made, and reasonable credit or the residue, secured by bond and mortgage.
ALSO FOR SALE, The whole, or any part of the Estates of the "North American Land Company," and "Aggregate Fund," consisting of divers large bodies of Land variously situated, in the states of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and Kentucky; and of Houses & House Lots in the City of Washington. On the Sale of which, indisputable title and very liberal terms, both as to price and periods of payment, will be granted to all persons, particularly settlers disposed to purchase.
THE 45TH DAY'S DRAWING OF THE BLACK RIVER LOTTERY, is just approaching. The first drawn number on that day will be 20,000 Dollars. Present price of tickets, 12 Dollars, but will advance to 15 dollars on Saturday the 17th inst. The following high prizes are yet in the wheel: 1 prize of 20,000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 10,000 1 prize of 2,000 1 prize of 1,000 And a great number of $200 and smaller prizes in abundance.
Letters, post-paid, enclosing bank notes, will be promptly attended to, and distant adventurers shall be early advised of the fate of their tickets. A regular check book of the drawing is kept for the inspection of the public gratis, By JOSEPH MILLIGAN, George-Town. June 14-3t.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber in February last, a handsome bright Mulatto Woman, named HELEN, twenty years old, of the middling size, her marks as far as recollected, are large breasts, thin visage, a scar, I think, on the left side of her neck, occasioned by a cut; has a flat mole, I think, in her left hand, one on her forehead, and one between her breasts; sprightly spoken, quick turn of mind, and very capable of deception—it is useless to describe her dress, no doubt she will be well supplied with clothes and will try to pass for a free woman. Thirty dollars will be given if taken up in the district of Columbia, if farther, the above reward will be given if brought home to the subscriber living in the city of Washington, west of the President's house, all reasonable expenses allowed. All persons are forewarned from harboring her. WILLIAM HOLMES. June 14-7t.
STRAY HORSE. Strayed from the Capitol Hill, In this city, on the morning of the 6th inst. a large SORREL HORSE, about 8 or 9 years old, white face, his hinder legs also white, in which he has the scratches, switch tail and mane, trots, paces and canters well, rather low in flesh, his shoes much worn, and it is believed those on his hinder feet were broken. He was lately purchased from Dr. Kent, of Prince George's county, Maryland, and it is believed that he now is somewhere contiguous to the road between Bladensburg and Dr. Kent's. Whoever will deliver him to me, shall be handsomely rewarded. SAMUEL BURCH. June 14-3t.
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges, infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. LHERBETTE, St. Marks Lane, New-York. To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe, at the city of Washington. May 19-49-tv.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, A Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 5th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq. and are the same on which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof heavily timbered. The uplands consist of about 1000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable. The premises will be shown to persons inclining to purchase, by col. James Moore, who lives on them, or by Samuel Blackwell, Esq. who lives near to them; and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to THOMAS ROBINSON, Near Chester, Delaware, Or to W. LEWIS, at Phila. June 7-14s.
JUST RECEIVED AT REILLY'S STORE, ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, Fresh Lemons, A few boxes good Raisins, Jameson's celebrated Crackers, and Flour for family use of a superior quality.
TO BE LET ON GROUND RENT, FOR 99 YEARS (renewable forever), On Saturday the 24th inst. (June) at the toll house of the Washington Bridge, at five o'clock in the evening, A CONSIDERABLE PART, if not the whole, of square 327, fronting on Maryland Avenue, which leads from the bridge over the Potomac to the Capitol, and contiguous to the foot of the bridge. The square will be laid out into convenient lots, so as to suit those who are disposed to rent. This square being in a most healthy, high and dry situation, and immediately on a great thoroughfare of the city, it is unnecessary to dwell on the probable advantages it will afford for business or for houses of public entertainment. The title is indisputable. S. SPEARE, Auctioneer. N. B. At the same time will be rented, for one or three years, the Wharf and Warehouse below the bridge, on square 472, lately in the occupation of Griffith Coombs. June 9-9t.
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have taken a commodious house in the street directly opposite the Marine Barracks, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction. NICHOLAS L. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29-4t.
WEISKOPFF and KELLER, COFECTONERS, High Street, George-Town, BEG leave to inform the ladies and gentlemen of the city of Washington, that they will be daily supplied with ICE CREAMS, to be served up either at their store or privately by giving a previous notice thereof. They will constantly be supplied with the various articles of confectionary, preserves, and cordials of an exquisite taste. Ladies and gentlemen who will please to favor them, will meet with an anxious desire to give general satisfaction. May 26-12t.
ROMULUS RIGGS, Has just received and opening at his New Cash Store, a complete and well selected assortment of SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices. As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Co. ds., to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell. CASH GIVEN FOR TOBACCO Inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse. June 9-4t.
FOR RENT, THE upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a genteel family, if application is immediately made. June 9-4t.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Frontenies. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelts & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27-4t.
BOOT MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT-MAKER, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, has on hand and manufactures, BOOTS of the first quality, of the best materials and workmanship, and equal in neatness and durability to any in the United States—he can employ FIFTY MEN more to make strong shoes, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given. May 24-1m.
POSTPONEMENT OF SALES. THE sales of Lots No. 16 and 17 in sq. No. 101, with the buildings thereon, formerly the property of Mr. Samuel Wilson, dec. and Lot No. 3, in sq. No. 161, with the dwelling house and slaughter house thereon, formerly the property of Daniel Guyer, which was advertised for public sale on the 15th of this month, are postponed until the 29th of the same month, on which day the sales will take place on the respective premises: for the former property at ten o'clock in the forenoon, and for the latter, Slaughter House, etc. at five o'clock in the afternoon. Terms of payment for the property the same as per former advertisement. June 16-429-tv.
ON application to St. Mary's county Court, by petition in writing of FRANCIS HOWARD of St. Mary's county for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors passed at November session eighteen hundred and five and the several supplements thereto on the terms mentioned therein, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath, as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Francis Howard has resided two years immediately preceding the time of his application, in the state of Maryland. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Francis Howard by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months before the 7th day of August next, give notice to his creditors to a pest before this court at the court house in Leonardtown in St. Mary's county, on the said 7th day of August next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee, for their benefit, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Francis Howard should not have the benefit of the acts of Assembly aforesaid as prayed. St. Mary's county Court, March term, 1809
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending the following NEGRO MEN, the property of the subscriber, residing at Washington city, and who run away on the night of the 14th inst. DAVID is of a dark color, about 25 years of age, and has lost a joint off one finger of his right hand. The other by the name of JIM, about 35 years of age, also stout made, has been sickly, and is of a jet black. David was bought of Major Calvert, Mount Airy, and it is expected will be about there. Jim was bought of Mr. Samuel G. Griffith, of Baltimore, and will no doubt make for that city. They are both old runaways, and will try to pass for freemen. The above reward will be given for both, or half the sum for either, with reasonable charges. June 16-8t. JAMES CASSIN.
THIS is to give notice that the subscribers of Prince George's County have obtained from the Orphans Court of said county, in Maryland, letters testamentary on the personal estate of Nathaniel Clagett, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscribers at or before the 19th day of Nov. next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All persons indebted to the estate are requested to make immediate payment to HANNIBAL CLAGETT, who is hereby authorised to receive the same. Given under our hands this 19th day of May, eighteen hundred and nine. WILLIAM MARSHALL, NICHOLAS YOUNG, WM. R. GLAGETT, HANNIBAL CLAGETT. May 19-6tw.
SAMUEL STETTINUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET. HAS received from Philadelphia and now opened a GENERAL ASSORTMENT of Seasonable DRY GOODS, among which are: Elegant Calicoes, Do. wide Chintzes, Gingham, Cotton & Silk Chambrays, Elegant Vest Patterns, Ready made Table Cloths, Bed Spreads, Country Prints, Dimities, Cotton Cassimere, Blue Nankeens, Short Yellow do. Long do. Cotton Checks, Linen do. Cotton Stockings, white and colored for men and women, Lutestring for Dresses, Seersuckers, Colored Cambrics, Cotton Shawls, Madras Handkerchiefs, White Crapes, Pink do. Bandanna Handkerchiefs of assorted colors, A large assortment of fashionable Bonnets, Silk Shawls, Do. black do. Do. do. Handkerchiefs, A General Assortment of Silk and Kid Gloves for ladies and gentlemen, Irish Linen, German do. A General Assortment of Cotton Muslins, An extensive Assortment of black, colored, high heeled Morocco Shoes for ladies and misses, Morocco Slippers Leather do. Kid Shoes, Suspenders, Shirting Cambrics, Linen do. Cotton Cambric, Most elegant Robes for Ladies Dresses, Tamboured Muslins for Dresses, plain, sprigged and figured Leno, Muslin and Leno Shawls, Fans, A variety of Silk and Mantua Ribbons, White Silk Stocks for ladies and gentlemen, Lead colored do. Nankien do. do. Cotton in Bales, Artificial Flowers, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Those Ladies and Gentlemen who will favor him with their calls, may rest assured to be accommodated to their entire satisfaction in all respects. He offers also for Sale by Wholesale. 25 Boxes Brown Havana Sugar, 1000 Pounds best. Green Coffee, 4000 do. Second quality do. 1000 do. Third do. do. 12 Boxes Tin, 1 Pipe genuine Holland Gin, with certificate. 15000 best Clarified Quills, 150 Piece Hat Bindings, 1 Bale Gurrals, 1 Do. Baftas, 1 Do. Cotton Checks, 300 Pieces Yellow Nankeens, 10 Boxes Window Glass, 10 by 12. Furniture Calicoes, Fashionable do. Undressed do. 25 Dozen Cambric Handkerchiefs, Dowlas & Ticklenburg, Oil Cloth, Diaper Table Cloth & Toweling, Tapes, Cloth colored Sewing Silk, Black do. 300 Pieces Satin, Lutestring and Glaze Ribbons, 60 Do. Galloon Bindings, 25 Dozen White Cotton Stockings for men, 25 Do. do. do. women, 36 Do. Ladies Combs, 25 Pieces Boot Strap Webbing, Cotton Stripes, Linen do. 1000 Pounds Spanish Soak Leather, 20 Pieces Bandanna Handkerchiefs, 36 Do. Cotton Cambrics, 1 Chest Old Nyson Tea, 1 Do. Young do. 6 Do. Nyson Skin do. of 13 lbs. each, 50 Dozen Common half pint Tumblers, 25 Do. strong bottled do. 5 Do. plain quart Decanters, 5 Do. pint Decanters, 15 Do. plain Wine Glasses, Spanish Segars, Pocket-Looking Glasses, 12 Pounds Twine. All of which he will sell low for CASH approved Notes. Washington, May 3-3t&wtf
CONVEYANCING. DEEDS of conveyance, Mortgages, Bills of Sale, Bonds, Articles of Agreement and all other instruments of writing, drawn with accuracy and agreeing with the most approved forms, may be had at the office of the subscriber, corner of North F street and 14th street west. JAMES KEARNEY.
WANTED, IN THE CITY, An elderly WHITE WOMAN capable of Kitchen Concerns, and somewhat acquainted with a small Dairy. A German will be preferred—Apply at this office. Washington June 13. 1809.
UNITED STATES—DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, COUNTY OF WASHINGTON, TO WIT: In Chancery, December Term 1808. Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason, versus Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gobault and Dodrey, James C. Montflorenee, I. I. Picard, James Davidson, Robert R. Livingston and Daniel Parker. THE bill states that the defendant Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simmond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simmond to the French government—that the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners Taney and Simmond; that the debt so due hath been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand two hundred and seventy five dollars; that the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing and for several years past having resided in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complaints said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris, under the Louisiana Convention, was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants, as the trustees of Francis Lewis Taney, and Taney and Simmond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith in the said debt due to the complainants as trustees aforesaid; that notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C Montflorenee of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; & the said Montflorenee did actually receive the bills of the Minister of the United States on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montflorenee with a view as the said complainants believe to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith, & as his attorney to the said I. I. Picard, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrell, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed them over to James Davidson, cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington, who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills, for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French Government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Gobault and Dodrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith for thirty thousand francs, French Money of the value of 5,625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson and endorsed over to him for collection, in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American Minister at Paris on the Treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid.
The object of the bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his coadjutors, and to obtain a writ of injunction, directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c. and particularly to the said James Davidson enjoining him & commanding him, from paying over to any person besides the said complainants, the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States, in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills or parting with the said bills, until the further order of this Court in the premises.
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrell, Gobault and Dodrey, James C. Montflorenee and I. I. Picard, defendants in this cause, all reside out of the District of Columbia, and are not within the reach of the process of this Court. And whereas further, in the supplemental bill filed in this cause, in which bill the said Robert R. Livingston and Daniel Parker are made defendants, reciting the substance of the said original bill, further states that Daniel Parker, a non-resident of the District of Columbia who resides in Paris in France was concerned in the fraudulent assignment of the bills of exchange mentioned in the said original bill, that the said Parker at the time he procured the assignment of said bills knew that the claim for which the same were drawn was liquidated in the name of Thomas W. Griffith was the bona fide property of the complainants, and had been properly before transferred and assigned to them, and also that the said Robert R. Livingston is not a resident of the said District of Columbia, but resides in the state of New York, and is the person really claiming the proceeds of the said bills, and prays that he may be made a party to said bill and compelled to answer to the facts stated in the original bill—Also that said Parker may state the circumstances, attending the pretended transaction between Picard and Montflorenee the defendants, whether he paid any consideration and what to Picard & Montflorenee, and whether he did not know, or whether he had not received notice of the complainants claim and right at the time of or before the said transfer. The object of the bill is to obtain a decree in favor of the complainants, ordering and decreeing the monies for which said bills are drawn, now in the hands of James Davidson, to be paid over to the said complainants as the assignees of Taney and Taney and Simmond, and to enjoin the defendants and each of them from paying over or receiving the same until the decision of the court in the premises.
It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer printed in the city of Washington, six weeks successively previous to the fourth Monday in December next, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application, and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the said fourth Monday of December next, in default of which, if any, why a decree should not be as prayed. By order WM. BRENT, Clk. May 5-1t
WANTED, IN THE CITY, An elderly WHITE WOMAN capable of Kitchen Concerns, and somewhat acquainted with a small Dairy. A German will be preferred—Apply at this office. Washington June 13. 1809.
SPINNING & WEAVING. JOHN GEORGE BAXTER, OFFERS FOR SALE his "Improved Patent Family Machine," with six Spindles, for spinning Flax or Hemp Yarn, from six dozen cuts in the pound, to six pounds in the dozen. The simplicity of the construction of this Machine is such, that competent judges have declared it as "little likely to go out of order or require repair as any machine they have seen." Another important advantage of this simplicity of construction is, that Yarn of any fineness may be spun on it, by any person having strength and skill sufficient to turn a Coffee Mill or a Grinding Stone. Its superiority over the ordinary family modes of Spinning is not however confined to the advantages of not requiring repair, or of being capable of being worked by any unskilled hand, but principally in the quantity of work which it is able to execute. This fact is incontrovertibly established by the deposition of Charlotte Mills, aged 13 years who has sworn "that on the 7th day of this month between the hours of 7 o'clock in the morning and 9 in the evening, she spun nine dozen of Flax Yarn, on six spindles, for coarse cloth."
The Machines will all be warranted. The price SIXTY DOLLARS, payable on the delivery of the Machine. J. G. Baxter, makes Six Spindle Machines on the same principle for Spinning Cotton and Wool. J. G. B. also makes LOOMS on an improved plan with harness, steel reeds and fly shuttles for weaving Linen or Hempen cloth of any fineness. Some idea of the superiority of these Looms may be formed on an knowledge of the fact that on one of them "Helen Elliott, did actually weave six pieces of Cotton Bagging, containing between three hundred and sixty and seventy yards in the course of one week."
Those who contemplate the establishment of Baxter's Machinery for Spinning and Weaving shall have his good offices toward procuring them a woman from his own Manufactory well acquainted with the business. An experience of 30 years in the manufacturing of Flax and Hemp and a considerable experience in Cotton, enables J. G. Baxter confidently to offer his services for the erection of any machinery connected with those articles, from one to any number of Spindles and to be worked by any known power.
The Machinery may be seen at work, and its principles explained at the Spinning and Weaving Manufactory, Blockley township, Philadelphia county, at which place, at the counting-house of Mr. Henry Orth, or at the Office of the Democratic Press, orders will be received. The Certificates and Depositions above mentioned are left at the office of the Democratic Press. Philadelphia, March 11, 1809.
The Editors papers friendly to the encouragement of our own Manufactures will do a public service by giving the above a few insertions. See the certificate of Mr. John Meen and Mr. Patrick Lyon. See the deposition of Helen Elliott.
The Editor of the Richmond Enquirer is requested to publish the above advertisement for three months—and the Editor of the National Intelligencer once a week for three months, and forward their bills for payment to Philadelphia. April 28-w3m
Circuit Court, District of Columbia, County of Washington—June Term, 1809. Richard Soderstrom, vs. Samuel Goodman, George Little and Josiah Quincy, In Chancery.
THE object of the bill filed in this case, is to compel Samuel Goodman to pay to the complainant the sum of money alleged by the bill to be due to the complainant for a judgment obtained against the said Goodman in the island of St. Thomas, and the amount of commissions and expenses due to said Soderstrom from said Goodman, and for monies disbursed by said Soderstrom from and on account of said Goodman. The bill states, that a decree in the supreme court of the United States was rendered in favor of said Goodman against said Little for a large sum of money on account of the capture of the brig Flying Fish and her cargo, the property of the said Goodman, a Danish Burgher of the island of St. Thomas, by the said Little, commander of the United States ship of war, the Boston. That the said Little, after the decree was pronounced, petitioned and obtained from the United States a sum of money to cover said decree, and to be specifically applied to the payment thereof. That the said money was received by Josiah Quincy, the attorney of said Little, and sufficient to satisfy the complainants demands, has been stopped and enjoined in the hands of said Quincy, out of which the complainant demands to be satisfied his claims, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the said Little and Goodman respectively reside out of the district of Columbia and jurisdiction of this court. It is therefore ordered by this court, that the said Little and Goodman respectively be and appear in this court in person or by solicitor, on or before the fourth Monday of December next, to show cause why a decree should not be passed as prayed, and that this order be published for four successive weeks in the National Intelligencer and United States Gazette before the first day of August next. By order, June 16-ep4w. WM. BRENT, Clk.
RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, in the district of Columbia on the 26th of March last a black girl who calls herself Rosanna, and says she belongs to a Mrs. Summers of Alexandria—she is about 20 years of age, 5 feet high, with a large scar under her right jaw—had on when committed, a blue striped jacket, and a light colored calico petticoat, a pair of new shoes and old stockings. Her owner is desired to come and prove her and take her away or she will be sold for her jail fees and other expenses as the law directs. G. TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for W. Boyd, Marshal. April 10-w3t.
PATENT WASHING MACHINE. A Newly Invented Patent Washing Machine, far superior to any heretofore in use, may be had of the subscriber, who has the Patent Right for the district of Columbia. I am so well satisfied of the inestimable value of this machine from a trial of one of them more than two months, that I purpose to have one made, that any family wishing to purchase can first make a trial of it. JNO. THOMAS, 3rd. May 24-3t&wtf
TO LET, CAPTAIN FARRY'S Wharf and Warehouse, together with a Neat and convenient dwelling house, Eastern Branch.