The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-03-21 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1160.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, MARCH 21, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 14.
Mr. QUINCY. It is my intention to offer a resolution to be considered and adopted by this House. Its object is information concerning important public relations. And when it is recollected, that three times during the present session, motions, having a similar object, have been refused even consideration by the House, I shall not need an apology, if, availing myself of the common privilege, I make a preliminary elucidation of the principles which ought to induce the adoption of such a resolution.
At a period like the present, when the least experienced eye can discern the clouds on our horizon, and when every individual feels in his own embarrassments, and sees in those of others, ruin spreading over the country;—if any principle be clear;—if there be any, to which every man, of whatever party, must be compelled to assent, it is, that the official information, existing within the country, touching any of our legislative duties, should be in the possession of this House. We ought to rest content with the concealment of nothing, which can throw light on our path, and aid us under the burden of a great legislative responsibility. This is no time for the refinements of constitutional delicacy. If we have reason to think, that we are suffered to remain in ignorance of important facts, there ought to be no further delay in asking for the communication of them. This is the twentieth week of our session. If it be ever to have a close, its period cannot be far distant, certainly it will not be considered untimely to ask ourselves these questions—what is the state of our information concerning our foreign relations, derived from official sources? In what respect is it complete; and in what is it deficient? In replying to these questions, I shall elucidate the principles of the resolution, I mean to offer.
When we take a view of those two great nations, both of which so deeply interfere with our interests, and so cruelly affect our rights, it is impossible not to perceive a remarkable difference in the state of our information concerning our relations with each. Respecting Great Britain almost every thing, respecting France almost nothing, has been officially divulged. As to the former, there is scarcely any information we can ask, which we do not already possess. As to the latter, there is scarcely any, of which we are not in want. So far as it respects this House, (for on the degree of knowledge, which it is permitted the nation on this subject to obtain, I say nothing,) all the great points of controversy with Great Britain, except what relates to the rejected treaty, have been communicated. Portions of the instructions of our government to the American ministers; their development of the negotiations and their view of the motives and principles of conduct of the British ministers; even the official reply, of these ministers as to the affair of the Chesapeake, to the remonstrances of ours, have not been withheld. But altogether different is the state of things, in relation to France. Here all our information is the most scanty and meagre. We have only very unsatisfactory and partial explanations of her policy or her decrees. And we have not had communicated to us any of the correspondence of our minister at Paris, with the American government, touching either the one or the other, or illustrative of any of his sentiments, concerning the projects of France. In stating this distinction between the state of our official knowledge, respecting these nations, I would not be understood, as at this time uttering a complaint, or as impeaching the motives of the Executive in developing on the one side, and withholding on the other. Grant that the ignorance, in which we have been kept, as to our French relations, has thus far been wise, ought we to be content to remain in it any longer? If it can be made probable, much more if it can be made certain, that important information is, in the possession of our government, which, from its nature, must have a material influence on our deliberations, can we fulfil our duty, if we fail, in a constitutional way, to make an exertion to obtain it?
With Great Britain we have now a specific negotiation depending, and there may be reasons of state, at such a moment, for refraining to give immediate publicity to our relations with
her. But, with France, no such negotiation exists. The decrees of the French government are public acts. Official explanations of those decrees ought to have been demanded, and doubtless have been given. Mr. Armstrong's views of the dispositions and intentions of that government must have been transmitted to ours. It is impossible that there should be, in the nature of things, any good reason, why this information should be concealed from this House; even supposing that it might be wise to withhold it from the public.
I fear the House do not realise the utter deficiency of our official knowledge, in this direction, we are in the habit of collecting facts and statements from letters and newspapers, and other general sources. We confound the result of these with that which flows to us through official channels; from which alone we ought to draw the great certainties, on which should rest our public conduct.
To put the House in possession of a general view of our official knowledge, on this side, I shall recur to the first session of the ninth Congress, and notice the executive communications from that period. Our foreign relations began at that time materially to alter, from a peace to a war aspect. At the opening of that session, in December 1805, the President of the U. S. by annual message told us, that private armed ships, like pirates, were plundering our property, and committing on our citizens, acts of atrocious barbarity; that public armed ships were hovering upon our coasts and annoying our commerce; that new principles had been interpolated into the law of nations; that Spain refusing compensation for past, and guilty of new injuries to us, obstructed the Mobile, threatened the Mississippi, and with her regular troops, invaded the old territories of the U. S.; carrying away our citizens and their property. In all this annual official development of our public relations, I observe but one omission. There is no mention of France. Yet then, as now, she was the chief arbiter among the nations of Europe; the open ally of Spain, and in various particulars, both her conduct and her claims materially affected our rights. I should not notice this omission were it not characteristic. The same occurs, in every other annual message of the President, from that time to the present. In none of them is there any direct allusion, much less statement of our relations with France. Yet Tunis and Tripoli, the Barbary powers, and our Indian neighbors, occupy a wide space, and make a distinguished figure in all these communications.
I would not be thought to notice this omission for the purpose of asserting it was wise or the contrary; nor yet to excite any suspicion of improper motives; but, I state it merely as a fact materially affecting our want of official light on the subject, to which the resolution, I offer, refers. Happy would it be, if the subsequent discoveries of the same session, allowed us to believe, that France even then was wholly uninteresting to our national course, and neither interfered with our interests, nor attempted to exert any influence over them. But we are not permitted to indulge such a delusion. In the succeeding month by act from the Senate for documents, concerning the complaints of France, against the trade of St. Domingo, it was discovered that, previous to that message, difficulties did exist, between that government and ours, relative to the exercise of our commercial rights. The character of the French minister's language to our government, communicated in the message of the 10th of January, 1806, I shall not pretend to describe, but I will cite some passages from his letters to our Secretary of State contained in that message. Concerning our trade with St. Domingo, Mr. Turreau says, "The only way open for the redress of these complaints, is to put an end to the tolerance, which produces them." And again, "Your silence towards me, and that of your government towards Congress, imposes upon me the duty of recalling to your recollection the said official note, and of renewing to you my complaints, upon an abuse, as shocking, as contrary to the law of nations." It is very remarkable, that Mr. Turreau himself, makes "the silence of our government to Congress," on the relations of his nation a subject of official complaint. Even the French minister is not satisfied, that his great nation should make no figure in this annual message.
The proceedings—"France ought to expect from the amity of the U. States, and his majesty charges me, sir, to request in his name that they interdict every private adventure, which, under any pretext whatsoever, may be destined to St. Domingo." And last of all, Mr. Turreau, that the final determination of his master's mind might not be mistaken by our Secretary of State, adds him plainly, "This system of impunity and tolerance can no longer continue, and his majesty is convinced that your government will think it due from its frankness, to promptly put an end to it." These letters are evidence incontrovertible, that, notwithstanding the
total silence of the Executive, relative to France, there may exist important particulars of information, which, although he may not choose voluntarily to publish, yet, which, if called for, he will not hesitate to disclose. I make no comment on the mandatory style of these letters. In all languages the mode of supplication and the mode of command, have a general resemblance. Sometimes they are precisely similar. When such forms of expression are addressed to an equal, which rather than to an inferior, to express the former, or to intimate the latter, is to be collated from the general tenor, character, and relative situation of those who utter it, and of those to whom they are addressed. Although I am far from suggesting that this House was influenced to the prohibition of the trade with St. Domingo, by the language of these letters, yet I can never cease to regret that the measure then adopted was preceded by a publication of that correspondence. I could have wished that a majority of Congress had previously to the issuing of that summons, awakened to that moral sense of the atrocious nature of this commerce, which afterwards was manifested by them. The only remaining information derived from official sources during the session, under consideration, was obtained in consequence, also of a request from the Senate for an illustration of those "new principles, which had been interpolated into the law of nations." The executive message of the 27th of January, 1806, states, among the new principles interpolated, the following, by the French—That privateers, two thirds of whose crews were not native subjects of England should be considered as pirates; that foreigners found on board vessels of the enemy should be considered as prisoners of war, and not entitled to the protection of the agents of their country. Yet we have no information then, nor have we since, whether any explanation had been demanded or given of those decrees. If a silent acquiescence in them was not adopted on the part of our government, it is unknown to this House.
The next period of executive development of the state of our foreign relations, commences with the last session. In his annual message, in December, 1806, the President hopes a favorable issue of our difficulties with Great Britain, and tells us those with Spain are not settled, but the same characteristic omission I have noticed in the former exists also in this. There is no France in the exhibition. Yet the Mediterranean powers and our Indian neighbors have a prominent station in this great history-piece of our foreign relations. I am not to say that it was not wise and masterly thus to leave that great nation, wholly out of the annual representation. I judge not the Executive; but merely state the fact as an additional reason for my resolution.
At the end of this session, however, light was thrown on the long continued darkness of this quarter of our horizon. On the 19th of February, 1807, we have, at last, some official development of our relations with France. It is a great era in our information; and as my resolution will have reference to it, and as there is to be drawn from the facts it contains, a strong argument for this measure, the House must indulge me in some remarks on the information then communicated. The extraordinary decree of the French government of the 21st of November, 1806, was, as we all know, of a most dubious character. Its language admitted very different constructions. It might be a mere municipal regulation. It might be a general rule for the conduct of French privateers; in which case it deeply affected our neutral rights, and directly infringed our treaty with France. The uncertainty, concerning its construction, filled this country with apprehension, and our minister at Paris, with sufficient promptitude demanded an explanation from Decree, the French minister of marine, of the official interpretation, intended to be given to it. Decree, in his reply to the American minister of the 24th December, 1806, after having stated what "he considered," and what "he thinks" the imperial decree means, adds this pointed and remarkable caution: "It will be proper that your excellency should communicate with the minister of exterior relations, as to what concerns the correspondence of the U. States of America with England." And to the end that Mr. Armstrong might not mistake, as to the nature and necessity of his recurrence to another department, for the satisfaction he sought, the minister of marine subjoins this most impressive postscript—
"It will not escape gen. Armstrong that my answers cannot have the development which they would receive from the minister of exterior relations, and that it is naturally to him to whom he ought to address himself, for those explanations which I am very happy to give him, because he wishes them, but upon which I have much less positive information than the prince of Beneventum."
To this part of Decree's letter I shall recur hereafter. At present, I proceed to bring into one view all the remaining knowledge concerning our French relations, which has been permitted to come to us through official sources. The next period of legislative intelligence on this subject is that which
commenced with the present session. In his official message, at its opening, the Executive tells us of a treaty with Great Britain rejected—of the outrage on the Chesapeake—of our unsettled differences with Spain. But as to France, whether we have any relations with her at all, or whether, as to us, there be any such nation on the globe, or any thing in this message, neither the House nor the nation are the wiser. It is true, that there is a general, sweeping sentence, which includes every thing—"With the other nations of Europe our harmony has been uninterrupted, and commerce and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual footing." But whether this be a development of our relations with France, such as this people ought then to have been satisfied with; whether the aspect of that nation upon the prospects of this, and almost every other country for three years past has been such as perfectly to authorize the Executive of the U. S. during all that time, to maintain, in each of his annual official messages, a total silence on our connections with her, I leave this House to consider. To my mind it is an ominous silence, full of meaning.
All the residue of our official information, relative to France, has been of a confidential nature. Yet, with the exception of a part of the communications at the time of laying the embargo, it all has been so entrusted to us, that we have a right to speak openly, and say what it was; and with respect to that portion, on which our lips are closed, I have a right to state generally, what it was not.
First then, as to what we possess. In the order of time is the letter of Mr. Champagny of the 21st of August last, in reply to a letter of Mr. Armstrong of the 8th of August. This letter of Armstrong has not been communicated. It appears, however, from Champagny's answer, that it was not any claim of exposition of the decree of 21st of November, 1806, nor of the general views of the French government towards us, or our commerce, but merely had relation to a particular complaint, concerning American vessels, carried into Spanish ports. Such it is expressly stated by Champagny, to be in his reply. The next information is the letter of Regnier, the grand judge, which accompanied the recommendation of the embargo. This letter was dated the 18th of September, 1807. By this it is discovered that it is the intention of the decree of the 21st of November, 1806, to subject English merchandise and manufactures on board neutral vessels, to capture. But why, or how, this exposition of the decree was at this late hour obtained, whether it was accidental, or whether it was the consequence of the application of our minister, we are ignorant; for the letters of Mr. Armstrong to our government, which accompanied Regnier's letter, have never been communicated to us.
Our next information, of which we may speak, is that contained in the late confidential communication of the Executive; being a letter to the French minister of exterior relations, dated the 12th of November last. This letter also was not any official demand of explanation, relative to the decree of the 21st of Nov. 1806, but merely a remonstrance against a decision of the council of prizes, which had condemned the cargo of an American vessel, wrecked on the French coast, solely for being English manufactures, and his exposition of the cruelty and unprincipled nature of that sentence. But what the answer of the French minister of exterior relations was, or what were the communications of Mr. Armstrong to our government, which accompanied his transmittal of his letter of the 12th of Nov. we know not. They have never been submitted to our inspection.
There is, however, one fact discovered in the letter of the 12th of Nov. which ought not to be passed over, without notice. Mr. Armstrong in this refers to a letter of Mr. Champagny to him, of the 7th of October preceding, in which says Mr. Armstrong, "You" (Champagny) "thought that the decree of the 21st of November might be reconciled to the treaty between the U. States and France." From this unlucky quotation it is manifest, that on the 7th of October last, Mr. Champagny did address a letter to Mr. Armstrong, relative to the decree of the 21st of November, 1806. What was that letter? Was it an answer to any letter addressed by Mr. Armstrong to him? If so, what was Mr. Armstrong's letter? Can there be a good reason why the import of these letters relative to the official construction intended to be given to the operation of a most dubiously expressed decree, deeply affecting most important rights, should, for one hour, be concealed from the public?
I have now recapitulated all the information on the relations, of which it is permitted us freely to speak. As to that which may be deemed confidential I abstain from saying what we have, I have a right, however, to say what we have not. We have not any of the correspondence between Mr. Armstrong, and our government, since his letter of the 24th December, 1806 communicated in the President's public message of the 19th of February 1807.
The question recurs, have we any
reason to believe, that any such information, not communicated, is in the possession of our government? The evidence that such information does exist, and that the Executive has it, is to my mind more than probable; it amounts in degree, next to absolute certainty. In the first place, as to a demand made by Mr. Armstrong, of the French minister of exterior relations for an explanation of that decree, is it possible for any man to doubt, for a moment, that he did make such a demand, and that the knowledge of that demand, and probably the answer, with Mr. Armstrong's explanation of his own conduct, must be in the hands of the Executive? Observe the facts. On the 10th of December, 1806, scarcely twenty days after the issuing of the November decree, Mr. Armstrong, with an honorable promptitude, demanded of the French minister of marine, an explanation of its construction. The minister replies substantially, "This is my opinion upon that subject, mine is not the proper department for constructions of this kind; go to the minister of exterior relations. He knows the emperor's will; he can give you every satisfaction." Mr. Armstrong transmitted this information, with a letter, to our government, on the 24th of December, 1806.
Now, what was the obvious duty of the American minister? Was it not to turn round at once to the minister of exterior relations, and request the explanations so much desired; from the source to which he was thus not merely officially referred, but absolutely urged to resort, by the minister of marine? If he did, would he fail to communicate the result of that application to our government, accompanied by his own observations? But suppose he has neglected any such application, and has omitted to apprise this government of his proceedings, is this a reason for refusing to adopt the resolution, which I propose? On the contrary is it not a strong reason for the measure? If Mr. Armstrong has been guilty of such a culpable neglect, at such a crisis as this, relative to so all-important a subject, ought not this House to know it? Ought we not to impeach him before the Senate of high crimes and misdemeanors; and ought he not at once to be recalled to answer to the just complaints of his country? Precisely the same is, if it be true, as seems to be circulated, in whispers, that Mr. Armstrong has transmitted no letters to our government, which have not been communicated to us. Shall confidence be continued in a minister resident at the court of a power, whose arms and whose policy affect the interests of the globe; if he have omitted, for one while, to keep our government informed of his observations and opinions? Take which conclusion you will, a resolution similar to the one I propose, ought to be adopted. Either Mr. Armstrong has done his duty, the information is in the country, and it ought to be communicated; or, Mr. Armstrong has failed in his duty, and it becomes at once, to call him, in a constitutional way, to answer for his fault.
But is it to be credited that no other communications than the meagre ones we possess, have been sent by Mr. Armstrong, in all the ships, public and private, which, for this year past, have afforded him opportunities, for that purpose? If more information on these relations be not in the country, the fact ought to be known. If it be in the country, why ought we not to ask for it? Must not it be important to enable us, intelligently, to perform our duty? We are called upon to raise an army; but against whom it is to operate, seems to be a question, which none of us can solve. Is it against France, or Spain, or Great Britain? Against either, or all of them? Must not a material difference be made in the numbers, the appointment, and the nature of the levies, whether an invasion by France be apprehended, or a devastation of our sea coast by Great Britain, or of our frontiers by Spain?
Let not gentlemen say the adoption of such a resolution will throw a censure upon the Executive. The information in his possession may be of that critical nature, that he may hesitate to make it public on his single responsibility. It has been frequently urged, on similar occasions, that we ought to have a coolness, that the Executive has done his duty. But the argument proves too much. It supposes that the chief magistrate cannot err in judgement. And if it be conclusive, it forever deprives this House of the exercise of its constitutional privilege of asking for information.
But present is no period for motives extraneous to a duty to have influence in this House. Let us have a perfect knowledge of all our foreign relations, that we may neither entertain any attachments, nor any antipathies, respecting other nations, except such as the real conduct and views of each will justify.
The reports in circulation, which have found their way into our newspapers, in the form of letters from France, that the French Emperor has said "there shall no longer be any neutrals," and the confiscation of several hundred thousand dollars of American property, in territories, under the control of France, are circumstances, which loudly call for the adoption of the resolution, I have now the

honor to offer, which has for its object, to obtain a full development of all the known intentions of that government, not to give to neutral commerce. The resolution is in these words:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House, the dispatches, addressed to this government, by the American minister at Paris, touching the proceedings of the French government, in relation to neutral commerce, which have been received, since the dispatches of that minister, communicated to Congress, by message, on the 19th of Feb. 1807.
Mr. Quincy having required the Yeas and Nays on the consideration of this resolution, and the question having been put, "will the House now consider the resolution?" It was negatived as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Boyle, Champion, Chatten, Clibborn, Culpeper, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Elliot, Gardner, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Howard, Kelly, Kenan, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Meigs, Marion, Masters, Milner, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, Pitkin, Quincy, Rea, (Sen.) Riker, Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanfield, Stedman, Swart, Taggart, Talmadge, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, and D. R. Williams—44.
NATS.—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Basset, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clopton, Cobb, Cotts, Dawson, Deane, Durell, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Isley, Johnson, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lambert, D. Montgomery, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, (Sen.) M. Richards, Sevier, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Thompson, Troup, Van Alstyne, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbourn, M. Williams, Wilson, and Witherell—56.
National Intelligencer.
By the arrival at New-York, of the ships Factor and Frances , both from Greenock, the former in a passage of 24 days, and the latter in 30, files of London papers to the 10th of Feb. and Greenock papers to the 13th have been received.
In addition to the articles given at length, we offer the following outlines of news:—
The news of the Embargo reached Falmouth, by the British Packet, on the 22d of January; but had produced no apparent sensation, on the public mind, at least none that could be gathered from the papers: for, contrary to the usual practice of the English Editors, it is generally mentioned without either censure or approbation.
A change is said to be about to take place in the government of Switzerland, of which Berthier is to be King. Talleyrand, it is said, is to be King of Portugal. The loss sustained by Denmark from the British expedition is estimated at 67,000,000 rix dollars. The king of Sweden has declared that he will adhere to the system herefore pursued by him, in consequence of which a Russian army had marched for Swedish Finland. An insurrection had occurred at Constantinople on account of the scarcity of provisions. Two serious disturbances had occurred at Lisbon from a like cause.
A new French imperial decree was issued on the 11th January at Paris, declaring that "when a vessel shall enter into a French port, or into that of a country occupied by our armies, any man of the crew, or passenger, who shall declare to the principal of the custom house that the said ship comes from Britain or her colonies, or countries occupied by British troops, or that it has been visited by any British vessel, shall receive a third part of the produce of the net sale of the ship & cargo, if it be known that his declaration is exact."
The Rochfort squadron got out the 16th of January, and was not heard of by the English until the 24th.
Sir George Prevost, with 5,000 troops, sailed on the 11th of Feb. for Halifax.
The news of the American embargo was received in London the 23d of January, by the Arabella packet from New-York. As it was a measure anticipated it caused but little sensation. The London papers say, the embargo is not of a hostile character—"It applies," say they, "solely to American vessels, and can have no possible influence on the negotiation between the two governments. Indeed, considering the circumstances under which the act was passed, the measure would appear to be particularly directed against France." And they considered it the only measure to which America could have had recourse under existing circumstances, without incurring the risk of being involved in hostilities. Lang.
HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, January 21. At 3 o'clock the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and
Lords Dartmouth and Aylesford, took their seats immediately below the throne, as commissioners, and the Commons being soon after in attendance, the Lord Chancellor delivered the following Speech:
"My Lords and Gentlemen, "We have received his Majesty's commands to assure you, that in calling you together at this important conjuncture of affairs, he entertains the most perfect conviction, that he shall find in you the same determination with which his Majesty himself is animated, to support the honor of his crown, and the just rights and interests of his people.
"We are commanded by his Majesty to inform you, that no sooner had the result of the negotiations at Tilsit, confirmed the influence and control of France over the powers of the continent, than his Majesty was apprized of the intentions of the enemy to combine those powers into one general confederacy, to be directed either to the entire subjugation of this kingdom, or to the imposing upon his Majesty an insecure and ignominious peace.
"That for this purpose, it was determined to force into hostility against his Majesty, states which had hitherto been allowed by France to maintain or to purchase their neutrality; and to bring to bear against different points of his Majesty's dominions, (the whole of the naval force of Europe, & specifically the fleets of Portugal and Denmark.
"To place those fleets out of the power of such a confederacy, became therefore, the indispensable duty of his Majesty.
"In the execution of this duty, so far as related to the Danish fleet, his Majesty has commanded us to assure you, that it was with the deepest reluctance that his Majesty found himself compelled, after his earnest endeavors to open a negotiation with the Danish government had failed, to authorize his commanders to resort to the extremity of force, but he has the greatest satisfaction in congratulating you upon the successful execution of this painful, but necessary service.
"We are further commanded to acquaint you, that the course which his Majesty had to pursue with respect to Portugal, was happily of a nature more congenial to his Majesty's feelings. The timely and unreserved communication by the court of Lisbon of the demands and designs of France, while it confirmed to his Majesty the authenticity of the advices which he had received from other quarters, entitled the court to his Majesty's confidence in the sincerity of the assurances by which that communication was contemplated.
"The fleet of Portugal was destined by France to be employed as an instrument of vengeance against G. Britain. That fleet has been secured from the grasp of France, and is now employed in conveying to its American dominions the hopes and fortunes of the Portuguese monarchy. His Majesty implores the protection of Divine Providence upon that enterprise, rejoicing in the preservation of a power so long the friend and ally of G. Britain—and in the prospect of its establishment in the New World with augmented strength and splendor.
"We have it in command from his Majesty to inform you, that the determination of the enemy to excite hostilities between his Majesty and his late allies, the emperors of Russia and Austria, and the king of Prussia, has been but too successful—and that the ministers from those powers have demanded & received their passports.
"This measure, on the part of Russia, has been attempted to be justified by a statement of wrongs and grievances which have no real foundation. The emperor of Russia had indeed proffered his mediation between his Majesty and France. His Majesty did not refuse that mediation, but he is confident you will feel the propriety of its not having been accepted until his Majesty should have been enabled to ascertain that Russia was in a condition to mediate impartially, and until the principles of the basis on which France was ready to negotiate were made known to his Majesty.
"No pretence of justification has been alleged for the hostile conduct of the emperor of Austria, or for that of his Prussian majesty. His Majesty has not given the slightest ground of complaint to either of those sovereigns, nor even at the moment when they have respectively withdrawn their ministers, have they assigned to his Majesty any distinct cause for that proceeding.
"His Majesty has directed that copies of the correspondence between his Majesty's ambassador and the minister for foreign affairs of his imperial majesty the emperor of Russia, during the negotiations at Tilsit, and the official note of the Russian minister at this court, containing the offer of his imperial majesty's mediation between his Majesty and France, together with the answer returned to the note by his Majesty's command; and also copies of the official note presented by the Austrian minister at this court, and of the answers which
his Majesty commanded to be returned to them, should be laid before you.
"It is with concern that his Majesty commands us to inform you, that notwithstanding his earnest wishes to terminate the war in which he is engaged with the Ottoman Porte. His Majesty's endeavors, unhappily for the Turkish empire, have been defeated by the machinations of France, not less the enemy of the Porte than of Great Britain.
"But while the influence of France has been thus unfortunately successful in preventing the termination of existing hostilities, and in exciting new war against this country, his Majesty commands us to inform you that the king of Sweden has resisted every attempt to induce him to abandon his alliance with Great Britain; and that his Majesty entertains no doubt that you will feel with him the sacredness of the duty which the firmness and fidelity of the king of Sweden impose upon his Majesty; and that you will concur in enabling his Majesty to discharge it in a manner worthy of this country.
"It remains for us, according to his Majesty's command, to state to you that the treaty of commerce and amity between his Majesty and the United States of America, which was concluded and signed by commissioners duly authorized for that purpose, on the 31st of December, 1806, has not taken effect, in consequence of the refusal of the President of the United States to ratify that instrument.
"For an unauthorized act of force committed against an American ship of war, his Majesty did not hesitate to offer immediate, and spontaneous reparation. But an attempt has been made by the American government to connect with the question which has arisen out of this act, pretensions inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain: such pretensions his Majesty is determined never to admit. His Majesty, nevertheless, hopes that the American government will be actuated by the same desire to preserve the relations of peace and friendship between the two countries which has ever influenced his Majesty's conduct, and that any difficulties in the discussion now pending may be effectually removed.
"His Majesty has commanded me to state to you that in consequence of the decree by which France declared the whole of his Majesty's dominions to be in a state of blockade, and subjected to seizure and confiscation, the produce and manufactures of his kingdom, his Majesty resorted, in the first instance, to a measure of mitigated retaliation; and that this measure having proved ineffectual for its object, his Majesty has since found it necessary to adopt others of greater vigor, which he commands us to state to you, will require the aid of parliament to give them complete and effectual operation.
"His Majesty has directed copies of the orders which he has issued with the advice of his privy council upon this subject to be laid before you, and he commands us to recommend them to your early attention."
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons. "His Majesty has directed the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you, in the fullest confidence that your loyalty and public spirit will induce you to make such provision for the public services as the urgency of affairs may require.
"His Majesty has great satisfaction in informing you that notwithstanding the difficulties which the enemy has endeavored to impose upon the commerce of his subjects & upon their intercourse with other nations, the resources of the country have continued in the last year to be so abundant, as to have produced, both from the permanent and temporary revenue, a receipt considerably larger than that of the preceding year.
"The satisfaction which his Majesty feels assured you will derive, in common with his Majesty, from this proof of the solidity of these resources cannot but greatly be increased, if, as his Majesty confidently hopes, it shall be found possible to raise the necessary supplies for the present year without any material addition to the public burdens."
"My Lords and Gentlemen, "We are especially commanded to say to you, in the name of his Majesty, that if ever there was a just and national war, it is that which his Majesty is now compelled to prosecute. This war is in its principle, purely defensive. His Majesty looks but to the attainment of a secure and honorable peace; but such a peace can only be negotiated upon a footing of perfect equity.
"The eyes of Europe and of the world, are fixed upon the British Parliament.
"If as his Majesty confidently trusts, you display in this crisis of the fate of the country, the characteristic spirit of the British nation, and face unappalled the unnatural combination which is gathering around us, his Majesty bids us to assure you of his firm persuasion, that, under the blessings of Divine Providence, the struggle will prove successful and glorious to
Great Britain. "We are lastly commanded to assure you, that in this awful and momentous contest, you may rely on the firmness of his Majesty, who has no cause but that of his people; and that his Majesty reciprocally relies on the wisdom, the constancy, and the affectionate support of his parliament."
HOUSE OF COMMONS. JANUARY 23.
American Intercourse Bill. —Mr. Eden thought it extremely precipitant to renew this bill at present, before we knew the real sentiments of America.—Were Ministers prepared to say that America was inclined to join with us in our present contest? If not, he thought the measure an anticipation not at all warranted from the late conduct of America. It was, at least, an anticipation of what ought to be the result of our negotiations.
Mr. Rose, in answer, said he admitted America had acted very rashly, in adopting some of her late measures; he was anxious, however, not to close the door of conciliation; and he was desirous to meet her precipitancy with moderation on our part. He could not pledge himself as to the pacific dispositions of America, yet he thought it advisable this bill should be renewed for a few months—it would be recollected, that if renewed, no American ship could enter our harbors after one month expires. He was anxious therefore to hold out moderation and conciliation to the last extremity, and if we erred at all, he wished it should be on the side of moderation.
The bill went through the Committee.
FEBRUARY, 2.
American Treaty. —Mr. Eden rose, in pursuance of his notice, to move for an address to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to order to be laid before the house an authentic copy of the message of the President of the United States of America to both Houses of Congress, communicating his refusal to ratify the Treaty concluded between the Commissioners appointed on the part of his Majesty and the U. States, about a year since. The hon. gentleman made a few brief observations, tending to show the mischief that arose from the non-ratification, and expressing a hope that an amicable arrangement was not impracticable, concluded with a motion according to his notice.
Mr. Secretary Canning was apprehensive a difficulty of form might have arisen (for there could have been no other difficulty,) as to the production of the paper referred to in the hon. gentleman's motion. There was nothing in America that corresponded with our Gazette; and the copy of the President's Message sent to this country by his Majesty's ambassador, was in fact only copied from a newspaper. On this day, however, he (Mr. Canning) had seen the American minister who had promised to furnish him with an authentic copy, which might enable his Majesty's government to fulfil the object of the hon. gentleman's motion. Whether or not the President could ratify, or refuse to ratify the treaty, without the consent of Congress, was a question arising out of the American constitution, with which the Parliament of this country had nothing to do. The Congress could do nothing till the President had transmitted the treaty to them, and the power of transmitting or not transmitting, was in effect equal to a power to ratify or not, as his discretion should direct. The treaty was returned to this country by the President unratified.
Mr. Tierney adverted to the unguarded expressions in the speech from the throne, in which his Majesty was made to comment on the President's message on the authority of a newspaper report. The effect of these comments was to excite a belief, that the treaty had been absolutely rejected; whereas in fact, it may yet be ratified.
Mr. Canning explained. The hon. gentleman was under a complete misunderstanding as to facts.
The address moved for by Mr. Eden was ordered.
Friday, Feb. 5.
A debate of considerable length occurred to-night on the late orders in council, respecting the commerce of neutrals. The chancellor of the exchequer moved the House to resolve into committee of ways and means, for the purpose of submitting some financial propositions founded on these orders. Lord Henry Petty opposed the motion; he contended that the orders in council violated the laws of nations and the municipal law of this country; and farther objected, that to enforce them, was adopting a system of great impolicy. The chancellor of the exchequer, in a very masterly speech, replied to the arguments of the noble Lord. He remarked that the late orders in council were founded on the same principle as the order of the 7th of Jan. 1807, & therefore, that it ill became ministers who issued that order to con-
tend, that those which differed from it only by being more sufficient, were violations of the law of nations and the municipal law of the land. Their policy, he observed, consisted in the protection they afforded to our commerce, and, in the inconvenience and distress the enemy must experience from their operations.
HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 4.
America. —Lord Grenville observed, that he had heard and read with regret, that the President of the United States of America had refused to ratify the treaty concluded by the commissioners appointed by both countries, for the purpose of carrying that beneficial object into execution. He should regret a rupture with America the more, because it must necessarily give an increase to the French interest, which he had no doubt would lead to the overthrow of the constitution and independence of America. Before, however, we arrive at the extremity of an open rupture, with America, he hoped every exertion would be made to adjust our differences in a manner consistent with the honor, the dignity, and independence of both nations.
Lord Hawkesbury would content himself with stating, for the satisfaction of their Lordships, that whenever the discussion should take place, it would appear that every thing had been done by his Majesty's government to produce a reconciliation, consistent with the feelings and honor of both countries.
Lord Erskine wished to know whether the United States were made acquainted with our orders of council at the time they had ordered their embargo.
Lord Hawkesbury replied that they were not.
Lord Holland moved that there be laid before the House a copy of the French decree of the 21st Nov. 1806; and a copy of such information as ministers had received from neutrals and friendly powers of the mode in which that decree had been executed.
Earl Grey gave notice that he should move on some future day, for all such documents as related to the attack on Constantinople, in order to exhibit to this country, and to the world, the gross misrepresentations which had gone abroad.—Adjourned.
LONDON, JAN. 15.
We have just been informed by a general officer of high rank, that a small flying force, consisting of four regiments, under the command of sir George Prevost (who so gallantly distinguished himself at Dominica) is preparing to go to the Bermudas; for the purpose of being ready to annoy the Americans, should the existing discussions between the two countries terminate unfavorably. This is an additional proof of the vigor and activity of the present administration.
Thursday, the merchants in London interested in the American trade, sent a deputation to Mr. Perceval, to know how far it would be prudent to send goods to America. Mr. Perceval of course, was silent as far as it respected offensive measures on the part of America, but expressed his willingness to grant licences to vessels going from hence to America with British goods. In consequence of this assurance, several vessels will be immediately despatched.
JAN. 21.
By the last intelligence from Holland, it is now believed that facilities are to be afforded to American shipping. According to a new code American ships are permitted to enter the Dutch ports and dispose of their cargoes, even though they may have touched at a British port or been searched by a British cruiser, provided they pay a certain amount of contribution. This new code is understood to have been framed by Talleyrand, and it is calculated to answer the several purposes of conciliating the Americans, raising an additional revenue for France, supplying the continent with certain necessary articles, particularly colonial produce, and so far defeating the object of our orders in council.
JAN. 23.
Letters from Holland of the 18th state, that another and a most important Decree has been issued by Bona-part—it is dated the 28th ult. It orders that a strict embargo should on the first day of January, be laid on all vessels which might be found in any of the ports of France, or any of the ports under its control or dominion, whether such vessels belonged to any of the countries in alliance with France, or sailed under any neutral flag. All exportation is to be prohibited from the ports of France without any exception. No merchantmen will sail from any port, with goods of any description whatever.
JAN. 30.
Some French letters received on Thursday, state, that Spain has ceded the Floridas to France, and it is supposed, according to those letters, that the Rochefort squadron is gone to take possession of those settlements.

FEB. 3. The fleet of transports with 5,000 troops on board now at Portsmouth, under orders for North America, will be accompanied by five line of battle ships.
New-York, March 15. Capt. Hillard has favored the Editors of this Gazette with an important list of American vessels at Gibraltar—and adds, that about the 25th of Jan. the governor of Gibraltar had declined granting permissions for vessels, with colonial produce, bound up the Mediterranean to proceed on their voyages, although they may have stopped at Gibraltar in consequence of having been warned or even to grant permission to those vessels to return to America, without first going to England to pay duty on their cargoes. Frequent petitions had been made by the masters and supercargoes of the vessels then in Gibraltar, for clearances, without effect; and it was generally feared that he would not clear any vessels with colonial produce, for any other place except England, from whatever cause they might have touched at Gibraltar. Several were fortunate enough to get their clearances for America, previous to the governor's determination. On the 23d of January, arrived in Gibraltar, twenty-four large transports, full of troops, being part of sixty-two sail that left England with troops on a private expedition. Accounts were received in Gibraltar, that some of the 1000 sail had put back in distress; but it was much feared that part of them had been captured by a French squadron of 4 sail of the line that had lately slipped out of Rochfort. It was supposed the object of this expedition was to take Ceuta.
Capt. Hillard further states, that from the 8th to the 27th of January, the Spanish gun-boats carried into Algeciras, 12 sail of American vessels, most of which were taken in under the late French and Spanish decrees. None had been condemned on the 28th, that were taken in on the new principle; but it was expected all would be, the batteries frequently firing salutes, on the arrival of prizes, which is seldom done, except they are sure of a good prize.
New-York, March 16. Captain Spink, from Cadiz, which place he left January 14, informs that on the 26th January, off Madeira, he was boarded by the 74 gun ship Dragon, in company with 7 sail of the line, and 3 frigates, under the command of admiral Debourey, and treated politely. The lieutenant informed that they were but 7 days from Falmouth, and that there was a total change in the British ministry. Captain Spink further informs, that the combined French and Spanish fleet consisting of 13 sail of the line, and 2 frigates, were laying with their sails bent, and intended to get out the first opportunity, supposed for Lisbon, and Algeciras. Cadiz was blockaded by 15 British sail of the line, which turned off all vessels that had provisions on board. Flour 14 dollars, tobacco 22 dollars per 100 wt. beef 16 dollars, pork 30 dollars.
Capt. Dolliver from New Orleans, states that gen. Moreau's visit at N. Orleans, and particularly his intimacy with Spanish officers, had excited much suspicion in that quarter—that he was, however, about to return by land, and had sent his baggage to N. York by the Thetis.
Extract of a letter from a merchant of the first respectability, at St. Pierre, (Mart.) dated 15th February.
"There has been a patent law established in this island—first class merchants are to pay 500 dollars per annum; in this class are included all foreigners entitled to a patent; this cannot be obtained by a foreigner until he has resided two years in the island. There are but two Americans in this place besides myself that are entitled to a patent: no foreigner with a patent is allowed to do any business: no captain or supercargo can enter or clear his vessel, and if vessels are not consigned, the business must fall into the hands of a broker, of which there are four establishments by government."
Philadelphia, March 17. It was stated as a certainty in Bordeaux, that gen. Massena had reached Persia with a large army on his way to the East-Indies.
Baltimore, March 18. The brig Orlando, captain Beatty, from Lisbon, via Madeira, whose arrival we mentioned yesterday, has brought out dispatches from Gen. Armstrong, our minister at Paris, to the Secretary of State. The passage of the brig from Lisbon to Madeira was performed in 14 days, and from Madeira home in 33.
Captain Beatty informs of a decree of the French emperor, which he had seen and read in Lisbon, previous to his sailing, but had not procured a copy, in which "the House of Braganza is declared to be no more,"
and Portugal declared to be a "province of France."
The editor of the American has been politely favored by captain Beatty with the Lisbon Gazette of the 26th, and a supplement thereto of the 29th January, together with a pamphlet containing all the official decrees and edicts of the French general, from his entry into Lisbon down to the 5th Jan. together with the proclamation of the Prince Regent and his instructions to those with whom he left his government in charge until his return. The prince's proclamations and instructions, together with the proclamation of the French general Junot, on his entry into Lisbon have already appeared.
From this document the editor of the American has made the following summary and translations:
A decree of the 4th of December was issued for the confiscation of every species of British property and merchandise found in the kingdom of Portugal. By this decree persons of every description are commanded to make known, in three days, whatever goods that may be in their possession or landed property belonging to the subjects of Great Britain, at the office of the commissary appointed for this purpose, and in the interior this must be done in the presence of a judge of the place. The penalty for a non-compliance with the intentions of this decree is, a forfeiture of tenfold the value of the goods so neglected to be reported. The same penalty is to be inflicted on French & Portuguese merchants or the merchants of any other nation who shall attempt to cover the property of the aforesaid description.
Another of the same date was promulgated to prevent the carrying of fire arms and fowling-pieces, in order to put a stop to the assassinations which daily took place. No person except a military character is suffered to appear with arms without a license from gen. Delaborde, commandant of Lisbon. Persons found acting in contravention of this decree, are to be considered as vagabonds and highway assassins, and delivered over to a military commission to be organized for the purpose.
Decree of the 8th December.
The governor of Paris, first aide-camp of his Majesty the Emperor and King, General and Chief, in the name of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, and King of Italy, Decrees,
Monsieur Mascarenhas, Concavador of the French nation at Lisbon is appointed commissary, to receive the claims of the English.
He shall report on the claims which may be presented him, with his opinion on the margin thereof to the general in chief who will definitively determine.
M. Mascarenhas will repair every Monday and Thursday, to the general in chief's, to attend to this business.
He shall make known the dispositions of this decree to the English in a state of arrest, or to those who have claims to make, whose goods have been sequestered: the claims must be supported by authentic documents.
Given at head-quarters at Lisbon, the 8th of Dec. 1807.
JUNOT.
On the 9th of December an order, signed by the major general Thibault, prohibiting the officers from exacting from the inhabitants of Lisbon, any sustenance which they had been in the habit of doing contrary to previous orders; declaring them to be considered as in garrison, and to be entitled only to lodging, fire, and candle from their hosts. By this order it appears that the army of Portugal is placed on the same footing and extra pay as the grand army, with a promise of punctuality. It also expresses the dissatisfaction of the commander in chief, at these exactions of the officers, and threatens them with punishment, if the order be not obeyed.
Charleston, March 9. The letter bag of the ship Adeline, captain Trott, 31 days from London, was brought up last evening by one of the pilot boats. Our regular files by this arrival are only to the 7th of January, on which day the ship left London. Captain Trott, however, sent up a single paper of the 16th of January (which he probably obtained in the Downs) with which we have been favored.
LONDON, January 16. Mr. Sanson, the chairman of the committee of American merchants, yesterday waited on the chancellor of the exchequer, to know whether licenses would be granted for the protection of cargoes destined for America. The chancellor of the exchequer said he saw no occasion for such licenses, as we were not at war with America; but he did not think there could be any objection to grant them to satisfy those who might think it necessary to apply for them.
The situation of America with respect to France does not seem less precarious than with respect to Eng-
land. The French privateers, in conformity to the late decree, capture every American they meet, bound to England.
The transport board continues to engage large coppered ships for long voyages. Many of these vessels are to proceed to India, for the purpose of bringing home hemp—the directors of the East India company having engaged to furnish government with TWENTY THOUSAND TONS HEMP ANNUALLY, for the next three years, the whole of which is to be brought home in ships especially fitted out and prepared for the purpose, so as to prevent the article from imbibing an improper heat on its voyage to England.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, MARCH 21.
We understand that the negotiations between our government and Mr. Rose were, on Friday last, brought to a close by the receipt of his final note. They are said to have been suspended on the preliminary requisition made by him that the President's proclamation should be rescinded. Mr. Rose, in the first instance, apprised our government of his authority to offer reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, without specifying what that reparation would be; but required that previously to its being made the proclamation should be revoked. Much interlocutory matter passed; when he was informed that if he would state the reparation and assurances he was empowered to make, and they should be considered by our government as satisfactory, they would be taken as a pledge of amity, and that the act of reparation and revocation of the proclamation should bear contemporaneous date. This, in his ultimatum, he declined doing.
It is understood that early in the week a very comprehensive communication will be made to Congress, embracing the whole of the negotiations relative to the Chesapeake, the whole of the correspondence on our general relations with England, and so much, respecting the other European powers with whom we have had differences, as will give a full view of the state of our relations with them.
In consequence of the very important foreign news received by the two last mails, we have been obliged to defer publishing the detailed proceedings of the House of Representatives for the last three days, and a considerable portion of the debate relative to courts martial, actually in type.
Mr. Pickering, of the Senate of the U. S. has caused to be published a long letter written by him on the 16th of February to gov. Sullivan, principally against the embargo, which that gentleman has most correctly, we are advised, returned to the writer. Nothing but its extreme length (it occupies more than five columns of a newspaper) prevents us at present from republishing it. We shall certainly hereafter give it to the public, when we are released from the great press of original matter connected with the measures of Congress. In the mean time, we cannot refrain from expressing a hope that the republican prints may generally give it to their readers. It will present to the nation the faithful portrait of a man, already, perhaps, sufficiently known; of a man, whose rare felicity it has been to gain confidence only to abuse and lose it, and of whom it is difficult to decide, whether at this moment he ranks lower in the estimation of his political friends or enemies. Indeed it is rather absurd to talk of the political enemies of one who in the zenith of his power excited neither admiration nor envy.
An abler defence of the administration and of the embargo could not have been made. Its issue of misrepresentations in point of fact, and its total destitution of any thing having the semblance of logic, prove, to demonstration, that the Essex Junto (of which Mr. P. is a member) and to whom belongs almost the exclusive honor of reprobating the embargo since it was laid, are the victims of infuriated passion, and are animated altogether, by the hope of embarrassing the measures of government. But the attempt will be in vain. The American people have no personal or sinister interests to subserve; they are neither hurried away by passion, nor guided by pique. They do not feel the mortification of disappointed ambition; and they can contemplate superior virtue and talents without a blush. They, in short, know their interests too well to be misled.
We find that a call has been made in the Senate of Massachusetts on the governor for the letter, and very properly rejected—Ayes 12, Nays 18.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, MARCH 18.
The bill for raising an additional military force was reported with amendments, and committed to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Livermore after a lengthy prefatory address (which will be given in our next) moved the following resolution, which the House refused to consider by Yeas and Nays, 84 to 24.
Resolved, That the public good requires that the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels of the United States should be repealed, and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose; and that said committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of permitting the merchant vessels of the United States to arm for their defence against certain cruisers, and of associating for the purpose of convoy; and to enquire into the expediency of suspending commercial intercourse with France, and the nations under the control of the Emperor of the French, and to report by bill or otherwise.
A committee was appointed on motion of Mr. Nelson to enquire into the propriety of erecting an INVALID CORPS .
A Message was received from the President of the U. States, in relation to the MILITARY ACADEMY ; which was referred to a select committee.
The contested election of Philip Barton Key, having gone through the committee of the whole, was at length decided on, and Mr. Key CONFIRMED in his seat 57 to 52.
SATURDAY, MARCH 19.
The whole of this day was spent on the bill for raising an additional military force. It went through the committee of the whole, and was reported to the House. Considerable progress was made in the details of the bill; but they were not perfected, when the House adjourned, it being then near four o'clock.
AN ACT
Remitting the duties payable on the importation of a monument to be erected in memory of the officers of the United States Navy, who fell during the attack made on the city of Tripoli, in the year one thousand eight hundred and four.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the duties payable according to law, on the importation of a monument imported in the frigate Constitution from Italy, on account of the officers of the United States' Navy, be, and they are hereby remitted.
B. J. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
MARCH 13, 1808.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
STATE OF MARYLAND,
IN CHANCERY.
Henry H. Lowe
vs.
Lloyd M. Lowe, James R. M. Lowe, Barbary and Elizabeth Lowe.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a decree to record a deed executed to the complainant by the Defendants, Lloyd M. Lowe, Barbary and Elizabeth Lowe, for two tracts of land, in Prince George's county, called "Landham's Delight," and "Soper's Rest Enlarged," for a conveyance of the said land by the defendant, James R. M. Lowe, or to vacate a deed executed by the defendant, Lloyd M. Lowe, to him for the same land.
The bill states that for a valuable consideration the defendants, Lloyd M. Lowe, Barbary and Elizabeth Lowe executed to the complainant a deed for the aforesaid premises and the complainant obtained and still has the possession, but that without any fraudulent intent the deed has been omitted to be recorded in the time prescribed by law. It also states that the defendant James R. M. Lowe has since obtained from Lloyd M. Lowe a deed for the same land, knowing at the time, it was conveyed to the complainant and that he was in the possession. The bill also states all the defendants except Lloyd M. Lowe reside out of the state.
It is thereupon upon motion of the complainant this 26th day of February 1808 by William Kilty chancellor and by the authority of this court adjudged, and ordered that the complainant cause a copy of this order to be published in the National Intelligencer, once in each of three successive weeks before the 1st day of April next, to the end that the defendants may have notice of this application and of the subject and object of the bill and may be warned to appear in court on or before the 1st Monday in August next to show cause if any there be, wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy,
NCHS BREWER,
Reg. Cur. Can.
March 21—MS.M&W
NOTICE.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at Annapolis session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Saml.
March 21—epts
To the Editor of the National Intelligencer.
VIRGINIA, PETERSBURG,
26th February, 1808.
SIR—James Cheatham of New-York, in his paper called the "Republican Watch Tower," dated the 25th December last, published a false, malicious and unprovoked libel against the report of the trials of col. Aaron Burr, which I am now preparing for the press; denouncing it as "under the immediate auspices of Burr and Martin" as "pidd for by them—and intended to suit their palates." He also "cautions the public against purchasing it," and recommends another report as "perhaps the only faithful one." As soon as I heard of this attack I wrote to Cheatham, and assured him that he had been misled—that his whole statement was unfounded (for at that time I could not think him so unprincipled as to invent the calumny himself.) That I have no secret of connection either with col. Burr or Mr. Martin—that I had undertaken the report reluctantly at the earnest request of many respectable men of all parties; and that my principles and station in life, forbade my submission to the degradation and infamy of being a partial reporter, and I demanded of him, as a matter of right, an explicit and public retraction of all that he had said against me.
Though more than six weeks have since elapsed, and he has had full time for enquiry and reflection, he still persists in his injustice. As it is not easy to account for his perseverance, in this unjust conduct, but by supposing that he is interested in the other report, and as I do not know what publicity may have been given to his slander, it may be necessary to repel its effects, among those to whom I am unknown. From motives of respect for those gentlemen at whose desire I undertook the publication, and in justice to myself, I request you to publish in your useful paper the so joined statement and certificate of the counsel engaged in the prosecution and defence of col. Burr. The honorable testimony which the able and respectable counsel on both sides bear to my character, will show how little dependence ought to be put in the malevolent assertions of Cheatham.
The opinion of the other report, expressed by most of these gentlemen, was not inserted at my request, but in justification of the myself so; to prevent the belief, as they publicly declared, that the speeches therein ascribed to them, were a correct representation of their arguments. Their statement in my vindication was voluntarily made, as soon as they saw the unjust attack of Cheatham. It has always been, and still is, my wish, that each report shall be estimated according to its merits only; concerning which, neither the applause of friends, nor the detraction of foes, can mislead the public. I desire to attack no person, but to defend myself, against an insidious and unprincipled libel.
DAVID ROBERTSON.
Mr. David Robertson (Petersburg), has this day put into our hands, a Gazette printed by James Cheatham of New-York, dated Dec. 25th, 1807. In this Gazette the editor states, "that the notes of the Edition of Burr's trial" "now preparing for the press under the immediate auspices of Burr and Martin, were taken by Mr. Robertson, and that he has seen the affidavit of a respectable gentleman, stating that Luther Martin had declared to the deponent that he and Burr had engaged and paid the said Robertson for taking the notes." He adds "that Mr. Westcott's edition of that trial will perhaps be the only faithful one."
We have known Mr. Robertson for many years, and from our knowledge of his conduct and principles, we do not hesitate to declare to the public our belief, that he will faithfully and impartially execute the task which he has undertaken to perform. The charges that the Edition is "prepared under the auspices of Burr and Martin"—that "it will be cooked to suit their palates"—and that "Mr. Robertson was engaged and paid for it by Luther Martin," we believe to be utterly without foundation. If there shall be any defects in the account of the trial offered by Mr. Robertson to the public, we have no doubt that they will result from the difficulty which the best stenographers must frequently experience in the course of a long, elaborate, animated and sometimes irregular discussion, and not from any disposition to misrepresent. We are confident that he is incapable of wilful misrepresentation on any subject. With what ability the work will be executed we cannot pretend to foretell, except from the debates of the Virginia convention; but if it be not a more correct representation of the arguments of counsel, than the specimen which we have seen from the press of Messrs. Westcott and Co. it would be a waste of money to buy, and a waste of time to read it.
George Pay,
William Wirt,
Benjamin Boits,
Edmund Randolph.
Richmond, February 23, 1808.
I fully concur with the gentlemen who have signed the above certificate so far as respects Mr. Robertson, whose situation and private and professional character are too well known to need any attestation in this part of the United States. With regard to Westcott's Edition, I can only say that having occasion to turn to two or three passages in the first volume, and finding them extremely incorrect, I have never perused it further.
John Wickham.
It is with much pleasure that I unite with the gentlemen whose names are subscribed to the foregoing certificate, in the opinions they have expressed concerning Mr. Robertson himself, and the fidelity and ability with which he will execute the work, which he is now preparing for the press.
I have never read "Westcott's Edition," and can therefore give no opinion concerning the merits of that work.
Alexander MacRae.

TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are,  Wool's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain casimere, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgur, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk and shirtings do. Poinsett, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Blanket coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfbuckskins, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Cottons, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jacobet muslins, India and British book do. India muslin figured and plain, Plain and figured lenos, Linen cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Dum-kers, do. Cambric and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & net sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and interstrungs, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Buck muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diap-rs, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpases, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rug, Russia sheeting, tick- ing, &c. Osambug, bastas, gurrahs, &c. &c.  ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genu- ine Havana segars.  T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
SECRET HISTORY OR HORRORS OF ST. DOMINGO. In a Series of Letters written by a Lady, to Col. Murr, late Vice- President of the United States, princi- pally during the command of general Rochambeau. Price One Dollar. And other NEW BOOKS Among which are the following:    Third vol. Chapman's Select Speeches, do.  2 50    Fourth volume, do.  2 50    Recess Medical Guide, do.  3 00    Hatchocks Poems, do.  75    Barlow's Columbiad, fine plates, do.  20 00    Brooke's Gazetteer, new edition, do.  3 50    Pacific Characters for 1807, do.  4 25    Day of an Irish Harp, by Miss Owenson, do.  1 00    LIKewise, The second number of Col. Tou- ssard's American Artillerist's Companion. 2 00 The third number is now in the Press. Gentlemen wishing to patronise this valuable work, are earnestly requested to call and leave their names at J. MARCH'S Book Store, George Town.  Where may be had any book that can possibly be procured in New York, Philadelphia or Baltimore, without any advance on the price. March 18—6t
THE CAPITOL PRIZE. Ticket No. 5925 was drawn the 36th day in St. Mary's College Lottery, a prize of 50,000 dollars. The ticket was sold at L. & B. WATTS'S Fruit & Pro- duce Store, corner of M. Street & Chapel streets, to Mr. Dobbins who we understand is now a disposed of it to another person in this city. Ticket No. 15,264, which was drawn the second capital prize, 15,000 dollars. Ticket No. 7,091, which was drawn the third capital prize, 10,000 dollars, and Ticket No. 1977 was drawn the 4th capital prize, 5,000 dollars, were all sold at the same place.
STATE LOTTERY—NEW YORK. For the promotion of Literature, and for other purposes. Positively com- mences drawing on the First Tuesday in April next. Payment of prizes guaranteed by the state Legislature.  HIGHEST PRIZES, 1 25,000 dollars. 1 10,000 dollars. 2 5,000 dollars. 4 2,000 dollars. 7 1,000 dollars.  And a very considerable number of in- ferior prizes. Less than two blanks to a prize. The tickets are now offered for sale in a variety of numbers at G. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Offices in New York, at the following prices.    Whole 7 50  Quarters 2    Halves 3 75  Eighths 1    But with a few days advance in price. All prizes purchased of G. & R. Waite will be paid by them, and every infor- mation relative to the Lottery will be given to distant adventurers gratis. Prize tickets in the New York and Baltimore Lottery taken in payment. Orders for G. and R. Waite, ta- ken and punctually attended to, at J. MARCH'S Book Store, High street George Town. March 18—6t
THE subscriber has purchased out the stock of GOODS lately belong- ing to Mr. Blisha Riggs, and will be enabled, from the conditions of pur- chase, to dispose of them in the same house on as liberal if not better terms than they were sold before. He expects by Capt. Hand, from Philadelphia this week or the first of next, a handsome Spring Supply, which will make his as- sortment complete. They were laid in for cash, therefore will accommodate his friends no doubt satisfactorily. JOHN PETER. George Town, March 16—ep4w
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long stand- ing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of his brother Romulus Riggs, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assis- tant Mr. Samuel C. Offot, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the honor- able the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, will be exposed to sale on the 8th day of April next at 12 o'clock at the store of Thomas Duvall, a Tract of LAND, containing One Hundred and Eighty-Seven acres, called Brashears Pacason, the property of John Turner deceased, lying in Prince George's county, about 7 miles from Bladensburg, 10 from the city of Washington, and 25 from Annapolis; about one third in wood, the remainder in a state of pro- ductive cultivation. The terms of the above sale are, that the purchaser shall give bond with good security such as shall be approved of by the trustee for paying one half within 9 months, and the other half within 18 months with interest on each payment from the day of sale. GEO. PAGE, Trustee.
THE Creditors of John Turner, deceas- ed, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court, with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale. G. PAGE. March 16—3w
NOTICE. A Dividend will be made amongst the Creditors of the late Mr. Richard Crampton on Friday the 1st day of April next, at Mr. William Ross's ta- vern, in Bladensburg. The creditors are requested to attend with their claims legally authenticated, as no re- spect will be paid to any others, except those known to be justly due by the Ad- ministrator. Bonds passed to the subscriber for property purchased at the sales of the deceased's effects last Spring, became all due on the 10th of this month, and unless taken up by Saturday the 19th will be put in suit without respect to persons. THOMAS BOWIE, Agent of Rich'd Crampton. March 16—7t
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the honor- able the circuit court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of chan- cery for the county of Washington, in the suit of John Roberts and Samuel G. Griffith complainants, Against Benjamin Bryan Defendant. WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 29th day of March next, at Stille's Hotel, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 12 o'clock, M. a lot of ground in said city, in that square designated on the plan of said city by square north of square numbered seven hundred and forty-three, the said lot being bounded as follows: to wit: Beginning at a point in the line of the west side of New Jersey Avenue, at the distance of one hundred and fifty one feet ten inches from the stone planted at the north east corner of said square, and running thence with the line of the said Avenue twenty-five feet, thence leaving the said Avenue, and with a line at right angles with the line thereof running one hundred feet, then turning in a direc- tion parallel to the line of the said Avenue, and running thence twenty five feet, thence an hundred feet to the point of beginning, containing about two thousand five hundred square feet of ground, together with the improvements thereon erected, and all the advantages thereunto belonging or appertaining. This property is eligibly situated be- tween the Capitol Hill and sugar house, and may be inspected at any time prior to the day of sale. The terms of sale are cash or money to be paid immediately on the ratifica- tion thereof by the court. JOHN G. McDONALD, Trustee. 26th February, 1808—ep4w
ROSS AND GLETT, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just receiv- ed from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, new Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat-flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, po- lished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
WOOLLEN DRAPERS, men's mer- cers, and tailors, New-Jersey A- venue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeav- or to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fash- ionable goods, suitable for the approach- ing season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N.B. Regimentals and naval uni- forms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dis- patch. October 23—tf
By order of the Orphan's Court, will be offered for public SALE on Tues- day the 24th of March next on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving note with approved security, with inter- est from date, all the personal ESTATE of Margaret Roberts late of Montgomery county, deceased, consisting of a number of Negroes, two Leases of Land, a Crop of Corn, Corn Fodder, Hay, Horses, Cattle and Hogs, and other ar- ticles too tedious to enumerate. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock on said day and to continue from day to day till all is sold. HENRY ROBERTS, and JOSEPH ROBERTS, Admrs. of Margaret Roberts. February 26—tds.
30 DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending and safe keeping, a black MOSES, about 5 feet 10 inches high, about 25 years old; has lost an upper fore tooth, has a rupture near his groin; when sharply spoken to shows submission, his voice is soft and low, his gestures is such as has enabled him to deceive those who are acquainted with him. I have had him twice since the 30th of July last; once he broke from the stocks; once from five men on the 26th December last. On the day after he broke Wm. Lee's house, and took therefrom all said Lee's wearing apparel, also a saddle and brid- le and a horse from my stable. The horse, saddle and bridle I have recover- ed, which was taken from him by Mr. Rison who keeps ferry near Duanries. The principal part of clothing he had with him when he was lodged in Dum- tries jail, on 30th December last, which consisted of home made cloth, which he took with him on the 1st of January last when he broke jail and cleared himself. I suppose he is lurking about George Town or Alexandria. He called himself a free-man, and passed by the name of John Lucas Rouls. It is likely he will take some other. The above reward and all reasonable charges I will pay to any person who will lodge him in any jail, or deliver him to me in Orange county. JOHN PAYNE, Black Walnut Run. March 18—10
MR. JOSHUA B. BOND'S celebrated running horse FIRST CONSUL, WILL stand this season, at the sub- scriber's farm in Prince George's county, Maryland, about seven miles from Queen Anne, ten from Bladensburg, the same distance from Upper Marl- borough, and about sixteen miles from the city of Washington; at Twenty-Five dollars the season, and one dollar to the groom; but Twenty-One dollars will be received in full if sent with the mares; if the money is not sent with the mares it is requested that notes of hand will be sent at that time, given for Twenty Six dollars, payable at the ex- piration of the season, which will com- mence immediately and end the 1st of August. Good pasture will be fur- nished gratis, as soon as the grass is good, and in the mean time, hay and corn furnished at the common price, for the mares according to orders. The utmost care will be taken of the mares, but I will not be answerable for acci- dents or escapes. Consul is of fine figure, beautiful bright bay, with a small blaze in his face, and his hind quarters white; full 15 and 12 hands high. It is expected that the stock from Consul and well bred mares, will not be surpassed by the stock from any horse (scarcely) in America, for the turf, carriage, or saddle; or even from Consul and good looking mares, which have none of the running blood; their colts cannot be other than elegant in a carriage or under the saddle. Such mares as have little, or not any of what is supposed to be running blood in them, may be put to Consul at half price, the money sent with the mares. It should be preferred by gentle man- living beyond Bladensburg and Upper Marlborough, who wish to breed from Consul, by giving notice to the subscri- ber, he can be sent one day in each week to each place, from the first day of April, while there will be any mares to send to him from either of those dis- tricts; say Bladensburg on Tuesdays, and Upper Marlborough on Saturdays. ISAAC DUCKETT. March 12, 1808.
PEDIGREE OF FIRST CONSUL. HE was foaled in Philadelphia county, June 1793, got by the noted running horse Flyer of True, his dam by the imported horse Slender, his grand dam by the imported mare Dianna, Dianna was got by Old Eclipse, Slender was got by King Herod, who produced more runners than any other horse in England, as may be seen by the Racing Calendar, therefore it may in truth be said on the dam side of First Consul, the two great grand sires were the best horses England ever produced. Flag of Truce was bred by colonel Good of Virginia and was esteemed the best turf horse in his day and was the sire to colonel Taylor's famous running horse Leviathan. First Consul has won either 80 or 22 purses from 100, and 100g. and never started against a horse he did not outrun until the fall he was eight years old—the spring following he won three purses and distanced the field the first day at New Market on Long island. JOSHUA B. BOND, Philadelphia. March 18—eptM&wtf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAILOR, ESPECIALLY informs the gen- tlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has ju- received by a late arrival from Philadel- phia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT. Of superfine Cloths, Casimere, sing- an don de mill, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Like wise an elegant assortment of Spenecks and rich silk Mol skins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable pro- perty in the city of Washington, consist- ing of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is re- commended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the per- manent residence and seat of the gov- ernment of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
JUST PUBLISHED, A NEW AND GREATLY IMPROVED FAMILY PHYSICIAN ENTITLED THE PLANTER'S & MARINER'S MEDICAL COMPANION. By JAMES EWELL, Physician at Savannah. RECOMMENDATIONS. In testimony of the merits of this work, the following certificates presented by some of the most distinguished Medical characters of the United States, are inserted. Philadelphia, D. C. 31, 1807. SIR—I have read your book, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with pleasure, and think it worthy the attention of the citizens of the United States. W. SHIPPEN, M. D. Professor of Anatomy, Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1807. DEAR SIR—I have carefully perused your work, just printed, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion." I take much pleasure in expressing my entire approbation of the plan of the work, and of the utility with which you have conducted your enquiries. Your book cannot fail to be a very accepta- ble present to the public in general, and especially of our own countrymen. I really am of opinion, that you are enti- tled to much praise for the pains which you have taken in furnishing us with a work, such as the "Medical companion," the want of which has long been experienced among us. With sincere wishes for your health and happiness, and for the continuance of your usefulness, I remain, my dear sir, Your friend, &c. B. S. BARTON, M. D. Professor of Materia Medica, Natural History, and Botany, Dr. James Ewell. December 28th, 1807. I have read "The Planter's and Mar- iner's Medical Companion," by Dr. James Ewell of the state of Georgia, with pleasure and satisfaction. It is a book containing a variety of matter in a small compass. The practice which he recommends in diseases, is modern and judicious, and the work cannot fail of being extremely useful, in all families in the United States. JAMES WOODHOUSE, M. D. Professor of Chemistry, in the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. James Ewell. Philadelphia, Dec. 26th, 1807. DEAR SIR—I have looked over "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Com- panion" with great pleasure, and not a little instruction. I find it an ex- cellent remembrancer of much that I have already learnt from other works, and from professional experience. Being better adapted to the general cir- cumstances of the U. States, than any other production of the kind hitherto published, it cannot fail to prove an in- valuable "Companion" to those remote from medical aid. I hat all your views in the publication of it may be more than realised, is the sincere wish of Your friend and obedient servant, CHARLES S. CALDWELL, M. D. Dr. James Ewell. Philadelphia, Dec. 29, 1807. DEAR SIR—The work entitled, "The Planter's Medical Companion," which you were good enough to submit to my examination, I have read very attentively, and I consider it the most useful popular treatise on medicine, hitherto published. The writings of Tissot, Buchan, and Recess, on this subject, have deservedly acquired reputation, but their practice is adapted rather to the diseases of the countries, in which they lived, than to those of our own. A well digested work, in a style plain and familiar, which should include a practice suited to the diseases of the United States has been long required. You have now supplied the want. I trust that your valuable book may be widely circulated. It is certainly calculated to do much good. Every fam- ily should purchase and carefully read it. N. CHAPMAN, M. D. Lecturers on Midwifery, and the diseases of Women and Children. Dr. James Ewell.
DEAR SIR, I have carefully perused your "Me- dical Companion," and have much plea- sure in asserting that it abounds with excellent observations, well calculated to convey valuable instruction to all who are not possessed of regular informa- tion on the subjects of which it treats, is easy of comprehension, and has an important advantage in being short, whilst it leaves little that is essential untold. Heads of families will find it a useful guide on many interesting occasions. We are indeed, men in gene- ral, to give more attention to the principles of diseases, and the means of curing them, their ravages might be much more extensively mitigated. With my best wishes for your success in your endeavours to lessen the sum of human evils, I beg you to be assured, that I am, dear sir, yours with sincere regard. JOHN CRAWFORD, M. D. Baltimore, 7th March, 1808. To Dr. James Ewell. Baltimore, March 3d, 1808. DEAR SIR—We have read over your publication entitled the "Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with much satisfaction, and consider it a meriting esteem for the concise and accurate history which it gives of the various diseases of the human body, (few if any of which, we believe are omitted) and the method of cure, which is both rational and agreeable to our experience. We are happy that you have made use of the new facts that have occurred in medicine, in that plain and easy manner which renders them easy to be comprehended & acted upon by per- sons of moderate knowledge in disease. We can recommend it, with propriety, to that class of citizens who have not an opportunity or means of procuring reg- ular medical advice, and consider it as fully answering the intention of your benevolence to people of these states, in its compilation. We are your well wishers, LITTLE JOHN & DONALDSON, Dr. James Ewell. DEAR SIR—We have perused your work, entitled the "Planter's and Mar- iner's Medical Companion," with much satisfaction, and strongly recom- mend it to the attention of those families who cannot, with convenience, procure medical aid. We think it the best pub- lication we have ever read, on the do- mestic treatment of diseases, more especially as it regards those of our climate. We are, Very respectfully, Sir, Your most obedt. servants, BROWN & MACKENZIE. Baltimore, 4th March, 1808. Dr. James Ewell. SIR—I have read your work on Do- mestic Medicine, with pleasure. The practice recommended in it is, I think, judicious, and I have no doubt that the solitary planter and the voyager, se- cluded from medical aid, will often be under great obligations to you. Your work is the first that has been written for family use in this country, and be- ing from the pen of a native physician, has great advantage over the publica- tions of Buchan and Tissot. Its dis- semination will prove equal to what it merits, you will soon have a call for an- other edition. I am, with respect, JOHN SHAW, A. M. Professor of Chemistry, in the College of Medicine of Maryland. DEAR SIR—I have looked over your "Medical Companion" with pleasure and satisfaction, and approve of the design. The arrangement of the vari- ous parts is judicious, the language is plain and perspicuous, and the senti- ments happily condensed—the medical treatment grow out of the most im- proved state of our science, and may serve not only as a safe and useful guide to the Planter and Mariner, but are well calculated, from their intrinsic merit to suggest valuable hints to the medical practitioner. Every family, cut off from the regu- lar services of able physicians, would in my opinion, with advantage, possess one of your volumes. Accept the homage of my regard. JOHN B. DAVIDGE, M. D. Professor of Anatomy, Surgery, &c. in the College of Medicine of Mary- land. Baltimore, Feb. 19, 1808. George Town, Columbia, March 31, 1808. DEAR SIR—The ample testimonials of approbation prefixed to your work, entitled "The Medical Companion" will I hope, secure you the patronage of your countrymen. It belongs exclusively to the real physician to be able to determine the merit of Medical compositions; and your book has auspiciously constituted the unqualified commendations of medi- cal names of no common note. Few physicians meet with the re- wards of their well meant and laborious exertions in the cause of humanity; but that your laudable exertions may be liberally rewarded is the sincere wish of Yours, JOHN WEEMS, M. D. Dr. James Ewell. March 11—tf
District of Columbia, Washington county, ss. IN the case of JOSEPH RICKS an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county after s. i. f. r. debt, which he is unable to pay. Notice is her by given to the creditors of the said Joseph Ricks, that on Monday the 21st inst. at the hour of 10 o'clock A. M. at the Capitol in the court room on the oath presided by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of in- solvent debtors in the district of Co- lumbia," which is administered to the said J. Ricks and a trustee ap- pointed, unless he can be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered that his notice be published in the Na- tional Intelligencer two prior to said day. By order of the Hon. Wm. W. Cough- ch. Judg. of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. RENT, Clk. March 11—2t