The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-04-22 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1174.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, APRIL 22, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
INTERNAL RESOURCES OF THE U. STATES.
Extract of a letter from Albany, the seat of government in New York, dated April 3d, and written by an intelligent and active member of the incorporated Society for the promotion of arts.
"Of late there is a great spirit of manufacturing with us. Every week the Society has samples of woollen cloth sent for their inspection. There is a manufactory of broadcloth set up at Poughkeepsie by a Mr. Booth. He brought to this city last week a piece of his own manufacturing, being of the common width of that sort of cloth. It was a very fine and good piece, and is now selling in the city at $7 10-100 per yard. It was made of the Merino wool, which he purchased of Mr. R. R. Livingston. The state has loaned to Mr. Booth, I think, about $5000 to enable him to carry on the business more extensively."
"About twenty miles north of this place another foreigner has established a manufactory for spinning flax and hemp into yarn and twine, by machinery, which has been imported from England, and which is said to be very curious; and that two girls by this mode will spin as much and better in one day than ten women can do in the same time by the usual mode. The state has also loaned to this man a sum of money to extend his business."
"A bill has passed the Senate, and no doubt will pass the assembly for introducing into this state the Merino breed of sheep, by offering fifty dollars to any person who will first bring into any county a full blooded Merino ram, where there is none before, to be kept there one year from September next."
"If the embargo continues any length of time, we shall think that we can do without European woollens and linens. I shall procure two volumes of our proceedings, one for yourself and the other for the Congressional library," &c.
The following reply of Mr. Illey to Mr. Nelson of Maryland, on the report of the committee of Claims, is inserted by request, to counteract a misrepresentation of his sentiments said to have gone forth:
Mr. Speaker—I do not comprehend the gentleman (Mr. Nelson) last speaking. I am confident, sir, he is not correct in saying that notes or securities given for money lent to government ought in justice to have the preference of all other demands on government—that they were given to A B or bearer, therefore they were as negotiable as bank bills—that no advantage could be taken; they might sell them over or under par; the face of the note was still due to the bearer; but other claims were not made payable to the bearer—that government was not bound, neither had the holders that equitable demand on government as those who have lent their money. Mr. Speaker, I am happy, sir, that it is in my power to convince that gentleman and this House that those who have lent money instead of having the preference have by no means an equal demand on government. In the first place, sir, we are under obligations to the soldier who fought our battles at the risk of his life, who endured every hardship and fatigue that it was possible for man to suffer for six or eight years. Part of the time clothed in rags, and suffering with hunger and cold. At the end of the war he gets his discharge; he demands the pay that was promised him; government can't pay him; but they tell him, come, we will settle, and give you a note on interest; your friends will buy it, if you don't choose to wait till government can pay. Now, Mr. Speaker, we will examine the note—I will read it, sir: "No. 11073, state N. York, January 1st, 1784, on the final settlement of an account between the U. States and William Page, there appeared to be due to him the sum of eighty dollars; I do therefore certify that the said sum is payable, with interest at six per cent. from the first day of January, 1783, to the said William Page or bearer."
(Signed) John Pierce, Comr." Here, Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Maryland can see the mistake
in his statement; the soldier demanded his money when it was due; government could not pay him; he returns home in poverty—offers to sell his note—his friends look at the note, tell him it is nothing but paper money—the soldier pleads that it is his all—I must sell, says the soldier—what will you give? Give—why, says the purchaser, I can't give more than five shillings in the pound. Well, says the soldier, that is the best offer I have had; I must let you take it. Now, sir, this man is called a vile speculator, and the man who told the soldier his note was not worth anything passes for an honest man. But, sir, it is my opinion the speculator, so called, is the soldier's friend—he, sir, in the opinion of people in general, did run the risk of losing what he might give, and now, sir, what is likely to be the result of this business? It is, sir, that Congress by a statute of limitation have barred the soldier and other citizens who have rendered service in the American revolution, from asking for the small sums that may be and are justly their due—$202,000 which the Treasury books now state as justly due to those men, are withheld by the limitation act. Sir, I hope the report of the committee will be accepted. How are we to raise another army, if the soldier has no faith in government? Sir, if those people are refused their just demands, viewing the matter as I do, I shall consider this year the most important year of my life, that I must be numbered in this transaction. Sir, I hope the report of the committee will be accepted.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, APRIL 19.
Messrs. Carlton, & Taylor obtained leave of absence.
Mr. Taggart presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of the county of Hampshire, Massachusetts, complaining of the pressure of the embargo, which was referred to the committee of the whole to whom similar petitions have been referred.
Mr. Rowan from the committee (Messrs. Rowan, Fisk, Basset, J. Montgomery, Smilie, J. K. Smith and Taylor,) to whom was referred a resolution to enquire into the conduct of Harry Innes, district Judge of the United States for the district of Kentucky relative to his having been privy to certain projects for dismembering the Union, &c. Reported that they have considered the same and the accompanying documents, which documents are the only evidence which they are informed can be obtained material to the enquiry, and are of opinion that Harry Innes has not so acted as to require the interposition of the constitutional power of the House.
The report was ordered to lie on the table.
On motion of Mr. Holmes the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 51 to 26, Mr. Pitkin in the chair, on the bill from the Senate concerning invalid pensioners.
An amendment was made to the bill, on motion of Mr. Holmes, to admit on the pension list persons disabled, &c. although they may already be placed on the pension list of any state.
The committee reported the bill to the House as amended, and it was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Dreele in the chair, on the bill from the Senate, authorising the President of the United States under certain conditions to suspend the act laying an embargo, with the supplemental acts thereto.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out all the bill after the enacting clause, and insert "That the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the port and harbors of the U. States and the several acts supplementary thereto shall be repealed, so far as they prohibit trade with France and her dependencies, and states associated in common cause with her, so soon as the United States shall be exempted from the operation of her decrees of the 21st November, 1806 and December, 17, 1807, & the Presi-
dent of the United States shall have officially been notified thereof and shall have received assurances that the existing stipulations between the United States and France shall be respected by her."
And be it further enacted, That the said acts shall be repealed, so far as they prohibit trade with Great Britain, her dependencies and states associated in common cause with her, so soon as her orders of council of November last shall be revoked, so far as they affect the commerce of the United States; and the President of the United States shall have received official assurances thereof, and that the neutral rights of the U. States shall be respected by them. And the President of the United States shall be and he is hereby authorized and required, on the receipt of such assurances from either of the two belligerents, to notify the same forthwith by proclamation; Whereupon the embargo shall be raised in regard to such belligerents. And if such assurances be received from both the said belligerents, proclamation shall in like manner be forthwith issued; whereupon the act aforesaid and the several acts supplementary thereto shall cease and determine.
After a considerable debate, this amendment was negatived—Ayes 14.
Mr. Key offered an amendment to the same effect as that just negatived but in a different form. Negatived, Ayes 15.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out of the bill the words "under such exceptions and such restrictions, and such bond and security being given as the public interest and circumstances of the case may appear to require" immediately succeeding the clause authorising the suspension of the acts in whole or in part on the event of a general peace, &c.—Negatived, 43 to 32.
Mr. Quincy offered an amendment to strike out the specified contingencies, and amend it so as to give the President authority to suspend the embargo whenever in his judgment "the public good shall require it." Negatived, Ayes 8.
Mr. Lewis moved to amend the bill so as in toto to REPEAL the several acts laying an embargo—Negatived, Ayes 22.
The committee then rose and reported the bill; when Mr. Key renewed the motion which he had made in committee of the whole; which was negatived by Yeas and Nays, 70 to 22.
Mr. Gardner moved to adjourn—Negatived, Ayes 18.
Mr. Randolph renewed the motion which he had made in committee of the whole for specifying the circumstances on which the embargo should be repealed.
Mr. Love moved to adjourn—Negatived, Ayes 33.
The question on Mr. Randolph's amendment was then taken, and negatived by Yeas & Nays.
Mr. Randolph renewed his motion for striking out of the bill the words "in whole or in part" & "under such exceptions and such restrictions, and such bond and security being given as the public interests and circumstances of the case may appear to require."
Mr. Van Horn moved to adjourn. Negatived, Ayes 28.
Mr. Randolph called for a division of the question, taking it first on striking out the words "in whole or in part."
The question being taken by Yeas and Nays on striking out these words, was negatived 43 to 38.
The question on the former part of the motion was then negatived by Yeas and Nays, 59 to 45.
Mr. Lewis renewed his amendment which he had offered in committee of the whole, to repeal the embargo.
The Speaker declared that the amendment was not in order, as that could not be struck out which the House had just resolved to retain.
Mr. Blount offered an amendment providing that in case of the issuing a proclamation for suspension, it should not take effect within eleven days after issuing it—Negatived, Ayes 18.
Mr. Lewis moved to add a new section to the bill declaring all the acts laying an embargo to be repealed on the first day of May next.
The Speaker decided that it was not in order, as the bill went to suspend the embargo on certain conditions which the House had just decided to retain, and the amendment would defeat the bill.
Mr. Lewis appealed from the decision of the chair. The decision was affirmed by the House, Ayes 70.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading, 56 to 27.
To-morrow being named for the day, was lost, Yeas 28.
It was ordered to be read this evening, without a division.
And having been read a third time, Messrs. Masters, Dana, Jackson, Bibb, and Lyon opposed the bill, and Mr. Troup supported it.
Mr. Milnor moved to adjourn, (half past eight)—Negatived, Ayes 27.
Mr. Milnor then opposed the bill.
Mr. Stanford moved to adjourn—Negatived, Ayes 34.
Mr. Stanford then opposed the bill and renewed the motion to adjourn—Negatived, Ayes 19.
Messrs. Rhea and Lyon opposed the bill.
Another motion to adjourn was then negatived, Ayes 18.
Messrs. Randolph and Culpepper opposed the bill.
The question was then taken (half past ten) by Yeas and Nays, as follows:
[For Yeas and Nays see the inner side.]
Mr. Randolph then moved to strike out of the bill the words "under certain conditions;" for nothing could be more certain than that the bill contained no certainty—Negatived without a division.
Debate on the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force.
TUESDAY, APRIL 5.
Mr. Burrwell's speech concluded.
For the defence of the states he relied intirely upon the militia who were competent from their numbers & courage, to secure them effectually—a gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) had mentioned a circumstance which had great weight on his mind, it was the establishment on our frontiers of some strong posts to which the people could resort for shelter when assaulted by the Indians to which he wounded might be conveyed, and taken care of; without such places of retreat, for the people, whole settlements would be swept off. The gentleman from North Carolina has told us of the opposition in Virginia and other states to the army raised in 1798 and has read their memorials. Mr. B. said the gentleman was rather unfortunate if he inferred the same sentiments existed now upon the augmentation of the military establishment; the legislature of Virginia, at their last session, instructed their Senators and requested their Representatives in Congress to procure for the defence of the eastern frontiers of the state, one regiment, a fifth part of the proposed number; an alarm existed, and he thought it well founded. It was impossible to feel secure when they saw the Chesapeake blockaded by a British squadron in defiance of the national authority; their commerce harassed, and their most important seaport town menaced with destruction; the states of Pennsylvania and New-York have manifested the same inquietude; petitions have been presented during the present session from the inhabitants near the lakes calling on the general government for protection. Mr. B. could not concur with his colleague (Mr. Randolph) who contended the preparations in Canada were purely defensive, who believed the British government would readily compound with us mutually to abstain from hostilities; he thought the military preparations savored strongly of offensive war, they were unusually large and formidable; and when added to the requisitions of militia & the Indians collected on the frontier, impressed this idea forcibly on his mind. There was another circumstance which deserved consideration, the British government knows the question of war depends upon itself, we have given every pledge of our desire to remain at peace. It is impossible to doubt this fact after reading the documents before the public; why then prepare for an event which that government can avert,
unless its views were hostile; we have been told the patronage of the Executive will be increased by the passage of the bill. He admitted the position; but the safety of the nation was a paramount consideration, nor will any man contend, the influence created by it, will control public opinion, intimidate the public councils, or endanger the political institutions of the nation. There are two considerations which disprove the suggestion; first, the service for which the troops are destined, and second, their relative force to that of our population; they are intended for the protection of the frontiers and territories, remote from the body of the community with whose sentiments they cannot interfere, and over whose morals they have no influence; they can neither contaminate with their vices, or improve them by their virtues; the one & the other will operate exclusively on themselves, within their own particular circle—the liberties of the nation are not less safe, since they in fact do not amount to one in ten thousand of our able bodied men. It has been said the expense incurred may prove useless. No member, said Mr. B. wishes more sincerely that may prove the fact, for certainly no one will more readily disband them the moment the aspect of our affairs becomes less threatening; this has been stated by a gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) who advocates the bill, and who very properly thinks the danger to which we are exposed, warrants the expenditure.
Mr. B. said the opinion he had advanced while in secret session of the relative danger to be apprehended from France and England by this country had been noticed by his colleague (Mr. Randolph) with great ingenuity, tho' not satisfactorily. It appeared doubtful to him, from which nation we had most to fear; if France succeeds in the contest with England, (an event not very probable) she would be enabled, with fewer difficulties, to extend her dominions, and not because she will acquire more power, but because she can bring it to bear on places now inaccessible—on the other hand the death of Bonaparte would be followed by the dismemberment of the French empire, the division of its power, and the reascendancy of England on the continent of Europe. Her commercial connexions would be renewed; her intrigues revived; she would feel in the jealousies of European nations, and the total destruction of their navies, her perfect security, and the maritime despotism she even under present circumstances maintains, would be entailed on the world with increased vigor; without calculating on the dismemberment of the French conquests by the ambition of her generals, the constitution of France ensures it; the kingdoms of Italy, Holland, &c. were separated from France, and he contended the division of Europe would be more substantially equal than previous to the revolution. Mr. B. said he made these observations to shew the impropriety of regulating our present policy, by a supposed result in the affairs of Europe; we have been told of our determination to remain neutral, and from hence it has been argued we shall not require any additional force. Gentlemen should recollect this did not depend upon ourselves; is there any presage that the same hostile spirit which has waged war upon our commerce will not extend its ravages to the land? He was sincerely rejoiced to find all parties averse to war; it was most consonant to his feelings and his views of the national interest. Indeed there is no other course; we cannot fight both of the belligerents, or unite with either of them, notwithstanding their ardent affection and zealous solicitude for our interests. France has sequestered our ships to prevent them from falling into the hands of England, and England is willing to tax us, and monopolize all our trade for similar reasons. This state of things is novel and unprecedented; plundered and robbed by both under the most insulting pretexts, we have the alternative of continuing in our present situation, or of becoming parties in the most relentless, destructive war ever known. Mr. B. said he wished it distinctly understood; he did not consider this measure as a defence for the whole U.

States, but of a part—as a substitute for the militia, but for the protection of our frontiers, where there were no militia, and to which they could not be carried without great inconvenience to garrison fortifications, for which the militia are fitted neither by their discipline or habits.
Mr. Randolph moved a postponement until this day week, and proceeded to state reasons why this course should be pursued. He was fully convinced that if the bill could be postponed for a short time, in order to enable the House to review the subject, the vote would be very different from what it would be were the question taken to-day or to-morrow. He regretted extremely the introduction of the bill into the House—because said he, I am about to vote against it and shrink from that vote? Nothing farther from my thoughts. I never met a vote with greater pleasure in my life than I shall meet this—but I wish the House and the nation to pause, to reflect calmly and coolly, not only on the circumstances which have given rise to this bill, but upon later events, which if viewed in a proper light, instead of being considered as enforcing the measure, ought to be deemed as a strong dissuasive from it. He alluded expressly to the late communications from the British envoy here, and the French minister of exterior relations (or whatever be his title—for their style was so often changed, from christian to pagan, and from pagan to christian, that it was not easy to know when you have it right;) they were to him a reason for arresting the present disposition to act (not the nation) but to raise any thing like a standing military force, or a standing naval force, if the expression might be used—and it was correct, since we had a naval force, not standing at this time. As had been justly observed on another occasion by his friend from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) we had built a navy and fostered it at an immense expense. What was the effect of it? To protect commerce the avowed purpose for which it was raised? Not at all. We had just navy enough to bait the war-trap, to bring us into difficulties, not to carry us through them—just enough to give rise to the dignified style of “the Navy Department,” which had dwindled down to a department of gun-boats, since instead of protecting our commerce, or even our ports and harbors with our ships of war, we were building gun boats to protect them, and forts to protect the gun-boats. We had formerly raised a vast military force, as far at least as officers went to form one, for we had a swarm of them— Cui bono? For what use? As had been forcibly expressed by a gentleman from North Carolina, to spend money upon—as a cause for laying taxes, which ruined those in public opinion who imposed them. For these reasons, he wished the majority of the House to suspend acting upon the bill, if it were only for a few days. The time might come (he hoped it would come) when gentlemen might be thankful and look back with pleasure at having given themselves time to deliberate.
Mr. Randolph did not dread this force of 6000 men as sufficient to overturn the constitution; but objected to it on principle. It was moreover incompetent to its alleged object. The bill and the arguments in support of it did not hang together. Except one gentleman, who had taken it upon the ground of a peace establishment, not one consistent reason had been assigned in its favor. The gentleman from Boston (Mr. Quincy) was an orthodox disciple of the old school , and although his doctrine was no doubt perfectly satisfactory to himself, Mr. R. as a dissenter from that school, hoped to be pardoned for not concurring with him. It is enough for that gentleman that this establishment is asked for—he is one of those political believers who say, ask and it shall be given—knock and it shall be opened unto you. Mr. R. was not of that sect in politics: he would give sparingly, & doubtingly open: he would not open the door of the treasury, the public purse, to every demand, not even from the highest authority, co-ordinate with that House.
In assigning causes why the bill should be postponed it was difficult, if not impossible, to refrain from argument on the merits of the bill itself; and for this reason. The bill was predicated (to use a fashionable legislative phrase) on an urgent public necessity, which is incompatible with procrastination and delay: he hoped therefore to be indulged, if, in attempting to show that the question ought to be postponed, he should go into an examination of the fallacy of the arguments in favor of the bill. His eloquent friend from Georgia (Mr. Troup) to whose good opinion he should feel himself yet more in-
debted if he were not conscious that his compliment ought in justice to be transferred to another quarter; for in point of argument it belonged more properly to his friend from N. Carolina (Mr. Stanford) whose speech that day for weight of metal, for solid bullion stood unrivalled; and the palm of eloquence might more justly be challenged by his friend from South Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) or the gentleman from Georgia himself; his worthy friend from Georgia, who had given him this gratuitous compliment which although not conscious of deserving it, Mr. R. highly prized, because he was sure it flowed from a sincere heart—had assuredly misunderstood, because he had mis-stated some of his positions; for that gentleman was incapable of misrepresenting from any other cause than having misconceived him. The mistake perhaps arose from Mr. R.’s own inaccuracy of expression, but he was inclined to think not. He did not (as his worthy friend understood him) speak of bright prospects of peace and plenty breaking in upon our gloomy situation. Nothing like it. But he did conceive that in proportion as we were pressed by the two great belligerents was the remoteness of our danger from either. Danger from both united, no man could apprehend in the present juncture. As for the events which his friend and colleague (Mr. Burwell) described in the womb of time, as possible, when that gentleman’s grandchildren might come of age, they could not enter into the present calculation. In proportion to the equal pressure of the two great belligerents on us are we equally removed from danger of attack or invasion by either. The sole difference between them now is that G. Britain is endeavoring to seduce you by very coarse caresses and clumsy address, indeed—and France to intimidate you into the war—each is anxious to bend you to her purposes, and differ only in the means. (and but little in them) by which to accomplish the object. Now in proportion as either perceives that you are on a hostile footing with the other, will she, if they possess one single grain of common sense, recede from her pressure? He would rather stand in the predicament to both in which we now are, than stand in the same predicament to either, being on terms of amity with the other—because he feared the influence of human passions even on the wisdom of that assembly. He feared that under the outrages of G. Britain, if we had no cause of complaint against France we might be mad enough to throw ourselves into the arms of France: and that if we had nothing to complain of on the part of England, especially at a time when her great navy would stand between us and immediate danger we might be equally mad and depart from our neutrality in favor of England, which when we do neutrality is at an end in the world and liberty along with it. He therefore drew comfort from the two representations of Messrs. Champagny and Erskine, however great an evil each might be by itself. The pressure of either of the belligerents was separate of sufficient weight perhaps to crush our neutrality—but pressing upon us like the surrounding atmosphere in every direction with an equal force, we should not be able to perceive its specific gravity, but move with perfect freedom in our neutral element. Such was his impression—it might be false, but it had appeared to him that such was the impression on almost every member of the House; and as charges of inconsistency had been urged and repelled he would show that he had acted upon this very principle in the session of 1805—6. He was sorry that allusions to former conduct had been made—that the question of consistency had been stirred, because in an assembly constituted like the present it must have an ill effect, if any, on the cause which he wished to support. He might have traced many of our present difficulties to their original source; but he had abstained, from a wish not to prejudice his cause. They had been brought into view by others and it behoved him to vindicate his own consistency. In 1805—6 he was of opinion that we should shew a determined front to both the powers with whom we had come into collision—that Spain being in fact identified with France, in proportion as England saw that we were not disposed to recede from her adversary, by so much would she be convinced that we meant to maintain our neutrality, as it respected her, or yield to embroil us with her enemy—In proportion also as France and Spain saw we would not relax from our just claims upon G. Britain, if they did not yield to embroil us with England, they would be convinced that we meant to hold the scales of neutrality not only with a steady and
impartial, but with a high hand. When however he had proposed to raise troops for the defence of Natchitoches and New-Orleans, for the Sabine, and Natchez too, no treaty was pending between the U. S. and Spain; the negotiation had been broken off, and the President had told us, that the crisis required the interposition of force. The negotiation was broken off in a manner offensive and disgraceful to us, and was never renewed until the vote of two millions for the purpose of recommencing it passed that House. The view which Mr. R. took now was the same which he took then—but unfortunately we had pressed but one party—and that against whom we adopted a measure of co-operation (the non-importation act) was the very party with whom we had a negotiation actually pending. Towards the other no step was taken but the vote of money.
It, said Mr. R. the state of things be such as my friend from Georgia represents it—if there be danger of offensive war waged by either of the belligerents upon us, or by us upon them, then are all our measures fundamentally wrong. You have been warned that the Tygress may spring upon you in the night—we have been alarmed by the fate of Copenhagen, and the seizure of the Spanish frigates, even old Braddock’s war has been rummaged up to find precedents of insidious attack. I have ever been of opinion, and am now, that arguments founded on justice, reason, or the laws of nations, (which are the dictates of reason) never have had and never will have much weight in the transactions of nations. They have served to swell the ponderous volumes of jurists, and to stuff the port-folios of diplomats—nations have never been ruled by them, and never will so long as a superior tribunal is wanting to enforce obedience to them. The Romans indeed put on the semblance of that virtue which they had not, although they kept up the character and preserved the costume with great address—but even they paid no regard to any principle of faith or justice in their conduct to the neighboring states; for they attacked and devoured them one by one—keeping up their professions until they had digested and incorporated into their body politic the immediate enemy, when they instantly turned their arms against their former friend, perhaps the very ally who had assisted them in their last conquest. It is therefore that I do not trust at all to those maxims of equity and good faith so much relied upon by diplomatists, since I see them every where disregarded. I see the same system pursued on land on one side, and on water on the other; and that they have no respect for any obligation however sacred, the violation of which may aggrandize the power of either. I shall never be the apologist of either power; neither shall I dwell with peculiar emphasis on the aggressions of the one, passing over at the same time those of the other. If the state of things be such as my friend from Georgia represents them to be, our measures are radically defective. If war be expected, you must raise the embargo, arm your merchantmen, and scuttle for commerce and revenue as well as you can. When the great American tortoise draws in his head, as this nation laying an embargo has been compared to this animal, you do not see him trotting along; he lies motionless on the ground; it is when the fire is put on his back, that he makes the best of his way, and not till then. The system of embargo is one system, withdrawing from every contest, quitting the arena, flying the pit: the system of raising troops and fleets of whatever sort, is another, and opposite to that dormant state. As long as the embargo exists, we consider ourselves in a state of peace; and it was laid, I undertake to say, with that view, at least such were the arguments adduced in its favor—that it would save all the expence of armies; that the annual millions otherwise to be thrown away upon armies would be saved; that we should keep close House and there would be no danger. This system of expensive military establishment—this is no time to exaggerate—no time for tropes and figures of rhetoric, for common sense, and common sense alone ought to have influence—this system, I say, does not comport with your system of no commerce. They are at war with each other, and cannot go on together; and in less than one year, even with these 6000 men, you must do one of three things—borrow money at extravagant interest; lay direct taxes, and try to extort it from your harassed citizens, who cannot comply with their engagements to one another, whom the sheriff is even now hunting with his writs—or, open your ports and scuttle for commerce as you did during the Ameri-
can revolution.—catch it as you can. The two courses are incompatible; the treasury was full to be sure, but is in the wane, and the expence of this army alone will soon completely empty it.
My worthy friend from Georgia has said that the Tygress prowling for food for her young, may steal upon you in the night. I would as soon attempt to fence a Tyger out of my plantation with a four-railed fence, as to fence out the British navy with this force. It is because she may come in the night and choose her point of attack, that this force is incompetent; for that very reason, sir, you ought to be prepared; not with six thousand men, but with every man at every point. The gentleman indeed says that the militia system is so defective that we must resort to this force. This is a reason for classing them, for arming them, and not for raising a standing military force; for if it be, I undertake to say, that we never shall have an efficient militia. I know with my colleague (Mr. Burwell) that this is no more a standing army than the one we have; but if two and two make four, (a truth sometimes pressed upon us by gentlemen) this is an addition to it. A standing army after all will be liable to the same objections urged with so much force against the militia—it will be composed of men of different ages and strength—the young and active must wait the motions of the old and slow, and that which happened with Prussia will happen to you; you will find that old men cannot cope with young. Whilst the Prussians marched three miles the French conscripts by their superior activity marched four, interposed between Berlin and the Prussian army, and the battle of Jena terminated the campaign. It was decided by celerity of movement as well as superiority of numbers. I do trust if the Rochefort squadron should land 5000 men, or a British squadron either, that no one man of them would ever live to return home with news of their destruction. I hope that on the subject of foreign invasion the American nation will become as proverbial as the lion’s den in the fable—that no retracing steps from our den will ever be found; for in case of actual war, the country would act as one man, would bring a force into the field, against which no European army could stand, whatever superiority it might possess in the artificial modes of warfare.
(Mr. Randolph’s Speech to be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, APRIL 22.
The works for the battery and an upper fort on the heights at Warburton point commenced on the 14th inst. The situation and site on that point of Potomac are said to fully command there the narrow & deep channel, (which carries from seven to sixteen fathoms) and is the only fit spot on this extensive river for defence. The battery below does not in any way encroach or trespass either upon the valuable fisheries, the river shore flat, or the bank top immediately above them: the proprietor holding a full right therein, although yielding up to the United States, free egress and regress from the waters near the wharf point to and from the fortifications as well as full use of the usual road-ways thereto:—the ground so occupied and conveyed is under four acres, and has been valued by the appraisers at nearly two thousand dollars per acre.
SENATE—April 19.
A bill to authorize the President of the U. States to suspend the operation of the act prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, and the acts supplementary thereto, was read a third time and passed.
April 20.
On motion of Mr. White, Resolved, That it is expedient to authorize the President of the U. S. to have manned and equipped for service, with all convenient dispatch, the frigates and other vessels of war of the U. S. to be used, as in his opinion, the circumstances of the country, and the conduct of foreign powers towards the U. States may require.
A committee was thereupon appointed to bring in a bill conformably to this resolution.
The bill entitled “A bill in addition to the act, entitled ‘An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States,’ and the several acts supplementary thereto; and for other purposes,” was read the third time & passed.
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Condit, Crawford, Gaillard, Gil-
man, Gregg, Howland, Kitchel, Matthews, Milledge, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith, (Md.) Smith, (N. Y.) Smith, (Ten.) Sumpter, Thruston Tiffin, and Turner—21.
NAYS—Messrs. Goodrich, Hillhouse, Mitchell, Pickering, and White—5.
Among other provisions this bill contains the following:
“During the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States, no vessel of any description whatever, and wherever bound, whose employment is confined to the navigation of bays, sounds, rivers, and lakes, within the jurisdiction of the U. S. (packets, ferry boats, and vessels exempted from the obligation of giving any bond whatever, only excepted) shall be allowed to depart from any port of the U. S. without having previously obtained a clearance, nor until the master or commander shall have delivered to the collector or surveyor of the port of departure a manifest of the whole cargo on board, including articles of domestic growth or manufacture, as well as foreign merchandise. And it shall also be the duty of the owners, agents, or factors of every such vessel, to produce within one month thereafter to the collector of the district from which the vessel departed, a certificate of the landing of the whole of such cargo, in a port of the U. S. within the bay, sounds, rivers or lakes, to which the navigation of such vessel is confined, signed by the collector or surveyor, of the port where the cargo shall have been landed.
“If any vessel thus described shall depart from a port of the U. S. without a clearance, or before the manifest of the cargo shall have been delivered to the collector or surveyor, in the manner therein prohibited, or if a certificate of the landing of the cargo shall not be produced within the time and in the manner therein provided, such vessel and cargo shall be forfeited, and the owner or owners, consignee, agent, factors, freighters, master, or skipper of such vessel, shall respectively forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding thousand dollars, nor less than thousand dollars: Provided always , That nothing herein contained, shall be construed to bar or prevent the recovery of the penalty on the bond given for each vessel.”
“No ship or vessel, having any cargo whatever on board, shall, during the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. S. be allowed to depart from any port of the U. S. for any other port or district of the U. S. adjacent to the territories, colonies, or provinces of a foreign nation; nor shall any clearance be furnished to any ship or vessel, bound as aforesaid, without special permission of the President of the U. S. And if any ship or vessel shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, proceed to any port or district adjacent to the territories, colonies, or provinces of a foreign nation, such ship or vessel, with her cargo, shall be wholly forfeited; and if the same shall not be seized, the owner or owners, agents, factors, and freighters of such ship or vessel, shall for every such offence forfeit and pay and the master and commander of such ship or vessel, as well as all other persons, who shall knowingly be concerned in such prohibited voyage, shall each respectively forfeit and pay for every such offence, whether the vessel be seized or not.”
Votes and Nays on the passage of the bill to authorize the President of the U. States under certain conditions to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo.
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Condit, Crawford, Gaillard, Gilman, Gregg, Howland, Kitchel, Maclay, Matthews, Milledge, Mitchell, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith, (Md.) Smith, (N. Y.) Smith, (Oh.) Smith, (Ten.) Thruston, Tiffin, Turner, and White—21.
NAYS—Messrs. Goodrich, Hillhouse, Pickering, and Sumpter—4.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 20.
Mr. Biss said, unwilling as he was at this late period of the session to trespass on the time of the House he was yet compelled in justice to his constituents, to submit a motion to the consideration of the House. It would be recollected that the situation of the state of Georgia had been shown by him and his colleague (Mr. Troup) when the general post-office bill, which has been rejected by the Senate, had been under consideration; even the opponents of the bill had then said that they would agree to pass a special bill for Georgia, whose acquisition of new and fertile country, with a rapidly increasing population

States, but of a part—as a substitute for the militia, but for the protection of our frontiers, where there were no militia, and to which they could not be carried without great inconvenience to garrison fortifications, for which the militia are fitted neither by their discipline or habits.
Mr. Randolph moved a postponement until this day week, and proceeded to state reasons why this course should be pursued. He was fully convinced that if the bill could be postponed for a short time, in order to enable the House to review the subject, the vote would be very different from what it would be were the question taken to-day or to-morrow. He regretted extremely the introduction of the bill into the House—because said he, I am about to vote against it and shrink from that vote? Nothing farther from my thoughts. I never met a vote with greater pleasure in my life than I shall meet this—but I wish the House and the nation to pause, to reflect calmly and coolly, not only on the circumstances which have given rise to this bill, but upon later events, which if viewed in a proper light, instead of being considered as enforcing the measure, ought to be deemed as a strong dissuasive from it. He alluded expressly to the late communications from the British envoy here, and the French minister of exterior relations (or whatever be his title—for their style was so often changed, from christian to pagan, and from pagan to christian, that it was not easy to know when you have it right) they were to him a reason for arresting the present disposition to arm (not the nation) but to raise any thing like a standing military force, or a standing naval force, if the expression might be used—and it was correct, since we had a naval force, not standing at this time. As had been justly observed on another occasion by his friend from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) we had built a navy and fostered it at an immense expense. What was the effect of it? To protect commerce the avowed purpose for which it was raised? Not at all. We had just navy enough to bait the war-trap, to bring us into difficulties, not to carry us through them—just enough to give rise to the dignified style of “the Navy Department,” which had dwindled down to a department of gun-boats, since instead of protecting our commerce, or even our ports and harbors with our ships of war, we were building gun boats to protect them, and forts to protect the gun-boats. We had formerly raised a vast military force, as far at least as officers went to form one, for we had a swarm of them— Cui bono? For what use? As had been forcibly expressed by a gentleman from North Carolina, to spend money upon—as a cause for laying taxes, which ruined those in public opinion who imposed them. For these reasons, he wished the majority of the House to suspend acting upon the bill, if it were only for a few days. The time might come (he hoped it would come) when gentlemen might be thankful and look back with pleasure at having given themselves time to deliberate.
Mr. Randolph did not dread this force of 6000 men as sufficient to overturn the constitution; but objected to it on principle. It was moreover incompetent to its alleged object. The bill and the arguments in support of it did not hang together. Except one gentleman, who had taken it upon the ground of a peace establishment, not one consistent reason had been assigned in its favor. The gentleman from Boston (Mr. Quincy) was an orthodox disciple of the old school, and although his doctrine was no doubt perfectly satisfactory to himself, Mr. R. as a dissenter from that school, hoped to be pardoned for not concurring with him. It is enough for that gentleman that this establishment is asked for—he is one of those political believers who say, ask and it shall be given—knock and it shall be opened unto you. Mr. R. was not of that sect in politics: he would give sparingly, & doubtingly open: he would not open the door of the treasury, the public purse, to every demand, not even from the highest authority, co-ordinate with that House.
In assigning causes why the bill should be postponed it was difficult, if not impossible, to refrain from argument on the merits of the bill itself; and for this reason. The bill was predicated (to use a fashionable legislative phrase) on an urgent public necessity, which is incompatible with procrastination and delay: he hoped therefore to be indulged, if, in attempting to show that the question ought to be postponed, he should go into an examination of the fallacy of the arguments in favor of the bill. His eloquent friend from Georgia (Mr. Troup) to whose good opinion he should feel himself yet more in-
debted if he were not conscious that his compliment ought in justice to be transferred to another quarter; for in point of argument it belonged more properly to his friend from North Carolina (Mr. Stanford) whose speech that day for weight of metal, for solid bullion stood unrivalled; and the palm of eloquence might more justly be challenged by his friend from South Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) or the gentleman from Georgia himself; his worthy friend from Georgia, who had given him this gratuitous compliment which although not conscious of deserving it, Mr. R. highly prized, because he was sure it flowed from a sincere heart—had assuredly misunderstood, because he had mis-stated some of his positions; for that gentleman was incapable of misrepresenting from any other cause than having misconceived him. The mistake perhaps arose from Mr. R.’s own inaccuracy of expression, but he was inclined to think not. He did not (as his worthy friend understood him) speak of bright prospects of peace and plenty breaking in upon our gloomy situation. Nothing like it. But he did conceive that in proportion as we were pressed by the two great belligerents was the remoteness of our danger from either. Danger from both united, no man could apprehend in the present juncture. As for the events which his friend and colleague (Mr. Burwell) described in the womb of time, as possible, when that gentleman’s grandchildren might come of age, they could not enter into the present calculation. In proportion to the equal pressure of the two great belligerents on us are we equally removed from danger of attack or invasion by either. The sole difference between them now is that G. Britain is endeavoring to seduce you by very coarse caresses and clumsy address, indeed—and France to intimidate you into the war—each is anxious to bend you to her purposes, and differ only in the means. (and but little in them) by which to accomplish the object. Now in proportion as either perceives that you are on a hostile footing with the other, will she, if they possess one single grain of common sense, recede from her pressure? He would rather stand in the predicament to both in which we now are, than stand in the same predicament to either, being on terms of amity with the other—because he feared the influence of human passions even on the wisdom of that assembly. He feared that under the outrages of G. Britain, if we had no cause of complaint against France we might be mad enough to throw ourselves into the arms of France; and that if we had nothing to complain of on the part of England, especially at a time when her great navy would stand between us and immediate danger we might be equally mad and depart from our neutrality in favor of England, which when we do neutrality is at an end in the world and liberty along with it. He therefore drew comfort from the two representations of Messrs. Champagny and Erskine, however great an evil each might be by itself. The pressure of either of the belligerents was separately of sufficient weight perhaps to crush our neutrality—but pressing upon us like the surrounding atmosphere in every direction with an equal force, we should not be able to perceive its specific gravity, but move with perfect freedom in our neutral element. Such was his impression—it might be false, but it had appeared to him that such was the impression on almost every member of the House; and as charges of inconsistency had been urged and repeated he would show that he had acted upon this very principle in the session of 1805—6. He was sorry that allusions to former conduct had been made—that the question of consistency had been stirred, because in an assembly constituted like the present it must have an ill effect, if any, on the cause which he wished to support. He might have traced many of our present difficulties to their original source, but he had abstained, from a wish not to prejudice his cause. They had been brought into view by others and it behoved him to vindicate his own consistency. In 1805—6 he was of opinion that we should shew a determined front to both the powers with whom we had come into collision—that Spain being in fact identified with France, in proportion as England saw that we were not disposed to recede from her adversary, by so much would she be convinced that we meant to maintain our neutrality, as it respected her, or yield to embroil us with her enemy—In proportion also as France and Spain saw we would not relax from our just claims upon G. Britain, if they did not yield to embroil us with England, they would be convinced that we meant to hold the scales of neutrality not only with a steady and
impartial, but with a high hand. When however he had proposed to raise troops for the defence of Natchez and New Orleans, for the Sabine, and Natchez too, no treaty was pending between the U. S. and Spain; the negotiation had been broken off, and the President had told us, that the crisis required the interposition of force. The negotiation was broken off in a manner offensive and disgraceful to us, and was never renewed until the vote of two millions for the purpose of recommencing it passed that House. The view which Mr. R. took now was the same which he took then—but unfortunately we had pressed but one party—and that against whom we adopted a measure of co-ercion (the non-importation act) was the very party with whom we had a negotiation actually pending. Towards the other no step was taken but the vote of money.
If, said Mr. R. the state of things be such as my friend from Georgia represents it—if there be danger of offensive war waged by either of the belligerents upon us, or by us upon them, then are all our measures fundamentally wrong. You have been warned that the tygress may spring upon you in the night—we have been alarmed by the fate of Copenhagen, and the seizure of the Spanish frigates, even old Braddock’s war has been rummaged up to find precedents of insidious attack. I have ever been of opinion, and am now, that arguments founded on justice, reason, or the laws of nations, (which are the dictates of reason) never have had and never will have much weight in the transactions of nations. They have served to swell the ponderous volumes of jurists, and to stuff the port-folios of diplomats—nations have never been ruled by them, and never will so long as a superior tribunal is wanting to enforce obedience to them. The Romans indeed put on the semblance of that virtue which they had not, although they kept up the character and preserved the costume with great address—but even they paid no regard to any principle of faith or justice in their conduct to the neighboring states; for they attacked and devoured them one by one—keeping up their professions until they had digested and incorporated into their body politic the immediate enemy, when they instantly turned their arms against their former friend, perhaps the very ally who had assisted them in their last conquest. It is therefore that I do not trust at all to those maxims of equity and good faith so much relied upon by diplomats, since I see them every where disregarded. I see the same system pursued on land on one side, and on water on the other; and that they have no respect for any obligation however sacred, the violation of which may aggrandize the power of either. I shall never be the apologist of either power; neither shall I dwell with peculiar emphasis on the aggressions of the one, passing over at the same time those of the other. If the state of things be such as my friend from Georgia represents them to be, our measures are radically defective. If war be expected, you must raise the embargo, arm your merchantmen, and scuffle for commerce and revenue as well as you can. When the great American tortoise draws in his head, as this nation laying an embargo has been compared to this animal, you do not see him trotting along; he lies motionless on the ground; it is when the fire is put on his back, that he makes the best of his way, and not till then. The system of embargo is one system, withdrawing from every contest, quitting the arena, flying the pit: the system of raising troops and fleets of whatever sort, is another, and opposite to that dormant state. As long as the embargo exists, we consider ourselves in a state of peace; and it was laid, I undertake to say, with that view, at least such were the arguments adduced in its favor—that it would save all the expense of armies; that the annual millions otherwise to be thrown away upon armies would be saved; that we should keep close House and there would be no danger. This system of expensive military establishment—this is no time to exaggerate—no time for tropes and figures of rhetoric, for common sense, and common sense alone ought to have influence—this system, I say, does not comport with your system of no commerce. They are at war with each other, and cannot go on together; and in less than one year, even with these 6000 men, you must do one of three things—borrow money at extravagant interest; lay direct taxes, and try to extort it from your harassed citizens, who cannot comply with their engagements to one another, whom the sheriff is even now hunting with his writs—or, open your ports and scuffle for commerce as you did during the Ameri-
can revolution.—catch it as you can. The two courses are incompatible; the treasury was full to be sure, but is in the wane, and the expence of this army alone will soon completely empty it.
My worthy friend from Georgia has said that the Tygress prowling for food for her young, may steal upon you in the night. I would as soon attempt to fence a Tyger out of my plantation with a four-railed fence, as to fence out the British navy with this force. It is because she may come in the night and choose her point of attack, that this force is incompetent; for that very reason, sir, you ought to be prepared; not with six thousand men, but with every man at every point. The gentleman indeed says that the militia system is so defective that we must resort to this force. This is a reason for classing them, for arming them, and not for raising a standing military force; for if it be, I undertake to say, that we never shall have an efficient militia. I know with my colleague (Mr. Burwell) that this is no more a standing army than the one we have; but if two and two make four, (a truth sometimes pressed upon us by gentlemen) this is an addition to it. A standing army after all will be liable to the same objections urged with so much force against the militia—it will be composed of men of different ages and strength—the young and active must wait the motions of the old and slow, and that which happened with Prussia will happen to you; you will find that old men cannot cope with young. Whilst the Prussians marched three miles the French conscripts by their superior activity marched four, interposed between Berlin and the Prussian army, and the battle of Jena terminated the campaign. It was decided by celerity of movement as well as superiority of numbers. I do trust if the Rochefort squadron should land 5000 men, or a British squadron either, that no one man of them would ever live to return home with news of their destruction. I hope that on the subject of foreign invasion the American nation will become as proverbial as the lion’s den in the fable—that no retracing steps from our den will ever be found; for in case of actual war, the country would act as one man, would bring a force into the field, against which no European army could stand, whatever superiority it might possess in the artificial modes of warfare.
(Mr. Randolph’s Speech to be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, APRIL 22.
The works for the battery and an upper fort on the heights at Warburton point commenced on the 14th inst. The situation and site on that point of Potomac are said to fully command there the narrow & deep channel, (which carries from seven to sixteen fathoms) and is the only fit spot on this extensive river for defence. The battery below does not in any way encroach or trespass either upon the valuable fisheries, the river shore flat, or the bank top immediately above them: the proprietor holding a full right therein, although yielding up to the United States, free egress and regress from the waters near the wharf point to and from the fortifications as well as full use of the usual road-ways thereto:—the ground so occupied and conveyed is under four acres, and has been valued by the appraisers at nearly two thousand dollars per acre.
SENATE—APRIL 19.
A bill to authorize the President of the U. States to suspend the operation of the act prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, and the acts supplementary thereto, was read a third time and passed.
APRIL 20.
On motion of Mr. White, Resolved, That it is expedient to authorize the President of the U. S. to have manned and equipped for service, with all convenient dispatch, the frigates and other vessels of war of the U. S. to be used, as in his opinion, the circumstances of the country, and the conduct of foreign powers towards the U. States may require.
A committee was thereupon appointed to bring in a bill conformably to this resolution.
The bill entitled “A bill in addition to the act, entitled ‘An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States,’ and the several acts supplementary thereto; and for other purposes,” was read the third time & passed.
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Condit, Crawford, Gaillard, Gil-
man, Gregg, Howland, Kitchel, Matthews, Milledge, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith, (Md.) Smith, (N. Y.) Smith, (Tenn.) Sumpter, Thruston Tiffin, and Turner—21.
NAYS—Messrs. Goodrich, Hillhouse, Mitchell, Pickering, and White—5.
Among other provisions this bill contains the following:
“During the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States, no vessel of any description whatever, and wherever bound, whose employment is confined to the navigation of bays, sounds, rivers, and lakes, within the jurisdiction of the U. S. (packets, ferry boats, and vessels exempted from the obligation of giving any bond whatever, only excepted) shall be allowed to depart from any port of the U. S. without having previously obtained a clearance, nor until the master or commander shall have delivered to the collector or surveyor of the port of departure a manifest of the whole cargo on board, including articles of domestic growth or manufacture, as well as foreign merchandise. And it shall also be the duty of the owners, agents, or factors of every such vessel, to produce within one month thereafter to the collector of the district from which the vessel departed, a certificate of the landing of the whole of such cargo, in a port of the U. S. within the bay, sounds, rivers or lakes, to which the navigation of such vessel is confined, signed by the collector or surveyor, of the port where the cargo shall have been landed.
“If any vessel thus described shall depart from a port of the U. S. without a clearance, or before the manifest of the cargo shall have been delivered to the collector or surveyor, in the manner therein prohibited, or if a certificate of the landing of the cargo shall not be produced within the time and in the manner therein provided, such vessel and cargo shall be forfeited, and the owner or owners, consignee, agent, factors, freighters, master, or skipper of such vessel, shall respectively forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding thousand dollars, nor less than thousand dollars: Provided always, That nothing herein contained, shall be construed to bar or prevent the recovery of the penalty on the bond given for each vessel.”
“No ship or vessel, having any cargo whatever on board, shall, during the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. S. be allowed to depart from any port of the U. S. for any other port or district of the U. S. adjacent to the territories, colonies, or provinces of a foreign nation; nor shall any clearance be furnished to any ship or vessel, bound as aforesaid, without special permission of the President of the U. S. And if any ship or vessel shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, proceed to any port or district adjacent to the territories, colonies, or provinces of a foreign nation, such ship or vessel, with her cargo, shall be wholly forfeited; and if the same shall not be seized, the owner or owners, agents, factors, and freighters of such ship or vessel, shall for every such offence forfeit and pay and the master and commander of such ship or vessel, as well as all other persons, who shall knowingly be concerned in such prohibited voyage, shall each respectively forfeit and pay for every such offence, whether the vessel be seized or not.”
Yeas and Nays on the passage of the bill to authorize the President of the U. States under certain conditions to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo.
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Condit, Crawford, Gaillard, Gilman, Gregg, Howland, Kitchel, Maelay, Mathewson, Milledge, Mitchell, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith, (Md.) Smith, (N. Y.) Smith, (Tenn.) Smith, (Tenn.) Thruston, Tiffin, Turner, and White—21.
NAYS—Messrs. Goodrich, Hillhouse, Pickering, and Sumpter—4.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 20.
Mr. Bell said, unwilling as he was at this late period of the session to trespass on the time of the House he was yet compelled in justice to his constituent, to submit a motion to the consideration of the House. It would be recollected that the situation of the state of Georgia had been shown by him and his colleague (Mr. Troup) when the general post-office bill, which has been rejected by the Senate, had been under consideration; even the opponents of the bill had then said that they would agree to pass a special bill for Georgia, whose acquisition of new and fertile country, with a rapidly increasing population

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Refuge, boards, Rollin's ancient history, 8 vol. Rambler, 4 vol. Robinson's lyrical tales, calf gilt, Roderic Random, 2 vol. calf gilt, plates superb, Robinson Crusoe, 3 vol. do. do. Rasselas, do. do. Rainbow, boards, Rowes letters.
Steven's Lectures on Heads, Sacred Dramas, Sentimental Journey, Sevinge's Letters, 7 vol. Spectator, 6 vol. Simple Story, 4 vols. half bound, Salem Witchcraft, Simlagundi, 2 vols. Scott's Ballads, St. Clair, Seneca's Morals, Sublime and Beautiful, Stranger in France, Shenstone's Works, 3 vol. calf gilt, do. Poems, 2 vols. St. Pierre's works, 4 vols. plates, Sidney's Aphorisms, with remarks by Miss Porter, 2 vols. calf gilt, Shipwreck, do. Seasons in England, boards; Saints Rest, Scripture Doctrine, Sacramental Meditations, Sinners Complaint, Sherlock on Death, Smart's Horace, 2 vols. calf gilt; Southey's Metrical Tales, Tale of the Times, 2 vols. Tales of the Genii, 2 vols. calf gilt plates; Theodore Cyphon, 2 vols. Thomson's Seasons, plates; do. sonnets calf gilt; Triumphs of Temper, do. plates; Telemaachus, 2 vols. do. do. Tristram Shandy, 3 vols. half bound, plates; Tom Jones, 4 vols. do. Thomson's Works, 2 vols. Tour through Zealand, boards; Tuherville Controversies.
Vicar of Wakefield, Vicar of Landsdown, unerring authority, university (examination of) universal restoration, village sermons, 2 vols. (by Burder).
Watts poetical works, do. edition of the life of Pitt, Wakefield's family tour, boards; wanderer, (a poem) by Montgomery, works of De Rysac, &c. boards; wild flowers, do. Irish girl, (Owenson), wonders of art, calf gilt; do. of nature and art, 14 vols. plates; winter evening, Watts on the mind, Wesley's journal, 4 vols.
Yorick, Young's centaur.
LAW. —Abbot's law of merchants and seamen, Bosanquet and Buller's reports, Blackstone's commentaries, 4 vols. do. with Tucker's notes, Buller's nisi prius, Burn on insurance, Burr's trial, Bacon's abridgment, 7 vols. Citty on bills, Comyns digest, 6 vols. constitutions of the United States, conductor generalis, Chase's trial, (reported by Evans) do. (by Smith and Lloyd) 2 vols. Cranch's reports, 3 vols. Coke's institutes, Clerk's magazine, Dallas's reports, 4 vols. East's crown law, 2 vols. do. reports, 7 vols. Espinasse's reports, 4 vols. do. nisi prius, 2 vols. Foster's crown law, Fowlouque on equity, 2 vols. Gilbert's equity, do. law of evidence, do. common pleas, do. on tenure, do. on rents, do. reports, Harrison's Chancery, 2 vols. laws of the United States, 8 vols. digest of (Herty) 2 vols. do. abridgment of (Graydon), do. of Kentucky, do. of Maryland, digest of (Herty) MacNally's evidence, 2 vols. Martin's law of nations, notes to Blackstone, (Christian), Peake's evidence, do. nisi prius, nisi prius, abridgment, pleadings assistant, Marshall on insurance, Powell on devises, do. on contracts, Powell on mortgages, Roberts on frauds, do. on fraudulent conveyances, Saunders reports, 3 vol. Selfridge's trial, Sugden's law of Venders, state trials, Sullivan's lectures, study of the law, spirit of laws, Sheppard's touch-stone, Virginia debates, Vesey's (junior) reports, Wright on tenure, Wood's conveying, 6 vol. SCHOOL BOOKS.
Walker, Ash, Johnson, Barclay, Webster, Sheridan, Jones, Perry, Alexander, Scott, & Entick's English Dictionaries ; Ainsworth, Young & Entick's, Latin Dictionaries ; Boyer & Nugent's French Dictionaries ; Shrevell's Lexicon , Semple's biographical dictionary , Gattel's Spanish & English , do. 2 vols. calf gilt, Horace Delphin, Virgil, do. Cicero, do. Ovid, do. Caesar, do. Siliart, do. Juvenal, do. Davidson's Virgil, Hutchinson's Xenophon, Duncan's Cicero, Clarke's Homer, Do. Justin, Demosthenes, Greek testament, Selectae e Veteri, Do. Prefatius, Cornelius nepos, Aesop's fables, Erasmus, Corderii, Latin grammar, (Ruodiman) Do. (Davidson,) Do. (Ross), Greek, do. (Wettshall) Do. translated by Farrand, English grammar, (Murray,) Do. (Harrison,) Do. (Ash,) Pike, Walsh, Dilworth, Fisher, Bonycastle, Vyse, and Jess's Arithmetic ; Hamilton on education, 2 vol. Genet's lessons, 2 vol. Letter writer, Goldsmith's Rome, Do. Greece, Do. England, Do. Natural history, Enfield's speaker, Scott's lessons, History of America, Modern geography, Murray's reader, Do. Introduction to do. Do. Sequel to do. Tucker's history, Universal history, Monitor, Morses geography, Bibles and testaments for schools, Mayor, Murray, Perry, Philadelphia, Columbus, Dilworth and Webster's Spelling books ; Art of reading, Do. of speaking, Columbian orator, American preceptor.
BIBLES, &c.
Cary's quarto bibles of various kinds, Octavo bibles with Cane's notes, Prayer books of several kinds in calf and Morocco, Do. bound in sheep of various sizes, Watt's psalms and hymns, bound in Morocco, Douay bibles, Do. testaments, Pocket bibles, Morocco gilt, Do. common.
CHILDRENS BOOKS.
A large and extensive assortment of children's books, Johnson's best editions.
STATIONARY.
Ledgers, journals, day books, waste books, invoice books, and letter books, ready made and ruled to various patterns.
Every description of blank books made on the shortest notice.
WRITING PAPERS.
Atlas, imperial, super royal, royal, medium, demy, folio, post, quarter post, and foolscap, all of the best quality; wafers, sealing wax, quills, lead pencils, slates, slate pencils, red & black ink & ink powder, penknives, India rubber, playing, printing, and message cards.
ink and sand stands, pencil cases, Morocco pocket books, silk and Morocco purses, cases of instruments, Gunter's scales and dividers, parallel rulers, bonnet paste boards, book binders board, bandbox boards, wrapping paper, &c. &c.
United States District Court of Columbia, county of Washington, to wit. IN CHANCERY, 9th OCTOBER, 1807. Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason, versus Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrall, Gabaull & Doyrey, James C. Montflorece, I. I. Picard and James Davidson.
THE bill states that the defendant, Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simond to the French government. That the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo, the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith, the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners, Taney and Simond. That the debt due hath been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand, two hundred and seventy francs, French money of the value of 35,675 dollars. That the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing and for several years past having resided in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland, well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complainants said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris under the Louisiana Convention, was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants as the trustees of Francis Lewis, Taney, and Taney and Simond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith in the said debt to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid. That notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C. Montflorece of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt, which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; and the said Montflorece did actually receive the bills on the ministers of the United States, on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montflorece, with a view as the said complainants believe, to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith and as his attorney to the said I. I. Picard, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston, who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrall, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed them over to James Davidson cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Gabaull and Doyrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith, for thirty thousand francs French money of the value of 5625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson, and endorsed over to him for collection in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American minister at Paris on the treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid. The object of the said bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his coadjutors, and to obtain a writ of injunction directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c. and particularly to the said James Davidson enjoining and commanding him from paying over to any person besides the said complainants the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills, or parting with the said bills until the further order of this court in the premises.
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrall, Gabaull and Doyrey, James C. Montflorece, and I. I. Picard, defendants in this cause all reside out of the district of Columbia and are not within the reach of the process of this court. It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted once each week for six months previous to the first Monday in June next in the National Intelligencer, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause, if any, why a decree shall not pass as prayed.
By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. December 4—6m
FAMILY PHYSICIAN.
A new and greatly improved Family Physician, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion."
FOR SALE AT R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book store, Washington city. J. MILLER, 75 George Town, And KID & THOMAS'S, Market street, Baltimore. March 28—3w
FOR SALE. THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale WM. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
A NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
CHARLES H. VANDEN MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanglets and rich silk Mole-skins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. Newport, N. H.
HAVE FOR SALE AT THEIR STORE GEORGE TOWN, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cu and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
JUST RECEIVED, And for Sale, at J. March's Book-Store, High-street, Geo. Town, An extensive assortment of Johnson's CHILDRENS BOOKS; Among which are the following: Pity's Gift, price 37 1-2 cents. Sequel to Pity's Gift 37 1-2 Way to Wealth 25 Moral Fables 25 Simple Stories 25 Select Rhymes 37 1-2 Daisy 18 3-4 Prize 2 vols. 50 Chimney Sweeper 18 3-4 Little Family 18 3-4 Letters from London 37 1-2 Toy Shop 13 1-2 Children in the Wood 37 1-2 Anecdotes of the Dog 62 1-2 Medley 13 1-2 ** All the above Books are fine editions, ornamented with fine plates. April 20—3t
This is to give Notice— THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Wilfred Neale, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of March 1808. HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
40 DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending and delivering Negro HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington or twenty five dollars for securing said slave so that I get him again. Harry ran off on the 11th day of March 1808, he is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen on the breast; had on when he went off a blue cloth coat, drab color bear skin round jacket (as a spencer) Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county. N. B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in his escape, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such acts. PETER LENOX.
NOTICE. To the Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company. IN pursuance to an act of Congress, you are called on by the late Commissioners to attend in person or by proxy at Washington the 2d of May next, to elect five Directors, a Treasurer, and Clerk. I take the liberty through this medium to offer myself a candidate as your Clerk. The advantage to the Alexandrians of the clerk residing in Alexandria, as the office is to be kept in Washington, is obvious, and no injury can possibly arise from this arrangement to the Stockholders in the City. It will render unnecessary in case of transfer, that the persons conveying or receiving the conveyance should repair to the Clerk's Office in the City to have the needful done—true it is, that it may be done by power of Attorney; but the trouble attendant thereon is an inconvenience, independent of the necessity of an agent to effect the transfer; whereas the clerk residing in Alexandria, might be the means of saving that expense and trouble by keeping a transfer book there. I shall be content to receive whatever emolument the service may be deemed worthy of, or as low as any competitor that may be presented for your suffrage. A. LINDO. Alexandria, April 18—tm
IN obedience to the decree of the high court of Chancery of Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at the premises on the 4th day of May next at 3 o'clock, P. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to part of a Tract of LAND, called Brock Hall , supposed to contain about one hundred and twenty acres, and part of a Tract of LAND called Beall's Hunting Quarters , supposed to contain about seventy acres, lying in Prince Georges county Maryland. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest thereon from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale. JAMES S. MORSEL, Trustee. April 13—3w
NOTICE. BY order of the Orphan's Court of Washington county district of Columbia will be sold at PUBLIC AUCTION, on Friday the 22d inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. at the late Dwelling of Addison Murdock, deceased, in Washington city, the Household and Kitchen Furniture and an elegant Gig, with plated harness.
And on Saturday the 23d inst. at Ten o'clock A. M. will be sold at Public Auction at his farm about three miles above George Town, negroes, horses, cattle, a waggons and geers, corn, rye, oats and tobacco, with sundry farming utensils. Terms of sale, six months credit for all purchases above 20 dollars.
MARILANE C. MURDOCK, GEORGE FRENCH, Admrs. N. B. All persons having claims against the estate of Addison Murdock, deceased, are requested to present them to George French before the day of sale; those indebted to said estate are also requested to call and settle their accounts. April 15—tdos
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding undivided lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—epids
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. THE Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N. B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf