The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-10-31 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCLXXII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, OCTOBER 31 st , 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONNECTICUT LEGISLATURE.
On Tuesday the 13th instant, the legislature of the state of Connecticut commenced its fall session at the city of Hartford. The House of Representatives having assembled in their chamber, proceeded to make choice of a Speaker and Clerks. When Timothy Pitkin, Esq. was elected Speaker, and Jonathan Olden Mesely and Nathaniel Rossetter, Esquires, Clerks, there being few dissenting votes. At 11 o'clock, A. M. the two Houses being convened in the Council Chamber, his Excellency the Governor delivered the following.
ADDRESS.
Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
SOON after the rising of the General Assembly in May last, I transmitted to the Governor of Massachusetts, a copy of the resolution of our legislature for settling, running and demarcating the boundary line between this state and that commonwealth. A similar resolution was passed on the part of Massachusetts; and commissioners on both sides have been appointed and commissioned, with powers to carry into effect the business assigned them by the resolutions. Thus we have a pleasing prospect that the boundary line between these two states will at length be established to mutual satisfaction.
Scarcely have we had opportunity to rejoice and congratulate each other on the cessation of hostilities among the nations of Europe, when a new war has been commenced between Great-Britain and France. To a benevolent and humane mind, it is a melancholy consideration, that nations are so often disposed to engage in war, ungrateful however as this idea is, it is perhaps at times a necessary measure to check the unreasonable pursuits of unbounded ambition, and control the unruly passions of restless and aspiring minds. The ways of Providence in these events are deep and unsearchable. What may be the consequences to our country from this renewed conflict between two rival and powerful nations, with whom we are intimately connected in commerce, is at present uncertain. While intemperate passions are indulged, and political prejudices prevail among us, the issue of events connected therewith cannot be calculated. One thing however seems obvious. The happy effects which our country derived from a state of neutrality, during the last European war, are not forgotten, nor are they misunderstood by our citizens. Experience in that case points to our true policy on the present occasion. Viewing the relative situation and political state of the two continents, found wisdom dictates to us, to avoid as much as possible every circumstance which may tend to entangle this country in the whirlpool of foreign contentions. And contemplating the same ideas, may we not suppose it to be the design of Providence in part, that, although our benevolence may weep over the calamities of distant nations; the increase, wealth and power of this continent should be promoted by their misfortunes. We may at least, I think, trust in that kind and superintending Providence which has hitherto watched over the welfare of the United States, and often interposed for our relief in times of anxiety and distress, that it will still support and direct us under present perplexities. At the same time however, while we acknowledge our dependence on the kind interposition of Providence, we ought to be active in our own exertions for the public good—diligently seeking the general welfare, by a wise and prudent use of our legislative powers, a discreet execution of our laws, with a moral and upright conduct in all our relations; to which we should add, a steady and firm adherence to the political, moral and social institutions of our wise and venerable forefathers; under the influence of which, these New-England states have flourished almost beyond example; and which, if preserved and supported, in the purity of their principle and practice, so far as circumstances will admit, may still, I trust, prove the happy means of continuing and securing the political salvation of at least this portion of the union.
Such has been the quiet and tranquillity of our situation in this state, that nothing has occurred during our late recess, to call up your special exertions at this session. The common routine of business will principally occupy the attention of the legislature at their present meeting, in which you may be assured of my hearty co-operation.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL.
SPEECH OF GOVERNOR TICHENOR.
Gentlemen of the Council, and
House of Representatives,
WE are again assembled to devise and adopt such measures as will promote the great interest of our fellow-citizens.
In the exercise of the duties assigned to us, it may not be unprofitable to look back to the infant state of our republic; from thence trace the measures pursued by our venerable fathers; to whose wisdom and firmness we are indebted for the rank and privileges of an independent state. It is a tribute justly due to their virtues, thus publicly to acknowledge, that the evils arising from division and party spirit, were not known in their legislative councils. Their appointments to offices were fixed on men whose disinterested zeal for the public good was manifested more by their acts than by their professions. A patriotic spirit of union in council and measures animated their administration. They subdued a wilderness; they sowed the seeds of science and the arts, and the elder states saw with surprise a few virtuous citizens, demanding as their right, an honorable rank among our sister states. It should be remembered that it was union alone sustained them in their infant struggles for right, in their noble exertions for sovereignty. It is wisdom in us to adhere to those rules and maxims, by which they regulated their conduct, and like them to make the general good the great object of all our public measures.
One important part of the business assigned to us by the constitution, is the appointment of civil officers: our duty in this respect is plain and easy to be understood; the wisest and best men, those who by precept and example will cherish an obedience to the laws are evidently the most proper candidates: and while we aim to appoint such to office, there will be no room for party views and interests to influence our proceedings.
The enacting of laws should ever be a business of mature deliberation. The happiness and safety of society does not depend on its multiplicity of laws. Laws should be few in number, explicit, and duly enforced; what the operation of a law will be upon the community, the most discerning cannot often foretell. A partial evil is sometimes noticed upon the promulgation of a law which is often greatly overbalanced by its more general and beneficial effects: the only sure mode of deciding upon the merits of a statute, is to submit to the process of patient experiment—Hence it follows, that legislatures should be as careful in repealing as in enacting laws. Among the public acts passed by the last general assembly, it is believed that the act relating to insolvent debtors is not sufficiently explicit and guarded to secure the rights of the creditors, and afford the remedy intended for debtors. An investigation by an assembly possessing accurate knowledge of the operation of this statute, and some others recently enacted will determine if necessary.
By the xxxiv section of our constitution in order to make sanguinary punishments less necessary, it is strongly recommended, "that means should be provided for punishing by hard labor, those who should be convicted of crimes not capital, whereby the criminal shall be employed for the benefit of the public, or for reparation of injuries done to private persons." Whether the period has arrived in which this humane and salutary recommendation can be carried into effect, you can best judge; but the weakness of our county gaols throughout the state, the frequent escape of persons confined for crimes, the great expense sustained by the state and county treasuries for the apprehension of prisoners, and the yet great expense of supporting criminals in our common gaols, impress it upon me as a duty to draw the attention of the legislature to the erecting a state prison: I may here add, we have not to venture the expense upon the uncertainty of experiment, but the benefits and even profits of a public penitentiary house or state prison, has been abundantly proved in a number of the adjacent states.
In a just arrangement of our fiscal concerns, much advantage will result to the people. While we are careful to supply the treasury with such sums of money as the public exigencies require, it will at all times be useful to pay a strict attention to public expenditures; and to ascertain from time to time, the amount of monies drawn for the support of different branches of our government: for this purpose the public accounts will be laid before you.
The state of our militia has strong claims to your attention: by an official communication from the President of the United States, it has again become my duty to invite you to a consideration of this subject: this communication, together with a return of the effective force of our militia will be laid before you. They are respectable for numbers; they are brave; they inherit the spirit of their fathers; to preserve this spirit they must be well armed and equipped—this cannot be effected without legislative aid. Our safety and freedom essentially depend on this class of our fellow-citizens. It is our highest interest as a nation to engrave the character of the soldier on the citizen and to cherish that spirit which gave us independence—It will be a sure and cheap defence.
While the horrors of war are again taking place in some of the nations of Europe, I cannot but congratulate you on the happy state of peace and tranquillity that pervades the United States. A country that steadily pursues the business of agriculture, manufactures and avoids war, except in defence of her just rights, is in the surest way to national prosperity and improvement. The glory derived from the increasing population and happiness of a country, is far more eligible and useful than any thing that can be obtained by making war upon any nation, or being distinguished by the destruction of the human race.
I shall be happy gentlemen, to operate with you in any measures that may serve to promote the interests and honor of the state; and I trust we shall all bear in mind, that the public business will always be transacted to the greatest advantage, when it is done in the exercise of wisdom, of candor, and of moderation.
ISAAC TICHENOR.
LONDON, Sept. 7.
By the Dublin mail of the 3 d , which arrived this morning, we have the proceedings of that day under the special commission. On that day John Begg, another of the traitors concerned in the insurrection of the 23 d July, was convicted, but recommended to mercy by the jury, on account of his good character.
A conspiracy among twenty-seven convicts to break out of Kilmainham gaol, was happily discovered and frustrated on Friday.
Public tranquillity remains undisturbed.
Downing Street, September 6.
The King has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the right honorable lord Hawkesbury, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, to the ministers of neutral powers residing at this court, that his majesty has thought proper, for the defence of his dominions, and the protection of his subjects, to take the most effectual measures for the blockade of the entrance of the port of Havre de Grace, and the other ports of the Seine; and that from this time all the measures authorized by the law of nations, and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels which may attempt to violate the said blockade.
Price of stocks, this day 12 o'clock, consols 54 1-4, omnium 6 1-3 dis.
It has been so often determined and undetermined to appoint lord Pelham to the office of Chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, that we cannot pretend to say how that point stands at the present moment. Lord Pelham always stated in the cabinet his fair and unbiased opinion, but it seldom accorded with that of Mr. Addington, and some other of the ministers. If it had been followed however with respect to the affairs of Ireland, we believe things would be in a more tranquil state in that country than they are at present. The administration feel however the total impossibility of going on in the house of lords without further aid in that quarter, and it is determined that either Mr. Yorke is to be created lord Dover, or that lord Hawkesbury is to be called up to the House of peers previous to the next session of parliament. It is also positively decided to assemble the parliament in the course of the month of November, and probably in the beginning of that month.
We understand that government have it in contemplation to build a military & naval hospital in the neighborhood of Edinburgh. The magistrates of that city have agreed to give the ground (on the upper end of Burfield Links) for erecting the building. A more eligible or healthful situation for such a purpose
cannot be found near Edinburgh.
Administration have passed the rubicon respecting Mr. Pitt, and their under-strappers are upon all occasions endeavoring to lessen the credit of that illustrious statesman and true patriot. The public are now told, that it is a gross mistake to suppose that the latter modifications in the property bill were adopted in deference to Mr. Pitt. Here we join issue with the Times-serving scribblers. The ministry, indeed, shewed no deference to Mr. Pitt, whose high reputation their newspapers and anonymous pamphlets are vainly attempting to fully. The improvements in that bill were adopted because Mr. Pitt offered irrefragable arguments, and supported them by irresistible eloquence, and from the subsequent conduct of ministers, it is probable, that though they were obliged to adopt them, they did so with reluctance, because they were suggested by Mr. Pitt, whose wisdom rendered their imbecility more conspicuous.
September, 9.
In a few days we hope to have the satisfaction of announcing that the secret expedition, under the orders of admiral lord Keith has successfully executed the important object for which it is destined.
Another secret expedition will sail on or about the 20 th of the present month.
Floilla off Boulogne.
We are happy to inform the public that our floilla off Boulogne continues to harass the enemy almost incessantly. The attention of the board of ordnance to the quality of the gun powder with which our army and navy are supplied, is highly praiseworthy, and promises incalculable advantages to our operations. Now, in spite of the boasted progress made by our enemy in different arts connected with chemistry, we surpass them so far in the article of gun powder, that at Boulogne we can send in our shells to their great annoyance, when at such a distance they cannot make a single one to reach our vessels. This is a circumstance of great moment, for the object of the enemy is to erect works out in the sea, to keep our vessels at a distance. Without this they never can bring their gun boats to that position necessary for arrangements and sailing; and although it may be impossible, absolutely impossible, to prevent their getting on with their works, where the men that are destroyed, have their places supplied by others, they must proceed very slowly; and even when finished prove inadequate to the end proposed. The superiority of our powder, and the intrepidity of our tars, will, even then, enable us to destroy the boasted fleet of gun boats, almost as soon as they shall shew themselves any ways near these works.
The Spanish messenger who lately arrived with dispatches from the court of Madrid, left town last Sunday on his return, with the ultimatum of our cabinet.
The discontent among the volunteer corps still continues, and government has taken no suitable steps to calm the ill humour. The attorney general, we understand, has given it as his opinion, on consultation, that the last act passed for the general defence of the country exempts from the army of reserve and the militia, all volunteer corps accepted by his majesty, and which, in case of invasion, are ready to march to any part of Great Britain.
A circular letter has been addressed to the lord lieut. of the county of Essex dated 31 st August, stating, that orders have been given to the board of ordnance to issue such a number of arms as may be sufficient for one half of the quota of Volunteers for that county of three times the number of their old militia, after making allowance for the quantity of arms which the respective corps have provided, or may be disposed to provide, for themselves; sabres and pistols are to be appropriated for the cavalry and pikes for the artillery. His lordship concludes with observing, "It is considered, however, to be highly desirable that the several bodies of volunteers should in the present moment be encouraged, under proper precautions, to supply themselves."
We understand it is lord Cathcart, & not marquis Cornwallis, who goes out commander in chief to Ireland. This has been lately stated in the Irish papers. Lord Cathcart is a very good officer. He possesses those qualities which are above all others essential to a good officer; great quickness and activity equally prompt to decide and to execute.
The Bloomsbury volunteers have assigned a requisition to their committee,
to call a general meeting of their corps, to take into consideration the printed paper transmitted to them, which suggests regulations for their proposed reduction to 720 men.
A merchant at Rotterdam, in a letter dated the 28 th ultimo, thus expresses himself to his correspondent in London:
"It is perfectly needless to send you the newspapers you desire, as our press is so completely fettered, that you might as well expect intelligence from an Algerine Gazette. We are worse off than the Frenchmen, as we endure their oppression and our own too. The northern powers will not help us. They secretly rejoice in our downfall. I doubt even if they will exert themselves, at least with any degree of strenuousness, in favor of Hamburg. Prussia has an obvious interest in winking at the blockade. I have now by me several letters from Embden, representing the flourishing state of that port, and inviting our house to settle a correspondence there, on the presumption that its peculiar advantages will be permanent. The linen trade of Prussia has received a check, but I am confidently told, that it will find its way to Embden. Dantzic is also much benefited by the blockade of the Elbe, as the Baltic trade is increased. In this point of view, Russia herself is interested in continuing its blockade. Denmark and Sweden must follow the will of their gigantic neighbor, but I am doubtful whether their inclination be not in reality in favor of the restrictions on the commerce of the Elbe. This is not the time for the interest of the minor states. A new system of policy is adopted, and those who argue on old principles. (I presume not to say right or wrong) will always find themselves mistaken. Our trade is almost literally destroyed, and it is nearly the same at Amsterdam. Nothing seems to thrive but taxes and contributions. These are now imposed almost beyond the physical possibility of endurance, and if not immediately paid, a file or two of musketeers are sent to the house to live at free cost. Admiral de Winter's fleet is certainly gone to the Cape of Good Hope. I do not find that the admiral has any credit with our government. Taxes are paid, and preparations go on, but all in a dull, heavy way. I should deceive you if I attempted to ascertain the number of French troops now in Holland. Among the general officers who alone can know any thing on this subject, the greatest reserve is shewn. There has lately been a stir in North Holland, and along the coast, as if they rather expected a visit from you. The English cruisers are so active and indefatigable, that I think you must have timely notice when our preparations are very formidable. I may be singular, but I think Ireland has more to apprehend than either England or Scotland."
The determination of the prince of Brazil, to seek refuge in his American dominions from the domination of Bonaparte, does the highest honor to his spirit and magnanimity. "Any country with liberty" is the maxim by which those who have to do with the present government of France, when they are too weak to hope for success in battle. All patriotism must in such cases give way to the prudence of a timely flight. But if there be any reasonable hope for the issue of the contest, or any fair proportion of comparative strength, honor will prompt those who are invaded to try the event of the contest, though they should be buried in the ruins of their cities.
Commercially Interesting.
For the information of such American citizens who have claims upon the British government, we publish the following copy of a circular, addressed by George W. Irving, Esq. American consul at London, to those claimants in whose favor compensation has been awarded.
N. Y. papers,
(CIRCULAR.) To _____, owner of the _____ American Consulate, London 1803.
Sir, I have now the satisfaction to inform you, that the commissioners under the seventh article of our treaty with this country has awarded you compensation in the above-mentioned case, to the amount of _____ sterling, to be paid by the British government in three equal annual instalments, the first whereof will be on the 15 th of July next, as directed by the late convention; the award, which is assignable under the direction of the parties, but not other-

you will please to observe, that the instructions given to my predecessors direct, that "no bills shall be paid without letters of advice, that no partial payments can be made, and that they (the claimants) must draw for the whole sum due to them, in one lot of exchange."
If you shall hereafter be disposed to make sale of your award, or of the payments which may remain due upon it, it will be necessary for you to join in proper authorities to the person or persons you may be so disposed to employ for that purpose, whether it may be myself or any other; and if you should desire the award to be assigned and delivered over by me to any agent for this or any other purpose, you will please to give me your explicit directions to that effect.
It is probable that since the commencement of our claims, in many cases partial, or entire assignments or transfers of the property may have been made, and several of the original claimants may have deceased; in all these cases, it will be necessary that I be duly advised by the party or parties surviving of those originally interested, of such assignments or transfers, and that regular notifications be sent to me by the legal representatives of those deceased.
Your very obedient servant, &c.
P. S. Though foreign to the immediate purposes of this letter, it may not, however, be improper to inform you, that the various opportunities which this place offers for the profitable employment of money as well as circumstances attached to the nature of this instrument, render it improbable that your award could be sold without a single sacrifice in premium or discount; it is impossible to lay with any degree of accuracy, what allowances of this sort it will be necessary to make to a purchaser—it must be varied by circumstances. You may not expect to convert it into cash under a discount from 7 to 10 per cent. besides a deduction of the interest upon the several installments at 5 per cent. you will observe, that interest at the rate of 6 per cent. has been allowed to you by the board, so that adding the commissions on the sale, you may estimate on the net deduction, at the utmost at 10 to 12 per cent. and after one installment shall have been paid, it may be expected that the confidence of purchasers will be increased, and proportionably better terms be obtained.
OF DEMARARA.
Capt. Moody, who arrived at Portland on Monday last, in 17 days from St. Eulalia, was informed there by a gentleman direct from Demarara, that the British had landed 15,000 troops near that place for the purpose of attacking it.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, October 24th, 1803.
LOUISIANA TREATY.
Call for papers.
Mr. GRISWOLD laid that by advertising to the message of the President respecting the treaty and conventions lately concluded between the United States and the French government, he found that the President, speaking on the subject observes "as permanent arrangements for this object require time and deliberation, it is for your consideration whether you will not forthwith make such temporary provisions for the preservation, in the mean while, of order and tranquility in the country, as the case may require." He recommends to the immediate attention of Congress the passage of some temporary laws. This being the case, and the subject being about to be brought before the House, it became important that they should know distinctly what they had obtained by the Treaty; and whether there were any territory belonging to the United States to take possession of, or any new subjects to govern. Inasmuch as if no new territory or subjects were acquired, it was perfectly idle to pass even temporary laws for the occupation of the one, or the government of the other. He believed it would be admitted that by the express terms of the treaty the United States had neither acquired new territory or new subjects. The part of the Treaty, having relation to this point, is thus expressed:
"Whereas, by the article the third of the treaty concluded at St. Ildefonso, the 9th Vendemiaire, an. 9 (1st October 1800) between the First Consul of the French Republic and his Catholic Majesty, it was agreed as follows:
"His Catholic Majesty promises and engages on his part, to cede to the French Republic six months after the full and entire execution of the conditions and stipulations herein, relative to his Royal Highness the Duke of Parma, the colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France possessed it; and such as it should be after the treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and other states."—And whereas, in pursuance of the treaty, and
particularly of the third article, the French Republic has an incontestible title to the domain and to the possession of the said territory: The First Consul of the French republic desiring to give to the United States a strong proof of his friendship, doth hereby cede to the said United States in the name of the French Republic, forever and in full sovereignty, the said territory, with all its rights and appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as they have been acquired by the French republic, in virtue of the above mentioned treaty, concluded with his catholic majesty."
By this article it appears that in a treaty between Spain and France, Spain stipulated to cede to France upon certain conditions, the province of Louisiana. The treaty between the United States and the French government does not ascertain whether these terms have been complied with by France, or whether the cession has been actually made by Spain to France. All that appears is a promise made by Spain to cede. If the terms stipulated by France have not been complied with, and Spain has not delivered the province to France, then it results that France had no title, and of consequence that the United States has acquired no title from France. If this be correct, the consequence will be that we have acquired no new territory or new subjects, and that it is perfectly idle to spend time in passing laws for possessing the territory, and governing the people. This point, not being ascertained by the language of the treaty, it may be important to obtain documents that may satisfy the House whether the United States have acquired either new territory or new subjects. In the treaty lately concluded with France, the treaty between France and Spain is referred to; only a part of it is copied. The treaty referred to must be a public treaty. In the nature of things it must be the title deed for the province of Louisiana. The government must have a copy of it. As there is but a part recited, it is evidently imperfect. It becomes, therefore, necessary to be furnished with the whole, in order to ascertain the conditions relative to the duke of Parma; it also becomes necessary to get the deed of cession; for the promise to cede is no cession. This deed of cession, Mr. G. also presumed was in the possession of government. It was also important to know under what circumstances Louisiana is to be taken possession of, and whether with the consent of Spain, as she is still possessed of it. If it is to be taken possession of with her consent, the possession will be peaceable, and one kind of provision will be necessary; but if it is to be taken possession of, in opposition to Spain, a different provision may be necessary. From these considerations he thought it proper in the House to call upon the Executive for information on this point. Other important documents may, perhaps, likewise be in the hands of the President. Hence he considered it his duty, before the House went into a consideration of the resolutions laid on the table, to submit the following resolution:
Resolved, that the president of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before this House, a copy of the treaty between the French republic and Spain, of the first of October 1800, together with a copy of the deed of cession from Spain, executed in pursuance of the same treaty conveying Louisiana to France, (if any such deed exists;) also copies of such correspondence between the government of the United States & the government or minister of Spain (if any such correspondence has taken place) as will show the assent or dissent of Spain to the purchase of Louisiana by the United States,—together with copies of such other documents as may be in the departments of this government tending to ascertain whether the United States have, in fact, acquired any title to the province of Louisiana by the treaties with France, of the 30th of April 1803.
Mr. RANDOLPH hoped the resolution would not be agreed to. He was well apprized of the aspect which it was in the power of ingenuity to give to a refusal, on the part of that House, to require any information which gentlemen might think fit to demand of the Executive, however remotely connected with subjects before them. But the dread of imputations which he knew to be groundless should never induce him to swerve from that line of conduct which his most lober judgement approved. Did he indeed conceive that the nation, or the House, entertained a doubt of our having acquired new territory and people to govern;—could he for a moment believe that even a minority, respectable as to numbers, required any other evidence of this fact than the extract from the treaty which had just been read, he would readily concur with the gentleman from Connecticut in asking of the Executive, whether indeed we had a new accession of territory and of citizens, or, as that gentleman had pleaded to express himself, subjects to govern. He hoped the gentleman would excuse a small variation from his own phraseology, since notwithstanding the predilection which some governments and some gentlemen manifested for this form, Mr. R. asked for himself the use of such as were more
familiar to American ears and American constitutions.
The Executive has laid before this House an instrument, which he tells us has been duly ratified, conveying to the United States the country known under the appellation of Louisiana. The first article affirms the right of France to the sovereignty of this territory to be derived under the treaty of St. Ildefonso, which it quotes.—The third article makes provision for the future government, by the United States, of its inhabitants.—And the fourth provides the manner in which this territory and these inhabitants are to be transferred by France to us. There has then been negotiated a convention, between us and the French Republic, stating, in the most unequivocal terms, that there does exist on her part a right to the country in question, which is supported by the strongest possible evidence, and pledging herself to put us in possession of that right, so soon as we shall have performed those stipulations, on our part, in consideration of which, France has conveyed to us her sovereignty over this country and people. From the nature of our government, these stipulations can only be fulfilled by laws to the passing of which the legislature alone is competent. And when these laws are about to be passed, endeavors are made to impede, or frustrate, the measure, by setting on foot enquiries which mean nothing, or are unconnected with the subject, and this is done by those, who have always contended that there was no discretion vested in this House by the constitution, as to carrying treaties into effect. If, Sir, gentlemen believe that we must eventually do that which tells with us, towards effecting this object, to what purpose is this enquiry? Mr. R. begged the House not to impute to him any disposition to countenance this monstrous doctrine, whose advocates now found it so difficult to practise. On the contrary he held in the highest veneration the principle established in the case of the British treaty, and the men by whom it was established, that, in all matters requiring legislative aid, it was the right and duty of this House, to deliberate, and upon such deliberation, to afford, or refuse, that aid, as in their judgments the public good might require. And he held it to be equally the right of the House to demand such information from the Executive, as to them appeared necessary to enable them to form a sound conclusion on subjects submitted, by that department, to their consideration. But those who then contended that this House possessed no discretion on the subject, that they were bound implicitly to conform to the stipulations, however odious and extravagant, into which the treaty making power might have plunged the nation;—those who then said that we cannot deliberate, are now instituting enquiries to serve as the basis of deliberation—(for if we are not to deliberate upon the result, why institute any enquiry at all?)—enquiries, which are in their very nature deliberation itself. But whilst he arraigned the consistency of other gentlemen, Mr. R. said that it behoved him to assert his own. Information on subjects of the nature of that which they were then discussing, might be required for two objects: to enable the House to determine whether it were expedient to approve a measure which on the face of it carried proof of its imbecility:—or to punish ministers who may have departed from their instructions:—who may have betrayed the interests confided by the nation to their care.
To illustrate this remark, let us advert to the case of the treaty of London, generally known as Mr. Jay's treaty. That instrument had excited the public abhorrence. The objections to carrying it into effect were believed insuperable. This sentiment pervaded the House of Representatives, and when they demanded information from the Executive, they virtually held this language: "Sir, we detest your treaty—we feel an almost invincible repugnance to giving it our sanction—but if, by the exhibition of any information in possession of the Executive, we can be convinced that the interests of the United States have been supported to the utmost extent—that, wretched as this instrument is, the terms are as good as were attainable; and that, bad as those terms are, it is politic under existing circumstances to accept them, we will, however reluctantly, pass the laws for carrying it into effect. The present case, if he understood any thing of the general sentiment, was, happily, of a different nature. The treaty which they were then called upon to sanction, had been hailed by the acclamations of the nation. It was not difficult to foresee, from the opinions manifested in every quarter, that it would receive the cordial approbation of a triumphant majority of that House. If such be the general opinion—if we are not barely satisfied with the terms of this treaty, but lost in astonishment at the all important benefits which we have so cheaply acquired, to what purpose do we ask information respecting the detail of the negotiation? Has any one ventured to hint disapprobation of the conduct of the ministers who have effected this negotiation? Has any one insinuated that our interests have been
betrayed? If then we are satisfied at to the terms of this treaty, and with the conduct of our ministers abroad, let us pass the laws necessary for carrying it into effect. To refuse—to delay, upon the plea now offered, is to jeopardize the best interests of the union. Shall we take exception to our own title? Shall we refuse the offered possession? Shall this refusal proceed from those who so lately affirmed that we ought to pursue this very object at every national hazard? I should rather suppose the eagerness of gentlemen would be ready to outstrip the forms of law in making themselves masters of this country, than that, now, when it is offered to our grasp, they should display an unwillingness, or at least an indifference, for that which so lately was all important to them. After the message which the President has sent us, to demand, if indeed we have acquired any new subjects, as the gentleman expresses it, which renders the exercise of our legislative functions necessary, would be nothing less than a mockery of him, of this solemn business and of ourselves. Cautionary provisions may be introduced into the laws for securing us against every hazard, altho' from the nature of our stipulations, we are exposed to none. We retain in our own hands the consideration money even after we have possession."
Mr. R. expressed himself averse to demand the Spanish correspondence. The reasons must be obvious to all—The possession of Louisiana by us, will necessarily give rise to negotiations between the United States and Spain, relative to its boundaries. These have probably commenced and are now pending. He hoped therefore the House would go into committee on the message of the President, and after resolving to pass the requisite laws, if further information shall be wanting in relation to the mode of taking possession, or any other object of detail, the Executive might be called upon to furnish it.
Mr. LYON said he might have agreed to the resolution offered by the gentleman from Connecticut, had he brought it forward in a respectful manner. But the terms of the motion imply that the executive has made a bargain for that to which we have no right. He wished the gentleman would give a little of that confidence which he had been in the habit of giving so liberally on former occasions. For his part, he was willing to see all the papers. He had no doubt of obtaining possession of Louisiana; and that gentleman might have seen the order of the Spanish government to surrender the province to the French. Mr. Lyon concluded by saying he had only risen to express his sense of the indecency of the motion.
Mr. GODDARD did not intend to enter upon a long discussion of the resolution; but it seemed to him that the reasons of the gentleman from Virginia for opposing it were very erroneous. On what ground was the opposition made? Altogether on the ground that Spain had actually made the cession to France. Mr. G. apprehended no such impression had been made on the House by the information before them. In the first article of the treaty they learned what the title of France was. The treaty says,
"Whereas, by the article the 3d of the treaty concluded at St. Ildefonso, the 9th Vendemiaire, an. 9 (1st October, 1800,) between the First Consul of the French republic and his Catholic majesty, it was agreed as follows:
"His Catholic majesty promises and engages on his part, to cede to the French republic, six months after the full and entire execution of the conditions and stipulations herein relative to his royal highness the duke of Parma, the colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain and that it had when France possessed it; and such as it should be after the treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and other states."
"And whereas, in pursuance of the treaty, and particularly of the third article, the French republic has an incontestible title to the domain and to the possession of the said territory. The first consul of the French republic desiring to give to the United States a strong proof of his friendship, doth hereby cede to the said United States, in the name of the French republic, for ever and in full sovereignty, the said territory with all its rights and appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as they have been acquired by the French republic in virtue of the above mentioned treaty, concluded with his Catholic majesty."
Mr. Goddard asked whether the conclusion followed that France had an incontestible title to Louisiana. There was no such evidence. If in virtue of this treaty we purchase a promise on the part of his Catholic majesty to cede, and not an incontestible title, he would ask if the promise constituted a title. France only says, we cede all our title. This, and this only, is the language of the instrument. If this is the case, it is not proper to enquire whether there are other acts by which Spain has ceded Louisiana to France? Such acts may exist. Certain stipulations were made by France to Spain, on which the cession depended. Do we not then wish to know
whether these stipulations have been fulfilled and whether they are binding, or whether Spain has waived them. Are there in existence any documents to this effect? It has been hinted that such documents exist in the newspapers; but are we in an affair of this magnitude to be referred to the dictum of a newspaper? He apprehended that this was a novel mode of legislation.
The gentleman from Virginia says that the 4th article of the treaty stipulates for the delivery of the country. That article is to this effect:
"There shall be sent by the government of France a commissary to Louisiana, to the end that he do every act necessary, as well to receive from the officers of his Catholic majesty the said country and its dependencies, in the name of the French republic, if it has not been already done, as to transmit it in the name of the French republic to the commissary or agent of the United States."
Now what is the commissary to do? He is, in the first instance, to receive the province from Spain. Can he transmit it to the United States before he receives it from Spain? We require to know, if Spain refuses to deliver Louisiana to France, can France transmit it to us? We desire to know whether there is any prospect of a refusal on the part of Spain.
Suppose we shall receive the colony from France under the dictation of the First consul to Spain, without experiencing any opposition from her. May not the time arrive, on a revolution in the affairs of Europe, when she will enquire by what title we held it. Is it not proper then for us to obtain papers, by which our title may be fully understood.
One singular argument is used by the gentleman from Virginia. This treaty, he says, is hailed by the acclamations of the country. But Mr. G. would ask if the public had had any opportunity of examining it, and being fully acquainted with its principles and probable operation. It had been made public only within a few days. What evidence of popular affection for it can there yet have been manifested? Will the people hail it with acclamation when they shall learn that it gives fifteen millions of dollars for a mere promise. At any rate, as all agree in the importance of the subject, and as we are called upon to deliberate upon it, it is not proper first to obtain all the necessary information that is to be had? The resolution goes this far, and no farther, and if gentlemen claim our confidence, ought they not to furnish us with information?
(To be continued.)
House of Representatives.
THURSDAY, October 27.
Resolved, That so much of the Message of the President of the United States of the 21st inst. as relates to permanent arrangements for the government of Louisiana, be referred to Messrs. J. Randolph, Rives, (of Ten.) Hoge, G. Griswold, and B-dinger.
FRIDAY, October 28.
Mr. Rodney submitted a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of extinguishing the claims of the United States against several states for balances of debt.
Mr. Thomas moved the taking the resolution into immediate consideration. Carried—Ayes 43—Noes 42.
Mr. Griswold moved its reference to a committee of the whole—Agreed to—Ayes 53—Noes 34; and made the order for Monday next.
An engrossed resolution, for the amendment of the Constitution, was read a third time, as follows:
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following article be proposed to the legislatures of the different states, as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three fourths of the said legislatures, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as a part of the said Constitution, viz:
In all future elections of President and Vice-President, the electors shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. The person voted for as president, having a majority of the votes of all the electors appointed, shall be the president; and if no person have such majority, then from the five highest on the list of those voted for as president, the House of Representatives shall choose the president, in the manner directed by the constitution. The person having the greatest number of votes as vice president, shall be the vice president; and in case of an equal number of votes for two or more persons for vice president, they being the highest on the list, the Senate shall choose the vice president from the list having such equal number, in the manner directed by the constitution.
On the question whether the same should pass.

Mr. G. Griswold rose and addressed the House in opposition to the passage of the amendment. The principal argument urged was that the amendment would destroy the balance of power, adjusted in the constitution, between the large and small states, by aggrandizing the power of the former, and derogating from that of the latter.
Mr. Griswold was followed by Messrs. Huger, Hallings, John C. Smith, Livingston, Dana, Thatcher and Goddard on the same side.
The friends of the amendment declined entering the field of general argument, confining themselves to a few incidental remarks on the inconsistency of the opposition now made to the amendment. These remarks were made by Mr. Thomas, Mr. Lyon, and Mr. Eustis.
After a debate of between two and three hours, the question was taken, on the passage of the amendment, by the Yeas and Nays—and carried, as follows:—Yeas 83—Nays 31.
YEAS—Messrs. Allison, jun. Alexander, Anderson, Archer, Bard, Bedinger, Bishop, Blackledge, Boyle, Brown, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Caley, Claiborne, J. Clay, M. Clay, Glapton, Conrad, Crowinshield, Cutts, Dawson, Dickson, Earle, Early, Elliot, Eppes, Eustis, Findley, Fowler, Goodwyn, Gregg, Hampton, Hanna, Harbooke, D. H. Hester, J. Hester, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Jones, Kennedy, Knight, Leib, Lucas, Lyon, M'Cord, M'Greery, Meriwether, S. L. Mitchell, N. R. Moore, Morrow, New, Newton, jun. Nicholson, Olin, Palmer, Patterson, Purviance, J. Randolph, jun. T. M. Randolph, Rea, Penrhyn, Ten. Richards, Rodney, Root, Sammons, Sandford, Seaver, Smilie, J. Smith, N. Y. J. Smith, Vir. Stanford, Stanton, Stewart, Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Horne, Varnum, Verplank, Walton, Whitehill, M. Williams, Winn, Winton, Wynns—89.
NAYS—Messrs. Chamberlin, Chittenden, Clagget, Dana, Davenport, Dwight, Elliot, Goddard, Griffin, G. Griswold, R. Griswold, Hastings, J. Lewis, jun. T. Lewis, Livingston, N. Mitchell, Plater, Sands, J. C. Smith, Sedman, Stephenson, Tenney, Thatcher—23.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole; Mr. Dawson in the chair—on the following bill:
A BILL For carrying into effect the Convention of the thirtieth of April, one thousand eight hundred and three, between the United States of America, and the French Republic. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That, for the purpose of carrying into effect the Convention of the thirtieth day of April 1803, between the United States of America and the French Republic, the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorized to cause to be constituted, certificates of stock, signed by the register of the treasury, in favor of the French Republic, or of its assignees, for the sum of eleven millions two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, bearing an interest of six per centum per annum, from the time when possession of New Orleans shall have been obtained, in conformity with the treaty of the thirtieth day of April 1803, between the United States of America and the French Republic, and, in other respects, conformable with the tenor of the Convention aforesaid; and the President of the United States is authorized to cause the said certificate of stock to be delivered to the government of France, or to such person or persons as shall be authorized to receive them in three months at most, after the exchange of ratification of the treaty aforesaid, and after Louisiana shall be taken possession of in the name of the government of the United States; and credit, or credits, to the proprietors thereof, shall thereupon be entered and given on the books of the treasury, in like manner as for the present domestic funded debt, which said credits, or stock, shall thereafter be transferable only on the books of the treasury or of the United States, by the proprietor or proprietors of such stock, his, her, or their attorney: And the faith of the United States is hereby pledged for the payment of the interest, and for the reimbursement of the principal of the stock, in conformity with the provisions of the said convention. Provided, however, that the Secretary of the Treasury may, with the approbation of the President of the United States, and with the assent of the proprietors of the said stock, vary the terms and instalments fixed by the convention for its reimbursement: And provided also, That every proprietor of the said stock may, until otherwise directed by law, on surrendering his certificate of such stock, receive another to the same amount, and bearing an interest of six per centum per annum, payable quarterly at the treasury of the United States.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the annual interest accruing on the said stock, which may, in conformity with the convention aforesaid, be payable in Europe, shall be paid at the rate of four shillings and six pence sterling for each dollar, if payable in London, and at the rate of two guilders and one half a guilder, current money of Holland, for each dollar, if payable in Amsterdam.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That a sum equal to what will be necessary to pay the interest which may accrue on the said stock to the end of the present year, be, and the same is hereby appropriated for that purpose to be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That from and after the end of the present year (in addition to the annual sum of seven millions three hundred thousand dollars yearly appropriated to the sinking fund, by virtue of the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States,") a further annual sum of seven hundred thousand dollars, to be paid out of the duties on merchandise and tonnage, be, and the same hereby is appropriated to the said fund, making in the whole, an annual sum of eight millions of dollars, which shall be vested in the commissioners of the sinking fund in the same manner, shall be applied by them for the same purposes, and shall be, and continue appropriated, until the whole of the present debt of the United States, inclusively of the stock created by virtue of this act, shall be reimbursed and redeemed, under the same limitations as have been provided by the first section of the above mentioned act, respecting the annual appropriation of seven millions three hundred thou-
sand dollars, made by the same. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the treasury shall cause the said further sum of seven hundred thousand dollars to be paid to the commissioners of the sinking fund, in the same manner as was directed by the above mentioned act, respecting the annual appropriation of seven millions three hundred thousand dollars; and it shall be the duty of the commissioners of the sinking fund to cause to be applied and paid out of the said fund, yearly, and every year at the treasury of the United States, such sum and sums as may be annually wanted to discharge the annual interest and charges accruing on the stock created by virtue of this act, and the several instalments, or parts of principal of the said stock, as the same shall become due and may be discharged, in conformity to the terms of the convention aforesaid, and of this act.
Mr. R. Griswold proposed to amend the 5th section by introducing, near the end thereof, after the word "conformity," the following words, "to the provisions of the said act entitled, an act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States and"
Mr. Randolph and Mr. Nicholson considered the amendment as altogether useless.
After some conversation, it was lost without a division.
Mr. Eustis moved to substitute, in the 1st section, the word "Louisiana," in the room of "New Orleans" making the payment of interest on the stock commence at the period when possession of Louisiana, instead of New Orleans, shall have been obtained. Agreed to without a division.
The committee then rose and reported the bill with this amendment; and the House immediately took up the report and concurred therein; when the bill was ordered, without a division, to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow. The House adjourned at 4 P. M.
SATURDAY, 29th October, 1803.
An engrossed bill for carrying into effect the Convention of the 30th of April, 1803, between the United States of America and the French Republic, was read the third time and passed.
The Yeas and Nays being required were Yeas 85—Nays 7—which shall be given in our next.
On motion of Mr. Randolph the title was altered, so as to read "An act authorizing the creation of a stock to the amount of eleven millions two hundred and fifty thousand dollars for enabling the President to carry into effect the Convention of the 30th of April 1803, between the United States and the French Republic."
On motion of Mr. Randolph the House went into committee of the whole—Mr. Varnum in the chair—on the bill making provision for the payment of claims of citizens of the United States on the government of France, the payment of which has been assumed by the government of the United States by virtue of the Convention with the French government of the 30th of April.
The bill appropriates 3,750,000 dollars, inclusive of two millions, appropriated the last session, and authorizes the President to borrow at a rate of 6 per cent. one million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
Mr. Randolph moved an additional section appropriating 20,000 dollars, for compensation to commissioners, secretary and agent for investigating claims, and for contingencies. This sum was afterwards reduced, at the instance of Mr. Randolph, to 18,750 dollars.
The committee agreed to the amendment, and reported the bill so amended. The House immediately took up the report of the committee, and agreed thereto; when the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading this day.
The bill was afterwards read the third time and passed without a division.
A message was received from the Senate informing the house that they do not concur in the amendments of the House to the bill to enable the President of the United States to take possession of the territories ceded by France to the United States by the treaty, &c. and had appointed, on their part, a committee of conference, consisting of Mr. Breckenridge and Mr. Taylor.
The House resolved not to recede; and appointed, on their part, a committee of conference.
Mr. Eustis rose, and observed that within a few days past the House were called upon to take notice of an event which, perhaps, would be more interesting to posterity than to the present generation; the death of one of those illustrious patriots who, by a life devoted to his country, had bequeathed a name and an example to posterity, which he would not attempt to describe. He had information that another of these sages, EDMUND PENDLETON of Virginia, had paid the last tribute to nature. On this occasion he begged leave to offer the House the following resolution:
Resolved, That this House, impressed with a lively sense of the important services rendered to his country by EDMUND PENDLETON, decea-
sed, will wear a badge of mourning for thirty days, as an emblem of their veneration for his illustrious character, and of their regret that another star is fallen from the splendid constellation of virtue and talents which guided the people of the United States in their struggle for Independence.
The resolution was immediately taken up, and agreed to—Ayes 77.
(Other proceedings of this day in our next.)
WASHINGTON CITY
MONDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1803.
Our readers will perceive, in the minutes of the House of Representatives, that an amendment to the constitution directing the votes for president and vice president to be discriminated, has passed that body by the great majority of eighty-eight to 31. On this event we cannot refrain from reiterating every friend to the peace of the country, and to the stability of our republican institutions. If this amendment shall receive the concurrence of the Senate, & the patronage of this body is the best pledge of its success, and the sanction of three fourths of the state legislatures, the last hope of defeating the will of the people will be blasted, and every expectation of dividing the friends of the people frustrated. The opponents of this measure may hold forth what professions they please, may affect a fanatical reverence for the constitution, and may deprecate with trembling filial piety the least change of its provisions; but the people of America are too enlightened to be deluded by a party whose only remaining hope rests upon a frustration of the public will. Let the republicans of America realize the fact that unless this amendment is adopted, the federalists may gain the vice presidency, on whom, in case of the death of the president, his duties for the remaining period of the four years will devolve. If this effect of not adopting the amendment is felt in its full force, if all its deleterious consequences are correctly weighted, we are convinced there will not be a citizen of America, attached to the sacred cause of liberty, whose zeal will not be actively engaged in carrying it into immediate effect.
Let no little jealousy, or unworthy dissension pervade the breasts of those, whose principles and interests are the same. Let not the small states suffer themselves to be imposed upon by the assertion that their interests will be invaded by the amendment. Nothing is more untrue. The small states are most deeply interested in the tranquility of the nation and the stability of the constitution. If any adverse circumstances shall jeopardize these, have they the means of contending with their more powerful neighbours? If they have not, it is their peculiar interest to remove every source of hostility and discord.
It will doubtless be urged against the amendment, that the republicans in Congress were divided among themselves, and this will be used as an argument against its adoption. But let it be known that the republicans only differed respecting the form of the amendment. Let it also be known, and recorded to their honor, that, with a magnanimity worthy of the dignity of their cause and the purity of their sentiments, they sacrificed these differences, and concurred in an amendment the most simple, & best adapted to conciliate the universal suffrage of the people.
On Wednesday last died at Richmond, at a very advanced age, the venerable EDMUND PENDLETON. His virtues and talents have shone upon a conspicuous theatre, and a grateful country has bestowed on his memory their best reward. He was in all times the enlightened and zealous friend of the liberties of mankind; and enjoyed, through a long life, the rare merit of consistency. In 1776 he was an undaunted whig; and in 1798 he was an inflexible republican. Let us respect his virtues, and imitate his example.
The committee of conference, appointed on the amendments of the House of Representatives to the bill enabling the President to take possession of Louisiana, reported to the Senate on Saturday, after the adjournment of the House, that it was expedient for the Senate to recede from their disagreement to the amendments of the House, and to agree to them with certain other amendments. The Senate, anxious to lose no time on a subject of such importance, resolved to recede from their disagreement, but rejected the amendments proposed to those of the House. The bill, therefore, may be considered as virtually passed, only requiring the form, on the part of the House of Representatives, of disagreeing to the report of the committee of conference, so far as it proposes an amendment to their amendments. This, we have no doubt, will be effected this day, and the act be definitively passed, so soon as it shall receive the approbation of the President.
The statement of the votes in Frederick county, Maryland, for representatives in the State Legislature, as published by us, was erroneous. We are happy in an opportunity of correcting it from the "Republican Advocate," printed in Frederick Town.
  Republican.    Hawkins 2 704  Shriver 2 636  Clarke 2 684  Kemp 2 682  Federal.  Cummings 2 123  Troxell 2 111  Taney 2 120  Thomas 2 090  
Average majority 376 votes in favor of the Republican Candidates—being an increase of 370 since the election of 1802.
NEW YORK October 24. A letter received via B. Ross, from St. Ubes, dated 23d August, says, "The Portuguese Government has issued orders directing every man in the kingdom without distinction, who is capable of bearing arms, to hold himself in readiness to join the army; and in the mean time has prohibited the young men from marrying."
NOTICE.
APPLICATION is intended to be made at the Treasury for the renewal of the following described certificates of registered debt which have been lost, viz: No. 2103 and 2201, given to James Muge and Andrew Henderson for 165 69 100ths each—once to Charles Auiron, No. 2199 for 165 69 100ths cents—another to M. Richard, No. 219, for 264 69 100ths cents, and one granted to Charles Miller, No. for 165 69 100ths cents, all bearing interest from July 1782.
WILLIAM CALHOUN, October 26.—5w
Oyster Suppers.
AN Oyster Supper will be prepared on Tuesday night the 1st of November, at the long room in the north end of the ten buildings, Jersey Avenue and will be continued every Tuesday and Friday night, during the session. Canvas Sacks will also be contained as each as the session will admit. And those gentlemen whose liberality may induce them to present the establishment, are assured that the utmost assiduity will be used to render entire satisfaction. October 25.—3t
Phrenognosce
THE subscriber begs leave to inform the public, that he intends to take liberties in this place for a short time, and respectfully solicits the lovers and protectors of the fine arts, the same being a patronage he has met with in different cities of the United States, where he has taken a great number of likenesses, among which are those of the most distinguished characters, copies of which may be seen at his lodgings (at David Shoemaker's three streets near the Bank). St. MEMIN. October 26.—6t
JUST RECEIVED.
By the United States, Capt. Kinley from Liverpool.
Fall Goods. viz.
Brass Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows coal box, bell metal kettles, brass foot men, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddle, bridle ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c. HENRY INGLE. Washington, Oct. 28.—ep3m.
In the case of JAMES McDONALD, (A Bankrupt.)
WHEREAS a Commission of Bankruptcy founded upon the act of Congress of the United States, passed on the fourth day of April, 1800, entitled "an act to establish an uniform system of Bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded and issued against James McDonald of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, dealer and chapman, and he has been declared a bankrupt. He is hereby required to surrender himself to the Commissioners in the said commission named, or the majority of them on the eleventh and twenty-fifth days of November next, or on the ninth day of December next, at five o'clock in the afternoon on each day at the house of William Rhodes, inn-keeper, in the City of Washington, and make a full discovery and disclosure of his estate and effects when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, and at the second sitting to choose assignees, and at the last sitting the said bankrupt is required to finish his examination. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any effects, are not to pay or deliver the same, but to whom the commissioners shall appoint. RICHARD FORREST.
Caution to the Public.
WHEREAS through error, a person named Daniel Ramey, was employed by the subscriber to collect monies due to him, for subscription, &c. to the "American Patriot." And whereas, contrary to the faith of collection, the said Daniel Ramey has collected monies and given his receipt for such monies, and consequently detained him of several sums. This is to caution any person from receiving his receipt, or paying him any monies whatsoever, due to the office of the "American Patriot." SAMUEL KENNEDY. Oct. 1.

Valuable Lands and Lots FOR SALE.
1 Will sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz:
1 st The valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 1300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, about three miles distant from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will be sold together or separately.
2 nd A tract of Land, called Hills and Dales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomac, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 70 1-2 acres.
Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying to the south-east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the land of the late Richard Henderson, containing 160 acres all in wood. And 23 1-2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson.
The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best situations in the town, is generally admitted, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden, ice-house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this House, &c. not be sold previous to the 1 st of December, it will then be to rent.
One other lot or parcel of ground adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard L. Lowndes, Esq. containing 9 3-8 acres.
Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 704, in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 95 3/8 square feet.
A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Hugh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to
JOHN LAIRD, Trustee.
N.B. I hold 245 1-2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hills and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms.
JOHN LAIRD.
George-Town, Oct. 24, 1803.
cp2w22t.
Mrs. Wilson,
Begs leave to inform her friends and the public in general, that she is now
Ready to receive Boarders
And hopes to merit the patronage of a generous public, she pledges herself that nothing shall be wanting on her part to give satisfaction. Her rooms are in good order, they have been white washed and painted this Fall, the yard has been filled up with gravel, which has made it as firm and as dry as any part of the Avenue.
Ten Buildings, Jersey Avenue, October 26, 1803.
Looking Glass & Print Store.
GEORGE TOWN.
S. THOMEE, takes the liberty of informing the ladies and gentlemen of George Town and the city, that he has opened a store next to Mr. H. Rowles, opposite Mr. March's book store, where orders in the above line will be finished with punctuality.
He has an handsome assortment of dressing glasses with boxes, and crown glass, plates 26, 28 and 32. looking glass frames reg'd and need work framed in a handsome style.
Oct. 26--3t
St. Mary's County Court, August term, 1803.
State of Maryland, St. Mary's County ss.
WHEREAS application hath been made to Saint Mary's County Court, by the Feiss and Representatives of the late George Booth, of the said County, to obtain a division of the real estate of the said George Booth, agreeable to a commission returned, confirmed and recorded in our said Court. It is therefore ordered by the Court that John Booth and John Kench Booth, who are stated to be absent from the said County, and entitled if present, to make election to take the estate of the said George Booth, who as it is stated died intestate, be and appear before our said County Court, to be held at Leonard-Town on the said County, on the first Monday of March next, to make their election to take the real estate of the said George Booth, at the valuation made by the Commissioners under the aforesaid Commission, agreeable to the acts of the Assembly in such cases made and provided.
By order,
J. HARRIS, CLK.
St. Mary's County.
Oct. 26--12w4w.
BURNETT & RIGDEN,
JEWELLERS AND WATCH-MAKERS
Have just received from the Miss Ann and United States from Liverpool, a handsome assortment of
PLATED WARE, JEWELLERY & FANCY ARTICLES.
They have on hand and constantly keep a variety of GOLD and SILVER WATCHES, the most fashionable Silver Plate, &c. &c. All of which they are enabled to sell at the most reduced prices.
George-Town, Oct. 22, 1803.
ANY person desirous of selling a negro Black-Smith, who can be well recommended for his ability, industry, and honesty, will meet with a purchaser by applying to the Editor hereof. It will be no obstacle to the purchaser, if he has a small family. October 26--3t
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE, BY RAPINE CONRAD & Co.
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. (Price 2 dolls. 25 cents in boards, or 3 dolls. 50 cents bound.)
History of the British Expedition to Egypt. To which is subjoined, A sketch of that country and its means of defence. Illustrated with maps and a portrait of Sir Ralph Abercrombie.
By ROBERT T. WILSON, Lieutenant colonel of cavalry in his Britannic Majesty's service, & Knight of the Imperial military order of Maria Theresa. September 28.
BY AUTHORITY, SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.    1 prize of 20,000  1 ditto 10,000  2 do 5000 is 10,000  5 do 1000 5,000  10 do 500 5,000  15 do 200 3,000  200 do 100 20,000  200 do 50 10,000  200 do 25 5,000  2500 do 20 50,000  4000 do 15 60,000  1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500  1 do after 4000 do 500  1 do after 6000 do 500  1 do after 8000 do 500  1 do after 10,000 do 500  1 do after 12,000 do 500  1 do after 15,000 do 500  1 do after 18,000 do 500  1 do after 20,000 do 2,000  1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000  7154 Prizes, 13,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize. 210,000  
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210 000
The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.
For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.
Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them.
Managers.
Right Rev. Bishop Carroll,
Rev. Francis Beeston,
Messrs. David Williamson,
Robert Walts,
Charles Ghequiere,
Patrick Bennet,
Arnold Livers,
Luke Tierney,
Frances L. Mitchell.
copied
July 13, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
FOR SALE,
For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by— ROBERT M c CLAN. Washington May 23. tf.
MILITARY LANDS FOR SALE.
By virtue of a power delegated to his executors, by the last will and testament of John Rote, Esq. deceased, late of the county of Washington we the subscribers, having taken upon ourselves the execution of his said will, and qualified thereto according to law, now offer for sale, the following tracts of land, viz:
One tract of fifteen hundred acres, by patent, bearing date 7th of day of January, 1796, lying on Cumberland river, in the state of Kentucky.
One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 30th day of August, 1797, on the waters of Paint Creek, between the Miami and Sciota rivers.
One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 25th of April, 1800, also on the waters of Paint Creek.
One of 1200 acres by patent, bearing date the 23th day of April, 1800, lying on the banks of the Sciota river.
Two other small lots of one and two hundred acres, on the waters of Lees creek a branch of the Rattle Snake Fork of Paint creek.
One other small tract, of 360 acres, in the same neighborhood—and lastly,
One other tract of 1500 acres, surveyed and patented for Burgess Bell, lying on a branch of Gaspars river, adjoining the upper corner of George Washington's survey, and the same having been sold and conveyed by the said Bell to the said Rote. Proposals for a purchase of the whole or any part of the said lands will be received verbally or by letter, addressed to any of the subscribers. The taxes on these lands have been regularly paid, and a clear and indisputable title will be made the purchaser, by
HENRY ROSE, Alexandria, WM. ROBINSON, Leeds, L. BERRY, Port Royal, } Executors. September 26.
WASHINGTON. Jockey Club Races,
WILL commence on the second Tuesday in November next, over an excellent course, well prepared and inclosed with a post and rail fence.
First day—A sweepstake of 1,500 dolls.
Second day—A purfe of 400 dolls.—4 mile heats.
Third day—A purfe of 200 dolls.—3 mile heats.
Fourth day—A 50 guinea silver cup—10 horses.
Fifth day—A handsome City or Town Purfe—Two mile heats.
All horses, mares and geldings, to be entered and run agreeably to the rules of the club, and to carry the following weight:
An aged horse, 120—A six years old 120—A five years old 112—A four years old 100, and a three years old 90 pounds. Three pounds being allowed to fillies, mares and geldings.
The following tolls to be paid at the gate to the clerk of the course, M. C. Bailey, or any person authorized by him to receive the same.
Four wheeled carriages, 1 Doll. each, Two wheeled do. 50 Cents. do. Every man and horse, 25 Cents.
Booths will be let on application to the subscriber.
It is probable that the 2d & 3d days purfes will be increased—as the surplus of the tolls after defraying the expenses, &c. will be added to them.
CH. M c LAUGHLIN, Sec. & Tr.
The club will meet at the Union Tavern on the evening preceding the first day's race. September 14. eptf
LECTURES.
IN a science so various and complicated as the present system of the LAW, nothing which tends to facilitate the progress of the student can be deemed useless. It is with this view that the subscriber proposes to deliver during the winter, (and if suitable encouragement offers, annually)
A COURSE OF LECTURES, On Education, Belles Lettres, Composition, History and Law.
The subscriber means to divide the same into two distinct courses. The object of the division is, that young gentlemen who are designed to fill situations in active life, distinct from those of the learned professions, may resort to that course of lectures which will be delivered without a relation to the Law, which will be the sole foundation of the other.
If the plan should meet with success, the subscriber contemplates furnishing, next winter, a handsome Library, for the use of such gentlemen as feel desirous of patronising the undertaking.
The municipal laws of each state will then be provided—That students at law from any part of the United States will find it their interest to repair to the Metropolis, to pursue their studies; where they will have the advantage of attending the Congressional debates.
The facility of access which the houses of Congress offer, is a circumstance peculiarly advantageous to the student, and the youthful pleader, not only from the light which is thrown in the course of debate on controverted questions of law; not only to be derived from witnessing the eager contests, the vigorous attacks, the wary methods of defence, exhibited by men of the most conspicuous talents, rivals alike in abilities and interest; but especially from this consideration, that the speakers are, in general, exempted by the nature of their functions, from those defects to which pleaders are peculiarly exposed.
The Lectures will commence the first week in December next, and continue until twelve distinct Lectures in each course shall have been delivered.
The terms may be known by application personally, or by letters post paid to ROBERT WARE PEACOCK, Attorney at Law.
City of Washington, October 17, NICHOLAS
Treasury of the United States,
Washington August 15, 1803.
WHEREAS by an act of Congress dated May the 8th, 1792, entitled "An act to provide for a Copper Coinage," in the second section thereof, it is enacted,
"That after the expiration of six calendar months from the time when there shall have been paid into the Treasury by the said Director (of the Mint) in cents and half cents, a sum not less than fifty-thousand Dollars, which time shall forthwith be announced by the Treasurer in at least two gazettes or newspapers, published at the seat of government of the United States for the time being, no copper coins or pieces whatsoever, except the said cents and half cents, shall pass current as money, or shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment for any debt, demand, claim, matter or thing whatsoever; and all copper coins or pieces, except the said cents and half cents, which shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment contrary to the prohibition aforesaid, shall be forfeited, and every person by whom any of them shall have been so paid or offered to be paid or received in payment, shall also forfeit the sum of ten dollars, and the said forfeiture and penalty shall and may be recovered with costs of suit for the benefit of any person or persons by whom information of the incurring thereof shall have been given."
And whereas it appears by the books of this office, that more than fifty-thousand dollars in cents and half cents, have been so paid into the Treasury. I now therefore, in obedience to the said act, do hereby give public notice of the same.
TH. T. TUCKER, Treasurer United States. August 15. tw3m
LOOKING GLASSES.
CONVEX Mirrors, girandoles, toilet glasses, elegant prints, prints and window glasses, lambrequins, cabinet ware. Printing ink of a superior quality, &c. &c. for sale on reasonable terms for cash or approved paper at Mr. William Worthington's Pennsylvania Avenue, near the West Market. JOHN M c LAIN. October 10. tav 3m
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, on Friday the 21 st inst. a likely mulatto lad called BILL. He is about eighteen or nineteen years of age, and five feet seven or eight inches high. His face is covered with a number of large black freckles. He had on when he went away a new black fur hat, a fustian round jacket, and a pair of dark gray cassimere or cloth pantaloon. But he will in all probability change his apparel, as he has carried off money with him. Whoever will apprehend said lad and secure him in any jail shall receive the above reward from
JOHN T. MASON.
George-Town, Oct. 23, 1803. N. B. All masters and owners of vessels are hereby forewarned from employing or harbouring said Bill at their peril. 6t
FOUND,
On the 25th inst. in the Potomac, opposite Greenleaf's Point, A Leather Trunk,
containing a quantity of Women's Wearing Apparel. The owner, on proving property & paying charges, may have them again by applying to
ARCHIBALD OSBURN.
Greenleaf's Point, Oct. 25. 3t
By His Excellency JOHN FRANCIS MERCER, Governor of the State of Maryland.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the General Assembly of Maryland did, by an act passed at the November session, seventeen hundred and ninety, entitled "An act directing the time, places and manner of holding elections for representatives of this state, in the Congress of the United States, and for the regulation of the said elections, and also to repeal the act of assembly therein mentioned," direct that the Governor and Council, after having received the returns, papers, and instruments containing the number of votes for representatives of this state, in the Congress of the United States, should enumerate and ascertain the number of votes for every candidate and person chosen as a representative, and by proclamation, signed by the Governor, and dispersed through the state, should declare the names of the persons duly elected as representatives:—We, in pursuance of the directions of the said act, do, by this our proclamation, declare, that by the returns made to us as appears, that John Campbell, Esquire, was elected for the first district; Walter Bowie, Esquire, was elected for the second district; Thomas Slater, Esquire, was elected for the third district; Daniel Heister, Esquire, was elected for the fourth district; Nicholas Ruxton Moore, and William Mac Creery, Esquires, were elected for the fifth district; John Archer, Esquire, was elected for the sixth district; Joseph Hopper Nicholson, Esquire, was elected for the seventh district; and John Dennis, Esquire, was elected for the eighth district.
Given in Council, at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this seventeenth day of October, eighteen hundred and three.
JOHN F. MERCER.
By the governor, Ninian Pinkney, Clerk of the governor and council.
In Council
October 17, 1803.
ORDERED, That the foregoing Proclamation be published three times in each week, for the space of two weeks successively, in the American, Telegraphic, and Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer at Washington; Republican Advocate and Barger's paper at Frederick Town; Graves' paper at Hagerstown, and the Star at Easton.
By Order,
NINIAN PINKNEY, CLK. October 24. cpaw.
Fifteen Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the subscriber, on Saturday the 3 rd inst. a NEGRO FELLOW by the name of DICK; he is a likely well made fellow, about twenty or twenty-one years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high, rather of a light colour, has a good head of hair with a fine set of teeth and when spoken to has a smiling look; had on when he went away a green negro cotton great coat, German ozanburg shirt, hempen galls overalls, and a felt hat about half worn. Took with him a short jacket of olive coloured sullen with yellow buttons, a pair of olive coloured fancy cord pantaloon, an old black broad cloth coat with metal buttons, with other articles of clothing not recollected.
He was seen at Fredericksburg on the first day of the races, and it is probable he is still lurking about that place. He is the property of Doctor Robert H. Rote of this county, and was hired from him by the subscriber. I forewarn all masters of vessels and others from harbouring or carrying the said fellow out of this state at their peril. I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver him to me residing in Orange county, or secure him in any jail and give such information that I get him again.
LEONARD HOLLURRY. Halifax. (Orange) October 24th. tw.
Ten Dollars Reward.
ELOPED from my service on the night of the 3 rd inst. JAMES STONE an apprentice to the house carpenter business, by birth an Irishman, 19 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high or upwards, of a very yellow complexion, short black hair, chews tobacco—Had on and took with him, one white nankeen waistcoat with sleeves, striped, no pair of buffin trowsers, one pair of Russia sheeting, one pair of thickset breeches, new shoes lined and bound, a real beaver hat about half worn—He is stout made and walks very upright—Any person that will secure said apprentice in any jail so that I get him again shall receive five dollars if within the district, and ten if without. I forewarn any person harbouring or employing said apprentice, and all masters and skippers of vessels from taking said apprentice away, as I am determined to prosecute any person that will act contrary to law.
PETER LENOX. tawl.
september.
Lots for sale.
IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several figures in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to,
ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer.
To be Rented.
At the Capitol Hill either the whole or half of a large two story brick house with a good kitchen and garret, opposite Mr. McCormick's store; likewise a neat two story frame, well finished. For particulars enquire of John Read, Capitol Hill.
N. B. Will hire out during the Session of Congress, four or five beds and their appendages.
JOHN READ. Oct. 24--3t
A Valuable Purchase.
To be held by private contract, on an unusual long credit, a part of the valuable estate, belonging to ANTHONY ADDISON, Esq. called Chichester with addition, lying on the Waters of the Eastern Branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. It extends from below the Navy Yard up to within a few yards of the foot of the bridge, commonly called Nails, or Dyer's Ferry. The estate is divided into lots for the accommodation of purchasers, a certain plot of which is in the hands of capt. Marbury of Blue plains opposite Alexandria. Capt. Marbury may be spoken with at the bank of Columbia on every Thursday. October 19. op4w
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable and good. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fine places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighbourhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September