Alexandria advertiser and commercial intelligencer (Alexandria [Va.]), 1801-01-30 00:00:00

CONDITIONS OF PUBLICATION of the Alexandria Advertiser AND Commercial Intelligencer.
I. It will be published on a half sheet of super-royal paper of good quality, and with an elegant type, of which this paper contains a specimen.
II. It will be published every day at 3 o'clock, and delivered to subscribers in town with the utmost regularity and expedition, and transmitted to those at a distance through the most early and regular channels of conveyance.
III. The price will be Five Dollars per annum, to be paid one half on receipt of the first number, the remainder at the end of the year.
To be Rented,
And possession given immediately—
A two story house and garden on Duke-street, about two squares to the eastward of the stone bridge.
W. HARTSHORNE.
A number of valuable lots in different situations, to be sold—also, a brick house in King-street, in the tenure of Thomas Cruse;—a part of the purchase money will be taken in Alexandria Bank shares at par, and for some of the lots, Alexandria Insurance shares at a price to be agreed on. For part of the purchase money of either, a liberal credit may be had.
1st Month 7th.
eo
WILLIAM OXLEY & CO.
King-street,
HAVE FOR SALE,
Superfine, second and coarse broad and narrow cloths, kerseymere, swansdowns, coatings, swanskins, blankets, flannels, fancy calicoes and chintzes, black bombazets, durants, russetts, Irish linens, Barcelona and pulleat handkerchiefs, womens' and mens' cotton and worsted hose, dimities, checks, silks, foreads, &c. &c. which will be sold low for cash, or bartered for flour or tobacco.
Dec. 10.
cof
City Tavern & Hotel.
The Subscriber returns his sincere thanks to his customers for the liberal encouragement he has received, and hopes to merit a continuance of their favors. He requests all persons indebted to him to come forward and settle their accounts, on or before the first day of April next, otherwise suits will be commenced for the recovery of the same without respect to persons.
From the many difficulties experienced in collecting the small sums due him, he is under the necessity of giving this public notice, that after this date he will give credit to no person whatever.
JOHN GADSBY.
January 17.
d
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY January 21.
SEDITION LAW.
House in committee, Mr. Morris in the chair.
(Continued.)
Mr. Dana said, a principal part of the arguments of the gentleman just sat down, were calculated to prove that the administration of our country was wilfully corrupt: he had told the house that necessary testimony had been refused, and that various abuses of this kind had actually occurred in our courts, who were actuated by a spirit of party, to the great injury of persons not born in this country.
[Mr. Nicholson—I spoke facts: I did not say the administration was wilfully corrupt: these are the gentleman's own words.]
Mr. Dana. There could be no other implication from the gentleman's words, nor was it in the power of human invention to distinguish between a violation of the principles of justice, in the manner represented, and a most wilful and gross corruption. As it would be extremely improper to leave so great a charge in this unqualified manner, Mr. D. would proceed to examine this conduct of the judges of the United States. What are those judges? Nominated by the president of the United States, and chosen by the senate agreeably to the constitution: and these judges are to continue in their high offices. How long, or at whose pleasure? At the pleasure of no man nor set of men, but during good behavior.
Surely if there be any part of the government, or any set of men in the United States, who were placed above the spirit of party, and beyond the reach of corruption, it is the judges of the United States: and yet, above all others, these are the men charged with a party spirit, and with corrupt principles—these men, who are singled out as men of the most profound wisdom and integrity amongst us, and who are superior to the dread of removal from office, excepting only by impeachment for misbehavior. This is the substance of the reasons the gentleman assumes why this law should not be continued.
Would not prudence dictate, would not justice—that justice which is due to the character of every man, demand that before these charges should be even suggested, the proof ought to be decisive; that it ought to be "damning?" This has not been produced.
He would not go into the details of the law, but examine it upon general principles. He would admit that there had been much opposition to this law, and that most particularly it had been opposed and condemned by the legislature of one of the largest states of the union. But he was not inclined to judge of a measure, upon the opinions of others; that house ought
not to be over-awed by the multitude of petitioners, nor by the remonstrances of the legislature of any state whatever: it should act with a spirit of independence.
One of the extravagancies of that state, and of many of the people, had been to arraign, to their extremely weak and partial judgment, the common law: the existence of it was altogether denied. That common law which most undoubtedly secured to every individual its most endeared rights and afforded security against every species of legal oppression, whilst it preserved to the government that protection against the licentious and false slanders which polluted some of the presses of the United States, and maintained, upon established principles, the rights of our jurisprudence and our morality. This was the true character of what was termed the common law.
It would seem to him, Mr. Dana said, that no honest man could wish for a liberty to utter defamation and falsehood. It was perfectly incomprehensible to him how a man who held dear the principles of liberty and of good government, could attempt to utter falsehoods against the government. The rights of the people and of the press were here held up. How, he would ask gentlemen, could the rights of the people require a liberty to utter falsehood? How could it be right to do wrong? If this was liberty, he had been hitherto totally ignorant of its principles, and wished to remain so. And yet the only crime made by that part of the law, so much the subject of complaint, is the uttering of a scandalous and malicious falsehood, with intent to defame. Most certainly truth is not always the motive of investigating the measures of our government, and so far as truth is deviated from, so far is the government libelled, and virtue proportionately becomes beclouded by misrepresentation. Could not public opinion become corrupted? Could no falsehood be disseminated that would gain credit from the people? Then how could the gentleman pretend to suppose that truth must overcome falsehood? how could he suppose that misrepresentation and calumny could do no manner of harm? how often are calumnies and falsehoods published against the government, but when is a contradiction of those falsehoods seen in the same paper? No, falsehoods will have their effect, and even if afterwards contradicted, it is not so until the falsehood has had its effect, and at that time the truth avails but little. Thus, though upon general principles truth may be said to be an antidote to falsehood, truth does not always make its appearance in time to prevent the evil intended by the evil disposed.—Suppose the reputation of the government to have been attacked, and the affections of the people weaned from it, of what avail will be the remedy? The poison is swallowed beyond the power of expulsion, even by the most powerful antidote, If
this then be true, and that it is, indubitable, a check ought to be proposed in due time, whilst yet its qualities may completely prevent any possible harm.
And what danger, Mr. Dana asked, could result from this law? As he observed before, it was not the will of the judges, those arbitrary party spirited characters, that could convict. No every cause is submitted to a jury of twelve honest men, who are sworn to decide upon the fact, and the security is so great that if but one man out of the twelve should be of an opinion that the persons arraigned is not wilfully an offender, and that he has not traduced the government falsely and maliciously, he must be acquitted of the indictment. What better barrier to the liberties of an individual can be presented than this? The only answer gentlemen can give, is that the juries are packed. But he would ask, whether the juries were not returned as fairly in this as in other cases under the laws of the land? If then there was any evil, it was not solely applicable to this law, but to all laws, and to the general principles upon which juries were collected. He could scarcely conceive that men of character, under the solemnity of their oath, could act so unprincipled.
Upon the whole, he could see nothing but unfounded arguments in opposition to this law, and that gentlemen had no other way to get rid of their dilemma but by charging the courts and juries with corruption. And when men begin to charge with evil design the sanctuary of justice, it was time to bid adieu to all public happiness and every hope to enjoy the blessings of freedom.
Mr. Huger acknowledged that he had been somewhat surprized, when the report of the committee of revision and unfinished business was first made, and found it to be their wish to renew and continue in force this act, so well known by the appellation of the Sedition Law. It had been generally understood, he thought, on all hands, that this act would be allowed to expire in peace, and without further notice, on the 3d of March next. As the subject however, was again brought forward, he was happy to perceive that gentlemen were inclined to treat it with calmness and moderation.
There appeared indeed, no great anxiety in the committee to enter largely into the discussion of this question—neither did he feel himself any strong inclination to do so. But as he should in the present instance probably vote in opposition to the sentiments of most of those with whom he was usually in the habit of acting, he would beg leave to state some of the reasons which led him to differ from them on the present occasion. He felt some little pain however he acknowledged, at the idea of dissenting from and acting in opposition to his friends on this important and interesting question, because no man had a stronger conviction than himself, of

correctness of their political views and principles, or was more persuaded of their honest intentions and patriotic views.
Mr. Huger said he would not enter into an investigation of the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of this law. The gentlemen who preceded him had not done it, and it would become him less to do so; for although it was true, he had never given it the sanction of his vote yet if he felt any doubts as to the constitutionality of this law, it would certainly come with a very ill grace from him to urge them at this late day, and in the present state of things.
Waving then, the question of constitutionality, Mr. H. called upon gentlemen to show the expediency or necessity of renewing this act, and continuing it longer in force. For his part he heard nothing nor could he see any reason which led him to think such a measure either expedient or necessary at the present moment. Granting that congress possessed the constitutional power of laying some restrictions on the licentiousness of the press, and of punishing libels, yet it certainly does not follow of course, that they must necessarily, at all times and on all occasions, carry that power into operation. In times of eminent danger, in the midst of a great crisis, it might be proper to avail ourselves of such a power. And such indeed was the state of things, when this law was originally enacted.
Our country was at the time threatened with foreign and perhaps domestic war. We had to guard against the machinations of an artful and well disciplined foe, who was endeavoring to rouse up our citizens against the government, and would no doubt have availed themselves of every possible means to mislead the public mind, and to spread abroad falsehoods, which might have had the most direful and fatal effects, before it was possible to detect and expose them. At that time, and in the then state of things, he was one of those who was for exerting every nerve, and bringing into operation every means in our power to defeat the schemes of our enemies, and repeal the impending danger. Taking it, therefore, as one of the measures adopted at that awful period, and regarding it as a part of the general system of defence then deemed necessary, he had always been inclined to view it with a favorable and partial eye, but the state of things was now totally changed. The smiles of peace had again visited our shores, and a convention had lately been concluded, which, he trusted, would finally put an end to all our differences with the French nation. Why then renew or continue longer the provisions of this act, when the storm, which gave rise to them, is blown over?
There was another point of view in which the subject presented itself to Mr. H. and which would greatly influence his vote on the present occasion. Without going so far, as to assert with some gentlemen, that nine-tenths or even two-thirds of our citizens had declared themselves decidedly opposed and hostile to this act, he would venture to say, without any fear of being contradicted, that there certainly was a very great difference of opinion and contrariety of sentiments, both as to the constitutionality and policy of the measure. As little noise had been made with respect to this law in the state he had the honor of representing, as in perhaps any part of the union; yet it certainly had occasioned some uneasiness in the public mind even there:
and he was convinced the great majority of his constituents would not willingly see it again renewed at the present time. He would venture even to go so far as to say, that the freedom of speech and of the press, though carried even to a certain degree of licentiousness, was in general deemed preferable by them to any thing like an appearance of restraint on either. Their good sense might lead them to acquiesce in, and perhaps even approve of temporary restrictions in the moment of impending danger, but such restrictions even then would be unpleasant and distressing to the feelings, and excite all their jealousies nor would they easily reconcile themselves to any thing of the kind in peaceful and common times.
It had been argued that no government depended so much upon public opinion, as our own, and it was consequently necessary to continue these restrictions at all times as a safe-guard against misrepresentation and falsehood. He could not, however, acquiesce in this conclusion: during the eight years of the administration of that great man, who bore so conspicuous a part in forming and carrying into operation the present constitution, as well as during the two first years of the present administration, the government had progressed and prospered, without the aid of any such law. And if the crisis of the moment had two years since called forth an expedient of this kind, it was now at an end, and he saw no reason why we should not allow things to revert into their ancient channel. He was willing, indeed, to admit that some inconveniences, some mischiefs even did occasionally arise from the unprincipled and unbridled licentiousness of the press. He had but too many occasions to verify, and but too much reason to lament the truth of this fact. In the present political state of society however, these evils, he was inclined to believe, were far more than counterbalanced by the advantages, which we reaped from the entire freedom of speech and of the press. He was content, therefore to take the good with its concomitant evil. And so nice and delicate were the shades of distinction between the licentiousness of the press and a necessary freedom of discussion, that it was upon the whole better perhaps in times like the present—when the thing would probably work its own cure—to leave the measures of government and its administration entirely open to investigation and animadversion, without attempting to repress the eccentricities and exuberance of public discussion by even an ideal restraint.
Mr. H. begged leave to make one other observation before he sat down. It was evident to all that a change of men was about to take place. It was equally well known, that those, who were about to enter into the administration of the government, had on all occasions declared themselves openly and unequivocally hostile to the principle of this act. It was no doubt honorable in those gentlemen, who had heretofore supported this measure, to show their willingness to continue and submit to it, in a change of circumstances, which might enable their political opponents to turn it against themselves. But with what appearance of consistency; with what propriety; upon what principle, could these gentlemen avail themselves of the provisions of this law. To him it appeared impossible that they could act under it. If renewed then, it must remain a dead letter. And why load your statute book with laws, which could not be carried in-
to execution, and would of course answer no end.
Upon the whole—the motion appeared to him ill-timed, the measure it was admitted on all sides, had occasioned much difference of opinion, and considerable uneasiness in the public mind. The state of things which originally gave rise to it, was at an end, and there appeared to be no circumstance which rendered it peculiarly necessary or expedient to continue the law longer in force. All restrictions of this kind were discordant and uncongenial to the American feeling and wishes. And even, if the law should be continued in our statute book, it would according to all human probability, not be acted upon. Under these impressions, and in this view of the subject, he could have wished the present motion had not been made, but at all events he felt himself bound to give it his negative.
(To be continued.)
THURSDAY, January 29.
Mr. Harper laid on the table a resolution for perpetuating the bill which advanced the salaries of several of the officers of government, which was before limited to three years duration.
Mr. Rutledge laid on the table a resolution for ascertaining a mode of conducting the election for President of the United States, predicated upon the supposition, that the votes given by the electors were equal for the two highest candidates.
The house went into committee on the bill to incorporate the Schuylkill Copper Mine Company. Mr. Harper in the chair.
During the debate on this bill (which took up the whole sitting) a person in the gallery, who appeared to be intoxicated, spoke aloud to a member in a few words. Whereupon Mr. Harper ordered him into custody of the sergeant, and ordered the gallery to be cleared.
Before the rising of the house, the speaker informed the house that the offender was yet in custody. Motion was made by Mr. Bayard to discharge him—he was discharged.
The bill was then agreed to and ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
Report of the Select Committee, to whom were referred Mr. Nicholas's proposed amendments to the constitution in relation to the mode of electing a President and Vice President, and members of the House of Representatives.
THE committee first state the proposed amendments, for which we refer to an antecedent number of the Alexandria Advertiser.
The committee to whom were referred the foregoing resolutions, have had the same under their consideration, and as the result of that consideration, beg leave to make the following report:
It is conceived that it may be assumed as one of the most indisputable maxims of American policy, that no change in the constitution of the United States be admitted, without a well grounded assurance of the attainment of some greater good under the proposed change, than under the existing provisions of the constitution.
In relation to the object of the first of the aforesaid resolutions, the existing provisions of the constitution of the United States are in the following terms:
[The committee here quote the constitution.]
Under the latitude of expression used in the foregoing provisions, a considerable
variety of practice has been found to prevail, not only in different states, but at different periods in the same states. The modes adopted may be considered as capable of designation under two general descriptions: The one an appointment of electors by popular vote; the other, an appointment of electors by legislative choice.
In each mode considerable varieties have prevailed. Under the first general mode, the states have been sometimes divided into districts, in proportion to the number of electors to be appointed in each state respectively, and the inhabitants of each district having the right of suffrage, have appointed by vote, the elector for such district respectively, nearly in the manner proposed by the first resolution referred to your committee. In other instances the whole people of a state, having the right of suffrage, have appointed by general vote, such number of electors, as the state was respectively entitled to. The electors appointed under the latter modification, have been sometimes taken from the body of the people at large, in other instances, they have been selected from certain districts or divisions of the state, in conformity with certain previous legislative requisitions. In cases of death, absence or other disability of electors, appointed by popular vote, provisions have been made by law in the same states to supply the vacancies, which might be occasioned by such accidents, by means of a legislative choice.
Under the other general mode of appointment, the electors in some states have been appointed by joint ballot of both houses of the legislature. In some instances, the electors appointed by legislative choice have been taken from the body of the people at large without previous limitation; in other instances from a restricted list, nominated in certain proportions by each house of the legislature respectively.
In the same states, one general mode of appointment has prevailed at one time, and another general mode at another time, the changes having been made as well from one general mode as from the other.
Such are the existing provisions of the constitution of the United States, and such has been the practice under these provisions. The modes thus used are presumed to have been within the legitimate construction of the constitution, since the votes of electors appointed under almost every variety of these modes have been admitted in former elections of president and vice-president of the United States. The latitude of expressions used in those provisions, and the variety of modes practically adopted under them, seem to have been considered in the first of the resolutions referred to your committee, as inconveniences which ought to be remedied.
Your committee are persuaded, that the provisions of the constitution of the United States, can in no instance be reasonably considered as mere pleonasm or inadvertencies: and therefore, that the particular phraseology used on the above subject, was not adopted without due consideration. Your committee are equally persuaded that the varieties which have practically taken place under the terms used are not beyond the contemplation of those who framed the Constitution. These varieties, it is reasonable to suppose, were foreseen, and being foreseen were viewed, not without favor as the best means of enabling the

people of the United States to combine the advantages of experience with the speculations of theory in relation to this acknowledgedly the most difficult part of their government in the adjustment, so that they may ultimately settle down into one uniform mode within constitutional limits, not from constitutional restriction, but from the convictions of reason founded on experience.
The mode proposed to be exclusively established, being clearly within the expressions of the constitution, if upon experience and comparison with other modes, equally within those expressions, it shall be found to possess superior advantages, or possessing equal advantages, to be liable to fewer or less considerable inconveniences, your committee will not distrust the good sense of the people of the United States in ultimately selecting this mode, without constitutional restraint, as their uniform mode of electing the President and Vice President of the United States.
Your committee hold it foreign to their duty to enter into a comparative view of the merits and demerits of the various modes, which have been or may be adopted under the existing provisions of the constitution of the United States; they hold it sufficient to authorize the rejection of any proposition for the exclusive establishment of any particular mode, if such a mode shall, upon candid examination, be found liable to serious abuses, of a most dangerous consequence to the public peace, against which abuses under such mode, on practicable means have been or probably can be found for prevention or remedy.
The liability of the mode proposed, to such abuses cannot be made more manifest, than by a brief review of the essential details of that mode.
To carry into effect the mode proposed to be exclusively established, every state must necessarily be divided into a number of districts, in proportion to the number of electors to be appointed in each state respectively:—These districts must of necessity be again sub-divided, for the convenient reception of the votes of the people: authority must be delegated to one or more officers in every sub-division of every electoral district throughout the United States for the purpose of receiving those votes.
Amidst so great a variety of officers, thus to be entrusted, it would be against the calculations of all experience, to suppose there would not be found some who might be reasonably suspected of a liability to the deviations of error, if not to those of a worse nature. No government upon earth, has or can have, competent knowledge of so great a variety of individuals, as to ensure, through the cautiousness of appointment, against such deviation in all instances. Absolute prevention then is not to be expected.
The votes of some possessing the right of suffrage may be rejected; the votes of others, not possessing the right of suffrage, may be admitted; whether such rejection or admission proceeded from error of judgment, or from design, it will equally lay the foundation of a contested or disputed election between the candidates for the electorship.
When the voice of the several sub-divisions of an electoral district have been taken, the polls, or lists of those votes must be brought together for addition and comparison: and a return must be made of the person appointed an elector.—Whether that return be made by the officers
(authorised originally to receive the votes) in a collective body, or whether it be made by some other authority, to which those officers may be directed to transmit the polls or lists of the votes taken by them; there may (amidst the conflict of passions, too likely to prevail on such occasions) too probably be found means of suppressing the polls, or lists of votes of some of the sub-divisions of a district, or of preventing or delaying the transmission thereof; so that one man might be returned, in apparent conformity with law, the elector of a district, when in reality another may have been appointed by the people of that district.
The experience of elected governments evinces that cases such as those above suggested are by no means out of the course of probable occurrence. Instances of disputed elections contested upon similar grounds, frequently occur in ordinary legislative bodies, notwithstanding the knowledge that a remedy exists within the scope of the power of those bodies.—The protracted periods of their sessions give time for investigating and deciding upon the merits of such contested elections. The knowledge of the practicability of such remedy, probably tends to discourage the greater frequency of such occurrences.
But the bodies of electors in each state respectively, from the necessarily restricted periods of their sessions, are incapacitated to collect the necessary evidence, and to pursue such other steps as are essential to the investigation of, and decision upon the merits of a contested election of one of their members, were they otherwise competent hereto. Those therefore who may be returned electors, whether duly and really appointed or not, will in practice exercise the important functions of electors of the President and Vice-President of the United States. No practicable remedy against such abuses appears to exist in the present stage of the proposed system; a knowledge of the defect of such remedy moreover, it is to be feared, might act as an additional temptation to the frequency of abuse.
The votes of the electors in the several states, are next to be rendered by ballot, and when so rendered they are to be transmitted in the form of certificates, giving the result of the ballot to certain officers of the government of the United States. When the period arrives for opening those certificates, and counting the votes in the presence of the senate, and house of representatives of the United States, if error or abuse shall have taken place, no means exist (in case the ballot be in favor of more than two persons as President and Vice President) for discriminating between the votes of those who shall have been duly appointed and unduly returned as electors. To set aside votes given by persons not duly appointed, and consequently wanting the competent authority of electors, no course presents itself in such case save that of vacating the whole ballot, of which the defective vote or votes may be a component part. Thus to deprive a state of all participation in the election of the president and vice-president of the United States, on account of the defective appointment of one or a few of its electors, would be a serious and painful duty. To vacate such ballot, and thereby to deprive those candidates for whom the found votes of such ballot may have been given, of the aid of that ballot, in order at the same time to destroy the effect of the unsound votes might result in giving to others a priority, to which, if effect could be given to the
really found votes, those others might not be entitled. This also presents an embarrassing consideration.
[To be concluded in our next.]
Alexandria Advertiser.
FRIDAY, January 30.
COMMUNICATION.
WHEN parties for electioneering purposes, pitch themselves in battle array against each other, it has often been observed that they do not so well weigh the qualifications that the candidate ought to possess, as the chance they have of succeeding, by espousing the cause of this or that person: thus it often happens that persons are elected to fill important offices, who are no otherwise calculated for the places they are elected to occupy, than a coincidence of party opinions with those who elected them. It may also be necessary to remark, that being in the immediate vicinity of the national city, and soon to become a very distinguished part of the territory of Columbia, it is essentially necessary to pay particular attention to the future representation of this rising town. Under these impressions an inhabitant of the town, who belongs to no party but that of the general good, offers the following list of persons for Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council, believing that from the list here presented, there are few, but what may, without sacrificing much to party prejudice, select suitable persons to represent them in the corporation for the ensuing year.
George Taylor, Aaron Hewes, Jonah Thompson, Joseph Dean, George Slacum, Jonathan Swift, Thomas Vowell, William Harper, Cuthbert Powell, Elisha Janney, John Janney, Joseph Riddle, John Dundas, Samuel Craig, Edmund J. Lee, John Dunlap, M. Alexander, Mordecai Miller. Thomas Sawann,
The Senate has confirmed the nomination of JOHN MARSHALL, as Chief Justice of the United States.
Extract of a letter, dated Port Republican, 28th of December 1800, from a gentleman there, to his friend in Philadelphia.
"Yesterday General Toussaint arrived in town, and ordered the duties* to be taken off, and gave orders to the officers of the customs that the operation of the decree should be suspended till the 22d of Sept. next—but, strange inconsistency—the evening he left this, he counter-ordered what by wisdom was dictated in the morning, with this alteration, that the usual import duties are to remain till the 23d of September, when they are to be 20 per cent."
* See the Alexandria Advertiser of the 20th inst. containing Toussaint's proclamation, declaring a duty of 20 per cent on imports and exports, &c. &c.
The United States Schooner Experiment, has taken and sent into Baltimore, a French Schooner, one of the most successful privateers against the American commerce out of the West-Indies.—She had captured in a voyage of a few months, about fifty American merchantmen, and is so fleet a vessel that no vessel was ever able to overtake her, previous to her falling
in with the Experiment. She threw all her guns and caboose overboard, which instead of expediting her threw her so much out of trim, that the Experiment easily overtook her.
In the house of representatives of the state of Delaware, on Friday the 16th instant, the following resolution with the recital, was agreed to; ayes 11, noes 7, viz.
Whereas the opening of a communication between the Delaware river and the Chesapeake Bay, by means of a canal, will be very beneficial to the agricultural and commercial interests of this state, and at the same time beneficial to our neighboring states, Pennsylvania and Maryland: And whereas considered in a great national view, upon principles of a liberal, extended, and enlightened policy, in relation to the union, of which this state is a member, it is an object of the first importance, which, if attained will, in time of peace, and more especially in time of war, promote the general welfare: and whereas it may be contemplated at a future day as a source of revenue to this state:
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to bring in a bill for the above purpose, calculated to accomplish so desirable an object, consistent with the rights and interests of the state, and the good people thereof.
Died on Sunday evening the 4th January, 1801, at the house of Robert Wilson, esquire, in East Windsor township, Middlesex county, N. J. Ann Hutchinson, widow of William Hutchinson, esquire, late of said county, aged one hundred and one years, nine months and seven days—She was mother of 13 children, and grandmother, and great grandmother, and great great grandmother to the amount of, as is known, of 375 persons, and a number of them of the 5th generation.
For Rent.
The subscriber will lease or rent his commodious fire-proof
Bake and Dwelling House, on Town-Point, where he now lives, with three Ovens, a good Store-house and Stable for two horses, with a well enclosed Wood-Yard, and every other convenience for carrying on the baking business to advantage.
JAMES DICKINSON.
Norfolk, Jan. 8. d12†(30)
The Schooner Nancy,
Burthen 350 barrels,
Capt. Stevens,
Will take FREIGHT to any port in the U. States.
For terms apply to the master on board at Merchants' wharf, or to
ROBERTS and GRIFFITH.
January 29.
d3teo
Liverpool Salt for Sale.
Just landing from on board the ship Success, Capt. King,
STOVED SALT,
in sacks and bulk.
Also, a few hundred bushels of
Liverpool Coal.
Wm. I. HALL.
Merchants' Wharf, Jan. 29. d
Printing in all its variety executed with neatness and dispatch.

Valuable Property for Sale.
SEVEN hundred and eighty-eight acres in the county of Hampshire, on the waters of Great Cape Capon, about 20 miles from the Warm Springs, and 30 from Winchester. This land is full of wood, oak and pine timber. Two excellent farms may be made, with 30 to 50 acres of bottom, and rich high lands to each; and in the heart of the timber there is a fine seat for a saw-mill. Capt. Daniel Rice will shew the lands.
Three thousand eight hundred and forty-five acres in the county of Ohio, on the waters of Grave and Fifth Creeks, near the river Ohio, and about 80 miles below Pittsburg. Some of these lands are very good, with considerable quantities of rich bottom, and plenty of excellent timber. Robert Woods, Esq. the Surveyor of that county, will shew these lands.
One hundred seventy-six and three fourths acres, within three miles of the Warm Springs, upon Great Cape Capon, near its mouth, and within \frac{3}{4} of a mile of the River Potomak. This land has about 70 or 80 acres of rich bottom, mostly in cultivation, with 274 fine Sugar Trees on it; from which I am informed, there may be made 3000lb. of good sugar annually. There are also a seat for grist and saw mills on it, equal to any in that neighborhood, and upon a never failing stream of water. The upland is rich, with plenty of timber, and part under cultivation. This farm is well improved with a good orchard, houses and fencing, and rented last year for produce equal to sixty pounds per ann. Mr. Joseph Butler, at the Warm Springs, will shew it. I will sell all, or any of the above lands for cash or upon credit, or take in exchange for them lands in Fairfax County, or lots of land in the City of Alexandria, or the City of Washington.
January 15. eo
R. T. HOOE.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Respectfully informs the public, that finding it indispensably necessary to dissolve the copartnership of O'NEIL and WARD, in the Globe Tavern, of this town, he intends in future to conduct that house on his own account, under the name of the GOLDEN BALL, and declares no exertion on his part shall be wanting to give every person who may favor him with their commands entire satisfaction.
He requests all persons indebted to the above firm to be speedy in settling their accounts with him, as he alone is authorised to give a valid discharge for money due, or make any kind of settlement with them. He also requests the favor of all persons holding demands against O'Neil and Ward to render him their several demands, as he wishes to have them adjusted as soon as possible.
ENOCH WARD.
Jan. 15.
(16) 3weo
FOR SALE,
A LOT of GROUND
On the corner of Queen and Fairfax streets, extending 123 feet 2 inches on Queen street, 45 feet 8 inches on Fairfax street: this property is liable to no incumbrance. For terms apply to Mr. John Green, Alexandria, or Mr. Hezekiah Price, Old-Town, Baltimore.
Liberal credit will be allowed for the payment.
January 2.
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Public Sale.
On TUESDAY next, At 10 o'clock, will be Sold at the Vendue Store,
BROWN SUGAR
In hhds. tierces and barrels—on a Credit and for Cash.
Teneriffe Wine in pipes and casks,
Catalonia do. in pipes,
French Brandy do.
Whiskey in bls.
Coffee in bags,
Hyson and Bohea Tea in chests,
Raisins in kegs,
Soap and Candles in boxes,
Tobacco,
Nails, Hardware, &c.
Also, a quantity of
DRY GOODS,
Consisting of
Cloths, Coatings, Welch Planes, Flannels, Irish Linens and Sheeting, Ozanaburgs, Silks and Sattins, Calicoes, book and jaconet mullins, tamboured and plain, Threads, Hats, Paper, &c.
P. G. MARSTELLER,
January 17.
Auctioneer.
NOTICE.
THE stockholders of the Bank of Alexandria, are hereby informed, that a dividend of five per cent on the capital stock of said Bank, for the half year ending this day, is declared, and will be ready to be paid to them, or their representatives on Thursday next.
By order of the president and directors,
GURDEN CHAPIN, Cashier.
January 5.
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A Housekeeper wanted.
LIBERAL wages will be given to a discreet Woman, capable of managing the affairs of my family as a Housekeeper. A middle aged woman of a mild disposition and regular deportment will be preferred, as part of her attention will be necessary in superintending a nursery of young children.
CHARLES LEE.
December 13, 1800.
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For Sale, or to be Leased,
In the City of Washington, and possession given immediately,
A handsome, well-finished three story BUILDING, on New-Jersey Avenue, in the vicinity of the Capitol, and the nearest dwelling on the south of it on Capitol Hill. The lot and house are well situated, and will always command an uninterrupted view of the whole city and George-Town to the west, as well as of the Potomac and Eastern Branch. The house contains 10 convenient rooms, exclusive of garret and cellars.
If sold, United States stock, or stock in any of the banks would be taken for the whole or part of the payment, and a good title given; or, if leased for 5 years, the terms would be accommodating to a good tenant.
Further particulars may be known by applying to Mr. Joseph Hodgson, in that city, or the subscriber in Baltimore.
MATHEW BROWN.
January 15.
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Fresh Raisins.
Just received a few boxes of excellent Raisins, and for Sale, by
JOHN & J. TUCKER.
December 24.
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For Liverpool.
The Ship POLLY, Capt. SAM. HANCOCK, will take FREIGHT for Liverpool.—Terms may be known by enquiring of
R. T. HOOE & Co.
January 16.
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SECOND NOTICE.
Whereas a Commission of Bankruptcy is awarded and issued forth against Elisha Cullen Dick, of the Town of Alexandria, and he having surrendered himself to the major part of the Commissioners named in the said Commission, at the Washington Tavern, in Alexandria, on the seventeenth day of this month, when and where he underwent his first examination—he is therefore required again to attend, at the said Tavern, on Saturday the 31st day of this month, to undergo his second examination, when and where the Creditors of the said Elisha Cullen Dick, either in his separate capacity, or as one of the Firm of James Mease M c Rea and Company, may attend to prove their debts. At the last sitting of the Commissioners the said Bankrupt is to finish his examination, and the Creditors aforesaid to choose Assignees; of which last sitting due notice will be given, and the Creditors are to assent to, or dissent from, the allowance of his Certificate. All persons indebted to the said Bankrupt, or who have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver the same, but to whom the Commissioners shall appoint, but to give notice to
HENRY MOORE, Clerk to the Commission.
January 20, 1801.
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FOR SALE
By William Hartshorne,
On Col. Hooe's wharf,
James River Coal,
Philadelphia loaf and lump Sugar, Hard Soap by the box, Also, a few boxes of crown or shaving Soap, Hay in bundles of about 200 weight, Flour, Bran and Shorts by the quantity, Tobacco in kegs.
Cash given for Wheat, Rye and Corn.
1st mo. 26.
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JUST RECEIVED,
By the Schooner Eliza, Capt. Ward, from New-York, and for sale by
Roberts & Griffith,
30 hhds muscovado sugar East India sugar in bags Loaf and lump sugar in hhds. and bbls. Coffee in barrels and bags Pepper and pimento A few pipes London particular Madeira wine Sherry, Malaga and Teneriffe wine in quarter casks Spirits, French brandy and Holland gin Cotton in bales Mould and dipt candles Raisins in kegs and boxes Soft shell almonds, &c. &c. &c.
They daily expect by the Schooner Philip from New-York, 20 puncheons Antigua rum.
January 12.
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Boarding and Lodging
May be had for five or six gentlemen, by applying to
JOHN GORDON, King Street.
December 16.
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Sales by Auction.
On SATURDAY next, At ten o'clock, will be sold at the Auction Room on Union Street,
Sugar in blls.
Candles in boxes, Tobacco in kegs, Coffee in bags, Saltpetre in bags, Raisins in boxes, Grapes in jars, Almonds in blls. Oranges in boxes, Anchovies in kegs and boxes,
Together with a variety of
DRY GOODS,
Among which are
Wilton and Scotch Carpeting, striped and plain Coatings, Kerseys, Plains, Flannels, rose Blankets, Broadcloths, Kerseymeres, worsted Hose, Durants, mens' fine Hats, Irish and German Linens, Humhums, Mullins, &c.
HENRY & THOS. MOORE,
January 29.
Auctioneers.
WANTED TO HIRE,
For the service of the Potomac Company for the ensuing year, to work at the Great-Falls,
A number of active, able bodied NEGRO MEN, for whom liberal wages will be given. They will be well fed, clothed and lodged, humanely treated, and in cases of sickness taken good care of at the expence of the Company—Their wages will be paid quarterly, and if desirable to the owners, agents will be appointed at different places to pay at the expiration of each quarter, as may be most convenient to the parties. Further particulars may be had by application to Mr. Alexander Reid, at the Great-Falls, or to the subscriber in George-Town.
By order of the President and Directors.
JOSEPH CARLETON,
Treasurer of the Potomac Company. George-Town, Dec. 29. 30t
ANTHONY SAWYER,
Hair Dresser and Perfumer, (lately from Baltimore)
Royal street, between King and Prince streets, fourth door south of the Printing Office of the Times,
Begs leave to inform the Ladies of Alexandria, and the country generally, that having received the new fashion of Ladies' Wigs and Files, he will be thankful to receive their orders for the above articles, and will warrant them equal to any manufactured on the continent.
N. B. Any Lady wishing to see his Patterns, may be accommodated by sending a servant to his shop.
He has for sale, every article in the Perfumery line, on the most reasonable terms.
Cash will be given for hair by the large or small quantity.
Alex. Dec. 8.
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Two active Lads, about 14 years of age, and of reputable connexions, would be taken as Apprentices at the office of the Advertiser.
PRINTED BY
S. SNOWDEN & Co.
KING-STREET, a few doors above the WASHINGTON TAVERN.