The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-11-04 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCLXXIV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 4th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, October 24, 1803.
Call for papers.
(Continued.)
DR. MITCHELL said he rose to express his sentiments against the whole body of the resolution under debate. But his disinclination to adopt it did not arise from any doubt of the right which the House possessed to call upon the executive for information. He had no hesitation to ask the President for papers whenever it was necessary to obtain them. And it was equally clear to him that whenever that dignified officer was properly applied to, he would comply cheerfully with the request of Congress, or of either branch of it. He owned that in some cases, it would be the duty of the House to pursue this mode of enquiry; and equally would it be the duty of the head of the executive department to give his aid and countenance.
In the present stage of the proceedings respecting the treaty and conventions with France concerning Louisiana, he deemed it improper to embarrass the business, by an unseasonable call upon the executive for papers. The President had already communicated various information on this subject, in his message on the first day of the session. Additional information was given in his message of the 21st, wherein he told the House that the ratification and exchanges had been made. This was accompanied with instruments of cession and covenant concluded at Paris between our ministers and the agents of the French Republic. All this information we had already on our tables. This the President had put the House in possession of, from his own sense of duty. This obligation was imposed on him by the constitution, which declares that he shall from time to time, give to Congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. Mr. M. said he had a firm belief that the President had complied with this constitutional injunction. He had communicated such intelligence as he had received; and if he was possessed of any thing else needful for the deliberations of the House, he was willing to think, the chief magistrate of the union would have spontaneously imparted it.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold) however says, that the cession expressed in the treaty, is no cession at all, but a mere pretence. He says that our title is derived from France, who has no title whatever to Louisiana, and of course can convey none to the United States. He differed in opinion with that gentleman entirely. The treaty contained internal evidence enough for him to act upon. And it was accompanied with extrinsic events and circumstances, of great publicity. The united evidence of these we could not resist without rejecting all human testimony, and sinking into absolute scepticism.
Let us review, Sir, what the sum of this information amounts to. By the first article of the treaty which has so lately been laid before us, we have a recital of that part of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, concluded October 1, 1800, whereby his Catholic Majesty promises and engages to cede to the French Republic, the colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France possessed it, and such as it should be after the treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and other states. Here is a promise to cede; but the stipulation is accompanied with a condition which, as is alleged by the mover of the resolution, has never been performed. This condition, though not expressed at large in the first article, is well understood to be the establishment of the Loke of Parma, in the full and entire possession of Tuscany, and the making him a monarch under the title of the King of Etruria. This has been done in the face of all Europe. And the deliberations in the Diet of Ratisbon, concerning German indemnities, shewed that the Prince who was turned out of that country to make room for a younger member of the blood royal of Spain, was one of those who suffered a loss of dominion and revenue, when Italy was borne down by the victorious arms of France. Mr. M. said he would not enter into the detail of European politics, nor dwell upon the splendid campaigns which had been made beyond
the Alps. He would only urge upon the attention of the House, that France had put the Duke of Parma on the throne of Etruria, and had thereby acquired a title to Louisiana. This was the consideration or price, with which the American Province was purchased from Spain. But the right of France to Louisiana does not rest here—it is not a nudum pactum ; so far from it, effective measures have been adopted to carry it into operation, by adding possession to right. A commissioner has been sent to New Orleans, on the part of the French Republic, to receive the Province of Louisiana from Spain. This officer has been received respectfully there. He has been officially recognized; and has had solemn induction and investiture. He may be considered as completely in possession, and enjoying, as far as the treaty requires, actual seisin of the country. If even a possession by twigg and turf was required, the French Republic really seemed to have been permitted by the government of Spain to have such a possessory establishment. A title thus acquired, and accompanied by an allowed and peaceful possession, is about to be granted to the United States. The provisions to the completion of this object are stated in the fourth article of the treaty, which stipulates that there shall be sent by France a commissary to Louisiana, to the end that he do every act necessary, as well to receive from the officers of his Catholic Majesty the said country and its dependencies, in the name of the French Republic, if it has not been already done, as to transmit it in the name of the French Republic to the commissary or agent of the United States.
An objection had been raised on the ground of the uncertainty of the limits of Louisiana. He did not feel the force of this. In the ignorance in which the world was at present involved as to American geography, we should indeed receive it talis qualis , such as it was generally understood or usually reputed to be. He perfectly well knew it had been very little explored, and its limits travelled over by surveyors with chain and compass. Uncertainty overhung the subject; but this would be dissipated by degrees as the unknown regions should be visited and described. We might then proceed to adjust the limits in a manner similar to that we had repeatedly adopted with respect to the present territory of the United States. As commissioners had been from time to time appointed to settle our boundaries on the southern, northeastern, and northwestern frontiers, so might every geographical difficulty as to the extent of Louisiana, be removed by commissioners acting under like authority and powers.
Previously however, to receiving the perfect transfer and possession on our part, it is necessary that we should make arrangements to pay for it. For altho' by the second article of the first convention, it is agreed that no money or stock shall be advanced before Louisiana shall be taken possession of in the name of the government of the United States—yet, as no money can be paid, but by virtue of appropriations made by law, it is incumbent on Congress forthwith to declare, whether they will make the appropriation or not. If this appropriation is not made by law, there is an end of the treaty, and of all the expectations to which it has given rise. On the other hand, if duly and promptly made, our government will be enabled, according to the promise contained in the fifth article, to receive from the commissary of the French Republic all the military posts of New Orleans, and other parts of the ceded territory, and to see the troops of France and Spain, who may be there, withdraw from the country, and evacuate it. Mr. M. thought that Congress already possessed as much information as was requisite to act with wisdom and intelligence on the great question before them.
Acknowledging as he did, the right of the House, to request the President to give the copies of papers mentioned in the resolution under debate—his opposition to it arose merely from the persuasion he felt, that they were unnecessary, and some of them impossible to be had. Some papers were asked for, which he was confident did not exist, in the hands of the President, or any where else. It would be as agreeable to him, Mr. Mitchell said, as to the mover of the resolution, to examine these papers as matters of rational curiosity, or as documents of authentic history. But now was not the time for these secondary researches, however amusing they might be. Graver subjects demanded our immediate attention, and there might be danger in delay. The operation of the
resolution, if adopted, would certainly be to procrastinate and embarrass; and he did not discern what good would be wrought at that time by agreeing to it.
There was an additional reason, and that a very weighty one, for refusing the motion, at this time. By the terms of the treaty, it must be ratified in good and due form, and the ratification exchanged within six months after execution. The date of this deed of cession is the 30th of April last. Consequently the limited time would expire on the 30th of the current month. A doubt had been expressed by some gentlemen, for whose judgment he entertained great respect, whether the ratification would be consummated in good and due form, unless the declaration and act of this House should follow up the determination of the President and Senate. Mr. M. therefore concluded, that as there were but a few days left to decide on the question, which involved the sovereignty of the Mississippi, and the adjacent country on both its banks, it would be better to proceed without delay to comply with all the pre-requisites. At a future day, he would have no objection to amuse his leisure with the perusal of the papers comprised in the resolution; but at present, he thought the members had neither inclination nor time to spare.
Mr. M. therefore concluded by moving a postponement of the resolution until the 30th day of May next. The motion being seconded,
Mr. FINDLEY said he was opposed to the postponement. He would rather face the resolution and decide upon it at once. If this House thinks it expedient, they will say so; if they think it inexpedient, they will manifest their opinion. He was one of those who considered the resolution as neither necessary or expedient. It was not pretended that we yet had either territory or people to govern; but we were required to carry a treaty into effect that would give us both territory and people. Doubts had been suggested of the validity of our title; but shall doubts be put in competition with official papers? It was not, however, his intention to detain the House with a discussion of this point on which sufficient had been already said; but to notice an allusion made to the proceedings of a former Congress. It was proper that they should be correctly understood. When he looked around him, he did not see more than eight or ten members of the House at the time referred to. It has been said by a gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Thatcher) that the House, in the case of the British treaty, claimed to decide on treaties. In answer to this observation, he begged leave to read the reply of the House to the message of the president; first observing that the context was respecting the discretion of the House, not to agree to treaties, but to grant money for carrying them into effect. On that occasion, it had been contended there was no such discretion. The following are the proceedings on that occasion.
"The house according to the order of the day resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on the message from the President of the United States assigning the reasons which forbid his compliance with the resolution of this house of the 24th ultimo requesting a copy of the instructions, correspondence and other documents, relative to the treaty lately concluded between the United States and Great Britain and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair and Mr. Mughlenberg reported, that the committee had, according to order, again had the said message under consideration and come to two resolutions, thereupon which he delivered in at the clerk's table where the same were read as follows:
"Resolved, That it being declared by the second section of the second article of the constitution, "That the president shall have power, by, and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided that two thirds of the Senators present concur," the House of Representatives do not claim any agency in making treaties; but that when a treaty stipulates regulations on any of the subjects submitted by the constitution to the power of Congress, it must depend for its execution as to such stipulations, on a law or laws to be passed by Congress; and it is the constitutional right and duty of the House of Representatives, in all such cases, to deliberate on the expediency or inexpediency of carrying such treaty into effect, and to determine and act thereon as in their judgment, may be most conducive to the public good."
This resolution was carried by a majority of 57 to 35. From this statement it was evident that the point at that day in dispute was not whether the House had a right to ratify treaties, but whether they had a right to grant money; that is, whether they had not the same discretion on this as on other occasions. Mr. Findley concluded by observing that he was himself prepared, with the information before them, to carry the present treaty into effect.
Mr. GRISWOLD scarcely believed the gentleman from New York (Mr. Mitchell) serious in his motion to postpone this resolution. If ever it was proper to decide it, it was certainly proper to decide it now. If ever the information requested was wanted, it was for the purpose of legislating correctly on the subject of the message. If it is not wanted, the House will not hesitate to negative the resolution. In my judgment, said Mr. Griswold, it is wanted for the purpose of legislating correctly on those subjects that are before us. I am one of those, who do now believe, and always have believed that the exclusive right of forming treaties resides in the President and Senate; and that, when ratified, it is the duty of every department of the government to carry them into effect. This treaty then, if fairly and constitutionally made, is a law of the land, and we are bound to execute it. But it is necessary to know its nature and effects to carry it into execution. If it is a mere dead letter, there is no necessity for any laws whatever. Thence the necessity of knowing precisely its nature and effects, before we are able to pass the necessary laws for carrying it into effect. Gentlemen will not deny this. If the treaty itself is in these respects uncertain, they will admit the necessity of having recourse to other documents to decide what we are to do to carry it into effect. In my judgment the treaty is uncertain. I am not able to say from the light it supplies, whether we acquire by it new territory, or subjects, or if the gentleman from Virginia pleases, new citizens; though I have always understood that all persons living under every description of governments were bound to obey it, and of course were subjects, and that the term was as applicable to a republic as to a monarchy. Will gentlemen say that it is not necessary to ascertain the nature and effects of this treaty, in order to legislate correctly respecting it? What does the President say in his message? He says, "It is for your consideration whether you will not forthwith make such temporary provisions for the preservation, in the mean while, of order and tranquility in the country, as the case may require." He calls upon us forthwith to legislate. If we have acquired the country and people, it is certainly proper to pass laws for the preservation of order and tranquility; but if we have acquired neither, whence the necessity of passing such laws? It would be improper; it would be usurpation. We contend that the treaty does not ascertain these points; gentlemen differ from us in opinion. But I beg them calmly and seriously to attend to its language. By the first article it appears that Spain promised to cede Louisiana to France on certain stipulations; she promises to cede. Gentlemen cannot mistake the import of the language. It is a promise, not a cession. Will it be said that France acquired any title by this promise. This cannot be contended. The treaty does not declare whether the terms stipulated by France have been complied with, or whether the cession was actually made. The terms of the treaty are "whereas, in pursuance of the treaty, and particularly of the third article, the French republic has a uncontested title, &c."—Will gentlemen say that this assertion, on the part of France, gives her a title? It gives her no title. An assertion by France cannot affect Spain.
But, say gentlemen, France has stipulated the sending a commissary to receive Louisiana from Spain, and transmit it to us. What is the amount of this engagement? It is an engagement to receive and transmit. But suppose France do not send the commissary, or Spain refuses to deliver the country. If gentlemen are correct in the construction they give to the first article, to wit, that we have acquired a good title, will not the House hold the language of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) and say, what do we care for Spain! I therefore consider the fourth article as amounting to nothing. This consideration enforces the motion I have had the honor to submit; because, if it will turn out that we have acquired a good title, and if the treaty shall appear to be fairly and constitutionally
made and ratified, we have a right, in virtue of every principle of the law of nations to enforce our title.
The president has called upon us forthwith to pass laws for the preservation of order and tranquility in this territory. Should we not then seriously enquire into the validity of our title for we have no right to exercise jurisdiction over it if our title is not rightful. Suppose France had ceded to us the Island of Great Britain. Would the mere cession give us the right to the soil and jurisdiction of that country? Before we pass the laws, that are alleged to be necessary, we ought to ascertain whether the people of Louisiana owe us allegiance as their rightful sovereigns.
Gentlemen say, though they are content to call for the treaty of Ildefonso, there are other parts of the resolution to which they cannot assent, and particularly that which relates to Spain. In one view this information is important. If it shews the consent of Spain to the cession to us, it is equivalent to an abandonment, so far as relates to us, of the stipulations made to her by France, and all that remains for us to do, is to organise a government over the people of that territory. But if Spain refuses her consent, and remains in possession, and I always understood till this day that she does remain in possession, it may be necessary to resort to other measures. For that purpose I have thought it proper to call for papers, that may ascertain the disposition of Spain. As to the expression "deed of cession," it may not, perhaps, be the most apt; and it will be perfectly agreeable to me to substitute the word "instrument," if that shall be more agreeable to gentlemen. I beg leave to add that with regard to all these documents, no doubt can be entertained of their being in the possession of the Executive. When realising this important purchase, he certainly felt it important to know whether the nation selling had a right to sell; and that right must have depended upon the treaty of 1800. Let not gentlemen ascribe to me the least wish to pry into the secrets of state. This measure cannot be fairly so construed. The treaty of Ildefonso must be a public treaty from the nature of it. As to the correspondence with the government of Spain I should presume that that cannot be secret. But if the President will say that Spain has assented to or dissented from the treaty of cession, that will be sufficient for me. For these reasons I deem the adoption of the resolution at this time important, and that it is consequently improper to postpone it to a future day. I presume gentlemen are desirous to carry this treaty into effect without delay. I am not the least disposed to frustrate their wishes; and when these documents shall be received, if gentlemen permit them to be received, we shall be enabled immediately to decide whether the treaty calls for any particular laws to carry it into execution.
Mr. RANDOLPH said, that when the gentleman from Connecticut introduced the resolution it struck him as being irregular, but as it had not received any animadversion from the chair,—and as he felt greatly disposed to favor the utmost latitude in debate, especially on the part of the other side of the House, he had offered no objection to the course which had been pursued; altho' it appeared to him that, this subject being in the possession of the committee of the whole House, it would have been more regular to have moved a previous discharge of that committee, or to have offered the resolution in that committee, by way of shewing that it was not expedient to pass the necessary laws for carrying the treaty into effect. This was not the only case in which a question had been discussed on incidental points, rather than on its own merits. It had become almost habitual with the House to decide the principal questions before them, by debating others of a preliminary nature. He hoped therefore he should be excused in following the extensive but devious track of the gentleman from Connecticut. He declared himself entirely at a loss how to reconcile the theory and practice of that gentleman. He confessed that he had rather have seen him come boldly forward to deny the propriety of carrying the treaty into effect, than fighting behind entrenchments which cramped his exertions, whilst they did not cover him from that charge of incompetency against which he vainly endeavored to shield himself. Mr. R. regretted, therefore, that the gentleman had given any previous pledge which tended, at this time, to fetter his opposition to the treaty. He felt himself at a loss how to understand an expression which had been repeatedly and emphatically used—"if the treaty were constitutionally ratified."

The Executive informs us that this instrument has received the sanction of the Senate, and yet the scepticism of gentlemen is so extreme, that they cannot argue from the fact, but put the case hypothetically. Do they suppose the ratification to have been informal and incomplete?
Mr. Griswold explained. He said he would merely inform the gentleman what he had thought and intended to express, viz. that if the treaty be constitutionally made and ratified, that House was bound to carry it into effect.
Mr. RANDOLPH continued. "If it be constitutionally made and ratified." Really, Sir, this is the age of ingenious distinction. Unfortunately I am too dull to comprehend how a treaty can be constitutionally ratified, which is not constitutionally made. If, however, it be constitutionally made and ratified, the gentleman acknowledges himself bound to carry it into effect;—and yet he wants documents. To prove, what?—That the treaty is constitutional?—to clear up doubts of this nature?—Not at all—not to decide whether we have a treaty which contravenes the provisions of the constitution, but to determine whether we have any treaty at all. We must first see whether we have acquired territory and inhabitants to govern before we can pass the necessary laws giving effect to the treaty,—although by the gentleman's own shewing, we must pass the laws for carrying the treaty into effect, (provided they do not violate the constitution) even if it should be found that we have acquired neither territory nor inhabitants. According to the gentleman's doctrine, we must make good the stipulations into which the Executive may have entered, in the name of the nation, whether we have acquired anything in return or not. To what purpose then is this enquiry made? But we are told that enquiry is necessary to enable us to ascertain the proper mode of effecting the desired end;—to determine us whether (as a gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Thatcher, has said) we shall march a body of soldiers, or civilians, to take possession of Louisiana. But was it necessary to determine the mode of taking possession, before they would resolve to take possession at all? If the House would previously decide this question,—if they would come to a resolution that it was expedient to take possession, that resolution would be referred to a select committee to prepare a bill in conformity to it, and when that bill should be under their consideration, it would be proper to determine whether we would lend soldiers, or civilians, to New Orleans. From the zeal which that gentleman and his friends had manifested on this subject, Mr. R. entertained no doubt of their willingness to serve in either capacity.
Gentlemen allow that they are bound to carry the treaty into effect, if consistent with the constitution, but they say, that there may be, and are, dubious points, which must be cleared up, in order to enable them to understand how to carry it into effect. It would be strange indeed if there were not dubious expressions in this, as in almost all other treaties. For to what purpose are treaties generally made, but to define and settle the doubts of prior treaties, furnishing themselves matter for other negotiations, in an uninterrupted succession of cause and effect. Thus subsequent treaties have been made to settle the construction of the treaty of Paris of 1763—and yet later conventions endeavor to destroy the ambiguity of these explanations. There never was a convention between nations to which this objection would not be urged. The treaty of 1763 was so deficient in respect to the limits assigned the United States, that it could not be carried into execution, unless two straight lines can enclose space. This was the natural result of our then ignorance of the extent and direction of the great rivers and lakes, on the north-western frontier. The treaty now before us may be presumed to be equally or more indefinite, as to boundaries, than that of Paris—since the geography of the United States, at that time, was better understood, than that of Louisiana is at this. But a new discovery is made. That whatever doubts may arise under the treaty in question, it belongs to the Executive to clear them up, and for that purpose this application is proposed to be made. Mr. R. said that he had always, understood, till now, that doubts arising on any compact between independent powers were the proper subject of negotiation between those powers. That in this way alone they could be resolved, and not by one of the parties undertaking to put his own construction on the question. To what purpose then apply to the Executive for a solution of doubts to which both the parties interested alone are competent, and which it belongs not to one of them to decide.
It is said that the treaty of St. Ildefonso would enable us to ascertain whether France had complied with the stipulations, in consideration of which, Louisiana was ceded to her by Spain, and that probably it defines the boundaries of that country. With respect to the first object, even if it were in the power of the executive to furnish us with a copy of
that instrument, we should only learn, what we already know, that France engaged to raise a younger son of the Spanish branch of the house of Bourbon to the Etrurian throne. Suppose, Sir, we were officially apprized of this fact. Will that satisfy the gentleman from Connecticut? By no means. Whilst there is a possibility of doubt he has told us, honestly, he does not mean to be satisfied. No, Sir—you must summon a venire—to establish the fact that the Duke of Parma has been elevated to the rank of Tuscan King, and obtain a verdict in his favor, before you prevail on the cautious jealousy of that gentleman to assent to the proposition. In regard to the limits of the country in question, it is well known that neither in that of St. Ildefonso, nor any other treaty have they been accurately defined. Nor ought this to be a matter of surprize since neither the treaty of Paris in 1763, nor that of London in 1764, had fixed the boundaries of the United States, and in consequence, our north western line was still unclosed. If gentlemen wanted information on this subject, instead of sending this resolution to the President, they should send their door keeper into the library for Du Pratz, and Chalmers and Jenkinson. They will find more concerning the extent of Louisiana in Louis XIV's grant to Crozat than in the treaty which they require or in any other. By the treaty of St. Ildefonso, Spain "cedes to France the province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France possessed it; and such as it should be after the treaties, subsequently entered into between Spain and other states." The only article then, of this treaty which concerns us is quoted in that which is now in our possession. To establish what was the extent of the country when France possessed it, will undoubtedly form, perhaps now forms, the subject of negotiation with Spain. If then the precision which the gentleman requires be insisted on, the assent of this House may be refused to the laws for carrying the treaty into effect, until a complete adjustment of our boundary shall have taken place with Spain—And inasmuch as this can never be effected, until these laws are passed, and possession thereby taken of the country, the gentleman will obtain a perpetual virtual adjournment of this question. Availing himself of this newly discovered distinction, whilst he acknowledges an indispensable political obligation, to carry treaties into effect, he may refuse his sanction to any particular treaty. It is only to discover some real, or apparent obscurity, should no constitutional objections offer themselves, and the business is done. The gentleman thus surmounts, or gets around his own doctrine, and opposes a treaty as effectively as if he had never supported the position that this House was bound to execute them. But it requires all the intrepidity of the gentleman from Connecticut to assert his consistency. What do we now propose—only to submit to the House the bare abstract proposition that it is expedient to pass the laws for carrying this treaty into effect—we propose no particular measure—no matter of detail is before us—we are not debating whether we shall employ soldiers or civilians—and yet the gentleman, whilst he acknowledges an obligation to carry treaties, constitutionally made, into effect, whilst he urges no constitutional objection in this case, refuses his assent to the general position of the expediency of passing the laws, necessary to give effect to the treaty in question, on the ground of difficulty or hazard to the United States—in other words, on the ground of inexpediency. The House will perceive how greatly the gentleman must be embarrassed, when he is driven to such glaring inconsistency; when he is compelled to confound the question whether the treaty ought to be carried into effect, with one entirely different—the manner in which that effect is to be attained?
But says another gentleman from the same quarter of the union, to whose reputation for ingenuity, although it has been supported by a gentleman from Vermont, Mr. R. could not subscribe, Spain may have a right which she dare not now assert, since she trembles at the nod of the First Consul, but which, hereafter, she may reclaim—and, unless you procure her formal relinquishment of that right, you cannot stand on safe ground. Twenty years hence she may demand Louisiana at your hands, and wrest it from you as it has been wrested from her, by force. Mr. Randolph said that with some variation of terms this was the same monstrous opinion which had been urged against every proposition for peace between England and France. Because at some undefined future period, events may take place which are beyond the control of human prudence, we are now called upon to act, not upon the existing state of things, but upon a possible future state of existence, which speculative minds have chosen to imagine. But how are we to reconcile this reluctant caution to the doctrine of forcible possession, so lately inculcated by gentlemen. At one time it was necessary to possess ourselves of the key of the Mississippi, on any terms, and in any
way. There was no waiting to examine into the title of other nations, or scarcely into our own. The Mississippi must be had at every hazard, and in any mode. Now that it was offered to us, gentlemen can devise no mode of getting it. They are so embarrassed with forms, which some time past were held as nothing, that the value of the Mississippi, which was held as every thing, has sunk in their estimation. That Mississippi, for whose acquisition the nation was to be precipitated at once into war, is now of so little consequence, that the most trivial form outweighs it in their estimation. Mr. R. said, that he expected to have seen those gentlemen foremost in zeal for taking possession of the country in question—and so far from throwing impediments in the way, that, in case Spain manifested any opposition to the step, they would have been the first to originate measures for compelling her assent. This would have been consistent. He treated the idea of future reclamation by Spain as futile in the extreme. If, however, gentlemen were disposed to examine into the question of the extent of Louisiana, instead of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, they must look elsewhere for its history—from the first settlements of La Salle to its surrender, in 1763, to Spain and Great Britain. The only clause of the treaty of St. Ildefonso which affects this subject, is now in the possession of the House. With them it rests to determine whether we will accept it, as there described, and upon the conditions stipulated. After we shall have resolved to accept it, it will be incumbent on every gentleman to devise the best means for securing our possession. At that stage of the subject, it will be proper for gentlemen to defer upon the state of our relations with Spain, to demonstrate the danger of opposition from that quarter, and to devise the means of surmounting it. But on the plain abstract question, whether we would accept the country or not, all these observations were premature. He hoped, therefore, that having acquired Louisiana, as possessed by Spain, and as it was held by France, the House would pass the laws for enabling the executive to give effect to the contract, and he should vote against the resolution, as tending to embarrass a question which he wished to see decided, and as lengthening a discussion which he hoped would be terminated before they rose.
Mr. GODDARD observed that though the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) had not pleased to compliment him on the score of ingenuity, yet he had replied copiously to his remarks; and this, he presumed he would have spared himself the trouble of doing, had he not considered those remarks entitled to his notice. The gentleman asks what has become of the hostile sentiments of his political friends. Mr. G. did not understand exactly to what he alluded. He, and his political friends had seen the time when they thought the essential rights of their country invaded. Then it was that they were disposed by vigorous measures to assert them, and to them it was indifferent whether those rights were violated in Virginia or on the banks of the Mississippi. But where will it appear that they proposed to acquire Louisiana by force? Was it proposed during the last session, to acquire this country by war-like measures? The project of acquiring that extensive territory by force or by other means was entirely novel. Did we then ever hear of passing the banks of the Mississippi? Did we then hear a proposition to acquire this vast territory by war. No gentleman had ever heard this. It may have been said, if our rights are invaded, it is our duty, to put ourselves in a situation to defend them. But was that war? Let me then, said Mr. Goddard, ask with what justice gentlemen charge us with having had a disposition to go to war with France or Spain? The war-whoop has been sounded, and we have been charged with wishing to embroil our country in war. But the charge is injurious. Then, and now, we feel disposed to repel the unjust aggressions of Spain and France on our rights. We then were in favor of vigorous measures to repel them; and we are still in favor of the same measures, should our rights be again invaded. But because we were for exerting proper and efficient means for securing those rights invaded at New Orleans, are we to be told that it is our duty par fas et nefas to take it. If so let us have it one way or the other: either by war or purchase; and it in the latter way, do not let us obtain it in such a manner as shall compel us to resort to war. The object is certainly of great importance, and we ought to make great sacrifices to obtain it by peaceable means, but when acquired by these means at a great sacrifice of treasure, let us avoid laying the foundation for future wars.
The gentlemen have resorted to peculiar grounds to shew our right to this territory:—they have resorted to verbal information; the gentlemen says the cession to France, is well known to all Europe. Suppose I say I am not willing to rely on such general information, and that not being so learned as they, I have not obtained this information. But the gentleman from Virginia
refers to the treaty of St. Ildefonso; and he informs us that that treaty will not afford us the information we wish—The gentleman may have access to the cabinet; but I belong to a humble and unlearned minority. The majority of this House, who may be acquainted with its contents, may say to us "you must act in the dark, it is sufficient that we have seen it." For my part although disposed to pay great deference to the learning of the gentlemen from New-York and Virginia; yet as a representative of the American people, called upon to legislate on objects of vast interest, I consider myself entitled to correct information, and that I ought not, instead of receiving this information, to be referred to newspaper statements.
But, say gentlemen, it is unnecessary to be acquainted with the facts we ask for, and the gentlemen from Virginia has referred to my observation, that though Spain may not now oppose the execution of our treaty with France, yet the time may arise when she will call upon us to prove the validity of our title. All I meant was that if Spain considers herself entitled to Louisiana, though she may not, under the pressure of present circumstances, oppose our taking possession of it, yet, if, by a revolution in European politics, she shall retrieve her national character, and demand of us by what right we hold this territory, what answer shall we make? We may say it is ours by treaty with France; but suppose it shall then appear that the possession by France was mere usurpation, would we under such circumstances enter into a contest with Spain for it? She might have yielded under the pressure of imperious circumstances, to the giving it up without any justice in the measure. I would wish to avoid in this business all seeds of war: and is it, in this point of light, of no importance to learn whether, or not, France has a good title? Are we to be satisfied with the mere declaration of France to this effect. Suppose we pay France the fifteen millions, and Spain afterwards demands the territory, and we call on France to refund the money—France will assuredly, say, you made the purchase with your eyes open, we recited to you the title under which we ceded the territory, and you accepted it at your peril. I apprehend, therefore, that it becomes important to enquire, not whether the treaty has been made according to the forms of the constitution, but whether Spain has actually ceded Louisiana, to France, and whether Spain assents or dissents from the cession. If she assents, it may be inferred that France has perfected her engagements; and if she does not assent, that she has failed to comply with them.
With regard to the precedent in the case of the British treaty, appealed to on the other side, we may say if correct on that occasion, it is likewise correct on this occasion. You called for papers then, and we call for them now. But I conceive there is no analogy between the cases. For how does our call affect or impugn the treaty making power of the President and Senate?
I apprehend that to postpone this motion is to negative it. We call for information. Gentlemen say act first, and we will then give it you. Need gentlemen be again told that we do not make the demand through a blind curiosity, but because we deem it absolutely necessary to know whether the title is in us before we pass the laws to carry the treaty into effect.
Mr. ELLIOT: Mr. Speaker.—As I have not spoken on the question of postponement, and although my views of the subject are almost exactly the same with those of the gentleman from New-York, who made the motion, yet as I shall vote against the motion, and as I wish to appear consistent in my conduct, I am under the necessity of again asking the indulgence of the House for a few moments; it shall be but for a few moments only. When I was up before, I mentioned that I had other objections to the resolution than merely its prematurity, but that I did not think it necessary to state them. Those objections, in part, have since fallen from a gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Lyon) they apply to the form of the resolution, to its propriety and decorousness of its expression. It struck me at first, it still strikes me, as improper, and indecorous towards the President. I have no idea that such was the intention of the gentleman from Connecticut, for I know, at least I believe, that he is a gentleman of honorable feelings, and utterly incapable of any thing of that nature; but such was the impression on my mind, and I cannot remove it. I am therefore for an absolute rejection of every part of the resolution; I cannot vote even for a postponement.
I hope I shall not be considered as guilty of very great vanity in observing that my objections to the resolution as being premature, have not been directly answered by gentlemen on the other side of the House. It is said the treaty may not have been constitutionally made. This must be determined from the face of the treaty itself, and not from any of those extraneous considerations, which gentlemen are labouring to connect with it. The view taken of the
subject by the gentleman from Virginia is certainly the only correct one; let us first decide whether we will impart our constitutional agency to carry the treaty into operation, and when we consider ourselves as having acquired the territory and its inhabitants, proceed to legislate accordingly. I shall not deny that, presuming upon the good faith of the French government, and of course that we shall obtain the possession according to the laws of nations we may immediately proceed to pass such laws, as may be necessary in that event. But of this subject the President and ourselves have the same views.
He speaks of "ulterior provisions," and of "temporary provisions." With reference to these provisions alone the gentleman from Connecticut moves his resolution, and on this subject alone wishes for information. The President says—"As permanent arrangements for this object may require time and deliberation, it is for your consideration whether you will not forthwith make such temporary provisions for the preservation, in the mean while of order and tranquility in the country, as the case may require." And he tells us that such information on the subject as he has been able to collect, shall be laid before us in a few days, or as soon as the subject shall be in a state for our consideration. I am willing to take him at his word, and when we arrive at such a stage of the business as to render that information desirable, if the President is forgetful of us, I shall be ready to call upon him for a fulfilment of his promise.
Mr. MITCHELL withdrew his motion of postponement. He had made it, he said, to save time, but as the time he hoped to have saved was at each consumed, he would wave it. The gentleman from Connecticut declares his disposition to carry the treaty into effect by all necessary measures, without delay. To accommodate him he would withdraw his motion.
Mr. GRISWOLD but for one idea thrown out, should not again ask the indulgence of the House. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) observes that when we shall go into committee of the whole, we shall have but one resolution before us, to wit:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made for carrying into effect the treaty and conventions concluded at Paris on the 13th of April 1803, between the United States of America and the French Republic.
And that in debating on this resolution there will be no necessity for the documents, which it is the object of the resolution to obtain. There would be weight in this observation, but for the circumstance that it is competent for any gentleman in committee to move any resolution connected with the subject. It was competent to move that this or that article should be carried into effect; for the provision of a military force to take possession of New Orleans; for the appointment by the President of governor or judges. The gentleman has admitted that these documents may be useful when we go into the details of the subject. If so, they certainly will be useful when we shall be in committee of the whole. Besides, if it be proper to agree to the general resolution, it would be absurd to agree to it, unless previously satisfied that some laws are necessary. If the United States have no right to govern the province, it is absurd to say that it is expedient to make provision by law for governing it. And unless gentlemen can shew this or that law to be necessary, we ought not to agree to the general proposition. The argument, therefore, of the gentleman from Virginia, is entitled to no weight.
Mr. RANDOLPH would not have trespassed further on the patience of the House, had he not been called on, personally, by the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Goddard.) He was sorry that whilst bearing testimony to the ingenuity of the gentleman's colleague on his left (Mr. Griswold) he had been unable to include the gentleman himself in the description—on all other subjects he should be ready to acknowledge the gentleman's ingenuity, but on this he must be excused from subscribing to the opinion of the gentleman from Vermont. Candor forbade it. He regretted that the gentleman from Connecticut had felt this exclusion so deeply and could he have foreseen it, Mr. R. would have endeavored to conceal the impression which the gentleman's display had made upon him.
The gentleman asks when did he, or his friends, evince a disposition to acquire territory west of the Mississippi—Mr. R. said he must have been misunderstood if his position had been taken with such latitude:—but the gentleman immediately corrects himself, by asking when was a disposition for hostility with Spain, manifested by any description of persons in that House. If his memory did not deceive him gentlemen had that day declared that the interruption of the navigation of the Mississippi justified warlike measures on our part. If then to acquire the navigation of the river, with the bare right of deposit, would have justified hostility, surely the acquisition of the island of New Orleans and both banks of the river giving a perfect

security to our navigation and the entire, uninterrupted control of the river, would have justified an appeal to arms. Unless the unlucky ingenuity of the gentleman from Connecticut would undertake to prove that a part was less than the whole—and that although the attaining of a qualified and precarious right to a given object, furnished good cause of war, yet to acquire an unqualified and secure right to the same object, would not justify hostility. Surely it is not meant to insinuate that all which was heard on this subject last winter was mere clamor, and that notwithstanding the war-speeches of the day, war was never contemplated by those who delivered them. If then the obtaining of the free navigation of the Mississippi was good cause of war, surely the obtaining that which was essential to the unobstructed exercise of this right, (N. Orleans) which, in other words, is the right itself, would have justified hostility—but we have not only obtained the command of the mouth of the Mississippi but of the Mobile with its widely extended branches—and there is not now a single stream of note, rising within the United States, and falling into the Gulf of Mexico, which is not entirely our own, the Apalachicola excepted. To these acquisitions are added the extensive region west of the Mississippi and north-east of New-Mexico. If the possession of the mere right of deposit there or the island of New Orleans a part of this acquisition would have justified hostility, is the importance of this part lessened by having the whole added to it?
The gentleman had complimented his learned friend from New York (for so he must insist upon calling him) and had been liberal enough to include him also, on their very great learning. Mr. R. acknowledged himself altogether unworthy of the honor of this association—and lamented his inability to return the compliment but at an exence of sincerity and truth, which even the gentleman from Connecticut he hoped would be unwilling to require. The gentleman says that we must have seen the treaty of St. Ildefonso, because we have undertaken to say what it does not contain. This may be logic in some schools, but surely it does not deserve in this House to respectable an epithet. Might we not declare, without having seen it, that this treaty does not contain the declaration of American Independence? It is insinuated that certain gentlemen possess avenues to information, which are closed to another description of members of that House. Although he did not mean to attempt to satisfy the jealous spirit, which had so frequently manifested itself in furnishes of this sort, yet Mr. R. said, he had access to no information but such as it was in the power of every gentleman to obtain. Without having seen the treaty of St. Ildefonso, (although he had seen as much of it, he believed, as the executive, from whom gentlemen require a copy of the instrument, that is to say, the extract from it contained in our treaty with France,) he would undertake to affirm that it did not accurately define the limits of Louisiana. And the House would perceive that he hazarded little by this assertion. Being apprized that the boundaries of this country were not specially described in any previous convention, whether of a general nature, as the peace of 1763, the treaty of Paris in 1763, of Aix la Chapelle, or any other general pacification of Europe, of an anterior date, up to the peace of Ryswick in 1697, which was posterior to the settlement of the country by France—or in any particular convention between France and Spain, that of 1762 conveying Louisiana to this last power, the family compact, or any other known stipulation between the parties, he could not fail to know that unless an accurate description of the boundaries in question, was contained in the treaty of St. Ildefonso, it must be sought for in documents of another sort. Now that article of this treaty, which describes the extent and limits of Louisiana, is contained in the treaty before us. Here Mr. R. read the extract—and asked if it were possible that the treaty of St. Ildefonso could contain a description of Louisiana by certain specific boundaries, when it was described by that treaty in such language. Had certain limits been agreed upon, would not the treaty have described those limits? Would it not have referred to those rivers, highlands, parallels of latitude or degrees of longitude, had such been laid down, instead of the definition which had been given—"such as it was possessed by France, such as it then was in the possession of Spain, and such as it ought to be in consequence of subsequent treaties?" The treaty between the United States and France, in describing the country ceded to us, having quoted the description of it contained in the treaty of St. Ildefonso, are we not warranted in concluding that the treaty of St. Ildefonso contains no other more definitive description of the country? Is not the inference irresistible, that had it contained such a definition, by that definition it would have been ceded to us? The gentleman from Connecticut would therefore perceive, that without any information, other than that which is accessible to every man, it was not difficult to ascertain the fact
in question. As to the treaty of St. Ildefonso, he professed an entire ignorance of it, the extract in question excepted. He had always understood it to have been a secret treaty. He left the House to judge how far under these circumstances he had erred in refusing his sanction to the character of ingenuity and learning with which, on this occasion, the gentleman had been complimented by the member from Vermont. Gentlemen profess a wish to debate the merit of the treaty, and yet all their arguments go to show that it is an illusive bargain, a ruinous contract—and so far are applicable only to the question, "ought the laws to be passed for carrying it into effect?" The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Goddard) relied much on a very singular argument—the future reclamation of this country by Spain. She may indeed truckle now to the will of the First Consul, but hereafter she may be in a condition to assert her rights—He was at a loss to know in what language a minister of Spain would demand the possession of a country occupied for years by the United States, under a solemn and public treaty with France, to which Spain shall have given her tacit acquiescence, against which she shall have entered no protest or remonstrance—He had not as much difficulty to conceive the answer which would be returned her by some millions of citizens of the United States, located on and near the lands in question, in case her application carried any thing of hostility along with it. Whilst he was up, and he would not have risen but for the satisfaction of the gentleman from Connecticut, he would notice an observation of his colleague (Mr. Griswold) that although on the mere abstract question, whether the treaty ought to be carried into effect, information as to the mode of doing it was not necessary, yet, as every gentleman would be free to move, in the committee of the whole, specific propositions, it was proper, to enable the House to judge of those propositions, that this information should be previously possessed by them. But surely the House may believe it expedient to pass these laws, without having any idea of the skeletons of the particular bills—When these specific propositions shall have been made, they will go to particular committees—who will obtain of the proper departments the necessary information, of their committees the gentleman and his friends will be members. So much of the treaty as touches the appropriation of money on our part will go, of course, to the financial committee of which the gentleman has long and deservedly been a member. Other propositions will be submitted to other committees. If the bills which they present are, in the opinion of gentlemen, inefficient, they will have it in their power to shew it—to demonstrate the hostility of Spain and to bring forward other measures better calculated to ensure the desired effect. Mr. Randolph apologized for his long and repeated intrusion on the House, which the personal application of the gentleman from Connecticut had produced, and he hoped justified, and thanked them for their polite and patient attention. Mr. Nicholson said he should vote for the first part of the resolution, as well as for that part which related to the order by Spain for the delivery. Though it might not be in the power of the Executive to shew that the stipulations made by France had been complied with, yet it would be in their power to shew an order for the delivery to the French under the sign-manuel of his Catholic Majesty; and this would be conclusive evidence of the title of France. Mr. Elliott I must again ask the attention of the House to a very few observations. Whatever may be said of newspaper information, there are occasions when we must be governed by it, when we can obtain no other. I am very confident, and I believe that every member of this House believes, that the treaty of St. Ildefonso, of the first of October 1800, between the First Consul of the French Republic, and his Catholic Majesty, was a secret treaty. I believe it never has been published. If it has been, every editor of a newspaper in the U. States, every person in the habit of reading, may be supposed to have access to it, equally with the President. There is the greatest probability, however, that neither the First Consul, nor his Catholic Majesty, could at this day publish that treaty, without being guilty of a breach of faith; and that, if the President possesses it, it has been confidentially communicated to him. Whether it be a secret or a public treaty, we have no right to take it for granted, as contemplated by the resolution, that it is in the possession of the President; and we have no right to require it from him. I am disposed to do perfect justice to the pure intentions, the candid views of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. N.) in relation to this subject. He may be able to justify himself for voting in favor of that resolution, but I cannot. I conceive it would be highly improper. The question was taken on agreeing to the first member of the resolution, as follows: Resolved , That the President of the
United States be requested to cause to be laid before this House, a copy of the treaty between the French republic and Spain, of the 1st of October, 1800. The House divided—Ayes 59—Noes 59—The Speaker declaring himself in the affirmative the motion was carried. Mr. RODNEY suggested an alteration in the 2nd member of the resolution so as to read "instrument," instead of "deed." Mr. Griswold had no objection to the modification. The second member, so modified, was read as follows: "Together with a copy of the instrument of cession from Spain, executed in pursuance of the same treaty conveying Louisiana to France (if any such instrument exists)." Mr. HUGER confessed his impressions to be favorable to the treaty; though the arguments urged that day certainly possessed great weight. He was rather of opinion that no such instrument as that referred to in the resolution existed. But if it did exist, its publication would certainly be satisfactory to the people & the House—He declared himself ready to vote for carrying the treaty into effect. Mr. Nicholson did not know whether his remarks had been correctly understood. He did not know whether the document he alluded to could strictly be called the instrument of cession. He had drawn an amendment to this part of the resolution, which he would propose, if in order—to wit—to substitute "or other instrument shewing that the Spanish government had ordered the province of Louisiana to be delivered to France." The SPEAKER said the House having agreed to insert the word "instrument," it was not in order to receive a substitute. Mr. HUGER moved to reconsider the vote of the House in favor of inserting the word "instrument." Motion lost—Ayes 24. The question was then taken on the second member, as above stated, and lost—Ayes 34. The question was then taken on the 3rd member, viz—"Also copies of such correspondence between the government of the United States and the government or minister of Spain (if any such correspondence has taken place) as will shew the assent or dissent of Spain to the purchase of Louisiana by the United States." And lost—Ayes 34. The question was then taken on the last member of the motion, and lost without a division, viz. "Together with copies of such other documents as may be in the department of state, or any other department of this government tending to ascertain whether the United States have, in fact, acquired any title to the province of Louisiana by the treaties with France, of the 30th of April, 1803." The question recurring on the whole of the resolution, as amended. Mr. Nicholson moved to amend the second member by adding to the end thereof, "together with a copy of any instrument in possession of the executive, shewing that the Spanish government has ordered the province of Louisiana to be delivered to the commissary or other agent of the French government." Agreed to—Ayes 64. The question was then taken by Yeas and Nays on the whole of the original motion, amended as follows: "Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the House, a copy of the Treaty between the French Republic and Spain, of the 1st October 1800, together with a copy of any instrument in possession of the executive, shewing that the Spanish government has ordered the province of Louisiana to be delivered to the commissary or other agent of the French government." And lost—Yeas 57—Nays 59.
NOTICE.
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Washington city hath obtained from the Orphans court of Washington in the District of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of NAHANIEL GOODALL late of said city and county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the 15th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate—Given under my hand this 4th day of November, 1803. ORLANDO COOK, Adm. November 4—taw3w
Grocery & Liquor Store.
SAMUEL MINNIRE informs the inhabitants of Washington and the public in general, that he has opened a grocery and liquor store at the Navy yard opposite Mr. Prout's, where he has and intends to keep a supply of every thing in his line of the best quality. He has now on hand, best Coniac brandy, Bourdeaux do. Holland gin, very fine Madeira wine, for immediate use, sherry do. Lisle in wine, Jamaica spirits, Whiskey, &c. Imperial tea, Young Hyson, Hyson, Loss, lump, and brown Soap and candles, Sufar, Bacon first quality, Best Spanish segars, and a variety of other articles all which he intends to sell on the lowest terms for Cash. N. B. A lot for sale in an eligible situation on the Capitol hill, New Jersey Avenue. November 4—tf
WASHINGTON CITY
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1803.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Cathcart to the Secretary of State, dated, 8th July 1803.
I am extremely happy to inform you that the report of the capture of Mr. Smith has proved to be false. He arrived safe at Malta as did the ship Prudent in which he was supposed to have taken passage at Messina.
MOROCCO.
It appears by a copy of a letter received at the department of State from capt. Bainbridge of the Frigate Philadelphia to Mr. Simpon our consul at Tangier, that on the 26th of August he fell in with a Moorish cruiser of 22 guns and 100 men having in her company as a prize the brig Celia of Boston captain Richard Bowen, and belonging to Mr. Amasa Thayer of Boston. Capt. Bainbridge immediately made prize of the cruiser and the next day retook the brig, which had escaped while he was securing the Moorish prisoners, with both of which he was proceeding to Gibraltar.
It is with pleasure we communicate the following proceedings, substantially stated, of the Legislature of Vermont; they demonstrate the strength of republican principles in the councils of that state, and the solicitude felt on a subject, which, having once endangered, may again jeopardize, the interests of the union.
Whereas great dissensions have already arisen, and incalculable evils may hereafter result, from the present mode of electing a President and Vice-President of the United States.
Resolved, That the Senators of this State in the Congress of the United States be instructed, and the Representatives requested, to use their utmost exertions to procure an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, by which the votes for President and Vice-President shall be distinctly designated.
Passed in the House of Representatives of Vermont.—Yeas 150—Nays 14—In Council unanimous.
The Legislature of New Jersey have passed an act for the election of Representatives to Congress, by general tickets, on the 13th of December.
Yesterday the Senate, after considerable debate, passed the bill making appropriations for carrying the French convention into effect—Yeas 26—Nays 5. Nays—Messrs. Pickering, Tracy, Hillhouse, White and Wells.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, NOV. 2, 1803.
The House took up the report of the committee of the whole on the bill making an appropriation for carrying into effect the 7th article of the British treaty.
An amendment, not affecting the principle of the bill, being made at the instance of Mr. R. Griswold, and Mr. J. Randolph, the bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Nicholson reported a bill supplementary to the act prescribing the mode in which the public records in each state shall be authenticated so as to be given in evidence in every other state—from the committee appointed for said purpose.
Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
Mr. MITCHELL called the attention of the House to a subject of considerable importance, growing out of our possessions on the Mississippi. He stated that the mail to the Natchez was at present transported by a route circuitous and difficult of performance. The Cherokee country, which constituted a part of it, was so destitute of water and articles of subsistence, as to render it necessary for the conveyer of the mail to carry whatever himself or his horse required. The water even used was carried in goat skins. A great portion of the country was likewise infested with robbers. The measure he proposed was to enquire by what means the carriage of the mail to the Natchez and New Orleans could be facilitated, so as to abridge the time now consumed, and lessen the dangers & difficulties attending the transportation. Mr. Mitchell believed a route might be pursued whereby 400 miles could be saved in the present distance to the Natchez. Mr. M. desired such an enquiry to be made into the means of accomplishing this important object, as should, while they tended to promote the great political and commercial interests of the country, convince the Indian tribes that our object was not to invade their rights. He further observed that the usual voyage to New Orleans was about thirty days. If
the route by land should be improved, that place might be probably reached in ten days. He therefore offered the following resolution.
Resolved, That the committee on post-offices and post roads be directed to enquire by what means the mail may be conveyed with greater facility and dispatch, than it is at present, between the city of Washington, and the Natchez and New Orleans.
Agreed to without a division.
THURSDAY, November 3, 1803.
Mr. DAWSON laid on the table a motion for continuing for years the act of April 1799 for augmenting the salaries of certain officers.
Mr. JACKSON observed that when he submitted a resolution for the application of one-twentieth part of the net proceeds of land sold in Ohio, he did not expect there would exist that diversity of opinion, which he had since learned did exist, in relation to the construction of the ordinance for the government of the North Western Territory. In order to give time for such a full investigation of the subject, as might in its issue, be satisfactory to the state of Ohio, he moved a postponement of the consideration of the resolution, until the 3rd Monday in November.
Agreed to.
In the Case of LUKE SHANNON an Insolvent Debtor
IT is ordered that six months from and after the first day of November next, be limited and appointed for the Creditors to bring in and exhibit their claims to GEORGE ANSWERS of the City of Washington, Trustee, appointed for the benefit of the Creditors of the said Luke Shannon; and that a copy of this order be published once in each week until the tenth day of January next, in the National Intelligencer. By order of William Cranch, Esquire.
URIAH FORREST, Clerk. November 4—taw10j.
Genteel Boarding,
For members of Congress, and upon moderate terms.
THE widow FOWNES living on the New Jersey Avenue—a pleasant distance from the Capitol, can accommodate from 10 to 12 members. Any member of Congress having his family with him, may have a part of the house, which is entirely separate and a door towards the street for their use; also a very good coach house with stabling attached to the premises. November 4—3t
Nature Displayed.
J. MARCH, of Georgetown, is appointed by Mr. DUFIER, of Philadelphia, to receive subscriptions for his "Nature Displayed"—in her mode of teaching language to Man, or, a new and infallible method of acquiring a language, in the shortest time possible, deduced from the analysis of the Human Mind, and consequently suited to every capacity. Proposals may be seen at J. March's store. November 4—3t
RAFFLE.
S. THOMEE, begs leave to inform the ladies and gentlemen, that he has opened a Raffle at Mr. Stille's Tavern, Capitol Hill, the articles are as follows:
One superb locket beautifully set round with Pearls, with gold chain complete—value 200 dolls. One handsome do. with the locket set elegantly in pearls, value, 50 dolls. Two handsome glasses, with eagle ornaments and gilt chains complete, value 90 dolls. One do. to correspond, value 45 dolls. The terms will be made known at Mr. Stille's where the articles may be seen, or at the store of the subscribers opposite Mr. March's book store.
S. Thomee, returns his thanks for the encouragement received and informs the public that his business requires his immediate return to Philadelphia, and will leave here in two weeks. November 4—3t
N. B. His stock on hand of elegant glasses and prints he will sell low for cash.
Conveyancing Office.
THE subscriber grateful to his friends and the public, for the support he has hitherto met with, begs leave to inform them, that his Office is now kept on 1 street, between the 6 and 7 buildings and nearly opposite the West market.
Titles to City lots investigated. Business transacted at any of the public offices.
Lots and houses in various eligible situations to sell, lease, or exchange.
R. W. PEACOCK, Att. at law and conveyancer. November 4—
For Sale or Rent.
AN elegant two story BRICK house situated on South N. street, square 651 City of Washington, having four well finished rooms with an excellent cellar under the whole, a credit of 3 and 6 months will be given if sold for notes with approved indorsers. For further information enquire of ROBERT CHERRY, New Jersey avenue City of Washington, or JAMES KNIGHT, High Street George Town. November 4th, 1803. 3t&wtf.
N. B. A WOMAN that will undertake the care of a family, and can come well recommended, liberal wages will be given, enquire as above.
LOOKING GLASSES.
CONVEX Mirrors, guanules, toilet glasses, elegant prints, prints and window glass, lampblack, cabinet ware. Printing ink of a superior quality, &c. &c. for sale on reasonable terms for cash or approved paper at Mr. William Worthington's Pennsylvania Avenue, near the West Market by JOHN MELWEBB. October 10. taw1m

MILLINERY. MADAME PIC, returns her thanks to the ladies and gentlemen who have honored her with their custom and informs them that she has just received an elegant assortment of Millinery goods which will be opened and ready for sale on Friday next, consisting of Dressed and half dressed caps—lace do. Pink Hats—velvet bonnets à la Bonaparte, New fashioned wigs and frizzets, Flat ostrich feathers, white and colored, do. black, New Chemille and bead bandset, gold and silver do. Gold and silver lace, Embroidered gold and silver trimmings, Silk and Chemille, Satin and crapes for dresses, white and colored, Ladies and gentlemen's silk stockings, white, colored and black, Velvet Spanish mantles, Velvet shawls, muffs and tippets, Silk great coats, Leghorn, white, and white chip hats and bonnets, Artificial flowers and shoes, &c. November 2—3t
NOTICE is hereby given that in consequence of the acts of the corporation entitled "An act directing a new assessment of property and an enumeration of the inhabitants of the city," and an act, entitled "An act supplementary to the act, directing a new assessment of property, and an enumeration of the inhabitants of the city." An election will be held in each ward of the city of Washington, by the judges of the late election of members of the City Council, on the first Monday of November next, from eight o'clock in the morning, till seven in the evening, at the usual places where the polls have been heretofore held for the choice of the City Council for the appointment of a citizen in each ward as a member of the Board of Appeal in contested valuations of property under the beforementioned acts. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. October 26th, 1803—2t
LOST, A few days ago between George Town and the Capitol, an officer's PLUME or RED FEATHERS. Whoever has found the same shall be rewarded, on delivering it at the Marine Barracks, or at Mrs. Scott's house near the seven buildings. October 2—3t
On the Petition of ROBERT ELLIS, An Insolvent Debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Robert Ellis, that on Saturday the 5th of November instant at the court-house in the Capitol at 10 o'clock A.M. the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Robert Ellis agreeably to the law in such case lately made and provided; and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published twice in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer before the said 5th of November. By order of William Cranch, Esq. URIAH FORREST, Clerk. November 1. at
Dancing School. THE subscriber respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington, that he has opened his Dancing School the 20th of this month, at his own residence 2 or 3 doors below Rhodes's Hotel, in a very spacious and convenient room: any person desirous of being instructed in the different branches of that art, will (in making application, at the subscriber's Dancing School) be informed of all the necessary particulars, his school is always open at 11 o'clock in the morning for young ladies and at 7 in the evening for gentlemen on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. XAUPI. Washington, Oct. 22.—2aw2w
FOR SALE, For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by—ROBERT M c CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
Treasury of the United States, Washington August 15, 1803. WHEREAS by an act of Congress dated May the 8th, 1792, entitled "An act to provide for a Copper Coinage," in the second section thereof, it is enacted, "That after the expiration of six calendar months from the time when there shall have been paid into the Treasury by the said Director (of the Mint) in cents and half cents, a sum not less than fifty thousand Dollars, which time shall forthwith be announced by the Treasurer in at least two gazettes or newspapers, published at the seat of government of the United States for the time being, no copper coins or pieces whatsoever, except the said cents and half cents, shall pass current as money, or shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment for any debt, demand, law, matter or thing whatsoever; and all copper coins or pieces, except the said cents and half cents, which shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment contrary to the prohibition aforesaid, shall be forfeited, and every person by whom any of them shall have been so paid or offered to be paid or received in payment, shall also forfeit the sum of ten dollars, and the said forfeiture and penalty shall and may be recovered with costs of suit for the benefit of any person or persons by whom information of the incurring thereof shall have been given." And whereas it appears by the books of this office, that more than fifty thousand dollars in cents and half cents, have been paid into the Treasury. I now therefore, in obedience to the said act, do hereby give public notice of the same. TH. T. TUCKER, Treasurer United States. August 15. taw2m
Twenty Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, on Friday the 21st inst. a likely mulatto lad called BILL. He is about eighteen or nineteen years of age, and five feet seven or eight inches high. His face is covered with a number of large black freckles. He had on when he went away a new black hat, a fustian round jacket, and a pair of dark gray calimere or cloth pantaloons. But he will in all probability change his apparel, as he has carried off money with him. Whoever will apprehend said lad and secure him in any jail shall receive the above reward from JOHN T. MASON. George-Town, Oct. 25, 1803. N. B. All masters and owners of vessels are hereby forewarned from employing or erecting said Bill at their peril. 6t
FOR SALE. THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below and four above stairs, with five places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the fence and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19. ep4w
A Valuable Purchase. To be sold by private contract, on an unusual long credit, a part of the valuable estate, belonging to ANTHONY ADDISON, Esq. called Chichester with addition, lying on the Waters of the Eastern Branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. It extends from below the Navy Yard up to within a few yards of the foot of the bridge, and has on it the ferry over the Branch, commonly called Nallors, or Dyer's Ferry. The estate is divided into lots for the accommodation of purchasers, a correct plat of which is in the hands of Capt. Marbury of Blue plains opposite Alexandria. Capt. Marbury may be spoken with at the bank of Columbia on every Thursday. October 19. ep4w
Fifteen Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber, on Saturday the 8th of this instant, a NEGRO FELLOW by the name of DICK; he is a likely well made fellow, about twenty or twenty-one years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high, rather of a light colour, has a good head of hair with a fine set of teeth and when spoken to has a smiling look; had on when he went away a green negro cotton great coat, German osnaburg shirt, hempen rolls overalls, and a felt hat about half worn. Took with him a short jacket of olive coloured fustian with yellow buttons, a pair of olive coloured fancy cord pantaloons, an old black broad cloth coat with metal buttons, with other articles of clothing not recollected. He was seen at Frederickburg on the first day of the race, and it is probable he is still lurking about that place. He is the property of Doctor Robert H. Rose of this county, and was hired from him by the subscriber. I forewarn all masters of vessels and others from harbouring or carrying the said fellow out of this state at their peril. I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver him to me residing in Orange county, or secure him in any jail and give such information that I get him again. LEONARD H. MAURY. Halifax, (Orange) October 24th. 2w
MILITARY LANDS FOR SALE. By virtue of a power delegated to his executors, by the last will and testament of John Rose, Esq. deceased, late of the county of Westmoreland we the subscribers, having taken upon ourselves the execution of his said will, and qualified thereto according to law, now offer for sale, the following tracts of land, viz. One tract of fifteen hundred acres, by patent, bearing date 7th of day of January, 1796, lying on Cumberland river, in the state of Kentucky. One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 30th day of August, 1797, on the waters of Paint Creek, between the Miami and Sciota rivers. One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 25th of April, 1800, also on the waters of Paint Creek. One of 1200 acres by patent, bearing date the 23th day of April, 1800, lying on the banks of the Sciota river. Two other small lots of one and two hundred acres, on the waters of Lees creek a branch of the Rattle Snake Fork of Paint creek. One other small tract, of 360 acres, in the same neighborhood—and lastly, One other tract of 1500 acres, surveyed and patented for Burgess Bell, lying on a branch of Gaspere river, adjoining the upper corner of George Washington's survey, and the same having been sold and conveyed by the said Bell to the said Rose. Proposals for a purchase of the whole or any part of the said lands will be received verbally or by letter, addressed to any of the subscribers. The taxes on these lands have been regularly paid, and a clear and indisputable title will be made the purchaser, by HENRY ROSE, Alexandria, WM. ROBINSON, Leeds, JAS. BERRY, Port Royal, } Executors. September 26. 2m
Valuable Land and Lots FOR SALE. I will sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz. 1 st HE valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 1300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, about three miles distant from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will be sold together or separately. Part of a tract of Land, called Hills and Dales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomac, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 701 A. 4 P. Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying to the south-east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the lands of the late Richard Henderson, Esq. containing 160 acres all in wood. And 83 1/2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson. The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best situations in the town, is generally admired, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this house, &c. not be sold previous to the 1st of December, it will then be to rent. One other lot or parcel of ground, adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard T. Lowndes, Esq. containing 93.8 acres. Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 704, in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 95.8 square feet. A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Hugh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to JOHN LAIRD, Trustee. N. B. I hold 246 1/2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hills and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms. JOHN LAIRD. George-Town, Oct. 24, 1803. epawzartf.
By His Excellency JOHN FRANCIS MERCER, Governor of the State of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the General Assembly of Maryland did, by an act passed at the November session, seventeen hundred and ninety, entitled "An act directing the time, places and manner of holding elections for representatives of this state, in the Congress of the United States, and for the regulation of the said elections, and also to repeal the act of assembly therein mentioned," direct that the Governor and Council, after having received the returns, papers, and instruments containing the number of votes for representatives of this state, in the Congress of the United States, should enumerate and ascertain the number of votes for every candidate and person chosen as a representative, and by proclamation, signed by the Governor, and dispersed through the state, should declare the names of the persons duly elected as representatives:—We, in pursuance of the directions of the said act, do, by this our proclamation, declare, that by the returns made to us it appears, that John Campbell, Esquire, was elected for the first district; Walter Bowie, Esquire, was elected for the second district; Thomas Plater, Esquire, was elected for the third district; Daniel Heister, Esquire, was elected for the fourth district; Nicholas Ruxton Moore, and William Mac Creery, Esquires, were elected for the fifth district; John Archer, Esquire, was elected for the sixth district; Joseph Hopper Nicholson, Esquire, was elected for the seventh district, and John Dennis, Esquire, was elected for the eighth district. Given in council, at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this seventeenth day of October, eighteen hundred and three. JOHN F. MERCER. By the governor, Ninian Pinkney, Clerk of the governor and council.
In Council October 17, 1803. ORDERED, That the foregoing Proclamations be published three times in each week, for the space of two weeks successively, in the American, Telegraph, and Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer at Washington; Republican Advocate and Bartee's paper at Frederick Town; Graves' paper at Hagers Town, and the Star at Easton. By Order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clk. October 24. epw.
THEO. HOLT, HAS received from Europe and for sale, fine mixed Tulips, double Dutch Hyacinths, separate colors in good order for glasses, Potts and Persian Ranunculus, Crocus several colors, fine mixed Anemones, &c.—Split Peas, Durham Mustard, Bird Seeds, Grass Seeds, Garden Tools, Garden Seeds, &c. He has also a large assortment of Fruit Trees, Flowering Shrubs, Lombardy Poplars, &c. Eastern Branch, Nov. 2.—tawtf
WASHINGTON Jockey Club Races, WILL commence on the second Tuesday in November next, over an excellent course, well prepared and inclosed with a post and rail fence. First day—A sweepstake of 1,600 dolls. Second day—A purse of 400 dolls.—4 mile heats. Third day—A purse of 200 dolls.—3 mile heats. Fourth day—A 50 guinea silver cup—10 horse. Fifth day—A handsome City and Town Purse—Two mile heats. All horses, mares and geldings, to be entered and run agreeably to the rules of the club, and to carry the following weight: An aged horse, 126—A six years old 120—a five years old 112—a four years old 100, and a three years old 90 pounds. Three pounds being allowed to fillies, mares and geldings. The following tolls to be paid at the gate to the clerk of the course, M. C. Bailey, or any person authorised by him to receive the same. Four wheel carriages, 1 Doll. each, Two wheel do. 50 Cents. do. Every man and horse, 25 Cents. Booths will be let on application to the subscriber. It is probable that the 2d & 3d days purses will be increased—as the surplus of the tolls after defraying the expenses, &c. will be added to them. CH. McLAUGHLIN, Sec. & Tr. The club will meet at the Union Tavern on the evening preceding the first day's race. September 14. eptr
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorised, in my name, to adjust and settle the same: and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf
COLUMBIAN INN. GEORGE-TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 21. ep1j
TO RENT AND immediate possession given, a two story frame HOUSE, in the city of Washington, on sq. 224, opposite to Robert Peacock's Esq. lately occupied by doctor Tabbs. Containing 3 rooms and a large pantry on the 1st floor, two on the 2d floor with garret rooms—Piazza and balcony to the fourth front, cellar and dry well, with an excellent garden—kitchen stable and carriage house, with every other convenience for the reception of a genteel family—for further particulars, enquire at the store of Mr. Xaupi a few doors east of Rhodes's tavern, north of street. October 19. tf
BISCUIT BAKE HOUSE, Near the Sugar House New-Jersey Avenue. THE subscriber has commenced the above business in a its various branches; where merchants or owners of vessels may be supplied on reasonable terms; also private families with the best of Crackers. PETER MILLER. Washington August 19. tf
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber.—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. THOS. POLLARD. Feb. 21st. ep
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR. HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14. tf
NOTICE. APPLICATION is intended to be made at the Treasury for the renewal of the following described certificates of Registered debt which have been lost, viz. No. 2203 and 2201, given to James Moore and Andrew Henderson for 165 69-100ths cents each—one to Charles Auronet, No. 2199 for 165 69-100ths cents—another to Meredith West, No. 2193, for 264 62-100ths cents, and one granted to Charles Miller, No. for 165 69-100ths cents, all bearing interest from 1st July 1781. WILLIAM CALHOUN. October 26.—5w
Physiognotrare LIKENESSES ENGRAVED. THE subscriber begs leave to inform the public, that he intends to do likenesses in this place for a short time, and respectfully solicits of the lovers and protectors of the fine arts, the same favors and patronage he has met with in different cities of the United States, where he has taken a great number of likenesses, among which are those of the most distinguished characters, copies of which may be seen at his lodgings (at David Shoemaker's F Street near the Bank). St. MEMIN. October 28—6t
JUST RECEIVED, By the UNITED STATES, Capt. Finley from Liverpool, Fall Goods, viz. Brass Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell metal kettles, brass sootmen, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups. with a variety of saddlery, brass ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c. HENRY INGLE. Washington, Oct. 28.—epam.
LECTURES. IN a science so various and complicated as the present system of the LAW, nothing which tends to facilitate the progress of the student can be deemed useless. It is with this view that the subscriber proposes to deliver during the winter, (and if suitable encouragement offers, annually) A COURSE OF LECTURES, On Education, Belles Letters, Composition, History and Law. The subscriber means to divide the same into two distinct courses. The object of the division is, that young gentlemen who are designed to fill situations in active life, distinct from those of the learned professions, may resort to that course of lectures which will be delivered without a relation to the Law, which will be the sole foundation of the other. If the plan should meet with success, the subscriber contemplates furnishing, next winter, a handsome Library, for the use of such gentlemen as feel desirous of patronizing the undertaking. The municipal laws of each state will then be provided—That students at law from any part of the United States will find their interest to repair to the Metropolis, to pursue their studies; where they will have the advantage of attending the Congressional debates. The facility of access which the house of Congress offers, is a circumstance peculiarly advantageous to the student, and the youthful pleader, not only from the light which is thrown in the course of debate on controverted questions of law; not only to be derived from witnessing the eager contests, the vigorous attacks, the wary methods of defence, exhibited by men of the most conspicuous talents, rivals alike in abilities and interest, but especially from this consideration, that the speakers are, in general, exempted by the nature of their functions, from those defects to which pleaders are peculiarly exposed. The Lectures will commence the first week in December next, and continue until twelve distinct Lectures in each course shall have been delivered. The terms may be known by application personally, or by letter, post paid to ROBERT WARE PEACOCK, Attorney at Law. City of Washington, October 17, NI&UGIDI
Wants a Place. WITH a gentleman or in a family, a young Man who has been accustomed to the care of horses and driving a carriage, a line left at the Office of this paper will be duly attended to. October 2—7t
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and Conv. ycer.
WAS committed to the goal of Baltimore county, on the twenty third ultimo, as a runaway, a negro man by the name of TOM—he is about nineteen or twenty years of age, 5 feet 5 inches high, of a light brown complexion; had an olive colored jean jacket with sleeves, velvet trousers, red cravat, laced, Marseilles vest, and a white linen shirt—He says he belongs to Mr. Usher Williams, of Charleston, South Carolina. If his owner does not release him, he will be sold for his goal fees according to law. James Wilson, Sheriff. September 12. tawtf
MECHANICS HALL. THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the causeway in George-Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall. All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find it their interest to call on him, as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with five places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room. He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble, servant, ANDREW McDONALD. A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year. A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. August 3. tawtf
Conveyancer's Office. THOMAS HERTY, Grateful for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, little investigated, &c. A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell. N. B. Herty's Abridgement of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 1st. tawtf