The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-03-16 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DXXXVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, MARCH 16th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
DOCUMENTS.
Accompanying the Report of the committee appointed to enquire into the official conduct of SAMUEL CHASE and RICHARD PETERS . (Continued.)
City of Richmond, to wit:
This day James Thomson Callender, made oath before me, a magistrate for the said city, that William Gardner, Tench Coxe, Judge Bee, Timothy Pickering, William B. Giles, Steven Thomson Mason, and General Blackburn, he believes to be material witnesses in his defence, against an indictment found against him during the present term of the circuit court of the United States for the middle circuit, Virginia district;—That William Gardner aforesaid, resides, he believes, in Portsmouth, in the state of New-Hampshire;—That Tench Coxe, aforesaid, resides in Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania;—That Judge Bee resides, the deponent hath understood, in South-Carolina, but in what part of the state he knows not;—That Timothy Pickering, aforesaid, resided of late in Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, but where he resides at this time, the deponent doth not know;—That William B. Giles, aforesaid, he hath understood, since he hath been furnished with a copy of the indictment, and since the said Giles hath left town, resides in the county of Amelia, and that General Blackburn resides in the county of Bath.
The said James Thomson Callender further declares, that he expects to prove by the said William Gardner, and that he verily believes that he shall prove by the said William Gardner, that the said William Gardner was commissioner of loans for the state of New-Hampshire, under the government of the United States, and that he was turned out of the said office of commissioner of loans, because he the said Gardner refused to subscribe an address circulated in the town of Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire, and presented to the President of the United States, in the year 1798, at the instance of several inhabitants of the said town; in which address unequivocal approbation of the conduct of the said President in the administration of the United States is expressed.
2d. The said James Thomson Callender also declares on oath;—That he verily believes that he shall prove by the evidence of Tench Coxe aforesaid, that he, the said Tench Coxe, in the year 1798, held an important office under the government of the United States, to wit, commissioner of the revenue from which office the said Coxe was ejected by the present President of the United States: because he did not approve the measures of his, the said President's administration, or the principles on which it was conducted.
That he verily believes he shall be able to prove by the evidence of Judge Bee, that he did receive from the President of the United States in the year 1799, a letter in which he the said President did advise and request the said Judge Bee, then acting in his judicial character, to deliver to the consul of the British nation in Charleston, Jonathan Robins alias Thomas Nash, who had been apprehended and carried before the said Judge on a charge of murder committed on the high seas on board the British frigate Hermione.
He further deposes on oath, that he verily believes that he shall be able to prove by the evidence of Timothy Pickering, that the President of the United States was in possession of dispatches from Mr. Vans Murray, American minister in Holland, containing assurances on the part of the French republic, that ambassadors from the United States would be received in a way satisfactory to the people and government of the United States, many weeks while congress was in session, before he communicated the same to Congress.
The deponent further saith, that he verily believes that he shall be able to prove by the evidence of Stephen Thomson Mason and William B. Giles, that John Adams, President of the United States, has unequivocally avowed in conversation with them, principles utterly incompatible with the principles of the present constitution of the United States, principles which could not be carried into operation under any political institution without the establishment of a direct, powerful and dangerous aristocracy; that he declared in express terms to the said Stevens Thomson Mason, that he had no more idea that the present federal constitution could, for any length of time, control the people of the United States, than that it could control the motions of the
planets; that he also declared to the said Stevens Thomson Mason, that he had no more idea that a political society could exist without a distinction of ranks, than that an army could exist without officers: And also that he can prove by the said William B. Giles, that the President of the United States has avowed in conversation with him a sentiment to this effect, that he thought the executive department of the United States ought to be vested with power to direct and control the public will.
That this deponent verily believes that he shall be able to prove by general Blackburn that he did, on the day of _____ in the year 1798, receive an address from John Adams, President of the United States, in answer to the field officers of Bath county, in which the said President does avow, that there was a party in Virginia which deserved to be humbled into dust and ashes, before the indignant frowns of their injured, insulted and offended country.
And this deponent further saith, that he is advised and believes that it is material to his defence against the indictment aforesaid, that he should procure authentic copies of sundry answers made by the President of the United States to addresses from the inhabitants of the United States in various parts thereof, which authentic copies he cannot procure, so as to be in readiness for trial during the present term.
He also saith, that he is advised and doth believe that a certain book, entitled "An Essay on Canon and Feudal Law," or entitled in words to that purport, ascribed to the President of the United States, and of which he believes the President is the author, is material to his defence, and that he cannot procure a copy of the same, and evidence to prove that the said President is the author thereof, without being allowed several weeks and perhaps months for the purpose.
He further saith, that he is told by the counsel who mean to appear for him, that they cannot possibly be prepared to investigate the evidence relating to the several charges in the indictment, even if all the persons and documents wanted were upon the spot.
WM. DUVAL. May 28th, 1800. District of Virginia, } to wit: 5th Circuit. } I certify that the foregoing is truly copied from the original in my office. WILL. MARSHALL, Clerk. Ct. of the U. S. 5th Circuit, Va. Dt.
DEPOSITION OF J. MARSHALL.
John Marshall deposes that when he first heard the fact which Jonathan Snowden is stated by the chairman of this committee to have sworn to, relative to a conversation between Judge Chase and Judge Washington in his presence, relative to the trial of James Thomson Callender, he had not the slightest recollection of any conversation resembling that reported by the said Snowden. On endeavoring since to retrace in his mind impressions formerly received, he has a vague and indistinct recollection of some conversation resembling that said to be stated by the said Snowden, but cannot pretend to particularise the words, or even the precise sentiment which was uttered. He does, however, positively assert his perfect conviction, that no such conversation was ever understood by him to be serious. He should certainly have entertained opinions of both those gentlemen very different from those he really entertains, if he had supposed such motives for judicial conduct to have been acknowledged by the one, or attributed to him by the other, without even the semblance of reproach.
J. MARSHALL. Sworn to before me this 2d day of March, 1804.
JOHN RANDOLPH, Chairman of the Committee of Inquiry into the official conduct of Samuel Chase and Richard Peters, Esquires, or either of them.
DEPOSITION OF B. WASHINGTON.
Bushrod Washington being summoned to appear before this committee to give testimony, and being first duly sworn, after hearing from the chairman thereof the substance of a deposition given before the committee by Jonathan Snowden, respecting a conversation stated by the said Snowden to have taken place between Samuel Chase and this depo-
nent upon the subject of Callender's trial, deposeth and saith that he has not the slightest recollection of any such conversation as that stated to him. That he has been in the habit for some years past to converse frequently with the said Samuel Chase upon a variety of subjects, and is well satisfied that the conversation now alluded to, if it ever took place, was altogether of this call. He thinks it impossible that he could seriously have asked the question which it is said he did.
BUSHROD WASHINGTON. March 2d, 1804. Sworn to before me this 2d day of March, 1804.
JOHN RANDOLPH, Chairman of the Committee of Inquiry into the official conduct of Samuel Chase and Richard Peters, Esquires, or either of them.
Saturday, 14 Jan. SAMUEL H. SMITH, sworn. Charge of Mr. Chase to the grand jury, read from the National Intelligencer, of Friday 20 May, 1803. Question. You were present when that charge was delivered? Answer. I was. Question. In what manner did you become possessed of the charge? Did you obtain a copy of it, or take it down yourself? Answer. Neither. The court was held in a room of a public house; it was much crowded. I was summoned as a witness. I had no intention of committing the charge to paper, or to memory, when I went there. After I heard a part of the charge, it impressed me with the opinion that it ought to be made public. I attended to it, and in the evening I committed to paper what I recollected. I could not do it sooner, having business to attend to which occupied me until then. Question. At what time was the charge delivered? Answer. I believe between the hours of 12 and 2 P. M. Before I committed it to paper, I applied to some gentlemen of the bar to know if the judge would, probably, grant a copy of the charge. I was informed that it had been his practice to refuse such applications. This circumstance, together with a want of acquaintance with the judge, prevented my applying for a copy. I also wished to know whether an application could not be made through the grand jury—and was told that the grand jury (although they agreed in political sentiment with Mr. Chase) thought the charge a very impudent one, and would not, probably, assent to be instrumental in making it public.
Questioned by a member of the Committee. Does not recollect which of the gentlemen told him so. Conversing with several. Mr. J. T. Mason, Mr. Montgomery, (whom he did not know at the time) Mr. Carr of Virginia, and several others.
He understood from a gentleman who said he was a member of the grand jury, and who agreed with the deponent in political sentiment, such an attempt would be futile, as the grand jury would not make the application.
Question. Do you believe that you had such a recollection of the charge as enabled you to state the substance of it correctly? Answer. I do, except those parts which (as believing them unimportant) I did not notice.
Question. Did the judge read the charge or deliver it extempore? Answer. He read it from a paper. But frequently appeared to speak extempore also. It appeared to a gentleman (Mr. Carr,) who made the observation to me, that many of the observations of the judge were drawn forth by the presence of some of the members of the legislature of Maryland, who supported the measures which he condemned.
Question. Have you not given to the charge a high coloring, than it recd from him? Answer. It was my wish rather to under-charge than to over-charge it. Whenever I had a doubt I erated from my first sketch. I hoped my publication would draw forth a full publication from the judge.
The charge as published by Mr. Chase (Nat. Intell. Aug. 6, 1803) read. Question. Is this the charge which the judge delivered? Answer. In some respects it varies from that which I heard. The judge did positively say, that the act of Congress repealing the judiciary law was
unconstitutional and expressly asserted the right of the court to declare the laws unconstitutional. These words "I am of opinion that every citizen should have an equal share of liberty," were not used by the judge.
Sworn to before me this 14th day of Jan. 1804. JOHN RANDOLPH, Chairman of the Committee of Inquiry into the official conduct of Samuel Chase and Richard Peters, Esquires or either of them.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on Mr. Bard's motion to lay a tax of ten dollars on every slave imported into the United States.
(Continued.)
Mr. EARLE moved that the committee rise and report progress. His reason for this motion was that, from information received from South Carolina, on which he placed much reliance, it was expected that the legislature would meet in April, and would then repeal the act admitting the importation of slaves. Should the committee rise, he would move a postponement of the consideration of the resolution to the 1st Monday in May.
Mr. GREGG. I hope the motion for the committee to rise will prevail, and that any further proceedings on this subject will be postponed for the present. It has been said by the gentleman from South Carolina, who made the motion, and I have heard it mentioned by others, that a considerable ferment has been excited in that state by the passage of the law authorising the importation of slaves, and that it is highly probable the legislature, at its next session, will repeal that law. That session it is expected will be held in April, the governor having it in contemplation to convene the legislature at that time, for the purpose of submitting to their consideration, the proposed amendment to the constitution.
When this resolution was first proposed by my colleague, I felt pleased that it was brought forward, and considered its immediate adoption as a necessary and proper measure; but on more mature reflection, I acknowledge, I have very considerable doubts. I think the House had better pause, and weigh with deliberation the probable effects of the resolution, before they give it their final sanction. Irritated by such a resolution, South Carolina may continue the law, which although very obnoxious in our view, she certainly had a constitutional right to pass, and which if undisturbed by any act of ours, she may on cool reflection, and in conformity to the wishes of her own citizens, be induced to repeal. By precipitancy in the business, we may possibly confirm the very act, which it is our intention to destroy.
Let it not, Mr. Chairman, be inferred from what I have said, that I am in principle opposed to the effect, which I am confident the mover of the resolution expected it would produce. No member of this House is, or can be more decidedly opposed to slavery than I am. In the state from which I come, slavery is scarcely, if at all known, I don't know whether at this moment it has any existence there. However, the inhabitants of that state may differ on other points, on the subject of slavery we are all united. All parties have joined in abolishing it. I sincerely wish that congress possessed a constitutional power to abolish, or at least to check its further progress in the United States. If they did possess such power, I would most cordially concur in putting it into operation. Instead of ten dollars, I with the constitution would warrant us in imposing a tax of one hundred, or of five hundred dollars on each imported slave. I would willingly vote for that sum, because it would amount to an entire prohibition of such importation, and effectually destroy the traffic, which I consider highly impolitic, as well as contrary to the principle of justice.
But, admitting the resolution to be proper, the arguments, by which it has been supported, are, in my view, very exceptionable. The immorality of the slave trade has been insisted on at considerable length, and with great zeal. This, to say no more of it, is certainly unnecessary in this House, because I am confident no gentleman on this floor will advocate the practice on the ground of morality. Why then so much pains to prove, what we already believe? The conduct of the general government ever
since the adoption of the present constitution, affords sufficient evidence of the constant sentiment of congress on this subject. Their records will prove, that they have omitted no favorable opportunity of exerting their constitutional power to suppress the trade.
But the argument founded on slaves, being a fair article of commerce, warranted as such by the constitution, and of course, that a duty on their importation is a proper source of revenue, is still more extraordinary. I felt both surprised and hurt by this argument. I never expected to hear such a one advanced on this floor. Never, until now, did it occur to me, that congress would at any time think of deriving revenue from such a source. If money is wanting, I would submit to any tax, I would even agree once more to have recourse to a direct tax, rather than to a tax on our treasury by filling it with money collected from a duty on imported slaves. The imposition of such a tax certainly wears the appearance of giving countenance to the trade. However contrary to our intention, it will have this appearance, and so it will be construed by the importers. Sanction the trade by imposing the tax, and soon the traders will demand your protection.
When the present constitution was adopted, there were no laws in several of the states to prohibit the importation of slaves. It is but a few years since such a law was passed by the state of Georgia. During all that period money was much wanted. The revenue was not adequate to the demand. Government was compelled to have recourse to loans, and in some instances had to submit to a heavy interest, yet in all that time, the idea, I believe, was never suggested in congress, of supplying the deficiency by imposing a tax on slaves, although numbers were then imported. From this it may be inferred, that at that time the power vested in congress by the constitution, of imposing a tax of ten dollars on each person imported into any of the then existing states, agreeably to its laws, was not considered as given for the purpose of raising revenue. It was given it may be presumed for the purpose of being used as a check to the trade, and at that time the constitution was adopted, the exercise of that power might have contributed to produce such effect. The price of slaves was then low, their labour was not so productive to their owners, and of course ten dollars in addition to the then current price, might in some measure have checked the spirit of purchasing. But soon after that period by the introduction of the cultivation of cotton, the labour of slaves became more valuable, and their price enhanced in proportion. Ten dollars then bore some proportion to the price of a slave, but at this time it is comparatively a cypher. A planter who can find his advantage in giving four hundred dollars, which is said to be the present current price of a good negro, will think but little of ten additional dollars. In the present state of things, therefore, I take it, the proposed tax, cannot effect the object contemplated by the mover of the resolution: it can neither prevent, nor remedy the evil; and as it has the appearance of giving legal sanction to the trade, and may have an influence on the legislature of South Carolina, inasmuch as it is an implied attack on their sovereignty, and a censure on them for passing an act, which, however improper it may be in our view, the constitution certainly did authorise them to pass, I think the farther consideration of the subject had better be postponed for the present, perhaps always until government may have it in its power to adopt measures calculated to produce an entire prohibition of the trade.
Mr. SMILIE regretted that a motion of postponement was made. He wished to meet the subject fairly, and to obtain the decision of the House directly. He well knew, from experience, that this was a favorite way of getting rid of a subject which gentlemen were inclined to meet. So viewing the subject he could not but feel surprised at the sentiments of his colleague.
As I urged that we have no right to intermeddle in the affairs of South Carolina, or to speak of the act of the legislature. He allowed that they had no right as a legislative body to censure the state of South Carolina for the exercise of a constitutional power. They undoubtedly had a right to do what they had done. But at the same time the legislature of the union possess as good a right to do what is now proposed to be done. This is a complete answer to this argument advanced against the resolution.
Mr. Smilie said he would wish to

Peer clear of the question of morality. But at the same time that he considered it prudent to avoid this discussion, he could not but think the interest of the union involved in the measure pursued by South-Carolina. It was but a short time since Congress had received a representation from that state expressing the great danger apprehended from slaves pouring into the country. It would be recollected how earnestly they had been pressed to pass a law, to counteract this effect, which in some of its provisions was so exceptional as not to be agreed to. When I recollect this circumstance, said Mr. Smilie, I feel surprised that that state has again opened the importation of slaves. It is true that the importation from the West-Indies is not opened. But this description of persons, though in the first instance brought from Africa, may, at a future day, be converted into as formidable enemies as the others.
This measure so far affects the interests of the union, as it tends to weaken the common defence of the country; into which every slave that is admitted must be viewed in the light of an imported enemy. In this view the act of the legislature of South-Carolina seriously affects the union. For we know that in case of an insurrection in any one part of our country, the union is obliged to suppress it.
Mr. Smilie said he would notice a few other objections urged against this resolution; he would first declare, as to revenue, so far as the resolution was considered merely in that light, he was not its advocate; for he abhorred the idea of raising a revenue from a traffic in human beings; if it were considered only in that light he should vote against it. But he viewed the subject on a larger scale. He considered its effects on national character.
Gentlemen say the tax will sanction the law of South-Carolina. Such an argument he could not comprehend. He had ever understood that the laying a duty on any particular article of trade rendered it more difficult to carry that trade on. He knew the proposed tax was very small; but small as it was, it would have some effect; it would, at all events, show that it was a trade not approved by the legislature of the union.
Mr. Smilie concluded by saying that whether the resolution was expedient or not, it was before them, and they must express their sentiments upon it. He would ask, whether it would be for the reputation of the nation to reject it? As to the existence of slavery in some parts of the union, they were not chargeable with it. It was out of their power to help it. But, on this occasion, some act was required of the House, expressive of their disapprobation of the renewed importation of slaves.
Mr. LYON said he considered the resolution as giving a sanction to the trade; and he also considered the state of South-Carolina as having, in the passage of the law admitting slaves, exercised the right of a sovereign state. He should, therefore, not vote for the resolution, but for the postponement.
Mr. HUGER said the arguments urged by the friends of the motion were two-fold. One class of gentlemen say they are not in favor of this tax for purposes of revenue, but to manifest the opinion of the national legislature; while another class declare their only reason for laying it is the revenue it will bring into the treasury. A decision, therefore, by the House, will settle no principle; for supposing that a majority of the members shall be found in favor of the tax, one half of them will vote for it on one principle and one half on another. Under these circumstances he appealed to gentlemen, inclined to favor the resolution, whether it would not be the best policy to wait until the legislature of South-Carolina had an opportunity of repealing the obnoxious law. Is it a pleasant thing to any gentleman on this floor to throw a stigma upon a state? And will not gentlemen from the middle and eastern states recollect that the situation of South-Carolina is very different from that of their states? Let them, then, do as much good as they can at home; but, let them, in God's name, permit us, to act for ourselves. It is a very easy thing to make some harsh remarks on the conduct of particular states, even of the state of Pennsylvania; much as that state is deservedly respected, Mr. H. said he did not believe that state stood one iota higher than other states in the union. For he believed that peculiar interest operated there as well as in other states.
Mr. Huger said, from what had been expressed to-day, he did not believe the people of South-Carolina friendly to the act admitting the importation of slaves. Every representative of that state on this floor wished, he believed, that it had never been passed. But, as it had passed, they conceived it their duty to resist a measure which went to censure the state for the exercise of an undoubted right.
After making some further remarks, Mr. H. concluded by expressing his hope that the resolution would be postponed.
Mr. STANTON—Mr. Speaker, I
am highly gratified to find hon. members in every part of the House who reprobate the infamous traffic of buying and selling the human species. On this occasion but few remarks are necessary, if morality, humanity and justice are conducive to the happiness of society; it is not my duty nor intention to criminate the state of South Carolina, whose late conduct has created serious and well founded alarm. It is a duty I owe to my constituents and to myself, not to connive at a measure, that in my humble opinion, goes to shake the pillars of public security, and threatens corruption to the morals of our citizens and tarnishes the American character. Sir, while I deprecate the repeal of the non-importation act of S. Carolina, I console myself with the pleasing expectation, that the state will retract the error, they have recently, and unguardedly fallen into, and I cannot doubt, but the hon. members from that state on this floor will lend their aid to effect so desirable a measure to enact again the prohibitory statute. We are told if the House adopt the resolution, it will irritate S. Carolina notwithstanding the opponents of the resolution confess the impolitic conduct of S. Carolina. I wish not to offend any of our sister states, much less that important state, whose wisdom, virtue, and patriotism has been conspicuous on every other occasion. The opponents of the resolution inform us, its adoption will both encourage and sanction the importation, and that they have a constitutional right to import until 1808. I grant it, but I hope better things of that state, and things that accompany reformation. She has recently, with other states emancipated herself from tyranny and oppression; and will she fully her fair fame, by commencing tyrant herself? Sir, the speakers from the state of S. Carolina, and particularly the hon. member who offered a resolution as a substitute to the one under consideration, delivered himself in sentiments of the most admirable humanity and constitutional love and zeal for his country, and if he were a member from any other state in the union, I should have the honor, I make no doubt, of voting with him for the resolution on your table. Sir, I am sensible the general government cannot prohibit this traffic previous to the year 1808, this is one of those humiliating concessions, made by that venerable convention who framed the constitution, and we are bound by it. I ask is the policy of the measure, embraced by the resolution found? I believe it is, I consider slaves a luxury, they are considered by the constitution 3/5ths of them to give a representative, and I ask why not tax them. It is a found maxim, that representation and taxation should go hand in hand; to lay a tax being the only constitutional power the general government possesses—I think its good policy to exercise it—it is the opinion of some gentlemen, and the hon. gentleman before me whose sound judgment and correctness, I highly approve on most occasions, considers the tax of little consideration in point of revenue. I beg leave to differ with him, when I take into consideration the will of many influential characters, to emigrate to our new acquired territory, and carry with them slaves almost without number; we may fairly calculate, that the probable number imported will be not less than 100,000 a year for four years, will bring a revenue of four million of dollars, the sum may be appropriated to remunerate the veteran, war worn old soldier, that is now languishing in misery, and whose just claim is barred by an act of limitation. I beg pardon of the House for this deviation from the subject under consideration—While I am up I beg the indulgence of the House to permit me to relate to the House what I believe on the road to the seat of government, 20 or 30 negroes chained to each other and drove like mules to market; I asked the gentleman who appeared to have charge of them, if they were criminals, he answered with a smile, No sir, they have been sold. Sir, this awful sight gave me such sensations and emotions, that it is painful to relate, and not easily described; Sir, if I have been compelled in the discharge of the duty I owe to society and my constituents in the remarks, that may wound the feelings of any hon. member, who may differ with me in sentiment, I regret it much, as I am conscious it was far from my intention, I shall give my vote for the resolution.
The state of Rhode Island from whence I come, passed a law declaring negro children born posterior to 1784, as free as white children. Mr. Speaker, I mention this statute merely to obviate the erroneous impression, that otherwise might be made with a view to mislead the public mind, that the citizens of R. Island are disposed to favor the villainous traffic; I wish not to egotize, but I can assure the House this traffic has been abhorrent to me upwards of 40 years, and if I should live to see 1808, that auspicious period in our national compact shall be exonerated from that tragic feature that has cast a shade on that valuable instrument; if the important acquisition of Louisiana gave ample cause for festivity, still greater cause shall we have when the glorious period shall arrive of 1808, that shall be my jubilee.
Mr. SOUTHARD observed that the object contemplated to be answered by the rising of the committee was to give an opportunity to the legislature of South-Carolina to repeal the law admitting the importation of slaves. He was opposed to the rising of the committee for this reason. He believed the House proceeding to act upon the resolution would have a much greater influence upon that state. For he did presume that the House would agree to the resolution, and to a law founded upon it; and he also believed that if they proceeded to this extent, the legislature of South-Carolina would be most likely to be induced from that very circumstance to repeal the law. We are told that a number of the citizens of that state are opposed to the law, and every representative of South-Carolina on this floor regrets its passage. Mr. S. laid he believed almost every member of the House was of this opinion. If then we shall dismiss this resolution, what effect will the act have on the whole United States? Will it not convey the idea that the Congress of the United States do not consider the introduction of slaves into the country a real evil? For this, Mr. S. said he was opposed to the rising of the committee, as it would prevent the House from declaring their sentiments on so important a question. He did not so much regret the introduction of the resolution as some gentlemen who had spoken. He rather rejoiced at it, as it gave the national legislature an opportunity to bear their opinion against the increase of slaves in the United States. Mr. S. said he avoided intentionally saying anything on this occasion as to the right of holding slaves already in the country; meaning to confine his remarks entirely to the impolicy and injustice of allowing new importations of them. And he was surprised, after the exposure of the evils likely to ensue from it, gentlemen still opposed the resolution. Let them look forward to what may happen before the four years shall elapse when we may make the importation a capital offence; and consider how large a number may be previously introduced. Mr. S. said he did not consider the resolution important so far as it went to raise revenue; but if any state would encourage the traffic, he thought they ought to be made to pay for it.
Mr. SLOAN declared himself against the proposed postponement, which was supported on the supposition that South-Carolina would repeal the law allowing the importation of slaves, a supposition which might prove illusory. Even should the law be repealed, he saw no injury that would result from passing the resolution. Should the law not be repealed, it was extremely probable that a very large importation would take place—at least a hundred thousand might be introduced, the evil of which to the United States would be incalculable. Mr. S. said that in his humble opinion to pass over the business would be to create the appearance throughout the union that Congress were disposed to sanction this traffic. He should, therefore, vote against the committee rising.
After a few further remarks made by Mr. Huger and Mr. Lucas the question was taken on the rising of the committee, and passed in the negative, Ayes 58—Nays 60.
When the resolution was agreed to, Ayes 69.
The committee rose and reported their agreement to the resolution, which the House immediately took into consideration.
Mr. Winn moved to postpone the further consideration of the resolution till the first Monday in January, and required the Yeas and Nays.
Mr. J. Clay said, as it was probable that he should vote for the postponement, it was proper to assign the reasons which decided his vote. From information given to the House during the present discussion, it appeared that considerable agitation existed on the subject of the law admitting the importation of slaves in the state of South-Carolina. As there appeared to be considerable irritation in the state, the interposition of the House might frustrate its repeal. From the ideas of the representatives of that state, it was probable that, on fuller reflection, the legislature would repeal this act. If, after an opportunity was given them, they should not repeal it, he should certainly vote for the resolution. But willing to prevent the traffic, rather than to raise revenue, he should vote for the postponement.
Mr. Lucas, Mr. Sloan and Mr. Stanton concisely opposed the postponement, and Mr. Claiborne supported it.
The question was then taken on the postponement by Yeas and Nays, and passed in the negative—Yeas 54—Nays 62, as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alston, jun. Alexander, Bedinger, Betton, Blackledge, Bowie, Boyle, Butler, J. Campbell, Caley, Claiborne, J. Clay, Crowningfield, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, Dawson, Dickson, Dwight, Earle, Early, Elliot, Eufus, Fowler, Gray, Gregg, R. Griswold, Hammond, Hampton, Hastings, J. Heister, Holland, Huger, Leib,
Lowndes, Lyon, McCord, Meigs, Moore, Nicholson, Plater, J. Randolph, J. Rhea, (of Tennessee) Sandford, Skinner, J. C. Smith, Stephen, Tenney, Thatcher, Van Rensselaer, Venable, L. Williams, Winn, and Wynns.
NAYS—Messrs. Anderson, Archer, Baldwin, Baird, Boyd, Brown, Bryan, Chamberlain, Claggett, M. Clay, Conrad, Elmer, Eppes, Findlay, Gillespie, Goodwyn, G. Griswold, Hanna, Helms, Hoge, Holmes, Hough, Jackson, Jones, Kennedy, Knight, Lewis, jun. Livingston, Lucas, M'Creery, S. L. Mitchell, N. R. Moore, Morrow, New, Newton, jun. Olin, Palmer, T. M. Randolph, Richards, Rodney, Root, Sammons, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, (of N. York) J. Smith, (of Vir.) Southard, Stanford, Stanton, Stewar, Taggart, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cland, Van Horne, Varnum, Wadsworth, Walton, M. Williams, and Winston.
When the resolution was agreed to— Ayes 71:
WASHINGTON CITY, FRIDAY, MARCH 16.
The Senate have elected Mr. FRANKLIN, of North Carolina, President pro-tempore of the Senate in the absence of the Vice-President of the United States.
It may quiet the unfounded apprehensions which have been lately excited, to state, from information derived from the Governor General of Louisiana, that perfect tranquility prevails at New Orleans.
The following is a more particular statement of the proceedings of the Senate in the trial of impeachment of JOHN PICKERING, than that heretofore published.
March 5. On the question, will the court hear evidence and counsel respecting the insanity of John Pickering, upon the suggestion contained in the petition of Jacob S. Pickering, and the letter of Robert G. Harper, the Yeas and Nays were required, and were as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bradley, Dayton, Ellery, Franklin, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, J. Smith, J. Smith, (Ohio) J. Smith, (N. Y.) Tracy, Wells, White.
NAYS—Messrs. Armstrong, Breckinridge, Cocke, Jacks, Nichols, Potter, S. Smith, Stone, Sumner, Venable, Worthington, Wright. 12.
March 7. On motion, Resolved that the secretary inform the House of Representatives that the court of Impeachments is open and now ready to receive and hear the Managers in support of the articles of impeachment exhibited by them against John Pickering, district judge of the district of New-Hampshire. The Yeas and Nays being required were as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Breckinridge, Cocke, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nichols, Potter, I. Smith, S. Smith, J. Smith, (N. Y.) J. Smith, (Ohio) Stone, Sumner, Venable, Worthington, Wright. 19.
NAYS—Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Ellery, Hillhouse, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Tracy. 8.
The agreement to this resolution is to be considered as a virtual decision, on the part of the court, to suspend their proceedings in consequence of the deposition offered by Mr. Harper.
March 9. On motion, that it be Resolved, as the opinion of this court, that the proceedings on the articles of impeachment exhibited by the House of Representatives against John Pickering be postponed to the day of its passing in the Negative.
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Dayton, Hillhouse, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Tracy, Wells, White. 10.
NAYS—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Breckinridge, Cocke, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nichols, Potter, I. Smith, S. Smith, J. Smith, (Ohio) J. Smith, (N. Y.) Stone, Sumner, Venable, Worthington, Wright. 20.
March 10. On motion that it be Resolved, that this Court is not at present prepared to give their final decision upon the articles of impeachment preferred by the House of Representatives against John Pickering, district judge for the district of New-Hampshire, for high crimes and misdemeanors, the said John Pickering not having appeared, and it being suggested to the court by Jacob S. Pickering, son of the said John Pickering, that the said John Pickering, at the time of the conduct charged against him, in the said articles of impeachment,
as high crimes and misdemeanors, was, and is yet insane, which suggestion has been supported by the testimony of two members of the court; and by the affidavits of sundry persons, whose integrity and veracity is unimpeached. And it being further suggested in the said petition, that at such future day as the court may appoint, the body of the said John Pickering shall be produced in court, and further testimony in his behalf, which would enable the court to judge for themselves, as to the insanity of the said John Pickering, and to act more understandingly in the premises, but that the said John Pickering owing to bodily infirmity could not be brought to court at present, at so great a distance, and at this inclement season of the year, without imminent hazard of his life.
It passed in the negative—Yeas 9—Nays 19.
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Dayton, Hillhouse, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Tracy, Wells, White. 9.
NAYS—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckinridge, Cocke, Ellery, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nichols, Pettit, I. Smith, S. Smith, J. Smith, (Ohio) Venable, Sumner, Worthington, Wright. 19.
House of Representatives. WEDNESDAY, March 14, 1804.
Mr. Thomson, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill concerning the public buildings in the city of Washington, appropriating 50,000 dollars.
Read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole to morrow.
Mr. Eustis presented a memorial of sundry inhabitants of the city of Washington praying an act of incorporation for a commercial company.
Ordered to be on the table. The House took up Mr. J. Clay's resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of an abolishing the legislature of Pennsylvania to lay a certain tonnage duty for improving the navigation of the river Delaware and the port of Philadelphia.
After a few remarks made by Mr. Clay in support of the resolution, it was negatived—Ayes 36—Nays 42.
The House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. DAWSON in the chair—on the bill from the Senate, providing for the government of Louisiana.
Mr. Leib moved to amend the section, fixing the salary of the governor of Orleans, by striking out 5,000 dollars, for the purpose of interdicting 8,000 dollars.
The sum of 5,000 dollars was, he observed, higher than that allowed some of our heads of departments, and was, in his opinion, above the necessary allowance.
Mr. Nicholson said he should have no objection to striking out 5,000 dollars; but it would be for the purpose of inserting a higher sum. The office of governor of this territory was unquestionably one of the most important under the government of the United States. In calling his eyes on those persons competent to a discharge of the great duties attached to the office of governor, Mr. Nicholson said his mind had settled upon few individuals with whom it was satisfied. So impressed was he with the importance of the station, that he would agree to give the governor a salary equal to that allowed to any foreign minister. A man ought to be appointed, possessed of and entitled to the full confidence of the executive, and who, by his manners, character and conduct, would win the esteem and love of those over whom he is called to preside. It was also well known to the members of the House that the expenses of living were greater at New Orleans than in any part of the United States. If then to the governor of Spain had received a salary of 8,000 dollars. To give the governor the paltry sum of 5,000 dollars will not enable him to pay his expenses. For these reasons Mr. N. called for a division of the question.
The question was put on striking out 5,000 dollars, and passed in the negative—Ayes 40—Nays 44.
Mr. Leib moved an amendment extending to the inhabitants of Louisiana the naturalization act of the United States.
Mr. R. Griswold opposed the amendment, from an impression that it was not expedient to vest the courts of Louisiana with the power of naturalization.
Mr. J. Clay supported the amendment; as it was to extend to the inhabitants of Louisiana the privileges promised them by the treaty. Whether the proposed amendment would have this effect, he was not ready to say. If it would not, he hoped his colleague would move one that would have that effect. This privilege had been promised and ought to be granted. He presumed that a residence of five years would be required, as the privileges promised were to be received under the constitution. Mr. Clay concluded by saying there was a wide difference between naturalizing the inhabitants of Louisiana, and ad-

mitting them into the nation, and though gentlemen might have objections to the one object, they ought not, on the same ground, to object to the other.
The question was taken on the proposed amendment, and passed in the negative—Ayes 32.
Mr. Sloan moved an amendment inhibiting the admission of slaves into Louisiana as well from the United States, as from foreign places.
Mr. Sloan concisely stated his reasons in favor of this provision, when the question was taken, and the amendment agreed to—Ayes 40—Nays 35.
Mr. G. W. Campbell proposed an amendment, withholding from the parties to a civil suit the right of waiving a jury trial. The bill provides a jury trial in all cases in which either party it shall require it.
This amendment after being supported by Mr. G. W. Campbell; and opposed by Messrs. Holland, Southard, and Dana; was negatived—Ayes 12.
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved to strike out that part of the bill which renders every person settling on lands of the United States liable to a fine of 1,000 dollars, and to one year's imprisonment.
This produced a debate of some length, and more animation; (which shall be hereafter given) in which the motion to strike out was urged by Messrs. G. W. Campbell, Lyon, and Claiborne; and opposed by Messrs. Gregg, Nicholson, Boyd, Smith, Macon, Sloan and Holland.
The question being taken, the amendment was negatived—Ayes 23.
Mr. Rhea (of Tennessee) offered a new section, declaring all grants of lands in Louisiana made subsequent to the treaty of St. Ildefonso void.
Mr. Early said he hoped this resolution would not be adopted. He was opposed to it for several as well as general reasons. It declared null and void not only all grants or titles obtained since the period of cession, but likewise all grants or titles acquired subsequently to the treaty of St. Ildefonso, or, in other words, during the time the territory belonged to France. He believed it was well understood that after France obtained the country a number of grants had been made. It was certain, that the French government was invested with authority to make grants, and I think, said Mr. E. a legislative declaration that such grants are void, extremely improper. This is the particular reason for which I am opposed to the amendment. I have also a general reason against it. I consider a legislative body undertaking to declare a grant null and void an assumption of power. If a grant, whether it be of land, or to any corporate body, be null and void, it is so without any legislative provision. It may be said, however, that such a provision is innocent. I do not think so; because it involves an assumption of power, which is in its nature judicial, exclusively judicial. For these reasons I am opposed to the resolution.
Mr. Rhea (of Tennessee) said in reply to the gentleman from Georgia, he would only read the first article of the treaty of cession. [Here Mr. Rhea read the first article.] This, said he, is a sufficient answer to the first argument of the gentleman. As to the second part of his reason it is only necessary to say, that in order to enable courts of justice to decide properly, laws must be passed, fixing the principles on which courts are to decide.
Mr. Nicholson said he thought this was a subject on which the House ought not to act at present. It seemed to imply an unwarrantable suspicion of the government of Spain. It would be sufficient time to act, when they obtained correct information.
Mr. Gregg said there was one reason which would induce him to vote for the resolution. Certain fraudulent grants appear to have been made. Without some notice of them now, second purchasers will be hereafter coming forward to Congress, and say that they had no knowledge of the fraud. He should, therefore, vote for the resolution.
Mr. Holland expressed the same ideas with Mr. Gregg.
Mr. Nicholson observed, that as he was persuaded the amendment would have the effect stated by the gentlemen from Pennsylvania and North-Carolina, he had no objection to it.
The amendment was then agreed to—Ayes 54.
A section appropriating 15,000 dollars was introduced to enable the President to transfer tribes of Indians, east of the Mississippi, with their consent, to the western banks.
Mr. Early moved to insert a new section in the room of the 4th section. [This section provides for the choice of a legislative body by the people of Louisiana.]
The committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Nicholson said it had been for some time in contemplation to establish a branch bank at New-Orleans. The business had been before the President and Directors of the bank of the United States, who were of opinion that they were not authorized to establish the branch. He therefore moved that the
Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to prepare and report a bill authorizing the President and Directors of the bank of the United States to establish offices of discount and deposit in any of the territories and dependencies of the United States.
The motion was immediately agreed to; and Mr. Nicholson reported a bill for that purpose.
The bill making provision for disposing of the public lands in the Indiana Territory, and for other purposes, was read the third time and passed, Ayes 58.
THURSDAY, March 13. The bill appropriating 50,000 dollars for procuring with the public buildings in the city of Washington, after having passed through a committee of the whole, was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill providing rules for the government of the army.
The 5th article is in the words following:
Art. 5. Whatsoever officer or soldier shall presume to use traitorous or disrespectful words, against the President of the United States, against the Vice-President thereof, against the Congress of the United States, or against the chief magistrate or legislature of any of the United States in which he may be quartered, if a commissioned officer, he shall be cashiered, or otherwise punished as a court-martial shall direct, if a non-commissioned officer or soldier, he shall suffer such punishment as shall be inflicted on him by the sentence of a court-martial.
Mr. Nicholson moved to strike out this article.
Mr. Varnum, desired before the question was put, to be indulged with an opportunity of reading the article as present in force, which would show that in principle it was the same with that in the bill.
Mr. V. read the old article, which was found to correspond in principle with the article under consideration, the only variation arising from the old provision applying to the "Congress of the United States and the state legislatures."
Why gentlemen should now be inclined to leaving the army loose to calumniate the government, he could not say.
Mr. Nicholson. It is not my wish to fence round the President, Vice President and Congress, with a second sedition law. If the officers of the army conduct themselves improperly it is in the power of the executive to punish them. They can be removed at the will of the President, or by a court martial. Besides, I do not understand the sedition law. I ask, what is the meaning of traitorous words used against the President, Vice-President, and Congress. I know of no traitorous words that can be so used. There are none such to be found in the constitution; and I am decidedly opposed to any such mode of establishing, by side-way means, so dangerous a construction.
The question was then taken on Mr. Nicholson's motion, and carried—Ayes 53.
After some further consideration of the bill, the committee rose and the House, by a great majority, refused them leave to sit again. This is probably a virtual rejection of the bill for the present session.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for the government of Louisiana—Mr. Dawson in the chair.
The substitute of Mr. Early for the 4th section of the bill was, with some verbal amendments, agreed to—Ayes 51.
The bill was reported to the House, who concurred with the committee in striking out the 4th section of the bill (giving the President the power of appointing the legislative Council) Yeas 74—Nays 23—and in their agreement to Mr. Early's substitute—Yeas 58—Nays 42.
After considerable discussion of various features of the bill, the House adjourned, without closing its consideration.
We shall in our next give a more particular sketch of this day's proceedings.
The following Address has been presented to the governor of New-Orleans in behalf of the free people of colour of New-Orleans, by whom it was signed.
To his Excellency, William C. C. Claiborne, Governor General and Intendant of Louisiana.
We, the subscribers, free citizens of Louisiana, beg leave to approach your Excellency with sentiments of respect and esteem, and sincere attachment to the government of the United States.
We are natives of this province, and our dearest interests are connected with its welfare. We therefore feel a lively joy that the sovereignty of the country is at length united with that of the American Republic. We are duly sensible that our personal and political freedom is thereby assured to us forever, and are also impressed with the fullest confidence in the justice and liberality of the government towards every class of citizens which they have here taken under their protection.
We were employed in the military service of the late governor, and we hope we may be permitted to say, that our conduct in that service has ever been distinguished by a ready attention to the duties required of us. Should we be in like manner honored by the American government, to which every principle of interest as well as affection attaches us, permit us to assure your excellency that we shall serve with fidelity and zeal. We therefore respectfully offer our services to the government as a corps of volunteers, agreeable to any arrangement which may be thought expedient.
We request your excellency to accept our congratulations on the happy event which has placed you at the head of this government, and promises so much real prosperity to the country.
To which his Excellency immediately made a verbal Response, to the following effect.
He thanked them for their respectful address, and observed that their rights would be protected, and that their confidence in the government of the United States would increase as they became acquainted with its principles, and the wisdom and justice with which it was administered.
With respect to the tender of their military services, the governor remarked that he should not direct a general re-organization of the militia until he had received instructions upon the subject from the President of the United States. In the mean time, the free people of colour would consider themselves attached to the same corps in which the former government had placed them. He concluded by assuring them of his confidence in their military zeal, and the sincerity of their professions of attachment to the United States.
REPORT. Report of the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, on the resolutions of the House of Representatives, directing them to enquire into the expediency of authorizing the President of the United States to cause certain remote and unknown parts of Louisiana to be explored.
BY a series of memorable events the United States have lately acquired a large addition of soil and jurisdiction. This is believed, besides the tracts on the east side of the Mississippi, to include all the country which lies to the westward between that river and the great chain of mountains that stretch from North to South, and divide the waters running into the Atlantic from those which empty into the Pacific Ocean; and beyond that chain between the territories claimed by Great Britain on the one side, and by Spain on the other quite to the South Sea.
It is highly desirable that this extensive region should be visited, in some parts at least, by intelligent men. Important additions might thereby be made to the science of Geography. Various materials might thence be derived to augment our knowledge of natural history. The government would thence acquire correct information of the situation, extent and worth of its own dominions, and individuals of research and curiosity would receive ample gratification as to the works of art and productions of nature which exist in those boundless tracts.
There is no need of informing the House that already an expedition authorized by Congress at the second session of the seventh congress, has been actually undertaken and is going on under the President's direction, up the Missouri. The two enterprising conductors of this adventure, captains Lewis and Clark, have been directed to attempt a passage to the western shore of the South Sea: from them on their return in 1805, a narrative full of instruction may be expected.
It is also understood that a survey has been ordered to be made of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio, to the falls of Saint Anthony. Of this a correct map may be expected within a reasonable time. The like also is hoped, in the course of a moderate period, from the latter place to the source of the Mississippi, and thence to the Lake of the Woods.
Men of political research have, in like manner, long known that the course of the Mississippi downwards to the Gulf of Mexico, has been well delineated by captain Hutchings; and that more recently, by the assiduous observations of Mr. Ellicott, the turnings and windings of that river, southward of its junction with the Ohio, and the territorial line on the 31st degree of North latitude, to the north western angle of Florida, have been exhibited in a perspicuous and scientific manner. Along the coast of the ocean too, from Perdido bay to the bay of St. Bernard, navigators have viewed the shores and coast so often, that these are little left to explore.
But although there is so much really known, or in a train of investigation, concerning Louisiana, there are still some part upon which it would be desirable to possess additional information. The tracts alluded to are those which remain principally in their original obscurity, and strongly attract the eye of the adventurer. Their pathless forests
may be advantageously penetrated along the channels of the Arkansas and the Red River, two of those large and long water courses which intersect them. An expedition of discovery up these prodigious streams and their branches, might redound as much to the honor, and more to the interest of our government, than the voyages by sea round the terraqueous globe have done for the polished nations of Europe, who authorized them. Such liberal enterprises will best the present season of prosperity, and may be expected to be crowned with the reign of peace.
The Red River was visited many years ago, and even settled as high as Natchitoches. This old establishment is laid down in some of the maps, as being only seven leagues distant from the station of Adais, the capital of the province of Texas, and situated on the river Mexicano. Red River is described as difficult to ascend when the waters are low; but when high, a traveller may, by means of them, penetrate where he pleases. More than half a century ago, it was said, that along its banks were many inferior lakes, and drowned lands, that abounded with alligators and fishes; that its shores were inhabited by plenty of bisons, bears, tigers, wolves, deer, and several other species of untamed beasts; as well as by turkeys, geese, swans, ducks, and other kinds of wild fowl; and that all manner of indigenous fruit trees and grape-vines sprout up luxuriantly from the soil.
To these accounts, which are common to most other parts of the American wilderness when first visited by civilized men, other facts and considerations are now to be added,—the nation has been lately told, on respectable authority, that the Red River is navigable by boats one thousand miles beyond Natchitoches. It is reported to run through a country abounding in rich prairies, where neat cattle and horses range in innumerable herds as independent as the natural inhabitants. There is reason to presume that the head of this stream lies concealed in the low hilly corner of the newly ceded territory. The limits of Louisiana, in that quarter, are obscure and undefined. And it is worthy of legislative consideration, whether the latitude and longitude of the Red River source ought not to be ascertained under the authority of the nation. It may be expected that individuals will venture upon such undertakings for the gratification of their own speculative curiosity, and by direct management, the journey of such persons to minister to the national wants, and to general instruction, will but a trifling appropriation from the treasury.
The Arkansas which has been already traced above one thousand miles, also seems worthy of being explored with more care and to a greater extent than has hitherto been done. A spacious plain and valley inclosed annually (like the soil in some spots about the Persian Gulf) with native salt, in quantity sufficient to impregnate a branch of the Arkansas, and occasionally the river itself, to which it falls, with its briny quality, and to make it a SALT RIVER down to the settlement of Ouizarque, for considerably more than six hundred miles of its course, might be mentioned as no ordinary occurrence. The masses of virgin silver and gold that glitter in the veins of the rocks which underlay the Arkansas itself, and mingle with the minerals near certain other of its streams, and other themselves to the hand of him who will gather, refine and convert them to use, are no less uncommon and wonderful. These extraordinary productions might be dwelt upon to considerable length, in this report; but credible as both the relations are, the committee forebears to offer any thing more than that the existence of a salt river, precious mines and ores, and of some other remarkable objects, are fixed upon solid and credible testimony. Omitting these things as not necessary to be urged to Congress, the committee considers that the latitude, longitude and relative situation of the source of the Arkansas, are themselves of sufficient moment to render their attainment very desirable.
Without writing a sentence on the advantages of tracing the streams of the Black River, the White River, the Mexicano, and of other rivers to their sources, the committee submits the following opinion:
That it will be honorable and useful to make some public provision for further exploring the extent, and ascertaining the boundaries of Louisiana—and
That a sum not exceeding dollars be appropriated for enabling the President of the United States, to cause surveys and observations to be made on the Red River and the Arkansas, or either of them, or elsewhere in Louisiana, as he shall think proper, for these purposes.
COLUMBIAN LIBRARY. An Election for six Directors will be held at the Library Room in the Columbian Academy, on Wednesday the 23th inst at 5 o'clock P. M. DAVID WILEY, Sec. George Town, March 14. N. B. New shares may be had by application at the Library Room.
To the merchants of the United States in general.
GENTLEMEN, The subscriber offers your patronage of a work he is about to publish (the title whereof is annexed) and which he flatters himself will be found of great public utility. The intrinsic merit he leaves to the event of public investigation; the test whereof he presumes to hope it will fully bear.
He does not pretend to the least innovation of that principle which has proved itself infallible in its operation, when conducted with method and terminated according to the rules prescribed therein; but his object has been to render the process perfectly easy to be understood and practiced by youth; and that from a prescribed, unerring, systematic rule, so designed and explained, as to admit of no difficulty in the commencement, no error in the progress, and no embarrassment in the closure of books.
Although the title designates the work for the use of junior school boys, and youth intended for the mercantile line, yet the same is equal y calculated for the instruction of adults not proficient in the system; and equally applicable to books of the first magnitude.
I am gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, THOMAS TURNER.
SUBSCRIPTION, For publishing a Book, by title, an Epitome of Book-keeping By DOUBLE ENTRY.
Delineated on a scale suited to the facilities and comprehension of junior school boys and youth designed for the mercantile line.
COMPRISING, Systematic and unerring rules for the forming monthly statements of books, as well as those for opening, conducting, adjusting and closing them; with explanations of theory, and exhibitions of practice, rendered easy to the smallest capacity—and calculated to initiate them in the true principles, and to make them perfect in the rules by a little practice.
To which is added, Rules for keeping Retail Books by double entry, without entering the process of single entry in the Day Book or Journal for all cases of merchandise; by which one half the writing is saved, and the Ledger emancipated from items, and rendered a prompt and sure proof of monthly Balances and annual profits.
The most easy, concise and safe way of calculating any rate of per centum, and especially that of interest at six per centum per annum, exhibited by comparison.
The above system and prescribed rules have been examined and highly approved by the most judicious merchants; and above all, have been proved to be perfectly adequate to the professed object specified in the title, by the numerous trials that have been made. The author is no theorist—what he offers on the above subject is the result of thirty years actual experience as an accountant.
The price to subscribers will be Fifty Cents for half bound, and Seventy five Cents for whole bound books, payable on delivery. To non-subscribers, the advance will be twenty-five per cent. The utmost attention will be had to the goodness of the paper, type and binding. The work will be put to press so soon as subscribers are obtained; sufficient to defray the expenses.
Persons holding subscription papers, are requested to forward them to Mr. Thomas Clark, Bookseller, Portland, within sixty days. March 16 3t.
Subscriptions for the above work will be received at Mr. Dusne's book store in Washington and Phila. 4t.
A HOUSE FOR SALE.
FOR SALE a neat two story Frame House situated on New Jersey Avenue near the Capitol, it is in time for a Taylor, or Shoemaker being established and occupied by both; it contains six rooms (including a front shop with a large bow window) and two closets; it is as good a stand for either of the above named, or any kind of business as there is in the city. For terms apply on the premises to JOHN MINCKAN. March 5—6v.
CLOVER SEED, &c.
BERNARD McMILLON—SEEDSMAN, No. 129. Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, has now for sale.
  Red Clover  English Field    White Dutch  Timip.    Clover  English Field    Yellow Clover or Trefoil  Peas.    Timothy  Durham Flour of Mustard.    Tares or Vetches   
Early peas, beans and cabbage seeds, with all kinds of garden and flour seeds, suitable for the American gardens, or the West-Indies, Hemp, rape, canary, maw and millet seeds; all new and of very superior quality. He has also for sale garden tools of every kind; the most approved agricultural, botanical and gardening books. Forest and fruit trees, flowering shrubs and green-house plants, vine plants and cuttings, hot bed-glass, mats and lights, &c. &c.
By the first arrival from London, either in this city or New-York, he expects a large supply of Lucerne, sainfoin, ray grass and burnt seeds.
Gardeners to be heard of as above. March 16 3v.
S. JONES.
MILLINERY and fancy dress maker from Philadelphia, respectfully informs the ladies of George Town and Washington City, that she will open on Saturday the 17th inst. a variety of the most fashionable millinery fancy dresses &c. &c. at the house formerly occupied by Mr. Lee, opposite to the Union Tavern in George Town. March 16.

PROPOSALS.
For carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post-roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the 15th day of July next, inclusive.
1. From Portsmouth by Hampton Falls, Salisbury, Newbury-Port, Ipswich, Beverly, Salem and Lynn to Boston six times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Portsmouth every day Sunday excepted at 2 p. m. and arrive at Boston the next day by 1 A. M.
Leave Boston every day Sunday excepted at 1 p. m. and arrive at Portsmouth the next day by 7 a. m.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day Sunday excepted at 2 p. m. and arrive at Boston the next day by 9 a. m. in 19 hours.
Leave Boston every day Sunday excepted at 2 p. m. and arrive at Portsmouth the next day by 10 a. m. in 20 hours.
2. From Portsmouth, by Dover, Rochester, Middletown, Ollippee, Moultontown, and Center Harbor to Plymouth, and from Plymouth by New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanton, Nottingham, and Durham to Portsmouth once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p. m. Leave Plymouth every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Portsmouth on Monday by 8 a. m.
3. From Hanover by Orford to Haverhill once a week. Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p. m. Leave Haverhill every Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Hanover by 6 p. m.
4. From Haverhill Ms. by Chester, Pembroke, Concord, Boscawen, Salisbury, Plymouth, Romney and Haverhill to Newbury Vt. once a week.
Leave Haverhill every Tuesday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chester by 5 p. m. arrive at Concord on Wednesday by 10 a. m. Leave Concord at 4 p. m. arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p. m. and arrive at Haverhill on Friday by 5 p. m. Leave Haverhill at 5 1-2 p. m. and arrive at Newbury by 7 p. m. Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Concord on Monday by 10 a. m. Leave Concord on Monday at 11 a. m. and arrive at Haverhill on Tuesday by 10 a. m.
5. From Burlington by Jerico, Montpelier, Williamstown, Randolph, Royalton and Woodstock to Windsor, once a week. Leave Burlington every Friday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Windsor on Tuesday by 3 p. m. Leave Windsor every Tuesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Burlington on Friday by 9 a. m.
6. From Montpelier by Barre, Washington, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet, Peacham and Danville to St. Johnsbury, once a week. Leave Montpelier every Thursday at noon, and arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p. m.
Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at St. Johnsbury by 5 p. m. Returning. Leave St. Johnsbury every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a. m.
7. From Bolton by Dorchester, Quincey, Braintree, Weymouth, Hingham, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston to Plymouth three times a week.
Leave Bolton every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Plymouth by 7 p. m. Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Bolton by 7 p. m.
8. From Bolton by Cambridge, Watertown, Marlboro, Worcester, Brookfield, Springfield, Suffield, Hartford, Berlin, Wechsfield, Middletown, Durham, Wallingford, Northford, New-Haven, Milford, Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, Rye, New Rochelle, West Chester and Hailem to New-York, three times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Bolton every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a. m. arrive at Suffield the next mornings by 2 1-3 a. m.
Leave Suffield at 5 a. m. and arrive at New-Haven at 1 3-4 p. m.
Leave New-Haven at 2 p. m. and arrive at New-York on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 11 a. m. in 37 hours. Returning.
Leave New-York every Monday Wednesday and Friday at 10 a. m. arrive at New-Haven the next days by 2 1-2 a. m.
Leave New-Haven at 3 a. m. arrive at Suffield by noon.
Leave Suffield at 1 p. m. and arrive at Bolton on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by noon, in 50 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Bolton every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 a. m. arrive at Worcester by 9 p. m. Leave Worcester every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a. m. and arrive at Suffield by 4 p. m.
Leave Suffield at 5 p. m. and arrive at Hartford by 9 p. m.
Leave Hartford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 3 a. m. and arrive at New-Haven by noon and at Stamford by 9 p. m.
Leave Stamford every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 a. m. and arrive at New-York by noon in 74 hours. Returning.
Leave New-York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 a. m. and arrive at Stamford by 9 p. m.
Leave Stamford every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a. m. and arrive at Hartford by 9 p. m.
Leave Hartford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 3 a. m. remain one hour at Suffield, and arrive at Worcester by 9 p. m.
Leave Worcester every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 a. m. and arrive at Boston by 1 p. m.
9. From Charlotte by Essex c. h. Willboro, Peru and Plattsburg to Champlain, once a week.
Leave Champlain every Sunday at 3 p. m. and arrive at Charlotte on Tuesday by 6 p. m.
Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Champlain on Friday by 8 a. m.
10. From Albany to Schenectady six times a week.
Leave Schenectady every day, Sunday excepted at 5 a. m. and arrive at Albany by 11 a. m.
Leave Albany every day, Sunday excepted at 2 p. m. and arrive at Schenectady by 7 p. m.
11. From Schenectady by Amsterdam, Trips-hill, Palatine, Manheim, Fairfield, Herkimer and Schuyler to Utica three times a week.
Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Utica on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 7 p. m. Returning.
Leave Utica every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Schenectady on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 7 p. m.
12. From Utica by Whitesville to Rome, twice a week. Leave Utica every Wednesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Rome by 11 a. m. Leave Rome every Tuesday and Thursday at noon, and arrive at Utica by 6 p. m.
13. From Utica by New-Hartford, Westmoreland, Oneida, Sullivan, Canajoharie, Manlius, Onondaga, Marcellus, Aurelius, Cayuga and Geneva to Canajoharie, twice a week. Leave Utica every Tuesday and Saturday at 10 p. m. and arrive at Canajoharie on Friday and Tuesday by 9 a. m. Returning. Leave Canajoharie every Tuesday and Friday at 3 p. m. and arrive at Utica on Thursday and Sunday by 7 p. m.
14. From New-York by Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New-Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Homburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, every day. Leave New-York every day at 1 p. m. and arrive in Philadelphia the next morning by 7 o'clock, in 18 hours. Returning. Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p. m. and arrive at New-York the next morning by 7 o'clock, in 18 hours.
15. From Baltimore by Reisterstown, Manchester, Hanover, Abbotstown, Berlin, Sulpher-Springs and Holly Iron-Work to Carlisle, one a week. Leave Baltimore every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Carlisle on Sunday by 5 p. m. Leave Carlisle every Tuesday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Baltimore on Thursday by 7 p. m.
16. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge Landing, Vanville and Bladensburg to Washington City, every day.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 7 1-2 a. m. and arrive at Washington by 4 p. m. Returning. Leave Washington every day at 1 o'clock a. m. and arrive at Baltimore by 11 o'clock a. m.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a. m. and arrive at Washington by 8 p. m. in 10 hours. Leave Washington every day at 10 p. m. and arrive at Baltimore by 9 a. m. in 11 hours.
17. From Washington by Georgetown, Alexandria, Colchester, Dumfries, Aquia and Falmouth to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Washington every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 p. m. and arrive at Alexandria by 7 1-2 p. m. & Fredericksburg by the next noon, in 15 hours. Returning. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Monday excepted, at 11 a. m. and arrive in Washington by 11 p. m.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Washington every day, Sunday excepted, at 6 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 8 p. m. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Tuesday excepted, at 3 a. m. and arrive at Washington same day by 10 p. m.
18. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green and Hanover c. h. to Richmond, six times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 1 p. m. and arrive at Richmond the next day by 3 a. m. in 14 hours. Returning. Leave Richmond every day, Sunday excepted, at 9 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 10 a. m. in 13 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day,
Monday excepted, at 3 a. m. and arrive at Richmond the same day by 7 p. m. Returning.
Leave Richmond every day, Monday excepted, at 3 a. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg the same day by 8 p. m.
19. From Richmond by Manchester and Osborne to Petersburg every day. Leave Richmond every day at 4 a. m. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 a. m. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 p. m. and arrive at Richmond by 8 p. m.
20. From Richmond, Frazier's, New Kent c. h. Williamburg, Yorktown, & Hampton to Norfolk, three times a week. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Hampton by 9 p. m. and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday by 10 a. m. Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p. m. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 7 p. m. in Summer, and 9 p. m. in Winter.
21. From Petersburg by City Point, Cabin Point, Smithfield, Surry c. h. and Suffolk c. h. to Portsmouth, three times a week. Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11 a. m. and arrive at Portsmouth the next days by 8 a. m. Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 1 p. m.
22. From Charleston by Jacksonville, Pocotaligo and Coosawhatchie to Savannah, three times a week. Leave Charleston every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Savannah on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 8 p. m. Returning. Leave Savannah every Tuesday, Thursday, & Sunday at 3 a. m. and arrive at Charleston on Wednesday, Friday and Monday by 9 1-2 a. m.
23. From Augusta by Jacksonville and Ebenezer to Savannah once a week. Leave Savannah every Saturday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Augusta on Tuesday by 10 a. m. Leave Augusta every Tuesday by 2 p. m. and arrive at Savannah on Friday by 4 p. m.
24. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a. m. Leave Louisville at 10 a. m. and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a. m. Returning. Leave Augusta every Thursday by 2 p. m. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Louisville at 11 a. m. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p. m.
25. From Savannah by Bryan c. h. Midway Church, Riceboro, McIntosh c. h. Darien, Frederica, Jeckyl Island, and Dungeness Nest to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a. m. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a. m. Returning. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p. m.
26. From Jeckyl Island to Brunswick, once a week.
Leave Jeckyl Island every Thursday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a. m. Returning. Leave Brunswick every Thursday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Jeckyl Island by 6 p. m.
NOTES.
1. The Postmaster-general may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alteration desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.
6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the way of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Postmaster-general reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above
routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of October next, and are to continue in force for two years.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster-General.
General Post-Office, Washington
City February 23, 1804.
Feb. 27—lawt15JuJ
(BY AUTHORITY.)
Scheme of a Lottery.
To build an Academy in the city of Richmond.
   Dollars.     1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000   1 do. 10,000   1 do. 5,000   3 do. of 1,000 make 3,000   6 do. — 500 — 3,000   10 do. — 200 — 2,000   20 do. — 100 — 2,000   100 do. — 50 — 5,000   250 do. — 30 — 7,500   420 do. — 25 — 10,500   1,500 do. — 20 — 30,000   3,000 do. — 15 — 45,000   1 first drawn ticket after 1,000, having a blank to its number, 250   1 do. after 2,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000  
$325 prizes, 150,000
9,675 blanks, not two to a prize,
15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This lottery has been authorised by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dollars, and 2,500 dollars, in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to such adventurers, a chance for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce a rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorise it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next.
Richmond, March 2—tf Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard, Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price, (Reg.) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Pritchard.
S. THOMEE.
BEGS leave to inform his friends that he has removed his store from George town to King-Street Alexandria, where orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch. Orders left at Mr. March's Book-Store will be duly attended to.
GILDING
AND ENAMELLING ON GLASS, A few doors above the Washington tavern—Looking glass and picture frames made and regilt.
NEEDLE WORK
Framed in the handsomest manner, and names done on glass.
S. THOMEE, as a stranger being determined to establish in the line of his profession, solicits that encouragement alone which he trusts the reasonableness of his charges and his assiduity to business may entitle him to.
Window cornices handsomely gilt, and every thing in his line done to please the fancy of the owner equal to any imported.
N. B. He has some glasses and prints for sale on low terms. fall Jan. 9—ep3m
Valuable Lands for Sale.
PURSUANT to a decree of the honorable the Circuit court of the district of Columbia, for the county of Alexandria, will be exposed to sale, at public auction, for ready cash, on Saturday the 7th of April next, under the direction of the undersigned commissioners appointed for that purpose.
A TRACT OF LAND,
late the property of Robert Alexander, situate upon the Potomac river, adjoining the lands of Mr. Philip Alexander, containing 545 acres, being one moiety of the Abbingdon tract, formerly the residence of Mr. Custis, deceased; this land is bounded by two parallel lines 120 poles wide, and running back westerly 634 poles from the river to the back line, and will be laid off into squares of 50 acres each, and will be sold in large or small parcels as may accommodate purchasers; this land is situated about an equal distance between Alexandria and George Town, and commands a full view of those towns, the city, Eastern Branch and Potomac, and in point of soil is equal to any on the river. Any person desirous of purchasing will be shown the premises and the plat and survey of the same on application to George Deneale in Alexandria.
THOMAS SWANN, } Com'rs. EDMUND J. LEE, } GEO. DENEALE, }
March 5—tdof
HAT MANUFACTURY.
The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chose to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness be requisites.
JOEL BROWN.
George Town, Feb. 17—tf
Bank of Columbia.
IN conformity with the charter of this bank, an election for twelve Directors will take place and be holden at the house of Mr. Joseph Semmes in George Town on Tuesday the 30th March next at the hour of 10 o'clock, A. M.
WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier.
NOTICE.
ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town, Nov. 15—tf
TO RENT,
And immediate Possession given, A Two-story frame House, in the City of Washington, situated on N. E. Street, square 22—containing 4 rooms beside two garret rooms, piazza and pantry, kitchen, store room, &c. with a good garden—lately occupied by Mrs. Lee, adjoining to Mr. Xaupie's store—Also that convenient two-story frame on same square, late in possession of Dr. Tabs, opposite to which Robert Peacock, Esq. lately resided—consisting of 6 rooms, and two garret rooms, piazza and balcony to south front, cellar with dry well, kitchen, carriage house, stable, an excellent garden, with every convenience fit for the reception of a genteel family. For particulars enquire at Mr. Rhode's tavern, Mr. Xaupie's store, or to the subscriber REDMUND PURCEL. January 13, 1804—tf
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made cash, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever.
A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 300 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after being completed—they now going in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement, with about Ten thousand acres of land all adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mills, on which are several valuable farms. The timber for mill site are inextinguishable and unexceptionable good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from George Town South Carolina, to which place the lumber is carried being rafted at the mills without the trouble of hauling, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the states of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at times of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mills is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stable, carriage and harness houses and other necessary out buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Purviance at the city of Washington. WM. NORMENT. Millville N. C. Dec. 12.
N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23—tf
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the subscriber about the first of November last, a negro man called BILLY BUNDY, about 26 years old, yellow complexion, bends forward with his knees, a large scar on or near one of his heels, and has a habit of stroking his chin when spoken to, he has for some time worked at the carpenters trade. The above reward will be given on delivering him to the subscriber, or thirty dollars to secure him in jail so that I get him again. LUCY BROOKE. Essex County, Virginia, Feb. 8—2m.
Valuable property for Sale.
In virtue of a deed of trust executed and bearing date on the 8th day of January 1798, between ISAAC POLOCK of the first part, WILLIAM DEAKINS jun. since deceased of the second part, and JONAH THOMPSON and RICHARD VEITCH of the third part. The subscriber being the Executor, devisee and legal Assignee of the said William Deakins jun. deceased, for the purpose of executing the trusts in and by that deed declared, shall and will on the 27th day of March next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the Tavern of John H. Barney in George-Town, expose to public sale for Cash, to the highest bidder, that valuable Lot, situated on Water Street, in said town, on which the House at present occupied by Mr. Barney, as a Tavern, stands, together with all the buildings and improvements on the same, said lot, fronting on Water-Street 53 feet, and running back 175 feet parallel with Cherry-Alley, and binding thereon, being part of that lot designated in the plan of Old George-Town, by No. 49.—Also another Lot on Keys Street, (being