The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-09-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,  AND  WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCLVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 26th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 26.
The discussions which have lately taken place in our prints respecting European affairs indicate a contrariety of opinion, on some points of considerable importance, among those who generally think alike. This difference of opinion does not appear to be so much the result of hostile principles, as of various views taken of the same subjects, necessarily arising from an independent exercise of judgment; and away, therefore, be considered as an evidence of integrity and aversion to conform, without conviction, to prevailing sentiments.
While the friends of liberty agree in the great principles, and harmonize in the measures essential to protect it, it is not necessary, or ought to be expected, that they will coincide in every other respect. Any slight variance of opinion that may arise among them, on subordinate points, while exhibited with good temper and decorum, can be of little, if any, service to the great cause in which they are engaged. But it certainly is of great importance that good temper and decorum should be rigidly observed: we consider it much to the honor of republican citizens that few exceptions to this deportment have been manifested; and that those few have been more the result of unconscious feeling, than of deliberate design.
The diversity of opinion to which we allude relates to,
 1. The question whether England or France is the aggressor in the present war.  2. Whether we have most to dread from French or English triumphs.  3. Whether it is just or prudent fully and freely to publish opinions entertained of foreign governments. 
This controversy has in a great measure arisen from the remarks of the editor of the Argus justificatory of the declaration of war by England against France, on account of the alleged ambition and spirit of aggrandizement of the government of the latter. This charge against France was immediately repelled by the Boston Chronicle , and similar motives ascribed to England. It is scarcely necessary to state that both these points have displayed enlightened exertions in favor of liberty, and an ardent attachment to the measures of the present administration, the motives of both are, therefore, to be considered as equally upright.
It is certainly no easy matter to determine which government, provoked the war. A view of the grounds of dissatisfaction already exposed will clearly show that each government had given the other sufficient cause for war. Whether, however, war was expedient on the part of either admits of great doubt. We should be inclined to say it was not, did we not perceive a steady progress of both nations to a state of things, which could only terminate in war. This was probably the reason, why England determined to arrest this progress, and embark her great maritime resources against her enemy before she should be able to create a preponderant force.
As to the second point, whether we have most to dread from French or English triumphs—we have no hesitation in saying that we should be less injured by the successes of France than by those of England. Because we have more to fear from the overgrown power of England, than of France; inasmuch as England, by means of her great marine, is enabled to extend the locus of her injustice to a much greater extent than France with her land forces, and inasmuch as England, from commercial rivalry, would be more likely to attempt to crush our growing trade than France. It is not, however, to be inferred from these remarks that it is the interest of this country that the English government should be subverted or the English nation conquered by the power of France. Directly the reverse is the fact. Each government appears to be actuated by an inordinate ambition, only to be checked by the power of the other; and our peace, no less than that of Europe, depends upon the equipoise of both.
There is another view of which this point is susceptible, which may produce a result somewhat different. Considering solely the relation of these two nations to the several European powers, they have probably more to dread from the power of France than that of England; inasmuch as on the continent the land forces of France are more formidable than the British navy. This is evident from England being without an
ally, while France is in close alliance with a majority of the nations of Europe. The very circumstance, therefore, that renders it our interest that England should not gain any important successes over France, renders it the interest of most of the nations of Europe, that she should gain those successes. In one point, however, the interest of Europe becomes identified with our interest; to wit: in the hope that no such successes may attend the aims of either power, as shall essentially destroy the balance at present existing between them.
If this statement be just, there is nothing in the present struggle between France and England that ought to enlist our passions on the side of either. Some interest we undoubtedly will feel in a contest carried on with almost unprecedented fury. But there are no circumstances attending it which ought to disturb those sentiments of general good will that we should cultivate for the whole world. It is not a contest, from the termination of which, be that termination what it may, we can be vitally injured. Nor is there any great principle whose success depends upon the issue. It is not a war between tyrants and their oppressed subjects: but one between the oppressors of nations. The name of liberty, how often soever invoked, has nothing to do with it. The discussion, however, of these points, is in our opinion of little importance compared with that which involves the question, whether it be just or prudent fully and freely to publish opinions entertained of foreign governments. On the former points there undoubtedly may exist great diversity of sentiment among those who in general think alike, as there is no important principle involved. In the latter there is an important principle involved; and we do believe that a clear exposition of its nature and effects will greatly, if not altogether, insure a harmony of judgment.
It is of the essence of a republican government, not only to tolerate, but to invite a free investigation of public measures. Liberty depends upon it. Tyranny begins wherever this freedom ends. It is our greatest glory that this inestimable right exists in its full vigor among us. We love our government, we approve the wisdom of its measures, and defend them on all proper occasions and in all suitable ways. But we respect still more the principle that protects the free investigation of their conduct. Part of these measures are connected with the measures of foreign governments. Their wisdom depends, either altogether, or in a great degree, upon the general conduct of a particular foreign government to us, or on its general conduct to others, or on both. So far then it is our right, it is our duty, in examining the conduct of our own rulers, to pass judgment on the conduct of the rulers of other nations. We cannot do the one, without the other.
Now, it is no difficult task to demonstrate that, however detached we may be in some respects from foreign governments, we are in other respects connected with them. They must be our friends or enemies; they must be either the friends or enemies of our friends, or the friends or enemies of our enemies; they must be possessed of power, which directly or remotely, affects our interests; they may be possessed of principles, either leading to friendship or hostility; they may entertain views, in the promotion or avoidance of which we are deeply interested. All these are so many ties that in one sense unite us to foreign nations, that make them and ourselves members of one great family. It follows conclusively that it is impossible for any measure of importance to be taken by any one nation in which we are not directly or remotely interested under one or other of the above particulars. It is, therefore, our right to examine them and pronounce on their propriety or impropriety, their justice or injustice.
This view of the subject, we think, conclusive. It fully establishes the right. But there is a larger view which may be taken. Men are members of a particular nation. They are also citizens of the world. They have rights and correlative duties in both capacities. It is their right to admire and applaud virtue wherever it exists. It is their equal right to abhor and condemn vice wherever it is found. Whenever this virtue becomes so illustrious, or this vice becomes so enormous as to affect the essential interests of mankind, it becomes their duty to avow their feelings of admiration or condemnation. The avowal is the reward of virtue, and the punishment of vice. It animates to the achievement of all that is good or great; and arrests iniquity in its maddest career.
The virtues of a Washington made his fame the property of a world; the vices of a Robespierre made him universally detested. In vain shall timid prudence dictate forbearance. The feelings of nations will burst out; their gratitude will embalm the memory of their benefactors; and their curses follow the tyrants of the earth.
Apply these remarks to the subject before us. Those governments in whose measures we are most interested are those of France and England. Our national existence does not, it may be boldly said, depend on the measures of either. But much of our happiness certainly does depend upon them. Shall it then be contended that the right does not exist freely and fully to investigate, to approve or condemn them? The right certainly does exist in its fullest extent, springing directly from the right to promote our own interests. The duty to investigate, and to approve or condemn, as certainly arises from the obligation we are under to promote those interests.
If then England, by her particular conduct to us in times past; by attempting to subjugate us to her arbitrary control; by ravaging our fields with desolation and destroying our citizens by the sword; by afterwards withholding from us our just rights stipulated by treaty, and by plundering our defenceless vessels; or by her despotism over the ocean, and attempting to crush the commerce of every rival, inspires us with alarm, it is our right, it is our duty to express our sentiments without reserve. And such has, in fact, been the case. The nation has more than once expressed in terms of high toned resentment its sense of her injuries and injustice. At this very moment her aggressions upon our rights as a neutral nation are felt and resented with undiminished spirit.
On the other hand, France struggling for freedom inspired and commanded our affection and admiration. The virtues and talents of her rulers entitled them to our highest praise. We gave it. There was not an American heart, we say it with confidence, that did not exult in the triumph of her arms. We rejoiced at the prospect of the happiness of twenty five millions of our fellow men. We also entertained the rational expectation that the establishment of a republican government in France would make that nation pacific, and render her the instrument of guarding, rather than invading the rights of other nations. Events justified our hopes; while the republican system continued, the manifested a regard, equally strong, to the rights of her own citizens, and to those of other nations. She manifested a spirit of peace. She repelled, it is true, from her borders, the invaders of her soil, and made the despots who sent them tremble on their thrones. But she committed no violence on neutral rights, and she subjugated no nation.
Was it not our right, was it not our duty to approve and applaud the exertions of France in such a cause? We did approve and applaud them. But the scene changed. Military violence usurped the power of the nation, and liberty perished—that very liberty, whose virtuous affection had excited our admiration. Was it then possible to retain our love of liberty and admiration of its defenders, without feeling indignation at its subversion and subverter? If we had the right to express the one had we not the same right to express the other? And is it not as much our duty to proclaim our abhorrence of tyranny as our love of liberty? Do we not, in fact, do the one whenever we do the other?
To apply these remarks more directly to the Consular government. If that government has destroyed the representative principle of the French government; if it has replaced it by military power wielded by military men; if it has totally destroyed the liberty of the press; if it does with the lives, the fortunes, and the persons of Frenchmen, as it pleases; if it has laid to one republic, become a monarchy, and to another monarchy become a republic; if these are its principles, uniformly and universally carried into effect, can Americans, can freemen be expected to be silent? Silence, under such circumstances, would be treason to truth and virtue.
The greater the character who has effected all these measures, and the wider the field of his power, the higher the obligation of freemen to raise their voice in his condemnation. Too long have the citizens of America been charged with a blind devotion to France; let us prove it false by demonstrating that our love is not for France but liberty. Let it not be said, that because the
principles and prominent measures of the Consular government are held up to censure, that, therefore, the French revolution is to be denounced. By no means. That revolution has done much, and promises more for the happiness of the world. It has sown, thickly sown the seeds of liberty; they have taken root; and the oak will rise and extend her branches in defiance of the storms that assail her. When this shall be, we pretend not to say. But that this period will arrive we have no doubt.
Nor can it be inferred from this view, that the condition of the French people is worse than under the Bourbons. The reverse is true. Though they may have as little political liberty, they have infinitely more happiness. Much of this they undoubtedly owe to the internal regulations of the First Consul; nor can too much praise on this point be given him. Would to God! that consulting his true glory in the happiness of nations, he would exercise the ascendant genius with which he is animated in promoting their welfare. The laurel that encircles his brow would then be immortal.
Let not these remarks be mistaken or misapplied. They are entirely confined to a justification of the individual right of every citizen, and, of consequence, of every Editor, freely and fully to express his ideas of foreign governments . They do not acknowledge or justify the right of any government in arms, with another government to condemn its principles or measures . To governments it belongs to act; that is their prerogative; while it is the prerogative of man to reason. And so long as one government acts with justice to another, that other has no ground for complaint, even should her principles or measures be severely criticized before the tribunal of public opinion. There exists no responsibility of the one to the other for the opinions of her citizens either entertained or expressed. Pre-eminently is this the case under an administration, which neither has of right, or exercises from choice, any control over the press. Whatever may have been the conduct of their predecessors, it is their distinction, that so far as depends upon them, the press remains as unlettered as the liberty it protects.
The rich blessings of a National Debt.
The Income Tax is of all others the most unjust, tyrannical, and vexatious the human mind could have invented. No modification whatever can render it otherwise, for when a commissioner has the right to oblige an individual to make known to him his most private transactions, every branch of his industry and all his sources of wealth, that tax is tyrannical in its nature, and must consequently prove ruinous in its effects. Its former result at once confirms this reasoning, and holds up to public shame and derision its unblushing adviser. The income tax when first brought forward by Mr. Pitt, and laid on at 10 per cent, was eliminated at 10,000,000, yet produced only 7,500,000 for the first year, and barely 5,500,000 during the last, as Mr. Addington himself asserted in the House of Commons; yet now this same Mr. Addington comes forward with matchless effrontery, and tells the House of Commons, that in spite of the new taxes which have since been laid on the industry of the people, this income tax will now produce 4,500,500,000 pounds sterling; yet we will venture to assert, judging only from experience of the former tax, that it will not produce 2,000,000.
The additional tax on wine of 10s. per ton, will prove equally unproductive, (to say nothing of totally depriving the poor of what in cases of sickness is frequently a necessity.) For it is a well known fact that to impolitic was the last duty of 20s. per ton upon that article, that the wine merchants throughout England, have decreased one third, and the importation in a still greater proportion.
Tea and sugar. Both these articles are now become through long usage so much a necessary for all ranks throughout G. Britain, that to deprive the poorer class of them is to take away their greatest comfort. Coffee they cannot afford, for it was at that moment, through the enormous taxes on it, six times as dear in England as it is in France . Yet even of this little sup of comfort , the chancellor stretches out his relentless hand and dashes it to the ground. Smuggling cannot be prevented, experience has proved the fact, and high prices
will always prove a sufficient encouragement for the smuggler to defraud the revenue, which fraud will amount to infinitely a greater sum than the revenue will gain by the increased duty.
Malt. No less than two shillings a bushel laid upon the material which forms the good, wholesome, and accustom beverage of an Englishman. A tax peculiarly grinding on the lower order of the community, and consequently most impolitic.
We shall not stop to examine the other branches of revenues, as absurd in their origin as fallacious in their results; it is sufficient that we have drawn aside the veil with which the English minister, in calling over his own incapacity and the impotence of his country, has sought to darken the eyes of Europe.
The interest on the loan amounting to near 700,000,000 sterling is not to be paid, it appears by new taxes, but in adding to old burdens, under the specious names of alterations, changes, &c. but which in fact is all mere speculation. The loan is already at a discount of 1 3/4 per cent.
Yet not content with this public display of the impotence of Great Britain to maintain the present contest, Mr. Addington dares to abuse the credit of Englishmen by talking to them of his intentions to continue paying off the public debt, that is paying off 1,000,000 a year, while he adds 50—much the same as a man with a wooden leg running after a hare, the more he runs, the further he is from it.
But will the people of England bear these burthens without complaint? Will they see every enjoyment, every comfort of life snatched from their lips by the greedy hands of power? Will they suffer the fruits of their industry to be snatched from their lips, their sons kidnapped by press gangs, and their daughters starving for want? Will they bear it and murmur not! Will they not view this income, and this war tax, as more odious and iniquitous than the ship money of Charles the First, and may not a second Hampden arise who by firmly resisting those tyrannical imposts will reach the indignant and oppressed countrymen, that one successful revolution remains the means of another?— Paris Argus.
Importation of Cotton Wool during 1802, into London, Liverpool, Glasgow, Bristol and Lancaster, Great Britain.
   From whence imported. Bales.     West-Indies, 1735   East-Indies, 8535   Africa, 86   Mediterranean, 4719   Cadiz, 830   Lisbon and Oporto, 72660   North Parts, 2272   Jersey, 170   Ireland, 304   Newfoundland, 2   North America, 105,187   Bahamas, 4241   Caicos, 104   Tortola, 1633   St. Thomas, 752   St. Bartholomew, 302   Jamaica, 21402   St. Croix, 42   St. Kitts, 113   Nevis, 84   Antigua, 78   Montserrat, 196   Dominique, 73   Martinique, 1134   St. Lucia, 996   Curacoa, 7295   Barbadoes, 8087   St. Vincents, 745   Grenada, 4487   Tobago, 141   Trinidad, 6709   Guayenne, 46   Demarara, 17495   Berbice, 1996   Surinam, 4382   St. Martins, 20   Bales or bags, 278,503  
A question is constantly recurring whether the people of the United States ought not domestically and with the necessary trades to commence the manufacture of so immense a raw material. The American Cotton in the above 105,187 bales imported by G. Britain alone, weighed twenty-eight millions of pounds, avoirdupois weight. ( Aurora. )
NOTICE.
FOR SALE One hundred and fifty acres of land. One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry. For terms apply to MICHAEL LOWE. Prince George county, July 22.

From the Sun of July 26.
FORTIFICATION of LONDON.
Copy of a note delivered to the Marquis of Tichfield, July 17th, 1803, by Lieutenant General Lord Cathcart.
It is in the contemplation of his ma- jesty's government to provide the most effectual means for securing the me- tropolis from the incursion of an enemy, who, favored by extraordinary fortune of war, might not only have eluded the dispositions made by land and sea to re- sist invasion, but being landed in supe- rior force, should through the same for- tune be enabled to penetrate into the country, near enough to the capital at least to occasion apprehension for its se- curity, if there were no precautions taken, and no plan made for its protection. Such a plan must not only be thorough- ly digested, but must actually be put in a state of preparation sufficient to en- sure the practicability of its being car- ried into effect the moment appearances of danger may justify the expense and inconvenience, small as these objects may be.
Although the completion of the o- perations proposed may for the present be postponed, it is nevertheless indis- pensably necessary to proceed, without the delay of an hour, to make certain pre- paratory arrangements through the aid of the lords lieutenants of the adjacent counties, and even to mark out some ground relied upon in case of necessity, for the construction of field works and batteries.
His royal highness the commander in chief has, in the course of the last war, directed his thoughts to the considera- tion of this subject; a most accurate military survey has been made under the inspection of an officer of the greatest eminence and professional skill and ex- perience. The situation of every neces- sary work, battery and line, has been as- certained, the necessary guns and troops to guard and defend the works have been calculated, as well as the number of hands necessary to complete them within a given period. The whole ar- rangement has undergone consideration and revival for years, and is ripe for ex- ecution.
It must afford the greatest satisfaction to every well wisher to his country to know, that in the opinion of all profes- sional men who have been consulted, the means which nature has afforded to the cities of London and Westminster of providing for their security, are beyond what have been found in the case of any city in the universe; that with due at- tention to the advantages to be made by such positions as enclose them, and with the armed force which may be collected for their defence, and that ample sup- plied with provisions, this capital may bid defiance to any invading force, at least until ample time is given for the arrival of such a power from the country as, when combined with the force within the lines, must be much more than sufficient to exterminate any army that could be transported to En- gland.
Part of the line of defence alluded to in what has been said, runs through the county of Middlesex in the semicircular form, beginning at the Thames near the mouth of the river Lea, and ending at the Thames above and near to Battersea bridge; it passes in its northern and north-western direction through Strat- ford-le-Bow and near Clapton, along the high grounds which bound the marshes on the right or western bank of the ri- ver Lea, as far as the neighborhood of Stamford hill, when it quits the Lea, & takes a western course, passing from near the turnpike on Stamford hill, by Hornsey Wood to the ridge extending by Mount Pleasant, over the village of Crouch-end, and from thence by the Shepherd's ridge to Highgate and ad- jacent, from thence by Hampstead and adjacent towards Willdow Green; here it changes its direction to the south- west and south, running down to the canal near the Red-house, then crossing the canal near Kenal Green, proceeding to Kensington Gravel Pits and Holland House, passing near Little Chelsea, and reaching the Thames above Battersea bridge.
The lord lieutenant having appointed a general meeting of the lieutenancy of the county of Middlesex, to be held on the 18th inst. for the purpose of carry- ing into effect certain provisions of an act passed this session of Parliament, en- titled, "An act to enable his majesty more effectually to provide for the de- fence and security of the realm during the present war;" it becomes the duty of lieutenant-general Lord Cathcart, in consequence of orders given to him by his royal highness the commander in chief, as commanding the district in which that part of the county of Mid- dlesex, through which the intended lines of defence pass, is situated, to commu- nicate with the lord lieutenant on this subject, and to request, that in framing the arrangements for the country divi- sions of the county of Middlesex, under the powers of the above-recited act, ac- cording to the plan of establishing a sys- tem of communication, and another
plan of rendering the body of the people instrumental to the general defence, proposed by his majesty's principal secre- tary of state for the war department: the lord lieutenant will be pleased to hold in view the peculiar circumstance of the in- tended construction of lines of de- fence.
Whatever assistance might be render- ed from the metropolis itself, or from the adjacent and inland counties without the line, in the event of completing the works (and such assistance would doubt- less be ample and systematically afford- ed), it is essentially requisite, for the sake of order, expedition, and regulari- ty of payment, as well as protection of property, that all preparatory and inci- pient operations should be made through the assistance of the inhabitants resident upon and near the line of defence; for this reason it is to be wished, that in ap- pointing the lieutenant of divisions, or of inspectors of hundreds, provision may be made to ascertain as many points of communication near the residence of lieutenants of divisions, or of inspec- tors of hundreds, as possible, the same being contiguous to or within reach of the line. If the residence of gentlemen, accepting charges of lieutenants or in- spectors, do not suit this purpose, the inconvenience may be obviated by ap- pointing inns, or places near inns, where post horses may be had, and where let- ters or requisitions may be addressed, and received and forwarded to the res- ponsible person. These places will also serve for rendezvous to the superinten- dants of parishes, who will also have places of meeting for the agents they employ in their respective parishes.
Thus a system of most expeditious communication will be established be- tween the commanding general and the lieutenancy, and between the lieutenan- cy and the parishioners of the parishes in the adjacent hundreds; opportunities will be given to make those who are ex- pected to comply with requisitions clear- ly understand the nature of the requis- itions likely to be proposed to them, and to know the places where individu- als may be desired to assemble, or where materials may be collected and deposi- ted.
With such confidential persons, im- plements necessary for works of this sort, but not otherwise to be found, will be deposited; through their means in a few hours, the whole power of the parish may be collected, or in the first instance a few hands to mark out ground —and, lastly, through their means, proper notice and communication may be given or made to the owners and occup- iers of any lands, tenements, or heredi- taments, intended to be measured, sur- veyed, or marked for the lines of de- fence, or any of the purposes of the a- bove recited act. The same arrange- ments will also facilitate the payment of such labor or materials as may be fur- nished. In the next place, and as soon as the system of communication is com- pleted, it will be necessary, with the utmost dispatch, to prepare the registers of the parishes near the above mentioned line, which must be made with reference to the object of the line of defence, as well as to the other objects set forth in the secretary of state's letter. These registers must specify resident gentle- men willing to attend to animate and encou- rage the work or given parts of the line —gardeners and others expert in, or ha- bituated to, laying off any measured ground, with remarks, distinguishing superior abilities; smiths, and masters and journeymen carpenters, and lawyers, timber merchants, willing to supply timber for platforms, and fit persons to overlook their construction and erecti- on.
Carts and teams, laborers and tools, men who have been trained to great guns; the few men in each division who would first be wanted to mark and mea- sure ground, and proper attendance for that purpose with carts and stakes.
When it is reflected upon, it must strike every inhabitant that it must be much more agreeable to have a survey or preparation of this sort made by neigh- bors and acquaintances, in many cases by their own servants and laborers, than by strangers.
But the object and its advantages are equally lost, if the utmost dispatch and celerity are not used in making all pre- vious arrangements, and in proportion as these arrangements are completed, the security of the metropolis is en- sured.
America Ruined by the Democrats!!
To the Editor of the Mississippi Herald. MR. MARSHALL,
My last piece in your paper has been so much thought of by a discerning pub- lic, that I have been quite impatient ever since to write to you again. The love of fame comes as natural to me as if I had been a statesman all my life. I wanted very much to say something about the cession of Louisiana, and I turned the matter over in my mind, this way, and that way, and every way— but could make nothing of it. At one time I damned the whole as a vile de- mocratic lie, and said that the truth was not in it; then again I shook my head— it was too true; and would be the ruin
of us. View it one way—the thing was impossible; view it another—it could not be otherwise than fact. Now, it was palpably the result of deep and horrid design. And, again, it was all accident; and nobody could claim the merit of it. 'Twas a puzzling subject, I assure you, Mr. Printer. I could de- termine on nothing, except, at all events, to FIND FAULT. But unluckily I had not received a single New-York Herald to give me the proper cue. And as I could not make head or tail of the matter myself, a fear of making some mistake kept me silent. At length however that inimitable, candid and im- partial paper, the New-York Herald of the 6th ult. has enabled me to main- tain an independent opinion of my own in the business. And I no longer hesi- tate to declare that Louisiana and New Orleans are not worth one two-penny piece to the United States; and that the spiritless acquisition of those pitiful places will prove, in the end, a most cal- amitous event to America. Nay, I go farther, and aver, that should any bene- fits arise from that acquisition, we owe them not to Mr. Jefferson, but (as athe- lists account for the creation) to chance medley; and that the present adminis- tration though entitled to no credit should the event be fortunate (as it was none of their doings) are nevertheless respon- sible for all the injury that may ensue should the event prove as disastrous as I and all my brother feds most sincerely hope it will.
Pray what is this New Orleans which the democrats make such a fuss about? A little paltry island, with a town upon it;—nothing but a downright swamp; where, but for the levies, the inhabitants (poor devils) would be up to their necks in water half the year;—a place abso- lutely fit for nothing, but to raise frogs in. It contains some huts and few hundred inhabitants—all French and Spaniards—not one respectable Ameri- can in the place. Indeed I doubt if there be any Americans there at all— for I never was there—and the New- York Herald is of my opinion—or I of theirs, which is the same thing. If indeed government had done what I wanted, and taken the place by force of arms; if it had cost us a war, to the tune of sixty or eighty millions; and some thousand of lives—the place might have been made of some consequence.— "Every thing" says the merchant, "is worth what it fetches." What has cost little or nothing, therefore, is worth little or nothing. Don't tell me that the batteries of New Orleans command the trade of the Mississippi. I know better. You might as well call Gibral- tar a key to the Mediterranean.
Then there is Louisiana—a mighty matter indeed! an absolute barren that nobody knows the bounds of. Oh!— Then how is all this vast tract of country to be settled? In all probability, by imported patriots. Europeans will come over here, whole nations of them; or as Mr. Davis elegantly expresses himself "men a plenty." Then will the United States (to our sorrow be it spoken) be twice as big, and twice as rich, and twice as populous, and twice as powerful as ever they were. O ruin, ruin! The president ought to be ashamed of himself.
I don't like this acquisition of terri- tory. John Adams (the very wisest of presidents) never added a foot to the territories of the United States. He never added to any thing but the national debt; nor gained any thing: but like a man of honor and spirit, he went to war and got nothing by it. Had the poor spirited Jefferson followed that glorious example, we might have had a war about New Orleans too—and taken it—and lost it again. Or, if we wanted it, (as the New-York Herald wisely suggests) we might have gone to the ex- pence of taking it first, and bought it afterwards. In short had we gone to war, as we ought to have done, we should have supported the dignity of the nation, without being encumbered in the end, with perhaps a single foot of terri- tory on this side the mountains. But, like ninnies, we negotiated ourselves into the whole of it.
There is one circumstance which seems to have escaped my New-York oracle— or perhaps my little friend Alex: has re- served it for a better opportunity; I mean the destination of the money which may be received in the sale of public lands in Louisiana, and from the imposts at the port of New Orleans. For doubt- less they will contribute in some shape or other to the discharge of the national debt. And thus at one blow will be ra- vished from us that Palladium of federal empire, without a national debt or inter- nal tax, our government will become a perfect paradox—the common laughing stock of all those energetic and well or- ganized governments in which the rest of the world abounds. The English dread a revolution, as a merchant dreads the death or bankruptcy of his principal creditor. Nay their very taxes attach them to the government; as that which cost as much must needs be very dear to us. But in America, alas, should the present rage for economy succeed, and the Pres- ident persist in giving us no chance of that great national blessing a foreign war, the government will in a short time have no claim on our loyalty, but its in-
trinsic worth, for which it is well known the well born, and well informed and wifely part of the community (meaning myself and others in this Territory and elsewhere) do not care a fig about.
Had France held Louisiana and peo- pled it, what a handsome frontier would the east bank of the Mississippi have pre- sented to them; guarded by a chain of strong posts from the Ohio to Loftus's Heights—every bluff crowned with can- non—glorious thought! Then, the fleet of gun-boats on the river, which we heard were already ordered. But alas, what do we want with garrisons or gun- boats now? both sides of the river are our own. "The age of Chivalry is past, and the glory of America is extinguish- ed forever!!"
A ridiculous question has been started, whether we are indebted to Mr. Living- ston or Mr. Monroe, for the present ac- quisition. This, however, is clear, that Mr. Jefferson had no hand in it, and de- serves no credit. Poor man, he was at Monticello, I dare say, all the time, and knew no more what his ministers were about than the babe unborn. It is the character of the man. For my part I only laugh when the merit of the thing is given to any of those gentlemen. God help them, they little know how they were assisted in that affair, by Mr. King at the court of St. James's. How he contrived it I confess I cannot exact- ly see. But there is no doubt of the fact, as several of my federal friends say so.—And indeed the arrival of the news in the same ship with Mr. King, puts the thing beyond all question, that he had something to do about the matter.— Giving all due credit to that gentleman, I have, however, to suggest to you an opinion of mine, Mr. Printer, which rely on authority full as good as the former. The fact is, sir, and you may depend upon it, that in this affair of Louisiana, we had a friend we little think of. I have had hints—but mum. In solemn truth believe me sir, of all our transatlantic friends, the Dey of Algiers was the man who did the business for us. And it is confidently whispered that the only compensation which he stipulat- ed for, in return for such important servi- ces, was the cession of the City of Natchez to the Grand Turk: this being in his Highness's opinion, the most suitable of all the American possessions, for the establishment of an Ottoman colony.
This is certain, that we are indebted either to the Dey, or Mr. King, or mere accident, or occurrence of circumstance, or divine providence, or &c. &c. &c.— For it is well known (at least to me) whatever airs our ministers may give themselves, that they could not help get- ting or rather taking Louisiana, &c.— For Bonaparte no sooner read some of our federal war speeches, and had a message from Algiers (or what is the same thing, from St. James's) on the subject, than he determined to give us Louisiana whether we should have it or not. In short, he pressed it upon Mr. Livingston; and swore, damn him, if we did not take it quietly, he would go to war with us. This happened on the same day that he rumped lord Whitworth and slammed the door in his face. The First Consul was in a great passion that day. Our New-York chancellor was quite frightened. So that it was the luckiest thing in the world that Mr. Monroe arrived, just in the nick of time, to save his master from the munificent wrath of Bonaparte.
But the saddest thing of all is, that there will be no persuading the country bumpkins, but that Mr. Jefferson has done great matters: and the fellow will be re-elected to the presidential chair in spite of me and fate. Hinc illa lacrymae. O ruin! ruin!
Yours, &c. WATTY WATERSNAKE. Poffom Town, August 4th, 1803.
FROM THE NATIONAL REGIS.
The approaching session of Congress will bring before the public, two of the most important and interesting subjects, which have ever yet arrested the attention of our National Legislature.—We allude to the proposed amendment of the Constitution, and the convention for the purchase of Louisiana.—On both these subjects, the Republicans will have to contend with the ardent and undivided exertions of the Federal Faction. The parts are already cast:—each individual member of the opposition has had his post assigned to him,—the mode of at- tack and defence has been long concert- ed,—and every inch of the ground will be obstinately contested.—To an indif- ferent observer, the resistance of the ene- my will be rendered ludicrously amusing, by the reflection, that almost every indi- vidual concerned, in combating either of these measures, will be at war with his own reason, and struggling against the force of conviction.—Like mercena- ry troops, who are hired to take up arms against their principles and their wishes, they will move on reluctantly to the scene of action; but when their ardor is roused by the heat and tumult of the battle, they will forget the cause in which they are engaged, and their fero- city will outstrip the impulse of their opinions.
With respect to the proposed amend- ment of the Constitution, it cannot be
doubted that every intelligent Federalist, considering the subject abstractly, and without any reference to the preponde- rance of party, has the fullest conviction that it would be expedient and useful. We have never yet heard a single plau- sible argument, in favor of an indetermi- nate vote in the choice of President and Vice-President. If the thing was ever discussed in the Convention which fram- ed the Constitution, it must have been recommended by some fine spun subtlety of reasoning, which is at present far be- yond the reach of comprehension. We are more inclined to believe, that it pass- ed sub silentio, and was adopted without a serious consideration of the nature and tendency of the provision. This may be doing injustice to the wisdom and prudence of that venerable body; but until we have heard some plausible de- fence of this exceptional part of a structure, (otherwise approaching to per- fection) we are compelled to resort to it as the most rational conjecture.
However the fact may be as to the ori- gin of this provision; whether it was in- genuously adopted, or whether it was in- geniously supported in theory; practice, experience, reflection, and anticipation, all conspire to convince us, that in this essential particular, the Constitution calls loudly for amendment. Of this there was no Federalist who pretended to entertain a doubt, until it was necessary to doubt, from the hope of defeating the wishes of the people, and the desire of "preserving them from their worst ene- mies—themselves."—If they can retain the present mode of voting, until after the next presidential election, they flatter themselves they may have a possible chance of placing in the chair, some person whom no individual of either party would select as a suitable candidate for the first office in the government. Convinced, as they are, that it will be mere "vanity and vexation of spirit," to attempt to push a candidate of their own; it will be their sole object to thwart, as far as possible, the views and wishes of their adversaries.
If they can succeed in ejecting the candidate selected by the people; it would be a matter of almost perfect in- difference, to whom the vacant chair should be given. While it shall be filled as it now is, they would as soon at- tempt to scale the battlements of Heav- en, as to pass the impregnable barrier, which stands between them and the ac- complishment of their wishes. A change which might happen by a secret coales- cence with the Republicans, in favor of the candidate for the second office in the government, would afford them a glim- mering hope, and relieve them from the dull despondency of their present hope- less prospect. They have once tried the force of intrigue and corruption. They have once dragged the nation to the very margin of a precipice.—Until the way shall be closed, they will travel in the same course, and are ready to "tumble down headlong" with their country, ra- ther than see it prospering in the hands of the present administration.
With these impressions, we shall see every Federalist at his post, in the next legislative campaign, contending against his own reason and conscience, and sup- porting the present mode of electing the two first officers of the government.
Each man is pledged to his party.— He has entered the sanctuary—he has touched the ark of the covenant—and has sworn upon the altar in the presence of the High Priests of the tabernacle. His faith is in their custody; and to ex- ercise the right of conscience, would be worse than heresy in the sight of his lead- ers.
But although we may calculate on finding the whole army of federalists in battle array against the measure, yet there can be little doubt that the pro- posed amendment will be accomplished, before the next Presidential election.— Two-thirds of both houses in the ensu- ing Congress will deem it necessary, and when it shall be proposed by them, we have little doubt but it will be ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several states. New-Jersey, North and South Carolina, which have been vibrating for a season, are at length fixed at the point of republicanism.— New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, the La Vendee of the union, will undoubtedly hold out to the last. If they should succeed in entangling Vermont in their toils, they will still constitute less than one-fourth of the whole number of states, and, with all their boasted influence, they must yield to the amendment, or sever themselves from the union.
With respect to the business of Louisi- ana, the same indiscriminate opposition may be expected. The very essence of federalism, at the present day, consists in an unyielding and unqualified resistance to every measure of the ruling powers. Whoever, from the impulse of the mo- ment, is betrayed into an unguarded ap- probation of a single act of the govern- ment, forfeits, at once, with his own party, the character of a federalist, and, by a summary process, is convicted, con- demned and sentenced as an apostate.— He can only make atonement, and ward off the execution of his sentence, by a public confession of his folly, and by re- doubling his diligence, in reproaching, reviling and opposing the very measures,

he has thus unguardedly approved. If there be any undisciplined member in the whole corps of opposition, who has suffered himself to speak of the purchase of Louisiana, without condemning it in terms of unqualified abuse, be it known to him, then, that he may save himself from the pains and penalties of political heresy, by joining the pack in full cry, at the next session of Congress, and clamoring without measure or mercy, against the ratification of the treaty, or against the necessary appropriations for carrying it into effect. That all will be ready to make this atonement, may be easily inferred, from the past conduct of party. Rofs and Morris are relieved from a distressing dilemma, by being relieved from any further engagement in the deliberations of the Senate. We should have been curious to know, what course they would have pursued, in answering the arguments which they themselves adduced, at the last session of Congress, to convince the public that the possession of Louisiana was necessary to our existence as a nation. Pickering and Adams have never committed themselves in the discussion of this subject, and they will therefore be untrammelled in the exercise of their sophistry, and the exhibition of their strength.
But the efforts of these mighty champions of New-England federalism will be feeble and unavailing. The subject is already understood by the people. The measure has been matured in the Cabinet. The scope and tenor of the opposition is fully comprehended. Their labours will be baffled; and the spirit of republicanism will be again triumphant!
The next session of Congress will, we trust, witness the commencement of the most important improvement in our Constitution, and the completion of the most interesting change in our local situation, which has ever happened to the government or the territory of the country, since the establishment of the one, and the emancipation of the other.
From a London Paper.
MR. WILLIAM WOODFALL.
We feel much concerned in stating that this respectable veteran of public literature, died yesterday morning, in his 58th year at his house in Queen-street, Westminster. He was a very worthy man, and a truly loyal subject. His sense of public duty, indeed, in all points, was a paramount consideration in his mind. He was the chief founder of the public press, entitled The Morning Chronicle, which he conducted with great zeal and assiduity for several years, which was never contaminated in his hands by unconstitutionality doctrines, nor by any of that rivalry which too often disgraced the papers of the day. To his efforts the people of this country are in a great degree indebted for that open communication of Parliamentary proceedings which has at length obtained the sanction of the legislature, except in points on which the situation of national affairs may require a discussion confined to the representative body.
Mr. Woodfall's powers of recollection in recording the debates were very extraordinary, for he was able to do more by the unassisted efforts of his memory, than other reporters of acknowledged talents could effect with the aid of shorthand notes.
He was always attached to the stage, and was a sound judge of dramatic composition and theatrical ability. He always gave a firm support to the proper authority of the managers of our theatres—but when any performers thought themselves aggrieved, he was at all times ready to assist them with his counsel, or to support them with his talents if they had right on their side. Indeed his good natured zeal, in this respect, has often induced him to put aside matters of importance to himself and his family. A more steady and persevering friend never existed. There never was a more affectionate husband and father, and his sense of relative duty induced him to take under his protection any branch of his family that stood in need of his help.
There were as few errors in his character, as are to be found in most men, with more virtues than the generality possess; and his chief fault was an excess of good nature that prompted him to labour in the cause of others, even to a neglect of himself. He abounded in anecdotes, and was well acquainted with most public characters, who have made any figure in this country for the last forty years. Few men will drop into the grave more beloved by their families, and more regretted by their friends.
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
Ran away from the subscriber the 30th of August, a negro man, named JACK, about 25 years old, six feet high, dark complexion, thin visage, four look, slender made, remarkable long feet, thin legs, short wool; had on when he went away Osnaburg shirt and trowsers, fear not coat much worn, but I suspect has a change of clothes and changed his name and pass as a freeman. Whoever secures him in goal and gives information thereof so that I get him again shall receive if taken twenty miles from home ten dollars, if thirty miles twenty dollars, if forty miles or out of this state the above reward with all reasonable charges if brought home.
HENRY WOODWARD. Anne Arundel County Fork, Patuxent, Maryland. September 26. xw3t
FROM A LONDON PAPER, JULY 30.
MANIFESTO OF THE IRISH REBELS.
The Provisional Government of the People of Ireland.
You are now called on to show to the world that you are competent to take your place among nations, that you have a right to claim their recognition of you, as an independent country, by the only satisfactory proof you can furnish of your capability of maintaining your independence, your wrestling it from England with your own hands.
In the development of this system which has been organized within the last eight months at the close of internal defeat, and without the hope of foreign assistance; which has been conducted with a tranquillity, mistaken for obedience; which neither the failure of a similar attempt in England has retarded, nor the renewal of hostilities has accelerated; in the development of this system you will show to the people of England, that there is a spirit of perseverance in this country beyond their power to calculate or to repress; you will show to them that as long as they think to hold unjust dominion over Ireland, under no change of circumstances can they count on its obedience; under no aspect of affairs can they judge of its intentions; you will show to them that the question in which it now behoves them to take into serious and instant consideration, is not whether or not they will drive us to separation, which it is our fixed determination to effect, but whether or not they will drive us beyond separation; whether they will by a sanguinary resistance create a deadly national antipathy between the two countries, or whether they will take the only means still left of driving such a sentiment from our minds, a prompt, manly, and sagacious acquiescence in our just and unalterable determination.
If the secrecy with which the present effort has been conducted, shall have led our enemies to suppose, that its extent must have been partial, a few days will undeceive them. That confidence which was once lost, by trusting to external support, and suffering our own means to be gradually undermined, has been again restored. We have been mutually pledged to each other to look only to our own strength, and that the first introduction of a system of terror, the first attempt to execute an individual in one county, should be the signal of insurrection in all. We have now, without the loss of a man, with our means of communication untouched, brought our plans to the moment when they are ripe for execution, and in the promptitude with which nineteen counties will come forward at once to execute them, it will be found that neither confidence nor communication are wanted to the people of Ireland.
In calling on our countrymen to come forward, we feel ourselves bound, at the same time, to justify our claim to their confidence by a precise declaration of our own views. We therefore solemnly declare, that our object is to establish a free and independent republic in Ireland: that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives: that we will never unless at the express call of our country, abandon our post, until the acknowledgment of its independence is obtained from England; and that we will enter into no negotiation (but for exchange of prisoners) with the government of that country while a British army remains in Ireland. Such is the declaration which we call on the people of Ireland to support. And we call first on that part of Ireland which was once paralyzed by the want of intelligence, to show that to that cause only was its inaction to be attributed; on that part of Ireland which was once foremost, by its fortitude in suffering; on that part of Ireland which once offered to take the salvation of the country on itself; on that part of Ireland where the flame of liberty first glowed; we call upon the north to stand up and shake off their slumber and their oppression.
Men of Leinster,
Stand to your arms. To the courage which you have already displayed, is your country indebted for the confidence which it now feels in its own strength, and for the dismay with which our enemies will be overwhelmed when they shall find this effort to be universal. But, men of Leinster, you owe more to your country than the having animated it by your past example: you owe more to your own courage than the having obtained by it a protection. If six years ago, when you rose without arms, without plan, without co-operation, with more troops against you alone than are now in the country at large, you were able to remain for six weeks in open defiance of the government, and within a few miles of the capital, what will you not now effect with that capital, and every other part of Ireland, ready to support you? But it is not on this head that we have need to address you. No! We now speak to you, and through you to the rest of Ireland, on a subject dear to us, even as the success of our country—its honour.
You are accused by your enemies of having violated that honor; excesses which they themselves had in their fullest extent provoked, but which they have grossly exaggerated, have been attributed to you. The opportunity of vindicating yourselves by actions is now, for the first time, before you; and we call upon you to give the lie to such assertions, by carefully avoiding every appearance of plunder, intoxication, or revenge, recollecting that you lost Ireland before, not from want of courage, but by not having that courage rightly directed to discipline. But we trust that your past sufferings have taught you experience, and that you will respect the declaration which we now make, and which we are determined by every means in our power to enforce.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 26.
Yesterday arrived in this City, the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
Extract of a letter from a lady in London, to a lady in the city of Washington.
"Bonaparte is very near us, at Calais, and making great preparations to cross the ditch as he calls it. He has vowed vengeance against the whole English nation. The people here are all anxiously waiting and even wishing to see him, as they intend to give him a warm reception. This is certainly an important crisis in the fate of England, but the people do not seem to fear; every thing goes on as if they were at peace with all the world: the great as diffipated as ever, and the lower ranks appear happy and contented in spite of their taxes, which are indeed intolerable. They certainly are an astonishing nation. The loss of Hanover has much affected the king, but the people in general do not regret it."
COMMUNICATION.
City of Washington, 22d Sept. 1803. Just closed at the Navy Rope Walk in this city, four bower cables 18 inches—120 fathom for the frigate Essex, all of American hemp, (of prime quality.) Thus we see our ships riding independent of Russia, the fruits of a wise and prudent administration, encouraging its own agriculture and manufactory to support and protect its commerce.
Alexandria, Sept. 23.
HEALTH OFFICE.
The Committee having been assured that the prevailing epidemic has been rather on the decline for some few days past, and apprehending that some difficulty occasionally arises in discriminating correctly in the first state of fever, between cases of common bilious fever, and those of a real malignant nature, have deemed it expedient in time to come, to report only the deaths that may occur, and to omit altogether the publication of new cases.
One death for the twenty-four hours ending this morning at 10 o'clock. S. SNOWDEN, Secretary.
New-York, Sept. 20.
Bellevue Hospital.—The number of persons admitted into the Hospital at Bellevue, by the Health Committee, from the 12th of August to the 17th of September, inclusive, amounts to 102—of these, the return is as follows:
Died, 48 Discharged cured, 30 Remain in the Hospital, 24
Total 102
The names of those who died, have been given in the daily reports of the Health Committee.
New-York, Sept. 21.
Foreign intelligence.—By the Brothers from Liverpool, we have received a further supply of London papers; but as the information they bring does not appear particularly important and we are desirous of laying the manifesto of the Irish insurgents entire before our readers, we are obliged to take but a slight notice of their contents.
It appears that the blockade of the Elbe is eluded to a considerable degree in the following manner: Vessels pass to and from Hanover and Toningen. Those arriving at the latter place unload and send their cargoes in small craft thro' shallow channels.
A number of young English ladies, who had been at boarding school at Rouen, were prevented embarking from Calais on their return; the first consul desiring that they might be detained till the English government sent back Master and Miss Lapagerie, nephew and niece to madame Bonaparte, who are prisoners in England.
Sixteen transports had arrived at the Motherbank from Alexandria, via Malta and Gibraltar, with the 8th, 23d, 25th and 48th regiments and the 26th of dragoons.
Schimmelpennink, it was said, was to be placed at the head of the Batavian government.
Accounts from Copenhagen stated that the Danish court had directed its minis-
ter at London to protest against any Danish vessels being brought into English ports.
Signals were established along the coast of England between the forces on shore and the ships of war, by which means immediate notice could be given of an enemy's approach. Chains of signal posts were erected to establish communication, and the steeples of churches were converted into signal towers.
A squadron, consisting of the Kent, Donnegal, Superb, Triumph, Mountmouth, Gibraltar, Agincourt, Belleisle, and Renown, ships of the line—the Medusa, Amphion, and Terpsichore frigates, and the Weazel gun brig, were cruising off Toulon, and every day within two miles of the enemy's fleet, consisting of nine sail of the line and five frigates, one of them a first rate. Lord Nelson had joined them in the Amphion, and was to hoist his flag in the Renown.
M. Mathiesen, one of the principal merchants of Hamburg, has been dispatched to London, being commissioned by the government to make representations to the British court respecting the blockade of the Elbe.
Persons are daily apprehended on suspicion of being spies for the French; some of whom, it is said, have been detected taking the soundings of the channel along the coast: others on suspicion of being concerned in the Irish insurrection. Every day (says a London paper) some latent branch of the conspiracy is discovered through the confessions of prisoners implicated in that desperate undertaking, and every day shews the extent and alarming nature of the combination.
The Correspondent (the Hamburg official paper) of July 1st, says, that the amount paid by the Hanoverians to support the French troops quartered among them, is at the rate of 210,000 rix dollars per month, and had been nearly in that proportion ever since the French took possession of Hanover.
A London paper of the 1st of Aug. gives an account of 22 sail of prizes taken in the English Channel by the French privateer Van Tromp of 22 eighteens and 300 men: the English have retaken 5 or 6 of them, but the most valuable, an East-India man, has arrived in a French port. The Van Tromp is stated to be a remarkable fast going ship and bids defiance to the English frigates. Another paper of Aug. 4th, says "that it is to be regretted the government of Ireland have not yet published an official account of the troubles in Dublin, and that 19 counties in Ireland have UNITED in opposition to the measures of the British government."
The following article is from a Paris paper of July 9.—
Portalis the state counsellor, who has the charge of the religion has sent his circular letters to the different bishops of the departments through which the First Consul will pass, and are as follows:
Right Reverend, "The First Consul sets out for the Belgic States, I send you the ceremonial fixed upon, by His Holiness in regard to his reception, together with the changes to be made. There cannot be too much respect shown, neither too much thankfulness, veneration and love testified to the Chief of the Nation, and restorer of the religion of the state. (Signed)
PORTALIS."
Ceremonial to be observed in regard to the reception of the First Consul in the towns in which he will stop.
The bishop with his clergy out of the city gate to meet the Consul, offering the cross in order that he may kiss it; he is then to be placed under a canopy, the bishop accompanying him until he arrives at the church gate, where there will be sung the following anthem: "Behold I send my angel who shall tread my way before you," together with other suitable psalms. Arrived at the church gate, the Consul will be presented with the holy water, which, after having dipped his finger in, he will make the sign of the cross, afterwards the Consul's suite will be sprinkled, the people only bowing without changing places. Further, if Madame Bonaparte is present, holy water will be offered to her, then her comfort will be accompanied to the officiant of the altar, where he will kneel under a prepared canopy. The Bishop will ascend the altar upon the left, and sing bareheaded as usual, and turning to the auditors some verses and prayers will be said, the Te Deum will be sung, the Bishop will give a solemn benediction, and the Consul will be led in the same manner as before to his palace.
LONDON, August 4.
GEORGE R.
Additional instruction to the Commanders of our ships of war and privateers, that have, or may have letters of marque and reprisal against the French and Batavian republics, &c. Given at our court at St. James's, the 24th day of June, 1803, in the 43d year of our reign.
In consideration of the present state of commerce, we are pleased hereby to direct the commanders of our ships of war and privateers not to seize any neutral vessel which shall be carrying on
trade directly between the colonies of the enemy, and the neutral country to which the vessel belongs, and laden with the property of inhabitants of such neutral country; provided that such neutral vessel shall not be supplying, nor shall have on the outward-bound voyage supplied the enemy with articles of contraband of war, and shall not be trading with any blockaded port.
By his majesty's command, PELHAM.
REMOVAL.
THE COUNTY CLERK'S OFFICE is removed to square No. 38, on Pennsylvania Avenue.
LOST CERTIFICATE.
NOTICE is hereby given that application is made at the Treasury of the United States, for a new certificate in the lieu of No. 14,307 for 3,856 Dols. 85 Cents, of three per cent. stock, standing in the books of the Treasury U. S. in the name of Hugh Percy duke of Northumberland, which certificate was forwarded by the Lady Hobart, British packet in June last, and lost in the mail. JOHN COLES, New London, Sept. 14, 1803 6w.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber at the request of a number of the Lumber merchants in the city of Washington, has taken upon himself the duties of a sworn measurer; takes the liberty of acquainting the public that he has taken the oath of qualification for the faithful performance of the above duties. WILSON BRYAN. September 26, 3t
MILITARY LANDS FOR SALE.
By virtue of a power delegated to his executors, by the last will and testament of John Rose, esq. deceased, late of the county of Westmoreland we the subscribers, having taken upon ourselves the execution of his said will, and qualified thereto according to law, now offer for sale, the following tracts of land, viz.
One tract of fifteen hundred acres, by patent, bearing date 7th of day of January, 1796, lying on Cumberland river, in the state of Kentucky.
One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 30th day of August, 1797, on the waters of Paint Creek, between the Miami and Sciota rivers.
One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 25th of April, 1800, also on the waters of Paint Creek.
One of 1200 acres by patent, bearing date the 25th day of April, 1800, lying on the banks of the Sciota river.
Two other small lots of one and two hundred acres, on the waters of Less creek, a branch of the Rattle Snake Fork of Paint Creek.
One other small tract, of 360 acres, in the same neighbourhood—and valley.
One other tract of 1500 acres, surveyed and patented for Burgess Bell, lying on a branch of Gaps river, adjoining the upper corner of George Washington's survey, and the same having been sold and conveyed by the said Bell to the said Rose. Proposals for a purchase of the whole or any part of the said lands will be received verbally or by letter, addressed to any of the subscribers. The taxes on these lands have been regularly paid, and a clear and indisputable title will be made the purchaser, by HENRY ROSE, Alexandria, } Wm. ROBINSON, Lees, } Executors. LAU. BERRY, Port Royal, } September 26, 3m
25 Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber living in Gooch and county on the 3rd Sept. 1803. A very likely negro man named SAM, who calls himself Samuel Cooper—about 24 or 25 years old, of a yellowish complexion, low cut short nose; one of his upper front teeth out, his dress chiefly of Virginia cloth with a plain durants short coat—he is very tensile, can read and write so as to be understood. The said Sam was taken up with a negro belonging to Mr. James, in Cumberland county, near Centreville, about 20 miles above Fredericksburg, and made his escape from the man. Sam had wrote passes for both of them, and as the negro that was brought home, said they was coming for George Town, from thence to Pennsylvania; he saw at the whip saw and is a very good house servant—he will endeavor to pass for a free man—he is guilty of forgery—he signed the passes, John Goodal, Henrico. I do desire all persons to endeavor to apprehend the said negro, as he may be very injurious to the country if not taken and punished for his behaviour. All reasonable expenses paid for delivering him to me at home, or the above reward for conveying him in jail to that I get him again. EDWARD COX. September 23, enpw
WAS committed to the goal of this more county, on the twenty third ultimo, a runaway negro man by the name of TOM—he is about fifteen or twenty years of age, 5 feet 5 inches high, of a light brown complexion; had an olive colored jean jacket with sleeves, velvet trowsers, red cross barred, Marcellus vest, and a white linen shirt—He says he belongs to Mr. Usher Williams, of Charleston, South Carolina. If his owner does not release him, he will be sold for his goal fees according to law. James Wilson, Sheriff. September 12. rawf
IN the case of John Barber an insolvent debtor—it is ordered that three months from and after the first day of June next, be appointed for the creditors to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee and that a copy of this order be published once in each week, until the tenth day of October next in the National Intelligencer and the Washington Federalist. HENRY HARSHMAN, appointed trustee. Thos. URIAH FORRESTER, Clk Sept. 5. 7tw

FOR SALE,
For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by— ROBERT M c CLAN. Washington May 26. tf.
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. NEW JERSEY AVENUE.
Have just received the following NEW BOOKS.
 THE Life of Lorenzo De' Medici. 3 vol.  Denon's travels in Upper and Lower Egypt during the campaigns of gen. Bonaparte in that country. 2 vol.  Willich's Domestic Encyclopedia; or Dictionary of Arts and useful knowledge. vol. I. & II. for which the full edition is still open—the price will be enhanced to non-subscribers.  The Marriage Promise, a new comedy.  Public characters, or contemporary biography, containing the memoirs of the most celebrated personages of this country and Europe.  John Bull, or an Englishman's fire side, a new comedy.  Tale of Mystery—ditto.  Friend of Women, translated from the French.  Boswell's Select Sermons, &c. &c.  N. B.—R. C. & Co. have always on hand, at moderate prices, writing paper and wrapping paper, quills, wafers, sealing-wax, ink powder, ink and sand stands, pocket knives, playing cards, parchment, blank and account books, copper plate copies, &c. &c.
FIRST LEGION.
ATTENTION!
At a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 13th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the following be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to the battalions companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz. A DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST, WHITE BRECHES and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS or WHITE OVERALLS, with SHIRTS and ROUND BLACK HATS; which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court.
WM. D. BEALL L. Clerk of L. C. B. Sec. 27. The act further enacted, that all non-commissioned officers and privates, belonging to battalions companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly clothed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be determined on for the respective legions, by the first Legionary court of enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved of by the Brigadier General; provided it is expedient at the time, & identical to that of usual, ordinary, and cheap clothing, does not exceed five dollars for each person, and every such non-commissioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published, in some newspaper within the legionary district and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip himself.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of SPAIN and SWEDEN Goods, of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloths and Calimere's, Superior Navy Blue and other colours, handsome NAVY & FASHIONABLE BUTTONS, &c. Gentlemen of ARMY, NAVY and FASHION served with expedition and taste. New Jersey Avenue, seventh house from Capitol Square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's square. April 13. 1803. tf.
BISCUIT BAKE HOUSE, Near the Sugar House New-Jersey Avenue.
The subscriber has commenced the above business in all its various branches; where merchants or owners of vessels may be supplied on reasonable terms; also private families with the best of Crackers.
PETER MILLER. Washington August 19. tf.
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises.
TUGS. POLLARD. Feb. 27. ep
WAS committed to the goal of Baltimore county as a runaway, on the 6th inst. a negro man by the name of WILLIAM GROCE—he is about 50 years of age, 5 feet 7 inches high a deep black complexion, thin lips, large thick lips, and has lost one lower and upper fore tooth, and has a scar on the back part of his left shoulder, occasioned by the cut of an axe; he has on a round about blue cloth jacket with sleeves, light colored mixed cloth vest, Quabrig shirt and trowsers, and an old wool hat—he says he belongs to Mr. John Billey, of Prince William county, Virginia, within 15 miles of Dumfries. If his owner does not release him, he will be sold for his goal fees according to law.
James Wilson, Sheriff. September 12. tf
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 is 10,000   5 do 1000 — 5,000   10 do 500 — 5,000   15 do 200 — 3,000   200 do 100 — 20,000   200 do 50 — 10,000   200 do 25 — 5,000   250 do 20 — 5,000   4000 do 15 — 60,000    1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 15,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 2,000 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000  7154 Prizes, 210,000 13,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000
The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.  For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the manager have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.  Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them.  Managers. Right Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Bacon, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Chicquiere, Patrick Beane, Arnold Lives, Luke Tiernan, Francis J. Mitchell, copst.  July 13, 1803.  * The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Drent and James D. Barry for sale.
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations. June 22. 3m.
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereof by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Calimeres, Silk Florints, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toiletnettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coatings, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802.
MR. XAUP I TAKES this means to inform his friends and those persons in general, who have hitherto favored him with their custom, that he has removed his store, two or three doors above Mr. Rhodes's Tavern, President's Square; where he intends carrying on his business in the same manner as heretofore. Also that he will open his dancing school the 10th of this month, in the City of Washington, (having for that purpose a spacious and very convenient room) in the same house where he has hitherto removed to—any person wishing to be instructed in the different branches of that art, will on applying at the subscriber's residence, be informed, with the necessary particulars. September 16. 3t.
STOLEN OR STRAYED,
ON or about the 5th inst. from the Subscriber, living in the city of Washington near the Navy yard, a light red coloured milch cow, about six years old, middle size, having short horn lows a white face, and each of her eyes encircled with a red spot, as also a similar one on the upper part of her nose; her breast, belly, and tail white. Any person procuring said cow, on delivery, if strayed, shall have five dollars, if stolen and securing the thief so that he is prosecuted to conviction, twenty dollars.
JOHN DEMPSEY. September 16. 3t.
WASHINGTON THEATRE. The subscribers to the Theatre who have not paid the whole of their subscriptions are requested to pay the amount still unpaid into the hands of J. P. VAN NESS.
NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New-Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are, Burke's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Percy's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickle's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 3 vols. 8vo. Soulaevic's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip and 3rd. 5 vols. 8vo. Heien Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavalloni's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Belfour's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Herman's do. Grant's life of France. Delpine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 1 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infield Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Maritza 2 vols. 12mo. Lomon 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Broad Grins, by G. Coleman. Botta's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Athenas, 3 vols. &c.
In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.  United States of America. Fifth circuit, Virginia district, May term, 1803. Under a decree of the said court, We the commissioners will expose for public sale, on the premises, at 12 o'clock on Friday the 30th day of September next, that valuable and extensive F A R M, CALLED Mount Salus, alias Millersope, lying in Fairfax county on Difficult and Wolf Trap runs, containing by deed 550 acres, and by survey 673 acres. The main house is on a high healthy and agreeable situation, convenient to which are springs of good water—The house is 42 by 13 feet, two rooms on a floor, with a nine feet passage and stair case, two brick chimneys, with a fire place to each room, a piazza the whole length of the front, a cellar 40 by 18 walled with stone and divided into two apartments. There are several small buildings near the main house and garden. There are also a valuable merchant and grist mill, saw mill, distillery, miller's house and overseer's house. The mill house is 40 by 30, two stories high, half the lower story of stone, the other part framed work, and covered with shingles. There are one pair of Surr, and one pair of Coeque stones, three holing cloths almost new, and one screen, all now in use in manufacturing wheat and grinding grist. The mill house 40 by 30, one story high, walls of stone and shingled roof, the floors plank, the upper laid for making grain, and troughs fixed round the whole house, contrived to carry water to every vessel which may need it. Three flails and one boiler can be worked to advantage in said house. The waters of Wolf Trap, on which the mill and saw mill stand, are constant streams. The situation for country custom, or purchasing wheat is exceeded by none in the country or neighborhood, not being more than 17 miles from Alexandria and 13 from George Town, where there are excellent markets for country produce of every description; and about 14 miles from the city of Washington. The land is fertile and productive, and the soil well adapted to received improvement from the use of plaster of Paris. There are upwards of 3000 panels of fence on the land, about 160 or 170 acres of well timbered land belonging to the tract. There have been nearly 20 acres of timber made, lying on Wolf Trap and Difficult runs, 50 acres more may be made at a small expense. This farm enjoys many natural advantages, which are unnecessary for us to mention, it being taken for granted that any person wishing to buy such property will avail themselves of the opportunity of viewing the premises previous to the day of sale. The terms of which are, one third of the money to be paid on the day of sale, (at which time deeds will be made to the purchaser) one third in six months, and the other third in 12 months, with the interest accruing on the two last payments from the day of sale. A deed of trust will be expected to secure the last payments. Some informality in the decree prevented the sale agreeably to the former notice. This defect being obviated by the parties, the property will most certainly be sold as now notified. Captain James Wiley, residing near the land, will show the premises, and also a plan of the survey, which is left with him for the information of those concerned. The title papers will be exhibited on the day of sale. CHARLES LITTLE, JAMES WILEY, JAMES DOUGLASS. August 30. cp
COLUMBIAN INN. GEORGE-TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and in order that he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 21. ep1
WASHINGTON THEATRE. The subscribers to the Theatre who have not paid the whole of their subscriptions are requested to pay the amount still unpaid into the hands of J. P. VAN NESS.
It is the wish of the Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER to engage an individual well qualified to REPORT THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Immediate application, with the terms that will be agreeable, is requested.
The Editors of papers who publish Debates from the National Intelligencer are requested to insert this advertisement in their papers a few times.
LOTTERY.
   TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE,   GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLT TRINITY CHURCH   In the City of Philadelphia.     1 Prize of ten thousand dollars 10,000   1 ten thousand 6,000   1 three thousand 3,000   1 two thousand 2,000   5 one thousand 5,000   10 five hundred 5,000   20 three hundred 3,000   20 two hundred 4,000   35 one hundred 3,500   90 fifty 4,500   100 twenty 2,000   6000 seven 42,000    6274 prizes, dolls. 90,000 11726 Blanks, less than two to a prize.
The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent.  The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each.  The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each.  The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars.  From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contemplated, and that the tickets will be raised considerably before that period.  They may be had at Six dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. No. 67, Chestnut MATTHEW M c CONNELL, 82, } direct. D. C. D. C.  Whole tickets 6 Quarters tickets, 1 75 Half " 3 25 Eighths " 95 Letters paid, including the cash, shall be only attended 10, and St. Augustine as a New York lottery prizes received in payment.  July 20. epim
WASHINGTON Jockey Club Races, WILL commence on the second Tuesday in November next, over an excellent course, well prepared and inclosed with a post and rail fence.  First day—A sweepstake of 1 600 dolls. Second day—A purse of 400 dolls.—4 mile heats. Third day—A purse of 200 dolls.—3 mile heats. Fourth day—A 50 guinea silver cup—10 horse. Fifth day—A handsome City and Town Purse—Two mile heats.  All horses, mares and geldings, to be entered and run agreeably to the rules of the club, and to carry the following weight: An aged horse, 126—a six years old 120—a five years old 112—a four years old 100, and a three years old 90 pounds. Three pounds being allowed to fillies, mares and geldings.  The following will be paid at the gate to the clerk of the course, M. C. Bailey, or any person authorized by him to receive the same. Four wheel carriages, 1 Doll. each, Two wheel do. 50 Cents. do. Every man and horse, 25 Cents. Booths will be let on application to the subscriber.  It is probable that the 2d & 3rd days purses will be increased—as the surplus of the tolls after defraying the expenses, &c. will be added to them.  G. H. M c LAUGHLIN, Sec. & Tr. The club will meet at the Union Tavern on the evening preceding the first day's race.  September 14. ep1
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy general neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.  OVERTON CARR. September 19, ep1
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST , Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same; and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf
ORDINANCE
Of his Danish Majesty, defining what is to be observed by foreign vessels in regard to quarantine regulations.
HIS Majesty the King most graciously ordered by his mandate of the 12th of October last, that whenever any accounts are received of the existence of the yellow fever in the United States of America, or when no particular advice is received to the contrary from the minister resident there, all American vessels which are not provided with health certificates from the beginning of the month of July until the end of the year are to submit to certain quarantine regulations, and even if they are provided with such certificates, these vessels are still prohibited from communicating with the shore, before they have been visited by the appointed health physician, and if he has the least suspicion, then the vessel must be dealt with accordingly, in conformity to which, no American vessels during such a time shall be piloted, except having hoisted the green flag.  Which gracious command is hereby published for the regulation of all concerned. Given at the Danish Royal Chancery, on the 5th of November, 1802.  Extract of an ordinance concerning quarantine regulations, and rules, to be observed by navigators who touch at the ports or coasts of the royal Danish dominions, dated at Copenhagen, the 14th November, 1800.   Every vessel belonging to our dominions shall have a green flag on board, to be used as prescribed hereafter.  Whenever a vessel arrives from a place where there has been contagion, and in all other cases of suspicion, such as having been visited by any vessel from the Barbary coast, having bales of merchandise on board from suspected places, and having not undergone a quarantine since in any other place, or having had any violent sickness on board during the voyage, then the green flag shall be hoisted at the head of the mainmast, before any communication is had with any person whatever from the shore, and before anchor is cast.  The commander of any vessel offending against these orders, shall pay a fine of 300 rix dollars, (400 dollars) if no dangerous consequences ensue from his misconduct; but if other wise he shall be punished with 12 years labor in the fortification—and should any malicious intent be proved upon him, he shall labor in irons during his life. Any vessel having had communication with another vessel that is suspicious, shall be subject to the same regulations and restrictions.  Should such a vessel be under the necessity of immediate communication with the shore, she must hoist her own national colors from the foretop, or under the green flag if she has no foremast.  After hoisting the color on the fore top, the signal for a pilot, the pilot shall immediately go on board, but not leave the ship board until the health physician has visited her—and for every day that the pilot is detained, he shall receive one rix dollar.  To prevent unnecessary delays to such vessels, as are arrived from places that might be suspected, (such as the Mediterranean or the West Indies) but still are secure and free from contagion, not having been at infected places, nor having any infected merchandise on board, and not having had communication with any vessel which could be suspected—nor had any one sick or dead during the voyage, we do order that for such cases all pilot shall be provided with blanks as heretofore written, which the captain and mate of such vessel shall sign, viz.   Unserer Majestät N. commandeur of the ship, N. arrived from N. and N. W. mate of the said vessel, declare to their certain knowledge that neither any of the ship's crew, or any other person, or any merchandise or thing of whatever kind on board the said vessel is infected with contagion or dangerous diseases and the said vessel has not been visited by any cruizers from the African coast or the Levant, and had none sick or dead with an infectious fever during the voyage, so help us God, and his holy word; and if this deposition be found false, we subject ourselves to the laws of the land.  10. Blanks of this deposition will be printed in different languages, for the use of foreign vessels that may be subject to the quarantine regulations. As foreign vessels may not always be provided with a green flag, the pilots are bound to have one continually in readiness to be hoisted in aforementioned cases. If the green flag has been used longer than for one day, the pilot shall receive two rix dollars for the same, but the vessel may then keep it.  Any vessel failing from the port of New York for his majesty's dominions from the 1st of July to the last of December, must be provided with (besides the usual bill of health) a certificate from the Danish vice-consul, Mr. Hannemann resident at No. 78, Pearl Street where attendance will be given.  New York, July 29.
Ten Dollars Reward.
ELOPED from my service on the night of the 3d inst. JAMES STONE an apprentice to the house carpenter business, by birth an Irishman, 19 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high or upwards, of a very yellow complexion, short black hair, chewed tobacco—Had on and took with him, one white manchester waistcoat with sleeves, striped do. one pair button trowsers, one pair of knitted stockings, do. one pair of tickett breeches, new shoes lined and bound, a real beaver hat about half worn—He is stout made and walks very upright—Any person that will secure said apprentice in any jail for that I get him again shall receive five dollars if within the District, and ten if without. I forewarn any person harboring or employing said apprentice and all masters and keepers of vessels from taking said apprentice away, as I am determined to prosecute any person that will act contrary to law.  PETER LENOX. September 9. saw1