The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-03-08 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCVIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, MARCH 31st, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, February 19, 1802.
DEBATE
On the bill received from the Senate, entitled "An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organisation of the courts of the United States."
[CONTINUED]
Mr. BAYARD.—Mr. Chairman, I must be allowed to express my surprise at the course pursued by the honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) in the remarks which he has made on the subject before us. I had expected that he would have adopted a different line of conduct. I had expected it as well from that sentiment of magnanimity which ought to have been inspired by a sense of the high ground he holds on the floor of this house, as from the professions of a desire to conciliate, which he has so repeatedly made during the session.—We have been invited to bury the hatchet, and brighten the chain of peace. We were disposed to meet on middle ground.—We had assurances from the gentleman, that he would abstain from reflections on the past, and that his only wish was that we might unite in future in promoting the welfare of our common country.—We confided in the gentleman's sincerity, and cherished the hope, that if the divisions of party were not banished from the house, its spirit would be rendered less intemperate. Such were our impressions, when the mask was suddenly thrown aside, and we saw the torch of discord lighted and blazing before our eyes. Every effort has been made to revive the animosities of the house, and to inflame the passions of the nation.—I am at no loss to perceive why this course has been pursued. The gentleman has been unwilling to rely upon the strength of his subject, and has therefore determined to make the measure a party question. He has probably secured success, but would it not have been more honorable and more commendable to have left the decision of a great constitutional question to the understanding and not to the prejudices of the house. It was my ardent wish to discuss the subject with calmness and deliberation, and I did intend to avoid every topic which could awaken the sensibility of party.—This was my temper and design when I took my seat yesterday. It is a course at present we are no longer at liberty to pursue. The gentleman has wandered far, very far from the points of the debate, and has extended his animadversions to all the prominent measures of the former administrations. In following him thro' his preliminary observations, I necessarily lose sight of the bill upon your table.
The gentleman commenced his figures with the philosophic observation, that it was the fate of mankind to hold different opinions as to the form of government which was preferable. That some were attached to the monarchical, while others thought the republican more eligible. This, as an abstract remark, is certainly true, and could have furnished no ground of offence, if it had not evidently appeared that an allusion was designed to be made to the parties in this country. Does the gentleman suppose that we have a less lively recollection than himself of the oath which we have taken to support the constitution; that we are less sensible of the spirit of our government, or less devoted to the wishes of our constituents? Whatever impression it might be the intention of the gentleman to make, he does not believe that there exists in the country an anti-republican party. He will not venture to assert such an opinion on the floor of this house. That there may be a few individuals having a preference for monarchy is not improbable; but will the gentleman from Virginia, or any other gentleman affirm in his place, that there is a party in the country who wish to establish monarchy? Insinuations of this sort belong not to the legislature of the union. Their place is an election ground or an ale-house. Within these walls they are lost; abroad, they have had an effect, and I fear are still capable of abusing popular credulity.
We were next told of the parties which have existed, divided by the opposite views of promoting executive power and guarding the rights of the people. The gentleman did not tell us in plain language, but he wished it to be understood, that he and his friends were the guardians of the people's rights, and that we were the advocates of executive power.
I know that this is the distinction of party which some gentlemen have been anxious to establish; but it is not the ground on which we divide. I am satisfied with the constitutional powers of the executive, & never wished nor attempted to encrease them; and I do not believe that gentlemen on the other side of the house ever had a serious apprehension of danger from an encrease of executive authority. No, sir, our views as to the powers which do and ought to belong to the general and state governments, are the true source of our divisions. I co-operate with the party to which I am attached, because I believe their true object and end is an honest and efficient support of the general government, in the exercise of the legitimate powers of the constitution.
I pray to God I may be mistaken in the opinion I entertain as to the designs of gentlemen to whom I am opposed.—Those designs I believe hostile to the powers of this government. State pride extinguishes a national sentiment. Whatever power is taken from this government is given to the states.
The ruins of this government aggrandize the states. There are states which are too proud to be controlled. Whose sense of greatness and resource renders them indifferent to our protection, and induces a belief, that if no general government existed, their influence would be more extensive and their importance more conspicuous. There are gentlemen who make no secret of an extreme point of depression, to which the government is to be sunk. To that point we are rapidly progressing. But I would beg gentlemen to remember, that human affairs are not to be arrested in their course, at artificial points. The impulse now given may be accelerated by causes at present out of view. And when those who now design well, wish to stop, they may find their powers unable to resist the torrent. It is not true that we ever wished to give a dangerous strength to executive power. While the government was in our hands it was our duty to maintain its constitutional balance, by preserving the energies of each branch. There never was an attempt to vary the relation of its powers. The struggle was to maintain the constitutional powers of the executive. The wild principles of French liberty were scattered through the country. We had our jacobins and disorganizers. They saw no difference between a King and a President, and as the people of France had put down their King, they thought the People of America ought to put down their President. They who considered the constitution as securing all the principles of rational and practicable liberty, who were unwilling to embark upon the tempestuous sea of revolution, in pursuit of visionary schemes, were denounced as monarchists. A line was drawn between the government and the people; and the friends of the government were marked as the enemies of the people. I hope, however, that the government and the people are now the same: and I pray to God that what has been frequently remarked, may not in this case be discovered to be true, that they who have the name of people the most often in their mouths, have their true interests the most seldom at their hearts.
The honorable Gentleman from Virginia wandered to the very confines of the federal administration, in search of materials the most inflammable and most capable of kindling the passions of his party.
He represents the government as seizing the first moment which presented itself to create a dependent monied interest, ever devoted to its views. What are we to understand by this remark of the gentleman? Does he mean to say that Congress did wrong in funding the public debt? Does he mean to say that the price of our liberty and independence ought not to have been paid? Is he bold enough to denounce this measure as one of the federal victims marked for destruction? Is it the design to tell us that its day has not yet come, but is approaching; and that the funding system is to add to the pile of federal ruins? Do I hear the gentleman say we will reduce the army to a shadow, we will give the navy to the worms, the mint which presented the people with the emblems of their liberty and of their sovereignty, we will abolish—the revenue shall depend upon the winds and waves, the judges shall be made our creatures, and the great work shall be crowned and consecrated by relieving the country from an odious and oppressive public debt. These steps I presume, are to be taken in progression.
The gentleman will pause at each and feel the public pulse. As the fever in-
creases he will proceed, and the moment of delirium will be seized to finish the great work of destruction.
The assumption of the state debts has been made an article of distinct crimination. It has been ascribed to the worst motives; to a design of increasing a dependent monied interest. Is it not well known, that those debts were part of the price of the revolution? That they rose in the exigency of our affairs, from the efforts of the particular states, at times when the federal arm could not be extended to their relief? Each state was entitled to the protection of the union, the defence was a common burthen, and every state had a right to expect that the expenses attending its individual exertions in the general cause, would be reimbursed from the public purse. I shall be permitted further to add that the United States, having absorbed the sources of state revenue, except direct taxation, which was required for the support of the state governments, the assumption of these debts were necessary to save some of the states from bankruptcy.
The internal taxes are made one of the crimes of the federal administration. They were imposed, says the gentleman, to create a host of dependents on executive favor. This supposes the past administrations to have been not only very wicked, but very weak. They lay taxes in order to strengthen their influence. Who is so ignorant as not to know that the imposition of a tax would create an hundred enemies for one friend. The name of excise was odious; the details of collection were unavoidably offensive, and it was to operate upon a part of the community least disposed to support public burthens, and most ready to complain of their weight. A little experience will give the gentleman a new idea of the patronage of this government. He will find it not that dangerous weapon in the hands of the administration which he has heretofore supposed it, he will probably discover that the poison is accompanied by its antidote. And that an appointment of the government, while it gives to the administration one lazy friend, will raise up against it ten active enemies.
No! The motive ascribed for the imposition of the internal taxes is unfounded, as it is uncharitable. The federal administration in creating burthens to support the credit of the nation, and to supply the means of its protection, knew that they risked the favor of those upon whom their favor depended. They were willing to be the victims when the public good required.
The duties on imports and tonnage furnished a precarious revenue; a revenue at all times exposed to deficiency from causes beyond our reach. The internal taxes offered a fund less liable to be impaired by accident; a fund which did not rob the mouth of labour, but was derived from the gratification of luxury. These taxes are an equitable distribution of the public burthens. Through this medium the Western country is enabled to contribute something to the expenses of a government which has expended and daily expends such large sums for its defence. When these taxes were laid, they were indispensable. With the aid of them it has been difficult to prevent an encrease of the public debt. And notwithstanding the fair prospects which now dazzle our eyes, I undertake to say, if you abolish them this session, you will be obliged to restore them or supply their place by a direct tax before the end of two years. Will the gentleman say, that the direct tax was laid in order to enlarge the bounds of patronage. Will he deny that this was a measure to which we had been urged for years by our adversaries, because they fore saw in it the ruin of federal power. My word for it, no administration will ever be strengthened by a patronage united with taxes which the people are sensible of paying.
We were next told, that to get an army an Indian war was necessary. The remark was extremely bald, as the honorable gentleman did not alledge a single reason for the position. He did not undertake to state, that it was a wanton war, or provoked by the government. He did not even venture to deny, that it was a war of defence, and entered into in order to protect our brethren on the frontiers from the bloody scalping knife, and murderous tom-a-hawk of the savage. What ought the government to have done? Ought they to have estimated the value of the blood which probably would be shed, and the amount of the devastation likely to be committed before they determined on resistance? They raised an army and after great expence and various fortune
they have secured the peace and safety of the frontiers. But, why was the army mentioned on this occasion, unless to forewarn us of the fate which awaits them, and to tell us, that their days are numbered? I cannot suppose, that the gentleman mentioned this little army distributed on a line of three thousand miles, for the purpose of giving alarm to three hundred thousand free & brave yeomanry ever ready to defend the liberties of the country.
The honorable gentleman proceeded to inform the committee, that the government, availing itself of the depredations of the Algerines, created a navy. Did the gentleman mean to insinuate, that this war was invited by the United States? Has he any documents or proof to render the suspicion colourable? No, sir, he has none. He well knows that the Algerine aggressions were extremely embarrassing to the government. When they commenced, we had no marine force to oppose to them. We had no harbours or places of shelter in the Mediterranean. A war with these pirates could be attended with neither honor nor profit. It might cost a great deal of blood, and in the end it might be feared that a contest so far from home, subject to numberless hazards and difficulties, could not be maintained. What would gentlemen have had the government to do? I know there are those who are ready to answer—abandon the Mediterranean trade. But would this have done? The corsairs threatened to pass the Straights, and were expected in the Atlantic. Nay, sir, it was thought that our very coasts would not have been secure.
Will gentlemen go farther and say, that the United States ought to relinquish their commerce. I believe this opinion has high authority to support it. It has been said, that we ought to be only cultivators of the earth, and make the nations of Europe our carriers.
This is not an occasion to examine the solidity of this opinion; but I will only ask, admitting the administration were disposed to turn the pursuits of the people of this country from the Ocean to the land, whether there is a power in the government, or whether there would be if we were as strong as the government of Turkey, or even of France, to accomplish the object? With a sea coast of 1700 miles; with innumerable harbours and inlets, with a people enterprising beyond example, is it possible to say, you will have no ships or sailors, nor merchants. The people of this country will never consent to give up their navigation, and every administration will find themselves constrained to provide means to protect their commerce.
In respect to the Algerines the late administrations were singularly unfortunate. They were obliged to fight or pay them. The true policy was to hold a purse in one hand and a sword in the other. This was the policy of the government. Every commercial nation in Europe was tributary to these petty barbarians. It was not esteemed disgraceful. It was an affair of calculation, and the administration made the best bargain in their power. They have heretofore been scandalized for paying tribute to a pirate, and now they are criminated, for preparing a few frigates, to protect our citizens from slavery and chains. Sir, I believe on this and many other occasions, if the finger of heaven had pointed out a course and the government had pursued it, yet, that they would not have escaped the censure and reproaches of their enemies.
We were told, that the disturbances in Europe were made a pretext for augmenting the army and navy. I will not, Mr. Chairman, at present go into a detailed view of the events which compelled the government to put on the amount of defence, and to resist by force the French aggressions. All the world know the efforts which were made to accomplish an amicable adjustment of differences with that power. It is enough to state, that ambassadors of peace were twice repelled from the shores of France with ignominy and contempt. It is enough to say, that it was not till after we had drunk the cup of humiliation to the dregs, that the national spirit was roused to a manly resolution, to depend only on their God and their own courage for their protection. What, sir, did it grieve the gentleman, that we did not crouch under the rod of the Mighty Nation, and like the petty powers of Europe, tamely surrender our independence? Would he have had the people of the United States, relinquish without a struggle those liberties which had cost so much blood and treasure? We had not, sir, recourse to arms, till the mouths of our rivers were choked with French cor-
sairs. 'Till our shores, and every harbour, were insulted and violated. 'Till half our commercial capital, had been seized and no safety existed for the remainder but the protection of force. At this moment a noble enthusiasm electrized the country—the national pulse beat high, and we were prepared to submit to every sacrifice, determined only, that our independence should be the last. At that time an American was a proud name in Europe; but I fear, much I fear; that in the course we are now likely to pursue, the time will soon arrive, when our citizens abroad will be ashamed to acknowledge their country.
The measures of '98 grew out of the public feelings. They were loudly demanded by the public voice. It was the people who drove the government to arms, and not as the gentleman expressed it, the government which pushed the people to the X. Y. Z. of their political designs before they understood the A. B. C. of their political principles.
But what, sir, did the gentleman mean by his X. Y. Z. I must look for something very significant, something more than a quaintness of expression, or a play upon words in what falls from a gentleman, of his learning and ability. Did he mean that the dispatches which contained those letters were impostures designed to deceive and mislead the people of America. Intended to route a false spirit not justified by events. Though the gentleman had no respect for some of the characters of that embassy; though he felt no respect for the Chief Justice or the gentleman appointed from South-Carolina, two characters as pure, as honorable and exalted, as any country can boast of, yet, I should have expected that he would have felt some tenderness for Mr. Gerry, in whom his party had since given proofs of undiminished confidence. Does the gentleman believe that Mr. Gerry would have joined in the deception, and assisted in fabricating a tale which was to blind his countrymen and to enable the government to destroy their liberties? Sir, I will not avail myself of the equivocations or confessions of Talleyrand himself; I say these gentlemen will not dare publicly to deny what is attested by the hand and seal of Mr. Gerry.
The truth of these dispatches admitted, what was your government to do? Give us, say the Directors 1,200,000 livres for our own purse, and purchase fifteen millions of dollars of Dutch debt, (which was worth nothing) and we will receive your ministers and negotiate for peace.
It was only left to the government to choose between an unconditional surrender of the honor and independence of the country, or a manly resistance. Can you blame, sir, the administration for a line of conduct, which has reflected on the nation so much honor, and to which under God, it owes its present prosperity.
These are the events of the general government which the gentleman has reviewed in succession, and endeavored to render odious or suspicious. For all this I could have forgiven him, but there is one thing for which I will not, I cannot forgive him. I mean his attempt to disturb the ashes of the dead—to disturb the ashes of the great and good Washington. Sir, I might degrade by attempting to eulogize this illustrious character. The work is infinitely beyond my powers. I will only say that as long as exalted talents and virtues confer honor among men, the name of Washington will be held in veneration.
After, Mr. Chairman, the honorable member had exhausted one quiver of arrows against the late executive, he opened another equally poisoned, against the judiciary. He has told us, sir, that when the power of the government was rapidly passing from federal hands, after we had heard the thumping voice of the people which dismissed us from their service, we erected a judiciary, which we expected would afford us the shelter of an inviolable sanctuary. The gentleman is deceived. We knew better, sir, the characters who were to succeed us, and we knew that nothing was sacred in the eyes of infidels. No, sir, I never had a thought that any thing belonging to the federal government was holy in the eyes of those gentlemen. I could never therefore imagine that a sanctuary could be built up which would not be violated. I believe these gentlemen regard public opinion because their power depends upon it, but I believe they respect no existing establishment of the government, and if public opinion could be brought to support them, I have no doubt they would annihilate the whole. I shall at present only say farther on this head, that we thought the

re-organization of the judicial system an awful measure, and we considered it as a duty to employ the remnant of our power to the best advantage of the country.
The hon. gentleman expressed his joy that the constitution had at last become sacred in our eyes—that we formerly held that it meant every thing or nothing. I believe, Sir, that the constitution formerly appeared different in our eyes from what it now appears in the eyes of the dominant party. We formerly saw in it the principles of a fair and goodly creation. We looked upon it as a source of peace, of safety, of honor, and of prosperity, to the country. But now the view is changed; it is the instrument of wild and dark destruction. It is a weapon which is to prostrate every establishment, to which the nation owes the unexampled blessings which it enjoys.
The present state of the country is an unanswerable commentary upon our construction of the constitution. It is true that we made it mean much, and I hope, Sir, we shall not be taught by the present administration that it can mean even worse than nothing.
The gentleman has not confined his animadversions to the individual establishment, but has gone so far as to make the judges, the subject of personal invective. They have been charged with having transgressed the bounds of judicial duty, and become the apocryphal of a political sect. We have heard of their travelling about the country for little other purpose than to preach the federal doctrines to the people.
Sir, I think a judge should never be a partisan. No man would be more ready to condemn a judge who carried his political prejudices or antipathies on the bench. But I have still to learn that such a charge can be sustained against the judges of the United States.
The constitution is the supreme law of the land, and they have taken pains in their charge to grand juries to unfold and explain its principles. Upon similar occasions, they have enumerated the laws which compose our criminal code, and when some of those laws have been denounced by the enemies of the administration as unconstitutional, the judges may have felt themselves called upon to express their judgements upon that point and the reasons of their opinions.
So far, but no farther, I believe the judges have gone; and in going thus far they have done nothing more than faithfully discharge their duty.
But if, Sir, they have offended against the constitution or laws of the country, why are they not impeached? The gentleman now holds the sword of justice, the judges are not a privileged order, they have no shelter but their innocence.
But in any view are the sins of the former judges to be fastened upon the new judicial system? Would you annihilate a system, because some men under part of it had acted wrong. The constitution has pointed out a mode of punishing and removing the men, and does not leave this miserable pretext for the wanton exercise of powers which is now contemplated.
The hon. member has thought himself justified in making a charge of a serious and frightful nature against the judges. They have been represented going about searching out victims of the sedition law. But no fact has been stated—no proof has been adduced, and the gentleman must excuse me for refusing my belief to the charge till it is sustained by stronger and better ground than assertion.
If, however Mr. Chairman, the eyes of the gentleman are delighted with victims, if objects of misery are grateful to his feelings, let me turn his view from the walks of the judges to the tract of the present executive. It is in this path we see the real victims of stern, uncharitable, unrelenting power. It is here, Sir, we see the soldier who fought the battles of the revolution; who spilt his blood and wasted his strength to establish the independence of his country, deprived of the reward of his services, and left to pine in penury and wretchedness. It is along this path, that you may see helpless children crying for bread, and gray hairs sinking in sorrow to the grave! It is here that no innocence, no merit, no truth, no services can save the unhappy sectary, who does not believe in the creed of those in power. I have been forced upon this subject, & before I leave it, allow me to remark, that without enquiring into the right of the President to make vacancies in office, during the recess in the Senate, but admitting the power to exist, yet that it never was given by the constitution to enable the chief magistrate to punish the inults, to revenge the wrongs, or to indulge the antipathies of the man. If the discretion exists, I have no legislation in saying that it is abused when exercised from any other motive than the public good. And when I see the will of a President precipitating from office, men of probity, knowledge, and talents, against whom the community has no complaint, I consider it as a wanton and dangerous abuse of power. And when I see men who have been the victims of this abuse of power, I view them as the proper objects of national sympathy & commiseration.
Among the causes of impeachment against the judges, is their attempt to force the sovereignities of the states to bow before them. We have heard them called an ambitious body politic; and the fact I allude to, has been considered as full proof of the inordinate ambition of the body.
Allow me to say, Sir, the gentleman knows too much not to know that the judges are not a body politic. He supposed perhaps there was an odium attached to the appellation which might serve his purposes to connect with the judges. But, Sir, how do you derive any evidence of the ambition of the judges from their decision that the states under our federal compact were compellable to do justice? Can it be shewn or even said, that the judgment of the court was a false construction of the constitution? The policy of later times on this point has altered the constitution, and in my opinion has obliterated its fairest feature. I am taught by my principles that no power ought to be superior to justice. It is not that I wish to see the states humbled in dust and ashes; it is not that I wish to see the pride of any man flattened by their degradation; but it is that I wish to see the great and the small, the sovereign and the subject bow at the altar of justice, and submit to those obligations from which the deity himself is not exempt. What was the effect of this provision in the constitution? It prevented the states being the judges in their own cause, and deprived them of the power of denying justice. As there a principle of ethics more clear than that a man ought not to be a judge in his own cause, and is not the principle equally strong when applied not to one man, but to a collective body. It was the happiness of our situation which enabled us to force the greatest state to submit to the yoke of justice, and it would have been the glory of the country in the remotest times, if the principles in the constitution had been maintained.—What had the states to dread? Could they fear injustice when opposed to a feeble individual? Has a great man reason to fear from a poor one? And could a potent state be alarmed by the unfounded claim of a single person? For my part I have always thought that an independent tribunal ought to be provided to judge on the claims against this government. The power ought not to be in our own hands. We are not impartial, and are therefore liable without our knowledge to do wrong. I never could see why the whole community should not be bound by as strong an obligation to do justice to an individual, as one man is bound to do it to another.
In England the subject has a better chance for justice against the sovereign than in this country a citizen has against a state. The crown is never its own arbiter, and they who sit in judgment have no interest in the event of their decision. The judges, Sir, have been criminated for their conduct in relation to the sedition act, & have been charged with searching for victims who were sacrificed under it. The charge is easily made, but has the gentleman the means of supporting it? It was the evident design of the gentleman to attach the odium of the sedition law to the judiciary; on this score the judges are surely innocent.—They did not pass the act; the legislature made the law, and they were obliged by their oaths to execute it. The judges decided the law to be constitutional, and I am not now going to agitate the question. I did hope when the law passed, that its effect would be useful. It did not touch the freedom of speech, and was designed only to restrain the enormous abuses of the press. It went no farther than to punish malicious falsehoods published with the wicked intention of destroying the government.—No innocent man ever did or could have suffered under the law. No punishment could be inflicted till a jury was satisfied that a publication was false, and that the party charged knowing it to be false had published it with an evil design.
The misconduct of the judges, however on this subject has been considered by the gentleman the more aggravated, by an attempt to extend the principles of the sedition act, by an adoption of those of the common law. Connected with this subject, such an attempt was never made by the judges. They have held generally, that the constitution of the United States, was predicated upon an existing common law. Of the founders of that opinion, I never had a doubt, I should scarcely go too far, were I to say, that strict of the common law, there would be neither constitution nor government. The constitution is unintelligible without reference to the common law. And were we to go into our courts of justice with the mere Statutes of the United States, not a step could be taken, not even a contempt could be punished. Those Statutes prescribe no forms of pleadings, they contain no principles of evidence, they furnish no rule of property. If the common law does not exist in most cases there is no law, but the will of the judge.
I have never contended, that the whole of the common law attached to the constitution, but only such parts as were consonant to the nature and spirit of our government. We have nothing to do with the law of the Ecclesiastical establishment, nor with any principle of monarchical tendency. What belongs to us, and what is unsuitable, is a question for the sound discretion of the judges. The principle is analogous to one which is found in the writings of all jurists, and commentators. When a colony is planted, it is established subject to such parts of the law of the mother country, as are applicable to its situation. When our forefathers colonized the wilderness of America, they brought with them the common law of England. They claimed it as their birth right, and they left it as the most valuable inheritance to their children. Let me say, that this same common law, now so much despised & vilified, is the cradle of the rights and liberties which we now enjoy. It is to the common law we owe our distinction from the colonists of France, of Portugal and of Spain. How long is it since we have discovered the malignant qualities which are now ascribed to this law? Is there a state in the Union which has not adopted it, and in which it is not in force? Why is it refused to the federal constitution? Upon the same principle, that every power is denied which tends to invigorate the government. Without this law, the constitution becomes, what perhaps many gentlemen wish to see it, a dead letter.
For ten years it has been the doctrine of our courts, that the common law was in force, and yet can gentlemen say, that there has been a victim who has suffered under it. Many have experienced its protection, none can complain of its oppression.
In order to demonstrate the aspiring ambition of this body politic, the judiciary, the hon. gentleman stated with much emphasis & feeling, that the judges had been hardy enough to send their mandate into the executive cabinet. Was the gentleman, Sir, acquainted with the fact when he made this statement. It differs essentially from what I know I have heard upon the subject. I shall be allowed to state the fact.
Several commissions had been made out by the late administration, for justice of the peace of this territory. The commissions were complete—they were signed and sealed, and left with the clerks of the office of State, to be handed to the persons appointed. The new administration found them on the clerk's table, and thought proper to withhold them. These officers are not dependent on the will of the President. The persons named in the commissions, considered that their appointments were complete, and that the detention of their commissions was a wrong, and not justified by the legitimate authority of the Executive. They applied to the supreme court, for a rule upon the secretary of State, to shew cause why a mandamus should not issue, commanding him to deliver up the commissions. Let me ask, Sir, what could the judges do? The rule to shew cause was a matter of course upon a new point in the least doubtful. To have denied it, would have been to shut the doors of justice against the parties. It concludes nothing, neither the jurisdiction nor the regularity of the act. The judges did their duty. They gave an honorable proof of their independence. They listened to the complaint of an individual against your President, and have shewn themselves disposed to grant redress against the greatest man in the government; if a wrong has been committed and the constitution authorizes their interference, will gentlemen say, that the secretary of State, or even the President is not subject to law? And if they violate the law, where can we apply for redress but to our courts of justice. But, Sir, it is not true, that the judges issued their mandate to the Executive; they have only called upon the secretary of State to shew them, that what he has done is right. It is but an incipient proceeding which decides nothing.
Mr. Giles rose to explain. He said, that the gentlemen from Delaware had ascribed to him many things which he did not say, and had afterwards undertaken to refute them. He had only said, that mandatory process had issued; that the course pursued by the court indicated a belief by them, that they had jurisdiction, and that in the event of no cause being shewn a mandamus would issue.
Mr. Bayard, I stated the gentleman's words as I took them down. It is immaterial whether the mistake was in the gentleman's expression, or in my understanding. He has a right to explain, and I will take his position as he now states it. I deny, Sir, that mandatory process has issued. Such process would be imperative, and suppose a jurisdiction to exist; the proceeding, which has taken place, is no more than notice of the application for justice made to the court, and allows the party to shew, either that no wrong has been committed, or that the court has no jurisdiction over the subject. Even, Sir, if the rule were made absolute, and the mandamus issued, it would not be definitive, but it would be competent for the secretary in a return to the writ, to justify the act which has been done, or to shew that it is not a subject of judicial cognizance.
It is not till after an insufficient return that a peremptory mandamus issues. In
this transaction, so far from seeing anything culpable in the conduct of your judges, I think, Sir, that they have given a strong proof of the value of that constitutional provision which makes them independent. They are not terrified from the frowns of executive power, and dare to judge between the rights of a citizen and the pretensions of a President.
I believe, Mr. Chairman, I have gone through most of the preliminary remarks which the honorable gentleman thought proper to make before he proceeded to the consideration of those points which properly belong to the subject before the committee. I have not supposed the topics I have been discussing had any connection with the bill on your table; but I felt it as a duty not to leave unanswered charges against the former administrations and our judges, of the most insidious tendency; which I know to be unfounded, and which were calculated and designed to influence the decision on the measure now proposed. Why, Mr. Chairman, has the present subject been combined with the army, the navy, the internal taxes and the sedition law? Was it to involve them in one common odium, and to consign them to a common fate? Do I see in the preliminary remarks of the honorable member the title page of the volume of measures which are to be pursued? Are gentlemen sensible of the extent to which it is designed to lead them? They are now called on to reduce the army, to diminish the navy, to abolish the mint, to destroy the independence of the judiciary, and will they be able to stop when they are next required to blot out the public debt, that hateful source of monied interest and of aristocratic influence? Be assured, Sir, we see but a small part of the system which has been formed. Gentlemen know the advantage of progressive proceedings, and my life for it, if they can carry the people with them, their career will not be arrested while a trace remains of what was done by the former administrations.
There was another remark of the honorable member which I must be allowed to notice. The pulpit, Sir, has not cleared invective. The ministers of the gospel have been represented, like the judges, forgetting the duties of their calling, and employed in disseminating the heresies of federalism. Am I then, Sir, to understand that religion is also denounced, and that your churches are to be shut up? Are we to be deprived, Sir, both of law and gospel? Where do the principles of the gentleman end? When the system of reform is completed what will remain? I pray God that this flourishing country which, under his providence has attained such a height of prosperity, may yet escape the desolation suffered by another nation, by the practice of similar doctrines.
[Mr. Bayard's Speech to be continued.]
IN COUNCIL,
Annapolis, January 20, 1802.
ORDERED,
That the resolution of the last session of the assembly respecting the debts of the state, be published in the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Museum, and the Telegraph, at Philadelphia; the National Intelligencer, at Washington; the Hagerstown Town, and the paper at Easton, three times in each week for the space of three weeks successively for information; and all claimants are notified, that unless they make satisfactory payments to the treasurer of the Western or Eastern shore (as the case may be) on or before the tenth day of March next, suits will be commenced against them indiscriminately.
By order,
NATHANIEL PINKNEY, Clerk.
BY THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
December 31, 1801.
Resolved,
That the Governor be and he is hereby authorized, by and with the advice and consent of the council, to direct suits to be commenced against such of the debtors to the state as he may think proper, and appoint an attorney or attorneys to any particular suit or suits so directed to be brought: Provided, That all debts due to the state shall be paid to the treasurer of the Western or Eastern shore, and to no other person or persons whatsoever.
Resolved,
That on the application of the governor to the treasurer of the Western shore, it shall be the duty of the said treasurer, and he is hereby required, to furnish the governor with correct statements of the debts due to the state.
By order,
WM. HARWOOD, Clerk.
BY THE SENATE.
December 31, 1801.
Read the first time and ordered to lie on the table.
By order,
JOHN B. DUCKETT, Clerk.
BY THE SENATE.
December 31, 1801.
Read the second time and assented to.
By order,
JOHN B. DUCKETT, Clerk.
Feb. 12, 1802. cp3w
For Sale or Rent,
Two three story brick houses in Alexandria completely finished, on King and Columbia, street, with sundry valuable property near the same, possession whereof may be had immediately. The situation for the flour and grocery business is equal to any in Alexandria. For terms apply to Henry Thomas Moore Alexandria, or to the subscriber.
NICHOLAS VOSS.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, March 8, 1802.
Fourth of March being the Anniversary of the National Government and of the present administration; the Vice President, members of both Houses of Congress and the heads of Departments, to the number of seventy, met at the Republican Hotel to dine; the Chaplain on the occasion expressed a well grounded hope of the Divine Benediction, in a short but pathetic address, after which the company sat down to an elegant repast, the cloth removed and having offered devout expressions of thanks to the beneficent author of particular and national blessings, they proceeded to mingle the following convivial TOASTS with their cheering libations.
 1. The day we celebrate.  2. The people of the United States and their elective franchise.  3. The legislative, executive and judicial powers, moving within their constitutional spheres.  4. The state sovereignities; sixteen pillars supporting the federal dome.  5. The memory of Washington.  6. The memory of those statesmen and heroes who achieved our national independence.  7. Constituted authorities; wisdom to ensure and integrity to maintain the public confidence.  8. Peace—may its returning blessings be diffused through a suffering world.  9. Agriculture, Commerce and Manufactures.  10. The Militia—the real defence of our country.  11. Economy in the public expenses and vigilance in the people over their public servants.  12. Public faith evinced by the payment, not by the perpetuity of the public debt.  13. The City of Washington.  14. The administration supported by public confidence.  15. The chain of the Union—too strong for faction to break.  16. The flag of the United States. 
VOLUNTEERS.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, the man whom the people delight to honor.
By Gen. Bradley, who presided.—
Our fellow-citizens of the Army and Navy.—By Col. Burr.
After which a number were given expressive of the high sense maintained of the many meritorious Republican characters from the proscribed patriots of '76 to the present day.—The vice President having withdrawn, the following was announced from the chair.
Aaron Burr, the statesman and soldier.
At Evening the illumination of the Hotel was most brilliant, beams of joy sparkled in every countenance. The greatest order, propriety and decorum, was observed through the whole festival, and at 8 o'clock the company retired.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER presents the following interesting article to his readers, the accuracy of which he believes may be depended upon.
COMPENDIUM
Of the COMMERCE, SHIPPING AND FINANCES of Great Britain, 1801.
COMMERCE AND SHIPPING.
The real value of imports into Great Britain in the year ending the 5th January 1801, was £. 54,500,000
The real value of British manufactures exported in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1801, was £. 39,500,000
The real value of foreign merchandise exported in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1801, was £. 16,300,000
Total value of Exports £. 55,800,000
Registered vessels belonging to the British dominions and employed in trade in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1801, were in number 18,877
Tonnage of ditto 1,905,438
Men employed in ditto 143,661
An account of the value of the Imports and Exports of Great Britain, taken at four different periods between the 5th January 1793, and the 5th January 1801.
   IMPORTS.   Date. Value.     1793 £. 10,256,717 9 8   1795 22,736,889 9 1   1797 21,013,956 12 5   1801 54,500,000 0 0     EXPORTS.   Date. Value.     1793 20,560,180 6 10   1795 27,312,338 17 4   1797 23,917,010 3 1   1801 55,800,000 0 0  
It will appear on inspection of the above account that the value of imports

has increased within the last eight years in an almost threefold degree, and the value of exports in a rather increased proportion; consequently the commerce and manufactures of Great Britain, have, by the very means intended to crush them, acquired additional energy.
FINANCE.
The total sum to be raised in G. Britain for the service of the year 1801, is estimated at £. 3,923,970
Estimate of taxes to make good the same.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Amount. Items include: The gross receipt of the permanent revenue after deducting re-payments for over entries, drawbacks and bounties amounted in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1801, to £. 27,419,000; Tax on income estmt. at 5,822,000; etc.
LOANS contracted for during the 9 years war, with their rates of interest.
Table with 3 columns: Dates, Loans, Rate of Inter. Rows from 1793 to 1801 showing various loan amounts and interest rates.
Funded Debt, Jan. 5, 1801, £. 476,626,236; Unfunded Do. 20,946,186; Total £. 497,572,422
* Borrowed from the Bank of England for six years, without interest, for the renewal of their Charter. † For Great Britain. ‡ For Ireland.
NOTES ON THE ABOVE. From the accumulation of profits, which this table might seem to evidence, several exceptions ought to be made: 1st. The imports and exports for the use of fleets and armies, which afford no profit, but are substantial losses to the nation. 2d. Goods imported for a market, warehoused and re-exported, leaving only a remnant of the duty behind. 3d. Neutral property carried in as prize and exported on acquittal. 4th. Exports to the British colonies, which cannot be called exports to foreign countries.
On the other hand, as a part of the profit made in the colonies, and by British subjects in foreign countries, annually finds its way to the mother country and settles there, the imports compared with the exports may be considered as magnified, when the balance of trade is estimated from the comparison.
According to the statement of the Secretary of the Treasury, made in pursuance of an order of the House of Representatives, the amount of duties and drawbacks on goods, wares and merchandise, imported into the United States and exported therefrom, is as follows:
Table with 2 columns: Year, Dollars. Rows for 1798, 1799, 1800 showing total amount of duties received and total amount of drawbacks paid.
ad, and for the exportation of which the drawbacks have been paid is too long for inflection.
BALTIMORE, MARCH 3. CONFLAGRATION OF THE CAPE.
Arrived last evening, capt. Rogers of the Schooner Nelly, from Cape-Francois, which he left on the 14th February. The news by capt. R. is most distressing; both on account of the American property which has been destroyed at the Cape, and the scenes of horror and bloodshed which have and will take place.
It appears that a division of the French fleet, consisting of 14 sail of ships of the line and 11 other ships of war, with about 20,000 men, arrived off the Cape on the 3d of February, when negotiations were entered into by the commanders on each side, as to the terms on which the one party were to be permitted to land, and the tenure on which the other was to hold their liberty and property. During those negotiations, gen. Leclerc refused to recognize any such character as governor in the island; whole sanction, it was pretended by the blacks, was wanting to permit him to land. This impolitic step immediately roused the suspicions of the negroes, who peremptorily forbade him to land, and threatened if force were used, to reveal it by force; to fire the town and murder the whites. On the evening of the following day, one of the ships hove in near shore, and was fired on by the battery with red hot shot: which was at the same time the signal for the conflagration of the town. Fire and faggots lighted up the flames in many parts at the same time, and the place, during the night, exhibited a scene of horror and destruction beyond the power of description, and equalled only by the dreadful fate it experienced in the year '92. Many massacres took place, and the brutal rage of the negroes spared neither age nor sex, not of their own color, except Americans, one only of whom (a young man from Charleston) was killed. With one hand the black demons of slaughter were seen holding up the writhing infant, and hacking off its limbs with the sword in the other. Those that escaped the sword were preferred to witness more horrid sensations, being dragged by the negroes, (who evacuated the town during the fire, and after the demolishing of the forts) to their strong places in the mountains, to serve as hostages or to glut their fury. On the morning of the 5th, of 2000 houses, 59 only had escaped the ravages of the flames, and their tenants, except a wretched few on board the American shipping, were no where to be seen. Sugars or other property either rolled in liquid fire along the streets, or mounted in cloudy volumes to the skies. All the plantations of the extensive and once flourishing plain around the Cape for many miles exhibited the same tremendous appearance. P. de Paix, was also consumed, and every town in the island except Fort Dauphin it was expected, would share a similar fate with the Cape. Fort Dauphin had been preferred, by another division of the fleet taking possession of it without molestation: four divisions having arrived at different points of the island about the same time. Besides the two mentioned, one had gone into the bite of Esnague. After the total evacuation of the Cape by the blacks, the French shipping hauled into the harbor and took possession of the town and forts. Captain Rogers was permitted by the intendant to sail on the 14th with dispatches, we learnt; but all other Americans were still detained.
It was not known where Toussaint was during the conflagration, but he was supposed to have been at the Cape incognito directing the hand of destruction. He is now at the head of his army in the mountains, in a place strong by nature, and which he had for some time been fortifying and rendering impregnable; by art. To this strong post he has retired with his treasury and his mercenaries; and from it will make his murderous excursions and harry his assailants. Rigaud, his old and implacable rival, was with his enemies, and much was expected from his knowledge of the island and his influence with the inhabitants of the south.
It was reported at Cape-Francois that the fleet destined for Guadaloupe had arrived, and that the same tragic scenes had occurred there.
March 4, 1802. Notwithstanding all our assiduity, we were not so fortunate as to obtain an interview with captain Rogers yesterday. Our account of the affair at the Cape was given from a variety of reports, some of which were necessarily incorrect; but which we have now the pleasure of rendering more accurate, from a personal conversation with captain R. himself. It does not appear that general Leclerc's conduct was wanting in conciliation and policy; nor did the black commandant, Christophe, threaten to massacre the whites if the French persisted in landing, although the savage fury of the negroes actually perpetrated the horrid deeds of blood related. The division before Fort Dauphin was opposed, and some blood was spilt, but the place was taken before it had been set on fire. The name of
the Charleston gentleman killed at the Cape was Lanchester. A great number who were confined in prison were burnt to death, and their skeletons with the manacles on were to be seen after the fire had subsided.
Extract of a letter from a captain at Cape-Francois, to his owner in this city—February 10.
"On the 3d inst. the French fleet arrived off the harbor, and sent in a cutter to know on what terms they were to be received; when general Christophe, thought proper not to let them come again with orders to the admiral, that if he attempted to come in by force, he would set fire to the town. On the 4th there being very little wind all day until afternoon, one of the French ships came very near the fort, intending, we supposed, to have come in; when the fort immediately fired on them, and obliged them to haul off again, and in one hour afterwards the town of Cape-Francois was set fire to in several places, when it exhibited the most shocking light I ever saw."
Philadelphia, March 3.
A stated meeting of the Philadelphia Medical Society, held on Saturday 20th February, 1802, it was resolved, that a premium of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, or a gold medal of that value, be offered for the best natural and medical history of any one of the United States of America.
The candidate is requested particularly to attend to the nature of the soil commonly prevalent in any part of the country he may describe—to the effects produced by clearing the land in the climate, and the consequent influence of these causes on diseases; to the state of longevity in the inhabitants; to the flowering of certain herbs and trees as connected with agricultural operations; and lastly to the mineral and saline productions of the earth. He will be much aided in his inquiries by attending to the hints and subjects of observation contained in "Count Berthold's essay to direct and extend the inquiries of Patriotic travellers," and in "Dr. Lettson's naturalist's and traveller's companion."
To each dissertation a motto must be prefixed, and the same must be put on the back of a letter, containing the name of the author. All dissertations except that to which the prize shall be adjudged, will be returned to any person that may be directed, together with the letter which contains the author's name, unopened. The dissertations must be delivered free of expense to the President, on or before the last Saturday in Feb. 1804.
BENJ. RUSH, President. H. THOMPSON, Sec. pro tem.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
It has been suggested to me, that observations towards the conclusion of the pamphlet entitled, "Reflections on Government, &c." are not sufficiently explanatory of the course of instruction adopted in the Stevensburg academy. The following observations are now published for the purpose of affording more detailed and determinate information on that subject. The object of the course of education I have adopted is to enable the youths entrusted to my superintendence to acquire, in as short a time as possible, an accurate and extensive knowledge of the elements of literature, morality and science. The course commences with the study of Geography, Natural History, Grammar, Arithmetic and the elementary principles of Geometry. A youth of fifteen or sixteen years of age, whose mind has acquired any degree of activity, may, by spending twelve months in this seminary, obtain a knowledge of these studies sufficient to prepare him for the study of Philosophy, or the theory of universal Grammar, as it respects the radical principles on which all languages are founded, and the general purposes for which words are invented and employed; for the study of experimental Philosophy, comprehending the elements of chemistry, or, in other words, those properties of inanimate substances, and their relation to each other, which may be unveiled and displayed to the senses by means of an apparatus and of those laws that regulate the succession of events, which are analyzed and ascertained by the aid of calculation and the elements of Geometry, and for prosecuting with celerity the more difficult and complete principles relative to quantity and number; sufficient too, to qualify the pupil for commencing the study of metaphysics and ethics; understanding by metaphysics an analysis of the structure and operations of the understanding; of the proper subjects and boundaries of human knowledge & of the most rational and successful method of employing our faculties for the discovery of truth, & the detection of error. By ethics, an analysis, first of the existing sources, modes and fashions, of the motives and passions by which mankind are at present governed.—Secondly, of the motives & passions by which man may be and ought to be governed in the execution of his personal and social duties; and thirdly, of the means by which prevailing errors and perverse habits, as they respect our personal and social duties, may be most radically and extensively corrected.—By spending eighteen months longer in this seminary a young man may obtain a sufficient knowledge of the subjects just mentioned; to commence the study of political economy, by which I understand an analysis of the principles that do regulate and ought to regulate the production, exchange and distribution of the principal necessities, comforts and enjoyments of life, so far as those principles are connected with political regulations, by what authorities soever they are enacted and sanctioned, and of the most eligible and therefore the least oppressive mode of collecting a revenue sufficient to defray the expenses of government; he may acquire a knowledge of these subjects sufficient too, for qualifying him to commence the study of government; by which I understand a knowledge of the principles that do regulate and ought to regulate the origination, organization and administration of that authority, which in every civilized society, must be established to secure the inestimable blessings of personal liberty, and national independence. By spending eighteen months longer in this seminary, a young man may complete the course, he may acquire some knowledge of the principles of criticism, or of the principles that do regulate and ought to regulate, the composition of works that blend instruction with amusement, such as history, essays, dramas, &c. of the principles of legislation, or of the principles that do regulate and ought to regulate the enactment, interpretation and execution of laws, of the law of nations, or of the principles, that do regulate & ought to regulate the relations, intercourse, and external interests of independent states. Independent of the lectures regularly delivered in the Academy, which successively embrace every part of the course, the nocturnal reading and exercises of every student are adapted to his genius, wishes and destination: Exercises in composition and elocution, extemporaneous discussions, periodical public exhibitions and examinations, make regular and essential parts of the course. A very laborious prosecution of this plan of education, for 3 years, and under circumstances in some respects, very inauspicious to an energetic and extensive execution of my professional duties, will justify me in observing, that the plan I at present pursue, is better calculated to invigorate and inform the understandings, to excite and nourish an active and generous curiosity, to expand the social affections, to beget an ardent predilection for moral and intellectual improvement and an habitual abhorrence of indolent sensual and expensive dissipation, than any plan of education, whose effects I have ever had an opportunity of observing. Stevensburg, the place of my present residence, is in many respects, as favorable a Theatre as could be selected for the permanent establishment of a Seminary. It is remarkably healthy, as many pupils as I can instruct, may procure suitable accommodations at an expense as moderate as they can be procured probably in any part of Virginia. The village is principally inhabited by Quakers, a sect, distinguished throughout the world, for industry and simplicity, frugality and sobriety. Every temptation to indolence, dissipation and expense is removed: Young men, who have unfortunately contracted inveterate habits of this nature, and are sincerely anxious to shake them off, could not possibly select a scene, where every thing calculated to stimulate and nourish these propensities, is more completely excluded, and such as are really desirous of acquiring useful knowledge and manly habits will probably find the course of instruction, I have adopted and the manner in which it is pursued, singularly calculated to favor their wishes.
JAMES OGILVIE, Instructor of Youth in the Stevensburg Academy. Stevensburg Academy, Feb. 18, 1802.
Paris, November 18. The Consuls of the Republic, with the advice of the Council of the State, decree:— Art. I. The consular guard shall be commanded by four general officers—A general commandant of infantry, a general commandant of Cavalry, a general of artillery, and a general of engineers. II. The generals shall daily take their orders from the First Consul in person. III. The foot guard shall consist of two corps; one of two battalions of grenadiers, and one of two battalions of chasseurs. Each of these corps shall be commanded by a Chief of Brigade, who shall take his orders directly from the general commandant of infantry. IV. The horse guard shall consist of two regiments, one of grenadiers, and one of chasseurs. Each of these regiments shall be commanded by a Chief of Brigade, who shall take his orders directly from the general commandant of Cavalry. No change shall for the present be made in the organization of the artillery of the consular guard.
V. From the 22d of December, each of the two corps of foot guards, and each regiment, as also the artillery and engineers, shall have a distinct council of administration, and receive directly from the Public Treasury on the warrant of the minister at War, the funds respectively allotted to them. VI. These councils of administration shall make a general return yearly of their proceedings to a general Council of administration, to be assembled at the order of the Consuls. VII. There shall be a Governor of the Palace of the Government, who shall take his orders directly from the First Consul.—He shall have under his command six superior adjutants, and six assistant Captains. VIII. One of the six superior Adjutants shall be appointed commandant of arms at St. Cloud; and another commandant of arms at the military school. IX. One of the four general commandants of the guard shall be constantly on duty at the residence of the Consuls during one decade. He shall be present at the parade, inspect the guards, and cause them to file off. X. The distribution of posts, the appointment of watch-words, & the duties which relate to the service and police of the Palace of the government, shall be comprised in the functions of the governor of the Palace. XI. The Minister at War, of Finance, and of the public Treasury, are each, in his respective department, charged with the execution of the present article, which shall be inserted in the Bulletin of the laws. The First Consul, (Signed) BONAPARTE. By the First Consul, H. B. MARET, Secretary of state.
[By Authority.]
An ACT for the relief of LYON LEHMAN.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That there be refunded and paid to Lyon Lehman, out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated by law, the sum of one thousand six hundred and eighty-four dollars; it being the amount of duties paid by the said Lyon Lehman, to the collector of the port of New-York, on three thousand five hundred rifles and carbines, which were imported from Hanburgh, by the said Lyon Lehman, into the said port of New-York, on board the American brig Aetion, Captain Josiah Wilson, in the month of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, March 6, 1802. TH. JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
To Subscribers.
SUBSCRIBERS are respectfully informed, that as the invariable term of this Paper is the annual payment of FIVE DOLLARS in advance, it will be necessary, where such payment is not already made, to make immediate remittance.
FOR SALE.
An excellent Blacksmith, together with his wife and three likely children, to wit, two boys, 10 and 8 years of age, and a girl 4. The woman has been employed altogether in washing and ironing. An examination of the blacksmith's work will be his best recommendation. To save unnecessary applications the price of the family is 1,400 dollars. V. PETTON. Stafford, March 8, 1802.
NOTICE.
Committed to the jail of Washington County, District of Columbia, the following Slaves, viz.
NEGRO Sarah Ann Owens—Committed the 20th February; says she belongs to William Foote, of Alexandria. Has a scar on her breast, is four feet one inch high, supposed to be about 23 years of age.
Also—A dark Mulatto Woman, calls herself Peggy—Committed 23d February; says she belongs to Joshua Power, near Port Tobacco, Maryland. Has a scar on her right arm, occasioned by a burn—is 5 feet 4 inches high, supposed to be about 35 years of age. The owners of the aforesaid slaves are requested to come and pay charges and take them away; otherwise they will be sold for their fees, agreeably to law.
DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. March. 8, 1802. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR,
SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of cloths, cashmeres, swadlowns, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents. His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage.
Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings. Dec. 7, 1802.
There is now due for your subscription Dollars, being payment to and there will be due Dollars on the next for your subscription from

For Sale, A NEGRO WOMAN about 21 years old, who is a good Cook, and a complete house servant in every other respect. Also a large well formed horse, that goes well in a carriage, and pleasant under the saddle. Enquire at this office. March 5. 1802. epf
For Sale, A NEAT Frame House and Lot, on New-Jersey Avenue, (square 690) sixteen by twenty-four, consisting of a shop in front with a large bow window, a parlour and closet back; on the second floor two rooms and a closet, and two rooms on the third floor, together with the lot, twenty-one feet three inches front, running back to an alley one hundred and thirteen or fifteen feet, or thereabout. For terms apply to JOHN MINCHIN, N. Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol March 5. 1802. epf
South-Carolina College. IN pursuance of a resolution of the Board of Trustees of the South-Carolina College, Notice is hereby given, that a premium of THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS is offered for the best original plan of a College, which shall be transmitted under seal to the President of the Board, on or before the fourth Monday in May next, and which on examination may be approved of, and accepted by the Board. In projecting the said plan, due attention must be paid, to the expenses of erecting the same in stone or brick, at Columbia, in this State, which must not exceed fifty thousand dollars, and the building must be so calculated as to be capable of accommodating the greatest possible number of students, besides having rooms adapted to the studies and exercises of the institution, and for the accommodation of the professors. The above premium will be paid to the author of the best original plan, which on being received, is approved by the Board, as meeting the purposes hereby required. By order of his Excellency JOHN DRAYTON, Governor and commander in chief of this State, and President of the Board. DANIEL HUGER, Private Secretary to his Excellency. South-Carolina, Charleston, March 5. 1802. 41N.2U
N. HINGSTON, Botanist, Nursery and Seedsman, Fair-fax-street, Alexandria. HAS on hand a very complete assortment of all kinds of fresh Seeds, for the kitchen and flower garden. Also for the improvement of land, Lombardy poplars, catalpa, grafted apple-trees, of choice fruit, and a variety of different flowering shrubs and plants. Bulbous roots, and medicinal plants, and seeds. All sorts of tools and implements, used in gardening; flowers and plants in pots, and flower pots of all sorts. I will sell or rent for the unexpired time of my lease, which is eleven years from the first of January last, fifteen acres of highly improved land on a public road, two miles from Alexandria, on which is a log house, and stable 4 acres of clover and timothy, a good garden, with all the necessary roots and plants for a market garden. Any person wishing to rent or purchase, may be accommodated with all kinds of farming and gardening utensils. There is a spring of excellent water, and the place is well wooded to be the handiest both for pleasure or prospect, in these parts. I will also rent for one or more years the store I now occupy; allowed to be as good a stand for the grocery business as any in town. Any person wishing to rent may be accommodated with a general assortment of goods suitable to the stand, on the lowest terms. Also for sale, a handsome saddle horse, 4 years old next summer. And an half acre lot, in fee simple, on the corner of Wolf and Wilkes-streets. A great bargain may be had on any of the above property. N. H. N. B. Garden and Flower Seeds, of N. Hingston's raising, warranted good, may be had at Mr. Joncheret's store, three doors below the Union Tavern, George-Town. March 5. 1802. epf
A Good Bargain! Will be sold by Public Sale, on Wednesday the 17th of March next, at 12 o'clock on the premises. A VALUABLE Farm situate on Tom's Creek, near Emmittsburg, Frederick county Maryland; containing about 280 acres, 35 whereof are good meadow, mostly timothy, and well watered—120 acres timber land, and the remainder good farming land. Well adapted for raising grain and clover; there is on said farm a two story log dwelling house and kitchen, a stone milk house, and smoke house; a mill house with two mills and a boiler, and a constant stream of water running through both. A good log barn 64 by 30 feet, a new frame cow house 50 by 30 and other convenient buildings, a large apple orchard, containing more than 600 trees; and a large number and variety of peach and cherry trees. This farm is well watered; every field having a constant stream running thro' it. One thousand pounds will be required to be paid in hand, the remainder of the purchase money in three equal yearly payments. If the purchaser will pay the whole in hand, a generous discount will be made. At the same time and place will be offered for sale 230 acres, joining the above; the two have always been one farm, and will be sold separate or together as may suit the purchaser. The day following a large flock of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, farming utensils, and household furniture, will be sold. JOHN M. BATARD. Feb 26, 1802. ep4w&UG
The Subscriber RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from George-Town to the fountain inn, near Rhode's City Tavern. Where he is furnished with a good hofier, carriage house, and it being for eighteen horses, and every thing in his line to render the accommodation of travellers agreeable. The strictest attention will be paid by CHARLES ROGERS. N. B. Ten or fifteen gentlemen can get board and lodging on moderate terms. Dec. 2. epf
FOR SALE. A superb Curricule with plated Harness. ALSO a pair of young, handsome and fleet PONIES, and a capital saddle horse, who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer. Dec. 12. epf
For Sale, Or to To Let, on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS, SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol. The titles to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 16. epf
NOTICE. THE Sale of the brick house and lot No. 10, in square 728, in the City of Washington, near the Capitol on East Capitol Street, which was to have taken place this day, is postponed on account of the inclemency of the weather, but will certainly be exposed to public sale, at Tunnicliff's Tavern, near the premises on Tuesday the 16th day of March next, at 4 o'clock in the evening, on a credit of three, six and nine months. Negotiable notes with approved indorsers, payable at the Bank of Columbia, or at the Branch Bank in the City of Washington, to be given at the time of the sale, when possession will be given, and an indisputable title will be made to the purchaser on receiving the last payment. SAMUEL TYLER. Feb. 26. 1802.
Sale at Auction. On Saturday the 20th, of March next, will be held at Public Venue, at Rhode's Tavern. A LOT of ground in the City of Washington, known on the plat of said City, of Lot No. 14, in square No. 346, containing 3855 square feet. The situation is amongst those which are considered the most valuable, being in the neighbourhood of the Navy Yard; and but a short distance from the Capitol. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock A. M. when the terms will be made known by. AZARIAH GATTON. March 1. 1802. epf
Public Auction. By virtue of an order from the Orphan's court of Prince George county, will be exposed to Public Sale, for cash, on the 24th day of March next, at the dwelling of Richard Lamart, in said county. ALL the property of Mary Lamart, deceased; consisting of twelve negroes, among which are women, girls, and boys—Also a variety of household furniture. All persons indebted to the said estate are desired to make payment immediately; and those that have claims against the same, are required to exhibit them properly authenticated, before the first day of May next, to the subscriber. JOHN LAMAR, Adm'r. Feb. 19. 1802. ep3w
NOTICE. COMMITTED to the Jail of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, as a Runaway, a Negro Woman named CHARLOTTE, about nineteen years of age, five feet four or five inches high. She says she is the property of Lewis St. John, near Battle Town, Frederick county, Virginia. The owner is requested to come and pay Charges and take her away. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Feb. 5. 1802. epf
NOTICE. Will be offered for sale by Auction, on the 18th day of March next, on the premises, one moiety or half part of an excellent frame house in the City of Washington, on Pennsylvania Avenue, between the Seven Buildings and George-Town. At present occupied by Mr. Watkins, and adjoining the brick house in which Mr. Amariah Frost lives. One half part of the lot will be held with the house, and Jacob R. Rhodes's title to the same will be conveyed to the highest bidder. This property is taken by virtue of two writs of fieri facias to me directed, issued out of the circuit court of the United States, for the district of Columbia, sitting in the county of Washington, Frederick Betz, against Hugh Boyd, Jacob R. Rhodes, and George Hywood. Terms of sale cash—Time of sale 11 o'clock, A. M. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. Feb 19, 1802. epf
GEORGE WALKER, REQUESTS those who may have any claims against him, that have not yet come to his knowledge, to bring them in for immediate settlement; and informs those who are indebted to him, that no longer indulgence than the 15th of next month will be given. He has yet remaining on hand for sale, six hundred and thirty six of the very best of the lots arising from the tract of land of which he was fee simple proprietor before the City of Washington was laid out; and which lots are situated on the Eastern Branch near to where the bridge is about to be built; extending from thence over the high ground on each side of the Post Road, north east of the Capitol. The recording clerk's office here, will show the title to be good. He will let for a reasonable rent, about 80 acres of land, inclosed at the north end of his plantation, and within ten minutes walk of the Capitol; containing a large barn and two good stables, two large orchards of choice fruit, a new garden, two good springs, and the use of an excellent well of water convenient, with a small dwelling house which will be erected in a few weeks hence. This place is well calculated for gardening, a dairy and a livery stable. He also wishes to let a two story frame house calculated for a store, on square No 728. And will sell or let, a barn 50 feet by 25, on square No 919, East Capitol Street. Washington, Feb. 17, 1802. epf
FOR SALE. THE subscriber is authorised to sell a tract of land containing four hundred acres, lying in Prince George county, on Oxen Run, adjoining the district of Columbia, and about two miles from the City of Washington, with a good road to that part of the Eastern Branch over which a bridge is to be built. This land is healthy and abounds with springs of excellent water. There are between twenty and thirty acres of meadow ground, with a fine stream through it, which may be prepared for timothy at a small expense, and at least two hundred acres in wood and timber. The wood itself will more than pay for the land. The cleared land, except a small part indeed, is of an excellent quality, and has on it a large tobacco house, and several houses suitable for the accommodation of labourers. This land has on it some elegant situations for country seats, commanding a view of the river and the city. If this land be not sold at private sale, before the 10th day of March next (and if it be, timely notice will be given) it will on that day, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter be sold to the highest bidder on the premises. The greater part of the purchase money will be required down; a credit of three months will be given on the balance, the purchaser securing the punctual payment of the balance at the expiration of that time. Persons disposed to make a private purchase, may know the terms by application to Wm. Cooke, of Baltimore Town, of Mr. James F. Leitch of Mancheffer, Virginia, Mr. John Addison at Goosebrough, near the City of Washington, or to the subscriber in the city of Washington. PHILIP T. BAKER, Attorney for J. Addison. Jan. 18, 1802. epf
Farming Lands for Sale. THE Subscriber would sell about 1000 acres of the tract of Land whereon Dr. John D. Orr at present resides, in the county of Prince William, situated a few miles from the seat of the district Court, and within convenient marketable distance of the Occoquan Mills and Dumfries. It is of the first rate quality of soil, is abundantly supplied with wood and water, and has a large proportion of ground which is in a peculiar manner adapted to the growth of timothy grass. Also the tract of land adjacent to the above, late the property of Mr. Thomas Swann of Alexandria, together with about 100 acres of woodland, of the above described tract, making about 1350 acres; the quality and advantages being similar to that. The first-mentioned tract will be conveyed to the purchaser free from every incumbrance, a considerable payment in hand will be expected, and the lowest price per acre twenty dollars. Possession to be given the ensuing spring, with a reservation of the growing crop of small grain, but the last-mentioned tract will be sold subject to existing leases for short terms of years, under strict covenants guarding against waste and injury of the property, &c. and subject to the purchase money which will be due for the same to Mr. Swann, with interest, in about 9 years. The payment required in hand is the remainder of the amount, about two thousand pounds; and the price per acre is eighteen dollars. Also the reversionary interest in the Piedmont Tract, situated below the mountain called the Short Hill, in Loudoun county, consisting of several thousand acres, chiefly under leases to the occupants, and forming perhaps the best settlement in Virginia, of the same extent, extremely well watered; improved with the best meadows and orchards, and peculiarly adapted to the use of the Planter of Paris. This Land will be sold in Lots consisting of one or more tenements, as may best suit purchasers, together with one or more Lots of woodland to be laid off on the S.E. side of the Short Hill for the convenience of any of said tenements that may be scarce of wood. There are several good mill seats upon this tract, which is not more than 15 miles from Alexandria and the City of Washington, and no part of it more than 15 miles from Leesburg. The price per acre will be various, according to the quality and advantages of the Land, and circumstances of the Leases, but an extensive credit will be given by instalments, upon receiving what it may be convenient for the purchasers to pay in hands. It is desired that persons wishing to purchase this property, will signify their intentions before the wood land is laid off. Also two or three small Farms with every requisite convenience for immediate operation, in the counties of Jefferson and Frederick, and at various prices. And several valuable building Lots, situated upon the Pennsylvania Avenue, in the City of Washington; some upon square 74, near the Six Buildings, and some upon square 38; besides other very valuable Lots in that City. Application to be made in person or by Letter, (post paid) directed to Charlottetown, Virginia, to FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Shan. Hill, March 5, 1802. ep8w
FOR SALE. I WOULD sell on reasonable terms, three or four hundred acres of Land, in the centre of my estate at Marlborough, on the Virginia side of the river Potomac, about 45 miles below the City of Washington, and 13 distant from Fredericksburg; the whole constituting a very desirable situation for a substantial Farmer, on a moderate scale. This tract extends for length, from Potomac river across the neck of Accokeek creek—it has most beautiful situations on the river for country seat; it has a fine Rock & Herring Fishery, and a landing that must be very valuable, as it is the only hold water on the Potomac, that can be connected by land carriage with Fredericksburg. The soil is very rich, and it lies very well for cultivation, with a large bulk of the richest firm marle—part of it is a most valuable firm marle, from which 100 to 150 tons of good hay might be annually taken, a portion of this is ditched and drained for timothy. The improvements are an overseer's house, barn and negro quarters. If not before sold by private contract, it will be offered at public vendue on the 20th of May, on the premises, (the seller reserving a bid) deliverable in the fall. Mr. William Hay, the present tenant, will show the premises to persons inclined to purchase. JOHN F. MERCER. Annapolis, Feb. 26, 1802. ep6w.
The Arabian Horse The Dey of Algiers. ARRIVED on the 19th inst, in high health and spirits from Boston, to which place he was imported, and sent here to the care of John Mason, Esq. by his proprietor colonel Swan of Massachusetts, now in Europe. He will stand the ensuing season, at my farm in Montgomery county, seven miles from this town and the City of Washington, and will cover at forty dollars the season (commencing the 1st of March) and one dollar to the groom, the money or an approved promissory note to be sent with the mare. This beautiful animal was brought from Arabia in the year '98, at four years old, by the late grand bailiff Fromm, of Prussia, into that kingdom, and was purchased at the sale of the bailiff's studs, after his death, at Fehrden, in '99, lieutenant general Frederick baron of Diemar, by whom he was sent to Hamburg, to col. Swan, whence he was by that gentleman shipped to America; to attest which, and to prove him to be a genuine Arabian horse, original certificates are in my hands, and may at all times be seen. The Dey is of full stature for his race, he measures exactly fourteen hands two inches and an half. His colour is early white, with a few brown spots dappled over his neck and shoulders. In figure and bone it is believed, he will stand the test of the best judges. He is only eight years old the coming spring. He is of fine presence and carriage; and remarkably vigorous and active. As it is the wish of his proprietor to display the merits of this horse in his colts—as early, and with as much certainty as possible, by his order, no more than fifty mares will be received his season. I have excellent and extensive pasture well fenced, adjoining the land, at two shillings and six pence per week. Grain and green clover will be furnished if desired, at moderate prices.—Great care shall be taken of mares, and every justice done them with the horse; but I will be answerable for no accidents or escapes. If gentlemen at a distance choose to send servants with their mares they shall be provided for on reasonable terms. CHARLES C. JONES. George-Town, Feb. 26, 1802. ep6w
Land and Houses for Sale. The Subscriber will sell by private contract, the following valuable property. Two Tracts of Land, in Culpepper county, Virginia, lying on Flat Run, near Roman's Ford, distant 28 miles from Fredericksburg, and 55 from the City of Washington. One tract contains 700 acres, the other 300; the soil of which is equal to any in the vicinity, and is more particularly productive of grass. They are separated from each other by a never-failing stream, which waters 200 acres of the best bottom land, a great proportion of which consist of mowing and grazing meadow. Of the 700 acres tract, 300 are cleared and in arable order, and 250 of the smaller tract are highly improved. The buildings on the latter tract are commodious, consisting of a roomy dwelling house lately erected, a kitchen, stables, servant's houses, all in good repair; near which are extensive and flourishing orchards of apples and peaches, and a large kitchen garden. On the other tract are an overseer's house, negro cabin, &c. The situation as to health, agreeable society, and convenience to mills, both saw and grist, can be exceeded but by few places. They will be sold either together or separate. Also, in the town of Alexandria, two elegant three story brick houses, situated the one on King, the other on Columbia Street, and 40 by 20 feet each. They are well calculated for private families, and are as well situated as any in the town, for the grocery and flour business. Also, in the same town, five unimproved lots on King-Street, and three on Patrick-Street, which will be sold or leased, for any length of time, and about one mile from the town, from 9 to 34 acres of land, pleasantly situated on the Leesburg road. He will also sell a handsome and commodious three story brick house, lately finished, in the City of Washington, on F Street, not far from the branch bank, 28 feet by 40, occupied at present by the Secretary of State; and adjoining thereto, a good framed house, well calculated both for a family and retail store, there being a large front room in front, and four other convenient rooms, with a kitchen and stable on the lot. A framed house, two stories high, 26 feet by 20, on F. Street, directly opposite the branch bank. The above houses are situated in by far the best improved and most pleasant part of the city. Several unimproved lots, in good situations in the City of Washington, and 7 or 8000 acres land in Kentucky. The whole and any part of the above described property will be sold on such terms as will render complete satisfaction to purchasers. For the land in Virginia, on the payment of one third of the purchase money in hand a credit will be given for the residue, of one two and three years, payable in three equal instalments with interest. Fifty or sixty negroes will be taken in payment or a part of it. For further particulars, as to terms apply to the subscriber or, in his absence to John Hewit, attorney at law, City of Washington, to Robert B. Voss, esq. of paper for the lands in Virginia; and to Henry Moor, esq. of Alexandria, for the property in Alexandria. NICHOLAS VOSS. Washington, Feb. 26, 1802. 2awtf
CHARLES VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Best superfine cloths, Cassimeres, Swansdown, Toynton's, Velvets, Fancy Cords, Costings, Planels, &c. N B Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice—Washington City, New Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. epf
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORNION, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low ground on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is a very high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk—there are two good mill seats for grist, or saw-mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if felled up into cantiling will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary—Apply to RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 82, Walnut-street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11. epf
BOLTING CLOTHS. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BOLTING CLOTHS Of the best qualities and latest importations, are kept for sale by OLIVER EVANS, at the corner of Market and Ninth streets, Philadelphia, and By OLIVER & EVAN EVANS, With BOHN and SLINGLUFF, at the corner of Market and Howard streets, Baltimore. Also, with DEAN & GARDNER, Union street, Alexandria. The book entitled the YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT and MILLER'S GUIDE, may also be had at the above places. Jan. 29, 1802. ep4w&op4w
Lands for Sale. WE will sell that valuable Farm lying in Prince George county, containing 400 acres more or less, and one other tract containing 150 acres adjoining the above late the property of Richard Baill deceased; those lands are well timbered and watered, and at a small expense there might be made at least 40 acres of meadow. The improvements on the first mentioned land are a good dwelling house, kitchen, new barn, an excellent tan yard, and several other convenient out houses, and the last mentioned land has a new log dwelling house, and other convenient out houses. Those lands lie four miles from Bladensburg and ten from the City of Washington. For terms apply to Samuel N. Smallwood at the Washington Navy Yard, or to the subscribers living near the premises. AZEL BAILL, RICHARD WALKER, } executors. March 1, 1802. ep4w
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE. FOR sale about 4500 acres of land belonging to the estate of Judge Mercer, deceased, and situated in the county of Loudoun, on the waters of Goose Creek, about 40 miles from Alexandria and the Federal City. A large portion of this tract is meadow ground, of good quality, and the soil of the high land is well adapted to every species of produce usually cultivated on land similarly situated in the upper country. Such portion of it as remains uncleared, affords an extensive and excellent range for stock of every kind. On one part of this land is one of the most valuable mill seats in the state. The supply of water is inexhaustible, and the mill could be erected immediately on the site of the public road leading from Winchester to Alexandria. It is computed that the number of waggons almost constantly travelling along this road, amount to at least 5 or 600. So that a ready market might always be had here, for a very considerable quantity of grain and hay. It is deemed unnecessary to describe more particularly the many advantages of this tract of land, as it is expected that all persons disposed to purchase, will first view the premises. To accommodate purchasers the whole tract will be divided into lots of 4 or 500 acres each, with as much wood and meadow land to every lot as circumstances will admit. And it is believed that the whole 4500 acres may be so laid off into farms of the above-mentioned size, as to leave in each as much wood and meadow land as would be desired. The price and time of payment will be made known by the subscribers. Letters directed to John T. Brooke, Fredericksburg, or to James M. Garnett, Laytons, will be answered without delay. JOHN T. BROOKE, JAMES M. GARNETT, } Adm'rs Feb. 8, 1802. epf
For sale, or to be rented. A House and lot on the Capitol Hill—the lot is 20 feet 2 inches on Delaware Avenue, and about 100 feet deep extending back to a 30 feet alley. The House is a handsome well furnished convenient three story brick house, containing a sealed garrets; 5 chambers, 2 parlours—kitchen with a pantry and cellar. It is directly opposite to the Buildings of WASHINGTON, occupied by Gen. Dearborn, near adjoining to a number of houses belonging to Mr. Carroll, rented to Mr. Dalton and others. From its vicinity to the Capitol, it is well calculated for a private family; or a person attached to the offices of the Federal Legislature—adjoining is a lot of about 40 feet front on same Avenue, and running same depth back (the whole under a good post and rail fence) which, if required would be sold at same time. Granted, the Tenant may have the use of the whole of the lot, which would make an excellent garden, having a South and Eastern exposure, as long as convenient to the proprietor. This property would be sold a Bargain for satisfactory payments, or well situate property in Philadelphia would be taken in exchange. Apply to Benjamin Dureh, New Jersey Avenue or to the Editor of the National Intelligencer—or to Karrick and Percival, Philadelphia. Nov. 21. tf.
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORNION, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low ground on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is a very high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk—there are two good mill seats for grist, or saw-mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if felled up into cantiling will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary—Apply to RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 82, Walnut-street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11. epf