The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-06-27 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DLXXXI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 27th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Massachusetts Legislature.
IN SENATE, Thursday June 14.
A resolve directing the appointment of ELECTORS of President and Vice President, by a GENERAL TICKET, passed—Yeas 19 Nays 14—& sent down for concurrence.
After this decision the Hon. Mr. BAGON, moved, that a PROTEST of the Minority against the proceedings of the Majority, on this question should be entered upon the journals.—A spirited debate ensued; when it was determined, that the motion should not be sustained.—Yeas 15—Nays 18.
House of Representatives.
Tuesday, June 14.
The Resolve prescribing the mode of choosing Electors was received from the Senate and passed—Yeas 125—Nays 106.
Mr. MORTON then offered a protest, signed by himself and several other gentlemen of the minority, against the resolution, which he moved should be entered on the journals of the House. The Speaker observed, that as the protest impeached the motives of the majority, he should not put the motion unless he was directed to by the House. The question being taken, "Whether the Speaker should put the motion of Mr. Morton," it was determined in the negative—Yeas 53—Nays 172.
FRIDAY, June 15.
The order of the day, on the motion of Mr. ELY, for an amendment of the Federal Constitution, was taken up, when after an animated debate, it was moved that the further consideration of the subject be postponed until the next session of the General Court.—The question to postpone was put, and negatived—Yeas 92—Nays 111.
The question on the resolution, was then taken, and passed—Yeas 104—Nays 52—And Messrs. Bigelow, Ely and Wadsworth, were appointed to report a resolution on the subject.
SATURDAY, June 16.
The committee appointed upon the motion of Mr. Ely, to bring in a resolve to instruct the Senators of this Commonwealth, in the Congress of the United States, for apportioning the Representatives in Congress among the several States according to the number of their inhabitants respectively—reported a resolve for that purpose; to which Mr. Morton moved an amendment, viz.—after the word "respectively" to insert "provided however, that the ratio of direct taxes, shall not be increased to the States, not holding slaves, by virtue of such amendment." After some conversation the question was taken upon the amendment—Yeas 62—Nays 91—The question was then taken upon the resolution—Yeas 89—Nays 62.
From the Independent Chronicle.
We have obtained copies of the PROTEST of the minority of the Senate, and of the House, against the resolve for a GENERAL TICKET for Electors; which, although not permitted by the federal majority to be entered on their journals, are published for the consideration of our fellow-citizen; and we recommend them to the serious attention of every candid man, as a concise and authentic statement of the sentiments of the republican members of the Legislature on this most interesting subject.
COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
IN SENATE, June 14, 1804.
The undersigned members of the Senate, protest against the resolve this day passed, for the choice of Electors of President and Vice President of the United States on the part of this Commonwealth, by a GENERAL TICKET, for the following reasons.
1st. Because it is a departure from the practice of this Commonwealth in all former instances of the choice of Electors; in which, so far as the people have had any agency, they have, always voted by districts.
2d. Because it is a deviation from the system of electing established by law in the analogous case of choosing representatives in Congress by districts; a system introduced with deliberation, and sanctioned by fair experiment.
3d. Because it is inconsistent with the constitutional principle of electing Senators and Representatives in our State Legislature by districts.
4th. Because it is an innovation upon the general and immemorial custom of the people of this Commonwealth, who have inherited from their ancestors the usage and habit of voting for their public officers, by districts, of convenient extent, in all cases, where more than one are to be elected, by their suffrages, to the same office or trust. The election of a Governor and Lieutenant Governor, by a General Ticket, is founded upon absolute necessity, their being only 1 person to be elected for the whole Commonwealth, to each of those offices. It is, therefore, neither an exception from the general rule, or an example applicable to elections, in which so such necessity exists. Besides, those two state officers are not only single, but also permanent, and are filled by annual elections; for which a few prominent characters, residing any where in the state, are, from year to year, generally for a long time, held up to public contemplation as candidates; by which means the people at large have a reasonable opportunity to form a judgement of their qualifications and pretensions: whereas there are 19 electors to be now chosen, to perform one important duty only, without any such probationary introduction or any further continuance in office. The embarrassment of the people will be rendered still greater, by their being confined to vote for one Elector in each district throughout the Commonwealth, instead of being left at liberty to vote for a part only, or for their General Ticket, the candidates best known and most approved by them, in whatever counties they might happen to reside.
5th. Because, from the peculiar situation and circumstances of this Commonwealth, extending from the state of New-York to the province of New-Brunswick, a distance of more than five hundred miles, separated by the interjacency of another state, comprehending three original colonies, and two independent Judiciary districts, and containing eighteen counties, above four hundred towns, & more than half a million of inhabitants, the qualified voters in one extreme have not, and cannot have, such knowledge of the principles and characters of the candidates in the other extreme of the Commonwealth, as to be able to act understandingly in making their own choice. They must, therefore, either omit to act, and thus lose their elective rights, or act upon the judgement of others, and merely adopt a list presented to them under the form of a nomination. The result of such a process, however dignified with the name of an election by the people at large, will in reality be nothing more than an appointment made for them by a few individuals.
6th. Because it is incompatible with the true spirit of our Representative system of government; as under the existing circumstances of the Commonwealth, its operation will be to deprive a large proportion of the citizens thereof of the benefit of a fair exercise of their constitutional right of suffrage.
7th. Because we believe the public sentiment, which ought to be duly respected by legislators, in order to give general satisfaction, is in favor of a choice by districts, in preference to a General Ticket.
8th. Because, in the present political state of things, the object of a General Ticket must be to place all our electoral suffrages in the hands of one political party, to the entire exclusion of an opposing party nearly equal in numbers. Its inevitable tendency will, therefore, be to stimulate those parties to opposite electing exertions, and to increase their mutual jealousies, prejudices and passions; without any probable effect upon the result of the approaching national election.
9th. Because it appears to us, as it is avowed by some of its principal advocates in the legislature, to be a measure of state opposition to the present administration of the Federal Government; an administration so full of sagacity, and, in our opinion, highly meriting the confidence affection and support of a great and increasing majority of the nation. Such an unreasoning and unavailing opposition to the republican system of measures adopted by the constituted authorities of the Union, and sanctioned by the deliberate sense of the American People, in addition to its intrinsic impropriety, is calculated to injure the respectability of this Commonwealth, to incur the reciprocal opposition of other states, to diminish our weight and influence in the national councils, to weaken both the general and state governments, and endanger an eventual dissolution of the Federal Union.
For these reasons, we move that this our protest, may be entered on the Journal of the Senate.
Signed by fourteen Senators.
PROTEST OF THE HOUSE.
WE whose names are hereunto subscribed, Members of the House of Representatives, do protest against and think it necessary to assign to our constituents and the rest of the people of this Commonwealth, the reasons which influenced our votes, against the Resolve, which prescribes the mode of appointing the Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, by a general ticket. And for giving our votes in favor of the people in each of the seventeen districts established for the choice of Representatives to congress; having also the right to choose one Elector in each district, and the remaining two Electors to be chosen at large by the whole people, and request leave to have the same entered on the Journals of the House.—We are opposed to the General Ticket for the whole number of electors.
1st. Because, it defeats the first principles of the elective franchise, which is, that the elector should know and be acquainted with the character and sentiments of the candidate for whom he votes; which, in a territory so extensive as that of Massachusetts, and where the candidates are to reside at a distance so remote from each other, we consider as impossible.
2d. Because it is repugnant to the habits and usage of the people of this Commonwealth, who, ever since the adoption of their present constitution and from the earliest period of their history as a people, have never been accustomed to an election by a general ticket of the whole people, where more than one officer of the same rank and kind were to be chosen.
3d. Because this mode is calculated to open the door to intrigue and imposition on the people.
4th. Because this mode of election is fallacious in the face of it. It locates one elector in each of the seventeen districts on the principle that, such district is to be represented in the electoral college; whereas, unless the majority of such district be of the same political sentiments with the majority of the whole Commonwealth, there will be selected from among them a candidate in opposition to their sentiments and wishes.
5th. Because the advocates of this novel mode of appointing the electors openly avowed their intentions to be, to oppose with the whole strength of the state, the re-election of the present chief magistrate of the union.
[An inference was drawn from the above avowal, which was offensive to the house, and for that reason, we omit publishing it.]
6th. Because, this mode will deprive one party of their due weight in the appointment of the First Magistrate of the union, who is the common president of the national sovereignty of the whole people; entitled to representation in election of equal numbers, as well as of the state sovereignties, entitled to a representation of two electors in the electoral college of each state.
7th. Because, in a state like Massachusetts, where political parties are so nearly balanced, this mode must necessarily produce great political heat and asperrity in the public mind, and has a tendency to subvert that harmony and tranquility so essential to the happiness of society. We are in favor of voting by seventeen distinct districts.
1st. Because a choice in this mode is, in our opinion, more fair, more consonant to the spirit of the constitution, less subject to the excitement of party heat, and agreeable to the wishes of the people of Massachusetts.
2d. Because, the people of this state have been accustomed, ever since the adoption of their constitution, to choose the Senators of our own state, and representatives to congress, by district, and they have never yet found any inconveniences resulting from that mode, or ever complained against it.
Signed by 101 members.
Foreign Intelligence.
From the Paris Argus, of March 26.
On Friday last the senate was extraordinarily convened by virtue of a decree of the First Consul. Cambacérès presided at the sitting.
After the ordinary business was gone through, the senate received by the organ of the grand judge, a communication of the original correspondence which Mr. Drake, minister of the king of England to the electoral court of Bavaria, has kept up for these four months past, with agents sent, paid, and directed by him in the very heart of the republic.
REPORT
Made by the Grand Judge to the First Consul.
Citizen First Consul,
I think it my duty to detach from the instruction of the infamous plot which justice is soon to unveil and punish, the papers of an accessory correspondence, which in this grand affair and with regard to the police is but a simple incident, but which, considered politically, seems to me proper to open the eyes of Europe, as to the English diplomacy, as to the baseness of its agents, and as to the miserable expedients which it employs to attain its ends.
A minister of the English government is accredited at a court approximate to France. Custom, manners, the rights of nations, attach distinctions, prerogatives to that place, and not without motive. The excellence of a foreign minister is every where destined to prove and maintain the ties of friendship, of confidence and honor which unite states, and the duration of which constitutes the glory of governments and the happiness of nations.
But such is not the aim of the mission of the diplomatic agents of the English government. I lay before you, citizen First Consul, the direct correspondence which Mr. Drake, minister of the king of England at the electoral court of Bavaria, has carried on for these four months past with agents sent, paid and directed by him in the very heart of the republic.
This correspondence consists in ten original letters, all written with Mr. Drake's own hand.
I also lay before you the instructions which Mr. Drake had orders to distribute amongst his agents, and likewise an authentic statement of the sums paid and promised, to recompense and encourage those crimes which under the most indulgent legislatures are always capitally punished.
It was not to represent his sovereign that Mr. Drake came to Munich invested with the title of minister plenipotentiary. This representation was the only apparent part, the pretext of his legation. His true object was to recruit agents of intrigue, of revolt of assassinations, to make a war of villainy and murder against the French government; and in fine, to wound the neutrality and dignity of the government with whom he resides.
Thus, Mr. Drake is ostensibly a public character; but in reality he is no more (and his instructions prove it) than the secret director of the English police upon the continent. The means of that police are gold, seductions, the foolish hopes of all the intriguers, of all the ambitious of Europe. Its object is clearly laid down in the 18th article of the instructions which Mr. Drake furnishes to all his agents, and which form the first of the papers annexed to this report.
The 2d, 7th, 8th, 9th and 13th articles of these instructions are remarkable.
"Art. 2. The principal of the journey being the overthrow of the present government, one of the means to arrive at it, is to obtain a knowledge of the enemy's plans. For this purpose it is of the highest importance to commence, above all things, by establishing a sure correspondence with the different government offices, in order to have an exact knowledge of all their plans, both for the exterior and interior. The knowledge of those plans will furnish the best arms wherewith to frustrate them, and the want of success is a means of entirely discrediting the French government: the first step towards the proposed end, and the most important one."
7. One may, in concert with the associates, bribe the persons employed in the gunpowder manufactories, in order to blow them up, when an opportunity offers.
8. It is above all necessary to secure
the fidelity of some printers and engravers, in order that they may print and do every thing of that kind which the association may stand in need of.
9. It would be desirable that the exact state of parties of France, and particularly in Paris, should be known.
13. It is understood that all possible means shall be employed in order to disorganize the armies, both without and within.
"Thus to corrupt the administration to establish volcanoes wherever the republic has gunpowder magazines, to procure faithful printers & engravers in order to make use of them, to penetrate into the mid of all parties for the purpose of arming them against each other, and in fine, to excite the armies to revolt, and to disorganize them: such are the effective objects of the diplomatic mission of Mr. Drake in Bavaria."
But happily the genius of evil is not as powerful in its means as it is fruitful in illusions and in fluster projects. Were it otherwise, human societies would exist no more. Hated, craft, money, indifference as to the choice of means, are neither wanting to Mr. Drake nor to the immoral police of his government; but they want the power of making in France an organization as strong as nature, established upon the affection of thirty millions of citizens, cemented by French, by the interests of all, animated by the wisdom and genius of the government.
Men who appreciate nothing but gold, and whose talents are fit for nothing but low intrigue, are incapable of conceiving what is the confidence and power of a state of things which is the result of ten years of victories and victories, of a great co-accident of events, and of the maturity of a noble nation, formed by the dangers and efforts of a glorious war, and of a terrible revolution.
In this beautiful union of power and wills, Mr. Drake sees only occasions of intrigue and scenes of spying. During my stay in Italy, says he to his correspondents (Munich, 27th January No. 7) I had connections with the interior of France. It must be the same at present, and the more so, as I now am one of the English ministers the least distant from the frontiers.
Such are his titles to endeavor to bring about the overthrow of France. Are his means better than his titles?
He has agents in whom he dares not confide. His uncertain correspondence is written to him by the way of Switzerland, by Strasburg, by Kehl, Offenburg and Munich; he has saboteurs in those towns, to take care of the safety of his correspondence. He makes use of false passports of names privately agreed upon, of sympathetic ink (No. 1.) such are the means of communication by which he transmits his ideas, his projects, his recompenses; and it is by the same ways that his correspondents inform him of the plans laid under his direction in four departments to form an army in them, to augment it with all the malcontents, and to subvert the government of the First Consul.
Without doubt these attempts and promises are senseless, and the vile and miserable means put in practice are in too great disproportion to the difficulties of the enterprise, for the least uneasiness to be felt about its success. But it is not always upon motives of fear and with the view of punishing that this interior and domestic policy acts, to which has been given the name of police; and the central object of which is not only to prevent and repress crimes, as that of exterior policy is to chain and to blow them up, but also to remove from vice and weakness even the occasion, even the temptation of falling.
In countries the best governed, there are spirits capable of being turned out of the line of duty by a sort of natural inclination to inconstancy. In societies the best organized, there are weak men and perverse men. It has always been acknowledged by my predecessors that it was fulfilling a duty of humanity to watch over these men, not in the vain hopes of rendering them good, but to stop the development of their vices. And as in this respect all polished nations have the same interest to defend and the same duties to fulfil, it has always been received as a general maxim, that no government should suffer there should any where be raised a standard, round which the corrupt men of all countries and of all professions might rally, form a mutual intelligence and plot the general disorganization. And with this view, they should still less suffer to be established round them an infamous school of seduction and embezzlement, which may put fidelity and

confining to the trial, and may at once attack both the affections and the consciences of citizens.
Mr. Drake had an agency at Paris. But other ministers, instruments of discord and seduction like him, can also have agencies. Mr. Drake, in his correspondence discloses all those which exist in France, by the very care he takes to deny that he knows them. I repeat, says he in his letters, (No. 4, 5, 6, 8 & 9) that I have no knowledge of the existence of any other society than yours. But I repeat to you, says he in several places, that if there exists any, I doubt not but you and your friends will take all proper measures, not only not to embarrass you, but to assist each other. And in fine, he adds, (Munich, 9th Dec. 1803,) with a brutal fury, and worthy the part he acts: It is of little importance by whom the animal is knocked down; it suffices that you all are ready to join in the chase.
It is in consequence of this system that when the plot with which justice is now occupied, was manifested, he wrote—If you see means of getting any of the associates of Georges out of the scrape, do not omit to make use of them [No. 9] And as the genius of evil, even when disgraced is never discouraged, Mr. Drake did not with his friends abandon him in this unexpected reverse of fortune.
I intr at you instantly, he writes, [Munich, 25th Feb. 1804, No. 6,] to get printed immediately a short address to the army, officers and soldiers. The principal point is to seek to gain partisans in the army; for I am firmly of opinion that it is by means of the army alone we can reasonably expect to bring about the change so much desired.
The vanity of this hope is now strongly characterised by that affecting humanity of sentiment which bursts forth from all sides, at the moment it was known what danger France had been threatened with.
But after the attempt to commit a crime the very meditation of which is an offence against humanity, and the execution of which would have been a calamity not only national, but, if I may say so, European, there must at once be a reparation for the past and a guarantee for the future.
Brigands dispersed, sequestered, a prey to want, without concert, without support, are every where more feeble than the law which is to punish them, than the police which must intimidate them. But if there existed for them a means of uniting, if they could correspond among themselves and with the brigands of other countries, if in a profession the most honorable of all, since the tranquility of states and the honor of sovereigns depend upon it, there were men authorised to make use of all the faculties their position gives them, to recruit in all parts, vice, corruption, infamy and villainy, and to form of every thing most vile and most perverse in the world, an army of assassins, of rebels, of forgers, at the orders of the most immoral, the most ambitious of all governments, there would exist no motives of security in Europe for the consistency of states, for public morality, and even for the duration of the principles of civilization.
It does not belong to my ministry to discuss the means which may be in your power to quiet Europe, by securing it against such dangers. I content myself with informing you, and with proving to you, that there exists at Munich an Englishman named Drake, invested with a diplomatic character, who, under favor of that character, and of the proximity to France, keeps up secret and criminal practices in the heart of the republic; who engages agents of corruption and revolt; who rides out of town, that these agents may have access to him without scandal, and go out of his house without being exposed, and who directs and suborns men in France, charged by him to prepare the overthrow of the government.
This new species of crime escaping by its nature the means of repression which the laws have put into my power, I have been obliged to confine myself to disclosing to you, at the same time exposing to you its sources, its circumstances, and its consequences.
I have the honor to remain, &c. REGNIER.
FROM THE DEMOCRAT.
MR. OTIS'S SPEECH.
No. 1.
When we see the legislative chamber of political party at their head, about to make a display of the arguments which are to influence such party in voting on a great and interesting question, we are induced to expect sober investigation, and pertinent reasoning. The public will not be so uncharitable as to suppose that "the tinsel of declamation" is to be substituted for plain good sense and "the cobwebs of sophistry" and misrepresentation for an upright and candid narration of facts. In this, however, they have for once been disappointed. The speech of the hon. Harrison G. Otis in the General Court
on Tuesday last, on the question for providing a method in which Electors are to be appointed to vote for President and Vice-President of the United States, although finely wrought up by the latter touches of rhetoric, and carried to the hearts of a number by a splendid display of tropes and figures, yet upon examination, must be pronounced, by every candid man to be nothing more than a specimen of handsome though hollow declamation, and an address to the feelings of a fallen party, in defence of the principles of which, this gentleman has made so bold a stand. This speech might have passed for what it is worth among all parties, without inducing a single observation from me, had the remarks it contained been confined singly, to an abuse of the measures of the present national administration. But when every candid man present saw that its great object & scope was to sow the seeds of discord, jealousy, and disunion among the people of this Commonwealth in relation to the general government, under the dimly pretence of contending for state rights and state influence,—When this, at present favorite object, is aimed at by an attempt to show an overgrown and improper influence in a particular section of the union—When for this purpose, we see the orator transported beyond all reasonable limits, to take "a general view of the present administration," irrelevant and inappropriate to the question, which ought solely to have engaged his attention, and therefore an insult upon the understanding of the members; and when, in fine, we see the legislative hall converted into a forum, for the purpose of giving currency to popular calumnies, and railing still higher the already heated feelings of a party who seem to give themselves no bounds on this side the borders of hideous ruin, I cannot in duty to my country and my own feelings, forbear to invite the attention of the public to a momentous consideration of the doctrine publicly and legislatively inculcated by one of the leaders of that party.
On the arguments in favor of the electing electors by a general ticket as far as they relate to, or are drawn from the Constitution, I have nothing to say. They have already been satisfactorily answered. It is to what Mr. O. called his "general view" to which the public attention is invited, and to which the subsequent observation shall be confined. As he expressed a willingness to enter into particulars, I presume he will not be averse to a slight examination of his "general view." In doing this, his ideas, so far as I was able to collect them from having heard them delivered, shall not be misrepresented.
In taking this view of the administration, he avowed his object to be, to show its growing and dangerous influence; or in other words, the unexampled influence of a particular section of the union, and that therefore the unequivocal voice of this state should be thrown in, to check it which could be best done by a general ticket. Every body understood him to mean Virginia, by a particular section of the union. What was his object in making this avowal? Does he or any one else pretend that Virginia (which, according to the latest federal language, is synonymous with the present administration) has taken any unconstitutional or even illiberal measures to make herself, or the leaders, popular? Has she occupied any power, or acquired any dominion, not given her by the approbation of all her sister states in the union? Shall she be branded with the odious and hateful appellation of usurper or tyrant, not be sure, because she has produced a Washington, but because she has given to the world, and to this country, the services of a Jefferson and a Madison! who have by a long course of virtuous conduct and patriotic acts, gained the confidence of the American people? When federalism (falsely so called) like a restless torrent swept away every opposing obstacle, hushing into silence on its course, the voice of that republicanism which was imbibed at the commencement of the revolution, & which was impressed afresh in the year 1776, did the politician of Virginia meanly attempt to excite a jealousy towards Massachusetts as a member of the Union, and vilify her, because she had produced an Adams or a Pickering!
Did she not approve of republican men and principles wherever they were found, without any thing like an invidious regard to local situation? Does it appear generous or manly to curse Virginia because the present executive, one of her sons, has gained a great influence on the minds, and seated himself in the affections of his countrymen, by accepting their call, and by seeking and obtaining an intelligent investigation of a long successive train of public acts! Shall this calumniated state disown her offspring, because nature has made them great and virtuous, and because, forsooth, their measures are resented by a disappointed faction in Massachusetts and Connecticut! Shall she put a restriction on the loftiest and most virtuous ambition of her sons, because they cannot resist the bait of aristocracy, thrown out by the agents of political intolerance in New-England?
Has Mr. O. shewn that there has been any restraint in Virginia or any where else, to a free circulation of federal news, federal investigation and federal politics? As he has not given the shadow of a reason for saying so, if you please, insinuating that Virginia has an undue and improper influence in the nation, I take it for granted, that he cannot do it, and while in charity to his understanding, I must believe that he meant something by making the assertion, the conclusion seems to be irresistible that there was something lurking behind—something like an intention to enkindle a jealousy, and cherish a sentiment of disunion, which if true, is as highly criminal and unbecoming in him, as it is dangerous to the welfare and interest of his fellow freemen in this state.
It must be painful to any man of common sensibility to see, in a great and flourishing state, men of talents and men who in the private walks of life have souls opened by generosity and expanded by benevolence, not only manifest, an invincible spirit of opposition to every measure of the general government, but who in the decline of their political lives, seem to glory and to triumph in such opposition, when their most bright and able advocates, are unable to point to a solitary reason for such conduct! To see men who should be "Americans in heart and sentiment," flocking to a standard of opposition, raised at first by the enemies of republicanism, and to see them rend the air by one voice of exultation, merely because they have the honor to oppose, must be distressing to the bosom of every friend to peace and good order.
But why is the acquisition of Louisiana mentioned as an instance of the growing predominance of the influence insisted upon? After so thorough an investigation of the tendency of this important and distinguished "feather in the cap," of the executive, how happens it now to be dragged in, for the purpose of giving federalism one more triumph in this Commonwealth? Has the orator, did he prove that in making this acquisition any improper influence had been used by any section of the Union, or that the executive had transgressed the pale of the constitution? Did he in the wide-range which he took, tell the people that there had been any insidious engine kept at work behind the curtain, in the whole of the transaction? Did he pretend that the actuating principles of the executive had been disclosed, and could not be explored by every man of common understanding in the United States? No, this he dared not do.
When in animating strains of eloquence, he excited party feelings on this most interesting occurrence, why did he not hold out to the world some sort of excuse for the monstrous inconsistency which rises like a pointed mountain against the fabric of modern federalism! In duty to his God and his country, why did he not explain the reason why a party among whom he has obtained an eminence, pronounced, at a late period, that Louisiana was worth "treasure and blood," and now, that it will create an influence in the southern part of the continent, which threatens to sink poor deserted New-England in undistinguished ruin! I demand to know, how this overwhelming influence would have been more effectually prevented had the country been obtained at the cannon's mouth!
But, says the orator, this territory can be cultivated only by slaves according to Mr. Livingston's (the favorite of the executive) own statement. Why do you discredit Mr. L. in every other particular and credit him in this? But suppose Mr. L. had not made the assertion, and that country had been acquired by war, would this have made an alteration in the climate? Would the influence to be apprehended from slavery, been counteracted, had it been acquired by the favorite means of a party who call themselves federalists.
But why is a restless jealousy on account of the representation of slaves now attempted to be excited? Has not the cause, if it exists at all, long ago existed? Is the union of states now about to be destroyed by it, when as a nation we display an unanimity hardly to be expected in so large a country, and which unanimity is increasing, even in New-England, in a degree not anticipated by the admirers of the present administration? Is the influence derived from this quarter about to destroy New-England because its remnant of a falling party in two of her states have declared it? Let us appeal to the candid reflection of gentlemen, seeing they had chosen this crisis to publish sentiments which must be viewed by our southern brethren as unfriendly, invidious, and treasonable—As subversive of the Union which holds us together.
Let us with moderation, but with spirit and firmness demand the cause of this sudden uproar about state influence. Have the southern states stolen or usurped the influence derived from their black population? Have they sword in hand, forced it upon "the friends to order," in New-England, or have they surreptitiously given to their representatives seats in Congress? As to Louisiana,
will she acquire an influence from this quarter, unless it is given to her by the constituted authorities of our country? For one moment I would call away the intelligent of our citizens from the fervor of party feeling, and entreat them to look at the constitution—to examine the debates in the convention of this commonwealth at the time of its adoption. Will it not create one blush in the countenances of gentlemen when the public are informed that the leading advocates of modern federalism, were at that time strenuous advocates of the representation of slaves in the southern states, and that upon the principle of subjecting them to direct taxation, should it be necessary! Will the public speakers in our general court, feel no compunction of conscience when they recollect that Dana, Sedgwick, King, with many others who hold the highest ranks in the catalogue of federalists, stood forth as slickers for the very influence, which you are now to be persuaded is preying upon, and ready to consume the vitals of New-England!
The preceding observations are not intended to wound in the least, the private character or personal feelings of Mr. Otis.—It is presumed that he speaks correctly the language of his party, and it is to hold up in day light their present views and intentions. To see how far they have acted consistently with themselves, more than to enter into a minute investigation of any particular thing, that these remarks are made. If by any thing said here, or which may be said in a subsequent number, any individual shall be the better enabled to appreciate the exertions which are now making or which have been made in the general court during their present session, by the predominant political party,—if any one shall be enabled to discover whether they are the offspring of a peaceful patriotic and conciliatory disposition, or are the result of heated feelings and disappointed ambition, the writer will feel gratified.—If the former is the case, then will it be the bounden duty of ALL to say "well done good and faithful servants"—if unfortunately the latter, every man who has patriotic enough to prize the preservation of the Union, must have his bosom filled with mingled emotions of pity and indignation!
NESTOR.
METHOD OF RAISING HEMP
Being a communication made to a committee of the Agricultural Society in 1789, by the hon. John Read, of Roxbury, and by them ordered to be published.
The soil I choose for raising hemp, is a light rich mould, as free from stones, gravel and clay as possible; care is taken to have the soil thoroughly manured and once well ploughed in the fall of the year, if other business will admit; in the spring it is ploughed two or three times more, and as often harrowed with an iron-toothed harrow, in order to separate the particles of earth, and leave them as light as possible; then a light brush harrow is drawn by one horse over the ground by which means it is levelled so as to receive the seed equally, after which it is marked out for sowing in the same manner that barley and oats are generally sown, calculating [if the soil is very good] at three bushels to an acre. If but middling good, two and an half bushels to an acre. The seed is always harrowed in immediately after sowing with a fine iron toothed harrow, and nothing is suffered to pass over it afterwards, least by treading or otherwise it might be injured.
The seed must be of the last year's growth, and will be benefited by lying in the cellar a few weeks previous to its being sown. In general I sow my seed about the middle of May, [being governed by the season] a little sooner or later will do, my hemp is commonly fit to pull by the 8th or 10th of August, which is known by the male hemp turning whitish just at the time when the farina passes off; this is easily discovered by its smoking when agitated by the wind or jarred with a stick.
When the Hemp is pulled, it is spread on the ground where it grew, about an inch thick, and what that will not receive is carried off to other ground, and after laying two or three days, turned with a small pole about 6 feet long; then, receiving one or two days more sun, it is bound into bundles of about 15 or 18 inches in circumference, and immediately housed from wet, until convenient time offers to put it into water for rotting, which is done as soon as other business will admit. There being a small stream of water that runs thro' my farm, I have erected a dam which enables me to flow a pond about 5 or 6 feet high, wherein the hemp is laid, [much in the same manner that flax is laid for rotting] and after covering it with straw to keep it clean, the plank and stones being placed thereon, the damage is fluted down, and the hemp being overflowed, remains till it is properly rotted, which is done in 6 or 7 days, if put in as soon as the latter end of August or the beginning of September, the weather being generally warm at that
season of the year—If put into water the latter end of September or beginning of October, I have let it lay 12 days. If the latter end of October or beginning of November, 20 days, unless the weather has been uncommonly warm for the season, in that case I have found it necessary to be removed sooner, but have made a point of attending to the heat or cold of the weather, as when the water is warm, the hemp will get a proper rot much sooner than when it is otherwise.
My practice has been to draw the water from the hemp 24 hours before the taking it up, leaving the weight thereon in order that it may be well drained, as in that case it is much better handled; then it is removed to a dry piece of ground and spread above 2 inches thick and after remaining a week or ten days in that situation, is turned; and in 8 or 10 days after, it is taken up, tied into bundles and removed into the barn, where it remains till I have leisure time to break and twindle it out; when barn room cannot be spared, I have placed it up against a rail fence, running the top ends between the two uppermost rails, letting it remain there until proper time for breaking; for which purpose I have always found clear cold weather to be the best.
My hemp is broke and swindled much in the same manner that flax is done, excepting that the first breaking is done in a course break, the teeth or flats being nearly four inches apart, then a common flax break and vees well, and being carefully swindled, is fit for use.
My practice for raising seed hath been to set apart in the field some of my best grown hemp for that purpose, pulling up the male and female hemp for about 18 inches in width, so that a man may pass through; leaving the other in beds about 6 feet in width, in order that two men, one on each side, may reach in their hands and pull up all the male, without injuring the seed bearing hemp.
This process is performed when the general pulling is done in August—the female hemp must stand till the seed is fully ripe, which is known by its turning brown; in wet weather I have been obliged to let it stand till the middle of October before it was fit to pull; after which it must be tied in bundles like the other hemp, and carefully sat against a fence to dry, or if that is not convenient it may be layed on the ground, and after one or two days sun, beat out in the same manner that flax seed is beat out, striking lightly; then expose the other side to the sun one or two days, after which give it a thorough beating, and spread the seed with all the leaves, &c. in a dry place for some days, then thresh it with a light flail or rub it by hand, either way, till the seed is all out, and after winnowing put it in a dry place for sowing the next year.
The seed bearing hemp, requires a few days longer to rot than the other, owing to the thickness of the bark or hurle, and the greater quantity of glutinous substance occasioned by its longer standing.
I have always preferred old manure to new, more especially if horse or cow dung, but new will do, and it is much the better to have it ploughed in, in the fall.
With respect to the quantity of hemp raised on an acre of ground; it varies from 6 to 12 hundred weight, much depending on the quality of the soil and the manner of preparing it.
The expense of cultivating, &c. an acre of hemp, is not at present in my power to ascertain, great part of the business being done at leisure, and when the time could be best spared; I would just observe, that I can raise 2 or 3 acres yearly on my small farm, without interfering much with other business.
The present price of hemp, together with the bounty given by the state, to encourage the culture of this useful plant, amounts to about 220 dollars per ton, which bids fair to establish its growth here, and I am fully satisfied from my own experience, that at the present day no branch of agriculture [where land is found suitable] can be carried on to greater advantage as that of raising hemp, and I have no doubt that our farmers will soon be convinced of the truth of this observation. It having been found by experience, both in Europe and America, that hemp may be grown on the same ground for 20 or 30 years in succession, without lessening the crop or improving the soil—this also will have its weight.
The last season I tried the experiment of raising hemp on a piece of diked marsh; the salt water having been kept off better than one year; after being ditched, I had a small part near the upland carefully dug and manured with old dung that was well mixed with sand, the hemp grew to full height, and proved to be of the best kind; this encouragement has occasioned my preparing a larger piece for further trial the next season, when I mean to make several experiments on the cultivation and cleaning of hemp and if any advantages should arise therefrom, I shall do my best to be the honor of communicating them to you as early as possible.
* It is to be observed, that a muddy

bottom will require straw previous to the hump being laid thereon.
A man that understands the breaking and swinging hump, will clean 40 to 50 weight per day.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 27.
The resolutions offered in the Massachusetts Legislature by Mr. Ely, merit the notice of the people of the United States; not because at the present time, the principles they contain and the effects to which such principles necessarily lead can be in the least dangerous, but because it is all important that in the present period of tranquility, when permanent impressions may be expected to be made, a clear understanding should be had of the motives of men, who under different circumstances might, by the wantonness of an intemperate ambition, hazard the peace and desirability of the nation.
So many indications have been recently made of a wide spread purpose in the Eastern States to sow the seeds of disunion, that it cannot be considered uncharitable to pronounce this measure a link in the general chain that unites a body of men, who having been disappointed in their lofty hopes of directing the operations of the general government, are ready, nay anxious, in order to regain their abused power, to subject their country to all the evils of dismemberment.
It is impossible for a moment to entertain the belief that Mr. Ely or his federal friends have the least hope of success in the proposed amendment destructive of that portion of representation derived from slaves. We say it is impossible; for, however, in the abstract, we may consider that basis of representation incorrect, it is unutterably known that the provision of the constitution which establishes it was one of the many features of concession with which it is replete. And, however, unequal the representation in the councils of the general government may, on first view, appear, it is a fact, which has been demonstrated, that the superior political strength in the House of Representatives given to the Southern States is more than counterbalanced by that acquired in the Senate, & in the election of a President under the constitution by the Eastern States and other States not containing slaves. For instance, the States of Rhode Island, New-Hampshire, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Vermont, Delaware and Ohio, which, according to the ratio of numbers, would be only entitled to seven Senators and thirty-one Electors, have, from the prevalence of a different principle, fourteen Senators and thirty four Electors. The absolute gain by these States in the Senate—the most important department of the government, inasmuch as it combines legislative, executive and judicial powers, resulted in the same men for the long period of six years,—is, therefore, seven votes out of thirty-four, which is equal to twenty eight votes in the House of Representatives. Let us see whether the representation of slaves confers upon the States containing them so many additional members. By the last census, which is the basis of the present apportionment of Representatives, there appear to be in the States of Maryland, Virginia, South-Carolina, North-Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee
Slaves 843,000 From this number are to be deducted those in the other States, leaving 47,000
This number of slaves, according to the provision of the Constitution entitles the States containing them to fifteen Representatives. The account, then, stands thus,—The smaller States, principally Eastern, without a black population, gain a weight beyond that to which their numbers entitle them in the Senate equivalent to 28 representatives.
The Southern and Western States containing slaves, gain 15
leaving a balance in favor of the former of 13.
Without taking into consideration their gain in the choice of the electors of President and Vice-President, which is very considerable.
If then the Eastern States are so delirious of establishing the several departments of the federal government on the basis of numbers; if their sincere wish is that a majority shall govern; let them come forward with a proposition of amendment that shall place the election of the President and Senators on the same footing. Then, indeed, their professions would be consistent with their conduct. But, while they declare their object to be an equalisation of power according to numbers, and, at the same time, propose measures whose
necessary effect would be to render more unequal that apportionment which is already so much in their favor, the world will give them credit neither for purity of motive nor patriotism.
At a meeting of the citizens of Washington on Monday last; ROBERT BRENT in the chair, it was agreed to celebrate the FOURTH of JULY by a dinner at Steele's Hotel, to which the company of Ladies should be requested.
The following committee of Arrangements were appointed—
ROBERT BRENT, CAPT. CARSON, JOHN BECKLEY, JUDGE KILEY, THOMAS MUNROE, RICHARD FORREST, DOCTOR WILLIS.
RUSSIA & GREAT-BRITAIN.
Mr. Fox on the 13th April in the House of Commons put a question to the ministers relative to a negotiation between Great Britain and the court of Russia, on the subject of mediation with France. He had recently heard reports that important negotiations with Russia were now pending. He wished to know whether or not this was fact.
The chancellor of the Exchequer replied that he had promised already that the whole of the papers relative to this subject should be laid before the house, so soon as circumstances would permit. Reasons were still in existence which would render it ineligible to comply with the wishes of the gentlemen at present.
GREENOCK, April 21.
The following letter from Amsterdam was received in Glasgow yesterday, from which it appears, to be the determination of the French to exclude us entirely from the German market.
"The French troops have taken possession of Meppen near Embden, belonging the duke of Arenberg, a great quantity of goods destined for Frankfort fair and other parts, were ordered back to Embden, to prevent their being seized by the French.—All goods that have to go to the interior of Germany by Embden, must pass through Meppen."
The following observations respecting the intercepted correspondence of Mr. Drake, are copied from the London Morning Chronicle:
"A Fool and his money are soon parted." OLD ADAGE.
"After reading the whole of this correspondence, we are satisfied that Mr. D's intrigues are of no very great importance. If it be forged, as some say, it will of course be disavowed by Mr. D. At present we see no reason to suppose it forged. It is clear enough that Mr. D. either of himself, or by the direction of this government, endeavoured to obtain some intelligence in France; and he seems to have been willing to assist any description of persons who were desirous to overturn the existing government. There is nothing however, which can be construed into an assassination plot."
"Nay, it is obvious that Mr. Drake was totally unacquainted with the existence of that project in which Georges is supposed to have been engaged. Mrs. D. was relieved to work on his own account, and in imitation, no doubt he took at France—"
"The fly sat upon the wheel, &c."
"Indeed Mr. D. seems to have been strangely ignorant of the views, character and even the very existence of the discontented associations with which his agent M. D. L. had amused him. This M. D. L. had, from his first arrival in Paris, entered into the service of the police of Paris, and bamboozled poor Mr. D. with foolish bulletins, which furnished intelligence that threw him into ecstasy, and no doubt would have the same effect in the cabinet here when transmitted by Mr. D. M. D. L. to be sure, used Mr. Drake very ill, taking his money and making a fool of him."
"Picked his pocket, Shou'd and cald I'd him like a block-head."
"There is indeed something ridiculous in the whole of Mr. D's letters; his idle written instructions, his sympathetic ink, and fifty other fopperies of the same kind. We throw no blame on ministers for trying to get intelligence, but this kind of traffic should be well managed. The Spartans allowed boys to steal, provided they did it adroitly. In the same manner it is proper to employ spies and gain intelligence; but those who do it awkwardly as Mr. Drake should be whipped like the Spartan youths, if they were detected."
If the letters published by the French government be really the production of Mr. Drake, it is not to be wondered at that our affairs should go ill on the continent. It is scarcely credible, we confess, that any man who is suffered to go abroad without a travelling tutor should have done any thing so uncommonly puerile as this. No human being however, sedate his disposition, and how-
ever inflexible his muscles, could read Mr. D's instructions for overturning a government, without laughing outright.
The grand judge of the French republic, indeed considers it no laughing matter. The report concludes with a passage, from which it seems manifest that an attempt will be made to get Mr. D. driven from Munich, and our residents expelled perhaps, from every court in Germany.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT
Concerning Roads and Bridges. BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That a sum not exceeding one hundred dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated towards the erection or repair of the Bridge in Seventh Street west over Tiber Creek.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That a sum not exceeding sixty dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated towards the erection or repair of the bridge on First Street near Ninth Street.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, That the above sums be expended under the direction of the Mayor.
SAMUEL H. SMITH, President of the first chamber of the city council of Washington. WM. BRENT President pro tempore of the second chamber of the city council of Washington. Approved, June 23d, 1804.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test THOMAS HERTY, REG.
AN ACT
Making an appropriation for the relief of the poor.
BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the sum of four hundred dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated for the relief of poor, infirm and diseased persons; to be paid by the Treasurer to the Trustees, and expended by them in the same manner as authorized by the former acts making provision for the city poor.
GEORGE BLAGDEN, President pro tempore of the first chamber of the city council of Washington.
JAMES G. KING, President pro tempore, of the second chamber of the city council of Washington. Approved, June 23d, 1804.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test THOMAS HERTY, REG.
PROPOSAL,
For printing by Subscription, Miscellaneous Poems,
BY MRS. ALLEN, Consort to the Rev. Mr. Allen of Harford county, Written before her marriage.
CONDITIONS—
THE book to be printed with a clear type, and fine paper, in a duodecimo volume, and delivered to the subscribers neatly bound, price three quarters of a Dollar, half to be paid on subscribing, and the residue on delivery of the book—which will be put to press as soon as three hundred copies shall be subscribed for.
Subscriptions received by Mr. Matthew Carey, Philadelphia—by Messrs. Warner and Mann, Baltimore, and by the principal booksellers in those cities; also by Mr. Samuel Harrison Smith, Washington city.
Dr. Jacob Hall, of Harford county, of known literary character, to whose inspection these Poems were submitted, in a letter to the author, expresses his opinion of them, as follows:
MADAM, I have been honored and gratified with the perusal of your manuscript copy of Poems. In my opinion it is a work of considerable merit, and displays true piety and poetic genius. The pastoral dialogues are commendable for their novelty, simplicity and beauty. The elegies, epistles, and especially the "Man of Misfortune," a Moral Tale, are interesting and pathetic. The Odes and Fugitive Pieces are sprightly and amusing. And the whole composition seems to breathe such a spirit of philanthropy and benevolence as cannot fail to elevate the affections, and to mend the heart.—And it is to be regretted, that the author's modesty has hitherto denied the community to refined & elegant an entertainment.
Your Friend, &c. J. HALL. Christopher's Camp, March 24.
NOTICE.
WILL be exposed to public sale, for ready cash on the 2d day of July next on the premises, all the right title claim and interest of Joseph Boone in and to Lot No. 2 in square No. 1044 as laid down in the plan of the city of Washington, with a two story framed dwelling house and four other small framed houses thereon, all in good repair; taken by virtue of two writs of Fieri Facias issued from the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington at the suit of Wilson Hunt for the use of Philip Nicholson & Robert E. Griffith—the sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock.
DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. June 11—wtdof
For the information of the Freeholders of the state of Virginia.
THE following correct list of the persons who compose the REPUBLICAN TICKET of Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, is published. The election for the choice of Electors will be held in each county and corporation on the first Monday in November next.
PHILIP N. NICHOLAS, Chairman. JOHN H. FOUSHEE, S. C'y. Richmond, May 25, 1804.
Republican Ticket.
Richard E. Lee, of Norfolk borough, John Goodrich, — Isle of Wight. Edward Pegram, — Dinwiddie. Dr. Richard Field, — Brunswick. Thomas R. Read, — Charlotte. Cecil Taylor, — Cumberland. William H. Cabell, — Amherst. George P. Allen, — Patrick. George Wythe, — City of Richmond. John Taylor, — Caroline. Larkin Smith, — King and Queen. John Minor, — Spotsylvania. William Ellis, — Loudoun. William Dudley, — Warwick. Mann Page, — Gloucester. John T. Shaftoe, jr. — King George. Richard Brent, — Prince William. Hugh Holmes, — Frederick. James D. Dabney, — Hampshire. James Allen, — Shenandoah. Archibald Stuart, — Augusta. James McFarlane, — Russel. Gen. John Preston, — Montgomery. William McKinley, — Ohio. June 27—4w
A HOUSE TO LET.
Upon square No. 728 Capital Hill is a small convenient DWELLING HOUSE calculated for a store or for a tradesman's shop, and suitable for a small family with the lot newly fenced in for a garden—Immediate possession may be had by applying at Mr. Steele's hotel to GEORGE WALKER. Washington June 27—3t
PUBLIC SALE,
WILL be held on Monday the 25th instant, at 10 o'clock A. M. to the highest bidder, at STEELE'S TAVERN on Capitol Hill, LOT No. 1137 in square 691 in the City of Washington. The terms will be made known at the time of sale, or on application to JER. CONNOR, Auctioneer. Georgetown, June 22—3t.
** The above sale is postponed until Friday the 29th inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. when it will take place at Mr. Rhodes's tavern without reserve. J. G.
MEDITERRANEAN PASSPORTS.
Notice is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean Passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the eighth day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange; and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers, with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, } 23d of May, 1804 } The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the Customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. May 30—2aw6m
THEATRE.
PROPOSALS will be received until Tuesday the third of July inclusive, by either of the subscribers, for finishing in a plain style the INTERIOR of the Theatre, for CASH, payable as the work progresses.
Arrangements having been made for the immediate execution of the roof, the contractors for finishing the interior will be expected to proceed without delay, and to give security to complete it for performance before the first day of November next.
JOHN P. VAN NESS, SAMUEL H. SMITH, THOMAS LAW, ROBERT BRENT, WILLIAM BRENT. } Directors.
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS HERTY,
Of the City of Washington, Convocant; for publishing by Subscription
The Second Volume of his DIGEST OF THE Laws of Maryland.
IT will contain all the public acts of assembly passed since the publication of the first volume to the present time, which have not been repealed—that is, the acts of the sessions of 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802 and 1803. It will be printed of the same size, in the same order of arrangement and have reference to such parts of the first volume as are repealed, expired, or which may otherwise undergo alterations, with a neat index; furnished to which will be given a way of appendix, a variety of precedents adapted to the law, for the use of judges or the peace, &c. &c.
CONDITIONS.
1. It will be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers is procured to defray the expense of the work, and finished immediately thereafter as soon as a fixed attention to business and accuracy will admit. 2. Price to subscribers 2 Dollars, which, to be paid on delivery; to non-subscribers the price will be enhanced. 3. Those procuring 9 subscribers, and securing the money, will be entitled to an additional copy.
Subscriptions received by the Editor at his office near the Treasury Department, by the Booksellers in Maryland, and by those in whose hands subscription papers are left.
4. Printers of Newspapers in Maryland giving the above advertisement will be entitled to a copy.
N. B. He has in forwardness and will issue proposals as soon as ready for
A System of Grammar being calculated for each state in the union to the precedents of each species, will be prefixed observations on their nature and use, the law on the subject of alienation by deed of each particular state, shall be exhibited, and how such deed shall be authenticated if not executed as we in the state as one of the state together with other interesting particulars. March 19— wtd.
—NOTICE.—
THERE was committed as a Run away to the jail of Frederick county, a negro boy who calls himself GEORGE and says he belongs to Capt. Newman of George Town; he is about 14 years of age four feet seven inches high, his clothing are a low linen shirt and a pair of coarse blue cloth trowsers. If his master does not release him from jail he will be sold for jail fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff Frederick county. June 25—
RUNAWAY NEGRO.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county as a runaway on the 23th February last, a negro man who calls himself JOHN RUSSELL, he is about 23 or 30 years old, five feet five or six inches high; a young well made fellow, his clothing are a grey coat, a striped waist coat and corduroy trowsers. If his owner does not release him he will be sold for jail fees according to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, Frederick county. June 25—
NOTICE.
THERE was committed as a runaway to the jail of Frederick county, a negro man who calls himself OSASAL WIGGINS, and says he belongs to Mr. T. C. Hampton of Berford county North Carolina; he is about 37 years of age, five feet seven inches high, a stout well made fellow—his clothing are a grey woolen coat with a blue cape, cotton striped waistcoat and trowsers and a tow linen shirt, he also has four scars on the back of his neck. If his master does not release him he will be sold for the jail fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, of Frederick county. June 25—
NOTICE.
THERE was committed to the jail of Frederick county, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JIM, and a Mulatto woman who calls herself MIMA, and says they belong to Mr. Peter Larkins of Farquhar county Virginia; said Jim is about thirty four or five years of age, five feet five or six inches high, a stout well made fellow, his clothing are a blue coat and waistcoat, tow linen shirt and trowsers, he has also a scar on his breast—Mima is about twenty five years of age, five feet one or two inches high, stout and well made, her clothing are a blue short gown, white lincy petticoat and a tow linen shirt. If their owner does not release them from jail they will be sold for their jail fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, Frederick county. June 25—
Cheap Goods.
JOHN COX
HAS received a large and handsome assortment of Spring and Summer goods, and is happy in having it in his power to sell them unusually low. George Town, May 14—ep1m
In the case of NICHOLAS FEBRUARY An Involvent debtor,
SIX months from and after the first day of March, is limited, and appointed for the creditors to bring in, and exhibit their claims to the trustee, and that notice be given in the Washington Federalist, and National Intelligencer once a month, three times in each paper before the expiration of said term. It is further ordered, that the trustee sell the property of the involvent, at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 6 months, giving six months previous notice thereof, by public advertisement, in the same papers once a week for 6 weeks prior to the day of sale.
By order, Wm. Cranch, Esq. URIAS FORREST, Clk. March 7.—1am3t

GEORGETOWN COLLEGE, In the District of Columbia, United States of America, under the direction of the Incorporated Catholic Clergy of the State of Maryland.
1. The annual pension of this establishment is two hundred and twenty dollars; but for children under twelve years of age, only two hundred dollars will be required. Those students who continue their education through the classes of Philosophy shall, on account of extraordinary expenses and some particular indulgencies allowed them, pay two hundred and fifty dollars per annum.
The pension is to be paid half yearly in advance. A deduction of fifty dollars per annum will be allowed to those parents who may choose to charge themselves with the detail of clothing their children. The college will furnish washing and mending; but will not keep particular accounts, or become answerable for clothing provided by parents.
II. In lieu of bed linen, table service, school books, and other articles usually required on entering establishments of this kind, each student shall pay ten dollars entrance money.
1. The Sunday or holiday dress is uniform, and consists of a plain coat of blue cloth, with yellow buttons, red cloth or kerseymere waistcoats. The use of silk is not permitted—Every student shall bring with him his uniform dress, besides a suit for daily wear, six shirts, six neck handkerchiefs, six pocket handkerchiefs, six pair of stockings, and three pair of shoes, all new. Any deficiency in the above will be charged to the parents.
IV. On the above terms the students are furnished with clothes, linen, washing, mending, lodging, board, fire, candle, table, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, and school rewards; so that nothing will remain to the charge of the parents, but medical attendance and medicines, postage, and such extra lessons of drawing, dancing, music, &c. which they may choose to order for their children.
V. The religion, uniformly practiced by the students living in the college, is the Roman Catholic; but for students of other religious persuasions, there are boarding houses, convenient to the college, where they will be subject to the same rules (religion excepted) and enjoy the same advantages for their improvement in science as the pensioners of the college.
VI. Our Boarders must be furnished by their parents with the uniform of the college, and—7 annually for tuition, fire, candle, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, school rewards, &c. fifty dollars, always half yearly in advance.
VII. The students are taught English, Latin, Greek, and all the branches of Classical Education, Sacred and profane History, Geography, the use of the Globes, Arithmetic, and when sufficiently advanced Algebra and Geometry, with all the other parts of the Mathematics, in the respective classes. Particular care is taken that they learn to read well, and write a good hand, and that they speak and write French with accuracy. Four times a year the students are called to a public examination of what they have been taught before Parents and the Friends of Literature. Those who have made extraordinary progress are honored and rewarded. The idle, for punishment, are confined in the vacation to certain extraordinary hours of study during play time, in order to repair what they have neglected to learn in school; therefore, if they are found defective in the last and most important examination of the year, before the August vacation, they will not be allowed to go home during that time.
VIII. The age of admission is from eight to fourteen. When children are not sufficiently advanced to begin a regular course of classical education, they are placed in an elementary class, attended by a particular teacher, from whom they learn to spell, read, and write.
IX. If the children sent to this College have been before at any other house of education, an attestation of their morals and doctrine is required.
X. The greatest care is taken to instruct the children in the duties of Religion and Morality, and they are constantly under the eye of one or more of the Professors who see that those duties are practiced, and that the rules of civility are not violated.
XI. Cleanliness and exercise, and every thing which contributes to health, are attended to with particular care.
XII. All the pensioners dine and sup with their professors, and have the same table which they have. No distinctions are allowed in diet or clothing.
XIII. As long experience has convinced the directors, that a provision of pocket money is very prejudicial, not only to good order, but even to study and application, they therefore request that parents will not be forward in allowing their children in more than fifty cents at most per month, for this purpose.
XIV. No allowance is made for absence during the vacation, which begins on the 15th August and ends the 15th of September. To these terms the parents are desired to be particularly attentive, in case they choose to call their children home, as the absence of a few weeks at the opening of school is seldom repaired without very great difficulty. Absence from school at any other time will be permitted. It is indeed the most serious and earnest desire of the Directors, that the children should never be called home during the course of their education, as they have found by experience, that such vacations have often proved prejudicial, not only to study and application, but even to conduct and happiness. Those children who may be received into the college upon other funds, either totally or partially, then those provided by their parents or guardians, will not be allowed to go home or absent themselves from college during the full course of their education, unless particular circumstances in the judgment of the President then d require permission of absence for a time.
XV. When children are removed from the College, whatever new linen or clothes are furnished them on that occasion, will be charged to their parents. After entering on a new quarter no deduction will be made for the remaining part thereof.
The College is a large building, capable of lodging two hundred persons conveniently. The garden and court adjoining, where the young gentlemen play, are very airy and spacious. The situation is very pleasant and healthy.
It will contribute much to the advantage of the children, if parents on sending them will inform the President how long they propose to leave them at the College, and for what employments in life they are designed. The regular course of education is properly classical; but such as are destined for the commercial line, have a lesson of Arithmetic and Book-Keeping, under a particular Professor appointed for that purpose.
N. B. The above Regulations and Conditions will take place from the 15th day of August, 1804, for all such as enter at, or after that period; but for others, they will only commence at the expiration of the six months, for which the advance payment had become due prior to that term.
Right Rev. LEONARD NEALE, President. Georgetown, June 22—1m.
PUBLIC SALE,
WILL be sold on Monday the 25th instant, at 10 o'clock A.M. to the highest bidder, at STELLE'S TAVERN ON CAPITOL HILL, LOT No. THIRTEEN, in square 691 in the City of Washington. The terms will be made known at the time of sale, or on application to
JER. CONNOR, Auctioneer. Georgetown, June 22—3.
Prince George's County, Upper Marlboro, June 12, 1804.
At a respectable meeting of republican citizens of Prince George's County, pursuant to the recommendations of a former meeting, HUMPHREY BELT, Esquire, having been appointed Chairman, and TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That William Lyles, Alexander Covington, Alexander Contee and William W. Beery, Esquires be recommended to the people of this County as Delegates to the next General Assembly of Maryland.
Resolved, That Isaac Ducket, Humphrey Belt, James G. Wood, Thomas Hewitt and George F. Hawkins, Esqrs. be a committee to confer with a similar committee on the part of Anne Arundel County, on a proper character to represent this district in Congress, in the place of Walter Bowie, Esq. who declines being a candidate.
Resolved, That Richard Sprigg, Thomas Rogers and Trueman Tyler, Esqrs. be a committee to confer with Calvert County, and that part of Montgomery County composing the electoral District, on a proper character as an elector of President and Vice-President; and that it is the sense of this meeting that the said corresponding committee recommend General Joseph Wilkinson, as a proper character to fill that appointment.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer and Maryland Gazette. HUMPHREY BELT, Chairman. TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary. June 18—sp3w.
In pursuance of an Act of Congress passed the 1st day of May 1802, entitled, "An act to abolish the board of Commissioners of the city of Washington, and for other purposes."
WE the undersigned have opened a book at Rhodes's tavern Pennsylvania avenue, for receiving subscriptions for opening the CANAL, to communicate from the Potomac river to the Eastern Branch thereof.
The Report and Plans of Mr. Latrobe, on the subject, are deposited at Mr. Rhodes's for the inspection of those inclined to promote this useful and beneficial work.
THOMAS TINGEY, DANIEL CARROLL, of D'n. THOMAS LAW, DANIEL C. BRENT. Washington 11th June, 1804.
COLUMBIAN LIBRARY.
AN Appendix to the Catalogue is this day published and may be had at the Library Room. In the course of the last year, the Directors have been incorporated by an act of Congress, and above 250 vols. have been added to the books, making in the whole upwards of 800 vols. New shares may be had on application to the Librarian—Books are let out on hire to those who are not shareholders, and are to be taken out and returned on the afternoons of Wednesdays and Saturdays.
George Town, June 5—
HAT MANUFACTURY.
The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington in the city of Washington, and was opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may choose to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and good looks be requisites.
JOEL BROWN. George Town, Feb. 17—tf
THOMAS MEUEN, THOMAS HALE & WILLIAM DAVIDSON, who heretofore, have transacted business under the firm of Thomas Meuen & Co. will in future use that of MEUEN, HALE & DAVIDSON. PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 1—tw&ugf
At a meeting of the Stockholders of the THEATRE COMPANY, at Rhodes tavern on the 7th June, 1804, pursuant to notice.
ROBERT BRENT, Esq. Mayor of the city of Washington, was called to the Chair, and STANLEY BRUS, appointed Secretary.
On motion made and seconded, the meeting came to the following resolutions:
Resolved, That a Board of Directors, consisting of five Stockholders, be chosen by ballot at the present meeting, to continue in office one year from their election.
Resolved, That the said Board of Directors have the power generally to manage the affairs of the institution during the period for which they are elected.
Resolved, That it be the duty of the said Board of Directors to proceed immediately to the raising by such means as they shall deem most eligible the necessary funds, and thenceforth apply the same to the completion of the building; and to procure a dramatic company, when the prospects respecting the completion of the building will in their opinion warrant the same.
Whereupon the meeting proceeded to the election of a Board of Directors for one year, when the following gentlemen were elected.
John P. Van Ness, Samuel Harrison Smith, Robert Brent, William Brent, and Thomas Law.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer.
ROBERT BRENT, Chairman. June 18—3w
The subscriber has received
from New York and will sell low, the following articles, 8 pipes genuine old Cognac brandy, 10 cases sherry wine, Hylon, Young Hylon, Imperial and Souchong teas in chests, fresh and of a superior quality. 5 bags India sugar—a quantity of Beef and Pork of New York inspection, and a few bails of black pepper.
WM. BRENT. Washington, June 6—ep3w
REMOVAL.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Has removed to the house above Mr. Rhodes (LATE LOPEZ'S) HOTEL, near the President's Square. In addition to the present stock of goods, an Handsome Affortment Is expected immediately.
Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post, will be waited upon with all possible expedition.
T. C. will pledge himself to execute any order with a taste, expedition and moderation of charge, which shall not be excelled by any.
April 16—tf.
WILL be sold at Public Auction if not previously disposed of to a private purchaser. On Friday the thirtieth of June at Mr. Semmes's tavern—Lot no. 57 at the corner of Fayette and First streets next to Mr. C. Lowndes' facing the Roman Chapel. There is a two story Frame House, with an excellent well on the premises, and the situation cannot be exceeded for health. The dower in the property will be properly relinquished and satisfactory security given that the purchasers conveyance of the property upon the purchasers fulfillment of the terms. The conditions are one half of the purchase money in cash, and the other in a note of twelve months with approved endorser negotiable in the Bank of Columbia.
EDWARD M. BUTLER. June 1—tf
For further particulars enquire at Mr. Lee's second brick house west of the War Office Pennsylvania avenue.
NOTICE.
APPLICATION is intended to be made at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of the following lost certificates; No. 363, 363, 364, 365, and 366, dated the 5th April 1804, for 2000 dollars each, Louisiana 6 per cent stock, in favor of John Coles of New London, signed by Joseph Nourse, Reg.
JOHN M'GOWAN. June 13, 1804—ep6w
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern that JOHN EDWARDS is appointed by the Legionary court of the First Legion of Militia of the district of Columbia to collect all fines put into his hands—by order of said court.
WM. D. BEALL, Ck. June 22—6w
NAVY DEPARTMENT.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of DAVID VALENZIN for maintaining and supporting him during his imprisonment, or for defraying the expenses of his interment, will be pleased to transmit their accounts duly authenticated to the Secretary of the Navy, on or before the 10th day of July next.
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cassimeres, white and fancy Marseilles, colored and white Janes, India nankeen, cotton cassimeres, black silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 8—tf
30 Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber, living near Dumfries in Virginia, on the 11th inst. A Negro or dark Mulatto named PRINCE, about 22 years of age, about five feet nine inches high, bow legs, has a mark on his face occasioned by a fall from a horse and a scar on one of his wrists, from a cut with a broken glass bottle. I will give thirty dollars reward for apprehending and bringing said negro home.
ROBERT GRAHAM. May 23—tf
MECHANIC'S HALL.
Is to let for a term of three years. The subscriber being proprietor of the above premises and having lately met very unexpectedly with troubles of a domestic nature which has greatly disconcerted him and consequently injured his business.
The public in general, and his friends in particular are notified that he gratefully acknowledges the liberal support they have given him since he commenced the tavern here, and begs they will not forsake him, as he has a larger and better assortment of liquors than he ever had before, and in addition thereto has ice and fruit, also a variety of newspapers. He pledges himself to double (if possible) his exertions to please and accommodate all who may call on him, until a suitable tenant can be had.
A description of the property is thought needless as it is known and presumed that no one will rent without viewing the premises.
ANDREW M'DONALD. George Town, June 20—3taw2w
Public Sale.
By virtue of a decree of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington sitting as a court of chancery, at the suit of William H. Dorsey, Nicholas Heages, George Craig and Adam Whann, against Agnes Jackson, executrix; William Jackson, executor; Jonathan Jackson, Matthew Jackson, Elizabeth Jackson and Susanna Jackson, infant heirs of Jonathan Jackson, deceased, defendants—Will be expected at public auction to the highest bidder on the premises all the right, title, and interest of said Jonathan Jackson, deceased, to the following lots of ground in the city of Washington—the lots numbered 21 and 22 in square numbered 75, and the lot numbered 2 numbered 2 in square numbered 164.
The terms of sale are one year's credit from the day of sale, the purchaser or purchasers giving their bonds, with approved security for the purchase money, with interest thereon.
AGNES JACKSON, } executrix. WILLIAM JACKSON, } trustees. June 18—1aw3w
N. B. We hereby give notice to all persons having claims against the estate of the said Jonathan Jackson, deceased, either for debts due, or legacies bequeathed, to bring them into court within three weeks after the above sale.
A. J. W. J.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, being legally and fully authorized, by his assignees, to adjust, and settle finally, all the concerns of his former estate, surrendered under the laws of Pennsylvania, of Maryland, and of the United States, hereby calls on all persons indebted to said estate, to make payment to him; and on all who have claims, to render him their accounts, with notice of what property's still held in pledge for securing payment.
JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, April 13—wtf
NOTICE.
The subscriber having been legally authorized, by Messrs Henry Pratt Thomas Willing Francis, John Miller, jun John Alsley, and Jacob Baker, trustees of a fund created from the joint and separate estates of Robert Morris, John Nicholson and James Greenleaf, and generally denominated, the "Aggregate Fund," hereby calls on all persons, having any claims or pretensions by Mortgage or otherwise, to any of the objects of the said Fund, to make the same known to him, with a view to their adjustment. And all persons disposed to purchase any of the property of the said Fund either for cash, or on terms of short credit, are desired to make early application to
JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, April 13—wtf
The property of the AGGREGATE FUND lying in or near the river Potomac, consists of a large number of house lots in the city of Washington.
A number of handsome brick houses and a few wooden houses in do.
Awhari and Rore on do.
Lands on the Eastern Branch, opp site do.
Do. on Hunting Creek near Alexandria.
Do. adjoining Fort Cameronland.
Do. about 12 miles from do.
The subscriber will in person receive applications on any of the objects of his agency, at Mr. Stelles hotel, until the 10th inst. after which until further notice, he requests that all applications may be made to capt. Thomas Tingey, William Cranch, esq or Mr. Samuel Elliot. jun.
JAMES GREENLEAF. Washington, June 4—3t wtf
(BY AUTHORITY.) Scheme of a Lottery.
To build an ACADEMY in the city of Richmond.
   Dollars.     1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000   1 do. 10,000   1 do. 5,000   5 do. of 1,000 make 5,000   6 do. — 500 — 3,000   10 do. — 200 — 2,000   20 do. — 100 — 2,000   100 do. — 50 — 5,000   250 do. — 30 — 7,500   420 do. — 25 — 10,500   1,500 do. — 20 — 30,000   3,000 do. — 15 — 45,000   1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250   1 do. after 2,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000  
5,325 prizes, 150,000 9,675 blanks, not two to a prize,
15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This lottery has been authorized by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dollars and 2,500 dollars, in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer, a chance for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce a rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorize it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next.
Richmond, March 2—tf
Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price (Reg.) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Prichard.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or stolen on Sunday the 4th of June, a Small Bay HORSE, between 13 and 14 hands high, with a crooked blaze in his face, and one on his hind feet white, marked with letter B on the near thigh.
Fifty dollars reward will be given for the horse and thief, or five dollars for the horse only, by the subscriber, residing opposite the Branch Bank.
WILLIAM FLETCHER. June 22—3t
Valuable Lands for Sale.
By order of the court of Calvert county, will be exposed to Public Sale the following lands, the property of the heirs of captain Walter Smith, deceased.
ON Monday the 20th day of August next, will be sold on the premises the plantation on which the said capt. Walter Smith formerly resided, containing by actual survey, 1225 1-2 acres of land lying adjoining Patuxent river, bounded on the south west by the said river, on the east by a fine navigable creek, called Saint Leonard's creek, so that one and a half miles of fencing will include the whole land—The soil of this land is equal if not superior to any on Patuxent, either for farming, planting or grazing, and in their season the greatest plenty of fine fish and oysters may be had either from the river or creek—A great part of the above land is covered with Red Cedar, fit for posts or fencing.
On Tuesday the 21st on the premises, will be sold one other plantation in the Forest at about two miles distance from the former containing by survey 627 and one half acres of land; the greatest part of which is covered with hickory, chestnut and oak wood, and a great proportion of swamp land, which at a trifling expense might be converted into valuable meadow, belongs to this land.
On Thursday the 23rd on the premises, will be sold one other plantation lying adjoining on Chesapeake Bay, bounded on the north east by the said bay, on the north by a creek called Parkers creek, containing by survey 536 1-2 acres of land, on this land there are a good proportion marsh and meadow land and a great abundance of fine timber.
It is thought needless to give a fuller description of the above lands, as it is presumed that those who wish to purchase will view the lands previous to the day of sale—and on application to Mr. John Turner who resides near the two first mentioned tracts; they may see the plans of the different tracts of land, and will show the lands contiguous to him; and Mr. Richard Hance who resides on the last mentioned tract, will show the outlines of the same to any person wishing to view it.
The above lands will be sold either in the whole, or be divided into parcels as may appear most advantageous for the heirs. The purchasers to give bonds with approved securities for the purchase money, to be paid in three annual payments, the interest to be paid yearly, and on the ratification of the sale by the court, and a full payment of the purchase money and interest thereon a deed of conveyance will be executed to the purchaser agreeably to an act of Assembly in such case made and provided, by
J. WILKINSON, } Commissioners, JAMES HUGHES, } JOHN TURNER, } Calvert county, June 8—1w to Aug.