The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-12-09 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. CCCCLXXXIX. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9th, 1803. PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
House of Representatives.
FRIDAY, Nov. 18.
Debate on the bill fixing the SALARIES of certain Officers therein mentioned.
In committee of the whole, Mr. VARNUM in the chair.
The bill was read, as follows:
A BILL Fixing the Salaries of certain Officers therein mentioned.
BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the end of the present year, the following annual compensations and no other, be, and they are hereby granted to the officers herein enumerated, respectively, that is to say:
To the secretary of state, dollars: the secretary of the treasury, dollars: the secretary of war, dollars: the secretary of the navy, dollars: the attorney general, dollars: the comptroller of the treasury, dollars: the treasurer, dollars: the auditor of the treasury, dollars: the commissioner of the revenue, dollars: the register of the treasury, dollars: the accountant of the war department, dollars: the accountant of the navy department, dollars: the post master general, dollars: and the assistant post master general, dollars: Which sums shall be respectively paid quarter yearly, at the treasury of the United States.
Mr. J. Randolph moved to fill the blank in relation to the salary of the Secretary of State with "five thousand dollars."
Mr. Leib moved to fill it with 3,500 dollars. According to the rules of the House, the question was first put upon the highest sum.
Mr. Sanford said he was not able to ascertain what the existing salaries given to the officers named in the bill were, and was, therefore, unprepared to vote on the question. He wished that some gentleman would state precisely what these salaries were.
Mr. J. Randolph rose to give the gentleman from Kentucky the information he desired. The salaries, under the existing law, were as follows:—the secretary of State 5,000 dollars, the secretary of the Treasury 5,000 dollars, the secretary of war, 4,500 dollars, the secretary of the Navy, 4,500 dollars, the comptroller 3,500 dollars; the Treasurer 3,000 dollars; the Auditor 3,000 dollars; the Register 2,400 dollars; the attorney general 3,000 dollars; the accountants of the War and Navy departments each 2,000 dollars.
These are the salaries, said Mr. R. to which these officers are now entitled, and which they have received from the time of their coming into office; and these are the salaries received by their predecessors when they went out of office. The law under which these salaries are received expires with the present year, and if the law now submitted be not passed the salaries will be as follows: the secretary of State 3,500 dollars; the secretary of the Treasury 3,500; the secretary of war 3,000; the secretary of the Navy 3,000; the comptroller 2,650; the auditor 2,400; the treasurer 2,400; the register 2,000; the attorney general 2,400; the accountants of the War and Navy departments 1,600 dollars each.
Mr. LEIB. The gentlemen from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) has stated that the existing salary of the secretary of State is the same with that received by his predecessor. If the gentleman means by his predecessor the gentleman who immediately preceded the present secretary, he is correct; but if he means all his predecessors he is incorrect. Under the government, as first organized, the secretary of state received only 3,500 dollars. That office was then filled by a man of the first talents, and the country was also in a critical situation; yet the salary of 3,500 dollars was deemed sufficient. When it was increased in the year 1799, it was contended that articles of consumption were at war prices, and that the seat of government being about to be removed to the city of Washington, it was necessary to make an additional provision. Suppose these were facts then, are they so now? Are
the articles of living dearer now than they were before the passage of the act of 1799? They are not dearer in Washington than in Philadelphia; while house rent is dearer there than here. These are reasons why the salaries as they stood at that period should not now be increased. When the act of 1799 was passed it was urged by certain gentlemen now in favor of an increase of salaries, that economy under a republican government was highly necessary, and that there was a large national debt, the discharge of which required the most frugal disbursement of the public monies. Now, when a change has taken place in the administration of the government, and gentlemen possess the power of reducing these salaries, they are in favor of their continuance—Mr. Leib hoped they would regard consistency of character, and recollect that if these salaries were wrong then, they could not be right now. He, therefore, trusted when they fully considered these circumstances they would vote in favor of filling the blank with the smallest sum proposed.
Mr. ALSTON hoped the motion of the gentlemen from Virginia would prevail. If gentlemen really wish to make a saving, they will not turn their attention to the trifling difference between the present salaries and those that existed four or five years back; the difference is so small as not to be noticed in the scale of national expenditure. We know also that the salaries now received have called forth the first talents. If they shall be reduced, we do not know that those given will call forth the best talents. It therefore appears to me, said Mr. A. extremely probable that this small saving, contemplated by some gentlemen, will be attended with a great eventual loss. With regard to the remarks of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Leib) on the comparative expenses of this place and Philadelphia, I can only judge from my own expenses; which were less in Philadelphia than here.
Mr. LEIB said it was true that boarding was dearer in this city than in Philadelphia; but that arose from the cession of Congress being but for part of a year, which obliged those who kept boarding houses to charge enough during a part of the year for them to subsist during the whole. This was not the case with those whose residence was permanent.
Mr. FINDLEY believed that gentlemen were so far agreed with regard to the salaries of permanent officers, as to unite in opinion that there should be attached to them established salaries. As far as he knew the intention of those who were friendly to the motion made by the gentleman from Virginia, their object was to fill the blanks with the same salaries which had been allowed for five years past. This object, therefore, had received the sanction of five years experience, an experience which in ordinary concerns ought not, in his opinion, to be disregarded. In the course of his experience, under either the federal or state governments, he had not known salaries lowered. Besides, if from time to time changes be made in the salaries of the officers of government, it may be said that we are actuated by a spirit of favoritism to particular men.
His colleague (Mr. Leib) had taken a review of the state of the salaries, and of the comparative expenses of living. To the opinion expressed by him the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Alston) had replied. He (Mr. F.) agreed with that gentleman. As far as his experience extended, he found no abatement, but an augmentation, of the expenses of living; all the changes that had taken place were in favor of higher living and higher salaries. The necessities of life might be cheaper, so far as they depended upon a foreign demand; but we cannot calculate upon this as a permanent state of things. The late peace of Europe had been of short duration and war had returned. Nor can we derive an argument for reducing the salaries from the existing state of the circulating medium. A few years back there was but one bank in Philadelphia, which had but a small capital; now there are three. A similar increase of those institutions has taken place in different parts of the United States. This is proof of a great increase of capital, and depreciation of money.
But gentlemen, desirous of reducing salaries, should look round to other officers than those named in this bill. For his own part, Mr. Findley said he did not know that he had ever voted for lowering the salary of any officer; and when he desired gentlemen to turn their attention to other officers, it was not
that he was in favor of reducing their salaries. But he asked gentlemen to look to the collectors of the ports, some of whom received 5,000 dollars a year, a sum equal to the highest allowed, under this bill, to officers where the responsibility incurred and talents required, were infinitely greater. With regard to the policy of the measure, he would appeal to gentlemen whether it was politic in the government of the United States to narrow the field of choice for the selection of these important officers? For his part, he wished this government might always hold out a temptation to the greatest talents. When he considered the salaries given by the states to their officers, the present salaries did not appear more than a competence. With respect to the motion to fill the blank with 3,500 dollars, Mr. F. said he called it lowering the present salaries; as the gentlemen, now in office, came in under the expectation that the existing salaries would be continued; they had not, it is true, the security of law for their continuance, but they had a well founded expectation. In Pennsylvania the salaries of the judges were raised for a time, and then made permanent.
Mr. F. said that he in 1799 voted against raising these salaries; but now after the increase had so long existed and had become fortified by experience, he should be against reducing them, under the impression that the salaries of such officers should be permanent. He, therefore, hoped that the motion to fill the blank with 5,000 dollars would prevail.
Mr. J. Randolph said he did not understand the reasoning adduced by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Leib) to show that the blank ought to be filled with a smaller sum than five thousand dollars. There had, indeed, been adduced an argument that might apply with some force to particular gentlemen in that House, but which was inapplicable to a great majority of the members. He alluded to the argument that those who in 1799 voted against an increase of salaries should at this time vote in favor of a diminution of them. At that period he had not the honor of a seat in the House. But if this argument applied with any force to those who voted against an increase to restrain them from voting for this bill, it ought surely to be more conclusive on the minds of those who on that occasion voted for it, to induce them now not to vote against it. And for this plain reason. The committee would perceive that the same cause, which induced members in 1799 to vote against the increase of salaries, might induce them to vote for their continuance after they were raised. It did not, therefore, follow that there was any inconsistency between opposing the increase in 1799, and voting for its continuance in 1803. There was a wide difference between refusing to augment a salary, and refusing to diminish it after it was augmented. For though there may have been in 1799 strong reasons against an increase, there may be stronger reasons at present entertained by the same men against a diminution. He believed, had he been then a member, he should have voted against the increase. But there would be an obvious and glaring inconsistency in those, who having voted in 1799 for an increase, should now vote for a diminution of these salaries. He said not so from an idea that there were in the House any such gentlemen. He was, on the contrary, persuaded those gentlemen had too great a regard to consistency and to character, to commit such a glaring inconsistency of conduct.
As this reduction of the salaries of a few of the executive officers was supported on the ground of economy, Mr. R. said he would take a view of the expenses of the government, in order to determine whether this object, so much the favorite of some gentlemen, was worthy of the attention bestowed upon it. Of the expenditures of the government, those usually classed under the name of civil list amounted to 564,000 dollars; those of a miscellaneous nature, which in some of the items partook of the character of those which constituted the civil list, 183,000 dollars; for foreign intercourse 159,000 dollars; for the military department 863,000 dollars; for the naval establishment 650,000 dollars. These, constituting the whole estimate of the expenses for the ensuing year, fell short of two millions and a half, of which only about half a million go to the support of the civil list. What are we now about to do? To legislate at an expense greater than the saving contemplated, to bring a mere pepper corn into the treasury; to cut off, perhaps, some of the most responsible officers in
the government. In my opinion, said Mr. R. if a reform of expenses is our object, it belongs to us to begin, where we ought to begin on some other solemn occasions, at home. Let us look at our own expenses and receipts, at the contingent fund of this House and of the other branch of the legislature; at the contingent fund of the departments. We shall find the expenses of the department of state, exclusive of the expense of printing and distributing the laws, 12,000 dollars, while the salary of the secretary is 5,000 dollars; of the secretary of the treasury 9,000 dollars, while the salary of the secretary is 3,000; of the Comptroller's office 9,000, while the salary is 3,500; of the Auditor 9,000, while the salary is 3,000; of the Register's office 14,000, while the salary is 2,400 dollars. We shall also find in the same department other miscellaneous expenses to the large amount of 11,000 dollars. We shall find in the war department the expenses 12,000, of which 4,500 constitutes the salary of the secretary; and in the Accountant's office, 10,000 dollars expenses, while the salary is 2,000 dollars; besides the expenses of the pay master, and purveyor of public supplies. We shall find in the naval department, the expenses 6,600 dollars, and the salary of the secretary 4,500 dollars; and in the accountant's office, the expenses 8,000 dollars, and the salary 2,000 dollars. In the post office department we shall find the same ratio between the expenses and the salary of the head of the department. Then come the expenses of the officers of the commissioners of loans in the several states, properly the expenses of the treasury department, and which are immense. Then follows that glorious institution, that splendid attribute of sovereignty, the mint, for which the government annually pays 11,600 dollars in salaries to its officers, exclusive of other expenses amounting to 9,400 dollars, and making altogether the enormous sum of 20,000 dollars. Then follows the Judiciary, respecting the expenses of which I have no further observations to make, than that I believe the salaries of the men who fill those high and responsible offices are very inferior to what they ought to be. Then follows that description of expense, which I have always understood to be the peculiar fund from which a nation may economize—the marine and war departments, one of which amounts to 860,000, and the other to 650,000 dollars. These are the departments in which a nation can alone exercise true economy.—When I make this observation, I do not mean to say that reform ought not to take place in the civil expenditures; but even then we ought to strike at the contingent funds, the stationary and fuel of the departments, and of this aid the other House.
It has been stated truly by the venerable gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Findley) that it is not found policy to narrow the range of choice for the great Executive officers of the United States. I believe it will be narrowed by the proposed diminution of their salaries. On this subject I speak without any understanding with the gentlemen who at present hold those offices. I believe that inducements, other than pecuniary, brought those gentlemen into office; and I also believe that if this blank shall be filled with 3,500 dollars, it will be impossible to get men to hold these offices from pecuniary considerations. We know the fact that no man of talents, devoted to the liberal professions, fails to get a larger sum. Of course it follows that men who hold these offices cannot be actuated by such motives. No, it is to an attachment to certain political opinions, to particular men, to the love of glory inherent in every noble breast, that we are to look for the true motives; and these, I believe, are the motives that would induce the men who at present hold these high offices, still to hold them, if the compensation were reduced to a single cent. But whether these are motives, which can or ought to induce a man to become a public servant, will you induce such a man to sacrifice his patrimony or abandon his office, unless fortune has been so kind as to make the sum he is necessarily called upon to expend to him a trifling consideration? Is this policy? Is it republicanism?—that no man, unless of overgrown fortune, should be able to hold a high executive office in a fair way? I know there is an abundance of hunters and bidders for offices, who are ready to take them on any terms. But these are not the men with which these important and dignified offices ought to be filled.—There is not a doubt, if you put the
office of the Secretary of State up to auction, you will get men, who will undertake to execute its important functions at the sum proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. But in this way, for a saving of 1,500 dollars we may lose millions. I beg gentlemen to attend to the nature and extent of the duties of the great offices of the departments of state and of the treasury. I speak without reference to those who at present hold them, though I might speak with reference to them. Do not these stations require an unblemished character, the highest talents, and an unwearied assiduity to discharge their duties with benefit to the nation; and can you expect such men to accept such offices for the small sum of three thousand five hundred dollars, if influenced by pecuniary considerations? While gentlemen are for detracting from the little which these great officers possess, we find that collectors, and supervisors, and other officers, whose duties are merely ministerial, and which require only common talents, are drawing from the treasury to the amount of five thousand dollars a year; and until a late law passed drew from five to twelve thousand dollars; and these men, according to the ideas of some gentlemen, are to retain their five thousand dollars while the Secretary of State and of the Treasury are only to receive three thousand five hundred.
I well know that when the act establishing the salaries as they now stand, passed, it was a subject of clamour; but it was a clamour that never reached me; I mean one by which I was not affected. For I have always believed, in public as well as in private life, it is found policy to obtain the best agents, to give them enough to do, and to pay them well for their services. I believe that in a single negotiation conducted by a Secretary of State, millions may depend upon the exercise of the discretionary power with which he is clothed. It may depend upon his answer to a foreign minister, whether we shall have peace or war. There is also a vast responsibility attached to the Secretary of the Treasury; and though the scope of his duties may be less extensive than those of the Secretary of State, yet millions may be won or lost by the manner in which he discharges them.—There are other officers whose compensations are fixed by this bill, called upon to discharge high duties, on the proper execution of which much depends.
It may be said, for all these things the President is responsible; that he is, or ought to be a man of the first talents; and that the heads of the departments cannot go amiss without his sanctioning their measures. It has, however, always appeared to me that every form of government that devolves the whole executive power on a single individual, differs but in form from that which devolves it upon a plurality of persons. It is of the essence of government that one man cannot execute it alone; and that he is obliged to share it with heads of departments, or with agents by some other name. The imbecility of human nature is such that he must participate power with others. It is the nature of the human race not to possess confidence in themselves; to take advice, and of consequence to be influenced by others in whom they repose confidence. Whatever, therefore, the theory of the government may be, the acts of the government must take their color more or less from the advisers of the heads of the executive power; and hence the necessity of those advisers being men of wisdom and of the purest character.—Such men ought to receive a compensation that will render them independent; for it is in the middling ranks, neither among the rich or the poor, that such characters abound.
As I have before remarked, I know when the last act on this subject passed there was a clamour; a clamour on one point, and then on another. But what effect had it on the nation? Let gentlemen enquire of the people, whether, while the affairs of the nation are so prosperously managed, they are not content to give a fair compensation? We only ask that those, to whom the country eminently owes its peace and prosperity, may be enabled to support with comfort themselves and their families. Let us suppose that those who manage the public concerns, had acted indirectly; that instead of preserving us in peace and paying off with great rapidity the public debt, they had produced a state of war, and had saddled the people with additional and heavy impositions. If they, in such circumstances, should ask for salaries and argue that the articles of life are at war prices,

I would have them answered, no, gentlemen, you have brought us into war wily or unwisely, no matter which; it calls for sacrifices; begin at home; you have laid new taxes upon the poor and the rich; live then yourselves upon small salaries, and set an example to the people by being the first to make some personal sacrifices yourselves. I say so to the House. I cannot enter into a comparison of the price of wheat and bread, and other articles of necessity or comfort. I cannot huckster with such men as fill the great offices of government; and go to them and say whatever your talents, or whatever the services you render your country, you may live on leeks and onions: No, Sir, I cannot stoop to this conduct. If on my return home, I should have to tell my constituents, we have reduced the salaries of the heads of the departments, small as they were, to save the public money; but we have put into our own pockets the sums allowed us by law. We have not begun at home; but we have made sacrifices at the expense of others. Were I obliged thus to address my constituents on my return to them, I should not be able to find language for the occasion. I should blush to tell them, that for my poor, insignificant services as a member of this House, I had demanded what would carry me through the session without debt, while I had lured from men so superior to me in every respect the small pittance rendered them as an inadequate compensation for their great services. I should blush to be obliged to tell them I cannot go home and address them in this language.
Mr. CHITTENDEN.—Mr. Chairman, I rise with extreme diffidence when I consider the talent and experience of gentlemen who compose this honorable house, being unaccustomed to take an active part in public debate. It is a sense of duty and not a matter of vanity, which induces me to rise on this occasion. Therefore without attempting to court praise on the one hand or fearing censure on the other, I shall neglect of both deliver my opinion on this interesting subject hoping it will be received with the same candor it is given. The filling the blanks in this bill or determining the salaries of the officers of government to be provided for by it is not a question simply between this house and the persons now holding those offices, but Sir, it is a question in which every individual in society is more or less interested. It is what the government ought to allow their public agents or servants as a compensation for their services rendered in their several departments. And Sir, give me leave to say, I think it a question which this house as the more immediate representatives and guardians of the rights and interests of the people ought to decide upon the true principles of honor, justice, sound policy and strict economy, without reference to particular men or parties, as the bill under consideration has for its object the permanent establishment of those salaries. We ought not to combat with the weapons of passion or prejudice, both of which are known to be the vices of the mind and always unsupported by virtue, justice or honor. The prevailing policy of absolute governments has ever been to enrich their favorite few at the expence of the nation.
But God forbid that this policy should ever prevail in a government like ours the very existence of which, in my opinion, depends on the honor and virtue with which our public officers are selected and the justice and economy with which they are compensated.—The office of Secretary of State is an office of trust and high responsibility and it requires a person of the first talents to perform its duties with ability and safety to the nation. Those men have been found, who, (to their honor may it ever be said) have discharged the duties of this office with reputation to themselves and in a manner highly conducive to the prosperity of their country, and for a compensation fifteen hundred dollars less than the sum now proposed, until March 1799, when from a combination of circumstances then existing, the advanced prices of almost every article of living in consequence of the European war and the inconvenience of the removal of the public offices, to the permanent seat of government, the salaries of certain officers contemplated in the bill of your table were augmented, and by an act passed by Congress in the year 1802 have been continued until this time, which act will soon expire and the salaries remain as they were previous to March 1799. The reasons, Sir, which induced the legislature to pass the bill augmenting those salaries having ceased and gentlemen in favor of the motion not having been able to offer others which appear to me sufficient, I can see no good reason why at this time we should by a permanent law establish those salaries at the advanced sums now proposed.—It is well known that the passing the act augmenting the salaries was a subject of very considerable alarm and has been made a step-stone to power and preferment by gentlemen, some of whom are now enjoying the benefits arising from the augmentation of those very salaries with perfect satisfaction; and from whom at this time
and on this occasion we hear no cry either in favor of economy or against high salaries. An honorable gentleman from North-Carolina, (Mr. Alston) expressed his fears that we shall not be able to retain the gentlemen who now fill those offices, nor find others of equal talents willing to accept of the appointment, unless the blank should be filled with the round sum of five thousand dollars. But, Sir, experience teaches us otherwise. It has been very candidly acknowledged, even by gentlemen of the same political sentiments with himself (and I think very much to their honor) in the course of the present debate, that those offices were formerly filled by gentlemen whose talents and integrity were unquestionable, and for a compensation fifteen hundred dollars lower than the sum now proposed, and at a time when the means of living were equally as high, if not higher, than they now are. An honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Findley) informs us that in the course of his long experience, both in this House and in the state legislature, he has never known a single instance of the salary of any officer being reduced, but often raised. If, Sir, any conclusion can be drawn from this statement, it is in my mind, a sufficient reason why the progress of this prevailing evil ought now to be arrested.
An honorable gentleman from Virginia last up (Mr. J. Randolph) with his usual eloquence has said much in favor of the talents and discretion of the gentlemen who now fill the public offices, placing the value of their services almost out of the reach of calculation. I, Sir, have no disposition to detract from the merit of those gentlemen in the least, neither am I disposed to be lavish of the public money on this occasion, for from the gentleman's own statement we are unable to compensate them in proportion to their talents and services. I shall therefore be satisfied with giving them a compensation which I deem adequate to the performance of the ordinary duties of the offices to which they belong. The difference between the present permanent salaries and those contemplated by this bill being something short of twelve thousand dollars the gentleman thinks it a trifling sum, a mere pepper-corn saving; and he says if our intention is to make a reduction in the expences of our government, there are many other objects which he has enumerated, and from which, in his opinion, a saving might with much more propriety be made. This is a subject worthy of consideration, and from the gentleman's own showing, I am clearly convinced that this is the proper time to make a stand, a powerful stand, give me leave to say, Sir, against every abuse of this kind. And if the gentleman will come forward, I pledge myself that I will join him in examining into, and preventing every improper expenditure of the public money. For although it may be the opinion of some gentlemen that eleven or twelve thousand dollars is a trifling saving, till I am of a different opinion; and, Sir, I am induced to believe that the honest industrious farmer and mechanic, who are accustomed to labour in their own fields and shops (and of this description are a very large and respectable portion of our fellow citizens) will not consider eleven or twelve thousand dollars an inconsiderable or pepper-corn saving, as the gentleman is pleased to consider it. And, Sir, although I am decidedly in favour of allowing a reasonable and adequate compensation to every officer of government, yet when we compare the sum of five thousand dollars per annum with the salaries of any of the state officers, and particularly the state which I have the honor to represent, the highest of which does not exceed seven hundred and fifty dollars, or should we compare it with the salaries of the other officers of the general government, I think the sum proposed must appear too high or the others comparatively too low. The compensation allowed the supreme court of the United States is but four thousand dollars to the chief judge, and to the associate judges three thousand five hundred dollars each; and it must be allowed, that to fill these offices it requires men of the first talents and information, who to discharge the various duties of their offices, are obliged to travel thro' the different parts of the union at very considerable expence, while the Secretary of State and other heads of departments are at home, enjoying the society of their families and friends.—Thus, Sir, in every point of view in which this subject has been considered, I am induced to believe the sum proposed too high, and therefore shall give my vote against the motion for filling the blank with the sum of five thousand dollars.
Mr. J. CLAY.—As this subject is one which will probably occasion considerable difference of opinion in the committee, it is a duty which I owe to myself and to my constituents, to state in a few words, the reasons which will induce me to vote against filling the blank with the larger sum named. I perfectly agree with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) in the general opinions he has expressed. I believe that unless sufficient inducements are held out to men of talents to accept
the first offices, the government will go to ruin; and I agree that those who hold them are men of talents and virtue. With them it has been my pride to agree in political sentiment; and it has been my duty on several occasions to justify and support their measures. On personal considerations, therefore, I should be the last man on this floor to vote for a diminution of the salaries at present attached to these offices.
The ideas of the gentleman from Virginia are such as, it appears to me, would favor any salary, however extravagant, given to these officers. He has not attempted to show that the salaries allowed before the year 1799 were too low. He has objected to some items in the expences of the government that certainly militate against the ground he has taken. He has stated that the expences of clerk-hire and the contingent funds of the departments are extravagant. Now the number of the clerks and the direction of the contingent fund depend on the mere will of those who hold these offices. The gentleman gives them great credit for their savings. If it be necessary to save in the clerk-hire and contingent funds of these departments, why have not these saving gentlemen made the necessary savings? The gentleman has alluded to the nature of the offices under the government of the United States. They may be considered as of three kinds; such as menial, and deprive the individuals who hold them of some estimation in society; others that, while they take no honor away, confer none; and others, which give honor to those who hold them. Of the first description are the offices of clerks, which require a species of talent, and equal integrity with that required for the head of a department; but there is no acquisition of honor, while there is a sacrifice of personal independence. The second description, in general, consists of fee offices, the emoluments of which depend upon contingencies subject to the control of circumstances; they may amount to, but can never exceed a certain sum. As to the last kind of offices, which confer honor on those who hold them, I believe with the gentleman from Virginia that, unless there are other motives besides the fee which are pecuniary to induce a man of talents and virtue to accept them, five thousand dollars will be but a paltry consideration. But if we attend to the nature of these offices we shall perceive that there are other inducements such as, to use the phrase of the gentleman, all noble souls feel, the love of glory.—But reducing these motives to mere pecuniary ones, I will ask, if three thousand five hundred dollars will not purchase a man of talents and integrity, will the additional sum of fifteen hundred dollars? I believe not. The gentleman says, we cannot go home, and say to our constituents, while we have reduced the salaries of these officers to the state at which they originally stood, we have not reduced our own. I believe that, in this point of view, those who represent on the floor the seats of commerce, sacrifice more by holding fees in this House than officers who receive an annual compensation. I will ask if the man, whose eye is usually on his own affairs, does not by a six months absence every year sacrifice more than he whose property is vested in a farm, and who receives a handsome salary at the seat of government? I believe the amount of a member's wages is about 800 dollars a year. A clerk, therefore, receives double the sum that is paid to a representative of the people. The gentleman from Virginia has enumerated other articles of expence as fit subjects for reduction. If the gentleman is willing to enter into a full review of the expences of the several offices of the government, from that of the President to the lowest clerk, and to reduce them from profusion to economy, I am willing to unite with him hand in hand. But this is not the subject at present before the House. As connected with the subject, I should have been glad to have heard any reasons why the salaries, allowed to these officers, were adequate in 1799, and are inadequate now. The gentleman says that he cannot go into detail; that he is unwilling to huckster with the gentlemen who hold these offices. If a vote of this House is to be determined by any epithet which a gentleman may think fit to appropriate to a particular act, we had better rise at once and trust to chance. For any thing may be called huckstering.
I have reasons, which operate with force on my mind, for filling this blank with three thousand five hundred dollars.—There exists on this subject a great degree of clamour. How raised, is one thing; that it exists is another. I consider this clamour as the loud voice of the people. I know that advantages are taken to render the measures of the present administration odious. I am unwilling, therefore, to give to the enemies of the administration any advantages that may return to them the sceptre of power which has been recently stricken from their grasp. Believing that the giving large salaries will surely have this effect; believing that the people of the state I have the honor to represent expect a reduction of the exil-
ing salaries; believing that a failure to reduce them will produce great clamour among the people, and that such clamour will be just, I shall vote in favour of filling the blank with the smallest sum proposed.
(To be continued.)
LOUISVILLE, Nov. 12.
Monday last was the day designated by law, for the meeting of our legislature: A quorum of both branches was not formed till the succeeding day, when the following officers were duly elected, viz.—The Hon. David Emanuel, President of the Senate, and William Robertson, Esq. Secretary—and the Hon. Abraham Jackson, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Hines Holt, Esq. Clerk.
On the Thursday following, pursuant to the 2d section of the 2d article of the constitution, both branches proceeded to the choice of a Governor, when his Excellency John Milledge was re-elected by a very considerable majority, six votes appearing for Gen. Wood.
After both branches of the Legislature had been organized, his Excellency the Governor made the following
COMMUNICATION.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives,
THE right of suffrage, that excellent privilege, the basis of our republican government, and most essential security to our liberty, having been recently exercised throughout the state, in the choice of legislators, and you being selected to discharge the high and important functions confided to the legislative branch of our government, it is with pleasure I perform the duty enjoined upon me by the constitution, by giving you information on the state of the republic, and recommending to your consideration, such measures as I deem essential for the public welfare. But, before I proceed to a detail of circumstances requiring your deliberation, permit me to bring to your view, the present happy and prosperous state of our nation. A cloud, which, not many months past, threatened war to our country, has been dispersed through the medium of negotiation; and I have it in my power to congratulate you on the event, that, not only the important points which agitated the councils of the Union, have been acquired, but an accession of the whole of Louisiana to the United States, with the entire navigation of the river Mississippi, from its mouth to its utmost source.
The measures which restored our rights in that quarter, and added so immensely to the limits of our country, without bloodshed, and without the terrors, anxieties and expences of war, evidence the superiority of that system of policy, which is disposed to promote the enjoyment of social benefits, and not to sacrifice the energies of the nation to ideas of false glory, and criminal ambition.
Without the burthen of internal taxation, we find that the wants and the engagements of our nation are complied with, and our national debt annually diminished. Peace is maintained with our savage neighbors—the exposed parts of the Union amply guarded, and civil and religious liberty secured in its fullest extent. The satisfaction derived from a knowledge that such is the situation of our country, must be heightened by the consideration of the almost unanimous determination of the American people, to uphold the persons by whose virtues and talents it has been produced, and to promote those who manifest an inclination to tread the paths of rectitude and wisdom. While the public good is thus kept in view, may we not rest assured, that the calamities which have often affected other portions of the earth, will not fall upon us?
Within the limits of our state jurisdiction, we certainly have no reason to be dissatisfied. The exactions on our fellow-citizens for the support of government, cannot be said to be oppressive—the inhabitants on our frontier have cultivated their crops in peace and quiet; no late instance turned up to destroy the accustomed harmony of the government. For these blessings, bestowed upon us by a benevolent Providence, in a national, as well as a state point of view, we are bound with peculiar gratitude to be thankful.
Immediately after the adjournment of the legislature in May last, I addressed a letter to the Secretary of War, and inclosed him a copy of the act, making distribution of the land obtained by the treaty of Fort Wilkinson, requesting him to lay them before the President as early as possible, and to apprise me of the steps he might think proper to adopt for running the line agreed on by that treaty. To that letter I received an answer, dated the first of June, by which I was informed that a treaty having been directed to be held in July, for the express purpose of obtaining an additional cession of land, at which, it was highly probable, the Creeks would be induced to make the Oakmulgee river the boundary line, it was not thought advisable to commence the running and marking of
the line agreed on at Fort Wilkinson, until the result should be known.
I accordingly waited till a report had prevailed, that the conference had ended, without the object contemplated by the general government being accomplished—when, in order to obtain correct information, as to the result of the treaty, and, in the event of the report's proving true, to urge, with as little loss of time as possible, the line's being run, I dispatched my secretary, Mr. Clayton, to Col. Hawkins, in the Creek nation, and by him was made acquainted, that a further extension of territory, than what had already been secured by the treaty of Fort Wilkinson, could not at that time be obtained. I again repeated to the Secretary at War, my wish for instructions being given, to ascertain the boundary between the Indians and Georgia, that the accomplishment of the wishes of the state, as expressed by the act of its legislature, might be no longer retarded. Such instructions have at length been given; and the running of the line will, it is thought, be commenced by the last of the present month. Copies of the letters on this subject will be found in packet No. 1.
The proclamation, which I was, by the act for the distribution of the land, directed to issue, was published in due time; and I have received lists of the persons entitled to draws in the lottery, from all the counties, except Montgomery.
Agreeably to a concurred resolution of the 7th of May, 1803, authorizing me to take such measures as I might deem necessary, to ascertain and identify that tract of country ceded by the United States to Georgia, lying eastwardly of a line running north from the head or source of the most northern stream of Tugaloo river, I gave the Surveyor General such instructions, as to me seemed proper for having the object of that resolution accomplished; and it affords me satisfaction to say, that he has discharged the duty required of him, in a manner that will, no doubt, be pleasing to the legislature. He has precisely ascertained the true source of the Tugaloo river, the spot that separates our state from South-Carolina in the north western quarter, and the course of the dividing ridge of mountains, between South-Carolina and the territory obtained from the United States: Also, the 35th degree of latitude north of the blue ridge, which divides our state from that of North-Carolina, and the course of Indian lines, run by General Pickens and Col. Meigs, under the authority of the United States—which the map that I shall cause to be laid before you, will more particularly point out. From all which he finds a tract of country belonging to this state, to which the Indian title has been extinguished, containing one hundred and sixty-three thousand two hundred acres, watered by the river French Broad and its branches, which have their origin chiefly in that spot.—The Surveyor General describes the country as mountainous, inhabited by an orderly and industrious people, (in number about eight hundred) living under no other regulations, than such as necessity has compelled them to adopt, for the security of themselves and their property.
I therefore beg leave to recommend the passage of such laws as may be judged expedient, for establishing regular government among them, and for affording that security, in the possession of their estates, which the right of occupancy entitles them to; and the adoption of such other measures, as may be essential to their interest, and the interest of the state.
Previous to my taking any steps in this business, I thought proper to apprise the state of South Carolina of the intentions of this state, as expressed in the resolution, and consequently addressed a letter to his excellency governor Richardson, a copy of which, and of his answer, with other documents relating to the subject, will be found in packet No. 2.
The legislature will derive information respecting the road contemplated to be opened by the general government, from this state, through the Cherokee nation to Tennessee, from a letter written me by Col. Return J. Meigs, agent for the war department in that quarter, a copy of which, and of my answer, will be found in packet No. 3.
It appears that the removal of the people, who were, by the line run in 1798, thrown on Indian land, and who from the settlement called Wafford's, is required by the Indians, before they will consent to the opening of the road, is desirable, and so much wished for by this state. For a length of time, those Indians have discovered a stubborn unwillingness to sell, or lease, that small spot of country, whereon those unfortunate people reside, every effort having in vain been made by the general government to obtain it. In order, therefore, to secure the important object of the road, to preserve the peace of the general government, and to prevent the military force of the nation being drawn out against them, it may be proper, and I recommend to appoint commissioners to visit the citizens alluded to, and use such measures as may be expedient, to induce them to remove within the temporary line. In conformity to the act,

of the legislature, pointing out a mode for adjusting the claims of the citizens of this state against the Creek Indians, the comptroller general has been, for some time, engaged in making out a schedule of those claims, which will be ready to be laid before you previous to our adjournment.
It having been stipulated by the 7th article of the treaty of Cocolain, that commissioners should be appointed by the Governor of Georgia, to claim and receive, under the direction of the President of the United States, the negroes and property which should not be delivered up conformably to that treaty, I thought proper to communicate to the general government, the measures which had been adopted by the state, and to request that instructions might be given for the commissioners, about to be appointed.
The packet No. 4, contains copies of letters on the subject, by which you will perceive that the instructions which have been given to colonel Hawkins go no further than for him to aid commissioners who may be appointed on the part of the state to carry into effect the 3rd article of the treaty of the 7th August, 1790, with the Creek Indians, which provides only for the recovery of prisoners and negroes, at that time in the Creek nation.
I suggest, therefore, that it will be proper for the legislature to take steps for endeavouring to obtain the assistance of the general government also, in our efforts to carry into effect the 7th article of the treaty of Cocolain—that, when commissioners come to be appointed, who will be restricted to demand the property taken since the date of the treaty of New York, and previous to that of the treaty of Cocolain, no misunderstanding between them and col. Hawkins may prevent their succeeding in the mission.
In consequence of a concurred resolution of the 27th of November last, recommending that the expence which would probably attend the building of penitentiary houses, and the rules and regulations which would be required for them, be submitted to this legislature, I wrote to his excellency governor Page, of Virginia, requesting him to transmit me a copy of the rules for the government of the penitentiary house: in that state, and an estimate of the expence the state was at in erecting it—that being the most southern institution of the kind, I presumed the construction of the building, and the regulations adopted for its government, would best apply to our situation. I received assurances in answer to my letter, that steps should be taken to come at the documents required, and that, as soon as procured, they should be transmitted by the post. Immediately on the receipt of them, they shall be laid before you. As to the fees required to be pointed out, presuming that one will be sufficient, I take the liberty to recommend that the building be erected at the place which will be the future and permanent seat of government. Many reasons might be advanced in support of that being the most proper place, for the present, suffice it to say, that, when the state comes to be enlarged, as contemplated, it will be the most central, and the eye of the executive can be occasionally turned towards those who will have charge of the criminals, to see that the regulations by which their reformation is expected to be obtained, are properly attended to.
Complaints are daily made as to the bad state of our public roads, particularly in the eastern district. Besides the delay that is occasioned to public dispatches, and the inconvenience experienced by travellers generally, the agricultural and commercial intercourse is thereby greatly impeded. Nothing marks more, an improved state of society, than good roads. Let me therefore recommend to you, a revision of the road acts; and if it should be found that county aid is insufficient to keep the frequent high-ways in repair, let such measures be adopted as will remove an inconvenience which has been so long and so generally felt by the public.
A statement of warrants drawn on the treasury during the political year 1803, will be found marked No. 5. The amount drawn for on the contingent fund, being much larger than usual, it may not be improper for me to state, that it has been considerably augmented, not only by drafts in compliance with concurred resolutions, in which the sums were specified, but by drafts for services performed in the completion of objects pointed out by the legislature to be effected. In addition to this, the payments for printing the laws and journals of the two late extra sessions of the general assembly, and other printing directed by the legislature; and the payment of accounts for expenses which had accrued under former administrations, contributed not a little to increase the amount. The aggregate of the statement will show, that the amount drawn to defray ordinary expenses, is not greater than usual.
A list of appointments, made by the executive, under the 9th section of the 2nd article of the constitution, and which
hold, until successors are appointed, agreeably to the mode pointed out by the constitution, or by the legislature, is submitted to your consideration, marked No. 6.
I cannot conclude this communication, without again calling the attention of the legislature to the important subject of our militia, and recommending a careful revision of the laws relating thereto—that, if upon examination, any defects are to be found, they may be supplied. Above all, taking in consideration the present convulsed, and probably changing state of the European world, let me recommend that provision be made for a necessary supply of arms and ammunition.—Though I urge this measure, I am far from thinking that our political relations can, in any great degree, be affected by those convulsions or probable changes. Yet, should any untoward event, resulting from such a state of things, be suspended over our future destinies, it will be allowed that preparations can increase, neither our uneasiness or our danger.
You are now, fellow citizens, possessed of those objects of government, that occurred to me as most essential to be laid before you, which, as well as those your own wisdom may suggest, or circumstances require, I feel persuaded, will be acted on in such way as will best promote the interest and happiness of our state.
JOHN MILLEDGE. State House, Louisville, November 7th, 1803.
WASHINGTON CITY
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9.
We find in the debates of the Virginia convention this just remark of Mr. Madison—"If we are happy at home we shall be respectable abroad."
In that body, as in most other assemblies of men of equal numbers, there appear to have been some few, who, dazzled by the glory of mighty monarchies, their vast armies and navies, and all their captivating insignia of power, doubted the respectability in the opinion of mankind of a simple republican system, founded on equal rights and dispensing equal blessings. To such remarks the true and becoming reply was rendered, "If we are happy at home, we shall be respectable abroad."
And so far as time has tested the remark it is fully confirmed. No nation, perhaps, that ever existed, has been so happy as this nation is, and for some time since has been. And just in proportion to the cultivation and promotion of our internal happiness has risen the respectability of our national character in the contemplation of foreign powers. How, indeed, could it be otherwise? Our internal happiness is at once the cause and effect of whatever contributes to national strength. As the power of the government is absolutely dependent upon the wealth, the numbers and the industry of the people, and their love of country and its political institutions, it is impossible to increase the latter without invigorating the former.
When, therefore, we are told by chivalric knights, by men of lofty minds and warm temperament, that it is the first duty of governments to maintain at the point of the sword the honor of the nation, it is a sufficient answer for our government to say, the honor of the American nation consists in their happiness.
If men were as sagacious in the opinions they form of governments, as in those they form of each other, we should not so often hear the resort to violence recommended for the sake of supporting national character. In private life, is the bully or the duellist, the most esteemed member of society, or is he happier than the man, who, by avoiding to give offence to others, escapes receiving it himself? Or is that man deemed wise or prudent who, for every injury he receives, offers violence to him that injures him? Were this the fact, we should indeed be in a state of war, without the prospect of its ever being terminated. We should instantly rush into a state of nature, and abandoning all the rules and restraints that unite men in the social state, we should become little short, in dignity or reason, of the brute creation. Physical force would usurp the seat of moral right, and the weak would become a prey to the strong.
Such is not the conduct of a wise man. When he receives an injury, unless it be of a most peculiar nature, he weighs the good and the evil of avenging it by force; and if he discerns as is generally the case, that by using violence he will only make bad worse, he controls his resentment, and submits to a small unavoidable evil, rather than incur a much greater one.
Wise governments will act in the same way. They will not madly rush to war, to vindicate what is called national honor, when that honor is not intimately connected with national happiness. While they are alive to the preservation of happiness, they will leave honor to take care of itself, well
knowing that it will follow of course. Before they precipitate the nation in war they will count its cost, and look to its issue. And if they find, on such calculation, the expense of treasure greater than the probable gain, and the ultimate sacrifice of character beyond the present injury, they will refrain from war. Nor will they be influenced by the thoughtless sneers of fools, or the vicious reproaches of knaves, who will always call moderation pusillanimity. These will rather confirm them in an adherence to their measures.
Under a government, constituted like ours, that war can alone be either just or expedient, which promises greater benefit than the antecedent state of peace. When we say either just or expedient, we consider government as acting for the good of the people who have constituted them their protectors. A foreign nation may, by its injustice, give us occasion for war; but our government will act with injustice to the people, if they hurry them into a war, in which the chance is that they will be more injured than the enemy.
When we consider how few wars there are in which this is not the case, we ought to repress or, at any rate control, that natural arrogance of soul that, fired by the least indignity, is prompt without reflection to hurry us into excesses, and to inflict deeper wounds upon ourselves than could have been done by all the arts of our enemies.
Let no one interpret these remarks as applicable to all aggressions or injuries that foreign nations may make upon us. Though they do apply to by far the greater part of the ordinary pretexts of war between nations, there are points to which they do not, to which they never can apply. Objects, there undoubtedly are of such inestimable value that no price can be paid, no sacrifice incurred, no risk run, too great for their maintenance. Such are our liberty and national independence. Whoever strikes at these, kindles a flame among our citizens inextinguishable but by a cessation of the cause that produced it. In such a cause we fight pro aris et focis . We have long since resolved that death is a less evil than slavery, and that liberty can only be preserved by national independence. One mind, one heart, one arm would concentrate national energy, and in such a cause, we must all triumph or die. We speak with no uncommon enthusiasm when we say that this nation, whenever it shall fight for its liberties, will prefer death to servitude.
Let then those, whose refined sense of honor is so exquisitely alive to the slightest wound inflicted on the national character, reserve their feelings for nobler occasions. Let them learn that as a brave man does not draw his sword except on great occasions; and when he does draw it, he draws it with effect; so a great and virtuous nation, the friend of peace and liberty, however it may be above indulging resentment for trivial injuries, will, when those injuries become great and dangerous, interpose with a giant's strength and a lion's spirit.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, DEC. 7. 1803.
Mr. J. Randolph called for the order of the day on the Amendment, from the Senate, to the constitution respecting the mode of electing a President and Vice President.
Mr. Huger moved a postponement of the order of the day till to-morrow, that he might have an opportunity of submitting a resolution for the establishment of electoral districts throughout the United States to the same committee on the whole that should consider the amendment from the Senate.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Huger, and G. Griswold; and opposed by Messrs. J. Randolph, Elliot, Rodney, Thomas, and Mitchell.
On the question being taken, it was lost—Ayes 34—Noes 85.
The House then went into a committee of the whole—Mr. VARNUM in the chair.
The amendment from the Senate having been read as follows:
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, Two thirds of both houses concurring, that in lieu of the third paragraph of the first section of the second article of the constitution of the United States, the following be proposed as an amendment to the constitution of the United States, which when ratified by three fourths of the legislatures of the several states, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said constitution, to wit:
The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots, the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to
the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states, shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President.
The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice President, shall be the Vice President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the United States.
Mr. Elliot moved an amendment by striking out—"And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President."
This motion was supported by Messrs. Elliot, Chittenden, Thatcher and Lowndes; and opposed by Messrs. Huger, Holland and Smilie.
After a debate on this motion had progressed to a considerable length, Mr. Dana moved an amendment, which being more comprehensive superceded that of Mr. Elliot, viz. to strike out whatever related to the election of a Vice President, his object being, (though perfectly satisfied with the existing provisions of the constitution), if they were altered so as to introduce the principle of a discriminating ballot, to abolish the office of Vice President.
This amendment was advocated by Messrs. Dana, and G. Griswold; and opposed by Messrs. Sandford, and Elliot.
The question was then taken on Mr. Dana's amendment, and carried in the negative—Ayes 34.
The question recurring on Mr. Elliot's amendment, after being supported by Messrs. Elliot, and Goddard, it was lost—Ayes 38—Noes 81.
Mr. Chamberlin moved to amend the resolution by striking out in the second clause the words "persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on"—and to insert in the lieu thereof "five highest."
This motion was supported by Messrs. Chamberlin, Goddard, Elliot, R. Griswold, Dennis, Huger, Thatcher, Dana and Baldwin; and opposed by Messrs. Sandford, Smilie, J. Randolph and Rodney.
During the course of the debate on this motion, Mr. Huger moved that the Committee should rise. This motion having been negatived—Ayes 36—Noes 76—the question recurred on Mr. Chamberlin's motion to strike out, which was lost—Ayes 39.
Mr. Thatcher then moved to amend the first clause of the resolution by striking out "when ratified by three fourths of the legislatures of the several states,"—and inserting "when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states."
This motion was lost without a division.
The question was then put by the Chairman on agreeing to the main resolution.
Mr. Goddard enquired whether the concurrence of two thirds of the members of the committee was not necessary.
The Chairman decided that it was not—being a preliminary question, and two thirds being only necessary on the final vote in the House. Mr. Huger appealed from the decision of the chair.
The committee confirmed the decision—Ayes 69—Noes 15.
The question was then put on the whole resolution, and carried in the affirmative—Ayes 75—Noes 26.
The committee then rose, and reported their agreement to the resolution.
Mr. Dana renewed his motion, to amend the resolution, so to abolish the office of Vice President; and after making a few remarks called for the taking the Yeas and Nays; which were Yeas 26—Nays 85.
Mr. Goddard renewed the amendment
moved by Mr. Chamberlin in committee; on which the Yeas and Nays being taken were Yeas 33—Nays 85.
Mr. G. Griswold moved to strike out "three," in the last paragraph but one; and insert "two."
Lost without a division.
Mr. Elliot then called for a division of the question on the resolution. The question was accordingly put, and taken by Yeas and Nays; on agreeing to the part between the words "The electors shall," &c. to "all persons voted for as Vice President;" and carried in the affirmative—Yeas 86—Nays 30.
The remaining part of the resolution was then agreed to without a division.
The question being put on the whole resolution, Mr. Elliot assigned the reasons which would induce him to vote against it. He declared himself in favor of the great principle of discrimination, but hostile to the other principles contained in the amendment from the Senate, and particularly to that part of it which devolved the Presidency eventually on the Vice President; in case of no election before the 4th of March by the House of Representatives.
The whole resolution was then agreed to without a division.
Mr. Randolph moved that it be read a third time to-day.
Mr. R. Griswold moved that it be read a third time to-morrow.
The question being put on to-morrow.
Messrs. R. Griswold, Elliot, Huger, and Dana supported; and Messrs. J. Randolph, Gregg and Bedinger opposed it.
The question was taken by Yeas and Nays; and carried in the negative—Yeas 45—Nays 74.
The question was then taken by Yeas and Nays on the reading the resolution a third time to-day, and carried in the affirmative—Yeas 77—Nays 35.
The resolution was accordingly read the third time, and on the question shall the same pass!
Mr. Purviance, after moving an adjournment, which was lost—Ayes 30—spoke at some length against its passage.
He was followed by Mr. Elliot on the same side.
Mr. J. Randolph replied in favor of the resolution.
Mr. R. Griswold, after a few remarks, moved an adjournment.
Motion lost—Ayes 47—Noes 55.
Mr. Elliot then replied to Mr. Randolph.
When Mr. Smilie moved an adjournment, which was carried in the affirmative—Ayes 65.
The House accordingly adjourned at about 9 o'clock.
THURSDAY, December 8.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH, in the committee of Ways and Means, on a resolution referred to them touching the expediency of discontinuing the office of commissioners of loans in the several states, made a report, with a concluding resolution that it is inexpedient to discontinue said office.
The report, with accompanying documents from the secretary of the treasury, was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
A message was received from the President, transmitting a copy of the laws of the Indiana territory, additional to those before laid before Congress.
A bill was received from the Senate, to divide the Indiana territory into two governments.
Referred to a select committee.
The House resumed the consideration of the amendment to the constitution.
Mr. Gregg delivered his sentiments in favor of its passage.
Mr. Eustis, after a speech of considerable length, moved a commitment of the resolution to a committee of the whole on Monday, in order that in the mean time a message might be sent to the Senate, requesting the resolution that went from the House. Dr. Eustis declared himself friendly to the principle of discrimination, but hostile to the other principles which the Senate had connected with it. This motion was supported by Messrs. Lowndes, Huger, Elliot, Dana, Denton, and R. Griswold; and opposed by Messrs. Dawson and Smilie.
The motion was lost—Ayes 49—Noes 59.
The question then recurring on the passage of the main resolution,
Mr. Goddard spoke at length against, and Mr. G. W. Campbell in favor of it; when an adjournment took place at about 4 o'clock.
In the case of JACOB GROSS an Insolvent Debtor.
ON the petition of Jacob Gross an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. Notice is hereby given that on Saturday the 24th day of December instant at the court room in the Capitol at 10 o'clock, A. M. the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Jacob Gross, agreeable to law, and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published once a week in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer until the said 24th December.
By order of William Cranch, Esq. assistant judge of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia.
URIAH FORRESTER, CLk. December 9.—r.w.

Public Sales. ON Saturday the 10th day of December next, at the farm of the late Mr. THOMAS DICK near Bladensburg, will be exposed to public sale the whole of the personal property thereon, consisting of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, the crop on hand, wagons, carts, plantation utensils, &c. Credit to the first of July next on all sums exceeding ten pounds currency, will be given on granting bonds with approved security bearing interest from date.  And on Saturday following, being the 17th day of December, at the late dwelling house in Bladensburg of the said Mr. Dick deceased, will be exposed to sale in like manner and on similar terms the furniture of every kind appertaining to the same. Also a coach with harness for two horses.  JOHN LAIRD, Executor. November 24—ept17D
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR. HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition.  Pearsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14.
JUST RECEIVED, By the UNITED STATES, Capt. Finley from Liverpool,  Fall Goods, viz. Brass Plate and wire fences and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell metal kettles, brass-foamen, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddlery, brass ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c.  HENRY INGLE. Washington, Oct. 28—epsm.
NOTICE. ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town, Nov. 25—tf
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been trimmed about the head and ears. Any person giving me information so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21—tf
HENRY POLKINHORN, Saddler, Harness, Army Accoutrements, & Trunk-maker. HAVING taken his two nephews Wm. & Richard M. Hall, into partnership, The business in future will be conducted in this place under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and Wm. Hall, who have opened at the store lately occupied by Mr. Conner, (two doors from the bank of Columbia) a handsome assortment of articles in their line; and hope from attention to business to merit the favors of their friends and the public.  The business will be continued as usual in Baltimore, (under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and R. Hall) where they have for sale a general assortment of Saddlery, wholesale and retail, which they are determined to sell on the lowest terms.  George Town, Nov. 23—tm
District of Pennsylvania, to wit: BE it remembered, That on the ninth day of May, in the twenty-seventh year of the independence of the United States of America, William Young Birch, and Abraham Small, of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit: "BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES, with notes of reference, to the constitution and laws of the Federal Government of the United States, and of the commonwealth of Virginia, in Five Volumes, with an Appendix to each volume, containing short tracts upon such subjects as appeared necessary to form a connected view of the laws of Virginia, as a member of the Federal union, by St. GEORGE TUCKER, Professor of Law, in the university of William and Mary, and one of the judges of the General Court in Virginia."  In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, intituled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned;" and also to an act entitled, "An act supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned. And extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical, and other prints."  (L. S.) D. CALDWELL, Clk. of the District of Pennsylvania.  The above work may be had at John March's book store, George Town, and of the booksellers in the city of Washington. November 23—tm
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cashmeres, Silk Floraines, Black and fancy silk mouselin velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toilemettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c.  With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season.  N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.  New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. November 8, 1803.
In the case of ZEBULON WARNER a bankrupt. Whereas a commission of BANKRUPTCY founded on the act of Congress passed on the 4th day of April in the year eighteen hundred, entitled "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded against Zebulon Warner of the district of Columbia, dealer and Chapman and he being declared bankrupt is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them on the 19th day of December next, and 16th days of January next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes inkeeper in the city of Washington and to make a full disclosure of his whole estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, at the second sitting to choose assignees and at the last sitting to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate, all persons indebted to the said bankrupt or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, Sec. to the commissioners. December 3, 1803—tf
FOR SALE. THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with five places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.  OVERTON CARR. September 19. eptf
New Retail Grocery Store. Just received per the schooner Highland F. Hand , master, from Philadelphia, London particular, Madeira, Sherry, Port & claret Wines—Cognac brandy, Spanish do. by the cask only; Jamaica spirits, Holland gin, cherry bounce, annointed cordial, whiskey, white wine and cyder vinegars, sugar house molasses, spermaceti oil and candles; imperial, hyson, young hyson, and kyson skin teas—loaf, lump and muscovado sugars; coffee and chicorée, pearl and common barley, American cheese, butter by the firkin only, baker salt for table use, sweet oil for do. capers and olives, raisins, almonds, &c. lemons, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon and allspice, black pepper, mustard and ginger, Spanish segars of a superior quality, Macquabau and appee snuff, &c. blue and starch, brown fox and candles, wrapping paper, fine twine emijohns, liquor cases, &c. &c.  All warranted to be of the best qualities, and for sale by EDGAR PATTERSON. November 30—tf
COLUMBIAN INN. GEORGE-TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual.  JOHN H. BARNEY. September 21. eptf
The Subscriber INTENDING to remove to the town of Alexandria, will dispose of the lease of the property he now occupies, situated in Fairfax county, on the main road leading to and from George Town, Alexandria and Washington City, half way between Alexandria, and Leesburg, and 15 miles from George Town, well known by the name of the White House at the Long Glades. This property consists of about 200 acres cleared land, with a large quantity of excellent meadow, a commodious dwelling house, stables and other necessary houses, the whole well calculated for a Public House, and is in point of situation equal to any in the state.  Possession may be had on the first of January. For further particulars apply to the printer, or ZEBULON WARNER. White House, Dec. 2—3t
NEW STORE. WILLIAM S. NICHOLLS, & Co. TAKE the liberty to inform their friends and the public in general that they have commenced business in High Street George Town. And have received to their first assortment an additional supply of fashionable goods, with many articles in the fancy line, which will be sold on very pleasing terms for cash.  W. S. NICHOLLS. George Town, Dec. 2—2w
Ten Dollars Reward. DESERTED from the hospital on the 29th of November, a seaman by the name of Thomas Harvey, belonging to the U. S. frigate Congress; he is about 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion about 30 years of age—Whoever will apprehend said deserter and deliver him to captain John Callin superintendent of the Navy Yard shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid.  December 5—3t
E. OLIVER, Has just received by the latest arrivals from London, An elegant Assortment of  Millinery & Fancy Goods, AMONG WHICH ARE, Velvet and plush hats and bonnets, Dreis caps, Egyptian, Grecian and other wigs and frizzettes, Egyptian cloaks and dresses, An elegant assortment of muffs and tippets, Cotton and silk trimmings. A handsome assortment of black and white laces and edgings, Do. do. of veils, Gold and pearl combs, lace veils, picanet gloves, Gold and silver spangles and bullion, Do. do. trimmings for dresses, Ladies and gentlemen's silk and cotton hdk and gloves, Silk shawls and head handkerchiefs, Wadding for great coats, Pelongs, Persians, and sarfnetts, Italian cambric muffs, dimities, Fine India book mullin handkerchiefs, Pocket handkerchiefs, Feathers, wreathes and bunches, A new and elegant assortment of ribbons, Fine Holland and low priced Irish linens, Farniture binding, fringes, cords and tassels, with a variety of other articles too numerous for an advertisement.  George Town, Dec. 2—3t
FOR CHARLESTON. THE Schooner Nancy , Capt. Gilpin, now lying at Merchants wharf Alexandria—She has elegant accommodations for passengers and will be kept as a packet between this place and Charleston—She will sail on Saturday next. For passage only apply to the captain on board, or to the subscriber, SAMUEL CROUDSON, & Co. Alexandria, Dec. 7—3t
FOR SALE, A pair of elegant well broke carriage Horses—also two thorough colts of the most esteemed racing flock in Virginia. Enquire of the Editor. December 7—3t
A Stray Mare. THIS day Richard Spalding brought before me a Justice of peace for Washington county; a bright Bay Mare about 14 hands high 11 years old, with a nip, a few white hairs on her forehead, and some under the hoofstock on the off fore foot—The owner is requested to prove property pay charges and take her away.  WILLIAM THORNTON. Dec. 7—3t
JOHN HAMMAND, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE Opposite the Center Market. TAKES the liberty of informing his friends and the public that he has commenced the TIN MAKING business in its various branches—where orders in the above line will be duly attended to and faithfully executed.  Mrs. HAMMAND informs the ladies of this city and its vicinity, that she has commenced the MANUA-making business, and hopes by attention and punctuality to give satisfaction to those who may honor her with their custom.  Dec. 7—3t
A YOUNG GENTLEMAN, Lately from the West Indies, where he has resided several years in a commercial capacity, is desirous of engaging himself in the disposal of cargoes in the Windward Islands, where he has the best connections and information—any gentleman wishing to consult him in the choice or management of a cargo, may see him by leaving his address at the Office of THOMAS HERTY, Esq. near Rhodes's hotel, city of Washington.  Dec. 7—3t
In the case of JOHN WILLIAMS LYTTION a Bankrupt. WHEREAS a commission of Bankruptcy founded upon the act of Congress of the United States passed on the fourth day of April, 1800, entitled, "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded and issued against John Williams Lyttion of Washington county in the district of Columbia, dealer and Chapman, and he has been declared a bankrupt. He is therefore required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named or the majority of them on the 8th and 22nd days of December, and 5th of January next at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes's Inn keeper in the city of Washington, and make a full disclosure, and discovery of his estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, and at the second sitting to choose assignees, and at the last sitting the bankrupt is required to finish his examination. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, secretary to the Commissioners. Nov. 25—
Five Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from the subscriber JOHN MELCO an apprentice lad, between sixteen and seventeen years of age, of effeminate appearance and much given to strong liquor. I hereby caution all persons at their peril, from harboring, employing, or carrying him out of the district, the above reward will be given for delivering him to me in this place but no allowance for expenses.  DANIEL M'DOUGAL. Navy Yard, Dec. 5—3t
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.    1 prize of   20,000    1 ditto  5000  10,000    2 do  1000  2,000    10 do  500  5,000    15 do  200  3,000    200 do  100  20,000    200 do  50  10,000    200 do  25  5,000    250 do  20  5,000    400 do  15  6,000    1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number,   500    1 do after 4000  do  500    1 do after 6000  do  500    1 do after 8000  do  500    1 do after 10,000  do  500    1 do after 12,000  do  500    1 do after 15,000  do  500    1 do after 18,000  do  500    1 do after 20,000  do  2,000    1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number,   4,000    754 Prizes,   210,000    13,356 Blanks—Not two to a prize.      21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000  The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.  For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.  Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them.  Managers. Right Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Bevilacqua, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennet, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell.  July 13, 1803. eptf  The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
PROPOSALS for publishing a periodical work entitled  The Literary Magazine, AND  AMERICAN REGISTER.  THIS work, if public patronage encourages its prosecution, shall be published monthly.  The number shall be, occasionally ornamented with an engraving, executed by the best artist that can be obtained, and delivered to subscribers at the price of FIFTY CENTS. Each number shall contain, at least, eighty pages in large octavo, and shall comprehend seven departments.  The first department shall include original, moral, literary or scientific performances, and biographical or historical sketches.  The second department shall contain reviews of American publications, and of English works republished here.  The third department shall comprise such extracts, from foreign publications, as shall be considered peculiarly interesting, and deserving the attention of the people of America. The essence, especially of periodical publications, shall be carefully extracted.  The fourth department shall consist of pieces of original or selected poetry.  The fifth department shall include notices of publications preparing for the press; notices of literary characters and incidents; and such portions of information of a scientific, commercial, and agricultural nature, as shall be deemed most remarkable and most deserving of notice.  The sixth department shall contain an accurate detail of political intelligence, foreign and domestic, particularly a clear summary of the proceedings of the Congress of the United States during their session.  The seventh department shall consist of all such interesting or important occurrences, as the passing month shall have produced; such as casualties, crimes, &c. and shall likewise contain as full and accurate a list of marriages and deaths, in the United States, as can be procured.  This work will be published by Messrs. John Conrad, & Co. and will be conducted under the immediate direction of an Editor, who, in addition to his own labours, has received assurances of the assistance of several of the first literary characters in this city and in New-York.  A work of the nature now offered to the attention of the people of the United States, has long been demanded. It is conceived, that, if properly conducted, it would eminently promote the literature of this country, and would prove, in all respects favourable to the gratification of taste and extension of useful information.  The Editor promises, if encouraged by liberal subscriptions, all that his talents and labours can perform toward the successful execution of the work which he has proposed to undertake, and he hopes that this appeal to literary taste, that this desire to diffuse knowledge among all classes of society, will not, like other attempts, which have preceded this, be rendered fruitless, by a cold and depressing reception.  To enable the public to judge of the nature of the publication as soon as possible, the first number will appear in a few days.  Subscriptions received by Rapine, Conrad, & Co. Booksellers and Stationers, New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. December 5.
NOTICE. Whereas by the second section of an act of the Corporation of the city of Washington, entitled "An act imposing certain taxes and providing for their collection," it is required of the Treasurer to make out an account of the tax chargeable to each individual, and notify such person thereof before the first day of December, by the third section of said act a penalty is imposed on every person who shall have neglected to pay his or her tax by the first day of February ensuing, and by the 4th section of said act the Collector is authorised to distrain the goods and chattels of the defaulters by the 1st of May next—and whereas by an act, entitled "An act empowering the Mayor to appoint the members of the Board of Appeal and to do other things in relation to the collection of taxes," he is thereby authorised and empowered to extend the periods limited in the three before mentioned sections of the "Act imposing certain taxes, &c." so as to give further time to the Treasurer, charged with the duty of assessing the property in the city of Washington. Now, therefore, I do hereby, in consequence of the powers aforesaid, extend the time limited in the 2d section of the 1st recited act to the first day of January next, in the 3rd section to the 1st day of March next, and in the 4th section to the 1st day of June next. Given under my hand this 30th of November, 1803.  ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Dec. 2—
FOR SALE One hundred and fifty acres of land, One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry. For terms apply to MICHAEL LOWE Prince George county, July 22. rntf
Grocery & Liquor Store. SAMUEL MINTIRE informs the inhabitants of Washington and the public in general, that he has opened a grocery and liquor store at the Navy yard opposite Mr. Prout's, where he has and intends to keep a supply of every thing in his line of the best quality. He has now on hand, best Coniac brandy, Imperial tea, Bourdeaux, do. Hyson, Holland gin, Young Hyson, Jamaica spirits, Hyson skin, Whiskey, &c. Loaf, lump, and Madeira wine, very fine brown sugar, for immediate use, Soap and candles, Sherry do. Bacon first quality, Lisbon wine, Best Spanish segars, And a variety of other articles all which he intends to sell on the lowest terms for Cash.  N. B. A lot for sale in an eligible situation on the Capitol hill, New Jersey Avenue. November 4—eoptf
ELISHA RIGGS, Has just received from Philadelphia, an additional supply of  FALL GOODS, Which makes his assortment extensive. Among them are many fancy articles, and Superfine cloths, cashmeres, velvets, and fancy well patterns, Irish linens, cotton counterpanes, ticken, and fleecing, English hats, kid shoes, silk hosiery, and gloves, Shirting flannels, rose blankets, and coarse cloths, Furniture dimities, ditto calicoes, and stuffs, Silks, cambrics, mullins, chintzes and calicoes, Laces, veils, crapes and India mullins, 20 boxes China in sets. Also—other articles, which will be sold on terms to please the purchaser. George-Town, Nov. 30.—tw6w
Ellicott's Journal. Just opened and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD, and Co. NEW JERSEY AVENUE.
The Journal of Andrew Ellicott, late commissioner on behalf of the United States, for determining the boundary between the United States and the possessions of his Catholic Majesty in America, containing occasional remarks on the situation, soil, rivers, natural productions, and diseases of the different countries on the Ohio, Mississippi, and Gulf of Mexico, with SIX MAPS, comprehending the Ohio, the Mississippi from the mouth of the Ohio to the Gulf of Mexico, the whole of West Florida, and part of East Florida. To which is added an appendix containing astronomical observations, &c.  Nov. 23.
For NEW ORLEANS. The fast sailing ship COMET, John M'Neill master, a Constant Trader with extensive accommodations for passengers. She will sail on Sunday the 17th December. For freight or passage apply to Wm. TAYLOR, No 8 Bank Street. Baltimore Dec 1—3t
For Cash. Wanted to purchase, eight or ten NEGROES in Families, including one good blacksmith, and one good house carpenter—enquire at Tunnicliff's hotel city of Washington. Dec. 5—7t
FOR SALE By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on F. street City of Washington.  PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS. White Lead in kegs Red Lead, and dry, Spruce Ocher, Stone Ocher of superior Patent Yellow, quality, Gold Litage, Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, and quality, Best carmin drop lack, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all Linted oil and spirits, for, of turpentine, Window glass 10 by 12—8 by 10, and 7 by Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book, Large sheet glass cut to any size.  Gentlemen sending their Saffies will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to.  August 3. rawf