The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-11-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 956.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE
From the Enquirer of the 18th of November.
We lay before our readers the following interlocutory paper of Decius, with the essay which succeeds it on our British relations, without wishing to accompany them by a single comment. Whatever weight might belong to the observations we might offer upon this subject, we still deem it much more liberal to trust the remarks of Decius to the world, without the slightest animadversion, and leave them to work all the effect which they are capable of producing. It will be time enough hereafter for the critic to apply his rule and his compasses; and that time shall not be far distant with us. We shall offer in our next paper some remarks upon the statements and opinions of Decius, as their importance may seem to demand.
With respect to the "important facts," on which Decius himself comments in his introductory essay, it is scarce necessary to inform our readers, that they appeared some time since in the Enquirer, in the form of an editorial article. They were such facts as the editor deemed not less important than true. But it is a memorable truth that not a single public print hath hitherto republished or noticed these statements. Common justice however seems to require that they should now be published along with the following objections of Decius; in order that both sides may be heard, and the public be left to judge fairly between them.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
Sir, The enclosed sheets, which contain the second number of Decius, have lain for some weeks by the author, and possibly might never have emerged from their privacy, but for some late passages in your paper. The fate of his first essay, which, literally, "fell still-born from the press," gave but little encouragement to Decius to continue his labors, and held out to an indolent temper an inducement to repose, too inviting to be resisted. The work was accordingly suspended. The first number, indeed, contained a promise to prosecute the subject; but there could be little occasion for a punctilious adherence to a voluntary engagement, whose performance no one seemed to require. 'Tis true that, under the pretence of fulfilling their promises to the public, authors do, too often, load the press with trash, which serves no other purpose than to enhance the price of paper. But Decius is no author—and can never encounter the drudgery of writing, but with reluctance, and even dread. He was sensible that the publication of his second essay would beget the necessity of a third, and he could see no reason why he should harrow himself with writing, what few seemed disposed to read. Except some flimsy objections, which were left to answer themselves, the publication appeared to have attracted the notice of no one. These however have since assumed a more serious form, and one which demands examination. Whilst Decius is little anxious who shall arraign his opinions, he can never stand indifferent, when his facts shall be called in question.
Among the objections which have been taken to the first essay, it has been alleged, that the federalists would make a handle of it, and torture it to suit their purposes. There is a plausibility in this assertion not ill calculated to captivate weak minds; but men of reflection and understanding must at once perceive that it covers too wide a ground: that it is equally applicable to the official, as well as private language, which has been held by the chief magistrates, since his induction to office, and to the wisest and most wholesome measures which have emanated from the legislative authority. Have not most, if not all of the President's communications to Congress; have not the most salutary reforms—the repeal of the judiciary law, the abolition of the internal taxes, been tortured and twisted by the federal party, to suit their own purposes.
Again—when the republicans came into power, upon their virtue alone it depended, whether there should exist such a thing as a check upon the exercise which they should make of it. It is not in the genius of federalism to oppose abuse in government, with good will. It is more congenial with her spirit to advocate it in her friends, and to aid it in her enemies. 'Tis her vocation, and she can never be brought heartily to disparage it. Accordingly we find that the most desperate resistance of the federal leaders has uniformly been made to the most wholesome and popular reforms. But setting aside the consideration, that they must always from principle, lean towards malversation in office, the falsehood, servility, and rancor of their press had justly prejudiced every sober-minded man against their statements. Certainly no republican could, or would, listen to charges against the administration from so polluted a source.
This situation of affairs has subjected the press to something like a virtual inquisition. As the federal prints could not obtain belief, so the republican editors would not publish. It evidently rested then upon the vigilance and firmness of the republicans alone, whether there should exist any efficient opposition to unconstitutional, or other injurious measures, in case such should be proposed. If they possessed not virtue and courage enough to withstand such attempts, (by whomsoever made) it is plain that no effectual resistance could be opposed to them. What then? Is the present administration perfect? Amidst the various agents, supreme and subordinate, in the executive department, has there been, or can there be, no wrong committed? Grant them any thing short of papal infallibility—it became necessary, when they did err, in the opinion of those through whose active exertion they were brought into power, and whose characters were implicated in their misconduct, that those errors should be freely and promptly exposed. Silence, in such a case, is equivalent to a sanction of the measure in question. These are principles equally rational, and fit for Americans to act upon.
Let us now examine the "important facts" stated in the Enquirer of the 24th of Oct. last.
1st. The explanation of Decius is not "uncorrect," in the "two material points" therein mentioned. It is true "that our ministers proposed to surrender our claims for spoliations," in the sense intended and expressed by Decius. Granting "that they were instructed to make no treaty in which those Spanish claims were not provided for," yet, if their ultimate payment was to be assumed by the U. S. (which was the fact) it was fairly equivalent to a surrender of them. The claimants indeed would be provided for, and yet the claim upon the Spanish government, by the same act, relinquished. The distinction between abandoning that for French Spoliations and being silent with respect to it, is one of those nice refinements about which I shall not dispute, but will leave the author to the undisturbed enjoyment of this "important fact."
2d. It is true, that, in their correspondence with the Spanish ministry, our ministers stated, "that, in consenting to establish the Colorado as the Western boundary of Louisiana, they had exceeded their instructions." If such were not the fact, is it probable that those ministers would have so stated it to the government from whom they received those instructions; or that those dispatches would have been laid by that government before Congress, without rectifying the error?
If the complete abortion of the negotiation at Madrid, did not (as the author of "important facts," would seem to contend) preclude the propriety of recurring to fresh negotiations; if that failure of pacific measures created no necessity for resorting to others of a different complexion towards Spain; will he, or will any other man, assert the expediency of using coercive measures towards Great Britain, with whom we had a negotiation at that time pending? Surely if the state of affairs with Great Britain called for strong measures on our part, our situation with Spain demanded still stronger. And if our relations with Spain did not warrant any such measures, much less could they be justified by the existing circumstances between us and Great Britain. If we went far enough with Spain; we went too far with Great Britain; if we did not go too far with Great Britain, we did not go far enough with Spain.
Decius has no where positively asserted, that the Louisiana treaty was antedated. The information which he had upon that subject induced him to believe that such was the fact. That belief is not at all impaired by the observations in the Enquirer. The only evidence of the existence of the "contract" is the signature of the parties to it. If the treaty was "signed" subsequently to the date expressed on the face of it, it was "antedated."
The question of "breach of neutrality" was stated merely hypothetically. It cannot be affected by the connivance of the British minister, at a transaction which he might deem beneficial to his country. Nothing is more common than such concessions from the government of a trading people, to the commercial interests of its subjects. Mr. Pitt might not only wish to enrich the banking houses of London, but gladly lend his aid to any measure that would take Louisiana out of the hands of France; and yet his acquiescence remain unknown at the time of signing the treaty. The "principle" is at least disputable. Suppose the U. S. at war with Great Britain; and France, in consideration of the cession of Labrador were to supply her with troops, or even money? Might it not be deemed a departure from her neutrality? But to have stated the argument fairly, the fact ought to have been taken in connection with our passive conduct under Spanish aggression on the one hand,
and our menacing tone towards Great Britain, on the other. From this combination of circumstances, might the not infer a disposition on our side to depart from our neutrality? But was not one chief objection to the procedure, that such remonstrance on our part would inspire Great Britain with contempt for any resistance which we might make to her pretensions? When it shall be established, that aggression upon our maritime rights is a grosser violation of the national honor, than the actual invasion of our territory, then, and not till then, may the remarks quoted in the Enquirer be deemed applicable to this subject. The traders in our sea ports may estimate the capture of their vessels as of more consequence, than the invasion, or conquest, of one of the western states; but they will scarcely persuade the nation to be of their opinion.
3d. and 4th. The third and fourth of the "important facts" might be passed over in silence. The messages speak for themselves. That the public message breathed an indignant and hostile language against foreign aggressions is to be found in the spirited resolutions of several large and respectable states consequent upon it; in the general understanding of the members of both houses of Congress; and that such was the sense of the nation, at large, may readily be seen by a recurrence to the newspapers of the day, of both parties, and among them (it is presumed) the Enquirer itself. As to the private message, I am afraid, that those who cannot comprehend its drift from the context, will be little aided in their apprehension by the comments in the Enquirer.
5. When Mr. Monroe's dispatches of the 18th and 25th of October, were laid before the house of representatives, several of the best informed members (who had voted with the majority) declared, that they served to convince them that the course pursued towards Spain was wrong; whilst others affirmed, that the effect on their minds was exactly the reverse; confirming them in the propriety of the measures which had been adopted. How they should produce the important effects, and at the same time have little bearing on Spanish relations, is left to the author of "important facts" to explain. Would the opinion, or information of doctor Franklin on the subject of our concerns with Great Britain, be less entitled to weight because he was minister at the court of Versailles; more especially if he had but lately left the court of St. James's, in that capacity? Would such an opinion, or such information be less official or less "documented" than if it came from a minister at London?
6. Does the author of "important facts" certainly know that Mr. R. did not amicably consult the President on the truth of the "vague insinuations of his cautious friend," as this writer is pleased to term the secretary of the treasury? A few words will put this subject in its proper light. "Mr. Randolph stated to the house that he had been informed," (by two of their members) "that certain propositions had been made to the treasury, to sound the disposition of the secretary of that department on the subject of advancing the money, voted for extraordinary purposes of foreign intercourse, before the bill had passed through all the forms of a law." But at the same time he declared, that if the secretary of the treasury would disavow the fact, he should have no hesitation in disbelieving it. Now, if Mr. Randolph had derived his information from that officer, how could he give credit to his denial of the fact. And yet because some person undertook to say that such a disavowal had been made to him; a miserable attempt was made in the public prints, under color of a speech which was never delivered, to impeach the veracity of Mr. Randolph. The letter of the secretary of the treasury must speak for itself.—Every man will draw his own conclusions from it. But every man must see, that, whether such an occurrence did, or did not, take place, the veracity of Mr. Randolph is in no wise implicated.
Having nearly tired my own patience, and I fear more than exhausted that of the reader, I shall reserve for a subsequent communication the disclosure of such other facts and opinions as I deem material to a proper understanding of the events of the last session of congress. In that number I shall go to the root of all the republican schisms—spreading myself to demonstrate to every impartial and thinking man that the minority are not in the slightest degree inured with federalism; that so far from having any bias towards that party, upon every question in which principle was involved, they had to encounter the joint opposition of the federalists, and that portion of the
republican majority who have been denominated third party men.
DECIUS
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
On Wednesday the 4th of December, Mr. Nicholson moved that "so much of the message of the President of the United States, as related to the conduct of the belligerent powers towards the United States, and to the unjustifiable construction lately given by some of them to the laws of nations as regards the rights of neutrals, be referred to the committee of ways and means, with instruction to enquire in what respect and to what extent our neutral rights had been violated, and what legislative measures the true interest of the United States required to counteract such violations." This reference was made, not without pertinacious opposition on the part of Mr. Bidwell, who moved to refer the subject to a select committee, of which, consequently, he would have been the chairman. On the ensuing Saturday, the committee of ways and means took the matter into consideration, and instructed their Chairman to address the following letter to the secretary of state.
"Committee Room, December 11th, 1805."
"Sir,"
"The committee of ways and means have instructed me to request that you will cause to be laid before them such information on the subject of the enclosed resolution, as the department of state can furnish."
"The peculiar objects of our research are—1. What new principles, or constructions of the law of nations have been adopted by the belligerent powers of Europe, to the prejudice of neutral rights? 2. The governments asserting those principles or constructions? 3. The extent to which the commerce of the United States has been thereby injured?"
"I am with very great respect,"
"Sir,"
"Yours,"
"JOHN RANDOLPH."
A considerable time having elapsed, and no answer having been received, the chairman waited on the secretary of state to know when the committee might expect one. He was informed, by that officer, that he had been so much occupied in preparing a laborious report upon that subject, to be laid before the President, that he had not had time to reply to the letter of the committee; and it was not until the 26th of January (more than six weeks subsequent to the requisition of the committee) that the secretary's communication was made to them. It consisted of a copy of his report to the President, on the new and injurious principles interpolated into the laws of nations by foreign powers, and contained no answer whatsoever to some of the most important points, to which the committee had directed the attention, and on which they had requested the opinion of the secretary of state. This communication was scarcely received, when (on the 29th of January) the committee were discharged from all further consideration of the subject, which, with Mr. Gregg's resolution, brought forward on that day, was referred to a committee of the whole house on the state of the union. On this occasion, insinuations of tardiness and neglect of duty on the part of the committee of ways and means were thrown out by some members. The chairman was then absent from indisposition. On the next day, however, he laid on the table his letter to the secretary of state, with the answer, the dates of which clearly exculpated the committee from every imputation of remissness; rendering it self-evident that they could not possibly have reported previous to the time of their discharge.
The resolution of Mr. Gregg begot a brood of others, of which it is not my purpose to notice any but the motion of Mr. Nicholson, which was introduced, not so much from a conviction on the mind of its author, that the step was in itself advisable, as from a belief that it might prove the means of preventing the House from precipitating itself into more ruinous measures. Accordingly we find that Mr. Nicholson himself, voted to postpone its consideration, and that he declined being a member of the committee which brought in the bill in pursuance of it; to which he eventually gave a feeble and reluctant assent. And yet this bill has been called throughout the continent "Mr. Nicholson's bill." It is equally notorious, that, in regard to the course to be pursued towards Great Britain, no opinion was expressed by the members of the cabinet, in their collective or individual capacities. On the contrary, the President frequently declared, without reserve, that he had no opinion on the subject. Similar declarations were made by other influential and leading persons presiding over the different executive departments; and it is a fact, that no consultation was held between them from the meeting of congress until some time in March. This want of concert and de-
cision in the administration might easily have been inferred (even if there were no other proof of it) from the various discordant, and undigested projects, which were brought forward in the legislature; and to this want of system, which then resulted from this subject, as well as the embarrassments which have since ensued, and are yet likely to grow out of it.
The aggressions of Great Britain naturally divided themselves into two classes:—Impressment of our seamen, and depredations upon our commerce. To the first we have been subjected under three successive administrations, from the year 1793 to the present time. But this grievance, to which the United States had so long submitted, and to which Congress had heretofore been content to apply palliatives, was now enlarged and dwelt upon by certain persons, because they saw in it a theme which would touch most sensibly the American feeling. Mr. Nicholson did not scruple to reproach them with a feigned zeal, and to charge them with having opposed at a former session, a bill which he had introduced for remedying the evil. Mr. John Randolph was of opinion that the impressment of our seamen furnished just cause of indignant resentment on our part; but he saw no reason for pushing that matter to extremity at this time, which had not existed in as full force, for the last five, or even twelve years: Our government, in consideration of the great number of British seamen in our employment, and of the identity of language and manners between that class of their subjects, and the same description of our citizens, but above all, from motives of sound policy (too obvious to need recapitulation,) had hitherto deemed it expedient to temper on this interesting and delicate topic: he could see no just ground, at present, for departing from this system—mere especially pending an actual negotiation between the two governments, on the point of dispute. He was of opinion that nothing should be left undone to accommodate our differences amicably, and that no step should be taken which might interrupt or defeat such a settlement that even if we should resort to war, it must eventuate in a treaty of peace by which the points of controversy would be adjusted, or left in statu quo ante Bellum; and that after incurring the incalculable mischiefs of war—the derangement of our finances and the augmentation of the public debt, to an extent which could not now be foreseen; to say nothing of its baneful effects upon our political institutions, and of the danger which must accrue from throwing our weight at this juncture, into the preponderating scale of Europe; there was no prospect that we should obtain better terms at any future pacification, than were attainable at present: at any rate he was disposed to give fair play to the fair experiment of negotiation. But if any active measures were to be taken against Great Britain, they should be of the most efficient and decisive nature. He deprecated half measures, as the most injurious to ourselves, which could be adopted.
Whilst the bill was yet under discussion, the news of the death of Mr. Pitt, and of the consequent change of ministry, reached the U. States. No circumstance could have afforded a fairer or more honorable pretext, or a more powerful motive for suspending our measures against G. Britain than this. The late premier was known to be decidedly hostile to the institutions, the interests, and the very people of America. No administration, not even that of lord North himself, had been; or could be more inimical to the U. S. than that of Mr. Pitt. His power was moreover connected with, and depended upon the continuation and duration of the war: He was succeeded by Mr. Fox, unquestionably the most liberal, and enlightened statesman of Europe; the man, above all others, beyond the Atlantic the best affected towards the principles of our government, and the illustrious character by whom it was administered. Never did a fairer occasion present itself to any nation, for changing, without any imputation of versatility, or any loss of honor, the course which they had chosen to prescribe to themselves. The excitement of public sentiment; and the measures consequent upon that excitement might fairly and honorably have been referred to the known character of the late premier, the pupil of Dundass, and the disciple of Charles Jenkinson; and the U. States might have awaited, in a dignified and imposing inactivity, the manifestation of a different sentiment by the new ministry. But the new leaders of the House of Representatives were men who soared above, or skimmed below all consideration of time, place, and circumstance: they gloried in their ignorance of men and things in Europe, and boasted that their policy should not be modified, by any change in the aspect of affairs at home or abroad; and in the pursuit of an abstract metaphysical jus faciens , they did not hesitate to embark the best interests of the union.
Against these measures Mr. J. Ran-

Joseph further objected, that during the five months which our ministers had spent in fruitless discussion at Madrid, it had entered into the head of nobody to suggest any proposition of a coercive nature in relation to Spain, and that, even after the total failure of that negotiation no such measure had been proposed; that G. Britain had indeed impressed our seamen, and advanced certain injudicious principles of national law, which, if carried into their full extent, would materially affect our commerce, but that Spain, after having refused to make good her solemn stipulations to compensate us for former spoliations committed on our commerce, had renewed the same practices during the present war. She had not, it was true, impressed our seamen, but her cruisers had "plundered and sunk our vessels, and maltreated and abandoned their crews, in open boats or on desert shores, without food or covering;" her courts of admiralty had indeed advanced no "new principles of the law of nations," but they had confiscated our ships and cargoes, without the pretext of principles of any sort, new or old. She had moreover insulted our territory, violated the property and persons of our citizens within our acknowledged limits, and insolently rejected every overture to accommodation. With Spain all our attempts to negotiate had failed—with G. Britain we had a negotiation actually pending, and which the despatches of our minister at the court of London gave us every reason to suppose would have a prosperous issue; and even admitting, for the sake of argument, that our vote of money to purchase Florida was, in itself, no derogation from the national honor; inasmuch as we proposed to receive a fair equivalent for it, yet, having refused to take any coercive measures for the unprovoked indignities of Spain, who had peremptorily rejected all our propositions for pacific accommodation, how could we with any face of impartiality towards the belligerent powers, assume this elevated tone towards G. Britain? Mr. Randolph further declared, that the proposed measure was in itself, inefficient to every valuable purpose; that its sole operation would be to pique the pride, and rouse the resentment of our adversary, and whilst it indicated a strong spirit of hostility on our part, would afford her a fair opening to strike the first effectual blow; that it was indeed to show our teeth without daring at the same time to bite: that G. Britain would have until the next session of Congress, ample time to devise means for annoying us in the most effective manner, and that meanwhile she might withdraw her property from our grasp, and guard every vulnerable point from our attack. He conjured the House not to suffer themselves, from the honest prejudices of the revolution, from their ancient partiality to France, and their well-grounded antipathy to England, to be legislated into a war, which would involve the best interests of their country. Above all, he trusted that their measures would in no wise be influenced by any wish to avenge on G. Britain the wrongs and injuries of Ireland; he declared that his sympathy with that insulted and oppressed people was too strong not to lead him to fear, that the same sentiment might operate on other members, in this case, whilst they themselves were unconscious of it; that whilst he deplored the subjugation of that gallant and generous nation, it was his duty to remember that he was legislating for the U. States, and bound to consult their interests alone. On this occasion Mr. Smilie, who, since the incapacity of Mr. Bidwell had become manifest, was considered as the efficient leader of the majority, avowed, that, although an Irishman by birth, he felt no greater predilection for that country than for any other in Europe or in the world. This declaration was conceived by many, not to confer much honor upon that gentleman, whether true or false.
Another strong objection to the non-importation bill arose from its bearing the aspect (especially when taken in conjunction with our recent conduct towards France and Spain) of a disposition on our part to aid the views of the French government in cramping the navigation, and destroying the manufactures of G. Britain. This constituted one principal source of animosity between those rival nations, and the American government could perhaps take no step which would so strongly excite the resentment of the English ministry. The prompt and decisive conduct of that government towards Prussia, so soon as she manifested a disposition to come into the views of France on this subject, forms the best commentary upon this opinion, and the sudden change in the tone of Mr. Fox towards the U. S. is no bad criterion of its truth.
When Mr. J. Randolph declared, that if any coercive measures were to be pursued against G. Britain, they should be of the most energetic stamp, and mentioned an embargo as that which he deemed, the most efficient at the outset, he was asked by some "why he did not move such a proposition" and they declared at the same time, that if he would bring forward the measure, they would support it. To this the answer was obvious:—That he wished to try the fair experiment of negotiation in the first instance: that he deemed it impolitic, pending that negotiation, to take any step which might defeat it: and that it was astonishing to him, that gentlemen who had remained entirely passive under the aggressions of Spain, who had refused to censure even in measures of self defence against her inroads—made too after a peremptory rejection of every overture to accommodation, should advocate an opposite course towards another power, with whom we were at that moment actually treating. The bill nevertheless passed by a large majority.
The wisdom of the measure is yet to be tested by its effects.
DECUS.
From the ENQUIRER OF THE 21st of November.
IMPORTANT FACTS.
Decius has directly encountered but few of our statements. The rest he has evaded, but not expressly contradicted. A few words will illustrate our remarks.
1. It is not true that "our ministers proposed to surrender our claims," even in the sense intended by Decius.—Granting that "their ultimate payment was to be assumed by the United States," it was not therefore "fairly equivalent to a surrender of them." Will Decius pretend that our claim upon the French government was "relinquished," by the convention of 1803, although it assumed the payment of 20 millions of francs by the government of the United States? The arrangement in both cases would have been precisely the same. The value of Louisiana was estimated at 60 millions of francs, of which 11,250,000 dollars only were to be paid to the French republic; the remaining 20 millions of francs being reserved to the American claimants. In the same manner, the value of the Floridas would have been estimated at some particular sum, from which would have been deducted the amount of American claims; and the balance would have been paid in money or in stock to Spain. In both cases, the amount of American claims would have been deducted from the price of the purchase. In both, "the claimants" would have been more conveniently "provided for;" for they would have looked to their own treasury for payment, instead of the coffers of Spain: Our own government would have advanced the amount of the claim, but would have received repayment in the value of the land.
2. Decius has strangely confounded his own inferences with facts; and mere probabilities with positive assertions. In his first number, he asserts, that "our ministers had proposed to establish the Colorado as the western boundary of Louisiana." In his last, he enquires whether it is "not probable" from certain circumstances, that they had made such a proposition. Now what are those circumstances? "In their correspondence with the Spanish ministry, our ministers" may have "stated, that they had exceeded their instructions." But Decius may have misunderstood the words of our ministers. Decius may have misconstrued that mysterious language and even those bargaining expedients of policy which are so common in diplomatic concerns. Decius has forgotten to state the conditions, which we required on the part of Spain, and in those conditions may be found an explanation of the difference which exists in our statements. Our ministers may have as much exceeded their instructions by proposing to establish the Colorado as the western boundary without stipulating the conditions on which that concession was to have been made, as if they had proposed it without receiving the smallest instructions.
It is true, that such a proposition would not have exceeded the instructions of our ministers, if they had taken care to accompany it with the proper conditions. Our ministers "were authorised to relinquish so much to the Westward, as they could obtain to the Eastward of the Mississippi;" and thus successive sacrifices were marked out, of which even the Colorado was not to be the last. Had then our ministers advanced any other propositions than these, they would have certainly overlooked their instructions; but what other reasons have we for such a belief, than the ipse dixit of Decius?
It is true that Decius "has no where positively asserted" that the Louisiana treaty was antedated; and yet Decius had asserted his belief, that such was the fact.—But Decius merely suggests, that "the treaty was signed, subsequently to the date expressed on the face of it." The suggestion is equally probable, that the date expressed upon the face of it, was the very same as the day of signing it. But this is not the true point at issue. Decius suggested, that the Louisiana treaty was antedated, for the purpose of "obviating" the objections, which the British ministry might please to make to it. Granting that the present explanation of Decius is correct; that a few days did intervene between the making and the signing of the convention; it does not therefore follow that this short interval of a few days was intended to provide against any apparent breach of neutrality. The true reason was to allow time enough to transcribe the convention in that splendid manner, which distinguishes all Bonaparte's treaties. It was a mere matter of form; and no diplomatic trick to evade a fancied breach of neutrality. But this last was the sense in which Decius expressed and intended it. How far it was proper to advance such an insinuation against his government, upon such deficient evidence as he seemingly possesses, is left to his ingenuity to determine.
3rd and 4th. We agree with Decius, that "the messages" may be left to "speak for themselves." If the public message led the nation to breathe a spirited language, it was not because they believed a war with Spain was necessary, but because they wished to manifest to her that we would not, if necessary, decline it. If the private message did not excite the same sentiments among the people, it was only because it was not laid before them.
5. Is Decius correct in asserting, that "several of the best informed members, who had voted for the majority, declared that Mr. Monroe's despatches" had produced such an "important effect"
upon their minds? Decius seems not very scrupulous in bringing the members of Congress into notice; why then does he hesitate to designate the names of those new converts to his doctrine?—Why was not this "important effect" manifested in the Senate, before whom these despatches were duly exhibited? It is impossible to believe, that Decius could have meant any thing more by the word "information" than facts; but what were the facts displayed in these despatches? Does not Decius well know, that they contained nothing but "opinions?" Would even the opinions of Dr. Franklin under such circumstances, have sufficed to control the decisions of Congress? Is it not a fact, that there is no "documented" communication between our ministers at Paris and London; and that the only channel lays between Paris and Washington; and Washington and London?
6th. "The veracity of Mr. Randolph is in no wise implicated" by our assertions. We know not what communications passed between Mr. Randolph and the secretary of the Treasury. But Decius has left two other facts of equal importance in equal obscurity. He has neither condescended to inform us, whether the "two members" of Congress obtained their information from the cautious Secretary of the Treasury; nor whether Mr. Randolph did "amicably consult the President on the truth of these vague insinuations." Had such a communication existed, the thunders of Mr. Randolph could never have fallen on this ground.
FROM THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
ON COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS.
On the 15th of this month a change took place in the commercial regulations of this country, which may, or may not be important in its practical consequences, according to the result of a negotiation probably not yet determined. It is almost unnecessary to add, that the law of Congress prohibiting the importation from the British dominions of certain articles of merchandise, is here alluded to. It was equally the hope and expectation of all the friends of this measure, that the evident and immediate prospect of the commercial injury which the actual execution of the prohibitory law would present to the view of the British ministry, would operate as a serious appeal to their feelings, and induce them to check the course of injustice, of insult and of wrong, which America, for so many years, had patiently sustained in the persons of her seamen, the lawful exercise of her commerce, and in all her maritime concerns. In this point of view, the restrictive law might rather have been considered as a diplomatic measure, calculated to answer a temporary purpose, than as a permanent, commercial regulation. But if contrary to expectation, the British government shall prove as regardless of the interest of its people, as of the rights of neutral nations, as the execution of the law will require on our part, some sacrifice of wealth and enjoyment, and possibly, may subject us to the evils of maritime hostility, it becomes necessary that we should be prepared for the worst, and assume a tone of mind, adequate to encounter the inconveniences of the one, and the dangers of the other.
The probability of war as a consequence of the measure in question, was certainly too remote, to form any serious objection to its adoption. Diplomatic as well as military operations must frequently be regulated by a calculation of chances; and the worst consequences which in the present instance can ensue, will be preferable to a tame submission, to systematic, incessant and avowed injustice.
The efficacy of regulations of this nature, in checking the lawless use of superior force, by a strong nation against a weaker, depends upon causes which can only exist between countries peculiarly situated in relation to each other; and it is consolatory, to reflect, that the power of violating to any great extent, the rights of maritime neutrality on one side, must always be attended by the means of retaliation on the other. To show that such is most emphatically, the relative situation of Britain and this country, we beg leave, to call the attention of our readers to some general observations, to which the present occasion seems to give rise.
The commerce of nations, like that of individuals, depends upon a dissimilarity of wants and a reciprocity of benefits.—If it were possible that each person could produce by his own labor all those conveniences, with which he is now supplied by the art and industry of many, there would be no trade among individuals, nor commerce among nations. Although with respect to individuals, such a state of independence is chimerical and illustrative only, yet it may be strictly true and practicable with respect to a nation. If a country comprehends within itself a soil and climate suitable to all the varieties of natural and agricultural production, for which it may have occasion, a population and mechanical skill sufficient to supply the demands of its manufactures as well as agriculture, then foreign commerce becomes superfluous. Such a situation alone, constitutes the true commercial independence of a nation. Place a nation in this condition, and every ship she possesses, may be annihilated, she may not be able to navigate a cock-boat, and she will be rich and powerful, her agriculture will flourish and her manufactures prosper. Such a country was Egypt, such is China, and to such a condition, is France now rapidly approximating.
It is evident, that no country can be further removed from a state of commercial independence than Britain;
but nature, as if willing to equalise her benefits, at the same time that she has rendered foreign commerce essential to her wealth and greatness, has placed her in a geographical position so favorable for carrying it on, that by means of her manufactures and her navigation, she has been enabled to attain a rank among nations, more elevated than nature seemed to have assigned her. It has been the combined effect of her necessities and her advantages to have given her industry such a direction, as to cover every sea with her shipping and every country with her manufactures. These are not the superfluous fruits of an exuberant wealth, they constitute the vital principle which gives it being. It is this peculiarity in the physical and geographical situation of Britain, that she is indebted for her naval superiority, and for the power which she possesses of oppressing the commerce of other nations. Britain can only find a market in foreign countries, for the immense product of her manufactures, and so long as that demand continues, her people will be employed in the preparation of manufactures, and her shipping in the transportation of them.
It may not be very gratifying to British pride, to consider her importance as derived from the anvil and the loom—but it is impossible to trace her opulence and naval power to any other source than the one which has been here stated. From hence it results, that her greatness depends upon her relative situation to foreign countries, in three respects; first, the demand which exists in those countries for her products, their ability to give something in exchange, and their willingness to admit the importation of them; and that a combination among foreign nations, to exclude her merchandise from their ports, would inflict a more fatal wound on her prosperity, than all the fleets and armies which they could equip. It will never be the interest of any foreign nation to adopt such exclusive regulations except as measures of self-defence—for in a mere estimate of profit and loss, the injury on one side, is as great as on the other.
There is no country on the globe, which in proportion to its population and wealth, affords a market to so great a quantity of foreign productions as the United States, nor is there any country so favorably situated for supplying that market as Britain. The commerce between these two countries, is frantically analogous to that primary, simple & most important commerce which takes place between the town and country, consisting in the exchange of natural and agricultural productions, for those of art and industry. This species of commerce is certainly beneficial to both parties, but to one only, is it essential. The agriculturist may be coarsely, and indifferently supplied with such articles of manufacture as he may want, without the assistance of the mechanic or tradesman; but the manufacturer can procure neither his sustenance nor the materials of his work, without the aid of the agriculturist. From this obvious analogy, it will appear, without the necessity of formal arguments that we possess the means of injuring Great Britain in the sources of her opulence and power, by prohibitory regulations, to a greater degree than any other nation; and that a suspension of commercial intercourse would be more essentially injurious to the interests of the latter than of the former.
As the U. S. possess no other check, upon the violence and injustice of Britain, but that of commercial restriction; it remains to be considered whether there existed, previous to the passage of the law we are speaking of, any just and sufficient grounds for the exercise of this species of commercial retaliation.
In the discussions, to which the controversy, between Britain and this country, has given rise, many arguments have been introduced, which are totally incompatible with such an investigation of its merits, as would lead to safe and just conclusions. The merits of the war now raging between Britain and France, the means of annoyance to which it may be expedient to resort, in order to distress the commerce of an adversary, are subjects capable of endless and doubtful discussion, which if suffered to affect the determination of a question respecting neutral rights, would derange every system of public law, that has been sanctioned by the consent of nations, as necessary to mitigate the horrors of war and to secure to neutrals, an exemption from its evils.
If Britain has exhausted all the accustomed modes of warfare, and is reduced to the necessity of annoying her enemy at the expense of other nations, the expediency, of such a resort, neither justifies the transgression nor alleviates its evils. But it would not be difficult to prove that the perilous situation in which she now stands, has been induced by causes more connected with her policy and injustice of her own government, than with the prosecuting hostility of France. At all events the acquiescence of America in the abuse of superior strength which is contended for can affect but in a slight degree, the important contest, which now suspends in frightful doubt, the prosperity & existence of Britain. An eloquent English writer has made a forcible appeal to the feelings of sympathy on this occasion; but it is apparent that rapine and plunder are the real objects of pursuit. The trivial produce of the contemptible source of naval heroism, which is furnished by maritime depredation, is eventually destructive of the subject which creates it. Commerce gives activity to every species of industry, yields to its votaries an annual and permanent
harvest of opulence, civilization and strength; but plunder consumes, not only the fruits of industry, but the vegetating trunk on which they grow.
The subject of which we have undertaken the discussion, is too interesting and important, to be hastily and crudely treated. It will be resumed in the next Argus, and as a second number of Decius has been announced, it may be expected to afford new matter, both of fact and observation on this momentous subject.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
Foreign intelligence received by the ship Liberty arrived at New-York, in 50 days from Liverpool.
LONDON, SEPT. 29.
The Mails due on Sunday evening and Wednesday last, arrived this morning. It is quite certain that Citarro is still in the hands of the Russians. It also appears, that Napoleon has been disappointed in one effect which he expected from D'Oubril's treaty. The signing of this treaty was notified to the Russian Commandant at Citarro, in the hope, that without farther orders he would give up the place. He seems, however to have been too well acquainted with his duty as a soldier to be surprised into a surrender by such a stratagem as this—though the Austrians were to have been made instruments in the deception.
Appearances become every day more hostile on the Continent. Both France and Prussia prepare with great activity. Saxony is to furnish to the latter 26,000 men, and Russia has a well appointed army ready for the field. Even Austria, greatly to the credit of Archduke Charles, has already restored her army, and supplied her wasted magazines with arms and military stores, and may soon be able to take a decided part in any new war that may be provoked by the insatiable ambition of Bonaparte. Our private Correspondent at Hamburg, states a report current there, that the Emperor of Russia has taken possession of Prussia, proper, and even Koningsberg itself, as a security that Prussia, will act in concert with the Allies, in the approaching war. If this be correct, we may soon expect to see Lord Lauderdale in London.
By letters from the Hague it appears that the greatest activity prevails in the military preparations of the army of Holland.
A French army of 40,000 men, comprising 13,000, Dutch, is to be stationed on the Ems, in Bentheim.
A Decree of Divorce has been formally published at Paris, of the marriage between Jerome Bonaparte, and Miss Patterson. Report says that Brother Jerome is to be immediately united to a Foreign Princess.
DOWNING STREET, SEPT. 25.
The King has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the Right Honorable Lord Viscount Howick, his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the ministers of friendly and neutral powers resident at this Court, that his majesty having been pleased, on the 10th of May last to direct that the necessary measures should be taken for the blockade of the coast, rivers, and ports from the river Elbe to the port of Brest, both inclusive; his Majesty is now pleased to declare, that so much of such blockade as extended from the river Elbe to be river Ems, both inclusive, is for the present discontinued and that from the date hereof, the navigation of the coast, rivers, and ports from the river Elbe, to the river Ems, both inclusive, is as free as if such blockade had not taken place.
LONDON, SEPT. 29.
At one o'clock this morning a messenger arrived in town with despatches from Lord Lauderdale.
The important intelligence of an accommodation with Prussia, which we exclusively announced on Saturday, was officially confirmed in the Gazette of that evening. The blockade of the Prussian ports and rivers in the German Ocean is ordered to be discontinued. As the final adjustment of the differences between the two countries is yet to be arranged, we shall not hazard a premature opinion as to the conditions of this preliminary proceeding. We may, however, presume that the obnoxious order issued by the Court of Berlin, in mean obedience to the mandate of Bonaparte, has been retracted, and that the Prussian ports will be opened as usual to British produce and manufactures. With respect to Hanover it is said that Prussia has agreed to restore it to its legitimate sovereign, and to protect it during the continuance of hostilities between Great Britain and France. We trust that some such arrangements for the protection of that unfortunate country have been agreed upon; for we should consider its immediate restoration at this instant, as one of the very greatest calamities that could befall it. The moment the Prussians marched out of it, thousands of hungry and irritated Frenchmen would march in; and the country would feel ten times the oppression it has before experienced from Bonaparte's army of execution.
The complete re-establishment of the customary relations between Prussia and this country cannot be a work of much time or negotiation. Lord Morpeth, we understand, set off last night for Yarmouth, where a frigate was in waiting to take him to the Elbe, from whence he is to proceed to Hamburg to Berlin. A very few interviews between his lordship and the Prussian minister will be sufficient to bring the dispute to that termination to which it is equally the interest, and the wish of both nations that it should arrive.
It will, we are persuaded, give genera

at and warm satisfaction to the army, and to the country, to learn the liberality of Government in permanently appointing the brave General Beresford as Commander in Chief at Buenos Ayres, with the same salary as is possessed by the Spanish Governor, viz. 10,000. per annum.
Expedition. —The 9th Light Dragoons, (Earl of Rosslyn's Regiment;) the 17th ditto, of which the Hon. General Grey is Lieutenant Colonel; the 5th, 36 h, 88th, and 89th Foot; and the 7th, 8th, and part of the 5th and 6th German Legion, still remain at Portsmouth. The Ardent, of 64 guns, capt. Donelly, sailed yesterday from Portsmouth. Colonel Crawford, Secretary to Mr. Windham, with the rank of Brigadier General, certainly goes in command of the troops at Portsmouth on a separate and particular service. Colonel Crawford is a man of science, of the finest military talent, and though his present rank is not high, he has been as long in the army as most of our Lieutenant Generals.
LONDON, Sept. 30. We have received the following letter from a correspondent of the first respectability.—We place much reliance upon the accuracy of the details contained in it:—
"ALTONA, Sept. 16. Great exertions are making to place the army in Saxony on the most formidable footing, and to take the field immediately. The Prussian General Hohenlohe is to command the combined army; but it is supposed that the king of Prussia will have the supreme command, as his head-quarters are to be at Halle.
One hundred thousand Russians are on their march to Warshaw; eighty thousand are at Brody and Belitz. The armies are to be commanded by generals Michelson and Bennington; they are to receive their heavy artillery at Grodno Glogau, where the greatest activity prevails in the magazines.
The Russians are to cross the Oder at Brieg, Breslau, and Grodno Glogau, and that part of the army is already arrived on the frontiers of Silesia. The grand duke Constantine, and some say the emperor Alexander, is expected at Berlin.
On the 7th inst. part of the Prussian army was arrived in Saxony, by the road of Bautzen. The Prussian third battalions of each regiment have received orders to march which is not usually done.
The Austrians are forming large magazines at Troppau, Loggendorf, and in Bohemia.
A large train of artillery has passed through Brunswick from Magdeburg, to join the Prussian army in Hannover.
The Prussians have taken possession of the principality of Fulda, the only sovereignty left to the prince of Orange, who arrived at Madeburg on the 9th.
The duke of Brunswick is to have the command of the centre of the Prussian army. His own army is to be increased from 2000 to 6000 men.
The elector of Saxony's troops received orders to march on the 9th of September.
At Halle the troops are quartered even in the professors' houses; and the churches are already converted into magazines. Eleven regiments are on their march to Leipzig. The Prussian troops under the prince of Hohenlohe, crossed the Elb near Dresden, on the 11th inst. These are to be replaced by Russians. The nearest French force is at Bayreuth and Coburg.
Count Schudenburg Rehnert is named Governor of Berlin, vice Mollen-dorff."
LONDON, Sept. 30. The number of ships fitting out for Buenos Ayres is almost incredible. Early this week, several are expected to sail; one or two ships have already, however, experienced the benefit of this newly acquired trade. As two British ships were proceeding to the East-Indies, sometime ago, laden with naval stores and articles of merchandise, such as were most wanted in that country, it is said they fell in with the expedition under the command of General Beresford, on its way to Buenos Ayres, which they were prevailed upon to accompany, under the persuasion that it would turn out an excellent speculation, provided the attack succeeded. One of those ships has already returned an account of her profits, amounting to 250 per cent.
Lord Morpeth is to proceed immediately to Berlin to adjust all differences between our court and that of his Prussian majesty. Some say his Lordship's mission has the further object of forming a close alliance, and laying the foundation of a new coalition against France. But of this we are doubtful.
PLYMOUTH, Sept. 28. This morning early sailed to the westward, the Plover, of 18 guns, and a gun brig of 14 guns, having under their convoy twelve transports, with the 45th, 87th, and 95th regiments of foot on board. It is said that they are to touch at Falmouth. The transports with the 40th regiment on board, are gone up Hamoaze, in order that the men may be removed from them into copper-bottomed ships, previously to their sailing for Buenos Ayres."
Paris journals to the 25th inst. inclusive, and Dutch to the same date, have been received, the contents of which are of considerable importance.
They confirm what we yesterday stated that Bonaparte has left Paris. The fact is announced in the Moniteur in the following short notice.
"PARIS, Sept. 25. Their Imperial and Royal Majesties set out from St. Cloud, in the night between Wednesday and Thursday. The Emperor, it is supposed, proceeds towards Mayence."
It was understood at Paris, that Talleyrand left that city on Friday, to follow his master; at least it was not doubted that he would join him.
There can now be no doubt whatever that he goes to head his army, and lead it against the King of Prussia. The Moniteur has not yet in any direct manner alluded to the dispute between these powers.
The general complexion of the French and Dutch journals, compared with the accounts received by the Mails of yesterday, shew that war is now considered as inevitable between Prussia and France. The French accounts respecting Germany are never entitled to any credit, but from the great anxiety they manifest to falsify the statements from other quarters, they betray the feelings of the French Government on the contemplation of the present crisis.—There are articles in the Moniteur from Cassel of the 13th, and Dresden of the 11th, in which Prussia is accused of an attempt to usurp over Saxony and Hesse a sovereignty much more direct and overbearing than the Emperor as head of the Germanic Body had ever claimed or exercised.
It is stated in the same articles, that the Elector of Hesse had refused to ratify a treaty concluded at Berlin, in which the pretensions of Prussia were recognised. There is not the least evidence of such a subject of misunderstanding; for all the German accounts concur in the statement that the Hessians were to join the Prussians, and that the junction of a considerable body with General Ruchel has actually been effected. As to Saxony, which is represented equally averse to co-operate with Prussia, the fact is unquestionable, that the whole of the Saxon troops are at the disposal of the Prussians, and the whole of the Saxon territory is occupied by them.
From every thing we can collect, the Prussian army would be in the positions it intended to occupy about the end of this month. The French army could not be concentrated and put in motion before that period. Bonaparte left Paris on the morning of the 25th, and could not be at Frankfort before the 30th nor commence operations till some days after. There are eight separate grand Corps d'Armee of French troops in Germany, but we apprehend these upon an average do not exceed fifteen thousand men each, if they are so numerous, which we do not, however, believe. Each of them consists of three division. Probably, however, the number of French troops actually in Germany is near an hundred and twenty thousand men. Of these however, there is no doubt that a considerable number must be left to watch the motions of Austria, which cannot be supposed altogether indifferent at so critical a moment. But the number of the French disposable forces is so great, that it is impossible to contemplate the approaching struggle in which Prussia, in the first instance, must be almost single, without painful apprehensions. The Moniteur makes a parade of the conscripts marching to join the armies, and 300,000 men are said to be ready to march into Germany.
The departure of Bonaparte from Paris for the army, seems to determine what the German accounts had left doubtful. The king of Prussia, it was supposed, would leave Berlin for the army on the 20th, if the dispatches from M. Knobelsdorf, at Paris, were not satisfactory. Bonaparte joining the army shows that he did not consider them such as were likely to secure peace without the intimidation of his presence at the head the army. The duke of Brunswick established his head quarters at Halle on the 13th. The king was expected there, but it is probable that the head quarters would be advanced towards the enemy before the 20th.
The Moniteur notices an important measure of the Ottoman Porte. The Princes of Moldavia and Wallachia, who are considered as devoted to Russia, have been deposed. We doubt, however, whether the order will be executed. The change proposed evidently originates in the French interest at Constantinople. We can, however, lay before our readers accounts received direct from Constantinople, by the mails of yesterday, on which they may place a reliance which it would be folly to give to any coming through a French channel.
When the new French ambassador arrived at Constantinople on the 10th of August last, reports were circulated that the result of his visit would be unfavorable to the interests of G. Britain; & nothing less than an immediate declaration of war against this country was expected. The Porte has, however, pursued a different line of conduct, and assured the British merchants that their fears of a rupture were groundless.
GREENOCK, Sept. 23. Arrived on Sunday Adgel Matterface, from Lisbon; left the Earl of St. Vincent, with 6 sail of the line, and a frigate. His Lordship was living on shore at a f at near Bellum Castle. It is not true, as stated in some of the English papers, that he had drawn out the Portuguese men of war, and was rigging them; one Portuguese ship of
the line, however, had sailed a few days before the Adgel, and Pomona for Algiers, General Moreau, under the character of a West India planter an Aid-de-Camp and servant, landed at Lisbon on the 13th or 14th of last month.—To the capt. of the ship (a British vessel) that brought him there he repeatedly said during the passage that the reign of Bonaparte would not be of long duration.
PARIS, Sept. 22. A great number of baker boys set out the day before yesterday from Paris for the grand army, where they are to be employed in baking bread and biscuit.
The camp at Mendon is entirely broken up; all the regiments that composed it, together with a part of the garrison of Paris, have begun their march and taken the route to Strasburgh. A troop of infantry of 1500 men passed Cambrai on the 16th for the Rhine. It is reported in that city, that several other corps are to pass which have the same destination.
PARIS, Sept. 25. Letter from his majesty the emperor and king to his eminent highness the prince Primate:
"My Brother.—The form of our communications in our quality of protector, with the sovereigns assembled in Congress at Frankfort, not being yet determined, we have considered that nothing could be more suitable than to address the present letter to your eminent highness, in order that it may be communicated to the two Colleges. In truth what organ can we more naturally choose, than that of a Prince, to whose wisdom has been confided the task of preparing the first fundamental statute. We should have waited until that statute had been decreed by the Congress, and had been communicated to us, if it did not contain dispositions which personally regard us. That alone has induced us to take to ourselves the initiative, in order to submit our sentiments and our reflections, to the wisdom of the confederated princes."
"When we accepted the title of protector of the confederation of the Rhine, we had nothing in view but to establish in right what had existed in fact for many ages. In accepting it we contracted the double obligation of guaranteeing the territories of the confederation against foreign troops, and the territory of each confederate against the enterprise of others. These all preserving obligations are pleasing to our heart, they are conformable to those sentiments of benevolence and friendship of which we have without ceasing, given proofs to the members of the confederation. But there are duties towards them which we do not wish to be understood as arrogating to ourselves that portion of sovereignty which was exercised by the emperor of Germany as sovereign. The government of the people whom Providence has confided to us occupies all our time, we could not see an increase of our obligations without alarm. As we do not wish to be ascribed to us the good which sovereigns may effect in their states, neither do we wish to be imputed to us the evils which the vicissitudes of human affairs may introduce. The internal affairs of each state we do not regard. The princes of the confederation of the Rhine are sovereigns, without any sovereign over them. We have recognised them as such. The discussions which they may have with their subjects, cannot, therefore, be brought before a foreign tribunal. The Diet, the tribunal whose office is to maintain peace between the different Sovereigns, who compose the Confederation. Having recognized all the other Princes who form the Germanic body, as independent sovereigns, we cannot recognize any one as their sovereign. We have no relations of sovereignty with the Confederation of the Rhine, but merely those of simple protection. More powerful than the Confederate Princes, we wish to use the superiority of our power, not to restrain their rights of sovereignty, but to guarantee their rights in their plenitude."
"We pray God, my brother, that he may have you in his holy and worthy keeping."
"Given at our Imperial Palace of St. Cloud, the 11th of Sept. 1806."
"NAPOLEON. (Certified to be conformable to the original.) The Minister for Foreign affairs. C. M. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento."
A HOUSE-KEEPER WANTED.
A middle aged woman, who can be well recommended, for honesty and capacity as a house-keeper, will meet with a situation in a small family, by applying to the printer.
November 23—3toop
Valuable Property For Sale.
THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 2 or 3 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. contains 42 acres. No. 3 contains 104 acres. No. 4 contains 19 acres; Likewise a lot lying between John Paylee, and Dr. Worthington containing from 80 to 100 acres. Those lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers.
Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Brckenridge near the property. Jan. 24. wti.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 28.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS information has been received that sundry persons, citizens of the United States, or residents within the same are conspiring and confederating together to begin and set on foot, provide and prepare the means for a military expedition or enterprise against the dominions of Spain, that for this purpose, they are fitting out and arming vessels in the western waters of the United States, collecting provisions, arms, military stores, and other means, are deceiving and seducing honest and well meaning citizens, under various pretences, to engage in their criminal enterprises, are organizing, officering and arming themselves for the same, contrary to the laws in such cases made and provided; I have therefore thought fit to issue this my PROCLAMATION, warning and enjoining all faithful citizens who have been led without due knowledge or consideration to participate in the said unlawful enterprises, to withdraw from the same without delay; and commanding all persons whatsoever, engaged or concerned in the same, to cease all further proceedings therein, as they will answer the contrary at their peril; and incur prosecution with all the rigors of the law.—And I hereby enjoin and require all officers, civil and military, of the United States, or of any of the states or territories, and especially all governors, and other executive authorities, all judges, justices and other officers of the peace, all military officers of the army or navy of the United States, and officers of the militia, to be vigilant each within his respective department, and according to his functions, in searching out, and bringing to condign punishment, all persons engaged, or concerned in such enterprise, in seizing and detaining, subject to the dispositions of the law, all vessels, arms, military stores or other means provided or providing for the same, and in general in preventing the carrying on such expedition or enterprise, by all the lawful means, within their power; and I require all good and faithful citizens, and others within the United States, to be aiding and assisting herein, and especially in the discovery, apprehension and bringing to justice of all such offenders, in preventing the execution of their unlawful designs, and in giving information against them to the proper authorities.
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and have signed the same with my hand. Given at the city of Washington on the twenty seventh day of November, one thousand eight hundred and six, and in the year of the sovereignty and independence of the United States the thirty-first.
(Signed,) TH: JEFFERSON. By the President, (Signed,) JAMES MADISON Secretary of State.
DIED —At Upper Marlboro on Saturday the 20th inst. Charles Hodges, Merchant, in the 28th year of his age. No young man was less corrupted by vice, few possessed more virtues, and none have died more tranquil and resigned to the will of the Almighty. His breast glowed with every generous affection, his heart was honest, he esteemed and loved his friend, and the last pulsation of his life beat in charity, with all mankind. He has gone to the cold and silent grave, sad receptacle of the dead, until the trump of the Archangel shall sound the resurrection, "and beauty immortal awake from the tomb."
Norfolk, Nov. 20. Capt. Sherman, arrived here from Malaga, informs that early in September, as the U.S. fcty Enterprise, capt. Porter, passed Algeciras, he was fired at and attacked by seven Spanish gun-boats, upon which he bore down on them until within hail without returning their fire; but, on finding that they still continued firing, notwithstanding his colors were hoisted, he poured into the Dons a few broad-sides which made them lurk into their skulking-holes.
For the accommodation of Congress, Divine Service will be performed in the Capitol on Sunday next, by the Rev. MR. ELLIOT.
MR. ONEAL'S BOARDING HOUSE.
HE will accommodate Twenty gentlemen in separate rooms, and stabling for 15 horses. A writer to one or more gentlemen can be furnished if required.
Also two furnished rooms to let in Jefferson street George Town, with the privilege of a kitchen and stable. App'y to
WM. ONEALE, or Capt. INO. MITCHELL, George Town. West Market, Washington city, November 28—2t
PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE
MISS FINAGEN Respectfully informs the members of Congress, that she still continues next door to Mr. Samuel Harrison Smith, Printer. Nov. 28—
BOARDING & LODGING, FOR MEMBERS OF CONGRESS EXCLUSIVELY.
THE Subscriber is ready to accommodate members of Congress in the two houses occupied by him opposite to Mr. Duane's on Pennsylvania Avenue; containing seven large Lodging Rooms, all with fire places and neatly furnished, two of which can be easily converted into parlors. The greatest attention will be given to providing a good table. JOHN DOYNE. November 28—
Good stabling for carriages and horses. FRANCIS P. HAMILTON.
HAS commenced the practice of LAW, and opened an office on Capitol Hill, in the house formerly occupied by Mr. Claxton. Nov. 28—3t.
Washington City Boarding House.
MRS. THOMPSON, informs the public, that having taken two of the six buildings, she is as in her power to accommodate a number of ladies & gentlemen, either as transient boarders, or by the year. Travellers members of congress and others, will find it an eligible spot, situated half way between the President's house and George Town, dry, healthy, and convenient to the public offices, with the advantage of excellent water. She has good apartments for servants, excellent stables, and coach houses, and will spare no pains to give general satisfaction to those who honor her with their custom. Nov. 27 w6t.
SALE BY AUCTION.
ON Friday the 28th November at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, will be sold at public auction at the house of Dr. BENSON, on Pennsylvania Avenue, all his HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, consisting of Bedsteads and Curtains Beds and Furniture, Tables, Chairs, Carpets, China, Glass and Barthon Ware, a Lady's English made Saddle and Bridle, an excellent Saddle Horse, and also a handsome new Chair, with plated harness, and a good Horse, a Cutting box, a milch Cow, likewise a quantity of BOOKS, on different subjects, and one Copper and a Tin Still—Terms will be made known on the day of sale. JOHN STEPHEN, Aucr. November 26—2t
AT THE THEATRE.
MR. MANFREDI. On FRIDAY EVENING, Nov. 28th, AT THE WASHINGTON THEATRE.
The Performance will commence, With a Spanish Dance by the Little American.
Dancing on the Tight Rope. A dance in character, with the balance pole by Miss LOUISA.
Miss CATHERINE will dance a Hornpipe on the rope—after which a serious dance. A grotesque dance, by Madam MANFREDI—the moving board—she will dance without putting her feet on the rope, with the balance pole, and play a handsome air on the Mandoline, on the rope, without it.
After which the combat of the two boys, by Mr. and Mrs. MANFREDI on the rope. The Cossac dance. Mr. Manfredi will dance with two ballets tied to his feet—after which with two boys in the same manner, without the balance pole. He will beat the drum, perform the curious feat of the clock, play the French horn, and jump backward and forward over a handkerchief.
TUMBLING AGILITY
OF THE CHILDREN, Who will perform several Feats on the Carpet in the Italian style.
Extraordinary Feats of the Tumblers, who will throw somersets, backward and forward over tables and chairs.—Ground tumbling, with English and Spanish dances.
The Egyptian PYRAMIDS. Mr. Manfredi will balance several persons on his arms, legs, &c. showing several perspectives in the Roman style. He will dance a Spanish FANDANGO over several EGGS.
Miss Catherine will dance a HORNPIPE. The whole to conclude with a PANTOMIME, called,
Harlequin Protected, by a Lion,
OR HARLEQUIN STATUE Harlequin, Miss Catherine. Crown, Mr. Manfredi. Old man, Miss Louisa. Colombine, Mrs. Manfredi. Little Devil, The Little American. Magician, Mr. Menel. In the course of the performance Harlequin will make a great variety of changes in his dress with great facility.
PERFORMANCES ON MONDAY, WEDNESDAY, & FRIDAY. The doors to be opened at 7 1/2, and performance to begin at 8 o'clock.
Admittance—BOX ONE DOLLAR—PIT SEVEN AND FIVE CENTS.

WASHINGTON CITY, Nov. 26.  THOMAS THORPE Respectfully informs the public that he has fixed up his House on F street near the BANK, completely for the accommodation of TRAVELERS. Members of Congress, &c. where eight or ten gentlemen can get general board, on moderate terms. Also stabling for several horses.  November 26 -3w
PUBLIC AUCTION.  WILL be sold on Saturday the 29th inst. at 12 o'clock, at the house of MATTHIAS HART, deceased, on Greenleaf's Point, a quantity of HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, GUN-SMITH'S TOOLS, &c.  There is at the same place a number of GUNS, the owners of which are requested to call for them immediately.  N. L. QUEEN, Auct. Nov. 26-2t
RAISINS, ALMONDS & CHOCOLATE.  W. & C. SMITH have received by the Welcome Return, Captain Creighton, from New-York,   60 Boxes fresh Muscatel Raisins,  10 Kgs Sun Raisins,  10 Boxes Soft shell Marseilles Almonds,  15 Boxes warranted Chocolate.   Georgetown, Nov. 26 -tf
JOHN COX  Has received a large general assortment of  FALL GOODS,  Which he will sell by wholesale and retail very cheap.  No one shall sell lower than he will.  George Town, October 13 -epN&UG-6w
TEAS, WINES, BRANDY, GINS, SUGAR, &c. &c.  Now landing from on board the Schooner Dispatch, captain Smith from New York.   40 chests of fresh hyson, young hyson, and hyson skin teas, warranted good, imported in August last,  1 chest and 13 small boxes fine imperial teas,  1 chest gunpowder tea, in small leaden canisters,  10 small boxes hyson Chulan tea,  1 pipe, 2 hds. and 4 quarter casks Sicily wine,  7 pipes genuine London particular Madeira wine, 4, 5, and 9 years old,  20 quarter casks old sherry wine,  12 do. Colimewar do.  10 do. Catalonia do.  1 pipe 2 hds. and 12 quarter casks, London particular Teneriffe, do.  1 pipe and 10 quarter casks Lisbon do.  12 pipes high 4th proof cognac brandy, some of it very old,  16 pipes Pierponts New York anchor gin,  12 hds. prime St. Croix sugars,  75 hds. tiers and barrels, Trinidad sugars calculated for retailing, the greater part entitled to drawback,  30 barrels loaf and lump sugars,  70 boxes mould candles,  14 do. Spermaceti do.  6 bags pepper, 12 boxes London mustard,  10 boxes Florence oil in flasks,  15 baskets Marseilles do. in bottles,  30 boxes olives, capers and anchovies,  70 whole and half boxes best Havana legars,  4 hds. sugar house molasses  300 baskets fine table salt,  100 small sacks Liverpool stored salt,  32 crates Liverpool ware,  300 jugs boiled Holland linseed oil,  100 demijohns,  13 bales India piece goods, consisting of guras, raitas, mamoodies, fanaboo, &c.  1 bale very fine and wide Russia sheeting, 1000lb. Coffee.  Fresh Zante currants, Smyrna figs, nutmegs, English walnuts, filberts, &c.  100 bushels and 120 barrels excellent potatoes.   The above goods have been carefully selected in the New York market, and purchased on the best terms.  They will be sold by the subscribers at their ware house opposite Lowndes wharf, at a moderate advance.  WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH  WHO HAVE ALSO IN STORE, Old Port and Lisbon Wine, Holland Gin, Bordeaux Brandy and a few chests Souchong Tea.  George Town, October 29 -wtf
On a liberal credit.  THE subscriber will dispose of at pr sale, his estate called Chichester, on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Parts of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Mason at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.  ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1803-tf
GEORGE-TOWN, WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE MAIL STAGES.  THE PUBLIC ARE RESPECTFULLY INFORMED THAT
MYER'S NEW LINE  WILL START FROM  Mr. SEMMES'S Tavern, George-Town, and call for passengers at RHODES', MYER'S and FROST'S Hotels, city of Washington.  FARE THREE DOLLARS AND A HALF.  October 1-tf
P. MAURO'S  NEW GROCERY AND CROCKERY WARE STORE.  THE Subscriber respectfully informs the inhabitants of the city of Washington that he has lately received from New York and Philadelphia, a large & complete assortment of Groceries, Liquors, Fruits, and Crockery ware, that he expects with the first arrivals from Baltimore, a supply of the above articles, and that he has opened store opposite the SEVEN BUILDING, where he flatters himself that he will be able to accommodate his customers not only with the best and choicest kind of goods, especially fresh Teas, and Liquors, but on as low terms as elsewhere in this vicinity.  P. MAURO.
P. MAURO , Professor of Music, begs the inhabitants of Washington and George Town, to accept of his hearty thanks for the encouragement he has been favored with, informing them that he does not intend to decline his profession, but that he shall continue as formerly to instruct on the Piano Forte, Ceman Flute, and Guitar.  Washington city, November 10 -tf
THE SUBSCRIBER  HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a complete assortment of fresh  Medicines & Drugs,  among which are Spermaceti & Limited oils-also Paints of every description.  THOMAS PATTERSON. Washington city, June 23-tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN,  Merchant Taylor  New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.  RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by ship Eliza ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia,
A choice assortment  Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennets, Velvets, and Cords, Cassimeres, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Toilets, rich silk Mouselin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.  N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.  Richard Harvells celebrated patent parallel Snuffers, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.  November 12-tf
NOTICE.  IT is by consent of parties ordered by the court that the Auditor state the accounts of Elias B. Caldwell, trustee for the sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, as also the accounts against the said estate, and apportion the assets in hand amongst the different claimants in proportion to their respective claims, or among such of them as shall exhibit their claims on or before the 15th day of December next. It is further ordered, That the aforesaid trustee cause to be published a copy of this order, at least twice a week for three successive weeks before the 15th day of December next, in the National Intelligencer, Washington Federalist and some of the Baltimore newspapers.  By Order, WM. BRENT, CLK.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL,  ATTORNEY AT LAW,  HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill.  Washington, July 26-tf
50 Dollars Reward.  RAN AWAY from the subscriber, on the 20th ult. mulatto JOE. Joe is a flour well made dark mulatto fellow, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, about 30 years of age--has several large scars on his hands and body, lips a little. Had on and took with him, a tow linen shirt & trowsers, one pair of nankeen trowsers, also one old fur-trimmed coat and old fur hat much worn. Joe can write a tolerable good hand, & has run away before, when he was taken up & put in the Frederick town jail & let out by George Creager in 1803. Any person taking up said fellow, and securing him in any jail so that I get him again, shall receive if taken within the county, 20 dollars, and if out of the state the above reward. If brought home all reasonable charges will be paid by the subscriber living in Frederick county, Md. near New Market.  SINGELTON BURGE.  N. B. I forewarn all persons from harboring or carrying off said fellow at their peril.  P. S. Joe ran off in company with a fellow named Adam, and they were both lately advertised together; since which Adam has been taken and secured in the jail of York, (Pa.) Joe went in the same direction, and will probably make for Philadelphia, and endeavor so get on board some vessel and go to sea.  Sept. 12-cpf
CHEAP GOODS.  T. W. PAIRO , Seven Buildings, has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, a Large Assortment of DRY GOODS, which he will sell at unusual low.  Also London PIANO FORTES. Liquors and Groceries of a superior quality.  November 7-tMar.3
The Subscribers take this method of requesting DAVID DUNCAN late Collector of the port of Machinac, to remit them on or before the month of March next the amount of their bond given to the United States, as judgment had been obtained against them on said bond.  ROBERT ABBOTT, JNO. BODEMEAD. Detroit November 10-1n
To Rent,  AND possession given on the 29th November next, the two story Brick Dwelling House on the corner of 5 and 11th streets, at present occupied by Mr. Andrew Way. Also a two story brick dwelling house in a central situation, of which possession may be had immediately. For terms apply to  THOS. MERTY. Oct. 17-3t & wtf
JUST PUBLISHED,  And for Sale at D. RAVINA'S Book Store, Capitol Hill.  Original Anecdotes of Frederick the Great, King of Prussia, and of his family, his court, his ministers, his academicians, and his literary friends--collected during a familiar intercourse of twenty years, with that prince; translated from the French of D. IMBERT, Professor of Belles Lettres in the royal academy of Berlin--in a vol. price 4 DOLLS.  Few works have been presented to the public so justly esteemed in Europe and America as this. The author has delineated the character of this great man in a manner so ingenious that no person can read it without feeling a gratification which few works are calculated to produce in a similar degree.
Also just Received,  The life and pontificate of Leo. X. 4 vols. Charnock's memoirs of Lord Nelson. Moore's Epistles, odes, and other poems. Scott's Lay of the last Minstrel, a poem.  D. R. Has always on hand an extensive assortment of books in every class of literature and science, which he will sell at reasonable prices.  Monday 17-3w
FOR SALE,  A healthy negro woman under 30 years of age, with two healthy children. For particulars apply to the printer.  1st Nov. 1806-cpf
AMERICAN COFFEE-HOUSE, WASHINGTON CITY.  THE Subscribers have opened for the entertainment of travellers, members of Congress, families, &c. resorting to the seat of government, the houses occupied for several years by Mr. P. D. STELL, immediately east of the Capitol, to which they respectfully invite the public.  The premises are well known as large and convenient, are provided with new beds and furniture, and the best wines and liquors, stables for 50 horses with carriage houses, &c.  FROST and QUINN.  Nov. 4-tf
DR. MAGRUDER  HAS FOR SALE  TWENTY Hogsheads of good Brown Sugar which he will sell at a low price. A few casks of the best winter strained Lamp Oil, Window Glass of different sizes, Japan, Copal & other varnishes, glaziers Diamonds, Russian Gun, Salt Petre, Paper Hangings, Taylors patent liquid Shoe Blacking in jugs at 25 cents each, and his usual extensive assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES, patent Medicines, Surgeons Instruments, Oil and Paints, Die stuff, Spices, &c. All of which have been purchased for cash, he can therefore sell many articles uncommonly cheap by the quantity.  November 19-taw15t
ELISHA RIGGS,  Has Imported by the latest arrivals from London & Liverpool, FIFTY EIGHT PACKAGES SEASONABLE GOODS,  Which are direct from the best manufacturers, and will be sold lower by the wholesale or retail, than can be afforded by any other house here, (being the only importer of DAY Goods) among them are.  3 bales of fine cloths, cassimeres and cords, 12 do second cloths, coatings, ladies cloths, napp'd, frieze, Plush and Kendal cottons, 8 bales rose and duffle blankets and rugs, 4 cases Manchester, Bennets cords, dimities, furnitures and cotton shirting, 6 cases fine hats, and umbrellas, 6 trunks silk, cotton, and worsted hosiery, 1 trunk upholsters, and hatters trimmings, 2 cases knives and forks, razors, & cutlery, faddlery, and fashionable buttons, 5 bales flannels, fluffs, ferges and baizes, 1500 lb London fine twine, 2 bales carpets and carpeting, 3 cases Irish linens, sheetings, long lawns, table cloths, & Cheap diapers.  Silks, muslins, chintzes and calicoes, Pelices, pelice, velvets, lace shades, & shawls, Spider net and pick net, lace fleeces and gloves, Fancy muslin dresses, drapery, gauze and flowers,  And many other articles, which will be sold low, for cash, or to punctual persons only.  George Town. Nov. 19-2aw2m
For Sale.   1 Crate of Liverpool Earthen ware well assorted.  1 Case of Shoes and Boots.  1 Case of bottled London particular Madeira Wine, Martineque Noyau and Catchup.  1 Small bale of Caffia.  3 Casks of Catalonia and Vidonia Wine.  4 Casks of Gun-Powder.  4 Boxes of Boston Chocolate.  1 Chest of fresh Hylon Tea.   Received on consignment and to be sold immediately for Cash or good notes at 60 days.
JOHN GOULDING.  Who has for sale.  Best Spermaceti Candles and oil of the very first manufacture of the United States.  Also on hand as usual,  A choice lot of good old Madeira Wine, Buccellies, Sherrey, Port, Claret, Lisbon and other Wines Cognac, Bordeaux and Virginia, Peach Brandy, Jamaica Spirit, Holland Gin, Bounce, Whisky &c. Fresh Teas, Porter, Ale, &c. &c. which will be warranted good and sold at the most reduced prices by whole sale and retail,
JOHN GOULDING  Georgetown, Nov. 18-tf
I have for SALE on board a VESSEL at BARRY'S WHARF near the Navy Yard, Fifty Tons of  PLASTER OF PARIS.  Which will be sold low if taken from along side.  BULLER COCKE. November 24-3t
NOTICE.  THE creditors of Uriah Forrest late deceased, whose claims have arisen since his bankruptcy, are requested to meet at ten o'clock on the first Monday in December next at Mr Kay's office in George Town, at which time a payment of the assets in hand will take place, amongst the claims legally substantiated--those who do not attend, or who have not exhibited their claims, will be excluded.  PHILIP B. KEY, Attorney for the Executrix. November 2-taw4w
TO CONTRACTORS.  PROPOSALS will be received at the COLLECTOR'S OFFICE in Norfolk until the first day of February next, for securing the bank at Smith's Point on the Potomac from working away by the high tides, gales of winds and rains. It is presumed no person will contract without viewing the place, a wall now stands on the shore, and between it and the bank will be required to be filled up with stone, wood, or oyster shells and clay, or marsh mud, with the grass thereon; not more than three feet of sap in pines for lining will be admitted at the bottom of the wall, and bank, the rest must be filled with the above-mentioned materials. A pavement of about twenty feet will also be required around the Light House, of stone or bricks, or filled up with oyster shells, of at least one foot deep mixed with clay or marsh mud.  THOMAS NEWTON, Collector, November 24-tf
TO BE LET  For the next Season, or for SALE, the following capital Imported Horses, CLIFDEN, RIVER, & KING HIRAM. Also the famous American running horse, WILD MEDLEY. Some thorough bred Cobs, some broad tail'd RAMS and SHEEP for sale. Applications by letter must be post paid.  WILLIAM THORNTON. City of Washington, Oct. 19-tf
TO RENT,  On very low terms, FOUR convenient two story brick DWELLING HOUSES, directly south of the Six Buildings.  Apply to  T. H. GILLISS, Washington city, Aug. 15-wtf
WILLIAM MARBURY,  HAS received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, and for sale by  MR. EARLE, next door above Mr. Eliza Riggs store on Bridge Street.  A General Assortment of Fall & Fancy Goods of the latest importations, and will receive a further supply in a few days, all of which have been purchased on the best terms for cash, and will be sold very low.  George Town, October 15-taw2m
PROPOSALS for opening, bridging and improving the road laid out under the direction of the Secretary at War, between Nashville in Tennessee and Grindstone Ford on Pierre river in the Mississippi territory, will be received at the General Post Office until the 15th day of December next.  For the convenience of contractors the road will be divided into three parts, and separate proposals received for each.  1st. From Nashville to the Tennessee river, 112 miles.  2. From Tennessee river to Loonachitto creek, a branch of the Big Black river, 113 miles.  3 From Loonachitto creek to Grindstone Ford, 155 miles.
NOTES.  Note 1. The road is to be cleared of all tree logs and brush, twelve feet in width and made passable for a waggon. All streams not over forty feet wide are to be bridged, and the banks of other streams are to be the ved or sloped down so that they may be passable for a waggon.  Note 2. The bridges are to be twelve feet broad supported by proper abutments, the bridge part to be composed of four pieces of timber not less than 10 inches in diameter at the smallest end, and covered with hewed logs whose original diameter was not less than 8 inches, the piers or supports of the bridge not to be more than twenty feet apart.  Note 3. Some parts of the road will require causewaying, these will be pointed out by the Post Master General's agent. The causewaying is to be done with logs, 10 feet in length and not less than 6 nor over 9 inches in diameter, earth is to be thrown upon them to render them passable, and where the places to be causewayed are subject to be overflowed the causeway is to have a rider on each side keyed not by forked stakes or stones and gravel.  Note 4. It is supposed that there is already a cleared waggon path on some part of the distance, no clearing is to be done where that is the case. The work is to be completed by the first day of October 1807. Reasonable advances will be made at the commencement of the work, and the balance paid as soon as the work is completed. Mr. R. J. Meigs, and Mr. Thomas Wright are to decide whether it be executed conformable to contract.  Note 5. The proposals should state the price by the mile for clearing, the price by the yard in length for causewaying, the price by the foot in length for the bridge-work, and the price by the cubic yard for sloping or relieving the banks of watercourses.  GIBSON GRANGER, Postmaster-general, Sept. 15-taw15t
AMSTERDAM GIN.  JUST received by the ship WILLIAM MURDOCH direct from Amsterdam. 10 PIPES of the best HOLLAND GIN, for sale by  W. & C. SMITH. Georgetown, Nov. 17-taw2m
NOTICE.  BY virtue of a decree of the High Courts Chancery, will be held at Public Auction on the premises, at 12 o'clock, on the third day of December next, if fair, or on the first fair day thereafter, the Dwelling Plantation of the late RICHARD WILLIAMS, deceased situate in Prince George's county, about 14 or 15 miles from the city of Washington, and about 25 from the city of Annapolis, this plantation contains about 300 acres, well calculated for farming or planting, with a sufficient quantity of woodland for its support. The improvements are inconsiderable, consisting of an old log dwelling house and a tobacco house. It is presumed any person inclined to purchase will view the property previous to the sale. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser shall give bond, with approved security, for paying one third part of the purchase money, with interest, on the first day of March, one third with interest within two years, and the residue with interest within three years from the time of sale; and on the ratification of the sale, and on payment of the purchase money, the trustee will convey to the purchaser.  RICHARD ISAAC, Trustee. November 14-w3t
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,  TO the creditors of RICHARD WILLIAMS, deceased, to exhibit their claims, with vouchers thereof, to the Chancellor, on or before the first day of March next.  RICHARD ISAAC, Trustee. November 14-w3t
NOTICE.  By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, will be exposed at public sale on Tuesday the 16th day of December next, at the Dwelling plantation of the late JOHN BADEN, of Thomas, a part of the personal estate of the said deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Plantation utensils, &c. A credit of six months will be given. Bonds with good security will be required, on interest from the day of sale.  Sale to commence at 11 o'clock.  CLEMENT BADEN, } Executors. JOSEPH N. BADEN, } November 21-2t
LOTTERY  OF ST. PAUL'S PARISH, BALTIMORE.  THE Managers of this Lottery intend to commence the drawing on the first Tuesday in December, and to draw 1000 tickets every week, till it be completed. Tickets may be had, till the drawing commences, at the original price of FIVE DOLLARS, of either the Managers, and other persons in Baltimore authorised to sell, and of prize is in the Provincial Market House Lottery of Baltimore will be received in payment.  S C H E M E.
   Prize of Number Dolls!     1 Prize of 1 10,000   2 2 5,000   3 3 4,000   4 4 3,000   5 5 4,000   6 6 3,000   7 7 3,000   8 8 3,000   9 9 3,000   10 10 3,000   11 11 3,000   12 12 3,000   13 13 3,000   14 14 3,000   15 15 3,000   16 16 3,000   17 17 3,000   18 18 3,000   19 19 3,000   20 20 3,000   21 21 3,000   22 22 3,000   23 23 3,000   24 24 3,000   25 25 3,000   26 26 3,000   27 27 3,000   28 28 3,000   29 29 3,000   30 30 3,000   31 31 3,000   32 32 3,000   33 33 3,000   34 34 3,000   35 35 3,000   36 36 3,000   37 37 3,000   38 38 3,000   39 39 3,000   40 40 3,000   41 41 3,000   42 42 3,000   43 43 3,000   44 44 3,000   45 45 3,000   46 46 3,000   47 47 3,000   48 48 3,000   49 49 3,000   50 50 3,000   51 51 3,000   52 52 3,000   53 53 3,000   54 54 3,000   55 55 3,000   56 56 3,000   57 57 3,000   58 58 3,000   59 59 3,000   60 60 3,000   61 61 3,000   62 62 3,000   63 63 3,000   64 64 3,000   65 65 3,000   66 66 3,000   67 67 3,000   68 68 3,000   69 69 3,000   70 70 3,000   71 71 3,000   72 72 3,000   73 73 3,000   74 74 3,000   75 75 3,000   76 76 3,000   77 77 3,000   78 78 3,000   79 79 3,000   80 80 3,000   81 81 3,000   82 82 3,000   83 83 3,000   84 84 3,000   85 85 3,000   86 86 3,000   87 87 3,000   88 88 3,000   89 89 3,000   90 90 3,000   91 91 3,000   92 92 3,000   93 93 3,000   94 94 3,000   95 95 3,000   96 96 3,000   97 97 3,000   98 98 3,000   99 99 3,000   100 100