The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-10-17 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCLXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, OCTOBER 17th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE
GENERAL DUMOURIER.
As this personage has of late become the subject of conversation, a sketch of his life and adventures may not be unaccept-able to our readers. It is taken from a French publication, the authors of which, it is but fair to remark, are not very partial to the heroes of the French revolution.
Charles François Dumourier was born at Cambray on the 26th January, 1739. He is the descendant of a family who held a place in the Parliament of Provence. He had the first elements of his education at the College of Louis le Grand; but afterwards continued his studies under the superintendence of his father, who in 1758 initiated him into the service in the army of M r . d'Estrées. The following year he was promoted to the rank of Colonel in the regiment of d'Escars, and was wounded in 1759 at the battle of Minden. He received another wound on the eve of the battle of Klosterkirk, where he was made prisoner. He was next promoted to the rank of Captain, and in 1763 was re-formed, and received the cross of St. Louis. Being of a restless and turbulent disposition, he parted after the new scenes of life: he went into Italy, and offered his services successively to the Genoese and to Paoli, who at that time were contending for dominion over Corsica. Being refused by both parties, he proceeded to Corsica to try his fortune on his own bottom, and attached himself to one of the enemies of general Paoli, with whom he was defeated before Bonifacio. After having for some time carried on his intrigues in Corsica, he returned to France, and proposed plans for the occupation of Corsica, but was treated by the government as an adventurer. He then went into Spain; visited the frontiers of Portugal, and in 1763 published a work respecting that country, entitled Essay upon Portugal ; in 1768, when the conquest of Corsica was resolved upon, he succeeded in getting himself employed in the army destined for that service. He was raised to the rank of Colonel, but he picked quarrels with most of the generals, particularly with M r . de Marbois, on account of his intermeddling disposition, which led him to direct every thing, or to disapprove of every thing. In 1770, when the French government was anxious to intermeddle in the affairs of Poland, he was sent thither to play the political intriguer with the confederation of Bar, with a view to exasperate them against Russia. He made a campaign against Russia in 1771, and immediately after returned to France, where, in 1772, he published a work upon the service of light-armed troops. In 1773, he was lent to Hamburg upon a million relative to Sweden; but his vanity having prompted him to overstep his powers, he was arrested and sent to the Bastille. During his confinement, he composed several works; and after the expiration of six months, he was transferred to the castle of Gaven; but upon the demise of Louis XV. he obtained his liberty. In 1778, he succeeded in getting appointed governor of Cherbourg; and proposed ten different plans for attacking the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, and the Isle of Wight. When the project was formed of attempting a descent upon England, he was to be employed in the division of St. Malo; but, as the expedition did not take place, he returned to Cherbourg, and directed his attention to the works carrying on in that harbour. In 1788, he was made brigadier of the king's armies; and in 1789, he went to Paris and published a small pamphlet on the state of the politics of the day; but though he espoused the principles then in favor, he did not succeed in getting the appointment of a deputy. He returned again to Cherbourg, and was chosen commander of the national guard of that town, and appointed governor of Lower Normandy. The next year he got admitted among the Jacobins at Paris, and wrote several pamphlets, one of which was an attack upon the friends of the negroes. But despairing to arrive at any place of importance, he took the part of the deputies, and fatigued the patience of the king, the queen, and the ministers, with his endless projects. He next betook himself to Brabant, but not being welcomed as warmly as he expected by the leaders of the Brabant insurrection, he returned to resume his intrigues at Paris, with the court, and endeavored to form a connexion with Mirabeau, whom he had previously attacked in his pamphlet. At the time of the escape of the king to Varennes, he wrote to Barrere, informing him that he would collect together all the troops under his command,
for the defence of the assembly. He insinuated himself into the favor of the deputy Jésonne in La Vendée, by whom he was most lavishly panegyrized. On his return to Paris he continued to flatter the Jacobins more than ever, and was appointed governor of Alsace under Luckner. But he gave up that situation for the place of minister of foreign affairs, on which he entered the 15th April, 1792. During the short time he held that situation, he was chiefly employed in railing against the house of Austria, and succeeded in getting war declared against that power. He soon after made an exchange of that department for the place of minister at war, which he held only for four days, having given in his resignation as soon as La Fayette came in the name of his army to complain of all the ministers. He next passed from the army of Luckner, where he served as lieutenant general, to the army of Arthur Dillon, where he disobeyed every general successively, and exerted every possible means to supplant them and get into their place. He was soon furnished with a favorable opportunity, Dillon having immediately after the 10th of August administered again the oath of fidelity to the nation, the law, and the king. Dumourier availed himself of the circumstance to disgrace him, and got possession of the command both of his army and of that of La Fayette, which had just retreated into Brabant. Being now at the head of all the forces on that frontier, he undertook to oppose the Prussians, the Austrians, and emigrants united, who had just made themselves masters of Longwi and Verdun, and who were advancing towards Champagne. He took post at Grandpre, and occupied the defiles of the forest of Argonne; but the defile of Latroix-aux-bois being forced by the Austrians on the 15th August, he fell back upon St. Menehould, and pitched his camp at Hastes. There he amused the enemy with conferences, after which every thing conspired to determine the retreat of the Prussians; and Dumourier did not dare, or was not willing (it is supposed he entered into a convention to that effect with the Prussians only) to harass them in their retreat to the frontier. In the course of October he returned to Paris, and in concert with the executive council formed the plan of a winter campaign. On the 15th he assisted at a sitting of the Jacobins, when he harangued the assembly, and received the red cap and the fraternal embrace. "Dumourier," says Prudhomme, "was then courted by all parties. Robespierre publicly embraced him at the Jacobins. He was observed sometimes at the theatres, escorted by Danton and his adherents, and other times seated at the Talma's, the player, by the Girondins. On a decree of accusation being moved against him, he was defended by Danton, Latroix, and Marat; and not long after, he was panegyrized by Bissot and his friends. Every party was anxious to employ Dumourier as an instrument, while he only waited the death of the captive King, to come at the head of his troops to present the young l'Orleans to the people as another Germanicus."
Whatever may be the ground of all these charges against him, Dumourier returned to his army on the 24th October, and addressed a proclamation to the Belgians, inciting them to revolt against their sovereign. He put his troops in motion on the 28th, and on the 6th November he attacked the Austrians in their camp at Jemappé. Notwithstanding their inequality in numbers, the Imperialists defended themselves with the most determined valor, and yielded the victory only after a long and sanguinary conflict. Dumourier proved on that as on many other occasions, that he rather possessed the art of exciting the courage of his troops, than any superior degree of military skill: there was no splendid mawouure manifested in that action; he merely betrayed the secret knack of sparing his troops by sacrificing the Brabanter who had joined his standard. The advantage he gained at the battle of Anderlecht, which he imprudently provoked, was owing to the wound received by general Starai, who commanded the enemy. The next day he returned to Brussels, and on the 22d he defeated the Austrians before Tirlemont after a long disputed battle; after an unsuccessful attack of their rear at Varoux, he put his troops into winter quarters. He then began his attack on the minister Pache, whom he accused of leaving his army unprovided with every necessary article. He afterwards proceeded to Paris, where, in concert with the council of war, he planned the invasion of Holland. He communicated to Miranda all his projects for the
campaign, which he frequently changed, and acquainted him with his intention of going to England, to bring that power to a decision respecting war or peace, and to ask them yes or no , like the Roman ambassador at Carthage. On the 15th Feb. he ordered Miranda to open the campaign by bombarding Maestricht; and he himself attacked Holland at Breda and Klundert, of which he made himself master. He had previously issued a proclamation, in which he called upon the Dutch to throw off the yoke of the House of Orange, who, he observed, employed the Prussians to enslave them. He flattered himself with most sanguine hopes of conquering the United Provinces; but several reverses blasted those fond expectations. Lanoue was defeated on the 1st of March at Aldenboven; Maestricht relieved, and he himself met with unexpected resistance from many places which he attacked. He was then compelled to fall back upon Brussels; and convinced of the dangers that surrounded him from the rapacious spirit of his troops, which had alienated the affections of the Brabanter, he ordered the plate belonging to the churches to be restored, and made an example of several of the officers. He then took the command of the grand army, gained some advantages near Tirlemont, but still continued his retreat. His success as well as his vanity had now made him many enemies; but the attachment which was imputed to him for the Orleans faction drew down upon him the hatred of all those who were eager for the establishment of a republic; and his reverses became at length the signal upon which all those who were hostile to him poured down upon him the whole weight of their resentment. Fully aware of what awaited him, he resolved to risk every thing in order to silence his accusers by a victory; and this is the only motive that can excuse the manner in which he attacked the Austrians at Nerwindé. This battle he was, contrary to all expectation, on the point of gaining, when he failed through the puerile and ill-judged conduct of Miranda, who commanded his left. This new check completed the triumph of his enemies, at the head of whom was M r . Marat, Robespierre and Camus. Commissioners were sent from Paris to arrest him; but he fore saw the storm and contrived to escape it. Imagining himself sure of his army, he concluded a truce with Prince Cobourg, resolved to march against Paris, published a proclamation against the terrorists, arrested the commissioners of the Assembly, and delivered them up to the Austrians, who were in concert with him to march against the metropolis. But he soon began to feel that he could not confide in his troops; a few observations by gen. Dampierre were sufficient to make him odious. The towns he looked to for support shut their gates against him, and it was only with the greatest difficulty he reached the Austrian dominions. The Convention had outlawed him, and offered a reward of 300,000 livres for his head. He retired first to Brussels, where his turbulent spirit did not allow him to remain quiet; he was soon obliged to leave it on account of his writings and speeches against the government. He then took refuge in Switzerland; next went to England, from whence he was soon compelled to depart by an order from lord Grenville. He then wandered about incognito in Switzerland and Germany, and finally took up his abode near Hamburg. He now again took up his pen, and wrote the history of his life. He was in every respect a true political Proteus; for there was not a faction, except that of the Mountain, for which he had not successively declared himself, from the constitution of 1791 down to 1799, when he declared himself a royalist and a subject of Louis XVIII. There is not a single line in his writings which may not be refuted by another; every where you discover the restless, stirring spirit, to whom obscurity is a torment, and who would fain at nothing in order to emerge into celebrity."
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THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
A DEFENCE OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENTS.
LETTER the NINTH.
Republican governments administered with great ability.
A republican government will be administered with greater ability than any other. This will appear from two considerations. In a nation, under such a government, there will be greater talent among the citizens; and the public administration, being selected by a discriminating suffrage, will combine more wisdom and virtue than where either no selection, or an imperfect one exists.
That under a republican government, there is more talent in a nation, is as evident from the reason of things as from the light of experience. Where the government is popular, and where offices of the highest trust are attainable by all, a much larger portion of citizens will qualify themselves for public stations, than under governments where the door of political distinction is open to only a few; where the greater number of these few derive their title not from talent but birth; and where the remaining number are often selected more on account of a happy pliancy of disposition, than on account of that intrepid spirit of independence that conscious talents uncorrupted naturally inspire.
In anti-republican governments the field for the display of talents by those not born to empire is very circumscribed; whereas in republican governments it is vast and almost unlimited. In the former, talent cannot exert itself in any direction without repulsion; with whatever ardour it may pursue a laudable object, the established powers of the state, in the character of the monarch, or his hereditary advisers, are sure to interpose, and to frustrate it. The king becomes not only the fountain of honor, but likewise of power. He is the sun around which the lesser orbs are suffered to move while they shine with borrowed light; but the moment they exhibit the temerity to blaze with native lustre, they are quickly extinguished, least they should eclipse the centre of the system. A sentiment of servility becomes universal. The highest distinction a subject can receive is the smile of his sovereign, and the highest punishment his displeasure. It follows that among such men the sense of right and wrong is perverted, virtue and vice lose their great distinctions; what is done by the subject is not so much for the good of his country, as to gratify the monarch. Every noble incentive to virtue is destroyed, the rugged independence of a great mind is broken down, the ambition of distinction founded on great talents is annihilated, and men sink into the automata of a mortal, who so far from being a man of talent himself, is often little elevated above the state of an idiot, and still often personates the character of a madman. Can such beings (and such beings generally are kings) pompously styled the fountains of honor, be other than the fountains of dishonor? And can he who is ignorant of the real interests of his country select, with intelligence, those who are enlightened and virtuous, for the administration of her concerns?
Some there are who affirm that kings are always wise and their ministers enlightened. But how false this is, let the history of every monarchy expose! Let the extravagant admiration that attends the singular appearance of an enlightened monarch attest! This surely proves that he is a phenomenon among his fellows. Hence it follows that under monarchies the public good is seldom wittily consulted or faithfully pursued. There are occasional periods when the monarch is a great character; and then we behold the triumph of talent, rendered the more effulgent from the follies and misfortunes and vices of preceding reigns. Then we contemplate the smothered talent of the nation, under such auspices, bursting out into distinction and utility; but its career is soon cut short by the re-appearance, in the shape of a King, of some weak or depraved wretch. The talents and virtues that adorned the throne of his predecessor, deriving its brightest effulgence from the happiness of the people, seek obscurity, or fall victims to regal jealousy or vengeance.—Good God! Is it conceivable that a single human being, who has either felt the chains of a tyrant, or heard depicted his outrages upon human rights, should raise his voice
or lift his arm in defence of Monarchy? Is it conceivable that nations should hail with frantic idolatry their most terrible scourges? Is it conceivable that minds, enlightened by philosophy, and hearts expanded by philanthropy, on whom God and nature have bestowed the dignities and duties of empire, who know how to make nations happy, and feel the highest rapture in making them so; is it conceivable, that such men can submit to be the instruments and friends and counsellors of tyrants whom they despise?—Yet such is the picture of monarchy!
Views, on the contrary, the character of man in republics. There all possessing equal rights, and deriving from them equal happiness, cherish liberty as their dearest possession. In proportion as they value liberty, they hate tyrants. To preserve the one and to avert the other is their perpetual and universal care.—Hence an elevated enthusiasm in their own happiness, and a lofty consciousness of superiority. They who believe themselves great are already in the road to eminence. All the energies of mind are brought into exercise, and this constitutes eminence. In a republic, the government, so far from inhibiting, cherishes a free spirit of free and bold enquiry among the citizens, and lays before them, with a liberal hand, the means of judging for themselves. The discriminating powers of mind are kept in constant exercise. The people sit in perpetual judgement upon the action of their rulers. The rotatory principle, and the change of public favor, call a large number of citizens into the administration. The highest talents of rulers are exercised by great objects, and by that diversity of sentiment inherent in every community; and not a measure of importance emanates from the government that is not critically scanned by the talents of thousands of private men. He, too, who occupies a public station, knows that the only tenors by which he can retain it, is his talents and the proper use made of them.
From this view, it must be evident that in a republic, we are to look for the greatest talents; that there the love of distinction will burn with a brighter and purer flame, than under other systems, because there the field of action is unlimited and the objects of pursuit great and attainable. While, therefore, we observe in other systems the heads of human debasement, we may hope from this the boldest intellectual energies.
All these remarks are abundantly verified by history. This cannot be better illustrated than in the words of Gordon, a distinguished advocate of liberty.
"The prodigious progress of the Romans in learning had no other cause than the freedom and equality of their government. The spirit of the people, like that of their state, breathed nothing but liberty, which no power sought to control, or could control. The improvement of knowledge, by bringing no terror to the magistrates, brought no danger to the people. Nothing is too hard for liberty; that liberty which made the Greeks and Romans masters of the world, made them masters of all the learning in it; and, when their liberties perished, so did their learning. That eloquence, and those other abilities and acquirements, which raised those who had them to the highest dignities in a free state, became under tyranny a certain train of ruin, unless they were prostituted to the service of the tyrant."
"That knowledge, and those accomplishments, which create jealousy instead of applause, and danger instead of reward, will be but rarely and faintly pursued; and for the most part not at all. No man will take great pains, spend his youth, and lose his pleasures, to purchase infamy or punishment; and therefore when such obstacles are thrown in his way, he will take counsel of self-love, acquiesce in the fashionable stupidity, and prefer gilded and thriving folly to dangerous and forbidden wisdom."
"Ignorance accompanies slavery, and is introduced by it. People who live in freedom will think with freedom; but when the mind is enslaved by fear, and the body by chains, inquiry and study will be at an end. Men will not pursue dangerous knowledge, nor venture their heads to improve their understandings. Besides, their spirits, dejected with servitude and poverty, will want vigor as well as leisure to cultivate arts, and propagate truth; which is ever high treason against tyranny. Neither the titles nor the deeds of tyrants will bear examination; and their power is concerned to suppress and destroy the very faculties of reason and thinking; nor can reason travel far, when force and dread are in the

way; and when men dare not see, their eyes will soon grow useless.
In Turkey, printing is forbid, left by its means common sense might get the better of violence, and be too hard for the imperial butchers. It is even capital, and certain death there, only to read freely upon their Alcoran. A sure sign of imposture! But by imposture, stupidity, and Janizaries, his throne is supported; and his vast, but thin dominions, know no inhabitants but barbarous, ignorant, and miserable slaves.
Nor is printing in other arbitrary countries of much use but to rivet their chains: it is permitted only on one side, and made the further means of servitude. Even in Christian countries, under arbitrary princes, the people are for the most part as ignorant and implacable bigots as the Turks are. And as it is rare to find a slave who is not a bigot, no man can shew me a bigot who is not an ignorant slave; for bigotry is a slavery of the soul to certain religious opinions, fancies, or stories, of which the bigot knows little or nothing, and daunts all that do.
The least cramp or restraint upon reasoning and inquiry of any kind, will prove soon a mighty bar in the way to learning. It is very true, that all sorts of knowledge, at least all sorts of sublime and important knowledge, are so complicated and interwoven together, that it is impossible to reach into any part of it, and to trace the same with freedom to its first principles, without borrowing and taking in the help of most, if not all, of the other parts. Religion and government, particularly, are at the beginning and end of every thing, and are the sciences in the world the most necessary and important to be known; and as these are more or less known, other knowledge will be proportionably greater or smaller, or none: but, where these cannot be freely examined, and their excellencies searched into, and understood, all other wisdom will be maimed and ineffectual, indeed scarce worth having.
Now, in all arbitrary governments, and under all created and impious religions, nothing must be found true in philosophy, which thwarts the received schemes, and the uppermost opinions: the most evident mathematical demonstrations must not disprove orthodox dogmas, and established ideas; the finest poetical flights must be restrained and discouraged, when they would fly over the narrow inclosures and prison walls of bigots: nor must the best, the strongest, and the most beautiful reasoning care to break through popular prejudices, or attempt to contend with powerful and arbitrary usurpation. A bishop was named before the Reformation, for a crown, the world to be round; and, even in the last century, the excellent Galileo was put into the dismal prison of the Inquisition, for maintaining the motion of the earth round the sun as her centre. This proposition of his, which he had demonstrated, he was forced to recant, to save his life, and satisfy the church.
Where religion and government are most deformed, as religion ever is where it is supported by craft and force, and government ever is when it is maintained by whips and chains, there all examination into either, and all reasoning about them, is most strictly forbid and discouraged: and as one sort of inquiry and knowledge begets another; and as, when the wits of men are suffered to exert themselves freely, nobody knows where their pursuits may end; so no tyranny of any kind is safe, where general, impartial, and useful knowledge is pursued. Inhuman violence, and stupid ignorance, are the certain and necessary stay of tyrants; and every thing that is good or valuable in the world is against them.
In the East (if we except China) there is not a glimmering of knowledge; though the eastern people are, from their natural climate and genius, vastly capable of all knowledge. Bruhier, mentioning the cruelty of the government, and the great misery of the people there, says, "From the same cause, a gross and profound ignorance reigns in those states: nor is it possible there should be academies and colleges well founded in them. Where are there such founders to be met with? And, if they were, where are the scholars to be had? Where are those who have means sufficient to maintain their children in colleges? And, if there were, who durst appear to be rich? And, if they would, where are those benefices, preferments, and dignities, which require knowledge and abilities, and animate young men to study?"
I will not deny, but that, in arbitrary countries, there are sometimes found men of great parts and learning. But these are either ecclesiastics, who, even in the greatest tyrannies, at least in Europe, are blessed with great liberty, and many independent privileges, and are freemen in the midst of slaves, and have suitable leisure and revenues to support them in their studies; or they are men invited and encouraged by the prince to flatter his pride, and administer to his pomp and pleasures, and to recommend his person and power. For these reasons alone they are caressed, protected,
and rewarded. They are endowed with the advantages of freemen, merely to be the instruments of servitude. They are a sort of Swift, hired to be the guards of their proud master's fame, and to applaud and vindicate all his wickedness, wildness, usurpations, prodigalities and follies. This therefore is the worst of all prostitutions, the most immoral of all sort of slavery; as it is supporting servitude with the breath of liberty, and assaulting and mangling liberty with her own weapons. A creature that lets out his genius to hire, may sometimes have a very good one; but he must have a vile and beggarly soul, and his performances are at best but the basest way of petitioning for alms.
France could boast many men of wit and letters in the late reign, though it was a very severe one, and brought infinite evils upon all France and Europe. But these great wits were many of them the instruments and parasites of power, who bent the whole force of their genius to sanctify domestic oppression and foreign usurpation: such were the characters and employments of Pelisson, Boileau, Racine, and several others. France saw at the same time several churchmen of great and exalted talents, such as the late archbishop of Cambray, the cardinal de Retz, Claude Joly, the present abbot Vertot, and many more excellent men, all lovers of liberty, which, by being churchmen, they possessed.
But though it be true, that the late French king encouraged all sorts of learning, that contributed to the grandeur of his name and court, and did not contradict his power, and courted great writers all over Europe, either to write for him, or not against him; yet the nature of his government was so constant a damp upon general learning, that it was at last brought to a very low pass in that kingdom, even in his time. Monsieur Des Maizeaux tells us, in his dedication of St. Evremont's works to the late lord Halifax, that the great geniuses of France were, about the time I speak of, so constrained, as either to have forbore writing at all, or to have expressed what they thought by halves: That La Bruyere complains, that the French are cramped in satire: That Regis, the famous philosopher, solicited ten years for a licence to publish his course of philosophy, and at last obtained it only on this condition, to retrench whatever displeased the censors; That Monsieur de Fontenelle has been obliged to depart from the freedom which he used in the first works he published: That but few of the present French authors distinguish themselves either by their learning or wit; and that all this is to be attributed to the nature of the government, which is unquestionably true.
What Mr. Des Maizeaux says upon this argument, is so judicious and just, that I shall borrow another paragraph from the same dedication: "Liberty says he, inspires a noble and elevated confidence, which naturally enlarges the mind, and gives it an emulation to trace out new roads towards attaining the sciences; whereas a servile dependence terrifies the soul, and fills the mind with a timorous circumspection, that renders it mean and groveling, and even debars the use of its most refined natural talents. Greece and Italy never had illustrious writers, but whilst they preserved their liberty. The loss of that was followed by the decay of wit, and the ruin of polite learning. Greece, formerly the seat of the muses, is now involved in a frightful barbarity, under the slavery of the Ottoman empire; and Italy, which, under the influence of a senate, was so fruitful in great and learned men, now subject to the tribunal of the inquisition, produces no considerable works of erudition or politeness."
All the great geniuses, who lived in the days of Augustus, were born and educated in the days of liberty; and he borrowed from the commonwealth all the ornaments of his court and empire. In spite of all his boasted taste of letters, and the encouragement which he gave them, I do not remember one extraordinary genius bred under his influence: on the contrary, all that were so, died in his time, without leaving any successors. Quicquid Romana facundia habet quod insolenti Graeciae aut opponat aut praefert, circa Ciceronem effloruit. Omnia ingenia quae lucem studiis nostris attulerunt, tunc nata sunt. In desertis deinde quotidie data res est, says Seneca. Every improvement in the Roman eloquence, which either equals or excels that of assuming Greece, flourished in the time of Cicero. All the great wits, that now animate and direct our studies, were then born. But, ever since then, wit daily decays, and grows lower and lower."
This decay began in the time of Augustus, who began his reign with butchering Cicero, his patron, his father, and his friend, and the prodigy of Roman eloquence and learning; and that decay encreased so fast, that, from the first Roman emperor to the last, for the space of about five hundred years, the great city of Rome did not produce five great geniuses; and those that it did produce, were produced near the times of liberty, when they were yet warmed with its memory, before the tyrants had yet time utterly to abolish all that was
good, though they made infinite haste. Tacitus was their last great historian, and Juvenal their last great poet, both passionate adorers of liberty. It is melancholy what the former says upon this subject, Post bellatum apud Actium, atque omnem potestatem ad unum conferre pacis interfuit, magna ila ingenia cessere. The Romans had no longer any great genius's, than while they were free.
The Greeks preserved learning some time after the Romans had lost it; for, though they were conquered by the Romans, many of the Greek cities were suffered to enjoy their ancient liberties and laws: they paid only an easy homage, and no troops were quartered among them, as in the other provinces. However, as they were at the mercy of foreign masters, the vigour of their spirit was gone, and they produced but few good authors: Dio and Plutarch are, I think, reckoned the chief. It is the observation of the learned, polite, and ingenious author of the Reflections Critiques sur la poesie & sur la peinture , that Greece had more great men of all kinds in the age of Plato alone, when its liberties flourished, than in all the many ages between Perseus, the last king of Macedon, and the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, amounting to seventeen hundred years.
The several attempts made by Vespasian, Titus, and Trajan, to restore learning, proved almost vain. The Muses, who, frightened by tyranny, were now fled out of the world, could not be allure back to Rome, where baseness, terrors, and servitude, had long reigned, and where their seats were filled by pedantic praters, by babbling and hypocritical philosophers: for, the itch and name of learning still subsisted; and therefore Seneca says, ut omnium rerum, sic litterarum quoque intemperantia laboramus.
The root of the evil remained; the empire of mere will had usurped the throne of the laws, and the place of learning. The genius, that bold and glorious genius, inspired by liberty, was gone; and the trial to restore learning without restoring liberty, only served to shew, that they who would do good to a community, which is ill constituted or corrupted, must either begin with the government, and alter or reform that, or despair of success. All that the best Roman emperors could at last do, was, not to butcher nor oppress their people; which yet they could not refrain their ministers from doing. Julianus blackened the reign of Vespasian by his pride, insolence, and cruelties; and the ministers of Nerva, under colour of punishing the informers, a crew of rogues licenced and encouraged by the former emperors, to enslave and destroy their dreadful foes, the innocent and virtuous, made use of that good prince's authority, and his hatred of these vermin, to banish, plunder, kill, and ruin, many of the best men in Rome.
This day is Published,
By SAMUEL H. SMITH.
And for sale at his Office, and at the bookstore of Rapine, Conrad and Co. Price 25 Cents—
REFLECTIONS
ON THE CESSION OF LOUISIANA TO THE UNITED STATES.
By SYLVESTRIS.
October 17, 1803.
PATENT GUN LOCK.
The subscriber offers for sale the right of making and using Edward West's improvement in Gun Locks, which is considered by judges of the utmost importance to every person using fire arms, and more particularly to the army and militia of the United States. There are two very great advantages resulting from this improvement, the first is, that no accident can possibly happen by a gun going off at half cock as it has in that situation no connection with the cog, consequently not with the trigger or any other external part of the lock. It cannot possibly catch at half cock as there is no notch that the dog can catch on, and the counter dog is so placed in the act of cocking, as not to be restored but by the cock first falling or being let down. The great security in this improvement ought certainly to recommend it to general use, to avoid the innumerable accidents that has and must unavoidably happen from the present plan, in guns going off at half cock, &c. Application made to Mr. Rhodes, city of Washington, will be communicated and attended to, where I shall attend at the sitting of Congress.
THOMAS WEST.
August 29.
1aw3m
The Subscriber presents his compliments to the members of Congress, informing them that he offers his services at the ensuing Session as SERJS JEANT AT ARMS, he begs to refer those who are not acquainted with him to the members from Virginia, particularly Cols. Taylor, New, and John Trigg for his ability to discharge the duties of this office.
THOMAS TOLLARD.
WASHINGTON CITY
MONDAY OCTOBER 17.
There is the greatest probability of a quorum of the two Houses of Congress being formed THIS DAY: in which case it is expected the President will immediately communicate his Message, to avoid the least unnecessary delay.
We again contemplate the interesting spectacle of the convention of the representatives of the people deputed to guard their rights and advance their interests. While other nations, without a solitary exception, are governed by men not chosen by them, the people of the United States enjoy the high dignity and inspiring consciousness of governing themselves, or being governed by men of their own choice. There is not a spectacle on earth equal in sublimity to the peaceable and wise administration of a republican government. Let us then, fellow citizens, on this auspicious day, reflect with deep convictions of the felicity of our destiny, and feel that solemn gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of events that our happiness ought to excite. Let us retrace the steps that have led us to our present elevation, and cherish the sentiments, the virtues, the principles, and the measures which have been our guides. We owe much to the spirit of our ancestors, who, indignant at religious and political persecution, left their country and friends, to enjoy freedom in a wilderness. We owe still more to their virtues; to an industry that vanquished physical difficulties, and to an uprightness, that, amidst the temptations of poverty, maintained an inflexible love of liberty and purity of morals. They were not independent of the mother country; but never, no never did they, after having gained this region of liberty, crouch with abject submission to the imperious mandates of unfeeling authority. Britain treated them with the kindness of a parent, and they repaid her by filial duty. But when that parent, forgetting her duties, and lost to humanity, invaded the rights of her children, those rights which the God of nature made inalienable, a spirit, lofty as their mountains and immovable as the rocks that sustain them, inspired every heart and nerved every arm. The first act of the nation, the most splendid act that ever a nation achieved, was the declaration of their independence. The wisdom of the nation in the illustrious Congress of Seventy Six, conceived the plan, the enthusiasm of liberty surrounded it with radiant eloquence, and it went forth to the people with the energy of resistless truth. The doubt that hung upon our horizon, the alarm that impending danger excited, and that appeared in the words, the manner, and the conduct of the multitude, were instantaneously dispelled; and all was animation, exaltation, and hope. An object was given to the people worthy of every effort and every sacrifice. Talents and courage filled our councils and our armies; we fought and conquered.
At the end of the revolutionary war we found ourselves a free and independent nation, holding an enviable rank in the world from the exertion of our talents and virtues. Several admirable political institutions for the governments of the states were in operation, but no federative system commensurate to the advancement of the general welfare. The subject soon attracted universal attention. The wisest of our citizens directed their minds to the formation of a system of general government. The people approved the object, and through their state governments, gave existence to a body, that formed the system under which we at present live. This system the people approved and carried into effect. In all its steps, therefore, from its initiation to its completion, it was the offspring of the will of the people. It is to this that we are to ascribe its popular structure, its republican character, its representative principle. It rises on the public will and carries that will into effect. It is the government emphatically of the people. It has not an organ not responsible to or derivative from them.
Thus far the American nation proceeded with unclouded dignity and wisdom. Prizing the blessings of self-government they determined to adopt the best means in their power for their preservation. In the efficacy of these means they have not been disappointed. They have more than realised their brightest hopes. For fifteen years has this government been in operation; and, with the amendments it has received, it has every year grown more and more the object of national affection. Liberty rells upon it as the rock of her safety, and the people revere it as the rampart of their rights. During this period the world has been convulsed, nations have been shaken to their centres, human blood has flowed in torrents, and famine
and desolation have covered her fairest regions: America alone of this world, though the youngest in self-government, has remained in peace, enjoying prosperity, steadily increasing, and gaining by rapid strides the eminence of strength and glory.
Our political affairs, it is true, have had their vicissitudes. All has not been sunshine. With much for which to be thankful, we have also had something to fear. But the virtue of the people, remaining uncorrupted, has saved them from impending ruin.
The period of the adoption of the national government was the era of universal confidence. The violence of party was hushed, and men of all descriptions, distinguished for talents and virtues, filed the several departments of the government. Under the auspices of the pure intentions of a Washington, for a while, the public good was apparently the animating motive of all. Soon, however, alarming indications appeared of a spirit of personal aggrandizement and inordinate ambition. A Funding system, founded on principles involving a wide departure from the engagements of the nation or the expectations of the public creditor, was adopted. An assumption of debts to a great amount, for which the United States were not responsible, and connected with circumstances of a suspicious complexion, produced much alarm. To the dispassionate part of the nation it appeared as though a deep laid scheme had been laid for raising a formidable class of men, with views different from, and interests hostile to those of the nation; and that the government indicated a disposition to rely principally on the former instead of the latter.
Soon after succeeded the memorable treaty of Mr. Jay: important from the interests of the nation it committed; but still more important from its effects upon our foreign relations with the belligerent powers of Europe, and the power assumed by the executive and the senate exclusively to make and carry into effect all treaties.
It is unnecessary for us to dwell on the immediate influence of this treaty. The recollection of our readers is still lively. It divided us into parties at home, and embroiled our whole foreign relations. Thus, while it built up powerful enemies, it weakened our means of resistance. Many of the worst effects of war ensued, and continued for several years.
Washington retired from the head of our affairs; and notwithstanding the benignity and wisdom of his advice, a spirit of the most alarming aspect sprung up under his successor. Then it was that the fierce passions of revenge, and the sordid feelings of mercenary selfishness, reigned without control. Ambition, having watched its season, seized this period for the attainment of its prize. The name of liberty became reproachful, and republicanism was denounced; while the ordinary instruments for subverting both were resorted to with an intemperate avidity. Armies were raised and a sedition bill passed. We all know the train of evils that ensued.
At this interesting crisis, when in the opinion of some of its warmest friends, the republic was in danger, her guardian genius roused the nation from its slumber, who, with a giant's strength, humbled her enemies, and replaced them with her firmest friends. Thomas Jefferson was called to the first chair of magistracy, and a majority of republicans to the two branches of the legislature.
Under their auspices peace abroad & tranquility within returned; every governmental invasion of right was taken off; a system of economy was commenced; taxes were lightened; the public debt was placed in a train of rapid discharge. These measures excited violent opposition; and an attempt was made over and over again to enlist the nation against them. But in vain. Events have proved them to be wile; and they have rapidly gained new advocates. Of this the elections for members of Congress are infallible tests. In 1801, the first year of the present administration, the republican majority in the House of Representatives was twenty-nine. This year it is fifty-eight. In the senate in 1801 it was four. This year it is sixteen.
Who is there that feels the spirit that freedom inspires, who does not rejoice in the security of his rights and the felicity of his country? Who is there of this character, who does not feel proud in comparing his situation with that of the slave of a monarchy? Of the events of the ensuing session we refrain at present from saying any thing. Their importance has attracted an universal solicitude, which will be soon gratified by ample information.
PENNSYLVANIA ELECTION.
The republican ticket for Assembly has prevailed in Philadelphia and Montgomery counties by great majorities.
For Sale or Rent,
A Large three story BRICK HOUSE with the necessary back buildings attached to it—situated on north E street near 12th street west. For terms apply to the subscriber.
ROBERT BROWN.
October 17.
1aw3t

WASHINGTON CITY. OCTOBER 17, 1803.
This day, at 3 o'clock, the following MESSAGE was delivered to the two Houses of Congress by Mr. Harvie, Secretary to the President:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
In calling you together, fellow-citizens, at an earlier day than was contemplated by the act of the last session of Congress, I have not been insensible to the personal inconveniences necessarily resulting from an unexpected change in your arrangements; but matters of great public concernment have rendered this call necessary; and the interests you feel in these will supersede in your minds all private considerations.
Congress witnessed, at their late session, the extraordinary agitation produced in the public mind by the suspension of our right of deposit, at the port of New Orleans, no assignment of another place having been made according to treaty. They were sensible that the continuance of that privation would be more injurious to our nation, than any consequences which could flow from any mode of redress. But reposing just confidence in the good faith of the government whose officer had committed the wrong, friendly and reasonable representations were resorted to, and the right of deposit was restored.
Previous however to this period, we had not been unaware of the danger to which our peace would be perpetually exposed, whilst so important a key to the commerce of the western country remained under foreign power. Difficulties too were presenting themselves as to the navigation of other streams, which, arising within our territories, pass through those adjacent. Propositions had therefore been authorised for obtaining, on fair conditions, the sovereignty of New Orleans, and of other possessions in that quarter interesting to our quiet, to such extent as was deemed practicable; and the provisional appropriation of two millions of dollars, to be applied and accounted for by the President of the United States, intended as part of the price, was considered as conveying the sanction of Congress to the acquisition proposed. The enlightened government of France saw, with just discernment, the importance to both nations of such liberal arrangements as might best and permanently promote the peace, friendship and interests of both: and the property and sovereignty of all Louisiana, which had been restored to them, has, on certain conditions, been transferred to the United States by instruments bearing date the 30th of April last. When these shall have received the constitutional sanction of the Senate, they will, without delay, be communicated to the Representatives, also, for the exercise of their functions as to those conditions which are within the powers vested by the constitution in Congress. Whilst the property and sovereignty of the Mississippi and its waters secure an independent outlet for the produce of the western states, and an uncontrouled navigation through their whole course, free from collision with other powers, and the dangers to our peace from that source, the fertility of the country, its climate and extent, promise, in due season, important aids to our treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a wide spread for the blessings of freedom and equal laws.
With the wisdom of Congress it will rest to take those ulterior measures which may be necessary for the immediate occupation, and temporary government of the country; for its incorporation into our union; for rendering the change of government a blessing to our newly adopted brethren; for securing to them the rights of conscience and of property; for confirming to the Indian inhabitants their occupancy and self-government, establishing friendly and commercial relations with them, and for ascertaining the geography of the country acquired. Such materials for your information relative to its affairs in general, as the short space of time has permitted me to collect, will be laid before you when the subject shall be in a state for your consideration.
Another important acquisition of territory has also been made, since the last session of Congress. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians, with which we have never had a difference, reduced, by the wars and wants of savage life, to a few individuals unable to defend themselves against the neighbouring tribes, has transferred its country to the United States, reserving only for its members what is sufficient to maintain them, in an agricultural way. The considerations stipulated are, that we shall extend to them our patronage and protection, and give them certain annual aids, in money, in implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice. This country, among the most fertile within our limits, extending along the Mississippi from
the mouth of the Illinois, and up, the Ohio, though not so necessary as a barrier, since the acquisition of the other bank, may yet be well worthy of being laid open to immediate settlement, as its inhabitants may descend with rapidity in support of the lower country, should future circumstances expose that to foreign enterprise. As the stipulations, in this treaty also, involve matters within the competence of both houses only, it will be laid before Congress so soon as the Senate shall have advised its ratification.
With many of the other Indian tribes, improvements in agriculture and house-hold manufacture, are advancing; and, with all, our peace and friendship are established on grounds much firmer than heretofore. The measure adopted of establishing trading-houses among them and of furnishing them necessaries in exchange for their commodities, at such moderate prices as leave no gain, but cover us from loss, has the most conciliatory and useful effect on them, and is that which will best secure their peace and good will.
The small vessels authorised by Congress, with a view to the Mediterranean service, have been sent into that sea; and will be able more effectually to confine the Tripoline cruisers within their harbours, and supersede the necessity of convoy to our commerce in that quarter. They will sensibly lessen the expences of that service the ensuing year.
A further knowledge of the ground in the north eastern, and north western angles of the United States has evinced that the boundaries established by the treaty of Paris, between the British territories and ours in those parts, were too imperfectly described to be susceptible of execution. It has therefore been thought worthy of attention, for preserving and cherishing the harmony and useful intercourse subsisting between the two nations, to remove by timely arrangements what unfavorable incidents might otherwise render a ground of future misunderstanding. A convention has therefore been entered into, which provides for a practicable demarcation of those limits, to the satisfaction of both parties.
An account of the receipts and expenditures of the year ending the 30th of September last, with the estimates for the service of the ensuing year, will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury, so soon as the receipts of the last quarter shall be returned from the more distant states. It is already ascertained that the amount paid into the treasury, for that year, has been between eleven and twelve millions of dollars, and that the revenue, accrued during the same term, exceeds the sum counted on, as sufficient for our current expences, and to extinguish the public debt, within the period heretofore proposed.
The amount of debt paid, for the same year, is about three millions one hundred thousand dollars, exclusive of interest, and making, with the payment of the preceding year, a discharge of more than eight millions and an half of dollars of the principal of that debt, besides the accruing interest: and there remain in the treasury nearly six millions of dollars. Of these eight hundred and eighty thousand have been reserved for payment of the first instalment due, under the British Convention of January 8, 1802, and two millions are, what have been before mentioned, as placed by Congress under the power and accountability of the President, towards the price of New Orleans and other territories acquired, which, remaining untouched, are still applicable to that object, and go in diminution of the sum to be funded for it.
Should the acquisition of Louisiana be constitutionally confirmed and carried into effect a sum of nearly thirteen millions of dollars will then be added to our public debt, most of which is payable after fifteen years; before which term, the present existing debts will all be discharged, by the established operation of the sinking fund. When we contemplate the ordinary, annual, augmentation of impost from increasing population and wealth, the augmentation of the same revenue, by its extension to the new acquisition, and the economies which may still be introduced into our public expenditures, I cannot but hope that Congress, in reviewing their resources will find means to meet the intermediate interest of this additional debt, without recurring to new taxes, and applying to this object only the ordinary progression of our revenue. Its extraordinary increase, in times of foreign war, will be the proper and sufficient fund for any measures of safety or precaution, which that state of things may render necessary in our neutral position.
Remittances for the instalments of our foreign debt having been found practicable without loss, it has not been thought expedient to use the power, given by a former act of Congress, of continuing them by reloads, and of redeeming, instead thereof, equal sums of domestic debt, although no difficulty was found in obtaining that accommodation.
The sum of fifty thousand dollars, appropriated by Congress for providing gun-boats, remains unexpended. The favorable and peaceable turn of affairs on the Mississippi, rendered an immediate execution of that law unnecessary; and time was desirable, in order that the institution of that branch of our force might begin on models the most approved by experience. The same issue of events dispensed with a resort to the appropriation of a million and an half of dollars, contemplated for purposes which were effected by happier means.
We have seen with sincere concern the flames of war lighted up again in Europe, and nations with which we have the most friendly and useful relations, engaged in mutual destruction. While we regret the miseries in which we see others involved, let us bow with gratitude to that kind Providence, which inspiring with wisdom and moderation our late legislative councils, while placed under the urgency of the greatest wrongs, guarded us from hastily entering into the sanguinary contest, and left us only to look on and to pity its ravages. The evil will be heaviest on those immediately engaged; yet the nations pursuing peace will not be exempt from all evil. In the course of this conflict let it be our endeavour as it is our interest and desire, to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent nations by every act of justice and of innocent kindness; to receive their armed vessels, with hospitality from the distresses of the sea, but to administer the means of annoyance to none; to establish in our harbours, such a police as may maintain law and order; to restrain our citizens from embarking individually in a war in which their country takes no part; to punish severely those persons, citizen or alien, who shall usurp the cover of our flag, for vessels not entitled to it, infecting thereby with suspicion those of real Americans, and committing us into controversies for the redress of wrongs not our own; to exact from every nation the observance, towards our vessels and citizens, of those principles and practices which all civilized people acknowledge; to merit the character of a just nation; and maintain that of an independent one, preferring every consequence to insult and habitual wrong. Congress will consider whether the existing laws enable us efficaciously to maintain this course with our citizens in all places and with others while within the limits of our jurisdiction; and will give them the new modifications necessary for these objects. Some contraventions of right have already taken place, both within our jurisdictional limits, and on the high seas. The friendly disposition of the governments from whose agents they have proceeded, as well as their wisdom and regard for justice, leave us in reasonable expectation, that they will be rectified and prevented in future: and that no act will be countenanced by them which threatens to disturb our friendly intercourse. Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe, and from the political interests which entangle them together, with productions and wants which render our commerce and friendship useful to them, and theirs to us, it cannot be the interest of any to assail us, nor ours to disturb them. We should be most unwise indeed were we to cast away the singular blessings of the position in which nature has placed us, the opportunity she has endowed us with of pursuing, at a distance from foreign contentions, the paths of industry, peace, and happiness, of cultivating general friendship, and of bringing collisions of interest to the umpirage of reason, rather than of force. How desirable then must it be, in a government like ours, to see its citizens adopt individually the views, the interests, and the conduct which their country should pursue, divesting themselves of those passions and partialities, which tend to lessen useful friendships, and to embarrass and embroil us in the calamitous scenes of Europe. Confident, fellow citizens, that you will duly estimate the importance of neutral dispositions, towards the observance of neutral conduct, that you will be sensible how much it is our duty to look on the bloody Arena spread before us, with commiseration indeed, but with no other wish than to see it closed, I am persuaded you will cordially cherish these dispositions, in all discussions among yourselves, and in all communications with your constituents. And I anticipate with satisfaction the measures of wisdom, which the great interests now committed to you, will give you an opportunity of providing and myself that of approving, and of carrying into execution, with the fidelity I owe to my country.
TH: JEFFERSON.
OCTOBER 17, 1803.
Both Houses this day formed quorums. The Senate elected John Brown, President pro tempore. The House of Representatives elected Nathaniel Macon, Speaker. John Beckley, Clerk.

NEW BOOKS.
Just imported in the ship Active , from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New-Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—among which are   Burk's works, 8 vols. 8vo.  Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant.  Percy's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo.  Mickle's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo.  Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to.  Sancho's Letters, 8vo.  Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo.  Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 3 vols. 8vo.  Louviere's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo.  Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo.  Watson's Philip 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo.  Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo.  Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo.  Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols.  Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo.  Rynier's State of Egypt, 8vo.  Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo.  Berthollet's Moral Philosophy, 8vo.  Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo.  Adams on the Microscope, with plates.  Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to.  Hornman's do.  Grant's Life of France.  Delphine 6 vols. 12mo.  Wai Office 3 vols. 12mo.  Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo.  The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker.  Infinite Father, 3 vols. 12mo.  Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo.  Lorimer 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo.  Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo.  The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo.  Tales of Superstition 12mo.  Bread Grins, by G. Coleman.  Boscaen's Poems, 12mo.  Ataia—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. 8vo.   In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.
FOR SALE,
For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by— ROBERT M c CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable and. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with five places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capacious vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy general neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the fence and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
OVERTON CARR. September 19. epf
Lots for sale.
IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer.
LOST CERTIFICATE.
NOTICE is hereby given that application is made at the Treasury of the United States, for a new certificate in the lieu of No. 14 307 for 3,856 Dollars 83 Cents, of three per cent. stock, standing in the books of the Treasury U. S. in the name of Hugh Percy Duke of Northumberland, which certificate was forwarded by the Lady Hobart, British packet in June last, and lost in the mail. JOHN COLES. New London, Sept. 14, 1803 6w.
MILITARY LANDS FOR SALE.
By virtue of a power delegated to his executors, by the last will and testament of John Rose, esq. deceased, late of the county of Westmoreland we the subscribers, having taken upon ourselves the execution of his said will, and qualified thereto according to law, now offer for sale, the following tracts of land, viz.   One tract of fifteen hundred acres, by patent, bearing date 7th of day of January, 1796, lying on Cumberland river, in the state of Kentucky.  One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 30th day of August, 1797, on the waters of Paint Creek, between the Miami and Sciota rivers.  One of 1500 acres by patent, bearing date the 23th of April, 1800, also on the waters of Paint Creek.  One of 1200 acres by patent, bearing date the 23th of April, 1800, lying on the banks of the Sciota river.  Two other small lots of one and two hundred acres, on the waters of Lees creek a branch of the Rattle Snake Fork of Paint creek.  One other small tract, of 560 acres, in the same neighborhood—and lastly.  One other tract of 1500 acres, surveyed and patented for Burgess Bell, lying on a branch of Gaipsas river, adjoining the upper corner of George Washington's survey, and the same having been sold and conveyed by the said Bell to the said Rose. Proposals for a purchase of the whole or any part of the said lands will be received verbally or by letter, addressed to any of the subscribers. The taxes on these lands have been regularly paid, and a clear and indisputable title will be made the purchaser, by   HENRY ROSE, Alexandria, } Executors. WM. ROBINSON, Leeds, } Rev. BARRY, Port Royal, } September 26. 2m
NOTICE.
THE Council of Washington having passed a law requiring a new assessment to be made this year, on all real and personal property in the city and also an enumeration of the inhabitants thereof. The subscriber earnestly requests the inhabitants in their leisure time to make out correct lists of their property, and also the number of persons in their respective families designating their age and sex as follows—white males from 1 to 10 years old, from 10 to 18, from 18 to 30, from 30 to 45, from 45 to 60 and upwards of 60, with their profession or occupation. White females in like manner, and slaves males and females in like manner. From the little time and trouble required to comply with this request it is hoped it will be promptly attended to. The lists may be left at their dwellings or if convenient at the office of the subscriber. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City. September 30. ep3w
Such of the inhabitants
of the city of Washington as are desirous of accommodating members of Congress with boarding, are requested to leave their address with the subscriber at the Capitol, as soon as convenient. THOS. CLAXTON. October 10. 3t
All persons having claims or
demands of any nature against the subscriber are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST , Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorised, in my name, to adjust and settle the same: and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occaquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber.—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarters, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises. T. FOLLARD. Feb. 21st. ep
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE, BY RAPINE CONRAD & Co. New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. (Price 2 dols. 25 cents in boards, or 2 dols. 50 cents bound.) History of the Burton Expedition to Egypt. To which is subjoined, A sketch of that country and its means of defence. Illustrated with maps and a portrait of Sir Ralph Abercrombie. By ROBERT T. WILSON, Lieutenant colonel of cavalry in his Britannic Majesty's service, & Knight of the Imperial military order of Maria Theresa. September 28.
COLUMBIAN INN.
GEORGE TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and in order that he will continue at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 21. epJ
CHARLES VARDEN,
TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cashmeres, Silk florantine, Black and fancy silk molekin velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toiletttes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802.
BY AUTHORI Y.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.     Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 10,000   5 do 1000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   15 do 200 3,000   200 do 100 20,000   200 do 50 10,000   200 do 25 5,000   250 do 20 5,000   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 20,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7154 Prizes, 210,000   13,856 Blankes—Not two to a prize.    21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000
The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right. Rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beeston, Mellrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennet, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell. July 13, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of officers in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale. August 15. taw3m
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
NEW JERSEY AVENUE.
Have just received the following
NEW BOOKS.
THE life of Lorenzo De' Medici, 3 vol. Denon's travels in Upper and Lower Egypt during the campaigns of gen. Bonaparte in that country, 2 vol. Willich's Domestic Encyclopedia; or Dictionary of facts and useful knowledge, vol. I. & II. for which the subscription is still open—the price will be enhanced to non-subscribers. The Marriage Promise, a new comedy. Public characters, or cotemporary biography, containing the memoirs of the most celebrated personages of this country and Europe. John Bull, or an Englishman's fire side, a new comedy. Tale of Mystery—ditto. Friend of Women, translated from the French. Boffuet's Select Sermons, &c. &c. N. B.—R. C. & Co. Have always on hand, at moderate prices, writing letter and wrapping papers, quills, wafers, sealing-wax, ink powder, ink and sand flasks; pocket books, playing cards, parchment, blank and account books, copper plate copies, &c. &c.
FIRST LEGION.
ATTENTION!
AT a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 15th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, intitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the following be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to the battalion companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz. A DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST WHITE BREECHES and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE OVERALLS, with SHOES and ROUND BLACK HAT; which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court. WM. D. BEALL, Clerk of L. C. R. Sec. 27. And be it further enacted, That all non-commissioned officers and privates, belonging to battalion companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly clothed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be determined on for the respective legions, by the first legionary courts of enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved of by the Brigadier General; provided the expense of the same, additional to that of usual, ordinary, and camp clothing, does not exceed five dollars for each person, and every such non-commissioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published, in some newspaper within the legionary district and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip himself.
TO be rented on moderate
terms, either separately or together. Three two story brick dwelling HOUSES, in the city of Washington, on north B Street, between 9th and 10th streets west. They are well calculated for private families; and the whole taken together, will answer extremely well for the accommodation of boarders, on a large and excellent plan. Also a large frame building back of the above. Persons wishing to rent, will make early application to T. H. GILLISS At the Navy Office. W.N. August 27.
TO RENT.
A Handsome furnished three story BRICK HOUSE, situate on North F Street and Fourteenth Street West near Rhodes's Tavern. For further information enquire of the Editor. Also a convenient store and cellar with fireplaces in the same neighborhood enquire as above. October 12. 2t
Treasury of the United States,
Washington August 15, 1803. WHEREAS by an act of Congress dated May the 8th, 1792, intitled "An act to provide for a Copper Coinage," in the second section thereof, it is enacted, "That after the expiration of six calendar months from the time when there shall have been paid into the Treasury by the said Director (of the Mint) in cents and half cents, a sum not less than fifty thousand Dollars, which time shall forthwith be announced by the Treasurer shall issue two gazettes or newspapers, published at the seat of government of the United States for the time being, no copper coins or pieces whatsoever, except the said cents and half cents, shall pass current as money, or shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment for any debt, demand, claim, matter or thing whatsoever; and all copper coins or pieces, except the said cents and half cents, which shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment contrary to the prohibition aforesaid, shall be forfeited, and every person by whom any of them shall have been so paid or offered to be paid or received in payment, shall also forfeit the sum of ten dollars, and the said forfeiture and penalty shall and may be recovered with costs of suit for the benefit of any person or persons by whom information of the incurring thereof shall have been given." And whereas it appears by the books of this office, that more than fifty thousand dollars in cents and half cents have been so paid into the Treasury. I now therefore, in obedience to the said act, do hereby give public notice of the same. TH. T. TUCKER. Treasurer United States. August 15. taw3m
UNITED STATES, District of Columbia
County of Washington, to wit: IN CHANCERY. August 13, 1803. Charles Wadsworth, complainant. versus Owen Roberts and wife, George N. Nyles and John Harper, and James Keith—Defendants
THE bill states that on the 8th day of August 1801, the defendant, Owen Roberts mortgaged to the complainant, certain property in the said bill mentioned to secure to the complainant the re payment of a sum of money lent by him to the defendant; and that afterwards on the 18th day of June 1802, the defendant Roberts having contracted a debt with the defendants Harper and Lyles, who although they knew of the previous mortgage to the complainant, procured a deed of trust to be executed by the defendants Roberts and Wife for the property mortgaged to the complainant, to the defendant James Keith, to secure to the defendants Harper and Lyles their claim against the defendant Roberts. The object of the bill is to obtain a decree for the foreclosure of the mortgage and a sale of the property therein mentioned, or so much thereof as will satisfy to the complainant, the sum of money lent to the defendant Roberts, with all interest that has or shall accrue thereon. It is on the complainant's motion ordered that he procure a copy of this order to be inserted once in each of three successive weeks before the fourth Monday in December next in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, to the intent that the defendants may have notice of his application, and of the nature of his bill, and that they may be warred to appear here in person or by solicitor, on or before the said fourth Monday in December next, to show cause if any they can, why the decree should not pass as prayed for in the said bill. Copy, test URIAH FORREST, Ck. October 10. straw
IT is ordered that Walter
Story Chandler, Trustee of the estate of Israel Loring, an insolvent debtor, fell at public auction and convey the property of the said debtor on the third Monday of October next for the best price that can be got for the same, for cash, as to all sums less than one hundred dollars, and a six months credit on bond with good security and interest from the day of sale, as to all sums amounting to, or above 100 dollars. Giving notice by public advertisement in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer, once a week for four weeks previous to the day of sale. By order of William Cranch, esq. assistant judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. I hereby certify that the foregoing is truly taken from the original filed and recorded in my office. URIAH FORREST, Ck. Agreed to the above order, I shall offer at public sale on the premises, on Monday the 17th of October next, at 12 o'clock, part of two lots in the city of Washington, numbered 6 and 7, in sq 78 the property of said Loring. On which is a good brick dwelling house a stone house and stable, all now and in good repair. This property will be sold at six months credit on bond with approved security; and the title made on payment of the purchase money. M c W. S. CHNADLER, Trustee. Sept 23. taw4w
WAS committed to the goal
on the 3d inst a negro man by the name of GEORGE FAIRFAX—he is about 17 years of age, 5 feet 5 inches high, dark complexion, bow legged, has a scar over his right eye, and has lost two of his upper foreteeth; he has on a country made cotton shirt and nankin trowsers—he says he belongs to Mr. Prickly Wright, living in Westmoreland county Virginia, near Cole Carter's mill. This owner does not release him he will be sold for his goal fees, according to law. James Wilson, Sheriff. September 12. tawtf
NOTICE.
IN pursuance of the decree of the honorable the Chancellor of Maryland, the subscriber will expose to public sale, on the premises, on Tuesday the first day of November next, (if fair, if not the next fair day,) A Tract of Land containing 200 acres, lying in Charles county, formerly the property of Elizabeth Corry, late of said county, deceased. This tract of land is situated on Mattawoman Swamp, and is well adapted to the culture of Indian corn, wheat and tobacco. The purchaser must pass his bond with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale, for the payment of one half of the purchase money within 12 months, and the other half within 18 months from the day of sale. The land is rented for the present year to Mr. George Dixon, and possession will be given to the purchaser, on the first day of January, eighteen hundred and four. THOMAS LANCASTER, Trustee. New Port, October, 3. taw3t
WAS committed to the goal
on the 6th inst a negro man by the name of WILLIAM GROCE—He is about 50 years of age, 5 feet 7 inches high a deep black complexion, thin visage, large thick lips, and has lost one lower and upper fore tooth, and has a scar on the back part of his left shoulder, occasioned by the cut of an axe; he has on a round about blue cloth jacket with sleeves, light colored mixed cloth vest, Osnaburg shirt and trowsers, and an old wool hat—he says he belongs to Mr. John Chilly, of Prince William county, Virginia, within 15 miles of Dumfries. If his owner does not release him, he will be sold for his goal fees according to law. James Wilson, Sheriff. September 12. tawtf
WASHINGTON
Jockey Club Races,
WILL commence on the second Tuesday in November next, over an excellent course, well prepared and inclosed with a post and rail fence. First day—A sweepstake of 1600 dols. Second day—A purse of 400 dols.—4 mile heats. Third day—A purse of 200 dols.—3 mile heats. Fourth day—A 50 guinea silver cup—10 miles. Fifth day—A handsome City and Town Purse—Two mile heats. All horses, mares and geldings, to be entered and run agreeably to the rules of the club, and to carry the following weight:   An aged horse, 126—A six years old 120—a five years old 112—a four years old 100, and a three years old 90 pounds. Three pounds being allowed to fillies, mares and geldings.   The following tolls to be paid at the gate to the clerk of the course; M c C. Bailey, or any person authorized by him to receive the same.   Four wheel carriages, 1 Doll. each, Two wheel do 50 Cents. do. Every man and horse, 25 Cents. Booths will be let on application to the subscriber. It is probable that the 2d & 3rd days purses will be increased—as the surplus of the tolls after defraying the expenses, &c. will be added to them. CH. McLAUGHLIN, Sec. & Tr. The club will meet at the Union Tavern on the evening preceding the first day's race. September 14. eptr 
MECHANICS HALL.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the canal way in George Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall. All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find it their interest to call on him as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room. He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble servant, ANDREW McDONALD. A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year. A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. August 3. tawtf
LOOKING GLASSES.
CONVEX Mirrors, girandoles, toilet glasses, elegant prints, prints and window glass, lampblack, cabinet ware. Printing ink of a superior quality, &c. &c. for sale on reasonable terms. For cash or approved paper at Mr. William Worthington's Pennsylvania Avenue, near the West Market. by JOHN McALWEE. October 10. taw1m
LIVERY STABLE.
SOUTH East of the Capital on the Pennsylvania Avenue.—Horses will be taken in, and the strictest attention paid to them at Twelve dollars per month by the subscribers, SIMPSON & WORSLEY. N. B. Saddle Horses for hire. S. & W. October 12. 3t