The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-03-01 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1809.
VOL. IX.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 1, 1809.
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PROPOSALS
By THOMAS J. ROGERS & others, (Of Boston, Pennsylvania.) For publishing by subscription, a new and valuable work, to be entitled THE AMERICAN SENATOR , Or Select Debates in the Congress of the United States.
TO THE PUBLIC
IN offering this work to the American people, the Editors deem it need be said in its praise. It is a monument as well as a name, as the talents of the sons of America, and its rescue from oblivion the eloquence of the American Senate. It has long been a source of regret to the lovers of oratory, that the debates in the Congress of the United States have been suffered to pass into oblivion, or preserve only in the ephemeral productions of the day. Occasions, which would have done more honor to a Cicero or a Demosthenes, to a Clatius or a Curran, have been suffered to expire in the want of the fostering hand of a kind parent. No attempt has ever been made to give them a substance capable of enduring for ages to come. The Editors, proud of their country, and anxious to transmit to posterity monuments of her fame and her glory, are determined to publish in volumes the speeches that may be delivered by the Representatives of the people of the United States. These they are not ashamed to put in competition with the most eloquent of antiquity. If Rome had her Cicero, and Greece her Demosthenes, America had her Ames. If Great Britain boasts of her Burkes, her Foxes, and her Chathams, why may not America boast of her Madisons and her Dickersons, her Giles' and her Bayards, her Pinckneys and her Livingstons?
In reading this work, the patriot may rejoice that his country has yet her defenders, and liberty her advocates. The student may contemplate with pleasure and delight the manly eloquence displayed by his countrymen, while the statesman may here study the true interests of his country. All ranks and all classes will be interested in a work, that has for its object, to preserve and perpetuate the talents and eloquence of our enlightened statesmen.
In the formation of these volumes, the Editors will be guided by a strict and impartial attention to the merits of the speeches alone; and if, on any interesting question, a greater number of orations should be published on one side, than are to be found on the other, the Editors will not be considered as blameable. Nor can they be answerable, on which side, the strength of the argument will lie. Their object is to give to the world a fair specimen of American genius, and by publishing the debates on each side of any question which may be agitated, a better opportunity will be given to every citizen of thinking and of judging for himself. It is in this manner, and in this manner alone, by enlightening the people of the United States, and exhibiting every measure proposed or adopted in its proper colors, that the liberties of the country will be preserved.
Prefixed to the orations on any particular subject, a concise narrative will be given of the object of them, and the orations will be selected without reference to parties or politics.
The Editors had intended to have commenced their publication with the next Presidency; but as the debates during the present session of Congress have been extremely interesting to men of all parties, the Editors have thought it most proper to commence with them, as in all probability the debates during the ensuing legislature, will have a strong relation to the acts and proceedings of the present one.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The work shall be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to defray the expenses of printing.  II. The debates of each Session will be comprised in a large Octavo volume, to contain about 400 pages.  III. The work shall be handsomely printed, on a good paper, with a new Small Pica Type , and delivered to subscribers at Two Dollars the volume in Boards. To non-subscribers the work will be enhanced.  IV. A list of Subscribers' names will be given at the end of the work.  V. Orders from Booksellers and others will be promptly attended to. 
Easton, February 27.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Commercial Company of Washington , held on the first Monday of February 1809, it was
Resolved, That Messrs. Smallwood, Kerr, and Lindsay , be a committee to enquire into the propriety of fixing upon some place on the Eastern Branch for the permanent establishment of this company, and that they report to next meeting, to wit: on the third Monday of March next.
JOSEPH FORREST, Pr.
In pursuance of the above resolution, PROPOSALS will be received at the Compting-house of S. N. Smallwood on Barry's wharf until the 16th of March next, from those persons who have and may wish to dispose of water property on the Eastern Branch, between 12th and South Capitol streets.
SAML. N. SMALLWOOD, ALFEX. KERR, ADAM LINDSAY. February 27.
REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE BOSTON REPUBLICAN RESOLUTIONS
Washington, Jan. 14, 1809.
SIR, I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of December 21, and of the resolutions of the republican citizens of Boston of the 19th of that month. Those are worthy of the ancient character of the sons of Massachusetts, and of the spirit of concord with her sister states, which, and which alone, carried us successfully through the revolutionary war; and finally placed us under that national government which constitutes the safety of every part, by uniting for its protection the powers of the whole. The moment for exerting these united powers, to repel the injuries of the belligerents of Europe, seems likely to be pressed upon us. They have interdicted our commerce with nearly the whole world. They have declared it shall be carried on with such places, in such articles, and in such measure only, as they shall dictate; thus prostrating all the principles of right which have hitherto protected it. After exhausting the cup of forbearance, and conciliation to the dregs, we found it necessary, on behalf of that commerce, to take time to call it home into a state of safety; to put the towns and harbors which carry it on into a condition of defence; and to make further preparation for enforcing the redress of its wrongs, and restoring it to its rightful freedom. This required a certain measure of time, which, although not admitting specific limitation, must, from its avowed objects, have been obvious to all: and the progress actually made towards the accomplishment of these objects, proves it now to be near its term. While thus endeavoring to secure, and preparing to vindicate that commerce, the absurd opinion has been propagated, that this temporary, and necessary arrangement was to be a permanent system, and was intended for its destruction. The sentiments expressed in the paper you were so kind as to enclose me, show that those who have concurred in them, have judged with more candor the intentions of their government, and are sufficiently aware of the tendency of the excitements and misrepresentations which have been practised on this occasion. And such, I am persuaded, will be the disposition of the citizens of Massachusetts at large, whenever truth can reach them. Associated with her sister states in a common government, the fundamental principle of which is, that the will of the majority is to prevail; sensible that, in the present difficulty, that will has been governed by no local interests or jealousies, that, to save permanent rights, temporary sacrifices were necessary, that these have fallen as impartially on all, as in a situation so peculiar they could be made to do, she will see in the existing measures a legitimate and honest exercise of the wit and wisdom of the whole. And her citizens, faithful to themselves and their associates, will not, to avoid a transient pressure, yield to the seductions of one aies to their independence, foreign and domestic, and take a course equally subversive of their well-being, as of that of their brethren.
Permit me to avail myself of this occasion of tendering you personally the assurances of my great esteem and respect.
TH: JEFFERSON. Doctor Wm. Eustis, Boston.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
FEBRUARY 3.
Debate on raising Embargo, and authorising Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
Mr. MILNOR congratulated the House on the vote of yesterday. He hailed it, and the nation would hail it as the harbinger of a new day. He received it as a proof of the patriotism of the majority of this House, who seeing the nation severely oppressed by a measure which was adopted as an experiment, and which had failed in its object, had come to a resolution to relieve the nation from its further pressure. I confess however (said Mr. Milnor) that the second part of the proposition now before you has to my mind an aspect of a highly alarming character. If I correctly understand it, it leads the nation to direct and open warfare: and indeed no gentleman who offered the resolution so explained it. Viewing it in this light, I can never give my consent to it, until I am convinced that
the nation is brought into that situation, that there is no other mode of saving its honor than by a resort to war. Believing as I do, that this is not the case at present, I wish to offer a few observations to the committee, as the ground upon which I shall oppose the second part of the resolution, and of course why I am in favor of striking it out for the purpose of introducing an amendment. When a nation is about to involve itself in war, it appears to me that it should not only be convinced that the ground of war is a just one, but that the end proposed to be attained by war is probably within its reach. As to the first point, I have no hesitation in saying that the two great belligerents of Europe have given us ample and repeated causes for war. On that ground therefore I should feel no hesitation in going with gentlemen in favor of this proposition, did I believe that the policy of this nation warranted it and that the end proposed would be in this manner attained. It is proper however to ask ourselves in what way we are to operate on the belligerents in order to produce the desired effect. It has been said by gentlemen who appear to be ready for the adoption of this proposition, that we can attack and take Canada and Nova Scotia; and that such a measure would be severely felt by G. Britain. That we are competent to take Canada I have no doubt; but I am so far from believing that the conquest of Nova Scotia would be an easy task, that I do not think it is in the power of this nation to accomplish it, unless we could first procure to ourselves an ascendancy on the ocean. That does not appear to be possible at this time. I am therefore persuaded that our only operation in that quarter would be the taking of Canada. The gentleman last up (Mr. Key) has shewn very clearly that the conquest of Canada and the securing of the conquest would cost more than it would be worth, and that it would not be efficient for the object for which we should attempt it. I believe that experience in a little time would teach Great Britain that the loss of Canada would be in fact no material loss to her empire. But in another point of view this conquest might have a very injurious effect on our affairs. At present there can be no doubt but the people of Great Britain are much divided in opinion in respect to their hostile measures against our neutral rights. I do not believe that the people of that nation can be unanimous in a measure which the ministry themselves do not justify as a right, but as a measure of necessary retaliation upon their enemy. If, in order to redress ourselves, we make an attack upon a part of the British empire and dismember it, we at once arouse the pride of the people, induce them to attach themselves to their government, to justify their measures of retaliation upon us, and thus in all probability prolong the contest and perpetuate those measures of which we complain. In what other way could we operate on G. Britain in such a manner as to make any great impression on her? I know that it is the belief of some persons that we could by firing out privateers so harass her commerce as to make a very serious impression on her, and at the same time indemnify our merchants for their losses in the contest. I confess that I have not full faith in this part of the experiment. I believe we should find that the impression to be made on her commerce in this way would not be any thing equal to what was made by us during our revolutionary war. At that time the system of convoys was not carried to the extent that it now is—at that time the merchant ships frequently crossed the ocean single, or in companies of two or three together, and therefore it was in the power of our privateers to capture and bring in many of them. Few are now permitted to sail singly; they generally go under the protection of strong convoys. I believe therefore that it would soon be found that privateering would be an extremely unprofitable business. If then we could not make a serious impression by our efforts either on land or water, I would ask in what way are we likely to accomplish the object in view? To carry on a war against us, it appears to me that G. Britain would be put to very little additional expense. She has been obliged to resort to every means of offence and defence against her European enemies; and the very weapons which she makes use of against them she could in part turn against us without adding any thing to her expenditure. Thus while she can carry on the war with facility against us, it will be far different
with us. By going to war we deprive ourselves of almost all the commerce of the world; we deprive ourselves of the opportunity of deriving revenue from those sources from which we have hitherto received it; and at the same time reduce our citizens to such a situation of distress and privation as to render them wholly unable to bear the burthen of internal taxes, which must be resorted to, to raise the necessary supplies. I believe that in a war of defence for the protection of the soil, this country is invulnerable; I believe that there is no sacrifice which would not be cheerfully offered up by our fellow-citizens in support of such a war; there the hand and the hearts of the people would be with you. But when we are called upon to enter into a war of offence for the attainment and security of certain ends, which there is by no means a certainty of attaining; a war of which it is impossible to foresee the consequences or to fix the probable period of its termination; it is putting the happiness and safety of our country too much at risk to plunge into such a war. You may involve the nation in such a war, and when they find themselves engaged in it they will feel bound to carry it on; but I venture to predict that the administration or the majority which involves the nation in such a war will not long exist. The nation is not prepared for war. It has been justly observed, sir, that the nation is yet in a state of infancy; it is growing fast, and if nothing to impede its growth or destroy its strength be done at this day, it will soon assume the form and vigor of manhood. It will soon arrive at that masculine state, that it will be able not only to repel aggressions, but to chastise the aggressors. I have already stated that in a just and necessary war, a war which is no longer to be avoided without a sacrifice of national honor and national rights, I shall be as ready to engage as any man in the nation: But I do not believe we are yet reduced to that situation; and when I view the critical situation of the European world engaged in a most sanguinary conflict, and then turn my eyes to the peaceful and happy situation of my own country, I cannot consent to engage her rashly in the doubtful contest. The report of the committee on our foreign relations states three alternatives, out of which it is said we must make a choice; these are, embargo, war or submission. The last is rejected by every man. It would seem then that there is only a choice between embargo and war. If the arguments of gentlemen in the minority had been attended to, if they had been coolly and carefully weighed and examined, I think it would have been seen that there was another course, a path by which we could travel in safety, which, while it would lead us from embargo, would avoid war. This path has been repeatedly pointed out to you before this day; and has been now again repeated by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key). It is this: repeat your embargo, and suffer your merchants to arm their ships in their own defence, to resist the violation of our lawful commerce. I would not grant them letters of marque & reprisal, because that would be war, but I would authorise them in every case to resist unlawful seizures and detentions. If I have any idea of what would be the true course of policy for this government to pursue, this is that course. If I have a right understanding of what is truly meant by the terms submission and resistance, I most certainly think the proposition I have made is essentially resistance; that sort of resistance which our country is capable of making, and which would show to the enemy that we would not submit to their unjust edicts and decrees. I shall not now enter into an argument to show that the embargo is submission; that has been sufficiently done on a former occasion. I never did believe that the embargo would have a coercive effect on either of the belligerents. Entertaining this opinion, when I saw the nation retiring from the ocean, in order to avoid the effects of the injurious orders and decrees of other powers, in compliance as it were with their mandates, it appeared to me as the most complete, not to say disgraceful submission. A gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) addressed you a few days ago, sir, and told you that he considered the minority as holding the destinies of the nation; that it was in their power to reject the course hereafter to be pursued. I confess that when the gentleman made that observation, it excited some sur-
prize as well as pleasure in my mind. I felt happy in the momentary idea, that I might perhaps be instrumental in so directing the course of this nation, that we might at once avoid Scylla and Charybdis. I could not, however, distinctly understand the gentleman's meaning in the declaration which he made. He did not tell us in what way the minority possessed the power which he spoke of; he did not explain himself sufficiently to show that the minority do indeed hold the destinies of the nation in their hands. Sir, the destinies of the nation, so far as human power extends, are and must be in the hands of the majority; they are responsible to the nation for the course which shall be pursued, and it is not in their power by any legerdemain to shift that responsibility from their shoulders to those of the minority. I believe that so far as the power of the minority extends, they would use it to direct the course of the nation in such a manner as to promote its peace, happiness and lasting prosperity; and could they indeed guide its destinies, they would on the one hand spurn the idea of submitting the rights and independence of the nation, while on the other they would, if possible, avoid involving their country in a calamitous and ruinous war.
There is one point of view in which this subject has passed over my mind, and on which I feel extreme delicacy in expressing myself, because I do not know how far it may be allowable for me to touch on a topic, into which I do not wish to enter improperly; but which is so important that I have never lost sight of it when considering this subject. As the resolution is penned, it contemplates a hostile resistance to both belligerents; an offensive war against them. Its object has been so explained by the gentleman who brought it forward. I endeavored to shew, when I first rose, how far we might operate against Great Britain in an offensive war. Can we act with any great effect upon France? Have we those means of operating upon her by war, so as to induce her to rescind her decrees? I confess I have never yet been able to see where she is vulnerable to attack from us, or how she is to make an attack on us. She has no possessions on this continent, nor any commerce on the ocean. To me it appears, that although we ostensibly make a declaration of war against both the belligerents, the contest in reality will be but with one. When we shall have entered into this contest, we shall find that with Great Britain we shall have an active conflict; with France a mere war of words; with her, action cannot take place. After we shall have been engaged in the contest for a short time, having received many severe and bloody blows from Great Britain, the irritation of the nation would be excited to the highest possible degree, and of course the disposition to continue the war with her, would be greatly increased. On the part of France no such circumstances could occur. Having felt no serious effects from her hostility, we should have no strong incentive arising from suffering to continue a war with her. The higher the irritation was excited against the one, the more it would be allayed towards the other.
The Emperor of the French, seeing one of the fondest objects of his solicitude accomplished, that of inducing America to follow the example of the European nations, by engaging in the war against Great Britain; seeing us engaged in a contest from which we cannot withdraw, without dishonor and disgrace, will come to an accommodation with us. I know not what other gentlemen may think of such a result as this, but I confess that I do not wish to see it. Sir, I dread that man's friendship infinitely more than his enmity; that kind of friendship I mean, which would connect us with him as his allies; I shun from it with horror. Where is the nation which has accepted of his friendship, that is not now his vassal? Perhaps there is one solitary instance to the contrary; Russia may be an exception, thanks to her power. But excepting this, where is the nation to whom he has extended his friendly hand, that its touch, more deleterious in its effects than the poisonous effluvia of the Bonon Upas, has not quickly withered their liberties? Believing that all the professions of this man about the freedom of the seas are insincere and hollow; that he has no more regard for the liberty of the seas than for the liberty of the land, I have no desire to join him in the contest. VV. Speech concluded on this page.

SENATE, February 23. The Senate took up the amendment to the bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes.
On the question to agree to the amendment to the 11th section, as follows: Strike out the words—"And to cause to be issued, under suitable precepts and requisitions, letters of marque and reprisal against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States."
It was determined in the affirmative—Yea 17—Nays 14—as follows: YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Franklin, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Matthews, Meigs, Mitchell, Parker, Pope, Reed, Sumner, Tiffin and White.
NAYS—Messrs. Gailard, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Leib, Lloyd, Milled, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Md., Smith of N. Y., Smith of Pa. and Turner.
On the question to agree to the amendment in the 12th section, as follows:—Strike out "fourth of March next" and insert "fifteenth of March 1809".
It was determined in the affirmative—Yea 23—Nays 6—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Bradley, Condit, Franklin, Gailard, Giles, Gilman, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Matthews, Meigs, Mitchell, Moore, Parker, Pope, Reed, Smith of Md., Smith of N. Y., Smith of Pa., Sumner, Tiffin and Turner.
NAYS—Messrs. Bayard, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Pickering and White.
When the other amendments were all agreed to. The bill, consequently, only requires the signature of the President to be a law.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Monday, Feb. 27.
On motion of Mr. M'Creery, Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of prohibiting for a limited time the exportation of arms, ammunition, canvas, cordage and hemp, and for encouraging the importation thereof.
POST OFFICE AND POST ROADS. Mr. Rhea reported a bill on the subject of the Post-offices and Post-roads; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole, Ayes 63.
Mr. M'Creery reported a bill prohibiting for a limited time the exportation of arms, ammunition, canvas, cordage and hemp, and for encouraging the importation thereof.—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
[This bill prohibits the exportation from the U. States or any territories thereof, of any cannon, muskets, pistols, bayonets, swords, cutlasses, musket balls, lead, bombs, grenades, gunpowder, sulphur or salt-petre, canvas or sail duck of any description, commonly used for ships or vessels, cordage, cables tarred or untarred yarns made of hemp, seine, sail or sewing twine and sheet copper, till the end of the next session. It also provides that all brass cannon, musket and firelocks, with bayonets suited to the same, pistols, swords and cutlasses, which shall be imported into the U. States from any foreign country, within the term of one year from and after the passing of this act, be free of duty.]
Mr. Holmes reported a bill authorizing the proper accounting officers of the Treasury to settle the accounts of the legal representatives of John Jacob Schermerhorn—Twice read and referred.
BOUNTY ON ENLISTMENT. Mr. Blount offered the following resolution, which was negatived—Ayes 31:
Resolved, That the committee on military and naval establishments be instructed to enquire into the expediency of increasing the bounty now allowed by law to recruits for the military service.
FREDERICK COUNTY MEMORIAL. Mr. Nelson observed that it had been much the fashion of late to abuse the government; but he held in his hand and presented a memorial signed by about three thousand citizens, chiefly cultivators of the soil of Frederick county, Maryland, expressing their approbation of the conduct of the constituted authorities in the strongest terms.
Several reports and communications were received from committees and departments of the government.
MASSACHUSETTS MEMORIAL. The Speaker laid before the House a memorial received from the legislature of the state of Massachusetts, complaining of the measures of the government, particularly of the embargo laws and declaring their opinion that the last supplementary embargo law is unconstitutional. On motion of Fisk, referred to a select committee, Ayes 83. The reason which he assigned for the motion was, that the memorial, coming from a respectable state, deserved a particular consideration. Mr. Quincy moved
that the memorial be printed. On this motion some debate took place. Mr. Quincy and other gentlemen observed that they only wished the same respect to be paid by the House to this memorial as was paid to the resolutions of Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Mr. Durell and others observed that this memorial was committed to a committee and those resolutions were not; and therefore was treated with more attention. Mr. Newton read the answer of the legislature of Massachusetts to the Virginia resolutions on the subject of the alien and sedition laws, to show how the sentiments of a federal legislature then were warped by a federal legislature now, to answer party purposes; this answer denies wholly the right of any state to controvert the laws of the general government or to declare them unconstitutional. Mr. Quincy said that the right of a legislature to comment on the measures of the government could not be questioned, when it was secured by the constitution to every individual; and that the sentiments contained in the memorial just presented were not inconsistent with those expressed in the paper read by Mr. Newton. Mr. Troup said he would be willing to treat this memorial with respect, but not with peculiar respect—he cited the instance in which a memorial of the legislature of Georgia on the subject of a proposed infringement of her territorial rights by the United States was neither referred or printed. Mr. Livermore denied that the Legislature of Massachusetts had expressed any disorganizing sentiments; they only supported the rights of the states, strengthening instead of weakening the whole machine by preserving a part in its proper operation. Mr. Bacon observed that he should enrol his nay in the vote for printing without the least fear of being accused of disrespect for the state which he represented; for however he might respect the legislature or the state he could not shew his respect for it by giving its memorial a course different from that pursued in relation to petitions or memorials from other portions of the people; and it was already referred to a respectable committee of the House. Mr. Newton observed that when the committee reported on the memorial, he should be willing to print the memorial and report on it; at the same time he should move to print the answer of the same legislature to the Virginia resolutions on the subject of the alien and sedition laws, and then it would be the legislature of Massachusetts castigating the legislature of Massachusetts. Mr. Quincy said this memorial contained the opinion of a large commercial state & was entitled therefore to the attention of the House; if not printed now, a report would probably not be made on it this session, and it would not be printed. Mr. Holland observed that as to its containing information there was not a new idea contained in the memorial, not one which the gentleman, himself had not favored the House with during the session, and some of them in the very words of the gentleman himself. Mr. Rowan conceived that the remonstrance of a state was entitled to no particular preference over that of any other memorial from any particular portion of the people; and that the proper course would be to let the remonstrance lie on the table, as the subject of it was now under consideration. If an answer was to be given to it, the legislature might answer that answer, and there would be no end to the correspondence. Mr. Rowan moved to re-consider the vote for the reference to a select committee. Mr. Quincy withdrew his motion for printing, to permit the question to be taken on reconsidering the vote for reference. Messrs. Sawyer, Macon, and Taylor advocated re-consideration. The vote was re-consideration, Ayes 84. Mr. Fisk again supported his motion; he wished not by a silent disposition of the memorial to sanction its statements, wholly erroneous, or treat it with contempt. Mr. Rowan had no idea of doing either; but an answer could only produce irritation which he was desirous to avoid; it would be true magnanimity, even if the House believed it not to be correct, to pass it over in silence. Motion to commit, negatived, Ayes 20. Mr. Quincy renewed his motion that the remonstrance be printed. For the motion 42 against it 53.
ARMY AND NAVY APPROPRIATION. The bill for amending the act for establishing the War and Navy Departments, and making appropriations for the support of the military and naval establishment of the United States for the year 1809, was read the third time and passed.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The bill from the Senate for interdicting commercial intercourse between the U. States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, was read the third time. And on the question "Shall the bill pass as amended." Mr. Milnor said that the passage of this bill would be a novelty in legis-
lation, for he believed it had not a friend in the House. He was at a loss what to think of it. He said he should be obliged to gentlemen who were in favor of the bill to explain to him how much of the embargo was to be retained by it & how much to be removed.
He thought that the offensive parts of the embargo laws was to be retained by it. The bill was objectionable too because it enacted as a substitute for the embargo a non-intercourse system which was not to commence until two days previous to the next session of Congress, and was to expire with that session. It would scarcely have gone into operation before it would cease by the limitation of the law. He could not conceive for what purpose the non-intercourse system was to be enacted, if it was to have an end so soon. He had no doubt that those gentlemen who voted for this measure now and who were to be in the next Congress, would be then told that they had by that vote pledged themselves not to suffer the embargo to be removed without an efficient substitute. For one, he said, he could not consent to take this measure in lieu of the embargo, because it was inefficient for the purposes of coercion; because it could not be carried into execution; because it would prevent our usual intercourse without excluding foreign goods, as they would be smuggled in; because some of the manufactures of G. Britain had become necessary to us by habit, and could not be procured elsewhere. He did not view this system as a permanent measure. He believed that the gentlemen of this House generally perceived and knew that this measure could have but little operation. It seemed as if the House must have something to satisfy themselves that they were not taking off the embargo without some efficient measure; it was but a rattle to please children. In short, the bill under consideration he said was so very objectionable, the provisions so obscure and extremely difficult to understand, our citizens would be so much at a loss under it to know what were their rights, and what were not, that he could not vote for the bill. If gentlemen would come forward and explain the bill, convince him that the obnoxious parts of the embargo laws were to be repealed by it, he might be induced to vote for it. As it was, he must vote against it. Mr. Dawson said, that at the last session, when he had given a vote in favor of the embargo law, he had been well aware that it would subject our citizens to many and great inconveniences; that all would be called on to sacrifice to the public good. Relying on the virtue and patriotism of this people, he had believed it would be borne with patience, from a conviction that it was adopted from necessity, produced by the injuries done to us by other nations, and calculated to secure the independence of the country. Under this impression he said he had voted for the measure; and at the same time that he gave that vote he had made a solemn pledge to himself, his country and his constituents, that he never would revoke it until we took some measure to defend our rights. Such in his opinion the bill now before the House was not. He considered it a weak, wretched expedient, and he could not bring himself to vote for it, although in voting against it, he regretted differing in opinion with many whom he esteemed, and was as much disposed to relieve our citizens as any man could be. Mr. Cook said in voting for the bill he should merely take it as a choice of evils. Mr. Randolph spoke near an hour in opposition to the bill. He objected to the principle as well as the details of the bill. His remarks may hereafter be given. Mr. Sloan declared that his friends from Pennsylvania and Virginia, (Messrs. Minor and Randolph) could not desert the bill more than he did; and yet he should vote for it, for this reason: that the people as well as himself were so heartily tired of the embargo that they would be glad to get any thing else in place of it. Another reason was, that it contained a limitation to the embargo laws; and he hoped that the embargo would expire at the time limited, never again to be resuscitated; that it would be dead, dead, dead.
THE QUESTION ON THE PASSAGE OF THE BILL WAS THEN DECIDED AS FOLLOWS:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Allison, W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Blake, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Cams, Deane, Desha, Duren, Eppes, Finney, Fisk, Franklin, Garvelt, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Hester, Heming, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Johnson Jones, Kean, Key, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Manion, Masters, M'Creery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, I. Moore, John Morrow, Mumford, Nelson, Newton, Nicholas, Pugh, Rea (Pen.) Rhea (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Russell, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smith, Smith, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, T. Smith, Sumner, Storer, Swart, Troup, Thompson, Van Alstyne, Van Cortlandt, Van Horn, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, A. Wilson—33.
NAYS—Messrs. Blackledge, Calhoun, J. Campbell, Champion, Clay, Davenport, Dawson, Gardner, Harris, Hoge, Howard, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Kelly, Lambert, Lyon, Milnor, Moseley, Neilson, Newton, Nicholas, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Smith, S. Smith, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, M. Williams—32.
So the section was struck out.
Mr. Blackledge renewed the motion which he made in committee of the whole, and spoke at length in support of it.
The motion was negatived, by yeas and nays, by a large majority.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading; and subsequently PASSED nem. con.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. DESHA in the chair, on the bill making further provision for the accommodation of the household of the President of the U. S. The bill being gone through was reported to the House, and ordered to be read a third time to-day. It was then read a third time and passed, by yeas and nays, 78 to 11.
HEMP, CORDAGE, ARMS, &c.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill prohibiting for a limited time the exportation of arms, ammunition, canvas, cordage and hemp, and for encouraging the importation thereof.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out the first section of the bill, which motion he supported on the ground of its inexpediency as tending to throw a damp on the culture of hemp in the country; and on the ground of its unconstitutionality, the constitution not having expressly delegated to Congress the power of prohibiting exports, and having prohibited Congress from taxing them, thereby impliedly denying Congress the power to prohibit exportation.
Mr. M'Creery stated in the support of the bill that the U. S. were in the habit of importing annually twelve millions of pounds of hemp, and great quantities of canvas, great part of which was brought up to export for the British navy; and from the frequency of this practice, it was expected that there would not be sufficient left in the country for home consumption.
Messrs. Quincy, Ely, Lyon and Rowan opposed the bill, observing that, as to prohibiting the export of arms, there could be no occasion for that part of the bill, as arms of every kind bore now a higher price in this country than elsewhere; that the passage of the bill would depress the culture of hemp as well as manufacture of cordage; that the United States had already a sufficiency of naval stores; that a restriction of this kind would only enable the merchant to purchase these articles at a lower price, at the expense of the growers of hemp and manufacturers.
Mr. Sloan was opposed to the bill, because he disliked the general principle of restricting trade. The single reason that the bill partook somewhat of the nature of a partial embargo was sufficient to induce him to reject it.
The first section was struck out, 54 to 26.
The committee rose and reported their disagreement to the House who concurred in it, Ayes 54.
Mr. Van Horn wished to retain the last section of the bill (for importing arms free of duty.)
Mr. Quincy observed that more could be manufactured in the United States than could possibly be wanted.
The whole bill was then negatived.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
Mr. Dana laid upon the table a resolution contemplating in substance the same regulations as the bill reported by him "concerning associations for the security of navigation." And the House adjourned.
Is the Yeas and Nays on the appropriation for fortifications given in our last, Mr. Jacob Richards's name is placed in the negative; it ought to be in the affirmative.
Norfolk, Feb. 22, 1809. By the Spanish brig General Palaxion, just arrived here from the Havana, in 11 days, we have received papers of that place up to the 10th inst. The following account, being very important, we hasten to lay before our patrons, just as we have received it. Translated for the Herald, from an extra Gazette, published at the Office of the Havana Aurora of the 10th of Feb.
HAVANNA, FEB. 3. The day before yesterday, at half past 4 o'clock, the brig Hope entered this port, consigned to Don Santiago Drake, merchant, which sailed from Jamaica the 28th ult. Besides the news which a passenger gives, the said Drake has received a letter from his correspondent, as a corroboration, in which it is said, that on the 26th of Jan. the packet from England had arrived at Jamaica, which sailed from Falmouth the 21st of December, bringing the most agreeable news, that just before she sailed, a vessel had arrived from Coruna, by which it was reported, that the generals Castanos and Romana, and a part of the English army, had given battle to Marshal Ney, who had an army of 65,000 men; that it had been a most bloody action, in which the victory was decided for the Spaniards, the French having lost 40,000 men, between killed, wounded, and prisoners, and of course were completely defeated.
We publish this news with the more satisfaction, because it is a confirmation of what we have before published, grounded upon vague reports, whereas this appears to rest upon better authority, to satisfy our curiosity of our readers.
New-York, February 24.
We have received, via Philadelphia, the Kingston (Jamaica) Royal Gazette of the 20th January, containing London news of the 15th of December, and the 5th to the 12th of Bulletins of the French army in Spain. From the late hour at which they came into our possession, the publication of the Bulletins is deferred until to-morrow; but in the mean while the curiosity of the politician will be gratified in some degree by the brief abstract of them, which we find incorporated in the following miscellaneous articles:
London, December 14. —We this morning received Paris papers to the 11th inst. containing the 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th and 12th bulletins of the French army in Spain. The 11th bulletin is dated Aranda de Duero, and gives an account of the defeat of Castanos. The action took place on the 23d at Tudela. It commenced at 9 o'clock in the morning and ended in the defeat and dispersion of the Spanish army, at which 23,000

including 360 officers, were taken prisoners, and 4000 were left on the field of battle or driven into the Ebro. The remainder of the defeated army were pursued by the French cavalry, part in the direction of Saragossa, and part in the direction of Agreda and Tarracona, on the frontiers of Arragon. The pursuit was continued to the 23d inclusive, on which day a division of French cavalry arrived at Roa. The number of prisoners taken in the interval between that and the 23d, amounting to 5000, all of the line. No quarter was given to the armed peasants.
It is remarkable, that although the Moniteurs to the 11th have been received, yet the 1st bulletin, the 12th, is contained in the paper of the 6th, and the following Moniteurs contain no intelligence whatever from Spain. At the latest date, the 27th, Bonaparte's head quarters were at Aranda de Duero, a town of Spain in old Castile, on the Duero, about 30 leagues north of Madrid, to which capital, the bulletin boasts, it is only a pleasant walk. Besides the killed, wounded and taken, in the disastrous battle of Tudela, the Spaniards lost 30 pieces of cannon. The French generals, particularly engaged in the action, were the duke of Montebello, (Lasnes) and the duke of Cornetiano, (Moncey)—Had the division of the duke of Elchingen (Ney) been in its position, it is said, not a Spaniard would have escaped. The bulletins, previous to the 11th, relate chiefly to the operations against Blake's army. The French force that defeated it, consisted chiefly of the divisions of the duke of Belluno (Victor), duke of Damafia (Soult), and the duke of Danzig, (Lefebvre.)
In the battle of Tudela, on the 23d, the Spanish army, under Castanos, amounted only to 45,000 men. Its position is said to have been absolutely bad, and that it did not make a formidable resistance.
December 15.—The Rotterdam papers state that an English vessel from South America, sent into the Meuse by a Dutch privateer, has brought advice that the English and Portuguese agents at Buenos Ayres had failed in their mission, that Liniers had received very extensive powers from Joseph Bonaparte, and had declared his definitive resolution to remain the faithful ally of France.
SECOND EDITION.
Star Office, three o'clock.—We stop the press to insert such particulars as have been allowed to transpire from the government officers:
BULLETIN.—Accounts have been received from Saragossa, dated the 26th, stating that general Castanos, upon hearing that the French were moving a corps upon Soria from Burgos, and passing the Ebro at Logrono, had assembled an army of 40,000 foot and 4,000 horse, and had taken up a position in an oblique line from Tudela to Borja. This position was unfavorable, as Tudela, the right and the advanced part of the position, was commanded by heights, and was indefensible. The French took advantage of this error, and having collected an army of 45,000 men, commenced their attack on the Spanish right on the 23d, and defeated two divisions of the Valencians and Murcians, who retreated with considerable loss towards Saragossa.
Subsequent accounts from Saragossa, of the 25th, state, that the Arragonese and Andalusian divisions did not suffer much, and had been able to retire in order, which is confirmed by the French accounts.
The precise route taken by general Castano's army is not given. Saragossa was to be defended by 15,000 men.
General Hope's division arrived at Villa Castin on the 28th ult. and would be at Aravola the 29th, on his route to Salamanca, in the neighborhood of which place it was expected he would form a junction with Sir John Moore.
From a London Paper of Dec. 15. ELEVENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN.
Aranda de Duero, November 7.—His majesty on the 19th sent off the Marshall Duke of Montebello with instructions for the movements of the left, of which he gave him the command.
The duke of Montebello and the duke of Cornetiano concerted measures together at Lodosa on the 20th, for the execution of the orders of his majesty.
On the 21st the division of General Lagrange, with the brigade of light cavalry of General Colbert, and the brigade of dragoons of General Dijon, set out from Lagregno, by the right of the Ebro. At the same time the four divisions, composing the corps of the Duke of Cornetiano, passed the river at Lodosa, abandoning the whole country between the Ebro and Pamplona.
On the 22d, at the break of day, the French army began its march. It took its direction to Galarona where, on the evening before, were the head quarters of Castanos; it found that town evacuated, and afterwards marched upon Alfare, the enemy had in like manner retreated.
On the 23d, at break of day, the general division Lefebvre, at
the head of the cavalry, and supported by the division of general Morlat forming the advanced guard, met with the enemy. He immediately gave information to the duke of Montebello, who found the army of the enemy in seven divisions, consisting, of 45000 men, under arms, with its rights before Tudela, and its left occupying a line of a league and a half; a disposition absolutely bad. The Arragonese were on the right, the troops of Valencia and New Castile in centre, and the three divisions of Andalusia, which gen. Castanos commanded more especially, formed the left. Forty pieces of cannon covered the enemy's line.
At nine in the morning the columns of the French army began to display, with that order, that regularity and coolness, which characterize veteran troops; situations were chosen for establishing batteries with sixty pieces of cannon, but the impetuosity of the troops, and the inquietude of the enemy, did not allow time for this. The Spaniards were already vanquished by the order and movements of the French army.
The duke of Montebello caused the centre to be pierced by the division of gen. Maurice Matthieu; the general of division Lefebvre, with his cavalry immediately passed on the trot thro' this opening, and enveloped, by a quarter wheel to the left, the whole right of the enemy. The moment when half of the enemy's line found itself thus turned and defeated, was that in which general Lagrange attacked the village of Cascante, where the line of Castanos was placed, which did not exhibit a better countenance than the right, but abandoned the field of battle, leaving behind it its artillery and a great number of prisoners. The cavalry pursued the remains of the enemy's army to Mallen, in the direction of Saragossa, and to Tarracona, in the direction of Agreda. Seven standards, 30 pieces of cannon, with all their furniture, 12 colonels, 300 officers, and 3000 men, have been taken; 4000 Spaniards have been left dead on the field of battle, or have been driven into the Ebro. Our loss has been trifling, we have had 60 men killed and 400 wounded; among the latter is the gen. of division Lagrange, who has received a bullet in the arm.
Our troops found at Tudela a number of magazines.
The marshal duke of Cornetiano has begun his march upon Saragossa.
While a part of the fugitives retired to this place, the left, which had been cut off, fled in disorder to Tarracona and Agreda.
The duke of Elchingen, who was on the 22d at Soria, ought to have been on the 23d at Agreda, not a man would have escaped. But this corps being too much fatigued, remained at Soria the 23d and 24th—He arrived at Agreda on the 25th still sufficiently in time to seize a great number of magazines.
One named Palafox, formerly a garde du corps, a man without talents and without courage, a kind of insignificant monk, the true head of a party, which acquired him the name of general, was the first to take flight. This is not the first time he has acted in that manner; he has done the same on all occasions.
This army of 45,000 men has been thus beaten and defeated, without having had more than 6000 men engaged.
The battle of Burgos had struck the centre of the enemy, and the battle of Espinosa the right; the battle of Tudela has struck the left; victory has thus struck as with a thunderbolt, and dispersed the whole league of the enemy.
This bulletin concludes with the journal of the operations of the siege of Rosas, which is long and uninteresting.
TWELFTH BULLETIN.
Aranda, November 28.
At the battle of Tudela the gen. of division, Lagrange, charged with the attack of Cascante, ordered his division to march by echelons, and put himself at the head of the first division, composed of the 25th regiment of light infantry, which fell upon the enemy with such impetuosity, that 200 Spaniards were killed in the first charge of the bayonet. The other echelons could not come up. This singular intrepidity spread consternation and disorder among the troops of Castanos. It was at this moment that general Lagrange, who was at the head of the first echelons, received a ball which wounded him dangerously.
On the 26th the duke of Elchingen advanced by Tarracona to Borja. The enemy destroyed 60 tumbrils which they had at Tarracona.
General Maurice Matthieu arrived on the 25th at Borja, pursuing the enemy, and every moment taking fresh prisoners, the number of which already amount to 5000; these are all troops of the line. No quarter was given to any of the peasants who were found in arms. We took 37 pieces of cannon. Disorder and delirium have seized upon their leaders. Their first proceeding was a violent manifesto, in which they declared war against France. They imputed to her all the disorders of the court, the degeneracy of the race which reigned, and the baseness of the great, who for many years have prostrated themselves to the most abject man-
ner at the feet of the idol which they load with all their rage, now he is fallen. They have very false ideas in Germany, Italy and France of Spanish monks, if they compare them to those which exist in these countries. We find among the Benedictines, the Bernardins, &c. in France and Italy, a crowd of men remarkable in science and literature; they distinguished themselves by their education, and by the honorable and useful class to which they belong. The Spanish monks on the contrary are drawn from the dregs of the people; they are ignorant and drunken, and can only be compared to people employed in slaughter houses. They are illiterate, and have the very manner and appearance of it. It is only over the lowest classes that they have any influence. A citizen would think himself dishonored in admitting a monk to his table. As to the unfortunate Spanish peasants, we can only compare them to the Fellahs of Egypt; they have no property—everything belongs to the monks, or to some powerful house. The liberty to keep an inn is a feudal right; yet in a country, so favored by nature, we find neither posts nor inns. The taxes even are alienated, and belong to the lords. The great have degenerated to such a degree, that they are without energy, without merit, and even without influence. We every day find at Valladolid, and beyond it, considerable magazines of arms. The English faithfully executed that part of their engagement; they provided muskets, pistols and pistols; these they have sent in profusion; their invective spirit has been signalized and they have carried to a great length the art of spreading libels, as of late they have distinguished themselves by their fire rockets. All the evils, all the scourges which can afflict mankind, come from London.
A NEW WORK!
The private life of WASHINGTON, With a great number of original anecdotes, BY M. L. WEEMS, Cider-mill Rector of Mount Vernon Parish, and, for fifteen years, the intimate of the grey-haired veterans of the last century, who were the neighbors and companions of Washington.
Criticism by Judge Brackenridge, dated Canalside, Jan. 19th, 1809.
Dear Sir, I have read and read again your publication; the life of Washington; and you will not understand me as acknowledging it to be without defects when I take notice only of its excellencies. These indeed are very great. You have combined, with great felicity, the useful and the pleasant; historical information and amusing anecdote. You have drawn from both urns, of tears and of mirth. With a sudden transition we have the pathetic and the comic, and both irresistible. Your style is always perspicuous, and occasionally noble; in flights of imagery and richness of expression, rising to the sublime. But the great excellence of your book is the morality of the sentiment. I do not know a better to be put into the hands of young persons to raise the mind to political and moral virtue. It ought to be introduced into all schools; and to be in every family. With regard to biographical merit, the delineation is such as to give a view of character, not on a parade day, but as independent of command or station. This is the painting which interests. It is that alone which makes a likeness; for a mere outline wanting the expression, gives no physiognomy.
I am, with much esteem, your's, H. H. BRACKENRIDGE. For sale at Messrs. Miligan's, Weightman's, and Rapide's Book-Stores, and Mr. Tunis Crayen, near the Navy Yard—a handsome pocket volume, and a fine portrait of Washington—price $1 25 cents. March 1—3t.
ASTONISHING FEMALE ARTIST! [Miss Rogers' performance is entirely different from the young lady's who was in this city about a year since.]
The inhabitants of Washington city & its vicinity are respectfully informed, that a more singular and surprising instance of the wonderful production of nature was perhaps never so apparently demonstrated, as in the case of Miss SATIAH ROGERS, a young lady who has just arrived in the city, at Mr. Underwood's, next door to Mrs. Doyne's boarding house, Pennsylvania Avenue.
Miss Rogers is a native of New Hampshire. She was born without the use of any of her limbs, but the amends made in the exercise of her other faculties, surpasses all human belief. With her mouth only, she will paint elegant flowers and landscapes, mix colors, write, thread a needle, cut paper, &c. &c.
The curious, who are desirous of seeing the displays of genius exhibited by this young lady, and one of the fine arts displayed in a most extraordinary manner, without the natural use of the hands and arms, and with the mouth only, are invited to improve the present and perhaps the only opportunity they ever will have of partaking of this delightful and rational amusement.
Hours of admission every day and evening, from 9 o'clock in the morning until 9 in the evening. Price of admittance 25 cents. March 1—3t.
WANTED,
ON hire the present year, an able bodied NEGRO FELLOW, as a Laborer. For particulars, apply to the Editor of this paper. March 1—2t.
CARPENTERS, LABORERS, & TIMBER, wanted at the Washington Bridge. Enquire of Mr. Mills or Mr. Nottage at the Bridge. March 1—10t.
BY Order of the Orphan's Court, will be sold at PUBLIC VENTUE, on Saturday the 4th inst. at the Dwelling-house of David Somerville, Pennsylvania Avenue, one Silver Watch, Wearing Apparel and Tools, of the late Andrew M'Lean, Stone-Cutter, deceased. Sale to commence at 9 o'clock, A. M. Terms cash.
JAMES LAURIE, DAVID SOMERVILLE, Executors. SAML. SPEAKE, Auct. March 1—2t.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 1.
THE friends of the present administration are requested to meet at Mr. Semmes' Tavern, on next Monday evening, at 6 o'clock, to take into consideration the propriety of addressing Mr. JEFFERSON before he leaves the district. Georgetown, March 1.
The republicans of Massachusetts have agreed to support Levi Lincoln, as Governor and Joseph B. Varnum, as Lieutenant Governor, at the ensuing election.
HARTFORD, Feb. 23, 1809.
This morning his Excellency GOVERNOR TRUMBULL, met both branches of the Legislature in the Council Chamber, and delivered the following
SPEECH.
Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
IMPRESSED with the importance of the communications which I have now to lay before you—prompted also by the concurrent petitions of a number of the citizens of this state, conveyed to me with their resolutions adopted in their several town meetings, convoked for the purpose; and having had under my own consideration, the very alarming crisis of our national affairs, arising from a variety of measures adopted and contemplated by our national legislature, more especially from the permanency of the embargo, with the means resorted to for its more rigorous enforcement, and particularly the late law of Congress, passed on the 9th day of January last, containing many very extraordinary, not to say unconstitutional provisions for its execution; I have viewed the prospect so momentous and threatening, that I have not hesitated to convene the Legislature of the State, at this unusual time, in order that they may have opportunity to consider and deliberate on the extraordinary situation into which our country seems about to be plunged, if not speedily prevented; and to devise such constitutional measures, as in their wisdom may be judged proper, to avert the threatening evil.
It will be useful for the Legislature to take a view of the various measures of the National Legislature, during their present and preceding sessions, not only those which have immediate relation to the embargo, but other acts which have been, and are under their consideration, affecting the rights, interests, welfare, and even the peace of the nation. Indeed, it would be useful for the general good, if the state legislatures were often to cast a watchful eye towards the general government, with a view, candidly to consider, and judiciously discern, whether the powers delegated to the United States are not exceeded, or are so exercised as not to interfere with or counteract those which are reserved by the people for their own management. When under the direction of a wise and prudent discernment, a temperate caution—not an over-jealous disposition, such an examination will always prove a wholesome measure.
On the present occasion, it will be unnecessary for me to enter into any particular statement of our private sufferings, or the threatening aspect of our public situation, in relation to the unprecedented acts of our general government, which are accumulating upon us. The individual feelings and experience of the members of this legislature, now convened from all parts of the state, will speak the private distresses which have been produced by these acts; and your general information will give you gentlemen, a correct view of the dangers which impend our public interests, liberty, rights and property, arising from the same source. Despairing of substantial relief from any other quarter, the people are now looking with anxious solicitude and hope, to the wisdom and direction of the legislature of their own choice; and seem confident that some mode may be devised to remove the pressure under which they are at present suffering.—To your collected wisdom and prudence they submit the task.—And may it not be hoped, that, with our united efforts, under a temperate, discreet and firm consideration of our situation and circumstances, we may be able, by the influences of Divine aid, to fulfil the just and reasonable expectations of our fellow-citizens!—Whenever our National Legislature is led to overlap the prescribed bounds of their constitutional powers, on the state legislatures, in great emergencies, devolves the arduous task—it is their right—it becomes their duty—to interpose their protecting shield between the rights and liberties of the people, and the assumed power of the general government.
Several communications will now be made for your consideration—among which you will observe a correspondence between me and the Secretary of War of the U. States—the particulars of this correspondence, with its object and its result on my part, will doubtless gain your most serious and solemn attention.
In all our deliberations on this momentous occasion, may the Divine wisdom guide us into the path of duty, and lead us to the happiest results for the general good, the peace and security of the people. J. TRUMBULL. Extra-session, Feb. 23, 1809.
Answer of the President of the United States to Gov. Tyler's letter to him enclosing the Address of the General Assembly of Virginia, also his Answer to the Address. WASHINGTON, FEB. 16, 1809.
SIR—I have duly received your favor of the 11th, covering resolutions of the General Assembly of Virginia on our foreign relations, and an address to myself on my approaching retirement, and I ask leave, thro' the same channel, to return the enclosed answer. Nothing can give me more sincere satisfaction than this kind and honorable testimony from the General Assembly of my native state, a state in which I have drawn my first, and shall draw my latest breath, and to which I retire with inexpressible pleasure. I am equally sensible of your goodness in the approving terms in which you have made this communication. The concurrence of a veteran patriot, who, from the first dawn of the revolution to this day, has pursued unswervingly the same honest course, cannot but be flattering to his fellow-labourers. I pray you to accept the assurances of my sincere esteem and respect. TH: JEFFERSON. His excellency, Gov. Tyler.
To the General Assembly of Virginia. I receive with peculiar sensibility the affectionate address of the General Assembly of my native state, on my approaching retirement from the office with which I
have been honored by the national large. Having been one of those who entered into public life at the commencement of an era the most extraordinary which the history of man has ever yet presented to his contemplation, I claim nothing more, for the part I have acted in it, than a common merit of having, with others, faithfully endeavored to do my duty in the several stations allotted me. In the measures which you have been pleased particularly to approve, I have been aided by the wisdom and patriotism of the National Legislature, and the talents and virtues of the able coadjutors with whom it has been my happiness to be associated, and to whose valuable and faithful services I with pleasure and gratitude bear witness.
From the moment that, to preserve our rights, a change of government became necessary, no doubt could be entertained that a republican form was most consonant with reason, with right, with the freedom of man, and with the character and situation of our fellow-citizens. To the sincere spirit of republicanism are naturally associated, the love of country, devotion to its liberty, its rights and its honor. Our preference of that form of government has been so far justified by its success, and the prosperity with which it has blessed us. In no portion of the earth were life, liberty, and property ever so securely held; and its with infinite satisfaction that, withdrawing from the active scenes of life, I see the sacred deposit of these blessings, committed to those who are sensible of their value, and determined to defend them.
It would have been a great consolation to have left the nation under the assurance of a continued peace. Nothing has been spared to effect it; and at no other period of history would such efforts have failed to ensure it. For neither belligerent pretends to have been injured by us, or can say that we have in any instance departed from the most faithful neutrality; and certainly none will charge us with a want of forbearance.
In the desire of peace, but in full confidence of safety from our unity, our position, and our resources, I shall retire into the bosom of my native state, endeared to me by every tie which can attach the human heart. The assurances of your approbation, and that my conduct has given satisfaction to my fellow-citizens generally, will be an important ingredient in my future happiness; and that the supreme ruler of the universe may have our country under his special care, will be among the latest of my prayers. TH: JEFFERSON. Feb. 16, 1809.
INAUGURATION BALL.
A DANCING ASSEMBLY will be held on the 4th inst. at Mr Long's Hotel—Tickets to be obtained at the bar, on application to a Manager.
Thomas Tingey, John P. Van Ness, Franklin Winarton, Daniel Carroll, John Taylor, James H. Blake, Managers. William Bent, John Graham, A. Henderson, James E. King, John Law, Isaac A. Coles. N. B. The Dancing will commence at 7 o'clock precisely. March 1—2t.
TAMMANY SOCIETY.
A stated meeting of the Tammany Society, will be held at the Council Fire of their Great Wigwam (Lindsay's Hotel) on Friday evening the 3rd day of the present "month of Winds," precisely at the going down of the sun.
By order of the Society B. SMITH, Sec.
Month of Winds, the 1st year of discovery 317th, (March 1, 1809.) March 1—2t.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of Spiden and Cook, Stone-cutters of this city, is dissolved by mutual consent. All persons having claims against the partnership are requested to call on Orlando Cook for payment, and those in arrears will please pay their respective accounts, so as to enable him to discharge the debts due by the firm. ROBERT SPIDEN, ORLANDO COOK. N. B. The business will in future be carried on by Orlando Cook in all its various branches. March 1—3t.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
LOST, a SILVER WATCH with hands telling the day of the month on the face of her, and cupped—Mott, maker, New York. Whoever will return the Watch to this office, shall receive the above sum, and no question asked. Wednesday, March 1, 1809.
RUNAWAY.
WAS committed to the jail of Washington county in the district of Columbia on the 17th inst. a black man, who calls himself JOHN and says he belongs to Ignatius Dennis, of York county, Virginia. He is about 29 or 30 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high—had on when committed, an old brown great coat, kersey trousers, old black hat, old shoes and stockings; his owner is desired to come and release him or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs. C. TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for Washington Boyd, marshal. March 1—3t.
TO RENT,
THE BRICK HOUSE, on Virginia Avenue, near the Navy Yard, lately occupied by Mr. Josiah Fox. Enquiries of FREDERICK MAY. March 1—10t.
ADVERTISEMENT.
ON the 24th day of March will be offered for Sale at Public Auction (if fair, if not the next fair day) on the Plantation where the subscriber now lives; Horses, Waggons, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, Farming Utensils; Household and Kitchen Furniture on a credit of six months, giving bond with approved security with interest from the day of sale; all sums under twenty dollars must be paid in cash. JOSEPH L. SCHOLFIELD. March 1—3t.
FRESH GARDEN-SEEDS FOR SALE.
The subscriber has a large assortment of GARDEN SEEDS of the following kinds, viz: CABBAGE—Early York, early Dwarf, late Battersea, Yellow Savoy, Green ditto. PEAS—Early Charlton Marrowfat, Green Roncaval, Spanish Dwarf Marrowfat. BEANS—Early Dwarf, assorted; Windsor beans, Lima ditto. RADISH—The scarlet or salmon, short top, turnip-rooted radish. Celery, endive, spinach, parsley, cress, pepper-grass, red beet, parsnip, carrot, cucumber, early long-green—ONION—White and red—lettuce, early Silesia, royal celeriac, ice ditto, squash, salsify, & variety of grafted fruit trees, and ornamental shrubby flower roots, green-house plants, &c. Apply at his Nursery, lower end of P Street, Alexandria. PETER BILLING. March 1—3t.

(Speech continued from first page.) now a number Great Britain, to get possession of her fleet and to rule over Europe, is there any gentleman in this committee who can persuade himself for an instant that he would respect the liberty of the seas? If any gentleman, with all the experience which we have had of the conduct of that man, can persuade himself of such a result, I should pity his head whilst I did justice to his heart. I have no doubt, in case the event alluded to takes place, that we shall have the highest professions of friendship; not only professions, sir, but acts. No doubt but he would be generous enough to lend us money, and officers and men to carry on his war. He sent his officers and his legions into her empire for her protection; and when he had got them placed at the proper points, he then did as in every other instance he had done where he had the power, he told them they were no longer free, that Spain was no longer a nation; that they must accept of a new master. I have not the least doubt but he would pursue the same course with us, if he had the opportunity. He would not only lend us the means of subjugating us, but in his gracious condescension I have no doubt but he would also lend us a royal brother to rule over us, to ameliorate our condition.
Gentlemen may suppose, sir, that these are mere fanciful ideas, which we are in no danger of realizing. I hope indeed we shall not realize them; and that in order to escape a result so calamitous, we shall avoid the ensnaring friendship of that man. Viewing the present disastrous situation of the world; seeing the whole of Europe groaning under the miseries of war and desolation; engaged in a contest to the termination of which no man can look with any certainty, I am anxiously desirous of preserving my country from its vortex. Whether the committee shall be of opinion with me that the dangers I have pointed out are to be apprehended or not, yet the calamities and disasters of war are so great, that we ought to pause and to ask ourselves what is its object, and what will be the probable result. Is there any probability that by entering into a war at this time with both France and Great Britain we can accomplish the object we have in view? Can we so act upon them as to compel them to indemnify us for the past, or to respect our rights for the future? I have endeavored to shew, sir, what I conscientiously believe, that we cannot. Impressed with this firm conviction, I trust that the good sense of this committee will induce them before they try the last awful resort, to use every honorable expedient for the preservation of peace.
I shall be in favor of striking out the words of the resolution which relate to granting letters of marque and reprisal; but I do not very well like the amendment offered by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) in lieu of them. I had drawn up an amendment which I had wished to have proposed; and for the information of the committee I will read it. It is to follow the word authorizing in the resolution and is in these words, "under suitable regulations and restrictions to be provided by law, the citizens of the U. S. to arm their ships for their own defence against illegal seizures and detentions when engaged in lawful commerce." The difference between the amendment under consideration, and that which I propose, consists in this; that the former points to an opposition to all seizures, or seizures as long as the orders and decrees are in existence; the latter to an opposition to seizures and detentions under those orders and decrees contrary to the laws of nations. Now there are certain rights of belligerents as well as of neutrals on the ocean, to which I think it proper that all nations should submit. There are certain clear and defined laws of nations, which for the sake of preserving peace we ought to adhere to. It is true that the orders and decrees of which we complain violate neutral rights, and trample upon those principles which ought to be held sacred; but I do not think that a departure from justice on their part, would make it good policy in us to follow their example; I am not willing because they violate neutral rights, that we should resist acknowledged belligerent rights. It is always a maxim with me to leave my enemy in the wrong; and I hold it to be a correct principle in national as well as individual concerns. By so doing you have a decided advantage over him, and in his moments of reflection, if he has any, he will discover your superiority over him, and will feel a disposition to do you justice in order to be on an equality with you.
As the measure for which the substitute is proposed, has been brought forward, not in opposition to the acknowledged rights of nations, but only to their unjust orders and decrees, I should wish whatever substitute we adopt to have the same tendency; that it should be opposed to all illegal seizures and detentions, but not to those
searches admitted by the general law of nations. I wish, in the measures that we adopt, that we may be careful not to extend the ground of collision. I wish our measures to be confined within such bounds, that it shall not create a jealousy on their part, that we mean to contend at this particular time, for things which we have not heretofore contended for, things which we know they will not concede. It is in this view of the subject that I prefer the amendment which I have read, to that offered by the gentleman from Virginia. The resolution is only the foundation of a bill into which all the necessary restrictions and regulations may be introduced. It will be necessary, if we permit our merchants to arm, to place them under proper restrictions, or the nation might be involved in a war by the acts of individuals. If the amendment should take place, it will be an evidence to the belligerents that we are peaceably disposed; that while we are determined not to surrender our rights, we are anxious for an amicable adjustment with them upon honorable terms. I believe that this will have a better effect in inducing them to repeal their unjust edicts, than all the open and avowed hostility which we can make against them. I trust that until every honorable means of preserving peace have been exhausted, until we are convinced that there is no other way of preserving our national honor and independence, that a majority of this committee and of Congress, will not be disposed to rush madly into a ruinous and destructive war.
New York, Feb. 21. Letters from Antigua of the 26th of January, state, that three major generals, with 14,000 troops, under the command of Gen. Beckwith, had arrived at Barbadoes, to go against Martinique. Certain accounts had been received there of the capture of Cayenne, by an expedition from the Brazils.
Philadelphia, Feb. 22. By the British brig Fox, from Jamaica, the Editor of the Philadelphia Gazette has received Kingston papers to the end of January. From which the following article relative to the reported events in Spain has been extracted:
The report brought by the Cornwall, which we noticed in our last, that Bonaparte with 200,000 troops had crossed the Pyrenees, we are happy to say, is without foundation. By the arrival of the ship Wesmoreland, Bridson, from Liverpool, on Thursday, the following very different and most glorious information has been received, which bears every mark of authenticity, and fully justifies the wisdom of general Blake's retreat: on the 17th of December, whilst the Westmoreland lay at Madeira, the British consul at Funchal, Archibald Bromlie, esq. paid a visit to captain Bridson, and informed him that a vessel had just then arrived in the bay, in a very quick passage from Gibraltar, the capt. of which stated, that previous to his sailing, news had reached there, express from Spain, of a signal victory having been gained by the combined armies of Spain and England, between the Ebro and Bayonne, over a large army of the French, said to be commanded by Marshal Ney; that the loss of the French amounted to no less than 45,000 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners, and the remainder completely routed.
Some time prior to this action which terminated so gloriously for the cause of the brave Spaniards, the gallant Sir J. Moore had joined them with a large reinforcement, which determined the patriots to give battle to the enemy, the result of which was as above described.
After the engagement they took such measures as to entirely cut off the enemy's retreat. The Spanish army was commanded by the Marquis de Romanos.
The capt. adds, that this information was received with great demonstrations of joy at Gibraltar. The town and garrison were illuminated, and the shipping fired a salute in commemoration of the occasion.
We have seen a letter from Surinam, to a respectable commercial house in this city, dated January 10th, which quotes flour at 69 dollars per barrel, herrings 20 dollars, salmon 48 dollars, mackerel 6, salt 16, oil 3 dollars per gallon, tobacco 80 cents per pound, rice 24, codfish 20, pitch and tar scarce, and no lumber to be had. The produce of the island is quoted at the following prices: molasses 16 cents, sugar 5 dollars per cwt. cotton 62 cents per lb. coffee 28 cocoa scarce.
D. RAPINE Has just received from New York, a Pamphlet, entitled, Analysis of the late Correspondence between our Administration and Great Britain and France. With an attempt to shew what are the real causes of the failure of the negotiation—price 50 cents. D. R. Has also just received, "Romantic Tales," 2 vols by M. G. Lewis. "The Lovers of La Vendee, or Revolutionary Tyranny," 2 vols. from the French, by M. Gosse. And a variety of other new publications. February 27—3t
I PROPOSE opening a STORE in an eligible situation in the city of Washington, on the Sale of AMERICAN MANUFACTURES of every description on commission, on moderate terms. Good security can be given. The demand here for Domestic Articles cannot fail to merit the attention of Manufacturers. Communications (post paid) will be attended to with promptitude. THOMAS CARPENTER. City of Washington, Feb. 27—3t
MALTHUS ON POPULATION. This day is Published and for Sale by R. C. WEIGHTMAN Pennsylvania Avenue, and by J. MILLIGAN, Georgetown, MALTHUS ON POPULATION , 2 Vols. handsome, 8 vo.—Price in Boards to non-subscribers, Five Dollars. February 27—3t
WANTED TO PURCHASE. A SERVANT, accustomed to wait on a single gentleman, who is sensible and likely, and has a good character; for whom liberal price will be given. Feb. 27—3t
FOR SALE. A very likely healthy MULATTO GIRL, About 12 years of age—apply at this office. February 27—6t
A LADY or GENTLEMAN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE. May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3—3t
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the Bank & Treasurer. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20—
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. On Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania Avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber, to Bridge erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Grates, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. January 30—tds
A TANN YARD to be RENTED. For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next. The premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Sinks, a large Bark and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of L. Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania Avenue, who will shew the premises. February 17—1f
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an Assessment of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 18—
FOR SALE. A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county, Dec. 16—1f
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. Will be offered for Sale at Public Auction at Rhodes's hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on F street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Boyd. From its proximity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAM. SPEAKE, Auc. Washington, January 30—tds The above Sale is postponed until 2nd of March, at 1 o'clock P. M. Feb. 15—ep
MR. MADISON'S PORTRAIT. An elegant engraved Portrait of JAMES MADISON, Executed by the celebrated Edwin of Philadelphia, from an original painting by Stewart, is just received and for Sale at the Book-store of R. C. WEIGHTMAN, Pennsylvania Avenue. PRICE 2 DOLLARS. Published by C. Boyle, Baltimore. February 15—6t
NOTICE. THE partnership of SPIDEN & COOK, Stone Cutters of this city, is dissolved. All persons having claims against the partnership are requested to call on the subscriber for payment, and every person who is in arrears with the partnership, will please to pay to ORLANDO COOK. N. B. The business will in future be carried on by Orlando Cook, in all its various branches. Feb. 24—3t
WANTED TO HIRE. A WOMAN SERVANT, of good character, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and house work generally, to such a person liberal wages will be given—Apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, Near to the Six Buildings. Feb 23—4t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Have received by the Schooner Citizen , capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and a new offer for Sale, 20 hhds. Mucovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hhds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsalla, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 hogs Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
ATTENTION! THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs, and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as further indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the business as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price. RUMULUS RIGGS. N. B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6—2aw6w
IN COUNCIL—ANNAPOLIS, Feb. 8, 1809. Ordered, That the resolution of the Legislature, passed at the last session, requesting the Governor and Council to procure information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing annually one thousand stand of arms complete, be published twice a week for the space of four weeks in the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown; the National Intelligencer; the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Eason. BY order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clk.
Resolved, That the Governor and Council be requested to procure, and submit to this House, at their next meeting, information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing, annually, one thousand stand of arms complete, fifty brace of horsemen's pistols, one hundred horsemen's swords, and one hundred swords suitable for artillerymen, and the practicability of procuring workmen sufficient for the same, and the usual wages for such workmen, and as to the most eligible site for the erection of such buildings, the machinery of which, if necessary, to be worked by water, steam, or otherwise; and that by publication of this resolution, they give notice that they will receive description of and proposal for the sale of such site. And that they procure if practicable, the annual report of the different establishments of the same kind in the United States. February 17—taw4w
By order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's County, The subscriber will sell, at public sale, to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 16th day of March next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the late residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, sen. deceased, near Baldwin's Tavern, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to his dwelling plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, and plantation utensils. And on Tuesday, the 21st day of March next, the subscriber will sell at public sale, to the highest bidder, at the residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, jun. near the Brick Church, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to said plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys, and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, and plantation utensils. The terms of sale are, twelve months credit for all sums above twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security—for all sums of twenty dollars, or less, cash will be demanded. Sale to commence at each place at 11 o'clock, and all the property will be sold without reserve. BENJAMIN HODGES, Adm. Feb. 24—cpi
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorizing and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the City of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Eason. January 27—2aw6w
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Piorcines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Mole-skin Mole-skins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4t
THREE PIPES of MADEIRA WINE To be Exchanged for FLOUR. Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPEN APPLES. Washington, January 30—1m
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO. HOLT. Washington city, January 18—2aw2m
TEN DOLLARS. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER, a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Paquier Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAM. FISHER. January 30—1m
ON application by petition, in writing, of GEORGE W. WILLETT of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt, and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him.—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1808. DANIEL CLARKE. True Copy, Test, JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jun. C P G Cy Ct December 19—w13t
Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808. ON the application by petition in writing, of ROBERT M'Koy, of Prince George's county, to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'Koy, is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Robert M'Koy be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. December 26—w3m Ck. P. G. C. C.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorizing and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the City of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Eason. January 27—2aw6w
FOR SALE. HE two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square No. 931, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunks Craven, as a retail store. The situation of this stand for the retail business is excellent by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shewn it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENNAN.
THE two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square No. 931, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunks Craven, as a retail store. The situation of this stand for the retail business is excellent by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shewn it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENNAN.
FOR SALE. HE two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square No. 931, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunks Craven, as a retail store. The situation of this stand for the retail business is excellent by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shewn it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENNAN.