The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-05-23 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
No. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXXVI
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MAY 23, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, MARCH 14.
DEBATE
On Mr. Nicholson's Resolution.
(Speech of Mr. Mumford concluded.)
Sir, I beg leave to call the attention of the committee to an important fact. Examine your treaty with Spain, your treaty with France, your treaty with Holland, your treaties with some of the northern powers; what do they say? "Free ships make free goods." What does G. Britain say? "You shall give up the goods of my enemies," and you accede to it. Is this reciprocal? Is it just? Is it not a humiliating concession? Is this cause of war? What says that oracle, that celebrated pamphlet, on this occasion? Not a word, sir—silent as the grave. Who now has the greatest cause of complaint, Great Britain or her enemies? Her motto is "Universal Domination over the seas," the common high road of all nations; and unless you assert your rights you will be swept into the general vortex.
We are told this is a war measure. If it be true and commercial regulations are of that nature, we are at war with G. Britain this very moment, for she imposes four per cent. on her exports to our country; you cannot impose any on your exports to her country; it is unconstitutional.
In the course of debate on this subject the honorable gentleman from Virginia observed, "Is there a man so credulous as to believe that we possess a capital not only equal to what may be called our own proper trade, but large enough to transmit to the respective parent states the vast wealthy products of the French, Spanish and Dutch colonies?" I will not pretend to say how much of this wealth we do carry in our own vessels; I am sure we do not transport the whole of it; but the following statement of the capital employed in the carrying trade (so called) will show that we have sufficient funds to load our own vessels, & that it is worth our while to give it protection.
Agreeably to the secretary of the treasury's report it appears we had the last year 672 thousand tons of shipping employed in foreign commerce, the net revenue of which has been called the carrying trade
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Rows include: carrying trade ($850,000), Deduct this amount to make it average with the tonnage of the last 13 years of neutrality ($105,000), 350,000 tons of American shipping have been employed in foreign commerce... ($7,700,000), Freight to Europe average (22), East Indies do. (5), West Indies do. (15), Deduct wages, provisions, commissions, insurance, &c. (87), Average per ton (14), Add to this, about the actual capital of all the banks in the U.S. ($35,000,000), To this must be added 50 per cent. as most of the banks divide from 8 to 9 per cent. per annum; and as they are only allowed 6 per cent. per annum on the capital, they must of course loan out this amount to the merchants and others, which answers all the purposes of money ($17,500,000), Total ($156,945,000).
Is not this sufficient capital to export the produce of our own soil, and import that of other nations, at least so far as our own tonnage extends? There may be some inaccuracies in the above statements, but I believe they are substantially correct.
That oracle of some gentlemen, the celebrated book, "War in Disguise," asserts that we do not use sugar in this country. How far that is true I will leave the committee to decide. I believe when the premises are found to be false, we may conclude that very little reliance can be placed on the other assertions. I believe, sir, this book was designed to operate a double purpose; first, attack your commerce with one hand, and with the other throw the firebrand between your agricultural and commercial interests.
Gentlemen may talk about a foreign government fighting for its very existence. I believe it: but, sir, I entreat them to look at home. See what this book and the emissaries of that nation aim to accomplish. Beware of them. I believe it is a deadly blow aimed at your own existence by promoting discord and dissensions among the clashing interests of your extensive country, the issue of which no human foresight can predict.
After all this, shall we not relieve our citizens held in slavery? Shall we let commerce protect itself? Shall we do nothing? Yes, sir, we will demand satisfaction. The love of country is not yet extinguished in the breast of Americans: No, sir, it is their birth right; it is inherent in their very nature.
We have heard a great deal about neutral rights among nations. There is no such thing at this day, sir, I consider them all alike. Power is right. The following will show it:
The ship Little Cornella, belonging to the district I have the honor to represent, was taken & carried into G. Britain. The Captain informed his owner she was likely to be condemned. The news of the capitulation of Ulm arrives; the decree of the court of admiralty is suspended. A few days afterwards Lord Nelson's victory is announced; and when the court met she was condemned, vessel and cargo. You can no more depend upon the doctrines of her courts of admiralty, than you can upon her ministry. Witness the correspondence between your late minister, Mr. King and Lord Hawkesbury. Sir, there is a kind of legerdemain in all this business, to filch you out of your property. Sir William Scott, whose private character (out of office) is very much respected, is, if I am correctly informed, one of the privy council; and it is there, sir, your neutral rights are arbitrated, according to the favorable or adverse news they may have received.
Sir, I will not pledge myself for this gentleman's resolution; but, sir, that gentleman's resolution: but, sir, I will agree to adopt such strong measures as shall command redress. I will not tamely submit to such lawless aggressions. No, sir, I will not. We are not sent here to legislate for any particular section of our country; we are sent to promote the general welfare—I hope, and do repose that confidence in this honorable body, that we shall unite in one common cause, and rally round our constitution; give protection to the north, to the south, to the east, and to the west; and, as the storm threatens, place full powers in the hands of our political captain to guide the ship, weather out the storm, and conduct the barque to her desired haven.
MR. CHANDLER. Mr. Chairman, unaccustomed as I am to public speaking, it is with extreme diffidence that I rise to make a few observations on the measures now under consideration. But the subject is so important, that I am unwilling to give a silent vote.
It appears to be acknowledged, by almost all the gentlemen who have spoken before me, that we have just cause of complaint against G. Britain—that she has impressed our seamen and compelled them to serve on board her ships of war, to the number of several thousands; that she holds them in the most degrading servitude, and compels them to fight her battles against a nation, with whom we are at peace, and that she has seized and condemned contrary to the laws and usage of nations, our ships and property to a large amount. This fact, Mr. Chairman, is so evident and notorious, that it would be trifling with the time of this committee, were I to attempt to introduce new evidence to prove it.
This point being conceded, it then remains to be determined, whether we will tamely submit to these wanton aggressions upon our rights, as an independent and a neutral nation, or have recourse to measures of some kind, calculated to obtain redress for the past and security for the future. The first, Mr. Chairman, ought to be put out of the question. To submit, without opposition, to so wanton and so flagrant a violation of our rights, would render us unworthy the name of Americans.
For what did we contend with this same Britain, in 1775 and the succeeding years? When we were few in numbers, and at first without arms, without ammunition, without money, or other established resources, and without allies.
A Warren, a McClary, a Montgomery, a Mercer and a host of heroes, fought, and bled, and died; for what? For the rights, the liberties, the freedom and independence of our country. And shall we, Mr.
Chairman, without one effort, surrender those dear bought rights and privileges, the price of which was the best blood of our countrymen? No, sir, we shall not, we will not do it; our faces will be covered with shame; and disgrace as well as injury would descend to our children. But, sir, this committee will not consent to a surrender of these rights, which they are constituted to guard and protect. They will, I presume, at least a great majority of them, be disposed to take measures sufficiently strong, to compel that haughty nation to do us justice.
I believe, Mr. Chairman, the only difference in opinion, with most of us, is, what measures will be most likely to have the desired effect, with the least injury to ourselves. For my own part, I was in favor of the resolution laid on the table by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. I allude to the one which has been several days under discussion. I was in favor of it, because I believe it would be the most effectual; and no man, I think can doubt our right to adopt such a measure, it being only a commercial regulation, such as every independent nation may rightfully make, whenever her interest or convenience requires it. It would, in my opinion, be most likely to effect our object, because it would most deeply touch that tender point, their interest, and it is their interest which govern them. If we forsake their work-shops and their ware-houses, it will materially affect their manufactures and trade. Indeed to use the language of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, it will reach the vitals of her commerce; and if it were to go the vitals of their nation, the fault is not ours, they are the aggressors, we act on the defensive only. If, sir, that nation has two million of people employed in the cloth manufactures alone, as was stated by a gentleman from Maryland, (which number, however, I think too large) she must at least have four millions in the whole, employed in manufactures of all kinds. We take from her, of these manufactures, to the amount of thirty millions annually; a market for which she cannot find elsewhere. Interdict the importation of her goods, and what is the consequence? She cannot pay, and therefore cannot employ her workmen. She will not find her account in manufacturing goods, annually to the amount of thirty millions of dollars, more than she can find a market for—therefore, her workmen, at least one million of them, will be out of employment. How are they to subsist? How can they get their bread? Other means they have not, they cannot find any other occupation; and, if they could, they are not fitted for them. This derangement of business must be severely felt—their merchants and manufacturers will, I believe, be persuasive advocates for us. They will feel the evil, and will powerfully press the government to do us justice. The minister will be convinced of the danger. He will be careful not to suffer our custom to be diverted from England; for he knows if the channel of our trade is once turned, it will not easily, if ever, be restored. He will pause, before he finally drives his best customer to the necessity of leaving him; for he cannot be ignorant that our trade, consisting of the exportation of raw materials, and the importation of wrought manufactures, will be courted by other nations, who will soon find it for their interest to accommodate us with a supply of our demands on satisfactory terms. I consider, Mr. Chairman, that our commerce is, and will be so valuable to the nations of Europe, as to furnish us the means of commanding respect and procuring justice, by commercial regulations. I have no fear that Great Britain will venture on a war against us—but, if from a predetermination to quarrel with us at all events, she should make a commercial regulation, or any other of our measures a pretext for hostilities, notwithstanding all that has been said on the floor of this House by certain gentlemen, to disparage the troops or militia of our own country, and of our weakness, inferiority and inability to defend ourselves, and to prove the invincible power of G. Britain, yet I trust she would still find us Americans.
Have gentlemen, who speak so degrading of the American character, forgotten Bunkers Hill, Bennington, Bemis height, Saratoga, Eutaw Springs, Kings mountain, Yorktown, Tripoli, Derne, and many other places, which have witnessed the heroism of our citizen soldiers and seamen? If they have, Great Britain has not, nor has the American nation. Our country possesses ample means of defence, and will be found to have spirit enough to use them, when necessity require it.
Mr. Chairman, whatever measures we may adopt, I consider it of importance that we should enter upon them with a majority as nearly approaching to unanimity as possible, and therefore, although I should prefer a total non-
importation to this proposition for prohibiting certain enumerated articles of British manufactures; yet, as the principle is the same, and the difference is only in the degree of its application, I am willing to meet other gentlemen on this middle ground. Perhaps this measure may prove efficacious, if so, we shall be satisfied, if not, I presume the nation, and Congress at another session, will be prepared and determined to have recourse to such measures as the God of nature has placed within our power to protect our national rights. Under this impression I shall give my vote for the resolution, and wait the event.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I should have been better pleased if the gentleman who has so eloquently painted the wrongs which we have received from Britain had, instead of telling us of her defeat, pointed out the remedy. The gentleman a few days ago offered himself as a collateral security for the facts stated by the President, and our illustrious minister at the court of London. Did the gentleman believe that what we could not take from them, we should accept from him. That our commerce has been pirated upon and our seamen impressed we all knew before. But where is the remedy? Gentlemen say they are for taking commanding ground that will ensure respect. Where is it? Let them give in their project. Is this the remedy, or is this the time? Gentlemen tell us we ought not to stop short of indemnity for the past and security for the future. Are they then for going to war with Britain, on the same ground which Mr. Pitt took with the French republic? Do they expect success in their project? And is peace to be destroyed, and the interests of this people compromised, until what they please to call indemnity and security shall be obtained? Are they for going to war with Spain and France, and making a similar convention with them, with that we some time since made with Britain for spoliations committed on our commerce, and then by a kind of legerdemain draw from our own pockets wherewith to pay for those very spoliations? Is this the indemnity they expect to obtain? I want none of it. I almost dread to see a convention with any power across the Atlantic, with a stipulation to pay money; as I fear its only tendency would be to deprive us of that we have left. Make any sort of convention you please, and something will scarcely fail to fall out between the cup and the lip by which you will have to pay the debts due to you by others. By some sort of legerdemain, the money of your bona fide citizens will get into the pockets of your diplomats, or their creatures on this and the other side of the water; into the hands of bureau men, of compting-house politicians. But I find gentlemen undertake to say, because I am indisposed to go to war, I am the advocate and apologist of Great Britain: and because I quote the able pamphleteer, who stands forth the god-father of the doctrines contained in it—I abjure them, and so far from costing me six cents—they cost me one hundred and fifty; and I consider that a better bargain than the other pamphlet which did not cost me a farthing. Am I to be considered as the apologist of Britain, because the defence of this country has been committed to weak advocates, or because its cause has been weakly defended or treacherously abandoned? No; I am the advocate of the circumstances of the times—of the constitution of this people—of common sense—of expediency. What does the gentleman from New-York tell you? I admire the resentment he feels for the wrongs committed on our country; and I entertain a respect for him. He tells you every thing I have told you—that American merchants are employed in covering enemy's property?—No, he draws a distinction between native and adopted merchants; and says that he considers the latter as the root of the evil. I agree that this trade is carried on by foreigners naturalised among us. But the gentleman lays the other nations of Europe treat us on the principle that free ships make free goods, while Great Britain treats us on the opposite principle, and contends for the principle of contraband of war, and the liability of enemy's property to seizure. Why is there this difference? Because those who treat on the principle of the mare liberum find it their interest to treat on this principle. But do they who have the mastery of the ocean consider it as their interest? And yet the gentleman arraigns one country for being governed by her own interest, while he applauds another for being governed by the same feelings.
But the gentleman lays the federal constitution grew out of commerce? Indeed? I have always understood it grew out of the feeble and lax system of our confederation. I have no doubt the regulation of commerce, and the hope of obtaining an adequate revenue aided its formation. But will the gentleman undertake to say the constitution was made to give us the mastery of the seas? If so, I will be glad to see how he makes it out. Will he say the finger of Heaven points to war?
The gentleman informs us that G. Britain lays an export duty. This is the best reason the gentleman could have urged against his own idea. It proves her conviction that no other nation can rival her in her manufactures. But it is said you cannot lay such a duty on your articles. Thank God! You cannot—may it always be so. In the first session in which I was in Congress, I heard a gentleman from Massachusetts, then in the chair of this House, deplore our inability to carry on war measures with France, when, if we could only have laid a duty of one or two dollars a hogshead on tobacco, we might have been enabled to carry them on. I laid then, I was glad we were prohibited from laying such a duty—I now say so—I think it the wisest provision in the constitution. It was the opinion of the greatest man that ever lived or ever will live, that the cause of the advantages of England over France in 1756 was, that France, instead of being satisfied with her superiority on the continent, by attempting to protect commerce and distant colonies, strove for the mastery of the sea. This infatuation carried her from her proper element, and enabled G. Britain to aggrandize herself on the ocean. The moment that France attempts to cope with G. Britain on the ocean, she lays bare the heel of Achilles; and exposes her most vulnerable point to her adversary; and this it was that in the opinion of Chatham turned the fate of that war so memorably conducted under his auspices. But it seems the late news from Europe are to have some effects on our discussions. On this news the fate of this nation is to be suspended. But from its complexion I draw a conclusion diametrically opposite from that inferred by gentlemen. I cannot help it; gentlemen may call me a British partisan, as when the doors were shut they called me a Spanish partisan, or as when I first came into public life, I was called a French partisan—be it so. I cannot agree to take these measures for the defence of a trade which does not amount to more than eight per cent. upon our whole commerce—for such is the state of our tonnage—that the foreign tonnage does not exceed 14 per cent. of the whole. What is our fair proportion? Fifty per cent. Instead of this we have 86 per cent. and for the other 14—for this grasp-all, lose-all principle, the nation is now to be plunged into a war. I say I am unwilling to grasp at a shadow and lose the substance—to jeopardize the whole commerce of the U.S. in a vain attempt to engross the commerce of the world. But whatever may be the decision of Congress in relation to this business, I hope to see one thing done before we rise. I hope to see the resolution which was under consideration yesterday acted on affirmatively or negatively, or withdrawn; and not for a light reason. It hangs as a dead weight on the price of every article of our produce—it has already depressed the prices of your rice, cotton, flour and tobacco; and I am astonished to see measures permitted to be hung up in terror for no possible good purpose whatever.
The gentleman from New-York has given us an animated picture of the despotism of the British on the ocean. Would that despotism did not exist! But will the gentleman, supposing success on our part possible, say that if we succeed in breaking down the tyranny of G. Britain on the ocean, another power will not succeed to its mastery. No—its only effect will be, that the same power which is now the tyrant of the land, will be then also the tyrant of the ocean. It will be still her interest to drive us from the ocean, to vex and oppress our trade; there will be only a change of masters—with this difference, that there will remain no power to balance that of our enemy. But gentlemen reiterate the question, will you do nothing? I have always thought it better to remain idle, than to do what would be worse than nothing. But I would take this course. I would renounce with Britain—I would tell her of the wrongs done to the American people—I would tell her how absurd it was for her, under existing circumstances, to compel us to throw our weight into the scale of her enemy—I would put this question home to her—Are you mad

enough to increase the number of your enemies? Do you value public opinion as nothing? This is the language I would hold, and I would treat with her on fair and reciprocal principles—not on the principles of the Delphic oracle, a reciprocity to the ear but not to the sense. But truly if gentlemen are for going to war, for enforcing a right bottomed on the principle that free ships make free goods, they may make war till there is not a British plank on the ocean, for they never will cede, they never ought to cede this principle. I say they ought not, for I take it for granted that nation will be governed by ministers of common sense; and no such minister but must see a death-blow to British greatness in the establishment of it. Are you, therefore, the advocates of this nation, because you say they ought not to give up what they never will surrender, what they cannot give up without committing a political felo de se . Yes, sir, I have said what I am willing to do. There is a pending negotiation—and the late events in Europe, while they will greatly facilitate that negotiation, make it your interest not to co-operate in putting down this people; unless you think it the safest for the world that the sceptre of the sea and the land should be in the same hands.
Mr. J. CLAY said he was sorry the committee were determined to press this subject. He believed a delay of four or five days would be important—he therefore moved that the committee should rise.
Mr. ALSTON said, it would certainly be unnecessary for the committee to rise with a view to decide upon the resolution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gregg), the committee having refused in the first instance to take up his resolution and having acted upon that which had been submitted by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) was a sufficient evidence of the sense of this House as to its final adoption or rejection. The newspapers emanating from this place to all parts of the United States, would convey the sense of the House as fully upon the resolution as though a final vote should have been taken, and should the resolution offered by the gentleman from Maryland, be now decided upon, and agreed to every one would be satisfied that the one offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania would not be adopted.
Mr. Alston said it was time, high time that, this House had come to some determination upon this important subject. It was time that the public mind was put to rest. It was time that the American people were informed of the extent that we intended to go, and of the steps we intended to take towards G. Britain, in order to meet the aggressions committed by that government upon the commerce of our country. He very did believe the resolution submitted by the gentleman from Maryland, the merits of which, it was in order, upon the present motion to discuss, better calculated to have the desired effect upon that government on which it was intended to operate, than any other plan or project which had been submitted or talked of, inasmuch as it was only a commercial regulation or restriction acknowledged by all governments in the world, to be perfectly within the control of every independent nation. Some gentlemen had thought it not sufficiently strong, that something more efficient should be adopted. For his part he did believe it much stronger as to the effect it would have in bringing G. Britain to terms of amicable adjustment than that which had been submitted by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and which was now sleeping on the table. This Mr. A. said, was that kind of commercial regulation that carried with it the appearance of a determination to persevere in, & in his humble opinion, it was well calculated to distress that nation, who had so long persisted in a regular system of aggression towards us. On the contrary that which had been submitted by the gentleman from Pennsylvania was such a one as G. Britain would plainly discover we ourselves did not mean to persevere in, because it would readily be seen that while it distressed her, it would be equally injurious to us. Another reason suggested itself why he would prefer the resolution now under discussion. It seemed to be understood on all sides, let which should be adopted, or whatever course should be pursued, that no system was to go into operation immediately; that full time was to be given for an attempt at friendly negotiation. It was intended as an expression of public sentiment. It was, therefore, of great importance to this nation that the sentiment expressed should be with as much unanimity as possible. It was evident to all that the resolution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, from the violent opposition it had met with, could not, if carried at all, be carried by that majority, that the one now under discussion could. If, therefore, he in the first instance had been in favor, he should after the discussion which had already taken place, think himself, for the sake of harmony alone, perfectly justified in abandoning it. The resolution now under discussion, which was offered by the gentleman from Maryland, could not be objected to, as the other had been, on the ground of its being in any manner whatever calculated to produce war, if adopted in the full extent in which it was submitted. The object of the present resolution is a prohibition of certain articles, the growth and manufacture of G. Britain and her dependencies from being imported into the U. S. most of which articles, Mr. A. said, he was ad-
vised by those better acquainted than himself with mercantile transactions, could be obtained from other countries, and those which could not be obtained, we could either do very well without, or raise within ourselves. What effect then would this measure have upon G. Britain? No person would deny that it would lessen in her own country the value of her manufactures; whilst our citizens at home were perfectly content, the voice of the artisan, the manufacturer, and the laborer in G. Britain would be raised against the aggressions committed by their own government, which caused us, and in fact compelled us in self defence to enter into the regulation proposed.
It had been said by the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Early) and also the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) that the agriculturalist was not interested in the carrying trade. Although, Mr. Alston said, he knew very little about commercial matters, never having been concerned in mercantile transactions, yet he thought he could prove to the committee and to the world, that they were inseparably connected together, and that the price which the agriculturalist obtained for his produce greatly depended upon the encouragement and protection given by government to this very carrying trade. Whether the produce raised by the constituents of the gentleman from Georgia and the gentleman from Maryland is carried first to the West Indies, and exchanged for articles the growth and manufacture of those islands, and then brought to this country and re-shipped to the European markets, he would not pretend to say; but this much he would say, and say it truly, that the greater part of the produce raised by his constituents first found a market in the West Indies, was there exchanged for the productions of those islands, and then carried to the mother countries; by which means the value was greatly enhanced. On the contrary, if this carrying trade shall not be protected, and this mode of exchange of produce is put an end to, what will become of the large quantities of corn and pork raised in this country, which finds a market no where else? Every body knows there is not specie in those islands sufficient to purchase it, and if exchanged for West India produce, our markets are already overstocked, no merchant will buy our produce, to exchange for an article that must rot in his warehouse. It must therefore evidently appear to every body that unless our corn and our pork are exchanged for West India produce, and that produce permitted to be sent abroad to find a market, large quantities must and will be wasted in the barns and granaries of those who raise it.
It could not therefore, Mr. A. said, be expected from him, to abandon to G. Britain the principle by her contended for, when the greater part of the produce raised by his constituents consisted in the articles of corn and pork. He believed he might say with safety, that no part of the United States of the same extent of territory, raised an equal proportion of those two articles with that he had the honor of representing upon this floor. He thought it therefore clearly proved, that if the produce of this country now carried to the West India islands was to be disposed of for nothing but specie, and for articles which were only to be consumed in the U. States, that a great depression of the price of our produce must inevitably follow. On the contrary, by affording a proper and necessary protection to the carrying trade, our produce would be exchanged for that of others which finds a market in various parts of the world, where the enterprise of our countrymen carries it.
It had been stated that, notwithstanding any prohibitions or restrictions we may adopt, the manufactures of G. Britain will find their way into our country. This, for aught he knew, might be the case, either by taking a circuitous route, or by being smuggled; and should that be the case the same thing would attend our produce, should its importation into G. Britain be prohibited. He could not see but that the account on that score would be fairly balanced.
Mr. Alston did not think this measure, if adopted and persevered in, would have a material effect upon the revenue of our country. Gentlemen were alarmed least that system, which had been in his opinion so wisely established by this government for the extinguishment of the national debt should be broken in upon, and consequently an increase of the national debt be the effect. If in his opinion this measure would endanger the system of extinguishing that debt, he would be one of the last men found in supporting it; and he believed weak and delicate as his constitution appeared to be, that by a firm adherence to the system established, he should live to see the debt finally wiped away. The system for extinguishing the national debt had, when adopted, his hearty assent, and it was with pleasure that he looked back to the vote he had given upon that occasion.
If gentlemen will give themselves the trouble to examine the several articles contemplated to be prohibited by this resolution, they will find that on the subject of woollen cloths there is a blank in the resolution, which he hoped would be filled with such a sum as would admit the importation of all such woollen cloths as were found absolutely necessary for clothing the laboring part of the community—fine cloths would be obtained from other countries, and on them no diminution of duty would take place; the revenue of course would not be affected on the article of woollen cloths. He would not, however, examine at this time the several articles separate, as he could be better attended to at a fu-
ture stage of the business, after the principle should be decided. If the other blank in the resolution should be filled with the first of December or January next, he could see no necessity for delaying a decision, as the time for the system to go into operation would afford ample time for an attempt at negotiation.
From what had fallen from his colleague, the hon. Speaker, upon the other resolution, he supposed he was against the one now under discussion. Although the honorable Speaker and himself were near neighbours, yet the interests of those they represented might be very different, and whilst the Speaker in protecting the interest of his constituents, thought it best to abandon the principle contended for, he, Mr. Alston, thought it all important to his constituents not to abandon it; and altho' he differed very widely from his colleague upon the present question, he hoped he should be found at all times supporting such measures, as should not abandon the interest of those he represented, whatever might be the respect he had for the interest and opinion of others. He thought it unnecessary for the honorable Speaker to have risen for the purpose of defending himself against a charge of inconsistency, for every person knew without a defence that his honorable colleague was consistency itself.
Mr. Alston concluded by observing, that although it had been asked in the present discussion, if we were ready to plunge the nation in a war, as he did not believe it was intended to apply to the present resolution, he thought it unnecessary to make any remarks in reply to this question.
Mr. SMITH hoped the committee would not rise. He said he had heard no arguments urged in favor of the motion, which had any weight, and the late events in Europe, so far from recommending delay, enforced the propriety of prompt measures. This was the auspicious moment for acting, and he hoped it would be seized.
The question was taken on the committee's rising, and passed in the negative—Ayes 48—Noes 63.
Mr. J. CLAY. I confess for my own part, when I see men possessed of so little information so confident, and thus determined to hurry on this discussion, I feel extremely diffident of my own opinion. With several of the gentlemen who have preceded me in debate, I have considered the resolution now under consideration as best calculated to obtain redress for the injuries we have received from the cruisers of Great Britain. I believed that while it did little injury to ourselves, it would have a very different operation on Great Britain. I was also in favor of it, as it pointed out a course short of serious collision with her. I had also hoped that the committee would have agreed to have taken up the resolution which I had the honor some time since to lay on the table, as the ground work of a permanent system. From the course this discussion has taken, I had battered myself some little information as to the situation of our foreign commerce, would have been given. I am no merchant myself, nor am I much acquainted with commercial subjects. I did expect that those who were conversant with those subjects, and particularly the gentleman from Massachusetts, would have condescended to give us some detailed information. As I have been disappointed in this respect, I will hereafter take up a little time in showing that as to our foreign relations, the gentlemen on both sides have been egregiously misled by incorrect statements.
In these remarks I do not mean to attach any blame to the document from the Secretary of the Treasury, as the statements in that report have not been viewed in their proper light by gentlemen who have taken a part in this debate. I might here dilate upon the advantages that flow to us from the carrying trade, but as the usual hour of adjournment is approaching, I shall avoid going into this question.
Instead of there being a balance of 6 or 7 millions annually against us, I believe it can be shown that there is a balance of two millions annually, in our favor. We have 670,000 tons of shipping employed in foreign trade, and it would not be unfair to calculate the profit of this freight at eight millions, founded not on war prices, but on the usual peace prices, and calculating but one voyage a year. Under this view it must appear, that our commerce is of more importance than it seems to be in the opinion of those with whom I have the honor to vote on this occasion. But there is another question worthy of consideration. Is there no course which we can pursue, which, without injuring ourselves, shall induce G. Britain to give up her pretensions, and her unjust violation of the law of nations? Believing that there is, I opposed the resolution of my colleague (Mr. Gregg). I consider, on the other hand, the resolution of the gentleman from Maryland as well calculated to answer this purpose. I am therefore in favor of acting, but not now, on this subject; and I am of opinion that by the beginning of next month it is probable we shall have information that will enable us to act decisively. It being my intention to remark more fully on this subject, as the usual hour of adjournment is at hand, I again move that the committee rise.
Upon this motion some conversation took place, when the motion of the committee to rise was agreed to—Ayes 65—Noes 47.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 25—if
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MAY 23.
The French Official Journal, in noticing the provisions of the bill brought into the Congress of the United States, against the pressing of American seamen by the English cruisers, subjoins the following observations:
“We can here perceive the energy of a nation which has some sense of her dignity. She has no navy; compared with England, she is feeble; but she is determined to make every effort to support the chances of war, to perish, if it be necessary, in defence of her honor and her rights. Well may such conduct put to the blush that other power, who, intimidated by the cannon of Nelson, betrayed the cause of nations, destroyed the charter of sovereigns, and acknowledged the legality of the tyranny of the English on the sea! These are not the paths which lead to glory. From that moment, all the unprotected nations were delivered up to the oppression and the plunder of England, whose caprice constitutes the law to which they are obliged to submit. What a difference between the successors of Catharine and that great princess! Prussia is the only power who has not acceded to these principles, so dishonorable to royalty. Denmark defended herself in her capital, which was bombarded, exposed, herself to the greatest danger, but she was under the necessity of submitting to the influence of her neighbors. It will now be the honorable distinction of America to raise her voice, to claim with firmness the rights of all nations, and to maintain a cause which the intrigues, the threats, and the gold of England have induced the powers of Europe to betray!”
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—April 2.
AMERICA.—Mr. Rose gave notice of his intention to bring forward tomorrow, a motion of the utmost consequence with regard to the intercourse of America with our West-India colonies.—This motion he was urged to press, in consequence of what he heard was going forward elsewhere, combined with a negotiation of great importance, which was known to be on the tapis. The idea of enabling the governors of the West India islands to suspend our navigation laws during the war, struck him to be a project so alarming, that he felt it to be his duty at once to move for the production of such documents as he knew were calculated to show, not only the inexpediency, but the danger of such a proceeding.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
American indemnity bill.—Lord Auckland rose, pursuant to the notice he had given, to bring in a bill of indemnity to all such persons as had advised or carried into execution, proclamations for suspending the laws which regulated the intercourse between the West India colonies and the U. States of America. He stated with great perspicuity the nature of that trade, from the year 1783 to the present period, & the necessity which produced the occasional relaxation of the navigation laws, as applicable to the intercourse between America and the West Indies. During the greater part of that time, it frequently occurred, that the different governors in the colonies were compelled to admit certain articles, the produce of the United States, in American bottoms. This was certainly against the existing laws, and therefore it became necessary to pass an annual bill to protect those persons from the penalties attached to the breach of these laws. For fifteen years previous to 1801, this indemnity bill was continued, but in the confusion which was produced at that time, by a change in his majesty's councils, the bill had been neglected and had not been since revived. In fact, there had been four sets of ministers, including the present, who had neglected to apply to Parliament for that annual bill. His lordship next explained the nature of the commercial relations between this country and America, and expressed his satisfaction in the growing prosperity of America, which he looked upon as the best security for the continuance of that peace and friendship which he hoped would ever subsist between her and G. Britain. His lordship brought in the bill.
Lord Holland declared himself strongly in favor of a liberal intercourse between the West India islands and America, and declared his intention of proposing a prospective clause to be introduced into the bill, the tenor of which should be to enable the governors to open the ports to American vessels, by proclamation.
Lord Grenville professed himself in favor of the principle of occasional relaxation from the strictness of the navigation act, and hoped the noble lord would bring in a clause to the effect he proposed.
The duke of Montrose hoped that no dereliction of the principle respecting neutrals would take place, and that ministers would not concede any of the
belligerent rights, which were among the best foundations of the prosperity of our commerce.
After some observations, in explanation from lords Holland, Auckland, Sheffield, Grenville and the duke of Montrose, the bill was read a first time, and ordered to be printed. Adjourned till to morrow.
FROM A LONDON PRINT.
A marriage has lately taken place between a Mr. KNIGHT and a Miss DAY. The most rigid lover of decorum and sobriety, will not object, we presume, to this mode of turning Day into Night .
TYBER NAVIGATION.
Pursuant to a resolution adopted at a GENERAL MEETING of the Subscribers to the Tyber Navigation held at Mr. Rhoe's tavern on the 23d ult. the Directors submit the following statement, of the advantages derived by the citizens from the erection of the WHARF on 12th street west within the year 1805, and also, the probable advantages that will be derived from the improvement now in progress, when the water shall be sufficiently deep to admit vessels drawing from 8 to 10 feet, as is contemplated.
From the best information that can be obtained, we are warranted in saying that upwards of 2,500 cords of wood have been delivered within the above time, at the wharf; the average saving in the cartage alone, may be fairly estimated at 50 cents per cord, or Dollars 1,250. Other articles, such as stone, sand, fish, grain, plank, &c. 200
Add to this the constant supply of wood at an early season, thereby enabling the citizens to procure fuel much easier, and certainly at a reduced price, perhaps 50 cents per cord—but make it only 25 cents, there will be a saving of 626
The saving of wharfage of the above quantities, calculating at the rate of 6 cents per cord, 150
Total amount, 2,223
It has been ascertained from long experience, that the average rates of cartage per cord, from Lear's Hamburg, or Young's wharfs has never been less than one dollar, and other articles, with the addition of wharfage, and loss of time, amounting to 4,450 dollars, which proves that there is a saving of one half, or 2,225 dollars to the citizens within the year 1805, from the erection of the wharf.
If then such great advantages have been derived from its erection, the expense of which did not exceed 900 dollars, and with only 4 1-2 feet water at common high tide, what may not be reasonably expected from its extension to the line of the canal, and the contracting of the channel by a strong and close board fence, which will increase the rapidity of the current, and from the removal of 4 feet depth of mud, thereby creating a channel 9 feet deep at high tide, as well as a solid bank the whole extent of the improvement? When once completed, the Tyber will become the harbor for bay and river craft, the cargoes of which generally consist of lumber, grain, oysters, cord-wood and stone coal. The consumption of this latter article is very great. The public offices consume annually upwards of 12,000 bushels, and from a rough estimate there is reason to believe, that more than that quantity is consumed in private dwellings within the limits of the Tyber south and east, and 18th street west; say in all 24,000 bushels; from this article alone there would be a saving to the public of 11-2 cent per bushel in cartage, or 360 dollars if the coal vessels could discharge their cargoes at the wharf on the Tyber.
The directors are of opinion, that captains of vessels from New England, &c. would prefer coming to the centre of the city, where there would be a greater chance of a ready market, from their arrival being more generally known; the cargoes of this description of traders generally consist of cheese, fish, onions, beef, pork, potatoes, apples, cider, &c. Regular packets to Alexandria, Norfolk, Baltimore, & elsewhere, would soon be established, the advantages of which would be incalculable; and once commenced, must rapidly increase. The citizens in general will then see the necessity of opening the Canal, to the Eastern Branch, which, from its depth of water, must continue to be the harbor for foreign traders; their great bulk of back country produce will be taken to it through the canal, promoting the interest of every part of the city.
Having stated so much, it becomes now the duty of the Directors to inform the public of the state of the funds. The whole amount of subscriptions is 1,204 dollars; of this sum there has been expended 554, leaving unexpended 650 dollars. They now earnestly request of the subscribers who are delinquent, to make speedy payment of their respective instalments to THOMAS THORPE, who is duly authorised to receive them, otherwise it will be impossible for them to go on with spirit. They also earnestly solicit subscriptions of those citizens who have not yet subscribed, not doubting but that they will be amply remunerated for the sums they may affix to their names, and speedily see the city rise to commercial importance.
ROBERT UNDERWOOD, Treasurer. Thomas Thorpe, } Clotworthy Stevenson, } Lewis Marin, } Joseph Buddington, and } Francis Clark, } Directors. Washington, May 4, 1806.

NEW-YORK, May 14. We lately noticed the destruction of the Great Fire in the Great Hill...
Intending if we can procure it, to publish a full and particular account of this conflagration...
The consequences have been, and will continue to be very seriously felt by the inhabitants residing near the swamp...
At the moment we are writing, and for the last two days, the wind has been to the southward...
The captains who have lately arrived, informs us, that on approaching the land, they experienced great inconvenience...
The pilots also find difficulty in conducting the vessels up and down the river.
A change of wind will relieve the inhabitants of the town for the present, but nothing but rain, which is so desirous to be desired...
The New-York Gazette of yesterday, contains the following:
We are obliged to Mr. Branson, for the following information concerning the new duties in France.
The imperial decree of the 22d February, 1806, prohibits the importation of white cotton goods.
Cotton pays entry duties of 60 francs for two quintals.
By the decree of the 25th February, tobacco in leaves pays a duty in American bottoms of 200 francs per 2 quintals.
By the decree of the 28th February, tobacco in French bottoms pays 180 francs the 2 quintals.
And by the decree of the 4th March, the following articles, are subject to the following duties:
Cocoa, 200 francs per 2 quintals. Co-coa from French colonies, entry duty 6 francs, do. do. for consumption 169— Coffee 150. Do. from French colonies 6. Do. for consumption 119. Pepper 150. Do. from French colonies 145. Muscovado sugar 55. Do. from French colonies 45. Clayed do. 100. Do. from French colonies 85. Teas, where the value is under 8 francs the kilogramme, 3 francs per kilogramme. Do. above 8 francs, the same. Besides a war tax of 10 per cent. on the above duties.
N. B. No sales have been made in Nantz in coffee or sugars, since the new duties were laid; and no prices fixed as yet upon those articles. The goods in entrepot pay the new duties. 50 Kilogrammes are 102 1-4lb. French and 112lb. American weight: 1 Kilogramme is composed of 10 hectogrammes, and 5 hectogrammes are a little more than a French pound.
LONDON, MARCH 29.
Last night the Chancellor of the Exchequer opened the Budget, and submitted to the House his statement of the supplies and Ways and Means for the service of the year.
The total of the supplies required for G. Britain alone, he estimated at £ 43,618,472 The whole of the Ways and Means at 43,630,000
Consisting of the following items: Malt and personal estate duties, 2,750,000 Grants from proceeds of ships captured prior to the war, 1,000,000 Lottery 330,000 Surplus consolidated fund to 5th April, 1807, 3,500,000 War taxes 19,500,000 Medals, as like-ly to be outstanding at 31st April, 1807, 1,500,000 18,000,000 18,000,000 43,630,000
The new taxes are of two description— the war taxes and the permanent duties; the last of which are to be appropriated to the payment of the interest on the loan.
The war taxes are to consist in an addition of 3 & 3 quarters per cent. to the duty upon property, making in the whole 6 per cent. and various duties in the Customs and Excise, affecting principally sugar and tobacco; the probable produce of all which he estimated at 6,000,000.
The new permanent taxes are to be derived from the four following items, viz. Wine, £ 500,000 Drawback on iron, 500,000
Sales by Appraisement, £6,000 Total £1,136,000 making in the whole seven millions one hundred and thirty-six thousand pounds in addition to the existing public burdens.
The statement of Lord Henry Petty had the merit of being perspicuous and unembarrassed, and the principles of the new, as well as the additional taxes, appeared to meet with the general approbation of the House. The details will, however, be liable to some objections. It does not appear to us that the mode by which it is intended to make re-payments equal to the amount of the exemptions which are to be taken away under the new regulations of the property tax, is very practicable. It is not to be expected that the small annuities, the class of persons to which the principle of exemption generally applies, can in all cases be prepared to produce the wills or various legal instruments under which they derive their incomes. The tax on Appraisements also will require much regulation.
PUBLIC AUCTION.
WILL be sold on Monday the 26th inst. a two STORY HOUSE and LOT, near the Centre Market. It is an eligible situation for business of any kind. The terms of sale two thirds cash and the remainder in six months at the purchaser's giving his note negotiable at the Bank of Discount and Benefit Building on, or the Columbia Bank in George town. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock, A. M. JOHN ELCOO. May 23—3t
This is to give Notice,
THAT the subscriber, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county, district of Columbia, letters of administration, on the personal estate of John Brannon Lovel, late of said county deceased— All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the first day of December next, or they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 19th day of May 1806. ALEX. COOPER, Jun. Administrator. Washington, May 23—w3t
FOR SALE.
Two valuable TRACTS of LAND, lying and being in the county of Monongalia state of Virginia, one within two miles of a town called Kingwood that is improving fast, and the same distance from the ferry on Cheat river where the state crosses it, containing 345 acres, of which 80 are under improvement and 10 acres in meadow; there is on the premises an apple orchard containing 60 bearing trees and 100 peach trees, with a two story hewed log house with a stone chimney with 4 fire places, a barn and other out houses—the other tract is four miles distance from the aforesaid town containing 200 acres with six acres improved, with a Log HOUSE—the said lands will be sold reasonable, and indispensible title will be given. For further particulars apply to the subscriber living on the premises. JAMES E. BEALL. May 23—3t
PUBLIC SALE.
ON Saturday next at 11 o'clock will be sold on Col. HODE'S wharf an credit of 60 and 90 days for approved endorsed negotiable notes, the CARGO of the ship Hunter just arrived from Lisbon, consisting of 4500 butts SALT, Baccalies and Lisbon Wines, 30 boxes Lemons, 15 boxes Oranges, 30 sacks of Nuts, 20 bales of almonds, 50 Frails of Figs, 15 boxes Sweetmeats, 400 baskets of different sizes, and a variety of summer Carpeug. PHILIP G. MASTELLER, Vendue Master. Alexandria May 23—
FOR SALE,
TWO FRAME HOUSES Fronting on K street 15 feet each, in square 318—depth of Lot 117 feet 6 inches on ground rent of one dollar per front foot. Day of sale Tuesday next 11 o'clock. Terms of sale cash. N. L. QUEEN, Auctioneer. May 23—2t
TO RENT.
THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison, esq. I will give the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Deblais on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Hewitt, esq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOIS, City of Washington, March 14—2awtf
POSTSCRIPT.
New York, May 20. Arrived capt. Conkin of the ship True American, who left Amsterdam on the 26th of April.
We learn verbally that a courier from Paris arrived at the Hague the latter end of March with dispatches, the object of which was said to be to offer to the republic either to incorporate itself with the French empire as an additional department, or to accept a French prince at the head of its government. Their high mightinesses the states general were in consequence specially convoked on the 2d of April to take this subject into consideration—The result was not known on the 18th; but the general opinion was that a French prince would eventually be accepted in the person of Louis Bonaparte.
Our Dutch papers by the True American are altogether without interest.—We merely learn from them that the king of Naples was preparing to take refuge in Malta; that Hanover had become a Prussian province; and that William V. prince of Orange, son of the late stadtholder, died at Brunswick the 8th of April.
The British packet lord Hobart left Falmouth on the 11th of April. Her latest London paper is of the 8th, two days later than our present advices, and contains the following interesting articles:
London, April 8. On Saturday we announced that an embargo had been that day ordered on all Prussian vessels in the ports of this country. The intelligence when it first transpired in the city, caused no little surprise, and the general question was—What can have occasioned this? It was soon made public, that Prussia, after accepting Hanover, had agreed with France to assist in excluding our commerce from the continent. Not only the ports of Prussia are shut against us, but all which Prussia and France can influence and control, such as Bremen, &c. &c. We understand that Hamburg is already occupied by the Prussians.
On Sunday the 30th ult. about four o'clock in the afternoon, a sudden and peremptory order was communicated from the British vice consul, desiring them to quit that place in 12 hours, and the Elbe without delay. This information was given in consequence of an official notice by the Prussian consul, declaring that all the ports of the Prussian dominions, and all other ports in the north of Europe, where his Prussian majesty possesses any control, were to be shut against British vessels and British manufactures.
The consternation occasioned at Hamburg by the resolution come to by Prussia was very great. The boom which used every night to be shut was on this occasion left open. Some ships sailed in ballast only, one without ballast; some with all the cargoes they had carried out, others half unladen. So pressing was the order that the officer of his Majesty's sloop Spy which, in company with a brig cutter, had gone up the Elbe as far as Stadt, to protect the shipping coming down declared that any vessel left behind, later than the given time, he must burn.
Washington city, May 21, 1806. Pursuant to Notice in the National Intelligencer for a "General Meeting" of the Citizens of Washington, to make the necessary arrangements for the ensuing election of City Councilmen, a respectable number of citizens convened at Mr. Myers, tavern, and having appointed col. John P. Van Ness, their chairman and Thomas H. Gillis, Secretary, adopted the following resolutions.
Whereas it appears that the Eastern division of the city is very thinly represented at this meeting, Therefore Resolved, That this meeting do adjourn, to meet again at Mr. STELLE'S HOTEL on MONDAY NEXT, the 26th inst. at Six o'clock P. M. and that the Citizens be requested to give General attendance.
Resolved, That the proceedings be published in the National Intelligencer, and signed by the Chairman and Secretary.
J. P. VAN NESS, Chairman. T. H. GILLIS, Secretary.
THE SUPERB BARB, THE BLACK SULTAN,
PRESENTED by the Dey of Tunis, to the government of the United States, and lately brought to this country by the Tunisian ambassador, will stand the ensuing season at PETWORTH, the farm of JOHN TAYLOR, esq. near Rock Creek church, and within two miles of the city of Washington, where Mares from a distance will be pastured at 4 cents per week, and fed if desired at the market price. This Royal present being one of the most choice animals of the Regency of Tunis and full fifteen hands high, a desire has prevailed that so valuable a race should be extended as much as possible; it has therefore been directed that he be placed at a low price; he will consequently stand at TWENTY DOLLARS the season, which will begin immediately, and end on the first of August; at or before which time the price of the season will be dischargeable by SIXTEEN DOLLARS with a DOLLAR to the Groom when the Mare is lent.
CHESTER BAILEY, Manager for John Taylor, esq. at Petworth. April 4—3t&wtf
Notice is hereby given that the subscriber intends to petition the next court for Washington, to be held in the territory of Columbia, for an order to renew the lower ferry over the Eastern Branch, what was generally known by the name of Larry's ferry. JEREMY H. B. OTHW. Washington, May 16—2aw3w
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
(CONTINUED.)
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, & arrive at P.otaligo by 8 p m.
Leave P.otaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m, and arrive at Savannah by 8 p m.
Returning—Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m & arrive at P.otaligo by 8 p m.
Leave P.otaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at Charleston by 8 p m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksborough and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a m & arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p m.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a m & arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro and Louisville to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m; leave Louisville at 11 a m and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a m; leave Louisville at 10 a m and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan church, Midway church, Riceboro, McIntosh, C. Dutton, Frederica, Jekyll island & Dungeness Nels, to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m & arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
14. From Jekyll island to Brunswick once a week.
Leave Jekyll island every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a m.
Leave Brunswick at 2 p m and arrive at Jekyll island by 6 p m.
IN MAINE.
15. From Scodick to plantation No. 5, once a week.
Leave No 5 every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Scodick by 11 a m.
Leave Scodick every Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at No. 5 by 6 p m.
16. From Buckfield by Hartford to Livermore, once a week.
Leave Buckfield every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Livermore by 10 a m.
Leave Livermore every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Buckfield by 6 p m.
17. From Vassalboro' by Farmax, Unity & Colledgetown to Hampden, once a week.
Leave Vassalboro' every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Hampden on Saturday by 10 a m.
Leave Hampden every Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Vassalboro' on Monday by 8 a m.
18. From New Milford by Ballstown, Palermo, and Davistown, to Belfast, once a week.
Leave New Milford every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Belfast by 6 p m.
Leave Belfast every Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at New Milford by 8 p m.
19. From Brunswick by Bawdoin, Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta, once a week.
Leave Brunswick every Monday at 2 a m & arrive at Augusta by 11 a m.
Leave Augusta every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Brunswick by 9 p m.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
20. From Fryberg, in Maine, by Goody, Bartlett, Rosebrooks and Jaffrey, to Lancaster, once in two weeks.
Leave Fryberg every other Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Fryberg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
21. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Middlestown, Ollippee, Mountconcord, Center harbor, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m.
Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Newbury by 7 p m.
Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m arrive at Haverhill by 7 a m arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth at 7 p m & arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
22. From Hanover N H to Orford
Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Goshen, Vt. and from Goshen by Littleton and Concord, Vt. to Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week. Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a m arrive at Haverhill by 3 p m, and at Goshen on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Goshen every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p m. 23. From Salisbury by Andover, New Custer and Bridge water to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by Hilders, New Hampton and Sanbornton, to Salisbury, at monthly, once a week. Leave Salisbury every Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Plymouth by 2 p m. Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N H by Littleton, Vt. S. Johnsbury, Danvers, Wardsboro, Greenfield, Castleton, Elen and Johnson to St. Albans, once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton, N H on Saturday by 6 p m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre, Wolbach, Grafton, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barre & Peacham, to Danville, once a week.
Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Newbury on Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Danville by 5 p m.
Returning—Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Ryegate, Randolph, Williamstown, Barre, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Willynton, to Burlington, once a week.
Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m.
Returning—Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p m arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Ryegate by Tunbridge, Grafton and Vauxhall, to Corinth, once a week.
Leave Ryegate every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Corinth by 6 p m.
Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Ryegate by 6 p m.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
28. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Peabody and Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 6 p m.
29. From Suffield by Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield, Greenfield, Brattleboro, Putney, Westminster, Wapopple, Grafton, Waterville, Windsor, Hartland and Hartford, to Hanover, twice a week.
Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m arrive at Northampton by 1 p m; leave Northampton at 1 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Hanover by 6 p m.
Returning—Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m arrive at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday & Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m.
30. From Shrewsbury by Holden, Rutland, Oakham, Hardwick, Greenough, Pelham and Amherst, to Northampton, once a week.
Leave Shrewsbury every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton by 10 a m on Thursday.
Leave Northampton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Shrewsbury on Friday by 6 p m.
31. From Hartford by Granby, Granville, Branford, Sandisfield, and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge, once a week.
Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Stockbridge every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 a m.
32. From East Bridgewater by Middleboro' East meeting-house, to Rochester, once a week.
Leave East Bridgewater every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Rochester by 11 a m.
Leave Rochester every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at East Bridgewater by 3 p m.
33. From Brookfield by Brimfield and Stafford Springs, to Tolland, once a week.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Tolland by 6 p m.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)

TO RENT.  THE COMMODORE'S  BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. MEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE,  AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a  HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and included with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or ex- changed for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid. Note—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN,  MERCHANT TAYLOR,  NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE  CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gen- tlemen of the District of Columbia that in ad- dition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Bennetts patent cord, woolvelten and waistcoating, fancy and black silk molekins, plain and striped black and newest fashion, plain and striped black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, plushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges him- self, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable man- ner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at pri- vate sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the sythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom fence, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small re- pairs, be rendered very comfortable. From its vicinity to two growing cities many ad- vantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be re- quired in cash or approved negotiable paper if the remainder rendered easy—or negroes re- ceived in payment. The subscriber or Wil- iam Searcy residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill, Some lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on rea- sonable terms or exchanged for negroes J. P. Jan. 29—eptf
STELLE'S HOTEL &  CITY TAVERN. THE subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 607 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of pur- chasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanlon at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
Treasury Department, Washington  May 3rd. 1806.  Notice is hereby Given, That sealed proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as Agent for the commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 13th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz. Eight per cent. Old Six per cent. and Deferred Six per cent. stocks, with the dividends payable on the first of July next off. Such persons as may be desirous of con- tracting for the sale of any portion of the ab- ove-mentioned stocks, are requested to trans- mit their proposals SEALED UP, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein the un- deemed amount and species of said stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same, which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law. In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transfer- red to the subscriber, in trust for the United States. TH: T. TUCKER, Treasurer United States. May 5—ept19j.
PURSUANT to a decree of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed to sale two Tracts of Land in the county of Loudon, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1097 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and sup- posed to contain about 1940 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of raising the sum of about 60000 DOLLARS, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the de- cree mentioned. The sales will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money, and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudon. THOS. SWANN, } Commis- WILSON C. SELDEN, } sioners. April 23—wtd
The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to pur- chase under the above decree (which was ob- tained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him), that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatever, the procuring a title to perfect such sale of the Land; the at- tempt to which is a vague and ill tempered effort. THOS. A. DIGGES, Warburton, Maryland, April 23—tj13.
The public are notified, and all persons are cautioned against purchasing cer- tain lands in Loudon county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swann and Selden, to be sold at Leesburg on the 13th day of June next; the fee of said estate being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges, of Maryland, an in- fant under age. ROBERT BRENT, attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges. City of Washington, April, 28—tJun13
A HOUSE & LOT  FOR SALE. WILL be offered at public sale on Tues- day the 3d of June next on the premises, on a credit of 90 days, a two story BRICK HOUSE, with two rooms and a passage on each floor, a cellar, and dry well therein; this house is situated on Lot No 10 in sq 728 on Bell Capitol street, fronting the capitol. Negotiable paper with improved endorsements will be required of the purchaser, and when paid a good title will be made by SAML. TYLER, Ex'r of Saml. Tyler, deceased. May 14—10t  BY virtue of a deed of trust from the rev. George Ralph to Saml. Tyler, deceased, and Mary Pottenger, will be sold at public sale, for cash on Tuesday the 10th day of June next, at Mr. Chaplier's tavern. Charlotte Hall Academy, in St. Mary's co. a tract or parcel of LAND called Hudson, situated, lying and being in the vicinity of said academy, in St. Mary's co. aforesaid, containing about 450 acres: also six NEGROES, consisting of three valuable men, a woman and two likely boys. MARY POTTENGER, Survivor of Samuel Tyler. May 14—13t
SPRING GOODS.  JOHN COX, HAS received a part of his Spring Assortment of Goods, consisting of many fancy and sub- stantial articles. He has also received by the Jefferson captain Hunt from Amsterdam, a quantity of Licktenburgs, Oznaburgs, Heili- ans, Hempens, Rolls, Gials and Quils, and by the Washington from Leghorn, Handsome Leghorn Chairs and Flats. All which goods he will sell at his usual low prices by the piece or retail. George Town, April 30—epNI&UG6w.
To STONE CUTTERS. WANTED in the City of Washington, a number of Stone Cutters—they will find great encouragement on applying to George Blagden at the Capitol. Washington, May 21—3t
JOHN LAW, HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, clerk of the County Court. May 21—2m
SALES BY AUCTION. WILL be sold at the store lately occupied by Peter Healy, deceased on New Jersey avenue on Saturday the 24th inst. Lundry articles in the Grocery Line, consisting of Brandy, Loaf and lump sugar, Hyson andouchong tea, Spermaceti candles, Pepper, Ginger, Allpe, Molasses, &c. &c. and One Harpfield. Also a good young Horse. Terms of sale, for sums under 20 dollars cash, and for purchases amounting to 20 dollars or more, notes at 60 days with sat- isfactory endorsements will be taken. ALSO, On the same day, at the same place, will be sold for cash, a number of Empty Sand Casks, a pair of excellent large Scales and Weights, several small scales for counters and a variety of other things such as measures, &c. useful in a grocery store. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. N. L. QUEEN, Auctioneer. May 21—2t
District of Columbia county of Wash-  ington, ss. ON the petition of HENRY SCHNIVELY an insolvent Debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Henry Schniv- ely that on the 2nd day of June next at 9 o'clock A. M. at the court room, in the capi- tol, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia, will be administered to the said Henry Schnively and a trustee appoint- ed unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published three times in the National Intelligencer, be- fore that day, and in a newspaper published in Baltimore and Alexandria. By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. Wm. BRENT, Ck. May 21—3t
THEOPHILUS HOLT, HAS received a fresh supply of  GARDEN SEEDS, &c. Suitable for the season, for sale at his garden, city of Washington. May 19—3t
NOTICE, IS hereby given that until the tax due to the Washington Corporation from the follow- ing persons be paid on or before the 28th day May next, the following property or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon, will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder. [CONTINUED.]    Capt. Addington, improve- ments on square 825  1803.  1.00    John E. Anderson lot 1 in sq  1803.  1.99    74 with improvements  4.  0.54    Adam Aults heirs 1 2 lot 8 in  1804.  1.69    sq 1 with improvements  5.  1.69    Mahlin Atkinson, 1 2 lot 11 in  1804.  4.70    sq 379 with improvements  1802.  14.15    Samuel Blodget, lot 6 it sq  3.  22.60    245 with improvements  4.  28.92     5.  28.92    John Barnett, part lot 11 in  1802.  1.17    sq 651 with improvements  4.  1.49     5.  1.49    Ignatius Boone, part of sq 907  1802.  2.97    with improvements  3.  4.06     4.  5.19    Matthew Brown, lot 1 in sq 686  1805.  21.73    and part of lot 19 in sq 689  1802.  0.87    with improvements  3.  1.51    Jesse Burch, lot 24 in sq 758  4.  1.93    with improvements  5.  1.93    Benjamin Bacon, Lot 5 in sq  1803.  2.16    218 and Lot 7 in sq 758  4.  2.76    with improvements  5.  2.76    John A. Burford, lot 1 in sq  1803.  3.13    881 with improvements  4.  4.02     5.  4.02    Daniel Buford, 1 2 Lot 6 in  1804.  5.37    sq 86, 2 3ds of Lot 1 in  5.  6.20    108 with improvements      George Betz, part of Lot  1804.  3.66    20 in sq 254 with improve-  5.  3.66    ments      Joseph Bently, 1 2 Lot 21 sq  1804.  1.92    254 with improvements  5.  1.92    Samuel Baker, part of sq 503  1804.  5.56    with improvements  5.  5.56    Mrs. Bull, house on sq 502  1804.  0.64     5.  0.64    Benjamin Bryan, part of sq  1802.  1.58    north of sq 743 and part  3.  2.96    of sq 906 with improve-  4.  3.78    ments  5.  3.78    John Brackenridge, Lot 12 in  1805.  7.43    sq 119 with improvements      Joel Brown, 1 2 lots 10 and 11  1803.  10.81    in sq 78 with improvements      Quinton Bain, Lot 5 in square  3.12     86 with improvements      Richard & Agulene Boyer, 1 2  3.48     Lot 15 in sq 168 with im-      provements  3.51     James H. Blake, Lot 2 in sq 289      with improvements  1.33     Richard H. Bratkears, 1 2 of lot  1802.  3.59    1 in sq 348 with impr.  3.  8.23     4.  4.04     5.  4.04    Bishop Clagett, Lot 18 in sq  1803.  26.74    168 with improvements  4.  34.22     5.  34.22    Crow & Wright, part of lot 1 in  1803.  5.84    sq 292 with improvements  1803.  1.06    Wm. Crofe, part of sq 825  4.  1.35    with improvements  5.  1.35    John Craig & others, lots 1,  1803.  26.74    2, & 7 in sq 771 with im-  4.  34.22    provements  5.  34.22    Daniel Caffray, part of sq 503  1803.  1.44    with imp. & imp. on sq  4.  1.84    376  5.  1.84  
  John Christy, part of lot 3 in  1804.  1.49    sq 460 with improvements  5.  1.49    Crookshanks & Thompson, lot 5  29.49     in sq 461 with improvements      Timothy Caldwell, part of lot 5  1802.  28.51    in sq 78 part of sq 118 with  3.  48.64    improvements & impr on sq 825  4.  62.23    Wm. Duncanson, part of sq  5.  62.23    651, whole of sq 767 and  1802.  0.29    square 875 with improve-  3.  0.35    ments  4.  0.44    James Dant, part of sq 502  5.  0.44    with improvements      Deblos and Nicholson  1802.  7.20    wharf & ware house  2.44     Alexander Davidson, lot 1  1803.  3.12    in sq 651 with improve-  4.  3.12    ments  5.  3.12    Jasper de Carnap's heirs,  1803.  1.50    sq 743 with improve-  4.  1.92    ments  5.  1.92    Hugh Densly part of sq 1803.  8.97     651 and part of sq 695,  4.  11.48    with improvements  5.  11.48    Richard Delphi, part of sq 1803.  1.63     738 with improvements  4.  2.08     5.  2.08    John Dempse, part of sq 1803.  0.34     737 with improvements  4.  1.07     5.  1.07    Elizabeth Ditterly, part of 1804.  1.65     lot 15 in sq 141 with im-  5.  1.65    provements      Joseph Dove, 1-2 of lot 3 in  1803.  2.12    sq 320 with improve-  4.  2.72    ments  5.  2.72    Evan Evans, 1-2 of lot 2  1802.  1.04    in sq 60 with improve-  3.  4.64    ments  4.  6.22     5.  6.22    Elixius Edelin, part of sq  1805.  10.62    936 with improvements  1803.  2.05    Richard Frazier, lot 5 in  4.  2.62    sq 700 with improve-  5.  2.62    ments      Edward Fallon, part of sq  1803.  6.29    225 with improvements  4.  8.95     5.  8.95    Bennet Yenwick's heirs,  1805.  30.91    lot 6 in sq 224, and lots      15 & 16 in sq 407 with      improvements      James Foulkner, lot 15 in  1805.  4.28    sq 377 with improve-  1802.  0.23    ments  3.  0.28    Joshua Gregg, part of sq  4.  0.36    502 with improvements  5.  0.36    Richard Gridley, part of 1802.  44.21     sq 503 with improve-  3.  4.63    ments  4.  5.92     5.  5.92    James Graham, improve-  1803.  0.50    ments on sq 662  4.  0.64     5.  0.64    Edward Griffin, pt of sq  1805.  1.38    325 with improvements  1802.  0.41    Peter Hull, part of sq 700      with improvements      William Herron, part of sq  1803.  1.48    288 with improvements  4.  1.83     5.  1.83    Daniel Hurley, part of lot  1803.  2.53    1 in sq 845 with im-  4.  3.24    provements  5.  3.24    Peter Hamm, improve-  1803.  12.80    ments on sq 118  1802.  0.86    George Jacobs, lot 5 in sq  3.  1.79    462 with improvements  4.  2.29     5.  2.29    William Johnson, lots 5 &      10 in sq 224 with im-      provements      Alexander Ingram, 1-2 of      lot 2 in sq south of sq      825, and part of sq 695      with improvements      Andrew Jameson, 1-2 of      lot 18 in sq 457 with im-      provements      Thomas Jones, part of sq      651 with improvements      Abalom Joy, part of lot 1      in sq 322, and half of lot      3 in sq 106 with im-      provements      James Knight, part of sq      651 with improvements      John Kennedy,