The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-04-28 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
NO. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
LITERARY.
Further extracts from Gibbon's Life—written by himself.
—BAYLE.—
“Bayle was the son of a Calvinist in a remote province of France, at the foot of the Pyrenees. For the benefit of education, the protestants were tempted to send their children in the Catholic Universities; and in the twenty-second year of his age, young Bayle was seduced by the arts and arguments of the jesuits at Toulouse. He remained about seventeen months (19th March, 1659—19th August, 1670) in their hands, a voluntary captive; and a letter to his parents, which the new convert composed or subscribed, (15th April, 1670) is darkly tinged with the spirit of popery. But nature had designed him to think as he pleased, and to speak as he thought; his piety was offended by the excessive worship of creatures; and the study of physics convinced him of the impossibility of transubstantiation, which is abundantly refuted by the evidences of our senses. His return to the communion of a failing sect was a bold and disinterested step, that exposed him to the rigor of the laws; and a speedy flight to Geneva protected him from the resentment of his spiritual tyrants, unconscious as they were of the full value of the prize, which they had lost. Had Bayle adhered to the Catholic Church, had he embraced the ecclesiastical profession, the genius and favor of such a proselyte might have aspired to wealth and honors in his native country: but the hypocrite would have found less happiness in the comforts of a benefice, or the dignity of a mitre, than he enjoyed at Rotterdam in a private state of exile, indifference, and freedom. Without a country, or a patron, or a prejudice, he claimed the liberty and subsisted by the labors of his pen: the inequality of his voluminous works is explained and excused by his alternately writing for himself, for the booksellers, and for posterity; and if a severe critic could reduce him to a single folio, that relic, like the books of the Sybil, would become still more valuable. A calm and lofty spectator of the religious contests, the philosopher of Rotterdam condemned with equal firmness the persecution of Lewis the Fourteenth, and the republican maxims of the Calvinists; their vain prophecies, and the intolérant bigotry which sometimes vexed his solitary retreat. In reviewing the controversies of the times, he turned against each other the arguments of the disputants; successively wielding the arms of the Catholics and Protestants, he proves that neither the way of authority, nor the way of examination can afford the multitude any test of religious truth; and dexterously concludes that custom and education must be the sole grounds of popular belief. The ancient paradox of Plutarch, that atheism is less pernicious than superstition, acquires a ten-fold vigor, when it is adorned with the colors of his wit, and pointed with the acuteness of his logic. His critical dictionary is a vast repository of facts and opinions; and he balances the false religious in his sceptical scales, till the opposite quantities (if I may use the language of Algebra) annihilate each other. The wonderful power which he so boldly exercised, of assembling doubts and objections, had tempted him jocosely to assume the title of the cloud-capturing Jove ; and in a conversation with the ingenious Abbe (afterwards Cardinal) de Polignac, he freely disclosed his universal skepticism. “I am not truly (said Bayle) a protestant; for I protest indifferently against all systems and all sects.”
“In the prayers of the church our personal concerns are judiciously re-
duced to the three-fold distinction of mind, body and estate . The sentiments of the mind excite and exercise our social sympathy. The review of my moral and literary character is the most interesting to myself and to the public; and I may expatiate, without reproach, on my private studies; since they have produced the public writings, which can alone entitle me to the esteem and friendship of my readers. The experience of the world indicates a discreet reserve on the subject of our person and estate, and we soon learn that a free disclosure of our riches or poverty would provoke the malice of envy, or encourage the insolence of contempt.”
His Early Love.
“I hesitate from the apprehension of ridicule, when I approach the delicate subject of my early love. By this word I do not mean the polite attention, the gallantry, without hope or design, which has originated in the spirit of chivalry, and is interwoven with the texture of French manners. I understood by his passion the union of desire, friendship and tenderness, which is inflamed by a single female, which prefers her to the rest of her sex, and which seeks her possession as the supreme or the sole happiness of our being. I need not blush at recollecting the object of my choice; and though my love was disappointed of success, I am rather proud that I was once capable of feeling such a pure and exalted sentiment. The personal attractions of Mademoiselle Susan Curchod were embellished by the virtues and talents of the mind. Her fortune was humble, but her family was respectable. Her mother, a native of France, had preferred her religion to her country. The profession of her father did not extinguish the moderation and philosophy of his temper, and he lived content with a small salary and arduous duty, in the obscure lot of minister of Crassy, in the mountains that separate the Pays de Vaud from the county of Burgundy. In the solitude of a sequestered village, he bestowed a liberal, and even learned, education on his only daughter. She surpassed his hopes by her proficiency in the sciences and languages; and in her short visits to some relations at Lausanne, the wit, the beauty, and erudition of Mademoiselle Curchod were the theme of universal applause. The report of such a prodigy awakened my curiosity. I saw and loved. I found her learned without pedantry, lively in conversation, pure in sentiment, and elegant in manners; and the first sudden emotion was fortified by the habits and knowledge of a more familiar acquaintance. She permitted me to make her two or three visits at her father's house. I passed some happy days there, in the mountains of Burgundy, and her parents honorably encouraged the connexion. In a calm retirement the gay vanity of youth no longer fluttered in her bosom; she listened to the voice of truth and passion, and I might presume to hope that I had made some impression on a virtuous heart. At Crassy and Lausanne I indulged my dream of felicity; but on my return to England, I soon discovered that my her would not bear of this strange alliance, and that without his consent I was myself destitute and helpless. After a painful struggle I yielded to my fate: I sighed as a lover, I obeyed as a son; my wound was insensibly healed by time, absence, and the habits of a new life. My cure was accelerated by a faithful report of the tranquility and cheerfulness of the lady herself, and my love subsided in friendship and esteem. The minister of Crassy soon afterwards died; his stipend died with him: his daughter retired to Geneva, where by teaching young ladies, she earned a hard subsistence for herself and her mother; but in her lowest distress she maintained a spotless reputation, and a dignified behavior. A rich banker of Paris, a citizen of Geneva, had the good fortune and good sense to discover and possess this inestimable treasure; and in the capital of taste and luxury she resisted the temptations of wealth, as she had sustained the hardships of indigence. The genius of her husband has exalted him to the most conspicuous station in Europe. In every change of prosperity and disgrace he has reclined on the bosom of a faithful friend; and Mademoiselle Curchod is now the wife of M. Necker, the minister, and perhaps the legislator, of the French monarchy.”
—Excellent advice to students—
As I am now entering on a more ample field of society and study, I can only hope to avoid a vain and prolix parade, by overlooking the vulgar crowd of my acquaintance, and confining myself to such intimate friends among book and men, as are best entitled to my notice by their own merit and reputation, or by the deep impression which they have left on my mind. Yet I will embrace this occasion of recommending to the young student a practice, which about this time I myself adopted. After glancing my eye over the design and order of a new book, I suspended the perusal till I had finished the task of self-examination, till I had revolved, in a solitary walk, all that I knew or believed, or had thought, on the subject of the whole work, or of some particular chapter: I was then qualified to discern how much the author added to my original stock; and I was sometimes satisfied by the agreement, I was sometimes armed by the opposition, of our ideas.”
—Enthusiasm on visiting Rome.—
“My temper is not very susceptible of enthusiasm, & the enthusiasm which I do not feel, I have ever seemed to affect. But, at the distance of twenty-five years, I can neither forget nor express the strong emotions which agitated my mind as I first approached and entered the eternal city . After a sleepless night, I trod, with a lofty step, the ruins of the forum; each memorable spot where Romulus stood, or Tully spoke, or Cæsar fell, was at once present to my eye; and several days of intoxication were lost or enjoyed before I could descend to a cool and minute investigation.”
—First idea of writing the Decline and Fall —
“It was at Rome, on the 15th of October 1764, as I sat musing amidst the ruins of the Capitol, while the barefooted friars were singing vespers in the temple of Jupiter, that the idea of writing the Decline and Fall of the City first started to my mind. But my original plan was circumscribed to the decay of the city rather than of the empire: and, though my reading and reflections began to point towards that object, some years elapsed, and several avocations intervened, before I was seriously engaged in the execution of that laborious work.”
—Entry into House of Commons—
“character of Lord North, Burke, Fox, &c.—brilliant success of his first volume.”
“No sooner was I settled in my house and library, than I undertook the composition of the first volume of my history. At the outset all was dark and doubtful; even the title of the work, the true era of the Decline and Fall of the Empire , the limits of the introduction, the division of the chapters, and the order of the narrative; and I was often tempted to cast away the labor of seven years. The style of an author should be the image of his mind, but the choice and command of language is the fruit of exercise. Many experiments were made before I could hit the mid-tone between a dull chronicle and a rhetorical declamation: three times did I compose the first chapter, and twice the second and third before I was tolerably satisfied with their effect. In the remainder of the way I advanced with a more equal and easy pace; but the fifteen and sixteen chapters have been reduced by three successive revisions, from a large volume to their present size; and they might still be compressed, without any loss of facts or sentiments. An opposite fault may be imputed to the concise and superficial narrative of the first reigns from Commodus to Alexander; a fault of which I have never heard, except from Mr. Hume in his last journey to London. Such an oracle might have been consulted and obeyed with rational devotion; but I was soon disgusted with the modest practice of reading the manuscript to my friends. Of such friends, some will praise from politeness, and some will censure from vanity. The author himself is the best judge of his own performance; no one has so dexterously imitated on the subject; no one is so sincerely interested in the event.”
“By the friendship of Mr. (now Lord) Eliot who had married my first cousin, I was returned at the general election for the borough of Leskeard. I
took my seat at the beginning of the memorable contest between Great Britain and America, and supported, with many a sincere and silent vote, the rights, though not, perhaps, the interests, of the mother country. After fleeting it was hope, prudence convinced me to acquiesce in the humble station of a mute. I was not armed by nature and education with the rapid energy of mind and voice.”
“Vincemur strepitus, et natum rebus agendis.”
“Timidity was fortified by pride, and even the success of my pen discouraged the trial of my voice. But I assisted at the debates, of a free assembly; I listened to the attack and defence of eloquence and reason; I had a near prospect of the characters, views, and passions of the first men of the age. The cause of government was ably vindicated by Lord North, statesman of spotless integrity, a consummate master of debate, who could wield, with equal dexterity, the arms of reason and of ridicule. He was seated on the Treasury bench between his Attorney and Solicitor General, the two pillars of the law and state, magis pares quam similes ; and the minister might indulge in a short slumber, whilst he was upheld on either hand by the majestic sense of Thurlow, and the skillful eloquence of Wedderburne. From the adverse side of the House an ardent and powerful opposition was supported, by the lively declamation of Barre, the legal acuteness of Dunning, the profuse and philosophic fancy of Burke, and the argumentative vehemence of Fox, who in the conduct of a party approved himself equal to the conduct of an empire. By such men every operation of peace and war, every principle of justice or policy, every question of authority and freedom, was attacked, and defended; and the subject of the momentous contest was the union or separation of Great Britain and America. The eight sessions that I sat in Parliament were a school of civil prudence, the first and most essential virtue of a historian.”
“The volume of my history, which had been somewhat delayed by the novelty and tumult of a first session, was now ready for the press. After the perilous adventure had been declined by my friend Mr. Elmsly, I agreed, upon easy terms, with Mr. Thomas Cadell, a respectable bookseller, and Mr. William Strahan, an eminent printer; and they undertook the care and risk of the publication, which derived more credit from the name of the shop than from that of the author. The last revision of the proofs was submitted to my vigilance, and many blemishes of style, which had been invisible in the manuscript, were discovered and corrected in the printed sheet. So moderate were our hopes, that the original impression had been stinted to five hundred, till the number was doubled by the prophetic taste of Mr. Strahan. During this awful interval I was neither elated by the ambition of fame, nor depressed by the apprehension of contempt. My diligence and accuracy were attested by my own conscience. History is the most popular species of writing, since it can adapt itself to the highest or the lowest capacity. I had chosen an illustrious subject, Rome is familiar to the school-boy and the statesman; and my narrative was deduced from the last period of classical reading. I had likewise flattered myself, that an age of light and liberty would receive, without scandal, an enquiry into the human causes of the progress and establishment of christianity.”
“I am at a loss how to describe the success of the work, without betraying the vanity of the writer. The first impression was exhausted in a few days; a second and a third edition were scarcely adequate to the demand; and the bookseller's property was twice invaded by the pirates of Dublin. My book was on every table; and almost on every toilette: the historian was crowned by the taste or fashion of the day; nor was the general voice disturbed by the barking of any profane critic. The favor of mankind is most freely bestowed on a new acquaintance of any original merit; and the mutual surprise of the public and their favorite is prospective of those warm sensibilities, which a second meeting can no longer be required. If I listened to the music of praise, I was more seriously satisfied
with the approbation of my judges. The candor of Dr. Robertson embraced his disciple. A letter from Mr. Hume overpaid the labor of ten years; but I have never presumed to accept a place in the triumvirate of British historians.”
(To be Continued.)
The following is the answer of the late President of the U. S. to the address of the last Legislature of Georgia.
The address which the Legislature of Georgia, the immediate organ of the will of their constituents, has been pleased to present to me, is received with that high satisfaction, which the approbation of so respectable a state is calculated to inspire.
During the unexampled contest which has so long afflicted Europe, which has prostrated all the laws which have hitherto been deemed sacred among nations, and have so long constituted the rule of their intercourse, we had vainly hoped that our distance from the scene of rage, and the invariable justice with which we have conducted ourselves towards all parties, would shield us from its baleful effects; but that commerce indispensably necessary, for the exchange of the produce of this great agricultural country for the things which we want, increased by a temporary succession to the commerce of other nations, as being ourselves the only neutrals, has brought us into contact with the lawless belligerents in every sea, and threatens to involve us in the vortex of their contests.
The privations, from the want of a vent for our produce, have been the unavoidable result of the edicts of the belligerent powers. Should the measure adopted in consequence of them, and which meets your approbation, still save the lives and property of our brethren from the insults and rapacity of these powers, it will be a fortunate addition to the other benefits derived from it. On the other hand, should our embarrasments eventuate in war, I am satisfied that the state of Georgia will zealously emulate her sister states in supporting the government of their choice and maintaining the rights and interests of the nation: our soil—our industry—and our numbers—with the bravery which will be engaged in the cause—can never leave us without resources to maintain such a contest.
To no events which can concern the future welfare of my country, can I ever become an indifferent spectator. Her prosperity will be my joy—her calamities my affliction.
Thanked for the indulgence with which my conduct has been viewed by the Legislature of Georgia, and for the kind expressions of their good will, I supplicate the favor of Heaven towards them and our beloved country.
TH: JEFFERSON.
February 3, 1809.
INTERESTING DISCOVERY IN VIRGINIA.
A Copper Mine has been discovered on a spur of the Blue Ridge, about two miles from its base, and about 9 or 10 miles from Stannardsville in the county of Orange. It is nearly the same distance from the south branch of the Rappahannock river.
This mine is situated on the lands of a Mr. Zachariah Taylor, of that county—a person not in the most affluent circumstances, to whom this discovery may prove a valuable acquisition. On making this discovery known to the government of the U. States, the late secretary of War, Gen. Dearborn, requested an intelligent gentleman of Orange to examine the premises and make a report upon the situation of the mine, and the richness and abundance of the ore. This report has just been transmitted to the department of war, accompanied by various specimens of the earth, the ore, and the virgin copper itself. It has not been decided what steps will be taken by the government of the U. S. in consequence of this report.
It is discovered, that this mine is of considerable dimensions. From the point where it commences, it runs about three fourths of a mile north, and then forms almost a right angle, whence it runs about three fourths of a mile further—being in all about one mile and a half long. It is from 25 to 60 or 70 yards wide, and though it has been dug down to the depth of 10 feet, the earth at that point is as much impregnated with the metal as at its surface.

The soil, with which it is incorporated, is of a reddish and yellowish cast; interspersed with pieces of rock. Fragments of the virgin metal are found fixed in this rock, from which there are sometimes stricken very fine fragments of copper. We have now a very beautiful specimen of it in our possession. A mass nearly 2 lbs. in weight, has been sent to Peale's Museum for preservation.
We have seen some of the specimens of the ore and the earth, which have been lately sent to the war department. No. 1. was the virgin ore extracted from a small rock about 50 yards from the point where it is said that Mr. Grant now a co-proprietor of the mine, obtained the ore which he formerly exhibited in this city. No. 2. was extracted from a different part of the rock. No. 1. of the earth was taken from the bottom of a ditch about 9 feet below the surface. No. 2. about 3 feet below the surface. A great proportion of the rock, when broken in pieces, does not exhibit any signs of the verdigres, which encrusts a part of the specimen in our possession—nor any signs of the ore. These pieces of the rock from which the largest pieces of the copper were taken, preserve all the external appearances of the common rock.
It is found, on exposing some of the earth, which exhibits not the least metallic appearance, to the heat of a common furnace, that the metal still separates from its earth and sinks to the bottom. From the size of the button thus obtained, the most favorable anticipations have been made by our informant of the quantity of pure copper with which the earth is impregnated. Nature too has done a great deal towards facilitating the process of extraction. The whole country around abounds in fine woods of chestnut—and the mine is not so far distant from the markets as to enhance the price of metal to any very great degree.
Such a discovery is of immense importance—not only to the private manufacturer of brass ware—but to the government itself, in its foundery for the casting of cannon. It is astonishing, that during the whole course of the last session of the Virginia Legislature, not a hint of this discovery was dropped—not a single step taken towards profiting by it. It is surely an object peculiarly worthy of the notice and patronage of the Legislature of Virginia. Inquirer.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS, JAN. 25.
Monument to Sir J. Moore, and thanks to the conquerors of Corunna.
LORD CASTLEREAGH, before entering upon a subject, which so sensibly touched the feelings, not only of the house, but of the country, could not help congratulating them and those more immediately connected with the illustrious hero who had lately fallen in the cause of his country, on the glorious circumstances attending their heavy loss—circumstances which in some measure were calculated to console them for that melancholy event. It seldom happened that any great or important advantage, or any splendid victory was obtained, without its being their lot to mix feelings of the most poignant regret for some individual loss, with those of gratitude for services, and exultations for triumphs.
Such was the case in the present instance, where we had to lament the fall of an individual, whose death, from his distinguished character, his military exploits, his time of life, and his promise of future excellence, was to be lamented as one of the greatest national calamities—( Hear! Hear! )—In expressing the deepest sentiments of regret on this loss, it was pleasing to him, and to Britain to do justice to the merits of the individual they deplored. It was in some degree satisfactory to know, that though wounded, and sensible of his approaching dissolution, the late gallant commander of the British army in Spain retained his mental possession and strength to the last; that he was able to follow up the transaction he had so ably planned to its close, and to learn that it had been attended with complete success. In this awful and interesting state he had but one wish remaining, a wish which every individual in the British empire would be most eager and anxious to fulfil; it was, that the services he had performed might be acknowledged, and marked with the approbation of his country. That such a signal mark of approbation would be given by the vote of this night, he could entertain no doubt. If Sir J. Moore had not been able to accomplish all that was expected; if he was not able to achieve the arduous task of rescuing Spain from the tyrant's grasp, the blame was not his ( Claud and incessant cry of hear, hear, from the opposition ). It pained him (continued the noble lord) to see party feelings manifested so loudly on this occasion. If those gentlemen who
gave way to so ill-timed a display of their political opinions, did think that the blame lay with his majesty's ministers, they might find a more proper opportunity of urging their sentiments, than on this solemn occasion, ( hear, hear, from the ministerial side .) To return, however, to the subject on which he had met with this interruption, he wished to call to the remembrance of the House the number and glory of the many military actions which had distinguished the life, and crowned with immortal fame the death of Sir John Moore. Yet a detail of these memorable achievements would only lessen the effect of their united and continued splendor. He would therefore confine himself to the last of the gallant General's heroic course, which he could not in justice to his memory refrain from giving with the warmest eulogy his powers of language were equal to. A bare recapitulation would be a splendid monument to his memory, for whom it was the ultimate design of his present address to procure a monument of another kind as a proof of national gratitude and esteem. Whether the extent of the difficulties to be surmounted, or the manner in which it was executed, were considered, his march into Spain would ever rank as one of the first displays of military skill and excellent disposition. On the arrival of the army at Salamanca, they were in the most perfect and complete state that ever men were in to take the field against the enemy. In order, in discipline, and in every military requisite, they were competent to carry into execution any plan their commander might embrace. As for number it did not depend upon him ( Hear, hear, from the opposition ) but in every other respect, no army ever existed better calculated to execute the purposes for which it was destined. It was not for want of transports that he determined to march into Spain by land, but he considered this mode as best calculated for military effect. No doubt could possibly be entertained of the propriety of this step, for if the army had been assembled (by sea) in Galicia, it must have been destroyed to all intents and purposes, and rendered unfit for service, from the barrenness of the country, and the want of every necessary resource. When the junction had been formed with the other division of the British force, Sir J. Moore learned the fate of the allied armies, with which it was intended he should have co-operated. He was now convinced that it was impossible for him to stand singly against the immense power of France, and relinquishing every idea of so fruitless and dangerous a resolution he determined to run the risk of making a powerful diversion in favor of the Spanish force in the South, by drawing the attention of the concentrated French armies to the North. He felt, that in executing this plan some danger must be incurred; but as it would insure great national and general advantages, to draw the enemy from the back of those armies they had just defeated, he resolved to carry it into effect, at the same time taking the chance of being enabled to attack Soult, and thereby add to the glory and fame of British arms, and animate our allies to redoubled exertions. As far as the first part of this plan was concerned he was eminently successful, as a more decisive and efficacious diversion was never made. With regard to the latter part; although disappointed in his design of attacking the enemy, under Soult, yet Providence gave him an opportunity before he was snatched from the service of his country, of leaving to the army an example of the most eminent military talents, and covering his country with that glory which on sound principles he durst not venture to contend for at Sahagun and Saldana.
At Corunna, notwithstanding the severity of the weather, the fatigues of a most arduous march, and the destitute state of the country, he had at length the satisfaction of being able to meet and to defeat an enemy, his superior in every respect but in bravery, discipline, and determined resolution. When the movements of an army are so rapid as those of ours necessarily were, the retreating army are compelled to leave behind them all those who are too weak to maintain the exertions required for the celerity of the march, while the enemy on the other hand follows, with the most strong athletic of his forces. It was thus not a trial of courage, but of physical strength. If, after all this, an army could completely defeat and embark in the presence of a superior force, which they had beat the day before; if their embarkation was so complete, that not a single wounded man, not a single piece of artillery, or an article of the capture of which the enemy could boast, were left; it was impossible to deny, that such an achievement ranked with the most
glorious that ever adorned the British name. A more splendid movement of combined naval and military means, never was witnessed. It justified government in making use of these two strong arms for the salvation of the oppressed world. As all the actions of the gallant general, whose loss they so deeply lamented, were fresh in memory, he would add no more to what he had said, in which language was too weak to do justice to his feelings on the transcendent merit of the departed hero. The noble lord concluded with moving, that an humble address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty would be graciously pleased to order a monument to be erected in gratitude to the memory of Lieutenant General Sir John Moore, K. B. in the Cathedral Church of St. Paul's, who after having spent an honorable and meritorious life in the service of his country, fell, deeply lamented, on the 16th of January, 1809, at Corunna, where he defeated a very superior French army, and established the glory of the British military character.
LORD H. PARRY was sure that not one moment should be lost in an opposition to this vote, which was a tribute of national justice as well as national gratitude, to the immortal commander, whose loss they now so feelingly deplored. He wished to express in the warmest manner his satisfaction at the speech of the noble lord, which was no less just in sentiment, than emphatic in language. He hoped it would go forth to the public as the opinion and words of government. While he thus expressed the pleasure he had received from the noble lord, he could not help stating the deep indignation he had felt at seeing on the very day on which they were assembled to erect that pious monument to the memory of departed greatness, a part of the press of this country levelling its envenomed shafts, and endeavoring to rob him of the laurels which so gloriously decked his brow. If these were persons who thought to please the noble lord by the course they had taken, he trusted they would be convinced of their mistake, by what they had heard this night. He wished to turn the attention of the country to the emphatic language of the noble lord. It was their duty both in and out of that House, to take care that while they erected a monument to a most distinguished individual, they did not neglect the preservation of his fame, which was more durable than marble, and more permanent than brass. He did not mean to say that death ought to canonize errors, or the grave shelter misconduct; but after his splendid course, and perishing in the last glorious attempt to add to the fame of his country, it was not too much to expect that the voice of censure should be suspended until his fellow soldiers had an opportunity of doing justice to the detail, as justice had been done to the general principle which actuated his conduct.
The question was now put by the Speaker, and carried unanimously.
AMERICA. MARCH 6.
MR. WHITBREAD rose for the purpose of making his intended motion with regard to America. He commenced by observing, that he would call the attention of the House to that series of disastrous events which so fatally characterised the former American war, and which may now prevent the infatuation with which we were hurrying into another. It had pleased Heaven, that all our efforts to crush that country were vain and futile. She grew into gigantic strength, and forced us to acknowledge her independence. Of her it may be said that she was,
"Non sine diis animosus infans."
The strength which she acquired, she used for the interests of G. Britain. She possessed within her, powers equal to rendering us a match for the rest of the world, and those, at a moment when, exclusive of her, we have the whole world to cope with. The opportunity was too inviting to escape the notice of the statesman. He could wish that it were improved upon, and that the proffered co-operation with America held out to us, had not been set aside for the indulgence of a false point of honor. He would say, that this far exceeded all present cases of reputed importance. It had not only included a line of retrospect, but of prospective measures also. He trusted, that the House (though unaided and unsupported by ministers) would have the resolution to perform what the opposite gentlemen had not the prudence to think of. He was aware of the great abilities which would be brought into action against him; and he confessed, the apprehensions which he felt from the talents of the right hon. gentleman who had just made his appearance. The force on his side was unfortunately weak. Now, more than ever, did he feel the loss of that
great civilian (the late Dr. Lawrence) whose presence on this occasion would be cheering and invigorating. He hoped, that gentlemen on the opposite benches, however inclined they were to jest on him while living, would concur with him in paying the deserved tribute to his memory, now that he was no more. ( Hear! Hear! ) He was an accomplished model of integrity and science. He could wish that he had even left his mantle with his party. As to himself, weak and unlearned as he was, he would confide in a scrip and sling against the Goliaths of the opposite side. He would, however, previous to entering the lists, in conformity with the etiquette of chivalrous tournaments, advance a few preliminaries. He begged leave to observe, that he should not be the last man to vindicate his own honor. It had been said, that his defence of America was a defence of the enemies of his country. He was an advocate for that defence; and it would appear so in that defence; inasmuch as that he ventured to point out where his country was an enemy to herself. He deprecated the idea of being influenced by a party administration. It was against the orders of the 7th Jan. and 11th Nov. he would in the present instance contend. He said, that they were a monument of ministerial arrogance and incapacity. The right hon. gentleman opposite was mistaken, when he supposed that all obstacles were removed by these measures, or even supposing that the fragments were broken up. The snake was scratched, not killed; and it would come on again with accumulated vigor in its attack and accumulated venom in its sting. He apprehended that America would add to the many false predictions which the mighty prophets opposite pronounced on the affairs of Spain at the commencement. Ministers had been as flippant in their prophecies regarding one as the other, and the event in both had been uniformly false and fatal. What, he would ask, had been the benefit which was so frequently boasted of, that resulted to our manufactures from the adoption of measures proposed by the Orders in Council? An hon. member on a former debate, had represented the Irish linen manufacturers to be in a truly lamentable condition Where was the predicted increase of exports and imports? He would not now grovel in custom house searches, but he would confidently state, that there was a diminution of eleven millions in the export and imports of this country. With regard to the increased importation of raw materials, such as cotton, wool, &c., which it was so confidently predicted would take place, he begged to inform the House, that half an hour previous to his entrance, he received reports which stated the deficit to be enormous. Formerly, the importation of those articles amounted to 32,000,000; whereas now from the boasted resources of Asia and the Brazils, they amount to little more than five millions. In the year during which the Berlin decree was in full operation, a decree which excited such general concern and dismay, the exports and imports were much greater than in any other hitherto. It would be material, he conceived to observe, how they were reduced by the operation of the Orders in Council. Another of these predictions had proved as ill founded as it was current; and that was, the insurrection—the rising in mass of the French people, in consequence of being debarred the advantages of colonial trade by the adoption of those measures. But, he would ask, has Bonaparte found his men less willing to march forward at his command, because they were furnished with a less supply of coffee and sugar for their breakfasts? ( A laugh ) Did he in consequence of such measures being adopted, rescind the Berlin decree? Out of 32 cotton mills employed at full work hitherto in Manchester six only are now represented to be at half work. It would not, he conceived, be exactly correct, to depend on the Baltic for a supply of flax seed, as the right hon. gentleman opposite had mentioned. He was himself too old (the right hon. gentleman was older) to depend upon improvements from process of time. Unappalled by accumulated horrors, and elated by a little success, which they have not viewed as prudent men would, instead of generously seizing such moments to extend the hand of friendship, his Majesty's ministers, in proportion to their success increased in rancor and enmity. The honorable member observed, that from the similarity of language, and other circumstances, more occasions of dissatisfaction, on the part of America, had arisen than that on which he now had the honor to address the House—The impressment of her sailors and the violation of her neutrality, by burning on her coast, within the precincts of her protection, a French vessel which took refuge there, were recorded instances.
WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, APRIL 23.
We yesterday published the following interesting letters, in an Extra Paper.
THOMAS FITZSIMONS, President of the Chamber of Commerce at Philadelphia, to the Secretary of State.
Philadelphia, April 22, 1809.
SIR, The Proclamation of the President of the United States, published here yesterday, has necessarily engaged the attention of the merchants of this city, and I am particularly requested by a respectable number of them to ask from you an explanation on a point in it considered as very important. That is, whether the 10th of June refers to the departure of vessels from the United States, or to their arrival in Great Britain or its dependencies.
Without presuming to hazard an opinion upon that point, it may not be improper to remark, that if the latter shall be declared to be its true intent and meaning, the advantage to the United States will be incalculable. As respects expeditions to India, it may be observed, that if vessels do not sail before the tenth of June, they must encounter all the delays and dangers of the adverse Monsoons, and as it respects the export of articles the growth or produce of the United States, the advantages are too obvious to require enumeration.
Under a firm persuasion, that it is the desire of the President to give all proper facility to the commerce of the United States, the merchants of this city wish this question to be submitted to the President as soon as your convenience will permit; and that you will be pleased to favor me with his determination thereon.
I am with great respect, (Signed) THS. FITZSIMONS, Pr. of Phil. Ch. Com.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 26, 1809.
SIR, Your letter of the 22d inst. I have received, and I have the honor of stating to you, that in pursuance of the statute, commonly called the non-intercourse act, the President, having by his proclamation merely declared the revocation on the 10th of June, of the British Orders, has left the fact subject to the operation of the law thereon.
In answer, however, to the question particularly propounded by you, it with propriety may be added, that the day stated in the proclamation, viz: the 10th of June, refers to the arrival of vessels in Great Britain and its dependencies, and in the United States, leaving the time and manner of their clearances to the discretion of the owners, as far as law and usage may justify.
I have the honor to be, &c. Signed, R. SMITH. THOMAS FITZSIMONS, Esq. President of the Chamber of Commerce, Philadelphia.
Thoughts on our present situation—(Concluded)—But valuable as the effects of the Embargo have been on the present occasion, its future influence on our peace and prosperity will be infinitely more important.
Had it failed of success on this occasion, we should have been compelled hereafter in our commercial controversies to have had resort to war, a frequent recurrence to which would, in all human probability, not only have been attended with the usual horrors of that prolific source of misery, but would likewise have gradually changed the structure of our government, and might have ended in the subversion of our liberties. Large standing armies, immense navies, & correspondent taxes would have scarcely failed to arm the Executive with powers too potent for our rights. Amidst the din of arms, and the pressure of foreign violence, a more summary jurisprudence, than that of ordinary courts of law, would have settled the unavoidable collisions between the government and its citizens. These dangers are averted by the success of the Embargo.
Its success lies, in the next place, reinstated us in the esteem of the world, which, ever judging by events, will now approve the Embargo as a wise and efficient measure, adapted to our circumstances, and competent, when judiciously used, to obtain for our just rights a due respect. It cannot be concealed, that we had approached a solemn crisis, or denied, that we had taken ground for the maintenance of our maritime rights, that imperiously called for decisive measures—measures that should conclusively determine our competency to protect them. The die had been cast. It no longer remained a question, whe-

ther commerce should or should not be protected. The nation and the government had, in the most solemn manner, pledged themselves for its protection. And had the pacific measure of the Embargo failed, war must have ensued; and the issue of war is always doubtful. The success of the Embargo has averted the necessity of taking this desperate step, the last which ought ever to be taken by a free government; and has insured to us, what is of infinite consequence, the respect of mankind.
After the example, which England, with her vast navy, her numerous colonies, and extensive commerce, has set, we may rationally hope, that other nations on like occasions will feel less repugnance to imitating her example. What the mistress of the ocean has done, it will be no degradation in minor maritime powers to do also. But the felicity of the experiment principally consists in this. The apprehension of being coerced in a like way will teach the governments of Europe the policy of abstaining from aggressions on our maritime rights, and no occasion may arise for many years for a similar resort. In the mean time our progress in numbers and wealth and power will be rapid, the national debt will have been greatly reduced, if not totally extinguished, and the receipts of our treasury will have increased in the same proportion with the diminution of our expenses; thus leaving a large surplus, applicable, according to the will of the government, either to internal improvement, to defence, or to the establishment of a fund, ready on any emergency, to second the government in calling forth the energies of the nation, without a recurrence to extraordinary taxes. One memorable fact requires distinct notice. Notwithstanding the continuance of the Embargo for fifteen months, the government has proceeded, without a pause, to comply with all its engagements, and to carry into effect all its fiscal arrangements, including a larger discharge of the public debt than has been reimbursed in any preceding year, without the imposition of a new tax, or loaning a dollar; and, notwithstanding all these demands on the treasury, with the additional millions actually applied to fitting out the navy, increasing the army, and fortifying the country, several millions in the treasury still remain untouched. Whatever other effects, then, the Embargo may have produced, it has not in the least deranged the finances of the government, which will remain adequate to every purpose for which they were instituted. Have we not, then, fellow-citizens, most abundant reasons to return thanks to the beneficent Being that preside over the universe, for inspiring our government with the wisdom to propose such a measure?
One important topic remains to be noticed. What will be the probable state of our relations with France, in consequence of this accommodation with England? In the first place, it may be remarked that France can have no reason to complain of this accommodation; on the contrary, if she consult her true interests, she must be gratified at it. Our government have made the same proposition, substantially, to both nations. Revoke your edicts, and we will resume our commercial intercourse with you. England, says France, was the original aggressor. Her invasions of neutral rights were the sole cause of my decrees. Let her, then, first revoke them, and I will rescind my decrees. Well, England has revoked her orders in council, has declared her amicable disposition, has implicitly promised to respect our neutral rights, and offered to negotiate a treaty for placing them on a stable foundation. Ought not this to satisfy France, and should she not, with alacrity, seize the occasion, now offered, of withdrawing her edicts with the causes that produced them? Judging of her by the motives which she has herself assigned for her measures, we have a right to hope that she will embrace the opportunity with unfeigned satisfaction. By the revocation of the British orders the trade of America with the continent of Europe, and with the colonies of France, is again opened. Is not, this, exactly what will best advance the interests of France? Will she not, by this means, be enabled advantageously to dispose of her colonial produce and her own foreign productions, at the same time that, in so doing, she promotes the interest of a powerful commercial rival to her inveterate enemy? There is, then, surely, strong reason to hope that a government so enlightened as that of France will not be backward to seize so propitious an occasion of advancing her own interests, instead of exclusively listening to the suggestions of hostility to England.
Some seem to think that France will go to war with us, as soon as she shall have received intelligence of our accommodation with England. But why go to war? What can she gain
by war? She cannot conquer us; and if she could, what would that avail her without a navy and commerce? By such a step, she would only more consolidate our interests with those of Great Britain, and thus the more effectually strengthen the arm of her enemy. The only rational motive that could be assigned for such a step, would be the expectation that she would thereby be able to drive us from any union or accommodation with England. But her only instrument for accomplishing this purpose is naked physical force, which even if she had at command in sufficient strength, she has not the means of transporting. The idea then that she would entertain any such hope is perfectly visionary. The alarm at a French invasion in 1800 was ridiculous; but it is infinitely more so now. For France had then a great and powerful navy, whereas she has now, literally, none.
Should, however, all this be idle speculation, there is one thing most certain. If our government, standing on the high and just ground it has taken, should be forced into a war with France, the nation will be united as one man. Whatever external difficulties, we may have to encounter, within we shall be united heart and hand. There will be no French party among us.
The citizens of New York, of all parties, appear to have received the intelligence of the adjustment of our differences with England with the liveliest demonstrations of joy. The Common Council immediately convened, who recommended the firing of salutes from the battery, the ringing of the bells, and a display of the flags of the vessels in port at the mast head. A notification accompanied this announcement, that the Mayor would receive the congratulations of the Common Council and of his fellow citizens from 12 to 2 o'clock.
Accordingly, says the Mercantile Advertiser of the 25th inst.— In this city yesterday the happy event was celebrated by the ringing of bells; a federal salute from the forts, and frigate Constitution, at sun-rise, noon, and sun-set public meetings of the two great parties, and in the evening by illuminations.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT. COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE. April 18, 1807. The Secretary of the Treasury has referred to me, your letter to him of the 7th inst. I am of opinion, that a vessel, being at a licenced port, may, after the proclamation of the President of the United States, contemplated by the 11th section of the act of 1st of March last, proceed to any port which shall be permitted under the proclamation pursuant to that section, without a forfeiture of the bond previously executed pursuant to the provisions of the last recited act.
Yours, &c. G. DUVAL.
VIRGINIA ELECTION. Wm. A. Burwell is re-elected for the district of Campbell, &c.
MONTGOMERY COUNTY. Major Daniel Shaffey 299 Col. F. Preston 97
RUSSEL COUNTY. Major D. Shaffey has a majority of upwards of 70.
MONONGALIA DISTRICT. The aggregate of votes received in this district are,
For John G. Jackson 1005 Noah Linsley 743
The counties of Brooke and Randolph yet remain to be heard from, which in 1807, gave to Mr. Jackson 230 votes and to the federal candidate 137.
  PRINCE EDWARD.    Randolph 342  Baker 84  Smith, rep. Swoope, fed.  Pendleton, 120 183  Bath, 121 140  Hardy, 40 268  Rockingham, 610 127  891 716  
The election is yet to take place in Augusta County; and there appears to be no doubt of the success of the republican candidate.
SHENANDOAH COUNTY. Gen. Smith, Rep. 562 No opposition.
Baltimore, April 25. By the British barque Esther, arrived at Philadelphia in 32 days from Liverpool, the Editor of the Federal Gazette has received his files of London papers to the evening of the 8th, and Liverpool to the 9th of March, inclusive. The London Courier is chiefly devoted to the affairs of the Duke of York. It appears from these papers, that a new war was about commencing; not, perhaps, between France and Austria alone, as we observe some uneasiness on the part
of Denmark, Danish vessels in the ports of France having received secret instructions to slip off at all hazards. The London papers count greatly on the influence of the queen of Prussia in detaching the emperor of Russia from France. Gen. Sherbrooke had sailed with the division from Cork; but was forced back by strong head winds.
Dispatches from Admiral Stopford, and letters from officers in his fleet, speak confidently of the destruction or capture of most of the Brest fleet, now at Rochefort. Three frigates have been much shattered and drove aground.
The British continued to receive supplies from the United States, as will be seen by our ship news department.
In addition to the list of vessels expected from England there are 20 ship and brigs loading at Liverpool for British America. Those taking freight to the United States, engage to land the goods in Canada and Nova Scotia if our ports shall have been shut against British manufactures." Very great quantities of merchandize may be expected.
New York, April 24. Yesterday arrived at this port the British Packet Carteret, Patterson, from Falmouth, which place she left the 25th of March. Captain P. positively favored the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser, with London papers the evening of the 9th of March, from which the following articles are copied.
London, March 9. The accounts from Spain are of a very gratifying nature. The Spanish Ambassador received dispatches from Seville yesterday, dated the 18th of last month. The Supreme Junta had received dispatches from the heroic Palafox, stating that Saragossa not only held out with unabated firmness, but had obtained great advantages over the French. The women of that place, it seems, had, by an ingenious device, been chiefly instrumental in obtaining these advantages, having appeared before the wall as if desperate with distress and inviting the enemy to put an end to their suffering by a decisive attack on the town. A large body of the French, on the 17th January, were induced, by this stratagem, to pour into the town, where the patriots were ready to receive them; and destroyed a great number. Many of those intrepid females fell in the conflict. It is said Cuesta and the Duke D'Infantado had united their forces, and were marching for Toledo with 60,000 men.
Extract of a letter from Molaga, January 30.
"The news we have this day received is of a favorable nature; Cuesta has cut off 4000 men near Esuramadura, and Palafox 20,000 before Saragossa. It would appear that the swelling of the Ebro had carried away their bridge, and those 20,000 men were prevented from joining the rest of the enemy."
"Palafox marched out with 20,000, and drove into the river those he could not destroy; it is said not a man could escape."
Gibraltar, Jan. 25. —A working party of 700 men under the direction of the officers of Artillery, have been sent from this garrison for three days to the Spanish lines, for the purpose of embarking the guns and stores in the different batteries there to the coasts of Catalonia and Valencia, where they are much wanted, and for which transports are now fitting out here to convey them.
Bayonne, Feb. 8. —Within these few days 15,000 Spanish prisoners of war have passed through this town.
Augsburg, Feb. 14. —The last advices from Bucharest have occasioned an apprehension that the negotiations between Russia and Turkey are entirely broken. The English intrigues at Constantinople, have, it is said, penetrated even into the Divan, and the congress of peace, which was to be held at Passi, will not take place. It appears certain that the Russian troops are reinforcing themselves in Wallachia. There have lately arrived there great quantities of ammunition, and numerous artillery. The Russians have raised corps composed of Wallachians. We should not be surprised to see them attempt the passage of the Danube.
Hamburg, Feb. 10. —Letters from Stockholm, came directly by sea, announce, that the Senate on one side, and the Chamber of Commerce on the other, have made strong remonstrances to the King, on the disastrous state into which the continuance of the war cannot but plunge Sweden. A general famine is feared, in the Northern provinces especially, which received all their grain from Finland.
Madrid, Jan. 23. The public entry of the king our sovereign into this city, was announced yesterday, the 22d, at the break of day, by a salute of a hundred cannons. His majesty, entering by the gate of Atocha, traversed the Prado, proceeded through the street of Alcala, the gate of the Sun, the street of Las Carretas, of Atocha, and of Toledo, to the church of St. Isidore. The crowd was immense throughout, and manifested its joy by continued acclamations. The Suffragan Bishop addressed his majesty in an excellent discourse, worthy of his character, and proper for the day, the place and the event. His majesty spoke in these words:
"Before rendering thanks to the Supreme Arbiter of destinies, for my return to the capital of this kingdom entrusted to my care, I wish to reply to the affectionate reception of its inhabitants, by declaring my secret thoughts in the presence of the living God, who has just received your oath of fidelity to my person."
"I protest then, before God, who knows the hearts of all, that it is my duty and conscience only which induces me to mount the throne, and not my own private inclination. I am willing to sacrifice my own happiness, because I think you have need of me for the establishment of yours."
"The unity of our holy religion, the independence of the monarchy, the integrity of its territory, and the liberty of its citizens, are the conditions of the oath which I have taken on receiving the crown. It will not be disgraced upon my head; and if, as I have no doubt, the desires of the nation supports the efforts of its king, I shall soon be the most happy of all, because you through me will all be happy."
February 3. His majesty has ordered the Captain and Director General and Minister of the Marine, D. Joseph Mazaredo, to repair to Ferrol and Corunna, in order to put the marine there into the most flourishing state.
Liverpool, March 9. Corn Exchange,
Tuesday, March 7. An exceedingly dull market for every description of grain; the sales so few that prices were without variation.
Liverpool, March 2. Copy of a Petition presented to the House of Commons from this town. To the honorable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled.
The humble Petition of the Gentlemen, Clergy, Merchants and other inhabitants of the town of Liverpool
Sheweth, That the bill now before Parliament, by which (if passed into a law) the Irish distilleries will be permitted to resume the distillation from grain, is a measure that in the present situation of the country, may excite great alarm in this populous county.
That the act passed last year, prohibiting the distillation from corn generally throughout the united kingdom has been found productive of great benefit, and given general satisfaction here to all classes of the community.
That the last crop of wheat, in particular, proved remarkably deficient throughout the united kingdom, and it is ascertained, that the stock of grain now remaining in the farmers hands as well as in the granaries in this town & neighborhood, are unusually and alarmingly small.
That the supplies of corn received at this port from Ireland since the last harvest, are not considerable; that the prices there as well as here, particularly of oats, have already advanced very materially in consequence of the agitation of this measure, and that in Ireland the prices are now very high, much more so than they were at this period of the last year, or at the time when the said act was passed.
That oatmeal is a material part of the food of the lower classes of the people in this county, that the prices are at this time much higher than they can afford to pay, and that if the present measure be adopted, the supplies from Ireland are likely to be greatly reduced, from which much distress it is to be feared will arise, particularly at the present time, when so large a number of laboring manufacturers and others are totally without employment.
That in corroboration of the facts before mentioned, your petitioners humbly state, that it has already been found necessary to raise very considerable sums of money, by subscription, in this town, in Manchester, and in other parts of the country for the express purpose of procuring and distributing food to numerous distressed families, who absolutely require such relief.
Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray, that the said bill may not pass into a law.
MARRIED, on Tuesday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Balch, Mr. John M c Daniel, Jr. to Miss Mary Osborne.
INSPECTOR'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, April 27, 1809. (ORDERS.)
All Officers of the Army who are on furlough or absent from their respective corps or stations, will report themselves without delay to the Adjutant and Inspector of the Army, Maj. Nicoll, at the city of Washington, stating on what authority they are absent and the period for which their furloughs were given, and all Officers who shall hereafter be absent from their respective corps or stations, will report themselves monthly as herein directed.
By order of the Secretary of War, A. V. NICOLL, Adj. & Inspector. Those Printers who are authorized to publish the Laws of the Tenth Congress of the United States are requested to insert the above twice a week for three weeks, and transmit their accounts to the Accountant of the War Department for settlement. April 26—tawdw
By virtue of an authority to me given, will be SOLD at Public Vendue, at the House of Mr. Wm. Rhodes Innkeeper, city of Washington, on Saturday the 13th of May next ensuing, at 4 o'clock P. M. one equal half part of Lot No. 2 in square No. 258, in the city of Washington, adjoining Lot No. 3 in the said square, and containing 1,965 square feet and 7 1/2 inches.
The above described Lot is advantageously situated on a public street, and is directly on the Tyber Creek, and near the public Wharf on said creek, on which said Lot is a new and an excellent pump of water. An indisputable title will be made and a credit of 60 days given, on note or notes with approved indorsers. JA. A. PORTER.
April 28—epts
By virtue of an order of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for Washington County, will be sold at public vendue at the house of Mr. WILLIAM RHODES, Innkeeper, City of Washington, on Saturday the 13th of May next ensuing, at 3 o'clock P. M. the following very valuable property, in the city of Washington, to wit:
Lot No. 6, in square No. 224, containing 4,618 3/4 square feet. On this lot, (with other improvements) is a large, elegant and commodious (three stories) brick house, well calculated for an extensive tavern or boarding house; and is now occupied, in part, by Mrs. Suter, as a boarding house, and the other part by Mr. Edgar Patterson, as a store. This property is situated on the corner of 15th and north F streets, directly opposite the treasury department, and may be justly said, to be as eligible and advantageous a situation for public business, as any in the city; and from the largeness and structure of the aforesaid house, it may be occupied and used, as two separate and suitable dwellings. The terms of sale will be, one fourth part in cash, and the residue on 12, 18 and 24 months credit, the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security; possession to be had immediately.
Lots No. 15 and 16 adjoining, in square No. 407, containing 10,206 3/4 square feet. On those lots are some wooden framed houses. They are advantageously situated on Ninth and B streets. The terms of sale are, one half cash, and the balance on a credit of 90 days, the purchaser or purchasers giving note or notes, with approved indorsers—possession to be had immediately.
Lot No. 26, in square No. 252, containing in lot 5,902 square feet—Alley 1,238 sq. ft. and lot No. 27 in the same square, containing in lot 5,322 square feet—Alley 309 1/2 square feet. Those lots are adjoining, and situated on 13th street, on one of which is erected a small wooden house. The terms of sale are, one half in cash, and the balance in 90 days, the purchaser or purchasers giving note or notes, with approved indorsers—Possession to be had immediately.
All and singular the abovementioned property will be sold, subject to the dower of Mrs. Mary Ann Fenwick, Widow of Bennet Fenwick, deceased.
Edgar Patterson, Alexander Coolvane, sen. Francis Clarke, James H. Blake, Pierce Purcell.
N. B. Any person desirous of purchasing the aforesaid property, or any part thereof, can be made acquainted with, and satisfied as to the title, by applying to James A. Porter, Esq. Attorney for the present claimants and owners. April 28—epts.
St. Mary's county Court, March term, 1809. ON application to St. Mary's county Court, by petition in writing of FRANCIS HOWARD of St. Mary's county for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors passed at November session eighteen hundred and five and the several supplements thereto on the terms mentioned therein, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath, as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Francis Howard has resided two years immediately preceding the time of his application, in the state of Maryland. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Francis Howard by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months before the 7th day of August next, give notice to his creditors to a peer before this court at the court house in Leonardtown in St. Mary's county, on the said 7th day of August next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Francis Howard should not have the benefit of the acts of Assembly aforesaid is prayed. Test. JO. HARRIS, CLK. April 28—w3m
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOATMAN. Charles County, April 26—w3m