The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-12-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. CCGXCVII. FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 28th, 1803. PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
House of Representatives.
THURSDAY, Dec. 8, 1803.
Debate on the AMENDMENT to the CONSTITUTION.
(Continued.)
Mr. GREGG. Entertaining the opinion, Mr. Speaker, that the amendment to the constitution now on your table had been already sufficiently discussed, I did hope that the question on its final passage would have been decided yesterday. I thought the minority could have no just cause of complaint that they had not been heard, and I believe the people of the United States will concur with me in this sentiment, when they attend to the lengthy speeches on the subject, with which the newspapers have been filled for several weeks. The great anxiety of the majority, discovered by their loud and repeated calls for the question, convinced me that they also were fully satisfied with what had been said, and were willing to rest the decision on the discussion that had already taken place. It appeared, however, that one gentleman of the majority entertained a different opinion. At a late hour last night he again entered the field of discussion, and delivered his sentiments at considerable length. A decent respect for the minority requires that they should be heard in reply. I shall now attend with patience to gentlemen on both sides; and although I had intended to take no part in the debate, I shall ask the indulgence of the House, while I briefly state the reasons that will influence my vote, and notice the most prominent objections that have been urged by gentlemen in the opposition.
I am willing to acknowledge, Mr. Speaker, that the constitution of the United States, in my estimation far surpasses in excellence, nay that it is infinitely superior to the constitution of another country, that has been styled, "the most stupendous monument of human wisdom." I believe it to be the best that now is, or perhaps that ever was in the world. The names of those sages, to whose wisdom and patriotism we are indebted for it, will, I trust, be always recollected by the American people with gratitude and pleasure. But, Sir, it is a constitution of experiment. The wise framers of it with all their sagacity could not foresee, how far its various provisions would in practice correspond with their views, or answer their expectations. It looked fair in theory, but its real excellence was to be tested by experience, and therefore a provision was inserted for introducing amendments, when experience should prove the propriety of adopting them. This it must be acknowledged is an admirable provision, and also a convincing evidence of the candor of the convention. Conscious of their own fallibility as men, they did not, as some have since done, proclaim the constitution to be perfect. They foresaw that experience might discover imperfections, and therefore they inserted the fifth article, declaring that, "the Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution; or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this constitution, &c."
The article respecting the election of President and Vice President, I have understood was suddenly adopted by the convention. A variety of modes of choosing the chief magistrate had been suggested, none of which received the approbation of a majority. Fatigued with the subject, all parties united in support of the mode contained in the article as it now stands, which was not proposed until all the other plans had been rejected. Plausible however, as it appears, and supported as it has been by the opinions of very eminent men, it is an experience found to be imperfect. The result of the last election evinces this beyond the possibility of a doubt. Had the discriminating principle now contended for been at that time in the constitution, could the electors have designated on their ballots, who they voted for as President and who as Vice President, no person will pretend to say they would not have made a President, and by that means saved the country from that anxious solicitude, from those distressing fears and alarms, which were excited by the uncertainty and delay which attended that election in the House of Representatives. This single experience appears to me, superior to a
volume of abstract reasoning on the subject. It is in my view an unanswerable argument in favor of the amendment.
Another reason in support of the amendment which has great weight with me, is the public sentiment being so long, and so loudly expressed in its favor. Several years have elapsed since it was first brought into view. It originated in the east; it has been echoed from the south, and the people of the west are also calling for its adoption. It has been advocated in turns by men of all political parties. A federal member from the federal state of New Hampshire if I recollect right, first introduced it into Congress. A proposition the same in substance was afterwards renewed by a federal member from the then federal state of South Carolina. In the two last instances it has been brought forward by republican members from republican states, first by one of my colleagues from Pennsylvania, a republican state, and during the present session by a gentleman from Virginia, which is said to be also republican. New York, Vermont, Tennessee, Ohio, and I believe, Kentucky, have by their legislatures expressed their approbation of the measure and invited its adoption. Federalists and republicans in every part of the country, thus uniting in recommending the measure, is conclusive evidence, that a majority of the people, however they may differ on other political questions, are in favor of the leading principle contained in the amendment. This circumstance led me to conclude, that it would have received but little opposition in this House. The members from those states that had been most forward in recommending it, I did expect would have given it their unanimous support.
To obtain such an amendment as would confine itself to the principle of discrimination, was the only object I had originally in view. That principle I consider as of the first importance. It would I think be sufficient to guard against the inconvenience attending the present mode of election. If the electors are authorized to designate on their ballots who they vote for as President and who as Vice President, there is little danger of their failing to make an election, while the country continues to be divided, as it is at present, into two great political parties. I would even now prefer a proposition embracing that single principle to the amendment on the table, not only because I think it adequate to the attainment of the object in view; but also because I believe in that form, it would be most likely to receive the sanction of the states: There is I acknowledge one feature in it as it now stands which strongly recommends it to my approbation, and gives it in my opinion a decided preference to the proposition which went from this House to the Senate. In the event of the electors not making a President, the House of Representatives were by our proposition restricted in their choice to the five highest on the list of the persons voted for as President, provided no one had a majority. By the amendment on the table they are confined to the three highest, on the list. I prefer the number three before five, because it evidently brings the choice nearer to the will of a majority of the people. This was so fully discussed, and so clearly elucidated on a former occasion, that it would be an unpardonable trespass on the patience of the House to dilate further on it at this time.
But the most objectionable part of this amendment is the opinion of many gentlemen, and against which the gentleman from Vermont, in particular, has levelled his keenest darts, is that which vests the Vice President with power to discharge the duties of President, in the event of a President not being elected. The passage stands thus "And if the House of Representatives shall not chuse a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve on them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President &c."
It is acknowledged that at first view the principle contained in this provision appears liable to objections, but it must be admitted that much may be urged in its defence; nay, I will even go so far as to say, that on a fair and candid investigation, the objections will lose their weight, and the principle be found not to be incorrect, considering the bearing it may eventually have on the people, on the electors, and on the House of Representatives in making a President. Let us, Sir, for a moment examine the probable tendency of the principle. The possibility, or if you will the probability of the Vice President being placed in the Presidential chair, through the oblinacy,
or neglect of the House of Representatives to make an election, may have a powerful influence on the electors, and produce a concentration of their votes in favor of one candidate. The same consideration may operate as a considerable excitement to the people, to be careful in their selection of characters, as candidates for the office of Vice President. The additional chance now given of his being called to discharge the duties of President, will determine their choice in favor of such men as are entitled to their esteem and confidence, next to the persons whom they may nominate for President. It will also operate as a stimulus to the House of Representatives to make an election. They will not be likely through oblinacy to suffer themselves to be divested of the power of making a President, when that power constitutionally devolves upon them. They will be very reluctant to yield it to the Senate. Their immediate responsibility will not permit them either to refuse, or neglect making a choice. They will consider themselves more immediately the organ of the public will, even for the purpose of election, than the Senate. They are so. The long period for which the Senators are appointed, clearly justifies this position. But without resorting to arguments, I will elucidate it by an example taken from the state in which I live, (Pennsylvania). At the late election for President, the members of the House of Representatives from that state, gave a vote for the present chief magistrate. Had the vote been given by the Senators of the state, there is no doubt it would have been different. The question then was, who spoke the voice of the people? Look to the result for an answer. As soon as the constitutional period expired for which their Senators had been appointed, they supplied their places by successors, whose political opinions they supposed to be in coincidence with those of their members who composed the majority at the Presidential election.
But there is one provision in this part of the amendment which is certainly of very considerable importance. As I have several times observed, I again repeat, that I do not think the electors will be likely to fail in making an election. Should they however not agree, I cannot conceive that the House of Representatives will be so lost to a sense of duty, as either to refuse, or neglect complying with their constitutional obligations. But should an election fail there also, we will have by this provision a person constitutionally vested with presidential power, until a President is elected. Surely it is better to have a constitutional officer to discharge these important functions, (and that officer chosen too in the first instance, with an eye to such contingency, is infinitely preferable,) than to suffer the office to become vacant, and thereby expose ourselves to all the evils incident to such a state of things, as would be unavoidably produced thereby. I could have wished that this provision had extended further, and directed the vacancy to be supplied by an extraordinary election within one year from the commencement of such vacancy. But as it is providing for a remote contingency, one which may not, and I hope will not happen in a century, I think we may trust it as it is. As the constitution now stands, "In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice President." Art. 2d. sec. 1st. This is only adding one other possible, and barely possible, for it is not a probable case of vacancy of that office, and it is securing against all the dangers and confusion to be dreaded from an interregnum.
The objections that have been raised to the amendment generally, I think, all resolve themselves into two. First the danger of innovating on the constitution, and Second, the jeopardy in which the small states will be placed by its adoption.
I perfectly accord in sentiment with gentlemen in all their remarks respecting the great caution to be observed, in touching the constitution. No abstract theoretic reasoning could induce me to consent to alter it in any of its parts; but when on experience it is found to be defective, as is the case in the present instance, I think we are bound to exercise our constitutional privilege in obviating that defect.
With respect to the objections drawn from the danger to which the small states are to be exposed if the amendment prevails, I confess, Mr. Speaker, my mind is not capable to comprehend
their force. From whence do gentlemen derive those fears and alarms with which they endeavor to persuade us their minds are so distressed? Do they know, or have they ever heard of the large states forming combinations against the interest of the small ones? I live in a large state and I declare I never heard such a thing even hinted. Such an idea I am persuaded would receive no currency in that state. Such a combination is unnatural, it cannot obtain.
Should local considerations ever have any influence on the election of our chief magistrate, that period I believe is far distant. While the country is divided into two great political parties (and I believe it will long continue to be so divided) each party will endeavor to select the most prominent character, whose political sentiments are in unison with their own, and place him in the Presidential chair, without any regard to local situation. His politics will be the criterion by which he will be judged, without any reference to his being an inhabitant of the eastern, middle, or southern sections of the union.
How far would the ambition of the small states extend? Look into the constitution, and see what ample provision is there made for their security. In the Senate, a distinct and entire branch of the legislature, they are placed on the same footing with the largest states. There, Rhode-Island which is but a ninth part of Massachusetts has an equal vote with that large and populous state; there, Delaware is on equal ground with Pennsylvania, although it contains but little more than one eighteenth part of her population. In this House also their weight is equal to that of the large states, in the important election of President, when that power devolves on the House. The constitution declares "that in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, each state having one vote." What greater powers, what more extensive privileges can the small states desire? Do they expect the large states to surrender their independence, and bow at the shrine of their omnipotence? Sir, I live in a large state, and although as a representative of it, I would spurn every idea of combining with other large states to injure the small ones, or to divest them of the constitutional standing and influence which they possess in this union, yet I hope I shall never be influenced by the alarms now attempted to be excited on their account, to surrender the rights secured to the large states by the same constitution. Important as the federative principle is which pervades the constitution, which links the states together in a common band, which places the small states on a level with the largest in the Senate, and in this House in the exercise of one of its most important functions—equally important at least is the democratic principle it contains, which secures to the people the right of choosing their public agents. To enable them to exercise this right with a greater probability of succeeding in making a choice, and thereby preventing the removal of it to a different set of electors, is the main object of the amendment. It scarcely appears proper to dwell so much on a subject calculated to excite state jealousies.
Should the large states, contrary to the ordinary and natural course of things, attempt to form such a combination as has been alluded to, I would ask how is it to be effected? They are separated from each other in their geographical situation by the intervention of the small states. There is no commercial connection betwixt them, except what is confined to their maritime towns. Distant from each other, they differ considerably in their customs and manners. They can derive no possible advantage from breaking up the political standing of the small states, and therefore I am unable to discover any force in the objection that has been so much relied on respecting their danger. Should local considerations ever have influence in deciding this important business, and combinations be formed to effectuate that object, the combinations will be betwixt states that lie contiguous. There may be eastern, southern, and middle associations. In such a state of things, which however is by no means probable, Pennsylvania might unite with New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland, but surely never with Virginia or Massachusetts.
Upon the whole, the objections to this measure do not appear to me to be by any means conclusive; and the arguments in its favor are of such weight, as to satisfy me, that the vote I shall give, is in conformity with the constitution, is sanctioned by the experience
already had on this subject, and is in unison with the wishes of a great majority of the people in every part of the country.
(To be continued.)
(By Authority.)
By the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS a treaty between the United States of America and the Eel River, Wyandot, Piankashaw, Kaskaskia and Kickapoo nations of Indians, was concluded and signed on the seventh day of August one thousand eight hundred and three, and was duly ratified and confirmed by the President of the United States on the twenty fifth day of November in the year aforesaid, and with the advice and consent of the Senate, which treaty is in the words following, to wit:
At a Council held at Vincennes on the seventh day of August, one thousand eight hundred and three, under the direction of William Henry Harrison, Governor of the Indiana Territory, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Commissioner Plenipotentiary of the United States for concluding any Treaty or Treaties which may be found necessary, with any of the Indian Nations Northwest of the River Ohio; at which were present the Chiefs and Warriors of the Eel River, Wyandot, Piankashaw, and Kaskaskia Nations; and also the tribe of the Kickapoo, by their Representatives the Chiefs of the Eel River Nation.
The fourth Article of the treaty held and concluded at Fort Wayne, on the seventh day of June, one thousand eight hundred and three, being considered, the Chiefs and Warriors of the said Nations give their free and full consent to the same; and they do hereby relinquish and confirm to the United States the privilege and right of locating three several tracts of Land of one mile square each, on the road leading from Vincennes to Kaskaskia; and also one other tract of Land of one mile square, on the road leading from Vincennes to Clarksville: which locations shall be made in such places on the aforesaid roads as shall best comport with the convenience and interests of the United States in the establishment of houses of entertainment for the accommodation of travellers.
IN WITNESS whereof the said William Henry Harrison and the said Chiefs and Warriors of the before-mentioned Nations and tribe of Indians have hereunto set their hands and affixed their seals the day and year first above-written.
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, (seal.) Ka Tunga or Charly X his mark (seal.) Puppequoi or Gun, X his mark (seal.) Sacougnaweva or Tired Legs, X his mark (seal.) Grooble or Big Corn, X his mark (seal.) Ducoigne, X his mark (seal.) Akaketa or Ploughman, X his mark (seal.) La Bouillier, X his mark (seal.) Little Eyes, X his mark (seal.) Black Dog, X his mark (seal.) Pedagogue, X his mark (seal.)
Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of us Jno. Rice Jones, B. Parke, Joseph Bufuron, Interpreter.
NOW THEREFORE to the end that the said Treaty may be observed and performed with good faith on the part of the United States, I have caused the premises to be made public, and I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said Treaty and every clause and article thereof.
IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand.
DONE at the City of Washington the twenty-third day of December in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, and of the Independence of the United States, the twenty eighth.
T. JEFFERSON. By the President, JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State.

REMARKS.
ON THE
Amendment
TO THE
CONSTITUTION,
PROPOSED BY CONGRESS TO THE SEVERAL STATES.
Respectfully addressed to the state legislatures.
The imputation of arrogance will not, it is hoped, be incurred, by submitting to the public, at this time, that view of this interesting subject which its merits entitle it to receive. Notwithstanding the extensive discussion it has had been in both branches of the legislature, it is believed that there has not been taken that comprehensive view, which, while it shall disengage the true points from those which have been improperly introduced, may at the same time lay claim to an examination of those on which a correct decision must eventually depend. Every man conversant with the habits and passions of public bodies, knows how frequently, in the ardor of discussion, truth is lost sight of, and how often the wary opponent of a measure pursued with zeal by its friends, will, by the exhibition of false colours, draw it away from an examination of its true merits, and of consequence as to their elucidation leave the public mind as unenlightened, as at the commencement of the enquiry. Without determining whether this has in the present instance been the case, other apologies, amply satisfactory, may perhaps be found for the silence, or concise defence of the amendment by its friends. Confiding in the purity of their own motives and their clear perceptions of truth, not doubting equal purity of motive and perspicuity of mind in the state legislatures, and deeming time important above all things, they wistfully trusted the fate of the amendment to the enlightened decision of the state legislatures, well knowing that they would add to their own intelligence the wisdom of those they represent.
In making this examination, three enquiries present themselves, in the solution of which every thing may be said connected with the subject.
First. Ought the Constitution of the United States, in any respect, to be altered?—If it should, in any respect, be altered,
Secondly. Are the evils of the present provision, respecting the election of President and Vice President, such as require constitutional remedy?—And if so,
Thirdly. Are the provisions of the proposed Amendment commensurate to the end in view?
Before it can be made satisfactorily to appear that the Amendment ought to be adopted, good reasons should be given for deciding all these enquiries affirmatively. If such reasons are not adduced; it is unhesitatingly allowed that the Amendment is unworthy of ratification.
The First enquiry is, ought the Constitution of the United States, in any respect, to be altered?
It might have been gratuitously assumed as a first principle of political economy, fully recognized by the American people, that all constitutions, as well as laws, are and must be alterable with the fluctuating circumstances and opinions of the times, but for a recent manifestation of the idea that the constitution is so perfect as not to need amendment.
But a concise notice is necessary of this dogma of infallibility attached to the Constitution. If the constitution be so perfect, as at all times hereafter to defy amendment, why did the wisdom of the convention, which at this rate must have been nothing short of infinite, suffer an express article to be introduced into it, which submits its future alteration to finite capacities? This very article, while it shields that illustrious body, from the arrogant assumption of being wiser than all who had preceded or should follow them, demonstrates their conviction that the theory of a republican government, contradicting distinguished as it is from the theory of every other description of government, demands a prescribed mode in which the prevalence of the public will shall be ascertained, and, being ascertained, shall be carried into effect. Immutable institutions may comport with the spirit of despotism, where neither the happiness or progressive improvement of society are objects of the least consideration; but over government, established for the sole purpose of protecting the happiness of every man and for insuring to all the advantages of improvement and advanced knowledge, a different genius presides. It has justly been observed that every experiment, made in this country, has proved that governments, equally with all other human institutions, advance in perfection with the advancing progress of man in general improvement. These experiments have been frequent and numerous. They commenced with the birth of our national independence, and have continued, at short intervals, ever
since. The first experiments were imperfect compared with those which have, in later years, been made; and it may be confidently said that every subsequent system, adopted either for portions of, or for the whole of the American nation, have developed great and radical improvements. The federal constitution has itself undergone considerable changes, and most of the states have surpassed a less, for a more perfect system of government. The articles of confederation carried us successfully through perils greater perhaps than hereafter await us; and yet this circumstance did not deter us from availing ourselves of the instructions of experience and wisdom, or prevent us from adopting a system infinitely superior. The same remark may be made of the state governments; they passed through the ordeal of external as well as internal warfare; and yet so far from being deemed perfect on this account, they have given place to systems more congenial to our wishes, and more adapted to our habits.
Even considering the Constitution as perfect at the time of its adoption, there cannot exist a doubt of its being much of this attribute a century hence, unless accommodated to the advanced state of society at that period. New wants will unavoidably spring up, new objects will arise, with the augmented empire and population of these states; the relative power of the general and state governments will experience a decisive alteration; the effect of untried principles contained in our system will develop unlooked for effects; and all these combined causes must and will require great and radical changes in our political structures, to adapt them to each other, and to insure a continuance of that harmony among the various constituted authorities, and between them and the people, which can alone constitute them the guardians of our common happiness, and the protectors of our common liberties.
If then it be demonstrable that the constitution may, nay must hereafter undergo considerable alteration, we are brought to the second inquiry,
Are the evils of the present provisions respecting the election of President and Vice President, such as require constitutional remedy?
It will probably be allowed on all hands that if there be any defect in the constitution which pre-eminently, above all others, calls for amendment, it will be that, if such there be, which relates to the organization of Executive power. Other departments of power under the constitution, and the various modes of exercising it, may not be regulated in consonance with the best ideas, or may contain glaring defects, without, in any great degree, impairing the general harmony of the system, or rendering it incompetent to the principal ends for which it was instituted. There may not be attained, in every respect, that perfection of legislation and administration which might be desirable, and which would in the highest degree promote the common interests; but there would be attained a sufficient degree of it to insure, with but few exceptions, the general happiness and approbation of the people. But with regard to the organization of the supreme executive power, if it be viciously constituted the harmony of the whole system may be disturbed, and the common welfare destroyed. This arises from the organization of the departments, from the nature of the powers bestowed upon them, and from their effect upon the community. Such is the organization of the departments that while every other department is confided to the administration of many individuals, that of the Executive is confided to one person. However injurious therefore the operation of ignorance, intrigue, or passion may be in the selection of a legislator, the degree of injury will be almost infinitely extended if those considerations determine the election of a chief magistrate; because, while in the first instance the evil will be confined to a narrow range, in the last it will vitiate the entire organization of executive power. From the relative nature of legislative and executive power, it is evident that while the former consists principally in the establishment of general principles, the latter consists in the application of them to individual cases and persons; and every man, the least experienced in the world, knows that it is the last act, which in the most impressive manner, addresses itself to the feelings and interests of men. Hence it is a fact that in most governments, the Executive, even though nominally possessed of less power than the legislature, has assumed, and successfully too, the exercise of more power than all the other departments of the government. But there is one view of this subject still more important. The Executive, according to the practice, if not according to the theory of our government, holds in his hands the entire direction of the exterior relations of the nation, and of course commands peace and war. It is perfectly true that treaties cannot be ratified without the approbation of the Senate, and cannot, in many cases, be carried into effect without the sanction of Congress; but it is also true that the President exercises the entire initiative in all negotiations, and
that the harmony of the country with foreign powers will or may exclusively depend upon the manner in which this vast power is exercised, without the least reference to the constitutional co-operation of Senatorial or Congressional powers. This manner may be such as to produce an instantaneous state of war with a foreign nation; and such as to leave no discretion to the nominally co-operating branches of the government to exercise their constitutional discretion. Involved in war before their advice can be taken, no other agency will remain to them but the supply of means for its vigorous prosecution. There is a further view of this subject deeply important and illustrative of the extreme caution with which the supreme executive power should be constituted. The legislative departments of the government act, in every step of a progress almost necessarily deliberate, under the influence of public opinion; their proceedings are in the face of the world; they will therefore be taken with circumspection. On the contrary the executive power gropes its way in darkness, unaided or unrestrained by public opinion. Hence whatever may be the danger of error or misconduct in the legislative organs of the government, that danger is infinitely increased in the performance of executive duties. This view must convince every mind that the evils of an ill-constituted executive may be extreme; that they may not only disturb the harmony, but destroy the essence of a system of government, and that it thence becomes a duty of indispensable obligation, if there be a defect, in the organization of the executive power, to apply an early remedy to it.
That the evils of the present provisions respecting the election of President and Vice President, are such as require constitutional remedy, will appear from the following considerations:
Public opinion constitutes a strong proof of their existence by the clear and repeated demand it has made for the adoption of the designating principle. I assume it as a fact that public opinion is in favor of adopting that principle. Can I err in this inference from these undoubted facts? Many years since a representative from New-Hampshire, a state uniformly federal, offered a similar amendment. Not long after a representative from South-Carolina (a state at that time federal) eminent for his distinguished lead in the House, also proposed a like proposition. Eight states have unequivocally expressed their sentiments in its favor.
Of the opinions of the rest, with the exception of one or two states, from their uniform concurrence in republican measures with the other republican states, or from the votes of their representatives in Congress, in both branches on this question, there is the strongest indication of their attachment to it. Public opinion can be collected but in two ways; either from the public prints and personal intercourse, or through the regularly constituted authorities. Taking either of these as the criterion in this case, and we shall find that an unequivocal manifestation of popular favor attends the adoption of the discriminating principle. There is not a republican print in the union that has not portrayed in glowing language the evils liable to ensue from the want of this principle; and there is not a solitary individual on the republican side, in the United States, that has raised his voice against an amendment, having this for its object. Some few have been in favor of associating other amendments with this; but it is not known that any republican member, either of the state legislatures, or of Congress, has expressed hostility to the discriminating principle. Referring to the constituted authorities, we find the principle recommended by eight legislatures; we find many of these recommendations made under circumstances totally exempt from party view or feeling; we find in the last Congress two thirds of the members of one branch, and two thirds of the other, wanting one, in favor of it; and we find in the present Congress, an election of representatives having intervened, two thirds of the representatives, and more than two thirds of the Senators, after a long discussion, solemnly proposing it to the respective state legislatures. Is not this view plain and unembarrassed? Does it not irrefragably appear that the voice of the people, the voice of the states, and the voice of Congress has been unequivocally expressed? Some states, it is true, have not instructed their Senators, or recommended it to their Representatives, to vote for the amendment. Why? Because it was as clear to them as the noon day sun that without such instruction or representation, they would give it their decided support. They well knew that the discriminating principle had become identified with republicanism; and that a zealous friend of the one would unavoidably approve the other.
It will not, however, be denied that even in this country enlightened as the people are, public opinion may err, and that, of consequence, it is possible that in the present instance it may have erred. Putting therefore, under this view of the subject, public opinion aside, let us examine
the subject on its own intrinsic merits. On these its friends may, with confidence, rely.
The existing provision of the constitution is that two persons shall be indiscriminately voted for by the respective electors for President and Vice President.
This provision for an election of chief magistrate is at variance with every other provision on the same subject, to be found in the constitution of these states, or in the constitutions, laws, or usages of any other state on earth. The experience therefore of all mankind is against it. Amidst the numerous experiments tried by free states, this extraordinary feature is not to be found. So far then as the wisdom of preceding generations, or that of the present times extends, it goes, with the undivided weight of human authority, to shew that this principle has nothing but novelty to recommend it.
It is, moreover, as to any contemplated benefits arising from it, as visionary as it is new. It rests entirely on the assumed principle that the electors will vote for two men, equally qualified for the station of President, that is for two men of equal talents and popularity. For both these qualifications, viz. talent and popularity, are essential ingredients in the character of an individual duly qualified to discharge the great duties of the Presidency. Such an equality of talent and general estimation can never exist between two men. Even allowing that, in the abstract, there may be several individuals of equal talent, they will never at the same time enjoy equal weight of character. On the contrary there will unavoidably exist an unequivocal preference of the popular suffrage in favor of one over the other. Such is at present human nature, and such it ever has been and will ever continue to be. Inasmuch then as from the theory of our government the whole Executive power, with but feeble restraints, is lodged in the hands of one man, inasmuch, will the eyes of the community be directed to an individual who, by the most complete combination of virtue and talent, shall be esteemed the fittest depositary of national confidence. Such a man when elected will enjoy the general confidence. Strong in that confidence he will discharge the high duties of his office with becoming energy; and knowing the precise ground on which he stands, while he spiritedly performs every duty promotive of the general welfare, confiding in the support of the people, he will take care not to abandon this legitimate ground by acts hostile to their rights and happiness, certain in such case, of losing his best support. If this be the necessary effect of the election of a magistrate by the fair expression of the sense of a majority, what will be the effect of his election by a trifling minority? Will or can the majority have confidence in him; or will or can he have confidence in them? The thing is impossible. There may be jealousy, but cannot be confidence; there may be hostility, but there cannot be friendship. A President, thus elevated to office, unless he be more than man, must inevitably in discharging the high duties of his station be either timid or rash; either afraid of doing his duty with the spirit that can alone derive its vital principle from the support of a nation; or rash in rushing into measures without having previously ascertained the means of their successful execution.
That the principle of the equal respectability of the two candidates, on which it is affirmed that the constitution is founded, is ideal has been fully verified by experience. The popular suffrage has invariably attached itself to one man as President, and to another as Vice President; and in designating the electors it has as invariably drawn the line of their duty, over which they have rarely passed, and never with impunity. The electors have been vested with no free moral agency. Their duty has been fixed and they have done it. Both fact and reasoning are, therefore, opposed to the existing provision, and shew it to be equally unjust in theory, and chimerical in practice.
There are further evils, scarcely subordinate in magnitude, to which this provision, if in the least degree efficient, will unavoidably give birth.
It has a tendency to make two leading men rivals, who would probably otherwise be friends; and to enlist on the side of each their respective friends, personal as well as political. By this means the community may be divided into two great parties of never dying existence. Personal collisions, so contrary to the true spirit of a republic, may degenerate into political feuds; and jealousy, aversion, hatred be carried into the breasts of those who would otherwise on principle be friends. Of this state of things the probable effect will be the rise and eventual succession to power of a third party, not constituting a majority of the nation, but superior in numbers or influence to either of the other parties. The same evil in different shapes will be perpetuated without any prospect of ultimate disappearance. Can any result be more unfavorable to a republican government, which alone existing legitimately on the will and af-
fections of the people, must soon lose its great characteristic traits after it shall be discovered that the very nature of its organization tends to frustrate the prevalence of public opinion.
This provision may eminently tend to impair, even to annihilation, the responsibility of the chief magistrate to the nation, by making him, instead of its representative, the creature of a faction. Let it not be lost sight of that this provision of the constitution contemplates the possible, not to say probable case of a candidate brought into the Presidential chair without possessing the votes of a fair majority. In such case the candidate, if a virtuous man, will disdain to take that from chance which choice alone should entitle him to. Resisting the allurements of power insidiously offered to his grasp, as the means of corruption, he will refuse the Presidency. But not so with the unprincipled devotee of ambition or of sordid interest. He will seize the prize with avidity; and while he feels hostile to the great body of the people, who remained insensible and inexcusable to his pretensions, he will concentrate his favor upon those to whom he is indebted for his elevation. The head of a faction, he may be expected to promote their narrow views, and by the seductions of office and executive favor to add to the number of his adherents or the adherents of the faction. He will consequently be either their tool, or they will be his.
Such an election, in flagrant violation and prostration of the public will, will tend most powerfully to dilute the executive from the legislative department of the government. Instead of united we shall have distracted councils. For is it to be expected that the real and virtuous representatives of the people and the states in the two branches of Congress will crouch to a man elevated by surreptitious means to the supreme executive power, cold to national sympathy and irresponsible to national sentiment?
Another serious evil contained in the bosom of this provision, which time will surely develop, is a schism between the people of America and the several states in the union. For in the first instance the people, through their electors, are to vote for a President, and in the second instance, in case a majority of the whole electoral votes are not united in one man, the House of Representatives, voting by states, are to choose the President from the five highest candidates presented to them. If there be an identity between the general and the state interests, the House of Representatives voting by states will choose the man of the people—that there will always be such a man has already abundantly appeared. But if, as it is contended, those interests are variant, they will lead to a different result; and the claims of the man of the people will be put aside, and those of one more devoted to a majority of the states will be preferred. What will be the consequence? Will not the people feel indignant at the annihilation of their power, and at its absorption by nine states whose electors may amount to no more than fifty-one, while those of the remaining states may amount to one hundred and twenty-five? This is no light evil. We now only see it in theory. Let us realise it as occurring in practice, and estimate if we can its awful effects upon the harmony, the existence of the union. We do not say that state interests distinct from a general interest now exist; but it may be confidently said that this provision, if permitted to remain, will soon create them.
Further, the present provision may issue in no election of a President or Vice-President, anarchy may ensue, and the constitution be lost. This is an evil that requires no amplification to impress upon the heart of every American and friend of liberty its solemn magnitude. On the apprehension of this awful event, our recent experience is big with impressive instruction. An unsuccessful appeal to reason might have been succeeded by a successful appeal to arms.
(To be concluded in our next.)
MECHANICS HALL.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the causeway in George-Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall.
All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find in their interest to call on him, as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room.
He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble servant,
ANDREW McDONALD.
A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year.
A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given.
August 3. sawd

TO SUBSCRIBERS.
Subscribers indebted for the National Intelligencer are respectfully reminded that, according to the terms of that paper, unless payment be immediately made, it will be discontinued. It will be recollected that an annual advance payment of five dollars is required.
By the last mail the executive received dispatches from NEW ORLEANS, dated on the 3rd inst. whence it appears that on the 30th ult. possession of Louisiana was publicly and solemnly delivered to France by the commissioners of Spain. The Spanish troops were of course preparing to embark in order to leave the province. Those of the battalion of Mexico, it was expected, would depart in a few days for Havana in a loop of war then at New Orleans.
The American troops it appears, by letters received by the same mail, were to leave Fort Adams on the 9th inst. with the commissioners of the United States for New Orleans, where they were anxiously looked for both by the French commissioner and the inhabitants.
PROCLAMATION.
In the name of the French Republic. PIERRE CLEMENT LAUSSAT, Colonial Prefect, and Commissioner of the French government To the People of LOUISIANA. People of Louisiana—
The mission which has made me traverse the Ocean for two thousand five hundred leagues and placed me in the midst of you, this mission, on which I have for so long a time built so many high hopes and so many wishes for your happiness, is now changed: that mission of which I am at this moment the minister and executor is less pleasing though equally flattering to me: inasmuch as it supplies me with a consolation derived from the belief that it will be generally more advantageous to you.
In virtue of their powers and authority the commissioners of his Catholic Majesty have surrendered to me this country and you every where see the unfurled standard of the French republic, and hear the repeated roar of her cannon, announcing to you that on this day she resigns her dominion over those regions. People of Louisiana, this event will immediately take place; for I am on the eve of transmitting this country to the commissioners of the United States, who are charged to take possession of it in the name of their government, their arrival I momentarily expect.
The approaches of a war, which commenced under such bloody and terrible auspices and which menaced the four quarters of the globe, induced the French government to turn its attention and its cares to these regions. Motives of prudence and humanity, uniting with a more enlarged and solid policy, motives in a word, worthy of the genius of that power which balances the great destinies of nations, have given a new direction to the beneficent intentions of France and have determined her to cede Louisiana to the United States of America.
You, thus become, people of Louisiana, the interesting pledge of a friendship between two Republics, which cannot fail of increasing, and becoming every day more secure and more strong; a pledge which will powerfully contribute to their common repose and their common prosperity.
The third article of the treaty will not escape your notice. It is there said: "The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess."
Thus you behold yourselves, people of Louisiana, suddenly invested with a right to the privileges of a free constitution and government, raised by power, cemented by treaties, and tested by a long experience.
You are about to make a part of an already numerous and powerful people, renowned for their enterprize, their industry, their patriotism, their knowledge; and who, in their rapid career, promise soon to arrive at the highest and most brilliant rank, ever reached by any nation upon the face of the globe. Its position is at the same time so fortunate, as to prevent its splendour and success from lessening its happiness.
However benevolent may be the views of the mother country, (of which you are not ignorant) the immense distance of such a colony, is a rampart which covers oppression, exaction and abuse; and the facility and certainty of conceal-
ment which it affords, often corrupts the man, who in other circumstances would have looked with detestation on injustice. From this moment you cease to be exposed to this fatal evil.
From the nature of the government of the United States whose privileges you are immediately to enjoy, you will have even under a provisional arrangement, popular governors, subject to your censure and recall and to whom your permanent esteem, your suffrages and affection will be always necessary.
The public interests and affairs, far from being interdicted to you, will now be your own interest and your own business, upon which your wife and impartial opinions will be sure at length of obtaining a preponderating influence; and to which even you cannot remain indifferent without self condemnation.
The epoch will soon arrive, in which you will choose for yourselves a form of government; which while it will be conformable to the sacred principles of the social compact of the federal union, will be adapted to your manners, to your necessities, to your climate, to your customs, soil and local circumstances.
But especially, you will soon be sensible of the precious advantages of an upright, incorruptible and impartial administration of justice; whose forms of procedure are invariable. Where limits are carefully applied to the arbitrary application of laws, according to the natural and moral character of judges and juries, so as most efficaciously to insure to the citizens their safety and their property; for this is one of the singular attributes peculiar to the government under which you are to live.
Its principles, its legislation, its conduct, its care, its vigilance in regard to the interests of agriculture and commerce, and the progress made in both, are well known to you, even from the advantages which you have yourselves, people of Louisiana, drawn from them.
There never has been, nor ever can be a metropolis, without a colonial monopoly, more or less exclusive; on the contrary, on the part of the United States, you have a right to expect a liberty of exportation without limits, and that the privileges of importation will accord with your public wants, and internal industry. From a happy concurrence, you will be able to buy cheaply and sell at high rates, and will besides reap immense advantages from a place of deposit. The Mississippi, the Nile of America, borders not on deserts of burning sands, but plains more fertile and extensive than any known in the new world, will at the quays of this new Alexandria, be covered with thousands of vessels from all nations. Among these vessels, I trust, people of Louisiana, you will always distinguish with complaisance the French flag, and its light will never cease to gladden your hearts. Such is our firm hope; I formally avow it in the name of my country, and its government.
Bonaparte, in stipulating by the VII article of the treaty, that the French shall be admitted during 12 years to carry on commerce with you there on the same conditions, and without paying other duties than the citizens of the United States, has wished to renew and perpetuate the ties which unite the French of Louisiana, and the Frenchmen of Europe; new strength will be given to the relations already subsisting between these inhabitants of the two continents; the more satisfactory and durable, as it will be founded upon a constant reciprocity of friendly sentiments and services. Your children will be our children, and our children will become yours. Amidst you they will prove in knowledge and in talents, while at the same time they will increase your strength, your instruments of labour and your industry, and will reap with you the gifts of unparing nature. I have pleased myself, people of Louisiana, with drawing at length this pleasing picture, and of opposing it to the reproaches of abandonment, and the tender regrets uttered by many among you, who are attached to the country of their ancestors. France and its government will hear of these regrets, with gratitude and affection.
Bat ere long, you will by your own experience, prove the justice it has shown you by this eminent and most memorable of benefits.
The French government recognises in this event, the first example offered in modern times, of a colony voluntarily emancipating itself, after the example of those colonies of antiquity, which we so greatly admire. In the present time, and in times to come, may an inhabitant of Louisiana, and a Frenchman, never meet upon any spot of the globe, without feeling as brothers.—May this title, for the future, be the only one which will truly describe their eternal engagements, and liberal dependence!
At New Orleans, the 8th Frimaire, year 12, of the French republic (Nov. 30, 1803.)
Signed LAUSSAT. By the Colonial Prefect, Commissioner of the French government, Signed, Dangerous, Secretary to the commission.
James Mott, Henry Southard, Ebenezer Elmer, William Helms, Adam Boyd and James Sloan, the republican ticket have been elected, without opposition Representatives in Congress for New-Jersey.
JOHN PAGE is unanimously elected Governor of Virginia.
The following are the number of votes given in six of the counties of New-Jersey for the republican congressional ticket—
  Cumberland 847 Salem 857   Gloucester 1028 Middlesex 653   Essex 2312 Morris 2456   8163 
In compliance with desire we insert the following article from a Carlisle paper, stating that a like measure with that therein contemplated has been already thought of at the seat of government, from which, in our opinion, through the prints published there, information the most complete and appropriate, on such an occasion, will be diffused through the union. In republishing this article it becomes the Editor to say, lest silence should countenance his assent to the idea that the Aurora is the most complete channel of republican communication in the United States, that the National Intelligencer does not yield, in the extent of its circulation, or in the mass of republican information it diffuses, to any print on the continent. At the same time, however, that it lays claim to this character, it does not assert any exclusive or superior eminence to other republican prints.
As a just Tribute of respect, regard and affection to THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, for his patriotic, enlightened and successful Administration of the government of the United States; and in an especial manner to celebrate the Glorious Event of the acquisition of the Great Country of LOUISIANA, gained without a drop of blood shed in contest, without a cent laid on the inhabitants of the United States of additional Taxation, whereby the Territorial and real greatness of the United States is increased, its commercial and agricultural interests are promoted, and the integrity of the union is preserved. Let all republican citizens throughout the Union meet in felicity and as a day of Jubilee on the day of 1804.
N.B. The day to be announced in the Aurora as the most complete channel of republican communication in the U. States, and allowing twenty days after notice of possession of Louisiana is received at the seat of government, in order that on the same day, congenial sentiments of happiness and thanksgiving may resound over this wide spread country.
Philadelphia, Dec. 24. We have been informed by a gentleman from Lancaster that, the House of representatives of this state, on Thursday last, took into consideration the bill entitled, "an act to revive the act entitled 'a supplement to the act entitled an act to extend the powers of the justices of the peace of this state.'" It will be recollected that the governor returned the bill at the commencement of the present session with his objections against its passing into a law. On the question being taken on Thursday on its passage by the House, there appeared 75 in the affirmative, 4 in the negative.
We are assured that the bill will pass the Senate, by the competent majority, in which case it becomes a law notwithstanding the opposition of the governor.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, December 23, 1803.
The House went into committee of the whole—Mr. J. C. Smith in the Chair—on the report of the Committee of Ways and Means on the memorial of sundry sugar refiners in the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland and New-York—The report concludes with the following resolution:
Resolved, That no internal duty shall be collected on sugars removed from the refinery, since the 30th day of June 1802: any law to the contrary notwithstanding.
After considerable debate, this resolution was disagreed to.
The House took up the report of the committee of the whole, and concurred, by yeas and nays—Yeas 52—Nays 37.
MONDAY, Dec. 26, 1803.
Mr. Nicholson presented a memorial from the City Council of Washington requesting the attention of Congress to the memorial presented by their predecessors at the last Session.
Referred to Messrs. Nicholson, J. Lewis, Van Rensselaer, Jones, Dennis, Elliot, and Bryan.
The House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Vaux in the chair—on the report of a select committee respecting the expediency of reprinting the laws, journals, and other documents.
The report enters much into detail, and inforses the expediency of reprinting the laws, journals, and other documents; but in consideration of the existing claims on the Treasury, recommends that at present an edition of the laws only should be reprinted, submitting a resolution that 10,000 copies be printed under the direction of the Secretary of State.
The report was agreed to. The House immediately took up the report, agreed to it, and appointed a committee to bring in a bill.
TUESDAY, Dec. 27, 1803.
The report of the committee of Ways and Means, containing a resolution for the appointment of a standing committee of accounts to consist of three members, for the settlement of all expenses defrayed out of the Contingent Fund of the House, was agreed to without a division.
Mr. Nicholson, from the committee appointed to prepare articles of impeachment against John Pickering, Judge of the District Court of the District of New Hampshire, made a report of Articles of Impeachment.
The articles were read, and referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday next.
New-York, December 23.
Mr. Dawson, who arrived here on Wednesday in the brig Aurora from Port-au-Prince, has furnished us with the following information, in addition to that given in the last number of the Mercantile Advertiser:
Agreeably to advices received at Port au Prince from General Dessalines, he had on the 22d ult. attacked the Cape with all the active force he could raise, said to amount to from 20 to 25,000 men. The descent was effected from Morne-du-Cap.—After having passed the outlines and several of the blockhouses, action ensued between the troops Dessalines and Rochambeau, which continued eleven hours with the greatest obstinacy, when general Rochambeau was under the necessity of capitulating for the evacuation of the Cape on the first instant. All the troops passed at the blockhouses between the Barrier and Haut-du-Cap (the out posts) were massacred, as all possibility of escape to the town was cut off. Agreeably to the capitulation, Rochambeau with the army under his command were to be embarked under the protection of the British cruising fleet. When Dessalines left Port au Prince, he nominated PIERRE (amulato) General of Brigade and Commandant of the place in his absence.
The people of colour, particularly the women, experienced the most cruel treatment; having been put to labour on the public works with negro women to superintend them. The American vessels with provisions were compelled to part with them to the Government; and were promised payment in coffee at three and four months.
Dessalines has given assurances of respect and protection to the American merchants residing at Port au Prince, which he had partially observed while Mr. Dawson was there. His officers, however, acted as they thought proper.
DESSALINES is proclaimed captain general of the colony; CLAIRVEAUX, CHRISTOPHER PETION, and several other mutatoes, are ranked as generals of division and brigade.
LOST,
THE following described certificates of funded three per cent stock issued by the Register of the Treasury in the name of Jacob Trilamer of Amsterdam, for the renewal of which application is intended to be made at the proper office
  No. 3143 dated 23th Octo. 1791 for 12,419 53 3 per cent R. & C.   No. 3500 dated 23d November 1791. for 7 900   No. 6271, dated, 7th December 1792, for 831 41   No. 1201 dated, 5th December 1792, for 8 749 29   Dolls 20 000 00   ROBERT GILMOR, & Sons. Dec. 28—ep7w
A LIKELY and valuable young Negro man, about twenty three years of age—a tolerable good house carpenter.
The terms may be known by applying to the Printer, or by note addressed to B. W. and left at the Bar of the Union Tavern, George-Town.
Any person wishing to purchase must apply within two weeks from this date. December 12, 1803—6t
In the case of JOHN WILLIAMS LYTON—a Bankrupt.
WHEREAS a commission of Bankruptcy founded upon the act of Congress of the United States passed on the fourth day of April, 1800, entitled, "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded and issued against John Williams Lyton of Washington county in the district of Columbia, dealer and chapman, and he has been declared a bankrupt. He is therefore required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named or the majority of them on the 8th and 22d days of December, and 5th of January next at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, at each day at the house of William Rhodes's Inn-keeper in the city of Washington, and make a full disclosure and discovery of his estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, and at the second sitting to choose assignees, and at the last sitting the bankrupt is required to finish his examination. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, secretary to the Commissioners. Nov. 25—
Valuable Lands and Lots FOR SALE.
I Will sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz.
THE valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomack river, about three miles distance from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will sold together or separately.
Part of a tract of Land, called Hills and Dales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomack, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 70 1/4 acres.
Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying to the south east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the lands of the late Richard Henderson, containing 160 acres all in wood, and 83 1/2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson.
The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best locations in the town, is generally admired, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden, ice-house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this house, &c. not be sold previous to the 1st of December, it will then be to rent.
One other lot or parcel of ground adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard H. Lowndes, esq. containing 93 3/8 acres.
Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 704 in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 958 square feet.
A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Flueh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to JOHN LAIRD, Trustee.
N.B. I hold 246 1/2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hills and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms.
JOHN LAIRD. George-Town, Oct. 24, 1803. ep7watt.
FOR SALE By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on E. street City of Washington.
PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS. White Lead in kegs; Red Lead, and dry; Spruce Ochre, Stone Ochre of superior Patent Yellow, quality; Gold Litage, Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, 2nd quality, Delft Carmine drop lock, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all Linned oil and spirits forst, of turpentine, Window glass 10 by 12—8 by 10, and 7 by Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book, Large sheet glass cut to any size.
Gentlemen funding their Sashes will have them nearly glazed, and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to. August 3. rawtf
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th Street with. This lot is generally allowed to be one of the most beautiful situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the trustees or near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11—wtf

PROPOSAL
For carrying the United States mails on the following post roads will be received at the General post office in Washington city, until the 1st day of February next inclusive.
1. From Wilmington Delaware, by New Castle, St. Georgetown, Cantwells bridge, Duck Creek, Dover and Frederica, to Milford, three times a week.
May 1, to November 1.
Leave Wilmington every Monday Wednesday and Friday at 11 a. m. and arrive at Dover the same days by 9 P. M. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Milford by 10 A. M. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Dover by 3 p. m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington by 7 p. m.
November 1, to May 1.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Dover by 6 p. m. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a. m. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Dover by 7 p. m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington the same days by 6 p. m.
2. From Milford by Georgetown, Trap, Snowhill, Harrington and Drummond, to Northampton c. h. once a week.
Leave Milford every Tuesday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p. m. and at Northampton c. h. the next Friday by 6 p. m. Returning—Leave Northampton c. h. every Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Georgetown on Monday by 8 p. m. Leave Georgetown on Tuesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a. m.
3. From Wilmington by Christiana-bridge, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgetown, to Cheltenham Twice a week.
Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Cheltenham by 8 p. m. Leave Cheltenham every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p. m.
4. From Cheltenham by Churchhill, Centreville, Queenston and Kent Island to Annapolis twice a week.
Leave Cheltenham every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Centreville by 10 a. m. and arrive at Annapolis the same days by 8 p. m. Returning—Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Centreville by 2 p. m. leave Centreville at 3 p. m. and arrive at Cheltenham by 8 p. m.
5. From Centreville to Easton twice a week.
Leave Centreville every Wednesday and Saturday at noon and arrive at Easton by 7 p. m. Leave Easton every Tuesday and Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Centreville by 1 p. m.
6. From Romney by Springfield, Frankfort and Cressap'sburg to Cumberland once a week.
Leave Romney every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Cumberland by 6 p. m. Leave Cumberland every Monday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Romney by 6 p. m.
7. From Fauquier c. h. by Acquia to King George c. h. once in two weeks. Leave King George c. h. on Saturday by 6 p. m. Leave King George c. h. every other Wednesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Fauquier c. h. on Thursday by 6 p. m.
8. From Tappahannock to Richmond c. h. once a week. Leave Richmond c. h. every Thursday noon, and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p. m.
9. From Tappahannock every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Richmond c. h. by noon. Leave Tappahannock every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Cumberland by 6 p. m. Leave Cumberland every Monday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p. m.
10. From Suffolk by Everett's Bridge, Gates c. h. Edenton, Lee's Mills, Plymouth and Washington to Newbern twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday at 1 p. m. Leave Edenton at 2 p. m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Sunday by 6 a. m. Leave Plymouth at 6 1/2 a. m. and arrive at Washington the same days by 6 p. m. Leave Washington at 7 p. m. and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 p. m. Returning—Leave Newbern every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Washington by 5 p. m. Leave Washington at 6 p. m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Saturday by 4 p. m. and arrive at Edenton on Sunday and Thursday at 9 a. m. Leave Edenton at 9 1/2 a. m. and arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday by 9 a. m.
11. From Wilfiesville by Speed and Wilson's store, Walden's store, Sterling-
vill and Normanton to Mount Tirzah once a week.
Leave Wilfiesville every Saturday at 10 a. m. and arrive at Mount Tirzah on Monday by 11 a. m. Leave Mount Tirzah at 1 p. m. and arrive at Wilfiesville on Tuesday by 6 p. m.
12. From Wilkes c. h. to Ashe c. h. in North Carolina once a week.
Leave Wilkes c. h. every Monday at 10 a. m. and arrive at Ashe c. h. by 6 p. m.
Leave Ashe c. h. every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Wilkes c. h. by 6 p. m.
13. From Fayetteville by M'Fallville Windfieldville and Chocowinta to Camden once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 p. m.
Leave Camden every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 p. m.
14. From Jonesborough by River Bridge and New-Lebanon to N. W. River Bridge once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at N. W. River Bridge on Wednesday by 3 p. m.
Leave N. W. River Bridge every Wednesday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Jonesborough on Thursday by noon.
15. From Jonesborough to Elizabethton in Tennessee once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Monday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Elizabethton at 9 a. m.
Leave Elizabethton every Monday at noon, and arrive at Jonesborough by 4 p. m.
16. From Knoxville to Burrville once a week.
Leave Knoxville every Monday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Burrville by 11 a. m.
Leave Burrville every Monday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Knoxville by 8 p. m.
17. From Nashville in Tennessee by Franklin, Occoquippie, M'Intoshville to Grindstoneford once a week.
Leave Nashville every Tuesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Grindstoneford the next Monday by 8 p. m. Returning—Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Nashville the next Monday by 8 p. m.
18. From Grindstoneford by Greenville, Huntston, Washington, and Natchez, to Fort Adams, or Lottus Heights, once a week. Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p. m. Leave Natchez on Wednesday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Fort Adams by 8 p. m. Returning—Leave Fort Adams every Sunday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p. m. Leave Natchez every Monday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Grindstoneford by 8 p. m.
19. From Charleston by St. George's and Orange c. h. to Columbia, once a week.
Leave Columbia every Monday at 10 a. m. and arrive at Charleston on Thursday by 10 a. m.
Leave Charleston every Thursday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by noon.
20. From Washington by Burris's, Lexington, Athens, and Clark'sburg to Jackson c. h. once a week.
Leave Washington every Tuesday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Jackson c. h. on Wednesday by 6 p. m. Leave Jackson c. h. every Thursday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Washington on Friday by noon.
NOTES:
1. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expence that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices, where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mails, lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.
6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to
convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next, and are to continue in force for one year.
GIDEON GRANGER,
Postmaster-General. General Post-Office, Washington City, Nov. 23, 1803.
Washington Building Company.
THE members thereof will please to attend the annual meeting to be held at Lovell's Hotel on the first Monday of January next, 7 o'clock in the evening, to appoint officers for the ensuing year, and take into consideration other important business. By Order THOMAS HERTY, Sec'y Dec. 26—3t.
NOTICE.
ALL persons are hereby forewarned from purchasing a two story Brick House belonging to the Subscriber, situated in North Street, which was seized on the 20th inst. as the property of Frederic Betts of this city. GEORGE W. BEITZ. Dec. 23—3t.
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made easy, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever.
A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 200 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after her being completed—they now being in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement. with about ten thousand acres of land all adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mills, on which are several valuable farms. The timber for mill use are inexhaustible and unexceptionably good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from Georgetown South Carolina, to which place the major is carried being rafted at the mills without the trouble of hauling, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the states of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at times of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mills is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stables, carriage and harness houses and other necessary buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Purvis at the city of Washington. Wm. NORMONT. Millville N. C. Dec. 12. N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23—tf.
FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the Will of the late Patrick Henry, a Tract of Land, lying on both sides of Falling river, in Charlotte county, Virginia, and containing about 1800 acres. This Land is in general poor, but contains a bank of Iron Ore, supposed to be the best, of any known in that part of the country. It lies on an excellent stream, a branch of Roanoke river, within four miles of its mouth; from whence is an easy and safe navigation. There are water-falls, stone and timber on the Land for all the purposes of an Iron Work; in the midst of a fine corn country; and about 400 acres of the Land is valuable for its soil. For further particulars inquire of Mr. RANDOLPH, of the House of Representatives. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser by EDMUND WINSTON, Esq'r. of Patrick Henry. Buckingham county, Ver. Dec. 23.—tf.
JOHN COX
Has just received a quantity of American manufactured Bed Tickens warranted to hold the down of the feathers, which will be sold by the piece at the manufacturers prices, and by retail at a very small advance—Also sewing, darnimg and tampering cotton, with a quantity of chintzes and calico, which he will sell lower than the regular importer can afford to sell at. Elegant thread lace, fox, bear, and martin skin muffs and tippets, handsome paper hangings, with almost every other article in the dry good line, both fanciful and substantial, which he will sell at his usual low prices for cash, or in exchange for tobacco and flaxseed. For flax seed he will allow 11s. 3d. per bushel. Also a few handsome double barrel fowling pieces. George Town, Dec. 23—2m
ELISHA RIGGS,
Has just received from Philadelphia, an additional supply of
FALL GOODS,
Which makes his assortment extensive. Among them are many fancy articles, and Superfine cloths, cassimeres, velvets, and fancy vest patterns, Irish linens, cotton counterpanes, ticken, and sheeting. English hats, kid shoes, silk hosiery, and gloves, Shirting flannels, rose blankets, and coarse cloths. Furniture dimities, ditto calicoes, and stuffs, Silks, cambrics, mullins, chintzes and calicoes, Laces, veils, crapes and India mullins, 20 boxes China in fers.. Also—other articles, which will be sold on terms to please the purchaser. Geore-Town, Nov. 30.—tw6w
MICHAEL ROBERTS
HAS FOR SALE, AT HIS STORE, GEOR GE-TOWN, A GENERAL
Assortment of Stationary,
And other articles in his line, viz.
ATLAS, imperial, superroyal, royal, medium, demy, and folio post papers. Plain and vellum fool's cap ditto. Hot pressed, gilt, wove & plain quarto post do Superroyal and royal carriage do. Medium, demy & fool's cap, French marble do. Plain and ruled blank books, Best quills and ready made pens, Pen knives, rasping knives and paper scissors, Black and red ink and ink powder, Black and red sealing wax and wafers, Large red and white do. for office use, Silk tape and red and white tape, Parchment, scuttle fish bone and pounce, India pounce boxes and paper folders, India rubbers and gum arabic, Black lead pencils, (warranted) Ditto with silver cases, Round and flat rulers, Marking types and Reeve's colours in boxes, Backgammon tables and cribbage boxes, Billiard balls and dice, English and American playing cards, Portable writing desks, Gentlemen and ladies pocket books, Sheet and house almanacs for 1803, Sheep & calf skins dressed for bookbinding use, Printing ink and printing paper, Wedgewood, glass and pewter inkstands, Sand and water boxes, Wax candles and tapers, Ivory handle table desert knives, Plated tea and coffee urns, large and elegant with silver head and brims, Ditto tea and coffee pots, silver brims, Ditto caster double flint cut glass, Ditto bread baskets and toast stands, Ditto salt and mustard pots, Ditto goblets and tumblers, Ditto Decanter Randa and fish knives, Ditto plain, high and patent round and oval candlesticks, Ditto small ditto, Do. chamber do. with snuffers & extinguishers Ditto snuffers and snuffer trays, Fashionable brass andirons, Green wire fenders and fire forrens with brass tops, Shovels and tongs, Coal hods and cinder sifters, Hand bellows with brass san iron pipes, Plated Mo uildings for Car riages. Gigg springs, Spurs and stirrup irons. Chaise, duke & snaffle bridle bits, Horse bridooons and curbs Carriage, chair and switch whips, Walking sticks and sword canes, Horseman's and Pocket pistols, Officers travelling canteens, with cooking utensils, &c. complete, Swords and dirks, Gold and silver epaulets, Sword knots and crimson silk sashes, Gold and silver lace and cords, Guns and fowling pieces, Shot pouches and powder flasks, Game and hawking bags, Casting nets mounted and unmounted, Travelling trunks and travelling pouches, Buckskin gloves and breeches, Morocco skins of various colours, Boot and girth webbing, English bend and cork soles, Gentlemen & ladies japanned dressing boxes English and American hair powder, Powder bags and powder puffs, Curling tongs and crimping irons and powder knives, Hard and soft pomatum, Best warranted razors, Shaving brushes and boxes, Benzoin, almond, palm, palmaseen, cowslip, and windfor loaps, Wash balls and wash ball boxes, Essence of musk, and ambergrise, Bergamot and lavender, Ruspini's Tincture for the teeth, Tooth brushes and tooth powder, Ivory and boxwood fine combs, Tortoise shell and horn braid combs, Do. do. dressing do. Genuine black and flesh colored plaster, Patent shoe blacking and shoe brushes, Clothes, hair and hat brushes, Sweeping, scrubbing, and dusting do. Tortoise shell and japanned segar boxes, Mother of pearl, tortoise shell and japanned snuff boxes, An assortment of upholsterers ware, consisting of fringe line, tassels, &c. An assortment of hardware consisting of saws, planes, chisels, gouges, augurs, files, rasps, locks, hinges, bolts, spans, shovels, tacks, sprigs, &c.
JUST RECEIVED,
By the UNITED STATES, Capt. Finley from Liverpool, Fall Goods, viz.
Brafs Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel & tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell-metal kettles, bras footmen, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddlery, bras ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c. HENRY INGLE. Washington, O. 28.—epan.
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine size pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR, September 19. eptf
COLUMBIAN INN,
GEORE-TOWN.
THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he will continue at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY, September 21. eptf
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN, from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been trimmed about the head and ears. Any person giving me information to that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN, November 21—tf
NOTICE.
ALL who are are indebted to the estate of John Crookbank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town, Nov. 25—tf BY AUTHORITY.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY,
To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 is 10,000   5 do 1000 — 5,000   10 do 500 — 5,000   15 do 200 — 3,000   200 do 100 — 20,000   200 do 50 — 10,000   200 do 25 — 5,000   250 do 10 — 2,500   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 20,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7154 Prizes, 210,000   3,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The probable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.
For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.
Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers.
 Right rev. Bishop Carroll,  Rev. Francis Beaton,  Messrs. David Williamson,  Robert Walsh,  Charles Ghequiere,  Patrick Feneer,  Arnold Liveras,  Luke Tierman,  Frances L. Mitchell. 
July 13, 1803. eptf
The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR.
HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms; and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 24. tf