The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-04-20 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1173.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 20, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force.
Monday, April 4.
Mr. Stanford's speech concluded.
But, Mr. Speaker, I have now gone through those times nearest to the present, and with permission will recur to times more distinguished, and said to be more trying, to political principle than any we have since witnessed—times which more decisively marked political character, so that no one could well mistake or be mistaken. It will be perceived that I allude to '98—and the crisis which then existed; since when great changes have intervened and taken from among us many of those characters whom I could have wished ever to have remained with us. Believe me, sir, the retrospect is not a little painful to me when I perceive myself standing alone (as to my old companions of that day) and advocating a principle which then under like circumstances would have united us as a band of brothers. For indeed I am not aware if I have a single friend of that standing on the floor who intends to vote with me. The gentleman from Virginia, whom I have in my eye (Mr. Randolph) is a younger son of those times. I beg his pardon for the remark, although born out of due time, certainly not out of good time. For he knew when he did come in he took the text, and has maintained it with talents and firmness rare to be met with, and not surpassed by any of us. At that time, and without wishing to excite the sensibility of gentlemen on the other side of the House, for I have never felt otherwise than disposed to exercise a liberal indulgence towards our political opponents, a system of alarm was raised and I hope no one will pretend to say without a cause. I verily believe the state of things was as alarming then as now—and the indignities offered the nation, if not so great, the difference was not considerable. What were they at that time? The arrests of the then Directory of France; if not as sweeping in language, they had become far more outrageous in practice than either the decrees of Napoleon now, or the orders of the British council so far as we have yet heard—French privateers, one at least, came within your own harbors to maraud and plunder, and was captured within the inner channel, near the mouth of the Delaware, as it were under the limbs of the pine which border on the margin of your ocean. The government sent ministers to treat, and two out of three were refused to be received, and sent off with indignity, such as it is not for the honor of an independent nation to brook. More than all this, I think about this time was laid an embargo on our merchant vessels as now, and acts of hostility were commenced on our own side as well as theirs. Then too was France flushed with victory, and the completest success against her enemies at home, forgetful of right, ruling by power alone, and under the auspices of the same matchless character, emphatically called the conqueror of Europe, had transported one of the finest armies which was ever believed to have been seen in Europe, and after invading and conquering part of Africa, extended his conquests and carried invasion into Asia also, as was understood to be the ultimate plan of the enterprize. What followed amongst us here? The then majority lounded upon this alarming and menacing state of things, what appeared to be their favorite system of measures, armies, navies, taxes, loans, and in the end, what might be called their protecting laws —for the nation, in which we who were then the minority, acted our full part, became restless under burdens of which they could not see the use. The fightings and invasions and conquerings in the old world could not inspire us with fear, serious fear of invasion. "Nature and Nature's God" forbid such a fear, and kept us, I believe, as distant from the fear as we were geographically from the country with whom we had the difference. For myself I know I did not then feel the alarm which was attempted to be excited, nor do I now feel it; and to follow the dictates of an honest con-
science I cannot act as if I did. Gentlemen should recollect when the people at that time came to see and understand the business, in the majesty of their pleasure, to say nothing worse, they dispensed with both men and measures, and brought us into power, as I understood it, to hush the alarm, and literally speaking, to correct the procedure. If I feel any alarm, it is in hearing almost the identical language and arguments of that day, called up and used now to effect the same object, the raising of a standing army. What does my very worthy and beloved colleague tell us? that we were in a state of things, which I think he calls quid war , and that he considers these troops necessary. Why, sir, this was precisely the same argument formerly used, as I shall presently shew—not to be sure that it was doubtful, but downright war, and of course that an army in those days was introduced on grounds more plausible than now, for hostilities were commenced on both sides.
It would seem to me, Mr. Speaker, as my esteemed colleague is used to say, "when a ship claim comes into the House the next thing is an appropriation bill, as of course money must be paid," so in this case whenever a ship attacks you on the ocean we may now look for a standing army as a thing of course also, and with it a standing tax becomes a still more necessary consequence. All this to me is the more surprising, as when menace is held up and insult offered the country on shore, and even inroads made into your territory, when conspiracy with spreading around in every direction is known to exist—when all this appears, and that too almost at the same time, and at no distant time either, the utmost confidence is reposed in your militia, no greater standing force is wanted—it is but as a speck in the horizon.
One other view of this subject I must be permitted to take, and it is one which I verily consider worthy of the consideration of the friends of this measure—the majority I mean. I speak from some experience on this head, and if any time, I have said is thought worthy of an answer, I hope this point will not go without notice. In '98 it was one of the most boasted of our political maxims that patronage, and systems of getting patronage, to which so much resort seemed then to be had, were not only unworthy of the then administration, but of our free form of government—that any executive disposed to make the most of his appointments to office, had it in his power to foster and produce a servile spirit of sycophancy and dependence upon his own will and favor, and ultimately extend the vice contagion, till it should corrupt the whole mass and render all that was valuable in our constitution mere name. The substance would be gone. How then shall we get over this common place argument in '98? I well remember we pressed this argument upon the then majority without ceasing, when any new project was before us calculated to create place and office, to be filled by favorites of course. Under principles like these we came into popular favor & power. I must say we, although my title to use such phraseology may be questionable in these times; but I am speaking of times when I had as fair a title as any other, and if my political sentiments have undergone any change I do not know it. In the honest confidence of my heart I think I am the same. If I have had any exceptions to the general course of late, they have been confined to measures like the one before us—exhibiting to my view what I can but consider as relaxation from first principles. The contrast I draw is between former and present times, and between former and present measures. I know this argument about patronage was lost on the former majority, and have no reason to expect it will have a better effect now, but gentlemen cannot have forgotten the ramified extent of this business. There was scarce any quarter of the union, where that influence did not extend itself and raise a kind of atmosphere of its own kind about it. Almost every one must have experienced a share of its inconvenience, and I may ask again, are we come to times which require us to revive this exploded system? If we
have, gentlemen should look to the consequences. It is not to be doubted, if war should not happen, the popular odium cannot fail to be again excited upon this occasion, and I do in my conscience believe in that event it ought.
Convinced, however, that gentlemen see for themselves the danger of the times and the necessity of the measure, I desire not to impute motives which I am sure would be unworthy of them, but for myself I see differently; I see no danger nor necessity which the militia with arms in their hands would not be more competent to meet on the onset—till at least a regular force could be raised and brought to their relief. But in truth I feel more disconcerted in my hopes for the future than alarmed with my fears for the present. Let me ask how it will be possible in a few years for any political observer or historian to draw a line of distinction between parties, or shew the correctness of this or the incorrectness of that administration? Will it not be such a mixed business that no plain understanding will be able to comprehend a difference. You exploded the patronage system and all the measures that fostered it. But what are you about to do? To raise a standing army! You condemned navies too most decidedly, but have created one in miniature, or of the quid kind, and I believe you have either laid or revived a small tax the present session. For my own part I feel no hesitation in saying if I lacked confidence in the militia I would summon up enough at least to save appearances in this case, for the measure before us cannot give us safety, and all must acknowledge it wears an aspect against our first professions.
Mr. Speaker, served somewhat by my memory, and still better by records on file with respect to our doctrine and principles under the crisis of '98, I have laid my hand upon a number of resolutions and remonstrances from various counties in the good old state of Virginia—a state which I have always held in the highest estimation, not more for her singular ability and aptness in expressing political opinion, than for the genuine correctness of the opinion itself. In the worst of times she appeared to be a standard among the sister states, and seemed to be always fanning the coal of first principles, and keeping us awake to their due influence. To speak as I felt, I loved Virginia politically too well —but have at length begun to repress a little ! These old documents, (for documents they are) to which I allude are from different counties in that state, Orange, Spotsylvania, Greenville, Hanover, Prince-Edward and others. But I select one only as coming more immediately to my point, with the reading of which I must beg leave to trouble the House. It comes in the form of resolutions from the county of Henrico, and what will give it peculiar force, and application on the present occasion is that it comes from the militia of that county remonstrating to Congress against raising a provisional army. Now, I think, Henrico is one of the principal counties in what is commonly called "Old Virginia," and if I am not mistaken, is the county in which stands Richmond, the Capital of the state. If so, then I am the more happy in laying my hand upon this paper, as we may well presume (if we did not know) that the politics of Henrico were those of the state generally.
After speaking highly of the privilege of remonstrance as possessed by the people of the U. S. they proceed, "While the measures adopted by Congress for national defence must merit the approbation of every friend of his country, this meeting cannot but consider the raising a provisional army as unwarranted by the present situation of American affairs and destructive to the liberties of the U. S. A militia taken from the body of the people, actuated by the same interests and never losing the character of citizens by assuming that of soldiers, are the only natural and safe guardians of the rights of individuals, and the independence of their country."
"That standing armies are the engines by which most of the despotisms of the world have been created, by throwing an immense patronage into the hands of an administration, by
separating one portion of the people from the rest, by creating a dependence on the favor of the Executive, and of course a subserviency to his will—by establishing a body with different interests from the people at large, who forget the purposes for which they were created, and turn those very arms against the peaceable citizens, which were intended for their defence."
"That standing armies ought never to be resorted to, except in cases of the greatest national danger, and when foreign invasion makes it indispensable. It is recommended to our representative in Congress to give his support to such measures as are calculated for national defence within our own limits. But to oppose any measure, which may put it in the power of the executive to involve this country in offensive warfare."
"Among the measures calculated to commit the peace of the U. S. this meeting cannot but consider the arming merchant vessels, and the convoying such vessels sailing to foreign ports as having a tendency to produce that effect."
This paper appears to be signed by Major R. Allen and Mr. J. Seldon in behalf of the meeting, and addressed as it purports to their representative, and although that gentleman (Mr. Clopton) now avows a different view of the times and will give a different vote from what he did then, I have no doubt it will proceed from the honest conviction of his own mind. He is one of those friends with whom I have had the pleasure to act in unison too long—and know his uniform course, and correctness too well to do him intentional injustice.
I am really sorry to be troublesome to my friends; but I must be permitted to allude to another from the same state—he sits behind me, (Mr. Eppes) and although we have not had the pleasure of acting so long together, for the time it has not been the less cordial or pleasing to myself. Some days since, when perhaps the bill for an augmentation of the peace establishment was before us, that gentleman rose, and notwithstanding I had supposed he and I had begun to divide a little in our political thinking, and diverge as it were from the former point of our coincidence; he spoke so much in the old style, I concluded I was mistaken, and privately assured him of the pleasure I felt upon the occasion. Speaking in reply, I think, to a gentleman from New York, what were his sentiments? "We are prepared," said he, "let the enemy come—we have men and arms in readiness to defend the soil against any force they can bring, and these are the fortifications upon which I would choose to rely." So thought the majority of the House at that time, and that bill has slept ever since.
Again, another gentleman from Virginia, whom I see in his place, (Mr. Nicholas) for whose opinions I feel a high respect also, on the very important question of the embargo, declared, that we had no need of any other weapon to bring the enemy to our feet; that it was a measure by which we could starve them into terms of justice towards us; that as a system of policy it was everything in our hands, and that it was now become time to use it in order to compel that respect which was due to our rights as a nation. I felt the full force, I confess of this reasoning, and but for the single circumstance that I thought it too bold an experiment without some limitation of time, I should have had the pleasure of according with that gentleman in the vote, and more especially indeed as it was to save us the occasion of raising a standing army—[Mr. Nicholas here asked the gentleman from N. Carolina if he referred to him]—Mr. S. answered that he did—[Mr. N. then observed that from the day on which we had met all this, he had believed that somewhat of a regular force was necessary. He had always said it. He allowed then and now, that circumstances would justify it, and was willing to defend the opinion he then gave. He felt sure the gentleman from N. C. would not be disposed to ascribe opinions to him which he did not entertain]—Mr. S. said, notwithstanding his impressions he must have been mistaken in supposing the gentleman opposed to this measure, and would by no means ascribe to him opinions not now avowed. He
had however, so understood the scope of the gentleman's arguments.
I have said, Mr. Speaker, that the arguments used on this occasion were precisely the same they were formerly for raising regular troops, and the alarm then if not greater was at least equal. To satisfy gentlemen of this fact, I will just read a paragraph or two from the speech of a principal member of the majority of '98. Mr. Otis said, "He never heard that a standing army was dangerous to the liberties of a country except in time of peace, and that when an army is made up not of citizens, but of the banditti of the community. But we are not now in a state of peace but of actual war. It is true the country is not invaded, but he believed a long period would not elapse before an invasion takes place when it might be too late to raise a body of men for our defence."
Again—Mr. Otis remarked, that when he said we were in actual war, he did not speak figuratively, but literally. War is not declared, but it is made upon us, and it is our duty to defend ourselves against it." Thus then we see both the arguments used and the alarms excited are the same, and we are brought to the same result, a standing army. This is what I regret. If it were not, Mr. Speaker, something like a breach of decorum to quote a sentence or two from your reply to your colleague (Mr. O.) on this subject I would venture to do it. But, sir, with making you the assurance that no disrespect is meant, I am persuaded you will indulge me with the liberty. I read from the debates on the provisional army bill of '98. Mr. Varnum said, "It was not strange that gentlemen should differ in opinion as to the best mode of defence, but they ought not on this account to be charged with a wish of selling the country to a foreign nation, or of making no defence of it. He believed the militia sufficient to repel any invading enemy until an army could be raised. When the people know the country is really in danger, they will not stop at trifles, but until that time they will not wish to engage themselves as soldiers. What was the case, Mr. V. asked in 1775. The militia then went into camp, and continued there until the standing army was raised, and they made as good a defence as any standing army could have done." I fully accorded with those observations, sir, when you delivered them and appropriate them to myself now as unanswerable on the present occasion. They accord too in almost the precise language as well as sense with the messages of the President subsequently delivered, and which I have just quoted.
From the same debates I will take the liberty also of reading an observation or two from the speech of a character who at that time held a seat in this House, than whom if a superior ever did hold one in it, I have not the pleasure to know or believe it. My allusion is to the present Secretary of the Treasury. "Is there, said, Mr. G. any person on this floor seriously afraid of an invasion?" He was sure he was not." Again speaking of our security against invasion he says, "the immense sea which divides us is a security against it, but the greatest security is our own power and resources, and the conviction that an attack upon this country, can be no object with that. Their object will be plunder, and that will be carried on by attacking our vessels. There are, therefore, no real danger of an army to invade us." Were not these arguments, I would ask, approved as orthodox then? Are they not now as appropriate? as applicable to the times, the crisis and the question before us as then? I believe more so in fact, for we have more men and double the resources otherwise; and if I were to ask the same emphatic question now, "Is there any person on this floor seriously afraid of invasion?" The answer must be in the negative. Such fear has not been avowed. At that time, too, I perceive, among these old debates my colleague (Mr. Macon) took an objection to the bill then under discussion, which I think with more force would apply to the present. It was that so many field officers as were contemplated could not be wanted for garrison duty. Little as I know of military matters I have understanding enough to know that field officers

the higher grades cannot be wanted in a garrison or fort. In that respect then this bill must have some surplusage about it as to additional brigadier generals and other high officers are intended to be created, and should no way be created to employ them; we shall have them to look at; that is all! But there seems to be another species of ingenuity about this bill which it is somewhat difficult to comprehend. It was once a fashion with us to object to that of giving the President discretion to raise or not to raise an army. That was urged to be the duty of Congress alone, and was a power not to be transferred. The bill withholds that discretion in appearance at least, but it seems gives the power of disbanding. There may be some difference in this thing, but the distinction must be at any rate a nice one! Not very palpable at any rate.
One other character there is, said Mr. Stanford, to whom allusion has not been made, and who if he were gone, day light would close in upon some of the most brilliant actions of the militia of the Carolinas during the revolution. This character (Gen. Sumpter) remains amongst us, and is a living monument of first principles, and of unvarying political system through every crisis. On the passage of the provisional army bill in '98 he appears the friend and defender of the militia and their worth. He knew their services best; for under his particular command they acquired a great share of the glory and honor to which they were entitled. He defended their character and performances to the South, leaving it to gentlemen from the North, among whom was yourself, Mr. Speaker, to do them justice in that quarter of the union. Among the instances of those performances he enumerates some that would do honor to the best disciplined corps in the world. He mentions an action fought at Fishing Creek, S. Carolina, as doing the militia immortal honor; another at Rocky Mount, which lasted ten hours—and this by the patriot militia, fighting, as they would do again, we may confidently say, for their own firesides—Another instance is given at the Hanging Rock, which lasted nearly all day—another at Waynesboro; but the speech itself is on file, and to it I refer gentlemen. It is an answer to all I have ever heard on this floor in favor of standing armies.
Before I take my seat I will notice the view which my usually correct and worthy colleague (Mr. Macon) has taken of the existing state of things, and will add my own also. Formerly our difficulties were with France—her cruizers were let loose upon us; our negotiation was broken off with more indignity than now with Great Britain, and we were informed by the President that he would never send another embassy to France till assurances were made that our ministers should be received and respected as coming from a great, free and powerful nation; and but for a mission of which I know nothing, except that I believe it was the offspring of real patriotism, & the explanations made in France through that medium we must have gotten into open, formal war; for if these files are authority sufficient to shew it (they are now before me) that France had at that time laid an embargo on all our merchant vessels as preliminary to it; and this with the knowledge that France was then flushed with victory, and extending invasion into every quarter of the world, and in every direction around her, formed a base to raise a standing army upon as plausible at least, if not more so than any thing that appears in the present state of things. But my colleague contends (and so it was then contended) that we have received the blow, and are already in a kind of quid war—that our negotiation is broken off, & so it was formerly—and that it is time now to apprehend war in a more open form, and to begin to prepare. I ask if it was not more than apprehension in '98? I for one am prepared to say, that I am willing to confide in the militia for the first onset, if war shall happen, that I will never consent to raise an army on a war establishment upon mere apprehension; and at any rate if war we are to have, I do not want a quid army, nor one of a quid size, such as the President himself tells us, "as a defence against invasion would be as nothing." But in fact I doubt if we are to have war. We don't know that all negotiation is at an end; but if so, let gentlemen come out and bottom their measures upon determined war. Let the friends of this bill so declare, and much as I desire to think and to act on all great questions with my colleague, and another behind me (Mr. Blount) whose opinions I have always respected, because they deserve respect (for I know he has seen service and knows
much from experience). I promise them and the more experienced portion of this House, I will not withhold all due means to insure the object of any enterprise that may be contemplated. If it be determined, and it becomes an object to invade the Canadas, we have nothing to conceal in that event. If we say so, I have no doubt we can do it with success. It cannot be doubted if policy, interest, or just reparation for the outrages lately committed suggest it; we can both say it and do it—exclude the proud name of British America from the continent at least. I speak not of what I myself am prepared at present to do, but the friends of the bill are a majority, and can say and do as they please in that respect.
Mr. Stanford further said he had been guilty of one error in his life on the subject of standing troops, and as he anticipated being told of it, he was disposed to ward off the blow by open and previous confession; he had voted with a number of his friends in '98 for the 12 regiments, but he would say it was the result of a caucus, unpleasant as it may be to own it. He was now opposed to the pledging system of business, though not prepared to say that consultations might not be held with propriety upon some occasions. He was led into it from motives, as he thought, of just policy. A leading member of the then majority had laid a motion on the table for raising fifty thousand men; such a monstrous army as that in a free country, and the taxes I knew must follow, alarmed myself and others into a quid system then, as a set-off against the greater evil. And let me declare, said Mr. S. without meaning offence to any side of the House, that it was the only federal vote I ever gave in my life upon any great question which went to mark the political principles of the day. He hoped his candor upon this occasion would have its weight with the House in obtaining their forgiveness under the circumstances in which he was placed; and he promised his friends he would not be soon caught in the same way again; for quid armies never.
Mr. Macon said, that as he had been charged with inconsistency by his colleague, his situation compelled him to make some reply. His life, he said, had been spent in the public service without ever having before incurred a charge of that nature. [Mr. Stanford begged leave to declare that he had not the slightest intention to accuse his colleague of inconsistency; as he had expressly said, that if the gentleman's position that we are at war was correct, his vote would be so. He hoped his colleague would believe him when he declared that he had no intention to make any charge.] Mr. M. said he was willing to take the explanation. If the state of things (said he) now be as it was in '98, I admit the charge of inconsistency; but as I yesterday endeavored to shew, they are materially dissimilar. With respect to hunting up the journals the gentleman may be satisfied that I shall never do it. I never did, nor ever shall search the journals to prove inconsistency; if the gentlemen had not stated his vote, I should never have taken the pains to do it. I allow my friends to differ with me in opinion, and I shall take the liberty of differing with them, whenever my reason points out a course of conduct different from that which they pursue. This is the first time I have ever been willing to vote for a single man, and that for reasons given yesterday. To some with whom I am intimate it was known before I rose yesterday what my vote on this occasion would be; it was not known to all, for to none am I responsible but to those whose representative I am. My constituents will have an opportunity to express their sentiments of my conduct at our next election; if they deem me consistent and approve my conduct, they will evince it: for to them, and them alone, am I responsible. I did not yesterday when I came to the House intend to have spoken; nor should I have spoken but for the reasons then mentioned. We have lately had a voluminous communication from the President, comprising much important information. Before we received that, if this bill had been called up I should have voted against it. Let any man read them and say if what I yesterday stated as possible, is not more than likely to happen.
If I have departed from the principles which I have formerly pursued, it is from the imperfection of human nature. No man is infallible. My colleague has been remarkably happy in the vote for the 12 regiments was the only incorrect vote he ever gave in his life. For my own part, I dare say, I have given many more than one incorrect vote.
With respect to the crisis of 1805
and 6, that made a very different impression on my mind from that which it made on the minds of some gentlemen; for I believe the Spaniards hired Americans to bring the men in question over the line. It is useless to go into detail on that point; though I was under no apprehension at that time of serious consequences.
With respect to what my colleague has said about the message of the President, I must leave my actions to speak. If I have had a blind confidence in any executive, it is unknown to me; and I believe that any gentleman as conversant with the journals as my colleague is, would find to the contrary. With respect to patronage I hold the same sentiments as ever. I will go further than my colleague; I believe that at all times the executive department of the government has too much power.
The question now is what are we to do under the present state of things? In voting for this bill, I vote as I always have acted and will continue to act, upon my responsibility; and I am ready to meet that account which my constituents have a right to expect from me. I will state the reason why I now vote for two brigadier-generals, having formerly opposed them. It is this: every one knows in what situation the present commander in chief stands; and on this account would I vote for two brigadier-generals—one for the Mississippi and one for the Atlantic. This is the answer I give my colleague.
I have done. Nothing is more painful to me than to be obliged to talk of myself; but there are times when not to reply would be to submit to imputations which cannot apply to me. I repeat that I never did nor ever shall hunt up the journals against any one; nor do I hold myself accountable to any one but my constituents for my conduct.
Mr. Blount said, he had so little confidence in his powers to convince gentlemen of this House who should not be convinced by the arguments of others, and so much confidence in his ability to convince his constituents, and besides having no desire to see his name in the papers as a speaker, that he never was in the habit of speaking in the House; nor should he now have risen, had not his colleague (Mr. Stanford) pursued such a course as gave evidence to him of a desire to charge with an improper motive those who should vote for the bill. It is known, said Mr. B. to as many members of the House as have long known me, that I am as little friendly to standing armies as any member who ever had a seat in it. Upon that subject, and I might say upon others, I can prove as much consistency as the gentleman who seemed to make a charge against the advocates of the bill. The gentleman himself at last allowed a fact which it was my intention to bring to his view, as I understood him when he rose to charge all with inconsistency, and to say that it had been his uniform course to vote against a regular force. In casting my eye over the journals, I found the particular circumstance to which the gentleman afterwards alluded. [Mr. B. then read an extract from the journal, stating that on the passage of the bill for increasing the military force in '98, there were yeas 60, nays 11. Among the yeas, said he, was my colleague; and among the latter, was myself. [Mr. Blount then read the names of the minority, among which were the names of Messrs. Blount and Sumpter.]
This Thomas Sumpter is the general Sumpter, who was mentioned by my colleague as so worthy a citizen, so able a general, and so well qualified to form a correct vote. The vote which he gave at that time proved that he did entertain a proper confidence in the militia, and considered them as competent to defence. The circumstances are now different from what they then were, and therefore I have concurred with that worthy citizen and consummate general. I shall vote differently from what I then did, and that gentleman, if I may judge from his conversation, will vote the same. I shall not assign my reasons for my vote; they have been already assigned by others, and are so obvious as not to require repetition. I merely rose to justify myself from a charge of inconsistency. The gentleman apologises for his vote in '98 by saying that he yielded his opinion to a caucus. There might have been such a thing; but the journal bears testimony that if there was a caucus, I did not yield my opinion to it. I did then and always will do what appears to me to be right; and more especially standing as the Representative of others, I will do what their good appears to require.
Mr. Burwell said he would state to the House his reasons for supporting the bill on the table; like the gentleman who preceded him, he would do justice to the motives, and treat respectfully the arguments of those in opposition to it. It has been admitted by all who have spoken, after the example of the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rowan), who commenced the discussion, that some additional troops were necessary in existing circumstances; but that the proposed number was too large for a peace, and too small for a war establishment. This is an admission which leaves every person to judge of the number requisite from the view he takes of the danger to which the country is exposed. Mr. B. thought a just description had been given of our situation, enjoying neither the security of peace, or apprehending with certainty the danger of actual war; but in a state which will most probably terminate in the latter. He said, the manner in which Mr. Rose's mission had terminated, and the grounds assumed by that minister, created strong presumption of an attack from Great Britain, against which he was anxious to guard. In his answer to the Secretary of State, he says "whether any denial or such protraction of redress have occurred on her part—(G. Britain) as to render necessary or justifiable the perseverance in an edict, which when not necessary or justifiable assumes a character of aggression, and whether on the result of those considerations the negotiation can be resumed with a due regard to his honor," &c. When we couple with this declaration the language of crimination and complaint against the proclamation; the assertion of its hostile nature and injurious effect on the naval service of his government, and the disposition known to exist towards us, it will not be unreasonable to anticipate danger. That minister tells us the proclamation has driven from this station the English ships of war, and affords protection to the vessels of their enemies; under this aspect of affairs it appeared indispensable to strengthen the accessible, and vulnerable points of the union; to reinforce the troops stationed in our distant territories, and frontier posts. But it is said, by a gentleman from N. Carolina, it will be a dereliction of principle to raise troops; because it was condemned in 1798. Mr. B. contended, that if he could shew the state of the world, and the object for raising men was dissimilar, the objection would of course fall, and he thought that could be demonstrated satisfactorily to every mind. In '98 we were engaged in a contest with France, which it was thought might be easily adjusted, and few feared an invasion which would seriously threaten our country. At that time the limits of the U. S. had not been enlarged, and the whole extent of them was peopled with numbers sufficient for their defence. France herself was then engaged in a doubtful war; pressed by a formidable combination which gave full employment to her armies and resources—she had not then extended her empire beyond Switzerland, the Netherlands and Holland, and if her armies had crossed the Rhine, they had been repelled. It was different now, she has overrun Italy, crush'd the power of Austria, conquer'd Prussia and Poland, and has settled the north of Europe to her own satisfaction—every thing is secure on that side of her—coalitions can never again divert her from favorite views. Another very important event has occurred; she has taken possession of Portugal, and will soon occupy Spain, with the last she acquires all the Spanish provinces bordering on our southern limits; the Floridas, Mexico, and Cuba; what assurance have you she will not attack your distant territories? And does any one believe, remote as they are from the populous parts of the Union, they will not fall unless you have a force to defend them? We all agree we cannot rely on the friendly disposition of that government; the documents before us, must so convince the most incredulous. Mr. B. said it was strange indeed if gentlemen could not perceive a very wide difference in the situation of France and our own at the two periods. The object for which men were raised in '98, and the one proposed now, was clearly different; and the objections equally inapplicable. It was then intended to defend the nation by regular troops, and substitute them for the militia, to supercede that species of national force entirely; a force when properly organised and well armed deemed sufficient to meet an enemy in the incipient stages of a war. The arguments in favor of the militia (the efficacy of which he fully admitted) would apply against the bill, if that was the present plan. But the troops to be raised are to be stationed where the country is sparsely settled, destitute of militia, the inhabitants of which are not sufficiently numerous to defend themselves against the incursions of a foreign enemy, or the
depredations of a savage foe; they are intended to protect a part of the Union, and not the whole, and that part, which is really defenceless, because without militia. Mr. B. said if he judged of the conduct of France from what appeared to him to be her interest he should not suppose her views would be turned towards the United States; there were other objects of infinitely more importance to her in other parts of the Globe, and even on this Continent, there were acquisitions much more easy, and tempting. But, the operations of that government depended, so much upon the individual feelings and passions of the Emperor, its policy may become subservient to them; personal resentment to a man of his irritable and despotic character may mark us for his vengeance, and the weight of his power. Mr. B. said he thought it was particularly necessary to call the attention of the House to the situation of this country in relation to Great Britain, and the defenceless condition of our frontiers and territories, in case of attack; we had abundant evidences of her hostility, and knew with what facility she would make an impression upon points essential to the security of the western country, and the existence of the western people; do gentlemen recollect the extent of our limits stretching from the lakes to the Mississippi, and with that river to its mouth; that the inhabitants of this immense country are exposed to the fury of the savages in their vicinity, who are under the control of the British, and easily excited by them to hostility; he said he felt considerable apprehension from the movements of the British in Canada, and augur'd much danger from indications of the Indians; the great preparations making there; the reinforcements, which arrived last fall, those now arriving, and the expedition announced in England for North America convinced him, something was meditated against the United States. How easy was it to occupy Detroit, and ravage the adjacent country, since it was utterly destitute of a defensive force; the consequences had been sufficiently detailed by a gentleman from Kentucky who had stated the possession of that place by a foreign enemy had and would retard the population and progress of all those settlements. The western parts of Ohio, the Indiana, and Upper Louisiana territories are equally exposed; they cannot be defended against the powerful and numerous savage tribes on their borders; and if we are determined the inhabitants shall remain secure we must give them troops. The town of New Orleans deserved particular notice, its importance to the western country, and its openness to a predatory attack from England. Mr. B. said our seaport towns generally were exposed to naval enterprises, and their wealth would invite them; it was highly important to man the fortifications now erecting, with regulars, who would be trained to the management of cannon; the House certainly never appropriated money for this purpose without intending to use them. Nothing could be more absurd than to leave the guns & ammunition and works of the forts, without men to preserve them from destruction. It was out of the question to think of imposing garrison duty upon militia; this they would never undergo; it was irksome and disgusting in the extreme, to be confined in garrison towns, for which the militia are unfit, by their discipline, prejudices and habits. Mr. B. could not state precisely the number of troops requisite for this service, but he thought from the number of our towns, and the report of the Secretary of War, the augmentation in the bill was not too great; he declared no man felt less fear than himself of a serious invasion, or more confidence in our capacity to repel it; the scope of his reasoning was intended to shew, that this force was wanting to resist those predatory expeditions which would be directed against the weak and vulnerable parts of the Union, so thinly settled as not to afford militia for their defence, & too remote from the populated parts of the U. S. to receive timely aid.
(Mr. Burwell's speech to be continued.)
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c.
THE Subscriber having recently received a supply of European Garden Seeds, &c. which added to the various sorts saved by him the last summer, makes his assortment extensive and which are for sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch and at Dr. Orr's Medicine Store, Georg. town. THEO: HOLT Washington city, Jan. 11.—raw

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 20.
We have received from Boston a copy of a letter written by John Q. Adams on the present state of our national affairs, with remarks on Mr. Pickering's letter.
So far as we have perused this pamphlet, it reflects great honor on the head and heart of the writer. The sentiments it avows are truly American, and in the most irrefragable manner it refutes the arguments and repels the libels of Mr. P.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
The returns from 360 towns give Mr. Sullivan 38,031, and Mr. Gore 36,792
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, APRIL 18.
Messrs. Helms, Gray, Franklin and J. Richards obtained leave of absence.
Mr. Dana reported a bill concerning associations for the security of navigation; and a bill for the encouragement and security of seamen of the U. S. which were twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Bacon, the House adopted a resolution requesting the Speaker to transmit a letter to the executive of the state of Massachusetts, informing him of the death of Mr. Crowninshield, a member from that state.
Mr. Ely presented petitions from some towns in the neighborhood of Northampton, Mass. stating the inconveniences under which they labor in consequence of the embargo, which were referred to the same committee of the whole to whom similar petitions have been referred.
The engrossed bill for continuing in force an act for extending jurisdiction to certain state judges and state courts, and the bill for the relief of Matthias Smith and Darius Gates, were read the third time and passed.
A bill from the Senate for the establishment of a TURNPIKE COMPANY in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia, was read three times and passed.
The House then took up the unfinished business of Saturday, on the bill for arming the whole body of the militia; and the committee obtained leave to sit again—49 to 34.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Ayes 49—Mr. DESHA in the chair, on the bill.
Several questions on different sums having been taken, the sum of 200,000 dollars was agreed to, 46 to 36.
On motion of Mr. Rhea, a new section was added to the bill directing these arms to be distributed to the governments of the different states and territories, according to the number of their militia respectively.
The committee then rose and reported the bill as amended, Ayes 64.
The House concurred in the sum reported by the committee, 51 to 27.
The question was then taken on the passage of the bill to a third reading, Yeas 54, Nays 33.
[Details on this subject hereafter.] A bill from the Senate authorising the President of the U. S. under certain contingencies to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo, with the several acts supplementary thereto, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Poindexter, the House took up for consideration the resolution for enquiring into the conduct of Judge Bruin.
After a slight modification, it was adopted, and Messrs. Poindexter, Dana, Wharton, Holland, Jer. Morrow, Calhoun & J. Campbell were appointed a committee.
Mr. G. W. Campbell from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for the support of an additional military force for the year 1808. Twice read and committed.
A bill from the Senate for the relief of Joseph Summer and others (respecting drawbacks) was read twice.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to postpone the bill indefinitely; but a motion to refer it to a committee of the whole taking preference it was agreed to, and it was made the order of the day for Monday next.
TUESDAY, APRIL 19.
A report of the committee appointed to enquire into the conduct of HARRY INNES, declaring it inexpedient for the house to act on the subject, was ordered to lie on the table.
The bill for arming the whole body of the Militia of the U. S. was read the third time, and passed—Yeas 53, Nays 22.
A short time after eleven the House went into committee of the whole on
the bill, from the Senate, authorizing the President of the U. S. under certain contingencies to suspend the act laying an embargo.
After a wide discussion and the proposition of various amendments, all of which were negatived, the committee rose and reported the bill without amendment; when after further discussion, and the rejection of numerous amendments offered, the final question was taken at half past ten o'clock on the passage of the bill—Yeas 60, Nays 38. The substance of the bill is stated in our last, and only requires the signature of the President to be a law.
(Details in our next.)
Extract a letter from a gentleman in Georgia, dated March 14, 1808.
"The embargo has had its effect on the citizens of Mobile and Pensacola. They are almost in a state of starvation. Corn is four dollars per bushel—bacon 50 cents per pound—hogs lard one dollar per quart—fowls 9 dollars per dozen. What they will do by summer if the embargo continues, I cannot say.
"A ship loaded with coffee, carrying 50 men and 24 guns, under American colors, has been taken by the Spaniards, and her cargo is now selling at Pensacola.
(Wash. Fed.)
New-York, April 15.
A letter, dated St. Lucar, Spain, February 22, 1808, states that "Portugal is regularly proclaimed a province of France. Three expresses arrived yesterday at Cadiz. Three large divisions of the French army are at Barcelona and within 12 leagues of Madrid.—This portends something more."
April 16.
Prior to the adjournment of the Legislature of this state, it appears they have authorised a loan to be made to the amount of 450,000 dollars, in sums to individuals, not exceeding 500 dollars each. The loans are to be general, & to extend to every county—to be secured by mortgage on real estate.
Extract of a letter from the American Consul at St Lucar, received, via Boston, dated 22d Feb.
"The George Augustus, and the Swift, (American vessels) have been detained under the late Decree of the Emperor Napoleon, for 10 days, and an order for the liberation has just arrived—the former vessel has since arrived at Boston."
JUST RECEIVED,
And for Sale, at J. March's Book-Store, High-street, Geo. Town, An extensive assortment of Johnson's CHILDREN'S BOOKS;
 Among which are the following:  Pity's Gift, price 37 1-2 cents.  Sequel to Pity's Gift 37 1-2  Way to Wealth 25  Moral Fables 25  Simple Stories 25  Sixtet Rhymes 37 1-2  Daisy 18 3-4  Prize 2 vols. 50  Chimney Sweeper 18 3-4  Little Family 18 3-4  Letters from London 37 1-2  Toy Shop 12 1-2  Children in the Wood 37 1-2  Anecdotes of the Dog 62 1-2  Medley 12 1-2  ** All the above Books are fine editions, ornamented with fine plates. April 20—3t
OSCAR,
By Gabriel, the sire of Post-Boy.
THE beautiful thorough bred running Horse, OSCAR, will stand the present season at Christopher's, adjoining Belle-Air, the seat of Benjamin Ogle, jun. Esq. in Prince George's county, 18 miles from Washington City, on the road leading from thence to Annapolis, at the reduced price of Twenty Dollars a mare, and fifty cents to the Groom, which may be discharged, if paid within the season, by the payment of fifteen dollars, and fifty cents to the Groom. The season will commence on the 15th March, and close on the 20th July. Pasturage for mares gratis. Those who wish their mares fed with grain will send the money for its purchase at the market price. Great care will be taken of the mares; but there will be no responsibility for accidents or escapes.
Oscar is a bright bay, a horse of superior style, and of elegant form—beautifully marked, and of uncommonly fine bone and sinew. He is rising eight years old, 15 hands 3 inches high, and now in high health and vig. His blood is equal to that of any horse in the world—and his performances on the turf not perhaps surpassed by any horse on the continent. He was the first horse that ever beat Mr. Bond's celebrated First Consul. A particular account of that race, and of his performances generally, is published in hand bills, which, with Oscar's pedigree, may be seen with the Groom.
Apply to the Manager, at Christopher's.
April 20—4t
NOTICE.
On Thursday, x, April 21, will be offered for sale, at Public Auction, at Steele's Hotel, between the hours of 11 and 12, A. M.
ABOUT 36 boxes of ROSES of a real genuine quality, imported from Grand Cero, allowed by the best judges to be superior to any ever seen in the U. S. They are to be sold without reserve, to the highest bidder.
SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auctioneer. April 20—1t
IMPRESSED SEAMEN.
IT has been represented to the Secretary of State, that Nathan Thompson, Thomas Williams, Benjamin Bagnell, Joseph Setto, Joseph C. Charles, Redding, Samuel Henshaw, A. Girdon, Samuel Clapson, William Thompson, John Brant, Thomas W. Babb, Matthew Soderman, F. R. C. George Smith, William Brown, Minor Smith, William Brader, Robert M'Call, William Price, Henry Muller, David P. Riter, Benjamin Young, Charles Anderson, Isaac Gaines, Thomas Cook, William Jones, John Galloway, Peter Lewis, Thomas Marcum, John M'Call, Daniel M. Hogan, James Rogers, William Tice, John Jason, James Carney, John LeMont, William Lindsay, Nicholas Miller, John Porter, Peter Murphy, James P. Terson, John Skinner, Thomas Allen, Christopher Styon, J. C. Brecker, John Swaine, John Jarvis, William A. Jennings, Theodore Young, James Hoyt, Joseph Rosey, John Lill, Joseph Haswell & John Williams, who call themselves American citizens, have been impressed and are now detained in the British service. The friends of these men are hereby notified that upon their transmitting to this department, proof of their citizenship, together with a description of the persons of the above named seamen, measures will be taken to procure their discharge.
Department of State, } April 13. 1808. } The Editor of the National Intelligencer, and the Editors of such other papers as publish the laws of the Union, in the Atlantic States, are requested to insert the above notice, Three Times, in their respective Gazettes. April 15—3t
UNITED STATES NAVY HOSPITAL.
(Near the Marine Barracks.) THE Subscriber is directed to give this public notice; that hereafter on every Saturday and Wednesday between 10 and 12 o'clock, the Hospital will be opened for all Physicians and Students of Medicine, who may be desirous of observing the cases. The prescriptions of the Surgeon will be suspended on those days until the above hours, in order that such as wish to view the treatment of the patients may be gratified; as the number of patients varies from 20 to 40; and as there are several interesting works attached to the establishment, the regulation it is presumed will prove of service to Students, while the opportunity for free medical consultations among the physicians may prove of no less service to the sick.
JOHN KEARNY, Dresser U. S. N. H. April 15—
NOTICE.
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorising the erection of a BRIDGE over the river POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia," hereby give notice that a meeting of the Stockholders, of the "Washington Bridge Company," agreeably to the directions of the said act, will be held at Steele's Hotel in the city of Washington, on Monday the 2nd of May, between 10 A. M. and 3 P. M. for the purpose of electing five Directors, a Clerk and a Treasurer, and such other officers, agents, and servants as the said company may think fit to appoint, and for transacting any other business, in pursuance of said act, and appertaining to the nature and objects of the institution of the said Company.
By order of the Commissioners, ROBERT BRENT, Chairman.
FORM OF PROXY.
I hereby empower _____ to give as many votes in my name for the officers of the Washington Bridge Company at the ensuing election as I hold shares, & to transact, during the same, such other business as may be necessary. Given under my hand this _____ day of _____
One witness. April 13.
CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. 1808.
ARTICLES of Association of the Commercial Company of the city of Washington.
To all whom these presents shall in any manner concern, BE IT KNOWN that we the subscribers have formed a company or limited partnership and do hereby associate and agree with each other to conduct business in manner as hereinafter mentioned, under the name and stile of the President and Directors of the Commercial Company of the city of Washington; and we do hereby mutually covenant and agree, that the following are and shall be the fundamental articles
of this association and agreement with each other, by which we & all persons who at any time may transact business with the said company shall be bound and concluded.
ART. 1. The object of this association is to encourage and carry on commerce and trade on the Eastern Branch within the city of Washington, and for this purpose the said company may hold such sea vessel or vessels, and other property, as may be best calculated to carry the same into full effect.
ART. 2. The capital stock of the said company shall not exceed 100,000 dollars, unless two thirds of the Stockholders, both in number and value, shall (after a previous determination) be divided into 4,000 shares of 25 dollars each, to be paid in current money of the United States, as follows, viz. 2 dollars and 50 cents on each share shall be paid to the commissioners hereinafter named, at the time of subscribing 2d. 50c. to the said commissioners, or directors if chosen, in 30 days thereafter, 2d. 50c. to the directors in 60 days, and 2d. 50c. to the directors in 90 days after the time of subscribing; and the company shall commence its operation when 1500 shares are subscribed for. There shall be no further call or instalment on the shares subscribed, but at such times and in such proportions as a majority of twelve directors may determine and appoint, and no further payment shall be that sum, and no further notice without their first giving sixty days notice in two papers published within the City and George Town, and the said stock shall be subject to the following commissioners, viz. Wm. Prout, Adam Lindsay, Geo. Andrews, John Law, Thomas Thorne, James Cassin, Charles Munif, Peter Miller, Michael Nourse, Thomas C. Wright, James M'Comick, and John M'Gowan, and the said commissioners shall open books at Drummonds, Steele's and Rhodes's taverns, at 12 o'clock at noon, on the first Monday in May ensuing, and shall continue them open until seven o'clock in like manner for three days unless sooner filled; and if the stock be not fully subscribed at the close of the third day, all the unsubscribed for shares shall be under the direction of the commissioners, until the directors are chosen as herein is provided for; and the said commissioners shall issue receipts to the different subscribers for money paid by them at the time of subscribing, which receipts, and the subscription book shall be deemed sufficient evidence of the quantity of stock to which each subscriber shall be entitled in this company.
ART. 3. The commissioners, until the directors are chosen, and the directors when chosen, shall deposit all the monies subscribed and received in the Bank of Discount and Deposit within the city, in the name and to the credit of the company subject to the order of the president when elected.
ART. 4. If any stockholder shall fail to pay to his, her, or their instalments to the amount of ten dollars on each share as herein before specified, such stockholder shall forfeit, to the use of the company all money paid antecedent to such failure or default. No forfeiture shall take place after 10 dollars on each share shall have been regularly paid; but as it is requisite that means should be taken to secure the like regular payment of after calls, therefore if any stockholder shall fail to make such regular payment of any instalment or call (after 10 dollars have been paid as aforesaid) such stockholder shall not be entitled to any dividend until every instalment or call shall be paid up and made good; and the dividend thereafter to such stockholder (as well upon the money regularly paid as upon that paid after default) shall be calculated only from the time when the last instalment was made good.
ART. 5. The first general meeting of the Stockholders, for the choice of twelve directors, shall be held at such time and place as shall be appointed by the commissioners who shall as soon as may be, after 1,500 shares are subscribed for, advertise such meeting in the City and George Town papers three times previous thereto; and ever after, a general meeting of stockholders shall take place, under like call by the directors in the City on the first Monday of January in every year.
ART. 6. At the said first general meeting and at every annual general meeting to be held thereafter, as aforesaid, there shall be elected by the stockholders or their proxies, by ballot, twelve directors to serve for one year, or until successors to them shall be chosen, whose duty it shall be, when elected to choose from among themselves by ballot, a president, who shall have the whole management of the company's concern for one year; and the president and directors shall meet every four months from their election, at which meeting it shall be the duty of the president to lay before the directors, or a majority thereof, a summary of his proceedings and transactions for the company during the four preceding months and to consult and advise with the directors touching the affairs of the company—and the directors or a committee thereof, twenty days before the end of the year for which they were elected, shall assist the President in taking inventory of the company's stock on hand, shall examine the books and accounts, which the president shall present to them made up and balanced; and the directors shall on the first Monday of February in each year declare a dividend of so much of the profits as to them shall appear meet and advisable, but the surplus of net profit, exceeding 10 per cent, if such there be, shall remain as part of the capital for three years, and it shall be discretionary with said directors whether
any and what additional dividend shall be made of such surplus profits at the end of every third year. All dividends shall be paid to the stockholders or their legal representatives respectively within thirty days after being so declared by the directors, as aforesaid. The president shall receive for his services such compensation as the directors may from time to time fix or determine, which compensation shall be always fixed and settled by ballot before the directors shall proceed to the election of a president for the ensuing year.
ART. 7. If the directors shall at any time knowingly, and intentionally declare a dividend that shall diminish the capital stock of the said company, every director consenting to such excess of dividend shall be liable in his individual capacity for so much as the company's stock shall be diminished thereby.
ART. 8. In the choice of directors, and in all other cases, the number of votes to which each stockholder shall be entitled, shall be in proportion to the stock he or she may hold, as follows, viz.
For one share, and not exceeding two shares, one vote; for every two shares above two, and not exceeding ten, one vote; for every four shares above ten, and not exceeding thirty, one vote; for every six shares above thirty, and not exceeding sixty, one vote; for every eight shares above sixty, and not exceeding one hundred, one vote; and for every ten shares above that number, one vote; but no person or persons, by vote or otherwise, shall be entitled to a greater number than fifty votes. No share or shares shall confer a right of suffrage which shall not have been held four calendar months previous to the day of election, except at the first election. All stockholders actually resident within the U. S. and none other may vote at elections by ballot in person, or by proxy. None but stockholders, being citizens of the U. S. and resident within the city of Washington, shall be eligible as a direct or president.
ART. 9. It is hereby expressly and explicitly declared, that the capital stock and funds of the company shall alone be liable in any way responsible for their debts or engagements, and no person who shall or may deal with the company, or to whom they shall or may become indebted, shall, on any pretence whatever, have recourse to the separate property of any present or future member of his company, or against their persons; but all persons accepting any bond, bill, note, or other obligation of this company, signed by the president of the company for the time being, or dealing with it in any manner whatever, shall be considered as thereby giving credit only on the joint stock or property of the company, and all bonds, notes, and bills, executed or drawn by the president, shall contain an express declaration, that the joint stock of the company is alone responsible for the payment thereof.
ART. 10. It is hereby declared and conditioned that the president for the time being shall transact no other business, nor buy or sell any kind of merchandise on his private account, but that all his time, exertions and abilities shall be used only for the benefit of the concern; but this is not understood to extend to the exclusion of his domestic concerns, improvement of his personal estate and real property.
The President shall have power to appoint and remove at his pleasure all clerks, book keepers and agents for the company, at the respective stores or elsewhere, that may be necessary for the faithful performance of his or their duty, but the directors shall fix the compensation of all such persons to be paid out of the funds of the said company. And the president shall, within six calendar months, after the company shall go into operation, establish a store on the west side of Lower Creek, for the purpose of purchasing and disposing of such articles of produce, goods, wares and merchandise, as will promote the general interest of the company.
ART. 11. Whenever any vacancy shall happen in the office of president or director, by death, resignation, or removal, as the case may be, it shall immediately be filled by ballot, by the directors, from among the stockholders, till the next annual election.
ART. 12. The president and directors shall have power to make all necessary bye-laws, rules, and regulations for the well ordering and conducting of the business of the company, not inconsistent with this constitution, and such to alter and amend at their pleasure for the general benefit of the company.
ART. 13. The directors shall, as soon as may be, after chosen, appoint two of their own body as counsellors of aid to the president, who may call on them for advice whenever the company's affairs shall in his judgment require it.
ART. 14. On the appearance or well grounded suspicion of any fraud or improper conduct of the president, the directors shall have power to call him before them, at a special meeting to which he shall be notified in writing, to answer and explain his conduct; and should his vindication be unsatisfactory, seven of the directors concurring, he may be suspended from office, and another appointed from among the stockholders (not directors) until the next general meeting of the stockholders.
ART. 15. The president shall be independent of the directors, except as before mentioned; he shall exercise his discretion and best judgement in such purchases and sales for the company as he from time to time may think expedient for the interest of the concern.

ART. 16. The president for the time being shall have power to make all contracts, to receive and employ all the capital stock money, property and funds of the company of what kind soever now or at any time hereafter, to be held, or claimed, keeping account (certified by a majority of the directors for the time being) of all stock money, property and funds, received, expended and disposed of by him in the course of the current year, and of all contracts, purchases, sales and dispositions made or probably to be made within the same period which shall at all times be subject to the inspection of the stockholders. To provide and pay, out of the revenues and funds of the company, all such annual expenses as it may be necessary to incur; all charges on merchandise for keeping up and carrying on the business of the company. To bind by his signature, and seal of the company all the property and estate, common stock, and joint funds of the company, but not the personal or separate property, of himself, the directors, or any of the Directors; and the President shall, by himself and two securities, be bound in the sum of 20,000 dollars for the faithful performance of his duty, conformably to this constitution or articles of association.
ART. 17. The shares owned by any stockholders shall be transferable only on the books of the company according to such rules as may be established in that respect by the directors; but no stock shall be transferred by any stockholder who shall be actually indebted to the company until such debt shall be discharged. And any person who shall accept a transfer of any stock of this company shall "share" become a member of this association.
ART. 18. The president, before he enters upon the duties of his office, shall take the following oath or affirmation as the case may be, "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will impartially, faithfully, diligently, and honestly execute the duties of my office conformably to the constitution or articles of association to the best of my skill and judgement," and the clerks, book keepers and other officers of the company shall take a similar oath or affirmation.
ART. 19. The original subscribers to this association and the assignees, transferees and legal representatives of all such original subscribers forever, shall be taken and deemed, to all intents and purposes to be members of the company and shall be entitled to all the rights, benefits and advantages to arise in any manner therefrom, or from the property, real and personal, goods, wares, or merchandise, and capital stock thereof, in proportion to the amount of their stock and interests respectively, provided that no transfer or assignment of the capital stock shall be valid unless it be made on the books of the company, and every person or persons having so transferred or assigned the whole of his, her, or their interest & stock shall immediately cease to be a member or members of the company.
ART. 20. All suits brought, if any shall be, against this company, may and shall be brought against the president for the time being; and in case of the death or removal of the president from office, pending any such suit against him, measure shall immediately be taken at the expence of the company, for substituting his successor in office as defendant, so that persons having any demands against the company shall not be prejudiced or delayed by such event. Or if the person suing shall proceed against the person first named as defendant (notwithstanding his death or removal from office) this company shall take no advantage by writ of error, or otherwise, of such proceedings, on that account; and all recoveries had in manner aforesaid shall be conclusive upon the company so far as to render the company's joint stock and property liable, and no farther. And the company shall immediately pay the amount of such recovery out of its joint property, but not otherwise. And in case of any suit at law the president shall file an appearance thereunto; and it is hereby expressly understood and declared, that all persons dealing with the company agree to these terms and no other, & are to be bound thereby.
ART. 21. The president and directors are hereby required and fully empowered to petition the Congress of the U. States in the name and on the behalf of this company praying that an act may pass to incorporate and protect it conformable to these articles of association.
ART. 22. This association shall continue until the first Monday of Jan. in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty eight, unless an act of incorporation by Congress is sooner obtained; the proprietors of two thirds of the capital stock of the company, number, and value, may by their concurrent notice at a general meeting to be called for that express purpose dissolve the same at any prior period, provided that notice of such meeting and its object shall be published in the news papers of the city and Georgetown for at least six calendar months previous to the time of such meeting.
ART. 23. Immediately on the dissolution of this association, effectual measures shall be taken by the President and directors, then existing, for closing all the accounts and concerns of this company, and for dividing the capital (and property of every description as soon as the same can be disposed of and received for) together with the profits which may remain among the stockholders for the time being in proportion to their respective interests.
IN WITNESS whereof we have hereunto set our names or firms the day of in the year of our Lord 1808.
THE foregoing articles of association for the establishment of a commercial company in the City of Washington, are presented for the attention and approbation of the citizens. From the experience of nearly fifteen years, it must have become obvious to all that the city cannot extensively improve, but by the assistance of commerce, and that in its present state commerce cannot be expected to arise but from the joint exertions of its inhabitants. Selected as the permanent seat of the general government of the Union, and situated at the head of the tide water of one of the finest rivers in the world, which is navigable for the largest vessels, which flow through a country remarkable for the fertility of its soil and salubrity of its climate, and offers the cheapest and readiest communication with the Atlantic states, this favored spot seems to have been destined by nature for the emporium of an extensive and profitable commerce. Hitherto these advantages have been forcibly diverted into other channels, and the city too weak both in population and wealth to reclaim them, has been for a long time tributary to other places for almost every necessary and convenience of life. But a more favorable prospect is now opened. The evils of former land speculations have ceased to operate; the population of Washington amounts to seven thousand persons; from increasing numbers and wealth a general confidence begins to prevail among its citizens and nothing but the slightest encouragement and union is wanting to attract a spirit of commercial enterprise to our harbors. It is from a consideration of these circumstances, that the foregoing plan for a commercial association is proposed. In the present state of our political affairs its operation and utility must be necessarily limited. But time and experience will be required to give stability to the company, & as soon as the present obstacles to commerce are removed it will be prepared to enjoy the advantages, which such a circumstance after the long suspension of foreign intercourse, must produce. But even now and at all times, the association will be attended with numerous advantages. It will have a tendency to connect the interests of the citizens together; it will direct their attention to commercial pursuits, and by establishing wholesale warehouses, in several parts of the city it will remove the difficulties and expenses experienced by retailers in supplying themselves from other places with the articles they require. The necessity felt by all traders for some such association may enable us to form a probable estimate of the profits of the stock; and tho' differences of opinion must necessarily prevail on such a subject, yet we may reasonably calculate that it will annually yield a dividend at least equal to that of any banking institution.
NOTICE. To the Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company.
IN pursuance to an act of Congress, you are called on by the late Commissioners to attend in person or by proxy at Washington the 2d of May next, to elect five Directors, a Treasurer, and Clerk. I take the liberty through this medium to offer myself a candidate as your Clerk. The advantage to the Alexandradians of the clerk residing in Alexandria, as the office is to be kept in Washington, is obvious, and no injury can possibly arise from this arrangement to the Stockholders in the City. It will render unnecessary in case of transfer, that the persons conveying or receiving the conveyance should repair to the Clerk's Office in the City to have the needful done—true it is, that it may be done by power of Attorney; but the trouble attendant thereon is an inconvenience, independent of the necessity of an agent to effect the transfer; whereas the clerk residing in Alexandria, might be the means of saving that expence and trouble by keeping a transfer book there. I shall be content to receive whatever emolument the service may be deemed worthy of, or as low as any competitor that may be presented for your suffrage.
A. LINDSAY. Alexandria, April 18—1808
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of his brother Romulus Riggs, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or
ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—1808
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the power of the Public's devoted Servant.
GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—1808
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, and to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Comand Plowden late of the county aforesaid deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 18th day of March, eighteen hundred & eight
HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's merchants, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—1808
IN obedience to the decree of the high court of Chancery of Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at the premises on the 4th day of May next at 3 o'clock, P. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to part of a Tract of LAND, called Brock Hall , supposed to contain about one hundred and twenty acres, and part of a Tract of LAND called Beall's Hunting Quarters , supposed to contain about seventy acres, lying in Prince Georges county Maryland. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest thereon from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale.
All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale. JAMES S. MORSEL, Trustee. April 13—3w
FAMILY PHYSICIAN. A new and greatly improved Family Physician, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion," FOR SALE AT R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Washington city. J. MILLIGAN'S George-Town, And KID & THOMAS'S, Market street Baltimore. March 28—3w
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAILOR. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwel's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any thing in use can be had on the same terms retailed as at his manufactory. November 27—1808
ROSS AND GATTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz: 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with copper and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—1808
This is to give Notice— THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Wilfred Neale, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of March 1808. HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk molekins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lutestrings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloon do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarf and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, tickling, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—1808
NOTICE. BY order of the Orphan's Court of Washington county district of Columbia will be sold at PUBLIC AUCTION, on Friday the 22d inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. at the late Dwelling of Addison Murdock, deceased, in Washington city, the Household and Kitchen Furniture and an elegant Gig, with plated harness— And on Saturday the 23d inst. at Ten o'clock A. M. will be sold at Public Auction at his farm about three miles above George Town, negroes, horses, cattle, a waggon and geers, corn, rye, oats and tobacco, with sundry farming utensils. Terms of sale, six months credit for all purchases above 20 dollars. MARIANNE C. MURDOCK, GEORGE FRENCH, Adms. N. B. All persons having claims against the estate of Addison Murdock, deceased, are requested to present them to George French before the day of sale; those indebted to said estate are also requested to call and settle their accounts. April 15—1808
GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms, of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS Washington city, Dec. 11—1808
PHILADELPHIA PORTER & ALE CELLAR. LEWIS ZIMMER, at his store near the NAVY YARD, begs leave to inform the Public that he is just opening a PORTER CELLAR, near the gate of the Navy Yard, where the best kind of Porter and Ale from Philadelphia shall at all times be procured in bottles or otherwise. He has also received from Philadelphia, a parcel of the very best LIQUID BLACKING, for Boots and Shoes in bottles and half bottles—the fine shining gloss of this blacking is so well fixed on the surface of the leather, that you may pass a white handkerchief over your boots without soiling them in the least; in short, it is difficult to describe all the admirable qualities of this Liquid Blacking. He continues to keep a general assortment of GROCERIES & DRY GOODS, which he offers for sale on very moderate prices. April 6—3t&2aw2w
PUBLIC NOTICE. BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold on Thursday the 21st day of April next, at his late dwelling in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of John Rustin, late of said county, deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils and a variety of other articles too numerous to mention. The terms of sale are six months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good securities bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums to the amount of ten dollars and under, the cash must be paid. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. March 25—3w
PORT WINE. Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice Liquors of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25—
MRS. THOMPSON at the SIX BUILDINGS has her best Drawing Room and Four Bed Chambers unoccupied with Stables and Carriage houses. April 6—3t
ENGLISH GOODS. By the Joseph Adams and St. John from Liverpool. APPLETON & CO. 16, Calvert street, Baltimore, HAVE received their regular supply of Goods, calculated for the present and approaching season: Cambric and common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities, Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, Do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, Do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine cloths and Cassimeres, Patent Nankenees, Grandurells, Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Haricord and Check, do. Plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, Riddle, &c. do. Colored do. do. 4-4 plain book do. Ginghams, Silk do. Satins, Persians and Sarsenets, Bonnet Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, Do. Brace, Do. Laces and Footings, Do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringes and Red Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks, Buttons, Birmingham Ware, &c. IN STORE, A few dozen Gentlemen's best BEAVER HATS from Marseilles. These Goods will be sold low for cash or undoubted paper at 60 days. April 8—10t
30 DOLLARS REWARD, FOR apprehending and safe keeping, black MOSES, about 5 feet 10 inches high, about 25 years old; has lost an upper fore tooth, has a rupture near his groin; when sharply spoken to shews submission, his voice is soft and low, his gestures is such as has enabled him to deceive those who are acquainted with him. I have had him twice since the 30th of July last; once he broke from the stocks; once from five men on the 26th December last. On the day after he broke Wm. Lee's house, and took therefrom all said Lee's wearing apparel, also a saddle and bridle and a horse from my stable. The horse, saddle and bridle I have recovered, which was taken from him by Mr. Nison who keeps ferry near Dumfries. The principal part of clothing he had with him when he was lodged in Dumfries jail, on 30th December last, consisted of home made cloth, which he took with him on the 1st of January last when he broke jail and cleared himself. I suppose he is lurking about George Town or Alexandria. He called himself a freeman, and passed by the name of John Lucas Roulis. It is likely he will take some other. The above reward and all reasonable charges I will pay to any person who will lodge him in any jail, or deliver him to me in Orange county. JOHN PAYNE, Black Walnut Run. March 18—10
I AM desirous of Renting the WHARF and WARE HOUSE, lately occupied by Mr. Griffith Coombe. The wharf is advantageously situated for the reception and sale of Lumber, and the Warehouse well calculated for storage of flour, or any kind of country produce, as well as West India produce. The terms will be reasonable and immediate possession given. Vessels drawing 15 feet water can come to the wharf. ROBERT BRENT. April 18—3w