The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-01-30 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 982.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 30, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 26.
DEBATE.
In the House of Representatives on the bill to suspend the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus, for a limited time in certain cases.
On receiving this bill the doors of the House were closed. They were opened about noon when we understood that a motion made by Mr. Burwell to reject the bill on the first reading, was depending; a message having been received from the President of the United States, containing additional information on the subject of the conspiracy. Mr. Burwell withdrew his motion until that should be read.
The Message having been read, Mr. Burwell renewed his motion to reject the bill.
Mr. STANFORD seconded the motion.
Mr. BURWELL said he was unacquainted with the particular reasons which had induced the Senate to pass this bill. None had been assigned when the bill was communicated; and no additional documents presented. He could therefore only be governed by that information which the House had received; and he believed that would justify the motion before the House. The President in his message of the 22d, says, "on the whole the fugitives from Ohio and their associates from Cumberland, or other places in that quarter, cannot threaten serious danger to the city of New Orleans." If that be the case, upon what ground shall we suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus? Can any person imagine the U. S. are in danger after this declaration of the President, who unquestionably possesses more correct information than any other person can be supposed to have. In another part of the message we are informed, that the persons arrested at New Orleans have been embarked for some of the Atlantic ports; "probably on the consideration that an impartial trial could not be expected during the present agitations of New Orleans, and that that city was not as yet a safe place of confinement." As soon as these persons shall arrive, they will be delivered to the custody of the law, and left to such course of trial, both as to place and process, as its functions may direct; the presence of the highest judicial authorities to be assembled at this place within a few days, the means of procuring a sounder course of proceedings here than elsewhere, and the aid of the executive means, should the judges have occasion to use them, render it equally desirable, for the criminal as for the public, that being already relieved from the place where they were apprehended, the first regular arrest should take place here, and the course of proceedings receive here its proper direction. The President evidently holds out the idea, that the correct and proper mode of proceeding can be had under the existing laws of the U. S. These persons may be transferred from the military to the civil authority, and be proceeded against according to law. Those therefore who fear the escape of the traitors already apprehended, and would by this measure obviate the difficulty, must perceive that consequence would not ensue. Mr. B. said he should consider the suspension of the Habeas Corpus as holding out an idea of danger and alarm, which was highly improper, inasmuch as it did not exist. It is true this conspiracy was once formidable, extensive and threatening; but it has been dissipated by the vigilance of government. He would ask gentlemen, if they seriously believed the danger sufficiently great to justify the suspension of this most important right of the citizen, to proclaim the country in peril, and to adopt a measure so pregnant with mischief, by which the innocent and guilty will be involved in one common destruction. He said this was not the first instance of the kind since the formation of the federal government; there had been already two insurrections in the U. S. both of which had defied the authority of Congress, and menaced the union with dissolution. Notwithstanding one of them justified, the calling out of 15,000 men and the expenditure of one million of dollars, he had not heard of a proposition to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus. What then will be said of us, if now when the danger is over, firm in the attachment of the people to the union, with ample resources to encounter any difficulties which may occur, we resort to a measure so harsh in its nature, oppressive in its operation, and ruinous as a precedent? While in former times, it was thought unsafe to suspend this most important and valuable part of the constitution, he would ask whether the necessity at the present time could be considered greater? With regard to those persons who may be implicated in the conspiracy, if the writ of Habeas Corpus be not suspended, what will be the consequence?
When apprehended they will be brought before a court of justice, who will decide whether there is any evidence that will justify their commitment for further prosecution. From the communication of the executive it appeared there was sufficient evidence to authorize their commitment. Several months would elapse before their final trial, which would give time to collect evidence, and if this shall be sufficient they will not fail to receive the punishment merited by their crimes, and inflicted by the laws of their country. Mr. B. said he could conceive no injury that would result on this score; and indeed if some persons should elude justice, it would not endanger society so materially as to come within the terms of the constitution. He observed it appeared to him the commencement of an insurrection was the only time when the writ of Habeas Corpus ought to be suspended; when the seizure of the ring-leaders, by dismaying the inferior agents, would enable the government, without the effusion of blood, to suppress it. But it was manifest that at this moment every thing intended by the conspirators was effected, or they were in the hands of the civil authority; there was therefore no good reason to take this precautionary step with that view—while on the other hand it would unavoidably produce unnecessary alarm, and much inconvenience to the citizens of the U. S. Nothing but the most imperative necessity would excuse us in confining to the executive or any person under him, the power of seizing and confining a citizen upon bare suspicion for three months, without responsibility, for the abuse of such unlimited discretion. Mr. B. said he could judge from what he had already seen, that men who are perfectly innocent, would be doomed to feel the severity of confinement, and undergo the infamy of the dungeon. What reparation can be made to those who shall thus suffer? The people of the U. S. would have just reason to reproach their representatives with wantonly sacrificing their dearest interests, when from the facts presented to this House, it seems the country was perfectly safe, and the conspiracy nearly annihilated. Under these circumstances there can be no excuse for suspending the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus, and violating the constitution, which declares "the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of invasion or rebellion the public safety may require it."
Mr. B. said he hoped he had shown that admitting the two cases specified in the constitution existed, they were not accompanied with such symptoms of calamity as rendered the passage of the bill expedient.
What, in another point of light, would be the effect of passing such a law? Would it not establish a dangerous precedent? A corrupt and vicious administration under the sanction and example of this law, might harass and destroy the best men of the country. It would only be necessary to excite artificial commotions, circulate exaggerated rumours of danger, and then follows the repetition of this law, by which every obnoxious person, however honest, is subjected to the vindictive resentment of the government. It will not be a sufficient answer, that this power will not be abused by the present President of the United States. He, Mr. B. believed, would not abuse it, but it would be impossible to restrain all those who are under him. Besides he would not consent to advocate a principle, bad in itself, because it will not probably be abused. For these reasons Mr. B. said he should vote to reject the bill.
Mr. ELLIOT said that he regretted the motion to reject the bill had been made, because, considering the subject of very great importance, he thought it most proper that it should take the usual course of business, that the bill should be read a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole, for the purposes of deliberation and discussion.
Called upon, however, said Mr. B. to answer to the question, shall the bill be rejected? I must answer that question in the affirmative, as I should deem it my duty to advocate its rejection, in any form which it might assume, and in any stage of its progress; and I deem it equally my duty, on the present occasion, to express my sentiments upon the subject. It is indeed difficult for me, consistently with the sincere and high respect which I entertain for the source from whence this measure originated, to express in decorous terms the hostility which I feel to the proposition. I am therefore disposed to consider it as an original proposition here; as a motion in this body to suspend for a limited time, the privileges attached to the writ of habeas corpus. And in this point of view I am prepared to say that it is the most extraordinary proposition that has ever been presented for our consideration and adoption. Sir, what is the language of our constitution upon this subject? "The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, except when in cases of invasion or rebellion the public safety shall require it." Have we a right to sus-
pend it in any and every case of invasion and rebellion? So far from it, that we are under a constitutional interdiction to act, unless the existing invasion or rebellion, in our sober judgment, threatens the first principles of the national compact, and the constitution itself. In other words we can only act, in this case, with a view to national self preservation. We can suspend the writ of habeas corpus only in a case of extreme emergency; that alone is the salus populi which will justify this lex extra scripta . And is this a crisis of such awful moment? Is it necessary at this time to constitute a dictatorship, to save the people from themselves, and to take care that the republic shall receive no detriment? What is the proposition? To create a single dictator, as in ancient Rome, in whom all power shall be vested for a time? No. To create one great dictator, and a multitude, an army of subaltern and petty despots? To invest, not only the President of the United States, but the governors of states and territories, and indeed all persons, deriving civil or military authority from the supreme executive, with unlimited and irresponsible power over the personal liberty of your citizens. Is this one of those great crises that require a suspension, a temporary prostration of the constitution itself? Does the stately superstructure of our republic thus tremble to its centre, and totter towards its fall? Common sense must give a negative answer to these questions. What are the facts? It is indeed a case of rebellion. We are officially informed that rebellion has reared its hydra front in the peaceful valleys of the west. But we are also informed by the executive that treason has no prospect of success; that "the fugitives from the Ohio, and their associates from Cumberland, cannot threaten serious danger even to the city of New Orleans." Not a single city, still less a territory or a state, is considered in danger; and the executive not only possesses all the information which has been communicated to us, but much more, for we are informed that the communication has been made under the reservation contained in the resolution requesting it, and of course all the facts in the knowledge of the executive, which are deemed improper for disclosure at this time, have been kept back. And the executive, possessing all this information, assures us that the public safety is not endangered. Can we, under these circumstances, consent to the investiture of dictatorial powers in that department of the government which thus assures us that all is safe? It would be contrary to the spirit of the constitution.
But we shall be told that the constitution has contemplated cases of this kind, and in reference to them, invests us with unlimited discretion. When any gentleman shall advance such a position, we who advocate the rejection of the bill, will meet him upon that ground and put the point at issue. We contend that the framers of the constitution never contemplated the exercise of such a power under circumstances like the present; and that the constitution itself, instead of authorising, has prohibited such discretion, unless in an extreme case. And can any member lay his hand upon his heart, and say that the present is a case of that description? He who cannot do this must with us consider the proposed measure as unconstitutional.
Let us pay a little attention to the nature and character of the writ of habeas corpus. It has its origin in Great Britain, and is there considered in two great points of view, as it respects the monarch, and as it respects the subject. As it respects the monarch, it is one of the jura prerogativa , a writ of prerogative; but it is not considered as calculated to increase the power of the king or the splendour of the throne; in its origin and true character it is viewed as a prerogative, exercised by the king, or those authorities to whom his judicial powers are supposed to be delegated, only for the purpose of securing the constitutional rights of the subject, and restraining the invasion of those rights. As it respects the subject, it is a writ of right , and is emphatically called, by English writers, a writ of liberty.
By the provisions of the famous statute of Charles the second, which has even been called a second magna charta , its privileges are guaranteed to all British subjects at all times. An eminent English author, and the most popular writer upon subjects of legal science, considers its suspension as the suspension of liberty itself; declares that the measure ought never to be resorted to but in cases of extreme emergency; and says that the nation then parts with its freedom for a short and limited time, only to resume and secure it forever. Hence he compares the suspension of the habeas corpus act in Great Britain to the dictatorship of the Roman Republic.
But objectionable as the bill upon the table is in point of principle, it is, if possible, still more objectionable in point of detail. It invests with the power of violating the first principles of civil and political liberty, not only the
supreme executive, and the executives of individual states and territories, but all civil and military officers who may derive any authority whatever from the chief magistrate. And it extends the operation of the suspension of the privileges of the habeas corpus, not only to persons guilty or suspected of treason, or misprision of treason, but to those who may be accused of any other crime or misdemeanor, tending to endanger the "peace, safety, or neutrality" of the United States! What a vast and almost illimitable field of power is here opened, in which executive discretion may wander at large and uncontroll'd. A vast and dangerous scene of power indeed! It gives the power of dispensing with the ordinary operation of the laws to a host of those little great men , who are attached to every government under Heaven. I wish not to reflect upon any of those subordinate officers who may be employed by the government of my country.
[Here the door-keeper announced a message from the Senate, and Mr. Elliott sat down till it was delivered by the secretary. He then proceeded.]
But no one will doubt that in times of alarm and danger, many men will be clothed with the functions of office, who are incompetent to the discreet exercise of such boundless discretion. I can never wish to see such persons invested with the means of aiming at the heads of their private enemies, or other innocent and unoffending citizens, the thunderbolts of public indignation, or scorching them with the lightning of public suspicion. Says the poet—
Could great men thunder, Jove would ne'er be quiet, For every petty peiting officer Would use his heaven for thunder.
Let us again ask for evidence of the necessity of this measure! Certainly none can be produced, for we are informed from the first authority, that if the present be not a time of profound peace, it is far from being a period of public danger. The leader of this petty rebellion has been called the modern Cataline. Undoubtedly he possesses many of the qualities which a celebrated ancient historian ascribes to the Cataline of Rome: his genius, his address, his activity, his profligacy; but he is destitute of his means and resources. He wants that power of doing mischief which the Roman conspirator possessed. So far is he from being able to make war upon his country: that he cannot take possession of a single city. He is rapidly hastening to the same fate, although he may not meet it in the same manner. Already is he "damn'd to everlasting fame," or rather damn'd to everlasting infamy. Already is he a fugitive. Already a price is set upon his head. In the papers of this morning we see that the governor of Orleans has offered a reward for his apprehension. We cannot but detest the traitor, but we can have no fears of the consequences of the treason. Mr. B. concluded by expressing a hope that the bill would meet a decided vote of rejection.
Mr. EPPES. When I feel a decided hostility to a principle it is not material to me in what form I meet it. Decidedly opposed to the principle of this bill, I shall vote against it in all its stages, and cannot but hope that the motion of my colleague to reject it will prevail. By this bill we are called upon to exercise one of the most important powers vested in Congress by the constitution of the U. S. A power which suspends the personal rights of your citizens, which places their liberty wholly under the will; not of the executive magistrate only, but of his inferior officers. Of the importance of this power, of the caution which ought to be employed in its exercise, the words of the constitution afford irresistible evidence. The words of the constitution are "The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it." The wording of this clause of the constitution deserves peculiar attention. It is not in every case of invasion, nor in every case of rebellion, that the exercise of this power by Congress can be justified under the words of the constitution. The words of the constitution confine the exercise of this power exclusively to cases of rebellion, or invasion where the public safety requires it. In carrying into effect most of the important powers of Congress, something is left for the exercise of its discretion. We raise armies when in our opinion armies are necessary. We may call forth the militia to suppress insurrection or repel invasion when we consider this measure necessary. But we can only suspend the privilege of the Habeas Corpus "when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety requires it." Well indeed may this caution have been used as to the exercise of this important power. It is in a free country the most tremendous power which can be placed in the hands of a legislative body. It suspends at once the chartered rights of the community, and places even those who pass the act under military despotism. The constitution however nay-
ing vested this power in Congress, and a branch of the legislature having thought its exercise necessary, it remains for us to enquire whether the present situation of our country authorises on our part a resort to this extraordinary measure.
The enquiry is confined within very narrow limits. The power can only be exercised under the constitution when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. Our country is not invaded. We have only therefore to enquire whether there exists in this country a rebellion? And whether the public safety requires a suspension of the Habeas Corpus. Of the existence of the rebellion or combination against the authority of the U. S. there can be no doubt, as we have on our table a detailed account of its origin and progress. I shall confine my observations solely to the latter part, whether the public safety requires a suspension of the Habeas Corpus for its suppression. In the communication now on our table from the executive, we have been informed that the militia of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, of the Mississippi and Orleans territories have been ordered out. That general Wilkinson was at Orleans on the 10th of December with his troops from the Sabine, which from other information we know to consist of one thousand effective men. These are the resources of the nation now in active operation. What is the force of the conspirators? By the same document we are informed that "some boats, accounts vary from five to double or treble that number, and persons differently estimated from one to three hundred, had passed the falls of Ohio to rendezvous at the mouth of Cumberland river, with others expected down that river." From the same document it appears that the force which comes down Cumberland river amounts to two boats, in one of which is Aaron Burr. From this statement it appears that the largest calculation as to the actual force of the conspirators, is three hundred. But when we know the propensity of human nature to magnify accounts of this kind, we may fairly infer that the whole force does not exceed one hundred and fifty men. To oppose which we have one thousand regular troops and the militia of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, of the Mississippi and Orleans territories. Is there a man present who believes (on this statement) that the public safety requires a suspension of the Habeas Corpus? This government has now been in operation thirty years—during this whole period our political charter whatever shocks it may have sustained has never been suspended. Never under this government has personal liberty been held at the will of a single individual. Shall we in the full tide of prosperity, possessed of the confidence of the nation, with a revenue of fifteen millions of dollars and six hundred thousand free men able and ready to bear arms in defence of their country, believe its safety endangered by a collection of men which the militia of any one county in our country would be amply sufficient to subdue. Shall we, sir, suspend the chartered rights of the community for the suppression of a few desperadoes—of a small banditti already surrounded by your troops—pressed from above by your militia—met below by your regulars, and without a chance of escape but by abandoning their boats and seeking safety in the woods. I consider the means at present in operation amply sufficient for the suppression of this combination. Additional means were necessary I should be willing to vote as many additional bayonets as shall be necessary for every traitor I cannot, however, bring myself to believe that this country is placed in such a dreadful situation as to authorise me to suspend the personal rights of the citizen, and to give him in lieu of a free constitution the executive will for his charter. I consider the provision in the constitution for suspending the Habeas Corpus as designed only for occasions of great national danger. Like the power of creating a dictator in ancient Rome, it prostrates the rights of your citizens and endangers public liberty. Like that it may on some very extraordinary occasions prove salutary, but like that it ought never to be resorted to but in cases of absolute necessity, or to use the emphatic language of the constitution "when the public safety requires it." Believing that the public safety is not endangered, and that the discussion of this question is calculated to alarm the public mind at a time when no real danger exists, I shall vote for the rejection of the bill in its present stage.
Mr. VARNUM said if he was of opinion with the gentlemen from Vermont and Virginia, he should vote for the rejection of this bill; but he entertained a different opinion, and unless he heard something to change it, he should vote differently from them. He did not believe the constitution restricted the power of the government to suspend the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus to cases where the country was shaken to its centre. There were no expressions in it to justify this inference. It terms are "The privilege of the writ of

Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, except when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety shall require it. Will gentlemen deny that there exists in the U. S. at present a rebellion? I presume not, said Mr. V. it is too notorious to admit of doubt. Will they deny that the conspiracy has been formed with deliberation, and has existed for a long time? Is it not evident that it has become very extensive? If then this is the case, and the head of the conspiracy has said that he is aided by a foreign power; if this is true, are we justified in considering the country in a perfect state of safety until it is brought to a close? I conceive not. I consider the country in a degree in a state of insecurity, and if so, the power is vested in the Congress of the U. S. under the constitution, to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus. I am also apprehensive that we shall not be able to trace the conspiracy to its source without such a suspension. We have had an instance in which the head of the conspiracy has been brought before a court of justice and where nothing has been brought against him. It is not my wish to insinuate that an court or public functionary is contaminated by this conspiracy; yet it is possible, that this may be the case, and the very existence of the country may depend on tracing it to its source. I am not disposed to advocate sanguinary punishments, but I think they ought to be exemplary in regard to the chiefs of the conspiracy; for which purpose we ought to adopt those measures which will tend to a full discovery of those concerned in it. I am sensible that the government of the U. S. has not hitherto resorted to this measure; but I know a particular state of the union who did consider the measure necessary, in the case of an insurrection which occurred within her limits, and I think it very doubtful whether that insurrection would have been happily closed, if it had not been for her suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus. Have we had any insurrection or rebellion in the United States like this? We have had one insurrection in Massachusetts, but whence did it arise? Not from a design to subvert the government, but from the burthen of taxes—taxes which perhaps exceeded those laid in any country since the formation of society. I do not mean by these observations, by any means to justify that insurrection, and I believe, from the circumstances with which I am acquainted, that the insurrection which took place in Pennsylvania did not go to the subversion of the government. But let us look at this conspiracy. While the nation from one extreme to the other enjoys a degree of prosperity and happiness unparalleled in any other nation, and not a single individual within our limits has any reason to complain of oppression, an insurrection is fomented, subversive of the government and destructive of the rights of the people. It appears to me that this insurrection is the most aggravating of all insurrections which history gives us an account of. There is not the least oppression or the least pressure of circumstances to induce any individual to rise up against the government of his country; and it consequently betrays the greatest turpitude of mind in those who either lead or unite in it. For these reasons I think it ought to be traced to its source, and I think it very doubtful whether this can be effected, without in the first instance suspending the Habeas Corpus. Will gentlemen say that any innocent man will have a longer stay upon him, should this law pass? No—here is no probability of it—it is scarcely possible, but even if it be possible, if the public good requires the suspension of this privilege, very man attached to the government and to the liberty he enjoys, will be surely willing to submit to this inconvenience for a time, in order to secure the public happiness. The suspension only applies to particular crimes, the liberties of the people will not therefore be touched. I do think a great responsibility will rest on this branch of the legislature in case they refuse to pass this act. Suppose the head of this conspiracy shall be taken in a distant country where no evidence exists of the crime charged to him, and he shall consequently be set at liberty by the tribunal of justice—where will the responsibility rest but upon this branch of the legislature? It is too great for me as an individual member to bear. I shall therefore vote for this bill under the impression that it will not have the injurious effects that some gentlemen seem to apprehend, and that it will only more effectually consign the guilty into the hands of justice.
Mr. R. NELSON. As the motion to reject the bill meets my most hearty approbation, and as I consider it involving a great national question, I cannot recede it to my duty to give a silent vote on it. I shall, however, in order to avoid an unnecessary consumption of the time of the House, offer my remarks as concise a compass as possible. I shall first consider the nature of the writ of Habeas Corpus; afterwards examine its effects, not only on the individual, but on the community at large, taking into view the mode of proceeding under it, to show, as I conceive, that no danger can ensue, on the refusal to pass this bill.
What is a writ of Habeas Corpus? It is a writ directing a certain person in custody to be brought before a tribunal of justice, to enquire into the legality of his confinement. If the judge is of opinion that the confinement is illegal, the person will of course be discharged;
if on the contrary from the evidence, he shall be of opinion that there is sufficient grounds to suspect that he is guilty of some offence, he will not be discharged. Now to me it appears that this is a proper and necessary power to be vested in our judges, and that a suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus is in all cases improper. If a man is taken up, and is denied an examination before a judge or a court, he may, although innocent in this case, continue to suffer confinement. This in my opinion is dangerous to the liberty of the citizen. He may be taken up on vague suspicion and may not have his case examined for months, or even for years. Would not this bear hard upon the rights of the citizen?
Let us turn over leaf, and see how the government stands. If the person accused is legally committed, or if it shall be proved that he has committed any offence, the judge will say that he shall not be released. If he has committed an offence, there can be no ground for this suspension, because without such suspension he will not be discharged because it does not follow that inasmuch as a man has a right to demand that he be brought before a judge by a writ of Habeas Corpus, he shall therefore be discharged. He is only bound to examine him, and if he finds there is strong reason to believe he has committed a crime, he may remand him to confinement.
This is a writ of right, which ought to exist under all governments on earth. What right? The right of being examined by the tribunal of his country, to determine whether there is any ground for the deprivation of his liberty. Is this a right which ought to be suspended merely to gratify the apprehensions of gentlemen? I think not. The framers of the constitution have laid "the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, except when in cases of invasion or rebellion the public safety shall require it." Well, but says the gentleman from Mass. can any one deny that this is a rebellion? It may perhaps be, but I think it does not deserve the name of a rebellion—it is a little, petty, trifling contemptible thing, led on by a desperate man, at the head of a few desperate followers—a thing which might have been dangerous, if the virtue of the people had not arrested and destroyed it. But admit that it is a rebellion. Will every rebellion justify a suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus? The constitution says, "The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, except when in cases of invasion or rebellion the public safety shall require it." Does then the public safety require this suspension? Does the constitution justify it? And under present circumstances confining a man in prison without a cause—There is no danger, the enemy is not at our door—there is no invasion—and yet we are called upon to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus. This precedent, let me tell gentlemen, may be a ruinous, may be a most damnable precedent—a precedent which hereafter may be most flagrantly abused. The Executive may wish to make use of more energetic measures than the established laws of the land enable him to do—he will resort to this as a precedent, & this important privilege will be suspended at the smallest appearance of danger. The effect will be that whenever a man is at the head of our affairs, who wishes to oppress or wreak his vengeance on those who are opposed to him, he will fly to this as a precedent—it will truly be a precedent fraught with the greatest danger—A precedent which ought not to be set except in a case of the greatest necessity—indeed I can hardly contemplate a case, in which in my opinion it can be necessary.
In my opinion this is a measure which ought never to be proposed unless when the country is so corrupt that we cannot even trust the judges themselves. This I consider the cause of the frequent suspension of this privilege in England. Whenever the whole mass of society becomes contaminated and the officers of the judicial court are so far corrupted as to countenance rebellion and release rebels from their confinement, it may be then time to say they shall no longer remain in your hands—we will take them from you. But I apprehend there is no such danger here, and I repeat it, we are at once creating one of the most dangerous precedents and passing one of the most unjust acts that was ever proposed.
Mr. SLOAN. At the same time that I express my purpose to vote on the same side with the gentleman from Md. I shall take the liberty of aligning very different reasons for my vote from those offered by him. The gentleman from Virg. has mentioned two preceding insurrections, which he considers of much greater magnitude than this. I am of a different opinion. Compared to this, I consider them as only a drop to the bucket. For a moment let me ask the attention of gentlemen to those insurrections, or as I think they might with more correctness be termed, oppositions to government. In consequence of certain citizens thinking themselves aggrieved by certain acts, in which they have been in
some measure justified by their subsequent repeal, a handful of people raised in opposition to their execution. What an analogy do those oppositions bear to this rebellion. I consider the late or present conspiracy to be of greater magnitude than any we know of in history. Under what authority has it been created? Under that of a man of great abilities and experience, who states that he expects encouragement from foreign nations. I do not pretend to say that this is a fact—but what has he done? Has he not drawn resources from every part of the union? I therefore consider it of great magnitude, & it is certainly excited against the best government on earth under which the people enjoy the greatest happiness. I shall, however, vote against the bill, under the belief that we may confidently rely on the love and affection of the people for their government, to which we are already probably indebted for its suppression. Had this measure been brought forward a month or six weeks ago, I should have voted for it.
(To be continued)
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 30.
A more detailed statement of the proceedings in the CIRCUIT COURT of the District of Columbia.
Mr. JONES, the U. S. States attorney, prefaced his motion on Friday with an address to the following effect.
He requested leave to interrupt the ordinary business of the court by introducing a motion relative to a subject calculated, from its importance, to fix the most earnest attention, and to excite the profoundest interest.
Two persons have been arrested in a distant territory of the United States, and brought within the jurisdiction of this court, charged with being principal actors in the execution of an abominable plot against the Union, and in a treasonable and atrocious enterprise of hostility against the territory and citizens of these states. The city of New Orleans appears to have been the most important point of attack meditated in the first instance by the conspirators. General Wilkinson, the commander in chief, hastens with his army to defend the place. While exerting all the zeal and activity of a vigilant and able commander, of a brave and faithful soldier, to make every requisite military preparation against assaults from without, he detects certain emissaries within the very walls of his fortress, engaged in the most criminal and mischievous acts of co-operation with the expected assailants;—he orders Erick Bollman and Samuel Swartwout, two of those emissaries who were supposed to have demonstrated their treasonable purpose by the most unequivocal acts, to be seized and sent to the seat of government under a military guard. Immediately on their arrival it is determined by the executive government to transfer the custody of the prisoners from the military to the civil power.
There is no reason to doubt the authority of a military commander, actually engaged in the suppression of a treasonable enterprise against the U. States, to seize upon traitors whom he detects, flagrante delicto , and to detain them securely till they can be subjected to judicial process and examination, but that authority arising from necessity and the exigencies of the public safety, must cease when an opportunity offers for the quiet and convenient, and at the same time efficient administration of justice in the ordinary way. It is therefore that, without hesitation or delay, instructions are given instantly to move this court for a judicial warrant to arrest those persons and place them in the custody of the law. In support of this motion two depositions, solemnly sworn to by Gen. Wilkinson, would be read to the court. Those documents will explain the grounds upon which he proceeded to arrest and detain the prisoners.
Mr. Jones observed that owing to the sudden and unexpected manner in which this task had devolved upon him, he had not even perused these documents and could therefore apprise the court of their contents in no other way than by reading them in evidence.
[Two depositions of Gen. W. were then read to the court, both of which have been published in the National Intelligencer, accompanied by the President's messages of the 22d and 24th of January.]
The court, after examining the depositions, enquired of Mr. Jones with what specific offence he proposed the prisoners should be charged in the warrant?
He answered, "I accuse them of the crime of treason against the U. States, and move that they be arrested upon that charge."
The court suggested that the depositions, read in evidence, might apply either to a charge of treason, of misprision of treason, or to a charge of violating the act of Congress which prohibits the setting on foot military expeditions against foreign nations. If treason be made the specific charge, is there any evidence of an actual levying of war against the U. States, within the meaning of the constitution?
Mr. Jones said, it was with the utmost diffidence he could presume to answer the suggestions of the court upon a topic so important, so difficult, and so little explored as the doctrine of treason under the constitution. It was obvious to the court how entirely unpremeditated his remarks must be. He could pretend to no accuracy or depth of research, as he had never been placed in circumstances to render the study of that branch of criminal jurisprudence,
an object of any particular attention. Thus suddenly and unexpectedly called upon, he could hazard only such desultory remarks upon the constitutional definition of treason, as might tend to set up a construction of that instrument consonant to the plain understanding and common sense of mankind, and applicable to the purposes of practical utility. He could derive little aid from the learning extant on the subject, but must rely upon some unexamined impressions and recollections from general reading.
The fact to be ascertained in the first place, is the treasonable intent . The evidence is conclusive to that point, for although the conquest of the Spanish province of Mexico is avowed as the ultimate object of the enterprise, yet the seizure and plunder of New Orleans, as an intermediate step for supplying the means of accomplishing that object, is as explicitly avowed. The only active participation of the treason, in which the two emissaries Bollman and Swartwout appear to have been clearly detected at New Orleans, is an infamous and aortive attempt upon the honor and fidelity of the commander in chief.—This, however criminal, may be said to be, in itself, no overt act of treason,—no levying of war against the United States.—Agreed;—it is not necessary to contend otherwise in order to shew that the prisoners should be arrested and committed as traitors.—It is clear from the evidence that they are leagued and confederated, in his atrocious projects, with Aaron Burr, the notorious head and leader of the conspirators. They are active and acknowledged agents and participators in the plot. Then suppose they are detached, from the main body, to execute, at New Orleans, a quiet and noiseless scheme of treachery & corruption;—suppose them to be personally engaged in no attempt of open violence;—yet, while they are thus employed, their confederates assembled in arms, some hundred miles higher up the Mississippi at Natchez, or on the banks of the Ohio near Marietta, commit a clear act of treason by levying war against the United States, in the strictest sense of the phrase. Could it be doubted that the spies and emissaries employed at a distance from the scene of action, however secret and bloodless the immediate object of their mission, if it be a part-executive of the same treasonable plot, would be involved in the guilt of their confederates?—The question is not in what degree the mere insulated act of attempting to seduce a high military commander from the allegiance of honor and the fidelity of patriotism, is criminal or punishable;—but what lengths have their known confederates proceeded in the co-execution, by more overt acts, of the same treasonable conspiracy?
The constitutional definition of treason should not be construed to restrict that offence to cases only of actual violence or assault.—The terms, "levying war," have been long used in a more extensive sense both in common parlance and in the language of jurists.—The words of the English statute of Ed. 3. are literally adopted in our constitution. The ablest and most impartial commentators upon that statute, the most approved jurists who have written upon the law of nations, in explaining what acts of the subject against the sovereign, or what acts of one sovereign against another, constituted an actual levying of war , have never considered the shock of battle, the encounter of armies, or the interchange of blows to be indispensable or essential.—War may be levied , in the received sense of the term, and not a blow be struck,—not a town invested,—nor an inch of territory invaded or usurped.—What shall constitute a levying of war depends upon so many and such various facts and circumstances, that it would be vain to attempt an enumeration of every supposable case. It seems never to have been questioned, however, that such unequivocal acts as the enlisting soldiers, appointing officers, preparing military equipments, warlike stores and provisions, or the assembling in considerable numbers in warlike array, armed with military weapons, for a hostile purpose, constituted a levying of war , in fact. It is sufficient if they present what is termed the spicium belli ,—if they shew themselves in the posture of war; an intelligible and rational distinction (though expressed in rather barbarous language) is made between the Bellum levatum , and the Bellum percussam . It is the Bellum levatum that is intended by our constitution to be fixed as the least demonstration of that species of treason.—When the bare fact of levying war is ascertained, it is then to be enquired quo animo ? With what intent and against whom?—In England, if the intent be to levy war against the king it is high treason under the statute of Ed. 3.—In this country if the intent be to levy war against the United States, it is treason against them under the constitution. Under either of those laws, a levying or actual waging of war between any number of individuals, if with no intent to levy war or carry on any other treasonable design against the state, amounts not to treason, but will be misdemeanor or felony, according to what lengths they proceeded, from a riot and breach of the peace to murder.—There is no real difference in the meaning of the same phrase as respectively used in the English statute and in the American constitution.—If any false glosses have been put upon it in the one case, let them at once be rejected, and a sound, a rational and a legitimate construction be adopted.—There is no pretence for supposing that the criterion referred to, as to what acts have been determined to constitute a levying of war within the meaning of the English statute, is the result of any of those criminal compliances by which
their courts have been reproached with sacrificing victims to royal vengeance by means of arbitrary force and unnatural constructions. On the contrary, it is sanctioned by the most unexceptionable precedents, and by the authority of their ablest jurists.
So if one state arms in an extraordinary manner, and draws together her forces so as to assume the posture of war;—the instant it is manifested that the armament is destined against another state, it is denominated a levying of war by one against the other, before a single act of violence or open hostility is committed; and the state, so menaced, may anticipate the blow and lawfully attack the other.—Yet the one that first levied war , though sustaining the first open attack, would be deemed the aggressor.
To this doctrine it is conceived that a legislative construction almost coeval with the constitution and acquiesced in by the nation, has added a most respectable corroboration. In the year 1794, Congress pass an act punishing, with fine and imprisonment, persons guilty of the offence—1st, of fitting out and arming any vessel with intent to cruise and commit hostilities against any foreign nation in amity with the United States. 2ndly, Of setting on foot and preparing the means for a military expedition against a foreign state in amity with the U. States. Yet these acts, perpetrated by their own citizens against the U. States, are no where expressly forbidden,—no where enumerated among the crimes prohibited or rendered penal by act of Congress. At the very first session, held under the present constitution, a law was passed for punishing treason, piracy and various other crimes,—but no mention is made of any such offences, as fitting out armed ships, and setting on foot military expeditions with intent to commit hostilities against the U. States. It follows either that those acts may be committed with unquestioned impunity, or that they amount to levying of war , and so constitute the crime of treason. That the same indications of hostility should be made highly penal, when directed against a foreign nation, but be deemed innocent or remediless when directed by their own citizens against the U. States, would be an absurdity too monstrous to be supposed of our penal code. The more rational conclusion is that they are comprehended, ex vi termini , in the crime of 'levying war against the U. States.'
As to the question of fact whether any treason, consisting of a levying of war against the U. States, has been committed by the prisoners or their confederates; it is presumed sufficient evidence appears to warrant an arrest and commitment. An existing state of belligerency, whether of a war de facto , or proclaimed by manifesto; a war of rebellion, or between two sovereign states; a war merely levied , or flagrant war accompanied by open violence and actual hostility; under any of these modifications it is generally so far a matter of public notoriety that all the functionaries of the state engaged must take notice of it ex officio . The common report and public notoriety of a matter, in which the state in its sovereign capacity and every individual citizen are so intimately concerned, furnish a prima facie presumption sufficient to warrant the incipient process preliminary to a prosecution. It was in fact a matter of public notoriety that the conspirators, of whom the prisoners are the active confederates, have enlisted soldiers, issued commissions, set on foot a military expedition, and in fact have assumed the posture of war—or in other words, have 'levied war.' In confirmation of this, the chief magistrate, who is constitutionally authorised to give official information to congress of the state of the nation, has in a formal message to both Houses of Congress, announced the existence of such a state of things. That communication alone furnished to the courts and officers of the U. S. prima facie evidence (of an actual levying of war) for all purposes except of conviction and condemnation.
[Mr. Jones mentioned that his occupations had not yet allowed him to peruse the President's message—it being published only that morning. He could only state its general import from hearsay. The message was at length produced and read by him to the court.]
The chief judge, doubted in the first place, whether the President's message did in fact announce a levying of war; and if it did, whether the court could proceed in any manner upon such information, without infringing the 6th article of the amendments to the constitution, which declares that 'no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation,' &c.
Mr. Jones. The President's message does surely import that there has been an actual levying of war. He announces the setting on foot of a military expedition;—the preparation of warlike stores and equipments; the actual assemblage of from 100 to 300 of the desperadoes engaged in the conspiracy, and their descent down the river towards the place of their destination. Above all, he announces that he has called forth the militia to suppress this enterprise, and ordered them to every interesting point on the Ohio and Mississippi from Pittsburg to New Orleans, for the purpose of seizing the boats and stores and arresting the persons of the conspirators. For the same object the states of Kentucky and Ohio have been embodied and sent out large detachments of their militia. There can scarcely be a case, short of flagrant war and actual battle, that combines stronger or more numerous circumstances essentially constituting a state of belligerency. The very fact of the President calling forth the militia for any purpose of do-

Mastic coercion, strongly implies that there is at least a levying of war against the U. S. He is authorised by law to do so in two cases only. The first is that of an actual insurrection against any state. The second of actual opposition to the laws by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings. The last case may perhaps extend to instances of opposition to the laws, by combinations not treasonable in their nature, nor proceeding to the length of levying war against the U. S. It may comprehend the case of unlawful assemblies. Men, who violently resist and overbear the due course of legal justice, but who from the nature of their designs and ultimate object, are no further criminal than as rioters and disturbers of the peace. As to the degree of the crime committed by Burr and his associates, it is either treason or nothing. The treasonable intent is sufficiently demonstrated; if they have proceeded to the execution of that intent, they unquestionably have incurred the penalty of treason. There can be no pretence that they are merely a combination of rioters, assembled to obstruct the due execution of the laws. The act of Congress authorising the President to call forth the militia, furnishes one important principle applicable to this case. He can only exercise that power in case of actual insurrection, or actual opposition. No plot or conspiracy, how nefarious, how menacing and dangerous soever, can authorise the measure, unless some overt act is done in execution of the design. So long as it remains a mere unexecuted purpose; if it even menaced the enormous evil of destroying the union of these states, or the still more inexcusable crime of overthrowing our republican institutions and erecting in their stead a monarchic form of government, or a military despotism; till some overt act in execution of the treasonable design is committed, till the insurrection actually commenced, the public safety must be confided to the civil restraints and preventive remedies within the province of the courts, where the commission of treason, or in other words the "levying of war" commences, there commences the right of the executive magistrate to use military means for the suppression. The existence of the crime of the traitor is correlative with the right of the magistrate. The more strictly the act of "levying war" is confined to cases of actual violence, of flamboyant war; in the same degree is the power of the President to call forth the militia limited—until in the extremes of this strictness he might behold armies quietly organised and put into complete military array; he may behold the uplifted arm of treason ready to beat down every thing sacred in the constitution; yet must he await all the chances of a fatal blow—he cannot anticipate it by drawing the public sword in defence of the common safety.
The remaining objection relates to the degree of credit this court can give to the common report of a rebellion, authenticated by the public and official communications of the President to Congress. Be it remembered that this is not relied on as being evidence upon the definitive trial of the prisoners when their life or death is at issue; but merely as a matter of public notoriety, of which all courts in prima facie presume the existence of such a state of things, for the preliminary purpose of issuing warrants or other process initiative to a prosecution by indictment. The constitution expressly prescribes it to the President as a duty, that "he shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the union." To give information of an existing state of rebellion, or of "levying war," is clearly within the terms of that duty. Common report, thus authenticated, must surely satisfy the terms "probable cause" used in the 5th article of the amendments—if the requisite of that "probable cause" being "supported by oath or affirmation," is strictly insisted on; it should be remembered that all the functions of the President are performed under the sanction of a solemn oath. The "probable cause" is further supported by the oath of general Wilkinson, who swears that one of the prisoners, an acknowledged confederate in this conspiracy, informed him on the 30th November that Burr would be at Natchez on the 29th December with 2000 men, to be followed by 4000 more, and that he could have raised 12,000 as easily as 6000, but did not think so great a number necessary. It may be very reasonably and naturally inferred from this information, when the dates are compared, that at least the 2000 men must have been already enlisted on the 30th of November.
Mr. Jones then offered the following motion:  The United States attorney for this district appeared in court, and informed the court that Erick Bollman and Samuel Swartwout had been seized in one of the territories of the U. S. by orders of the commander of the army of the U. S. as persons engaged in treasonably levying war against the U. S. that the persons so seized were, during the last night, brought into this county under a military guard, and were yet detained under guard until they could be proceeded against in due course of law;—that the Secretary of War had immediately issued written orders to the officers of the guard, to deliver those persons, on demand, to the marshal of this district;—and the marshal now waited for legal authority to take charge of them. Wherefore the U. S. attorney moved the court to issue a warrant to arrest the said Erick Bollman and Samuel Swartwout, on a charge of treason, in order that they may be brought
before the court and examined and committed, or otherwise dealt with according to law. And in support of his motion the U. S. attorney read to the court the depositions of James Wilkinson, brigadier general and commander in chief of the armies of the United States, which depositions are filed in this court.
All which being read and heard, the court took time till to-morrow to consider of the said motion.
No business of national importance has been transacted in the House of Representatives for the last two days.
Agreeable to order of court, Messrs. Bollman and Swartwout were again brought up, on Wednesday morning. In consequence of the indisposition of Judge Fitzsimons, the court waved hearing counsel on the motion to commit until the next day.
Yesterday counsel were heard on this motion.
Mr. Key opened on behalf of Messrs. Bollman and Swartwout.
Mr. Jones replied. He was followed by Mr. Lee, on the part of the accused, who closed his argument about 10 o'clock in the evening, when the court adjourned.
The Attorney General (Mr. Rodney) will close the argument this day.
We understand that the Senate have postponed the further consideration of the bill authorizing the erection of a bridge across the river Potomac until the next session of Congress—Ayes 17—Nays 16.
Message from the President of the U. S. transmitting further information relative to the conspiracy.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
By the letters of captain Bissel, who commands at fort Massac, and of Mr. Murrell, to general Jackson of Tennessee, copies of which are now communicated to Congress, it will be seen that Aaron Burr passed fort Massac on the 31st of December, with about ten boats, navigated by about six hands each, without any military appearance; and that three boats with ammunition were said to have been arrested by the militia at Louisville.
As the guards of militia posted on various points of the Ohio, will be able to prevent any further aids passing through that channel, should any be attempted, we may now estimate with tolerable certainty the means derived from the Ohio and its waters, towards the accomplishment of the purposes of Mr. Burr.
TH: JEFFERSON. January 28, 1807.
NASHVILLE, Jan. 8th, 1807. GEN. ANDREW JACKSON, SIR,
I received your instructions, dated the 2d inst. and agreeable thereto I delivered your letter, addressed to general Thomas Johnson, to colonel Cheatham, and it was forwarded to him immediately. I arrived at Centerville on the 4th inst. heard a report there that col. Burr had gone down the river with one thousand armed men; arrived at the mouth of Cumberland river that evening, and made enquiry concerning col. Burr, and was informed that he left that place on the 28th of December, 1806, with ten boats of different descriptions, had sixty men on board, but no appearance of arms; I left there on the 5th inst. and arrived at fort Massac that evening, delivered your letter to captain Bissel, and received his answer; made some inquiries of him, and was informed that col. Burr had left that place on the 30th of December, 1806, with ten boats. He likewise informed me that he had been on board the boats and seen no appearance of arms or ammunition. On my return to the mouth of Cumberland river, I was informed that three boats had been stopped at Louisville, with a quantity of ammunition. There are about fifty men stationed at the mouth of Cumberland, under command of colonel Ramsey.
I remain with the highest esteem, Your's, (Signed) JOHN MURRELL.
FORT MASSAC, Jan. 5th. 1807. SIR,
This day per express, I had the honor to receive your very interesting letter of the 2d inst. and shall pay due respect to its contents. As yet I have not received the President's proclamation alluded to, nor have I received any orders from the department of war, relative to the subject matter of your letter.
There has not to my knowledge been any assemblage of men, or boats, at this or any other place, unauthorized by law or presidency; but should any thing of the kind make its appearance, which carries with it the least mark of suspicion, as having illegal enterprizes or projects in view, hostile to the peace and good order of government, I shall, with as much ardour and energy as the case will admit, endeavor to bring to justice all such offenders.
For more than two weeks last past, I have made it a point to make myself acquainted with the loading and situation of all boats descending the river. As yet there has nothing the least alarming appeared. On or about the 31st ultimo, col. Burr, late Vice-President of the United States, passed this with about ten boats of different descriptions, navigated with about six men each, having
nothing on board that would even suffer a conjecture more than a man bound to market. He has descended the rivers towards Orleans. Should any thing, to my knowledge, transpire interesting to government, I will give the most early notice in my power.
I have the honor to be, Respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) DAN. BISSEL, Commanding captain.
GEN. ANDREW JACKSON, Nashville, Tennessee.
Extract of a letter dated Natchitoches, December 20, 1806.
"Ere this reaches you, you no doubt will be fully informed of the termination of differences in this quarter; it will therefore be unnecessary for me to say anything on the subject, except that every thing is perfectly tranquil, & both governors Cordero and Herrera, are gone to St. Antonio. The latter, it is said, is to return to Nacogdoches after conferring with the captain general Salcedo who ordered him to meet him there."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the high respectability to a member of Congress, dated Nashville, 14th Jan'y 1807, noticing the measures adopted by the General Officer, commanding the western division of that state, to whom dispatches had been sent by the Executive of the U. S. relative to Burr's conspiracy.
"The General knowing his duty was determined to act, and if proof could be obtained, to stop all boats with warlike stores, or military preparations—He ordered 12 companies of volunteers with Gen. — to command, to hold themselves in readiness to march, and dispatched a confidential messenger to the mouth of Cumberland river with special instructions, and to proceed to fort Massac, with a letter to captain Bissel. The messenger has returned, and from him and captain Bissel's answer, it is stated, that col. Burr left Massac about the 1st inst. with 10 boats with about six men to each, without arms or any military stores. The volunteers on this occasion did honor to themselves and to their country. Figure to yourself, Gen. R— as captain of such men as Gen. O—, Major T—, &c. &c. all old veterans, and over fifty, tendering their services to their general and their country. The general ordered the militia to return to their homes and be ready to march at a moment's warning."
From the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser. Prize Medal. —With the view of exciting an honorable and useful competition among the engravers of our country Messrs. COLLINS & PERKINS, having selected several of the most eminent in their profession, gave to each a subject to engrave, and offered a Gold Medal for the best.—When the plates were finished, they were submitted to the examination of the President and Directors of the American Academy of Arts.—The opinion of the board as to the collective merits of the whole, and the comparative excellence of several is expressed in the following letter from col. Trumbull.
"We cannot here omit to remark that Messrs. Collins & Perkins, in consequence of this liberal effort to advance the art of engraving in our country, by calling forth the ablest exertions of the best talents, have procured, for their correct and elegant Bible, a collection of plates much superior to any before executed in America. If publishers, generally, would offer similar incentives to the exertions of the artist, while their own interest would be advanced, one of the most valuable of the Fine Arts would be patronized & improved by the fostering hand of private munificence."
New-York, Jan. 3. Messrs. Collins & Perkins,
Gentlemen—Your letter of the 2nd inst. together with the specimens of engravings, executed in this country, for your Bible, to which it referred, was duly received, and considered by the directors of the Society of Arts.
I am charged, Gentlemen, to convey to you the expression of the high satisfaction with which the directors viewed these specimens of rapid improvement in the art of engraving; and to say that while all are justly to be regarded as honorable evidence of the exertions of the several competitors, they cannot refrain from expressing the very particular pleasure with which they viewed The St. Paul. (a) The Providence, (b) and The Holy Family (c) .
The works of native American artists (two of whom are unassisted by any advantage from foreign education) and all of which must be deservedly considered as unequivocal evidences of great talents, and sure promises of early, and future excellence.
While the directors bestow this justly merited applause upon the gentlemen, who executed the three plates before mentioned, justice requires that they should adjudge your medal to the engraver of The Finding of Moses (d) whose superiority on this full competition was naturally to be expected, from the superior advantages which he has
enjoyed, in receiving his professional education in Europe.
The directors hope that other opportunities of competition, laudable as that which you have given, will soon occur, to call forth new exertions of genius and industry. And judging from the first exhibition, they cannot but indulge the hope of soon seeing this branch of the polite arts carried to a degree of perfection in America, which shall excite the surprize & even the emulation of Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN TRUMBULL. (a) Tichout. (b) Fairman. (c) Blaverick, jun. (d) Leney.
New-York, Jan. 25.
Captain Franklin, from Jamaica, has politely favored us with Kingston papers from that place to the 20th ult. inclusive. They furnish only the following, with a few articles for the marine list. It will be seen that a British squadron of five sail of the line, six frigates and 5000 troops had arrived at St. Bartholomews, and that Curacao surrendered to the British arms on the 2d December.
KINGSTON, (Jam.) Dec. 20.
Captain Stephens mentions that several vessels had anchored at St. Bartholomews, from Barbadoes, Martinique, and Guadaloupe, bringing accounts of the arrival of five British ships of the line and six frigates at the first mentioned island, with a considerable number of troops on board (stated to be 5000), but for what destination was unknown.
The American schooner Sally , Cambleton, from St. Thomas's bound to Baltimore, with coffee put into Port-Royal the same evening on account of sickness amongst the crew.—On the 5th inst. she spoke a Danish schooner from Curacao bound to St. Thomas, and was informed that the former island was surrendered to the British on the 2d instant.
New-York, January 26. Capt. Robbins, of the sch. Safeguard , left Curacao on the 29th of Dec. and contradicts the reports of its being taken by a British squadron. He says that no British ships of war were off the port at the time of her sailing.
20 Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber the 21st day of December last, a dark mulatto negro man, named JOE, 30 years of age, about 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high, a small scar on his forehead, occasioned by a fall, his clothing were a white round negro jacket, coarse oina-ry shirt, in common wear is very dirty, white kersey trowsers which fit him tolerable tight, a fur hat pretty much worn, coarse gray fails stockings, & coarse round toed shoes, made brigue fashion with no seam behind. Any person takes up said fellow and delivers him safe to me shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid by Leonard Soper living in Prince Georges county within six miles from the city of Washington.
LEONARD SOPER. January 30—3t
NOTICE.
By order of the Orphans court of Washington county the creditors of Alexander Robinson, late deceased, are requested to hand in their accounts to David Watterson and James Matland, on or before the 13th of March next. Those who do not exhibit their claims will be excluded.
DAVID WATTERSON, JAMES MATTLAND, GEORGE BLAGDEN, } Executors. January 30—4t
FOR SALE,
Will be sold at Public Sale on Saturday the 21st day of February next on the premises for ready cash only, the following five Tracts of Land; Riley's Chance, Appenine Hills, Harrison's Delight, addition to Hicks, and Let no man deceive you—late the property of Kinsey Gillings of Benjamin, taken by writ of fi. fa. at the suit of Nicholas Bre or use of Leonard H. Johns.
Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county. January 30—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county.
I hereby certify that John Johnson brought before me this day two COLTS, as treaspassing strays; one a horse about four years old, has never been broke; he is a black with a star on his forehead, about 13 hands high; the other a mare about three years old, of a dark bay color, two hind feet white, about 13 hands high, and also has never been broke. Given under my hand this 23d of January 1807.
SAM. HAMILTON. January 20—3t
Fifty Dollars Reward.
FOR apprehending RICHARD GOTIER, who broke jail last night. He was committed on his confession of passing counterfeit checks; he is about 5 feet 7 inches high, fair complexion, light hair, grey eyes, very much pitted with the small-pox, and pretty much round shouldered. He was a tailor in the United States service, had a blue sailor jacket and trowsers, a long blue coat, several white linen shirts, a pair of flannel and a very good black hat. The above reward will be given for apprehending and securing the said Gotier in any jail and giving me information thereof.
DANL. C. BRENT, Marshal of the district of Columbia. December 8—2awtf
LOTTERY
OF ST. PAUL'S PARISH, BALTIMORE. The Managers of this Lottery intend to commence the drawing on the first Tuesday in January, and to draw 1000 tickets every week, till it be completed. Tickets may be had, till the drawing commences, at the original price of Five Dollars, of either of the Managers, in Baltimore. Prizes in the Provincial Market Value Lottery of Baltimore will be received in payment. Orders, added to any of the managers, concerning the price of the tickets annexed will be duly attended to.
SCHEME.     Dolls.     1 Prize of 10,000 10,000   1 5,000 5,000   2 2000 4,000   3 1000 3,000   4 500 2,000   15 200 3,000   30 100 3,000   60 50 3,000   120 20 2,400   700 10 7,000   3700 6 22,200   6025 Prizes. 75,000   15750 Blanks. Sum raised including expences, 15,000   18000 Tickets at five dollars each 90,000  
There are not two blanks to a prize. The prizes will be paid, without deduction, at the end of sixty days from the completion of the drawing; and such as may not be demanded within twelve months after, will be considered as generous donations to the objects of the lottery, the chief of which is the creation of a new parsonage house.
The first drawn ticket will be entitled to 500 dollars, and the last to 2000 dollars, besides which there are several other stationary prizes.
John Merryman, Mark Pringle, James Carroll, William Lorman, George Grundy, Isaac Phillips, George Hoffman, Covert Hawkins, } Managers.
Baltimore, Nov. 12—2awtf The postponement arises from the inability of the clerks to be ready in time.
LAND FOR SALE, By the Subscribers.
IN Northumberland county—800 acres called Exeter Lodge, residence of the late Col. John Gordon; good farming land, adapted to the growth of corn, wheat and tobacco. On this tract which lays on Yeocomico, a branch of Potomac river, there is a large brick dwelling house, within 200 yards of navigable water, abounding with orchards, equal to any in Virginia; fish and wild fowl in abundance, and remarkably healthy situation.
In Fauquier county—about 200 acres wood land, adjoining Mrs. James and Mr. Rufface, near Elk Run Church.
In Caroline county—2700 acres, being part of what is called Beverly Chase. In Spottsylvania county—100 acres wood land, adjoining Col. Joseph Brock, Messrs. J. Brock and S. Schoeners. Also, the middle tenement in the brick buildings in the town of Fredericksburg.
In Culpeper county—960 acres, joins Lansdon Carter, esq., farm on Rappahannock river, at Norther's Ford—815 acres, adjoining Wm. C. Carter, esq. and Col. M. Green. Two thirds of this tract is in wood, and the whole of equal quality to any high land in the county. Also about 1100 acres in the Little Fork, laid out and rented in small farms.
In Albemarle county—that elegant and well known place called Blethenheim; containing, by a late survey, 9000 acres, which will be sold altogether, or divided in Lots to suit purchasers.
The whole or any part of the above property will be sold on very low terms, payable one third in cash or country produce, on giving deeds; and for the balance long credits will be given, payment being secured on the property.
COLIN & JAMES ROSS. w/Fredericksburg Virg. Dec. 12—
Orphans Court of Prince George's County. October Term, 1806.
On application of Isabella Wood and Osborn Belt, junior, administrators of Elijah Wood, late of Prince George's county, in the state of Maryland, deceased, to this court, to make distribution of the effects in their hands, among the heirs and legal representatives of the said Elijah Wood, and it appearing to this court that some of the representatives of the said deceased, to wit: Lathy Wood, Eleanor Swaine and Robert Wood reside out of the state of Maryland. It is thereupon ordered, that this court will proceed on the second Tuesday in April next, to make distribution of the effects in the hands of the said Isabella Wood and Osborn Belt, junior, provided a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week, until the first day of April next.
Test. TRUEMAN TYLER, Register of Wills for Prince George's county. December 8—wtfA12
CYCLOPEDIA.
DANIEL RAFINE, New Jersey avenue, Capitol Hill,
RESPECTFULLY informs the patrons to Dr. RAE's New CYCLOPEDIA, that the Second part of the Second Volume is now ready for delivery; and begs the subscribers will send to his store for their copies. Those who encouraged the undertaking in the first instance and have never received any part of the work, will confer a favor on the publishers by sending for the four half volumes now published.
FOR SALE AS ABOVE, Dr. Wheaton's genuine PATENT BITTERS for Jaundice and Bilious complaints—price 50 cents.
Dr. Wheaton's patent FROTH OINTMENT, which is a certain cure for that tormenting disorder—No washing is required after the use of it—price 50 cents. January 23—

By order of the Orphan's Court of Washington county.
THIS is to give notice that the subscribers of the city of Washington have obtained from the Orphan's court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, letters testamentary on the personal estate of JOHN WIGHTT late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscribers, at or before the first day of July next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under our hands this 28th day of January 1807. WASHINGTON BOYD, and GEORGE MOORE, Executors of John Wightt, deceased. January 28-tawgw
PUBLIC SALE.
AGREEMENT to the last will and testament of Samuel Jones late of Prince Georges county, deceased, will be offered at public sale at the house of Charles Robinson, on Wednesday the 18th February next, at 11 o'clock, if fair, if not the next fair day. Two valuable young Negro men, well acquainted with all kinds of plantation work, as also one valuable horse, suited either for the saddle or draft. The terms of sale are for ready money. All persons having claims against the said Samuel Jones, deceased, are requested to bring forward their accounts legally authenticated for payment, and all those who are indebted either on bond or open account, are requested to make immediate payment or fails will be immediately commenced without respect of person, as the executors are determined to close the estate without loss of time. CHARLES ROBINSON, ELIZABETH JONES, Executors of Samuel Jones, deceased. Prince Georges county, January 28-wat
DIVISION OF PURLEY.
THE Subscription to this valuable and interesting work will be closed on the 31st inst. when the price will be advanced to three dollars per volume. All persons desirous of obtaining the book at the original price of Two dollars Fifty cents per volume, may have it by subscribing for the 2nd and paying for the 1st vol. on any day prior to the 31st inst. at DUAKE'S Bookstore, Pennsylvania Avenue. He ad vol. is now published in Philadelphia, and will be received here to day as the ice permits the passage of boats down the Delaware. January 26-3t
PORTRAIT PAINTING
C. BOYLE respectfully informs the public that he paints Likenesses in Oil Colors, in the building formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, near Duane's Book-Store. N. B. A few specimens to be seen. January 5-tf
ROSS & GETTY,
At their Store, corner of Washington and Bridge streets, next door to the Union Tavern, Georgetown, Have received for the Schooner Rebecca, from New York, 300 bushels potatoes 50 barrels prime mackerel 5 do. white onions 20 boxes spermaceti candles 200 weight currants 10 boxes muscadine raisins 1200 pounds fine yellow cheese. ON HAND, Good old Madeira, Sicily, Sherry, Malaga, Port and Lisbon Wines - Cognac Brandy, Jamaica Rum, New England, do. Holland and country Gin, Irish and Rye Whiskey - Anniseed, Orange, Cinnamon and Perfected Love Cordials on draft and in bottles; prime St. Croix, Loaf and Lump Sugar, Gunpowder Tea in canisters Do. do. in chests Imperial Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, and Souchong Tea of the Latest importations. A few sets of handsome French China Five barrels excellent Buck-wheat Meal Bar Iron and Steel Mould and dipped Candles Spanish and country Segars With a great variety of other articles in the Grocery line - all of which they will dispose of on the lowest terms. DAILY EXTRACT D. 100 boxes mould Candles from the best manufactory in Philadelphia. Also 100 weight prime Chees, far superior in quality to any in this market. Five tiers best winter strained Spermaceti Oil. Ten tons light and well assorted Iron. Georgetown, Dec. 15-1f
ELIAS B. LOWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26-tf
For Sale.
1 Crate of Liverpool Earthen ware well assorted. 1 Case of Shoes and Boots. 1 Case of bottled London particular Madeira Wine, Martineque Noyau and Catchup 1 Small box of Calla. 3 Cases of Catalonia and Vidonia Wine. 4 Cases of Gun Powder. 4 Boxes of Boston Chocolate. 1 Chest of fresh Hyson Tea.
Received on consignment and to be sold immediately for Cash or good notes at 60 days. JOHN GOULDING. Who has for sale. Best Spermaceti Candles and oil of the very first manufacture of the United States. Also on hand as usual, A choice stock of good old Madeira Wine, Ducecclass, Sherry, Port, Claret, Lisbon and other Wines - Cognac, Bordeaux and Virginia, Peach Brandy, Jamaica Spirit, Holland Gin, Bourbon Whisky &c. - Which will be warranted good and sold at the most reduced prices by whole sale and retail. JOHN GOULDING Georgetown, Nov. 18-tf
CHARLES A. BURNETT, HAS received from London and Liverpool a handsome assortment of articles in his line, consisting of WATCHES & JEWELRY, Silver, Tortoiseshell, and Steel Speculums, Table knives and forks with ivory handles, Pen knives and scissors, Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket BOOKS. He also continues to manufacture gold and silver ware, at the most reduced prices. George Town Dec. 21-tf
Sale at Auction. Will be sold at public auction, on Thursday the 12th of February next, at the dwelling of THOMAS BARWICK (formerly George Walker's) in the city of Washington - a number of Horses & Cows, two good Wagons, and a Cart, Ploughs, Carts, and a variety of Farming utensils, together with a set of Blacksmith's tools, and a Blacksmith's Shop on the Capitol Hill - also a quantity of HOUSEHOLD & KIT HEN TUR- NITURE. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. N. L. QUEEN, Auct. January 23-tf
AT SALE BY AUCTION. The real estate of Dr. Robert Portenger, deceased, lying in Prince George county and State of Maryland, about 5 miles from Queen Anne, and 20 from Georgetown, containing between 800 and 1000 acres of Land. This valuable property is situated in the heart of that rich and well known tract of country, called the Forest of Prince Georges, and is indispensably among the most fertile and improved places in the State. The sale will be made on the premises, on Wednesday the 18th day of February next, if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter at 11 o'clock, in conformity to a decree of the High Court of Chancery (the estate not admitting of a division among the representatives of the deceased) and the certainty which the subscriber feels that those who are inclined to become purchasers will view the premises before the day of sale, renders any further description unnecessary. The purchase money must be paid in four equal annual instalments, the purchaser giving bond with approved security for the payment of each instalment, with interest thereon annually from the day of sale. On payment of the purchase money, with the interest thereon, a conveyance will be made to the purchaser, by the subscriber, in virtue of and pursuant to the said decree. TH. BUCHANAN, Trustee. January 23-tf
BILLY WASHINGTON, has removed to the shop Olive Branch and other Conveyances. MADIRA and Lisbon Wine, Cognac Brandy, Apple, do. Antigua Rum, country, do. Whiskey, Gin, Molasses, Imperial, Old Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong tea, table salt in Baskets,apers, Cloves, Mace, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Allspice, ground Ginger, Starch, Almonds, Raisins, warranted Chocolate. London refined Salt Petre, Coffee, Pearl Barley, Rice, Pepper, Fig Blue, Dixon's Philadelphia Mustard, Cayenne Pepper, Lump, Loaf and Brown Sugars, fresh and salted Butter, Windsor Shaving Soap, Eagle Gunpowder in canisters of one pound each and of a very superior quality, genuine Spanish Segar and Demijohns, with a neat selection of Dry Goods, Glass and Crockery Ware, which he is selling as usual at the most reduced prices at his store South B street near the Capitol. January 19-tawgw
JUST RECEIVED.
WOOD'S best London superfine cloths and cambric, Bennes patent cords, } best Spanish. Do. do. cloth, } Rich molleskin waistcoating, Fancy do. Irish linen and Russe sheetings, Men's best London hats, Silk, worsted, lambs wool, cotton, and gauze hockings, Fancy printed muffs and shawls, Carpets and carpeting, Rich Brussels do. Fine white and Scarlet flannels, Plains, coarings and second cloths, Which with my large assortment of woollens and fancy goods, were bought on such terms as to justify my selling them lower than any regular importer can afford to sell at. JOHN COX. George Town, December 8-6w
TO CONTRACTORS.
PROPOSALS will be received at the COLLECTOR'S OFFICE in Norfolk until the first day of February next, for securing the bank at Smith's Point on the Potomac from washing away by the high tides, gales of winds and raine. It is presumed no person will contract without viewing the place, a wall now stands on the shore, and between it and the bank will be required to be filled up with stone, wood, or oyster shells and clay, or marsh mud, with the grass thereon; not more than three feet of saplings for filling will be admitted at the bottom of the wall, and bank, the rest must be filled with the above-mentioned materials. A pavement of about twenty feet will also be required around the Light House, of stone or bricks, or filled up with oyster shells, or at least one foot deep mixed with clay or marsh mud. THOMAS NEWTON, Collector. November 24-tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by ship Eliza ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia, A choice assortment Of Extra Superior cloths, Bennets, Velvets, and Cords, Cambric, single and double milled Satin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Toilets, rich silk Molleskin velvets, silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. Richard Harveills celebrated patent parallel Baspenders, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. November 12-tf
CHEAP GOODS.
T. W. PAIRO, Seven Buildings, has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, a Large Assortment of DRY GOODS, which he will sell unusually low. Also London PIANO FORTES. Liquors and Groceries of a superior quality. November 7-tMar.3
A STRAY. CAME to the subscriber's plantation near the Eastern Branch, the middle of November last a dark brindle COW, the left horn bared off; the right ear slit. The owner is requested to prove property, pay charges and take her away. RICHARD BNO. January 26-3t
To Rent, AND possession given on the 10th November next, the two story Brick Dwelling House on the corner of F and 11th streets, at present occupied by Mr. Andrew Way. Also a two story brick dwelling houses in a central situation, of which possession may be had immediately. For terms apply to THOS. HERTY. Oct. 17-3t
EBRA VARDEN, TAYLOR, F street, three doors west of the Bank, having lately received a General Assortment of GOODS suitable for the season and of the best quality - Will make up the same for those gentlemen who will favor him with their orders in the latest and most fashionable style and very superior workmanship. December 7-2m
The Elegant and much admired ENGLISH HORSE, BRILLIANT, The property of JOHN TAYLOR Esq., of Mount Airy, Will stand the ensuing season at Mr. J. MILTONS, in Frederick county Virginia, one mile from Berryville, six from Snickers ferry on Shenandoah river, and twelve from Winchester, at the low price of 25 DOLLARS (dischargeable by 20 during the season) with ONE DOLLAR to the Groom. BRILLIANT is a beautiful Grey, 16 hands high, possessing great bone with fine shape and symmetry; his blood unexceptionable; and allowed by all judges to be as fine a horse in all respects, as was ever imported. Pasturage furnished Mares from a distance, but no liability for accidents or escapes. His Pedigree; performances, &c. will be published in handbills, when the season commences. January 21-6t
MO (gomery county, January 5th, 1807 THIS day Richard James brought before me Gray black HORSE with a brown muzzle, several faddle spots about 14 bands 3 inches high - no perceivable brand, and about 9 or 10 years old - Given under my hand and seal this day and date above written. Jan 26-3t THOS. SIMPSON.
THE SUBSCRIBER HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils - also Paints of every description. THOMAS PATTERSON. Washington city, June 23-tf
AMERICAN COFFEE-HOUSE, WASHINGTON CITY.
THE Subscribers have opened for the entertainment of travellers, members of Congress, families, &c. resorting to the seat of government, the houses occupied for several years by Mr. P. D. STELLA, immediately east of the Capitol, to which they RESPECTFULLY invite the public. The premises are well known as large and convenient, are provided with new beds and furniture, and the best wines and liquors, flasks for 50 horses, with carriage houses, &c. FROST and QUINN. Nov. 4-1f
FOR SALE,
A healthy negro woman under 30 years of age, with two healthy children. For particulars apply to the printer. 1st Nov. 1806-cptf
ROMULUS RIGGS,
HAS imported by the ships Leonidas and A. L. William and John arrived at Alexandria, the brig Mary & Allen arrived at Georgetown, TWENTY-SEVEN PACKAGES OF SEASONABLE GOODS, consisting of viz Superfine second and low priced cloths and cambric, do. napped, frize, coarings and hockings, baxes, Pennets patent cords, velvets and istinet, silk, Angola, worsted, cotton and wool hose, Bennes cords, molleskin and other fancy waistcoating; two cases gentlemen's best London hats of newest fashion sent as a sample, Rose and duffle blankets, Plains, kersey, fearnoughts, and Kendal cottons, Carpets and carpeting, Two cases assorted Manchester, Also received from Philadelphia, 4 cases 4th and 7th very fine Irish Linens, 6 cases India mullins, 1 trunk Ladies velvet and split straw bonnets, French, India & Italian Mantua silk shawls, bandanna handkerchiefs, Leneau and lace mullins, cambric and India jaconet mullins, chintzes, calicoes, umbrellas, Grecian robes, lace, lace thread and veils, gloves of all kinds, and many other articles to complete his assortment. Wishing to sell the entire stock of goods now on hand by the first of March next, they will be sold only to cover cost, which will reduce the price at least 15 to 20 per cent lower than any in the place. Persons wishing to purchase to sell again will find many articles by the piece lower than they can be had in Baltimore or Philadelphia. To be sold entire for cash or tobacco. The best price cash given for tobacco inspeced in Georgetown Georgetown, December 8-6w
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber in August last, Negro CHARLES - he is a straight well made black man, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; has lost some of his fore teeth; is remarkably polite and much of a gallant. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him home or lodge him any jail so that I get him again. Wm. B. BRANES. Upper Marlbao, Jan. 9-tawtf
Indiana Territory, Auditor's Office, Vincennes, 1st Nov. 1806.
Agreeably to an act of this territory "for laying and collecting a tax on land" I publish the following extracts from the said act, for the information of non-residents claiming lands within this territory. "Be it enacted that if any non-resident claiming lands in this territory, either by entry, patent, deed or conveyance or any other evidence of claim if his agent or attorney shall neglect or refuse to list his or her lands, with the auditor of the county where such lands may have been entered or located between the first day of January and the twelfth day of February, agreeably to the requisitions of the third section thereof, then the auditor shall immediately proceed to list the lands of such non-resident, that may be in his county." "Be it enacted that the collector of each county, by the twenty fifth day of May, shall demand payment of the tax on sum assessed on each inhabitant in his county, in person, or by notice in writing left at his usual place of resid nce." "Be it enacted that in case of non payment of taxes, at the time appointed it shall be the duty of the collector to levy and collect the tax so in arrear, with costs by a sale at the court house of his county, of the lands of such delinquent whether resident or non-resident, giving at least forty days notice, by advertisement at the county, and in some public newspaper in this territory, of the time and place of such sale." PETER JONES, Auditor of said Territory. Jan 5-3w
TEAS, BRANDY, SUGAR, SE GARS, ORANGES, &c. &c. WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH have just received by the Maria, captain Stodder from New York and the Union, capt. Bacon from Boston, 10 chests fresh young hyson tea, best quality, 20 boxes fine imperial tea - small packages put up for family use, 9 pipes genuine old 4th proof cogniac brandy, very superior quality, 40 boxes East India white sugar, 40 boxes Rouffets, best Havanna sugars, 20 do. do. 2d quality, 7 boxes black pepper, 12 boxes fresh London mustard, 5 cases excellent Goffon cheese, 3 chests Dutch half pint tumblers, 100 Boxes bloom and Muscatel raisins. 6 barrels Spanish fibres, 3 boxes fine Smyrna figs, 19 barrels Newtown pippins, 15 barrels best Newark cyder, 3000 fresh oranges, 150 boxes mould & dipped candles - Sampson and Co. and Morris's manufacture, 24 cases well assorted, Queens ware, 750 gamy bags. AND IN STORE, Fresh Hyson, Hyson Chulan, Hyson Skin, & Souchong Teas, in chests and boxes, 25 lbs. excellent Trinidad Seal Sugars, genuine old London particular Madeira wine in pipes and quarter casks, Lisbon, Tenerife, Sicily, Catalonia, Port, and old Sherry Wines in quarter casks, real Holland and New York anchor Gin in pipes, Whiskey, Peach, and Apple Brandy, high 4th proof Jamaica Rum in puncheons, loaf and lump sugars in barrels, Olives, Capers, and Anchovies, in boxes assorted, a few boxes Chocolate, Fig Blue, 6 boxes best Marieilles Almonds, 2000 lbs. Coffee, 30 boxes brown Soap, a few boxes Spermaceti Candles, and a quantity of boiled Linseed Oil in jugs. - Also an assortment of India Piece Goods, All of which will be sold at a very moderate advance George Town, January 2-2awgw&wf
W. S. NICHOLS,
HAS for sale a complete assortment of Seasonable GOODS, consisting of the best superfine London cloths and cambric, bennes, velvets, and cords, silk molleskin and other fancy waistcoating - A complete assortment of Manchester, best Colerain 4 1/4hs and 7 3/4hs Irish linens, long lawns, cambric mullins and dimities, London hats, umbrellas, calicoes, and chintzes, Trafalgar patterns, a large assortment of flannels, silk, cotton, lambs wool and worsted hosiery well assorted, together with a complete assortment of woollens and many fancy goods, which he offers for sale As he contemplates making this his permanent place of residence, on such terms as will induce those who purchase ONCE to give him their custom hereafter. George Town, Dec. 12-3w
JOHN OTT,
DRUGGIST, CHYMIST AND APOTHECARY, has received by late arrivals a fresh supply of genuine Drugs, Medicines, Chymical Preparations, and every article useful in Pharmacy, such as have met the approbation of eminent practitioners. Genuine patent medicines of every description, shop furniture, paints, dye stuffs, spices and perfume; all of which he will dispose of on as low terms as the quality and original cost of the article will admit of. Physicians' and family recipes put up with the utmost care and attention, and all orders from city, town or country put up with accuracy and dispatch. In addition to the above, he has just received a supply of PRESERVES, CONFECTIONS, FAULT, &c. viz. Preserved Limes, Pine Apple, Oranges, Strawberries, Citron, Quinces, Peaches Lemon Peel, Currant Jelly, Green Gage Marmalade, Lemon, Hoarhound, Cream and Mint Candy, Noyau Cordial, Syrup of Currant and Raspberry Vinegar, Rose and Orange Flower Water, Lemons, Oranges, Raisins, Currants, Almonds, Filberts, Malaga Grapes, Olives, Capers and Anchovies - London Mustard Cayenne Pepper, Refined Sweet Oil, Macouba Snuff, Havanna Segars, Improved shining liquid Blacking for shoes and boots, &c. &c. George Town, Dec. 20-2awgw&wf
WANTED to purchase a likely NEGRO BOY,
to wait on a single Gentleman. Enquire of Mr. DUNN at the Capitol. January 28-tf
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 3 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Parts of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805-tf
Notice is hereby given to non-resident proprietors of Land in the State of Ohio; That the subscriber will act as agent, for those of them, who may think it proper to consign their business to him, either in disposing of their lands, or in the payment of their taxes. His terms will be ten per cent. He will attend to the payment of taxes, in any of the districts in the state; and forward to the proprietors the collector's receipt; and will from time to time, give them information of the alterations (if any) which may be made in the law levying a State tax. Those who may wish to employ him, will as early as possible, forward a particular list of their lands on which they will the taxes paid: Those who wish to send their lands disposed of, will forward their instructions and a Letter of Attorney duly executed. Postage to be paid by employers. From the attention he is determined to give, he flatters himself "he shall be able to render considerable satisfaction to his employers." THOMAS SCOTT. Chillicothe, Ross Cy. Ohio, Dec. 13-6w
PRIVATE ACADEMY.
DURING the ensuing year the Rev. G. H. DEVENISH will resume and pursue the professional instruction of youth at the SWEET SPRINGS. The extreme healthiness of the situation, the chaste-ness of boarding, the total exclusion from every opportunity or incitement to dissipation, and the singular advantage it enjoys of being visited by a number of literary characters, capable of inspecting and superintending its management; render this amongst the most eligible situations in Virginia for an institution of this nature, and are among the principal reasons which have induced him to make choice of this most delightful and advantageous place, as the seat of his seminary. His course of instruction will be divisible into two parts; the first part will comprehend English Grammar, Geography with the use of the terrestrial globe and maps, Elocution, Arithmetic, Book-keeping, Euclids Elements. The greatest attention will also be paid to the Dead Languages, where it may be the desire of parents or guardian - the second part will comprehend Logic, Political economy, History, Composition and Ethics. It is his most anxious wish that a majority of his pupils may be composed of boys from nine to fifteen years of age, who will be continued under his direction until they shall complete the course. Under these circumstances he flatters himself, that it would be in his power to render permanent and substantial services, and to inspire his pupils with a love of virtue, knowledge, and a predilection for manly, useful, and honorable sentiments, and pursuits, which would not exert a predominant influence over their future happiness and usefulness in life. He wishes to receive from 20 to 25 pupils. His charge for tuition will be 10 DOLLARS per quarter paid in advance, for boys under 15 years of age, and 12 DOLLARS and a half per quarter in advance; for boys over that age. His charges for board, washing, candles and fire (the fees of tuition not included) will be 20 DOLLARS per quarter paid in advance, for boys under 15 years of age, and 22 1/2 DOLLARS per quarter paid in advance, for boys after that age. Each boarder must furnish his own bed, or be subjected to an additional charge of 7 dollars, per annum, payable as above, in case of having it furnished. Parent who may wish to place their children under his direction, will make application to Messrs George and Robert Turner, Richmond, or to the subscriber at the Sweet Springs, Monroe county. G. H. DEVENISH.
N. B. The Academy will go into operation the 1st Monday in February 1807. The hours of public tuition in this seminary will be from 9 o'clock every morning (Sundays excepted) till 12 o'clock, and again from 3 to 5 o'clock in the afternoon. No vacations that can possibly be avoided will be allowed, Mrs. D. conceiving them to be equally injurious to the morals of the teachers and pupils. Sweet Springs, December 8-98t
ELISHA RIGGS,
Has Imported by the latest arrivals from London & Liverpool, FIFTY-EIGHT PACKAGES SEASONABLE GOODS, Which are direct from the best manufactory, and will be sold lower by the wholesale or retail, than can be afforded by any other house here, (being the only importer of Dry Goods) - among them are. 3 cases of fine cloths, cambric and cords, 12 do. second cloths, coarings, ladies cloths, napp'd, frize, Plains and Kendal cottons, 8 bales rose and duffle blankets and ruggs, 4 cases Manchester, Bennes cords, dimities, furnitures and cotton shirting, 6 cases fine hats, and umbrellas, 6 trunks, silk, cotton, and worsted hosiery, 1 trunk upholsters, and hatters trimmings, 2 cases knives and forks, razors, fine cutlery, faddlery, and fashionable buttons, 5 bales flannels, stuffs, ferges and baizes, 1500 lb London fine twine, 2 bales carpets and carpeting, 3 cases Irish linens, sheetings, long lawns, table cloths, & Cheap diapers. Silks, mullins, chintzes and calicoes, Pelices, pelice, velvets, lace shades, & shawls, Spider net, and pick net, lace sleeves and gloves, Fancy muslin dresses, drapery, gauze and flowers, And many other articles, which will be sold low, for cash, or to punctual portions only George Town, Nov. 19-2awgw
WANTED to purchase a likely NEGRO BOY,
to wait on a single Gentleman. Enquire of Mr. DUNN at the Capitol. January 28-tf
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 3 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Parts of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805-tf