The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-08-03 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXXIV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST, 31, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
FEDERAL CAUCUS
On the state of the nation.
GENERAL THUNDER took the chair.
MR. TRIMM, asked if it would not be best to appoint a chairman by ballot.
GENERAL THUNDER. Damn ballots. I'll be chairman without, gentlemen, giving you that trouble.— Loud applause.
GENERAL THUNDER. O der, gentlemen, order. Our time is precious; our object important. We are assembled, not to save the republic, that political monster, which has risen with such gigantic strength; but to save ourselves. We have had our day of glory; but we have sunk from our lofty eminence.—Shall it be said we have sunk never to rise again? Forbid it federalism—forbid it every spark of heroism that flows in our breasts. We have tongues, pens, and swords. On these are our reliance. We can talk—
[Aye, that we can, said Senator—I have spoken seven hours in Congress without having anything to say; and if occasion prompts, I can speak fourteen.] Boisterous laugh. We can write.
[CAMILLUS—Yes, I can write essays of any length upon any subject; but the difficulty is to get readers.] Evident chagrin.
And we can fight—Our swords have no feeling, no sympathy, no humanity. When the enemies of our country are our enemies, we can draw the sword against them; and when that country regards us of the services we have rendered dares to govern itself without our permission, and thereby becomes our enemy, we are ready for the issue. In that event we shall be prepared not only to draw our swords, but to throw away their scabbards. If our country will not give us peace upon honorable terms, my voice is for war.—[Loud and reiterated plaudit.]
MR. CAUTION rose. I congratulate this assembly on the animated applause bestowed on the patriotic sentiments (pardon the word, which the poverty of language compels me to use) of our distinguished President; who having been nurtured in the old school properly appreciates the importance of power and the insignificance of right. It is true that those who are powerful are always right.—[Applause] I congratulate this assembly on the applause they bestow on this sentiment, because it shows their readiness, at a proper crisis, to resort to it necessarily, to the ultima ratio regum .
But though this be our purpose, and our true interest, let us, my honorable friends, pause, and seriously reflect on our proper course, ere we take that step which once taken, can never be retraced. Our strength, though mighty once, is now small; our numbers few, scattered and disunited; and small as they are, every day lessens them. However, therefore the proud spirit of our Chief may prompt, however our hearts may desire the shortest road to power, that road is full of perils; nay is ambushed with destruction. In the open field of battle, even in the days of our boasted strength, we have been fairly vanquished. Here I may speak the truth, without injury to our cause. In other circumstances I know too well my duty. Why then, my friends, pursue measures that will and must be fatal? Has life lost its charm that we are so regardless of it? Has despair taken its endless abode in our hearts?
No, my friends, let us act with wisdom—let us profit by our mournful experience. When the government was ours, what availed our mighty armaments? Notwithstanding the thunder of our cannon, and the menaces of our legions, the nation put them down. The voice of the people—that cursed voice! struck a panic into the stoutest heart, and the sunshine soldier shrunk without a struggle into the paltry citizen. An appeal to force, then, in our present exhausted state, will never do. No—
"Our better part remains, To work in close design, by fraud or guile, What force effected not; that he no less At length from us may find, who overcomes By force, hath overcome but half his foe."
During the harangue of Caution , attention hung upon his words, which appeared to give general satisfaction.
He resumed—My friends, I have thought deeply on the crisis of affairs. I will not deceive you with hopes which I do not myself entertain. It is for us again to triumph, that triumph cannot come soon. Our enemies possess the confidence of the people. Their characters are fair, their measures wise; and unless some extraordinary event occurs, that confidence must increase. I cannot too highly extol the policy of our
friends in the Senate and the other House, who seizing the fleeting moment, strove by every human art to hurry the nation into war. Judging of this by every other nation; they had reason to hope that the time stratagem that has subverted the liberties of the one would have destroyed those of the other. But events have proved the temerity of their hopes, and have sunk us lower in the public esteem than we stood before. This stratagem permit me to say, has lost its efficacy, unless to injure its best friends; and the less we say about it the better.
But we have other resources. However pure the character of our opponents, and however wise their measures, what are purity and wisdom unaccompanied by public esteem? They are mere dross, chimeras of childish brain, unworthy of a manly or vigorous understanding. It is true that public esteem now attends them. Our only chance springs from destroying it. This cannot be done by a coup-de-main; but it may be effected by gradual and insidious means. As to the measures of the government: they cannot so easily be misrepresented. They are fully known, and their effects are felt. Yet, let us not, on that account refrain from the use of every politic mean to defame them. Let us call the love of peace cowardice, the regard for economy miserly parsimony; the cautious and sparing exercise of power a hatred of good government; and the repealing edious taxes a mere catch for popularity. These are, doubtless, daring reproaches, but by being often urged, by being exhibited in every shape, they will gain more credit.
This, however, is a subordinate artifice, and from it much cannot be expected. There is, fortunately, another resource. The characters of our opponents must be prostrated: their private as well as public characters. Once induce the people to doubt the motives of their rulers, and you may soon render their measures unpopular. This, too, will infallibly succeed, that demon of confidence.—I have said we must prostrate private character. Here, thank God, the field is all our own. There is a conscious dignity in innocence that defies to answer the tale of slander. Let, then, that tale be told. Let it be circulated in whispers, in convivial companies, on the floor of Congress, from the bench of justice, or in the public prints, as circumstances may recommend. What, though the peace of families may be invaded by the malicious tale, is not the end in view great, and ought not all minor considerations to give way? Let, then, any thing and every thing be said. The more false, the less notice will be taken of them by those they injure, and the stronger will be their impression on the ignorant and uninformed. We have a majority of the newspapers on our side. Let them be filled with traduction. Their editors need not be afraid; the administration is too magnanimous to appeal to law for redress.
Let the same measure be dealt out to their public characters. Deny all the good they have done, and ascribe it to hypocritical motives. Above all things, never abandon one ground. Endeavour to convince the people that they are miserable; and that the national character is the scorn of the world. This is my advice.
THE PRESIDENT. Gentlemen, you have heard the advice of our honourable friend. To me it appears profound and politic. Do you approve it?
MANY VOICES. We all approve it. PRESIDENT. Swear, then, to practise it with zeal yourselves, and to recommend it to others.
MANY VOICES. We swear.
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
ON DEMOCRACY.
Government is necessary to the happiness and security of the human race; but the only question has been, what form of government is most conducive to this great and valuable end? Our governments are elective democracies; but we have the principles of those governments dressed up in so many horrible images, that some of us are induced to turn our backs on them with distrust and jealousy.
The enemies of our republics may deny the assertion, with all the boldness they can collect, but I do assert, and will maintain, that there is more security, more happiness, more dignity, and consequently more ease and comfort, under the forms of these governments, than under any other which has been established upon the face of the earth.
When a numerous, a learned, an enlightened, and virtuous people, have
fought and bled for principles of government, as essential to their happiness and safety; when their wisdom has, with great deliberation, compiled those principles into forms, and established them as constitutions, there is, certainly, so much respect due to them, as that they should not be overthrown or subverted, until they have had a fair experiment.
The objection now in vogue, against our governments, is, that there is not energy enough in them, to maintain them against intestine, civil commotions, and against the invasions of a foreign enemy. This may be the case, for though the principle upon which they rest is as old as the world, yet the form we have thrown it into is altogether new; and we have been very lately boasting that our experiment would give peace and glory to the world. What has happened to destroy our sanguine expectations of deriving political and civil happiness from our exertions? We have had one insurrection in Massachusetts; there has been another in Pennsylvania; both have been subdued by the exertions of the people, without the aid of Monarchy and without the aid of a standing army. Our governments stand firm and secure against commotions, or the least apprehensions of commotions from the Yeomanry, or that part of the community which the federal writers call the democrats. Our flag is, and has ever been, as much respected on the ocean, as that of any nation on the globe; our ships are in India, China, Asia, Africa and Europe. Our commerce is known to all nations, while the vigour of it strikes out new tracks on the sea and opens new sources of wealth. Our vessels are abundantly increased, and our merchants are the envy of other nations. While they are warring their blood and treasure, to gratify the ambition of their better sort, of their well-born, we, like brethren, in the true spirit of equality, are improving our own vines and fruit trees. Our Ambassadors have been honorably received by all the Sovereigns, either Monarchical, Aristocratical or Republican, in Europe; all have been ready to form treaties with us, and to remain our friends.
Shall we now take, in a concise manner a view of our internal situation? Every man in America has the same right to gain wealth, obtain honors, and live securely. Our lives are as safe as the laws of a well regulated society can render them. Our property is as secure as the best systems of jurisprudence, administered impartially, promptly, and without corruption, can render it. Who is there in our country, that has been injured, and has failed of indemnity by any defect of our laws, or by corruption in our civil tribunals? Who is there that now doubts of the legal protection of his person, his property, his rights of a citizen? Are not these our invaluable blessings? Why then is he stigmatized and pointed at with contempt, who loves these constitutions? And why is the name of a democrat, under these democratical constitutions, used as a term of reproach? He who loves and will maintain these systems, which render so many millions of the human race secure and happy, ought to be esteemed and beloved by the people who enjoy them.
We will now take a view of the nations of Europe, and enquire, in a concise manner, whether there is one of them whom we ought to imitate or envy.
Spain lays on the point of the European peninsula. She was, not long since, the most respectable kingdom in Europe, but her monarchy has grown more despotic. The sovereign once had a dependence on the people, to support him against the nobles; but those arrogant oppressors of their king have become voluptuous, debauched, indolent and ineffective; so that the monarch does not want the aid of the people to quell their civil wars; and he therefore has the multitudes as his property. The priests have wrapt the whole nation in the darkness of gross ignorance; a darkness that truly may be felt. The soil is the sovereign's, the nobles possess it as feudatories; the body of the people are miserable; peasants living in the hovel with their mules, their cattle and hogs; they low and reap for others to eat; the army is their task-masters, the priests the insatiable pilferers of their earnings, and bribery, fraud and corruption the feasts of their magistrates and judges. These are the blessed effects of monarchy, in a country once the garden of Europe, and the dread of other nations.
France stands next on the peninsula, dividing Spain from ancient Rome. This country has been a monarchy for the term of nine hundred years, under the Capet family. There have been more
civil wars in that country, under their monarchs than in all Europe besides. We need go no further back than the extent of the memory of men now alive, in viewing the disgraceful miseries of twenty millions of people, seated on what is naturally the pleasantest part of Europe. The wooden shoes, the soup-mare, the broth of frogs, and other strong figures indicative of poverty and wretchedness in France, have been in the mouths of the English, and Americans in our own day. They have always been unprotected by standing laws; the will of the sovereign has been the only law; the will of the king the wisdom of the judge. Without trial by jury, their judges and magistrates have been openly corrupt and partial; the poor men had no claim to justice, the people had no rights.—The exercise of conscience, in matter of religion, has always been a capital offence; the having an opinion in politics, the crime of treason. The Bastille has been the grave of the living, and altars of religion have been stained with human blood, by the persecutions of the priests. The kings have wasted the treasures of the kingdom upon mistresses and their favorites. The princes, princesses, nobles, and families of high quality, have been openly lewd and grossly debauched. Chastity has been, among them, a term of reproach, and moral a disgrace to politeness. He who has ever read, knows this to be a true picture of that nation. Why should we wonder that when such a people, oppressed till they could endure no longer, should, brake the galling chains of the corrupted church, and feel their right as men to freedom, conduct with a wild ferocity, and be guilty of acts of extreme cruelty? Tacitus lays, there is no rule or measure for the conduct of civil war, nature can afford none.
But how strange is it, that while Americans melt in tears over the heart of Louis, sigh and weep over the unfortunate Charlotte, number and estimate the scattered stones of the Bastille, they have no recollection of the sufferings of so many millions of the human race, who have been the victims of royal cruelty, the wretched vassals of a haughty nobility, and the starving labourers for an avaricious and insatiable clergy.
Germany, and the petty sovereigns who compose that empire, are not so licentious and so debauched in their manners as the French monarchy has been. A silent, frowning, gloomy aspect spreads its wide domain over the whole land. The corruptions of Christianity entangle the multitude, while the sovereigns, the nobles and the priests guard the cob-webs, by which the multitude, hungry and wretched, are held in ignorance and vassalage. While there was animation enough, or knowledge sufficient, to contend for the rights of human nature, they had intestine wars and civil commotions; but their state is now rendered tolerable only by the loss of sensibility; they cannot suffer, because they cannot enjoy.
Poland, wasted by the incessant wars of her nobles, has received the shackles of Russia and Prussia, that she may repose in sloth and wretchedness, under the banners of those two conquering despots. Generations born in slavery, feel their fetters as the gift of nature, and love them.
Sweden and Denmark, recline in the regions of ice, without any rights but those of slaves; that is, the inextinguishable right of enduring hunger and nakedness, whilst they toil for the nobles, who hold the soil, and who defend the backs of the peasant from the lash of the sovereign, that their own might not be interrupted.
Russia carries the chain of slavery to the north pole. Her twenty millions of vassals, spread themselves from the land where snow never melts, to the banks of the Mamora—where the wretchedness of the Turks, gives them an alleviation of the sufferings, merely by shewing them that slaves in a despotism, professing christianity, are not so miserable as they are under the Mahometan usurpation. But one million and a half of people, without property, but themselves the property of half a million, who are all the property of one despot. Such a multitude, without science, without learning, without ideas of the rights of man, without hope, as rational creatures, without other happiness than merely the absence of misery, deserves the sober reflections of Americans. What hope is there, that the condition of this multitude can ever be in any manner ameliorated? The monarch and nobles have an union of interest in their wretchedness. The priests hold an estate for the church in their ignorance. And the rays of mental light are shut out for ever.
The United Provinces, called Holland or the Netherlands, exhibit a strong instance of the miseries of aristocracy. A few years ago they were vassals of Spain; when the renowned William I. gave them a taste for freedom. But his mind did not glance upon the scheme of an elective republic; and it had, the body of the people were not in a habit to exercise it. The dread of despotism, under a single tyrant, urged them, from a sense of their past sufferings, to repose in the arms of many tyrants, who constituted their States General. Here their miseries have accumulated for more than a century;—squeezed on all sides, dependent on one power and tributary to another, they have been made the seat of war, the sink of calamities, and the sport of contending nations. Let who will lose, they are defined to make good the loss—let who will call they must pay the reckoning.
Rome, including Portugal, Naples, and all the Italian states, the ancient seat of Roman Empire, remains to finish the plan of the European Continent.
A learned writer observes, that the history of the Romans is the history of mankind; whether this is true or not, there is much to be learned from the history of that extraordinary nation. They were, undoubtedly, a colony from Greece, which was a colony from Egypt; but their origin is wrapt in the robe of secrecy, and the commencement of their history as given by their poets, is fabulous. In their origin their government was a military exercise of power, which lasted, as Tacitus informs us, under seven successive kings, two hundred and forty years; and ended with the expulsion of Tarquin, the Republic lasted about five hundred years, under that form of government, the senators, consuls, and magistrates were elective. The people assembled in the field of Mars, and gave their suffrages. Under this democratical form of government, the state became the wonder, and conqueror of the world. All nations bowed to the splendid dignity of the Roman name. The arts flourished, science and eloquence were there seated for the benefit of mankind, while language was urged to an unknown height of richness, in order to express the idea of the Roman glory.
But Servius Tullius, the sixth king, and next preceding Tarquin who was expelled to make way for the Republic, had, as we are told by Montesquieu, in imitation of Solon of Athens, divided the people into centuries, and formed four classes; composing one of the wealthy citizens; thus introducing a principle of aristocracy into the state; giving undistinguished rank of pre-eminence to riches; which ended in producing a senate to the succeeding Republic, which held it by their jarring influence, in civil war, until their confederates, and prosperities, were closed after the death of Augustus, who claimed only to be prince of the senate, or the chief among the senators, by Tiberius being made Emperor. To use the words of Tacitus: "The senate still continuing with prostrate servility, to press their suit to Tiberius; the right of electing magistrates by the public suffrage in the field of Mars, was now, for the first time, taken from the people at large, and reposed in the senate." After the battle of Actium, "when to close the scene of civil distractions, all power, and authority were surrendered to a single ruler—the historic character disappeared, genius died by the same blow that ended public liberty; truth was reduced to its last gasp; various circumstances conspired against her. A new constitution took place, undefined, and little understood; men resigned their rights, and lived like aliens in their own country."
We know, that under the tyranny, which succeeded to the democracy of Rome, civil wars were continued, the Roman power declined; the sciences and arts took refuge elsewhere, the provinces revolted; and a conquest of Rome by barbarians, put an end to the poor remains of the Roman name.
The states of Italy upon a luxurious soil, in a temperate climate, have neither dignity, force, wealth, or character.—Content in effeminacy, to be the ignorant dupes of a fraudulent, swindling clergy, they have not now even the name of a nation on the earth. This history is sacredly true, and can any American realize it and be ashamed of democracy, or be willing to yield his dear bought liberty to tyrants, who pant to overturn the American constitutions? and for their own aggrandizement with for a new form of government? We here finish the picture of Europe, with the British Empire; that form of government idolized by so many Americans.

About eight hundred years ago, England, including Scotland, and Ireland, were conquered by foreigners. Their form of government was feudal. The king parcelled out to a few who held the multitude as slaves. The wars between their kings, and between the several kings and nobles, gave the people some share of knowledge, because they were useful to those ferocious warriors. By various conflicts, charters, and claims, they arrived to such a point of privilege, that their wealthy land holders must elect one branch of the legislature; and thus they gained what they called a mixed monarchy.
But examine their history, and view their condition; and see if you envy it, or covet their situation. Their lands are held by a very few, a small part of the nation; and the people instead of being happy vassals, as heretofore, are wretched tenants to a haughty aristocracy; having no voice in elections, but being governed by laws, to which they give no consent. It is true, that their tribunals of justice do them honor as a nation, and the subjects find protection in the laws. But a standing army, continual wars, the extravagance of royalty, and the expense of favorites of the ministry, drain them of all the wealth, which a well managed and rich commerce affords them. The arts flourish there, to raise taxes; the sciences bloom to exhibit and describe the folly of the rulers, and the wretchedness of the subjects. Their government, though eulogized by some Americans, does not afford internal security. There have been frequently civil wars, intestine commotions, and bloody contests among them; notwithstanding their boasted constitution. Their Edwards and their Henrys, have deluged the islands in blood. Elizabeth usurped the throne of Mary, and starved her in a dungeon—James her successor, was no more than a vassal of France. Charles his son, was brought to the block, by the voice of an injured and insulted nation. Cromwell tyrannized to support his own usurpation. Charles the second succeeded for a few years in disgrace and misery.—James his brother, was expelled to make room for William, who usurped his throne without the voice of the people, until a new Parliament was called, which under the influence of an army, established him. A civil, and bloody war, vexed Queen Anne in 1715. The civil war of 1745, (and a bloody one it was) came soon upon that. The foreign war, which ended in 1763, having been virtually continued from 1745, made way for a civil contest with their colonies; it began in the Stamp Act, in 1765, and ended in 1783; in the acknowledged independence of the United States. To this succeeded Lord George Gordon's insurrection; which buried the Metropolis of the Empire in terror, spread wasting conflagrations through the Capitol; and attacked the very Arcana of state. The civil war in Ireland soon succeeded to that; where the blood of thousands washed the fods which had been often wet with the tears of their miseries and oppressions; and even now, treason and conspiracies, are stalking forth, while the terror under which the monarch cringes, is every day proclaimed from the gallows. Six hundred millions of debt, oppresses these devoted islands—their resources are exhausted—the art of financing has given up its pursuit, and an accumulation of the public burthen, by new and increased loans, serves as an opiate, where there is no cure for a broken, worn out, and injured constitution.
Americans, do you covet a return to such a nation? Are the leeks and onions of Egypt, yet urging your return to a land of bondage? Or do you wish to be in this country, what you would be if you were there? If you do not, support the constitutions you have formed, reverence with the spirit of freemen, your constitutional presidents, governors, magistrates, and rulers; obey the laws, love virtue, respect religion, promote industry, the arts and sciences, and delight in commerce and agriculture. You cannot remain long in your peculiarly happy situation, an Elective Republic, under laws of your own making—under magistrates of your own appointment—under the rights and privileges due to the human race, in a free, well regulated society, unless you do this; but you must, like the nations above described, submit to be slaves, and wear the chains of misery, and poverty.
PLAIN TRUTH.
(From the Daily Advertiser.) EXTENSION OF THE EMPIRE OF THE UNITED STATES.
By the cession of Louisiana, lately made, it is understood that the Federal government has acquired a vast tract of country, extending from the Mississippi on both sides of the Missouri, quite beyond the Northern Andes to the Pacific Ocean. On that western coast, it may be soon expected that our enterprising citizens will make settlements, and the government allow them seaports. These will aid the Whaling and Sealing voyages, and enable a more direct and rapid trade to be carried on between this country and China, or the East Indies. But the limits of our empire do not end here.
We may rightfully lay claim to several newly discovered islands in the Pacific Ocean. A navigator from New-York, a few years ago fell in with several beautiful Isles, whereon were no inhabitants; he visited them, and named them. And as there are no human beings upon them, our government may rightfully claim them, and annex them to the continental possessions. A cluster of fertile Islands, lying half way between the two continents of America and Asia, may afford us in process of time many conveniences, in a political and commercial point of view.
The Islands we mean were discovered by captain Fanning, in his voyage across the South Sea. Of these, capt. Edmund Fanning communicated to Dr. Mitchell the following extracts from a journal kept on board the ship Betsey, of New-York, on her passage through the Pacific Ocean.
"Monday, June 11, 1798. "At 3, A. M. discovered land close aboard, distance about 1 1/2 miles, hauled our wind to the N. E. till daylight at 6, A. M. the extremes of the land bore from S. S. W. to W. N. W. which proved to be 3 Islands, lying in the form of a triangle, which formed a large and spacious bay, there was good landing on the bay side of the Islands; on the Sea side none, owing to a large surf constantly breaking on a reef of rocks which lays along the sea side of them—The centre of these islands lays in lat. 3, 55, north long. 159, 10, west of London, in doubling round the N. W. end of the northernmost island will be found a bank, where a ship or ships may anchor in from 20 to 30 fathoms sandy bottom; there was sufficient water for any ship to pass through between the northernmost and southernmost Islands into the bay, where they will find a good harbour. We landed on these Islands, where we found cocoanuts in the greatest plenty, laying in heaps under the trees, which appeared to have fallen from them for years past; other tropical fruits were plenty. We discovered no signs of any inhabitants, and therefore supposed ourselves to be the first human beings that had set their feet on these Islands. The greatest plenty of excellent fish are easily caught here of different kinds, but we saw no turtle. Sharks were very numerous, and so ravenous as to dart at the boat's rudder and oars and bite them with great greediness. We saw a number of birds of different kinds or species, some of which had plumage extremely beautiful, particularly one kind about the size of the American robin, its breast and under part of its body was scarlet, its back and wings a bright green, yellow beak, and black tail. There appeared to be a regular current setting in and out of the bay, which was caused by the ebbing and flowing of the tide. We saw no signs of any rivulets or brooks of fresh water. The land near the sea side was low and sandy, but the interior had every appearance of a rich and luxuriant soil. We called the northernmost of these islands, Fanning's island; the southernmost, Brintual's island; and the easternmost, William's island. These islands were about three or four leagues in length, and two or three in breadth, but there were several small islands in their vicinity.
"Having supplied ourselves with fish, cocoanuts, &c. at 6, P. M. we left the above islands, and steered to the N. W. Tuesday, 12th, at 11, A. M. discovered land bearing W. N. W. about 5 leagues distant; at meridian it bore W. by N. distant 4 leagues, and proved to be a single island, which from its verdant and beautiful appearance, we named Washington's island, after President Washington. Washington's island lies in lat. 4, 45, north long. 160, 8, west of London, bearing about N. W. by W. from Fanning's island, distant 27 leagues. Its form is circular, there is a fine sand bank off the west side of it, which extends 1 1/2 mile into the sea; there appeared to be good clear anchorage on this bank, at the distance of about one mile from the shore. This island is about 5 leagues in circumference, and has a fine white beach to land on; the land being higher than Fanning's island, it is presumed fresh water might be procured here.—There was a great number of different kinds of fish round the ship as we passed the island, of which we caught many fine ones, much resembling in shape, the king fish caught in the West-Indies.—On leaving Washington's island; we steered N. W. by W. On Thursday the 14th, at sunset, it blowing a fresh gale at N. E. and squally, saw large flocks of different kinds of birds, one for a small dark brown bird, with a white spot on the crown of its head; as I had not seen this kind of bird but a very few miles distant from land, I judged the land was not far off, and as these birds took their flight to the westward, I thought best to haul the ship upon a wind with her head to the northward, and passed the night under easy sail, the fresh gale continuing all night; at 5, A. M. bore away to the N. W. and made sail; at 7, A. M. discovered a most dangerous shoal of breakers off the lee bow, bearing S. W. by W. about 2 leagues distant, immediately hauled up and passed to the northward of them. This shoal has a circular form, & is about 6 leagues
in circumference, and forms a large lagoon of white water, its lat. 6, 15, north, long. 162, 48, west of London. We supposed that we saw land (from the mast head) to the southward of the shoal, but it was so hazy we were not certain."
From the Louisiana Monitor.
NEW-ORLEANS.
Don Manuel de Salcedo, brigadier in the armies of the king, military and civil governor of the provinces of Louisiana and West Florida, inspector of the regulars and militia of the above places; vice patron, judge royal subdelegated for the superintendence of couriers, &c.—and Don Sebastian Calvo de la Puerta, and O'Farrell Marquis de Casa Calvo, Knight of the order of St. James, Brigadier in the armies of the King and Colonel of the Stationary Regiment of the Havanna, commissioned by his majesty for the cession of this province to the French Republic.
Be it known to all the subjects of our Lord the King, of whatever class or denomination soever, that his majesty has determined to retrocede this province of Louisiana to the French Republic, to the reciprocal satisfaction of the two powers; and in continuing the same proof of protection and satisfaction which the inhabitants of this province have universally experienced, his majesty has thought proper to decree amongst other things, certain points which we conceive it our duty to make known to the public, for the guidance and particular government of those whom it may interest:—
1st. His majesty having presented the obligations prescribed by treaty, and wished to avoid any dispute that might occur, has resolved, that the cession of the colony and island of New-Orleans, which is to be made to Victor, general of division, or other officer legally authorized by the government of the French Republic, shall take place on the same terms that France ceded to his majesty the said Colony and Island; by virtue of which the limits of the two shores of the river St. Louis or Mississippi, shall remain on the same footing, as they did at the term of the 7th article of the definitive treaty of peace concluded in Paris on the 10th February, 1763; and consequently the establishment from Manchac or Iberville river, as far as the line which separates the American territory, from the dominions of the King, remain in the power of Spain and annexed to West Florida.
2d. All individuals, who are in any ways in the service of, and wish to continue under the dominion of the King, will repair to the Havanna, or some other parts of his majesty's possessions, unless they prefer remaining in the service of France, which is left to their option; but if any just or well founded principle prevents them for the present from fulfilling those dispositions, they will assign from time to time, and in a proper manner, through the organ of their respective chiefs, sufficient reason.
3d. The generous bounty of the King will not discontinue the pensions of widows, or other persons who have retired, and will suggest to them at a proper season, the manner in which this arrangement will take place.
4th. His majesty manifesting his hopes for the advantage and tranquillity of the colony, promises himself, from the sincere friendship and strict alliance, which unites the Spanish government to that of the French republic, that the latter will issue its orders to the governor and other officers employed in its service in the said colony and city of New-Orleans, to continue to the ecclesiastical and religious houses which may officiate parochially, or as missionaries, their functions, and grant them the same privileges and exemptions which they are entitled to from the nature of their establishments; to continue in the like manner all ordinary judges, as well as the tribunals established for the administration of justice, conformably to the laws and known customs of colonies; to support and guarantee the inhabitants in the peaceable possession of their properties; to confirm all concessions and grants of what nature soever, made and given by the governor of these provinces, although not yet confirmed by his majesty, who hopes that the government of the republic, will afford its subjects the same proofs of protection and love which they enjoyed under the dominion of his majesty.
In order that all persons concerned may come to that decision, they deem essential to them, we likewise declare, that in case of doubt, they are to have recourse to us for the steps it will be expedient for them to take, conformably to our royal order and instructions. And that this might be known to all we have ordered it to be published with solemnity, and the requisite forms by bent of drum, and posted in the customary places. Given at New-Orleans, 18th May, 1803.
MANUEL DE SALCEDO, THE MARQUIS DE CASA CALVO. By order of their Lordships, CHARLES XIMENS, Sec.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—May 24.
WAR WITH FRANCE.
Mr. Grenville, after giving notice of his intention to-morrow to move for certain papers respecting the proposition of Russia, relative to the provisions of the tenth article of the treaty of Amiens, said, that as he was then upon his legs, he should move the order of the day for resuming the debate on the address on his majesty's most gracious message.
The order of the day was then read, and the debate ordered to be resumed, when the speaker having read the address originally proposed, pledging the house to support his majesty in the prosecution of the war; and also the amendment afterward proposed, the effect of which was to express the satisfaction of the house at his majesty's affording every facility for the restoration of peace;
Mr. Grenville again rose: when, he said, he came to the house on the preceding day, he did not think there could be much to say upon the subject, conceiving that the ground would be so narrowed, that no range would be left wide enough for any thing like an enlarged discussion. Many motives had concurred to induce him to wish that the debate might be thus limited, as by this mode, another very important question would be rendered more tangible and more fit for subsequent discussion. He should, however, do injustice to the question, if he confined such a wish to the mere convenience of debate, since he was actuated in this instance much more by a sense of public duty. When a call like the present, so superior to any other, was made upon the country, he thought that a sufficient motive for confining themselves strictly to the great and pressing duty which was then before them. His majesty had told the house that the aggressions and insults offered to this country by France, had forced his majesty to commence hostilities against that power; if any man could bring himself to believe that there was not a just ground for war, then he would take the side he had described. Those on the contrary, who thought with him, that it was their first duty to remove from the question every point which might prevent that unanimity which was so desirable to enable his majesty to prosecute the contest with that vigour and energy which the occasion required, would put out of their consideration any thing, except the important duty which they had to discharge. After complaining so often of the want of information, he ought to be the first to congratulate the house on the full information which they were now in possession of, but the duty he had spoken of, was so far transcendent, that he should consider himself as blameable, there being sufficient information to enable them to discuss what were the causes of the war, if he embarrassed the question with the consideration of any other points. The first question for consideration was, whether this country had a right to go to war with France? and second, whether, having a just cause for war, there was such a want of expediency in pursuing it, that notwithstanding the justice of the cause, it would not be politic to carry it on? Ever since the treaty of Amiens there had been one continued system, on the part of France, to vilify and insult the British government and people, a deliberate system of ambition and aggrandizement on the part of the French republic; and when he considered whether there were just grounds of war, his difficulty consisted rather in the abundance from which he was to choose. If he took the first act, that of sending persons here with the appearance of a commercial character, in the character of peace, claiming the rights of hospitality and protection, whilst their real views had for their object the ascertainment of the means of destroying this country, he thought it was so unprecedented and unparalleled an insult and injury, that it furnished of itself a sufficient ground for hostilities. He would not go through the whole of the grounds for war, it was unnecessary; he would not treat upon the annexation of Piedmont, of which country we were the guarantees, nor upon the subject of Switzerland. These were ample sufficient grounds for war, without going through them all. But although he would not dwell upon the subjects of the indemnities of the German empire, the annexation of Piedmont, the invasion of Switzerland, or of the Batavian republic, yet all these were such sufficient proofs of the ambition of the French republic, as not less than at other period, to excite a disposition on the part of this country to resist the ambition and aggrandizement of France. It had been doubted by some, how far some of these were just grounds for war; it had been said that they were not, because at the period of signing the treaty of Amiens, French troops were in Holland, Piedmont was really annexed to France, and Switzerland might be considered to be so; could any man doubt at that period it had been asked, that Switzerland and Holland must become subject to the power of France, whenever the latter chose to make an effort for that purpose.
The great argument used in support of the treaty of Amiens, was the tone and temper in which it was made, from which, if any thing was to be inferred, it was that a disposition was beginning to arise in France, to act upon the principles adopted by regular government, and a hope to find in that disposition remarkable grounds for believing that France would observe the treaties she had made: not when there was a general system of ambition and aggrandizement on the part of France, it was said it was no subject of complaint: be it so; but should this country not be prepared to check that ambition? To say that the influence of France was so great in Holland and Switzerland, that therefore it ought not to be resisted, was so strange an argument, that he did not think it necessary to pursue it any farther. All these acts were not only altogether, but each of them a sufficient cause for war, and such as in other times had been acted upon vigorously and successfully. Here he wished to recur to what related to Egypt, in which there was a direct breach of the treaty of Amiens. By that Treaty the French republic was solemnly bound to guarantee the integrity of the Turkish dominions, which became a great object to us, not only in itself, but because of the great necessity which existed for it, for the security of our own possessions. In that view he conceived that we demanded security from France against any attempt in that quarter. Egypt was evacuated by our troops, and the evacuation made a sacrifice to Peace, whilst we demanded the guarantee as a security for our eastern possessions. Let it be seen how far France was sincere. If any man doubted the insincerity of that power, after reading the report of Sebastiani, it would be extremely difficult to prove it. Yet the Report was said to be commercial: vain and idle pretext, on which the purpose of it was attempted to be done away: was it possible to conceive that it could be a commercial mission? If any man doubted, however, upon the subject, he desired to refer him to higher authority, to Bonaparte himself, who had distinctly described it as a military mission, and to Andreossi, the French ambassador, who had not attempted to conceal the purpose of the mission, under the semblance of commerce, but who distinctly designated it as a military mission.
Thus, then, the report of Sebastiani was confirmed in all its military character. But was that all? Look at the supplementary part of the report, view Sebastiani travelling in the republic of the seven Islands; that republic was however not confined to Sebastiani's report, another supplementary account amongst the papers on the table informed them that the First Consul had granted his protection to the Catholic church of the Seven Islands, and that when the members of that communion prayed to God, they must pray for the First Consul. Thus stood the case with respect to Egypt. If the report to Sebastiani had merely consisted of an intercepted letter, it might have been said, that it was not a sufficient act of hostility on the part of France towards this country, though he should have contended that it was; but when, in addition to the report, it was adopted by the first consul, and by the French ambassador here, could any reasonable man, he asked, read that and doubt that there had been in the mind of Bonaparte, an hostile view with respect to Egypt, a disposition to act directly contrary to his own Guarantee of the Integrity to the Turkish Empire? This was not all; but, when, in the Declaration of His Majesty, it was stated that the French government had suggested the idea of a partition of the Turkish Empire, he must suppose that it related to a regular proposal made by France to a great Northern power, for such a partition. With respect to this point, no documents were offered, but if ministers had not referred to it, they would have done less than their duty, and to have referred to it, more distinctly, would have been more than was called for. Before he quitted this subject, he could not help adverting to an expression that had been used, that Bonaparte had a desire to possess himself of Egypt. If it was meant to be said that there was an abstract wish on the part of the First Consul possessing half the world, secretly silently and piously to add Egypt to his dominions, he could not conceive that such a simple abstract wish could be a cause for war. But putting together facts, would any man say that it was a fair interpretation of those facts, to say merely that Bonaparte had a desire to possess himself of Egypt? That desire was manifested by acts so manifestly in breach of the treaty which he had signed, that we were justified in saying, that it was a hostile breach of faith. Steps had been taken by the First Consul clearly indicating the means by which his designs were to be executed. From the moment that any hostile act was committed by France, we were justified in using every means for our own security. What were the best means by which the First consul could execute his projects upon Egypt? They were those which he thought the most necessary to the accomplishment of his desire; they depended upon Malta, and if we had evacuated Malta, we should have been justified, after the report of Sebastiani, in endeavoring to
which, if any thing was to be inferred, it was that a disposition was beginning to arise in France, to act upon the principles adopted by regular government, and a hope to find in that disposition remarkable grounds for believing that France would observe the treaties she had made: not when there was a general system of ambition and aggrandizement on the part of France, it was said it was no subject of complaint: be it so; but should this country not be prepared to check that ambition? To say that the influence of France was so great in Holland and Switzerland, that therefore it ought not to be resisted, was so strange an argument, that he did not think it necessary to pursue it any farther. All these acts were not only altogether, but each of them a sufficient cause for war, and such as in other times had been acted upon vigorously and successfully. Here he wished to recur to what related to Egypt, in which there was a direct breach of the treaty of Amiens. By that Treaty the French republic was solemnly bound to guarantee the integrity of the Turkish dominions, which became a great object to us, not only in itself, but because of the great necessity which existed for it, for the security of our own possessions. In that view he conceived that we demanded security from France against any attempt in that quarter. Egypt was evacuated by our troops, and the evacuation made a sacrifice to Peace, whilst we demanded the guarantee as a security for our eastern possessions. Let it be seen how far France was sincere. If any man doubted the insincerity of that power, after reading the report of Sebastiani, it would be extremely difficult to prove it. Yet the Report was said to be commercial: vain and idle pretext, on which the purpose of it was attempted to be done away: was it possible to conceive that it could be a commercial mission? If any man doubted, however, upon the subject, he desired to refer him to higher authority, to Bonaparte himself, who had distinctly described it as a military mission, and to Andreossi, the French ambassador, who had not attempted to conceal the purpose of the mission, under the semblance of commerce, but who distinctly designated it as a military mission.
Thus, then, the report of Sebastiani was confirmed in all its military character. But was that all? Look at the supplementary part of the report, view Sebastiani travelling in the republic of the seven Islands; that republic was however not confined to Sebastiani's report, another supplementary account amongst the papers on the table informed them that the First Consul had granted his protection to the Catholic church of the Seven Islands, and that when the members of that communion prayed to God, they must pray for the First Consul. Thus stood the case with respect to Egypt. If the report to Sebastiani had merely consisted of an intercepted letter, it might have been said, that it was not a sufficient act of hostility on the part of France towards this country, though he should have contended that it was; but when, in addition to the report, it was adopted by the first consul, and by the French ambassador here, could any reasonable man, he asked, read that and doubt that there had been in the mind of Bonaparte, an hostile view with respect to Egypt, a disposition to act directly contrary to his own Guarantee of the Integrity to the Turkish Empire? This was not all; but, when, in the Declaration of His Majesty, it was stated that the French government had suggested the idea of a partition of the Turkish Empire, he must suppose that it related to a regular proposal made by France to a great Northern power, for such a partition. With respect to this point, no documents were offered, but if ministers had not referred to it, they would have done less than their duty, and to have referred to it, more distinctly, would have been more than was called for. Before he quitted this subject, he could not help adverting to an expression that had been used, that Bonaparte had a desire to possess himself of Egypt. If it was meant to be said that there was an abstract wish on the part of the First Consul possessing half the world, secretly silently and piously to add Egypt to his dominions, he could not conceive that such a simple abstract wish could be a cause for war. But putting together facts, would any man say that it was a fair interpretation of those facts, to say merely that Bonaparte had a desire to possess himself of Egypt? That desire was manifested by acts so manifestly in breach of the treaty which he had signed, that we were justified in saying, that it was a hostile breach of faith. Steps had been taken by the First Consul clearly indicating the means by which his designs were to be executed. From the moment that any hostile act was committed by France, we were justified in using every means for our own security. What were the best means by which the First consul could execute his projects upon Egypt? They were those which he thought the most necessary to the accomplishment of his desire; they depended upon Malta, and if we had evacuated Malta, we should have been justified, after the report of Sebastiani, in endeavoring to

retake it. Would any man say, that if it was just to retake it, it was not also just to retain it when it was already in our possession? He could not see the least difference between our retaining Malta, if France committed a breach of faith, and our right of possessing ourselves of it again after a breach of the treaty of Amiens, and having previously given it up.
In this view of the subject, he was not one of those who would go into a minute discussion respecting the 10th Article of the Treaty of Amiens. He would grant, that if the stipulation of the Treaty had been fulfilled, and we had then refused to deliver up Malta, that a breach of that Treaty might have been fairly alleged against us; but it appeared to him that no case had ever been made out by France which gave her a right to demand the evacuation of Malta by us. He really thought that there never was a period of War in which so many and such invincible grounds of War, on the part of this country, were so clearly and distinctly made out, as in the moment when he was addressing the House. Before he sat down he wished to say a word or two with respect to the question of expediency. It might be said that a very sufficient grounds of War might exist, and yet considerations of expediency might render it doubtful whether Parliament should recommend the prosecution of the War; but were there or not any such grounds of expediency at the present moment? If they were to say that such a War at the present moment would not be a dangerous experiment, and that it would not press heavily, in point of expence, upon every man in the Country, they would be deceiving themselves and disguising the truth. But what had they to consider: he lamented that their voice upon this occasion would only be a choice of great evils. Before, however, they agreed to a change: for War, they were to consider what they would lose. Was it Peace that they would lose? Would any man say, that it was a change from a state of unequal Truce to a state of equal War. They must look danger courageously in the face, and hope with confidence for a glorious result. Did they sacrifice by such a change, that which was valuable or even tolerable?
Without entering into the consideration of the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, he would ask, whether if the wisest men in the country, who was at the head of affairs, if it were possible that they would have suffered the last two months of protracted negotiation, during which we experienced not a peace but a truce, in which we disarmed while the enemy armed, in which we were called upon to give up our conquest, whilst the enemy was pursuing a system of aggrandizement, and completing their military preparations, to be afterwards carried into effect against this country? Was it to be said, that we were to wait till they had completed all their arrangements, and were we to be taught to believe, that we were to wait patiently the event of the attack, and not to take those means which we were called upon by God and man to take for our own security? It might be said, that even at the moment of the present discussion, we had gained an advantage of great moment, since the great and mighty Republic of France, had thought fit to abandon a great acquisition, namely, that of Louisiana. It might be asked, was not that a fresh indication of a pacific spirit? but he could not conceive that any one would be so childish as to ask such a question. What was the cause of it, the War? However paradoxical it might seem, he considered that cession as a fresh indication of a hostile mind on the part of France. It was evident, in his opinion, that it was the object of France, in this cession, to do away one enemy more, and to endeavour to prevent an alliance between the United States and this country. It had been said that we were without allies: he did not see any occasion for treating our former Continental Allies so lightly as they had been treated. But however we might be without allies, to those countries with whom we might wish to ally ourselves, it would not be unimportant to show our readiness to repel a danger which was common to all, to show our disposition courageously to meet the difficulties which presented themselves, and bravely to overcome them. He would say a few words with respect to the amendment: it appeared to him that there was no duty more incumbent upon them, when representing the spirit and sense of the country upon the present occasion, than that they should speak with an unanimous voice. There was no sacrifice which he would not make, consistent with conscience and honour, to obtain that unanimity. If then he saw in the amendment no material difference, must he not complain, that without any essential difference, it should have the effect of weakening that unanimity? Though there was not one word in that amendment that he would not willingly subscribe to, yet he could not but lament that it would have the effect of preventing Parliament from speaking with an unanimous voice. The country was placed in a very arduous situation, but he was confident that the spirit of Englishmen were amply sufficient to encounter successful
ly the perils which surrounded them, and that there would be found means, and mind, and spirit to meet the conflict in which we were engaged. If the country was true to itself, and Parliament was true to the country, there need be no fear for the issue of that contest.
[Debate to be continued.]
From the Trinidad Gazette , received at Baltimore , by the brig Isabella , capt. Graig .
PORT OF SPAIN (Trin.) June 19. We have hitherto been silent as to the political transactions which have recently occurred in this colony. Many of them are of so extraordinary a nature; so unprecedented in the annals of a British colony; so repugnant to every idea of loyalty and obedience to the will of our sovereign; and so inimical to the peace and tranquility of this infant settlement, that, had we ventured our conjectures on their probable effects, we should have been unavoidably led into reflections which might have increased the agitation of the public mind, and disturbed that good order which it is our invariable study to preserve. The storm having at length subsided, we can now calmly look around, and contemplate our escape from the dangers to which we have been exposed.
In the commencement of the present year we congratulated this community on the first arrival of his excellency colonel William Fullarton, and the subsequent conduct of the first commissioner has amply confirmed the high opinion which the public entertained of his character. Unhappily his wife and benevolent views have been frustrated by a determined and systematic opposition to every measure which he proposed for the good of the colony: an opposition conducted by violence, impetuosity and passion, on one side, and resisted on the other, by that dignity, moderation and propriety, which have ever distinguished the public conduct of colonel Fullarton. Discussions thus conducted promised no benefit to the colony, and at length induced the first commissioner to turn his thoughts towards another part of his duty, for which he was peculiarly qualified by his experience and scientific knowledge, and in the performance of which he would fulfil the special commands of his majesty.
On the first of April his excellency failed in the schooner Start , and "proceeded on a survey and other matters necessary to enable him to fulfil the objects specified by his majesty's commands." The events which took place during his absence—the proclamation of the 27th of April, requiring all persons civil and military to consider William Fullarton no longer officiating as one of his majesty's commissioners in the government of this island; the resignation of brigadier general Picton, a second commissioner being accepted of by his majesty; the dispatches of the 23d of April from the right honorable lord Hobart extending and accurately defining the special powers vested in the first commissioner—we have no occasion to enlarge upon, as they are fully set forth in his excellency's proclamation of the 16th inst.
An account of these dispatches was received in Port of Spain on Friday the 3d inst. A council was immediately held, and the schr. Tickler, was in the evening sent off to Barbadoes, with letters to their excellencies general Grinfield, and commodore Hood. In the mean time, col. Fullarton left Barbadoes for this island, and anchored in the harbour of Port of Spain on Monday the 6th inst. On his arrival, an officer went on board with a letter from brigadier-general Picton and a copy of the minutes of council, informing his majesty's first commissioner, that he could not be suffered to land until an answer was received to dispatches which had been sent to general Grinfield, the commander in chief, requesting his excellency to interfere his authority in preventing a measure dangerous to the peace and tranquility of the colony, the landing of col. William Fullarton!! It would be vain to attempt to describe the general indignation of the inhabitants of this island, at this outrageous and insulting opposition to the lawful representative of the sovereign.
The arrival of general Maitland (on Tuesday the 14th inst.) from the schr. Nelly from Barbadoes, relieved the royal inhabitants of Trinidad from this state of anxiety and alarm. And the general satisfaction was evident when it was positively known, that the result of the dispatches sent to his excellency general Grinfield, was the removal of brigadier general Picton from his military command, and the consequent restoration of col. Fullarton to the government of this island.
When it is recollected that general Picton has remained, since the conquest of Trinidad, in the possession of extensive authority and power, we shall be excused for not attempting to convey any idea of the astonishment of the colony on the morning of Wednesday last, when it was discovered that the schooner Nelly had failed the preceding night, with brigadier-general Picton on board. On Thursday his excellency governor Fullarton issued his proclamation (in-
serted in this paper) and on Friday morning landed with his suite, at the king's wharf, where he was received by his excellency general Maitland, with all the honors due to a civil governor.
The joy of the community on so happy an event is more truly felt than it is possible to describe: and we believe there never was a governor received with more sincere congratulations on his return to his government, than his excellency colonel Fullarton.
Trinidad, June 16.
A PROCLAMATION.
By William Fullarton, his Majesty's First Commissioner for executing the office of Governor of Trinidad.
WHEREAS, on the 27th of April, a proclamation was issued, signed Thomas Picton, Samuel Hood, stating, that the first commissioner for this government had withdrawn himself therefrom, and from the duties thereof, without his majesty's leave, and without permission from the said Thomas Picton & Samuel Hood, or any consultation with his majesty's council of this island:—Therefore, by and with the advice of his majesty's said council, proclaiming and declaring, in the name of the junior commissioners, that they considered the said William Fullarton, no longer officiating as one of his majesty's commissioners in the government of this island, and requiring all persons, civil and military, to govern themselves accordingly.
Now his majesty's loyal subjects are hereby informed, that the said proclamation of the 27th of April, contains a direct violation of the king's authority, and tends to excite the inhabitants of this island to disobedience and insurrection. That the first commissioner never did withdraw from his duty, nor act without the king's leave; on the contrary, he proceeded on a survey and other matters necessary to enable him to fulfil the object specified by his majesty's command. On the 12th of March, he stated to the junior commissioners, in writing, the public objects which would require his temporary absence from the port of Spain; and on the 24th of March he laid the communications in question before his majesty's council, who never intimated to him any objection on this subject.
It is further notified, That a dispatch, dated the 23d of April, has been received from the right honorable lord Hobart, his majesty's principal secretary of state for the colonial department, intimating that brigadier-general Picton having applied to be relieved from the duties of a commissioner, his majesty had been graciously pleased to acquiesce in his request.
And with a view of providing as much as possible against any misconception of the powers of the respective commissioners, his lordship had his majesty's commands to signify to them, that it was his pleasure that the command of the militia should be held solely by Mr. William Fullarton, in like manner as it is held by the several governors in the West Indies, and that as first commissioner, Mr. William Fullarton should represent the executive government in the intervals between the meetings of the commissioners in council, but subject to the control of the majority, and making the opinions of such majority, duly recorded upon the minutes of council, the rule of his conduct. All others that might be issued in the intervals between the meetings of council, and for the promulgation of which the public secretary might not already have received instructions, were to proceed from the first commissioner, must be respected in the same manner as if they proceeded from the board of commissioners, until they should be revoked by their authority. And if it should at any time happen that the military commissioner should be absent from the island, and that no other general officer should at the time be employed upon the staff of the island, whenever such a case might occur, it was his majesty's pleasure that the military command should devolve on the first commissioner, in like manner as it has been provided for in all his Majesty's governments in the West Indies.
The first commissioner need hardly enjoin the dutiful and loyal subjects of Trinidad, civil and military, to give due obedience to these orders of his Majesty.
WILLIAM FULLARTON.
FOR SALE
By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on F. street City of Washington.
PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS.
White Lead in kegs Red Lead, and dray, Spruce Ochre, Stone Ochre of superior quality, Patent Yellow, Gold Litage, Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, and quality, Bed Carmine drop sack, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all kinds of turpentine, Window glass 10 by 12—8 by 10, and 7 by 9. Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book, Large sheet glass cut to any size.
Gentlemen sending their Salles to the subscriber will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to.
August 2. of
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8.
It is the wish of the Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER to engage an individual well qualified to REPORT THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. Immediate application, with the terms that will be agreeable, is requested.
The Editors of papers who publish Debates from the National Intelligencer are requested to insert this advertisement in their papers a few times.
A letter from an officer of the United States troops at Michilimackinac, dated 15th May, says, "to give you an idea of the commercial importance of our little Sea-port, I can inform, that the duties paid at the custom house here, in three months, last summer, amounted to 19,000 dollars."
New York, July 29.
By the schooner Indiana , in 41 days from Natches, and 27 from New Orleans, we receive information furnishing prospects highly flattering to the prosperity of our newly acquired western country.
The Indiana belongs at Marietta, 1000 miles up the Ohio, and 2200 from the mouth of the Mississippi. She left at New Orleans four vessels from Marietta, and one from Pittsburgh, for Liverpool with others for other ports; for particulars see the marine list.
From the Boston Palladium.
Spanish Navy.—As Spain will probably soon be involved in the war which has commenced in Europe, we conceive the publication of the list of her navy will, at this time be agreeable to our readers, as there may be frequent occasions to refer thereto. This list is from one published by authority in Spain, in 1801, with which we have been favoured by a respected friend.
AGGREGATE.
   Cadiz. Ferrol. Cartahena. Total.     Navios, 14 28 19 61   Fragatas, 22 11 9 42   Corbetas, 6 2 1 9   Xabeques, 7 7   Ureas, 2 8 5 15   Bergantines, 11 20 10 41   Paquebotes, 5 3 8 16   Balandras, 9 3 12 24   Goletas, 8 6 7 21   Lugres, 1 1 2   Galeras, 2 2 4   Total 220  
ARRETE.
In the name of the French government, The General in Chief, Captain General of the colony of St. Domingo, Decrees as follows.
Art. 1. The duties established by the tariff of the 10th Nivose last (December 31) upon flour, ship bread, rice, and all kinds of salted provisions, are suppressed.
Art. 2. The above specified articles shall be allowed to be imported free of all duties. The importer shall be subject only to the usual port charges and to the other small duties established by the custom house.
Art. 3. This exemption shall be in force during the continuance of the war, from the day of the publication hereof, in all the ports of the colony, which are from this time open to Foreign commerce.
Art. 4. The colonial prefect is charged with the execution of the present arrete, which shall be inserted in the official Gazette.
At head-quarters of the Cape, 16th Messidor, year 11. (5th July, 1803.) (Signed) DTN. ROCHAMBEAU.
FROM AN ENGLISH PAPER.
(In the early part of the present year.)
There is but one man in France—Bonaparte. He wields the strength, commands the talents, and sways the destinies of the millions below him. He is the mind that informs, the soul that quickens, the spirit that breathes through the whole mass of population in France. Every day produces some strange, unanticipated deed of his to astonish or appal the world. In other countries public measures are the children of many fathers; and in that instance indeed, "it is a wise child that knows its own father;" the merit of success and the guilt of misfortune being so impartially divided, that none can arrogate the glory of the one, nor be charged with the infamy of the other, without excessive injustice to his fellows. In France Bonaparte alone is the father of all public measures, and his children bear the mark of their parent on their foreheads; none can behold them and deny their legitimacy. The decrees of the Senate, the discussions of the tribunes, the debates in the legislative body, are only tubs thrown out to amuse the whale, while the harpoon is preparing to strike. From the secret recesses of the Thuilleries the consular issues his mandates, which are obeyed in the next cell or in the remotest corners of the earth. When we hear any thing great concerning Bonaparte, it is always what
he has done, and never what he is considering to do. His genius works like the elements; the lightning of his counsel has executed its commission before the thunder can report its progress.
Of this character have been all those actions, which have exalted him so far above his country. Witness his sudden return from Egypt, the overthrow of the Directory, the battle of Marengo, and innumerable more recent, though less splendid examples. But there are some of his comprehensive projects which cannot be reared in secret, but must be dry nursed on the lap of time, and grow up in the eye of the world. Of this description are the plans which he is incessantly and intensely pursuing, to increase the commerce of France, while he is aggrandizing her power and extending her territory. At the mouth of the Scheldt, it is said that he is about to form a new military post, to which, during peace, the wealth of the Indies may flow, and from whence, during war, he may direct invasion against this country. As this project is still only in rumour, it is probable that it is false, for to whom does Bonaparte confide his secrets?
Bonaparte has pronounced his fiat concerning Switzerland: a constitution has been recommended to the Helvetic Consulta, and embraced by them with becoming humility. It was received, discussed, and adopted in a day. Since that time a deputation has been despatched to Paris, from the Cantons, to beseech the First Consul to enclose "the open frontier of France," and annex it to the integrity of the "Great Nation." Why does not Bonaparte at once pass a general inclosure bill, and take in all the waste lands in Europe—he has not a common right to them all?
ANECDOTE OF DR. JOHNSON.
FROM A LONDON PAPER. During the late visit which the doctor made to Litchfield, (the birth place of the celebrated lexicographer) the friends with whom he was staying missed him one morning at the breakfast table; on enquiring after him of the servants, they understood he set off from Litchfield at a very early hour, without mentioning to any of the family whither he was going. The day passed without the return of the illustrious guest, and the party began to be very uneasy on his account, when, just before the supper hour, the door opened, and the doctor stalked into the room. A solemn silence of a few minutes ensued, nobody daring to enquire the cause of his absence, which was at length relieved by Johnson addressing the lady of the house in the following manner:
"Madam I beg your pardon for the abruptness of my departure from your house this morning; but I was constrained to it by my conscience. Fifty years ago madam, on this day, I committed a breach of filial piety, which has ever since laid heavy on my mind, and has not till this day been expiated. My father, you recollect, was a bookseller, and had long been in the habit of attending market; and opening a stall for the sale of his books, during that day. Confining to his bed by indisposition, he requested me, this time fifty years ago, to visit the market, and attend the stall in his place. But, madam, my pride prevented me from doing my duty, and I gave my father a refusal. To do away the sin of this disobedience, I this day went in a post chaise to—and going into the market at the time of high business, uncovered my head, and stood with it bare an hour before the stall which my father formerly used, exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and the inclemency of the weather: a penance by which, I trust, I have propitiated heaven for this only instance, I believe, of contumacy towards my father."
WANTS EMPLOYMENT.
IN a store or counting room, a young man that can give an indispensable recommendation—he understands book-keeping, writes a fair hand, and was bred to the store keeping business. A line addressed to the Editor of this paper will be attended to.
August 3, 1803. tawv
MECHANICS HALL.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the causeway in George Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall.
All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find it their interest to call on him as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Bear and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room.
He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble servant,
ANDREW McDONALD.
A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year.
A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given.
August 3. tawv

ANCHOR TAVERN AND OYSTER HOUSE. (Late the Fountain Inn.)  GEORGE PUT having taken and entered upon the above Inn and fitted it up at a considerable expense, respectfully solicits the patronage and support of his friends, when a resident at the Eagle Tavern, their who frequented the Fountain Inn, and the public in general—and assures them no exertion on his part will be wanting in order to induce him a continuance of their liberality and support. Travellers will find it their interest to give him a call, as they may depend always on finding good beds and stabling, the best of liquors, moderate charges and every requisite suited to give them general satisfaction.  WANTED IMMEDIATELY A good Cook and Waiter, to whom wages will be given agreeable to their merit. G. P. July 6. tw
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations.  June 22. 3m.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN NEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorised, in my name, to adjust and settle the same and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named. SAMUEL BLODGET. March 20. tf
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY. To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.    1 prize of  20,000    1 ditto  10,000    2 do  5,000    5 do  1,000    10 do  500    15 do  200    200 do  100    200 do  50    200 do  25    250 do  10    4000 do  5    1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 15,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 2,000 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000  7154 Prizes, 210,000 13,316 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  21,000 tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000  The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as re-purchased for the benefit of the church.  For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.  Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them.  Managers Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beccan, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Waith, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Renaut, Arnold Livets, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell. copy  July 13, 1803.  The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR. FROM PHILADELPHIA.  HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cambric, Silk Florantine, Black and fancy silk mouselon velvet, white & figured Marcella, Brandoms, Toilonettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c.  With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season.  M. B. JAMES Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.  New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802.
LOIS for sale. In eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—a plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer.
Boarding & Day Schools. PRESIDENT'S SQUARE. J. GARDINER instructs Youth in Arithmetic, Book-Keeping, Writing, and English Grammar.  Mrs. GARDINER teaches Needle Work, Tambouring, &c. Young Ladies who desire to do so, can divide their time between the two schools.  Boys from the country accommodated with Board and Lodging on reasonable terms. June 1. 2mo
NEW BOOKS. Just imported in the ship ACTIVE, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are  Burk's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Percy's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickle's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Bancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 2 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William and 3 vols. 8vo. Soulavie's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip and 3rd. 3 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Belsham's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Hornman's do. Grant's life of France. Deschene 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 3 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew. 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimon 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 3 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees. 4 vols. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Bread Grims, by G. Coleman. Belford's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Athenais, 3 vols. 8vo.  In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.
TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE, GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOLY TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY. In the City of Philadelphia.    1 Prize of ten thousand dollars  10,000    1 six thousand  6,000    1 three thousand  3,000    1 two thousand  2,000    5 one thousand  5,000    10 five hundred  5,000    20 three hundred  3,000    20 two hundred  4,000    35 one hundred  3,500    90 fifty  4,500    100 twenty  2,000    6000 seven  42,000    674 prizes, 90,000 11726 Blanks, less than two to a prize. 18000  The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent.  The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each.  The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th days, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each.  The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars.  From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contemplated, and that the tickets will be raised considerably before that period.  They may be had at SIX dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. No. 67, Chesnut MATTHEW M'CONNELL, 82, 3 Street. D. C. D. C.  Whole tickets 6 Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half, 3 25 Eighth, 95  Letters post paid, inclosing the cash, shall be duly attended to, and St. Augustine aid New York lottery prizes received in payment  July 20. epim
HICKORY WOOD. PROPOSALS will be received until the last day of July for furnishing, for the use of the House of Representatives of the United States, One hundred cords of Hickory wood, which must either have been cut last winter, or must be cut in the month of August. The whole quantity is to be delivered at the most convenient wharf, or at the Capitol, by the last day of September. It is expected that any person undertaking this business will have no objection to bind himself under a penalty for the faithful performance of the contract. For further particulars apply to THOMAS CLAYTON, Capitol hill. July 20, 1803. tf
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber living at Bopie Creek in the county of Wicwomack, and State of Virginia, on the 19th inst. a negro man named FRANK, by trade a blacksmith, of a tawny complexion, long visage and remarkable fine foot voice; about forty-five years of age, five feet four or five inches high, straight limbed. He generally wears a long tail'd coat. It is not known certainly what clothes he took with him—he may easily be detected, as he has taken with him one of his youngest sons named John, who is not more than 9 years of age and is of a very black complexion and a long visage, like his father. I am induced to think, Frank has made for some of the large towns particularly Alexandria or Baltimore, in the former, of which, or its neighborhood, he has a free brother by the name of Rogers, who did live near Dr. Smith's, upon Ravenworth in the county of Fairfax. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure said Frank with his son and give information thereof to the subscriber. And 200 dollars if taken out of the State, and the money paid a soon as I get him.  July 20. RICHARD STUART. tf
FOR SALE. For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by—ROBERT M'CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
ATTENTION! At a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 15th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the following be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to the battalion companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz. A DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST, WHITE BRECHES and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE OVERALLS, with SHIRTS and ROUND BLACK HATS: which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court.  WM. D. BELL, Clerk of L. C. R.
FOR SALE. One hundred and fifty acres of land, One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry. For terms apply to MICHAEL LOVE. Prince George county, July 22. 2m
NOTICE. WAS committed to my custody as a runaway on the 5th inst. a negro boy, who calls himself Jonathan and says he belongs to a certain William Huke, near Battle town Virginia. He is about 15 years of age, 4 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a sullen down look and a stammering in his speech, his clothing is an old linen shirt, spotted cloth d. uhlet and White cloth overalls, as also an old wool hat much worn.  LAURENCE BRENGLE. Sheriff, Frederick County. July 18, 1803, 12w3t
General Post-Office, July 22, 1803. WHEREAS sundry representations have been made to this Office of losses sustained in the transmission of money by the mail, whereby it appears that depredations may have been committed by some agent of this department. It is therefore known that by virtue of the powers by law in me vested, I do hereby offer a reward of FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who will give to this office such information as shall produce the conviction and punishment of the perpetrator of any such crime.  GIDEON GRANGER Post Master general.
ELISHA RIGGS, Has just received from Philadelphia A large supply of Seasonable Goods, viz. EMBOSS'D and Coloured Muslins, Very fine Mul. Mu. & Book do. Lace Shades and Wide Laces, Spangled Tiffany and Silk Fans, Silk Cotton and thread Hosiery, Very fine Cambric and long lawn, Cotton Counterpans and Dimities, Striped Silk for Coats, Fancy Waistcoating and Janes, 9-8 and 7-8 Buff and Silk Chintzes, London Cloths and Cambric, Nankeens, Fustians and Checks, White and Buff Cord for Uniforms, Silver Lace and Blue Plumes, Irish and German Sheetings, Bea Prints and Tickings, Men's light Beaver Hats, Diaper Table Cloths.  ALSO, Cheap Irish Linens, And many other articles, which being bought at the best market, & will be sold very low for Cash. George Town, June 15, M & F 2w F4w
THOMAS CARTER, TAYLOR In Council, Annapolis, April 19, 1803.  ORDERED, that the act to alter, change and abolish, such parts of the constitution and form of government as relates to the establishing a general court and court of appeals, be published once in each week, for the space of three months successively, in the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the Baltimore American, the Telegraph, the Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; Mr. Smith's paper, at Easton; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick-town, and Mr. Grives's paper, at Hager's-town.  By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk.
AN ACT To alter, change and abolish, such parts of the constitution and form of government as relates to the establishing a general court and court of appeals.  BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That from and after the first day of March, eighteen hundred and four, there shall be a court of appeals, composed of three persons of integrity, and found judgment in the law, who shall be styled in their commissions Judges of the court of appeals, whose judgement shall be final & conclusive in all cases of appeal from the court of chancery, county court or orphans' court; and that the court of appeals shall hold two sessions on the western shore and two on the eastern shore in each year, at such time and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint.  And be it enacted, That from and after the said first day of March, eighteen hundred and four, this state shall be divided into five judicial districts, viz. St. Mary's, Calvert, Prince George's and Charles counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties, shall be the second district; Anne Arundel, Baltimore, and Harford counties shall be the third district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the fourth district; and Washington, Frederick, Montgomery & Allegany counties, shall be the fifth district; and that there shall be appointed for each of the said district two persons of integrity, and found judgement in the law, who shall reside in the district for which they shall be appointed, who shall be styled in their commissions district judges of the county court in such district; and there shall be appointed for each of the counties to this state one person of integrity, experience & knowledge, resident of the county for which he shall be appointed, who shall be styled in the commission associate judge of the county court of the county for which he shall be appointed; and the said district judges in their respective districts, together with the said associate judge in the respective counties, shall compose the county court; and the county courts so established shall have, hold & exercise, all the powers, authorities and jurisdictions, that the general court and county courts of this state has heretofore held, used and exercised, except the appellate jurisdiction of the general court; and that the county courts shall hold their sessions in their respective counties at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint.  And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, anything in the said constitution and form of government contained to the contrary notwithstanding.  And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government that relates to the court of appeals, or the general court as now established, or to the judges thereof, or that is in any manner contrary to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and are hereby declared to be repealed and abolished on the confirmation hereof.  May 2.
FOR SALE. A tract of land containing 390 acres, situated in Montgomery county, Maryland, and lying on the great road leading from the Federal city to the mouth of Monocacy, near Mr. William Darnes's, and about seven miles above the court-house—On this tract there are two small settlements; there remains upwards of 200 acres still in wood—A particular description of the quality of the land and the improvements thereon is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed any person inclined to purchase will first view the land, and by applying to Henry Jones on the premises, he will show the same to any person who may be inclined as aforesaid. If this and is not sold at private sale before the 6th of August next, it will then be offered to public sale; one third part of the purchase money must be paid down, the remaining two thirds will be divided into three equal payments, by giving bond with approved security bearing interest from date. The first payment to be made on the first of December 1803, the second payment on the first Dec 1807, and the third payment on the 1st Dec 1809. If punctually paid at the stipulated times no interest will be required; and on the last payment being made a title will be given to the purchaser, possession will be given on the 1st of December next.  BEN. W. JONES, and HENRY JONES. May 13. 1w6A.
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway servant, on the 6th inst. JOHN PHILIP WORM, a German, about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, light complexion, red hair, grey eyes, has on a blue cloth coat and pantoalons, striped cotton jacket with sleeves, and an old wool hat; he is a baker by trade, and says he belongs to Messrs. Blair and Valkman, living in Lombard street, Philadelphia. If his master or masters do not release him, he will be sold for his jail fees according to law.  James Wilson, Sheriff, June 20. Lawt.
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county, as a runaway, on the 19th inst. a negro man named JACOB, who is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, stout & well made; has a scar under his right cheek, about an inch long; has on a short green coarse with red cape, blue westcoat, Russia sheeting trowsers, and a blue-grey shirt, mixed grey worsted stockings, and half worn shoes and stockings. He says he belongs to Mr. Robert Hodgson, of the State of Georgia. If the owner of said negro does not release him, he will be sold for his jail fees according to law.  JAMES WILSON, Sheriff, April 21. Lawt.
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county, as a runaway, on the 24th of June last, near the Eastern Branch ferry, City of Washington, a Negro man named ABRAHAM, but being an artful fellow, I expect he will change his name, and pass for a free man. He is about 28 years of age, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made; He is rather of a yellow complexion; his wool is very short, and a scar on one side of his head near the top; he speaks very quick, and stammers in his speech. He was formerly the property of Doctor Blake of Calvert county. I have some reason to believe he has made for that place, or otherwise for Baltimore. He had no clothing with him but what he had on, which was Osnaburg trowsers, an old shirt, a grey short coat. Whoever delivers the said fellow to me, shall receive the above reward.  LEWIN TALBURTT. July 11. 1803 tawtf
WAS committed to my custody as a runaway on the 5th inst. a negro boy, who calls himself Jonathan and says he belongs to a certain William Huke, near Battle town Virginia. He is about 15 years of age, 4 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a sullen down look and a stammering in his speech, his clothing is an old linen shirt, spotted cloth d. uhlet and White cloth overalls, as also an old wool hat much worn.  LAURENCE BRENGLE. Sheriff, Frederick County. July 18, 1803, 12w3t
FOR SALE. One hundred and fifty acres of land, One hundred acres of which is in wood—it is situated within six miles of the Eastern Branch ferry. For terms apply to MICHAEL LOVE. Prince George county, July 22. 2m
NOTICE. WAS committed to my custody as a runaway on the 5th inst. a negro boy, who calls himself Jonathan and says he belongs to a certain William Huke, near Battle town Virginia. He is about 15 years of age, 4 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a sullen down look and a stammering in his speech, his clothing is an old linen shirt, spotted cloth d. uhlet and White cloth overalls, as also an old wool hat much worn.  LAURENCE BRENGLE. Sheriff, Frederick County. July 18, 1803, 12w3t