The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-10-13 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 13th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
[By Authority.]
Acts passed by the Corporation of the City of Washington.
AN ACT
To regulate the size of Bricks, in the City of Washington.
BE it enacted by the first and second chambers of the City Council of Washington, That from and after the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and three, all bricks made or brought into the city of Washington for sale, shall not be less when burnt than of the dimensions following, to wit. Place brick, eight and three-fourths inches long, two and three-eighths inches thick, and four and one-fourth inches broad, flock brick, not less than eight and three-fourth inches long, two and one-half inches thick, and four and one-fourth inches broad.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That if after the said day, any person or persons shall sell or expose to sale for use within the city of Washington, brick of dimensions less than those before prescribed, such person or persons shall forfeit and pay one dollar for every thousand of brick or any smaller quantity sold or exposed to sale, one half thereof to the informer and the other to the use of the city. Provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to impose any fine on the sale of brick, which shall be proved to have been in the city of Washington previously to the said first day of January.
JAMES BARRY, President of the First Chamber of the City Council of Washington. DANL. CARROLL, of Dudn. President of the Second Chamber of the City Council of Washington. Approved, October 6th, 1802. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the City of Washington.
AN ACT
To regulate the weighing of hay, straw and fodder, in the City of Washington.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted, by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That from and after the first day of November next, all hay, straw and fodder brought to and sold in that part of the said City which lies on the east side of the Tyber, shall be sold by weight and weighed in the machine erected for such purpose on square seven hundred and thirty one by John M'Carthy, and the said M'Carthy shall have the exclusive privilege of weighing all such hay, straw and fodder, by himself or some person by him authorised, until the said privilege shall be annulled by the Council or Mayor.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That no hay, straw, or fodder, shall be sold in that part of the City abovenominated, unless the same shall be previously weighed at the said machine, and a certificate of the quantity so weighed obtained from the said M'Carthy, or his deputy, as aforesaid, under the penalty of five dollars for every waggon load, or cart load so sold, to be recovered of the seller before a justice of the peace, in the name of the Corporation, one half of which shall go to the person who shall prosecute for the same, the other half to the use of the City, and the justice, before whom the same is recovered, shall receive the said penalty, and distribute the same as aforesaid.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, That the said M'Carthy shall keep said machine in complete and proper repair for weighing, and in case the same be not so kept in repair, his privilege shall cease and determine, and the articles herein before mentioned, may be sold as heretofore, and the said M'Carthy shall give due attendance by himself or deputy at such machine, and in case of non-attendance, by reason whereof any person wanting any such articles weighed, shall be detained for the space of half an hour, he shall forfeit for every such offence the sum of two dollars, to be recovered in the name of the Corporation and for the use of the person so detained.
Sec. 4. And be it enacted, That the said M'Carthy shall be allowed for the use of his machine the following compensation and fees: For weighing every waggon load of hay, straw, or fodder, the sum of fifty cents, and for every cart load of the same, twenty five cents, to be paid by the seller—and the said M'Carthy shall not receive any other or greater fees, under the penalty of five dollars for every offence, to be collected and distributed as directed by the second section of this act.
Sec. 5. And be it enacted, That whenever a machine proper for weighing the articles aforesaid shall be erected by any person in that part of the city which lies
on the west side of the Tyber, and the Mayor on inspection approve of the same, such person shall have the exclusive privilege and the same fees or compensation under the limitations and provisions aforesaid, for weighing the articles aforesaid, on the said west side of the Tyber, as are given the said M'Carthy as aforesaid, and after such time no person shall sell any of said articles on the west side of the Tyber, unless previously weighed by, and a certificate thereof obtained from such person so authorized to weigh, under the same penalty, and recoverable and distributable in the same manner as is provided by the 2d section of this act.
Sec. 6. And be it enacted, That the above articles shall be weighed and sold at the rate of one hundred and twelve pounds for every hundred weight.
JAMES BARRY, President of the First Chamber of the City Council of Washington. DANL. CARROLL, of Dudn. President of the Second Chamber of the City Council of Washington. Approved, October 6th, 1802. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the City of Washington.
From the VIRGINIA ARGUS.
No. II.
It has been shown that the election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency, whilst it gave stability and security to republican principles, aroused all the malignity and acrimony of the enemies of freedom.
This naturally resulted from a struggle, the issue of which was the overthrow and demolition of the last administration. But in addition to the enmity which the pretended federalists would feel for any administration conducted on republican principles, there existed with them particular and personal motives of hostility to Mr. Jefferson. That gentleman from his earliest youth, had been the enlightened and zealous friend of the rights of mankind, and the implacable enemy of tyranny and oppression. He had signalled himself during the revolution, by an early and steadfast opposition to the arrogant and arbitrary pretensions of Great Britain; and vindicated with equal eloquence and success, the rights of his injured and oppressed country. Called to the Congress which was then assembled to guard the general interests, he shone conspicuous amongst those patriots and sages whom the people of America will always consider as the fathers of their country.
In the declaration of independence, the work of his hand, he delineated with all the energy and boldness of truth, the instances of British misrule and oppression, and asserted those rights which God and nature had bestowed on us as a free people. In this particular state, Mr. Jefferson also signalled himself as the advocate for civil and religious freedom, by his opposition to British encroachment. Some of our first acts as a free state were his works; and the act declaring religious freedom, will ever be a monument of his regard for genuine religion; and his enmity to every species of intolerance. Soon after our revolutionary struggle, Mr. Jefferson was sent to France as our minister to supply the place of the venerable Franklin. It is unnecessary to dwell on the ability and address with which he managed our relations with France; a friendship with whom was essential to our welfare. Suffice it to say, that in his efforts to obtain that friendship, Mr. Jefferson only cemented and secured the independence which he had laboured to effect. After the adoption of the federal government, Mr. Jefferson was placed in the cabinet by General Washington, as secretary of state. This was at a period of our affairs of great delicacy and importance. At the same moment he was engaged in a diplomatic correspondence of an interesting kind, both with the ministers of France and Great Britain. The public papers which were written at this period, combined such force of argument, and depth of information, with such purity and elegance of style, as not only to do honor to the secretary of state, but to our national character.
With the minister of France he discussed our rights as a neutral nation, and shewed, that the pretensions of the French at that time, were inconsistent with those rights. In the correspondence with Mr. Hammond, he refuted the charge against us, of an infringement of the treaty of 1783, and demonstrated, that a violation of it was imputable to Great Britain. Whilst Mr. Jefferson was in the cabinet, it was distinctly understood, that he was an advocate for administering the govern-
ment according to republican principles, which he considered as its real basis. His sentiments were ever in collision with those of Hamilton, who was a friend to the indefinite extension of executive power by construction. Mr. Jefferson, both whilst in office, and in a private station, was well known to be an opponent of all those plans, which had for their object, the extension of executive patronage, and an increase of the power of that department, at the expense of the people. This circumstance, combined with the weight of his character, naturally placed Mr. Jefferson at the head of the Republicans. They knew his principles, and they wished him, after the retirement of General Washington, to fill the Presidential chair. There is nothing more certain, than that Mr. Jefferson was at this time elected President, if the sense of the electors had been fairly taken. But this opposition, together with the other circumstances, attending the life of Mr. Jefferson, inflamed the animosity of the anti-republicans against him, to the highest pitch. In his election they saw a defeat of their schemes of extending the power of the executive, and giving additional energy to the government. They knew that his inflexible virtue and patriotism were superior to all the seductions of flattery or power. In a character less pronounced, they might hope for some concessions; some compromise in favour of their favorite views. From Mr. Jefferson they had nothing to hope, and every thing to fear. Under his administration they fore saw that the government would retrace the steps which had been taken from sound principle, and would be conducted on the genuine principles of the constitution. Besides all useful offices and establishments would be destroyed, and thus the partisans of federalism would cease to fatten on the spoils of the community. That motives of this personal nature existed with the federalists, to oppose Mr. Jefferson, every man must be convinced of who recollects the scenes that passed in Congress during the contest for the presidency. Here every means was used to intimidate, every artifice to cajole the republicans. They would agree to anything but the election of Mr. Jefferson. The sense of America was too strongly pronounced for the party to persist; they found that it was necessary for them to yield; but their views were sufficiently displayed; and the people can appreciate them. The remarks which have been made will sufficiently shew, that an opposition of a most un candid kind, would naturally exist against any republican administration, and that an executive, headed by Mr. Jefferson, would excite all their rancour, and all their malignity. Unable to prevent his election, they are driven almost to desperation. Whilst he is in office, their pernicious schemes are defeated. Then he must be removed at all events. Unfortunately for them, his administration is so wise, the people enjoy such perfect tranquility and repose, that they cannot attack his measures with success. The country is at peace, every man is secure in the enjoyment of personal liberty and private property, our public burthens and taxes are diminished, the press is unrestrained, commerce and agriculture flourish and are secured, and we enjoy every blessing which heaven could bestow on a nation. In this state of things auspicious for our country, the enemies of republican government are driven to despair. They have nothing to find fault with. But what they want in argument they make up in calumny. They exhibit against Mr. Jefferson, charges of a personal nature, many of them often and long since refuted, and others, which every man who knows Mr. Jefferson, knows to be false. Every man who knows that distinguished patriot knows also, that his patriotism and devotion to the welfare of his country, are only equalled by the exemplary morality of his private life, and by the most amiable exercise of all the social virtues. The nature of the opposition to Mr. Jefferson, will defeat itself. These calumnies will disgrace the party who propagate and support them, without advancing their views. For who is so destitute of reason, and a regard to his own country, as to suffer his confidence in a public character which has resulted from a long life devoted to the public service, to be shaken by the calumnies and falsehoods of editors, who have no stake in the community, who have no regard for us as a people, and whose greatest profit would result from throwing our country into confusion, to the ruin of every thing valuable and dear to us. If such calumnies could have their desired effect, who is there that would devote his time and talents to the service of the state; who would serve a people who would give credence to the falsehoods of venal edi-
tors, against every thing that is pure, disinterested and patriotic. But I fear not such a consequence. I know too well the virtue and intelligence of the people of this country. They will see that although the attack is made on the President, it is aimed at the principles of our government. If by calumny and slander, they can induce the people to withdraw their confidence from the real patriots, they think they can discredit the cause which they espouse. Thus they suppose, that by a successful opposition to the administration, they will be restored to power; to execute new schemes against our liberties and constitution. But they will be miserably deceived. The vigilance and energy of the republicans, have not diminished. They have viewed with attentive eyes, the efforts which are now making by a party, whose wicked projects they have so often defeated.
They placed the present administration in power, for their virtue and their wisdom, and they will rally round them as the best means of preserving their liberties and happiness.
MARGELLUS.
Foreign Intelligence.
PARIS, 27, Thermidor, Aug. 15.
The consuls were this day waited upon by the members of the legislative body, the tribunate, the tribunal of cassation, the archbishop of Paris, accompanied by a number of his clergy, the prefect, and all the great civil authorities of the Seine, and a variety of other public bodies.
Each of these deputations, through the medium of one of their number, offered their congratulations on the late happy establishment of the government. We select the most striking passages of these addresses:
Citizen Macarelle, orator of the members of the legislative body, observed "That it was reserved for the commencement of the 19th century to present to the universe the spectacle of a nation which by a wise restraint on itself had learnt how to keep the use of liberty within just bounds, and to secure its existence by giving up the protection of it into hands most worthy of so sacred a trust."
"First consul, France has acquired at the price of many severe calamities a happy experience; she has learnt that the speculations of the wise cannot in the lapse of a few days complete the legislation of a great people; that the best formed theory always leaves in the body politic some incongruencies which human foresight cannot provide against. You have already done much for liberty, and not less for public tranquility, and you are now invested with the power of exerting yourself still further for their support, as experience shall point out the necessity. It was not, however, enough to secure present happiness; it was requisite to provide for the repose of futurity, by providing for an augmentation of power without any convulsion, and by this wise providence to place France beyond the reach of those periodical convulsions which gradually destroy a state."
"To you it belonged to resolve the grand problem of maintaining with stability the existence of nations, by respecting equality, the first right and the first privilege of the French people. Without opening the gates to licentiousness, you have preferred to the people, the right of manifesting their will; without placing arms at the disposal of tyranny you have so framed the government as to invest it with the means of repressing the arts of intrigue and the machinations of popular ambition. You have given to national representation a more perfect character, by attaching the legislative body to the people, of whom they are the constituted organs. You have given a new existence to a senate which, leaning on the one side to the people, represented in the electoral colleges, finds itself on the other in close connection with the heads of the government; and by this means you have established the true intermediate balance betwixt inherent power and established authority."
"First Consul, the legislative body, filled with admiration of these, to noble labours, is proud to present itself before you as the interpreter of the sentiments of the nation. It has confided to you, during the duration of your life, the care of its destiny. It retains along with you two magistracies, chosen by yourself, who, by the wisdom of their character and their extensive experience, have contributed to alleviate the weight of your labours."
The Address concludes with the usual common place wishes of long life, and that when full of glory and of days, he should receive the reward of his virtues, his name, inscribed in the full page of the annals of the Consulate might present a grand example to his successors, and to posterity a subject of the profoundest admiration.
The First Consul, in his answer, said "That the union of the French people under their present circumstances rendered them worthy of all the grandeur and all the prosperity to which they were called. By the Senatus Consultum, which ratified the new Constitution, the destinies of the French People were put beyond the reach of foreign influence, which, jealous of French glory, would, though unable to conquer, labour to divide."—The other part of the speech only informed the legislative body that they would be called upon to exercise important functions; and recommended to the members to give all possible assistance in the respective departments to which they belonged, in forming the electoral colleges.
Citizen Challien, president of the tribunate, next advanced with his congratulations, but the speech contained nothing interesting. He remarked "That the tribunate had so fully been convinced that the only hand which, in so short a time had performed such prodigies for the French people, could secure the continuance of their prosperity."
The reply of the First Consul was occupied with compliments to the important station which the tribunate holds in the constitution.
Moirais, the counsellor of state and president of the tribunal of cassation, began his address in the following terms: "You have said, if I might so term myself before all Europe assembled in this place, the best of people shall be the happiest, as they are the most worthy of being so, and the same day issued from your hands that work of profound wisdom which supports the system of our laws on provident institutions; which restores to the people the regular exercise of their rights; which attaches property to administration; which surrounds the government, with every means of securing that stability so warmly to be desired, and which in a word, by the just power which it confers on you of appointing your successor, carrying into futurity, and as far as depends on the prudence of men, that view of good, and that salutary dread which looks forward to troubles and convulsions, finishes by consolidating its existence, the blessings of the constitution." The address concluded by some very fulsome compliments to the First Consul for his condescending goodness to the French people, in accepting the extending power which the new constitution vests in his person.
The chief consul's reply referred to the importance of the due administration of the laws, praised the members of the tribunal of cassation for their past labours, and recommended future zeal and activity.
The archbishop of Paris addressed Bonaparte in the following strains of adulation.
"General First Consul!—The applause, the joy, the delight which appear on every side, are the most eloquent and the most flattering proofs of the love, the confidence, the respect, the submission, with which the whole nation is penetrated for you. They feel the happiness which they are constantly about to enjoy under a perpetual chief, who, covered with glory and with triumphs, conqueror and pacifier of Europe, will be constantly employed in rendering them more happy and flourishing by re-establishing among them religion, morality, justice and good order."
"The clergy, penetrated with the same sentiments of love and of respect, come with eagerness to lay at your feet their respectful homage. They will never forget that it is to your piety and your protection that they owe their existence; that it is to your zeal that they owe the re-establishment of their religion, the exercise and the liberty of their worship, the opening of our temples, ancient and venerable monuments of the piety of our fathers. Profoundly touched with gratitude for these benefits so precious, we come to make these temples resound with songs of rejoicing, with expressions of thanksgiving, with prayers, with supplications for the protection of your sacred person, and for the continuation of glory with which he as a man never ceases to crown your days."
The First Consul replied, "That the sentiments expressed in the name of the Church of Paris and of a great number of Bishops of the Church of France, were more dear to the government in proportion

on to the very high esteem in which the venerable Archbishop, who was their organ, was held. The government took the liberty of recommending to the Bishops the Archbishop of Paris as their pattern."
In the address of the Prefect of the department of the Seine, the Secretary-General of the Council of the Prefecture, of the President of the Tribunal of Appeal, of the President of the Criminal Tribunal, of the President of the Tribunal in the first instance, &c. &c. there was nothing at all remarkable; they were mere repetitions of flattery conveyed in the coarsest terms.
Brisse, President of the Court of national accounts, in his address exclaims, "Who can better fulfil the honor of the French name than a hero celebrated by so many memorable conquests and glorious exploits, which command the admiration of the universe? Who can better secure the happiness of France than the First Magistrate, who has given new life to the Social Body, by restoring to it Moral and Religious Institutions, and who has justified by so many claims the choice of the nation? May heaven witness the aid of our wishes, and the sincerity of our prayers, to grant you, General Consul, length of years. May we long reckon your happy days by the years of grandeur and prosperity, which the wisdom of your government shall procure more and more for a grateful country."
In the address of Hauy, President of the National Institute, there is the following curious passage:
"Those who are occupied in studies which require the greatest accuracy and precision, can better appreciate in you that fullness of sentiment which marks all your proceedings, which pervades all your discourses; those fine and wise combinations which paved the way for your victories, and that profound wisdom, by the aid of which you seized on the relations which were to connect peace with your triumphs. Those who, devoted to the study of antiquity, ransack the annals of nations, what the fine arts have done in immortalizing the fame of heroes, of sages, of fathers of their country, have seen these titles hitherto separated in different ages and nations now all concentrated in your name. All have found objects, which have each their language, to describe your greatness."
The First Consul said, in his reply, "that he seized with pleasure this opportunity to congratulate the Institute on the important work published last year by their President—a work which would form an epoch in the science of mineralogy."
Citizen Marron, Minister of the Protestant Religion at Paris, and at the head of the Consistory of Protestants in that City, began his address by saying, "First Consul, the immensity of your benefits renders us more and more your debtors, far we see that nothing good, that nothing great is above you. Others, after so many labours, after so much success, would have aspired only after repose. Your country says to you, 'At an age when the generality of mortals are but just entering on the career of glory, you have fulfilled every hope, but you have not exhausted them. I require the devotion of your whole life. Ought not your country be immortal as your name?'"
The answer of the First Consul to the address of General Mortier, commanding the first military division, is very remarkable. He says, "that the stability and the strength of the government can alone give any security to the situation of the army, to guarantee to its defenders the rewards which they have merited, and in short to maintain in the finest army in Europe that spirit which leads to victory, which renders it at once so dear to the people, and so formidable to their enemies."
General Janto, Commander of the National Guard, spoke as follows.
"General Consul, the Officers of the Staff, the Chief of Battalion and the adjutants representing the National Guard of Paris, express through me their wishes for your happiness, and their gratitude for the peace which, after having conquered, you now consolidate by accepting the Chief Magistracy for life. They charge me to assure, and it is particularly grateful to me to add my sentiments to theirs, that if for the prosperity of the French nation you have consented to accept the Consulship for life; there is not one of us who would not give up his life for the First Consul."
In the Mandamus of the Archbishop of Paris relative to the proceedings of this day, we remark the following passage:
"This day France proclaims the perpetuity of a Chief whom she cherishes, and receives a code of laws founded in justice. The head of a nation is from his office, connected with each individual, and 'good laws are more desirable than gold, and sweeter than honey.' It is on this account that we most earnestly call you to the foot of the sacred altars, to offer up to the Almighty due thanks for such signal blessings. We call you thither to offer up your ardent prayers for preserving the precious life of our First Consul; that you may exclaim in the presence of the most Holy of Holies, as did the Hebrews in times of old—Vivat
Solomon, that you may earnestly pray, as St. Paul recommends, 'for all those in authority over us, in order that we may quietly pass our lives in all godliness and chastity.' We call you thither in order to place under the powerful sanction of the God of our Fathers, the laws which guarantee the stability of the Republic and secure the happiness of Frenchmen; for men pass away, but the laws are immortal. The state even subsists, and the merit of those who have served it is immortal as the laws themselves."
PARIS, AUG. 24. MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Report made to the First Consul, in Senate, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Sitting of Saturday, 3d Fructidor. (August 21.)
The Treaty of Luneville had operated the absolute re-establishment of peace between France and Germany. It had regulated in an express, and definitive manner, the general reports between these two countries, and France being in every point satisfied, the entire execution of the treaty would not have required any ulterior regulations, if it had not been acknowledged to be just, and been formally stipulated, that the cession consented to by the empire for the advantage of the Republic, should be supported collectively by the Germanic Federation; admitting, however, the distinction of hereditary lay Princes, and of usufructuary Ecclesiastics.
This principle once laid down, it appeared to belong to the Germanic body to employ itself upon the application of it spontaneously and without delay.
The sincere wish of the French government, solely applied to the affairs of the interior, was to be considered as nothing in the regulation of the promised indemnities, and they restricted their influence to the making known frequently how desirous they were of seeing the treaty of Luneville carried into complete execution by the execution of the 7th article. But their representations were ineffectual, and more than a year elapsed without their being able to perceive that the least thing had been done towards the distribution of the indemnities.
This in execution of one of the capital stipulations of the treaty of Luneville, left all Germany in a state of uncertainty, which became daily more embarrassing, because pretensions and intrigues arose, and became stronger in proportion as the indecision in the affair, and in the public mind became greater. The species of dissolution in which the Germanic body was, delayed to all Europe the advantages of peace, and might in some respects compromise the general tranquillity. The government of the republic was not single in the belief of this danger, and while it received from every quarter representations from the parties interested in the distribution of the indemnities, the court of Russia testified how urgent it appeared to it that the affairs of Germany should be regulated. The emperor Alexander, at his accession to the throne, felt the noble desire of contributing to the maintenance of the peace re-established; and an intimate concert, a frank and complete association of the most generous views being quickly formed between the First Consul and the emperor, it was acknowledged by them that the pacification of the continent could not be solidly guaranteed until the treaty of Luneville should have received its complete execution; and that that execution could not be procured but by the initiation and influence of two powers perfectly disinterested, whose preponderating mediation would remove all the obstacles that had arisen for 18 months to the definitive distribution of the indemnities.
It was then solely to seal the pacification of Europe, and to guarantee the stability of it, that the First Consul and his majesty the Emperor of Russia determined, by common consent, to interfere in the affairs of Germany, in order to effect, by their mediation, what had been vainly expected from the internal deliberations of the Germanic body.
The first point being agreed upon, a discussion was opened and followed between the two cabinets for the examination of the ways and means that might lead to the desired result. It was decreed, that a general plan of indemnity should be presented to the diet, and it was in the drawing up of this plan that the most scrupulous care was taken on both sides, to compensate all losses, to satisfy all interests, and to reconcile the demands of justice with the dictates of policy.
It was not, in fact, sufficient to determine rigorously the value of the losses sustained, and to proportion the compensation to them; the effects of the war having changed the internal balance of Germany, it was necessary to direct the attention to the re-establishment of it. The introduction of new princes into the Germanic system required new combinations. The real value of the indemnities were not merely to result from their extent, but frequently from their position, and the advantages which the concentration of their old and new domains might give to some powers, were themselves an important consideration worthy of being attended to.
The two governments then applied themselves to the examining, with a scrupulous care, the question of indemnities in all its relations. They felt that if policy required the complete satisfaction of the principal houses, it was not less strictly just to procure for the states of the 2d and 3d order an indemnification for their losses; and the First Consul was particularly anxious to maintain those rights which might have found less support among the interested.
A perfect concert, which had been established between France and Russia, the fortunate result of the direct relations which the First Consul had maintained with the Emperor of Russia, having reigned over every discussion, the parties were soon agreed upon all points, and a general plan of indemnity determined upon at Paris between the respective plenipotentiaries, received the approbation of the First Consul and the Emperor.
It was agreed that this plan should be presented to the diet of the empire, in the form of a declaration, which should be made by extraordinary ministers named for that purpose. On the part of the First Consul, it is the citizen Laurent, minister of the republic to the elector Palatine of Bavaria, who has received orders to repair to Ratisbon; on the part of the Emperor of Russia, it is Baron de Buhler, his minister at Munich.
The declaration was to be presented some days ago, and the reading of it ordered by the First Consul in senate will make known the principles that have animated the two governments, and the care which they have taken in directing the application of them.
In fact, if we examine the plan proposed, we shall see, that in the execution of a system, which has for its principal object the consolidation of the peace of Europe, the attention has been particularly directed to the diminishing of the chances of war.—It is on this account, that care has been taken to avoid all contact of territory between the two powers that have the most frequently dyed Europe with blood by their quarrels, and which, sincerely reconciled, cannot have at present a stronger desire than to remove all occasions of misunderstanding which grow out of neighbourhood, and which, between these rival states, are never without danger.
The same principle adopted, not in its full rigour, but as far as circumstances permitted, has decided the placing of the indemnities of Prussia beyond contact with France and Batavia.
From this arrangement, Austria will have drawn the immense advantage of seeing all her possessions concentrated.
The Palatine house, will have also received a stronger and more advantageous organization for its defence.
And Prussia will continue to form in the Germanic system the essential bias of a necessary counterpoise.
The regulation of the secondary indemnities has also been proposed, according to general and particular expediency, and nothing has been neglected to establish them in a just proportion to the losses recognized. It may, however, appear that the house of Baden has received more advantages than the others: but it has been deemed necessary to fortify the circle of Suabia which is between France & the Great German States; & the First Consul was pleased that, in this circumstance, policy was in perfect unison with the disposition of the French government, who could not but see with pleasure an increase of power granted to a prince, whose virtues had long obtained the esteem of Europe, whose alliance had so honorably distinguished his family, and whose conduct, during the whole course of the war, had particularly deserved the good will of the Republic.
It is thus with real satisfaction, that France and Russia, obliged to adopt secularisation as the basis of the indemnities, have recognized the possibility of preserving in the empire an ecclesiastical elector, and that they have proposed to assign him a suitable situation, by leaving him the title and functions of archchancellor.
Some general considerations may still be presented to the diet, to serve as a foundation to the interior regulations which the new organization of the Germanic body shall require: and the First Consul and the Emperor of Russia may undoubtedly arrogate to themselves that, solely animated with the desire of consolidating peace in Europe, and not influenced by any personal interest, they have neglected nothing on their part to present to the diet of the empire such a plan of indemnity, that it appears to them impossible to draw up one whose basis and developments should be more conformable to the spirit and letter of the treaty of Luneville, more analogous to the political state of Europe, and more favorable to the maintenance of peace.
The two governments of France and Russia are persuaded that the time which they have settled will be sufficient for the decision of the Germanic interests, and that they will find, in the long prosperity that Germany will derive from the plan, a sweet and honorable recompense for the efforts they have made to procure it.
(Signed) C. M. TALLEYRAND.
Proceedings of the French government respecting a grand canal between Brussels and Charleroy, translated from the Moniteur for the National Intelligencer.
The opening of a canal between Brussels and Charleroy, has ever been considered a work of immense magnitude and interest; but since the incorporation of Belgium with France, it is more important and interesting than ever. The canal will be dug for half a league under the walls of Brussels and will join the superb canal which opens a passage between that city and the north sea. It will lessen the price of provisions, of iron, stone, and other materials, and will give activity to the digging of the coal mines of that valuable country.
Should this great and useful work be completed, it will be one of the grandest monuments of the peace of Amiens.
The project of this canal was first formed in 1699, but was never put in execution; new efforts were made in 1750, but with as little success. Joseph the second, who had a passion for great enterprises, and who desired to open to Belgium new sources of wealth, wished to attempt this work, which had twice failed, but civil and religious troubles prevented him. Success in the greatest enterprises, is reserved for Bonaparte, and this canal will soon be opened.
War was not yet terminated when the First Consul, turned his attention to this interesting subject. In Nivose of the year 9, he appointed a committee of engineers to examine all the projects relative to the interior navigation between France and the ci-devant Belgium; he went himself to St. Quentin to examine the works which were there begun.
Two eminent engineers, Laurent and Decroy, had given plans very different from each other, both abounding with the most serious inconveniences, though each had its advantages. That of Laurent, was undertaken 40 years ago, but it is only the commencement of the subterranean part of the canal which was to be 13,690 metres long, by 8 wide and 8 high, and 44 or 45 metres below the surface of the earth.
Some years after, objections were raised against the execution of so vast a subterranean passage: D'Alembert, Condorcet and Boullut, undertook to examine it in 1775 and found such serious difficulties, that the work was suspended.
A committee of military engineers was afterwards consulted, then the bridge and causeway-company, both of whom decided against the opinion of D'Alembert, &c. The question was submitted to the deliberation of the same body by the First Consul and has been decided, in the same manner by a majority of 21, out of 30. Before a decision was made, government was desirous of taking the advice of the class of physics and mathematics, of the national institute. In consequence of this, the first class had an extra session. It was at this sitting that the First Consul assisted. After a long discussion and minute scrutiny, the majority was for the plan of Decroy, which was, that the canal should be made without a subterranean navigation.
The importance of this question, and the solemnity with which the judgment was given, inspired so lively an interest, that it attracted a great concourse to the institute; among the strangers were remarked two members of the royal society of London, Blagden and Rumford.
AFFECTING LETTER OF COLUMBUS.
Translated, from the Moniteur, for the National Intelligencer.
The letter we present to our readers, bears every mark of authenticity; it is extracted from a manuscript found at Jamaica, and appears to have been written after the last voyage of Columbus, at an epoch, when having completed his rich and important discoveries of Veraagua, Mexico, and all the coast of Terra-Firma, from the Gulf of Honduras, to the mouth of the Oronoko, he was constrained by the ruinous state of his vessels, to go ashore on Jamaica, where he suffered all the extremes of misery. Cruelly tormented with the gout, abandoned by the greatest part of his crews, his provisions exhausted, and exposed to constant war with the natives, he had no other resource, than sending information of his condition to St. Domingo. He dispatched a confidential servant in an indian canoe, who was probably the bearer of the following letter, and papers mentioned in it, and which happily arrived at their destined place, but it does not appear that the letter ever reached the court of Spain.
Christopher Columbus, to the King of Spain—Jamaica, 1503.
From Diego Mendez, and the papers I send by him, your majesty will learn, the richness of the gold mines, I have discovered in the province of Veraagua, and the intentions I had formed of leaving my brother at the river Berlin, if the vicissitudes of life and the decrees of heaven had permitted. Whatever may happen, it is of little importance to the unfortunate Columbus, whether the honor of finishing these discoveries and forming establishments, be reserved for some one, happier than
himself, provided your majesty and your successors reap the glory and advantage. It is by God's permission, Mendez arrives in Spain, I doubt not that he will succeed in convincing your majesty and my august mistress, that it is not a Chateau and park that I have added to your dominions, but a whole world, with innumerable subjects, a soil fertile beyond example, riches exceeding all the imagination can conceive, or avarice covet.
But alas! Nor Mendez, nor this letter, nor any mortal tongue can describe the troubles and sufferings of mind and body which I have endured, nor the dangers and miseries to which my son, my brothers and my friends are exposed! For more than ten months have we lain in the open air, on the decks of our vessels, run a ground on the coast and fastened together. Those of my people who have kept their health have mutinied, at the instigation of Perras of Seville; those who have remained faithful are sick and dying.—We have consumed all the provisions of the Indians, to that they have abandoned us; thus famine menaces us with death. To these evils, are joined so many aggravating circumstances, that in truth it would be difficult to find on the face of the earth, a being more wretched than Columbus. One would think that heaven aided the rage of my envious enemies and imputed to me as crimes my discoveries and my services! Oh Heaven, and you, ye saints who inhabit it, permit the King Don Ferdinand and my illustrious sovereign Dena Isabella, to know that I am the most miserable of men and that I have become so only from my zeal for their service and interest!
No, there can be no sufferings equal to mine! I see with horror the approach of my destruction, and still more that of my brave companions who have sacrificed all to follow me.
Almost sinking under the weight of my misery, what avails the titles of viceroy & perpetual admiral, except to render me more odious in the sight of the Spanish nation? It is evident that every thing conspires to shorten the thread of my life; for besides that I am old and cruelly tormented with the gout, I languish and expire under other infirmities. Among savages, with whom I find neither remedies or aliments for the body, nor priests or sacraments for the soul: in the midst of rebel crews, with my son, my brother, my friends sick and perishing with pain and hunger, and deprived even of the succour of the Indians.
The bishop of St. Domingo sent a messenger here, but it was rather to inform himself whether I were dead, than to offer me assistance, for his people neither brought or would receive a letter, and refused even to speak to us; from which I conclude that my enemies are waiting with the expectation that my voyages and my life will terminate here.
Blessed mother of God, who compassionates the unhappy and the oppressed; why was I not suffered to perish when Cennell Bovadilla, ravished from us, my brother and myself, the gold we had so dearly acquired, and sent us to Spain, loaded with chains without the least pretence of justice, or the shadow of a crime?
These chains are the only treasures which remain, and I will have them interred in my tomb, if a tomb is allowed me! For I wish for the honor of the Spanish name, that the remembrance of an act so tyrannical and unjust should be buried with me.
My death would have deprived Ovando of the satisfaction of seeing us ten or twelve months afterwards fall the victims of the envy of men, as inexorable as the fatality of circumstances. Ah! holy mother of God, let not the Castilian name be tarnished with new infamy,—let not future ages know that there existed men so vile, so cowardly, as to seek to recommend themselves to Ferdinand, by destroying the too unfortunate Columbus, not for his crimes, but for his exclusive right to the glory of having discovered and given a new world to Spain.
Great God, it was thy work. It was thou who didst inspire and guide me in this enterprise; take then pity on me, and soften in my favour those hearts which still feel the sentiments of humanity and justice!
And you, ye blessed spirits, who know my innocence and see my sufferings, have compassion on the age in which I live, too envious and too much hardened in vice to be affected by my fate.
No hope remains to console me, but my reliance on the piety and justice of future generations; they certainly will pity me, when they shall learn that at my cost and expence, at the risque and peril of my life, and that of my brother, and with little aid from the crown of Spain, I have rendered to it, in the space of 12 years, and during our voyages, services, such as mortal never before rendered to his king and country, and that the only recompence I have received, is to be left to perish, after having stripped me of every thing but my irons; so that the man who gave a world to Spain, has not a cabin in which he can shelter himself or his wretched family!
Good angels! protectors of the innocent and oppressed! bear this letter to my august mistress; she knows all I have suffered for her glory and her service, and she will be humane and just enough, to

which from misery the son and brother of the man, who has opened to Spain such inexhaustible sources of wealth, who has added to his dominions kingdoms and empires of unknown extent; she will not suffer them to beg the bread they eat. If she still lives, she will dread, lest the cruelty and ingratitude with which I have been treated, may provoke the anger of heaven to punish a succeeding generation for the transgressions of their fathers, by permitting other nations to despoil the Spanish empire of the riches and the world which I have discovered.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, October 13, 1802.
Address to Subscribers.
On the 31st of this month two years will have elapsed since the first appearance of the National Intelligencer. During this period much has occurred abroad to awaken curiosity, and much at home to excite interest. The intrinsic importance of the events that have occurred has necessarily and properly produced these effects. It had been well for the national character, if other effects, had not accompanied them. Unfortunately for the peace of society, party violence has burst forth with unbridled fury, and threatens to prostrate the brightest talent and purest virtue of the community.
The transfer of power from one set of men, governed by certain political principles, to another set of men guided by different principles, has kindled a resentment that presides to itself no limits; and too many of our presses, administering to its gratification, are filled with the basest and lowest detraction.
Under these circumstances it becomes the Editor of the National Intelligencer openly and distinctly to assign the rules of his conduct; rules which he has found no reason to abandon, and which it is not probable he will ever relinquish.
Believing the freedom of speech and of the press to be one of the great bulwarks of our liberties, it has been and shall be vigorously sustained. That freedom consists in the temperate discussion of all principles and measures on which the general happiness depends. While, on the one hand, it holds no principle too sacred for examination, it forbids all personal slander and vulgar language. The National Intelligencer, therefore, has not, and will not enter into personal warfare with any wretch who by his crimes has abandoned himself to infamy, nor will it, elated with editorial consequence, make the nation the theatre of the petty feuds of hostile prints. Such falsehoods and follies will be left to their own fate. On the contrary detraction will be discountenanced, and the plain language of truth, whenever it shall be thought necessary, shall put down the slanderer.
Believing that our happiness essentially depends upon a republican government, and that such government is alike susceptible of abuse and improvement, whatever increases a love and respect for it, whatever tends to destroy its abuses or promises its amelioration shall be admitted.
Believing that the measures of the late administration tended to draw into disrepute the republican system by incorporating numerous and dangerous abuses, which were calculated with great rapidity to hurry us into the common vortex of ruined nations, those measures have been held up to public opinion as unworthy of imitation; while the measures of an administration, zealously attached to the republican system, and resolutely bent on keeping this country apart from foreign connection, have been enforced as the offspring of a wise and honest policy.
These measures are well known to the readers of the National Intelligencer, with the arguments urged as well in their opposition as support. Since the establishment of the paper, every document of importance has been given, and the debates of the legislature at a length which, it is believed, is unparalleled. Nor will the malice of party ascribe to them a want of rigid impartiality.
From this exposition, it will be seen that the Editor does not claim an exemption from decided political convictions.
However the recluse student may shroud himself in apathy, the citizen of a genuine republic, in the midst of the political scene, must have little sensibility and less patriotism not to embrace with zeal one side or the other. If he believe the general happiness to depend upon the republican system, if he believe that system to depend upon the unimpaired enjoyment of peace, upon the moderation of taxes, and if he believe that the men now in power will insure these effects, while those in opposition would mar them, can he be indifferent? No fellow citizens, while we are moderate let us be vigilant; while we limit ourselves to truth, let us embrace that truth with zeal; and while we desire the happiness of our opponents, let us take care of our own.
So long as the National Intelligencer is conducted on these principles, it may, without presumption, claim the support of the enlightened patriot. That support it already possesses in an eminent degree. But an extended subscription, while it rewarded the Editor, would enable him to improve the plan of the Paper, and to enlarge the sphere of its usefulness. Under this impression, and with this view the Editor requests the person, who shall receive the accompanying specimen papers, to obtain as many subscribers as shall be in his power, on one condition, which experience has proved to be indispensable, the actual payment by each subscriber of five Dollars in advance.
We understand that letters have been received in this country from Algiers, as late as the 7th of July, which furnish the following information:
The Dey of Algiers has demanded of the American Consul to direct the United States frigate the George Washington, to be brought to Algiers, for the purpose of being lent by the Dey to Constantinople, to transport a quantity of spars and other articles. The Consul remonstrated, but in vain. The Dey directed him to write immediately, and obtain an answer as soon as possible.
On the evening, however, of the same day, the Dey informed the Consul, that considering the great distance of the United States, he had determined to call upon the Consuls of nearer nations. Such demand is stated to have been made of the Spanish and Danish Consuls.
On the 26th June, a Tripolitan corsair, with the American brig Franklin as a prize, arrived at Algiers. The claim of the Consul for a restoration of the vessel and crew, had not on the 7th of July succeeded.
On the 16th of June three ships of the line and two frigates of Spain threatened a blockade of Algiers, and demanded all captured Spanish vessels. The Dey threatened war against Spain, which was only averted on the following terms: The payment, in money and presents, to the amount of 132,000 dollars; a renunciation by Spain of her claim to captured vessels and cargoes; and a departure of the Spanish fleet.
On the 22nd of June, in an interview with the British Consul and Sir Robert Barlow, the Dey demanded a change of the British passports, and a compliance with his old claim of 187,000 dollars, declared if these terms were not complied with in five months, he would make war against England.
On the 30th of June, the Dey demanded of Thanville, the French agent, sums, alleged to be due, or promised, amounting to 500,000 dollars, & threatened war against France, if not complied with in 40 days.
It is further stated, that Algiers and Tunis are on the verge of a war.
Arrived at the seat of government SACCORESSEZ, principal chief of the Tulcoras, on his way to the government of North-Carolina, respecting the cession of a tract of land.
Correct return of votes in Frederick County.
Table with 2 columns: Candidate, Votes. Federal Ticket: John Ritchie 2007, John Fisher 1998, John Melsler 1995, H. Spalding 1990. Republican Ticket: D. Shriver 2235, R. Nelson 2226, T. Hawkins 2226, H. Kemp 2219. Republican Majority 219.
Talbot County.—Four republican candidates elected.
The statement in our paper of Friday respecting the result of the election in Calvert county, taken from a Baltimore paper, is erroneous. We are more correctly informed, that the federal ticket prevailed by a majority of 10. The suc-
cess of this ticket is said to have taken place in the following way. For several years the county has returned republican members by great majorities. So convinced were the federalists of the prevalence of republican politics, that for a considerable time before the election they gave out that no opposition would be made to the republican candidates. But, this notwithstanding, they turned out on the day of election their full strength to the great surprise of their opponents, who found it too late effectually to oppose them. We trust this will furnish an instructive lesson throughout the United States.
DELAWARE ELECTION.
The votes given in New Castle County only are received. These give Mr. Rodney, the republican candidate 1664; and Mr. Bayard, the federal candidate 707 votes.
A report prevails that the result of the total votes in the state gives Mr. Rodney a majority of 15 votes.
The board of health of Philadelphia announce that owing to the advanced state of the season, & the mild appearance of the fever, they have been induced to discontinue their daily reports, other than the list of Interments, which they will publish as usual.
From the New-York Morning Chronicle.
Extract of a letter from New-Haven. Republicanism has gained most unequivocally in this state. There are in our House of Representatives 198 members, of which we have 73 (one account states 78). We had in October last, only 34, and in May 54. We have lost 5, in as many towns from a state of over-security.
From the Baltimore Gazette.
Copy of a letter from Mr. Gavino, American consul at Gibraltar, to Mr. Yzardi, at Cadiz dated Gibraltar, August 5. 1802.
Mr. Joseph Yzardi, Sir, I wrote you the 3d instant, by the return of our express, inclosing commodore Morris's answer to the memorial of sundry of our captains, regarding convoy—since then I received a letter from consul Simpson, who had got to Tetuan, to endeavor to enter into a negotiation with the emperor wherein he tells me he hoped his visit to that country will be followed by happy consequences. I hope in six or eight days we will know the emperor's sentiments, when will write you anew.
I am, truly— (Signed) JOHN GAVINO.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of respectability on Edisto-Island, to his correspondent in Charleston, dated Sept. 16.
I am very sorry to inform you, that our cotton-fields are in a dreadful situation. The caterpillars have broke out in every field I know of upon the island, and their numbers really do surpass every thing of the kind I ever saw in my life. Large fields are totally destroyed by them, and their numbers are daily increasing. I was the third person who had them, and for seven or eight days they did me but little damage, and I had buoyed myself up with the hope of getting off very well, until a few days ago I rode where I first discovered them, and they did astonish me; for not only the cotton was full of them, but the face of the earth also, and every place that a cotton bush touched me or my horse, they were left sticking; and I declare to you candidly, that it is my opinion, that there will not be a green leaf nor a green pod of cotton left on my plantation in a fortnight from this, and most of my neighbours are equally as great sufferers. I assure you we all have long faces on the occasion, for our crops are irretrievably lost."
Circuit Court of the District of Columbia.
IN CHANCERY.
Valentine Peyton, against Mary Cook, widow and relict of Joseph Cook, deceased, Alexander Stedman and Julia Cook, and Joseph Wilson & Robert Brown, administrators of Joseph Cooke, deceased.
THE object of this bill is to foreclose a Mortgage of two lots, a parcel of ground situated in the City of Washington, given by Joseph Cook, deceased, to James R. Dermott, and by the said James R. D. mortgaged to Francis Deakins, deceased, and by the said Francis Deakins assigned to the complainant, Valentine Peyton.
It appears by the return of the Marshal that the defendants are not residents of Columbia, but reside in the state of Pennsylvania—It is thereupon ordered that the complainant cause a copy of the above notification of the object of the Bill to be inserted in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, printed in Washington County, in the said district, during the term of six weeks, warning the defendants to appear in the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the County of Washington, on the sixth day of the ensuing term (December 1802,) to show cause why a decree should not be passed as prayed by the Bill.
By Order, URIAH FORREST, Clerk. July 29th, 1802. Oct. 12—raw6w
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
CATO—No. II.
MR. SMITH, The people of America are republican. They are republican from habit and principle. They never were slaves;—they never will be slaves. Their political institutions are all republican. The Constitution of the United States guarantees to all the states a republican form of government. On this point there is no division among the people. There are, it is true, a few men, distinguished heretofore by the public favour, who have unblushingly avowed a preference of monarchy; but the avowal has cost them their fame. They are sunk. No public man can retain the affections of the people who is avowedly a monarchist: Public pity may drop a tear over the frailties of his nature, charity may suggest that he is upright; but, whatever remnant of affection may accompany him into the retreats of private life, his consequence as a public man is extinguished. I repeat it—the people are all republican. Their first and greatest principle is a conviction of the superiority of a republican to all other governments. To carry into effect their republican system, and to preserve it pure from violation is the great object for which they chose their rulers.
Have they been disappointed? If they have, let us hurl the traitors to the public will from their seats of power. If they have not, let us confirm by our good opinion their good conduct.
What are the prominent principles on the observance of which the stability of our happiness, under a republican system, depends?
1. The re-election of the exercise of all power that the public good does not unequivocally require. 2. The preservation of peace external and internal. 3. A respect for and a compliance with the public will, whenever it can be correctly ascertained. 4. The least possible taxation and expense.
The government that honestly and efficaciously maintains these principles as the guide of its measures must be republican, and must promote the general welfare. Whether it selects a federalist, or a republican for a particular function is of little moment. Neither its intention, will, or measures are affected in either case. There are men of integrity and talent of each description, men, who, however they may on some points differ from the administrators of the government, possess too sacred a sense of character, too firm a conviction of duty, not to execute with rigid fidelity the laws of their country. He, whose sole information should be derived from the inflammatory party prints of a few of our large commercial cities, would imagine the reign of anarchy had come with all its horrors, barely because a few federalists have been removed from office. Not a petty post-master can be superseded, if federal, however flagrant his misconduct, without the imprecation of divine vengeance upon the head of the President and all his political friends. The uproar, it is true, is confined to Baltimore, Philadelphia, New-York, and Bolton—while the great mass of the community, the pillar of our political existence, the farmers, hear not the denunciations, or hear them with unconcern.
Whence this party rage, these vindictive passions, these assassinating libels?—They originate not with the people, who are happy and grateful—No—They flow from a few unprincipled individuals, who have been foiled in their pursuit of power and office, many of whom have been deprived by the public voice of the forbidden fruit, before they had cloyed of its sweets. It is these men, who brawl from the house-top. Having little character themselves, what is it to them what wreck they make of the characters of others? The prints, in their interest, are convenient and thorough-going organs of misrepresentation and falsehood. They publish what serves the ends of party, and nothing else. They dare not to publish the language of truth which proceeds from their adversaries. But with the pusillanimity of traitors, they dare to publish long replies to mutilated extracts. Is this fair or honorable? It is not pretended to be either. But it is wise!—It is politic! The great body of citizens who belong to the federal side from honest motives, take federal prints exclusively. Knowing this, what care we (say they) for all the detections of our opponents. Their stream of light, however vivid and vast, is lost upon us. The task of dispelling it is extremely easy. We have only to denounce it as an emanation of the devil; and thus laugh our enemies to scorn.
But the game is no less desperate than profligate. It served with admirable success during the period of delusion. But that day is gone by. There is a kind of strong sober sense diffused among every class of citizens that survives the wreck of passion and prejudice. The minds of our citizens may for a season be abused, but they return to their honest and enlightened convictions with an elastic strength that breaks every unworthy tie. The measures of government can-
not be concealed. Their effects will be felt. Here is the fortress of virtue, equally impregnable in public as in private life. The people no longer understand the measures of the former administration, and felt their effects, than they displaced them. The error of that administration will be the security of this. Time took that administration to its centre. It will fix this administration on a rock.
CATO.
NOTICE.
The Washington Troop of Cavalry will meet on Saturday morning next, 16th instant at 8 o'clock precisely, on the Race ground north of the President's House, for the purpose of going through the exercise. Those members who have their uniform will attend completely equipped and it is particularly desired that those who have not yet provided themselves with uniform, will equip themselves immediately. It is hoped there will be a full meeting of the troop on the above day, as matters of importance will be laid before the members. WILLIAM BRENT, Capt.
NOTICE.
A meeting of the Artillery Company of the first Legion of the Militia of the District of Columbia, is requested at M'Kim's Tavern, on Monday the 18th inst. at three o'clock P. M. for the purpose of choosing the non Commissioned officers; those gentlemen who can, will appear in their uniform.
E. PATTERSON, Capt. P. S. Gentlemen who are desirous of joining the above company, will attend and have their names enrolled.
MULES FOR SALE.
The subscriber having purchased a large drove of Mules, in the States of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont and Connecticut, takes this opportunity to inform the public that he expects to cross the river Delaware, at Easttown in Pennsylvania, on or about the 11th instant—arrive at Bethlehem the 12th, at Reading the 14th, at Carlisle the 16th, at Shippenburgh and Chambersburg the 18th—cross the Potomac at Williamsport about the 20th, arrive at Winchester the 21st and from thence proceed on the most direct road through Virginia, and North Carolina to Columbia in South Carolina. As his drove is composed of Mules from one year old rising two, to four years old, he invites the Gentleman planters of the Southern states to call in with his drove on the aforesaid route, when he hopes to accommodate them to their satisfaction.
ERASIUS LYMAN, State of Connecticut, October 4th, 1802. 3t.
L I M E.
JUST Received and for Sale by the Subscriber, a quantity of Rhode Island Lime.
M. CLEARY. George Town, O 13th, 1802. 6t.
The subscriber intending to decline his business, informs those persons that have continually favoured him with their custom, that he has lowered his goods, to per cent, consisting principally of crockery ware, wines, brandies, sugars, teas, spices, &c. &c. CARRE DE ST. GEMME. Oct. 13th, 1802. 1w.
The George Town and Annapolis STAGE.
WILL commence on the first Monday in October next to run three times a week; leave Annapolis every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and return from George Town every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday—Fare and allowance as usual.
JOSEPH SEMMES, JOHN SMITH. This is intended to accommodate such gentlemen and ladies as are going to and from Frederick and Hager's Town. October 11th, 1802. tf.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And for sale by the Publisher, at his Conveyancing office President's Square City of Washington, Vol. 2d of his Digest of the Laws of the U. States.
Price 1 1-2 dollars, or 2 dollars full bound and lettered.
District of Columbia to wit.
BE it remembered that on the eleventh day of September eighteen hundred and two, in the 27th year of the Independence of the United States of America, THOS. HENRY of the said District has deposited in this office the title of a Book the right whereof he claims as author in the words following to wit: "A Digest of the laws of the United States of America, being a complete system alphabetically arranged of all the public acts of Congress now in force from the commencement of the Federal Government, to the end of the first session of the Seventh Congress which terminated in May 1802, inclusive. By THOMAS HENRY of Washington City, Conveyancer. Vol. II. in conformity to the act of Congress for the United States, entitled "An act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned."
In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name and affixed the seal of my office the eleventh day of Sept. 1802.
URIAS FORREST, Clerk of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia held for the county of Washington. Sept. 23, 1802. 1w. 4t.

TO THE PUBLIC.
The Proprietors of the Charter for opening the Navigation of the Catawba and Wateree Rivers, having at length been, with much satisfaction, the completion of the Santee Canal, propose to recommence their operations for opening the Catawba and Wateree Rivers during the present year, as soon as the state of the said Rivers will permit.
In the mean while they have determined to double the number of their shares for the purpose of admitting such persons as may choose to become subscribers. The expenses which have been already incurred by the Company amount to one hundred dollars on each share of the present number, which, when doubled according to the present determination, will reduce it to fifty dollars a share.
The Charter of South-Carolina is in perpetuity, and these shares are forever exempted from any rate, tax, duty, assessment or imposition whatever. The Act of North Carolina, authorizes the Company to fix and establish a toll on all goods and merchandise, for 99 years, and exempt their shares from any rate, tax, duty, assessment or imposition whatever, for the same period of time.
The present proprietors think it a duty incumbent on them, to inform the public, that a very considerable sum is expected to be raised from the sale of vacant lands, (which extend two miles on each side of the Catawba river, the whole length thereof from the North Carolina line down to Camden Ferry, a distance of not less than 120 miles, and in which is supposed are reserved to the company, not less than 58,000 or 60,000 acres) and left they should be deferred from engaging in the present navigation, by a reference to the enormous expense of the Santee Canal, the stockholders think it but just that they should declare their opinion of the improbability of the subscribers being called upon for more than 16 dollars on each share per annum, as it would be impossible for the works to be carried on longer than for about four months in the year, since the labourers will be chiefly employed in the water.
It is further to be remarked, that the Catawba river is looked upon as the most proper site for the establishment of a magazine, foundry and arsenal, for the three southern states, viz. North and South Carolina and Georgia; that surveys have been made, and a statement thereof forwarded on this subject some years ago, to the secretary at war; that the state of South Carolina passed an act, authorizing a purchase by the United States, of a certain quantity of land within this state; and the Catawba company have offered to release to the United States, any of their lands on said river, for such purpose, on a fair valuation. The hour now seems to approach for such an establishment; not only because it is a time of almost profound peace throughout the world, but that the idea is revived by the President of the United States, in his message of the 2d of February, 1802, to Congress, wherein he says, "besides the permanent magazines established at Springfield, West Point, and Harper's Ferry, it is thought one should be established at some point convenient for the states of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, such a point will be found near the borders of the Carolinas; and some small provision by the legislature, preparatory to the establishment, will be necessary for the present year." And nature indeed has pointed out this river as the most proper place for such a magazine, from the vast quantities of ore which have been discovered on the Catawba and its two branches, and there can be no doubt but that such an abundance of metal must attract the attention of the engineer, who may be authorized to examine and determine on a proper site for this establishment, particularly as there are already several furnaces and forges on the abovementioned rivers, at some of which six pound guns have been cast and bored, equal to any ever imported or made to the northward.
The company intend for the present season, to confine their operations to the removal of the obstructions from Rocky Mount to Camden Ferry, to the opening of a road for a carrying place, and the transportation of goods, from above the Falls at Rocky Mount, down to the Old Ferry landing; to the erection of a bridge across the Rocky Creek, and to the building a boat, and establishing the Ferry, which is allowed them by law.
At a meeting of the Catawba Company, the 4th of March, 1802, two-thirds of them being present,
On motion, resolved, That the six hundred shares in the Company of the Catawba and Wateree Rivers, be subdivided into twelve hundred.
That the present proprietors be entitled to hold double the number of their present shares; and that they have besides a preference to extend the number of their shares to one for every ten to which they shall be entitled after such subdivision.
To every new subscriber who shall pay 50 dollars, shall be entitled not only to the advantages to be derived from the opening of said river; but also to a proportionate interest in the lands vested in the Company by the legislature of this state.
Resolved, That 100 shares be reserved to be offered to the state of South Carolina, and that an equal number of shares be reserved to be tendered to the state of North Carolina.
At an anniversary meeting of the Catawba Company, on Tuesday the 10th instant, the following resolutions were entered into:—
"That an advertisement be published, inviting persons to contract for the opening of Graves's Ford and Love's Ford to deep and wide as to admit boats drawing 2 feet 9 inches water, and 12 feet wide; also, for opening a road and carrying place, from above Rocky Mount, to the Ferry landing below, and for constructing a bridge across Rocky Creek; also, for building a Ferry Boat to ply across the river, at or near the present landing at Rocky Mount, also for surveying the vacant lands, which have been already granted them by the legislature.
Such undertakers to give approved security for the faithful fulfilment of their respective contracts, and to direct their applications to the President, Judge Grimké, during the sitting of the constitutional court at Columbia, from the 19th to the 24th of April next, or to Charles Tew, the secretary, in Charleston, on or before the 15th day of May next ensuing.
"That the President do establish a correspondence with some mercantile house in Cambridge, and endeavour to obtain permission to lodge with them the monies of the Company, and that they would disburse the same, according to the directions of the Company.
"That one hundred shares be offered to the citizens of North Carolina, and that they have to the first day of January next ensuing, to subscribe for such shares; and that General Davis be authorised to appoint some person or persons in that state to receive such subscriptions on the part of the Company, payable as in the following resolution:
"That col. Scott, col. Hill, and John Simpson, esq. clerk of Lancaster court, be authorised to receive subscriptions from such persons as are inclined to become proprietors, and who reside within the limits of this state, and that they take notes, payable to the President and Directors of the Company for opening the navigation of the Catawba and Wateree Rivers on the first day of March 1803, and they be authorised to deliver receipts for the same in the nature of scrip, in such form as the President and Directors shall appoint.
"That these resolutions, with the late publication in the papers of this city, as far as the President and Directors shall deem necessary and proper, be inserted in Cox and Shepard's Gazette of this city, and in the one which is printed in Raleigh, North Carolina, by Joseph Gales, once a month until the 1st of October next.
"That the solicitor of the company be instructed to adopt the most immediate measures for the recovery of such balances as appear to be due by such proprietors as have paid none of the requisitions for the last 18 months past, and that the secretary do furnish him with a list of the names of such defaulters.
"That the following mode be adopted as the uniform rule of transferring the shares of the company: "I. A. B. do transfer my right to share No. forty, (the number must be in letters and not numerals) in the company for opening the navigation of the Catawba and Wateree rivers, unto C. D. for value received. Signed A. B. Witnessed by E. F. G. H. Proved on oath, before me, L. M.—J. P."
"That the sum of one shilling and two pence be paid on each share, on the requisition which shall become due, on the third Tuesday of September next ensuing, and the same sum on the third Tuesday of March thereafter.
"South Carolina, 1802. Received of a note payable to the President and Directors of the Company, for opening the navigation of the Catawba and Wateree rivers, for fifty dollars, which, when paid, will entitle him to be a stockholder in the said company."
TO BE RENTED, Two or three large three story brick Houses.
SITUATED on the Capitol Hill, convenient to the Capitol—to prevent trouble it is wished that no one would apply who will not pay half the rent in advance, or who can give good security for the payment of the rent—possession to be had the first of November, application to be made to DANL. CARROLL of Dudu. Sept. 8, 1802. eptlN.
Charlotte Hall School.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT the Trustees on the 4th Monday of October next, if fair, or the first fair day thereafter, will contract with any person of reputable character, who will undertake the stewardship of said School for the year 1803.
Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg. Cool Springs, St. Mary's Co. September 17, 1802. 3w.
INFORMATION.
I do hereby certify, that on the 13th July, 1802, I directed the proper officers of the customs to give a fair trial, experimentally to Mr. Dearborn's patent balance, to ascertain its correctness with the standard weights of the treasury of this state; and particularly its utility, in the facility of weighing dutiable cargoes. The surveyor and weigh master of the port, have, after various experiments, and after due examination, reported to me this day, as follows:
That they tried Dearborn's patent balance with the 50, 25, 14, 7, and 4 pounds brass legal standard weights, procured from the treasury of this state, and found the patent balance critically correct.
After several comparative trials, they report:—
That they weighed in the custom-house scales, 10 hogheads of sugar in one hour, with six hands. The same 10 hogheads of sugar were weighed in the patent balance in twenty-two minutes, with only two hands.
In the scales 34 barrels of coffee and sugar were weighed in thirty-seven minutes, with two hands. In the patent balance the same 34 barrels of coffee and sugar were weighed in twenty-two minutes, with two hands.
In the scales 15 boxes of Havanna sugar were weighed in fifteen minutes, with four hands. In the patent balance, 18 boxes of the same Havanna sugar were weighed in fifteen minutes, with two hands.
In weighing a hoghead of sugar in the scales, it required 3lbs. weight to preponderate the scale. In weighing the same hoghead of sugar in the patent balance, half a pound weight would preponderate the scale.
Two drays are necessary to carry from wharf to wharf, the custom-house triangles, scales and weights, sufficient to weigh a hoghead of sugar. One dray is necessary to carry the custom-house triangle, scales and weights, to weigh smaller articles. The patent balance, with its frame and weights (consisting of only two brass 32lb. weights, and one brass 16lb. weights) can be moved from wharf to wharf on a hand cart, with two labourers only.
Any person who understands simple addition, can in five minutes be taught the use of the patent balance.
The patent balance occupies a less space of ground on the wharf, than the triangle and scales.
The beam, scales and weights of the custom house, were proved by this valuable patent balance, to be incorrect: and by which, as a true and just standard, the necessary adjustments are making.
The cost of the patent balance is half less than scales and weights. In all cases one third, and in heavy articles two thirds of labour is saved; and in its use in the customs, dray hire is altogether saved. Hence as respects correctness, facility in weighing, saving in the first cost, saving of labour, and from weights being always liable to injury and reduction of weight, by the removal of the lead necessary to secure the handle to the weight, (and to adjust the weight) the patent balance is rendered, in my judgement, preferable in every point of view, to the common beam scales and weights. It combines the use of the common steelyard (without its imperfection) with the common scales, but is superior to either, from the reasons given. In a word, it is my opinion, that the patent balance requires only to be known & understood, when it will be universally used, in preference to the common beam scales and weights.
At all times it would afford me pleasure to certify the meritorious discoveries of any person—but I feel a more than ordinary pleasure on the present occasion, to give publicity to the merit of a country-man, an American.
As Dearborn's patent balances are made to weigh from one pound weight and upward, as may be required, it is in the power of every person to suit himself with a balance to weigh as much as he may choose.
Not only as justice due to merit, but as an encouragement to others, I with pleasure give this certificate, and sincerely hope that Mr. Dearborn will be as generously rewarded for his important discovery, as I feel a conviction that his discovery of the patent balance will be universally useful & beneficial to his country.
Given under my hand, at the Custom-House of Charleston, this seventeenth day of August, 1802.
JAMES SIMONS. Collector of the Customs.
Prices of the Patent Balance, at the Manufactory.
Table with 2 columns: Beam capacity, Price. Includes entries like 'A beam with its poizes to weigh from one pound to one hundred pounds, 4 50'.
The above prices are for the beams and poizes only, every article of the apparatus is at a fixed price, in addition to the above, that purchasers may be suitably accommodated without paying for any article they may not want.
The following are the prices of the apparatus at the manufactory:—
A frame 7 dollars—a screw 4 dollars—a guard 1 dollar and 25 cents.
A balance weight from 2 dollars to 2 dollars and 75 cents.
A scale and skid from 8 to 12 dollars—according to the size required.
By the above general estimate, the prices of beams of any intermediate or larger size may be nearly ascertained, exclusive of the charges of transportation.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cassimeres; India, Manchecster, and silk striped nankieens; cotton cassimeres, boglepoor, Bengal elegant white chord for pantaloon, white and coloured marcelles, janes and satin croissavers, silk ginghams, black and other coloured striped satins, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most near and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square. May 24, 1802. eptf
By virtue of an order from Montgomery County Court, to us directed we will proceed to sell on Monday the 25th day of October next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, on the Premises to the highest bidder, on a credit of one, two, three and four years with interest to be paid annually from the date.—All the right, title and Estate of JOSEPH SIMMES, deceased, to a certain tract of land, called the Second Addition to Culvers Chance, containing 300 acres, lying on a stream of water called the North West, and in Montgomery County, now in possession of his widow Catharine Simmes. DANIEL REINTZEL, ADAM KING, JOHN TIRELKELD, Sept. 27, 1802. ept350.
CHARLES VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR from Philadelphia, Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue. HAS received an assortment of summer goods consisting of the best superfine Cloths. Cassimeres, Silk Borathes, English Striped Nankieens, White India Dimities, White and printed Marcelles, With a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladys Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms, made in the first style of fashion. July 2, 1802. tf
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments. The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the state of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c.
A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in.
Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past a o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT.
N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. eptf
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on F street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter; and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYER. April 7, 1802. eptf
Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W.D.
LEWIS DEBLOIS, Has just received the Brig Leopard, the following articles, which he offers for sale on moderate terms—at his store on Stewart or Lowndes's Wharf.
Resia Sheerings, Ravens Duck, India Cottons, Oznaburghs, Swards L'on, Cordage, Sugar in Barrels, New-England Rum, A few Casks of cut Nails, of different sizes. George Town, Sept. 22, 1802. 5
MARSHAL'S SALE.
By virtue of a writ of fieri facias, issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for Washington County, to me directed, I have seized and taken, and shall proceed to sell at M c LAUGHLIN'S Tavern George town, on Saturday the 28d of October next, at 10 o'clock P. M. for cash.
THAT valuable house and lot in George Town, situate lying and being at the intersection of Falls and Water Streets, being part of the lot or parcel of ground, known and distinguished as No. 50, in the plan of said Town, at present occupied by Jeremiah Conner, Esq.
ALSO, one half square of ground in said Town, with all the houses and out houses thereon, at present occupied by Mr. Baily—the said half square is divided into four lots and designated in the plan of the town by the following numbers, viz. 46, 47, 59 and 60. 4
ALSO, Two tracts or parcels of land adjoining each other, situate, lying and being in the County of Washington, between Bladensburg and the City of Washington, known and called by the names of Scotland and Barbadoes, containing about 206 acres, at present in the occupancy of Mr. Henry Smith. The above property will be sold to satisfy debt and costs, due the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of Columbia, by George M c Gruder.
The President and directors of the Bank of Columbia will receive good notes such as they will approve of, payable in 120 days, from the purchasers of the above property.
DANL. C. BRENT, Marshal District Columbia Sept. 24, 1802.
District of Columbia, Washington County, ss. Oct. 2, 1802.
BEFORE me by John Addison, as DISTRAINT and Trespasser. A BROWN HORSE, fourteen and an half hands high, hind feet white, a little white on his upper lip, no artificial mark, strong and clumsy made, two white spots under the saddle on the off side, marks of his having been a draft horse by a few white hairs in his mane, and a scar on his breast or shoulder. BENJAMIN MOORE, Just. Peace. October 4, 1802. 3t.
The Subscriber wishes to rent the House he now lives in on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite Mr. Duane's Stationery store—it is well situated for a boarding House or private family.—There is a large room and passage on the first floor, three on the second floor, and two good bed chambers in the garret, with a good kitchen and pantry under the whole. JOHN GARDNER. October 1st, 1802. cop3t.
In Pursuance of Orders
From the Orphans Court of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, and of Prince George's County, in the State of Maryland, we shall proceed to sell by public Sale, at the farms of the late Notley Young, Esq. in Washington County, on Monday the 25th of October next, if fair, if not fair on the first fair day.
A valuable stock of Cattle, Draft Horses, Hogs, Sheep, Farming Utensils, and various other articles of the personal Estate of the said Notley Young, deceased—and on Tuesday the 2d day of November, we shall sell all the personal property belonging to the Estate of the said deceased, at his plantation in Prince George's County, in the Forrest of Queen Ann, except his slaves, consisting of a very large and valuable stock of every kind, farming utensils, &c. &c.
Nine months credit will be given for all sums above twenty dollars, on bonds with approved security.
BENJ. YOUNG, NICH. YOUNG, ROBT. BRENT. Executors.
N. B. The Sales will commence at the Farm adjoining the City, which belonged to Mr. Young. Sept. 27th, 1802. ept250.
FOR RENT,
SEVERAL Houses in New Jersey Avenue, well calculated for Boarding Houses and private families. WM. BRENT, Atty. for Thomas Law, Esq. Sept. 29, 1802. ept11D.
FOR SALE,
A FEW Punches excellent Antigua Rum, of 3d and 4th proof. Apply to the Subscriber. WM. BRENT. Sept. 29, 1802. tf.
TO LET.
A TWO STORY FRAME HOUSE near the Bank, the tenant will have the advantage of a well cultivated Garden. Enquire of Mr. Joseph Saul, at the office of Dilcourts and Depoit, Washington. Sept. 27, 1802. tf.