The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-09-05 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1232.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
Mr. Harper's Speech concluded.
The next circumstance alleged against Mr. Smith, as evidence of a connection with Col. Burr, is the visit which he paid to Frankfort, in Kentucky, in the autumn of 1806. This has been supposed to be a visit to Col. Burr; but the testimony which we have adduced shows most satisfactorily, that it was a journey on public business. To this point our evidence is full and complete. Mr. Smith, then contractor for the army, was called on for very large supplies, on account of the additional force called to the Salina. He found, on enquiry from his agents in Kentucky, whose depositions we have produced, and who are proved to be men of character, that purchases could be made there on very advantageous terms, for cash. He was not in cash, and therefore resolved to try whether he could sell or discount bills on Philadelphia. The best prospect of making this operation to advantage, and indeed the only prospect of making it at all, was with the insurance company at Lexington, which acts as a bank and exchange office. He accordingly went to Lexington for that purpose. On his arrival there he heard, for the first time, as is fully proved, that Col. Burr was on his trial at Frankfort, where most of the directors of this insurance company were, attending the trial. He then resolved to go to Frankfort, for the purpose of sounding them on the business. He arrived there in the evening, and stopt at a tavern, where he soon learned that Col. Burr also lodged. In the course of the evening he paid a short complimentary visit to Col. Burr, saw some of the directors, learned from them that his object of selling or discounting bills could not be accomplished, and early next morning set out on his return home. All these facts are satisfactorily proved. I will not recapitulate the testimony, which is fresh in the recollection of the honorable members. But I ask what is there criminal or suspicious in this transaction? Surely it would be a waste of time to employ it in the refutation of such a charge.
The next point to which I am to call the attention of this honorable House, is the bill drawn by Col. Burr on Mr. Smith, in favor of Lieutenant Jackson. The drawing of this bill is adduced as proof of connection between Col. Burr and Mr. Smith. It admits of most satisfactory explanation, in two different ways.
In the first place it is notorious that Col. Burr, in order to increase the number & the confidence of his partisans, was in the habit of representing himself as being connected with and supported by many persons, whose names he supposed would add some credit and weight to his enterprise, & who are known to have opposed his schemes, instead of being engaged in them. Of this the case of Com. Truxton is a striking instance. In this case we find that Col. Burr was very desirous of engaging Mr. Jackson in his enterprise. Jackson was reluctant and doubtful. Mr. Smith was a man of note and consequence, whose name might well be supposed to have much influence on the mind of a youth like Jackson; and to draw a bill on him, for an object connected with the enterprise, was an indirect but very significant mode of telling Jackson that he was engaged. To artifices of this kind we know that this unhappy man had constant recourse. He no doubt sometimes deceived himself; but he very often attempted to deceive others, in hopes of drawing them into those schemes, which have plunged him into irretrievable ruin.
Secondly we know that Col. Burr, when he set out from Cincinnati on his journey down the river, left a sum of money in the hands of Mr. Smith. This is proved to be usual with persons travelling in that country, and may have been done by Col. Burr from motives of convenience, or with a view of giving himself the appearance of a connection with Mr. Smith, by drawing on him. But it was done. The money was in Mr. Smith's hands. Col. Burr had drawn for it, in favor of Belknap, and he could not have known that Belknap's bill had been accepted, or would be so,
before Jackson's should be presented. He had drawn in favor of Belknap, for his own use. He might therefore well have supposed that the money was still in Mr. Smith's hands, and that he had a right to draw for it.
But in whatever way we account for his drawing this bill, it was his own act; an act which he had no right to do, beyond the money left by him in Mr. Smith's hands. To bring this act home to Mr. Smith, and make it evidence against him, it must be shown that he had given Col. Burr authority to draw. In other words, had agreed to supply him with funds. Drawing the bill is nothing more than a declaration by Col. Burr; and this declaration cannot affect Mr. Smith, unless he authorised it previously, or confirmed it afterwards by paying the bill. Col. Burr drew a bill on me for 1,500 dollars, which I had not authorised, and declined to accept. Because Col. Burr thought fit to take this step, am I therefore to be considered as engaged in his schemes? Surely his mere declaration cannot be allowed to criminate Mr. Smith. If it could, how extensively would the principle operate! How many of the best men in the country would be implicated?
There is another circumstance which strongly confirms the view which we give of this subject. When Col. Burr directed Jackson to call on Smith with the bill, he does not tell him to apply to Smith for any information concerning his plans. On this subject he referred him solely to Gen. Tupper. So says Jackson expressly. But why to Tupper rather than Smith? Smith was a much more important man than Tupper, and if engaged in the scheme was quite as capable of giving information. He would have given it much sooner too, for Tupper lived at Marietta, and Smith at Cincinnati; where Jackson in his journey up the river would first arrive. Why then, I say, direct the application to Tupper, rather than to Smith? Sir, the reason is obvious. Col. Burr, though he might have been willing to insinuate, by drawing the bill, that Mr. Smith was engaged, knew very well that he was not; and that if he should direct Jackson to call on him for information, it would lead to a detection. This fact alone proves, more strongly than a thousand witnesses, the innocence of Mr. Smith. Witnesses may misunderstand, forget or prevaricate; but facts like this lay open the hearts of men, let us into their inmost thoughts, and speak a language which we can neither misunderstand nor disbelieve.
As to the bill drawn by Col. Burr on Mr. Smith, in favor of Belknap, which Mr. Smith paid, and which forms the next head of accusation, I beg leave to recal to the Senate the testimony of Gen. Carberry. He states that some time before the date of this bill, Mr. Smith informed him that Col. Burr, finding it inconvenient to carry his money with him, when he went down the Ohio, left it at Cincinnati in the care of Mr. Smith; a circumstance which the same witness proves to be usual, with persons travelling in that country, and on which it is impossible to lay any stress: for every body must admit that had the money been left for any improper purpose, Mr. Smith would have kept the knowledge of it to himself, instead of communicating it as he did to General Carberry. The bill drawn in favor of Belknap, and paid, might of itself, standing alone, furnish some ground of suspicion against Mr. Smith, as tending to show that he was in the habit of supplying Col. Burr with funds: but when it comes to be connected with the deposit of money, which is proved by Gen. Carberry, it is completely explained. For nothing was more natural than that Col. Burr, having left his money with Mr. Smith, should direct it to be paid to a person to whom he owed it, or who was to employ it for his benefit.
I come now, Mr. President, to the seeming contradiction between the statement of Mr. Smith, and the testimony taken at Richmond on the trial of Col. Burr, upon which I understand that some stress is laid. I say the "seeming contradiction," because I feel confident of being able to show clearly, that no real contradiction exists.
Mr. Smith, in his deposition before Matthew Nimmo, states that Colonel Burr early in September, 1806, spoke
of the settlement of his Washita lands. By the testimony given at Richmond on the trial of Col. Burr, by Lynch, from whom those lands were purchased, it appears that the contract was not made with Col. Burr till after the time when Mr. Smith states this conversation to have taken place. Hence it is inferred that Col. Burr could not have spoken to Mr. Smith of his Washita lands.
But it is forgotten that Col. Burr was in the habit of speaking of these lands as his, and of his intention of settling them, long before the period assigned by Mr. Smith for this conversation? This appears from the testimony of Commodore Truxton, delivered at Richmond on the same trial. He states that in the summer of 1806, before Col. Burr set out for the western country, he spoke of his Washita lands, and of his plan of settlement. This he did either because he had then made an informal contract for those lands, and therefore considered them as his, though the formal contract of sale was not then made; or because he had then contrived this disguise for his projects, and merely made use of it to cover his real design, from Smith and others with whom he thus conversed. In either case he would speak of the land as belonging to him. Indeed this whole argument against Mr. Smith rests on the idea, that Col. Burr cannot be supposed to have said anything that was not true. Mr. Smith states that Col. Burr spoke of his Washita lands, at a time when those lands in fact were not his. Therefore Mr. Smith must have stated an untruth. I believe that gentlemen will not, on reflection, find this argument very solid.
One more point Mr. President, and I shall conclude an argument, by which I fear this hon. body has been, as I certainly have, very much fatigued.
It is said that there exists a strong similarity between the deposition of Elias Glover, and the statement made by Mr. Smith himself on oath; from whence it is inferred that the deposition must be true. I must confess that I have not been able to discover this similarity; but if it really exist, it may be easily accounted for. Mr. Smith's statement was sworn to before Nimmo, on the 6th of January 1807. Nimmo, it appears, kept a copy, for on the next day he certifies a paper as being a true copy of the deposition sworn to before him by Mr. Smith. This he could not have done, unless he had kept a copy, with which to compare this paper. On the 2d of February following, Glover made his deposition, before the same Matthew Nimmo. Now we know that Nimmo was the confidential friend and adviser of Glover; & we may very easily conceive that before Glover prepared his deposition, he had been indulged by his friend with a perusal of the copy of Smith's, and that to give the greater air of truth to his tale, he imitated the language as much as he could, and followed the statement of facts, as far as would suit his purpose.
Again. It is very probable that Nimmo wrote the deposition of Glover; and that having Smith's deposition on the same subject fresh in his recollection, he fell insensibly into the use of the same phrases. This is known frequently to happen. Or the resemblance may be merely accidental. And surely a resemblance between some phrases of these two depositions, which may have proceeded from accident, or from design in Nimmo or Glover, is very weak ground for inferring the truth of facts, so utterly improbable as those stated by Glover, and so strongly contradicted by the great mass of testimony which we have produced; among which are the declarations of Glover himself, and the oath of his friend and confederate M c Farland.
Having now Mr. President reviewed all the grounds on which the charge against Mr. Smith is rested; having, as I presume to hope, satisfactorily explained all the objections which have been urged against him; and presented all the facts fairly, and as clearly as was in my power, to the view of this honorable House; I am far from intending to trouble it with any arguments of mine on the subject. The enlightened individuals who compose it are much more capable than me of drawing the proper inferences from the testimony which has been laid before them, and on which they
have bestowed a most patient and laborious attention: and to their judgment I cheerfully, and I may be permitted to say confidently, submit the cause of my client. They will doubtless bear in mind, that in this cause is involved his honor, dearer to him than property or even than life; and that in pronouncing their decision they are to be guided by testimony, and not by conjecture; by the light of truth, and not by the dark and deceptive glimmerings of suspicion—FINIS.
Portland, August 25.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
Although it was positively asserted in the Portland Gazette, that ten persons only dissented from the proceedings in Town-Meeting, more than ten times ten persons have subscribed the following address:
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES OF AMERICA.
Sir, The subscribers, inhabitants of the town of Portland, in the county of Cumberland and district of Maine, beg leave to assure the political guide and guardian of our beloved country, of our entire confidence in the wisdom and prudent policy of the measures of his administration, and of our willing acquiescence and cordial co-operation in them. We cheerfully submit to the privations occasioned by necessary restrictions on foreign commerce, and rejoice in the sacrifice which continues the peace and independence of America, averts the calamities of war from her shores, and preserves the state from the restless master-stroke of European ambition, whose fatal gorge has whelmed the nations. We sincerely reprobate the murmurings which have reached the ear of the Executive from several maritime towns in the commonwealth of Massachusetts, tending to excite in the people a spirit of repining and distrust, to destroy their merited confidence in their rulers, and to encourage disregard and disobedience of the laws. Believing that the public safety and honor and the prosperity of the citizens are the desire and endeavor of the government; we feel assured, whenever the state of foreign relations may justify the measure, and not sooner, that the people will be relieved of the constraints to which their civil obligations require their patient submission.
Be pleased, Sir, to receive assurances of our respectful consideration and reverential love.
Portland, Aug. 16, 1808.
Those citizens who wish to add their names to the above address, are informed that it will be lodged in the Post-office, until Saturday next, for that purpose.
Communicated for the Argus.
The inhabitants of Pittston in the district of Maine, were warned to assemble in town meeting, on Monday, the 22d of August inst. by order of the Selectmen of said town, at the instigation of the federalists, "to see if the town will petition to the President of the U. S. to take off part, or the whole of the embargo, and to act on all matters that may legally come before said meeting."
The federal phalanx was formed in full array; many republicans also attended—and thus a full meeting was convened; and having deliberately considered the article proposed in the warrant, a large majority are decidedly of opinion, that such address, at the present crisis, would be injudicious, and highly improper.
Viewing with concern and deep regret, the peculiar situation of the country, arising from the contests in Europe, and the violent and malignant opposition to our national government, by some of our fellow-citizens, as well as by aliens, we the said inhabitants of Pittston avail ourselves of the present occasion to briefly express our sentiments, by the following resolves.
Resolved, As the opinion of the inhabitants of Pittston, that to address the President of the U. S. to suspend the operation of the laws imposing an embargo, (under the existing circumstances of our foreign relations) might be considered by the belligerent powers of Europe, an acquiescence in their oppressive decrees and orders in Council; and should the President comply with such request, our nation-
al distress would be vastly increased by the loss of property, and the horrors of a bloody and destructive war.
Resolved, That we consider the British orders and French decrees the real cause of the embarrassed situation of American commerce; and to submit to them, would be a surrender of our rights and independence, a purchase of national infamy for commercial gain, without even a prospect of securing the mercenary object, resulting from such degradation.
Resolved, That we have entire confidence in the ability and patriotism of the general government, in the measures adopted and pursued by it; and until a substitute for those measures can be shewn, which will better secure and promote the honor and interests of the U. States, our confidence in them will remain undiminished—the intrigues and cabals of partisans of this, or any foreign nations to the contrary notwithstanding.
Resolved, That we will support with our property and our lives the fundamental principles of our republican government, and the laws made in uniformity thereto by our impartial and patriotic administration; and we will resist the arrangements and intrigues practised by a party, who under the fallacious plea of removing the Embargo are making appeals to the avarice and the basest passions of men, for the real (though not acknowledged) purpose of effecting a political change in our national and state governments.
The above resolutions passed by a large majority.
To the Selectmen of the town of Boston.
GENTLEMEN, We have received your letter inviting us to call a meeting of the inhabitants of this town, for the purpose of concurring with your town, in a petition to the President for a "suspension of the embargo in whole or in part; or that the President would convene Congress as early as possible, for the purpose of taking the subject into consideration." We deferred returning an answer till this time, because we thought we had reason to believe, that there would be found ten of our own freeholders, knowing our sentiments, and differing from us, who, by signifying their desire in writing, would make it our duty to call such a meeting. We can delay no longer a civility which is due to our fellow citizens of the respectable town of Boston. We will therefore, with that friendly freedom which becomes citizens whose interests are the same, expose the reasons and sentiments, which forbid us to act in our official capacity according to your proposal.
We are far from disagreeing with you on the constitutional right of the citizens "in an orderly and peaceable manner, to assemble to consult on the public good," and present addresses, petitions and remonstrances. But we think a wise people will be cautious of making a frequent use of this privilege. While the right of suffrage remains entire, and the people possess the freedom of frequent elections, it is obvious there cannot be such occasion for petitioning, as under governments where the people have a less "essential share." Of the propriety of exciting others to petition, you have doubtless considered.
We are highly pleased, and must heartily concur with the general sentiments in the first part of the petition of Boston, expressive of a sense of patriotism and "respect for the constituted authorities of our country," and "the indispensable necessity of supporting, at all times, the laws enacted by the government of our choice," with their "readiness to make any personal sacrifices, and endure any privations which the public welfare may require." It prides us, that under sentiments truly honorable and magnanimous like these, our fellow citizens of Boston "have refrained from expressing the wishes they most sensibly feel for the removal of the embargo." Indeed were not the embargo a measure "which the public good required," not only the citizens of Boston but of every other town, would have just cause to petition—to remonstrate. That the embarrassments consequential on the arrestation of a prosperous trade by the embargo, or rather by the extraordinary conduct of belligerent nations, which caused the embargo, are sensi-

By felt by almost every citizen, none will deny: and that like all embarrassments usually arising from any change in the course of business, they must affect some individuals, some towns, & some states, or parts of the nation, more than others, is as plain to be seen. But for such individuals, such towns or states to murmur, sow discords, or attempt to raise opposition, while convinced that the public welfare required the measure, would betray a base selfishness unworthy of Americans, and degenerating from the great example of our early ancestors, and the heroes and sages of our recent revolution; and not only so, but unworthy of social man, unworthy of the religion we profess.
It gives us great satisfaction, after the contrary impressions which we had received from periodical papers, we confess not worth regarding, now to be assured, from a source so authentic, that the inhabitants of Boston would have suffered in silence all the evils which they sensibly felt under the embargo, "but for the great events in Europe, which materially change the aspect of our foreign relations."
Here is the first occasion that we have to differ from the sentiments expressed by you or your townsmen. These events are so recent and our intelligence, concerning the present state and prospects of Spain, so imperfect, we are not yet ready to express any opinion on the propriety of suspending the embargo in whole or in part, because of these events. And suffer us also to mention, that it would be no more than reasonable, first to allow the President to come to the knowledge of these events, and give him an opportunity to take those measures, of his own accord, which perhaps you and we, in our petition, might request. To petition at present, as we are forced to view the subject, would imply a supposition that the President was not qualified for his high station; or not disposed to perform his duties; a supposition which the inhabitants of Worcester, no more than those of Boston, were ever disposed to make.
Fully persuaded that we have expressed the sentiments of a large majority of the inhabitants of this town, in expressing our own, we cannot believe it would be satisfactory to them, on this occasion, at this season of the year, to be called together in town meeting. We are, gentlemen, with much respect, your humble servants,
Ephraim Mower, } Edward Bangs, } Nathl. Harrington, } Nathan White, } Thos. Nichols, }
Selection of Worcester
To the Selection of the town of Boston.
GENTLEMEN,
Yours of the 10th inst. came to hand last evening, containing the proceedings of the town of Boston, relative to "petitioning the President of the U. States, to suspend the embargo, either wholly or partially, according to the powers vested in him by the Congress of the U. States: or if any doubt should exist as to the sufficiency of those powers that he be requested to call Congress together as soon as possible." With the same letter we received a copy of the petition of the inhabitants of Boston. Pursuant to the above, and also your request that we would "lay the same before the inhabitants of the town, that, if they see fit, they may adopt similar measures."
We assure you gentlemen, that we feel disposed to co-operate with the other members of the community in support of any measures, which we can rationally believe would promote the good of our common country. We experience, in common with the rest of our fellow-citizens, the embarrassments and losses, which are imputed to the existing embargo, but which we are induced to believe are less the result of the embargo, than the effect of the injustice and violence practiced upon us by the proclamations of Europe. Their disregard of the laws of nations, their habitual violations of our neutral rights, and the tyrannic cruelty, with which they have sported with the lives and restrained the liberty of our citizens, pressed upon us the necessity of withdrawing awhile from the ocean. In this measure we wish our government to persevere till we shall have some guarantee of our rights, some assurance that, if we again adventure on the highway of nations, our property shall not be made a spoil to enrich the robber, and the strength of our citizens be made an instrument in the hands of our enemies for our own destruction. Of the wisdom of the measure when first adopted, we entertain no doubt; and we conceive that circumstances strongly justify its continuance as they urged its adoption. The decrees of France are still unrevoked; and the English orders of Council have re-
cently been sanctioned by their Legislature. But both governments begin to feel the want of our commerce with them; for with the purchasers of their superfluities and luxuries, and the suppliers of the raw materials for their use, they cannot suspend or discontinue their intercourse, without producing the most serious consequences; and we humbly conceive, that the measures entered into by our government, to obtain redress for the wrongs we have suffered, and security for the respect of our rights in future, by the belligerent powers of Europe, would ere this have produced in a great degree the desired effects had not those nations been induced to cherish the hope, that our citizens would not peaceably submit to the commercial restrictions, which the embargo necessarily imposes; had they not have seen that the violators of that law were publicly encouraged by a party in this country; that all the evils which Providence has seen fit to inflict upon this country, for the nine months last past, have been by the same party imputed to the embargo, and that complaints and murmuring against our government were daily excited among us, from motives which disgrace our national character. By such means has Europe been induced to believe, that the spirit by which we were actuated during our revolutionary struggle for independence, which enabled us patiently to endure the most distressing privations and pecuniary sacrifices, is now extinct; that commercial pursuits and the love of wealth have degraded us from the height of Roman virtue and patriotism, to the debased state of mercenaries and selfish Carthaginians; that property is more valuable in our estimation than the lives of our citizens, and wealth and luxury than the honor and independence of our country. Yet we trust that a large proportion of our countrymen have the virtue awhile to forego the profit which some of them, or individuals, might possibly derive from foreign commerce, and others to deny themselves the luxuries it produces, when they consider that we may thereby be saved from the horrors of war, or the sacrifice of our national rights, our honor and independence. Surely our present situation is preferable to a state of warfare, or to national dishonor; and the embargo alone could save us from the one or the other.
But had we no other reason, gentlemen, for not complying with your request, than that we would not ask the Executive to do what he is not legally authorized to do, (for we believe that no changes have taken place in our foreign relations, since the rising of Congress, which come within the provisions of the act, which gives him authority to suspend the embargo) that alone would prevent us. As to petitioning him "to call Congress together as soon as possible," we would merely take the liberty to observe, that Congress will assemble, agreeably to the provisions of a law, already made, very nearly as soon as it could be called together by the President, were he to grant the prayer of your petition in this respect. We therefore can see no benefit to be derived from adopting "similar measures" to those adopted by the town of Boston. On the contrary we believe many evils would result, from the general adoption of such measures; it would excite discontent in the public mind; it would lessen the confidence of the people in the government, which they are in duty bound to support; it would give countenance and encouragement to those who are ready to violate every law, which, though calculated ultimately to promote the general good, happens at present to militate with their particular interest; it would give our enemies reason to hope much from our political divisions and disaffection to the administration of our government; and it would embarrass the administration, by destroying its confidence in the firm and virtuous support of the people, in such measures as it had with the strictest integrity, most wisely adopted. We have full confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the Executive and Legislative departments of the government, and do not think it expedient, at the present time, to attempt to instruct them in their duty; and must beg leave to decline complying with your request. If we are called upon agreeably to the laws of this Commonwealth, to call together the inhabitants of this town, we shall then endeavor to discharge the duties of the office to which we have been chosen.
We remain, Gentlemen, Yours with respect, Edmund Moody, } Benjamin Pike, } Aaron Scammon, }
Saco, Aug. 19, 1808.
To the Selection of the town of Boston.
GENTLEMEN—Your communication of the 10th inst. came to hand this
day, enclosing a copy of the proceedings of the town of Boston on the subject of the embargo—with a request that similar measures might be adopted in this town.
We are sensible that the present suspension of foreign commerce is attended with embarrassments to those of our fellow citizens, whose enterprise and industry have been on the ocean. It must also be evident to every candid person, that those privations and embarrassments are in consequence of the orders and decrees of England and France: we also believe our only safety from greater evils was in the measures adopted and pursued by our government, which have been the means of preserving to the nation merchandize & shipping to an immense value which would otherwise (probably) have been captured & condemned by one or other of the contending powers.
The idea of Spain having offered an opportunity to this country for trade, is without sufficient assurance to warrant a voyage to a foreign country by any considerate ship owner—nor do we conceive that any events which have taken place in Europe, have made any favorable change in our foreign relations.
We sincerely unite with you in wishing a friendly intercourse with the European powers, and that our commerce may be restored to its former condition; but should our hopes and expectations be disappointed, and it should be expedient to continue the embargo; or should the nation be obliged to resort to WAR, the citizens of this town, who were amongst the first and greatest sufferers in obtaining independence, would, we confidently trust, be the last to complain of any hardships or privations which may be necessary to preserve that independence inviolate.
It might have been expected that the town of Boston the capital of the State, enriched by foreign commerce without an example, would have been the first in support of the wise and provident measures adopted by the general government, while many other towns with less advantages, and less successful in business, have not uttered a complaint.
We are far from thinking the measure of addressing the President, or Congress, recommended by the town of Boston, to be advisable; we place the fullest confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the Executive and Legislature of the nation—and feel assured the embargo will be removed, whenever a favorable opportunity shall present to traverse the ocean in safety: nor would we wish to distract the councils of the nation by intruding opinions which cannot promote the interest of our fellow-citizens, or our national honor.
If the inhabitants of this town are desirous to offer their sentiments to the public, they will, no doubt, make their request in the usual way, which would meet with proper attention.
With due respect, your humble servants,
Selection of Charlestown, Richard Frothingham, Daniel Tufts, Timothy Thompson, jr. David Goodwin, jr. Thomas Rand, 2d, Thomas Rand, Peter Tufts, jr. Charlestown, Aug. 20, 1808.
Published by order of the selection of Andover.
To the Selection of the town of Boston.
GENTLEMEN,
We acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 10th instant, shewing the proceedings of the town of Boston, relative to petitioning the President of the United States to suspend the embargo, either in whole or in part, according to the power vested in him by the Congress of the United States, and the request of the town of Boston, that the same be laid before the inhabitant of the town of Andover, that if they see fit they may adopt similar measures.
We with pleasure, Gentlemen, should embrace this opportunity of concurring with our fellow citizens of the town of Boston, if we thought their proceedings would have a tendency to promote the welfare and happiness of the citizens of the United States. We have viewed the embargo, and still view it, as the wisest and most prudent measure that could have been adopted by our government to save the property of our citizens from falling into the hands of foreign nations, and our country from a war. We have for years past fully confided in the wisdom and integrity of our rulers, and have never found ourselves disappointed. Although the town of Boston have a constitutional right to petition their rulers at any time, whenever they may feel themselves aggrieved, yet we cannot but question
their policy in exercising that right at this time, when our government is engaged in disputes with foreign nations, and are doing the utmost in their power to obtain the best terms for the United States. We were in hopes that the town of Boston would have had magnanimity enough to have borne a little longer a temporary evil for the sake of receiving a lasting good, which we believe would have been realized before this time, if our own citizens had not thrown embarrassments in the way. We feel the ill effects of the embargo in common with our fellow citizens, and regret the unjust, arbitrary, & oppressive decrees of the belligerent powers, which rendered such a measure indispensable.
As agriculturalists we do not pretend to be thoroughly acquainted with commercial affairs; but we have collected the opinions of some of the most respectable and wealthy merchants in our country, and perhaps in the United States, and we find them all ready to forego their profits and sacrifice their property, rather than submit to the tyrannical decrees of the contending powers; which in our opinion would be a disgrace to the American name. On the whole, we believe the town of Andover is willing to bear with fortitude and enquire with patience the unpleasant effects of the embargo, in full confidence that our rulers have the welfare of the country at heart and are doing their utmost to promote the best interests of the people. We do not therefore think it our duty to call the inhabitants of the town together unless particularly requested by own townsmen.
With sentiments of respect, we are, Gentlemen, your humble Servants.
Selection of Andover, Joshua Chandler, Stephen Barker, jun. John Cornish, Jonathan Ingalls. Andover, Aug. 22, 1808.
SPANISH PROCLAMATIONS.
THE KINGDOM OF GALICIA.
"Gallicians—You have bewailed the fate of your amiable Ferdinand—the horror of the perfidy by which he has succeeded, still burns in your bosoms. You fear danger to our holy religion, you look upon our exterior worship as annihilated, upon our altars as profaned, and the temples of the eternal and sole omnipotent converted into places of desolation by order of the tyrant, who arrogates to himself the title of arbiter of destinies, because he has succeeded in oppressing the noble French nation, without recollecting, that he himself is mortal, and that he only holds the power delegated to him for our chastisement. You turned your eyes towards the municipal authorities, and you even insulted them; because they did not animate the flame of your indignation against the enemy. The time is come—your kingdom has assembled in Cortes and re-assumed the sovereign authority, which under such circumstances devolves upon it by right, and of which its first exercise is in complying with your wishes so loudly declared; you have already a leader, and the most vigorous dispositions are taking—fly, therefore to arms! and let us march to defend the cause of God, the honor of our country, our lives, and our fortunes! Will you be insensible to the voice of the nation, and will you only be found valiant in the streets of your cities? Now, that twenty thousand brave soldiers have taken up your cause for theirs, will you refuse to unite with their generous battalions? Will you hesitate to embody yourselves with these masters of the military art? Do you imagine, forsooth, that your courage without discipline can be useful?—Such ideas avant! receive in your arms these heroes who are going to marshal your strength, and only from the common name of Spaniards, even without being Gallicians, feel a deep interest in your cause. They should obey their sovereign and legitimate authority. Let discord fly from us; we are brothers, and going to sacrifice ourselves for the same sacred cause.
Gallicians—enrol yourselves from 16 to 40 years of age. It is better to die in defence of your religion and fire sides, and in your own country, than to be led bound to slaughter in order to satisfy an inordinate ambition. The French conscription comprises you—If you do not serve your kingdom, you will go and die in the north. We lose nothing. For even should we be unsuccessful, we shall have freed ourselves by a glorious death from the galling chains of a foreign yoke.—But there is no reason to fear this peril.—Death has alarms only for poltroons—and God, for whose cause we are going to fight, will watch over us, because, in the end, every mortal
has a determined measure, and we ought to trust in his mercy, that when his wrath, (which we so much deserve) is appeased, he will protect us. The standard of our holy patron, Saint James, is now unfurled: let us follow it:
"Gallicians!—The Asturians and Alouese have 80,000 men enlisted, and already 20,000 under arms—let us go and relieve our brethren, these intrepid men. We shall thus save our country from becoming the theatre of war. This kingdom, which has assembled through your instance, expect it from you—this kingdom will reward those who distinguish themselves, with every thing in its power, and at the conclusion of the war, it will immediately give you your discharge, and enable you to enjoy the fruits of victory under the shade of the laurels you will have won, and consign to your children at your decease, the example of your glorious deeds.
"Domingo Valado de Fago, Secretary."
"Corunna, June 5, 1808."
ADDRESS FROM THE COUNCIL OF LEON TO THE SPANISH NATION.
Brave and faithful Spaniards!
When we behold the great and noble resistance which is at this moment opposed by the provinces of Galicia and Asturias, to the projects of the basest and most execrable of tyrants, it is impossible to believe but that they must be seconded by all, who like themselves, have a sovereign to avenge, sacred rights, and a country to defend. Still, should any be restrained by fear; should any fail to concur in the sentiment which calls them to arms against an unprincipled oppressor, it will sufficiently determine them if we recal to their memory what Spain owes to the virtues, to the courage, to the heroism of Peñalago, to the valor and to the patriotism of Roderigue Diare de Bivar.
These two great men, one from the province of Asturias, the other from that of Castile, were called forth at different epochs, but both equally difficult, each to preserve our country from a foreign yoke. To their characters, and to their sentiments of enthusiasm which they excited in every breast, does Spain owe the glory and the happiness which she has so long enjoyed.
Should the government of Asturias discover that any part of the inhabitants take up arms coldly or indifferently in the defence of the country, let it address to them those sentiments which the immortal Peñalago addressed to the citizens, to his brave companions in arms, when a formidable and cruel enemy wished to subjugate them to his power:—
"It is no longer time to deliberate," said this virtuous and courageous Spaniard, under circumstances nearly resembling the present; "the nature of our cause, the situation of our affairs, and those of the enemy, require promptitude and activity, and that we should not waste our time in useless deliberation. We aim to re-establish our altars, our religion, our glory, the liberty of our children, of our friends, of our country! to place in safety the honor and chastity of our wives; to rid ourselves of the yoke of a conqueror base as he is cruel, who has covered himself with our spoils, and under whose dread dominion our lives could not boast the security of a moment. If ever opportunity occurred to tempt a most glorious enterprize, this is the moment—this moment in which we are assembled, united, bound together by a chain of interest, which equally concerns all! Inhabitants of the mountains, and ye of the valleys! hear our determination to arm, and join yourselves to us. Those even whom the love of tranquility hath hitherto deceived, and still retained among the moors, I now behold ready to break their fetters, and join those who hasten to accomplish the great purpose of their struggle. The Moors, in short, are occupied with great objects; but for us, necessity should put an end to indecision, we have taken the first step, there is no longer time to retreat; already they march against us; while we hesitate to place ourselves in a disposition to drive the enemy from our mountains, we shall be surrounded, we shall have no escape, and we are too great in number to subsist upon the stunted produce of bare and sterile rocks. Come on, then! God, whose cause we support against the enemies of his name, will fight for us while we fight for him, and the hand which has punished us, because we have forgotten him, will fortify our arms in a war undertaken for the honor of his glory? Let us put our confidence in the invincible strength of the Almighty! I will lead you to battle; I will ever be the first, and require of you nothing but that of which I will set you an example." This harangue, so suitable to the

occasion, produced then the same effect as it will produce to day. At the voice of Pelage, all the Asturians took up arms, each of them performed prodigies of valor; Cantabria and Galicia severally sent deputies, praying to be admitted into the confederation of Asturians; they were received, their means united, and the Moors were conquered.
Three hundred and thirty-nine years afterwards, Spain had another defender; this was Rodriguez Diaz de Bivar, a fierce and noble Castilian of the city of Burgos. This virtuous citizen and gallant warrior, burning with desire to secure the liberty of his country, did not hesitate to remonstrate with animation, in a council where the king of Castile himself presided. He said he was ashamed to deliberate upon the pretensions of the emperor Henry II. that the independence of Spain was established above all title! That base Spaniards alone could admit of its being compromised; that it should be upheld even at the expence of life, and that he would declare himself the enemy of that man who should advise the king to tarnish its lustre!
If the Prince of Peace, instead of betraying his sovereign and his country, had the foresight, the loyalty, or the energies of the two great men we have just cited, the pretensions of Bonaparte, like those of Henry, would have been received with indignation. As the Moors were under Philip, so the French would have been expelled, and Spain would have been saved. What has not hitherto been done, may yet be achieved; but for that purpose there must be unanimity among principals, and a re-union wisely combined, of all our forces and of all our means.
Without this concurrence to retain our country's welfare, without the most resolute courage to drive from her bosom a cruel and perfidious enemy, like an enslaved people, we shall lose our fleet, our arsenals; our army will be disbanded or sent into Germany; our militia disarmed, our clergy despoiled and destroyed, our churches pillaged, our altars profaned, the land of our grandees confiscated, our possessions beyond the seas no longer belonging to our capital; the kingdom drained by enormous contributions; Spain, in short, happy and free under her kings, will be reduced to the most frightful slavery.
To avoid calamities so dreadful, one only resource remains to us. It is to rally round the standard which the provinces of Galicia and Asturias have raised, in defence of religion, of justice, and of honor. Children of our country! We will be worthy of ourselves! Let us perpetuate the glory with which our ancestors are covered; great like them, let us think no sacrifice too much, when we have our liberties to preserve, the massacre of our parents, or our friends, to revenge, our wives and children to defend. If, to the shame of the Spanish nation, there have been found men, such enemies to themselves and to their country, as to hasten to the feet of the tyrant, and prostitute before him their existence and their rights, let us, nevertheless, hope, that the chiefs of the Spanish league will not, like Pelage, have to guard against designs such as those of the archbishop of Seville, who was base enough to betray his faith, his God, his king, and his country. Let us endeavor to believe that the great and laudable example which the bishops of Oviedo and Compostella, have afforded, shall be followed, not only by all those in the kingdom, but likewise by every member of the respectable clergy, secular and regular, who, alike are interested as the ministers of religion, and as good citizens, to punish crimes, accelerate the triumph of virtue, and to preserve Spain from the disgrace & oppression of a foreign yoke.
Signed by the members of the council at Leon, May 17, 1808.
This is to give Notice
THAT the subscriber, of Prince George's County in the state of Maryland, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's Co. in Maryland, letters testamentary, on the personal estate of George Lee, late of Washington County in the district of Columbia, deceased.
All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the ninth day of March next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand, this third day of September, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and eight.
JOHN REED MACRUDER, Jun. Executor.
Sept. 5-1808.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 5.
The opposition prints are indefatigable in their endeavors to produce the impression that the friends of the administration are decreasing. With this view they teem with extravagant exultation at the few scattered and transient successes which have marked the recent elections. Transported by a fervor of feeling, worthy of a better cause, they inconsiderately infer the advancement of federalism in every such instance. Whereas, in fact, nothing can be more unjust. Because federalism for a day slept, does it follow that it was dead? The truth, the melancholy truth is, that so long as human passions maintain their ascendancy, every community, however enlightened, will contain, in its bosom, bad as well as good men, and the struggle for pre-eminence will, with but little intermission, be maintained between them. The dissatisfied and turbulent part of society will, according to circumstances, retreat or advance, pursue policy or practise violence, in order to reach their steady object, the possession of power. When decidedly beaten by the irresistible energy of truth, they will for a time shrink from the contest, mask themselves in new and deceitful garbs, diminish the popular idea of their strength, until the propitious season arrives for coming out, under the false security of their adversaries, in the fullness of their force.
Such is the picture of federalism for some years past. During the early years of Mr. Jefferson's administration it signified itself by the mightiest exertions. Confident of its strength it sought the open field. It met its foe and was fairly vanquished. After a few further trials of its strength, it perceived the folly of continuing so unequal and unpromising a contest. Its political Goliath retired from the glare of day. They became all at once silent or subtle. They either abstained from any expression of opinion, or spoke in the accents of an affected moderation. They allowed that their adversaries had gained a decided victory, and that opposition was unavailing. They avoided the election grounds, they abstained from nominating candidates for the suffrages of the people. Hence, in a considerable number of districts in the U. States, republican candidates for the state legislatures, or for Congress were chosen, when there still continued a majority of federal voters. It followed, from this circumstance, that the republicans, throughout the union, acquired a false confidence in their strength, and with this erroneous estimate lost that spirit of vigilance, which was as necessary to the maintenance as to the gaining of their triumphs. Some of the state legislatures, where federalism had recently prevailed, became exclusively filled with republicans; seven-eighths of the representatives in Congress, and an equal proportion of Senators became republican.
Notwithstanding the undisputed preponderance of republican principles, the rapidity with which they were spread in all parts of the union, and the great and growing popularity of the administration, it never was believed or contended that the opponents of the administration had shrunk into such miraculous insignificance, as, in a few years, from constituting a majority, to form but a seventh or eighth of the people of the U. States.—Every well informed man knew that, notwithstanding their great declension, they still retained a much greater relative strength, and every discerning man anticipated the use they would make of the impression produced by their affected weakness. That use they are now making. The republicans, in the confidence inspired by victory, have suffered themselves in some parts of the Union to be divided. Instead of looking to their old and unrelenting adversary as the source of all danger, they have magnified subordinate points into a false importance, and exhausted their strength against each other, instead of opposing it to the common enemy. Animated by this state of things, and a serious crisis of national affairs, calling no less for the active exertions of patriotism than cool displays of fortitude, they have once more drawn their sword from its scabbard, and are aiming a vital blow at the liberties of their country. Encouraged by a collision with the foreign world, calculated to excite every latent discontent and every foreign predilection, they have, ever since the imposition of the embargo, been beating up recruits in every corner of the country. In some instances they have already come to the polls in the fullness of their strength, and in others they may be expected soon to make their appearance. They have, consequently, in a few of these instances,
supplanted republican by federal representatives. But let it be recollected that in every such instance, the federal triumph has flowed either from a division among the republicans, or from the district having been invariably composed of a majority of federal voters, although they may for a time have forbore from the exercise of their elective rights. We challenge our opponents to produce an instance in which they have obtained a victory under other circumstances.
If this be a true picture of the state of parties—and we sincerely believe it is—it cannot be truly inferred from the change of a few republican for federal representatives, that the federal party have lately acquired any new strength, or that the measures of the administration have lost any portion of the solid popularity that lately accompanied them. It can only be inferred, that the federal party have thrown off the mask, and are exhibiting themselves in their true colors and genuine strength.
INSANITY.
QUEM DEUS VULT PERDERE PRIUS DEMENTAT.
The following precious morsel is from the Boston Gazette. It seems as though these writers had a "method in their madness:"
"Among our first and most important rights is the free use of the ocean, and of this we will not be deprived, under the false pretence that the Leviathan will swallow us up."
"If when Congress meet they do not take off our chains, they will soon find but one sentiment pervades us from the Delaware to St. Croix. It will demand free commerce—No more Embargoes. If Virginia and her satellites choose, let them keep on a perpetual Embargo among themselves, we want it not, or if there be any among us who do, let those remove beyond the Potomac."
"Virginia again! "Southern prejudices against commerce." These are the "disciples of Washington!"
The attempt of the federal meeting at New-York to put the Vice-President in nomination for President after the votes given in so many cities, towns and counties in favor of Mr. Madison, and in confirmation of his nomination by the republican members of Congress, is a very unhandsome act. It goes upon the mistaken ground that Mr. Clinton will disregard all these clear expressions of the republican interest. We see that the meeting of Northumberland, in Pennsylvania, which had been so explicit in his favor has rescinded its vote, and nominated Mr. Madison as President from a conviction that the republican majority is in his favor.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
"Federalists and friends of order." As the leaders of the party, opposed to the present administration, still assume the appellation of Federalists and friends of order, it may not be amiss, at this important crisis to examine their pretensions to names thus arrogantly assumed.
It is well known that the term Federalist originated in this country at the adoption of the present Constitution, and was understood to designate those who were in favor of that bond of union, that magna charta of our liberties. The Constitution commences thus "We the people of the United States, &c." It is therefore evidently founded on democratic as well as federal principles; and consequently a person cannot be friendly to the Constitution who is inimical to the principles of democracy.
But if it be denied that anti-democrats, and anti-constitutionalists are synonymous terms—let me ask whether those who are in favor of a dissolution of the Union merit the appellation of federalists? I am far from believing that the great body of those who have arranged under the banners of the opposition leaders, would countenance, much less aid in promoting so treasonable a project, as a dismemberment of the republic. It cannot however be denied that many of the opposition papers have for some time past been filled with inflammatory essays calculated to excite local jealousies, and ultimately to prepare the public mind for a dissolution of the Union.
Having endeavored to show that the leaders of the opposition party are hostile to the constitution, I shall now proceed to investigate their claim to the appellation of "friends of order." No sooner was this junto compelled, by the indignant voice of an injured and insulted people to abandon the helm of state, than a number of mercenary presses were employed for the avowed purpose of destroying the popularity of those whom "the people delighted to honor." But instead of en-
tering into a fair and candid investigation of the measures adopted by the administration, calumny, misrepresentation, scurrility and personal abuse has been the order of the day.
Not content however with calumniating our most distinguished patriots, not content in opposing with jacobinic rage every measure adopted by the government, not content with palliating, and even justifying the conduct of a piratical king in his relations with this country, the leaders of the opposition party have recently proclaimed sentiments which amount to treason and rebellion against the laws and constituted authorities of the Republic. The embargo has been denounced as unconstitutional and oppressive; and in consequence of the incendiary publications on this subject, several deluded persons have actually entered into combinations for the purpose of violating the laws of their country—Nay the blood of some of our citizens has been already shed, and God only knows how many more will become the victims of this treasonable opposition, unless the leaders thereof are soon punished for their temerity.
Republicans!—The critical state of our foreign relations, together with the insidious machinations and intrigues of our internal foes, ought to convince you of the necessity of vigilance and unanimity. The Genius of Liberty, demands of you this new proof of your patriotism, and I am persuaded she will not demand it in vain.
FRANKLIN.
FROM THE SALEM GAZETTE.
Mr. Cushing, I observed in your paper of Tuesday last an assertion that I was not perfectly correct in the statement I made, "that out of seven vessels which sailed from this district for the continent of Europe in the month preceding the commencement of the embargo, not one ever reached her destined port in safety."
When I applied to the Custom-House for information on this subject, a list was given me of all the vessels which had been cleared for the Continent of Europe in December, the month preceding the commencement of the embargo. In this list the ship Augustus was not included, as she was cleared at the Custom-House in November, although she did not leave the harbor until early in December; and even this vessel, either before or immediately upon her entering the harbor of Leghorn, was taken possession of by the French, and the consignee was not permitted to receive her cargo, until he gave bonds for the amount, which remained in force against him or the owners for several months and then about two thousand dollars were paid as a compensation for those bonds being given up. Is this arriving in safety? I now add, and I am ready to prove, that out of eight vessels, which sailed from this district for the continent of Europe in the month of Dec. last, not one ever reached her destined port in safety.
WILLIAM GRAY.
Salem, Aug. 25, 1808.
FROM THE MONTHLY ANTHOLOGY.
MANGANESE FOUND IN VERMONT.
Gentlemen of the Anthology, Mr. George Higginson, has transmitted to me a mineral, sent to him by the superintendant of the iron works of Monkton, in the state of Vermont.
This mineral is the black oxyded Manganese Houy; its color is a dark greyish black, its texture compact, it is formed in orbicular or mammillary concretions, the interstices of which are coated with the same substance crystallized in small rhomboidal four sided prisms, of a lustre and color like polished steel.
Experiments, to which I have submitted, indicate, that it exists almost free of extraneous matters, and in an high degree of oxydation.
According to the information communicated to me by Mr. Higginson, it forms a powerful stratum of about two or three feet thick, from whence may be inferred, that it is sufficient to set America free from the necessity of importing a substance which is of some importance in several manufactures.
This mineral is accompanied with a yellowish brown clay, strongly impregnated with oxyd of Manganese, which may be employed in the manufacture of pottery ware. I have obtained from it, and shewn to several gentlemen of this town, a kind of pottery very much resembling the black pottery of Wedgewood.
Manganese is found also in the vicinity of Boston, (seven miles south) but in too small a quantity to be considered an object of utility.
C. GODON.
POSTSCRIPT.
In the election in Portsmouth, and four other towns we have heard from in the state of New-Hampshire, Republicanism has triumphed most gloriously. The votes given in were
  Republican 1165   Federal 374 
The Vermont election takes place to-morrow.
WIGHT OF BREAD which may be offered for sale in this city for the month of September,
  Single loaf 30oz.   Double loaf 60oz. 
Price of flour from 4 dollars. 50 cts. to 5 dollars. per barrel.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. September 5, 1808.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
(FOR NINE NIGHTS ONLY.)
The Public are respectfully informed that THEATRE will open on Wednesday, the 7th of September, with the Celebrated Comedy (in five Acts) called
THE RIVALS; OR, A TRIP TO BATH.
Sir Anthony Absolute, Mr. Warren, Captain Absolute, Mr. M'Kenzie, Faulkland, Mr. Cope, Acres, Mr. Jefferson, Sir Lucius O'Trigger, Mr. Cross, Fag, Mr. Francis, David, Mr. Blissett, Coachman, Mr. Briers, Cook's Boy, Mast. Scrivener, Servant, Messrs. Harris, &c.
Mrs. Malaprop, Mrs. Francis, Julia, Mrs. Jefferson, Lydia Languish, Mrs. Wilmot, Lucy, Miss Hunt.
To which will be added (NEVER PERFORMED HERE.)
A new musical entertainment, in two acts, called
OF AGE TO-MORROW.
Baron Wellinghurst, Mr. Jefferson, Baron Puffeburg, Mr. Bray, Hans Molkus, Mr. Blissett, Fritz, Mr. Briers, Servant, Mr. Harris.
Lady Van Brunbach, Mrs. Francis, Sophia, Miss Hunt, Maria, Mrs. Wilmot.
7 Nights, of performance THIS WEEK—Wednesday, Thursday, and Saturday. The remaining Nights of performance will be on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.
To holders of NON-RESIDENT LANDS, within the state of OHIO.
WE, knowing that many gentlemen, non-residents of this state, and who own lands within it, and particularly those who hold it within the Virginia Military District, are subjected to many inconveniences and impositions by men in this state; and, upon a particular examination of the books in the Auditor's office, of this state, I discover that many gentlemen holding lands within the above mentioned district, have, from a non-payment of the taxes due thereon, subjected them to be sold for the taxes so due, by the collector of the taxes on non-resident proprietors' lands for said district. And it frequently happens that the purchaser at such sales will not relinquish his title to the original owner, under one-fourth of the real value of the land.
From the circumstances above mentioned, and many more that might be recited of equal if not greater importance to land holders, I am now prompted to come forward and offer my services to such gentlemen, as an agent to superintend the payment of their taxes, the redeeming of their lands sold by the collector mentioned above; and also for the selling of any lands which they may wish to sell, which business I will transact on moderate terms; much more so than those on which many within the compass of my knowledge have their business of that nature transacted.
Any gentleman who shall think proper to entrust to me the management of his business, may be well assured that entire justice will be done him.
As I reside with the Auditor of this state, and have always access to his books, I have every opportunity of ascertaining the precise situation of any lands within the state, which are subject to taxation, and as I am not engaged in any land speculations, will have no inducement to withhold correct information.
By an act of the last session of the legislature of this state, the rate of land tax was raised to the following rates, viz. First rate 100 cents, Second rate 75 cents, and Third rate 50 cents per 100 acres. And under the said act, all lands which are hereafter sold for the payment of taxes, may be redeemed by paying to the purchaser thereof, 100 per cent. and interest on the purchase money and costs. Provided such redemption shall take within one year after the purchase.
All lands subjected to taxation within this state, & which shall not be paid between the first day of August past, and the first day of December next, will, as has always been customary, on that day, be offered for sale for the taxes due thereon.
Any letters on the above business, postage paid, will be strictly attended to, by
CADWALLADER WALLACE. Chillicothe, Ohio, Aug. 15—3w

CENTRE MARKET HOUSE. PROPOSALS for the Masons' and Carpenters' work, either jointly or separately, materials included, will be received by either of the subscribers until Monday the 5th day of September next, for building an addition to the West End of the Centre Market House, agreeably to a plan lodged with Captain James Hoban.
Thomas H. Gillis, James Hoban, Andrew Way, junr. Commissioners.
August 29/18—3t
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to Public Sale on the 30th day of September next, at Rhodes's tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of Wm. Eskenbeck, to LOTS numbered Two and Three in Square 257 in said city—said property is seized and sold by virtue of a writ of feri facias , issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington at the suit of John C. Severman, against said Eskenbeck.
The sale will commence precisely at 11 o'clock, A. M. Terms cash. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal D. C. Aug. 29—2awts
FOR SALE or RENT, THE Hotel at present occupied by P. H. STELLÉ. The advantages of this situation are so well known, that it is useless to say more of it—it is convenient to the Capitol, is calculated for a large establishment, with stabling for 40 or 50 horses. The Bridge, rapidly progressing over the Potomac, with the turnpike road to Alexandria, also in great forwardness, will add to the many advantages this situation possesses. To a man qualified to carry on such an establishment, no situation can insure a more certain and rapid fortune. Occupation can be had any day before the first of October next. Apply to the subscriber.
DANL. CARROLL of Dudn Washington, August 3—eptO
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
SALE AT AUCTION. ON Monday the 5th September, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, (if fair, if not the next fair day) will be sold at the house of Richard Harrison near George Town, on the Frederic road— HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE.
A strong, well finished, Philadelphia built CARRIAGE, but little used, with plated mouldings and harness. Terms of sale:—for all sums not exceeding 50 dollars cash; above 50 and not exceeding 100 dollars, ninety days; all sums exceeding 100 dollars, six months credit, the purchasers to give their notes with approved indorsers, negotiable at the Bank of Columbia, or the city of Washington.
JOHN TRAVERS, Auc. August 22—
MONEY WANTED! THE services of a valuable Negro Man may be had twelve months, for the use of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS.
Satisfactory security will be given for the repayment of the money at the expiration thereof. Enquire of the Printer. August 31—3t.
FOR SALE. THE Subscriber has just received and offers for sale at his store near the Navy Yard a general assortment of LADIES & GENTLEMEN'S SHOES.
Which he will sell for Cash at a low price.
JOSEPH CASSIN. N. B. He has always on hand an assortment of GROCERIES of the first quality. September 2—tw
PORT-TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES.
WILL be run for, over the Port Tobacco Jockey Club Course, on the second Tuesday in October next, a Purse of three hundred and sixty dollars, four miles and repeat, free for any horse, mare, or colt, and on the second day a purse of two hundred dollars, two miles and repeat, the winner of the first day's race only excepted. Weights to the race of the club; and on the third day a purse of one hundred and fifty dollars, one mile and a half, by a jockey on horseback.
All horses must be entered with the Secretary on the evening previous to their running.
WM. D. HARRISON, Sec. August 24—
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—eptb
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to public sale on the 23d day of September next, at Rhodes's tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of BENJAMIN PERKINS to lot No. 1, in square Seventy-five in said city, together with a small frame workshop thereon; the above property is seized and sold to satisfy two writs of feri facias issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, the one at the suit of Timothy Caldwell, and the other at the suit of Alexander Cochrane use of Hugh Smith, against said Perkins. The sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. Terms cash. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal D. C. August 22—2awts
PROPOSALS for carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office, until the 6th day of September next.
1. From Athens in Georgia, by Apalachy, Flint River, and Coeweta to Tuckabatchy on the Mississippi territory estimated at 220 miles, once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 o'clock A. M. 2. From Tuckabatchy by Mays Creek on Alabama, or Tensaw to Fort Stoddert, estimated at one hundred and seventy-three miles, once a week. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 o'clock A. M. and arrived at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock A. M. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 P. M. 3. From Fort Stoddert to Farre's on Pearl River, estimated at 160 miles, once a week. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Farre's the next Tuesday by 3 o'clock P. M. Leave Farre's at Pearl River every Wednesday at 4 o'clock A. M. & arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock A. M. 4. From Farre's on Pearl River to New-Orleans, once a week. Leave New-Orleans every Monday noon, and arrive at Farre's on Tuesday by 8 P. M. Leave Farre's every Wednesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at New-Orleans on Thursday by noon.
NOTE 1. If the depending mail shall not have arrived at the time fixed for departure, the contractor shall be bound to wait for it, provided it arrives within six hours after such fixed time. NOTE 2. For every failure, and for every delay which shall continue so that the depending mail loses a trip, the contractor shall forfeit double the pay he would have received for such a trip, unless the failure shall have been occasioned by unavoidable accident; and in that case, the amount of the pay for such trip shall be forfeited, so that no pay shall be made unless the service is performed.
NOTE 3. For every hour's delay, the Contractor shall forfeit one dollar; but no forfeiture for the delay of any one trip can exceed double the value of such trip. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of October next, and continue in force until the 31st March 1808.
General Post Office, July 20th, 1808.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of WILLIAM KAIN an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said William Kain, that on the 12th day of September next, at Lindsay's hotel, in the city of Washington at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia" will be administered to the said William Kain, and a trustee appointed unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
Ordered that this notice be published three times before the 9th day of September next in the Washington Federalist, and in one of the daily papers published in Philadelphia.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck. August 29—3t
FOR SALE. FOUR HUNDRED acres of land adjoining land of Samuel Arent, lying in Beaver Township, Northumberland county, state of Pennsylvania—or exchanged for merchandise or good property well situated in this city.
For terms apply to JOSEPH WHEATON. Washington City, May 18—wtf
FOR SALE. ON Monday the 10th of October if fair, if not the next fair day, I will offer at public sale, 308 acres of LAND, laying on St. Clement's Bay, and nearly between Chapitico and Leonardtown, handsomely situated on the said Bay, with a large and commodious Dwelling House with comfortable dry cellars, a convenient kitchen, dairy, meat house, corn house, stables, barn, and every other necessary outhouse nearly new, and in good order—Eighty acres of the above land is heavily timbered with large white oak, cedar, and some pine—the situation perfectly healthy and within three miles of the river Potomac—fish, oysters, and wild fowl in abundance during the season, and to be had within 300 yards of the door; the soil fertile and a perfect level only whereon the houses stand. One half the purchase money will be required on the first day of January 1809, when possession will be given, and the balance a credit of twelve months will be given from the day of sale on giving bond with approved security. Sale to be on the premises, and to commence at 2 o'clock.
JOHN BOND. St. Mary's county, August 24—3w.
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia, Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans.
For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—wN
Prince George's county court, April term, 1808.
HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805, and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditor or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the foregoing, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer, previous to the next term.
True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. Ck. June 1—w3m
MERCHANTS NOTICE. MERCHANTS and others desirous of forwarding LETTERS to Europe, are hereby informed that a vessel will sail under the orders of Government from Philadelphia, on the 15th of September next, or as soon as may be thereafter, for France and England. The postage on Letters must be paid to Philadelphia.
Department of State, } August 29—6t }
NEW GOODS. The Subscriber has just received from New York, and now opening at his STORE in BRICE STREET, the following Goods, viz:
1 Case 4 4th and 6 4th cotton cambric muslins, 1 do. 7 8th Irish linens well assorted, 1 do. 3 4th and 10 4th Irish damask table Diapers, 6 do. men's low priced fir'd hats, 1 do. men and womens cotting stockings, plain, laced, and sandals, 1 trunk low priced English calicoes, 1 do. 8 4th cotton damask table di. pers, 1 do. containing 37 dozen cotton damask toweling, 1 do 60 pieces scarlet and brown bandana hankerchiefs, 1 do. dark plaid ginghams and black cambric muslins, 6 bales India cottons, different kinds, 4 do. white and brown German ticklenburgs, 45 boxes Havana segars, All of which will be sold low for cash or approved paper at 60 or 90 days. EDWARD L. SMITH. George Town, September 2—5w
LANDING THIS DAY. From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugars, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Pepper, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
20 DOLLARS REWARD. ESCAPED from the subscriber on the road leading from George Town towards Leesburg, about 15 miles from the former place, a negro man named LUKE, about 35 years of age, 6 feet high, dark skin, two of his upper fore teeth are out; he has a down cast look, and generally speaks in a low voice; his clothes and name he will probably change, I purchased him of Mr. Theophilus Hughs to take to my residence in Kentucky, he has had several masters about Bladensburg, and he will certainly be lurking about that place as he has a wife, the property of Mr. Isaac Barrett near Bladensburg. I have appointed Mr. Everard Gary of George Town my agent, and the above reward will be paid by him to any person who will deliver the said fellow to Mr. C. Tippett in the city jail. SAML. M'LEAN. July 25—6w
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Now landing from on board the Schr. MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, and for SALE, at low prices.
Jamaica Spirit, Antigua & New England Rum, Muscovado Sugars, Molasses, Coffee, Muscadel and bloom Raisons, Holland and country Gin, Spermaceti Candles, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars, Corks,
Powder and Shot of the best quality, White Lead, in oil, A few crates of Stone ware. They have also on hand and for Sale.
Madeira, } Wine by the cask. Marsala, } and Catalonia, } Claret in boxes of 1 doz. each, Cogniac, and } Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, } Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, Best Sallid Oil, Mould and dipt Candles, Soup, Whiskey, and A few Logs of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. August 22—3t
WASHINGTON JOCKEY CLUB RACES.
ON Tuesday the 25th day of OCTOBER next, will be run for over the Washington course, a Purse of five hundred dollars, four miles and repeat—free for any horse, mare, or gelding. On Wednesday the 26th will be run for, a Purse of three hundred and fifty dollars, three miles and repeat—free as above, the winning horse of the preceding day excepted—and
On Thursday the 27th will be run for, "The City and Town Purse," of three hundred dollars, two miles and repeat—free only for colts and fillies—Each race to be run and conducted agreeably to the rules of the Club.
The Purse will probably be considerably larger than has been stated. The amount of each cannot be stated with positive certainty, because it is made up, in part, from the tolls collected at the gates, and from the rent of the booths.
SAMUEL BOOTES, Sec. George Town, August 31—tr
N. B. The members of the Club are particularly requested to meet at the Union Tavern, at 6 o'clock on the evening of the day preceding the first day's race, in conformity to a standing rule of the Club. S. B.
BALTIMORE TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY.
Positively commences drawing on the first day of November next.
The Managers give notice that they have contracted with a Company of Gentlemen for nearly all the unsold TICKETS and have given them bonds that the drawing shall positively take place as above stated, and to draw 2000 tickets per week till the whole is completed.
SCHEME.
Subject to no Deduction. Dollars. Dollars. 1 prize of 5000 is 5000 1 3000 2 2000 2 1500 3 1000 6 500 20 200 55 100 70 50 175 20 500 10 5250 6 6065 Prizes, 72,000 11935 Blanks. 38000 tickets less than two blanks to a prize: sum raised 15000 Expenses including commission to the corporation, 99,000
Part of the Capitals will be determined as follows:
1 prize of 200 dollars to the first drawn blank. 1 do. 200 do. after 2000 tickets. 1 do. 200 1 do. 200 1 do. 200 1 do. 1000 1 do. 500 1 do. 500 1 do. 500 1 do. 1500 1 do. 2000 last drawn blank. July 20—copim.
PROPOSAL, By JOSEPH MILLIGAN, George Town, For publishing by Subscription, ADELINE MOWBRAY; OR THE MOTHER & DAUGHTER. IN TWO VOLUMES. By MRS. OPIE.
CUSTOM, and perhaps propriety, have rendered it necessary to bespeak the favorable opinion of the public to a new book: but the writings of Mrs. Opie have long held such an undisputed claim to excellence, that nothing more seems necessary than to point out the leading object of the present very interesting tale, to recommend it to general patronage.
Those who have attentively read the writings of Mr. Godwin, well know, that however correct his abstract positions, and however logical his deductions may be—still they are, in many instances, by no means suited to the actual state of society. His opinions on the matrimonial engagement would, if generally adopted, infallibly destroy those bonds which are at once the most efficacious restraint upon licentious passion, and the best, nay the only security for domestic happiness. To counteract his fatal theory appears to be the principal design of the work now offered—in which the characters are so well supported, the incidents arise so naturally from the situations in which they are placed, the reasoning is so perfectly just, the whole narrative so beautifully pathetic, and the impression which it is calculated to produce on every ingenious mind, so favorable to the cause of morality, that the publisher confidently anticipates its meeting the same universal applause in this country which it obtained in England.
CONDITIONS. To those who may subscribe before the first of October next, the price will be seventy-cents per volume, in boards, after which it will be advanced to eighty-seven and a half cents per volume. August 12—copim
I WILL RENT for the next year, several LARGE FARMS, situated on the Potomac in the state of Virginia, about 20 miles above this place. These Farms will all be seeded at the proper season with Wheat and delivered up to the persons that rent on the first day of January next, or sooner if required—they will be shewn to any persons desirous of renting by Mr. James Middleton, who resides at M'Carty's island near them, or by the subscriber. JOHN W. BRONAUGH. George Town, August 31—4w
EXTENSION OF 17TH STREET WEARE.
PROPOSALS for erecting a Platform Wharf to be extended from the end of 17th street Wharf at the mouth of the Tiber will be received by Messrs. Abraham Bradley, Michael Neurse, and John P. Van Ness, or either of them until the 5th of September next. The Wharf to be 200 feet long and 25 feet wide. It is to consist of three ranges of White Oak piles of 25 feet long and 12 inches diameter, placed at intervals of 15 feet, with cross braces of 15 feet long, squared 4 by 5 inches, from the middle to the outside piles: and three tiers of string pieces 6 by 12 inches, squared, and framed to the butts of the piles lengthwise of the Wharf, to be covered with white oak plank, three inches thick, or pine four inches thick, and spiked.
Joint or separate proposals will be received for the materials and workmanship, or any part. The Timber to be sound and free of sap, and delivered forthwith. August 31—3t
FOR SALE.
ON Saturday the 10th day of September next, at the Hotel occupied by P. D. Stelle, all the HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE of said Stelle, consisting of Beds and Bedding, Bedsteads, Tables, Chairs, and Furniture to a large extent.
Terms of sale, all sums of 20 dollars or under, cash, above 20 and not exceeding 50 dollars, negotiable notes at thirty days with approved indorsers, and all sums above 50 dollars, notes at sixty days with approved indorsers—The sale to commence at 11 o'clock.
PONTUS D. STELLE. August 30—tds
COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON.
The STOCKHOLDERS are informed that Certificates of stock are prepared and the transfer book open. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. August 31—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAILOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms, retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf