The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-03-14 00:00:00

National Intelligencer WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 115.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, MARCH 14, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
By His Excellency ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND, A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it has been represented to me on oath that an horrid murder has lately been committed in Cecil county, by a certain John McGuire, on a certain James Cope; and that John McGuire is described to be about five feet seven inches high, light complexion, dark hair, boyish countenance, and cast down look, aged about twenty years, stout made, strong and active—had on when he escaped an old short blue coat, linsy trousers and swans down vest; his wrists considerably marked with the irons and perhaps his legs also, and has lately broke jail; and whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice; I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation, and do with the consent of the Council, offer One hundred and Fifty Dollars Reward to any person or persons who shall apprehend and bring to justice the said John McGuire.
Given in Council, at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this ninth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the Independence of the United States of America the thirty-second.
ROBERT WRIGHT. By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing Proclamation be published twice in each week for the space of four weeks in the American, and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hagerstown, and in the Star at Easton. March 14—2004w
Petersburg, March 5. REPUBLICAN FEAST.
Yesterday the republicans celebrated the anniversary of the triumph of principle, & the restoration of correct notions of government.
Never did we witness a more enthusiastic, a more harmonious spectacle. Every bosom glowed with feeling of patriotism—every tongue echoed the sentiment of the orator—“ETERNAL BE THE REPUBLIC.”
The morning was ushered in by the firing of cannon; which was repeated at noon.
About twelve o'clock, a numerous collection of citizens assembled at the new church, where Mr. Burk delivered a most animated and impressive discourse. We shall not attempt to sketch an outline of this performance. It shall appear entire on Wednesday.
At four o'clock, a number of choice spirits, (not according to Burr's acceptance of the term) convened at Powell's tavern, and partook of an excellent, a sumptuous dinner—Dr. Gilham presided, assisted by General Pegram, Dr. Walker & Robert Birchett. It was indeed a Republican Feast. It was a “family picture,” where brethren of the same sentiment, animated by one soul, forgot every local or partial feeling, and on the altar of liberty, swore fidelity to the republic. It was a spectacle worthy the occasion—worthy the character and liberality of freemen.
The following toasts were drunk, accompanied by the firing of cannon, and other demonstrations of joy.
1st. The four last of March, 1808.—Glorious for the principles it has restored. Each revolution will exhibit it in unobscured and undiminished brightness. [Marsilites hymn.]
2d. The people of the U. States.—Their voice is sometimes like the thunder, sometimes the music of the spheres. [La Revue du peuple.]
3d. Thomas Jefferson.—The champion of liberty; the hero of humanity. The legs of his virtues, is alike proof against the shafts of calumny, and the poison of faction. [Jefferson's march.]
4th. State of Virginia.—True to the glorious principles which distinguished her founders. As she was the first to unite, she will be the last to divide the American people. [Petersburg Rep. L. I. quickstep.]
5th. Our Sister States.—Primary planets, co-ordinate and co-eternal. They will revolve with us, forever, under the influence of moral attraction, round the common centres of Union and happiness. [Bail Columbia.]
6th. The Republican minority in Congress.—They have been weighed in the
balances, and are found wanting. [The Rose Tree.]
7th. Our next President.—His predecessor will have left him a track of glory in which to move. If by blindness or madness, he should lose his way, the American people will set him right. [Bail Liberty.]
8th. James Madison.—The light of the sun is not obscured by the atoms that pass over its surface. [Madison and Liberty.]
9th. James Monroe.—His name is a salient spring of ever-living water. Let no one injudiciously attempt to dam the generous stream that should delight and fertilize our fields. [The Soldier's return.]
10th. The Aurora.—It has been indeed a glorious morning—bright, consistent, resplendent. Its meridian has fulfilled the promise of its ascension. [The Sun from the East.]
11th. General Washington.—His example will guide; his venerable shade will be with us in the battle. [Washington's Dirge.]
12th. The Republicans.—Union, not a coalition “resulting from a dereliction of principle.” [Stick close to your text, said the Vicar.]
13th. Domestic Manufactures.—Our industry, stimulated by our patriotic embargo, will prove to our enemies that we will be independent. [The Shining Wheel.]
14th. The Ocean.—Free to the industry of the world. The elements are in arms against the violators of its sovereignty. The decrees of Geo. III. and the arrests of Napoleon, will furnish paper for the eartridges of our warriors. [America Commence and Freedom.]
15th. The Congress of the U. States.—Their predecessors of '76 have left them no difficulty in deciding how to act in a great and national crisis. [Ere around the huge Oak.]
16th. The Militia.—In peace citizens—in war soldiers. [Yankee Doodle.]
17th. The American Pair.—Simplex munditiis. Native simplicity and homespun elegance. [Drink to me, &c.]
CONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF WESTPHALIA.
NAPOLEON, by the grace of God and the Constitutions, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, willing to give a prompt execution to the 19th article of the Treaty of peace of Tilsit, and establish for the Kingdom of Westphalia, fundamental Constitutions, whereby the happiness of the people who compose it may be guaranteed, and which may at the same time insure to the sovereign the means of contributing as a member of the Rhenish Confederation, to the common safety and prosperity; we have ordained and do ordain as follows:
Art. 1. The kingdom of Westphalia is to comprehend the following states, to wit:—The states of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel; that part of Altmark, situate on the left bank of the Elbe; that part of the country of Magdeburg, situate on the left bank of the Elbe; the territory of Halle; the country of Hildesheim and the town of Goslar; the country of Hohenstein; the territory of Quedlinburg; the county of Mansfield; Eichsfeld with Treysdorf, Muhlhausen, and Nordhausen; and of Wernigerode; the states of Hesse-Cassel with Kassel and Schaumburg, not including the territory of Hanau and Katzenelnbogen on the Rhine; the territory of Corvey, Goettingen & Grubenhagen; the bishoprick of Paderborn; Minden and Ravensberg; and the county of Reiberg-Kanitz.
2. We reserve to ourselves the half of the allodial domains of the princes, to be appropriated to the rewards which we have promised to the officers of our armies who have rendered us the most service during the present war. The taking possession of which domains shall take place, without delay, by our intendants, and the process verbal drawn up, conjointly with the authorities of the country, before the 1st day of December.
3. The ordinary war contributions which have been laid on the said countries, shall be paid or sureties given for their payment, before the 1st day of December.
4. On the 1st day of December, the king of Westphalia shall be put in possession, by commissioners whom we shall appoint for that purpose, of the full enjoyment and sovereignty of his territory.
5. The kingdom of Westphalia makes a part of the confederation of the Rhine, its contingent shall be 35,000 men in actual service, viz. 20,000 infantry, 3,500 cavalry, and 1,500 artillery. During the first year there shall only be paid 10,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 500 artillery; the other 12,500 men shall be furnished by France, and garrisoned at Magdeburg. These 12,500 shall be paid, fed and clothed by the king of Westphalia.
6. The kingdom of Westphalia shall be hereditary in the direct descent, natural and legitimate, of prince Jerome Napoleon, from male to male, by order of primogeniture, and to the perpetual exclusion of females and their descendants. In default of natural and legitimate descendants of Prince Jerome Napoleon, the throne of Westphalia shall devolve to us and to our heirs and our natural legitimate or adoptive descendants. In default of these to the natural and legitimate descendants of Prince Joseph Napoleon, king of Naples and Sicily. In default of the latter, to the natural and legitimate descendants of Prince Louis Napoleon, king of Holland. And in default of the latter, to the natural and legitimate descendants of Prince Joachim, grand duke of Berg and Cleves.
7. The king of Westphalia and his family are subject, as far as concerns themselves, to the dispositions of the imperial family compact.
8. In case of minority, the regent of the kingdom shall be appointed by us or our successors as chief of the imperial family. He shall be chosen among the princes of the royal family. The minority of the king ends at the age of 18.
9. The king and the royal family have for their maintenance a separate treasury, under the title of treasury of the crown, of five millions of francs yearly income. The revenues of the royal forests and part of the domains are appropriated to the purpose. In case the revenues of the domains should prove insufficient, the surplus shall be paid in twelve equal parts at the end of each month, out of the public treasury.
10. The kingdom of Westphalia shall be governed according to the constitutions, which consecrate equality in law to all the subjects thereof, and the free exercise of worship.
11. The states, either general or provincial, of the countries of which the kingdom is composed, all political corporations of that kind, and all privileges of said corporations, cities and provinces, are suppressed.
12. All individual privileges are likewise suppressed, inasmuch as they are incompatible with the dispositions of the preceding article.
13. All feudal servitude, of what nature soever, and of whatever denomination it may be, is suppressed, every inhabitant of the kingdom of Westphalia being to enjoy an equality of rights.
14. The nobility shall continue to exist in its various degrees with its diverse qualifications, but without giving an exclusive right to any office, function, or dignity; or exemption from any public duty.
15. The statutes of the abbeys, priories and noble chapters are so modified, that every subject of the kingdom may be admitted therein.
16. The system of imposts shall be the same throughout the kingdom. The taxes on landed property shall not exceed one fifth of its income.
17. The system of the mint, and that of weights and measures, now adopted in France, shall be established throughout the kingdom.
18. The coin shall bear the arms of Westphalia and the effigy of the king.
19. The number of ministers shall be four, viz. One for justice and the interior, one for war, one for finances, commerce and treasury; and there shall be a minister secretary of state.
20. The ministers shall be responsible, each in their own department, for the execution of the laws, and the mandates of the king.
21. The council of state shall be composed of at least 16 members and
of 25 at most, appointed by the king and removable at pleasure. It shall be divided into three sections, viz. section of justice and the interior, section of war, section of commerce and finance.
22. The states of the kingdom shall be composed of one hundred members, appointed by the colleges of departments, viz. seventy members chosen among freeholders, fifteen among merchants and manufacturers, and fifteen among the learned and other citizens who shall have deserved well of the state. The members of the states shall receive no salary.
23. They shall be renewed by one third every three years. The members whose term has expired, may be re-elected again immediately.
24. The president of states is appointed by the king.
25. The states shall meet upon the convocation ordered by the king. They cannot be convoked, prorogued, adjourned or dissolved but by the king.
26. The territory shall be divided into departments, the departments into districts, and the districts into cantons, &c.
27. The departments shall be administered by a prefect.
28. The code of Napoleon shall form the civil law of the kingdom of Westphalia commencing the 1st January, 1808.
29. The conscription shall be a fundamental law of the kingdom of Westphalia. The enlisting for money on no account can take place.
30. The foregoing constitution shall be completed by the regulations of the king discussed in his state council.
31. The laws and regulations of public administration shall be published in the bulletin of the laws, and no other form of publication shall be wanted to render them obligatory.
Given in our palace of Fontainebleau, the 15th day of the month November in the year 1807.
(Signed) NAPOLEON. By the Emperor, The Minister Secretary of state, (Signed) HUGUES B. Maret.
[In our translation of the above constitution we have omitted to notice such parts of it as relate merely to local regulations, uninteresting in the detail—such as the attributes of the state council, the interior organization of the courts of justice, & the administration of the departments, &c.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Livermore's proviso to the bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry.
(Concluded from our last.)
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 9.
MR. SMILIE said since it had been thought proper to glance at a certain transaction, he would make a few observations on it. It is well known to the House, said he, how earnest a set of gentlemen were to have this enquiry instituted. It did not originate with us. We objected to it because we believed the method taken was not correct. The subject was however pressed upon the House by those who now express their dissatisfaction at this bill, and upon reference to the journals we shall find that the following resolution was adopted:
“Resolved, That the President of the U. States be requested to cause an enquiry to be instituted into the conduct of brig. gen. James Wilkinson, commander in chief of the armies of the U. States, in relation to his having, at any time, while in the service of the U. States, corruptly received money from the government of Spain, or its agents.”
This resolution was adopted and transmitted to the President of the U. States. I thought it incorrect and voted against it; at the same time I declared that I wished that a fair investigation might take place into the transaction; I saw that it was necessary for the community and for the person implicated. The President takes up the subject as recommended, institutes a court of enquiry, and afterwards informs the House that the
laws are not sufficient to compel the attendance of witnesses so as to have the case examined. This is the whole state of the case. What is then the duty of the House? If there is to be a trial, will any gentleman say that justice first to the community, next to the individual charged, does not require that process shall issue to bring before the court the necessary testimony? This is the object of the bill. We have heard on this floor the character of this gentleman represented in the worst point of view, one story after another, of what has been said by this or that man—have we not gone so far as to permit a witness to be examined? We have done it. Shall we recede? After hearing accusation shall we refuse this man the necessary means of defending himself? Shall we on the other hand withhold from the community the means necessary to ascertain whether this man be guilty or not? If we reject this bill, we declare that we will. Observe that I do not say that the bill may not undergo amendment; but that the bill ought to pass I do say. I have been surprised on this occasion to hear suppositions expressed that this bill would infringe the liberty of the citizen. Why, sir, if we look into the constitution and reason from analogy, comparing the situation of the citizen in the civil and military capacity, we shall see that this bill ought to pass. What was the object of the framers of the constitution? They have never mentioned the rights of a witness. The rights of a citizen accused of a crime have been sacredly guarded, while the witness has not been thought of. From the arguments we have lately heard it would appear that the rights of the witness are more sacred than those of the accused. I confess I would never subject the witness to more inconvenience than is necessary for the purposes of justice; but if we mean to do justice, whether in civil or criminal cases, witnesses must be subject to inconvenience. Justice demands it, and the constitution has sanctioned it. In speaking of civil cases the constitution says,
“ARTICLE VI. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.”
Now if the rights of the citizen are thus guarded in civil cases, does not the reason of the thing shew the necessity that our citizen soldiers should have the same right as far as the nature of our military institutions will admit? Surely no man can deny this; and it is astonishing to me that the inconvenience of the witness shall be set up against justice to the accused.
I beg gentlemen to reflect upon this subject in one view—its great importance. It does not merely affect a particular officer; every man in the U. S. from 18 to 45 may be subject to it, because the military when in service are subject to military law. This makes the matter very important. This being the case, will you not grant compulsory process to compel witnesses to attend, in order to do justice to the community, and to protect the innocent? This is all that is intended by the bill, and I am surprised to see an opposition to it. If gentlemen mean to say that all our citizens shall be liable to be tried without the privilege of calling witnesses in their defence, let them come forward and tell us so.
MR. LIVERMORE said indeed he had no idea of trying any man without giving him an opportunity to exculpate himself; but every step they took shewed him the impropriety of thus legislating on a particular case. Gentlemen have really mistaken this business, said he; I applaud their zeal, humanity, and love of justice and affection for those who are innocent; it is all very laudable and praiseworthy; but I beg gentlemen to attend to the main object, and not let their zeal, love, affection or any particular cause, operate upon their judgment, but lay aside all bias. In discussing this question, gentlemen

have turned their eyes to a particular case—a court of enquiry which has been called relative to conduct coming within the cognizance of the articles of war; they then however lose sight of my idea of the purpose for which the court of enquiry has been convened. What is this court to enquire? Most certainly into the conduct of this person as a military officer? The charges brought against gen. W. do not go to his conduct as a military officer, but as a citizen—he is not charged with an offence which I can find specified in the articles of war. Now the gentleman from Pennsylvania has exceedingly mistaken the idea of the majority on this resolution if he supposes they wished general W. to be arraigned before a court martial. A court martial has nothing to do with the subject; it was not a transaction to be enquired into in a military point of view. Now let me change the name of James Wilkinson for that of James Monroe, and here I must beg pardon of the latter gentleman for using his name, for I cannot conceive a possibility of his being placed in this situation, believing him a man of unblemished character. Suppose it were James Monroe, I repeat, and for the sake of argument that he had received money of a foreign power—would gentlemen say that a military tribunal was the proper authority to enquire into that transaction? Certainly not; neither is it in the case so often alluded to. Military men might be as proper for the purpose as any others for aught I know, but the idea of a military court to try such an offence is an absurdity which no gentleman can for a moment admit. The difficulty is this; a military officer of high rank is accused of having done an improper thing, not mentioned in the articles of war. Shall it not be enquired into? Certainly. How shall the enquiry be made? The President in this will use his own discretion as to the mode of ascertaining facts. But say gentlemen shall the accused not have an opportunity to exculpate himself? Certainly. What is this opportunity? The same as would be given to James Monroe in the case stated, or to any other citizen. In making a law therefore to regulate courts martial, I consider it an absurdity to have an eye to a particular case.
I think it improper here to speak of General Wilkinson; I feel no animosity towards him, but a charge has been brought against him which if true renders him unfit in my opinion to command the army of the United States. I am willing that he shall have every opportunity of exculpation which a citizen of the United States could have. An officer who has been heretofore accused has written a book in his defence; Gen. W. or any other officer may adopt this mode. James Monroe might as well be arraigned before a military tribunal for the commission of such an offence as gen. Wilkinson; for the offence is not designated or comprised within the articles of war. But it is an improper thing which ought to be enquired into in some way. Suppose a charge were brought against gen. Wilkinson that whilst in the command of the army he had been guilty of a violation of the law of his country—for instance, of violently arresting citizens and sending them from New Orleans. How would this be tried? Certainly not by a court martial, but by a jury sworn to try whether gen. W. were guilty or not. This is a possible case. If he were accused of murder, being also a civil crime, he would certainly be tried for it before a civil tribunal. Such a law as this cannot certainly be passed without an eye to such cases as these. Surely if gentlemen would confine their view to the amendment under consideration, they would certainly be at a loss to find an argument against it. If our citizens are to be harassed and sent to a military court, let it be for something benevolent, and not on jack-a-lantern adventures, to enquire whether a man has acted in a gentlemanly manner or like "a man of honor," but let a substantial charge be specified. This is all I contend for.
A gentleman has said that charges under military law cannot be specified, because the crimes are not defined. If the articles of war are even subject to this aspersion they are not a ground for this act. But suppose it were alleged against a man that he had been guilty of unsoldierlike or unmilitary conduct, and this were considered good ground for coercing testimony, could not the charge be specified that on a certain day in a certain year he was guilty of unmilitary conduct, &c, it would be so far a specific charge that under this amendment witnesses could be summoned to support them. This is but reasonable. Those who oppose this bill should not suffer themselves to be wronged upon by an insinuation that in so doing they would oppress the citizen.
I say that it is necessary in some cases that courts martial should have the power to procure witnesses. But witnesses may be put to hardships; their examination may be public or private according to the discretion of a court martial; they know not what may be produced against them; no opportunity is given them to support their character. But still I do not contend against the principle that under certain situations it may be necessary to have compulsory process to bring forward witnesses. I wish to guard it as much as possible.
Mr. LLOYD said, as the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smith) had made a charge of inconsistency against those who voted for the enquiry into the conduct of gen. Wilkinson, in as much as they were opposing the bill on the table with a view to exclude testimony, he would make a few observations in reply to him. The gentleman said Mr. L. must excuse me if I correct him in an error which he has fallen into in point of fact, and if I say that the court of enquiry now pending was not convened in consequence of any resolution which passed this House. This is a fact which the gentleman will not deny, for before the resolution passed this House a court of enquiry had been instituted. We passed a resolution requesting the President to make an enquiry; the enquiry by a military court had commenced and the court was in session when the resolution was passed. If this court of enquiry does not possess the power to prosecute the object, it is not a fault to be imputed to those who requested the President to institute an enquiry. But admit for the sake of argument that the enquiry took place in consequence of our resolution, and that it is now necessary to give further power to courts of enquiry to take testimony, will gentlemen contend that the law now on the table will have that effect? Let me call your attention to an amendment which has taken place this day, and ask whether it is possible that the amendment could have the desired effect. You have said that no evidence shall be summoned who resides at a greater distance than 100 miles from the place where the court is held. Admit that power ought to be given to the court of enquiry now pending to carry the enquiry fully into effect, the object will not be answered by the passage of this law, because in all probability, all the important witnesses in this transaction live at a greater distance than 100 miles from this place. The law will not have the effect desired by its advocates. As to the power of taking depositions, it is one already given in all cases where punishment does not extend to loss of life or expulsion from the service.
In the regulations for the army, it is necessary to give the power where it is already given in the articles of war. I will ask if the offence with which gen. W. is charged is one for which he is amenable to a court martial or court of enquiry? If so, any power here given can have no effect. He is charged with an offence on which if a military court have cognizance (which I believe they have not—for if a court of enquiry find him guilty to-morrow he cannot be tried for it) a deposition can have no bearing, as it will not apply in a case affecting life or reputation. If the bill be intended to give power to the court now sitting in this city, it falls far short of its intent, and cannot have effect; and gentlemen will be convinced the more they investigate the subject, that it is impossible to give power without infringing the rights of the citizen and encroaching on the civil institutions of the country.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania has read us an article from the constitution, and in so doing was a little more prudent than when he read the same article once before. I recollect when the resolution requesting an enquiry into the conduct of gen. W. was before the House some time ago the gentleman from Pennsylvania was so unfortunate as to stumble on another article: "No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or the militia when in actual service," &c. Here it will be found that it is the constitution itself to which we look as the safeguard of our rights and privileges, this very provision is not to be extended to persons in the army or naval service. If therefore there be any inconsistency it grows out of the constitution itself. It has been thought wise and proper, experience, custom and habit are induced us who so often shew our zeal for the rights of the citizen, to believe that the liberty which is allowed to the citizen, cannot be extended to cases in the military service. The principle is recognized in the constitution, and we have acted under it.
The gentleman says nothing is said in the constitution with respect to the witness. True the word witness is not used. But let us examine the rights of the citizen as guarded by the constitution, and look at the first clause as it stood before it was amended, and see how far it comports with the letter and spirit of the constitution, which says that "the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized." The bill, as it was, required that every paper, document or record in the power or control of any person, should be produced at the requisition of a military court. If this then did not violate the spirit of this clause of the constitution, I can put no construction upon it.
I should not have said anything on this subject but to rebut the impression that we who voted for the resolution for enquiry are unwilling to give the power necessary to carry the enquiry into effect. I profess myself to be perfectly impartial on this subject; I feel no favor to the accused or to the accuser. I wish no one guilty of an offence to remain unpunished; but I respect the rights of the people too much to pass a law to drag them before a military court unnecessarily.
Mr. BACON read a section which he should move if the present proviso should be negatived, allowing depositions to be read in certain cases.
While up he said he would again express his surprise at the amendment, and at the operation which it would have. It is certainly this, said he; by passing it we say that if a person on trial for an offence, will not take advantage of the statute of limitation (the 88th art.) if he will not take advantage of what is generally esteemed a dishonorable exception, we will afford him no remedy whatever. This will be its unquestionable operation. Gentlemen say as we have permitted this limitation, it ought to have effect; and that if it is wrong we should have thought of it before. Sir, was there any limitation in the case spoken of this day? The resolution of enquiry says "relative to his having at any time whilst in the service of the U. States, corruptly received money, &c." Suppose it had been objected at the time this was under consideration that General Wilkinson was not guilty, for the offence was not specified in the articles of war—would gentlemen have allowed this to have been a sufficient reason against an enquiry? But when we have gone over the ground and instituted this enquiry, to use the words of the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. D. W.) the nation has moved, and I find, sir, that he has moved with it—shall we say that this individual shall be driven to a dishonorable defence or he shall have none at all?
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) thinks it improper to afford any opportunity to compel testimony on "jack-a-lantern" charges. We know the case to which he alludes; and will he call that a "jack-a-lantern" charge which the House danced after for a fortnight or three weeks? It does appear to me that we ought not to adopt the amendment, and I hope we shall not.
Mr. LIVERMORE thought gentlemen were much mistaken in taking Wilkinson's case into consideration on this question. It is true, said he, that this affair was before the House some time, and true that it was enquired into. Every thing I aver is this: that a military court was not the authority which I expected would have enquired into the transaction, because the offence charged was not of a nature cognizable by a court-martial. So that to make a law in allusion to this case is perfectly improper. Gen. Wilkinson until he disproves the assertions by plain proof, make what noise you will in this House, will not be cleared before the people of the charge against him. All exertions here can be of no benefit to him.
Mr. NICHOLAS was as little disposed as the gentleman from Massachusetts to legislate for any individual, but would not be deterred from his duty by any insinuations of that sort. The gentleman from Massachusetts should recollect, said he, that his proviso exactly fitting the case brought into question, subjects him as much to the imputation of having that particular case in view as any gentleman who supports the bill. If Gen. W. had never existed, if a case had never occurred, I would have voted for the bill on the table—and here permit me to say that I never was more surprised than when I ascertained that there was no provision in the laws on the subject, by which the go-
vernment or a person charged with military offence could avail himself of the testimony of the citizen. Upon every principle it appears to me that there ought to be such a provision; it is necessary for the security of the government, and essential to the protection of the citizen. I will not go over again the observations which have been made on this subject; but I will mention one objection to the proviso which I have not heard urged. If the proviso pass, the public interest will be taken care of, but how? Is the individual meant to be sacrificed, to be made a victim? No summons under that proviso shall issue, unless a charge be made in writing and upon affidavit. This is in the power of the government alone; government without making a charge or affidavit, may prosecute a person in military service; but by no act of his can he have the charge reduced to writing or supported by affidavit, and therefore he cannot procure evidence in his favor from the civil ranks, though the government may, if they think fit, procure it against him. Government may conduct him before a military court; where, although he could establish his innocence by civil testimony, it is not in his power to do it, because he cannot compel the production of a written charge supported by affidavit.
The question on the proviso was decided by yeas and nays as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Culpepper, Durrell, Elliot, Ely, Gardner, Harris, Hoge, Jenkins, Kelly, Lewis, Livermore, Masters, Milnor, Mosely, Ptkin, Rowan, Russell, Stedman, Tallmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Rensselaer—32.
NAYS.—Messrs. I. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Chittenden, J. Clay, M. Clay, Cobb, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Goodwyn, Gray, Green, Heister, Helms, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Knight, Lambert, Lloyd, Love, Macon, Marion, M'Creery, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea, Penn, Rhea, (Tenn.) M. Richards, Riker, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Swart, Taylor, Thompson, Troop, Van Allen, Van Horne, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Withersell—89.
THURSDAY, MARCH 10.
Mr. Dawson having moved for the adjournment of the day on the bill for raising an additional military force.
A bill was received from Senate authorizing an additional military force; which was twice read, and on motion of Mr. Dawson, referred to the committee appointed on our military and naval establishments.
Mr. J. Montgomery, presented a petition from the surgeons of the navy of the United States, praying for an increase of rank in the navy; which was referred to the committee appointed on a like petition from the officers of the navy.
A bill from the Senate for the relief of Philip Turner was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
A supplementary report was received from the Secretary of War in relation to invalid prisoners. Referred to the committee of Claims.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the House when into committee of the whole, Mr. W. ALSTON in the chair on the bill procuring a train of artillery for the use of the U. S.
The statement of the Secretary of War, and Mr. Fox's letter on the subject having been read,
Mr. Dawson said, by the statement from the Secretary of War it would be found that the United States are now possessed of about 1700 cannon. I am happy also to state, said he, that by the returns since made to the department of war the number is found to be about 1900. I will also state that the United States are possessed at this time of means of every kind, arms, cannon, powder, &c. for carrying on three years close war. The bill on the table authorises the purchase of more cannon. This I am told it is impossible to do at this time; they are not to be bought, and if bought, are not as good as of the manufacture of the United States. By the latter I mean iron cannon, of not more than one half the weight of ordinary cannon; a 6 lb. cannon generally weighs 1200 lbs. those made here generally weigh 600, the same weight as a brass cannon. One brass cannon costs perhaps five times as much as an iron cannon, of the same weight, which
may be equal or superior to it for service. After giving this information, I will move to amend the bill so as to establish a national foundry for the purpose of manufacturing cannon for the use of the United States.
Mr. Stanford was totally against this principle, and to supercede the motion of the gentleman from Virginia moved to strike out the first section.
The Chairman observed that the bill contained but one section; of course the bill could not be amended by striking out the first section.
Mr. Quincy said he would make but one observation, and that was on the incorrectness of this proceeding; a resolution of establishing a national foundry, had been referred to another committee. This bill was for procuring field artillery; the object to be accomplished by the amendment made was to convert the bill into a bill for establishing a national foundry; thus in fact to defeat its present object.
Mr. Stanford moved the committee rise and report progress that the subject might come regularly before them—Negatived.
Mr. Dawson observed that this bill went to procure artillery by purchase; the only question proposed by the amendment was, whether they would procure artillery by purchase or manufacture it themselves. His opinion was that it should be of the manufacture of his own country.
Mr. Rhea (T.) moved that the committee rise, that this bill and the resolution on the subject of a national foundry should be referred to the gentleman from Virginia and his committee to report a bill for erecting a national foundry.
The question being taken on this motion, there were for it 48—against it 43. The chairman decided in the negative.
Mr. Taylor objected to the blending these two subjects together. He saw a wide distinction betwixt procuring a formidable train of field artillery and erecting a national foundry. He wished first to procure a train of artillery and then to take up the subject of a national foundry distinct from the other. He was unwilling to defeat this bill by inserting a provision which might perhaps enable them to manufacture in sufficient quantity some years hence.
Mr. Lyon supported the amendment as he conceived that the nation should possess within itself the means of manufacturing cannon.
Mr. D. R. Williams could not bring himself immediately to vote for a national foundry in the city of Washington, the more especially as he thought that cannon sufficient could even now be procured of the manufacture of the United States. He knew an individual company owning two different foundries who alone could supply the United States with cannon. He appealed to the gentleman from Rhode-Island to bear testimony to the fact that there was a foundry there unemployed for want of business, and the owners of which would be glad to contract to furnish cannon.
Mr. Dawson in reply to the gentleman last up, said he had not spoken of the city of Washington as the place for the foundry; this he should wish to leave with the discretion of the Executive. The sum of money proposed to be appropriated for the purpose of erecting a foundry was small and the advantage resulting from it would be great.
Mr. Dawson's motion for amendment was negatived by a large majority.
The Chairman enquired if the blank in the bill was to be filled.
Mr. Dawson said as the bill now stood he was opposed to it himself; nor had he thought of the sum with which it would be necessary to fill the blank in such case. To try the sense of the committee once more, he moved to insert after purchase "or cause to be manufactured".
Mr. Bacon opposed this motion as being substantially the same as that which had been negatived a few minutes ago, as this expression by a forced construction would warrant the erecting of the national foundry. He cited an instance in support of this, that under the late administration a law having passed for building a few ships of war, the Executive had thought itself authorized to establish Navy yards and in consequence had done so.
The amendment was negatived by a large majority.
On motion Mr. D. R. Williams the committee rose and reported progress, ayes 71; and obtained leave to sit again, 52 to 31.
On motion of Mr. Boyle, the House went into a committee of the whole, ayes 69, Mr. Masters in the chair, on the bill to extend the time for

issuing and looting military land warrants. The bill having been gone through and reported to the House was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Talmadge the House went into a committee of the whole Mr. Frazar in the chair, on the bill authorizing a detachment of the militia.
The blank in the bill for the sum to be appropriated for the immediate expense of the militia if called out was filled with one million of dollars.
Mr. Kelly observed that the bill authorised the retaining each class of the militia in service for six months. He had always been of opinion that this term was much too long; he thought four months as long a term as each detachment ought to be kept in service. He therefore moved to strike out "four" and insert "six."
Messrs. Talmadge, Gardner, and Withers contended against the amendment, that the authority given to the President by the bill was to call them into service for a term not exceeding six months; that it was well known that during the revolutionary war, the army was continually confused, disorganized and sometimes defeated in consequence of the term of service of a part of the troops expiring on the eve of an engagement; and that six months was as short a time as it was politic to fix for their continuance under arms if it should be necessary that the militia should be employed.
Mr. Kelly's amendment was negatived by a large majority.
The committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow, nem con.
On motion of Mr. Morrow, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. DESHA in the chair, on the resolutions authorising the President of the U. States to loan a certain number of arms and artillery to the state of Ohio.
The question having been put on the first resolution (for loaning arms)—
Mr. Morrow stated to the committee that this resolution had been introduced in consequence of instructions from the legislature of the state of Ohio. He represented the situation of that state bordered on its frontier by the colony of a foreign power and by the savages, with both of whom they would undoubtedly have to contend in case of a rupture. The number of arms in the state was proportionably very small, and the state was totally unable to purchase more. The legislature had designed in case of obtaining the arms, to deposit them at stated places on the frontier so that the militia could make use of them in case of assault.
The first resolution was agreed to, Ayes 65.
The second (artillery) was negatived.
The committee rose and reported the first, which was referred to a select committee to bring in a bill.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for the relief of George Potter. Twice read, and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. J. Montgomery from the committee to whom the subject had been referred, reported a bill making compensation to Z. M. Pike, and his companions. Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Rhea (Ten.) the petitions on the subject of the post-offices and post-roads presented since the general bill on this subject was reported, were referred to a select committee of seventeen.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. BASSET in the chair, on the bill for erecting certain light-houses and buoys. The bill having been gone through and variously amended, was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. J. Clay, the committee to whom was yesterday referred a resolution for enquiring into the propriety of repealing the second section of an act providing for those persons disabled by known wounds during the revolutionary war, were further instructed to take into consideration the whole of that act.
On motion of Mr. Boyle, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. BASSET in the chair, on the bill authorising the sale of lands of the U. S. and for other purposes; which having been gone through, was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
FRIDAY, MARCH 11.
Messrs. Livermore and Jackson obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
Mr. Mumford presented a petition from a number of inhabitants of the city of New York, stating that they have accumulated on their hands by engagements made previous to the imposition of the embargo, large quantities of flax seed, and praying relief. Referred to the committee of the whole to whom was referred the report on the petition of sundry merchants of Philadelphia relative to the embargo.
Mr. Clayton, from the committee to whom the subject had been referred, reported a bill to continue in force for a further time the act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the U. States and the waters within their jurisdiction. Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Dawson from the committee on our military and naval establishments, reported the bill from the Senate for raising an additional military force, with amendments; which were referred to a committee of the whole.
The several engrossed bills yesterday ordered to a third reading, were this day passed, except
The bill concerning courts-martial and courts of enquiry. The question having been put "shall this bill pass?"
Mr. Masters called for the yeas and nays on its passage.
A debate on the bill then ensued, which occupied the remainder of the sitting, in which Messrs. Elliot, Randolph and Rowan opposed the bill at considerable length; and Messrs. Johnston and Love supported it.
At four o'clock the House adjourned without having decided the question.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 12.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill authorising the loan of arms to the state of Ohio; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
The bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry was again taken up. The question being on the passage of the bill, Messrs. J. Montgomery, Holland, Nicholas, and Fisk supported the bill, and Messrs. Sloan, Picken, Randolph, and J. Clay opposed it. When the question was taken by yeas and nays, 61 to 52. And The House immediately adjourned.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, MARCH 14.
A Statement of the affair between Mr. Gardner and Mr. Campbell.
On the 23d day of February Mr. Gardner addressed to Mr. George W. Campbell the following note:
City of Washington, Feb. 23, 1808.
Sir—It would be as impossible as it would be painful to me to remind you of all the expressions in which you indulged yourself concerning me in the debate in the House of Representatives yesterday. Among them were charges of falsehood, meanness and baseness. I have allowed you one night to reflect on the intemperance of such language, and I must insist that you will either disavow the expressions alluded to, to the satisfaction of my friend, Mr. White, or through him authorize me to consider them as having been avowed out of the walls of the House. I am, sir, your obedient servant,
B. GARDENER.
G. W. Campbell, Esq.
To this Note Mr. George W. Campbell returned the following answer:
Washington, February 23, 1808.
Sir—Your note of this morning has just been received. In answer to which I have only to say that any expressions used by me will never be disavowed. The circumstance that produced the expressions which I used must be fresh in your recollection. The charge made on Saturday by you that the majority of the House, of whom I was one, were governed by French influence. Had the same charge been made in any other place I should have used the same expressions in answer to it. I am, sir, your most obedt.
GEO. W. CAMPBELL.
B. Gardner, Esq.
To this note Mr. Gardner returned the following answer:
Washington, February 23, 1808.
Sir, I acknowledge the receipt of your note in answer to mine of this morning—after declaring "That any expression used by you will never be disavowed," you have in that note entered into a justification of those expressions. I am no less surprised now to find that you persist in imputing to me a charge I never made, than I was yesterday to hear you say the same thing. In my note of this morning I desired you either to disavow the offensive expressions made in the House, or to avow them out of the House. You have as yet done neither. You have merely said "had the same charge been made in any other place, I should have used the same expressions." This is no avowal of the expressions out of the House; because it does not suppose a state of things in which the expressions could have been applied to me. I am therefore under the necessity of repeating the request contained in my note of this morning for the last time.
I am, Sir, your obedt.
B. GARDENER.
G. W. Campbell, Esq.
In answer to this letter Mr. G. W. Campbell authorised his friend to deliver to the friend of Mr. Gardner the following message:
I am authorised by Mr. George W. Campbell, to make known to Mr. Gardner, through you, that in regard to the affair which was the subject of his note of the 23d, and his letter of the same day, Mr. Campbell will claim no advantage of any privilege he may possess as a member of the House; and this, with the answer of Mr. Campbell to Mr. Gardner's first note, is the only answer deemed proper to be made to his letter of the same date.
This message was delivered to the friend of Mr. Gardner at 12 o'clock on the 24th; and on the same day Mr. Gardner sent the following note.
Washington City, Feb. 24, 1808.
Sir—Mr. Eppes has this moment delivered to my friend, Mr. White, a message from you, in consequence of which I have to request of you to make arrangements for meeting me as speedily as your convenience will permit.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
B. GARDENER.
G. W. Campbell, Esq.
In answer to this note Mr. George W. Campbell authorised his friend to deliver to the friend of Mr. Gardner the following message:
I am authorised on the part of Mr. George W. Campbell to say that he will meet Mr. Gardner at such time and place as may be agreed on between us.
This message was delivered in about three quarters of an hour after receiving Mr. Gardner's last note.
On the following day the friends of the parties in consequence of a previous arrangement, met on the top of the hill near George Town, and rode along the main road leading to Montgomery court house until they passed the territorial line. A spot was fixed on just out of the district of Columbia, and not far from the road leading to Montgomery court house. The friends of the parties arranged, without any difficulty or difference of opinion, the time, place and manner of meeting. The parties appeared on the ground before the appointed time. The appearance of a number of persons prevented them from carrying into effect the object of their meeting. Finding it impossible at that time to proceed, it was agreed on the ground that a new meeting should take place. The parties returned to the city of Washington, and about 9 o'clock at night Mr. White presented to Mr. Eppes the following note for Mr. Campbell.
Washington city, Feb. 27, 1808.
Sir—A new arrangement in consequence of the unfortunate interruption which happened to day becomes indispensable. You will of course consent that our friends Mr. White and Mr. Eppes proceed to make it with all possible dispatch. I need not state the causes which render this of the first necessity.
I am your obedient servant,
B. GARDENER.
G. W. Campbell, Esq.
To this note the friend of George W. Campbell returned the next morning the following answer:
February 28, 1808.
Sir—Mr. Gardner's note of last evening has been presented to Mr. George W. Campbell. I shall be ready on his part to make the necessary arrangements with all possible dispatch.
I am your most obedient,
JOHN W. EPPES.
Mr. White.
The publicity given to the affair by the first unsuccessful attempt to meet on the Montgomery road, and the interposition afterwards of the civil authority of the district, delayed the second meeting a few days. A place having been fixed on without the district, the parties repaired to Bladensburg after night the evening preceding their meeting. They met the next morning, March the 2d. at the place appointed, took their stations, fired nearly at the same time, and Mr. Gardner was severely wounded. Every thing was conducted on the ground with the utmost propriety. To prevent misrepresentations this statement is signed by the friends of the parties.
SAMUEL WHITE.
JOHN W. EPPES.
FROM THE AURORA.
Lancaster, March 7th, 1808.
DEMOCRATIC CONFERENCE.
ALL the Delegates, excepting one, appointed by the Democratic Citizens of the several counties, not represented in the General Assembly, assembled this day for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the office of governor, and candidates for Electors of a President and a Vice-President of the United States.
THOMAS LEIPER was called to the chair, and Wm. William Reed & M. Leib, were appointed secretaries.
On motion of M. Leib—
Resolved unanimously, That every
member of this conference will consider himself bound, and hereby pledges himself to support, by every honorable means in his power, the nominations that shall have been agreed upon for the office of governor, and for electors of President and Vice-President of the U. States.
A communication from a number of the democratic citizens of Westmoreland was presented read, and ordered to lie on the table.
On motion, the conference proceeded to the nomination of a candidate for governor, when SIMON SNYDER, was unanimously agreed upon.
The following ticket for Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States was unanimously agreed upon, viz.
Charles Thomson, George Hartman, Wm. Montgomery, James Cowden, Thomas Leiper, William Wilson, Michael Leib, Robert Giffin, Joseph Angle, Jacob Horstetter, William Rodman, David Fullerton, Archibald Darrah, Peter Kimmel, Jacob Weygandt, Joseph Huston, John Steele, John M. Dowell, Gabriel Heister, jr. Adamson Tannehill.
On motion, Ordered, That Messrs. Leib, Lacock, and Reed, be a committee to draught and report an Address to our Democratic brethren of this state.
On motion, Resolved, That Messrs. Dorsey, Leib, Duane, Engle, Leiper, M'Mullin, and Bright, be a committee of general correspondence on behalf of the Democrats of this Commonwealth.
Adjourned till to-morrow.
TUESDAY, MARCH 8.
The conference met. The committee appointed to draught an Address reported the following, which was unanimously adopted:
TO THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Friends and Fellow Citizens—
Delegated by you, to execute a special trust, we have fulfilled our duty according to the best dictates of our judgment, and have selected a candidate for the office of Governor, as well as candidates for electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States.
In deference to an opinion expressed by you, in the year 1805, and in deference to later expressions of your sentiments, and in obedience to what we conceived to be the public interest, we have nominated Simon Snyder as the candidate for the all important trust of governor.
As friends to the administration of Jefferson we have nominated a man, whose feelings and whose principles are consonant with those of Jefferson.
Devoted to the principles of democratic representative government, we have made choice of a candidate who has manifested the same devotion.
Reverencing the principles contained in the declaration of American independence, we have selected a man to whom those principles are dear, and who will lend his hand to preserve them from injury and outrage.
Attached to the political institutions of our country, and alive to the feelings of humanity, we are the enemies of war, but we consider peace as a curse instead of a blessing, if it is to be purchased at the expense of our virtue, liberty and independence; and, therefore, we have selected a candidate who will aid in the maintenance of peace, as long as peace can be maintained with honor or with safety.
Enemies to extravagance, and friends of economy, we desire not to see the hard labor of the mechanic and the husbandman employed to support standing armies and useless navies, to pay off eight per cent loans, and to subsist swarms of drones; and, therefore, have we nominated a man whose habits of industry and economy, render him adverse to every such species of oppression.
The friends of United America, having no predilections for foreign governments, or foreign political institutions, we offer to you a candidate who is truly American, and the friend of the rights of man.
In favor of these principles, and of the candidate holding them, we promise ourselves your hearty and zealous support. Considering you as devoted to the principles of the American revolution, to those of democratic representative government, and to the pacific and virtuous policy of Jefferson, we doubt not, that your zeal will keep pace with our's in support of Simon Snyder.
We submit to you a nomination of electors made with unexampled unanimity. The candidates are the friends of Jefferson, and of democratic principles, and as such they are recommended to you.
Friends and Fellow Citizens—
The crisis in our affairs is momentous, the future destinies and happiness of our country hang upon it—on your exertions at the ensuing election may depend the safety and the liberty of our common country; permit us, therefore, to exhort you not to slumber at a moment when the
best interests of the commonwealth demand vigilance and activity.
THOMAS LEIPER, Chairman.
ATTEST,
M. LEIB, } Secretaries.
Wm. REED, }
[Here follow the signatures of 85 Delegates.]
New-York, March 8.
Extract of a letter from a respectable commercial House in Lisbon to another in this city, dated December 17.
"We are authorised to assure you that the produce of the United States will be admitted into Portugal without a certificate of origin, and that no question, will be asked whether vessels bringing the same have or have not been into British ports, notwithstanding the late or any other decree to the contrary, and that your vessels will not meet with any other future detention here."
New-York, March 9.
Capt. Baker, from St. Bartholomew, informs, that admiral Duckworth arrived at St. Kitts on the 19th February with five sail of the line, where he watered, and and sailed again on the 21st, in pursuit of the Rochefort squadron, of five sail of the line, which were seen on the 5th February, steering for the West-Indies.
March 10.
A gentleman who left London on the 14th of January, and arrived here on Tuesday in the brig Terror from St. Bartholomew, informs us that, according to the latest London papers, the Russian army were marching against Sweden; and that the inhabitants of Gotterland, conceiving themselves to be in equal to its defence, were throwing down the walls, to prevent the hooping of a formal siege.
Captain Avery, from Martinique, informs, that two French frigates arrived at Port Royal on the 10th Feb. from L. Rochelle, where they landed 500 troops, and remained there until the 14th, during which time there was an armistice.
Captain Avery further informs, that the first French Packet arrived at Dominque on the 3d of February, and brought orders to liberate all American vessels in that port. The news of the release of the American vessels was received at Martinique by a flag of truce.
We have received a Gibraltar paper of the 16th of January, containing a Spanish Decree dated at Madrid on the 3d of January, adopting the same measures as the French against England. The same paper contains the following article.
"By authentic accounts from Lisbon, we learn that the French flag has been hoisted on board all the Portuguese ships that were left in the Tagus by the Prince Regent; and that all the officers of the Portuguese navy, upward of 200 in number, have been dismissed, without any compensation."
(CIRCULAR.)
Foreign office, Jan. 8, 1808.
The undersigned, his majesty's principal Secretary of State for foreign affairs, has received his majesty's commands to acquaint Mr. Pinkney, that his majesty has judged it expedient to establish the most rigorous blockade at the entrance of the ports of Carthagena, Cadiz, and St. Lucar, and of all the intermediate ports situated and lying between the said ports of Carthagena and St. Lucar; Mr. Pinkney is, therefore, requested to apprise the American consuls and merchants, residing in England, that the entrance of the ports above mentioned are, and must be, considered as being in a state blockade; and that, from this time, all the measures authorized by the law of nations, and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed, with respect to the vessels attempting to violate the said blockade, after this notice.
The undersigned requests Mr. Pinkney to accept the assurances of his high consideration.
(Signed)
GEO. CANNING.
Wm. Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
LOST
OUT of a coat pocket in coming by the taylor's on Capitol Hill in the time of last snow, a pair of very slender silver mounted SPECTACLES. They only suit an old person, and but few of them. Will ever find him and gives them to Mr. Claxton, door-keeper of Congress, if not broken, shall receive two Dollars reward.—3.
2400 BUSHELS
BEST RICHMOND COAL,
From N. Heath's Yard.
NOW landing on board the sleep Resolution, and for sale at Mr. Charles King and Co's. wharf George Town, Applicable to the captain on board, or to the subscriber who keeps a Coal Yard in square 73, near the West Market, city of Washington. Those who are indebted for Wood or Coal is requested to call and pay off their accounts.
WM. O'NEAL.
March 14—98.

PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the honorable the circuit court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of chancery for the county of Washington, in the suit of John Roberts and Samuel G. Griffith complainants, Against Benjamin Bryan Defendant. WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 29th day of March next, at Stelle's Hotel, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 12 o'clock, M. a lot of ground in said city, in that square designated as follows: Beginning at a point in the line of the west side of New Jersey Avenue, at the distance of one hundred and fifty one feet ten inches from the stone planted at the north east corner of said square, and running thence with the line of the said Avenue twenty-five feet, thence leaving the said Avenue, and with a line at right angles with the line thereof running one hundred feet, then turning in a direction parallel to the line of the said Avenue, and running thence twenty five feet, thence an hundred feet to the point of beginning, containing about two thousand five hundred square feet of ground, together with the improvements thereon erected, and all the advantages thereunto belonging or appertaining. This property is eligibly situated between the Capital Hill and sugar house, and may be inspected at any time prior to the day of sale. The terms of sale are cash or money to be paid immediately on the ratification thereof by the court. JOHN G. McDONALD, Trustee. 26th February, 1808 — p4w
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscriber as trustee for the sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott , deceased, will sell at public sale at Van Wyck and Dorsey's Auction Room , in the city of Baltimore on Friday the 18th day of March next, at 12 o'clock, the following Tracts of unimproved LAND, lying in Allegany county to wit: acres. Governor's Neglect, containing 1031 Robey's D-light, 421 Bome's Attention, 664 Chesnut Grove, 461 Now or Never, 600 Hard Struggle, 1554 Lot No. 2487, 50 Western Connection, 15484 The lands above-mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase. A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase an application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within 12 months from the day of sale. ROGER PERRY. The creditors of Gustavus Scott , deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale as aforesaid. R. PERRY. Cumberland, February 26—3w
A BRICK HOUSE AND LOT FOR SALE. On Monday the 8th day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to public sale on the premises at 4 o'clock in the evening, part of Lot No. 6, in square No. 141, in this city, fronting 16 feet 9 inches on North G street, and running back 152 feet, with the improvements thereon, consisting of a convenient two story Brick House and enclosure. The Lot was leased to the former tenant for a term of 99 years at the rent of 35 dollars per annum, and the benefit of a covenant to purchase the fee simple thereof. On default of payment of three years rent, the subscriber has been put in possession of the premises, according to the law in such cases provided; for which, and accruing expenses, it will be sold, subject to the conditions of the former lease, and a new lease executed to the purchaser on complying with the terms of sale. Being in the vicinity of the public offices, and in a thick settled genteel neighborhood, it would be an eligible situation for a gentleman doing business in either of the departments. The premises may be viewed and the papers seen by applying to Thomas Herty , prior to the day of sale. JOSEPH NOURSE. Terms of sale, a negotiable note with an approved endorser, payable 60 days after date. The Sale is postponed until Monday the 14th day of March next, when it will be offered for sale at the house and place above-mentioned. February 17—10w
BURNS AND BELL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 25—tf.
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution, Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plain, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India and mull figured and plain, Plain and figured lecoses, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8 Adamask and raw silk shawls, Damask do. Cambric hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross barred and plain Mantillas and lute strings, Persian and Medes, Thread and cotton lace, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4478 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Rich diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, garrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle —Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf.
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Speneletti and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retails as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
TWO ELEGANT FORTEPIANOS. THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. It has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS, among the latter peach brand, 6 years old fourth proof, and best kind of HANS—also, he offers a pair of PISTOLS, in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a musket handle, original cost 100 dollars. F. A. WASLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market. N. B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice. December 25—tf.
By order of the Orphan's Court, will be offered for public SALE, on Tuesday the 24th of March next on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving note with approved security, with interest from date, all the personal ESTATE of Margaret Roberts late of Montgomery county, deceased, consisting of a number of Negroes, two Leases of Land, Crop of Corn, Corn Fodder, Hay, Horses, Cattle and Hogs, and other articles too tedious to enumerate. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock on said day and to continue from day to day till all is sold. HENRY ROBERTS, and JOSEPH ROBERTS, Admrs. of Margaret Roberts . February 26—10w.
BANK OF COLUMBIA, 25th February, 1808. In conformity to the charter of this institution an Election will be held at Semmes' Tavern, in George-Town, on Monday 21st March next, for twelve Directors, to serve for one year from that day. By order of the President & Directors. WM. WHANN, Cash'r. ept21st Mar.
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina , capt. HANN , jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
AGREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
STOLEN. ON Monday night last, a SORREL MARE , her two forefeet white nearly to the knees, a large blaze in her forehead, and a brand on her left shoulder nearly in the form of a horse shoe, one hind knee rather larger than the other. Any person who delivers the above described mare to the subscriber shall receive a reward of TEN dollars, and TWENTY dollars if the thief is delivered with the mare. ADAM POWELL, one mile from the Capitol on the Bladensburg road. March 11—3t
STOP THIEF! ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Deserted the service of the subscriber a person who called himself WILLIAM RANDLE , but whose proper name I have since been informed is WILLIAM RIDDLE , who was intrusted with the sum of about eight hundred and seven dollars, to pay in the city of Philadelphia, to the agents of the subscriber. The said William Riddle is a stout portly person, about five feet 10 or 11 inches high, dark complexion, heavy eye brows, large black eyes, a down look, speaks slow, a lisp in his pronunciation, a surly look, dark hair cut short, last fall he had a sore thumb on his left hand, the scar of which may yet be seen lengthways of the thumb. He took with him, one pair of ash colored half worn patent cord pantaloons, one waistcoat, yellow ground, with spots in the form of a leaf, one dark blue new coatee, the lining of the sleeves of white dowlas, gilt buttons, one new yellow ground fancy vest with pearl buttons, flannel lining, single breasted, one new fashion castor hat, some new cambric muslin shirts, one flg. handkerchief with his name marked with white silk, one pair of common worsted whitish stockings, one new pair of woollen mittens spotted red and light blue, one pair of new Suawarrow boots. When he left my service on the 23rd Feb. in Philadelphia he bought himself for 90 dollars, a chestnut sorrel horse about eight years old, 15 and an half hands high, bob tail, a small star on his forehead, his off fore hoof white, and a little shorter than the other occasioned by his being corked, hind legs white about half way up to his hocks, and bone sparvin in them both, carries very well both head and tail, and very natural to his canters, new saddle and bridle. Said William Riddle said that he had been born and raised in Sussex county, about twelve miles from Easton in Northampton, and is supposed to be about twenty-seven or thirty years of age—also, on my credit, 26 yards of Irish linen, at 6s a yard, 12 pair of men's stockings of an inferior quality 6 pair of cotton do, at 6s a pair, 12 pair of suspenders. He wore, himself, a pair of leather suspenders, with four separate springs in front price marked on 4, or 4s. 6. He also had a new suit of cloaths made for him in Philadelphia. Also had with him a pair of saddle bags, black thin leather. Whoever secures the said William Riddle , so that he may be brought to justice, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable expenses. NICHOLAS NELIGH. Allen's township, Northampton county, March 9—6t.
FOR CHARLESTON. The fast sailing schooner, CITIZEN , Capt. Sturges ; expected to sail in 10 days. For Freight or Passage apply to the Captain on board, at the Navy Yard wharf, or to BULLOCK COCKE, March 11—4t
JUST PUBLISHED, A NEW AND GREATLY IMPROVED FAMILY PHYSICIAN ENTITLED THE PLANTER'S & MARINER'S MEDICAL COMPANION. By JAMES EWELL, Physician at Savannah.
RECOMMENDATIONS. In testimony of the merits of this work, the following certificates presented by some of the most distinguished Medical characters of the United States, are inserted. Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1807. Sir—I have read your book, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with pleasure, and think it worthy the attention of the citizens of the United States. W. SHIPPEN, M. D. Professor of Anatomy.
Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1807. Dear Sir—I have carefully perused your work, just printed, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion." I take much pleasure in expressing my entire approbation of the plan of the work, and of the utility with which you have conducted your enquiries. Your book cannot fail to be a very acceptable present to the public in general, and especially of our own countrymen. I really am of opinion, that you are entitled to much praise for the pains which you have taken in furnishing us with a work, such as the "Medical Companion," the want of which has long been experienced among us. With sincere wishes for your health and happiness, and for the continuance of your usefulness, I remain, my dear Sir, Your friend, &c. B. S. BARTON, M. D. Professor of Materia Medica, Natural History, and Botany. Dr. James Ewell.
December 28th, 1807. I have read "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion," by Dr. James Ewell of the state of Georgia, with pleasure and satisfaction. It is a book containing a variety of matter in a small compass. The practice which he recommends in diseases, is modern and judicious, and the work cannot fail of being extremely useful, in all families in the United States. JAMES WOODHOUSE, M. D. Professor of Chemistry, in the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. James Ewell.
Philadelphia, Dec. 26th, 1807. Dear Sir—I have looked over "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with great pleasure, and not a little instruction. I find an excellent remembrancer of much that I have already learnt from other works, and from professional experience. Being better adapted to the general circumstances of the U. States, than any other production of the kind hitherto published, it cannot fail to prove an invaluable "Companion" to those remote from medical aid. That all your views in the publication of it may be more than realised, is the sincere wish of Your friend and obedient servant, CHARLES CALDWELL, M. D. Dr. James Ewell.
Philadelphia, Dec. 29, 1807. Dear Sir—The work entitled, "The Planter's Medical Companion," which you were good enough to submit to my examination, I have read very attentively, and I consider it the most useful popular treatise on medicine, hitherto published. The writings of Tissot, Buchan, and Reece, on this subject, have deservedly acquired reputation, but their practice is adapted rather to the diseases of the countries in which they lived, than to those of our own. A well digested work, in a style plain and familiar, which should inculcate a practice suited to the diseases of the United States has been long required. You have now supplied the want. I trust that your very valuable book may be widely circulated. It is certainly calculated to do much good. Every family should purchase and carefully read it. N. CHAPMAN, M. D. Lecturer on Midwifery, and the disease of Women and Children. Dr. James Ewell.
Dear Sir, I have carefully perused your "Medical Companion," and have much pleasure in asserting that it abounds with excellent observations, well calculated to convey valuable instruction to all who are not possessed of regular information on the subjects of which it treats. It is easy of comprehension, and has an important advantage in being short, whilst it leaves little that is essential unnoticed. Heads of families will find it a useful guide on many interesting occasions. Were indeed, men in general to give more attention to the principles of diseases, and the means of remedying them, their ravages might be much more extensively mitigated. With my best wishes for your success in your endeavours to lessen the sum of human evils, I beg you to be assured, that I am, dear Sir, yours with sincere regard. JOHN CRAWFORD, M. D. Baltimore, 7th March, 1808. To Dr. James Ewell.
Baltimore, March 3d, 1808. Dear Sir—We have read over your publication entitled the "Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with much satisfaction, and consider it as meriting esteem for the concise and accurate history which it gives of the various diseases of the human body, (few if any of which, we believe are omitted) and the method of cure, which is both rational and agreeable to our experience. We are happy that you have made use of the new facts that have occurred in medicine, in that plain and easy manner which renders the means to be comprehended & acted upon by persons of moderate knowledge in disease. We can recommend it, with propriety, to that class of citizens who have not an opportunity or means of procuring regular medical advice, and consider it as fully answering the intention of your benevolence to people of these states, in its compilation. We are your well wishers, LITTLEJOHN & DONALDSON. Dr. James Ewell.
accurate history which it gives of the various diseases of the human body, (few if any of which, we believe are omitted) and the method of cure, which is both rational and agreeable to our experience. We are happy that you have made use of the new facts that have occurred in medicine, in that plain and easy manner which renders the means to be comprehended & acted upon by persons of moderate knowledge in disease. We can recommend it, with propriety, to that class of citizens who have not an opportunity or means of procuring regular medical advice, and consider it as fully answering the intention of your benevolence to people of these states, in its compilation. We are your well wishers, LITTLEJOHN & DONALDSON. Dr. James Ewell.
DEAR SIR—We have perused your book, entitled the "Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion," with much satisfaction, and strongly recommend it to the attention of those families who cannot, with convenience, procure medical aid. We think it the best publication we have ever read, on the domestic treatment of diseases, more especially as it regards those of our climate. We are, Very respectfully, Sir, Your most obed't. servants, BROWN & MACKENZIE. Baltimore, 4th March, 1808. Dr. James Ewell.
SIR—I have read your work on Domestic Medicine, with pleasure. The practice recommended in it, is I think, judicious, and I have no doubt that the solitary planter and the voyager, secluded from medical aid, will often be under great obligations to you. Your work is the first that has been written for family use in this country, and being from the pen of a native physician, has great advantage over the publications of Buchan and Tissot. Its dissemination shall prove equal to what it merits, you will soon have a call for another edition. I am, with respect, JOHN SHAW, A. M. Professor of Chemistry, in the College of Medicine of Maryland.
DEAR SIR—I have looked over your "Medical Companion" with pleasure and satisfaction, and approve of the design. The arrangement of the various parts is judicious, the language is plain and perspicuous, and the sentiments happily condensed—the modes of treatment grow out of the most improved state of our science, and may serve not only as a safe and useful guide to the "Planter and Mariner," but are well calculated, from their intrinsic merit to suggest valuable hints to the medical practitioner. Every family, cut off from the regular services of able physicians, would in my opinion, with advantage, possess one of your volumes. Accept the homage of my regard. JOHN B. DAVIDGE, M. D. Professor of Anatomy, Surgery, &c. in the College of Medicine of Maryland. Baltimore, Feb. 19, 1808.
George Town, Columbia, March 3d, 1808. DEAR SIR—The ample testimonials of approbation prefixed to your work, entitled "The Medical Companion" will I hope, secure you the patronage of your countrymen. It belongs exclusively to the real physician to be able to determine the merit of Medical compositions; and your book has auspiciously conciliated the unequivocal commendations of medical names of no common note. Few physicians meet with the rewards of their well meant and laborious exertions in the cause of humanity; but that your laudable exertions may be liberally rewarded is the sincere wish of Yours, JOHN WEEMS, M. D. Dr. James Ewell. March 11—tf
FOR SALE. To any gentleman from the Southward, Two likely young NEGRO Boys, and a Boy, about twelve years old.—Enquire of the Editor of the National Intelligencer. March 4—7t
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Pecawam, Charles county, Maryland, NEGRO OZWELL , a very likely young fellow, about 25 years of age, a brickmaker by trade; he is six feet and upwards high; he has had the misfortune to lose his right eye entirely while in the service of the Potomac Company in the year 1806, for the year 1807 he was employed by a Mr. Studer as a boatman, to take down flour to Georgetown—it is to be presumed that he has returned to Mr. Studer in Berkeley county, where he has a wife. On his return the last Christmas, he brought a line from Mr. Henry Studer, saying that he wished to purchase the said fellow—he took with him sundry articles of clothing, which I am not able to describe. Any person that will deliver the said fellow to the subscriber shall receive the above reward of twenty dollars, and ten dollars for securing Ozwel in any jail so that I get him again. JESSE M. SHURBURN. March 7—w3
LIKENESS. PAINTED IN OIL COLORS. AT the Building formerly occupied by Mr. Stewart, Pennsylvania Avenue, by C. BOYLE, Who will remain in this city but a few weeks. Washington, March 11—tf