The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-05-06 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1023.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM
WEDNESDAY, MAY 6, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The Liverpool Chronicle, of the 23th March, contains the following remarks on the difference which has lately arisen between his Britannic majesty and the members of his cabinet:—
“A more distressing case with respect to the administration of the executive power of the country has not in the present age occurred, than the present difference between his majesty and his confidential servants—The critical state of Europe in general, the situation of the united kingdom in particular, stretched and strained as it is by a most cumbrous load of taxation, and the acknowledged abilities of the men, who still superintend our national affairs, render their dismissal from office a subject of painful reflection. We more than once felt our duty, more peculiarly as it related to the income tax, to be the line of conduct pursued by ministers, but we have also had occasion to praise their firmness and philanthropy. Where they most erred was evidently in a compliance with the personal feelings of the royal family, we mean the unconstitutional doctrine of the identity of the miserable electorate of Hanover with the imperial crown of Great Britain, and the increased establishment of the younger branches of the king's family, at a moment when these branches who had more at stake than any other of our fellow subjects, should have suffered every possible privation rather than to have added, by any portion, however trifling, to the extreme sacrifices made by the country. Yet, with these imperfections, the ministers towered above their opponents so very much in capacity and in public estimation, that we thought it not probable that any administration, composed either of those who differed in sentiments from them, or of others who were indifferent spectators of the political events of the day, could be formed to their exclusion. The king, however, has otherwise determined, and we shall soon have an administration to which, we fear, neither their countrymen or foreign states, will look with respect or confidence.”
The Duke of Portland is now said to be Prime Minister, although the business is transacted by others. His Grace's political life is in the recollection of all who have witnessed or read the public transactions of the last twenty-five years. Upon what his claims to pre-eminence are founded, it would be difficult to determine. He stands alone, and to say the best of him, he is little better than an index pointing to what is past, or reviving what is almost forgotten. Who are to be his associates, we do not at present know; a rumor is afloat, and as is very common at such times, lists of names have been given to the public by the different prints; and some go as far as to say, that the Prince of Wales has determined to give the new ministry his support. Indeed Johnny Bull has a large throat and can swallow a great deal; but it must be considered as rather unkind in his managers, to attempt to try his ability in this particular diversion.”
The country may probably be looking up to the wisdom of the Hawkesbury's, the Castlereagh's and the Canning's, the talents and tried integrity of the Melville's, and the legal judgment of the Eldon's, to direct her councils and promote her happiness. The prerogative of the crown in the choice of ministers is not to be questioned, but it will ever be the right of the people to judge of the virtue, the wisdom and talents of those to whom the direction of public affairs is entrusted.”
We confess we have still to learn why a difference of opinion, in matters of faith, should prevent the state from deriving advantage from the talents and exertions of persons of various religious persuasions; or deprive such individuals of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, as members of civil society, independent of other consideration. Why, we ask, should Catholics and Dissenters be held in bondage by vile and degrading restrictions? In the practice of the moral virtues, it will hardly be denied, that they are at least as exemplary as their neighbors, and equally as devout in the exercises of their religion. They pay their taxes with as much cheerfulness as any other classes of men in the nation; and to the support of the established church they contribute in an equal proportion with her own sons, have to pay for instruction they never receive, and support a set of men appointed by the choice of others. But when these men claim their just rights as men, the cry of “the church is in danger” has been raised, as if the church could not rest securely but by having her foundations laid on the ruins of the civil rights of half the population of the united kingdom. The dissenters and Catholics have had intentions imputed to them which they never deserved, history and old musty records have been searched to find something that might tend to vilify their character, and if nothing can be urged against those of the present day, the sins of their ancestors have been bound in bundles and loaded upon the backs of the children unto the third and
fourth generation; but this conduct is as ungenerous as it is unjust. The observations of the late lord Chatham, deserve to be preserved to the end of time. When Dr. Drummond, archbishop of York, in the debate of 1772, represented the dissenters as men of close ambition, his lordship replied “that whoever brought forward such charge, without proof, defamed. The dissenters are represented as men of close ambition, they are so, my lord, their ambition is to keep close to the college of fishermen, and to the doctrines of inspired apostles, not to the decrees of interested and aspiring bishops. Laws in support of ecclesiastical power are pleaded for, which it would shock humanity to execute. It is said that religious sects have done much mischief when they were not kept under restraint; but history affords no proof that sects have ever been mischievous when they were not oppressed and persecuted by the ruling church.”
Viewing things in the same light with his lordship we rejoiced at the approach of circumstances which were well calculated to produce one of the greatest blessings with which this land has ever been favored, when it should be declared by the highest authority in the kingdom, that of Parliament, that every shackle of ignorance, or caprice, which our forefathers invented, to bind the conscience of men, was a disgrace to the christian religion, and inconsistent with the free principles of the British constitution. But our hopes are in this frustrated, differences having arisen between his majesty and the cabinet on this subject. If the representations are correct, which have appeared in most of the London papers, we hesitate not to say, that, according to our ideas of the constitution of this country, the king possesses no power to stop the progress of a bill in Parliament—he constitutes only the third branch of the legislature, and possesses constitutionally alone the power of assenting to, or dissenting from a law, after it has passed the two Houses of Parliament. We reverence the constitution too highly to see it invaded with indifference, either by a sovereign or his minister; but upon this subject we shall not enlarge. We consider the representatives of the people, when in Parliament assembled, having once agreed to the first reading of a bill, they make themselves a party with the minister that proposed it, and are bound in conformity with a proper sense of their own dignity, to reject all interference with their privileges, but what is allowed by the constitution. It is true the king can dissolve the Parliament when he pleases, but he possesses no power to awe or control their proceedings.”
We strongly suspect that his majesty has been imposed upon by some persons, who, to gratify private and ambitious views, have made a very bad use of the king's ear and conscience, for we find that the first act of his majesty's reign, was the Quebec act, by which the Catholic religion was legally established in that part of his majesty's dominions. In 1778 and 1791 his majesty was pleased to accept from the Catholics the tender of their fidelity and afforded them some relief.”
During the time that Corsica was a dependency on the crown of Great Britain, a civil constitution was established in it, similar to our own—but the Catholic religion was declared to be the sole religion of the country, and the Pope was even allowed a share in appointing to its bishoprics, as they became vacant. If this was done out of respect to the greater number of the inhabitants being Catholics, surely the Catholics of our sister island, who are at least three fourths of its population, are entitled to every privilege enjoyed by their fellow citizens of the established church. If the established church be really in danger, it is not from the side of Catholics and dissenters that danger is to be apprehended, but from the manners, the spirit, and conduct of those who call themselves the true sons of the church.”
One thing we wish anxiously to impress on the minds of our readers, viz. to view this important question in all its bearings—the protestant dissenters are as much interested in it as the Catholic dissenters. It has been the custom of former times to divide and conquer, to raise jealousies among the different bodies of religious professors, but men are now too enlightened to be the dupes of such artifices. It is as men they ask their rights, it is as men they are entitled to them.”
At a time when all countries have either begun, or are beginning, to break the chains of intolerance, when protestants are restored to their just rights in catholic kingdoms, and Catholics in protestant even in a neighboring country, where, under the despot Napoleon, men of all religion, whether Jews or Christians of every denomination, share alike in every privilege of a civil kind, although in that country the will of the Grande Monarque is law; and grave and consulting Senates, bow to his nod. Shall England, who glories in being the genial parent and patroness
of liberty, deny her catholics and dissenting citizens the benefits of a free constitution, and remain the last persecuting nation in the christian world? Every generous Britain cries, No, No, No!
CONSTANTINOPLE, Jan. 30. Manifesto of the Ottoman Porte against Russia.
“From the most ancient time, it is to the Religious observation of the treaties and conventions between powers, that human societies are indebted for the tranquility and security they enjoy; and those who dare to derogate from this holy observation, scatter trouble and disorder throughout the universe. Every equitable Sovereign, even when he sees himself obliged to break with another power, does not decide on such a measure until he has examined it with the most scrupulous attention, the steps observed in such cases. But the court of Russia, ever pretending to predominate and oppress the neighboring powers, its enterprises constantly tending towards the violation of treaties, its avidity, the treachery with which it infringes the laws of nations, finally its hostile intentions towards the Ottoman states, are notorious and manifest. It has always misunderstood the friendly condescension which the Sublime Porte displayed towards it on every occasion, and answered this condescension only by demonstrations full of sullenness and malice. Amongst other examples, the court of Russia, which, in conformity to the treaty of 1188 (of the Hegira) had no right whatever over the Crimea, employed every imaginable artifice, to attack the independence of that country, and spread disorder throughout it; and at length, even in the midst of peace, caused a numerous army to march thither and took forcible possession of that extensive province. It is known to every nation, that Georgia was at all times under the suzerainete of the Ottoman empire. The court of Russia introducing itself gradually by numerous wiles, into the civil and political affairs of that country, ended at length by taking possession of it without any right.”
“The consuls placed by Russia in the Turkish towns, turned aside from their duty the civil officers engaged in the service of the Porte, in the places where they resided; seduced the subjects of the empire, and taking the advantage of the liberty of navigation;—which was only granted them for commercial purposes, embarked these subjects on board their ships, and sent them into the countries under the Russian dominion. Independent of these facts, the said consuls delivered out protections to the Ottoman subjects, & those trading under the flags of their vessels in the Archipelago, in the very states of the Ottoman empire, and thus audaciously, in a base and unworthy manner, rendered themselves masters of several Ottoman vessels and subjects.”
“Hopes were, however, entertained, that when the ties of friendship should be drawn closer by a treaty of alliance between the Sublime Porte and Russia, the latter would desist from her proceedings. So far, however, from it, she only made this new treaty serve as an easier means to exercise her bad intentions; and in the treacherous view of exciting a general overthrow and preparing domestic troubles in the very states of her ally, she seduced the subjects of Servia, and by furnishing them with money and ammunition, became their support and guide.”
“Russia asked for permission to send provisions for once to her troops at Tulis. The Sublime Porte, out of regard for her alliance, made no hesitation to transmit her the necessary firman, which she had scarcely received when she caused a numerous body of troops to be landed at the Pharus, with artillery and warlike stores; by this means she forced the castle of Anakura, and by fortifying herself afterwards, gave a new proof of her bad intentions. The Porte having demanded, as she was justified in doing, by written remonstrances, repeatedly transmitted to the Russian minister at Constantinople that this proceeding should be desisted from, the latter always gave most evasive answers, and never offered proper satisfaction. The conduct of the court of Russia, particularly after the above mentioned alliance, has been so contrary to the spirit which dictated it, that it is by that alone rendered null and void. It was agreed upon between both empires, that Russia should have no other pre-eminence over the Septinsular republic, which acknowledged the suzerainete of the sublime Porte, than that of guarantee, whenever circumstances should make it necessary to place troops there, the two allies were to do so conjointly, & the constitution of the said republic was to be acknowledged and carried into execution with the consent of both parties. The court of Russia, notwithstanding this convention, placed in these islands as many troops as it pleased, sent there a constitution drawn up at Petersburg, and ordered it to be carried into execution by those in its service, as in a capacity which wholly belonged to it. Besides
which, it made these islands a refuge for the Ottoman subjects of Romelia secretly, or openly seduced, by granting protection to all those who repaired thither. Not content with this, it set on foot every intrigue against the individuals in those countries, engaged in the service of the Porte, and more particularly against H. E. Ali Pacha, governor of Janina.”
“The Sublime Porte had proposed in the present war of Europe to observe the strictest neutrality towards the belligerent parties, the court of Russia, on the contrary, respecting no law of neutrality, and in the formal intention of ironing that of the Porte, took advantage of the passage which had been granted it for a few men of war only, to get a great number of troops conveyed to the Seven Islands; secretly enlisted Albanians, joined them to its own troops, and, unknown to the Porte, sent them into Italy. It dared openly to violate the rights of nations, by fomenting an insurrection at Montenegro, by the channel of its mandates; by enlisting troops of the interior, even of the Ottoman capital, and by committing many other acts contrary to peace—in like manner, it distributed protections in the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia, appropriated to itself numberless subjects, under different titles;—it treated these two provinces nearly like its own possessions; its consuls took part there in the direction of affairs; it persecuted with continual complaints, and by all kinds of vexations, the Vaivodes (Princes) appointed by the Porte, who did not follow its will; on the other hand, it openly protected those who showed affection and inclination for itself; so that the appointment of a Vaivode in these two provinces, on the part of the Porte, became an object of derision.”
“Although each of these grievances might have been a just motive for a declaration of war, still the Sublime Porte showed an unalterable patience, not because she thought herself feeble and impotent, but because she preferred friendly means solely through humane views, and to avoid the effusion of blood. The following is a striking proof of it: The Sublime Porte lately deposed the two Vaivodes of Moldavia & Wallachia, from the exigency of the case. The Russian government, dissatisfied at not having been apprized of the traitor Vaivode of Wallachia, whose perfidy has been sufficiently proved upon several occasions, became hostile to the Sublime Porte; if she had apprized Russia of this measure, the news of it would have come to the knowledge of the said Vaivodes, which would have occasioned much more embarrassment. It was for this reason that Russia was not informed of it until after the deposition.”
“Some time after, the Russian minister, at Constantinople demanded, in the name of his sovereign, that the said Vaivode, should be reinstated without delay, declaring that in case of refusal he had orders to depart with his whole legation, as he had notified to all his tradesmen and others. He further added that his government did not thereby seek a pretext, to realize the hostile intentions which might be imputed to it; but that the reinstatement of the said Vaivodes was his only aim; that if the Porte would consent to it, all differences would be settled between the two powers; that he had express orders to reform his court without delay, of the result of this negotiation. The Sublime Porte conceived by this official declaration, that the court of Russia sought a pretext decidedly to declare war against her, and that by forming such a pretension, so unjust, and so unimportant, it showed that its aim was to impute to the Sublime Porte, the hostile intentions which it nourished in its breast. The Sublime Porte consented, although with repugnance, to the reinstatement of the said Vaivodes, to leave the Russian government no subject of excuse before the powers of Europe.”
“The Porte thought, in fine, that the court of Russia would at least blush at its conduct before the other powers, and would renounce its project of making war against the Ottoman Empire; by no means, two months and half after this period, without there being any new pretext of misunderstanding, and trampling upon the rights of nations at the very moment when every thing announced peace and friendship, Russian troops advanced unawares upon the Turkish territory, whilst the neighboring inhabitants, as also the government of Bender and Choczim, thought themselves in full safety, under the guarantee of the treaties of friendship. The Russian generals taking advantage of this state of confidence and peace, and making use of every kind of artifice, seized upon these two fortresses again in the laws of nations generally respected by all powers.”
“The Sublime Porte was not apprised of it till after the event; it demanded explanations upon this head of the Russian minister; the latter made reiterated protestations, that he had written the issue of the affair of the reinstatement of the Vaivodes to this court, as also to the Russian functionaries upon the Dniester, by virtue of the commission
which had been delegated to him to this purpose; and that the presence of the Russian troops was not a consequence of the same affair. That as to himself he knew of no motive of rupture, and that his court had communicated to him no information upon this subject.”
“The Sublime Porte, learning in unexpected a manner the news of the hostilities committed by the Russians the occupation of her fortresses, and the invasion of her states, immediately to have sent away the Russian ministers from the capital. Although it was to return violence for violence, the Sublime Porte, ever guided by the love of humanity, desired, however, to remove the misfortunes of war; she asked new explanations of the Russian minister; she fixed to him a term for the entire elucidation of this affair, in hopes that the court of Russia would proceed, in time of peace as in time of war, in a manner becoming a power; and that at least not to have to blush before other courts, it would respect political and civil laws.”
“Near a month had elapsed since the first hostilities of the Russians, and the Russian minister gave the Porte no answer, except his protesting to have received no elucidation upon this affair; and the patience of the Sublime Porte being driven to extremities, a longer delay became useless and dangerous to her.”
“On the other hand, gen. Michelson, chief of the Russian troops, addressed seditious proclamations to the judges & governors of Romelia, with the design of seducing even the Mussulmen, and of sowing dissensions in the states of the Ottoman empire; in fine, the unworthy violence of the court of Russia exercised against the Sublime Porte, is unexampled, and no longer to be tolerated.”
“The hostilities of Russia, being notorious and evident, every Mussulman is obliged by religion and the civil law to take vengeance of this perfidious enemy. In declaring war against her, the Sublime Porte puts its whole confidence in the all powerful and avenging God; and to repress the audacity of the enemy, she is obliged to arm by sea and land, to cause all her forces to advance and make themselves act with energy. Thus the Sublime Porte has only resorted to augment the audacity and violence of Russia. The Sublime Porte having for her all possible reasons, the court of Russia remains responsible for the blood which will be shed on both sides, for the misfortunes which must overwhelm humanity; and until that court retracts treaties and alliances, the impossibility of having any confidence in it must be a truth acknowledged by all the powers who are directed by sentiments of justice and moderation.”
“Although the motives above expressed be facts notorious and known to the whole world, and it be by no means necessary to publish them; however, to follow the official usage, a copy of the present declaration has been delivered to the foreign ministers resident in the capital, to be communicated to their respective courts.”
“Given at Constantinople, the 25th of the moon of Chanbel, in the year of the Hegira 1221 (5th January, 1807.)”
This is to give Notice,
THAT the publisher of the city of Washington has obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county of Washington in the district of Columbia letters of administration, on the personal estate of Samuel Hamilton, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to Francis P. Hamilton, of the city of Washington (who is fully authorized to conduct and settle said administration) on or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate.
Given under my hand this 25th day of April, 1807.
CHRISTINA HAMILTON, adm'rx, N. B. All persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment. Washington, April 24—3w
CASH
WILL BE PAID FOR A FEW CARGOES OF LUMBER. Of the Usual descriptions, and of a good Quality, to be delivered at the mouth of the Tyber, as soon as possible.
Apply to
LEWIS MORIN, or GEORGE MOORE, Who are establishing a LUMBER YARD on the banks of the Tyber. Washington city, April 15—
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a deed of trust from James Wigfield to the subscriber will be sold to the highest bidder on the 27th of May next at the hour of 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises a Lot of ground supposed to contain ten acres with the wood thereon situated near the lower Raftern branch bridge and on the road leading to Marlbro. Terms of sale cash.
BENSON L. MCCORMICK, Trustee. February 27—wtdof

We intended to have republished, at earlier date, the following interesting article from the Public Advertiser.
Some of the late proceedings of Congress in favor of commerce. During the last session of Congress, a general survey of the coast of North America, was reported by captains Mores and Price. Those intelligent men acted under instructions from the navy department, and have compiled a new chart, and an explanatory report. The survey extends from Cape Hatteras to Cape Fear, including both the coasts and all the shoals of that dangerous coast. The discoveries are highly important to navigation; and Congress, regarding with a careful and tender eye, the lives and property of its citizens, has ordered the chart to be engraved for the general information.
Encouraged by the favorable issue of this enterprise, and its auspicious bearing upon commerce, Congress at the last session, directed a survey to be made of the whole coast of the United States from the borders of New Brunswick to the confines of Florida. In this the maritime parts of all the states will be included; not excepting the shores of Louisiana, and the parts of the Gulf of Mexico, belonging to the United States. This survey will correct all the errors in the foreign charts by which our mariners are now obliged to sail; and furnish an original set for them to work by. This grand survey is to be executed under the direction of the President of the U. S. and is to extend thirty leagues from the coast, or to the Gulf Stream. Congress have made the liberal appropriation of fifty thousand dollars for the accomplishment of this highly meritorious and national design. There can be no doubt that the best scientific talents will be employed.
For the general defence, Congress has been no less provident. Appropriations are now made to the extent of nearly three hundred and fifty thousand dollars, for putting the ports and harbors of the nation in a better posture of defence. The balance of the last year's appropriation unexpended amounts to considerably more than one hundred thousand dollars; say, with the tools and materials on hand at Fort Jay, to one hundred and ten thousand dollars. The ordinary appropriation for supporting the military establishment is seventy-five thousand dollars. And the extra sum for the protection of ports and harbors, in addition to these, by an act passed a few days ago, is one hundred and fifty thousand dollars: making together an aggregate of three hundred and thirty-five thousand, now in hand for that purpose. Besides this there is a large park of heavy mounted artillery and of military stores ready to be transported to New York for its special defence as soon as the corporation shall assign suitable sites for arsenals, and the state legislature shall cede the jurisdiction to the U. S. in the manner prescribed by the constitution. Until ground shall be procured, and the sovereignty vested in the general government, it is not to be expected that either arsenals will be erected or batteries be built. But as soon as these points shall be provided for, by the municipal authority of the city, and by the legislative power of the commonwealth, then will New York share the full proportion of the national protection to which she is entitled. It is not one of the least remarkable of the events appertaining to this subject, that while the inhabitants of New York have been so important with the general government for defence, they should have done so little themselves towards effectuating the object. Even when the nation is willing to pay for the land, there has been a remarkable backwardness to assign proper situations; and the state legislature appears to be no less tardy in surrendering its jurisdiction. Until those matters shall be adjusted, it will be utterly impossible for the whole scheme contemplated by the executive to be accomplished. This supineness, after all the clamor which has been raised, has a very odd appearance, and savors exceedingly of inconsistency or indifference. It creates infinite embarrassment at the War Office; and the patriotic preparations of the officer at the head of that department, for the protection of New York, are really delayed, and in no small degree frustrated by its own citizens. Let the good people at home do their part—and they will find their general government ready and willing to grant them every thing that is reasonable and proper, and who have already appointed three commissioners to superintend the fortifications to be erected for the port and harbor of New York.
The journey of Captains Lewis and Clarke up the Missouri and over the rocky mountains to the Pacific Ocean, brings us wonderful intelligence as to the fur-trade. It appears from the researches of these enterprising travellers, that the great haunts of the Bison, Deer, Bear, and Beaver have never yet been visited by the Mexicans from the south, or the Canadians from the north. The vast countries lying on the Osage, Platte, Kansas, and numerous other rivers which run into the Missouri are full of these valuable quadrupeds; as are also those which are watered by the Arkansas, the Washita, and the Red river. The vast amount of peltry, which these cessions will afford, will find its way from the mouth of the Missouri to the Atlantic places of deposit, by the accustomed routes; or be lodged at a factory soon to be established near the mouth of the Columbia, and transported thence to China, with a great saving of time and distance.
THE MIRANDA, OR ANGLO FEDERAL EXPEDITION.
The following extracts were put into our possession, a few days ago; being true copies taken from the original letters of the author, to his wife in this city, by a respectable citizen. The writer is a relative of Col. Smith, and appears to have been employed by him in the capacity of chief printer to the expedition. How far or how justly the persons implicated by the writer ought to be censured or held up to public odium by their fellow-citizens, we will leave it to our readers to determine.
EXTRACTS. CARTHAGENA, Dec. 31, 1806. "I have written five or six letters to you, informing you of my wretched and almost insupportable situation, and shall continue to embrace every opportunity to write, although the conveyance to the United States from this place is very difficult and uncertain. My ideas of acquired wealth are forever blasted. Instead of honor and profit, I have obtained chains, fetters, and a loathsome dungeon, so much for Col. Smith's assistance. Little did I suspect the infamous and disgraceful plan the expedition had in view, at the time he proffered me his friendship and advice. When I shall see you or the boys God only knows. We have sent on a memorial to Congress, stating our grievances, and exposing the wickedness of John Adams, Rufus King, William Smith, and others. Ten of our unfortunate comrades were hanged and beheaded at Porto Cavello; who were assured by S—— and his associates, that the undertaking was an honorable one, and directed by the government of the United States. I feel for you and the children's situation. I fear it is very unpleasant, but recommend yourself to the care of that God who knows my injuries, and I hope he will enable me to redress them e'er long. I could write more, but my friend waits, kiss the boys for me, tell them of their father's situation and his misfortunes."
"I am, &c. ROBERT SAUNDERS."
CARTHAGENA, Feb. 7th, 1807. "I embrace the opportunity of capt. Parker's return, who was captured some time since in the South Sea on a whaling voyage going to the U. S. to acquaint you and my friends, with my present deplorable and calamitous situation; not with the expectation that you or they can relieve me, but merely to convince you how improper it is to take the advice of any one, let them be ever so near related, when their own interest is concerned. I have found Col. Smith's honor and profit to be chains and degradation. I have been thrown into a cell of horror—surrounded by every poisonous insect the country affords—served out twice a day with boiled yam and yaker roots about half done, mixed with a little rice, and several of my companions in misery have died from confinement and want. [Here he bitterly accuses Col. Smith as the cause of his misfortunes, and attributes to Rufus King, S. G. Ogden and J. Adams motives of hostility to the administration of Jefferson.] We have forwarded a memorial to the government of the U. S. through whose interference alone we expect to be enlarged, it unfolds a circumstantial detail of the authors and views of the expedition.—How long I shall remain here I cannot tell. I am destined for Omoa, in the province of Mexico. In the mean time I am preparing a long account of this kidnapping expedition, and will transmit it as early as possible to a printer in the U. S. I am, &c. ROBERT SAUNDERS."
From the Aurora.
The agents of England in the United States, the papers in their direct pay, and under their indirect influence, have resorted to a new species of argument—our fears are now no longer to be sported with, the indecision of our government is not now a theme of exultation—they find neither fear nor indecision—the new argument now taken up is that we cannot maintain the independence of our country—nor of our commerce without Great Britain! They have surree up the question then, which country is most independent? We will investigate this question; we defy controversy; we rest upon facts, and call upon federalism (or toryism, which is its true name, as practised) to deny or refute them. Whatever the Boston Palladium may attempt to set up with a view to the maintenance of British influence in the U. S. or to make the people as dependent on that country as if we were still colonies—the spirit and common sense of the nation will be ever ready to revolve against such attempts, nor can the friends of real American independence covet any thing beside peace and independence, so much, as that the advocates of dependence and British connexion should prove, as the Palladium and other similar papers do, the discussion of the subject.
We continue under this head our ammadversions drawn forth by the anglo mania of the Palladium. We have noticed the effects which would result to England from the deprivation of only one article of the raw material for manufacture; the more extensive and circumstantial such an exposition should be made the more striking would our advantages appear. We named the article of tobacco; this though really a superfluity of life, has from the force of habit become a necessary of life to a vast proportion of the population of every quarter of the globe, and to England both as an article of consumption and of manufacture, as
necessary to that consumption, it is of very great importance.
The hostile or selfish policy of England towards the U. S. is very forcibly illustrated in their conduct on this single article, we shall give a few hasty observations on it in connection with other relative facts. During the period of Liston's intrigues in the U. S. and when the U. S. had been involved through those intrigues in a petty warfare with France, our tobaccos which were formerly shipped for France direct, were interdicted by a heavy duty; and found their way to that market by Lisbon and Leghorn, and to the minor ports of Portugal and Italy. Notwithstanding the affected friendship of Great Britain, at that time, when there could not be a suspicion of any friendship, or even a desire of a good understanding upon neutral terms with France, the British cabinet conceived the design of monopolising the sale of all the American tobacco and of excluding our own ships from carrying it. Of the course pursued here to affect the shipments it is not necessary to speak; what was done by their government is matter of record, and admits of no cavil nor subterfuge—by one act passed the 4th of July, 1797. (as if the day had been selected as a triumph over our independence) they attempted "to secure to the ships of Great Britain the exclusive carriage (in time of peace) of some of the most important objects of American export." These extracts are from official documents.
"They selected fish oil and tobacco (articles of great bulk) and levied a duty on the former of 36 shillings and 3 pence sterling per ton of 252 gallons, and upon tobacco 1 shilling and 6 pence per 100 lb. The consequence of this was that a British ship of 250 tons carrying 250 tons of oil to Great Britain from the U. S. paid 453l. 15s. sterling (near 2000 dollars) less duty than the same oil would pay if imported into England in an American ship." "By the same operation, a British ship of 256 tons carrying 400 hogsheads of 1200 lbs. each to Great Britain, would pay 360l. sterling (near 1500 dollars) less than would be paid by an American ship."
As much as has been said by our non-importation agreement, we give the foregoing as an answer to all the ribald ignorance and corrupt declamation on that topic. The excess of duties in these cases amounted to a total prohibition. And the same effect was produced by an augmentation of the duties of other articles which we shall here briefly sketch.
Rice in an American ship, was charged 8 pence sterling per hundred weight, more than in an English ship, which amounts to 3s. 9d. per tierce. Pot and Pearl Ashes—was subjected to a similar obstruction, and by an act of May, 1802, they laid new duties, of which the following is an abstract. Ashes, pot and pearl, 1s. 6d. sterl. cwt. Ginseng, 6s. the 100 lbs. Indigo, (American) 12s. do. Bar Iron, do. 15s. the ton. Pitch, do. 3s. 6d. the last of 12 bbls. Tar, do. 2s. 11d. do. Rosin, do. 4d. the cwt. Rice, do. 8d. do. Tobacco, do. 3s. the 100 lb. Turpentine, do. 2s. the ton. Bees Wax, do. 5s. 9d. the cwt. Cotton, do. 7s. 10d. the 100 lbs. By the same act a duty of one half per cent. was laid on all goods of England exported to any part of Europe; but if exported to the U. S. the duty was made double.
Having proposed to state what related to tobacco especially, we shall now state the situation in which tobacco stood as to importation; and the specific policy of making it an apparent duty free—the following particulars are extracted from the latest and most accurate work on the subject—
  "Tobacco, regularly imported entered, landed and warehoused— Free!!   "If cleared for home consumption, subject to the duties and entitled to drawback on exportation, as follows, viz. sterl. per lb.   "Of the growth, &c. of Spain or Portugal, s. d.   Excise, 1 6   "Of the growth of Russia or Turkey, 1 0   Excise, 0 6   "Of British plantations, 1 0   Excise, 0 6   "Of U. S. of America, imported in a British ship, 0 4   "Do. additional in an American ship per 100 lb. 0 6   Excise, 1 6 
The preference given to Spain and Portugal, and even to Turkey and Russia, requires no animadversion; the above duties are over and above the 12 1/2 per cent. or one eighth of the whole, alluded to in a former paper. In order to afford data for those who wish to understand, as well as those who wish to controvert, if they can, the rights and principles which we maintain, we shall furnish a few data in this and subsequent numbers from which the clear judgment may be formed of the correctness and truth of our animadversions and arguments.—We shall give extracts from the official and authentic papers. Amount value of the exports of the U. S. in the following years to Great Britain—
   Dollars.     1799 26,546,987   1800 27,610,289   Amount value of goods imported from Great Britain in the year 1800—which may be taken as an average— Dollars.   Imports in American vessels, 23,056,733   Imports in foreign vessels, 2,451,096   Total imports from Great Britain, 31,107,834    Taking 1800 as an average year, it will be found that our imports in our own ships from England, of English goods exceeded, the exports altogether from the U. S. to Great Britain by near a million and a half of dollars, and that there was about an additional fourteenth of 3 and a half millions more, imported in foreign ships, that is ships principally English; had the whole difference left a balance of trade gross amounting to upwards of three millions of dollars annually, in favor of Great Britain, in the mere purchase of her manufactures (great part of which we could do without, and the rest we could obtain as cheap elsewhere) while our exports to England, consist of articles either of the first necessity for subsistence, or for manufacture. The profits and export duties of England cannot be estimated at a lower average than 20 per cent. exclusive of the convoy or war duty of 4 per cent. which we as a neutral nation ought not to pay, her convoys being for the advantage of her own commerce; and here we shall find what revenue, beside the profits on her manufactures, she derives from the U. S. in the channel of export duties.     Dollars.     Twenty per cent. profits on goods exported from Great Britain to the U. States— 31,000,000, 6,200,000   The convoy duty 4 per cent. 1,240,000   Add to this amount the duties paid on the importation of American goods into England, 5,750,000   American contribution to British power, 13,190,000   A sum of two millions, more than all the revenue of the U. S.  
From the Salem Register.
THE OSNABURGH TORTURE.
Who can read the following narration without feeling his "blood freeze in his veins," or without execrating the government which countenances such work than savage murder. Let the reader remember, that Hanover belonged to the king of England, and that the fact is stated by one of his own subjects. Having heard much of the mode of torture practised at Hanover, called the Osnaburgh torture, and which is applied by executioners purposely sent for from that Bithorp, (the duke of York was then bishop of Osnaburgh) I applied to be admitted to the cellar in which the engines of torture are kept—as my introduction was by a high officer of the court, I had the honor of a seat near the judges. The person who was put to the torture that day happened to be a female, of family and respectable connections, whose husband stood charged with some crime, but had escaped from his executioners—they seized his wife, to compel her by the torture of Osnaburgh, to criminate him and his connections.
"She was of the most exquisite beauty, and the judges feasted their eyes with a view of her person, already disfigured, by repeating questions as the lay extended on the rack, with a loose garment thrown over part of her body. The Osnaburgh torture was applied in the manner that is related in Mr. Howard's narrative in all its exquisite refinements.—She persisted in her innocence. Her judges, the representatives of the elector of Hanover, celebrated for his domestic and social virtues, sat unmoved either by her beauty, sufferings or protestations. They ordered the executioners to vary her tortures—the cords were drawn to the shortest. She was a mother! From her beauteous and lovely but agonizing breaths, forced by the extreme of her torments, blood spouted, and covered the faces and clothes of her judges. She still asserted her innocence—executioner, increase the question, was again the exclamation of those fiends of Hell; with the most piteous lamentations she begged for mercy. It was in vain—the executioner obeyed the mandate of his superiors, they love once more at the rack—she shrieked, the name of her beloved babe and husband murmured on her trembling lips—nature was totally exhausted by shame and torture—the expired! Good God, never shall I forget the dreadful moment! And is this, exclaimed I to myself, staggering from this court of justice, is it my king, who governs with absolute sway in this city!"
*King of Great Britain, who is elector of Hanover.
To Rent, AND possession given on the 19th November next, the two story Brick Dwelling House on the corner of 8 and 11th streets, at present occupied by Mr. Andrew Gray. A 2 story brick dwelling house in a central situation, of which possession may be had immediately. For terms apply to TILLOS. HERTY. Oct. 17—3t &wtd
WASHINGTON CITY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 6.
OF all the charges habitually and calumniously cast upon the republicans the most absurd and unfounded is perhaps that which ascribes to them the character of revolutionists and disorganisers. It is true that in the days of the revolution they were disorganisers, in the sense attached to that term by those who then styled themselves the friends of order and good government. In those days this honorable description of men exclusively consisted of kings, nobility and clergy; men, not called by their country to the administration of the public affairs, but who had themselves assumed the reins of government, and who in the whole course of their public conduct considered nations as made for their personal aggrandizement. That men of this description, who only promoted the public interests in the degree in which they administered to their own emolument or honor, should stigmatise as disorganisers all those who aimed at affecting their monopolies, is not in the least surprising. Truth was to them the most dreadful disorganiser, and they consequently erected inquisitions, forged chains, and multiplied fetters for those who dared to inculcate what it inspired.
It was this monopoly of power, and the dreadful abuses to which it led, that produced our revolution, which issued in the triumph of truth over prejudice, and which established political principles before unknown or unobserved among men.
Who then are the real disorganisers of the present day? Those who maintain these principles, or those who subvert them? Those who adhere to principles of native growth, or those who go back to those of a foreign origin? Those who respect the great principles established by our constitutions, or those, who, in violation of these, reverence the principles prevalent in the old and corrupt governments of Europe, on the subversion of which our glorious revolution arose? On this ground let the case be put to issue. This ground properly surveyed, and the federalists of the United States must be considered as the great disorganisers of the land—and the republicans as those who are for adhering to the good old principles on which our political fabric is founded.
Let us descend to particulars. Our revolution established the great principle, not merely of religious toleration, but of the entire separation of religious from political institutions. Have the republicans, in a solitary instance, aimed at invading this great principle? Have they erected inquisitions? Have they devised religious establishments in any form? Have they given a preference to one sect over another? Have they laid taxes for the support of religion, thereby making the maintenance of the latter a thing of coercion and not of choice? Have they required religious tests, thereby excluding those of particular tenets from a participation in the government? None of these invasions of conscience, none of these infractions of the great compact that unites us together are, or can be charged upon them. On the contrary, they have passed many laws to guarantee the enjoyment of equal religious privileges, and the principles they invariably inculcate are those of unlimited freedom of conscience and worship. Need we appeal to what is fresh in the recollection of every enlightened man—to the memorable act of the Virginia legislature penned by the most distinguished republican in the union? Need we appeal to the enlightened principles of a Franklin and a Rittenhouse, the illustrious coadjutors of a Penn. Need we appeal to the constitution of the United States, free from the reproach of a religious test, in the formation of which a Madison so largely participated? These are positive, irrefragable proofs that the most distinguished disciples of republicanism are the firm friends of religious liberty.
Contemplate the opposite side of the picture; and you behold whatever remains in our political institutions, or habits, that partakes of the spirit of bigotry, or ecclesiastical establishment, under the special guardianship of federalism. In New England, until lately entirely under the rod of federalism, and part of it still remaining in its fetters, there still exists a religious establishment. We say a religious establishment. For, however accommodating the spirit that upholds such an institution may be to the temper of the times, there cannot exist a doubt that the principle of an establishment is still retained, which may hereafter, a circumstances shall justify it, be exemplified in the rage of intolerance and persecution. There a man is compelled to pay a tax for the support of religious worship. So far the act is coercive. So far the civil power maintains an ecclesiastical establishment. This is undeniable. A man, whose temple is his own conscience, who cannot, among the various existing sects, find one congenial to his own sentiments, is constrained to contribute towards the maintenance of an establishment, to which he is in his conscience opposed. Here then is a palpable violation of conscience, of one of the great principles of the revolution. This despotism over the conscience, for it deserves not a milder name, is maintained by federalists. Republicans disclaim it, and deem it a reproach. In the republican states such a principle does not exist, and would not be tolerated. It will be observed that these last remarks are not intended to be applied to those states in New Eng-

land, in which the republican principle has recently triumphed. Time has not yet elapsed for them to destroy the abuses which have crept into their systems under the auspices of federalism.
Contrast these establishments with the memorable act of the Virginia legislature, penned by Jefferson, thirty years ago.
“AN ACT for establishing Religious Freedom, passed in the Assembly of Virginia in the beginning of the year 1786.”
“WELL aware that Almighty God hath created the mind free; that all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments or burdens, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness, and are a departure from the plan of the Holy Author of our religion, who being Lord both of body and mind, yet chose not to propagate it by coercions on either, as was in his Almighty power to do; that the impious presumption of legislators and rulers, civil as well as ecclesiastical, who being themselves fallible and uninspired men have assumed dominion over the faith of others, setting up their own opinions and modes of thinking as the only true and infallible, and as such endeavoring to impose them on others, hath established and maintained false religions over the greatest part of the world, and through all time; that to compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves, is sinful and tyrannical; that even the forcing him to support this or that teacher of his own religious persuasion, is depriving him of the comfortable liberty of giving his contributions to the particular pastor whose morals he would make his pattern, and whose powers he feels most persuasive to righteousness, and is withdrawing from the ministry those temporal rewards, which, proceeding from an approbation of their personal conduct, are an additional incitement to earnest and unremitting labors for the instruction of mankind; that our civil rights have no dependance on our religious opinions, more than our opinions in physics or geometry; that therefore the proscribing any citizen as unworthy the public confidence by laying upon him an incapacity of being called to offices of trust and emolument, unless he profess or renounce this or that religious opinion, is depriving him injudiciously of those privileges and advantages to which in common with his fellow citizens he has a natural right; that it tends also to corrupt the principles of that very religion it is meant to encourage, by bribing, with a monopoly of worldly honors and emoluments, those who will externally profess and conform to it; that though indeed these are criminal who do not withstand such temptation, yet neither are those innocent who lay the bait in their way; that to suffer the civil magistrate to intrude his powers into the field of opinion and to restrain the profession or propagation of principles, on a supposition of their ill tendency, is a dangerous fallacy, which at once destroys all religious liberty, because he being of course judge of that tendency, will make his opinions the rule of judgment, and approve or condemn the sentiments of others only as they shall square with or differ from his own; that it is time enough for the rightful purposes of civil government, for its officers to interfere when principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order; and finally, that truth is great and will prevail if left to herself, that she is the proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict, unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons, free argument and debate, errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted freely to contradict them.”
“Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly, That no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief; but that all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities.”
“And though we well know that this assembly, elected by the people for the ordinary purposes of legislation only, have no power to restrain the acts of succeeding assemblies, constituted with powers equal to our own, and that therefore to declare this act irrevocable, would be of no effect in law, yet we are free to declare, and do declare, that the rights hereby asserted are of the natural rights of mankind, and that if any act shall be hereafter passed to repeal the present or to narrow its operation, such act will be an infringement of natural right.”
Our great charters declare all men politically equal. The republicans have been assiduously engaged in making them so, by destroying all monopolies of power, by equalising the right of suffrage. A solitary exception is to be found in Virginia, and such is the spirit with which political research is conducted in that state, that the day must speedily arrive when the right of suffrage will be universal. At any rate this is a leading maxim with the republicans; a maxim which they habitually inculcate, and one, which under their guidance, is rapidly gaining ground. They profess a respect for equal rights; they consider the great body of the people capable, through the principle of representation, of governing themselves wisely and happily. Is this the creed of federalists? Let those men answer who have emphatically
denominated the people their own worst enemies; who systematically decry popular elections, and systematically extol the British system, where elections are but nominal? Who then are here the grand disorganizers, but the federalists? Who so grand a disorganizer as Alexander Hamilton, the deified idol of federalism, who proposed a Senate for life, under the certain conviction that the hereditary principle would soon follow?
The bearing of republican and federal tenets on property remain to be considered. In correspondence with the great principles established by the revolution, the republicans have zealously strove to clear the Augean stable of the law of the impurities accumulated by the British system. It is not strange that that system, which is so admirable a plan for the creation and preservation of monopolies, should, true to its great principle, have surrounded property with so many barriers, as to render it exceedingly difficult to dispossess the fraudulent in favor of the rightful owner. But just in the degree in which we admire that system as applicable to England, are we compelled to reject it as applicable to ourselves. Hence with us the prompt and cheap recovery of debts ought to be a radical part of our institutions. So much of human happiness depends upon the secure enjoyment of the fruits of industry, that no government can merit the epithet of good, in which this object is not secured. To accomplish this object the republicans have labored assiduously. They have been constantly and furiously opposed by the federalists. Here the full cry of disorganization and anarchy has been sounded in our ears; but, with what justice let events decide. Is there an honest man in those portions of the community, in which the greatest reforms have been made, who can say that his property is endangered, or is made in the least degree insecure by them? Debts are more promptly recovered, the expense attending their recovery is diminished; but these are effects in which every honest man is deeply interested: they are effects which tend to appreciate property, to secure the honest gains of industry, and to ameliorate morals generally.
Ramify these general statements as extensively as you please, and they issue in the same result; they all prove the folly of the charges cast upon the republicans of being disorganizers and anarchists; and prove that those who the most clamorously urge them, are themselves the greatest disorganizers and anarchists.
There is the best reason for believing the reports in circulation relative to any disaster sustained by the Wasp in the late storm entirely destitute of truth. The only information received, that is entitled to credit, states her safe arrival at Hampton.
[We received the following letter by yesterday's mail, from New Orleans.]
FOR THE PUBLIC. MR. SMITH, I pronounce a letter imputed to Gen. John Adair, and said to be addressed to the Kentucky delegation in Congress, to be a vile and infamous fabrication—and I am able to prove by the testimony of Ralston and Floyd, two of Burr's associates, that general Adair left Nashville with Burr's knowledge and direction, and visited this city for the express purpose of co-operating with the said Burr.
New Orleans, April 3, 1807. JAMES WILKINSON. N. B. The substance of this letter was noticed in your paper some time since. J.W.
Wilson C. Nicholas, Esq. is elected to Congress in the district of Albemarle, without opposition. He fills the place of the able and virtuous Thomas M. Randolph.
Enquirer.
REMARKABLE WHIRLWIND. On Wednesday last, about three o'clock took place the most tremendous Hurricane or Whirlwind ever experienced in this country. At the Fork Meeting-House, called the Methodist Meeting-House, near the dwelling of Aquila Hall, Esq. were swept away seventeen houses, and several large trees fences were swept off—in fact, not a single vestige left in that thriving place except the meeting-house and dwelling-house of C. Gorlach. The hurricane continued its course from thence northerly across the Falls of Gunpowder to Hartford county; and lamentable to tell! the devastation committed in blowing down trees and fences, and entirely destroyed the property of David Lee, Junr. living near the Friends' Meeting House in said county, &c.
Balt. Amer.
BRITISH NAVY. The following is a statement of the distribution of the British naval force up to the 1st of March: at sea 86 sail of the line; 7 ships from 50 to 44 guns; 115 frigates, 152 sloops, and 182 gun brigs and smaller vessels, making a total of 542 ships of war. The number in commission is 135 sail of the line, 13 from 50 to 44 guns, 155 frigates, 152 sloops, &c. and 182 gun brigs, making a total at sea and repairing 738.
Philadelphia, May 1. We understand that a warrant was issued by the chief justice on applica-
tion of the Governor's son, Joseph B. McKean, on Thursday last for the arrest of Dr. Leib, on a charge of a conspiracy against the Governor. The amount of recognizance demanded of Dr. Leib and his sureties, is, 5000 dollars!! The constitution declares that excessive bail shall not be required, yet notwithstanding this declaration 5000 dollars were required and given.
Alexandria, May 4. Captain Coleman of the ship United States, arrived yesterday, from Barbadoes, has politely favored us with a Newspaper of the 11th of April, from which we copy the following:—
BRIDGE-TOWN, APRIL 11. CONQUEST OF MONTE-VIDEO.
The following particulars of the event will be found highly gratifying, being given with accuracy which does not admit of a doubt, and upon which further proof of the valor, discipline and enterprise of the British arms, we pay a most willing testimony. The account is received from the American brig Troy, John Hazard, forty-four days Rio Grande, bound to New Orleans; spoke by his majesty's ship Jason arrived here this morning from a cruise, communicated to us from the first authority.
Gen. Acha with a reinforcement of four or five hundred men, about the 7th of Jan. last arrived at Maldenada, and after having embarked all our troops after there, proceeded up the river towards Monte Video, landed at point Cartas, about three miles from town, the 19th, and immediately attacked and routed a body of Spaniards collected to prevent their landing, taking from them a twenty four pounder. The English then marched and took post at the watering place, about a mile from the town. On the 23d the Spaniards came out of Monte Video with 5000 men to attack them. The English immediately decamped and formed an apparent retreat, till they got three miles from the town, when they halted: the Spaniards who supposed them flying, pursuing in a most furious manner, huzzaing, &c. during this retreat a party of 300 cavalry, with some infantry, were landed between the enemy and town from our ships. On being attacked, the enemy made a very faint resistance, and retired in the greatest confusion, only 3400 Spaniards getting back to the town. The vanguard, with 100 men escaped into the country. Our troops then proceeded to invest the town; and on the 8d Feb. having made a feint at the harbor, or North Gates, which drew the enemy's attention to that part, the English army entered by the Sea Gates, which they faced, and after a great carnage, took possession of the town.
When the Troy left Rio Grande, the English were preparing to proceed for Buenos Ayres. Gen. Berresford was still a prisoner about ten leagues from Buenos Ayres and the English prisoners, said to be about three hundred deficient of their original number, are dispersed about the country.
BONAPARTE'S PROCLAMATION.
Soldiers! We began to enjoy a little rest in our winter-quarters, when the enemy fell upon our advanced corps, and shewed themselves upon the Lower Vistula. We marched against them. We have pursued them upwards of thirty leagues. They have fled to their entrenchments, and again passed the Pregel. In the battles of Bergfried, Deppen, Hoff and Elau, we have taken sixty five pieces of cannon, sixteen standards, and killed, wounded and taken prisoners, 40,000 men. Since we have baffled the designs of the enemy, we shall again return to the Vistula and occupy our cantonments! Should the enemy then dare to disturb us, it shall be to his sorrow, for beyond the Vistula, as well as beyond the Danube, in the middle of a hard winter, or in the beginning of autumn, we will always remain French soldiers, and soldiers of the Grand Army.”
WARSAW, Feb. 23. Gen. Savary, who, on account of the indisposition of marshal Lannes, commands the 5th corps of the grand army, completely defeated, on the 16th inst. the Russian corps under general Essen. This general and general Mulles had received from Moladecina a reinforcement of six regiments; Prince Italinsky had joined them with 8000 men; and the whole corps, at least 30,000 men strong, took a position near Wyssky. General Savary who expected to be attacked by them, detached general Gazan to attack the Russians, who fell on one of his corps and routed it. The Russians made a second attack on Ostrolenka, where a severe conflict took place in the streets. The enemy was repulsed, but joined the corps opposed to gen. Gazan. Both armies formed in a line of battle, and a general engagement took place. The Russians were repulsed on all points, and pursued three leagues, until seven o'clock at night. They lost two stands of colors, six pieces of cannon, and 1,500 men killed, Prince Italinsky was dangerously wounded. The French General Campana was killed, General Rigaud wounded, and general Oudinot had a horse killed under him. On the 17th early, the French army was still in pursuit of part of the Russian horse.
LONDON, MARCH 20. The expedition under the command of gen. Whitlock, for the river of Plate,
sailed yesterday from Portsmouth. It consisted of about 2,500 men, chiefly composed of the 89th regiment of militia.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
ONE way of representing the value and importance of an object is by calculation on the pecuniary scale; with this view, I stated at a large amount the sum that might be proper to expend in the formation of Roads and Canals; the modification that this general proposition will receive by subsequent explanation will, I trust, serve to do away much of the alarm that would naturally enough arise from the first impression.
I shall in the first place remark, that as the whole of the improvements could not be made in one year, it would not of course be necessary to vote the whole of the necessary supply in one session; it would only be requisite to appropriate for the current disbursements. In this way the early expenditures would become productive, whilst the subsequent grants were under consumption; but as it is a fundamental principle in all republican governments, that the agency of the executive shall be as much narrowed as is possible, consistent with the public welfare, every section of road or canal on which a toll could be levied, should be disposed of to individuals or companies, to be transferred in fee—upon such conditions as would guard against all neglects, or mismanagement in the purchase, such agreement having always a reference to the general system.
The tolls should bear proportion to the cost, calculating upon the most extensive general plan; this is the truest means of computing and fixing it; some parts would pay well, others worse, but the average of the whole would give legal interest on the capital to government, and be a great benefit to the inhabitants.
The great length of time necessary, even to prepare for the execution of such a plan is one of the strongest inducements to its immediate commencement. In the first place many arrangements between individual states, and between individual states and the U. States, would be requisite; the difficulties that have arisen in this way, from conflicting local interests, & the obstinate tenacity of territorial jurisdiction, is well known and much deplored by every liberal minded citizen; to attempt to defeat these obstacles in detail, would be to annihilate our prospects; the insatiable selfishness of some, the ambitious, crafty policy of others, the passions, the prejudices, and above all, the ignorance of the many, would present a phalanx of opposition too formidable to engage with; but amongst this host of difficulties lie the means of success; and the state governments can be combined with us, and made useful auxiliaries in its accomplishment; previous preparatory concessions should be obtained, accurate surveys of routes made, detailed reports laid up; and the theory well digested and publicly communicated, that every thing might be discussed—nothing ripens and edifies the public mind so much as this species of tuition. With respect to our national police we are at present safe, and when we consider the extravagant waste of intellect and mechanism, in the lowest services, can we hesitate to hope that we shall have enlightened elucidations from able pens, from that worthy class of men, who apart from the crowd, are employed in the investigation of the sciences, and like the illustrious Franklin, tracing their application to the various pursuits of his laborious fellow citizens.
To excite and seize upon the public sentiment with a view of directing it to public advantage, is the attempt of a truly noble mind; of this kind is that of Bonaparte, to bring silks into fashion, in order to restore the manufactures of France. The same principle has been successfully pursued in England with the greatest success. A passion for chemical research was at one time so prevalent at Paris, that even the ladies would talk of nothing else; it is wonderful then, that that science should be so ardently studied, and so effectually explored by philosophers acting under the stimulus of female beauty. Should our ladies be brought to acquire the same predilection for the grand national machinery of roads and canals, the knowledge relative to them would become an object of pursuit, even with the men of pleasure.
Now or never, is the time to push improvements on in the Atlantic states; their population is not increasing much, along the sea board their increase being annually drained to fill up the western vacant lands. The western interest and voice is increasing in our national councils; when once it preponderates, which period will not be long coming, as nature has pointed out a conjunction of interest more immediate between the Louisiana and western interests, we may bid adieu to every hope of internal improvement, under the auspices of the government, within the old United States.—One of the
CANAL PARTY.
TAKE NOTICE.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, a negro man named Wm. MASON, about 5 feet 6 inches high, bet. 30 and 40 years of age, who was hired by me from Dr. James H. Blake of Fairfax county near Alexandria, Virginia—he never worked for me but one week. I will give 5 Dollars reward to any person that brings him to the Navy Yard, city of Washington.
I forewarn any person from employing said negro at their peril. PAT. FARRELL. May 6—3t
Table with 3 columns: Ward, Red Ticket, Repub. Ticket. Rows include: First ward (225, 145), Second ward (145, 63), Third ward (145, 332), Fourth ward (207, 401), Fifth ward (170, 18), Sixth ward, Seventh ward, Eighth ward, Ninth ward. Totals: 685, 1186, 685. Text about Governor Lewis and Mr. Tompkins.
SPRING GOODS. London, Manchester, & Scotch Goods Imported in the Fair American, Fame, Abena, and Hercules, for sale, by APPLETON & Co. No 16 Calvert Street, Baltimore. CALICOES, furniture dimity, mouselins, velvets and cords, mouselins, cambrics, broad cloths, cassimeres, velvets, hats, umbrellas, hosiery,uffs, ginghams, chambrays, flannels, handkerchiefs, silks, laces, and lace goods of every kind, &c. &c. These goods were purchased in England with cash, and 60 days acceptance, and will be sold very low, by the package or piece, for cash or 90 day bills. Daily expected, By the Diana, Globe, and John Adams. An additional Supply many of these goods are in assorted cases, calculated for exportation, and are entitled to bounties. Baltimore, May 6—2w
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the hon. the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of Chancery for the county of Washington, will be sold, at public sale, on the premises, the 5th day of August next, at 12 o'clock M. that valuable land situated in Georgetown, in the district of Columbia, and known by the name of THE UNION TAVERN, now in the occupancy of Wm. Brewster, and late the property of Charles M'Laughlin, deceased; together with the Lots, Houses, Stables and improvements belonging to, and on which the said tavern is erected, and also the two story Brick House situate on Bridge street, near the said Union Tavern, and the Lot on which the same is erected, late the property of James S. Morrell, Esq. The terms of sale are, the purchaser to give bonds, with approved security, for the payment of the purchase money, with interest from the day of sale, in three equal annual payments. DANIEL BUSSARD, Trustee. The creditors of the said Charles M'Laughlin are hereby notified to bring into the said court their claims, with the vouchers thereof, against the said Charles M'Laughlin, within two months from the day of sale above mentioned. DANIEL BUSSARD, trustee. May 6—w4t
This is to give Notice, THAT the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of JOHN WILKS PRATT, late of said county, deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to JOHN A. WILSON, in said county, or to JOHN A. WILSON, in Prince George's county, who are fully authorized to conduct and settle the said administration, on or before the 30th of October; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand and seal, this 23d of April, 1807. RACHEL PRATT, Administratrix. N. B. All persons indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. Washington, April 23, 1807—3t
This is to give Notice. THAT the subscribers have obtained from the Orphans court of Montgomery county in Maryland letters testamentary on the personal estate of Richard Thomas, late of said county deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers at or before the last day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under our hands this 17th of April, 1807. RICHARD THOMAS, WILLIAM THOMAS, Executors. N. B All those who are indebted to the said estate are requested to make immediate payment to Wm. Thomas, who has the books and is fully authorised to settle the same. April 20—1w3t
ADVERTISEMENT. Pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland passed at November session 1806, notice is hereby given to all persons holding Lots in the town of Cumberland, Allegany county, and on which ground rents are now due, that unless they come forward and discharge the same on or before the 1st day of January next, the said lots & standing charged with ground rent, and a naming unpaid on that day, will then on the last day of January be put up at Public Sale, and sold to the highest bidder upon a credit of 60 days, as by the said act of Assembly, entitled “An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county” is directed. The sale to be held at John Rine's tavern in said town, and to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. THOMAS BELL, of Saml. April 29—3 & 4m7t

is to give notice, that the... is to give notice, that the... is to give notice, that the...
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW... HENRY HIORT, ATTORNEY AT LAW... Has an Office in Mr. INGLE'S
162. From Somerset by Berlin & Saisbury to Cumberland once a week... 163. From Alexandria by Centre Furnace & Belmont to Williamsport once a week.
179. From Chillicothe by Pepee to Alexandria once a week... 180. From Chillicothe by Brown's & Roads, New Market, Williamsburg and Columbia to Cincinnati once a week.
8 a.m. and arrive at Cokesbury on Saturday... 200. From Geneva by Canoe Creek to New Madrid once in two weeks.
ALLEN B. DUCKETT, Adm... SALE AT AUCTION... LAND FOR SALE
The thorough Bred Horse MONTICELLO, NOW IN HIGH ORDER... WILL be Let to Mares the ensuing season...
164. From Bristol by Attleboro', Newtown & Doylestown to Quakertown once a week... 165. From Bristol by Attleboro', Newtown, New Hope, Doylestown, Montgomery Square, Morrisstown, Powelton's Ford, Pughtown, Morgantown, Churchtown & New Holland to Lancaster, once a week.
181. From Cincinnati by Hamilton, Franklin and Dayton to Staunton—thence by Springfield, Ludlow, Xenia, Waynesville, Lebanon, Deerfield and Charleston to Cincinnati once a week... 182. From Cincinnati by Hamilton, North Bend, Crosby, Laurenceburg, Boone & Gallatin & h and Newcastle to Frankfort once a week.
IN VIRGINIA... 202. From Randolph & h to Franklin, Va. once in two weeks... 203. From Prince Edward & h by Hunter's tavern to Lynchburg, once a week.
JOHN TRAVERS, Auctioneer... LAND FOR SALE... JOHN GANTT, Sen.
PROPOSALS... For carrying the MAILS of the United States, on the following Post Roads... 154. From Carlisle, by Mannahann, Washington, Berlin, Abbottstown, Hanover, Manchester and Reistertown, to Baltimore, once a week.
166. From Bethlehem by Lehigh to Berwick once a week... 167. From Tunkhannock by Union, N. Y. once a week.
IN KENTUCKY... 183. From Washington, by Augusta, to Cincinnati once a week... 184. From Washington, by Fleming & h Upper Blue Licks, State Furnace Mount Sterling and White's to Lexington once a week.
IN NORTH CAROLINA... 205. From Williamsboro' by Pullock's store, Brown's store, Sterlingville and the Red House, to Caldwell & h once in two weeks... 206. From Raleigh by Paul's ferry, Watson's & Reads, Richardson's, on Little River, Woodward's on Contentney river, and Dow's, on Toffton, to Tarboro' once in two weeks.
By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery, will be sold at Public Auction... THOMAS G. ADDISON, Trustee... CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant, Taylor
155. From Baltimore, by Reistertown, Winchelsea, Union Mills, Peterboro and G. G. G. to Chambersburg, once a week... 156. From Chambersburg, by Strasburg, Fane's store, Bedford Furnace, Thirreyburg, to Drakes, on the Juniata, once a week.
168. From Greensburg by Kittanning once a week... 169. From Greensburg by Mount Pleasant, Robbstown, Parkinson's ferry, Washington, West Alexandria & West Liberty to Wheeling once a week.
185. From Frankfort, by Georgetown, Cincinnati, Palmouth, Grant's Lick and Newport, to Cincinnati once a week... 186. From Frankfort by Shelbyville and Madtown to Louisville once a week.
IN GEORGIA... 207. From Darien by Estill & Montgomery & h to Fort Wilkinson once in two weeks... 208. From Natchez, M. T. by Concord, Caddo's ferry, Catahoula, and Rapid, to Natchitoches, once in two weeks.
A choice assortment... Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms... RICHARD MARVELL'S celebrated patent parallel suspender...
170. From Pittsburg, Pa. by Beaverstown, Greensburg, Poland, Canfield & Youngstown, to Warren, once a week... 171. From Warren by Mesopotamia, Windsor, Morgantown, Jefferson, Austinburg, Grand River, Euclid, Cleveland, Hudson, Ravenna, Deerfield, Elsworth & Palmyra to Warren once a week.
172. From Cleveland by Sandusky to Fort Miami once a week... 173. From Detroit by Frenchtown to Fort Miami once a week.
187. From Frankfort, by Harrodsburg, Danville and Springfield, to Green & h once a week... 188. From Ruffelsville, by Christian & h to Eddyville once a week.
IN ORLEANS... 209. From Knoxville T. to the Agency house, on Tappahossee river once a month... 210. From Rapid to Opelousa, once in two weeks.
By virtue of a decree of the circuit court of the district of Columbia... PUBLIC SALE... D. B. TRUSTEE... THE COMMISSIONERS
174. From Jefferson by Ashtabula, Conneaut & Walnut Creek to Erie once in two weeks... 175. From New Baltimore or Brook & h Va. by Steubenville, Fannettown, Georgetown & New Lisbon to Canfield once a week.
176. From Warrenton to West Liberty in Virginia once a week... 177. From Zanesville by Tuscarora and Salem to Gnadenhutten once in two weeks.
IN INDIANA TERRITORY... 190. From Frankfort, by Harrodsburg, Danville and Springfield, to Green & h once a week... 191. From Greene & h by G. G. G., Pruett's Knob, Bowling Green, Ruffelsville, Springfield and Mansker's Lick to Nashville once a week.
NOTES... 1. The Post master general may expedite the mails... 2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified.
178. From Chillicothe, by Franklin to Washington once in two weeks... 179. From Chillicothe by Pepee to Alexandria once a week.
192. From Ruffelsville, by Christian & h to Eddyville once a week... 193. From Danville by Stanford and Pulaski & h to Wayne & h once in two weeks.
20 DOLLARS REWARD... RANAWAY from the subscriber in August last, a Negro Charles... GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master-general.