The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-07-11 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCXCVI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, JULY 12, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON.
Barnaby, 14th June 1805—4f
TO RENT,
THE COMMODORE'S BRICK STONE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. MEALY & Co.
Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 26—4f
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the SHADYAC HOTEL lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house.
PONTIUS D. STELLE.
Washington City, March 25—4f N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
FOR SALE,
I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadows" patented 31st December 1805, for 341 acres, near Shellys or Sellys Little Meadows; the other "Mount Parnassus" patented 31st December 1805, for 298 acres; this tract lies on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never been on the land, consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqrs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the nature of the aforesaid tracts of Land they might be of an excellent quality.
Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince Georges county.
SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE.
June 23—8w The legal representatives of Nancy Abernethy deceased, and to all others whom it may concern.
Take notice, that, at the last court of Common Pleas, held at Carlisle for Cumberland county, James Corbet and Margaret his wife, late Margaret Clark, widow and relict of John Clark late of alien township in Cumberland county, deceased, in right of the said Margaret presented their petition to the said court praying the appointment of commissioners to take the testimony of witnesses, in support of the last will and testament of the said John Clark deceased, in perpetuam rei memoriam. And the said court have appointed the first Monday of August next, as the day upon which all persons concerned may come forward and contest the same, or show cause, if any they have, why a commission to perpetuate testimony in support of the said will, shall not issue.
By order of the court. W. M. LYON, Prothonotary.
Carlisle, June 23—3w
TO LET.
THREE HOUSES, One three story & one two story brick, completely finished with Coach Houses and Stables, both situated on Capitol Hill, and one near two story Frame near the Tyler, on Pennsylvania Avenue.
Enquire of Henry Ingle, who has on hand a good assortment of Mahogany Furniture. June 23—1m
FOR SALE,
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereunto belonging (situate property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid.
Note.—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—4f
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils—also Paints of every description.
THOMAS PATTERSON, Washington city, June 23—4f
FROM THE ENQUIRER.
ON THE DOCTRINE OF CONTRACTS.
There is nothing more abhorrent to the feelings of a republican people, and there cannot exist a more abundant source of oppression than the uncertainty of penal laws. In our state, crimes are for the most part accurately defined, and the corresponding punishments clearly pointed out, so that in most instances it is almost impossible for any man to offend against the laws without knowing that he is guilty of a certain crime, and is liable to a certain punishment. The doctrine of contempts committed against courts of justice, forms perhaps a solitary exception to this honorable and excellent provision in our criminal code. We are obliged to peruse the volumes of the common law of England not only to ascertain in what the crime of "contempt" consists, but also to find out what punishment is annexed to it, and the no less important circumstance of the manner in which the punishment shall be inflicted. Indeed after the most attentive perusal of those volumes, we shall still be puzzled to ascertain the extent of the crime, because there is a discretion vested in the courts on this subject which places certainty beyond our utmost reach. That discretion is in my humble judgment repugnant to republican principles, and in less suspicious times may be easily converted into an engine of great oppression.
By referring to the commentaries on the laws of England, we shall find that the contempts which are punishable by the superior courts of justice there, are either direct or consequential, and it is astonishing to observe how many acts are considered as coming within that crime. Perhaps many of the instances which are recited ought in fact to call down the vengeance of the law; but when we recollect that those who are guilty of contempts are to be punished in their persons and their fortunes, in a summary manner, without the intervention of a jury, by a court who are most commonly interested, and who can hardly be removed from office even for the grossest misbehavior, we may surely pause and ask, can there be safety whilst such laws exist. Let us take a short view of the various acts which are punishable in a summary way, and are considered as coming under the description of contempts.
1st. When judges and magistrates of inferior courts act unjustly, oppressively, or irregularly in the discharge of the duties of their office, or when they proceed in a cause which are directed by a superior court not to proceed in, they are considered in all these cases as being guilty of contempt. Under this regulation, a complete mastery is given to the superior courts over the inferior, not only for the purpose of reversing their judgments, but of punishing them for injustice, oppression, and irregularity, and those superior courts have the complete discretion to say what shall be considered as unjust, oppressive, or irregular. Under this regulation a respectable magistrate who may have discharged the duties of his office with fidelity, may under a charge of disobedience to a writ proceeding from a superior court, or of irregular conduct, be dragged before that very court, and without being allowed to defend himself before his peers, be fined and imprisoned according to no measure but that of the judge's discretion. The common law of England is the law of Virginia, and I presume that our superior courts consider themselves as having the same authority over our inferior magistrates, that the court of King's Bench has over the subordinate jurisdictions in England. In this state there are upwards of a thousand magistrates. Is this numerous and respectable class of citizens willing that they should be subject to the discretion, or more properly speaking the whim and caprice of a few judges, however wise, and virtuous they may be? Can any reason be possibly assigned why a magistrate should be deprived of the benefit of a trial by jury, even when he is guilty of oppression? Besides the question necessarily occurs, "quis custodiet ipsos custodes?" It is by this short and summary method the inferior judges are to be punished for a violation of law, who are to punish the superior magistrates when they equally offend? They will sometimes act irregularly, unjustly, or oppressively, and in such cases would deserve punishment in a summary manner as the inferior judges. Let the justices who constitute a considerable portion of our legislature look to this subject, while yet they have the power.
2d. When bailiffs, jailors, sheriffs and other officers of the court abuse the process of the law, or deceive the parties by any acts of oppression, extortion, collusive behavior, or culpable neglect of duty, they are considered as guilty of contempts, and are punishable in the same way. In this instance also, I conceive the power of the courts is considerable. A jury must be infinitely better calculated to judge of these criminal acts, and of the punishment proper to be annexed to them than the court.
3rd. Attorneys and solicitors who are guilty of fraud and corruption, injustice to their clients, or other dishonest practices. I see no reason why they should not have the benefit of the trial by jury. Indeed the law of Virginia seems to have altered the common law in this respect. By our statute law, the counsel who practice in the court of appeals, court of chancery, general or district courts, are liable to have their licence suspended or vacated for mal-practices, either in those courts or the inferior ones; but the process against them is not summary, for the party accused is to be summoned to show cause why an information should not be filed against him, and when the information is filed, a jury is empanelled to ascertain his guilt.
4th. Jurymen who make default when summoned, who refuse to be sworn, or to give any verdict, who eat or drink without leave of the court, or at the expense of either party, &c.
5th. Witnesses who make default when summoned, who refuse to be sworn or examined, or prevaricate in their evidence when sworn; are deemed to be guilty of contempts.
In these two last cases, the legislature seem to have been aware of the danger of trusting too much to the discretion of the courts, and they have for that reason in each instance either specified the sum in which the person offering the contempt shall be fined, or limited it to a certain sum which the court cannot exceed.
6th. There are contempts also offered to courts, by parties to a suit, as by disobedience to any order, or rule of court made during the pendency of a suit, &c. But the attachments which are issued, in consequence of contempts of this sort, are considered rather as civil executions for the benefit of the party, than as a criminal prosecution.
7th. The last species of contempt is that which may be offered by every person, and is fraught with most danger to the citizen on account of the great discretion given to the judge, and the undefined nature of the crime. Some of these contempts may arise in the face of the court, as by rude and contumelious behavior, by obstinacy, perverseness or prevarication, by breach of the peace, or wilful disturbances.—Others may happen in the absence of the party, as by disobeying, or treating with disrespect the writs, or the rules, or the process of the court; by perverting such writ to the purposes of private malice, extortion or injustice; by speaking or writing contemptuously of the court or judges, or printing false accounts or even true ones, without proper permission, or causes then depending in judgment, or by any act which demonstrates a gross want of regard and respect for courts of justice.
It is certainly proper that courts of justice should be vested with the power of preventing any disturbance, or any act from being done whilst in session which has a tendency to interrupt the important business which it may have to transact, but would not this object be secured by authorising the courts to deliver the party to the custody of the sheriff, there to remain until the end of the court, or for a certain number of days, as completely, as by authorising them to inflict a rigorous fine, and a more lengthened imprisonment? The power of the legislature, over those who interrupt their proceedings, I believe, extends no farther, and to every religious man it may seem as important that an assembly collected for the purpose of worshipping their creator, should have as complete a power to preserve order, and punish contempts against them, as a court of justice. By the Virginia law, if any person wilfully or maliciously disturbs a religious assembly, he may be put under restraint by any magistrate during religious worship, and bound to appear at the next court, where he may be punished with fine and imprisonment to be assessed by a jury. Where is the impropriety, or the danger to the good order of society, in measuring the same justice to a judge as to a preacher of the gospel?
The power however which is entrusted to the courts of punishing contempts offered in the absence of the party, is much more objectionable. If a man speaks or writes contemptuously of judges acting in their official capacity, or if he publishes even true accounts of depending causes without authority, he is liable to be fined and imprisoned by the very court of whom he thus speaks, or writes contemptuously, or whose proceedings he announces to the world. Nay, farther, if he does any thing which in their opinion amounts to a want of respect and regard to them, he equally comes under their lash. Such a power as this, is monstrous and unwarrantable. It may be necessary for a court of Star Chamber, which requires that its despotic proceedings should not be exposed to the light of day, and that not even a murmur of discontent should be heard, but surely it is an useless encumbrance for courts who are bound to administer with impartiality salutary laws to a free people. If such a law is suffered to stain our code, in vain may we boast that our constitution secures the freedom of speech and of the press; in vain does
it establish the responsibility of public servants; in vain does it establish tribunals for the impartial administration of justice: all of these sacred principles are sacrificed to the ruthless spirit of the common law. Are not the decisions of judges as proper subjects of animadversion and censure, as the laws made by our legislatures? If so, how does it come to pass that it is criminal to speak contemptuously of judges when acting in their official capacity, and not criminal to speak of legislators when acting in their legislative capacity with equal contempt and acrimony? Judges are responsible agents, and although it is difficult to remove them even for misbehavior, yet it ought not to be forgotten that they are considered as amenable to the people for their judicial acts. As such, their motives may be arraigned and their proceedings scrutinized, with as much freedom and curiosity as those of other responsible agents. Let us suppose a case to be brought before a court which is of great public moment, and which has excited great public curiosity. The court delivers an opinion, or acts in a manner that offends disinterested spectators. In a moment of honest indignation one of them declares that the opinion delivered by the court is contrary to law, and repugnant to the constitution, and that the court must be either foolish or wicked. He delivers his sentiments freely, not in the view of the court, but to a circle of acquaintances; he does not attempt to interrupt the business of the court nor to intimidate it. Ought he to be considered as criminal? Every freeman will pronounce him innocent, but yet the common law pronounces him guilty, and drags him before the very tribunal whose acts he censures. That tribunal is party and judge; it decrees his punishment. But I may be told that the common law on this subject is repugnant to the constitution and therefore void. This may be true, but who are to decide on the unconstitutionality and invalidity of this law? The judges; those very men who (as to this subject) are called on to decide their own causes, are relied on to declare a law void which attaches to their character a degree of sacredness, which belongs to no other class of men. Is it not strange that so much confidence should be reposed in any set of men? Is it not singular that some modification should not be attempted to be made of a law which jeopardizes the liberty of the people, and places them at the mercy of 24 superior, and one hundred inferior courts?
The process directed by law to be used in cases of contempt, is perhaps as objectionable as the nature of the crime and the mode of punishment. An attachment is issued against the party and he is compelled to answer on oath the interrogatories propounded to him. If he refuses to answer, he is guilty of a high contempt. How variant is this mode of proceeding from that generally adopted in criminal proceedings! That no one shall be compelled to condemn himself is a principle engraven on our code; a witness, in delivering his testimony is not obliged to answer a question which tends to criminate himself, and yet when any reproach or censure is thrown against this favored branch of government, or any of its officers, the ordinary rules of evidence are prostrated, and the party accused is obliged to condemn or acquit himself. If this law should ever be generally enforced, we may expect not only many oppressive acts, but that perjuries will be greatly multiplied.
This law has been more rigidly enforced in Pennsylvania, than perhaps in any other state. We have all heard of the fate of Passmore, who was fined and imprisoned for some contemptuous expressions written not against the judges or their officers, but against his adversary in a law suit. I presume that the judges tortured these expressions into a want of respect and regard for the court. The punishment seems to have been so wanton and oppressive, that if the good people of Pennsylvania had each man placed himself in the situation of Passmore, the judges would surely have been displaced, or the law which gave them such unwarrantable power entirely repealed. I believe that few instances have occurred in Virginia, in which the doctrine of contempt has been completely carried into effect; but it is not to be expected that our judges should always be moderate in the exercise of the discretion which is given to them. In the course of the month of April last, I witnessed one instance in which a district court punished an individual for a contempt. The contempt of that case partly consisted of expressions disapproving of the conduct of the court, in giving a direction to the jury, which was thought by some persons to be illegal, and partly by rude and indecorous language used towards one of the court after they had adjourned. The person accused was not, however, punished by imprisonment; he was bound over to his good behavior for 12 months, and a pecuniary fine was assessed by the court without the aid of a jury. On that occasion the common law doctrine of contempt was, I believe, recognised by the court as the law of Virginia, and although the process of attachment was not used,
nor the party compelled to answer interrogatories on oath; yet it is sufficient to show that the freedom of the citizen does not rest on a firm foundation, until a law shall pass defining the crime of contempt, prescribing its punishment, and regulating the mode by which it shall be inflicted.
A CITIZEN.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MARCH 29.
MR. DANA of Connecticut, Mr. Speaker. It is well known, sir, how highly the public expectation has been excited with respect to the proceedings of congress. Before we assembled in this place there existed a strong sentiment of indignation, in consequence of the injuries and indignities accumulated upon the U. S. The language of the President's communication to Congress at the opening of the session corresponded to this tone of the public mind. The sentiment has been decidedly manifested in the memorials laid before Congress from different parts of the union. The frequency of our deliberations in conclave, the speeches delivered in public, the conversations of gentlemen without the bar, all might be mentioned as evincing of the general conviction, that the state of public affairs imperiously required something to be done—something adequate to the exigencies of our peculiar situation—something worthy of the moderation, the firmness, & the wisdom, which should characterize the representatives of a free, enlightened, magnanimous people.
From the interesting nature and magnitude of the subjects on which the President has given us information, from the general character of the measures which he has officially recommended to our consideration, a serious weight of responsibility has been devolved upon this House. And an ample portion of it, in my apprehension, has rested on those members upon whom the management of business has been more especially devolved in the course of political events, and by the peculiar circumstances of the time. The session has now continued for more than sixteen weeks. During this time the gentlemen have had opportunity to present for consideration, such measures as they have thought proper for liberating the country from evils which are experienced and for guarding it against such as are to be apprehended. After all the patience of expectation, during so long a period, in waiting for the gentlemen to develop whatever of system they may have formed or adopted for the public welfare, I hope it will not be judged improper if I now request your attention to some of the subjects which have not been considered in the House, although they are mentioned in the President's communication, and are perhaps not less immediately interesting than others, about which there has been so much said in the form of public debate.
With the exception of the reference to affairs with several Indian tribes, and the measures for exploring certain parts of the interior of this continent, the communication of the President principally regards our foreign relations. He gives us information of the state of affairs with the powers of Barbary; but no difficulties on that coast are mentioned as requiring the particular attention of Congress. The prominent topics are our relations with some of the greater powers of Europe. With them we have questions of serious moment.
We have controversies, nominally, with Spain, on account of territorial claims and aggressions, and for spoliation during the former war. With respect to these, we have done nothing in public. Of what has been done in secret I abstain from speaking; as the majority of the House has not yet consented to remove the veil which hides the proceedings in conclave from the eyes of the people.
Between this country and G. Britain there are serious questions relative to the impressment of seamen, and the trade with colonies of her enemies. With a view to these questions we have had various propositions before us, and the House has adopted, such as undoubtedly seemed to the majority most advisable.
But among all the propositions and resolutions which have been laid on your table, not one has contained any provision relative to some of the grossest outrages mentioned in the President's message—outrages committed by persons under the flags of various belligerent powers, the British, the French, the Spanish. I speak of outrages at the entrance of our harbours, on our coasts, and in the West Indies.
"Our coasts have been infested, and our harbors watched by private armed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others with those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the

authority of their commissions. They have captured, in the very entrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them off, under pretence of legal adjudication; but, not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure places where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews, and abandoned them, in boats in the open sea or on desert shores, without food or covering. These enormities appearing to be unreach- ed by any control of their sovereigns, I found it necessary to equip a force to cruise within our own seas, to arrest all vessels of these descriptions found hovering on our coasts, within the limits of the Gulf stream, and to bring the offenders in for trial as pirates.
"The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors, under colour of seeking enemies, has been also carried on by public armed ships, to the great annoyance and oppression of our commerce."
Such is the language of the President. Some redress for these enormities is demanded by a regard to national honor, justice, interest, humanity. What redress is provided? On this subject the gentlemen have done nothing, proposed nothing—doubtless because their faculties have been so much absorbed in other considerations which they deemed important.
On examining the documents before the House, the injuries, the insults, the barbarities, which are mentioned by the President in general terms, will be seen to have been too fully realized in detail. You have decisive proof of the atrocious practices in the West Indies. Permit me to turn your attention but to a single page of the official documents! In a letter, of the 7th of June, 1805, from Mr. Blakely, our consul at St. Jago in Cuba, we have this information—"Since the last evacuation of Hispaniola, more than one thousand American seamen have been landed in this port, most of them without clothes, and all of them without any possible means of support, but such as they receive from their own government." In another letter, of the 1st of July, 1805, he speaks in these terms—"The scene of robbery, destruction, evasion, perjury, cruelty, and insult, to which the Americans captured by French pirates, and brought into this and the adjacent ports, have been subjected, perhaps has not been equalled in a century past." Shall these sufferings of our countrymen be disregarded, because the seamen perhaps were not employed by capitalists engaged in a trade carried on in distant seas, in Europe, or Asia? Is all the philanthropic sensibility, which has been professed in debate, to be confined exclusively to seamen impressed into British service? Some portion of it, I hope, will yet be found for our own countrymen in the W. Indies, captured, robbed of their property, loaded with indignities, and abandoned, in a sickly climate, in a strange land, without shelter, without clothing, without means of subsistence. What can justify a desertion of the cause of our fellow-citizens suffering under these infamous outrages?
With these observations respecting the depredations on our commerce and sufferings of our seamen in the W. Indies, I leave the subject for the present, to the reflections of gentlemen. It is my intention at this time to advert, more particularly to the conduct of belligerent cruisers near our ports and on our coasts.
Of the violations of our neutral rights by these cruisers, one of the most memorable cases has been stated in a memorial from S. Carolina. On casting an eye over the memorial, I find it supported by the signature of the president of the S. Carolina Insurance Company, with a long list of names which, as I am well informed, are among the most respectable in Charleston, comprehending merchants, and planters, and professional gentlemen. Without stating the whole of the memorial, I will now mention only certain parts of it as being more immediately applicable. This is the language. "Your memorialists are deeply affected by the recent capture, at the very entrance of this port, of the American ship Two Friends, by a French privateer. This event has excited among all classes of citizens, the strongest sensations, not only because the ship was captured without any color of pretence, within sight of land, but because she is our only regular London trader, and had on board a full supply of spring and summer goods." "This most extraordinary capture has already been followed by events no less alarming; our harbor being at this moment completely blockaded by three French privateers." "These just alarms and apprehensions of your memorialists, are heightened by the well known circumstance of many of the cruisers which infest our shores belonging to St. Jago de Cuba, and Barracoa; in which receptacles, our vessels and their cargoes, with the knowledge of the government of Cuba, are instantly sold, without any condemnation whatever, or even the formality of a trial, thereby precluding every future possibility of redress." "Your memorialists avail themselves of this occasion to notice a late decision of the district court within this state, grounded on an act of Congress, whereby the territorial jurisdiction of the U. S. is limited to the short distance of three miles, or a marine league from the coasts or shores, which by the said court, is construed to mean three miles from the low water mark, and consequently the middle channel of our bay, being more than three miles distant from the nearest land, is pronounced by judicial authority to be without the jurisdiction of the U. S.; the very entrance of our harbor, in full sight of the city, where vessels are frequently obliged to anchor, while waiting for a tide, and with a pilot on board, is, by our own tribunals, acknowledged to be without the protection of our government."
The seizures of merchant vessels on our coast and near our ports are mentioned in memorials from other ports of the Union. We have before us complaints on this subject from Baltimore, from Philadelphia, from New York, New Haven and Salem. Indeed the conduct of belligerent cruisers in the tracts of sea adjacent to our territories has been a subject of general condemnation. Persons who have differed on other topics have agreed on this. This sentiment has been common to people of different professions and classes and parties. The main facts are notorious. Near our port within the recesses of our coast, almost within our harbors, belligerent cruisers have watched for opportunities of seizing merchant vessels employed in the trade of this country. Need I mention the indignation excited by the blockade of New York. The interruption of the commerce of that great port are well known. British vessels of war were stationed off Sandy Hook. Among them, I remember the names of the Leander, the Cambrian, the Driver; there may have been others, which I do not recollect; but such particulars are not of consequence in the present estimate; the general fact is sufficient. By taking such stations, belligerent cruisers have been able to seize our merchant vessels on the return voyage and carry them in for adjudication, under pretext of being employed in trading directly between the parent country and a colony of the enemy, or of having violated in the outward voyage some regulation respecting contraband or blockade. Millions of property have thus been exposed to seizure, which might otherwise have been added to the commercial stock of our country, and swelled the receipts of the treasury. Such stations too have afforded opportunities for the improvement of seamen.
With respect to these outrages, sir, I will not fatigue you by professions of patriotism; nor will I invoke the spirit of 1776; nor will I declaim about our revolution, or about our right to national independence. Such observations have no specific bearing on the subject. In whatever degree it may have become fashionable to occupy the time of the House in this manner, I trust it will not be supposed to manifest any want of respect to the understandings of the House if I attend to considerations more directly applicable to some practical purpose.
[To be Continued.]
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUNAWAY from the Subscriber living near Bryantown, Charles county, Maryland, a likely yellowish complexioned negro lad named RAE about 20 years of age, and about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, he has a scar under one of his eyes and a long under lip, also a large cut on the top of one of his feet. RAE is not very stout made. He had on and took with him a black broad cloth coat, country cotton over jacket striped with yellow and blue, striped trowsers under jacket, a pair of blue striped country cotton pantalettes, and yellow striped, country cotton trowers yellow and blue, two silk handkerchiefs, one Irish linen shirt, country cotton shirt and trowers and a white country cloth over jacket double wive, and a black wool hat. It is supposed that he will change his name and endeavor to pass for a free man. Whoever secures the said negro in any jail so that I get him again will be entitled to the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, by BENEDICT BOARMAN.
June 30—w3t June Court 1806—In Chancery.
Thomas Law, vs. Richard Gridley. THE Report of Daniel C. Brest the trustee formerly appointed in this cause having been returned and sworn to and filed and the proceeding therein approved—it is therefore ordered and ordered that the said report be ratified and confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the 1st Monday of October next provided a copy of this order be published for three successive weeks before the time in the Washington Federalist and the National Intelligencer.
The report states that the mortgaged property therein mentioned was sold for the sum of four hundred and thirty-five dollars. By order, WM. BRANT, Ck.
To the North Carolina Gold Mine Company.
The following resolutions were passed by the Board of Directors, at their adjourned meeting on the 12th of June, 1806.
Resolved, That the subscribers to the North Carolina Gold Mine Company be required, and they are hereby required to pay the sum of ten dollars on each share to which they are respectively entitled, on or before the 15th day of July next, for the purpose of defraying the expense of prosecuting the business of the Company.
Resolved, That WILLIAM THORNTON, Esq. be authorised to receive all payments that shall be made under the preceding resolution, and account with the Board for the same.
Resolved, That the above resolutions be published in the National Intelligencer for the information of the stockholders.
DANL. CARROLL of Dudn's President. June 20—3t&1w15J.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 11.
The federal prints have for some time teemed with reproaches against the administration on a topic well fitted to excite the national sensibility. The wrongs and insults of foreign nations, who, in the plenitude of their power, lawlessly trample on our commercial rights, have ever been a fruitful source of indignation. So long as these feelings were directed to the perpetrators of the crimes, or to those who directly or indirectly countenance them, they may be considered beneficial. It is the desire no less than the interest of the American people to remain at peace with the whole world; but when outrages are offered to their undisputed rights, when their honor is wounded, and their property pillaged by the licensed free-booters of the ocean, it would betray a dangerous insensibility, a fatal lethargy, not belying to avow the sentiments they entertain of those who injure them. Such a manly expression of their feelings serves to keep the public mind in a state of excitement and vigilance, which would enable us with less difficulty and more effect to resort to measures of a hostile complexion, whenever accumulated wrongs shall leave us no other alternative; and by manifesting this state of readiness for the worst events, powerfully tends to avert the necessity of such a resort. It arms, likewise, the government with the means of urging with greater effect its demands for redress and reparation.
But when this spirit, instead of being justly directed against our enemies, is, through the prejudices of party feeling or personal malevolence, unjustly turned on those who administer the national concerns, it cannot be too severely reprobated. It may be, in a degree, venial, for the different parties that subsist among us to carry their political feuds to considerable lengths, and in the ardent wish to prostrate their adversaries, to consider the ends they pursue as justifying the use of equivocal means calculated to effect them. But even such conduct is disclaimed by morality, however its turpitude may be mitigated by the feelings almost inseparable from party. But when any man, or set of men, through motives purely personal, can contemplate the rights of their fellow citizens trampled upon, and the national character wounded by the base outrages of foreign power, and, at the very moment they know that their government is engaged in pursuing the best means according to its belief, in its power, for obtaining redress, raise a louder clamor against it than against those who injure and insult us, our minds are naturally lost in astonishment at the extreme depravity to which misguided passions lead those whose highest boast is the gifts of reason with which they are endowed.
How can redress be obtained but through the exertions of the government supported by public opinion? What then shall we say of those, whose systematic exertions are enlisted, not on the side of their own government, but virtually on that of the government whose wrongs are the subjects of our complaint? In a period of war, it is treason to aid an enemy. Is the crime of a lighter hue, whose direct tendency it is to translate a peaceful nation into a state of war; but every man of common sense will see that wrongs unredressed naturally, necessarily lead to this result. It might not comport with the language of decorum to stile those men traitors, who pursue this course of conduct, but the eye of justice can scarcely contemplate them in any other light.
Let not these remarks be misunderstood. They are not intended to inculcate the duty of an unqualified approbation of the measures of the government with respect to our foreign relations, or of an abstinence from laying before the public a full exposure of facts, and going into a free discussion of the correctness of the measures pursued. This, so far from being pernicious, will, in a government like ours, be invariably attended with the happiest effects. Those, who administer the government, aware that the scrutinizing eye of party is upon them, ready to expose their omissions and errors, will be incited to a faithful and vigilant discharge of duty; and, on many occasions, useful hints will be suggested, and important information thus laid before them, which they would not otherwise possess. But such a course of conduct is as different, as day light from darkness, from that of which we complain. The one consists in statements founded in truth, in representations founded on facts, in discussions, untainted by personal rancour, low ribaldry, and party malevolence. The other in the effusions of all these grovelling passions, in the liberal use of language beneath the dignity of a gentleman, in the ascription of the basest motives, in an habitual disregard of truth, and in studied attempts to degrade the government in the estimation of the foreign world. The calumniator artfully calculates on producing a qualified belief of his slanders at a distance, however despicable they may appear here. What should we say of the passenger on board of a ship, who during the rage of a storm, should, from personal animosity, throw the captain overboard, and expose the whole crew, composed, for the great part of helpless women and children, to the ungo-vernable fury of the elements? Would not our charity lead us at first thought to pronounce him a madman or a fool; and if compelled by a more deliberate examination to disclose him of this man-
tle, would not our feelings of abhorrence for such a monster in depravity rise to the highest pitch? And yet this case is, as far as it goes, perfectly analogous to that under consideration; while the latter in aggravation transcends the former, as much as the interests of millions exceeds that of a small number of individuals.
These remarks are applicable generally to the whole circle of our foreign relations. No means are used for preserving or restoring friendship with foreign powers—that are not vehemently denounced. No man, however distinguished for his talents, or revered for his virtues, is appointed to a foreign embassy, without becoming the victim of federal calumny. No pending negotiation which is not grossly misrepresented; no object effected, that is not condemned. Were we to credit what we daily read in the public prints, we should be led to think that the public agents, from the President down to the lowest organ of power, were among the most wicked and weak members of the community.
In the further remarks we shall offer, it is not, however, our purpose to go more into detail, except on a single point. The insolence of foreign power has lately been exhibited in acts unusually flagrant. British ships of war have fired on and captured our vessels, murdered one of our citizens, menaced our towns, and impressed our seamen. Riding in proud triumph before our most important commercial depots, they have blockaded up our trade, and bid a lawless defiance to every principle of justice and humanity. Why is not the naval force of the nation called forth to avenge these wrongs, to chastise those that committed them? This is the cry of federalism from one end of the continent to the other. It is in vain that we are told that the legislature of the union has not placed at the disposition of the government such a force; the legislature is declared to be the humble tool of the Executive, and the want of such a force is represented as the sin of the Executive.
This is the topic to which we ask the attention of the public.
Is it then true that the omission to provide what is deemed an adequate naval force is to be laid to the door of the Executive? Federalism may, with some plausibility, urge this charge; but republicans cannot give ear to it without forfeiting their respect for the Executive members of their government. That the disciples of John Adams, who made the British system his study and model, should consider the President of the U. S. as the source of all power is extremely natural; but it would be a libel on the creed professed by the friends of Thomas Jefferson, who has made republican principles his study and guide, for a moment to consider the question whether we shall have a navy, & how large that navy shall be, as under his control and subject to his will. This is altogether a legislative question; a question that is dependent exclusively on the Congress of the U. S. The President may recommend the establishment, or increase of a navy; but it rests alone with Congress to decide whether such establishment shall be made—the number of vessels that shall be built, and the sum of money which shall be applied to their support. Such is the theory of the government; and such ought to be its practice. Such is in truth its practice. If there ever was a man, clothed with high and commanding powers, giving him a vast influence over public opinion, and by means of it, on the councils of the country, who has made it religiously a part of his duty not to step over the lines assigned him by the constitution and the laws, that man is Thomas Jefferson. It may be confidently affirmed that he has in no instance of any consequence trespassed upon the powers of the other departments. If he is blamable on this score, it is for having so studiously avoided an interference with the powers of the other branches of the government, as to have hesitated to exercise some powers which he might have assumed without the least usurpation.
The fact is that from the era of the adoption of the constitution, if not from an earlier date, it has been a matter of constant dispute, whether it is the true interest of the U. S. to establish a navy. This momentous question remains to this day undecided. For it is absurd to consider or call the few vessels we have at present on the ocean by this name.
On this point various opinions have been and still are entertained. A large class of our citizens are altogether opposed to the creation of any naval force under any modification whatever. Another class are the friends of an efficient navy, but consider all steps at present taken towards it premature. A third class are willing so far to create a naval force as shall be necessary to protect our ports and harbors; while a fourth class, looking eventually to a respectable establishment, believe it wise and prudent gradually to increase our present force.
It is extremely problematical whether the first class of citizens do not constitute a majority of the people of the U. S. With the awful example of Britain before them, it is not surprising that they feel a lively aversion to taking any steps towards those great establishments which have led her to the brink of ruin. They believe that a navy under any modification is a plastic instrument in the hands of the Executive, enabling him at any moment to involve his country in war, the effects of which on the general prosperity and liberty they have reason to dread. They consider it the sound policy of the U. S. to diminish rather than increase our points of collision with foreign powers. They view it as a source of vast & aug-
menting expence, and of an appetite so voracious as to swallow up the whole resources of the country. They believe conscientiously, that so far from administering to the solid strength and real glory of a nation, it is a gigantic millstone on its growth. For the truth of this conviction they appeal to the history of their own nation, and call upon any man to shew any other that, with the aid of a naval establishment, has risen so rapidly in wealth and strength.
The hostility of this class of citizens to a navy under any modification, derives strength, so far as relates to the present application of means for its establishment, from the suffrages of the second class of citizens, who consider all such measures as at this time premature. Of the third class, a large portion think we have gone far enough, and that, instead of increasing our frigates or building ships of the line, it is most politic to erect land batteries and build a large number of gun boats. The other portion of this class are, it is true, in favor of augmenting the number of our ships, but not at present to any considerable extent. It is only those who compose the fourth class that think it wise regularly though gradually, to augment our present naval force. What proportion, in point of numbers, this class bears to the others, it is now easy to determine. There are, however, several circumstances that favor the belief that so far from being a majority, it comprises comparatively but a small part of the whole community. This may be inferred from the acts of the legislature, who, instead of devising any plan for the regular formation and increase of a navy, have only created the existing force as a temporary expedient against pressing dangers, and from the constant disposition manifested by them to reduce rather than to augment the establishment. It has only been during a period of warfare or serious collision with foreign powers, that the establishment has risen; accordingly as soon as these causes have ceased, the establishment and appropriation of monies have been reduced. Let it be remembered that this is not the peculiar policy of the republicans. It has likewise been that of the federalists, whose example the republicans have pursued. It was under the administration of President Adams, in the year 1801, that the peace establishment was formed, by which it was provided, that the President might sell all the public vessels excepting thirteen specified frigates, that of these six only should be kept in constant service, not having, however, attached to them more than two-thirds of their full complement of officers and seamen.
The inferences deducible from this statement, are,
1. That the creation of a powerful navy is a question still sub judice , not decided by the nation or their representatives. 2. That it is not a political question in which all the federalists are of one opinion, and all the republicans of another—But 3. That it is a question in which honest men of all parties entertain a diversity of opinion.
If this statement be in any wise correct, the reproaches cast upon the Executive on this topic are equally puerile and unfounded. It blame attaches anywhere, it is not to the Government but to the nation; and public opinion is the culprit, which it becomes the chivalrous spirit of federalism to place under the ban of the empire.
Account of flour, butter and lard, inspec- ted in the city of Baltimore for the last quarter ending the 30th day of June, 1806. 48566 barrels of flour 2371 half barrels ditto 722 barrels of rye flour 148 bds of indian meal 234 barrels of ditto 8 half barrels ditto 1011 kegs of lard 638 do. of butter. EDWARD J. COALE, Register of the city of Baltimore.
Norfolk, July 3. The Bill, prohibiting the importation of certain articles from Great Britain into this country, and which received the President's signature on the 8th of April last, was published in Gore's Liverpool paper of the 8th of May.
Providence, R. I. June 28. Arrived on Saturday last ship Asia, capt. Pearce, 113 days from Canton. Left 13 English company ships to sail March 1, under convoy of the Blenheim of 74 guns, Bessel and Hewes, frigates. At 4 P. M. in passing the above ships of war, was fired into by one of 3 boats from them in a most wanton manner, when we were in the act of bringing to. George Philips, a seaman, was shot thro' the arm, and several balls came very near on deck. They then boarded us, and behaved themselves in a very insulting manner.
New York, July 7. The British packet, Windsor Castle, which arrived at this port on Saturday, furnished the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with London papers to the 9th of May; and yesterday morning we had the pleasure of completing our files of London papers and Lloyd's list to the 17th, by the Kingston, from Liverpool. We have selected from the former what- ever is interesting.
LONDON, May 8. It appears that the King of Sweden has considered the attack of the Prussian troops, in expelling his forces from

Lauenburg, as a declaration of hostilities, and has put an embargo on the only two Prussian vessels in the ports of Pomerania. But whether there shall be a war between Prussia and Sweden will depend upon the court of Petersburg. The Prussians, by their own account of the action, had no mind to attack the Swedes; and the latter no disposition to an actual resistance.
Letters from Suabia state, that the headquarters of marshal Ney, which have long been at Ulm, are about to be transferred to Strasburg. It is said also that marshal Soult's corps is going to Italy.
Accounts from Constantinople state, that some explanations have taken place between the Porte and the Russian minister, in which the Porte expresses a determination to remain neutral. The Russian minister says, that all preparations on the frontiers shall be suspended, and the Turks state that they shall be confined to the rebels in Servia. The French, it is probable, will suffer things to remain in that state, if it be true that their influence is of late so much increased.
It was last night stated, that intelligence was yesterday received of the declaration of war by Sweden against Prussia.
We have stated, from the foreign journals, the accounts of the existing differences between Prussia and Sweden. We are still inclined to think that the Prussian government is not disposed to resent the conduct of the king of Sweden, which is attributed to particular circumstances; and that unless, on the one hand, Bonaparte urge Prussia to attack Sweden, Pomerania, or, on the other, Russia determines to go to war with Prussia, the hostile occurrences which have yet taken place will have little consequence. As it may be thought Bonaparte's policy to embroil Prussia and Russia, he is perhaps willing to avail himself of the late incident to promote a rupture. A war in the north of Europe so manifestly tends to the interest of no party but Bonaparte, that he is the only one who can be desirous of producing it.
May 10. We learn that a reinforcement of French troops had arrived at Senegal, and it was supposed would again make an attempt against Goree.
May 12. The lords in council have come to a resolution to recommend to his majesty, to take off the embargo on Hamburg and Oldenburg vessels. This measure has not yet gone through the necessary formalities, but no doubt in a day or two, these channels for trade will again be opened.
On Saturday a report prevailed in the city that the duke of Brunswick was immediately coming to this country on a diplomatic mission from the court of Berlin, and in order to endeavor to adjust the matters in dispute between the two governments; and it was even said that a house had been hired for his accommodation.
We have heard nothing to countenance this report. Some are of opinion however, that the court of Berlin, under the direction of Bonaparte, may send a diplomatic agent here for the purpose of negotiation, or at least of ascertaining the disposition of the government, and ascertaining the temper of the country. The mission of so eminent a person as the duke of Brunswick, whether his propositions were to be accepted or not, would be a pledge that the object was honorable.
By letters received yesterday from Holland we learn that the reputation which had been sent to Paris, from the Hague, had returned, bringing with it the fiat of Bonaparte. We do not suppose, that the persons who were appointed to that mission durst remonstrate against the establishment of a constitution so contrary to the habits and feelings of the Batavians; but if they have, their representations, it seems, have been ineffectual. Bonaparte has decided, that they are to have a King in the person of his brother Louis. His future majesty, Louis the First, is at present much indisposed at Paris; but, if capable of undertaking the journey, he is, to be at the Hague on Thursday next, between which day and the 20th he is expected to be proclaimed. The Dutch do not manifest proper gratitude for the favour which is destined for them. The nomination of King Louis instead of satisfaction, has procured an universal depression throughout Holland. Some cities have even ventured to petition their High Mightinesses to oppose the measure with all their power; but though we may applaud and admire this faint effort of departed freedom, we cannot flatter ourselves with the expectation that it can produce any favourable consequence. It will be in vain to propose any opposition to the power that has long since ruled, and is now on the very eve of entirely revolutionizing the Batavian government.
May 13. At the council yesterday it was resolved to issue letters of marque and reprisal against Prussian vessels, and the order in council will appear in Saturday night's Gazette. From that it may be inferred, that Mr. Jackson brings no intelligence from Berlin of a pacific nature.
Should the king of Prussia attack the king of Sweden, the emperor of Russia will be compelled to declare whether he is determined to renew the war or not. But this, indeed, may depend upon how far the king of Sweden, in his late conduct and declarations, was warranted by the countenance and protection of Russia.
It is said, that Denmark has been induced to join the league of Russia, Sweden, and England, and that a treaty of
alliance between these four powers is in great forwardness.
Saturday last the Haughty gun brig cut out of a bay near Brest harbor, a French chasse maree, which arrived at Plymouth on Tuesday. By this vessel intelligence has been received, that ten sail of the line are now at anchor in Brest Road, and that the Topaze of 44 guns, which lately escaped from the Tagus, has got into Brest.
Letters from Bombay, of the 19th January, confirm the accounts of the conclusion of peace with Scindia. Holkar, with a body of his people, had gone into the country of the Schoiks, but met with no encouragement; and as his followers were quitting him in despair, it was thought that he could give no farther trouble to the British government and its allies. He was desirous, on almost any terms, to make his peace.
May 7. Lord Henry Petty, last night in the House of Commons gave notice of his intention on Wednesday next, to propose a new commission to examine into abuses committed in the West Indies. On that occasion he intends to give an outline of the measures which ministers have in contemplation for the regulation of the public accounts in general. He has also given notice that in the committee of Ways and Means, on Monday, he will move a substitute for the iron tax. His lordship seems indefatigable in his exertions for the correction of frauds & abuses.
By a gentleman arrived in the Camel Store ship from Gibraltar, we are informed, that Sir Sidney Smith, with the Pompee, Athenienne, Eagle, and another frigate, had arrived off Sicily, and was fully prepared to co-operate with our troops in that island. Sir Sidney had succeeded in throwing supplies into the garrison of Goeta.
LONDON, May 8. The Hamburg mail due yesterday, arrived last night. Intelligence was received at Berlin, on the 26th, that the Swedes had blockaded the port of Swinemunde, on the Baltic, and laid an embargo upon all Prussian ships; in consequence of which, it was supposed that the Prussian troops would enter Swedish Pomerania. Letters from Constantinople, of the second of April, state, that the Russian forces collected in the South of Europe, having excited the jealousy of the Ottoman Porte, the emperor of Russia had determined to withdraw his troops from the frontiers of Turkey, the Crimea, Moldavia, & Wallachia, and had given orders accordingly. If this intelligence be correct, it is obvious that the intrigues of France have succeeded in cooling the friendship that has subsisted between the Porte and Russia. The latter may be also desirous of withdrawing her troops from the South, in contemplation of a war between Sweden and Prussia; for the noble and generous conduct of Alexander will not permit us to suppose that he would leave the gallant Swedes at the mercy of Prussia. The Hamburg papers contain nothing further respecting Naples, or the mouths of the Cattaro.
Globe.
FRANKFORT, May 1. It is mentioned in a German paper, that the principality of Lubeck is about to be united to the kingdom of Denmark.
The report of the archduke Ferdinand's arrival at Ratisbon on his way to Wartzburg, is premature.
The French troops under the orders of marshal Ney, which were cantoned in the neighborhood of Memmingen and Kempten, have begun to march towards the Rhine.
We learn, by the latest letters from Prussia, that the Royal Chamber of War and Mining, at Konigsberg, gave notice on the 4th of April, that the magazines, including also 66,000 bushels of oats, would be sold in small lots. This intelligence has removed all apprehensions of a rupture between Prussia and Russia, and created the greatest consternation among the Jews, who, in the contemplation of a rupture, had collected vast quantities of merchandise, which they must now dispose of at a great loss.
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN out of the subscriber's pasture in London county in the right of the 26th June, a bright BAY MARE with a bald face, the left hind foot white, a streak like a seam down the hoof of the right hind foot, and it is different in shape from the other; about 15 hands and 1 1/2 high, three years old last spring, a natural trotter, had on when she was taken three fleeces. Whoever will apprehend the thief and secure the mare to that the owner may get her again and the felon brought to condign punishment, shall have the above reward or for the mare only twenty-five dollars and all reasonable charges.
WILLIAM NICHOLS. London county, Vir. July 11-3m
Valuable Property For Sale.
THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable tracts of land convenient to the city of Washington about 2 1/2 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the city, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. contains 42 acres, No. 3. contains 102 acres, No. 4. contains 19 acres; Lying with a lot lying between John Layloe, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. These lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers.
Terms may be known by applying to James Waite or Rev. John Breckinridge near the property. Jan. 24-wtf.
New-York, July 8. Since our last publication we have received European intelligence five days later than that by the Kingston. The ship Liberty captain Chew, arrived at this port yesterday, has supplied the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with Liverpool papers to the 24th of May, London of the 22d, and Lloyd's List of the 20th, from which we have selected some interesting articles. These papers afford a hope that the dispute between Prussia and England will shortly be brought to an amicable conclusion.
ENGLAND & AMERICA.
The following letter has been addressed from Mr. Secretary Fox to the American minister:
Downing street, May 6, 1806. "The undersigned, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, has received his majesty's commands to acquaint Mr. Monroe, that the king taking into consideration the new and extraordinary means resorted to by the enemy for the purpose of distressing the commerce of his subjects, has thought fit to direct that the necessary measures should be taken for the blockade of the coasts, rivers and ports from the river Elbe to the port of Brest, both inclusive; and that the said coasts, rivers and ports are and must be considered as blockaded; but that his majesty is pleased to declare, that such blockade shall not extend to prevent neutral ships and vessels, laden with goods not being the property of his majesty's enemies, and not being contraband of war, from approaching the said coasts, and entering into, and sailing from the said rivers and ports, (save and except the coasts, rivers and ports from Ostend to the river Seine, already in a state of strict & vigilant blockade, & which are to be considered as so continued) provided the said ships and vessels so approaching and entering (except as aforesaid) shall not have been laden at any port belonging to, or in the possession of, any of his majesty's enemies, and that the said ships and vessels so sailing from the said rivers & ports (except as aforesaid) shall not be destined to any port belonging to, or in the possession of any of his majesty's enemies, nor have previously broken the blockade."
"Mr. Monroe is therefore requested to apprise the American consul & merchants residing in England, that the coasts, rivers and ports above-mentioned, must be considered as being in a state of blockade, and that from this time all the measures authorized by the law of nations and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed with respect to vessels attempting to violate the said blockade after this notice."
"The undersigned requests Mr. Monroe to accept the assurance of his high consideration."
(Signed) "C. J. FOX."
"JAMES MONROE, Esq. &c. &c."
Captain M'Nabb, who arrived at Norfolk the 20th ult. in 13 days from Antigua, says, that the English agent there informed him that the French had taken possession of St. Thomas, St. Bartholomews, and St. Martins.
FROM BENGAL.
Captain Edwards of the ship Pallas, arrived at Boston on Thursday last from Calcutta, informs that early in February, sir G. H. Barlow returned to that city, having concluded a treaty with the Mahratta powers; which gives a general peace to India. The Mahratta armies had gone to their respective capitals. Lord Lake was returning to Delhi.
Philadelphia, July 8.
Arrived ship Active, capt. Morris, in 60 days from the Cape of Good Hope. By her we are informed that sir Home Popham sailed from the cape on the 14th of April last, in the Diadem, accompanied by the Diamond and Raisonable, of 64 guns, 2 frigates and a number of transports, on board of which was a train of artillery and a Highland regiment. It was generally believed that this expedition was destined against the Spanish settlements of Rio de Plata.
LONDON, May 22.
The Hamburg mail arrived last night, and has brought intelligence of a most important nature. The steps adopted by this country have occasioned a change in the Cabinet of Berlin.
Count Matuschwitz, who has been the fatal adviser of those measures which have produced, and threaten still greater mischief to this country, has retired from an office which he had neither the talents nor integrity necessary to render efficient for the public good, and has left count Keller in the full administration of affairs. The circumstances which produced this event, are stated to have proceeded from the king's request to the latter minister, to suggest the means most likely to bring about a reconciliation between the courts of Berlin and London. The first step taken has been to produce orders to the Prussian ports in the Baltic, not to obstruct the entrance or departure of any British ships, but on the contrary to treat them in a friendly manner. Other measures were in contemplation to forward the renewal of a good understanding between the two courts.
Another important piece of intelligence is stated in letters from Vienna of the 6th inst. According to these the differences relative to the mouths of the Cattaro have been amicably accommodated. The representations
made at St. Petersburg have produced the effects wished for by Austria, and the Russian troops are making dispositions to evacuate the Cattaro. We know not what degree of credit is due to this statement.
ST. PETERSBURGH, APRIL 26.
Our cabinet has refused the mediation solicited of it to terminate amicably the differences subsisting between England and Prussia, because it fears to disengage one or the other of those two courts. M. d'Albon, minister from Russia at the court of Stockholm, has received orders to make representation to his Swedish majesty, which have for their object to re-establish a good understanding between Sweden and Prussia. His Imperial Majesty has lately written to the king of Sweden, and positively assured him that he will give him, conformably to treaty, all the succour he shall demand. He has besides guaranteed to him, we are assured, the possession of his territories.
IN CHANCERY, June term, 1806.
Viz. June 25th, 1806.
WILLIAM STEWART, versus ISAAC FLOCK, & DAVID POLOCK.
The report made by Joseph Ferrett the trustee heretofore appointed by this court for the sale of the mortgaged premises in the bill mentioned being now returned and filed in this cause and by the court confirmed. It is hereby ordered, adjudged and decreed this 25th day of June 1806, that the said report of the trustee be approved, and the sale of the premises absolutely ratified and confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary, on or before the first Monday in October next, provided that a copy of this order be published three times in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist before the first day of September next, the report of the trustee states that the mortgaged premises sold for the sum of two thousand two hundred and sixty dollars.
By order, Wm. BRENT, Clk.
July 11-3t
IN pursuance of an order from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at Public Sale on Saturday the 12th July, at 12 o'clock at the tavern of Mr. Samuel T. Coolidge in Upper Marlboro', a NEGRO MAN, late the property of John Nevett, deceased. The terms of sale will be 6 months credit, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security. All persons indebted to the said John Nevett, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and those having claims are requested to present their accounts properly authenticated to the subscriber.
THOMAS NEVITT, Execr of J. Nevett, deceased. June 16-w3w.
WASHINGTON CITY.
THE subscriber takes this method to inform the public that he has enlarged his tavern considerably for the accommodation of Travellers and Boarders; his Land being on F Street opposite the Bank and very near the public offices. He flatters himself from the advantage of his situation and the ready attention of his charges, with the strict attention to business, to give general satisfaction.
THOMAS THORPE. June 20-wtf.
60 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Prince George's county on Sunday the 23th inst. the three following slaves--a negro young man who calls himself BILL STEWART, he was born at Montgomerie court house, was once the property of Honore Martin, was purchased of him by the late Rich. Contee who sold him to me; he is a likely well made fellow about 21 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, his hands and feet are large; the evening before he absconded he had his hair cut close; he had with him a variety of clothing, viz. 2 blue coat and overalls, one light colored berkin tent and overalls, 3 swan-down waistcoats, 3 fine Irish linen shirts and some coarse shirts, three tan & neckcloths, a fine hat, price 7 dollars; he took away a prayer book in the first page of which is written Mary Duchot.
JOE who calls himself Joe Goumes, alias Graham, and HARRY, both young negro men about 21 years of age--the clothing of these cannot be described. Joe has one of his arms broken near the wrist, which makes it longer than the other; when he is spoken to he speaks fast as if his tongue was too large for his mouth. Harry, I am informed, has several large scars on his body and one of his thighs occasioned by burns when he was young.
The above reward will be paid for confining the three in jail or 50 dollars for confining Bill in jail so that I get him again. WALTER BOWIE. July 7-2awtf.
TO RENT.
THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, eq. Possession given the first day of April next--I will also rent the wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Dubois on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington--for terms apply to John Nevett, eq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard.
NICHOLAS VOSS. City of Washington, March 14-2awtf.
POST-OFFICE ADVERTISEMENTS.
IN MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.
73. From Nashville T by Franklin T Occ. hoppe and McIntoshville, to Walnut Hills, once a week.
Leave Nashville every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Walnut Hills the next Thursday by 6 p m.
Leave Walnut Hills every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Nashville on Thursday by 6 p m.
74. From Walnut Hills by Grindstaff, Fort Gibson, Greenville, Houston, Washington, Natchez, Fort Adams, Puckeneville, Thompson's creek, Buller's plains, Baton Rouge, Iberville, Maclure, Abbeville, a French German coast, & Red church, to New Orleans, once a week.
Leave Walnut Hills every Friday at 4 a m arrive at Natchez on Saturday by 5 p m and at New Orleans the next Thursday by 10 a m.
Returning--Leave New Orleans every Friday at 2 p m arrive at Natchez on Tuesday by 6 p m and at Walnut Hills on Thursday by 6 p m.
75. From Natchez by Fort St. Stephen, to Fort Stoddert, once a month.
Leave Natchez the first Monday in every month, at 6 a m and arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Fort Stoddert the second Monday in every month, and arrive at Natchez the next Sunday by 6 p m.
76. From Natchez by Caddo's ferry, Garabola, and Rapid, to Natchitoches, once a month.
Leave Natchez the first Monday in every month at 6 a m & arrive at Natchitoches the next Thursday by 3 p m. Leave Natchitoches the next day, Friday, at 6 a m and arrive at Natchez the next Tuesday by 6 p m.
IN ORLEANS TERRITORY.
77. From Rapid or Alexandria, to Opelousas, once in two weeks.
Leave Alexandria every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Opelousas by 3 p m.
Leave Opelousas every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 3 p m.
NOTES.
1 The Post Master General may expedite the mail and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract, he previously providing an adequate compensation for any extra expenses that may be occasioned thereby.
2 Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3 For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mail destined for such depending mail is lost a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4 Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument, and for what sum without the emolument.
5 Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
6 Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of February, May, August, and November; one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7 No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8 Where the post master intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9 The Post Master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10 The contracts for the routes numbered 12 to 24, are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and to continue in force for two years, from that time; for the routes No. 15 to 57, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year; and for the routes No. 38 to 79, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force until the 31st day of March 1809.
GEBRON GRANGER. Post Master General. General Post Office, Washington } City, May 19-wtAug }
STRAYED or stolen from the commons of George town on Monday the 46th of May a bright BAY GELDING, about 14 hands high, 6 years old, some saddle marks, no perceivable brand long switch tail, much rubbed with the traces, smooth shod before, and one white hind foot. Any person taking up the said horse shall receive the above reward on application to the subscriber living in Prince George's county 5 miles above Bladensburg.
RANDOL MORRIS. June 11-w3t
FOR SALE.
A Handsome two story BRICK HOUSE 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen stable and carriage house, its situation for public or private dwelling is superior to an house near the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the Yard and shipping and now rented for 350 dollars per annum, will also sell a valuable unimproved Lot in the premises in 19. 88. young negroes can be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard or to Mr. Samuel McIntire.
NICHOLAS VOSS. Washington Feb 14-wtf.

WHEREAS the commissioners of the sinking fund at a meeting held on the 28th day of April, 1800, did resolve, that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight millions of dollars, should among other purposes be applied to the reimbursement of the navy six per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress passed on the 30th day June, 1798 and to the reimbursement of the five and half per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 3d day of March, 1795.
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said navy six per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will on surrender of the certificates, be paid on the 1st day of October next ensuing the date hereof, to the respective stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury, or at the Loan Office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock, respectively held by them: and that the principal of the five and half per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will in like manner, and at the same place, be paid on the 1st day of January, 1807, to the respective stockholders, or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized.
It is further made known, for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfer of the navy six per cent. stock, either from or to the books of the treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the 31st day of September ensuing, nor of the five and half per cent. stock, after the 31st day of December ensuing. And the interest on all certificates of said stock, which shall not have been surrendered, in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine, on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. June 23-tf.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
RESPON-FULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, that he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London, a fresh supply of the best superfine cloths, cassimeres &c. with a choice assortment of plain nankeens, cotton cassimeres, India nankeens, blue and yellow, fashionable tricotgar white and fancy Merseilles, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
Richard Harwell's new invented patent elastic suspender, which are far superior to any heretofore in use, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
June 23-tf
ELI S. B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill.
Washington, July 26-tf
JOHN LAW, HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, Clerk of the County Court. May 21-12m
PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
NOTICE is hereby given to the contributors to the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the City of Washington that an ELECTION for SIX TRUSTEES, will be held on Monday the 1st inst. at Mr. Myer's tavern on the Pennsylvania avenue. JOSEPH S. REICH, GRIFFITH COOMBE, JOHN DAVIDSON. July 9, 1806
A BYE LAW Relative to the election of Trustees by the contributors.
BE it enacted by the Board of Trustees, That every subsequent election of Trustees of the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the City of Washington by the Contributors thereto, shall be by ballot, and shall be held on the third Monday of July in each year, under the superintendence of three of the contributors, to be chosen in each year by the Board; the contributors, so chosen, or any one or more of them attending, shall be judges of the election. They shall fix the place of holding the same, and shall give ten days public notice of said time and place. They shall keep the election open from 9 in the morning to 7 in the afternoon; when they shall forthwith count the votes and declare the six persons that may have the greatest number of votes duly elected trustees, to each of whom notice shall be immediately given by the judges of his election.
A certified statement of the votes given and of the persons elected trustees, together with the original ballots shall be laid by the judges of the election before the Board at their first meeting thereafter.
True copy from the original. WASHINGTON BOYD, Sec'y. July 9
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
Ranaway from Pettworth, the farm of John Taylor, esq. near Washington city on Thursday the 13th inst. a negro boy by the name of BILL about 19 years of age, of a yellow cast, of middling stature and well made; his clothing an old fur hat and old brown broadcloth coat and coarse brown linen shirt and trowsers, his countenance naturally good, but will show guilt immediately on being questioned—whosoever will take up said boy and deliver him to C. Bailey at the place he went from or to the subscriber at Neabsco Furnace near Dumfries Virginia shall receive the above reward beside what the law allows.
THOMAS T. PAGE, agent for John Taylor, esq. at Neabsco. July 9-4t
Whereas an advertisement appeared in the paper of July 7th respecting my wife Mable Farrell, I hereby retract the same as it was written without my knowledge.
P. TRICK FARRELL. Washington 9th July, 1806-2t
A NEW STORE OF FRESH AND GENUINE DRUGS, CHEMICALS, &c. FOR CASH.
W. BLANCHARD, Chemist and Druggist respectfully informs the public, that he has just opened his store, situated on First and High street continued, being one of Mr. Thomas Corcoran's new houses, & hath laid in a large stock of Drugs and Medicines from the first houses in London, and was himself present at the putting up of the most deftous and valuable articles, which he has selected from several houses with whom he has had former dealings & personal acquaintance for 10 years past, therefore can better depend on the present as well as the future quality of his drugs. Besides he makes many of the chemical compounds himself and purchased for ready money, therefore is enabled to sell at such prices as cannot fail to meet the approbation of all buyers, whether wholesale or retail.
N. B. Physicians prescriptions faithfully compounded with the utmost care and intelligence. Genuine approved patent and quack medicines bought of their real proprietors. The best and safest horse medicines. Perfumery, Surgeons instruments, and all articles that form a complete Drug Store, too numerous for insertion.
Camel, pepperment, cinnamon, and other cordials by the bottle and gallon—also, Stoughton's Aromatic Bitters in the like quantities.
George Town, July 9-1m.
FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to a decree of the high court of Chancery, will be sold on the premises to the highest bidder, on the 1st day of August next, if fair, if not on the next fair day, on a credit of one and two years, the purchaser giving bond on interest with such security as the Chancellor may approve of—that valuable plantation where the late NICHOLAS BLACKLOCK formerly lived in Charles county; the Land includes all the improvements at Troy, it contains 514 acres—the improvements are valuable and the land fertile. A further description is thought unnecessary, presuming that no person will purchase before he views the property. Possession will be given on the first day of January next and a deed given conveying the estate of N. Blacklock in said land when it is fully paid for, by JOHN SPALDING, trustee. July 9 3t
FOR SALE.
A pair of handsome YOUNG MULES, each three years old, Male and Female, the horse has been cut one year, and has been a short time used to the draught, warranted perfectly sound—a short credit will be given. Enquire of Mr. Wm. Prout, merchant, Navy Yard, Washington city. June 6-1t
IN CHANCERY, June term, 1806.
James Barry, vs. Dorothy O'Brien & others
HR report made by Lewis Ford to trustee heretofore appointed by this court for the sale of the mortgaged premises in the bill mentioned being now returned and filed in this cause and by the court considered. It is hereby ordered, adjudged and decreed this 21st day of June 1806. that the said report of the said trustee be approved and the sale of the premises therein mentioned be ratified & confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the first Monday in October next, failing however to the said Dorothy O'Brien her legal right of dower, in & to the said premises to that the same be not in any manner affected by the said sale, this reservation being made with the consent of the purchaser. It is further ordered that a copy of this order be published three times in the National Intelligencer & Washington Federalist before the first day of September next. The report of the said trustee states that the mortgaged premises were sold for the sum of five hundred dollars. By order, WM. BRENT, Clk, July 7-3t
PROPOSALS
Per carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
(CONTINUED.) IN MASSACHUSETTS.
28. From Boston by Dorchester Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m. Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 6 p m. 29. From Suffield by Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield, Greenfield, Brattleboro, Putney, Westminster, Walpole, Charlestown, Wathersfield, Windsor, Hartland and Hartford, to Hanover, twice a week. Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m arrive at Northampton at 1 1/2 p m; leave Northampton at 1 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m. Leave Brattleboro at 1 p m arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Hanover by 6 p m. Returning.—Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m arrive
at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro on Tuesday & Friday by 10 a m. Leave Brattleboro at 1 p m and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m.
30. From Shrewsbury by Holden Roland, Oakham, Hardwick, Greenwhich, Pelham and Amherst, to Northampton, once a week. Leave Shrewsbury every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton by 10 a m on Thursday.
Leave Northampton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Shrewsbury on Friday by 6 p m.
31. From Hartford by Granby, Granville, Blanford, Sandisfield and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge, once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Stockbridge every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 a m.
32. From East Bridgewater by Middleboro' East meeting-house, to Rochester, once a week. Leave East Bridgewater every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Rochester by 11 a m.
Leave Rochester every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at East Bridgewater by 8 p m.
33. From Brookfield by Brimfield and Stafford Springs, to Tolland, once a week. Leave Brookfield every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Tolland by 6 p m. Leave Tolland on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 6 p m.
IN CONNECTICUT.
34. From Pomfret by Gloucester to Providence, once a week. Leave Pomfret every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Providence by 5 p m. Leave Providence every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Pomfret by 8 p m.
35. From Hartford by Glastenbury and Colchester, to New London once a week. Leave Hartford every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New London by 6 p m. Leave New London every Tuesday by 6 a m and arrive at Hartford by 6 p m.
IN NEW YORK.
36. From Cherry valley by Springfield, Richfield, Plainfield and Bridgewater, to Sangerfield, once a week. Leave Cherry valley every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Sangerfield on Tuesday by 11 a m. Leave Sangerfield every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Cherry valley on Wednesday by 6 p m.
37. From Harrisburg by Williamsport, Ogdensburg, Potsdam and Chateaugay, to Plattsburg, once in two weeks. Leave Harrisburg every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plattsburg on Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave Plattsburg every other Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Harrisburg on Friday by 6 p m.
38. From Rome by Redfield, Adams', Smith's mills and Sackett Harbor, to Chenango, once in two weeks. Leave Rome every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Chenango on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Chenango every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome on Saturday by 6 p m.
39. From Bath by Canisteo town Danville and Williamsburg, to Hartford, once a week. Leave Bath every other Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Hartford on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Hartford every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Bath on Tuesday by 6 p m.
40. From Onondaga by Tully, Homer and Virgil, to Oswego, once in two weeks. Leave Onondaga every other Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Oswego on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Oswego every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Onondaga on Friday by 6 p m.
41. From Westhampton to Riverhead, once a week. Leave Westhampton every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Riverhead by 9 a m. Leave Riverhead every Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Westhampton by 2 p m.
42. From New Lebanon, by Hancock Richmond, Lenox, Lee, Berkshire, Linton and Sandisfield, to New Hartford once a week. Leave New Lebanon every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at New Hartford on Friday by 10 a m. Leave New Hartford every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at New Lebanon on Saturday by 6 p m.
43. From Albany by Schenectady, Amsterdam, Tivoli, Palatine, Little Falls and Herkimer to Utica. Leave Albany every day, Sunday excepted, at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady by 10 a m. Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 1/2 a m and arrive at Utica on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 4 p m. Returning. Leave Utica every Mon-
day Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 1 p m.
Leave Schenectady every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 p m and arrive at Albany by 7 p m.
44. From Utica by New Hartford, Westmoreland, Oneida, Sullivan, Ganadaga, Manlius, Onondaga, Marcellus, Auburn, Cayuga and Geneva, to Canandague twice a week. Leave Utica every Sunday and Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Canandague on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Canandague every Tuesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Utica the next Thursday and Sunday by 7 p m.
45. From Utica by Whitesboro, to Rome, twice a week. Leave Utica every Sunday & Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome by 11 a m. Leave Rome every Sunday & Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Utica by 7 p m.
46. From Schenectady by Ballston springs, Saratoga springs, Greenfield, Hadley, Milton, Charlton, Galloway, Ballston springs and Ballston, to Schenectady once a week. Leave Schenectady every Tuesday & Saturday at 2 p m & arrive at Ballston springs by 7 p m. Leave Ballston springs every Wednesday at 6 a m arrive at Hadley by 3 p m & return to Ballston springs on Thursday by noon; leave Ballston springs every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Schenectady by 11 a m.
47. From Belvidere to Stroudsburg in Pa. once in two weeks. Leave Belvidere every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Stroudsburg by 11 a m. Leave Stroudsburg every other Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Belvidere by 7 p m.
IN PENNSYLVANIA.
48. From Berlin by Salisbury to Cumberland, once a week. Leave Berlin every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Cumberland by 6 p m. Leave Cumberland every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Berlin by 6 p m.
49. From Greensburg to Kittanning, once a week. Leave Greensburg every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Kittanning by 6 p m. Leave Kittanning every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Greensburg by 6 p m.
50. From Tunckhannock by Willingboro' & Sidney to Chenango point, N. Y. once in two weeks. Leave Tunckhannock every other Monday at 6 a m & Chenango point on Tuesday by 11 a m. Leave Chenango point every other Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Tunckhannock on Wednesday by 6 p m.
51. From Greensburg by Mount Pleasant, Robbstown, Williamsport, Washington & Alexandria to Wheeling in Virg. once in two weeks. Leave Greensburg every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Wheeling on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Wheeling every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Greensburg on Sunday by 6 p m.
52. From Gettysburg by Miller's town, Nicholson's gap and Waynesburg to Greensburg once a week. Leave Gettysburg every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Greensburg by 11 a m. Leave Greensburg every Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Gettysburg by 7 p m.
53. From Northumberland by Milton, Muncy, Williamsport, Delmar, Tioga & Lindsley town to Painted Post, once a week. Leave Northumberland every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Painted Post the next Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave Painted Post every Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Northumberland the next Friday by 6 p m.
54. From Carlisle by Mannahan, Warrenton, Berlin, Abbot's town, Hanover & Reister's town, to Baltimore, Md. once a week. Leave Carlisle every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Baltimore every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Carlisle on Saturday at 6 p m.
IN OHIO.
55. From Austinburg by Jefferson & Pierpont to Erie, in Penn. once in two weeks. Leave Austinburg every other Sunday at 4 a m & arrive at Erie on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Erie every other Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Austinburg on Tuesday by 8 p m.
56. From Franklinton to Worthington once in two weeks. Leave Franklinton every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Worthington by noon. Leave Worthington every other Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at Franklinton by 6 p m.
57. From Cincinnati by North Bend, to Laurenceburg, I. T. once a week. Leave Cincinnati every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Laurenceburg by 9 p m. Leave Laurenceburg every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Cincinnati by 6 p m.
58. From Christiana by Newark to Strasburg, Pa. once a week. Leave Christiana every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Strasburg by 7 p m. Leave Strasburg every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Christiana by 7 p m.
59. From Georgetown by Concord to Laurel, once a week. Leave Georgetown every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Laurel by 6 p m. Leave Laurel every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m.
IN VIRGINIA.
60. From Lynchburg by Bethell, Padial mills and Wincenton, to Lexington, once a week. Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Lexington by 6 p m. Leave Lexington every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Lynchburg by 6 p m.
61. From Waterford by Snaker's gap, R. Braden's store, J. Janny's store, Upperville and Israel Janny's mill, to Waterford, once a week. Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Upperville by 6 p m. Leave Upperville every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Waterford by 6 p m.
62. From Wythe ch by Tazewell ch Russell ch and Lee ch to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks. Leave Wythe ch every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Robinson's mills on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Robinson's mills every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Wythe ch on Thursday by 6 p m.
IN NORTH CAROLINA.
63. From Wilmington by Conwayboro' to Georgetown, S C once a week. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Georgetown on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Georgetown every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m.
64. From Wilkesboro' to Ashe ch once a week. Leave Wilkesboro' every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Ashe ch by 6 p m. Leave Ashe ch every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilkesboro' by 6 p m.
65. From Portersferry to Conwayboro' once a week. Leave Portersferry every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Conwayboro' by 2 p m. Leave Conwayboro' every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Portersferry on Sunday by 10 a m.
IN GEORGIA.
66. From Washington to Petersburg once a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Petersburg by noon. Leave Petersburg every Monday at noon, & arrive at Washington by 6 p m.
67. From Athens by Tellico, to Knoxville, T. once in two weeks. Leave Athens every other Monday at 1 p m & arrive at Knoxville the next Monday by 10 a m. Leave Knoxville every other Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Athens the next Monday by 10 a m.
IN KENTUCKY.
68. From Newcastle by Gallatin ch and Boone ch to Lawrenceburg, K T once a week. Leave Newcastle every Wednesday at 4 a m & arrive at Lawrenceburg by 6 p m. Leave Lawrenceburg every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Newcastle by 6 p m.
69. From Lebanon by Kaveneck and Carthage, to Mount Granger, once in two weeks. Leave Lebanon every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Mount Granger by 6 p m. Leave Mount Granger every other Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Lebanon by 6 p m.
70. From Nashville to Charlotte, once a week. Leave Nashville every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Charlotte by noon. Leave Charlotte every Friday at 4 p m and arrive at Nashville by 8 p m.
71. From Burville by Walnut Cove and Chitwood, on the turnpike road, to Wayne or Pulaski ch Ky. once in two weeks. Leave Burville every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Wayne ch on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Wayne ch every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Burville on Tuesday by 11 a m.
72. From Palmyra by Stewart ch to Eddyville, once in two weeks. Leave Palmyra every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Eddyville on Sunday by noon. Leave Eddyville every other Thursday at noon, and arrive at Palmyra on Friday by 6 p m.
(To be Continued.)