The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-04-15 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1171.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, APRIL 15, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
On the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force.
MONDAY, APRIL 4.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS was sorry that the vote he was about to give, as it appeared that he should be in a small minority, rendered it necessary that he should offer his reasons for so doing; and he was the more sorry because he perceived that the minds of gentlemen appeared to be made up, not that any thing which he could say could have influence in making up their votes. As there appears, said he, to be a general spirit of liberality prevailing on all sides of the House, I hope I shall not be considered as not having the same object in view in voting against it, as those have who voted for it. Before I offer my reasons for voting against the bill, I will make an observation or two on what dropped from the gentleman from Tennessee in relation to epithets. Yes, sir; I did make use of the expressions alluded to and do believe them correct; I am willing to tell this nation and all the world that I denominated Great Britain a shark and France a tyger; and men who can read the paper this morning and not feel their blood boil, can have no American feeling in them. Talk about war, and you need not go back to the attack on the Chesapeake. Mr. Erskine's note contains enough; the gentleman was obliged by his government to address our government, and plainly tell us we are considered either as fools or knaves. I speak the feelings of the American people; and I speak them from no other inducement than love of my country, and I speak them on this floor in preference to speaking them any where else. The British proclamation and orders of council are explained, commented on, and in a manner which considerations us as reduced to a state of vassalage, and shall I in the heat of debate be considered incorrect in indulging in any thing like intemperance of expression? What is the effect of the British orders of council? Will gentlemen point out in what they differ from placing us in a colonial state? The monstrous woven wings of Great Britain are spread over the whole ocean to carry the commerce of the world to her own ports. What commerce have we with any part of the world, exempt from their orders of council, but the ports of the Baltic? None. And why that exception in our favor? Great Britain is cut off from her naval supplies, and cannot get them any where but from Russia and America, and no where at the present day but through American vessels. Is not this sufficient cause to excite our passions? It is astonishing to me that the gentleman from Tennessee, who is usually so warm should now be so cool.
I will vote against this bill, and for this reason amongst others. I believe it is incompetent to a certain object, if that object is in view, and not necessary if that object is not in view. I do believe that the state of peace or war in which this country is to continue depends upon herself; and my object is to adopt a system of policy which shall be uniform and consistent with itself. I never knew a half way measure which did any good, and it strikes me that your 6,000 men will have the same effect as your non-importation law. It is not proper for peace or competent to war, because, as the gentleman from Virginia has said, it is incompetent to the defence of any one point on which the enemy could act. Will gentlemen recollect the astonishing difference between a power acting on naval establishments, and the defence necessary on land? Will gentlemen talk about 6,000 men when Copenhagen was laid in ashes with a defence of a much greater number? Will they talk about it when fourteen sail of the line sailed up the Dardanelles in triumph? I am for pursuing steadily one course or another. I have no hesitation to say that before all the documents were laid before us, I was for war with G. Britain—for expiating blood with blood, and I would have gone any length to do it; I would at least have done that to which we are competent; I would have rooted the British name from the continent; but now I am more satisfied that a neutral position ought strictly, justly and rigidly to be maintained. You want no troops to do that. It is impossible to believe that G. Britain will lop off her best limb to injure you. It is impossible to believe that she will attack you
her than she has done already, by compelling you to submit to her commercial regulations. She will stop off; she will not come upon your soil if you will keep off from her's. Commercial regulations are not to be met by 6,000 men; you have since the 22d of Dec. a measure going home to her—a greater evil to her in her West-India islands than 50,000 men. Her commercial restrictions will be removed; they must, or they must sacrifice the West Indies. She must do more; she must risk a commotion of her own people. You have taken away her whole trade, carried on by your vessels and by artificial means; keep on the embargo and she will lose them; they will be gone; she cannot subsist without you. Will G. Britain sacrifice a trade which yields her one third of her whole customs—a market which in ordinary times consumes 15 millions, and increasing in a degree unexampled? What then will you do with 6,000 troops? If the House determine however not to maintain this course, let us take up the other. If it is expedient and proper, let us go to war; let us do it in earnest—not talk of six thousand troops, but of fifty thousand. None of your defensive measures; they are worse than nothing; let us make them oppressive by making them offensive. This half way measure never will do, never has done any good, nor can any gentleman shew where a half way measure ever did.
Gentlemen say we have taken a position and will we not maintain it. A great many such positions have been taken; if we are struck, the blow cannot be repelled by 6,000 men. If you were to mount them on the wings of the wind, and arm them with the artillery of Heaven, they would not be competent to their intended purpose.
MR. W. ALSTON believed the ideas of the gentleman from South Carolina on the subject of our foreign relations to be pretty correct; but it was impossible to reconcile the gentleman's vote with the noble sentiments which he had expressed. The gentleman asks, said Mr. A. what we will do with these 6,000 troops. If he had listened to the observations of the gentleman from Kentucky, he would not have had occasion to ask the question. That gentleman's reasons were so conclusive that I shall not add to them. I can tell the gentleman from South-Carolina another purpose for which they may be of use. Let him look at the great seaport town in his own state, and he will see occasion sufficient for a few of them; and I hope a portion of them will be destined to that place. Look at the large sums of money already appropriated for arms and ammunition, a considerable part of which will no doubt be deposited at Charleston. Look also to other points at which they may be deposited; and then look at the regular force of the country, and see whether they are sufficient to resist the crew of a single frigate. They are not, sir; they are destined to particular spots, and hardly capable of keeping together. I never did believe, ingenious as I know that gentleman to be, that he could have proved, from any documents on your table, that the non-importation law was a half way or weak measure. The very contrary will be found to be the opinion of foreign governments, and of our ministers abroad. Although the honorable gentleman was opposed to that measure, I rather suppose he cannot produce a single document to shew that it was a half way measure, or so considered by foreign nations, for the contrary is the fact. When gentlemen possessed of the noble sentiments of that gentleman, take upon themselves to find fault with the measures taken for the defence of the government, I should have expected that they would in the course of 4 or 5 months that we have been in session, have laid on the table some plan, some system of defence which they would have wished to be pursued; but none such has been proposed except that of arming the militia, which is in itself so futile, that it would be laughed at if attempted to be carried immediately into effect.
The gentleman's blood boils at the outrage which was committed on our sovereignty, in consequence of the attack upon the Chesapeake, and he was ready and willing when we appeared here, to have sacrificed his blood in defence of the nation. Has any thing turned up since to lessen his ardor? Has a single document been read to you to shew a disposition in that government to do you justice? Is it worth while to bring to his mind the attempt or pretence of negotia-
tion in the city of Washington? Is there a man in the nation who has not dropped of American blood in him, who will say that our government should have withdrawn the proclamation? that we, the injured party should in the first instance ask pardon of the aggressor for the insult he has offered us as preliminary to negotiation for atonement? Assuredly not; and in this point alone can I view it. Wherefore then this change in the gentleman's sentiments? In mine there is none.
MR. TAYLOR said, it was strange that the reasons which actuated gentlemen on both sides of this question, appeared to be the same, and yet the result so different—he could not but believe that the good of our country was the main, the sole object of all. In the means to be adopted for this great object we differ, this difference therefore does not, cannot imply that either the one or the other of us are less actuated by laudable motives. I confess that I accorded with the feelings of my colleague (Mr. D. R. Williams) when first I came here; what created the change on his mind had its operation on mine also. I now say, that altho' in my opinion it would then have been magnanimous in our government, and although there was ample cause to justify us to the nation, (for we could look no way, we could point to no subject of complaint against Great Britain in which there was not sufficient grounds for war,) I say that although under all the circumstances which imposed themselves on our consideration, it would have been magnanimous and dignified in us to have declared war against this power—yet now I am free to declare that such a course would not be proper. This change of opinion has been produced on my mind by the letter of the minister of exterior relations in France, Champagne, to our Minister at Paris. That act which would have been spontaneous in us then, would now be construed and would in fact be justly considered as a succumbing and passive obedience to that power by which our opponents have so often and so erroneously charged us with being led and impelled. It is not necessary for our vindication, that I should say that, the threats of no nation on earth, can, or ought to drive the Americans into any measure, which in their honest judgement they condemn. Thus the orders of the king and council of Great Britain, for the grasping at the monopoly of the trade of the whole world; thus the deliberate Legislation of the British Parliament, for the taxation of neutral independent nations; of our own nation, which when in embryo they had failed in their attempts to tax; thus these orders which never can be submitted to by us while we claim to be an independent nation, and which I would pledge myself to resist at the expence of the last drop of American blood, are not now sufficient motives (although justifiable causes) for our declaring war against that nation. Because it is plainly inferable that the French Emperor has ordered us to go to war with this nation. I hold your vessels and cargoes in sequestration (another word for condemnation) to be released (redeemed) on the condition of your being at war with Great Britain. Sir, such a redemption as this would be worse than an expiation on the rack. It would be mean & degrading. On the other hand, not to go back to the long unsettled account of injuries done to our nation by Great Britain; her minister Mr. Erskine, has in a very polite and friendly manner told us, that his government has laid the scourge on us, that we may scourge our next neighbor, or more properly as a punishment for our not having done so before she asked it. Can it be thought strange that in this dilemma, we choose to disobey both these mandates, and trust to operations defensive against both; to await the effect of our embargo which my colleague has said is operating so powerfully upon both nations. But I am not for waiting with folded up arms for this effect. And although I cannot answer the opposers of this bill, whether the troops are to be raised as an addition to our peace establishment (if the present state of things might authorise us to call any establishment by that name) or whether it is a war establishment? Yet convinced of the necessity of such a measure I shall vote for the bill. It will be for the oppressors of our nation to give the answer the gentleman asks for.
In the vote I shall give I shall be governed by the circumstances
the case as well as they who have had that they will vote differently. What are the circumstances? It has been conceded that the nation who can most easily annoy us, has the inclination to do it, if she dare so to do. Great Britain knows, the world knows, that this nation is the only one on earth which rivals her in commerce. That our commerce has been growing with astonishing rapidity. That this commerce for most part is static, dependent upon no changes in Europe or Asia; unlike that which the Venetians lost by the discovery of the passage to the East by the Cape of Good Hope, unlike that for which there has of late been so jealous a contest at the head of the Mediterranean and the head of the Red Sea, the objects of which are hunted after in the four quarters of the earth. Ours is not fictitious, and dependent upon others; it depends upon ourselves and grows out of the soil. The variety of climate, the richness of soil, the ample bosom of our continent pours forth productions the most valuable, the most necessary for the consumption of every nation on the globe. These productions increase with our population, our population doubles for every 23 or 24 years, and our commerce grows still more rapidly by the enterprize and industry of our citizens. These considerations keep alive the rancour of former times, these stir up the tell envy of the present day. From hence have proceeded the spoliations of the last 12 years! Hence the impressment and enslaving of our seamen—hence the cry of maritime rights which has been kept up in that nation, and the declarations of their politicians that they would go down with the last plank sooner than yield these pretended rights—that their national existence depended upon this power of manning their fleets, and yet while they were actually robbing our merchantmen of our citizens, they were discharging the supernumeraries of their own seamen from their fleet. From hence proceeded the restrictions on the colonial carrying trade and the objections they have made against it, as being likely to enrich their enemies by keeping up a market for their locked up productions, and yet both in this and in all former wars for 50 years past this nation has connived at the illicit trade carried on by its merchants with the Spanish Main, thereby affording to the enemy the very accommodation which they are so fearful we should also afford them.
From this source too have the late blockading decrees or orders of council proceeded. Was it to distress her enemies, that our direct intercourse to them was prohibited? Was it to prevent supplies to them? No, sir, they have not even attempted to cover this with the thinnest veil of artifice. It is not to prevent the trade to France, but to rob us of a moiety of the value in most of the colonial articles, and most certainly a moiety of the value of the greatest article of export from our own country; I mean the duty of 9d per lb. on cotton permitted to be re-shipped from England to France. To say nothing of the licences which the miserable American is compelled to pay for, for the privilege of pursuing his voyage after the loss sustained by the plunder levied on him by way of duty & the loss in a circuitous voyage made under compulsion, and the detentions, delays and expences incurred against his will in a British port.
It was not granting much for the opponents of the bill to say this nation had the inclination to injure us, and now that we have for a time withdrawn our commerce from the ocean, and thereby withdrawn the supplies to her and to her West-India colonies, which she absolutely stands in need of, is it probable, that under the increased irritation, under the inconveniences and deprivations brought upon her by this measure of self-defence and self-preservation, that her malice will sleep? She has recently had a fleet on our coast; she has lately reinforced her army in Canada and Nova Scotia. The intrigues of her agents with the Indians on our frontier, alluded to by the gentleman from Kentucky, have a squinting at something more than mere defensive operations.
Does the view brighten when we look at another point in our political horizon? France is not commercial, but she is nevertheless resentful. The existence of this government in its present form is the severest satire against their present order of things. She has not of late years been accustomed to be disobeyed in the man-
dates she has issued to other nations. We have in our embargo shown a spirit of resistance, which has been felt by her and her dependencies. The high price of our produce and the other articles in that country heretofore afforded her by our neutral commerce; the actual scarcity, almost approaching to famine, which now exists in her newly conquered country, Portugal, cannot have a very soothing effect on the mind of the man who rules her destiny; nor can his good nature have been encrased by the manly and republican like remonstrance, which our minister has made to that government on the subject of some of her condemnations of our property. Our growing importance in the scale of nations, the manner of our increase cannot be a pleasant subject of contemplation to her; we grow in strength and wealth by looting the uninhabited desert, she by desolating the inhabited countries she conquers.
There is another subject to which the sensations of that whole nation are alive—Louisiana has intimated every people who have ever had the possession of it. France has possessed it more than once. The American government in a lucky hour for us, found her in want of the means of carrying on her wars. For our 15 millions, for a mere mess of pottage she has parted with her birth right, she has given up the outlet; the key to the most fertile country in the world. It has been reserved for our happy country to realise the conceptions heretofore formed on this subject by the most envious, the most vivid imagination. These realities were created and are now creating by the settlements made in our Upper Egypt, on the Mohongabeia, the Ohio, the Kentucky and Cumberland rivers. Not many years have rolled over our heads, it is but a tale of our own times; it excited wonder in the listening hearer that Col. Boone had penetrated the wilderness of the west—that he had found a land of fatness. I believe he still lives to see the wonders that have been wrought in that land. That country which then was inhabited by the beasts of the forest and men more wild, now contains nearly a million and a half of civilized population. Yes, sir, the country west of the Allegany ridge, and watered by the streams of the Mississippi, now contains half as many people as our whole union contained at the commencement of our revolution. What a fulcrum has Bonaparte given up, in the little island of New-Orleans? there to rest his prize, to move, to agitate, to distract, and (as some wretches have supposed) to divide our nation. If he has the insatiable thirst for conquest, which the very opposers of this bill have often told us he has, think you that this delightful spot has lost all its charms to him? The protraction of the settlement of our differences with Spain attributable to his influence on that power, but too plainly shews that it has not. His blockading decrees, his utter disregard to the treaties now subsisting between the French nation and ourselves, the condemnation and sequestration of our property under those decrees, shew too plainly that friendship, that fair dealing and justice is not to be expected from that quarter. These words are now exploded from the laws of nations, from the vocabulary of national intercourse.
Thus have I taken a cursory view of the conduct, of the motives and springs of action of these two nations, not for the purpose of heaping unmerited censure upon them, (I wish to God they would suffer us to praise them) but of fairly stating how the case stands with us, what the circumstances are on which we are now to judge of the propriety of the present proposed measure. But under all these circumstances, and with all these motives, say the opposers of the bill, neither the one nor the other of these nations dare attack us; neither of them can spare the force, can afford the means of doing it; that they have enough to do to contend against one another. With respect to G. Britain, such might have been the reasoning of the Danes, when the confederation against France on the continent was in its last gasp, and when the land in the ocean might with certainty calculate to be left to contend with her an againt and all her dependencies, embracing almost all Europe, alone single handed, such a time it might reasonably be supposed, was not a time for making a new enemy, and yet that was the very crisis when Copenhagen was sacked and plundered. New-York holds out allurement for plunder as strong as

those of that ill-fated city; other of our sea port towns would afford a prize to a marauding foe. Her fleets are always ready for the purpose of attack; her 10,000 men in Nova Scotia can be transported in a week or ten days to any part of our coast, and yet there is no danger. I have intentionally omitted to say any thing of the attack on the Chesapeake, it was an unauthorised attack, the government has disavowed it—allowing this to be the case, yet the same licentious and diabolical spirit which induced unauthorised individuals to attack our frigates, might induce them to attack our cities, and if they had to fear the same punishment which is likely to be inflicted on them for this flagitious act, they might safely make a coasting voyage for the purpose of plunder from port to port from one end of the continent to the other. Of the invasion of any of the Atlantic states with a view to conquest, I have no apprehension. In this I concur with the opponents of the bill—it is against authorised or unauthorised freebooters, that I wish the troops to be raised. We have in this session of Congress appropriated one million of dollars for the erection of fortifications; the expenditures of former years amount to very large sums; these fortifications in almost every instance are erected and erecting on detached commanding points at the entrance of the harbors they are designed to protect; they are not hedged within the walls of our cities; cannon and military stores are there deposited. Do the opposers to this bill propose to man these forts with the militia? No—it is acknowledged on all hands that the militia are unsuited for garrison duty; or are they to be left unprotected, as strong holds erected and well-filled with warlike stores, to be taken possession of by the first comer, and to be turned against the cities and towns they were meant to protect. We who voted the appropriation for fortifications, if we consult consistency, if we consult what was then deemed the good of the nation dare not refuse to man them in the way proposed by this bill. The important point of New Orleans, can be defended in no way but by a regular force. It is here only that I apprehend an attack from France—the Spanish provinces on the east touching, intersecting our possessions on the Great river are not so far, but that a hostile force has already been drawn from them and appeared in hostile array against us; those to the south may also be called our neighbors. The man who saith to one nation, go & he goeth, to another come, & he cometh, could at a word stir up an attack from this quarter, not to be resisted by the present military force of both regulars & militia we have in that territory; nor has the island of New Orleans less charms to the monopolising nation on the opposite side of the Channel than it has to France. It is here the onset will be made, if made at all for conquest. Shall we leave it defenceless and unprotected, because gentlemen tell us, and tell us truly of the invincible militia of Kentucky, removed a thousand miles from the scene of action? Shall we wait to have this territory wrested from us that we may have the glory of reconquering it—but it is well known that the climate is such that the Kentuckians would not require a foe to thin their camp, the fevers of that country would but too soon do it. The grand depots for the produce and for the commerce of South Carolina and Georgia, Charleston and Savannah, are similarly situated with New Orleans; the thick white population of these two states lie more than a hundred miles back, in the autumnal season it would be more dangerous than a forlorn hope to our back-woods-men to be ordered down for the defence of these places. Both these places military men say are defensible with a moderate force. I want that force to be there stationed, seasoned to the climate, and kept in readiness while these perilous times last. But it is urged against the bill that these 6000 are not enough, that when divided among the different ports and harbors on our coast, they will present no effective force at any point of attack; and because we are moderate in our requests, because we ask for little they would give us none; but this force proposed to be raised with addition of the peace establishment will amount to 10,000 men. The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. R.) has said that the proportion to each city or town would not be equal to the effective militia of such places respectively. The gentleman commenced his observations by giving us one of the axioms of Euclid. I will not go so deep in mathematics, I will take the first rule in arithmetic. When two numbers are added together, the aggregate will be greater than the one or the other of the two numbers first given, or not to be too learned, that two and two make four. Thus if the regular force applied to the defence of any city be equal to the force of militia, in that place, the effective power of resistance will of course be doubled. This is our system; we do not, no more than the opposers of this bill, give up the defence of our country by militia, we claim to be as
much the advocates of the militia system as they are. We only wish to reinforce the exposed points of attack, to make these 10,000 appointed and properly divided the advance picket guard to the 800,000 freemen, citizen soldiers in the great camp of the nation, to make these positions the rallying points; places of rendezvous, for our militia, as has been well observed by my worthy friend from North Carolina.
A great deal has been said of the danger of standing armies; if I could believe that there was the least danger to the liberties of 800,000 or one million of freemen by the force now to be raised, I should think very little of my country, I should think it deserved not the liberty it enjoyed. But sir, the whole nation would laugh at such fears as these, they well know how groundless these fears are—they are as absurd as would be the man, who because by a spark lighting on his hand, it was demonstrated that fire would burn, and therefore he would fly to the Frigid Zone and cover himself in ice and snow—or that because his great grand father was drowned, he should be affected with an eternal hydrophobia. With respect to economy I have but one word to say and I have done—I cheerfully leave the nation to judge, whether it will not be cheaper to defend your cities and towns, the depots of the greatest part of our wealth, from plunder, rapine and conquest, that to reconquer them after they have been sacked and destroyed, after wealth sufficient to maintain ten such armies as the one proposed has been wrested from us and transported across the Atlantic. (Debate to be continued.)
STATE PAPERS. PAPERS PRESENTED BY HIS MAJESTY'S COMMAND TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT, FEB. 1808.
UNITED STATES.
Dispatches from Lord Viscount Howick to the Hon. David Erskine, dated Downing-street, 8th January 1807.
Sir—Your dispatch No. 1 announcing your arrival at Annapolis on board the Avon sloop of war, was received here on the 6th of December, and together with Mr. Merry's dispatches which were received at the same time, has been laid before the king. It is with great satisfaction that I inform you that the treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, between this country and the United States, was signed on the 31st ultimo, by Lords Holland and Auckland on the part of his majesty, & by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney on the part of their government.
Mr. Purviance, Secretary to the American Legation here, who leaves London to-day, is the bearer of the treaty for ratification. I have the honor herewith to transmit a copy of this treaty for your information, together with a copy of a note delivered previous to the signature, by the Lords Holland and Auckland, relative to the complaints of the Canada merchants, on the subject of the estimation of the duties on the inland trade in certain parts of the United States. These complaints, which were communicated by Mr. Merry in the early part of last year, but from various circumstances, postponed for consideration, certainly must not be lost sight of by his majesty's government, and every means will be taken to obtain redress for the removal of the inconveniences complained of.
I transmit to you also the copy of another note presented by their Lordships to the American commissioners previously to the signature of the treaty, on the subject of the extraordinary declarations and orders of the French government issued at Berlin on the 16th of November last. This note I must recommend to your particular attention; you will state to the American government, that his majesty relies with confidence on their good sense and firmness in resisting pretensions, which if suffered to take effect, must prove so destructive to the commerce of all neutral nations.
His majesty has learnt, that the measures announced in the decree have already in some instances been carried into execution by the privateers of the enemy, and there could be no doubt that his majesty would have an indisputable right to exercise a just retaliation. Neutral nations cannot indeed expect that the king should suffer the commerce of his enemies to be carried on thro' them, whilst they submit to the prohibition which France has decreed against the commerce of his majesty's subjects. But though this right of retaliation would unquestionably accrue to his majesty, yet his majesty is unwilling, except in the last extremity, to have recourse to measures which must prove so distressing to all nations not engaged in the war against France.
His majesty, with that forbearance and moderation which have at all times distinguished his conduct, has determined for the present to confine himself to the exercise of the power given him by his decided naval superiority, in such manner only as is authorised by the acknowledged privileges of the law of nations and has issued an order for preventing all commerce from port to port of his enemies, comprehending in this order, not only the ports of France, but those of such nations as, either in alliance with France, or subject to her dominion, have, by measures of active offence, or by the exclusion of British ships, taken a part in the present war.
His majesty feels an entire confidence, that the moderation and justice of this conduct will be duly appreciated by the United States; and you will express to that government, in the strongest terms, the regret his majesty has experienced in being thus compelled, in his own defence, to act in a manner which must prove in some degree embarrassing to the commerce of neutral nations; and his majesty's sincere desire to avoid any stronger measures, to which, however, if the injustice and aggression of his enemies should not be resisted by those nations whose rights and interest are invaded by so flagrant a violation of all public law, it may be ultimately necessary for the king to have recourse.
I am, with great truth and regard, Sir, &c. (Signed) HOWICK. Hon. David Erskine.
No. 2. Note from Lords Holland and Auckland to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney.
The undersigned, Henry Richard Vassal Lord Holland and William Lord Auckland, Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty, have the honor to inform James Monroe and William Pinkney, commissioners extraordinary and plenipotentiaries of the United States of America, that they are now ready to proceed to the signature of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, on the articles of which they have mutually agreed.
But at the same time they have it in command from his Majesty to call the attention of the commissioners of the United States to some extraordinary proceedings which have lately taken place on the continent of Europe, & to communicate to them officially the sentiments of his majesty's government thereupon.
The proceedings alluded to, are certain declarations and orders of the French government issued at Berlin on 21st of Nov. last.
In these orders the French government seeks to justify or palliate its own unjust pretensions, by imputing to Great Britain, principles which she never professed and practices which never existed.
His majesty is accused of a systematic and general disregard of the law of nations, recognized by civilized states, and more particularly of an unwarrantable extension of the right of blockade; whereas his majesty may confidently appeal to the world on his uniform respect for neutral rights, and his general and scrupulous adherence to the law of nations, without condescending to contrast his conduct in these particulars, with that of his enemy; & with regard to the only specific charge, it is notorious that he has never declared any ports to be in a state of blockade without allotting to that object a force sufficient to make the entrance into them manifestly dangerous.
By such allegations, unfounded as they are, the enemy attempts to justify his pretension of confiscating as lawful prize all produce of English industry or manufacture, though it be the property of neutrals; of excluding from his harbors every neutral vessel which has touched at any port of his majesty's dominions, though employed in an innocent commerce; and of declaring Great Britain in a state of blockade, though his own ports and arsenals are actually blockaded, and he is unable to station any naval force whatever before any ports of the united kingdom.
Such principles are in themselves extravagant and repugnant to the law of nations; and the pretensions founded on them, though professedly directed solely against Great Britain, tend to alter the practice of war among civilized nations, and utterly to subvert the right and independence of neutral powers.
The undersigned cannot, therefore, believe that the enemy will ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system. If he should, they are confident, that the good sense of the American government will perceive the fatal consequences of such pretensions to neutral commerce, and that its spirit and regard to national honor will prevent its acquiescence in such palpable violations of its rights and injurious encroachments of its interests.
If, however, the enemy should
carry these threats into execution, and if neutral nations should, contrary to all expectation, acquiesce in such usurpations, his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate in his just defence, and to adopt in regard to the commerce of neutral nations with his enemies, the same measures which those nations shall have permitted to be enforced against their commerce with his subjects. The commissions of the U. States will therefore feel, that at a moment when his majesty, and all neutral nations, are threatened with such an extension of the belligerent pretensions of his enemies, he cannot enter into the stipulations of the present treaty without an explanation from the U. States of their intentions, or a reservation, on the part of his majesty, in the case above mentioned, if it should ever occur.
The Undersigned, considering that the distance of the American government renders any immediate explanation on this subject impossible, and, animated by a desire of forwarding the beneficial work in which they are engaged, are authorised by his majesty to conclude the treaty without delay. They proceed to the signature under the full persuasion that, before the treaty shall be returned from America, with the ratification of the U. States, the enemy will either have formally abandoned, or tacitly relinquished, his unjust pretensions, or that the government of the United States, by its conduct or assurances, will have given security to his majesty that it will not submit to such innovations in the established system of maritime law; and the undersigned have presented this note, from an anxious wish that it should be clearly understood on both sides, that, without such abandonment of his pretensions on the part of the enemy, or assurances of such conduct on the part of the United States, his majesty will not consider himself bound by the present signature of his commissioners to ratify the treaty, or precluded from adopting such measures as may seem necessary for counteracting the designs of the enemy.
The undersigned cannot conclude, without expressing their satisfaction at the prospect of accomplishing an object so important to the interests and friendly connection of both nations, and their just sense of the conciliatory disposition manifested by the commissioners of the United States, during the whole course of the negotiation. (Signed) VISSAL HOLLAND. AUCKLAND. London, Dec. 31. 1806.
No. 3. Extract of a dispatch from the honorable David Erskine to Lord Viscount Howick, dated Washington, March 30, 1807.
In compliance with your Lordship's instructions, I communicated to this government his majesty's views relative to the French decree of the 21st November, 1806, as detailed in your dispatch to me of the 8th Jan. last; and received the answer which I have now the honor to enclose.
(Inlosure, referred to in No. 3.) DEPARTMENT OF STATE, March 20, 1807.
Sir—I have laid before the President your letter of the 12th inst. communicating the views of his Britannic majesty in relation to the French decree of November 21, 1806, and to the principle of retaliation, through the commerce of neutrals who may submit to the operation of that decree; as also the measure actually taken, of prohibiting all neutral commerce from port to port of his enemies, not only the ports of France, but those of such other nations as, either in alliance with France, or subject to her dominion, have by measures of active offence, or by the exclusion of British ships, taken a part in the present war.
The President cannot be insensible, sir, to the friendship and confidence towards the United States which are signified by his Britannic majesty in this communication.
In making this acknowledgment, however, the President considers it not less incumbent on him to reserve for a state of things which it is hoped will never occur, the right of discussing the legality of any particular measures, to which resort may be had, on a ground of retaliation; at this time, it would suffice to observe that it remains to be more fully ascertained, in what sense the decree in question will be explained and to what extent it will be carried into execution, and consequently whether in any case the United States can be involved in questions concerning measures of retaliation supposed to accrue to one belligerent from such a proceeding, by another.
But it is worthy the justice and liberality of the British government to recollect, that, within the period of those great events which continue to agitate Europe, instances have occur-
red, in which the commerce of neutral nations, especially of the U. S. has experienced the severest distresses from its own orders and measures, manifestly unauthorized by the law of nations. The respect which the U. S. owes to their neutral rights and the interests they have in maintaining them, will always be sufficient pledges that no culpable acquiescence on their part will render them accessory to the proceedings of one belligerent nation, through the rights of neutrals, against the commerce of its adversary.
With regard to the particular order issued against the trade of neutrals from one port to another, of the enemies of G. Britain, no fair objection can lie against it, provided it be founded on and enforced by the actual blockade, as authorized by the law of nations. If, on the other hand, the order has reference not to such a blockade, but to a supposed illegality of the neutral trade from one to another of the described ports, the remark is obvious that on that supposition, the order is superfluous, the trade being, if interdicted by the law of nations, liable at all times, without any such order, to the capture of British cruisers, and the condemnation of British courts; and if not interdicted, as such, by the law of nations, it can no otherwise be made illegal, than by a legal blockade of the ports comprehended in the order. This inference is applicable even to the case of a neutral trade between the ports of France herself, since it is not a principle of the acknowledged law of nations, that neutrals may not trade from one to another port of the same belligerent nation; and it would be an innovation on that law not before attempted, to extend the principle to a neutral trade between ports of different countries, confessedly open in times of peace as well as of war.
If the British order refers for its basis, to the principle of retaliation against the French decree, it falls under the observations already made on that subject, and which need not, be repeated.
I have, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. To the Hon. David Erskine, &c. &c.
No. 4. Dispatch from the Hon. David Erskine to Lord Viscount Howick, dated Washington, March 31, 1807.
My Lord—After I had closed the preceding number of my dispatches which accompany this, I received another letter from Mr. Madison, in answer to the communications, which, in obedience to your Lordship's orders, I made to this government, of his majesty's views relative to the French decree of blockade of the 21st of November last, and his majesty's prohibitory orders against the neutral trade from port to port of his enemies.
As I conceived it would be most prudent to wait for your lordship's instructions, I did not send any reply to the letter, but have now the honor to enclose it to your lordship. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) D. M. ERSKINE. Lord Viscount Howick.
(Inlosure referred to in No. 4.) Department of State, 29th March, 1807.
Sir—Further reflection on the tenor and tendency of the order of his Britannic majesty, communicated by your letter of the 16th instant, which was answered by mine of the 20th, induces me to resume that important subject.
From the difficulty of supposing that the order can have for its basis either a legal blockade, impossible to be extended to all the ports described in the order, or a supposed illegality of the trade between those ports, an illegality which has never been applied by the British government or its admiralty courts, to an accustomed trade even between ports of a belligerent nation, and is utterly at variance with the conduct of both, in reference to a trade between a belligerent nation and its allies; a necessity seems to result of ascribing the order to the policy of countervailing through the commerce of neutrals, the French decree of the 21st of November last.
In this view of the order, it demands, on the part of the U. States, the most serious attention both to its principle and to its operation.
With respect to its principle, it will not be contested that a retaliation by one nation on its enemy, which is to operate through the interest of a nation not its enemy, essentially requires, not only that the injury inflicted should be limited by the measure of injury sustained, but that every retaliating step in such a case should be preceded by an unreasonable failure of the neutral party, in some mode or other to put an end to inequality wrongfully produced. Were it certain, therefore, that the French decree is to be enforced in the sense in which it is taken, and that, in violation of the treaty between France and the U. S. the commerce of the

latter will not be exempted, the British order being peremptory in its import and immediate in its execution, might justly be regarded by the U. States as a proceeding equally premature and unfriendly.
But in the uncertainty as to the real meaning of that decree, and whilst a presumption offered itself, that the decree, if avowed and executed in an unlawful extent, might not embrace the commerce of the U. S. they are bound by justice to their interests, as well as by respect for their rights, to consider the British order as a ground for serious complaint and remonstrance. Should it prove that the decree had not the meaning ascribed to it, and particularly, should the respect of France for her treaties with the U. S. except their trade from the operation of the decree, the order of the British government will stand exposed to still severer censure. It will take the character of an original aggression, will furnish to the French government a like ground with that assumed by itself, for retaliating measures, and will derive a very unfavorable feature from the consideration that it was a palpable infraction of a treaty first signed on the part of the British government, and expected, at the date of the order, to be speedily ratified on the part of the U. States.
The necessity of presenting the subject in its true light, is strengthened by the operation which the British order will have on a vast proportion of the entire commerce of the U. S. not to dwell on the carrying branch of the commerce between the ports and countries of Europe, and which the immunity given by our flag, in consequence of treaties with the enemies of G. Britain, to British property, and not enjoyed by the property of her enemies, has hitherto been advantageous to G. Britain; and without enquiring into the effect of an application of the interdict to the other quarters of the globe, all of which are evidently within the comprehensive terms of the order, it cannot be overlooked, that the character and course of nearly the whole of the American commerce with the ports of Europe, other than of G. Britain, will fall under the destructive operation of the order; it is well known that the cargoes exported from the U. S. frequently require that they may be disposed of partly at one market and partly at another. The return cargoes are still more frequently collected at different ports, and not unfrequently at ports different from those receiving the outward cargoes.
In this circuitous voyage, generally consisting of several links, the interest of the undertakers materially requires also, either a trade or a freightage between the ports visited in the circuit. To restrain the vessels of the U. S. therefore, from this legitimate and customary mode of trading with the continent of Europe, as is contemplated by the order, and to compel them, on one hand, to dispose of the whole of their cargoes at a port which may want but a part; and on the other hand, to seek the whole of their returns at the same port, which may furnish but a part, or perhaps no part of the articles wanted, would be a proceeding as ruinous to our commerce as contrary to our essential rights.
These observations, which are made in conformity with the sentiments of the President, cannot fail, Sir, to have all the weight with an enlightened and friendly government, to which they are entitled, and the President persuades himself, that the good effect of truths which they disclose, will be seen in such measures as will remove all grounds for dissatisfaction, and demonstrate on that side, the same sincere disposition to cultivate harmony and beneficial intercourse, as is felt and evinced by the U. S. and their government. I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) JAMES MADISON. The hon. David Erskine. (To be continued.)
EDWARD GRAHAM HANDY, CABINET & CHAIR-MAKER, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has commenced business in North G street, next door west of D. Elzey's, and respectfully solicits a portion of their patronage. One or two Apprentices, wanted to the above business. April 15—w3t
THIS is to give notice, that the subscribers of Washington county and district of Columbia, have obtained from the Orphan's Court of the county and District aforesaid, letters of Administration on the personal estate of Addison Murdock, deceased, late of the county aforesaid. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscribers, at or before the second day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under our hands this second day of April, 1808.
MARIANNE C. MURDOCK, GEORGE FRENCH, Admrs. Georgetown, April 15—w3t
WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, APRIL 15.
The votes given by 134 towns for Governor of Massachusetts give Mr. Sullivan a majority of 418; being a republican gain of 1628 votes on the result of the last election.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, APRIL 12.
Mr. Randolph rose to give notice that he meant to bring forward a motion on a subject of considerable public interest, and in which in his opinion the honor of the government of the U. States was materially implicated. He held in his hand an application from a veteran soldier on the subject of his bounty land, and who had sent him a power of attorney to act for him—a man of unimpeachable character, and who had not been at the seat of government since it was established. I found, said Mr. R. that his warrant, No. 9, his name Wm. Bryan, has been drawn and fraudulently located; I say fraudulently, because I am well assured that the party has not received any advantage from the warrant, and there is the strongest evidence of fraud. His warrant has been drawn and located, by whom I cannot discover; my researches were completely baffled by the memorable fire, which it is presumable owed its origin to a desire to cover frauds of this nature. I was referred from the war office to the Treasury office; for the only chance of finding out who had acted as attorney in fact for this old man, was, that the warrant ought to have been returned and on file there. On going there I found that the space on the record which the warrant ought to have occupied, was blank; and that no such warrant exists on the Treasury files. I believe this is far from being a solitary case, but that the cases are numerous, and many of those who have honestly earned a title to public land, have been in this way defrauded, and the land sold to speculators who have reaped the benefit of it. I therefore give notice that I shall at a future day move for an enquiry into this subject.
Mr. Poindexter presented a memorial from the Legislature of the Mississippi territory, praying a modification of the ordinance for the government of the territories. Referred to a committee of the whole to whom a bill on the same subject, was referred.
The bill for altering and establishing certain post roads having been read, and the question put "Shall this bill pass?" Messrs. Taylor, Smilie, Alston, D. R. Williams, Bacon and Tallmadge opposed the bill; and Messrs. Randolph, Bibb, Blackledge, Stanford, Troup and Lloyd supported it.
The opponents of the bill objected to it because the number of new roads created being so much greater than of old ones put down, would create an expense to the U. S. over and above the nett revenue of the Post Office establishment, of from 30 to 50,000 dollars; because that so great a ramification as this bill proposed might render the institution too cumbersome; that the nation did not expect nor was it originally contemplated that the Post Office establishment should be supported by any other revenue than that which it created; that the too great expense of this establishment would disgust the nation with that which properly fostered, would be of so great utility to the people; that gentlemen, by drawing the rich blood from other institutions, and giving it a passage into this institution, would destroy the very object which they only aimed to nourish; in any event that more harm would result from extending it to too great a latitude than from fostering it with economy. In addition to this it was said that if this bill passed, an additional appropriation must be made, or the Post Master-General must be prevented from carrying the law into effect, or he must anticipate appropriations, pursuing a practice which had of late been so much objected to; that the establishment of 44 new roads a year or two ago had diminished the nett proceeds of the Post Office establishment from 50,000 to 2,300 dollars, while the present bill proposing 90 new roads, would in the same proportion cause a deficit of perhaps 40,000 or 50,000 dollars beyond the nett revenue of the establishment; that there was already, taking into view the salaries of the officers of the General Post Office, an annual expenditure over and above the annual receipts, of 14,000 dollars; which when increased by the additional expense caused by the erection of the new roads proposed, would be a serious expense to the U. S. from that establishment which ought properly to yield a profit.
The advocates of the bill replied that the only objection which could be fairly made to the bill was on account of the old roads supposed to be unproductive which it put down, and not on account of the new ones which it erected; that supposing the conjectural estimate of a surplus expence
over and above the revenue arising from the establishment, of 30 or even 50,000 dollars, was correct, which was by no means admitted, it would be at least problematical whether the benefit to be received from a diffusion of information would not far exceed the additional expence; that the benefit to be derived from the two millions voted for the new army of 6,000 men, would shrink from the comparison with the benefits to be derived from the expenditure of 50,000 dollars for this purpose; that the bill provided roads for a vast tract of newly settled country in the state of Georgia to which the Indian title had been extinguished, which would be left totally destitute of information except the bill passed; and in a government like ours, the conduct of which was founded upon the will of the people, it was of absolute importance that the people should be informed; that if the principle admitted by the opponents of the bill was correct, that the establishment should consume its own revenue, even in case of the expence now exceeding the revenue, the establishment might justly claim credit from the general government for the many thousand dollars which it had annually needed to the Treasury; and that it was extremely doubtful whether the cost of these roads would exceed the proceeds to be derived from them. It was also said, that if the express mail to New Orleans were put down, it would cause a great diminution of expence, perhaps equal to the whole expence caused by the new roads established by this bill; and this mail being kept up for the service of government altogether, the Post Office department ought correctly to have credit for its whole expence.
The bill was passed by Yeas and Nays, 71 to 31.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13. Mr. Randolph called for the order of the day on the bill for arming the whole body of the militia of the U. States.
The Speaker declared that the unfinished business (resolution respecting the embargo) had preference in the orders of the day.
Mr. Randolph moved to postpone that subject, although he had no wish to delay it, till the bill for arming the militia should be taken up.
On the suggestion of Mr. Rhea (T.) Mr. Randolph modified his motion so that the resolution relative to the embargo should be referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union—Negatived, 49 to 29.
The bill concerning public contracts was received from the Senate with considerable amendments.
A motion was made to refer it to a committee of the whole—Negatived, Ayes 26.
A motion to refer it to a select committee was negatived—Ayes 32.
It was then ordered to lie on the table till printed, 44 to 33.
The House then went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Desha in the chair, on the resolution declaring that the President ought, under certain contingencies, to be authorized to suspend the embargo.
Messrs. Love, Fisk, Masters, and Sloan supported the resolution, and Messrs. Key and Randolph opposed it.
About 5 o'clock a motion was made that the committee rise, Mr. Randolph having ceased speaking for that purpose, and carried.
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of the legal representatives of Thomas Barclay, deceased, which being gone through, was immediately ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
THURSDAY, APRIL 14. On motion of Mr. Dana, the committee of the whole to whom were referred two resolutions for enabling merchant vessels mutually to arm and assist each other, and for the security of American seamen, was discharged from the further consideration of them, and they were referred to a select committee, with leave to report by bill.
A bill from the Senate for continuing in force an act declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the states of Maryland and Georgia, was read three times and passed.
A bill for the relief of Philip Turner went through a committee of the whole, and was reported to the House. Mr. Desha moved to commit the bill to the committee of Claims. Negatived, Ayes 24. The bill was then ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Clarke presented a memorial of the legislature of Orleans territory, praying an alteration in the ordinance for the government of the territory. Referred to a select committee with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Van Cortlandt presented a resolution of the legislature of the state of New-York on the subject of the exposed situation of the port of New-York. Referred to a committee of the whole House on the state of the union.
Mr. Clarke presented a memorial of the legislature of the territory of Orleans, praying for the erection of a port of entry on Bayou—
Referred to the committee of
Commerce and Manufactures.
The court martial bill was received from the Senate with amendments. The House then went into a committee of the whole, on the resolution relative to the embargo. Messrs. Randolph and D. R. Williams opposed the resolution, and Mr. G. W. Campbell supported it at great length. When at 5 o'clock the committee rose, 49 to 49, the Chairman deciding in the affirmative, and obtained leave to sit again.
Baltimore, April 13.
By the arrival of the schr. Adeline from Point Petre, Guadalupe, we have been politely furnished by a friend with a copy of a decree issued by general Ernouf opening all the ports of Guadalupe and its dependencies to the entry of French and neutral vessels, laden with provisions, free from duty.
War Department, April 13, 1808. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN:
THAT separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the Department of war, until 12 o'clock, at noon of Monday the 20th of June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1808 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810, within the states, territories and districts following, viz.
1st, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chikago and in their immediate vicinities, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the Territory of Michigan.
2d, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.
3d, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio and the Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chikago and their immediate vicinities.
4th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the Mississippi and Orleans territories.
Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810 within the several states following, viz.
5th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire.
6th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Vermont.
7th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted.
8th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Connecticut and Rhode Island.
9th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New York, Niagara and its dependencies excepted.
10th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Jersey.
11th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Pennsylvania.
12th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Maryland and Delaware.
13th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Virginia.
14th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of North Carolina.
15th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of South Carolina.
16th, At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia.
17th, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armorers and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chikago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be trans-
ported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expence and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of enemies, or by means of the troops of the U. S. shall be paid by the U. S. at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is understood to be reserved to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the sea board, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months.
H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. April 15—taw3w
IMPRESSED SEAMEN.
IT has been represented to the Secretary of State, that Nathan Thompson, Thomas Williams, Benjamin Bagnell, Joseph Setts, Joseph Cox, Charles Redding, Samuel Henhawy, A. Girdon, Samuel Clapson, William Thompson, John Brant, Thomas W. Babb, Matthew Satterborn, F. Rice, George Smith, William Brown, Minor Smith, William Bender, Robert McCord, William Price, Henry Mull, David Porter, Benjamin Young, Charles Anderson, Isaac Gaines, Thomas Cook, William Jones, John Gallaway, Peter Lewis, Thomas Marmumber, John McVie, Daniel M. Hegan, James Boggs, William Tiel, John Jason, James Carney, John Leemont, William Lindsey, Nicholas Miller, John Porter, Peter Murphy, James Peterson, John Skinner, Thomas Allen, Christopher Styon, J. C. Brecket, John Swaine, John Jarvis, William A. Jennings, Theodore Young, James Howt, Joseph Rosey, John Tull, Joseph Haswell & John Williams, who call themselves American citizens, have been impressed and are now detained in the British service. The friends of these men are hereby notified that upon their transmitting to this department, proof of the citizenship, together with a description of the persons of the above named seamen, measures will be taken to procure their discharge.
Department of State, } April 13, 1808— } The Editor of the National Intelligencer, and the Editors of such other papers as publish the laws of the Union, in the Atlantic States, are requested to insert the above notice, Three Times, in their respective Gazettes. April 15—3t
UNITED STATES NAVY HOSPITAL (Near the Marine Barracks.)
THE Subscriber is directed to give this public notice; that hereafter on every Saturday and Wednesday between 10 and 12 o'clock, the Hospital will be opened for all Physicians and Students of Medicine, who may be desirous of observing the cases. The prescriptions of the Surgeon will be suspended on those days until the above hours, in order that such as wish to view the treatment of the patients may be gratified; as the number of patients varies from 20 to 40; and as there are several interesting works attached to the establishment, the regulation it is presumed will prove of service to Students, while the opportunity for free medical consultations among the physicians may prove of no less service to the sick.
JOHN KEARNY, Dresser U. S. N. H. April 15—
NOTICE.
BY order of the Orphan's Court of Washington county district of Columbia will be sold at PUBLIC AUCTION, on Friday the 22d inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. at the late Dwelling of Addison Murdock, deceased, in Washington city, the Household and Kitchen Furniture and an elegant Gig, with plated harness—
And on Saturday the 23d inst. at Ten o'clock A. M. will be sold at Public Auction at his farm about three miles above George Town, negroes, horses, cattle, a waggon and gears, corn, rye, oats and tobacco, with sundry farming utensils.
Terms of sale, six months credit for all purchases above 20 dollars.
MARIANNE C. MURDOCK, GEORGE FRENCH, Admrs.
N. B. All persons having claims against the estate of Addison Murdock, deceased, are requested to present them to George French before the day of sale; those indebted to said estate are also requested to call and settle their accounts.
April 15—tdos
40 DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR apprehending and delivering Negr. HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington or twenty five dollars for securing said slave so that I get him again. Harry ran off on the 11th day of March 1808, he is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen on the breast; had on when he went off a blue cloth coatee, drab color bear skin round jacket (as a sapper.) Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county.
N. B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in his escape, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such acts.
PETER LENOX. April 6—taw3f

FRESH RAISINS, TEAS, &c. Now landing from the schooner Citizen, Capt. Sturges from New York, and for sale by W. C. SMITH, 50 boxes fresh Muscatel raisins, 30 chests choice hyson, young hyson, hyson skin and imperial teas, 10 quarter casks Lisbon wine, 11 boxes Prussian fig blue. Also just received, 10 puncheons well flavored Antigua rum, 10 pipes cognac brandy, 4th proof, and a small supply of excellent fresh nutmegs. Georgetown, Jan. 15—wtf
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c. The Subscriber having recently received a supply of European Garden Seeds, &c. which added to the various sorts sowed by him the last summer, makes his assortment extensive and which are for sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO. HOLT Washington city, Jan. 11—raw
PORT WINE, Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale by JOHN GOULDING Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice Liquors of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25—
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the disposal of the Public Lands, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted that for the disposal of the Lands of the United States, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, a Land Office should be established at such place, as the President of the United States might direct: And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid with the excep- tion of certain tracts therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall by a public proclamation of the President of the United States be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, and on the same terms and conditions as are provided for the Lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river.
Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in con- formity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare and make known, that sales shall be held at Canton in the state of Ohio, for the disposal of the above mentioned lands, to commence on the second Monday of May, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks. Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—wtf
WOOLLEN DRAPERS, men's mer- cers, and tailors, New Jersey A- venue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeav- or to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fash- ionable goods, suitable for the approach- ing season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uni- forms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dis- patch. October 23—tf
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the Ge- neral Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany coun- ty," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public No- tice is hereby given to all persons hold- ing unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or be- fore the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—cpids
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber of St. Mary's county, has obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland Let- ters Testamentary on the personal estate of Command Plowden late of the county aforesaid deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers therefor to the subscriber, at or before the 25th day of Septem- ber next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 18th day of March, eight hundred & eight. HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
WANTED IMMEDIATELY. AS an Assistant in the Western Acad- emy of this city, a gentleman well qua- lified to teach the English Language grammatically, Writing, Arithmetic, the different branches of Mathematics, Geography, and the use of the Globes. Such a gentleman recommended for sobriety, morality, and experience in teaching, shall receive for his services at the rate of 500 dollars per annum, or 350 dollars and his board, paid quar- terly, by HUGH MAGUIRE, Principal. April 15—3t
PHILADELPHIA PORTER & ALE CELLAR. LEWIS ZIMMER, at his store near the Navy Yard, begs leave to inform the Public that he is just open- ing a PORTER CELLAR, near the gate of the Navy Yard, where the best kind of Porter and Ale from Philadel- phia shall at all times be procured in bottles or otherwise. He has also received from Philadel- phia, a parcel of the very best LIQUID BLACKING, for Boots and Shoes in bottles and half bottles—the fine shin- ing gloss of this blacking is so well fixed on the surface of the leather, that you may pass a white handkerchief over your boots without soiling them in the least; in short, it is difficult to des- cribe all the admirable qualities of this Liquid Blacking. He continues to keep a general assort- ment of GROCERIES & DRY GOODS, which he offers for sale on very mod- erate prices. April 6—3t&2aw2w
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the act, entitled "An act making provision for the dis- posal of the public Lands situated be- tween the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted, that for the disposal of the lands of the United States lying on the Ohio river, between the Cincinnati and Vincennes district, a Land Office should be established at Jeffersonville. And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid, with the exception of certain tracts, therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall by a public Proclamation of the Presi- dent of the United States, be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, & on the same terms & conditions as are provided for the lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river.
Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in con- formity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare and make known, that sales shall be held at Jeffersonville in the Indiana Territo- ry for the disposal of the above mention- ed lands, to commence on the second Monday of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks. Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November one thousand eight hundred and seven. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—wtf
JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable prop- erty in the city of Washington, consist- ing of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is re- commended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the per- manent residence and seat of the gov- ernment of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of STOCKS bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
TO LAND HOLDERS IN THE STATE OF OHIO. BY one of the propositions made by Congress to the people of the eastern division of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, when it was about to pass into a state government, provision was made for an exemption, of the lands sold by Congress, from taxation, for the pace of five years, after the sale. That time has now elapsed, as to all lands sold previously to the 30th day of June, 1803; and they will, this year, be entered, by the Auditor for taxation, at 100, 75, and 50 cents per 160 acres of 1st. 2d. and 3d. rate land. So, for the next year, those lands sold previously to the 30th day of June, 1804, will be in like manner entered. Every year the system will progress, in this manner, until the whole of the lands will be embezzled. The sale of lands, for tax, commences on the first Monday of December. We give this early information, that non-residents may take advantage of it, and, by the like early provision, may save their property from the grasp of speculating harpies. TH. S. HINLE, and CH. A. STUART, Agents for non-residents. Chillicothe, March 19th, 1808.
It is desired that the Enquirer, Aurora, and United States Gazette, will in- sert the above notice twice, and forward the accounts. April 1—3t
THE subscriber has purchased the stock of GOODS lately belong- ing to Mr. Elisha Riggs, and will be enabled, from the conditions of pur- chase, to dispose of them in the same house on as liberal if not better terms than they were sold before. He expects by Capt. Hand, from Philadelphia this week or the first of next, a handsome Spring Supply, which will make his as- sortment complete. They were laid in for cash, therefore will accommodate his friends no doubt satisfactorily. JOHN PETER. Georgetown, March 16—cp4w
MRS. THOMPSON at the SIX BUILDINGS has her best Draw- ing Room and Four Bed Chambers un- occupied with Stables and Carriage houses. April 6—3t
THE important pamphlet passed through four editions in one month, from its first appearance in London. The present publication is from the 4th English edition. A few copies of the above work at the day received and for sale at J. March's Bookstore, George Town; R. C. Weightman, Pennsylvania ave- nue; and D. Rafine, Capitol Hill, Washington; and James Kennedy, Bookseller Alexandria. April 11—3t
CHARLES H. VARDEA MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gen- tlemen of the district of Columbia and in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadel- phia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangle and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspender far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
PUBLIC NOTICE. BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold on Thursday the 21st day of April next, at his late dwelling in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of John Rustin, late of said county, deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils and a variety of other articles too numerous to men- tion. The terms of sale are six months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good securities bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums to the amount of ten dollars and under, the cash must be paid. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. March 25—3w
ENGLISH GOODS By the J. ADAMS and ST. JOHN from Liverpool. APPLETON & CO. 16, Calvert street, Baltimore, HAVE received their regular supply of Goods, calculated for the pre- sent and approaching season: Cambric and common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dometts, Printed Mouseline Vesting, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, Do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, Do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine cloths and Cassi- meres, Patent Nankeens, Grandurells, Cotton Cassimeres, 64 and 44 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Haricord and Check, do. Plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, Riddle, &c. do. Colored do. do. do. 44 plain book do. Gingham, Silk do. Sattins, Persians and Sarsenets, Bonnet Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, Do. Braces, Do. Laces and Footings, Do. Quillings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fring s and Red Lace. Cotton and Linen Checks, Buttons, Birmingham Ware &c. IN STORE, A few dozen Gentlemen's best BEAVER Hats from Marseilles. These Goods will be sold low for cash or undoubted paper at 60 days. April 8—10t
FAMILY PHYSICIAN. A new and greatly improved Family Physician, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion," FOR SALE AT R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Washington city. J. MILLIGAN'S George-Town, And KID & THOMAS'S , Market street Baltimore. March 28—3w
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1808. THIS day is the third day of drawing of the New York State Lottery , (high- est prize 25,000 dollars)—present price of tickets Eight Dollars, but will shortly advance. Tickets warranted undrawn may be had at J. MARCH's Bookstore, George Town, where a regular check book of the drawing, both blanks and prizes is kept. Prize tickets in St. Mary's Col- lege Lottery taken in exchange for undrawn tickets in the New York state Lottery.—All prizes sold at J. MARCH's bookstore, will be paid there if agree- able to the holder of the ticket. April 13—3t
JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS. WANTED immediately 40 or 50 Journeyman Shoemakers, to make strong Shoes, to whom constant employ- ment will be given, apply to JOHN MINCHIN, New Jersey avenue near the Capitol. April 13—3t
NEW & INTERESTING POLITICAL PAMPHLET. This day is Published, by Birch and Smalls, No. 37, South Second street Philadelphia.
CONSIDERATIONS On the causes, objects, and consequences of the present war; and on the expe- diency, or the danger of peace with France. By WILLIAM ROSCOE, Esq. Late member of Parliament for Liverpool. This important pamphlet passed through four editions in one month, from its first appearance in London. The present publication is from the 4th English edition. A few copies of the above work at the day received and for sale at J. March's Bookstore, George Town; R. C. Weightman, Pennsylvania ave- nue; and D. Rafine, Capitol Hill, Washington; and James Kennedy, Bookseller Alexandria. April 11—3t
RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the jail of Wash- ington county, district of Colum- bia as a runaway on the 29th of March last, a black man who calls himself JOHN, and says he belongs to John Clark of Alexandria; he is about 40 years of age, 5 feet 11.2 inches high, slender made, pitted with the small- pox, and has lost his left eye; had on when committed, a black hat, the crown covered with canvas, grey great coat, blue pantaloons, and old shoes— his owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expences for the law directs. CARTWRIGHT TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for W. Boyd, marshal. April 8—w3t
JUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garri- son and Navy Yard Gate, an assort- ment equal to any in the District;— among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk mol-skins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halflithcks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and Intestrings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 44-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heavily rugs, Russia sheeting, tick- ling rug. Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genu- ine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 5—tf
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long stand- ing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His books are removed to the counting house of his brother Romulus Riggs, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assis- tant Mr. Samuel C. Offutt, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
FOR SALE OR RENT. A Valuable CORNER LOT, well improved, in the city of Washing- ton, fronting south on Pennsylvania avenue west on the west Market Square. The improvements thereon are a three story brick HOUSE, lately papered & painted in great taste, and finished every other way proportionately. two story Kitchen, built with brick, a covered way between, and a commodious and dry Cellar; also two small FRANK HOUSES, now under a good rent. Any person wishing to rent or purchase will find this a desirable situation for business or retirement, should it not be sold or rented before the 18th inst. then it will be set up at Public Auction, at 4 P. M. (if fair, if not the next fair day). For terms of rent or sale, apply on the Premises, to ALEX. M'DONALD. April 11—3t
IN pursuance to the decree of the high court of Chancery of Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at the premises on the 4th day of May next at 3 o'clock, P. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, de- ceased, in and to part of a Tract of LAND, called Brock Hall , supposed to contain about one hundred and twenty acres, and part of a Tract of LAND called Beall's Hunting Quarters , sup- posed to contain about seventy acres, lying in Prince George's county Mary- land. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest there- on from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are re- quested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale. JAMES S. MORSEL, Trustee. April 13—3w
WASHINGTON THEATRE. By Authority. The Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of Washington and Georgetown are respectfully informed that a sufficient number of GENTLEMEN, (For their amusement,) WILL on TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 19TH, Perform a TRAGEDY (in five acts) CALLED DOUGLASS Or the Noble Shepherd. After which will be presented, (Also, by Gentlemen of Washington and Georgetown, for their amusement,) A FARCE (in two acts) CALLED THE PRIZE, OR 2, 5, 3, 8. For characters see handbills. Doors open at half past five, o'clock, and commence at half past six. Box one dollar, Pit half a dollar. Tickets to be had at Mr. Stelles hotel, Mr. Rhodes's city tavern, and at the Theatre, on the night of per- formance. April 13—3t
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. THE Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N. B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Walters, Trays, pol- ished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cu and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
PORTTRAITS, PAINTED IN OIL COLORS. By C. BOYLE, at the Building formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, Pennsylv- ania avenue. Washington, March 11—tf
This is to give Notice— THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county in Mary- land, Letters Testamentary on the per- sonal estate of Wilfred Neale, late of Saint Mary's county, de- ceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of March 1808. HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
GREAT BARGAIN. WILL be exposed to Sale on Tues- day the 19th April, this present month, for ready money, in the city of Washington, at 5 o'clock in the even- ing before Stell's hotel, That beautiful and elegant ESTATE , formerly the property of Mr. Walter S. Alexander, directly opposite the mouth of the Eastern Branch, and now leased to the Mr. Wise for a term of years, at the rate of 360 dollars per annum, with other stipulations, which a reference to said lease will fully shew. This va- luable estate is bounded by the river Potomac a considerable distance, one mile from the contemplated bridge over the river, and city of Washington, and about 2 1/2 from Alexandria, the road as laid off from one to the other, passes nearly through the center of this estate, containing about 425 acres. A good and indisputable title will be made the purchaser by the subscriber, who is legally authorised, as may be seen by the Title papers, in the hands of Robert I. Taylor, esq. attorney, will give every information under the peculiar situation which occasions the sale of this valuable and increasing property. Men of money will find it much to their advantage to attend this sale. At the same time and place, will be sold a parcel of LAND, leased to Wm. Fraser, where he now lives, for a term of years, for 42 dollars and a half per annum, lying on the present George Town road, containing about 50 acres. Any further information may be had by application to R. I. Taylor, esq. or the subscriber, living in Alexandria. Let- ters on this subject will be duly attend- ed to. BALDWIN DADE, Alexandria, April 9—3t
PROPOSALS For publishing by subscription, a new work, entitled, "THE LAWYER; OR MAN AS HE OUGHT NOT TO BE." A Tale. CONDITIONS. 1. This work will be printed on fine paper, and handsomely bound in boards. 2. It will be published in one duode- cimo volume of about 250 pages, and delivered to subscribers at one dollar. 3. Those who shall obtain 12 subscri- bers, shall be entitled to one copy gratis. 4. As the expence of publication will be considerable, a discount of one eighth of a dollar will be allowed to such as pay in advance. Subscriptions for the above work are received at the book-store of D. Rap- ine, Capitol Hill, where a general as- sortment of books and stationery are always kept for sale. March 30, 1808.—6t