The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-12-07 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1273.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
NOVEMBER 29.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS.
(Continued.)
Mr. Sloan said he should not, in asking the attention of the committee to the remarks which he was about to make, attempt to follow the observations of the gentleman from Massachusetts who had preceded him, and he hoped that his honest confession that he neither arrogated to himself the eloquence or information of that gentleman would be an excuse for his blundering along in that manner of which he was capable. He first observed that he had waited with great anxiety and much impatience to hear the commencement of a debate, which from the importance of the subject and the suffering situation of his beloved country, he had expected would have been commenced in the first week of this important session. He had been rejoiced therefore to hear the resolution early brought forward by his worthy friend from Vermont, but was sorry that at that time observations had been made calculated to rouse into action all the angry passions which are so injurious to free discussion. This being his opinion and having always entertained the opinion that more advantage was to be gained by discussing coolly than in retorting with virulence and pursuing with precision the arguments of others, he should make but little or no allusion to the observations of gentlemen who had preceded him. Mr. S. said he should
1st. Briefly notice an observation of his friend from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy.)
2dly. He should state his objections to the embargo laws as they now stood.
3dly. He should give his opinion of the effect of these laws on foreign nations.
4thly. He would consider their operation on ourselves; and
5thly. And lastly, conclude with a few miscellaneous observations.
First, my friend from Massachusetts, (said Mr. Sloan) observed that when one cheek had been slapped by G. Britain we have turned the other. Hearing this observation I was induced to look minutely into the message of the President of the United States to see whether this be true or not; and having done so I beg leave to dissent from his opinion. The President says: "Under a continuance of the belligerent measures which in defiance of laws which consecrate the rights of neutrals overspread the ocean with danger, it will rest with the wisdom of Congress to decide on the course best adapted to such a state of things; and bringing with them, as they do, from every part of the union, the sentiment of our constituents, my confidence is strengthened that in forming this decision, they will, with an unerring regard to the essential rights and interests of the nation, weigh and compare the painful alternatives out of which a choice is to be made."
Now sir; permit me to say that this sentence does not warrant the construction put upon it; for I understand the President as having made no decision but as having left the subject wholly to the Representatives.
It has been argued that there is no alternative at this time but embargo or war. Did I believe this to be the fact, I should be of an opinion very different from that which I now entertain. But I do not believe that war will necessarily follow a removal of the embargo. I find by reference to the 4th and 5th of the laws of the U. States that matters were carried to such a height, between this country & France ten years ago, that the vessels of the U. States were permitted to arm for their protection. What was the consequence of this? Did war ensue? In my apprehension it did not; I say in my apprehension, because I recollect at the last session the House was divided in opinion as to the meaning of the word "war;" for some said we were at war last session, and others said we were not. In my opinion, therefore, as war did not follow the arming of our merchant vessels; neither will it follow the removal of the embargo.
I will now state my constitutional objection to the law. In the constitution I find a power given to the Congress of the United States "to regulate commerce." This is the only section from which the power of laying an embargo is derived. Now I address myself to the plain understanding of every member in the House, and ask whether the power to regulate be a power to annihilate? Expressing myself in my unlearned way, suppose I employ a man a number of days to regulate my orchard, do I authorize him to cut it down? Certainly not. There is a power given to commissioners of this city to regulate the markets; have they therefore a right to prohibit them?
I contend not; they are appointed to keep them in order and improve them. I would not be understood as saying that Congress have not a power to lay an embargo for a short time; but I do contend that they have no power to pass a law without limitation. I voted for the first embargo law and for two supplements. Many members can bear me witness that I opposed the third; and could I have voted upon the whole at that time, I would rather have voted against them than have voted for that supplementary law, which I considered oppressive and ruinous to the citizens of the U. States. I considered it as acting unequally, and therefore unjustly; as much so as if Congress were to pass a law prohibiting a citizen of the U. States from the interior of Pennsylvania or New-York, from taking their produce from their field or garden to carry it to market. And if any member in this House can satisfy me that there is any substantial difference between this and prohibiting persons who had laid out their all in purchasing, coasting vessels from carrying produce from one port to another, then I may be convinced that the third supplement was proper. I was willing to apply constitutional power to prevent our citizens from exporting to a foreign market; but I would not prevent them from carrying produce to any place they conceived most convenient and ready, when the embargo should be raised, to make the most of it.
I will now give my opinion of the effect which this law has had upon foreign nations. I will not dwell upon the causes which produced it or the motives which induce others now to wish a continuance of it; for I believe the Representatives of the people never to have any other object in view than the public good. I conceive, however, that this measure has been pleasing to the British government, for the reason that that government has always been jealous of our commercial prosperity. The glorious luminary of Heaven is not more obvious to my view, than that measure is to them all that they wish. Methinks I hear them facilitating themselves on the arrival of the blessed time which they should not only occupy every sea, but become the carriers of the whole world. The embargo I consider as calculated to favor their purpose. Spain is nobly contending for her rights, and this I say because I think every nation under Heaven is entitled to a choice of its government; and the embargo prohibits our furnishing them with supplies. It also prohibits the export to St. Domingo and other places against which we have no cause of complaint, and which Napoleon the emperor is endeavoring to subjugate. Therefore I also consider it perfectly congenial at this time to the will of the emperor of the French, whilst England is at the same time enjoying that trade to St. Domingo and elsewhere which would be extremely beneficial to us.
Now as to its effects on ourselves, I consider it as acting partially and unequally upon different parts of the country, and that it must in a short time, if continued, reduce to distress a large portion of the industrious part of the community. I mean those who have purchased land which they cannot pay for, those whose whole dependence and usual occupation is fishing, those who are solely employed in the coasting trade, and the seamen employed in conveying produce; as much they will be distressed as if Congress were to pass a law that the farmer or planter should farm or plant no more. In making these observations I conceive that I am fully justified by sentiments which I have gathered from a large portion of citizens, particularly in the city of Philadelphia, which ranks as one of the first in the union. I live near them, and think it my duty to inform the House that for months before I left home, I was wearied with the cries of those suffering from the embargo, and hoping that something might be done for them. One woman says "my husband has been out of employ so long, the family is starving, the embargo has ruined us; we cannot live over the winter." These cries Mr. Sloan said met his ears, and he always hoped to be sensible to the sufferings of the weak, and to be able to plead their cause.
Mr. S. adverted to the late elections in Pennsylvania, which he said were no proof of the approbation by the people of the embargo. He said that whatever he might be considered elsewhere he was in the city of Philadelphia considered a democratic republican, and that the republicans there said to him "if
not to others, "we will support our principles; but we hope something will be done for us, for we cannot support the embargo." Mr. S. deprecated the making this a question of party. Did he come here to legislate for Democratic Republicans only? No; and it would hurt his feelings as much to hear the cries of the wife of a poor suffering federalist as of the wife of a democratic republican.
Mr. Sloan concluded with miscellaneous remarks of some length. He exhorted the representatives not to take a partial view; each of them ought to look widely around him in the performance of his legislative duty; to resemble him, according to the poet,
"Who sees with equal eye, as God of all, A hero perish or a sparrow fall."
He alluded again to the distress in Philadelphia and elsewhere; spoke of the enormous and usurious interest he had of late known to be paid on money; stated the evil consequences of permitting the dishonest violators of the laws to make fortunes at the expense of honest citizens, and its tendency to promote evasion of revenue laws hereafter. He hinted at the danger of opposition to the laws from citizens with arms in their hands, and finally observed that he wished the embargo laws wholly repealed; though he might be induced to vote for any measure which should be thought proper to supply their place.
Mr. Suttie said he just rose to express his feelings at the fatherly regard the gentleman (Mr. Sloan) had manifested for the people of Pennsylvania. He had expected, however, that he would have furnished the House with an account of the state of the people in his own district. It was a little strange that the city of Philadelphia which had two representatives on the floor, should have chosen the gentleman from N. Jersey as the organ for communicating their complaints to the House. From them there had been no complaint. Indeed there had been no petition or remonstrance from the state of Pennsylvania respecting the embargo. Perhaps the reason the gentleman from New Jersey was applied to was, the great weight which it was known he had in the House. But with respect to Pennsylvania the government might be easy; He pledged himself that that state would support government in all constitutional and necessary measures, notwithstanding what had been said by the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. Sloan said he would just observe that this was the first time that he had ever heard that a member from any particular state could not give his opinion as to any other state in the union.
Mr. Rhea (T.) said that the report of the committee to whom had been referred that part of the message of the President, which respected our foreign relations, was now out before the sovereign people of the United States—and while their representatives were deliberating concerning it they also were considering and making their opinions of it.
It is desirable (said he) that this first resolution may have the support of every gentleman in this House; & that there may be a concurrence on the reasons which will decide the vote of this committee on this resolution.
This resolution is a proposition deduced from the facts stated in the report—the report is a concise and correct statement of the case between the United States and Great Britain, and between the United States and France, respectively. It virtually is an appeal on behalf of the United States, and a declaration or manifest to all the world. It is not a declaration of independence—but a declaration is implied in the proposition, that is to say, the rights, honor and independence of the United States are violated by the late edicts of Great Britain and France, and the U. States cannot submit to the said edicts. To declare the United States of America free, sovereign and independent, doth not remain to be done. On the fourth day of July, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, the United States of America were declared free, sovereign and independent—that declaration was made with the noise of drums, the sound of trumpets, the thunder of artillery, and the shouts of thousands of brave men in arms. The sound of that declaration was loud and strong—it passed over and vibrated on the shores of the Atlantic bounding the nations of Europe. The nations heard the sound, and all, except one (Great Britain) hailed with welcome the origin and rise of this new nation, in the west, and said "let it be perpetual." Great Britain it self, after a
bloody seven years war, was compelled to acknowledge, in due form, by solemn treaty, that the United States of America were free, sovereign and independent, as they had declared themselves to be, and that declaration is engraved on the tablet of eternity, and will never be erased.
The United States, sovereign and independent, have certain attributes and properties, and rights, without which sovereignty cannot exist. Among these may be numbered—a supreme power of legislation, or ordaining and executing their own government—a right to pursue their own happiness—to cultivate their own fields—to manufacture articles, such as may be deemed proper, and to navigate the ocean, in the exercise of commerce, agreeably to public law and public reason. "In the beginning the ocean was composed of elementary particles, free and voluble, being part of the great donation to the human family, and rolling on the shores of islands and continents, it presents itself for use. The ocean is the right and common property, and great road of all nations who may choose to use it."
The late edicts of Great Britain and France stated in the report, are the cause of the resolution now under consideration. An object of the resolution is, to pledge every citizen, and every state and territory of the United States, mutually and reciprocally to each other, in the support and maintenance of the rights, honor, and independence of these United States—"for (in the language of the report) the question, for every citizen, now is, whether he will rally round the government of his choice, or enlist under foreign banners, whether he will be for his country or against his country?" An effect of the resolution, if agreed to, will be confidence of the citizens mutually in each other, and they will be, as they are, and ought to be, "a band of brothers." There is reason to believe that various reports, the offspring of discord, and injuries to the United States, have occasionally, by accident or design, reached foreign powers; the resolution, if adopted, will have powerful effect in evidencing the unreasonableness and inconsistency of all such reports.
Mr. Rhea said by the word edicts used in this resolution, he understood all the proclamations, orders of council, acts of parliament and decisions of courts of admiralty of Great Britain—and all the decrees and decisions of the tribunals of France, which violate the rights, the honor and the independence of the United States. If it shall be asked, how are the rights of the United States violated by the edicts? It is answered—the report of the committee states how. Let the thousands of the seafaring citizens of the United States, who, impressed, and separated from their friends, families and country, have been forced on board of British armed vessels, and therein compelled to fight against nations with whom their country is not at war—speak and answer. Property to the amount of many millions of dollars belonging to citizens of the United States engaged in lawful commerce, consistent with the principles of public reason, hath been captured on the ocean, and condemned by courts of admiralty, in pursuance of the same edicts; let that property answer. If it be asked, how is the honor of the United States violated by the edicts? It may be answered, that the United States, intent to preserve peace, and to continue in possession of those blessings, which constitute national happiness, heretofore have not appealed to the sword, but endeavored by friendly negotiation to obtain redress for injuries and violences committed on them, in consequence of the same edicts; and from the same peaceable conduct, cause may be assumed to suppose that the United States will not do what is in their power to do, to obtain satisfaction for injuries received, and to prevent in future the operation of the edicts.
If it be asked, how is the sovereignty of the U. S. violated by the edicts? It is answered, by the constitution of the U. S. the Congress hath power to establish an uniform rule of naturalization—that several persons, emigrants from the British dominions, have, since the treaty of peace with G. Britain, arrived in the U. S., and in pursuance of laws of naturalization enacted by Congress, have become citizens of the U. S.—notwithstanding which, by a late proclamation of the king of the united kingdoms of G. Britain and Ireland, all such emigrants are required to return to the dominions of the said king, when requisition, so far as it can,
goes to make void and of no effect, the naturalization and citizenship of the same persons—and to contravene and repeal the laws in virtue whereof they became citizens, and to supersede and overthrow the constitution and government and sovereignty of the U. S.
If the edicts of G. Britain and France are submitted to, what rights of the U. S. will be sacrificed? The neutral rights of the U. S. will be destroyed, and the right of navigating on the ocean consistent with the rules of public reason, will be annihilated, and their commerce will be subservient to the rules, regulations and laws of foreign powers.
The U. S. by the ever to be remembered declaration of Independence, took high ground among the nations of the earth. The great men who, on behalf of that nation, signed their names to that declaration—their successors and followers and citizens of every rank, who carried on the mighty work of revolution, and in any manner assisted therein, persevered against all opposition and finally succeeded in the establishment of this nation on the high ground which had been taken and manifested to all the world, in the same declaration of independence. A submission to the edicts will be descending from the high street taken by the declaration of Independence, and a sacrifice of the honor of the U. S. Mr. Rhea said, let the members of this House read the declaration of Independence—let them read the last paragraph of that declaration—let every citizen of the U. S. read it; and then let every one lay his hand on his breast, and ask himself, am I prepared to depart and descend from the state and situation which the great and good men who effected the revolution placed me on? If there be any one, who will openly say and avow, that he is willing and prepared to descend from that state of national honor, let him say so, let him speak out, that he may be known.
If the edicts are submitted to, how or in what manner will the Independence of the U. S. be sacrificed? Wherever supreme legislative power is there dwells sovereignty. Whatever nation hath power to impose laws on another is sovereign to that other. If the edicts are submitted to by the U. S., the U. S. will be bound by the proclamations, orders of council, acts of parliament, decrees and decisions of courts of admiralty of foreign powers, in making, enacting and ordaining whereof they, the U. S., had no voice. Where this state of national existence begins, national sovereignty ends, and a species of colonial or territorial, or tributary existence commences.
This proposition, said Mr. Rhea, is a resolution properly, that is a determination—and, when agreed to, will be an expression of the will of this nation; a firm, immovable, irrevocable determination not to submit to the late edicts of G. Britain and France.
Mr. Rhea said, he had no design to offer any amendment to the first resolution reported by the committee; but for argument or illustration would suppose a motion made to amend it, by striking out the syllable "not" in the word "cannot" in the first line of the resolution—so that it might then read—"Resolved, That the U. S. can, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor, and independence, submit to the late edicts of G. Britain and France." And suppose that amendment was agreed to, and this resolution so amended, should, together with the report, go out to the sovereign people of this nation for their inspection and approbation; what would they think? What would they say? What would they do? What would they not do? What would they not inflict on us their representatives for agreeing, on their part, to such a dishonorable resolution? They would, and justly too, hurl vengeance on our devoted heads for sacrificing their rights, their honor, and their independence. Let us beware, the never-sleeping eye of the mighty spirit of this impure nation is watching and observing us, is marking and noting down all our conduct. This first resolution, Mr. Rhea said, is a complete text—every word of it is expressive, it is expressive of all the injuries, outrages and oppressions that these U. S. have for many years past endured from unjust and overbearing force and power. To add to, or subtract from this resolution would destroy it—and every proposed amendment must have that object, in whole or in part. Mr. Rhea said he had no time to please himself in doing justice to the merits of the resolution; that he

had stated only some of its great outlines, and must submit a further elucidation of it to any gentleman better prepared who may think proper to do it. He said he considered the resolution under consideration all important at this particular time more peculiarly so, and that it would have his support.
Mr. Rhea said he did not wish to make a text of any observation of any gentleman, but as the word tribute had been mentioned, and some gentleman had said that that word ought to be discarded, or dismissed from the debate, it was not his inclination to dismiss or discard that word. He thought the term appropriate—that the word tribute was nearly synonymous with the word tax or toll—that if a man is authorized by law to fix a turnpike on a highway or great road, and to collect from travellers a certain sum of money that is called tax or toll. If a man is possessed of force and power sufficient to enable him arbitrarily or maliciously to establish a turnpike gate on a highway, and to compel every passenger to pay to him a sum of money, say one dollar, for liberty to travel on the road to pass through that gate—that dollar, in that case may properly be called tribute.
Mr. Rhea said, he contended that the ocean was a highway of nations, and if any one nation, for instance G. Britain, was possessed of maritime power & force sufficient to compel any other nation engaged in commerce to land its produce and pay tax or duty for it, to have liberty to convey it on the ocean to any third nation—that tax or duty may be properly denominated tribute; because the nation, paying it, is by superior force and power compelled to pay it to that nation who by force hath arbitrarily & despotically, and contrary to public reason, erected an imaginary turnpike on the ocean to the complete destruction of all natural commerce, and to effect and establish a perfect system of universal commercial monopoly. Mr. Rhea said he admitted that the maritime power of G. Britain was superior—that it extended over the ocean from the rising to the setting sun, and from the frozen ocean in the South to the frozen ocean in the North; but that notwithstanding this, he never would agree that the U. States shall submit to the effects of Great Britain. He said he also admitted that the power of France on the continent of Europe was superior; notwithstanding that, he would never agree that the United States shall submit to the edicts of France. He said it was his opinion, and he firmly believed, that the sovereignty and independence of the U. States were placed on a firm and immovable foundation, and could not be overturned, and that they would be rising in virtue, honor, in greatness, in power, and in national happiness and felicity, when some of the nations who now oppress them, would be sinking into corruption, mouldering into ruin and bloated out, except in resistance. Nations, in respect to existence, he said, are as trees in the forest; the tallest, proudest oak, that hath stood firm against the storms of ages, originating from an acorn, vegetating to greatness and lifting its high head to the heavens, at length attains its utmost decay begins, corruption progresses, it tumbles down from its height and lays prostrate on parent earth, there it dissolves and returns to its pristine indiscriminate condition.
NOVEMBER 20.
Mr. Johnson said that in discussing this subject he should consider the whole subject of foreign relations before the committee. The first resolution he considered of primary importance as containing a solemn declaration that the edicts of the two mighty belligerents of Europe were violations of our honor, our independence and our sovereignty. An unanimous expression of this sentiment (said he) would give us confidence in each other; it will be a sacred pledge of all parties to resist these degrading encroachments; difference of opinion would then be manifested. But as the means of saving this nation from the impending calamity. The whole nation would understand this declaration that he who is not for us is against us—no neutrals. There can be no middle ground. The line should be drawn, that the friends and enemies of this country should be known; that the persecuted foreigner who left his native home to escape the iron yoke of despotism, may be distinguished from foreign agents and emissaries settled among us for the purposes of disaffection; and that American news-papers differing only as to the means of national security may be known from the seditious livelings of foreign gold, whose daily avocation is the abuse of our government, and the justification of foreign aggression.
To prove the great design of the French Emperor we refer to the execution of the Berlin decree, unfriendly violations of our trade in the Mediterranean and the English channel; the destruction of our merchant vessels upon the high seas by fire; the Milan and Bayonne decrees, under which our vessels have been detained and their cargoes confiscated.
gal 2-19
the British cabinet towards the U. States, we refer to a catalogue of outrages of still deeper dye, and, as to the quantum of ten fold magnification—a hostility coeval with the birth of this nation. Without magnanimity in prosperity, unadmonished by adversity, her conduct has been the same. Talk not of her conflict for existence. In the year 1791, 2, 3, 4, when she led to battle the combined powers of Europe against France, haughty and imperious, our commerce fell a sacrifice to the cupidity of her cruizers, and our seamen were dragged into slavery upon British sloops of war. And since the scene has been changed and Napoleon leads the same continental confederacy against England, her conduct has been the same; our seamen still impressed, and our commerce put under tribute.
I am more than astonished to see this House therefore inundated by every mail with publications from the East, declaring that we have no cause of complaint against G. Britain; that we should rescind the proclamation of interdiction against British armed vessels; that we should repeal the non-importation law; that the embargo should be taken off as to G. Britain; that we should go to war with France; that punctilio prevents a settlement of our differences with G. Britain; inviting the people to violate and disregard the embargo, to put the laws and the constitution at defiance, and rise in rebellion.
These considerations induced me to examine this matter, and to prove to every honest American, what we all believe in this place, that the object of one power is to destroy our neutrality and involve us in the convulsing wars of Europe; and the object of the other a monopoly of our commerce, and the destruction of our freedom and independence. Let evidence as conclusive as holy writ put the enemies of this insulted country to shame. We are informed by our minister in London (Mr. Monroe) in a communication dated August 1807, that a war party of powerful combination and influence existed in G. Britain, who wanted to extend their ravages to this country; that we could not make calculations upon the justice of G. Britain; that in her many assumptions of power and principle, she would yield but from absolute necessity. Who is this war party? The British navy, to whom we have opened our ports, and extended all the hospitalities of a generous nation; while in the enjoyment of which that very navy waged war against our unoffending citizens. The ship owners, the East and West India merchants, and what cause have they for war? The enterprising citizens of the U. States have been their rivals and superiors in a lawful and profitable commerce; and lastly, political characters of high consideration. These compose this war party. In January, 1804, in an official communication of Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe is charged with the suppression of impressment as his primary object; 2, the definition of blockade; 3, the reduction of the list of contraband; 4, the enlargement of our trade with hostile colonies. The negotiation opens, and what is done? With industry and exertion our minister was unable to bring the British cabinet to any amicable arrangement. Lords Hawksbury, Harrowby, Mulgrave and Mr. Fox succeeded each other, and every attempt to negotiate was in vain. Each of them brings expressions of good will, and good disposition towards the U. States, and a wish for amicable arrangement. But these professions & dispositions evaporate in invitations to the country and the city—in promises and procrastinations. To-day we are amused with a conversation at the foreign office, which animates with a lively hope—to-morrow hope is swallowed up in despair, and the third day announces some new injury—affairs on the continent now call the attention of the British ministry, and with every disposition of good will there must be a pause. In this amicable pause business required that our minister should go to old Spain; but upon his return to England, what astonishment seized his mind at the sad spectacle the changing scenes presented. Under the old rule of '56 and other interpolations upon public law, our merchant vessels are swept from the bosom of the ocean without notice, by British cruizers, and carried into British ports for condemnation. But why this change? A coalition had been formed in the North against France, British gold effected it. Russia and Austria had combined against France, and here the hopes of England rested.
But we all know her hopes were blasted. This is the reason why the blow was aimed, and your commerce sacrificed. The remonstrances of our minister could not keep pace with new aggressions. This temporising policy of England and the destruction of our commerce buted party spirit in America for the moment, and produced an indignant protest against her conduct from the great commercial cities in the union, in which their lives and their property were pledged to support the government in measures of just retaliation. And on this occasion the merchants of Boston requested the President to send a spe-
cial envoy to England, to give greater solemnity to our claims of indemnity and future security. The cause of the merchants became a common cause; and the non-importation law was enacted; and Mr. Pinkney sent as a special minister, agreeably to request. Let the commercial interest cease to complain. It is for them principally that we now suffer. These deeply inflicted wounds upon the commerce of America, engulphed for a moment, the consideration of the primary object of Mr. Monroe's mission—the impressment of seamen—and it would seem that when our minister pressed one great subject of complaint, some greater outrage was committed to draw our attention from the former injury. Thus the unavailing exertions of our minister for upwards of two years at the court of St. James's, eventuated in an extraordinary mission, and the non-importation law; a measure of retaliation, and which rendered us less dependent upon a foreign government for such articles as can be manufactured at home. To bring further evidence of British hostility, let us attend a little to the administration of Mr. Fox. He came into office about the 1st of Feb. On the 31st of May, information was received in London of the extra mission of Mr. Pinkney. Mr. Monroe, therefore, had an opportunity of about four months with Mr. Fox to settle our differences, without any interruption, not even the ideal one which has been suggested, as giving a temporary stay to the negotiation, viz. the waiting the arrival of Mr. Pinkney. The United States had a right to expect something like justice from this able minister; because he entertained a sincere desire to conciliate the friendship of this nation by acts of justice.
But in this just expectation we were disappointed. The hostility of other members of the cabinet with whom he was associated, was the real cause of difficulty, joined perhaps with his sudden indisposition and death. Mr. Fox acknowledged our right to the colonial trade—he promised to stop the capture and condemnation of our merchant vessels—but when pressed to answer our complaints in writing, he promised, but broke that promise, and ultimately refused to give any orders with respect to the capture and condemnation of our vessels. Thus the golden apple was presented to our grasp and then snatched for ever from our sight.
Now let the committee attend to the chapter of negotiation, which produced the rejected treaty. 1. The subject of blockade is proposed, and a definition demanded. We denied the doctrine of paper breast works, spurious and illegitimate blockades, to be executed in every sea by the British navy, of which our neutral rights were the victims. Such as the blockade of the coast of Europe from the Elb to Brest, of the Elb the Weiser and Ems. The whole coast of old Spain, of the Dardanelles and Smyrna, and of Curacoa. Upon this subject Great Britain would yield nothing.
2. No duty can be laid upon American exports, but Great Britain imposes a duty of four per cent upon her exports to the United States, under the name of a convoy duty; by which duty the citizens of the United States pay to Great Britain an annual amount of 1,300,000 dollars—but upon this unfriendly discrimination she will yield nothing.
3. Upon the search of merchant vessels she would yield nothing.
4. Upon the colonial trade she imposed new restrictions. She would yield nothing—a trade which produced the United States revenue to the amount of 1,300,000 dollars per annum—and furnished exports from the United States of 50,000,000 dollars annually.
5. Upon West India trade she would yield nothing, and upon the East India trade she imposed new restrictions.
6. Upon the impressment of seamen, the subject was too delicate—she was fighting for her existence—she would yield nothing.
7. Upon the mutual navigation of the St. Lawrence, so important to the northern states, they would yield nothing; but would demand a monopoly of the fur trade, and influence over the Indians within our own limits—Thus ended the chapter of negotiation.
I turn with indignation from this to a new species of injury, involving the events connected with and preceding the President's proclamation interdicting the armed vessels of Great Britain from our waters. I allude to the conduct of the officers of the British navy, and the evident connivance of the British government. I will only mention three prominent cases.
1st. The Cambrian, and other British cruizers, commanded by captain Bradiey, who entered the port of New York, and in defiance of the government arrested a merchant vessel, and impressed into the ships of war a number of seamen and passengers, refused to surrender them upon demand, and resisted the officers, served with regular process of law, for the purpose of arresting the offenders.
2. The case of the Leander, capt.
Whitby, with other British armed vessels, hovering about New-York, vexing the trade of that port, arresting a coasting vessel of the United States, by firing a cannon, which entered the vessel, and killed John Pierce. The murder of Pierce, a fact so notorious, could not be proved in a sham trial in England, though the most unexceptionable characters are sent as witnesses from the United States; and not even an explanation is made to satisfy this country for the murder of a citizen. Call upon the citizens of New-York, who saw the body of their slaughtered countryman—ask the mourning relatives of the murdered Pierce, whether he was slain or not. But from this tragic scene we must turn to one of a deeper hue.
The attack upon the Chesapeake. This vessel had just left the shores of Virginia, leaving the British ship of war, the Leopard, enjoying the hospitalities of our laws. The Chesapeake was bound to the Mediterranean in defence of our rights. 170 American tars were on board, who had undertaken this honorable enterprise. Unsuspicious of harm, whilst their rough cheeks were bedewed with tears in parting from their friends and country, their powder horns empty, rods mislaid, wads too large, guns not primed—all was confusion. In this unhappy moment the messenger of death comes. The unfortunate Barron refuses to permit his men to be mustered by any but an American officer. His government had given the command. This is the provocation. The vessel is attacked, and without resistance eight are wounded, three killed, and four taken and carried into British service, one of whom has been hung as a malefactor in Nova Scotia. It has been said, that the Goddess of Liberty was born of the ocean. At this solemn crisis, when the blood of these American seamen mingled with the waves, then this sea nymph arose indignant from the angry billows, and like a redeemer spirit, kindled in every bosom indignation and resentment. A nation of patriots have expressed their resentment, and the sound has reached the utmost bounds of the habitable world. Let a reasoning world judge whether the President's proclamation was too strong for this state of things, and whether it should be rescinded without atonement.
Do the wrongs of this nation end with this outrage? No. Clouds thicken upon us—our wrongs are still increased during the sensibility of this nation; and without atonement for the attack upon the Chesapeake, on the 16th Oct. 1807, a proclamation issues from the British cabinet respecting sea-faring persons, enlarging the principles of former encroachments upon the practice of impressment. This proclamation makes it the indispensable duty of her naval officers to enter the unarmed merchant vessels of the U. S. and impress as many of the crew as a petty and interested naval officer may without trial point out as British subjects. The pretension is not confined to the search after deserters, but extended to masters, carpenters and naturalised citizens of the U. S. Thus extending their municipal laws to our merchant vessels and this country, and denying us the right of making laws upon the subject of naturalization. The partners of British and Scotch merchants can cover their property and their merchandise from other nations under the neutral flag of the U. S. to Leghorn, Amsterdam, Hamburg, &c. But the patriotic Irishman or Englishman who has sought this protecting asylum of liberty are not secured by our flag from the ruthless fangs of a British press gang. And at this very moment our native citizens and adopted brethren, to a considerable number, are doomed to the most intolerable thralldom in the British navy by this degrading practice. There the freedom of our citizens depends upon the mercy of naval officers of G. Britain; and upon this subject every proposition for arrangement is trampled down by these unjust pretensions. Information was just received of the execution of the Berlin decree; when the papers from every quarter announced the existence of the British orders in council, making a sweeping dash at our rightful commerce. Something must be done. The events which have been retrograded, all pressed upon us. The treatment of our minister and his unavailing exertions—the result of the negotiation which gave birth to the rejected treaty—the outrages of the merchants—the outrageous conduct of the British naval officers upon our sea board—the connivance at their conduct by the British government—the proclamation of Oct. 16th, 1807—the execution of the Berlin decree, and the orders in Council. These considerations required the arm of government; and at this inauspicious period when the clouds which had so long threatened and darkened our political horizon, gathered a thick and horrible tempest, which now seemed about to burst upon our devoted nation, the embargo snatched our property from the storm, and deprived the thunderbolt of its real calamities. The effects of this measure at home and abroad, notwithstanding its incon-
veniences, will best attest the wisdom of the measure, which will be increased in its efficacy by a total non-importation law. As a measure of coercion upon other nations, I not only have the strongest hopes, but a rational confidence in it, founded upon the most conclusive evidence. The misrepresentations in this country, the violations of the embargo, and the hope of changing the parties in the U. S. or of producing a separation of the states—these miscalculations have destroyed wholly the efficacy of this measure, and been a main cause why G. Britain has not relaxed in her injustice toward America. And if we can rigidly enforce this system, my confidence is undiminished, my faith strong, that the U. S. will have reasonable terms offered to them. Yet the great cause why the present state of things has been protracted. They are as infamous as the cow-barns in the revolution, who embodied themselves to feed our enemies with the only cow of a weeping widow, or a poor soldier who was fighting for his country. The commerce of the U. S. with the West-Indies, the continent of Europe and G. Britain will present to this committee the evidence upon which this faith is founded. The U. S. have furnished the West-Indies with the essentials of existence, and also have afforded a market for the colonial produce of these islands. A factory cannot live without provisions from the U. S. in the present state of the world. These islands have been reduced to wretchedness, and want already, notwithstanding the violations of the embargo, and flour the least has been as high as 20, 30, 40, 50 and 60 $ per barrel. The vast importance of these possessions alone to the mother country might have been sufficient to have produced a settlement of our differences, if other considerations had not prevented. Attend to the trade with England and the continent previous to the orders in council. The annual exports of British manufactures to the U. S. amount to twelve million pounds sterling. In exchange for these manufactured articles, G. Britain receives to the amount of four million pounds sterling in tobacco, cotton, wheat and the substantial of life. The eight millions which remain due, must be paid in money or bills. To raise this money, the American merchants carry to the continent of Europe produce of the U. S. to the amount of this eight millions, which is sold, and the amount remitted to the merchants in London, to pay the debts of our merchants. This trade is now destroyed by the orders in Council, and not the embargo; for this every measure has saved our vessels from capture, our merchandise from condemnation and our seamen from impressment.
Admit for one moment that our embargo was raised to-morrow, and the merchants were permitted to carry on their commerce, keeping out of view the disgrace of submitting to British and French edicts, and what would be the result. If the merchants directed their course to any other port than those of the British dominions and countries in alliance and friendship with her, and your prosperity must only float upon the ocean as materials for British plunder. If they were to direct their course to the ports of the British dominions they would be subject to capture by the French privateers. But admit that our vessels would escape these privateers, what price would our merchants get for their produce in British warehouses, when the British dominions would not consume 15 millions of our exports which have amounted altogether, foreign and domestic, to 108 millions. In this state of things our merchants would see their merchandise rotting in the British warehouse with expences of carriage upon it, without a possibility of relieving it from that situation. The orders in council and not the embargo have destroyed the commerce of the world. The commerce of the U. S. is of infinite importance to G. Britain. The whole manufacturing interest, the mechanic, the laboring poor, are deeply injured by its suspension. We shall no longer furnish a market for her manufacturers, nor furnish her the raw material and other exports important to her.
Mr. J. then adverted to a statement of the exports from G. Britain to all the world, which had the stamp of authority upon it, amounting to 37 million pounds sterling; and after deducting the exports to places from which G. Britain is now entirely excluded, including America, her exports would amount only to about six millions pounds sterling. Could a nation countenance a system like this, when her very existence depended upon commerce? She might brave the storm for a season, and the immense capital thrown into the island of G. Britain for want of commerce might enable the cabinet to facilitate their loans; but a change must take place, if this nation would persevere. Attend (said he) to London and Liverpool merchants and Mr. Brougham, in the House of Commons, against the orders in council, and this statement will be confirmed. It was proven that before the orders in council the

usual activity in trade existed. The merchants received the same remittances; the premium on insurance was the same. But when the orders in council were issued, the premiums on insurances amounted to a prohibition of trade. Merchants who had received remittances to the amount of 100,000 pounds monthly received nothing. Men of business reduced their hands from the number of 50 to 12 and others reduced the wages which they paid for labor from £200 per week to £50. Orders were protected, and the orders in council assigned as the special reason. Notwithstanding these facts, the city is, take off the embargo! All the evils which affect this nation are ascribed to the embargo, when in fact it protects our commerce from plunder.
Turn your attention, sir, to the interior of G. Britain. The embargo has produced other effects. The weavers and tailors assembled by hundreds and by thousands in a peaceable way to remonstrate against the orders in council; but they were welcomed home to see their families starve by the sound of the cannon, and some of them killed; and when these effects are seen, Mr. Cumming tells us that he would gladly remove the embargo as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American citizens, if it could be done without a great sacrifice, or without seeming to interfere in measures of our internal regulation. The evidence of his majesty is very conspicuous, and his tenderness truly paternal. But recollect the proclamation which issued from the British cabinet inviting and encouraging the violators of the embargo. The arms of his Britannic majesty opened to receive smugglers. Come in, all ye heavy laden with provisions, and I will give you rest; whether you have papers or not you shall not be molested. Thus protection is offered to the smuggler whilst the bona fide merchant must be driven from the ocean or fall a sacrifice to the orders in council.
We have been admonished by gentlemen not to use the word tribute . If I should not be able to forget words which some gentlemen consider mere declamation, but which upon my mind make an awful impression, I hope to be excused. The British orders in council do fix a tax upon our commerce, as much as if it were imposed upon the wheat in your barn, the horse you ride, or the corn in the field—and submit to one on account of the superiority of the British navy, the other will soon follow, and be enforced by a standing army. A merchant vessel loads with cotton for the continent of Europe—the ship and cargo, the property of an American citizen. Great Britain has said by her orders, confirmed by an act of Parliament, that the merchant shall enter a British port and pay a tonnage duty. A tax of nine pence per pound on the cotton, and then pay for a license, a pass to sail to Europe. Is this taxation or not? And an attempt has been made to evade the force of this statement, by saying that the tax would not be paid, because France had said if we pay this infamous tribute, our property shall be confiscated, on its arrival at the continent.
Thus, the iniquity of the orders in council is washed away by a declaration from Napoleon, that we shall not pay this tribute under the penalty of confiscation. But, sir, suppose our merchant should refuse to go by a British port and pay this tax, what follows? British cruisers will capture the vessels, and a British court of admiralty will condemn your cargo, under these blessed orders in council.
It is time that party spirit should sleep in oblivion. Let us gentlemen to recollect the importance of Union. At the most alarming crisis that ever convulsed the political world, when empires and kingdoms have changed with the season, and America buffeted on every side has maintained the ground of perfect neutrality, this nation should make a pause on this high eminence before they plunge into the dread conflict. One false step might irretrievably involve the country in the common broil. It war becomes necessary, and the present measure should fail to coerce our enemies, the object in view is worth the conflict. But between the non-intercourse system and war there is no alternative. A Republican government should never seek or invite war, but they will never abandon their independence, or yield to the unjust demands of imperial despotism or monopolizing monarchy.
We have been told not to invoke the spirit of '75, and that it would create a torment to the embargo system. Sir, let us invoke and hail that spirit. When it comes it will only frown on the enemies of our country.
The parallel between the times preceding the declaration of independence and the times preceding 1803 is awfully impressive. In both cases, as far as England is concerned, this nation had to resist taxation of a British parliament. Without money or revenue, without ammunition, without clothing, the people of America resisted, and they were successful; and in 1803, their posterity, with a full treasury, with ammunition and every desirable object, will not sell their birthright for a mess of pottage. In '75 the gentlemen say we had an army. Before the colonies had an army, a British army occupied the Legislative Hall of Boston, and the streets were drenched with the blood of its citizens. By saying this does the gentleman mean what? Let him speak out, for the same spirit of slaughter which roused the Americans at the battle of Lexington now looks you in the teeth & demands of you submission. Let not the gentleman talk of local jealousies. They do not exist. The cause is a common cause. In the conflict with Great Britain the revo-
lution, when Boston was to be the devoted victim of parliamentary vengeance, did her patriotic sisters desert in the hour of danger. No, sir; Virginia declared the cause a common one, & her example was followed by other states. As early as 1769, Virginia recommended an non-importation agreement to resist foreign taxation. Did Massachusetts consider this as submission? No; she adopted the system and was the last to abandon it. The enthusiasm of liberty was general, and then, women and children joined in its execution. The Union is one and indivisible. Inflict a wound upon the right hand in Massachusetts, and the blow is equally felt in the left in Kentucky. Though an inferior state, and distant perhaps from the scenes of war, she will stand firm in the cause of freedom. For her frankness and patriotism has one stand pledged. The western country never will relinquish the lawful commerce of the U. States. Away then with these infamous publications which speak of enemies to commerce.
The imaginations of some gentlemen create ideal dangers. I neither fear the designs of Napoleon nor the navy of Great Britain. Upon terra firma we know we are safe. And though a thousand evils may result from war, the spark of liberty can never be extinguished in America. Armies might now dawn our citizens, as the mover his press, but another race of men more powerful than those would rise up and defend the soil where the fathers of our independence are entombed. Events are rolling on, the effects of which human wisdom cannot foresee. This is not the cause of an individual, it is the cause of seventeen sovereign and independent states and their territories. Not the present generation alone, but posterity is deeply interested, and must rejoice or mourn the result of our present struggles. (Debate to be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 7.
In the Senate nothing material has been done these two days past. The House of Representatives are yet engaged on the Report of the committee on our Foreign Relations. On Monday Messrs. Randolph and Love spoke; and yesterday Messrs. Glison and H. W. Campbell. No question has yet been taken.
The British packet, Manchester, arrived at N. York on Saturday with the October mail, having left Falmouth on the 12th of October; and bringing London papers to the 10th of October. Having been obligingly favored with proof impressions of the Mercantile Advertiser, and New York Gazette of Monday, we are enabled to anticipate the mail one day. In addition to the following articles extracted from these prints, the expedition under Sir David Baird is said to have sailed from Falmouth on the 9th Oct. The British troops, under gen. Prevost, were to sail from Halifax on the 28th ult. the destination unknown, but supposed to be against Martinique.
LONDON, October 3.—Bonaparte has left Paris, preceded by the crafty Talleyrand and Mr. Champagny, and accompanied by his several other ministers, and some distinguished general officers. His destination in the first instance, is avowedly for the states of the Rhenish Confederation; and under all the circumstances of the case, there can be little doubt that his object is the arrangement of the operations of the approaching campaign in Germany.
Marshal Lasnes is said to have arrived at Koningsberg, for the purpose of conducting the Emperor Alexander to Erfurt, in Saxony, where he was to have an interview with Napoleon. The object of this interview must unquestionably be the arrangement of some plan for the subjugation of Europe.
The members of the confederation of the Rhine are stated to have been subsidized by Bonaparte to provide 100,000 men for France at a specified price. They are, for the present, to be employed in the interior of France, where, in all probability, the tyrant is fearful of trusting the French troops among the discontented multitude of his subjects.
Private advices state, that the Russian Admiral in Baltic Port, has offered to surrender his fleet to Admiral Sumarez upon the same conditions as those granted to the fleet in the Tagus—and that the latter has written home for instructions how to act.
The two Mr. Freres, who are appointed minister plenipotentiary and secretary to the supreme government of Spain, set out this day, to fulfil their mission. They will be accompanied by the gallant Marquis de la Romana. They take with them one million of dollars for the use of the Patriots.
The Genoa Gazette, of the 30th ult. states that Napoleon has demanded that the Austrian ports in the Adriatic may be shut against American vessels.
The German papers again name Bernadotte as Bonaparte's intended King of Portugal, and Berthier as Murat's successor, in the Grand Duchy of Berg.
OCTOBER 6.—We stop the Press to insert the following, received by a mail just arrived.
Koningsberg, Sept. 16. On Saturday or Monday next the Emperor Alexander, with his brother Constantine, and their mutual friend Canincourt, are expected here, on their way to Erfurt, where they are to have a meeting with Napoleon.
The Emperor of Austria has also received, through Duroc, who was sent to Vienna for that purpose, an invitation to be of the party; but it is thought that he will decline it.
A curious circumstance is mentioned in an article from Cadiz. Gen. Dupont with his staff, who had embarked for France, are stated to have been captured by the English, and carried into Gibraltar. Admiral Rosily, who commanded the French fleet which surrendered at Cadiz, is also stated to have been captured in the same manner, and carried into Malta.
OCTOBER 3. Letters, we understand, were received yesterday evening from Holland, dated so late as Friday last, which stated that intelligence had been received that morning from Koeninsberg, that the projected meeting between the Emperors of Russia and France would not take place, in consequence of a revolution at St. Petersburg, produced by the agents of England, Austria and Prussia. The Empress (whether the reigning, or mother, is not stated) is reported to be at the head of the insurrection. The Emperor Alexander is said to have been arrested.
There is another article of intelligence derived from the same authority, which we can advance with more confidence. Measures of extraordinary rigor are daily expected to take place in Holland. The intercourse between that country and this will, it is supposed, be interdicted on pain of death. It was understood that a command to this effect was communicated at the period of the following Decree prohibiting the introduction of Colonial Produce was transmitted:
Prohibition against the introduction of Colonial Produce. Extract from the minutes of the office of the Secretary of State—Palace of St. Cloud, September 6.
NAPOLÉON, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and protector of the Confederation of the Rhine.
On the report of our Minister of Finance, our Council of State having been heard, we have decreed, and do decree as follows;
Art. 1. The introduction of all Colonial Produce coming from Holland and Spain into France is prohibited until further orders.
Art. 2. All vessels freighted with such articles, which shall enter the Elbe, the Weser, or the Jade, shall be seized and confiscated.
Art. 3. The present decree is not to contravene that of the 9th of June, by which we reserved to ourselves the right to allow the importation of cotton wool, under certain circumstances.
(Signed) NAPOLÉON.
October 8. The arrivals from Spain are almost daily. Spanish papers were received last night to the second instant. The French evacuated Burgos on the 22d of last month, and fell back to the Ebro. They now occupy a line along that river which extends from Miranda de Ebro to Goutrinigo, a small town on the left bank of one of those numerous small rivers that run into the Ebro. This line is about 60 miles in length. Behind Cientrunigo after crossing the Ebro, the road runs direct to Pampeluna. Their force amounts to about 40,000 men. On the Ebro it should seem as if they had received orders to maintain themselves, if possible until reinforcements reach them. We do not hear, however, of any having yet passed the Pyrenees. The enemy expect to be attacked by the Spaniards, and have therefore taken a position which is best calculated to receive that attack. In their rear is the Ebro—their left flank extends to the river near the little town of Cientrunigo—their right is at Miranda, on the Ebro, where there is a castle on a mountain of considerable extent. From the preparations and positions of the Spaniards, we should rather think it was their intention to attempt cutting off the retreat of the enemy to the Pyrenees, and to force them to surrender by depriving them of the power of getting supplies. On their right flank no Spanish force is stationed to watch them, because there is no danger of their making a movement to the west of their position, and thus abandoning the Ebro. But on every other side there is a strong Spanish force. In their front the Castilian army is advancing by Aranda & Osma—Blake is on the left of that army at Quintanilla, and it should seem as if he was to support its operations. Meanwhile the detachment that took Bilbao is drawing round by St. Sebastian in the rear of the French. That detachment is to be joined by the Spanish troops under the Marquis de Romana, who have arrived off the coast, and are to be landed at Bilbao. Palafox's army, the army of Aragon and Valencia, now under the command of Cuesta, is on the other side of the Ebro, and its head quarters are at Sos, a little to the South East of Sanguesa. This position shows us clearly that the army of Aragon is to attempt to interpose itself between Pampeluna and the Pyrenean frontiers. The army under General Limas is at Agreda. If our readers will take the trouble to look at the map, they will find that the enemy are pressed on every side, except on their right flank.
Lord Wm. Bentick is arrived at Madrid, on a special mission to the su-
preme junta. A letter from an officer at Falmouth says, "we shall sail probably as soon as the wind is fair. Corunna is reported to be the place of rendezvous. "We are in number 12,413 men, and 850 horse, exclusive of officers, staff, and non-commissioned officers. Dutch papers have been received to the first.—They contain no intelligence of importance. Bonaparte arrived at Mentz on the 24th, and was to set out for Frankfort the next day. It is said that the six battalions which were sent to Halifax under Sir George Prevost, in the then probable event of a rupture with America, have been ordered to be embarked immediately.
Warm disputes, which, it is believed, will be attended with some important changes among the members of the cabinet, are said to have taken place on the subject of sir Hew Dalrymple's appointment to the command of the army in Portugal, from which so many misfortunes have flowed. Mr. Canning and lord Castlereagh both deny having any participation in it. Lord Mulgrave is mentioned as having named, or procured his appointment.
Last night dispatches reached the admiralty announcing the arrival at Portsmouth of rear admiral Tyler, with the Russian fleet, under convey of the Barfleur, of 98 guns, the admiral's flag ship, capt. M'Leod, and the Alfred, Donegal, Conqueror, Elizabeth, and L'Hercule, of 74 guns.—The whole of the convoy reached St. Helen's yesterday morning. The Russian fleet consists of 7 sail of the line and a frigate. The flag of the commander in chief, vice adm. Sinitvin, was on board the Ratviza, of 66 guns. Considerable surprize was excited at Portsmouth that the customary salute was not given by adm. Tyler to adm. Montague's flag. It also created much astonishment that neither the British nor the Russian ships from the Tagus had their colors flying. As the case, however, was extraordinary, an extraordinary conduct may have been thought necessary upon the occasion. That our vessels had no colors flying was, we apprehend, in consequence of orders from the admiralty.
Truro, Eng. Oct. 8.
Spain.—A long reign of glory and happiness to the Spanish nation, for well do they merit it! The army of gen. Blake has effected the recapture of Bilbao, after a severe conflict, in which the French lost 2000 men killed and wounded, and 8000 taken prisoners. This valuable information reached us on Monday evening by the Dispatch packet, in 5 days from Corunna to Falmouth. Corunna was illuminated three successive nights, in honor of the brilliant achievement.
The following letter is introduced by one from lord Collingwood:
His majesty's ship Imperieuse, off Mongal, July 10, 1808.
My Lord.—The castle of Mongal, an important post, completely commanding a pass in the road from Barcelona to Geronon, which the French are now besieging, and the only one between those towns occupied by the enemy, surrendered this morning to his majesty's ship under my command. The Spanish militia behaved admirably, in carrying an out post on a neighboring hill. Lieut. Hope, with the marines, took possession of the castle, which, by means of powder, is levelled with the ground. The rocks there are blown down into the road, which in many other places is rendered impassable to artillery; without a very great loss of men, if they determine to repair them. I enclose to your lordship a list of the prisoners, and of the material part of military stores; all that could be of use to the Spanish militia have been delivered to them.
COCHRANE.
Right hon. lord Collingwood, Commander in Chief, &c.
1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 2 serjeants, 8 corporals, (7 wounded) 5 gunners, (2 killed) and 34 soldiers—Total 71. 5 cannon, 80 muskets, 80 bayonets, 80 cartouches, 500 cañon-balls, 18 barrels of powder, and 4 cartridges, &c.
Corunna, Oct. 1.—Burgos was evacuated by the French on the 22d ult. after spiking their artillery and destroying their powder. The next operations will be directed against St. Sebastian's. From the situation of the two armies, a great battle must take place very soon, unless the French retire altogether. Reinforcements are pouring in upon Blake's army every day. To-morrow we expect 30,000 troops, part of which are English, and some from Portugal, to arrive here on their way to join him. The Spanish troops under the Marquis Dela Romana arrived off this harbor last night, and have been ordered for Santander and Bilbao.
Madrid, Sept. 17.—General Cuesta
is named commander in chief of the army of Aragon and Castile, at the request of general Palafox. Major general Lord Wm. Bentick, arrived here the day before yesterday.
Letters from Cape Francois, dated November 11th, state that Christophe had obtained a decisive victory over Petion's flotilla at St. Marks.
CHARLES J. NOURSE, has received for the Citizen, Capt. Stages from New York, and offers for sale a reasonable terms at his Warehouse, in Front of Lowndes's Wharf, 45 chests and boxes of— Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea, 4 chests of Imperial and Young Hyson in canisters of 2lb each, 34 hds. and barrels of prime Sugar, 3 boxes Havana do. 40 barrels and kegs of West India and Bourbon Coffee, 7 pipes of best Cognac Brandy, 5 do. fine flavored Holland Gin, 2 do. New York Anchor do. 29 do. half pipes and qr. casks of old London Particular Madeira, New York and Madeira, Old Port, Tenille, Sherry, Malaga, Ruellos, & Catalonia, 30 cases real Chateux Marquiset Claret, 65 boxes mould dipt and Spermaceti Candles, 50 do. Castle, white and yellow Soap, 20 do. Chocolate, 15 boxes and casks of Raisins, 5 do. Prunes, 5 cases Olive Oil, 25 baskets table do. 2 hds. winter thinned Spermaceti Oil, 3 do. Molasses, 5 bags Pepper and Pimento, 5 Kegs Ginger, 2 bales of Cassin, 10 cases of Cordials, 20 do. Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 10 do. Mustard, 3 doz. each, 1 bale of Mow Mamoodies, 2 do. Gurrahs, 2 do. Buffs, 200 pieces Bandanna handkerchiefs assorted, 116 whole, half, and qr. boxes of Havana Segars, among which are some of Martin's best, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, &c. India Store, 4000 bushels of ground and grain Salt, 2000 do. Isle of May do. 2000 do. Lisbon do. Georgetown, Dec. 7.—4w
SHERIFF'S SALE.
Will be sold at Public Sale on Thursday the 22d inst. at 11 o'clock, the next fair day, on the premises, for cash, the FARM wherein John Orme now lives, containing Two hundred and thirty-eight acres, four Horses, three Cows, a parcel of Tobacco, one Cart, and one Clock—late the property of said Orme, taken by a writ of fieri facias , at the suit of John Hoy, Admr. D. B. Evans, of William Deakins, jun. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county Md. December 7.—7c
WHARVES FOR RENT.
In virtue of the power vested in the Mayor of the City of Washington, by an act of the City Council, entitled, "An act for renting the Wharves at the end of 12th and 17th streets west, and for other purposes," he hereby notifies, that the said Wharves will be rented for One Year from the 1st day of January next, to the highest bidder, at Rhodes's hotel, on Saturday the 31st inst. between the hours of 12 and 1 o'clock, subject to the regulations contained in the above-mentioned act. By order of the Mayor, THOS. HERTY, Reg. Washington, Dec. 7.—
TO LET.
AND immediate possession may be given a BLACKSMITH'S SHOP, newly built with a large forge, opposite the Centre Market; it is well worth the attention of any Blacksmith acquainted with horse shoeing and carriage work, as it is upon the Pennsylvania avenue. The rent will be low, and probably all taken in work. Also, a DRY CELLAR, with a large fire place, well calculated for an Oyster man, the situation being central, and the number of Boarding Houses in the neighborhood, would warrant a ready sale. For either of the above, enquire of JOHN C. SHINDLE, opposite the Centre Market N. B. Four STOVES with Pipe complete for sale. Enquire as above, December 7.—3t
JOHN ACHMAN, Coppersmith, Tinner and Fire Engine Maker, respectfully informs the public that he has commenced business in the various branches of the above professions, in High street, opposite Mr. Ritchie's, where he will execute all orders with neatness and dispatch. The construction of his Fire Engines is according to the latest improvements, the workmanship and execution superior to those generally in use. George Town, December 5.—3t
BOOT MAKING.
JOHN MINCHIN, Boot Maker, impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the liberal support & distinguished preference he has received in his line, since he first commenced his Boot Manufactory here, which was previous to the removal of the government to this city, being confident that good work is ever the best recommendation, had resolved (contrary to his usual custom) to decline intruding his advertisement on the public, being already sufficiently established, until he was convinced, from the best information, that some of his brethren of the craft had been in the habit of falsely asserting repeatedly that his boots were all imported, that he kept only a shop & not a manufactory. He this contradicts those fabricators of falsehood, by challenging them to produce boots of any description equal to what he manufactures. They have declared that they would send him a pair, but they dare not pretend to excel him in neatness, durability, taste and fashion, which he is ready to prove to the satisfaction of those who may please to give his work a fair trial. December 5.—3t
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
AWAY the 9th November a Negro Girl called LID, about 17 years old, dark complexion, very full breasted and much pigeon toed; when she went away she was clothed in striped cotton, making her dress. She has been employed by the person with whom she lived selling apples, &c. &c. at the Capitol and is well known in the city, I will give Fifty Dollars if taken in the City or Georgetown, and out of the City or Georgetown, and the above reward if twenty miles from home for lodging her in the City. It is supposed she may pass for a free girl. JOHN THEIRFIELD December 7.—wtf

THE subscriber having rented his farm, situated about six miles from the city of Washington, on the road leading to Marlinton, will sell, on a credit, on Saturday the 17th inst. at public sale, on the premises, all the stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and Hogs . The horses were originally purchased by the subscriber of Richard Parkinson, who imported them from England, and great care has been taken to preserve the breed unimpaired. Also, a Wagon, Ploughs, and a variety of Farming Utensils—Corn, Flax-Seed, Fodder, Straw, and a quantity of Hay and Wool . Terms made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM O. STRIGG. Dec. 5—2&14d.
By an order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be exposed to Public Sale on the 22nd day of December next, on a credit of nine months at the late residence of Mr. Thomas Gantt, deceased, about three miles below Nottingham on Patuxent River, the Personal Estate of the deceased, consisting of Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, Horses, Cattle, Sheep and other articles too numerous to mention. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock.
CHARLES GANTT, THOS. GANTT, Admrs. December 2—2&14d.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for Sale at D. Rapine's Book-store, on Capitol Hill.
A new Pamphlet, entitled "A View of the Rights and Wrongs, Power & Policy of the U. States of America." By Charles Jared Ingersoll, of Philadelphia. This pamphlet is not of the ordinary kind, and merits the perusal of every American and friend to his country.
December 5—ep6t.
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON.
Have received from the Schooner Citizen , capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS , and now offer for Sale,
 50 hds. Muscovado Sugar,  6 Pipes Holland Gin,  9 hds. Rum,  3 pipes Cognac Brandy,  6 pipes L. P. Madeira,  2 pipes Marsala,  5 qrs. casks Lisbon,  5 qrs. casks Sherry,  15 qrs. casks Catalonia,  80 boxes Claret,  17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea,  25 barrels Loaf Sugar,  16 boxes Spermaceti,  25 do. Mould  8 casks Ginger,  2 do. Salt Petre,  2 do. Pimento,  5 do. Pepper,  12 boxes Mustard,  3 bales Cassia,  6 do. soft. shelled Almonds,  20 boxes Raisins,  8 do. Olives,  10 do. long and short Pipes,  10 barrels Mackerel,  3 do. Cranberries,  2 do. Fig Blue,  50 boxes Spanish Segars,  50 bags Corks,  They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Spermaceti Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c.
JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
This is to give Notice, THAT I intend to petition to the next county Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency.
GEORGE BOARMAN. Charles County, December 5—tf
JOHN COX OF GEORGETOWN,
Offers for Sale, the following valuable
TRACTS OF LAND:
2038 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seven-five miles from the seat of government of the United States.
Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Allegany county, state of Maryland:—
 Governor's Neglect, 1081 acres.  Ormes's Attention, 684  Chesnut Grove, 461  Hard Struggle, 1554  Western Connexion, 1057  Lot No. 2487, 1601 5-8  50 
These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Simkin's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Chesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers.
November 14—2aw6w
INFORMATION WANTED.
JOHN BATELY DOBBINS who came from England some years ago, and resided at Washington (it is not certain in what state) for some time, will call on, or write to the subscriber, he will hear something much to his advantage. Any information that will enable me to ascertain whether he said John Bately Dobbins is alive or not, will be thankfully received.
SAMUEL SPACKMAN, No. 1, Bank Alley, Philadelphia. 10th month, 11, 1806—2m
MRS. LEE, begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of Music, Dancing and Drawing, who attend her ACADEMY, She has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruction in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBES, MAPS, & CHARTS.
Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced; and hopes still to merit by an unremitted attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst. Washington, October 20—2m
NOTICE.
This is to give notice that the subscriber of Georgetown, Washington county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of John Lovejoy of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 15th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 11th day of November 1808.
WILLIAM NEVITT. November 16—2t
Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company.
THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company at their meeting on the 4th inst. on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 14th day of December next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia."
By order of the Directors, C. BENEALE, President. November 10—13t
RICHARD BECK,
Has just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are—
 Superfine cloths and cassimeres,  Second do. do.  Moleskin and silk waistcoating  Bennett cord and Spanish marcel, do.  Constitution cords and velveteens  Coating, Fizes and kerseys  Rose and striped blankets  Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery  Plannel and baizes  Navy blue cloths  Checks, calicoes and Chintzes  White and colored cambrics  Dimities, brown Holland and dowlasses  Bandanna and Madras handkerchiefs  Durants and culmancoes  Tapes and hobkins  Silk and cotton chambray  4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens  4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting  London and other hats  Plain India mill muslins  Seeded do. do.  Diagonal and Trafalgar do.  Plain and figured lenoes  Linen camories  Damask, silk and serge shawls  Tabby velveteens for pelisses  Italian Mantua  Bombazets and bombazenees  Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces  Handsome assortment ribbons  Kid and silk gloves  Picknet silk mits and glove  Diaper and diaper-table cloths  Kid and Morocco shoes  A few bales India muslins assorted  Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c.  All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—tf
FOR SALE.
AN ELEGANT CHARIOT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted harness for four or two horses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown.
Inquire of the Editor of this paper.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Manufacture and Domestic Manufacture .
 3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4.  240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 480 3-4.  1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel.  7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide,  220 pieces of Sheeting, such as Russia,  240 lbs. of white brown Thread,  10 lb. of red Thread,  100 lbs. of blue Thread,  20 lbs. of yellow Thread,  3500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide,  100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat,  2000 3 point Blankets,  10000 yards of yellow binding, called quality,  2000 yards of stout Platins, for watch coats, any color excepting red,  20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain.  The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 23—
H. W. & C. SMITH
 HAVE removed to their New Warehouse corner of KEYS and WATER streets, near the PERRY, where they have lately received from New York, a large additional supply of GOODS in their line. They now have in Store and offer for sale on reasonable terms  Madeira Wine in pipes, half pipes, and quarter casks,  Sherry, Lisbon and Teneriffe Wine, in quarter casks,  Old Port and Catalonia Wine in pipes and quarter casks,  Claret in Boxes, 1 dozen each,  Old Cognac Brandy, superior quality,  Bordeaux and Marseilles do.  Genuine Holland and New York anchor Gin,  Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits,  4th Proof Whiskey, very old and fine,  1st Proof do.  Loaf and lump Sugars in hogsheads and barrels,  Muscovado Sugars, superior quality in hogsheads and barrels,  Do. 2d quality do. do.  Imperial, } TEAS, fresh and of ap-  Hyson, } proved qualities in  Young Hyson, } chests, boxes and lead  Hyson Skin, } canisters,  Coffee, Nutmegs, Pepper and Allspice,  Mustard, Chocolate and Sweet Oil,  Almonds, soft shelled, and Currants,  Segars, Ginger and Basket Salt,  Soap, mould and dipped Candles in boxes  Spanish Indigo, Demijohns, Gin Cases,  Liverpool Blown and Ground Altman Salt,  &c. &c. &c.  Georgetown, October 25—2aw6w
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday 11th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark complexion, and slow of expression. His clothing when he went off, was a dark brown broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantaloons—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows.
NATHAN SOPER.
More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write.
N. S. Prince George's county, Nov. 25—2awtf
CASH
Given for any quantity of clean combed
HOUS BRISTLES, At the subscribers store, Bridge street, Georgetown. W. S. NICHOLLS. November 12—2w
30,000 DOLLARS, or 800 CENTS!
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY.
For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 13th of April next; 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole are concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature.
 The Capital Prizes are:—  30,000 dollars  20,000 dollars  10,000 dollars  5,000 dollars  2,000 dollars  Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c.
Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each.
TICKETS— Halves, Quarters, & Eighths , are to be had at G. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Offices, No. 64, Maiden-Lane, & No. 38, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231 10,000 ——— No. 25,403 5,000 ——— No. 30,799
Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 20,000 dollars, besides several others of 2000, 1000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotteries were sold at the above offices—
 17199 25,000 dolls. 11736 2000 dolls.  3929 20,000 dolls. 28573 2000 dolls.  3639 10,000 dolls. 13904 2000 dolls.  26135 5,000 dolls. 16617 2000 dolls.  3385 5,000 dolls. 23395 2000 dolls.  15298 3,000 dolls. 20885 2000 dolls. 
And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz.
 6974 30,000 dolls. 19894 1500 dolls.  15564 15,000 dolls. 1788 1500 dolls.  7001 10,000 dolls. 1525 1500 dolls.  6977 5,000 dolls. 7440 1500 dolls.  14425 1500 dolls. 
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares returned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number.
Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this.
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, Six Dollars , which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
SEBASTIAN SPHING, ON THE NEW TURNPIKE ROAD BETWEEN ALEXANDRIA & WASHINGTON CITY.
AT the above Spring, situated about half a mile from Washington Bridge, the subscriber has lately opened a house of entertainment for the accommodation of the citizens of both places and travellers. Parties can be furnished, on a short notice, with every species of refreshment they may wish, in a suite to their satisfaction, and public dinners can be had suitable to any occasion.
He is determined to keep the best liquors the district will afford, and a genuine glass of Madeira may always be relied on.
A LINDO. N. B. A Hack and Gig will be kept for the convenience of gentlemen crossing the Potomac river wishing to proceed to Alexandria.
Two good Waiters and a Cook Wanted. November 23—
CHICHALES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spencelets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
Cotton, Tea, Sugars, Mustard, &c. W. & C. SMITH,
 HAVE just received by the Ceres, Captain Weeks, from New-York—  50 Bales prime upland cotton  10 Boxes Mustard  10 do. Fresh Olives  10 Kgs ground Ginger  2 Bags Race Ginger  10 Bags Pepper and Pimento  20 Chests and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas  10 Cases Florence Oil  10 Barrels Prime Sugars  10 Boxes Chocolate.  200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo.  Geo. Town, November 21—2aw6w
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. TO BE SOLD.
At public auction, at the Union Tavern, in George-Town, at 12 o'clock on Monday the 15th day of January next, if not previously disposed of by private contract—that Valuable property situated on the Potomac River, in Washington City, contiguous to George Town, formerly the property of Messrs. Isaac & Co.
The Lot is 128 feet front, by 105 feet deep, on which is erected a substantial Ware House , built of stone, 83 feet by 43, together with the large commodious Wharf adjoining.
Also—SIX LOTS in Helmeads , addition to George-Town , bounded on Bridge Street and Rock Creek, in George-Town.
For terms and other particulars, apply to JOHN DAVIDSON, or WALTER HELLEN. Nov. 28—13t.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of Certificate No. 12,329 , issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1799, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock.
JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w.
UNION CIRCULATING LIBRARY.
MANY well informed Inhabitants of Georgetown & Washington , as well as several respectable persons residing in their vicinity, having frequently expressed their wishes to have access to a well chosen Circulating Library , and their regret that no institution of the kind is here to be found on a scale sufficiently ample to afford copious information on the various subjects of general Literature: the subscriber has resolved to establish one on a new and extensive plan . It is intended, in the first instance, to furnish it with a numerous selection of those works to which time has affixed the seal of sterling worth, and to replenish it with every book published in the United States , as soon as issued from the press, whether historical, political, scientific, or of that description which is designated by the more general term, amusing , including all the new plays; together with a regular series of the British Reviews , and every French and English publication of merit.
The advantages of such an establishment are obvious; to Ladies and Gentlemen of literary taste it holds out a pleasing and never ending source of rational amusement; to those in search of knowledge, a cheap and easy attainment of their wishes; and to persons desirous of forming a private library, a valuable means of selecting such books only as they may approve, which cannot be determined otherwise than by a previous perusal—an advantage, which, without such an institution, can be obtained only by the expense of a purchase frequently ending in disappointment.
Should this plan meet with that encouragement which is necessary to justify the undertaking, it shall go into operation on the following
CONDITIONS.
First—As soon as one hundred subscribers, at Five Dollars each, are obtained, the Union Circulating Library shall be opened with 5000 worth of books, and in like proportion for any greater number of subscribers.
Second—The terms of subscription will be—for one year, Five Dollars—six months, Three Dollars—three months, Two Dollars, and one month, One Dollar.
Third—All subscriptions must be invariably paid in advance.
Fourth—Each subscriber to be entitled to one book at a time, or two volumes, if of the same set, which may be changed once a day and not oftener; but subscribers residing more than six miles from Georgetown will be allowed two books at a time.
Fifth—To accommodate subscribers as early as possible, two copies at least of such new books as possess a high degree of interest shall be placed in the Library.
Sixth—The prices will be marked in each book belonging to the Library, and any subscriber who may lose or damage any of them will be required to pay the amount or replace the same—if part of a set, the remaining volumes to be delivered to the subscriber who will be charged with the whole.
Seventh—The Library shall be open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning till sun-set.
For the accommodation of strangers, books will be loaned at the following rates, viz.—Six Cents for books of the value of one dollar and fifty cents—Twelve and a half Cents for those of two dollars fifty cents, and in like proportion for books of higher value.
A deposit equal to the marked price of each book will be required, to be returned on safe delivery of the book into the Library, deducting the premium for reading.
JOSEPH MILLIGAN. Georgetown, November 14, 1808.
N. B. As soon as the Library shall be established, a proposal will be made to extend the plan by the addition of a Reading Room , which, however, will be distinct from the Library, and furnished with New Books, and Periodical Publications, as well as with files of at least six Newspapers from different parts of the Union, and a complete Atlas.
Subscriptions received by J. Milligan Georgetown, and R. C. Weightman, Washington city. November 14—ep6t
THIS is to give Notice, that the subscriber, of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Nathaniel C. Weems, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, at or before the 20th day of May next, to Trueman Tyler, Esq. of Upper Marlborough, who is fully authorised to settle and adjust said administration, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of November, 1808.
VIOLETTA WEEMS, Adm'k.
N. B. All those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. Violetta Weems, Adm'k. November 30—w6t
In Chancery, November 9th, 1808.
ORDERED That the sale made by Roger Perry, trustee for the sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott , deceased, shall be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown before the first day of February next. Provided that a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks before the first day of January next. The report states that sundry tracts of land in Allegany county were sold to the amount of $4,459 15 cts.
True copy, Test NICHIS. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. November 16—w3t
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in Maryland, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of John Rustin, late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 7th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 7th day of November 1808.
JOHN H. HALL, Adm. November 18—w6t
FOR SALE.
THREE Two Story BRICK HOUSES, well finished, with back Kitchens and good Cellars, in a very healthy situation on E street near the Great Hotel, and contiguous to the invaluable Hotel Spring—they are all under rent, and will be sold on very accommodating terms; in order to close the estate to which they belong. A good title will be given to the houses and lots. A large Back Building adjoining the above property and under rent is likewise offered for sale. For further particulars apply to PHINEAS BRADLEY. November 7—w6t
RUNAWAY.
COMMITTED to my custody as a run away, a dark Mulatto Man, who calls himself by the name of DICK, who says he belongs to William Dent, of Charles county, near Port Tobacco. He is about 25 years old, five feet eight inches high, and on when committed an old white hat, a dress roundabout, and corduroy pantaloons. His owner is desired to take him away, or he will be sold for his prison fees.
JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county. November 30—3t
THE PORTER & BEER.
THE Subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has on hand Albany, N.Y. Philadelphia, P.O. BEER, and BEER by the Hogshead or Dozen, Philadelphia BEER by the barrel of a superior quality, being supplied from the first breweries on the continent, he hopes to give general satisfaction.
N. B. A constant supply of GROCERIES. JOHN DOBBYN. Washington city, near the Navy Yard, Nov. 16—7e5
PUBLIC SALE.
By Virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, appointing the Subscriber Trustee for the sale of the Real Estate of the late Samuel Hepburn, Esq. of Prince George's county, will be offered at Public Sale to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 22nd day of December next (if fair; if not the first fair day after) on the premises, part of the real estate of the said deceased, being part of two tracts or parcels of land called Maiden's Downy , and Great Eagle enlarged, containing Three Hundred and Ninety-two Acres. This land is situated in Prince George's county directly on the mail road leading from the city of Annapolis through Queen Ann and Upper Marlboro' to the City of Washington and Alexandria, is distant about ten miles from the two latter places, and about five miles from Upper Marlboro' and adjoining those two fertile and