The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-20 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1212.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 20. 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 20.
We invite the attention of our readers to the interesting performance, under the signature of Juriscolla . It contains truths of the first importance, most seasonably told.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To the people of the United States.
I am one of those, who believe that you are the true and absolute proprietaries of this country, that you have a right to promote and are in duty bound to maintain its happiness. This may appear to be self-evident, and so simple, that it may produce a smile, when I lay it down in such form as a preliminary article. Yet the proposition does not appear to me unnecessary at a time, when some at least seem to reason too much on the ground of external matters.
The present circumstances of the human race are certainly unprecedented. There is nothing like the situation and prospects of the nations of the earth, in the history of the world. It is a season for self-examination—for an examination into all our concerns—for a deliberate consideration of the past and present, in order that we may make the best of what is to come. Let us be wise and just, and fear not.
Foreign proclamations, orders and decrees, suspend nearly all our trade, and jeopardize the remainder. Our persons are not safe, when out of our territory.
No relaxation from the dictation of these proclamations, orders, and decrees, nor from detentions, arrests and seizures have yet occurred. On the contrary they are increased, multiplied and extended, on the express pleas of mere interest, power, revenge, and mutual destruction of belligerent by belligerent.
No American will deny that arbitrary and illegitimate regulations, of some or other of the belligerent powers, produce the seizures, which occur, of our persons, and property, which take place abroad. Who then of the foreign powers have thus offended against our rights, interests and persons, committing thereby vast wrongs, and setting an evil example to the world? This is an all important subject of examination, because it will teach us, by the evils already committed against us, not to depend upon reason and justice from the same quarter, without a firm conduct.
It is intended to examine and consider the evidences of hostility, rivalry, and encroachment upon our rights, interests, and national standing where with England has enriched and aggrandized herself, injured and insulted us, and brought like treatment upon us, both by her own foreign allies, and her foreign enemies.
The ruling power in Great Britain manifestly lies in its two Houses of Parliament. In that place the most open reprobation of the treaty of peace of 1763 took place. The ministry that made it, was violently expelled from office, and the most extreme dissatisfaction was manifested at the limits and boundaries agreed upon between us and them. The treaty was ratified, it is true, but the western posts were retained with the intention to dismember our country. The following statement, admissions and assertions made in print by the late Alexander Hamilton, esq. prove the fact. In the 4th paragraph, and 33d, page of Mr. Hamilton's pamphlet, under the signature of Cantius in the 1795, he states and asserts, that "there is just ground, of suspicion, corroborated by various concurrent circumstances, that Great Britain has entertained the project of contracting our boundaries at the Ohio." This (says Mr. Hamilton positively) has appeared.
 "1st. In Canada."  "2nd. At the British garrisons."  "3d. At the Indian towns." Hence our Indian wars and expences; and loss of Indian trade.  "4th. At Philadelphia"—the seat of our government, where Mr. Hamilton lived and was in the secrets of our councils!  "5. At London" the seat of the British government. This testimony is solemn and conclusive. Spain, we know, adverted to this conduct and 
to these views of the British government in her councils, operations and plans. England thus contributed to mislead Spain, or to confirm her in her injudicious projects of the same kind.
In a printed statement prepared in Canada by Isaac Ogden, Esq. for the information of the British Prince Edward , to show the whole scheme in America and the best plan of British conduct therein, it was proposed and recommended to hold Canada as a rod over the U. States. This state paper was published of course by the permission of the British prince or government.
British agents and emissaries have been intruded into our Indian country to the injury of our trade there—to the increase of our expences—and so as to accomplish the end of expensive and bloody wars. The English were therefore accessories before the fact: and as their dead bodies have been found with fraudulent colors on them, they have been partakers in the crime. They have waged war against us in these cases to dismember our empire and to monopolize trade, before the dawn of the French revolution.
The English government in 1786 made a treaty of commerce with France, whom they call their natural enemy and agreed that French ships should protect their enemies goods . This they refused to us always —and with particular expressions and intentions; for the report of 1791 to their privy council, after referring to this British concession to France, states that it should never be conceded to the U. States of America, that free ships should make free goods, thus acting less beneficially towards us than towards their oldest, nearest, greatest and 'natural' enemy. Hostility to our commerce, navigation and seamen was the plain and undeniable reason: and in the same spirit they have at all times impressed our sailors and passengers, and foreign sailors of every nation aiding our trade and navigation.
The English have taken (and often knowingly) American and other seamen foreign to G. Britain, neutral and belligerent, from our ships, and forced them to their guns, subjecting us thereby to quarrels with other powers, and deep crimination, personal and public. This is a real and most offensive cause of the dissatisfaction and conduct of France and Spain towards us. England knowing this well, evades all cure, all measures of remedy or precaution to this hour.
England in November 1792, broke the ice, in the case of perverting neutrals, their rights and their commerce to the injury of those neutrals and of one of the powers at war. England then neutral, issued a proclamation, in opposition to their own laws and to their treaties with France and the neutrals, restraining neutral ships from carrying British and neutral goods to France; though they were allowed to go at the same time to the ports of Austria and Prussia, who were at war with France. This was the first aggression. Like the first blow in the case of an affray, it threw "the breach of the peace" upon the head of Great Britain. It justified France in retaliation. It rendered retaliation a measure of self defence. It was the real incipient cause of the present oppressive mass of anti-neutral proclamations, orders and decrees. For it and many other acts of the same nature and tendency in the remainder of 1792 and in the beginning of 1793, France on the first day of February of that year declared war against England, stating her abuse of neutrals to the intentional injury of France, as the cause. Thus France at first fairly took remedy on England, and did not retaliate upon us. Our vessels went and came un molested by France, and our seamen passed thro' all seas unimpressed by her. She did not attempt to search our vessels for American, or British, or French, or other seamen. Even their own French seamen were suffered to be employed in our vessels, which were protected, as to France, by the law of nations, though we had not one armed ship on the ocean, and though the navy of France disputed the empire of the seas with that of England until the action of June, 1794, between D'Orvilliers and Howe. The British officers, long before that time, had impressed Americans, English,
Danes and other foreigners out of our vessels, so as deeply to wound and highly to incense France. This conduct produced the French order to treat Americans (neutrals) found in the British sea army (their men of war) fighting against their neutral duties, against France, as pirates. This irritation, this quarrel, this act of remedy or retaliation, England brought on us—and continues to give cause for it. Our wounds are very deep and desperate, and require the probe of truth. We are disgraced forever—perhaps ruined, if we are not bold in truth—undaunted in veracity and justice.
In the month of January, 1793, England, at peace with France, set her cruisers to take vessels of Hamburg, Denmark and Sweden, in their voyages from Hamburg to France! As these neutrals suffered England to treat them so, France, trembling under the fear of famine, ordered retaliation on England by war and on those neutrals, by taking their cargoes into France, but she ordered those cargoes to be paid for, and did pay for them; and ordered further, that when England would desist from thus abusing and perverting neutrals to the ruin of France, her cruisers should desist from retaliation. It is however a real and important truth, that France did not order any of our vessels to be thus carried in.
On the 25th March, 1793, England and Russia (joined afterwards by Spain, Austria and Prussia) undertook the monstrous, insolent, unjust, unlawful, irritating and ruinous act, of a solemn treaty engagement to prevent all benefit of neutral trade to and from France, as a measure of ruin and insult to belligerent France, and of utter perversion and abuse of neutrals, and destruction of their commerce and rights.
France was to lose all advantage of neutral supplies and all advantage of sales to neutrals, and all advantage of the revenues arising on neutral imports and exports: and neutrals were deprived at once of all benefits from French supplies and consumption, and from French commerce. The principles of this treaty were death to neutral agriculture and trade.
The words and meaning of the treaties of March (and postea ) in 1793, made by England with Russia, Spain, Prussia and Austria, are so strong, so full, and so comprehensive, that if we take all the subsequent retaliating decrees of France, of Berlin, Milan, Bayonne, &c. they do not go further; nor so far.
In the month of May, 1793, the French government took a deep alarm for their subsistence. Foreign war and internal revolution oppressed them at that time, and they found that the great maritime powers, Britain, Russia and Spain, and the neighboring people of the Netherlands, Germany and Spain, all combined to keep from them supplies of provisions, by land and sea, by prohibiting their own supplies from being sent to France, and by engaging to use all their endeavors to prevent supplies of bread or anything else being sent to that devoted country. Alarmed, injured, insulted, and vitally endangered by this unlawful violation of their rights as belligerents, and by this abuse and perversion of the neutral trade, supplies and rights, France, more to save herself from ruin than in revenge or retaliation, ordered the cargoes of the same neutrals, thus unlawfully prohibited their ordinary trade with her unblockaded ports, to be carried into France; not as prize, but to feed her people and to be paid for at the prices of the ports of destination. If there were any thing either unjust or unkind in this act, it is plain and undeniable, that the treaty of England with Russia and her anterior practices from the 15th of November preceding, brought it on. France, left to fair neutral trade, and not seeing the neutrality of other states borne down, would have had no occasion for this measure. She had a better right to take the cargoes of neutrals (paying fairly for them) to feed her children, than Britain had to prevent the neutrals from independently going to trade in innocent goods with France, in order to starve her. The retaliation of such a measure on England, (France indemnifying the neutrals) was agreeable to the known law of nations. But the question is—who produced this retaliating measure of the French government? The answer is—Eng-
land. She is the committer of the original aggressions on neutrals, and the cause of the defensive retaliations of France.
In June, 1793, England, provoking the continuance of such measures of France, and avowing it to be in execution of her March treaty with Russia, issued her June orders of council, to stop all cargoes of provisions bound in neutral vessels to France. It was done to defeat the French struggles for liberty, and American independent trade and navigation. She had before stopt other neutrals. England vaunting in that "superiority at sea" which her Russian treaty gave, and which has aggravated the rage of her enemies, and bent upon the monopoly of commerce, put forth these orders of June, 1793. To complete her deliberate sins against neutrals and against her belligerent adversary, Britain secured an indemnity to her ministers for any order of council, however contrary to the law of nations, the common law of England or the parliamentary statutes. The 26th section of the English act of the 17th of June, 1793, indemnifies their ministers for every possible violation of neutral rights and trade, under orders of council; and for every possible violation of the usages of war among belligerents under those orders. The constitution of England was thus changed—destroyed—in order to destroy her enemy, who is pretended to be an aggressor on such a lawless and despotic enemy, by a much later decree of November, 1807. In this attempt to destroy an enemy, neutrals are attempted to be deprived, during the whole war, of all the protection of the law of nations—the law of morals. The base vote of a Tudor parliament, that an executive proclamation of the king of England could repeal its acts, was to be realized as to us, or would be, if we suffered it. Americans! Never go to sea on such mean conditions. Probe now to the bottom this cancer on your honor—your interests—your independence. The heart sickens with indignant agitations, when the insolent and pernicious perpetrator of such gross aggressions, basely insults our wrongs by pretending to a right of retaliation. 'Tis time for these things to end.
The autumn of 1793 exhibited one more gross violation of neutral rights by the British government. All neutral supplies for the French colonies even of innocent goods destined to unblockaded ports to which we could trade by the French peace—Arrete of August, 1784, were directed to be seized by the secret order of the British king in council of the 6th November, 1793! and all French colonial produce, though neutral property, even in the vessels of the allies of England, warring with France, were so authorized to be seized by the same order of council! Mad and despotic Britain! 'tis by such acts, repeated often till the summer of 1806, that you brought upon yourself and upon the neutral world the Berlin decree of the 11th of November, 1806. Your subsequent acts of 1807 have brought on the Milan and Bayonne decrees, and the American states, too effectually embargoed by these interruptions of neutral trade through your aggressions and the retaliations of your foes, are rendered forcibly a country of agriculture and manufactures alone.
Americans, consider for yourselves the historical truths here offered to your view: ask yourselves, whether France, in peace, ever arrested your commerce with England against French laws, as England did by you and France in 1793? Ask yourselves, whether it is proved on such authority as that of Hamilton, that France in 1795 formed the project of dismembering your country, as Britain did? Ask yourselves whether France, in 1793, agreed with Russia to aggress upon you in a manner unexampled, by engaging to deprive you of all commerce with England?
It is very true that France has made many severe decrees, deeply affecting neutral trade. Heaven knows, that we do not mean to countenance France in any wrong; but England has unfortunately pressed upon your consideration the doctrine of retaliation upon belligerents, and the right of one power at war to draw from neutrals those benefits, which the other belligerent habitually takes, and which the neutral is unwilling or una-
ble to prevent. This Chapter is delicate in the extreme. 'Tis fitter for men in power correctly to consider than for me to discuss in this place. 'Tis one, however, which conscience may not evade, nor prudence overlook. 'Tis a time to examine and consider all truths, and to act firmly by the rule of right. The wrong doer must be brought to a proper course, or the plough and the hoe, the anvil and the loom will be our sole employments. Commerce is suspended till Britain returns to the law of nations—the law of morals. 'Till then England and Algiers—Scotland and Tunis—the united imperial kingdoms of the British isles and the piratical states of wretched Barbary must occupy the main. Britons, frown not! 'Tis your government, who have made this miserable condition of the commercial world. It cannot be concealed—it cannot be denied. England has made a Tophet of the ocean. She has destroyed the trade of the world by her attempts to monopolize the whole. She owes her greatness to the import of materials she can no longer procure by her interdicted trade—to manufactures she can no longer sell—to a navigation which has nothing to carry—to trade which is annihilated—to a navy which has nothing to conquer—to a surrounding world, which has shut her from its dominions.
JURISCOLA.
At a meeting of the citizens of Washington, convened by public notice at the Council Chamber, on Thursday evening, the 14th of July, 1808, a numerous assemblage attending—
Dr. CORNELIUS CONINGHAM was called to the chair; and J. B. COLVIN appointed Secretary. It was, on motion,
Resolved, That an injured citizen has claim upon the consideration of every honest man in society; and that we have cause to believe Gen. Jas. Wilkinson has suffered persecution for his patriotic efforts in the service of his country.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to frame an address to Gen. Wilkinson, to be signed and presented by the chairman, demonstrating of the sense of this meeting entertain of his public services and their confidence in his integrity and patriotism.
A committee was accordingly appointed, and an address reported to the meeting; which being read and agreed to, the chairman with four other persons was designated to wait on the general, present him with the same, receive his answer, and forthwith cause the address and reply, together with an account of the proceedings of the meeting, to be published in the newspapers.
Signed by order of the meeting, CORNELIUS CONINGHAM, Chairman.
ATTEST, J. B. COLVIN, Secretary.
According to direction, the committee yesterday waited upon general Wilkinson with the following address, to which he returned the annexed answer:
Washington City, July 14, 1808.
SIR, It is the peculiar duty of a free and enlightened people, whilst they examine with the severest scrutiny the conduct of public men, & regard with a jealous suspicion every public character, to pay the tribute of their esteem to every confidential citizen who has falsified the dishonorable imputation cast upon his fame. Justice and candor require, that while they punish with their censure, they should reward with their approbation; for unfortunate would be the fate of that country in which calumny only could be heard, and the confidence of the people could not be declared.
Under these impressions the citizens of Washington offer you their sincere congratulations on the issue of the enquiry that was lately instituted on your conduct. As a respectable portion of the Union they were affected with the liveliest sensibility when they heard on the floor of the House of Representatives the heinous charges that were adduced against so distinguished a soldier and citizen; and living on the immediate theatre of action, they watched with

peculiar interests and attention, every measure that was adopted and every circumstance that was disclosed on the subject of your character and conduct. The experience of seven months, however, during which the enquiry was pending, and the charges against you might have been substantiated, had fully prepared them for a decision so honorable to yourself, and so fatal to your enemies.
We beheld, sir, the accusation brought forward under a concurrence of circumstances which rendered the motives for its institution doubtful and suspicious. On the first whisper of destruction, we saw you court the enquiry which had been solicited by your accusers, while they, as if conscious of their precipitancy and weakness, endeavored to retrace the steps they had taken.
An invitation was given to your enemies to make a full development of their knowledge on the subject. You defied them to meet you before a judicial tribunal—but they denied you the honest and imprescriptible privilege of being confronted with your accusers;—they attacked you on a field which you were not permitted to enter, and while they objected to the weakness and incompetency of the court of enquiry, they refused to extend its privileges & powers. Such was the primary aspect of their inconsiderate accusation; & such were the disadvantages under which you were compelled to labor in conducting your vindication. But with a spirit of liberality and innocence you waved all legal objections to the introduction of the unauthenticated documents which were laid before Congress as evidence before the court: and though silence might have ensured your acquittal, you proceeded to a minute development of the transactions which formed the basis of the accusation. This development has incontestably demonstrated your innocence and the indefatigable zeal of your enemies.
Permit us, sir, to embrace this opportunity of dwelling on the recollection of the services you have rendered to your country. It was destined for your hand to seal the Convention of Saratoga, which secured the issue of that contest which made us a nation; and for you it was reserved to baffle the acts and enterprize of a conspirator, and save your country from the horror of a civil war. These signal services will never be forgotten by a free people.
Had not the honest energy of your character actuated all your measures at New Orleans, had you preferred the insidious call of private friendship to the paramount duties of patriotism, a fair portion of America might have been lost to your countrymen. But the storm has passed—the bolt that was intended for your destruction has fallen harmless at your feet, and we rejoice, sir, that you have triumphed over the arts of your enemies, and proved yourself deserving of the confidence of your country.
In behalf of the meeting, I have the honor to be, Sir, your obedient servant, CORNELIUS CONINGHAM, Chairman.
Washington, July 15, 1808. GENTLEMEN,
Next to the consciousness of having done my duty, and more than my bare duty, I prize the approbation the immediate spectators of that persecution, which has ensued my best services to the state; and therefore this testimonial from the citizens of the national metropolis, cannot but be acceptable to a bosom, whose sensibilities have been rent by the rankest ascriptions of envy and disappointment.
We have seen in other times and in other cases, an uniform series of good offices and long continued service, expiate the foulest offences, and recommend to the public confidence those who had deserved ill of their country; but by some strange distortion, my exertions for the public weal, instead of veiling anterior misconduct, have produced a resurrection of legendary tales, and a jaundiced retrospection of my whole life and actions, to wound my character and blast my fame.
I would accompany my sincere acknowledgements, gentlemen, for this manifestation of confidence and good will, by some suitable declaration; but promises are too often vain, and professions too frequently delusive; I will therefore intreat of my fellow citizens to judge me by my works, and not by the machinations of those who seek my destruction; and as they may find me, so let them estimate me.
I beg you to accept my best wishes for your prosperity and happiness—and am with great respect, Gentlemen,
Your obedient servant, JAMES WILKINSON. To Cornelius Coningham, Esq. and the Committee of Citizens.
The connection between Harper and the traitor Burr is of long standing—the following was written by Harper to him eight years ago:— Baltimore American.
[COPY.] Washington, Dec. 24, 1800. MY DEAR COLONEL, The votes of Tennessee are come in, and decide the tie. The language of the democrats is, that you will yield your pretensions to their favorite—and it is whispered that overtures to this end are to be, or are, made to you. I advise you to take no step whatever, by which the choice of the House of Representatives can be impeded or embarrassed. Keep the game perfectly in your own hands; but do not answer this letter, or any other that may be written to you by a federal man, nor write to any of that party.
ROBERT G. HARPER. At a very numerous meeting of Republican Citizens, of the Second Ward, in the city of New York, convened by previous public notice, at the long room of A. B. Martling, on Tuesday evening, July 12, 1808—THOMAS NIXON was called to the chair, and JONATHAN THOMPSON chosen secretary. The following resolutions being read, and approved, were passed unanimously, with the exception of only one dissenting voice.
Whereas it appears to this meeting, reasonable and consistent with the principles we profess as republicans, and also essentially necessary to preserve the harmony and union of our party, that when a difference of opinion arises among ourselves, in regard to particular men, the minority should yield to, and acquiesce in the opinion of the majority, whenever such opinion has been fairly ascertained; and whereas a large majority of the republican members of Congress, have, in conformity with usual practice, nominated and recommended James Madison, for the office of President, and George Clinton, for the office of Vice President of the U. States; and we believing that there is no mode better calculated to ascertain the sentiments of the Republicans of the U. States, on this important subject; therefore,
Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that JAMES MADISON is the only "rightful" republican candidate for the office of President, and that GEORGE CLINTON is the only "rightful" republican candidate for the office of Vice-President of the U. States; and we do therefore cordially acquiesce in their nomination.
Resolved, as the sense of this meeting, that the present opposition to the nomination of Mr. Madison, "has a tendency to prostrate the dignity of the state—to excite disorder—to destroy the respect of the community for its public functionaries—to weaken their faith in a republican form of government, and to cause it to be believed that every political struggle is a mere contest for office, and not a contest for principles."
And whereas we have for some time past with great indignation observed certain publications in the newspapers printed in this city, entitled an "American Citizen" and "Republican Watch Tower" which under the garb of republicanism are not only endeavoring to excite local prejudices, but also propagating the most base and infamous calumnies against the President, Congress, and the Heads of Departments; and "after repeated proofs of the unshaken patriotism of the people, vainly attempting to destroy their confidence in their public agents by exaggerating the effects of the embargo, while insidiously concealing the causes that led to it," and which still render it indispensable; therefore,
Resolved, as the sense of this meeting, that the "American Citizen," and "Republican Watch Tower" edited by James Cheetham "are not any longer considered by us as republican papers and that they ought not any longer be esteemed as organs of republican opinions."
Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting That "the authors and propagators" of certain late publications, representing the uniform and independent Republicans of this city as JACOBINS and DISORGANIZERS, and comparing them to a Parisian mob merit "the contempt and abhorrence" of every republican.
Resolved, That we consider the right "of assembling together openly and publicly, and discussing freely the conduct of public men and public measures, and expressing our resolutions and opinions to the world," an inherent right of free men and absolutely necessary to the support of a republican government.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FRIDAY, APRIL 8, 1808.
(Mr. Adams's speech continued.)
But in addition to the evidence exhibited before the departure of Mr. Smith from this place, a multitude of new depositions are now produced; most of them obtained by himself, for the purpose of his own exculpation, and two or three furnishing strong additional circumstances against him; even those which he brings for his own discharge, have disclosed a fact of the highest import, in my estimation very unfriendly to his defence. I mean his studious avoidance of appearing before the grand jury at Frankfort, in Kentucky, on the second complaint against Mr. Burr, in December 1806. From the fullest consideration which I have been able to bestow upon the whole mass of this additional testimony, I have not discovered in it any ground sufficient for the rejection of this resolution. I still am convinced that it ought to pass.
The most material of all the witnesses, to demonstrate that conduct of Mr. Smith, which, in my mind, imposes upon the Senate the necessity of coming to this decision is himself. It is the coincidence between his course of conduct and that of Mr. Burr; his own tardy acknowledgments; his own alternate denials and admissions; his own consciousness of participation in unlawful proceedings, and the testimony of his own witnesses, which constitute the most irresistible evidence against him. The other witnesses, and the circumstances of the times, chiefly serve to corroborate and elucidate, what he and his witnesses shew in feeble characters, and indistinct obscurity.
To exhibit this coincidence of conduct between Mr. Smith and Mr. Burr, in that light of which it is susceptible, it may be necessary, Mr. President, to review the transactions of Colonel Burr in relation to these projects, from the time when he descended from that chair in which you now sit, until the arrival of the President's proclamation at Cincinnati, on the 12th December, 1806; and to compare the conduct of Mr. Smith, contemporaneous with the several events of public notoriety, and with the facts testified by the witnesses, in the volume of evidence taken at Richmond, and transmitted to Congress by the President of the United States, with the purposes and views of Mr. Burr, at the several stages in the progress of this conspiracy.
On the 3rd of March, 1805, the term of Mr. Burr's career as Vice-President of the United States expired. How long before that time he had been revolving in mind, his designs upon the western division of the union, we need not inquire; but that they were then not entirely new, there is every reason to believe. It is known to many, perhaps to all the members of this body, who were in Senate at that time, that Mr. Burr during that period, paid a very studied attention, and professed a peculiar respect to Mr. Smith. Very soon after this, in the spring, summer, and autumn of 1805, Mr. Burr was traversing the western states and territories down to New-Orleans, busily engaged in making every preparation possible at that time, for the campaign of the ensuing year; even then we find from a great variety of testimony, that Cincinnati, Mr. Smith's place of residence, was a spot where a great portion of Mr. Burr's exertions had been made; even then from the depositions now produced by Mr. Smith, it appears that a western empire, with Cincinnati for its capital, had been fully disclosed to William McFarland. This importance of Cincinnati may serve to explain Mr. Smith's observation to major Riddle, that if Burr succeeded, he would prefer living at Cincinnati, rather than at Baltimore or Philadelphia.
In the winter of 1805, Mr. Burr returns to spend his time at this place, and at Philadelphia. Here it was that he made his overtures to Mr. Eaton, from whose testimony, I must ask your permission, sir, to read two or three extracts, shewing how far his projects were then matured.
"Colonel Burr now laid open his project of revolutionizing the territory, west of the Alleghany; establishing an independent empire there, New-Orleans to be the capital, and he himself to be the chief; organizing a military force on the waters of the Mississippi, and carrying conquest to Mexico."
"He stated to me, that he had in person (I think the preceding season) made a tour through that country; that he had secured to his interests and attached to his person the most distinguished citizens of Tennessee, Kentucky, and territory of Orleans; that he had inexhaustible resources and funds; that the army of the United States would act with him; that it
would be reinforced by 10 or 12,000 men from the abovenamed states and territory."
"He had mentioned to me none, as principally and decidedly engaged with him, but General Wilkinson; a Mr. Alston, who I afterwards learnt was his son-in-law; and a Mr. Ephraim Kibby, who I learnt was late a captain of rangers in Wayne's army: "Of Kibby he said, that he was brigade major in the vicinity of Cincinnati, (whether in Ohio or in Kentucky I know not) who had much influence with the militia, and had already engaged the majority of the brigade to which he belonged, who were ready to march at Mr. Burr's signal. Mr. Burr talked of this revolution as a matter of right inherent in the people, and constitutional; a revolution which would rather be advantageous than detrimental to the Atlantic states; a revolution which must eventually take place; and for the operation of which the present crisis was peculiarly favorable; that there was no energy to be dreaded in the general government, and his conversations denoted a confidence that his arrangements were so well made that he should meet with no opposition at New-Orleans: for the army and the chief citizens of that place were ready to receive him."
Such then was the plan of Mr. Burr, and such, by his declarations, the state of his preparatory measures in the winter of 1805-6; and I have read the part of this statement relative to major Kibby, (and I mention it now, lest I might hereafter forget it) because it may serve to explain what Mr. Smith said to major Riddle just after the arrival of the President's proclamation at Cincinnati; that he (Smith) knew more of Burr's plans than any man in the state of Ohio except one. Here it seems there was one man, who knew them very sufficiently; and it appears by the depositions produced by Mr. Smith, that William McFarland also knew a great deal of them.
Let us follow Mr. Burr to Philadelphia, and notice some particulars of his conversations there with Commodore Truxton, in July 1806. I shall read from the Commodore's testimony only those parts which may serve best to connect the chain of events, and to shew the consistency of Burr's purposes. He had previously in the winter talked with that gentleman about land speculations, but in July 1806, "He observed, (says the Commodore) that he wished to see or to make me (I do not recollect which) admiral; for he contemplated an expedition into Mexico, in the event of a war with Spain, which he thought inevitable. Mr. B. then asked me if I would take the command of a naval expedition. I asked him if the Executive of the United States was privy to or concerned in the project. He answered me emphatically that they were not. I told Mr. Burr that I would have nothing to do with it." "Mr. Burr observed, that in the event of a war, he intended to establish an independent government in Mexico; that Wilkinson, the army, and many officers of the navy would join. I replied, that I could not see how any of the officers of the United States could join."
"Mr. Burr asked me if I would not write to General Wilkinson, as he was about to dispatch two couriers to him. I told him that I had no subject to write on; and declined writing."
This conversation was about the last of July; and I must now recur to one or two passages in the famous cyphered letter to General Wilkinson. In the copy I have before me, it has no date*, but the formal letter of introduction which Mr. Swartwout carried with it, is dated 25th July, 1806. It was then written on or near the same day when Mr. Burr had his last conversation with Commodore Truxton.
This letter indicates that Mr. Burr was on the point of departure for the execution of his enterprise, which it declares he had actually commenced; that detachments were to rendezvous on the Ohio, 1st November, and to move down rapidly from the falls on the 15th of November, with the first 500 or 1000 men, in light boats, constructing for that purpose.
It adds—"Burr will proceed westward 1st August, never to return; with him go his daughter; the husband will follow in October, with a corps of worthies."
Finally, the letter contains also this passage—"Already are orders to the contractor given to forward six months provisions to points Wilkinson may name; this shall not be used until the last moment, and then under proper injunctions."
Whether Mr. Burr did actually leave Philadelphia on the 1st of August, as his letter announces, I am unable to collect from any of the testimony that has fallen under my observation; but on the 21st of August he had reached Pittsburg; and there he invited himself to dinner the next
* It was dated 29th July.
day with Col. Morgan, in a manner precisely similar to that in which he so shortly afterwards invited himself to pass five or six days at the House of Mr. Smith. At Col. Morgan's he dined and lodged one night. I shall not recur specially to the remarkable testimony of Col. Morgan and his son, for it must be fresh in the recollection of every gentleman who hears me. I shall barely notice that during his short visit here, he broached all his doctrines respecting the imbecility of the present administration, and the right, the interest, and the provocations which the western people had to separate from the Atlantic states. He was here commencing that mode of operation for effecting the dismemberment of the union, which in his subsequent letter of 26th October to Mr. Smith, he states to be the only mode in which that object could be accomplished. His experiment did not commence in the right place. His attempt to tamper with men of honor and sentiment, met the reception it deserved. He left the house before breakfast the next morning.
On the 1st of September he had descended the river, and was upon Blennerhasset's island—and on the 4th of the same month appeared in the newspaper at Marietta the first number of the Querist , which was followed by two or three more. I have been unable to obtain a copy of these papers, but the substance of their contents is well known. Their object was to prepare the minds of the people in that part of the country for a separation from the Atlantic states; they dilated upon all the topics so familiar in the mouth of Mr. Burr, and so much were they identified with his doctrines, that Dr. Wal lace, one of the witnesses at Richmond, with whom Burr had conversed on these subjects in the summer of 1805, declares that on his first perusal of those papers, he drew from their internal evidence the conclusion that the ideas were Burr's, and the language Blennerhasset's. Blennerhasset was indeed the writer, and precisely at the same time and immediately after, was ranging the country with the activity and spirit of a recruiting officer—promising the plunder of banks at New Orleans and of Mexican mines—settling the hereditary succession of the fancied crown; and teeming with embassies and empires.
On the very same day that the first number of the Querist appeared at Marietta, the 4th of September, Mr. Burr, by the pencilled note, invites himself to the House of Mr. Smith, in Cincinnati, where he is hospitably received and entertained five or six days. During this time he spends an evening at William McFarland's, where he holds exactly the same kind of conversation about the impotence of government, the rights and wrongs of the western country, and their inducements to separate from the rest of the union. About the 10th of September he leaves Mr. Smith's; proceeds to Lexington in Kentucky; where he arrives and concludes his contract for the Washita lands, before the close of that month.
Mr. Smith in his answers to the queries of the committee, (an answer which he offered to make upon oath) says that on this visit Col. Burr tarried with him five or six days, and then progressed on his journey—for what he next adds, I must refer to his own words. "But he did not disclose to me ANY object he had in view. Meanwhile the voice of suspicion and jealousy was raised against him; and although I knew as little of his objects in visiting the western states, as either of you—still, as I had entertained him in conformity to the customs in which I was reared, and according to my own sense of propriety, I felt uneasiness and jealousy in consequence of these reports."
The character of Col. Burr is now generally well understood—and when combined with the circumstances I have just mentioned, and with others which I am about to mention, it is difficult to conceive that his visit to Mr. Smith at this time should have been made without design. For the projects he contemplated, and which he was then attempting to carry into execution, Mr. Smith was a man of the very first importance. As a Senator of the U. States, it is obvious how useful his services might become, in his attendance here during the session of Congress. As a contractor for building gun boats and for supplying the army with provisions, he could without exciting suspicion, and without danger of detection, be of the greatest use, in performing the same services, and furnishing for Mr. Burr the same kind of supplies. As a man of influence and consideration in the state to which he belonged, his aid in propagating the doctrines of disunion, and in contributing to the accomplishment of that end were not less desirable. The motives of profit and of dissipation which might be

held up to his expectations, were of a nature as persuasive upon a mind which could be susceptible of receiving them, as those of making Truxun an admiral, or Eaton a general. Is it then credible, that while Burr was proceeding upon his business, with all the activity and energy of his character; while his boats were building and his provisions collecting; while he was obtruding almost upon every stranger and transient acquaintance that he found in his way the opinions which were suitable to his purpose; while Blannerhasset was filling the newspapers with rebellion, and engaging men for war, under his standard—is it credible, I say, that Burr should have solicited entertainment under the roof of Mr. Smith, and obtained it for five or six days, without so much as intimating to him any one of his purposes. Is it credible that in the course of that visit, and in the intimacy between the parties which the whole transaction so strongly implies, amidst the violent suspicions with which Mr. Burr even then was notoriously surrounded, there should never have occurred to the friendly solicitude of Mr. Smith, a single inquiry which would have led to a disclosure real or pretended of the object of Mr. Burr's visit, and of his progress through the western states? Should this be deemed under all these circumstances a credible thing, I then ask, how Mr. Smith's asseveration that Burr did not then disclose to him ANY object he had in view, is to be reconciled with Mr. Smith's affidavit of 6th January, 1807, in which he says Burr did then speak to him about his project of settling a large tract of his Washita lands.
It is one of the peculiarities attending Burr's conduct through the whole of his conspiracy, that he had always an ostensible object to serve as a mask to the real design. One of the difficulties and inconveniences of this method of transacting business is, that in exhibiting the purpose which is meant only for show, it is apt to be materially variant from itself at different times. It is often variant, not upon trivial incidents, with which the best human memory cannot be accountable for perfect accuracy, but upon the most essential part of the story. It is inconceivable to me that at that precise period of Mr. Burr's experiment upon the western states, he should thus have been at his own desire, the guest of Mr. Smith five or six days, without making to him any communication of his real views, while he was so liberally disseminating them to others far less intimate to his acquaintance and far less important to his purposes—and when we find Mr. Smith's own narrative upon this very point so variant from itself at different times, how can we suppress the belief that the real story was not that which could safely be told.
Mr. Adams' speech to be continued.
NEW VOLUNTEER RIFLE COMPANY.
ATTENTION!
Those young men who have associated for the purpose of forming a Corps of Rifle Volunteers, and those who would wish to join, are requested to attend an adjourned meeting of the company at Morin's Tavern , at 7 o'clock on FRIDAY EVENING next, for the purpose of hearing the report of the committee appointed to draft a constitution, &c. &c. and to transact other business.
Punctual attendance is requested. July 20—2t.
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of Chancery for the county of Washington in the suit of
Gideon Snow—complainant, against Abigail Perkins, widow and administratrix, and Hannah Perkins, sister and heir of Joseph Perkins deceased, and Nathan Bond—Defendants.
WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder on Monday the twenty-ninth day of August next at Rhodes's hotel in the city of Washington, at the hour of 10 A. M. all the Estate, right, title, claim and demand both in law and equity of the said Joseph and of the said defendant Hannah, as heir at law of the said Joseph, of, in, and to Lots Nos. 5 and 6 in square No. 533, and Lot No. 2 in square No. 409, with their improvements, all lying and being in the city of Washington, and which said lots are laid out and designated in the general plan of said city as above described.
The terms of sale are, a credit of six months, the purchaser or purchasers giving bonds with approved security for the amount of the purchase money, bearing interest from the day of sale.
This sale is not to affect any claim of dower which the said Abigail Perkins may have in said lots.
JOHN G. McDONALD, Trustee. July 18—3wep
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 20.
A Communication on the proceedings of the meeting that voted an address to Gen. Wilkinson shall be given in our next.
We mentioned in a late paper on the authority of a very respectable gentleman, the death of General Shee , Collector of the port of Philadelphia. It gives us sincere pleasure to inform our readers that the information is incorrect.
The following is extracted from a letter dated Falmouth, May 16th—
"You will have been informed of several American vessels having been condemned; and amongst them some that have been sent into this district principally in consequence of their having sailed from France after the period fixed by the order in council, and others for being, bound to a port declared by the British to be in a state of blockade."
"Two vessels belonging to the United States, viz. the ship Susan and the schooner Hope are condemned in consequence of having French government dispatches on board. I am assured this was without the knowledge of the masters, who might have destroyed these papers, had they been aware their ships would have been lost by the delivery of their letters to the captors or their agents."
"In the present gloomy situation of things, masters of ships belonging to the United States are afraid to engage for almost any voyage, being so liable to seizure and confiscation on both sides; and many have preferred returning to America to accepting any freight that was obtainable. Trade is very dull. West India produce very low, but flour about 63s. to 65s. per sack of 2 1-2 bushels."
This letter, with that from Tangiers published in our last, shews the extreme dangers to which our vessels are exposed, and the extraordinary game that is pursuing under the auspices of the British government. The dangers are so great as to convince every man of the necessity of the embargo; but for which scarcely an American vessel could have escaped the fangs of the British. Such as have not availed themselves of the security it offered them by a return to their own country are rapidly passing into the hands of the British for a violation, real or pretended, of their orders, or into the hands of the continental powers for acquiescing in them. We have seen a list of twenty eight of our vessels taken into Plymouth between the 7th and 26th days of January. This shews what would have happened but for the embargo; and goes far to justify the opinion, which has been entertained, that it was the view of the authors of the orders of council, to enforce an acquiescence in them, or generally to seize our property as an indemnity for the consequences which might have flowed from their resistance.
Nothing can be more disgraceful than the conduct of those Americans who have availed themselves of British licences, as stated in the letter from Tangiers. The Barbary powers being excepted from the operation of the orders, enables our merchants (if indeed such they can be called) to pursue this derogatory traffic—to avail themselves of a licence, which every American must disgrace himself by accepting, to carry on a trade, the sole end of which is to benefit a power lost to all regard to our rights, and to fill their own coffers with the gains of an infamous avarice. But the information contained in the same letter shews that this spirit of unlawful gain will soon defeat itself; and that its counteraction by the enemies of Britain will give it a mortal blow.
The following article will attract the attention of our readers, as the first announcement made by any public body in the U. S. of a purpose to support any individual for the Presidency other than Mr. Madison. Although the ostensible object of the article be to produce the impression that the democratic electors nominated in Pennsylvania will vote for Mr. Clinton, and that they were named with this view, yet, there can be little doubt, from the information from various parts of the state, but that the vote of Pennsylvania will be decidedly for Mr. Madison. It is indisputable, that a large portion of the Electors have in the most unequivocal terms declared their purpose to vote for Mr. Madison; and there is no reason to believe that their suffrages will be in the least affected by this announcement. It will be perceived, that two of the prominent members of this meeting are of
the number of those members of Congress, who signed the celebrated protest, promulgated at this place, and who had consequently committed themselves on this head. It is not, however, to be inferred that even the friends of these gentlemen, nominated as Electors, are themselves committed in like manner, or will vote for any other individual than Mr. Madison. On the contrary, from their respectable standing in the republican party, and from their well-tried patriotism in every political vicissitude, there is the strongest reason to think that they acknowledge the necessity of Pennsylvania giving an unanimous republican vote, and will unhesitatingly sacrifice any personal preference they may feel to the good of their country. It has been known and admitted all along that among the Electors named at Lancaster there were some individuals, who would have preferred Mr. Clinton to Mr. Madison, had the former been the choice of the people of the U. S. generally; but it must have been believed, at the time of the nomination, and it certainly has been since understood, that the vote finally given would be unanimous. To have pursued a course having another effect, would be to attribute to the representatives of Pennsylvania a criminal insensibility to the duty of giving that state the full political weight to which it is entitled, by constituting an electoral college composed of such heterogenous and discordant materials as to put the cards completely into the hands of their enemies.
There is one good effect, which can scarcely fail to result from the meeting at Northumberland. The people of Pennsylvania, fully apprised of the importance of such an unanimous republican vote, as shall take from the federal party every chance of success, will call upon the individuals named as Electors unequivocally to declare the persons for whom they will vote; and will replace such electors, if any such there shall be found to be, as will not vote for Mr. Madison, by such as will. We have no doubt that this will be the case for this reason. The votes for Electors, by the individual voters will be given entirely with a view to the election of a particular candidate for the Presidency—this will be the only consideration; and, consequently, will require an accurate knowledge of the manner in which the Electors will vote; and, unless this manner shall have been ascertained previous to the election, it is easy to foresee that from a general reluctance to vote blindly in an affair of such moment, the republican ticket for Electors may be in a minority, and Pennsylvania be exposed to the mortification of throwing her great weight into the federal scale, at a crisis when the triumph of federalism throughout the union would be destructive of the best interests of the country; when it would probably be followed by an alliance, commercial, or political, or both, with a nation, whose whole course of conduct towards us since our Independence has been marked by insult and injury.
There is one circumstance, which must, in addition to the circumstances we have enumerated, have a commanding influence on the electoral vote of Pennsylvania. It is ascertained, beyond doubt, that Mr. Madison will have a majority of the whole electoral votes, even independently of Pennsylvania. It is certain that he will have all the votes of Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, New-Jersey, and Vermont, with the greater number of those of Maryland; and these, collectively, constitute a majority of the whole votes. He will besides in all probability have the whole votes of N. Hampshire, R. Island & Delaware. Why, then, will Pennsylvania give her votes to Mr. Clinton? Why will any state originally friendly to the election of Mr. Clinton? Will it not be the irresistible dictate of sound patriotism, for all the republican states, on a point of such vast magnitude, the issue of which is probably to decide the complexion of our exterior relations, to rally round the same principles, to march together with unbroken harmony and strength, and to snatch from our enemies their last forlorn hope of triumphing on our divisions? Where will be the use of giving futile votes, by which the friends of another candidate can gain nothing, but by which their country may lose much.
DEMOCRATIC PROCEEDINGS.
By the Republican Argus we learn that a convention has been held at Sunbury by thirty-four delegates from the several towns of Northumberland county.
General WILLIAM MONTGOMERY , was called to the chair—Gen. Robert Giffin appointed secretary; upon which the delegates produced their certificates of election from their re-
spective townships, as follows, viz.
Augusta —Samuel Awt, esq. Samuel Bloom.
Buffalo —Samuel MacLay, esq. Gen. Christ. Baldy.
West Buffalo —John Wilson, Thomas Youngman.
Bloom —John Chamberlin, James Thornton.
Cattawissa —John Clark, Michael Hower.
Chilisquague —Samuel Bond, esq. James Giffin.
Centre —John Bolander, esq. James Lapley.
Derry —Col. Robert Clark, John Fruit.
Mahoning —Gen. Wm. Montgomery, Col. Danl. Montgomery.
Mahonoy —A. M'Kinney, esq. Jacob Sheffer.
Mifflin —Solomon Bost, Solomon Fedenitz.
Penns —Col. Frederick Evans, Philip Moore.
Point —Mathew Huston, Gen. John Bull.
Turbutt —Gen. Robert Giffin, Robert Smith, esq.
Sunbury —Hugh Bellas, esq. Dr. Peter Grahl.
White Deer —Anw. M'Clenachan, Wm. Chamberlin.
Washington —John Brown, Shallenberger.
After some previous proceedings, the Argus says:
"Mr. MacLay called the attention of the delegates, to the objects for which the committee of the county called them together; the support of an electoral ticket for President and Vice-President of the United States, and of the election of Simon Snyder as Governor of this state. These questions were animadverted upon with his usual force of reasoning and justness of observation. We regret our inability to gratify our readers with a full report of the sentiments expressed by him, but this regret is diminished by the address to the citizens of this county, in the forming of which, as he was one of the committee it may be fairly considered as his sentiments, and which address embraces a comprehensive view of the subject before the meeting."
After full discussion and consideration on the matters comprehended by the succeeding resolutions, they were adopted by the meeting as follows, viz.
"Whereas it appears that our opponents, in principle, are attempting to divide and weaken our efforts by scattering the seeds of jealousy and disgust among the republican citizens of this state and the United States, by reports, that some of our republican electors will not be governed by what is believed to be the general opinion of the party, but will, when they are assembled in their electoral college, vote for James Madison for President, in opposition to the general understanding of the convention held at Lancaster who put them in nomination."
"And whereas the corresponding committee appointed by the said convention, have suggested the propriety and expediency of an expression of public opinion, on the candidates nominated as a guide to the electors which are to be chosen in compliance with the suggestion of the committee."
"Resolved, That in full confidence that the electors nominated by the convention at Lancaster, will vote for George Clinton as President, and James Monroe as Vice-President of the United States, this meeting will use all fair and honorable means to support those electors."
Philadelphia, July 14.
Letters from Antigua to the 24th of June say, that flour was then 15 dollars a barrel; that a supply had arrived there from the Western Islands, and that more was daily expected.
A letter of the 15th of June from St. Croix says the planters have turned their attention very much to the cultivation of provisions, and that the effects of the embargo had not been so serious there as had been expected.
Extract of a letter from Barbadoes, dated the 9th June—"Since our last flour has declined in price, in consequence of the importation by the fleet being very considerable."
"We have plenty of salted provisions from Ireland, and cheap, and an overstock of both dry and pickled fish from Halifax and Newfoundland."
"You have calculated erroneously in America, if you expect to starve the British islands by your embargo. We are beginning to find that we have reason to think that the only great sufferers by this would-be starving system, will be yourselves."
July 16.
The report received this week, per capt. Carman, from Pasamaquoddy, of the arrival of the June Packet, at
Halifax, turns out, as we expected to be erroneous—a vessel in 14 days direct from Halifax having arrived at N. York, but is silent on the subject.
July 18.
Col. Burr.—By the arrival at Boston of the Sch. Swallow , from Halifax, we learn that the packet, with Burr on board, had sailed for England.
July 18.
Capt. J. H. Horton, who arrived at Sag Harbor on Friday from Machias, informs that he saw there a hand-bill, issued from St. John's, which gave an account of a great naval engagement in the Mediterranean, in which the French were defeated. The English acknowledge to have lost 5000 men, and three ships which blew up during the engagement.
1. KEG FOUND. Was found near the Eastern Branch BRIDGE.
A GOLD MOURNING LOCKET. Any person who may have lost it may have it again by paying expenses, on application to
FRANCIS CLARK, F street Washington city.
July 20—3t
FOR SALE OR RENT, A handsome Three story
BRICK HOUSE,
On the Pennsylvania avenue, the corner of the West Market joining the Seven Buildings, the house is completely finished, newly painted, and the lower story handsomely prepared—it contains six rooms with a convenient kitchen back, a good dry cellar, the situation is healthy, the neighborhood respectable and the best well of water in the city near the house. Terms will be made low, and if sold an indisputable title given. For particulars apply to
ALEXANDER McDONALD, at the Register's office.
July 20—3t
CHARLOTTE HALL SCHOOL.
A PUBLIC EXAMINATION of the Pupils will commence on Tuesday the 26th of July: Orations will be delivered on the following day.
The Parents and Guardians of the Pupils and the Patrons of the Institution are respectfully invited to attend.
GEORGE RALPH, Principal.
Cool springs, July 20—3t
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
THE subscriber on the first day of July lost a person by the name of Theoderick Lyles , for the purpose as he informed me of going to Leesburg, but whom I have since heard nothing of. He rode away a very fine bright sorrel horse, saddle, bridle, martingale, collar and saddle bags. I believe the horse to be about 5 or 6 years old last spring, about 15 hands high, rather slender made, long legs, very small white feet, and white mane and tail, with a blaze in his face; he is a horse of fine spirit and gallops, racks, paces, and trots. The said Lyles is an Englishman by birth, and until a few months past has been a sailor, is near 6 feet high, well made and very likely, has a good countenance, and a man of good education. He has dark eyes, a fair complexion, large whiskers, and is about 25 or 30 years of age; he wore away a new suit of clothes, a dark short nankeen coat, blue cotton cassimere waistcoat with red stripes, blue nankeen pantaloon, a pair of good cossack boots, and an imported hat. Whoever apprehends the said Lyles and secures me my horse shall receive the above reward.
THOMSON MASON.
The Retreat, near Leesburg, Loudoun county, Virginia, July 20—2t
BALTIMORE TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY.
Positively commences drawing on the first day of November next.
The Managers give notice that they have contracted with a Company of Gentlemen for nearly all the unsold TICKETS and have given them bonds that the drawing shall positively take place as above stated; and to draw 2000 tickets per week till the whole is completed.
SCHEME.
Subject to no Deduction. Dollars. Dollars. 1 prize of 5000 is 5000 1 do. 3000 3000 2 do. 2000 4000 2 do. 1500 3000 3 do. 1000 3000 6 do. 500 3000 20 do. 200 4000 35 do. 100 3500 70 do. 50 3500 175 do. 20 3500 500 do. 10 5000 5250 do. 6 31,500 72,000
6065 Prizes, 11935 Blanks. 18.00 tickets less than two blanks to a prize: sum raised 15000 Expenses including commission to the corporation, 90,000
Part of the Capta's will be determined as follows:
1 prize of 200 dollars to the first drawn blank. 1 do. 200 do. after 2000 tickets. 4000 1 do. 200 6000 1 do. 200 8000 1 do. 1000 10000 1 do. 500 12000 1 do. 500 14000 1 do. 500 16000 1 do. 1500 17000 1 do. 2000 last drawn blank. July 20—conclm.

STATE OF MARYLAND—IN CHANCERY, July 2nd, 1808. Alexander Clagett, and Richard Henderson,
vs. Margery Beall and others. THE object of the bill is to obtain the sale of two tracts of Land called "Azadia," and "Gleaning," for the payment of a debt due from Isaac Beall deceased, to Samuel Beall deceased, or so much thereof as will be sufficient for the payment of that debt; the bill states that Isaac Beall was indebted to David Ross, Richard Henderson, and Samuel Beall, to secure the payment of which debt, the said Isaac Beall on the ninth day of January seventeen hundred and seventy-five, executed a bond to them for the conveyance of the aforesaid land, with an endorsement on the bond that it was intended merely to secure the debt, That the said Isaac Beall died without paying the debt, and by his Will devised the said land to his children, Anne, Alexander, and Margery Beall in tail as tenants in common after the death of Margery his wife; that Ann and Alexander have since died intestate, under age, and without issue; that Margery married a certain Charles Vance, and that the defendants all reside in the state of Virginia.
The bill further states, that said Samuel Beall has also died intestate and that the complainant Alexander Clagett, administered on his estate, that the debt due as aforesaid was at the instance of Isaac Beall and his heirs paid by your complainant Clagett, out of the estate of said Samuel Beall. It is thereupon on the motion of the complainants, ordered that they cause a copy of this order to be inserted at least once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the 6th day of August next, to the end that the said Margery Beall may have notice of the complainants application to this court, and of the subject and object of this bill, and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the 6th day of December next, to show why a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy, Test NICHOLAS BREWER, R. C. C. July 11—w3t
IN CHANCERY, JULY 9, 1808. Charles Neale, vs. Leonard Neale, Francis Ignatius Neale, and others.
THE object of the bill in this cause is to obtain a decree for a certain unspecified quantity of two Tracts of Land lying and being in Charles county, devised by the complainant's father, Raphael Neale, to the said Leonard Neale, Francis Ignatius Neale, and others, during their lives, with a provision that they should release to the said complainant when he arrived at age so much thereof with the buildings thereon as should be necessary for him and his negroes to cultivate.
The bill states that the said Leonard Neale and Francis Ignatius Neale, reside out of the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered that the complainant, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer before the 6th day of August next, give notice to the absent defendants of this application, and of the object of the bill, that they may be warned to appear here in person or by a solicitor of this court on or before the 6th day of December next to show cause if any they have, why a decree should not be passed as prayed.
True copy, Test NICH. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. July 13—w3t
W. & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York, 6 Chests } Fine Imperial Teas 20 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } Hyson Teas 15 Boxes } 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } Young Hyson Teas 18 Half do. } 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hhds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 20 Quarter casks London particular Teneriffe wine. Georgetown, June 20—2wtf.
St. Mary's county, Orphans Court, June term, 1808. ORDERED by the court, that Monica Jones, administratrix of Solomon Jones, deceased, sell at Public Auction the whole of the deceased's Personal Estate for ready money, after giving four weeks previous notice of the same, in the American and Commercial Daily Advertiser, National Intelligencer, and Washington Federalist. Test JAMES FORREST, Register Wills for St. Mary's county.
NOTICE. IN Virtue of the above order, will be offered for sale, for ready money, on Saturday the 30th day of July next, at the late dwelling of the deceased, near the Great Mill in St. Mary's county, all his Personal Estate, consisting of seven very likely young Negroes, Stock of all kinds, house and kitchen Furniture, plantation Utensils, and other property which it is unnecessary to mention. MONICA JONES, Adm'x. July 1—w4t
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilinetts, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfbicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloon do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, bastas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound.—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N.B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—pts
SPEECH Against the ORDERS IN COUNCIL, Just received and for sale at R. C. WRIGHTMAN'S Book-store Pennsylvania avenue. Brougham's speech before the House of Commons against the Orders in Council—price 37 1/2 J. Q. Adams' letter to H. G. Otis, 12 1/2 Sampson Memoirs, 2 50 Female Biography, 3 vols. bds. 6 00 Salmagundi, 2 vols. 3 25 Esperillas letters, 2 vols. 2 00 Winter in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Corinna or Italy, 2 vols. 2 50 Debates on the British Treaty, 2 50 Ennui's map of Europe, splendid, 15 00 Military Library No. 9, per number, 50 Printing Ink, first quality. July 13—6t
TO RENT, AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY. Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf
TO HIRE BY the month or year, a Negro man COOK, about 23 years of age who is supposed to be perfectly acquainted with the business, as he has been for the last six or seven years learning the art of Cooking in the first taverns in Baltimore. For terms, &c. apply to the Printer. July 8—
LANDING THIS DAY. From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and cannisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet , capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz. N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.
Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in Dolls. Cts. 6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000 1795 May 11. 13168 800 1795 July 16. 13450 250 08 1796 June 11. 14337 2,000 1797 February 7. 14341 247 81 1797 February 14. 3615 1,567 55 1798 February 1. 14942 277 30 1799 December 17. 15605 2,975 25 16918 882 19,999 99
Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet , viz.
Denomination of the Stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in Dolls. Cts. 6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000 1797 February 7. 14345 2,000 1797 March 3. 14346 2,000 1797 June 3. 14347 2,000 1797 June 16. 14348 758 42 1798 February 1. 3616 2,000 1799 December 17. 3617 2,000 3618 2,000 3619 2,000 3620 2,000 3621 452 15 14944 22 05 15005 1,500 15204 766 78 15237 1,700 15604 1,505 65 16917 980 25,891 05
Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. WILLIAM WHANN. June 20—ep6w
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
CHARLES H. VAKDEN MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double mill'd, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parcel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
FOR SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land late the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
BURAS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
TAKE NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, Maryland, on the 20th day of April last, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JOHN ROMAN; he appears to be about 29 years of age, about five feet five or six inches high, well made, very black, and has a smiling countenance: his clothing when committed, was as follows—a blue cloth coat and pantaloon, a striped cotton waistcoat, an osnaburg shirt, a pair of black woollen stockings, and one pair of shoes, all of which are pretty much worn; by trade, as he says, a blacksmith and gunsmith; he has a small scar between his eyes, and says he belongs to Bennet Taylor, of Jefferson county, Virginia, within six miles of Charlestown, on the water of Bullskin, near the place it empties into the Shenandoah. The owner is requested to come and release him otherwise he will be sold for his prison fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, jun. Sheriff, Frederick county, Md. May 13—w8t
Prince George's county court, April term, 1808. HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805, and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditor or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the foregoing, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer, previous to the next term. True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jr. Ck. Jun 1—3u
The ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Wells, York, & Kittery to Portsmouth (N. H.) three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday, at noon, & arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. 2. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebunk, Doytystalls, Berwick and Dover, to Portsmouth, three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday noon, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland the next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15. Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by 10 P. M. in 12 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Portland the same days by 4 P. M. in 12 hours. The same arrangement for route No. 1 from December 1, to April 15, reversing the days. 3. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, seabrook, Salisbury, (Mrs.) Newburyport, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, 7 times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 1 A. M. and arrive at Boston by noon, in 11 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 P. M. in 11 hours. December 1, to April 15. Leave Portsmouth every day at 11 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by noon, in 13 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth same day by 11 P. M. in 13 hours. 4. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Sunday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 A. M. & arrive at Boston on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours. 5. From Boston by Dedham, Walpole, Foxboro', Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewett City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford & Branford to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours. 6. From New Haven by Milford Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West-Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Harlem, to New York, every day. Leave New Haven every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at New York the next days by 2 P. M. in 18 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours. 7. From New York by the turnpike road to Philadelphia, 7 times a week. Leave New York every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York, the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. This will contain the main mail, and is not to be opened at any intermediate office. 8. From New York by Jersey city, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankford to Philadelphia, six times a week. Leave New York every day, (save Sunday) at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 P. M. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 P. M. 9. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vansville, Bladensburg, and Washington to Georgetown, seven times a week. Leave Baltimore every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 6 A. M. and arrived at Baltimore by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. 10. From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington city by 6 A. M. 11. From Alexandria by Colchester to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours. 12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 1/2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M. 13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover courthouse, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours. 14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1/2 P. M. 15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.