The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-04-07 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, APRIL 7, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, MARCH 7.
DEBATE
On Mr. Gregg's resolution.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. MAC CREERY. Mr. Chairman: I am extremely sorry that the gentleman from Georgia, as well as many others who have spoken on this question, should entertain an idea of the carrying trade so exceedingly erroneous as it respects us. Do gentlemen suppose that every American vessel which has coffee, sugar, or any other W. Indian produce on board is engaged in what is called the carrying trade? If our vessels engaged in the W. India trade, and which carry out American produce, together with some European goods, sell, as they often do, for double the cost, and bring back much more W. Indian produce than can be consumed at home, what must become of the surplus? We must certainly be permitted to export it; and although it is not the produce of our soil, it undeniably is of our industry, and therefore as much entitled to protection as the other.
But we are told, sir, that our merchants are covering belligerent property; and to prove this, a celebrated pamphlet called "War in Disguise," is now quoted on this floor as gospel. For my part, sir, I consider that production entirely apocryphal; but, sir, here is a production which I always consider orthodox—here is the report of our Secretary of the Treasury—this I have examined, and what does it say? If by his reports we shall find that the articles we import from the W. Indies do not exceed in value the goods our merchants send thither, where will the author of "War in Disguise" find this so much talked of covered property?
According to this report it appears, that in 1804 we imported from the W. Indies in
  Molasses, galls. 8,747,256 at 25 cents, cost there 1,436,814   Pimento, lbs. 603,648 at 10 cents 66,364   Cocoa, lbs. 1,481,564 at 12 cents 177,787   Coffee, lbs. 46,708,089 at 18 cents 8,407,456   Sugar, 113,434,409 lb. or 1,012,464 cwt. at 7 dolls. 7,087,248   Indigo, 232,503 lb. at 1 d. 25 cents 353,129   Cotton, 2,056,704 lb. at 20 cents 411,340   Rum, galis. 6,862,347 at 50 cents 3,431,173   21,371,311   And we exported to the W. Indies in the same year, viz.   In American produce to the amount of dolls. 11,266,163   Foreign do. 4,537,620   15,803,783   Freight and insurance 33 1-3 5,284,294   21,139,377   231,934 
I hold it fair to include freight and insurance, for although a man may send his own vessel, and stand his own underwriter, he will always make these calculations before he undertakes an expedition: and considering the nature of the trade we have been carrying on there, this allowance is very moderate. And now, sir, let me ask, what is there left of masked property for the author of War in Disguise and my lord Collingwood? Why, truly, the mighty sum of 231,934 dollars!
But, sir, independent of this statement, where is this mighty sum about which so much fuss is made, that we are screening from G. Britain? Why, in France, no doubt! And what does it amount to? I will tell you, sir: Our whole exports to that nation in 1804, consisting of our own and foreign produce, amounted to 8,800,000 dollars. Now, sir, I do suppose, that most of the coffee we have sent thither came to us from St. Domingo. I would therefore ask the author of "War in Disguise," or any one else, whether they really think the black nobility of St. Domingo have been sending their produce, masked under our flag, to supply their friends in France? The whole of this allegation is too absurd to merit a serious refutation. The fact is, that of this 8,800,000, we receive payment in French goods to the amount of about 1,800,000, and the residue, together with the surplus of our other exports to Europe, is remitted to G. Britain to make up the balance of 12,000,000, which our trade with her annually subjects us to. Now, sir, who has the best right to complain of us in this business? Certainly not England.
We are also told that if this resolution passes, our exports to G. Britain will be materially affected. Although the resolution does not go to prevent us
from sending our produce thither, I will examine that part of the argument of the gentleman from Georgia respecting tobacco.
The whole of our export of that article in 1804, was 83,000 hds. and if you will take your pen and calculate the population where this tobacco is consumed, you will find they amount to about 83 millions, which gives to G. Britain the consumption of about 14 or 15,000 hds. Now, sir, you will find, that in 1803 we exported to that nation 50,000 hds. and on an average we send them near 40,000 hds. annually. What is the consequence? That by sending more than they can consume, the price is kept below its intrinsic value; whereas, were we wise enough to send them no more than they do consume, the price would be always good: for it is an axiom in trade, that when the medium of consumption is exceeded, the price must fall; whereas, if the supply is deficient, it occasions a competition in the market, which never fails to raise the article above its real value. It will therefore be highly advantageous to the tobacco planter that less of it goes to G. Britain.
On the subject of our revenue, we are often exultingly told, that it comes exclusively off the farmer and planter, who are the great consumers. Let us examine this question.
Our imports amounted in 1804 to about 80 millions, whereof 36 millions were re-exported. Of the remaining 44, how much is consumed by the farmer and planter? I compute the population of our sea ports to be about one-eighth of that of the U. S. and from the luxury and waste, the extraordinary consumption of liquors, tea, coffee, sugar, &c. &c. and even of salt, of which I do believe one ship commonly consumes as much as ten farmers—that these towns consume one-third; which leaves 30 millions out of 80 to the farmer and planter.
As to the article of cotton, it would appear that of 35 millions exported, about 25 go to G. Britain: and although I do not know accurately, I believe that part is re-exported the same as imported; but if it not, it is well known that G. Britain must and will have it; and when it is considered that they at this moment command Spanish wool and French claret, they will find little difficulty in procuring our cotton.
I thought it incumbent on me to make these few remarks to the committee, because, although they may have occurred to some, I believe they have not to all.
MR. ELMER. Mr. Chairman, I will rise to make a few observations on the subject now under consideration, but I will not detain the committee more than a few minutes. The resolution on your table is denounced by gentlemen as a war measure; but I cannot discern its tendency to that point. It is acknowledged on all hands that we have received from Great Britain repeated and grievous injuries. The whole American people are alarmed, and their feelings excited by the reiterated acts of oppression and insult. A gentleman from Georgia has told you that our constituents have not dictated any measures;—it is true, they have not dictated, but they have complained, and they look up to the collected wisdom of Congress to devise a remedy for the evils under which they are labouring. This is the business upon which we are in part assembled; and it is the most important to which our attention will be called; we should therefore engage in it with all that seriousness and impartiality which its importance demands. Every member should divest himself of all national and party prejudice, when he decides on a question in which the interest of his country is so deeply concerned. And can we, as men and as patriots, tamely submit to have our seamen impressed and forced to fight the battles of a foreign nation; and to have our commerce embarrassed, interrupted and perplexed, and the property of our citizens engaged therein, condemned and made the property of the unjust captors? I trust not.
But we are told peace is of all things most desirable, and that by stopping importation from Great Britain we shall provoke the wrath of that nation, and plunge our country into a most destructive warfare. But, sir, is this a true state of the case? Will this measure justify Great Britain in retaliating upon us in any hostile acts? Certainly not. I have an unquestionable right to employ, or not employ, any mechanic or manufacturer, as my interest or convenience shall direct; and a nation has an equal right to trade, or not to trade, with another nation, as it may suit their policy so to do. We do not thereby infringe on any of their perfect rights; nay, I do not know that by refusing to receive the products of a nation we do thereby violate any of her imperfect rights. And let it be remembered, that no nation is justified in making war upon another, unless some of her perfect rights are invaded. Nor is every accidental violation of a perfect right considered as a just cause of war. The injury must be repeated, and every other mode of redress exhausted, or at least become extremely precarious be-
fore a nation can justify herself in resorting to force. We have suffered an invasion of a national right, but we only wish to have recourse to peaceable means of redress—to withhold in a degree our intercourse with the nation from whom we have received the injury. If we adopt the resolution, Great Britain will have no pretext for making war. She will know the precise terms upon which she can regain our trade and friendly intercourse. The preamble will direct her inquiries, & lead her to the goal whenever she desires it. She will only have to cease from doing evil; to respect our rights; to do as she wishes to be done by, and an amicable settlement will immediately ensue.
We are, however, told that Great Britain will have no respect to the law of nature, the law of nations, or the principles of justice. That she will measure the rule of right only by the length of her sword; and that she is all powerful by sea, and able to crush us before her. This is a distressing picture indeed, but really I do not know that she has become so superlatively corrupt; and I do not believe she has. I trust she has some sense of right and wrong left; and some regard to the opinions of other nations; if I thought otherwise, I should be disposed to break off all intercourse of every kind, and withdraw from the touch of a being so highly polluted. And is her power irresistible? I have had some experience of her power, and I see no just cause to be alarmed; the people of the United States have no such mighty reason to fear her wrath: they know from experience her power is not irresistible. They have met it—they have repelled it. I should indeed fear to give her just cause of offence, and Congress ought to abstain from doing any improper or unjust act towards her. We ought to do nothing but what we could justify to ourselves, to our God, and to all the nations of the earth; with this confidence, we may safely trust the consequences to the direction of Heaven. It is a sound maxim, that it is better to endure the greatest inconveniences and evils, than submit to reiterated wrongs and insults. We have suffered repeated wrongs. The measure before us is justifiable upon every principle of the law of nature, or of nations; it is only necessary then to enquire whether it is wise and politic to adopt it in the present form.
In this enquiry all our discretion, all our wisdom, and all our patriotism, unfettered by prejudice or partiality, should be called in to our aid. Will the measure re-act upon Great Britain so as to induce her to relinquish her unjust claim to the capture of our ships, and release of our seamen, or will it not? Or will it produce a re-action upon ourselves which will be felt most sensibly by our citizens, and by our government? These are the important and the only questions which we have to consider; and it is our duty to consider them fully with all their bearings and tendencies. I confess I am not without doubts on the subject. That it will give us some shock, cannot rationally be questioned. Our revenue will doubtless be affected in some degree, and its clear amount diminished, at least for a time. Inconveniences will arise from the want of some of those articles of consumption which habit has rendered agreeable and useful. But these evils may and will be cheerfully borne if they will tend to produce a great national good, and free our commerce from those injuries which it has and continues to sustain from the depreciations of G. B. If the manufactures of that nation are so important to her prosperity & strength as some of our wisest and best informed statesmen have represented, she will, she must yield to our equitable demand, or bring upon herself an accumulated weight of distress.
Some gentlemen have said that this is an improper time to re-act upon G. Britain; that she is now contending with the most powerful despot on earth, for her liberties, and her very existence. That she is now doing that for the freedom of nations which revolutionizing France was some years ago; and that her sensibility will be excited by every measure which may have a tendency to affect and injure her in her struggle. I confess it would be ungenerous to press her unreasonably at this time; but surely it is not improper to call upon her in any way we think politic for justice, and the free exercise of our independent rights. These we are entitled to, and these she ought to yield us, or she cannot expect our friendship. And this is the most suitable time to call loudly upon her for them. She will, I trust—she must give up her unjust claims if we persist in this measure for any considerable time, or the consequence will be more injurious to her than any advantage her present conduct gives her.
If, however, the resolution now under consideration should be thought going too far, let us take up one less extensive and less energetic. A high degree of unanimity is extremely desirable on this important occasion. I am willing to meet gentlemen on any ground which may be thought tenable. If a total non-importation is not advisable, let us resort to a partial one, and adopt a measure embracing the object contemplated
by the resolution offered by the gentleman from Maryland. We certainly ought, and we must do something. Your table, Mr. Chairman, is loaded with complaints from all quarters of grievances and insults too intolerable to be quietly borne by any people. It is true, the gentleman from Georgia has said the citizens of this country have a very imperfect and incorrect view of this subject; and that they have been imposed upon and misinformed by merchants, whose cupidity has led them to sound the alarm; and, that when they shall be correctly informed, and come to have true ideas on the subject of our differences with G. Britain, not one in ten will be found in favor of any measure in the form of the proposition on your table. But, I trust the mere the people are informed on the subject of their complaints, the louder and the more impressive will they become. It is the injuries they observe and feel, not the representations of interested men, that excite in them the sentiments they have expressed. Under these circumstances, and amidst the variety of complaints, shall we remain quiet? Shall we continue in session four or five months, at the public expence, remaining deaf to the cries of our citizens, and depart without affording them any relief? I hope not. We cannot expect to enjoy the privileges and advantages of our independence unless we firmly and resolutely maintain them. As an independent nation we should feel no partialities towards any of the Europeans; but treat them all with justice and humanity, meeting their friendship by returns of friendly actions, and repelling their aggressions by lenient but manly firmness.
Much pains has been taken to represent our complaints as trivial and incapable of redress. It has been said that we are injured only in our carrying trade, which has been represented as of little consequence, and not worth the expence necessary to defend it. This appears to be the idea which the gentlemen from Virginia and Georgia entertain of the business; but the subject presents itself to me in a very different complexion. To me it appears far more important to the U. S. than they represent. I consider it highly interesting not only to our merchants, but to our agricultural citizens. If we should abandon this trade totally, our wheat, corn, beef, pork, and other products of the middle states would shortly become a drug, and the price of them be greatly diminished in our market towns. Perhaps the southern states might find a market in the ports of G. Britain for their cotton and tobacco; but if the carrying trade should be relinquished the best market for those other staple productions of our country would be shut to us. By carrying these commodities to a foreign market, there exchanging them for the productions of that country, and after bringing them to our ports, exporting the surplus of them as well as some of our own productions to another foreign country. By which trade we are enabled as well to sell our surplus produce, as to pay for the manufactures of G. Britain which we consume. Further, would it not be highly degrading to our national character to relinquish so just and advantageous a trade to satisfy the whim, interest or caprice of any nation? If we permit G. Britain to substantiate her present doctrines, she will most assuredly extend in her demands and the strictness of her doctrines, until she left us no no trade worth defending, neither circuitous nor direct. But shall we tamely submit without one effort to this degradation? Shall we not rather do what is in our power to ward off the evils that surround us? The gentleman from Georgia has said that he should be ashamed to meet his constituents if he should give his assent to the proposition before us. But whatever may be the sentiments of the people of the south, I believe those to the eastward would be dissatisfied if we should rise without taking any measure upon this momentous subject. They look for something from our hands, and I hope we shall not rise until we have devised and put in operation some plan whereby we may redress the grievances under which our citizens groan, and of which they have so loudly complained.
SATURDAY, MARCH 8.
MR. ELLIOT. To replace the present question upon the ground which it originally occupied, to examine it with a view to its real merits, and its merits alone, however hopeless might be the task, would certainly be a very useful one. It has indeed been considered as indicative of a species of madness to attempt to stem a torrent which is known to be irresistible; but it is said that there is sometimes method in madness, and there is always honor in a gallant death in a good cause. It is in vain to conceal the fact that this resolution is devoted to destruction; but its supporters owe something to their own feelings, and they owe much more to their country. It will probably be admitted, Mr. Chairman, on both sides of the House, for it will not be pretended that there are more than two sides upon the present occasion, whatever confusion of
parties may sometimes appear to exist upon this floor, that a more interesting crisis of our national concerns than the present, in reference to foreign relations, has not existed since the adoption of the present constitution. Some of the best interests of our country are at stake. But it is not believed by all that our constitution and liberties are involved in any possible issue of this question. Before we even had a constitution, while the elements of our political system were almost without form & void, the liberties of this people were safe in their own hands, and triumphant over the power of that nation whose vengeance, it is said, we shall provoke by the adoption of this resolution. Our constitution and liberties are safe. The scene is not so awful, but it is impressive. I repeat it, Sir, we owe much to our country. The friends of the resolution are prepared for the fate that awaits it; but they have taken their ground from reflection, and they cannot, they will not abandon it against conviction, until overpowered, as indubitably they will be, in the contest.
Two classes of arguments are marshalled in opposition to the motion, one of which is addressed to our hopes, and the other to our fears. To our hopes—of what? Of honorable and successful negotiation, if this measure be abandoned. G. Britain will do us justice if we ask it once more. On what is this hope founded? Let us not go too far back. It was said in ancient times to be dangerous, and doubtless it is dangerous still, to rake open the ashes of a flame not yet extinguished. Do our hopes repose upon events of recent date? Upon the long continued impressment into her naval service of many of our useful citizens, citizens entitled to the same rights with ourselves, except that they are not delegated to represent the people within these walls? An outrage which no nation but Great Britain practices, and to which no nation but America submits. Upon the constant interpolation of new principles, destructive of our neutral rights, into the venerable code of the laws of nature and nations, or rather the systematic perversion and prostration, to our serious injury, of some of the most sacred principles of these laws? We can soon dismiss this branch of the subject. Coolly and deliberately systematic, severe and unbending, has the injurious conduct of G. Britain towards us long been. Uncompacted with strong measures on our part we can discern no reasonable ground for hopes so flattering. Prospects so delusive have no charms for the supporters of the resolution: We repose no confidence upon the justice and liberality of G. Britain, farther than as those virtues may correspond with her interest. To that we wish to make an appeal. With myself it has long been a settled opinion that she would go to war with us whenever it should be her interest to do so. We wish for peace, we raise our voices for negotiation, but for negotiation sustained by measures of an energetic and commanding character.
The other class of arguments is addressed exclusively, permit me, sir, to say exclusively, to our fears. Gentlemen have taken a gloomy view indeed of this part of the subject: While we can hope nothing, we must fear every thing from the adoption of the measure. We shall injure ourselves greatly, and G. Britain not at all; we shall inflict a deep and fatal wound upon the agriculture of our country; we shall sacrifice the interests of the people of the southern portion of the union, by provoking retaliation, to the preclusion of the only market for their staple commodities, besides subjecting them to the deprivation of foreign manufactures without which they cannot subsist; we shall destroy the most productive source of the national revenue; we cannot after all support the system; we must abandon it with disgrace, or persist in it to our destruction. It will even produce war with all its horrors, and the destruction of the constitution. It is at one moment a weak measure, at another a war measure, and sometimes both. Do we get over or go around these objections? Do we not state them in their full force, and meet them fairly? For midable as they are, we shall even endeavor to repel them. One of those great men of whom modern times have been so justly proud, a writer whose rare combination of the powers of mind render him at once eloquent and sagacious, has advanced a principle which forms an excellent corner-stone for the superstructure of argument on which the friends of the resolution rely. Peace is the natural effect of trade. Two nations in habits of commercial intercourse have reciprocal interests; if one has an interest in buying, the other has an interest in selling; and their mutual wants and interests cement their union. The quotation is not verbal but substantial; it is from memory. Had the immortal author of the spirit of laws been gifted with prophetic powers, he could not have described with more accuracy the relative situation of G. Britain and the U. States at the present time. To prove this let us turn to the interesting report of the secretary of the treasury, just laid upon our ta-

Here is the annual amount of commerce between us and the dominions of G. Britain, calculated on an average for the three last years.
   IMPORTS.     From the dominions of G. Britain in Europe, (Gibraltar excepted) 27,400,000   From the British East Indies 3,550,000   From the northern British colonies in America 540,000   From the British West Indies 4,570,000   EXPORTS. 36,040,000   To G. Britain in Europe (Gibraltar excepted) including clearances for England and a market, and flour and wheat, which are not permanent articles of exportation to G. Britain, and including foreign merchandise, re-exported, 15,690,000   To the British E. Indies 130,000   To the northern British colonies 1,000,000   To the British W. Indies 6,480,000   23,300,000   Total imports 36,040,000   Total exports 23,300,000   Balance against us 12,740,000   Our annual imports from all the world amount to 75,316,000   Of which we import from Great Britain 36,040,000   Balance from other countries, 39,276,000  
Almost half our imports therefore are from the British dominions, and the balance of trade is twelve millions of dollars against us. However inaccurate or incoherent may be the ideas sometimes annexed to what is called the balance of trade , it is evident to common sense that the nation which sells to another every year manufactures of the value of twelve millions beyond the whole value of the productions of the other nation which she buys, must be carrying on, in that particular, a very profitable commerce. It was said by sages of old time, that whoever Duty determined to destroy, he first made mad. Is Great Britain devoted by Providence to destruction? Can she be so mad, so outrageously and incurably mad, as to deprive herself forever of this very gainful commerce, in revenge for our exercising an unquestionable right, in consequence of the wrongs we suffer? Can her wise government, for wise it certainly is, adopt so strange a course of conduct? But after all many are sceptical as to the injury to be done to G. Britain. I am not one of those who anticipate the ruin of her manufacturing establishments from this measure, and perhaps they will not even be paralysed, but her manufactures will certainly diminish in price, and she will be under the necessity of searching out new channels of trade by which to pour them off from her shores; this may be the extent of the injury, but it will be sufficiently serious to induce her to do us justice. It is contended that the injury to ourselves will be incalculable: I think it may easily be estimated. It will be nothing more, calculating upon the continuance of peace, than a small augmentation of the price of the articles which we shall obtain as substitutes for British goods, a temporary fall of the prices of some of our own productions, and a small decrease of the revenue. But it is thought by some that we must starve or freeze in six months without British commerce. Are the days of the revolution so soon forgotten? Of our annual imports from G. Britain of the value of about twenty seven millions and a half of dollars, upwards of twenty-six millions in value is composed of goods paying duties ad valorem , and embracing, with inconsiderable exceptions, all the woollen, cotton, linen, silk, metal, earthen, glass and paper manufactures, and only 1,540,000 of articles paying specific duties, and consisting principally of salt, steel, lead, nails, and porter. These it is said cannot be obtained elsewhere, particularly coarse woollens, and we shall be told that our habits have placed them upon the list of necessaries. But our habits can change. Our importations are chiefly composed of the luxuries and conveniences of apparel. If the public good requires it, we may dispense with luxuries, or rather our conveniences may become luxuries, our necessaries conveniences. The truth, however, is, that we can obtain similar articles, or tolerable substitutes, on the continent of Europe. From Spain we can get silk handkerchiefs and velvets, as well as wines and fruits. From Portugal, not only fruits and oils, the product of that country and of Italy, but Lisbon salt in any quantity, wine, brandy, and some East India goods. From France, wrought silks, superfine broad-cloths, calicoes and chintzes, printed goods, linens, cambricks, lawns, lace, cotton fabrics, salt, writing paper, brandy, wines, and all the productions of Italy and the Levant. From Germany, Holland, and the North of Europe, several kinds of linen, cotton, & woollen manufactures, broad-cloths, kerseymere, coarse woollens, Russia sheeting, Silesian linens, cambricks and lawns, damasks and diapers, glass, copper, and some iron manufactures, sheet copper, German steel, cordage, looking glasses, calicoes, brass kettles, and many other articles. It is admitted that there are some woollen manufactures in Germany, and some cotton ones in France. Almost all the countries on the continent of Europe, if not now manufacturers for exportation, may become such, if circumstances make it for their interest; and
such will be the effect of our refusing to import British productions. It will give a stimulus to the manufactures of other countries which will produce great effects, in the natural course of things it will induce those countries to form new manufacturing establishments, and to extend and improve their old ones. Besides, it will induce them to sell to us a great part of what they now consider as necessaries of life, on account of the advance of price, and to replace them by importations from Great Britain at reduced prices. This increase of the price of foreign articles for our own consumption will be a disadvantage, but we must bear a temporary and partial evil with a view to ultimate and general good.
The effect of this measure upon the revenue is a subject of great alarm; it is to render us bankrupt in fortune as well as reputation. The annual revenue of the U. S. on an average of the three last years, has been 11,550,000 dollars, of which 5,452,000 dollars are derived from our imports from the British dominions, and 6,118,000 dollars from our imports from the rest of the world. This is certainly a very serious view of the subject; but we believe that this measure will not produce the way, and of course that it will not paralyse our commerce. Our merchants will still be enterprising, and will have new inducements to enterprise; our flag will still wave on every sea and in every clime; from new sources and channels of commerce we shall derive articles similar to those now imported from Britain, or tolerable substitutes; and the increased price of those articles will add something to the revenue, while it will be in some degree diminished by the general effect. Gentlemen of great commercial information, have calculated that the revenue will not be diminished to the amount of one million; but let us suppose that it will be lessened two millions, or even 2,550,000 dollars. With only nine millions instead of eleven and a half, it is certain that we cannot expend three or four millions for the support of government, and sustain besides the annual appropriation of eight millions for the payment of the national debt. But let us suppose the worst, and what follows? We may submit to the usurpations of G. Britain on the ocean, we may throw at her feet every thing but nominal independence and honor, we may disgrace and degrade ourselves in the eyes of the world, & we shall extinguish our national debt in 1816, 1817, or 1818. On the other hand, we may assume a manly and dignified national spirit, we may recall the principles and the habits of the revolution, we may arm our government with sufficient energy to vindicate and maintain our national rights, we may command respect from other nations, and we shall extinguish our national debt in 1824, 1825, or 1826. This may be the alternative in the last resort, but for the present we can increase the ratio, and of course the quantum of the duties which constitute the revenue. In hard times we must expect to bear hard burdens.
The adoption of this measure, we are told, will throw an unequal and unreasonable weight upon our southern brethren; it is feared that it will not only lessen the price, but utterly preclude the market, of their staple export commodities. Here we ought to pause & reflect; & if such an evil will flow from this source, we ought to abandon the project. Upon reflection we do not believe that such will be the consequence. The two great articles of southern exportation are cotton and tobacco. The value of our annual exports, for the three last years, to the dominions of G. Britain in Europe only, has been 15,690,000 dollars, of which the value of cotton has been 5,640,000 dollars, and of tobacco 3,220,000, both together 8,860,000. Deducting from the gross amount of 15,690,000, the sum of 2,260,000 for foreign goods, re-exported, we have 13,430,000 for all the articles of domestic produce; and of course the southern states furnish nearly two thirds in value of our domestic exports to the European dominions only of G. Britain. But our exports to the British colonies, in all parts of the world, consist of the productions of the northern and middle states; of provisions and live stock, lumber, naval stores, pot ash, furs, and foreign merchandise acquired by the carrying trade. And cotton and tobacco are now exported to other parts as well as G. Britain; the total annual value of the exports of cotton being, 6,940,000, & of tobacco 6,143,000 dollars. These two articles (and there are no other of consequence exported from the southern states except rice which is comparatively of inconsiderable value) amounting in the whole to 13,083,000, which deducted from 39,928,000, the whole amount of exports of domestic produce, leaves 26,845,000 dollars for the exports almost exclusively of the northern and middle states. It is not believed that this measure will shut up the British market for a raw material so necessary to their manufactures as our cotton. A non-importation is not in itself a non-exportation: Our exports may still go to Great Britain, as it will be her interest to receive them. But suppose she adopts measures of retaliation against her interest, and excludes them. When we know that even in the present war she opens free ports in her colonies for a partial commerce with her enemies, and when we are told that the French armies are now clad in British manufactures, can we doubt that the British government, with that depth of commercial as well as national policy for which it is distinguished will, whatever may be its ostensible acts, open some indirect channel of trade by
which to supply itself with an article so essential to the system of its manufactures? Besides, as I have already observed, in reference to importation, even the prohibition of the British market would open a new one for this article in France and other countries, by holding out an encouragement for them to extend and improve those manufactures of which it forms the raw material. The only effect upon the articles of cotton and tobacco would be a small decrease of their price, and perhaps that only temporary, and would not a similar effect be produced upon the productions of other parts of the union? Would not the price of the exports of the northern and middle states, of our beef, pork, butter, cheese, dried and pickled fish, flour, wheat, corn, lumber, and all other articles, be effected? Unquestionably. We hoped this would have been viewed as a great national question upon a great national scale, and not made a local one. But does not the carrying trade, which we wish to protect, present a local question also? Is it not almost exclusively carried on by citizens of the northern and middle states?
It is said that this trade produces a revenue of only 850,000 dollars. But what is the amount of the trade, and why does it not produce more revenue? The annual value of articles of foreign produce, re-exported to all parts of the world, is estimated at 28,533,000 dollars. It produces but a small sum because it has been deemed good policy not to tax it, but to cherish, to patronize it, as a source of industry and profit.
But some gentlemen are not inclined to protect this trade, and some even hazard an opinion that it is injurious to the country. We thought the principle advanced by able writers on political economy, was equally settled with men of science and men of common sense, that the amount of the real wealth of a nation is composed of the combined amount of the produce of its land and labor, of its industry upon the ocean as well as upon the terra firma; and that five millions of dollars, earned in the carrying trade, the product of labor on the seas, by citizens of the U. S. and incorporated into the great stock of our national wealth, were just equal to five millions of dollars acquired by the labor of the husbandman. The impressment of our seamen too may be viewed as a local question; those unfortunate men belong to the northern and middle states. Gentlemen seem to consider them as persons of no character or consequence, mere adventurers on the ocean, wandering beyond the limits and the powers of the national jurisdiction and protection. Not so. They are men and citizens; they have friends, connexions, and a home, and are employed in an honest occupation; and surely the impressment of thousands of them, in a state of worse than African slavery, on board those floating castles which spread terror through the world, is a local question of as much importance as the price of cotton and tobacco. On this subject alone the friends of the resolution are prepared to say that strong measures ought to be adopted, and ought never to be abandoned, until our flag shall be suffered to protect those over whom it waves. If the American Eagle is disposed to sink beneath the feet of the British Lion, he can expect nothing but contempt and outrage; but it is in his power to take a more elevated situation, to soar out of reach, and be at once secure and triumphant.
Not only are the peculiar interests of our southern brethren to be sacrificed by this measure, but it is to lead to war with G. Britain. On what is this idea founded? On the cool calculating character of her celebrated minister? It will be in itself no cause of war; it is a commercial regulation merely; and we have the same right to adopt it that G. Britain has to pass those laws by which she imposes greater duties on the exportation of goods, wares, and merchandise to the U. S. than are imposed on similar articles exported to the nations of Europe. It is neither more nor less than a commercial regulation; a part of the system of managing our own concerns in our own manner; and it ought not to be presumed that it will produce war. Can G. Britain wish, at the present moment, to add to the number of her enemies?—She is indeed the soul of a powerful coalition, but she has a powerful enemy to contend with. She is fighting, not the battles of the human race, not for the rights and privileges of the people of Europe, least of all for the rights and privileges of the people of America, but for her own national existence. Her wooden walls, like those of ancient Athens, which, by the direction of an oracle, are said to have preserved that celebrated city from destruction, constitute the only barrier between herself and ruin. Are we the enemies of G. Britain? Not at all—except in war—enemies in war—in peace friends. We love the British people—we should be monsters if we did not, for British blood flows in our veins. We venerate those monuments of British learning and of British liberty, which have so long adorned the dark scene of Europe. We respect the power and the ability of the British government, and we will respect its magnanimity and justice, when it shall respect our rights. And are we the eulogists and flatterers of France? The last task we should wish to undertake would be that of adding new gems to the imperial crown of the emperor of France and king of Italy. I speak for myself alone, but I do not believe that the friends of the resolution have any peculiar partiality for emperors and kings. We would wish to navigate our political bark to any other port than that bestridden by the
Colossus of universal empire. We have differences with other nations besides Britain; but do we prostrate ourselves at their feet? We wish to treat nations as they treat us, for it is impossible for nations to pursue with success any other course of conduct; we would use them well or ill in proportion to the degree of friendship or injury we receive; with other nations, weaker measures may succeed, but the injuries we sustain from G. Britain demand strong measures, and we believe the one which is now proposed will produce the desired effect. Not that we are hostile to negotiation, but we wish to give to the instrument of negotiation a new tone.—We fear that if this measure be not adopted, no energetic one will be; and that the report, Mr. Chairman, which it becomes your duty to make on reuring from that chair every evening, and yielding it to the honorable Speaker, that the committee of the whole have had the state of the union under consideration and come to no resolution thereon, will continue to be the same conclusion of every day's discussion during the present session. Having done our duty in supporting this resolution, we shall be as willing to meet our constituents as those gentlemen who give a different vote. We wish for peace, we are anxious to avoid war, but we cannot submit to national disgrace.
(Debate to be continued)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, APRIL 7.
HUNTRESS—J. Simson, Master. Minutes of the judgement in the High Court of Admiralty of England, on the hearing of the above cause on the 12th September, 1805.
The Right Hon. Sir Wm. Scott, Knight, the judge, observed. This is a question arising on the British recapture from the Spaniards of a vessel laden with naval and military stores going for Malta and Syracuse—it has been truly stated that generally neutral property is not liable to salvage on recapture; it is also true that in the course of the last war the law was, in consequence of the frequent rapine of the French, altered by the consent of neutrals themselves—this was founded on the practice of the French and confirmed in recaptures from them. Naval stores destined to a British port are by treaty between Spain and America, liable to condemnation; these would therefore be subject to salvage, but in this instance in fact not going to Malta, consigned to English possession or for English use, but for the use of an American squadron then notoriously cruising against the common enemy of Spain and America and every other civilized state, the property of the government, not hucrandi causa . What therefore would have been its situation in a Spanish tribunal? I think the preceding facts are fully established in evidence before this court, and that they would have so been before the Spanish courts. I cannot but assent to the principle that great deference is to be paid to the declaration of governments—here is that of the President himself confirmed—I cannot say confirmed, for it needs no confirmation, but seconded by that of the French and English ministers. It is impossible to suppose that the American government would wish to deceive, and that those stores were for the use of the British in violation of the treaty with Spain—its good faith is too well known. I am therefore of opinion that restitution would have been due from the justice of the Spanish tribunals, and that the British re-captor is not entitled to more than the expenses of submitting this question to the court, which was not improper.
Restitution of the ship and cargo decreed upon payment of the recaptor's expenses.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, APRIL 3.
Mr. Varnum observed that a report on a new organization of the militia had been made at an early period of the session, of a negative kind; that a bill had subsequently been acted upon in the House in some measure implicating the points taken in the report; and that afterwards a bill on the subject had been brought before the Senate, which induced him to suspend calling the attention of the House to the report. That bill had been negatived. His object in rising was to state that as the report was of a negative character, he should not think of calling it up, unless it was the wish of gentlemen that it should be discussed.
A bill to amend an act to divide the Indiana territory into two separate governments, and for other purposes, was read a third time, and passed.
A bill making appropriation for the support of the military establishment of the U. S. for the year 1806, was read a third time.
On motion of Mr. Talmadge the bill was recommitted to a committee of the whole House, in which it underwent an examination; when it was reported to the House, and read a third time and passed.
Mr. J. C. Smith, from the committee of Claims, reported that it would be expedient to agree to the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill making provision for persons disabled by known wounds received during the revolutionary war.
Mr. Blackledge moved a postponement of the consideration of the bill till to-morrow.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved an indefinite postponement. This motion was opposed by Messrs.
J. C. Smith, J. B. J. Clay, Varnum, Bedinger, and Van Cortlandt. Mr. D. R. Williams withdrew his motion, when it was agreed that the bill should lie on the table. The bill supplementary to the act making provision for the payment of claims of citizens of the U. S. on the government of France, passed through committee of the whole, without amendment, and was ordered to a third reading to-morrow. A message was received from the Senate stating that they had receded from their amendment to the bill fixing the compensation of the officers of the two Houses.—The bill is consequently passed. The House again went into committee of the whole on the bill altering and establishing certain post roads. The bill directs the establishing of a route from Athens to Tellico-block-house. It was moved to strike out Tellico-block-house, and insert Knoxville. On this motion, as well as the provision of the bill, a debate of some length arose, which issued in the adoption of the amendment as well as the provision. Various other amendments were made, when the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
FRIDAY, APRIL 4.
On motion of Mr. Leib the House agreed to a resolution, for the appointment of a joint committee to confer with a committee of the Senate, on the time when it will be expedient to close the present session; and named on their part Messrs. Leib, Clark, & Tenney.
Mr. Dawson from a committee appointed on a resolution of the House made a report, concluding with a resolution that it is not expedient to make any further legislative provision respecting navy yards, in which the House concurred.
Mr. Dawson also reported a bill concerning the further safeguard of merchant vessels in the vicinity of the U. States, which was referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday.
A bill from the Senate for the relief of Gilbert C. Russell, was read twice.
A bill supplementary to the act making provision for the payment of claims of citizens of the U. States on the government of France was read a third time and passed.
A bill further to alter and establish certain post roads was read a third time and passed.
Mr. J. Randolph reported a bill to prohibit officers of the army and navy from holding or exercising any civil office, which was referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported a bill laying a duty on copper, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
A message was received from the Senate stating that they have agreed to the amendments of the House to the act to repeal so much of the act regulating foreign coins and for other purposes as is contained in the second section thereof.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on a bill for erecting certain light Houses in the state of Massachusetts; and for building a beacon or pier at Bridgeport, in the state of Connecticut.
An addition was made to the bill, on the motion of Mr. Blount, providing for the placing of buoys over several shoals in North Carolina.
When the bill was reported to the House, and ordered to a third reading to day. It was afterwards read a third time and passed, and the title amended in correspondence with the amendment.
The House took up the amendments of the Senate to the act in addition to an act to make provisions for persons that have been disabled by known wounds, received in the actual service of the U. States during the revolutionary war.
Mr. Alston moved to recommit this bill to the committee of the whole House.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Alston, T. Moore, D. R. Williams, Blackledge, and opposed by Messrs. J. C. Smith, J. Clay, R. Nelson, and Van Cortlandt; and was disagreed to—Ayes 26.
Mr. Blackledge moved to amend the amendments of the Senate, so as to provide for the placing on the pension list of the United States all such wounded or disabled persons as have been placed on the pension lists of the states for wounds or disabilities received during the revolutionary war, on adducing a prescribed proof.
Messrs. Blackledge, Blount, Clarke and Gregg, supported; and Messrs. T. C. Smith, Bedinger, R. Nelson, Varnum, Southard, Bidwell, and Sloan opposed this amendment, which was disagreed to—Ayes 54—Noes 69.
The friends of the amendment contended that it was just that a full and liberal provision should be made for all the militia disabled, as well those already provided for by some states, as those not provided for by other states.
The opponents of the amendment did not deny the justice of such a provision, but contended that it would not probably receive the approbation of the Senate, and that it was impracticable to make it without going into minute details forbidden by the advanced stage of the session, and recommended that it should be made the subject of a distinct bill at a future session.
The question was then taken on agreeing to the amendments of the Senate, and passed in the affirmative—Yeas 97—Nays 15. The bill is consequently passed.
Mr. J. C. Smith then offered a resolution, directing the secretary of war to procure and cause to be laid be-

Fore the House at the next session a list of the invalid pensioners, who have been placed on the pension lists of the several states in consequence of known wounds received in the actual service of the United States during the revolutionary war, noting whether such pensioners served in the militia, or the line of the army.
Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. J. Randolph said he rose merely to notify the House that he should to-morrow make a motion in relation to the Journal of the secret proceedings of the House. On Saturday, he believed, the House had directed the injunction of secrecy to be taken off and the journal of their proceedings to be printed. In a few days after they saw something like in a newspaper. To day, for the first time, they found the official journal laid on their tables. Last session they had heard a flourish about economy in the printing of the House; and this session several days had elapsed before a small pamphlet was printed; and he would observe that notwithstanding the printing had been let out to the lowest bidder he found the same sum appropriated this year. He said he should to-morrow make a motion relative to the secret journal. When the injunction of secrecy was taken off, it was, he understood, to enable the good people of the U. States to become acquainted with the proceedings of this House. He was, however, convinced, that very few people would, from its perusal, know any thing about them.
SATURDAY, APRIL 5. Mr. Gregg, from the committee on public lands, to whom was referred a resolution of the House directing them to enquire into the expediency of repealing so much of the acts of the U. S. as authorise a credit on the purchase of public lands, made a report. Referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday.
A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed a bill received from the House of Representatives, to repeal so much of any act, or acts, as authorise the receipt of evidences of the public debt, in payment for lands of the U. S. and for other purposes relative to the public debt, with sundry amendments. These amendments were referred to the committee on Ways and Means.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. GREGG in the chair—on the bill from the Senate, making provision for the compensation of witnesses who attended on the trial of Samuel Chase.
The chairman stated that the amendment, under consideration at the time this bill was before the committee, was to insert in the first section "on the part of the U. S."—limiting the provision to the payment of witnesses on the part of the U. S. On this amendment, the committee divided—Ayes 39—Nays 35. On motion of Mr. J. C. Smith a new section was introduced providing for the payment of any expenses incurred by order of the managers.
The committee rose and reported the bill with these amendments. The House immediately took up the report. On concurring with the committee in their agreement to the amendment restricting the provision to the payment of the witnesses summoned "on the part of the U. States," the yeas and nays were taken, after a few remarks made by Mr. M. Williams against the amendment, and were, Yeas 51—Nays 54.
The House then concurred in the second amendment, when the bill was ordered to a third reading on Monday—Ayes 62. A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed the bill received from the House, entitled an act to continue in force an act entitled an act to authorise the secretary of war to issue land warrants, and for other purposes—with sundry amendments.
Referred to the committee on public lands. Mr. Gregg from the committee on public lands, reported a bill respecting the claims to land in the Indiana territory and the state of Ohio, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. VARNUM in the chair—on the bill to amend, in the cases therein mentioned, the "Act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage."
This bill establishes the town or landing place of Darien into a port of delivery; and contains the following provision in the third section, viz. "That so much of the 18th section of the "act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," as relates to the entry of ships or vessels arriving from the Cape of Good Hope, or from any place beyond the same;—and so much of the 77th sec. of said act as restricts the allowance of drawback to goods, wares, and merchandise, exported from the districts of original importation, or from those ports at which vessels from the Cape of Good Hope or any place beyond the same, are permitted to make entry, shall be, and hereby are repealed."
The effect of the first part of this provision would be to admit to entry vessels from or beyond the Cape of Good Hope at any port of entry in the U. S.
Mr. Clark moved to strike out the section. On this motion a debate ensued, in which Messrs. Clark, Ely, D. R. Williams, J. C. Smith, Quincy and Dana supported, and Mr. Crowninshield opposed the motion.
The question was first taken on striking out the first member of the section,
& passed in the affirmative—Ayes 73. When the motion to strike out the residue of the section prevailed without a division.
Mr. Quincy moved a new section for making Plymouth, in Massachusetts, a port of entry for vessels from or beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which was disagreed to—Ayes 7.
Mr. Blount offered a new section for erecting a district to be called the district of Acacock, in North Carolina, into a port of entry, which was agreed to; when the committee rose and reported the bill.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.
Mr. J. Randolph, after a short speech, relative to the proceedings of the House in secret on Spanish affairs, concluded by moving that the message of the President of the U. S. of the 6th of December, which appears to have been the basis of the measures taken, should be printed; that it should be inserted on what was called the secret journal; and that a new edition of the journal should be printed for the use of the members.
Mr. Jackson declared himself not only in favor of printing this, but all the other documents on the subject; but he submitted to the chair whether it would not be more consonant to the rules of the House, that the deliberation on this point should be with closed doors.
After considerable debate relative to the secret proceedings of the House and the propriety of publishing the message of the President, enquiry was made of the Speaker whether the message was not a part of the journal, the injunction of secrecy respecting which had been taken off.
The Speaker declared it to be his opinion that it was. From this decision an appeal was made by Mr. Blackledge, and afterwards by another member.
Before this question was taken a motion was made to adjourn, which was lost—Ayes 54—Nays 55.
A similar motion was made a short time afterwards by Mr. G. W. Campbell on which the Yeas and Nays were taken, & were Yeas 59—Nays 56—when the House adjourned until Monday.
[We shall in our next paper, give the whole of this debate.]
Extract of a letter from Baltimore, dated March 31.
"By an arrival this day from St. Domingo, in 17 days, it appears, that the Leader was actually at Jacquetel, organising and recruiting for the Maine. Captain Lewis of the ship Emperor, was, it is said, aiding and assisting Miranda, but was not to proceed with him."
LONDON, Feb. 10.
The publication of the documents in our paper of Saturday has excited universal indignation among the foreign ministers. In some respects it may be considered as an inconvenience, refusing to our foreign allies from our free constitution, that all their engagements with us are laid before parliament. The remnant of the late ministry, however, have not merely complied with the letter of the law in laying treaties before parliament, but they have, unasked, without a single motion or remark on the subject, presented a series of papers by which several of our allies, but particularly Austria, are most seriously injured. Had the publication of these papers made the cause of the late ministry more favorable, some would have thought that the anxiety of justification would atone for the imprudence. But here every thing published only shows the puerile absurdity of men, who upon such foundations could frame a system of action with the least hopes of success. The minister of Austria, count Starhemberg, must feel himself peculiarly hurt. It is evident too that Mr. Arthur Paget cannot remain longer at a court where his views of the leading persons, particularly the archduke Charles, must be so unpopular.
It is the universal opinion that the late ministers have totally destroyed themselves by this step. They are rendered ridiculous to this nation, and odious to our allies. We cannot concur in the opinion, however, that they intended to embarrass their successors, because this example of folly must convince every foreign nation that we cannot but profit by the change, and that we have now a ministry with which it will not be ruinous to enter into confidential intercourse.
Morning Chronicle.
LONDON, February 21.
Capture of Medina.
Last night a packet arrived at the India House from Mr. Barker, the company's resident at Bagdad, containing an account of the capture of Medina by the Wahabees, whose army having been reinforced from the desert, has overwhelmed the adjacent country, and taken the city by assault, with infinite bloodshed and devastation. They set fire to Medina in various places, destroyed the mosques, after having ransacked them of their valuable shrines and treasures, and completely demolished the tomb of the Prophet.
Some thousands of females of the first rank were carried off by the besiegers into the desert, with a number of the principal male inhabitants. A troop of camels were also sent away with jewels and other treasures to an immense amount.
Our letters from Holland continue to assert that Bonaparte perseveres in his earnest entreaties to the king of Prussia, to induce his majesty to shut his ports against the commerce of England, and it is feared the implacable tyrant will ultimately carry his point in this respect. Much however will depend upon the result of the negotiations now pending at Berlin, in which the Danish minister takes a conspicuous part.
A council of the cabinet ministers was yesterday afternoon held at Mr. Secretary Fox's office in Downing street. Rumor stated that the deliberations related to the subject of peace; but we could not trace this rumor to any authentic source.
A private letter from Bremen of the 11th inst. contains the following article relative to the sentences passed on the officers whose conduct produced the recent misfortunes to the House of Austria.
"You have of course heard that the archduke Charles has caused a thorough investigation into the causes of the misfortunes of the imperial arms in Germany, and, astonishing to think, the undermentioned persons, so high in the confidence of his majesty, are said to have had the following sentences passed upon them, for the criminal part they have acted in the late transactions—"
Prince Auersberg to be deprived of his nobility, his estates confiscated, and imprisoned ten years in the fortress of Spielberg.
Prince Lamperth imprisoned for life in the said fortress.
Gen. Jell sentenced to be shot.
Piyy counsellor Cullenbach ordered to quit the imperial states.
Counsellor Faszender to be dismissed from his office.
Field marshal Kaunitz and field marshal Auenberg have committed suicide while under arrest.
All the staff officers of the regiment of Kaunitz and Spork reduced and disgraced.
Count Cobentzel ordered to quit the country.
Gen. Mack's plans to be submitted to a board of general officers.
Thirty generals dismissed, and many more under examination.
The trimming policy of the cabinet of Berlin is universally reprobated in the North of Germany. It has formally acknowledged the mock sovereignty of Bavaria and Wirtemberg.
We received this morning American papers to the 16th ult. The Congress has been occupied in close sitting in the discussion of the differences between the court of Madrid and the U. S. as well as of the grounds of complaint preferred by the mercantile interest against the acts of violence that have been so frequently imputed to our cruisers. None of the proceedings in either case had however been allowed to transpire. The merchants of New York are extremely indignant at the restrictions & vexations under which they assert their trade-labors, from the conduct of British ships of war. Should their complaints be just, we sincerely hope that every explanation and facility will be offered by our government to preserve a good understanding with the U. S.
The merchants of the city of London have drawn up a petition to government, praying a more efficient protection than that hitherto offered to commerce. In this petition it is set forth, that notwithstanding the heavy convoy duty at present imposed, the number of our merchant ships captured during the last three months, has been far greater than during the whole of the present war besides. As a remedy for a grievance so serious and alarming, the merchants propose to government to commission an additional number of armed luggers to serve as convoy, and to cruise in the channel which now swarms with the privateers of the enemy.
We understand that a close blockade of all the enemy's ports is one of the measures determined upon by the new board of admiralty.
Accounts were yesterday received from Dublin, of partial disturbances having arisen in the county of Mayo, but wholly unconnected with any political question. They are stated to have originated solely in the vexatious manner, to the poorer classes, in which the tythes are let, and in which they are collected.
February 25.
The electors of Bavaria and Wirtemberg were proclaimed kings on the 1st day of this month at which time Napoleon was at Munich. A report had prevailed on the continent, that he intended making a visit to Berlin, where it appears the emperor Alexander is again expected.
February 26.
It is the general opinion in Spain that they will be compelled by the French to march an army against Portugal in the approaching spring. We recollect an article to this effect in the Mouiteur some days ago, given as intelligence received at Madrid, but which, in all probability, came direct from the French government.
HAMBURG, Feb. 11.
Letters from Hanover of the 8th inst. mention, that on the 7th, the regiment of the duke of Brunswick entered that city, and marched to Cell, where a Prussian field hospital had already arrived. The British troops have evacuated Bremen, and have for the most part re-embarked. A great desertion prevails among his Britannic majesty's legion. At the last fair, 300 of the cavalry arrived at Brunswick, where they sold their horses and baggage, and then proceeded farther.
Some of the German papers contain an account, that the French army had actually entered the kingdom of Na-
ples, and dispersed the combined forces in an engagement, in which the Prince Royal of Naples is said to have lost his life. These rumours, however, require official confirmation.
According to private letters from Paris, the Neapolitan ambassador Marquis De Gallo, had been ordered to quit that city within twenty-four hours. Cardinal Ruffo was expected there from Naples, but orders are said to have been sent by Napoleon to the frontier, not to permit him to enter the French territory. Their Sicilian majesties have returned to Palermo, and the king of Sardinia is returned to his island.
Since Bonaparte's return to Paris, the French bank has resumed its payments. Ninety-six large casks, full of gold and silver, escorted by a considerable body of troops, preceded Napoleon's entrance, and have been deposited in the palace of the Thuilleries.
General Lauriston has taken possession of Venice, in the name of Napoleon. The French boast much of having become such near neighbors of the Turks.
CASSEL, Feb. 1.
Letters from Berlin contain some curious information on the subject of the negotiations between Prussia and France particularly respecting Hanover. Even so far back as the 15th of December, an agreement was made between the courts of Berlin and St. Cloud, containing various projects, one particularly of which was, that Brunswick and Lunenburg should be taken possession of by Prussian troops; that the fortress of Hameln should be evacuated by the French; that France should immediately treat with England for a peace, and should receive Hanover as a conquered country for a compensation; and that she is to receive the same monthly contribution out of that electorate which she did when her troops were in possession of it.
CAUTION.
ALL persons are forewarned from taking an assignment of a BOND executed by the subscriber to John Phillibrown, deceased, in the month of April 1804. The said bond was given to execute a title to a tract of 1000 acres of land sold to the said Phillibrown, which the subscriber is, and always has been, ready to do, to such representative of the said Phillibrown, as is, or may be legally authorised to receive the same, on payment of the balance of 362 DOLLARS due to him for the purchase of the said land.
JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington, April 7—11
FOR SALE.
UPWARDS of 2000 acres of Land lying on each side of Little River in Loudoun county being part of the Goose Creek tract of land purchased of the late col. Charles Carter; the river runs nearly through the middle of it and forms on each side upwards of two hundred acres of low grounds, of which about forty acres is timothy. It is in general good farm land, and remarkable for the production of grass and of timothy in particular. About three fourths of the tract in my own occupation, the remainder in the possession of tenants. The land lies well, abounds in good springs, and has a sufficiency of white and red oak timber, and some fine poplars. The purchaser may be supplied with stock of every kind, also with from 20 to about 30 negroes in families, and taking them in that manner upon very reasonable terms; the land lies about the same distance (40 miles from Washington, Alexandria, and Dumfries, eight miles from Leesburg & six from Middlebury; there is on the part in my occupation a small dwelling house containing two rooms and an entry below, and two rooms above stairs, a kitchen, good stable and carriage house and other necessary buildings, all of them erected within the last five years, a good garden. The purchaser may be accommodated in the payments.
JOSEPH JONES. Near Leesburg, Loudoun County, April 7—epim
By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington, in the suit of James Barry, complainant, against
Dorothy O'Brien, James O'Brien, Mary Anne O'Brien and John O'Brien, defendants in Chancery;
Will be sold at Public Auction,
To the highest bidder on Monday the 28th of April inst. at Stelle's hotel. All those two parcels of land situate in the city of Washington near the Eastern Branch, and contiguous to Booth's wharf, bounded as follows:
The first beginning at the intersection at the west side of South Capitol Street, with Water Street, and running thence with South Capitol Street eighty-four feet, thence due west thirty feet two inches to Water Street, and thence with Water Street to the beginning. The second part beginning at the end of one hundred and fifty-six feet measured westwardly from the north east corner of square numbered six hundred and sixty-two on the south side of South R Street, running thence south one hundred and thirty feet, thence west forty-four feet three inches, thence north one hundred and thirty feet to South R Street, and thence east with the line of said Street to the beginning, with the improvements and appurtenances on the same two parcels of land or either of them being or appertaining. The only improvement, on the first piece or parcel of ground abovementioned is, a two story framed Dwelling House, and on the other a single story framed building—any person desirous of purchasing said property can be shown it by applying at the Clerk's Office.
The sale to commence at 12 o'clock precisely. The terms ready money, or money to be paid immediately on the Court ratifying and confirming said sale. The time of which ratification and confirmation, will be notified in the same papers in which the sale is advertised.
LEWIS FORD, Trustee. April 7—3w
IN THE CASE OF WILLIAM RUTHERFORD an insolvent debtor.
SIX months from and after the first day of February next is limited and appointed to the creditors of Wm. Rutherford to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee. A notice of this order is published in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer, three times in each paper prior to the first day of July next.
By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, Esq. WM. BRENT, Clk. April 7—3t
ALL persons indebted to the estate of Wm. Rutherford an insolvent debtor, will please make immediate payment, else facts will be instituted for the recovery thereof. THOMAS HERTY, Trustee.
FOR SALE.
The first Monday in May next, the property where I now live, with a HOUSE & LOT in George Town, Viz. Two Lots in square No. 1, fronting on Water and K Street, and adjoining the lower bridge over Rock Creek; the building are, a two story frame Dwelling house with a stable and Wharf, a two story frame Dwelling with an addition for a store house on Orange Street near the Methodist Meeting house George Town; one third of the purchase money will be required in hand, the other two thirds in twelve and eighteen months, the purchaser giving negotiable notes in George Town or the City banks. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock. HENRY SCHNIVLY. April 7—w3t
NOTICE.
The subscriber respectfully informs the inhabitants of Washington city that he has engaged to repair the PUBLIC PUMPS—Applications made at his house near the Wharf on Liber Creek will be only attended to. WM. YEATES N. B. Pumps made on the best construction and Pipes for conveying water on the shortest notice. 4th month 7th, 1806—3t
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is Published
By SAMUEL H. SMITH.
TRIAL
OF
SAMUEL CHASE,
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED
By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States. Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In Two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—10 subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public, with the expectation of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial.
Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers. March 22—
100 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber living near Montgomery Court House in the state of Maryland on Thursday the 26th of December last, a likely black man named BEN, about 38 years of age, straight and well made, 6 feet 2 or 3 inches high, thin visage, has a small scar in his forehead above the right eye, has remarkable long hair for a black person in plaits if not cut, and when cut short it don't nap as the general run of black people's do in common, his clothing is unknown, as he took away several suits of cloths with him, and he being an artful fellow I make no doubt but he has changed his name and clothes; and on the same day ran away from George Town in the district of Columbia, a likely negro woman named LETTY, the property of Mrs. Charity Wilson, Montgomery county Maryland, (near me.) Letty is about 30 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, straight and well made, she has a scar on one of her elbows, her clothing is unknown as she took away several suits and it is supposed that the two negroes are going in company and will endeavor to pass as free. I make no doubt but they have obtained a pass to that effect. Letty was hired, as a cook, to Mr. John Cox of George Town—hole negroes were seen in company together the evening they went off. Whoever takes up and secures the said negroes in any jail so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward, or 50 DOLLARS for either. THOMAS CLAGETT. March 31—w3t

FOR SALE. The subscriber has for sale a two story BRICK BUILDING, well situated for a retail store, being opposite the post office. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises. ROBERT HARRISON. April 2—3t
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a deed in trust from Daniel Ramey, I will offer for sale on the 3rd day of May next at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises for sale, part of lot number one in square number one hundred and forty five in the city of Washington, with a well built two story BRICK HOUSE on the same adjoining the lots of Robert Alexander, Esq. and now occupied by Mr. Sandford. The title is indisputable as may be seen on application to NICHOLAS VOSS. April 2—15m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superior cloths, single and double milled ditto, Bennet's pique, cord, woolen serge, and washable, fancy and best silk stockings, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, hamp coatings, plushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complement them in the newest style of fashion. His Ladies haberdashery, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington Dec 12—2t
This is to give Notice, THAT the subscriber hath obtained letters of administration on the personal estate of JOHN BOYCE, deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased, are requested to forward their accounts agreeable to law—all those indebted are wanted to make immediate payment. Given under my hand SARAH BOYCE. March 19—4t
Twenty Dollars Reward, WILL be given for apprehending negro RAME a very low and tolerable lousy woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having procured a false pass, and passes by the name of Charity Shorter; she was formerly the property of John C. Bittner of this country, and was run away for near eight years, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been lurking, I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Fort Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril. MASSEY SIMMS. Nov. 27—4t
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm now occupied, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. This farm is from the city of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom ledge, and from 40 to 60 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable. From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Seary residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill, Some 3 acres calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the State of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan 29—entf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel, lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 21—2t N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
Bank of Columbia. THE board of directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 30th inst. at the rate of ten per cent per annum. The same will be paid to the stock holders or their representatives on or after Thursday the 30th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 10—6m
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the Eastern Branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of Colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Welden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
City of Washington, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October, 1797, for regulating the materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone" and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorized by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June in the year 1796 to the first day of January last, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced it is deemed proper to revive the same with the exception hereinafter mentioned. WHEREFORE I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, Do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than 12 feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall such house be placed within twenty four feet of any brick or stone house. Given under my hand the twenty-fifth day of February 1806. TH. JEFFERSON. Feb 28—2m-8w
TO RENT. THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, etc. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Delano on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Hewitt, Esq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOSS. City of Washington, March 14—2m-8w
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD will be given for apprehending and securing so that the owner may get her again, a likely negro girl named ANN, about twenty years of age—of dark complexion, large eyes of rather a down look—& of middle stature. She absconded from George Town about four or five weeks ago, she formerly belonged to John Brent, Esq. near Fort Tobacco, in Charles County, State of Maryland. She took with her sundry articles of wearing apparel, among which were a black silk floor gown, and a red pink ditto. She appears, when spoken to, diffident and unassuming. The above reward will be paid if she is taken out of this district, and ten dollars if taken in it. GEORGE CLOYD, one of the Constables of George town. March 21—2m-8w
NORTH AMERICAN LAND COMPANY. THE subscriber having undertaken the entire guidance of the concerns of the North American Land Company, and being fully and legally authorized to that effect, by the President and Managers of the said company; hereby calls on all persons, possessing any property, title deeds, contracts, maps, &c. belonging to the company, to render up the same to him—and on all agents, surveyors, &c. heretofore employed in the service of the company, to communicate with him on the subject of their respective doings. He also calls on all persons indebted to the company for lands sold, to make payment, and on all who have claims, to render him their accounts duly attested. All persons possessing information interesting to the concerns of the company, are respectfully requested to communicate the same by letter or otherwise, and all persons disposed to purchase any of the property of the company, for cash, or on credit, are desired to make application to JAMES GREENLEAF, Secretary of the N. A. Land Com. Philadelphia, Feb. 19—w3t
War Department, March 1, 1806. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1806, until the 30th day of September 1807, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz: First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chikago, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and territory of Michigan, and at any place or places within the Indiana territory north of the 41st degree of north latitude. Second, At South-West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, Nashville, and within the Cherokee nation between Tennessee and Georgia, and on the road between said river and Nashville, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee. Third, At the garrison near Vincennes on the river Wabash, at Fort Massac, New Madrid, Chickasaw Bluffs, Arkansas, Natchez, & Fort Adams, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited in the Mississippi territory, except the county of Washington, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory south of the 41st degree of north latitude and fifty miles east of the Mississippi river. Fourth, At St. Louis, St. Charles, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Louisiana north of New Madrid, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory within fifty miles east of the Mississippi river, & south of the 41st degree of north latitude, Fort Massac excepted. Fifth, At New Orleans, Plaquemine, Point Coupee, Opelousas, Natchitoches, Apponec, Attakapas, Fort Stodder, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Orleans, or in the county of Washington in the Mississippi territory, and at any place or places on the west side of the Mississippi river below Arkansas. Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1807, to the 31st day of December of the same year, both days inclusive, within the several places herein after mentioned, viz: Sixth, At Fort Wilkinson, Cockspur Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Georgia, and on the Indian boundary between Georgia and the Creek nation. Seventh, At Charleston, Rocky Mount, on the head waters of the Santee and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of North and South Carolina. Eighth, At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Virginia. Ninth, At Fort M'Henry, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Maryland and the district of Columbia. Tenth, At Fort Mifflin, Carlisle, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, east of the Mountains, and within the states of New Jersey, and Delaware. Eleventh, At Pittsburg, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, west of the mountains. Twelfth, At Fort Jay, West Point, Albany, Schenectady, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of New York, Niagara and its dependencies excepted. Thirteenth, At Fort Ticonderoga, Fort Crown Point, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of Connecticut, Rhode Island and Vermont. Fourteenth, At Fort Independence, (Boston harbor) and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield, and the district of Maine, excepted. Fifteenth, At Portsmouth, Portland, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Hampshire and the district of Maine. Sixteenth, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations, which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts, and for the armorers and other persons employed in the United States' armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1807 to the 31st day of December in the same year, both days inclusive.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chikago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail a young Mulatto man slave named ANDREW. He was hired by me last year to Mr. Joseph Thomas who keeps the road to Alexandria, and absconded from that place about the latter end of August last. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, lanky and well made, has short curly hair, and is frequently subject to have several large pimples on his face. He is reckoned to be a sensible fellow of an easy agreeable address for a man in his low sphere of life. As he has not been heard of by me since his escape, I suppose he has had the address to slip himself as a freeman on board some vessel either at Alexandria or Baltimore. Whoever takes him up and secures him in jail shall receive from me the above reward, or as soon due information thereof is given to me or to Dr. N. P. Caufin at Port Tobacco. G. B. CAUSIN. Maryland Charles County, January 29—w3t
WANTED, A WOMAN that understands plain cooking and house work; likewise a GIRL of about 14 years of age to take care of children—none need apply but those who can bring unexceptionable recommendations. Enquire at the and house from the well end of the Six Buildings and at this office. Nov. 27—4t
It is understood that the contract of to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the U. S. shall be paid by the U. S. at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed. The privilege is understood to be reserved to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the seaboard, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months. H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. March 5—2m-6w
IRON WORKS ON POTOMAC. The Subscriber has for Sale or Rent, a good seat for a Furnace upon the North Branch of Potomac in Hampshire county, with plenty of ore already investigated at considerable expense and found to be good, a constant and sufficient stream with upwards of 30 feet fall, and the wood of more than 9000 acres of well timbered land; enough of which is arable to form a complete establishment. Connected with this may also be rented the forge built by Mr. John Potts at the Great Falls of Potomac, now the property of the subscriber. It is conceived that these two seats are particularly worthy of the notice of iron Masters of capital; as they are fully adequate to the supply of iron, in its various forms, to an extensive country, having Great demand for that article, both above and below the Blue Ridge. The Hampshire property is free from every encumbrance, and the payment of a very few thousand dollars due to the proprietor of the fee simple at the Great Falls (my lease of which is for upwards of 900 years at a low rent) for rents in arrears prior to my purchase, will render this property clear; and afford a complete establishment for all the various manufactures of iron, as well as for mills, with a convenient farm, &c. &c. I have seats equally eligible (if not superior) for furnace and forge, upon the river Shenandoah in this county, with ore, wood, and water, all convenient and soundant: which may be rented for a long term of years, with rich farming land attached thereto. FERNANDO FAIRFAX. Charles town, Jefferson Co. Virg. November 16—wtf
FOR SALE. ALL that tract of land which I purchased from Mrs. Mary Jenkins and on which I now reside lying in St. Mary's county on the Chesapeake bay three miles from St. Inigoes creek, containing 700 acres more or less. The advantages of this land are numerous, 400 acres are in wood abounding in oak, locust and poplar. The bay shore affords an inexhaustible source of excellent manure in the sea weed or sea ear as it is commonly called which is at all seasons thrown up in great quantities and is of easy access, lying immediately along side of the fields. No place can be better adapted than this for flock of all kinds. The woods yield abundance of acorns, and it abounds in grounds well calculated for meadows that produce great quantities of grass. The improvements of this place are likewise considerable. There are on it a good brick dwelling house, every necessary out house, a small water mill, and two tenements now under rent, besides all necessary fencing in good repair. Moreover there are many convenient springs of good water that do not fail in the driest seasons. Its situation renders it almost superfluous to mention that it lies convenient to the Baltimore, Norfolk and Alexandria markets. This valuable tract of land I will sell for one 4th cash and the remainder in one, two and three years. WILFRED MANNING. Great Mill, Jan. 31—3t&wtf
FOR SALE, A Handsome two story BRICK HOUSE, 22 feet front by 34 feet back, with a kitchen stable and carriage house, its situation for a public or private dwelling is superior to any house near the Navy Yard, it commands a perfect view of the Yard and shipping and is now rented for 300 dollars per annum. I will also sell a valuable unimproved Lot near the premises in sq 881—young negroes will be taken in part payment. For terms apply to the subscriber living near the Navy Yard, or to Mr. Samuel McIntire. NICHOLAS VOSS. Washington, Feb 14—w3t
WANTED, A WOMAN that understands plain cooking and house work; likewise a GIRL of about 14 years of age to take care of children—none need apply but those who can bring unexceptionable recommendations. Enquire at the and house from the well end of the Six Buildings and at this office. Nov. 27—4t
This is to give notice that if the heirs of a certain STEPHEN REYNOLDS, who died on his way from the western country in the month of August 1803, and supposed to have been a native of the State of New Hampshire or one of the Eastern states will apply to JOHN RING administrator living in the town of Cumberland, Allegheny county, State of Maryland, will hear of something to their advantage. By order of Allegheny county orphans court March 3—epan
WANTED, either a school master or mistress, to reside with a gentleman in the upper part of Virginia, apply at this office. March 19—
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
To Lease on Ground Rent, ON VERY MODERATE TERMS. TWENTY-NINE unimproved Lots of ground in the vicinity of the Navy Yard, in very eligible situations for private families. For particulars apply to the subscriber, who is in possession of the plats, and will shew the property. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK. March 28—6t
ON Monday the 21st day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold on the premises at 12 o'clock at public sale to the highest bidder, the dwelling plantation of the late WM. DISGES, containing 230 acres of Land—there is on the premises a handsome commodious dwelling house, stable, barn and negro quarters—the Land lies level, is of good quality and well suited to a plantation—there is an excellent garden and a great deal of choice fruit—the dwelling house is situate 4 miles from George town; and from the beauty of its situation, its healthiness and other advantages, a more desirable place for the residence of a gentleman cannot be offered. It is at present subject to the life estate of a Lady upwards of 70 years old, and will be sold under that encumbrance. And at the same time and place will be sold, plantation on Rock-creek, containing 215 acres, of which 100 acres is in wood—This tract has on it a fine Mill seat, distant about 5 miles from the city of Washington. And at the same time and place will be sold between 15 & 20 valuable likely negroes—men, women and children, among the former are some valuable tradesmen and farmers—the negroes are orderly and sober, and all raised in the family, and nothing but the embarrassments of the estate could compel a sale of them—Terms of sale for the negroes, notes with approved indorsers payable 1, 3 in 60, 1, 3 in 90 and 1, 3 in 120 days—the land on a credit of 1, 2, and 3 years with interest from day of sale—If any default in payment of any installment, the whole to become due. JOSEPH W. OLAGETT, } Trustees. PHILIP B. KEY. March 17—epanw.
THE subscriber at his floor near the Navy yard, offers for sale the following articles, viz: French Brandy, pipe or gallon. Jamaica Rum, hhd. or gal. Antigua & New-England Sugars. Loaf Sugars. 1000 weight superior green coffee 6 years old Brazil Madeira. London particular, do. Particular Teneriffe and Malaga Wines. Cherry bounce of a very superior quality. Imperial, Pylon, Young Pylon, & Pylon Skin Teas. A few tiers of rice. 14 keg chewing tobacco, and a parcel of excellent bacon, all of which will be sold on moderate terms for cash or approved papers. JOSEPH CASSIN. ALSO—A few cases of genuine Florence wine, and Whiskey by the barrel. March 21—2w.
TO RENT, THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
This is to give Notice, That the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans court of Calvert county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of Samuel Whittington late of Calvert county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the proper vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 19th day of March, eighteen hundred and six. WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Adm'e. N. B. All persons having claims against the partnership of Samuel Whittington and company are requested to make them known to the subscriber as speedily as possible. Those who are indebted to make immediate payment to WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Assignee of Francis Whittington, the surviving partner of S. Whittington & Co. March 26—3w
NOTICE. THE sale of the House and Lot No. 30 in square 728 in the city of Washington, advertised to be sold this day, at Mr. King's tavern, is unavoidably postponed until Monday the 14th April next when it will certainly be offered at Public Sale to the highest bidder at 4 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Wm. R. King's tavern. The terms of sale will be made known on that day, by SAMUEL TYLER. March 26—7t