The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1799-01-28 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 40.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME 1.]
Portland.
Monday, January 28, 1799.
Communication.
WHEN the Jacobins, both before and since the most happy elevation of Mr. Adams to the presidency of these States, have never spared a single dirty imputation which their profligate models the red-caps of France had lavished on all the rulers in the world, but endeavoured to bury him in the filth of political obscenity, shall I make an apology for shewing the readers of The Gazette the Vice-President self condemned and pleading guilty at the public bar? I shall make none; but while I "canvass him in his broad cardinal's hat," left any man should charge me with vanity in attacking so advanced a character, let it be premised that I deem the task a man holy duty, and in laying aside my respect for the people's choice and for Mr. Jefferson, am supported only by an honest indignation of which the reader will participate. Without further preface I shall begin a comment and paraphrase upon the letter to Mazzei, reciting its passages from first to last.
"Our political situation is prodigiously changed since you left us. Instead of that noble love of liberty, and that republican government which carried us through the dangers of the war, an Anglo-Monarchical-Aristocratic party has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose on us the substance, as they have already given us the form of the British government."
[This appeared in Florence Jan 1, 1797—so that it was written some time in 1796. The second period should be read thus—Instead of that noble love of liberty, and the old confederation, which carried us through the dangers of the war, it has been found proper to adopt the new constitution. Here then is Mr. Jefferson expressly in favour of an old crazy treaty between the States, and against a general government. Here is the very cloven foot. I have often said that this party were the true enemies of the constitution. Let their head speak for them.—"Noble love of liberty"—this means the blessed liberty of the last war—compare it with what he says by and by about "the tempestuous sea of liberty."—Instead of this, "a party" that is the people, have imposed on us, that is, the minority or anti-federalists, the new constitution, and are endeavouring to give it some stability.]
"Nevertheless, the principal body of our citizens remain faithful to republican principles. All our proprietors of lands are friendly to those principles as also the men of talents."
[So then—the major part of the people are for the old confederation, and "the tempestuous sea of liberty," are they? They are for "confusion worse confounded" by France. The Vice-president's language, Americans, in these periods is the very language of Belial—but I know what it means, and you that I know. Study carefully the first sentence and it will read thus—The majority are now (in 1796, against the government, and ready to overthrow it. These are the fellows that have been forever crying up the constitution, and charging the government with violations of it.—The next sentence may be read—We have landed all the landed property-owners, and the philosophers of our age have got their cue. This Mazzei had lived in Virginia—probably came over on purpose to mature the Illumination-plan of an unseal revolution in concert with such fit materials as he could find; and as the whole dramatic scheme was to have false appearance, and a far out side, so Mazzei wrote "philosophical researches," and Jefferson talked about "republican principles."—People of America, and people of the world, it is thus you are imposed upon, and alas! it is impossible to make you know it! The vile betrayer has always the fairest tongue—You should forever suspect him, but you never do.]
"We have against us (republicans) the EXECUTIVE POWER, the JUDICIARY POWER (two of the three branches of our government) all the officers of government all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to THE TEMPESTUOUS SEA OF LIBERTY, the British merchants, and the Americans who trade on British capitals, the speculators and persons interested in the public funds."
[Here I must crowd a volume into a nut shell. First he says, President Washington, and all the judges were against his party—True, Pittsburg proves it, and I hope they are none the worse. Not a word about the Legislature—No, no! this was when France had shaken the house of representatives, and the people were obliged to spur them by addresses.—But all the officers of government were against the republicans, it seems—Why then, of course, the republicans must be against the government, I think. And this all appearances have constantly evinced. But now for the cloven foot again—What is the class and character of these republicans? Not timid men, I warrant you, nor those who live peaceably under the calm despotism (God confound your art, sir, I can hardly expose it) of the federal constitution—but those who love the tempestuous sea of LIBERTY—good, hardened,
thorough-paced, revolutionists, fit for the work of making the people believe they were doing God service in overturning the government, and calling in France. These were the fellows!—TEMPESTUOUS SEA OF LIBERTY! Blessed escape from the dark bosom of illuminated and disciplined caution! Had not the new language of dulcet philosophy, had not the double-refined vocabulary of THE GREAT PLAN, a phrase besides "tempestuous sea"—Could not the plain avowal of a design to subvert all government be possibly avoided by the talents of Mr. Jefferson? Unfortunate figure of speech! Unseasonable proneness to poetic fire?—Might not the letter be intercepted?—That Homer should so nod!—I pass over the rest as trash, compared with this.]
"I should give you a fever, if I should name the apostates who have embraced these heresies; men who were Solomons in council and Samsons in combat, but whose hair has been cut off by the whore of England."
[Good lively language for lamentations!—This means that Washington, Adams, and others were for supporting the federal constitution.]
"They would wrest from us that liberty which we have obtained by so much labor and peril; but we shall preserve it. Our mass of weight and riches are so powerful, that we have nothing to fear from any attempt against us by force. It is sufficient that we guard ourselves, and that we break THE LILLIPUTIAN TIES by which they have bound us in the first slumbers which succeeded our labors. It suffices that we arrest the progress of that system of ingratitude and injustice towards France, from which they would alienate us, to bring us under British influence."
"[They]—who are "they"?—I have shewn who we are—now let us examine a little better who are they and them. We must try this by what they were to do. They would wrest from us that liberty obtained by the war—that is they would make us obey the constitution and the laws. They then means the government.—But we (mind the confidence of the sedition in 1796—and bless God now!) But we are so powerful as to have nothing to fear from what? Why, from the government and laws!—for the word "force" here used in so unprincipled a manner signifies that if "we" should at any time rebel or refuse to obey the laws, the government had not a sufficient share of the people's confidence to be able to quell the insurrection or enforce the laws. People! was this so? The more is the shame for you, if it was! So much for the government—the remainder of this exquisite letter, if there were any distinction, I would say, let the people thank him for.—"It is sufficient that we guard ourselves"—Yes, yes—belt to keep close, and act warily—"and break THE LILLIPUTIAN TIES"—Now I should be glad to see how the Proteus, jacobinism, will escape me—Read the description of the ties—They are THE CONSTITUTION!—Yet, if my reading does not mislead me, the cords of Lilliput held Gulliver town—Mr. Jefferson is unfortunate in figures—So now the Lilliputian ties will not be broken—The monitor is by infinite industry, and patriotic unity of exertion, chained to the ground—Flemmap has been too much for him. But when the constitution should be broken, what then? Why, the system of ingratitude to France should cease—that is, the neutrality of which France complained should be resumed, and France might use us as she pleased. We thank you, sir, now some three years after your piety to France, for what your profound wisdom and patriotism would have provided for us. And as one, I most heartily hope you will receive proper thanks from the Electors of the Supreme Executive by being most contemptuously neglected.]
As in the last number I filed this letter flimsy and contemptible, it is necessary to guard against a class of readers who reckon cunning and management for abilities. There is some finessing of these in the letter before us, and let any body make a great man of it that can and chooses. To me it is so far from standing as greatness of any kind, that though it opens to my view more secrets than I can develop to the public at this time, yet it only proves that he was rather a clumsy linguist in the cant of his party, and if he excelled any other "false and hollow" demagogue, that it was only in this, that desaturation of principle in the subalterns was sometimes followed by qualms and even repentance—in Mr. Jefferson it seems to be total and desperate, because he must know the length which his party was to go.
[To be continued.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Such Things Are.
NUMBER VI.
IT is curious to hear our modern reformers dissonate on the RIGHTS OF MAN, as if our Federal Government was an imposition, and our federal rulers a horde of tyrants, who have nothing in view but their own elevation, and accumulation of wealth. They feel no oppression from government—and yet they bellow and vociferate against it, as if it was kept in operation by a set of eastern Haktins and
Shaitans. Whence do they gather these strange and perverse ideas? If they are asked this question, they instantly reply, look at the republics of Greece and Rome—all power was lodged in the assemblies of the people—they could depose the administrators of the public will at their pleasure, and they were happy.
It must be confessed that Greece and Rome in their glory exhibited many proofs of their greatness, and many examples of virtue and public spirit worthy of imitation: But to adopt their political sentiments, we must become a band of warriors—innured to toil—patient of fatigue—and the plunderers and robbers of the world; the art of war must be cultivated in our schools—we must seek every occasion to declare it—to irritate & provoke our neighbors.
The ancients knew nothing of a representative government;—their systems were always verging to one of the two extremes—to a wild and frantic democracy of the people, or to the worst and most cruel despotism of the Nobles. The Nobles and Plebeians were constantly at war for power; and during these struggles, which lasted many centuries, Rome was filled with the blood of its citizens. It is hard to say which party inflicted the most evils, or had the best pretensions to civil rule. If their governments had been composed of two or three branches, armed with the necessary checks, it is more than probable that they might have been freed from massacre, rebellion and revolution. We have only one instance of a government, approaching to the wise, recorded in history, and this was of short duration—we mean the amphictyonic league. When Greece was threatened with an attack from its hostile neighbors, the several cities and tribes, such as Athens, Sparta, Thebes, &c. united for the common defence. They formed a general assembly, called the council of the Amphictyons, to which all the cities and tribes sent deputies. To this council was confided the right of war and peace, and a power to require of each department its proportion of the public burthen. This famous compact first suggested the idea of the American confederation—from which most of it is copied. They resembled each other in many particulars—they each possessed only one branch—had no power to levy and collect taxes—no separate judiciary:—They each possessed the right of requisition, but were destitute of legal authority to enforce the observance of decrees. It is hardly necessary to say, that the want of adequate power, precipitated their ruin. The one was destroyed by the intrigues of Macedon, the other by the peaceable substitution of a better.
From this small portion of history it may be inferred, that a representative government is the only legitimate authority among men, because no other system is so capable of knowing the feelings and interests of the people; and we venture to assert that no government on earth is so perfect either in principle or practice as that of America. It is possibly true that the English government, as applicable to Englishmen, is as perfect in theory as our own—but in practice it has imbibed many errors;—the change of circumstances, and the fluctuation of events, have undoubtedly produced them; and the unequal representation of the people in the House of Commons may be ascribed to these causes. We would not be understood to advocate a hereditary Executive, and a hereditary House of Lords, as a general principle—all we contend for is, that the systems of government are not, like the systems of morality, permanent and immutable: They must necessarily be rigorous and despotic, or mild and free, as fit the habits, tempers, and circumstances of the people: If the people be ignorant and barbarous, the iron hand of power alone can rule them; but if they be enlightened and liberal, they may have a remote share in the administration of government, without endangering the public safety. This is the case in America—and it may be so in a degree in England—but we cannot think the French nation qualified for any other government than that of a monarchy. It is in the very nature of Frenchmen to look with respect on the splendors of royalty, and to reverence the emblems of power. These prejudices they imbibed with their milk; and they can no more change their dispositions respecting the flamina of government than the Leopard can his skin. True it is that a combination of circumstances, not in the usual and ordinary course of calculation, have lasted for a time the operation of these principles and prejudices—but it is equally true that these circumstances have produced a system of civil rule as monstrous in its nature as it is fatal to the nation; and in the agitations of France, and in the whirlwinds of her excentric progress, we may easily discover symptoms of the reëstablishment of her ancient government. It is folly to suppose that the reign of terror can last long—the cloud is already charged with electric fluid, and the storm will soon burst on the heads of the Directory; and then a new order of things, more convenient to the tables and inclinations of Frenchmen, will be the result of these fatal experiments—by which France has been demoralized and
depopulated. These are the effects of the modern Rights of Man, preached up by Tom Paine and Tom Jefferson—calculated to disturb the peace of the world by revolution, and to destroy every civil and moral principle in the universe. A few more French revolutions will extinguish mankind, and leave none to deplore their fate.
Fellow citizens! cling to our government as the rock of our political salvation—support its administration, and punish the man who dares to propagate sedition, or to excite prejudices against our constituted authorities—for on these our national safety depends.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. JENKS, I AM much surprised to observe in your last paper, a piece signed Hutchinson Noyes, Rowland Davis master of fbr. Raby, and Amos Knight; wherein after reciting a note annexed to a number of Public Spirit, published in your Gazette of the 3d Dec. 1798, appears the following—
"We the subscribers all belonging to the vessel alluded to do declare that the above is false, scandalous and malicious, and that the writer is a scoundrel."
Now sir, were it not that some of the most respectable characters in Portland are implicated in this bold assertion, perhaps I should pass over, in silent contempt, the abuse endeavored to be thrown at me.
I am entirely unacquainted with Messrs. Davis and Knight, nor ever law them to my knowledge, and am much at a loss to conceive why their names are put to the curious publication. 'Tis not possible for me to state the reason—I must therefore resort to conjecture—Perhaps these persons being confessedly on board the vessel and one of them skipper, were fearful they should come in for their share of the odium; but the public will see, before I conclude, that what I have mentioned in the note, so far from being false, is strictly true, and even not all the truth;—then it will be evident, that the monstrous absurdity, and the marvellous injustice, of such abusive epithets to an anonymous writer, entitles them to no mercy. When a man thus attacks the character of a stranger, who never saw him, and with whom he is entirely unacquainted, he is more than the assassin who slabs in the dark, for he aims the blow as he knows not whom.—It is Davis and Knight as injudicious the situation they have placed themselves in, will deprive them of any claim to an apology. It is possible that unadvisedly they subscribe, be it without being acquainted with its contents; or that they authorized Mr. N. to put their names to what he might think proper to write, and thus their signatures appear to vouch for what they never intended; and this seems rather probable, for I have good information, that another name was added, which Mr. N. deleted out—because he knew not for the man. But when of these conjectures, or whether either of them is well founded, I will not undertake to determine. I shall leave the other two persons and confine myself to Mr. Noyes.
When I wrote the number of Public Spirit alluded to, and the note in question, principles and not persons were the subjects of my animadversion; and although some names were mentioned, because it was indispensable to effect my object, I made no recriminations on any man's private and moral character. And in the note which Mr. N. so unfortunately for himself has taken such public notice of, I merely related the substance of a story which in Portland was a common topic of the day;—nor did I know till some days after Public Spirit was sent to the press, who was meant by Mr. Noyes of Falmouth, having been informed that there are about twenty of the same name in that town—and possibly I never should have known had not Hutchinson Noyes came forward and declared himself the man.—By an inspection of Public Spirit, or the transcript of the note which I suppose to be correct in Noyes's publication, it will appear only as a report—"Tis said" &c. That such a report was current at that time, scarcely one citizen in Portland need be informed;—and probably it might still have been so considered had not Mr. N. himself unhappily confirmed it.
I recollect a little anecdote, which, here may be deemed not impertinent—"Tis said that an eminent divine preaching a sermon against drunkenness, made some severe observations. A person addicted to this vice, who happened to be present, tho' unobserved by the preacher, attacked him after service was over, and complained of the severity of his remarks, which he considered as pointed at him—"My good friend," said the clergyman, "I did not know you were present, and had not your conscience flattered I should never have known that I hit you."
When a man of whom an unseemly truth is related, attempts to vindicate himself, he generally plunges deeper in the mire.—Thus it is with Mr. Noyes—for in the first paragraphs of his page, he said it was a bad shame that this old story should be "ripped up" that he had already been sufficiently mortified for his unbecoming conduct in that affair. He said indeed, that the story was not true, for he was not master of the vessel; he believes, however, that he did—on the President; that there was no bloody flag hoisted at mast head—but that somebody fixed a red flag on an oar over the stern—that he might have said something foolishly which would be better "unfaded."—Mr. N. may deny this too, if he pleases, but unluckily he has said it all to many persons in Portland since the publication of Public Spirit.—After these confessions of Mr. N. I might leave him to his contemplations, and the public to make their own comments; but, since I am thus provoked by him, I hope he will not complain because I deem something more to be necessary.
I might appeal to Capt. Isaac Gage, Capt. Daniel Tucker, and many other gentlemen in Portland for the truth of the facts in the note, but Mr. Noyes's confessions have made the appeal totally unnecessary.
Mr. N. will suffer me to ask him, why he did not direct his hostility to the gentlemen who brought the story from Haverhill, instead of Public Spirit who only related a fact which he did not originate, and which was a common report at the time?—Tis in vain for Mr. N. to say he did not know the persons;—for it is a well known truth, that he did know the gentlemen who first mentioned it—I leave the public and Mr. N. to comment upon the fact.—Does he come forward with fearfulness to Public Spirit, in order to intimidate him? As as 'tis a vain attempt. Public Spirit has the feelings and spirit of an American, and his indignation rises at a conduct so highly reprehensible in any citizen of the best government in the world.
It is said that he not is "false, scandalous and malicious." O! let us let the public judge. And whether such conduct, and such language, with some other expressions, the vulgarity and indecency of which I will not pollute my pen with, are scandalous to Mr. Noyes,

its political character, with which I am little acquainted, must determine. That they are malicious I utterly deny, for nothing can be more true than that I did not know what Noyes was intended, when I wrote Public Spirit , nor until the man unhappily discovered himself.
After what has been said, the assertion that Public Spirit is a scandal , because he published to the world a report which the whole town of Portland knew, and which Noyes has himself confessed to be true, even admitting the trifling variation of common report, that he was not master of the vessel, and that the flag was not hoisted at mast head but on an avast , is not worthy of any answer from me. To the public, I freely submit my reputation, and doubt not they will fix the opprobrious epithet on the proper person. But the egregious folly the ridiculous absurdity , of such abuse to an anonymous writer, and when the truth of the facts is confessed , instead of raising more indignation , rather entitles the unfortunate man to my pity . O impudence, how art thou brow-braten! O folly, where is thy end!
THE AUTHOR OF PUBLIC SPIRIT.
NATIONAL CONCERNS.
Legislature of the Union.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
JANUARY 9.
A RESOLUTION for information on the proceeds of the Stamp Act passed.
The bill on the subject of Spurious Envoys passed. The penalty 5000 dollars, and imprisonment.
IN SENATE. Jan. 10. 1799.
On motion of Mr. Stockton, seconded by Mr. Ross,
That William Blount was an officer of the United States within the meaning of the constitution of the United States, and therefore liable to be impeached by the House of Representatives. That as the articles of impeachment charge him with high crimes and misdemeanors supposed to have been committed while he was a Senator of the United States, his plea ought to be overruled.
The Yeas were 11—Nays 14.
So it was carried in the negative, and the plea will of course be allowed, and the defendant discharged.
HOUSE—Jan. 11.
The debate on the Spurious Agent Bill was continued.
Morday Jan. 14.
Several private petitions were read, and disposed of.
January 15.
Mr. Harper, from the committee of ways and means proposed the following resolution:
“Resolved, that the committee of ways and means have leave to report a bill to authorize the reimbursement of money advanced by our Consuls, for the aid of sick and destitute seamen in foreign countries.”
The unfinished business was taken up,—
And the Bankrupt Bill was finally decided upon and lost—There being forty four in favor of it and forty seven against it.
Army of the United States.
PHILADELPHIA, JAN. 10.
THE Senate of the United States have concurred in the appointment of the Officers of one new regiment of Cavalry, & six new regiments of Infantry.
THE report of the Secretary of War, made to the President of the United States, the 24th December, and by the latter communicated to Congress, is one of the best State Papers we ever recollect to have read.—The present situation of the United States is plainly portrayed, and the necessity of their being constantly prepared to repel aggression, is enforced with all the energy of truth and patriotism. “Paying due respect to the state of things; regarding the overthrow of a large portion of Europe, as not entirely chimerical, and standing as it were, in the midst of falling empires,” the Secretary thinks “it will be our prudence to cultivate a spirit of self-defence, and endeavour, by unremitting vigilance and exertion, under the blessings of Providence, to hold the scales of our destiny in our own hands.” Such is the wise maxim of the Secretary at War—and he recommends some amendments in the organization of the army, which are presented in the concise view, in the subsequent recapitulation:—
1st. A new modification of the military, so as to admit of an increase of numbers to the companies and regiments, in case of war; an alteration in the denomination of certain grades; and a perfect uniformity of arrangements in corps of the same species of troops.
2d. Regulations to preserve to the companies and regiments, their competent number of officers, in cases where any are taken from the line to act as aids-de-camp, inspectors, pay-masters, quarter masters, &c.
3d. To designate the grades, from which aids-de-camp and officers of inspection may be taken, in order to prevent the multiplication of the higher grades.
4th. To add to the existing establishment, two companies of horse, to be denominated, and act as hussars; and a surgeon, and mates to the regiment of cavalry.
5th. To include in the arrangement for the war establishment, a proportion of rifle-men, estimated at one twentieth of the whole number of infantry.
6th. An alteration in the provision for a quartermaster-general, to ensure the procurement of
a fit character, to execute the duties of this important office.
7th. A provision for an hospital department for the army.
8th. A power to procure from abroad, one distinguished engineer, and also an officer of artillery, and suitable appointments for the same.
9th. To provide for the appointment of an inspector of fortifications.
10th. That the choice of an inspector of artillery be left at large.
11th. A provision for altering and fitting the clothing issued to the soldiers.
12th. An alteration in the ration to be issued to the troops.
13th. A provision for the reasonable expenses of officers and soldiers in returning to their homes, when disbanded, or incapacitated by age or sickness, for further service.
14th. A revival and extension of the power to raise a provisional army.
15th. A specific provision for the appointment of appropriate officers for the volunteer companies, that are or may be accepted, when formed into regiments, brigades, or divisions; and for pay and rations to such volunteers, for those days in every year, it may be necessary to assemble them in bodies, for the purposes of discipline and training.
16th. A further provision for the extra services and emoluments of the inspector general, and to allow him, besides his aids, one secretary.
17th. The employment of a purveyor of public supplies, exclusively for the war department.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
ANSWERS TO THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH OF THE SENATE.
May it please your Excellency,
THE Senate, with sincere satisfaction, receive and reciprocate the patriotic sentiments contained in your address to the two Houses of the Legislature.
Amidst the trials and commotions which at present agitate so great a part of the world, the “tranquil and prosperous” state of the Commonwealth, altho’ should be the subject of our grateful acknowledgements to the Supreme Arbiter of Nations—May he dispose us, and our fellow citizens at large, to manifest our gratitude for the distinguished blessings which we enjoy as a people, by a uniform obedience to the laws, & a respect for the magistrates by whom they are faithfully administered.
If an administration of the general government, founded upon the principles of justice, & dictated by the purest motives could have protected us either against foreign aggression, or have insured the universal approbation of our own citizens, the American people might have expected a long and happy season of repose and safety. But the experience of the present age affords an ample evidence, that the existence of our national honor and interest depends, under Providence, upon our power to defend them.
Under the impression of this important truth, and from a careful review of the conduct of the present ruling powers of France, we look upon the prospect of an amicable and honorable adjustment of our differences with that nation as uncertain and delusive. We therefore cordially unite with your Excellency in declaring, that we ought to “stand prepared at our Country’s call” to defend to the last extremity these invaluable rights which the best blood of our country has been expended to secure.
Having an unshaken confidence in the wisdom & patriotism of the Federal Government, their preparations for our defence (should the unjust conduct of France drive us to the last resort) will meet our cheerful and ready co-operation. But from the present view of her situation, we have less to fear from her arms than from her insidious attacks upon the virtue of the people. That there should remain a single citizen in America so unhappily prejudiced as not to have developed her baneful influence & enmity, or armed himself against their pernicious operation is a subject both of astonishment and regret. Her recent conduct to the nations of Europe and America, her earliest friend, affords a solemn admonition to all those who are yet blind enough to believe her the friend of liberty.—From this conduct we are compelled to believe that her measures are dictated by nothing short of an insatiate thirst for empire & dominion, regardless of the property or rights of those from whom they may be wrested.
“Let then the remains of political dissensions cease, and all orders of men unite in displaying those virtue, and that manly patriotic spirit which the exigencies of the times demand.”—And when the period shall arrive at which the sword of self-defence must be drawn , may we be inspired by the recollection, that as free born Americans, we can surrender our liberties but with our lives .
The Senate assure your Excellency, that the several subjects of a local nature recommended in your address to the consideration of the Legislature, shall receive their immediate and particular attention
OF THE HOUSE.
May it please your Excellency,
THE House of Representatives receive with pleasure from the Supreme Executive, an assurance, which their own observation fully corroborates, that the internal state of the Commonwealth, has been tranquil and prosperous during the recess of the Legislature. This tranquillity and prosperity, they fully agree, is attributable, under Divine Providence, to the strong attachment of the people to their government, and to the faithful and impartial ex-
ecution of the laws. This state of things, so favourable to the public happiness will undoubtedly continue so long as our citizens are distinguished by their moral and religious habits, their virtue, their industry, their love of social order, and their attachment and confidence in a government established by their wisdom, supported by their energy, and administered by officers of their choice. Every page, however of ancient and modern history exhibits melancholy proofs, that the best internal regulations, the purest motives, the most inviolable good faith secure no exemption from foreign insults and usurpations; and the inference which irresistibly impresses itself upon the mind, is that nations should rely rather on their own power , than on the justice of other governments, and should be always prepared to maintain their rights, when other nations cease to respect them.
In review of the past history of our country, we can recollect no period more critical, no moment pregnant with events more interesting than the present.
Having established the independence of our government, on the basis of justice and rational freedom, we had a right to cherish the expectation, that by cultivating our national and political advantages we should insure to ourselves & our posterity, peace, liberty and safety, but this fond and delusive picture of the imagination has been torn away by the lawless hand of an ambition. In the peaceful possession of a good and fertile country, acquired by the value and bloodshed by the toils of our Fathers, and in the enjoyment of the highest possible degree of civil and religious freedom, confident with a good order, our political pilots wittingly determined to adopt, and conscientiously pursue a system of impartial neutrality, by which our local, moral and political advantages might be secured to us, and by which we might be equally preserved from the vortex of European convulsions. But this wise, just and pacific policy very early gave umbrage to the perfidious and unprincipled rulers of France, and from that moment every insidious as well as open, every secret as well as public weapon, which art and ingenuity could devise, has been employed to force the United States into the sanguinary & destructive contest.
The Ministers and Agents of France, authorized and unacknowledged, avowed and private have been busily employed to disseminate principles subversive of our government, destructive to our system of neutrality, and calculated not only to produce dissensions, and to separate the people from their government, but to effect a change in the moral, religious, and political habits and opinions of the citizens of this country, which would unfit them for the support of any government. But the God of our fathers has been the cloud by day, and the pillar of fire by night, and through his over-ruling influence, the citizens of the United States, are yet free, happy and independent. The recollection of the overtures which have been made by the United States, to accommodate the existing differences with the French Republic and the causes of their failure, excites no ordinary degree of indignant sensibility. The whole world not tributary to France, and impartial posterity will bear testimony, that the late negotiations exhibited on the part of the United States, moderation, candor, purity, good faith, and an anxious solicitude for peace; on the part of France, overbearing insolence, a venal and prostituted spirit, a contempt of natural justice, and of national compass, and a disposition to sacrifice the peace of both nations to sordid and mercenary views. From such causes & from the existence of such a temper on the part of France have we been reduced to our present critical, expensive, and alarming situation, and although we as highly appreciate as your Excellency the blessings of peace, and participate in the pleasing conviction, that the Chief Magistrate of the Union is sincerely attached to a pacific policy, at once the interest and the wish of the United States, yet this treasure would be too dearly bought by a surrender of even a portion of our Honor, our Liberty or Independence.—We ardently wish for peace, but we would obtain it only through constitutional and authorized channels, upon terms compatible with our national character and interest, and productive of permanent not temporary safety.—We fully accord with your Excellency, in the sentiment that no rational grounds can be discerned for a relaxation of our energies.—So long as France shall remain in absolute subjection to men whose ambition is domination, and whose thirst, plunder, we can see no consolatory prospect of reparation for our past wrongs, or security against future.
We should then most unquestionably violate the first law of nature, Self preservation, we should be ungratefull to that Being, who has blessed us with ample resources, if we should neglect to use them in our own defence.—Nor do we dread the result, for, with a PATRIOT & STATESMAN, at the helm, who is capable of inspiring a whole nation with noble sentiments, and with a HERO in the field who is himself a HOST, “America’s hardy sons cannot fail of displaying that native enterprise and valor for which they have been always distinguished.”
Your Excellency need not entertain an apprehension that you will be forced of a wish to precipitate the United States into a war.—The known moderation, and temperate virtue which you have uniformly displayed, forbid such an imputation.—The observations which your Excellency has been pleased to make evidently proceeded from a dignified spirit which prevades every part of the United States, and which has exhibited itself in glowing colours from Maine to Georgia —a Spirit , which produces a generous and undiminished confidence in the government of the United States and a firm determination
to support its measures.—a Spirit , which prefers open hostility to indirect warfare,—danger and even death to a tame and ignominious forbearance—Death to Slavery—A Spirit , which must convince France and the World, that the Citizens of America united by reciprocal ties of interest and affection, will stand or fall together.
The state of the Fortifications, of our Militia and of the Convicts merit and shall receive our early and serious consideration, and in all our legislative acts we shall keep steadily in view the promotion of justice and general welfare of the community in which important objects, we doubt not we shall meet with your Excellency’s most hearty concurrence.
HOUSE, &c.—WEDNESDAY, JAN. 16.
Committees were raised to report on the public business necessary to be acted upon the present session—To consider of measures for a new impression of the Statute Laws—To consider what measures are necessary relative to the unappropriated Lands of the Commonwealth—To report on the Judiciary System—And to consider of the ultimate disposal of the convicts.
Jan. 17. A resolve relative to Portland Academy was read and accepted.
The attention of the House has for some time been occupied by private petitions, &c.
From a Philadelphia paper of Jan 12.
LOCAL.
Mr. Harper, in the course of his observations on Thursday, read & commented upon a memorial which he stated to have been presented to the French minister of foreign relations by a certain gentleman lately returned from France. After he sat down, being asked by Mr. Nichols to favor the House with a sight of what he had read, he laid it on the table. The following is a copy of it.
To the Minister of Foreign Relations.
The undersigned, a firm friend to the principles of the French revolution, and well known as such, in his own country, the United States of America, begs leave, Citizen Minister, to expose to you in writing, what he cannot with facility do by conversation, the motives which have induced him to quit his home and visit this country at a crisis like the present, when the political relations of France and America are so near experiencing a total dissolution.
Without any official character and wholly unauthorised from any quarter, but knowing it to be his right, and believing it to be his duty, he comes as an individual citizen to offer you his opinion on the best means of restoring harmony and a good understanding between the governments of the two republics, and at the same time to support his own opinion with what he knows to be that of all the principal characters in America, famed for their sacred love of liberty in general and attachment for your cause in particular. Their hearts are overcome with sorrow when they reflect that so great a number of American patriots, who have fought and conquered side by side with Frenchmen, and whose blood has flowed in the same trenches, are now forced to gird on their swords and combat hubs ? those same generous Frenchmen.
By what fatality, Citizen Minister, has this unfortunate quarrel been suffered to arrive at the present crisis? Why are the enemies of France and America to be so highly gratified?
France will no doubt answer, America was originally in the wrong, and gives us no explanation: the government of the United States will deny this, and offer its own complaints. But unhappily the danger of a rupture is now become too imminent to permit recriminations on the one part or the other. Is peace desired by France? The friends of liberty in America have ever been ready and willing to admit it.
When we have seen the numerous depredations made on our commerce, particularly in the West Indies, some by cruisers without commissions, others by commissioned cruisers, but condemned on the most frivolous pretensions, we have with pleasure sought a pretext in the mal conduct in the agents of government, and not carried our indignation to the government itself: the late arrest of the Directory has proved that we were right?
We have seen with the most lively regret the non-success of the negotiations at Paris: we neither blame one government nor the other, that these have not been brought to an happy issue; we prefer directing all our efforts to revive the expiring flame of friendship and goodwill, that ought not for a moment to have been diminished, and to baffle the infamous intrigues of the enemies of France and America, who in no way, can be so much gratified as by bringing the two republics to an open rupture.
The advantage of speaking the same language, gives the enemies of France an opportunity of knowing well the American People: they know that the purest republican principles govern the mass of them; that their magistrates, once chosen, are the organs of the people during the time for which they are chosen, notwithstanding their administration may be attended with errors, and even faults. If, therefore, they can provoke the rupture they so ardently will for, they are sure that every American will rally round the standard of government; and a government so supported will be a most useful ally to them.
I wish, citizen minister, (and here I know that I convey the wishes of all who deprecate a separation from France, and particularly that great friend to liberty, so well known in this country, Mr. Jefferson) to impress on the minds of the government the truth contained in the foregoing paragraph, it is essential that they should feel and be well convinced of it, in order that they may be on their guard against it.
* Probably meant easy . † Probably means secure . ‡ Probably meant immiserent . || Probably by meant  easy .

ingants, who will not fail to engage them to count in case of a rupture, on a powerful party in America, to assist the plans of France, and even to aid in case of an invasion. The contrary, be assured, citizen minister, will be the effect; the very idea strikes all true native Americans with horror; they are ardently desirous of an accommodation with France; but desirous as they are of an accommodation, they would be no less ready to support their government in war, & particularly in opposing with energy all foreign invasion. This truth admitted, France has to consider which is most for her own interest, to make an enemy of United America, and to throw her thus united into the arms of G. Britain, or by a great and magnanimous conduct to draw back those wandering affections, which intrigue and misfortune have estranged for a moment, & leave the true American character to blaze forth in the approaching elections.
France has now, citizen minister, an opportunity of gaining or losing the affection of America for ever; she has lately shown an unequivocal desire of preserving peace with her; but she has not yet done enough for her own interest. What she has done will have but little effect, while the embargo exists and American seamen are confined in prison; let them be released, the embargo raised as soon as possible, and a minister sent to America with liberal instructions; the dispute will then cease, amity, and a good understanding will be immediately restored; you will rejoice the hearts of all true Americans; their children will lift your praises, and their fathers will inspire their young minds with love & affection for their ancient deliverers.
I know that the measure of sending a minister immediately to Philadelphia may be considered as an act of condescension. But there are cases, citizen minister, where condescension is magnanimity. The object is to strike dead at one stroke the intrigues of the enemies of France both in England and America.
That government, between the two Republics, which shall take the first & most irresistible step towards this great object, will acquire the highest honor. Though, as an American, I might wish that this honor might belong to my government, yet as a Philosopher I am only desirous, that the good should be done, without being anxious, who shall be the author of it.
Permit me to close with another observation; if the last proposition be inadmissible, let a neutral city such as the Hague, be pointed out by the Directory, as the place of meeting, and let an official declaration to this effect be made through Mr. Skipwith, the only authorized person we have in this place.
I beg, Citizen Minister, that you will not forget that there is not a moment to be lost.—Congress is to assemble again in about two or three months from this time; and I dread the effects of the despair to which the American people may be driven from the cruel fate of suspense which brought me to this country.
THE GAZETTE.
Portland.
Monday, January 28, 1799.
TO READERS AND CORRESPONDENTS. "A FALMOUTHIAN" is received and shall appear in my next. I am always ready to expose the Jacobins. "A LOVER OF CHILDREN" is commented for his morality; but I deem his reflections too general upon the teachers of schools. "THE RUBBER" is totally inadmissible. The commencement of uninteresting persons will always be avoided in The Gazette. I am willing to do justice with the rigidity of a censor; but where found I have not been publicly spread it only renders the parties ridiculous by publicly noticing it.
Mr. EBENEZER MAYO of this town, is chosen Notary Public, for the county of Cumberland, by the Legislature of this state.
Mr. CALEB ASPINWALL of this town is appointed a Captain in the United States' Army.
The brig Polly, Capt. Lendal Smith, of this port, has been wrecked and deserted at sea—two people lost—the others arrived at the Vineyard.
FIRES.—At Dick Trap, the house of George Ulmer, Esq. Post Master. A mail vessel set. Lots estimated at 7000 dollars.
A loss at Barnstable, in which two children perished in the flames.
NEW LOAN.
The Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, agreeably to an act of Congress, passed the last Session, has issued proposals for borrowing on the credit of the United States, Five Millions of Dollars; the certificates of which will bear an interest of eight per centum per annum, until the last day of December, 1798—after which they will be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States.
The Legislature of Massachusetts is firm and federal; and the Report of the committee on the Kentucky resolutions will be made in a few days. That committee is composed of the Hon. Messrs. DANE, JONES and DAVIS of the Senate, and Messrs. SPRAGUE, WILLIAMS, LOWELL and TILLINGHAUST of the House. What such men report must be correct: And when it is known, those resolutions have been negatived, and if possible disgraceful, by the Legislature of Maryland, and not permitted even to lie on the table in the Legislature of Tennessee—the report may easily be anticipated.
A Resolution has passed the Senate of this State, unanimously directing that a Notification be issued to TRISTRAM JORDAN, Esq. of Pepperellborough, to appear before the Legislature on the 13th day of February next, to show cause, if any he hath, why an address of both Houses should not be made to his Excellency the Governor, for the removal of said Jordan from the office of Justice of the Peace. The resolution was predicted upon certain words uttered by the said Jordan, of the following import: "That John Adams ought to have lost his head 4 years ago, for he was the cause of all the depredations on our commerce, that he duped President Washington to sign the cursed British treaty, and then persuaded him to resign, that he might get his place, and then repeated that he ought to have lost his head 4 years ago."
The House of Representatives concurred in the order to notice without debate, and without division.
Tom Paine's Plan, OF REVOLUTIONIZING AMERICA.
The late French papers contain a number of speculations with regard to this country, the most false and ridiculous. Some think, however, may be learnt from them respecting the views of that abandoned nation. In one of their Phillips's papers are the following sketch of a plan to "subserve Americans" from the pen of that arch revolutionizer, Tom Paine.
"Had France an army to throw into the United States, she ought not to attempt it. The distillers of Bugoye and Corvus are averse from penetrating into their interior. Has France, say the partisans of Pitt , a naval force to send upon the American coasts. Where can they be recruited? Are there not fortifications in almost all their sea ports? and an English squadron on their coasts?" True indeed it is, that France can neither send an army or great naval force to America. How ought she then to deal with these high meted sons of America? Who in fact owe their very existence and prosperity to France and to the friends of Franklin and Thomas Paine . She ought to distress and embarrass the American government, that is, the English or anti-American party.
To declare war against the United States, would be the height of folly: for it would be declaring war against all the Republicans, the planters, and the Indians, from whose support we may derive great advantage. But how, it will be said, can we carry on a partial war?—With a small squadron of light vessels, not drawing more than ten feet of water, a few guns & bomb-ketches, you may proceed to the river Savannah in Georgia, pass the Tibbetts island at Savannah. Here you may get a handsome supply of provisions and on your return down the river, burn the buildings on each side even to its mouth. The same plan will do for Charleston, pass the bar and set fire to the buildings on Johnson and Sullivan Islands. You may next visit Georgetown in South, and Wilmington in North Carolina, enter the Chesapeake (perhaps it may be advisable to make the first operation here) burn Norfolk, Alexandria, Annapolis and Baltimore. You must be careful my friends, by rapid movements, to prevent a defeat by the English squadron or by the Americans on shore, who will at the first alarm collect in great numbers. In eight days you may do all you wish in the Chesapeake. As Baltimore is further up, you had better begin with that, and there you may raise a handsome contribution.
Near Savannah, Charleston and Norfolk, are small forts, that you may easily take in the rear.
In the Delaware you must proceed with great caution. Lewistown on the left may be easily burnt; and if you were certain there was not an English squadron near the Capes, you might set fire to Philadelphia. It is a business of a week only.
Between Sandy Hook and New York, you will find a pretty strong fort; this you will sicke with your bombs. The buildings at Long Island and Nantucket are easily burnt; but Nantucket must be bombarded.
The master stroke would be to conclude with Halifax. The English vessels from the East-Indies general winter there. Not expecting you in that quarter, they will be less prepared to receive you. Should your brave squadron fall in with the Quebec fleet, conveyed by a single frigate, it would be a brilliant affair indeed. Excuse my freedom dear Republicans; you are neither tygers nor sepia-embracers. Why may you not send the most of your emigrants into Canada?
Connected as you are with Spain you might go to New Orleans seize the ports of the Natches, collect the friends of liberty from the back settlements in the United States, from Kentucky to the frontiers. You will have to distribute a few presents among the Indians. You must put Gen. Clark and Knoxville in motion, summon to the French standard the Floridians and American troops raised by Genet and Marguier , declare freedom to the black men, that are slaves in the southern States, and give to the men of colour, the sweet enjoyment of the rights of man.
It is in fact from the inhabitants of the sea ports that British influence proceeds. The only way to break up their nets is to burn the sea-ports, and in this way compel them to live among the Planters . These last will not fail to treat them as the authors of all their calamities. This is the only way to humble the British Lion, that now courts an alliance with the American Eagle, only to bring about its destruction."
GENERAL DUMOURIER,
In a late publication, in which he notices the differences between the United States and France, among other judicious thoughts gives the following:
"It appears very impolitic in France to exasperate the peaceful Americans, and make them acquainted with their strength. Beyond the reach of attack by land, should despair convert them into warriors, they may become the scourge of Europe. The Antilles and the colonies of the different powers are entirely at their mercy, they may easily starve and conquer them; they may put an end to the Newfoundland fishery, they may devastate the coast of Europe by their privateers. Maritime war has charms for two great passions of human nature, avarice and love of adventure. The preparations, the expenses, the forces it requires, are of a smaller magnitude than those of land, and there effect more lucrative and rapid."
"The Americans have provisioned and consequently saved the colonies of France; that service alone ought in the eyes of the Directory to have obliterated the favolous grievances complained of, which if duly weighed were no injurious, but rather the just procedures of a prudent and pacific neutrality."
SALEM, JAN. 18.
From Capt. JAMES STUART, at Calais, Nov. 8, 1798. "For your information I enclose this:—I had a brother in law taken and carried into Algiers for want of a Mediterranean pass. The Dey told him, that he would clear him because he was the first he took; but that if he caught any more American vessels with that pass, he would make prizes of them together with their people. This happened about the 20th of October.—Markets are falling here fast."
NEWBURYPORT, JAN. 22.
A letter from St. Bartholomew, dated Dec. 8, addressed to a gentleman in this town, contains the following intelligence.
"Three French frigates, a brig and a cutter are arrived at Guadalupe. They had on board Desfourneaux the agent of the Executive Directory, and Gen. Pelardy with 800 men some reports say only 300. We have not been able to ascertain the exact number. In consequence of an embargo laid on all vessels in Guadalupe, no merchant vessel has of late entered this port. We learnt however, yesterday, by a French privateer, which appeared to have been ten express from Guadalupe, but which did not anchor in our harbour, that Desfourneaux and Pelardy had taken the reins of government, that citizen Hughes was no longer invested with any authority, and that a month had been granted him to render his accounts.—It is even reported that the said citizen is closely watched, that they are now friends & disposed towards him. It is also asserted, that proclamations have been issued, to order all the negroes who had left the plantations of their ancient masters, to return to their works and to forbid under pecuniary or even corporeal penalties every captain of privateers to take on board any of the ancient slaves."
Iyon has issued a scheme of a Lottery for raising 1000 dollars "to ransom him" as he says "from the oppressive hand of usurped power."—He is re-elected.
Postscript.
NEWYORK, JAN. 18.
Important Information.
Yesterday arrived the brig Sea Nymph , 66 days from Gibraltar; the Captain of which has favored us with the following:—
The day before he left Gibraltar, his majesty's ship Coleus , arrived at Naples and bro't information that Buonaparte and his army was entirely destroyed by the Turks, after a severe action, and that the Turks lost 17,000 men in the engagement.
On the 21st of October, 4 sail of the line and 14 transports, with 8000 men, failed from Gibraltar on a secret expedition; it was supposed they were going to take Malta.
NORFOLK, JAN. 8.
The brig Industry , captain Lombard , in 20 days from Jamaica, bound to this port, was blown ashore on Saturday evening last, on Wiloughby beach.
By some gentlemen, passengers in the above vessel, we are informed, that at about the 15th of December, a brig arrived at Kingston after a short passage from Ireland, and brought accounts of Admiral Lord Duncan having captured six Dutch ships of the line, that were attempting to get out of the Texel.—Kingston was illuminated on the evening the news arrived there.
BOSTON, JAN. 24.
Capt. Crowninshield has arrived at Norfolk, in the ship Brunus from Madras, 10 days. The information by this arrival, is, that the English in India, expected an immediate war with Tippoo Saib, who had 120,000 Asiatics ready for a movement; that 2000 European [English] troops had left Bengal for the coast of Coromandel, and 2500 more had been sent thither from the Cape of Good Hope.
The expedition from Gibraltar to the Mediterranean, combines five sail of the line, six East Indiamen, and several brigs with sliding keel, having 4200 men on board. Sir Sydney Smith is the commander.
TO BE LET, If applied for immediately, A very convenient House,
in Back street—two stories high, with four rooms on the floor, completely finished, with a large wood house, wash house a barn and garden, with other conveniences.—Inquire of
Peter I. Smith, or Wm. Codman.
January 26, 1799.
List of Letters
Remaining in the Post Office, Brunswick, Maine.
Peter Oliver Alden, Brunswick.
 William Woodside, ditto.  Mrs. Anne Higgins, ditto, 2.  Nathaniel Ames, ditto.  Capt. Thomas Skolfield, ditto.  William Skolfield, ditto.  Samuel Bracket, ditto.  Sally Wood, ditto.  James Cary, ditto.  James Curtis, ditto.  Capt. John Rogers, Topsham.  Alexander Thompson, ditto.  Andrew Whitehouse ditto.  Samuel Hinkley, ditto.  Jesse Walker, ditto.  Jonathan Mitchel, Ebenezer.  Lias Coffin, ditto.  Ebenezer Curtis, H. r. f. v. l. 
List of Letters,
Remaining in the Post Office at Saccarappa, Jan. 22d. 1799.
 John Crague, Windham,  John Rand, ditto.  Isaac Dodge, ditto.  Joseph Hutchinson, ditto.  Lemuel Jones, ditto.  Ebenezer Rand, Falmouth.  Dennis Marr, ditto.  Daniel Moody, ditto.  Capt. David Hobbs, Saccarappa.  Joshua Ring, Raymondstown.  Capt. Richard Mayberry, ditto.  Capt. Stephen Jewett, Waterford.  William Gammon, Otisfield. 
NEW PUBLICATION.
Now in the Press, & shortly will be published,
THE Maine Spelling Book;
Containing RULES and EXAMPLES for SPELLING & PRONOUNCING the ENGLISH LANGUAGE; WITH A VARIETY OF EASY, MORAL, and ENTERTAINING LESSONS FOR READING; Adapted to the capacities of Children.
A Concise Geographical Description of MAINE;
Its Boundaries, Bays, Islands, Counties, Capital Towns, Mountains, Rivers, Character, &c. Designed for the Use of SCHOOLS, in the DISTRICT OF MAINE.
By THOMAS M. PRENTISS, PRINCETON OF UNION SCHOOL—PORTLAND.
The want of EDUCATION in a State, Our rustic nature fits for mad career— 'Tis like (oh may it never be our fate) The loss of seed time to the fruitful year.
Portland, Jan. 1799.
FOR SALE, A handsome cover'd Sleigh.
Apply to ROBERT BOYD, WHO HAS FOR SALE, Frefia Baltimore fine & superfine Flour, Raisins, and 7 by 9 HAMBURGH GLASS. Jan. 25.
THE COPARTNERSHIP OF M c Cobb & Hill,
IS by mutual consent dissolved. All persons, therefore, who have any demands upon, or who are indebted to said firm, are desired to apply to MARK L. HILL for settlement.
DENNY M c COBB, MARK L. HILL.
Geo getown, Nov. 14th, 1798.
To AMOS HARSEY, Clerk of the Proprietors of a tract of Land lying in the town of Poland, in the county of Cumberland, confirmed to JOHN BRIGHAM, and others, by a Reference of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts on the first day of February, 1798:
WE the subscribers, being five of the proprietors, judging a proprietors meeting to be necessary, do hereby request you to call a meeting of said proprietors to be held at the house of Capt. JONATHAN NASH in said Poland, on Monday the eleventh day of March next, at nine o'clock in the forenoon, to act on the following articles, viz.
 1. To choose a Moderator for said meeting.  2. To agree upon a method of coming to a division of the unsettled lands in said grant.  3. To see if they will choose some person as agent to commence such law suits as shall be judged necessary, for and in behalf of said proprietors.  4. To raise such sum or sums of money as they shall judge necessary to defray the charges which have arisen or may arise in said propriety. 
JAMES HARSEY, NOAH HARSEY, BENJAMIN BEAL, SAMUEL POOL, JONATHAN NASH.
In pursuance of the foregoing application, to me directed, I do hereby notify the proprietors of the above described tract of land, to meet at the time and place mentioned in the foregoing application, and for the purposes therein expressed. Dated at Poland, the sixteenth day of January, A. D. 1799. AMOS HARSEY, Clerk.
John O. Watts,
Informs his customers and others, that he has REMOVED to the store in Fifth-street, lately occupied by the Rev. JOSEPH WARREN, where he has for sale on the lowest terms for cash or approved credit, a fresh assortment of
English, W. India, & Hard- Ware GOODS.
AMONG WHICH ARE,
SUPERFINE & second Broadcloths, Furs, do. Callimcos, Swansdowns, Brown Hollands, an assortment of Calicoes and Chintzes, tambore and needle work'd Mullins from 75 to 125 per yard, plain do. from 40 to 60 tambore and needle work'd Neckcloths, Ladies' Mullin Hankerchiefs, Cambrics, Shawls, Baumann and other Handkerchiefs, India Cottons of all prices, Oil'd Cloths per piece or yard, black and white Edgings and Laces, Threads, No. 4 and other Ribbons, Types and Bobbins, Men's Gloves, Gentlemen's and Ladies' Hats, Hair Powder, &c.
A variety of Buttons and Buckles, large and small Spoons, Pins, white chapel Needles, double sprng Locks, Playing Cards, Jack and Pen Knives, Desk ditto, Knives and Forks, quart and pint Jek, Flat-iron, ad. sd and 6d. Crads, Gun Flint, Buis, Whip, crook'd and dressing Combs, H & H L. Hinges, Pewter, Block-tin Tea Pots, Augers, Candlesticks, Bed Cords, 7 by 9 and 8 by 10 Window Glass, Shoe Knives, Hammers and Awls.
Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Rice, Chocolate snuff, Tobacco, Segars, &c. &c. &c.
A few very nice FOWLING PIECES.
N. B. All persons indebted to said Watts, are requested to make immediate payment. Portland, Jan. 17.
Take Notice.
ALL persons having demands against ICHABOD L. LARABEE, late of Cape-Elizabeth, Mariner, deceased are notified to bring in their claims for payment—and all persons indebted, to make payment without delay to JONATHAN LARABEE. Cape-Elizabeth, Jan. 16, 1799.
TO BE LET— OR SOLD ON GENEROUS CREDIT, A Convenient Tenement,
for a family, with a Shop in front; together with a garden, yard, and convenient out house.—Situated opposite Market-square in this town.—Inquire of the PRINTER. Dec. 24.
Taken up adrift, SOMETIME in the month of December last, at a place called Purke's Point , in North-yarmouth, a CHEBACCO BOAT , called the DOVE of North-yarmouth; with one cable parted—Having on board a small quantity of salt, a few dry fish, and some green ditto. The owner may have said boat, and the articles found on board, by proving property, paying charges and applying to RICHARD PARKER. North-yarmouth, Jan. 9. 1799.
Justices' Blanks, for sale at this Office.

POETRY.
DESCRIPTION OF WINTER.
FROM mountains of eternal snow, And Zephirus's airy plains; Where the weak winds forever blow, And frost forever reigns. Lo winter rules, in fogs array'd, With ice and spangled dews; The dews, and fogs, and storms be paid The tribute of the muse. Each flow'ry carpet nature spreads, Is banish'd from the eye; Where'er unhappy lovers tread, No Philomel is nigh. No blushing rose unfolds its bloom, No tender lilies blow; To scent the air with rich perfume, Or grace my charmer's brow. Hail! ev'ry pair whom love unites In Hymen's pleasing ties; That endless source of pure delights, That blessing of the wife. Tho' you pat' orb no warmth bestows, And storms united meet; The flame of love and friendship glows, With un-emitting heat.
MISCELLANY.
ELEGANT EXTRACT.
The celebrated Mr. Burke's opinion of the People of New England, in one of his Speeches delivered in the British Parliament in the year 1775.
"As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn from the sea by their fisheries, you had all that matter fully opened at your bar. You surely thought those acquisitions of value, for they seemed even to excite your envy; and yet the spirit with which that enterprising employment has been exercised, ought rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteem and admiration. Pass by the other parts, and look at the manner in which the people of New England have of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the rumbling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson's bay, and Davis' straits; whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region, so polar cold that they are at the antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent of south Fairland Island, which seemed too remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national ambition, is but a stage and resting place in the progress of their victorious industry. Nor is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them, than the accumulated winter of both the poles. We know that whilst some of them draw the line and strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the longitude, and pursue their gigantic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed by their fisheries; no climate that is not witness to their toils. Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dextrous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, ever carried this most perilous mode of hardy industry to the extent to which it has been pushed by this recent people; a people who are still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not hardened in the bone of manhood. When I contemplate these things, when I know that the colonies in general owe little or nothing to any care of ours, and that they are not squeezed into this happy form by the contrivances of wat'ish & suspicious governments, but that through a wise and salutary neglect, a generous nature has been suffered to take her own way to perfection; when I reflect upon these effects, when I see how profitable they have been to us, I feel all the pride of power sink, and all presumption in the wisdom of human contrivances, melt and die away within me."
THE AFFECTIONATE DOG.
[From a Paris paper]
A FEW days before the 9th Thermidor*, a Revolutionary Tribunal in one of the departments of the North of France condemned to death M. des R***, an ancient Magistrate, and a most estimable man, guilty, at fifty leagues from Paris, of a conspiracy, which had not existed at St. Lazare. M. des R. had a Water Spaniel of ten or twelve years old, of a small breed, which had been brought up by him, and had never quitted him. Des R*** in prison saw his family dispersed by a system of terror; —some had taken flight; others, themselves arrested, were carried into distant goals; his domestics were dismissed; his house was buried in the solitude of the Seals; his friends either abandoned him, or concealed themselves; every thing in the world was silent to him, except his Dog. This faithful animal had been refused admittance in the prison. He had returned to his master's house, and found it shut. He took refuge with a neighbour, who received him; but that neighbor may judge easily of the times in which he had existed, it must be added, that this man received him trembling, in secret, and dreading lest his humanity for an animal should conduct him to the scaffold. Every day, at the same hour, the Dog left the house, and went to the door of the prison. He was refused admittance, but he constantly passed an hour before it, and then returned. His fidelity at length won upon the porter, and he was one day allowed to enter. The dog saw his master. It was difficult to separate them; but the porter carried him away, and the Dog returned to his master's house.
*Tuesday on which Robespierre was overthrown.
returned to his master's house. He came back the next morning, and every day; and once each day he was admitted. He licked the hand of his master, looked at him, licked his hand again, & went away of himself.
When the day of sentence arrived, notwithstanding the crowd, notwithstanding the guard, he penetrated into the hall, and crouded himself between the legs of the unhappy man, whom he was about to lose forever. The Judges condemned the man; and may my tears be pardoned for the expression, which escapes from them, they condemned him in the presence of his Dog. They reconducted him to the prison, and the Dog, for that time did not quit the door. The fatal hour arrives; the prison opens; the unfortunate man passes out; it is the Dog that receives him at the threshold. He clings upon his hand. Alas! that hand will never again be spread upon thy caressing head! He follows him. The axe falls, the master dies, but the tenderness of the Dog cannot cease. The body is carried away, he walked at its side; the earth receives it, he lays himself upon the grave.
There he passed the first night, the next day, the second night. The neighbour, in the mean time, unhappy at not seeing him, risks himself, searching for the dog, guesses for the extent of his fidelity the asylum he has chosen, finds him, caresses him, brings him back, and makes him eat. An hour afterwards, the dog escaped, & regained his favourite place. Three months passed away, each morning of which he came to seek his master; but each day he was more sad, more meagre, more languishing. & it was plain that he was gradually reaching his end. They endeavoured, by chaining him up to wean him; but you cannot triumph over nature! He broke, or bit, through his bonds; escaped; returned to the grave, and never quitted it more. It was in vain they endeavoured to bring him back. They carried him food, but he ate no longer. For four and twenty hours he was seen employing his weakened limbs in digging up the earth that separated him from the remains of the man he had so much loved. Passion gave him strength, and he gradually approached the body; his labours of affection then vehemently increased; his efforts became convulsive; he shrieked in his struggles; his faithful heart gave way, and he breathed out his last gasp, as if he knew that he had found his master!
CIRCLE OF HUMAN LIFE.
THE seven flags of life, from the first dawn of life to the gates of death, are thus described by Gratian, as under the influence of the seven planets:
Childhood is governed by the moon, and with her influence receives her imperfections. Its light is faint and watery, without heat enough to produce distinct ideas. It is chargeable too, and neither knows what agrees with or appears it. Yielding like wax to all impressions, & mouldable as paste, it passes gradually from the darkness of total ignorance, to a twilight of apprehension.
From ten to twenty, Mercury, succeeds to the charge, inspiring that docility with which the boy takes the learning that is given him, and too often that which he will wish to unlearn. He rises in the school, and fills his understanding with truth & faith, as chance determines the place of his education.
At twenty Venus takes the scepter and reigns with tyranny till thirty, makes cruel war against his youth, breathing into him her hottest fires, and feasting his imagination with ideas of galantry and love.
At thirty, the sun rises, and diffuses that light and heat which warms and irradiates the meridian man, and makes him pant for worth, fame and distinction. He undertakes honorable employments with spirit, becomes so far orb to his family and country, and illumines, ripens and perfects every thing.
At forty, Mars owns him for his subject, infuses into him courage rightly tempered, and gives him command in the field. He is punctilious, mettlesome, haughty, fierce & belligerent, apt to quarrel, and ready to repel revenge and injury.
At fifty, Jupiter succeeds, the lord of his attendant, conferring state and sovereignty. Man is now master of his actions, he speaks & acts with authority, does not take it well to be controlled by others, but aspires after universal dominion; take his resolutions upon himself, & executes his own suggestions. In this stage, reason and virtue are triumphant.
At sixty, the melancholy Saturn makes it right with man; his morning returns no more; but diseases and infirmities succeed. He fees his own end near, and he wishes that the world may end with him. He lives tired by, and tiring every body, peevish and snarling, like an old cur, gnawing the present and licking over the past. Languid and sauntering in his speech, slow to undertake, and ineffectual in his endeavors, frigid and narrow in his expenses, disagreeable in his person, careless of his dress, desultory of his fancy, complaining at all hours and of all things. Thus he lives on till seventy, and may perhaps sometimes languish till eighty; but from thence forward all is pain and misery, not life but death.
After the expiration of the reign of Saturn, the moon resumes her influence over his second childhood. Now returns infancy with all the pains of decrepitude. His time is come round, like a wheel, to the same point; and as long as he began, he may be figured by the serpent biting his tail; ingenious hieroglyphic of the circle described by human life!
To the Public.
THE President and Directors of the MASSACHUSETTS FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY, anxious to keep in view the principle of public benefit, which gave origin to their institution, and to lessen, as far as in their power, the severity of misfortunes, consequent from those devastating fires to which we are exposed, have determined to reduce the Rates of Insurance, so far, as they presume will meet the circumstances of every class of citizens. For a trifling sum annually, every individual can now have it in his power, to secure to himself and family, a part of the earnings perhaps of a long life, from the grasp of this merciless tyrant, and to equalize his losses on the community. By these cautionary means, while he preserves the reward of his industry, he saves his feelings from the shock of humbling himself to petition, and secures the right boldly to demand compensation.
The present rates of Insurance are as follows, calculated on a scale of reduction of 25 per cent, from the former rates, viz.
1st Class—Houses or Stores, with brick or stone walls, and slate tile, lead, copper, or composition roofs, standing separate from other buildings—50 cents on 100 dollars.
2d Class—Houses or Stores, with brick or stone walls, and slate, tile, lead, copper, or composition roofs, connected with other buildings, having brick partition walls of one or more feet above the roof—55 cents.
3d Class—Houses or Stores, with brick or stone walls, and wooden roofs, that stand separate from or connected with other buildings, with brick partition walls of one or more feet above the roof—60 cents.
4th Class—Houses or Stores, with brick or stone walls and wooden roofs, connected with other buildings, without brick partition walls—65 cents.
5th Class—Houses or Stores, of wood or plaster walls, standing separate from other buildings—70 cents.
6th Class—Houses or Stores of wood, connected with other buildings—80 cents.
Where buildings are occupied for hazardous trades, or for storing hazardous merchandise, the premiums are regulated by the materials of the buildings, their situation, and the purposes to which they are applied. Houses, &c. in the country situated remotely from external hazards, are insured at reduced rates. All losses are paid by the Company in CASH, without any deduction, in thirty days after proof.
WILLIAM SCOLLAY, Sec'y. N. B. Letters directed to the Secretary (Postage paid) will be duly attended to. FIRE OFFICE, No. 16. State-Street, Boston, 27th Dec. 1798.
JOSEPH CROSS,
(who formerly did business in the store now occupied by STEVENS & HOVEY) Informs his friends and the public, that he has recommenced business, in the NEW STORE, at the head of Mr. INGRAHAM'S Wharf, where he has just opened and has now ready for sale, a Variety of
European, W. India, & other GOODS.
AMONG WHICH ARE,
Roadcloths—Cashmeres—Elastick Cloth—Foresk Cloth—Flannels—Blankets—Duffles—Devonshire Kersey—Lambskins—Waitcoat Pattern—figured Thibets—Fancy twilled do—Cashmeres—Mouselins—India Cotton—Domities—Linnens—Mouselins—Durants—Moreen—Shawls—Satin—Mouselins—Black Gauze—Sewing Silk—Threads and Twill—Old Cloth—Bed Tickeng—Ravens and Russia Duck—Cotton Hois—Ladies' Kid Gloves—Common do—Large and small Scuffs—Women's cloth Shoes—Hats—Bread Trays—Elegant Servers—Assortment of Button—Knives and Forks—Jack and pen Knives—Slates—Large Kettles—Brass ditto—4d, 6d, 8d, and 10d. Nails—7 by 9 Glass—Salt Fish, of different kinds—Pepper—Ginger—Cinnamon—Excellent Raisins, per cask—Candles—Bohea and Souchong Tea—Coffee—Chocolate—Loaf and Brown Sugar—Butter, of different kinds—Shevel—Tobacco—W. I. Rum—N. E. ditto per barrel—Brandy—Malaga Wine, &c. &c.
Excellent Rhode-island Chees.
The above Goods being laid in on the lowest terms, will be sold cheap for CASH ONLY. No credit will be given. Portland, January 5th, 1799.
Cumberland County.
THE Collectors of the County tax, for the year 1798, are notified, that Executions will issue against all that are delinquent on the 1st of February next. JOSEPH MELLAN, Treasurer. Nov. 23, 1798.
List of Letters,
Remaining in Wells Post-office, Jan. 9th, 1799.
BENJAMIN ADAMS, Knappdale; Joseph Barnard, do. George Bickford, Arundel; John Bennett Wells, Joshua Eaton, and Stephen Emery, of Wells; Joshua Gray, jun. Wells; Henry Hart, jun. Wells; William Hall, Arundel; David Jewell, Framingham; Benjamin Littlefield, 4th, Kennebunk; Capt. Daniel Morrall, Arundel; Capt. John Paton, Arundel; Capt. John Perkins, do. Anna Robinson, Alfred; Jonathan Stevens, Wells; Isaac Wortman, Gaushank 2; John Webster, Wells; Capt. Jacob Wilds, do. Nathan Wells, do. John Light Wells, do. Jonathan Young, Kennebunk.
JENKINS'S SHEET ALMANACK.
A few of the above Almanacks may be had this Office. Dec. 31.
General Prices Current,
PER QUANTITY.—BOSTON, JAN. 19.
Table with 4 columns: Item, Price per unit, Price per cwt, Price per bag. Items include: ASHES, Pearl, Bread, ship, Butter, shipping, Beef, ship, cargo, Beans, white, Brandy, French, Spanish, Naples, Boat Wax, Cocoa, Coffee, green, Cotton, Foreign, American, Chocolate, common, best kinds, Candies, Cheese, English, American, Cod Livers, Fish, Table, Merchant, W. India mar., Scales, Alewives, Salmon, Herrings, Mackerel, bay, N. Scotia, Furs, Beaver, gell, Deer, skin, Fox, cross, red, Minks, Musquash, Otter, Fishes, Sables, FLOUR, Alexandria, & Baltimore, Feathers, Glassed, Glass, Boston, Grain, Barly, Corn, South, North, Rye, Oats, Hops, Hoops, Hog Lard, Iron, Pig, Philadelphia, Ruff, do, Sweden, do, Leather, gail, dried, Lumber, Boards, clear, Shingles, Molasses, Nail Rods, Nails, 6d. euro, 8d. euro inspe, 10d. euro, Scabbing, Drawing, Pepper, Pork, One & half hog, One Hog, Middle pieces, Plush, Rum, Jamaica, New England, Robin, Soap, American white, Sugar, Havana, brown, West India, Salt, St. Ubes, Liverpool, Steel, German, Bisfered, Tea, Bohea, Souchong, Tobacco, Wines, Madeira, Lisbon, Sherry, Tenerife, Claret, Malaga, Red Port.
ALMANACK.
Table with 4 columns: JANUARY, S. M., H. W., REMARKS. Rows include: Monday, 28, 7 14 5, 4 39, Moon's last Q. Tuesday, 29, 7 13 5, 5 31, Peter the great. Wednesday, 30, 7 12 5, 6 23, d. 28, 1725. Thursday, 31, 7 11 5, 3 37, 7 13. Fri. Feb. 1, 7 9 5, 4 32, 8 7. Saturday, 2, 7 8 5, 5 25, 8 59, Cand. mas. Sunday, 3, 7 7 5, 6 18, 9 49.
THIS GAZETTE.
Is published every MONDAY, at E. A. JENKINS'S OFFICE, Middle-Street, near the head of Fish-Street, PORTLAND—where Subscriptions, Advertisements, and Communications, are received with attention. The price is ONE DOLLAR & FIFTY CENTS a year. Exclusive of Postage. Punctual payments are required. The extensive and rapidly increasing circulation of THE GAZETTE, renders it highly advantageous for ADVERTISEMENTS, which will be inserted reasonably, and in a concise manner.
PRINTING.
In its various branches executed in the neatest manner, and at the shortest notice. Orders for Books, Pamphlets, Blanks, Hand-Bills, Cards, Tickets, &c. duly attended to.