Alexandria advertiser and commercial intelligencer (Alexandria [Va.]), 1801-01-06 00:00:00

CONDITIONS OF PUBLICATION of the Alexandria Advertiser AND Commercial Intelligencer.
I. It will be published on a half sheet of super-royal paper of good quality, and with an elegant type, of which this paper contains a specimen.
II. It will be published every day at 3 o'clock, and delivered to subscribers in town with the utmost regularity and expedition, and transmitted to those at a distance through the most early and regular channels of conveyance.
III. The price will be Five Dollars per annum, to be paid one half on receipt of the first number, the remainder at the end of the year.
Sales by Auction.
On THURSDAY, The 8th of Jan. 1801, at 10 o'clock, will be Sold, at our Auction Room, Whiskey in tierces and bls.
 Rum in barrels  French Brandy in pipes  Malaga Wine in pipes and qr. casks  Brown Sugar in barrels  Loaf do. in lots  Soap in boxes  Nails in casks  Hardware in lots 
Together with
A great variety of Dry Goods:
Among which are
 Carpets and Carpeting  Plains  Plaids  Duffles  Flannels  Swansdown  Kerseymeres  Coating  Broadcloths,  Stuffes  Irish Linens  Humhums  Muslins  Checks  Shawls  Handkerchiefs  Leather Shoes 
And a number of other articles HENRY & THOS. MOORE, Dec. 26. Auctioneers.
The Creditors of the Estate of the late Col. BURGESS BALL , are requested to forward to Mrs. Ball a statement of their claims; as the Administrators are anxious to provide for the discharge of them as early as possible. Loudoun, Dec. 1, 1800. (15) 7t
Shreve and Fanney
Have just received, per the brig Sukeey and Betsey , capt. Caleb Cook , 50 pieces do Sail-Duck 23 coils do Cordage which they will sell low for cash or exchange for flour or corn. They will give Cash for white Beans and Pease. December 16. eo
PAPERS Relative to the commencement of NEGOTIATIONS OF PEACE WITH FRANCE.
(Continued.) (No. 28.)
TRANSLATION.
Note.
The undersigned, has transmitted to his government, the note of his excellency lord Grenville, dated the 7th of September. The counter-project which accompanied it, having been laid before the first consul, he has observed that the armistice, such as was proposed did not offer any advantages to the French Republic, and consequently could not compensate it, for the serious inconveniences which would result to it, from the continuance of the continental armistice, hence it follows, that the counter-project could be admitted inasmuch only, as the question might simply be, to settle the preliminaries of a particular arrangement, between France and England, by a truce, alike particular to the two states, but the effect of the proposed maritime truce, being intended to serve as a compensation to the French Republic, for the continental truce, the former ought to afford to it, advantages equal to the inconveniencies which it experiences from the latter.
The undersigned, is therefore directed to make two proposals, of which his Britannic majesty may choose that which may appear to him the most consonant to the interest of his dominions, or to his continental relations.
The first is, that the project for an armistice be drawn up and admitted, in terms analogous to those which have been proposed by the ministry of his Britannic majesty, but solely, under the supposition, that this armistice should be independent of the events of the continent, and relative only to a separate negotiation, to be immediately opened between the two powers.
The second is, that his Britannic majesty should continue to make a common cause with the emperor, but that, in case he should consent that the maritime truce may offer to the French republic, advantages equal to those secured to the house of Austria, by the continental truce.
And with this view, the comparison may be easily settled.
By the continental armistice, the court of Vienna acquires the means of re-organising its armies, of converting into men, arms and ammunition of every kind, the subsidies paid to it by England, of fortifying and victualling its places on the 2d and 3d line which were in a bad state, in consequence of the rapid march of the French armies having not been foreseen. Thus Asoppo, Palmanova, Venice, Verona, and Lintz, had been neglected, every day their fortifications are repairing. Ulm, Ingolstadt, although blockaded, are improving their means of defence; and it is the ar-
mistice that procures them this advantage, for at the moment when those places were invested, the enemy thought only of besieging ours, and consequently their own were not prepared for so early an attack.
By the continental armistice the impression made by the victories of the French armies diminishing, their effects are weakened. Six months of repose would suffice to restore the moral and physical strength of the Austrian armies; to rally the conquered, to recover from the impression of ascendancy acquired by the conquerors, & to make it necessary once more to regain that contingent superiority so well earned by the republic.
It would also follow as a consequence of the continental armistice, that the kingdom of Naples, now a prey to every kind of calamity, and containing all the seeds of insurrection, might be reorganized, and furnish fresh resources to the enemies of France—It is by means of the armistice, in a word, that men are rising in Tuscany and in the marshes of Ancona; that Austria is every where preparing new means of defence: that every where she is ameliorating her position, which perhaps was desperate, whilst the advantages of the republic are diminishing or disappearing.
The first consul has already made to the love of peace a sufficiently great sacrifice of those advantages: if he should continue to derive no benefit from them, it would no longer be the means of arriving at the conclusion of peace, but that of perpetuating the war. Perhaps in the judgment of statesmen the French government may have already too long delayed to avail itself of the contingency which was favorable to it; but it has only done so upon the positive assurances which had been given to it of a speedy and separate peace.
At this moment, when the two allied courts insist upon a joint negotiation and a general peace, the French government is too well aware that so complicated a work is not to be accomplished in a few days, and it ought to avoid putting itself in a position which would be diametrically opposite to the accelerations of the negotiations, by giving to the inimical powers, and principally to Austria, a real interest to prolong the discussions, in order daily to acquire the means of appearing with greater advantage in the field of battle, and consequently with greater pretensions at the Congress.
It is with a view of avoiding, in part, so manifest an inconvenience, that France requires that the maritime armistice should be stipulated in such a manner as to be equivalent to the continental armistice, and to place England, on its side, in the situation of being desirous of the conclusion of peace. The advantages which the republic can and ought to expect from the naval armistice, are the free navigation of her ships and the facilities necessary for her communications with the islands of France and Reunion, and with her American colonies;
and although she should make use of it to send a few thousand men more to Egypt, do not the places belonging to the emperor daily acquire in the like manner fresh strength upon the continent?
With respect to the victualling the harbors of the French republic itself, internal means of circulation are not wanting, and this object is but of small importance to it. When the British government proposes that the harbors and places blockaded should only receive provisions for fourteen days, it is aware that the greater part of those establishments are still far from wanting provisions: and besides that, the season is drawing near which, by rendering a naval blockade almost always illusory, make the proposed favor quite useless.
That if besides it be considered how little it is the interest of Great-Britain, if it be sincerely desirous of peace, to prevent France from preserving and consolidating the small number which remain to her of foreign settlements, and how much England, by making new acquisitions of this nature, would augment still farther the uneasiness and jealousy of Europe; and the disposition which it evinces not to see with indifference the unlimited extension of the power and commerce of England, it will be acknowledged, at the same time that the advantages to be derived to the French republic from a maritime truce are admitted, that this truce would not be so eminently disadvantageous to England as her government appears to imagine.
The undersigned is, in consequence, directed to refer to the double proposition contained in the present note.
If a separate negotiation and peace be the object, the armistice may be agreed to in the form in which it is proposed by the minister of his Britannic majesty.
If joint negotiation and a general peace be the object, the armistice must be stipulated in the manner in which it is proposed in the name of the French government, and it will be subsequently detailed by the undersigned.
Signed, OTTO. Hereford-Street, Sept. 16, 1800.
(No. 29.) LORD GRENVILLE to M. OTTO. Downing-Street, Sept. 20.
Sir, I enclose to you the answer to the last note which I have had the honor to receive from you.
You will there observe that his majesty is very far from thinking it proper for him to accede to the principle which is again urged to that note as the foundation of a naval armistice.
While this fundamental difference subsists, there can be little reason to hope that any advantage could arise from discussing the details of such a measure.
The counter-project which I have the honor to transmit to you, is considered here as going to the full extent of concession which can with any colour of reason

asked by France, on which could be ad- mitted by this country, even in that view in which alone there can be any question of a naval armistice.
If you are authorised to make any such new proposals, I shall be really consistent with those principles which form the only admissible basis for such a transaction, I am confident you will not be unwilling, in a matter of so much importance, to trans- mit them to me in writing.
Should they then appear to his majesty's government to afford any sufficient grounds for further discussion of this point, I shall very readily receive the king's commands for authorising a proper person to converse with you on the subject of those commu- nications.
I have the honor to be, &c.
GRENVILLE.
(No. 30.)
Note.
The note enclosed in M. Otto's letter of the 16th inst. has been laid before the king.
His majesty has not seen in that paper any fresh suggestions on the subject of a naval armistice which can at all vary the answer transmitted to M. Otto on the 7th instant.
Neither his majesty's known engage- ments to his allies, nor his desire, so recent- ly expressed, to contribute to the restora- tion of general tranquillity in Europe will admit of his separating his interests from those of the powers with whom he is con- nected in the prosecution of the war: much less could he entertain the idea of consent- ing, for such a purpose to a naval ar- mistice; a measure which he has already declared to be totally inapplicable to a se- parate discussion of the interests of Great- Britain and France.
This proposal being therefore one which the French government must have known that his majesty could not accept, the sup- posed alternative professed to be offered to his majesty's choice, amounts to nothing more than to the simple renewal of a de- mand already rejected. No fresh induce- ment is stated which should now dispose his majesty to consent to those conditions of armistice for joint negotiation which he had before considered wholly inadmissible.
From information received, since the last communications on this subject took place, his majesty has observed with equal surprise and concern, that the orders for giving notice of the termination of the continental armistice must actually have been despatched from Paris at the very time when the continuance of that armistice was proposed to his majesty as the condi- tion and inducement for a maritime truce. —And if, in addition to this circumstance his majesty were to collect the present dis- positions of his enemies from the terms respecting his conduct and views with which their recent communications with his allies are filled, the conclusion must be extremely unfavourable to the existence of any disposition to conciliation.
His majesty is, however, still willing to waive all reference to these considerati- ons, and to regulate his conduct by the motives which he has already explained. He still looks, therefore, to a naval armis- tice on suitable conditions, as to a sacrifice which he may be induced to make, in or- der to prevent the renewal of the hostili- ties on the continent, and thereby to faci- litate those joint negotiations for a gene- ral peace which might perhaps be accele- rated by such an arrangement, although
they are by no means necessarily depend- ing on it.
But when it is required that the extent of the sacrifice which his majesty is to make should be regulated neither by any fair standard of equality, nor by the ordi- nary rules which govern such transactions; when without any reference to the inte- rests of his own people, he is called upon to proportion his concessions to the exag- gerated estimates which his enemies have formed of the benefits derived to his allies from the continental armistice; and when on such grounds as those, conditions are insisted on which even these could not war- rant, it becomes necessary to state distinct- ly that his majesty neither recognizes this principle, nor if he did, could agree in this application of it.
His majesty is not, indeed, called upon to appreciate the relative advantages which the prolongation of the continental armis- tice might really afford to each of the bel- ligerent powers. But even of those cir- cumstances which are enumerated by the French government as exclusively advan- tageous to Austria, many are evidently be- neficial to both parties, and are so nearly to an equal extent.
If, during the interval of repose which has already elapsed, the Austrian armies have been re-established, recruited, and reinforced, France has not been inatten- tive to the same measures. If the subsi- dies which his majesty has furnished are applied by his ally to the formation or transporting of magazines. France has appropriated to similar purposes the rigor- ous contributions exacted from those coun- tries which the existence of an armistice has not exempted from that calamity. The places in the rear of the Austrian army may have been repaired, but the position of the French armies has also been strength- ened, and even the blockaded towns may, perhaps, suffer more from the encreased length of the blockade than they can pro- fit by any internal measures for improving their defences.
Into other points of comparison his ma- jesty forebears to enter. No part of the varied successes of the continent war ap- pears to him to entitle his enemies to pre- sume on any ascendant over the spirit of the Austrian armies.
But were the assertions of the French government in these respects better ground- ed than his majesty conceives them to be, the principle itself would still be inadmis- sible. It is impossible that his majesty can admit that compensation is to be demand- ed from him for the extent of those ad- vantages, whatever they might really be, which his ally might derive from the con- tinuance of the armistice; yet even such compensation is in a great degree offered by his majesty. In consenting to a naval armistice on such terms as have already been acceded to on his majesty's part, he has made considerable sacrifices, and placed within the reach of his enemies great and obvious advantages which their representa- tion in vain endeavours to depreciate, he has thereby given to all Europe a strong pledge of his concern for the general wel- fare, and to his enemies a decided proof of pacific disposition.
But to yield to the present demand would be to sacrifice those means of present de- fence; and those pledges of future securi- ty which have been acquired by such great and memorable efforts, and which he can never be expected to forego till the result of those negotiations, in which he has de- clared his readiness to concur, shall have
crowned his endeavors for the happiness of his people, by the restoration of safe and honorable peace.
Signed, Downing-street, Sept. 20, 1800.
(No. 31.)
TRANSLATION.
London, September 21, 1800.
MY LORD,
I received yesterday at ten o'clock at night, the letter and the note which your excellency did me the honour to address to me; and I have learnt from them with the deepest regret, that his majesty and his mi- nistry are not yet disposed to accede to the principles of conciliation contained in the note which I had the honour to transmit to you on the 16th of this month.
It was not merely with a view to dis- cuss those principles, but in order to pro- pose to your excellency fresh means of con- ciliation that I felt it my duty to request, in my letter of the 16th, to have an in- terview with you; and I had every reason to hope, that the explanations into which I should have entered would effectually have obviated the difficulties which are still opposed to the conclusion of the gene- ral armistice.
You desire, my lord, that I should give you those explanations in writing. They relate to two points, which in your first note are represented as being the most im- portant: the power of altering the posi- tions of the squadrons of the republic during the armistice, and the fate of the allies of Great-Britain.
I am authorised to consent that the French ships of the line shall not go out of the harbors where they are at present, and if his majesty insists upon his allies being included in the proposed armistice, I am authorised also to consent that they should enjoy the same advantages as those of the republic.
The intentions of the first consul are anew detailed in the project which I have herewith the honor to enclose; and in or- der not to delay a communication of such importance, I defer until another opportu- nity my answer to your excellency's note.
I shall only observe, that even if the Austrian armistice should have been broken in this interval, it would be easy to make the respective armies resume their for- mer positions in the event of his majesty's ac- ceding to the last proposals which have been made to him.
I have the honor to be, &c.
OTTO.
[To be Continued.]
FOR THE ALEXANDRIA ADVERTISER.
Messrs. Editors,
THERE will necessarily arise, from time to time, in the progress of social life, unforeseen difficulties which require the most careful consideration. It is be- yond the limited capacity of man to anti- cipate the succession of every event that may affect the welfare of society.—Un- happily a case of this nature, and one that deeply concerns the people of America, is thought to be now impending. It is ge- nerally expected that on examining the re- turns made by the electors of the different states composing the Union, two persons will be found to have an equal majority of votes; and in that case, it will become the duty of the House of Representatives to elect one of them President of the Unit- ed States. It is also conjectured by many,
that as the concurrence of nine states is necessary to a choice, neither will be elected. Have the framers of our consti- tution provided for such an event? And what will be the consequence should it occur?—A writer in your paper, with the signature of Horatius, has presented his thoughts on this subject, and with a degree of temper that reflects no small proportion of credit on his undertaking. I think, however, he is inaccurate in his exposition of the clause in the second arti- cle of the Constitution, and that such an error would tend ultimately to produce a dilemma, which a correct view of the question may obviate.
Horatius observes, that "some gen- tlemen over-zealous for the success of Mr. Jefferson, utter threats that unless he is elected the government shall be at an end." I agree with him that declarations of this sort are unbecoming, but I cannot, at the same time, avoid entertaining a hope, that there has been some misapprehension on the part of Horatius, and that the senti- ment intended to have been expressed went no farther than, that should the House of Representatives not agree in the choice of one of the persons returned, the government would then be at an end. Let, us now see how far a close examination of the pre- sidential clause in the Constitution will warrant this sentiment. "In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation or inability to dis- charge the powers and duties of said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-Pre- sident; and the Congress may by law pro- vide for the case of removal, death, re- signation or inability of both President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed or a President shall be elect- ed." For a true interpretation of this clause, it is only necessary to obtain a knowledge of the genuine import of these words, removal, death, resignation, and inability. That of the second and third is obvious, the fourth must, it is presumed, apply to the case of corporeal disease or mental insanity, and with the first there- fore rests the only difficulty. Horatius has presented a rule for the interpretation of words occurring in statutes or consti- tutions, admitting of different significations, directing us to that interpretation which shall best comport with the object of such statute or constitution. The rule is a good one; but is there any real ambiguity in the word removal , as it stands in the case before us? Does it not imply an unjusti- fiable charge of sterility against our lan- guage, to employ the word removal , when it is intended to signify a constitutional cessation? Would it not be as violent a perversion of the obvious meaning of words, as if I were to tell you, that a person had been killed, who died of the small pox? —But the constitution itself, affords an ample explanation of the term. In the 4th section of the same article it is declar- ed that, "the President, Vice-Presi- dent, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misde- meanors." Here then is the legitimate source of the first of the four casualties pro- vided for in the first section, the term re- moval there has a direct and unequivocal relation to the fourth section, and its ob- vious meaning is further and most com- pletely ascertained by a reference to the specific nature of the provision itself—if

the President be removed the Vice-President shall fill the office in his stead. Were a constitutional cessation of office comprehended under the term, the provision would be absolutely nugatory.
To shew in the strongest point of view the futility of this construction, let us express the clause as follows: "In case of constitutional removal of the President from office," (at which moment the Vice-President will become also constitutionally removed) "the same shall devolve on the Vice-President," &c. It is thus demonstrated, that any interpretation of the word removal, other than that which results from the case of conviction on impeachment, is totally inadmissible, and it is equally clear that there exists between the first and last part of the clause a correlative connexion, which ascertains the precise limits of the authority of Congress in case of the removal, death, resignation, or inability of both President and Vice-President. As then the constitution gives to Congress no powers to provide for any vacancy in the office of President, except when it shall arise from the removal, death, resignation, or inability of both President and Vice-President, they are consequently unauthorised to make any law providing for the case of non-agreement in their election, but are bound by considerations involving the very existence of the government to choose one of the persons whom the Electors shall present to them. I shall, on another occasion, pursue this subject a little further, and venture to advance a few sentiments relative to those obligations which should lead the House of Representatives to a just and unanimous determination, when the affair shall come before them.
CONSTANTIUS.
NEW-YORK, December 30. To the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser.
SIR, As the consequence of selling too low may be as bad as purchasing too high, I must beg the favour of you to insert the following statement, in answer to one signed "Caution," on the subject of four shipments to England. I will not assert that it was his intention to make an erroneous statement to answer some private end, I only say that it is one, and as such ought to be contradicted.
I will, like him, suppose the first cost of a barrel of flour to be, dols. 12 00 The shipping charges are no more than 00 8 Freight, the highest 3 00 Insurance, 5 per cent. 00 61 15 69 Suppose it to bring only 75s. sterl. Commission 2 1/2 per cent. &c. say 2s.
77s. is 16 21 According to his statement, it must bring 83s. 3d. sterling, to pay costs and charges.
AN OLD SHIPPER.
December 30. A letter from captain Sinclair, of the Schooner Matilda, to his owner in this city, dated New-Providence, December 15, mentions, that in a violent gale for four days after sailing, he was obliged to throw overboard his deck load, consisting of 10 horses and 20 oxen, in order to save their lives and vessel. The gale, which was a most tremendous one, took them in the latitude of 32, 47, long. 69, 50, and continued twenty hours.
NORFOLK, December 29. On Thursday arrived in Hampton roads the ship Charles Carter, captain Tomkins, 35 days from London.
On Saturday anchored in Hampton roads the ship Mary, capt. Hilton, 51 days from Glasgow—informing that the brig Martha Bland, capt. M'Farlane, from City Point, had arrived, but was not suffered to unload, on account of the captain being recognized as a British subject. The ship Andromache, capt. Pearce, of and bound to N. York, was obliged to go into dock, and unload, having sustained some damage. The ship Jeannie, captain Cowan, was to sail for Norfolk the 20th November.
The Hector, Pinkham, from Virginia, passed Gravesend the 31st October; also the Nymph, Graham, and Sisters, Stokes, from Charleston. The Union, Hall, from N. York, was in the Downs.
The Mary, Ham, of Portland, laden with lumber, bound to Plymouth (Eng.) to the westward of the Lizard, was boarded by a French privateer brig of 14 guns, who after taking a number of articles from her cabin, suffered her to proceed.
The Robert, M'Cowan, from London-Jerry to Charleston, is ashore near Broad Haven, Ireland.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, January 2, 1801.
Mr. Harper moved the following resolutions, which were read, and referred to the select committee of the territory of Columbia.
Resolved, That it is expedient for Congress to assume, forthwith, the jurisdiction of Columbia.
Resolved, That the laws of Virginia and Maryland now in force in the parts of the said district contained within the limits of those states respectively, ought to be continued in force therein, until congress shall otherwise provide by law.
Resolved, That for the administration of justice within the said district, there ought to be established two Inferior, and one Superior court; the Inferior courts to sit at Alexandria and the City of Washington, for such parts of the district as lie on the different sides of the river Potomac respectively; to have a limited civil and criminal jurisdiction with competent powers; and to be composed of three judges each; and the Supreme court to be held at the city of Washington, to have full powers as a court of equity, original jurisdiction in all cases civil and criminal, not within the jurisdiction of the Inferior courts, and appellate jurisdiction from the said courts in all civil cases above the value of 100 dollars; and to be composed of a Chief Justice, who shall also be superintendent of police for the said district with competent powers, and two associates.
Resolved, That the salaries of the said judges ought to be established by law, and to be paid by the United States.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made for the appointment of a marshal for the said district, and of clerks and other officers for the said courts, for the preservation of records, and for the due confinement and security of persons committed or imprisoned.
Resolved, That for the better ordering of affairs in the said district, it ought to be divided into three townships, so that one township shall include Alexandria,
one Georgetown, and one the city of Washington; and that a corporation ought to be established within each of the townships, to be composed of a suitable number of persons annually elected by the freeholders within the same; and to be vested with power to make provision within their respective townships, by bye-laws, respecting streets, high-ways, markets, and other matters of a similar nature to be particularly described; the said bye-laws to be subject to the revision of the superior court of the district, and to be annulled thereby, upon complaint by any person or persons aggrieved, notice to the proper officers of corporation, and cause shewn.
Alexandria Advertiser.
TUESDAY, January 6.
COMMUNICATION.
A citizen would suggest the propriety of a public meeting in this town for the purpose of passing resolutions expressing, for the information of Congress, the sense of the inhabitants respecting their future government. The passive indifference which prevails on this important subject would do honor to the subjects of a Turkish bathaw; but can reflect no credit on the American character, or that of the citizens of Alexandria. No persons can be supposed better judges of public measures than those who are deeply interested in them: and it would no doubt afford satisfaction to our rulers to see us step forward and give them some aid in this task.
To my mind there appear four queries to arise—on each of which it would be proper to predicate a resolution, expressing an explicit opinion.
First. Whether a total separation ought to take place between the inhabitants of the district of Columbia, and the states of Maryland and Virginia, or whether a modified jurisdiction should be suffered to be retained by each state; and if so, under what modification should each jurisdiction be retained?
Second. Whether, if a total separation is deemed most adviseable, the inhabitants ought to lose their weight as a part of the people of the Union, or whether they ought to possess such weight; and if so, how, and under what modification?
Third. Whether if a separation is deemed preferable the district or territory ought to have a local legislature: if so, how ought it to be constituted: ought it to sit permanently in the City, or alternately in the City and Alexandria?
Fourth. What judicial plan ought to be adopted: if a local legislature is given it is but to leave it unfettered in this respect, and to permit it to organize the judiciary of the whole, as their wisdom shall direct; or is it for Congress to attempt this organization?
As to the means of holding this meeting permit me, since no person has thought it worth while to step forward, to propose a plan.
Suppose such citizens as please should spontaneously assemble at the Court-House on Saturday at 11 o'clock—that they should then determine whether they would proceed to discuss the question; or whether they would only elect a select committee to superintend a more general and deliberate meeting on Monday.
If the latter, then let that committee be requested to take every measure they think necessary for public accommodation—Let the meeting be opened early, and sufficient
time allowed, to prevent confusion and precipitation, in coming to a decision. I propose this to my fellow-citizens, from a sincere conviction that their honor is at stake in this business; and that if some measure is not adopted, their interest and may suffer.
A CITIZEN.
January 6, 1801.
The Senate have confirmed the nomination by the President of Samuel Dexter, as Secretary of the Treasury, in the room of Oliver Wolcott, resigned.
Extract of a letter from Captain John Smith, of the brig Heroine, to his owner in Hartford, (Con.) dated St. Pierre, November 28.
"On the 21st November fell in with two English letters of marque, under the command of Capt. Findley, in the ship Caroline of Liverpool of 22 guns, who very politely offered me his protection to this port, although it was 60 miles out of his way, which I gladly accepted of—On the next day fell in with a French privateer of 10 guns and 120 men, who received a decent flogging and sheered off. I feel myself under the greatest obligation to Capt. Findley, through whose politeness I have saved my vessel, and request that you would cause this act of generosity to be made public."
Extract of a letter from the captain of a vessel, now in Jamaica, to a respectable house in Baltimore, dated November 4.
Since the English have taken possession of Curracoa, they have committed sad depredations on the Americans. Letters which I hope you have received, inform you of the particulars of your vessel. Ten leagues to windward of Curracoa, I was captured by a tender belonging to the British frigate Decade, on the tenth of last month, and without examining my papers, was immediately taken into Curracoa, where they took out the greater part of the cargo, and examined it; after which they put it below, in a very abusive manner, and ordered the Schooner to Jamaica for trial. On her passage they tore and wrecked her sadly—They will not now so much as suffer me to take any care of her, and think myself happy if they will suffer me to remain on board. On the 20th the Schooner arrived at Jamaica, and they immediately commenced discharging her cargo. As soon as I got on shore I protested, and have done every thing necessary in my power, which I hope will prove satisfactory. You're, &c.
P. S. The Schooner Hannah, of Baltimore, was also captured by the English, and before they sent her into port, they put men on board and sent her a privateering—After doing her considerable damage, she was sent to Jamaica for trial, where she was cleared.
Alexandria Dancing Assemblies.
The Ladies and Gentlemen of Alexandria are informed that the second Assembly will be held at Gadsby's Hotel, on Thursday evening next, the 8th inst. January 6.
At the request of a number of my Friends,
I offer myself as a Candidate for the ensuing Election to represent the Incorporated Town of Alexandria.
GEORGE HILL.
January 5th, 1801.
447

WILLIAM OXLEY & CO.
King-street, HAVE FOR SALE, Superfine, second and coarse broad and narrow cloths, kerseymere, swansdowns, coatings, swankins, blankets, flannels, fancy calicoes and chintzes, black bombazets, durants, ruffellets, Irish linens, Barcelona and pullicat handkerchiefs, womens' and mens' cotton and worsted hose, dimities, checks, silks, threads, &c. &c. which will be sold low for cash, or bartered for flour or tobacco. Dec. 10. eott
A LIST OF LETTERS Remaining in the Post-Office at Alexandria, 1st of January, 1801. If not taken out by the 31st of March, will be returned to the Post-Master General as dead letters.
A. Michael Arthur, William Adams, capt. John Allison, James Allen, George Ainsworth, Elizabeth Alton, Frederick M. Amelung.
B. Capt. Peter Butler, George Baily, capt. Tholimiah Berry, William Boyl, Mariam Bolon, Andrew Belinain, Benjamin Ball, John Buchan, Ray Bliven, Samuel Brewer, Thomas Brand, David Brown, Ellinda Bolden, William Buntin.
C. Reaf Charlton, James Carter, Nimrod Chilholm, Elizabeth Clark, Nicholas Comeford, John Cant, Jacob F. Cooper, Jacob Cook, Thomas Craig, Anthony Crease, Joseph Cannon, Adam Coomod, Overton Carr, Vincent Celly, Matthew Clayton.
D. Elijah Denning, Joshua Dowling, Amrose Deacons, Stephen Donaldson, Henry Dodson.
E. Mr. Esminard.
F. Alexander Farniter, James Frazier.
G. John Graham, James Gabson, James Gunnell.
H. Francis Hamenly, Samuel Howard, Thomas Hughs, Thomas Hannah, James Hunter, Eugin Hanley, George F. Hawkins.
J. Peter John, Seth Jones, John Jacobs, John Johnston, Edward Johnston.
L. Capt. Daniel C. Lane, Jesse Lincoln, Michael Leawdge, capt. Henry Lunt, Charles Lefever, Alexander Letmore, George Lamkin, Robert C. Latimore, Mrs. Lee.
M. Patrick Murphy, Alexander M'Cleane, John Miller, George Minor, Michael M'Connell, William Moody, Theodore Middleton, Benachutus Morse, Michael M'Kee, Thomas Magruder, Mitchel & Thornhily, Ronald M'Donaldson, John Mountjoy.
N. Farmer Nelson, Francis Newman, John Norwood.
O. Cornelius O'Loughlin, Bezin Offield, Henry Oliver.
P. Thomas Parker, William P. Paterson, William Pickering, Thomas Purkins, capt. Henry Piercy, John Prowler, colonel William Payne, capt. Job Palmer.
R. Richard Ratcliff, Daniel Rine, William Rhodes, John Raymond.
S. Caroline M. Steptoe, James Sheehy, James Spencer, Francis Shinard, John Steckney, Samuel Slakum, Samuel Silverster, Wethers Smith, jun. Frederick Sheeve, Robert Smock, Isaac Solomon, Thomas Shaw, Joseph Stevens.
T. Capt. Solomon Tyler, John Tatton, Thomas Townson.
V. Joseph Varden, James Vance.
W. James Williams, Sufannah Welsh, capt. Weeks, John Wormley, Henrick Weydenere, Richard Westcoat, Jesse Whenev, Henry West, Mr. Whitty, Patrick White.
A small Cargo of James River COALS, At Fitzgerald's wharf, To be sold on moderate terms, if applied for immediately.
Philadelphia loaf and lump sugar; hard soap by the box; also a few boxes of crown or shaving soap; hay in bundles of about two hundred weight; Flour, Bran and Shorts by the quantity. Cash given for Wheat or Corn. Wm. HARTSHORNE. 12 mo. 24. eo
NOTICE. Intending shortly to leave this place, it is requested of those to whom I am indebted on Mrs. Washington's or my own account, that they send their bills to Mrs. Washington or me, on or before the first day of January next, when they shall be paid—and those who are indebted to Mrs. Washington, or me, will please to make immediate payment to JAMES ANDERSON. Mount-Vernon, Dec. 23. eo6t
A Housekeeper wanted. LIBERAL wages will be given to a discreet Woman, capable of managing the affairs of my family as a Housekeeper.—A middle aged woman of a mild disposition and regular deportment will be preferred, as part of her attention will be necessary in superintending a nursery of young children. CHARLES LEE. December 13, 1800. eo6t
To Rent And immediate possession given, A convenient dwelling house and store, with necessary out-houses, &c. situate on Duke-street near Col. Hooe's wharf. A further description is thought unnecessary, as it is presumed any person wishing to rent, will view the premises—Apply to CHARLES JAMIESON. January 1. eo3t
GEO. CLEMENTSON Has this day opened a Store adjoining his dwelling-house, at the corner of Prince and Pitt Streets, where he now has, and intends to keep,
A general assortment of GROCERIES, Which he will dispose of on moderate terms, for Cash or Produce.
He has also for Sale, A few DRY GOODS , consisting of brown Hollands, 7-4 white Shirtings, Calicoes, Leather Gloves and Mitts, Threads, Writing Paper, Cutlery, Curry-Combs, Chalk-Lines, Needles, &c. and 15 kegs white Paint ground in Oil. December 22. eo24t
FOR SALE, Genuine Madeira Wine in pipes, hhds. and quarter casks, for approved notes, or exchanged for Tobacco or Flour.
I WILL SELL OR RENT The Store I have occupied for many years past, situated on Prince-Street, opposite Col. Hooe's. No stand in Town more eligible, or better accommodations for carrying on an extensive wholesale, wet or dry good business. The cellar perfectly dry, with a door at each end, will hold one thousand barrels of flour; 2500 barrels may be stowed on the premises without any inconvenience to the occupant.
Those desirous of holding it will apply to me on Merchants' Wharf, where I shall in future do business. W'm I. HALL. December 22. d
Fresh Raisins and Currants for Sale, by Robert B. Jameffon,
Who has (as usual) a general assortment of Wines, Spirits & Groceries, viz. Jamaica and W. I. Rum, old Peach, Cogniac and Bourdeaux Brandy, Holland Geneva, Irish and Country Whiskey, a few pipes of old Bill Madeira, four do. London market do. 16 half pipes 7 year old Port, 20 quarter casks Sherry, 5 pipes Teneriffe, 4 pipes Catatonia, and a few qr. casks of Lisbon and Malaga Wines, Powder, loaf and lump Sugars, Molasses, Spanish Honey, Salt Petre, Copperas, Madder, Race and ground Ginger, Pimento, Pepper, Mace, Nutmegs, Cloves, Teas of the latest importations, Fig-Blue, Gunpowder, Patent Shot, Leiper and Hamilton's Snuff in bladders and bottles, Alum, Indigo, Pearl Barley, Starch, London brown Stout and Porter in bottles, Almonds, spinning Cotton, Hunter's Pipes in kegs, Olives, Capers and Anchovies, Chocolate, Rice, Mustard, and Spanish Segars; all of which will be sold low for Cash, Country Produce, or on a time to his punctual customers.
Also, five likely, strong KENTUCKY HORSES, On a liberal Credit. December 20, 1800. d
WANTED TO HIKE, For the service of the Potomac Company for the ensuing year, to work at the Great-Falls,
A number of active, able bodied NEGRO MEN, for whom liberal wages will be given. They will be well fed, clothed and lodged, humanely treated, and in cases of sickness taken good care of at the expence of the Company—Their wages will be paid quarterly, and if desirable to the owners, agents will be appointed at different places to pay at the expiration of each quarter, as may be most convenient to the parties. Further particulars may be had by application to Mr. Alexander Reid, at the Great-Falls, or to the subscriber in George-Town. By order of the President and Directors. JOSEPH CARLETON, Treasurer of the Potomac Company. George-Town, Dec. 29. 3ot
Boarding and Lodging May be had for five or six gentlemen, by applying to JOHN GORDON, King Street. December 16. eo
An extensive and well chosen Assortment of CALICOES & CHINTSES, With a variety of other articles, this day received, and for Sale, by JOHN HORSBURGH.
J. Horsburgh respectfully informs those of his customers with whom he has running accounts, that he is under the necessity of discontinuing this practice;—therefore in future he will sell for Cash or Produce only. December 22. d
ANTHONY SAWYER, Hair Dresser and Perfumer, (lately from Baltimore) Royal street, between King and Prince streets, fourth door south of the Printing Office of the Times,
Begs leave to inform the Ladies of Alexandria, and the country generally, that having received the newest fashion of Ladies' Wigs and Filets, he will be thankful to receive their orders for the above articles; and will warrant them equal to any manufactured on the continent.
N. B. Any Lady wishing to see his Patterns, may be accommodated by sending a servant to his shop.
He has for sale, every article in his Perfumery line, on the most reasonable terms. Alex. Dec. 8. d
Notice is hereby given to the Stock-Holders of the Bank of Alexandria, that an Election will be held at the Court House in this town on the third Monday in January next, for the purpose of choosing nine Directors of said Bank, for the ensuing year, agreeably to charter. GURDEN CHAPIN, Cash'r. Dec. 16. d4w
To be Hired on the 1st day of January next, at Dublin in the County of Essex, between 20 and 30 Negroes, consisting of Men, Lads, Boys, Women, and Children. Among them are an excellent Brick-Moulder, and four others who have been employed in the Brick-Making business in Frederickburg and Alexandria.—Mr. Thomas Irwin will have it in his power to hire the Moulder and two others (who are now in Alexandria hired to Mr. George Coryell) privately if any one should apply. BALDWIN M. LEE. Westmoreland, December 5. 10d
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the estate of the late THOMAS PORTER, are requested to bring them forward on or before the first of March next, and those indebted to him are respectfully requested to make payment to SARAH PORTER, Adm'x. Jan. 1. (2)eo
FOR SALE, A LOT of GROUND On the corner of Queen and Fairfax streets, extending 123 feet 2 inches on Queen street, 45 feet 8 inches on Fairfax street; this property is liable to no incumbrance. For terms apply to Mr. John Green, Alexandria, or Mr. Hezekiah Price, Old-Town, Baltimore.
Liberal credit will be allowed for the payment. January 2. eo18t