The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-08-22 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXLII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, AUGUST, 22d, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
From the French Papers.
PARIS, May 25.
LEGISLATIVE BODY.
PRESIDENCY OF G. RENAUD LAUSOURS.
Sitting of May 23.
The Counsellors of State Emery, Berlier, and Najac were introduced. The first spoke as follows: "The view of the negotiation which has been submitted to you, has enabled you to appreciate the sincerity of the wishes which the Government has never ceased to express for the maintenance of peace. The First Consul has made, for the preservation of this inestimable blessing, every sacrifice that appeared to him consistent with the Majesty of the Great Nation, of which he is the chief. Lord Whitworth carried with him the hope of an accommodation, but the passions which agitate the British Cabinet have extinguished the last gleam of hope, and the Cabinet has shown itself insensible to the voice of reason, and deaf to the cry of humanity. France, therefore, will not make war, but she will accept and support it with the energy which she has already displayed. The English Administration has caused French ships, passengers, and other citizens on board them, to be seized, without a previous declaration of war. They have ordered the execution of this act of perfidy, unheard of in the annals of polished nations, even before the French Ambassador had quitted English ground. The effects of the Proclamation of the King of England, have caused astonishment and dismay among his subjects, and excited astonishment and fury among the French. It is then true that England has made war upon us. In this new crisis Government will not be wanting to the nation, and the nation will not be wanting to the Government. The aggression has commenced on the part of England. The reprisals ought to follow immediately."
The Orator then communicated the following decree:—
Art. I. It is prescribed to every Commander of the Squadrons or Naval Divisions of the Republic, Captains of ships and other vessels of war, to attack all those of the King of England, as well as ships belonging to his subjects, to seize them, and bring them into the ports of the Republic.
II. Commissions shall be delivered to the owners of French privateers who shall require it, and who may be in a situation to obtain them, conforming in regard to said privateers to the existing laws and regulations.
III. All the English enrolled in the militia between the age of eighteen and sixty, or who hold commissions from his Britannic Majesty, now in France, shall be immediately constituted prisoners of war, to answer for the same to the Republic who may have been detained and made prisoners by the vessels or subjects of his Britannic Majesty before the declaration of war.
IV. The Ministers are charged each as far as concerned with the execution of the present Decree, which shall be inserted in the Bulletin of Laws.
The First Consul, (Signed) BONAPARTE. By the First Consul. The Secretary of State, (Signed) H. B. MARET.
The President answered, "Citizens Counsellors of State, the French people are too great, too confident in their strength, in the energy and wisdom of their Government, and in the genius of the Chief of the Republic, to entertain the least fear from the war to which they are challenged. France will know how to repel it with the manly vigour of a warlike nation. The Legislative Body will always give the examples of firmness, with which the dignity and justice of our cause inspire it. Citizens Counsellors of State, be our organ to Government; assure it, that it shall be always ready to second it in every measure in which our assistance shall be required."
The Legislator Dumesnes spoke after the President—"The cry of indignation and vengeance, which the conduct of an ambitious and proud Government has excited, shall resound through all France. The Powers of the Continent will second that generous impulse, which has been produced among us by an act of perfidy, that forms a striking contrast with the religious execution of our engagements. This odious infraction of a treaty, broken almost as soon as it was signed, will not remain unpunished; a treaty in which the interests of the two rivals were wisely balanced, and in which humanity was delighted to behold the solemn and real pledge of the peace of the world.—Yes, I swear by the honour of a people
as brave as loyal, the blood which is going to be shed, will fall upon the aggressor; and that nation which does not suffer an equal, shall descend from a rank for which nature never intended it.— Proud of the numerous squadrons; of their fleets, which serve them for ramparts; of their gold, of which they exaggerate the power, the English have laid in their hearts, 'the land belongs to him who is master of the sea.' This maxim, of which a great example has already proved the falsehood, a nation which has shown that nothing is impossible to it, will refute."
Eternal hatred to the nation that would aspire to dominion over every other! I say further—evil to the nation that should succeed in the attempt! It would find, in its greatness, the principle of its dissolution. Convinced of this truth, France herself has set bounds to her successes, and her enemies have obtained more from her moderation, than they had a right to expect from their triumphs. But, if there were a nation for which fortune reserved the dangerous advantage of supremacy, with which of the two would it be most likely to continue?—Is it with a nation which is desirous of purchasing, at any price, a colossal greatness, has no other basis for it except a fragile credit, or rather with one which is rich in all the means of prosperity, has also the peculiar genius for turning them to advantage, with a nation in whose bosoms are fomented the destructive seeds of trouble always ready to break out; or, rather, of one whole administration, wise and strong enough to rally all spirits, inspire all hearts, and direct every wish to one object; of a nation, whose fortune and valour are attached to an element which is the emblem of inconstancy, or rather of one whose courage knows no obstacles, and seems to think it play to arrive at glory by unusual ways.— Frenchmen, you have fought ten years for your liberty, and you have cemented it by prodigies. Your single independence is now the question. A proud Cabinet, in attacking you, menaces the independence of the whole world. Assuredly the war which you are going to maintain, is no less necessary, honorable, and just, than the preceding one and the issue of it will be such as your invincible courage promises, guided by a hero who has made a compact with victory.
I hear it said, that Rome and Carthage are going a second time to decide, by fate of arms, the destinies of mankind. How incorrect is this simile, in which some superficial minds indulge! Rome only combated for herself; but it is the cause of all nations that you are going to defend. Every pretence of war was greedily seized by the Roman Senate, to whom all equilibrium was insupportable; and your government, inspired with moderation, has exhausted, for the maintenance of peace, every means that the dignity of the nation could allow. Rome finally destroyed her rival, because she wished to enslave the world; you, on the contrary, who look to a more noble glory, you only desire to put a curb on ambition, which is the more culpable as it does not respect the most sacred obligations, and faithful to the principles of a wise and generous policy you shewed, desire that there should always be a counterpoise to your power, and object of emulation for your virtue. I move, that the Legislative body shall form itself into a secret committee, to hear the report of its commission, which it has charged to present to it the plan of an address to government."
The Tribunes were cleared at half past five; the secret committee rose, after having appointed a deputation of twenty-five members, to congratulate the First Consul upon the wisdom and firmness which he has displayed upon the present important occasion. The next sitting was fixed for Wednesday last.
TRIBUNATE. SITTING OF THE 9th PRIARIAL, (MAY 23.)
In the name of a special committee Darau made a report on the official pieces of the negotiation with England.
When the first cry of war was heard, every one cast his eyes around him, and beheld Europe in full possession of peace. The allies of France alone had cause to complain. The Batavian Republic still expected the restitution of the Cape of Good Hope, Turkey that of Egypt, and France demanded the evacuation of Malta, and the acknowledgment of its independence.
It is not, however, among us that the first cry of war is raised. It issued from the bottom of a nation which has given rise to such well founded complaints.
We learnt that there were negotiations without knowing that new interests remained to be regulated and we have just seen that the issue is an insulting provocation.
We must then enter into a severe examination of the complaints of France and England, follow the conduct of the negotiation, and observe what will be the result of war to both nations.
Here the orator referred to the early part of the revolution. He represented France as attacked by foreigners, who threatened to invade it; those same foreigners promised their support to a family which had long governed France, while they carefully remained at a distance from that country, from which places were taken in their name, exciting refugees, who marched in their train, and abandoned them after their defeat. In the midst of this disproportioned struggle, the French armies were commanded by generals enemies of the revolution, and every thing seemed to predict approaching destruction and total defeat. If any one had raised his voice in the midst of these different circumstances—if he had laid to you, do not despair of your preservation, of your liberty, there are still great men in those obscure ranks, they will conduct your armies to victory—they will recover the limits of your territory, you will recover your prosperity within, and you will command peace to Europe combined against you. Certainly, if any one had presumed to hold such language, would he not have been treated like a madman? Yet I have only stated what is the history of yourselves.
Our enemies soon perceived that the calculation of hatred are always false, and that it is always folly for foreigners to interfere in our civil discords. It therefore no longer became a question of disputing with the French people, the right of fixing its destinies, and of forcing it to descend from the first rank among nations. The events which succeeded with astonishing rapidity, loudly called for a man capable of ruling, and assuring to France the result of its long and glorious efforts. That man appeared, glory named him, and the voice of the French people is ever obedient to the call of glory. Called to the supreme magistracy, his first thought was to put a period to his military glory, and to pacify Europe. The orator adverted to the overtures which were made by Bonaparte for the re-establishment of peace between France and England. He cited the answer of the cabinet of London, in which after having expressed that Europe would see with pleasure the ruins of the French government restored to the hands of the family, who so long procured peace within, and respect from abroad, his Britannic majesty avowed, that he attached to that event alone; the possibility of a solid and durable pacification.
Though in this note, continued the orator, an attempt was made to apologize for the war, rather than to afford the means of terminating it; the first consul proposed preliminaries, they were rejected, and no negotiation could be opened. The battle of Marengo was an answer to every thing, and subsequent events have proved how sincere were the dispositions manifested at a later period in the cabinet of London. Since then the English ministers, in the correspondence relative to the armistice, exhausted all those means which proved the desire of renewing war, rather than of putting a period to its ravages. The battle of Hohenlinden again operated as an answer to every thing. The treaty of Luneville was concluded, and one cannot too much applaud the prudence of him who directed the negotiations, and that spirit of conciliation which overcame so many obstacles, and produced such happy results.
Let us proceed to the periods which followed the treaty of Amiens. It represents the British government tolerating the disgusting injuries of miserable writers, and the scandalous libels of a few shameless men, reeking from assassinations, and authorizing, with a sort of affectation, some refugees to wear, insultingly, marks of distinction which did not exist, and throwing them on our shores with defamatory libels, pretended commissions, and machines of destruction.
Those who gave such commissions, said he, were not the ancient ministers of the gospel worthy of that sacred character, they are rebels who wish to prevent peace from entering into their consciences, and who, after having invoked the authority of their chief in revolts, disregarded him when he commands submission.
The reporter referred to the complaint alleged by England, and shewed the injustice of them. If we may believe, said he, these domineering Islanders, you
can no longer establish peace among your neighbours; consummate an exchange without England claiming the right of having a guarantee which she now requires, only because she thinks you are not in a condition to resist her. Thus she traces around you the narrow circle of Populus, but Populus was a Roman, and the king did not command a million of brave men; but if this impudence, excess of impudence and pride is extraordinary, what is still more so, is the moderation, the excess of moderation which contrast with it in the whole course of the negotiations—a moderation which is the result of calumny and force. Tribunes let us imitate it.
In a note of the Britannic minister, the king of England complains of offensive allegations contained in the report of col. Sebastiani. This report is but a necessary reparation, and such as the French army had a right to expect from the disgusting calumnies, the low injuries, and the outrageous accusations contained in the work of an English officer, and of which the reception of Col. Sebastiani in Egypt is an answer.
England complains of the part we have taken in the differences of Switzerland. Certainly Switzerland has dearly paid for the advantage of protecting herself. Civil war was kindled in her bosom, the blood of her citizens flowed; every benefit of the reign of the law was disregarded. What was the result of that mediation against which they rail? That of stopping the effusion of blood, restoring repose to the citizens, and giving to that country a fit constitution for which it sighed, and which alone could protect it.
England argues against our increase of territory; it is not more exact in advancing that France is now in a different state of possession from that which existed at the period of the negotiations at Amiens; at least they must include in the comparative picture the conquests she has renounced.
Let us now examine the complaints of France, and let us disdain to occupy ourselves with those injuries which miserable writers are allowed to commit, which Great Britain has tolerated without regard to the respect due to friendly nations.
Ask Mr. Dundas on what titles the power of England in India is founded, he will answer, it is true, we have received some concessions from the sovereigns who have governed that country for nine ages. As the reward for that benefit we have carried war into their states; we have dispossessed them by supposing a correspondence which did not exist.— But at length we will say to Europe that we now keep by the force of arms that country which we have made by the force of arms.
Without doubt the English will soon enjoy a spectacle capable of flattering their pride.—They will see the son of a nabob, complaining to them of an unjust dispossession, and claiming a less rigorous captivity—this will recall to them the glorious time of the Roman republic, when vanquished Princes proclaimed before the Senate, by the organ of the Juris Consultes , in the unhappy estates invaded by the Roman Proconsuls.
And who will be the judges of this important cause? The government of India. Who will be the accusers? The government of India. Who will reap the fruit of the punishment inflicted on the guilty? The government of India. But however odious these usurpations are, they are not less profitable. They do not less change in any sensible manner the state of the possessions in England, and this should have interdicted the cabinet of London from such allegations against France.
To the peace, to full of danger, let us oppose the supposition of a state of war. The articles which commerce brings us from India and America will arrive with difficulty, and their prices will rise; but if those articles which are called articles of luxury shall become more scarce, those of the first necessity, particularly bread, will double its price in England. Our commerce may be interrupted, but that of our enemies will have fewer channels. We may preserve or resume positions which may facilitate attack or defence. The powers of the continent who have signed or guaranteed the treaty of Amiens will doubtless not approve of the infraction. They cannot blame the pretensions of France, since they demand nothing; they cannot see without inquietude the system of dominion of an usurping power. The continent will at last, we dare believe, avoid kindling a general war, to favor the ambition of England. What will be the attitude of the two belligerent powers
The one will send her vessels to hover over our coasts, without daring to land. In this respect your security is perfect. They do not conceive the possibility of an enterprize. If at the moment I am speaking, you should be informed that the English had effected a landing on our shores, which of you would not wish that they should penetrate the continent, to be more certain of their destruction?
Compare the impression which would be made as the news of the arrival of a French army in England, the passage to which is doubtless more difficult; but the effect of which would be more terrible. We have the power of conquering the states which England possesses on the continent, and if we set foot on this island, the English power is overthrown. She can only lightly wound us, we may pierce her to the heart.
An army of 40,000 men, well disciplined, is ready to rush on the territory of a rival nation, and that government which has such a small number of land forces, will be obliged to send a great part of its population to the coasts to oppose our landing. The pressing already excites murmurs. The militia will complete the discontent. The stay of a large army on their coasts, will necessarily be very expensive to our enemies, whilst it will not occasion any increase of expenditure on our part. Finally it is possible France may finish this war in a day, and it is impossible to say for how many years France may be obliged to demand peace."
He concluded by reading the following project:—
"The Tribunate, by virtue of the right given to it by the twenty-ninth article of the third title of the constitution, after having considered the negotiation which has taken place between the republic and England;
"Convinced that government has done all the honor of the French nation could admit of to secure peace;
"That however the British cabinet during this negotiation permitted unusual forms, false allegations, unjust demands, and even hostile acts;
"That the peace to be allowed by France must be purchased by the inaction of a solemn treaty—by an injury towards its allies;
"Decrees that the following will should be conveyed to the Tribunate in body.
"The Tribunate declares its wish that there should be instantly taken the most energetic measures, in order to force respect to the faith of treaties, and the dignity of the French nation."
The Tribunate ordered the report to be printed.
Riouffe also made a long speech, and concluded with the following motion:
"In testimony of this unalterable union of the first authorities of the republic, I move that the Tribunate should go in a body to the First Consul, to thank him for his moderation and magnanimity, and declare to him the readiness of the Tribunate to support him with all their energy and power against a nation without faith, that violates treaties." [Reiterated and prolonged applause of several instants.]
The proposition of Riouffe was adopted unanimously, as was also the project of Darau; and the president was ordered to wait upon the First Consul to know when he would be pleased to receive the Tribunate.—The sitting then rose.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 3.
MOTION FOR CENSURING MINISTERS.
MR. COURTNEY agreed with the hon. member who had said that this was an occasion on which all should unite with regard to party views. All the spirit of the country should be unanimously exerted against the ambitious designs of France. At the same that he recommended this unanimity, he could not help observing that the hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had exerted all his ingenuity and abilities to unite all parties, and he now found that the party who had supported the peace, and that which had opposed, were equally hostile to him. He should advert to circumstances, which may serve to explain his conduct. In making the peace, he may have fallen into a mistake which he might defend by saying, "Novitas Regimine talia cogit?" but having discovered the error in this peace, had now broken it, in order to set every thing right again. For this he had the authority of a great and learned statesman; that statesman was—Hippocrates

not to be destroyed? The right hon. (a loud laugh) — In one of that great man's aphorisms it was stated, that if by any unlucky accident a man happened to break his leg, and the limb after being set appeared to be distorted, in order to correct the distortion, he should do — what? why, break the leg again, (a laugh) and then by resorting to a person of skill, experience and address, he may have it set properly, and have it restored to its proper shape. He made no invidious application, he threw out the simple observation to the House, and they would apply it if they thought proper. He hoped the House would allow that he had not taken an argument out of any gentleman's mouth, and having nothing more to say, he should sit down.
MR. PITT — "I rise to discharge one of the most important public duties in this most eventful crisis: a duty which, independent of every generous feeling, is not without pain, from the manly way in which the hon. gentleman concluded by calling for decision. If I felt myself capable of deciding either way, I should not pursue the course I mean to adopt. If, on the retrospect of all that is before us, I conceived that we ought to address his majesty to remove his present ministers, notwithstanding the sacrifice of personal feeling it would require, I should, even painful as that sacrifice would be, support such an address. If I felt, as I am sure many do, that the explanations that have given were so clear and satisfactory as to amount to a justification for giving a decided negative to the motions proposed, and thus a vote of approbation, though not expressly given, would be necessarily implied, for if ministers can clear themselves of substantial blame in times of so much difficulty, it amounts to praise. If that were clear, I should perform with alacrity a much more agreeable duty by giving a vote opposite to censure. But I must say, that I am not prepared to approve to that extent. There are many of the charges in which I do not agree. I think them unfounded, and some of them exaggerated. I think there is a broad objection to the nature and scope of them. I do not see why parliament should in this case come to resolutions which cannot be acceded to, unless there is a necessity for Parliament to censure and obtain the removal of those whom his majesty thinks proper to honor with his confidence; it may be right, in some instances, to do that, but the right should be exercised with discretion. Sir, I put it to the feelings of the House, I put it to the heart of every man who hears me, whether, however he may be dissatisfied at some material parts of the conduct of his majesty's ministers, I say Sir, I put it to every man who hears me, whether he thinks the most likely mode to accelerate the efforts which we shall be called upon to make, to afford us the best chance of providing for an enlarged system of finance, and to secure to us a solid and extensive plan of defence, will be by adopting a proceeding which must cut short that extensive government which it appears the crown honours with its countenance and approbations — But let gentlemen consider, that to displace an executive government at such a moment as the present, is not the word of a day or of an hour; there must be an interval in which the functions of executive government would be in a manner suspended; whole days and weeks would be for ever sacrificed and lost. Sir, I ask then whether gentlemen conceive the necessity to be so paramount, whether they are of opinion that the case has been so clearly made out as to make us believe that this is the best way for following up the pledge we gave his majesty to second, with our lives and fortunes, the efforts which he feels it necessary to make against an enemy whose tyrannical conduct has forced us into the present contest. Sir, I put it to gentlemen, whether, with a view to any administration which must rest, and I trust always will rest, with the crown to decide: I put it to gentlemen conscientiously, whether any set of men whom the crown might think proper to select, would feel, that the way in which an opening would be made for their coming into office, would afford them the best chance of discharging with effect and satisfaction the duty they would owe to their country and to themselves? Sir, those are considerations which must weigh with the crown; they are considerations which must weigh deeply with the people; they are considerations which must outweigh all feelings and considerations of a personal nature. The situation of my honorable friends below me must be irksome: the crisis is important: the difficulties great. But Sir, I cannot sacrifice that which I feel to be my bounden duty to any personal feelings. Sir, they who think the conduct of his majesty's ministers to be altogether proper, will vote decisively against the present motion; they who think that their conduct deserves the censure which it has been contended they do deserve, will vote with the honorable gentleman whose resolutions have been read from the chair. For myself, whether I address myself to any number of men, or even to one who thinks with me, I know not; but if there be those who cannot, with me, dismiss from their minds deep dissatisfaction at many passages in the papers before the house such
persons, I say, must judge what part it becomes them to take. They cannot vote an unqualified negative to the present resolution, because that would be voting direct approbation of their conduct. Much less will gentlemen vote for the severe charges brought against his majesty's ministers; if they do not think that these charges have been sustained and supported to their full and complete extent. With respect to those who entertain the same opinions as myself, they will perhaps feel with me the necessity of acting without much discussion. My wish and object is to deprecate, upon the present occasion, all discussion, and therefore it is that I avoid entering into any detailed view of the first resolution, or any of the other resolutions that have been moved. Sir, I wish if the good that can be obtained by discussing them, be not comparable to the mischief that may be produced, that nor an hour, a moment may be lost in making good that solemn promise which we have laid at the feet of his majesty: and I confess, with a view to our giving a proof of our spirit and vigour, I should see you Sir, with much more satisfaction, tendering a bill of supply to his Majesty, adequate to the great struggle in which we are engaged. I say, Sir, I should see you with more pleasure, entreating his Majesty's assent to some great measure of finance, competent to the crisis in which we are placed, and capable of enabling us to adopt measures of energy and spirit, and decision, than I should view a measure, which, instead of accomplishing these objects, would be tendering to his Majesty a vote for the dismissal of the present administration from his councils; and let gentlemen consider whether they would have this the first tender, after we have entered into such a war, (which I repeat, Sir, instead of accomplishing these objects would be tendering a vote for the dismissal of the present ministers from his councils. Sir, this, in my idea and contemplation of the subject, is so binding that I must be guided by it. Without entering, therefore into any details, which I have already said I profess to avoid, I shall now conclude by moving you that the other orders of the day be now read.
Messrs. Fox and Sheridan rose together, as soon as Mr. Pitt had done. After a few minutes cry of Chair, Chair, they gave way to
LORD HAWKESBURY, who rose with evident marks of great agitation. Never, Sir, in the whole course of my life, did I rise with such feelings and sentiments as I do upon the present occasion. With every disposition to do justice to my right honorable friend, who has just set down, I should, I say, think that I was shrinking from every sense of my duty, (hear, hear.) If I could accept the compromise which he has offered me. (loud cries of hear, hear, hear.) Sir I beg the house to consider what has been their course of proceeding that has been adopted. His majesty's government have thought it their duty to lay before the house all the information they deemed necessary. Many gentlemen called for other documents, and I am sure a general disposition was evinced on the part of his majesty's government, to make every gentleman perfectly acquainted with the subject. Under these circumstances an hon. gentleman has brought forward several resolutions criminalizing and censuring his majesty's ministers. I do therefore defy any person to state to me an instance, where, when such a body of charges has been brought forward the house has not met it with a direct vote either of affirmative or negative. And Sir, where the evidence has been positive, and upon facts, how can the house, I would ask vote either the previous question, or the adjournment, without feeling that they do to a degree, assent to the principle of censure that has been moved against his majesty's ministers. I will do the right honorable gentleman the justice to say, that he has not disguised his opinion. He seems to think there is ground for censure. Sir, if there be, let me hear it, let me know what it is, and if I cannot repeal it, it will then be for me to lay the seals of office at his Majesty's feet. I might indeed, allude to a transaction in which I had the good fortune to concur with my right honorable friend: I mean upon the Russian armament, when distinct charges of censure were brought against his majesty's government, which were met by the house by a distinct negative. The right hon. gentleman says, he is not anxious, but upon a case of urgent necessity, to interfere with the undoubted prerogative of the crown, to appoint its own ministers. Sir, I hold that right as high as any man, but though I do hold that the parliament has no right of negative to the mere appointments, yet still, Sir, it is the duty of parliament to revise and correct the acts of ministers. Sir, I believe every gentleman who hears me will agree with me, that if ever there was a time in which the credit of government should be upheld, it is at the commencement of such a contest as the present. If I wished to discredit the government I should vote for its dissolution. Now then I ask, whether, after the vote of censure that has been moved, the Rt. hon. gentleman's motion of adjournment does not go to discredit that government which still he thinks ought not to be destroyed? The right hon.
gentleman has not been lengthy, neither will I. He seems to think he may disapprove of parts of the conduct of his majesty's ministers, but not to the extent of inducing him to accede to a vote of positive and direct censure. I must say, Sir, that I regret the view he has taken of the subject. It is true, that in reverting to the conduct of government, it would be absurd to say, that many acts might not have been better. But I have always heard that a practical statesman must make up his mind to support or oppose upon a general system; that must be the ground of his support or of his opposition. It is not that a man must think the government he supports to be always in the right. No, Sir, he must think that their general principle is right; and it is on that account he gives them his support. The same may be said of those who oppose an administration. It is not that they are of opinion that every measure is wrong, but they proceed upon the idea that the general system of administration is wrong, and they look at their conduct with jealousy and suspicion. These are the principles I have held; and upon this ground I must always regret that my right hon. friend had not made up his mind to state, not whether he liked or disliked this or that act, but whether, upon a review of the whole conduct of his majesty's ministers, he should do: — What? Approve of all their acts? No, Sir; but whether, when a vote of censure was moved against them, he would say yes or no. Sir, I do own, I never rose with more painful feelings in my life. I am sure my right hon. friend is actuated by the same principles that have always influenced his life, but yet I should not be doing what I owe to my country and myself, if I acceded to his proposition. If his majesty's ministers accept the proffered compromise, they would deserve the censure moved against them. Before God and my country, I can say I have no desire to remain one hour longer in office than I think I can be useful — and it is because I will not be a discredited servant, that I will not accept the compromise. Sir, I repeat, that as long as I can hold the situation which his majesty has been pleased to bestow upon me, with honour to myself and utility to my country, I will continue to hold it. I desire to hold it not one moment longer.
Earl Temple observed, that with respect to the first resolution which had been moved for, little or nothing need be said. It had been stated in his majesty's declaration (which he should consider as the declaration of ministers) that they had observed and lamented the system of violence, injustice, and aggrandizement, which had been carried on with little disguise since the treaty of Amiens. That abominable policy which had directed Bonaparte, in the first instance, to seize upon Egypt, by means of perfidy and fraud, and indeed every other nefarious principle upon which he had acted during the whole of the war, is now avowed by ministers to have been pursued by him since the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens; but was it not too barefaced in ministers to come down to the house with this declaration in their hands, and to say, that they have now found out, by the papers laid upon the table, what they were in fact in possession of ever since the conclusion of the definitive treaty? On the 23d of November last, his majesty's ministers had stated, that there was no ground for suspecting any hostility with France; whereas he would assert, that there was no single act of aggression now made the foundation for hostile proceedings against that country, which had not existed when the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Addington) made that assertion (excepting, indeed, Sebastiani's report, and the article inserted by Rheinart, the French Minister, in the Hamburg paper ). The annexation of Parma to France was prior to that statement made by ministers, being declared by proclamation on 23d October last. So also was the suspicious circumstance of French commercial agents being sent into this country; for it was on the 17th of November last, that a paper sent to one of them had been intercepted. The violence done to our shipping and commerce had also existed prior to the month of November: for it was on the 25th October last, that an English ship had been condemned in France, merely because the captain had some knives and forks in his cabin of English manufacture, and for his own use. This had been stated to his majesty's ministers by Mr. Merry at the time. As to the occupation or Holland by the French troops, that circumstance existed in its full force when the right hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated that there was no ground for hostility; for, in Mr. Lisson's dispatches of the 13th and 29th October last, he had stated, that the French troops which had let off professedly to evacuate Holland had afterwards halted and taken possession of Breda and other frontier towns. With regard to Malta, it had been stated by ministers in the declaration, that the 10th article of the treaty had been found incapable of being carried into execution. But so long ago as on the 27th April, 1802, the king of Spain had confiscated the revenues of the order of Malta in that country, and had annexed the priories of the order to the crown;
yet although ministers knew this fact, and also that the circumstances of the two countries had undergone such an alteration since the treaty, as to require an alteration in the treaty itself, they had afterwards applied to almost every court in Europe to guarantee the independence of Malta, which independence could not in fact be guaranteed when the revenues of the order had been confiscated.
The next charge brought against France in the declaration, was its interference in the affairs of Switzerland; but every circumstance which induced that interference had occurred previous to the 23d November last. At that moment Mr. Moore was negotiating at Constant, which, if it had been carried to the extent intended, must have terminated in hostilities. The next charge against France was, that of demanding a breach of faith and of hospitality towards the French emigrants in this country. This also was prior to the 23d November last. It was also known to ministers before that period, that it was not the intention of the French government to indemnify the Stadtholder according to the stipulations of the treaty of Amiens. — On the 23d February last the minister had declared that we were in a state of profound peace, and that no hostile discussions existed betwixt the two countries, but were not the insults stated in his majesty's declaration offered to this country before that time? With regard to Sebastiani's report, he found that on the 9th of February, lord Whitworth had been instructed to remonstrate on that point; and, on the 21st of Feb. his lordship had the conference with Bonaparte, in which the latter had stated his views on Egypt, &c. However, on the 8th of March following, ministers came down and informed the house, that the country must prepare for war. For this war, his lordship said, he trusted the country was prepared, and that every bosom beat high with indignation against the perfidious enemy. Ministers had repeatedly asked for complete confidence, whilst in no instance had they reposed any in the house. The next question which the house was now called upon to consider was, whether ministers had done their utmost to rescue the country from the calamities of the present moment? Whether they had done that which became a great and powerful country? — Whether, when insults were offered, they had remonstrated? Whether their interference had been well timed, and the measures they had taken were such as to render that interference effectual? And here he must observe that notwithstanding the molestations on our ships, his lordship said he could find no remonstrance had been made, and not even an answer to the letter sent by Mr. Merry on that subject. In the next case, which respected the commercial agents, no remonstrance appeared from ministers upon that subject. He would ask, had they even taken the means of removing these men? With the exception of the agent sent to Guernsey, no instance occurred of such removal, altho' ministers knew that these agents had come here with such instructions as in time of war would have subjected them to be considered and dealt with as spies. Although these men might not be suffered to go to the places of their destination, yet they were suffered to remain in London, and other parts of the country." The next ground of war was the occupation of Holland by the French troops. But subsequent to Mr. Lisson's letter on that subject, ministers had ordered the Cape to be given up, nor did it in fact appear that they had made any remonstrance on this conduct of France, which was so contrary to the letter of a solemn treaty.
Then with respect to Switzerland, ministers considered the circumstances of that country such, as to justify them in their interference; but did they do it in such a manner as to render this interference respectable; or did they remonstrate so as to render their remonstrance effectual? As far back as the 13th of July last, the Swiss had complained with respect to the confiscation which had been imposed on them; on the 12th of September they were actually in arms; a Swiss agent had applied to the English minister, and to other foreign ministers at Paris: on the 10th October following, our ministers gave in their remonstrance to M. Otto, to which no answer appeared to have been given. — (But said his lordship, report says that an answer was given, and one offensive to this country, telling it that the treaty of Amiens had settled and provided for every thing, and that it had nothing to do with the affairs of the continent; an answer this so offensive, that, in his opinion, it would have afforded sufficient justification for sending the French minister out of this country.) Whilst this remonstrance was given to M. Otto, Mr. Moore was sent to Switzerland, but afterwards ordered to return home, so that from July to November last, ministers trifled in the business, until a time when no troops could act in Switzerland, and no effectual assistance could be afforded to the Swiss. The fifth cause of war was that which respected Malta. The difficulties on this subject had continued to increase. At last lord Whitworth was commissioned to tell the French government that nothing but Malta in perpetuity would satisfy us. M. Tal-
leyrand, on the other hand, declare that the non-evacuation of Malta would be considered as the commencement of hostilities. In spite of this, ministers had continued offering ultimatum after ultimatum, and at last they sunk their pretensions to the retention of Malta for ten years, and the sovereignty of Lampedosa, (a place without population, where the expenses of removing a bar, and forming a harbour, &c. were to be incurred.) But could this Lampedosa be considered for a moment as any thing like a complete counterbalance for the immense extension of the power of France in Italy, and elsewhere? The next cause of war he found to be the attack made by the government of France upon the freedom of the British press. An infamous demand this on the part of France! But though letters passed on this subject, was there, he would ask, one instruction sent to lord Whitworth, authorizing him to declare, that if France insisted on the article demanded, he must quit Paris? The seventh article respected the trade and grants in this country. Our honours had been attacked, whilst the pride of Bonaparte was hurt at the French nobles, &c. wearing the badge of their respective orders. But how pusillanimous was the answer of ministers!
"We are sorry for the circumstance, but we cannot help it!" And was attachment of these noble and suffering royalists to their injured Sovereign and ancient institution to be thus rewarded, in answering to the imperious demand of the domineering Bonaparte? The next demand made by France, was, that we should deport the emigrants to Canada, &c. And what was the answer returned by ministers? Why, that it was in contemplation to do so, and that measures would be taken to remove them out of the country! — I really, said his lordship, am ashamed of such timid and pusillanimous proceedings! From this general view which he had taken of the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, Earl Temple said, that he inferred — First, that Ministers had seen, from the first moment of the signature of the Treaty of Amiens, the same spirit existing in the French Government, as during the successive periods of the Revolution. Secondly, that whilst under this conviction, they had deluded this country, by holding out airy phantoms that must depart, and elude the hope of enjoying any permanent peace; and thirdly (and which his lordship said he considered to be the most offensive part of their conduct,) that Ministers, during the various provocations offered by France, had either not made remonstrances, or had not taken measures to render them effectual, or else that they had not acted in a manner worthy of the dignity of a great and powerful nation. His lordship concluded by saying, that such gentlemen as conceived that the conduct of Ministers had been such, for the two last years, as to strengthen their confidence in the present arduous contest, would vote accordingly; but, for his part, he would declare for himself and others, that they were prepared to sacrifice every thing in this arduous contest; but that they were not prepared to make such a sacrifice at the shrine of Ministers in whom they could have no confidence.
MR. T. Grenville rose involuntarily, having long waited in the hope of hearing something from those most concerned in the question. — He had expected to have heard something in the shape of an answer to the charges that had been urged so powerfully by the hon. gentleman who had made the motion, and so ably supported by others. As the greater part of what had been argued in the course of the debate was all on one side, reluctant as he was to rise, he should be inclined to offer himself to the house to relieve it from that unvaried repetition of facts, which had been introduced into the discussion. So many arguments had been used which required some answer, that he had hitherto waited to hear in what view those most concerned considered the charges; but finding it vain to delay longer, he rose to submit a few remarks, though they should be only a repetition of the same cases that had already been so ably urged. An argument had been urged by more than one hon. gentleman upon the impropriety of bringing forward such resolutions at a period like the present, of public calamity, while the only use the investigation could serve, would be to give information to the enemy. What information, he would ask, could the resolutions now moved give to the enemy? That information which he, for one would wish them to possess, that we were determined to exercise that first duty to our country, before entering into a trying and doubtful contest, to be convinced that we were entrusting our concerns to men who would feel that our battles were well fought, and our resources providently managed. He would feel little satisfaction to his own mind, from an investigation into the questions now under consideration. Conceiving himself, however, bound to look into the conduct of his majesty's government, he should not confine himself solely to their present conduct, but should consider what that conduct had been previous to the laying of the present documents upon the table: in doing so, he should call the attention of the house to one or two facts

which had occurred previous to the treaty of Amiens.—For the consideration of the second resolution moved by the hon. gentleman, which accused his majesty's ministers of withholding from the house the information which ought to have been afforded, it would be necessary to consider what had been the nature of that information. A disposition had been evinced by an hon. gentleman on the other side of the house to question the words which had been stated to fall from the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the occasion of his majesty's speech previous to the conclusion of the last session of parliament. He was sorry to differ upon that subject from the hon. gentleman. The words of the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon that occasion, at least the impression which they conveyed to his mind, was not yet effaced. He stated, that he was impressed with a conviction that there was at that moment no less probability of the security of peace than there had been at the conclusion of any war for the last two centuries, and that he entertained no apprehension that the peace would not be lasting. Upon that occasion he had the misfortune to be in a small minority, and to concur in proposing a vote of an address to his majesty, evincing the absolute necessity of bringing to a conclusion the various objects of difference, and of having all remaining doubtful points immediately settled, thereby confirming to his subjects the blessings of peace. No other mode had parliament of obtaining information, but from his majesty's speech, and the congratulations of his subjects which immediately followed evinced what impression the stability of peace had made upon their minds. The next only ground of information which parliament had was his majesty's speech at the opening of the present session of parliament upon the 22d of November. The resolutions were not supportable upon one ground only, namely, that his ministers had not made the necessary communications to parliament; but upon this additional ground, that every one of the facts now stated, as grounds of war, actually existed, and were known at that moment. An hon. gentleman had asked if it would have been necessary or proper to come to parliament with the complaints made by the French relative to the liberty of the press? He agreed that it would not; and he confessed that he considered them as substantial causes of war. The complaints as to the molestation of our commerce, had existed however long prior to this period. The ship Fame had been seized upon in June preceding. Remonstrances upon this subject were made in October, and from this time till the 22d November, sufficient opportunity was afforded of communicating the matter to parliament. The military consuls formed the next ground. This was known previous to the meeting of parliament. That the French interference in the affairs of Switzerland was then known to ministers, Mr. Merry's letter of the 3d, and Mr. Moore's of the 10th of October, sufficiently prove. Malta and Egypt were also in a similar situation. Though these were the only grounds founded upon the papers on the table, he did not consider himself precluded from inquiring into other causes. The German arrangement, in which the interests of his Britannic majesty were sacrificed, and also the interests of the house of Orange, although stipulated for in the treaty of Amiens, were surely not improper subjects of communication to parliament. The Cape of Good Hope had been ordered to be retained upon the 17th of Oct. upon the 16th of Nov. orders were again issued for its evacuation. One month before the meeting of parliament ministers are guilty of a breach of the treaty of Amiens, by ordering the retention of the Cape, and within a week of the meeting of parliament, heal up the breach, by ordering its evacuation, without thinking it necessary to make any communication upon the subject, or to inform parliament that they have thus commenced a new war, and concluded a new peace; facts of which parliament would for ever have continued in ignorance, had not the present circumstances occurred. Having endeavoured to show how many important, now judged sufficient causes for war, existed previous to the meeting of parliament, he should proceed to the third resolution, which implied that ministers had not, by timely measures, avoided the necessity of recurring to war, or of ascertaining to early as in their power such circumstances as might have warranted them to attain those great and important possessions which they had since ceded. That ministers were clearly guilty of the charges here attributed to them, every branch of the subject fully proved. When they complained of the seizing of our ships, the answer returned was, "justice must take its course." To this answer ministers submitted. When they learned of the commercial agents, no proper remonstrance was made, and a negotiation of so much importance was allowed to proceed without any written document. The occupation of Holland by the French, though a just cause for war, and one on which ministers would have acted prudently had they persisted, was not insisted on by our ministers, nor was any memorial upon the subject ever presented. Not because no such memorial was prepared, but because lord Whit-
worth judged it prudent not to irritate Bonaparte by delivering it. This conduct had been termed prudent, by the noble secretary of state; it showed however, that ministers had not done every thing in their power to discover the spirit which actuated the First Consul. Of the French intentions towards Switzerland, he was credibly informed ministers had information by means of three or four most respectable people from that country, as early as spring last, yet no notice was taken of it in this House. To the remonstrance afterwards made in October upon that subject, no answer was returned by the First Consul, who wished to shew by contemptuous silence, that he did not acknowledge the interference of our government in the affairs of the continent. As to Piedmont, ministers had, at one time, declared that the king of Sardinia had forfeited all claim to our assistance. We now describe him our ally, and one for whom we must provide. But how do we mean to provide for him? By the famous proposal of Lampedusa! The refusal of Russia to guarantee Malta was now unravelled, by the appearance among the French papers lately published of the note which accompanied the last project, in which this refusal is found to proceed from a solemn engagement previously entered into with our own government. At the conclusion of the peace, it had been regretted by all that there was a necessity for giving up the Cape of Good Hope. The importance of it was universally acknowledged; but it was viewed that France would not otherwise have agreed to the treaty. It must, therefore, have created surprise to find from perusal of the French papers, that the English minister was the first to propose, and that too, at the second conference, the cession of the Cape. But it must afford equal surprise that while our ministers thought interference with Switzerland on the part of France, a ground for the retention of the Cape, they should have given orders for its evacuation two days after they learned, and had remonstrated against the occupation of Holland by the French troops. We have already, for more than a year, been told that period when a negotiation was going forward was an improper season for agitating an enquiry like the present. We are now told that a time of war is also an improper season for such discussion. He would wish to know at what period, if at all, such enquiry ought to be made?
(To be Continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, AUGUST 22.
Extracts of a letter from Gibraltar, dated the 18th June, 1803.
"Captain Escamche (a native of this place in the Portuguese service) went off Algiers a few days ago in a 74, manned in Lisbon with about 800 volunteers and his four sons, to endeavor to retake the 44 gun frigate, captured last summer; close to said port he fell in with a 44 gun frigate, a brig and a zebec, when it fell calm, which gave an opportunity for boats coming to their assistance from Algiers, and towing them into port. The zebec he captured, took 100 and odd men out, and then sunk the vessel. He chased the others so close in as to exchange shot with the Mole batteries. He is now here on his way to Lisbon."
"On board the zebec, captured by capt. Escamche, there were 12 Neapolitans, who they were carrying to liberty."
It appears that the Tripoline corsair which was stated to have been captured, by one of the public ships of the United States, was taken by the John Adams, capt. Rodgers, and not by the "Adams," as mentioned in an article of our last number.
Paris June 12.
A Commission of three Americans has been nominated by the ministers of that nation, at Paris, to liquidate the debts due by France to the citizens of the United States.—This Commission is composed of Mr. Barnet, Commercial Agent for the port of Antwerp, Mr. Maclure, of Maryland, and Colonel Mercer of Virginia.
NORTH CAROLINA
Election for Representatives in Congress.
Nathaniel Macon, rep. is re-elected without opposition. He had 741 votes. In Raleigh, Richard Stanford, rep. had 332 votes, and Nathaniel Jones, 382.
The editor of the Raleigh paper says, nearly half the voters failed to attend; and adds that no doubt can be entertained of Mr. Stanford's re-election.
In Cumberland county, Major Purviance has a majority of 493 over Duncan Mc Farland.
In the counties of Halifax, Northampton, Bertie (upper election) and Watsford, Mr. Allston, rep. has 1342 votes, and Mr. Davie, fed. 676.
The remaining votes of the district, it is expected, will present a small majority to general Davie; but cannot shake Mr. Allston's majority.
DIED—in the city of Washington on the 9th inst. Mrs. LYDIA STORY, lat. of Charleston, near Bolton, consort to William Story, formerly of Bolton, Massachusetts.—having made a public profession of her belief in the doctrines of the gospel, she adorned her profession by a holy life and conversation; in her last sickness she was desirous to depart and be with Jesus. She has left not only a sorrowful partner, but four children to lament her death. "The angels call, they call me from above, "And bid me hasten to the realms of love."
The following address from the French Senate and Tribune were presented to the First Consul on the 26th May.
Address presented by the Senate in a body to the Chief Consul.
"Citizen Chief Consul," The senate has examined with all the attention which the interest of their country requires, the official papers communicated to it concerning the treaty of Amiens. In your resistance to the violation of that treaty, it has observed reason and justice, and in the negotiations which took place by your orders, a love of peace.
"England wishes to grasp at the commerce of the whole world; it wishes to cover the seas with its fleets, and to sit the industry even in the bosom of every state. The French Consul will not suffer the English dominion in the Mediterranean—he will assert the independence of commerce, and the liberty of every sea. He has revived manufactures in France by opposing to the monopoly of England barriers similar to those which she herself has for so many years opposed to the commerce of France. Such is the motive of the war which she has dared to kindle up: the cause which the Chief Consul defends is that of all nations."
"Your moderation, citizen chief Consul, has been so great, that it had need of being protected by your glory; it has manifested to all Frenchmen the religious attention which you pay to every thing in which they are interested; it has doubled their confidence, their gratitude, and their love; it has doubled their strength and their zeal to defend that national majesty, the image of which is more and more loved to contemplate in the consular majesty, and of which you are once more to be the avenger. When they read in the first answers given on your part to the hostile message of the king of England, these words equally noble and pacific:—The chief Consul considers it glorious on this occasion to be taken unawares," they will, with one voice, exclaim—"Three powerful guarantees are always ready in France, the love of the people towards the chief of the state, the valour of the army, and the genius of the chief Consul!"
Address of the Tribune, to the Chief Consul, by Citizen Trouve, President.
"Citizen Chief Consul," The tribunate, in the sitting of the day before yesterday, decreed, that it should go in a body to express to government the following sentiments:—
"The Tribunate, in virtue of the right given to it by the 23d article of the 3d title of the constitution, after examining the negotiation which has been carried on between the Republic and England; convinced that the government has done every thing to preserve peace that the honour of the French people could endure; that the British cabinet, however, in this negotiation, has employed unusual forms, false allegations, unjust demands, and even acts of hostility; that the peace allowed to France must be purchased by the infraction of a solemn treaty, by injury towards its allies—decrees, that the following sentiments may be conveyed to the government by the Tribunate in a body.—The Tribunate wishes that the most energetic measures may be immediately taken, to cause to be respected the faith of treaties, and the dignity of the French people!"
"Citizen Chief Consul, in conveying to you this wish agreeably to the sentiment of the whole Republic, the Tribunate will not repeat the expressions of its admiration for the attitude you have so long preserved. The Government has shown itself calm because it felt itself just—it remained passive to provocation, because it was strong to its right and its loyalty. Nor will the Tribunate praise you for having rejected every idea which would have degraded the national dignity: You are the First Magistrate of France, and honour to the French was always a religious duty.—But they come to thank you for having trusted to their devotion; for having foreseen that their courage would correspond to their energy; for having thus proved beforehand, that if England entertained any hope of intestine divisions, it calumniated all the French citizens, and made a calculation as false as injurious. Never has any power better demonstrated this truth, known in all ages—"Iniquity has belied itself."
"Citizen Chief Consul, glory seemed for you to have exhausted all her gifts; when she opens to you a new source, it gives us great pleasure to receive from you an
assurance, that the operations of war will not interrupt the cares of peace; of all the kinds of happiness which your mind is invited to taste, that of having wished, of having prepared, and of having established the happiness of thirty millions of people, will always be to you the most affecting and most valuable of rewards."
The chief consul, after returning answers to the legislative body and the tribunate, held a conversation with them of which the following is the substance:— "We are forced to make war to repel an unjust aggression. We will make it with glory. The sentiments by which the grand bodies of the state are animated, and the spontaneous movement which conveys them to the government on this important occasion, are a happy pledge."
"The English government seems even to have been obliged to deceive the nation in the official communication it has made. It has taken care to keep back all those papers which were of such a nature as to make known to the English people the moderation and conduct of the French government during the whole negotiation. Some of the notes which the British ministers have published are mutilated in the most important passages. The remainder of the papers communicated to the parliament contains an extract from dispatches of some public or private agents. It belongs only to these agents to contradict or acknowledge their reports, which can have no influence in debates of importance since their authenticity is at least as uncertain as their veracity. A part of the details which they contain are materially false, and particularly in regard to the conversation supposed to have taken place between the chief consul and lord Whitworth, in the private audience given to that minister."
"The justice of our cause is acknowledged even by our enemies, since they refused to accept the mediation offered by the emperor of Russia and the king of Prussia, two princes whose spirit of justice is acknowledged by all Europe."
"The English government thinks that France is a province of India, and that we have not the means of asserting our reasons, or of defending our just rights against an unjust aggression. Strange incongruity of a government which has armed its nation by telling it that France wishes to invade it! We find among the papers published by the English government, a letter of the minister Talleyrand to a commissioner of foreign relations. This is a mere circular form addressed to all the commercial agents of the republic. It is agreeable to the usage established in France since the time of Colbert, and the same exists among most of the powers of Europe. The whole nation knows whether our commercial agents in England are military men as the British ministry affirm. Before these functions were intrusted to them, they belong for the most part to the council of prizes, or the civil administrations."
"If the king of England is resolved to keep G. Britain in a state of war, till France acknowledges his right of executing or violating treaties at his pleasure, as well as the privilege of mutilating the French government in official or private publications, without being able to complain, the fate of mankind must be pitied. We will certainly leave to our posterity the French name, always honored and spotless. We will maintain our right to make such regulations among ourselves as may be suited to our public administration, and such tariffs in our custom-houses as our commerce and our industry may require."
"Whatever circumstances may be, we shall always allow England to let the example in violent proceedings, contrary to the peace and independence of nations; and it will receive from us that example of moderation which alone can maintain social order."
POSTSCRIPT.
By the arrival at New-York, of the ship Delaware, London Prints have been received to the 2nd of July; from which it appears that Bonaparte had left Paris and was visiting the French ports upon the Channel.
An active correspondence was carrying on between the courts of London, Petersburg and Paris; through the medium of the Russian ministers at London and Paris; but in England they did not expect peace to be the result.
The French army was in entire possession of Hanover and its dependencies; all expectations of an interference from the northern powers, as to the affairs of Hanover the Hanse towns and the Elbe, had vanished, and England began to view their intentions with some degree of suspicion, as being hostile to her interests. Certain it was, that a considerable Russian armament was fitting out with great activity.
The Batavian ambassador had left England, and letters of marque and general reprisal were issued against the republic.
An expedition was confidently spoken of, to be sent from Malta, to re-occupy Alexandria.—An immediate attack was expected to be made by the French on the islands of Jersey and
Guernsey: Five frigates had been despatched for their protection.—Great exertions were making in all the Channel Ports of France, to fit out gunboats. The First Consul had issued orders to the privateers and ships of war to detain all English passengers and seamen even out of neutral vessels. The French funds were at 48.
Vast numbers of homeward bound French and Dutch vessels with rich cargoes, had been captured by the English. The number sent into Plymouth only, was 106, the computed value of which, was a million and a half.
Defensive preparations were making with great activity all along the channel coast.—Fifty thousand supplementary militia were to be immediately drafted and trained, under the title of the Army of Reserve.
A report prevailed in London that Russia had declared war against France.
Extract of a letter from a mercantile house in London, dated July 2.
"We have now to advise, that in consequence of the situation of the French have occupied at the mouth of the Elbe and Weser, to prevent our ships from occupying the same, our government has declared both rivers to be in a state of blockade against all shipping whatever, until Prussia shall guarantee the accustomed freedom of trading to Hamburg, and the other towns on their banks. What effect this determined measure may produce, it is impossible to foretell; but meanwhile all business is put a stop to, and nothing has been done for some time past in sugar, coffee, or the West India articles."
June 27.
By a consular decree, dated the 30th inst. all merchandise, manufactures or products, coming directly or indirectly from Great Britain, or its colonies even in neutral bottoms, are prohibited, after the above date, from entering the ports of the Republic. To this intimation is subjoined a declaration, that all communication between England and France is at an end. The American consulate at London in consequence of the above decree, has published the following notice:
"American Consulate, London, June 25th, 1803.—By an arrest of the French government, of Messidor 1st (2d June) no American vessels are permitted to carry merchandise of any kind, directly or indirectly from this country, to any port of the Republic. And all the British manufacture, or British colonial produce, so carried, will be subject to confiscation."
(By Authority.)
An act for the erection and repair of pumps.
Be it enacted by the first and second chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the sum of six hundred dollars be appropriated for the purpose of erecting and repairing pumps, under the direction of the mayor.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That the mayor be empowered to establish such regulations respecting the erection of pumps, and require previous thereto, such individual contributions, as he may see fit.
JOHN P. VAN NESS,
President of the first chamber of the city council of Washington.
BEJAMIN MOORE,
President pro-tempore of the second chamber of the city council of Washington.
Approved, August 20th, 1803.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
Copy from the original deposited in my office,
THOMAS HERTY, REG.
of the city of Washington.
August 20th, 1803.
In consequence of the act entitled "An act for the erection and repair of pumps," by which the mayor of the city of Washington is authorised to adopt regulations as to the application of the monies thereby granted. The following regulations have been adopted by him.
1st. That the neighbourhood, or persons applying to have wells dug and pumps erected, shall subscribe one half the money necessary to carry the work into effect.
2nd. That the wells and pumps be on some public street, and in front of an improved lot—and when united to be free for public use.
It being desirable that every part of the city should participate in the advantages held out by the above recited act, it is hoped that early applications will be made, so as to afford an opportunity of distributing this fund in a manner the most equal.—It will be proper that every application be accompanied with a true estimate of the sum, each well and pump will require to finish it.—The applications may be left for the mayor at the office of the Register, of the city of Washington.
Just Published, And for sale at WM. DUANE'S BOOK-STORE.
A Treatise on Practical Farming.
By J. A. BINNS,
Of Loudon County Virginia—Price
50 Cents each.
August 22. 3c

WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land is fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak, popular and hickory timber. There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises.  THOS. POLLARD. Feb. 21st
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA.  HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality superior Cloths, Callimeres, Silk Floritine, Black and fancy silk moleskin velvet, white & figured Maricelles, Swandowns, Toilettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coating, &c.  With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season.  N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.  New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802.
50 DOLLARS REWARD.  RAN away from the subscriber living at Popis Creek in the county of Westmoreland, and state of Virginia, on the 19th inst. a negro man named FRANK, by trade a blacksmith, of a tawny complexion, long visage and remarkable fine voice; about forty-five years of age, five feet four or six inches high, straight limbed. He generally wore a long tailed coat, but it is not known certainly what clothes he took with him—he may easily be detected, as he has taken with one of his youngest sons named John, who is not more than 9 or 10 years of age and is of a very black complexion and a long visage, like his father. I am induced to think, Frank has made for some of the large towns particularly Alexandria or Baltimore, in the former, of which, or its neighborhood, he has a free brother by the name of Rogers, who did live near Dr. Smith's, upon Ravensworth in the county of Fairfax. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure said Frank with his son and give information thereof to the subscriber. And 100 dollars if taken out of the state, and the money paid as soon as I get him.  RICHARD STUART. July 20.
HICKORY WOOD.  PROPOSALS will be received until the last day of July for furnishing, for the use of the House of Representatives of the United States, One hundred cords of Hickory wood, which must either have been cut last winter, or must be cut in the month of August. The whole quantity is to be delivered at the most convenient wharf, or at the Capitol, by the last day of September. It is expected that any person undertaking this business will have no objection to bind himself under a penalty for the faithful performance of the contract. For further particulars apply to THOMAS CLAXTON, Capitol Hill. July 20, 1803.
TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS THE HIGHEST PRIZE.  GERMAN ROMAN CATHOLIC HOYT THEATRE LOTTERY.  In the City of Philadelphia.    1 Prize of ten thousand dollars  10,000    1 six thousand  6,000    1 three thousand  3,000    1 two thousand  2,000    5 one thousand  5,000    10 five hundred  5,000    20 three hundred  3,000    20 two hundred  4,000    35 one hundred  3,500    90 fifty  4,500    100 twenty  2,000    6000 seven  42,000    6273 prizes, dollars 96,000 11726 loans, less than two to a prize.
The prizes will be paid thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent.  The first drawn numbers on the 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, and 35th days of drawing, will be entitled to a prize of 500 dollars each.  The first drawn numbers on the 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, will be entitled to a prize of 1000 dollars each.  The first drawn number on the last day of drawing, when only 600 tickets shall be in the wheel, will be entitled to a prize of 6000 dollars.  From the extraordinary demand for these tickets, from every part of the Union, it is expected that the drawing will commence at a much earlier day than was at first contemplated, and that the tickets will be raised considerably before that period.  They may be had at SIX dollars of GEORGE TAYLOR, jun. No. 67, Chestnut Street, or at MATTHEW MCCONNEL, 82, S. Street, D. C.  Whole tickets 6      Quarter tickets, 1 75 Half,                      3 25      Six, hth,              95 Letters post paid, including the cash, shall be duly attended to, and St. Augustine and New York lottery prizes received in payment.  July 20.
PRINTING INK  OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT  TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S  Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations.  June 22. 3m.  Lots for sale.  IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. Attorney at law and conveyancer.
FOR SALE  By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on F. street City of Washington.  PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS.    White Lead in kegs  Red Lead, and dry,    Stone Ocher of superior Parent Yellow, quality,  Spruce Ocher, Gold Litage, Prussian Blue, 1st and 2nd quality, Vermilion, 2nd quality, Left Armin drop lack, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all kinds of oil and spirits of turpentine, Window glass 10 by 12—3 by 10, and 7 by 9. Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book, Large sheet glass cut to any size    Gentlemen sending their Bashes will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to.  August 3. tawtf
FOR SALE,  For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by— ROBERT M c CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR  HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS, of the best quality, also Patent water proof Cloths and Callimere's, superior Navy Blue and other colours, handsome Navy & FASHIONABLE BUTTONS, &c.  Gentlemen of ARMY, NAVY and FASHION served with expedition and taste.  New Jersey Avenue, Seventh house from Capitol Square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the President's square.  April 13 1803. tf.
FIRST LEGION. ATTENTION!  AT a Legionary Court of Enquiry, held on the 15th day of March last, in obedience to a law passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act more effectual to provide for the organization of the Militia of the District of Columbia," ordered that the following be the Uniform to be worn by all non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to the battalion companies of the first Legion while on duty, viz: A DARK BLUE COAT of ordinary length, WHITE VEST, WHITE BREECHES and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE PANTALOONS and WHITE STOCKINGS, or WHITE OVERALLS, with SHOES and ROUND BLACK HAT: which Uniform having been approved by the Brigadier General, is now published by order of the said court.  WM. D. BEALL, Clerk of L. C. R.
Sec. 27. And be it further enacted, That all non-commissioned officers and privates, belonging to battalion companies, shall appear while on duty, uniformly clothed, the color and fashion of which uniforms to be determined on for the respective legions, by the first legionary courts of enquiry which shall be held, and to be approved of by the Brigadier General, provided the expense of the same, additional to that of usual, ordinary, and dress clothing, does not exceed five dollars for each person, and every such non-commissioned officer, or drummer, or fifer, or private, appearing at any muster held after three months from the time that such uniform shall have been determined on, and the order relative thereto shall have been published in some newspaper within the legionary district and not wearing the same, shall be fined five dollars for each offence, unless he can make it appear to the satisfaction of the court of enquiry of the battalion to which he may belong, that he was unable to equip himself.
NEW BOOKS.  Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & CO. New Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are  Burk's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Percivale's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickle's Luciad, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 1 vols. 8vo Sejour's Frederic William and, 3 vols. 8vo. Soulauc's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpre's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols. Memoirs of Politianus, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Beckman's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to. Hornman's do. Grant's life of France. Delphine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker. Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lerimou 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo. 12mo. 12mo. The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Broad Grins, by G. Coleman, Boscowen's Poems, 12mo. Atala—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. &c.  In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.
FOR SALE.  By RAPINE CONRAD & CO.  WHEATON'S GENUINE PATENT JAUNDICE BITTERS.  A Medicine extremely useful when Jaundice and Bilious complaints are so prevalent among the citizens of America and the West Indies. They are a useful and efficacious medicine for curing jaundice and bilious disorders, and removing that flinking, faint distressed feeling at the stomach, difficulty of breathing, loss of appetite, and sleepy, dull heaviness in the fore part of the day, weakness and trembling of the limbs, dizziness of the head, and yellowness of countenance, complaints so common to jaundice and bilious people.  Likewise Wheaton's Patent ITCH OINTMENT:  The only medicine in the world which will certainly cure the Itch, without having in it any thing either dangerous or disagreeable; it being composed mostly of ingredients never before discovered or used in that disorder.  August 8. tawtf.
BY AUTHORITY.  SCHEME OF A LOTTERY,  To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.  Dollars.    1 prize of  20,000    2 ditto  10,000    2 do  10,000    5 do  5,000    10 do  5,000    15 do  5,000    200 do  20,000    200 do  10,000    200 do  5,000    250 do  5,000    4000 do  60,000    1 first drawn ticket after 2700, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 15,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 2,000 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000  7154 Prizes, 210,000 13856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.  21,000 tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000
The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.  For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.  Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers.  Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beccan, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Waith, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Liveris, Luke Tiernan, Frances I. Mitchell.  July 13, 1803. copf  The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorised, in my name, to adjust and settle the same: and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named.  SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf.
LANDS FOR SALE.  THE subscriber wishes to sell a tract of land situated near the foot of the Blue Ridge and Short Hills in Loudoun county Virginia, bounded partly by Potomac river within two miles of Harper's Ferry and the mouth of Shenandoah. It is of strong good soil, answering perfectly well for Paifer of Paris, and contains by patent 2340 acres. It is so well known as a valuable and fine tract of land that a further description is unnecessary to those who incline to purchase will naturally view and examine it. A clear and indisputable title will be given by the subscriber. There is no mortgage, judgment, debt, lease, claim or demand whatsoever against any part, it having been always let to tenants at low annual rents who are raised and removable at will; but the occupying tenants (through favor only) have been permitted to claim from any coming in tenant one half of the deposit money as may be settled between them, for the improvements and good will, the other half going to the landlord. There are at present fifteen or sixteen tenants upon the estate at very low rent. And it is recommended as an object well worth the attention of any person who would purchase the whole to parcel it into lesser farms to the resident tenants or others wishing to purchase parts of it.  The terms of sale are a portion of one fourth paid down in money, or in approved negotiable paper, and the remainder in one two or three years as may be agreed upon carrying interest from the day of sale. Application may be made personally, or by letter, to the subscriber residing at Warburton on Potomac river, near to Alexandria, to James M c Ilhenny near the premises, or to Mr. John Janney merchant in Alexandria.  THOMAS ALWOOD DIGGES. July 15, 1803. tawtm
FOR SALE.  By RAPINE CONRAD & CO.  WHEATON'S GENUINE PATENT JAUNDICE BITTERS.  A Medicine extremely useful when Jaundice and Bilious complaints are so prevalent among the citizens of America and the West Indies. They are a useful and efficacious medicine for curing jaundice and bilious disorders, and removing that flinking, faint distressed feeling at the stomach, difficulty of breathing, loss of appetite, and sleepy, dull heaviness in the fore part of the day, weakness and trembling of the limbs, dizziness of the head, and yellowness of countenance, complaints so common to jaundice and bilious people.  Likewise Wheaton's Patent ITCH OINTMENT:  The only medicine in the world which will certainly cure the Itch, without having in it any thing either dangerous or disagreeable; it being composed mostly of ingredients never before discovered or used in that disorder.  August 8. tawtf.
COMMITTED on the 24th day of July last, to the gaol of Prince George county Maryland, a negro man by the name of Richard about five feet one or two inches high, appears to be thirty years old or upwards a dark complexion, has a scar on the right side of his forehead, and a small scar near the left eye, has lost two or three of his upper teeth—his clothing an osnaburg shirt, brown roll trowsers, and the crown of an old wool hat, says he belongs to general B. Kersein, 1st Port Tobacco Charles county, and that he was hired to Mr. O'Brien in the City of Washington—his owner is requested to release him from gaol or he will be sold out for his prison fees as the law directs.  THOMAS MACGILL, sheriff, Prince George county Md. August 5, 1803. tawtm
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway servant, on the 6th instant, JOHN PHILIP WORM a German, about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches, high, light complexion, red hair, grey eyes, has on a blue cloth coat and pantaloon, striped cotton jacket with sleeves, and an old wool hat; he is a baker by trade, and says he belongs to messrs. Blair and Valkman, living in Lombard street, Philadelphia. If his master or masters do not release him, he will be sold for his jail fees according to law.  James Wilson, Sheriff, June 20. tawtf
Conveyancer's Office.  THOMAS HERTY,  Grateful for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND, and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, titles investigated, &c.  A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell.  N. B. Herty's Abridgement of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office.  City of Washington, April 28 1803. tawtf
MECHANICS HALL.  THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the causeway in George-Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall.  All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find it their interest to call on him, as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room.  He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble servant,  ANDREW McDONALD.  A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year.  A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given.  August 3. tawtf
Treasury of the United States, Washington August 15, 1803.  WHEREAS by an act of Congress dated May the 8th, 1792, entitled "An act to provide for a Copper Coinage," in the second section thereof, it is enacted,  "That after the expiration of six calendar months from the time when there shall have been paid into the Treasury by the said Director (of the Mint) in cents and half cents, a sum not less than fifty thousand Dollars, which time shall forthwith be announced by the Treasurer in at least two gazettes or newspapers, published at the seat of government of the United States for the time being, no copper coins or pieces whatsoever, except the said cents and half cents, shall pass current as money, or shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment for any debt, demand, claim, matter or thing whatsoever; and all copper coins or pieces, except the said cents and half cents, which shall be paid or offered to be paid or received in payment contrary to the prohibition aforesaid, shall be forfeited, and every person by whom any of them shall have been paid or offered to be paid or received in payment, shall also forfeit the sum of ten dollars, and the said forfeiture and penalty shall and may be recovered with costs of suit for the benefit of any person or persons by whom information of the incurring thereof shall have been given."  And whereas it appears by the books of this office, that more than fifty thousand dollars in cents and half cents have been paid into the Treasury. I now therefore, in obedience to the said act, do hereby give public notice of the same.  TH. T. TUCKER. Treasurer United States. August 15. tawtm
NOTICE.  LEGIONARY ORDERS.  A Legionary Court of Enquiry, under the Militia Law, will be held at Rhodes's Tavern in the City of Washington, on Thursday the 25th instant, at 9 o'clock in the morning, for the purpose of hearing appeals from the Battalion Courts, and assessing fines for offences and for other purposes.  A punctual attendance of the members will be expected.  By order of Lieut. Col. Com'dt Brent, WM. D. BEALL, Adjutant. Aug. 10, 1803.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.  STRAYED or stolen, on Saturday morning, the 6th instant, from Washington City, a bright bay MARK, eight years old, about fourteen hands and a half high, switch tail, a shoe off one of her hind feet, some white hairs on her fore leg near the hooflock, light made, her under jaw bone crooked, no white about her, but what is above described. Whoever takes up, and delivers the said mare to William Keen, at Mr. Durne's book store, in Washington City, shall receive the above reward.  August 12.
BING about closing the affairs relating to the estate of the late Daniel Carroll Esq. of Rock Creek, Montgomery county, and to transfer the estate from our hands, we are anxious to have closed, before that takes place, any demand against his estate which may have remained unsettled. It is requested therefore of all and every person who have any claim or claims still existing to make them known, properly authenticated, without delay to the last subscriber in the City of Washington.  JOHN CARROL. ROBERT BRENT. August 1, 1803. tawtf
PLAISTER OF PARIS.  A Cargo of Plaister of Paris, just received and for sale by the subscribers—in proof of excellence, we subjoin the certificate of John A. Binn, Esq. of Louisa county, Virginia, whose long and successful experience as a farmer in the use of this article, must render him equal to, if not the best judge in this country.  STUART & BEALL. August 12.  I do certify that I have this day examined a large quantity of Plaister of Paris, belonging to Stuart and Beall of George Town, and conceive it to be genuine and of the very first quality, and such as I should at all times select for my own use, and think I can with propriety recommend it generally.  JOHN A. BINN. July 26, 1803. tawtf
WAS committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a runaway, on the 8th inst. a negro man, who calls himself Edward Jackson; he is about 30 years of age, 5 feet 11 inches high, stout and well made, has lost the greater part of his left ear, has a scar on his breast, and one on each hand over his thumbs, has on a white kersey jacket, blue cloth trowsers, and osnaburg shirt; he says he is free and came last from New Orleans. If he is not released he will be sold for his jail fees according to law.  James Wilson, Sheriff, June 20. tawtf
COMMITTED to the goal of Prince George's county Maryland, on the second day July, a Black fellow by the name of JACK, about twenty two years of age, five feet six inches high, has a scar on his left cheek near his eye, and some grey hairs of his head; his clothing is an Osanburg shirt and trowsers—says he was sold not long since by Joseph Griffiths of Calvert county Maryland, to a person living in one of the southern states, from whom he made his escape. His owner is requested to release him from goal, or he will be sold for his prison fees as the law directs.  THOMAS MACGILL, sheriff, Prince George county, Maryland. July 18, 1803. tawtm
TO LET.  THE Subscriber will let for one or more years, the House and Lot on which he now lives, in F. Street, nearly opposite the Bank. The House contains seven rooms and a kitchen. On the Lot there is a garden in a high state of cultivation, and an excellent well of water. The terms will be moderate and possession will be given on the first day of October next.  A store has been kept in this house for a number of years; and from its situation, it is well worth the attention of a merchant or a mechanic. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber on the premises.  MARY SWEENEY. City of Washington, June 15. taw
IN CHANCERY.  Territory of Columbia, Washington County, to wit:  Charles Daught, and John Blagge, and Edward W. Laught, and the said Charles Laught, administrator of Wm. Laught deceased, complainants  against  George Walker, defendant.  THE bill states that the defendant George Walker, on the twenty third day of January one thousand eight hundred and two, in order to secure the payment of eighteen thousand eight hundred twenty dollars twenty six cents, to William Laught and Charles Laught of the city of New York merchants, executed in addition to a bond for the same purpose, the deed exhibited by the complainant.  The object of the bill is to foreclose any equity of redemption which the said George Walker has, or may suppose himself to have, under the said deed, and to obtain a sale of the premises under a decree of this honorable court.  It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the said George Walker is absent from, and does not reside at this time within the Territory of Columbia, but is abroad in some part not known, and is believed to be on his way to the said Territory, and is daily expected therein. It is ordered that the said George Walker be notified of the object of this bill, and required to appear before this honorable court, in person or by solicitor, on the third Monday in September next, to answer the allegations of the bill of the complainants, and that in the mean time a copy of this order be published, once in each week, for three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, printed in the city of Washington, and in the Morning Chronicle printed in the city of New York, before the twelfth day of September next.  Woodward Solicitor for the claimant.  By order, URIAH FORREST, clerk of the circuit court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington. August 15. tawtf