The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-01-04 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1285.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 4, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Prince George's County, to wit: ON application to me the subscriber the recess of the court an associate justice of the first judicial district, in the state of Maryland, by petition in writing of NATHANIEL HAGAN, of Prince George's County, praying for the benefit of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, on the terms mentioned in the said act, and its supplements, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having satisfied me by competent testimony, that he has resided in the state of Maryland, two years immediately preceding the time of his application—and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having also stated in his petition, that he is now in actual confinement, for debt, and not on account of any breach of the peace, or for the non-payment of any fine or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state, or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the Sheriff of Prince George's County to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement, on the terms prescribed in the said act and its supplements, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court, to be held in and for Prince George's County aforesaid, on the first Monday in April next, to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do also order and adjudge, that the said Nathaniel Hagan be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in April next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the County Court, at the Court House of said County, on the said first Monday in April next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Nathaniel Hagan, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for the delivering up his property, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Nathaniel Hagan should not have the benefit of the several acts of assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors. Given under my hand this thirtieth day of November, eighteen hundred and eight.
DANIEL CLARKE.
December 30—93m.
Alexander Greer & wife
Deceased Bond. Carolina Deeds. To Bond, Martha Fairweather. Elizabeth Mary Van Swearingen, Peter Campbell. Richard Lewellen, Nicholas Pearce, Eleanor his wife, Ann Jordan, Henry Jordan, Charles Jordan, David Jordan & Sarah his wife, & others, heirs of John Jordan, deceased.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a sale of certain tracts of land of which the said John Jordan, died, seized & possessed in fee simple, for the purpose of paying a debt due from the said John Jordan to the aforesaid Alexander Greer and Sally his wife, executrix, of the last will and testament of William Trueman Stoddert, deceased. The bill states that the above-named defendants reside out of the state.
It is thereupon adjudged and ordered, that the complainants, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the 1st day of February next, give notice to the absent defendants of this application, and of the substance and object of the bill, that they may be warned to appear here in person or by a solicitor or solicitors of this court, on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
True Copy,
NICHOLAS BREWER,
Reg. Cur. Com.
Jan. 4—16L
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON, of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be being at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cumberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and commanding all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided.
Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT.
By his Excellency's command,
NATHANIEL HAGAN, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hagerstown; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Essex.
Jan. 4—206m.
FOR SALE,
THE two-story BRICK HOUSE, situated on square No. 953, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tuns Cochrane as a retail store. The situation of the stand for the retail business is exceedingly fine in this city; being situated on the principal street in the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property, may be shown it by applying to the said Cochrane, who will also make known the terms of sale.
WM. BRENT.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 4.
The FESTIVITIES of the season have compelled us to issue a half sheet, and to suspend, until our next, the continuation of Mr. Campbell's speech.
On Monday a large and respectable assemblage of ladies and gentlemen repaired to the house of the President, to offer him their congratulations on the return of another year. The concourse was larger than on any preceding similar occasion, including the foreign ministers, the members very generally of the two Houses of Congress, the executive and judiciary officers, strangers of distinction and citizens. Refreshments were liberally distributed, and music played at intervals. The President as well as his guests, appeared in very good spirits. He was dressed in a full suit of homespun, as well as a considerable number of other individuals, among whom were the Secretary of the Treasury and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, thus setting a notable example, which, it is to be hoped, will be followed by every patriotic American whose station or character gives him an influence on those around him. This is, perhaps, the last public occasion on which Thomas Jefferson will mingle with his fellow-citizens, or on which they will have an opportunity individually of manifesting their esteem and respect for him. In a few fleeting weeks, he will have retired from the cares of public life, which will be exchanged for private and domestic scenes. The idea is pathetic and solemn: The spectacle the most sublime the world can exhibit. Every honor, which that world can confer, every distinction which virtuous ambition can covet, have been lavished upon him by a grateful and enlightened country; until he has acquired a popularity, augmented by every act of his life, and amidst political vicissitudes which would have shattered into atoms a common reputation. This man, full of glory, and still more beloved than respected, from principle abandons the post of honor, and relinquishes the highest powers, for a private station! At such a spectacle, let the insatiate pride of royalty hide its diminished head.
Kentucky has given her electoral votes (3) to James Madison, as President, and George Clinton, as Vice-President of the United States. This return completes the whole number of Electoral votes, which furnishes the following result:
   For President.     James Madison 122   C. C. Pinkney 48   George Clinton 5   Vice-President.   George Clinton 113   Rufus King 48   John Langdon 9   James Madison 3   James Munroe 3  
Thus gloriously has terminated an election which has, not incorrectly, been said to have decided the destinies of the United States. The contest has been animated, and the enemies of the republican cause have, in addition to their ordinary strength, rallied under their banners no inconsiderable mass of disaffection, engendered by personal, local and temporary causes. The patriotism of the nation has triumphed over all these sources of influence, and has lifted to power a man, pledged to the same political course, and devoted to the same principles with him, who now guides the helm amidst the benedictions of millions. This election, then, does not merely mark a personal preference; it is the pledge of an injured and insulted nation of free men, that they will expend their last cent, and spill their last drop of blood, before they will become the victims of an oppression, which, once submitted to, would be as inexorable as fate, and co-eval with time.
This great election—let republicans exult at the fact—has been conducted from beginning to end, with a calmness, decorum and dignity, worthy of its importance; and, notwithstanding the predictions of the enemies of liberty, that its return would convulse our whole system, and be the signal for tumult and rebellion, our people have repelled the calumny by a deportment which honorably distinguishes them from any other people that have existed: they have discharged this high and solemn duty, with the same order that characterises the most common act of their lives.
Intelligence, as late as the 11th ult. from St. Domingo confirms the death of Ferrand, and advises that General Duquier is appointed his successor.
We have received a Liverpool price current of the 4th of Nov. from which it appears that the effects of the embargo are at length very sensibly felt in England.
The imports of Cotton for the first ten months of the present year amount to 62,050 bags; for the same period of the last year they were 179,870—deficiency this year 117,820. The demand for cotton goods is very dull.
Timber is very scarce, scarcely a third of the ordinary quantity having been received.
Of staves the entire supply is nearly exhausted.
The stock of tobacco is reduced very low.
Wheat & flour advancing in price.
Flax-seed scarce.
Sugar & coffee—The market glutted.
The price of Sea-Island cotton as high as a dollar a pound—var. 10 dolls. a barrel—turpentine, none—wheat, 2 dollars and 50 cents a bushel.
We have received Paris papers to the 20th of October; but as far as we have had time to examine them they contain no news.
The following article, which we have extracted from a late London print, is calculated to give rise to many reflections, peculiarly interesting to us. The City of London, with whose importance our readers are too well impressed to require a word from us, have seized the occasion of the late convention, in the first instance to express their indignation at the misconduct that dictated it, and afterwards to manifest their reprobation of the leading measures that have for a time past sprung from the government. On no occasion, that we recollect, has the tone of condemnation and resentment, assumed by the metropolis, been marked by such indignant severity. It is most manifest that the ministry are despised and execrated; and that the great political and monied influence of the empire of the world will be actively exerted against them. Is it then likely that they will be long able to maintain their places against such feelings, which there is strong reason to believe will be likewise expressed by all the leading towns in the kingdom? Of this ebullition the convention is made the pre-text. But it is idle to consider it as the sole, or even the principal cause. No! It is the dreadful chaos to which the present course of measures threatens to reduce every thing. It is the invasion of neutral rights, the dreadful prostration of moral principle, the overthrow of right by might, that by a terrible reaction threatens a wide spread ruin, and which is very naturally preceded by a general consternation among those who have anything to lose.
ANSLEY, MAYOR. A Common Council, held in the chamber of the Guildhall of the city of London, on Thursday the 27th day of October, 1808—
Resolved, That his Majesty's answer be entered upon the Journals. That at the same time this court cannot forbear declaring it as their opinion, that the address and petition presented to his majesty by this court, on Wednesday the 12th inst. was conceived in the most dutiful and respectful terms; that it is the undoubted right of the subject to petition, and that this right ought, at all times, to be freely exercised, in all matters of public grievance, without obstruction or reproach.
That they are, therefore, at a loss to know by what construction of their said petition, however strained or perverted, his majesty's advisers could attribute to them any intention or desire "To pronounce judgment, without previous investigation."
That they are equally at a loss to know why his majesty's advisers should have deemed it necessary to remind them, "That it was inconsistent with the principles of British justice;" unless to throw an unmerited odium on this Corporation, and raise a barrier between them & the crown, on all occasions where their object is free and constitutional enquiry.
That had this court refrained from expressing to his majesty their feelings at the humiliating termination of the campaign in Portugal, they must have ceased to feel—to think—to act as Britons, and have shown themselves insusceptible of that patriotism so essentially necessary for the preservation of their liberties—the maintenance of their national honor—and the independence and security of his majesty's crown and dominions.
They cannot, therefore, sufficiently express their concern, that they should, by any suggestions, have met with obstruction and reprehension in the exercise of this undoubted and invaluable right.
That they particularly regret that his majesty should have been advised to express a hope, "That recent occurrences would have convinced them, that his majesty is at all times ready to institute inquiries on occasions in which the character of the country, or the honor of his arms, is concerned; and that the interposition of the city of London could not be necessary for inducing his majesty to direct due enquiry into a transaction, which had disappointed the hopes and expectations of the nation."
Because it appears, that during the recent period of the last fifteen years, various enterprises and expeditions have been undertaken, "in which the character of the country, and the honor of his majesty's arms, were concerned," which have grievously failed, and "disappointed the hopes and expectations of the nation;" and into which "due enquiry" has not been made. That in one of the recent occurrences to which his majesty's answer refers, it is not known, even at the present moment, by whose advice the commander in chief was appointed, or on what account such commander was selected.
That during all the calamitous events, and wasteful profusion of blood and treasure, the public burdens have been patiently borne, and his majesty has not been called upon by "the interposition of the city of London," (if their humble supplication must be so termed) to institute inquiries into these failures; although it appears to them that such "interposition" might have been highly necessary and beneficial to the country, and by promoting "due enquiry," precluded the necessity of their late application.
That during these unhappy reverses, and while his majesty's subjects submitted to so many privations, the most shameful and scandalous abuses and peculations have prevailed; into which "due enquiry" has not been made, so as to bring to justice such great public delinquents.
That whoever advised his majesty to put so unfavorable and unwarrantable a construction on their late petition, has abused the confidence of his Sovereign, and is equally an enemy to his majesty, and the just rights of his people.
That they do not attribute guilt to any one, much less do they pronounce judgment, without previous investigation. They ask for investigation, prompt and rigid investigation; and the punishment of guilt wherever it may be found.
By order of the court, (Signed) WOODTHORPE.
The resolutions were agreed to, with only three dissenting voices, after a debate of some length, in which the annexed speech was delivered by Mr. QUIN.
Mr. QUIN rose and seconded the motion. "My lord," said he, "I rise in support of the motion which has been made, and I am inclined to do so in a manner that will do away all prejudice in regard to me as a representative of the city of London. We are called upon to decide upon a question, in which not only the dignity, the consistency and honor of the city of London, but of the whole country, are involved. I am a friend to the ministers in several of their foreign measures, but not in general with their home measures. I, however, upon this occasion, avowedly lay aside all ministerial prejudice. I say that we are bound to consider this answer as coming from the ministers and not from his majesty; for it is a well known principle in the British Constitution, that the king, as chief magistrate, can do no wrong, his right being conferred upon him solely for the public good. Upon these grounds therefore I consider the answer that was given to our address as the answer of his majesty's advisers, or rather as the answer of the noble lord (Hawkesbury) from whose mouth it was read. It was a proud day for this court, and for the whole country, that called forth an address which told his majesty such undoubted truths; and the answer to it is such as ought to be received, not with sorrow, but with disdain and contempt. I feel that acting as a body representing the city of London, we have a great and noble cause to support—the rights of
the people to address and petition the sovereign. It was unnecessary for lord Hawkesbury, if he be at all acquainted with the nature of the British constitution, to tell the citizens of London, that it was inconsistent with British justice to pronounce judgment before trial. It is such a truism, that I should have thought that noble lord was dreaming when he dictated such expressions. If such an answer should be read by posterity, uncoupled with the address, it may be thought that the citizens of London were so foolish and so ignorant of the constitution and of law and justice, as to have gone up in a body to call upon his majesty to pronounce judgment upon persons without a trial. Such an answer must merely have originated from our pronouncing our sentiments so strongly as a manner to anticipate the judgment that was to follow an enquiry, and this supposition is confirmed by the concluding paragraph of that answer, which says that 'this expedition has disappointed the hopes and expectations of the country.' The recent occurrences alluded to, must surely be such as involved the honor of his majesty's arms and the character of the nation; they must be the cases of Whitelock and Calder, which are well known; the latter, a meritorious and gallant officer, sunk and degraded to the utmost misery, for having gained a victory; while the former, who suffered a disgraceful defeat, has been allowed to go into a splendid retirement. Had Lord Hawkesbury recalled to his recollection the occurrences of the last 16 years, he would have found no occasion to forget such truisms. Did he not recollect the retreat from Dunkirk, and his own march to Paris? It is truly remarkable, that a man who has had so many opportunities of knowing and combining facts, should not consult his own heart, and ask himself whether there ought not to have been enquiries into these transactions? The retreat from Dunkirk was conducted by a royal duke, commanding 40,000 men, who had no sooner landed than he found there was not sufficient artillery, that the balls did not fit the cannons, and therefore he could not enter upon the intended siege, in consequence of which the enemy gained a signal victory. That was surely a case which called loudly for enquiry, and how came it to pass that there was none? We come now to the evacuation of Holland; and we find the same royal duke allowing his troops to march, under the most unexampled disasters, which, if prudent measures and precautions had been adopted, might have been avoided; but during all that time the royal duke himself was in London. I next come to the attack upon the Helder, where our troops were sent, as it were, to the slaughter, without a commander in chief. The nation was upon that occasion much indebted to one man, the gallant Abercrombie, whose memory will ever be embalmed in the recollection of posterity. Do these cases afford any thing like evidence of a proper system of warfare prevailing in the country?—and yet no investigation took place. But, above all, I would ask, why was there no enquiry as to Ferool? Although our enemy be equally well instructed and disciplined as our seamen, yet there is always something to tarnish the British arms, owing to the egregious mismanagement prevailing in our military system, and such private enquiries as only tend to stamp our name with infamy. I come now to what is called 'the interposition of the city of London'—an expression which only tends to make the people a kind of tool between ministers and his majesty, and to create a barrier between the people and their sovereign. Besides the city of London, various other places have been guilty of this interposition. The city of Westminster has also interposed; and to-morrow the county of Essex will be guilty of a similar interposition. There was certainly something like this form of words used in times not very favorable to British liberty. Such was to be found in the extraordinary answer of James the First, in 1621, when his parliament addressed him upon his abandoning the Protestants, and he told them he wished for no interposition, except he was willing previously to desire it. So much then for the word interposition. There were some men, so far as it were, to prerogative, that they even seemed to fear respect for parliament, as a guardian of liberty. These men tell us not to look at our ancient charters, Magna Carta, nor the Bill of Rights. I have, sir, often referred to a phrase of Sir Matthew Hale, the first of King William, ch. 2, where it will be found, that the

subject is empowered, at all times, to petition his sovereign, and that there shall be no impediment to the exercise of it, in a fair and manly way. If this act be not attended to, we shall run the risk of being treated in the same manner as the courtiers of Russia are treated. It will be found that in that country, no subject, however high his rank, or exalted his blood, can send a petition to the throne, unless it be first presented to a minister of state. It rejected by one minister, he may present it to another, and if again rejected, he may, if he chuse, venture to present a petition to his majesty, but he does it under the pain of forfeiting his life. I will not imitate the court by talking of the times of Henry and Elizabeth, they had a precedent before them, and but little remains of British spirit to control them: yet even their answers to addresses and petitions were much more satisfactory than the present repulsive one of lord Hawkesbury. The city of London addressed Charles II at the time he was taking violent measures and struggling with difficulties. They told him many truths, and particularly that he had done wrong in going to seize some of the members in the House of Commons, and that he ought not to send more persons to the tower. His answer was much more respectful than this one, considering the peculiarities of the times, when he was supported by every tyrannical principle. It is now therefore high time for you to make a stand to preserve your rights, and to banish the vile system of congratulation and flattery. You have used plain language, which has been treated with contempt by ministers, who have thereby rendered themselves contemptible. You are permitted to pour forth congratulations to the throne, and to send there syllabubs and jollies—but when you venture to send up a dish of good English roast beef, they may cut, but they never desire it to "come again." Mr. Quin then read a passage from some of the letters of the late Oliver Goldsmith, expressive of the utmost contempt for congratulatory addresses and flattery; and concluded an impressive and eloquent speech, by giving his hearty concurrence in the motion as first proposed.
Samuel Maclay has resigned his seat in the Senate of the U. States, and been appointed Surveyor General of Pennsylvania.
Return J. Meigs, junr. is appointed Senator of the United States for Ohio, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of John Smith, and for a period of six years ensuing the 3rd of March next.
IN SENATE, Dec. 30. Mr. Mitchell submitted the following resolution for consideration: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and what provision ought to be made at this time for the relief of the sick and disabled seamen of the United States. Referred to Messrs. Mitchell, Hillhouse and Reed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Friday, December 30.
Mr. Dawson offered the following resolution.
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of removing the collector's office from the port of Tappahannock to that of Fredericksburg, in the state of Virginia, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
On motion of Mr. Stanford, supported by Mr. Bassett, it was ordered to lie on the table, until the return of the representative from that district now absent.
PORTLAND MARINERS. Mr. Quincy presented a memorial from a number of mariners, & 67 masters and mates of vessels at Portland, stating that they had not earned a single dollar in ten months, and had been at short allowance great part of that time; and praying employment or assistance. Referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
On motion of Mr. Wharton, Resolved, That a committee be appointed for the purpose of considering whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to be made to the act of Congress, entitled "An act to amend the act entitled, "An act establishing circuit courts and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts of the district of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio," passed the 22nd day of March, 1808; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
PENNSYLVANIA RESOLUTIONS. The following message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles his secretary.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
At the request of the Governor, the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, I communicate certain resolutions entered into by the said Senate and House of Representatives thereof, and approved by the Governor on the 22nd inst. As far as he encouraging to the views of the Governor in relation to the affairs of the state, to see that their fellow-citizens will press forward in support of their country, in proportion as it is
threatened by the disorganizing conflicts of the other hemisphere.
T. JEFFERSON.
December 30, 1808.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRES.
SIR—In compliance with a resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, passed this day, I have the honor of transmitting to you certain resolutions, with a request that you will be pleased to lay them before the Congress of the United States.
Accept assurances of high consideration and esteem,
(Signed) SIMON SNYDER.
Lancaster, December 23, 1808.
WHEREAS the situation of the U. S. in relation to foreign powers, is eminently critical, and calls for all their energies, unanimity and patriotism to preserve those rights, and that independence for which our fathers fought and conquered: And whereas, in such times, it is the duty of the constituted authorities, to aid the common cause of our country, by declaring a new their devotion to the principles of the declaration of independence. Therefore,
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, That we have the fullest confidence in the wisdom, the patriotism, and the integrity of the administration of the general government, and that we pledge ourselves to co-operate with them to the utmost extent of our power in all measures which may be deemed expedient to maintain our national honor and national rights.
Resolved, That we consider the embargo as a wise, pacific, and patriotic measure, called for by the best interest of the nation, and well calculated to induce an observance of our national rights, without a resort to the horrors and desolations of war, so repugnant to the feelings of humanity and the principles of free government.
Resolved, That as the ocean is the common highway of nations, and as this commonwealth is deeply interested in the preservation of its freedom, should those painful measures not produce the desired effect, we are firmly determined to unite our efforts with those of the general government in the maintenance of its rights.
Resolved, That the governor of this commonwealth be requested to forward copies of the foregoing resolutions to the President of the U. S. with a request that they may be communicated by him to the Congress of the United States.
JAMES INGLE,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
P. C. LANE,
Speaker of the Senate.
APPROVED, DEC. 23 1808.
SIMON SNYDER.
The message was ordered to be printed, on motion of Mr. Porter.
INDIAN TRIBES.
The following message was also received from the President of the U. States.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
I lay before the Legislature a letter from governor Claiborne, on the subject of a small tribe of Alabama Indians, on the Western side of the Mississippi, consisting of about a dozen families. Like other erratic tribes in that country, it is understood that they have hitherto moved from place to place, according to their convenience, without appropriating to themselves exclusively any particular territory; but having now become habituated to some of the occupations of civilized life, they wish for a fixed residence. I suppose it will be the interest of the U. S. to encourage the wandering tribes of that country to reduce themselves to fixed habitations, whenever they are so disposed. The establishment of towns and growing attachment to them, will furnish some degree pledges of their peaceable and friendly conduct. The case of this particular tribe is now submitted to the consideration of Congress.
T. JEFFERSON.
December 30, 1808.
Saturday, Dec. 31.
NORTH-CAROLINA RESOLUTIONS.
Mr. Macon presented to the House a copy of certain resolutions (heretofore inserted in this paper) adopted by the General Assembly of North-Carolina, approving the measures of the government, and pledging themselves to support them with their lives and fortunes.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. Rhea (Tennessee) said, he intended to offer a resolution for consideration, but he thought it might be proper to make some preliminary observations. Since the commencement of this session of Congress, said Mr. Rhea, several resolutions, respecting the commerce of the U. States, have been submitted to the consideration of this House. These several resolutions contain separate and distinct points of commercial regulation. They have no common centre to which they all may gravitate. They have no common governing principle of discrimination. All foreign nations, favorable or unfavorable, are equally involved. The second resolution, reported by the committee on foreign relations, embraces a principle deserving consideration: it is expressed in the words following: "Having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. States."
This is the grand discriminating principle to which all commercial regulations of the United States ought to gravitate as a common centre. All commercial nations are individuals of the same family, and, that peace might be preserved, it is greatly to be desired, that they had a system of commercial law providing for the common interest and reciprocal benefit of all. The commerce of a nation consists of two parts, exportation and importation: These two ought, in their relation to foreign nations, to be commensurate. If any nation or nations, unmindful of friendly and mutually beneficial commercial intercourse, will make restrictions, violating the lawful commerce and rights of any other commercial nation, what commercial regulations soever the injured nation may think proper to make, ought not,
in justice, to affect commercial intercourse with any nation or nations, other than that one or those, who have begun and do persevere in the work of commercial rapacity and destruction. The orders and decrees of Great Britain and France, violate the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States. Any regulations or restrictions made by the United States to save their commerce from destruction, and to meet the operation of the same orders and decrees, and of all such orders or decrees, of any other power, ought, in justice, to be commensurate, equally extensive, and to comprehend all nations having in force such orders or decrees. The resolution, which I intend to submit, (said Mr. Rhea) hath in view to establish a principle of discrimination, just in itself and universally reciprocal. If there be any sovereign, independent power, nation, or people, who hath not, or may not have in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and rights of the United States, that sovereign, independent power, nation or people, ought not to be included and comprehended in any such commercial regulation, adopted by the United States. That power, nation, or people, if any such there be, or hereafter shall be—being an individual of the great commercial family, hath a right to the benefit and advantage of commercial intercourse with the United States; and the United States have an equal right of a free, unmolested, commercial intercourse with such power, nation, or people, which other nations, at war with each other, have no right to interrupt by retaining orders or decrees.
Mr. R. then offered the following resolution, which was referred to the committee of the whole to which the non-importation bill is referred:
Resolved, That it is expedient to interdict by law, all commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and all other powers having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States.
REVENUE CUTTERS.
The House took up for consideration the amendment of the Senate to the bill for striking out twelve and inserting three. After some observations from Messrs. Newton, Taylor and Story, the House refused to concur—Ayes 76.
DISABLED SOLDIERS.
Mr. Nelson observed that this was the last day of the year 1808. For many years past our old soldiers had been applying for relief. He thought it would be a meritorious thing to begin the new year with a just and generous act. He therefore asked for the order of the day on the bill for the relief of the infirm, disabled and superannuated officers and soldiers of the revolutionary army and of the present army of the United States.
[This bill it will be recollected contemplated the establishment of an invalid corps.]
The bill was taken up, went through a committee of the whole without an objection, and was reported to the House by the chairman, Mr. J. Richardson.
Several amendments were then made to the bill.
After considerable discussion on the details, in which no hostility appeared to be expressed to the principles of the bill, a motion made by Mr. Biount to re-commit it, for the purpose of adjusting the details, was carried 58 to 23.
Mr. Wharton, from the committee yesterday appointed, reported a bill amendatory of the laws of the United States, on the subject of the courts in the western states. Twice read and referred.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
Mr. Dana, from a select committee, to whom was referred a resolution on the subject of our navigation laws, reported a bill concerning associations for the security of navigation.
Mr. Witan moved that when the House adjourn, it do adjourn till Tuesday next.—Ayes 33—Nays 45. And adjourned.
Tuesday, Jan. 3.
MILITIA SYSTEM.
Mr. Macon from the committee on so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as relates to the amendment of the militia laws of the United States, reported that having carefully examined the system they are of opinion that no amendment is necessary.
The House having agreed to consider the report,
Mr. Macon observed that he had not concurred in opinion with the committee and therefore intended to make a motion to commit the report with special instructions to report a bill for classing and arming the militia. If the report were to be agreed to, it would foreclose any proposition on the subject during the session. The plan which he would propose for classing the militia would not go to destroy the present organization of the militia; but merely to class them according to age, so that young men should first be called into service. It was a rare thing that old men and young men accorded well
together. Old men could not bear fatigue as well as young men. He wished not to see fathers & their sons in the ranks together. He believed that there were such a plan to be adopted, from thirty to forty thousand men would annually be added to the lists; the arming of whom would cost from four to five hundred thousand dollars annually. In the course of four or five years all the men in the first class would be armed for duty, and be competent to repel any enemy. It was the only mode which united great utility with great economy. He had before him a statement made at the last year by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Clay). The observations of that gentleman, he said, were well remembered by the House, and he could add nothing to them. They proved that a large corps would always be ready for service, and that the number would daily increase. Having premised thus much he offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the report, &c. be re-committed to the select committee, and that they be instructed to report a bill to class the militia according to age, and to provide for arming such as may hereafter be placed on the militia list at the public expence.
Mr. D. R. Williams hoped no objection would be made to this resolution; for its adoption would commit no gentleman on the principle involved in it.
Mr. Desha wished a division of the resolution, as he was opposed to the first and in favor of the second clause.
A motion was made to refer the report to a committee of the whole and carried. Some debate took place on this motion, in which Messrs. Lyon, Macon, Nelson and Clay, appeared to be in favor of the principle, and Messrs. Sturges, Durell and Tallmadge against it. It was made the order of the day for to-morrow.
ENFORCING THE EMBARGO.
On motion of Mr. Jackson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 52 to 39 on the bill from the Senate for enforcing and making more effectual the several embargo laws, with the amendments reported by a select committee of this House, Mr. Bassett in the chair.
The amendments reported by the select committee were severally agreed to.
Mr. Van Cortlandt, after a few preliminary observations, expressive of an opinion that the embargo should be repealed so soon as could be consistently with the passing other acts, and giving equal notice to all our merchants, offered the following as a new section to the bill.
"And be it further enacted that the said act entitled "an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels within the ports and harbors of the United States," and the several acts supplementary thereto, be repealed from and after the 4th day of March next."
The Chairman observed, that altho' he individually believed this motion to be in order, the House had twice successively decided a similar proposition to be out of order the other day, because the subject was already before a special committee of the whole; and he felt himself bound to abide by their decision.
Mr. Gardener appealed from the decision of the chair.
The committee confirmed the decision of the chair.
A motion was made by Mr. Elliot that the committee rise and report progress—Negatived.
Mr. Jackson moved that the committee rise and report the bill as amended.
Mr. Elliot commenced a continuation of his speech which he commenced a few days ago. After Mr. Elliot had spoken about five minutes, it appearing that a quorum was not present—
Mr. Dana suggested the propriety of the committee's rising and reporting "that there was no quorum."
Mr. Macon had no wish to sit here whilst gentlemen were gone to their dinners; and moved that the committee rise and report progress.
Mr. Mooney said it was an old maxim that "dulce et decorum est pro patria mori;" but he had no idea of starving to death for it.
The committee rose, Ayes 52, and the House adjourned.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that the Senate had passed the bill authorizing the payment at the seat of government of certain pensions, &c. and that they had receded from their amendment to the bill respecting revenue cutters.
PARIS, 27th OCTOBER, 1808.
On Thursday, the 27th inst. his majesty the Emperor and king repaired in state to the Palace of the Legislative body, in order to open the session.
His serene highness the vice grand elector, having received his majesty's permission to present to him the deputies of the legislative body, who have been appointed since the session of 1807, these deputies were called by Mr. Despalieres, questor, and each took the oath at the foot of the throne.
The call being ended, his majesty said:
"Gentlemen deputies from the departments, to the legislative body—
"The codes that fix the principles of property and civil liberty, which are the object of your labors, obtain the good opinion of Europe. My people already experience the most salutary effects from them.
"The last laws have laid the bases of our system of finances. It is a monument of the power and greatness of France. We shall henceforth be able to make good the expenses which would be occasioned even by a general coalition of Europe, by our sole annual receipts. We shall never be constrained to have recourse to the disastrous measures of paper currency, of loans, and of arrears.
"I have travelled this year upwards of a thousand leagues in the interior of my empire. The system of works which I have ordered for the improvement of the territory is carrying on with activity.
"The sight of that great French family, lately torn asunder by opinions and intestine hatreds, now prosperous, tranquil, and united, sensibly moved my soul. I felt that to be happy it was necessary for me to be first of all assured that France was happy.
"The treaty of peace of Presburgh, that of Tilsit, the attack of Copenhagen, the attempt made by England against all maritime nations, the different revolutions of Constantinople, the affairs of Portugal and Spain, have diversely influenced the affairs of the world.
"Russia and Denmark have joined me against England.
"The United States of America have preferred to renounce commerce and the sea, rather than to acknowledge the slavery of them.
"A part of my army is marching against those armies which England has formed or landed in Spain, it is a particular blessing from that Providence which has constantly protected our arms, that passion should have so far blinded the English councils, as to make them attempt more than the protection of the seas, and at length present their army upon the continent.
"I set off in a few days, in order to put myself at the head of my army, and with the help of God, to crown the king of Spain in Madrid, and plant my eagles upon the forts of Lisbon.
"I have every reason to be satisfied with the sentiments of the Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine.
"Switzerland feels every day more and more the benefits of the act of mediation.
"The people of Italy give me only causes of satisfaction.
"The emperor of Russia and I, have had an interview at Erfurth. Our first thoughts were thoughts of peace, we even resolved to make some sacrifices in order to make the hundred millions of men whom we represent, enjoy, sooner if possible, all the benefits of maritime commerce, we agree, and are invariably united for peace as well as for war.
"Gentlemen deputies from the departments to the legislative body—I have ordered my ministers of finances and the public treasury, to lay before you the accounts of the receipts and expenditures of this year. You will see in them, with satisfaction, that I have no occasion to raise the tariff of any tax. My people will experience no new burden.
"The orators of my council of state will present to you different projects of laws, and among others all those relative to the criminal code.
"I constantly rely upon all your assistance."
His majesty's speech excited the most lively enthusiasm, and the sitting was raised amidst the repeated cries of long live the Emperor! The same acclamations resounded in all the streets through which his majesty passed.— Monsieur.
TEMPORARY SOCIETY.
A stated meeting of the Temporary Society, will be held at the Council Fire of its Great Wigwam, (Lindsay's Hotel) on Friday evening the 6th instant, precisely at the going down of the sun.
By order of the Society,
B. SMITH, Secretary. WASHINGTON, March of Cold, 4th Year of Discovery, 317th (January 4th, 1809)
Jan. 4—24
District of Columbia, Washington County,
ON the petition of GEORGE WALKER, an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid, for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of said Walker, that on the ninth inst. of the court room in said tavern, City of Washington, at the hour of ten o'clock, A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia" will be administered to the said Walker, and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
Ordered, That this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist twice in each paper before said day.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, Esq., Chief Judge of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia.
Signed, Wm. BRENT, CLERK. Jan. 4—26