The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-07-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCLXVIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 28th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
May 14, 1802.
DEFINITIVE TREATY.
[Mr. Sheridan's Speech continued from our last]
An hon. gentleman, to whom I have already alluded, has favored us on this subject with his northern logic—a sort of northern lights, playful and pretty to look at. He says it is an idle waste of time to debate here whether they will let up any claims adverse to our right of sovereignty in India. Now, Sir, however certain we may be of the right, I do know that a bond of convention in the case of disputed title is a good thing.
A noble lord now present, took great credit to himself when he procured such a bond in the case of Nootka Sound; and I do not know how to distinguish that case from the case of our rights in India. There is another point, Sir, to which I shall beg leave to advert briefly. When we speculate upon the hostile or pacific disposition of France, or of any other foreign power, we look at the state of parties. Now when we talk of peace or war at home; upon the same principle it is necessary to look into the state of domestic parties also. A right hon. gentleman (the secretary at war) stated upon a late occasion, that Bonaparte will look at this country with a soldier's eye. How he shall look at your yeomanry corps I do not pretend to conjecture, but of this I am sure, I am sure that he will look at England with the eye of a statesman. He will examine whether it possesses that unity, that firmness, that energy and decision, which constitute the strength of a government and of a country. Is it then fit that it should be a question in conversation in every street in London, whether we have peace or not? Who and what we are to consider as the real administration, and whether it be not a struggle between those who appear in office, and those who appear to have retired from it? Though I disapprove of the conduct of the present chancellor of the exchequer, in refusing an enquiry into the state of the nation, at a time when it came into his hands, and he above all persons was interested in ascertaining the state in which he received it. Although I also disapprove of his conduct in giving indemnity to ministers, the only indemnity to the by, which the country is likely to receive; yet I should be glad to find the mystery cleared up in his favour. But I own the conduct of his right hon. friend (Mr. Pitt) is little calculated to encourage that wish, and to free the case from all doubt and suspicion. He is hostile to all his old colleagues, yet when alluding to them it is my right hon. friend to one, and my right hon. friend to another. He sits there (behind the ministerial bench.) The attack is made by a body, small I allow, in number, but strong in talents and unanimity, (the Grenville party.) The late right hon. secretary (Mr. Dundas) speaks out, he fears that the proceedings of this party will turn our administration, but will the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) speak out? Will he say there they are in an entrenched camp, but all deserters, as ready to flee into it as out of it."
Here Mr. Sheridan drew a lively picture of the new opposition, under the image of a camp, and Mr. Pitt a desert from it; but it was so broken and interrupted with bursts of laughter, that we cannot attempt to give even a sketch of it. He then proceeded.
"I should give him (Mr. Pitt) more credit, if he would stand upon his own ground. He appears an outside passenger upon the top of the state coach; where, to be sure, he has no ostensible hold of the reins, yet if we see him busily employed in pointing out where it is to turn, what road it shall take, and where to bait, it is easy to see who is the real guide; (a laugh.) But how comes it that so few should follow this desert? He takes one set of friends with him, and he leaves another set behind him; and he contrives that they shall be hostile to each other. The only way in which I can solve this strange division of parts is this: Aristophanes, a Greek author, whom a noble lord will understand, (Lord Belgrave,) but whom I must waive for the benefit of the country gentlemen, tells a story somewhat in point. He says, that Nyctas for so long in one posture be adhered to the sun, so that when Hercules came to search him away, in the ladder-jerk, a certain proportion of his sitting-part was left behind him—(loud laughing.)"
Mr. Sheridan then proceeded to expatiate upon the character of Mr. Pitt.
Never, he said, was an individual so capable of being a great and useful servant to a great and free country, or less fit to be the tool & instrument of a court and corruption, and yet with such qualities he had done more to impair the stock of liberty than any other man the country ever knew. Next advertting to the cause of his resignation, he said, that if any man thought that catholic emancipation had any thing to do with it more than the longitude, he was deceived. It, however, that was the cause, he admitted that he was perfectly at liberty to resign; but still he must say, that the appeal made to the Catholics of Ireland, and the declaration it contained, that there was only one certain personage who opposed that measure, was conceived, an act of the most personal hostility short of high treason ever committed by a subject against a sovereign. The non-performance of that promise had, he believed, with the hearts of the people of Ireland, and might be a reason for making the peace in the terms upon which it was concluded. He should now submit the amendment of which he had given notice. It was of that sort in which only he and his friends could consistently agree. Its object was neither to eliminate ministers or to throw any obstacle in the way of peace. They proposed it on the grounds upon which they had always opposed the war. Mr. Sheridan then moved the following amendment:
"We humbly represent to his Majesty, That the omission of various opportunities of negotiating a peace with advantage to this country, and more especially the rejection of the overtures made by the Chief Consul of France, in January 1800, appear to this house to have tended to a state of affairs which rendered peace so necessary, as to justify the important and painful sacrifices which his Majesty has been advised to make for the attainment thereof."
HISTORY
OF THE Last Session of Congress.
[CONTINUED]
INTERNAL TAXES.
During the progress of discussion, various grounds of opposition were taken; and of the opposition, some were for a total, while others were for a partial repeal. It was contended that the fiscal situation of the government did not justify, much less recommend, so great a reduction of the taxes.
That though vast credit was due to the last administration for the skill manifested by them in the establishment of the revenue; yet that there was no certainty of its amount for the eight coming years being so productive as was calculated; that for the three successive years of 1790, 1791 and 1792, the average product of imports, calculated on the present rate of duties, was 6,153,000 dollars; and that for the six succeeding years, the average product was 8,350,000 dollars; that it was not safe to estimate the receipts for the eight coming years higher than those of these six years. It was to be observed that these six years included a period of war, which extended the value of our exports, rendered the consumer better able to pay, from the high price received for the productions of his labour; and increased the consumption of luxuries more than in time of peace. It was also evident, that a variety of items which had gone to make up the aggregate of revenue, would in time of peace fall. There were 85,000 dollars estimated on drawbacks, which arose from duties paid on imported articles afterwards exported from the United States, and which will cease the moment the carrying trade ceases.
Some duties must be reduced. Of wines the average product of the duties for the years 1790, 1791, and 1792 was 317,000 dollars; for the six succeeding years, it was 715,000 dollars. Did gentlemen think this amount will be kept up? During war our citizens are able to purchase. In peace the ability must decline.
The duty on sugar in three years has risen from 668,000 dollars to 903,000 dollars.
The duty on coffee had risen almost in the same proportion; and if it is not reduced, we will lose by its being smuggled; the temptation will be too strong to be resisted.
The Secretary of the Treasury had founded his calculations on the idea that the consumption of foreign articles will increase with our population. But it
was asked whether we could consume more than we can pay for.
It was added that the funding of the public debt, and the selling a large amount of stock abroad had heretofore enabled us to import more goods than we should be able to do in future; that from these considerations, it was not safe to rely upon a higher amount of duties than the average product of the above six years, which gave the annual sum of 8,350,000 dollars; the whole additions of revenue, derived from other sources, incorporated with this amount, would not produce more than 9,071,000 dollars.
On the other side, taking the old estimates as the only correct ones, it appeared that the aggregate expenditures of the government amounted to the annual sum of 12,500,000, leaving a defalcation of 4,429,000 dollars; and that even allowing 500,000 dollars for a reduction in the military and navy, which it was not believed could be effected without a prostration of the energies of the nation, there still remained a defalcation of 299,000 dollars. Nor was there in this estimate any allowance for that infinite variety of contingent events that constantly arise under every government.
The friends of the repeal were called on seriously to consider the state of our foreign relations; and particularly the necessity of sending a strong garrison to our posts on the Mississippi.
The opponents of the repeal averred their belief that more was intended than was expressed; they knew full well, whenever a deficiency should occur, where it would fall, they knew that it would fall on the naval establishment, as those who now urged the measure had invariably been of opinion that commerce should shift for itself.
With regard to the nature of the internal taxes, it was contended, that they were not so expensive in the collection as had been stated; that the expense did not at present exceed 15 per cent. which might probably be reduced to five per cent.; and that every succeeding year, in proportion to the increasing production of the tax, would diminish the charge of collection; that with regard to some of the branches of taxation, they did not even now exceed more than five per cent.; & that with regard to all except the tax on bills and distilled spirits, the collection through the agency of deputy post-masters, could be effected for the same commission.
The idea, that a system of internal taxes was repugnant to the theory of a free government, inasmuch as they required a host of officers to collect them, the appointment of which accumulated a dangerous mass of executive patronage, was declared visionary; as it was well known that a tax gatherer was a odious a character that on the acceptance of his office, he lost all the influence which he may have previously possessed.
It was contended that these taxes tended to equalize the burthens of our citizens, and were the only ones that affected the interior of the country; and that they were those on which alone we could rely in case of foreign danger, and which for this consideration alone should be retained; and that even should the effect of their retention be a surplusage of revenue beyond our immediate wants, a wise policy recommended its application to the accelerating the discharge of our public debt; and that to abandon them would evidence a criminal indifference to its speedy extinguishment.
But should it be deemed safe to part with a portion of revenue equal to the amount of these taxes, it was believed that there were other duties, by the removal or reduction of which the public good could be more extensively promoted; viz. those on coffee, brown sugar, bohea tea and salt; all of which were necessaries of life, and were extensively consumed by the poor, while the articles of internal revenue were luxuries, particularly used by the rich; and that such a preference was peculiarly recommended by the high duties paid on the former, compared with the low duties paid on the latter.
On the other hand, the repeal of these taxes was pronounced a measure not only recommended by wisdom, but enforced by popular opinion; that the system of excise had been, and ever would be odious to a free people, so long as its collection were vested with the extensive powers which had hitherto been considered essential to its collection; that these taxes, when imposed, had been laid in relation to particular measures, with the excise of which they should fall, and that such was the public expectation; that the taxes on licenses for retailers of spirits, sales at auction, and carriages
for the conveyance of persons would have expired by their own limitation in August 1801, but for the act of Feb. 23, 1801, declaring them perpetual, which was passed by a legislature that had forfeited the national confidence; that when the general government was established, it was expected that the taxes would be confined to an ad valorem duty on imported articles; whereas, in the course of a few years, it had been enlarged in wanton & undefined expenses; that a change of measures was now expected, and that no better pledge could be given than the removal of taxes which without producing any considerable revenue had caused one, and might cause more insurrections.
These taxes were odious from considerations, arising from the great number of officers employed in the collection, from the necessary extent of executive patronage, and from the great expense of collection, amounting to one fifth part of their entire amount. And when these considerations were attached to those in relation to the external revenues, which required comparatively but a few officers, and but a small expense, not exceeding five per cent. no hesitation could be entertained as to the policy of retaining the latter in preference to the former.
To an overgrown executive patronage, the republican part of the community had ever been hostile, and it became them now, in possession of power, to practice what they had heretofore professed.
They declared that notwithstanding their ardent desire to abolish these taxes, they had not considered themselves justified in the act, until they had previously, by a system of economy, made a reduction in the public burthens more than equivalent to the whole proceeds of the Internal Revenues. Retrenchments had already been made, in the army 500,000, in the navy 200,000, in the Judiciary 31,000, and on forts 70,000; making together a sum of 801,000 dollars, which exceeded by 200,000 dollars the whole clear amount of the internal taxes. Besides these retrenchments actually made, others were contemplated which would not fall short of 200,000 dollars. All idea of defalcation of revenue, reckoning upon probabilities was chimerical. It abundantly appeared from the report of the Secretary, delivered at the commencement of the session, that though the effects of an European peace might, in some measure, diminish the revenue derived from imports for a year or two, yet that the rapid growth of our numbers and the correspondent consumption of imported articles, would prevent any sensible diminution beyond the average estimate, which had been formed on our past experiences. The want of any great surplus revenue in our treasury would also be in all probability a prerogative from want of expenditure, and a protection from too ready an engagement in war; while, should any unforeseen emergency occur, which could be no other than war, much greater resources would be required than those supplied by the internal taxes, and in this event the people would unhesitatingly meet the wants of a government, that was the first to remove a burthen after it ceased to be necessary.
The internal taxes were, moreover, so many clogs to industry, which required excitement rather than repression. They were also unequal in their operation in relation to the several states, as would clearly appear from a specification of the sums payable by each state in the year 1800, viz. by
   Dollars.     New Hampshire, - - - 9,607   Massachusetts, - - - 172,894   Rhode-Island, - - - 35,702   Connecticut, - - - 29,727   Vermont, - - - 3,220   New-York, - - - 119,070   New-Jersey, - - - 23,496   Pennsylvania, - - - 211,180   Delaware, - - - 7,911   Maryland, - - - 86,718   Virginia, - - - 144,163   Ohio, - - - 35,756   Tennessee, - - - 10,735   North-Carolina, - - - 46,479   South Carolina, - - - 43,479   Georgia, - - - 13,489   Total, - - - 903,651  
The reflections on the friends of the present administration respecting a navy were repelled. It was acknowledged that they had been confident in their opposition to a great army and great navy, because, at the period of their institution, they could only be considered as instruments of war, calculated, if not intended, to embroil us with foreign powers; but, they denied that they were
now, or ever had been hostile to the adoption of proper measures either for defending the country, or its commerce.
With regard to the zeal of gentlemen on the other side to relieve the poor from the burthens alleged to be imposed upon necessaries of life, it must be considered on this occasion, misplaced, and exhibited more with a view to frustrate the removal of the internal taxes, than with a view to the avowed object; that this zeal was very equivocal and suspicious, which, after a long suppression by those who had the power to exercise it, now for the first time burst out when they had become divested of all power to give it effect. It was allowed that the taxes on imports were high; but when the occasion, which produced them, was considered, it became the federal side of the House to be silent, as the necessity for continuing, no less than for creating them, arose altogether from their wanton waste of public money. If the present administration remained firm to their purpose to abolish all useless expenditure, and to keep the nation in peace, in a short time the government having the ability, would manifest their inclination to lessen the external duties; but that at present such a step could not be taken without a prostration of national faith, and a dangerous enervation of the government.
In the course of debate it was observed by the opponents of the repeal, that the measure originated in partiality to the Southern states; but it was conclusively replied that the Eastern part of the union was that which would be most benefited by the repeal, as they paid a share much larger than the proportion of their numbers; to establish which it was shown that the Eastern states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New-York, entitled by the new census to 52 members, paid 370,320 dollars, while the Southern states of Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, entitled to 49 members, paid only 258,373 dollars; that adding to this amount 16,000 dollars, the amount payable by a population entitled to 3 members, which would render the contrasted Eastern and Southern members equal, would make 264,373 dollars, which taken from the amount payable by the Eastern states, would leave a balance against them of 105,847 dollars, which they paid beyond their proportion, and from which the repeal of the internal taxes would relieve them.
On the passage of the bill in the House, it was carried to the Senate, where it underwent the same discussion, conducted on the same principles which had characterised that of the House, and finally passed on the 31st of March by 15 yeas, to 11 nays.
The following are the yeas and nays in the House.
YEAS.
Messrs. Allison, Archer, Bacon, Bailey, Bishop, Brent, Brown, Butler, Cabell, Claiborne, Clay, Clopton, Coodit, Cutts, Davis, Dawson, Dickson, Elmen-dorf, Elmer, Eufis, Fowler, Giles, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, D. Heister, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Huger, Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Lieb, Milledge, Moore, New, Newton, junr. Nicholson, Randolph, junr. Smilie, T. Smith, J. Smith (of New-York) J. Smith (of Virginia) Jos. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stanley, Stanton, junr. Stewart, Taliaferro, junr. Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Nels, Varium, Van Horn, R. Williams—61.
NAYS.
Messrs. Bayard, Cutler, Dana, Davenport, Foster, Goldsard, Griswold, Hastings, Hemphill, Hill, Lowndes, Mattoon, L. R. Morris, Peirce, Read, J. C. Smith, Stratton, Tallmage, Tenney, Tillinghast, Upham, Van Rensselaer, Wadsworth, L. Williams—24.
The following are those in the Senate.
YEAS.
Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Clinton, Cocke, Calhoun, Ellery, T. Foster, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, S. T. Mason, Nicholas, and Sumter—15.
NAYS.
Messrs. Dayton, D. Foster, Howard, J. Mason, Morris, Ogden, Olcott, Ross, Tracy, Wells, White—11.
Thus terminated the deliberations of the legislature on this interesting subject. However difficult it might be to assign motives either rational or upright for the violent opposition given to the removal of the internal taxes, it is no difficult or unpleasant task to appreciate those in favour of it.
Men possessed of power so rarely believe what they promise; th; we are irresistibly impelled to respect a union of

these uncommon traits. The re- fined sensibility which is the result of a long and arduous warfare against the vipers of the Nile; and our atmosphere, pure as that which surrounded the famed Hel- icon. The wide Atlantic laves our east- ern board, and forms one barrier to the progress of invasion; and at the same time wafts to our shores the fruits and treasures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our ancient towns and cities are planted. Here, the busy multi- tude, and trade and commerce collect their immense stores of wealth. Here elegance and refinement unite their pow- ers, to please the imagination and im- prove the heart.
On the west, the Mississippi rolls in majestic grandeur; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into its bosom, opens a communication of vast extent into these fertile regions. Here, the wilderness is turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvests smile in the rays of a setting sun. Where the savage lately purged his timorous heart, we now behold large towns and flourishing villages, adorned with temples sacred to religion, and crowded with devout and adoring wor- shippers of the Lamb.
No considerable part of our extensive territory, but what is capable, under the hand of cultivation, of yielding subsis- tence for man.
Were we to rise with the morning sun, and travel on its rays round the globe, we should not find a nation more distin- guished by its blessings than our own. Every uncaused thought therefore must be deemed an attitude, and every unmerit- ed rebellion against Heaven.
Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more impenetrable than walls of granite. Our dependence is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercena- ry aid; but under God, we rely on the skill and bravery of our own citizens. — Do we need ships of war? Our own im- mense forests, our forges and work-shops furnish the materials, and our skilful ar- tisans construct them in a manner, e- qual, if not superior to any which float on the bosom of the deep. Indeed every article necessary in the whole apparatus of war, is, or may be furnished by our- selves. It is not then to be believed, that five millions of people, breathing the air of freedom and tasting her joys, inured to hardy enterprise, and lords of the soil they cultivate, can ever be con- quered by any foreign foe, unless the stars in their courses fight against them.
With such immense and increasing resources, our only danger arises from the abuse of our liberty, which was the last thing in the method to be attended to.
Permit me briefly to ob- serve on three particulars. The right of pri- vate judgment, or that is commonly call- ed liberty of conscience, is one of our dearest privileges. This right is unen- able in its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our forefathers left their friends and country, and sought an asylum in this then howling wilderness. But pre- cious as this privilege is, it is liable to a- buse. A very malicious design may be concealed under the cloak of religious liberty. It is to be feared that many, under this pretence, are in reality oppos- ing and endeavouring to destroy all re- ligion. Some by denying, others by cor- rupting its important doctrines and in- fluences. This is an abuse too for which there is no legal remedy. It seems to be beyond the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. According to our contest, his power extends only to the punish- ment of evil doers, and not erroneous or heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide on another's conscience, ought certainly to know his heart; otherwise he will be in danger of destroying the wheat. I know of nothing but light that will remove all doubts; nor any anti- dote to error but truth. If men will a- buse their christian liberty, they must an- swer it to God.
Another important privilege, is the right of electing our own civil rulers. This is the distinguishing criterion of a free government. But we are in great danger of abusing this privilege; and especially at such a season as the present, when party spirit is wrought up to its highest pitch. When we suffer our pre- judices and passions to influence our choice; when our judgment and con- science are sacrificed at the shrine of par- ty zeal; when we pass over tried merit, and prefer an unworthy candidate, be- cause he is of a particular party; do we not then abuse our liberty? If our elec- tions are biased and corrupted, our go- vernment will be corrupt, and conse- quently, our liberty will be endangered.
I add once more, the right to investi- gate the official conduct of all public a- gents, and in a respectful, decent man- ner to publish our opinions of them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, when under this pretence, we ca- lumniate and asperse the character of our rulers, and endeavour to expose them to public contempt, this is a very malic- ious and dangerous abuse of our liberty. It is not easy to calculate the extent of this mischief; for by traducing their char- acters, and misrepresenting their mo- tives and measures, we destroy public confidence, and prepare the minds of the less informed part of the community, for complete opposition and revolt. This abuse has also another bad effect: It tends to alienate one citizen from ano-
ther, and kindle the flame of discord throughout the nation.
To guard against this, we need only to reflect, that our national safety and prosperity depend chiefly upon our union. So long as we continue virtuous and u- nited, we have little to fear. But should patient heaven, offended by our aggravated provocations, give us up to a spirit of national distraction and discord, our ruin would be speedy and inevita- ble.
The fate of all preceding republics, and the causes which accelerated their ruin, have been recorded by the faithful historian. Signals also have been placed on all the rocks and shoals on which they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I have been trying to read the inscriptions on these monuments, but can make out distinctly only the three following words, which seem to have been written in capitals, LUXU- RY, EFFEMINACY, and DISUNION. "United we stand, divided we fall." This was our motto in those times which tried men's souls." The sentiment is equally important at this time. Young Sullivans great strength, we are told, lay in seven locks united in one head; but ours in seventeen. If we suffer them to be shorn, or a put cut off our strength will most certainly depart from us.
Is it not then the duty of every friend to his country to discountenance every attempt to alienate one part of our citi- zens from another? Whoever endeavors to induce the belief, that the interests of one part are incompatible with those of another, or with the interest of the whole, ought to be considered at least as a very doubtful friend.
But it may be said, the speaker is on- ly opposing a "man of straw." I could with indeed we had good reason to think so. But has not all which has been said and done been without meaning? If so, it ought to have been suppressed. I am far more well informed pe- sons have been seriously alarmed at the pro- gress of party disaffection; and have feared lest some untoward circumstance should provoke the mad attempt to divide our hitherto happy republic. Should we once begin the work of separation, God knows where it may end and what the consequences may be. It will be re- membered that the imprudent conduct of Rehoboam, urged on by the impetuous zeal of the young men who were about him, caused ten tribes to revolt from the house of David. What was the con- sequence? A civil war; in which half a million fell by the sword! The greatest slaughter, which, perhaps, has ever been in a battle since the world began.
The danger of disunion, which we are considering, was contemplated by our late beloved Washington, and a most se- rious warning given us in his farewell addresses. Permit me to enliven my dis- course with a paragraph from it. "The unity of government, (saith he) which constitute you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tran- quility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your politi- cal circle, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immu- able attachment to it; accustoming your- selves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discounten- ancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be a- bandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of an attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." This seasonable advice, it is hoped, will have its weight. — You will remember, that though dead, he yet speaks.
Nor can a doubt be entertained, but his worthy successor, our late excellent President, held the same sentiment with regard to our union; and had he ad- dressed the people, when retiring from office, we may presume he would have exhorted us to cleave to our federal union as the "sheet anchor" of our hopes.
Permit me to add, that whatever dif- ference of opinion there may be in other respects, our present chief magistrate, in his inaugural speech, has recommended the same important sentiment, with pec- uliar beauty and energy. But I am not insensible, that, considering the divided state of public opinion, I am venturing on a point of very great delicacy; and yet to pass wholly unnoticed the federal administration, which has been cons- tantly mentioned on all similar occasi- ons, might be deemed disrespectful to the constituted authorities of the coun- try. I do not, however, feel myself authorized either to eulogize or to cen- sure.
It is but just to observe, that our pre- sent chief magistrate, as well as his pre- decessors, was among the full assertors of our freedom and independence. At this early period, his distinguished ta- lents and patriotism procured him the es- teem and confidence of his fellow citi- zens. When we add to this, the many important offices he has sustained with reputation, both in his own state, and under the general government, we shall not doubt his ability to conduct our pub- lic affairs in such a manner, as shall pro- mote our prosperity, and do honor to the American character.
The following communication was handed to the Editor immediately after the debates for repealing the late judi- ciary law were closed. It has been solely from a desire to publish the successive speeches in the order in which they were delivered, that the communication has not obtained a place in the National In- telligencer at an earlier day.]
Mr. Smith. Be pleased to insert in your impartial paper the following sketch of what, had a convenient opportunity presented before the de- bates on the judiciary bill were closed, was designed to have been added as a supple- ment to Mr. Bacon's speech, as published in the National Intelligencer of the 24th of February last.
[Mr. Bacon in continuation on the bill from the Senate, for repealing the Ju- diiciary, &c.]
However I may differ in opinion from some with whom I have the honour general- ly to agree, I may not deny, but must frank- ly acknowledge the right of judicial of- ficers of every grade, to judge for them- selves of the constitutionality of every statute on which they are called to act in their respective spheres. This is not only their right, but it is their indis- pensable duty to do so. Nor is this the exclusive right and indispensable duty of the judiciary department. It is equally the inherent right and the indispensable duty of every officer, and I believe I may say, of every citizen of the United States.
The constitution is emphatically "The Law of the Land." It certainly cannot be less so than the statute made present pursuant thereto. It is indeed para- mount, with respect to all other human laws that can be made. In whatever capacity I may be called to act, where the law is to be the rule of my conduct, if two laws are found to clash with each other, in such case I cannot be governed by them both. Of necessity therefore, I must either not act at all, or reject both, or else determine which shall give way. Should the constitution and a sta- tute be found to contradict each other, the former, with me, must be preferred. But although this is a right of which every officer of the United States, as such, is constitutionally possessed; yet, for the due exercise of this, as also of all other such rights, he is responsible. He is not vested with a right to do wrong.
We have heard much of late about the peculiar and absolute independence of the judiciary. Although this is a term un- known in the constitution as applying particularly to the judiciary department of the government, yet it may, and ought to be admitted to be, in a certain sense, and in some respects true. The judiciary are so far independent of the legisla- tive and executive departments of the government, that they, neither jointly or separately, have a right to prescribe, direct, or controul its decisions. It must judge for itself; otherwise the decisions made in that department would not be the decisions of that, but of some other department, or body of men. The con- stitution, and the laws made pursuant thereto, are the only rule by which the judiciary, in their official capacity, are to regulate their conduct. The same is the case with the other departments.
The judiciary have no more right to pre- scribe, direct or controul the acts of the other departments of the government, than the other departments of the go- vernment have to prescribe or direct those of the judiciary.
The judiciary are occasionally depend- ant on the President and Senate, for their offices. They are in like manner dependant on the legislature for the fe- laries which are allowed them for their services; although when once obtained, they cannot be deprived of either, un- less in certain ways prescribed by the constitution. The time is the case with all other officers. Some are indepen- dent in one respect, others in another.
The judiciary are at all times dependent for their continuance in of- fice on the judgment which the Senate and House of Representatives, acting in separate capacities, may pass on their conduct; so that whatever may be the case with judges in other countries, or in the particular states, or whatever prejudice may be made to the indepen- dence of the judiciary of the United States, the fact is, that agreeable to the constitution our judiciary are on the whole, much more dependent on the o- ther departments of the government than the other departments, as such, are
on the judiciary. This being the case, it is in vain to exclaim about the dreadful consequences which may result from the doctrine for which we contend. Far my own part, after all that I have heard, I am not at all alarmed at the imaginary consequences that may result from this doctrine. I see, at least I think I see, much greater reason to be alarmed at the consequences resulting from the oppo- site doctrine. But be the consequences what they may, the only remedy must be, either to alter, or to pervert the con- stitution.
If we honestly and sincerely wish to understand in what respects our judges are independent (if indeed they are so in any) we are to recur to the constitution, and that alone; and not first assume an independence for them such as we would wish, and thence infer such a meaning of the constitution as will support the independence thus assumed, as it seems to be the practice of one description of men among us. This is no other than reason- ing in a circle, and drawing premises from conclusions—a species of logic which I do not understand.
Much has also been said by the oppo- sers of the bill about checks and balan- ces; and the same improvement is made of these alleged ingredients of our go- vernment which has been made of that independence which has been assumed for the judges of our courts. Unfortu- nately however for them, these favorite and important terms, are in the consti- tution, equally unknown with the inde- pendence of the judges. Perhaps it may be true, that our government is in some respects, a government of what may be termed checks and balances. But what those checks and balances are, we must learn from the time-authentic source from whence our information is derived respecting the independence of our judges. It is a novel kind of logic with which we find ourselves assailed. In this case, as in that of the alleged inde- pendence of judicial courts, such checks and balances as are the true ones are assumed, and from such assumed balances and checks the meaning of the consti- tution is inferred, to prove the assumed fact. In any other case, and from any other men, we should be led almost to suspect such reasoning as this to be so- phistical.
If such provisions as I will name are to be denominated checks and balances, we are happy to find that the government of the United States is filled with them. The house of representatives may pass a bill, the senate may negative it, and vice versa; the senate and house may both concur in the passing of a bill; the President has power either to approve, or to pass a qualified negative upon the same. The senate and house can, in their turn, provided two thirds of each agree, destroy the whole effect of such negative. The judiciary may judge of the meaning of a law, when made, but they cannot make the law. The judges on the trial of a cause can neither acquit or condemn which party they please; the juries have a power to determine, as to the fact at least. The executive is vested with power to execute the sentences of the judge, to nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to appoint and commission to office and to perform other duties as- signed to him by law; but he has no power, as I contend, to create, either the law, the sentence, or the office. If the executive or judiciary, in their offi- cial capacity, violate the constitution, or the laws made pursuant thereto, the house of representatives may impeach and the senate may try, condemn, and evict from office both the President and the judges. The senators and the repre- sentatives are originally dependent on the people for their appointment to office, and at certain periods, are in like man- ner dependent for a re-appointment. If they are to be considered as checks and balances, they are abundantly provided in the constitution. Such checks and balances as these, commensurate with that con- tend for. If there are others, either of a similar or of a different kind, let them be first pointed out, and they will be candidly acknowledged and respect- fully received, at least by me.
But, with the constitution open be- fore me, and knowing, as I do, that all civil rule, power and authority that es- tablished in the community to which I belong, are to be brought to the test of that su- preme, plain, and finished instrument, I can hardly be induced to act the propo- terous part of recurring to the vague and doubtful postulates of men like my- self to learn its contents.
Notice is hereby given, TO all whom it may concern, that I, Mr. NICHOLAS WHELAN, of the City of Washington, have obtained a power of attorney from my father Patrick Whelan, now in the City of Galway in Ireland, to collect all his debts and pay all his creditors here, and in general to do his business, as he might do in law or equity. This is to give notice, that such as will come to us and settle their accounts with the aforesaid Pa- trick Whelan, or I, shall be proceeded to com- pel them as the law directs in such case.
NICHOLAS WHELAN. July 12, 1802.
These uncommon traits. The re- fined sensibility which is the result of a long and arduous warfare against the vipers of the Nile; and our atmosphere, pure as that which surrounded the famed Hel- icon. The wide Atlantic laves our east- ern board, and forms one barrier to the progress of invasion; and at the same time wafts to our shores the fruits and treasures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our ancient towns and cities are planted. Here, the busy multi- tude, and trade and commerce collect their immense stores of wealth. Here elegance and refinement unite their pow- ers, to please the imagination and im- prove the heart.
On the west, the Mississippi rolls in majestic grandeur; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into its bosom, opens a communication of vast extent into these fertile regions. Here, the wilderness is turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvests smile in the rays of a setting sun. Where the savage lately purged his timorous heart, we now behold large towns and flourishing villages, adorned with temples sacred to religion, and crowded with devout and adoring wor- shippers of the Lamb.
No considerable part of our extensive territory, but what is capable, under the hand of cultivation, of yielding subsis- tence for man.
Were we to rise with the morning sun, and travel on its rays round the globe, we should not find a nation more distin- guished by its blessings than our own. Every uncaused thought therefore must be deemed an attitude, and every unmerit- ed rebellion against Heaven.
Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more impenetrable than walls of granite. Our dependence is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercena- ry aid; but under God, we rely on the skill and bravery of our own citizens. — Do we need ships of war? Our own im- mense forests, our forges and work-shops furnish the materials, and our skilful ar- tisans construct them in a manner, e- qual, if not superior to any which float on the bosom of the deep. Indeed every article necessary in the whole apparatus of war, is, or may be furnished by our- selves. It is not then to be believed, that five millions of people, breathing the air of freedom and tasting her joys, inured to hardy enterprise, and lords of the soil they cultivate, can ever be con- quered by any foreign foe, unless the stars in their courses fight against them.
With such immense and increasing resources, our only danger arises from the abuse of our liberty, which was the last thing in the method to be attended to.
Permit me briefly to ob- serve on three particulars. The right of pri- vate judgment, or that is commonly call- ed liberty of conscience, is one of our dearest privileges. This right is unen- able in its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our forefathers left their friends and country, and sought an asylum in this then howling wilderness. But pre- cious as this privilege is, it is liable to a- buse. A very malicious design may be concealed under the cloak of religious liberty. It is to be feared that many, under this pretence, are in reality oppos- ing and endeavouring to destroy all re- ligion. Some by denying, others by cor- rupting its important doctrines and in- fluences. This is an abuse too for which there is no legal remedy. It seems to be beyond the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. According to our contest, his power extends only to the punish- ment of evil doers, and not erroneous or heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide on another's conscience, ought certainly to know his heart; otherwise he will be in danger of destroying the wheat. I know of nothing but light that will remove all doubts; nor any anti- dote to error but truth. If men will a- buse their christian liberty, they must an- swer it to God.
Another important privilege, is the right of electing our own civil rulers. This is the distinguishing criterion of a free government. But we are in great danger of abusing this privilege; and especially at such a season as the present, when party spirit is wrought up to its highest pitch. When we suffer our pre- judices and passions to influence our choice; when our judgment and con- science are sacrificed at the shrine of par- ty zeal; when we pass over tried merit, and prefer an unworthy candidate, be- cause he is of a particular party; do we not then abuse our liberty? If our elec- tions are biased and corrupted, our go- vernment will be corrupt, and conse- quently, our liberty will be endangered.
I add once more, the right to investi- gate the official conduct of all public a- gents, and in a respectful, decent man- ner to publish our opinions of them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, when under this pretence, we ca- lumniate and asperse the character of our rulers, and endeavour to expose them to public contempt, this is a very malic- ious and dangerous abuse of our liberty. It is not easy to calculate the extent of this mischief; for by traducing their char- acters, and misrepresenting their mo- tives and measures, we destroy public confidence, and prepare the minds of the less informed part of the community, for complete opposition and revolt. This abuse has also another bad effect: It tends to alienate one citizen from ano-
ther, and kindle the flame of discord throughout the nation.
To guard against this, we need only to reflect, that our national safety and prosperity depend chiefly upon our union. So long as we continue virtuous and u- nited, we have little to fear. But should patient heaven, offended by our aggravated provocations, give us up to a spirit of national distraction and discord, our ruin would be speedy and inevita- ble.
The fate of all preceding republics, and the causes which accelerated their ruin, have been recorded by the faithful historian. Signals also have been placed on all the rocks and shoals on which they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I have been trying to read the inscriptions on these monuments, but can make out distinctly only the three following words, which seem to have been written in capitals, LUXU- RY, EFFEMINACY, and DISUNION. "United we stand, divided we fall." This was our motto in those times which tried men's souls." The sentiment is equally important at this time. Young Sullivans great strength, we are told, lay in seven locks united in one head; but ours in seventeen. If we suffer them to be shorn, or a put cut off our strength will most certainly depart from us.

Tristram D. D. is appointed postmaster at George-Town, Potomac.
We understand that at a meeting of the legatees of General Washington at Mount Vernon, several claims to be paid by the government were presented to the government.
The articles sold at Mount Vernon went off at very high prices. The large bill sold for 324 dollars; that of a second size for 115; two cows for 205 dollars; the imported rum for 53 dollars; and a number of the sheep at 13 dollars each.
The official papers, extracted from Paris papers, are said to have a belief that the late acts of the French Consulate are universally acceptable to the people of France.
There is one further fact, but little known or dwelt upon in the American press, which strongly shows the opinion that the great body of the people of France is hostile to the late measures.
It will be recollected that some time since the period arrived, when one third of the members of the Tribunate and the Legislative body was to be replaced by new members.
These circumstances must be well known in France; their influence must be fully felt; and there can be no doubt that every force may for a time repress all resistance to such unconstitutional proceedings.
At a stated meeting of the American Philosophical Society, January 15th, 1802, the following gentlemen were duly elected members:
Thomas Cooper of Northumberland, Pennsylvania; Jarvis R. Peabody, M. D. St. Croix; William Burnell, M. D. of Phila. d.; William Roxburgh, M. D. of Calcutta; Don Carlos Martinez de Yturri, Minister Plenipotentiary from His Catholic Majesty.
At a stated meeting of the American Philosophical Society, held at their hall, July 16th, 1802, the following gentlemen were duly elected members of the Society: Peter Blicher Olsen, Danish ambassador to the United States; Grenville Levesque, late consul general of the French Republic, near the United States; James M'Call, M. D. Philadelphia.
Philip Syng Physick, M. D. Philadelphia; William Stephen Jacobs, M. D. Philadelphia; Philip R. Roume, member of the French National Institute; John Church, M. D. Philadelphia; The Chevalier Don Valentine de Foronda, ex-col. general of his Catholic Majesty to the United States of America; John Gauntt, of Brunswick, N. Jersey.
ADAM SEYBERT, Secretary. JOSEPH CLAY, Secretary. General Lewis Littlepage, departed this life at Frederickburg, on Monday last, in the 44th year of his age.
He was appointed first Confidential Secretary in the Council of State under Washington, late King of Poland, in March, 1785, and remained in that office until the subversion of that unhappy empire.
SCALE OF GENIUS IN MDCCLXII. SIXTEEN THE HIGHEST PERFECTION. Table with 7 columns: Name, Length, Weight, Strength, Leap, Speed, Exploitation. Lists names like Sheridan, Burke, Cunningham, Merry, Cumberland, Pratt, St. John, Helder, Burgoyne, Murphy, Groom, Mason, Tickle, Capt. James, D. Aiken, Paine.
KINE POX.
Satisfaction to the unsearchable. On Friday the 2d inst. I inoculated Charles and Robert Yeaton, George Marent, Peter M. Lord, and John Hinckle, (all of Portsmouth) with fresh small pox matter, from Mr. Jackson's Well, who was labouring under a full crop of pustules by natural infection, at the Hospital in this harbour.
They were repeatedly inoculated in both arms, and took much pains to be in company with Mr. Well, that the object of the experiment should be satisfactory. On the third day after inoculation the punctured points were inflamed, and swollen in the same manner as from successful inoculation with the small pox.
They remained in the hospital ten days, during which time they were in perfect health, not having the least symptom or appearance of the small pox. It is now the fifteenth day since they have been exposed to the small pox, and if they could have been caught, by this time they would have been affected.
This second experiment of mine I hold ample proof and sufficient testimony that the KINE POX is a sure and effectual preventive of the SMALL POX, either by inoculation or casual infection. I. SPALDING. Portsmouth, July 16, 1802.
Health-Office, Portsmouth, July 15th, 1802. We are happy to attest to the above facts as stated by Dr. SPALDING, and declare that the experiment which was made at our hospital, was conducted with the greatest fairness. ELISHA LOW, Health Officer. BENJ. SHERBURNE, Health Officer.
I have also the following facts. Timothy Upbam, of this town, was inoculated by me for the kine pox June 1801, three which he has been repeatedly inoculated for the small pox by Dr. WRASALL, in the London Small pox hospital, without its having any effect upon him.
Daniel Walden, son of J. W. of this town, was inoculated for the kine pox in August last. He has since been repeatedly inoculated with the small pox in the City of New-York, without being infected. At Pepperelboro', Maine, eight young gentlemen, viz. Alexander Jenkins, Thomas Shannon, R. C. Shannon, William Denny, David Warren, Tristram Steurer, Seth Steurer and R. H. Green, all of whom having previously had the kine pox, were tested with the small pox, in Dr. R. C. SHANNON's small pox hospital in May and June last, without being infected. Although they were repeated
inoculated with fresh matter and exposed to small pox contagion.
STEAM SAW-MILLS.
The following extract of a letter from a gentleman in New-York is handed us: Since I wrote you last, I have been to see the Steam Saw-mill, which is the wonder of New-York. People are continually running to look at it, being something entirely new.
PHILADELPHIA, July 24.
The American Philosophical Society lately received from John Brown, Esq. of Kentucky, a bone which appears to have belonged to some animal of the Buffalo kind, which is deposited in the same room with Mr. Peale's interesting skeleton of the Mammoth, or Wonder of the Western World.
It is a piece of a skull, with a part of the core of the left horn—it evidently appears to have belonged to an animal of at least three times the size of any Buffalo now living, as it measures at the base of the horn, 21 inches in circumference.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in New Orleans, to his friend in this city, dated June 22.
A Courier has just arrived from Spain with dispatches to the Governor, &c. which do not mention one word of this province being given up to the French. The dispatches are late as the beginning of April.
Frankfort, (Ken.) June 23.
Through the politeness of the Inspectors, we have been favored with the following statement of the quantity of flour inspected at this place, since the first of January last.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Barrels. Condemned, 163; Fine, 3828; Superfine, 8013; Total, 12011.
When we look back and discover that as late as 1796, scarce a boat descended our rivers, and that the whole quantity of produce exported, would not amount to as much as the fine flour inspected at a single port, in little more than five months of the year 1802, we are lost in astonishment at the unparalleled strides our country has made, in the short space of six years, towards commercial greatness.
these disadvantages, our country has in the last six years made unexampled advances in the commercial world, who can calculate our progress in commercial importance, when those local and artificial embarrassments are removed!
NEW-YORK, July 23.
The United States frigate Essex, Capt. Bainbridge, arrived at quarantine yesterday, in 37 days from Gibraltar.
A REMARKABLE INSTANCE OF LONGEVITY.
(Communicated for publication in the American Daily Advertiser.) DIED lately at Bristol in Pennsylvania, a female slave named Alice, aged 116 years!
She was born in Philadelphia, of parents who came from Barbadoes, and lived in that city until she was ten years old, when her master removed her to Dunk's Ferry, in which neighbourhood she continued to the end of her days.
She remembered the ground on which Philadelphia stands, when it was a wilderness, and when the Indians (its chief inhabitants) hunted wild game in the woods, while the panthers, the wolf, and bears of the forest, were prowling about the wigwams and cabins in which they lived.
Being a sensible, intelligent woman, and having a good memory, which she retained to the last, she would often make judicious remarks on the population and improvement of the city and country; hence, her conversation became peculiarly interesting, especially to the immediate descendants of the first settlers of whose ancestors she often related acceptable anecdotes.
She remembered William Penn, the proprietor of Pennsylvania, Thomas Story, James Logan, and several other distinguished characters of that day.
During a short visit which she paid to Philadelphia, last fall, many respectable persons called to see her, who were all pleased with her innocent cheerfulness, and that dignified deportment, for which, (tho' a slave and uneducated) she was ever remarkable.
In observing the increase of the city, she pointed out the house next to the Episcopal church, to the southward in Second-street, as the first brick building that was erected in it, and it is more than probable she was right, for it bears evident marks of antiquity.
POST OFFICE.
Washington, July 23, 1802. THE Post Master General informs the inhabitants who cannot make it convenient to call at the Office and pay their postage accounts before the first day of next month, that he shall be under the necessity of declining to credit them thereafter.
While she was in the habit of receiving visits from her friends at the age of 116 years. When we consider how little this poor woman was at any time wrong, and in the habit of the entire century years of her life, she was heavily endowed by nature with a long and rapid memory, it is wonderful that she so long retained a view of her early scenes, but a long continued and above all the total absence of sorrow, which the first and only one she experienced, was to bear the five-fold weight of a long and arduous warfare, without complaining—implying that a glorious Day of Liberty would be her happy and lasting enjoyment, when her great Lord and Master should see fit to loosen the fetters that were placed upon her in this world, by the injustice, rapacity and cruelty of Man.
STANZAS.
Written between Doer and Calais, By Mrs. Robinson. Bounding billows cease thy motion, Bear me not to twivty o'er;
Cease thy roaring foamy ocean, I will tempt thy rage no more. Ah within my bosom beating, Varying passions wildly reign;
Love with proud sentiment reigning, Throws by turns of joy and pain. J'y that far from thee I wander, Where their taunts can reach no more;
Pain that woman's heart grows fonder, When her dream of bliss is o'er! Love, by feeble fancy banished, Spurred by hope, inignant flies;
Yet when love and hope are vanquished, Reflects memory never dies. Far, I go where fate shall lead me, Far, across the troubled main;
Where no stranger's eye shall meet me, Where no eye for me shall weep. Proud has been my fatal heart, Proud, my injured heart shall be!
While each thought, each inclination, Still shall prove me worthy thee! Not one sigh shall tell my story, Not one tear my cheek shall stain;
Silent grief shall be my glory, Grief that keeps not to complain! Let the bosom prone to rapture, Still by raging fates be cured;
Mind dismiss the thought of changing, Proudly destined to endure. Yet e'er far from all I treasured, Ere I bid adieu;
Ere my days of pain are measured, Take the long that's still thy due. Yet, believe no servile passion, Seek to charm thy vagrant mind;
Well I know thy inclinations, Wav'ring as the passing wind. I have loved thee, dearly loved thee, Thro' an age of worldly woe;
How ungrateful I have proved thee, Let my mournful exile show! Ten long years of anxious sorrow, It is by hour I counted o'er;
Looking forward till to-morrow, Every day I loved the more! Power and splendor could not charm me, No joy in wealth could be;
None could threaten or fear alarm me, Save the fear of losing thee. When the storms of fortune passed thee, I have wept to see thee weep;
When reluctantly I saw thee, I have lulled those cares to sleep! When with thee, what ill could harm me? Thou couldst o'er my soul prevail;
But when absent, nought could charm me, Every moment seemed an age. Fare thee well ungrateful rover!
Welcome Galla's hostile shore; Now the breezes waft me over; Now we part to meet no more.
POST OFFICE.
Washington, July 23, 1802. THE Post Master General informs the inhabitants who cannot make it convenient to call at the Office and pay their postage accounts before the first day of next month, that he shall be under the necessity of declining to credit them thereafter. Although the expense, loss, and trouble of keeping, copying and presenting for payment, a great number of small accounts, might be regarded as a sufficient reason for discontinuing the practice, even in cases of partial payment being made on account; yet, the Post Master would, as heretofore, readily yield his countenance and accommodation to that of the inhabitants, but when they are assured that several total losses have been sustained, and a considerable amount, long time due to the office, still remains unpaid, notwithstanding payment has been applied for, and the Post Master has been obliged to sue for, and pay to government, the double fee, and all the costs of suit, it would be considered as a continued disregard of the Post Office regulations. With those who will pay at the office monthly, in future, accounts will soon be cleared, if it will be a convenience to them, and they express a wish for it to be done. THOMAS MUNROE, P. M.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1802. Notice is hereby given, THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War...
SUPERINTENDANT'S OFFICE, Washington, June 19, 1802. IN pursuance of the directions of the Act of Congress entitled "An Act to abolish the Board of Commissioners in the City of Washington..."
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. List of Lots in the City of Washington referred to in the above advertisement, viz: No. 2 in square No. 2, no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq 2...
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. List of Lots in the City of Washington continued: no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq 2, no 4 in sq 2...
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. List of Lots in the City of Washington continued: no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq 2, no 4 in sq 2...
WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1802. Notice is hereby given, THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War...
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. List of Lots in the City of Washington referred to in the above advertisement, viz: No. 2 in square No. 2, no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq 2...
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. List of Lots in the City of Washington continued: no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq 2, no 4 in sq 2...
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. List of Lots in the City of Washington continued: no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq 2, no 4 in sq 2...
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. List of Lots in the City of Washington continued: no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq 2, no 4 in sq 2...
MARSHAL'S SALE. BY virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
FOR SALE. TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 23 and an half feet in area...
T. Bruff Dentist. Invention and Patent of the Perpendicular Extracting Instrument.
Burnet and Rigden, JEWELLERS & WATCH MAKERS. RESPECTFULLY inform the public that they have just received, and for sale, a handsome assortment of Gold and Silver Watches.
FOR SALE. A two story frame House, nearly finished, situated and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.
IN THE CASE OF URIAH FORREST a Bankrupt. WHEREAS a Commission of Bankruptcy has been issued against URIAH FORREST of the county of Washington...
FOR SALE. A two story frame House, nearly finished, situated and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.
FOR SALE. A two story frame House, nearly finished, situated and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.
FOR SALE. A two story frame House, nearly finished, situated and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.
FOR SALE. A two story frame House, nearly finished, situated and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.
FOR SALE. A two story frame House, nearly finished, situated and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.
FOR SALE. A two story frame House, nearly finished, situated and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.