The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-22 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1213.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FRIDAY, APRIL 8, 1808.
Mr. Adams' speech on expulsion of Mr. Smith, concluded.
The conversation to which colonel James Taylor attests, occurs within a very few days after the departure of Mr. Burr from Mr. Smith's house, at this period. The subject of that conversation was the separation of the states. Mr. Smith takes pains to circulate that Querist , which was to scatter the seeds of disunion throughout the western country. Mr. Smith adopts arguments as his own; and adds others of the same tendency to assist its effects. Mr. Smith contends that these doctrines, however obnoxious then, in less than two years would become orthodox . Is there no knowledge and participation in Burr's projects on the face of these expressions? We are told they were speculative opinions—and we hear complaints that a man should be held accountable for his political speculations. But when speculative opinions are associated with military preparations, and a formidable enterprise in the very process of execution, then, sir, they assume a very different complexion from that of free and legitimate discussion. Speculative opinions, at all times have such an influence upon practice, that I hold it not very justifiable in a man vested with public trust, to speak in terms of approbation, of a dismemberment of this union, upon any contingency, or at any distance of time. We ought to deprecate this greatest of all possible calamities, for our posterity as well as for ourselves. Yet, I acknowledge, that even these dangerous opinions, when merely speculative may be expressed without evil intentions, and ought not to draw the weight of public censure, upon the person using them, in the form of a decision of this body. It is the time, the occasion, the circumstance upon which this speculative opinion was divulged, which display it as evidence of Mr. Smith's participation in Burr's conspiracy against the Union.
We have followed the course of events until the close of September, about which time Blannerhasset follows Mr. Burr into Kentucky. In the course of that and the following month, the preparations and conversations of both these personages: the numbers of the Querist , and certain publications of an opposite character, which appeared in another newspaper called the Western World , had roused the suspicions, the anxieties, the resentments of the people in that part of the Union to the highest degree. About the 20th of October Mrs. Blannerhasset found it necessary to dispatch Peter Taylor from the island, into Kentucky, for the purpose of warning Burr, that he could not with personal safety to himself return to the island. Taylor was to go first to Chillicothe—then to Mr. Smith's at Cincinnati ; and there he was to be told where Burr and Blannerhasset were to be found. At this time it was no longer safe to inculcate the disunion of the states. The people there, I thank God, were not to be deluded by Mr. Burr's mode or by any other mode of effecting a dismemberment. They were true to themselves and to their country. The public clamor had arrived at such a pitch, that it might not be advisable for Mr. Smith to appear so intimate with Burr, as to know where he was to be found, and it might also be necessary for him to have the ostensible object of Burr's purposes ascertained. For although he says that when Burr was with him in September he had talked about the settlement of the Washita lands, yet at that time the purchase was not made.
This view of the state of things at that time will explain the particulars of Peter Taylor's testimony. When he arrives at Mr. Smith's and enquires for Burr and Blannerhasset, Mr. S. answers that he knows nothing of either of them. That Taylor must be mistaken—that was not the place—but finding Taylor to be Blannerhasset's servant, he tells him "he expected they were at Lexington, at the house of a Mr. Jourdan." Now, sir, what does this denial in the first instance that he knew any thing of them; and this pointing so precisely afterwards to the very house where they
were to be found, indicate? The council for Mr. Smith says that Taylor was sent there for Mr. Burr's great coat—nothing of that appears in the evidence. But from Taylor's declaration it appears that he was sent there to ascertain where Burr and Blannerhasset were to be found; that Mr. Smith at first denied knowing where they were, and afterwards told him the very house in Lexington where he was to go for them. As the sole object of Taylor's going to Mr. Smith was, to enquire where Burr and Blannerhasset were, and as before he left the house Mr. Smith gave him a letter for Burr, under cover to Blannerhasset, it is impossible to doubt the correctness of Taylor's testimony in that respect; that Mr. Smith told him where to go. The inference is irresistible. This accurate knowledge where they were, and this express denial of that knowledge to a man whom he supposed a stranger, is a proof that even then Mr. Smith knew much more than he was willing to avow.
The remainder of Peter Taylor's story, so far as it respects Mr. Smith, all concurs to establish the same fact. Mr. Smith's anxious enquiries for the news; for what was passing; for what was said about General Wilkinson; the charge to Peter Taylor not to go to a tavern lest he should be sifted with questions; and finally, the letter professedly to Blannerhasset, but enclosing one to Mr. Burr, combine to exhibit a state of mind agitated and alarmed, studious of concealment and fearful of detection.
Above all, consider the enquiry what was said about General Wilkinson. What could have associated in a mind utterly ignorant of all Burr's projects, enquiries about Wilkinson, with the then situation of Burr and Blannerhasset. Recollect the passage of the cyphered letter—"Already has the contractor orders to furnish six months provisions at the points Wilkinson shall name; this shall be used only at the last moment, and then under proper injunctions."
Mr. Smith has at one time denied all the material facts attested by Peter Taylor; and he attempted to disgrace his character; so little has he been born out by his own evidence now produced; that he formally admits the very facts he had denied. The same course has been pursued with regard to Col. James Taylor's testimony. Sir, this treatment of the witnesses is not calculated to inspire confidence in the solidity of Mr. Smith's defence. Unfounded attacks upon the character of a respectable witness, not only confirm, but aggravate the weight of his testimony.
If however the testimony of Peter Taylor needed confirmation, it would be found in the substance of the letter itself, of which he was the bearer, and of the answer to that letter. To these two documents I now ask the particular attention of the Senate. The letter is dated 23d October, 1806, and says—"I beg leave to inform you that we have in this quarter various reports prejudicial to your character. It is believed by many that your design is to dismember the union; although I do not believe that you have any such design, yet I must confess from the mystery and rapidity of your movements, that I have fears, let your object be what it may, that the tranquility of the country will be interrupted, unless it be candidly disclosed, which I solicit, and to which I presume you will have no objection."
Now what is the solicitude manifested in this letter? It is not so much that Mr. Burr's object should be disclosed, as that it should be declared not to be the dismemberment of the union. It asks for something which may be told, to prevent the tranquility of the country from being interrupted. And it very explicitly intimates what must be denied. It is an answer of a very peculiar kind which appears to be wanted; an answer contained in the letter itself. A voucher is wanted to deny the project for dismembering the union; and to speak with certainty of the ostensible object. This was the settlement of the Washita lands. Mr. Smith in one of his narratives says that Burr had talked with him on this subject in September before; but the purchase of the lands was not then concluded. It was uncertain whether that could now be spoken of as the professed purpose, and Mr.
Smith's letter was well adapted to obtain that certainty.
Mr. Burr's answer appears perfectly to have understood the object of these enquiries. Much has been said by Mr. Smith about the apparent frankness and candor of this letter, and on this document he relies with great emphasis, as a complete justification of all his subsequent confidence in Mr. Burr. To me, sir, it bears a very different aspect. Considering it in the light of an answer to the solicitude of a man altogether unconscious of Burr's real designs, and aware of the extremely suspicious appearances in which the conduct of Mr. Burr was involved; this answer appears to me calculated for any thing, rather than to restore confidence. To manifest its real character, let us attend to some of its most remarkable passages.
Mr. Burr says, "If there exists any design to separate the western from the eastern states, I am totally ignorant of it. I never harbored or expressed any such intention to any one nor did any person ever intimate such design to me. Indeed I have no conception of any mode in which such a measure could be promoted, except by operating on the minds of the people, and demonstrating it to be their interest, I have never written or published a line on this subject, nor ever expressed any other sentiments than those which you may have heard from me in public companies, at Washington, and elsewhere, and in which I think you concurred."
At this passage there is the following note by Mr. Smith—"J. Smith and col. Burr and others say that in day or an hundred years the territory of the United States would compose two distinct governments."—I return to the letter.
"I have no political view whatever; those which I entertained some months ago, and which were communicated to you, have been abandoned."
Here is another note by Mr. Smith—"J. Smith presumes that Mr. Burr refers to an invitation to settle in Tennessee, of which he heard him speak." The letter proceeds.
"Having bought of col. Lynch, four hundred thousand acres of land on the Washita, I propose to send thither this fall, a number of settlers; as many as will go and labor a certain time, to be paid in land and found in provisions for the time they labor, perhaps one year. Mr. J. Breckinridge, Adair, and Fowler, have separately told me that it was the strong desire of the administration that American settlers should go into that quarter, and that I could not do a thing more grateful to the government. I have some other views which are personal merely, and which I shall have no objection to state to you personally, but which I no not deem it necessary to publish; if these projects could any way affect the interests of the United States it would be beneficial, yet I acknowledge that no public considerations have led me to this speculation, but merely the interest and comfort of myself and my friends."
And finally, there is the following marginal admonition—"It may be an unnecessary caution, but I never write for publication."
Thus you see, sir, that the design of separating the states is denied in terms as explicit, as Mr. Smith's letter had desired; but with how much regard for truth, this volume of evidence at Richmond, has sufficiently proved. The purchase of the Washita lands is announced to have been completed. Thus far the answer is precisely such as the letter seemed to ask. But all the rest is darkness and obliquity. The caution against publication was itself not naturally suited to inspire confidence. It seems to say, you may shew this letter, but you must not publish it. The other allusions are so obscure, so unintelligible, that Mr. Smith has found it necessary to make them clear by explanatory notes. There is a reference to former conversations on the subject of a separation of the states; in which Mr. Smith is reminded that he concurred, with the sentiment, which Burr had expressed. Mr. Smith's note intimates that this refers to opinions about the separation of the Union in some fifty or a hundred years. But if Burr's speculations in public companies, postponed to so distant a date the event, which he was projecting, to Eaton, to the Morgans, to Blan-
nerhassetts, to M c Farland and Glover, he had been urging the propriety of their accomplishment at a much earlier day—and from the testimony of col. James Taylor, it would seem that the concurrence of sentiment for which Mr. Burr refers to the consciousness of Mr. Smith, extended no less to the practical projects than to the speculative opinions of Burr. To the separation of the states within five or two years rather than to the dismemberment of the next century. The mode, says Mr. Burr, for promoting such a measure would be by operating on the minds of the people, and demonstrating it to be their interest. Now this was the very mode in which Mr. Burr and Blannerhasset under him had been attempting to promote the measure. Burr had been so operating at Cincinnati the year before this. And William M c Farland at least had persuaded, that Cincinnati was to be the Capitol of the projected Western Empire. He had been so operating all the way at least from Pittsburg in August, and until he left Cincinnati in September, only six weeks before these letters were written. The Querist was one of these instruments of the mode for operating, upon the minds of the people. And when the Querist first appeared, Mr. Smith had expressed his approbation of its contents. Is not this the sort of concurrence to which Mr. Burr alludes, rather than that of speculating upon the destinies of a future age.
The rest of the letter is equally obscure. Mr. Burr's abandonment of a project for settling in Tennessee requires the explanation of a note from Mr. Smith; and that note is conjectural. Mr. Burr has some other views merely personal, which he can only communicate personally. If they could affect the interests of the United States, it would only be beneficially; but they were prompted by no public considerations, but merely for the interest and comfort of himself and his friends.
Mr. President I ask again the attention of the Senate to this remarkable sentence. Did Mr. Smith on receiving the letter understand this sentence, or did he not? If he did, where is the whole defence which he has now set up? If he did not, was this paragraph calculated to inspire his confidence? Was it calculated to remove suspicions? Projects which could only be personally disclosed! Projects which might affect the interests of the United States! Projects prompted by no public considerations! but merely by personal interest for himself and his friends! And was this to remove suspicion from the mind of a Senator of the United States? Was this an answer to calm anxieties and restore confidence? Is not the very language of it suspicious? Equivocal? Ambiguous? I ask every member of this Senate to put the question to himself. Had you been at that time in the midst of the scene of Burr's operations, and had you received such an answer to a letter of solicitude enquiry, would it not have increased instead of allaying your alarm? Would you not have seen in this paragraph a concealment suspicious in itself—darkened still further by expressions of dangerous import and of doubtful legality? Strange indeed must be the texture of that mind to which this answer could restore unqualified confidence in the writer!
But, sir, if Mr. Smith had seen nothing in this letter to startle confidence instead of composing it; was there nothing in the course of public events at that time, which might & should have aroused him to more than suspicion? Mr. Burr's letter was dated on the 26th of October; within ten days from that time, that is on the 5th of November following, the District Attorney of the U. S. in Kentucky, filed a complaint against Mr. Burr, for a violation of the laws of the U. S. in setting on foot an expedition against Mexico, which complaint I beg leave to read—
"J. H. Daviess, attorney for the said United States in and for said district, upon his corporal oath doth depose and say, that the deponent is informed and doth verily believe, that a certain Aaron Burr, esq. late Vice President of the said United States for several months past hath been and is now engaged in preparing and setting on foot, and in providing and preparing the means for a military expedi-
tion and enterprise, within this district, for the purpose of descending the Ohio and Mississippi therewith, and making war upon the subjects of the King of Spain, who are now in a state of peace with the people of the United States, to wit: on the province of Mexico, on the westwardly side of Louisiana, which appertain and belong to the King of Spain, an European prince, with whom the United States are at peace.
"And said deponent further saith, that he is informed and fully believes, that the above charge can and will be fully substantiated by evidence, provided this honorable court will grant compulsory process to bring in witnesses to testify thereto.
"And said deponent further saith, that he is informed and verily believes that the agents and emissaries of the said Burr, have purchased up and are continuing to purchase large stores of provisions as if for an army, while the said Burr seems to conceal in great mystery from the people at large his purposes and projects: and while the minds of the good people of this district seem agitated with the current rumor, that a military expedition against some neighboring power is preparing by said Aaron Burr.
"Wherefore said attorney, on behalf of said U. States, prays that due process issue to compel the personal appearance of the said Aaron Burr in this court, and also of such witnesses as may be necessary in behalf of the said U. States; and that this honorable court will duly recognise the said Aaron Burr, to answer such charge as may be preferred against him in the premises. And in the mean time that he desist and refrain from all further preparation and proceeding in the said armament within the said U. S. or the territories or dependencies thereof."
It will be remembered that on this complaint a Grand Jury was summoned, and on the 6th of November discharged, because Davis Floyd, whom the attorney deemed a material witness, and whom we now know to have been one of Mr. Burr's principal associates, was absent. We all know what the effect of this transaction was here. Certainly not of inspiring confidence in those who were ignorant of Mr. Burr's real designs.
No, sir! The confidence, which this abortive attempt to bring Mr. Burr to justice inspired, was in himself and his associates. He wrote immediately to Blannerhasset, not to apprehend any danger from this prosecution, (which his friends then and so long after called a persecution) but delay in the settlement of the lands—and one fortnight after—that is on the twenty-third day of November, we see him again at Cincinnati, making the promised personal and confidential communication to Mr. Smith, which he had not dared in the letter of 26th Oct. to commit to paper—and no wonder. For it is a complete and unquestionable acknowledgement of the identical crime for which Mr. Burr had been summoned into court at Frankfort, not twenty days before, and discharged merely from the failure of a witness to attend. But it is not merely a confession of that guilt, it imports much more; and the very terms used by Mr. Smith, relating it, in his affidavit of 6th Jan. 1807, shew that he understood it, as importing more. Mr. Burr tells Mr. Smith, that his design "is not dishonorable, or inimical to this government," he "repeated that his object was not hostile to the people of the U. States or dishonorable to himself;"—and that he would be "the best neighbor this country ever had." Whether the design was honorable or dishonorable Mr. Smith should have judged for himself. That it was not inimical to this government, there was little reason for him to believe when coupled with those boiling resentments which overflowed from the lips of Mr. Burr in the very act of making this acknowledgement. "In this government he had been persecuted, shamefully persecuted, and he was sorry to say, that in all private confidence between man and man, seemed to be nearly destroyed." And in this state of temper, Mr. Burr "ventured to tell Mr. Smith that "if there should be war between the U. States and Spain, he, Burr, should head a corps of volunteers, and be the first to march in the Mexican provinces; if peace should be preserved, which he

did not expect, he should settle his Washita lands and make society as pleasant as possible."
And this is the communication, which added strength to Mr. Smith's confidence in Mr. Burr! This is the communication, upon which Mr. Smith engaged his two sons to go as Burr's associates!
The attack upon Mexico was to be in case war should take place between Spain and the U. States. But is it possible, sir, that a man of Mr. Smith's understanding should at that time, and under these circumstances have given an instant of credit to that shallow pretence? If Mr. Swartwout, one of Burr's acknowledged associates, was ashamed of pretending to rely on this tale of contingent war, and frankly told the grand jury at Richmond, that they were to attack Mexico to be sure in case of a war with Spain; but if there had been no war he was ready to forget the law of the U. States against such expeditions. If commodore Truxton, a private citizen, smarting under the injuries which he concurred he had suffered from the administration, even in July, while the project was but in prospect, and not in actual execution, made his first and emphatical question, whether the government of the U. States was acquainted with it, and on being informed that they were not, instantly refused to have any concern with it; let me ask, whether in the last days of November, while Burr was persevering in his preparations after having been brought before a judicial court upon this very charge, and dismissed solely because a witness was absent, a Senator of the United States, receiving this communication from Burr himself, could possibly be the dupe of this pretence? Whether his first question ought not to have been that of Commodore Truxton. Is the Executive of the U. States informed of your designs? Is it possible, sir, that this disclosure of the intended Mexican invasion, could confirm the confidence of Mr. Smith, when it was the very thing for which the district attorney not three weeks before had entered the complaint against Mr. Burr, before the court of the U. States competent to try that offence? Is it possible that Mr. Burr's confession of his guilt should have been the confirmation of Mr. Smith's confidence? Yes, sir—So far as relates to the misdemeanor, to Mr. Smith's participation in the project for invading Mexico, his own affidavit on the 6th of Jan. 1807, is evidence, which in my mind, nothing can control. His engagement of his two sons to Mr. Burr, admits neither of denial nor of justification.
About ten days after this; on the second and third of December, Mr. Smith goes to Cynthia, Frankfort, and Lexington, to purchase provisions, and to sell bills of exchange. Here he accidentally sees again Mr. Burr. Here he finds that Mr. Burr, is for the second time charged, and now before a grand jury with that very offence of preparing an expedition against Mexico, which in his confidential communication to Mr. Smith he had explicitly avowed. And Mr. Smith by the testimony of three of his own witnesses hurries away from the scene to avoid being subpoenaed as a witness, declaring that he knows nothing on the subject that could either criminate or justify Mr. Burr.
The first of these witnesses is Kelly, Mr. Smith's confidential agent and store keeper, at Cynthia; of whose character as a man of uprightness and veracity, the most respectable attestations are produced. After stating the motive of Mr. Smith's going to Cynthia, and thence to Lexington, Kelly's deposition, produced here by Mr. Smith himself, proceeds thus:
"He returned and informed me that on his arrival at Lexington he understood that the principal men with whom he wished to transact business were at Frankfort; that he was also informed that a prosecution the second time was commenced against col. Burr, and he Smith was told, that if it was known he was in the state he would be subpoenaed as a witness—that he told his informers he would not put them to the trouble to summon him, if he had a fresh horse he would go on there immediately—finding he could not see the men he wished to see, he started for Frankfort—that on his arrival there he enquired for major Morrison, I think he said in two or three public houses, but could not find him; that he was informed the investigation into Burr's conduct before the grand jury was delayed for want of gen. Adair, who was said to be a principal witness against him, and that in all probability proceedings would be staid for several days, and as he (Smith) could not be detailed so long from his business particularly as he knew nothing that would either criminate or exculpate col. Burr—that if his testimony could be of any benefit
either way he would have staid with pleasure, but as he was entirely ignorant of any of Burr's political views, he conceived to stay there for no purpose would be doing injustice to his private as well as his public concerns, and therefore as he was not summoned he started away early next morning."
Mr. Jordan's deposition, after relating Mr. Smith's application to him respecting the bills of exchange, says—"The conversation then turned on the pending trial of Colonel Burr; and I mentioned that I had been called on as a witness; and observed that Burr had also been at your house; and that it was known that you were in this place, that you would also be called on. You said you was willing; that you knew nothing of the business; but as you could not get your business accomplished here; that if you had a fresh horse you would go to see major Morrison, and save them any trouble of subpoenaing you."
The deposition of Joseph Taylor is to the same effect; that Mr. Smith denied all knowledge of any thing which could operate either for or against Mr. Burr.
Now, sir, how was the fact? Was Mr. Smith thus ignorant? It seems to me that he was not. The disclosure which on the 23d of November, he himself has sworn Mr. Burr had made to him in confidence, was knowledge of the most decisive character on the question before the grand jury, was knowledge, which had Mr. Smith been even a private citizen, he was bound in duty to have gone and related to them. Admitting even that Mr. Smith could have believed, that Burr intended the Mexican invasion, only in case a war should break out; still the preparations he was making were unlawful; still he was guilty of the very charge made against him then before the grand jury; and had confidentially avowed the object to Mr. Smith. Had Mr. Smith gone before that grand jury, and told them from the lips of Mr. Burr, what the affidavit of 6th January, 1807, declares upon oath; that grand jury instead of dismissing Mr. Burr as they did, with commendation and applause, would have been bound, with the oath of God upon their consciences to find a bill against him. The confession of Mr. Burr unquestionably brought him within the operation of the statute upon which he was prosecuted, and I cannot but attribute to Mr. Smith's studious avoidance of attending upon that grand jury, all the unfortunate, and I may say calamitous consequences which have befallen this nation, from the failure of bringing Burr to justice at that time. Had he then been indicted on Mr. Smith's testimony alone, he must have been convicted. The alarms, the agitations, the extraordinary and irregular stretches of power at New-Orleans, which have distressed every free and patriotic heart, would have been needless; would have been prevented. The progress of that pernicious enterprise would have been arrested there. The whole judicial authority of the United States would not have been laid prostrate before the wiles of conspiracy. There would have been no trial; no occasion for a trial at Richmond; treason would have been nipped in the bud, and Mr. Smith himself would at this day have been here, in the full enjoyment of his reputation, with the consciousness of having rendered a service of the highest importance to his country. But, sir, unfortunately for him; unfortunately for us; unfortunately for his country, he had engaged his two sons to Mr. Burr. He could not testify against Burr without condemning himself, and he shrunk from the presence of the grand jury.
Ten days after this the President's proclamation and Governor Tiffin's orders for the militia to be called out, both arrived on the same day, the 13th of December, at Cincinnati; and from that time Mr. Smith's exertions to carry into effect the orders both of the General and the state government were characterised with great and extraordinary zeal. But even then he writes to the Secretary at War a narrative, not exactly conformable to that afterwards contained in the answer to the committee—In the answer Mr. Smith declares repeatedly that all his doubts and suspicions about Mr. Burr, had been removed by his open hearted candid letter of 26th Oct. In the letter to the Secretary at War, he speaks of himself as harboring so strong suspicions on Burr's subsequent visit to Cincinnati in November, as then to have asked him pointedly if any object he had in view justified the suspicions which prevailed about him, and that from Mr. Burr's apparent candor in answering this question, he Smith, entertained no doubt of him. Now this apparent candor, was an acknowledgement of the very same undertaking which the President's proclamation called upon the people to suppress. The proclamation had no reference to the part of Burr's project
which aimed at the dismemberment of the Union—it was the intended invasion of Mexico, which it extended the arm of the nation to restrain—the very expedition upon which Mr. S. had engaged his two sons—How was it possible that this disclosure of an unlawful design, could have restored the confidence and received the countenance of Mr. Smith? It is this, with the circumstances attending it, and which I have noticed, that render Mr. Smith himself the most material of all the witnesses against him. The letter, I have shown, contained little to remove; and much, very much to excite suspicion. The avowal of the intended march to Mexico was an avowal of guilt—Mr. Smith does not pretend that Mr. Burr hinted to him that the design was approved by the government—the bitterness with which he spoke of the government, was surely of itself an indication to the contrary. Did not Mr. Smith know that this was an unlawful enterprise? Could he have been ignorant of this before; the first prosecution in Kentucky must surely have given him sufficient notice of that. Before he engaged his two sons, ought he not to have enquired how the Washita settlement was to be made? How the same preparations could be transformed at pleasure from purposes of war to purposes of agriculture? How the same men and the same things could possibly be applied to the invasion of one country and the settlement of another? By what magic they were to beat their swords into ploughshares, and their pruning hooks into spears? Even Peter Taylor, the stupid Peter Taylor, as Mr. Smith has pronounced, and his council endeavored to prove him—even Peter Taylor, when Blannerhasset attempted to engage him for the Washita settlement, enquired what kind of seed they should carry with them? Nor would he be satisfied with Blannerhasset's evasions of this question, but urged him with it until he forced out the whole project; the Mexican Empire—the royal diadem of Mr. Burr, and the dismemberment of the American Union. Peter Taylor was indeed as Mr. Smith says a gardner. He certainly cannot in point of understanding be compared with Mr. Smith. Yet even he could bethink himself of the articles which would be suitable for his agency in a settlement of lands—even he could discern the difference between garden seeds & gun-powder; and yet Mr. Smith a Senator of the U. States, a settler in a new country, a confidential and intimate friend of Mr. Burr, engaged his two sons for an ambitious expedition of settlement or war, without putting a single question to ascertain how these schemes of contrariety could be reconciled together; without one single enquiry, which could lead to a colorable pretence of right for the warlike part of the plan—preparations for war! Levying of troops! Was a Senator of the United States to wait for the President's Proclamation to learn the unlawfulness, or the danger to the liberties of this country of such enterprises, undertaken without public authority—Was he yet to learn that the power of making war, and of raising soldiers, has been deemed by the people of this nation, of such magnitude and danger, that they would not entrust them to the Executive authority, but have expressly and cautiously reserved them exclusively to the representatives of the nation assembled in Congress? And until the declaration of war, by Congress, he surely knew that every preparation of expeditions to invade the territories of a neighboring sovereign, was even in the incipient stage of beginning and setting on foot, in direct violation of the laws of the land? The pretence that it was to be pursued only in case war should take place, did not make it at all more lawful; but made it if any thing more dangerous. Suppose, Sir, that war, had been declared—was it for Aaron Burr to say, who should head corps of volunteers, or who should be the first to march into the Mexican provinces? Entertaining the opinion that I do and then did of Mr. Burr, I should have considered it as one of the greatest misfortunes which could have befallen the U. States, even if they were at war, to have had such a man as him at the head of their armies—nor can I consider it but as highly unbecoming in a member of the National Legislature to have given him countenance in this project of forcing himself upon the government of the Union, as the general of an army for the invasion of Mexico. It was encouraging and aiding a violation of the constitution in its vital principles. It was setting an example more to be dreaded by the people of this Union than the most formidable foreign war. And of all this Mr. Smith himself is the self-accusing witness. All the other witnesses, are but in confirmation and aggravation, of these decisive facts. Some of them indicate circumstances of very strong suspicions, that Mr.
Smith's participation was much earlier and much deeper. Other strikingly demonstrate that he was acting under a consciousness of unlawful engagements; and all concur in producing upon my mind the conviction that this resolution ought to pass.
Mr. President, I have discharged a painful obligation. No discussion has ever devolved upon me, as a member of this body, in which I have taken a part with more reluctance than in this. Until these transactions occurred, there was perhaps not another member of the Senate in whose integrity I more confided; and but for this there is none whom I should more readily take by the hand as a friend and a brother. I trust, sir, that I feel as I ought, for his personal situation, on this occasion; as well as for the interests and the feelings of his family. I am sensible, and have never lost sight of what is due from me to him as members of this assembly. But there is also a duty to the character and reputation of this body—a duty to the state, whose representation on this floor has been in part entrusted to him; and a duty to the whole nation whose public servants we are. In the discharge of these duties, I have felt myself compelled to submit these observations to the Senate; and with these I shall conclude.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 22.
THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES left the City on Wednesday for Monticello.
The Secretary of the Treasury has also left the city for New-York.
The government schooner Hope, capt. Woodward sailed yesterday. She carries out two messengers, capt. Haley to France, and Mr. Atwater to England. Capt. Haley will be landed at Havre-de-Grace, while Mr. Atwater will repair to England. On the return of capt. Haley from Paris, the Hope will sail for England, whence she will return to this place with capt. Haley and Mr. Atwater.
We have received a number of very interesting official statements of the EXPORTS and IMPORTS of Great Britain, lately laid before Parliament; discriminating those to and from the United States, and the value of foreign and colonial merchandise from that of British produce and manufactures exported. These documents will enable us to lay before our readers, with great precision, several important views of the relative trade of Britain and this country, and of the effects likely to be produced on the former by her orders of council.
We shall, in the first place, publish as most interesting, a comparative statement of the whole exports from Britain of the following articles, & the exports of the same articles to the U. States. We have taken the year ending the 5th of Jan. 1807, as preferable to the succeeding year, which is affected in some measure by the orders of council. The materials we possess only supplying the official value of the exports generally from Great Britain, we have been obliged to calculate their real value, which we have been enabled to do from possessing both the official and real value of the exports of the same articles to the United States; the proportion in one case holding good in the other. This circumstance has obliged us to omit one item, formed of articles other than those specified, which, however, do not much exceed half a million sterling. All the other exports to the United States are given. The first column gives the value of British produce and manufactures generally; the second the value of those to the U. S.
   £. STERLING. £. STERLING.     Brass and Copper Manufactures 654,000 82,142   Cotton Goods 13,810,000 4,645,729   Glass and Earthen ware 750,000 173,526   Haberdsnery 1,256,000 313,754   Hats 857,000 99,250   Iron and Steel 5,556,000 684,678   Lead 378,000 44,619   Linen 1,165,000 289,044   Salt 248,590 84,669   Silk Manufactures 751,000 425,165   Tin and Pewter 378,000 79,189   Woolens 10,154,000 4,866,178   33,647,590 11,809,993  
1. It thus appears to be the necessary effect of the British Orders to destroy the trade of England to the extent of twelve millions sterling of the usual export of her produce and manufactures to the United States; for it has been clearly shown that if we are prohibited from carrying our produce to an European market, we shall not be able to purchase British manufactures.
2. The twelve millions of her manufactures and produce, whose exportation to this country is thus inhibited, amount to nearly one third of her whole exports of British manufactures and produce, as appears by these official documents.
3. But the most important consideration is, that the foregoing articles are principally such as we can do without, or soon fabricate for ourselves, in sufficient quantities for our real wants. Of these, cotton and woollen goods constitute nearly four fifths of the whole. Of one we have the raw material in the greatest abundance, and of the other we can in two years obtain a full supply, by which time, if the present spirit continues, we shall be able to manufacture all the goods of these descriptions absolutely requisite for our comfort.
Brass and copper manufactures will be equally in our power; and those of glass and earthen ware even more so; as well as those of iron and steel, of lead, of tin and pewter. This will be still more the case with hats and salt. The other articles are either inconsiderable in amount, or the demand for them will be greatly reduced by the frugality of our habits or the substitution of other fabrics. For instance silks, which are brought to us to nearly the value of two millions of dollars, may be easily exchanged for cottons.
Supposing then Britain to persist in her injustice towards us, and our manufactures to progress, as progress they must, and our habits of dress to undergo a material change, what will be the effect on her and on us?
The evil to us will be light, and to her most serious, from the relative unimportance of commerce to us, and from its all-importance to her.
Light as it will be to us it will be temporary, while on her its effects will be durable. At worst, it will only, in some measure perhaps, prematurely, have approximated us to that state of things which before long must at all events have taken place; while it will have deprived her of a great and growing market for her manufactures, which, instead of expanding with her increasing capacity to supply our wants, will sustain a positive and rapid diminution.
INSANITY.
QUEM DEUS VULT PERDERE, PRIUS DEMENTAT.
Under this head we propose, from time to time, to amuse our readers with the ravings of federalism—note that honest federalism, which however it may err in political theory, is always right when the great interests of the nation are at stake; but that species of federalism, which in times like these is so lost to patriotism as to be the apologist nay advocate of those who inflict upon her the deadliest wrongs. These notices will be of some importance as shewing the trash taken from American prints, with which the British ministerial papers abound, and which tend to give the British nation the falsest impressions of our character and measures.
The following article is from the New York Evening Post—"Thus, only give these patriots office, and they care not who or what is President. Let him but be a republican, and give him all the offices to republicans, and he may be, as great a scoundrel as disgraces the earth. Will the people never be convinced of the baseness of these swolches?"
The more we reflect on the baseness of those Americans, who, in the present circumstances of their country, stoop to the degradation of carrying on a trade under British licenses, the more we feel the wound inflicted on our national character, and the necessity of healing it either by the force of public opinion or legal coercion, or both. Were Congress now in session we have no doubt but that they would take immediate measures for putting an end to a traffic, which goes directly to destroy the end intended to be answered by the embargo—the security of our property on the ocean; to debase the national character by the most abject submission to iniquitous power, and to widen our differences with foreign powers. It was, probably, with a foresight of the possible occurrence of these evils, and with a sense of the disgrace they would bring upon

us, that a respectable committee of the Senate at a late day of the last session, among other resolutions, offered the following:—
Resolved , That the committee be further instructed to report a bill, expatriating all citizens of the U. States commanding ships or vessels of the U. States, who shall be convicted of voluntarily accepting any license, or paying any tax, in conformity to the British orders of Council of the 11th of November last."
This report was made on the 10th of April, but two weeks before the adjournment. Notwithstanding the lateness of the day, had the enormity and extent of the evil been properly estimated, we have no doubt but that legislative provision would have been made to meet it.
That such provision will be made by Congress, as soon as they again meet, may be considered as certain. Let those who are thus disgracing and injuring their country look to the situation in which they are placing themselves, and, seeing that the only atonement now in their power, is to return immediately to the U. States, bring into her bosom that property which may soon be wanted for her defence. In the mean time, the imperfection of legal provisions calls upon the people to supply it, as far as they can, by an audible expression of their feelings, and to hold up to infamy those who are thus lost to every sentiment of patriotism. For this purpose, let the public prints notice conspicuously every instance that occurs of Americans who take out licenses or pay taxes to Britain; and let this register be kept in general recollection. If these men shall be still so regardless of their duty, as to continue their present practices, they will have no reason to complain, if they find themselves in a short time actually struck from the roll of American citizens.
We cannot better conclude this article than by adding the following piece from the Aurora :
The laws for establishing an embargo, appear to be yet deficient, inasmuch as no regulation was made concerning American vessels, then in foreign seas. Had there been a clause declaring the registers and other authenticating papers, possessed by any American vessel, to be invalid and null, and of no effect, which vessel should not have returned to the United States within a period proportioned to the distance or length of her voyage, the measure would have been more effective, and our neutrality and our neutral character have been better established and respected.
But in this new epocha , when nothing that has happened could be well foreseen from any experience of former times, it is not so much a matter of surprise as of regret, that the sagacity of Congress did not perceive the defect, and foresee the want of some such provision.
There are advices from London and from Paris in this city, which are of a very interesting and decisive character, as to the views and dispositions of the two governments towards the U. States.
Whether the dispositions of France arise from a profound policy or a disposition founded on an enlarged liberality, or on any other better or worse motives, is not so material to this nation at this moment, as to know that no minister at Paris has been treated with more openness and unreserve than General Armstrong, nor is any government in Europe spoken of with expressions of greater liberality. Indeed there appears to be a perfect acquaintance with the intrigues and corruption of Great Britain, and her commercial influence in the sea ports of the U. States.
On a late occasion the minister of exterior relations, conversing with a gentleman who tarried a few days with General Armstrong, talking of the case of a vessel detained, expressly said, that the French government were in full possession of the evidence, that the American flag was used by the British government to draw supplies of brandy for its fleets, from France; to draw silver bullion from Spain and Portugal; to draw raw silk from the Genoese and Florentine coasts, and from Sicily, and to smuggle British manufactures, and carry back remittances from France to England.
He stated further, that vessels of this description were employed to carry spies to the continent, and to bring back to England the reports of their operations, and that many persons acting actually as spies were sent out under the name of supercargoes.
The American gentleman upon this observed, that such acts of the British government, or of British merchants, could not be attributed to the American government; nor ought the honest flag and fair American trader to
be condemned indiscriminately with them.
It was admitted that the case was a hard one—but "how is it possible to discriminate; your own commercial agents cannot determine which are the true or which the false papers; all the formalities, and even the hand-writing of your public officers appear equally perfect and alike; we have no alternative but the total and indiscriminate exclusion of every vessel that has been in England, and their condemnation if they enter our ports." He added, "you see that vessels bearing foreign ambassadors, our allies, are not admitted from England."
"This discourse, which has been repeated to us much more at large, took place a very short time ago; and it was stated that the French government was perfectly aware "that the acrimony and hostility against France, which appeared from the American presses, was not of American, but of British production; which at one period, before it was properly understood, had excited some dissatisfaction, but had lost its importance with a knowledge of its true origin."
It was alleged in London, that a decree had been issued at Bayonne, by the French emperor, for carrying into port and detaining every vessel found at sea, bearing the American flag, after the 28th of April. This decree is reported to have been accompanied by some explanations of its cause and views; but are not more distinctly or intelligibly reported than those of the Milan decree were on the first advices; but it is said to have alleged, that as the American government had laid an embargo on all its merchant vessels, that vessels which carry that flag now, have either abandoned the laws of their country—are in open opposition to them—are employed in the service of the enemy of France—or are enemies disguised under a neutral flag—and are therefore to be brought into port.
There can be very little doubt from the spirit of this report, that such a decree has been issued, and there can be as little doubt that it will be acted upon; and we presume that instead of being taken by the enemies of the public peace, as another proof of the wisdom and discretion of our government in laying the embargo—that this will be held forth as a new cause for taking it off.
Of the dispositions of the English government, we need very little information, for of their hostile intentions , our government is well aware; whether there is any new evidence of their purposes to attempt the stupid project of a separation of the union , and forming a government in the eastern states, in alliance or union (in the Irish style) with England, we cannot say; but our government has for some time been in possession of such information—indeed Lord Holland, in the British House of Lords, lately scoffed at the present administration for countenancing a plan so monstrously preposterous. Lord Hawkesbury indeed affected to deny such an intention; but any one who recollects their conduct to Denmark, or their conduct in setting on foot the joint expedition of Miranda and Burr , will know what value to give a declaration of the elder son of Jenkins .
By what we have been able to learn from verbal report of England, the state of that country must be very critical in the present year. The government, however, has proposed some rigorous measures to strengthen their hands, and to be ready by coercion of popular risings, to carry their system of war policy to the extreme.
The French do not this year make any demonstrations of a remarkable kind on the coast of the British channel; and less apprehensions appeared to be entertained of an invasion in England than heretofore; but there is an enemy in the country , more formidable than the French—that is, the dangerous appearance of want , before which stone walls fall sooner than by bombardment.
The impression as to the British orders of council was, among the Americans in London, that there was some understanding on the subject here; that in order to regain the ascendancy to a faction devoted to the government of England in America, the orders of council should be rigidly enforced until the election of a President of the U. States —from the pressure of the embargo, it was calculated that the people of America would become discontented and choose Executive officers who would avow hostility to the embargo, and that in this case they should be sure of an alliance, offensive and defensive, against France.
Against the folly of such presumptions it is in vain to argue at this distance. The agents of England are paid for deceiving that blinded government into the belief, and it is on-
ly when they find that their credulity on this occasion was as fatal as when they placed reliance on the same description of persons from 1763 to 1780—that they will discover their folly!
There can be no doubt that the infamous conduct of Pickering , and the presses acting in hostility to the government of the United States, must have a tendency to encroach the confidence of the British ministers in the seductive and deceptive reports of their official emissaries, and there can be very little doubt that after Messrs. Erskine and Mansfield, (who are now on a tour in the eastern states,) make their report to the British ministers, that from the society into which they enter, the representations which they will receive from the infectious company which alone they will seek, that their report will be as strongly in favor of the deceit as that of admiral Coffin , after his return to England from Boston two years ago. This Coffin is an American himself, and on his return to England, openly asserted that the eastern states were ready for an alliance or union with the British government, and no doubt there may be found three or four hundred persons of that vile character; such characters will address themselves to the British agents now in the eastern states—and their baseness will be reported to England as the sense of America!!!
The courts of admiralty of England, which are generally the interpreters of the court policy, have recently condemned so many American vessels, that the disposition of the government may be precisely inferred from thence.
We notice this point, however, only to refer from the circumstance to another part of the British policy; when the British government stand in need of a vessel, for a special purpose, to go to the continent, they contrive to obtain vessels condemned or sequestrated, in their admiralty courts; those vessels have their original papers all exact and correct , and with these papers they send forward their enterprise, captains suited to their views are found, cargoes are easily laid in, and with supercargoes properly instructed, they proceed.
This traffic is now so notorious, that it has not been attempted to be controverted—it is indeed, reduced to a system.
The little that can be learned of the temper of the people of England is, that they, instead of being as heretofore partial to America, have become inveterately hostile to the U. States: and thence it is presumed, that either they have been wrought upon by their government to believe the misrepresentations of their hireling prints; or in the sense of distress, are more disposed to vent their anger against America, than against a government that may, by the renewal of the Pitt system of terror , grind them more to the earth.
Washington, July 18th, 1808. MR. SMITH, Sir,
A publication has appeared in your paper of the 15th inst. stating that at a meeting of the citizens of Washington, they had adopted resolutions expressive of their satisfaction at the result of the enquiry lately held into the conduct of General Wilkinson, and that an address on behalf of the citizens had been agreed on, to be presented to him; which address is promised, together with the resolution to be given in a future number of your paper.
In justice to the citizens and to prevent an erroneous and deceptive impression from being made on the public mind, it is deemed necessary on behalf of the citizens to give to the world a correct statement of what has been done.
A meeting had been requested by a notice inserted in your paper by a relation of General Wilkinson, and one or two other persons, with a view to obtain a vote for an address to General Wilkinson, at which the citizens generally refused to attend, and when the meeting was held but a few persons appeared at it. At the opening of the business a lengthy eulogium on the character and conduct of General Wilkinson, was spoken by the General's attorney, and certain resolutions were offered by him. On the question of agreeing to the resolutions being put, the company divided, 33 for and 31 against adopting them: of those who passed them it is admitted by one of the leaders of that majority, that 30 persons had been particularly engaged for that purpose, and amongst those several who had not reached the age of manhood: and even an officer of the army under the direct control of General Wilkinson, so far infringed upon decorum and the rights of citizens as to be counted as one of those who supported the resolutions. Can it then be supposed that there was a fair representation of the sentiments of the citizens of Washington?
If 33 persons only out of a population of 6000, were willing to adopt those resolutions, and vote an address, we may not pronounce that a severe censure has been passed on the conduct and character of General Wilkinson, but we will say that it proves that the citizens of Washington will not be puppets in a farce exhibited by any national show-man, and that whilst we support a republican administration and venerate him who presides, we will not suffer a conduct to be ascribed to us which is a libel on our characters.
Inserted on behalf of the citizens of Washington *****
DIED, lately, at Albany, Mr. JOHN BARBER, publisher of the Albany Register.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of New-York, dated
"CADIZ, April 8, 1808. The embargo in America begins to be sensibly felt in every part of the continent. West India produce of every description has risen considerably here. Wheat and flour remain at nearly the same price they stood at before, and the crops are so promising, that very little rise is expected. But at Lisbon the people are said to be almost in a state of starvation, and all the flour that has been sold at this place within the last month has been purchased for that market. Tobacco would bring 35 dollars in any part of Spain."
"From Leghorn we hear that colonial produce of every description is at enormous prices. Sugar 34 to 37 dollars; coffee 60 do; pepper 46 do. and other articles equally high. Two months have scarcely elapsed since the embargo was announced here, and already the European powers must be convinced of the impossibility of existing under the present system of things among them, without the assistance of our ships and productions. In the West Indies they must suffer still more—and I fully believe that by persisting in this wise measure for six months more, our government will oblige the European powers to come to reasonable terms."
"We hear that many failures have taken place among the American merchants, in consequence of the stoppage of commerce; and that great numbers of mechanics and laborers are without employ. These are evils which must be endured. If the embargo had not been laid, war must have been resorted to. In that case, our merchants would have suffered more and the poor as much. If the honor of our country eventually requires the sword to be drawn to obtain satisfaction for the injuries we have received; we go to war full handed, and with a plentiful supply of foreign commodities, and with all our ships and seamen at the command of the country. In every point of view the embargo appears to be the wisest measure that could have been possibly adopted; and I trust that the government will have patriotism enough to continue it as long as the good of the country may require, without regard to the clamors of such men as prefer their own interest to that of the public."
CEDAR WARD, PHILADELPHIA.
At a meeting of the democratic citizens of Cedar Ward, at the house of Michael Hickey, on the 13th day of July, 1808, agreeably to public notice.
JAMES STUART, was unanimously appointed Chairman, and
TENCH COXE, was unanimously appointed Secretary.
It was, on motion, resolved , That a committee of five persons be appointed, to meet the committees of the other wards in general meetings, upon the subject of the ensuing elections. The following citizens were duly elected:
Charles Johnson, George Summers, Benjamin Lyndall, Alphonso C. Ireland, John Cooper.
Resolved unanimously , That the citizens of this ward have the greatest confidence in the virtue and talents of JAMES MADISON, the democratic candidate for the Presidency of the United States, and of GEORGE CLINTON, the democratic candidate for the Vice-Presidency of the United States, and that we consider them fully qualified to exercise the highest offices, the suffrages of the American people can bestow upon them.
Resolved unanimously , That we highly approve of the nomination made at Lancaster, by our representatives, in convention assembled, of the honest and enlightened SIMON SNYDER, for the office of governor, and we pledge ourselves to use all fair and upright means, in his support, at the ensuing election.
Resolved unanimously , That we consider the embargo laws to be both just
and wise, as we thereby avoid war, with all its concomitant horrors; and, by pursuing the dignified policy of withdrawing, for a time, from the ocean, until the powers of Europe find it their interest to do us justice, we establish American manufactures , and render ourselves a truly independent and flourishing nation.
Resolved , That the proceedings of the meeting be published, with the signatures of the Chairman and Secretary.
JAMES STUART, Chairman . TENCH COXE, Secretary .
A dreadful fire has lately occurred at Savannah, by which property to the amount of 100,000 dollars was destroyed.
SAS SOUCI. WITHOUT CARE.
Positively the last night of performing in George-town this season.
ON FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 22, 1808.
At Mr. Semmes's Ball Room, George-
Town.
MR. WEBSTER will perform an entertainment, consisting of Dialogue and Song, called
THE WANDERING MELODIST, OR, SONGSTER'S JUBILEE.
The Dialogue written by a gentleman of Philadelphia.
In part the first of the following songs: The Land of Potatoes—The Girl of my Heart—Paddy in a Pucker—The Thorn—Tell her I'll Love Her—and, He was famed for deeds of Arms.
PART II.
Sofly waft ye Western Breezes—Down in the Valley—The Beautiful Maid—Why does Azure deck the Sky, (written by Thomas Moore, Esq.)—Wander no more from me my Love—and, The Gratitude I Owe.
Tickets one dollar—To be had at the bar of Mr. Semmes's Tavern.—Doors to open at 7 o'clock. Performance to begin at half past seven.
July 22-
NEW VOLUNTEER RIFLE COMPANY. ATTENTION!
Those young men who have associated for the purpose of forming a Corps of Rifle Volunteers , and those who would wish to join, are requested to attend an adjourned meeting of the company at Morin's Tavern , at 7 o'clock on FRIDAY EVENING next, for the purpose of hearing the report of the committee appointed to draft a constitution, &c. &c. and to transact other business.
Punctual attendance is requested. July 20—21.
PROPOSALS.
For carrying the mails of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office, until the 6th day of September next.
1. From Athens in Georgia, by Apalachicola, Flint, River, and Coweta to Tuckabatchy on the Mississippi territory estimated at 220 miles, once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 11 a. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m.
2. From Tuckabatchy by Mims Creek on Alabama, or Tens to Fort Stodder, estimated at one hundred and seventy three miles, once a week.
Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. and arrive at Fort Stodder the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. Leave Fort Stodder every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 p. m.
3. From Fort Stodder to Farr's on Pearl River, estimated at 160 miles, once a week. Leave Fort Stodder every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Farr's the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Farr's at Pearl River every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. and arrive at Fort Stodder the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m.
4. From Farr's on Pearl River to New-Orleans, once a week.
Leave New-Orleans every Monday noon, and arrive at Farr's on Tuesday by 8 p. m. Leave Farr's every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at New-Orleans on Thursday by noon.
NOTE 1. If the depending mail shall not have arrived at the time fixed for departure, the contractor shall be bound to wait for it, provided it arrives within six hours after such fixed time.
NOTE 2. For every failure, and for every delay, which shall continue so that the depending mail loses a trip, the contractor shall forfeit double the pay he would have received for such a trip, unless the failure shall have been occasioned by unavoidable accident; and in that case, the amount of the pay for such trip shall be forfeited, so that no pay shall be made unless the service is performed.
NOTE 3. For every hour's delay, the Contractor shall forfeit one dollar; but no forfeiture for the delay of any one trip can exceed double the value of such trip. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of October next, as continued in force until the 31st March, 1810.
General Post Office, July 20th, 1808.

TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
Woods best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Tollinet, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bears skin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmul figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-adamask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Diquties, Cambric do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rags, Russia sheeting, tick- lingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genu- ine Havanna segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
WANTED At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, di- ligent and discreet man—well ac- quainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not con- nected in the neighborhood will be pre- ferred. Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made be- fore the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—ptS
SPEECH Against the ORDERS IN COUNCIL, Just received and for sale at R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store Pennsylvania avenue.
Brougham's speech before the House of Commons against the Orders in Council—price 37 1 2 J. Q. Adams' letter to H. G. Otis, 12 1 2 Sampson Memoirs, 2 vols. 2 50 Female Biography, 3 vols. bds. 6 00 Salmagundi, 2 vols. 3 25 Esprit des Lois, 2 vols. 2 00 Winter in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Corinna or Italy, 2 vols. 2 50 Debates on the British Treaty, 2 50 Ennui's map of Europe, splen- did, 15 00 Military Library No. 9, per number, 50 Printing Ink, first quality. July 13—6t
LANDING THIS DAY, From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York— A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town June 20—tf
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD RAN AWAY from the subscriber, an apprentice boy by the name of ROBERT GRAVES, plasterer by trade—all persons are forbidden against harboring or employ- ing said apprentice. The above re- ward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail. JOHN KEDGLE. July 15—3t
FRESH TURNIP SEED. Early Turnip, Yellow do. Ruta baga or Swedish do. Hanover do. Large white do. For sale at Theo. Holt's Nursery Gar- den, Eastern Branch, and Dr. Ott's Medicine store, George Town. Washington city, June 20—w6w
NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet, capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz. N. B. The name is sometimes written Christine but it is the same person.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8768 11,000   1795 May 11. 13168 800   1795 July 16. 13450 250 08   1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   1796 June 11. 14341 247 81   1796 June 14. 3615 1,567 55   1797 February 7. 14942 277 30   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 882   Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808. 19,999 99  
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet, viz.
   Denomination of the Stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   1796 June 14. 14345 2,000   1796 June 14. 14346 2,000   1796 June 14. 14347 2,000   1796 June 14. 14348 75 42   1796 June 14. 3616 2,000   1796 June 14. 3617 2,000   1796 June 14. 3618 2,000   1796 June 14. 3619 2,000   1796 June 14. 3620 2,000   1796 June 14. 3621 45 15   1797 February 7. 14944 22 05   1797 March 3. 15005 1,500   1797 June 3. 15204 766 78   1797 June 16. 15257 1,700   1798 February 1. 15604 1,505 65   1799 December 17. 16917 980   Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808. 25,891 05  
WILLIAM WHANN. June 20—ep6w
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's Tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—epids
CHARLES I. WARDEN MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
FOR SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land lute the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 390 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
BURNS AND BELL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
DOCTOR CONINGHAM Induced, from repeated applications, to resume the practice of PHYSIC, SURGERY, &c. LUMBER OF GOOD QUALITY, To be sold Cheap, near D. Dodo's wharf, above the Navy Yard. July 15—3t.
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 8—w1N
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of Chancery for the county of Washington in the suit of Gideon Snow—complainant, vs. Abigail Perkins, widow and administratrix, and Hannah Perkins sister and heir of Joseph Perkins deceased, and Nathan Bond—Defendants. WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder on Monday the twenty ninth day of August next at Rhodes's hotel in the city of Washington, at the hour of 10 A. M. all the Estate, rights, title, claim and demand both in law and equity of the said Joseph and of the said defendant Hannah, as heir at law of the said Joseph, of, in, and to Lots Nos. 5 and 6 in square No. 408, 533, and Lot No. 2 in square No. 408, with their improvements, all lying and being in the city of Washington, and which said lots are laid out and designated in the general plan of said city as above described. The terms of sale are, a credit of six months, the purchaser or purchasers giving bonds with approved security for the amount of the purchase money, bearing interest from the day of sale. This sale is not to affect any claim of dower which the said Abigail Perkins may have in said lots. JOHN G. McDONALD, Trustee. July 18—3w-p
LOCKET FOUND. Was found near the Eastern Branch BRIDGE, A GOLD MOURNING LOCKET. Any person who may have lost it may have it again by paying expenses, on application to FRANCIS CLARK, F street Washington city. July 20—3t
FOR SALE OR RENT, A handsome Three story BRICK HOUSE, on the Pennsylvania avenue, the corner next the West Market joining the Seven Buildings, the house is completely finished, newly painted, and the lower story handsomely prepared—it contains six rooms with a convenient kitchen back, a good dry cellar, the situation is healthy, the neighborhood respectable, and the best well of water in the city near the house. Terms will be made low, and if sold an indisputable title given. For particulars apply to ALEXANDER McDONALD, at the Register's office. July 20—3t
CHARLOTTE-HALL SCHOOL. A PUBLIC EXAMINATION of the Pupils will commence on Tuesday the 26th of July: Oration will be delivered on the following day. The Parents and Guardians of the Pupils and the Patrons of the Institution are respectfully invited to attend. GEORGE RALPH, Principal. Cool Springs, July 20—3t
30 DOLLARS REWARD. LEF the subscriber on the first day of July inst. a person by the name of Theoderick Lyles , for the purpose as he informed me of going to Leesburg, but whom I have since heard nothing of. He rode away a very fine bright sorrel horse, saddle, bridle, martingale, collar and saddle bags. I believe the horse to be about 5 or 6 years old last spring, about 15 hands high, rather slender made, long legs, very small white feet, and white mane and tail, with a blaze in his face; he is a horse of fine spirit and gallop, racks, paces, and trots. The said Lyles is an Englishman by birth, and until a few months past has been a sailor, is near 6 feet high, well made and very likely, has a good countenance, and a man of good education. He has dark eyes, a fair complexion, large whiskers, and is about 25 or 30 years of age; he wore away a new suit of clothes, a dark short nankeen coat, blue cotton cassimere waistcoat with red stripes, blue nankeen pantaloons, a pair of good cossack boots, and an imported hat. Whoever apprehends the said Lyles and secures me my horse shall receive the above reward. THOMSON MASON. The Retreat, near Leesburg, } Loudoun county, Virginia, } July 20—2t
THE ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn. PROPOSALS For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive. May 1, to Dec. 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next day by 5 P. M. in 27 hours. Dec. 1, to May 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. & arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. & arrive at Richmond on the next days by 11 A. M. in 34 hours. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 10 A. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M. in 21 hours. Dec. 1, to May 1. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 5 P. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M.
17. From Charleston by Jacksonboro', Pocotaligo and Coosawatchy to Savannah, three times a week. Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 A. M. & arrive at Savannah by 8 P. M. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M. 18. From Augusta by Jacksonboro and Ebenezer, to Savannah once a week. Leave Savannah every Friday, at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 P. M. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 P. M. 19. From Augusta by Waukesboro and Loensville to Savannah once a week. Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Loensville on Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Loensville at 11 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 P. M. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrived at Loensville on Wednesday by 9 A. M. Leave Loensville same day at 10 A. M. and arrive Augusta on Thursday by 10 A. M. 20. From Savannah by Bryan court house, Midway church, Riceboro', Jefferson, McIntosh court house, and Darien, to St. Mary's, once a week by land. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 P. M. 21. From Darien by Brunswick, to Frederica once a week. Leave Darien every Wednesday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Frederica on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave Frederica at 2 P. M. and arrive at Darien by 6 P. M. on Friday. 22. From Millidgeville (G.) to Athens, (G.) once a week. Leave Millidgeville every Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens on Saturday, by 11 A. M. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Millidgeville on Sunday, by 8 P. M.
NOTES. 1. The mail will be carried on the routes, number four to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when the roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shown, that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the newspapers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance. 2. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby. 3. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified. 4. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mails destined for such succeeding mail lose a trip a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained. 5. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter. 6. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail. 7. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage he is desired to state it in his proposals. 8. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each. 9. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 16, are to be in operation on the first day of Oct. next and to continue in force two years from that time; for the routes from No. 17 to 25 to commence at the same time, & to continue in force until the 31st of March, 1811. For the routes, 26, 27, and 28, to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year. GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster General General Post Office, Washington City, May 26, 1808. Ma. 16—w A.
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY. THE Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company are hereby notified that the second instalment of Ten dollars on each share is called for by the Directors and must be paid on or before the 1st day of August, next, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors. DANIEL CARROL, of Dudn President. June 20—5t
District of Columbia, Washington County. Orphans Court, 11th June, 1808. WILLIAM RHODES having, this day, applied for letters of administration on the personal estate of HENRY KREMER, late of the City of Washington deceased, claiming the same as a creditor. Ordered that he give notice thereof by advertisement inserted once a week for six weeks in the National Intelligence, one paper published on the Eastern Shore, Maryland, and one in the city of New York. TEST. JNO. HEWITT, Reg. wills. June 13—w6t.