The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-06-11 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. COX. IX.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JUNE 11th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATION, No. XV.—DETECTED.
The annals of party malice cannot boast a production of more unqualified falsehood than the following letter of a member of congress written May 2, 1802, and addressed to Savannah (Geo.) It is extracted from the Charleston Times.  Besides the false opinions and inferences with which it is replete, it contains 29 palpable violations of truth, (which it has been deemed sufficient, without comment, to state numerically) all of which must have been known by the writer to be untrue. It is to be regretted that his name does not appear, that it might be held up to general infamy. Bane is the head that can conceive, or the heart that can harbour such calumnies;—and unfortunate the cause that requires them!
SAVANNAH, May 21. Extract of a letter from a member of Congress at Washington, dated May 2, 1802.
“We shall adjourn to-morrow; [1] contrary to the wishes of the President, and owing [2] to those of the eastern democrats. [3] Monsieur Pichon has notified to the President, that a French fleet will soon be in the Chesapeake, and want aids in money or provisions; and, although the rising of Congress previous to their arrival, would afford to Mr. Jefferson an excellent pretext for giving them nothing, yet, [4] dreading all responsibility, he desires congress to be in session when they come, and to decide upon their demands. The ministerials from the east and north wish to be at home; whilst the 5. Virginians are willing to continue in session all the summer; this large delegation have divided themselves [6] into classes of threes and fours, and they in turn go home for ten and fifteen days, at the expiration of that term, they return ready, and indeed anxious for a long session. Mr. Giles, who is now absent, has allowed himself this kind [7] of indulgence repeatedly through the session, and was each time absent a fortnight.
“It is well ascertained, that the [8] repeal of the judiciary has electrified the people north of this, and by every mail we learn that the measures of the present administration are meeting [9] in New-England with the contempt and indignation they deserve. No doubt now [10] remains that a total change will take place in the political views of all the states north of the Potomac, (Pennsylvania excepted) within two years. Georgia and S. Carolina being frontier states, possessing much wealth & but small internal means of defence, ought to feel much interest in preserving our national constitution, and defending it against the innovations of the projecting and ambitious philosophers of the ancient dominion, and I hope they will not be far behind their eastern friends in this renovation. All difficulties which formerly existed respecting your western country, will, I trust, be dispelled by a negotiation lately concluded between the government and the Georgia commissioners. The state of Georgia will be satisfied because she receives an ample compensation—the Yazoo claimants will also be satisfied, and the government after compensating and quieting them, and selling as much land as will furnish a fund for paying Georgia, will have a large surplus of territory—But above all, the United States will have, what in fact is all they desired, the jurisdiction of the country. General Cobb and Colonel Hitchcock, from Massachusetts, the agents of the Bolton Yazoo company, have been here all the winter, lodging with the attorney general Lincoln, and they say the Yazoo companies in Boston and Connecticut will be perfectly satisfied with the arrangement which have been made.—A committee was appointed so long ago as the 14th December, to enquire whether monies drawn from the treasury had been faithfully applied to the objects for which they had been appropriated, and the same regularly accounted
for. It was not the [12] intention of the ministerials to do any thing than raise the committee; but at a grand caucus held here last week, [13] at which governor McKean, Duane, Mr. Livingston and Monsieur Gallatin were present, it was decided the committee ought to make a report, and construct it so as to make it appear there had been a great misapplication of money. Their ingenuity and wickedness were furnished with the means of attempting this by the invariable practice [one truth] of the past administrations of applying the surplus of one appropriation to meet the deficiency in some other—that is to say, where 10,000 dollars had been appropriated for the military establishment, and 10,000 for the naval, and there were only 3,000 required for the army, and the surplus of 2,000 used in the navy department to supply a deficiency there of that sum, so that although 10,000 dollars had been especially appropriated for the military establishment, 8,000 only had been applied to its maintenance, and 12,000 towards the navy, instead of 10.
“On this base a most infamous report has been made; but the imputation attempted is too bare faced to succeed with a large portion of the public. Mr. Stodder, the late secretary of the navy, was directed by law, to build a certain number of sloops of war and Schooners, which he did at the ports of Boston, Portsmouth, New-York, Philadelphia, Norfolk, Baltimore, and Washington.—The appropriation was made for building these vessels, but the law made no mention of purchasing sites and navy yards. The secretary found that enormous rents were asked for land to build these public vessels on; and as individuals owning them were anxious to speculate upon the public wants, and as it would be necessary to improve the grounds where vessels were built, by running up store houses on them, to shelter articles of a perishable nature, which should be wanted in equipping vessels; and it would also be necessary to build wharves on some of these grounds—he (the secretary) determined that it would be politic and wise, to purchase instead of leasing lands; and as the appropriation made for building vessels was so superabundant [14] as to leave a surplus sufficient to buy these lands, he employed gentlemen of respectability in the different towns where vessels were to be built, to purchase suitable sites for the government, without letting it be known that they were bought for the public.
“By this arrangement, lots were purchased for less money than would be paid in three years for rent, had they been rented; and they can now be all sold for more than they cost [15.] With a knowledge of these facts, the committee have had the impudence, as it relates to the public and the cruelty, as it regards Mr. Stodder, to report him as having expended large sums of money without being authorised by law. Mr. Stodder will, I hear, make a publication of facts, shortly, which will cover Messrs. Giles, Randolph [16] and Nicholson (who composed the committee) with shame and disgrace. All persons who have accounts unsettled at the treasury, although their vouchers are now on file to the proper officers, and wait the convenience of the comptroller and auditor to receive a final settlement, are reported as public defaulters [17.] At the caucus, Dr. Eustis opposed this infamous trick, [18] and gave it as his opinion, that the people throughout America were too intelligent to be practised upon in this way. Duane [19] said the doctor was mistaken, and appealed to governor McKean, who was [20] sorry to hear from Dr. Eustis, that nothing could be got in Massachusetts, by this measure, he would answer for its being highly useful in Pennsylvania, and particularly among the Germans.—Duane felt it would also be quite as useful among the Irish [21]—Governor McKean said [22] if the committee
would but make such a report, Duane and Mr. Gallatin had advised, that he would get it translated into the German language, and have thousands of copies diffused gratis throughout the German settlements.—Mr. Ned. Livingston declared as much effect might be produced by it among the Irish in the city of New-York, [23] as the Germans in Pennsylvania, and said something was wanted there to draw off the public mind from further contemplation of the repeal of the judiciary, and the late augmentation of salaries. For all this history of the caucus proceedings, we are indebted to Mr. Claiborne of Virginia, [24] who, when Messrs. McKean, Gallatin, Livingston, and Duane were spouting, was drinking deeply of whiskey & on his way home met Mr. Davis; who had not been invited to the caucus, and communicated to him what had passed there.
“Without deigning to give any information to the constitutionalists, or answering their inquiries, the ministerials [25] have passed all the accounts of Duane, which amount to a monstrous sum. The contingent expenses of the House of Representatives, alone (and most of the items are for printing and stationery from Duane's shop) amount to twice [26] as much as they did at any preceding session—to the sum of 17,000 dollars. Mr. Gallatin has sent to us, through the committee of ways and means, a bill purporting to be for the final discharge of the public debt; but the real object is to guard against and remedy the inconveniences which will result from the [27] repeal of all internal taxes; and this is done by a clause which authorises the President [28] to re-borrow the whole amount of the Dutch debt. An agent is also [29] provided for, who, with a salary 9,000 dollars, per ann. is to reside in Holland for the purpose of negotiating loans, and paying off for the interest of our debt.—All this kind of business was heretofore done by our minister, Mr. Murray—but Mr. Jefferson will not have a minister; but, as we have negotiations to make, he has asked for an agent, and he is to have a minister's salary. What a miserable opinion, of the minds of the people of this country, must our philosopher have, to think they can be deceived by such paltry artifices!”
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday March 1, 1802.
DEBATE
On the bill received from the Senate, entitled “An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the Courts of the United States.”
DR. CUTLER.—Mr. Chairman—It is with great reluctance that I rise on this question, especially at this late period of the session. Unaccustomed to legislative debates, and conscious to say that, that on a subject which has already had able and copious a discussion, it is not possible for me to say anything which is not familiar to every gentleman in this house, I should have much preferred giving my silent vote.
But, Sir, viewing as I do, the magnitude of this question; I feel it a duty which I owe to my constituents—a duty, Sir, which I owe to myself, to state some of the reasons which have directed my judgment, and on which I have founded my opinion, in deciding on the bill before you. At the same time, I feel it to be very unpleasant to solicit the attention of the committee when I see the patience of gentlemen so much exhausted. I will detain them but a very short time.
In the pursuit of my life, Sir, I have not been led to turn my attention very much to systems of jurisprudence, nor have I been conversant in courts of judicature;—but on a subject as momentous as this which now occupies the attention, not only of this committee, but the nation at large, I believe it not necessary to be an adept in political science, in order to form a correct opinion.
Sir, I well recollect the time when the constitution, which authorises us to sit here, was under consideration in the state from which I came; and I am cer-
tain if the important feature of an independent judiciary had not been clearly discovered in it, the adoption of it would not have been effected. Independent of what, Sir? Of the overbearing power of the executive and legislative branches of the government on the one hand, & of popular whim and caprice on the other. The people, generally, so far as my information extends, and myself among the rest, believed, that our safety in life, property, liberty, and reputation, was secured by this all important feature, in a government emphatically introduced “to establish justice, to insure domestic tranquility, and to secure the blessings of liberty.” And I feel myself utterly incapable of comprehending what gentlemen mean, when they suppose we are safe, under the administration of a judiciary, liable to be removed by the legislative body, any more than if they are liable to be removed by the executive. If passions, or any improper motives, may induce the executive to abuse such a power, may not passions or improper motives operate upon a legislative body? And if I understand the import of responsibility, as attached to a man, or men, in public office, and producing the salutary effects of checking any of the imperfections incident to man; this same responsibility operates through upon an individual than upon a numerous body of men; and I must believe, because such is the irresistible conviction of my mind, that it would be safer to trust our judiciary to be removed at the will of the executive, (who, as he is, once in four years, and solely responsible, than to the legislative body, who, by dividing the blame, if any be imputable, will unavoidably reduce it to nothing.
Mr. Chairman, with these impressions upon my mind, and understanding as I do, the words of the constitution, I have not a doubt, that the independence of the judiciary was intended to be secured, as much against the power of the legislature as the executive. If words are to convey ideas to plain men, not used to the subtleties of legal proceedings, which I must believe was the intention when this constitution was composed, they can, in this case, convey but one idea.—When plain men of common sense read this part of the first section of the 2d article, “the judges of both the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour,” will not their irresistible impression be, that these words were intended to give entire security to the judges so long as they behave well? That good behaviour should be their security against the encroachments of any power created by this instrument? And will not the impression be precisely the same when it is read by men of the strictest logical and grammatical correctness? If no crafty imposition upon the public mind was intended—if the true construction of an instrument, involving their dearest rights, was not concealed under implications and far-fetched deductions—if there was not an intention to deceive, can this plain sense of it be rejected?
But, Sir, if the construction of the constitution gentlemen contend for be correct, this article gives not the least security. If the legislature can remove the office when they please; and of course the judges, can gentlemen shew what security is given by this article? If it was intended to guard only against the power of the executive; why was it not so expressed? The security is no more, nor better, than it would have been, if the article had expressly said—“The judges of both the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during the pleasure of the legislature.” If we depart from the plain letter, to make out a meaning, by hard constructions, we may give any sense to the constitution we please. Here an insuperable objection arises in my mind to the constitutionality of this bill. Much ingenuity has been displayed in the course of this discussion, by gentlemen who advocate the bill, but the point on which the question of constitutionality principally bears, has been slightly passed over, or the plainest and most forcible arguments left unconfuted. The unsophisticated common sense of honest men, who have only common understanding, will compel them to believe, the legislature is not vested with power to remove judges at pleasure. If the constitution does not place the judiciary out of the reach of removal, as well by the repeal of the law establishing courts, by which they act as judges, as in any other way, they hold their offices not during good behaviour, but during the pleasure of the legislature.
If the judges who have the constitution has with y authorised an impeachment, and a conviction involves in removal from office. In a very few
words the wisdom and design of the constitution is developed. We are not to suffer under the administrations of bad men, because if their conduct is bad, they can be removed. Neither are we to suffer from a fear which the judges may feel of being crushed by the weight of executive or legislative powers, nor from the sovereignty of the people operating in elections. “The fear of man bringeth a snare,” and in no case, can this fear do so much injury, as in the character and person of a judge.—But I will not, Mr. Chairman, take up the time of the committee, in reiterating arguments which have been so clearly and forcibly impressed, at least upon my mind, by the honourable gentleman who have opposed this bill.
Sir, this government has been emphatically styled a government of checks and balances; it has been so understood by the people; & in this, more than in anything else, have they seen their own safety in the delegation of power. I believe, it was the intention of the wise framers of the constitution, that the judiciary should form, not a “subordinate, but co-ordinate branch of the government.” By making the judiciary, equally with the other branches, a component part, a check was formed, not less necessary to the security and freedom of the people, than any other co-tained in the constitution. This check erects a barrier between the government and the people, and becomes the bulwark of equal justice and equal liberty. It is the only effectual security against the encroachments of the legislature upon the constitutional rights of the people. And in forming a wise and free government, it will for ever be a desideratum to establish, immovably, an impartial, inflexible and sacred administration of justice.—I was happy to hear the other day, an opinion which was in perfect unison with my own, so decidedly advanced by my honourable colleague, on the opposite side of the house (Mr. Bacon). He declared it was an opinion he had weighed in his own mind, and whatever conclusion might result, he should still adhere to it, that the judicial officers of every grade, from the judge of the supreme court of the United States down to the common justices of the peace, not only have a right, but are bound by their oath of office, to judge of the constitutionality of the acts of Congress. And I should be still more happy to find the opinion of that gentleman according with my own, in opposing an act, which is hostile to the very principle he so confidently advanced.
It has been, Mr. Chairman, repeatedly said, that this independence of the judiciary would involve in it a destruction of the legislature; that the independence contended for, would, in its consequence, erect the judiciary into a despotism. But it has as often been answered, that the judiciary commands no money—raises no armies—makes no laws—and this completely removes from any mind every apprehension of danger. Any power the judiciary can assume over the legislature is merely negative—it is of the preventive kind—it is only calculated to prevent injury—and not to inflict it. The moment they attempt to inflict punishments, not authorised by law, an impeachment is an effectual remedy.
Sir, if the bill on your table passes into a law, I can see no obstacle to the passing another, similar to the act repealed or varying from it, establishing the same or a greater number of judges. The next congress may go on to do the same; and a perpetual fluctuation of your judges must be the inevitable consequence. If the constitution has not meant among other things, to guard against an abuse of power, I cannot see for what purpose these words were introduced shewing the tenure of office in your judges to be solely that of good behaviour. If the words in the constitution have not done it, I cannot discover the use of words, nor the benefit of intellect in giving them an explanation. I must subscribe to the opinion of the President of the United States, expressed on a late occasion, which I believe to be perfectly correct, that the true construction of the constitution, is the “safe and honest meaning, contemplated by the plain understanding of the people at the time of its adoption.”
Mr. Chairman, before I sit down, I will just make one or two remarks, on an observation I do not recollect to have been noticed, which fell from an honorable gentleman from North Carolina, whose political knowledge and talents I respect, and with whole candour I was much pleased. This gentleman (the hon. Speaker of the House) has said, and seems to rely much upon it, that all the evils which can possibly be apprehended

from the passing this bill, or any other improper act of the legislature, may be cured by future elections. I cannot help doubting whether the gentleman has contemplated the full extent of this doctrine. It goes, in my opinion, wholly to set aside a written constitution. It is not in my power to conceive that elections are a remedy for every encroachment the legislature may make on the constitution. It must be a very uncertain corrective in instances of the most flagrant violations, and in smaller ones, it is none at all. There is not responsibility enough attached to the individual members of this house, to render elections a sufficient corrective for the abuse of power. If the acts of the legislature, which shall violate the most plain and positive provision of the constitution, can only be corrected by an appeal to the opinion of the people, to be manifested by the exercise of their right of election, we lose the advantages we expect to derive from a written constitution. And public opinion, which can never be accurately ascertained, and which is continually liable to fluctuations and changes, will be our political constitution. If the time should come, which I hope has not yet arrived, when public opinion is to be the only corrective of the abuse of power, constitutional rights will be reduced to a phantom, and the fair fabric of our national independence, liberty and safety will be levelled with the dust.
But, Sir, I will not detain the committee at this late period of the discussion, when it is not possible for me to add to the weight of argument and mass of information, which, in a manner so lucid and impressive, has been given to this house. I have thought it a duty thus far to state my own ideas on a subject, which has excited much apprehension. The distinguished talents and information of gentlemen, who are of opinion, that the passing of this bill will be no infringement of the constitution, command my respect. But when I find them leaving the plain words of the constitution—the plain import of terms used without limitation—without being applied to any particular department—implying no more restraint upon the executive, than upon the legislature, to support their opinions on constructions and implications —when I find them denying that the judiciary ought to be independent, I am forcibly led to the conclusion, that they are mistaken. And if the case is even doubtful, that the safest way is not to act at all, I had rather leave the laws in operation than hazard a breach of this inviolable instrument. What evils may we not suffer, if we, by repealing this law, shall in event, be found to have broken the constitution. They may extend beyond the power of calculation. It must be left to imagination alone to portray the picture which may be dreadfully realized.
What shall we suffer, Sir, if by doubting its constitutionalities, we suspend the repeal to another session? I must confess to you, Sir, my information is too limited to attempt a consideration of the expediency of the repeal. But so far as I can judge from the copious information given to the committee, the expense compared to the benefits which may arise from the present system, bears no proportion to them. I am as much disposed to promote economy as any gentleman on this floor, but economy becomes a public injury when it is not subservient to the public good. The saving expense alone, in this case, can afford little or no argument in favor of the repeal. From many parts of the union, we find the courts, by the little experience already had, are in the highest estimation. I should therefore wait until further experience determines the propriety or impropriety of the repeal. Diffident as I may feel of my own opinion on a subject like this, when called to vote under a sense of moral obligation, and the solemnity of an oath I have taken on this floor to support the constitution, I must give my decided negative to the bill on your table.
Valuable Property for Sale.
WILL be sold on Friday the 28th day of October next, at the dwelling house of the Subscriber in Prince George's County, Maryland, about two miles from Bladensburg—for Cash.
A valuable and pleasantly situated tract of land, containing about 100 acres; also a quantity of corn, wheat, rye and tobacco, with sundry articles of household furniture farming utensils and stock.
A private sale will be preferred—But if not so sold, before the 8th day of October next they will be sold on that day, on the terms above-mentioned. The land if not sold, will be rented on reasonable terms.
WILLIAM BROWN. June 10, 1802.
FOR SALE,
An excellent Blacksmith, together with his wife and three likely children, to wit, two boys, 10 and 8 years of age, and a girl four. The woman has been employed altogether in washing and ironing. An examination of the blacksmith's work will be his best recommendation. To save unnecessary applications the price of the family is 1,400 Dollars.
V. PETTON. Stafford, March 8, 1802.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JUNE 11, 1802.
APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT.
General Commissioners of Bankruptcy.
Columbia District.
William Thornton, John M. Gantt, Tristram Dalton, and Sam. Hinton.
Rhode-Island, District.
Constant Tabor, Samuel Vernon, Thos. Peckham, and Paul M. Mumford.
Kentucky District.
John Rowan, Daniel Weisiger, John Inton, James Morrison, John A. Scott, John Bradford.
To the Electors of the City of Washington.
I was this day notified, pursuant to law, that at the recent election of a city council, I have been honored with your suffrages. Strangers as we almost all are to one another, unasked, unflattered, I have received this high compliment from you; and to pass it without suitable acknowledgment would in me be cold and ungrateful. Whatever occasions may sometimes sanction secrecy and reserve, in ordinary cases a frank explanation between the constituents of society, and the trustees of their power, must be attended with reciprocal advantage. Next to the satisfaction and tranquility of his own mind, the favor of that society in which he is destined to reside, must ever constitute a principal source of happiness to every citizen. While a just attention to independence will forbid a servile assiduity to obtain the favor of the people; proud and corrupt is that heart which can affect to despise their unbiaised approbation. The election of one, who does not court their suffrage, is a compliment both to him, and to them. In him, it manifests an awful and reverential sense of the sacred right which they are about to exercise. In them, it exhibits that calm dignity, that inflexible self-possession, which reflects honor on the name of liberty. When elections are the theatre of tumult and disorder, when violent and impudent men first inflame, and then direct the passions of the electors; we are tempted to question the excellence of republican government. But when we behold a community, orderly, reflecting, and patriotic, insusceptible of passion, and superior to all artifice or controul, it presents a sublime and consolatory spectacle; and what heart at beholding it does not vibrate with delight? Citizens of Washington! long may you preserve this purity and chastity of political character. Here may it be said the noisy demagogue shall be clamorous in vain; the unprincipled intriguer shall find only mortification and disappointment. Mechanics of Washington! You have set a noble example. In this first exercise of the great right, which is the basis of this government, you have early shown a respect for your laws, and your superiority to influence, artifice and intrigue. Possessed of this disposition, while the rich man is conscious that wealth is not the avenue to favor, he will never have occasion for a well-founded terror, when you appear in the majesty of your strength. Faithful to the determination I had adopted, by no personal interference, by no obtrusive professions, by no artifice direct or indirect, to be the instrument, of my own election; I was not less firmly persuaded of the duty, which every citizen owes to his country, to dedicate to it his time, his labor, his talents, his resources, when they are regularly called for. I shall accept the mark you have conferred on me of your esteem, with all that glowing sensibility, with which a young and grateful mind receives the first virgin tribute of public partiality.
So new and untried is the field on which your council is about to enter, that minds more experienced and firm than mine may regard it with apprehension. It will be alike impracticable for me, and undefirable to you, to attempt a detailed declaration of the particular local measures which ought to be pursued. I shall content myself with giving one general explanation. A young, indeed an infant city, with a thin population, and resources slender in the extreme, it will require great judgment, and great economy, to extract those resources without oppression, and to apply them with utility and effect. As in the individual, puerility aspires to youth, and youth to manhood; so this young and thriving city, though but the child of yesterday, already pants to emulate those which boast more than a century of priority. As however in the individual, premature manhood is not the sublimate of greatness of character, or felicity in life; so in a community, gradual and solid progression is preferable to forced and artificial prosperity. I am not one of those who wish to see the metropolis the spoiled favorite of a prodigal and licentious government. I have been anxious that it should possess the right of self-regulation; that its interior energies should now be paralysed by extrinsic
controul; that it should not pine in insignificance, under the guidance of men who have not the desire, or if they had, have not the power, to judge correctly of our wants and resources. When self-government is confided to us, I am content to see the city thrive by natural means. I am not a friend to splendid and expensive projects; to an oppressive taxation; to a system of borrowing; to an accumulation of debts. I shall be an advocate for caution and deliberation in every measure taken by the councils; for a very lenient, but systematic taxation, which shall not oppress the few who are here, and which shall invite the expressed from other quarters; for a careful avoidance of large loans, or the contraction of heavy debts; for a rigid and severe economy in the expenditure of the sums raised. With the stamina of greatness inherent in its constitution, it is only necessary for Washington to husband its vigor, and to wait that maturity which time and patience will bring, and which forced exertions may protract, but cannot impart. To check a disposition to attempt too much appears to me necessary in the present situation of the city.
In stating my impressions on the subject of local measures, some will conceive me to have gone as far as is proper. Some however will expect more; and as I am not anxious to affect mystery and concealment, and much less desirous of incurring the imputation of hypocrisy and duplicity, though I am not aware how any party questions can come before the council, I will concisely state my impressions on general subjects, for the satisfaction of such as have made those considerations the basis of their conduct, on this occasion.
Contemplating the principles of republicanism as having taken too firm and deep a root in America ever to be eradicated, I have never considered their existence as staked on the success of any individual political character, or of any individual political measure. So far as a pressure of private calamity has permitted me to acquaint myself correctly with public affairs, I have uniformly judged both of men and of measures, in the detail. Collectively, and in a mass, I have dared to attach myself to, or to condemn none. Hence it will readily appear I never could have become a partisan. If my hopes of happiness in life were founded on the prospect of political promotion, I acknowledge I have done wrong. He who relies his fate on the success of a party, must decisively leave that party, and firmly adhere to it in every crisis. On no occasion ought he to permit the dictates of his private judgment, to contravene the general wishes and interests of those with whom he is associated. If, in an hour of weakness, the virtue and candor of his mind should overpower this sentiment of his interest; inconsistency and apology are the mildest reproaches which await him. By his own party, his conduct will be termed treachery; by the opposite, duplicity. He may rest assured, he will meet the support of neither; probably the contempt of both. The principles on which I have commenced my conduct are radically variant. Difficult as is the acquisition of a solid foundation for happiness in private life, when acquired I should deem it a treasure too precious ever to embark on the capricious tide of popular favor. I have cultivated no party attachment. With my own consent, I shall never be placed in a situation in which I shall be compelled to judge of any public man, or any public measure, on party principles. Neutral on no question when examined by itself, I find abundant reason for moderation in all. The question therefore of my party, if after this explanation I am entitled to rank with any, is to be determined by the number and importance of the detailed points on which I agree or disagree with others. To go through the questions which have successively agitated and divided public sentiment during the last and preceding administrations, and to exhibit my particular impression on each, would not be a pleasing task; nor is it by any means a necessary task. It is sufficient to say, that on many questions deemed essential and important by the minority, I felt myself constrained to differ in judgment. If however a uniform and cordial concurrence with that minority, in the selection made by them of a candidate for the presidency of the union, if a higher appreciation of the depth, extent, and correctness of his talents, when compared with those of his competitor, were made a criterion; I should not hesitate to subscribe to that criterion, in terms expressive and implicit, if at this time the same terms might not be deemed adulatory, which before would have been regarded as decent and proper. Candor compels me to go further. I sincerely wish the party denominated federalists may never regain their ascendancy in this government. To make any other profession of adherence to the present republican party, would in me be hypocritical. It would be to encourage expectations which I should deceive. On every measure on which I was called to act, with all the candor and patience I could command, in gathering the materials of information, I should still con-
sult my private judgment on that measure, not the interest of my party. As therefore my party could not depend upon me; so it is not my desire to depend upon them. Unambitious alike of being leader, or of being led; I shall pursue, perhaps with too stoical an obstinacy, the course I have commenced. To atone for it, I shall be content to retire to privacy and obscurity, whenever I cannot command confidence enough to be loved by good men of both parties, and to be hated by the bad alone of either.
In making the preceding declarations I am by no means desirous of being thought insensible that it is to men of the party denominated federal, that I am indebted for my election to the council. As this support was not the effect of any professions from me, I can consider it in no other light than as a striking and memorable evidence of their liberality of sentiment. I am grateful for this liberality, and I shall be proud to preserve their confidence. So long as I can obtain the approbation of any of my fellow-citizens, within that line of independence which I have prescribed to myself, I shall ever receive it with cordial transport and satisfaction.
I offer my sincere and fervent wishes for the happiness of the citizens of Washington; and for the preservation of harmony and moderation in their public councils.
AUGUSTUS B. WOODWARD. Washington, June 9th, 1802.
Conclusion of the letter from the secretary of the treasury, to the Chairman of the Committee appointed to investigate the state of the Treasury, which had been omitted in our last through mistake.
4th. That no credit shall be allowed by the accounting officers, in the settlement of the accounts of individuals, except for expenses authorized by law, and to the amount appropriated for the same.
5th. That it shall be the duty of the auditors respectively, to state quarterly, all accounts rendered to them, so far as the same can be supported by vouchers, making at the end of each quarter, a new statement in relation to any account on which a new debit or credit may be charged or allowed.
Respectfully submitted, ALBERT GALLATIN. Treasury Department, March 1, 1802.
The triumph of Republicanism in the election of the State of New-York.
Previous to the last election, there were ten members in the house of representatives of the congress of the United States for this state.
Forty-three members in the senate and one hundred and eight in the assembly of the state.
The republicans then had in congress six. The federalists four members; but one federal member resigning, his seat was supplied by a republican.
   Repub. Fed.     In the state senate 19 24   In the assembly 82 26  
Under a new arrangement, the number of the members of congress was increased to 17; that of the state senate reduced to 32, and of the assembly to 100, and the last elections have turned out as follows:
   Republicans. Federalists.     In Congress, 11 6   In the senate, 20 12   In the assembly, 77 23    The general accuracy of this statement may be relied on.
New-York City.
[From a New-York Paper.] On the evening of the 29th April, when the illuminations took place in London on account of the Peace, the house of William Cobbett, book-seller, in Pall-mall (the notorious Peter Porcupine) in consistency with the same spirit of anti-pacific darkness which distinguished it on the former illuminations for the signature of preliminaries, remained inexorably opaque. The mob, with equal consistency, took umbrage, and vented their indignation on the windows, fashes flutters, and every thing about the front of the house that was not impregnable to bludgeons and paving-stones.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
SUBSCRIBERS to the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER who have not made the necessary payment in advance, are respectfully requested to do it immediately. If other opportunities do not offer, remittance can be made in Bank Paper through the Post-Office. June 9, 1802.
Tennessee Company.
THOSE interested in the Company, and who have not signed the deed of trust, are hereby notified, that the subscriber will attend at the city of Washington on the 26th of December next, to give them an opportunity of complying with this regulation of the company.
JAMES STRAWBRIDGE. May 26, 1802.
From the Gaz. de France.
Every body, perhaps, has not remarked with the same attention a passage in the last dispatches from General Leclerc, in which he observes, that the guns, cannon, and powder, which were found at the Cape, were furnished by the United States of America.
Perhaps it would be unjust to found upon this circumstance a serious reproach against a government supposed to be attached to France by principle, by interest, and by a just sentiment of gratitude. But if we connect this fact with several other things; if we apply it to a general system of politics adopted by the United States, under the Presidency of Mr. Jefferson's predecessor, the above-mentioned passage in General Leclerc's letter may not appear insignificant.
Some months ago we published in this paper an anecdote, which, though it remained unknown for a long time, did not the less deserve serious attention. It related to an interview which took place at St. Domingo, between Toussaint Louverture and the Commercial Agent of the United States, at the moment in which the result of the famous battle of Maringo had been made known. The plan of the American Government was then to act in concert with the British, to determine the Negro General to declare the independence of St. Domingo; and that was one of the principal instructions of the Commercial Agent. Conferences continued to take place upon this subject, when Toussaint, informed of what had taken place in Italy, changed his resolution all at once, and cried out, in the accent of despair— Moi pas coaitre ca que devien—mais Maringo la tuer moi. (I know not what all this will produce; but this Maringo kills me); and upon this the negotiation was put an end to, or at least suspended.
That Mr. Jefferson, become since President of the Federal Government, has not followed the political system of his predecessor—that he has adopted a mode of conduct less Machiavellian, appears incontestable. But the ideas, either more or less liberal, of a man who is placed for a time at the head of an elective government, ought not to be of any weight in the judgment which may be formed upon the order of things to which he belongs eventually; and when it is necessary to examine the general interests and situation of America, the private opinion of Mr. Jefferson becomes almost a matter of indifference.
If we pay attention to the rapid increase of the population, the industry, trade, and wealth of the United States, we cannot avoid foreseeing that that power is destined one day to rule over the new world, and to place under its yoke all the West India Colonies. Is it not the interest of Europe to endeavor, while it is yet time, to remove that epoch to a greater distance; and does not policy require that there should be established as soon as possible upon the Continent of America, a barrier against the presumed ambition of a people to whom nature has promised the empire of half the world?
The idea of re-attaching Louisiana to the domain of France, is, perhaps, of all political conceptions, the wildest and the most important. England herself could not avoid applauding the plan of establishing on the Terra firma of America, an European Power capable of opposing an impenetrable barrier to the torrent which might one day, without that precaution, spread from the north to the south, cover Mexico, the West-Indies, Canada, and shut Europe out from the Atlantic. Spain, enfeebled, has too many dilatory professions to defend and preserve, to keep the power of the United States confined within its present limits. Great Britain herself is not in a condition to form a military establishment upon terra firma, capable of infusing the pretensions and rights of Europe upon that part of the world.
It is true that the Government of the union has promised to other nations to remain within its present limits. But we do not know, that in politics the execution of these kinds of promises remains always subordinate to a multitude of events and circumstances which cannot be foreseen? And besides though the federal government should renounce for a century all system of aggrandizement, is it nothing to occupy a territory fertile and extensive enough for the support of 100 millions of inhabitants? Is it nothing to rule over 500 leagues of maritime coast, to have 50 isles under the eye and hand, to reign on the Atlantic, and to see it, if separated from the continent, only by savage nations ready to receive the yoke from whatever power shall appear before them in arms? What means this project of civilizing the Indian tribes; and to whom would these people belong, but to the government which takes upon itself to polish them, and which has no rival to fear, being itself alone established in the centre of the world?
Let it not then be imagined that the plan of uniting Louisiana to the dominion of the French Republic is dictated by ambition, or that it is part of a pure and simple system of aggrandizement. The preservation of the European possessions in the West-Indies has rendered this plan

necessary; and the interest of all the maritime powers of Europe is, to see the strongest amongst them form an establishment on the continent of America, sufficiently powerful, and important to serve as a counterpoise to the domination of the United States.
Fifty Dollars Reward;
For apprehending and returning the following Criminals, who broke the Jail of this place and escaped therefrom on the Night of the 6th of June, 1802, viz:
Daniel Hinesley , an Irishman, stout, lathy fellow, has a scar on his right arm and shoulder, is a noted villain, has broke this and Alexandria Jail twice, is about five feet 7 or 8 inches high, supposed to be about 25 or 30 years of age.
Charles Houtman , a Dutchman, is about 50 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, has a number of scars on his back and is a lathy fellow.
Thomas Nayler , born in Virginia, Lender made fellow, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, about 19 or 20 years of age.
William Pickerton , an Englishman, bred to and follows the sea, is a noted villain is supposed his back is much scarred from a whipping he received at the public post of this place, is about 25 years of age and 6 feet high.
A Negro woman named Milly , born in Virginia, stout made, 5 feet 2 or 3 inches high, 25 or 30 years of age.
Whoever will take up and return the above named Criminals, shall have the above reward—or 20 dollars for either, if returned to ROBERT MCLEAN , Gaoler, for DANL. C. BRENT , Marshal of the District of Columbia. Washington City, June 8, 1802.
BOOKS & STATIONARY,
Just Published and for sale, at RANDOLPH, CONRAD & Co's Book-store , New Jersey Avenue, a little South of the Capitol.
A Dissertation on the freedom of Navigation and Maritime commerce, and such rights of states, relative thereto, as are founded on the Law of Nations —adapted more particularly to the United States—by William Barton , Member of the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, &c.
Secret Memoirs of the Court of Petersburg —particularly towards the end of the reign of Catherine the 2d and the commencement of that of Paul the 1st.
Physical investigations and deductions, from medical facts, relative to the causes, nature and remedies of the diseases of a warm and vitiated atmosphere —by William Barwell , M. D. &c.
Observations relative to the peace with Buonaparte —by William Cobbett .
The Political writings of John Dickinson, Esq. late President of the State of Delaware, and Governor of Pennsylvania, in 2 vols.
Lectures on History , delivered in the Normal School of Paris—by C. P. Volney , author of the Ruins of Empires, &c.
Lyrical Ballads , with other Poems—by W. Wordsworth .
A Voyage round the World , performed in the years 1785, 6, 7, & 8—by M. De la Peyrouse .
The Poetical works of Hector Maucell , Esq. 2 vols with plates.
R. C. & Co. have always on hand a general assortment of Stationary, of a good quality, as also a good collection of school books adapted to the Greek, Latin, and English classes.
In a few days will be published 'Select Novels,' vol. 5th & 6th, in that uniform handsome style with preceding volumes.
A valuable collection of London and Dublin publications, particularly periodical works in the best repute, are expected in a few days. June 10, 1802.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cassimerees; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankeens; cotton cassimerees, boileepour, Bengal elegant white chord for pantaloons, white and coloured marcelles, janes and satin croisés, overs, silk gingham, black and other coloured striped ditto, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square. May 24, 1802.
For Sale,
A VERY elegant saddle HORSE , seven years old, paces, trots, and canters, and is in other respects completely broken to the bridle.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. Steele on Capitol Hill, and see the horse at his livery stable. April 26, 1802.
For Sale,
A TRACT or parcel of land consisting of 240 acres, more or less, late the property of Robert Buchanan , deceased; lying in Prince George County, Maryland, and on the point branch of the Eastern branch of the Potomac River. Any person inclined to purchase, may view the wood and meadow land, as also the improvements and situation. If the above land is not sold before the 27th day of August, it then will be offered for public sale.—And also the whole of the following property of said estate: Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, kitchen and kitchen furniture, and plantation utensils. Terms at public sale for the land one third cash, and a credit of twelve months for the balance, by giving bond with interest and approved security. For the personal property all sums over 50 dollars 12 months credit, by giving bond as above; all sums not exceeding 50 dollars, cash. The above land is situated about five miles from Alexandria and ten from George Town. Possession will be given in December next. JAMES BUCHANAN , Acting Heir. April 26, 1802.
LONDON, April 28.
DEFINITIVE TREATY.
The following separate article to the definitive treaty has not yet been published:
It is agreed that the omission of some titles which may have taken place in the present treaty, shall not be prejudicial to the powers or to the persons concerned.
It is further agreed that the English and French languages made use of in all the copies of the present treaty shall not form an example, which may be alleged or quoted as precedent, or in any manner prejudice the contracting powers whose languages have not been used; and that for the future what has been observed, and ought to be observed, with regard to, and on the part of powers who in the practice and possession of giving and receiving copies of like treaties in any other language, shall be conformed with; the present treaty having, nevertheless the same force and virtue as if the aforesaid practice had been thereon observed.
In witness whereof, we the underwritten Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty, of the French Republic, of his Catholic majesty, and of the Batavian Republic, have signed the present separate article, and have caused our respective seals to be affixed thereto.
Done at Amiens, the twenty-seventh day of March, one thousand eight hundred and two; the sixth Germinal, year ten, of the French Republic.
(L. S.) Cornwallis , (L. S.) Joseph Bonaparte (L. S.) J. Nicholson De Azara , (L. S.) R. J. Schimmelpennich .
The copy of the definitive treaty to be laid before parliament is printed both in French and English.
There are one or two variations, indeed, material to be corrected. They lie between the French copy in the Moniteur , and the French copy printed here by authority. In the article VII. in the stipulations respecting the frontiers of French and Portuguese Guiana, it is stated in our translations, "The boundaries of French and Portuguese Guiana are fixed by the Ariwari , which empties itself into the Ocean above Cape North," &c. the French word in the Moniteur being au dessus . In the English official copy it is " below ." &c. The French being printed au dessous . From this we conclude that the Moniteur of the 27th, from which we translated our copy, has by an error of the press, put au dessus for au dessous .
In paragraph three of article X. respecting Malta, there is a very important variation between the French and English copy, as we find them printed together. It is said—"The municipal, revenue, civil, judicial, and other offices under the government of the Island, shall be filled at least in the proportion of one half by native inhabitants of Malta, Gajo, and Comino." In the French it is merely " habitans ;" so that by the English " natives " alone are admitted; whereas in the French, any adventurers who may be " inhabitants ," may hold places. The French word " habitans " certainly does not imply so much as the English " native inhabitants ."
We observe too, that in the article XV. respecting the fisheries on the coast of New-found-land there is a slight variation between the official English copy and the official French copy; and consequently our translation taken from the latter. After mentioning that the fisheries are placed on the footing they were before the war, it is stated in the English copy "the French fishermen, and the French inhabitants of St. Pierre and Miquelon, shall have the privilege of cutting such wood," &c. In the French, it is the French fishermen " of New-found-land ," and the inhabitants, &c. le Pecheurs Francais de Terreneuve, et les habitans .
We have published above the separate article, which has not hitherto appeared. It regards the novelty of an English copy. The variations above noticed are the more important, as between France and England, the English and French are of equal authority. The circumstance of the King of Great Britain being placed first in the English, and the First Consul in the French copies, is well understood. They stand respectively in the respective copies given to each power, so that in fact no recognised precedence is allowed to either.
In a debate on the subject of export, import and tonnage duty, in the British House of Commons the 27th of April.
Mr. Dent said, he considered the tax (on tonnage) as highly impolitic and dangerous at the present time, when it was generally understood that France would not enter into any commercial treaty with us; but on the contrary, appeared desirous of excluding the manufactures of this country from her territories.—A Noble Lord opposite to him had observed, on a former night, that commercial treaties were of no use. He wished to know what was now to be understood with regard to the commerce between this country and France? He believed that which he believed to be ready made in England had lately commenced to land a cargo of goods in a
French port, but was obliged to put back again without being permitted to enter the place. This tax would shut out our trade in such a manner that we should have rivals starting up to undercut us in every foreign market.
Lord Hawkesbury said he should not have troubled the House had he not been particularly alluded to by the hon. gentleman who spoke last. He never did say that commercial treaties were of no use; but he said that in many points of view they were of less consequence than was generally imagined. He considered them as nothing more than regulations which might be beneficial; but as to commerce itself, the advantages resulting from it must rest on the mutual convenience and interests of countries; and upon credit, capital, and confidence. It was not always necessary for two nations to enter into commercial treaties; they might carry on extensive trade without them. This country had no treaty either with Russia or Holland; and although we had made a treaty with France in 1786, our commerce with that country had at all times been considerable compared to our trade with Holland. No refusal took place on the part of France to make a commercial treaty with this country. The truth was this (and he had now no hesitation in stating it) that it was found absolutely impossible, to renew the treaty of 1786, without such alterations and modifications as must have taken up a space of time that might have caused a considerable delay in the signing of the definitive treaty. Some objections existed against this treaty in France, and a great many on the part of this country. It was impossible to apply the system which now existed in France to the treaty of 1786. We could not renew it without giving up some of those principles concerning maritime law for which we had lately contended with success.—On the whole, his majesty's ministers had thought it better not to suspend the late negotiations by introducing the topic of a new commercial treaty, but leave it as a question of subsequent arrangement, particularly so, when the various alterations and convulsions which France had undergone, must render many alterations in that treaty necessary. But the French government had not evinced to this country any intention towards renewing that treaty.
Mr. S. Thornton moved an amendment of one half of Germany, Holland, and the nearer ports of the Baltic, as he thought it very unjust that they should be charged with the same rate of duty as ships going to North America, the West-Indies, and the Mediterranean.
Mr. Vansittart replied, that by the treaty with America we were compelled to put her vessels on the footing of the most favored nation, consequently if we remitted the duty on their short voyages, we must forego a proportionate part of the duty on British ships bound to America, or give a preference to American ships over British. He presumed the hon. member did not complain of the amount of the proposed duty, but of the comparative proportion, which will not be amended by his motion. If, hereafter inconvenience should be found, the legislature would always be open to application; but he was convinced the burthen (necessary as it was) would not be found to subject the parties on whom it fell to the inconvenience apprehended.
Mr. Wilberforce replied to Mr. Vansittart, and supported Mr. Thornton's amendment, which was however negatived without a division.
Will positively be Sold
At Public Sale, at Mr. Symme's Tavern, George-Town, on Thursday, the 8th Day of July next, if fair, if not, the next fair day.
A MILL, Mill-seat, and 42 & half acres of Land adjoining; lying on Rock-creek—This property has been so frequently advertised, that a more minute description is thought unnecessary.—The Terms are one-third in hand, the balance at one and two Years Interest. MAT. MACKALL. June 7, 1802.
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on F Street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM D. R. April 7, 1802.
Lots for Sale,
Or to Let on Ground-Rent. THE Subscriber offers to sell or to lease one hundred Lots, advantageously situated; in the vicinity of the Capitol, and others near the Navy Yard; for cash, credit or wet or dry goods. WILLIAM PROUT. Washington City, April 5, 1802.
WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1802.
Notice is hereby given,
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until the expiration of the 31st day of July next ensuing, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October, 1802, until the 30th day of September, 1803, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz:
First—At Niagara, at Detroit, at Michilimackinac, and at Fort Wayne. Second—At Cincinnati and St. Vincennes. Third—At Fort Meigs, near the mouth of the Ohio, and Kaskaskia. Fourth—At South West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, and on the road from Nashville to the line between the Chickasaws and Choctaws, and any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Tennessee. Fifth—At the Chickasaw Bluffs, Natchez, Fort Adams, Mobile, and on the road from Natchez to the boundary line between the Chickasaws and Choctaws, and at any place in the Chickasaw or Choctaw country, between Bear Creek and Natchez.
Separate Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1803, until the 31st day of December, in the same year, both days inclusive, within the several states herein after mentioned, viz:
Sixth—At Fort Wilkinson, at Cockspur Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Georgia. Seventh—At Charleston, at Rocky Mountain, on the head waters of the Santee, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the States of South and North Carolina. Eighth—At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Virginia. Ninth—At Fort M'Henry, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Maryland. Tenth—At Fort Mifflin, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware. Eleventh—At Fort Jay, at West Point, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of New York, excepting Niagara. Twelfth—At Fort Trumbull, at Fort Wolcott, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the States of Connecticut, Rhode Island and Vermont. Thirteenth—At Fort Independence, (Boston harbor) and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of Massachusetts, the district of Maine excepted. Fourteenth—At Portsmouth, at Portland, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the State of New Hampshire and district of Maine.
A Ration to consist of eighteen ounces of bread or flour, or when neither can be obtained, of one quart of rice, or one and one half pound of sifted or bolted Indian meal, one pound and a quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, one gill of rum, whisky or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and an half of candles to every hundred rations. The price of the several components of, that rations as well as substitutes and alternatives, must be specified.
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, as that there shall at all times during the term of the proposed contracts, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Niagara, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places, or posts, to call for at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in the case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper. It is to be understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of illing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by the means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for by the United States, at the price of the article captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is to be understood to be reserved to the United States of requiring that none of the supplies which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed, and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the sea board or Indian Frontiers, not exceeding three months.
HENRY DEARBORN, Secretary of War. May 31, 1802.
Last Notice,
In the matter of JOHN STICKNEY, a BANKRUPT. NOTICE is hereby given to the creditors of John Stickney, that on the fifteenth day of June, 1802, between the hours of ten and eleven A. M., at the clerk's office of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, a certificate of discharge will be given to the said John Stickney, who is declared a bankrupt, unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary by the said creditors or some of them.
By order of the hon. William E. Kirby, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia, this 24th day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and two.
URIAH FORREST, Clerk of the circuit court, district of Columbia. May 26, 1802.
Annapolis, May 4, 1802.
St. John's College.
ON the 22nd day of June next the Trustees of St. John's College purpose to proceed to the appointment of a professor of English and Grammar in St. John's College, who shall receive for his services at the rate of 2000, to be paid quarterly—Dolls. 500. 33. His duty is, in conjunction with an assistant, to teach English grammatically, and the Latin grammar, the vocabulary, and Corderius, so as to prepare students for the study of languages. He and his assistant are likewise to teach writing and arithmetic, and the lower branches of the mathematics, if required, to such of the students as are not destined for the upper schools.
By order of the visitors and governor of St. John's College. A. C. HANSON. May 14, 1802.
To be Sold,
On the fifth day of June next, in the town of Nottingham, in Prince George county, for cash only, for the benefit of the creditors of Ignatius Boone, the following property to wit:
A LOT of Land containing an half acre, on which there are a dwelling house, kitchen and granary, all new, with a good inclosed garden and yard; this house is now occupied as a tavern and is sufficiently large for that use. Three small framed houses standing adjoining the aforesaid lot on the county's land, and may be removed. A moiety of fourteen acres of land adjoining the town, about one third of the purchase money for this land not paid. Seven or eight negroes consisting of men, women and children; some horses and cattle, all his household furniture, a billiard table, and about sixty or seventy pounds Baltimore cash, of remnants of goods. The sale will commence at nine o'clock and continue until all is sold. ROBERT BOWIE, Trustee for Ignatius Boone. May 21, 1802.
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS HERTY, For publishing by subscription an APPENDIX to his Digest of the Laws of the United States.
IT will contain all the public acts of the two preceding and present session of Congress, that is, the acts of the first and second sessions of the Sixth, and the first session of the Seventh Congress. It will be printed in the same order of arrangement, and have reference to such parts of the aforesaid work, as shall be repealed, is suffered to expire, or which may otherwise undergo alterations. To which will be given, a correct table of the duties on imports and commerce, and a new Index; this, connected with the foregoing, will embrace the whole law in force.
CONDITIONS.
It will be put to press immediately after the close of the present session of Congress, (provided a sufficient number offer to defray the expense of the work) and be ready for delivery in about two months thereafter. The price to subscribers will be one dollar and fifty cents in boards, to be paid for on delivery. It shall be nearly printed on good paper. Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his Conveyancing Office, near the Treasury Department, City of Washington; and by those in whose hands proposals are left. March 12, 1802.
This day is published
At the Office of the National Intelligencer—Price 6 cents,
A VIEW Of the proceedings of the last Session of CONGRESS. May 31, 1802.
New Invention.
The IMPROVED SAW-MILL, for which the subscriber has obtained a Patent.
THIS improvement gives the sawyer much labour, and the work is also much more expeditious. The log being barred, the whole operation proceeds without further manual aid; for, the instant the cut is finished, the log moves back, and at the same time is guaged to the utmost exactness by the machine, ready for another cut in two thirds of a minute. The saw resumes its action in the log, and thus moves in alternate succession until the whole be cut up in any given dimensions, at which time the mill shuts up if required, or at any number of cuts for which the sawyer prepares, for his attendance is unnecessary.
Any person or persons inclining to purchase the privilege of erecting this valuable and simple machine, or of adding the improvement, which may readily be affixed to any Saw Mill already in use, will please to apply to the subscriber at Wolf Brandyn Bridge, on the Philadelphia and Lancaster turnpike road, Pennsylvania, or to Dr. Thornton, commissioner, City of Washington. MOSES COATES. Washington, April 5, 1802.
WE the Subscribers, inhabitants of Chester county in Pennsylvania, having been called upon by Moses Coates, to view his new invented plan of sawing, were eye witnesses to the following facts:—
First, that in consequence of hands playing on a rag iron attached to the common rag wheel, the saw is relieved from the log; Secondly, that by the action of another principle the log is moved the required distance for the next cut, and that the saw is kept in motion after the log is barred and turned down, until the saw is cut into the kind of boards required. The whole of the above is accomplished by his new invented plan exclusive of manual labour.
Francis Gardner, John Fleming, R. Isaac Coates, Thomas C. Wickers, William Baity.

PROPOSALS
For carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City, until the 12th day of July next, inclusive.
IN CONNECTICUT.
 93. From Tripp's Hill to Johnston twice a week. Leave Tripp's Hill every Tuesday and Friday at 3 p m, and arrive at Johnston by 4 p m. Leave Johnston every Tuesday and Friday at 5 p m, and arrive at Tripp's Hill by 6 p m.  94. From Schenectady by Balltown Springs, Saratoga Springs and Glensbridge to Sandyhill once a week. Leave Schenectady every Tuesday at 7 a m, & arrive at Sandyhill by 7 p m. Leave Sandyhill on Wednesday at 7 a m, and arrive at Schenectady by 7 p m.  95. From Albany by Duaneburg and Dorch to Cherry Valley once a week. Leave Albany every Thursday at 3 p m, and arrive at Cherry Valley on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Cherry Valley every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Albany on Thursday by 10 a m.  96. From Vergennes Vt. by Williamstown and Plattsburg to Champlain once a week. Leave Vergennes every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Champlain on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Champlain on Sunday by 3 p m and arrive at Vergennes on Tuesday by 6 p m. 
IN NEW-JERSEY.
 97. From Newark by Chatham, Morristown, Boonton, Rockaway and Sparta to Newtown, and from thence by Johnson'sburg, Hacketstown, Black River, Mendon, Morristown and Chatham to Newark once a week. Leave Newark every Thursday at 8 a m, and arrive at Newtown on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Newtown every Saturday at 6 a m, and arrive at Newark the next Monday by 7 a m.  98. From Trenton by Allentown, Monmouth c. h. Shrewsbury, Middletown Point, Spotswood, New Brunswick, Somerset c. h. Pluckemin, Raritan, New Germanton, Pittton, Alexandria, Plumstead Pa. Flemington and Pennington to Trenton, and from Trenton by Pennington, and the same route (leaving out Plumstead) back to Trenton every week. Leave Trenton every Tuesday at 8 a m, pass by Allentown, &c. and return to Trenton the next Tuesday at 6 a m. Leave Trenton every Tuesday at 9 a m, pass by Pennington, Flemington, &c. arrive at Plumstead and return to Trenton the next Tuesday by 6 a m.  99. From Trenton by Bordentown, Slabtown, New Mills, Mount Holly, Moorestown, Haddonfield and Cooperstown to Philadelphia once a week. Leave Trenton every Tuesday at 9 a m, and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 11 a m. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 2 p m, and arrive at Trenton the next Thursday by 3 p m.  100. From Philadelphia Pa. by Haddonfield, Taunton and Aston to Tuckerton once a week. Leave Philadelphia every Thursday at 10 a m, and arrive at Tuckerton by 8 p m. Leave Tuckerton every Tuesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 2 p m.  101. From Philadelphia by Gloucester, Swedesboro, and Woodbury to Salem once a week. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 3 p m, and arrive at Salem on Thursday by 2 p m. Leave Salem every Tuesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 7 a m. 
IN PENNSYLVANIA.
 102. From Philadelphia by Jenkintown, Doylestown, Plumstead, Easton, Hellers, Shupensville and Prescot's mill to Wilkesbarre once a week. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 4 p m, arrive at Easton on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Easton on Friday by 6 a m and arrive at Wilkesbarre on Saturday by 2 p m. Returning—Leave Wilkesbarre every Saturday at 10 p m, arrive at Easton on Monday at 1 p m. Leave Easton at 2 p m and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 8 a m.  103. From Wilkesbarre by Pittston, Tankannock, Braintree, Wykylung, Alylum & Shehshequin to Athens once a week. Leave Wilkesbarre every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at Athens on Wednesday by 7 p m. Leave Athens every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilkesbarre on Saturday by 7 p m.  104. From Philadelphia by Germantown, Norristown, Trapp, Pottsgrove, Reading, Hamburg and Sunbury to Northumberland once a week. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 4 p m, arrive at Reading on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Reading on Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at Northumberland on Saturday by 3 p m. Returning—Leave Northumberland every Sunday at 5 a m, arrive at Reading on Monday by 5 p m. Leave Reading every Tuesday at 5 a m, and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday at 8 a m.  105. From Northumberland by Milton and Muncy to Williamsport once a week. Leave Northumberland every Monday at 6 a m, and arrive at Williamsport every Saturday at 6 a m, and arrive at Northumberland by 6 p m.  106. From Northumberland by Lewisburg, Aaronburg, Milesburg and Bellefont to Centre Furnace once a week. Leave Centre Furnace every Friday at 10 a m, and arrive at Northumberland on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Northumberland every Monday at 6 a m, and arrive at Centre Furnace on Tuesday by 3 p m.  107. From Reading by Womelsdorf, Lebanon and Harrisburg to Carlisle, once a week. Leave Reading every Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at Carlisle on Saturday by 4 p m. Leave Carlisle every Sunday at 5 a m, and arrive at Reading on Monday by 6 p m.  108. From Philadelphia by Downingtown to Lancaster, three times a week. Leave Philadelphia every Monday, Wednesday and Saturday, at 4 a m, and arrive at Lancaster by 5 p m. Returning—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m, and arrive at Philadelphia by 4 p m.  109. From Lancaster by Middletown and Elizabethtown to Harrisburg once a week. Leave Lancaster every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Harrisburg by 6 p m. Leave Harrisburg every Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at Lancaster by 6 p m.  110. From Harrisburg by Halifax, Sunbury, Northumberland, Danville, Catatwille, Berwick, Salem and Plymouth to Wilkesbarre, and from thence by Hanover, Newport, Lee's ferry, Salem, Berwick, and the same route to Harrisburg, once a week. Leave Harrisburg every Thursday at 4 a m, and arrive at Wilkesbarre on Saturday by 8 p m. Leave Wilkesbarre every Monday at 4 a m, and arrive at Harrisburg on Wednesday by 8 p m.  111. From Harrisburg by Clark's ferry, Millerstown, Thomaston, Middletown, Lewistown, Beville and Huntingdon to Alexandria from thence by Huntingdon, Calberton's mill, Lewistown, and the same route back to Harrisburg, once a week. Leave Harrisburg every Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at Alexandria on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Alexandria every Monday at 6 a m, and arrive at Harrisburg on Wednesday by 6 p m.  112. From Lancaster by Columbia, York, Carlisle & Shippensburg to Chambersburg, twice a week. Leave Lancaster every Sunday and Thursday at 4 a m, and arrive at York by 11 a m. Leave York same days by 1 p m, and arrive at Carlisle on Monday & Friday at 8 a m. Leave Carlisle at half past 8 a m, and arrive at Chambersburg same day by 6 p m. Returning—Leave Carlisle every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Carlisle by 4 p m. Leave Carlisle at half past 4 p m, and arrive at York on Sunday and Wednesday by noon. Leave York at 1 p m, and arrive at Lancaster same days by 7 p m.  113. From York by Shrewsbury, the Black horse, Md. to Baltimore, Md. once a week. Leave York every Tuesday noon, and arrive at Baltimore on Wednesday by 7 p m. Leave Baltimore every Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at York on Saturday by noon.  114. From Somerset by Connellsville, Union and New Geneva to Morgantown once a week. Leave Somerset every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Morgantown on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Morgantown every Friday at 1 p m, and arrive at Somerset on Saturday by 8 p m.  115. From Pittsburgh by Franklin, Meadville and Le Beuf, to Presque Isle, once a week. Leave Pittsburgh every Sunday at 6 a m, and arrive at Presque Isle the next Friday at 10 a m. Leave Presque Isle every Friday at 2 p m, and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Wednesday by 6 p m.  116. From Pittsburgh by Beavertown, Georgetown, Canfield, N. P. Young's town, N. T. and the Salt Springs to Warren, N. T. once a week. Leave Pittsburgh every Wednesday noon, and arrive at Warren on Saturday by noon. Leave Warren every Saturday at 10 p m, and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Wednesday by 8 a m.  117. From Washington to Waynesboro' once a week. Leave Washington every Monday at 6 a m, and arrive at Waynesboro' by 1 p m. Leave Waynesboro' every Monday at 4 p m, and arrive at Washington on Tuesday by noon.  118. From Washington by Brownsville to Union, once a week. Leave Union every Friday at 5 a m, and arrive at Washington by 6 p m. Leave Washington every Saturday at 7 a m, and arrive at Union by 7 p m.  119. From Bristol to Burlington N. J. every day, Sunday excepted. Leave Bristol from March 1 to December 1, at 4 p m, and arrive at Burlington in half an hour. Leave Burlington at 6 p m, and arrive at Bristol in half an hour. Dec. 1 to March 1. Leave Bristol at 8 a m, and arrive at Burlington in half an hour. Leave Burlington at 10 a m, and arrive at Bristol in half an hour.  120. From Shippensburg to Strasburg once a week. Leave Shippensburg every Tuesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Strasburg at half past 8 a m. Leave Strasburg at 10 a m, and arrive at Shippensburg at half past 12 a m. 
N. W. TERRITORY.
 121. From Zanesville to Marietta once a week. Leave Zanesville every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Marietta on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Marietta every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Zanesville on Wednesday by 6 p m.  122. From Cincinnati by Hamilton, Franklin, Dayton, Staunton, Lower Piquetown, Lorimies, Old Fort on St. Mary's, and Ottoway-town, to Fort Defiance (supposed to be 135 miles) once in two weeks. Leave Cincinnati every other Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Fort Defiance the next Friday by 9 a m. Leave Fort Defiance every other Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Cincinnati the next Friday by 9 a m.  123. From Fort Defiance by Miami Fort, and Frenchtown on Rasin River to Detroit once in two weeks (supposed to be 120 miles). Leave Fort Defiance every other Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Detroit the next Monday by 6 p m. Leave Detroit every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Fort Defiance the next Friday by 10 a m.  124. From Marietta by Middletown, Chillicothe and Williamstown to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Marietta every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Chillicothe. Leave Chillicothe on and arrive at Cincinnati on Friday by 10 a m. Returning—Leave Cincinnati every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Marietta the next Monday by 7 p m. 
IN KENTUCKY.
 125. From Frankfort by Georgetown, Cynthiana, Pendleton c. h. and Campbell c. h. to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Frankfort every Monday at 3 p m and arrive at Cincinnati on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Cincinnati every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Frankfort on Monday by 9 a m.  126. From Lexington by Winchester, Montgomery c. h. and Fleming c. h. to Washington once a week. Leave Lexington every Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Washington on Friday by 4 p m. Leave Washington every Saturday at 8 p m and arrive at Lexington on Tuesday by 4 p m.  127. From Frankfort by Shelbyville to Louisville once a week. Leave Frankfort every Friday at noon and arrive at Louisville on Saturday by 5 p m. Returning—Leave Louisville every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Frankfort on Tuesday by 11 a m.  128. From Frankfort by Shelbyville, Madelburg, Bairdstown, Beaufort & Hardin c. h. to Brackenridge c. h. once a week. Leave Frankfort every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Bairdstown on Sunday by 8 a m and arrive at Brackenridge c. h. on Monday by 5 p m. Leave Brackenridge c. h. every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Bairdstown on Wednesday by 3 p m and arrive at Frankfort the next Friday by 10 a m.  129. From Brackenridge c. h. by Hartford, Russellville and Springfield T. to Nashville T. once a week. Leave Nashville every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Springfield on Saturday by 8 a m at Russellville by 4 p m, at Hartford on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Hartford on Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Brackenridge c. h. by 5 p m. Returning—Leave Brackenridge c. h. every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hartford by 7 p m. Leave Hartford on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Russellville on Thursday by 7 a m. Leave Russellville at 8 a m and arrive at Springfield by 3 p m. Leave Springfield at 4 p m and arrive at Nashville on Friday by 10 a m.  130. From Bairdstown by Shepherdsville to Louisville once a week. Leave Bairdstown every Thursday at 7 a m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Louisville every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Bairdstown on Saturday by 6 p m.  131. From Brackenridge c. h. by Henderson c. h. Eddy Grove, Eddyville and Smithfield to Fort Maffac once in two weeks. Leave Brackenridge c. h. every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Fort Maffac the next Friday by 6 p m. Returning—Leave Fort Maffac every other Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Brackenridge c. h. the next Tuesday by 6 p m.  132. From Hartford by Vienna to Greenville, Muhlenburg c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Hartford every other Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Greenville on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Greenville every other Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Hartford on Friday by 6 p m.  133. From Russellville by Christian c. h. to Eddy Grove once in two weeks. Leave Russellville every other Saturday at 7 p m and arrive at Eddy Grove on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Eddy Grove every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Russellville on Wednesday by 6 p m.  134. From Russellville by Bowling Green and Glasgow to Greenburg, once in two weeks. Leave Russellville every other Thursday at 9 a m, and arrive at Greenburg on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Greenburg every other Saturday at 8 p m, and arrive at Russellville on Tuesday by 5 p m.  135. From Frankfort by Harrodsburg, Danville and Pulaski c. h. to Wayne c. h. once a week. Leave Frankfort every Friday at 3 p m, and arrive at Danville on Saturday by 3 p m, and arrive at Wayne c. h. the next Monday at 10 a m. Returning—Leave Wayne c. h. every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Frankfort on Friday by 10 a m.  136. From Danville by Standford to Lancaster, once a week. Leave Danville every Monday at 4 a m, and arrive at Lancaster every Monday by 1 p m, and arrive at Danville by 3 p m. 
INDIANA TERRITORY.
 137. From Louisville, K. to Vincennes, once a week. Leave Louisville every Saturday at 10 p m, and arrive at Vincennes on Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave Vincennes every Wednesday at 8 a m, and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 6 p m.  138. From Vincennes by Kaskaskia to Cahokia once in two weeks. Leave Vincennes every other Wednesday at 8 a m, and arrive at Cahokia the next Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Cahokia every other Thursday at 6 a m, and arrive at Vincennes the next Tuesday by 4 p m. 
MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.
 139. From McIntosh's by Gindlone Ford, Brackliss and Greens to Natchez, once in two weeks. Leave McIntosh's every other Sunday at 4 a m, and arrive at Natchez the next Monday by 4 p m. Leave Natchez every other Sunday at 4 a m, and arrive at McIntosh's the next Tuesday by 7 p m. The contract to continue until March 31, 1804. 
NOTES.
 I. The Postmaster-General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he previously furnishing an adequate compensation for any extra-expence that may be occasioned thereby.  II. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.  III. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.  IV. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mails: and if any person, making proposals declines to carry newspapers other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument and for what sum without that emolument.  V. Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.  VI. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August, and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.  VII. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.  VIII. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.  IX. The Postmaster-General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.  X. The contracts for the above route are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and to continue in force for one year, from that time, excepting such routes as have a particular note respecting the continuance of the contract. 
GIDEON GRANGER, Post Master General. General Post Office, Washington City, May 9, 1802.
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation.
Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments.
The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the State of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c.
A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soup, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly extant in.
Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, or &c. &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant.
JOHN LOVETT. N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia. GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Best superfine cloths, Cassimeres, Swan-down, Toyloacts, Velveteens, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N. B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice—Washington City, New-Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. eptf
Now Landing AND FOR SALE.
 By the subscriber at his store in Jefferson, on stock, at very reduced prices, by wholesale and retail, for cash, country produce, or approved notes at 60 and 90 days.  Leaf, jump and brown Pepper,  Sugars, Nutmegs,  Molasses, Mace,  Rum of different kinds, Cloves,  Holland gin, Madder,  Cherry-bounce, Indigo,  Madeira, Sherry, Lill, Fig Blue,  bon, and Malaga, Scotch snuff in bottles,  wines, Real Havana legars,  Claret in boxes—of superior quality, First quality chewing tobacco,  French Liquors, Coarse and fine salt,  Hylon, Young Hylon, Shad and herrings in  Imperial and Souchong teas, Barrels,  Coffee, Hams, Shoulder, and  Chocolate, middlings of bacon,  Almonds, Georgia Cotton,  Raisins, Portland pitchers,  Prunes, China Bowls,  Fresh Lucca oil, Olas ware assorted  Capers, Sets of tea China,  Anchovies, Port wine in quarter  Olives, or bottles,  Lemons, Patent cheese,  Brown and white foam, Porter in bottles,  Mould and dipped candles, Powder, shot, & bag  Ginger, lead,  Pimento, Russia Glue,  Allum,  And a few dozen very cheap long and short kid and fancy gloves. B. G. ORR. April 30, 1802. eptf
FOR SALE.
A TRACT of land containing 2,400 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORNTON, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is wavy high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out-houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk—there are two good mill sites for grist, or sawmills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if saved up into sawing will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary—Apply to
RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 35, Walnut-Street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11. eptf
Honore Martin, vs. Ann Casenave, Nicholas Young, and Joana & Peter Casenave.
In Chancery, May 22, 1802. ORDERED that the sales made by John Hewitt Trustee for the sale of certain lots in the City of Washington, as stated in his report, filed the 26th of April last, shall be ratified and confirmed, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the 35th day of June next: Provided a copy of this order be published in the National Intelligencer, a paper in the city of Washington; and in the Washington Federalist, a paper of George Town; once in each of three successive weeks, before the 15th day of June next. The report states that lot number 4, in square No. 599, in the City of Washington was sold for 126 dollars, and lot No. 6, in square No. 610, was sold for 106 dollars. A. C. HANSON, Chan. May 26, 1802. raw3t
Wants Employment In a Genteel Family,
AN ELDERLY LADY as House-keeper, who has served in that office for these twelve Years past, can come well recommended. A line directed to Mr. SAMUEL SCOTT, Bladensburg, will be attended to. June 7, 1802. 7t
NOTICE.
THE subscriber takes the liberty to inform the inhabitants of Washington (who may not have noticed particularly to that part of the Corporation law respecting the right of suffrage) that unless their taxes be paid prior to the first Monday in June next, the day appointed for the election of common council for the City of Washington, they will be deprived of their right of voting. He also informs those who may make it convenient to call on him for the purpose of settling their dues that he may be found at his lodgings (at Mr. Johnson's) every day from 8 to 8 o'clock A. M. and on Friday and Saturday from 4 to 6 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Rhoads's Little Hotel until the first Monday in June. WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector for the county of Washington. May 12, 1802. eptf