The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-07-21 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCC
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JULY 21, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
A LIST of letters remaining in the Post Office at Washington City on the 1st day of July, 1806.
 A. William Alison, Thomas Adams, Anthony Addison, William H. Allen.  B. Joshua Beall, Joel Barlow 2, Henry P. Buell, Ruthy Barlow, Robert Beverley 2, Hannah Bond, Johnston Blakely, John Boice, Mrs. Burdy, Alexander Brodie, William Bowman, Jesse Burch, Daniel C. Brent 2, James Broadwell, Miss Mary Bloor, Thomas Bagwell, Henry Ballard, William Beate, Nicholas Boulyea 2, Benjamin Bacon, John Thomas Boucher, Thomas Baker, Robert Brockett, William Benson, Lieut. Johnson Blakely, George Blagden.  C. Francis Caylor 2, James Clarke, Lieut. Michael B. Carroll, Jas. A. Cist, Joseph C. Cabel, Paul Chateune, Capt. H. G. Campbell, Lieut. Ed. B. Clifton, Joseph Claud, William Cowper, Samuel Clark.  D. Anthony Drake, Mrs. Annie Davis, Capt. Stephen Decatur, jun. 2, Samuel Hinman, Silas Dinsmore, George Davis, Esq.  E. John H. Elton 3, Evan Evans 2, Nathaniel Ewing, Esq. William Eskin, Morace H. Edwards 4.  F. D. Forest, John Forbes, Jacob Ford, William Fitzgerald.  G. William Green, Matthew Greentree, James D. Guerard, Capt. Charles Gordon, Bratus Granger, Augustine Gerau, Isaac Garreus, John Gordon.  H. Elizabeth Hughes, Joseph Howard, Esq. Henry Hill, jun. Griffith Hill, George Hayward, Rev. Rice Haggard, Zackariah Haze, Alexander Hamilton, Maj. S. Hunt 2, John Harris 3, Thomas H. Henson, Mrs. Margaret Heasset, Doctor Benjamin Haskell.  I. Charles Jones, William Johnson, Thomas Justiner, Richard Jackson, Andrew James, Miss Jackson.  K. Henry L. Kim, George Kensinger, Hugh Keley.  L. Jeremiah Love, Henry A. Lamprey, Esq. 2, Joshua Lewis, Esq. 2, John W. Linton, Esq. Miss Sarah Lomax, Capt. Frederick Lee, Mrs. Jane Loller, Mr. Lowry 3, Alexander Lyon.  M. Alexander M'Comick, James Meeds, Esq. Memin, Anthony Morales, Capt. Alexander Macomb, Charles M'Nance, David M'Gruder 2, Mr. John Mayne 2, Mr. Osborn Mulhlan 2, Mr. M'Comick, Alexander M'Kinse, Uriah Medford, Daniel M'Clure, Mr. M'Call, John Manry, James M'Nance, James Moore 2, John M'Mareath, James Morehead, Peter Wade Morehead, Phoebe Moss.  N. Midshipman John Nicholson, Mr. Samuel Nicholson, Nathaniel Norton, Esq. Jeremiah Nelson.  P. Oliver Phelps, Esq. Andrew Parkhill, Doctor Samuel Peters, Mr. Hugh Patton, Mr. William Pitman, Mr. John R. Parrington, Miss Nancy Prout, Mr. Bartholemew Poston, Edward Phillips, Monsieur R. Parker, Daniel Peterson, Stephen Perry, Charles Prentiss 2, Mr. David Parmelee, Mr. George Powers, Miss Ann Price.  Q. Charles Quigley 2.  R. James Rutledge 2, Rev. William Ryland 2, Andrew Rutherford, Maurice Rogers, Esq. John R. Rittenhouse, Mr. John Reese, John Ross.  S. Mr. John Stiles, Mr. Sisterson, Mrs. Lucy Smith, Capt. Charles Stewart, Mr. Swartz, Mr. Zephaniah Stone, Mr. Thomas Shields, James Smith, Esq. Col. John Snowden, Mrs. Sarah Slater, Alexander Scott, David Slater, Amos Stoddard, Alexander Stewart, jun. Hugh Steel 2.  T. Captain John Tunnell, Miss Henry Thomas, Miss Polly Toller, Mrs. Molly Thompson, Lieut. John Trip, Miss Sally Thompson, Lieut. Thora, Mr. Joseph Thompson.  U. Mr. James Upjohn.  V. Honorable Mr. Vanhorn, Mr. Richard Varden.  W. Mr. Richard White, Mr. Samuel Walker, Mr. Josiah Whitney, Col. Joseph Williams 2, Mary Waters, James White, J. T. Watson, Mr. Martin J. Withee.  Y. Mr. John E. Young. 
JOHN LAW, HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, Clerk of the County Court. May 21—2m
To the Editor of the Daily Advertiser.
The following is a letter received from a valuable friend, with my answer thereto, which you will be good enough to give a place in your paper. W. S. SMITH.
Philadelphia, June 23th, 1806.
Sir, I have just received from Caracas a list of the names of the Americans, taken by the Spaniards on board of Miranda's schooner. The name of Smith is twice found in it. I suspect the last to be the son of colonel Smith, and grand son of Mr. Adams. Although I had some political differences with him when he was president, this circumstance has not deprived me of that particular regard and respect towards such a distinguished character, and particular consideration for his family. Not the least doubt exists but the greatest part of the prisoners will be put to death as pirates, and I would be very happy to be able, by a timely and immediate interference, to save the life of the unfortunate youth, grand son to the venerable Mr. Adams and his worthy spouse. But, to render my interference effectual, I would require, as the only condition, that colonel Smith would disclose to me, through you, on his word of honor, all the knowledge he has of Miranda's plans, of his intended points of attack, of the persons with whom he had connections in Caracas, and the name of a Spaniard in this country, who shared in his scheme and expedition; in fact, all the material information he may be possessed of, the knowledge of which may be useful to my government, and for the preservation and tranquility of the provinces Miranda had in view to revolutionize.
As I remember your attachment for Mr. Adams, I take the liberty to make this suggestion to you, who no doubt will employ all the means to relieve from affliction a worthy and disconsolate family. At all events, I expect from you a prompt and decisive answer on this head. I remain, sir, with particular regard and consideration, your obedient servant.
(Signed) MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO.
New-York, June 30, 1806.
DEAR SIR, Accept my warmest acknowledgment for your very interesting communication of this date, presented by your son, accompanied with a letter addressed to you from the Marquis De Casa Yrujo, which after maturely considering I return agreeable to your request.
I am sure I shall do justice to the feelings of Mr. and Mrs. Adams, if in their name I thank the Marquis for his very polite attention in a case, no doubt, near, interesting and affecting. I am sure when I do him the justice to communicate his tender solicitudes for the protection of their grand son, it will not fail to excite those sensibilities and acknowledgments, which from them the Marquis is highly entitled to.
For myself, not having the honor of his acquaintance, I had no right to expect any other attention to feelings or dignity of character, than what would naturally spring from his own mind when making such an interesting communication.
He informs you he has just received from Caracas a list of the names of Americans taken by the Spaniards on board Miranda's schooner, that the name of Smith is twice found in it, he suspects the last to be my son, and grand son to Mr. Adams, and says, that he should be very happy by a timely and immediate interference to save the life of the unfortunate youth, grand son to the venerable Mr. Adams and his worthy spouse; he having no doubt but the greatest part of the Americans will be put to death. But, to render this interference effectual, he requires as the only condition, that I disclose to him, through you, on my word of honor, all the knowledge I have of Miranda's plans, of his intended point of attack, of the persons with whom he has connections in Caracas, and the names of the Spaniards in this country, who shared in his schemes and expedition, in fact all the material information I may be possessed of, the knowledge of which may be useful to the Spanish government, for the preservation and tranquility of the provinces Miranda has in view to revolutionize.
When the Marquis De Casa Yrujo takes a dispassionate view of the circumstances connected with general Miranda's visit to Washington, his subsequent conduct here, and clearly ascertains that the persons accompanying him in the Leander, were not informed of his projects and plans, he will permit his benevolence to expand, and shelter all those taken in the schooner, from harsh treatment and unmerited punishment, he will induce the government of his country to view the question in other lights than those which may tend to expose it to more severe animadversions than have hitherto been made, or to the rousing of that spirit or indignation and resentment, which if once permitted to burst forth, cannot all of being attended with strong marks of just revenge.
With respect to my son, he was not made acquainted with the plans of general Miranda, he went with him as a young companion, to share his fortune and his fate, he was accompanied by some of his friends capable of deeds of hardihood and valor—worthy their leader—worthy his cause.
Whatever may be the situation and fate of the persons taken on board the schooner, I can never tacitly sanction the lash of tyranny on his associates, and snatch my son from a participation in their fate, whatever it may be. Nothing but the Marquis's want of an acquaintance with me can plead in excuse for the incredulity of his proposition. Do me the favor my friend to assure him, that were I in my son's situation I would not comply with his proposals to save myself, and I would not cast so great an indignity upon my son, my family and myself, as to shelter him under the shield of infamy and disgrace. I have no doubt the Marquis will give such advice to the governor of Caracas, and make such a statement to his king, (by whom I may have the honor to be personally recollected) as will induce them not to tarnish the dignified character of the Spanish nation by any acts of passion and barbarity connected with the present case.
I am, dear sir, With great respect, Your obedient friend and Humble servant, W. S. SMITH.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
APRIL 21.
MR. SLOAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise to offer two resolutions which if adopted, will remove some existing difficulties, and greatly expedite business.
Introductory to offering these resolutions, I ask the indulgence and attention of this House to a brief recital of some facts to prove the necessity of adopting them; if in stating these facts, any member, or other person, should conceive that I speak too plain a language, or discover too much warmth; I beg them to consider the magnitude of the subject—that it is to counteract a deadly blow aimed at the vitals of our government, under which we have enjoyed near 30 years liberty and independence, and prospered in a manner unparalleled in history, and that upon a just, and true statement of facts, being laid before this House, and the public; and passing a just sentence thereupon, depends the continuation of that happiness, peace, and prosperity, we have hitherto enjoyed. I also ask the attention of the citizens in the galleries, in which I include both the Yazoo speculators, and other dishonest citizens (if any there be) in the green gallery, and the honest citizens in the upper or white gallery. In doing which I thus publicly declare, that I disclaim, I detest and I abhor, all such invidious distinctions, as was lately applied by a member from Virginia, to the citizens in the galleries; and which he has so frequently applied to members within these walls during the present session, as evidently tending to destroy the peace and happiness of the citizens of these U. S.
Shall mortal man, shall inexperienced youth, urged on by a vindictive spirit, and the most impetuous, and ungovernable passions, that ever was permitted to rage to such a height, in any legislative body, composed of freemen, standing on an even floor in any civilized country; invade the judgment seat of the most high, and undertake to judge the secrets of the hearts, of not only the members, of both branches of the legislature of the U. S. but also of the citizens in the galleries? Shall any member of this House be permitted to declare that Yazoo principles, governed the high court of impeachment, in their decision on the trial of Judge Chase; and also the decisions of this House during the present session?
Shall that member's multifarious declamations, and groundless accusations, against the first officers of the U. States, and a large majority of their representatives, (after being so mutilated as scarcely to resemble the original) go forth without any investigation or contradiction, to deceive the innocent, and unsusppecting, to hold up that member as the invincible champion of liberty, and that his opposition to the present administration, flows from the same pure motives, that his opposition to the former administration did? They shall not.
I conceive it to be the duty of the representative of the people, to give them a just and impartial account of the conduct of their public servants, in their executive and legislative capacities—under this impression, I am perfectly inunison with that member, in his anxious desire for publicity, so far as it can be done without invading the rights of the executive, or the other branch of the legislature, and so far as it can be done without committing the
interest, safety, and peace of the U. S. He shall be gratified—he shall have publicity—his portrait shall be drawn to the life, accompanied with explanatory labels, and sent to every part of the union, that the people may not only know the substance of his declamatory accusations, but be presented with a view of his attitude, and that unparalleled arrogance with which they were imposed upon the members of this House, by which they will be enabled to judge, whether he has been, and still remains the champion of liberty, and honesty; or whether he is a disappointed vindictive declaimer, and unjust accuser of our Executive and members of Congress who believe it their duty to support them!
We are told in a good old book (which that member frequently quotes) but how far his life and conversation is consonant with its excellent precepts, I leave for others to determine; that the tree is known by its fruit. I trust I shall not be contradicted, when I say, that this criticism is the best that ever has, or ever can be given, whereby finite beings can judge with propriety the conduct of their fellow mortals—a sample of his fruits shall be handed to the public, that they may see and taste, and thereby be enabled to judge for themselves, whether they are good and wholesome, yea or nay.
Mr. Speaker, the people are alarmed, they are astonished, to hear that a member of Congress, who in 1803 was not barely a supporter of the present administration, but one of its warmest advocates—in the year 1806 declare in the House of representatives, that the conduct of that same administration evinces either gross ignorance, or evil design, and that a principal part of the ingredients or which his multifarious harangues are composed, are a compound of insinuations, innuendoes, and positive invectives against some members of the executive and their supporters. Hence a most important question arises—Is those high officers (alluding to the President and Secretary of State) in our executive department changed; or, is the member from Virginia? It is of the highest importance to these U. S. that this question should be justly and speedily decided—for that purpose, let me ask what proof has he brought to substantiate his charges against the administration?—he has been called upon in this House to bring forward an impeachment—This he has declared he will not do; but still continues his declamatory accusations, and produces no kind of testimony to support his charges—he stands alone a public accuser, and witness—will the citizens of the U. S. the tribunal to whom he appeals, pass sentence of condemnation upon the two first officers of the government, and upon a great majority of their representatives, who having the same opportunity of knowing the conduct of those officers; and from a conviction that they have faithfully discharged their duty, still continue their full confidence, and support?—I trust they will not.
Mr. Speaker, as the people of the U. S. is the tribunal to whom the member from Virginia has appealed, and to whom he has presented his multifarious harangues, and declamatory accusations (I will not call them speeches. I think them as unworthy of that title, as he can possibly think his fellow representative of the same state, of being stultified his colleague) I conceive it necessary through the same medium, (that is to say, by a member of Congress, in the House of Representatives) to present at least a brief statement, of the defence of the accused; & the conduct of the accuser. In doing this, I shall not pursue his course by invading the judgment seat of him who only knows the secret imaginations of all hearts; and boldly asserts what were his motives; but as he has adduced no proof, but his own assertions, common report, and hearsay testimony from those few that he yet styles his very worthy friends; I trust I am correct in adducing the same kind, to enable the public to judge for themselves what is his motives, which I will now proceed to do, with the addition of some incontrovertible facts, which I am persuaded will carry conviction to every impartial mind.
Report says the member from Virginia contemplated a voyage to the south of France, or England for his health—did he wish to have been appointed minister to one of these courts, that he might have had a chance of increasing his property as well as his health? Or is he so enamoured with the spark that has emanated from the British court, and now glitters in this city, that he is anxious to behold with what effulgence the source from which it proceeded glows? Is it from this source that he has received information, that G. B. stands now precisely in the same situation that republican France did in 1793, that she is fighting the battles of liberty; that her fleets are our only protection from Gallic tyranny, and that she has a ship of war for every square league of the ocean; but, that if we offend her minister, he will not barely withdraw his former most gracious protection; but wreak his vengeance upon us by capturing all our vessels, burning all our seaport towns; and driving us from the
seas coasts over the mountains? Is it from that source that he has received information that the conduct of our Executive evinces either gross ignorance, or evil design, which has induced him to withdraw his confidence from them forever; and that he is the only true patriot, the only honest inflexible member of Congress that remains uncontaminated; or to use his own metaphor, that is, not yet melted down by the powerful sunbeams of Executive favors?
Whilst contemplating the invincible power of the British navy; has he also been enamoured with the insolent tyranny of the commanders of her armed vessels, and has that induced him to pour forth torrents of abuse upon those members of Congress, who will not in all cases, agree to see with his eyes, to hear with his ears, and to understand with his heart?
Thus he been so enamoured with the conduct of the once patriotic statesman, but afterwards apostate Burke, as to induce him to make a puerile attempt to exhibit on the floor of this House his impressive and energetic mode of delivery, by exerting his weak nerves and feeble arms, to cause the pens, the papers, the books, and the hats, to fly in every direction, insomuch that if they had been musket balls instead of those light materials, the American patriot would soon have been left to exhibit the remainder of his superlative eloquence within empty walls!
Upon this subject an all important question arises, in which the interest, the peace, and the happiness of these United States is deeply involved. Can you, my brethren, members of this House, who have been witnesses of those scenes, represent to your constituents the actor as an inflexible patriot, of a sound mind, influenced by pure motives, and views solely directed to the promotion of the interest, peace, and happiness of the union; or as a petted, vindictive school boy, in the absence of his master; or as a maniac in his strait jacket, accidentally broke out of his cell?
Can you after being charged by that member with refusing to take a question on Saturday, in order that you might serve the Lord on Sunday, by holding a caucus, and thereby be corrupted—nay further, that you have been swindled out of your opinions in half an hour by a few individuals round the fires, and after his charging you with leaving your eyes fixed on the half way house between the Capitol and George-town, and your views directed towards our next presidential election, instead of the great business of the nation, and that you would attend to nothing but writing circulars and newspaper accounts—(that is to say, you were not disposed to fix your whole attention upon him—to implicitly obey his mandates, or tacitly acknowledge him sole dictator.)—Can you, I say, subscribe to the truth of those assertions?
Are you prepared to acknowledge that youth the political saviour of his country, and to sanction his language and behaviour on the floor of this House, when you heard him exclaim on this wise—away with him, away with him, clap on the crown of thorns, (clapping his hand on the top of his head) crucify him, crucify him (whirling his feeble arm round his head) thereby placing yourselves in a similar situation to the hard-hearted Jews?
Are you prepared to permit that member to invade the Speaker's chair; to behold him shutting his fist, and pointing directly to another member, in an imperious tone of voice, not only order him to sit down; but to go down the back stairs—declaring that was the place for him? And finally, have you heard him with approbation charge an aged member of this House (Mr. Findley,) with rumbling out his words in such manner that none could understand him; and call him an old toothless driveller, superannuated, and in his second dotage; more especially when you recollect, that but a short time past, he styled that member his venerable friend, his political father, & acknowledged an honor to act with him?
I trust you are not—you are not yet prepared to see order and decorum trampled on by an individual; nor common decency, and that respect for age, so strongly enjoined by the laws of God and man, and even by the savages of the wilderness, banished from these walls. I doubt not your beholding the foregoing scenes as I have done, with detestation, and abhorrence, and will represent them in that point of view, to your constituents when you return home!
I will not retain the House with a detailed account of that member's patriotic and paternal care over his horse book scholars, which immediately on hearing the House had taken up the British business, raised him from a sick bed, winged his speed to the capital, and overcame the weakness of his feeble frame, in so admirable a manner, as to enable him to occupy the floor almost the whole of the two first days debate displaying a degree of zeal unparalleled by any other American patriot, to guard our weak minds from being deceived by the tools of that adminis

am, which his penetrating genius alone had discovered, was governed either by gross ignorance, or evil design; to do this would be to write a volume—the foregoing brief recital of a few of the most prominent features of that member's general conduct during the present session, I conceive will be sufficient to enable the citizens of the U. S. to decide with propriety the all important question, is the Executive or the member from Virginia changed —is his character against the Executive founded in fact, or is he a disappointed declaimer, and his accusations unfounded?
I will now proceed to state the facts which I promised—by which the citizens of the U. S. will be presented with indubitable proof, that in two very important cases, he has been the principal, if not the sole cause, of greatly embarrassing the Executive, whereby considerable loss has been sustained, and probably much more will be, and the inferior officers and their clerks materially injured, by being unjustly kept out of their salaries for a considerable time after they became due.
1st. It appears by the secret journal lately published, that a message of the President of the 6th of December last, was committed to a committee of 7, of whom the member from Virginia was chairman—that notwithstanding the critical situation of the belligerent powers of Europe, which rendered it essentially necessary that Congress should act immediately upon the important subjects contained in the message, which did not admit of a moment's delay—yet, notwithstanding the urgency of the occasion and magnitude of the object, no report was made by that committee until the 31 of January, a space of 4 weeks—for the truth of this assertion, I appeal to the members of this House, and also for the great delay, and embarrassment, a bill predicated on the aforesaid message met with in its passage, principally from the chairman of that committee, who I am fully persuaded occupied the floor at least nine-tenths of the whole time of the debate on said bill; by which means its passage was delayed in the House of Representatives, until the 16th of January; whereas on the 11th February, 1803, a report of a committee for appropriating two million of dollars for a similar purpose was made, and a bill predicated thereon passed the House of Representatives on the 15th of the same month; that member was then a zealous advocate of the measure—it needs no comment.
2d. The second case I shall adduce, is his delay in bringing forward the appropriation bills for the support of government, army and navy of the United States; the appropriation for the war department, passed in 1804, on the 10th of February; and in 1805, on the 14th, and for the navy in 1804, on the 31st of January, and in 1805, on the 25th of the same month—1806 two months or more later.
Notwithstanding which that member has asserted on this floor, that it is too late for the bill appropriating two millions of dollars for the purchase of the Floridas to have the desired effect; that the battle of Austerlitz will prevent a favorable issue of our negotiation with Spain, or to use his own language, with France; and has also charged the Executive with being unable to send off the sloop Hornet with dispatches, for want of money, that they have been obliged to discount notes at a very great loss.—That in so doing, they have acted worse than the former administration, who resorted to eight per cent. loans. Here, let me ask, if ever before this session, there was such an insult offered to the House of Representatives, and to the Executive of the U. S. As for an individual member, whose business as chairman of the committee of Ways and Means it was to bring forward, and attend to filing up the bills in all appropriation bills; after having neglected or refused to do his duty in the proper and usual time; rise from his seat, near two months after, and with a contemptuous smile, inform the House that all funds was at hand, when if we did not pass the bill for the support of government we should look like fools indeed; thus adding insult to injury, by charging his own mal conduct to the account of injured innocence.
3d. I shall now proceed to the third and last charge which I shall at this time adduce, which has been exhibited by that member against our Executive, for applying to draw money from the treasury for the purchase of the Floridas, previous to an appropriation made by law for that purpose—which is refuted by that very respectable officer, the secretary of the treasury, to whose testimony that member, after publicly declaring that he was inferior to none; notwithstanding which he had been scouted from the cabinet, is bound to give full faith and credit.—It is in a letter addressed to the honorable Speaker of the House of Representatives, bearing date April 13, 1806, the following words, "Sir in answer to the request contained in the resolution of the House of Representatives, of the 8th instant, I have the honor respectfully to state, that no application has been made to draw money from the treasury, for the purchase of the Floridas, before an appropriation made by law for that purpose."
Mr. Speaker, I trust I shall not be contradicted, when I assert, that it is a sound principle both in law and equity, that proving one part of the testimony of a witness false, greatly invalidates if not wholly destroys all credibility of the other parts. This (to use that member's favorite phraseology) "being indubitably done"; the other insinuations, misrepresentations, and direct charges of mal conduct against the Executive, and a majority of the members of Congress consequently falls into that contempt,
which all groundless accusations against the innocent, justly merits.
I shall at this time present to view, but one more of those extraordinary productions, which have so frequently, and so greatly retarded the necessary business of the House of Representatives, during the present session.
It will be remembered that in one of the rhapsodys of the member from Virginia, after informing the House that he had read a pamphlet, called "War in Disguise", supposed to be wrote by some of the British ministry, or their hirelings, in support of their unjust, and tyrannical conduct towards neutral nations; he took up a pamphlet called "An Examination of the British doctrine, which subjects to capture a neutral trade, not open in time of peace," & with as much apparent violence, as he could possibly have exerted to prevent an assassin from taking his life; threw those hated pages upon the floor of the House, to be trodden under foot by men, declaring, that of this pamphlet (which contains 204 pages,) his abhorrence of its contents, permitted him to read but 11.—This needs no further comment than barely to observe, that the pamphlet which he had perused, & of which he expressed his approbation, was wrote to support injustice and tyranny; and the other which so highly excited his indignation; to shew the baseness of such doctrines, and to support justice, equal liberty, and the inherent rights of man; which will cause the author of that pamphlet, and his supporters, to shine as stars of the first magnitude; when the admirers, and supporters of British ministers, and their hirelings, shall be consigned to eternal contempt!
Mr. Speaker. After hearing so many insinuations, inuendoes, and direct accusations thrown out against our Executive, and a majority of members of Congress; which if believed, must alienate the affections and finally destroy the confidence of the people of the U. S. I conceive it a duty enjoined on me by my present station to lay before this House, the foregoing brief statement of facts, in order, that they may be published for the perusal of the public; and to oppose my opinion to that of the member from Virginia. My opinion most decidedly, and unequivocally is, that all those declamations, and accusations we have heard from him against any branch of our Executive, so far as it goes to impeach their knowledge, prudence, or integrity, is entirely groundless, & contrawise, that as far as has come to my knowledge, our Executive, to all its departments, has discharged its duties in such manner, as to merit the approbation, and entire confidence of the people of these U. S.—to their good sense, and impartial judgement, I leave to determine, whether the conduct of the Executive, and a majority of the House of Representatives, has fixed on them a stain of so deep a die, that all the waters of the Potomac can never wash off; or whether the groundless accusations of that member, has not indelibly stamped him, not barely with a stain, but a deep sable hue, which all the waters of the Mississippi, that great parent of floods, even if connected with the most powerful fulmer's soap can ever cleanse, or change to its native color; and finally, whether a member of Congress who has to the utmost of his power fixed in battle array, the citizens of the south against those of the north, and the west against the east; or those members who uniformly endeavored to promote discord and harmony amongst all classes of citizens, as children of one family, are the real friends of the interest, liberty, peace, and happiness of these United States.
I shall conclude with offering, if seconded, two resolutions; which I do with a desire to have them placed on the journal, intending to call them up the first day of the next session. I offer these resolutions for the purpose, hereafter of keeping the business of the House of Representatives within its own power; and to prevent in future the most important business of the nation, from being retarded by a chairman of the committee of Ways and Means, or any other committee from going to Baltimore or elsewhere, without leave of absence, and staying six days or more, either for his pleasure or his interest; to prevent the members of this House from being hereafter insulted by chairmen or other members of the committees for calling business out of their hands; after having kept it either from negligence or evil design, more weeks, than they ought to have done days. To prevent in future the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means, from keeping for months, the estimates for the appropriations necessary for the ensuing year, in his pocket, or locked up in his desk, whereby the different appropriation bills may be kept back (as they have been this session) to the great injury of the nation, as well as individuals; and finally to prevent hereafter, bills of importance being brought forward, and forced through the House, near the close of a session, when many members are gone home, and the minds of those who remain are necessarily turned homeward to their domestic concerns; and when there is not time for that full investigation and cool deliberation, necessary to decide with propriety on important subjects; by which means laws may be passed injurious to the interests of the U. S. and derogatory to the character of the House of Representatives.
I trust every member of this House, after experiencing the embarrassments of the present session, will be impressed with the necessity of preventing them in future; for that purpose I offer these resolutions.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JULY 21.
Extract of a letter from Governor Hull, dated Detroit, June 19th, 1806.
"IF accounts of Indian hostilities have been published, as I think probable, I wish they may be contradicted, as they are a great injury to the country."
"I have never known the Indians more satisfied or tranquil, than they are at present."
The suit instituted by Mr. Duane, the Editor of the Aurora, against Peter Meirkim, for an assault and battery, has been at length tried; and the jury have found a verdict in favor of the plaintiff, and allowed 600 dollars damages.
Among those charges, which have been the most strenuously urged against the present administration, is their having applied an immoderate share of the resources derived from general taxation to local objects. On a late occasion this accusation has been brought forward in more unqualified terms, and insisted on more copiously, than on any preceding occasion. Such a charge is at all times worthy of notice. If true, those who incur it render themselves obnoxious to strong reprehension; and if false, those who prefer it are no less guilty. It has been made by Mr. Quincy, a representative from Massachusetts, on the floor of the House, and his assertions, as might have been expected, have been assiduously circulated through the federal prints. Many too of the republican prints, guided by a punctilious sentiment of impartiality, have reprinted them. Having been urged in a debate on a topic but little connected with the charge, and at a period of the session when there existed in the majority an anxious desire to bring it to an immediate close, no reply was made to it. There existed no apprehension of its producing any unfavorable effects on the judgment of those to whom it was immediately addressed, and it is probable that the use since made of it was not anticipated. This satisfactorily accounts for the silence of the friends of the administration. But this silence ought to operate as an incentive to the press to lay before the public such elucidation of the subject as it may require. This we shall attempt, without any notice of the motives from which the charge flows, and treat the subject generally without any particular regard to the detailed remarks of Mr. Quincy. The reader will himself apply the facts we adduce and the deductions drawn from them.
The charge is maintained—
1. From the purchase of Louisiana, for which fifteen millions have been paid.
2. From the recent appropriation of two millions towards the purchase of Florida.
3. From the extinguishment, from time to time, of Indian titles to Western lands.
4. From the sum annually expended on the maintenance of an army, chiefly occupied in defending the western frontier.
It is alleged that all these measures tend exclusively to promote the interests of the Southern and Western states, and that they are accomplished by resources either drawn generally from the union, or specially from the middle and eastern sections of it.
On the other hand, it is affirmed that the government, instead of fostering the interests of the eastern and middle states, are criminally inattentive to them; and this is maintained on two grounds.
1. That they refuse establishing a competent naval force for the protection of commerce; and
2. That they withhold the necessary funds for fortifying the ports and harbors of the United States, the most important of which are alleged to be in the eastern and middle states.
Fifteen millions have been paid for the purchase of Louisiana. And because this territory lies adjacent to the southern and western states, it is contended that the acquisition operates peculiarly to their advantage, and even to the direct injury of the other parts of the confederacy. It is true that it has relieved the citizens on the south western frontier from a large share of the painful apprehensions of hostile attacks either from the Indians or foreign powers with which they were menaced. It has also opened an important outlet for their productions. But do they exclusively reap the advantage resulting from these circumstances? So far is this from being the case that the other parts of the union, and particularly the eastern section of it, are themselves in a high degree participants of them. Whose ships transport the productions of the western country to the Atlantic states or to foreign powers, and supply the former with the productions of the latter? Not those of the southern states. For they have not tonnage enough for the conveyance of their own bulky productions. No, it is the vessels of Massachusetts, of New-York and of Pennsylvania that are principally thus engaged. An increased demand is created for whatever is the offspring of Eastern industry or enterprise. The important manufacture of ship building is greatly extended. The price of the great and essential article of sugar is also reduced in the market, and those who consume it in proportion to the reduction exonerated from a burthen.
Who compose the mass of emigrants to the western country? Is it not a no-
torious fact that it is principally composed of eastern men? Is it no benefit to that country, in some districts overflowing with population, that a wide field is opened to the reception of their redundant numbers, and that thousands of families are thus enabled to exchange poverty for wealth, or at least a state of precarious subsistence for the possession of an abundant supply of all their wants? And is it no advantage to the bee hive itself to be disengaged from the pressure of its drones? Contemplate the population of the flourishing state of Ohio! See it rising with a rapidity, without a precedent, to importance and respectability; in a few years attaining a population of two hundred thousand souls! Who compose this population?—Citizens almost intirely of the eastern and middle states; most of whose circumstances were depressed a few years since, and who have already attained a state of independence, if not of ease. Do the people of New-England feel no pride in beholding their sons transplanting in a western soil their political institutions, their manners, and their distinctive modes of thinking? Do they not perceive that they are forming the germs of future assimilation and harmony between the most remote regions of this great continent? This ought not to be merely a motive to honest pride. Looking to future periods of our existence, do we not behold in it one of the strongest assurances of our continuing to be an united and flourishing nation.
Such are some of the bold reflections which in an intelligent mind and ingenuous heart irresistibly flow from a consideration of the subject. They form grounds for gratitude and thanks.
But if we are compelled eternally, in appreciating a measure, to grovel into a consideration of the question of shillings and pence, here too the subject only requires analysis to prove the futility of the charge.
Fifteen millions have been promised for this immense territory. This is in the first instance to be drawn from the national treasury, and operates as a new burthen to that amount upon the whole people of the U. States.
Let us see what are the sets off against this sum.
In the first place is the payment of the claims of our merchants to the amount of three millions seventy hundred and fifty thousand dollars; which France has in this way virtually discharged. It may, perhaps, be said that France would have been bound to make this satisfaction, although Louisiana had not been purchased by the U. States. Granted. But would she actually have made it? This is the question. Has the state of her treasury been such as to authorise such an inference? Is it probable that she would have voluntarily sacrificed her gigantic schemes to the performance of this act of justice? Or is it likely that we should have coerced her into it? Either the attempt would have been futile, or it would have cost more than the benefit it procured. The experience of our late rupture with France is an instructive volume on this subject, every page of which proves that millions are but trifles when the sword is unsheathed between powerful nations. This then is a proper set off, and it reduces the sum paid to eleven millions, two hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
Mark here how the sum paid for speculations was distributed. It went exclusively to the merchants, most of whom were citizens of the Eastern and Middle states. But were they exclusively the sufferers? No—the injuries were so extensive that they affected the whole trade of the country. He whose property was not speculatively, notwithstanding paid a high insurance for it; and the aggregate injury fell ultimately, with aggravated oppression, upon the whole community, who constitute the consumers of imported, or the raisers of exported articles. Was any part of this treasure given to the honest and industrious citizen who paid a double price for the salt, the sugar, the molasses, the tea he consumed, or for the homely apparel he wore? No, it went exclusively to those who had previously made their profit on the risk they encountered, and almost exclusively to swell the capitals of the merchants of the Eastern and Middle states. Here we contemplate a plausible ground for the South to murmur against the North, and for the great consuming and producing class of the community, the agricultural class, to murmur at the unequal gains of the merchant. But their voice is not raised in condemnation of a measure, national in its origin and national in its effects—No, to their honor be it spoken, it is only heard in applauding the wisdom and appreciating the magnanimity that achieved it.
A second most important set off is the state of peace which the purchase secured. This is no longer a thing of expectation, but time has constituted it into a fact. Whatever futurity may have in store for us, we have actually preserved peace for a period of three years, during which our numbers have increased above half a million, and the public debt been diminished twelve millions of dollars, a sum beyond that actually paid for Louisiana. Had a serious war occurred both these events would have been materially affected by it, the ultimate effect of which are incalculable. The pecuniary expenses of a war are themselves not easy of calculation; but though it is impossible for us to say how great they might have been with such a nation as France, we cannot err in saying they could not have fallen below five millions. An army of ten thousand men maintained for two years, would have cost this.
A third effect is to be found in the accession of population to the aggregate number of our inhabitants. Calculat-
ing the number of the inhabitants of the acquired country at 100,000, it forms a sixtieth part of the whole union, who by an incorporation into it, became liable to the same taxes with the old inhabitants. A sixtieth part of the aggregate amount of taxes is about 200,000 dollars a year. This sum is the interest of a principal of 3,333,333 dollars, which may be fairly set off against so much of the sum paid for Louisiana. Adding this sum, to the five millions saved by averting a war, makes an amount of 8,333,333 dollars, which leaves a sum of less than three millions unsatisfied.
Another set off will exist in the increasing numbers and correspondingly augmenting consumption of the inhabitants of Louisiana. Supposing that territory only to increase in the same ratio with the other parts of the U. S., and the articles consumed will double in less than ten years. The effect of this increased consumption will be an accession of duties equal to one million and a half during a period of ten years, and of four millions and a half during a period of twenty years. It follows that these additional duties will in the course of fifteen years repay the residue of the capital paid for Louisiana.
Here then we contemplate a quid pro quo , and did no other sources of profit remain, avarice would have no cause to condemn the purchase. But another vast resource remains—the unappropriated land comprised within the territory; the lowest estimate of which transcends fifty millions of acres. A large portion of this land is equal to any on the continent either on the score of salubrity or fertility. Of some districts congenial to the culture of sugar, cotton and tobacco, the value is incalculable; while the greater part of the residue is well fitted to the other staples of the U. S. Were the U. States to open a land office in this territory, it is probable that land would command the same price as in the other territories, which is two dollars an acre. Let us suppose that in the first year only one hundred thousand acres should be sold, and the quantity annually sold should increase in the ratio of ten per cent. The result will be that the sales of land would produce a fund of
The first ten years, 3,480,000 second ditto, 3,850,000 third ditto, 21,200,000 fourth ditto, 53,000,000
Fund created in 40 years, without reckoning the accruing interest 86,180,000
This sum sounds high, and our first thoughts revolt at the result. It requires some effort of the imagination to form a conception of it. But when we reflect that in forty years from the present day our numbers will have increased at least ten millions, and that the land here contemplated as sold within that period will probably exceed thirty millions of acres (for the price will naturally rise with the growing population) and that this number of acres will not accommodate more than two millions of souls, allowing fifteen acres for each person, which is a low estimate, our surprise will cease, and we will yield to the probability, approaching to certainty of such a result.
Who, then, let it be asked, will reap the benefits of this rich harvest? The people of the southern and western states exclusively? No—they will be reaped by the great family of the union, by the north as well as the south—the east as well as the west. Thus Pactolus stream will lead directly into the national treasury, there constituting a vast reservoir from which fertility and improvement may be spread over the face of the whole union.
The Editor of the New-York Daily Advertiser thus introduces the letters, on our first page, under the signatures of the Marquis Yrujo and William S. Smith.
[The ensuing letters, which were handed us last evening, have a strong claim to the attention, not only of our readers, but every citizen of the United States. Notwithstanding the dishonorable treatment which Major Jackson experienced, is fresh in our recollection, and the numerous little intrigues with which the public prints have charged the representatives of the King of Spain, we did not imagine that the Marquis de Casa Yrujo could be so destitute of every sense of honor, as to be capable of making a proposal so infamous as that contained in his letter to colonel S. Smith's friend. The reply of colonel S. is such as might have been expected from a gentleman whose high sense of honor is paramount to every other consideration.]
Appointment by the Governor and Council of Maryland. JOHN T. MASON, Attorney General of the state of Maryland, vice William Pinckney, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
CIRCUIT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. NEW-YORK DISTRICT. UNITED STATES vs. WM. SMITH. SECOND DAY.
The court met at 10 o'clock, pursuant to adjournment.
Present Judges PATTERSON and TALMADGE.
Mr. COLBEN, counsel for the defendant, offered the affidavit of W. S. Smith, to prove that the witnesses against him whom an attachment for a contempt had been moved on Monday, were material witnesses.
He proceeded at length to prove his right to the attachment.
Mr. HOFFMAN followed on the same point, and strengthened the argument and authorities urged by his colleague.

Mr. Sanford, district attorney, replied, and argued that the process by attachment was neither contemptible to the practice of the courts of the United States, nor actionable in this case, as the witnesses were not guilty of a contempt by non-compearance.
Mr. Pierpont Edwards supported Mr. Sanford on all the grounds he had taken, by several law authorities. It was apparent that Judge Patterson was, in his weak state of health, greatly exhausted, and the court at half past two o'clock, adjourned till ten o'clock this morning.
Third Day. The court met at 10 o'clock, pursuant to adjournment. Present—Judges Patterson and Talmadge. The jury and witnesses for the prosecution were called over, and dismissed until ten o'clock this morning. After some desultory observations by the counsel who spoke yesterday, Mr. Edwards was heard in continuation of his argument. Mr. Emmett replied in a speech of great length. We are sorry that the rules of the court do not permit us to give a detail of a speech so argumentative, eloquent and impressive. He was followed, on the same side, by Mr. Harrison, who spoke at considerable length. At half past two, the court adjourned to 10 o'clock this morning, when it is expected they will determine on the further proceeding in the trial, or the issuing an attachment against the witnesses who have been subpoenaed and do not attend.
From the Mercantile Advertiser. The circuit court having met yesterday morning pursuant to adjournment, the honorable Judge Patterson pronounced the opinion of the court on the motion, the discussion of which has employed the court the last two days. The course which the discussion of the motion has taken, embraced two particular points—the first a postponement of the trial of Wm. S. Smith—and the second the granting an attachment, or compulsory process, against Mr. Madison and other absent witnesses. The court gave the following opinion. On the first question the court was unanimous that the trial ought not to be postponed. On the second, the court disagreed—one of the judges being of opinion that an attachment ought not now to be granted, but that a rule to show cause why an attachment should not issue, ought to be granted; the other being of the opinion that neither an attachment, nor a rule to show cause, should be granted. Judge Patterson, having delivered the opinion and detailed, in an impressive manner, the arguments and authorities, on which this opinion was grounded excused himself from attending the court until his exhausted strength should be recruited. After Judge Patterson had retired, Mr. Morton for the defendant rose on the ground of an affidavit by Mr. Smith which was read by the clerk, moved a postponement of the trial until September next, or until the regular term of the court. The affidavit stated that the commander and the supercargo of the Leander are material witnesses in favor of the defendant; that they are now abroad but are expected to return by the time first mentioned. Judge Talmadge observed that these facts should have been disclosed before the question was determined, that the motion was now too late, and could not be granted. The council for the defendant then moved a postponement until the morrow, the district attorney consented, & the court adjourned.
Extract of a letter from Thomas Clarkson, Esq. in London, to his friend in New York, dated May 17, 1806. "I congratulate you and every friend to humanity, that the abolition of the foreign slave trade took place last night, in the legislature of this country, by which 25,000 unhappy people will be annually saved from slavery on the coast of Africa."
The Grand Jury of the United States inquiring in and for the district of New York, reported to the court yesterday morning, that they had found no bills and were discharged.
COURT OF VICE ADMIRALTY. Nassau, June 24. Before his honor Henry Moret in Dyer, Esq. sole judge and commissary. Sempronius, Philip, master. —On admission of still further proof respecting the claims of Messrs. Duval and Duval, of Philadelphia, merchants, his honor was pleased to pronounce the property to belong as claimed, and directed the same, or the net proceeds to be restored to the claimants for the use of the owners and proprietors thereof.
New-York, July 16. Our intelligence from England and from the continent of Europe, is now brought down to the 7th of June. For this we are indebted to captain Smith, of the brig Jane, from Bordeaux, and to captain Manning of the schooner Nimrod, from Halifax, who have favored the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser, one with Paris papers to the 7th, and the other with Halifax papers, containing London news to the same date, received there by the British packet Princess Mary, which arrived on the 4th July, and was to sail for this port on the 8th. From the former we have translated, and from the latter copied the following interesting articles:
LONDON, June 4. The King has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the right honorable Charles James Fox his Majesty's secretary of state for Foreign affairs, to the ministers of friendly and neutral powers residing at this court, that in consequence of subsequent advices, the blockade announced to the said ministers on the 8th of April last, shall not extend to the river Trave.
The method of punishing the seamen on board the men of war, by running the gauntlet, is ordered to be immediately discontinued. Sir Sidney Smith, with the Pompee, and three frigates, has arrived off Sicily; all apprehensions of an attack upon that island by the French must be at an end. It is stated, that Sir Sidney has succeeded in throwing supplies into Gaeta. Commodore Sir Home Popham had the address to secure Bonaparte's despatches to Admiral Linois on board Le Volantaire, which have been transmitted to our board of admiralty. The Piedmontese, French ship of 80 guns from Toulon, with despatches was going into the Cape of Good Hope, but being informed by a Dane that it was in possession of the English, she proceeded for the Isle of France. The French have not changed their position in Germany; nor has Prussia made any further attempt on Pomerania. The Russians are strengthening and extending themselves in Dalmatia, and are on the eve of taking possession of Zara, which is the capital of that province. It thus appears that the emperor Alexander is determined to oppose the further advances of the French in that quarter.
MAY 31. Government, after having shown great tardiness in publishing the royal order for granting letters of marque against the navigation of Prussia and Pomerania, is equally slow in the execution of that order and in maintaining it to its utmost extent. This order, agreed to on the 14th of this month by his majesty in council, and published on the 20th in the London Gazette, was not sent until yesterday by the court of admiralty to be carried into execution. Besides, before this definitive dispatch, it has been materially altered by another royal order, agreed to by his majesty in council on the 21st of this month, and published in the Gazette of the 28th. This second order which bears the title of "Act additional to the act of the 14th May," makes an important and remarkable change, by reserving for the navigation of the Baltic, and to the commerce carried on there, the same liberty which England has at the present time allowed to the navigation and commerce. The following is the tenor of the additional act. G. R. The instructions to the commanders of all ships of war and armed vessels, who may have received from our court of St. James letters of marque, have been extended as follows:— "As we have been always animated with a will to prevent whatever might have a tendency to annoy the commerce of those nations with whom we are at peace, as well as to promote the necessary operations of war; and as these objects will be more effectually answered if the present state of the commerce and navigation of the Baltic remain uninterrupted: We have judged it expedient and resolve accordingly, That our ships of war and other our vessels, and all vessels holding commissions from us, shall henceforth abstain from taking or intercepting any ships or vessels navigating the said sea; ordering and commanding, besides, to the commanders of all vessels having letters of marque and reprisal, not to intercept in the Baltic, by virtue of their commission or under their flag, any ship or vessel with the intention of seizing her; but on the contrary, to suffer such ships or vessels as they may fall in with in that sea to continue their voyage to their respective places of destination without the least obstacle or restraint whatever. By his Majesty's command, (Signed) SPENCER.
FROM THE ENQUIRER. Should Mr. Madison attend the trial of Ogden?
the complete failure of that prosecution. He is the great responsible agent of the executive. Into his hands the most material interests of the union are confided. Would it not therefore be better to encounter the risk of seeing a prosecution dismissed by the judge on account of the non-attendance of witnesses, whom he might even deem essential to the defence of the accused, than that the Secretary of State should be absent, and the wheels of the government itself possibly arrested? But the evil does not terminate here. The precedent set in this instance by the Secretary of State, may be considered as obligatory upon his successors. But what will be the consequence? A Secretary of State may be continually flying from one part of the continent to another to attend his judicial mandates. Subpoena after subpoena may summon him; and a return from Georgia may be but a prelude to a tour through Maine. But when an opposition is in this manner created between the judicial and executive duties of an individual; when a prosecution before a court or the department of state must one of them cease; who can hesitate for a moment in his choice? Can it however be conceded, that Mr. Madison is really a material witness in this cause? Mr. Ogden is charged with assisting to fit out a military expedition in our ports, against a nation with whom we are at peace. L. U. S. April 24 1800. Does Mr. Ogden pretend to say, that Mr. Madison will clear him from this accusation? No all that he can hope for is that by proving the government was concerned in the expedition it may serve to lessen his fine and imprisonment. It is no doubt to be desired, that Mr. Madison could attend the court to refute the unfounded suspicions that have been levelled against our administration, on account of the Miranda affair. But we must wave the pleasure and advantages of this event in consideration of the superior interests of the state. It is no doubt too a desirable thing that no man should be accused under our government, who has not the fullest means that can be legally obtained for proving his innocence. Nay, the constitution itself declares that, "the accused shall have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour." But is it not obvious that even this constitutional provision has its limits? Would a judge compel every man to appear before him, whom the accused may wish to subpoena? Would he compel every inhabitant of the union to be forthcoming, if this summoning spirit should take such a wide range? Such a doctrine as this cannot be supported. A judge may issue his compulsory process to every witness, whom he may believe necessary to the defence of the accused. But how then is Mr. Madison to be deemed essential to Mr. Ogden's defence? Nay: let a judge even grant his subpoena, is it not still the right of Mr. Madison to refuse obedience? He may incur the penalties, which are attached to his disobedience; but it is not a duty, which he owes to the government, to incur them? It is urged, that Mr. Pitt the then Premier of England, was subpoenaed on the trial of Horn Tooke in the year 1794. The Apostate Premier even appeared on that trial. Shall the republican Mr. Madison then, it is vauntingly fled, aspire to an exemption from the law, which Mr. Pitt himself never assumed? But there is a marked difference between these two cases. The trial of Horn Tooke was held in the old Bailey at London; in the very metropolis of the British Court. It was a very slight inconvenience to Mr. Pitt to pass from his bureau to the public tribunal, before whom his testimony was to be given. In two or three hours the whole business might be despatched, and in the mean time, the affairs of the Executive department might proceed without the smallest interruption. But Mr. Madison is summoned to attend the District Court of New-York two or three hundred miles from the Department of State. Should he obey the subpoena of the court, what might be the consequence? His presence might be necessary at Washington; dispatches of the highest importance might arrive from France or England, which required his immediate superintendence. Were the court held in the District of Columbia, there is no doubt that Mr. Madison would obey the judicial process with as much readiness, at least as Mr. Pitt.
But, say the federalists, how is it possible to reconcile the doctrine here maintained with the reproaches which were so profusely cast upon the federal judiciary and federal executive, in the case of Thomas Cooper? There, the criminal was shut out of all the benefits which might be derived from the testimony of Mr. Adams; and yet here the very same privilege is claimed by Mr. Madison. But is it not plain, that these two cases are no less different from each other, than the cases of Horn Tooke and Ogden? that the very circumstance that suffered Mr. Pitt to attend at the Old Bailey, & which should have led the federal judges to de-
mand the attendance of Mr. Adams, should exempt Mr. Madison? The seat of government was at that time established in Philadelphia: in the same city was held the Circuit Court of the United States. With how little embarrassment then might the President have repaired from his levee-room to the public court, from the company of the sycophantic and the vain, to a public tribunal, to give testimony in favour of an innocent man? The court, however, even refused to summon him. Mr. Adams would not even deign to reply to Mr. Cooper's application to him, for authentic copies of certain addresses to and from him, as President of the United States. Even the private secretary of the President refused to compare a printed series of these papers, with the original manuscripts, to determine their correctness. But the situation of Mr. Madison is at this time completely different. Removed as he is from the residence of the court, and removed as that court will be from the seat of government, it is impossible that he can obey its mandates, without subjecting himself to the risk of interrupting the operations of the executive. But if the testimony of Mr. Madison cannot be obtained by personal attendance, may it not be had by deposition? Any man can see, by recurring to the laws of the United States, that they have made no express provision for taking the depositions of witnesses in criminal cases. By the 30th section of the act of 1789, for establishing the judicial courts of the U. States there is an express rule laid down for civil, but none for criminal causes. "And when (says that section) the testimony of any person shall be necessary in any civil cause depending in any district in any court of the United States, who shall live a greater distance from the place of trial than one hundred miles, or is bound on a voyage to sea, or is about to go out of the United States, or out of such district, and to a greater distance from the place of trial as aforesaid, before the time of trial, or is ancient or very infirm the deposition of such person may be taken de bene esse before any justice and judge of any of the courts of the U. States, &c. &c." The preceding clause does not contain a single expression in favor of taking depositions in criminal prosecutions.
What has been the doctrine of the English judicature, on this subject, seems not to have been completely settled. On Judge Chase's impeachment, this question was started in the course of the pleadings: but it was not very far hunted after, for a very obvious reason. He had refused to grant Callender the necessary time for obtaining the attendance of witnesses, although an affidavit had been offered of their being necessary to his defence; and the refusing of these reasonable applications, was one of the articles of impeachment against him. But judge Chase was not impeached for refusing to issue commissions to take the depositions of witnesses, because no such application had been made by Callender's counsel. The question however was started on the trial, whether the judge would have had the right to issue these commissions; but Mr. Rodney and Mr. Martin seem to be the only two who touched upon it at all. Mr. Rodney stated that there was "a case in Cowper's Reports, when the person accused made an affidavit of the absence of a very material witness, who was out of the reach of the process of the court. And the court informed the prosecutor, that unless he would consent that the deposition of the witness should be taken and read in evidence, that they would postpone the case forever. In England, courts of common law have no power to issue commissions to take the depositions of witnesses, unless by consent, and therefore lord Mansfield declared, that although the court could not compel the prosecutor to consent, yet they would postpone the trial forever, unless he did. But the statutes of the U. S. expressly authorise the courts to issue commissions, &c." Page 171 of the Report. In answer to this, Mr. Martin says: "A case has also been referred to in Cowper's Reports, where the defendant wanting the testimony of a witness who lived out of the jurisdiction of the court, and the court not having the power to issue a commission to obtain his testimony, the court declared that if the plaintiffs would not consent to have the deposition of such witnesses taken to be read at the trial, they would continue the cause indefinitely. The honorable manager has further said, that though in England, the court cannot issue a commission to examine the witnesses, yet here the court has a power to issue a commission for that purpose. This honorable court will recollect the case of Callender was a criminal prosecution. I doubt whether the court has any power in a criminal case to issue a commission to examine witnesses for or against the prosecution. I do not know of any law which gives them that power." Mr. Rodney was certainly mistaken if he asserted that the statutes of U. S. expressly authorised the courts to issue commissions in criminal cases; but the case which he cited from the English courts was perfectly correct. This doctrine as laid down by Lord Mansfield in the case of Mosely Versus Fabricius , quoted from Cowper's Reports, is in the following words: "if he wants the testimony of
witnesses whom he cannot compel to attend, the court may do what the court did in the case of a criminal prosecution of a woman who had received a pension as an officer's widow; and it was charged in the indictment that she never was married at all. She alleged a marriage in Scotland, but that she could not compel her witnesses to come up, to give evidence. The court obliged the prosecutor to consent that the witnesses might be examined before any of the judges of the court of sessions or any of the barons of the court of Exchequer in Scotland; and that the depositions so taken should be read at the trial."
Our conclusions then are: That the executive functions of a secretary of state are paramount to any judicial duties, which he may incur. That he ought not (at least in the present case) to give his personal attendance, where the seat of the court is so far removed from the seat of government. That a court has a right only to expect his attendance, when it is held within the very district where he resides. That our laws do not expressly provide for obtaining evidence by the way of a deposition in criminal cases. That the practice in England seems generally to have been, to refuse the benefits of this process, even if with the consent of parties. But that one case at least had occurred prior to the declaration of our independence, where it had been granted with the consent of parties; and that this was in a case, where the court could not compel the attendance of the witnesses. In fine; that it is not the duty of Mr. Madison to attend at the trial of Mr. Ogden; but that it may possibly be the right of the judge to issue a commission for taking his deposition. A want of knowledge of the law prevents us from giving on this point a more positive opinion. But this we may venture to assert, that in a case so unsettled by precedents, but so interesting to the executive department, it becomes the duty of Congress to provide for taking the deposition of the department of the government, in certain, perhaps in all, criminal prosecutions.
OXEN FOR SALE. I have a pair of working Oxen for sale; they are gentle and go well in the plough, cart or waggon. JAMES HOBAN. July 21—3t
10 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the fisher-ship lying in Prince George's county near Nottingham on Friday the 4th inst. a negro boy named ROMULUS about 14 years of age, black complexion, his hair cut close, a remarkable flat nose and crooked great toes; had on an osnaburg shirt, a pair of new striped country cloth trowsers and an old brown cloth jacket. Whoever apprehends and secures the said negro in jail so that I get him again shall receive the above reward, and if brought home all reasonable charges paid, by JOHN EVERSFIELD. July 21—3t
PUBLIC AUCTION. WILL be sold on Saturday the 2d day of August at the subscriber's Auction Store at the Navy Yard the following articles. 1 pair of Card Tables, 3 Dining tables, 1 T-2 dozen Chairs, 2 Looking Glasses, 1 pair Andirons Shepherds and dogs, 4 Bedsteads, 1 Carpet, 1 Cradle 1 small Chair, 1 Bureau, 3 Prints, 3 brass Candlesticks, 1 iron Tea Kettle, 1 small iron Pot, 1 Coffee Mill, 1 pair of Flat Irons, 1 pair of Steelyards and 1 Bed. N. L. QUEEN, Auct. July 21—tdf
WILL BE SOLD AT PUBLIC VENDUE, ON Friday the 21st of June, near the Seven buildings, at 4 o'clock P. M. a variety of wet and dry goods, amongst which are, Tea, fo-p. candles, cloth, Indian cottons, calico, muslin handkerchiefs, shawls, stockings, gloves, hankies, laces, reading lenses, jacket patterns fine and common hats, fine and common shoes, crockery-ware, glass ware, looking glasses, hour glasses, and a number of other articles, herrings in barrels, cherry bounce, French brandy, furniture of various kinds, and made cloaths. JOHN STEPHEN, Auct. July 21.
AT a meeting of REPUBLICAN DELEGATES from that part of Frederick county, which by law is attached to the 3d Congressional district held at the house of Mr. DAVID LEVI, in Frederick town, on Friday the 4th of July 1806, the propriety of taking measures to insure success to the Republican Candidate for Congress was reflected upon, Where it was Resolved unanimously, that the conduct of PATRICK MAGRUDER, has been such at the last session of Congress, as to command the respect and confidence of the Republicans of the third Congressional district. Therefore Resolved unanimously, That PATRICK MAGRUDER, be recommended to the republican voters of said district, to be by them supported at the Congressional election in October next. Resolved unanimously, That these resolutions be published in the republican papers of Frederick town, and in the National Intelligencer. A true copy from the minutes of the meeting. JOHN B. COLVIN, Sec. July 18—4t

A NEW STORE OF FRESH AND GENUINE DRUGS, CHEMICALS, &c. FOR CASH.
W. BLANCHARD , Chemist and Druggist respectfully informs the public, that he has just opened his store, situated on Fifth and High street continued, being one of Mr. Thomas Corcoran's new houses, & has laid in a large stock of Drugs and Medicines from the first houses in London, and was himself present at the putting up of the most delicate and valuable articles, which he selected from several houses with whom he has had former dealings & personal acquaintance for 20 years past, therefore can better depend on the present as well as the future quality of his drugs. Besides he makes many of the chemical compounds himself and purchased for ready money, therefore is enabled to sell at such prices as cannot fail to meet the approbation of all buyers, whether wholesale or retail.
M. B. Physicians' prescriptions faithfully compounded with the utmost care and diligence. Genuine approved patent and quack medicines bought of their real proprietors. The best and safest horse medicines. Perfumery. Surgical instruments, and all articles that form a complete drug store, too numerous for insertion.
547 a united, peppermint, cinnamon, and other essential oils by the bottle and gallon—also, Stoughton's aromatic Bitters in the like quantities.
George Town, July 9—1m.
MORE GREAT BARGAINS.
We will recommence on Monday the 28th July next, at the usual place (Volzmann's tavern) offering to the highest bidder, the remainder of the property unfolded at one fell swoop, viz. improved and unimproved lots in this town and the city of Washington—several small tracts of land on the waters of Rock Creek, within 3 or 4 miles of the two places, two thirds of which are well clothed with timber, the land generally good, and on one of them a never failing stream sufficient to run several saw mills. A tract of 12 and a half acres on Potomac between the Little Falls and the Canal, valuable for water works and stone quarries. 167 and 12 acres on the north side of the city, on which there are three elegant edifices, commanding a full view of the city, George Town, Alexandria, Potomac, Eastern Branch and surrounding country. A disputed claim for 31 1/2 acres within the city. Also various lands in Maryland. Good titles will be given, free of every encumbrance, for all the property except the disputed 31 1/2 acres. Terms of sale, credit in proportion to the amount of purchase money, to be made known on the day of sale. Negotiable notes with good endorser including interest will be required. Debts due from our father's estate, or from either of us, will be received in payment.
J. M. BEATTY, CH. A. BEATTY. George Town, July 16—tdf
PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
NOTICE is hereby given to the contributors to the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the city of Washington that an election for six TRUSTEES, will be held on Monday the 21st inst. at Mr. Myer's tavern on the Pennsylvania avenue.
JOSEPH B. REICH, GRIFFITH COOMBE, JOHN DAVIDSON. July 9, 1806.
A BYE LAW Relative to the election of Trustees by the contributors.
BE it enacted by the Board of Trustees, That every subsequent election of Trustees of the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the city of Washington by the Contributors thereto, shall be by ballot, and shall be held on the third Monday of July in each year, under the superintendence of three of the contributors, to be chosen in each year by the Board; the contributors, to whom or any one or more of them attending, shall be judges of the election. They shall fix the place of holding the same, and shall give ten days public notice of said time and place. They shall keep the election open from 9 in the morning to 7 in the afternoon; when they shall with the count the votes and declare the six persons that have the greatest number of votes duly elected trustees, to each of whom notice shall be immediately given by the judges of his election.
A certified statement of the votes given and of the persons elected trustees, together with the original ballots, shall be laid by the judges of the election before the Board at their first meeting thereafter.
True copy from the original. WASHINGTON BOYD, Sec'y. July 9—
SALES BY AUCTION.
Will be sold to the highest bidder on Tuesday 29th inst. a two-story frame DWELLING HOUSE on 13th Street, joining the store of Mr. Hughes and opposite the Branch Bank, the house is subject to ground rent; for the one half of the purchase money a negotiable note at 60 days will be required on either the City or George Town Bank, with a sufficient indorser, the other half payable in nine months from the day of sale with equal installments. Also will be sold at the same time and place a variety of articles too tedious to mention. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock. JOHN SLEPHEN, Auct. July 14—at 11
TO RENT.
THE WILARE & WAREHOUSE late in the occupation of Mr. Griffith Coombe in this city. The Warehouse is large and convenient for the storage of Tobacco, Flour, or any other articles. The Wharf is admirably calculated for a Lumber Yard, being convenient to every part of the city, and at which ships or other vessels may moor to discharge or take in their cargo. Immediate possession will be given. ROBERT BRENT. July 16—1m.
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN out of the subscriber's pasture in Loudoun county in the night of the 26th June, a bright BAY MARE with a bald face, the left hind foot white, the right hip a little lower than the other, a mark like a seam down the hoof of the right hind foot, and it is different in shape from the other; about 15 hands and 12 high, three years old last spring, a natural trotter, had on when she was taken three shoes. Whoever will apprehend the thief and secure the mare so that the owner may get her again and the felon brought to conviction, shall have the above reward or for the mare only twenty-five dollars and all reasonable charges. WILLIAM NICHOLS. Loudoun county, Vir. July 11—3m
FOR SALE.
A pair of handsome YOUNG MULES, each three years old, Male and Female, the horse has been cut one year, and has been a short time used to the draught, warranted perfectly sound—a short credit will be given. Enquire of Mr. Wm. Prout, merchant, Navy Yard, Washington city. June 6—tf
Treasury Department of the United States, June 21, 1806.
WHEREAS the commissioners of the Sinking fund, at a meeting held on the 28th day of April, 1806, did resolve, that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight millions of dollars, should among other purposes be applied to the reimbursement of the navy six per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress passed on the 30th day of June, 1798 and to the reimbursement of the five and half per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 3d day of March, 1795.
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said navy six per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will on the expiration of the certificates, be paid on the 1st day of October next ensuing the date hereof to the respective stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury, or at the Loan office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock, respectively held by them; and that the principal of the five and half per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will in like manner, and at the same places, be paid on the 1st day of January, 1807, to the respective stockholders, or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized.
It is further made known, for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the navy six per cent. stock, either from or to the books of the Treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the 1st day of September ensuing, after the five and half per cent. stock, after the 1st day of December ensuing. And the interest on all certificates of said stocks which shall not have been surrendered, in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine, on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT ALLAIN, Secretary of the Treasury. June 23—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, that he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London, a fresh supply of the best superfine cloths, cassimeres, &c. with a choice assortment of plain nankeens, cotton cassimeres, India nankeens, blue and yellow, fashionable Trafalgar white and fancy Merfelles, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the best style of fashion. Richard Harwell's new invented patent elastic suspenders, which are far superior to any heretofore in use, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. June 23—tf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 677 acres is laid off in lots from 33 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of Colonel Hamson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Stations Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
TO RENT.
THE COMMODIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE.
I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadows" patented 31st December 1805, for 341 acres, near Shelly's or Selby's Little Meadows; the other "Mount Parnassus" patented 31st December 1805, for 298 acres; this tract lays on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never seen these lands, consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the situation of the aforesaid tracts of Land they must be of an excellent quality.
Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince Georges county. SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE. June 23—3m
TO LET.
THREE STORY HOUSE. One three story & one two story brick, completely finished with Coach Houses and Stables, both situated on Capitol Hill, and one near two story Frame near the Tyber, on Pennsylvania avenue. Enquire of Henry Ingles, who has on hand a good assortment of Mahogany Furniture. June 23—1m
FOR SALE.
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and included with a good house fence.
Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, included with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, Scotland. NOTE—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS just supplied his shop in F street with a complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermaceti & Linseed oils—also various of every description. THOMAS PATTERSON. Washington city June 23—tf
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
(CONTINUED.)
The mail is to be carried only four times a week from Oct. 1, 1806, to Oct. 1, 1807, omitting to take it both from New Haven and New York on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the mild season, and on Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the cold season.
4. From New York by Jersey Newek, Elizabeth town, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmeburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, seven times a week.
Leave New York every day at 1 p m and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
From Dec. 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 a m, in 18 hours.
5. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vanville, Bladensburg and Washington City to Georgetown, every day.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 8 a m and arrive at Washington City by 4 p m in 8 hours.
Leave Washington City every day at 2 a m and arrive at Baltimore by 10 a m in 8 hours.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m in 10 hours.
Leave Washington City every day by 10 p m and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester & Dumfries to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m arrive at Alexandria by 5 a m; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a m arrive at Dumfries by 11 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 p m in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m arrive at Alexandria by 2 p m; leave Alexandria at 3 p m and arrive at Washington by 4 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m arrive at Alexandria by 6 a m; leave Alexandria at 7 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p m; leave Dumfries at 2 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p m.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m arrive at Alexandria by 4 p m; leave Alexandria at 4 p m and arrive at Washington by 6 p m.
1-2 p m and arrive at Washington city by 6 1-2 p m.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover c.h. Richmond and Osborn's, to Petersburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a m and arrive at Richmond by 3 p m; leave Richmond at 4 p m and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 a m and arrive at Richmond by 8 a m; leave Richmond by 9 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 a m and arrive at Richmond by 6 p m; leave Richmond every day Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day, save Sunday, at 2 p m and arrive at Richmond by 8 p m; leave Richmond every day, save Sunday, at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p m.
8. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent c.h. Williamsburg, Yorktown & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Hampton by 9 p m and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p m and arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 p m.
9. From Petersburg by Cabbins Point, Smithfield, Surry c.h. and Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 p m; leave Sleepy hole at 2 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 a m.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 a m; leave Sleepy hole at 10 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 8 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 p m.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 a m.
Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 p m. Leave Sleepy hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
10. From Charleston by Jacksonboro' Pocotaligo and Colahatchee to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m, and arrive at Savannah by 8 p m.
Returning. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Charleston by 5 p m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p m.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m; leave Louisville at 11 a m and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a m; leave Louisville at 10 a m and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan c.h. Midway church, Riceboro' McIntosh c.h. Darien, Frederica, Jeckyl island & Duncon Ness, to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
14. From Jeckyl island to Brunswick once a week.
Leave Jeckyl island every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a m.
Leave Brunswick at 2 p m and arrive at Jeckyl island by 6 p m.
IN MAINE.
15. From Scodie to plantation No 5, once a week.
Leave No 5 every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive Scodie by 11 a m.
Leave Scodie every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at No. 5 by 6 p m.
16. From Buckfield by Hartford to Livermore, once a week.
Leave Buckfield every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Livermore by 10 a m.
Leave Livermore every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Buckfield by 6 p m.
17. From Vassalboro' by Fairfax, Unity & Colledgetown to Hampden, once a week.
Leave Vassalboro' every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Hampden on Saturday by 10 a m.
Leave Hampden every Saturday at 4 p m and arrive at Vassalboro' on Monday by 8 a m.
18. From New Milford by Ballstown, Palermo, and Davillown, to Belfast, once a week.
Leave New Milford every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Belfast by 6 p m.
Leave Belfast every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at New Milford by 9 p m.
19. From Brunswick by Bowdoin, Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta, once a week.
Leave Brunswick every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at Augusta by 11 a m.
Leave Augusta every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Brunswick by 9 p m.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
20. From Fryeborg, in Maine, by Conway, Bartlett, Rockbrook and Jefferson, to Lancaster, once in two weeks. Leave Fryeborg every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Fryeborg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
21. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Midletown, Ossipee, Moultonboro' Center harbor, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m.
Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Newbury by 7 p m.
Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 7 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth at 7 p m and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
22. From Hanover N H by Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Guildhall, Vt. and from Guildhall by Lunenburg and Concord, Vt. Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week.
Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Guildhall on Saturday by 6 p m.
Leave Guildhall every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p m.
23. From Salisbury by Andover, New Chester and Bridgewater to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by Holderness, New Hampton and Sandborntown, to Salisbury, alternately, once a week.
Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 2 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N H by Littleton, Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Greenfield, Craftsbury, Eden and Johnston to St. Albans, once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton, N H on Saturday by 6 p m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre, Washington, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet & Peacham, to Danville, once a week.
Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Newbury on Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Danville by 5 p m.
Returning. Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Royalton, Randolph, Williamstown, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Willyton, to Burlington, once a week.
Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m.
Returning. Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Royalton by Tunbridge, Chelsea and Versailles, to Corinth, once a week.
Leave Royalton every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Corinth by 5 p m.
Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Royalton by 6 p m.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
28. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 6 p m.
29. From Suffield by Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield, Greenfield, Brattleboro, Putney, Westminster, Walpole, Grafton, Wethersfield, Windsor, Hartland and Hartford, to Haverhill, twice a week.