The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-02-04 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH. PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. NO. DCLXXV. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 4th, 1805. PAID IN ADVANCE.
(By Authority.)
Congressional Register.
AN ACT
For the relief of Alexander Murray.
Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the proper accounting officers liquidate and adjust with Alexander Murray, the account of damages, interest and charges, in the case of the Schooner Charming Betsy...
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOS. ANDERSON, President of the Senate pro tempore. January 31, 1805—APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
For the relief of John Steele.
Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the proper accounting officers liquidate and settle the account of John Steele, for his services as Secretary of the Mississippi Territory, from the seventh day of May, eighteen hundred and two, to the second day of March one thousand eight hundred and three...
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOS. ANDERSON, President of the Senate pro tempore. January 31, 1805—APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
City Lots for Sale.
THE undermentioned lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit...
Square No. 54 Lot no. 9 sq 72. Lots no. 2 4 8 10 12 13 14 15 18 sq 84. Lot no. 1 sq 85. Lots no. 20 21 22—sq 103. Lots no. 7 8—sq 145. Lots no. 1 2 7 8—sq 146. Lots no. 1 2 3—sq 147. Lot no. 4—sq 163. Lots no. 5 6 7 12 13 14—sq 258. Lots no. 6 7 10 11 12 13 16—sq 293. Lots no. 1 2 3 7 8 11 12 13 18—sq 349. Lots no. 1 2 8—sq 376. Lots no. 16 17 18—sq 407. Lots no. 3 4 7 8 9 17 18—sq 487. Lots no. 5 6 7 10—sq 488. Lots no. 8 9 12 sq 489. Lots no. 5 6 9 sq 491. Lots no. 1 12 16 19 20 24—sq 493. Lots no. 7 8—sq 494. Lots no. 8 9 10—sq 531. Lots no. 3 4 8 11 12 13 14 sq 533. Lots no. 13 15 16 17—sq 584. Lots no. 1 2 3 4 21 22 23 24—sq 588 whole square. Half of 590 whole square—sq 635. Lots no. 1 2 3 5 6 9 19—sq 638. Lots no. 1 2 3—sq 639. Lot no. 1—sq 640. Lots no. 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—sq 641 whole square—sq 642. Lots no. 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 19—East of 643 Lot no. 2—South of 643 Lot no. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 28—sq 644. Lots no. 1 5 7—West of 645 whole square—sq 878. Lots no. 16 17 18 19 20—sq 973. Lots no. 4 5 6 7 8 20 21—sq 995. Lots no. 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18—South of 1019 Lot no. 1 2 4—sq 1020. Lots no. 1 2 3 4 5 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38—sq 1021. Lot no. 1—sq 1022. Lot no. 2—sq 1023. Lots no. 4 5 7 8 9 10—sq 1024. Lots no. 1 2 3 7—sq 1045. Lots no. 9 10 12—sq 1046. Lots no. 2 14 15—sq 1047. Lots no. 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 19 20—sq 1048. Lots no. 7 8 9 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23.
Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, Agent and attorney to the trustees of the Aggregate Fund. Washington, New Jersey Avenue, Jan. 21—3&wtf
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th Street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises JOHN HOLMEAD.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 10.
Debate on motion to concur with the committee of the whole, in their disagreement to the first resolution, for the reception of a part of the district of Columbia.
Mr. DENNIS. The discussion of the principles involved in the resolution, has taken a wide and extensive range in the committee of the whole, and the subject has generally been considered as exhausted. In the outset of that discussion, in a reply to the author of the resolution, I hastily suggested to the committee, what appeared to me, the prominent points involved in the proposition; and without going much into illustration of my own propositions, contented myself with the expectation, that they would be informed by other gentlemen of more ability than myself. In this expectation, I have not been disappointed, and it was, therefore, that I have sat as a silent and attentive observer of the several speakers, who have done me the honor of noticing my remarks, and have heard some of them perverting arguments which were used and others ascribing to me such as were never expressed, without an intention to reply. But, I have perceived, that, as the discussion in committee embraced at the same time both resolutions, some gentlemen voted then under the idea of voting on the two resolutions together, and are inclined to vote differently in the House on the first resolution from their vote in committee. I must therefore be pardoned, for reminding them, that every objection on the ground of constitutionality, expediency, and of violation of private right, applies as forcibly to a reception of part, as to the whole, and will claim the indulgence of the House whilst I make some remarks in reply to the observations of some of the speakers, in support of the resolution.
To attempt a reply to them all, and to recapitulate all the leading arguments against the resolutions, would not be admissible at this late hour of the day. I shall confine myself to replying to some prominent observations, and to the statement and illustration of such propositions as result from and go to refute them. In all discussions of this nature, those who hold with the weaker side of the question, chuse to misconceive the strong points of their adversaries, or cautiously to avoid them. It is necessary therefore, that I should distinctly state the primary objections to the resolution, on the constitutional question; and when this is done, it will be seen, that after all the fine and metaphorical speeches of our opponents, few of them have touched at all, the real point in controversy. That they have confounded together, the cession and acceptance of the district, or the object on which the exclusive legislation of Congress is to be exercised, with the power to exercise, at any given time, their exclusive legislation. And because they see that Congress may omit to exercise any given legislative power at any particular period, over a standing object of legislation, have very logically concluded that they may alienate the very object of the legislative power itself. Here let me tell these gentlemen once for all, that I do not deny the power to repeal the act of assumption, but that this repeal does not, and cannot re-annex the territory and its jurisdiction to the states, to which it formerly belonged; and that the motion before us is not to repeal the act, assuming and exercising the jurisdiction, but proposes to vest us of the territory itself, which is the subject of the exclusive legislation of Congress.
Believing that Congress were limited in the exercise of their powers by the constitution, not only in relation to the number of the objects, but also in the extent of their power over any given subject, I have called on those who have heretofore expressed their enmity to constructive power, to show me the authority for divesting themselves and their successors of one of the standing objects of the legislative power. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) first up in reply, contested himself in a great degree, with railing at the errors of the convention—their folly and their wickedness, in inferring into the very heart of our political systems, that car-
cerous principle, which unless speedily suppressed, must soon consume the very vitals of national liberty. Having exhausted the stores of his imagination on this subject, he at length thought it necessary to offer some reason and authority for the exercise of so strange a power. Admitting no express power is to be found, he enters into the wide field of construction, and tells us that it is incidental to sovereignty. That by the definition of the best writers, legislative power and the sovereign power are convertible terms, and that it is one of the incidents of sovereignty to alienate territory. (Here Mr. Eppes rose to explain.) Mr. Dennis after hearing the explanation, said, he still understood the gentleman, if he was understood by him at all, as inferring the power from the supposed convertibility of sovereignty and legislative power.
I do not deny that in some countries, the sovereignty and legislative power are the same, and that it is an incident to alienate territory and jurisdiction. But our's is a limited legislative power, and the power which we possess is more restricted than even that of the States. For as it relates to state authority, all power is delegated except what is prohibited; but the reverse of the proposition is true as relates to the general government. I do not deny your right to sell territory, but your power to sell a legislative power, a right of exclusive legislation, vested by the constitution, for a particular purpose, and not contemplated as an object of barter, and of sale, or donation, is what I do deny.
The two gentlemen from Pennsylvania (Messrs. Findley and Smilie,) are next in order on the constitutional question. The former gentleman, whose understanding stored with the fruits of a long experience in legislative life, I have been taught every day more and more to appreciate, commenced his remarks by telling us there was no question before us but that of expediency. That the constitutionality of the proposed transfer, was a self-evident proposition. I confess, Sir, I should have been better satisfied, and should have thought it more conformable with the habits of that gentleman, to have undertaken to demonstrate a proposition which his friends at least, thought required some argumentative support, than in assuming as conceded the very point in controversy. But although he considered it an axiom, and too plain to be reasoned upon, in the outset of his remarks, yet we see him afterwards undertaking to illustrate this axiom, & to prove it accordingly, he tells us, like his colleague, that the power results from the power of repeal. But does he not perceive that by the very same arguments that he undertakes to prove that we possess all the power of our predecessors in repealing laws, that our successors will possess the same that we do; and that if we repeal the act of assumption, they may repeal the repealing act, and revive the jurisdiction?
But it is considered by many, and it is reasoned from as a conceded point, that Congress may not only elect to exercise their legislative power or not, over the district when acquired, but there is nothing obligatory in the constitution as to the obtaining of a Federal district at all—that if they choose they may forever hold their sessions in a place within the territorial and jurisdictional limits of a state. This is a doctrine which I deny, and of which no proof has yet been afforded in the elaborate argumentation of the friends of the resolutions, unless it was intended that a federal district should be acquired in which the operations of the federal government were to be conducted free from the possibility of control by state authority, the whole paragraph, is a dead letter, and, although I have admitted that when such a district shall have been acquired, you may exercise or not, the exclusive legislation vested in Congress; yet I do contend that the constitution is imperative, so far as that such a territory shall be acquired, and over which this exclusive legislation shall always potentially exist. In the same manner that a power, to make a bank-note law shall always exist, although you may exercise it or not, at discretion. Surely the non-exercise of a power does not annihilate it, for if so, we have already annihilated several powers committed to our charge, and may annihilate the whole.
The next gentleman who has favored us with his remarks on the constitutional question, is a gentleman from Virginia, and whom to distinguish from the numerous speakers from that state, I will call the new member from Virginia, (Mr. Clark.) This gentleman certainly gave us a very handsome and
ingenious speech, and like a man of analysis, at once saw and seized the question in controversy, laid down his premises and regularly drew his deductions. Aware of the extent that the principles advocated by his friends would carry them, and that all their doctrines were predicated on the principle that the power not expressly prohibited to Congress was granted, he admitted the correctness of the converse of the proposition, and declared he would not contend for the exercise of the power, unless it were expressly delegated. Here he conceded more than was required; for in my turn, I do admit, that we may not only exercise the powers specifically delegated, but such as are clearly necessary to carry them into effect. He then proceeds to declare that the express power of making a reception, is to be found in the words exclusive legislation. That exclusive legislation and omnipotent legislation are synonymous terms, and having the power of exclusive legislation over the district, we may do with it whatever, in the plenitude of our own potency, we may think proper.
I confess, Sir, it would never have occurred to me, that the most appropriate language in which to delegate a despotic legislative power, was that of exclusive legislation; nor have I ever annexed any other idea to the use of a term which seems to some gentlemen to contain such magical force; or thought that the exclusive legislation to be exercised by Congress, meant anything more than a legislative power to be exercised, exclusive of state authority under the same limitations as in other cases. Truly, according to this gentleman's construction it ought to have been denominated excluding legislation, as it goes to vest in us the power of excluding from ourselves and our successors, one of the permanent objects of the legislative power.
The plain and manifest meaning of the word is to be found in the nature of our government, which is an Imperium in imperio, and which as relates to the action of its legislative power, differs from any other nation in the world. The federal government acts over the same territory and the same persons which are operated upon by the government of the states, and they, in many cases, have a concurrent legislative authority. For example, a state may impose a tax on carriages at the same time that Congress have acted upon the same objects; and it is so in an infinite variety of cases. But in the district selected as the seat of federal authority, it was thought proper, that Congress should have the entire control; and this was to be effected by the power of legislating exclusively of state authority. I am sure the good sense of that gentleman, on a little reflection, will satisfy him of the correctness of this interpretation, and that he will admit the necessity of resorting to some other part of the constitution to find the express delegation of the power in question, without which he admits it is not to be exercised.
That gentleman, however, seems to have been aware, that he ought not to depend for the support of his doctrine on such equivocal authority as the term alluded to, and therefore resorted to the third section of the constitution as another authority, by which the power was expressly vested. It reads as follows—"The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States and of any individual states."—What other meaning can be attached to this clause, but that of vesting in Congress the right of filling their vacant territory, that is the right of soil therein? So far from contending for this right of legislating over their territory being considered by the convention as vesting an omnipotent control over it as is now contended, and to folly were they impressed with the limited nature of the powers vested in Congress by the constitution, that they deemed it necessary to delegate to Congress an express power to sell their territory and other property. But it is not the property in the land or any other property that you are now about to alienate, but a legislative power—a right of jurisdiction; and if this clause vests in you this power, then you may alienate every other power and transfer your whole legislative authority to some foreign state. This clause, therefore, proves too much, and the gentleman will discover that the power to alienate territory or other property is as unap-
propriate to the object of selling legislative authority, or abridging Congressional jurisdiction over an object of their legislative power, as the term exclusive legislation.
But, it were vain, Sir, to examine into the different theories, and authorities of my opponents on this subject. They all tell you the power exists. Some say it does not exist but by implication; others that it does exist by express delegation. Those who contend for it by construction, derive it from different sources; those who say it is plainly written in the constitution, differ as to the clause and section where it is to be found; although they are all equally astonished that no one else can discover it. Some find it expressly given in one place, and some in two. In this manner they prove themselves, that it is nowhere exists—that it is not expressly given is clear, or it would be found in the same place—that it is not given by construction is equally clear; for it will not be contended that it is necessary or incidental to the execution of any other delegated power, since we may carry into effect all our powers without resorting to a retrocession of the district. Indeed, Sir, it is a strange sort of constructive power which vests in Congress the right to alienate a part of its legislative authority, to put itself under the entire control of another jurisdiction, which may prevent us from going on with the national business, altogether, and executing our other powers, and to assign as a reason for it, that it is an incidental power or a power necessary to carry into effect other powers.
Mr. Speaker, the time was when the assertion of this doctrine of constructive power, was regarded as a usurpation in Congress, which, unless speedily checked, would result in melting down the state sovereignties into one mass of national authority, and in establishing a limited, if not an absolute monarchy. The time was when the exercise of a power which appeared by fair and necessary construction to be necessary to carry into effect the powers vested in Congress, was regarded by the then jealous guardians of state and popular rights, as the acts of tyranny and oppression. I allude to the case of the alien and sedition laws. Here the exercise of a constructive power, excited the jealous apprehensions of our philosophical politicians, and Congress were equally assailed by the pop guns of newspaper paragraphists and political pamphleteers, and by the heavy artillery of legislative assemblies. The advocates of these measures admitted there was no express authority given for the exercise of these powers. But with reference to the alien law, they said, that Congress were invested with the power of the national defence; and if they had no power to expel from their shores the citizens or subjects of a hostile nation, who might from time to time be landed on our territory under the pretext of seeking an asylum in the nation, but intending in this way to infiltrate them into the very heart of our country, to be in readiness to join an invading army, it were vain to undertake the execution of the important trust committed to their charge. They therefore claimed, at a dangerous crisis, the right to exercise that power as incidental and necessary to carry into effect their specified powers. The same power was inferred in the same manner in the passage of the other law, since without the power of suppressing sedition and the means necessarily leading to it, the government itself must be subverted. Can any person say there was not better ground for the authority in those cases, if constructive power is as all to be indulged, than in the present instance; and how will the former jealous opponents of constructive power, contend for a doctrine which breaks down all the barriers of the constitution interposed between the rights of the people and the states on the one hand, and Congressional Omnipotence on the other? A principle which establishes the doctrine that the powers not expressly prohibited to Congress or expressly retained, are granted to them in absolute sovereignty!
But, Sir, the paragraph of the constitution and the establishment of the district which is a creature of it, have been distinguished by many and very odious appellations. By a gentleman from New Jersey (Doctor Eater) it has been denominated an excrescence of the constitution. This gentleman is a professional man, and as the doctrine of excrescences is connected with his profession, ought to be better acquainted with the term than myself. But my idea of an excrescence, is that of a fungus or other substance growing out of a pre-

existing body. It is presumed that this part of the constitution is coeval and co-existent with every other part of the instrument. If, therefore it become an excellence, because this gentleman chooses to call it; another gentleman may call, and in the same way, make any other obnoxious passage of it, an excellence; and a third and a fourth may do the same until the whole body of it will be composed of excellences; and as these political doctors will conclude they have a right to cut away excellences, the whole constitution will be cut to pieces, by the sharpened knives of our legislative surgeons.
[Here Dr. Elmer rose to explain, and said he did not say it was an excellence of the constitution, but of the body politic. To which Mr. Dennis replied, it did not alter the case, as in the same way he might make the constitution an excellence of the body politic.]
Other gentlemen have christened the district with various names, and assigned to its political state the appellation of a monster, and this monster has at different times and in the imagination of the different speakers assumed multitudinous qualities and various forms. It has never yet been seen, nor has yet devoured a single citizen of the district; but it is supposed to be a hydra which with its hundred mouths, will soon commence its destructive career (though these prophets cannot foresee the precise period when it will begin) and will first eat up all the men, women, and children in certain parts of the territory and then devour its barriers and devour the nation. But it is a little singular, and a phenomenon yet to be explained by our naturalists, that this monster looks only on the Virginia side of the Potomac; and in that part of the territory within the former limits of Maryland, lying to the north of Rock Creek; and that whilst it occasionally crosses and recrosses the river, it should never attempt to come within the magical circle with which our philosophers have environed the city of Washington! And, sir, it is a little wonderful that amidst all the sympathies of these gentlemen for the good people of Columbia, they have never glanced their benevolent eyes towards the dangers of the city! It now remains for me, sir, to make a few remarks relative to the degraded state in which the imaginations of our political metaphysicians have placed the people of this district.
And first of all let me ask, if they be in that abject and deplorable state of slavery, which is supposed to exist, where have been the faith or wicked agents that have put them there? I presume, they have been placed in their present situation, by the general convention, the legislatures of Maryland and Virginia, and the act of Congress accepting the cession. Of course, the members of these bodies respectively, must have been either so foolish as not to perceive the effect of their measures; or a very cruel, hard-hearted set of men, who from the mere love of sporting with the rights of their fellow men, have doomed them to civil and political despotism. There seems to be no alternative between their folly and their wickedness. However, Mr. Speaker, it may be, that these bodies and particularly the general convention, who were the primary agents in this business, and who have been generally considered by foolish people as equally wise, virtuous and patriotic, were both fools and despots. As the whole American people and the world have been mistaken upon this point; it is equally probable, that the people of the district, their wise men, their professional men and their judges, who have generally thought that the several provisions of the constitution restricting the exercise of a despotic power, whether by the legislative, executive, or judiciary departments, applied to this district, and other territories, as well as to the people of the states, have all been under a gross mistake—that, though they are in the daily habit of experiencing all the practical benefits of civil and political right, except of actual representation, they are mere slaves. But there is no doubt these mists of error are now dissipated, and that they, and all the world will now be convinced of their mistakes, by the omnipotent logic of the illuminated and illuminating supporters of the resolution.
It has been again and again shown, that all the restrictions on the powers of the several departments both in the body of the constitution and the amendments thereto, are equally applicable to the people here, as to any other people in the union. At this late hour I will refer you to the fifth amendment only. It is therein declared "that no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless by a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land and naval forces, or in the militia, &c. nor shall any person be subjected, for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall he in any criminal case be compelled to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." Does this clause apply to the people here, or does it not? if it
does not, I cannot see why it does not, and the supporters of the resolution have forgotten to demonstrate that it does not so apply, though no doubt they can easily do so.
Can a people thus guarded, be justly obnoxious to the odious appellations of political slaves; and is there any evidence they are so, but the reveries of our hydropathic philosophers? No, sir, the people who feel themselves safe and secure in their rights and independent in their political opinions, smile at these political quackeries, and know they are to all substantial purposes as well situated as the constituents of those who speak so much about the abstract rights of man. It is true they have no actual representation; but if on that account they are slaves, what will many of them be, if restored to Virginia; and what are these citizens of Virginia, who professing no freehold, are deprived of the right of suffrage? I mention not Virginia here for the purpose of obloquy, but because her right of suffrage is more limited than any other state; because she has been already mentioned by a gentleman of that state, (Mr. Jackson) and because, if it be true, that every man who is deprived of a right to participate in the choice of representatives, be a political slave, then Virginia will have more of this class of men than any state in the union. Tho' the consequence is inevitable, I know the fact will not be admitted by some of the advocates of the resolution. This will prove, sir, that this doctrine of representation and taxation is not susceptible of regulation, by the precise rules of arithmetic proportion, and admits of deviations perfectly consistent with the substantial freedom and happiness of a people.
Again, sir, I have been charged with advocating doctrines anti-republican and anti-revolutionary—ending to despotism and incompatible with the rights of man. Those who make these assertions would have been prudent to have consulted the declaration of independence and re-examined the principles in which originated the revolution, in order to see how far these principles may be found to comport with or contravene the principles of the resolutions before us; and whether the support of the principles of the resolutions be the best evidence that they are entitled to be regarded as the exclusive champions of these great and essential principles of liberty, whereon have been raised the independence and glory of our country. Nothing having done so, let me do it for them.
One principle of the revolution was, that of resistance to parliamentary supremacy, and a claim to apply to us a system of measures and of government contrary to that we had chosen for ourselves; and a right to dispose with certain great and fundamental principles which seemed to belong as well to the colonies as the mother country.
Here the omnipotency of Congress over these people has become a familiar phrase, and claims are set up which seem to regard the people of the territory as the absolute slaves of Congress, who like the bondsmen of ancient Europe are to be transferred from one master to another as so many appurtenances to the freehold.
Another principle of the revolution was that the people have a right to choose their own governors; but these people have chosen Congress for their governors, and these champions of the revolution say, the people here are incapable of judging of their own interest, are unworthy to be consulted, and must be transferred to Maryland and Virginia. It was another grievance complained of by the authors of the revolution, that the mother country attempted to impair the rights secured by charters and legislative promises at the time of the emigration of our ancestors, and which constituted the leading motives for that emigration.
Here you are about to violate the most solemn engagements, in confidence of which the people of the district have given up whatever rights they may have formerly possessed, which have induced many of them to emigrate from Europe and elsewhere, and here to vest the whole of their pecuniary resources, and to look to Congress for the exercise of that exclusive jurisdiction which they have preferred to the government of the states, to whom the territory formerly belonged; and this too in the very teeth of their remonstrances. I might sum up the whole catalogue of grievances which were the foundation of the revolution and show that there was not a single violation of our civil or political rights in that instance, which you are not about to sanction in the passage of these resolutions.
I know, sir, some gentlemen have told us that we have no evidence that the people assented to the exercise of congressional authority and were not consulted in the original transfer.
To this remark it would be a sufficient answer, that in the formation of the federal constitution, every individual of the United States consented, that if the particular spot of land on which he resided, should be included within the ten miles square, he would submit himself to the exclusive legislation of
Congress. But, although, this is the way in which the sense of a people is usually ascertained, to wit, by the sense of representatives, we need not the aid of such support in the present instance. If these sceptics will look over the files of congress, they will find petitions signed by almost every person living within the three counties of which this district was originally composed, who was capable of signing a petition, counting that jurisdiction as one of the greatest blessings you could extend to them, with which they are still satisfied, and of which it is now proposed to deprive them.
And why are they to be deprived of the right of choosing for themselves? Because they formerly belonged to Maryland and Virginia, and because by restoring them to their former situation, they must be so much more eligibly situated, that they and every body who resists it, must be tools, or regardless of all the rights and blessings of a republican government. A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Clarke) has used a very strong comparison between the government of Congress and of the states of Maryland & Virginia. According to that gentleman, by restoring the people on the west side of the Potomac, who are the objects of the first resolution to the state of Virginia, they are to experience the kind and indulgent protection of a parent, instead of the cold indifference and petulance of Congress, an ill-natured step dam. Perhaps, sir, this idea might be enlarged upon and in the estimation of that and other gentlemen, we might greatly enhance the happiness of the whole American people, by releasing them from the jurisdiction of this peevish, cruel, cold-hearted, ill-natured step dam, and putting them under the kind maternal and fostering patronage of this tender and affectionate parent.
Another gentleman, from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) has talked much about the blessings of self government; and other gentlemen have spoken much of the necessity of destroying that monster, which they call taxation without representation. In the first place it may be answered that the people here are not taxed for local purposes, except in their several corporations where they are represented. But if the people must be restored to self government as one of the greatest blessings man can enjoy, let them be blessed with self government in reality and not merely in name. If this horrible monster must be slain, let the people of Columbia be gratified in destroying him with their own hands and in their own way. Let him be stifled by a territorial government. Let the people of the district have the entire management of their concerns, and let them enjoy the benefits of a representation and of a government in which their voice will be heard, their will obeyed and their interest promoted, where they will have the substance, not merely the apparent and nominal blessings of the representative principle.
All those who think we may not only suffer the legislative power over the territory to be exercised by the states of Maryland & Virginia, but who also think we may transfer forever the very object itself on which the legislative power is to act, must admit the right to delegate the power to a subordinate authority within the district. I believe myself we cannot transfer the district itself and re-annex it to Maryland and Virginia; but that we may consent that an inferior legislative power may regulate the internal concerns of the district, but over which we shall always have the power of revision and control, and of which we cannot divest ourselves or our successors. This power has been already practically recognized in delegating to the several corporations within the district, a legislative power to a certain extent, and which is also recognized by the states in the establishment of their respective corporations. Instead of depriving the people here of the blessings of self government as some have conjectured, I have always been of the opinion and still retain my first impressions on the subject, that a territorial legislature ought to be extended to the people of the district, reserving to congress the exclusive right of legislating on certain matters connected with the public property and their own convenience. And always having the power of repealing or annulling any improper act, we shall retain in our hands all the benefits and advantages of exclusive legislation, whilst we avoid the trouble of regulating the local concerns of the district.
I will now conclude my remarks after having imposed too long, I fear, on the kind indulgence of the House, by observing that if the sentiment of the Poet be correct that "partial ill is universal good," notwithstanding my abhorrence of the resolutions on account of their injurious effects on the people of the district, I am in some degree reconciled to the proposition, on account of the information which has been imparted by the supporters of the resolutions, in their various theories and commentaries on the abstract and inprescriptible rights of man, tending so much to the edification of the American people and the advancement of republican government. (To be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 30.
Ordered, that Mr. Nicholson be excused from serving on the committee appointed the fourth ultimo, on a memorial and petition of the directors and agents of the Ohio Company.
On motion, Resolved, that the President of the United States be requested to inform this House, whether Samuel Hammond, a member of this House has not accepted an executive appointment, and when?
Ordered, that Mr. Bryan and Mr. Eppes, be appointed a committee to present the foregoing resolution to the President of the United States.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was referred, on the third ultimo, the petition of Walter Channing, surviving partner of the house of Gibbs and Channing, of New-port, in the state of Rhode-Island, merchant, made a report thereon, which was read, and ordered to be referred to a committee of the whole House, on Monday, the eleventh of February next.
Mr. Richards, from the joint committee for enrolled bills, reported, that the committee did, this day, present to the President of the United States, for his approbation, an enrolled bill, intituled "An Act for the relief of John Steele;" also, that the committee had examined an enrolled bill, intituled "An Act for the relief of Alexander Murray," and had found the same to be truly enrolled: whereupon,
Mr. Speaker signed the said enrolled bills.
Ordered, that the clerk of this House do acquaint the Senate therewith.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles, his secretary, notifying that the president did, this day, approve and sign an act which originated in this House, intituled "An Act to provide for completing the valuation of lands and dwelling-houses, and the enumeration of slaves in South Carolina; and for other purposes."
Ordered, That the clerk of this House do acquaint the Senate therewith.
A petition of Jacob Greer, of the state of North Carolina was presented to the House and read, praying compensation for services rendered, and expenses incurred by the petitioner, in completing the collection of the tax on lands, dwelling-houses and slaves, for the thirty-ninth collection district, composed of the county of Orange, in the state of North Carolina, aforesaid.
Ordered, that the said petition be referred to the committee of ways and means.
A petition of sundry inhabitants of the state of Pennsylvania, whose names are thereunto subscribed, to the same effect with petitions presented on the tenth and fourteenth instant, from sundry other inhabitants of the laid state, praying "that a post-road may be established from Norristown, by a tavern known by the sign of the Bull, Pugh-town, Coventry forge, Morgan-town, Churchtown, and New-Holland, to the town of Lancaster; and that post offices may be fixed at convenient places on the laid road," was presented to the House, and read.
Ordered, that the said petition be referred to the committee appointed on the sixth of November last "to enquire whether any, and what amendments are necessary to be made in the acts establishing a post-office and post-roads within the United States."
THURSDAY, JANUARY 31.
Mr. Copton, from the committee, to whom was referred, on the twenty-fifth ultimo, the petition of sundry British merchants, and others, subjects of his Britannic majesty within the United States made a report thereon, which was read, and ordered to be referred to a committee of the whole House, on Monday next.
Mr. Richards, from the joint committee for enrolled bills, reported, that the committee did, this day, present to the President of the United States, for his approbation, an enrolled bill, intituled "An Act for the relief of Alexander Murray."
On a motion made, and leave given by the House,
Mr. Nicholson, from the committee appointed the twelfth of November last, on so much of the message of the president of the United States, as relates to the defence and security of our ports and harbours, and supporting within our waters the authority of the laws," reported a bill to appropriate a sum of money for the purpose of building gun boats, which was received, and read the first time.
On motion,
The said bill was read the second time, and ordered to be committed to a committee of the whole House, to-morrow.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles, his secretary, notifying, that the President did this day, approve and sign two acts which originated in this House, to wit:
"An Act for the relief of John Steele," and
"An Act for the relief of Alexander Murray."
Ordered, that the clerk of this House do acquaint the Senate therewith.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 1.
The speaker laid before the House, a letter from Gideon Granger, post master general of the United States, stating "that he had received information from various sources, that both his public and private character and conduct had been arraigned on the floor of this House by one of the members thereof in a debate of the 29th and in another of the 31st ultimo; and requesting that an investigation may be made into his official, and, if it should be the pleasure of the House, into his private conduct, from the first moment that the post office department was committed to his charge to the present period, in both manner as this House, in its wisdom and justice, shall deem proper:
The said letter was read: whereupon, A motion was made by Gen. Varnum that the House do come to the following resolution.
Resolved, That the letter of the post-master general, of this day, be referred to a select committee, with instructions to enquire into the subject-matter thereof, and report a statement of the facts thereon, to the House.
Mr. Nelson opposed the reference.
The yeas and nays were required by Mr. Bryan on agreeing to the resolution.
Mr. Elliot advocated the reference. Mr. Nicholson opposed it, not as improper altogether to make the enquiry, but on account of the disrespectful language used by the writer.
Mr. Holland thought the letter sufficiently respectful and was in favor of the reference.
Mr. Gregg opposed the reference as particularly unreasonable at this advanced period of the session.
Mr. Clark joined in the opposition to the reference.
Mr. Lyon rose, and after uttering a few words, was called to order by Mr. Nicholson, for a breach of decorum, in debate, contrary to the rules of the House, by alleging, that "he had been belied by another member of the House." Whereupon,
Mr. Lyon sat down, and Mr. Speaker decided, "that he was out of order;" after which, Mr. Lyon again rose to proceed in the debate, and addressed the chair, which being excepted to, as not in order,
Mr. Speaker decided, that he was in order,—from which decision of the chair,
An appeal was made to the House, by two members; on which appeal,
The question being stated to, wit:—
"Is the decision of the chair in order?" It was resolved in the affirmative, Yeas 81—Nays 34.
The question of referring the Post master general's letter recurred. It was again advocated by Mr. Elliot, and opposed by Mr. Nelson.
Mr. Huger moved the postponement of the question to next Monday, in which he was seconded by Mr. Sayle. The question of postponement was carried—92 members rising in its favor.
The unfinished business of yesterday on the Yazoo claims was resumed—the amendment offered by Mr. Clark, under consideration.
Mr. J. Clay, Mr. Bedinger and Mr. Holmes spoke in favor of it; and Mr. Lyon and Mr. Dana, against it.
Mr. Nelson observed that as the gentlemen on the north side of the House were getting warm, he feared the heat might encrease, and reach the south side; in order to furnish gentlemen with an opportunity of cooling, he would move an adjournment.
On the question the House divided, 61 in its favor, and 51 against it. The House then adjourned to meet at eleven o'clock to-morrow.
SATURDAY, Feb. 2.
The consideration of the report of the Committee of Claims on the claims for Georgia lands was resumed.
Mr. Clark's amendment still under consideration.
Mr. Holland at some length went into an argument in favor of the report.
Mr. Dawson considered it expedient to adopt the resolution, but not the amendment.
Mr. Nelson spoke at length against the claims.
Mr. Sloan followed on the same side.
Mr. Findley explained more fully his observations made on a former day.
Mr. J. Clay requested his friend Mr. Clark to withdraw his amendment, that the House might meet the question at once.
Mr. Clark thereupon withdrew the amendment.
Gen. Varnum stated the reasons upon which he was induced to vote for the resolution reported by the committee.
Gen. Stanton assigned his reasons for agreeing to the same.
Gen. Van Cortland moved to add to the end of the resolution, after striking out the word "finally," the following, "that the compromise shall not be considered

binding on the United States, until confirmed by Congress." On the request of Mr. J. Randolph, to withdraw his amendment, Mr. Van Cortlandt acceded to all that related to the insertion of the latter part, retaining so much as related to striking out the word "finally."  Mr. J. Randolph spoke against retaining even that part.  Mr. Huger wished that part of the motion to retain.  Mr. Jackson opposed the amendment. Gen. Van Cortlandt withdrew the amendment.  Mr. Huger immediately renewed the same in which he was seconded by Mr. Holland.  On the amendment Mr. Huger requested to be indulged with the Yeas and Nays.  Only five members rose in favor of their being called.  The question on the amendment was then taken, and only six members rose in support thereof—of course it was lost.  The main question on agreeing to the resolution proposed by the committee of the whole was then taken by yeas and nays—Yeas 63, Nays 58.  The resolution was of consequence agreed to.  Mr. Dana moved to refer the resolution to the committee of claims to report a bill.  Mr. J. Randolph opposed the motion. On a division of the House, Mr. Dana's motion was carried, when the House adjourned, at about 4 o'clock.  IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.  TUESDAY, JANUARY 29.  Mr. GILES, from the committee to whom was referred on the 4th January, the petition of the merchants, planters, and others, inhabitants of Louisiana, reported the following bill, which was read and passed to the second reading.  A BILL, Further providing for the government of the territory of Orleans.  Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to establish within the territory of Orleans, a government in all respects similar, (except as in herein otherwise provided) to that now exercised in the Mississippi territory, and shall, in the recess of the Senate, but to be nominated at their next meeting, for their advice and consent, appoint all the officers necessary therein, in conformity with the ordinance of Congress, made on the twentieth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and that from and after the establishment of the said government, the inhabitants of the territory of Orleans, shall be entitled to and enjoy, all the rights, privileges, and advantages, secured by the said ordinance, and now enjoyed by the people of the Mississippi Territory.  Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That so much of the said ordinance of Congress, as relates to the organisation of a general assembly, and prescribes the powers thereof, shall, from and after the day of next, be in force in the said territory of Orleans: and in order to carry the same into operation, the governor of the said territory shall cause to be elected, twenty five representatives, for which purpose he shall lay off the said territory into convenient election districts, on or before the day of next, and give due notice thereof throughout the same and shall appoint the most convenient place, within each of the said districts, for holding the elections; and shall nominate a proper officer or officers to preside at and conduct the same, and to return to him the names of the persons who may have been duly elected. All subsequent elections shall be regulated by the legislature; and the number of representatives shall be determined, and the apportionment made in the manner prescribed by the said ordinance.  Sec. 3. And be it further enacted That the representatives to be chosen as aforesaid, shall be convened by the governor, in the city of Orleans, on the day of next. The general assembly shall meet, at least, once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the Monday in annually, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Neither house, during the session, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that, in which the two branches are sitting.  Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the laws in force in the said territory, at the commencement of this act, and not inconsistent with the provisions thereof, shall continue in force, until altered, modified, or repealed by the legislature.  Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the second paragraph of the said ordinance, which regulates the descent and distribution of estates; and also the sixth article of compact which is annexed to and makes part of said ordinance, are hereby declared not to extend to, but are excluded from all operation within the said territory of Orleans.  Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That
the governor, secretary, and judges, to be appointed by virtue of this act, shall be severally allowed the same compensation which is now allowed to the governor, secretary, and judges, of the territory of Orleans. And all the additional officers authorised by this act, shall respectively receive the same compensations for their services, as are by law established for similar offices in the Mississippi territory, to be paid quarterly out of the revenues of import and tonnage, accruing within the said territory of Orleans.  Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That whenever it shall be ascertained by an actual census or enumeration of the inhabitants of the territory of Orleans, taken by proper authority, that the number of inhabitants included therein shall amount to at least one thousand souls, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons, the inhabitants of the said territory, upon application to congress for that purpose, and upon producing satisfactory proof that the number of souls included therein, ascertained as aforesaid does actually amount to at least one thousand, shall thereupon be authorised to form for themselves a constitution and state government, and be admitted into the union upon the footing of the original states, in all respects whatever, conformably to the provisions of the third article of the treaty, concluded at Paris, on the 30th of April, 1803, between the United States and the French Republic: Provided, That the constitution so to be established, shall be republican, and not inconsistent with the constitution of the United States, nor inconsistent with the ordinance of the late congress, passed the 13th day of July, 1787, so far as the same is made applicable to the territorial government hereby authorised to be established: Provided, however, That congress shall be at liberty, at any time prior to the admission of the inhabitants of the said territory to the right of a separate state, to alter the boundaries thereof as they may judge proper: Except only, That no alteration shall be made, which shall procrastinate the period for the admission of the inhabitants thereof to the rights of a state government according to the provision of this act.  Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That so much of an act, entitled, "An Act erecting Louisiana into two territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof," as is repugnant with this act, shall, from and after the day of next, be repealed.  DOVER, (Del.) Jan. 16.  [On Tuesday last, at 12 o'clock, the Governor elect of the state of Delaware, met both houses of the legislature in the Senate chamber, at Dover, and after delivering the following address, took the required oaths of office.]  SPEECH.  Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.  In presenting myself before you, agreeable to your notice, to take upon myself the duties of the chief magistrate of the state, I feel the importance of the trust and the great responsibility attached to the office. In discharging these duties, my most unremitting exertions shall not be wanting. And although I cannot promise myself I shall be entirely free from error, yet I can assure you, gentlemen, and all my fellow-citizens, that according to the best of my humble abilities I shall endeavor to fulfil the great charge committed to me with diligence and fidelity. And whatever my failings may be, I hope a candid interpretation will be put upon them; & that they will be attributed to mistake or ignorance, rather than to a disregard to the welfare and happiness of our fellow-citizens.  To perform the functions, enjoined by the constitution on the executive department; to cause the laws faithfully to be executed; to watch over the rights of the state, as they may relate to our sister states; and to co-operate with the general government, so as to produce harmony, and more and more to strengthen and confirm our union, will require my most assiduous attention and your powerful aid. To the legislature of the state, I shall look for assistance.—As the immediate representatives of the people: clothed with their authority, I shall confidently expect of them that countenance and support, which their august station will enable them to afford.  In a free government, so happily constituted as is our own, in which each individual citizen has a right to speak as he pleases, so that he does not contravene the laws of the land, a difference in political sentiments is naturally to be expected. It is the price of our freedom, and the privilege of the citizens. But let not our differences arise to faction; and let us remember, in asserting our rights, not to violate those of others.—We are all members of the same family, possessing a common interest, and bound by the same ties. Therefore, we
should, in our respective situations, promote those charities, which belong to men united for their common good, and regarding their country's prosperity, as the chief source of their own felicity.  The principles upon which I shall act, are to be found in our revolution, in the constitution of this State and of the United States, and in our laws. These several expressions of the will of the people, contain every thing necessary to our security and liberty; and shall be the political creed, by which my conduct shall be regulated in the administration of the government.  I shall now proceed to take the oaths, which the law requires; and should any communication be necessary, before your adjournment, it shall be made by message.  NATHL. MITCHELL.  WASHINGTON CITY.  MONDAY, FEBRUARY 4.  MARRIED, on Saturday Evening last, by the Rev. Mr. McCormick, James Davidson, jun. Esquire, Cashier of the Office of Discount and Deposit, to Miss Mary Barber of this City.  In our last paper the parts taken by the several Speakers in the House of Representatives on Thursday in the debate on the Georgia claims is erroneously stated. The gentlemen who are stated to have supported Mr. Clark's amendment, opposed it, and vice versa . The following is a correct statement.  On Thursday, Messrs. Gregg and J. Randolph supported; and Messrs. Jackson, Finley and Root opposed the amendment.  Erratum in Mr. Rhea's speech on the reception: In the 4th col. of the first page of the paper of the 30th ult. read "no;" instead of "nor."  From the Aurora, CLOSE OF THE IMPEACHMENT.  Lancaster, January 28.  The Senate assembled, this day according to their resolution of Saturday, at 12 o'clock, precisely—present 24 members.  The three judges, of the supreme court, appeared in a few moments afterwards; and being seated at the bar.  Mr. Read (a senator) rose and said—Mr. Speaker, we are now arrived at an important stage of this interesting and eventful trial; we are now to pronounce, according to the constitution, the sentence of conviction or acquittal upon the chief justice and two associate judges of the supreme court of this commonwealth; and after a full fair trial as has ever taken place in any court; no evidence having been refused, no arguments unheard—and, upon the evidence, we are before our country, to pronounce judgement: I pray, sir, that before we each deliver our opinion, the article of accusation, upon which this trial has been had, may be read.  The Speaker of the Senate—Shall the article of impeachment be now read?  The Senators answered—Aye.  The Clerk then read the article of impeachment at large.  The Speaker then said—is the court ready to proceed? and the court answered aye.  The Speaker said, gentlemen of the senate you have attended this long and important trial, and you are ready to pronounce judgement, before God and your country—and you will say guilty or not guilty, each of you. The clerk will read the names of the members.  The Clerk then read the names of the Senators in alphabetical order, and they answered as follows—   James Brady, not guilty 1  James Gamble not guilty 2  James Harris not guilty 3  Joseph Hart guilty 1  J. Hartzell guilty 2  J. Heister not guilty 4  G. Heister guilty 3  E. Heston not guilty 5  John Kean not guilty 6  P. C. Lane not guilty 7  C. Mayer not guilty 8  W. M'Arthur guilty 4  Mewhorter not guilty 9  Montgomery guilty 5  Th: Morton guilty 6  Wm Pennell not guilty 10  John Piper guilty 7  John Porter guilty 8  Wm. Reed guilty 9  John Richards not guilty 11  R. Spangler guilty 10  John Steele guilty 11  John Vance guilty 12  R. Whitehill guilty 13   The number of the votes being reported to the Speaker, by the clerk—  The Speaker said to the Judges; Thomas Shippen, Jasper Yeates, and Thomas Smith, you have been tried upon an impeachment, brought against you by the House of Representatives, of the commonwealth, and you have heard the opinion of the court—there are 13 votes which declare you guilty, and 11 which declare you not guilty; the number which declare you guilty not amounting to two thirds, according to the constitution, you are acquitted.  The judges thereupon immediately rose and retired.  And the court was closed by an adjournment to the chamber of the Senate
and the committee of the whole House of Representatives having reported, the House also adjourned till ten o'clock on Tuesday morning.  A PROCLAMATION.  The Earl Gane, his majesty's principal Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, having, in consequence of a report of the committee of his majesty's privy council for trade and foreign plantations communicated to me the royal pleasure, that "I should not open any of the ports of any of the Islands over which I preside, for the admission of articles from the American States, which are not allowed to be imported by law, except in cases of real and very great necessity:  I issue this my proclamation, notifying and declaring, that under the regulation and authority of an act passed in the twenty-eighth year of his majesty's reign, and intitled, "An act for regulating the trade between the subjects of his majesty's colonies, and plantations in North America, and in the West India Islands, and the countries belonging to the United States of America; and between his majesty's said subjects and the foreign islands in the West Indies."  I admit in the different Ports of the several islands under my command, the importation of the follow articles, viz. — Tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, hemp, flax, masts, yards, bowsprits, staves, heading, boards, timber, thangles, and lumber of any sort; horses, neat cattle, sheep, hogs, poultry and live flock of any sort; bread, biscuit, flour, peas, beans, potatoes, wheat, rice, oats, barley, and grain of any sort; such commodities respectively being the growth or production of any of the territories of the said United States of America.  But whereas in the first section of the act of the general council and assembly of the Leeward Islands, passed in April 1798, and intitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the support, and extend certain regulations for the protection of slaves, to promote and encourage their increase, and generally to ameliorate their condition.—It is enacted and ordained, that every owner or director of any slave or slaves within the Leeward Islands, shall, weekly and every week, under the penalty of ten shillings per head, for each and every slave under his or her direction, for every omission, purchase or provide for every said slave or slaves, among divers other kinds of provisions, one pound and one quarter of herrings, shads, mackerel," or other substitutes for herrings, shad or mackerel, the provision of which substitutes is altogether unattainable in any of the Leeward Islands.  And whereas from various causes in time of war, the expectation of the smallest degree of supply of herrings, shads, or mackerel, from the British Colonies in North America, is a perfectly hopeless speculation, and the most favorable supply of them, which, from long and uniform experience, can be annually expected from any of the ports of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, is found to be much too precarious, and infinitely too irregular in every respect, but particularly in the periods of their arrival, to answer the constant and unremitting demands of the plantations in the Leeward Islands. And whereas the sudden privation of these last mentioned articles, not only may create the greatest inconveniences, and produce the most pernicious consequences in the said colonies, but must inevitably disable every owner or director of any slave or slaves in them from fulfilling the duty imposed on him or her, by the first section of the before-mentioned act, for ameliorating the condition of the slaves in the Leeward Islands:  Now conceiving the immediate case to be one of those of "real and very great necessity," which demands my exercise of the discretionary power lodged in me on such occasions, I hereby notify, that over and above the articles specified in the before-mentioned act passed in the twenty-eighth year of his majesty's reign, and already described in this proclamation, I likewise permit the importation from the American States, into the ports of all the Islands in my government, of herrings, shads, mackerel, and all sorts of pickles and salted fish, for the space of 6 calendar months, to be computed from the date of this proclamation; by the expiration of which period, some means may be devised, by which his majesty's Leeward Islands may be supplied with the said articles from Ports of his majesty's own dominions, or I may receive his majesty's further commands on this subject.  Provided that no importations of any kind be made from the States of America, on more favorable terms, as to duties on entry, than on similar importations from the British Colonies in North America, where any such duties are due and payable. Whereof all persons concerned are to take notice, and govern themselves accordingly.  Given under my hand, and seal at Arms, at the government-House at Antigua, this twenty-ninth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun-
dred and four, and in the forty-ninth year of his majesty's reign.  W.D. SARE THE KING.  LAVINGTON.  LONDON, November 4.  The Senate of Hamburg has acted with more spirit on the occasion of the arrest of Sir Geo. Rumbold, than we should have expected from its humble condition; it not only preferred an energetic remonstrance to Citizen Reinbarts on this violation of its neutrality and the law of nations, but also sent a strong protest to Paris and to Berlin, Vienna, Petersburg and Russia.  Yesterday we received a letter from Bilboa, dated the 26th ult. by the ship Camilla, arrived at Bristol, which states that the frieze of the Spanish frigates had created the greatest sensation in Spain. A war with this country appeared inevitable.  The occasion of the late disturbances at Bilboa is likewise the source of strong objection and offence on the part of the British and American governments. Bilboa has hitherto been a free port, and has in consequence enjoyed a very extensive trade, particularly with the United States; but the king having resolved to subject it to the same duties and regulations imposed on the other towns. Our commercial agents remonstrated, and the people adopted more summary means to prevent the system so injurious to them. Admiral Massaredo, (who commanded the Spanish fleet at Brest last year,) was governor of the province of Biscay, and after ineffectual endeavours to suppress the discontent, was obliged to fly. Fifteen thousand troops advanced against Bilboa, by way of Santona, and the necessary military stores were conveyed by water: but the natives being unprepared to resist so large and so unlooked for a force, were compelled to submit, without bloodshed, and the new imposts have been enforced, although the whole province continue in a state of alarming ferment.  This measure is likely to encroach the misunderstanding subsisting between Spain and America, and will necessarily affect our relations with that country.  The Spaniards, in contemplation of a war with England are busily employed in strengthening the numerous posts along their coast, where some new works are carrying on.—The battery at the entrance of S. Andero, has been increased from four to ten guns, and the like has been done in numerous other places.  The Barbary States having prohibited the exportation of grain, in consequence of great demand from Spain, flour at Gibraltar, has attained the unusual price of 18 Dollars per barrel of 196 lb.  The American prisoners are used with much severity at Tripoli; a number of them are yoked daily to a large wiggon, and when heavily loaded with wood, are compelled to draw it back again.  LOST.  OF 8 per cent. stock of the United States, Certificate No 811, dated 20th October 1802, for 400 dollars—One do No. 1145, and one 1116 for 100 dollars each, issued by Joseph Nourse registrar, in favor of James Paton of Alexandria, district of Columbia. Notice is therefore given that application is intended to be made at the Treasury of the United States for a renewal of the same.  February 4—6 tw  A Stray Cow.  ABOUT the fifteenth of December last, was taken up by the subscriber, living in the fourth end of the Twenty Buildings, city of Washington, a small Red Cow—her marks are a crop in each ear, about six years old, the owner is desired to come prove property, pay charges and take her away.  JOSEPH CLARK.  February 4—3t  NEW STORE, SEVEN BUILDINGS, CITY OF WASHINGTON.  THE Subscriber, who lately opened store at the west corner of the Seven Buildings, has just received by captain Elwood, from Philadelphia, an extensive assortment of dry goods, amongst which are a variety of fancy articles, viz.    London superfine and second cloths, cassimere, napps, coatings, forest cloths, baskings, London hats, lamps, bays, blankets, counterpanes, curtains, stuffs and durants, London best letter paper, common writing do. sealing wax, wafer, quills, pencils & pith board, fancy waistcoating, linens, Irish and German, Russia sheeting, diaper, bed ticking, velvets, cords and thickets, patent bonnets cord, Barcelona handkerchiefs, bandannos, one bale coarse muslin, checks, shirring, muslin, best Spanish segars, chandeliers, goblets, decanters and salt cellars.  ALSO, Ladies silk Spencer for the winter, elegant silk and muslin shawls, veils, ribbons, crapes, tarcas, fig. Mantua and other ribbons, India muslin, cambric, jaconet and book muslins, split straw, chip and Leghorn bonnets, silk velvets, linens, lace, and plain silks, English and French silk hosiery, pic nic gloves, and mitts, raw silk, with leather, beaver and kid gloves, turtle shell comb, necklaces and beads of great variety, lace, cards and fans, silk fur, childrens leather caps, handsome stuff boxes, wadding, &c.    Piano fortes, violons, violon strings, music fresh hylon tea, &c.  The subscriber has imported his London superfine cloth, hats and part of his other woollens himself and can therefore sell them unusually low by wholesale and retail.  THOMAS W. PAIRO.  Nov. 9—3t&wif

TO PRINTERS. THE subscriber takes Order for Type from the well known Foundry of William Casson, Jun. and Co. London. Specimens and list of London prices to be seen at Mr. Geo. W. Riggs, Georgetown.  CHARLES WIRGMAN, No. 215, Market-Street, Baltimore. Jan. 16.
NOTICE. It is hereby given that the sale of all those lands and lots heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette on the 20th day of August last for a tax due the county of Washington in the territory of Columbia for the year 1801 (which sale was to have taken place on Monday the 10th day of December next at Rhodes Hotel in the City of Washington) is postponed until the first Monday in February next, when, at the same place at 11 o'clock A.M. the sale will commence and continue from day to day until all are sold or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges thereon and the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale.  By order of the commissioners of the City of Washington. WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington County. December 30th, 1804.
ALL persons who are indebted to the estate of Michael Roberts deceased (for debts contracted by him there is a Compt. town) are requested to come forward immediately and make payment to Edgar Patterson, who is duly authorized to receive the same, otherwise their accounts will be put in suit without further notice—those who have demands against said estate, if any there are, are requested to apply as above for payment.  FRANCES ROBERTS, Executrix. THOMAS CUMPTION, } Executors JOSEPH WILLIAMS, } Georgetown, 16th Dec. 1804.—epm
NOTICE is hereby given to ROBERT BOYD and JAMES BOYES , if now living, children of Robert Boyd, who was the son of the late Esq. Boyd, of Londonderry in the county of Rockingham and State of New Hampshire, deceased; which said Robert the elder left Londonderry aforesaid upwards of thirty years ago, married in Baltimore in the State of Maryland, and removed to Virginia and there died; that, if they will apply to Miss Estlin of Salem in the State of New Hampshire, now in the city of Washington, or to Alexander Boyd of Londonderry aforesaid, may hear of some property worth their attention. The several printers of Virginia and Maryland will serve the cause of humanity by republishing the above.  Jun. 9
A FEW Hundred bushels of white, well burnt SPLEND. LIME , will be sold for cash, at 16 DOLLARS the 100 bushels, if applied for immediately; a less quantity than 100 bushels will not be sold at this price.  Apply to CON. CONNINGHAM, No. 100 A cash will be given for WELL cleaned BARLEY.
Runaway, Some time in April last a bright MULATTO WOMAN named NANNY , she is nearly 6 feet high and stout in proportion, thick lips, middling large eyes, very large breasts, hands forward when she stands or walks, quick in speech, and has very large feet, her apparel is not remembered, took with her a large bundle thereof, and it is probable often changes them—I have been informed that she is in the service of a Mr. Thompson in Georgetown, whoever secures her in Washington city will so that her mistress, Mrs. Sarah Brooks gets her again or will deliver her to the subscriber in Upper Marlboro' shall receive Ten dollars and all reasonable expenses paid by  SAML. J. COOLIDGE, December 3—8w
American Printed goods. Etiquettes, Shawls, Pocket Handkerchiefs, &c. manufactured by the subscribers near Baltimore, and sold at No. 13 Calvert street.  To remove that distrust often felt respecting new undertakings, and so prejudicial to manufacturing attempts in America, they think it proper to observe, that nothing is wanting in the business to enable good artists to perform their work here as well as in Europe. That they have been artists; that two of the partners were bred to the business in a factory of the best repute carried on by the father, long afterwards by themselves. They trust that while foreign goods are received without a question, an unreasonable suspicion will not prevent their countrymen from giving that trial to their goods, which only can prove their value. Besides a natural doubt, they know that certain interests, national as well as individual, will have objections to their undertaking. They have no difficulty in saying, that work of the like kind shall be as well executed here, as in other countries. The colors capable of being fixed, will be found as permanent as the cloths perhaps better substance, and the prices lower than of the imported cottons.  M'CULLOCH & LUNNUIY, Baltimore, No. 23 Calvert Street. Sept. 17—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.  Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods , consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, casimere, patent Bennet's cord, toilsenette, fancy and white Marcellies, black and figured silk, moiré-skins, fancy silk, Marcellies, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season.  N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
STATIONARY & FANCY STORE GEORGE TOWN.  THE Subscriber has just received from New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, a large and general supply of STATIONARY &c. Amongst which are the following articles, viz.
 Atlans imperial, superroyal, royal, medium and demy English papers,  Extra large thick folio post, do.  Do. do. thin do. boxpressed do.  Small, plain and wove folio post do.  Plain and wove foolscap do.  Hotpressed, gilt, mounting, weve and plain letter do.  Folio and quarto copying do.  Super Royal cartridge do.  Medium, demy and foolscap  French marble do.  Demy blotting do.  Pale and boxnet boards,  Single and double ruled ledgers, journals, and waste books  Medium, demy and foolscap blank books suitable for public offices  Best Moland quill and ready made pens  Black and red ink and ink powders  Japan and durable ink  Printing ink for book and newspaper use  Red and black sealing wax  Red and black wafers  Large red and white wafers for office use  Wax tapers and taper stands  Counting house feals  Pink and blue tile feals  Broad and narrow red tape  Ball and hemk twine  Cases of mathematical instruments  Reading glasses in horn and tortoise shell frames  Gold leaf  Parchment squared and pounced  Seale fish bone and pounces  Ivory and bone pounce boxes  Black lead, crayon and camels hair pencils  Do. with silver cases  Reeves colours in boxes  Erasing knives and paper scissors  Counting house and pocket pen knives  Do. with ivory scale and rule handles  Ivory and bone paper folders  Round and flat rulers  Gum Tragacanth and Gum Arabic  Slates and slate pencils  Plated, glass, wedgewood, pewter, & pocket inkstands  Sand boxes and sand glasses  Black sand, and steel filings  Messuage and visiting cards  Geographical and genealogical pastimes and arithmetical games with totums  Portable writing desks with apartments for dressing apparatus  Mahogany, japanned and Morocco shaving cases  Shaving boxes with soap and brushes  Razors of a superior quality  Ladies and gentlemen's japanned dressing case  Playing cards and ivory boxes with counters  Cribbage boxes and boards  Backgammon tables and dice boxes  Ivory chessmen and chess boards  Billiard balls and dice  Drum battalions and shuttles  Violins, flutes and lutes  Violin strings and bows  Fowling pieces, shot pouches, and powder Hornets and pocket pistols  Silver and gilt mounted small swords, dirks and hangers  Gold and silver epaulets and sword knots  Do. do. shoulder straps and crescents  Military knives, lace, cords, &c.  Officers' travelling canteens with cooking utensils &c. complete  Gold and silver bullion, spangles and thread  An elegant assortment of gold, silver and gilt mounted combs  Gold and silver hair slides  Wreaths and bunches of artificial flowers  Ornith feathers, fancy plumes, &c.  Tortoise shell and superfine ivory combs  Coquilles and jet necklaces  Gentlemen's dress in and dress gloves  Boots, shoes and pumps  Morocco skins and bend foals  Bailey's and Morley's patent blacking  Hair powder and pomatum  Powder bags and powder puffs  Tortoise shell and horn dressing combs  Curling tongs and crumpling irons  Wash ball and wash ball boxes  Tooth powder and shaving powder  Essence of musk, lavender, burgamot and ambergrease  Segar boxes and snuff boxes  Tooth brushes and tooth picks  Clotie brush, and hat brushes  Sweeping, dusting, scrabbing, shoe and furniture brushes  Switch, chair and carriage whips  Walking sticks and sword canes  Silk and morocco elastic braces  Green wire fenders with brass tops ornamented  Fashionable brass and irons  Coal beds, cinder sifters and pokers  An elegant assortment of japanned tea trays  Satin wood and mahogany knife cases  Green and white ivory tables and desert knives and forks in sets  Elegant plated tea and coffee urns  Plated tea and coffee pots  Do. bread baskets and toast stands  Do. candlesticks and branches  Do. snuffers and snuffer trays  Do. casters, double flint cut glasses  Do. salts with do. do.  Do. mugs, tumblers and bottle stands  Gold, pebble and glass watch cases  Do. watch chains and keys  Do. rings, brooches and breast pins  Plated and common coach and gig lamps  Do. fur secure for harness double and single horse  Do. mouldings for carriages  Do. gig springs, and hubb bands  Do. chains, duke and in-file bridle bits  Do. horn, bridoons and curbs  Do. patent and common spurs  Japanned lamps and hand lanterns.  Lamp wick and lamp glasses  Worsted Webb and saddle cloths  Mill and crofs cut faws  Gentlemen's tool chests  Travelling trunks, &c. 
ALSO—FOR SALE, An Invoice of Hardware Which will be sold low at a credit of six months.  EDGAR PATTERSON. Nov. 12—tf.
STONE CUTTERS.
WANTED at the City of Washington, a number of STONE CUTTERS , to whom liberal encouragement is offered, and who are more desirable to young men of aspiring genius, as well as gratifying to those experienced; the work to be done this season is of a kind, superior to any yet done in the United States. Apply to  GEORGE BLAGDEN, at the Capitol. January 30.—6t.
Portrait of the President.
THOSE gentlemen who are desirous of obtaining copies of the Portrait of the President, just finished, by REMBRANDT PEALE , are requested to call at his Painting Room at Miss Daffield's, Pennsylvania Avenue, where the picture can be seen for a few days, during which R. Peale will remain in this city.  January 31.
A Family of Negroes FOR SALE.
THE subscribers will dispose of by private sale (pursuant to the will of Ann Digges deceased) the following negroes without dividing any one of the family from the other, viz. GEORGE , aged about 47 or 48 years, stout and healthy, a very handy negro for every part of field work and a good mower, reaper and racker of grain, &c.— GRACE his wife, aged about 37 years, brought up in a regular family is a house servant, to which she is fully equal, and is a remarkable good seamstress, laundress, and a tolerable cook. Also their two children, one a girl about three years old, and an infant at the breast.  Application to be made to THOS. DIGGES of Warburton near Piscataway, or WM. CARROLL, Rock creek, Montgomery county, Executors. Jan. 30—w3t
FOR SALE,
A NEGRO WOMAN and her three Children, the eldest of whom is nine years of age, and the youngest three; the woman is about 33 years old. For further particular enquire of  Captain HOBAN. January 30—3t
IN virtue of an order from the Orphan's court of Calvert county [State of Maryland] I shall offer for sale on a credit of six months on bond with approved security, at the late dwelling of Benjamin Ward late of said county deceased. Two negro men, horses, cattle, sheep and hogs, with all the household and kitchen furniture, plantation utensils, and also corn, fodder, wheat, and the crop of tobacco now in the house—The sale of the above property will take place on Tuesday the 29th day of January 1805, (if fair or the the first fair day thereafter) and commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon.—All persons having claims against the estate of the said Benjamin Ward, are requested to exhibit the same on the day of sale, or they will be excluded in a distribution; and all persons indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment to  ZACARIAH WARD, Admr. Calvert Co. Jan. 9—3w
To be Sold by Auction. ON Wednesday the 6th day of February next, in virtue of my power I will expose to sale at Mr. Steele's hotel near the Capitol, the hour of sale Twelve o'clock A.M. the Lot No. 1. in square No. 377 and also a capital three story house the property of John Crocker together with all the improvements thereon for cash—the premises may be seen on the spot, and for any further particulars enquire of me  THOMAS LAW. Washington Jan. 9—2awim
I DISCOVERED a few day since (in the Telegraph) a challenge by Samuel Norwood, Esq. Bonaparte against Democrat—At Annapolis this fall, I proposed running Democrat against Bonaparte, carrying from 110 lbs. to 140 at the discretion of Mr. Norwood; which was rejected. As Mr. Norwood refused the proposition made by me at that time, I am not bound to run the race proposed by him in the Telegraph—Democrat will run Bonaparte over the Anapolis race course, on the third Tuesday in May next, four miles and repeat, for 1000 DOLLARS, play or pay, carrying 126 lbs. each; which is the weight they are to carry by the rule of racing, both being seven years last spring—Should Mr. Norwood decline this offer, Democrat will cover mares next spring at the subscribers farm, from the first day of March until the first day of August, at Sixteen dollars each and Fifty cents for the groom. Democrat's pedigree is equal to the pedigree of any horse to be produced, having in him the blood of Medly, Eclipse, Figure, Dove, Adolphin, Arabian, and Mr. Talkin's fillie.  If this proposition is approved of by Mr. Norwood, notice will be given in the Maryland Gazette within forty days from the date hereof.  ISAAC TUCKETT. December 31—tawtApr 30
FOR SALE.
A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Telfair in the State of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100,000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to  JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 12—tf.
FALL GOODS.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square,
The American Gardener.
IT is remembered that on this eighteenth day of October in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, John Gardner and David Kepburn of the District aforesaid (late gardeners to Gov. Mercer and Gen. Mason) have deposited in the Clerk's Office of the district court of the United States for the district of Columbia, a title of a book the right whereof they claim as authors, in the words following, to wit: "The American Gardener, containing ample directions for working a kitchen garden every month in the year, and copious instructions for the cultivation of flower gardens, vine yards, nurseries, hop yards, green houses and hot houses;" in conformity to the act of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned."  The above work for sale at the proprietors, and at the book stores, &c. Jan. 30—w4t
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE proprietor wishes to SELL or RENT, on moderate terms, a neat two story framed house, eligibly constructed for the accommodation of a private family. Situated on 11th near E street, about 150 yards from the Bank and nearly the same distance from the Theatre. Persons wishing to purchase or rent, will please to apply to Mr. William Woodward, Pennsylvania Avenue, or to the subscriber. Possession may be had on the 21st day of April next.  MARK STOCKWELL. 29th Jan.—2awtf
For Sale,
141 ACRES OF LAND, THE property of Richard Mitchell, laying in Prince George's county Maryland, about 5 miles from Piscataway, 13 miles from Upper Marlboro, 8 from Nottingham and 47 from the city of Washington, adjoining the land of the Rev. George Ralph, Thomas Mad, and John Robertson. The terms of sale made known by application to the subscriber legally authorized, who is now at M c Laughlin's George town, and will remain there till about the 14th or 15th of February.  MATTHEW WALTON, P. S. If the above land is not disposed of at private sale before the 9th of February, it will on that day be sold on the premises to the highest bidder.  M. W. January 30—3t
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce. Genuine Cogniac brandy, Inferior French do. Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask, Sherry, } and cask, or smaller quantity. Lisbon, } Claret, } Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality, Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, Fickin Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Riz Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, } In bottles. Capers, } Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hylon, } Teas, fresh, and of superior quality. Imperial, } Young Hylon. } Salt Herrings in Barrels.  PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
ROBERT CHERRY.
HAS removed his store, to the house of Mr. George Blagden New Jersey Avenue on the Ballen Branch, where he has just received (in addition to his former stock) by the Schooner Flyland from Philadelphia a general assortment of groceries and liquors of superior quality, with a few boxes India china of the best quality eighty pieces to the set; all of which he will sell wholesale and retail at the most reduced prices for cash, or in exchange for country produce—All orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch; he flatters himself from the quality of his articles he will be able to render ample satisfaction to his friends and all those who may be pleased to favor him with their custom.  All kinds of commission business will be attended to with the utmost attention. Washington city Dec. 12—tf
ADAM KING, & Co.
AT their wine Store in High Street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
ALMANAC, For 1805.
   Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday     JAN. 1 2 3 4 5 6   7 8 9 10 11 12 13   14 15 16 17 18 19 20   21 22 23 24 25 26 27   28 29 30 31   FEB. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   MARCH. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30 31   APRIL. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30   MAY. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30 31   JUNE. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30   JULY. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30 31   AUGUST. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30 31   SEPT. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30   OCT. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30 31   NOV. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22   23 24 25 26 27 28 29   30   DEC. 1   2 3 4 5 6 7 8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15   16 17 18 19 20 21 22