The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-11-06 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCXXXII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONAY, DECEMBER 6th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
By HUDDERFORD.
Tho' Fortune may boast at her shrine That the world's adoration is paid, No idol shall sue be of mine; No devotion I owe the blind jade: Yet rich in affection I live, For tell me what boon so divine As a world of luxuriance to give As one smile, my dear Mary, of thine?  The glittering distinctions of Rate May the envy of sycophants move; But who would forego, to be great, Independence, contentment, and love? Gems and ore do not fall to my share? But what gem can such transport impart As one glance of thy kindness, my Fair! What mine's half so rich as thy heart?  With Fate let them quarrel that choose, Chagrined shall ne'er sorrow my brow, To the prayer of thy swain let the Muse, Dear Maid, be propitious as Thou! Then a truce with thy counsels, old Care, Not a sigh at thy bidding I'll breathe: For, though sombre the garb that I wear, Yet light is my heart underneath.
We daily observe, that in proportion as the sciences make their progress in countries, they transform the inhabitants into new creatures; and by inspiring them with gentler inclinations and manners, and supplying them with better forms of government and more humane laws; they raise them from the obscurity wherein they had languished before, and engage them to throw off their former roughness. Thus, they prove evidently, that the minds of men are very near the same in all parts of the world; that all honorable distinction in regard to them is owing to the sciences; and that according as these are cultivated or neglected, nations rise or fall, emerge out of darkness, or sink again into it; and that their fate in a manner depends upon them.
The advantages of education and learning are more lasting and extensive than those of arms. The courage of a soldier does little service to his country after his death, the benefit of it being usually confined to one age; whereas, public provisions for society are framed, and the constitution adjusted to the temper and convenience of the people; of the happy effects of which, remote posterity is often sensible. And as the consequences of valor seldom reach beyond the death of him who shewed it, so there are few the better for it, except those for whom a man engages; and they are commonly none but his countrymen. But learning, by inventing and improving the arts and sciences, scatters its favors in a much larger compass; becomes an universal benefactor, and obliges mankind in its most comprehensive latitude of place and time. The successes of learning are naturally of a very innocent tendency, and under good management, prejudicial to none. The conquests of arts are not like those of arms, gained by slaughter, and attended with ruin and desolation. No; here is nothing routed but ignorance and error; nothing destroyed but obstinate humor and savage disposition. Emolli mores, nec sinit esse feros.
HENRY INGLE,
Has imported in the Ships Franklin and Brutus , from Liverpool , and now offers for Sale at his Store, on New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill, City of Washington—
Ironmongery, Cutlery, Brass Wares, & Liverpool Earthen ware in crates,
A few Plantheon, Rumford & Forrester coal grates of new patterns—Also, coal hods, bras and wire fenders, hand irons, shovel and tongs cinder filters, knives and forks, iron and brass chaffing dishes, crust stands, japanned ware, brushes, spades and shovels, frying pans, mill, pit and crots cut saws, carpenters tools, smiths tools, stone cutters chisels, materials for bell hangers, locks, hinges, screws, nails and racks of various qualities, and a variety of other articles.
Oct. 22d. 2awtJf.
TO LET,
And be entered upon immediately, three well finished BRICK HOUSES, NEARLY opposite Morin's Tavern, on Twelfth street very near Pennsylvania Avenue, built for the WASHINGTON BUILDING COMPANY.
The Houses will be rented on very reasonable terms.
Apply to THOMAS CARPENTER near the President's Square.
Dec. 12. eptf.
Thomas Bruff, DENTIST.
INVENTOR & PATENTEE of the perpendicular extracting instruments, HAS removed his family to Washington City, F street near the Bank—where he may be found every day till 10 in the morning.
N. B. A constant supply of genuine tooth powder and serviceable brushes.
Dec. 12. 3t.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
FEATURES OF FEDERALISM.
"The Leopard cannot change his spots, nor the Ethiopion his skin."
It is impossible to review the conduct of the Federalists of the United States without at once perceiving the applicability of this motto to their character. Neither the voice of the country, which loudly calls upon them for a reformation of their conduct, nor the impressive lessons which they have received from their own experience, can reclaim them from perseverance in error. They still persist in the defence of those measures, and pursue that conduct, which at first impaired their party, and will ultimately produce its desolation, like a man addicted to intoxication, who, feeling the paralytic effects of the last night's draught, drinks a dram in the morning to strengthen his constitution. They have continued to misrepresent till no person is duped but themselves; and have uttered fallhoods till they alone are deceived. While engaged in scenes of oppression and prodigality, to effect their purposes by hoodwinking our understandings, they were enthusiasts in the cause of religion.
Seasons of election were seasons of religious ardor. The extent of their zeal for Christianity was measured by the magnitude and importance of the office to which a candidate was to be elected. When a constable or collector was to be chosen the cause of Heaven was at the freezing point; a member of congress excited their piety to summer heat, and a President of the United States boiled the spirit of federal christianity. They seemed to say to their fellow citizens, "It is enough for you to attend to your spiritual inheritance, we will graciously risk our own salvation by taking under our protection all your earthly chattels and hereditaments." Their object was to fix the popular attention on heavenly things, that they might unnoticed be careful only about sublunary things. For while with one hand they were holding out the histories of Robinson and Barruell, with the other, they were grasping after more power, and plundering the pockets of the people. They pretended to inspiration, and in the true style of religious enthusiasm predicted, that if Jefferson were elected president, christianity would be destroyed, and morality set at defiance. But like other pretenders to the art of divination, they have lost the credit of true prophets by the falsity of their predictions. Christianity still flourishes; our churches still exist as monuments of their impiety and arrogance. The ties of morality are not loosened; the bands of social intercourse are not broken; nor is the basis of civil society removed.
With all these evidences of the falsehood of their assertions, the federalists still repeat, that religion and the constitution are in danger. For proof of its truth they no longer rely on Robinson and Barruell, nor on the reverend doctor Morse's tales of illuminatism, or the reverend doctor Linn's "ferocious considerations;" these are thread-bare delusions that can no longer impose upon our credulity. Something novel must be invented to awaken our attention to the safety of christianity; for the public mind had slept over these stories as a fable which had been often repeated. Happily for federalism Mr. Jefferson wrote to Thomas Paine a letter, which they say invited him to this country, and contained expressions of esteem for the services which he had rendered mankind. Here they saw undoubted evidence of a conspiracy to destroy our religion and our government; they eagerly seized the clue, but like Harper's, it has proved unsubstantial as the visionary phantom of a madman's brain. All the comments which they have made on this letter, serve rather to show their malignity than to aid their cause. They wished to impose upon the community a belief that it amounted to an invitation, when not a word or expression can be tortured to mean any such thing. Nothing less could have been written by a person in Mr. Jefferson's situation, who had the least claim to civility, or retained the least gratitude for the services of a man that aided our resistance to the tyranny of Britain, and supported our spirits in the most trying scenes of our revolutionary war. But gratitude for such services has long ceased to be a virtue with federalists. This we might well expect from that spirit which treated the history of British oppression as a subject which ought not to be remembered, which would forget the declaration of our independence! and patronize a wretch who wrote bloody buoys to disgrace the principles of liberty, by representing the effects of the French revolution as the true effects of the sentiments of freedom. Why this letter should have anything to do with religion or the constitution, it is difficult to conceive. Is Mr. Jefferson an infidel because he wrote to Tom Paine, who wrote the age of reason; is he an enemy to the constitution because the same man has censured the character of General Washington who was a friend to the constitution? Must we be supposed to approve of another's faults because we approve of his virtues? Must we behave to a man as though we were destitute of humanity, because he was fallen into error? Where is there a federalist who, on this principle, would not approve the violation of his neighbour's bed? Where is the federalist who would not be the supporter of falsehood and forgery, who would not consider the constitution no better than a piece of blank paper?
If the federalists be serious when they declare that christianity is in danger, they are not christians; they do not believe the declaration of its founder, that it shall withstand every opposition. Did they place any confidence in his promise, they would not apprehend that Mr. Paine could weaken the evidences of divine revelation, they would rather believe that its truth would shine the brighter, and the purity of its precepts be more conspicuous. But their religious conduct, like their political, is at war with their professions; and in any country less enlightened than this would have erected the standard of rebellion, and lighted the faggots of ecclesiastical persecution. The garb of christianity has been made the cloak of their maliciousness; under its covering they have outraged every christian principle. While they were commanded to utter no falsehood, and to speak evil of no man, they have calumniated the first characters in the Union, and misrepresented the most salutary measures till it has become doubtful whether they are now capable of seeing the truth, or of behaving with decency.
With an affected veneration for the constitution they have, by exciting the jealousy of one state against another, endeavoured to propagate a spirit of disunion and ant federalism. To complete their character, and reconcile their practice with their professions, they have ultimately avowed the unconstitutional principle, that the people are the greatest enemies of themselves. With this principle, federalism, like metaphysics, is capable of reconciling the greatest absurdities; it seems to be the general medicine of federal politics, it cures all blunders, and heals all contradictions. With this doctrine the federalists can prove that republicanism means any thing, or nothing, they can prove it to be a despotism or anarchy; they can prove that a majority of the people are always wrong in their opinions, and that whatever they advocate is destructive to their interests and happiness. We are much obliged to them for the avowal of this great leading principle of federalism; it will serve to explain many parts of their conduct which to a vulgar apprehension would seem a paradox. We can now account for their adoption of measures in opposition to the wishes of the people; we can now account for their total disregard of public opinion; we can now reconcile useless taxes, unnecessary armies and unconstitutional laws, with the security of the constitution, and the purest spirit of patriotism.
CLERICUS.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR.
HAS received a very handsome assortment of goods, consisting of superfine cloths, cassimeres and coatings of all colours.
Patent water proof Cloths, Silk and woolen Mole skins, T-shirts, velveteens, &c. of superior quality.
From which, and an acquisition of the newest fashions and the best workmen, he can assure whatever commanded.
Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square, and New Jersey Avenue, about eight houses from Capitol Square.
Dec. 1, 1802. tf.
FOR SALE,
Dr would be exchanged for a woman house servant that does not breed, A likely NEGRO WOMAN & CHILD—
THE Child a boy two years old, the mother has been chiefly used to house service, and is an excellent washerwoman. The present owner has no reason for parting with her except her breeding, which is inconvenient in a family—Enquire of the Printer.
Nov. 29. cf.
Reply of the Federal Members of the Legislature of New-Jersey, to the Remarks of the Republican Members inserted in our last.
Gentlemen, We have thus long waited to make a reply to a paper written by, signed by, and handed to our Committee by one of your number, who partly assumes to himself to be the organ of your sentiments, and partly arrogates to himself the office of instructing us in the sacred duty of legislation. We allude to a paper handed to us, signed by W. S. Pennington. We say we have thus long delayed a reply, because we really hoped, that after more mature consideration of our plain, friendly, and, as we think, generous propositions, you would have deemed them worthy of a very different answer. Disappointed in this respect, and supposing the answer to our propositions made by William S. Pennington, to be in all its parts your answer, we beg leave to address to you the following observations:
You seem greatly surprised that twenty-six gentlemen, on questions intrusted to all of them, should hold a conference, and attempt for the good of their common country, to compromise the difference by reasonable concessions. You say it is a phenomenon of which the pages of modern history contain not an example. Permit us, gentlemen, to ask you whether we could, as members of the Assembly, whether we could, as members of Council, as in ordinary cases of legislation when differences arise, have proposed a conference on the subject matter now in consideration? Was it a question between the houses of the Legislature? You must answer both those questions in the negative. What then more reasonable, more friendly, in our embarrassed situation, than to propose a conference—a conference of patriots on the state of their country? We are equal in number, and we hope it will not offend, when we say, equal in respectability. Did we ask you to legislate out of doors, or to act contrary to your oaths of office? Did we ask you to sacrifice your judgment to our judgments, and to give us a preference in the legislative or elective scale? No, gentlemen, we only asked you as individuals to confer with us, and to evince the rectitude of our intentions, we gave you a preference, which, considering our equality in every respect, we had reason to hope would have removed every difficulty. We completely put it in your power to place the state of New-Jersey in the same situation in which it was left by the last Legislature; a majority of whom were of your political principles. We did not ask you for a single new appointment to any office; for, by taking your choice of the Governor, every thing, as far as we could act, would have remained in the same state. The government would have been arranged—the more important and the subordinate offices would have been filled, and peace and harmony and good order would every where have prevailed. We have now told you what we have done. Let us next look at your conduct.
We shall not gentlemen detain you with remarks on the phraseology of your answer; this may in an hour of leisure furnish amusement—We aim at substance—not at words.
You seem to treat the unhappy division of sentiments in the present Legislature as a matter of trivial concern, and rely on the good sense of our constituents that they will not be alarmed by a disunion in our councils, and you conclude with observing, that no great inconvenience can arise to the state if a Governor should not be appointed. Did you, gentlemen, seriously consider when you addressed to us these observations? If you really believe what you say, permit us to undeceive you. That good sense on which you rely for our future tranquility must convince them that their dearest interests are in danger when their councils are so divided, and when the most honorable efforts to compromise differences prove so abortive. To tell them and to tell us that a Governor is unnecessary for New-Jersey, and that all his functions can be discharged by a Vice-President, and that he is Governor of the state, is, we will not use harsh language, it is, gentlemen, trifling with their and our understandings. You must have forgotten the words of the Constitution, that sacred instrument under which you are assembled. You must have forgotten the solemn duty which it enjoins upon you, and you must have estranged your minds from the important, executive, military and judicial duties of a Governor, or such language would never, by your order, have been placed on paper. Without going back to former times—without attempting to utter the smallest
reflection on the present Vice-President, let us ask you, gentlemen, Have the people of New-Jersey a Governor? To make a Governor of New-Jersey requires a joint vote of both houses of the Legislature. The votes of both houses would probably be given for one more or less capable to fulfil the great duties of his office. Has Mr. Lambert the votes of both houses of the Legislature? Is he adequate to the important office? To the first question you need not answer—to the last let your consciences reply! We are in truth a people without a leader; or, if your construction be right, our all is placed in the hands of him whom the people have never chosen; and who with the most honest intentions, is incapable to lead or direct, to guide or decide. In this deranged state of affairs, gentlemen, our propositions met your eyes. You saw in them, if you would see, the anxiety of Jersey men wishing the welfare of their country? and when you read them again you will perceive in them a disposition to remove every difficulty which presented itself in the arrangement of the affairs of our state. You, gentlemen, have rejected them—Upon you be the consequences. Our constituents must judge between us—to them we cheerfully appeal. Let not those constituents by you be told that we offered to bargain with you for the public offices of the state; but let them be told that we found ourselves on one side and you on the other side, precisely equal in number; that neither party could call, with propriety upon the other to recede from their opinion:—Let them be told you voted according to your consciences—Let them be told that we voted according to our consciences, and that the votes of both, by the exact equality of numbers, were altogether negative; and then, finally, let them be told, that both parties having discharged the duty they owed to their consciences in the giving of their votes, that we came forward to do the next best good we could to preserve the state from derangement; that we gave you a most important preference of choice, and that you contemptuously rejected our proffers—and then they will be told the truth, and nothing but the truth.
We now come, gentlemen, to the closing part of your answer, which appears in a much more questionable shape. We will not, on this occasion, follow your example, and express great surprise; but we will tell you that we frequently indulge the charitable hope that all of you never gave your assent to a production so full of misrepresentations—so replete with unmerited reproaches. Had we viewed this thing as the act of an individual, we would have treated it with its merited contempt; but considering it, more or less, your act, we deem it our duty to give it a short reply.
And permit us, gentlemen, solemnly to ask you when, where and how have we entered into an association, within the vitals of the state, constituting a government within the government, and claiming to itself powers deliberative, executive and legislative? Do us the justice, gentlemen, again to read our propositions, and then with your hands on your hearts, answer us this plain question:—Do they contain any thing but offers of friendly compromise, proposals of amicably conferring on our peculiar and unprecedented situation? Be advised, gentlemen—take back at least that part of your answer so untrue and so very unfriendly; strike out these unfounded charges, and by so doing you will do justice to us, and, we are sure you will do justice to yourselves. Have you considered gentlemen, that our situation was and is a peculiar and unprecedented situation!—A situation from which nothing but compromise could relieve us, unless indeed you conceived that every thing on our part was to be yielded. And when you have thus considered, let us not part before we have, by mutual concessions performed the duties required of us by the laws and constitution of our country. We do not adhere to any particular man as Senator or as Governor, and if you are equally disposed for conciliation, we have no doubt it can be effected.
Your charging our conduct with having a tendency to convey the idea to the world, that the people of New-Jersey are in hostile array, under two separate banners, is to no master of allusion. We know it flowed from the pen—it never came from the head of the writer. To pacify, to heal, to prevent confusion and disorder, and to harmonize a body of legislators so curiously formed, as to be precisely equal in numbers, on what is called the two political opinions of the country, has been the object of our warmest wishes, and we cheerfully appeal to our words and our actions, to prove the truth of this our declaration—And surely, gentlemen, when you saw

and knew this to be the line of our conduct, there would have been a propriety in advising your writer to spare his subsequent remarks. "Our minds are not wrought into any situation" which does not correspond with the real happiness of our common country. We duly appreciate the struggles of Jerseymen in the cause of Freedom, and we duly value the Prize which the joint struggles of Americans procured.
We recalled with exquisite pleasure the times, when, like a band of brothers, our citizens soldiers returned with laurels from the well fought field, and when our counsellors were a band of patriots, firm, united and free. To restore the councils of New Jersey to this happy situation is the object of our warmest desires, and therefore we shall not take your advice and desist from the measures we have taken; we will continue to pursue every lawful method to unite and harmonize the state. We will not "cut in under the knot that ties us together, but we will draw it closer and closer, that by our united efforts we may attain to this desirable object nor shall we destroy the instrument so elegantly called "fatal"—No, gentlemen, we will preserve it as a remembrance for our children, to show them that their fathers in a day of discord and dissension, exerted their best endeavors to restore order and harmony to society, and they were willing to sacrifice their private opinions on the altar of public good.
We have thus, gentlemen, in a cool and dispassionate manner, and in language plain and undigested, conveyed to you our sentiments in reply to your answer to our propositions, and we do solemnly appeal to the searcher of all hearts, before whose tribunal we must appear to answer for all our conduct, that the tranquility and lasting happiness of New Jersey are our only guides on this momentous occasion.
From what you have said, gentlemen, we cannot have any further intercourse with you but on the floor of the joint-meeting, which you call "the constitutional place of conference."—There, gentlemen, we will meet you—and there, we trust, we shall evince to you the sincerity of our declarations, and the uprightness of our intentions.
We are, gentlemen, With sentiments of due regard, Your most obedient servants, Ephraim Martin, John Outwater, Peter D. Vroom, Samuel Hough, Thomas Clark, Ebenezer Newton, Peter Ward, Thomas Blanch, Isaac Kipps, Simon Wyckoff, Gershom Dunn, Joseph Palkinburge, John Combs, Erkuries Beatty, William Coxe, Fred. Frelinghuysen, John Lacy, Benj. Vanclief, Abel Clement, William Pearson, Samuel W. Harrison, Samuel French, Stephen Burroughs, James Van Dyke, William M'Lowen, William Stockton.
Trenton, November 24, 1802. To Messrs. Lambert, Little, Parrett, Welsh, Moore, M'Culloch, Pennington, Linn, Howell, Shaw, Dickerson, Gorton, Ogden, Kitchell, Day, Darby, Goldwin, Smith, Rea, Burroughs, Pierson, Burgen, Knott, Cox, Scudder, Gordon.
Address of Governor ST. CLAIR to the Convention of the North Western Territory.
Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention,
You are now an organized body, and I am happy that you are so, in whatever manner it may have been effected. As the act of congress had not prescribed the mode, I came to clear that difficulty:—you got over it without my assistance, and I am perfectly satisfied; but, before you proceed to business, I request to be heard a few words.
When I look round upon this assembly, and consider the purpose for which it is convened, and carry back my thoughts for fourteen years when the affairs of this country were committed to me—when your numbers were only about thirty men—a wilderness before them to subdue, and surrounded by numerous tribes of savages, who, though at peace, were far from possessing friendly dispositions, and soon afterwards at open war, I am filled with astonishment and with profound gratitude to the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, who led them through all the difficulties they had to encounter, and has made of that small handful a great people, and brought them to that point from which they are to take their station on the theatre of America as a nation. To you, gentlemen, as their representatives, it belongs, if you think proper to take it upon yourselves, to form for them that constitution, which, while it secures their political liberty, is to be the foundation of their welfare and respectability. The task is arduous as it is important, and it cannot be doubted that you will bring to it patient and candid investigation, true patriotism, and mutual good will and condescension. To the present moment, gentlemen, I have looked forward with pleasing hopes, though not without a mixture of fear and anxiety, and my endeavours have not been wanting to lay a foundation for the great work before you, in morals and in a regard to the institutions of religion, for it is an eternal
truth, that without morality there can be no religion, and without religion no people can be happy. My feelings, gentlemen, you can appreciate, for most of you are fathers. They have been those of a father, who saw the day drawing nigh which was to send a son, over whose education he had long watched with all the varied emotions of parental affection, into a world where dangers awaited him at every step, and where the first would probably be decisive of his future fortune.—These cares and anxieties for your constituents, gentlemen, have occupied a considerable portion of my life, and have cost me many a toilsome day and sleepless night; but the pleasure I have in reflecting that they were not entirely thrown away is very great. It pleased God to favor my endeavors and make me frequently, the instrument of good to them, and of averting the evils that hung over them.
It is, gentlemen, to much the fashion when none is felt. The frame of your present government, it is true, is not so popular as that of the greater part of the United States, or as you may have wished, but it is as much so as is consistent with the colonial state, and I can with honest pride assert, and for the truth of the assertion I appeal to the whole people, that it has been administered with gentleness, and with one single view, the good of the whole; so far as it depended upon me, the laws have been executed faithfully and without rigor, and by gentle means the spirit of obedience to them and a love of order, without which civil society cannot subsist, has been endeavored to be introduced. It was my duty to procure the good of the whole people, and it has been my only ambition to fulfil that duty. Errors, no doubt, I have fallen into. They were errors of the head, not of the heart. They will be judged with candour, and viewed, I trust, with even some indulgence.
I could indeed have wished, gentlemen, that our political barque had been to launch in gentler weather and under better auspices, for I see a storm approaching, in which, if she be not overset, she may at least suffer damage. Party rage is stalking with destructive strides over the whole continent. That baleful spirit destroyed all the antient republics, and the United States seem to be running the same career that ruined them, with a degree of rapidity truly alarming to every reflecting mind. But she is on the ways and cannot now be stopped. May that gracious being, in whose hands are the issues of all things, shed the kindest influence upon her, and while she will add to the number of confederated states, be the means of bringing the whole back to the genuine love of their country and of each other, and may he inspire each of you, gentlemen, with the spirit of your nation, and pour out upon you that wisdom which is necessary to the conducting the business entrusted to you, to a happy end.
It would be the height of impropriety in me to attempt to direct you in your deliberations, but I may be allowed to offer you some advice. The act of Congress under which you are convened has determined the object on which they are first to be employed, to wit, whether it be or be not expedient, at this time, to form a constitution and frame of government. That being determined in the affirmative, which I presume it will be, you are at liberty to proceed and make that constitution, or to pass an ordinance for the election of representatives for that purpose. But you are further at liberty, gentlemen, to confine the constitution to be made, to what is called the eastern division of the Territory, or to extend it to the whole Territory. That the people of the Territory should form a convention and a constitution, needed no act of congress. To pretend to authorise it was, on their part, an interference with the internal affairs of the country, which they had neither the power nor the right to make. The act is not binding on the people and is in truth a nullity, and could it be brought before that tribunal where acts of congress can be tried, would be declared a nullity. To all acts of congress that respect the United States, (they can make no other) in their corporate capacity, and which are extended by express words to the Territory, we are bound to yield obedience. For all internal affairs we have a complete legislature of our own, and in them, are no more bound by an act of congress, than we would be bound by an edict of the first consul of France. Had such an attempt been made upon any of the U. States, in their separate capacity, the act would have been spurned from them with indignation. We, I trust, also know our rights and will support them, and being assembled, gentlemen, as a convention, no matter by what means it was brought about, you may do whatever appears to you to be for the best for your constituents, as freely as if congress had never interfered in the matter, and it may be a strong motive to you for so acting, that by this very act about five thousand people are divested of the rights they were in possession of, without a hearing—bartered away, like sheep in a market—transferred to another government, and thrown back into a state of it which has been loaded with every epithet of opprobrium which the English language affords.
But that act holds out certain propositions, which were, no doubt, expected to operate upon you, and by some have been thought to be advantageous. The first is that the section No. 16 in every township, shall be granted to the inhabitants of such townships for the use of schools. It is to be observed that the sections No 16 in every township are already given for the use of schools, in as complete a manner as they could now be granted by the congress. All that is wanting is an act to authorise the President to make patents, and that would be wanting were they now to be given by act of congress. The grant of these sections was a part of the terms on which the country was settled, and they cannot be resumed because the contract has been complied with on our part, and if the congress has either granted, sold or otherwise disposed of any of them, the act is void. The second proposition is, that the salt springs with the sections which includes them, near to the Sciota and Muskingum rivers, shall be granted to the state for the use of the people, provided the legislature shall never sell or lease the same for a longer term than ten years. It is a happy thing for us that providence has been pleased to place an article so necessary to the life of man as salt, in the bosom of our country. These springs have been worked for a great many years, and though nothing has been paid for the privilege of working them, salt has always been extremely dear; now unless the persons to whom they may be leased pay for their lease, no revenue can be derived from these salt springs, and if they do pay for them, the amount paid, and probably much more will be laid upon the salt, so that instead of a benefit, this gift would prove an injury, and an injury that would fall unequally. The whole people to whom the rent would accrue, would reap a very small advantage at the expense of those who, from their local situation, must depend on those springs for their salt. The third is, that the twentieth part of the proceeds of the lands sold in the state, sold or to be sold after the 20th June last, shall be applied to the laying out and making roads from the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic, to the Ohio, to the state and through it. This proposition is a mere illusion. It holds out the prospect of an advantage that never will be realized. The application of the money is to be made by congress, in which we shall have very little weight, at any rate, and it is coupled with conditions that would defeat it while they insult us. The first condition is, that until another census, that is for nearly nine years to come, we shall submit to have only one member in the house of representatives of the United States. The next is that every and each tract of land, sold as aforesaid, (the twentieth part of the price of which is to be laid out on roads) shall be exempt from every species of taxation by authority of the state, whether for state, county, township, or any other purpose whatever. The state shall derive no aid, as to revenue, from those lands. While they may be taxed by congress for the express purpose of raising a revenue. But those lands are solemnly pledged for the redemption of the public debt, a proportion of which we must pay. The money then pretended to be given by congress, for roads, if congress had the right to apply it, which they have not, must come from ourselves; but where are we to find it? The reservations amount to a great part of the soil and are not subject to taxation. The lands sold after the 20th June last, if you close with this proposition, will not be subject to taxation for five years, and what is there besides, except a very small moveable property in a country without trade, from whence our revenue is to be derived, and that moveable property taxed already as high as it can possibly bear, for county and township purposes. It is evident that the whole expense of the government must be laid upon the lands appropriated before the 20th June last, for experience has taught us that we have no other resource but a land tax; but such a land tax would fall unequally, it would never be borne.—But, gentlemen, why are conditions attempted to be imposed upon us, before we can obtain a right which is ours by nature and by compact? Were conditions imposed upon Vermont or upon Tennessee, before they could be admitted into the union? There were none attempted. Why then this odious distinction in our case? It is past a doubt that the Territory contains the number of people, which, by the compact with the U. States, or the terms of settlement, is necessary to entitle it to become a state and a member of the union, on an equal footing with the original states; and the gentlemen in congress who brought forward and advocated those propositions, admitted that if there was not the number at that time, there certainly would be before another session of congress, and that then was the only time to saddle us with conditions, or as they termed it, to make a good bargain with us, for if once we had the necessary number, it would be no longer in their power.
Form then, gentlemen, or direct a new election for the purpose, a constitution for the whole territory—assert your right to a full representation in the councils of the nation—direct the legislature forthwith to cause a census to be taken; it will not require much time if set about in earnest.
est. Let your representatives go forward with that in their hands, and demand the admission of the territory as a state. It will not, in cannot be refused. But suppose it should be refused, it would not affect your government, or any thing you had done to organise it. That would go on equally well and perhaps better. It was, I think, eight years after the people of Vermont had formed their government, and exercised all the powers of an independent state, before it was admitted into the Union.—The government was not retarded a single moment on that account. It would be incomparably better that we should be deprived of a share in the national councils for a session or two, or even for years, than that we should be degraded to an unequal share in them for nine years; but it will not happen. We have the means in our hands to bring Congress to reason, if we should be forced to use them. If we submit to the degradation, we shall be trodden upon, and what is worse, we shall deserve to be trodden on. I will leave these reflections on your table, gentlemen, to be made what use of you may think proper.
AR. ST. CLAIR.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
THOMAS PAINE, TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES.
LETTER THE FOURTH.
AS Congress is on the point of meeting, the public papers will necessarily be occupied with the debates of the ensuing Session, and as in consequence of my long absence from America, my private affairs require my attendance (for it is necessary I do so or I could not preserve as I do my Independence) I shall close my address to the public with this letter. I congratulate them on the success of the late elections, and that with the additional confidence that while honest men are chosen and wise measures pursued, neither the treason of apocrypha, masked under the name of federalism, of which I have spoken in my second letter, nor the intrigues of foreign emissaries, acting in concert with that mask, can prevail.
As to the licentiousness of the papers calling themselves federal, a name that apocrypha has taken, it can hurt nobody but the party or the persons who support such papers. There is naturally a wholesome pride in the public mind that revolts at open vulgarity. It feels itself dishonoured even by hearing it, as a chaste woman feels dishonour by hearing obscenity she cannot avoid. It can smile at wit, or be diverted with strokes of satirical humour, but it detests the blackguard. The same sense of propriety that governs in private companies governs in public life. If a man in company runs his wit upon another it may draw a smile from the persons present, but as soon as he turns a blackguard in his language the company gives him up, and it is the same in public life. The event of the late elections shows this to be true; for in proportion as those papers have become more and more vulgar and abusive, the elections have gone more and more against the party they support or that supports them. Their predecessor, Porcupine had wit. These scribblers have none. But as soon as his blackguardism (for it is the proper name of it) outran his wit, he was abandoned by every body but the English Minister that protected him.
The Spanish proverb says, "there never was a cover large enough to hide itself," and the proverb applies to the case of those papers and the shattered remnant of the faction that supports them. The falsehoods they fabricate, and the abuse they circulate, is a cover to hide something from being seen, but is not large enough to hide itself. It is as a tub thrown out to the whale to prevent its attacking and sinking the vessel. They want to draw the attention of the public from thinking about or enquiring into, the measures of the late administration and the reason why so much public money was raised and expended. And so far as a lie to day, and a new one to morrow, will answer this purpose it answers theirs. It is nothing to them whether they be believed or not, for if the negative purpose be answered the main point is answered to them.
He that picks your pocket always tries to make you look another way. Look, says he, at your man to the side the street,—what a noise he has got!—Lord yonder is a chimney on fire!—Dye see yon man going along in the salamander great coat? That is the very man that stole one of Jupiter's satellites and sold it to a countryman for a gold watch, and it set his breeches on fire. Now the man that has his hand in your pocket does not care a farthing whether you believe what he says or not. All his aim is to prevent your looking at him; and this is the case with the remnant of the federal faction. The leaders of it have imposed upon the country, and they want to turn the attention of it from the subject.
In taking up any public matter I have never made it a consideration, and never will, whether it be popular or unpopular,
but whether it be right or wrong. The right will always become the popular if it has courage to shew itself, and the wrong way is always a barren one. I despise expedients; they are the gutter-snipe of politics, and the line where reputation dies. In the present case, as in every other, I cannot be accused of using any; and I have no doubt but thousands will be eager to be ready to say, as Governor Morris laid to me, after having abused me pretty handsomely in Congress, for the opposition I gave to the fraudulent demand of Silas Deane of two hundred thousand pound sterling, Well! we were all duped and I among the rest.
Were the late administration to be called upon to give reasons for the expense it put the country to, it can give none. The danger of invasion was a bubble that served as a cover to raise taxes and armies to be employed for some other purpose. But if the people of America believed it true, the cheerfulness with which they supported those measures and paid those taxes, is an evidence of their patriotism, and if they supposed me their enemy, though in that supposition they did me injustice, it was not injustice in them. He that acts as he believes, though he may act wrong, is not conscious of wrong.
But though there was no danger, no thanks are due to the late administration for it. They fought to blow up a flame between the two countries; and so intent were they upon this, that they went out of their way to accomplish it. In a letter which the Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, wrote to Mr. Skipwith, the American consul at Paris, he broke off from the official subject of his letter to thank God in very exulting language, that the Russians had cut the French army to pieces. Mr. Skipwith, after shewing me the letter, very prudently concealed it.
It was the injudicious and wicked acrimony of this letter, and some other like conduct of the then Secretary of State, that occasioned me, in a letter to a friend in the government, to say, that if there was any official business to be done in France, till a regular minister should be appointed, it could not be trusted to a mere proper person than Mr. Skipwith. He is, said I, an honest man, and will do business, and that with good manners to the government he is commissioned to act with, a faculty which that Bear Timothy Pickering wanted, and which the Bear of that Bear, John Adams, never possessed.
In another letter to the same friend in 1797, and which was put unsealed under cover to Col. Burr, I expressed a satisfaction that Mr. Jefferson since he was not president, had accepted the vice-presidency, for said I, "John Adams has such a talent for blundering and off-handing, it will be necessary to keep an eye over him." He has now sufficiently proved that though I have not the spirit of prophecy I have the gift of judging right; and all the world knows, for it cannot help knowing, that to judge rightly, and to write clearly, and that upon all sorts of subjects; to be able to command thought, and, as it were to play with it at pleasure, and be always master of one's temper in writing, is the faculty only of a serene mind, and the attribute of happy and philosophical temperance. The scribblers, who know me not, and who fill their papers with paragraphs about me, besides their want of talents, drink too many flings and draughts in a morning to have any chance with me. But, poor fellows! they must do something for the little pittance they get from their employers. This is my apology for them.
My anxiety to get back to America was great for several years. It is the country of my heart, and the place of my political and literary birth. It was the American revolution that made me an author, and forced into action the mind that had been dormant, and had no will for public life; nor has it now. By the accounts I received, she appeared to me to be going wrong, and that some meditated treason against her liberties lurked at the bottom of her government. I heard that my friends were oppressed, and I longed to take my standing among them; and if other "times to try men's souls" were to arrive that I might bear my share. But my efforts to return were ineffectual.
As soon as Mr. Monroe had made a good standing with the French government, for the conduct of his predecessor had made his reception as minister difficult, he wanted to send dispatches to his own government by a person to whom he could also confide a verbal communication, and he fixed his choice upon me. He then applied to the committee of public safety for a passport; but as I had been voted again into the convention, it was only the convention that could give the passport; and as an application to them for that purpose would have made my going publicly known, I was obliged to sustain the disappointment and Mr. Monroe to lose the opportunity.
When that gentleman left France to return to America, I was to have come with him. It was fortunate I did not. The vessel he failed in was visited by a British frigate that searched every part of it, and down to the hold for Thomas Paine. I then went, the same year, to embark at Havre. But several British frigates were cruising in sight of the port who knew I was there, and I had to re-

then again to Paris. Seeing myself thus cut off from every opportunity of returning that was in my power to command, I wrote to Mr. Jefferson, that if the fate of the election should put him in the chair of the presidency, and he should have occasion to send a frigate to France, he would give me the opportunity of returning by it, which he did. But I declined coming by the Maryland, the vessel that was offered me, and waited for the frigate that was to bring the new Minister, Mr. Chancellor Livingston, to France; but that frigate was ordered round to the Mediterranean; and as, at that time, the war was over, and the British cruisers called in, I could come any way. I then agreed to come with Commander Barney in a vessel he had engaged. It was again fortunate I did not, for the vessel sank at sea, and the people were preferred in the boat.
Had half the number of evils befallen me, that the number of dangers amount to, through which I have been preserved, there are those who would ascribe it to the wrath of Heaven; why then do they not ascribe my preservation to the protecting favour of Heaven. Even in my worldly concerns I have been blessed. The little property I left in America, and which I cared nothing about, not even to receive the rent of it, has been increasing in the value of its capital more than eight hundred dollars every year for the fourteen years and more that I have been absent from it. I am now, in my circumstances, independent, and my economy makes me rich. As to my health it is perfectly good, and I leave the world to judge of the nature of my mind. I am, in every instance, a living contradiction to the mortified federalists.
In my publications I follow the rule I began with in Common Sense , that is to consult with nobody, nor let any body see what I write till it appears publicly. Were I to do otherwise, the case would be, that between the timidity of some, who are afraid of doing wrong, they never do right, the puny judgment of others, and despicable craft of preferring expedient to right, as if the world was a world of babies in leading strings, I should get forward with nothing. My path is a right line as straight and clear to me as a ray of light. The boldness (if they will have it to be so) with which I speak on any subject is a compliment to the judgement of the reader. It is like saying to him, I treat you as a man and not as a child . With respect to any worldly object, as it is impossible to discover any in me, therefore what I do, and my manner of doing it, ought to be ascribed to a good motive.
In a great affair, where the happiness of man is at stake, I love to work for nothing; and so fully am I under the influence of this principle that I should lose the spirit, the pleasure, and the pride of it, were I conscious that I looked for reward; and with this declaration I take my leave for the present.
THOMAS PAINE.
Federal City, Lovell's Motel, Dec. 3, 1802.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
Will be exposed to Public Sale, the following valuable property, in the City of Washington, viz.
A Three Story brick House and the Lot on which it stands, together with stable, coach house, &c. situated on the Pennsylvania Avenue, near George Town, being part of the property known by name of the six buildings.
Lots no 7 and 8 as laid out by Isaac Pollock, in square no 38, with a good Two Story Brick House thereon—Lots no 9 in same square, improved in like manner—Lots no 14 and 15, in square no 144—Lots no 2, 21 and 22, in square no 173—Lots 2, 3, 6, 7, 10, 11, 14 and 15 in square 227—Lots no 7, 8, 9, and 10 in square 257—Lots no 4 in square 290—Lots no 13 in square 323—Lot no 17 in square 348—Lots 3, 4 and 5 in square 339; Lots 1, 2, 3, 24, 25 and 26 in square 238; Lots no 5, 6, 13, 19 and 20 in square 293; Lots no 2, 3, 4 and 5 in square no 226; Lots 2 and 3 in square 377. The above mentioned property is seized & taken and will be sold by virtue of a writ of fieri facias, issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for the County of Washington, to me directed, in favor of Abraham Van Logan vs of John T. Mason, against the Lands and Tenements, Goods and Chattels of Isaac Pollock. The unimproved property is also seized and taken, and will be sold under three other writs of Fieri Facias, in favour of the following persons, to wit:—George Magruder and Patrick Magruder, use of John H. Stone and Walter Dorsey—Thomas Turner and Samuel Turner—and Samuel Briscoe, against the lands and tenements, goods and chattels of the said Isaac Pollock. The sale of the improved property will commence on the premises at 10 o'clock A. M. on the 24th of this month, the unimproved lots at Rhode's Tavern, City of Washington on the 24th at 10 o'clock A. M. Terms of Sale CASH.
DANL. C. BRENT, Marshal District Columbia. Dec. 3, 1802.
The partnership of Brohawn & BYUS being dissolved by mutual consent,
all persons indebted to them are particularly requested to make immediate payment to STANLEY BYUS, otherwise recourse will be had to Law.
THOMAS BROHAWN, STANLEY BYUS. Dec. 3.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, December 6, 1802.
THIS DAY again exhibits to the people of America the interesting spectacle of a meeting of their Representatives, chosen by themselves for purposes promotive of the public good, with powers limited to beneficial objects. While the Eastern world contains not a spot that can be justly called free, the United States present an immense tract in which there is not a single despot; and while the sword of lawless power is directing Europe at will, reason, having here fixed her empire, protects with uncontrollable energy the political and personal rights of freemen. The contrast is striking; and the cause obvious. But obvious as it is, its infinite importance should render it an object of constant attention, and particularly on those occasions in which its effects are most conspicuously developed. The cause is the republicanism of the nation and that of the government; that republicanism, which rests upon equal rights in the people, and a pure representative system whereby all rulers are derivable from as well as amenable to the nation. This is the only genuine republicanism that exists in the world. The term is abused, when otherwise applied.
It is the necessary effect of this system to enlighten the whole people, by calling them into a participation of the government, and by making it at every moment of its existence dependent upon their will. It thus becomes the interest of the great body of the people, distinctly understood and habitually felt, to make themselves acquainted with the first principles of government, to understand their application to leading public measures, and to pronounce through the organs of public opinion and of elections on the conduct of those in power; retaining those who enjoy, and dismissing those who have forfeited their confidence and affection.
Before the illusive example set by America, doubts were entertained by the best and wisest men of the competency of a nation to govern itself in a rational and tranquil manner. Those doubts have now vanished before an experience which has established a new era in the world. We have proved the genuine republican system to be not only the best, but the only one under which the liberties of a nation are secure. For while the tranquility and very existence of every other civilized nation have been endangered or lost, our nation, gathering strength from the surrounding storm, has demonstrated the wisdom of institutions, which, being the property and the protection of all, are defended by the united energies of the whole nation, invigorated by one common sense of interest. Well, therefore, may we exult in our present state, and our future prospects; and as we owe the first to ourselves, to ourselves also shall we be indebted for the accomplishment of the last. The vigilance and patriotism of the people can be their only securities; for though they are not, as has been contended, "their own worst enemies," yet it is undeniable that they have, and ever will have enemies, ready to embrace all occasions to destroy the fair fabric of their rights.
At a period when the legislative body is about to resume the exercise of its important functions, it may be interesting to enquire into the causes which have insured the unrivalled happiness we enjoy. We have already remarked that the primary cause is the republican sentiments of the people, and the republican structure of the government they have adopted. In subordination to this circumstance are others of a nature only secondary to a nature only secondary to it, on the observance of which the true prosperity of nations always depends.
1. Freedom of reflection, speech, and writing. 2. Freedom of action in the various occupations of life. 3. Taxes commensurate, and not more than commensurate with the honest wants of the government. 4. The least possible political connection with foreign nations. 5. A disposition to maintain peace with all the world.
These are the pre-eminent features which have distinguished American institutions from all others: they are the true features of the republican system: wherever they exist man is free; and wherever they are wanting he is a slave. In the degree in which our own government has cherished these principles has the national happiness and character risen: and wherever they have been neglected or violated private happiness and public character, domestic tranquility and external peace have been hazarded or lost.
It was the disgraceful attack of a federal administration upon the freedom of the press by the passage of a Sedition Act that cast a fire brand into the midst of the nation whose baleful effects were only arrested by the removal of the cause which produced them.
It was the imposition of taxes, odious in their nature, and oppressive in their amount, for artificial and illegitimate purposes, that produced one insurrection and menaced another; that established a host of political instruments in the shape
of revenue officers; and that spread far and wide the conviction that the government had other views than those which related to supplying its honest wants.
It was the rapid extension of diplomatic embassies, and the numerous overtures for European alliance, that justly excited an universal sentiment of alarm, lest the United States should be drawn into the vortex of European intrigue, and be bound a victim at its bloody altar.
And, it was the apprehension that the nation would be forced by the ruffians of the government into open war that, perhaps, more forcibly than any other consideration, produced that honest and enlightened pause of national zeal, which, by insuring the return of calm reason, re-established the peace of the country, and with it, the peace of every citizen it contained.
While in the experience of errors that have so recently carried us astray from the true path of national glory, which here and here only is the path both of national and individual happiness, it is to be hoped that the American people will hereafter distinctly perceive their real interests belonging to the fundamental principles with which they are inextricably connected.
Hitherto the present Legislature, guided by these principles, have zealously carried them into effect. The faithful executors of national sentiment, the ground on which they stand is lofty and commanding; and may they by the wisdom and patriotism of their future measures, add to the lustre of a well earned fame!
We understand that there is good reason to consider the late measures of the Intendant at New-Orleans as having originated entirely with himself, and as being, of consequence, unauthorized by the Spanish government.
Among many circumstances indicative of this, are the decided opposition of the Governor to the measures of the Intendant, and the determination of the commercial tribunal not to carry his decree into effect.
From the lips, no doubt taken by our government, national expectation may be entertained that the decree will be revoked before it can have operated extensively to the injury of our trade on the Mississippi; of the vast amount of produce floated down that river, no article of considerable value, besides cotton, is deposited at New-Orleans till February; and as that article not being perishable, will experience but small injury from a temporary detention at the Natchez.
ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR ST. CLAIR.
It is our painful duty to present to the public in our paper of to-day, the Address of Governor St. Clair. For the honor of our national character we could have wished to have been spared the necessity of inviting the attention of our readers to sentiments anti-republican and disorganizing—to language, undignified from any man but peculiarly undignified from an officer appointed by the government of the United States to execute the laws.
Where in this performance shall we find that spirit of harmony and that love of good order, which are ornaments to the character of the private citizen, and duties attached to the character of the public functionary? After a fruitless search for the evidences of these laudable virtues, we have the mortification to find in their room, an unrestrained libel upon Congress, a denial of their constitutional powers, united with an attack upon the purity of their motives, an attempt to subvert the confidence of the people of the territory and their representatives in Convention in the General Government, and to excite prejudice and inflame passion to such a pitch, as to transport them from the legal and patriotic performance of duty into excessive unauthorised by law or public opinion, and eminently calculated to convulse the interior of the territory and to divide it from its federal head. We have marked in Italic a few of the most reprehensible features of the Address. We invite every good citizen to peruse and condemn them.
It may be proper to add that, with whatever intention the Address was made, it has produced none of those mischievous effects that, in a different state of society, might have ensued from it. The people of the territory and their representatives appear to have but one mind on the measures of Congress. Sensible that they originated in a regard for their interests and a respect for their rights, they have proceeded to act upon them in a way that precludes increased harmony and concert.
The records of parliamentary deliberations do not, perhaps, furnish a more extraordinary document than the Reply of the Federal Members of the Legislature of New-Jersey , inserted in this day's paper. It is, say the gentlemen, "cool and dispassionate;" and yet from beginning to end it is all indignation and recrimination. Those, who shall carefully peruse the able production under the signature of William S. Pennington, will clearly discern the cause of the unwarrantable warmth, and dinedition of reason apparent in the reply. The federal
members made propositions, proved by their opponents to be unfair and unconstitutional; proved to be so, not by legal or metaphysical subtlety, but by plain and conclusive reasoning, addressed with equal efficacy to the highest and lowest capacity. Federalists, even Federalists were convicted of an attempt to establish an imperium in imperio , for which very attempt, improperly ascribed to a respectable member of the Senate of the United States, their loftiest vengeance was hurled against him.
It is a hazardous effort to endeavour to convince our friends of their errors; but it is still more hazardous to endeavour to convince our enemies. In the present instance, this remark is strikingly verified; for the federal gentlemen, as if conscious of the error of their ways, appear at once to have lost the even tenor of their minds, and to have let loose upon their opponents the unworthy passion of resentment; thus converting a public into a private feud.
We hope our republican friends will as cautiously avoid an imitation of the manner, as they have hitherto wisely avoided an imitation of the measures of their political opponents. We not only hope, but we believe this will be the case, as the ultimate triumph of republican principles is indissolubly united with a spirit no less moderate than decided.
RICHARD SPRAGG, is appointed one of the Judges of the General Court of Maryland, in the room of Gabriel Duval, resigned.
HAVING received a Memorial from that part of the City of Washington West of the President's House—setting forth that they have completed a Market-house, and praying that a market may be hereafter established agreeably to the 12th Section of an act of the corporation, entitled "An act to establish and regulate markets."—I do hereby, in conformity with the powers vested in me by said recited act, grant and permit that the said market be hereafter opened for the reception of provisions, &c. with all the privileges and subject to the restrictions which are contained in the before mentioned act.
Given under my hand and the seal of the Corporation this 3d day of December 1802. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. By the Mayor, THOMAS HERTY, Register of the City of Washington.
LATELY PUBLISHED,
And for Sale by the Editor, at his CON-VENANCING OFFICE, President's square, City of Washington—
A DIGEST
OF THE
Laws of the United States, BEING a complete system (alphabetically arranged) of all the public acts of Congress now in force—from the commencement of the Federal Government, to the end of the first Session of the seventh Congress, which terminated in May 1802, inclusive, in two volumes, price five dollars.
The second volume comprises the acts of the 3 last Sessions of Congress, in same order and referring to such parts of the first volume as have undergone alterations; to which is annexed a correct table of the duties on imports, and a comprehensive index—the price of the 2nd vol. is 102 1/2 cents in boards, or 2 dollars full bound.
N. B. At the above office, Deeds and all other instruments of writing are drawn with legal precision, and on moderate terms.—Titles to cit. lots investigated, &c.—Houses and Lots to sell and rent Dec. 6. 12W.RF.
Public Sale.
On Thursday the 9th instant, at ten o'clock A. M. will be sold to the highest bidder, at the store lately occupied by Doctor Jack, in City of Washington—
A quantity of Ironmongery, consisting principally of building materials—Terms of Sale, CASH. J. CONNOR, AuDr. Dec. 6. 17.
170,038 Acres of Land.
THIS body of land, in one entire and inclusive survey, is offered for sale to any individual or company, who may incline to purchase for the purposes of settlement and emigration. It is situated in the state of Virginia, on the Great Kenawha River, Montgomery county; and is distinguished by the name of "The Great Bent of the Kenawha," being intersected by the Piney river, Great and Little Bluestone rivers, Coal river, and yanidot river, as also by numerous other creeks and waters, running into said rivers Numerous mill-sites, inexhaustible bodies of coal, and great appearances of ores, metals, salt springs and salt licks, are to be found on this tract, besides which, sugar may be made thereon to any amount, the sugar rearend bouing in almost every part.
For fertility of soil, growth of timber, fitness for cultivation, salubrity of climate, and natural advantages, this body of land stands unrivalled by any tract of equal quantity in Western America; it will be submitted for sale to an entire purchaser, until the first day of June next, on very advantageous terms; after which, it cannot be disposed of at any price, the present proprietor being compelled to a division thereof. An inalienable title will be given, and for further particulars, as to terms of sale and payment, enquire of JOHN BECKLEY, Esq. Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States, at the city of Washington. November 1, 1802. 1f
SALES AT AUCTION.
Will be sold on Tuesday the 7th of December next, at ten o'clock A. M. at the dwelling house of Mrs. BROWN, north E street, near the Branch Bank—
Household & Kitchen Furniture, consisting of Mahogany and Windsor Chairs, dining and card Tables, looking glasses, bedsteads, with furniture complete, window curtains, beds, and a variety of other articles—among which are, an elegant London made patent bedstead, and a cylindrical tattoo-wool Secretary.
Any of the large articles may be had at private sale, on application at the house, at any time prior to the public one, and may be seen from 11 to 2 o'clock. Terms of Sale, CASH.
For SALE OR RENT, the above House. J. CONNOR, AuDr.
Who has for Sale Thirty Barrels Cango Beef, & 1700 lb. Rhode Island Cheese. Nov. 29. ept7D.
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on E street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole or the above proper y. WILLIAM DYE R. April 7, 1802. ept7 Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W. D.
To Rent on moderate terms.
A TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE ON South Capitol street—In front is a large store completely fitted up for the wet and dry goods business, with a Parlor adjoining, which may be used separate from the House, and leave sufficient room for the accommodation of a private family—a kitchen with servants room over—with a small smoke house adjoining—three tall stable and inclosed garden. Enquire of Mr. CHARLES VARDEN, New Jersey Avenue, or on the Premises, of THOMAS JONES, Nov. 25. tf.
FOR SALE.
A likely young NEGRO WOMAN. A GOOD House servant—Enquire at the Office of the National Intelligencer. A L S O,
TO LET—A convenient Two story Brick dwelling House, &c. near the Capitol—Enquire as above. Nov. 22. tf.
For Sale or to be Rented.
I WILL sell or rent a HOUSE and LOT in George Town, at the corner of Congress and Gay streets, at present in the occupation of capt. W. SMITH, and give possession one month after ripening.
The House is large, commodious, well finished and pleasantly situated. Said lot has a front of 180 feet, and on it is every necessary out building. Capt. Smith will show the property, and the terms may be known by application to me by letter, at Colchester, Virg. JAMES H. BLAKE. Dec. 18. 1f.
Charlotte Hall School.
ON the 25th of October 1802, the Trustees proceeded to the election of the Principal of said School for the year 1803, when the Rev. GEORGE RALPH was unanimously elected. Whereupon, Resolved, That the said Rev. George Ralph be and he is hereby declared Principal of Charlotte Hall School for the ensuing year. Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg.
The Trustees of Charlotte
Hall School will meet at the Cool Springs, on Monday the 13th of December next; for the purpose of appointing a vice Principal, and an assistant Teacher of the Languages. The salary of the vice Principal will be two hundred and fifty pounds per annum, provided he is capable of teaching the French as well as the Latin and Greek Languages; if incapable of teaching the French Language, his salary will be two hundred pounds. The Assistant Teacher must be qualified to teach the Classics; his salary will be one hundred and twenty-five pounds per annum. Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg. Charlotte Hall, ? Oct. 28th. Nov. 19—1w.
MILLINERY STORE.
FRANCIS PIC takes the liberty to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of George Town and Washington, that MARY ANN PIC will open this day a handsome and elegant assortment of MILLINERY GOODS, which joined to the former assortment, will make a very complete one. Among the new goods he has brought with her the following, viz. Spanish mantles of the newest fashion, rick-cules, quilted great coats of different colours, shawls of all colours, gloves embroidered with gold, elegant lace bonnets, spencers, silk drapery sleeves, flowers of all description, ornaments, trimmings, dressed bonnets, all sorts of perfumes, ladies and gentlemen's silk flockings, handsome fans, shawls, children's play things, elegant pocket books, &c. &c. &c. Novem 28th. 1f
Lodgings equally decent, &
one third cheaper than any in the City—furniture rooms and good attendance to be had on Greenleaf's Point, and good stableage is also furnished, by SAMUEL SPEAKE. Nov. 29. 12W3W.

PROPOSALS
FOR CARRYING Mails of the United States
On the following Post Roads, Will he received at the General Post Office at Washington, until the 18th day of January, inclusive.
IN DELAWARE.
1. From Wilmington by New-Castle, St. George's-town, Cantwell's bridge, Duck Creek, Dover, Frederica, Mil- ford, Georgetown, Lewes, Rehoboth, Hornetown, Drummond and Northamp- ton c. h. to the Ferry Landing, three times a week.
April 1st to November 15th.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 11 a. m. ar- rive at Dover same days by 9 p. m.— Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Drummond the next day, Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by 8 p. m. and ar- rive at the Ferry Landing on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by noon.— Returning —Leave the Ferry Landing every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon. Leave Drummond every Tues- day, Thursday and Saturday, at 6 a. m. arrive at Dover the next day on Wed- nesday, Friday and Monday, by 8 p. m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington the same days by 2 p. m.—
November 15th to April 1st.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wed- nesday and Friday, at 6 a. m. arrive at Dover same days by 6 p. m.—Leave Do- ver every Tuesday, Thursday and Satur- day, at 5 a. m. and arrive at Drummond on Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by 8 p. m. and arrive at the Ferry Landing on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by noon.— Returning —Leave the Ferry Landing every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 a. m. and arrive at Dover the next Wednesday, Saturday and Mon- day, by 8 p. m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, at 6 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington same days by 6 p. m.
2. From Frederica by Berry-town and Whitelysburg to Greensboro', in Mary- land, once a week. Leave Frederica every Friday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Greensboro' by 11 a. m. Leave Green- boro' every Friday at 1 p. m. and ar- rive at Frederica by 3 p. m.
3. From Lewistown by Broadkill Landing, George-town, Bridge Branch, North W. F. Bridge and New-Market, Md. to Cambridge, Md. once a week. Leave Lewistown every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at George-town by noon. Leave George-town every Tuesday at 1 p. m. arrive at Cambridge on Wednes- day by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave Cam- bridge every Thursday at noon, and arrive at Lewistown on Friday by 8 p. m.
4. From George-town by Concord and Laurel to Salisbury, Md. once a week. Leave George-town every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Salisbury by 6 p. m. Leave Salisbury every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at George-town by 6 p. m.
IN MARYLAND.
5. From Elkton by Warwick, Sassa- fras-town, Mays-town, Bridge-town, Sadlers, Bear-town, Greensboro', Den- ton and Hillsboro', to Easton, once a week. Leave Elkton every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Easton on Thursday by 10 a. m. Returning —Leave Easton every Thursday at 2 p. m. arrive at Greensboro' by 3 p. m. and arrive at Elkton on Saturday by 6 p. m.
6. From Wilmington, De. by Chris- tiana, Middletown, Warwick, George- town, Chester-town, Church-hill, Cen- treville, Queen's-town, Shaiak-town and Kent Island, to Annapolis, twice a week. Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Ches- ter-town by 8 p. m. Leave Chester-town every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Centreville by 10 a. m. and at Annapolis by 3 p. m. Leave An- napolis every Friday and Tuesday at 4 a. m. arrive at Centreville at 2 p. m. Leave Centreville at 3 p. m. arrive at Chester-town by 8 p. m. Leave Ches- ter-town every Saturday and Wednesday by 5 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington at 6 p. m.
7. From Centreville to Easton twice a week. Leave Centreville every Wed- nesday and Saturday at noon, and arrive at Easton by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave Easton every Tuesday and Friday at 7 a. m. arrive at Centreville by 1 p. m. Leave same at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chester-town by 6 p. m.
8. From Annapolis by Queen Ann's and Lower Marlboro' to Washington city, once a week. Leave Annapolis every Monday and Thursday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Washington by 6 p. m. Leave Washington every Monday and Thurs- day at 6 a. m. arrive at Annapolis by 6 p. m.
9. From Easton by Cambridge, Vi- enna, Salisbury, Snowhill, Princess Ann, Vienna, Salisbury and Cambridge, to Easton, once a week. Leave Easton every Thursday at 5 a. m. arrive at Cambridge by 11 a. m. and arrive at Snowhill on Friday at half past 8 p. m.
Leave Snowhill every Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Easton on Monday by 6 p. m.
10. From Hartford to Bell-Air once a week. Leave Bell-Air every Tuesday at 7 a. m. arrive at Hartford by 9 a. m. Leave Hartford at 11 a. m. and arrive at Bell-Air at 1 p. m.
11. From Baltimore by Liberty-town to Frederick-town, and from thence by New-Market to Baltimore, twice a week. Leave Baltimore every Thursday and Sat- urday at 6 a. m. arrive at Freder- ick-town by 6 p. m. Leave Frederick-town every Friday and Sunday at 5 a. m. ar- rive at Baltimore by 7 p. m.
12. From Baltimore by Ellicott's Lower Mills, Brookville, Montgomery c. h. and Charlesburg, to Leesburg, Va., once a week. Leave Leesburg every Thursday at 6 a. m. arrive at Baltimore on Friday at 10 a. m. Leave Baltimore every Friday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Leesburg on Saturday by 6 p. m.
13. From Baltimore to Annapolis three times a week. Leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 8 a. m. and arrive at Annapolis same days by 5 p. m. Returning —Leave An- napolis every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 8 a. m. and arrive at Bal- timore same days by 5 p. m.
14. From Annapolis by Tracey's Landing, Lower Marlboro', Hunting- ton and Calvert c. h. to St. Leonard's, once a week. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at St. Leo- nard's on Wednesday by 10 a. m. Leave St. Leonard's every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Lower Marlboro' on Thurs- day. Leave Lower Marlboro' every Monday at 8 a. m. and arrive at An- napolis by 5 p. m.
15. From Washington city by Unity- town, Hobbs-town, Brookville, Howard, Pulley's mill and Wright's mill, to Taney- ton, once a week. Leave Wash- ington every Wednesday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Taneyton by 6 p. m. on Thurs- day. Leave Taneyton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Washington on Sat- urday by 6 p. m.
16. From Washington city by George- town, Montgomery c. h. and Clarkstown to Frederick-town, three times a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 a. m. arrive at Frederick-town same days by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave Frederick- town every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Wash- ington same days by 6 p. m.
17. From Frederick-town by Wood- boro', Taneyton, Peterham, Pa. and Hanover to York, Pa. once a week. Leave Frederick-town every Monday at 6 a. m. arrive at York by 6 p. m. Re- turning —Leave York every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Frederick-town same day by 6 p. m.
18. From Frederick-town by Middle- town, Boonesboro', Hager's-town and Green-Castle, to Chambersburg, Pa. twice a week. Leave Frederick-town every Sunday and Friday at 4 a. m. ar- rive at Hager's-town by 11 a. m. Leave Hager's-town at half past 11, and arrive at Chambersburg same days by 7 p. m. Re- turning —Leave Chambersburg every Monday and Friday at 11 p. m. arrive at Hager's-town on Tuesday and Satur- day at half past 12 p. m. Leave Ha- ger's-town at 1 p. m. and arrive at Fre- derick-town same days by 8 p. m.
19. From Hager's-town by Hancock, Berkly Springs, and Old-town, to Cum- berland, once a week. Leave Hager's- town every Tuesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Cumberland on Thursday by 2 p. m. Re- turning —Leave Cumberland every Saturday at 8 p. m. arrive at Hager's-town on Tues- day at 10 a. m.
20. From Frederick-town by New- town, Harper's ferry, Charles-town and Shepherd's-town, to Martinsburg, Va. once a week. Leave Frederick-town every Wednesday at 8 a. m. arrive at Charles-town by 5 p. m. Leave Charles- town every Wednesday at 6 p. m. arrive at Martinsburg on Thursday at 9 a. m. Leave Martinsburg every Thursday at noon, arrive at Harper's ferry by 8 p. m. Leave Harper's ferry on Tuesday at 9 a. m. arrive at Frederick-town by 6 p. m.
21. From Frederick-town to Leesburg once a week. Leave Frederick-town every Friday at noon, arrive at Leesburg by 8 p. m. Leave Leesburg every Thurs- day at 8 p. m. arrive at Frederick-town on Friday by 11 a. m.
22. From Washington city by Piscat- away, Port-Tobacco, Allen's Fresh, Newport, Chapitico, Leonard-town, Great Mill and St. Inigoes, to the Ridge.— Leave Washington every Monday and Friday at 7 a. m. and arrive at Port-Tob- acco by 5 p. m. Leave Port-Tobacco every Tuesday at 4 a. m. arrive at Leo- nard-town by 4 p. m. Leave Leonard- town at half past 4 p. m. and arrive at the Ridge on Wednesday by 4 p. m. Re- turning —Leave the Ridge on Thurs- day at 6 a. m. arrive at Port-Tobacco Friday by 6 p. m. Leave Port-Tobacco on Saturday at 4 a. m. arrive at Wash- ington by 4 p. m.
23. From Piscataway to Alexandria once a week. Leave Piscataway every Saturday at 6 a. m. arrive at Alexandria by 10 a. m. Leave Alexandria every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Piscat- away by 6 p. m.
24. From Washington by Upper Marlboro', Nottingham, Lower Marl- boro', Aquasco, Benedict and Charlotte-
Hall, to Chapitico, once a week. Leave Washington every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Chapitico on Sunday by 6 p. m. Leave Chapitico every Monday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Washington on Wednesday by 3 p. m.
IN VIRGINIA.
25. From Hagerstown, Md. by Wil- iamspor, Martinsburg, Winchester, Stevensburg or Newtown, Strasburg, Woodstock, New Market & Harrison- burg to Staunton once a week. Leave Hagerstown every Tuesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Winchester on Wednes- day by 10 a. m. Leave Win- chester at 11 a. m. arrive at Staunton on Friday by 5 p. m. Returning — Leave Staunton every Friday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Hagerstown the next Mon- day at 10 a. m.
26. From Washington City by George- town to Prospecthill once a week.— Leave Washington every Tuesday at 9 a. m. and arrive at Prospecthill by 3 p. m. Returning —Leave Prospecthill every Monday at 10 a. m. and arrive at Washington by 3 p. m.
27. From Alexandria by Prospecthill, Hillboro', Leesburg, Waterford, Char- lottesville and Charlottesville to Winchester once a week. Leave Alexandria every Tuesday at 10 a. m. arrive at Prospect- hill by 3 p. m. Leave Prospecthill at half past 3 p. m. and arrive at Char- lottesville on Wednesday at 5 p. m. Leave Charlottesville at 6 p. m. arrive at Win- chester on Thursday by noon. Return- ing —Leave Winchester on Saturday 11 a. m. arrive at Charlottesville by 6 p. m. Leave Charlottesville at 7 p. m. arrive at Prospecthill on Monday by 5 a. m. and at Alexandria by 4 p. m.
28. From Washington City by Fair- fax c. h. Centerville, Middleburg, Go- shen, Millwood, Paris, Winchester, Roan- e and Western-port to Green Glades, once a week 172 miles. Leave Wash- ington City every Friday at 1 p. m. ar- rive at Fairfax c. h. by 5 p. m. Leave Fairfax c. h. at half past 5 p. m. ar- rive at Winchester on Sunday by 8 a. m. arrive at Romney on Monday at 7 a. m. and at Green Glades by 8 p. m. Returning —Leave Green Glades on Tuesday at 4 a. m. arrive at Romney by 5 p. m. arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p. m. a. Fairfax c. h. on Friday by 5 and at half past 11 a. m. Leave Fairfax c. h. at 6 a. m. and ar- rive at Washington by 9 a. m.
29. From the Green Glades by Clark- burg to Marietta once a week, 168 miles. Leave the Green Glades every Tuesday at 4 a. m. arrive at Marietta on Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Marietta every Fri- day at 2 p. m. arrive at the Green Glades the next Monday by 8 p. m.
30. From Romney by Springfield, Frankfort and Cressap's to Cumber- land once a week. Leave Romney every Monday at 9 a. m. arrive at Cum- berland by 6 p. m. Leave Cumberland every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Rom- ney at 6 p. m.
31. From Romney to Moorfields once a week, and from thence by Frank- fort to Bath c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Romney every Monday at 9 a. m. arrive at Moorfields by 4 p. m. Leave Moorfields every other Monday at 4 p. m. arrive at Bath c. h. on Wednes- day by 7 p. m. Leave Bath c. h. every other Thursday at 6 a. m. arrive at Moorfields on Saturday by 9 a. m. Leave Moorfields every other Saturday and every other Tuesday at 9 a. m. ar- rive at Romney by 7 p. m.
32. From Alexandria by Fairfax c. h. Centerville, Hay Market, Buckland, Fauquier c. h. and Jefferson to Cul- peper c. h. once a week. Leave Alexan- dria every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Fairfax c. h. by 5 p. m. Leave Fair- fax c. h. at half past 5 p. m. arrive at Culpeper the next Monday at 10 a. m. Returning —Leave Culpeper c. h. every Monday at 2 p. m. arrive at Fairfax c. h. the next Friday by 5 and half past 11 a. m. Leave Fairfax c. h. at 6 a. m. arrive at Alexandria by 9 a. m.
33. From Centerville to Leesburg once a week. Leave Centerville every Satur- day at 6 a. m. arrive at Leesburg by 11 a. m. Returning —Leave Leesburg every Saturday at 1 p. m. arrive at Cen- terville by 6 p. m.
34. From Fredericksburg by Steven- burg and Culpeper c. h. to Madison c. h. Orange c. h. Culpeper and Steven- burg to Fredericksburg once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 10 a. m. arrive at Culpeper c. h. on Wednesday by 11 a. m. Leave Culpe- per c. h. at noon, arrive at Madison c. h. by 2 p. m. Returning —Leave Ma- dison c. h. every Sunday at 3 p. m. ar- rive at Fredericksburg on Tuesday by 6 a. m.
35. From Fredericksburg by Orange c. h. and Milton to Charlottesville twice a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday and Saturday at 6 p. m. ar- rive at Charlottesville on Friday and Monday by 10 a. m. Returning — Leave Charlottesville every Monday and Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Fredericks- burg on Tuesday and Saturday by 9 p. m.
36. From Charlottesville by New- York, Staunton, Middlebrook, Brown- burg, Lexington, Natural Bridge, Fin- castle, Montgomery c. h. and New-Dub- lin to Wythe c. h. once a week. Leave
Charlottesville every Friday by 2 p. m. arrive at Wythe c. h. the next Monday 8 p. m. Leave Wythe c. h. every Tuesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Char- lottesville next Friday by 10 a. m.
37. From Wythe c. h. by Abingdon, Sullivan c. h. Roanoke, Hawkins c. h. O'Fallon and Rutledge to Knoxville once a week. Leave Wythe c. h. every Tues- day at 4 a. m. arrive at Knoxville next Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Knoxville every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Wythe c. h. the next Monday by 8 p. m.
38. From Staunton by Kinkaid's, Warm Springs or Bath c. h. Morris's, Callaghan's and Sulphur Springs to Lewisburg and from thence by Union- town & the Sweet Springs, Callaghan's, and the same route from thence to Staun- ton once a week. Leave Staunton every Saturday at 11 a. m. arrive at Lewis- burg on Monday by 10 p. m. Leave Lewis- burg every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and ar- rive at Staunton the next Saturday at 8 a. m.
39. From Lewisburg by Bowyers, Huffs and Morris's to Kanawha c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Lewisburg every other Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Kanawha c. h. on Thursday at 4 p. m. Leave Kanawha c. h. every other Fri- day at 6 a. m. arrive at Lewisburg next Monday by 6 p. m.
40. From Fredericksburg by Thorn- burg, Chillicothe, Chesterfield c. h. Ox- ford, Crewstire, Goochland c. h. Colum- bia, Yanceyville, Louisa c. h. Hyde's old Store, and Spottsylvania c. h. to Frede- ricksburg once a week, to pass from Fre- dericksburg alternately by Spottsylvania c. h. and by Thornburg. Leave Frede- ricksburg every Tuesday at 11 a. m. and arrive at Goochland c. h. on Thursday by 6 p. m. Leave Goochland c. h. every Friday at 6 a. m. arrive at Fredericks- burg the next Tuesday by 7 a. m.
41. From Fredericksburg by Port- Royal, Layton's, Lloyd's, Tappahannock, Urbanar, Shackelford's and Gloucester c. h. to York-town once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Tappahannock on Thurs- day at 6 p. m. Leave Tappahannock at 7 p. m. arrive at York-town on Saturday by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave York- town every Saturday at 6 p. m. arrive at Tappahannock on Monday by 7 p. m. Leave Tappahannock at 8 p. m. arrive at Fredericksburg on Wednesday by 10 a. m.
42. From Fredericksburg by King George c. h. Broadfield, Mattox Bridge, Leeds-town, Templeman's Cross Roads, Richmond c. h. Farnham, Kinsey, and Northumberland c. h. to Lancaster c. h. once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Lan- caster c. h. the next Saturday by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave Lancaster c. h. every Saturday at 10 p. m. and arrive at Fre- dericksburg the next Wednesday by 10 a. m.
43. From Richmond by Goochland c. h. and Columbia to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Wed- nesday noon and arrive at Charlot- tesville on Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Char- lottesville every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Richmond on Monday at 6 a. m.
44. From Charlottesville by Warren, Warminster, New-Market, New-Glas- gow and Madison to Lynchburg once a week. Leave Charlottesville every Fri- day at 2 p. m. arrive at Lynchburg on Monday by 5 p. m. Leave Lynchburg every Wednesday noon, arrive at Char- lottesville on Friday by 10 a. m.
45. From Richmond by Hopkins' Powhatan c. h. Carterville, New-Canton, Buckingham c. h. Bent Creek, Lynch- burg, New-London and Liberty to Fin- castle once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at noon, arrive at Pow- hatan c. h. on Thursday at 9 a. m. ar- rive at Fincastle the next Saturday by 6 a. m. Returning —Leave Fincastle every Saturday at 10 p. m. arrive at Powhatan c. h. the next Tuesday by 3 p. m. Leave Powhatan c. h. at 4 p. m. and arrive at Richmond on Wednesday by 10 a. m.
46. From Liberty by Rosky Mount to Henry c. h. once a week. Leave Li- berty every Saturday at 1 p. m. arrive at Henry c. h. on Sunday by 6 p. m. Leave Henry c. h. every Friday at 6 a. m. ar- rive at Liberty on Saturday by 11 a. m.
47. From Powhatan c. h. by Cum- berland c. h. Ca Ira, Farmville, Prince Edward c. h. and Charlotte c. h. to Hal- ifax c. h. once a week. Leave Powha- tan c. h. every Thursday at 10 a. m. ar- rive at Halifax c. h. on Saturday by 4 p. m. Leave Halifax c. h. every Satur- day at 10 p. m. arrive at Powhatan the next Tuesday by 1 p. m.
48. From Halifax c. h. by Halifax old town, Pittsylvania c. h. Peytonburg, Henry c. h. Patrick c. h. Bishop's Fur- nace, N. C. to Germanton, N. C. once a week. Leave Halifax c. h. every Sat- urday at 10 p. m. arrive at German- ton the next Wednesday by 10 a. m. Leave Germanton every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Halifax the next Sat- urday by 8 p. m.
49. From Halifax c. h. to Danville once a week. Leave Danville every Sat- urday at 6 a. m. arrive at Halifax c. h. by 4 p. m. Leave Halifax c. h. every Saturday at 8 p. m. arrive at Danville on Sunday by 6 p. m.
(To be Continued.)
TO RENT,
After the last day of the present month, THE HOUSE new in the tenure of Doctor BULLUS, situated between the six and seven Buildings—it is calculated for a store & dwelling, it being a corner house, three stories high—ALSO, a good stable and coach house a well inclosed garden, &c. For terms, application may be made to the Subscriber, JOEL BROWN. Nov. 17. tf.
FOR SALE OR RENT,
THAT elegant three story BRICK HOUSE on the corner of Falls & Frederick street in George Town lately occupied by Mr. Pichon. Likewise, THE two well finished three story BRICK HOUSES, adjoining that occupied by Mr. SAMUEL H. SMITH, Printer, on the Penn- sylvania Avenue, east of the centre Market House, City of Washington—Apply to GEORGE THOMPSON, George Town, Geo. Town, Oct. 20. tf.
CHARLES VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAILOR from Philadelphia, Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue. HAS received an assortment of summer goods consisting of the best superfine Cloths. Cashmeres, Silk Borretches, English Striped Nankeens, White India Dimities, White and printed Marfelles, With a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladys Habits, Regiments and Navy uniforms, made in the first style of fashion. July 2, 1802. tf.
FOR SALE.
Stack and Common Bricks, Scantlings, Firewood, Slate, Coal. Apply to JAMES O'BRIEN, Carrollburg. Oct. 29. peam.
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May en- suing, when their patronage is earnestly fol- licited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and fit- ting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments. The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every di- rection, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the state of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c. A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refresh- ments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in. Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly fur- nished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT. N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. epf.
The George Town and Annapolis STAGE,
WILL commence on the first Monday in October next to run three times a week; leave Annapolis every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and return from George Town every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday— Fare and allowance as usual. JOSEPH SEMMES, JOHN SMITH. This is intended to accommodate such gen- tlemen and ladies as are going to and from Frederick and Hager's-Town. October 11th, 1802. tf.
The Subscriber has for Sale, London particular Madeira
Wine, in pipes and quarter casks; West-India Rum in hds. and barrels; Brown Sugar of excellent quality; and 55 bbls. of Cargo Beef. WM. BRENT. Washington, Nov. 12. tf.
Members of Congress, Tra-
velers, and those gentlemen whose busi- ness call them to the City of Washington, are respectfully informed that the sub- scriber has established the UNION TAVERN & WASHINGTON HOTEL,
On Pennsylvania Avenue, first house east of the President's, and one mile from the Capitol.
THERE is a pavement all the way, and the accommodations are equal to any in the United States, having thirty rooms fitted up in an elegant manner. Also, a large Coffee Room, 34 feet by 22—and a room over the same, now finishing, convenient for the recep- tion of any public meeting, with a pleasant view of the Potomac and the surrounding country. All the principal newspapers in the Union are taken and regularly filed. WILLIAM LOVELL. N. B.—To Let, a coach and single horse CHAIR. Nov. 26. 3m.