The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-06-06 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXXXII
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, JUNE 6, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FRENCH EXPOSE, (CONTINUED.)
General Oudinot has taken possession of the countries Neufchatel and Valengin. He found those countries loaded with English merchandise, heaped there by merchants of Switzerland, and principally by those of Basle. Of these the French army has taken to the amount of many millions; all the banks of the lakes of Neufchatel were covered with French manufactures. This circumstance justifies all the prohibitory measures which may be taken with regard to Switzerland. That country is little more, at this moment, than a warehouse for English goods. When it shall be cleared of these manufactures, we shall perhaps have the means of giving a new check to our enemy. — Is it possible that the Landamman was not struck with the danger to which he exposed the country? Who will protect Basle from a visit from the French army? Does this magistrate, who sees smuggling carried on by which sale under his eyes, suppose that he is not responsible? If the French consider these depositories of prohibited goods so publicly made, and to such great extent, a real act of hostility, if the French government multiplies prohibitory laws between Switzerland, France and Italy, will not the Landamman be the cause of it? And will not all the complaints the Swiss may make be unjustly and ill-founded?
“Dalmatia is occupied by the French army. It is separated from the mouth of the Cataro by the republic of Ragusa; the country is mountainous and the roads are bad. The French troops have arrived at Ragusa, when the fort of Castel-Nuovo was delivered to 300 Russians by gen. Brady, who commanded 2000 Austrians. This general, whose ancestors were English, has been wanting in respect to France, and has betrayed his master. Upon receiving this information, marshal Berthier gave orders that Braunau, which defends the frontier of the Inn, and which was to have been given up on the 1st of April, should not be restored, and that it should be again garrisoned. The division of the grand army, which was on its way to France, has halted. The prisoners of war that were to have been sent back to Germany have been detained until further orders, in the places at which they were.”
This outrage offered by Russia to the Austrian flag and arms, is the more inexcusable, because the Russians are at Corfu, draw their provisions from the ports of Trieste and Fiume, a free communication with which has not been prohibited. The court of Vienna has ordered that general Brady should be arrested and tried. It has expressed its satisfaction to Russia. It will cause Castel-Nuovo and the mouth of the Cataro to be delivered up to France, without having occasion to reply, by arms, to this act of hostility.
The Russians have evacuated Hanover and returned home. The army which the emperor Alexander commanded has also returned to Russia. — After all the losses which it sustained, it is very natural that it should repair them by recruiting. A part of the troops which were at Corfu, have returned to the Bosphorus with gen. Lacy. A considerable part of those that were in Poland, are marching towards Chocim and the Crimea. The illusion with respect to the Russian armies is no more. The French army which, in two months, dissipated the third coalition, was then only on the peace establishment; at the end of three months which have since elapsed, it finds its lion the war establishment. It had nothing to fear from all the force of Europe, but no person will be able to form a fourth coalition. England knows full well that it would be money thrown away. She reflects with terror, that the first coalition, which lasted five years, made France mistress of Holland, Belgium, the Rhine, and all the Cisalpine country; that the second coalition, which lasted two years, gave to France Piedmont and Switzerland; that the third, which only lasted three months, gave her Venice, Naples and Genoa; that the least she could expect from a fourth coalition, would be Trieste and Fiume, and the eternal exclusion of the English from all the ports of Europe. Russia, recovered from the vain illusion by which she was deceived, well knows what 30 million of people, scattered over an immense territory, and under the necessity of opposing the Persians, Turks and Tartars, can do against 40 million of Frenchmen, united on the same platform, brave, active and intelligent, and more capable of conquering Russia than the Russians of conquering France.
English, Russian, and Sardinian envoys, and a knot of malcontents from all the countries in the world, had fixed on Rome as the centre of their machinations. The emperor required that they should be driven from thence; and that a sovereign placed in his empire, should do nothing contrary to the safety of the armies of Naples and Italy. The first care of an army should always be, not to allow itself to be surrounded either by spies or those who encourage desertion. This demand gave rise to many
consistories, when the persons who were the objects of it did justice to themselves, and all evacuated Rome.
The kingdom of Naples is entirely conquered. The French troops are at Reggio, at Otranto, and at Taranto. — Only a small body of the Neapolitan troops could embark and reach Sicily. That island is defended by 4,500 English. The presence of such enemies is an additional inducement for the French to go there. Gaeta, an insignificant fortress with a garrison of 1600 men, is besieged.
The victory at Austerlitz produced as much sensation at Constantinople as at Paris. The exultation was there sincere and universal. The government of the Porte is neither ignorant nor sold. There may at Constantinople be some traitors, but they are not numerous; whilst, on the contrary, the multiplied measures of Russia for sapping the foundation of this vast empire has not escaped the notice of the real Ottomans. They are not ignorant that the protection of France can alone be sufficient for the Porte, and that France is the only power interested in protecting her. The vicinity of the French in Dalmatia has inspired them with the liveliest joy. The emperor Napoleon has been acknowledged emperor. The Porte knows very well that its treaty with Russia was extorted; and that it is rather a treaty between a despotic prince and his vassal, than between sovereign and sovereign; that it is not the French who have excited the Greeks and Servians to insurrection; whose ships of war are anchored before Constantinople; and who are continually creating commotions in the Morea. This new attitude of the Porte has produced much uneasiness at St. Petersburg; and if the Porte should be roused to acts of energy against Russia, there will not be found between those two powers the great difference that may be supposed. The Mussulman is brave, and we're he but directed and assisted, he would triumph over the Muscovite militia. It is not probable that the Porte will wish to go to war; but she has a right to preserve her independence, and to wish for protection against the insults of M. Italinsky, every proceeding of whom, when he communicates with the divan, is calculated to excite hatred and indignation.
We intend to collect in this way every month, information of what is passing; and to throw some light into the labyrinth of false reports, by which the lawful speculations of fair and honest merchants may be injured.”
GENERAL ORDERS.
Head Quarters, St. Louis, 1st March 1806.
At a general court martial held at the city of New Orleans, by order of Lt. Col. Freeman, on the 4th of January last, and continued to the 6th of the same month.
Lieutenant Alfred Sebastian, of the U. S. 2nd Reg. Infantry, was tried on the following charges.
Charge 1st. For contempt to Lieut. Baldwin, your superior officer, when on parade, on the 20th May 1805.
Specification. In ordering the band to cease playing, and the retreat to be beat, in violation of a garrison order of 27th May, 1804, regulating the evening parade, while he was on parade, inspecting the company to which he was attached.
Charge 2nd. For ungentlemanly and unofficer-like conduct.
Specification. For having Lieut. Baldwin arrested, and brought before a General Court Martial upon charges which you are not able to substantiate, and which he made appear to the court were malicious and false.
Lieutenant Sebastian being arraigned plead not guilty, and the court passed the following sentence (viz.) The court after weighing the testimony for and against Lieutenant Sebastian are of opinion that he is not guilty, and do acquit him with honor.
The General approves the foregoing sentence, and orders Lieutenant Sebastian released from arrest.
(Signed) JAMES WILKINSON, Inspectors office St. Louis, March 1st 1806.
The foregoing is a copy from the original on file in this office. (Signed) THOS. H. CUSHING, Adj. & Inspector.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in Calvert county, Maryland, a negro man named TOM or TOM MONK. He is a blacksmith by trade, 26 years old, about 5 feet 10 inches high, of a slender make, yellow complexion, and slightly pitted with the small-pox. He has a variety of clothes, among which are a long coat of brown cloth, and pantaloons of the same, with a short spotted coat. It is highly probable he has made for Baltimore, or the city of Washington, from Annapolis, as he was seen in the latter place a few days since. Whoever takes up the said fellow and secures him, so that I get him again, shall have the above reward, and all reasonable charges will be paid if brought home. All masters of vessels and other persons are forewarned harboring, employing or carrying said fellow away at their peril. EDWARD GANTT, junr.
April 26 — June 6
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MARCH 21.
DEBATE
On Mr. Nicholson's Resolution; (CONCLUDED.)
Mr. NEWTON's Speech concluded.
We do not get money in those markets for our produce, as a memorial from Connecticut some time ago, soliciting the time for paying duties on spirits, &c. &c. to be enlarged, justly and correctly states—but the produce of the islands in exchange. The colonial productions thus acquired, are beyond the supply of our wants—our government aware of this fact, long prior to the existing order of things, from the nature of our commerce, enacted laws, authorising the re-exportation of the surplus colonial products. Did not the merchants enjoy this privilege—a limitation in the exports of our own produce would inevitably ensue. The farmer would of course be limited in his sales as to quantity, and sensibly experience a diminution in the price of his flour, and of other articles the produce of his farm. The merchant must have a profit to support his trade and credit. The laws of our government on the allowance of drawbacks, were, as they appear to me, evidently framed, more with a view to encourage agriculture than to accommodate the merchant. The same reasoning applies with equal propriety and force to the commercial relations we have with the nations of Europe. As the re-exportation of colonial produce and European fabrics, has, and still produces on the part of G. Britain, embarrassments to our commerce—it becomes my duty to inspect her pretensions on this head, with deliberation and dispassionate research. I rejoice that I am enabled to take high ground. I assert it then, as a doctrine that has been established and published to the world by G. Britain herself, that the European manufactures and colonial productions of belligerent nations, when brought into a neutral country, become neutralised, and form a part of the stock and wealth of the importing nation—and that a neutral nation thus possessed of such property, has an undeniable and legal right to export it to any other nation, belligerent or neutral, free from the clogs of any limitation or condition. In the examination of this subject, I shall refer to the decisions of the tribunals of G. Britain. I will not tire the patience of the House in quotations from writers on the law of nations—G. Britain concedes every point necessary to sustain my position. The admiralty courts have decided, that merchandise imported in our vessels, and which has been landed, and the duties paid or secured to be paid, is to be taken as so much of the floating wealth of the importing nation. If gentlemen have the curiosity to turn to books for information, I take the liberty to refer them to the case of the Polly, Laskey, master, 2 vol. Robinson's Reports, page 266. A bona fide importation is held by the judge to be satisfied, by the landing the goods and paying the duties. This is the import of that decision. The doctrine is again laid down in still more explicit terms by the British government itself, in a correspondence between Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. King, stated in a letter from Mr. Munroe to the British government, September 23, 1805. The part of that letter to which I refer, is as follows.
“The case was precisely similar to those which have been lately before the court. Mr. King complained in a letter of March 18, 1801, that the cargo of an American vessel going from the U. S. to a Spanish colony, had been condemned by the vice admiralty court of Nassau, on the ground, that it was of the growth of Spain, which decision, he contended, was contrary to the law of nations, and requesting suitable instructions might be dispatched to the proper officers in the West Indies, to prevent like abuses in future. Lord Hawkesbury, in reply of April 11, communicated the report of the king's advocate general, in which it is expressly stated, that the produce of an enemy may be imported by a neutral, into his own country; & re-exported thence to the mother country, & in like manner, in that circuitous mode, that the produce and manufactures of the mother country might find their way to its colonies; that the landing of the goods, and paying the duties in the neutral country, broke the continuity of the voyage, and legalized the trade, altho' the goods were re-shipped in the same vessel, on account of the same neutral proprietors, and forwarded for sale to the mother country of the colony. It merits attention in this report, (so clearly and positively is the doctrine laid down, that the landing the goods, and paying the duties in the neutral country, broke the continuity of the voyage) that it is stated as a doubtful point, whether the mere touching in the neutral country
to obtain fresh clearances will be considered in the light of a direct trade, that no positive inhibition is insisted on any but the direct trade between the mother country and the colonies. This doctrine, in the light herein stated, is also to be found in the treaty of the 17th of June, 1801, between G. Britain and Russia.”
I trust, Mr. Speaker, I have succeeded, in proving the legality of the trade contended for. G. Britain has unequivocally pronounced our right to enjoy it. To surrender it is forbidden by the honor and interest of the United States.
It is said, Mr. Speaker, that this carrying trade is a fungus of war—that it is not worth contending for—that it consists in the carriage of enemies property. In taking a further view of this subject, it becomes necessary and important to ascertain a previous question—whether our capital, composed of the productions of agriculture and specie, is sufficient to neutralize this trade. Of the exchange of our productions for those of the colonies and of the carrying trade, in its true sense, I have spoken. If I can now show that the current floating wealth of the nation, consisting of specie and bank paper, is to a considerable amount, and is equal to the support of our trade, satisfactory evidence will be obtained, that our flag does not, to the extent spoken of, cover enemies property—that our flag is dishonored in some instances, is true. It is the fate of all countries to experience deviations of this kind, and none more so than G. Britain. But that all our merchants are employed in this covering trade, its proper name, is without proof. I trust that there are few indeed, who can be found capable of passing through all the preparatory steps that would qualify them for it. The more I reflect on this subject, the more I am persuaded, that our commerce rests on the basis of American capital. The capital of our merchants has been accumulating since the peace of 1783. The times have been propitious, subject as our trade has been to interruption and piracy, our merchants have increased their capitals. Ever since the year 1789, our agricultural productions and other articles of exportation, have commanded higher prices than at any preceding period. The emigration of men of wealth from Europe and elsewhere, who have fled from the horrors of war to this peaceful asylum, has added to it. The capital of our banks, amounting to more than forty millions of dollars. The annual income arising from freights, which a gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Clay) proved to be eight millions of dollars. If we add the value of near seven hundred thousand tons of shipping employed in foreign trade, estimating each ton at thirty dollars—and also the capital necessary to keep this quantum of tonnage employed; we shall be convinced that our capital is sufficient to support our commerce, without foreign aid—that our merchants are not the mere go-betweens of the belligerent nations—the puppets put into motion by the juggling capitalists of Europe. It would puzzle any man to say what is the commercial capital of either Holland or France, or Spain; the two former have in their commerce suffered immensely by wars, but more from the shocks of frequent revolutions. France & Holland have long ago been announced to the world by G. Britain, as bankrupts in commerce. Spain, it is known, never ranked high as a commercial nation. It therefore cannot be fairly said that we are trading on their capitals.
Gentlemen have slid into another mistake, by limiting their views of this subject. They state that, what they call the carrying trade yields to the government in duties, but eight hundred thousand dollars. This is true. This is the amount of duties not paid by consumers, and arises from the three and a half per centum, paid on goods re-exported—but gentlemen do not take into their calculations the immense value of the merchandise re-exported, amounting for the last year, ending on the 30th of September, 1805, to fifty three millions of dollars—and the profits accruing to the merchants on the same in foreign markets. This part of the subject has not received that attention and fair discussion it merits. Facts are powerful, and when calmly and dispassionately weighed, will establish the importance of this trade. To it we are indebted for the ability, to a great degree, of paying to Great Britain more than eleven millions of dollars—being the amount of the balance of trade in her favor, against the United States.
Circumstances and events, Mr. Speaker, not moral principles, influence the policy and dictate the measures of the court of London. In 1793, when the most powerful nations of Europe were confederated against France, when victory and conquest were deemed certain, and France was to be cut up and partitioned, according to a secret understanding, adjusted in the treaties of Pavia and Pnitz—Great Britain issued her orders for the destruction of our trade. The effects are known and felt. But no sooner did the coalition dissolve away before a brilliant success
of victories, than a relaxation in her orders and practices took place—a relaxation produced, not from qualms of conscience—not from a reviving sense of justice, but by her impotency—by her want of power to inflict the injuries meditated. A new coalition and naval victories have again brought our trade to the brink of destruction. The oscillations of the cabinet have been communicated to the judge of the admiralty. On cases similar in all their circumstances, he has had the hardihood to pronounce dissimilar and conflicting judgments. In the West Indies, some of her judges have stained and polluted the ermine of justice by open and unblushing bribery. The late disastrous events on the continent will again induce into her councils an artificial display of prudence and moderation. The Punic faith of the cabinet—I speak not of the people—is without a parallel;—nothing short of resistance, proportioned to the violence exercised, can confine the cabinet to proper limits. To preserve our rights and to protect our citizens are duties we have pledged ourselves to perform. It has become important to the nation to know what security in future it is to look for in its intercourse and trade with foreign nations. Our patience is exhausted.—We cannot any longer submit to the capricious whims of any belligerent power.
The principles of justice are immutable—they are the same at all times and in all places—they are not liable to be modified by the fluctuation of events. The law of nations has accurately ascertained the rights which respectively pertain to neutral and belligerent nations—to the control of that law we are willing to submit and to no other. The knowledge I have gleaned from authors on the subjects of war and peace, clearly convinces me, that a declaration of war between two nations, cannot deprive a third and pacific nation of the advantages of an honest neutrality.
The prohibition to carry implements of war, &c. &c. &c. commonly called contraband articles or goods—to cover enemies property, and the exclusion from ports actually, not constructively blocked, are the restrictions on neutral commerce. The British government is not disposed to stop at the barrier assigned and marked out by that law. But non-resistance to insults, aggravated by wanton insolence, impressed that government with a belief, that it possesses a presumptive right to oppress us ut libitum —at will. The old colonial system is reviving fast. Great Britain, sir, is contending for the sole right of altering, and abrogating, adding to and modifying, according to the dictates of her monopolizing views, the law of nations. All trade with her enemies is now prohibited, unless it was allowed by them during peace. Accede to this doctrine, and we shall next be inhibited to trade with any nation but herself. It is impossible to avoid expressions of execration at her shameless abandonment of principle. She interdicts trade with her enemies, on the ground that it furnishes them with the means of prosecuting the war—the purchase of luxuries from us is considered as enriching her enemies. She lays down a rule to regulate our conduct, and absolves herself from the observance of it—she denies to us the right of trading with her enemies, and yet it is notorious that she trades with them herself. The British merchants have never ceased, notwithstanding the war with France and Spain, to trade with their colonies. This is a fact. I appeal to the documents on the table to prove it.
Great Britain likewise contends, that neutral nations, subject as they are to a multitude of inconveniencies and privations, from the conflicts of belligerent powers, are not to be compensated with advantages which chance, the mutations of trade, or the state of hostilities may throw into their possession. In other words—that war deprives neutral nations of many benefits, but cannot confer them. Again, sir—she denies that any advantage or accommodation can flow to neutrals from the relaxation of the navigation acts of a belligerent—yet she has the effrontery and boldness in the teeth of such a declaration, to relax her navigation laws—deriving from such a measure incalculable advantages. Her manufactures are supplied with raw materials, particularly from her enemies, by the intervention of neutral bottoms—a practice in direct opposition to her navigation acts during peace—by it the navy is manned, and trade supported. I will not proceed further on this head to tire the patience of the House. The letter of Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. King is a complete answer to the new doctrines.
Commerce, Mr. Speaker, has experienced many revolutions—peace and war alike produce them. Governments, laws, manners and customs have a tendency to control its operations. It would be a task of infinite difficulty to enumerate all the causes which elevate and depress it.
Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis. is as applicable to commerce as it is to man. Nations, once renowned for wealth and commerce, are now poor and without commerce. Tyre, Cole

celebrated for her commerce, opulence and power, is now nothing but a heap of venerable ruins. Of ancient Carthage, the rival of Rome, scarcely a vestige remains. Alexandria has seen all her proud expectations transferred to happier regions—and Venice, Genoa and Holland retain only the remembrance of their pristine splendor and glory. Commerce must be free—it disdains control—like the sensitive plant, it shrinks from the touch.
This discussion, Mr. Speaker, has filled me with astonishment. The times are changed. We hear no more strictures on the importance and advantages resulting from commerce, and the necessity of affording it protection from its old friends. A death-like silence has sealed their lips—the articulation of moneyables is the utmost extent of their power.
"Quantum mutatus ab illo Hectore!" From the year 1795 to the 4th of March, 1801, the inevitable prostration of commerce was rung throughout America in all the chimes and changes of eloquence—the people were forewarned in solemn admonitions of it, if the direction of our affairs were entrusted to the republicans.
Behold in 1806, a silent but steady opposition to every measure calculated to vindicate our commercial rights. Yes, sir, the former champions of commerce have hung up their coats of mail—the helmet and scabbard are thrown aside—the prophetic finger no longer points—to war. The energy of 1795 and 1806 is extinct—it has fled "to the family vault of the capulets"—from my heart I wish it an uninterrupted repose.
This bill is considered by some gentlemen as a mere quirk and water composition—as a lenitive too mild for the prognostics of the case. I am willing to try its efficacy—simple prescriptions are generally the best restoratives to health. We are told, sir, that France is dominant, and that G. Britain is fighting pro aris et focis —for her altars and her freedom—but this is no reason why we should permit G. Britain to rob and plunder us at will—France is indebted for her power to the folly and short-sighted policy of G. Britain. It is not my wish that Britain should become a province to France, or that France, were the thing possible, should be dependent on Britain.
My fervent wish, politically speaking, is, that they should remain independent of each other; and that they should, in estimating the real importance of things, and the uncertainty of events, discern that there is more real good and true glory, in the practical display of moral virtues, than all the victories that can be achieved by art and physical power.
I am favorable to the bill now on its passage for other reasons, which have great weight with me. It will, if carried into operation, alienate our attachments from British fabrics. We shall acquire a taste for those of other countries—in which we can be supplied with articles necessary for our consumption, equal if not superior in quality to those from Britain and her dependencies. The insolence of G. Britain has gathered strength from our prejudice in favor of her manufactures. She will find that it is our determination to open other markets for supplies, and she will find it to her profit to render us equivalent advantages for the continuation of our custom. She will not hazard a rupture with us when the loss to her is certain and vital. By having, Mr. Speaker, a multitude of markets to resort to, with our productions, neither revolutions in the governments of nations nor the capriciousness of events, will have the power to produce commercial derangements. And what is a consideration of the first magnitude, our revenue derived, as it is from commerce, would be in no danger of such a diminution, as to compel us to resort to direct taxes—taxes on our lands, houses and other property, for the support of the national government. It would also have the tendency, at all times of flourishing markets for our produce—thereby keeping its price up to the maximum point—an object of importance to the cultivator of the soil.
The ability of G. Britain to injure us, has been insisted on—but the power of America to inflict a deep and festering wound in Britain, has not been noticed. No country is so dependent as G. Britain—or other climes more favored by nature, for raw materials essential to the support of her manufactures, and for the consumption of her fabrics, ought to assume a dictatorial tone to other nations. It will prove fatal to her. Triumph as her fleets have been—her victories cannot render her potent enough, to bind in chains the nations of the earth. Great Britain, in the intoxication of naval triumphs, should not forget, that her boasted navy, without foreign supplies, would be but an insignificant defence. I should not err, were I to say, that it would be no defence. Its dependence is likewise on commerce for support, which cannot be carried on with nations without their assent. Her tyranny and depredations on the ocean must, and will have the consequence of directing the attention of nations, to encourage the manufacture of their raw materials. The security and happiness which will be derived to them from the adoption of such a plan, will stimulate them to persevere in it. If the United States should be driven to a non-intercourse with Great Britain, and her impolitic conduct is forcing them to it—she will be probed to the quick.
As her manufactures cannot be supported and subsisted without foreign trade, they would be thrown as paupers on the community—without the means of satisfying the common and necessary wants—desperation would produce acts of violence, and the nation tracing a-
bases to their causes, would, by the force of revolution, obtain that reform, which it has so long sought in vain from Parliament. Far otherwise would be the condition of the citizens of the U. S. They are happy under governments of their own choice—the only governments in the world, whose direct end is the happiness of the citizen. They may be forced to suffer privations, but they can encounter them with fortitude and equanimity. They may, to a certain degree, be deprived of wealth by the sale of their productions—but they feel with gratitude the benignity of heaven, in making them proprietors of a country that abounds in the necessaries—and I might add, in many of the luxuries of life. The revolutionary war of America should bring to the recollection of G. Britain, the power and resources of a generous and a brave people. The gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Early) observed, when he opposed the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gregg) that were G. Britain to declare war against the U. S. States, she would incur no additional expenses. The calculations of that gentleman, how accurate soever they may be on other subjects, fall short of that character on this. Does he recollect the proximity of Canada and Nova Scotia to the United States—and that the British navy cannot protect them? Does he bear in memory the treasures of blood and money, lavished and expended by G. Britain, in wars to acquire those regions, particularly the cost at which Quebec was obtained in 1763? Will the gentleman also advert to the solicitude and exertion of that power during the American war, to retain them? Those colonies are important to her—Canada puts her in possession of the fur trade, and affords a passage to her manufactures through the lakes into our western country. Nova-Scotia is advantageous on account of the harbour which Halifax affords to her fleets on the American coast, and of the fisheries. Without Nova-Scotia and Newfoundland, the fisheries would be destroyed, and with them one of her best nurseries for seamen. The dependence of those colonies is in a great measure on us for supplies, our exports to them amount, according to the documents on the table, to more than a million of dollars. One article of exportation to them is 40,000 barrels of flour. I am satisfied, sir, that the defence of those colonies would increase considerably the public burthen of G. Britain. I am also persuaded that a formidable force would be required to protect them, were G. Britain mad enough to hazard a war with us. It is as much her interest as it is ours, to let the worst red in its scabbard. Forlorn and distressing would be the condition to which her West India islands would be reduced, were we to withhold our supplies—they would not be worth retaining. Our provisions are absolutely necessary for the subsistence of the inhabitants, and our lumber equally necessary to enable them to carry their productions to market. If the policy of G. Britain should drive us to a non-intercourse with her, and her dependencies, the mischiefs to both will be incalculable. Her colonies will be shaken in their allegiance, by discerning in the measures of the cabinet a criminal disregard to their interest.
I am sensible, Mr. Speaker, I have tired your patience, and trespassed too long upon the time of the House. I feel myself exhausted—yet much more could be said on so copious a subject. I have endeavored to show the connexion and mutual dependance of agriculture and commerce on each other, and that the prosperity of our common country, which I wish may be perpetual, is deeply interested in the preservation of that connexion, and the protection of our commerce. I render my thanks for the polite attention I have experienced. I now, Mr. Speaker, take my seat, under a conviction of mind, that the interest of my country calls for the adoption of such a measure as that bill embraces; and that the first and most honorable duty a citizen can perform, is to assert and defend the rights and liberties of his country—Such is my determination.
MR. LYON said he was friendly to the principle of the bill, though he believed with the gentleman from Virginia, that it was too much of a milk and water measure. He was not, however, for throwing it under the table, but for having it amended. He would wish it to take effect on the 1st of July, instead of the 15th of November, and to authorise the President to dispense with any or all of its provisions, in case of a satisfactory arrangement of our differences with G. Britain. For the purpose of so modifying the bill, he moved a re-commitment of it to a committee of the whole House.
MR. BIDWELL said he was sorry this motion was made, especially at this stage of the business. He did not think the reasoning on which it was founded correct. The principal object of the motion was to give the bill an earlier effect. It was very improper, he thought, that such a measure should go into immediate or sudden operation. To turn the current of trade at once would operate unjustly; and in a manner hardly consistent with good faith to the merchants, who must have made their calculations and given their orders on the existing state of things. The time when such a measure takes place ought to be so distant as to give a reasonable notice.
There appears to have arisen, said Mr. B. a difference of opinion as to the precise point of time when this bill ought to take effect. I think, all circumstances considered, the time fixed a reasonable time. It may be said that from its remoteness an unfavorable inference may be deduced of our intention to carry it into effect. I think not. I think,
on the contrary, it will carry on the face of it a disposition to make it part of a permanent system of measures; and that this will be more likely to be inferred from the deliberation with which it is taken than from the adoption of any sudden measures. I trust, until circumstances require a different course it will be persisted in, and that it will be but the commencement of a system of measures which we shall continue to pursue until our object is accomplished. In this view it is not so material at what particular moment the operation of this system begins, as to convince Great Britain we are determined to persevere in it. I am therefore against the recommitment.
MR. SLOAN said, he barely rose to observe he was in hopes, after all the learning and eloquence of the members had been exhausted, there would have been a silent vote on the passage of the bill; but in this hope he was disappointed. There appeared to be particular stomachs in the House that could not digest milk and water diet. He was of the number of those who wished the adoption of something stronger; but when he considered milk and water was a very wholesome diet, and that the only way to get any thing was to be satisfied with this measure, he was against the idea both of the gentleman from Virginia to throw this bill under the table, or of the gentleman from Kentucky to recommit it.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I will not deny the question beyond two or three minutes. From some remarks made by my worthy colleague (Mr. Newton) it may be inferred perhaps that I said something which tended to wound his feelings. I have been long in habits of friendship with that gentleman, and he will do me the justice to believe that I had no such intention in any thing which I said.
MR. NEWTON said he did not particularly allude to any expressions of his colleague, but to expressions generally made use of in the course of the debate.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. From some remarks of my colleague on my left (Mr. Clopton) it would appear as if a disposition had been manifested in this House to give up our rank and standing among the nations of the earth. It is true, these remarks were not directed to the bill under consideration, for during this whole discussion not a word has been directed to the merits of the bill. All that has been said has been directed to an imaginary being, and reminds me of some expressions which I recollect to have seen in the writings of Thomas Paine, who compared the observations of some political writer on which he was animadverting, to a particular place near Philadelphia called Point no Point. Gentlemen during this debate have talked a great deal about the spirit of '76. With what view? To show that we are an independent nation? No—but to urge the United States into a foreign war. Gentlemen enquire whether we will give up the rights of commerce—whether we have a right to protect commerce? We have a right; but the only question is whether we have the ability. Once let the nation launch out on the doctrine of protecting commerce, and where shall we go? Are we prepared to say we will protect commerce against all powers, in every sea, and at all risks? And if we do not disregard every dictate of prudence, what must the nation do, but submit to the necessities of the times, to which the second rate powers of Europe are obliged to yield, and to which we are told by gentlemen themselves G. Britain will soon be compelled to yield. If once we establish the principle that commerce must be protected by an armed force, this nation is ruined. We must build fleets and raise armies; we must go on the principles of Britain, who is now sinking under the weight of her establishments. These, so far from being the good old doctrines of the revolution, are political heresies, and the exploded doctrines of navies and standing armies. We are willing to protect commerce in the only way in which we are able, by discriminating duties, and preserving a neutral position; for plunge the nation into war for the protection of commerce, and commerce instantly vanishes. There is no man who doubts that the people of the United States have it in their power to do an injury to a certain extent to Great Britain, or the right of the government to declare war; but rights are correlative. In 1798 you had a right to declare war against France; and you did so to your cost. This is not then a question of right, or of national independence; but of policy, of expediency. Let us suppose this to be the initiative of strong measures, that it will eventuate in war, and be productive of all the calamities to G. Britain on which gentlemen calculate. What will its effect be upon us? We shall adopt it, at the expence perhaps of our whole revenue, the annihilation of our commerce, the enormous augmentation of our debt, the increase of executive patronage, and the prostration of the constitution. Is it worth the purchase? We object to a large naval establishment—we are hostile to an increase of executive power—we are disposed to relieve the public burthens—and to diminish the national debt. What was our situation when we came here? When was the country ever in a more prosperous state? We were treating with Great Britain, and had every reason to believe our differences would have had an amicable termination. If we go to war with Great Britain where are we to get the money to carry it on? We must resort to direct taxes. If it is the policy of this country hereafter to go to war for the protection of commerce in whatever way it may be invaded, every measure of this administration has heretofore
been decidedly wrong. If this new principle is to be acted on, and a naval establishment to be cherished, what can you do? By exacting from the people every farthing they can pay, you may be able to support thirty ships of the line; and are you prepared with that force to carry on a maritime war in defence of commerce? It is mere Quixotism. As well might the elector of Bavaria with his 30,000 troops declare war against France, whenever that nation should undertake to march troops through his territory. There is a physical inability in the United States to defend commerce in this way—it is attempting to assume a rank which cannot fail to degrade us. Are we an independent nation? Have we a right to do what we please? There can be no doubt of this. But does it follow that we are to throw away our liberties and the constitution in a contest which can only end in our disgrace.
MR. CLOPTON said, he had not the advantage of hearing the previous debate on this subject. He had derived his information from other sources than that alluded to by his colleague; from which it appeared to him that the general tenor of the opposition arose from the alleged tendency of this measure to carry us into a state of war. Whether in making these remarks he had been correct or not was for the House to judge; but whether those remarks had or had not a bearing upon the subject, he was sure they did not constitute the first instance of an aberration, and he would add, a wide aberration from the subject before the House.
MR. J. RANDOLPH said, he did not allude to the gentleman's observations—he did not hear them.
The question to recommit the bill having been disagreed to, it passed—Yeas 93—Nays 32.
SALE AT AUCTION.
AT the house occupied by WILLIAM WOODWARD next door to Messrs. Way's printing office, near the Centre Market on Saturday next being the 7th June at 10 o'clock, A. M. will commence the sale of a handsome assortment of good Household and Kitchen Furniture, consisting of Mahogany Dining Tables, Desk, Feather Beds, &c. &c. Terms cash, on delivery of the goods. JOHN STEPHEN, Auct. June 4—2t
DR. REES'S NEW CYCLOPEDIA,
Just Published, And ready to be delivered to subscribers in the city of Washington, VOL. I. PART I. OF DR. REES'S NEW CYCLOPEDIA, or UNIVERSAL DICTIONARY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES, To be completed in 20 volumes, quarto. The whole improved and adapted to this country, by gentlemen of known abilities; by whose aid it will be rendered the most complete work of the kind that has yet appeared.
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TO BOOKSELLERS.
SEVERAL Thousand Volumes of Books, chiefly German; some French, Latin, and English works—principally new publications, all of the first merit, and prime German editions mostly in fleets, and lately imported into this country, will be sold upon the most liberal terms, either the whole or a part. Many of them are works never yet seen in the United States—the collection includes every department in literature, except Law, and are offered for sale in this way, merely because the owner has not long since declined the book-selling business.
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ELIAS B. CALDWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill, Washington, July 26—tf
Fifteen dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living in the district of Columbia, near Tenley Town, on the 27th of May, a negro man named GEORGE, about 24 years old, 4 feet 11 inches high, stout made, & fierce, but if sharply spoken to is apt to stammer in his speech. He has a frail scar on the back of one hand, not remembered which. Had on when he went away ornate shirt and trowsers, black calfskin waistcoat old coarse hat and old shoes with plated silk strings—he may have procured a pair or attempt to pass for a free man by the name of George Jenkins, whoever should take up said negro, and secure him in any jail to that I get him again, shall receive the above reward and reasonable charges if brought home by RICHARD MURRAY. June 2—3t
N. B. All persons are hereby forewarned from harboring or carrying away said negro.
IT is with pride we perceive an increasing attention paid to the instruction of youth throughout the wide extent of the United States. Colleges, Academies, and Schools are every day and every where becoming more numerous. Although much good will flow from the multiplication of these Institutions, still more may be expected from improving the mode than from increasing the places of instruction. There is no one, who has seriously devoted his thoughts to this subject, but must lament the imperfections of our existing systems of education. This subject has long engaged the attention of men of benevolent and enlarged minds on this as well as the other side of the Atlantic. Among others it appears to have engaged the thoughts of M. Pestalozzi, a native of Zurich, who, after successive efforts, attended with various success, has at length established at Berthou, a town within a few leagues of Bern, a Seminary, conducted on principles, and with a success, which form a new era in the annals of education. For a knowledge of the existing situation of this Seminary, of the estimation in which it is held, of the plan on which it is conducted, and its effects on the young mind, we are indebted to a friend at Paris, who has for several years past employed much of the leisure he enjoys in advancing the general interests of useful knowledge, and in transferring its benefits to the United States, of which he had previously been an inhabitant for many years, and in which he acquired an ample fortune, to which he is indebted for his leisure and many of his other means of acquiring and extending information. Having read the works of Pestalozzi, and his disciples, his curiosity was so far awakened as to lead him to Berthou; where from a very minute investigation, he became convinced of the superior excellence of Pestalozzi's system. Anxious to extend its benefits to the United States, he has engaged one of his professors, Mr. Neef, to establish a Seminary in this country, undertaking himself to pay all the expenses attending his removal, and insuring him a salary of at least five hundred dollars a year. Under these auspices, Mr. Neef has embarked for Philadelphia, where, it is probable, his Institute will be opened. Mr. Neef is said to be a good mathematician, and perfectly to understand French, German, Italian and Latin. He reads English, but does not speak it.
Those who feel an interest in this subject (and what enlarged mind does not?) will look with solicitude to every progressive step taken in the establishment of this Institution in this country. To exhibit the claims it has on the general patronage, by demonstrating the inappreciable advantages that may be derived from its successful establishment in this country, we will proceed to lay before our readers, in the first place, a few extracts from the letters we have received, and then submit to them some extracts from a tract, written by Dr. Chavannes, laying down "The Elementary Method of De H. Pestalozzi, accompanied by an account of the labours of that celebrated man, of his Institute, and of his principal coadjutors." We will merely previously premise, that the great and characteristic principle of the system of Pestalozzi, is to bring his instructions down to a level with the understanding of the pupil, to convey them in the most clear and perspicuous manner, to ensure which effects he has adopted the mode which will be described. Another distinguishing trait, in which he differs from every other teacher, is to retard, rather than hasten, the progress of his pupil, never presenting an idea he cannot fully comprehend, and never allowing him to leave it until considered in all its various relations and aspects. We have to regret our inability, without the aid of plates, to give an adequate idea of, perhaps, the most interesting as well as original and profound part of the work, on the relations of numbers and forms. We shall only attempt a general notice of this section, which will do little more than excite the curiosity of the reader.
EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS.
"As I have lately been examining a new mode of instructing the human species in their infancy, before prejudices have taken root, or sounds have been substituted for sense, I take the liberty of sending you a short description of the method employed by M. Pestalozzi to teach children from the years of 5 to 12; and wish you to give it a fair and impartial examination, and your support if you approve of it. During a ramble last summer through Switzerland, I had opportunities of observing Pestalozzi's practice, and the results produced by his method; and was much astonished at the progress made by his pupils. They acquire a correct idea of space, proportion and numbers, with a great facility of conception, rapidity of combination, and exactness of execution, and at the same time two modern languages. Not a sound is taught them without at the same time the substance being likewise conveyed; all the ideas they acquire are logically arranged, the results of correct though simple analysis. The mode of instruction is equally new. They are all taught at the same time. WILLIAM MACLURE.

time the same thing, and seem to de- light in their studies. A spirit of en- thusiasm and energy pervades the whole body. Upwards of 60 children are kept in perfect order, without the prin- ciple of fear having any influence on their conduct. This system has many enemies in Europe. Knowledge as well as property is monopolized; and the equalization of one is as much dread- ed as the division of the other. Con- vinced that no permanent progress can be made towards the happiness of the human species, until the whole mass are sufficiently informed of their true inter- est, I am induced to think that schools and colleges are the means to be employed. Colleges are in knowledge what monopolies are in commerce—on- ly increasing the inequality by giving more to those who already have more than their share.
"Pestalozzi has published more in full (but it is in German) his Manual for Mothers. It is probably I shall get it translated, as I think it contains ex- cellent ideas."
"Some time ago I took the liberty of herewith a sketch of Pestalozzi's method of teaching children. As it is one of the few things worthy of no- tation on this side of the Atlantic, I hope you have received it, and that you have given it an impartial examination, so as to judge of the nationality of the theory. The practice I had occasion last sum- mer in Switzerland of investigating at some of the schools, in one of which there were 50 boys, and it appeared to me to have succeeded completely—by inspir- ing the children with such an ardent desire for information, as to render the motive of fear unnecessary—by associ- ating the knowledge of things with the words that represent them, sense and sound were fixed and inseparable— by directing their attention to the certain and useful in an order graduated to the state of their comprehension, the imag- ination of the mind were drawn forth by progressive combination, bottomed on previous knowledge proceeding from the known to the unknown."
In a subsequent extract it is stated, that the method of Pestalozzi "may be fully acquired in a year by any one ac- customed to teach children; that the boys teach one another; and that their knowledge is so perfect, that one can bring up all the others to the same point."
"The plan occupies the time between the age of 3 and 10 years, a period in which children scarce make any pro- gress under the old system; in that time Pestalozzi teaches them two lan- guages, to read, write, arithmetic, ge- ography, drawing, and a knowledge of the nature and most of the properties of things around them, with a justness of eye in regard to dimension and dis- tance, and an exactness of hand in ex- ecution, which facilitates the acquiring of all the arts."
Extracts from an account of the New system of education of Pestalozzi.
"Pestalozzi has given the name of "method" to the new system of educa- tion of which he is the author, and which he labors to improve with a zeal which promises to ensure its success."
"The end which he proposes to himself is to develop in the infant, that principle of perfectibility which is inherent in human nature, and which only needs cultivation to acquire even in the earliest age a degree of strength which can scarcely be conceived. He wishes to profit of the first years of infancy, hitherto so neglected, and to induce mothers in the midst of their daily oc- cupations to become the first instructors of their children, and even in the cradle to open their understandings to just conceptions, by directing the attention to proper objects, and furnishing the memory with clear and intelligible ideas. By these means he proposes to supply that deficiency which has hitherto been found in every system of educa- tion, either public or private; or in other words, he wishes before com- mencing any system of instruction, to prepare his pupil to be instructed."
"The basis of his elementary in- struction is Intuition , which he re- gards as the general foundation of our knowledge, and the most proper means of unfolding the powers of the human mind in the most natural manner. He seeks to convey instruction rather thro' the eyes than ears; a system we must not confound with that found in the ele- mentary books with which every day appear under new forms, and in which authors undertake to give by plates, accom- panied with diffinitions, explanations absolutely beyond the understandings of those for whom they are designed. Pestalozzi wishes the progress of in- struction to be always proportioned to the intellectual powers of his pupil; he commences with the most simple and intelligible ideas, and his fundamental principle consists in at first choosing, the most easy and familiar object, &c. in giving the child the most perfect know- ledge of it, before he presents a new idea; and by regular and progressive steps presenting new facts, only after the youthful mind has perfectly com- prehended those already received. When a new idea is presented, it nat- urally arises from that already incul- cated, and pains are taken that the knowledge of the thing should always be connected with the true acceptance of the word which is meant to designate it."
"A child, thus educated, will per- haps not appear to advantage, when compared with one taught in the com- mon manner; he will not be able to re- peat so many phrases from memory, or to talk on so many subjects; but whatever he does speak about, he will fully comprehend. This habit, acquired in infancy, will be found of the great-
est advantage in all his future studies; and any one employed in the tuition of children will be astonished at the sub- stantial superiority which the pupil ac- quires by this habit, over one who is taught in the common rapid and super- ficial manner."
"This, and this most particularly, is the end which Pestalozzi proposes to himself and which he believes he has attained. So short a time as yet has elapsed since his ideas have been put in practice, that we cannot judge a posteriori of his system, except in his institute; but the most favorable pre- sumptions may be entertained, in re- spect to the solidity of its principles, and of the happy effects it will have on future generations, if we form our judgement from the official report pre- sented to the Helvetic government in 1802, by men deserving of the highest confidence, from the opinion of a great number of learned men who on their vi- sit to Pestalozzi, have been astonished at the surprising results they witnessed; and by the general interest, which the first experiments, and the first works of this extraordinary man have excited throughout Germany."
"I propose giving to my readers an account of this new system, which has been so far tried as to enable us to form, though a complete, yet an adequate idea of it, in order to appreciate its utility."
"The frequent visits I have made to Bordeaux; the attention with which I have examined this establishment, to which no parent can be indifferent, the full confidence with which I have placed my son under the care of Pestalozzi, altogether induce me to hope, however imperfect this tract may otherwise be, that it will at least not be devoid of in- terest, particularly to my fellow citi- zens of the Canton de Vaud, at a peri- od when a branch of this institute has just been fixed among them."
"I shall first give some account of Pestalozzi; 2dly, of his system in gene- ral, 3dly, of some of its different branches, and shall terminate by some details concerning the existing state of the in- stitute."
"We have it from the best authority, & with pleasure announce the pleasing in- telligence, that the works of the Pot- omac company on the Shenandoah, are in such forwardness, and the force employ- ed on them is so considerable, that the canal, locks, gates, in short, the entire navigation from river to river, will be completed in the ensuing 5 pt. a con- summation to be prevented only by a failure in the pecuniary resources of the company—and surely such a failure cannot, and ought not to be apprehen- ded, when we consider that half a million of dollars have already been expended on the Potomac navigation—that the sum wanted to complete this great work, cannot exceed eight, or at most ten thousand dollars: and that there are four banks in the District of Colum- bia, and that of the banks in the state of Maryland, there is one with a large capital, established on the wise and pa- triotic principle of aiding INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS."
"Every mind beyond the size of a Pig- my's, will view this great enterprise, so long delayed, but now happily so near fruition, as a light far more interesting, than a mere machine to reward the ad- venturers for their advances of money, and to promote the convenience of the land holders on the banks of Potomac its tributary rivers. IT IS A LINK, and a most essential LINK in the CHAIN , that is to bind together the Atlantic States . Vain and delusive would it be, to hope that the union of these two worlds, separated by moun- tains almost impassable and uninhab- ited, could be of long duration, unless means were found to lessen the distance, to remove the barriers, and to cherish a population between them."
Wash. Fed. STATE PAPERS Relative to the rupture between Eng- land & Prussia.
No. I. Copy of a dispatch from Francis James Jackson, Esq. to the Rt. Hon. Lord Mulgrave, dated Berlin, 27th Jan. 1806.
MY LORD, I have the honor of inclosing to your Lordship a letter, which although dated yesterday, I have just received (A.P.M.) from Baron Hardenberg. I hasten to for- ward it by estafette to the agent at Cux- haven in the hopes of its arriving there in time for the Thursday's packet. I also send to Lord Cathcart, by estafette, a copy of the Prussian Minister's letter to me. I shall simply acknowledge the receipt of it, and inform his Excellency, that I have forwarded his communication to your Lordship. I have the honor to be, &c.
Signed FRANCIS JAMES JACKSON. Rt. Hon. Lord Mulgrave, &c. &c. &c.
Translation of inclosure in No. I. SIR, I hasten to fulfil the promise given to Lord Harrowby on the 8th of this month, to communicate to you, sir, as soon as a final decision should be taken on the subject, the additional circumstances relating to the security of the north of Germany, and to the guarantee by the King of the safety of the British troops which are in that part of the continent.
A messenger from Munich has just brought His Majesty intelligence of the consummation of the arrangements which the present conjuncture of affairs has induced him to enter into with France, in order to save those countries, and es- pecially the states of Hanover, from the misfortunes of another ruinous war, and to insure their tranquility. As these
arrangements stipulate particularly the committing of that country to the ex- clusive guard of the Prussian troops; and to the administration of the king until the conclusion of a peace between England and France; His Majesty could not delay taking the necessary measures for entry therein of a corps of his army, which will be under the or- ders of his excellency the general of cavalry count Schultenbourg Kehnert, to whom also the King has confided the administration of the country. His Ma- jesty, animated by the most lively desire to see the importance and the ur- gency of the motives which have induced him to take these steps, justly appreciated by his Britannic Ma- jesty, and his enlightened ministers, has directed baron Jacobi to give a detailed explanation thereof at London.
It would be superfluous to point out to your attention, how urgent and indis- pensable, in the present state of affairs, the re-embarkation of the English troops in the north of Germany is become, since the retreat of the foreign troops is the condition upon which France has promised not to order her troops to re-enter Hanover; and since also it was upon this supposition alone that the King guaranteed their security. I presume that Lord Cathcart has already received, and is upon the point of executing the orders of the Court for the return of those troops for which transports have been waiting for some time past. I have however to request, Sir, that you would for the purpose of still farther dispat- ch, write to the commander in chief on the subject; and, acquainting him with the present circumstances, that you would induce him to hasten, as far as depends on him, a measure which, in these cir- cumstances, and the approaching arri- val of our troops, will not admit of any delay. I request you to accept of the reiterated assurance of my high and perfect consideration.
(Signed) HARDENBERG. Berlin, January 26, 1806. To MR. JACKSON, &c. &c.
No. II. His Prussian Majesty's proclamation on taking temporary possession of the Electorate of Hanover, dated 27th Jan. 1806.—This proclamation ap- peared some time since in this paper. It stated that his Prussian majesty took temporary possession of the elec- torate of Hanover until the conclusion of a general peace.
No. III. Copy of a note from Mr. Secretary Fox, to baron Jacobi Kloest, dated 17th March, 1806.
The undersigned is commanded by his majesty to state to baron Jacobi Kloest, for the information of his court, the great anxiety felt by his majesty at the manner in which possession has been taken of the electorate of Hanover. If his Prussian majesty judged it expedi- ent, in order to prevent French troops from approaching so near that part of his frontier, to take to himself the mil- itary occupation of the electorate; it does not appear to his majesty that it was by any means necessary that the civil government of that unhappy coun- try should be subverted, or that an ar- my more numerous, and consequently more injurious to the inhabitants, than necessity required, should be maintain- ed there. His majesty relies with the greatest confidence on his Prussian ma- jesty's declaration, that the present oc- cupation is merely temporary; but his majesty cannot but express a wish, that the declaration on this point were more solemnly made in the face of Europe. The honor of the court of Berlin, as well as the consideration mutually due to each other from two princes so nearly con- nected in blood and alliance, seem to call for a clear explanation on this im- portant subject.
His majesty on his part desires to be equally explicit and to put an end to all hopes (if such indeed have been enter- tained by the court of Berlin) that any convenience of political arrangement, much less any offer of equivalent or in- demnity, will ever induce his majesty so far to forget what is due to his own legitimate rights, as well as to the ex- emplary fidelity and attachment of his Hanoverian subjects, as to consent to the alienation of the electorate.
His majesty learns with concern, that it is in agitation to give up Ans- pach, and other parts of his Prussian majesty's dominions to Bavaria, in con- sequence of a convention with France, but he does not pretend any right to in- terfere, or to give any opinion with re- spect to the propriety of the measures, whatever they may be, which his Prus- sian majesty may deem eligible, for the interest of his crown and people; at the same time it is to be observed, that his majesty, whether in his capacity of king of G. Britain, or in that of elector of Hanover, was in no wise a party to the convention alluded to or responsible for its consequences. The cessions there- fore which his Prussian majesty may make to his majesty's enemies can surely never be alleged as a justification for taking to himself his majesty's lawful inheritance.
His majesty therefore hopes that his Prussian majesty will follow the honor- able dictates of his own heart, and will demonstrate to the world, that what- ever sacrifices the present circumstances may induce him to make, with respect to his own territories, he will not set the dreadful example of indemnifying himself at the expence of a third party, whose sentiments and conduct towards his Prussian majesty, and his subjects have been uniform, friendly and paci- fic.
No. IV.—Note Verbale. Until the explosion of the last conti- nental war, his Prussian majesty had
no other object in view, than to secur- the tranquility of his monarchy, and that of the neighboring states.
He was then able to effect this upon terms which met the entire approbation of every court. He has been desirous of doing the same thing since the break- ing out of the present war. But the choice of the means has no longer been in his power. France has considered Hanover as her conquest, and her troops were on the point of entering it, for the purpose of disposing of it definitively according to the pleasure of the French emperor, without the possibility of his Britannic majesty's preventing it.
The occupation of that country by his Prussian majesty, and the shutting of the ports in the German seas, and that of Lubeck against the British flag, (as was the case during the possession of Han- over by the French) were the indispen- sable conditions of an arrangement by which the country is secured against the entry of foreign troops, and the quiet of the north of Germany is preserv- ed.
This has not been obtained without painful sacrifices on his majesty's part; those of the House of Hanover are in no degree to be attributed to the king's measures, but are the inevitable conse- quences of a war which his conciliating police has in vain endeavored to pre- vent. This war might have produced still more serious consequences. The treaty between Prussia and France at least protects the northern states from further evils; and could every power but duly appreciate how much they are indebted to the system he has adopted, the king would with justice obtain the gratitude of all.
No. 5. The proclamation of count Schultenbourg, dated Hanover, March 28, ordering the ports of the north seas as well as all the rivers running into it, to be shut against the trade of G. Bri- tain, in conformity to a treaty between Prussia and France. This proclama- tion has already appeared verbatim in this paper.
PRUSSIAN PATENT. "We, Frederick William, King of Prussia, &c. &c. make known and de- clare as follows:
"The wish to secure our faithful sub- jects and the neighboring states of the north of Germany during the war, and to preserve and confirm the duration of the blessings of peace, was at all times the intention of our indefatigable ende- avors. These wholesome measures were made known, upon some recent occa- sions, as the object of our late patent, dated January 27, 1806, according to which the electoral states of Brunswick Lunenbourg, in Germany, were taken possession of by our troops, when the ad- ministration of the same passed into our hands. But in consequence of the ex- change of the electorate of Hanover, in consequence of the cession of 3 of the provinces of our monarchy, and for the permanent tranquility of our subjects and the neighboring states, we have found it indispensably necessary to enter into and conclude a convention with his majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy; and as the electoral states of the house of Brunswick, situat- ed in Germany, were obtained by the emperor Napoleon by right of conquest, we hereby declare, that the right of possession of the territory of that house has passed over to us, in consideration of the cession of 3 of our provinces, and is now subject to our power only; conse- quently, from the present time, the gov- ernment & the administration of these countries will be administered simply in our name alone, and under our su- preme authority."
"We, therefore, call upon all persons, whatever may have been the func- tions assigned them, to execute those functions only in our name, and under our authority."
"Count Schultenbourg Kehnert, and the commissioners who were attached to him, expect no less than all the Prel- ates, the Burghers, and the inhabitants in general, will obediently conform them- selves to the order of things, which a new era has rendered necessary for their tranquility and well being; and in so doing, they will afford his majesty a proof of their devotion to their coun- try."
"So, on our part, nothing shall be neglected to confirm them in the per- suasion of our paternal situation, and our sincere wish to render them hap- py."
(Signed) FREDERICK WILLIAM. SCHULENBURG, HAUGWITZ. April 1, 1806.
WANTED AN APPRENTICE, Where the fine arts combined with me- chanical practice will be taught—drudgery not being understood as any part of his employ- ment, it is hoped that talent and respectability will be his recommendation. Apply for information at Mr. Lewis Cle- phan's near the Bank & street. June 6—tf
FOR SALE. A pair of handsome YOUNG MULES, each three years old, Male and Female, the horse has been cut one year, and has been a short time used to the draught, warranted perfectly sound—a short credit will be given. Enquire of Mr. Wm. Proc. merchant, Navy Yard, Washington city. June 6—tf
Advertisement. THIS is to give Notice that ICE can be had every day between the hours of 10 and 12 o'clock on very reasonable terms, at the intersection of South Capitol Street and Geor- gia avenue, near captain Barry's wharf. J. BOOTH, G. BARRY. Washington, June 4—taw3w
May 2, 1806. At a meeting of the Board of General Superintendence of Fire Companies, it was resolved that the following rules and regulations be recommended to the several fire companies of the city of Washington, and that they meet in their respective wards on Tuesday the 10th inst. for the purpose of taking the same into consideration.
Article 1st. Each company shall ap- point as many of their members as they may deem expedient to act as officers at the time of fire, under the following denominations, viz. Engineers, Lane- men, Ladder-men, Centinels and Fur- niture-men, whose respective duties shall be as follows, viz.
The Engineers shall have charge of the engine and apparatus thereunto be- longing; shall be responsible for having them conveyed to and from fires; for keeping them in repair at the expence of their respective companies, and shall have the entire management of them at fires.
The Lane-men shall form and conti- nue lanes, to supply the engines with water.
The Ladder-men shall have charge of the ladders, axes, hooks, &c. shall be responsible for keeping them in re- pair at the expence of their respective companies, for conveying them to and from fires, and shall use their en- deavors to arrest the progress of the fire, by cutting and removing such com- bustible matter as may endanger prop- erty by communication.
The Centinels shall be chargeable for the safe keeping and protection of all moveable property which may be com- mitted to their care.
The Furniture-men, shall, when prac- ticable enter such houses as are on fire, or in danger of getting on fire, and re- move therefrom, and deposit in the cus- tody of the centinels all the moveables. They shall be careful that no person but themselves, or such persons as they may select, or the proprietors enter any house for that purpose.
Article 2: The badges of marks of distinction for the forgoing officers shall be as follows, viz.
For Engineers, a hat with a white crown, with the word Engineer in white on a black oval in front of the hat, and they shall carry a bright tin speaking trumpet.
For Lane-men, the hat with black crown and white brim, and to carry a white staff four feet long.
For Ladder-men, the hat with a white crown with a representation of a ladder in front, in black.
For Furniture-men, the hat, white crown, with the word Furniture in black on the front of the hat.
For Centinels, the hat white with the word Centinel in black in front, and to carry a white staff six feet long, with an esponton at one end of it.
Art. 3: The engineers, & other officers above-mentioned attached to an engine or engines, that may not be in operation, shall unite themselves to the assistance of those companies whose engines are in actual service.
JAMES HOBAN, President of the Board of General Superin- tendence.
THE UNION FIRE COMPANY will meet in the Council Chamber at 6 o'clock afternoon. June 4—
Notice is hereby given that the subscriber intends to petition the next county Court for Washington, to be held in the territory of Columbia, for an order to re- new the lower ferry over the Eastern Branch, what was generally known by the name of Barry's ferry.
JEREMIAH B. OTHE, Washington, May 16—taw3w
NOTICE. Is hereby given that the sale of property for TAXES due the Corporation of Washington, advertised for this day, is postponed until Fri- day the 20th day of June next, and if the taxes are not paid on or before the said 20th day of June, the sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. at the City Treasurer's office. By order of the Council of Washington, WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City. May 30—tdf
IN CHANCERY, MAY 14. 1806. John Hoy and Benjamin Stodert, versus Danne Penn, Robey Penn and others. THE object of the bill in this cause is to ob- tain a decree for annulling, vacating and set- ting aside three deeds executed by Charles Penn, sen. one on the twenty-second day of March seventeen hundred and ninety two to Bonne Penn, Robey Penn and Zachary Penn, one deed of the same date to Betty Penn, William G. Penn, Sarah Penn and Cath- Penn; and one other deed on the seventh day of May seventeen hundred and ninety- two, to Charles Penn, jun. and William Penn, on the ground that the said deeds were fraud- ulent and executed by the said Charles Penn, sen. for the purpose of defrauding his creditors, without a valuable consideration. The bill states that Bonne Penn and Robey Penn do not reside in the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered that the complainants by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in a newspaper of the city of Washington before the twentieth day of June next; give notice to the absent defendants, of their application to this court and of the substance and object of the bill that they may be warned to appear here in person or by a solicitor of this court on or before the twentieth day of October next to show cause if any they have, wherefore decree should not be passed as prayed. True copy. Test SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, Reg. Cur. Cax. May 19—wjt

PROPOSALS.
FOR BUILDING A PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH on square 377 in the city of Washington will be received by the City Council on Monday the 9th of June next.
The building to be of brick, contemplated to be 33 by 45 feet in the clear, and two stories high.
The proposals to be in writing and left with the subscriber, capital Hill, with whom a plan of the building may be seen.
ISAAK POLOCK, Register. Washington, May 28—tjung
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1806.
Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.
Sept. 9—cf
WM. S. NICHOLLS.
HAS removed his store to the house, lately occupied, by Mr. Melvin, next door to Mr. John Goulding, where he has just received from Philadelphia, and are now opening a very handsome assortment of Spring and Summer Goods, consisting of
Cambric mouselins, crapes, Dimities and cambric Lappet lace cambric dimity, Calicoes and chintzes, shawls, Irish linens, Satin pelangs, lawn lawns, White and pink farsets, Linen cambrics, nets, Pink and buff crepe bat Ladies parfoles, pingheams, Umbrellos, Checks and stripes handsome Ribbons, Laces and edgings, Silk, cotton, and thread Fans assorted, bedery, Diapers, Silk and cotton Cham Garrahs and bastas and berry mouselins, thin India mouselins, Black and colored inter-Dowlasies and Ticklenburgs, Plain Mantuas, Eandano and Madras, Plain do. handkerchiefs, Silk and kid gloves, Brown Holland, Men's raw silk, beavershirt and dress buttons, and thread do. Cargot and Passebord, Cotton effemeres, Superfine blue and drab Yellow and blue man-cloths, Plain colored do. London hats, sewing silk of all kinds, Fancy Marcellas waist-Thread tape, and bob-croeting, Do. Jams and Must Tortoise shell combs, White India dimity, Morocco Shoes with many other goods, Handsome silk Shawls which will be sold on & Handkerchiefs, the lowest terms, Black and white Italian
FOR CASH ONLY. June 4—AW
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living, on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
Treasury Department, Washington May 3rd, 1806.
Notice is hereby Given,
That issued proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as agent for the commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 13th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz. Eight per cent. Old Six per cent. and Deferred Six per cent. stocks, with the dividends payable on the first of July next.
Such persons as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above mentioned stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals sealed up, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein the unexpired amount and species of said stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same, which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law.
In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber, in trust for the United States. TH: T. TUCKER, Treasurer United States. May 5—eptal.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL.
Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Bennets patent cord, woolveteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk molletons, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, plushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion.
N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 12—tf
JOHN LAW,
HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, clerk of the County Court. May 28—20a
PURSUANT to a decree of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed to sale two Tracts of Land in the county of Loudoun, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1297 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and supposed to contain about 1940 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of raising the sum of about 6000 dollars, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the decree mentioned. The sales will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money, and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudoun. THOS. SWANN, WILSON C. SELDEN, Commissioners. April 23—will
The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to purchase under the above decree (which was obtained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him), that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatever, the procuring a title to perfect such sale of the Land; the attempt to which is a vague and ill tempered effort.
THOS. A. DIGGES, Warburton, Maryland, April 23—tjg.
The public are notified, and all persons are sanctioned against purchasing certain lands in Loudoun county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swan and Selden, to be sold at Leesburg on the 13th day of June next; the fee of said estate being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges, of Maryland, an infant under age.
ROBERT BRENT, attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges. City of Washington, April 28—tjungs
TO RENT, THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE,
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq Bath, aforesaid. Note—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
A BARGAIN.
THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom fledge, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper; the remainder rendered easy—nor negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searly residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton, Washington. Isaac Polock, I. P. Jan. 29—eptf
Fruit Hill, Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes I. P. Jan. 29—eptf
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. FROM Portsmouth, N H by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, Newburyport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn and Chelsea, to Boston, six times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by midnight, in 12 hours. Leave Boston every day at 11 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 p m in 12 hours. November 1 to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 4 p m. Leave Boston every day at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 p m. 2. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Watthams, East Sudbury,
Framingham, Southboro', Natick, Needham, Wellesley, Weston, Palmer, Waltham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford and Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at New Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 1 p m in 33 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 10 a m in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at Worcester by 8 p m.
Leave Worcester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 4 p m.
Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Haven by 6 p m.
Returning. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 6 p m. Leave Suffield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 8 p m.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday at 4 a m and arrive at Boston by 3 p m.
3. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, & to New York, seven times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave New Haven every day at 2 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 20 hours.
Leave New York every day at 9 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 3 a m in 18 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave New Haven every day at 4 a m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 30 hours.
Leave New York every day at 11 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 6 p m in 31 hours, resting one hour at Stamford each way.
The mail is to be carried only four times a week from Oct. 1, 1806, to Oct. 1, 1807, omitting to take it both from New Haven and New York on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the mild season, and on Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the cold season.
4. From New York by Jersey, Newark, Elizabeth town, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, seven times a week.
Leave New York every day at 1 p m and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
From Dec. 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 a m, in 18 hours.
5. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vanville, Bladensburg and Washington City to Georgetown, every day.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 8 a m and arrive at Washington City by 4 p m in 8 hours.
Leave Washington City every day at 2 a m and arrive at Baltimore by 10 a m in 8 hours.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m in 10 hours.
Leave Washington City every day by 10 p m and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester & Dumfries to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m, arrive at Alexandria by 5 a m; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a m arrive at Dumfries by 11 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 p m, in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m arrive at Alexandria by 2 p m; leave Alexandria at 3 p m and arrive at Washington city by 5 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m arrive at Alexandria by 6 a m; leave Alexandria at 7 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p m; leave Dumfries at 2 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p m.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m arrive at Alexandria by 4 p m; leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Washington city by 6 1/2 p m.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover ch. Richmond and Offutt's, to Petersburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a m and arrive at Richmond by 3 p m; leave Richmond at 4 p m and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 a m and arrive at Richmond by 8 a m; leave Richmond by 9 a m and
arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 a m and arrive at Richmond by 6 p m; leave Richmond every day Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Petersburg every day, save Sunday, at 2 p m and arrive at Richmond by 8 p m; leave Richmond every day, save Sunday, at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p m.
8. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent ch. Williamsburg, Yorktown & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Hampton by 9 p m and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p m and arrive at Richmond the next days by 8 p m.
9. From Petersburg by Gobbins Point, Smithfield, Surry ch. and Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 p m; leave Sleepy hole at 3 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 a m.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a m arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 a m; leave Sleepy hole at 10 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 8 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 p m.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 a m.
Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 3 p m & arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 p m.
Leave Sleepy Hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
10. From Charleston by Jacksboro' Pocotaligo and Colawhatchy to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, & arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m, and arrive at Savannah by 8 p m.
Returning. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at Charleston by 5 p m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a m & arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p m.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a m & arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m; leave Louisville at 11 a m and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a m; leave Louisville at 10 a m and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan ch Medway church, Riceboro' McIntosh ch Darien, Frederica, Jeckyl island & Dungenon Nelly, to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m & arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
14. From Jeckyl island to Brunswick once a week.
Leave Jeckyl island every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a m.
Leave Brunswick at 2 p m and arrive at Jeckyl island by 6 p m.
IN MAINE.
15. From Scodias to plantation No 5, once a week.
Leave No 5 every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Scodias by 11 a m.
Leave Scodias every Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at No. 5 by 6 p m.
16. From Bucksport by Hartfjord to Livermore, once a week.
Leave Bucksport every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Livermore by 10 a m.
Leave Livermore every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Bucksport by 6 p m.
17. From Vassalboro' by Fairfax, Unity & Colledgetown to Hampden, once a week.
Leave Vassalboro' every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Hampden on Saturday by 10 a m.
Leave Hampden every Saturday at 1 p m & arrive at Vassalboro' on Monday by 8 a m.
18. From New Milford by Belfast, once a week.
Leave New Milford every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Belfast by 6 p m.
Leave Belfast every Friday at 6 a m, and arrive at New Milford by 8 p m.
19. From Brunswick by Bowdoin, Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta, once a week.
Leave Brunswick every Monday at 2 a m & arrive at Augusta by 11 a m.
Leave Augusta every Monday at 3 p m & arrive at Brunswick by 9 p m.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
20. From Fryberg, in Maine, by Conway, Bartlett, Rolebrooks and Jefferson, to Lancaster, once in two weeks.
Leave Fryberg every other Tuesday at 1 p m & arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Fryberg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
21. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Middlestown, Olippee, Moultonboro' Center harbor, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 p m & arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m.
Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Newbury by 7 p m.
Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m arrive at Haverhill by 7 a m & arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth at 7 p m & arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
22. From Hanover N H by Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Guildhall, Vt. and from Guildhall by Lunenburg and Concord, Vt. Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week.
Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a m arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Guildhall on Saturday by 6 p m.
Leave Guildhall every Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p m.
23. From Salisbury by Andover, New Chester and Bridgewater to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by Holderness, New Hampton and Sandborntown, to Salisbury, alternately, once a week.
Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 4 a m & arrive at Plymouth by 2 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N H by Littleton, Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Greenboro' Craftsboro' Eden and Johnson to St. Albans, once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton, N H on Saturday by 6 p m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre Washington, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Burnet & Peacham, to Danville, once a week.
Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Newbury on Saturday at 5 a m & arrive at Danville by 3 p m.
Returning. Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Raynton, Randolph, Williamstown, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Willyton, to Burlington, once a week.
Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m.
Returning. Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p m arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Royalton by Tunbridge, Chelsea and Vershire, to Corinth, once a week.
Leave Royalton every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Corinth by 6 p m.
Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Royalton by 6 p m. [To be Continued.]
BY virtue of a deed of trust from the rev. George Ralph to Saml. Tyler, deceased, and Mary Pottenger, will be sold at public sale, for cash, on Tuesday the 20th day of June next, at Mr. Chaplin's tavern Charlotte Hall Academy, in St. Mary's co. a tract or parcel of LAND called Hulton, situate, lying and being in the vicinity of said academy, in St. Mary's co. aforesaid, containing about 150 acres; also six NEGROES, consisting of three valuable men, a woman and two likely boys. MARY POTTENGER, Survivor of Samuel Tyler. May 14—13t
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the SPACIOUS HOTEL lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house.
PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.