The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-09-14 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCXV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 14th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
From the French Moniteur .
MADRID, March 10.
"Frere, the English minister at this place, seems to be much affected by the news which has arrived from Paris. A few days before he forgot himself so far, as to assert in a conversation which he had with the Prince of Peace , that assassination and murder are lawful in the present state of things, to save England from the extraordinary situation in which it is placed. The Prince of Peace , bluntly replied: But, Sir, should France adopt the same principle, nations would carry on war by the medium of assassins, instead of fighting with fleets and armies. I cannot help declaring, that this morality would excite horror in the mind of his Catholic Majesty . For my part I can only tell you that the example of all ages proves, that crimes in the end always fall on the heads of those who order, or are the instruments of them."
"Note by the Editor of the Moniteur .—The observation of the Prince of Peace has been verified; and at the moment when England was employing the Count d'Artois as an assassin, one of the individuals of his family perished as an atonement for the crime, under the sword of justice. Infamous errand Bishop of arras , such is the result of your counsels!"
OFFICIAL.
Copy of the correspondence between the Prince of Peace and Mr. Frere , relative to the conversation ascribed to them in the preceding article from the Moniteur , No. 184.
(TRANSLATION.)
Madrid, April 7, 1804.
Sir,
Your Excellency has undoubtedly read the conversation ascribed to us by the French Official Gazetteer, concerning the late event in Paris. As I flatter myself that my colleagues, and the enlightened persons of the Court, will not be apt to credit stories so ridiculous and so diametrically opposite to the principles which they know me to possess, I might perhaps have dispensed with noticing a calumny which must reflect upon its authors, and should merely have invited your Excellency to estimate the accuracy of other accounts proceeding from the same source as this, of which you are at once the judge and witness. And yet, as it appears that the writer of that article presumes to ground his statement on the testimony of your Excellency, it appears to me, that I should in some manner be wanting to my own justification, and to the representation with which I am entrusted, were I to neglect appealing to that very testimony myself. Besides, the official character of that accusation seems to demand an equally formal and authentic contradiction.
These considerations induce me to apply to your Excellency, and to request that you will declare whether any such conversation did really pass between us, in which I asserted the principle imputed to me by the Official Gazetteer, and above all, as maintained by him before the Paris news arrived, in short whether your Excellency acknowledges the answer ascribed to you, and which concludes by a very intelligent threat of assassination.
(Signed)
J. H. FRERE.
To his Excellency the Prince of Peace .
Madrid, April 8, 1804.
Sir,
I have actually seen, that in the Madrid article, inserted in No. 184 of the Gazette , an account is given of a conversation between us, and I was waiting, Sir, for your application, to remove, by my answer, the unfavorable opinions you might have formed. But, as in this kind of business the degree of probability entirely depends upon opinion, and our conferences have taken place without either witnesses or hearers, and as it is impossible, therefore, that they should have been transmitted to the Gazetteer with truth or accuracy, I deem the justification you require from me perfectly useless, since it will be indifferent to the Editor of the Gazetteer , whether he publish a contrary statement to-morrow, the value set upon those accounts being relative to the truth they contain. Such has been my opinion when I have seen my character blackened in still darker colours; and he who should endeavor to restrain the actions of men, whom fortune has placed
out of his power, would obtain no other end than that of giving himself constant uneasiness.
(Signed)
THE PRINCE OF PEACE.
Mr. Frere , Minister of England.
Madrid, April 10, 1804.
Sir,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's note, and you will see by the date of this, that I have well reflected, before I determined to renew so unpleasant a subject; but, in truth, the longer I weigh the expressions of your Excellency's note, the less I find that they answer the purpose for which it was dictated, namely, to remove the unfavorable opinions I might have formed.
Your Excellency does me the honor to observe, that you expected me to take such a step: it was not, therefore, quite superfluous in itself. And, indeed, since I was to make application to your Excellency, I do not see how it was possible for me to prefer a demand more moderate, or how I could now desist from it, without obtaining some way or other, a satisfactory answer. I am fully aware how delicate and difficult the present circumstances are: but if your Excellency did not think it proper directly to oppose the Official Gazetteer's assertions, it would, at least, have been possible by slipping his statements of all authority, to reduce it to that vague and conjectured character which you yourself have ascribed to it; for this purpose nothing more was required, than that your Excellency should assure me you never had divulged any particulars of our conversation; since it is evident, that the Moniteur did not mean to cite fugitive and clandestine witnesses, but the very person of your Excellency. Your Excellency might likewise have given a very plain and very natural testimony in my favor, namely, that the only time I spoke with you upon the subject, I expressed an opinion precisely the reverse of that which the Gazetteer pretended to cite.
(Signed)
J. H. FRERE.
To H. E. the Prince of Peace , &c.
Aranjuez, April 13, 1804.
The Editor of the French Gazetteer supposes, in his No. 184, that a conversation has taken place between you, Sir, and me, has been wanting in the consideration due to my character, by believing me capable of entering upon subjects unworthy of the greatness of soul which adorns me. I do not complain of his offence, and you cannot calm the perturbation of your mind at being implicated in it. How shall I be able to persuade you? I have nothing to add to the reflections contained in my preceding note; may this answer to you of the 10th, prove more satisfactory, and let vague opinions circulate in arbitrary prints.
(Signed)
THE PRINCE OF PEACE.
John Hookham Frere , Esq., Minister of his Britannic Majesty .
Madrid, April 17, 1804.
Sir,
It had appeared to me that my personal honour, as well as my sovereign's, in fine, that the value I ought to set upon the good opinion of the Spanish nation, equally impelled me to take the step I have towards your excellency; and, though that greatness of soul your excellency has to just a title to claim, had lessened the importance of these considerations in your eyes, I should still have flattered myself, that you would show some indulgence for the weakness of those who, on being conscious of those distinguished qualities which raise people above calumny, think that there are instances in which a man without being wanting to his own dignity, is called upon to show some respect for public opinion. But, if our notions upon the subject be greatly different, the situation we are in is no less so. On my part, I am charged with having maintained an atrocious principle, while they put in the mouth of your excellency sentiments worthy of your character and such as all who are not strangers to your loyalty, must know that you yourself could have wished to have had ascribed to you, had I been capable of holding the language attributed to me.
I cannot, therefore, conceal, that in the denial of your excellency to disavow that conversation, I look in vain for that greatness of soul which you invite me to imitate, when silence, on your part, costs you nothing but the sacrifice of my reputation; inasmuch, at least, as it depends upon your fulcrage.
Seeing myself deprived of this advantage, there still remains for me the satisfaction to think that I can desist from farther importuning your excellency upon the subject, and that I am able to await, without that perturbation of mind you ascribe to me, the decision of the public, the opinion of my colleagues, & that of the enlightened persons in this court. They have hitherto been pretty decidedly in my favour, and I flatter myself they will prove sufficient to protect me not only against the aspersion of the gazetteer , but likewise against the conjectures that may be built upon the silence of your excellency.
(Signed)
J. H. FRERE.
To his Excellency the Prince of Peace .
Madrid, April 19, 1804.
Sir,
I cannot avoid returning an answer to your note of the 17th inst. as although its contents do not vary from the former one, concerning the opinions entertained in France upon your character and mine, I see that you touch on other points of greater importance, such as the dignity of your sovereign, and the public opinion. This question is too serious, and ought not, therefore, to be blended with private interests. I will never believe that the King of England gives his majesty's ministers directions derogatory from his majesty's dignity: I respect his high rank as I should, and will not contend, Sir, to your making a court business of what is merely personal; you know, Sir, that whenever you have called to converse with me, I have answered, that political affairs were not within my province, and that the king my master has his secretary of state, through whose medium the demands of foreign courts were to be transmitted to him. To the other ambassadors and ministers, I made the same observation so that I have received their visits as mere acts of goodness and civility from them. Under such circumstances, therefore, causes ought not to be confounded with subsequent events, nor ought what depends upon the private conduct of subjects, to be imputed to edicts of the government. My sincerity has more than once prompted me to caution you, Sir, that some individuals about you could do you neither honour nor credit, since their reputation being blasted in other courts, no great opinion could be entertained of their morals in this. And do you know, Sir, whether or not these people may be the authors of the story published by the Paris Gazetteer ? I have likewise mentioned several other things to you, and it was, perhaps, owing to my advice, that you avoided their consequences; as, for instance, Gen. Bouronneville's affair, when you wanted to make yourself master of his papers. Let your Excellency call to mind my former conduct, and entertain a proper regard for the sincerity you have experienced from your affectionate servant,
(Signed)
THE PRINCE OF PEACE.
If you chuse, Sir, I will give an account of what has taken place to the king my master, that it may be forwarded to the Ministers of his Britannic Majesty , through the channel of his Ambassador in London; and your excellency may, from the moderation and terms of my note, form an idea of the high respect I bear His Britannic Majesty , since, if it were not for this just consideration, I should not have answered your last note.
John Hookham Frere , Esq., Minister of His Britannic Majesty .
Madrid, April 20, 1804.
I yesterday received the note of your excellency which I have read with all the attention it merits. There is a very plain consideration which directly occurs to one's mind, namely, that your excellency might have spared yourself the unpleasant task of continuing a painful correspondence. Your excellency does me the honor to tell me, that, being no minister, your correspondence cannot be drawn to political consequence; and yet you propose to transmit it to the minister of his Catholic Majesty in London, for the purpose of showing your respect for his Britannic Majesty . Your excellency adds, that without such motive you would not have thought yourself bound to answer my note. Upon this I must observe, that expressions of personal respect from a private individual to a sovereign do not appear to me to be customary; and that viewing the note of your excellency in this light, I would not undertake to
lay it officially before his majesty. And yet, as it contains certain allusions to my conduct, I thought it my duty to transmit it to the Secretary of State of his Britannic Majesty , with proper explanations. If I return no direct answer to your excellency concerning those allusions, it is because I think them foreign to the subject upon which we began to correspond, absolutely without an object, since your excellency has declared that you will not be looked upon as a minister. Moreover, nobody being present when the conversation took place the discussion would prove useless, and be of no other use than that of presenting to the public the indecent spectacle of two persons, each of whom has some claim to their respect, mutually contradicting one another in the face of the whole world.
(Signed)
J. H. FRERE.
To his Excellency the Prince of Peace .
Madrid, April 23, 1804.
I persuade myself that your excellency will not be surprised at the course I take, and which is in my opinion, the only rational one. Since I desisted in my note of the 17th from the demand of a disavowal, our correspondence could no longer have any object. From the moment that your excellency declared that you would not be considered as a minister, I became sensible, that further discussion would only produce a personal altercation. This was the motive why I avoided discussing various points contained in the last note of your excellency, and it is also the motive which influences me at present. When your excellency has taken into consideration the situation you place me in, by shipping me as well as yourself out of our ministerial characters, I am convinced you will not ascribe to a want of regard that which is, in reality, the result of the most serious reflection.
(Signed)
J. H. FRERE.
To his Excellency the Prince of Peace .
STATE PAPER.
Translation of an Imperial Ukase, issued by the Emperor of Russia at St. Petersburg, the 7th of May, 1804, relative to the admission of foreigners into his Imperial Majesty's dominions.
1st. To enter our frontiers, all persons, except in the undermentioned cases, are to be provided with passports from our Ministers and other Agents residing in foreign countries. Particular instructions will be sent to our Ministers and Consuls as to the manner in which such passports are to be granted, so as to cause the least inconvenience to trade or general intercourse.
2d. Persons coming from cities or places where we have neither missions nor consuls, must produce passports at the frontiers from the governors or chief officers there. Passports from inferior officers, from the country justices or commissioners, or from the magistrates will not be acknowledged. The governors of our frontier provinces will receive instructions in what manner they are to communicate with the Governors of provinces belonging to another power relative to this point, and directions will be given at the barriers where passports are to be acknowledged.
3d. Russian subjects, traders, and other persons usually residing in Russia, having passports to go abroad for a limited term, will be permitted to return with the same passports.
4th. Persons owing allegiance to two powers ( Sujets mixtes ) must, from either, be provided with a passport for a year from the regency of that government in which their property lies, with which, during that term, they may pass out and in without interruption.
5th. All persons must produce their passports at the frontiers; and, if conformable to their regulations, they will be allowed to pass without molestation, except such as may be particularly ordered to stop.
6th. These regulations are to extend to all sea ports in so far as regards passengers arriving there. Ships in furs, and persons furs on board ships, are to be admitted upon the former existing regulations.
7th. All these regulations shall be enforced for the nearer ports of Europe, within two months; and for the more distant, namely, Spain and Portugal, within four months, reckoning from the day of this ordinance ( Ukase ), which
shall be published in the newspapers of both our capitals.
8th. The daily communications of persons residing on the frontiers will remain on the former footing.
9th. The intercourse with various Asiatic nations on the frontiers of the Cuban , on the lines of Caucasus and Orenburgh , and also with the Turkish subjects in general is to remain on the former footing.
10th. Passports will be granted to persons going out of the country as formerly.
Signed with his Imperial Majesty's own hand, Counter-signed.
COUNT V. KOTCHUBEY.
FOR SALE.
A tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great and little Sascilla rivers in the counties of Wayne and Taliaferro in the state of Georgia , distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100,000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasture for cattle. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to
JOHN BECKLEY.
City of Washington. Sept. 12—18.
In the case of JOHN AIKEN an insolvent debtor.
District of Columbia, Washington County, to wit
On the petition of John Aiken an insolvent debtor contained in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said John Aiken that on the 17th day of September inst. at 9 o'clock A.M. at the court room in the Capitol, the oath prescribed by the act of Congress for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia, will be administered to the said John Aiken and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published twice in the National Intelligencer before that day, by order of the honorable Wm. Cranch an assistant judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
URIAS FORREST, Ck. Sept. 12—2t.
TO BE SOLD
By private contract, an estate called Chichester , lying on the banks of the Eastern Branch , immediately opposite the city of Washington. This estate extends from near the foot of the Bridge to a little below the Navy Yard, and contains 605 acres of land. It is laid off in lots of from 33 to 117 acres. Dyers Ferry is on it.
The price and conditions of sale may be known on application to captain Marbury of Blue Plains opposite Alexandria , to colonel Hanson , of the Navy yard, or to the subscriber.
Captain Marbury who has a plat of the estate, may be spoken with on any Thursday at the Bank of Columbia.
ANTHONY ADDISON.
Barnaby Prince-Georges County . September 12—2aw3w
JUST PUBLISHED, HERTY'S DIGEST Of the Laws of Maryland, VOL. II. PRICE 2 DOLLARS 25 CENTS, In blue paper.
District of Columbia, to wit:
BE it remembered, that on this twenty-eighth day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, Thomas Hertig, Esq., of the said district, Conveyancer and Notary Public, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author in the words following to wit: "A Digest of the Laws of Maryland, being a complete system alphabetically arranged of all the public acts of assembly, now in force and of general note, from the first settlement of the state, to the end of November session 1803, inclusive—to which is added, the acts of Congress for the district of Columbia, from the assumption of jurisdiction to the end of the session, which terminated in April 1804, inclusive—Also a variety of precedents, (adapted to the several acts) for the use of justices of the peace; and also a table explanatory of sundry technical Law terms, Volume and in conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, intitled, "An act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the time therein mentioned."
G. DENEALE, Clerk of the district of Columbia.
The above may be had at the publisher's office for the present. September 5—2aw2t

At a meeting of Delegates from ninety-seven towns of the state of Connecticut, convened at New Haven, on the 29th day of August, 1804.
WILLIAM JUDD, Esq. in the chair, HENRY W. EDWARDS, and LEMUEL WHITMAN, Clerks.
Whereas it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting, that the people of this state are at present without a constitution of civil government—
Resolved, That it is expedient to take measures preparatory to the formation of a constitution, and that a committee be appointed to draft an Address to the people of this state on that subject, and make report thereof to this meeting.
The committee appointed in pursuance of the foregoing resolve, reported the following
ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT.
WE hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are created equal—that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights—that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect its safety and happiness.
Since the declaration of independence, of which the above is a part, we have had no constitution nor any part of government, which has not been repealable by the legislature; but the sovereignty, which by that memorable act, was taken from Great Britain, did not vest in the old congress nor in the legislature. It vested in the people and by them has never been exercised.
Since that declaration the people of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, the two Carolinas and Georgia have formed constitutions. The four new states added to the thirteen, are governed under constitutions formed by the people. Throughout the union Rhode Island and Connecticut are the only states, which still recognize the charter of king Charles as the basis of civil government. This shews that the formation of constitutions by the people has been, without any influence of party, regarded as essential to political safety. It has been considered indispensable that the rights of man, however unalienable, in their nature, should be guarded from alienation by positive contract, not alterable by the few, who may be in power, but by the people who are to be governed.
No one of the constitutions thus formed has changed the rights of persons or of things in respect to the time past, but all of them have defined and guarded the important civil and religious rights of man. They have separated powers, which if connected, might be dangerous to each other or to the public. They have limited the bounds of each department of government and have established first principles, not to be changed but by consent of the people. They have left to legislators the application of these principles, to judges the impartial construction of laws and to executive officers the power of effecting objects of government.
In a perfect state of society (were such possible) we should need no constitution, but universal experience has shown the insecurity of trusting mere men to set bounds to their own power and to remove the landmarks at pleasure. Private interest, ambition or temper may tempt the legislator to sudden and dangerous exercises of power, but a constitution is to the people a permanent shelter and defence. As our situation now is, what one legislature does may be revoked by the next, but what the people do in their collective capacity is done permanently for every man and cannot be revoked in haste or without the full consent of the people.
If a constitution shall declare taxation and representation inseparable, the legislator cannot separate them with his breath.
If a constitution shall declare all men free in the exercise of religion according to conscience, so far as it can be done without violating public order, the legislator cannot bind over one denomination to another.
If a constitution shall give permanence and independence to judges, the legislator cannot make judges annually dependent on his will.
If a constitution shall establish the qualifications of a freeman, the legislator cannot change them.
If a constitution shall separate the legislative, executive and judicial powers, the legislator cannot unite them in his own person.
It has been said that every thing has gone well in Connecticut. Supposing this
were true, yet who will ensure that this shall be the case with the next generation or even for the next year? Men's zeal for popularity and for retaining their places is some guarantee for public safety, but not a permanent one, yet no other have we had since 1776, for the conformity of our laws and establishments to the will of the people. What prudent farmer among us is contented with the abundant crops of his farm, while he has no title deed on record or while his evidence of title is defective? he leaves his plough and his fields to establish his title for the benefit of himself and children.—If a vessel should happen to perform a good and safe voyage without rudder or compass, the mariners might be complimented on their success, but the owner would never send her to sea again in such condition.—On the subject of government, which involves a concern with all our lands, our labors and pursuits, prudence demands most loudly our vigilant care that nothing be left to hazard, which can be made perfectly safe.—The people of the other States did not leave all their political concerns to the vague contingency of things going well or ill; but they asserted the power to be in themselves and established rules, which should control all the departments. The old Congress did not declare the old confederation to be the constitution of the United States. They did not proceed to organise a government; but the foreign people appointed delegates to a general convention, which proposed a Constitution to conventions of the people of the States.
If all things are now right, let the voice of the people establish them as they are. If any amendments are desirable, let the people have opportunity to make them.
Excellent as may appear the government of Connecticut to those, who have administered it and to their favorites, yet to us, who belong to the majority of the union, it has been and is an unequal government, constantly tending to the increase of aristocracies, and to the consequent humiliation of men and principles, friendly to our revolution. The government is indeed good for those, who have enjoyed all power and privileges under it, but to us it has been and is a bad government, because legislators, who are opposed to their own former professions, who are opposed to the general government and to us, have not over their conduct any control, which they cannot remove at pleasure, and have no restraint from making laws favorable to their own perpetuity in power and our perpetuity in subjection.
It is to us a bad government, because judges appointed by such legislators, and hostile to us as their makers, have the uncontrolled decision of all our rights and are annually dependent on our political opponents for continuance in office.
It is to us a bad government, because men thus uncontrolled have concentrated in themselves, the few, that power of the many, which all wise governments have separated.
The grounds, on which we call the government bad, are referred to the very nature of the government, to the construction of courts, and to the unavoidable operations of party and passion; hence we shall be excused a detail of the numerous wrongs, which have arrived to us under this government. The same wrongs would arrive to the opposite party, provided the same dangerous unlimited power was to be placed in our hands. In seasons of party a constitution is an invaluable instrument.
The federalists claim all greatness and goodness, and refer us to these as security for our enjoyment of equal rights. We recognize no evidence of these exclusive attributes, but in the frequent repetitions of the claim, and these repetitions have been all our consolation and all our redress, when from time to time we have complained of evils, which, defying all human greatness and goodness, will be perpetually breaking forth from the corrupt source of human passions.
At the close of our revolution this state stood high in name and in honor among the states of the union. Under the management of our federal statesmen we are thrown into a minority and have lost our weight in the general scale. Contrary to their policy the president and all the officers of government have been appointed, the amendment of the Constitution has been sanctioned by 13 states, and by the people of a 14th, and nearly all the general measures carried. To this condition are we driven by men, who pointedly oppose the measure of a state constitution. Perhaps the same imperious necessity, which yielded to France a Consul and an Emperor, has impelled our rulers to hold their unlimited powers till this time, and to refuse relinquishing them to the people: but whatever impediments to forming a constitution might have existed in July, 1776, or at the close of the war in 1783, or at the establishment of our national government in 1788, or at any time since that period, no such impediments now exist.—The general government is in a train of successful operation, approving its principles and measures to the judgment of a vast majority of our people: thousands in this state are dissatisfied with our want of a Constitution: parties are not exactly balanced, but we have no fear that a constitution will be formed on party principles: the good sense of the people will never lead them to the establishment of principles, injurious to their own rights and liberty.—The interests of a legislature in power and those of the people may be at variance; but the interests of a convention and those of the people are the same.
We will not pretend to decide what a constitution formed by a convention and submitted to the people will or ought to be: but we take the liberty of expressing what it probably will not be. It will not be an instrument full of innovations, nor will it be a departure from what the experience of other states and of our own has proved to be useful. You will have no new experiments to try: all this business has been made intelligible in our country as the art of ship-building.
If it be a fact that the people of Connecticut are their own worst enemies; if they are ignorant and unable to discern their true interests; if amidst the blaze of light on the subject of free government, which has been all about them, they are able to discover no political safety but in reliance on men of high passions, powerful interests, and wholly uncontrolled, then indeed we may as well proceed on the charter of king Charles: but in the quiet habits of our people we discern no such humility of character. We have been uniformly told by the federalists, that the people of this state are highly intelligent, firm and honest; therefore that they approve the present state of things. We wish to hear from this intelligence, firmness and honesty directly, and not through their self-appointed organs. Never since the settlement of our country has it been submitted to our people to decide explicitly on a form of government. The power of Charles passed directly over their heads to the men then in place, and these made laws for passing it to their successors in office. Thus no part of our independence has ever arrived among the people. We deem it high time that they should take rank among the people of other states, who having lived under free, equal governments of their own choice, have acquired no habits, hostile to the principles and operations of such a government throughout the union.
Opposed to our wishes on this subject are the interests of all the men in high office, and of most of their dependants. Opposed to us are all the argument, eloquence and influence of federalism. Opposed to us are some public attacks, many private suggestions, and all the phantoms of danger; which the cunning of men can conjure up to alarm the people. Our object will be combated by all, whose interest it is to combat a state constitution.
But among the body of the people can any one see fifteen of the seventeen states enjoying constitutions formed by the people, and not reflect that this fact must have resulted from an extended impression of their expediency and necessity? Can any one reflect on the constituent parts of all these constitutions, and not discern this impression in favor of separating powers, which are now united in this state?
Does any one believe that all things are now right, and is he not willing to establish them as they are, and thus to silence our complaints?
Does any one doubt the perfection of the present state of things, and is he not willing to apply a constitutional remedy?
Are any persuaded that the government is unequal in its operations, and are they not willing to balance it by a constitution?
Do any discern in the leading federalists a strong reluctance to submit this fact, and do these discover in this reluctance no argument in favor of the measure? Could this reluctance exist, if there were a full persuasion that the people would sanction the present government in all its parts? Could men in power be unwilling to be strengthened by a constitutional force? can those who claim to have all talents and all virtue fear that they will fail of influence with an enlightened people, habituated to obey them? Could this reluctance in fact exist, if all things were now right?
Can the people see this state lost in the republican scale of the union and not seek for the cause in the aristocratic habits, engendered between the charter of king Charles and the pride of rulers, resolved not to descend to the level of the people?
Can any doubt that this is to us a bad government and are such unwilling to give a fair chance of making it equally good for all?
To gain a fair standing among the free nations of the earth, we feel that in addressing ourselves to the people, we submit to a safe and judicious tribunal the important question,
Whether we will have a state constitution?
Tedious as has been the season and long as have been the details of our wrongs, we ask no sudden redress. Our wish is that men of all classes would coolly examine this subject in all its parts and would decide under a full conviction of its importance. By their votes will be known their decision.
If a constitution appears desirable, they will vote for men who are in favor of it. Previous to voting for men who oppose the measure, let them weigh carefully the motives of such opposition, let them decide that a free, intelligent people are unfit to form a constitution for themselves, and in this decision let them recollect that they abandon the cardinal principle of our revolution, and that they exhibit a character of Connecticut, such as it has been unwilling to wear in view of the world.—Are we in fact an intelligent people? let us, if we dare risk it, assert this publicly, by establishing the charter of king Charles, as our form of civil government.
People of Connecticut, you are careful respecting titles to your estates, you are careful in your contracts and in your last wills. Can you deliberately reject the only season, which will probably be lent you on earth for establishing a constitution, which shall give validity to the past and the future, which shall quiet all men in their rights, which shall secure you a government of sound principles and perpetuate such a government to the latest generations?
We ask men of all parties to attend punctually at proxies and to continue a contest of votes, till the great question,
Whether this state shall have a constitution?
be settled finally and forever—ingloriously, (if such must be the effect of invincible prejudice)—but gloriously, we trust, for we are persuaded that on our part we have truth and reason, which must sooner or later impress all ingenuous minds beyond the power of opposition.
The foregoing address having been read,—Resolved, that the same be accepted, and that ten thousand copies thereof be printed and distributed.
Signed by order of the meeting. WILLIAM JUDD, Chairman. H. W. EDWARDS, } Clerks. L. WHITMAN, }
AT a meeting of the Conferees appointed by the republicans of the second district comprehending Prince George and Anne Arundel counties and the city of Annapolis, held at Queen Anne on the 6th day of September, 1804, according to previous public notice, for the purpose of designating a candidate for the representation of the said district, in the next Congress of the United States. Humphrey Belt, sen. Esq. was chosen chairman, and Zachariah Duvall, jun. secretary: when the following resolutions were agreed to.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, LEONARD COVINGTON, sen. Esq. ought to be the republican candidate.
Resolved, That every individual of the meeting will exert himself to promote the election of Mr. Covington, and they earnestly recommend it to their republican brethren, throughout the district, to unite in his support.
Humphrey Belt, sen. Chairman. Zachariah Duvall, jun. Secretary.
To THE REPUBLICANS OF THE SECOND DISTRICT.
Fellow-Citizens,
THE necessity for unanimity among the republicans induced us to undertake the disagreeable task of designating a person, who, in our opinion, is most likely to prevail over any candidate that may be brought forward by our political opponents.
'Tis with concern and regret we hear a measure so necessary to the success of republicanism, denounced as dangerous to liberty and destroying the freedom of election, and this too by men who have heretofore been most forward in promoting committee meetings. It is true that did there not exist among us two conflicting parties, divided in their views as to every leading measure of the general and state governments, there could be no necessity, previous to an election, to collect the sense of the people as to the candidates.—We could then select at the polls from among the numerous candidates, those to whom we were personally attached, and to keep out of our public councils the ignorant and immoral, would alone excise our zeal.
But while there does exist two such parties, we cannot but feel anxious to unite our friends.
The persons held up to our view were, Archibald Van Horn, Edward Hall and Leonard Covington, Esqrs. the first gentleman had declared in explicit terms, both verbally and in writing, that he would not consider himself bound by the determination of the committee, & would
oppose any one recommended by them. His nomination was unanimously rejected, and the committee recommended Mr. Covington, considering him well qualified for the trust, and the most likely person to unite the suffrages of their fellow-citizens.
If it is necessary to collect the sense of the republicans in order to concentrate their efforts against their political opponents, who on all occasions act with unanimity, what better mode can be devised than for the people to meet in the different election districts and send forward members to compose a general committee to consult among themselves, as to the characters as candidates, most likely to give satisfaction? This was done in most of the districts in both counties.—If some of them were unrepresented, the fault was their own. We pretend not to dictate—we merely recommend.
In making the choice, we consider ourselves bound to respect the will of the majority of republicans in the district—as far as we have been able to ascertain, that will is in favor of Mr. Covington. If we are mistaken, we stand excused in our consciences, as we acted on the best information we could obtain. 'Twas not to be expected that every man would go forward and vote first for candidates, and then attend the polls on the Legal day of election and vote them in as members. Elections are frequent enough, were they more so they would be an evil.
Complaints against committees come with a bad grace from Mr. Van Horn, who until the present year, was one of their warmest friends, but when he charges them with a tendency to destroy the right of suffrage and the freedom of election, we feel the charge personal. We were appointed to act at the instance of a number of respectable republicans, and in agreeing to discharge the duty, we have assented to their propriety. Yet we disclaim all intention of wishing to destroy the right of suffrage or the freedom of election, and we trust our uniform conduct as republicans, will do away any suspicions which Mr. Van Horn's charges may be calculated to excite.
There is poor encouragement indeed for the friends of the equal rights of man to persevere in their endeavours to perpetuate those rights, if in a moment their fair fame is to be blasted. We have a sufficient number of political opponents to contend with, and little expected to find in our bosom a man hardly enough to make such a charge against us. To be a republican is to be a mark to be shot at by calumny. Mr. Van Horn has himself, perhaps, felt its shafts, and ought to have been more tender of our feelings.
Mr. Van Horn complains that reports are in circulation of his apostatizing from his political principles.—If such reports do exist, we neither originated or gave currency to them, but if he counts the federal interest and owes his election to it, the circumstance may justify suspicions, which allusion alone may be insufficient to remove. We have the authority of Heaven for saying that "no servant can serve two masters, for either he will hate the one and love the other, or else he will hold to the one and despise the other." Mr. Van Horn also says he will not be the means of injuring the republican cause, and that he will decline if a federal candidate comes forward. What is more likely to injure the republican cause, than an attempt to divide the republicans? and what security can we have that a federal candidate will not be brought forward on the morning of the election? We know from experience, the unanimity with which the federalists act—Indeed a federal candidate, Mr. Clement Hill, jun. is at this time in nomination.
To conclude, we disclaim all personal love of Mr. Van Horn or Mr. Hill, though we have recommended Mr. Covington. On the contrary, we respect them both. The members of this committee have no private views of their own to answer, but as private citizens are anxious alone to promote the public good. They are anxious above all to disappoint the federal prediction, that the republicans, if left to themselves, would soon quarrel and divide. We therefore exhort you to be united—reflect that it is impossible to gratify every one who may wish to be in congress. We shall be mortified, if the disappointment of an individual should create a division among ourselves.
By order of the committee. H. BELT, sen. Chairman. Z. DUVALL, jun. Sec'y.
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and knew the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD.

WASHINGTON CITY,
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 14.
The subscriptions to the Bank of Potomac have all been made.
The republican citizens of New York have nominated Gordon S. Mumford as a fit representative in Congress...
The republicans of Massachusetts have offered as worthy of support the following electoral ticket.
James Sullivan, Elbridge Gerry, James Bowdoin, John Hathorne, Thomas Kittredge...
The votes given in Salem district, North Carolina, for a representative in Congress.
For Mr. Winston 2681, Mr. Franklin 2019
The Governor of Pennsylvania has offered a reward of Eight hundred dollars for arresting the principal offender...
COMMUNICATION.
It is with much pleasure we learn that the citizens of the first and second fire wards have organized themselves into Fire Companies...
A. F.
Information wanted to the following queries.
1st. Has the Mayor appointed any Directors to the third and fourth fire wards, and
If he has, why have they never convened the citizens for the purpose of forming fire companies?
A. B. C. &c.
ANNAPOLIS, Sept. 5.
Farmers Bank of Maryland.
On Monday last the books for receiving subscriptions to the Farmers Bank of Maryland were opened in this city...
At some other places, appointed to receive subscriptions, the allotted number of shares have not been subscribed.
MORE IMPRESSIONS.
The ship Independence, captain James Orn, from Portland, in coming into this port, on Thursday, was boarded about four miles from the Hook by an officer from the Cambrian...
NEW YORK, September 10.
By the Oneida chief, Captain Kemp, which arrived here on Saturday, in 48 days from London, we have received London papers to the 17th July.
By the Oneida Chief, London accounts to the 18th July, have been received at the office of the Morning Chronicle.
The invasion was as usual daily expected. One paper which pretends to private and authentic information, expresses itself in the following terms:—
It appears from the recent and authentic accounts which we have received from the French coast, that the exertions of the enemy are redoubled, and the preparations nearly, if not quite, complete.
The force on the French coast is immense, and ready for embarkation. We could also give most decisive reasons, why Bonaparte cannot much longer defer the expedition.
The enemy depends on his numbers—he will probably choose a calm for evading our blockading squadrons, and as the passage is short, he expects that, while one part of his flotilla is engaged, the greater part will escape into shoal water, and effect a landing.
We are not of opinion that Bonaparte will come in person. He will, at least, not come with the first division. On the contrary, it is more probable that he will dispatch, with the first division of the army, young, expert, and enterprising officers...
We are led to remark on the report that the coronation of Bonaparte is postponed to the 9th of November. If credit is to be given to this story, it must be regarded as a ruse-de-guerre...
On the whole, we are satisfied that the people of this country, and the Volunteers in particular, cannot, at present, be too much on the alert, if they have any regard to their properties...
AN ACT
Providing for the establishment of semi-annual Fairs. BE it enacted by the first and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington...
In virtue of powers vested in me by the above act, I do hereby order and direct that the Fairs authorised by the act shall be held on the public grounds...
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. September 14—
UNION FIRE COMPANY.
At a meeting of the Union Fire Company (second ward) held on Saturday the 8th instant at Rhodes's tavern, Richard Forrest, Esq. in the chair...
The levy money for recruits had been raised for the cavalry, to sixteen pounds eleven shillings sterling: and for infantry, &c. to nineteen guineas.
The whole amount to be raised in Great Britain, to answer the expenses of the current year, as proposed to the House of Commons, amounted to 77,846,179.
The protest of the count de Lille, (Louis XVIII) copied from the Moniteur, is stated to have been spurious.
It was reported that the British government contemplated raising the blockade of the Elbe.
NATCHEZ, Aug. 4.
The post-rider who arrived from Tennessee, (John Sweeney) informs that he saw a man lying dead on Monday morning last, about 70 or 80 miles from Smith's...
We are informed that the mail due last week still remains at Tennessee, on account of the sickness of the post-rider, that no person could be procured to bring it forward in time.
August 7.
We are informed that the name of the unfortunate person murdered in the wilderness last week, is Robert M'Alpin, from Georgia.
Runaway Negro.
WAS committed to the goal of Frederick county, on the 25th July last, negro JOE, about 28 years old, five feet 8 inches high...
GEORGE GREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick county. Aug. 22—law8t.
PROPOSALS.
BY JOHN DIXON,
For Printing by subscription, a Periodical Work, to be entitled the
VIRGINIA MAGAZINE, OR, Monthly Miscellany.
CONDITIONS.
I. The work to contain 68 pages (Octavo) monthly, of selected miscellaneous prose, and of original prose, &c. II. The work to be printed on good paper, and with a neat type. III. The price to subscribers, to be Five Dollars per annum...
PROSPECTUS.
The utility and rational amusement derivable from well conducted Magazines, probably will not be controverted. They afford an asylum for many fugitive essays, that might otherwise meet with a more rigorous fate than they merit.
Ten Dollars Reward.
RAN Away from the subscriber on Friday, the first inst. a negro Wench called BACHEL, about twenty years of age, no perceptible mark—she is stout made, has a half full look when spoken to, speaks quick, apparently far advanced in pregnancy.
FRANCIS CLARK. Aug. 29—wtf.
NEW Store.
BY WHOLESALE AND RETAIL. The subscriber informs the public that he has commenced business in the house formerly occupied by
MR. QUINN, F. Street; And has on hand, a general assortment of dry goods, Groceries, wines and spirituous liquors. Porter, Hardware and Cutlery, Queenware, China and Glass, Flour, Corn, and Corn-meal, Oats, and Chopped rye, Candles and Soap by the box, Country whiskey by the barrel, and a few casks of genuine old Irish whiskey.
FRANCIS CLARK. Aug. 29—wtf.
NOTICE.
BY Virtue of a decree of the high court of chancery of the state of Maryland will be sold at public auction at Caton's tavern in the city of Annapolis at twelve o'clock on Saturday the twenty ninth day of the present month, the lot of ground now in the occupation of Wm. Brown of the city of Annapolis.
500 Dollars Reward.
WHERAS on the first day of April last a Negro fellow named SIROTHER and his wife named PHILLIS absconded from my plantation near Chester court house South Carolina...
Valuable Property FOR SALE.
THE subscriber will sell his Plantation adjoining the town of Upper Marlinton in Prince Georges county, containing eight hundred acres. This plantation is considered amongst the best in the neighbourhood, it is well adapted to the growth of wheat, Indian corn and fine tobacco, and has a great sufficiency of wood for its support.

County of Washington, In the District of Columbia, to wit: WHEREAS Washington Boyd, collector of the county tax, for the county of Washington has this day returned to the Board of commissioners of said county, the following List of Lands and Lots of ground in said county on which there is no personal property to pay the said taxes—to wit:    Robert Allison, Lot no 7 sq 63  20 1 2  Henry Appleton, Lot 10 sq 608, Lot 6 sq 610, Lot 9 sq 611 Lot 6 sq 612  20 1 2    Henry Addison, Lot 11 sq 611  20  John Appleton, Lot 6 sq 654  23 3 4    Thomas Addison, Lot 319 667 Lots 4 5 6 sq 705  1  Samuel Addison one tract of land containing 222 acres  3 3 3    Sam. Blodgett one Lot in George Town, Lots 4 and 20 sq no 4 in Washington city Lots 1 and 3 sq 1 Lot 5 sq 12 Lot 21 sq 16 Lots 4 and 4 sq 33 Lot 5 sq 54 Lot 10 sq 84 Lot 5 sq 124 Lots 22 and 23 and 24 sq 263 Lots 7 and 8 sq 264 Lots 7 and 8 sq 409 part of sq 633 Lot 475 Lots 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100  1 3 3    Samuel Addison one tract of land containing 147 acres  73 2 2  John Brice Lot 2 sq 667  40    John Brice Lot 2 sq 667  40  John Brice Lot 5 sq 667  40    John Brice Lot 5 sq 667  40  John Brice Lot 6 sq 667  23 1 4    John Brice Lot 6 sq 667  23 1 4  John Brice Lot 10 sq 667  2 50    John Brice Lot 10 sq 667  2 50  John Brice Lot 12 sq 667  34 1 2    John Brice Lot 12 sq 667  34 1 2  John Brice Lot 14 sq 667  31 1 4    John Brice Lot 14 sq 667  31 1 4  John Brice Lot 16 sq 667  26 44 1 2    John Brice Lot 16 sq 667  26 44 1 2  John Brice Lot 18 sq 667  6    John Brice Lot 18 sq 667  6  John Brice Lot 20 sq 667  37 3 4    John Brice Lot 20 sq 667  37 3 4  John Brice Lot 22 sq 667  84 3 4    John Brice Lot 22 sq 667  84 3 4  John Brice Lot 24 sq 667  63 3 4    John Brice Lot 24 sq 667  63 3 4  John Brice Lot 26 sq 667  38    John Brice Lot 26 sq 667  38  John Brice Lot 28 sq 667  40    John Brice Lot 28 sq 667  40  John Brice Lot 30 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 30 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 32 sq 667  80    John Brice Lot 32 sq 667  80  John Brice Lot 34 sq 667  8 95    John Brice Lot 34 sq 667  8 95  John Brice Lot 36 sq 667  2 50    John Brice Lot 36 sq 667  2 50  John Brice Lot 38 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 38 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 40 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 40 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 42 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 42 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 44 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 44 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 46 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 46 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 48 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 48 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 50 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 50 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 52 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 52 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 54 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 54 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 56 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 56 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 58 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 58 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 60 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 60 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 62 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 62 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 64 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 64 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 66 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 66 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 68 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 68 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 70 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 70 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 72 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 72 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 74 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 74 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 76 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 76 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 78 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 78 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 80 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 80 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 82 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 82 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 84 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 84 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 86 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 86 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 88 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 88 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 90 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 90 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 92 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 92 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 94 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 94 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 96 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 96 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 98 sq 667  20    John Brice Lot 98 sq 667  20  John Brice Lot 100 sq 667  20  
598 lot 15 sq 511 50 Robert Darnal lot 4 sq 603 20 John Daby part of sq 695 50 Tomas Dick lot 7 sq 704 (paid) 20 William D. D. lot 10 8 11 sq 925 lots 4 5 6 7 sq 1001 7 27 Debliss and Nicholson's wharf and warehouse and 7 frame houses 7 20 Thomas Dabben 1-2 of lot 4 sq 289 31 1-4 Benjamin Declary lots 6 sq 725 1 26 George Ehrenzeller lots 6 11 16 sq 585 lot 16 sq 517 lot 16 sq 589 40 John Eden lot 13 sq 656 lot 3 sq south of sq 1774 60 Joseph Elliott part of lot 6 sq 78 36 1-2 George Eldridge lots 1 2 sq 107 22 1-2 Ebenezer Eliason part of lot 5 sq 118 with house thereon 1 30 Wm Fitzhugh lot 1 sq 654 20 Forrest and Stoddert lot 2 sq 1 lot 3 sq north of sq 4 lots 2 4 6 26 sq 5 lot 7 sq 6 lots 2 3 8 12 sq 12 lots 1 2 3 12 13 14 15 16 17 sq 17 lots 23 24 25 28 29 sq 23 lots 1 2 3 sq 29 lots 1 2 6 sq 30 lots 1 2 8 10 14 15 sq 31 lots 1 10 sq 40 lots 1 2 3 4 5 14 15 16 sq 41 lots 1 2 11 12 13 14 15 16 sq 42 lots 1 2 12 sq 56 lots 5 6 sq 57 lot 7 sq 61 lot 10 sq 62 lots 13 14 15 16 sq 79 lots 6 7 8 sq 81 lots 4 7 square 87 lots 10 11 sq 88 lot 4 sq 121 lots 2 3 sq 122 lots 1 2 3 9 10 11 12 13 19 and part of 16 sq 141 lots 11 14 sq 142 lots 1 2 3 and an half of 18 19 20 and 4 sq 143 lots 5 6 144 and an half lot 15 and lot 16 sq 168 lots 1 5 6 7 10 11 sq 28 lots 1 2 11 12 13 14 15 16 sq 55 lots 3 4 5 6 7 sq 37 lot 12 28 sq 78 lots 1 2 3 sq 85 lots 7 8 14 15 20 21 sq 86 lots 8 9 10 sq 166 lots 15 16 17 18 and 19 square 126 64 3 3-4 A. Fishers heirs one half of lot 1 sq 57 half of lot 6 sq 122 45 1-4 John Fy part of sq 1067 sq 938 sq 986 sq 919 and sq 1042 4 71 3 4 Abraham Eaw lots 16 17 sq 86 28 Joshua Gregg part of sq 502 3 80 Henry Gaither lot 1 sq west of 14 lots 2 3 sq 104 lots 22 and 23 sq 127 2 99 1-2 Michael Gaugavare lot 2 sq 62 15 3-4 Frederick Golden's heirs lot 6 sq 79 68 3 4 Rev. rend Mr. Golden lot 1 sq eighty 60 Michael Greff lot 13 sq 85 35 1-2 Henry Gail lot 12 sq 89 20 1-2 Philip Gadlon lots 19 and 80 sq 169 lots 1 2 3 sq 634 James Greenleaf's assignees lots 1 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 10 24 26 27 and 28 sq 231 sq 296 sq 411 and part of sq 74 66 Levi Green part of sq 502 66 Richard Gridey part of sq 503 part of sq 770 lot 5 sq 1067 lot 5 sq 218 with house on sq 593 4 42 1-2 Sam. Galloway lots 4 9 sq 601 lot 14 sq 611 60 Richard Graham lot 16 sq 608 lot 6 sq 665 40 Gillis, Groenevald, Rudolph Mees and Pieter, Vander Waller, Van Vollen, Hloven sq 630 sq 680 sq 681 sq 682 sq 725 sq 730 sq 756 sq 783 sq 784 sq 797 sq 815 sq 817 sq 819 sq 838 sq 840 sq 869 sq 871 sq 872 sq 873 sq 898 sq 900 sq 920 sq 921 sq 941 sq 942 sq 945 sq 971 sq 989 sq 991 sq 1013 sq 1017 sq 1038 sq 1041 sq 1061 sq 1113 12 lots in square 1114 in sq 1103 12 lots in sq 1119 12 lots in sq 993 10 lots in sq 788 65 58 1 2 Sam. Griffin lot 9 sq 728 61 1-4 Pieter Godfrey, Rutger Jan. Schimmelpenick and Robert Daniel G. omeilin sq 493 484 514 516 527 556 557 558 559 561 624 675 676 677 678 679 719 720 721 722 752 753 754 755 12 lots in sq 482 12 lots in sq 512 2 lots in sq 524 9 lots in sq 525 12 lots in sq 526 12 lots in sq 528 24 lot in sq 560 23 lots in sq 562 12 lots in sq 563 8 lots in sq 565 52 lots in sq 622 52 lots in sq 623 24 lots in sq 625 43 23 1 2 James Gilchrist lots 8 19 22 sq 78 lot 4 sq 107 lot 4 sq 106 2 13 John Gowan Lot 3 sq 86 64 3-4 Sam Griffith lot 6 sq 200 lot 6 sq 456 1 2 1 2 Valentine Hoff lot 7 sq 80 lot 15 sq 81 1 33 1 2 Geo. Hoffsten lots 16 17 sq 81 1 29 Henry Hillary jr lot 2 sq 83 69 To be continued
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cassimeres, white and fancy Marseilles, colored and white Janes, India nankeens, cotton cassimeres, black silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 3—tf
REMOVAL.  THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Has removed to the house above Mr. Rhodes (late LOYAL'S) HOTEL, near the President's Square. In addition to the present stock of goods, an Handsome Assortment is expected immediately. Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post, will be waited upon with all possible expedition. T. C. will pledge himself to execute any order with a rate, expedition and moderation of charge, which shall not be excelled by any. April 16—tf.
TO RENT, A THREE STORY BRICK HOUSE in the city of Washington, situate on that beautiful ridge north east of the Seven Buildings, on I street, Lot No. 3, square 106, at present occupied by Mrs. Scott. Possession may be had the 1st of August next. Under said lease is a good dry cellar, on the back of the lot is a stable, and near the premises a pump of most excellent water. Enquire of Mrs. Scott, or of the subscriber High street at Doctor John Beatty's George Town. ABSALOM JOY. June 29—tf
FOR SALE. The following City Lots, ON A LIBERAL TIME, Upon SECURITIES, viz: LOTS—3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in square No. 919.—Lots 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 938. Lots 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 986. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 & 19, in square No. 1042. Lots 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13, in square No. 1066. Apply to CHARLES MINIFIE, Washington City, or to  RICHARD C. JONES, at Philadelphia. Washington, August 3—tf
Doctor MACRUDER, HAS for sale a few hogheads 4th proof Jamaica spirits, lined and lamp oil, spirits of turpentine, window glass, glaziers, diamonds, glue, lamp black, white lead, Spanish brown, yellow ochre, chalk, Spanish whiting, Venetian red, red lead, verdigris, drop lake, flake white, patent yellow, rose and Dutch pink, king's yellow, Turkey umber, gold and silver leaf, painters and sweepers brushes, camels hair pencils, water colours in boxes, Spanish indigo, fig blue, erinot, red wood, alkant, madder, logwood, turmeric, salt petre, alum, copperas, sweet oil, pearl barley, timothy and clover seed, tamarinds, castor oil, marble mortars, spring trusses, ginger, cinnamon, cloves, mace, Chings worm destroying lozenges, an assortment of paper hangings, playing cards, copy slips, ink powder, English Latin, Greek and French school books, large family bibles, and his usual complete assortment of drugs and medicine, patent medicine, surgeons instruments, &c. George Town, July 20—tf
HAT MANUFACTURY. The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chance to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness be requisites. JOEL BROWN. George Town, Feb. 17—tf
Travellers Hall. THE subscriber has lately been induced from the rapid increase of his custom to purchase a lot of ground adjoining that on which he lives for the purpose of building a dining room and assembly room, each 54 feet by 32 feet 10 inches with six additional lodging rooms, and intends to finish them before the ensuing winter; which together with his tavern and house will occupy a front of near one hundred feet in the most agreeable part of the town and in the center of business being on the highest part of the public square. He has considerably increased the furniture &c. of his house and stables. His domestics and servants are of the most faithful dispositions and properly qualified for the departments to which they are assigned. He has a constant supply of the best stable forage; imported and country provisions, imported liquors, &c. of the first quality, foreign newspapers, &c. And his inn will most probably last through the hot weather. The distinguished preference which the first characters have already given him, fills him with gratitude. He offers his sincere thanks to all his good friends and begs leave to assure them that neither his time nor his purse shall be spared in attempting to render the Travellers Hall a house of entertainment, for CENTRAL GUESTS ONLY, equal to any in America. P. BRADLEY. Lexington, Kentucky, June 12, 1804. A stage runs from the Travellers Hall to the Olympian Springs in the summer and to Frankfort during the sessions of Assembly. June 29—3m
(BY AUTHORITY.)  Scheme of a Lottery. To build an Academy in the city of Richmond. Dollars. 1 Prize—lot drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000 1 do. 10,000 1 do. 5,000 5 do. of 1,000 make 5,000 6 do. — 500 — 3,000 10 do. — 200 — 2,000 20 do. — 100 — 2,000,000 100 do. — 50 — 5,000 250 do. — 30 — 7,500 420 do. — 25 — 10,500 1,500 do. — 20 — 30,000 3,000 do. — 15 — 45,000 1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250 1 do. after 2,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000 5,325 prizes, 250,000 9,673 blanks, not two to a prize, 150,000 15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This lottery has been authorized by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dollars, and 2,500 dollars, in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer a chance for some very large prizes, whilst the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great, as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorise it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next. Richmond, March 2—tf Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price (Reg.) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Pritchard.
A TEN THOUSAND Dollar Prize, Now to be had for the small sum of SIX dollars!  SCHEME OF A Lottery for the use of THE GERMAN TRINITY CHURCH, IN SIXTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA, Which will positively commence drawing at the state house in this city the fourth Monday of November next. prizes will be received in payment for such tickets as may remain for sale during the drawing, or the cash advanced for the same, on allowing a small discount. From the great proportion already sold, it is expected that the tickets will soon be raised to six dollars and an half. Dollars. 1 Prize of 10 thousand dolls. 10,000 1 Three thousand 3,000 1 Two thousand 2,000 1 One thousand 1,000 4 Five hundred 2,000 10 Three hundred 3,000 20 Two hundred 4,000 35 One hundred 3,500 90 Fifty 4,500 100 Twenty 2,000 6000 Seven 42,000 1st drawn No. on the 10th day 500 1 15th 500 1 20th 500 1 25th 500 1 30th 500 1 35th 500 1 40th 1,000 1 45th 1,000 1 50th 1,000 1 55th 1,000 1 First drawn No. on the last day when there shall be only 6,000 tickets in the wheel, 6,000 6274 Prizes. Dollars.—90,000 Considerably less than two blanks to a prize, The prizes to be paid 30 days after the close of the drawing—Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Tickets for sale by.  GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 83, South Second Street, of  MATTHEW M'CONNELL, No. 82. Chestnut Street. ADAM PREMIER, No. 134, South Sixth St. } ANTHONY HOOKLEY, } No. Corner of Green } Commissioners. and Third Streets, } CHARLES BOWMAN, } No. 16 Budd Street. } Whole tickets—6 dollars Half tickets—3 25 Quarter tickets—1 75 Prizes in other lotteries received in payment. Letters addressed to either of whom, post-paid and inclosing the cash, will be duly attended to. Aug. 27th—2aw 115N.
STRAY FILLY. TAKEN up as stray by the Subscriber, a SORREL FILLY, supposed to be two years old has four white feet, with a blaze on her forehead, white tail and mane, about 13 hands high, no brand or perceivable mark. The owner is desired to come, prove property, pay charges and take her away. JOHN HAMMAN. City of Washington, September 5—2aw 3t
To be Sold, On Thursday the 27th day of September on the premises to the highest bidder, if not disposed of by private sale before that day. THE tract of land whereon I now live in Fairfax Co. Virginia, on Popes Head creek, containing 550 acres, the situation is agreeable and healthy; there is on it an excellent mill seat, on the above mentioned creek, with an inexhaustible quantity of grey free stone, and an abundance of good red and white oak, poplars, and hickory timber to erect the dam and necessary buildings on the spot; there is on this creek which washes this tract, for about two miles, a very considerable portion of the first quality meadow land, there is a considerable quantity of fresh land, just opened, and nearly half of the tract to cut; it is situated about 20 miles of George Town, Washington, Alexandria and Dumfries, it is considered the best piece of forest land in the county—the terms of payment will be one third paid down, one third in 18 months and the other third in three years; an indisputable title will be made to the purchaser. The public is assured that the sale will take place if not privately disposed of before the day of sale, as I am determined to remove to the state of Kentucky this fall—Also on the same day and place, will be sold, all my stock of every sort, plantation utensils, household and kitchen furniture and the present crop now on hand for ready cash. THOMAS POLLARD. August 22—tdof
Little Hotel. LOTS No. 5 and 10 in sq 224 will be offered at public sale on the premises, on Saturday the 22nd day of September next, at 12 o'clock, to the highest bidder. Lot No. 5. where the Little Hotel was kept, fronts on P. street north 61 feet 7 inches near the Treasury Office and adjoining the Hotel and tavern lately occupied by Mr. Rhodes—As a stand for public business this lot is not excelled by any in this city. Lot No. 10. fronts on G. street north, 61 feet 7 inches, is north of lot no. 5 on the same square and only separated from it by a public alley 30 feet wide—the buildings on both the lots may be examined and the terms of sale made known by applying to James Hoban. Washington, Sept. 7—3t
Valuable property FOR SALE, I WILL sell on reasonable terms the farm on which I reside, containing about 1000 acres of valuable land. The soil is well adapted to wheat, corn and tobacco, and the cedar and locust which puts up in every un-cultivated spot will afford a never failing supply of wood and timber. The farm is handsomely situated on the Potomac river, and commands an elegant and extensive view. Its form is nearly a square, one side of which is bounded by the river, and another by Battle creek which is deep and navigable for the largest vessels employed in the bay trade, so that the farm may be enclosed as half the labor and expense that would be required by one of equal size that is not so fortunately situated, it is very convenient to the Baltimore, Norfolk and George-Town markets, to either of which places the produce may be safely and expeditiously conveyed in vessels that can lie along side the beach for the purpose of receiving it. The improvements are a new two story dwelling house, not quite finished, containing four commodious rooms and a large passage through the house on each floor and a cellar beneath of the same form and dimensions—An excellent granary, corn house, stables, &c.—the river and creek abound in the different seasons with fish, oysters and wild fowl of the best quality. The terms of sale may be known by application to  MICHAEL TANEY. Calvert County, Aug. 23—3w.
In the case of George Brown an Insolvent debtor. District of Columbia, Washington County, to wit: ON the petition of George Brown an Insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington Co. for debt. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said George Brown that on the 17th day of September inst. at 9 o'clock A. M. at the court room in the capitol, the each prescribed by the act of Congress for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia, will be administered to the said George Brown and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, three times prior to that day. By order of the hon. Wm. Crench, assistant judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. URIAH FORREST Ck. September 7—3t
Circuit Court, District of Columbia, July 23, 1804. ON the report of Daniel C. Brent of the sale made by him as trustee of the property decreed to be sold by this court in the suit by Thomas Law against James Piercy, jun. James Ray, Samuel Treat, and James Piercy, sen. It is ordered that the sale be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the first day of Oct. next. Provided a copy of this order be inserted at least three times in the month of September in those papers in which the sale was advertised. The report states that the said property was purchased by Thomas Law, the highest bidder, at the sum of ten thousand dollars. By order URIAH FORREST, Ck. September 7—3t
FOR SALE, A Valuable strong active NEGRO MAN, His owner not being a resident of the city, has left the terms of sale with James