The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-12-14 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXCI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Nov. 21, 1803.
DEBATE on the passage of the bill fixing the SALARIES of certain officers therein mentioned.
(Continued.)
MR. ELLIOT. I feel no disposition to detain the House many minutes upon this question. I shall be brief in my remarks with the less reluctance, from the reflection that it is almost impossible, that at the commencement of the debate it was almost impossible to say any thing new upon the subject. But, as I represent a portion of the American people, than whom none are more attached to the principles of political economy, or more sparing in the compensation they afford their public officers, and as the views I take are somewhat different from those of any gentleman who has spoken, I must be indulged in a very few observations.
I candidly confess, Sir, that I have not examined this subject with that minute exactness with which I with generally to investigate subjects of consequence that come before this House. To dispose my mind for a decision, I do not wish to calculate the exact differences between the prices of house-rent, beef, flour, or butter, at Philadelphia or Washington, in 1799, or 1803; I do not wish to ascertain the precise sum necessary for the support of a family in genteel life; I do not ask what were the political sentiments of the men who raised the salaries to their present state; I do not ask for the information that the governor of Massachusetts receives 2,666 dollars and 66 cents, nor do I wish to inform other gentlemen that the governor of Vermont receives but 750 dollars, as an annual salary. I am satisfied with general views of the state of society, of the importance of the offices in question, and the talents requisite for the discharge of their duties. These general views satisfy me that the blanks in the bill on the table, have not been filled with sums too large. I think it unnecessary to attempt to form a scale of the relative usefulness of those persons who may fill these offices at different times. But is it possible to arrest the progress of society and manners? I wish we could be as simple and economical as the ancient Romans. But I think it in vain to strive to stop the progress of society in refinement, or even to luxury and extravagance. The present question is not, shall we augment salaries? But, shall we continue them as they are? Fears seem to be entertained by some gentlemen, that we must raise them hereafter, and some think the present law will be unpopular. We ought undoubtedly to raise them hereafter, if it should be necessary, but it is a strong argument with me in favor of the bill, that the quantum of salary which it contemplates has been established for some years; if we now reduce it, we shall have frequent complaints, and probably just ones, of its insufficiency, and we shall annually be employed in augmenting or reducing. I wish to make these salaries permanent, and to establish them on such a liberal basis, that there will be no probability of our being called upon again very soon for a further augmentation. My constituents are attached to the principles of economy. I am attached to them myself. But I believe that the people, were this subject properly explained to them, would be satisfied, although the round sums with which the blanks are filled seem large to the farmer and day laborer.
While I do my duty, I am regardless of the consequences to my own popularity, which may result from the vote which I shall now give. I wish for no popularity which is not founded on independence of sentiment, and conduct dictated by a liberal policy.
MR. HOLLAND said, that, though it was probable he should ultimately vote for the bill, he considered it objectionable on account of its permanency. He did not consider this a proper time to fix the permanent salaries of our officers. He looked forward to the time when those officers might execute their duties for a lower sum than that at present necessary. The present situation of this city rendered their discharge extremely inconvenient. But the time was fast approaching when the city itself would afford talents for filling these offices which were at present drawn from a distance. For these and other reasons, he was in favor of limiting the
period of the bill. For this purpose, he moved a re-commitment of the bill to a select committee, to fix a limitation to it.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I know of no object for which this bill can be re-committed, but to delay the proceedings of the House. I am satisfied the worthy member from North-Carolina has no such intention; but such, notwithstanding, will be its effect. What has been the course pursued in this business? A gentleman from Virginia, in the first instance, made a motion for continuing for a further and limited time the law of March 1799. It was objected that this simple proposition did not give the individual members of the House an opportunity of canvassing the amount of salary allowed by that bill to each officer; and that a disposition might exist to increase some and to diminish others. It was also objected that a temporary provision ought not to exist for permanent offices; and alleged that the provision should be permanent; that the House ought to be liberated from the unpleasant necessity of discussing the subject every two years. On this ground the resolution was disagreed to; and a substituted resolution referred to the committee of ways and means. That resolution was, not that it was expedient to continue the act of 1799 for a particular time, but that it was expedient to fix by law the salaries, or in other words to make them permanent. Not make them permanent, by putting it out of the power of the legislature at any time, when they shall see fit, to alter them; for at any future time they will have a right to repeal this act, but make them so far permanent, as to relieve Congress from discussing the subject every session of a new Congress. Thus instructed the committee reported a bill in blank. In filling up these blanks every gentleman possessed the right of objecting to every item. The sense of the House was fairly taken, and the result was a determination to establish the salaries precisely on the same basis fixed by the law of 1799. Now it appears to me, that if there really are any electioneering views within or without these walls, which I am sorry to see displayed on the floor of this House, gentlemen will be willing to fix the responsibility of raising the salaries upon certain members, and other gentlemen, if acted by such motives, will not fix the responsibility on themselves, but place it, where it ought to rest, by reenacting the law of 1799. But for myself, I entertain no fear of the public sentiment respecting any measure, dictated, as this is, by a regard to the public good. I believe that to legislate on other principles, is tacitly to say the people are incompetent to their own government.
So much as to the re-commitment of the bill. When I came into the House, I found the reverend gentleman from Massachusetts delivering his sentiments, on which I beg leave to offer a few remarks. I understood the reverend gentleman as maintaining that, in the discussion of this bill on a previous day, the salaries as now established by law, were advocated from personal friendship to the gentlemen now in office. I can only reply for myself that I did not advocate them on that principle, and for others, that if they advocated them on that principle, it altogether escaped my notice. Another objection of the reverend gentleman is, that an amendment, made by a gentleman from the same state with himself (Dr. Eustis) represents the salaries as the same with those established by the act of 1799. This is either a matter of fact, or it is not. Let gentlemen examine the laws, let them compare every salary fixed in this bill, with every salary established by the act of 1799, and say whether they are not the same. If this is the fact, can the insertion of the amendment, which is at most an act of supererogation, vitiate the whole bill? Is it sufficient that it contains a declaration of a fact which no one can deny, and which does not affect its details, to vitiate it? When the gentleman began his observations I had not taken my seat. There may have, therefore, been some observations of weight which I did not hear. But if the rest were of the same nature with those I did hear, I would with it were consistent with the rules of our proceeding to have dispensed with the reading and to have printed the speech for the use of the members, or of those for whom it was intended. In some of the remarks which I did hear, the reverend gentleman violated all the rules of the drama. I have always understood that the scape goat had gone into the wilderness, and was never afterwards heard of. But a few days since he had been
packed off by a gentleman from Connecticut loaded with our political sins. Is it possible then that since last Friday, when we first heard of this scape goat, that so many sins have accumulated upon us as to require the sending another scape goat, in expiation of them, into the wilderness? The reverend gentleman may, however say, that he is not acquainted with the rules of the drama, and that they have nothing to do with his professional concerns; but still I should have supposed him better acquainted with his profession, than to have introduced this scape goat a second time.
The gentleman from North-Carolina (Mr. Holland) has taken a ground that will defeat his own motion. He observes that there is not at present sufficient talents in the city of Washington for the filling of these offices; though there may be, in a short time. I should be happy if the citizens of Washington contained persons capable of executing all the great offices of the government; but I should look with regret to that time, if I supposed when it arrived, there could be a necessity to fill these offices from men not endowed with the blessings of self-government.
For these reasons I hope the bill will pass, and that this discussion will be laid aside, until, at some future day, it may be considered proper to enter into an enquiry into the expediency of reducing or increasing the salaries. I believe, however, from the progress of society and the depreciation of money, the time will never come, when it will be expedient to reduce them.
I will now say a word in reply to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Hastings) who advocates a reduction of salaries, not because they are too high for men of eminent professional talents, but because they are enough for the men now in office. I understood him as saying the present salary was not too much for a gentleman once secretary of the treasury (Mr. Hamilton) respecting whom the only wonder was that he had accepted that office, or having accepted it, had so long continued to hold it.
Mr. Hastings desired to explain. He had stated that the first secretary of state (Mr. Jefferson) had not resigned his office because his compensation was too small. He had stated that the secretary of war had not, he believed, resigned solely on that account. He had stated that it was a matter of surprise that a gentleman of such great professional talents as the first secretary of the treasury had ever accepted, or having accepted, had so long continued to hold the office.
While up he would reply to his colleague (Mr. Varnum) who had asked if beef and other articles were not higher at present than they ever had been in the part of the country in which he lived. He would answer that they were not so high in that part of the country for two or three years past, as they were in the year 1799.
Mr. Randolph. I assure the gentleman from Massachusetts that it is no part of my intention to enter into a comparative view of the merits of the officers of the present administration and those of the last.
I regret that the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Varnum) who possesses so strong a claim to the consideration of the House, should have made an exposition calculated to repel newspaper animadversion. I believe that it is a task beyond the power of that gentleman, or any other, to check its misrepresentations. I believe likewise that it is enough for a member of this House to repel arguments adduced on this floor, without descending to a warfare with the editors of newspapers.
Mr. HOLLAND said he was very far from intending to say that the time was near at hand when all the offices might be filled by persons residing in this city, he only meant to say that some choices might be made from among them; and that the inducements would hereafter be greater to gentlemen to come forward than they were now. The only inducement that could now operate was a sense of public duty. By coming here, gentlemen are placed in a state of exile, and cut off from all society.
Mr. SMILLIE. I hope before this bill shall be re-committed, we shall hear better reasons for it than have been yet adduced. I am sure if the gentleman
from North Carolina will candidly examine the reasoning he has used, he will be convinced there is no force in it. Does he really suppose that we shall ever see a state of society in which we shall be subjected to less expenses than at present. As society progresses, so will expenses. But I am against the re-commitment for another reason. This is a disagreeable subject to come before this House; and I would with gentlemen, in favor of making a temporary provision, to reflect that we are not now about giving these salaries a constitutional establishment; that is not in our power; we are no more making them permanent, than we have already made permanent the salaries of the President and Vice President, and our own compensations. If this bill passes, it will put the salaries of the officers provided for in it on the same footing with them. It will remain with the legislature, at any future time, to raise or diminish them according to the circumstances of the country. As to a future diminution of them, I have no idea of it; on the contrary, I believe that men younger than myself, will live to see the time when they will be raised.
An opposition to this bill may be considered by some gentlemen as the road to popularity. But this consideration shall never influence me. I believe the only road to popularity is to do what we think right, and what our consciences approve. It has always been a principle with me to have as few officers as possible, and to pay them well for their services.
My colleague (Mr. Clay) has dropped an idea that it is the wish of the people that these salaries should be reduced. If it is the wish of the people of his district, I cannot say that it is the wish of the people of mine. I voted last year for continuing these salaries; and yet my constituents have never blamed me, indeed I have not heard the subject mentioned by them. I have confidence in the good sense of the people, and I believe that this discontent is not with the people. Have we not good reason to expect that they will be satisfied? Are not the great reductions we have made in the expenses of the government known to them? Will they not be satisfied with these, and not regard the trifling differences between the amount of the present salaries, and the proposed reductions? Mr. Smilie concluded by saying he differed with gentlemen, on the expenses of living between this place and Philadelphia, considering the expenses here greater than they were there.
Mr. SKINNER, in reply to the remarks of his colleague Mr. Hastings, stated that he was incorrect in his facts. He had stated the price of flour in 1799 at 16 dollars a barrel. It was not so. It was only 9 dollars. From his converse with the shipping business, he was also justified in stating that beef and pork were now higher than they had been at any time heretofore.
Dr. EUSTIS. It is well known in the state of Massachusetts that the salaries of the governor and judges are not competent; and for the many years I have had the honor of a seat in the legislature of that state, I have not known one in which there has not been a temporary grant in addition to the permanent compensations; and during the last year an act passed one branch of the legislature for their increase. Hitherto, I have been satisfied with a silent vote on this subject, as I have been of opinion that the decision of the question depended upon circumstances on which the judgment of every member was made up, and which, I am sorry to say, have received no light from the long discussion which we have heard. Some gentlemen have gone into a detailed view of the expenses of living. If they had actually gone to market, and judged for themselves, they would have been convinced that these officers receive a bare competence. Let gentlemen look at the state of the country, what it is, and what it is to be. It is said that the present salaries are predicated on war prices. What war? Between France and England. Does not a war between the same nations now exist, and is it not probable that articles of life will rise as high as they were before?
These, however, are small considerations. The true question is whether men of talents equal to a discharge of the most important duties under the government will devote them to the service of their country, and how long, without remuneration. For my part, I acknowledge my surprise that any gentleman should consider 5,000 dollars too much for talents fitted to preside over the destiny of a nation. I am astonished at such an opinion. My own con-
viction is that the present salaries are inadequate, and I know that in some instances the officers are trenching upon their private fortunes. I am still willing to continue the salaries, without augmentation, as they were fixed in 1799. Let gentlemen look at the situation of our officers; and how long they are likely to be employed. In other governments there is other provision besides salaries. After receiving a liberal compensation, an officer, under other governments, retires with a pension or a peerage. But what is the fact with regard to the bell of our officers if their services are required till they have reached the age of three score and ten. If they die we wear a piece of black crape on our arm in commemoration of their services. If they survive their offices, and are able to provide for themselves, it is well; but if they are not able, we make no provision for them. These, Sir, are the cheapest services in the world; the salary is all; and they die with it, or by it. Gentlemen will perceive, from its amount, that it is impossible to lay by a farthing for the day of adversity.
As to the motion to limit the existence of the act, it is improper, because, if the war continues, the price of consumable articles will rise, besides that the depreciation of money will operate a regular augmentation. And though the act be unlimited by itself, yet it will be in the power of the present, or the next, or any other congress to take it into consideration, and act upon it according to their discretion. The limitation is therefore unnecessary, and may be vexatious; for no subject can be touched, so troublesome within doors, and more calculated to excite feeling out of doors.
I was unfortunately absent when my revered colleague made his observations on the amendment I had the honor to introduce. I understand him as being in favor of the principle of the bill, but as meaning to vote against it on account of that amendment. Not having the discriminating judgement of the gentleman, it may be my misfortune not to perceive how this furnishes him with an argument against the whole bill. I was, in the first instance, for reenacting the act of 1799 in its very words; but gentlemen not liking that course, the proposition to that effect was negatived, and another proposition agreed to. On this proposition, as its basis, a bill was brought in specifying the salaries given to the several officers. To this bill I offered the amendment now objected to. The gentleman from North Carolina objected to it as unnecessary. But the House overruled the objection, and determined that it should be incorporated in the bill. The House determined that it was proper. Whether it is proper will result from a single consideration. We pass a bill fixing certain salaries. The bill appears by itself to be a new act, fixing new salaries, whereas the principle, on which it is founded, has been practised upon ever since the year 1799. It appears then proper to trace this principle to its first origination. Not that it is my intention to derive a sanction to the present measure from the act of 1799; but simply to record a fact, undisputed and indisputable, that the salaries are now established as they were in 1799, that every man who reads this law, may know it. It is no part of my intention to cast reproaches upon a former administration. I know this is impossible; for by agreeing to this act I approve that measure by giving to these officers the same salaries then given. I mean it simply as a matter of record.
One gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Goddard) with great facetiousness proposed the other day, that I should make proclamation of this fact. Why the honorable gentleman, with his usual sagacity, has precisely hit my intention. It is, Sir, my intention to make proclamation, of this fact, or publication of it, that we may make it appear that this is a continuation of the same act passed by the gentleman and his friends, when they were in power, in the year 1799; and that the honorable gentleman may take it home and shew his constituents, by an undisputed declaration on the face of it, that this is the same act with that passed in 1799, and that it may appear that we have done neither more nor less than continue without augmentation or diminution, the salaries as established by the act of 1799.
Mr. J. CLAY. I do not intend to trouble the House with any further observations on the general merits of the bill. The gentleman from Massachusetts is the only one, who, in my opinion, has adduced any arguments why these salaries should be raised. Under the idea that no answer is required, I intend

ed to give a silent vote against the bill. I wish, by my vote, to oppose it in all its stages to the last. I will not therefore by voting for the present motion with a view to render it less exceptionable, become accessory to any amendments which may induce others ultimately to vote for it. My colleague (Mr. Smith) has observed that though my constituents might be hostile to this bill, yet that his are not. I congratulate him on the confidence his constituents have in him; a confidence which induced them in 1799 to agree with him in voting against an increase of their salaries, and which the last year made them concur with him in voting for an increase.
Mr. Smith explained. He had not, he said, the honor of a seat in that House in the year 1799, when the salaries were raised. He had nothing to do with the business.
Mr. J. CLAY. I beg my colleague's pardon. I was mistaken. But there are strong reasons to show that the salaries are too high. If I am not mistaken a gentleman, who now holds an honorable situation in the government, did in the year 1799 vote against the augmentation of these salaries. I know, I believe, that in the place where I live, the people are extremely opposed to this measure. The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Dr. Eustis) has stated reasons for an increase of salaries, which I trust will have no weight with this House. He states that in other countries public men are rewarded with a peerage and a pension; and that this is the cheapest government on earth. As long ago as the year 1740 we were told that the trappings of monarchy could furnish out many a commonwealth. I presume, however, the gentleman did not introduce this remark to infer from it that it is proper for public servants to be fattened on the spoils of the people. If there are the sentiments of the gentleman and are correct, these salaries, if raised five times as high as they now are, will be infinitely too low.
Dr. EUSTIS. It is due to myself and to the House to do away the imputation of the gentleman last speaking. I never said that these salaries were incompetent because they were not accompanied with a peerage or a pension. But I predicted their incompetency on the fact that they were barely adequate to defray the necessary expenses of living. I said, secondly, that the compensations were barely such as enabled the Executive to obtain men of talents, and I said further that they were lower than those granted by any other government on earth; because other governments had other means of remunerating their officers than this government possesses. This is a fact known to the honorable gentleman and to every man in the nation. It is known that under monarchies there is first a splendid establishment provided for the officers while in place, and afterwards other remuneration. No—I do not desire in this country to see either monarchy, peerage, or pensions; and without pretending to any particular knowledge of the sentiments of the gentleman's constituents, I may say that mine are as averse as his can be to anything that wears the appearance of monarchy, and as unwilling to give away a shilling of the public treasure unnecessarily. But I do know, at the same time, that they feel a pride in paying for public services. They knew from fatal experience, from having paid their own officers too low, the necessity of an adequate compensation. In my part of the union, there exists the same jealousy over the public expenditure; it is salutary, and I rejoice to see it. But like the liberty of the press, to which we are indebted for the security of our rights, it may be carried too far. We are not able, if the ideas of the gentleman prevail, to ascertain what will be the effects. For if we suffer a dire selection of the government by men of talents and virtue we cannot calculate the evil. It is such an evil that no price can be too great to avert it.
Mr. SANDFORD asked a moment's indulgence. He was opposed to the recommendation, because the object of the gentleman who introduced the motion was to give a limitation to the bill; as though it were not without such limitation subject to the control of Congress. The fact was that Congress could at any time increase or diminish these salaries. Though in favor of them as they at present were, if good reasons should at any time be offered for their diminution, he should vote for a repeal of this act, though he was ready to declare that he did not expect such reasons could be offered. Why then limit the bill, when its sole effect would be a waste of time in renewing this discussion at a subsequent day? As to the argument derived from lowness of state compensations, Mr. S. said no comparison could be drawn between the duties of the state and federal officers. He added that not a murmur of discontent among the people on this point had reached his ears. He was ready, therefore, with the gentleman from Pennsylvania to vote according to the dictates of his conscience.
Dr. MITCHELL observed that he had almost laid himself under an injunction to remain silent during the whole
of this debate about salaries. But as the subject had not as yet been displayed by any of the gentlemen who had spoken upon it in the manner that it appeared to him most worthy of being stated to the House, he should before the question was called, briefly offer his sentiments. I am opposed, said Dr. M. to high salaries and extravagant allowances of all sorts to men in office. But I am at the same time desirous that the citizens who are called from private life to stations of eminent honor and confidence, should have a sufficient compensation. A man who barter away the sweets of domestic enjoyment for the toil and envy incidental to most of the offices provided for in the bill, ought to receive from those whom he serves something more than merely his daily bread.
I must own I am not one of those who can, with the calculating powers which some gentlemen possess, exactly adapt the pecuniary reward to these great and responsible offices. I cannot put integrity, talents and industry in one scale of the balance, and throw dollars and cents into the other until it descends to an equipoise. It surpasses my skill to weigh the rare endowments of the head, and the excellent qualities of the heart, which mingle in the character of an officer of state, against the copper, the silver, or even the gold, of which our coin is made. When I attempt to reduce patriotism, honesty and intelligence to a price, and to cypher out by rules of arithmetic what they are worth in money, I abandon the task as above my powers. And I am not ashamed to confess my inability to appreciate the inestimable, I will say incalculable, value of genius, capacity and virtue, in any denomination of paper, current among men. I cannot gauge the human understanding, nor take the dimensions of moral fitness, with such exactness as to satisfy me in giving my vote, that the sums in the bill are exactly what they ought to be, without varying in any degree from the true amount of compensation. Employments of high trust and dignity have no tariff or market price to rate them. There is a somewhat in a great and noble mind, that is far above comparison, or equivalent with any thing the mint affords.
But, although the task, just mentioned, surpasses my ability, I do not quit in despair the subject out of which it grows. The problem by which professional men and official men ought to be paid, can be solved only by the aid of political arithmetic: Or it can be made to approximate near enough to certainty, to answer all the purposes of ordinary conduct. If a boy is destined to a profession, he is an object of expense through the whole course of his scholastic, collegiate and professional studies. Whether he receives premiums, earns diplomas, or private licenses to practice, he is a constant drain upon the purse of his father. This expenditure must be made, although under the most favorable circumstances of health, capacity, and diligence in the pupil. If he is idle, fickle, and perverse, the cost is usually greater. Frequently a young man after acquiring a profession, cannot gain a living by it, but must be maintained out of other funds than those which the exercise of his profession can raise. Now, in the progress of such a person's life, every dollar laid out upon him is to be considered as so much capital consolidated in his person. This capital is exposed to great risk, and without insurance. For the whole adventure is hazarded upon the life and health of the individual. A young man, therefore, upon whose education five thousand dollars have been expended, ought not only to support himself by the profession he has learned, but to reimburse with interest the capital which has been laid out upon him. This reimbursement ought to take place within the few years to which his life may be calculated to reach. For if he dies, there is a total loss of principal, interest and prospects. But in the case of lengthened days, a professional man ought to do more than pay his board and recover his capital in a moderate period of time. He ought to accumulate enough to maintain a family, to pay his assessments, and have a decent surplus for old age, and for descendants. All this, a man who has undergone an expensive preparation for a profession, ought to be able to do before his activity fails him, by the observance of industry and economy. If he does not do this, he has but a poor bargain of his profession. I believe, Mr. Speaker, that all professions are full of such hard bargains. The lottery of a profession has many blanks to a prize, and the prizes which are within the wheel are for the principal part of but moderate value. Though a few draw rich prizes, by far the majority, are allotted blanks, or small prizes. This is so much the case, that it has been questioned, whether the profession of the law, deemed the most lucrative, upon the great scale actually supports itself.
I think, therefore, that the individual practitioners may grow very wealthy in a profession, yet professional talents are upon the average, not compensated to their full amount in money. The reason is obvious; as man devoting himself to a profession expects honor and reputation from his calling. He courts
the smiles of fame, and listens to the echoes of renown. And if he has a mind of that happy constitution which seeks its due proportion of glory, while it provides against want, and accidents by an efficient system of ways and means, his reward is rich and ample. It is true, he commutes self for celebrity; in leaving off a part of the selfishness of his nature, he becomes more a citizen of the world; and though he copes of less property by his testament, he leaves to his family the precious inheritance of a great and a good name.
Generally speaking then, men who betake themselves to professions run an extraordinary risk for their profits; and these profits, after all, are not received in cash alone, but in a compound ratio of money and fame. It follows from this view of the subject, and it is indisputably the just one, that professional men, as such, receive a smaller return of profit on their personal stock or capital vested in their person, than any other species of adventurers in trade on equal capital and hazard.
Suppose then, Sir, a professional man becomes an official character. Does he acquire a "pecuniary" reward equal to the amount that might be found due to him, by a calculation on the principles which have been laid down? Certainly not. Speaking in gross, such official men as are contemplated in the bill now pending, are not so well paid as professional men are. If the latter are under-rated in their compensations, the same a fortiori must happen to the former. Take the career of one of these officers about whom there has been so much discussion among us. He possesses little or no chance of obtaining one of these distinguished appointments before the sun of his life has passed its zenith, and he is declining in the afternoon of age. Time must first have furrowed his face with wrinkles, and planted gray hairs on his temples, under this preparatory course, and with such preliminary steps for preferment, what chance has the successful competitor to hold his possession long? Though his constitution should remain vigorous; though he should have husbanded his powers by temperance; though like an evergreen tree, he shall have carried his juvenile verdure far into the winter of years; the incumbent on one of these benefices, deceives himself if he calculates upon a protracted tenure. Though he should be favoured with health, and have both the will and capacity to perform the duties of his station, he must expect at the close of every lustre or loomer, that an harsh decree from the mouth of POLITICAL EXPERIENCY will supersede his commission and oust him from his place. In the mean time, the constant wear and tear of his animated machinery is going on, and he quits his office with a diminished ability to betake himself once more to the employment he may have relinquished.
It will be perhaps demanded, how the officer is to be made whole under all these casualties? I reply that his worldly reward is partly of an honorary and partly of a pecuniary kind. In some places of eminent trust and delicate responsibility, the virtue which is necessary to their execution, is its own reward. Those emotions of laudable ambition which agitate the breast of man, and fill it with the desire of excellence, are in a great degree settled, I may say paid, by the very enjoyment and gratification they afford. The towering distinction, the elevated rank, and the far founding title of the statesman, who has reached these grades of promotion, are justly considered as making an essential and important part of what he learned to receive from the public. Nothing can afford the good and faithful servant so much delight as the approbation, the respect, and the confidence of his sovereign. These are the most tasteful cordials in the cup of life. The accents of commendation and praise are so acceptable, that even the vicious part of public men procure them by venal means to be uttered in their ears. The godlike soul exults when the public voice concurs with the sentiment of self-approbation which it feels. But, as men holding offices cannot sustain life by mere applause, whether real or fictitious, and must be nourished and cherished by substantial fare, like their fellow-citizens, there must be some rule by which the amount of their salaries may be ascertained. I repeat, Sir that Congress should be moderate in all their allowances of this kind. And in order to calculate the amount of wages, to be paid to the public servants, the market price of the articles they must purchase, should be attended to. An examination of the leading objects of expense will enable a tolerable estimate to be made. The amount of salary should be such, (at least I am willing to consider it so) as to furnish payments, for the rent of a decent house; for the food and drink of a middling family; for fuel, and for clothing, in the style of frugal gentility; for the hire of needful domestics; for taxes and other contingencies; for occasional charities, and the encouragement of good works. I would make an allowance for an horse or two, in a city almost destitute of lamps and pavements, to carry the offi-
cer from his dwelling, to such a sparse settlement, a mile or two, to his place of business. To render him more capable of performing his serious functions, his mind will require seasonable amusement and recreation. He must also provide for the wants and education of his children. And after all these disbursements, he ought to be able, with prudence and economy, to lay up a little surplusage for future use.
If these several articles are charged at the ceiling rate, they will pretty nearly balance the sums with which it is proposed to pay the officer named in the bill. It may possibly be found by a very nice scrutiny, that they are one or two dollars higher, or two or three hundred dollars lower than the exact state of the times require. This I am not disposed to investigate with fractional minuteness. The salaries have been proved by several years experience to suit their purposes tolerably well. There is no need whatever to raise them; and I think there would be an impropriety in lowering them at this time.
Before he resumed his seat, Mr. Mitchell said he would offer a few further observations on salaries. In free, and especially in republican governments, there might be danger of reducing them too low. As a republican, he would concisely advert to the operation of very low salaries upon the country at large. By such a regulation, which might be mistakenly termed by some an economical one, all persons not possessing large hereditary, or acquired estates, would be excluded from offices. There would thereby be created a monied aristocracy of the most odious and alarming kind. It had been long remarked, that the most stern integrity, and the most useful talents, emerged from the middle, or humbler walks of society. He wished that compensations might be such as to promote the evolution of genius and virtue, and bring them from their modest or sequestered abodes into action. And in this way, well directed talents, would continue to rule this land of freedom, as they always had done, and of right ought to do. He thought there was a medium between too much and too little, which it was desirable to hit. This was to allow manly merit to come forth, though not attended with the recommendations of wealth. This was to apportion salaries to services, in the way the bill proposed, neither with profusion on the one part, nor parsimony on the other.
Mr. BEDINGER said his only objection was to that part of the bill which prevented an enquiry into the just apportionment of the several salaries allowed. He was in favor of the general principle of the bill, though from the circumstance he had stated he should be obliged to vote against it.
The question was then taken on recommending the bill, and lost—Ayes 12.
(To be continued.)
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, OCTOBER 19.
It is with great pleasure we can state, that, notwithstanding every obstacle offered to British commerce, the trade of this country with the continent continues to flourish through many channels, which the ingenuity of foreigners has opened to us. British goods, by Tonnigen, by Lubeck, Dantzick, and several other ports, get access to all the northern part of Germany, and even to France. By Trieste and Venice they reach Switzerland and the southern part of France, in disguises, which are either not detected, or winked at, by the cordons of Custom-house officers. The great profit made upon the transit and sale of them induces the traders of every country to encourage their reception. The entries of goods for exportation, last week, at the Custom-house of London, were almost as great as in any week during the peace.
Extract of a letter dated on board the Immortalite Frigate. Downs, Monday, Oct. 17.
On Thursday, being off Boulogne, we had a complete view of the flotilla. They saluted us with six shells; one went over us, and the second fell short; the remainder were badly directed, as they burst East and west of us nearly half a mile. We could distinctly count eighty-six gun boats, and perceive an immense hurry and bustle on shore, and in the harbour. The camps on the hills make a very formidable appearance; and from their extent, we suppose must contain 30,000 men at least. Their security, however, would be of very short duration, were it not for their batteries, which are not only numerous, but placed in every direction that can bear on an assailant's point, and protect the shipping. We shall, notwithstanding, try their metal very shortly, as I have been informed this morning; an attack on the pier head at Boulogne will take place in the course of a few days. You may, therefore, expect to hear of smart work before the week elapses, and I trust, complete discomfiture of the enemy.
During our visits on the French coast, we very frequently perceive the soldiery
on the hills employed in gathering muskets, or fishing; and have not been a little entertained with their manoeuvres, as our ship approached the land. When they imagine we can reach them with our guns, they take to their heels like herons, and either pop down behind the sand hills, or fly into the interior of the country. Along the French coast the inhabitants seem to have deserted their dwellings, especially those situated near the sea. Their fears are unnecessary, as we never molest them.
Private advices from Paris state, that the utmost distrust prevails throughout the whole of the moneyed circles there; and that no more than five banking-houses are able to answer the demands upon them.
October 20.
Intelligence is stated to have been received from Admiral Cornwallis, off Ushant, that the enemy's force in Brest amounts to 7 sail of the line, 4 frigates, 7 sloops, and smaller vessels, all ready for sea, with accommodations for a considerable land force.
We understand that intelligence has been received from our cruizers off Ostend, that an unusual bustle was observed on that part of the coast on Friday last. Large bodies of troops were seen marching towards the port, and it was supposed that an embarkation from thence would very speedily take place. The number of vessels at Ostend is believed to be greater than at any other part on the coast.
Immediately after the late attack upon Schieling, as the Antelope and the Ruby were stretching, during the night, along the Dutch coast to the westward, a flotilla of 14 sail of flat-bottomed boats were seen close in with Kykdown, a very short distance from the mouth of the Texel, skulking along shore, with the view of raiding the naval depots in the Mars or Scheldt. An attack being immediately resolved upon by Sir Sidney Smith, the Antelope and Ruby stood as far in as their draught of water would, with safety admit, in order to cover the attempt. Their design, however, being discovered, the Dutch sailors ran the whole of their flotilla on the beach, and gave the alarm to a regiment of French soldiers stationed in that quarter, who instantly commenced a heavy fire upon the boats of our vessels, which were by this time approaching the shore. A few broad-sides from the Ruby and Antelope soon silenced the enemy's fire, and our seamen completed the service on which they were sent without any further interruption, and without the loss of a man, having carried off one schuyt, and destroyed thirteen. The schuyt which has been taken, is stated to be of a very light draught of water, and it is Sir Sidney Smith's intention to have her immediately fitted with three 24 pound caronades.
It is said that the Mameluke Elfi Bey has received a notification from the Right H. Mr. Secretary Yorke, that he cannot be received at the Court of St. James's.
Government have, it is said, resolved upon adopting some measures relative to the Catholic Clergy of Ireland, which without infringing the principles of toleration, are intended to prevent the influence of that powerful body of men from being prejudicial to the State. It is stated that the fact of their authority over the lower orders being indisputable and granted, they will be rendered so far responsible for the use they may make of it, as to be liable to deprivation of sacerdotal character, and, perhaps, other punishment, whenever any considerable portion of their congregation shall be detected in seditious practices.
London, October 21.
In the present state both of Spain and Portugal, government have very wisely determined not to suffer British ships to clear out for either of those kingdoms; at present, or at least, until a sufficient convoy is appointed. An order was accordingly sent yesterday to the custom house, to prohibit the clearing out of British vessels for any of the ports of Spain or Portugal, until a convoy should be appointed. A vessel which had cleared out was stopped.
Upon the first exchange this order was magnified into an actual embargo, and the funds, which had risen upon the rumor we have mentioned above, declining about half per cent. It is evident that ministers have no longer any expectations, if indeed they had any, that France will permit Spain or Portugal to be neutral. However reluctant those powers may be to enter into the war, and reluctant they must be, for they have every thing to lose, and nothing to gain; they are yoked to the wheels of the conful's car, and must follow his fortune.
We informed our readers a few days ago, that orders had been sent to Plymouth to provide stores and provisions for four months, for 20,000 tons of shipping. It has been said that they are to bring away the persons and property of the English from Lisbon. They may be destined, however, for another service of no less importance. We decline alluding more particularly to the nature of it.

October 22.
Government has issued orders for surrounding the coast of Ireland with signal posts, to be commanded by lieutenants, similar to the establishment of signal posts in England; they have also given directions for the equipment of a great number of small craft, to be employed under the command of Lord Gardner, for the defence of that part of the united kingdom.
In consequence of the capture of two of the Lisbon packets, orders have been sent down to Falmouth, that the Lisbon packet which is now there, shall not sail until a frigate be appointed to accompany her.
October 23.
We have been informed this morning that general Moreau has accepted the command of the expedition, and that gen. Macdonald has been appointed second in command. It is said that the former is to command the division destined against England, and Macdonald the force to be sent against Ireland. Perhaps his name has not a little influenced Bonaparte in appointing him to the expedition. The nomination of Moreau will surprise most of our readers.
They conceived, that it was averse to the enterprise, and that a great degree of jealousy subsisted between him and Bonaparte: they were taught to believe, that he was even disaffected to the consular government, and that his principles favored a monarchical constitution. However that may be, we have been informed, in a very positive manner, that he has consented to accept the command of the expedition.
Bonaparte may have been induced to appoint Moreau from a knowledge of the general opinion entertained here that the character of the latter is moderate and merciful. He knows full well the hatred in which the characters of such Russians as Massena and Augereau, are held, and he may think that the appointment of Moreau may do away or diminish the impression we have received with respect to the conduct and atrocities of the French soldiers.
For Moreau, his mother, and his slaves, it is with pride we say, we are fully prepared. Ireland possesses at the present moment, a formidable force, which is immediately to be increased. Stores and ammunition to a considerable extent are forthwith to be sent, and the squadron of ships on the station is to be reinforced. Signal posts are to be erected all along the coast, and every necessary preparation to be made.
Here we are in a state of perfect preparation.
Orders have been issued by government for the immediate erection of fire beacons, about ten feet high, to be composed of various combustibles, on the principal eminences in Sussex.
A Morning paper states that orders have been given, which are nearly completed, for the making of a new Royal Standard of England, with which we are assured our Gracious Sovereign himself has declared his determination to take the field at the head of his armies, should the enemy succeed in making a landing in his country.
An American gentleman from Holland, reports that the tenth demi-brigade had positively refused to volunteer their services for the invasion of England; and that in consequence of this they had been sent to the Banks of the Rhine as a mark of degradation.
We have already stated that Jersey is expected to be one of the first objects of the enemy's attack. Some frigates from the Downs, and three bomb vessels from Sheerness, have, within these few days, received orders to sail immediately for that island.
An express arrived at Portsmouth on Sunday morning early to the Custom-house, and to Admiral Sir J. Colpoys, Bart. K. B. Port Admiral, to lay an embargo on all Spanish and Portuguese vessels in that port, and on all vessels bound to any port in Spain and Portugal. The necessary orders were immediately issued to all our cruizers and letters of marque. Of course a Spanish and Portuguese war is inevitable, to the great joy of all our jolly tars and royal mariners.
October 26.
On Saturday last it was rumoured in Dublin, upon the authority of letters from Sligo, Mayo, and Galway, that a French fleet had anchored in Mullowman bay, near Sligo. It was even added that they had landed troops. In order to remove any alarm that might be created by this rumour, Mr. Wickham wrote a letter to the Lord Mayor, informing his Lordship that the supposed fleet was only a small force of three British men of war, which had anchored in the above bay.
Russel was tried on Wednesday at Carickfergus, and after a trial, which lasted the whole day, was found guilty, and ordered to be executed. He was executed on Friday.
Private advices from Holland, of a recent date, repeat the statement of the naval preparations in the ports of that country being in a very forward state, with the addition that a general embargo is hourly expected to take place; and expresses a general opinion that the attempt to invade this country will very shortly be made.
The taking of the oaths of fidelity to the new government has occasioned considerable disturbance in the Canton of Berne. In the Commune d'Auvergne, the greater part refused to take the oath. About seven hours before the ceremony commenced, the people assembled in a tumultuous manner. A Mr. Egger pronounced the negative to the oath in his own name, and those of his adherents. The malcontents afterwards proceeded to the church, and declared, that till the rights of the Commune were secured, they could not take the oath of fidelity to government. This happened on the second September last, or the evening of which day they found means to introduce into the church a bottle of the essence of brimstone near the seat of the president, which filled it with a vapour so pestilential, that no one could remain in it.
An order of the government of the Little Canton of Zurich, for the suspension of the criminal code of Helvetia, has occasioned a great sensation in Switzerland, and many members of the interior council have protested against it.
Letters received from the Island of St. Helena, by the country ship the Cambrian, lately arrived, say, that fresh disturbances have broke out at the Cape of Good Hope; and that the governor, unable to reconcile the soldiery, had dispatched a vessel to the Isle of France to represent the situation of the garrison to the captain general of that Island.
Numbers of the garrison are stated to have been engaged by Gaika, the Caffre King, to serve in his army, in a grand expedition which he meditates against the Chiefs residing near the great Fish River. The consequence of these defections has been such as to induce the Council to issue orders to prevent any European from passing certain prescribed bounds, under pain of death. Provisions are extremely scarce at the Cape—and the cattle are generally driven off. The supply for the town is so scanty, and so infrequent, that the people are put under allowance. It is impossible to trace the origin of the depravity of the soldiery—others to the imbecility of the government. The inhabitants are under the necessity of keeping guard at the several passes, to prevent further defections. Several defectors have, however, been taken in the attempt.
The ship of war, upon the southern station of Ireland, none of whom are permitted to go more than six leagues from land, are the Thunderer, Majestic, Magnificent, and Ganges, 74 guns each, La Noire of 46 guns, Topaze 58, Apollo 36, Dryad 36, Euryalus 36, Galates and Trent 32 guns each, Rosario 18, Argus and La Fleche 14, and two or three others.
From Liverpool, October 22.
The object of the present is to say, that we have intelligence this morning, that vessels have been prevented clearing out from London for Spain and Portugal, and that orders to that effect have reached this port.
A letter has been also received this morning from an intelligent man in London, who has a great deal to do with the commissioners of the customs, saying, that letters of Marque will be granted against Spain, on Wednesday next.
WASHINGTON CITY
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14.
On Monday the Amendment to the Constitution respecting the election of a President and Vice-President was reported to the House of Representatives by the committee of enrolment, when the speaker signed it, and the House passed a resolution requesting the President of the United States to transmit it to the several states. The Clerk of the House carried the amendment, with this resolution, to the Senate for concurrence. The Vice-President having signed the amendment, it was moved on the federal side of the Senate, that it should be sent to the President for his approbation. On this motion a debate ensued, which occupied the day. By the supporters of the motion, it was contended, contrary to all precedent, that the amendment required the approbation of the President.
On the question being taken by Yeas and Nays, the following gentlemen voted in the affirmative: Messrs. Adams, Hillhouse, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Tracey, and White.—Mr. Dayton was the only federal member who voted in the negative.—The Nays were 23.
The Senate then concurred in the resolution of the House of Representatives.
A more extraordinary motion was perhaps never submitted to Congress. Many amendments have been made under federal administrations, and such an idea as the necessity of the President's signature, never appears to have been before dreamt of.
Yesterday the bill for the repeal of the BANKRUPT LAW was under discussion. A motion was made to postpone its further consideration to the next session, on which, after much debate, the question was taken by Yeas and Nays, and carried in the negative. Yeas 13—Nays 17. This, we presume, may be considered as an evidence of the probable success of the repealing bill in the Senate.
Mr. VENABLE is elected Senator of the United States for Virginia, in the room of col. Taylor, who has declined a re-election.
James Turner, is re-elected Governor of North Carolina, without opposition.
Extract of a letter dated Natchez, Nov. 24, 1803.
"Every preparation is making to take immediate possession of Louisiana, about 300 and fifty militia of this territory, with every effective soldier at Fort Adams, are in readiness to descend to Orleans, and only await the arrival of General Wilkinson, who is not yet returned from the Mobile country—He is however expected daily—Should he not arrive soon, the other commissioner will descend without him. It is sincerely hoped no opposition will be made to our taking possession of Orleans, should there be, every individual in this territory, able to perform military duty, will descend immediately. The troop of Dragoons and Natchez artillery are likely to turn out well."
MALIGNANT DISORDER AT MALAGA.
The following authentic particulars have been received from Malaga under date of the 8th Oct. last.
About the 23d Sept. reports were circulated there that in the suburbs and mole, some people had been carried off by malignant fevers, but as the mortality was inconsiderable and no precautionary measures were known to be taken by the Board of Health, much alarm was not taken: But in the beginning of October many died, and on the 7th of that month the Board of Health determined at a general meeting that the crews of the vessels in port should be all examined by physicians appointed for that purpose and such as had sick, or on board of which any person had died, should be immediately ordered out into the Bay. On the 8th of October this resolution was carried into effect and nearly twenty vessels of different nations, chiefly Danes and Swedes, were hauled out. The physicians had agreed that the disorder was of a contagious malignant nature resembling the yellow fever and accompanied with the black vomit. Several families had retired to the country. It was believed that it had made but little progress in the town, being chiefly confined to the suburbs, shipping in the mole and bay, and the hospital.
LEXINGTON, (Ken.) Nov. 22.
When the free navigation of the Mississippi was withheld from the citizens of the Western Country, we petitioned, we remonstrated, we offered to risk our lives and fortunes to acquire our natural right. When that right was secured to us by treaty, we sat down and contemplated with pleasure the growing importance of our country. But when the port of Orleans was again shut by the Spanish Intendant, we felt the indignation of injured and insulted freemen; and our confidence in the justice of the General Government only restrained us from immediate acts of violence—We were not disappointed in the prompt attention and exertions of that government. By a treaty with France New Orleans and the Province of Louisiana were ceded to the United States. Spain has refused to deliver them up—and we must abandon them or fight.—The President has authorized our Government to hold in readiness 4000 men, to march and take possession. The government has done its part, it now remains for you, Citizen Soldiers, to perform yours. You have waited with patience the result of negotiation—You have expressed your confidence in the General Government—You have pledged your lives and fortunes to support it in such a measure as the honor and interest of the United States may require. Your country calls to arms—You must step forward and assert your rights.
On Saturday last Captain Wyatt's company of militia paraded in this town—34 men only mustered, 25 of whom enrolled themselves as volunteers. Yesterday captain Pollock's company of Light Infantry paraded—24 men only were on parade, and 20 enrolled themselves.
Extract of a letter from the Honorable John Breckinridge, dated Nov. 1.
"The bill enabling the President to take possession of Louisiana, finally passed both Houses on Saturday last; and the bull creating stock will pass in the Senate in two days; having passed the other House last week. The western members, from the best accounts they could obtain, were fearful there was some disposition in the Spanish government to withhold the possession of Orleans, and that our force in that quarter was not sufficient to take it. Under this impression, they were desirous that the President should send down from Kentucky and Tennessee, 1500 or 2000 horsemen. This number has been thought more than sufficient by the government; but orders were despatched last night to the governor of Tennessee to equip and march with all possible dispatch, 500 horsemen, to join our present force at the Natchez; which consists of the 4000 regular troops; and about 700 or 800 militia from that territory. This force, it is judged, will be sufficient, unless the Spanish government should have gotten a reinforcement from the Havana, and mean to make a vigorous opposition. The president does not believe this will be the case; but such an event is possible, and as the object to be obtained is so important, he will run no risks about it; and he has directed the governor of Kentucky to have immediately organized and held in readiness 4000 volunteers to march by the 20th of December, if necessary. Similar orders are given to the governors of Ohio and Tennessee—the first of 500, and the last for 1500 or 2000 men. With this force, we cannot fail of success."
"Should these volunteers be wanting, they are to go by water, and to continue in service four months if necessary.—Boats, provisions, and arms, if they cannot furnish themselves, will be supplied by the government, from a large stock now at the Natchez."
The President should send down from Kentucky and Tennessee, 1500 or 2000 horsemen. This number has been thought more than sufficient by the government; but orders were despatched last night to the governor of Tennessee to equip and march with all possible dispatch, 500 horsemen, to join our present force at the Natchez; which consists of the 4000 regular troops; and about 700 or 800 militia from that territory. This force, it is judged, will be sufficient, unless the Spanish government should have gotten a reinforcement from the Havana, and mean to make a vigorous opposition. The president does not believe this will be the case; but such an event is possible, and as the object to be obtained is so important, he will run no risks about it; and he has directed the governor of Kentucky to have immediately organized and held in readiness 4000 volunteers to march by the 20th of December, if necessary. Similar orders are given to the governors of Ohio and Tennessee—the first of 500, and the last for 1500 or 2000 men. With this force, we cannot fail of success."
"Should these volunteers be wanting, they are to go by water, and to continue in service four months if necessary.—Boats, provisions, and arms, if they cannot furnish themselves, will be supplied by the government, from a large stock now at the Natchez."
KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE.
The following resolution has passed both houses of the legislature. IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
WHEREAS, by a resolution of the late General Assembly, the people of this commonwealth stand pledged to support at the expence of their lives and fortunes, such measures as the government of the United States might pursue, to secure to the citizens, not only the free and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi, but also a place of deposit for their produce on its banks. And whereas, by the treaty concluded with France, not only these objects have been secured, but a great acquisition of territory obtained, the future advantages of which are almost incalculable.
And whereas, the President of the United States has required the governor of this commonwealth to have in readiness by the twentieth of December next, four thousand militia volunteers, to serve on a four months expedition to Louisiana.
Resolved, That each non commissioned officer and private, who shall voluntarily enter into service, and actually descend the river Mississippi, on the first expedition, in the said corps of volunteers, and shall serve out the time for which they shall be enlisted, unless sooner discharged, shall receive as a compensation in addition to the pay and emoluments provided by the law of the United States, a warrant for one hundred and fifty acres of land, which may be located on any waste and unappropriated land in this commonwealth, and a bill pursuant to the said resolution shall be brought in to appropriate the said lands, and make provision accordingly.
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN—
The bill intitled "An act to revive the act, intitled a supplement to the act intitled an act to extend the powers of the Justices of the Peace of this state" was presented to me on Saturday the 2d day of April last; but as the Legislature adjourned on the following Monday (when ten other bills were returned with the executive approbation) I had not an opportunity, during that session to bestow sufficient consideration upon its principles and provisions; particularly, as it was, in substance, the renewal of a legislative proposition to which I had formerly expressed my dissent; and I am always anxious, in a conflict of opinion, to pay a just deference to the wisdom of the General Assembly. I must now, however, confess, that the ample time for deliberation, which I have enjoyed in the recess, has operated to confirm the convictions of my judgment in relation to the unconstitutionality, the impolicy, the oppressive and pernicious tendency of this bill, and therefore, disapproving it, I have directed the Secretary to return it to the House of Representatives, in which it originated, with my objections; being, indeed, little more than a recapitulation of the reasons that have been assigned on similar occasions, and are already exhibited on the records of the Legislature. I object, then, to the bill's passing into a law,
1st. Because it appears to me to be unconstitutional. The constitution expressly guarantees to the citizens of Pennsylvania, "the trial by jury as heretofore." The trial by jury heretofore existed in civil, as well as in criminal cases; and on the exercise of an original, as well as of an appellate jurisdiction; except in mere matters of debt and con-
tract, notes exceeding the sum of ten pounds. But the bill under consideration, contemplates the perpetuation of legislative provisions, by which the trial of issues, in a great variety of transactions, as well of the nature of torts, as of contracts, is in the first instance withdrawn from a jury.
An attack upon the trial by jury, in civil cases, will afford to bad men, in worse times, a ready pretext for undermining the trial by jury in criminal cases; and nothing can more forcibly demonstrate the cause of the Union, in favour of establishing the trial by jury, as well in controversies between individuals, as in public prosecutions, than the opinion of the several states (even including the state of Pennsylvania) that, upon principle, independent of authority, it was a wise, and necessary amendment to the federal constitution, to provide "that in suits at common law, where the value in controversy should exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved." Amendments, article 9. But with respect to the objection to the constitutionality of the bill, it is incumbent on me to speak, with diffidence, (a diffidence which I am persuaded you gentlemen, will partake) when I recollect that the same question has been in part debated in the supreme court, and will probably soon receive a judicial and authoritative determination.
2dly. Because the bill is impolitic. In the judicial department of government, every avenue to corruption should be closed, every disposition to tyranny should be controlled, every infirmity of ignorance or folly should be corrected, and in short, every step in the administration of justice should be taken in the public view, and be liable to the public animadversion, and uniformity in decisions should be preserved. But the bill under consideration would perpetuate and countenance the enlargement of the jurisdiction of individual magistrates, scattered over the territory of the state, without any useful publicity, or real responsibility attached to their fitness or their conduct. The inevitable effect must be a scene of partiality on the one hand, and of oppression on the other; unrelieved by the inducements of favour, or the impulse of fear, every neighbourhood shall be reduced to the condition of vassalage, and the subordinate magistrates will be enabled through the medium of influence, and elections, to dictate to the legislative, and to overawe the executive department of the state; and similar cases will be determined very differently, when many hundred individual magistrates are to give the rule. To repeat the language of a very celebrated commentator, we shall fatally experience that "these new tribunals, created for the decision of facts without the intervention of a jury, are steps towards the establishing an aristocracy, the most oppressive of absolute governments," unless taking advantage of the admonition of the same enlightened author, we feel that "it is above all duty which every man owes to his country, his friends, his posterity and himself, to guard with the most zealous circumspection against the introduction of new and arbitrary methods of trial, which under a variety of pretences, may in time imperceptibly undermine the trial by jury, the best preservative of liberty."
3dly. Because the bill has an oppressive and pernicious tendency. The emoluments of a Justice must depend upon the patronage of the wealthy, or the litigious part of the community.—Calculating, therefore, upon the natural imperfections of the human character, the temptations to oppress the poor, the helpless, and the tranquil, will be almost irresistible, nor can any means be suggested to avert the evil, while the transaction passes in the private room of justice's houses; and particularly if the aid of council (as once was contemplated) should be denied. Whatever may be the perversion of facts, whatever may be the distortion of law, little consolation can be derived from the mere right of appeal, since the accumulation of costs could hardly be sustained by a poor man.
THOMAS M'KEAN.
Lancaster, Dec. 3, 1803.
ROBERT WHITEHILL, Esquire has been re-elected Speaker of the Senate of Pennsylvania, and SIMON SNYDER, Esq. Speaker of the House of Representatives.
As our letter, written on Thursday evening, contains no information respecting the governor's address to the two Houses, we are induced to believe it had not then been delivered.
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th Street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the most beautiful situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises.
JOHN HOLMEAD.
November 11—wtf

For Cash. Wanted to purchase, eight or ten NEGROES in families, including one good blacksmith, and one good house carpenter—enquire at Tunnicliff's hotel city of Washington.
COLUMBIAN INN. GEORGE-TOWN. THE Subscriber begs leave to solicit the patronage of his former friends and customers, and informs them he still continues at the Columbian Inn—where he will be happy to have it in his power to accommodate them as usual. JOHN H. BARNEY. September 27.
NEW STORE. WILLIAM S. NICHOLLS & Co. TAKE the liberty to inform their friends and the public in general that they have commenced business in High Street George Town. And have received to their first assortment an additional supply of seasonable goods, with many articles in the fancy line, which will be sold on very pleasing terms for cash. W. S. NICHOLLS. George Town, Dec. 2—2w
New Retail Grocery Store. Just received per the schoo. Highland F. Hand, master, from Philadelphia. London particular, Madeira, Sherry, Port & claret Wines—Cognac brandy, Spanish do. by the cask only; Jamaica spirits, Holland gin, cherry bounce, anniseed cordial, whiskey, white wine and cyder vinegars, sugar house molasses, spermaceti oil and candles; Imperial, hyson, young hyson, and hyson skin teas—loaf, lump and muscovado sugars; coffee and chocolate, pearl and common barley, American cheese, butter by the firkin only, basked salt for table use, sweet oil for do. capers and olives, raisins, almonds, &c. lemons, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon and allspice, slack pepper, mustard and ginger, Spanish segars of a superior quality, Macquabau and appse snuff, fig blue and starch, brown soap and candles, wrapping paper, feine twine emijohns, liquor cases, &c. &c. All warranted to be of the best qualities, and for sale by EDGAR PATTERSON. November 30—tf
FOR SALE. THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19. epif
Whereas a commission of BANKRUPTCY founded on the act of Congress passed on the 4th day of April in the year eighteen hundred, entitled "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded against ZEBULON WARNER of the district of Columbia, dealer and chapman and he being declared bankrupt is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them on the 19th day of December instant, and 16th days of January next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes innkeeper in the city of Washington and to make a full disclosure of his whole estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, at the second sitting to choose assignees and at the last sitting to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate, all persons indebted to the said bankrupt or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, Sec. to the commissioners. December 5, 1803—116J
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Clothes, Cassimeres, Silk florantine, Black and fancy silk mouselin velvet, white & figured Mouselins, Swandowns, Toimettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coatings, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. November 8, 1803.
NOTICE. ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Adm. George Town, Nov. 25—tf
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR. HAS just received an handsome supply of all goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14. tf
JUST RECEIVED, By the UNITED STATES, Capt. Finley from Liverpool, Fall Goods, viz. Brass Plate and wire fenders and irons, shovel and tongs, pokers, bellows, coal hods, bell metal kettles, brass-roomen, knives and forks, plated bridle bits and stirrups, with a variety of saddlery, brass ware, kitchen furniture, tools and building materials, &c. HENRY INGLE. Washington, Oct. 28.—epam.
Public Sales. ON Saturday the 10th day of December next, at the farm of the late Mr. THOMAS DICK near Bladensburg, will be exposed to public sale the whole of the personal property thereon, consisting of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, the crop on hand, wagons, carts, plantation utensils, &c. Credit to the first of July next on all sums exceeding ten pounds currency, will be given on granting bonds with approved security bearing interest from date. And on Saturday following, being the 17th day of December, at the late dwelling house in Bladensburg of the said Mr. Dick deceased, will be exposed to sale in like manner and on similar terms the furniture of every kind appertaining to the same. Also a coach with harness for two horses. JOHN LAIRD, Executor. November 24—epityD
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been trimmed about the head and ears. Any person giving me information so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21—tf
HENRY POLKINHORN, Saddler, Harness, Army Accoutrements, & Trunk-maker. HAVING taken his two nephews Wm. & Richard M. Hall, into partnership, The business in future will be conducted in this place under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and Wm. Hall, who have opened at the store lately occupied by Mr. Conner, (two doors from the bank of Columbia) a handsome assortment of articles in their line; and hope from attention to business to merit the favors of their friends and the public. The business will be continued as usual in Baltimore, (under the firm of H. Polkinhorn and R. Hall) where they have for sale a general assortment of Saddlery, wholesale and retail, which they are determined to sell on the lowest terms. George Town, Nov. 23—1m
District of Pennsylvania, to wit: BE it remembered, That on the ninth day of May, in the twenty-seventh year of the independence of the United States of America, William Young Birch, and Abraham Small, of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit: "BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES," with notes of reference, to the constitution and laws of the Federal Government of the United States, and of the commonwealth of Virginia, in Five Volumes, with an Appendix to each volume, containing short tracts upon such subjects as appeared necessary to form a connected view of the laws of Virginia; as a member of the Federal union, by St. GEORGE TUCKER, Professor of Law, in the university of William and Mary, and one of the judges of the General Court in Virginia." In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned;" and also to an act entitled, "An act supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned. And extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical, and other prints." (L. S.) D. CALDWELL, Clerk. of the District of Pennsylvania. The above work may be had at John March's book store, George Town, and of the booksellers in the city of Washington. November 23—1m
WILLIAM W. THOMAS, of Orange county of Virginia, if alive, is hereby informed that by returning home he will meet with something to his advantage, and any person having any knowledge of the said Thomas, whether dead or alive will do a favor by forwarding it to the Editor of this paper or of the Aurora; said Thomas served on board the frigate United States in 1798 and 1799. Washington, Dec. 9—3t.
FOR SALE, A LIKELY and valuable young Negro man, about twenty three years of age—a tolerable good house carpenter. The terms may be known by applying to the Printer, or by note addressed to B. W. and left at the Bar of the Union Tavern, George-Town. Any person wishing to purchase must apply within two weeks from this date. December 22, 1803—6t
LECTURES. THE subscriber respectfully informs the public, that the course of Lectures on EDUCATION, &c. will commence on Wednesday evening next, at Lovell's Hotel, Pennsylvania Avenue, city of Washington, when will be delivered A LECTURE ON HISTORY. And on Monday evening the 16th instant, at the Union Tavern, George-Town, the course of Law Lectures will commence by the delivery of a Lecture on the Utility of Law and its professors. TERMS. Ten dollars each course—and to accommodate such gentlemen as cannot attend the whole of either Course, Tickets will be issued to single Lectures at one dollar each. ROBERT W. PEACOCK. City of Washington, December 10, 1803. N. B. The Lectures will be delivered precisely at 7 o'clock, P. M. on the evenings assigned therefor. December 12—M&W
Grocery & Liquor Store. SAMUEL MINTIRE informs the inhabitants of Washington and the public in general, that he has opened a grocery and liquor store at the Navy yard opposite Mr. Prout's, where he has and intends to keep a supply of every thing in his line of the best quality. He has now on hand, best Coniac brandy, Imperial tea, Bourdeaux, do. Hyson, Holland gin, Young Hyson, Jamaica spirits, Hyson skin, Whiskey, &c. Loaf, lump, and Madeira wine, very fine brown sugar, for immediate use, Soap and candles, Sherry do. Bacon first quality, Lisbon wine, Best Spanish segars, And a variety of other articles all which he intends to sell on the lowest terms for Cash. N. B. A lot for sale in an eligible situation on the Capitol hill, New Jersey Avenue. November 4—copif
MECHANICS HALL. THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, on the causes way in George-Town, at the sign of the Golden Square and Compass, for the accommodation of travellers and others, entitled the Mechanics Hall. All those who do not think themselves above a mechanic, will find their interest to call on him, as he pledges himself to the public to be moderate in his charges, and to keep a supply of the best of every article in his line of business. Having several genteel rooms with fire places in each, parties on business can have private rooms. Oyster suppers while in season will be prepared on the shortest notice. Beer and porter. Also, newspapers of different politics, regularly filed in the bar room. He also keeps a small assortment of Groceries, of the best quality, which he sells low. Any favor in either line will be gratefully acknowledged, by the public's humble, servant, ANDREW McDONALD. A few genteel persons may be accommodated on moderate terms with boarding by the week, month or year. A woman, well acquainted with cooking, and of good character, is wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. August 3. tawtf
Conveyancer's Office. THOMAS HERTY, Grateful for past favors, in- forms his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, title investigated, &c. A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell. N. B. Herty's Abridgment of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office. City of Washington, April 1st tawtf
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN off the Race ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely Sorrell MARE, faddle and bridle; the faddle is about half worn with plated stirrups, and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about fourteen hands high. Faces trots and gallops; shod before; the outsoles of both hind feet a little worn by dragging them when rode; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder that resembles the letter T. Whoever delivers the above described mare, faddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the five buildings in the city of Washington will receive the above reward and no questions asked. November 14—wtf
In the Case of LUKE SHANNON an Insolvent Debtor IT is ordered that six months from and after the first day of November next, be limited and appointed for the Creditors to bring in and exhibit their claims to GEORGE ANDREWS of the City of Washington, Trustee, appointed for the benefit of the Creditors on the said Luke Shannon; and that a copy of this order be published once in each week until the tenth day of January next, in the National Intelligencer. By order of William Cranch, Esquire. URIAN FORREST, Clerk. November 4—1aw10J.
A Stray Mare. THIS day Richard Spalding brought before me a justice of peace for Washington county; a bright Bay Mare about 14 hands high 11 years old, with a snip, a few white hairs on her forehead, and some under the hoof on the off fore foot—The owner is requested to prove property pay charges and take her away. WILLIAM THORNTON. Dec. 7—3t
STOUGHTON'S GENUINE BITTERS. Faithfully prepared at the original warehouse London. TO make any observations here, upon the superior quality of these bitters to any ever offered for sale, is needless; suffice it to say, that they have stood the test of approbation a great number of years. Gentlemen, who prefer bitters, will find them an elegant and wholesome preparation; and far preferable to the trash generally offered under that name. It is now for the first time, imported in quart bottles, as well as vials, which will reduce the price near one half. Sold by Rapine, Conrad and Co. Capitol hill, Washington, John March, George Town, Robert and J. Grey, Alexandria, and A. Buck, Fredericksburg, Virginia. November 7—1aw3m
Valuable Lands and Lots FOR SALE. I WILL sell, on liberal terms of payment, to accommodate purchasers, the following Property, bequeathed to me, in trust with power to sell, by the late Mr. Thomas Dick, of Bladensburg, viz. HE valuable FARM which he had in his own possession, and lands adjoining thereto, containing in the whole upwards of 1300 acres. These lands are situated to the northward of Bladensburg, on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, about three miles distant from that town, on a fine level road. From Bladensburg to the City of Washington, by land, the distance is about four miles, and by water five; and the Eastern Branch is navigable for large craft to said town. There is a great abundance of wood on the lands, and they are well watered in every respect; have a considerable quantity of rich bottom, some of which is already in grass. The improvements on the farm are good, and the whole under good fences. These lands can conveniently be laid off into three parcels, with improvements to each, and will fold together or separately. Part of a tract of Land, called Hills and Dales, lying in Montgomery county, on the north-west branch of the Eastern Branch of Potomac, about six miles from Bladensburg, and about the same distance from Washington, containing 701.4 acres. Part of another tract, called Crawford's Adventure, lying to the south-east of Bladensburg, nearly adjoining the town, and adjoining the lands of the late Richard Henderson, esq. containing 160 acres all in wood. And 231.2 acres of valuable Marsh and low land, on the said Eastern Branch, about half a mile below that town, and adjoining the said lands of the late Mr. Henderson. The House and Lot in Bladensburg, on which the late Mr. Dick resided, containing about six acres; this is one of the best situations in the town, is generally admired, and commands a very extensive view. There is a good garden, ice-house, stable, and all other offices necessary for the accommodation of a private family, and the lot and garden properly inclosed, and all in good order. Should this house, &c. be sold previous to the 1st of December, it will then be to rent. One other lot or parcel of ground, adjoining the town lots, near the above mentioned house, and contiguous to the residence of Richard H. Lowndes, esq. containing 93.3 acres. Also, Lot No. 7, in square No. 704, in the City of Washington, being the north-east corner of that square, containing 938 square feet. A further description of the property is considered unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will doubtless satisfy themselves by viewing the same. Mr. John Hugh, at present residing in Bladensburg, will show the property, and the terms may be particularly known on application to him, or to JOHN LAIRD, Trustee. N. B. I hold 246 1.2 acres of Land, adjoining the above mentioned tract of Hills and Dales, which may be advantageous and desirable for the purchaser of the latter to have—and I will sell the same on similar terms. JOHN LAIRD. George-Town, Oct. 24, 1803. ep2wraf.
FOR SALE. By the subscriber, in order to bring his friends closer together, the following property, viz. A complete assortment of dry goods, hardware, groceries, in Cumberland Allegany county, Maryland, at present attended to by Aquila A. Browne, Esq. Also the house in which the store is kept with other necessary houses, and two lots in gardens—for the above property a credit of 15000 18 months will be given for approved paper. Also 800 acres of land in Allegany county, on the Little Crossings, and the road leading to Union town and Pittsburgh, some improvements and an excellent sugar camp are on this land. 1116 acres called Recourse, in Allegany county. 110 do. part of Bear Creek meadow. 64 do of Mount Hope. 100 do. called Matthews Lot; a coal mine is on this land. 9 do. called Coal Mine; a coal mine also there. 150 do. three fifty acre lots, no. 32, 1413, 1963. 3rd part of a tract called White Oak Point, in Harden county, Kentucky. 2000 acres in three surveys, two of 500 and one of 1000 acres. VIRGINIA. 1000 acres surveyed at an early period and adjoining col. Francis Deakens's lands in Monongahela county. 1800 do. in Randolph county. The title to the above property are clear—property in this place will be taken in part pay, and a credit for approved paper given on all. I have also for sale at my ware house in Water Street between gen. Mason's and Messrs Jeremiah Williams and Co. Martinique sugar in hogsheads and barrels. Do. coffee in bags. Sherry and claret wine. Cette Brandy in hds 4th proof. New England Rum and Whiskey. Coarse Salt. Puffier Paris, and Flour for family use. CHARLES F. BRODHAG. George Town, November 7—6taw
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore. Dollars. 1 prize of 20,000 1 ditto 10,000 2 do 5000 18 10,000 5 do 1000 — 5,000 10 do 500 — 5,000 15 do 300 — 4,500 200 do 100 — 20,000 200 do 50 — 10,000 200 do 25 — 5,000 2500 do 20 — 50,000 4000 do 15 — 60,000 1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500 1 do after 4000 do 500 1 do after 6000 do 500 1 do after 8000 do 500 1 do after 10,000 do 500 1 do after 12,000 do 500 1 do after 15,000 do 500 1 do after 18,000 do 500 1 do after 20,000 do 2,000 1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000 7154 Prizes, 210,000 12,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize. 21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beccan, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Chequiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Frances I. Mitchell. copif
July 13, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale. PROPOSALS for publishing a periodical work entitled The Literary Magazine, AND AMERICAN REGISTER. THIS work, if public patronage encourages its prosecution, shall be published monthly. The number shall be, occasionally ornamented with an engraving, executed by the best artist that can be obtained, and delivered to subscribers at the price of FIFTY CENTS. Each number shall contain, at least, eighty pages in large octavo, and shall comprehend seven departments. The first department shall include original, moral, literary or scientific performances, and biographical or historical sketches. The second department shall contain reviews of American publications, and of English works republished here. The third department shall comprise such extracts, from foreign publications, as shall be considered peculiarly interesting, and deserving the attention of the people of America. The essence, especially of periodical publications, shall be carefully extracted. The fourth department shall consist of pieces of original or selected poetry. The fifth department shall include notices of publications preparing for the press; notices of literary characters and incidents and such portions of information of a scientific, commercial, and agricultural nature, as shall be deemed most remarkable and most deserving of notice. The sixth department shall contain an accurate detail of political intelligence, foreign and domestic, particularly a clear summary of the proceedings of the Congress of the United States during their session. The seventh department shall consist of all such interesting or important occurrences, as the passing month shall have produced; such as casualties, crimes, &c. and shall likewise contain as full and accurate a list of marriages and deaths, in the United States, as can be procured. This work will be published by Messrs. John Conrad, & Co. and will be conducted under the immediate direction of an Editor, who, in addition to his own labours, has received assurances of the assistance of several of the first literary characters in this city and in New-York. A work of the nature now offered to the attention of the people of the United States, has long been demanded. It is conceived, that, if properly conducted, it would eminently promote the literature of this country, and would prove, in all respects favourable to the gratification of taste and extinction of unuseful information. The Editor promises, if encouraged by liberal subscriptions, all that his talents and labours can perform toward the successful execution of the work which he has proposed to undertake, and he hopes that this appeal to literary taste, that this desire to diffuse knowledge among all classes of society, will not, like other attempts, which have preceded this, be rendered fruitless, by a cold and depressing reception. To enable the public to judge of the nature of the publication as soon as possible, the first number will appear in a few days. Subscriptions received by Rapine, Conrad & Co. Booksellers and Stationers, New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. December 5.