The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-02-12 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1144.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
DEBATE
On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of GENERAL WILKINSON
(CONTINUED.)
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13.
MR. W. ALSTON said, that the different parts of this resolution were now all combined in one, and stood upon that ground. He was of opinion that there was but one part of the resolution which ought to be adopted; and before he sat down, he should move to strike out after the word "Resolved" the whole of the resolution except that part relating to the transmission of these papers to the Executive, which had been introduced by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Love) the propriety of adopting which must be apparent to every one solicitous that a fair enquiry should take place into the conduct and character of General Wilkinson.
He had said when up before that if the object of raising this committee was to procure papers or evidence to be transmitted to the Executive that this purpose would not be answered by it; but that it was better calculated to smother an enquiry than to promote it. He had heard nothing since (notwithstanding the long and laborious argument which he heard yesterday, & which would have been better delivered at the bar of a court than in this assembly,) to change his opinion, that it was better calculated to stifle an enquiry than to promote it. Have we not been told said Mr. A. that if we raise a committee and give them power to send for persons and papers, additional testimony may be adduced? What is the plain inference from this? That we must first denounce the character, then appoint a committee to examine into his conduct, and report "the result." When this committee shall have gone through an investigation, and may be about to report, if any individual should suggest that there were yet important evidence at Orleans or elsewhere, and should take upon himself to write for it, would the committee report while they had reason to expect additional testimony? While any man should be found to state that he knew of other testimony, would they report? They would not. Then what becomes of this enquiry which gentleman consider so immediately important to the interests of the nation. The course pointed out by the resolution is the very course which gentlemen would pursue who wish the enquiry buried for a while, to leave the character of the man suspended.
The member from Kentucky has talked about the extreme delicacy of the gentleman from North-Carolina. How did he mean to apply this observation? Is it extreme delicacy to say that every man should have a fair trial? This is the utmost extent of any observation which fell from me—and it is a sort of delicacy which I hope I shall always profess—a delicacy different from this the gentleman from Kentucky may for me exclusively possess. The gentleman from Kentucky has admired my ingenuity. Have I attempted to act the part of a cunning, subtle lawyer here or any where else? His observation is applicable to lawyers only and not to a plain farmer, possessing only language sufficient to convey his own ideas.
The gentleman seemed to feel another observation which fell from me; if he feels it he may take it to himself, but I did not mean to apply it to him; for I was several days ago tired of this discussion and should not now have said any thing, had not the gentleman particularly directed his observations to the gentleman from N. Carolina, meaning me I suppose. The gentleman was particularly galled by the general charge of slandering individuals and clamoring against government. I might have made use of the expression, but did not apply it particularly to any one, though all knew that such language had been held during the whole session. If the gentleman chooses to take it up he is welcome to it; and though not meant for him, yet from the sensibility which he has displayed on the occasion, it may perhaps attach to him.
The same honorable gentleman dwelt a considerable time on the subject of confidence—of blind confidence in the Executive. I am sure the gentleman did not then mean to apply his observation to me, although he said the gentleman from North-Carolina, for I believe the whole course of my political life would have shown him that I hold confidence in none. I act from the dictates of my own judgement independently of any man or set of men; but if the course which I pursue is the course with which the nation is satisfied, it gives me pleasure. If the administration of the country are pursuing a course which satisfies the nation, the members of that administration, and those who support them, care little for the denunciations of any man or set of men.
The gentleman stated that I preferred a military over a civil tribunal. Ought not things which are civil to belong to a civil tribunal, and military to military, each within its own sphere? Can it be questioned? Now take up the resolution on one ground on which the gentleman has placed it, and it may be adopted without violating the constitution; but there could be no question as to the expediency of passing it on that ground, for not a man in the House believed it had been proposed for that object. The gentleman tells us that he believes that most of the evidence produced to the House has been long in possession of the Executive, and that if we pass a resolution for enquiry it may be found there. Taking it upon this ground that it had been long in possession, no doubt the resolution for enquiry might be proper in order to an impeachment. Although this has been stated, does any gentleman here believe that this is the object of the enquiry? If then the House be, as it must be, thoroughly convinced that an enquiry will produce no effect of this kind, wherefore adopt it? I can see no reason.
If this resolution were to be adopted on the ground which has been taken in the course of this discussion, it will lead to unavoidable and repeated difficulties. A proper constituted authority, having complete control over a certain subject, is about making an enquiry; the House of Representatives institutes a committee and sets it about the same enquiry. What individual under Heaven can stand the shock of such an union of implied convictions of his guilt. Collect exparte testimony, on which denounce a man, and however innocent that man be he must fall. I will illustrate my idea by a case almost before our eyes, and within the knowledge of all. John Smith a Senator of the United States from the state of Ohio, is perhaps at this moment on his trial before the Senate of the United States. Had not a court of enquiry as full a right to investigate the conduct of Gen. Wilkinson a military commander, as the Senate has to investigate that of John Smith one of their own members. It certainly has. Suppose a member of this House were to move a resolution for enquiry into the conduct of that Senator for the same purpose for which an enquiry has actually been instituted by the Senate. Should we not, in agreeing to such a resolution as much assume a jurisdiction not belonging to us precisely as we should by passing this resolution for enquiry by this House, while another at least equally competent authority has actually taken cognizance of it? We certainly should. It is in consequence of these reflections and considerations that I think it fair and proper, when a character is held up to the nation, that he should have a fair unbiassed trial before a competent tribunal, before this House undertakes by instituting an enquiry to stamp infamy on his character.
The gentleman from Kentucky tells us he is of no party. Why, this is rather strange that an honorable gentleman of his ability and great talents should have lived so long in this country, where political parties are marshalled against each other, and that he alone has stood erect and firm. This may be a fact, and the gentleman's conduct may have proved it; but for my part, I never yet saw two parties contending together, that I did not decide in my mind for one or the other. This straight course,
neither inclining to one side or the other, is a very honorable, but difficult path. The gentleman may get through it, but I very much question whether the gentleman does not convince, before he goes hence, that he is as strong a partisan as any gentleman on the floor.
The gentleman has told us that he is not a friend to Burrison, and had refused to appear as counsel for him. This is honorable to him, but there was no occasion to tell the House of it. An honest man never wishes to cry out innocent before he is charged with a crime. The course pursued on this occasion is not calculated to injure Col. Burr or his project. The self same course has been here pursued as at Richmond; and the present proceedings and discussion all have the same tendency. Was Aaron Burr tried there? No. A spectator of the proceeding would have believed that Gen. Wilkinson was on his trial, and that an enquiry was instituted into the conduct of the chief magistrate of the United States. The same arguments and declamation are now used that were used there. Sink the administration, sink Wilkinson, and Aaron Burr comes into power and rises of course. Burr and Blennerhassett are gone to the western country. Let gentlemen reflect upon the consequences to which their arguments will lead; that there is a desire at all events to crush the man. God forbid that I should charge any member on the floor. But such will be the effect on the public mind, and therefore I am opposed to the measures which are proposed, upon that ground, if upon no other, I would vote against them. Let the court of enquiry sit. Let us see the result of it, and then we may call for evidence if ample justice be not done. If any high character in the country is implicated let us apply the corrective. But until then, let us not sit here as the "grand inquest of the nation." Let us permit things to travel in their usual course. Impressed with the propriety of negating the main object of the resolution, Mr. A. moved to strike out all that part of it, except the part directing the transmission of papers to the Executive.
Mr. TAYLOR said that when he had before spoken on this subject (and the measure was not in the least altered by the amendments since made) he had declared the measure to be an innovation, that they were about to establish a precedent which might in future times be productive of mischievous consequences. He knew that some gentlemen had in instance the case of St. Clair as a case in the point; but he believed, when considered, it would be found that the resolution on the table was directed to the man and not the subject generally; and if they compared the case cited as paramount or precedent to that now under consideration, it would be found totally inapplicable.
[He then read an extract from the journals of a resolution by the House in which gen. St. Clair's name was used as descriptive of the action into which the resolution went to request an enquiry.]
The House would observe that in this case it was necessary that the name of major gen. St. Clair should be used as descriptive of the subject matter; but that there was nothing personal in the tenor or matter of the resolution. On this motion there were yeas 48, nays 10. So that the resolution upon the subject itself was lost.
[He then quoted the journal, stating another motion to appoint a committee to enquire into the causes of the defeat of the late army under gen. St. Clair, which was adopted.]
Observe also the tenor of this resolution. The words major gen. St. Clair were merely descriptive. The causes of the failure of the late expedition was the subject matter of the resolution. So that this committee was not constituted for the purpose of trying or making enquiry into the conduct of major gen. St. Clair, only as incidentally concerned, and he understood from those who were then members of Congress, that the general was a witness on the subject. What had become of the result of this enquiry Mr. T. could not say, for he had been able to find it on the journals, it was not yet ended. So that the position which he had before laid down that this resolution authorising an enquiry into the conduct of gen.
W. was a new case, was correct, and it would therefore become a precedent.
He confessed that those who were opposed to him in opinion on this subject, had vastly the vantage ground over him. The high sounding words "commander in chief of the army of the United States," and the republican jealousy against standing armies, were weapons which these gentlemen had managed with great adroitness and dexterity; but he would ask, what was this mighty army about which the alarms and fears of the nation were attempted to be excited? About three thousand men scattered over a frontier of 1800 miles, commanded by a "commander in chief." If he might be allowed to make a comparison, he would instance a "commander in chief" in the state of South Carolina, who had command of a standing army consisting of 14 men; this standing army and this commander had the charge of the arsenal near Charleston. Cur rides? Mutato nomine fabula narratur de te. The standing army which had been made use of as a bugbear to get at a particular character, could be tied hand and foot by the citizen soldiers of a single district in the state in which Mr. T. resided. But it was a standing army; and gentlemen had said "Let the nation move"
—For what? For three thousand men and a brigadier general, to be sure the highest officer now in command a sort of captain of the magazine guard. But if we should be called upon to have a standing army which should act in a case of emergency, if the complexion of national affairs should demand it, was there any man so mad as to suppose, that brigadier gen. Wilkinson would be appointed commander in chief unless perfectly cleared from the charges against him?—Would not the Executive adopt the same principles in regard to the commander in chief which Cæsar did as to his wife, that she should not only be pure but unsuspected? Would he not examine whether Wilkinson was the sworn traitor as which he was denounced? Certainly he would; he could not avoid it.
Mr. T. said he had heard a speech on this subject from a very honorable and he would swear a very honest man (Mr. Rowan) which at first thought appeared to be entitled to great weight; but which, when the whole was taken together, appeared to have been a battle at random. The gentleman had seized upon the sword of public expediency and wielded it with a vengeance. "Let the nation move" was the language of the French revolution. The gentleman has told us, said Mr. T. that the instances which I adduced did not apply; that these precedents were abuses, not uses, of the power. I wish they did not. But if there are no limits to our power, no landmarks to define our power, where shall we stop? I should fear to follow the sanguine, the hasty, the honest, judgment of the gentleman himself? I suppose that the national convention of France when they denounced Marat, supposed that they had seized on a villain; he was denounced as gen. Wilkinson has been here, and what was the result of it? He slipped through their fingers; true it was, a female assassin put him out of the way, but the friends of that man rose up and denounced his very denouncers. Committees were appointed, as is now proposed, to enquire; their sittings were protracted that popular fury might be excited, and newspaper fulminations might deprive the individual of a fair trial; they spun out the enquiry till the communes of Paris came to the door of the convention, and demanded that the persons implicated in the enquiry should be punished. I have this morning heard of a transaction which at this day has taken place, and placed the present procedure on all fours with the errors of that day. I have learnt, that not satisfied with the supposed force and weight of the denunciations here, another respectable political body has taken up this subject, and I suppose are about to proceed to judge the man, to torture his name extrajudicially in the same capitol where not long ago it was done secundum Artem . I ask if this case be not parallel to that of the communes of Paris, if it be not putting into practice the very principle I so much deprecate. It is alarming—What citizen shall be safe when the nation and the
nation's strongest child shall move against him? Who shall obtain a fair trial with such weights as these against him?
[Mr. BURWELL interrupted Mr. T. to explain. It appeared from the point of the gentleman's observations that he alluded to the Legislature of Virginia. He rather supposed the gentleman was mistaken in the course of measures which had there taken place. It was well known that a member could introduce what measure he pleased into a legislative body; but it did not follow that it would be adopted. He made this observation in justice to the legislature of the state of which he was in part a representative; and he must say that he thought the comparison of that body with the communes of Paris, or any other such body, was not justifiable.]
I have said, continued Mr. T. that the gentleman who has given us most information on the other side of the question, was acting honorably, that I believed he felt every thing which he said, and that it was his duty to urge it, and so I will say likewise of the legislature of the state of Virginia; but I will say that they are mistaken, and so will this House be if it adopts this resolution. I hope there is good sense enough in that Legislature and this House to stop at the threshold before they do an act of which they will assuredly repent; I hope that if denunciations or public characters do take place here and elsewhere through the mistaken zeal of individuals, yet that neither the legislature of the U. S. nor of the state of Virginia will promulgate the constitution of their country.
The gentleman from Kentucky had gone on to shew the expediency of using this two edged sword, always used by despots to trample upon the rights of nations and individuals, this incidental power of self-preservation—and had proceeded till he got into a difficulty, had met with an impediment in his rapid course. What was it, and how did he overcome it? After having armed the committee, & supposed them to have taken out summons for persons and papers, when this committee would be about to encounter our constitutional objections, the gentleman had exclaimed that he wished to see what individual would dare to resist their mandate! This was the very language used by Sandwich, Bute, and Halifax in the case of the general warrant issued against John Wilkes, ordering his papers to be seized—and yet there was found a man in that nation as inferior as it is in the notions of liberty—there was found a man who dared to resist—and there was also found an enlightened jury & upright court who applauded his resistance, and the nation itself went with them. The gentleman had denounced gen. Wilkinson for having seized upon persons and deprived them of their liberty; and yet when this power was here objected to and suspected, what was his language? The gentleman, (said Mr. T.) wishes to see what man would dare to oppose it, and says, if a judge would dare to issue his writ of Habeas Corpus, he would march up to the Senate with him, and lay him by the heels. Gracious God! Talk of gen. W's. having violated the constitution, and in the same breath strike at the independence and threaten the prostration of that power in our constitution which alone is capable of wresting the oppressed from the fangs of the lawless spoiler. The doctrine which has been here supported comes with a very ill grace from the person who has denounced gen. W. for apprehending a few traitors. In our anxiety to get at the man, we have forgot our own power, and also have forgot that we have already acted on one part of this subject this session, by which proceeding a part at least of this resolution is rendered a mere surplusage.
Mr. T. then read an extract from the message of the President of the present session, and an extract from the Journal, showing that so much of that message as related to enterprises against the public peace had been already referred to a committee. This committee, if any could possess it, certainly had the power to enquire and report the result; was it an evidence of their want of that power, that the subject had been in this manner again introduced? The truth is, said he, that proceeding did not contain a declaration of war against gen. W. it only touched the subject generally—

it was no denunciation and therefore it was not strong enough.
Mr. Elliot said he should be in favor of one part of the motion of the gentleman from North Carolina, but not of the whole, and therefore should call for a division of the question. It had not originally been his intention to take any part in this debate, and he should not now do so, were it not for the extraordinary exposition of the constitution, which had been presented to them by the gentleman from Kentucky in support of an extraordinary proposition indeed, take it all in all. It would be a miserable affectation in me, said Mr. E. to pretend to conceal the impression which has been long since made upon my mind in relation to the officer who is the object of the resolution under consideration; but whatever may be my impressions, I wish nothing to be made use of against him which is not perfectly constitutional.
The gentleman from Kentucky has told the House, and I hope he has told us true, that he stands here upon independent ground, and as an independent man. I approve and admire such conduct; but the gentleman's sentiments yesterday expressed, proved that independent ground is not always constitutional ground. The ideas expressed by that gentleman, I will venture to say, will not be sanctioned by the majority of this body, or by himself upon mature reflection. He advanced some very broad and bold positions, and I will preface the remarks which I shall make by advancing one equally broad and bold, but much less liable to objection than that which the gentleman has offered. It is this: that the House of Representatives can institute no enquiry into the public or private character or conduct of any officer or citizen of the United States, in a case in which they can neither impeach or punish such officer or citizen; except it be for the purpose of acquiring information to enable them to exercise their legislative functions. This is a general constitutional proposition.
But the gentleman from Kentucky has told us that there are certain general powers vested in Congress by the constitution of the United States, which would justify us in an act of this kind, and particularly cited the general power of providing for the public defence and general welfare. Independent as that gentleman may be, he unquestionably means to be considered as a republican; and I have always understood it to be the republican doctrine that it is dangerous, improper, and anti-republican to contend that these general provisions would authorise Congress to assume any powers not specially vested or necessarily incidental. Certainly the words are not without meaning. Congress has power to provide for the general defence and common welfare of the United States. How? By the exercise of certain powers specially vested in them. The gentleman might have found another general provision which would have answered his purpose better: "Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution, &c." After a particular enumeration of the special powers vested in Congress, by the constitution, a general power is vested to pass all laws necessary to carry into effect these preceding delegations of power. If there be a deficiency in the powers of the Executive department to institute an enquiry into the conduct of a military officer, we are competent to vest it with the necessary authority. But until we do exercise that power, the power is with the President to possess and exercise it, at his discretion, conformably to the existing laws.
But not contented with telling us that this general power authorises us to do any thing we please, the gentleman says that if we do think proper to act or institute an enquiry on any subject; that the moment we, by a majority of perhaps a single vote, have so determined, the nation is in motion, and who shall dare to resist the nation! I do contend that we cannot put the sovereignty of this nation in motion beyond the orbit in which the constitution has directed that we ourselves shall move: and this House can of itself do no act, except in cases particularly described by the constitution or as incidental to them. We can set the national will in motion in cases of impeachment. The moment a majority of this House determines on the impeachment of a civil officer of the United States, that moment the national will is that such officer shall be impeached, because the constitution has vested in this House the sole power, and we are the sole movers of the nation on this subject; but the moment we wander without the sphere of those powers specially vested, for I disclaim any general delegation of power by the constitution farther than is necessary to carry into effect special
powers and incidental powers growing out of them; the moment we wander out of it, so far from our setting the national will in motion, that will is against us, and must and will overpower us. We array ourselves against the will of the nation and its sovereignty, the moment we exercise a power which the constitution does not permit.
Who it has been asked, will resist this motion? The moment our exercise of what is called the national will becomes unconstitutional, that moment it will be resisted. It is not only in the power but it is the duty of every American citizen to resist our exercise of powers upon subjects over which we have no jurisdiction.
But it is contended, if we have not this power by those clauses of the constitution vesting general powers, or in consequence of our right to exercise the national will, that still we have power to impeach the President of the United States, and therefore to enquire whether he has done his duty as to this or that particular officer.
This doctrine may be more specious and more tenable than any other points which the gentleman proposed. We have the power, it is true, to impeach the President of the United States; for what? For the exercise of the discretion reposed in him? No. We have the right and power to impeach him for high crimes and misdemeanors. Well, suppose a mass of evidence offered to the House, which, in the opinion of a majority, destroys the character of a great military officer, and that the same evidence offered to the Executive did not produce upon his mind the same effect. We have no power to impeach this officer; the President has the power to remove him, and is most naturally the judge of the weight of evidence. But, even admitting the gentleman's construction of the constitution as a co-ordinate branch of the government, he has the same right as this House to form a judgment. Can it be pretended that we can impeach the President because he does not weigh evidence in the same scale as we do? I presume not. We believe this officer to be guilty; the President does not. Can we impeach him for his belief? If we can, it is in vain to talk about our constitutional powers and the proper exercise of them. The present may be a casus omisus in the constitution and our laws. We cannot insert this omitted case in the constitution, though we may provide against similar occurrences in future, within the sphere of our legal powers.
I conclude, therefore, that neither upon the ground of our general power, nor upon that that we have the right to set the national will in motion, or that when in motion it is irresistible; nor upon the ground that we possess the power to impeach, do we possess the power to institute an enquiry of this description. Still I do believe that we possess the power, and that in certain cases and in a certain manner we can exercise it, so far as relates to the subject of a foreign pension; and as in this late period of the discussion I wish to compress my observations, as much as possible, I will state my conception of the power of the House, and how it can act, in the form of a resolution which I now offer as a concluding argument, and which I shall probably move when the whole of the present proposition shall be, as I hope it will be, rejected.
Resolved That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of passing a law for the punishment of any officer of the U. States, who shall hereafter receive a pension from the government of any foreign power; and of any person holding an office of profit or trust under the U. States, who shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state, contrary to the ninth section of the first article of the constitution of the U. States; and that the said committee, for the purpose of obtaining information to guide the House of Representatives in exercising the powers of legislation upon those subjects, be instructed and empowered to enquire whether any officer of the U. States has heretofore received such a pension, or any present or other reward from a foreign power, contrary to the said provision of the constitution, and that the said committee report a statement of facts, with their opinion thereon to the House.
Mr. Rowan said he would notice some of the observations made by the gentlemen from South Carolina and Vermont in answer to his observations of yesterday; the observations of the gentleman from North-Carolina he should pass over because they did not occupy the level of gentlemanly discussion; besides there are individuals publicly known to be surrounded by an atmosphere which secures them from the personal notice of a gentleman.
It had not been noticed in the course of debate that gen. Wilkinson had at any time been a civil officer. It was known however that he had been governor of Upper Louisiana, and commissioner at the delivery and receipt of N. Orleans; and from the evidence before them it was as probable that he had received a pension while a civil, as a military officer; if while a civil upon the ground that an impeachment could be preferred, an enquiry ought to be made. If while a military he relied upon the grounds taken yesterday, and the reasons drawn from the general terms of the constitution to support the position, that an enquiry ought to be made. These provisions of the constitution must mean something; he considered them as delegating a power to provide for the common weal. If it were not so, if an enquiry could not be made, he should think it a lamentable thing. He could not bring himself to conceive that the army of the U. S. (to be sure it was small at present, but it might soon be enlarged) should be corrupt, or the officer at the head of that army, and that the constitution instead of affording, precluded a remedy—that when the commander in chief was said to be alien from his country, a Spanish pensioner, and to have attempted a dismemberment of the union, an enquiry could not be made.
Let it be understood, said Mr. R. that all my arguments are predicated upon the ground that in appointing this committee the House will exercise a constitutional power; upon that ground I contended (and not upon the ground of parliamentary omnipotence) that the committee could fine and imprison witnesses who stood out in contempt; that they could coerce their attendance, and in short, use every mean adapted to the end—an effectual enquiry. If the House have not the power to appoint a committee of enquiry on this subject, then the committee have not the power to fine, imprison, &c. I think the House have the power; I wish it to be determined; if I am not mistaken, I must be satisfied with the decision of this House. But that the decision might be fairly had upon the power of the House to institute this enquiry, Mr. R. said, he would ask the Speaker if he had not a right to withdraw his resolution; if he had, he would do so and present it again without the amendment by the gentleman from Virginia, and thus avoid the motion of the gentleman from N. Carolina.
Mr. R. then withdrew his resolution, and before it could be offered again, Mr. RANDOLPH renewed his motion in the following words:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause an enquiry to be instituted into the conduct of Brig. Gen. James Wilkinson, commander in chief of the armies of the United States, in relation to his having, at any time, while in the service of the United States, corruptly received money from the government of Spain, or its agents.
He said he had withdrawn it only to give the gentleman from Kentucky an opportunity of taking the sense of the House on his proposition, to do which in his opinion every gentleman had a right. He perceived that the gentleman from Kentucky was about to be deprived of taking the sense of the House by an evasion of the question, and now renewed his own motion, which he had only withdrawn with an intention to renew it, if that of the gentleman from Kentucky should not be adopted. He would here say that though he did not agree with all the doctrines of the gentleman, that he thought that all his arguments which bore upon this case were unanswerable.
The House agreed to consider Mr. Randolph's resolution—51 to 35. (Debate to be continued.)
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 16. Mr. Dawson said it would be remembered that some days ago there was before the House a bill for raising an additional number of seamen. He had since received a letter on the subject from the Secretary of the Navy, which, as he intended to call up the bill to morrow, he submitted to the House as follows:
Navy Department, 27th January, 1808.
SIR, Your letter of yesterday in relation to the number of seamen at present wanted by government for the service of the United States, has been referred to the President, and I am charged by him to inform you that he does not wish to be empowered to employ more seamen than the number at present authorized by law, viz 1425, of which 925 were authorised by the act of Congress of 21st of April, 1806, and 500 by the act of 3d March, 1807.
I have the honor to be,
Respectfully, Sir, your obt. servant, (Signed)
RT. SMITH. Honorable Mr. Dawson, } Congress
On motion of Mr. Cook, the House went into a committee of the whole, 51 to 27, on the bill for extinguishing the debts due from the U. S.—Mr. Cotts in the chair.
The first section of this bill provides. That all persons, or the legal representatives of persons, to whom loan office, or final settlement certificates, or indents of interest, have been issued, and all persons in whose favor settlements have been made at the treasury, or who stand credited on the books of the treasury, which said certificates, credits and settlements, were issued or made for services or supplies, done or furnished prior, to the fourth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and have not since been funded or paid; and all persons who served in the armies of the United States, during the late revolutionary war with Great-Britain, and to whom arrearages of pay, clearly appearing on the muster and pay rolls, or other authentic documents now existing in the war office, or in any other department of government, may be due, shall be allowed to present their respective claims at the treasury, and shall receive the amount thereof, without any interest, upon proving by the oath or affirmation of at least one disinterested witness, to the satisfaction of the accounting officers of the treasury, that he or she so claiming, is the person or legal representative of the person to whom the same was originally due.
The second section provides. That claimants for services of any kind rendered, and for supplies of any kind furnished to the United States, prior to the fourth day of March, 1789, which have heretofore been barred, or supposed to have been barred, by any resolutions or any laws of Congress, shall be allowed to present their respective claims to the accounting officers of the treasury, who are thereby authorized to liquidate & settle the same without interest thereon, provided such claims are duly supported by sufficient vouchers, &c. the claimant making oath, that the said claim, nor any part thereof, has been before paid to any person or in any manner whatever.
The other five sections contain details. The first section of the bill being read,
Mr. Goldsborough conceiving that persons who had loaned money to the government, as well as those who had furnished supplies should be indemnified, moved to insert after the word "furnished" the words "or money loaned."
Mr. Taylor to try the principle of the bill, made a motion to strike out the first section which he presumed would supersede the motion of the gentleman from Maryland.
On this motion a discussion took place which occupied the remainder of the sitting, in which Messrs. Milnor, Cook, Holland, Rowan & Love, opposed the motion to strike out & supported the bill, and Messrs. Taylor, Rhea (Ten.) Alston, Sloan, and Macon, supported the motion and opposed the bill. When
On motion of Mr. Upham, the committee rose, reported progress and asked leave to sit again.
An engrossed bill supplementary to an act for prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise, was read the third time and passed.
Richmond, Feb. 6. Yesterday, the House of Delegates, agreed to appropriate $50,000 for the manufacturing of arms, including officers salaries.—And $18,000 for the foundry of cannon and boring mill.
Mr. A. S. Hooe (King George) offered the following resolution, which he said he should not have revived, but for a publication which he had that day seen in the News-Papers.
At an important crisis, like the present, when we are threatened with war by the rival powers of Europe, it is of the highest importance that we should have at the head of our army, a man of the most unblemished reputation, who instead of exciting doubts, should inspire confidence—the present commander is not that man. He has been suspected, and with too much cause, of being engaged in treason at home and treachery abroad.
Resolved therefore, That it is the opinion of the General Assembly of Virginia, that Brigadier General James Wilkinson has not the confidence of the people of this commonwealth and ought not to be retained in the command of the army of U. S.
Mr. Walker moved, that the further consideration, be postponed till the 31st of March.
Mr. Strother offered the following resolution, in place of the motion for postponement.
Resolved, That at this time it is inexpedient to act on the resolution, relative to Gen. James Wilkinson.
Mr. Walker moved to amend Mr. S's resolution by adding the words "and that therefore the further consideration thereof be put off till the 31st of March next."
Mr. Smyth (Wythe) moved to amend the resolution, by striking out the words "at this time."—Ayes and Noes being called, it was determined in the affirmative, Ayes 71—Noes 65.
Mr. Walker proposed to amend the resolution, by adding the words "as an enquiry has been instituted into the conduct of General J. W. Lost.
Mr. Murdaugh moved to amend it by adding after the word "inexpedient" the words "not having the evidence before us."
After some desultory debate Mr. Wooding proposed to lay the resolution with the proposed amendments upon the table—Carried.
Philadelphia, February 6. In addition to the foreign extracts, given in the Register, we have to state, from the French papers, by the Lydia—
That the Royal Family of Portugal, abandoned their European possessions, and set sail for the Brazils, on the 29th of November. Gen. Junot, at the head of a large army, entered Lisbon on the 30th of the same month—and, as the French accounts give it, he was received with great attention by the inhabitants, and that business did not receive a moment's interruption on account of his arrival.
Extract of a letter from New-Bedford, dated 1st mo. 31.
"Captain C. confirms the accounts of the capture of our vessels by the Algerines.
"He understood, a short time previous to leaving Rotterdam, that Louis had retired from the government of Holland, on account of ill health, and that Talleyrand had arrived at the Hague to supply his place.
"A more rigorous treatment of neutrals it was expected would result from this change."
HANOVER, November 10. The following is the Imperial decree, which has been issued respecting Hanover and the Principality of Hanau:
Extract from the Registers of the Secretary of State's office.
Palace of St. Cloud, 4th August, 1807.
We, Napoleon, Emperor of the French and King of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, decree as followeth:
Art. I. All territorial and allodial property, all houses and possessions, and in general all private property which belonged to the Prince or states of Hanover, as well as to the country, under whatever title, shall be sequestered, and possession taken thereof in our name.
II. The woods and forests are comprised in the properties mentioned in the preceding article. An inspector of the registering shall immediately set off in post from Paris, in order to take cognizance of these objects, to take an inventory of the property, and to send to Paris, as soon as possible, a list of the leases of these parts which are let.
III. The same operation shall take place in Hanau, and another inspector of the registering, who will be sent thither, shall fulfil the same duties.
IV. As soon as these inspectors or directors shall be arrived at their destination, they are to send to the minister of Finances a sketch of the inventory of the aforesaid property; and they shall remain notwithstanding, at their said place of destination until possession be taken, they proceeding thereto conjointly with our intendant.
Journal de Paris.
Norfolk, Feb. 4. PORTUGAL.
Captain King of the ship Intrepid of this port, arrived here yesterday from Waterford. Capt. K. was originally bound to St. Ubes, but on the 24th of December, off Lisbon, was boarded from his Britannic majesty's ship Conqueror, of 74 guns, one of a fleet under the command of Admiral Sir Sidney Smith, then within hail of the Hibernia of 120 guns. The officer who boarded the Intrepid informed Captain K. that the French having possession of St. Ubes, and indeed of all Portugal, he could not go in, indorsed his register, and turned him off.
This officer further informed

Captain King, that the Prince Regent, with the royal family, left the Tagus on the 30th of November, as stated in our last. The approach of the French army was so rapid, that the fleet came out very short of provisions, with which they were furnished from the British fleet. Sir Sidney Smith sent four sail of the line with the Portuguese fleet to Brazil. The Russian fleet still in the Tagus, the batteries being too strong to permit an attack to be made upon it.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12.
Agreeably to a Census, made in November last, the free male inhabitants of Kentucky above the age of twenty-one amount to 49,212.
David Thomas, late representative in Congress from the state of New-York, has been appointed Treasurer of that state.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon, dated 29th November, 1807, 9 o'clock, morning.
"At the moment I am writing the Portuguese squadron, consisting of 8 line of battle ships, 2 frigates and 4 smaller vessels, are under weigh. The Prince Regent and the whole Royal Family are on board; the Duke of Oporto, first Prince of the blood, M. d'Aranjo, and the minister of marine and foreign affairs, the Marquis of Pombal, and several other nobility, with a number of officers of government, servants, &c. &c. Few or no soldiers, except the marine corps, have embarked. The preparation for embarkation began the twenty-fourth, since which they have worked night and day or rather since the 25th to get on board; and every thing which related to the embarkation has been in great confusion. Appearances seem to indicate that the government was taken by surprise. Not even salted provisions for the ships' use was on board; but little ship bread was prepared, so that they have been obliged to purchase flour and put on board instead of it. The ships have gone away very short of salt provisions, and the bulk of them not half manned. The Prince as well as the nobility have had only time to take their most valuable movable effects, leaving all their fortunes behind. On the 22d notice was received by the Prince that the French army was about entering this kingdom. This caused him very considerable alarm and a general stir at the palace. The 24th a British frigate entered as a flag of truce, & the same day a faint report reached the public of his intentions to embark. That night a grand council of state was held, and the next day an order was received at the arsenal to embark all the provisions, and to prepare the ships immediately for sea. They also that day began to embark the Prince's effects, but the ministers and nobility did not begin to pack up till the 25th and 26th. The first of these days the flag of truce went out. Whether this sudden resolution was owing to the marching of the French army, or to the dispatches brought by the frigate, is not known, but probably to both. There are now several British line of battle ships in the offing, who it is supposed will accompany the Prince to the Brazils. Till however the enclosed proclamation (translated in haste) was published yesterday, and it was understood that the cannon in several forts were spiked, and the gunpowder thrown into the river, it was not generally believed that the Prince would go, and until the ships were under weigh many well informed people believed that he would remain. It is supposed that the value of the diamonds taken with the Prince is about an hundred millions of dollars, and that he took thirty millions of dollars in specie, plate, &c."
HAVING endeavored by every possible means to conserve a neutrality, which until the present time, my faithful and beloved subjects have enjoyed, and notwithstanding my having drained my royal treasury, and every other sacrifices which I have subjected myself, arriving to the excess of shutting the ports of my kingdom to the subjects of my ancient and faithful ally the king of Great Britain, thereby exposing the commerce of my subjects to total ruin; and suffering by this motive great prejudice in the revenues of my kingdom; I find that in the interior of my kingdom are marching troops of the emperor of the French and king of Italy, to whom I had united myself on the continent, in the persuasion of being no longer disturbed; and that the same are directing their march for this capital; and I wishing to avoid the horrible consequences which may ensue from a defence which would be more hurtful than beneficial, serving only to shed blood to the destruction of humanity, and probably to excite in a greater degree the dissention of troops who have come to this king-
dom, with the declaration and promise not to commit the least hostility. Knowing likewise that they are directed very particularly against my royal person; and that my faithful subjects will be less disturbed I absenting myself from this kingdom. I have resolved for the benefit of my subjects, to pass with the queen, my lady and mother, and with all the royal family for the States of America, and establish myself in the city of the river of January until a general peace. And considering further how much it behoves to leave the government of these kingdoms in that order which is essential for the good of them and of my subjects as a thing to which I am so essentially obliged. Having in this every consideration which in a similar case are present to me: I am pleased to appoint to govern in my absence and to rule these my kingdoms the Marquis of Abrantes, my dearly beloved cousin, Francisco da Cunha de Menendez, lieutenant general of my armies, the Prince Castro, of my council, and regidor of justice, Pedro de Melle Breyneer, of my council, who will serve as president of my royal treasury, in the absence and impediment of Luis de Vascancellas Souza, who is unable from sickness; Don Francisco de Noronha, lieutenant general of my armies and president of the Meza da Conscienciae Ordens; and in the deficiency of either of them, the Count Monteiro Mir, who I have appointed president of the Senado da Camera, with the assistance of the two secretaries, the Count Sam-paio, and in his room Don Miguel Pereira Forjaz, and of the Desembargador de Paro, and my Procurator of the crown, Joao Antonio Satter e Mendonça, from the great confidence which I have in all of them, and great experience which they have had in the affairs of this government. Being certain that my kingdom and people will be governed and ruled in a manner that my conscience will be at ease, and that the said governors will entirely fulfill their obligation during the time that God is pleased that I shall be absent from this capital, administering justice with impartiality, distributing rewards and punishments according to the merits of each one of them. The said governors will thus understand and fulfill in the manner aforesaid, and in conformity with the instructions which will be signed by me with this decree; and they will make the necessary participations to the competent departments. Palace of Nossa Senhora da Ajuda, the 26th Nov. 1807, with the signature of the Prince Regent, O. L. Instructions referred to in my royal decree of the 26th November, 1807.
The governors which I thought fit to appoint by my royal decree of this date, to govern these kingdoms during my absence, will have the accustomed oath administered to them by the Cardinal Patriarch, and will be diligent, watchful, active and vigilant in the administration of justice, distributing it with impartiality, and conserving in rigorous observance the laws of this kingdom.
They will secure to the subjects all privileges which by me and by the kings my ancestors have been granted. In the consultations which may be presented them by the respective tribunals the plurality of votes shall decide, regulating themselves, by the laws and customs of the kingdom. They will consider those employments by patents, and the officers of justice and revenue in the manner until now practised by me.
They will be careful to defend the persons, and property of my faithful subjects, choosing for the military employments those whom they shall know deserving of them.
They will endeavor as far as possible to preserve this kingdom in peace, and that the troops of the emperor of the French and king of Italy, may be well quartered and provided with every thing necessary during the time they may stay in this kingdom, avoiding perpetrating all and whatsoever insult, and punishing it with rigor whenever it may happen; preserving always the good harmony which ought to be practised with the armies of those nations with whom we are united on the continent.
If by any manner one of the said governors should be lost, the plurality of votes shall decide his successor. I confide much in his honor and virtue, that my people will not suffer embarrassment in my absence and that should God permit me to return to these my kingdoms with brevity, I may encounter every one content and satisfied always existing among them the good order and tranquility which ought to exist among subjects who have rendered themselves so worthy of my paternal care. Palace of Nossa Senhora da Ajuda, 26th Nov. 1807.
PRINCE.
DEBATE
On the proposition for the removal of the Seat of Government to Philadelphia.
Mr. MILLER said this was a subject of great importance, as was evinced
by the anxiety of those who had spoken against removal. He should have hoped that the importance of the subject would have induced gentlemen to wish for time to consider it maturely, that every gentleman might have an opportunity fairly to deliberate, weigh well and decide wisely upon it. It appears however that gentlemen are determined to bring the principle to immediate discussion and decision. This looked to him as if gentlemen were afraid that the House should have an opportunity of deliberating upon this subject. He recollected that the subject was introduced in discussion of another question a few days ago and treated with lightness by a gentleman who has this day moved an indefinite postponement; another gentleman to day could scarcely believe it serious. Thus some who were opposed to it told them that they cannot believe it is seriously meant, while others on the same side deem it very serious indeed, and therefore wished to strangle it in its birth without further discussion. He hoped the good sense of the House would induce them to pause and consider before they decided on the present question; he did not propose now to enter fully into a discussion of its merits, but just reply to a few observations of the gentlemen who had spoken against the resolution.
A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Lewis) has asked, said Mr. M. if we can think of giving up the place after so much money has been expended. I will in turn ask him a question; where have these ten or fifteen millions been expended? Let us look around and see what we have for them. It is true here we are convened in a splendid mausoleum in which we are buried alive for four or five hours a day, and which, notwithstanding all the efforts of gentlemen in speaking, is so ill constructed for understanding that we might almost as well be immured in the silence of the tomb. We have a very splendid House also for the President of the United States; but where is it? A mile and a half hence in another village; for as to city, it is a burlesque upon the term to call this a city. We have also public offices, so distant that members who have the slightest business to transact cannot do it without neglecting their duty. This city, as it is called, is about 16 years old, and is yet apparently in its very infancy. We are told that about from ten to fifteen millions have been expended in bringing it to its present state. I ask how long it will be before we can possibly be accommodated with any convenience? Is there to be no end to the expenditure? We have not only expended these large sums for the erection of buildings, but after that we must appropriate more for watching them and keeping them in repair. This very House has caused an increase of the contingent expenses of not less than 5,000 dollars at this time, which must be continued and perhaps increased every session.
It is acknowledged by members and citizens that the city is laid out on an impracticable plan, and that in its present form it never will assume the shape of a city. Is it possible to produce an instance of any city laid out on this plan arriving to perfection? All the inhabitants if gathered together in one spot, would not be able to pay the expence of paving, lighting, and watching the avenues and streets on account of their great width. It is said that the city must be concentrated, and it is allowed that it would be absurd to expect it to grow into importance unless it is concentrated. If then we consider the policy of the measure, it will be considered as impolitic in the extreme to go on expending millions from year to year in endeavoring to effect objects which cannot be finally effected after all that is lavished.
A comparison has been made between the healthiness of this city and Philadelphia. I am not prepared with documents now to make the comparison; but one fact I will state which can be proven; that during the long sitting at Philadelphia the deaths among the members of Congress were but three, perhaps only two, and I need only recur to the last session to show that as many deaths have occurred here in one session as in Philadelphia during the whole time Congress sat there.
Having no documents I cannot go into minutiae upon the comparative healthiness of the two places, but having been born and brought up in the city of Philadelphia, and having also resided several years in the neighborhood of this place, I am seriously of the opinion that Philadelphia is by far the most healthy place.
It has been said by the gentleman from Maryland that he should be at all times opposed to the seat of government being fixed in any large city, and he has alluded to the influence which it might possess over members of Congress. I will ask the honorable member whether he feels that he should be influenced by considerations of that nature. I have put this question home to individual members who have made this suggestion, but have
never yet found the man who thought that he himself should be influenced in that way; he has no suspicion of himself, but mistrusts his weaker friends: I cannot suppose that the representatives of the nation can possibly be so weak or wicked as to suffer considerations of this kind to influence their better judgment. But I will admit it for a moment for argument's sake. Is it not contemplated by the friends of this place that it will become a large city? And do they not bring forward as an argument that we will not give this city a fair chance; that if we cease to agitate this question, the city will grow and flourish. Whenever that time arrives, agreeably to the gentleman's argument, it will be necessary to remove, because a large city is not the place where Congress ought to sit.
I have been always of opinion that the interests of agriculture and commerce are intimately blended with each other; that the interests of the one cannot be greatly promoted without essentially aiding those of the other. This being the second commercial nation in the world, it is necessary that the legislature of the union should meet in a place where they can obtain the best commercial information. From the very nature of our government there is no danger, nor can any be apprehended, but that the agricultural interest of the nation will be fully represented on this floor. The growing interest of the western country & their rapidly increasing population will assuredly give a full representation to the agricultural interest of the country; but I cannot believe, at the same time, not wishing to derogate from their merits, that gentlemen born and educated in the interior can be as capable of legislating here on commercial subjects, or that they can so clearly discern the connection between agriculture and commerce as in a large commercial city. I am sorry that upon various occasions I have discerned a degree of prejudice on the minds of some gentlemen against the commercial interest of this country. It never can be dangerous to the agricultural interest, while the representation of the latter on this floor so greatly overbalances the former, which must always be the case.
It has been objected to this proposition by some gentlemen that the constitution has fixed this as the permanent seat of government, and that without a violation of the constitution we cannot change it. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) did not seem to insist so strongly upon this as some others, while however he was inclined to this idea. What says the constitution on this subject? "Congress shall exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States." The same section also goes on and says, "And to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings."
Thus the two subjects are blended in the same section. The same contract appears to be made in relation to the one as in relation to the other. I will ask gentlemen do they believe that Congress has not a right to discontinue a navy-yard or a dock-yard? Not a gentleman in the House will say that Congress has not full power to do this. I can see nothing to restrain them in the one case which would not restrain them in the other. Suppose that the seat of government should be fixed in a place so extremely unhealthy that members would not go to the spot designated, feeling such a degree of terror for its character, (thus I state merely as a possible case) as to induce them rather to decline the honor of an election than come to the seat of government—or suppose it should be found that the city or place was in danger of immediate invasion, so that there was a probability that the Congress might be seized and carried off. Even this is a possible case. Would there in these cases be no remedy? A great many other reasons might be brought forward to show that the place for the seat of government was not a proper one, and yet it is contended that we must submit, and no alteration could be made. Nothing more is meant by this provision of the constitution than that during the time in which the seat of government shall be fixed in any place, we should have exclusive jurisdiction of that place; it never could be understood to tie us down to that district.
It has been said that this would be a violation of private contract, and that if we remove we must make all losses good! I do not believe that an implied contract of this nature is strictly binding on the government. But I believe that those individuals who have made purchases and improvements on the faith of the government ought to be remunerated, and I hope they will be, if it should be thought that the interest of the United States that
the seat of government should be removed.
This subject was not contemplated by myself as being likely at this moment to occupy the attention of the House. I certainly expected the opponents of the measure would be willing to postpone a discussion that every gentleman might inform himself—and that it might be fairly and deliberately decided. We have heard many things asserted which ought to be enquired into. I have been informed that a high and responsible officer of government has said that the government does sustain a loss by continuing here. I wish this to be ascertained. Why are we to be forced into a discussion? Why are gentlemen so averse to enquiry? It appears to me that their fears are alarmed, that they are convinced that a naive consideration will operate against them. I must therefore conclude that the gentlemen so desirous of immediate discussion must be of opinion that further time will operate against them and in favor of the measure. I hope the House will see the propriety of postponing the subject at least for a few days.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
Norfolk, Feb. 4.
Yesterday the Court Martial for the trial of Commodore Barron, closed as to the evidence, when the defence was delivered.
We do not consider ourselves at liberty to comment, on this defence but we surely may be permitted to say that it was eloquent, ingenious and logical.
Extract of a letter from Leghorn, dated 4th Dec.
"You will be happy to hear that an arrangement has at length taken place with the French General for the release of all goods sequestered by the Commissioners, and the general liberation of the trade of the port by a contribution to be raised as a loan by the Chamber of Commerce, for 2,100,000 francs. Part of this loan, notwithstanding the strongest representations, will fall upon the sequestered goods."
COPENHAGEN, Nov. 17.
Amicable relations still subsist between Russia and Sweden. It is believed that the latter with the mediation of Russia, will soon conclude a peace with France, and that the Swedish ports will soon be shut against the English.
The amount of the value of the merchantmen taken by the enemy, is estimated at 24 millions six dollars. The Danish troops collected in Zealand, will be augmented to 26,000 men.—They are assembling 10,000 sailors.
THE COLUMBIAD,
BY JOEL BARLOW.
THE LOVERS of the FINE ARTS need only see it, and they will universally pronounce it the most splendid Work ever published in America. The ENGRAVING of the PLATES alone, cost upwards of 4,000 dollars.
A few copies of the above work are received, & for Sale at J. MARCH's Book-store, Georg-town. February 12—1aw1m
IN CHANCERY, JANUARY 26, 1808.
Issachar, and M c lon Schelfeld versus M c Carthy, Theodrick and Daniel Fitzhugh, Mary Brent, Henry Lee, and Nathaniel Pendleton.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a decree to foreclose a mortgage executed by Philip Fitzhugh to the complainants for an undivided moiety of the Mills in Prince George's county known by the name of "The Adelphi Mills" and the land adjoining included in said mortgage, or for a sale of the premises for the payment of the debt, also for a sale of the real estate of said Philip Fitzhugh for the payment of his debts.
The bill states that the complainants sold the above property to said Fitzhugh for the sum of 9800 dollars, that the complainants executed to Fitzhugh a deed for the property (which has never been recorded) and obtained from him a mortgage to secure the last sum mentioned; also that exclusive of that debt Fitzhugh is otherwise indebted to them, that Fitzhugh executed a bond for the conveyance of the said property to the said defendant Pendleton, and has since died, leaving the defendants the Fitzhughs, and Mary Brent his heirs at law or devisees of his estate; that Henry Lee the defendant is his executor or administrator, and that all the defendants reside out of the state.
It is thereupon on the motion of the complainant ordered that they cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer during three successive weeks before the first day of March next to the end that the said defendants may have notice of this bill and of the subject and object thereof and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by a solicitor on or before the first day of July next to show cause if any they there be, why a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy, Test NICH. BREWER, Reg. Car. Com. February 12—wSt

BURNS AND DEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch.
October 23—tf.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscribers, of the city of Washington, have obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county, in the District of Columbia, letters testamentary on the Personal Estate of George Mitchell, late of said city, deceased—All persons having claims against the deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers, at or before the 12th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the estate.
Given under our hands this 8th day of February, in the year 1808. JOHN M'GOWAN, } Ex'rs. MICHAEL NOURSE, } February 10—3t.
NOTICE. THE whole of the Personal Property of George Mitchell, deceased, consisting of a valuable Gold Watch, bedstead, feather bed and bedding, a considerable quantity of wearing apparel, and a variety of other articles, will be sold at Public Vendue, on Thursday the 12th inst. at the House of John M'Gowan, opposite Rhea's Tavern.—Terms made known previous to the sale. A MULL SPEAKE, Auct. February 10—tds.
ST. MARY'S COLLEGE LOTTERY BALTIMORE.
A Few fortunate Tickets in the above Lottery may be had at G. & R. Watt's, Baltimore, and at J. March's Book Store, Geo. Town—Present price 15 cts. and will advance in a few days.
** A regular check-book is kept at J. March's Book Store, Geo. Town, where the fate of any ticket may be known.
February 10—3t.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD. WA Stolen from the subscriber living near the head of South River Anne Arundel county, Maryland, on the night of Friday the 29th of January, a handsome Bay HORSE, 14 1 2 hands high, 12 years old, next spring, his gait are a trot and gallop, except an appearance of his having had a pole evil, (which cannot be perceived but upon close examination) he has none other than natural marks, which are, a little white on his nose, a white spot on each side of his back, near his withers, his right fore foot white, off which he lately lost the shoe, the others were shod. The thief is supposed to be a certain William Grant who has been twice sentenced to work at the wheel-barrow in this state, and who since complying with the requisitions of the law is supposed to spend most of his time in some part of Virginia. To any person who will bring the atrocious felon to justice, and return the horse to the owner, the above reward will be paid, or Twenty Dollars for the Horse. JOHN HALL. February 8—2t.
NEW PUBLICATIONS. Just published and for sale, at D. Rapine's book-store, on Capitol Hill. THE American Artillerist's Companion, translated and extracted from the best memorials, and most recent publications, on this important branch of military science, by Lewis Tousard. The American Register, or general Repository of History, Politics, and Science. This work will be published semi-annually, for which, as well as the preceding work, subscriptions are received at the above store. A Picture of the Empire of Bonaparte and his federative nations; or the Belgium Traveller; being a tour through Holland, France and Switzerland, during the years 1804—5, in a series of letters from a nobleman to a minister of state. Columbiad on the Foreign Carrying Trade—showing its effects on agriculture, population and morals of the country. "A Book" without a title—this is a periodical publication of much wit and humor. The Subscribers to Dr. Rees's Cyclopaedia are respectfully informed that the sixth volume of this extensive work is now completed, and the work is rapidly progressing; and it is hoped that those in arrears will be so good as to send for their volumes and pay up the balances due, which will enable the publishers to go on with the work without impediment. February 1—4t.
Will be Sold at Public Auction, on the Premises, on Thursday the 25th day of February next, part of LOT No. 4, in Square 78 being 28 feet front, near the Western Market, and extending back about 147 feet to an alley. There is erected upon this Lot, a good BRICK BUILDING covering the whole front, with a good Kitchen and enclosure, and was formerly occupied by Dr. Ballus. As the property is well known, nothing further descriptive is thought necessary. January 25—tds.
TWO ELEGANT FORTEPIANO-NOES. THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. He has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS, among the latter peach brandy 6 years old, fourth proof, and best kind of HAMS—also, he offers a pair of PISTOLS, in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a musket handle, original cost 100 dollars. F. A. WAGLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market. N. B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice. December 25—tf.
Proposals for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange ch. Milton & Charlottesville to New York once a week.
Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p m, & arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 a m—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a m and arrive at New York by 11 a m—Leave New York every Friday at 1 p m, arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p m.
2. From New York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at New York by 11 a m. Leave New York every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Staunton by 6 p m.
3. From Richmond by Goochland ch. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p m—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a m.
4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middletown, Harrisburg, Carlisle and Shippensburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 p m, & arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p m—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a m, and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p m.
5. From Chambersburg by McConnellsburg, Bedford, Somerset & Greensburg to Pittsburg three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p m, and arrive at Pittsburg on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday by 10 a m—Returning, Leave Pittsburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 8 p m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, & to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master-general. General Post-Office, Dec. 18—tf14
AGREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—HOUSES and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
Pursuant to an order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold, at Public Sale, at his late dwelling, in Prince George's county, on Thursday the 18th day of February next,
A Part of the Personal Estate of Zachariah Baldwin, deceased, consisting of all kinds of Stock, Plantation Utensils, a quantity of Corn and Corn Fodder, Household and Kitchen Furniture, with many other articles too numerous to mention. The terms of sale are nine months credit, the purchasers giving bond, with approved security, and interest from the day of sale. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. HENRY CULVER, Adm'r. January 29—w3t
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trailgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duffil blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8 4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damas k scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Bo do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4 4 7 8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c.
ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars.
T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
STRAYED on Saturday the 30th inst. a BLACK HORSE, with a white mark on one side of his nose & on the forehead; the dock long; but the hair at the end of it cut short; off foot behind white. Whoever will deliver him to the owner shall receive FIVE Dollars Reward. Apply at the house of Mr. ERSKINE, the British Minister. February 5—3t
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanglets and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory.
Four or five good Journeymen wanted, who will find constant employ. November 27—tf
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c. THE Subscriber having recently received a supply of European Garden Seeds, &c. which added to the various sorts saved by him the last summer, makes his assortment extensive and which are for sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO: HOLT. Washington city, Jan. 11—w
In pursuance of a de. of trust, dated on the 17th day of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, from Isidore Hardey, of Prince George's county, Maryland, to John Francis Hardey, will be exposed to Public Sale, on the premises, on Tuesday the first day of March next, if fair, and if not, the first fair day thereafter,
ALL those two Tracts or Parts of Tracts or Parcels of Land, lying and being in Prince George's county, called Gardner's Meadows and Tyler's Advantage, containing 330 acres. These lands are encumbered with the right of dower, and will be sold for cash. The above tracts of land are situated about 5 miles from Piscataway, in Prince George's county, and are tolerably well improved. A more minute description is deemed unnecessary, as those who wish to purchase will view the premises, either on or before the day of sale. RICHARD B. GARDINOR, Adm'r of John F. Hardey. January 29—tMar.
FOR SALE. THE Two story BRICK HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shewn it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
STRAYED or STOLEN FROM the city of Washington, the following HORSES, viz. a jet black MARE with a long bushy mane and tail, about 14 hands 3 inches high, rising 7 years old, trots and canters; she was taken away about the last of August. Likewise a Bay HORSE, dark mane and tail, about 15 hands high, limps very much in one of his hind legs, 9 years old next spring—he was taken away about the first of September last. Also, a dark Bay MARE with a black mane and tail, about 15 hands high, trots and canters, when rode and checked with the bridle carries her head very high. The said mare was carried away about the first of December last. I cannot be very accurate as to the description as they were not long in my custody. I will give 20 dollars for apprehending the person or persons respectively that stole said horses, and 15 dollars for each by delivering them to the subscriber residing in the city of Washington. FRANCIS JENKINS. February 1—w3t
IN CHANCERY, January 25, 1808. Thomas Beall, of Samuel, Thomas, John, Benjamin, Joseph, and Richard Foster, and Isaac Van Meter, vs. George, William, Richard, Ann, and Sarah Mason, and Jared Hooe, and Elizabeth, his wife.
THE object of the bill filed in this cause is to obtain the conveyance of a tract of land, lying in Allegany county, called The Welshman's Conquest, which Thomas Beall, of Samuel, as attorney in fact for George Mason, deceased, contracted to sell to John Foster, by bond of conveyance, bearing date on the 24th day of February, 1787. The bill states that the defendants reside out of the state.
It is thereupon upon motion of the complainants ordered and adjudged, that they cause a copy of this order to be inserted once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, in the District of Columbia, before the 27th day of February next, to the intent that the absent defendants may have notice of the present application and the object of the bill filed, and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the 27th day of June next, to show cause (if any they have) why a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy. Test, NICH. BREWER, w3t Reg. Cur. Can. February 3.
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. THE Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY.
N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be exposed to Public Sale, on Thursday the 18th of February next, at the dwelling house of the late capt. Hezekiah Wheeler,
ALL the Personal Property of the deceased, consisting of Negroes, Horses, Oxen, Sheep, Cattle, and Hogs, Household and Kitchen Furniture, a Waggon and Cart. Part of the above property will be sold under certain restrictions made known on the day of sale. Six months credit, with interest from the day of Sale, the purchaser or purchasers giving bond, with approved security. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock. HEZEKIAH WHEELER, Executor. January 25—
All persons having claims against the above estate, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the first day of April next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. H W
I WISH TO SELL, about 20 acres of LAND, adjoining George-town, with the following improvements: a new framed dwelling 40 feet cellar under the whole, 5 rooms and a piazza on the first floor, stone kitchen 18 by 24, a wash house 14 by 16, smoke house, stable and carriage house, also, paled yard and garden, there are a number of young fruit trees beginning to bear, and 6 or 7 acres in clover. I believe this place as healthy as the Alleghany mountain, and perhaps second to none for a country seat; for although about three quarters of a mile from Georgetown market, yet by reason of a deep valley between it and town it is rendered very private, and the road good; the prospect commanding and variegated.
As I wish to improve near the Ropewalk, I would sell this place low. RICH. PARROTT. Georgetown, December 14—wMh
WAS committed to the jail of Cecil county, on the 2d inst. on suspicion of being a runaway, a Negro Man, who calls himself PHILIP, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, a very dark complexion; he had on when he was committed a woolen hat, linsey-woolsey jacket and trowsers. He says he was sold by John Tyler, near Frederick Town, to Mr. Crown. The owner of said Negro is requested to come forward within 60 days and pay all legal costs and charges, otherwise he will be sold out agreeably to law. JO. BAXTER, Sheriff of Cecil county. Elkton, January 20—w9t
NOTICE. The sale of property for tax due the Corporation of Washington, which was advertised for Friday last, is postponed until the second Friday in February next, at 11 o'clock A. M. at the City Treasurer's Office. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City. Jan. 13—2wts.
Treasury Department, Registers' Office, June 5th, 1807. Notice is hereby given,
THAT, in conformity with the provision of the act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the Treasury on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription land on the books of the treasury.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above-mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above-mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par; in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOSEPH NOURSE, Reg. of the Treasury NOTE—Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six per cent. stock.
If subscribed between the 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 64 37 — Between the 1st Jan. and 14th March 1808 619 03 — Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st Oct. 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78 — If subscribed between the 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62 — Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808, 831 42 — Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October 1807, and 1st January 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock, will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six. June 8—wqm.
A RUNAWAY. COMMITTED to my custody as a runaway on Friday the 9th day of November last, a negro man who says his name is GEORGE, that he was formerly the property of William Alexander, Virginia, by him was sold to a Mr. Robertson of Ohio, from whom he escaped when on his way home, about the first of October last. He is a well made fellow about 6 feet high, rather tawney complexion, about 25 years old; his clothing when committed was a round grey cloth jacket, home made trowsers and osnabrigs shirt; his owner is desired to take him away or he will be sold agreeably to law for prison fees and other expenses. NOTLEY MADDOX, sheriff of Prince Georges county, Md. January 11—wtf
This is to give notice, that the subscriber has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Thomas H. Hanson, late of Prince George's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the 17th of June next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. THOMAS G. ADDISON, Adm'r. December 23—w2m