The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1799-02-11 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 42.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME 1.]
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1799.
Interesting Documents.
MR. GERRY'S COMMUNICATIONS.
[Continued from the last Gazette.]
On the 3d of April I received the minister's note, No. 3, and apprehended that he proposed to draw me into a negotiation, notwithstanding my resolution to the contrary, I sent him an answer on the 4th of April, (No. 4) to which he made no reply.
On the 20th of April, considering the unpleasant situation in which I was placed, detached from the other Envoys, destitute of power to negotiate, irreconcilable to an application for it, and even to an acceptance of it, if offered, I addressed to the minister the letter No. 5, urged him to come forward with propositions for a reconciliation, and to release me from my confinement.
At our next interview, on the 28th of April, the minister informed me, that he could not comply with my proposals; not knowing the views of the United States, in regard to a treaty. To remove this obstacle I gave the information, and in the fullest extent to the claims of the American citizens against France, but I was silent with respect to the guaranty of the eleventh article of the treaty of alliance, and to what relates to the Barbary powers; and left it with him, in the first instance, to provide for a liberal commerce to the French colonies in the East and West Indies, and to express the views of France in regard to the proposed treaty. We afterwards conferred on the necessity of sending a French minister to the United States; & he promised, to deliver me, within three or four days the project of a treaty. On the evening of the 12th May, Mr. Humphreys arrived, and delivered me your letter of the 23d March; which, the next morning, was deciphered. Our government could not then have been apprized of the new state of affairs; but as it had been, "that suspence was ruinous," I thought myself authorized to give immediate information to the minister of foreign affairs, that I should return to America in the Sophia, as soon as she could be fitted for the sea; and that it was necessary to expedite the measures we had contemplated, for effecting a treaty. The Executive Directory, as well as the minister, had, it was said, during the three preceding weeks, been indispensably occupied by the new elections; and these being finished, they could now proceed on American affairs: had the latter required more time than I had allotted for them, I was determined to have detained the Sophia a short period, rather than to have defeated the proposed arrangements. This I considered as my duty; for whilst the government manifested in their instructions, a just indignation at the treatment which their envoys had received, it evinced a disposition to peace; and as far as I could judge, the same temper now existed on the part of France.
On the 24th May, the minister sent the principal secretary of his bureau to inform me, that his government did not wish to break the British treaty; but expected in the new treaty, such provisions as would indemnify France, and put her on a footing with that nation: to this I answered, that the information gave me pleasure, that it was impossible for the United States, by violating that treaty, to become perfidious; that the treaty itself was an evidence of their good faith, inasmuch as it contained a provision, "that it should not be construed or operate, contrary to former and existing public treaties, with other sovereigns or states;" that, if in its construction or operation, France had sustained injuries, still she was sure of redress by the provisions thereof, as well as by her own treaty with the United States; and that the latter ensured to her an extension of favours, in regard to commerce & navigation, if any such had been granted in Great Britain.
He said, there was a second point which respected the claims of American citizens on the French Republic; that if the latter should not be able to pay them, when adjusted, and the U. S. would assume and pay them, France would reimburse the amount thereof. To this I answered, that the measure was impossible; but, that the claims might be adjusted, funded and made transferable by France; and be redeemed, pursuant to such stipulations, as might be agreed on between the two governments.
He then stated a third point, which respected the consular convention. I answered, that perhaps it would be best, as its duration would be short, to let it expire. But if the present war should soon terminate, and commerce revive in France, it may be well to revise it in order to prevent further disputes, respecting the evidence for apprehending deserters, the judicial officers for issuing warrants, and the mode of executing consular decisions & stating at the same time, that no even tribunal could ever be admitted within the jurisdiction of the United States. The secretary reported the conference and informed me the next morning, that the minister would
send me his answer, in writing, in a few days.
On the 26th May, I had a conference with the minister, the substance of which is stated in my letter, No. 24. Having pressed on this, as well as former occasions, the necessity of sending a minister to the United States, he now readily acceded to it: this would have enabled France to relax from any stipulations, which she might have urged there, but which might be found by her minister in the U. S. to endanger the treaty.
In this state were affairs on the 27th May, when I was called on by one of the gazettes, which announced the publication of our dispatches, to deny their authenticity. Having reason to suppose, that the result of this new embarrassment, if not pacific, would be very violent, I prepared for the event; being obliged to abide the consequences.
On the 30th May, I received from the Minister his letter No. 6, and returned for answer No. 7. In this I repeated, what was published in our dispatches, that X. and Y. had not produced a document of any kind, for authorizing their conference with us. I was not disposed to accuse or exculpate the French government, or Minister: the latter had disavowed the intrigues, as they were styled, and they in their conferences with us had declared, that they were not authorized by the government, the matter was therefore left with the public, as it had been referred to their tribunal.
On the 1st of June, the minister sent me his letter No. 8, and I desired to know of the bearer, why application was again made to me for the names of the intrigues, when they could be otherwise ascertained. He answered, that he believed, by the exertions of the bureau and of the police of the city, the names were discovered; and he mentioned them to me. But he added, that matters had become very serious; that the Directory expected something from me, in confirmation of this discovery; that this was the use which would be made of my letters; and that the Minister did not wish for any declaration from me, but what should be perfectly consistent with truth. I assured him that no extremity should produce from me any other declaration, and sent the minister, my letter No. 10. In this I guarded against the publication, on my authority, of the names thus communicated; and did justice to certain individuals, who being suspected, were nevertheless innocent.
On the 7th June, the publication No. 35, appeared in the Redacteur. In this, contrary to assurances received, I was made to act a very conspicuous part; and was attacked under a thin veil of insidious compliments: the cause thereof was the detail, in the dispatches, of my particular conferences. The next day, I prepared a letter to the minister, for detecting the artifices, and correcting the abuses, of that curious performance. But having considered, that it might open a door to altercation and delay if not defeat the great object in view; or produce a mere disavowal of the anonymous publication, which afterwards was made in No. 21, I suppressed the letter, and on the 10th of June addressed to him No. 13, in this availing myself of the pacific declaration contained in the strictures, I urged the expedition of pacific measures, as a requisite to their success.
On the 11th of June, I received from the minister No. 14, in which, as he had informed my secretary, he revived the disagreeable subject of the dispatches; and he concluded, by formally demanding whether I was in a situation to treat? Every circumstance concurs now to prove, that the dispatches had excited the resentment of the minister against the government as well as myself; and had changed his plan in regard to the United States.
On the 13th June, I answered that letter by No. 15, and on the 20th received a reply No. 16. In this the minister, in lieu of the proposed plan of a treaty, presented a general plan of negotiation: notwithstanding as he stated it, "my persevering to think my powers were inadequate," & "the most irritating provocations;" by the first "point" of this plan, a door would have been opened to endless alterations, respecting the supposed abuse of the French government, by private writings, public acts of the United States, official letters, and the dispatches of the Envoys; by the second point, the sense of the treaties was to be fixed, and the rights flowing therefrom, were to be established; and by the third point, the damages of deviations from the treaties were to be examined: He then stated, that "every general instructions" were necessary for the negotiations; & proposed that I should apply for them: very general indeed must the first instructions have been, to have negotiated such a plan as this and it was impossible to view it in any other light than that of an evasion of the arrangements proposed. It was easy to have pointed out the misinterpretations and misrepresentations: as well as the impolicy of the plan, but I was under the necessity of avoiding this, or of entering into a formal negotiation. To allure me into it, was probably the object of the minister? for soon afterwards, he invited me to discuss in writing some articles of the second point. In my answer the 22d June (No.
17.) I merely observed, that "if he conceived a reconciliation would be best promoted by his mode only, I sincerely wished it success."
On the 29th of June, I received the minister's letter No. 19; and in which after relaxing from the first point of his general plan, and suggesting that the third would not meet with much difficulty, as soon as the second should be amicably adjusted; he for the first time proposed that I should discuss in writing, some articles of the treaty, comprised under the second point. Nearly three months had then elapsed since I had declared I could only confer with him informally on the objects of the mission; nearly two months since he was informed of the views of the United States in regard to a treaty, and had promised to come forward in a few days with the project thereof, and six weeks since I had apprised him of my intention to embark in the Sophia. As then a compliance with his wishes would have given a sanction not only to his departure from the plan we had agreed on for forming an arrangement; but also to the measure adopted by his Government, of accrediting at pleasure the whole or a part only of a commission; and as I had frequently demanded my passport by letters, as well as by my secretary, I passed in silence his proposition for discussion, as a measure he well knew was inadmissible, and urged in my letter of the first of July (No. 20) in a more decided tone, the demand for the passport &c.
On the 5th July, not having received an answer to my last, I called on the minister, to know the cause of his detaining my passport; and to give him an opportunity before my departure, of removing the obstacles to a plan of pacification. He began by observing that in a note accompanying his last letter, he had stated two points respecting the consular convention, expecting that I would discuss them, as he had done, but I had not taken any notice of them; that I had said I had no powers—He had powers; and of consequence, I should not compromise my state, whilst he would compromise his: "That I might take the discussion to the United States, and my Government might judge of it; that when my colleagues were here the Government could not treat with them; that when they were sent off, it was ready to treat with me; that altho' I had no powers I might send for them; or remaining there might give my government an opportunity of sending other ministers, if I did not choose to proceed in the business; that in this, there would be no responsibility on my part; that there were but a few points for discussion, which might soon be finished; and that if a war was the consequence of my leaving the country, it would be chargeable to me. To which I replied, that the last proposition of the Directory for me to treat, was one which I had before rejected; that in April last, he knew I would only confer on the subjects of the mission, and made the objection to the measure; that on the 29th June, after my baggage was on board, and I was ready to embark, he first proposed a discussion in writing, of the articles of the treaty; that I considered this, however qualified, as a formal mode of negotiation, which I had uniformly declined; that had he brought forward, as he had proposed, the plan of a treaty, and in it comprised the articles which I had stated, we might have passed on it expeditiously, and might have made it acceptable to both Governments; that the most important part might have been first considered and if not adjusted, might have precluded the necessity of passing on the rest; that in addition to the objection already stated to his mode, it commenced with the consular convention, which would soon expire; that should we agree on this, and on the lesser points of the commercial treaty, he may reserve to the last the weighty articles thereof; and falling in these, we might waste several months, by a fruitless negotiation; that should we unite in all the points which he has suggested, his mode of discussion would require several months; that the loss of time, by these or other means, might compromise the Government of the United States, and myself likewise; that if a war should be the consequence of his departing from the plan we had agreed on, for obtaining a treaty, he would be chargeable as the cause of it.—The minister said the mode he had proposed was generally adopted by France. I replied the other was not unusual, and in the present case was preferable, if not indispensable; he observed that the notes which I had lent him, respecting the views of the United States, were informal. I answered, it was true, but that I would remove that difficulty: He then proposed the 7th July for another interview, but afterwards put it off till the ninth. On the 6th I reduced the notes to form for constituting a part of the treaty.
On the 9th of July I called on the minister; and he enquired whether I had received his letter of that morning; I answered in the negative, and desired to know the contents; he replied, a discussion of two other points of the consular convention; of which I want your opinion in writing. I informed him, that I had stated the views of the United States without discussion, & expected the same from him on the part of France: that when this was done, I would proceed to a conference on each point, but not to an
epistolary discussion; that such a mode would require, of diligent negotiation, three months, and with his engagements, double that time: He said, no; that it would not require as much time as I had conceived; that there were at most but six other points. On your side, I replied, but many on ours. He answered, "pas d'avantage," none besides. I said that I was glad to hear it; but to such a discussion as he proposed, I should prefer treating effectually. Some of the conversation was repeated which we had on the 7th, and I renewed my demand for the passport. He answered, that my refusal to discuss must first be given in writing, and we parted.—This is the substance of the two interviews.
On the same day, I received the letter mentioned at the interview, (No. 21.) dated the 18th Messidor, (6th July) in which, speaking of his general plan in No. 16, he says "but it is not sufficient to send these propositions to your government—they are only the basis of discussions, necessary on each question of detail: the solution of which, we ought to find," although, in the last mentioned number, he had said in reference to them, "I am persuaded that you will transmit to your government exact documents: it will be its province, to take the best measures for accomplishing a speedy, reconciliation." In the letter first mentioned, the minister also observed, "I have apprised you, that it would be inconvenient to charge with this discussion, a minister Plenipotentiary at Philadelphia. Circumstances have rendered this inconvenience more serious; and I do not conceal from you, that after the arrival of the dispatches and other intelligence from the United States, the Executive Directory apprehended if a Minister was sent there, that he would not be accredited; and that overtures, or any plan unaccompanied by a minister, would meet a similar fate.
On the 10th July, in my letter No. 22, I refused an epistolary discussion; and demanded a definitive answer to my application for a passport and other documents.
On the 15th July I received the minister's letter of the 24th Messidor, (the 12th July) No. 23, in which he appeals to me, for the truth of his assertion, "that if nothing bad prevented me from pursuing with him, the examination of the grievances which separate the two countries, we should have needed nothing more than their respective ratifications." Before the arrival of the dispatches of the envoys, the minister appeared to me sincere, and anxious to obtain a reconciliation. He had proposed by his secretary, an assumption of debts due to American citizens, which I rejected: but he had made no other proposition of a loan whatever; and never renewed that. Indeed his views in general, as far as I could then ascertain them, were liberal in regard to a treaty: it is nevertheless impossible for me to determine whether we should have united in opinion, on every point of dispute between the two republics. I had a full expectation, that by the middle of June at farthest, we should have agreed on the plan of a treaty, and that a French minister would have been sent to America for completing it. I was likewise informed of the candidate: but after the arrival of the dispatches, although the minister, in the name of the Executive Directory, declared that they persevered in their pacific intentions, he probably for the reasons stated in explaining No. 21, abandoned the plan we had at first agreed on, substituted a general plan of negotiation, discussed some articles thereof in writing, and insisted, contrary to stipulations, on my answering him in the same mode. At this period, a reconciliation being quite problematical, one of his objects evidently was, to prepare materials for a manifesto, in the event of a war, to shew that it was matter of necessity and not of choice. He says "that after the arrival of the Sophia, I was disposed to depart; t'l that time, he had never conceived that I had a design to embark before we should have agreed on the definitive articles, to be ratified by my government."—Before and after the arrival of the Sophia, I had announced my intention to embark early in June; conceiving that the arrangements might be made by that period. I had no design, however, of departing before they were completed; provided, there had been no reason to doubt of the minister's disposition, or of the success of our endeavours, for obtaining a reconciliation. His general conduct would have been the criterion of the first, and our progress in this business, of the last point; but having abandoned our original plan, he has not given me an opportunity to judge effectually of either.
On the 20th July, I sent the minister No. 24, and received on the 22d, his reply, No. 25. In this he declines a contest in regard to the facts stated by me in No. 24, which I was ready to support; he complains of my proposition for lopping from any future negotiation, every preliminary of a loan, and of explanations upon speeches; and refers to his letter of the 30th of Prairial, No. 16, to prove that this step was unnecessary. But although the first point of his plan in that letter I silent on these demands, they might as I conceived, be hereafter revived and were for this reason brought again into view: by these means they were effectually renounced.

The minister, having the day before I left Paris, published his letter, No. 23, rendered necessary the publication of my answer, No. 24, and the note No. 26, as a preliminary thereto.
On the 8th of August, I received at Havre, the Minister's letter, No. 27, to which No. 28, is an answer; the former contained the arrete No. 29; and his desire to send it by the Sophia, probably produced the official impediments which for several days prevented her sailing. The minister is unwilling to admit that the arrete was the effect of my representations: I believe there is no doubt of the fact; but it is a matter of little consequence.
No. 30 and 31, will show that Mr. Hautval in his letter to the Minister, relative to our first interview, committed some errors, and candidly corrected them.
No. 32 and 33, require no explanation. No. 34, will show the object of the Dutch Minister in his conference with me, & requires no comment, I was before informed that this gentleman, if requested, would interpose his good offices; but did not think it proper to make the application.
No. 35, has already been the subject of some general remarks.
To No. 9, a verbal answer was sent by the Minister, that the letters and dispatches therein mentioned, "had never reached the government."
On the 26th of July, I left Paris; and from the best information which I could obtain relative to the disposition of the Executive Directory (for I never had direct communication with them) they were very desirous of a reconciliation between the two republics. Every impediment to my departure had been adopted by the French Minister; and he would have prevented it, had he succeeded in his plan of an epistolary discussion: his object was, as I conceived, to gain time for ascertaining, whether the United States were then disposed to a treaty: of this he manifested doubts being persuaded that their resentment was too great to admit of it. He seemed also to apprehend, that in consequence of the incredible exertions of Great Britain, and the unequivocal evidence she had given of her ability to defend herself, they were inclined to avenge their injuries, by an alliance with her; and that should France come forward with overtures, or the plan of a treaty, she would fail therein, and compromise her honor. I was nevertheless of opinion, that should France be just and liberal in her measures, the government of the United States would still meet her on the ground of accommodation. My judgment was the result of their instructions; for I had never received any other official intelligence since my departure from America: I have therefore uniformly inculcated that sentiment.
Having been thus in a situation, wherein, amidst a series of events, each has been productive of fresh embarrassments, I have pursued what to me appeared the honor, interest and welfare of my country, and been guided by the sense of the government, as far as I could ascertain it.
If the door is still open to peace, the establishment of it must be an happy event to the United States, as it will exempt them from calamities, which notwithstanding delusive appearances, will with short intervals probably continue for half a century, to exhaust and depopulate Europe.
But if the national pulse beats high for war, and the wise and constitutional councils of the United States shall consider it as the only safe and honorable alternative, may that Omnipotent Being, who controuls events, protect them; and may they commence the war with ardour, continue it with vigour, and terminate it with glory. That this will be the issue there can be no doubt, whilst the American Republic shall choose UNION for her motto; and profiting by the misfortunes of other nations, shall be convinced that discord will insure dependence, and concord independence in war and peace.
I shall probably when at leisure, give you some other details of less consequence, and in the interim remain Sir, with much esteem and respect, your very humble servant, E. GERRY.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, Esq; Secretary of State of the United States.
[The Secretary's Report, &c. will be published as fast as the limits of the paper will admit.]
NATIONAL CONCERNS.
LEGISLATURE of the UNION.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 23.
SEVERAL bills passed thro' various stages.
A bill for the government of the Navy, was read and committed.
Mr. Smith reported a resolution respecting the augmentation of the salaries of the officers employed in the Executive Department of the United States.
A bill for the relief of sick and destitute seamen in foreign countries passed to be enacted.
A committee was raised to report a bill for the relief and protection of American seamen.
The bill suspending all intercourse with France was discussed, but no definitive question taken.
The Senate communicated information of the death of Henry Tazewell, Esq; late member of that honorable body.—The house voted to attend the funeral.
JAN. 24.
A petition against the Alien and Sedition Laws from Suffolk county (N. Y.) was read.
The bill suspending Commercial Intercourse with France was amended & ordered to be engrossed.
JAN. 25.
Mr. S. Smith's resolution respecting the augmentation of Executive Salaries was referred to the committee of Ways and Means. Yeas 55. Nays 33.
The Naval Committee was instructed to report on the necessary augmentation of the marine corps.
Message from the President.
The following message was received from the President to Congress.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
An Edict of the Executive Directory of the French Republic of the 29th of October, 1798, inclosed in a letter from our minister plenipotentiary in London of the 16th of November is of so much importance that it cannot be too soon communicated to you and the public.
JOHN ADAMS.
January 28, 1799.
Extract of a Letter from Rufus King, Esq; Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at London, to the Secretary of State, dated Nov. 16, '98.
"The annexed arrete would appear extravagant and incredible, if it proceeded from any other authority: but mankind is so accustomed to the violence and injustice of France, that we almost cease to express our surprise and indignation at the new instances that she continues to display."
[TRANSLATION.]
Decree of the Executive Directory, of Oct. 29, 1798.
The Executive Directory, upon the report of the Minister of Foreign Relations, considering that the Fleets, Privateers, and Ships of England and Russia are in part equipped by foreigners.
Considering that this violation is a manifest abuse of the rights of nations, and that the powers of Europe have not taken any measures to prohibit it. Decrees,
1st. Every individual, native (ou originaire) of friendly countries, allied to the French Republic or neutral, bearing a commission, granted by the enemies of France, or making part of the crews of ships of war and others, enemies, shall be by this single fact declared a pirate, and treated as such, without being permitted in any case to allege that he had been forced into such service, by violence, threats or otherwise.
2d. The Executive Directories of the Batavian, Ligurian, Cisalpine and Roman Republics shall be instructed to this effect.
3d. The provisions contained in the first article shall be notified to those powers which are neutral or allied to the French Republic.
4th. The Minister of Exterior Relations is charged with the execution of the present arrete which shall be printed in the Bulletin of the laws.
(Signed) TRIELHARD, President.
Progress of the American Navy.
TUESDAY, JAN. 29.
On motion of Mr. Josiah Parker, the House went into a committee of the whole on the Report of the Navy Committee, Mr. Rutledge in the chair; and after some discussion, the committee rose, and reported the following resolutions, which were adopted by the House:
1. Resolved, That two Docks be established in the United States, and that 50,000 dollars be appropriated therefor.
2. Resolved, That 100,000 dollars be appropriated for the purchase of Timber, to be used or preserved for the building ships or vessels of war of the United States.
3. Resolved, That the Navy of the United States be augmented by a number not exceeding six, of ships of war, to carry not less than 74 guns, to be built within the United States and a number not exceeding six, of sloops of war, carrying not less than 18 guns, to be built or purchased within the United States and that a sum not exceeding one million of dollars be appropriated therefor.
4. Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be authorised by law, to augment the number of guns on board any ship now in service, or building, above the number it may be rated at, and that 35,000 dollars be appropriated for that purpose.
5. Resolved, That the President of the United States, shall be authorised to take on the Navy establishment, such of the Revenue Cutters now in service, as may be in his opinion fit for foreign service.
No opposition was made to these resolutions; and the whole were referred to the select committee who reported them, to bring in a bill or bills accordingly.
Latest Foreign News.
Received at Newyork, by the British Packet Chesterfield.
From the LONDON GAZETTE, of Nov. 20.
British Manifesto.
Downing Street, Nov. 20.
A DECREE having been published by the French Directory, declaring that all persons natives of or originally belonging to neutral country or countries in alliance with France, who may form a part of the crews of any of the king's ships of war, or any other British vessels, shall be considered and treated as pirates; his majesty has directed it to be signified to the commissary for the French prisoners in G. Britain, that if this decree shall, in any instance, be carried into effect against any such persons taken in any vessel the property of his majesty, or of his majesty's subjects, and navigated under the British flag, it is his majesty's determination to exercise the most rigorous retaliation against the subjects of the French Republic, whom the chance of war has now placed, or may hereafter place at the king's disposal.
[The above important article, alludes to the the Arrete of the 29th October, as contained in the President's message to Congress. See preceding column.]
British Parliament.
HOUSE OF LORDS—November 20.
His Majesty went with his usual state to the House of Lords, and being seated on the throne, summoned the House of Commons to attend the royal presence. As soon as they were arrived, his majesty opened the Parliament with the following most GRACIOUS SPEECH from the Throne:
MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, THE events which have taken place in the course of the present year, and the signal success which, by the blessing of Providence, has attended my arms, have been productive of the happiest consequences, and have essentially promoted the prosperity and glory of our country.
The unexampled series of our naval triumphs has received fresh splendour from the memorable and decisive action in which a detachment of my fleet, under the command of Rear-Admiral Nelson, attacked and almost totally destroyed a superior force of the enemy, strengthened by every advantage of situation. By this great and brilliant victory, and enterprise of which the injustice, perfidy and extravagance had fixed the attention of the world, and which was peculiarly directed against some of the most valuable interests of the British Empire, has in the first instance been turned to the confusion of its authors; and the blow thus given to the power and influence of France has afforded an opening, which, if improved by suitable exertions on the part of other powers, may lead to the general deliverance of Europe.
The wisdom and magnanimity displayed at this conjuncture by the Emperor of Russia, and the decision and vigor of the Ottoman Porte, have shown that those powers are impressed with a just sense of the present crisis; and their example, joined to the disposition manifested almost universally in the different countries struggling under the yoke of France, must be a powerful encouragement to other states, to adopt that vigorous line of conduct which experience has proved to be alone consistent with security or honor.
The extent of our preparations at home, and the demonstrations of zeal and spirit among all ranks of my subjects, have deterred the enemy from attempting to execute their vain threat of invading the coast of this kingdom.
In Ireland, the rebellion which they had instigated, has been curbed and repressed—the troops which they landed for its support, have been compelled to surrender; and the armaments since destined for the same purpose, have by the vigilance and activity of my squadrons, been captured or dispersed. The views and principles of those, who, in concert with our inveterate enemy, have long planned the subversion of our constitution, have been detected and exposed, and their treason made manifest to the world—Those whom they had misled or seduced, must now be awakened to their duty; and a just sense of the miseries and errors which these traitorous designs have produced, must impress on the minds of all my faithful subjects, the necessity of continuing to repel with firmness every attack on the laws and established government of their country.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons, Under the unavoidable pressure of protracted war, it is a great satisfaction to me to observe that the produce of the public revenue has proved fully adequate to the increase of our permanent expenditure; that the national credit has been maintained and improved, and that the commerce and industry of my subjects have continued to flourish in a degree hitherto unknown.
The situation in which we are placed, unhappily renders the continuance of heavy expenses indispensable to the public safety; but the state of our resources, and the good sense and public spirit which prevails through every part of my kingdom, will, I trust enable you to provide the necessary supplies without any essential inconvenience to my people, and with as little addition as possible to the permanent burdens of the state. The progress made towards such a system, by the measures adopted in the last session, and the aid given to public credit by the plan for the redemption of the land tax have been attended with the most beneficial effects, which you will I am persuaded omit no opportunity to confirm and improve.
My Lords and Gentlemen, I rely with confidence on the continuance of your exertions, to enable me ultimately to conclude the great contest in which we are engaged to a safe and honorable conclusion.
We have surmounted many and great difficulties—our perseverance in a just cause has been rewarded with distinguished success, and our present situation, compared with that of other countries, sufficiently proves how much in a period of general danger and calamity, the security and happiness of the British nation have depended (under the blessing of Providence) on its own constancy, its energy and its virtue.
LONDON, NOV. 27.
No peace from Rastadt. The war-like preparations still continue to prevail. The Russian armies are advancing towards Italy, with rapidity.
NOV. 29. An expedition against the coast of France, is preparing at the isle of Wight.
DEC. 1. The affairs of Ireland wear the aspect of tranquility. Tone has died of his wounds. The Government forces in Ireland, amount to 250,000 men.
BUONAPARTE.
At the last dates, (Oct 12) Buonaparte was still at Cairo, but his advanced corps were 60 miles further up the
Nile, and Gen. Bertheir advanced with a strong force towards Syria. No actions of moment have taken place.—He has organized the government of Egypt on the French model. Twenty of the French Neapolitan transports attempted to sail from Alexandria, but were burnt by Capt. Hood, and the crews sent back.—Capt. Hood has succeeded in cutting eight transports out of Damietta:—they were part of a fleet of 25 vessels, convoyed by three frigates, arrived from Toulon, with supplies. The transports, had not been destroyed in Alexandria, from want of troops.
Advices from India, over-land mention that every thing was quiet, & that there were no appearances of any extraordinary preparations on the part of Tippoo Saib.
We learn from Spain, that the Court has put into execution a measure of Finances, the idea of which they borrowed from England, but which they have carried to a much greater extent. A Decree has been issued, ordaining that all sums of money locked up either in litigation between individuals, or mortgaged to specific uses, the Unclaimed Dividends on public or private securities, the portions of children, the funds of corporations, and generally all dead and inactive capital of every kind, shall be paid into the hands of Government, who shall allow 3 per cent interest for the use thereof, & shall be bound to pay back the principal when called upon in course of law, and to fulfil all the conditions of the original bequests in cases where funds have been appropriated to particular uses, and where the progress of times object. In this way, we understand Government will be able to lay their hands upon very large sums indeed, many of the incorporated companies having immense mortgaged treasure.
This measure evidently comes from the fruitful brain of some of their new friends, the French Financiers.
Domestic News.
SAVANNAH, JAN. 15.
CAPT. Dawson, arrived here from Martinico, which he left December 23, informs, That reports were current there that Commodore Barry had captured 5 French merchant ships and 2 privateers.
ALEXANDRIA (Virginia) JAN. 24.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of respectability in Richmond, to his friend in this town, dated January 20, 1799.
"The legislature are about passing an appeal to the People in the shape of an address, fraught with the most direful sentiments to the Government of the United States. Times are alarming, civil dissensions, if not actual civil war, may be expected. Nobody can mistake the meaning of Taylor, of Caroline.—He is the prime mover, and is surrounded by those who move pretty much as he directs, One week more, and all their projects will be out. A bill is ordered to be brought into the house, arraying the State's Judges against those of the United States, in cases that may occur under the sedition act, the avowed object of which is to set at liberty any person who shall be prosecuted under that act.
"Taylor's resolutions, which you have seen—Nicholas's substituted in place of those proposed by George K. Taylor—the appeal, or address to the people—and the bill ordered to be brought in, will fill up the measures of hostility, on the part of this state against the United States. The Government of the United States must protect itself, or yield to the force of Virginia. Such open hostility cannot and must not be passed over in silence. Another project is before the house, for arming en masse all the militia of the Commonwealth—this is also the scheme of Taylor and his party—and who can doubt the object? It is not to prepare to defend the nation against a foreign foe, for this party boldly assert, that there is no such danger to be apprehended. What then is the object? The resolutions mentioned, acts contemplated, and the manifesto to the people are the best elucidation."

Communication.
THERE is a pretty infallible way of judging a man's principles, views, and intentions, by the general complexion, or combined expression of what he says, over which he himself is able to throw but a transparent gauze. Great men have a great language, and are known by the comprehensiveness of what they say. But if the art of concealing art were carried so far that no eye could penetrate the truth, yet when the subject is of such a nature as to be explained by coexisting or subsequent events, the extraneous matter will forever detect and expose the best concerted plan that lacks integrity for a basis. I shall proceed with the essays.
ESSAY II.
In nothing, I believe, have all parties indulged themselves so freely as in the use of the word "republic and republican." And truly it is the best word that could be taken for the purpose, for as it respects the form of government it has no meaning at all, either in theory or practice. In sense it signifies the public good, the public business, the public interest, or as we say the common weal; but as to the form of government, whether it be democratic, aristocratic, monarchical, or a combination of these, the word republic is in theory indifferent. And, if I remember, Montesquieu, the great theorist in these things, says that there are both democratic and aristocratic republics. Venice, for instance, was an aristocratic republic, and St. Marino a democratic one; and we may add that the United Provinces and Poland were both styled republics tho' both were monarchies.* To speak truly, till this cabalistic word was used in the late and present contest it was a plain word like honesty, probity, patriotism and the like; but perhaps for that very reason it has been assumed by all parties, till it has come to signify some form of government, or some mode of political existence, tho' no person living can tell what mode it is, or whether it is a shadow or cloud which they are trying to embrace.
I have long been trying to have this difficulty solved, and shall be glad to derive advantage in this respect from the Vice-President's letter. He speaks of "that republican government which carried us thro' the war," by which I take the consideration to be his sense of a republic, and all I can say is, that if it was a republic, it was the first of the kind which ever existed, and makes a new species of that Protean genus, a republic. The Grecian leagues were confederacies, but nobody ever pretended that these confederacies were republics, being merely congresses of such governments, like ours. However, I will not dispute this point—The Vice President is a philosopher, and ought perhaps to have the honor of adding a star to the political firmament. But when he says "the body of our citizens remain firm to republican principles," I am almost tempted to exclaim who the d—doubts it, but restraining myself, because I am now upon enquiry, I can only say that here is one of those cabalistical, unintelligible and nonsensical averments which convey nothing unless it be to some scholar of Mr. Jefferson, some French marauder, or one of THE PARTY.—Why monopolize this word? Is it because it is a watch word, a war-whoop, or a death-song? The clubs had it, the whiskey boys had it, and the French have had it, till it is, like a ridiculous fashion, laid aside, and yet, like sterling gold that will not waste in fire, it is none the worse for the use of honest men, when they shall need it, for such will explain it by their conduct and their intentions.
When Mr. Jefferson says, We have against us (republicans) the Executive, Judiciary, &c. one sees at any rate that the republicans of America are opposed by the government, and how far this will go to explain the sense of this word let us examine, I should suppose the present government of the United States to be as republican (if that means democratic) as Poland or Holland were, and perhaps (if you would not think I sneered) as France now is. What natural abhorrence then is there in our government against republicanism? And what is the republicanism which a republic abhors? I do not see that we can derive much light from this quarter—unless we should presume to infer that these republicans are fanatics of the persuasion that for them at least, no government is best to which may be added—unless they govern.
The word is used no more than three times in the letter; but its pronominal substitute occurs pretty often in the last paragraph, "They would wrest liberty from us (republicans) but we (republicans) shall preserve it." "Our mass, that is the mass of weight and riches of the republicans, is powerful." It is sufficient that we (republicans) guard ourselves—that we (republicans) break the lilliputian ties with which they have bound us (republicans) in the first slumbers which succeeded our labors (the labors of the republicans.) It suffices that we (the republicans) arrest, &c. In all this there is nothing indicative of the thing in question, that is, what is republicanism itself? There is nothing but what might be said as well of a regiment, a club, an insurrection, a minority, a
* This is not quite accurate. With respect to Holland and the States-General are alluded to. But the author is sensible that it was not sufficient to denominate the government.
nest of traitors, or a set of revolutionists to France But this is to be observed, that M. Mazzei had been in Virginia and was now in Europe. How came M. Mazzei to understand so well who the American republicans were, and what were their distinguishing tenets and pursuits, unless they existed as a party when he was in the States, and had been added to his "researches" by his friend Jefferson? The "prodigious change" argues no more than that the Jeffersonian politics did not prosper here; and by no means that Mazzei was a total stranger to their nature, but the very reverse. If this be the case, we shall enquire in vain for the true sense of Republicanism in order to infer the sentiments of Mr. Jefferson and his party—We must reverse the enquiry and discover if we can, the sentiments, yet not the sentiments, but the views, intentions, wishes, interests, and circumstances of the party in order to infer the true nature of Republicanism. For as nobody is republican but they, we can look no where else; and so it is fair to take them at their words, as people who say, "to us we are the republicans!"—Whatever they do, and whatever they justify is republican—at least they are bound to admit it. So that we have found the meaning of the word at last to be (as used by Jefferson) the same in amount and consequence as whig, tory, Guelph, Ghibelline, white rose and red rose, fed and antised , and all the parties that ever have existed. It is indeed for a political moment enveloped in the witchcraft of terror by "the skill" of France, but strip it of this and it will be a cant phrase to conceal a rogue, and much the better for that purpose on account of its being a word that will signify anything or nothing, but which among Americans is received in a good sense.
It is not generally known that in Europe for several centuries, but particularly since the usurpation of Cromwell, the precise signification of this very word is tantamount to that of sedition, rebellion, &c.—The reason is that being used for democracy it signifies a principle inconsistent with the government of one or of the few. But I ask, if in Europe it is so dangerous as to be odious where the people have not their share of authority, how villainous must it be when used in this country where the people have just as much authority as they please, and where there is no danger but from their too officious interference, no hope but in their manly sense? In a republican government what can be the meaning of exclusive, supereminent, and assuming republicans? What but the same as hypocrites in religion, who know the value of the name and use it, but for the worst of purposes?—In the one case as in the other, the man of sense is not deceived by the pretension, but the multitude can hardly escape the snare; and it requires on the part of government in the one case as of the accuser in the other, an immaculate character and an unblemished life to be believed. Nay, experience declares that even these are not sufficient and that we must be indebted to fortune, or I would rather say to providence, for corroborative circumstances, or justice, all plain, unaffected, and simple as she is, would in nine cases out of ten fall a prey to iniquity, forever on its guard, forever designing, and forever at work.
Let not the Jacobin think that a word will save or protect a man in the United States, though that word should be Republican, Vice-president, or Jefferson. The man who insists upon republicanism can have it in the trial of himself. The government is popular—and the people no longer disgrace themselves, if ever they did, (which I fully believe to be a jacobinic falsehood) by considering it as a party, and weighing it indifferently against the opposition. That opposition must now be destroyed—But it will be destroyed by the extinction of its interest to exist, and never by reason or victorious argument. If any sacrifice be necessary, the mildness of our laws is such that it can be only disgrace—let it fall where it ought, upon THE HEAD and not upon the heart, and then let us prize aright that experience which will be the only value received for many millions of money. [To be continued.]
Amusement in Congress Hall.
In the late debate on Mr. Griswold's bill, Citizen Nicholas charged the Federalists with a desire for war, and to prove it quoted some lines of a Connecticut poet, which were intended to depict the scene in Congress Hall when the "Dispatches" from the American Envoys to France were opened, and which follow:
Long had our ministers of peace The insults borne of Gallia's race; At length the envoys deign to tell us, They have to deal with scurvy fellows— With Autun and the five-head beast, And half the alphabet at least. The budget op'd in Congress, show'd The whole contrivance of the brood, And that their heads were bent on brewing Subjection, infamy and ruin. While jay each fed'ral feature crown'd, And triumph glow'd the hall around, Each Jacobin began to stir, And fute as though on chequer tur.
Mr. Dana complained that he did injustice to the poet by mutilating the description, and to complete it added the following lines:
Up the long space from chin to forehead Sits every feature of the horrid; Their noon ey'd leaders flood like beacons, Or as a drove of fuming's deacons, When from the burning lake in ire, They fute their feet on solid fire, To find if war, or fly pollution, Could raise in heaving a revolution.
NEWS FROM LISBON.
Capt. Bates, arrived at Boston on Saturday the 2d inst. in 54 days from Lisbon, on the day of his departure, the American Consul at that place informed him, "That Malta and Gozo, (a small island near Malta) and Minorca, were taken by the British, who also took at the former place, the William Tell, of 80 guns, and Diana and Justice, French frigates of 40 guns each; that the British Pe'erel Sloop of war, had been taken by 3 Spanish frigates near Minorca, and carried into Carthagena; that the Russian and Turkish fleets are blockading up Alexandria, and that the King of Naples, has sent 100,000 men to Rome, under the command of the Austrian Gen. Mack."
A Hamburg paper contains the following paragraph, which may be considered commercially important.—"Stockholm, Nov. 6. The balance of trade is so much against us, that a law against the use of luxuries is issued, and the drinking of coffee totally prohibited."
The celebrated Count Rumford is expected speedily to honor his native country with a visit. His amiable daughter will accompany him.
Report says, that the Isle of France has declared itself independent.
It is said that the house of Barings of London, have made propositions to our executive for advancing the money for the whole of the loan of five millions which it was authorised by a law of the last session to borrow on the credit of the United States. The terms, or whether they will be accepted, are not yet known.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
In the House of Representatives, the Additional Inquest Bill has passed to be enacted.—A bill has been read for raising 133 435 dollars and 13 cents by a General Tax.—A bill providing that the whole business of the Supreme Judicial, now done by the Circular Clerk, shall be performed by the Clerks in the several counties, has been twice read, and Thursday last was assigned for the third reading.—This bill has occasioned much debate.—A bill to divide the county of Lincoln, has been read a first time.
Marine Articles.
Port of Portland.
News has been received from Capt. Fitzgerald, of the Merchant, of this port, from Liverpool, having sprung aleak and bore away for the West Indies.
Capt. Tute, of this port, and Boyington of Wiscasset, were at Barbados, Jan. 4.
The late papers from Charleston, S. C. state that the number of vessels in that port is so small, that very few shipments can be made; and that it would be well for ship owners in the northern States to avail themselves of the circumstance by ordering 50 or 60 square-rigged vessels for that port as an immediate freight could be obtained on good terms.
The ship Washington, Cunningham, arrived at Boston from Leghorn, was attacked in the gut of Gibraltar by a French privateer: they fought half an hour: the Frenchman attempted to board, but the Washington poured a most disheartening broad side into him, when he immediately took French leave.
Capt. Seward of the ship Camilla, of Boston, gave a French privateer, off Lisbon Rock, a good drubbing, & wrested from her a Portuguese prize CHARLESTON, JAN. 11.
Arrived brig Union, William Crabtree, master, in 25 days from Surinam and 12 from St. Thomas of and bound for Portland, but obliged to put into this port in distress, supposed to be caused by the worms, for when the left Surinam she made 300 strokes an hour, and in 20 days, three times that number; when she arrived and for 4 days before, both pumps would hardly keep her free.
NEWLONDON, JAN. 30.
Capt. Thomas Wilson, of the brig Essequibo Packet, from Martinique, has favored the public with the following narrative: "On my outward passage to windward of Martinique, I saw a flogger early in the morning; which gave chase & hoisted English colours. When within half a mile, hauled down the English colours, set the tricoloured flag and fired a shot. I was then convinced what she was, and accordingly prepared to go on board—but feeling disposed to take a few more shots before I gave up, still kept on. They fired another shot after me—which I found was in vain to think of getting clear, as it was early in the morning. I then observed to a gentleman passenger, a British officer, that the jig was up with us; he gave for answer, they would up it in 15 minutes, as there was a heavy squall rising. I told him I saw the squall coming, but that it would not come soon enough to prevent the picaroon from being along side in ten minutes—however I was willing to wait the event, perhaps Divine Providence would fight our battle. The squall arose as it were in an instant, which took her, and she finally upped. and every foul on board perished. I made use of every exertion to save the crew, but all in vain. I then made the best of my way into port, and glad to think we had so narrowly escaped the paws of a pirate! but sorry at the loss of so many lives."
CIRCULATING LIBRARY. All persons having any BOOKS, belonging to JOSEPH WARREN'S Library, are requested to leave them at Mr. STEPHEN PATTEN'S Book-Store. And those who are indebted to said Library are desired to make immediate payment to said PATTEN. Portland, Feb. 4, 1798.
Take Notice.
ALL persons having demands against ICHABOD LARRABEE, late of Cape-Elizabeth, Mariner, deceased are notified to bring in their claims for payment—And all persons indebted, to make payment without delay to JONATHAN LARRABEE. Cape Elizabeth, Jan 16, 1799.
Take Notice.
A FURTHER time of six months from the date hereof, is allowed by the Hon. William Gorham, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to the creditors of the Estate of Thomas Hodges, merchant, deceased, to bring in their claims to the subscriber, who will attend for that purpose, at the store of Woodbury Storer, on Union Wharf, the second Tuesday of this and the five following months, from two to five o'clock, P. M.
Arthur McLellan, Woodbury Storer.
Portland, Feb. 5th, 1799.
The Copartnership of Thomas Simonton & William Frances,
Is this day by mutual consent dissolved, —All persons, therefore, who have any demands upon, or who are indebted to said firm, are desired to apply to THOMAS SIMONTON, for settlement.
T. Simonton, W. Frances.
Portland, Feb. 7th, 1799.
Said Simonton informs his customers and the public, that he carries on the Baking Business, at his bake house in Union-street, where he will be happy to receive their commands.
Take Notice.
THE proprietors or owners of the several lots of unimproved lands in the town of Gray, county of Cumberland and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, hereafter mentioned, are hereby notified that the same are taxed in bills committed to me the subscriber, collector of said town, for the year 1798, to collect, in the following sums, viz.
Table with 4 columns: Lot No., Acres, Tax, and Division. It lists tax assessments for various lots in Gray, categorized by division (First, Second, Third, Fourth).
If no person shall appear to discharge said taxes and all necessary intervening charges, on or before Tuesday the second day of April next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, so much of the said lots of land as shall be sufficient to discharge the same will then be sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder, at the dwelling house of Mr. Joseph Libby, Innholder in said Gray.
Joseph Pennell, Collector.
Gray, Feb. 2, 1799.
FOR SALE, A handsome cover'd Sleigh. Apply to ROBERT BOYD, WHO HAS FOR SALE, Fresh Baltimore fine & superfine Flour, Raisins, and 7 by 9 Hamburg Glass. Jan. 28.
THE COPARTNERSHIP OF M c Cobb & Hill,
Is by mutual consent dissolved. All persons, therefore, who have any demands upon, or who are indebted to said firm, are desired to apply to MARK L. HILL for settlement.
DENNY M c COBB, MARK L. HILL.
Graytown, Nov. 14th, 1798.
TO BE LET, If applied for immediately, A very convenient House, in Back Street—two stories high, with four rooms on the floor, completely finished, with a large wood house, wash house, a barn and garden, with other conveniences.—Inquire of Peter T. Smith, or Wm. Codman. January 26, 1799.
To AMOS HARSEY, Clerk of the Proprietors of a tract of Land lying in the town of Poland, in the county of Cumberland, confirmed to JOHN BRIGHAM, and others, by a Resolves of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts on the first day of February, 1798:
WE the subscribers, being five of the proprietors, judging a proprietors meeting to be necessary, do hereby request you to call a meeting of said proprietors, to be held at the house of Capt. JONATHAN NASH, in said Poland, on Monday the eleventh day of March next, at nine o'clock in the forenoon, to act on the following articles, viz.
1. To choose a Moderator for said meeting. 2. To agree upon a method of coming to a division of the unsettled lands in said grant. 3. To see if they will choose some person as agent to commence such law suits as shall be judged necessary, for and in behalf of said proprietors. 4. To raise such sum or sums of money as they shall judge necessary to defray the charges which have arisen or may arise in said property.
JAMES HARSEY, NOAH HARSEY, BENJAMIN BEAL, SAMUEL POOL, JONATHAN NASH.
In pursuance of the foregoing application, to me directed, I do hereby notify the proprietors of the above described tract of land, to meet at the time and place mentioned in the foregoing application, for the purposes therein expressed. A Dated at Poland, the fourteenth day of January A. D. 1799. AMOS HARSEY, Clerk.

A Novelty!
TO READERS.
AMONG the various matters that compose a periodical publication, it is to be expected that productions of an extraordinary nature will at times creep in, and excite the liveliest interest of those concerned, while they are enigmatical and uninteresting to the public at large. Of this nature is the publication which seems to claim some apology from me:—Much attention has been arrested by the Second Book of Chronicles, published in the Gazette of the 21st ult.—and the extent and severity of the allusions have given rise to much censure upon the author, among those who understood them. And here, justice to myself, impels me to say, that the publication was handed to me, and its insertion repeatedly urged, merely as an answer to a piece of severe satire, in the same style, which appeared in a western paper. I therefore, concluded that it was nothing more than a retort courteous to a little harmless railing; and more especially, as I was unacquainted with the parties, and the piece was declared to be "perfectly innocent!"—Imagine my surprise, then, on discovering the nature, extent, and consequences, of the unfortunate Chronicles!—A whole family brought before the public—a private courtship, with the tête-à-tête and billets-doux of the parties exposed—and female delicacy violated!—But the affair is novel, and perhaps interesting to many of my readers, I still regret being the medium of private concerns to the public—I have repeatedly denied publicity to such productions, altho' accompanied by a list of subscribers, and that powerful incentive, money; and nothing but the reputation of a Lady, would induce me to admit any discussions on this subject.—While I feel the warmest gratitude to my numerous correspondents, for their kind attentions to the welfare of my paper, I cannot bestow any thanks on those who involve me in such puerile affairs. THE EDITOR.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. JENKS,
To your impartiality, to your attachment to truth, but especially to your sensibility for the honor of female worth assailed by brutal hands, I appeal for a prompt insertion of the following detail of facts.
To the public ear, I am conscious, the recital of private wrongs ought not, in ordinary cases, to be admitted. My apology for the violation of this rule is found in your GAZETTE of the 21st Jan. in a production entitled The Second Book of Chronicles. Of this production I have not a word to say; it lies in its nakedness under the public eye. My design is to furnish, by a series of well known facts, the materials from which may be formed a just estimate of the disposition, the conduct, and the character of the person whom those facts respect. Willing to stand exposed in my own proper name, I shall not hesitate to introduce that of P. O. Alden, Esq. as the subject of the history I am about to disclose.
I beg leave from a motive of delicacy to distinguish the lady by the name of Etai. In the summer of '97, Etai made a visit at Brunswick. Mr. A. soon discovered a marked partiality for her which appeared daily to increase, and which was followed by a constant round of that kind of attentions, which nothing short of a real attachment can ever justify. In a word, by his conversation and conduct he led every one to believe, that he felt this attachment, and wished for a union with its object. Two part-cula declarations from himself shall be produced. In a journey which he made for the express purpose of visiting Etai, he lodged at the house of a relation of the family. The gentleman took the liberty to ask the following familiar questions:—Mr. A. do you intend to live another year unmarried? No replied Mr. A. Well, you will excuse my freedom, says the gentleman, but I wish to ask you if you intend to go any further than N-y for a wife? The answer was still, no.
At a house in Brunswick, where Etai was the only agreeable theme of his conversation, he observed that the family in which he boarded did not, he was convinced, esteem him so much as they did a certain other person On being asked the cause of the difference, he replied, "because I am courting," or words to that amount.—Facts of this nature I should not adduce, since in themselves they are of trifling import, did they not form material incidents in the history. This will plead my excuse.
To these declarations I beg leave to add extracts from the series of letters written by Mr. A. to Etai. Altho' of various and distant dates. I present them all in one connected view, to make a clear and distinct impression of their import.
Mis. —
Sept. 22d, 1797.
If you are of the same opinion with some ladies, you will think that I am guilty of an unpardonable crime in taking the liberty I now do. But I have a better idea of your judgment and good understanding, than to suppose that you will condemn me for writing to you. After my return from Kennebec I learnt by enquiring the state of — families. And if the description given was true, Brunswick after we left it appeared as if it had lost its — and become a mere deserted village. Friendship and sociability, the companions of happiness, seemed for a time to quit the land for some more delightful abode. And time, which before seemed to move with so much rapidity, dragged heavily along. In short, every object both animate and inanimate informed them of the absence of some near friend—Could you, like the holy prophet, have left your mantle behind, would it not have buoyed up their drooping spirits, and dispelled the darkness of the night? I tho' absent at that time shared doubly in the extremities of this gloomy place, who rested upon me not only by your absence, but by the disagreeable feelings that my offer to accompany you to Wells produced in your mind.—The painful sensations which you experienced under the idea that my journey was wholly on your account have at times made me quite miserable. Yet I always admired you for your wisdom, prudence and discretion, and am persuaded that you did right, tho' it operated against me—I have had the pleasure of hearing that you arrived safe at your ancient mansion in Newbury Old Town. Tho' I feel mortified at the idea of waiting upon you half way, and of having returned home. But I hope and trust you will not think it was for the want of friendship, or a bad disposition—&c
Mis. —
Dec. 1, 1797.
After leaving the place of your abode, where I enjoyed myself as well as ever I did in my life in any place whatever, I could not anticipate much satisfaction in journeying to this place of sorrow—We arrived safe on Saturday night after we left Newbury, where I now with myself after all my heart and soul.
After a variety of irrelating matter, the letter closes thus: "and to conclude, when you put up a petition to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, remember me as your best friend," &c.
An omission of some words.
Dec. 7, 1797.
"To have real and substantial friends, is an acquisition highly to be prized—Placing the highest confidence in your friendship, I cannot but feel unhappy when deprived of the pleasures thereof," &c
Dec. 23, 1797.
This letter opens with a description of the wintry appearance of the town. "Gaiety and mirth," he proceeds, "are painted in the countenances of most. But I enter not into their joys—Tho' if you were here, I should feel happy, because I have great confidence in your friendship. And to be deprived of the sweets thereof must add to the gloomy cloud that overshadows the mind."—"I had the pleasure of seeing a letter written by you to —, but the pleasure would have been greater, had it been written to me. If it is not disagreeable to you, should be very glad to receive a line from you. If its request does not meet with your approbation, it will not change my opinion in the least of you. Accept my earnest and sincere prayers for your peace and happiness, &c.
Mis. —
Jan. 20, 1798.
It is with the most modest diffidence that I again attempt to write to you, because I fear that the produce of my pen will not be agreeable to you. But my fears are somewhat alleviated, when I consider your real integrity—and that you will conclude, that I act upon no dishonorable and base motives. I wait with great impatience for the time when I shall again see you."—The letter concludes thus—"Let us be friendly and happy, in the sincere and ardent wish of your faithful friend," &c
The journey mentioned above was made in the fall of '97. Amid the circle of Etai's friends Mr. A. displayed the same attentions, as he had done at Brunswick, and after his return the line was kept unbroken by a series of letters from him to Etai. In short, scarcely a person could be found, who did not fully expect a union of the parties.
In the winter of '98, Mr. A. made another visit to Etai. Then all was changed. His whole conduct as if affected by the frost of the season, wore the aspect of cold indifference. Still however, he communicated not the state of his inclinations to Etai. At his departure he gave her no intimation of his intentions, said nothing of a future visit, nor suggested any circumstance from which she might infer any change in his disposition, wishes or views. After his arrival at Brunswick it was soon understood that he would not again visit Etai. He also said certain things, calculated to excite very unpleasant sensations in the minds of her relations and friends, to which I called his attention in a letter which will appear in the sequel.
Information of these circumstances reaching my brother's ear before I received it, he thought it proper to ask Mr. A. for an explanation.
The substance of Mr. A.'s reply was, that there was no obligation between him and Etai, but that, if it was desired, he would either see her or write to her on the subject. It was observed, that he ought to have settled the business at N-y, and not to have left it in the mind of Etai the least suspense, or uncertainty with respect to his disposition and intentions.—He wrote Etai a letter, a copy of which, excepting a few passages not material, is subjoined.
Mis. —
April 4 1798.
On Friday night last a letter was shown me written by you to your brother. It was subscribed by you as his afflicted sister; an expression which undoubtedly struck him in a very forcible manner, and which I presume to say, excited his resentment against me to a very high degree. As I have been previously informed that he had written to you, I was not astonished that you should write to him upon the subject, but I was astonished at some expressions in your letter expressions which implied a doubt in your mind, whether the reasons assigned for my anxiety about returning home were just. But however I conceive that you never intended me any the least injury imaginable, but on the contrary would do me all the good in your power. You accuse me of no writing since I have been at home; in this particular I am not worthy of blame; because in the last letter I wrote you, I requested you to give an answer, which you never did. And I would ask you, whether you would write to a person who did not to you? But I feel as friendly to you as I ever did in my life, and God forbid that I should at any time cause you the least unhappiness or uneasiness, or bring on you any disgrace or contempt whatever. I felt unhappy when at your house, because I thought, and still do think, that your mother highly disapproved of my sentiments in points of religion, and I therefore judged, that she was in heart opposed to the idea of my being united with any of her family. Whether my ideas were right I leave you to determine. I again repeat that I never contemplated doing you the least injury, nor did I ever attempt to make you miserable for one moment; and as an evidence of these assertions of mine, I request that you would recollect my past conduct towards you and your family. If what I have stated does not completely and entirely excuse and exculpate me in your mind, then I beseech you that you would let forth the charges you have against me in a more particular way and manner. But if it is in my power they shall be answered, if not, I will plead guilty, and shall quietly and peaceably sit down by the consequences thereof. I shall be at N-y when I go or return from M. if it meets with your approbation; if not write me word that you never will to see me again at your house. For your peace and happiness in this world and that which is to come you have my sincere and ardent prayers. I am with sentiments of esteem, your humble servant, &c.
To this letter Etai returned an answer. Having never experienced any particular instance of ill treatment at N-y, from Mr. A. and unacquainted with the circumstances which had transpired at Brunswick since his return, she informed him, that she was not unwilling to see him once more. In reply to this letter he writes thus:
Mis. —
April 17th, 1798.
"I received yours of the 12th inst. —After alluding to a report mentioned in the letter, which charged him with a piece of ungenerous conduct towards a young lady, he goes on—"As to (that report) I say positively, that it is an infamous foolish calumny he told on purpose to answer some particular ends. It is immaterial to me who the author is, for every person acquainted with me must certainly know, that I am too much of a man to be guilty of such a dam'd dirty action. Excuse me for I feel mad."—After a few sentences he proceeds thus—"As to (the lady above mentioned)—should she come here this summer, she will find to her satisfaction that I am no enemy to her—she will find me to be a man (I am obliged to bl-w my own trumpet) that will show her as much attention as any person (a particular person)—will convince her that I am a person, that will do her no injury, should she require any further evidence of my sincerity. Your brother E thought and still thinks, I intended to injure your character and play the fool; for the next night after he received your letter, I saw him in the street, and was asked this question, Do you mean to go to N again? I did not give him an answer until after some conversation passed between us. I was accused of not writing to you, and of not telling you what I intended to do."—After observing, that no good effect would result, and that some bad ones had already resulted, from the conversation, he adds—"As to your mother, I still think her firmly opposed to me. She is so fixed in her sentiments of religion, that a per-
son that is of a good moral character, possessed of principles which she thinks blasphemous will be odious and disagreeable to her, which I conceive is the case with me. Sometimes I am almost induced to declare solemnly, that I will never form any connection with any person whatever in the matrimonial line. It is impossible for me to leave this town until the first of August next, &c."
At this time Etai, who she had renounced the idea of a continuance of the acquaintance, and was disgusted with this last letter, was yet desirous of seeing Mr. A.
In a letter to me some time after, she writes thus—"I wish to see him—not to sue for pity, nor to offer myself or happiness a sacrifice to him, or any other person, that can treat me with dishonor; but to be satisfied with regard to some particular, which cannot be so well explained any other way."
From further information, however, she found irresistible motives to forbid any further communications from him either in person or by writing.
Her sentiments were expressed in the following letter dated some time in June, 1798.
Mis. —
"I have passed over your treatment for a long time in silence, merely to satisfy myself fully with regard to your conduct as it respects me, and the motive, which has hitherto actuated you: but I have now such striking proofs of your baseness, that I am not any longer at a loss what line of conduct to pursue.—I told you in my last letter, that I wished to see you again; but the information I have obtained together with the letter I received from you last, which I think an insulting piece of arrogance, is sufficient to forbid you ever writing to me again, or sending me any written messages; for I am fully satisfied, that you are destitute of every principle, that constitutes a true Gentleman. Poor, unworthy man! I both pity and despise you; for I cannot suppose, you can enjoy any rational happiness with such a disposition as you possess. But there is one thing in your favour, that is, insensibility; which is a fine antidote against that pain, to which your conduct so richly entitles you. You have been pleased to insinuate, that some circumstance known only to yourself has produced a change in your sentiments. If this circumstance respects myself, you are challenged to make it public as extensively as you please. If you conceal it, as I believe you will, let the honour be yours, of sticking to just by a false and pious pretence a behaviour, which from good principles can derive no defence. As you have had the manhood of showing some of my past letters, be so good as to publish this openly; that every one may see, that as I have never trusted with you I most heartily despise you as a boyish, vain and impertinent trifler. To yourself I leave you, and bid you a final adieu."
During the whole interval of time between Mr. A.'s return from N-y, in February, and my return from the westward in July, I had expressed no sentiment to him on this subject. The intelligence I collected in N-y, joined with the events which had taken place at Brunswick in that interval, served to excite a strong suspicion at least, that Mr. A. had no conduct of himself in a manner altogether generous and manly. I had lived in habits of intimacy with him, and considered him my friend and companion. To treat him as such, while I doubted of the propriety of his behaviour, was impossible; to hold him as an enemy, without giving him opportunity to justify his conduct, or to acknowledge his error, would have been unjust. I therefore, wrote him the following letter.
Mis. —
July 23d, 1798.
Had the acquaintance you once cultivated with Etai been closed in a common way neither its commencement nor its termination would ever have excited my attention—But since your conduct viewed in its whole progress, has been enveloped in a thick cloud of mystery involving, in the eye of candid itself, a suspicion of impropriety; I am obliged, by that regard to a sister, which a brother ought to feel, to adopt measures for removing that cloud, and ascertaining the motives, which have prompted that conduct. If those motives have been generous, I shall be happy to read the proofs, which, in that case, you can easily produce.
That I may be able to form an accurate and a true judgment, I beg of the following questions containing facts, to which I felt myself entitled to full, explicit and unequivocal answers stating also facts, unglorified, naked and simple. I have preferred the mode of writing because I wish to take up the whole subject from beginning to end in a continued and unbroken series, without those frequent interruptions unavoidable in conversation; because I should not be able to possess that calmness and coolness which are absolutely necessary to a clear and full expression of my own sentiments, and to a distinct understanding of your explanations; and because, by laying every thing I have at once, and hearing, if you choose, every thing you have to reply on the subject, the necessity of any further attention will be entirely precluded. The following Dilemma divides the questions I shall propose: Either you once intended in your intercourse with Etai, something superior to the common civilities paid to an acquaintance, or you did not.
If you did not, why did you, when she was in Brunswick, show her such marked, constant and apparently interested attentions? Why violate repeatedly the rule so strictly prescribed to yourself, of never taking her to any house without a particular invitation? Why did you spend many hours in private interviews at my brother's? Why did you accompany her to Kennebec, and discover an urgent desire to proceed on to N-y? During your visit at N-y why did you spend many hours in private interviews? Why did you attend her in all the visits among her friends and relations, to which you were invited on her account? Why decline an invitation from Capt. —, because Etai was at N-y? Why did you make a journey to N-y last winter merely on her account? Will you Ly, because you promised to do it in the fall? Why did you promise it? Why did you maintain a correspondence by letters calculated to support an opinion of real attachment? Why exhibit all these appearances, if mere civilities only were intended?—But on the other hand, if the first clause of the Dilemma were true, why did you discover at your winter visit a coldness, a strangeness, a reticent constraint which in N-y, and an impatience to be gone? Why did you say nothing respecting the future continuance or discontinuance of your visits? Why did you cease to write, till urged by my brother? Why did you keep her so long in a state of suspense, which you must have known your behaviour had produced in her mind? Why have you shown one of her letters to several of —'s family? Why given your tale to the ear of a gentleman? Were you conscious of wrong and anxious for justification?—But I will not appear to force your answer. Why did you not settle your business with Etai herself? Why have you hinted, that there is a particular circumstance known only to yourself, to which a change in your sentiments and conduct has been owing? And what is that circumstance? And how does this last information agree with the declaration, that you never entertained a serious thought of paying your addresses to Etai? If this last declaration be true, and you mean Mr. to trifle and sport with her feelings? Or could you be so ignorant of human nature, as not to know, that such a conduct was trifling, and trifling too with a person's happiness? What inference did you intend should draw from a behaviour displaying at one time tokens of a generous attachment, and at another the marks of a chilling indifference?—Why, finally, did you not explain to her the reasons of such discordant appearances?—To all these questions candid and clear answers are expected; and from the
facts contained in those answers you cannot complain if I form my judgment of your conduct, since you will yourself furnish the materials.
I think it necessary to remark, before I close this letter, that the questions I have above stated originate in no degree or sense whatever from a regret that you have been dismissed, and the acquaintance dissolved; since I myself was ever sorry that it was begun; because I believed, from my idea of your moral and religious principles, you would not make such a kind of family man as I should with. I mention this rather because I am told you have said, that our family would make great sacrifices to the honor of a connexion with you! I hope, for your sake, this is not true; since the belief of it would add to your character a far greater share of vanity than I ever could imagine you possessed. I wish for an answer to this letter as soon as convenient; for, until this matter is in some way settled, it is not in my power to see with any degree of pleasure a man, who has occasioned much uneasiness to the feeling, &c.
This letter Mr. A. as I was informed, thought proper to burn. After waiting a week for an answer, I went to his office, and in a short conversation expressed my sense of the indignity, with which he had treated me, and which he acknowledged was not the consequence or effect of any injury I had done him. He also declared that he had not any thing against me. I then told him, that while he possessed the disposition he had discovered, I wished not to cultivate any acquaintance with him. But that, if he should at any future time think fit to intimate, that he had been wrong, I would give him my hand, and readily renew my acquaintance and friendship, for I wished him no sort of evil; but till that time I wished not for any degree of intercourse or correspondence. With these expressions I left the office.
[To be continued.]
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