The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-07-15 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1210.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, JULY 15, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MR. CAMPBELL'S SPEECH ON THE
Resolution for authorizing the President under certain conditions to suspend the Embargo law.
(CONCLUDED.)
You are told your government ought to have ratified this treaty, which secures to Great Britain every thing of any consequence that she could demand, and leaves unadjusted the most important object to this country that was in discussion. All the matters in which her interest was particularly concerned have been finally settled; the affair of primary interest to this country, which has been the subject of dispute between the two nations for years, and more than any other seemed to require a speedy adjustment, is reserved for further negotiation; that part of the contract which is peculiarly favorable to her views, is completely settled and binding on us; that which is all important to the personal security of our citizens, and in which the interest of the nation is deeply concerned, is to be discussed hereafter; and she is in the mean time unfettered with any binding arrangements on the subject, while your hands are bound up, your powers of legislation restricted with regard to the disposition of your own productions, and deprived of the very means you possess by nature to compel her to honorable terms. This is the view I entertain of this subject, and there is no other light in which I apprehend it can be fairly seen. Suppose the treaty had been ratified, and you had afterwards called on G. Britain to adjust the dispute in regard to impressments; what would she say? She would have nothing to gain by such adjustment; to effect it she must surrender the exercise of a right she had long, though very unjustly, claimed, and there was nothing left on our part important to her that would make it her interest to do so. She must therefore feel disposed to decline such adjustment; she would no doubt do so; and might disregard your resentment so long as this treaty existed; you could adopt no measure that would injure her commerce or in any manner affect her interest. Under such circumstances, therefore, a disposition on her part to settle this important matter of difference respecting which she has been so tenacious, could not be expected.
It is natural here to inquire what could have induced our ministers to agree to any treaty that left unadjusted the most important, and I may say the principal object of their mission, and that in direct contradiction to, and in the very teeth of their instructions? It is well known that the impressment of our seamen has excited more sensibility in this country than any other matter of difference between the two nations; it was the principal ground, as has been understood, for the last extraordinary mission to Great Britain; it is well understood, that a resolution passed in the Senate, declaring the expediency of adopting effectual measures for protecting our seamen and trade, &c. had considerable weight in producing that mission. The instructions to our ministers were positive on this subject; they understood them so, and state (documents part 3, page 115) that they were aware that their instructions imposed on them the necessity of providing satisfactorily for this great interest, (speaking of impressments, &c.) as one of the conditions on which a treaty shall be formed; and the words of the instructions are (documents part 3, page 5), "The importance of an effectual remedy for this practice, derives urgency from the licentiousness with which it is still pursued, and from the growing impatience of this country under it. So indispensable is some adequate provision for the case, that the President makes it a necessary preliminary to any stipulation requiring a repeal of the act shutting the market of the United States against certain British manufactures." Yet with those instructions before them, our ministers concluded a treaty, that contained no adequate remedy for this practice, "which had so excited the national sensibility," no satisfactory provision for this great interest, "which they acknowledge was to be one of
the conditions upon which a treaty should be formed," nor in fact any binding provision whatever on the subject; and yet containing a stipulation that our markets should not be shut against any British manufactures, thereby providing for the repeal of the non-importation law referred to in the instructions. They have therefore acted in direct opposition to their instructions, and to the understanding of those instructions by themselves. They have omitted the principal and most important stipulation required by our government, and have agreed to one that they were expressly forbidden to agree to, without the other being adopted as a preliminary. The informal note has been already shown to contain no adequate provision on this subject. If it has any effect, it in fact leaves it in a worse situation than it was before, as it would argue a tacit acknowledgment of the right to impress, &c. as claimed by Great Britain. No such right ought ever to be sanctioned by us. They have no more right to come on board our merchant vessels to search for seamen, than they have to come into our houses on shore for the same purpose. It is well known I am no advocate for extending foreign commerce, or involving the nation in unnecessary difficulties in support of it; but if we have a national flag, those ships that carry it ought to be protected against insult, ought to be preserved inviolate, rather than they should be subjected to be visited and searched for seamen under foreign authority, and deprived of their crews at the pleasure of every piratical commander of a British ship of war. I would agree to sink every American vessel that sails on the ocean; declare that the American flag should never again float in the breeze; confine our trade within our own limits, and do without foreign commerce. I have been unwillingly forced to notice this part of the subject, by the course which gentlemen have pursued in this discussion. I have no wish in the least degree to detract from the merit of those ministers who concluded the treaty in question. I entertain no doubt of the purity of their motives and the sincerity of their desires to promote the interests of their country; and on this ground I was willing to let this part of the subject rest undisturbed, if the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. R.) had not entered into and pressed the discussion of it. I am still willing to think favorably of and excuse their conduct in agreeing to this treaty; but there is no view that I have been able to take of the subject, nor any thing that has been advanced in the discussion, that can in my opinion justify that conduct, or reconcile it either with principle or with the fundamental laws of their government, or with the practice and usages of nations on such occasions. It would be a dangerous principle to establish that a minister at a foreign court, could act in direct opposition to the wishes and express instructions of his own government; should set up his own opinion against that of the legally constituted authority of his country; and act regardless of the powers and directions he might receive from the very source from which he derived his existence as a minister, and to which he was accountable for his conduct. No, sir, this never can be justified, it never can be sanctioned; a disposition in the government more than usually conciliatory and friendly to the minister, may induce them to pass over such conduct without public censure, but they never can approve it. They never can acknowledge it as correct. The next provision in this treaty which was stated by the gentleman as advantageous to this country, and such as ought to have procured it a favorable reception with our government, is that respecting the colonial trade—we will see what advantages it was calculated to afford. The provision is contained in the 11th art. and is limited to the duration of the present hostilities. It provides that during that time, the produce and manufactures of Europe may be freely carried from the United States, having first been landed there and certain duties being paid thereon, to the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain—& further it is also provided that articles the growth and produce of the enemies colonies may be brought to the United States and after hav-
ing paid certain duties there, may be carried from thence to any port of Europe, &c. By this provision you are restricted in your trade with those colonies to the produce and manufactures of Europe alone, except so far as regards those of the United States; you cannot carry an article the produce or manufacture of any other part of the world—of Africa—the East Indies or any other part of Asia to those colonies. On the other hand you cannot carry such articles as are the growth or produce of those colonies to any other part of the world except Europe or the U. States; you cannot carry them to any part of Africa, to the E. Indies or any other part Asia; thus your trade with those colonies is intirely confined to Europe and the United States—and must be carried on thro' the ports of the United States, where it is subject to the payment of certain duties; the produce of Europe to one per cent. and that of the colonies to two per cent. ad valorem, in addition to what has been hitherto usual in such cases. These are the terms proposed by that treaty, which are called advantageous and they certainly place that trade in a much worse situation than it has been in for many years past (setting the late orders of council of Great Britain and the decrees of France out of the question.) We were and still are at liberty to carry to those colonies through the ports of the United States the produce and manufactures of every part of the world, without exception; and have an equal right to carry the produce of these colonies in like manner through the ports of the United States to any part of the world, without restriction as to place. This has never been denied us in principle by Great Britain. The ground upon which she insisted upon restricting this trade, was, that we had no right as a neutral, to carry on in time of war a trade with her enemies colonies which we did not possess or enjoy in time of peace; a principle which is not founded in justice or reason, nor sanctioned by the laws of nations; but she does not pretend to restrict the extent of that trade in regard to the different parts of the world—she can have no right to do so—you may carry the produce of these colonies through the ports of the U. States to Africa—to the East Indies and to any other part of Asia as well as to Europe—except so far as the last mentioned British doctrine may affect it; and so you may carry, in like manner, the produce of those neutral countries to the said colonies. By the provision in question, you would therefore, in regard to the colonial trade, be intirely cut off from two quarters of the globe—and yet you have been told on this floor that the colonial trade was by this treaty placed on grounds highly advantageous to the U. States. I am however unable to perceive in what respect these advantages would be enjoyed by this country. There is another feature in this treaty which merits notice; it regards our commerce with the British possessions in the East Indies. The 3d article limits our privilege of trading with those possessions, to a direct trade from the United States, as well as to them. This narrows down the privilege we enjoyed under the treaty of 1794, by which we were not restricted to a direct trade from the United States, but might proceed to any intermediate market that circumstances should require. This I understand is considered an objection of a very serious and important nature.
But you are told that it was difficult for our ministers to obtain better terms, and one reason, perhaps the principal one given, is that G. Britain was soured by the rejection of a former treaty, (that respecting our northern limits). No one pretends that this treaty (respecting limits) ought not to have been rejected, and yet its rejection is stated as an excuse for agreeing to another treaty equally or perhaps more, objectionable. Can the gentleman wish us to understand, that because G. Britain feels herself soured by the rejection of a treaty, which it is admitted ought not to be adopted—because she pouts like a fretted child, that we must on that account ratify another treaty, which surrenders to her our best rights and interests, merely to put her in a good
humor? Surely, sir, this could not be the gentleman's meaning. How then can this circumstance affect the question before you? For whether G. Britain was soured or not, can in no manner affect the merits of the treaty in question, or justify our ministers in agreeing to an instrument, that in any one point abandoned the true interests of their country. If the gentleman's object was to excuse Mr. Monroe for agreeing to this treaty, (which seemed to be the case) by expressing the reasons why he could not obtain a better one; I am willing those reasons should have all the effect for that purpose, which they are calculated to produce; but they never can justify his conduct in disregarding his instructions and acting beyond the authority given him by his government. Nothing but a case of imperious necessity could do this—the occurrence of some extraordinary event unknown to his government, which if known would in all human probability induce them to give the authority which the occasion might require him to exercise, and on the exercise of which the salvation or security of his country might in a great degree depend, when it might become necessary to act on his own responsibility, to risk his character and depend on his government to sanction his conduct. Such a case as this alone would justify a total deviation from his instructions. But in the present instance no such case is pretended to have existed—no extraordinary change took place in the relative situation of the parties; and there is no circumstance attending the transaction that can be considered a sufficient justification for his conduct, in departing so entirely, and on so important and interesting a point, from his instructions.
The gentleman closed his objections to the conduct of your government by observing that after Great Britain had been soured by the rejection of a former treaty, this was also rejected; and that these were the causes that produced the embargo. I have already stated my impressions with respect to the rejection of that treaty, and also in regard to the causes that produced the embargo. It is not necessary to repeat them here or indeed to add to them; they are too self-evident to require much elucidation; they not only justify the government in rejecting the treaty, but they prove that the adoption of it in the form it was presented, would have fixed a stain on the American character that the blood of thousands would not wash away. It would have shown that we were governed in all our actions by mercenary views alone, calculating the profit and loss of the contract, and that we were ready to barter away the personal security of our citizens, and even surrender our independence rather than forego the profits of a temporary commercial arrangement. I hope such a course will never be taken. I had rather never send a ship on the ocean under the American flag, than surrender that spirit of independence necessary to preserve the national honor—When it is in question, you must not hesitate—you must preserve it sacred and inviolate, regardless of the consequences. It must not be encroached upon for the sake of avoiding a temporary inconvenience: take one retrograde step, and it will be followed by another—submit to one demand, and another will most assuredly be made upon you. Suffer the national spirit to yield to the suggestions of mercenary views, and your liberties are gone forever.
But, one other ground was taken respecting the conduct of our government in rejecting the treaty, which seems to merit some notice. You are told that a principal cause for rejecting the treaty was, that the arrangement in regard to the impressment of the seamen was informal, and yet that our government were willing to agree to an informal arrangement on the whole subject, and it was asked if they were willing that the whole should be informal, why object to the treaty because a part was informal? This statement is not admitted to be correct to the extent insisted on. The objection was to the terms of the arrangement, as not containing an adequate provision against impressments, as well as to its being unofficial and informal; and our ministers were only authorized to agree to an informal arrangement on
the whole subject, in the event that they could not succeed in finally adjusting the important matters in difference between the two nations. But supposing the statement to be correct as made, though at first view it seems to possess some plausibility, it will, upon examination be found not to support the ground taken. A treaty between two nations generally consists of certain concessions made by both parties for the purpose of agreeing upon some general arrangement that shall regulate the conduct of each, and which may promote the mutual interest of both. Each party has certain points of interest in view, for obtaining which it is willing to yield certain advantages or make certain concessions to the other—Suppose in such case one of the parties should propose to settle those points only which were favorable to its own interest, and to leave unadjusted, and for future discussion those matters which were of most importance to the interest of the other party; if the latter should agree to such a proposition, it would abandon its own interests and surrender its just rights, by agreeing to a permanent adjustment of those matters that are advantageous to the former party, and binding itself to observance of such adjustment, and leaving unsettled and for further discussion those matters most advantageous to itself, and the settlement of which was the only inducement it had to agree to the terms required by such former party. In such a case as this it would be much more for the interest of the latter party that the whole subject should remain open, and leave it in the free enjoyment of those advantages it possessed by nature, and which would command from the other party equal and honorable terms. It ought not to bind itself in fetters, and leave the other free and unincumbered with the onerous part of the contract. Such is the case between the United States and Great Britain. We were willing to make certain concessions, in order to adjust amicably all the matters in dispute, and in particular to obtain a satisfactory and adequate provision against impressments. But, says G. Britain, "We are willing to accept your concessions and agree to terms binding on both parties in regard to all those matters advantageous to our interest, but with respect to the impressment of seamen, the affair of most serious importance to your interest, which was the primary object of the negotiation, that must remain for future discussion and adjustment, and at most subject only to an informal arrangement;" and that not adequate in itself, and in no way binding on the government. To this our government would not agree. They said we wish all the important matters in dispute adjusted at the same time, as well on the one part as on the other. Those points in difference which are of primary interest to the United States must be settled or we will not surrender the advantages we possess. We will not agree to be bound, while you are free. If no general and formal arrangement can be made of existing differences, they must remain under the best informal arrangement that can be agreed upon. This will leave each party in the possession of all its rights and enable it to treat on an equal footing some future day. Was not this wise, politic and just? Was it not better that the whole should remain unadjusted than that we should agree to a partial settlement, which left entirely out of view or at least did not embrace matters of the very first interest to the nation. If we have no treaty, we are placed by nature on at least an equal footing with Great Britain; and she must for her own interest encourage our trade; and further, if G. Britain would not agree to settle the great point of difference, the impressment of seamen, when the whole subject was under discussion, and this might be made the condition of certain advantages yielded to her, could it be expected that she would settle it in a manner favorable to us, when we had retained nothing to offer her as an equivalent, and had deprived ourselves of the only means we possessed of making it her interest to do us justice? This could not be expected, and ought not to be relied upon. To ratify the treaty, therefore, without an adequate provision on this point, would be to surrender the prin-

ciple in dispute in regard to impressments, and abandon your seamen to the mercy of British cruisers.
I cannot sit down without noticing some remarks made by the gentleman from Maryland, when he was upon this subject; not indeed relating to the question before you, but tending to show that the embargo ought to be repealed. He told you the embargo was extremely oppressive, and was partial in its operation—that the people on your North east frontiers, bordering on Canada, &c. would supply their British neighbors with provisions; (which must be by violating the laws) while the people of his district, it being an interior part of the country, have no opportunity to dispose of their produce in a similar manner, that is by evading the laws of their country. Can the gentleman be serious in making this objection? This is certainly the last argument that could have been expected from a gentleman possessing the talents for which he is so conspicuous. The embargo is partial it seems, because the people in his district have it not in their power fraudulently to evade the operation of it as conveniently as they can in some other places. The laws on this subject do not, cannot sanction such evasion. Those guilty of it are liable to punishment. This is well known—and I feel confident the gentleman does not wish to be understood as saying that he would sanction or countenance the evasion of the embargo laws, if it were in the power of his constituents to do so. Every correct principle would bind him to detect and punish such conduct. There is no doubt there are evasions of these laws in some parts of the union; but this is no proof that the laws are in themselves partial—it only shows that there are, in those parts where those laws are evaded, some persons devoid of all principle, who are enemies to their country, and ought to be made public examples of to deter others from such conduct. I could see no reason for the charge of partiality in regard to these laws, and was really astonished, when the grounds upon which it was made were assigned—[Mr. Key explained that he had said that a law to be fair must operate equally on all.] I do not perceive, said Mr. Campbell, that the gentleman's explanation places his argument in a light materially different from that in which it has been considered. It amounts substantially to this, that because these laws are not perfectly executed in every part of the union, without any evasion whatever, they must be considered as operating partially and ought therefore to be repealed. He does not pretend to say that the laws are in themselves partial, but that they may possibly be evaded by men without principle, and destitute of patriotism, and that on this ground alone, your officers may not be able to carry them into as complete effect in some parts of the union as in others, and that for this reason they may not operate equally. This objection would apply with equal force to every law in the union. They may be and are daily evaded, but this is no reason why they should be all considered partial and therefore repealed. The gentleman stated as another serious ground of objection to the embargo the injurious effects it had upon the fisheries, by depriving those concerned in them of a market for their fish. This objection was hardly to be expected from that gentleman, who I presume has been very little conversant with this branch of commerce, and whose constituents (whose interest he appears to have so much at heart) cannot be particularly affected by it. The details on this part of the subject have been sufficiently explained by the gentleman from S. Carolina, (Mr. D. R. Williams). But there is one view of it which seems to merit further notice. The House will recollect, that when the embargo laws passed, it was with much difficulty the fishermen were permitted to go out to carry on this business. It was warmly contended that no such privilege should be extended to them—and now the very ground of complaint arises from this very privilege. If you had in your embargo laws deprived them of this privilege, which is greater than any other portion of citizens enjoys, there would be no ground for the present complaint. If they had not been permitted to take fish, they would not complain for want of a market for them. It was then said they were the much favored—it is now said they are very much oppressed—and the great ground of oppression is that they have taken more fish than they can get a good market for. This may occasion them some inconvenience, but certainly it is not greater than other citizens experience, if it be so great, & can form no just cause for repealing the embargo laws.
No doubt (said Mr. C.) the committee are fatigued with this long sitting, as I also am exhausted with speaking to them. I feel sensible of the obligation I am under for their patient attention, upon which I will trespass no longer; but will close the remarks I have to make on this subject by expressing my surprise and extreme concern at the systematic opposition given by certain gentlemen, from the commencement of the session to the present moment (almost at the close of it) to every measure, either recommended by the government or attempted to be adopted for the security or defence of the nation. Every measure calculated to obtain redress for past injuries—to repair the insulted feelings of the nation—to resist aggressions, and guard her against impending danger, has been systematically and uniformly opposed. The adoption of the very same measures heretofore on similar occasions, furnishes no ground to believe that they are now proper. There are some laws enrolled among our records similar to that now proposed to be enacted; when these instances are produced, gentlemen who supported them, say they were mistaken in passing them, or they were misled, on the grounds on which they passed were not then understood; they have just discovered they were all wrong—at all events the measure before you must be wrong. When the session commenced, it was admitted by all parties that the nation was in danger, it was therefore proposed to fortify our ports and harbors; this was declared to be wrong and warmly opposed by gentlemen. It was then thought necessary to build gun-boats in aid of fortifications for defence. This was also wrong; they would be of no service; the experience of skillful men, and of other nations on the subject, was all mistaken, was not to be regarded—the measure was altogether wrong & gentlemen opposed it. Again circumstances presented themselves which induced the government to recommend an embargo. This measure was at first, (I supposed) by mistake, conceived by gentlemen to be right, and as such vigorously supported, but after one night's reflection, most unfortunately, it too was discovered to be wrong, and to endanger the peace of the nation. It was proposed by the government, and therefore you must not adopt it, notwithstanding the same gentlemen told you early in the session that such a measure would be perfectly correct, & ought to have been adopted long since; but now they had discovered it was manifestly wrong. The apparent dangers of our country continued to increase, and it was considered necessary and proper to raise a small temporary regular force for the purpose of national defence, to repel incursions on our frontiers and guard against surprise. This was also declared to be totally wrong. You are told the two great belligerents press upon you so severely and yet so equally, that you are repelled equally from both, and in no danger of going to war with either, and therefore you need not raise a man; no, they would not agree to enlist a single soldier until they saw the enemy at your very doors. This is the language of gentlemen. Even those who heretofore were distinguished as friends to a regular army, who were anxious to increase the military peace establishment; as well as others who not long since proposed to raise an additional force for a similar purpose; all at once became enlightened on this subject, and by some happy coincidence of sentiment, united on this as well as on other subjects; all the dangers of their country vanished from their view; they lost their partiality for a standing army, and their reliance for defence on a regular force of any kind; they discovered how dangerous they were to civil liberty; and insisted the measure was unnecessary and ought not to be adopted. The embargo was radically wrong when it was laid, and ruinous to the country. We now propose a measure by which it may probably be removed; but most unfortunately this is also wrong; it is not the offspring of certain gentlemen, it did not spring from a certain source, therefore it cannot be right; besides it would make the President too popular, if circumstances should authorise him under the proposed law to remove the embargo. It must not be done; nothing can justify it. You were wrong in imposing the embargo, and you are not right in providing the means by which it may be taken off. The people of America will judge for themselves how well calculated such a course of proceedings was to vindicate their violated rights—to secure their most important interests, and prepare the nation for defence against impending dangers.
debate on the bill for authorizing the President, under certain contingencies, to suspend the embargo law—
CONCLUDED.
The bill having been reported to the House by the Committee of the Whole—
A motion was made by Mr. Key, and seconded, to amend the said bill by striking out after the words "in Congress assembled," in the first line, the words following, to wit: "That, in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in the judgment of the President of the United States, he is hereby authorised, during the recess of Congress, to suspend, in whole, or in part, the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such bond and security being given as the public interest and circumstances of the case may appear to require," and inserting in lieu thereof the following words: "That, in the event of peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or in the event of the governments of France or Great Britain officially rescinding their orders or decrees affecting the neutral commerce of the United States, the President is hereby authorized and empowered to issue his proclamation, notifying such event or events having taken place; and, from the date of such proclamation, the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, shall be, and the same are hereby repealed."
The question being taken thereon, it was negative—
YEAS—Messrs. Bibb, Champion, Culpepper, Durrell, Garnett, Hoge, Jackson, Jones, Kelly, Key, Lewis, Junr. Lyon, Masters, Milnor, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanford, Taggart, Van Horne, and Van Rensselaer.—22.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, junior, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blackledge, Blake, Junr. Blount, Boyd, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clapton, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, Dawson, Deane, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Gardner, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Humphreys, Isley, Johnson, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, McCreery, D. Montgomery, Junr. J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pitken, Junr. Porter, Quincy, J. Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Storer, Tallmadge, Taylor, Van Allen, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, Winn and Witherell.—70.
A motion was then made by Mr. RANDOLPH to amend the bill, by striking out, after the word "that," in the second line, to the end of the bill, the words following, to wit: "In the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe, in the judgment of the President of the United States, he is hereby authorized, during the recess of Congress, to suspend in whole, or in part, the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions, and restrictions, and on such bond and security being given as the public interest and circumstances of the case may appear to require: Provided such suspension shall not extend beyond twenty days after the next meeting of Congress."
It passed in the Negative—
YEAS—Messrs. Bassett, Champion, M. Clay, Cobb, Culpepper, Desha, Durrell, Garnett, Goldsborough, Harris, Hoge, Jones, Kelly, Key, Lewis, Loyd, Lyon, Masters, Milnor, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanford, Van Horne, and Van Rensselaer.—26.
bour, D. R. Williams, Winn and Witherell.—73.
Another motion was then made by Mr. Randolph, to amend the said bill by striking out therefrom, in the 4th line, the words "in whole or in part," and in the 6th and 7th lines, the words, "under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such bond and security being given as the public interest and circumstances of the case may appear to require."
A division of the question on the said amendment was called for: Whereupon,
The question being taken upon the first member of the said proposed amendment to strike out the words "in whole or in part"—
It passed in the negative—
YEAS—Messrs. Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Burwell, Champion, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Ely, Gardner, Garnett, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Jackson, Jones, Key, Lewis, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milnor, D. Montgomery, Mosely, Pitken, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanford, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Trigg, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, and D. R. Williams.—43.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blake, Boyd, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Cobb, Cutts, Dawson, Durrell, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Isley, Johnson, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, McCreery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Storer, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, Wilson, Winn, and Witherell.—58.
The question was then taken upon the second member of the said proposed amendment, to strike out the words "under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such bond and security being given as the public interest and circumstances of the case may appear to require," and passed in the negative.
YEAS—Messrs. Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Burwell, Champion, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Ely, Gardner, Garnett, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Jackson, Jones, Kelly, Key, Lewis, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milnor, D. Montgomery, Mosely, Pitken, Quincy, Randolph, Rhea, Ten. Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanford, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Trigg, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, and D. R. Williams.—45.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blake, Boyd, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Cobb, Cutts, Dawson, Durrell, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Isley, Johnson, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, McCreery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Storer, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, Wilson, Winn, and Witherell.—59.
A motion was then made by Mr. Lewis, to amend the bill, by adding to the end thereof, a new section, as a second section, in the words following, to wit:
"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and after the first day of May next, the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, shall be, and the same are hereby repealed."
Whereupon—Mr. Speaker decided, that the motion of Mr. Lewis to add a new section to the end of the bill, was not in order, it being a substitute, and, by a standing rule and order of the House, it is declared, "that no new motion, or proposition shall be admitted, under color of amendment, or as a substitute for the motion or proposition under debate;"
From which decision of the chair, An appeal to the House was made by two members;
And on the question, "Is the said decision of the chair correct?"
It was resolved in the affirmative.
No other amendment being proposed to the said bill.
The bill was read the third time,
And the question that the same do pass, was taken as follows:—
YEAS—Messrs. J. Alston, W. Alston, Junr. Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blackledge, Blake, Boyd, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Cobb, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Durrell, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Isley, Johnson, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Marion, McCreery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter,
Pugh, J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Wilbour, Wilson, Winn, and Witherell.
NAYS—Messrs. Bibb, Blount, Champion, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Ely, Gardner, Garnett, Goldsborough, Harris, Hoge, Jackson, Jones, Key, Lewis, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Masters, Milnor, D. Montgomery, Mosely, Pitken, Quincy, Randolph, Rhea of Ten. Rowan, S. Smith, Stanford, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Trigg, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, and D. R. Williams.
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph, and seconded, to amend the title of the said bill, by striking out the words "under certain conditions."
And the question being put thereon, It passed in the negative.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 15.
At a meeting of the citizens of Washington, held last evening, Dr. Coningham in the chair, two resolutions were adopted expressive of their satisfaction at the result of the enquiry lately held into the conduct of Brig. Gen. Jas. Wilkinson; and a committee appointed to prepare an address to him expressive of their feelings on the occasion. The committee reported an address, which was agreed to, and a committee appointed to present it.
The resolution and address shall appear hereafter.
If the toasts and songs, at the different entertainments throughout the U. States given in honor of the 4th of July, are considered as indicative of public opinion—and, we believe, they may be fairly so considered—it is evident, that the late measures of the administration are upheld by a weight of popularity at least equal to that which has attended any administration in this country. The Embargo, particularly, seems to be approved, even with enthusiasm; not, from an insensibility to the privations we endure under it; but from a sincere conviction that those privations are ascribable to a higher source, and that they would have existed with ten-fold aggravation but for it. The same sentiments, that led us at the revolution to risk our all in defence of our rights and honor, have, in this instance, produced a general disposition to suspend our trade, although at a considerable pecuniary loss. But although the motives may be the same, which led to these several measures, the degrees of merit are very unequal. In 1776 we risked every thing; in 1807 we merely suspended our trade. In 1776 the issue was uncertain; in 1807 we have no doubt but that our virtue will eventually be crowned with success. In 1776, the tyranny of a mother country only attempted to tax our trade in an inconsiderable, almost insensible degree; in 1807 a foreign nation aims at not only taxing that trade to a vast amount, but likewise at modifying, regulating, or prohibiting it altogether. In 1776 but a single nation tyrannised over us; in 1807 the whole world is hostile to us. If then in 1776 it was the dictate of a sublime patriotism, that excited the admiration of the world, to resist at every hazard, is it not the height of pusillanimity, in 1807, to talk of submission? Would not submission degrade us below the dignity of men; to say nothing of the claims upon us as freemen? The only question, then, can be, whether we ought not to have gone further; and the only existing question is, whether a period has not arrived, or is not rapidly coming, when we shall be called upon to give blow for blow, and teach lawless aggression that we have the power to punish its atrocities. Inestimable as the blessings of peace are to us, we may be compelled to exchange them for the evils of war.
We rejoice to see that at this great national festival, not merely the embargo, but the measures generally of the administration have been warmly approved. It is a fortunate circumstance that, at a crisis so imminent, the people have a certain conviction of the justice of the cause in which they are embarked, and that the government floats on the boldest tide of popular favor. But one sentiment appears to exist among the republicans on the honesty and talent with which our late negotiations have been conducted; and the firmness of the President in rejecting the British treaty, and the enlightened and assiduous endeavors of the Secretary of State to secure our own rights, without injuring those of others, are applauded in the strongest terms. We rejoice at the universal prevalence of these convictions and feelings, convinced, as we are, that they are the harbingers of amity with Europe, or the pledge

of confide among ourselves. On one important point, they speak a language altogether unsearchable. They prove that the republicans of the U. States will not permit themselves to be divided at the Presidential election; but that they will unanimously give their suffrages to James Madison; for the man, who has been nominated in the regular way, and who possesses the necessary qualifications either for averting the impending storm, or for carrying us safely through it.
It is with pleasure that we observe that the republican prints throughout the union have, according to custom, generally republished the Declaration of Independence at its late anniversary. While however all the republicans have shown their veneration for this instrument, and a desire to perpetuate the spirit which produced it, it is worthy of remark, that of the numerous prints of another description since a solitary one has commemorated the event by a republication of the instrument itself. It would be uncharitable to suppose that they would rather efface than perpetuate its remembrance, and yet such a supposition would be justified by circumstances; for at the same time that the Declaration of our Independence is denied an annual publication, the details of a pugilistic combat or a court levee are deemed of sufficient importance to supercede it.
Mr. Wm. M'Creery, the Representative in Congress for the city of Baltimore, has declined a re-election.
The following is a new attempt of the British to evade the Embargo:
We are indebted to a friend for a copy of the subsequent proclamation, which was received yesterday by the British Packet.
WHEREAS in the present situation of affairs, it appears to me necessary to authorise the admission of neutral vessels and commodities into this Province, under certain regulations, I have therefore by and with the advice of his majesty's council, thought it to grant permission to the subjects of all neutral nations to import and bring into the ports of Halifax, Shelburne, Liverpool, and Digby, in this province, in neutral ships or vessels, all articles of merchandise, allowed to be imported, and brought by British subjects in British vessels from foreign countries, by my proclamation dated 4th May last: Also naval stores of all kinds, pot and pearl ashes. And I do hereby order and direct, that all neutrals and neutral shipping, importing and bringing all such goods, wares and merchandise before mentioned into the harbors of this province, shall be allowed to land and sell the same freely, and without interruption, subject to the same rules and regulations and liable to the same duties, which British subjects importing the same articles in British ships are now liable and subject to. And to lade and carry from thence any goods or commodities which may be legally exported by British subjects in British shipping. This Proclamation to be in force for four months from the date hereof.
Given under my hand and seal at arms, etc. this 23d day of June, 1808. (Signed) GEORGE PROVOST.
At a numerous and respectable meeting of the democratic citizens of Huntingdon county, Pennsylvania, the following was passed among other resolves:
"That this meeting approve of the electors of President and Vice-President, recommended by the general convention at Lancaster, on the 7th of March last; and that we will, with our votes and interest, promote the election of those persons therein nominated, under a belief that they, when elected, will vote for James Madison as President, and George Clinton for Vice-President."
At a considerable meeting of the citizens of Brunswick County, Virg. the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:—July 4.
1st. Resolved, That it becomes the citizens of the U. States to meet with a becoming intrepidity any crisis that may arise out of the measures of government designed to preserve our property from the hands of our enemies, and strengthen our hands by drawing home our citizens, and of taking to itself that elevated situation and manly attitude which appear most likely to secure the continuation of peace so dear to us, and so desirable to every real American; and such we believe are the measures of the Embargo.
2nd. Resolved, That we view with the deepest regret all those measures adopted by the citizens of America, whether by individuals, assemblies or states, tending to weaken the hands of
government, either by spreading discontent and suspicion, or by establishing a party to the subversion of our glorious constitution.
3rd. Resolved, That this meeting do sincerely applaud those patriotic citizens who show themselves worthy of the American character; who either individually or by assemblies, adopt any measures tending more fully to secure and complete our independence.
4th. Resolved, That the establishment of manufactories in the U. States is one of the surest methods to render complete that independence the anniversary of which we have met to celebrate.
5th. Resolved, That this meeting do encourage by every means in their power, the establishment adopted by the patriotic citizens of Petersburg, for carrying into effect a domestic manufactory at that place.
6th. Resolved, That this meeting do recommend to each other in their individual capacities, that they show themselves worthy of the foregoing sentiments, by adopting the use of domestic articles both in clothing and all the common enjoyment of life.
PRINCESS-ANNE COUNTY.
At a numerous meeting of the citizens of Princess Anne county, assembled at the court house in Kempville, to deliberate upon the best means of encouraging DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES, JOHN HANCOCK, Esq. having been called to the chair, and GEO. VASHON, appointed Secretary.
Mr. Tully Robinson then addressed the chair upon the business of the meeting, and moved the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
Whereas the many grievous and repeated wrongs and outrages which have been perpetrated for a series of years, upon the commerce and neutral rights of the U. S. by the chief belligerents of Europe, must have convinced all good and reflecting citizens who gain wisdom by experience, and who with fervid patriotism cherish and adore the honor of their country, that it is folly to hope for a renewed intercourse with the powers of Europe for a fair and beneficial commerce, unclogged and unallayed with repetitions of insult and injury; but, on the contrary, that it is reasonable to expect, from what our country has already felt of the injustice and barbarous policy of the unprincipled governments of England, France and Spain, a wicked emulation to surpass in turpitude and atrocity even those lawless and savage acts in the commission of which they have been, heretofore, familiar: Wherefore it appears to this meeting, that it is unworthy of the independence of character of the free people of the American Republic, to desire a commerce and connection with nations thus corrupt and degenerate, who are restrained neither by the law of nations, nor by treaties which they themselves have deliberately and solemnly concluded.
Resolved therefore unanimously, That the citizens of the county of Princess Anne, who are now present, will always act in conformity to the sentiment which is expressed above, by weaning themselves from the use of foreign goods, and a dependence upon foreign commerce, by cultivating among themselves the immediate arts of life, by promoting in their families a spirit of enterprize in domestic manufactures, and by wearing, as far as may be practicable, homespun cloths.
Resolved also, That with a view to these objects, the citizens who have assembled here, will form themselves into a society for the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and of rearing the best race of sheep.
Every instance of the violation of the Embargo on our frontiers and every hope of such a violation is reported by the enemies of our administration with the same pleasure as we might expect from a triumph over the worst enemy. In this way, every enormity is excused, every excitement to violate the laws is given, and offenders prepare to trample on the laws with public patronage. What good cause can such conduct support.
Salem Reg.
The French agents in Morocco are making great exertions to bring on a war between Morocco and the English; while the latter are courting Moorish friendship by liberal presents.
Mercantile Ad.
The British ministry seem to make themselves happy under the belief, that six months embargo will produce a revolution in the U. States—and so it has, and a resolution also; to
support the government of our country in the prosecution of all defensive measures its wisdom may see proper to adopt.
Baltimore Evening Post.
Berkeley, the murdering admiral lately on the American station, has been punished for his attack upon the Chesapeake by being promoted to the command of a "highly important" secret expedition which sailed from England about the 14th of May—designed, perhaps, to aid Burr in cultivating his Washita lands.
B. E. Post.
Some travellers from the Eastward who lately passed through this town, and as is customary with such gentlemen, condescended to instruct the stupidity of Kentuckians in the science of politics, expressed a wish that the Embargo might continue a twelve-month longer—purposely that Tom Jefferson might lose his popularity!—We have no objection at all to stake the popularity of Mr. Jefferson, a twelve-month hence, on the mere credit of that act; and notwithstanding it was a tory wish, we cordially join issue with it; may it continue.
Some excuse, indeed, might be offered for the zeal of these travellers:—their heads were intoxicated with doses from Massachusetts, from New York and Rhode-Island; but as there has been time for the fumes to evaporate, we expect ere this "the Embargo is a damn'd bad measure" with them.
Kentucky Reporter.
It is at length ascertained that Mungo Park, the celebrated traveller in the interior of Africa, is no more. The British Parliament have granted to his widow 3236l. 10s. sterling, and to Mr. Anderson, father of Mr. Anderson who accompanied Mr. Park, 1085l.
FROM THE AURORA.
"CHOICE SPIRITS—AGAIN!"
We have been favored with the "Royal Gazette of Nova Scotia" to June 21st—and the "Halifax Weekly Chronicle" to the 17th.—On hasty perusal, of which we find military preparations to be the order of the day, in the British colonies.
Among other information of particular moment, is that concerning Colonel Burr; he was at Halifax on the 21st ult. and assumed the name of Edwards, which, if we do not mistake, was the name of his mother; judge Edwards of Connecticut, however, is his relative.
Colonel Burr, (who has now his alias) appeared to be constantly engaged with general Prevost, and it was confidently spoken of, that he meant very soon after the arrival of a fleet expected from England, to sail from Halifax with a considerable military regular force, the ostensible object of which is Pensylvania—but which, it is not unreasonable to suspect, is N. Orleans.
Whether our government possesses any information as to the actual position of Burr or his design, we are not informed; but it has been understood that General Wilkinson, instead of taking command of a military encampment, in which the new discipline was to be introduced, in the augmented military establishment; is destined to proceed to the southward, once more to baffle and confound treason and traitors. The general is said to be expected in town on Monday.
From the Halifax papers, we find, that all officers on British half pay in America, are required to furnish the British deputy paymaster general at Nova Scotia "strictly with their christian names and surnames, and present place of abode—the date of their reduction to half pay—their rank at the time—and present place of residence," &c. &c.
As there are several of this description in the United States, we are more particular in giving this communication, as they cannot mistake the duty they owe themselves in such a crisis as is approaching; so that those who prefer the government of G. Britain, may not be taken in an awkward position, and those who prefer America and liberty, may take such public measures as may assure the citizens in the neighborhood of their fidelity to the U. S.
In the Nova Scotia papers we find the address of the house of assembly to the dismissed governor Wentworth, in which they state that "political circumstances have induced his majesty to place the government in the hands of a distinguished military officer."
The papers also contain very significant addresses to general Prevost, the successor of Wentworth, from the assembly and council—in the address
of the council we find the following paragraph:
"Among the many instances of his Majesty's parental solicitude which we have experienced, we shall remember with gratitude the readiness with which in the present critical situation of affairs his majesty dispatched so distinguished an officer as your excellency, to govern this province, placing at the same time under your command a chosen body of troops, accompanied with warlike stores of every kind, to enable your excellency to defend the country in these perilous times. It is also with real pleasure we express our grateful acknowledgements to his majesty for the extraordinary mark of his attention in ordering so large a supply of arms, accoutrements, clothing, and camp equipage, to be sent out to the militia of this province!"
They also say—that under general Prevost's command "the people of Nova Scotia will display in their own defence or on any other occasion, which his majesty's service may require, courage, &c."
The address of the assembly is equally significant—they say—"the selection of an officer of your excellency's distinguished character, and great military talents, to preside over us, at this critical period; and the sending a respectable force under your command, for our protection; and in the supply of arms, clothing & camp equipage, so graciously granted," &c.
They add—"If personal exertions shall be required, it will be found, that in the people of Nova Scotia the spirit of their ancestors has not degenerated."
In the same papers we find copious extracts from major Jackson's paper of Philadelphia, which are treated with marked distinction!
We also find two proclamations—one of which, is for fasting and praying on the 10th day of June.
And another inviting the people of the United States, in their neighborhood, to violate their oaths and obligations to the laws—and to bring into his royal majesty's ports of Nova Scotia—"staves, plank and square timber, boards and scantling, bread, biscuit, flour, peas, beans, wheat, barley, oats, Indian corn, grain, seeds, and meal of all kinds; cattle and live stock of all kinds; also tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, salted beef and pork, bacon, hog's lard, butter, onions, fruit, &c. from the United States of America, and from the Azores, or western islands."
The fasting was however to take place within the period of this invitation, for it was to continue four months from the 4th of May.
It is to be presumed that the friends of Burr will now comprehend whence he derived the resources for his expedition—who were his abettors abroad, and the views and purposes of his friends and abettors in the United States.
The quantum of bail taken from Burr and Co. by the chief justice Marshall—and his flight from that bail, indeed the whole machinery of the trial, and the manner in which that trial was managed by the chief justice, and by the counsel for Burr—are objects which ought not to be lost sight of.
Suspicions have prevailed that the ramifications of that conspiracy, did embrace greater numbers, and spread over a larger surface than appeared on the face of the proceedings at Richmond; the zeal with which Burr was defended by those who had previously execrated and abhorred him for shooting a former rival and adherent of England, are facts that speak with tongues of intelligence, and call for the feelings of unutterable execration.
The crisis is at hand when the people must as in 1775 and 1776, look to themselves—traitors caused more bloodshed in the early stages of the revolution, than the 50,000 myriamids sent to butcher us—the people see their government daily calumniated and friends of the town and government held forth as objects to be marked .
Are these myriamids not at Nova Scotia, the persons for whose guidance these marks are put upon the friends of American rights?
Look to it—citizens of America—the crisis approaches.
Lexington, June 18.
By a gentleman immediately from St. Louis, we are informed that several of the Indian tribes up the Missouri had manifested a very decided spirit of hostility towards the U. S. that some murders had been committed, and a general alarm excited among the inhabitants on the frontiers.
By a traveller who passed through this town this week from N. Orleans, we are informed that the Indians are continuing their murders. A gentleman from Georgia for Natchez
was lately shot through the body and robbed. A company coming up from the latter place, was attacked and plundered just ahead of the person who gave us the information, but whose party were fortunately sufficiently numerous to deter the Indians from hostilities.
New-York, July 11. NOTICE.
Permission will be granted for vessels (until the 1st of August next) to bring property from the West-Indies, and America, north of the line. Application to be made to the Collector of the port.
Custom-House, New-York, } July 9, 1808. }
When the stores of the Osage, which had been seized at Falmouth, were ordered to be restored, after Mr. Pinkney had interposed, it was discovered that the following articles had been purloined—viz.
3 qr. casks of Madeira, 3 do. coffee, 1 bbl. rum, 1 do. brandy.
The theft was attributed to one of the Custom-house officers, but there was no disposition to indemnify for the loss.
Public Advertiser.
The captain of an American ship (the General Clarkson of New-York) which has been just brought by one of our cruisers into Plymouth, communicates that he was on his passage from China stopped by one of our men of war, and had 25 of his crew taken out, and the man of war in return put 15 of her hands on board his ship, all of whom were by age and infirmity rendered incapable of fulfilling a seaman's duty. The 25 men taken out of the General Clarkson, the captain alleges to have been all native Americans, with the certificates of whose birth he is furnished, and that he stated this to the officers of our man of war, upon whom it had no effect. We hope this affair will be inquired into.
The General Clarkson was bound from Canton to Amsterdam, with a very valuable cargo, estimated at above 100,000l.
London Print.
LONDON, May 6.
Mr. Baring, whose name is sufficient to stamp any opinion almost on commercial affairs with a considerable degree of credit, observed last night in the House of Commons, that it was his opinion that the rise in the price of Stocks was chiefly, if not entirely, to be attributed to the want of means to employ great capitals in commerce as heretofore. That, therefore, they invested their property in the funds; there was consequently a great influx of buyers in the market, and the funds rose.
DOCTOR CONINGHAM
Is induced, from repeated applications, to resume the practice of PHYSIC, SURGERY, &c.
LUMBER OF GOOD QUALITY, To be sold Cheap, near Debbis's wharf, above the Navy-Yard. July 15—3t.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, an apprentice boy by the name of ROBERT GRAY, a plasterer by trade—all persons are forewarned against harbouring or employing said apprentice. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail. JOHN KEDGLE. July 15—3t
A LETTER CARRIER WANTED.
AS I shall quit the carriage of the Letters, in the City of Washington, the 10th of October next, I give this Public Notice, that the Citizens may be provided with some person to succeed me (in whom they can confide). Any person undertaking it, I will give them any information I am capable of if they should require it.
Those persons with whom I have been in the habit of keeping accounts, will please to take notice, that I shall expect a full and punctual settlement of all their accounts, prior to the 10th of October next, as it will not be in my power, to give them any longer indulgence after that date.
Z. FARRELL. July 11—
FOR SALE.
FOUR HUNDRED acres of land adjoining land of Samuel Aurent, lying in Beaver Township, Northumberland county, state of Pennsylvania—or exchanged for merchandise or good property well situated in this city.
For terms apply to JOSEPH WHEATON. Washington City, May 29—wif

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 2, 1808.  Merchants and others wishing to send letters to Europe are informed that a vessel, under the orders of the government, will sail from this city on the 16th of this month, which will deliver in France and England all such letters as may be respectively consigned to those countries, or to others through the same.  The postage on the letters must be paid to this place.  July 4—
CHINA GOODS. Thompson & Moxley have landing from on board ship Unity, Capt. HAND, from Philadelphia, 38 packages CHINA.
consisting of DINING Sets from 100 to 198 pieces, Tea Sets from 49 to 80 pieces, superb patterns, Evening Cups and Saucers by box & doz. Coffee, do. do. bell shape, do. do. do. upright, Bowls, plates, fishes, &c. &c.  Also by same vessel, a quantity of patent shot assorted sizes, and a few packages of elegant cut glass, &c. &c. &c.
And in Store, Prime Old Madeira, } Wines. Lisbon, Teneriff, and } Geneva Port } Cognac Brandy from 2 to 6 years old, Peach brandy 5 proof, superior quality, 2 years old, Jamaica Rum, imported in 1803, Holland and country gin, Loaf, lump and brown sugar, Imperial Hyson, young Hyson, and Hyson Skin Teas, Mould, dilt and Spermaceti candles, Olives, Capers and Sweet Oil, Cloves, Nutmegs and black Pepper, Ground and Race Ginger, Muscadell and Bloom Raisins, Together with a general assortment of goods in their line, which they are disposed to sell at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits, to punctual customers.
George Town, July 11—3t
PUBLIC SALE. ON Monday the 18th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with adjacent FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 925, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct'r. June 15—tf
SPEECH Against the ORDERS in Council, Just received and for sale at R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Pennsylvania Avenue.  Brougham's speech before the House of Commons against the Orders in Council—price 37 1 2 J. Q. Adams' letter to H. G. Cris, 12 1 2 Sampson Memoirs, 2 50 Female Biography, 3 vols. bds. 6 00 Salmagundi, 2 vols. 3 25 Espriella's letters, 2 vols. 2 00 Winter in London, 2 vols. 2 00 Corinna or Italy, 2 vols. 2 50 Debates on the British Treaty, 2 50 Enony's map of Europe, splendid, 15 00 Military Library No. 9, per number, 50 Printing Ink, first quality. July 13—6t
Fredericktown Maryland.  THIS IS TO CERTIFY that agreeable to a contract with us, the subscribers, appointed by the Legislature of this state, Managers of a Lottery to raise money for such purpose, the bearer, John Achman, has constructed a FIRE ENGINE, which we have accepted as fully complete. It throws water through a tube 3/4ths of an inch diameter, 100 feet distance, and through a hose of 104 feet in length, with a tube 1-2 inch diameter, the additional distance of 70 feet. The plan on which this Engine is constructed, is new to us, and he says is according to the late improvements. The box is made of copper, the pumps of brass, and the rest of the works of iron, on four wheels adapted to the convenience of such occasions as may require its use. We further certify, that we consider Mr. Achman as possessing a competent knowledge of the mechanism of this description, from the above specimen of his work.
Given under our hands this 24th day of June, 1808.  Henry Bantz, Jacob Mederdt, Francis Manz, Peter Buckhart, Henry Steiner, George Creager, sen. Lewis Weltheimer.
THE subscriber also makes Hose and Engines with suckers. He can make every description of Engines to suit any person who may wish to contract with him. The materials he uses are brass, iron and copper.
JOHN ACHMAN. Fredericktown, Md. July 13—3t
Washington and Alexandria Packet.  THE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that his packet boat is accommodated for the reception of passengers, and sails every morning at nine o'clock, from the extremity of 17th street wharf, in Washington, to Alexandria, and from Alexandria every evening at 4 o'clock, to Washington; careful hands are employed. All orders will be punctually attended to by the public's obedient servant.
SOLOMON STENGER. July 11—3t
20 DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 28th May, a negro man named BAPTIST, about 21 or 22 years old, 5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, well made, is neither black nor yellow—had on when he went away a pair of dark corded pantalettes, a home spun round about cotton waistcoat with large red spots, a felt hat half worn, but he will probably change his clothing; he plays the fiddle and is somewhat knock-kneed, walks with his toes well out, tells different stories when examined and will try to make his escape. I suppose he has made for St. Mary's county, where he was born, as he was seen near the Long Old Fields, on the day that he left home. Whoever takes him up and secures said fellow so that I get him again shall receive the above reward, and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by me.
OBID BEALL, near Bladensburg. July 13—St
Treasurer's office, Washington city, July 1, 1808.
WHEREAS by an act of the City Council of Washington, entitled "An act laying a tax on SLAVES the property of non-residents," it is among other things enacted, that from and after the 1st day of July 1808, there shall be paid for all slaves hired to labor or service in the city of Washington, & owned by persons not residing in the city, by the owners of such slaves respectively, the following sums, to wit:
For all male slaves under eighteen years of age, eight dollars per annum; for all male slaves above eighteen years of age, fifteen dollars per annum; for all female slaves under sixteen years of age, four dollars per annum; and for all female slaves above sixteen years of age, six dollars per annum.
Notice is therefore hereby given to all persons hiring slaves of the above description, that the subscriber will attend at his office, near the Theatre, every day (Sunday excepted) from 12 o'clock in the forenoon until 2 o'clock in the afternoon, to receive the taxes due thereon.
HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington city. July 8—
JUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trangular, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mull-mull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damas, & scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and latestings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tickling rugs, Osanaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
WANTED
AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—epS
NOTICE Is hereby given that application is intended to be made to the Treasury of the United States for the renewal of the undermentioned Certificates of Six per Cent Stock issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, in the name of Christian Alexander , of London or of Bath in Great Britain, which certificates were sent in the ship Bristol Packet, capt. Burns, captured and burnt by the French, and lost in the same, viz.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock 1792 December 5. 8268 11,000   1795 May 11. 13168 800   1795 July 16. 13450 250 08   1796 June 11. 14337 2,000   1796 June 11. 14341 247 81   1796 June 14. 3615 1,567 55   1797 February 7. 14942 277 30   1798 February 1. 15605 2,975 25   1799 December 17. 16918 882  
Standing to her credit on the 1st. April 1808.
Also for the following Certificates of six per Cent Stock issued as above, in the name of Jane Alexander of Bath aforesaid, which were also lost in the said ship Bristol Packet, viz.
   Denomination of the stock. Dates of the Certificates Numbers. Sums in   Dolls. Cts.     6 per cent stock. 1796 June 14. 14344 2,000   1796 June 14. 14345 2,000   1796 June 14. 14346 2,000   1796 June 14. 14347 2,000   1796 June 14. 14348 758 42   1796 June 14. 3616 2,000   1796 June 14. 3617 2,000   1796 June 14. 3618 2,000   1796 June 14. 3619 2,000   1796 June 14. 3620 2,000   1796 June 14. 3621 452 15   1797 February 7. 14944 22 05   1797 March 3. 15005 1,500   1797 June 3. 15204 766 78   1797 June 16. 15257 1,700   1798 February 1. 15604 1,505 65   1799 December 17. 16917 980  
Standing to her credit on the 1st April 1808.
WILLIAM WHANN.
June 20—ep6w
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
CHARLES H. VARDEA MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniels and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land late the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Foynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco.
This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
BURNS AND BEALL.
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf
TO RENT,
AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf
TO HIRE
BY the month or year, a Negro man COOK, about 23 years of age who is supposed to be perfectly acquainted with the business, as he has been for the last six or seven years learning the art of cooking in the first taverns in Baltimore. For terms, &c. apply to the Printer. July 8—
10 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber an Apprentice boy by the name of Thomas A. Austin, a Taylor by trade. All persons are forewarned against harboring or employing said apprentice. The above reward will be given to any person who will deliver him to me. JOSEPH S. CLARKE. July 8—3t
LANDING THIS DAY,
From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and cannisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
THE ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.
6. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West-Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Hurlam, to New York, every day.
Leave New Haven every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 2 P. M. in 18 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours.
7. From New York by the turnpike road to Philadelphia, 7 times a week. Leave New York every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours.
This will contain the main mail, and is not to be opened at any intermediate office.
8. From New York by Jersey city, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmeburg and Frankford to Philadelphia, six times a week. Leave New York every day, (save Sunday) at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 P. M.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 P. M.
9. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vansville, Bladensburg, and Washington to Georgetown, seven times a week. Leave Baltimore every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 6 A. M. and arrived at Baltimore by 2 P. M. in 8 hours.
10. From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington city by 5 A. M.
11. From Alexandria by Colchester to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours.
12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 1-2 A. M. in 5 1-2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M.
13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover court house, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours.
14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1-2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1-2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1-2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1-2 P. M.
15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk three times a week.
May 1, to Dec. 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 27 hours.
Dec. 1 to May 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. & arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours.
16. From Petersburg by Cabinpoint, Smithfield, Surry court house, & Sleepy hole ferry, to Norfolk, 3 times a week. May 1, to Dec. 1.
Leave Petersburg, every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 10 A. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M. in 21 hours.
Dec. 1, to May 1. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 5 P. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M.
17. From Charleston by Jacksonboro', Pocotaligo and Coosawatchy to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 A. M. & arrive at Savannah by 8 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M.
18. From Augusta by Jacksonboro and Ebenezer, to Savannah once a week. Leave Augusta every Friday, at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 P. M. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 P. M.
19. From Augusta by Wanesboro and Louisville to Savannah once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Louisville at 11 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrived at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 A. M. Leave Louisville same day at 10 A. M. and arrive Augusta on Thursday by 10 A. M.
20. From Savannah by Bryan court house, Midway church, Riceboro', Jefferson, McIntosh court house, and Darien, to St. Mary's, once a week by land. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 P. M.
21. From Darien by Brunswick, to Frederica once a week.
Leave Darien every Wednesday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Frederica on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave Frederica at 2 P. M. and arrive at Darien by 6 P. M. on Friday.
22. From Millidgeville (G.) to Athens, (G.) once a week. Leave Millidgeville every Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens on Saturday, by 11 A. M. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Millidgeville on Sunday, by 8 P. M.
23. From Sparta by Millidgeville and Jonesboro, to Fort Ocmulgee, once a week. Leave Sparta every Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Ocmulgee on Saturday by 6 P. M. Leave Ocmulgee every Monday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Sparta on Tuesday by 6 P. M.
24. From Millidgeville by Pucian c. h. and Morgan c. h. to Randolph c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Millidgeville every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Randolph c. h. on Tuesday,