The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-04-23 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 4.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME 1.]
Monday, April 23, 1798.
National Concerns.
TRUTH—ARGUMENT—PATRIOTISM.
[The following excellent letter, is so replete with information, genuine American sentiment, manly argument, and forcible political truth, that it claims the earliest insertion. Stupid and prejudiced must be that reader, whose eyes it does not open. Read, and judge with candour.]
LETTER, FROM THE HON. HARRISON G. OTIS, TO THE HON. WILLIAM HEATH.
Sir, Philadelphia, March 30, 1798.
YOUR favour of the 21st inst. inclosing a vote of the town of Roxbury, upon the subject of permitting the arment of private vessels was received by me on the 28th, too late to be presented to the House on that day, but on the next morning it was read and committed to a Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union. I thank you, sir, and your colleagues of the committee, for the honour done me by confiding to my care a petition, which it is probably known would not comport with my own sentiments. Although I had long since formed an opinion different from that of my fellow-citizens of Roxbury, under a due impression of the magnitude of the subject; yet the vote of that respectable town had a claim upon my attention, which induced me to review the course of my own reflections upon the subject, and to weigh the principal argument suggested in their memorial. It is still my misfortune to dissent from this intelligent portion of my constituents. My principal consolation is derived from your remark, that the meeting was assembled at a very short notice. The unanimity of the decision may therefore be possibly imputed to a sincere and laudable anxiety for peace, rather than to a deliberate examination of the arguments relating to the subject. Without this presumption, I should still hesitate to declare, that after much inquiry and reflexion, more perhaps than every individual at that meeting found time to bestow upon the question, I do believe it highly expedient and essential to the commercial interest of this country, that our merchants should be permitted to arm their vessels; or, in other words, that they should not be restrained from so doing by law, except perhaps in certain special cases.
A sense of duty and a hope of removing doubts from the minds of some of the inhabitants of Roxbury, induces me to submit to their consideration a sketch of certain reasons, which justify this conclusion to my own mind, preceded by a summary of principal facts.
The law of nature and of nations authorize the right of carrying arms for self defence, by sea as well as by land, and no law of the United States has ever prohibited to our citizens the exercise of this right. In practice it has been regulated by the mere danger incident to navigation in distant latitudes and seas. The privileges of all nations destined for the coast of Africa, or beyond the Cape of Good Hope, generally, if not always, carry guns, and the same practice obtains in the Mediterranean. The intrigues of
BIOGRAPHY.
OF COUNT RUMFORD.
THIS man, whose name is Thompson, is a native of Massachusetts. During one period of the late war, he was employed under the secretary of state for the American department, after distinguishing himself as a soldier. In 1784, he received from the king of England the honor of knighthood.
In the same year he engaged himself in the service of the reigning duke of Bavaria, and was employed in various public services, particularly in arranging his military affairs, and introducing a new system of order, discipline, and economy among his troops. But these were not the most important services rendered to the elector by Count Rumford; he formed establishments for the relief of the poor at Munich; furnished them with employment; put a complete stop to mendicity, then exceedingly prevalent; and by establishing good regulations brought the whole vagrant tribe to prefer industry to idleness, and cleanliness and decency to filth and rags. He suggested many plans for providing the poor with food, wholesome, agreeable and nourishing, at a small expence; and by various experiments, was enabled to save in the article of fuel a great part of the expence which before had been incurred in the article of dressing the provision for the table. In pursuing these enquiries he made many valuable discoveries in the construction of chimneys; and was enabled to point out the means, which have since been successfully employed, of increasing the heat, and at the same time decreasing the quantity of fuel. He was the means of introducing into Germany the use of that wholesome vegetable the potatoe; of familiarizing the use of it to the people in general; and of conquering the national prejudice against it. He introduced manufactures, until then unknown, into Munich; and before he left that place to come to England, had the pleasure to assist in packing up, and sending off over the Alps, by the Tyrol, six hundred articles of clothing of different kinds for the poor of Verona. At that juncture he had hope soon to see the poor of Bavaria grow rich by manufacturing clothing for the poor of Italy. How far this expectation has been defeated by the calamities of war, which has since raged in the place where his improvements were introduced we are afraid to enquire.—Services such as these, tho' originally intended for particular places, are not to be confined to them; but are calculated for every situation not forbidden by climate or inveterate prejudice.
[The Count's valuable writings, experimental, political, economical, & philosophical, ought to be read by every one. They have met a rapid sale in Europe. A handsome edition is now publishing by Mr. David West of Boston. Extracts from them will be given in this Gazette.]
From President Adams's Works.
A Prospect into futurity, in America, is like contemplating the heavens through the telescope of Herschel: objects stupendous in their magnitudes & motions, strike us from all quarters and fill us with amazement. When we recollect that the wisdom or folly, the virtue or vice, the liberty or servitude, of those millions now beheld by us only as Columbus saw these times in vision, are certainly to be influenced, perhaps decided, by the manners, examples,
principles, and political institutions of the present generation, that mind must be hardened into stone, that is not melted into reverence and awe, with such affecting scenes before his eyes. Is there, can there be, a young American, indolent and incurious, surrendered up to dissipation and frivolity, the loosest manners of countries which can never be much better or worse? A profligate American Youth must be profligate indeed, and richly merits the scorn of all mankind.
POLITICS.
Ye who would learn the spirit of the Union, read!
IS there a single American so indifferent to his country, as to behold without indignant emotions, the insults offered to the government and people of the United States? Is there one amongst us who will vindicate the conduct of the usurped Directory of France? If so, let him meet the contempt he deserves. No matter whether he be called jacobin, tory or traitor, he is our enemy.—Americans! throw aside the jargon of parties, and rally round the standard of your laws and country. You are once more called upon to be firm in defence of your rights and freedom.
“The French are at this moment busied in accomplishing the prostration of our government. Every one of their measures proves it.
It is needless to say, that the destruction of the government must be immediately followed by that of the Union. One must follow the other as the shade follows the substance. Should they succeed, confusion, civil war and bloodshed will succeed; and North America, instead of a flourishing and mighty empire, will become a string of miserable colonies, which after long and desolating wars, will be parcelled out among foreign powers.
Men are prone to deceive themselves with hope, however unfounded. It is a principle that the mind seeks after, and loves to dwell on; but let us reason from experience; let us see what has invariably arrived to other countries, & let us not indulge the deceitful hope, that we shall be exempted from the like calamities.”
“Let the partizans of France reflect, whether it be their wish to be swallowed up in the mighty whirlpool; whether they wish to see this country, the peaceful seat of security and liberty, the gentle nurse of human happiness, the asylum of the wretched, the parent of political integrity and wisdom, the birth place of our ancestors, and the inheritance of posterity, brought under the controul of a domineering power, pillaged like Holland, devastated like Germany, convulsed like Genoa, destroyed like Venice, and bartered away? How any American citizen can feel with calmness, much more apologize for such insults, is to me a mystery that no analysis of human nature can unravel.”
“The FIVE TYRANTS of France, after binding in chains their own countrymen; after prostrating surrounding nations, and vanquishing all external resistance to their revolutionary despotism at home, without the shadow of necessity, with no discernable motive other than to confirm their usurpation and extend the sphere of their domination abroad—These implacable TYRANTS obliquely and remorselessly persist in prolonging the calamities of mankind, and seem resolved, as far as they can, to multiply and perpetuate them. Acting from the pretension to universal empire, they have at length,
in fact tho' not in name, decreed war against all nations not in league with themselves.
A few, happily a contemptible few, prostituted to a foreign enemy, seem willing that their country should become a province to France. Some of these dare even to insinuate the treasonable and parricidal sentiment, that in case of invasion they would join the standard of France. Another and a more considerable part are weak enough to appear disposed to sacrifice our commerce, to endure every indignity, and even to become tributary, rather than to encounter war, or increase the chances of it; as if a nation could preserve any rights, could even retain its freedom, which should conduct itself on the principle of passive obedience to injury and outrages; as if the debasement of the public mind did not include the debasement of the individual mind and the dereliction of whatever adorns or exalts human nature; as if there could be any security in compounding with tyranny and injustice by degrading compliances; as if submission to the existing violations of our sovereignty would not invite still greater, and whet the appetite to devour us by the allurements of an unresisting prey; as if war was ever to be averted by betraying unequivocally a pusillanimous dread of it as the greatest of all evils.
The conduct of our government has corresponded with the cogent inducements to a pacific system. Towards Greatbritain it displayed forbearance—towards France it has shown humility. In the case of Greatbritain its moderation was attended with success. But the inexorable arrogance and rapacity of the oppressors of unhappy France bar all the avenues to reconciliation as well to redress, accumulating upon us injury and insult, till there is no choice left between resistance and infamy.
My countrymen! can you hesitate which to prefer? can you consent to taste the brutalizing cup of disgrace—to wear the livery of foreign ministers—to put on the hateful fetters of foreign bondage? Will it make any difference to you that the badge of your servitude is a cap rather than an epaulet? Will tyranny be less odious because five instead of one inflict the rod? What is there to deter from the manful vindication of your rights and your honour?
All amicable means have in vain been tried towards accommodation. The problem now to be solved is, whether we will maintain or surrender our sovereignty. To maintain it with firmness is the most sacred of duties, the most glorious of tasks. The happiness of our country, the honour of the American name demand it. The genius of independence resorts to it. The secret mourning voice of oppressed millions in the very country whose despots menace us, admonishes it by their suffering example. The offended dignity of man commands us not to be accessory to its further degradation. Reverence to the supreme governor of the universe enjoins us not to bow the knee to the modern Titans who erect their impious crests against him.
But 'tis not enough to resist. 'Tis requisite to resist with energy. That will be a narrow view of our situation which does not contemplate that we may be called, at our very doors, to defend our independence, and which does not provide against it, by bringing into activity and completely organizing all the resources of our country. A respectable naval force ought to protect our commerce, and a respectable army ought to diminish the temptation to invasion, by lessening the apparent chance of success, and to guarantee us against the final success of such an attempt.”

Mr. Genet, who, you well remember, came to this country with instructions to implicate us in a common cause with the French Republic, required all the vigilance of Government to counteract them. He had scattered his commission for the equipment of privateers throughout our seaports, and vessels were daily armed and fitted out, to cruise against one of the belligerent powers. To defeat a stratagem evidently calculated to commit our neutrality, an act of Congress was passed in June 1794, making it penal to fit out and arm any vessel in our ports with an intention to cruise or commit hostilities against any of the powers at peace with the United States; and in the month of July following, a circular order was sent to the Collectors from the late President, in which, among other things, it was observed, "that the United States being a neutral nation, the vessels of their citizens in most cases do not require to be armed; the arming such vessels therefore raises a presumption that it is done with a hostile intent, and contrary to the prohibitions of the Act of Congress. Some special cases may indeed occur in which arming may be proper and necessary, but these cases ought always to be examined and ascertained, lest they should cover collisions with the powers at war. " The collisions here intended must have embraced principally the cases of French privateers fitted out to cruise against the British—there being at that time, but little inducement for the British to fit out privateers against the French, as the navigation of the latter nation was then withdrawn from the ocean, excepting only a few vessels of war and privateers.
After the decrees of the French Directory of July, 1796, and March, 1797, the depredations of that nation upon our commerce, which had never been entirely discontinued, increased to almost alarming extent; inasmuch that it became highly dangerous to risk a voyage to any part of the globe. The President adhering to the system of his predecessor, still thought fit to restrain the sailing of armed vessels not bound for the East Indies: Not, as he expressed in his speech to both Houses at the last session of Congress, "from any doubts of the propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means of defence while engaged in lawful commerce, but merely to prevent collision with the powers at war," at the same time recommending to Congress to prescribe such regulations as would embrace both objects. For such regulations, I then was, and still am, an advocate, and have no doubt but that they may be so framed as to obviate the principal cause of apprehension assigned by the town, which refers to captains who are not citizens of the United States.—Congress did not, however, think proper to interfere upon this occasion. At the commencement of the late session, the President still repeated and enforced his opinion of the necessity for this precautionary measure: Our losses by French captures then amounting to upwards of fifteen millions of dollars. On the 26th December, a bill was reported to the House conformable to this view, limiting and restraining the right of arming to certain cases, the consideration of which has been postponed. The depredations on our trade still increased, and by a late decree of the Directory are sanctioned in another immense description of cases, under circumstances which demonstrate an intention to proceed to still greater extremities, and to annihilate our commerce.
The President convinced as he declares it public, that no hope remains of a favourable termination of our embassy to France, after having instructed our Commissioners to do all but renounce our national independence to preserve peace; and finding that excess of caution to avoid giving offence produces no other fruit than an aggravation of injury and insult, has decided, with that wisdom and prudence that distinguishes all his actions, no longer to take the responsibility of restraining protective measures upon himself; but by revoking the order to the Collectors has placed the right of arming upon the broad and original basis of the law of nature and nations. A resolution has since been moved in the House of Representatives by those who were opposed to take any measures on this subject, to restrain the right of private arming by law to such cases as have been heretofore prescribed to the Collectors. To such a restraint I profess myself to be opposed, believing that it would be highly injurious to our commerce, ruinous to our navigation, and consequently to the landed interest, and that it would rather inflame than appease the spirit of violence and thirst of plunder which actuate the present Directory of the French Republic.
The exports of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, for the last year amounted to seven millions and an half dollars; of which four millions and an half were the produce and manufactures of our own country. Any stagnation of commerce that should totally impede the exportation of this surplus, would be equivalent to a direct tax upon the landed and manufacturing interests of the Commonwealth, of four millions and one half of dollars annually, and though apart of these may still find their way to market in foreign bottoms, and the French have not yet formally comprised these articles in their decrees; yet upon a moderate calculation one half of this produce and these manufactures will remain on hand, unless some mode of exportation can be found in our bottoms, and this difference alone would amount to a heavier land tax, than would probably be necessary to carry on an open war. The profits arising from this exportation, to the class of exporters, estimated only at ten per cent. will amount to four hundred and fifty thousand dollars per annum. In the same Common-
wealth, the domestic tonnage, exclusive of vessels employed in the coasting trade and fisheries, is but little short of one hundred seventy thousand tons, which are worth three millions four hundred thousand dollars, and give employ to ten thousand seamen. The whole of this shipping becomes useless to the owners, unless protected from capture and worse than useless as it will be subject to have the damages and charges. An immense number of Mechanics in different branches, and of labourers who depend upon the employment of this maritime capital would be reduced to distress, and the fall of produce would not only operate as a direct tax upon land, but, as the revenue arising from imports and tonnage would be deficient, the deficit must also be levied upon land. To this state of things we are forcibly impelled by the conduct of France, which advances as we recede, which requires our caution and forbearance with renewed outrage, which plunders our vessels on the seas, and waits only for a convenient season to follow them into our ports, and to ravage our coasts. In a pecuniary view, let me ask, could your situation be worse in time of war? You, sir, I am certain will agree with me that this commercial capital is not to be abandoned. The good people of Roxbury must also be sensible that to the circulation of this capital by means of foreign commerce, the augmentation of the value of their lands and produce, and the flourishing state of their town are to be imputed. Indeed the vote of the town holds up an expectation Congress will devise some adequate means to protect our commerce. Three modes of protection are all that occur to my imagination—An Embargo, a public Naval Armament, and an armament of private vessels. A general Embargo would not protect either our commerce or navigation, but destroy both, and produce the evils above enumerated in their fullest extent. A partial Embargo upon our own vessels, while it puts an end to our navigation, would materially affect our commerce, and all that remains would be carried on by the belligerent nations or by neutrals, under great additional charges and expenses. France, one of the belligerent nations, would be thus deprived of our commerce in American bottoms, and have no ships of her own engaged in trade. Great Britain on the contrary, having many ships, would derive an immense benefit from becoming our carriers. Her trade would be increased, and thus the only obstacle on the part of France to declaring war against us which is her want of our commerce, would be removed, as her enemy would monopolize the whole of that benefit, excepting that part which might still be carried on by neutrals. Could you, sir, as an American, sit patiently and see the ships of Great Britain, or from Sweden, Denmark or the Hanse Towns riding triumphantly in our ports, and by means of a few guns enjoying the whole carrying trade of the country, while our own ships would be lying in the docks, a prey to worms, and their owners and builders idle in our streets a prey to that devouring cancer which feeds upon the heart strings! I will not believe that you are willing to submit to this humiliating spectacle.
A public naval armament is in itself the most natural, safe, and I believe frugal defence of American commerce. It is however a mighty bulwark which cannot be created in a day, and which too many with should never be created. A growing jealousy of commercial influence and interest must be corrected or subdued, before this noble object can be accomplished. Something, however, might and I trust will be effected towards it. Resolutions are before us, for the purchase or building of a number of ships that may mount from twenty to thirty guns. In the same degree that evidence is afforded of a sincere disposition to provide a naval force, any objections to multiply restrictions upon the right of private armament will subside. They will not however be entirely removed. A part of this force must be employed in the defence of the coast. The residue distributed among the larger seaports, would be occasionally useful in taking charge of small squadrons of merchantmen, which being also armed, might together display a respectable force; but without this co-operation of private ships, any convoy that can be provided within a reasonable time would be inadequate to the protection of our various and extensive commerce.
The remaining resource, and that which with the greatest facility and dispatch can be put in operation is the armament of private vessels.—All objections to this measure are reduced to one, the fear lest the individuals with arms in their vessels should afford to the French Republic a cause for declaring war against the United States. A distinction between the just and unjust causes of war becomes important in considering this question. To avoid all just causes of war or even of offence to a foreign nation, especially a nation elated with conquest and aspiring to the domination of the world, is an indispensable duty which is treason in a Legislator or even a private citizen to violate. No just cause of war can be inferred from an emission on the part of Government to restrain our merchants from arming while the commanders confine themselves to defensive operations. In such cases they keep within the pale of the law of nations. But suppose they refuse to submit to the claim of search? By our treaty with France, the right of searching for contraband goods belongs to be exercised in a particular mode. The vessel requesting the search is to remain out of cannon shot, and to send only two or three men aboard the neutral, and after examining her passport she is to be permitted to proceed. To this mode the French have never conformed. The decrees before quoted and their
numerous captures clearly prove that they mean not to conform to it, and raise a presumption that something more than a mere search is intended in all cases. Their treaty with us has been broken and annulled. Our Captains therefore stand vindicated in considering their pretences of search, as hostile aggressions, and in defending themselves by force.
But it is said to be probable that the commanders of our vessels may sometimes be disposed to act offensively against the vessels of that Republic. Interest, or the impulse of passion, are the only motives that would actuate a captain to commence a conflict with one of their vessels. Under present circumstances, neither his owner or himself could find an interest in such a rencontre. The voyage would be delayed, the vessel, cargo and crew endangered, and in the event of victory, he could not capture or hold the vessel of his adversary. Nor can great danger be rationally apprehended from the passions of an officer. Most owners will be solicitous to select discreet and steady men to take charge of their vessels, which to bear the expence of arming, will commonly be of considerable burthen and richly laden.—The Captain too will find an advantage in obtaining the approbation of his employer; he has usually a property in some part of the cargo, and consequently an interest in making his voyage safe and expeditious. If he attacks, even with a superior force, it is possible that he may be defeated, or at least meet with hard blows, and heavy damage; and he must be a singular commander who prefers fighting, for the love of it merely, to a tight hull, found spars, whole rigging and a quick passage; and still more rare must be those characters, who by beginning an engagement would expose themselves to the risk of being treated as pirates if taken either by their adversaries or by other vessels of the same nation. These considerations would have a powerful operation upon the minds of most men, and if a few mad and inconsiderate persons should prove to be beyond their influence; the nation could not be justly responsible for their conduct. A nation is not bound to respond for the crimes of its citizens unless committed under its sanction or authority. This remark is also an answer to the suggestion that persons who have been naturalized in this country may fit out vessels to gratify national antipathies and resentments. It is perhaps a better answer, that such cases are not to be supposed. Merchants, wherever they reside, do not undertake voyages for the sake of fighting a public enemy. The natives of Great Britain especially know that the admirals and officers of that nation, manage that business better than they can hope to manage it.
Those causes of war may be termed unjust, which are assumed as pretences to commence hostilities, with views to gratify the lust of ambition or conquest. Whenever the rulers of a nation are inclined to levy war, and are in a condition to prosecute it with a prospect of success, so fertile is invention that pretences are easily found in spite of all the caution and of all the concessions, which can be used to avert this fatal calamity. A libel, a caricature, a pretended affront to a minister or to a mistress, causes the most trivial and contemptible have given birth to cruel and destructive wars.—While prudence and policy forbid the United States to furnish to any nation a just cause of war; there is no reason to hope that the most timid caution and circumspection will avail to restrain the French Republic from proceeding to the last extremities against this country, whenever she shall be at leisure for this purpose, and shall be confirmed in the belief that our internal divisions, and blind infatuation in her favor will enable her if not to conquer, at least to divide the Union. She will make no other war upon us but a maritime war, which, God knows, is bad enough at present; until she feels assured of that result. War is not the most effectual instrument nor the first which France employs in the manufacture of the Rights of Man; Spies, Emissaries, Exclusive Patriots and the honest but deluded mass of the people, are the tools with which in other countries she carves revolutions out of the rough material. The Generals and Soldiers are reserved to give the finishing stroke, the last polish; but the main job is accomplished before these are taken in hand.—If our American Hearts of Oak can be shivered and splintered by instruments of the first description, war will not be wanting to assimilate it to models already before our eyes; but if it should prove too tough and tenacious for those, the French will not attempt to hew the block with a sword, or pierce it with a bayonet. The object, sir, of the present Directory is to divide the people from the government, and subdivide the people from each other. You are assured of this by our Envoys who have been sent to that country and whose patriotism and services entitle them to full credit. You are assured of it by their Envoys' uniform and repeated appeals to the people. You have been assured of it by the capture and plunder of American property continued and in rearing for four years; and by their decrees which expose our citizens to the penalties of piracy when pressed into foreign service. But above all you are assured of it by the fearful fate of other countries, by the blood-stained revolution of Geneva, the incorporation of Belgium, the subjugation of Holland, the divisions of Italy, the Isle of Venice, the commotions of Switzerland, and their known designs upon Louisiana and the Floridas. Can you, sir, seriously doubt of their hopes and expectations that Georgia, the Carolinas and Virginia will pass under their yoke? That they have an eye upon a Cis-Appalachian, as well as upon a Trans-Appalachian Republic? Or that
when their projects are matured they will not wait for us to arm, our vessels, to justify open hostilities?
What reason can be assigned to make it probable that we may rely upon an exemption from this general deluge, or that our ark will float upon the surface until the peaceful dove returns with the Olive branch? Surely their conduct to us does not encourage these hopes—By their decrees they have made pretences for condemning our property in the front of a plain treaty, and faster than we could conform to their capricious requisitions, they have made new decrees and new pretences. Finding at length with what meekness we have sustained these outrages they have now objured pretences and made war upon our commerce scarcely deigning to assign a colourable reason.—Do you not believe, sir, that these decrees which directly or indirectly affect the greater portion of our commerce, will be backed by others that will sweep off all that is left? Sir, be not deceived, they have already commenced the only war which they can prosecute against us with success during the present posture of affairs in Europe. The only war which they will ever attempt, if we remain united. But they exult in the persuasion that we cannot continue so. They flatter themselves that their Agents by fostering our local animosities have completed the most arduous part of the business.—Already their Geographers with the scale and dividers mark out on the Map of America her future circles, departments and municipalities.—Already their Buonapartes and Bardanotts are planning future triumphs! here with the army of the Mississippi and Ohio! there with the army of the Chesapeake and Delaware.—Remember, sir, things much less probable have come to pass.
It is for these reasons, believing that the navigation and commerce of this country have a claim to protection, and that a permission for a private armament if not perfectly adequate to afford such protection, is more efficacious than any other, and such as individuals have a natural right to estimate for themselves: believing that this measure cannot accelerate a war by furnishing a just cause of complaint, and that nothing on our part will prevent a war, if the opinion becomes confirmed that we are a divided people—I am content to declare that in my opinion this right should not be prohibited by law.—I repeat that I am still ready to cooperate in such restrictions as may tend to remove the scruples and principal objections of its opposers. I should be content to limit it to vessels of a certain tonnage, to cargoes not contraband or consisting of the property of any of the powers at war, and to require bonds from the owners of vessels for their conformity to the laws of neutrality, and it is probable that the right of arming will be modified by certain restrictions of this nature.
To divert the public attention from the true question, it has been insisted that a war with France will deprive us of our best customer.—A comparative view of the exports of the United States to the French and British dominions has been mentioned as a proof of this assertion.—There is no doubt, that France may be a good customer, upon two conditions; when she receives only what is lawfully carried or willingly paid to her, and when she pays for what she receives.—But no just inference can be adduced from the comparison between our exports to those countries for the last year.—Of eleven millions cleared out for the French dominions, not a third part consisted of our own manufactures or produce; and of that a large portion was destined for other markets.
The principal part of these exports consisted of foreign produce; the market for which varies from year to year. Our exports to the British dominions for the year preceding the last, amounted to twenty three millions; to France in the same year, to eleven millions only. In a time of peace, by Mr. Jefferson's report, it appears that our annual average exports to Great Britain were nine millions, and to France only half that amount. So that if this standard be assumed, the result for a series of years is not the most favourable to our trade with France, and taking into view their seizures, embargoes, detentions and bankruptcies, it will be still less lucrative. This subject would lead to a very extensive inquiry into the state of our commercial relations, in which it would be easy to demonstrate that our commerce would not suffer more in time of open war than it will under the present predatory system. This inquiry would be superfluous, for no man of my acquaintance is desirous of resorting to an offensive war, and if this disastrous state be forced upon us we must prepare to meet it and its consequences.
While I pray God to avert this formidable evil, I must declare my apprehensions, that the league of resentment with avarice, of ambition with violence, of power with fraud, which has overwhelmed the Republics of Europe, and holds them in the fetters of despotism, threatens with the same fate the liberties and independence of this country. It is time, sir, for our fellow citizens to rouse from the enchantment of mistaken gratitude, from the dream of delusive friendship, from the indolence of peace, and the apathy of riches. It is time for them to realize that the violence which depredates their commerce, will ravage their coasts, and burn their towns. Their liberties were never in such danger as at this moment. The pestilence of French politics which walks in darkness, will be followed by the destruction that waiteth at noon day. For this pestilence union is the only antidote. Against this destruction union is the only safeguard. It is efficacious and infallible. Our country will yet be happy if a spirit

of union, such as was manifested by the inhabitants of Roxbury and Milton at the dawn of our revolution, should extend its sacred flame throughout America. You, Sir, whose zeal was so conspicuous at that eventful era; your fellow townsmen, whose sacrifices and sufferings were so eminent, will not readily surrender, without an effort, to one nation, the liberty and independence which you so hardly wrested from another. Much, Sir, may be effected by your example; the spirit and discipline of the militia may be revived, the forts on the hills and islands in our neighbourhood may be repaired; and if any blind admiration of the French or of their measures should yet lurk in the minds of any of the inhabitants of Roxbury, which I will not believe to be possible, no person is more capable than yourself of demonstrating its folly and its danger.
Such, Sir, are my sentiments; and though time and events can alone try their merits, my country holds the most substantial pledges for my sincerity and ardent affection. I am embarked with you and my fellow citizens in the same interest, I am bound to the same toil, my domestic ties are of the strongest nature, and the competency, on which I depend to educate my children in a mortal detestation of all foreign influence, will be instantly and deeply affected by a war. The only favour, that I can solicit from you or from the inhabitants of Roxbury, is a candid belief that my endeavours to serve them are zealous and sincere, and ambitious as I am of their good opinion, the only mode in which I desire to secure it, is by obeying on all occasions the dictates of my conscience.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
H. G. OTIS.
PORTLAND,
Monday, April 23, 1798.
REVIEW of NEWS.
THE public mind is so entirely devoted to the politics of our country, that very little is heard of news from other quarters. Indeed the moment is so big with our destiny, that every thing else ought to give way. As the last Gazette contained a general sketch of the situation of Europe, this will be chiefly devoted to our own concerns.
Of Foreign News
the following is principal:—Disputes and new projects are said to have taken place among the French Directory, respecting a change in their constitution. They are still bent on the invasion of Great Britain. The council of 500 have decreed that "all objects relative to their marine, and the 'army of England' shall be the great order of the day, and have priority over all others." The Directory has declared the unfortunate city of Lyons to be in a state of siege. French troops marching to the capital of Italy, have met a small check. Vigorous warlike preparations are making in Denmark. The people of Amsterdam and Hamburgh, were in daily expectation of a paternal visit from a large column of armed French robbers. It is said to be their design to seize all British merchandise. The king of Prussia is said to have expressed his pointed disapprobation at these measures, and was determined to oppose them by force. It is thought the crimes and injustice of the French, will soon excite a NEW COALITION—In Great Britain, the people are firmly united, and fired with enthusiasm to repel the invasion. The spirit & patriotism of the wealthy are strongly displayed by the following VOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTIONS: One mercantile house in Manchester subscribed 35,000l; the bank of England 200,000l; the officers and crew of a frigate 2,000l; the mayor of London opened a meeting and in a few hours had a subscription of 45,500l; Mr. Rose 1500l; Mr. Nepean 1500l; the bishop of Durham 3000l; bishop of Bath & Wells 1200l; bishop of Lincoln 1000; lord Bolton 1500; lord Arda 4000; the Lord Chancellor, 6000 a year during the war, 2000 from his emoluments as Chancellor, and the whole of his income as speaker of the house of lords; Duke of Marlborough 5000, and Marquis Townsend 1200 a year during the war; earl of Carlisle 5000, the bishop of Litchfield and Coventry 1000, the magistrates & council of Edinburg 2000, the Skinner's company 1000 to be continued during the war; and in addition to these, much
has been given by the navy club, the India volunteers, & numerous others; in fact, voluntary contributions seem to be general throughout the nation. Large floating batteries are stationed in the ports of Ireland; some of 50 guns.
The Important Documents
From our Commissioners to France, are too lengthy to be given in detail this day. The outlines were given in the last Gazette.—No one circumstance could have effected such a unity of sentiment, as well with the public, as in our councils.
The Instructions,
Have also come to hand. They are fraught with the mildness, wisdom, and integrity, that distinguish our Executive. Their length will apologize for their non-appearance.
Fresh Dispatches!
Late as February 12th, have been received at Philadelphia, from our Commissioners, who were then at Paris; but without any room to hope for a reconciliation. The Directory were, if possible, still more arrogant and insulting; our envoys were expected soon to leave Paris.
Defensive Measures.
On the 9th inst. the House of Representatives of the U. S. went into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, and after postponing the consideration of other business, the resolution proposing a sum of money for the completing and repairing of our fortifications and harbours, was agreed to almost without debate, with the following words added as an amendment—"And that the President of the United States be authorised to make such additional and other fortifications as the common defence shall seem to require."
The committee has also agreed to the resolution reported on the petition of the New York Chamber of Commerce, respecting the fortifications of the harbour of that city. Mr. Sewall from the committee for the protection of commerce and defence of the country, made a report to authorize the President to raise additional companies of artillerists and engineers, and to appropriate monies for the purchase of cannon, arms and ammunition.
Damages by Frost.
A letter from a respectable gentleman in Durham, to the Editor, says "There has been a great destruction of property on Androscoggin river. In consequence of heavy rains the river was raised to an unusual height. The ice, tho' very thick, was broken up and carried down the stream with astonishing force, carrying all before it. At the plantation of Little River, four mills were carried away, and much other damage done."
A gentleman from Brunswick informs that considerable mischief has been done there by the breaking up of the ice. Several mills have been carried away, and much lumber loft. Two men were driven over the falls and drowned.
Exertions among Printers!
It is pleasing to observe improvements. The printers of this town begin to grow emulous. The Eastern Herald, &c. is to be enlarged, and receive new exertions.—The Oriental Trumpet is also to undergo a revolution. The acquisition of another editor, will probably effect a considerable change. May they succeed, and become useful.
A Ball, and Exhibition, will be given by Mr. Lavergne, on Thursday evening next.
To Readers, Correspondents, &c.
Numerous omissions are unavoidable this day—Mr. Otis's interesting letter, claims preference to much political matter previously prepared. "Simon Maple," shall be attended to. "A Jacobin Reviler," is too personal and un candid. Argument must supply the place of invective. The Gazette shall be decidedly Federal, but not abusive. "Peter Dwindle," is too intricate and tedious for insertion.
"Nicholas Bustle," is under consideration. Wanted immediately, a number of new subscribers; also a handsome assortment of advertisements to decorate this paper. These are as essential to the printer, as good crops to the farmer, business to the mechanic, commerce to the merchant, fees to the lawyer, salaries to the minister, or recompence to the public officer.
MARRIED—By the Reverend Mr. Kellogg, Mr. Jeremiah Tucker to Miss Elizabeth Lunt. —Mr. Isaac Murch, to Miss Sally Chute.
DIED—In this town, Mr. Barnabas Sherman, aged 51 years. —At Falmouth, of the small-pox, Mr. Elizabeth Wimple. —At Capelizabeth, Mr. Levi Dyer and wife, of the small-pox.
Marine Articles.
Port of Portland.
There have been no foreign arrivals at this port since our last.
Capt. Bucknam, in brig Rebecca, arrived Sunday the 15th from Surinam. He was twice brought too by the English, and treated politely. A French cruiser chased him 18 hours. American articles very low.
The British packet has arrived at New York. She brings the agreeable news that convoys are appointed for our spring ships.
The ship Two Sisters of Wiscasset is condemned; the brig Friendship, of ditto, is cleared.
A letter has been received at Baltimore from Cape Francois, stating that about thirty French privateers were getting ready to cruise round the Capes of Virginia, and the Northern coast. 'It is thus these pirates prey upon our defenceless commerce!'
The government brig Sophia has failed for France. Schooner President, of Penobscot, is carried into Porto Rico.
April 3. lat. 40, 12, long. 69, 50, was spoke the Commerce, Perkins, from Tortola for Kennebec—Same day was spoke a brig from Barbadoes for Kennebec.
The frigate Constellation, has been out of port for trial. It must be pleasing to the friends of our infant navy, to hear that she performed well; she seemed remarkably easy, and out sailed every thing.
A patent is said to be granted for a new constructed sea vessel, on principles to prevent her sinking or upsetting!
Prices Current at Boston,
PER QUANTITY—APRIL 19.
  ASHES Pot T. 133d 33 3/4 Leather, seal, dried lb. 16 to 20c   Pearl. 153d 6 3/4 to 15c Lignum Vitae T. 15d   Butter, fair p'g. lb. 18 to 20c Lime, half bbl. 1d 7 1/2c   Beef, ship jo. cwt. 11 to 12d Lemons, box. 4d 50c to 5d 50c   cargo. 8d 50c to 11d Molasses, gal. 56 to 6 3/4c   Brandy, Fr. gal. 4 30c to 50 Nail rods, T. 130d to 133d 33 3/4c   Span. lb. 17 to 17 1/2 50c NAILS, 4d cut, M. 28 to 30c   Napier, 12 to 12 3/4 3c 6d do. 50 to 59c   Coffee, green, lb. 24 to 25c 8d do. 1d 5 to 1d 9c   Cotton, Foreign, lb. 30 to 40c 10d do. 1d 4 1/2 to 50c   American, 20 to 30c 20d do. 2d 8 to 17c   Chocolate Amer. lb. 16 to 20c Sheathing, cuat. 12 to 13d   Welsh, No 2 to 1, 52 3/4c Drawing 12 to 13d   Romney's No 2 to 1, 24 20 3/4c ILL, Florence, cases 30 fls.   Candies, tall, mo. lb. 17c do. 8d to 8d 50c   ditto 15c do. gal. 12 3/4c   Spermac. 50 to 55 3/4c Napier, 12 bbl. 6d   Cheese, English, 23 to 33c common tubale, T. 76 to 80d   American, 6 to 10c Spermaceti, 240 to 245d   Coal, pit, Foreign, ch. 15d Linseed gall 80 to 90c   American, 12 to 14d Linseed, bbl. 9d 50c to 10d   Cod Lines, D. 8 to 9d PORK, one hog, 18d 50c to 10d   Duck, Ruffa, bbl. 17 to 19d one 1/2 bbl. log, 17d 50c to 18d   Rovers, 10d to 10d 50c Middling pieces, 24 to 26d   FISH, Table cuat. 0 to 10d Pitch bbl. 2d 50c   Merch. mt. 4 to 5c Paper, Reathing, rm. 4d 50c to 5d   W. India, 3d to 3d 50c warping, 8 3/4c to 1d   Stale, 2d 50c to 2d 50c sugar loaf blue, lb. 10c   Atewau, bbl. 4 1/2 50c RUM, Jamai. gal. 1d 25 to 33 3/4c   Salmon, 9d 25c to 9d 50c Windward, 1d 4 to 25c   Herrings, 4d 50c New-England 75c   Mackerel, bay, 7 1/2 50c Russia Shooting pi. 16d 50c to 17d   Nova-Scotia, 6d to 6d 50c Rice, Carolina cuat. 2d 50c to 3d   FURS Be. wer, pelt, lb. 10d Soap, Amer. rabbit, lb. 1 1/4c   Bear, ft. 50c to 4d brown, 10c   Fox, crest, 1d 3 3/4c to 2d 50c Coff. lb. 18 to 20c   red, 8 3/4c to 1d 50c Sugar, East-India, cuat. 13 1/2 15d   Minks, 10 to 50c West-India, 11d 50c to 12d   Muscovita 9 to 17c Haw white, 18d 75c to 19d   Otter, 1 to 4d brown, 13d 75c to 14c   Fibers, 33 to 83c Loaf lb. 28c   Sables, 25 to 67c Salt, St. Ubes, Sh. 5d 50c   Flour, Sup. fresh, 8d 50c to 9d Lyon, 5 to 6d   Fine, 8d Cadiz, 4d 50c to 5d   X Brand, 7d 25 to 70 50c Liverpool, 4d to 4d 50c   Middlings, 7d Sted, German, lb. 1 1/4 to 1 1/2c   Feathers, 100 geese, lb. 58c English, tubb, 9c   Lyon, 17c Bilford, 8c   Sea Fowl, 41c shot, all sizes cuat. 9 to 10d   Flax f, cases of 8 bbl. 12d Patent, 11d   Gunpowder, lb. 75c Staves, W. Oak bbl. M. 20d   Geneva, 1 gallon, ca. 5d 50c pipe, 30d   cast, gal. 80c to 1d 9c head, 35d   American, 65 to 75c Oak bbl. 14c   GLASS, Bristol or box. 10 3/4 2, 12d 50c books, 1 1/2 to 1d 25c   7 by 9, 12d W O bbl. do. 1d 50 to 1d 75c   6 by 8, 10d Spirits Turpentine, gal. 33 3/4 40c   Hamburg, 7 by 9, 9d 50c Tallow, For ign. lb. 10 to 12c   8 by 10, 9d 50c American, 13 to 14c   Boston, 10 by 8, 15d Tar, bbl. 2d 50c   7 by 9, 12d 67c Tar-pentin, bbl. 2d 75c to 3d   8 by 8, 10d 50c T. & A. Bahia, lb. 5 1/2 to 5 3/4c   GRAIN, Barley, bu. 8 50c to 9c Fl. 92c to 1d   Corn, Ind. South, 6c do. 2d 25 to 1d 42c   North, 7 1/2 to 7 3/4c Tabaco, James Riv. cuat. 9 to 10d   Rye, 9 1/2c G. virginia do. 9 to 10d   Oats, 4 1/2c Maryland, 8d   Hemp, T. 240 to 250d Seine, do. 6 to 7d   Hops, 11 to 14c Seizing, 4d 50c   Hops, bld. 12 fct, M. 20d Whalebone, long lb. 14 to 17c   Hogs Lard, lb. 14c short, 20c   IRON, Pig, T. 35d WINE, Madeira, gal. 1d 6 3/4 to 2d 6 3/4c   Philadelphia, 110 to 115d Lyon, 8 3/4c to 1d   Russia, 103d 3 3/4c to 110d Sherry, 1d to 1d 16c   Sweet, 110 to 120d Teneriff, 7 1/2c   Indigo, Caredi lb. 60c to 1d Fynal, 50 to 60c   Lumber, Boards, clear, M. 12 to 15d Claret, doz. 5 to 6d   merch. 10d 50c to 1d Malaga, gr. cuat. 23d   Shingles, 2d to 2d 50c Red Port, gal. 1d to 1d 27 1/2c 
To the Public.
THE very favorable reception given to the first number of The Gazette , demands the most cordial acknowledgements of the Editor. While this stimulates to exertion, it affords much pleasure to find its Federal sentiments so decidedly approbated. Although I am flattered with a list of subscribers, even beyond my expectations; yet it must be obvious to all, that a paper on this liberal plan, cannot be prosecuted without an extensive and almost unanimous subscription. Should the rapid increase of patronage be continued, no pains, trouble or expence, shall be spared to render it worthy of support. Anxious as I am to establish The Gazette , I do not ask the support of any one, longer than it shall give satisfaction. If my wishes should be gratified in becoming the medium of information and instruction, it shall be my unceasing aim to
"Tell the matter, candidly." But I forbear promises—an enlightened public must decide upon the merit or demerit of the paper.
The liberal support of the citizens of Portland, claims my gratitude. Those few who have not yet subscribed, will have an opportunity of doing it this week.
I repeat my obligations to those gentlemen in the country, who have generously afforded their aid. Their attention is requested in forwarding the names of subscribers.
A short absence is necessary to make some arrangements for the prosecution of the paper. During which time the office will be open, and constantly attended by a person authorised to receive subscriptions, communications, &c.
THE EDITOR.
Proposal, by E. A. Jenks,
For publishing by subscription, a new work, to be called,
THE TIMES:
OR,
MONTHLY GAZETTE.
Being a Compilation of the latest matter on every subject. To contain a relation of all important occurrences, at home and abroad; together with laws, state-papers, politics, agricultural and literary essays, &c. &c.
CONDITIONS.
 I. To be printed on good paper and a fair type and to be ready for delivery the first of each month.  II. Each number to contain 64 pages, Octavo.  III. The price to subscribers will be two DOLLARS per annum.  IV. To be pitched in blue paper. 
Those who may be desirous of encouraging the above work, are requested to call at this office, or send their names, previous to the first of June; at which time it will be put in press, should there be a sufficient number of subscribers to defray the expenses.
Wanted by Lease,
A good Farm, situated in a pleasant part of the country. Inquire of the Printer, April 23.
WANTED,
A young Cow. One that has a calf will be preferred. Inquire of the Printer, immediately. April 23.
Wanted—A Wet Nurse.
Generous wages will be given. Inquire at this office.
Wanted—A smart Lad,
as an apprentice to the Mason's business, about 15 years old. Inquire at this office.
Wanted—Two apprentices at this office.
Wanted—Two apprentices at this office.
PRINTING, IN its various branches, executed with neatness and dispatch, at this Office, middle-street, near the head of fish-street.

POETRY.
PICTURE OF A COQUET.
The following well drawn sketch of the celebrated CLEOPATRA, is from the pen of R. Jephson, Esq.
IN her, not face and shape alone could please (Tho' with unrival'd grace she charm'd by these) But the whole store of Cytherea's wiles, Sighs, gentle blandishments, and ambu'sh'd smiles; The ready tear, the blush of well feign'd truth, And the ripe woman, fresh as new sprung youth. Beneath her rocate palms the lute compress'd, Chas'd thought and tr'uble from the anxious breast; In dulcet bonds the impris'on'd soul the held, While the sweet chords her warbling voice excels'd. A thousand forms the Syren could put on, And seem as many mis-fits in one; Serious or sportive, as the mood requir'd, No whim grew irksome, and no frolic tir'd; Enough of coyness to provoke desire, Of warmth enough to share the amorous fire. All her delighted lovers could receive Seem'd but fond earnest she had more to give; Nor with possession was the promise o'er, Love's fruit and flower at once her bosom bore; No languid pause of bliss near her was known, But with new joys new hours came laughing on; By arts like these was wiser Julius won, And Antony, more fond was more undone. His soul, enamour'd, to the wonton clung Glow'd at her eyes, or melted from her tongue; Lull'd in the dear Elysium of her arms, Nor interest moves him—nor ambition warms; Sometimes with short remorse, he look'd within, But kept at once the conscience and the sin; In vain he saw the yawning ruin nigh; Content with her, he bade the world go by; He sought no covert of the friendly shade, 'Twas half the zest to have his shame display'd.
New Correspondence.
[The EDITOR feels very much gratified with the notices he has received from some of his fair readers—A continuance of their favors is solicited.]
MR. JENKS, I was pleased with the present in your first number, and am induced to become one of your readers, on the idea that your useful paper will always afford something for our amusement. Please to insert this trifle which I send you, written by a little cousin of mine, and encourage the first effort of his genius. LAURA.
TO MORPHEUS.
WRAPT in thy arms, O god of sleep, To fancy's realms in haste I fly— Far from this globe, where mortals weep, Beyond the limits of the sky. When murky night pervades the earth, And all the joys of light are fled, Thy votaries yield to thee their breath— Their cares, their sorrows, all are dead. Yes, I adore thy magic power, That fleas away each painful care— O come, and aid me ev'ry hour, And all the ills of Fate I'll dare.
MR. JENKS, As you were so kind as to present the ladies with a handsome little treat in your first paper, I indulge the hope that you will draw a small portion of it to our amusement weekly. Far be it from me, however, to divert your attention from the manly study of politics. No, perseveres in this useful topic—and trust us for communications for our own gratification. The valuable hours that some of our sex waste in gadding, had better be occupied in writing, or selecting something which would be useful to them. I am happy to observe the taste for reading increases. Your small gift has excited the attention of my circle of acquaintances, and we have agreed that one of us should furnish something weekly. It fell to my lot to make the first communication; but as I have not leisure to write much now, I hope you will excuse my desire to please by inserting the following extract on Male Coquetry.—Pardon my freedom; and please to insert it for the benefit of your female readers. ELOISA.
[Eloisa will accept the thanks of the EDITOR for her kindness in noticing his paper, and affording this communication. He assures her that every attention will be paid to her future correspondence, and to that of her fair circle. Nothing will be more pleasing than to become the medium of their amusement.]
ON MALE COQUETRY.
THERE is scarcely any crime (for a crime it indubitably is) which deserves severer censure, than that of ensnaring the affections of a young and credulous person, under the appearance of a sincere and ardent passion. Trifling as it may appear in the beginning, the progress, in a susceptible heart, is rapid and the conclusion, in such a heart, too frequently becomes fatal. What character is held in more contempt than that of a coquette? How then ought a man to be held in abhorrence, who, in direct contradiction to every rule of manly honour and integrity, insinuates himself into the affections of an amiable unsuspecting female, by the semblance of a passion he holds in derision—while the object herself is drawn in, by motives of gratitude, to hold him in that high esteem, which soon becomes a sincere and ardent passion, which from the gratitude it has for its basis, is as likely to be lasting as it is sincere? I appeal to every female of sensibility who may see this, and ask, what would more strongly prejudice them in favour of a person, than the thought of being held in higher estimation by that person than the whole universe placed in competition?—especially when that same person has the advantage of a pleasing form, and an agreeable address, which is employed to extol your qualifications, and excite your esteem; which when once accomplished, in a generous breast, the end is gained, and a sting fixed in an amiable mind—which, although it may be blunted, can never be extracted. The vanity of the wretch is hereby gratified—and, in his own opinion, his consequence increased. He fancies himself entitled, to insult with his pity, the victim of his scoundrel-like arts, and neglects not to insinuate that his person has made a conquest of such an one, whereas it has been effected by his art. Allowing these arts to have been practised on a spirited female, it is seldom but her love has rendered her unequal to the effort of rising superior to them (when time has discovered his motives) and of changing that love into contempt, which it is to be wished could be the case. But it inspires her with a bad opinion of the rest of the sex; and to such-like behaviour may be attributed the greatest part of that virulent hatred which many of the class of old maids entertain for the male part of the creation. Having, in the early part of their life, been so flagrantly deceived, and so feelingly disappointed, it soures their temper, and frequently converts a most excellent disposition into its very reverse. On the other hand, where those baneful impressions are made on the mind of a diffident and mild female, the
effects are still more to be dreaded; her diffidence renders her more feelingly alive to the power of gratitude, and her heart knows not how to be sufficiently thankful to one who has distinguished her from the rest of her sex, to almost all of whom she is willing to allow a superiority.
The disappointment, to such a mind as this, is still more terrible: it sinks deeper—and, having no spirit by which it may be supported, preys with unceasing violence on the peace of mind, and consequently the health of the amiable object, and, alas! too, too frequently, ends in an untimely death. Almost daily experience confirms this; nor can there be any of your readers who does not, at this instant, recall to mind one or more of their unhappy sufferers who have come within the circle of their actual knowledge. When again we consider, that arts thus employed frequently derange the mind, and deprive the person they have been practised on of the use of her reason—can we see an unhappy lunatic, rendered a thousand times more interesting from her very derangement, and the beautiful flights of fancy of an innocent mind—can we say, contemplate such a scene, or even revolve it in our mind, and not feel a degree of abhorrence and detestation beyond all possibility of expression to describe, for the author of it?
A seducer of female innocence alone can equal such a person in guilt:—for he who could, unreluctantly and deliberately, spread such misery as that above-described, in a family, can have been only deterred by the dread of that family, from attempting her virtue;—her happiness, he is delightedly conscious, he has forever robbed her of. Far am I from intending to glos over the credulity of those whose minds have been perverted, and romantically led, by a long study of novels, to imagine that every one who addresses them with common civility is captivated with their charms. I can allow much for imagination. But still more for reality: nor is it probable that an impression made on a mind of that description can be lasting, unless fed by the sort of behaviour most suitable to such a disposition—which, from a man without design, it will not meet with, and consequently will yield to almost the next new face.
Oh! I should be happy, might these reflections serve for a warning. Should they, in any wife, contribute to preserve the peace of mind of any devoted victim, by causing a strict examination of her heart, before it is too far gone to be recalled, I shall stile myself as fortunate in having expressed my detestation of such a character, as I think myself just in entertaining it.
THE COLLECTION.
"A THING OF SHREDS AND PATCHES."
MR. JENKS, YOU have so raised my ire, that I can scarcely write. How dare you print so much about us old maids, and intimate a tax upon us? Are we to be sported with?—But I had almost forgotten, in my passion, that you gave us an invitation to avenge ourselves on the old bachelors. This shall be done; and for my part, I will handle the pen with as much dexterity as Don Quixote used to wield his spear in defence of his imaginary fair. Leave me a little space in your next Collection, as I shall certainly write something severe.
DOROTHY SINGLE.
MR. JENKS, Your paper has set all the old maids and bachelors in our village, by the ears. What demon could possess you thus to disturb our repose? Such is the confusion, that nothing short of a general marriage will put us in order again; for the opposite sex are so powerful that unless we comply, we must absolutely desert our habitations. A few evenings since, I was attacked by three, and obliged to promise marriage. This is a calamity greater than taxes. I hope you will not touch upon such dangerous subjects again. What will be the result, the wisest amongst us cannot predict.
Your's, &c. SIMON G*H***.
MARRIAGE.—The Philosopher Diogenes said, with a smile, if you are young, my friend, it is too soon for you to marry, because Liberty is the first, sweetest, and greatest of goods; and he must be a blockhead indeed who deprives himself of this blessing in the blossom of his days. If, on the contrary, you are old, it is too late for you to marry. Alas! what will you do with a wife! What folly is it to add a weight to that edifice which is already tumbling to ruin; take my advice friend; neither marry nor let it alone. Remain in suspense at least till tomorrow, and death will settle the matter.
COW MERCHANT.—As Henry IV of France, was passing near the Thuilleries with his whole court, he met a woman driving a cow. 'What will you take for your cow, gossip?' said the king, in a serious tone. She told him the price. 'You ask me too much (said he) she is not worth that.' 'No: but you don't understand these matters, my good sir (said the woman) you are not a cow-merchant.' 'You are military, goody (replied the king) don't you see all these calves that are following me?'
MEMORY.—Miss Addison, in her youthful days, was blest with a most capacious memory, and possessed the faculty of retention to a most astonishing degree.—It is asserted, and is well attested, that the whole contents of a newspaper have been read to her, and she would immediately repeat literally the whole of the paper by rote, without any assistance.—It is also a well attested fact, that she could repeat the several volumes of the Spectator by rote, without any assistance.
INDOLENCE.—No disposition or turn of mind so totally unfits a man for all the social offices of life as indolence. An idle man is a mere blank in the creation; he seems made for no end, and lives to no purpose. He cannot engage himself in any employment or profession, because he will never have diligence enough to follow it; he can succeed in no undertaking, for he will never pursue it; he must be a bad husband, father, and relation, for he will not take the least pains to preserve his wife, children, and family from starving; and he must be a worthless friend, for he would not draw his hand from his bosom, tho' to prevent the destruction of the universe.
AFFECTATION.—It is commonly remarked, that handsome people are vain and fantastical; this is because every motion, gesture or action of theirs is more particularly observed, and every never fails to give a disadvantageous turn to every little inadvertency: whereas an ugly person may be guilty of a thousand impertinences which nobody will regard.—What the ladies are pleased to call a pretty kind of woman, is a creature little superior to a piece of machinery, which discovers no other signs of life but that it moves.
GLUTTONY.—Gluttony is a common and very pernicious practice. Few, if any of us live many days free from this evil, and it has become fashionable from the erroneous notions which people have imbibed respecting the demands of nature for the nourishment of our bodies; deeming it absolutely necessary to eat such a quantity whether their appetites crave it or not. Much business to the sons of Asculapius arises from this source; while it gives great pain to the genuine good man to see and hear his fellow creatures groaning and dying by inchoate meals through the over officious care of their cooks and friends in loading them with a farrago of unnecessary and detrimental aliment.—Be persuaded then, of what is as certain a your excellence, that every mouthful taken in (however wholesome the food) is pernicious, more than what the appetite craves without the stimulants of spices and cordials.—If we were never supplied with more than one dish at a meal, and that a simple wholesome one, we should never transgress in this particular. The most certain preservative to health, and the most attainable too by every man, is to avoid all excess, and especially in eating and drinking. People generally eat more than is consistent with health, or permits them to attain the utmost vigor, of which their natural constitution are capable. A sober moderate person is capable of labour; I may say, of excessive labour; of which greater eaters are absolutely incapable.
FACTIONS.—History will inform us that faction and party spirit deprave the morals and judgments of mankind; fraud and falsehood supply the place of truth and integrity; detraction and calumny are substituted in the room of paternal kindness and social civility: men's minds are soured against, and alienated from one another.—Of their own party they will listen to nothing that is bad; and of the opposite one, they will believe nothing that is good; the country is set against the town, and the town against the country, and each is divided within itself. It is no wonder that people thus prepared, should easily and unknown to themselves, become the dupes and tools of every designing knave.—Calm reflection, the exercise of their own good sense, would convince mankind, that faction or party spirit is never fostered, but by those who have insidious designs upon them, to promote their own selfish or ambitious views.
AGRICULTURE.
With rich Manure, srew well your land, If you a harvest would command.
Substances for Manure.
MUD is a collection of very rich manure. To search for, save and collect this, is more or less in every farmer's power; and by making more straight, wide and deep, the courses of brooks and small rivers with occasional stops and dams so as to occasion still water, and a deposit of mud, would accumulate great quantities of this manure. Mixed with a proportion of fresh lime, mud makes a most enriching compost for pasture and meadow land.
Bones. The use of these, as a top dressing, is well known, yet they are not separately collected or preserved with due care. The labor of breaking or grinding them to pieces may be saved; quick lime will reduce and form a valuable addition to the bones.
Sea weed, sea shells, and sea gravel, are very good.
River weeds, which are in great abundance in rivers, brooks, ponds, and wet ditches; when these are in full vegetation, they should be taken out and laid for a few days in small parcels, to let the water drain from them. They should then be laid in heaps to ferment; when this is over, the weeds should be mixed with three times their quantity of earth, and after a short interval turned and well mixed into top dressing for grass lands.
Sweepings of roads, to mix with lime. Decayed vegetables from gardens, &c. and leaves of trees.
The Putrid water of stagnant pools, ditches, &c. and from the sleepings of flax and hemp; from tan-pits, &c. and from reservoirs for dung water, to be carried on the fields by water carts, or mixed with peat or soil, and lime, into a compost.
The refuse of bleachers ashes, and the great quantities of refuse ley in those works. These would make fertile composts, with peat earth, or other soils and lime.
Soap suds, or Ley. The quantities of this valuable article, which are washed away, are immense. Were it preserved it would form, with proper earths, an abundance of good top dressings. The Chinses are minutely attentive to this article; even the barbers save their suds. These are very useful in gardens, and for fruit trees.
The use of Water as a manure, by floating, is an object of the greatest consequence to the Agriculture of our country.
TO THE
Inhabitants of Maine.
FROM the earliest establishment of periodical publications, it has been a custom, with the EDITORS, on issuing their first number, to address their patrons. In obedience to this precedent, I shall offer a few words to those who may become the readers of this GAZETTE. But on a subject that has been so often descanted—so ingeniously treated, by the ablest writers, as the usefulness of these publications, can I presume to say any thing new?
IN every part of the world, where reading has found its way, and penetrated the shades of ignorance—where learning is encouraged, and science fostered, these publications are esteemed the most powerful instruments for disseminating knowledge among all classes of men. And shall they not be encouraged by the wealthy, the enlightened citizens of Maine?
WE are to attribute to them the rapidity with which all distant transactions are brought before us—That the public and private concerns of our own, and every other nation, are at once made known to us—and the politics of our country, are freely and fairly discussed. They are the medium through which we learn the discoveries in the arts and sciences. Proficiencies in agriculture are collected from every quarter, and laid before the farmer. The busy mechanic may find in them a summary view of the world, with which to indulge his leisure moments. The mariner hears from his absent brothers, scattered over the globe—and the merchant is informed of the prices, the rise and fall of every article of traffic.—The literati, of every profession, through them, can devote their talents to the amusement and profit of themselves, and the community.—In fine, so many, and so great, are the advantages to be derived from these publications, that they have justly received the patronage of the greatest, and best men.
As a young man, anxious to establish myself a member of society, in a calling that will be beneficial to myself and others, I confidently solicit the patronage of all liberal men.—I boast not of abilities; but in return, will pledge the exercise of those faculties, given me in common with others.
BUT it is necessary to publish my intentions, in order that you may judge, whether or not, I shall merit your support.—Permit me then, to ask your attention to what follows:
To publish a paper weekly, on a sheet of this size and quality, and on a type of which this is a specimen; at the moderate price of ONE DOLLAR & FIFTY CENTS a year, exclusive of postage. No objection to receiving the FIFTY CENTS, on delivery of the first paper.
EVERY measure will be taken to collect the earliest and most important information of every kind.—Original and selected essays, political and speculative, will be assiduously sought for.
THE pages of THE GAZETTE, shall ever be shut to the enemies of order and government; and to the defamers of our laws and country.
ITS politics to be FEDERAL—that is, such as will accord with the feelings of every AMERICAN, solicitous for his country's welfare.
THE EDITOR, will hold himself personally responsible for whatever THE GAZETTE shall contain.
THESE are my proposals. Should they be sanctioned by your names; or a sufficient number of them to furnish a support, my pride will be, to become
Your devoted servant.
E. A. Jenks.
PORTLAND, APRIL 16, 1798.