The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-01-04 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCLXII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 4th, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
THE following letters, which originally appeared in the National Intelligencer, during the past autumn, are republished at the instance of a number of respectable friends, whose opinions fortify our own, of the importance of the topics discussed in them.
Same subject, viz. Internal improvements—Concluded.
Having thus estimated the weight of the usual arguments advanced against an extensive system of internal improvements, and shown, as I apprehend, that, however true in the abstract, they form no valid or practical objection, let us proceed to notice concisely the peculiar and forcible considerations which recommend the adoption of such a system.
These naturally divide themselves into two classes, those arising from their relation to the public interest, which we shall denominate political ; and those arising from their relation to the interests of individuals, which may be denominated personal .
In a nation whose wise and liberal policy forbids all monopolies, and whose institutions aim at maintaining unimpaired the rights and immunities of all, that every man may derive benefit from their protection, it becomes an object of vast importance to place the citizens upon a footing of as perfect equality as the state of society and the organization of man admit. By perfect equality, we mean not to point to any agrarian system, or to any unjust invasion of the rights of property, or the fruits of industry; but to that state of things which places equal means of advancement within the reach of the citizen, according to his industry and talent, wherever he may be placed. The necessary effect of this equality is contentment. It destroys in the germ all fretful jealousy or hostility to more favored portions of the community. It distributes over the whole face of the nation equal portions of power. By creating the means of a progressive improvement in equal degrees, it leads forward the entire mass of the nation by the same gradations. In such a state of society; we do not, as is too often the case in countries differently circumstanced, contemplate the difference of centuries in the degree of civilization in distant parts of the same nation. We do not behold this spot the exclusive seat of wealth, of luxury, of science; and that , the abode of poverty, of want, and of ignorance. These are the gloomy effects of kings and courts and ecclesiastical establishments. They are, or they ought to be, unknown in republics. This result would, perhaps, of itself, be conclusive in favor of fostering a vigorous spirit of internal improvement; as it is most evident that the effects of such a disposition will increase the comfort and wealth of our citizens, will prevent the most effectual antidote to monopoly by the removal of local preferences; will check the growth of luxury, by diffusing instead of concentrating on a favored spot, the means of enjoyment; will foster the interests of learning by the ease of intercourse; and will produce and confirm the conviction that the interest and happiness of all are equally protected.
If there be the natural and necessary effects of an enlarged system of internal improvement, is there a man, who calls himself a republican, and who properly appreciates the inseparable connection between the prevalence of republican principles and happiness, that can feel indifferent to the subject, or permit it to be neglected for want of his exertions? Let not one man rely on the efforts of another. In a cause like this where the interests of all are the same, there should be one common effort. The cause of liberty and of human happiness has not a deadlier foe than indolence. It is always owing to the vis inertiae of good and wise men that vice or folly reigues. Yet such is the folly of the wise, that while the positive inaction of a law is punished as criminal, the omission to discharge duties, with which laws are empty pageants, is attended with no punishment, and does not even excite in all cases a consciousness of guilt. For what purposes were talents conferred but to do good? Are philosophers and statesmen to be considered as so many eccentric comets, sent to this ball to disturb its harmony or to blot it from existence? No! As the enlightened patriot, whose unceasing labors are directed to the promotion of the public welfare is the greatest of men, so ought he to be held in the lowest degradation, who with the power of eminently advancing the happiness of others, passes his days in ignoble apathy! His is the worst of
treason! God and nature placed him on an eminence to wield the sceptre of virtue. Elevated above the passions and vices of the world, on him was devolved the high duty of restraining the rage of contending passions, of repressing the daring spirit of vice, of animating the timid feelings of virtue, and of arresting the arm of the patricide. Slumbering on a post, where all should have been thought and vigilance, his country's misery or ruin are justly chargeable upon him! Patriots of America, let not this guilt be laid at your doors!
So great are the benefits that would flow from conducting internal improvements on a large scale, that they would justify and soon repay the imposition of taxes to a considerable extent. This however, is entirely unnecessary in many, and perhaps in all the states. In the states of Connecticut, New-York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina, there are large sums of either accumulated specie, or stock easily convertible into specie; while in many of the other states, land is possessed to a sufficient value, if properly disposed of, to produce very large sums. In the highly mercantile states of New-York and Pennsylvania, all the means are in hand for the making canals and turnpikes on as liberal a scale as the most enlarged policy can dictate. Let us descend to particulars. Each of these states, it is believed, have cash resources to the extent of three millions. Should the legislatures of those states offer to expend these sums for these ends, there is not the least doubt of their being supported by individual contributions to a like amount. Six millions would pay the expense of at least one thousand miles of turnpike road, and five hundred miles of canals. Let us suppose that these produce the first year, after their accomplishment only three per cent. which is undoubtedly a smaller profit than would be actually realized. Taking into consideration the regular progress of population, its necessary increase from internal improvements, the vast mass of rich land brought into productive cultivation by the ease and cheapness with which commodities would be interchanged, and the growth of luxury, in perhaps a more rapid extent than any of these other effects, it will be within bounds to estimate the annual rise of the proceeds of tolls at ten per cent. on the first year's receipt. We have data, on this point, which places the correctness of this estimate, so far as it proves it moderate, beyond dispute. The following is a table of our exports of domestic produce for the ten successive years from 1791 to 1800 inclusive.
  1791 14,600,000   1792 15,060,500   1793 15,420,000   1794 16,200,100   1795 18,064,050   1796 20,024,021   1797 24,052,671   1798 27,991,413   1799 33,142,187   1800 31,840,903 
Sitce this last year the exports of domestic produce have increased to 42,205,961, which is in even a higher ratio.
Taking then ten per cent. as the annual rise on the first year's receipt, the stock will rise in value, as follows:
   Dollars. Cents.     1st year 3 00   2 3 30   3 3 63   4 4 08   5 4 49   6 4 84   7 5 32   8 5 85   9 6 33   10 6 96   11 7 65   12 8 41   13 9 25   14 10 17   15 11 18   16 12 29   17 13 51   18 14 86   19 16 34   20 18 00   2 19 80  
From this statement it appears that no mode of investment for the cash funds of a state, or of an individual, can be named, that will be more productive. At the end of twenty-one years, an annual interest of at least twenty per cent. will accrue; and for this vast premium the only sacrifice will be the difference between the amount of tolls received for the first seven years and the interest of six per cent. which the price of stocks is considered as a good compensation for money. This difference amounts, on the average, to something less than two per cent. a year. While for the ensuing seven years the average annual
receipt will be above eight per cent.—and for the last seven years above fifteen per cent. After which term of twenty-one years, supposing all further increase forbidden by law, as it ought to be, there will be a permanent income of about twenty per cent.
The only inconvenience that could be experienced by the states would be the temporary loss of about two per cent. on their stock, which could, without any difficulty whatever, be overcome by moderate loans, for whose discharge the future receipts from tolls above six per cent. a year could be applied.
The state funds, to which a particular allusion has been made, are principally at present in the shape of Bank stock, or stock of the United States. Not the least difficulty could arise in the disposition of these to individuals, without, in the least, impairing the existing capitals; and the investiture of them in canal or turnpike stock, transferable in the same manner, would add considerably to the active capital of the nation. Should any state emergency require the use of any part of the principal invested, no serious embarrassment could present itself as the stock, being founded on the most solid basis, would undoubtedly, more than any other description of stock, command the public confidence.
With regard to those states that do not possess, in hand, pecuniary resources, it is not probable that they would be able to carry on internal improvements on so large a scale. But they all of them possess resources fully adequate to the accomplishment of many useful undertakings. It will occur to every mind that if in such states as Pennsylvania, New-York and Maryland, possessed of great pecuniary resources, internal improvements shall not only reward but enrich the adventurers, the common motives of interest will lead wealth, under the liberal spirit of less affluent states, to invest itself on improvements in them which cannot fail to bring a reward. This is so eminently the case that it is impossible to make a canal or a turnpike in one state, which will not sooner or later benefit every other member of the confederacy.
But there are resources, of no inconsiderable amount, at this moment, within the power of every state in the union, which, properly evolved and applied, would go great lengths towards the accomplishment of any wise plan for general improvements.
Not to go on unbeaten tracts, where, however correct, our remarks might incur the risk of not being universally attended to, from not having stood the test of experience, we shall confine ourselves to a consideration of the resources which Banks, under a proper direction, would afford to the community. It seems at present to be a general conviction that advantages given by a state to monied institutions should be paid for. Indeed, were there any necessity, it would not be difficult to prove, that governments have no right to extend peculiar privileges but for a full consideration. They are surely the property of the public, and it is defrauding the public of their property, not to receive such consideration in exchange. A long experience has shown that the annual profits of a Bank are at least eight per cent. which is two per cent. above legal and good interest. Hence, on an average, bank stock is about thirty three per cent. above par. If we compare the amount of the exports of the great commercial states of New-York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, for the last year, it will appear that they are about equal to their banking capitals. Inferring that the other states might advantageously employ a capital proportionate to their exports, the following table will show the Banking capitals that might be created in each state.
   Dollars.     In New Hampshire, 500,000   Massachusetts, 9,000,000   Rhode Island, 1,300,000   Connecticut, 1,300,000   Vermont, 100,000   New York, 11,000,000   New Jersey, 21,000   Pennsylvania, 8,000,000   Delaware, 500,000   Maryland, 6,000,000   Virginia, 7,000,000   North Carolina, 1,000,000   South Carolina, 8,000,000   Georgia, 2,500,000   Kentucky, 600,000   Tennessee—say 300,000   Territories—say 2,000,000  
The creation of bank stock to the above amount in each of the states might be fairly estimated as capable of pro-
ducing a profit of twenty five per cent. on their respective capitals, allowing the difference between that sum and the market price, viz. about eight per cent. as an inducement to individuals to subscribe which would produce the following sums to the respective states.
   Dollars.     New Hampshire, 125,000   Massachusetts, 2,250,000   Rhode Island, 325,000   Connecticut, 325,000   Vermont, 25,000   New York, 2,750,000   New Jersey, 5,250   Pennsylvania, 2,000,000   Delaware, 125,000   Maryland, 1,500,000   Virginia, 1,750,000   North Carolina, 250,000   South Carolina, 2,000,000   Georgia, 625,000   Kentucky, 150,000   Tennessee, 75,000   Territories, 500,000   14,782,250  
The only states, very deficient in resource from this object, appear to be Vermont and New Jersey. With regard to the latter there can be no doubt but that the wealth of the adjacent states of New-York and Pennsylvania, so far as respects the making of turnpikes and canals, will overflow upon her soil—she is, indeed, commercially considered, a section of those states.
I am not unmindful that stubborn sentiments of hostility exist in some of the southern states against the establishment of Banks; on principles too, viewed by those who entertain them, as farcical. But late events completely show that the public opinion, however indisposed to pronounce, on the abstract question of the propriety of establishing such institutions, yields to the extending conviction that inasmuch as such institutions do exist in many of the states, and as their relative interests are advanced by them, policy dictates their adoption in other states, as a necessary measure of defence. Nor can there be a doubt entertained but that if banks are suffered to exist at all, they do less injury when their numbers and extensive capitals preclude monopoly or favoritism than when their fewness or limited capitals render them dangerous engines of political or personal favour.
Here then we have a capital, capable of creation, amounting to near fifteen millions of dollars, which united to an equal amount of individual contribution, would make turnpike roads of at least five thousand miles, and canals of at least two thousand five hundred miles, without the imposition of a dollar, on the people, and without the least public or private sacrifice. On the contrary the active resources of the nation would be greatly increased, by the establishment of Bank stock to a great amount, and of Internal Improvement stock to a much greater. It is true that all this resource would not be disengaged at once; but as the charters of all the banks are limited, as they expire it would be drawn into activity.
There is one further view, presented by this subject, which we cannot resist noticing. At the end of a given period, say fifty years, let the states possess the right of buying out the stockholders, at a certain advance on the original capital, of fixing anew the tolls, and of disposing of the whole or a part of the stock. This will bring the tolls to a moderate and equitable amount. But, as at that period, the population and wealth of the country will be vastly extended, and the conveyance of productions increased in an equal degree, a low toll will produce a large revenue; and in this way will the states be enabled to raise a sum equal, it is believed, to the support of their governments, without any resort to direct taxation.
One other effect will be attained by the creation of this stock. It will prevent any injuries that might otherwise arise from the extinguishment of the present stock of the United States. If those principles of policy, which at present guide the administration of the government, continue to prevail, the whole of the existing debt will be soon redeemed, and a large mass of circulating medium be extinguished. A better expedient than the one suggested could not, perhaps, be devised, to prevent the real or apprehended evils that might arise from a change too suddenly induced, or from an incompetent circulating medium.
LETTER FOURTH.
The Third great object that requires state regulation is the security of property . This, under all circumstances, has been deemed an important consideration. Its importance, however, is
almost infinitely increased by the prevalent state of society in this country, and the new aspects and relations which a new order of things has created. It is one of the happiest features of our political institutions that, by inhibiting every species of monopoly and by leaving industry unfettered, the power of obtaining property is placed equally within the reach of every citizen, so far as political institutions can effect this end. The right of primogeniture, and the principle of entails, being wisely annulled, prevent dangerous accumulations of property, and distinctions, equally dangerous, arising from accidental circumstances instead of merit.
This great end insured, it only remains to adopt wise codes of laws to secure the rights of property. As on these essentially depend its value, it will be evident that they are not inferior in importance to the attainment of property itself.
Are then the rights of property at present adequately secured? It is humbly presumed they are not. Without meaning to derogate from the wisdom of institutions many of which have existed for ages, and most of which have been tested by some experience, it may be confidently affirmed that the great political revolution effected by the United States has placed the people in a situation which requires a modification, to say no more, of the principles adopted in the old world, on this point.
A leading feature in the systems of the old world was to aid the accumulation of property in the hands of a few, and to maintain such accumulation undisturbed for a long succession of years. As on this result principally depended the stability of governments, means the most effectual were devised for commanding and securing it. Hence the rules of primogeniture, entails and monopolies; so wisely done away in this country; and hence too so many provisions, by which property, once acquired, was entrenched; the effect of which was the frequent resistance of just claims made on the individual possessed of the property of another; and hence the adage that possession constitutes nine points of the law. With this view courts were multiplied; the legal code was rendered too intricate for the apprehension of the unlearned; the forms of judicial proceedings were clothed in an unintelligible phraseology, requiring a distinct order of men to interpret it; and the expences of carrying forward suits were rendered intolerable, except to the rich. It requires no extraordinary discernment to perceive that all these circumstances concurred to make the poor dependent on the rich; and, of consequence, to fortify the vast possessions of the latter, while they undermined the pittance of the former.
If these are the effects of the existing systems of justice, as they are called, is it not manifest that they are unoperative, so far as they go, of some of the great benefits expected from the change effected in our political institutions; and may it not be feared that they will operate, in an insidious manner, to undermine the whole structure.
Let us descend to particulars. One of the great ends of our governments is to secure the fruits of every man's industry. This can only be effected by a system of laws which either discourages all credit, or which provides means easily within the reach of each individual for obtaining that which of right belongs to him. In the first instance debts will be rarely incurred, and no disappointment will arise from the inadequacy of laws to enforce their payment; while in the last instance there will exist means of recovering them, which shall be easy, prompt and unexpensive. The abrogation of all laws for enforcing the payment of debts is repugnant to the habits of our citizens, that it would be deemed the temerity of innovation to recommend it; and it is probable that whatever strength of argument might be adduced in its support would be too feeble to make any efficient opposition to the prejudices of habit and preconceived opinion. Leaving then this enquiry, let us proceed to examine whether the existing system of laws provides for the recovery of debts by means which are easy, prompt and unexpensive.
If a debt is due, recourse must be had to a professional man who is alone viewed by the law as competent to point out the legal remedy required. In most instances before his advice can be obtained, a fee must be given, seldom less than three or four dollars, and rising in proportion to the magnitude of the cause. The lawyer frequently resides at a distance of twenty or thirty miles from the party aggrieved; and consequently one or two days will be consumed

ed in reaching him, and in afterwards returning home. Process is then to be obtained from the clerk of the court, for which a charge generally of about a dollar, is made. The Sheriff is then to be sought at probably some distance.—These are the steps required for initiating the suit. The expence they involve may be fairly estimated at eight dollars, and the consummation of time at three days. None but men in easy circumstances can afford to lose so much time or money. So far, therefore, the present administration of justice operates as a barrier against the just claims of the poor man, and as an inducement to those who are unjust to incur debts in the hope of impunity. These are, however, but the first steps required by the legal code. Courts are held seldom oftener than four times, and sometimes not more than once or twice a year for the trial of causes. Such are the usual forms of procedure that it is impossible to know when a cause will come to trial, and of consequence, the parties are under the necessity of attending court for several successive terms and often years, with all their papers and witnesses, the personal concerns of whom are interfered with. It is difficult, almost impossible, to calculate the trouble and expence occasioned by these delays. The cause is at length tried and judgement pronounced. Though years shall have elapsed since the commencement of the suit, a further indulgence is allowed the debtor. Execution may be stayed; and in case he possess real property, its sale is either prohibited, or seven years allowed for the satisfaction of his debts in case the clear proceeds of his property will redeem them within a period of seven years. Can these means, required for the recovery of debts, be, with the least colour of truth, called easy? Are they not, on the contrary, fraught with difficulties, with delay, and with distress? Do they not entirely sap the principle of equal rights? are they not subversive of impartial justice? Do they not necessarily create distinctions among men; between the rich and the poor? Do they not give power to the former, while they deny it to the latter? They surely have all these effects, and having them, call aloud for legislative redress. (To be continued.)
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, December 12. Debate on the bill to regulate the clearance of armed merchant vessels. (Concluded.)
Mr. Clarke thought, while we were imposing penalties on our own citizens it would likewise be proper equally to restrain foreigners; he therefore moved an amendment to insert after the American owners of the vessel, the words "or any person or persons resident within the United States." This would restrain aliens from reaping the profits so frequently mentioned—agreed to.
Mr. Crowninshield moved to add the following: "provided that the regulations herein contained shall not be construed to extend to vessels bound to any country situated to the southward of the equator."
Mr. J. Clay said that would not restrain vessels from clearing out for the coast of Africa and returning to the West-Indies.
Mr. Smilie asked if the words were not the same as had been stricken out; if so the motion was out of order.
Mr. Crowninshield said the words were varied; the former proviso extended to the Mediterranean, and beyond the Cape of Good Hope; here not a word is said of the Mediterranean, but the language is confined exclusively to the southward of the equator.
Only fifteen members voting in favor of Mr. Crowninshield's proviso, of course it was lost.
Mr. Eppes suggested the propriety of amending the second section in such manner, as to make the captain and crew liable to punishment, if they should commit any violence or unlawful assault upon any vessel or territory of a nation in amity with the United States, or should make any other unlawful use of their arms. If the offence amounted to murder or felony they should suffer the punishment of murderers or felons; or if the offence should be of less degree they should be punished accordingly.—He said it was well known that the privilege they were now about to bestow was not a right derived from the law of nature or of nations. If then it was no natural right, the legislature have the right to dictate the conditions upon which they are willing to grant it. The first section provides a security against the improper use of arms, or as it were for their good behaviour. His amendment would go to provide a suitable corporal punishment for any offence they might commit after they had arms in their hands. It appeared to him that they were about to change the whole system of commerce. Instead of relying on their own skill, enterprise and industry as our mariners, we are about to give them force by which they may find their way to market. Your vessels are to be light, swift sailing runners,
capable of combat or flight. We shall bear no more of vessels of burthen being employed in the West-India trade.—Upon the whole he submitted to the House whether the public safety did not absolutely require this additional security. He had not however thrown this idea into form, but if it met the approbation of gentlemen he would endeavor to reduce it to writing.
Mr. J. Clay would make a motion which would supercede the necessity of the amendment suggested by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Eppes) that was to strike out the whole of the second section.
Mr. Eppes asked if Mr. J. C. meant to propose a substitute?
Mr. J. Clay replied that he did not, as he believed the bill would be effectual for its purpose without any thing more than the first section as it now stood amended.
On the question to strike out, there were 55 in favour of the motion, and 44 against it. The section was struck out accordingly.
Mr. J. Clay next moved to strike out the third section, which was carried without debate by 58 against 22.
Mr. Eustis moved to amend the fourth section, so as to read, That if any armed vessel as aforesaid shall proceed to sea without a clearance, such vessel, &c. shall be forfeited to the use of the U. States. Agreed to.
Mr. Eppes moved a new section in conformity to the idea he had expressed when the second section was under consideration.
It was nearly as follows: That if any armed merchant vessel shall make or commit any depredation, outrage, unlawful assault, or violence, against any vessel or territory of a nation in amity with the United States, or against any of the citizens or subjects of such nation, or make any other unlawful use of the arms on board such vessel; if such depredation, &c. shall be made or committed, as if made or committed in any place under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, would be murder, felony or misdemeanor, the same shall be murder, felony, or misdemeanor, as the case shall be; and the principals and accessories concerned therein shall be punished as they would respectively be in other cases of murder, felony or misdemeanor by the laws of the U. States.
Mr. J. Clay said he should be glad to hear the reasons on which this amendment was founded.
Mr. Eppes had stated when he was up before the reason for which he was induced to make this motion. The right of making war was in all cases lodged in the hands of the government; when men entered into civil society they abandoned whatever natural right they had to employ force against others, and vested their defence in those who were qualified to exercise the whole strength of the community. In our government the constitution has delegated this power exclusively to Congress. Our merchant vessels have no natural right to arm, nor does the law of nations warrant it. If then Congress extend this privilege to merchantmen, Congress have a right to prescribe the conditions. He had also stated that he did not consider the bond entered into at the custom-house an adequate security for preserving the peace of the nation, or preventing an improper use of cannon and ball entrusted to the citizens ranging the ocean in pursuit of wealth. Indeed he thought the power confined to captains of vessels under this bill was too dangerous, and therefore Congress could not be too cautious in guarding against its abuse by every means in their power. It is true, the penalty enjoined by the new section is a severe penalty; but it does not affect any one unless he commits one of those improper acts it is intended to restrain; and if he willingly and wickedly does commit a crime, he incurs the penalty and deserves the punishment; and let him receive it, in order to check a similar licentiousness in others. He confessed some degree of surprise that gentlemen should ask for the reasons of the amendment, when they would not deign to offer any argument against it.
Mr. J. Clay asked if it was meant to attach these penalties on a commander who shall, in resisting an illegal search, happen to kill or wound some of his adversary's crew—that right he thought was secured by the law of nations. If a vessel shall be attacked by pirates, may she not resist and beat them off; this is the natural right of self-defence. He believed the provision of the first section was sufficient to prevent all voluntary transgressions; but shall a man who involuntarily kills another by firing a cannon at sea for any of the usual purposes, be hanged? If he is, is not this then a new and unusual punishment for such an offence, and such as is forbidden by our constitution? Will any man say that this is a punishment proportioned to the crime.
Mr. Eppes requested the clerk to read the amendment again, for the information of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, as it was very evident to him that he had misunderstood the object of the section.
This being done, Mr. E. proceeded, The words 'new and unusual' certainly might have been
spared by the gentleman; for the punishment is exactly the same as what has been usual in every place under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress. It subjects them for a similar crime committed at sea, to the same punishment as if the offence had been committed in this territory of Columbia. The arms, it is said, are only given to them for their defence; well, will you not then take sufficient security that they shall not be used for offence; or shall they be permitted to trespass upon the vessels or territories of those in amity with the U. States. He could not distinguish why murder committed on the high seas should be less murder than if perpetrated on shore. In both situations the offence was the same, and the punishment directed by the amendment was precisely the same—unless this was allowable, he did not see how Congress could annex even an old punishment to a new crime. If however the offence and the punishment were the same as heretofore, he could see no impropriety in passing the section he had offered.
Mr. Lucas could not discover how his colleague had inferred that the right of arming merchant vessels was a natural right, or a right under the law of nations. He supposes a neutral may resist illegal search, or defend himself against a pirate. On these points he need not add any thing, as they had been fully exemplified by the gentleman who moved the amendment. As to its inflicting new and unusual punishments, he could not make that discovery either; the punishment was the same for the offence when committed at sea as if committed in the body of a county; the only difference was as to the place where. In short he thought the amendment a very proper one, and hoped it would be agreed to. He thought the object of the bill was not so much to preclude the continuation of the trade to St. Domingo, as to give a kind of half way satisfaction to France, in excuse for the iniquity of that trade, as it had for some time past been carried on—From what had been stated by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. McCreery) he supposed that the contracts for certain supplies to be furnished by the contractors in Maryland, and particularly in Baltimore, to the agents of the French government while at St. Domingo, had not yet been fully completed; but that shipments continued to be made, and the supplies destined for the service of the French actually were delivered at the ports as stipulated, although those ports were in the possession of the Brigands. Under the intended regulation, armed vessels will defend themselves to get in, which may produce a clashing of power between the contractors and the persons now lawfully commissioned by France to intercept the commerce between neutral nations and the Brigands of St. Domingo. He admitted it was difficult to draw a line, as to how far an armed vessel should be restrained in the exercise of her force. He knew there would necessarily be some latitude of construction; but he thought the best security which could be obtained, was to punish an abuse of the power conferred upon them, by making all the parties principals or accessories, and punishing the offences in the same way as they would be punished, if committed within the territory over which Congress have the power of exercising exclusive jurisdiction.
Mr. Sloan hoped he should always be careful how he undertook to speak on matters he did not understand. He had therefore remained silent on the bill so far as it had proceeded. He did not fully understand the commercial relations between the United States and other nations; but he had a full feeling and high estimation for the preservation of the peace and happiness of this country, and on this point he meant to express an idea which had occurred to him. He observed that it was but a very few years since Merchant vessels were permitted to arm in any other case than that of actual and declared war. He supposed then, and still believed, it was a dangerous experiment. He believed now that it was equally dangerous. Whether it was politically wise to pursue the St. Domingo trade at such an immense risk, he would not say; as he had not as yet learned to calculate commercial profits, when set against the peace and happiness of his country; he should not decide for those who understood this kind of political economy. But to his mind it resulted from the arguments he had heard that it would be better to restrain arming altogether. Yet as a majority of the house had decided the contrary, he should not oppose their will, but he hoped they would endeavour so to secure this power from abuse, as to prevent to the utmost every possible evil which might otherwise arise to the unexampled prosperity of the Union.
Mr. Crowninshield said, he regretted the necessity of again troubling the committee on this subject. The bill under consideration was highly interesting to the merchants of the United States.—He had repeatedly stated his objections to the bill as it was first reported, and as it was subsequently amended, and had moved an amendment, which had been finally agreed to. This was to strike out the cargo, so that bonds should be
exact only for double the value of the vessel, without reference to her loading, and he had the satisfaction to find that a majority had been found in favour of the proposal. Without repeating what he had observed formerly, when this subject was before the House, he would call the attention of gentlemen to the great value of some of the cargoes shipped from this country. He was convinced that the East India trade from the United States could not be carried on to advantage, if the merchants were compelled to give bonds in a sum equal to the full amount of vessel and cargo—This commerce was extremely valuable, and he hoped no embarrassments would be thrown in its way. If we wished to restrain the trade to a particular island in armed vessels, for his part he thought it might be done without touching the whole commerce of the United States, but he saw no reason why that trade was to be wholly interdicted. It might be well to oblige those who carried it on to enter into bonds to double the value of the vessel, tackle and furniture, conditioned that no aggression should be committed on the vessel of a friendly nation, and he should not oppose this regulation; but in doing this, he could see no necessity of extending these conditions to all other vessels. He said that he was certain, if the bonds were to be exacted for the cargoes of the East India vessels, it would fall extremely hard on the merchants of the eastern and middle states, who carried on a great and increasing trade to India. Some cargoes might amount to three, or even four hundred thousand dollars, and in such cases bondsmen could not be procured. In general, the cargoes were not near so valuable; but we employed upwards of one hundred and fifty vessels in the India and China trade, and he hoped no restraints would be imposed on that commerce. The ships engaged in voyages beyond the Cape of Good Hope were generally provided with arms, merely to defend themselves against pirates, who were sometimes found in those distant seas, and he knew of no instance where they had committed an aggression, or where they had made any unlawful use of their arms, and he presumed none would occur in future.—Why then should we compel the owners of these vessels to give such heavy bonds? Why embarrass commerce unnecessarily? Commerce will be always most flourishing when left most free to individual enterprise. In some cases these bonds would operate to the injury of our European trade. It was well known that a vessel of two hundred and fifty or three hundred tons, loaded with sugar and coffee would be worth nearly one hundred thousand dollars. Would any gentleman in this House be willing to sign bonds for his neighbour for that amount? They would not, it might be presumed. Is it probable then, that one merchant will stand surety for another at the custom-house for these enormous sums? If the bill should unfortunately pass with a condition to include the value of the cargo in the estimate of the bonds, he ventured to predict that the revenue would be sensibly diminished for the next year. He would not be much surprised, if it fell short nearly a million of dollars. It would be impossible to procure the necessary bondsmen in all cases, and the merchants must give up their voyages to the East Indies in armed vessels, and if they disarm, they exposed their property to almost certain loss. If the bill was properly amended, Mr. Crowninshield said he believed he should vote for it, tho' he did not like all its provisions; but he supposed something must be done, and he would willingly consent to regulate the particular commerce, so frequently alluded to; but he could not approve of the bill in its present form.
Mr. Clarke voted for the first section under an impression that it would be proper to permit merchant vessels in some cases to defend themselves. He was therefore willing that they should have arms on board for the purpose of self-defence; but while he was willing to provide for their security, he conceived himself bound to restrain them from the commission of crimes; and this amendment goes no further. It does not deprive them of the right of self-defence, and the privilege of repelling force by force. They are authorised to beat another vessel off when attacked, but they are restrained from becoming the aggressors. The amendment does not go to deprive a sailor of a single privilege at sea, which he possesses on shore, and surely it will not be contended that because a man is a sailor he is entitled to exclusive privileges. A mariner has no right to attack another man on shore, neither ought he to be privileged to attack another at sea; but his rights, be they what they may, are the same both on land and sea. If this were a proposition to put arms in the hands of a man setting out on his travels, would any one object to punish him for every unjust and criminal abuse of such arms. There is not a member on this floor, but whose mind would revolt at the idea of protecting such a man, more than if he had remained at home. Why then do gentlemen advocate a distinction between the man travelling by land, and another traversing the ocean; in each case the
protecting arm of his country is extended to preserve to him his legal and constitutional rights—in each case then also should the sword of justice perform its office without distinction or favor. This regulation he was convinced would have a beneficial effect upon foreign nations, as at the same time it would shew them that we will protect our lawful commerce, that our citizens are not authorised to offend any other people, and that if they do they will be punished by their government in a manner proportioned to the offence. On these two grounds he was in favor of the motion for amendment, first, it would go to prevent an offence by fear of the punishment—and second, it would have a good effect upon the belligerent nations of Europe with whom we are at peace, to preserve our commerce from wanton violation.
Mr. Smilie had also agreed to the first section of the bill, because he thought it useful that our merchant vessels trading to the West Indies during its present unsettled state, should be permitted to arm in their own defence; but at the same time there was another circumstance equally important to be attended to, that was to preserve a peace between the United States and other nations unfortunately engaged in war. He was of opinion that since merchant vessels were permitted to arm, every precaution ought to be taken against the improper use of their arms. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Crowninshield) has represented the American merchants as a set of peaceable and harmless men. He did not carry his idea of the virtuous and forbearing disposition of this class of citizens quite so far; but he honestly believed they were as virtuous and honorable as any other set of merchants on the face of the globe. But he believed that they had all the infirmities to which mankind were liable, as well as other persons constituting the other classes of the community, to say nothing of the nature of their calling which many writers supposed to be bottomed on principles of avarice. But that however as it might, he did not think it impossible that a seaman's conduct at sea might at times be as irregular and as improper as a landman's on shore. He could not think the crew of a ship at sea would be more orderly than our own citizens residing in our own territory. Yet we have here such crimes as felonies and misdemeanors, for the commission of which the law has furnished correspondent remedies, and why not make a similar provision for similar offences committed at sea. He did not know but the temptation at sea was stronger than on shore, a weaker vessel might easily become the prey of the stronger, and the impunity arising from concealment might induce men to risk something more in one case than in the other. In a moral point of view a murder committed at sea was as heinous an offence as a murder perpetrated on shore, and if committed on the body of a foreigner, the crime was as great in the eye of heaven as if committed on a fellow citizen. But he would ask gentlemen of what they were afraid. They must allow that the crews of vessels may commit these crimes. Do they wish to rescue them from condign punishment? Surely not. But if a ship's crew make no unlawful use of their arms, they are no obnoxious to any punishment. He hoped the amendment would be agreed to, for the honor of Congress and the security of the peace of the nation. He had good reason to believe that the agents of a certain nation had made loud complaints to our administration with respect to the conduct of several American vessels trading to the West Indies. If this section is added to the bill, it will evince the disposition of the government of the United States to preserve peace and do justice to all the nations of the world.
On the question to insert the new section proposed by Mr. Eppes, there was 56 in its favor, and 50 against it.
The committee then rose, and reported the bill with the amendments agreed to.
The House having agreed to consider the amendments,
On motion of Mr. J. CLAY an amendment was made substituting for the words "citizen or citizens, &c." the words "person or persons resident within the United States or territories thereof."
Mr. R. Griswold thought that giving bond for double the value of the vessel, her tackle, apparel and furniture, was sufficient, without adding the cargo; if other gentlemen agreed with him, he hoped they would refuse their assent to so much of the amendment. The gentleman (Mr. J. Clay) to be sure, had said that the bond taken in the case of East-Indiamen was merely formal. He did not think Congress ought to legislate on this principle.—When securities are demanded they should be for an efficient purpose, and not merely nominal. Why should a vessel sailing with arms to India be compelled to give security on her cargo of 300,000 dollars for a million of dollars. Is there more risk of an improper use of her arms than in the case of a West Indiaman with a cargo of 30,000 dollars which gives security only for 60,000 dollars or

is a murder or felony committed by one vessel, let a murder or felony be committed by another, and yet from the disparity of the bonds one would be led to suspect that such was the idea. Viewing this additional incumbrance on commerce as a shackle that would subject small traders to real inconvenience, while it would facilitate the enterprise of merchants of large capital and long established credit, he meant to call the yeas and nays on the question of agreeing to this part of the report of the committee of the whole.
Mr. Y. Clay said it was true that he had said that bonds given at the custom house for East India ships were merely formal; it is not however because they are unnecessary or improper, but because the commanders of such vessels were men of such consideration and prudence, that they would not subject themselves to the forfeiture, and so far he was willing to admit that the amendment would also be a mere formal regulation as to the clearance of armed East Indiamen. But as to vessels bound to the West Indies, it was a notorious fact that the value of the vessel and her equipment formed no proportion to the profits made on the cargo, if they have a fortunate run, and it was against the illicit commerce of such that he wished to be secure. He was unwilling unnecessarily to shackle commerce as any gentleman; but this regulation was not an unnecessary shackle, it was one absolutely required by existing circumstances, and will not work a hardship on any merchant engaged in a lawful commerce. One thing, however, he acknowledged it would effect. It will prevent in future that species of trade, which, to say the least of it, approaches very near to illicit trade at the present moment. A merchant, willing to run the risk of such a voyage as he had alluded to, would prefer to make it unarmed rather than armed, because he knows the consequences, and the probability of transgressing some of the provisions of this act. It had been suggested that two bonds would be required; he did not believe they would, as it was not the practice under the law of 1798, which was expressed in the same terms as the amendment before the House. If the House should however consider this regulation as bearing hard on the East India trade, they might remedy it by refusing to concur with the committee of the whole in striking out the proviso.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 4.
We insert in this day's paper the proceedings in detail of the "Association for the promotion of a Subordinate Government for the Territory of Columbia." We are always averse to fill our columns with local concerns; and at the present season, when so much interesting matter requires attention, must decline continuing to publish more of these details, which appear altogether confined to preliminary points. The general results to which the association may come, we have no objection to inserting.
Our readers will perceive that after Mr. Chase had addressed the Senate, they retired into a private chamber. A question there arose, whether it was not necessary for the Senators to take the oath, required by the constitution, before they took into consideration the motion of Mr. Chase. After considerable debate, this question was decided affirmatively. Accordingly, the first step taken yesterday, when the court was opened, was the qualifying the members.
Previously to the appearance of the Senate in the public room, which did not take place till two o'clock, considerable debate, we understand, was had on the motion of Mr. Chase.
ERRATUM. The resolution adopted in the House of Representatives, requiring from the department of state, information of the names, &c. of impressed seamen, was offered by Dr. Eustis, and not by Mr. Crowninshield, as stated in the proceedings.
IN SENATE
OF THE UNITED STATES.
HIGH COURT OF IMPEACHMENTS.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2.
The United States versus Samuel Chase.
Silence having been enjoined by the cryer, Mr. Otis (Secretary) Read the return on the summons of Samuel Chase, made by Mr. Mathers, sergeant at arms, who was sworn that he served the said Samuel Chase with a copy of the summons and a copy of the articles of impeachment.
Proclamation was made that Samuel Chase appear conformably to the summons, or that his default would be recorded.
SAMUEL CHASE appeared accordingly.
The President of the Senate (Mr. Burr) informed Mr. Chase, that hav-
ing been summoned to answer the articles of impeachment exhibited against him by the House of Representatives, the Senate were ready to receive any answer he had to make.
Mr. Chase requested, in consideration of age and infirmity, the indulgence of a chair, which being immediately furnished, he seated himself near the centre of the area of the Senate chamber in front of the President. The members were seated in boxes covered with crimson on each side of the President and in a line with his chair.
Mr. Chase rose, and made several observations of a general nature on the articles of impeachment.
The President said this day had been appointed to receive any answer he might make to them.
Mr. Chase said his purpose was to request the allowance of further time to put in his answer.
The President desired him to proceed.
Mr. Chase began his argument in favor of an extension of the time for putting in his answer. After making his exordium he denied being guilty of all or any of the articles exhibited against him; but said the charges were so heinous and urged by such high authority, that a simple denial would not be sufficient. It behoved him therefore to evince the rectitude of his conduct by meeting each charge distinctly.
The President here interrupted him; and asked if the paper he was reading was intended for his answer, if so it would be put on file. If it was the prelude to a motion he meant to make praying to be allowed further time for putting in his answer, he would confine himself strictly to what had relation to that object. From the tenor of what had been urged it had appeared to him as intended for an answer to the articles of impeachment.
Mr. Chase said it was not his answer that he was reading; but that he was assigning reasons, why he could not now answer, in order to show that he was entitled to further time to prepare and put in his answer.
President. You, who are so conversant in the practice of courts of law, know very well that a motion for time must not be founded on mere suggestions, but must be founded on some facts to prove the propriety of the motion.
Mr. Chase said he meant to show the impracticability of his answering at this time, from the very articles themselves, and it was for that purpose he had had an allusion to them.
The President said with the caution he had given he might proceed, provided no objection were made by any gentleman of the Senate.
Mr. Chase proceeded with his argument without interruption until he came to that part in which he stated he could prove his innocence by the uniform tenor of his public life—which would show that whilst those who accused him were piling in their nurses arms, his arms were raised, and the utmost exertions of his mind employed, in laying the foundations whereon are erected the liberty, happiness and prosperity of our country.
The President here interrupted him, and said that observations of censure or recrimination were not admissible; it would be very improper for him to listen to observations on the statements of the House of Representatives before an answer was filed.
Mr. Chase said he had very few words more to add, and he should then finish for the present. He was permitted to proceed, and concluded with desiring that he might be allowed till the first day of the next session to put in his answer and prepare himself with counsel for his trial.
The President desired him if he had any motion to make to reduce it to writing and hand it to the secretary.
Mr. Chase hereupon stated his motion in writing which was as above stated, and was afterwards read by the secretary.
The President then informed him that the Senate would deliberate on his motion, and that the court would be opened to-morrow at 12 o'clock.
The Senate immediately, on the invitation of the President, left the Senate Chamber, and proceeded to a private committee room.
During the whole of these proceedings, neither the managers, or House of representatives were present.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 3.
The Secretary administered to the President the following oath. "You do solemnly swear that in all things appertaining to the trial of the impeachment of Samuel Chase, you will do impartial justice according to the constitution and laws of the United States."
The like oath was administered by the President to 27 of the members present, and three others made solemn affirmation to the same effect.
The President laid before the Senate a letter from Samuel Chase, inclosing an affidavit sworn before Mr. Justice Hamilton, alleging various facts and reasons for being allowed further time to give in his answer.
Mr. Bradley moved the Senate to come to the following resolution:
Ordered, That Samuel Chase, one of
the associate justices of the supreme court of the United States, do file his answer to the articles of impeachment exhibited against him, with the Secretary of the Senate, on or before the day of
Mr. Giles moved to strike out all the words after the word ordered, and insert in lieu thereof the following: "That the day of receiving the answer and proceeding on the trial of the impeachment of Samuel Chase."
Mr. Hillhouse moved a division of the question, taking it first on striking out.
Mr. Giles asked if the whole was not one motion.
The President declared that any member of the court had the right of requiring a division of a question where it was susceptible of a division, and he conceived the amendment proposed was capable of being divided.
The question was then taken on striking out by calling over the names of the members, and there appeared Ayes 20—Nones 10.—So the words were stricken out.
The question was next taken in like manner upon inserting the words moved by Mr. Giles, and was carried—Ayes 22—Nones 8.
Mr. Tracey moved to fill up the blank with the first Monday in December next.
Mr. Breckenridge moved to fill it up with the 4th of February next.
The President said the first question would be on the most distant day, viz. the first Monday in December next.
On this question there appeared 12 Ayes and 18 Nones. So the motion was lost.
The President then put the question on the 4th day of February next, which was carried in the affirmative—21 Yeas and 9 Nones.
The question on the order, as amended, was then put and was carried—Ayes 21—Nones 9.
The Secretary was directed by the President to deliver a copy of this order to the House of Representatives, and another copy to Samuel Chase.
After enquiry by the President whether any gentleman had any thing further to offer, the Senate withdrew to a private chamber.
English prints are received as late as November 3rd, containing many interesting articles, which we cannot insert without neglecting the proceedings of Congress. Among these is the following:
LONDON, November 2.
Sir George Rumbold, the British resident at Hamburg, with his papers, has been seized by a party of 200 French infantry, who surprised him at his house about a mile from the city, and carried him off. The Senate of Hamburg, the day after this outrage, sent to the French resident to enquire the cause of it, and to demand his liberation. The minister said he was ignorant of the cause, but supposed it to be a suite of Mr. Drake's affair.
Washington, December 30th, 1804.
Sir,
It was with great regret that we received from you upon a late occasion the communication of your determination to resign the command of the 1st Legion of the Militia of the district of Columbia—Having during, and since, the organization of our military system experienced the benefit of your attention and services as an officer, and your civility and politeness as a gentleman, we cannot but feel this impression:—but permit us to add that, influenced as we are by a motive of private friendship combined with the above considerations, this event has awakened in our bosoms no ordinary sensibility.
We console ourselves, however, Sir, in some degree with the reflection that the separation about to occur between us is merely an official one; and with the hope that our conduct, as officers under your command, has been such as to claim your future attention to the general concerns of the Legion, and, as friends and companions, not wholly uninteresting.
With our ardent wishes for your welfare, We remain with much esteem and respect,
Sir, your most obedient, and very humble Servants, JOHN P. VAN NESS, Major, by request, and on behalf of the Officers of the 1st Legion of Militia, district of Columbia.
Washington, January 1st, 1805.
GENTLEMEN,
I should be very unworthy of the sentiments you express towards me, in consequence of my resigning the command of the Legion, did I not repay them in a full measure of friendship, respect and gratitude.
From my first appointment to this hour I have had every reason to be satisfied as well with those who advanced me to the honor of the command, as those who have aided me in the execution of its duties.
I can truly assure you, that I have not arrived at a fit determination to re-
sign my command without much struggle with the indelible impressions left upon my mind, by your merit as officer, your demeanour as gentlemen and your attachment as friends.
I have long experienced difficulty from the interference of my military command, with the civil office of high responsibility, which I now hold—and the weighty claims to attention to my family and private affairs, become daily more and more inconsistent with a multiplicity of public duties—these gentlemen, and these alone are the considerations that compel me to bid you a most respectful and affectionate adieu.
DANIEL C. BRENT.
Major John P. Van Ness and the other officers of the 1st Legion of the Militia of the district of Columbia.
AN ACT
For the disposal of certain copies of the Laws of the United States.
Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That three hundred copies of the laws of the United States, which have been procured by the Secretary of State, in obedience to the law passed for that purpose, and three hundred copies of the Journals of Congress, which have been procured in pursuance of the resolution of the second of March, one thousand seven and ninety-nine shall be placed in the Library of Congress.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Senate, for the time being, be, and he is hereby authorised to receive three hundred copies of the laws of the United States, out of the one thousand copies reserved by law for the disposal of Congress as soon as the same shall be printed, after each session; which he shall cause to be placed in the library, and assorted respectively with the sets of copies mentioned in the first section of this act; excepting only, that at the close of the present session which will complete the Eighth Congress, and in like manner after each particular session in future, which shall complete a Congress, he shall cause the several copies reserved by him as aforesaid, for all the sessions of each respective Congress, to be bound in one volume, making three hundred volumes for each Congress, as aforesaid, which he shall cause to be placed in the library, assorted with the respective sets of copies mentioned in the first section of this act. And the several copies of the laws and Journals of Congress, mentioned in this act shall not be taken out of the library, except by the President and Vice President of the United States, and members of the Senate and House of Representatives for the time being.—And the expence of binding shall be paid, from time to time, out of the fund appropriated to defray the contingent expenses of both Houses of Congress.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, for the time being, be, and they are hereby empowered to establish such regulations and restrictions in relation to the copies of the laws and Journals of Congress, directed by this act to be placed in the library, as to them shall seem proper, and from time to time, to alter and amend the same: Provided, that no regulation nor restriction shall be valid, which is repugnant to the provisions contained in the act.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That to make up the deficiency of the appropriation heretofore made, for the purchase of four hundred copies of the laws of the United States, the sum of eleven hundred and forty-four dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated, payable out of any money in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
A. BURR,
Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
January 2, 1805.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
The subscribers to the Washington Dancing Assembly, are requested to meet at Rhodes's tavern this evening at 6 o'clock.
By order of the MANAGERS. Jan. 4.
Forty Dollars Reward.
Stolen on the night of the and inst. from near the Ferry Landing George Town, a Dapple GREY HORSE, 16 hands high, rising 6 years old, well set, carries himself well, and paces and trots—TEN dollars reward will be given if taken within 10 miles, 30 if taken within 50 or upwards, or 40 dollars for horse and thief, if left with Thomas Thorpe near the Branch Bank Washington city
WILLIAM BEST.
Jan. 4—3t
A RENT TO BE HAD
I will rent out, or lease for a term of years, my farm at the Seneca Falls of Potomac, eighteen miles from Georgetown. There are two or three working hands on the place to be hired, and horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, &c. will be offered the person renting it on reasonable terms—The place is in good repair, with wheat and rye seeded—for terms apply to the subscriber, in Washington city.
JOSEPH FORREST.
January 4—3t
Association for the promotion of a subordinate government for the Territory of Columbia.
At a meeting of the association for the promotion of a subordinate government for the Territory of Columbia, held pursuant to adjournment, at the hotel of Wm. WOODWARD, in the city of Washington, on Saturday evening, the 29th day of December, 1804.
The proceedings of the last meeting were read by the secretary.
The names of Thomas H. Gillis, George Andrews, Robert Brent, Samuel Hamilton, James Barry, Daniel Rapine, Thomas Carpenter, John Stevens, Benjamin Perkins, Wm. Byrne, and Henry Berford, were reported to the meeting as gentlemen desirous of being considered members of this association.
The association proceeded, pursuant to order, to the election of a president, when it appeared that Robert Brent, esq. mayor of the city of Washington, was unanimously elected President.
Resolved, That Henry Berford and Augustus B. Woodward, be a committee to wait upon Mr. Brent, inform him of his said election, and respectfully request his acceptance of the said office.
Mr. Berford, of the said committee, reported that the committee pursuant to order, waited upon Mr. Brent informed him of his said election, and respectfully requested his acceptance of the said office, to which Mr. Brent was pleased to return an answer in writing.
The communication of Mr. Brent was then read and ordered to be inserted in the minutes as follows:
"Gentlemen, "I have been highly flattered by the application of the "association for promoting a subordinate government for the Territory of Columbia," requesting me to act as their President. The many avocations which I have, both of a public and private nature, leave me very little time at command. I feel therefore constrained to decline the honor which the association are willing to confer upon me. In doing this, however, I will be free to confess that I do most heartily accord with you in sentiment. We ought not lightly to abandon a situation in which we have been placed by the constitution, and by our own consent. It would be far more desirable for us that Congress should extend to us a subordinate government, for the management of our own concerns, than to retrocede any part of the district. If my feeble efforts can tend at all to bring about this object, I shall be ready to lend them, in any other way than by that of being obliged to attend the public meetings, which may be held on this business. "You will be so good as to accept the assurances of respect, with which I am gentlemen, your obedient servant,"
"ROBERT BRENT."
Dec. 29, 1804.
The association then proceeded to the election of a President in the place of Mr. Brent who had declined the acceptance of the said office, when it appeared that Augustus B. Woodward, was unanimously elected.
Mr. Woodward then expressed himself to the association in the following terms, which were ordered to be inserted on the minutes:
"Gentlemen, I return you my respectful thanks for the undeserved honor you have conferred upon me in electing me your president. I sincerely regret that it has not been convenient to you to obtain for that office a person who would have added to your proceedings a greater weight of character than it is within my humble power to impart to them. With a just and feeling sense of my peculiar inadequacy, I find myself, gentlemen, reluctantly compelled, by circumstances out of my control, to accept the station your kindness and partiality have allotted me; and I can only promise you, that with an ardent zeal for the attainment of the objects for which you have associated, it shall be my constant endeavor to bestow on the duties of the place assigned me a faithful assiduity, and to evince a sacred regard to impartiality in the conducting of your deliberations."
Resolved, That the election of two Vice Presidents be postponed until the next meeting.
Resolved, That the President of the association, Mr. Berford, and Mr. Duncanson, be a committee to select and report to this association a Senator, and a Member of the House of Representatives, to whom application shall be made to patronize the objects of this association.
Resolved, That at the future meetings of this association, held upon regular adjournment, any number of members attending, at the hour adjourned to shall be a quorum for the transaction of business.
Resolved, That the President of the association, Mr. Berford, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Herty and Mr. Carpenter, be a committee to report to the association what expence will probably be attached to a subordinate government.
And then the association adjourned to Monday evening the 31st day of December present, then to meet at the hotel of Wm. Woodward, at thirty minutes past six o'clock. By order, THOMAS H. R. Y., Sec.
NEW Store.
BY WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
The subscriber informs the public that he has commenced business in the house formerly occupied by
MR. QUINN, F. Street; And has on hand, a general assortment of dry goods, Groceries, wines and spirituous liquors.
Porter, Hardware and Cutlery, Queenware, China and Glass, Flour, Corn, and Corn-meal, Oats, and Chopped rye, Candles and Soap by the box, Country Whiskey by the barrel, and few casks of genuine old Irish Whiskey All of which he will sell low for cash or country produce.
The HIGHEST prices, given for country produce, CASH.
FRANCIS CLARK.
Aug. 29—wtf.

PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office, in Washington, until the 14th day of Jan. next, inclusive.
IN DELAWARE.
1. From Wilmington, by New Castle, St. Georgetown, Cantwell's Bridge, Duck Creek, Dover and Frederica to Milford, three times a week. April 15 to November 15.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11 a.m. Arrive at Dover by 9 p.m. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Milford by 10 a.m. Returning. Leave Milford every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 p.m. Arrive at Dover by 8 p.m. Leave Dover on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Wilmington by 2 p.m.
November 15 to April 15.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a.m. Arrive at Dover by 6 p.m. and at Milford on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a.m. Returning. Leave Milford every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 p.m. Arrive at Dover by 8 p.m. and at Wilmington on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 6 p.m.
2. From Milford by Georgetown, Dagsborough, Trap, Snowhill, Horntown and Drummondtown to Northampton once a week. Leave Milford every Tuesday at noon and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p.m. Leave Georgetown on Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Northampton on the next Saturday by 10 a.m. Returning. Leave Northampton every Saturday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Georgetown the next Tuesday by 6 p.m. Leave Georgetown on Wednesday by 6 a.m. and arrive at Milford by noon.
3. From Georgetown by Bridge Branch, New Fork Bridge and New Market to Camden once a week. Leave Georgetown every Wednesday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Cambridge on Thursday by 11 a.m. Leave Cambridge at 1 p.m. and arrive at Georgetown on Friday by 6 p.m.
4. From Georgetown by Concord and Laurel to Salisbury once a week. Leave Georgetown every Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Salisbury by 6 p.m. Leave Salisbury every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p.m.
5. From Georgetown by Broadkill Landing to Lewistown once a week. Leave Lewistown every Tuesday noon and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p.m. Leave Georgetown every Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Lewistown by noon.
6. From Wilmington by Christiana, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgetown Cross Roads to Chestertown twice a week. Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p.m. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p.m.
IN MARYLAND.
7. From Easton by Hillsborough, Denton, Greensboro and White'sburg to Frederica once a week. Leave Easton every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Frederica on Wednesday by 10 a.m. Leave Frederica every Wednesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Easton on Thursday by 6 p.m.
8. From Chestertown by Church-hill, Centerville, Queenstown, Sharptown and Kent Island to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Centerville by 10 a.m. and at Annapolis by 8 p.m. Returning. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Centerville by 2 p.m. Leave Centerville at 3 p.m. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p.m.
9. From Centerville to Easton twice a week. Leave Centerville every Wednesday and Saturday at noon and arrive at Easton by 6 p.m. Leave Easton every Tuesday and Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Centerville by 6 p.m.
10. From Baltimore by Ellicott's Lower Mills and New Market to Fredericktown twice a week. Leave Fredericktown every Saturday at 9 p.m. and arrive at Baltimore on Sunday & Wednesday by 6 p.m. Returning. Leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday at 3 p.m. and arrive at Fredericktown on Tuesday and Saturday by 4 p.m.
11. From Fredericktown by Woodborough, Taneytown, Peterburg and Hanover to York once a week. Leave Fredericktown every Monday at 4 a.m. and arrive at York by 5 p.m. Leave York every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 p.m.
12. From Fredericktown by Middletown, Boonsborough, Hagerstown and Greencastle to Chambersburg twice a week. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday and Saturday at 6 p.m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Wednesday and Sunday by 11 1-2 a.m. Returning. Leave Chambersburg every Wednesday and Sunday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Fredericktown on Thursday and Tuesday by 1 p.m.
13. From Hagerstown by Hancock, Berkeley Springs, Oldtown, Cumber-
land, Crelapsburg, Frankfort & Spring-field to Romney once a week. Leave Hagerstown every Wednesday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Romney on Saturday by 10 a.m. Leave Romney every Saturday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Hagerstown on Tuesday by 6 p.m.
14. From Baltimore by Ellicott's Lower Mills, Brookville, Montgomery c.h. and Charlesburg to Leesburg once a week. Leave Baltimore every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Leesburg on Saturday by 6 p.m. Leave Leesburg every Wednesday at 9 a.m. and arrive at Baltimore on Friday by 10 a.m.
15. From Fredericktown to Leesburg once a week. Leave Leesburg every Tuesday at 3 a.m. and arrive at Fredericktown by 11 a.m. Returning. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Leesburg by 8 p.m.
16. From Fredericktown by Newtown, Harper's Ferry, Charlesburg & Shepherdstown to Martinsburg once a week. Leave Fredericktown every Wednesday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Martinsburg by 5 p.m. Leave Martinsburg on Thursday by 9 a.m. and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 p.m.
17. From Hartford to Bell Air once a week. Leave Bell Air every Tuesday by 7 a.m. and arrive at Hartford by 9 a.m. Leave Hartford at 11 a.m. and arrive at Bell Air by 1 p.m.
18. From Baltimore to Annapolis three times a week. Leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Annapolis same days by 5 p.m. Returning. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Baltimore by 5 p.m.
19. From Annapolis by Tracey's Landing, Lower Marlborough, Huntingdon and Calvert c.h. to St. Leonard's once a week. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at St. Leonard's on Wednesday by 10 a.m. Leave St. Leonard's every Wednesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Annapolis on Thursday by 6 p.m.
20. From Annapolis by Haddaway's, St. Michael's, Easton, Cambridge, Vienna, Salisbury, Princess Ann and Snowhill to Salisbury once a week. Leave Annapolis every Sunday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Easton on Monday by 10 a.m. Leave Easton at 2 p.m. and arrive at Snowhill on Wednesday by 1 p.m. Returning. Leave Snowhill every Wednesday at 3 p.m. and arrive at Easton on Friday by 10 a.m. Leave Easton at 2 p.m. and arrive at Annapolis on Saturday by 5 p.m.
21. From Washington by Unitytown to Brookville once a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Brookville by 11 a.m. Leave Brookville every Wednesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Washington by 8 p.m.
22. From Washington city by Georgetown, Montgomery c.h. & Clarksburg to Fredericktown three times a week. Leave Washington city every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Fredericktown same days by 4 p.m. Leave Fredericktown every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Washington same days by 4 p.m.
23. From Washington city by Piscataway, Port Tobacco, Allen's Fork, Newport, Chaptico, Leonardtown, Great Mill and St. Inigoes to the Ridge. Leave Washington every Monday and Friday at 7 a.m. and arrive at Port Tobacco by 6 p.m. Leave Port Tobacco every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Leonardtown by 4 p.m. Leave Leonardtown at 1 1-2 p.m. and arrive at the Ridge on Wednesday at 4 p.m. Returning. Leave the Ridge at 6 a.m. on Thursday and arrive at Port Tobacco on Friday by 6 p.m. Leave Port Tobacco on Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Washington by 4 p.m.
24. From Washington city by Upper Marlborough and Queen Ann's to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Annapolis by 6 p.m. Leave Annapolis every Monday and Thursday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Washington by 4 p.m.
25. From Upper Marlborough by Nottingham, Aquasco, Benedict and Charlotte Hall to Chaptico once a week. Leave Upper Marlborough every Wednesday noon and arrive at Chaptico on Thursday by 11 a.m. Leave Chaptico every Thursday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Upper Marlborough on Friday by noon.
IN VIRGINIA.
26. From Hagerstown Md by Williamsport, Martinsburg, Winchester, Stevensburg or Newtown, Strasburg, Woodstock, New Market and Harrisonburg to Staunton once a week. Leave Hagerstown every Tuesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 10 a.m. Leave Winchester at 11 a.m. and arrive at Staunton on Friday by 11 a.m. Returning. Leave Staunton every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Hagerstown the next Monday by 10 a.m.
27. From Washington city by Georgetown, Prospect Hill, Hillsborough, Leesburg, Waterford, Charlesburg and Battletown to Winchester. Leave Washington city every Tuesday at 4
a.m. and arrive at Charlesburg on Wednesday by 5 p.m. Leave Charlesburg at 6 p.m. and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by noon. Returning. Leave Winchester every Friday noon and arrive at Washington on Sunday by 4 p.m.
28. From Washington city by Fairfax c.h. Centerville, Middleburg, Gathens, Millwood, Paris and Winchester to Romney once a week. Leave Washington every Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Winchester on Sunday by 3 p.m. and at Romney on Monday by 6 p.m. Returning. Leave Romney every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 9 a.m. and at Washington on Thursday by 5 p.m.
29. From Romney by Westernport, Green Glades, Gandy's and Clarksburg to Marsh's once a week. Leave Romney every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Gandy's on Wednesday by 3 p.m. and at Marsh's on Friday by 11 a.m. Returning. Leave Marsh's every Friday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Gandy's on Sunday by 8 a.m. and at Romney on Monday by 8 p.m.
30. From Marsh's by Marietta, Middleburg and the Salt works to Chillicothe once a week. Leave Marsh's every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at the Salt works on Monday by 10 a.m. Leave there at 10 1-2 a.m. and arrive at Chillicothe by 6 p.m. Returning. Leave Chillicothe every Tuesday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Marsh's the next Friday by 10 a.m.
31. From Romney by Moorfields to Pendleton c.h. once a week. Leave Romney every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Pendleton c.h. on Wednesday by 4 p.m. Returning. Leave Pendleton c.h. on Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Romney on Friday by 6 p.m.
32. From Marietta to Wood c.h. once a week. Leave Marietta every Saturday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Wood c.h. by 5 p.m. Leave Wood c.h. at 7 p.m. and arrive at Marietta by 10 p.m.
33. From Clarksburg, by Buchanan, to Randolph c.h. once in two weeks. Leave Clarksburg every other Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Randolph c.h. on Saturday by 6 p.m. Leave Randolph c.h. every other Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Clarksburg on Friday by 10 a.m.
34. From Fredericksburg, by Falmouth, Elk Run church, Fauquier c.h. and Salem, to Paris once a week. Leave Paris every Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Friday by 10 a.m. Leave Fredericksburg every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Paris on Saturday by 6 p.m.
35. From Leesburg by Centerville, Hay market, Buckland, Warrenton, Jeffersonson and Culpepper c.h. to Madison once a week. Leave Leesburg every Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Madison c.h. on Tuesday by 10 a.m. Leave Madison c.h. every Wednesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Leesburg on Friday by 6 p.m.
36. From Fredericksburg by Germantown, Stevensburg, Culpepper c.h. Gaiaes Cross Roads and Front Royal to Winchester once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Winchester on Monday at 6 a.m. Returning. Leave Winchester every Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Friday by 10 a.m.
37. From Culpepper c.h. by Woodville, Washington, Thornton's Gap and Mundell's store to New-market once a week. Leave Culpepper c.h. every Monday at 6 a.m. and arrive at New-market on Tuesday by 10 a.m. Leave New-market at 2 p.m. and arrive at Culpepper on Wednesday by 6 p.m.
38. From Fredericksburg by Thornsburg, Chilesburg, Chesterfield c.h. Newfound Mills, Oxford, Grew's store, Goodland c.h. Mitchell's, Yanceyville, Louisa c.h. Pottiesville and Spottsylvania c.h. and Bibb's store to Fredericksburg once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday at noon and arrive at Goodland c.h. on Thursday by 11 a.m. and at Fredericksburg the next Tuesday by 1 a.m.
39. From Fredericksburg by Port Royal to Layton's once a week. Leave Fredericksburg and arrive at Layton's and return to Fredericksburg.
40. From Fredericksburg by King George c.h. Brookfield, Mattox Bridge, Leesburg, Templeman's Cross Roads, Richmond c.h. Farnham, Kinfaile, Northumberland c.h. and Lancaster c.h. to Kilmarnock once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Kilmarnock the next Saturday by 5 p.m. Returning. Leave Kilmarnock every Sunday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next Wednesday by 10 a.m.
41. From Tappahannock to Richmond c.h. once a week. Leave Richmond c.h. every Thursday noon and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p.m. Returning. Leave Tappahannock on Thursday at 6 1-2 p.m. and arrive at Richmond c.h. on Monday by 9 a.m.
42. From Bowling Green by Bailsorsville, Broadus's Mill, Harrisonville, Newtown, Dunkirk, Walkerton, King William c.h. Lilly Point and Cumberland to New Kent c.h. once a week. Leave New Kent c.h. on Tuesday by 10 a.m. Returning. Leave New Kent every Tuesday at 2 p.m. and
arrive at Bowling Green on Wednesday by 6 p.m.
43. From Richmond by Hanover town and Dunkirk to Tappahannock once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Dunkirk on Thursday by 7 a.m. Leave Dunkirk at 8 a.m. and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p.m. Returning. Leave Tappahannock every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Richmond on Wednesday by 9 a.m.
44. From Dunkirk by King and Queen c.h. Shacklefords, Gloucester c.h. and North End to Matthews c.h. once a week.
Leave Dunkirk every Thursday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Matthews c.h. on Friday by 6 p.m. Returning. Leave Matthews c.h. on Saturday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Dunkirk on Monday by 6 p.m.
45. From Richmond by Granville to Charles City c.h. once a week.
Leave Charles City c.h. every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Richmond by 4 p.m. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Charles City c.h. by 6 p.m.
For Sale, The following CITY LOTS,
ON A LIBERAL TIME, Upon security, viz. LOTS—3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in square No. 919.—Lots 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, and 16, in sq. No. 938. Lots 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, and 16, in sq. No. 986. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19, in sq. No. 1043. Lots 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13, in square No. 1066.
Apply to CHARLES MINIE, Washington City, or to RICHARD C. JONES, at Philadelphia.
Washington, August 3—tf. N. B. C. M. bath laundry other lots for sale on ground rent (on easy terms to improve ers,) and in eligible situations.
TO RENT,
THE house occupied by J. P. VAN NESS. Enquire of John Little at the Treasury Department or of the subscriber, at Doctor John Beatty's George Town. Possession given on the 1st December. ABSALOM JOY. November 7—tf
ROBERT CHERRY.
HAS removed his store, to the house of Mr. George Blagden New Jersey avenue on the Eastern Branch, where he has just received (in addition to his former stock) by the Schooner Island from Philadelphia a general assortment of groceries and liquors of superior quality, with a few boxes India china of the best quality eighty pieces to the set; all of which he will sell wholesale and retail at the most reduced prices for cash, or in exchange for country produce. All orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch; he flatters himself from the quality of his articles he will be able to render ample satisfaction to his friends and all those who may be pleased to favor him with their custom. All kinds of commission business will be attended to with the utmost attention. Washington city Dec. 12—tf
To be sold at Auction.
At the Court-House in Alexandria, ON Monday the 14th day of January next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, about 96 acres of land, lying one quarter of a mile from the built parts of that city, and a great part laid out into streets and lots corresponding with the streets and lots of it. The near vicinity of it to a city so fast increasing, of which it must soon become a part; its lying within the District of Columbia, and other advantages render it an object worthy the attention of monied men, who by retaining it some time cannot fail of making great advantages. In the mean time either the whole or one half if more convenient to a purchaser, may be had at private sale. The terms of payment are ten per cent. in cash, or a good endorsed note at 60 days, and the remainder in three equal annual installments, on interest from the date. The security required will be a bond, with a conveyance of the land to certain trustees agreed on, who shall have authority to sell, in case of non payment of interest or principal at the time fixed. Persons wishing for information will please apply to Col. George Deneale, at Alexandria, or the subscriber in New-York. * NATHANIEL PENDLETON. Dec. 24th, 1804—Jan. 14.
In the case of Philip Meyer, an insolvent debtor. District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit: ON the petition of PHILIP MEYER an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. It is ordered that notice be given to the creditors of the said Philip Meyer, that on the 7th day of January next at 10 o'clock A. M. at the court room in the Capitol the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Philip Meyer, and a trustee appointed agreeably to the act, "for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary, it is also ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, twice previous to said day. By order. URIAM FORREST, CLK. Jan. 2—42.
ADAM KING, & Co.
AT their wine Store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
NOTICE
IS hereby given that the title of all those lands and lots heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette on the 20th day of August last for a tax due the county of Washington in the secretary of Columbia for the year 1804 (which tax was to have been taken place on Monday the 20th day of December next at Rhodes Hotel in the City of Washington) is postponed until the first Monday in February next, when at the same place at 11 o'clock A.M. the sale will commence and continue from day to day until all are sold or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon and if the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale. By order of the commissioners of the Levy Court. WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington County December 8th, 1804. eptdf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, late occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARREY—where they have for sale, low priced, or in exchange for country produce. Genuine Cogniac brandy, Inferior French do. Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask, Sherry, } and case, or smaller quantity. Lisbon, } Claret } Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality, Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, Firkim Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds; Anchovies, } In bottles. Capers, } Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hylon, } Teas, fresh, and of su- Imperial, } perior quality. Young Hylon, } Salt Herrings in Barrels. PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
Analysis of the Washington Tontine.
THIS institution, as its name implies, is calculated for the benefit of survivorship. Each share owner must, at the time of subscribing, or at some time before the 1st of July, 1805, name a life or lives, on the continuance of which, his share must depend—or failing to do this, the existence of his stock will depend upon his own life. The basis of the institution is upwards of 1200 lots in the city of Washington, averaging 25 feet by 120, and lying principally between George town and the President's square; between that square and the capitol, and adjacent to the navy yard. These at different prices, from 60 to 240 dollars, amount to 3,000,000 dollars. This sum is divided into 4100 shares, of 50 dollars each.
It was necessary that the legal estate in the lots should be deposited some where for the use of the company. Trustees, who are men of probity and property, are named in the articles, to whom the property is to be conveyed. These trustees, however, cannot dispose of the property. That can only be done by the directors, who are to be chosen in each year by the stock holders. The first election of directors will be held at Stell's hotel, on the first Monday in February next.
It was proper too, that the public should not be imposed upon by bad titles. Two gentlemen therefore, as respectable for their private worth, as eminent for their knowledge in the law, and thoroughly versed in city affairs, are pointed out by the constitution of the Tontine, to investigate and to judge of the titles, before the execution of the deeds. These gentlemen happen to be the counsel for the afflignees of persons, who have heretofore speculated largely in the city property; a circumstance which rendered it still more proper, because more safe for the public, that they should be selected as the judges of the Tontine titles.
The directors are to sell the lots, and to invest the money arising from sales, in stock of the United States. The interest of the stock, until the end of the year 1807, is also to be invested in like stock.—After 1807, it is to be divided, semi-annually amongst the share owners of existing stock, until the dissolution of the company in 1825, when the capitals, the whole of which it is to be presumed, will then exist in stock of the United States, is to be divided amongst the owners of the then existing stock, in proportion to the sum held by each.
These are the leading features of the Tontine—there are many minor regulations, which it would be tedious to enumerate—and which will be better understood by reference to the constitution itself. S. _____ December 28. ep3w
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Beane's cord, toillettes, fancy and white Marcellas, black and figured silk, mouselins, fancy silk, Marcellas, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
FALL GOODS.
THOMAS GARTNER, TAILOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square. HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Offers executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and at the most moderate terms. Oct. 31—tf