The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-07-19 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. V. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. NO. DCXLV. FRIDAY, JULY 19, 1805.
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Speech of Mr. FOX in the British House of Commons on the CATHOLIC PETITION, delivered on the 13th of May.
THE order of the day having been read for the house taking into consideration the Petition of the Catholics of Ireland, the petition was read to the house, on the motion of Mr. Fox.
Mr. FOX then being called upon by the Speaker, rose and spoke to the following effect:—“I rise, Sir, on the present occasion, with no inconsiderable degree of anxiety, in bringing before the house a measure of so much importance, and pregnant with so many great and eventual consequences, distant or immediate; in a degree, indeed, as to exceed in magnitude any measure which I ever has fallen to my lot to submit to the consideration of Parliament. On the other hand, while I am conscious of the importance of the task, I am consoled because the duty is agreeable. I certainly do feel, that after the harassing duty of pressing inquiries, and censuring malversations, which are not only disgraceful to individuals, but also to the country, it is some relaxation on entering upon a subject, on which, far from exercising the painful office of an accuser, I am called upon to plead the cause of justice, of policy, and of wisdom—that I am called upon to advocate a measure, which in my opinion, must so eminently contribute to the strength and power of this empire, without taking from others any privilege, advantage, or enjoyment, which any reasonable man can believe he ought exclusively to enjoy; but on the contrary, the possession of all which must be doubly secured to every class by the communication. Such appear to be the natural effects of those measures to which I have now the honor of drawing the attention of the house, and however embarrassing the question may be to some, and however doubtful it may be to others, at least it will be admitted, that the principles on which it is agitated, and on which the conclusions they point are founded, spring from sentiments of general good will and common affection. That the question is one of the first importance will not be denied, when I state merely that the petition which I now propose for your consideration does in fact include the claims of at least one fifth in number of all his majesty's European subjects; that it comprehends the wishes of between three and four millions of persons. Happy I am, however, as I have already hinted, that I do not press the claims of the petitioners as hostile to the rights or enjoyments of others; and if the house upon due examination of the claims of the petitioners, shall extend to them that justice which they appear to me to deserve, I shall have been instrumental in performing a service most essential to the security, the greatness and the general weal of the empire.—Upon matters so various and extensive to those to whom the petition naturally draws our attention, it may be difficult to choose where to begin. The first argument, however, which occurs to me, springs from the number of those who are interested in the fate of this petition. Indeed, had I not understood that the subject had given rise to doubts and debates, I should have thought it impossible there could be a question whether, upon general principles, so large a portion of his majesty's subjects were entitled to an equal share of political privileges, with their fellow citizens.—Perhaps the general point may not be disputed, but it will be urged that particular circumstances may justify an exception. Upon this point I must request the attention of the house for a few moments, which may be useful to clear our way before proceeding farther. What I am about to state may indeed seem to be matter of theory rather than of practice. It may be thought then, that there may be some difference whether we state the claims of the Catholics as rights to be acknowledged or indulgences to be conferred. I believe, however that as to the practicable conclusion, there will be little difference, and that in the theory the difference will be more in words than in reality. For my own part, I confess I am perhaps more inclined to adhere to the form of speaking, which was more in fashion about a century ago than now, and to say broadly, that I consider rights to power, to equality of laws and of privileges, to be paramount, that they belong to all the members of the state. At the same time when I lay down the principle generally, I do not deny that the supreme law, the salus populi , may sometimes justify exceptions to the rule. This subject has been considered by many able men in the closet, and laid down by some with less
generality. Dr. Paley, a writer undoubtedly of great ability, though he inclines to put the theory differently in words from that from which occurs to me as preferable, says of the original right of government, that it is “a right to do whatever is necessary for the general weal.” But, on the other hand, it cannot be denied, that the people have a right not to be restricted, unless where restrictions are necessary on some, for the general good of the whole. This therefore, will bring us to the same practical conclusion. I say that men have a right to be free from unequal restrictions; yet I do not deny that unequal restrictions may, in some circumstances, be justified. If restrictions are unnecessary, they ought not to be continued; that is in other words, men have a right to the enjoyment of political privileges, when no necessity, founded upon common good, exists for the deprivation. Some would say therefore, “We are willing to grant this or that, on considerations of policy.” I would say, grant it as a matter of right. It will be found, however, that there is really no great difference between us in the end; because it is in the one case allowing the right to hold, where no sufficient ground of exception exists. In the other it is conceding that which no danger prevents from granting. I was desirous of saving these words upon this subject, because, in all probability, this discussion will not be only the question of a day, but may be frequently under our consideration. It is to be wished, therefore, that we should understand each other, and not dispute about the form of enunciating certain propositions which, however put, lead to the same practical conclusion. The application of these considerations to the Catholic question, then, obviously is, that they, the Catholics, have a right to equal political principles with others, when the exercise of those principles would not be dangerous to the state at large. In this application, I may think that nothing but necessity can justify the departure from the general principles; others may be contented with expediency, or a much less urgent and visible necessity. But I flatter myself that as we proceed, it will be found superfluous to dispute about nice shades of distinction, about the degrees of necessity or of expediency, and that we shall find that the privation of political privileges to which the Catholics are condemned, is wholly unjustified by any circumstances that ought to call for the denial of the right or the refusal of the indulgence. I say, then, that the Catholics have an equal right with other subjects to a participation of political privileges, but we know that government thought proper to curtail those privileges. Whether the penal laws against the Catholics were originally justifiable or not, it is not at all necessary to enquire. It is proper, however, to attend a little to the time and manner of the restrictions imposed upon them. No man I believe will hazard any thing so extraordinary, as to maintain that the laws against the Catholics are at all events, now good by prescription. Prescription, indeed may, and does form an undoubted title to property, and for the best reasons; but prescription cannot apply to laws by which bodies of men are restrained. In fact, such restrictions are founded upon particular circumstances, they are made in particular occasions, and it would be a solecism of the grossest kind to say, that prescription made these laws good universally, which could only be good in the peculiar circumstances of the case. It may be precipitate no doubt, to conclude that the necessity which justified the deviation is gone, but it would be monstrous to assume a prescription for that which is only just, because it is an exception founded upon specific necessity. In the instance before us, indeed, it will hardly be thought that there has been any precipitation in declaring the cessation of the necessity. On the contrary, the necessity seems to have been so long admitted, and the restrictions so long continued, that the difficulty is to restore with safety, to the full enjoyment of political rights, persons thus deprived of the use of them.
It ought to be kept carefully in view that almost all the restrictions imposed on the Catholics were imposed from political, not from religious motives. Possibly enough, indeed, some who concurred in imposing those restrictions, may have mixed religious feelings with political reasons, though the latter were the only justifiable grounds on which the restrictions were founded. To go very far back; it was not religious bigotry that induced Queen Elizabeth to impose those severe penalties and restraints
upon the Catholics, of which her reign set the example. The religious sentiments of that princess were not perhaps so different from the doctrines of the Catholics as some may imagine; but during the course of a long reign of open war, or restless and unquiet peace, Queen Elizabeth was engaged in transactions of the greatest importance with the other powers of Europe, managed by her with so much courage, prudence, and dexterity as have rendered her reign one of the most glorious in our history. But in her relations with other states, particularly the king of Spain, and during the prevalence of the Catholic league in France, her Catholic subjects were supposed to be so doubtfully affected, or inclined to co-operate with her external enemies, that they were coerced and restrained, not from religious but political considerations they were deemed disloyal subjects to Elizabeth's person and government, and for that reason they experienced harsh treatment from her. But in the reigns which followed, amidst innumerable unjust, rigorous and cruel penal laws there were few restrictions and disabilities imposed on the Catholics. These took their rise in a later period. In the reign of Charles II. they originated in the jealousy of the religious sentiments of that monarch—a jealousy indeed which appears to have been well founded. At the revolution, it was not Catholics, but Jacobites, that were to be restrained. After the arbitrary attempts and the tyrannical proceedings of James II. had drove him from the throne, it was natural to think that a prince who, from devotion to the religion of the Catholics had sacrificed a crown, would become the favorite of that body. In Ireland this feeling was more strong; the union of James II. and the Catholics was so much more complete, that the two things could not be separated, and Catholics became objects of peculiar suspicion and severity to the law, as the adherents of the exiled monarch. It was not their religious doctrines, but their political confederacy with James II. that drew down upon them so many penalties, and exposed them to so much severity. Wm. III. I have ever considered one of the greatest princes that ever filled the throne of this or any other country—of a character wholly exempt from religious bigotry, on the contrary formed by nature and habit to protect and encourage the principles of freedom and toleration.
Those who would represent king William as a religious bigot, as a furious persecutor of religious opinion, degrade a character which they either misrepresent, or do not understand. It is perfectly well known that he yielded with the utmost reluctance to the severe restrictions that were imposed upon the Catholics, and he yielded to them only because he was told, that those who were the enemies of his person and title could never safely be entrusted with any portion of power. Whether it would have been wise to soften the restrictions, or to have removed them altogether, is not now the question. King William, contrary to his principles and to his habits, acquiesced in the wishes of a nation he was called to govern, and the restrictions were imposed for the security of the new establishment upon political, not upon religious grounds. The years that followed the revolution were years of war, or of suspicious, doubtful truces. During all that time it was the favorite policy of France to embarrass this country by a disaffected succession. He naturally, therefore, looked to the Catholics, particularly those of Ireland, as instruments of forwarding her designs. The Catholics, therefore, were more and more involved in the cause of the exiled family, and therefore rendered objects of dislike and distrust to the friends of the revolution, on account of that connection. Hence the Catholics were in every sense of the word disfamed. They were stripped of power, of distinction, nay of property. But it was owing to their political connection with the Stuarts, more than their religious tenets, that they were exposed to these hardships. Some religious bigots, indeed, may have expected that the measures of severity employed would have operated the conversion of the Catholics of Ireland. With lenient measures it is possible that this conversion might have been effected—but in the way which things were conducted, that was not to be expected. The laws under which the Catholics suffered, were therefore in reality made against the Jacobites; and as the apprehensions of the exiled family long continued, so did the laws made to repress the Catholics. The good conduct of the Catholics of Ireland, during two rebellions, gave them claims to the fa-
vorable opinion of the government, but so late as those events they had not ceased to be the objects of suspicion, on account of their supposed political partialities. Soon after the extinction of the last of those rebellions, which occurred during the two first reigns of the house of Brunswick, a new era was commenced. The danger to the constitution and government of this country from the Stuart family was wholly at an end at the time of his majesty's accession to the throne—nay, during the latter years of George II. it was quite contemptible. Then was the time at which it must have become safe, even in the opinion of the most timid, to mitigate the severity of the laws against the Catholics. I believe that some symptoms of a relaxation in fact, of the prejudices and severities against the Catholics began to appear under the lord lieutenant of the duke of Bedford, who held that office about the time his majesty succeeded to the throne. At that period there appeared circumstances which proved the cause of the restrictions to be at an end. So far from fearing the Catholics as enemies, arms were put into their hands contrary to law, when upon some occasion the enemy appeared off the coast of Ireland—thus, shewing that the Catholics, who by law were held so suspected as to be deprived of arms were armed by the administration for the public defence. That the situation of the Catholics then began to attract the attention of public men, & with a disposition to relieve them from the hardships under which they labored, is well known, and I refer to Mr. Burke's letters as a proof of this. I remember, that so far back as the year 1776 from an accidental circumstance that fell out in this house, the situation of the Catholics of Ireland began to form the topic of conversation, and if the feelings which then appeared, did not immediately disclose themselves in formal propositions, it may have been, that the interest of the immediate questions of the time, and the warmth of party politics left little room for other considerations. In consequence of the sentiments I have described, however, I have no doubt that the act brought in for the relief of Catholics by Sir George Saville and Mr. Dunning, men whom I name only to recall their memory with feelings of reverence and esteem, was introduced. I believe, too, there is little doubt that that measure had a view to Ireland more than to England, where custom and forbearance had, in point of fact, left so much less to be done for the real relief and security of the Catholics. I thought then, as I have always thought since, that to deprive men of political rights for religious opinions, without a strong and imperious necessity, was tyranny. What was done, it was expected, might lead to something being done in Ireland to the same end, nor was the expectation disappointed. I remember too, what staggered men at that time, was not any dread of the Pope or the Pretender, of whom it was then usual for many to speak, some with a degree of compassion, some with triumph, but none with the smallest degree of alarm or apprehension. The difficulty most generally felt was, that the long existence of the penal laws, together with what (I beg pardon of the Irish gentlemen) I cannot help calling the ferocious manner in which the higher orders of the Irish proprietors carried themselves towards the lower catholic body had produced such a degradation in the latter as rendered it doubtful, as Mr. Burke states, how far men so constituted could be trusted with the exercise of political rights. It was feared too, that from the effect of the laws against the Catholics, by changing the natural current of property, by interdicting to Catholics the acquisition of many kinds of it, while by civil wars and revolutions, the Catholics had been almost entirely deprived of all property, such an extraordinary state of things had arisen as would defy the application of common political principles. I would not be thought to compare the respective classes of society, those who had, and those who had not property, to the negroes and whites in the West India islands—but certainly property was almost entirely in the hands of what was called the Protestant Ascendancy, and the Catholics remained not merely destitute of property, but in circumstances of degradation, that most peculiarly marked that strange and unnatural state of human society. Nevertheless, in a government like this, so complicated in its nature, and aiming by so many concurrent operations at the support of liberty and good administration, it is so material that property and power should go hand in hand, and that there should in the want of property be no circumstance beyond the want of it, to give a peculiarity of feature to the individual, it was necessary to begin with laying a foundation, on which the further extension of the rights of the Catholics should be built. The first object, then, was to enable the Catholics to acquire property, from doing which they were prohibited. This law was attended with the most beneficial consequences. Not only a
new impulse was given to industry, and a new extension to the productive powers of wealth which already existed, but a vast additional mass of wealth was created in the hands of those who had possessed little or none before. The catholic body then began to assume a new character. The line of demarcation between those who had property and those who had not thus gradually rendered less marked, and the Catholics have not only advanced in wealth, but have recovered much of that property of which, by adverse circumstances, they had long before been deprived. This latter point I allude to particularly, in order to obviate an apprehension, that a concession of the Catholic claims would lead to a resumption of all that property which is secured by the act of settlement. This appears to be one of the wildest alarms that can be conceived. But suppose the attempt to give back all past forfeitures were made, what would be the consequence? Would it not be to strip of their property those Catholics who have now acquired it? Would it not be to strip those Catholics who are now rich and opulent, in favor of those who are not? Surely there is little reason to apprehend that the Catholics would exert the power with which they might be indulged, to produce effects by which they themselves must be the immediate and principal sufferers.
The disabilities under which the Catholics labor, are of two sorts. Incapacity to hold certain offices, civil and military, and to sit in parliament.—Those who have been in the habit of consulting that odious chapter of our statute law, which, in the eyes of all enlightened men at home and abroad, must ever stand as the most questionable parts of a political system, so much admired on the whole, know well that the restraints as to those points are of very different kinds. In some of them the incapacitation suffered by the individual operates as a limitation on the prerogative of the crown. The crown is restrained in its general power of appointing to offices by the law, which says that the Catholic shall not be appointed. The object of the test act was to prevent Charles the Second from employing Catholics. And here let me state an observation on this point, which is rather whimsical, but at the same time is very strong and convincing. It will show very strikingly the different views which our ancestors entertained from us in the nature of this species of restriction. It is now contended that one great reason for excluding Catholics from the service of a Protestant king is analogy, and that as the king is a Protestant, so his servants shall be of the same religion. But when the difference of sects exists, as it does among us, this analogical beauty and perfection of the constitution is quite lost. The reason, however, why our ancestors would not suffer Charles II. to employ Catholics was, because they had doubts whether he himself was not a Catholic. This was far more reasonable than our view of the case. Had they been quite satisfied of Charles II. being a sincere Protestant, they might not have been so averse to his employing Catholics. But if the king was supposed to have a secret leaning to the Catholic religion, he might be suspected of bad motives in wishing to employ persons of the same religion. But surely it is strange, that, at a time when there can be no suspicion (I speak now generally of the reigning sovereign) that the king on the throne being a Roman Catholic, his prerogative should be restrained as to the employment of Catholics because he is a Protestant. The test act, however, which was introduced in the reign of Charles II. has received the approbation of many great men, and even of Mr. Locke himself, though, it perhaps, may be thought that his sentiments published in a political pamphlet, probably with some view to particular occasions, may not be deemed of authority equal to his more general doctrine. In the succeeding reign, however, James II. wished to procure the repeal of the test act. But as James II. was a Catholic, it was the prevailing opinion, that in all the circumstances of the case, to have repealed that act, would have committed to that prince means which he was but too likely to employ against the liberties of the country. It was afterwards continued, even in the reign of king William, who was no friend to restrictions of this sort, because the high church party, who had concurred with the settlement at the revolution, thought they had obtained a security for the church against a body of men, by whom they were, or affected to be, afraid, while the other party by a sort of compromise acquiesced, being afraid of the consequences of the clamor which might have been raised had the act been repealed. Thus the law continued not only to operate against the Roman Catholics but against other dissenters from the church. The test act requires those who undertake offices to do certain things—but how has it been enforced in Ireland? There it has with respect to Protestants been in many points repealed. How has it applied to the Catholics? It has been given up as to many subordinate offices, as to the military profession below a certain rank, as to the bar wholly, with the exception

of a few superior stations. After this review of the situations from which the Catholics are excluded, the enemies of their claims then come and say, "Why surely you don't all expect to be chancellors and staff officers, and therefore you have no reason to complain that any one of you is injured by the exclusion." This cold and unfeeling argument to console the Catholics under a degradation, deserves to be examined.
Do you think the Catholics not worthy to be trusted at all? If so, any office filled by them would, of course, be ill expected. But what would be the consequence of this principle in every profession and trade? I may tell a man going to the bar, you may possibly succeed, you may make money, but do you expect to be a chancellor? Apply it to trade. A man commencing business may be very well pleased to make a living, with something over—but what would be the consequence of laying it down that no man's fortune should ever exceed a million? All such restrictions damp ardor, discourage enterprise, and unnerve industry. Place the limit where you please, still that limit has a most unfavorable influence on the spring and activity of the human mind. Few men ever make a million, but still to draw any line by which the gains of trade should be confined, would be to destroy the spirit and energy of a commercial country. Do we hear it said, and are we not proud to hear it said, by many persons in this country, who have risen from small beginnings, "thank God I am a member of a community, where by industry, perseverance, and good conduct, I am permitted, if I can, to acquire and to enjoy a fortune, equal to that of the first duke of the land?" Are these not cheering and encouraging considerations; are they not calculated to stimulate industry and to call forth the powers of the mind? But what would be the consequence, if not only a limit was assigned, but if a particular class of men in the state were marked out, and restrained from advantages which their neighbors were permitted freely to enjoy? The case may be put still more strong, when applied to professions. Let me ask any gentleman, if it would not damp the ardor of hope, and the energy of exertion, to tell a man going to the bar, that he might indeed make a little money by practise, but that the honors of the profession were shut against him? Nay would it not operate fatally, not only on the zeal of competition, and the vigor of industry, but might it not operate too on parents, to deter them from encouraging and cultivating the talents of their children? It may be very true indeed, that many parents are ridiculous in their hopes of the future eminence of their children; but, the hope that their children may distinguish themselves too often affords them the means and opportunity to do so. And are these incitements to industry, these inducements to cherish and cultivate talents, not diminished by the consideration that, even at the bar, a Catholic can but run a certain way in the race with his competitor; and that, however he may deserve he cannot gain the prize? Apply it now to the military career, and the case appears the strongest of all. Does any man enter into that profession for the sake of a subsistence? are not glory and fame the grand incentives? Yet what must be the feelings of the lieutenant, of the captain, animated with all the ardor of those feelings which render arms the noblest profession, when he reflects on all he has seen, all he has done, all he has seen others do, when he combines and compares the measures of the commander, and thinks how he in similar circumstances, would have acted, what must be his feelings when he remembers with a sigh—"But I never can command an army." 'Tis true I may be a colonel, but I never can have a superior command." Must not these disheartening reflections in a profession, the soul of which is glory, chill every generous ardor, and deaden every spring of enterprise? A man of honor may still expose or sacrifice his life; but how cruel the distinction, how painful the recollection, that while others aspire to the highest rank and fame, he is forever precluded from the proud eminence of chief command? How can the military spirit and enthusiasm support a man under discouragements like these? And is it nothing to the state thus to repress talents that must prove its glory and defence?
Even in the gradation of other offices, the limit beyond which there is no ascent is of the worst influence upon the character. The human mind requires all the helps and props which circumstances can give to incite to virtue, and to deter from vice. I do not mean to say, that because a man has reached something beyond which he cannot go, that then he is to become indifferent to reputation. Few might say, that then quocunque modo rem was to be the sole object. But surely it will not be denied, that an inclemency, an indifference might spring up when the stimulus to exertion was withdrawn. A man might do his bare duty par maniere d'argui , but it would be absurd to expect zeal from the mass, particularly if the limit of advancement was itself to operate as a sort of brand and degradation. And if there are hardships, is not the bitterness of them aggravated when it is felt by so many—when this degraded condition is the lot of three fourths of the whole people of Ireland—of one fifth of all his majesty's European subjects?
So far then as to the operation of the restrictions as they apply to the imitation of the king's prerogative. On this head, however, I may take notice of the office of sheriffs, from which Catholics are at present excluded. But surely if there be any danger to be apprehended from entrusting the office of sheriffs to Catholics, good care would be taken
that no such persons should be nominated.
The next point is the effect of the restrictions, so far as they affect the right of sitting in parliament. It is well known that during the reigns of queen Elizabeth, king James I. Charles I., and down to about 1678, Catholics sat and voted in parliament; and I defy the most zealous historians to shew that any mischief arose from their doing so. Even Mr. Locke, who approves the test act, says of Catholics being in parliament, that it was "very safe and beneficial to the country." It ceased about the time of the popish plot, about which, I believe, all who have set themselves impartially to consider the transaction, must have a very decided opinion. Nevertheless, during that period, when the nation was roused to the utmost pitch of alarm, when nothing was heard of but conspiracies of the papist minority to murder the vast protestant majority, when the king's life was to be assailed, the silver bullets prepared, and the king of Spain ready to land in England to support the Catholic party—under the fever which all those monstrous horrors inspired, Catholic peers were deprived of the right to sit in parliament. In fact, this attack on them was the only thing which the zeal and fury of the times had left to be done against them.
As to the restriction of the right of Catholics to sit in the House of Commons it is, so far as it goes, a limitation of the elective franchise. The right of electing has been already granted to Catholics, but they must not chuse a Catholic. Can there be danger in allowing Catholics to sit among us? The test act, applies to dissenters in regard to offices, but not to their assisting in this house, of which many of them have been, and are the ornaments. Why then should there be more danger to the church from the Catholics than from the dissenters, who are supposed to be at least equally averse to the ecclesiastical establishment? But should the right of sitting in this house be granted to the Catholics, does any man believe that there could ever be so many as 80 Catholic members? I believe it to be next to impossible that any thing like half that number should ever have seats in this house. How then could they be dangerous? On the other hand, if the doctrine of virtual representation, so often maintained, and I admit justly maintained, in opposition to schemes of parliamentary reform, be well founded, would it not perfect the principle of virtual representation that to the representation of land-holders, merchants, statesmen, lawyers, &c. &c. there should be the representative of the Catholics, who as a body, have not even a virtual representation in this house? In order, therefore, to attain what is wanting to the public, the Catholic body should have their virtual representation in this assembly. When it has been urged that Manchester, Sheffield, &c. &c. were not represented, it has been said, and truly to a certain extent, that they were represented by the various interests in this town connected with them and their prosperity. The very idea of representation, even virtual representation, is, that there exists such a sympathy between the representative and the bodies or persons represented, that he must pursue their interests. But if a Catholic has not an opportunity to send to Parliament those who are likely to sympathise with him, it cannot with any truth or fairness be said that he is even virtually represented in the house of commons. With respect to the Catholics being inadmissible to corporations, perhaps the injury arises chiefly from the stamp of degradation it carries with it, because these corporations being composed entirely of protestants, there could be little chance of a Catholic ever gaining admittance. The stigma only is retained, and only in such a way as to be injurious to the feelings of the Catholic body.
I shall now briefly take notice of a few objections to the measure. Jacobitism is given up—I take that for granted. But it is said that there must be an incongruity and incompatibility of two persons of such opposite religions acting together in public affairs for the public good. I should like to hear this theory explained; for theory it appears solely to be. What necessity would there be for a Protestant and Catholic statesman, quarreling about doctrines of religion when it was to be considered whether a fleet should be sent to the West-Indies or Mediterranean? Must it infallibly happen that one will attack the other at the council board, saying, "Oh! but you worship the Virgin Mary, and believe in transubstantiation—but I don't?" Are such puerilities to be expected in the present day? Nay, is such a thing to be expected on a bench of judges, to which the Catholics have admission? Such a thing might happen in Turkey where the religion and law of Mahomet are so interwoven; but such incompatibilities are quite foreign from the nature of our laws and administration.—but while some are so fearful that men of different religions could never serve together cordially, we find these maxims are contrary to the practice of all Europe. Nay, at a time when religious bigotry compelled Henry IV. to change his religion, was Sully, a Protestant, considered a bad minister of a Catholic king? Was Neckar, whatever faults might be imputed to him, a worse minister of finance, because a protestant? Nay, does the emperor of Germany, whose house has never been remarkable for religious toleration, scruple to entrust a protestant prince, Ferdinand of Wirtemberg, with the guard of his person? Does the king of Prussia refuse to employ a Catholic? would Frederick the great have rejected an able man on that account? In Russia,
where the Greek church is established, prince Czarstorinski a Catholic, is secretary of state.—In Venice, formerly, a Greek patriarch, and a Catholic apostolic vicar would have been found acting in perfect harmony. Was there ever any incompatibility between the protestant and Catholic cantons of Switzerland, when the most democratical of the cantons, and the most bigotted Catholics, because probably the most ignorant in Europe, are to be found in the smaller cantons of the Helvetic union? Now indeed though the pretender be gone, the pope remains and from him danger is apprehended, because forsooth he has been to Paris to crown the new emperor of France. But for what reason could the pope ever have been an object of alarm to England? surely, for no other reason than the influence he might be supposed to have over the Catholics, in stirring them up to rebellion. But did the pope ever do so when he might have served both the French king and the house of Stuart? But in 1715 and 1745, the pope could not stir the Catholics. In the late rebellion it is very curious to remark, that the Catholics, who at least were only in proportion to the protestants engaged in that affair, were not instigated by the pope. Were they incited by the pope to follow Mr. O'Connor, Dr. Mac Nevin, &c. By no means. It is worthy of remark, that at the very time, the pope was in hostility with France; that he was on good terms with this country, and looked to it for protection; he neither had the power to influence the Catholics of Ireland, and, if he had possessed the power, would have used it to dissuade the Catholics from such proceedings.—Surely after this, it is ridiculous to represent the pope as a formidable instrument in the hands of Bonaparte. Besides if Bonaparte wished to employ the pope's influence to stir up the Irish would it not rather be to send emissaries among them secretly, to represent to them their degraded state, to tell them how vain it was to look to England for redress? Would not this be an influence far more dangerous than any which the Pope could obtain over Catholic gentlemen or noblemen in parliament? for could it be credited, that of all the Catholic representatives so many as three could ever be found weak and wicked enough to lend their efforts to a foreign country, to betray the government that protects them? I need not sir, take up any time in reminding the House, that though the form of religion in Scotland differs essentially from what is established in this country, no inconveniences have arisen, no danger has been experienced to our national establishment. The presbyterians of Scotland swear that they confine their differences solely to matters of doctrine and discipline, and with that asseveration we are completely satisfied.
In the case of the Roman Catholics, you call on them to swear to particular points, and when they have taken the oath you will not believe their testimony. To call on man for a declaration on oath, and after the declaration is given, to affect to disbelieve it is at all times a proof of the greatest malignity of disposition and the most contemptible weakness of understanding. In the government of the present day, however, it would appear in colors still more odious, and still more unjustifiable. It is nothing short of calling on men to conform to the particular terms of an act, and this solely with the view of making those who accede to its conditions forswear themselves. You first hold out inducements to them to swear to the renunciation of certain opinions, and when that is done your former bad opinion remains unchanged. If they have the slightest connection with the Roman Catholic religion, if ever they venture to attend mass, it is no longer in their power to preserve any sort of regard for the sanctity of an oath, and therefore you may safely consider all they have solemnly declared as absolutely amounting to nothing. No trust can be placed in their testimony, because such is the nature of their religion that they cannot be trusted. Having then made this sort of general distinction against the Roman Catholics, what is it, sir, that is done to remedy this evil? What is resorted to to make the oath of men of such a character at all responsible to any law of human testimony? You begin by saying that these persons are unworthy of being believed, and you get rid of the difficulty by imposing another oath. You think your establishment in danger, if the Catholics of Ireland are admitted to a fair participation of the privileges of the constitution; and you remedy this evil by calling on them to take a particular oath, admitting that, in conformity to their own principles, they can take that oath without hesitation, because with them it has no force. I appeal then to the house whether there is not, in this sort of proceeding, something that has very much the appearance of folly? If it is not founded in folly, it is most certainly highly insulting to every ingenuous mind among the respectable Catholic body. It is representing them as a set of men equally incapable of observing the most sacred ties among men, & the most respected rights in society. I have no wish, sir, to engage in controversial discussions, for they are contrary to all my feelings, inconsistent with all the habits of my life. They are seldom introduced into this house with much profit, and in many cases are productive of material inconvenience.—Without, however, at all introducing such discussions, I must be permitted to say, that
such a representation of the Catholics as that to which I have referred, is one of a very extraordinary nature.—At this moment three fourths of Europe consist of Christians professing the Roman Catholic religion; are we then to be told that this large proportion of civilized inhabitants of this part of the world, are men who are utterly undeserving of all belief, even when their testimony is ratified by an oath; that they are incapable, not merely of the relations of peace and amity, but that they are unfit for supporting any of the common relations of life? I am sure such a proposition as that will not be attempted to be introduced into this house. No man will dare to come forward and assert that, because three fourths of the christians of Europe are Roman Catholics, we are to consider them as incapable of the relations of peace and amity—incapable of the connections of commerce—incapable of any of those obligations by which the faith of one state is guaranteed to another. Such a doctrine as would, on account of difference of religious opinions, suppose nations incapable of all the relations of civilized life, would be a doctrine fit only to have been entertained in dark and superstitious ages. It is a doctrine which can only be traced to the wildest and most abominable bigotry. When the oaths in question were first proposed, at the time when a number of concessions were to be made to the Catholics, I among others, objected to them as altogether unnecessary. The house was then of a contrary opinion, and the oaths were made a condition of the concessions to be granted by the legislature. What then has been the consequence? Why, sir, the Catholics have taken the oaths, their archbishops, bishops and inferior clergy have taken them, and still it is contended that all this will not satisfy our anxiety for the ecclesiastical establishment. The Catholics cannot be believed, and therefore their testimony is quite nugatory. When the petition was first read at the table, I did flatter myself at the explicit declaration of the petitioners, that the oaths had been taken, would have made a strong impression on the house. Why then are we now to hear that this declaration is far from affording satisfaction? I recollect, sir, when talking on this subject with a much valued friend of mine, the late Lord Petre, whose presence would have done honor to any assembly, I gave my opinion fairly, that to me the oaths seemed altogether superfluous. He, on the other hand, was anxious that the oaths should be taken, as the best means of doing away those calumnies which have been heaped on the Catholic body. My reply was simple, that it certainly might be very justifiable, nay, perhaps, very proper for the Catholic body to take this mode of placing their principles in a fair point of view, but that it was unworthy of the dignity of the legislature to demand such a declaration from so numerous and respectable a body. Being on this part of the subject, I think it proper to add, that the oaths on which so much stress is laid, have been positively taken by four Catholic archbishops, by all the bishops, and by the greater part of the inferior clergy. Though my own opinion remains unaltered, that the oaths were unnecessary, still the statement I now make must be considered as sufficient to refute the accusations of those who could wish to defame the Catholics as men who have not in good earnest renounced their opinions, on which the resistance to their claims is principally founded. We are told, however, that the Irish Catholics have already had so much conceded to them, that it is quite extraordinary to hear them calling for still greater indulgences. With this idea I cannot possibly concur, & on the contrary, think that their present demands are strictly consistent with every principle of reason, and every view of human nature. When you have conceded to men certain privileges, it is to be expected that their desires of a still more perfect state of political situation will be increased. When you have to a certain degree assimilated one body of the subjects of an empire to the other, their will necessarily be created an anxiety to enjoy a more perfect familiarity with the rest of the community. If the Catholics of Ireland were raised from a state of debasing oppression, and restored to the character of men, it was not surely extraordinary that with this nobler character which they had obtained, they should feel an ardent wish that it should be accompanied by every corresponding privilege. Nothing short of this could possibly satisfy the expectation which had been excited, and that man must shut his eyes to the nature of man, and the genius of the human mind, who could not perceive that the people of Ireland, though in the first instance they might view the concessions afforded them with feelings of gratitude, still reflected that they were subjects of indisputable right, and that if what they now claimed was not granted them a very important part of their rights was withheld. They could easily too distinguish betwixt a favor granted to an individual, or to a number of individuals, and a right unjustly denied, and at length conceded to the demands
of four millions of the general population of the country. From the moment that the concessions were first granted to the Catholics, it was easy to see that much more was to be required. When the Catholics had gained much, they were sensible that they had yet a great deal to receive. Will it be argued, sir, that after all you have conceded, what remains is not safely to be given up to the Catholic body of Ireland? Shall we hear that the Catholics are disaffected, or in danger of disaffection, and at the same time shall we shut our eyes against the fact, that in our army and in our navy, these very Catholics are employed, that vast bodies of the Catholic population are now employed in arms to defend Ireland against any attempt which the French may meditate against that part of the empire? Will any gentleman be bold enough to say, that we are perfectly safe in trusting to the rude uncultivated tribes of Ireland and that there is any danger in admitting to a seat in the legislature, the higher and more respectable gentlemen in the community? Do you consent to trust the lower ranks of the Irish people, and can you have any apprehensions of the designs of lord Fingall and the other noblemen and gentlemen whose names are subscribed to the petition which forms the subject of the motion with which I shall have the honor to conclude? I ask, sir, of those gentlemen, who oppose the claims of the petitioners, what description of the Irish people they think unworthy of being trusted? I have already said that you are in the constant habit of trusting the lower orders, whose manners and connections render them the most subject to suspicion, while to the higher orders, against whom none of these causes of suspicion apply, you appear to entertain the utmost degree of jealousy. You admit the lower orders into situations which are certainly not very well adapted to a suspicion of their loyalty; while the higher orders, whose loyalty was undoubted, were refused the enjoyment of the rights of the highest of the citizens of a free country. To those from whom we have every thing to fear we give nothing, while from those who have every thing to claim our confidence, we withhold what their approved attachment powerfully demands. Surely, Sir, this is a sort of proceeding equally contrary to the principles of common justice and common sense. It cannot for a moment be admitted that what we refuse is withheld from a sense of danger—for if danger really existed, what is already conceded will produce all the dangers which can be anticipated. They have had conceded to them this fundamental principle of our free constitution, that all orders in the state are to be equal; that they are to enjoy equal rights and equal accessibility to all political privileges. We have therefore, sir, really retained nothing which it is of the least importance for us to keep, but what it is of immense consequence for them to receive. We have only retained that equality of rights which is a privilege the dearest to the human mind. It is this, sir, that gives to our laws their grand distinction, and renders the constitution of this country superior to any other on the face of the glob. This is a privilege which atones for the superiority of fortune, and makes even nations, comparatively poor, elated with their political condition. One of our Poets illustrates this idea in the most beautiful and interesting terms, when describing the manners of the peasantry of Switzerland—
Tho' poor the peasant's hut, his feasts Tho' small, He feels his little lot the lot of all! Sees no contiguous palace rear its head, To shame the meanness of his humble shed.
This equality of rights is what the Catholics require, and until it is granted they must continue in a state of the utmost degradation. But I am told, sir, that the most eminent of the clergy in this country, that the great majority of the bench of Bishops are hostile to the measure of emancipation. Nothing would be more remote from my wishes than to agitate a question in which the functions of that respectable body could be at all infringed on; but I consider this a question in which their authority has not all that degree of weight which on other subjects I should be the first man in the world to allow it. Political and religious questions have been too often confounded when they ought to have been kept perfectly distinct; and it appears to me that the question before the House is just one of those to which this observation will particularly apply. The wisest philosophers have been desirous to have great political enquiries separated, and it is to be lamented that this desire has in so few instances been gratified. As however the authority of the venerable body to which I have alluded has been introduced, I am happy to have this opportunity of referring to the authority of a writer, who, not possessing a seat on the bench of Bishops, is one whose opinion will have very great weight not only in this House, but with all thinking men in the country.—The authority to which I allude, sir, is that of Dr. Paley, in one of his works where he has occasion to discuss the subject of religious disabilities. With the permission of the House I shall take the liberty of reading a short passage to

show in what light this intelligent and respectable writer views the subject of disabilities founded on religious considerations. [Here the hon. member read a passage from Dr. Paley, the object of which was to shew that all disabilities of this description must be of a temporary nature, and as soon as the circumstances which had occasioned them ceased, they should without delay be abolished.] Here then, said Mr. Fox, resuming, is the authority of one of the ablest writers in this country, and you find that he has no conception of perpetual disabilities, he has no idea that though restrictions might at one time be expedient, these restrictions were to continue for ever. I have thought it incumbent on me to quote so respected an authority, because, when I hear that the higher orders of the clergy affect to entertain alarm for the establishment, it is proper to have it understood that one who is so well known as a friend to that establishment, and who is distinguished by his knowledge on subjects of that description, did not anticipate any extraordinary danger from the measure, which it is my present object to recommend. Dismissing then this part of the subject, I go on to consider another drawn from the particular time at which the measure is to be brought forward. For my own part, viewing the subject as I do, I really cannot conceive that any time would be improper for introducing it to the consideration of this House. When, however, I take all the circumstances of the case into consideration, I cannot but think the question so far from having been prematurely discussed, it ought in propriety to have been agitated immediately after the great measure of the union was carried in this country and in Ireland. It is needless for me now, sir, to enter into any discussion of the policy of that measure. I stated the grounds on which I was decidedly hostile to it, and I have hitherto seen no reason to change that opinion. Whether, however, the measure was right or wrong, I do say that if the expectations of the Roman Catholics of Ireland were raised by the view of the consequences which were to follow that event, these expectations ought not to have been disappointed. It was certainly held out to the Roman Catholics, that if the union were carried, a period would arrive when the restriction under which they labored would be removed, and their rights as citizens and men would be restored. Here again I am called to take notice of an objection against the emancipation, by the application of practice against theory. I confess, sir, I have always been, & never shall cease to be, an advocate for practice above theory, properly understood and wisely applied. Though I admit this, let me not be understood as at all admitting the principle, that severity is more expedient as applicable to the affairs of Ireland, than measures of wise conciliation and liberal policy. I know it may be said, that under the vigorous system adopted by government, prior to the accession of his present majesty, the tranquillity of Ireland was preserved; that in both the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, the Catholics of Ireland took no part in a struggle which had for its principal object to place a Catholic prince on the throne. I may be told also, that from 1793 to 1798, was, in Ireland, a scene of constant insurrection, and that at the latter period a desperate effort was made to shake off all connection with the government or legislature of this country. Sorry indeed, should I be if such a representation could not be satisfactorily refuted; for otherwise we should be compelled to admit, that a system of coercion was the most expedient for keeping down the spirit of discontent among a people—that the grand principles of liberty were to be set aside, and that slavery was to bear away in a nation professing to be free. If persecution were to be the only medium through which we can retain Ireland, then, sir, it would indeed become a lamentable alternative whether it ought to be totally abandoned or retained by such means as those I have now described—I see no necessity, however, for resorting to such a desperate construction of the circumstances of Ireland, when it is so easy to account for the state of Ireland from 1793 to 1798 on very satisfactory principles. Ireland during that period was certainly exposed to very peculiar difficulties, and it is surely needless for me to say that they were greatly augmented by the circumstances of the French revolution.
[TO BE CONCLUDED.]
FOR SALE, ONE HUNDRED ACRES OF LAND, in a healthy situation near Hugh's bridge on Rock Creek, and near also to Mr. Leonard Jones's and Charles Jones's mills. It is about eight miles from George Town, from whence there is a good road. If not sold at private sale before the 4th of August next, it will be on that day exposed to public sale on the premises if fair, if not on the next fair day. Mr. Wm. Carroll on Rock Creek will show the land and give any information to persons wishing to purchase. ROBERT BRENT. Washington, July 17—w20 aug.
To be Sold, Or exchanged for other property in the City, or its vicinity. TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6880 acres, and the other 622 acres, by late re-survey. They are under old and indispensible titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber, JOHN BECKLEY, City of Washington, July 17—cpam
WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, JULY 19.
IT gives us satisfaction, that we are at length enabled to state, that arrangements have been made with the Virginia Company for opening the THEATRE in this City about the 10th of August. As this Company will be joined by Mr. Hodgkinson, Mr. Harwood, and Mrs. Wilmot (late Mrs. Marshall) all of whom are first rate performers, we can have little doubt that the lovers of the Drama will receive the highest gratification from their performances. Mr. Hodgkinson is an actor who unites powers that rarely fall to the lot of one man, & acquires himself with almost equal credit in Tragedy, Comedy, and Farce. In all these departments of the drama his versatile and comprehensive talents have long ranged. Added to this, his performances are of the most animated kind. Mr. Harwood, as a comic performer, is considered in many characters as unrivalled in America; and Mrs. Wilmot has enchanted by her exquisite powers every audience before whom she has ever appeared. She too performs nearly equally well in the higher as in the more humble walks of the drama. It may, with truth, be added that these performers were among the brightest ornaments of the Philadelphia Theatre in its best days.
We have deferred a variety of original and miscellaneous articles, that we might offer as large a portion, as was attainable, of the powerful speech of Mr. Fox on the petition of the Irish Catholics.
Among the new arrangements of the General Post-Office lately adopted, it is with great pleasure we state that a contract has been entered into for a line of stages, to convey the mail weekly, to Frankfort, in Kentucky, to commence on the first day of October next. When this arrangement shall have been carried into effect, the whole seventeen states will be united by a connected line of stages. It is unnecessary to say a word of the vast advantages that will be derived from this measure. It is, however, a merited tribute to the services of the Postmaster General, to remark that his spirited and successful arrangements to extend and accelerate the progress of the mail, are the best and most conclusive replies which can be made to the calumnies with which party animosity assails his conduct.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Martinique, to his brother in Philadelphia, dated St. Pierres, June 28. "You will no doubt expect some news of the French and British fleets in these seas. You will be therefore informed that Admiral Villeneuve is on his return to France with 20 sail of the line and some frigates. It is confided reported and generally believed here, that Admiral Nelson, with 12 sail of the line and eight frigates, is now in pursuit of him."
HOME MANUFACTORIES. With pleasure we announce to the public a new position of James Patterson, of Bridgehampton, to establish a cotton and wool manufactory, on the east end of Long Island, in this state, on an extensive scale. The machinery is now making in New-Jersey, and will consist of twelve looms with double boxes (together with all other necessary apparatus) which will weave all kinds of broadcloth, carpets, coverlids, and vest patterns. Mr. Patterson also gives notice, "that the factory will be subdivided into 200 shares at 200 dollars per share," the number of shares to be increased if adventurers should offer. On a subject so important to the public as the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and its tendency to render our country completely independent of foreign nations, as well as the necessity of patronising our own artisans, and consuming our own raw materials to as great an extent as possible, but one sentiment can prevail among native Americans—and, for the honor of this state, as well as the interests of the union, we hope that neither this nor any similar attempt will prove abortive for want of public support. N. York pa.
LITERARY INTELLIGENCE. A poem in six cantos has just made its appearance in London called THE LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL. It is from the pen of WALTER SCOTT, well known as the author of many fugitive pieces possessing much merit, and as having favored the public with The Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border . The intention of the present work is thus stated in the words of the author. "The poem now offered to the public is intended to illustrate the customs and manners which anciently prevailed on the borders of England and Scotland. The inhabitants, living in a state partly pastoral and partly warlike, and combining habits of constant depredation with the influence of a rude spirit of chivalry, were often engaged in scenes highly susceptible of poetical ornament. As the description of scenery and manners was more the object of the author, than a combined and regular narrative, the plan of the ancient metrical romance was adopted, which allows greater latitude in this respect than would be consistent with the dignity of a regular poem. The machinery also, adopted from popular belief, would have seemed puerile in a poem which did not partake of the rudeness of the old ballad, or metrical romance."
"For these reasons the poem is put into the mouth of an ancient minstrel, the last of the race, who, as he is supposed to have survived the revolution, might have caught somewhat of the refinement of modern poetry, without losing the simplicity of his original model. The date of the tale is about the middle of the 16th century, when most of the personages actually flourished." The minstrel is described in the following lines, from the introduction.
INTRODUCTION. THE way was long, the wind was cold, The Minstrel was infirm and old; His wither'd cheek and tresses grey, Seem'd to have known a better day; His harp, his sole remaining joy, Was carried by an Orphan Boy, The last of all the bards was he, Who sung of older chivalry; For, well-a-day! their date was fled, His tuneful brethren all were dead; And he, neglected and oppress'd, Wish'd to be with them and at rest. No more on prancing palfry borne, He carroll'd, light as lark at morn; No longer, courtesied and caress'd, High placed in hall, a welcome guest, He pour'd to lord and lady gay, Th' unpremeditated lay; Old times were changed, old manners gone, A stranger fill'd the Steward's throne; The bigots of the iron time Had call'd his harmless art a crime. A wandering harper, scorn'd and poor, He begged his bread from door to door; And tun'd to please a peasant's ear The harp a king had loved to hear. Amid the strings his fingers strayed, And an uncertain warbling made— And oft he shook his hoary head. But when he caught the measure wild, The old man raised his face and smil'd; And lighted up his faded eye, With all a poet's ecstasy! In varying cadence, soft or strong, He swept the sounding chords along; The present scene, the future lot, His toils, his wants, were all forgot; Cold indifference and age's frost, In the full tide of song were lost; Each blank in faithless memory void, The poet's glowing thought supplied; And, while his harp responsive rung, 'Twas the LATEST MINSTREL sung.
TO LET, A HOUSE near the Navy Yard in an excellent stand either for Dry Good or Grocery store. For terms apply to the subscriber near the premises. GUSTAVUS HIGDON. July 19—3t
BOOT-MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, boot maker, from Philadelphia, respectfully acquaints his friends, former customers, and the public, that he has recommenced his business in all its various branches, at his established stand, where he will thankfully receive all orders in his line, which he will endeavor to execute with punctuality and satisfaction. He has on hand gentlemen's boots of all kinds, dress and strong shoes.—Wanted, a number of men to make strong shoes, and a few boot men—Also two apprentices to the above business. New Jersey Avenue, July 17—epif
IN CHANCERY, June 27, 1805. Thomas P. Wilson, vs. George Beckwith, John Beckwith, William Lodge, Eliza O. Williams, Simon Nicholls and Barbara his wife, Thomas S. Williams and Anne his wife, Edward O. Williams, Elemick Beckwith and John Lodge.
The object of the bill filed in this cause is to obtain a decree for the sale of a parcel of land lying in Montgomery county, purchased by Charles Beckwith deceased from Eliza O. Williams, for the payment of the debts of the said Charles Beckwith.
The bill states that Eliza O. Williams, Simon Nicholls and Barbara his wife, Thomas S. Williams and Anne his wife, Edward O. Williams, Elemick Beckwith and John Lodge defendants in the said cause reside out of this state.
It is thereupon on motion of the complainant, ordered, adjudged and decreed that he cause a copy of this order to be inserted once in each of three weeks in the National Intelligencer before the 1st day of July next, to the intent that the said absent defendants may have notice of the filing and the object of this bill, and may be warred to appear in this court in person or by solicitor before the last day of November next to shew cause if any they have why a decree should not pass as prayed. Test: SAML. H. HOWARD, Reg. C. C. July 10—w3t
District of Columbia, County of Washington, to wit.
UPON the Petition of WILLIAM MURRAY an insolvent debtor confined in jail, in the county of Washington, in the district aforesaid, praying relief under the act of congress entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia." It is ordered that notice of his application be given to his creditors, and that on the 22nd day of July next at 9 o'clock, A. M. at the court room in the Capitol the 8th of an insolvent debtor, will be administered to the said Wm. Murray and a trustee appointed agreeably to the said act, unless sufficient cause then and there shewn to the contrary.
It is also ordered that this notice be published twice before that time in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer. By the hon. Wm. Cranch, esq. WM. BRENT, Ck.
RAGS. THE highest price CASH, given for clean RAGS, by EDGAR PATTERSON George town, and SAMUEL STETTINIUS, near the Centre market, Washington March 8—tf.
In Council, Annapolis, May 16, 1805.
ORDERED, That the act to provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals, be published twice in each week for the space of three months in the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the American Telegraph and the Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate and Bartgis's paper at Frederick Town; Greaves's paper at Hagerstown, and in Smith's and Cowan's paper at Easton. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk.
AN ACT To provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and forms of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals.
BE it enacted by the general assembly of Maryland, That this state shall be divided into six judicial districts in manner and form following to wit: St. Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties, shall be the second district; Calvert, Anne Arundel and Montgomery counties shall be the third district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the fourth district; Frederick, Washington and Allegany counties shall be the fifth district; Baltimore and Harford counties shall be the sixth district; and there shall be appointed, for each of the said judicial districts, three persons of integrity and found legal knowledge, residents of the state of Maryland, who shall previous to and during their acting as judges, reside in the district for which they shall respectively be appointed, one of whom shall be styled in the commission chief judge, and the other two associate judges, of the district for which they shall be appointed; and the chief judge, together with the two associate judges, shall compose the county courts in each respective district; and each judge shall hold his commission during good behavior, removable for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law, or shall be removed by the governor, upon the address of the general assembly, provided that two thirds of all the members of each house concur in such address; and the county courts, so as aforesaid established, shall have, hold and exercise, in the several counties of this state, all and every the powers authorities and jurisdictions, which the county courts of this state now have, use and exercise, and which shall be hereafter prescribed by law; and the said county courts established by this act shall respectively hold their sessions in the several counties at such times and places as the legislature shall direct and appoint, and the salaries of the said judges shall not be diminished during the period of their continuance in office.
II. And be it enacted, That in any suit or action at law hereafter to be commenced or instituted in any county court of this state, the judges thereof, upon suggestion in writing by either of the parties thereto, supported by affidavit or other proper evidence, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in the county court of the county where such suit or action is depending, shall and may order and direct the record of their proceedings in such suit or action to be transmitted to the judges of any county court within the district for trial, and the judges of such county court, to whom the said record shall be transmitted, shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such suit or action had been originally instituted therein; provided, nevertheless, that such suggestion shall be made as aforesaid before or during the term in which the issue or issues may be joined in the said suit or action; and provided also, that such further remedy may be provided by law, in the premises, as the legislature shall from time to time direct and enact.
III. And be it enacted, That if any party presented or indicted in any of the county courts of this state, shall suggest in writing to the court in which such prosecution is depending, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such adjoining county court shall hear and determine the same in the same manner as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein; provided that such further and other remedy may be provided by law in the premises as the legislature may direct and enact.
IV. And be it enacted, That if the attorney general, or the prosecutor for the state, shall suggest in writing to any county court, before whom an indictment is or may be depending, that the state cannot have a fair and impartial trial in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court, in their discretion, to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such county court shall hear and determine the same as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein.
V. And be it enacted, That there
shall be a court of appeals, and the same shall be composed of the chief judges of the several judicial districts of the state, which said court of appeals shall hold, use and exercise, all and singular the powers, authorites and jurisdictions, heretofore held, used and exercised, by the court of appeals of this state, and also the appellate jurisdiction heretofore used and exercised by the general court; and the said court of appeals hereby established, shall sit on the western and eastern shores for transacting and determining the business of the respective shores, at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint, and any three of the said judges of the court of appeals shall form a quorum to hear and decide in all cases pending in said court and the judge who has given a decision in any case in the county court, shall withdraw from the bench upon the deciding of the same case, before the court of appeals; and the judges of the court of appeals may appoint the clerks of said court for the western and eastern shores respectively, who shall hold their appointments during good behavior, removable only for misbehavior in violation in a court of law; and in case of death, resignation, disqualification or removal out of the state, or from their respective shores, of either of the said clerks in the vacation of the said court, the governor, with the advice of the council, may appoint and commission a fit and proper person to such vacant office, to hold the same until the next meeting of the said court; and all laws passed after this act shall take effect, and be recorded in the office of the court of appeals of the western shore.
VI. And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government which relates to the court of appeals and the general court, or the judges thereof, or that is in any manner repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby repealed, abrogated and annulled, upon the confirmation hereof; provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed so as to authorise the removal of the clerks of the respective county courts being in commission at the time of the passing of this act, in any other mode or manner than that prescribed by the constitution and form of government.
VII. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing in the said constitution and form of government to the contrary, notwithstanding. May 31—2aw3m
Twenty Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the subscriber about One o'clock on Sunday the 14th inst. A large BAY HORSE six years old, blind of the right eye, a good deal chafed with the collar, particularly on the right shoulder; he was shod all round, his hoofs rough and shattered. The above reward will be paid to any person who shall bring him home; and on conviction of the thief, fifty dollars. GEORGE BLAGDEN. Washington July 17—3t
In Chancery, June 28, 1805. ON application of Alexander Conner, trustee for the benefit of the creditors of Ronaldo Johnson, an insolvent debtor of Prince George's county, it is ordered; that the fifth day of November next be the time limited, before which the creditors of the said Ronaldo Johnson are to exhibit their claims to the said trustee; provided a copy of this order be inserted three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer and Baltimore Telegraph, before the 1st day of August next. A true copy, SAMUEL H. HOWARD, R. C. C. July 17—w3t
Twenty Dollars Reward STRAYED or stolen from the subscriber on the night of the 4th inst. two BAY HORSES, one a large bay six years old, one of his eyes appears to be injured, his toes bolted very short, shod all round; the other an old horse, with two white hind feet, several white saddle spots, has a switch tail which has been lately cut at the ends; the first accustomed to the carriage, trots & paces, the second made use of as a road horse, trots easy, but paces badly, very lately shod all round. As I am satisfied they have been stolen, I will double the reward, on conviction of the thief or thieves, and on getting the horses. DANIEL CARROLL of Dud'n. July 12—F&Wtm.
NOTICE. THE creditors of Richard Prather deceased are requested to attend, with their accounts properly authenticated, at Rhoades's tavern in the city of Washington, on Tuesday the 13th of August next at 11 o'clock, A. M. as then and there the subscriber under the direction of the Orphan's court will make a dividend of the assets in hand. SAMUEL N. SMALLWOOD, Administrator. City of Washington, July 1—w3t
ENTERTAINMENT FOR Man and Horse.
THE subscriber takes this method to inform the public, and particularly those travelling to the City of Washington, that he has opened a house of entertainment opposite the Branch Bank of the United States, where travellers shall be well accommodated on the most reasonable terms. THOMAS THORPE. July 3—xwtf.

Rapine, Conrad, & Co. On New Jersey Avenue Capitol Hill, HAVE just received and offer for sale, at a low price, a quantity of PERUVIAN BARK by the pound and smaller quantity. They have also, lately received an addition to their former assortment of books and stationery. July 10—
TO BE SOLD, AT PUBLIC VENDUE, At Gadsby's Hotel, in Alexandria, on Monday the 16th day of September, at 12 o'clock at noon. A tract of LAND late Presley Thornton, Esquire's, situated in Northumberland county, Virginia, lying immediately on the Potomac river. The following description is given of this property by persons well acquainted with it:—It contains 2 500 acres, 1700 acres of which are the most valuable low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 acres heavily timbered, and the remainder very high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and other grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious Brick Mansion House and two Offices, a large Brick Stable, a Barn, Cow House, and many other out houses. The Orchards and Garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Baltimore, Alexandria and Norfolk. There are two good mill sites for grist and saw mills on the estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, for which an excellent market may be found at the city of Washington.
The terms of sale are—one fourth cash, one fourth in one year, one fourth in 18 months, and the residue in two years from the day of sale. The pay ments to be secured by bonds, with mortgages on the premises, and to be on interest from the day of sale. For further information, application may be made in behalf of the subscriber, Thomas Robinson, to Richard Peters, jun. attorney at law in the city of Philadelphia, or to William Lewis, in the same city, (Philadelphia.) THOMAS ROBINSON, W. LEWIS. June 19—ept. 16
Traveller's Hall. THE subscriber tenders his sincere thanks to his friends for the very liberal encouragement which they have bestowed on him. He will finish one of his new rooms in a few weeks, which will be large enough to dine near 200 persons at a time, and will shortly after have the remainder of his additional building completed, which will give him a front of near 100 feet, in the most agreeable nets, of the town, and in the centre of business being on the highest part of the public square. He has on hand, and has contracted for a constant supply of the best wines, and foreign spirituous liquors imported, and country provisions, stable forage, foreign & state newspapers—and has secured a quantity of liquors sufficient for the use of his table and bar during the season. He assures his friends, and that respectable part of the public who have patronized him, that there shall be nothing wanting which his time or purse will command, to render the TRAVELLER'S HALL a house of entertainment for genteel guests only, equal to any in America. R. BRADLEY. Lexington, Kentucky, March 1st 1805. N. B. A gentleman from the TRAVELLER'S HALL to the Olympian Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the session of the Legislature. March 27—ep3m.
IRON WORKS FOR SALE. IN Wythe county State of Virginia, on Cripple Creek about 15 miles from the Green Kanawha and 40 miles from the north fork of Holston which affords a tolerable safe navigation to a prodigious scope of the western country, where perhaps iron is in greater demand than in any other quarter of the United States. Cripple Creek affords a sufficiency of water for both forge and furnace, being fed by bold never failing springs. The furnace and all the buildings have been commenced within 4 or 5 years—they consist of dwelling houses, kitchens and a store house; also, a large and convenient stable—the forge has not long been completed. It is supposed to be the best built forge in Virginia, being out of choice timber felled at proper seasons and executed by a first rate forge carpenter from Pennsylvania. It works three fires and two hammers, is sixty feet long and fifty wide, well covered with joint shingles. There are between 7 and 800 acres of land attached to these works, some of it of excellent soil, and any quantity may be procured within 6 or 8 miles for from 1 to 2 dollars per acre.—The ore banks appear to be inexhaustible, lying within one mile of the furnace and good roads. From one of the banks the ore may be conveyed by water within 10 miles of the furnace, with the incon siderable expense of 40 or 50 dollars. The quality of the iron is acknowledged by those who have used it to be equal to any. It is particularly sought for by lock makers, saddle tree makers, cutlers, &c. The demand for iron in that country is far beyond what is made, and is selling from 40 to 50 dollars per ton. I have no hesitation to say, contracts on not a very long credit can be had for almost any quantity yearly, as from that quarter a considerable portion of the western country is supplied. As it is supposed a purchase of this magnitude would not be made, without a view of the property by those inclined to purchase, it is deemed unnecessary to give a further description. Letters addressed to me at Abington, Virginia, will be duly attended to. I will also sell my SALT WORKS On Nelson in Washington county Virginia, which is now rented at 20,000 Dollars a year. I have adjoining to it between 5 and 6,000 acres of land well covered with timber, a considerable proportion of which in point of fertility is equal to any land whatever, and will afford 3 or 400 acres of meadow, nearly 100 being now in good timothy. The buildings which are extensive are in a good state of preservation. FRANCIS PRESTON. May 1—ep
Pursuant to a decree of the Court of Chancery, I shall sell at Public Auction in the town of Piscataway, on Tuesday the 6th day of August next, ALL the real estate (not heretofore sold) of Thomas Clagett, Esq. late of Prince George's county deceased, containing about the quantity of eleven hundred acres, of which that handsome well improved lot in the town of Piscataway is a part. Two hundred and twenty-five acres of good forest land part of Marlow's survey, being about three miles from Piscataway—eight hundred and fifty acres, part of several different tracts, commodiously adjoining each other on Piscataway creek, about a quarter of a mile from the Tobacco Warehouse, on the navigation of Potomac river.—This is a valuable tract of land, and will be sold in one body, or divided into lots as may best suit those who wish to purchase. These lands will be sold on a credit of four years, payable in four equal annual installments, the purchaser or purchasers giving bond with approved security to the trustee on interest from the day of sale—on the chancellor's ratifying the sales and the whole of the purchase money being paid (and not before) The trustee by a good deed, will convey and transfer to the purchaser or purchasers and his or their heirs, the land to him, her, or them sold, free, clear, and discharged from all claims of the heirs of the aforesaid Thomas Clagett. THOMAS DUCKETT. Prince George's county, June 14—cop1st
Ten Dollars Reward. WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased silver Watch, maker's name Crothwaite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia.—Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligencer, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 10—tf.
Just opened, and for sale by Rapine, Conrad, & Co. CAPITOL HILL. Doctor Wheaton's Patent JAUDICE BITTERS; a cure for all jaundice and bilious complaints. Also his present ITCH OINTMENT; an infallible cure for the itch, and every other humor of the skin. June 24—7t
Bailey Washington, IN the house formerly occupied by Mrs. Olsson, New Jersey Avenue, near the CAPITOL, has just received and opened, in addition to his former stock of Goods, the following articles which he is selling at the most reduced prices. Superfine and second broad cloths, Cotton kersemeres, Yellow, blue, and mixed nankeens, Callicoes & furnitures, Brown Hollands and round Downlas, 4 4 & 7 8 Irish linens, 4 4 & 6 4 colored mouselins, 4 4 & 6 4 white do. 4 4 Chambery do. 4 4 & 6 4 tambored mouselin shawls, 5 4 & 6 4 striped do. Bandanna, linen, and cotton handkerchiefs, Dimities, Courte & fine hats, Men's white & black silk stockings, do. do. raw do. do. brown thread and do. ALSO Crockery, Hardware and C lery. Segars by the box. Sugar, Teas, &c. &c. &c. June 26—tf.
To Printers. FOR SALE. A Fount of Pica, entirely new, weighing 567 pounds, cast by Binny & Ronaldson, of Philadelphia, and sent to this city by mistake. Apply to A. & G. W. A. Y., Printers, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the Centre Market. Washington City, July 15—tf. N. B. If the above fount should not be disposed of in two weeks from this date, it will be returned to the Founders.
PUBLIC SALE. IN virtue of an order issued from the hon. court of Calvert county, will be offered at public sale, on the 28th day of August next, (if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter) at the late mansion of Benjamin Ward, deceased, at the hour of 12 o'clock. A valuable plantation, containing 124 acres of Land, lying on the Chesapeake Bay, in Calvert county. The improvements are a small dwelling house, kitchen, tobacco house, corn house, and other out houses; a large orchard of fine fruit. This fertile spot has every advantage, it abounds in heavy timber, and has a great proportion of rich low ground, capable of being made into meadow at a very trifling expense. The soil is extremely rich—tobacco, wheat, rye, and Indian corn, grow with little labour—the neighbourhood affords a society of very genteel and friendly people—places of worship surround it—convenient to mills, and a ware house for the inspection of tobacco within two miles of the premises. This Land will be laid off in small parcels, or sold all together, as may best suit purchasers.—Bond with approved security will be required, carrying interest from the day of sale, payable in two equal payments, the first in 12, and the last in 18 months from the day of sale. WM. M. CARCAUD, DAVID L. WREEMS, CHAS. WILLIAMSON, Commissioners. July 3—ep8w
TURNIP SEED. THEO. HOLT has for sale Fresh Turnip Seed, warranted good, Pickles, &c. and every kind of Garden Seed usually sown in the Fall. Washington city, June 24—3w21w STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 23—tf
ADAM KING, & Co. At their wine store in High Street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
Fifty Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber living near the Bowling Green on the 23d inst. a Negro Man named RICK, between thirty and forty years old about five feet ten inches high, he is black and rather spare made. Had on when he went off a light drab colored coat, a red striped waistcoat, corduroy or thickset breeches and dark mixed stockings, has lost the greater part of all his toes on the left foot, and when spoken to is very apt to appear surprised, I will give the above reward if taken out of the state of Virginia, and thirty dollars if taken in the state and out of this county, and ten dollars if taken in the county or confined in any jail so that I get him, or if brought home all reasonable charges paid. JOHN G. WOOLFOLK. Caroline July 10—ep3w.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, calimerees, patent Bennett's cord, tomentette, fancy and white Marseilles black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk Marseilles, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf R A G S. The highest price, in Cash or Books, will be given for any quantity of clean Linen and Cotton RAGS, by Rapine, Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill. June 24—
W. S. Nicholls, & Co. HAVE just received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, an elegant supply of Spring and Fashionable goods which they are determined to sell on the lowest terms for cash. July 8—6t
Land for Sale. THE subscriber offers for sale, on moderate terms, the tract of Land wherein he lives, containing 530 acres, between Richmond and Fredericksburg, 25 miles from the latter and 40 from the former; the Land is remarkably level, and well watered; there is about 250 acres to clear and plentifully stocked with pine and oak timber, and about 30 acres of good meadow land. The buildings are, an elegant and well finished two story dwelling house, with two large rooms and a fine airy passage below, and three rooms above stairs, with a dry cellar under the whole house; a barn, corn house, stable, carriage house and all other necessary buildings in good repair; a beautiful young apple orchard of choice fruit now in its prime, and about 600 bearing peach trees. The situation is uncommonly healthy. Also a small tract on South River, within 22 miles of Fredericksburg, containing 315 acres, near the whole of which is level, and the soil well adapted to the culture of Indian corn, wheat and clover, with a small proportion on the river suitable for a meadow. There is on this tract a dwelling house, which at a small expense may be put into good repair and rendered a comfortable and commodious residence for a small family. The terms of sale made known by application to ANTHONY NEW. Caroline, July 3—2w21w. CERTAIN reports having gone abroad that the subscriber is the person alluded to as cautioning the public against crediting his wife, the public are informed that the mis take has originated from the advertisement of a certain "Thomas Williams" of the Navy Yard, the name of whose wife is also the name of the subscriber. THOMAS WILLIAMS, Blacksmith, New Jersey Avenue. July 15—4t
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately on the city of Washington. This tract containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf HISTORY Of the West Indies : A WORK in the contents of which every citizen of America must be interested whether devoted to business, or desirous of information through the medium of amusement. A new & revised edition of Mr. EDWARDS's History of the West Indies, with a third volume, (completed by his amiable author a short time previous to his death) has lately been published in London. This third volume contains the interesting and important history with a large Map of the Island of St. Domingo, or Hispaniola, as also that of Tobago; likewise a history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1723, and a tour of Sir William Young through several of the islands. It is accompanied by a highly finished portrait of Mr. Edwards, a history of his life written by himself, and a prefatory advertisement by Sir WILLIAM YOUNG, Baronet, M. P. F. R. S. &c. under whose editorship it has been given to the public.
The subscriber, impressed with a sense of the great importance a general knowledge of the History, civil and commercial, of the West Indies, must be to every citizen of America, and of the great celebrity of the above work, proposes to print it by subscription, and respectfully offers the following for public patronage and encouragement.
Proposals for Printing, From the London copy, 3 volumes quarto, THE HISTORY, CIVIL AND COMMERCIAL, Of the British Colonies in the West Indies. BY BRYAN EDWARDS, ESQ. F. R. S. A. S. Containing, with a variety of other matter:— A political and topographical survey of the sugar islands. A comprehensive account of the ancient and present inhabitants, agriculture, productions, laws, government constitution and commerce. An historical review of the slave trade; including observations on the character, genius, dispositions, and situations of the enslaved Africans. An historical review of St. Domingo, comprehending an account of the former government of the French part of that island, its political state, populations, productions, and exports; a narrative of the calamities which have devastated the island ever since the year 1789; and a detail of the transactions of the British army in that island. Also, a tour through the islands of Barbadoes, St. Vincent, Antigua, Tobago and Grenada, by Sir William Young, Baronet, &c. And A history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1792, &c. &c
CONDITIONS. It will be printed in four volumes, large octavo, on a perfectly new and beautiful type and on a handsome large medium paper, agreeable to a specimen, which may be had at the subscriber's Book Store. The price to subscribers to be three dollars the volume, in boards; each volume to be paid for on delivery. With the last volume will be given an ATLAS, (without any additional price) containing the following maps, viz. 1 a large general map of the West Indies. 2 Map of Jamaica. 3 Barbadoes. 4 Grenada. 5 St. Vincents. 6 Dominica. 7 St. Christopher's. 8 Nevis. 9 Antigua. 10 Virgin islands. 11 St. Domingo, or Hispaniola. 12 Tobago. To prevent disappointment or complaint, it is now promised, that on the publication of the second volume the subscription price will be advanced to three dollars and a half the volume, and on the publication of the last volume the price will be again enhanced. With the last volume, besides the Atlas, will be given an elegant engraving of the celebrated author. Also a list of the subscribers names. The London copy of the foregoing work in three volumes cannot be sold in America, in boards, under sixty dollars. JAMES HUMPHREYS.
Subscriptions are received by said Humphreys at his book-store the corner of Second and Walnut Streets, and by the principal booksellers through the Union. Philadelphia, July 15—2wtf.
Notice to Subscribers. SUBSCRIBERS to the National Intelligencer in arrears are requested to make immediate payment. It may be proper to remind subscribers, that the indispensable term of the Paper is the annual payment of Five Dollars in advance; and that unless the term be complied with, their papers will be discontinued.
SULLIVAN'S LECTURES, PROPOSALS By THOMAS B. WAT & Co. FOR PRINTING, BY SUBSCRIPTION, AN HISTORICAL TREATISE ON THE FEUDAL LAW, AND THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF ENGLAND; With a Commentary on Magna Charta, and Illustrations of many of the English Statutes. BY THE LATE FRANCIS STOUGHTON SULLIVAN, L. L. B. Royal Professor of Common Law in the University of Dublin. To which authorities are added, and a Dictionary is prefixed, concerning the Laws and Government of England, BY GILBERT STUART, L. L. D.
THE Lectures of Professor Sullivan, delivered to the Students in the University of Dublin, are in very high repute among all Lawyers of eminence, and have been uniformly recommended as an elementary book to those young gentlemen who begin the study of Law with a view to render themselves respectable in the profession. However obsolete the feudal policy may now seem to be, it having gradually disappeared as mankind grew more civilized and became better acquainted with their natural and inalienable rights and privileges; yet a research into the history of the government of jurisprudence of the nations of Europe, will satisfy any one, that many consequences of that system still exist and influence the opinions and decisions of the highest and most enlightened tribunals of justice. Every author who has undertaken to give a regular and systematic account of the rise and progress of modern nations, has felt himself obliged to resort to the history of feuds and feudal rights, as the fundamental principle from which all existing civil and political institutions have taken their rise; and every jurist who has employed himself in explaining the constitution and laws of his country, has gone to the same source for the correct materials of his essays and dissertations. Robertson, in his history of the Emperor Charles V. has with great beauty and perspicuity illustrated so much of the feudal policy as was necessary to enable the scientific reader to understand that valuable book; and Sir Wm. Blackstone has in the course of his commentaries, led the student to a contemplation of the ancient tenures, many of which depend upon the doctrine of feuds, as established in England by the Norman conqueror. But in both those invaluable productions, the feudal policy was adverted to, only as incidental to the principal object of the authors, and therefore cannot be supposed to furnish so complete and satisfactory an account, as would be given by so distinguished a lawyer as professor Sullivan, who declares the great purpose of his lectures to be the full discussion of the subject, which was of necessity but partially considered by the other writers. This work has become so scarce in this country, as to be seldom seen, even on the shelves of a practising lawyer; a fact to be accounted for only by the difficulty of obtaining the book; for it cannot well be supposed that any one of the profession, who has higher views than the mere pecuniary advantages of the practice, would willingly neglect an enquiry into those ancient institutions, upon which, notwithstanding the lapse of ages, most modern improvements are founded. But it is not to the profession alone, that this book may be considered useful. In this rising empire, where political knowledge to a certain degree is claimed by all, and actually possessed by many; a book which succinctly and perspicuously brings to view the laws, institutions, manners and customs of those nations from which our English ancestors descended, must be peculiarly useful, as it will enable young politicians to trace all our civil regulations to their source, and thus to account methodically and scientifically for many modern usages and practices, of which their knowledge is extremely superficial. In this book they will see how our ancestors struggled for the establishment of those privileges which artful monarchs and a proud nobility were continually attempting to destroy; and they will also learn that the persevering industry of the people, aided by the wealth which their skill and enterprise brought into the country, finally obtained a complete victory in the establishment of principles and customs, which, transplanted into America by our progenitors, terminated in those glorious constitutions which distinguish the people of America, for liberty and happiness, from every other people on the earth. CONDITIONS. The work shall be elegantly printed, in two octavo volumes, on fine new paper, with a new and beautiful type. It will be delivered to Subscribers, bound in calf, at Five Dollars; and in boards, at Four Dollars.—To non-subscribers the price will be enhanced. No money will be required till the delivery of the work. Those who subscribe for ten sets shall have one gratis. To booksellers the usual allowance will be made. Portland, June 24— The above work will be printed from a correct London Edition.—The few copies of an Irish Edition now circulating in this country are considered by the first law characters, as extremely incorrect, and not to be relied on as historical authority.