The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-04-13 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1170.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
On the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force.
MONDAY, APRIL 4.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. HOWARD said, in a moment, menacing as the present, and upon a measure for national defence, unanimity was important; that the question before the House involved the exercise of the highest powers confided to the general government by the constitution of the country—to provide for national defence. With regard to regular troops he never would either as a citizen or a public man assent to the maintenance of more than the necessity of the times imperiously called for.
Those gentlemen opposed to the bill called upon its advocates to say whether this is intended for a war or peace establishment, declaring at the same time it is too large for a state of peace and too small for a state of war. Before he would give it the name of either, he must be able to pronounce with certainty whether we can preserve peace honorably, or be constrained to resort to hostilities. He could only say for himself that he did not vote for it as a permanent addition to what we call our peace establishment, but an augmentation of military force demanded by our present circumstances and prospects of danger. Mr. H. said it was not necessary to justify his support of this measure to give it any particular name, but to state his object only; were he certain of war, he agreed with gentlemen that the number proposed was too small, and if assured of peace that it was too large; the very circumstance of doubt as to war or peace is the very reason why he wanted an increase of military force. What do gentlemen understand by a peace military establishment? Do they view it as predicated upon an expectation of unchangeable peace? Or does it not look at least to a possible state of war? And is it not that which it is intended to guard against? Undoubtedly it is—and as war becomes probable or the continuance of peace doubtful we ought to augment our military force; then it is equally unnecessary and impossible before we prepare, to speak with certainty as to peace or war. To require this first is to say that all precautionary measures with a view to a probable state of war are impolitic, and that we are to wait until the event happens, and while grappling with it to look about in confusion for the means of defence and resistance. To justify opposition to this bill gentlemen ought to be able to say with certainty that we shall have peace, while those who advocate it are only bound to show that its duration is doubtful.
At an early period of the session he heard it from more than one quarter of the House that we were in a state of war. If acts of hostility on one side without resistance on the other, constitute war gentlemen were correct; but if it requires not only attack but violent resistance to constitute it we are not at war. It is this state of things (whatever may be its appropriate name or character) which constrains me to support the bill upon your table, as a measure preparatory to meet that event which present circumstances but too fairly promise, and he would say that if our present situation does not demand measures for defence, nothing short of actual hostilities will justify them.
Mr. H. asked what was the nature of the war waged between France and Great Britain; was it a war of blood? No. Do you find the armies of the belligerents coming in conflict? No. It is then merely a war of commercial interdiction, and while France feels the effects of British orders of council, and England those of French decrees, we occupy the ground which subjects us to the pressure of both; while they experience the loss of commercial advantages, by their commerce being forced from its old channels, we are subject to the same inconvenience, besides the positive loss of property, ship and cargo; he could not see a single avenue through which neutral trade could pass with safety, for if you are touched or taken into port by a British cruiser and afterwards released, it only makes your case complete for a French court to decree confiscation and e converso , and yet both these powers affect great regard for neutral rights. Mr. H. said the object of the belligerents in adopting their present iniquitous system, is too glaring to escape the no-
ice even of the most unobservant, that of torturing us under professions of regard, into an alliance with one against the other; a strict neutrality we had always observed, and to which he hoped, we would undeviatingly adhere, he wished us to rely upon our own energies and resources; he would never consent to place the destinies of this country within the shadow or reach of that great colossal power of France which never raises its arm without overturning a throne, and whose vestiges through republics are marked with the destruction of their liberties, nor would he associate in arms the only surviving republic in the world, with Great Britain from whom our forefathers thought it right to make an eternal separation, and sanctioned that opinion by a revolution which cost the best blood of our country; when we withdraw our commerce completely from the ocean, and leave nothing but waves for French decrees and British orders of council to prey upon, and evince by this procedure our determination not to participate in the contest, is it improbable that one of those great and enraged belligerents, will be provoked by disappointment or prompted by the love of spoil to make war upon us; but the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) says that neither France nor G. Britain can threaten us with a dangerous invasion. Mr. H. said, if neither of those powers can, none ever will be able to alarm us by invasion, the one possessing considerable armies, and an unexampled maritime force, the other possessing if not the most numerous the most efficient land force the world ever knew, managed by a man of irresistible effort and boundless ambition. Although he differed very widely from the gentleman on this point, yet he would, when convinced of his error, yield his opinion with cheerfulness; for it was much more agreeable to him to believe the nation inaccessible to dangerous attack, than liable to invasion, but of this he was still to be convinced. The situation of the country in this moment of danger and apprehension, demands that we should place it in a posture of defence, we were called here for that purpose; the nation look for it, and will be surprised if not irritated, should we rise without doing something to prepare them to meet that event which is generally believed may probably spring out of the present state of things; he hoped we would not put at hazard the safety of the country, to avoid the expenditure of money which you have heaped in your treasury. The injury which might be done to New-York alone, in one week, would be more than the expense of this force as long as you may probably want it; at this time a few ships of the line could lay that city, the boast of our country, in ashes or under contribution; Norfolk, Charleston, and many other commercial places, not much less valuable or vulnerable, require your attention. If gentlemen will look to our western frontier they would see the necessity of fixing some garrisons to aid the militia in the event of an Indian war, and to keep possession of some points so important to the defence of the country. Mr. H. said, he believed that if Detroit had been given up to us in 1783, when the definitive treaty between us and G. Britain was concluded, it would have saved the lives of thousands, and the western settlements and population would have had other limits than those which they now have. You find that the treaty of Grenville, concluded between us and the Indians, in 1794, has been inviolably observed on their part, owing to British influence being withdrawn or counteracted by our possession of Detroit. What is the situation now of this important point? Almost without troops, and in the vicinity of a British garrison, into which they have lately, as we hear, thrown a considerable reinforcement of men; but the same gentleman from Virginia says, that the circumstance of troops being thrown into the British possessions in America, is a proof that they do not intend to go to war with us; but for his part, he regarded it as evidence of very different views, he said it was certainly necessary to send troops enough to this place to defend it against sudden attack, & to hold it at all events. When he spoke of sending regular troops to the western country, he meant not to rely upon them for active service in repelling the attacks which might be made by the savages upon the frontier generally, but to hold those important points we now have, which if once lost, would give to G. Britain the means of exciting the Indians to
war, which otherwise she might not have. If gentlemen will look lower down the western waters, they will find the territories of Indiana and Upper Louisiana presenting an extended and defenceless frontier, exposed to inroads from Indian nations, some of whom, to be sure, we have never been at war with, but might be excited to war by those means which never fail to enlist the savage, and which G. Britain so well knows how to employ. If we adjourn without doing something for the safety and protection of those defenceless citizens, they will, and justly too, complain of your neglect; but, sir, turn your attention to New Orleans for a moment, and when I conduct you to that point, I carry with me the anxiety and first interest of every citizen who resides upon the waters of the Mississippi. The possession of this place is not only important, but indispensable to the welfare and prosperity of the western people, and ought not to be at hazard one moment. What is its situation? In the neighborhood of the Havannah, where a large force is always kept, and not far distant from other Spanish settlements, whose force could be brought to act upon it without difficulty or much delay, and almost one thousand miles from those parts of the western country, from which any considerable force could be taken; this place ought not only to be strongly fortified, but ought to have a force which at all times would be able to maintain possession, which if once lost, would cost the lives of thousands, besides your millions, perhaps to regain. Whether we look to war with G. Britain or France, it is equally in danger; if with the latter, we know that the resources of Spain are at her command. But gentlemen say, that the militia would be raised, and possession if lost, soon recovered; but Mr. H. asked, if it was reasonable to require of the western militia to leave their families and farms, to go a thousand miles into a sickly climate, to defend or regain possession of a place, which it was equally the duty of the whole U. S. to protect? That they would cheerfully contribute their proportion of men and money is not to be doubted; but that they would submit to the whole burthen, it was unreasonable to expect. Mr. H. observed, that when he urged the adoption of this measure, he was not to be understood as wanting confidence in the militia, it was upon them he principally relied, but in the event of war we must have some fortified places, & they ought to be maintained by regular troops. Garrison duty was what the militia would perform with reluctance, if they are employed; it ought to be in active enterprising service, and not in sweeping or defending garrisons. Mr. H. said, he should certainly vote for the bill, and he believed that the opposition offered to it, did not proceed from a reluctance to defend the country, but a belief that such a measure as this bill contemplated was not called for by existing circumstances.
Mr. TROUP said, that after the very eloquent and patriotic speech of his friend from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) he felt it doubly incumbent on him to justify the vote he should give by a few observations. I really cannot, said he, for my part perceive, with the gentleman from Virginia, that a bright prospect of peace has suddenly opened upon this country. My views of things at this moment are very different; it really seems to me that the clouds are gathering about us darker and thicker every day. It must be, from the nature of things, extremely difficult to determine whether we shall have peace or war, because that event, I trust, depends on powers not to be controlled by us. But however difficult it be to determine it, what security have we that we shall not be attacked? Are we certain that an act of hostility against this country will ever be preceded by a solemn and formal declaration of war? No sir, all experience is against it. The Spanish frigates were attacked, and there was no declaration of war—nay, they were attacked in the midst of negotiation for peace, or rather in the midst of friendly negotiation; Copenhagen was attacked and in flames, and there was no declaration of war. Recollect when your measure of embargo begins to press hard upon the British colonies; when from that salutary measure the colonies are reduced to the last extreme of wretchedness & want, the tygress will attack you for food for her young; it is not unlikely that she may steal upon you in the dead of night, and treat you as at Paoli. And pray sir, what security have you against that power
which a gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) so appropriately called the tiger? What security have you against France? Do you expect to sleep in profound tranquillity because Britain interposes between you and France her thousand ships? It would be idle and irrational to expect it. You have an instance the other day of the Rochefort squadron making its way in the face of the whole British navy, and it is said with 5,000 troops on board, who might for aught you could have done, be drawn up on your frontiers.
But what is to be done in the present crisis of affairs? Is the nation to remain undefended merely because gentlemen entertain prejudices against a particular species of defence? On what physical force will you rely for defence? You can only choose between the militia and a standing army; and when the other day it was proposed by an honorable gentleman from Virginia to class and new organize the militia you refused to do so. And it is well known that the present defective system of militia, in our quarter of the country at least, is good for nothing. No man has more confidence in the militia than myself; I consider them the great and cheap defence of the nation. But you must class, arm, and equip them; and when it is so armed, classed and equipped, purge this country of that refuse of humanity, a British faction and a French faction, if indeed there be any such, and your militia will defend you against the world.
The jealousy of standing armies is characteristic of our people; it results essentially from their habits and political institutions; but this jealousy existing only in times of peace, is in a season of public danger always succeeded by that policy which reposes the safety of the nation in discipline, in habits of obedience, and in concert of operation. No man ever complained of a standing army when his country was invaded. No man complained of a standing army during the revolution, though many complained, and causelessly complained of the militia. The truth is that the evil of standing armies, is always effectually guarded when the regular force bears a very small proportion to the armed militia. By adopting such policy, by so proportioning your regular force to your militia, you will have nothing to do but to command it to lay down its arms, and it is done.
Circumstances render it necessary at this moment to create a war establishment, not so much for the purpose of defence against invasion, an event, perhaps, not so seriously to be apprehended as was well observed by my friend from Virginia, but to preserve peace by preparing for war. It is at this time, and under such circumstances as the present the maxim applies, to preserve peace or avert war you must prepare for war.
As to confidence in men, under whom this force is to be wielded, and of which so much has been said, I will only observe, that I either have very great confidence or no confidence at all, and a sufficiency of it on the present occasion, to believe that it will be neither misdirected nor abused—and I repose this confidence the more readily, as I am aware the army will be disbanded with the same facility it has been created when the occasion of it ceases.
Mr. SMILIE said with respect to standing armies he agreed with the gentleman from Virginia; he believed them dangerous to every free country and that they should not exist but when the safety of the country required it. We do not differ in sentiments on this, said Mr. S. but we differ materially in another point. The gentleman thinks there is no necessity for them at present, and I think there is a stronger necessity than ever has existed since the peace of 1783. It is evident from what the gentleman himself has told you that he has no objection to a standing force whenever that force becomes necessary. That the gentleman once entertained such sentiments he has told you himself; he has alluded to the circumstance; we all recollect it. We find that the session before the last, when we had some little differences with Spain, when our territories were, as the gentleman has said invaded, though in truth it was a little affair, the gentleman from Va. offered this resolution.
Resolved , That such number of troops not exceeding as the President of the United States shall deem sufficient to protect the Southern frontiers of the United States, from Spanish inroad and insult, and to chastise the same, be immediately raised."
Here then the gentleman himself was willing to raise a regular force for the purpose of chastising the Spaniards. In a time of peace with others, and while negotiations were pending with Spain. I disapproved of it; so did a majority of this House, and it was not adopted. This shews that the only difference of opinion between the gentleman and myself is whether at that time and this we were in such a state as would justify the raising a regular force. Will any gentleman pretend to compare the situation of our country at this day and at that? A mere lawyer only, and no one else would say that what happened at that time was so serious as it is pretended. The gentleman tells you that he was in favor of a regular force at that time because it was inconvenient for the militia to march? Was it more inconvenient at that time than it is now? Not at all. The truth is that the only difference of opinion which can rationally exist is as to the number now to be raised.
With respect to the number proposed, which the gentleman supposes altogether inadequate, he should bear it in mind that this will not constitute our whole force. In case of invasion it is upon the militia that we must depend chiefly; but certainly there are points where it will be necessary to have a small regular force. The gentleman has exclaimed, how easy it would be, if all his force was placed in the city of New-York, for the British to lay waste that city. Does the gentleman mean in case of an attack upon New-York, to give it up without a struggle? If not, for God's sake let us take some necessary course to enable us to make that struggle. I consider, that the situation in which we are placed requires this force. But when the gentleman talks of invasion, and tells us if we apprehend such an event, we should prepare to meet it in a very different manner, I answer that we wish to put ourselves in a situation to meet events if they should occur. The gentleman from Virginia agrees that we are in no great danger of attack from France. Are we secure with respect to the other? That G. Britain may not make an attack upon our sea-ports I do not believe; and when we are likely to get into conflict, it is always necessary to consider the character with whom we contend. It has already been said that the Spanish frigates were attacked without a declaration of war; it is the common practice of modern times. In 1755 Britain destroyed almost the whole of the French trade without a declaration of war. Constantinople was at peace and she had sent a minister there to induce them to join her in the war against France; while her minister was negotiating there she sends her fleet up the Hellespont. It is very fortunate that the same has not happened to us; and that it will not yet happen I am very doubtful, as it is her usual practice. This being the common usage then, have we any security that we shall not share the common fate? Besides we have information that a certain class of the people of Britain, the navy department, thirst for war. I mention this to show that we have not security against their will to do it.
With respect to the gentleman's observations in regard to different parties, or rather to the friends of the two belligerent nations, I regret that they have any friends; for it is the greatest curse that could befall us that any foreign nation should have influence amongst us. The influence of France or of England is equally injurious. But I differ with the gentleman in the opinion that it is in favor of France, I confess that I have no apprehension that France, since its republican form of government has been destroyed, could have maintained any influence in this country; she has no body here to promote it but the American people themselves from a recollection of her past services, and from the original cause of her revolution and consequent republican institution. The first of these causes is long since worn out; and can any republican of this country feel an attachment to the present government of France? Surely not. Where then in the name of God can any influence exist in favor of France? It cannot exist. We know and America knows that the present administration, and particularly the high-souled respectable character at the head of it, have been accused of a prejudice in favor of that nation. Look at the volume of documents laid

laid on our table; they are a sufficient answer to the charge; the American people will now see the truth. No man can attempt to say that in any one case there has been any partiality to or influence by France. What is our situation in regard to the other power? I am afraid of her influence; sincerely afraid of it, because there never was a nation on earth in a situation to maintain an influence favorable to that country amongst us, as is Great Britain. From the commercial relations of her citizens with people here, from our speaking the same language, and the influence they possess from the number of agents in this country, they have the means of influence more than any nation I ever knew, and unfortunately they do possess it. When I say this, I cannot believe that any member of the Executive, judiciary or any branch of the government would sacrifice our rights to that nation or any other, but that they have a powerful interest I have no doubt. Yet I still believe that there is American virtue sufficient to preserve the interests of this nation; and I hope that when any occasion calls for an exertion of the energy of the American people, we shall display it unanimously.
Mr. RANDOLPH begged leave to state a fact. I did not chuse, said he, to interrupt the gentleman from Pennsylvania in his observations, but he is totally mistaken in regard to a most material fact. At the time the report was presented recommending the raising of troops to chastise the Spanish insult, so far from a negotiation then pending between the two governments, the very message of the President of the United States if referred to will show that a complete rupture of the negotiation with Spain had occurred, and of the most humiliating character to us. I have thought proper to state this, lest other gentlemen, trusting to the known influence of the gentleman from Pennsylvania might be led into a mistake.
Mr. SMILIE said that there was a suspension of the negotiation there could be no doubt; it had not been broken off, for it was yet continued.
Mr. RHEA (Ten.) said, he would vote for the passage of the bill. He observed, that to form an opinion of the subject under consideration, he did not think it necessary to revert to the history of Cæsar or Pompey, or any commander of antiquity. That he felt as great antipathy against any nation or nations who interrupted our prosperity as any gentleman, but would not descend to designate them by the name of tyger or any other beast; he considered all such epithets undignified and improper to be used, even if we were actually at war with any of those nations.
The very excellent friend of the gentleman from Virginia has said, that we are in a state of war. If the authority of that gentleman is to be taken as implicit evidence of the fact, I will agree we are in a state of war. But I (said Mr. Rhea) do not call that war, where one beats and the other receives it unresistingly. A man receiving a blow, and not returning it, suffers indeed; but it is no fight. In the same manner we have been beaten and have not retaliated. If we do no act of hostility we are not at war. When I contemplate the necessity, even for the support of our neutrality, to show that on occasion we can assume a fighting posture, it is a reason with me to be in favor of the bill. Mr. Rhea observed, that since the beginning of the session he constantly had been in favor of defensive measures; because he wished the nation to be in that state of defence by which any hostile attack might be the more easily repelled. The best security against attack from foreign powers is to give them sufficient reason to believe we are amply prepared to receive them. But, Mr. Speaker, it hath been intimated that we are about to spend two millions of dollars by raising and supporting the troops intended. Admit it to be so. If we be in a state of war, as some gentlemen intimate, or in danger of being in a state of war according to the opinion of others; it certainly is more prudent to be prepared for any event, than to forbear and do nothing, until an invading enemy takes possession of some strong post within our limits. In that event, it may cost the lives of some thousands of our fellow citizens, and several millions of dollars to dislodge and expel him. Not to raise the troops intended, may operate against the economy gentlemen appear so friendly to at the hazard of safety. Not to raise the troops intended may cause a profusion of expence ten times greater than that which will be expended on the object of this bill. Twenty millions of dollars are of little consideration when compared with the preservation of the rights of the nation and the lives of our fellow-citizens. It certainly is better to be at the expence of money in providing precautionary measures, than for want of them to be at the expence of blood. If, contrary to expectation, the troops shall not be required, they may soon be discharged and the expence will not be great. It hath been said, that if we let Great Britain alone, she will not trouble us—that
expression, said Mr. Rhea, conveys to my mind ample and disagreeable meaning. It appears to intimate that if we patiently let G. Britain go on as usual to impress our seamen, to capture our merchant vessels, to attack and fire on private vessels and the armed vessels of the nation, and deprive our citizens of their lives; if we will quietly submit to every indignity and outrage Great Britain may exclusively of an actual invasion perpetrate on us; if we will forbear to demand indemnity for past injuries and reparation for past wrongs; and if we will not pursue the mode of redress in our power; then indeed it may be presumed that G. Britain will not actually invade us or trouble us on land. But why hath not G. Britain let us be quiet in times past? What have we done to warrant her in attacking our territory? Our national ship was our territory according to her own decisions. Arguments of that kind have no weight. G. Britain will not make any such bargain. If she had been disposed to have done it, there hath been time sufficient, and there would have been no occasion for the long discussions and negotiations we have had. If she had been disposed to have done it, our impressed seamen would have been restored to their country; satisfaction for past injuries would have been made or at least stipulated to be made; and reparation, in the spirit of amity, would actually have been made, without evasion, for the unjustifiable attack on the Chesapeake frigate. It is greatly to be desired that all these just causes of complaint were amicably removed. The U. S. have always manifested unequivocally a disposition friendly to that effect, and many of the greatest and best men of G. Britain have been desirous of an accommodation.
Mr. Rhea said, he had unbounded confidence in the militia, but he would refer to the militia themselves, whether there are not places, important places within the U. S. and territories thereof, which it would be unreasonable to require a division of them to march to, and continue at, for any considerable period of time? From all parts there appears to be one voice declaring a firm determination to maintain the rights of the nation at the risk of life and fortune. The energies of the nation are sufficient. It is time that a system of defence required by the existing state of things was completed, and the object of the bill is considered by me a part of that system. If happily it shall be found hereafter, that it may not be necessary to continue these defensive measures, there will then be sufficient cause to rejoice that the U. S. have escaped being actually involved in a war which afflicts the world, and there will be no great reason to regret what expences may have accrued.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
By Authority.
The Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of Washington and Georgetown are respectfully informed that a sufficient number of GENTLEMEN,
(For their amusement,) WILL ON TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 19TH, Perform a TRAGEDY (in five acts) CALLED D O U G L A S S Or the NOBLE SHEPHERD. After which will be presented, (Also, by Gentlemen of Washington and George Town, for their amusement,) A FARCE (in two acts) CALLED THE PRIZE, OR 2, 3, 8.
For characters see hand bills. Doors open at half past five, o'clock, and commence at half past six. Box one dollar, Pit half a dollar. Tickets to be had at Mr. Stelles hotel, Mr. Rhodes's city tavern, and at the Theatre, on the night of performance.
April 13—3t
IN obedience to the decree of the high court of Chancery of Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at the premises on the 4th day of May next at 3 o'clock, P. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to part of a Tract of LAND, called Brock Hall , supposed to contain about one hundred and twenty acres, and part of a Tract of LAND called Beall's Hunting Quarters , supposed to contain about seventy acres, lying in Prince Georges county Maryland. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest thereon from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale.
All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale.
JAMES S. MORSEL, Trustee. April 13—3w
MRS. THOMPSON'S BUILDINGS has her best Drawing Room and Four Bed Chambers unoccupied with Stables and Carriage house. April 6—3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13.
Mr. Hillhouse yesterday laid before the Senate sundry propositions of amendment to the Constitution of the U. S. materially altering the organization of the Executive and legislative departments, by which the representatives are to be elected annually, the Senators triennially, and the President to be every three years taken from the Senators by lot. The length of these propositions obliges us to defer them until our next.
We should treat, as altogether unworthy of notice, a miserable lucubration in the Baltimore North American, did it not attempt to fix the charge of falsehood on a late article which appeared in this paper on the rupture of the negotiation with Mr. Rose. Having no ambition to contend with the writer, either on the score of style or argument, our notice shall be confined to matter of fact. In the National Intelligencer our government is represented as having been compelled to lay the embargo by the French decrees and the British orders of Nov. 11th. This is denied on the ground that the British orders did not reach this country until after the act laying an embargo was passed, viz. on the 22d of December. This is literally true; those orders, as officially promulgated, did not reach this country until a short time after. But it is a fact that their existence was, notwithstanding, so well known and established in this country, as not to have left a doubt in the mind of any man. By recurring to the National Intelligencer of December 18th, numerous extracts from British papers will be found, under the dates of Nov. 11th & 12th, stating that such orders would be immediately issued, & giving even their details with great precision. Similar articles will be found in the papers considered as most in the confidence of the British administration. There is no doubt, therefore, that when the President, in his message, recommending the embargo, says "the communications now made, showing the great and increasing dangers, with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere from the belligerent powers of Europe," had these very orders in his mind, and was of opinion, either that they had been already actually, or would soon be, issued. They may, therefore, with rigid truth, be said to have compelled us to adopt the embargo.
Another allegation of falsehood is that the article in the National Intelligencer contains the declaration that the first requisition [on the part of Mr. Rose] was that the affair of the Chesapeake should be separated from all other subjects; and it is attempted to support this charge by the following quotation from Mr. Rose's note of the 17th of March, written twelve days subsequent to the definitive answer of Mr. Madison: "It will be in your recollection," says Mr. Rose, "that in our first interview I stated the condition which makes the subject of the present letter, before I was informed by you that the President of the U. S. would consent to the separation of the two subjects."
Without intending to impeach the veracity of Mr. Rose, the reader is referred to the following statement of Mr. Madison, which will show, that however Mr. Rose may have informally alluded to the revocation of the proclamation in his first interview, it was not presented as a requisition, the term used in the National Intelligencer. It is very possible that it may have been glanced at with a view of feeling the pulse of the American government; but the recital of Mr. Madison proves that it was informally mentioned, without being urged in the shape of a demand; and every man who has ever heard any thing of the nature of diplomatic intercourse knows how many points are introduced which it is not intended to insist upon.
"Our first interview," says Mr. Madison, "having opened the way by an acquiescence in the separation of the two cases insisted on by his Britannic majesty, notwithstanding the strong grounds on which they had been united by the President, it was not to be doubted that a tender of the satisfaction claimed by the U. S. for a distinguished and an acknowledged insult by one of his officers, would immediately follow."
"It was not, therefore, without a very painful surprize that the error of this expectation was discovered. Instead of the satisfaction due from the original aggressor, it was announced that the first step towards the adjustment must proceed from the party injured; and your letter now before me, formally repeats, that as long as the proclamation of the President which issued on the 2d July, 1807, shall be in force, it will be an insuperable obstacle to a negotiation;" &c.
If the construction attempted by the North American to be put on the subsequent declaration of Mr. Rose
be just, how, in the name of common sense, could Mr. Madison have said it was not to be doubted that a tender of satisfaction "would immediately follow," after the agreement to separate the subjects? Or how could he have expressed a "painful surprize that the error of this expectation was discovered?"
The general election was held in Massachusetts on the 4th inst. and we are happy to say, that, notwithstanding the infinite pains taken by the enemies of the measures of the general government to prejudice the public mind on the causes and effects of the embargo, the republican majority has increased even in the district embracing Boston and the adjacent towns. In Boston Mr. Gore had 2610 votes, and Mr. Sullivan 2118. The aggregate votes in thirty three towns, including Boston, for Sullivan are 8443, and for Gore 9285. At the last election for Governor, with the same towns gave Mr. Strong 10,460—and Mr. Sullivan 9808. Republican gain 358 votes.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The following are the Yeas and Nays on the following resolution in the case of John Smith.
Resolved, That John Smith, a Senator from the state of Ohio, by his participation in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr, against the peace, union, and liberties of the people of the United States, has been guilty of conduct incompatible with his duty and station as a Senator of the United States, and that he be, therefore, and hereby is expelled from the Senate of the United States.
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Coodit, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Gilman, Gregg, Kitchel, Maclay, Mathewson, Milledge, Moore, Robinson, Smith of Md. Smith of Tenn. Sumner, Tiffin, Turner—19.
NAYS—Messrs. Giles, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Howland, Pickering, Pope, Reed, Smith of N. Y. Thruston, White—10.
The discussion on this subject was exceedingly interesting. We shall give it to the public at an early day.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, APRIL 8.
Mr. D. Montgomery obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
Mr. Isley reported a bill in pursuance of a resolution proposed by him to empower the president to exchange certain sites for fortifications near Portland.—Twice read and referred.
Mr. Rhea (T.) said he had heard much these few days past respecting the commercial orders and decrees of the European powers; these had no doubt been all published in the newspapers, but he questioned whether they were distinctly known, or had ever been considered collectively. He therefore offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the Secretary of state do transmit to this House authentic copies of the several accredited documents which may be in his office, and which do contain articles of treaties, commercial orders and regulations, and orders and decrees of blockade, affecting the commerce of the U. S. which may have been respectively made, or issued by the governments of G. Britain & France, at any time since the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, exclusively of treaties to which the U. S. are a party.
The resolution was ordered to lie on the table.
The bill for transportation by mail of the documents accompanying the message of the President of the U. S. went through the committee of the whole, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. It was afterwards passed without a division.
Mr. Wilbour presented a memorial from the corporation of the town of New-Port, Rhode Island, stating that the island of Rhode Island is defenceless, & praying such measures may be adopted as shall place it in a better state of defence. Referred to a select committee.
Mr. Newton reported a bill to erect Plymouth in North Carolina, into a port of entry, and to change the name of the district of Nansemond into that of St. Mary's.—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
MONDAY, APRIL 11.
Messrs. Wilson, Hoge, Storer, Smith (P.) and Elliot obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
Mr. Quincy presented petitions from five towns in Massachusetts, respecting fish, stating the peculiar distress under which they labor from the operation of the embargo; that it falls unequally upon that class of citizens to which they belong; that they are the class least able to bear it; that their soil is miserable and sandy; and that they depend wholly upon the fishing business for support, having no other employment than fishing; that to carry it on with any success, they should have the right of exportation, as great part of the product of their labor is consumed in foreign countries; that the com-
mon home consumption is much reduced by the present low price of other articles for the support of life; that the whole of their product now on hand is of a perishable nature, and great danger will arise in consequence of its putrefaction in summer; that in their opinion it would be better to lose part by capture than to lose the whole from the denial of the privilege of exportation. They pray therefore that they may be allowed to export in foreign ships; they consider that the principle admitted by the permission granted to vessels in ballast to bring home property from abroad, applies here, as that principle was the only mode of saving property, and the proposed mode is the only one which may be devised for saving a valuable property in fish; if this be denied, they pray that the Secretary of the Treasury may be allowed to buy their fish.
In connection with these petitions Mr. Quincy said he would offer the following resolution, and would preface it but by one observation: that these petitions came from a great number of the laboring class of citizens, stating that their very subsistence was at stake; and that some mode must be devised by which they may escape from perishing:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the peculiar hardships and sufferings to which the citizens of the U. S. immediately interested in the fisheries are subjected by the various acts laying an embargo, and that the committee be instructed to enquire, whether any, and if any, what relief ought to be extended to them, and that it have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The House agreed to consider the resolution, Ayes 72.
After an hour's debate (which will be given hereafter) on motion of Mr. Newton, the resolution and the petitions were referred to the committee of the whole, to whom similar petitions had been referred—56 to 26.
Messages were received from the Senate announcing their agreement to the amendments of this House to the bill for raising an additional military force, and to the report of the joint committee on the subject of adjournment.
The House took up the report of the committee of adjournment, (directing the Speaker to adjourn the House on the 25th inst.) and passed it without a division.
A bill from the Senate for registering certain claims to lands lying in the state of Tennessee, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Poindexter presented a memorial from the legislature of the Mississippi territory, complaining of the mal-conduct of P. B. Bruin, presiding judge of the territory of Mississippi.
Mr. P. then offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report articles of impeachment against Peter B. Bruin, one of the judges of the superior court of the Mississippi territory, and that the said committee have power to send for persons, papers and records.
Mr. Poindexter hoped the resolution would be adopted; he did not expect that a committee could act on the subject during this session; but it might be put in a state of progress.
Mr. Randolph said he hoped the resolution would lie on the table. He had heard, and he was extremely sorry for it, that the House had concurred, sub silentio, with the Senate in their agreement to the report on the subject of adjournment. If the House then were bound by their own resolution to adjourn on the 25th, nothing could be done on this subject during the present session. He hoped not to be considered as opposed to the resolution, for he trusted it would at some future time be acted on, and was sorry that the constitution of the U. S. had not provided a more adequate remedy for these acts of offence. It would be remarked that it was not proposed that the committee should act during the recess; he hoped therefore that it would lie on the table, and the House would take up such business as it was deemed essential to act on during the present session—such as the bill for arming the whole body of the militia of the U. S.
Mr. Smilie wished to know what grounds there were for this proposition, before he consented to pass a resolution declaring an opinion.
Mr. W. Alston said, that the paper which had just been presented by the gentleman from Mississippi, was the result of an enquiry held by the legislature of the territory. They had said the man was disqualified, and Mr. A. thought it was the best and shortest way to appoint a committee to report articles of impeachment.
Mr. Picken hoped the House would never depart from the dignified course which the legislature of the union ought to pursue. A resolution of the legislature of a state or territory was not of itself sufficient ground for a resolution for impeachment. A com-

mittee should first be appointed to enquire into the propriety of impeaching. Great respect no doubt was due to resolutions of state or territorial legislatures; but he did not consider them as conclusive.
Mr. Phea (T.) would vote for the resolution lying on the table. He drew a distinction between the legislatures of states and of territories, for, were they to be considered as equal, it might produce mischievous consequences. In saying this he did not mean to derogate from the purity of the legislature, but he did not like this mode of doing business. He would ask whether the report of a legislature would be considered as conclusive evidence of fact? Certainly not; for the House would undoubtedly call for the evidence on which that report was bottomed. He remarked that he knew of no authority by which a territorial legislature could act as a grand jury for this House, who would certainly call for evidence before they appointed a committee to prepare articles of impeachment.
Mr. Poindexter said, that at the suggestion of experienced gentlemen, he had modified his resolution by striking out the words in Italics , and inserting "enquire into the expediency of preferring." He took occasion while up to remark that he had a very high respect for the past services of this venerable old man (Judge Bruin.) He had been a patriot of the revolution, in the times which tried men's souls. For this Mr. P. said he venerated him. But his faculties were impaired by habitual intoxication; he had seen him awakened on the bench to attend to business, and in five minutes afterwards he would relapse into sleep. Very important cases frequently occurred in these courts, and it was certainly necessary to judge correctly that a person's faculties should be unimpaired. I will not go further into explanation, said Mr. P. but request that the resolution may pass for enquiry; for if it pass now, the committee may take measures to procure evidence from the Mississippi territory in time for the next session. If postponed till next session, it cannot be acted on during that session, and the result will be that this officer will be quartered upon us for another year.
On the suggestion of Mr. Dana , the resolution was ordered to lie on the table till to-morrow, 22 to 26.
The House then resumed the unfinished business (the post-office bill.) The bill was gone through, after repeated motions for adjournment without success, and about six o'clock was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. When the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 12. The House agreed to meet for the remainder of the session at 10 o'clock on each day.
Mr. Gardner's proposition for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the propriety of providing by law for an earlier meeting of Congress than usual, was taken up and agreed to, 50 to 26.
The bill for altering and establishing certain post roads was passed by Yeas and Nays, 71 to 31.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 55 to 20, Mr. Desha in the chair, on the resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell , declaring that the President of the U. S. ought in the event of certain contingencies occurring during the recess of Congress, to be authorized to suspend the operation of the embargo.
Messrs. G. W. Campbell and Johnson supported the resolution, and Mr. Randolph opposed it at considerable length. [Debate hereafter.]
The committee rose at about four o'clock, and obtained leave to sit again; when the House adjourned. [Further detail in our next.]
COMMUNICATION. A gentleman is at present in this city, soliciting subscriptions for an edition of "Blackstone's Commentaries." The well known merit of this valuable work, and the correct and elegant manner in which this edition is to be issued from the press, would, we are persuaded, be sufficient to ensure an ordinary encouragement—but the patronage of the public is claimed for this undertaking, by circumstances of a peculiar character.
The gentlemen, who now offer this subscription, had undertaken with a laudable spirit of enterprise and industry, to publish it on their own responsibility or risque, and had completed the first volume, when their progress was unfortunately checked, by the conflagration, which took place in Portland in January last. By this disaster they lost three fourths of the second volume, the third volumes of both editions, and all the paper and other materials for the fourth volume; besides the greater part of a valuable printing office. Their present object being principally directed to meet engagements, necessarily contracted for carrying on this work; they ask for that patronage, to which we conceive they are entitled, as well
on account of their misfortunes, as by the value of the work, and the excellence of the typography.
With such claims, we trust they will experience the well merited countenance and aid of the public.
On Wednesday last, the site of a battery was laid off on Warburton point on the Potomac. This has always been considered as the best situation on the river for arresting the progress of hostile vessels; the channel approaching very near to the shore and so changing its direction, as to subject every ship which passes to be raked for a considerable distance as she approaches, and again after she has passed. Expositor.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEB. 19.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave notice of a motion for Monday, for leave to bring in a bill to prohibit the exportation of cotton, wool and bark from this country. A measure which he was well warranted to believe, from the communications of persons the most likely to be well informed on the subject, would be more satisfactory to the government of America than even another bill in its progress through the House, as well as better calculated to carry into effect the object of the order in council, by increasing upon the manufactures of the enemy and his allies the pressure which he attempted to impose upon this country. This he proposed to do by imposing a duty of 9d. per pound upon all cotton-wool to be exported from this country, including not only cotton the produce of British colonies in the East and West-Indies, but all imported from America, or elsewhere. The necessary consequence of this regulation, as a measure of war, added to the other means of preventing the supply of cotton to the manufactures of France, and of the countries in its alliance, must be not only to increase upon other countries the pressure of their own conduct towards this, but to create a most favorable diversion in favor of the manufactures of this country; and if France and her European dependencies must needs have cotton manufactures, they must be driven to seek a supply from the markets of this country, not only at a price which must preclude them from all chance of competition with British manufactures in all other markets, but oblige them to contribute very considerably to our revenues in support of the war. Besides this, it would open to America a medium for the disposal of her cotton, exempt from all risques of capture under the restrictions of the order in council; and without leaving her any ground of jealousy, seeing that we placed the produce of our own colonies on precisely the same footing. Be sides, if the supply of France and her allies was left liable only to risk by capture, it would be evaded by insurance, a great part, or perhaps the whole of which would be underwritten in this country, & consequently, what we gained in one way, the country would lose in another.
Sir Francis Baring was adverse to the taxation of British colonial produce in the way proposed, and still more adverse to placing the cotton of America upon the same footing in our own markets, which would have the effect of enriching the soil of America with the fat of our land. Besides the measure, so far from conciliating the good opinion and acquiescence of America, would have a double operation the contrary way; for her acceding to the principle, in preference to the risk of capture by our cruisers, with the opportunities her merchants would have of securing themselves by insurance, would have the effect of encircling against her the rancor of France, and depriving her, as neutral, of all the advantages she could derive from trade with the Continent of Europe. It would also operate to the deterioration of her market in this country, by securing to England a monopoly of her cotton which would shut out our market more especially under the operation of an export duty amounting to prohibition, and deprive her of all advantage from the competition of other markets in Europe. Beside, it must not be forgotten that cotton manufactures have been some time established in some parts of America, & particularly in New England, which were already in a very flourishing state. The necessary consequence of the proposed measure would be, then, to excite the jealousy and disgust of America, whose infant manufactures would be immediately induced to claim the support and protection of the legislature. Such a country, with the raw material produced on her own soil, might, with such protection and encouragement, soon acquire a pitch of perfection in her manufactures, that would speedily outweigh that predilection now entertained for the manufactures of this country, which it might be impossible for the repeal of such an act to restore; great caution, therefore, should be exercised, lest this measure of temporary and speculative policy should entail a permanent and incalculable mischief.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer regretted the opposition coming from an honorable Baronet, whose good sense and extensive commercial experience certainly qualified him to form a sound opinion upon the subject; but still the worthy Baronet must allow it was a measure of retaliation against the enemy, likely to be the least objectionable with the only neutral power whose interests were to be affected by the orders in council; while it would effectually turn the policy of the French ruler against himself, by checking at once the progress of his infant manufactures, or enabling him and his allies to continue their manufactures only by contributing largely to the revenues of this country in support of the war, & in a way, too, that must secure decided and permanent advantages to the British manufacturer; because it must so load with imposts the manufactures of France and her allies, as to preclude all possible chance of their obtaining a preference in the markets of America, or any other country.
Mr. Ponsonby wished to understand the right honorable gentleman clearly as to the extent to which he meant to carry his principle of retaliation, and whether he meant to copy France in carrying the prohibition as well to French produce as French manufactures—to French wines, for instance?
The Chancellor of the Exchequer answered in the affirmative.
Mr. Ponsonby then observed, that as French wines were so much in consumption with the wealthier orders in America, as to become almost a necessary of life, he thought nothing would tend more to exasperate them against this country, than to make them feel this article of their daily consumption enhanced by the imposition of a British tax, amounting almost to prohibition. He should, however, reserve his further observations on this subject till a future opportunity.
ORDERS IN COUNCIL. The House being resumed—
The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the order of the day for going into a committee upon the bill for carrying into effect the late orders in council. He promised, however, that as he purposed to introduce several alterations in the bill, and to an extent greater than he was at first prepared to expect, he should propose the committee now only pro forma , in order to move the alterations; the bill then to be printed; and when it should thus be shaped in a more perfect form, it might either undergo any farther discussion thought necessary on the report, or be recommitted, if the House should deem it expedient. The alterations he proposed to introduce were, 1st, To do away all the duties already required from neutral vessels clearing from British ports by bond, which might afterwards be sanctioned by law; 2dly, All cargoes of ships warehoused in this country for exportation, and which were shipped from their respective ports before notice could be supposed to have reached these ports of the orders in council, and also to the cargoes of all ships in the like predicament.
LONDON, FEB. 20.
Yesterday, a meeting was held of the St. Domingo Merchants, to receive the report of the deputation which had conferred with the chancellor of the exchequer, respecting the new duties to be levied upon St. Domingo produce. The minister has acceded to the wishes of the merchants to a considerable extent. Those cargoes are to be exempt from the new duties which were or may be, shipped in vessels that sailed from England prior to the 11th of November last. Also those cargoes which have been already, or which may be, received in exchange of British manufactures.
It has been intimated to some leading American mercantile Houses in this city, that ministers do not intend to propose to Parliament that any additional duties shall be laid on the cargoes of such vessels as may have been warned into the British ports. Such cargoes will consequently be permitted to be landed and warehoused, with liberty to reship the same, without any additional duty, to any port or place to which the proprietors of such cargoes may think proper to consign the same—cottons, however are excepted.
FEBRUARY 22. PETITION FOR PEACE.
Colonel Stanley presented a petition, signed by certain residents of the town of Bolton, Lancashire, praying—
"The House to address his Majesty, humbly beseeching him to leave no means untried, consistent with the honor and dignity of his crown, and the welfare of his kingdom, to restore to his faithful subjects the blessings of peace. The petitioners added, that they were urged to this petition by the consequences of a war, which has shut out their manufactures from the Continent of Europe, whereby thousands of the petitioners, ingenious and industrious artisans, are deprived
of employment, and the wages of others so lessened, as to bring the greatest distress upon themselves and their families, numbers of whom were thereby rendered destitute of the necessaries of life. They farther state, that their distresses only, and not any dread of the enemy, had induced them to petition for peace; for, should the enemy persist in demanding unreasonable terms, there were no priations which they were not ready to suffer, rather than urge the conclusion of any peace derogatory to the honor and happiness of their king and country."
The petition having been read, Colonel Stanley moved that it do lie on the table.
Mr. Secretary Canning immediately rose and said, that so far was he from giving any opposition to the motion for this petition to lie on the table, that he wished it to remain there in the continual view and contemplation of the House. Standing in the situation he had the honor to fill, he trusted that the House would do him the justice to believe, he felt as sincerely for the distresses of which that petition complained, as any of the petitioners who had signed it; and if such a measure as that which the petitioners sought, could of itself abstractedly produce permanently and securely, the remedy desired, there could be but one opinion on the propriety of seeking it, as the greatest blessing. He would say for himself and his colleagues, that as it would be their first duty, so it would be their highest satisfaction to promote an object so truly desirable. But although he was ready to concede to the friends of the petition that war must unavoidably, in its consequences, occasion distress and embarrassments to various classes of industrious persons, and that peace must be extremely desirable to every friend of humanity—yet he felt, that to sue for that peace to the enemy, with whom we were now engaged, founded upon petitions like this, and fettered with such terms as he was disposed to demand, would not be the way to obtain the object of the petitioners, namely, a secure, permanent, and honorable peace, such only as could be consistent with the character, the prosperity, and the lasting happiness of this country. He hoped the House and the country would give to his majesty's ministers the credit to which they were fully entitled, for an earnest and anxious wish at all times to restore peace to the country, upon such terms only as it would be desirable or could be permanent. For this object, they had never ceased to wish as earnestly as any class of his majesty's subjects—for this, they were always disposed and ready to treat upon fair and honorable grounds—for this, they had left no means unattended to, nor would they fail to embrace any opportunity that could lead to a consummation so truly to be desired. But, however, painful the task of prolonging the war, the highly responsible situation in which they stood, bound them to act to the best of their judgment for the honor and the permanent happiness of the country at large, and not precipitately to sacrifice both to the pressure of temporary disadvantages and local embarrassment. This would not be the way to realize the objects prayed by the petition, but to disappoint, in the worst possible mode, the prayer of the petitioners.
The petition was ordered to lie on the table.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER , in pursuance of the intimation he had given on Friday, moved that the House do resolve itself into a committee, to consider the expediency of prohibiting altogether the exportation of cotton wool, the produce of neutral nations, and Peruvian bark, from this country. With respect to the first, he had explained to the House fully his object, when moving the duty of 9d. per pound on all cotton wool exported from this country, which would amount nearly to prohibition. This duty included all cotton wool, both British, colonial, and neutral produce. But as he understood from those best informed upon the subject, that a regulation more agreeable to the feelings of America especially, would be to prohibit altogether the export of cotton, the produce of neutral nations, than affect it in the way of impost, his object now was to move a resolution in the committee to that effect, with a view, however, to reserve to his majesty, in any bill for the purpose, a power of granting licences for such export, in certain cases. And with respect to the article of bark, it was one of the utmost importance to the enemy for the use of his armies, and for which at present the want was extreme and the demand excessive, inasmuch that although the market price in this country was but 10s. per pound, the present price in Paris was 70s. Every possible attempt had been made to export it from this country, notwithstanding all prohibitions. Now he conceived one of the best modes of forcing the enemy to abandon the rigour of his decrees, was to increase his distress for an article he possessed in plenty, but which to him was so essential; thereby forcing the admission of other articles of British manu-
facture along with it, as the condition of its attainments.
He accordingly moved, and the House went into the committee. Resolved, that the measures were expedient, and leave was given to bring in a bill.
February 24.
ORDERS OF COUNCIL. —The bill now before the House of Commons, as amended in the committee, directs—
That goods warehoused, taken out on payment of home duties, are to be liable to duties notwithstanding the drawbacks.
Vessels sailing before times limited in Orders of Council, are allowed to proceed without payment of duty.
Goods imported under licences, dated before 11th Nov. and cleared out before the periods specified in the act, and warehoused for exportation, are exempt from duty.
Goods imported under licence from St. Domingo, since the 11th Nov. only are chargeable upon exportation with a duty of one-half of that upon goods of the like description.
Prize goods exported to be chargeable with duties.
New-York, April 9.
Admiral Graves and Son, who arrived lately at Newport in the ship George and Mary from Falmouth, reached this city yesterday in the packet Aurora, Cahone, on their route to Washington and Charleston. The admiral informs us that the ships Octavia, Collins, and another ship name not recollected, both from Charleston for London, with cargoes of cotton and rice, have been sent into Calais, where the vessels and cargoes were condemned and the crews imprisoned. The ship Otis, of New-York, and several other American vessels, remained at Falmouth on the 29th of February, an American ship had just arrived there from the Mediterranean.
Washington City, April 13th, 1808. WANTED IMMEDIATELY.
AS an Assistant in the Western Academy of this city, a gentleman well qualified to teach the English Language grammatically, Writing, Arithmetic, the different branches of Mathematics, Geography, and the use of the Globes, such a gentleman recommended for sobriety, morality, and experience in teaching, shall receive for his services at the rate of 500 dollars per annum, or 350 dollars and his board, paid quarterly, by
HUGH MAGUIRE, Principal. April 13—3t
NOTICE.
AN EXAMINATION will be held at the WESTERN ACADEMY on Wednesday 13th inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. and on the same evening at 7 1/2 past 3 P. M. a number of Orationes, &c. will be delivered.
And at the EASTERN ACADEMY on Thursday 14th inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. and on the evening of same day with candle light a number of Orationes, Dialogues, &c.
It is requested that the parents, friends and guardians of these Seminaries will be punctual in their attendance, also the members of both Houses of Congress and friends of Literature in general will please to countenance these infant Seminaries with their presence.
April 12—1t
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1808. This day is the Third day of drawing of the New York State Lottery, (highest prize 25,000 dollars)—present price of tickets Eight Dollars, but will shortly advance.
Tickets warranted undrawn may be had at J. MARCH's Bookstore, George Town, where a regular check book of the drawing, both blanks and prizes is kept.
17 Prize tickets in St. Mary's College Lottery taken in exchange for undrawn tickets in the New-York state Lottery.—All prizes sold at J. MARCH's bookstore, will be paid there if agreeable to the holder of the ticket.
April 13—3t
JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS. WANTED immediately 40 or 50 Journey-men Shoemakers, to make strong Shoes, to whom constant employment will be given, apply to
JOHN MINCHIN, New Jersey avenue near the Capitol.
April 13—3t
NOTICE.
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorising the erection of a BRIDGE over the river POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia," hereby give notice that a meeting of the Stockholders, of the "Washington Bridge Company," agreeably to the directions of the said act, will be held at Stelle's Hotel in the city of Washington, on Monday the 2nd of May, between 10 A. M. and 3 P. M. for the purpose of electing five Directors, a Clerk and a Treasurer, and such other officers, agents, and servants as the said company may think fit to appoint, and for transacting any other business, in pursuance of said act, and appropriating to the nature and objects of the institution at the said Company.
By order of the Commissioners, ROBERT BRENT, Chairman.
FORM OF PROXY.
I hereby empower _____ to give as many votes in my name for the officers of the Washington Bridge Company at the ensuing election as I hold shares, &c to transact, during the same, such other business as may be necessary. Given under my hand this _____ day of _____
One witness.
April 13.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on the passage of the bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry—Continued.
SATURDAY, MARCH 12.
Mr. SLOAN said that during the discussion on this subject he had remained silent; and if the bill in its operations had been confined to the military, he should have remained content to give a silent vote. Had he considered it merely harmless, he should have been silent; but considering it a dangerous innovation, striking a blow at the most sacred rights and privileges, he could not consistently with his conscience, sit still and barely give his negative vote. Shall I, said he, be branded with joining in opposition, with having departed from principle? I came not here to see with any man's eyes, to hear with any man's ears, or judge with any man's understanding. I came here to use that discretion which God and nature have given me, and to protect in every case the liberties of my country. However high I may value, and my former conduct has fully evinced this, that part of this House who are supporting this bill, however near and dear has been my connection with them, it would ill comport with the dictates of my conscience, and the rights and liberties of my country, should I look to the source whence this or any other bill has been produced. Wherever I am intrusted as a watchman to guard the treasure of our rights, it behoves me to look at the production and not at the source from which it flows.
I have considered this bill as aiming a death-blow at the rights & liberties of the people of the U. S. & I am anxious that their speeches should go forward and their vote be recorded. I do not wish to disguise my sentiments or conceal my vote. Although much has been said on the cause and origin of this bill, I beg the attention of the House to some brief observations on what gave rise to it. A resolution was introduced to raise a committee of enquiry into the conduct of a certain high officer; I opposed this measure, and it is certainly within the recollection of every member that I not only opposed it but zeaously opposed it. Is there a member on the floor who was more decidedly opposed to it, or one who expressed himself in more pointed language believing that it was unconstitutional, and not within the line of our duty? While however I expressed my dislike to that measure, I considered it of trivial consequence, compared with this bill. It was a temporary and singular affair; if unconstitutional and improper, it was confined to a single object, and when that had been obtained, would have ceased to operate. But what is this bill? Not temporary; for unless a future Congress repeal it, it will continue in perpetuo. And what a blending of two powers together! Shall I be accused of presumption or ignorance in offering my sentiments in opposition to those expressed by a number of members of legal abilities, who no doubt suppose they have explained this matter in so clear a point of view that there can be no doubt on it? However I may respect them, and however superior may be their knowledge, I must act according to the dictates of my conscience. Permit me to say that I cannot understand the language of some gentlemen: a gentleman from Kentucky, of legal knowledge (Mr. Johnson) says that if this bill extended military powers, he would oppose it; this he declared, and I cannot understand it. If I understand the subject aright, the power of military courts is at present confined within the line of the army; on the other hand, if I understand it aright, this bill extends their power to six millions of people, to every inhabitant of these states. I must go to school again before I can understand this; it is an extension to a dangerous degree, and such as I hope will never be sanctioned by a law of the U. S. It is giving to a tribunal before limited in its powers, a power which is unlimited as to the extent of its operation, and depending entirely upon the commander in chief. I have no opinion of mixing the two powers together; I cannot conceive any case in which the provision could be of service except the one to which he had alluded, and that one have no weight; I cannot see that it can have any bearing on that case, or be of any advantage to the accused. What is his situation? Certain witnesses have been summoned; their refusal to attend is sufficiently significant, and answers every purpose of exculpation; therefore this case does not apply. This bill mixes together the two powers, military and civil, which have heretofore remained entirely separate, and God grant that they may ever so remain. I hope to speak with proper deference and respect to my brethren in legislation, but I must speak plainly and in the language of which I am capable. Under this impression I must ask whether they would have given their sanction to this bill ten years ago? At that time although I did not possess a seat on this floor, my attention was turned to the liberty and true interest of the country, nor can I now agree to this principle; I would not when John Adams was President, nor will I now when Thomas Jefferson is President.
A member from Maryland who spoke this morning observed that it was scarcely possible to introduce a bill in such a shape but ingenuity will find objections to it; permit me to retort by saying that no bill however improper can be brought into this House, but the ingenuity of members will find some plausible pretext for it. The gentleman has told us that if the bill contained those evils he would oppose it; I will say that if his eyes are open he must see them. He has endeavored to wipe them away; but he has labored in vain, for he has not touched the principle. It is not the detail but the principle to which I object. Cases have been supposed as possible, in order,
to find a ground for the bill; it has been said that a poor man's life might be taken away for want of evidence. We might sit here year after year to suppose cases which might occur, on which we might pass laws; but we cannot legislate upon these suppositions. I call upon gentlemen to say whether in twenty years, in so perilous times, one single man has become the victim of a tyrant, whether in one single instance a man has been put to death unjustly? Did ever a military man suffer, crying out when the rope was about his neck, "I die for want of a witness?" I believe not.
It seems to attract the attention and sympathy of the members of this House to vote in favor of this bill, because there is a prospect of calling out the militia. The argument is poor. I understand by what I have heard read that the militia called out are to be tried by courts martial consisting of their own officers. Will the calling these men into service immediately transform them into tyrants? I cannot suppose that a court martial consisting of militia officers would deny to the party accused the opportunity of obtaining witnesses; on the other hand, I will not suppose that any witness would be so unjust as to refuse to attend to screen an innocent man accused. This has been the case for 30 years, and such I trust will always be the case. It is contended by the supporters of this bill that the law respecting courts martial is too vague. I am not a military man; but if I had known nothing of the subject before this discussion, and I had not known something about it by this time. If I understand the nature of a court martial, it was intended to exist but as an evil, to punish crimes which it would be dangerous even to the safety of the U. S. to try in civil courts. Does this bill go to destroy entirely this plan? Dull of apprehension must any person be, who cannot see that it may prove of ill consequence if there should be a traitor taken before a court martial who shall declare that he has a witness in civil life, he may not evade a trial, till he may escape prosecution? Is it not better that the law as it now stands should take its course, and that traitors should be brought to immediate justice? I conceive it is.
I shall not much longer take up the time of the House, I have endeavored to discharge my duty. I believe that the military officers in our standing army will perform their duty with propriety, humanity and justice, and that we should never take from them the necessary power, that is, the power to punish traitors in a summary way, and I will not entertain a thought so derogatory to their honor, as to suppose that this power will be abused. I will suppose that the officers of both our regular force and militia, if we should unfortunately be involved in a war, will continue to act with humanity, justice and propriety. I wish to keep the civil and military powers distinct; the blending them would lay a foundation for military despotism. It is of no avail to tell me that we have a worthy President; I acknowledge it; but that is no reason to tell me that the power given by this bill will not be abused. I am not certain how long that will be the case; and I will give no power to a virtuous man which a vicious man might abuse.
Mr. S. concluded with a solemn hope that the bill would not pass this House; if it passed this House, that it would not receive the sanction of a law.
Mr. HOLLAND certainly expected that the gentleman last up would vote for this bill after declaring that he entertained so high an opinion of courts martial. In this respect, said Mr. H. there is no difference in sentiment between the gentleman from New Jersey and myself. I believe that no danger will arise from giving the power contemplated by this bill to courts martial to examine witnesses, because I believe that the officers composing courts martial are gentlemen, and know how to treat witnesses with that respect to which they are entitled. I believe that witnesses will be under less embarrassment when giving their testimony before a court martial than before a court of civil jurisdiction; and my reason for that belief is this: I admit that military courts may not be possessed of much legal information, but the witness is not liable to be interrupted by the examination of an attorney; courts martial will not suffer this; they are men of honor. The witness then is relieved from this, & this is the most disagreeable to a witness, who dread cross-examination, and rightly too, as he is often made to contradict himself. This does not occur to a witness before a court martial.
A gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rowan) while on this subject mentioned that one great inconvenience by this bill is that the witness has not the power to bring in other witnesses to corroborate his testimony. This is not the general practice in civil courts; it has not been the practice so far as I know in civil cases. It is true that when a witness is brought before a court and there are circumstances which may discredit his testimony, either party has the right to bring in corroborative testimony. The principle therefore in that respect is the same in courts martial as in civil courts. It will always be in the power of the parties before a court martial to bring in testimony to strengthen or to invalidate testimony.
This bill has been objected to because it augments the power of military courts. Is this correct? Does this bill give any new jurisdiction? Certainly not, for it does not give them power over a single subject of which they had not power before. What is it that the bill contemplates? Nothing more than to enable courts martial to have a full view of the subject before them. As the law stands they have not this in their power. Courts martial now can only partially procure witnesses; the bill before us is intended to remedy that evil
—not to give new powers to courts martial, but to allow them testimony which under the existing law cannot be brought before courts martial. For this purpose and this alone, is the bill brought before you. Is it not proper, laudable and right? Why shall the citizen whose integrity cannot be doubted, be excluded from giving testimony before courts martial? There is no reason why persons accused before a court martial may not have the benefit of testimony, nor why government may not have the same to support the guilt of persons accused. It is certainly clear that courts martial ought to have before them every thing relating to the subject and ample power should be given to obtain it; to effect this object the bill on your table has been produced. Then why this great clamor against the bill. It seems a little strange that gentlemen should take the ground they do, when we consider the manner in which the subject was introduced, and the circumstance which induced the House to consider this bill. A cry was raised in this House against a certain officer; a resolution was passed requesting the President to enquire into his conduct. This was opposed by myself and others. A majority of the House however, resolved that an enquiry should be made into his conduct. The President of the U. States informed the House that an enquiry had already been granted; and it would seem to me, independently of the suggestions of the President, that gentlemen who wished an enquiry would have agreed to examine the law, and see whether it afforded the remedy which they themselves had suggested. Have they done so? No. When the law is examined and found to be defective, and that witnesses cannot be brought forward to support the prosecution, or to exonerate the officer if innocent, they are off; they want no more of it; they will not touch it. I should suppose those very gentlemen would vote for a law to make this enquiry ample and just; that they would supply the defect, more especially if they believe the officer to be guilty. I should think that gentlemen would en masse come forward, and empower the courts to prosecute an enquiry. When this subject was under discussion it was suggested that no doubt the President would do his duty. Consistently with that language, gentlemen ought now to come forward and enable the Executive to do justice. Will they do so? No; they wish the law to stand as it is—that the great mass of our citizens should be excluded except they voluntarily tender their services. Is it possible that under circumstances of this kind, an officer on trial can shew his innocence? Certainly not; it has become necessary to pass this law to effect the object gentlemen had so much at heart at an early period in the session, that a certain high officer might be either condemned or acquitted. I trust considerations of this kind will excite every gentleman who voted for that enquiry to support this bill.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
CAME home with my Cow, a stray CALF—Whoever hath lost the same may have it by proving property and paying charges, on application to
WM. BOWHAY, at the Navy Yard.
April 11—3t NEW & INTERESTING POLITICAL PAMPHLET.
This day is Published, by Birch and Small, No. 37, South Second street Philadelphia.
CONSIDERATIONS On the causes, objects, and consequences of the present war; and on the expediency, or the danger of peace with France.
By WILLIAM ROSCOE, Esq. Late member of Parliament for Liverpool.
This important Pamphlet passed through four editions in one month, from its first appearance in London. The present publication is from the 4th English edition.
A few copies of the above work are this day received and for sale at J. March's Bookstore, George Town; R. C. Weightman, Pennsylvania avenue, and D. Rafine, Capitol Hill, Washington; and James Kennedy, Bookseller Alexandria. April 11—3t.
FOR SALE OR RENT. Valuable CORNER LOT, well improved, in the city of Washington, fronting south on Pennsylvania avenue west on the west Market Square. The improvements thereon are a three story brick HOUSE, lately repaired & painted in great taste, and finished every other way proportionately, two story Kitchen, built with brick, a covered way between, and a commodious and dry Cellar; also two small FRAME HOUSES, now under a good rent. Any person wishing to rent or purchase will find this a desirable situation for business or retirement, should it not be sold or rented before the 18th inst. then it will be set up at Public Auction, at 4 P. M. (if fair, if not the next fair day). For terms of rent or sale, apply on the Premises, to ALEX. M'DONALD. April 11—3t.
CHARLOTTE HALL, } MARCH 27, 1808. } WHEN the emulation and exertions of youth are sanctioned by the respectability and experience of riper years how serious is the calamity which deprives them of a Friend.
The Washington Society unanimously have resolved to wear crape upon the left arm for the space of one month as a small but sincere token of respect to the memory of NATHANIEL C. WEEMS, Esq. of Prince Georges county late an honorary member of that Society.
Signed by order, ROBERT MURPHY, Secretary. April 4—3t.
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trailgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toillnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bears skin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfthicks, Rose and duffil blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tamboured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8 3/4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lutestrings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4 4/7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapars, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarf and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tick-linings, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf.
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to JOHN PETER; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of his brother Romulus Rigg, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offutt, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf.
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Steele—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf.
PORTRAITS, PAINTED IN OIL COLORS. By C. BOYLE, at the Building formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, Pennsylvania avenue. Washington, March 11—tf.
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with copper and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf.
This is to give Notice— THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Wilfred Neale, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of March 1808. HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w.
FOR SALE. THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situate on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situate on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale Wm. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf.
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—House and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. IT Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf.
CHARLES H. VIRDEN MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanglets and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf.
THE subscriber has purchased out the stock of GOODS lately belonging to Mr. Elisha Riggs, and will be enabled, from the conditions of purchase, to dispose of them in the same house on as liberal if not better terms than they were sold before. He expects by capt. Hand, from Philadelphia this week or the first of next, a handsome Spring Supply, which will make his assortment complete. They were laid in for cash, therefore will accommodate his friends no doubt satisfactorily. JOHN PETER. George Town, March 16—tf. THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Command Plowden late of the county aforesaid deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 18th day of March, eight hundred and eight HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w.
PUBLIC NOTICE. BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold on Thursday the 21st day of April next, at his late dwelling in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of John Rustin, late of said county, deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils and a variety of other articles too numerous to mention. The terms of sale are six months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good securities bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums to the amount of ten dollars and under, the cash must be paid. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. March 25—3w.
ENGLISH GOODS. By the J. S. PH. Adams and ST. JOHN from Liverpool. APPLETON & CO. HAVE received their regular supply of Goods, calculated for the present and approaching season: Cambric and common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities, Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, Do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, Do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine cloths and Cassimeres, Patent Nankeens, Grandurells, Cotton Cassimeres, 6 4 and 4 4 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Haricord and Check, do. Plain and figured Mull do. Lenos, Victory, Ridg, &c. do. Colored do. do. do. 4 4 plain book do. Ginghams, Silk do. Satins, Persians and Sarsenets, Bonnet Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fance Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, Do. Braces, Do. Laces and Footings, Do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Frings and Red Lace. Cotton and Linen Checks, Buttons, Birmingham Ware, &c. IN STORE, A few dozen Gentlemen's best BEAVER HATS from Marseilles. These Goods will be sold low for cash or undoubted paper at 60 days. April 8—10t.
FAMILY PHYSICIAN. A new and greatly improved Family Physician, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion," FOR SALE AT R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Washington city. J. MILLIGAN'S George Town, And KID & THOMAS'S Market street Baltimore. March 28—3w.