The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-07-20 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1054.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM
MONDAY, JULY 20, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
[Having given the speech of Mr. Randolph on the motion for a subpoena duces tecum, we now lay before our readers the reply of Mr. Wirt, on the opposite side.]
Mr. Wirt. The counsel for the prosecution, do not deny that the general subpoena ad testificandum , may be issued to summon the President of the United States, and that he is as amenable to that process as any other citizen. If his public functions disclaim him from obeying the process, that would be a satisfactory excuse for his non-attendance pro hac vice ; but does not go to prove his total exemption from the process. We think, further, sir, that a man standing in the situation of the prisoner, has also the right to demand all papers material for his defence, where soever they may be, the disclosure of which will not compromise the national safety; but then the papers required, must be shown to be material for his defence. The subpoena ad testificandum , is a matter of right, and the prisoner might have demanded it from the clerk without the intervention of the court; but here is a motion for a subpoena duces tecum , to compel the President to produce certain papers of state, the materiality of which is not shown.
I shall contend first, sir, that the subpoena duces tecum is not a process of right: that the motion for it, is a motion addressed to the discretion of the court; and that the court may award or withhold it as they see fit.
In the next place, I shall contend that this discretion of the court should be controlled and determined only by the relevancy and materiality of the papers required.
And, thirdly, that in the present instance, the relevancy and materiality of the papers required, is so far from being shown, that from every thing which appears, they are both immaterial, and entirely irrelevant.
I shall proceed to show in the first place that the subpoena duces tecum is not a process of right; but that the application for it, is addressed merely to the discretion of the court.
Mr. Wickham. That is admitted, sir; we admit that it is an application to the sound discretion of the court.
Mr. Wirt. I thank you for the admission, sir, you have relieved me from the unnecessary trouble of so much of my argument. It being conceded then, that this is an application to the discretion of the court, the question naturally presents itself, by what circumstances should that discretion be controlled and determined? Should it be by the mere wish of the prisoner? No, it is in vain that the court possesses any discretion on the subject; the only discretion exercised about it, is, the discretion of the prisoner; he has but to ask and have it; and by his mere wish, he changes this from a process flowing from the discretion of the court, into a process of absolute right. Consider this wide and bold doctrine on the ground of expediency:—would you summon any private individual from the remotest part of the United States, to produce a paper on the mere wish of the prisoner, without his defining the paper and showing how it bore upon his defence. If you would, you put the person and the peace of every individual in the U. S. at the mercy of the prisoner's caprices and resentments. This argument from inconvenience, assumes an attitude of the most awful and alarming importance, when you extend it to a case like this before the court. A prisoner seldom has any cordiality for the government by which he is prosecuted for a crime. The truth is, that he feels himself in a state of war with that government; and the more desperate his case, the more ardent will be his spirit of revenge. Would you expose the offices of state to be ravaged at the mere pleasure of a prisoner? Who, if he feels that he must fall, would pant for nothing more anxiously than "to grace his fall and make his ruin glorious" by dragging down with him the bright and splendid edifice of the government. Sir, if Aaron Burr has the right, at his mere wish, to call one paper from the government, he has the same right to call any other; and so, one after another, might divulge and proclaim to the world, every document and secret of state; however delicate our foreign relations might be, and however ruinous the disclosure to the honor and prosperity of the country. These, sir, are topics offered to the discretion of the court. It is certainly much to be wished, that a rule could be devised, which while it should protect the rights of the prisoner, should also protect the public offices from being wantonly and unnecessarily violated. I think there is such a rule; it is this:—It is by requiring that the prisoner who calls for a paper, should show that the paper applies to his case, and is requisite for his defence. When he shall have done this, I hold that he will be entitled to call for any paper. It will then rest with the President of the U. S. the officer appointed by the
people to watch over the national safety—to say whether that safety will be endangered by divulging the paper.—Surely, sir, justice to the prisoner requires no more than that he should possess such papers as are material for his defence; and will not the court require that he should show that materiality before they give way to his call; if they do it, if they say that it is enough for the prisoner to wish a paper, to have it; they put themselves as well as the chief magistrate of the union, in danger of becoming the mere ministers of the prisoner's whim, or malice and resentment. By adopting the rule which I have proposed, they avoid these consequences and do all that justice requires for the prisoner.
When this subject was first mentioned, it was said by one of your honors that it is usual to award the subpoena duces tecum on the mere motion of the party, unsupported by any affidavit as to the purpose for which the paper was required. This is true, sir; such an affidavit is not generally required; but why is it not? because the relevancy and materiality of the paper are admitted by the adverse counsel, or are palpable from the nature of the issue and of the paper required. The docket, for example, presents the case of a writ of right or an action of ejectment; the name of the action, shews that the title of land is in question—one of the parties move for a subpoena duces tecum directed to the clerk of another court, and requiring him to bring up a deed or a will which forms a link in the chain of his title. The adverse counsel if he be present, admits by his silence the propriety of the motion; or if his silence has not that effect the nature of the issue and of the paper required shews at once the relevancy & materiality of the latter. Hence it has happened, that these motions are usually unsupported by affidavit. But is this the case here; the relevancy and materiality of the papers called for, are not admitted by us:—are that relevancy and materiality palpable from the nature of the points in issue and the papers required? Let us see if they be. The two charges against the prisoner are first of high treason; and secondly, misdemeanor, in setting on foot an expedition against the territories of a nation with whom we are at peace; for the purpose of his defence, he says he wants a letter from gen. Wilkinson to the President; which letter contains a declaration of his guilt—and also certain orders from the department of war, which he says directed the burning and destruction of himself, his people and his property. Now, sir, what possible tendency can either of these papers have to acquit the prisoner of the treason or the misdemeanor. As to the orders which have been depicted as being so sanguinary and despotic, I affirm, with the power of proof to support me, that such orders never were given; though if it be true, that Aaron Burr had placed himself in a state of war with his country: was aiming a blow at the vitals of our government and liberty, and that blow could be averted in no other way, I hold that his destruction would have been a virtue, a great and glorious virtue. Affairs, however, had not reached that desperate crisis. We have seen the orders, sir, and at a proper time will produce them; the very orders to Lieut. Shaw, which the prisoner has so often mentioned, as having been published in the Natchez Gazette; those orders are not as he has described them, they are simply orders to apprehend Aaron Burr, and if it shall become necessary for that purpose to destroy his boats. These are the bloody orders which have been so often mentioned with looks of such tragic and mysterious import? Suppose the orders was as barbarous as he has described them, and that the emergency did not justify them: they prove the administration wrong: but do they prove or tend to prove Aaron Burr innocent. If the President were on his trial, for having issued these orders, it would be necessary to hear the orders themselves, in order to ascertain their merits or demerits. But the question is not now as to the guilt or innocence of the President, it is as to the guilt or innocence of Aaron Burr, on the charges of treason and misdemeanor, and whether the President has acted right or wrong does not and cannot affect the question of Burr's guilt or innocence. The charges against him are to be proved by witnesses on behalf of the U. S. if these witnesses do not prove the charge, there is an end of the enquiry: but if they do, I ask whether it be possible that his production of the President's orders even in his own terms, will remove that evidence of his guilt? Every judgment must answer no: and if so, the orders are clearly immaterial for his defence. But altho' the affidavit does not attempt to show, wherein these orders are material for the prisoner's defence, Mr. Martin has attempted to supply this omission by his argument. It seems these orders were so lawless that Burr had a right to resist them; and whatever he has done has been in self defence against these orders. It would be easy, sir, to ex-
pose the flimsiness and fallacy of this pretext by a reference to dates, the man cannot have a very chronological head who can impute crimes throughout 1805, 1806, to orders issued in the last month of the last year, or the beginning of 1807. But without stopping to analyze more minutely, this strange anachronism, let us enquire into this doctrine of resistance which Mr. Martin has advocated. I am not an advocate for passive obedience and non-resistance. I do not think as Mr. Martin has asked, that a man becomes a God when he becomes a president: I think he does not become a God even by becoming a king or an emperor: on the contrary, I think that a man, who, in a government like ours, even aspires to become one, approaches in point of character, a class of beings very opposite to Gods . But ascending again to our President, he is bound by his oath of office to take care that the laws shall be carried into effect. By the particular act of Congress which prescribes the punishment of the misdemeanor charged on the prisoner, the President is authorised and required to call on the naval and military force of the country to defeat the enterprise: in the present instance he has done so and given orders for the apprehension of the offender: and we are told that Aaron Burr, instead of submitting himself to the laws and justice of his country, had a right to resist these orders. That Aaron Burr was to be the judge, whether he should obey, or not, orders proceeding from the lawfully constituted authorities of his country: and that if he thought them unlawful he had a right to resist them by force: if this be so, there is an end of government: every individual in the country, I presume, has, at least the same rights with Aaron Burr: and if he has this right of submitting to, or resisting the laws and officers of the government as he pleases, every body else has the same right: then where is the use of our constitution, laws or officers, we might as well abolish them all, and return to a state of nature. But, sir, neither Aaron Burr nor any other individual carries about him this dispensing power. It is clear that the very act of resistance, of which Mr. Martin has spoken, was itself an act of treason. Before the orders can be material for his defence on this ground, it must be determined that he had the right of resistance, but as I presume it to be impossible, that the court can entertain this latter opinion, I conclude that the orders in question, cannot be relevant or material to his defence in this light; and no other has been presented or I believe can be presented.
Let us now consider the letter from gen. Wilkinson to the President, and enquire how that touches either of the issues in which the prisoner is involved, and how the production of the original letter is to operate to his benefit. If the letter be material at all, a copy will answer every purpose. The letter I presume, from the use made of it by the President, is a public document, and is lodged in the department of state. The law of the U. S. which establishes this office, contains the following clause:
"And be it further enacted, that the said secretary shall cause a seal of office to be made for the said department of such device as the President of the U. S. shall approve; and all copies of records and papers in the said office, authenticated under the said seal, shall be evidence equally as the original record or paper."—1 vol. laws of U. S. chap. xiv. p. 5.
Hence a copy of this letter will answer every purpose of the original;—and it will be no more competent to gen. Wilkinson to deny the authenticated copy than the original. But let us see of what use a copy of this letter can be to him? We know nothing of this letter, except from the message of the President to which the counsel on the other side have referred us: and by this message it appears that it was from this letter connected with others that the President inferred the prisoner's guilt; a letter, then, which according to the only account we have of it, contributes to establish the prisoner's guilt, is required for the purpose of proving his innocence!—But this letter we learn, not from the affidavit, but from argument, is required for the purpose of confronting gen. Wilkinson, if he should trip in his evidence—At present then, there is confessedly no issue to which this letter applies; but one may possibly occur by gen. Wilkinson's departing in his narrative from the statements of his letter. Now, sir, suppose a man should move you for a subpoena duces tecum in a civil question; stating, indeed, that there was at present no suit to which the paper could apply; but that he apprehended one might be brought, in which it might be material: now where is the difference between such a motion and the very remonstrance probability that gen. Wilkinson will produce an occasion for this letter, in contradicting by his parole testimony, the statement of his letter:—or let us press this point a little further: no one pretends to know anything of the details of this letter; all we know of it, is derived from the President's message; and from that all we learn of it, is, its general character, that it goes to prove the guilt of Burr: Now in order to produce any collision between this letter and Wilkinson's parole evidence; the letter must have an opposite character; that is it must go to show the innocence of Burr. If Wilkinson continues to avow the guilt of Burr, there will be no contradiction between his testimony and his letter, and consequently there can be no confrontation between them, beneficial to the prisoner; there can be a confrontation in no other event, than that of his depositing to Burr's innocence. The result of the argument is that, Burr pp e v sive that the evidence of gen. Wilkinson may be favorable to him, wishes the general's letter for the purpose of destroying that evidence and proving his own guilt . Again, sir—I have never seen or heard of an instance of this process being required to bring forward any paper, but where a paper was in its nature evidence; for which either party had an equal right to call, and to use it when produced. But it is obvious that in this case and in the present state of things we could not use the letter of gen. W. as evidence; altho' the opposite party should obtain his subpoena duces tecum for this paper and would seem thereby to have made it evidence and introduced it into the cause, yet after it comes, we cannot use it—hence, there is no reciprocity in it—the paper is not at present evidence, and therefore is not within the principle on which this process is awarded. One more remark on this letter and I have done with it—I am not more an advocate for the needless multiplication of state secrets, than the gentlemen who have preceded me. It looks too much like the mysteries of mon-archy—and I hate monarchy with all its mysteries, as I do the mysterious movements of those who are lovers of monarchy. Yet it is obvious that there may be cases in which the very safety of the state may depend on concealing the views & operations of the government. I will instance in this very letter: I do not know what it contains; but it is from the general who commands on the Spanish frontier. That the state of our affairs was & is with Spain not the most amicable is well understood—we know that our affairs in that quarter were even at this time the most lowering aspect—suppose this letter should contain a scheme of war—a project of attack—would it be proper to divulge, and proclaim even to Spain herself, if the letter contains such thing, I have no doubt that the President ought and will conceal at least so much of it. This, however, will be a question with him, when the paper shall be called for; and a question which he alone is competent to decide.
From what has been said, I take it to be clear that the relevancy and materiality of these papers for the prisoner's defence, are not palpable by comparing the nature of the papers with the nature of the issues; and being neither self-evident nor admitted, I hold that the party is bound to show at least by his affidavit wherein they are relevant and material. This he has not pretended to do, in the affidavit offered to the court; for in that he has merely stated, in terms the most loose and vague, that he believes these papers may be material for his defence. Sir, he might take the same oath as to any paper in the offices of state, without the possibility of proving him fore sworn; for he swears merely to a conjecture; and whether he entertains it or not can never be decisively known to any one but himself. Will you lay open the public offices to be ransacked by conjectural affidavits? Will you adopt a precedent which will put it in the power of the enemies of the government at any time and without the hazard of punishment, to explore your offices with the worst of views and harass the officers themselves at their discretion. Sir, I wish the prisoner to have a fair trial. I wish him to possess every atom of evidence which can contribute to his acquittal. But these papers appear to me not calculated to touch the issue; and still less calculated to do the prisoner any good. If he thinks otherwise where can be the difficulty of his shewing by an affidavit at least some probability of their doing him service. If he knows the nature of those orders and that letter so well as to have ascertained to his own satisfaction, that they may do him service, where can be the harm of his setting out in his affidavit the character of the papers and shewing how they may be brought to bear upon his case—when he shall have done so, the court will have something for its discretion to act upon—at present they have nothing but the prisoner's faint conjecture, and the discretion would appear to me not very sound which would be determined by a consideration like that.
I can see but one possible objection to the particular affidavit which I require, which is, that the prisoner would thereby unmask his defence—but in the call of the U. S. vs Smith a particular affidavit was required by Judge Paterson testing out what it was ex-
pected to prove by the witness; and although it was objected in that case that by demanding such an affidavit he compelled the accused to unmask his defence, he nevertheless demanded the affidavit—and in that case, as in this, although the materiality of the evidence was supported by some of the ablest advocates on the continent, the court determined against its materiality, and the cause went on without it. But in the present instance an objection as to unmasking the defence would be an objection merely of form because the gentlemen have by their arguments, in fact taken off the mask, and state the manner in which they expect this evidence to apply—we have examined their expectations and I hope found them baseless.
I conclude, sir, that this is an application to the discretion of the court—that justice to the prisoner requires only, that he should have all papers from the officers of state which he shall show to be material and relevant to his defence; that he has not shown them to be so in this case; and that, therefore, the process should be withheld until he does show them to be so. I know of no other rule which, while it will protect the rights of the prisoner will also save the officers from needlessly, wanton & wicked violations.
I cannot take my seat, sir, without expressing my deep and sincere sorrow at the pique which the gentlemen in the defence, have thought it necessary to adopt. As to Mr. Martin I should have been willing to impute this fervid language to the sympathies and resentments of that friendship which he has taken such frequent occasions to express for the prisoner, his honorable friend —in the cause of friendship I can par on & al even up to the point of intemperance. But the truth is, sir, that before Mr. Martin came to Wickham's , this policy was settled; and in every question incidentally brought before the court, we were stung with invectives against the administration. I appeal to your recollection, sir, whether this policy was not manifested even for early as in those new and until now unheard of challenges to the grand jury for favor? Whether that policy was not followed up with increased spirit in the very first speeches which were made in this case, those of Mr. Bots and Mr. Wickham on their previous question pending the attorney's motion to commit? Whether they have not seized with avidity every subsequent occasion, and on every mere question of abstract law before the court, flew off at a tangent from the subject, to launch into declarations against the government—exhibiting the prisoner continually as a persecuted patriot—a Ruffel or a Sidney bleeding under the scourge of a despot, and dying for virtue's sake! If there be any truth in the charges against him, how different were the purposes of his soul from those of a Ruffel or a Sidney! But I forbear to press this subject! I beg to know what gentlemen can intend, expect or hope from their perpetual piques against the government? Do they flatter themselves that this court feel political prejudices which will supply the place of argument, and innocence on the part of the prisoner? Their conduct amounts to an insinuation of the sort—but I do not believe it—on the contrary, I feel the firm and pleasing assurance that as to the court the beam of their judgement will remain steady, although the earth itself should shake under the conciliation of prejudice. Or is it on the bye-standers, that the gentlemen expect to make a favorable impression, and do they use the court merely as a canal, through which they may pour upon the world their undigested invectives against the government. Do they wish to divide the popular resentment and diminish thereby their own quota! Before the gentlemen arraign the administration let them clear the skirts of their client. Let them prove his innocence. Let them prove that he has not covered himself with the clouds of mystery and just suspicion; let them prove that he has been all along moving erect & fair in open day, and that these charges against him are totally groundless and false: that will be the most eloquent invective which they can pronounce against the prosecution, but until they prove his innocence, it shall be in vain that they attempt to divert our minds to other objects, and other enquiries—we will keep our eyes on Aaron Burr until he satisfies our most scruple. I beg to know, sir, if the court which gentlemen purify is not disrespectful to the court itself? Suppose there are any foreigners here accustomed to regular
expected to prove by the witness; and although it was objected in that case that by demanding such an affidavit he compelled the accused to unmask his defence, he nevertheless demanded the affidavit—and in that case, as in this, although the materiality of the evidence was supported by some of the ablest advocates on the continent, the court determined against its materiality, and the cause went on without it. But in the present instance an objection as to unmasking the defence would be an objection merely of form because the gentlemen have by their arguments, in fact taken off the mask, and state the manner in which they expect this evidence to apply—we have examined their expectations and I hope found them baseless. I conclude, sir, that this is an application to the discretion of the court—that justice to the prisoner requires only, that he should have all papers from the officers of state which he shall show to be material and relevant to his defence; that he has not shown them to be so in this case; and that, therefore, the process should be withheld until he does show them to be so. I know of no other rule which, while it will protect the rights of the prisoner will also save the officers from needlessly, wanton & wicked violations. I cannot take my seat, sir, without expressing my deep and sincere sorrow at the pique which the gentlemen in the defence, have thought it necessary to adopt. As to Mr. Martin I should have been willing to impute this fervid language to the sympathies and resentments of that friendship which he has taken such frequent occasions to express for the prisoner, his honorable friend —in the cause of friendship I can par on & al even up to the point of intemperance. But the truth is, sir, that before Mr. Martin came to Wickham's , this policy was settled; and in every question incidentally brought before the court, we were stung with invectives against the administration. I appeal to your recollection, sir, whether this policy was not manifested even for early as in those new and until now unheard of challenges to the grand jury for favor? Whether that policy was not followed up with increased spirit in the very first speeches which were made in this case, those of Mr. Bots and Mr. Wickham on their previous question pending the attorney's motion to commit? Whether they have not seized with avidity every subsequent occasion, and on every mere question of abstract law before the court, flew off at a tangent from the subject, to launch into declarations against the government—exhibiting the prisoner continually as a persecuted patriot—a Ruffel or a Sidney bleeding under the scourge of a despot, and dying for virtue's sake! If there be any truth in the charges against him, how different were the purposes of his soul from those of a Ruffel or a Sidney! But I forbear to press this subject! I beg to know what gentlemen can intend, expect or hope from their perpetual piques against the government? Do they flatter themselves that this court feel political prejudices which will supply the place of argument, and innocence on the part of the prisoner? Their conduct amounts to an insinuation of the sort—but I do not believe it—on the contrary, I feel the firm and pleasing assurance that as to the court the beam of their judgement will remain steady, although the earth itself should shake under the conciliation of prejudice. Or is it on the bye-standers, that the gentlemen expect to make a favorable impression, and do they use the court merely as a canal, through which they may pour upon the world their undigested invectives against the government. Do they wish to divide the popular resentment and diminish thereby their own quota! Before the gentlemen arraign the administration let them clear the skirts of their client. Let them prove his innocence. Let them prove that he has not covered himself with the clouds of mystery and just suspicion; let them prove that he has been all along moving erect & fair in open day, and that these charges against him are totally groundless and false: that will be the most eloquent invective which they can pronounce against the prosecution, but until they prove his innocence, it shall be in vain that they attempt to divert our minds to other objects, and other enquiries—we will keep our eyes on Aaron Burr until he satisfies our most scruple. I beg to know, sir, if the court which gentlemen purify is not disrespectful to the court itself? Suppose there are any foreigners here accustomed to regular

government in their own country. What can they infer from hearing the federal administration thus reviled to the federal judiciary; hearing the judiciary told that the administration are "blood hounds; hunting this man with a keen and savage thirst for blood; that they now suppose they have hunted him into their toils and have him fate" Sir, no man foreigner or citizen, who hears this language addressed to the court and received with all the complacency at least which silence can imply, can make a ny inferences from it, very honorable to the court; it would only be inferred while they are thus suffered to roll & luxuriate in these gross invectives against the administration, that they are furnishing the joys of a Mahometan paradise to the court as well as to their client. I hope that the court for their own sakes, will compel a decent respect to that government of which they themselves form a branch. On our part we will only a fair trial of this case; if the man be innocent, in the name of God let him go; but while we are on the question of his guilt or innocence, let us not suffer our attention and judgement to be divided and distracted by the introduction of other subjects foreign to the enquiry.
FOURTH JULY.
At 2 o'clock a very large company composed of the Citizens of GEORGE-TOWN, and of the Officers and Volunteers of the Washington and Alexandria Legions of Militia sat down to an elegant dinner provided at the Union Tavern.
Genl. JOHN MASON, presided, supported by THOMAS TURNER, esq of the Navy Department.
Entire unanimity of sentiment prevailed; all local party feelings were buried in oblivion, and the usual hilarity of the day was only interrupted by occasional bursts of universal indignation at the late lawless and murderous British fire on our unsuspecting countrymen.
The following Toasts were given, and received with loud and reiterated applause.
The natal day of America—thirty one years have been numbered—let haughty Britain remember, that we are no longer minors.
The good old Yankee motto—don't tread on me.
The 4th July, '76—then did our fathers before God and their country swear to be free, shall we their unworthy sons, tamely yield the prize, won by toil, and sealed with blood?—No, no, no, was echoed and re-echoed from every tongue.
The author of the declaration of Independence—he is yet at the helm—he has proclaimed his course, temperate but firm.
Gen. Washington, immortal in the memory of his country.
The battle of Lexington—whosoever sheddeth the blood of man, by man shall his blood be shed.
The late British outrage—was this the act of the magnanimous lion, or the trick of the prowling wolf?
Our country—dear as life—stout hearts, cool heads, and strong arms, had the defenders of America—have they degenerated?—No, no, echoed and re-echoed most loudly.
The President and heads of Department—able, vigilant, and virtuous.
The Congress of the United States—we look to their next meeting with deep solicitude.
The militia—the grand bulwark of a free people.
The army of the United States.
The navy of the United States.
VOLUNTEERS.
Our fair country-women—indignantly let them frown on that American, who feels not the sacred flame of '76.
The gallant Decatur—the present commander of the frigate Chesapeake and other naval forces at Norfolk.
The American citizens who fell by the treacherous fire from the Leopard—may they enjoy the highest bliss of heaven, while their murderers shall implore mercy, at the foot-stool of Almighty God.
When majors Young & Jones of the Alexandria Legion retired—From the Chair.
The citizen soldiers of Alexandria—their patriotism and zeal on the present occasion are well worthy of the cause.
The President of the United States—may that God, who has chosen him our ruler, and given him a love for peace and for wisdom, teach him to resent his country's wrongs, becoming the President of a free people.
Commodore Preble, and the little band of heroes who gallantly vanquished to the Barbarians of Tripoli, the prowess of the American arms.
The Ocean—God ordained it the common right of man—Britons in defiance of God and man, claim it as their own—idolaters may bow consent, but Americans will never yield the right.
The following toasts were drank on the 4th inst. by the Washington Light Infantry Company.
1. The Day—its happy return shows us forcibly the necessity of being united. 3 cheers. Yankee Doodle.
2. The land we live in—a free asylum for the oppressed; it can never be a receptacle for the oppressors. 6 cheers. Song, Around the huge oak.
3. The people—we have once fought for the attainment of our independence; we can and will do it again for the preservation of our rights. 9 cheers. Hail Columbia.
4. The President of the United States—we have as great a reliance on his firmness and wisdom, as on his tried
patriotism and known justice. 3 cheers. Jefferson's march.
5. The Congress of the United States—they are the guardians of the people's rights; may they always keep them inviolate. 13 cheers. Song, America's birth day.
6. The judiciary of the U. States—may the crinne of justice never be polluted by the poisonous breath of party spirit. 9 cheers.
7. The army of the United States—under the banners of freedom we have nothing to fear from slaves. 17 cheers. Song, Yankee Doodle.
8. The navy of the United States—though yet in its cradle, may it, like Hercules, stifle the lion. 17 cheers. Washington's march.
9. The memory of Washington, and other worthies who fought and bled for the purchase of our independence—they have left us an inheritance which we will never relinquish but with our lives. Rosin Castle.
10. Commerce—none but with those who will respect its laws. 17 cheers. Song, To America, commerce and freedom.
11. Agriculture—the first, the most necessary, the most respectable calling of man. 17 cheers. Song, The plough boy.
12. Manufactures—let us shew the nations of Europe we can do without them. 17 cheers. Song, The Spinning wheel.
13. Whity, Love, Humphries, and Berkeley—when murderers & villains are rewarded, crimes will be perpetrated. No cheers. Bumpers filled with dirty water, and thrown over the shoulder. Rogues march.
14. Our fellow-citizens of Norfolk, Portsmouth and Hampton—they have shown that the spirit of '76 is not yet extinguished. 9 cheers. Martial music.
15. The memory of Robert McDonald, Joseph Arnold, John Laurence, & John Sharpley, inhumanly murdered by British commissioned assassins—their blood calls on us for vengeance. Mournful silence. Logan Water.
16. Our brethren in slavery on board of king's ships—a speedy relief from their bondage, and a happy return to their families and friends. 13 cheers. Song, He G. lley Slave.
17. The district of Columbia—tho' in the centre of the Union, we are willing to stand in front in the hour of danger. 17 cheers. Song—Hail Columbia; the company forming a circle hand in hand.
18. The American fair—may they never smile upon the enemies of their country. Song—Oh listen to the voice of love.
At a respectable meeting of the inhabitants of Fairfax county, held at their court house, on the 11th of July, 1807, for the purpose of taking into consideration the late atrocious outrage committed on the U. S. frigate Chesapeake, by a British ship of war the Leopard.
General THOMSON MASON was chosen Chairman, and HUGH WEST MINOR, Secretary.
A committee was then appointed to draft resolutions expressive of the feelings of the meeting. The following gentlemen composed the committee, viz. General Thomson Mason, George Graham, Charles Little, James H. Blake, William Payne, John Chapman Hunter, George Minor, Edward Washington, Hancock Lee, George Summers, John Thomas Ricketts, Newton Keene, and Dorrridge Pitt Chichester, who made the following report which was unanimously adopted.
With great indignation, but not surprise, we heard of the atrocious outrage lately perpetrated upon the flag of the U. S. by order of the British admiral Berkley.—We were not surprised because after the unexampled depredations that had been committed by that people upon our property—the insults offered our government—the impressment and murder of our citizens—this was but the next grade in the scale of political injury. The perpetrators of this act have gone too far—they have touched a chord that has vibrated to the heart of every American citizen, and has caused them to harmonize in one sentiment and determination—"Reparation for the past, security for the future."—This event has hastened a crisis that wise men have foreseen, and that good men will deplore. That love of peace which we have cherished as a cherished sentiment of humanity, and which has been heightened by the ease, the affluence, and the happiness we enjoy under a benign government ably administered—has been attributed by our enemies to the most ignominious motives. They have supposed us at all times ready to sacrifice our national honor to the attainment of individual wealth; and upon this vain and ridiculous supposition, as unsupported by reason, as it is unfounded in fact, they have proceeded to such excesses that we are now compelled either to abandon the ocean, or pursue such efficient measures as will secure to ourselves the same independence on that element which we now enjoy on shore; let every man's ship be his castle, and as free from search as his house. In such a regulation only, do we see security and exemption from those depredations and degradations which we have so long and so patiently suffered. Is this object to be obtained by negotiation? We believe not—for it has been emphatically said on the other side of the water, that "the age of concessions had past"—be it so—we will then, with a firmness unmixt with passion, with a determination that no privations shall relax, and with a spirit that never felt fear, prepare to use those means which nature and nature's God have given us, to protect our fellow citizens and to defend our rights.
We hail with sentiments of the liveliest joy that noble expression of opinion that has burst from the people of every part of the union; and we view in it a certain pledge that we shall exhibit another instance to the admiring world, that whatsoever a free and brave people shall will, they will have.
Therefore, 1st. Resolved unanimously, That having great confidence in the wisdom and firmness of our government, "we pledge our fortunes, lives and our sacred honor," to support every efficient measure that they may deem it expedient to adopt to enforce security for the future and compel reparation for the past.
2d. Resolved unanimously, That the people of Norfolk deserve well of their country, and that the promptness and decision exhibited on this occasion by our fellow-citizens of the different seaport towns commands our highest approbation, and that they be assured of the zealous support of this county.
2d. Resolved unanimously, That it be recommended to the colonel commandant of this county to call out the militia for the purpose of giving an opportunity to the young men of this county to volunteer their services at this important crisis.
4th. Resolved unanimously, That the proceedings of this meeting be forwarded by the chairman to the president of the U. S. the government of Virginia, and to the member of Congress for this district, and that these proceedings be published in the Alexandria newspapers.
5th. Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be returned to the chairman for the able discharge of his duty on this occasion.
THOMSON MASON, Chairman, HUGH W. MINOR, Secretary.
PENNSYLVANIA.
GENERAL ORDERS.
Lancaster, July 13th, 1807.
The President of the United States having required a draft of fifteen thousand six hundred and thirty five men, as the quota of Pennsylvania, towards a detachment of one hundred thousand militia, the governor hastens to perform the duty, which the constitution and laws have assigned to him, with all the sensibility and zeal, that the occasion is calculated to inspire.
After a lapse of more than thirty years, the honor, the liberty and the independence of the union are again at stake, upon a contest with the same power, over whose arms and ambition the patriots of America triumphed, in the war of 1776. The resources of patriotism and valor, which were then employed, to establish our existence as a nation, must now, therefore, be displayed, in order to preserve it. The sacred trust descends upon the sons of our revolutionary heroes and statesmen. It is for them, at the present crisis, to embalm the memory of the many, who are dead; to enliven the declining day of the few, who survive; and, in short, to deserve the inheritance prepared for them.
While the glory of the revolution excites a laudable emulation, the justice of our cause will give confidence to every effort, for resenting unprovoked insult, and repelling unexpected aggression. The memorable declaration of independence had placed the people of Great Britain on the same footing with the people of every other country—"as enemies in war—as friends in peace;" and from the moment, that the treaty of 1783 terminated the revolutionary conflict, it became the duty, and it has been, obviously, the desire, of the American government, to preserve an harmonious intercourse between the two nations. But a far different policy seems to have actuated the government of Great Britain. It would be difficult to trace in their conduct, many instances of good will; while the indications of wounded pride, of arrogant power, and of political, as well as commercial jealousy, are every where to be seen. It must be remembered, that even the faith of the treaty of peace was long disregarded; that our seamen have been cruelly impressed, abused, and slaughtered; that lawless spoliations, committed on our commerce, have enriched the British navy; that the jurisdiction of our coasts has been violated, and its harbors, in effect, blockaded; that our towns and territory have been actually menaced; and that the rights of neutrality, founded upon the law of nations, have been arbitrarily subverted, for sinister and selfish purposes. In the consummation of these outrages (accumulating year after year) we behold, at length, a premeditated, a direct insult to the flag of the union! For, while peace existed, and friendship was professed, a public ship of war of the United States, has been attacked and subdued by surprise; many of her crew were killed and wounded; and four of them (native citizens of America) have been forcibly seized and carried away! This is not the case of plundered property; of private wrongs; or of doubtful jurisdiction; which may admit of pecuniary reparation, or of diplomatic arrangement; but it is the case of public war, treacherously waged, under the sanction of the British commission; and every ball fired by the Leopard at the Chesapeake, inflicts a wound upon the heart of every American.
If the government of Great Britain has inferred from our love of peace, an indisposition to war, upon any provocation, they will be undeceived by the vigor and fortitude of the federal administration, who justly estimate the honor of the nation to be more precious, even than its peace. If the government
of Great Britain has imagined, that our domestic dissensions on political questions, have destroyed or impaired, the national unity, in relation to foreign countries; the opportunity has already occurred, to learn, that the patriotism of America, when drawn into action by foreign outrage, is of all parties; and constitutes the pride and safeguard of our government, by whomsoever our government is administered. If the government of Great Britain, viewing our citizens only occupied with the arts of peace, without a standing army, or a permanent navy, to meet at once, the exigencies of war, have thought, that we may become an easy, as well as a lucrative conquest to their arms; let them seriously reflect upon the exploits of our militia during the former contest, and the exemplary spirit now manifested by our brethren of Norfolk and Hampton; let them candidly estimate the maritime character recently displayed in our hostilities with France and with Tripoli; and let them calculate the resources of our population, industry and enterprise, to convince them, that (however we may suffer on the onset) we have nothing to apprehend from the result.
With this view of our situation, whatever hope may still be indulged of an adequate atonement, by amicable means, it would be folly to postpone our preparations, for the last appeal of an injured and indignant nation. The governor, therefore, confidently relies upon the co-operation of the militia and volunteers of Pennsylvania, to give the most prompt and efficient execution to the requisition of the President of the United States. And the adjutant general is particularly charged with the measures necessary to organize the quota of the state, conformably to the following plan:
I. There shall be forthwith drafted from the militia, in the manner prescribed by law, 15,635 officers and privates, to be formed into two divisions, four brigades, and twenty-five regiments.
But volunteers, accepted by the President of the United States, either under the act of Congress of the 18th of April, 1806, or the act of Congress of the 24th February, 1807, will be considered as substitutes for the whole, or for any part of the quota, on notice of the tender of their services to the governor.
The corps of artillery, cavalry, riflemen and infantry, shall be in the following general proportions as nearly as practicable:
  Artillery, 781   Cavalry, 1,563   Riflemen, 1,563   Infantry, 11,728   Total, 15,635 
II. The whole quota required, shall be apportioned among the several divisions of the state, agreeably to a detail to be furnished by the adjutant general.
The quotas of the several divisions of the state, shall be formed into two divisions, for the present service.
The quotas of the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh divisions of the state, shall form the first division for service, under the command of major general THOMAS CRAIG, a brigadier general from the first division of the state, and a brigadier general from the second division of the state.
The quotas of the eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth divisions of the state, shall form the second division for service, under the command of major general JOSEPH HEISTER, with a brigadier general from the third division, and a brigadier general from the fourth division of the state.
III. As soon as the drafts are made, the men shall be mustered and inspected; and muster and inspection returns shall be made to the adjutant general, who will, without delay, transmit copies to the secretary of war.
When the detachment and organization shall be effected, the respective corps will be exercised under the officers set over them. Drafted militia by their proper officers. Volunteers under the first act of Congress by the present militia officers, or others, at the option and direction of the constitutional authority of the state. And volunteers under the second act of congress, by their own officers, if already organized; and, if not already organized, by officers appointed in the manner prescribed by the law of Pennsylvania.
But the corps (either of drafted militia or of volunteers) will not remain embodied, nor be considered as in actual service, until, by subsequent orders they are directed to take the field. If the divisions, brigades and regiments, have not been organized, agreeably to the directions of the militia act of this state, the same shall be done with all possible dispatch, and the returns of elections be forwarded to the governor.
THOMAS M'KEAN, Governor of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
By the Governor, A. J. DALLAS, } Aids de Camp. J. B. M'KAAN, }
Boston, July 13.
SPIRIT OF '76 RE-KINDLED!
When the hon. Elbridge Gerry, Esq. (the same Elbridge Gerry who signed the declaration of independence in 1776) took the chair at the meeting of the citizens assembled at the New State House, on Friday last, he addressed them in a strain of eloquence and patriotism, which did honor to his
head & heart, & concluded with the following sentence:
"I had hoped, at my period of life, to have been able to have retired from politics; but at a crisis so momentous and interesting to our beloved country, I hold it to be the duty of every citizen, though he may have but one day to live, to devote that day to the public good."
BOSTON MEETING.
At a large meeting of the citizens of Boston and its vicinity at the State House in Boston, on Friday the 10th day of July, 1807, called in consequence of the late attack made by the British ship of war Leopard, on the U. S. frigate Chesapeake, the hon. Elbridge Gerry, was unanimously chosen Moderator, and the hon. Perez Morton, Secretary of the Meeting. The following gentlemen were chosen a committee to report resolutions expressive of the sense of the citizens on this momentous occasion, viz.
 Barnabas Bidwell,  John Quincy Adams,  Doct. Charles Jarvis,  Benjamin Autlin,  Thompson J. Skinner,  George Blake, &  Perez Morton. 
Who after retiring to the Senate chamber for half an hour, returned, with the following report unanimously adopted by the committee:
Whereas it appears by a Proclamation, issued by the President of the United States, that a most wanton and cruel outrage has been committed upon the United States' frigate Chesapeake, by the British ship of war Leopard, in which our citizens have been wounded and murdered and the Flag of our nation insulted and violated.
And whereas it is the duty as well as right of the citizens of a free country, to express their readiness to support the constituted authorities in the measures they may adopt for national redress of an injury so barbarous in its nature & so unprecedented in its execution.
Therefore, Resolved unanimously, That the late aggression committed by a British ship of war on a frigate of the United States, for the avowed purpose of taking from her by force a part of her crew, was a wanton outrage upon the persons and lives of our citizens, and a direct attack on our national sovereignty and independence.
Resolved unanimously, That the spirited conduct of our fellow-citizens of Norfolk on the occasion, before the orders of government could be obtained, was highly honorable to themselves and to the nation.
Resolved unanimously, That the firm, dignified and temperate policy adopted by our Executive at this momentous crisis, is entitled to our most cordial approbation & support.
Resolved unanimously, That with all our personal influence and exertions, we will aid and assist the constituted authorities in carrying the Proclamation of the President of the U. S. in every part thereof, into full and effectual execution.
Resolved unanimously, That although we unite with our government in willing most ardently for peace on just and honorable terms, yet we are ready cheerfully to co-operate in any measures however serious, which they may judge necessary for the safety & honor of our country, and will support them with our lives and fortunes.
The report was twice read & accepted unanimously.
Voted—That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Moderator and Secretary, & published in all the Boston newspapers.
Voted—That an attested copy thereof be transmitted to the President of the U. S. and to the committee of Norfolk.
ELBRIDGE GERRY, Moderator.
Attest, PEREZ MORTON, sec'ty
CANTON, March 4, 1807.
"The English company are involved in considerable trouble, in consequence of some one of the crew of their ship Neptune, having killed a Chinese, for whose life this government have required one of the crew to be delivered up, which has been positively refused; the refusal has produced the stoppage of all the Chops for that ship, and Mouqua, (2d of the Hong) by whom she is secured, has been, with the Linguist for the ship, carried in chains inside the city. I have conversed with Cheongqua and Consequa, who have assured me no inconvenience will attend the Americans; but as-ert, positively, a man must be given up."
"The sailors have behaved most infamously; they bawled down and danced on the Spanish flag, and then destroyed it. Their captains apologised, and the next day compelled the sailors to hoist a new one. Some few of the scoundrels shew a disposition to pull down the American, and a part of them were in the act of lowering the Swedish, but were prevented. They have burnt one of the Mandarin's houses in front of the factories. This shameful conduct has induced the Chinese to de-

termine no more sailors shall be permitted to come up on liberty. It is generally thought the English business, except the country, will be stopped in a day or two. The English, including the Lion man of war, at the Bocca Tigris, amount to 1600 men. A few days will decide this unfortunate business."
CANTON, March 6, 1807.
"We are every hour afraid of a rupture between the English and Chinese, in consequence of the death of a Chinese, from the accidental stroke of a club, by an English sailor."
"The Chinese demanded an Englishman to die, conformably to the laws of their country, and the English have refused, being unable to find out the person who gave the blow. In consequence, the viceroy of this province, gave orders yesterday to stop their trade, and, in all probability, the next step will be to intercept their supplies, and seize on some person of the factory; a circumstance which must produce the most serious consequences."
I understand the English have no objection to giving up a man, provided they could find the guilty person; and surely they cannot be blamed, for spurning at the idea of making an innocent man suffer. God only knows how it will end! They are allowed three days more to decide, and if then they do not comply, it is thought the Chinese will endeavor to compel them; should they be foolish enough to attempt the latter plan, I think they will get a sound drubbing, as the English now have a force at Whampoa, and Bocca Tigris, of near two thousand able bodied men, and all eager for the attack."
Extract of a letter from an American Captain, to a gentleman in this city: dated
CANTON, March 6, 1807.
"There has been a very disagreeable fracas taken place here, a few days since, owing to the improper conduct of some of the crews belonging to the English East-India Company's ships who were up at Canton on Liberty, by getting into riots with the Chinamen, which continued for three or four days, some lives have been lost on both sides; a Mandarin chop boat, hauled upon the shore, and the chop house abreast of the factories was burnt to the ground, the consequence has been that strict orders are issued that no sailors shall come to Canton, only barely enough to man a small boat."
"Yesterday all chops (boats) of every description were stopped from the company's ships, and some of the security merchants were put in chains. A very heavy demand has been made by the government, and only three days allowed the company's servants to consider it. What the end will be we cannot judge, but the opinion is that of its being serious. Thank God the American seamen (although a good many of them were in Canton at time of the disturbance) not one of them has had any thing to do with it. A very favorable circumstance to the Americans!!"
LONDON, MAY 25.
The intelligence of the Barbary States having declared war against this country, is repeated in the foreign journals. In the city, however, those who have connections at Algiers, discredit the intelligence; at least, so far as regards that regency.
The following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman settled in that country, dated the 21st of March:
"There is every appearance of war between the Algerines and the French. You need be under no apprehension that Algiers will intermeddle with the imbroglie of the Porte; on the contrary, I suppose they will be more complaisant to the English."
The above letter was received by the schooner Whim , Forbes states, that he was present at a public entertainment given by the Dey, at which the French consul did not make his appearance, because the Dey had insisted that the British consul should have precedence on the occasion. He adds, that the Algerines and Tunisians were at war; and further that the Dey of Algiers was about to turn all the French out of his dominions. Such being the case, it is not likely that the Regency of Algiers will pay much respect to the firman of the Porte. In corroboration of the friendly disposition toward this country, considerable remittances have been lately received from the Dey, accompanied by orders for goods from this country. The captain alluded to, left Algiers about the end of March, at which period the capture of Alexandria had been announced there.
The following regiments, in South America, are about to receive large reinforcements; the 38th, 40th, 45th, 87th, 88th, 89th, and 95th.
Major-general C. Hope, is, it is said, to be the new inspector-general on the recruiting service.
The report of a draft from the militia is revived; how truly we know not.
Several general officers are about to be sent to the W. India islands, with recruits for the regiments there.
We learn with pleasure, that government has received advices of an agreeable nature from India. Surjeet Roa Ghautki, the chief of the insurgents in the hills, has tendered his submission, on condition only of receiving a pardon, which has been granted to him through the intercession of Holkar. His followers have, in consequence, for the most part returned to their homes.
A treaty, highly advantageous to the English, has been concluded between
the Bombay government and the Rajah of Bate; and such are already the beneficial consequences of the treaties established with the Arabian chiefs, that one of them, Sheik Ramah, lately restored to the English a large quantity of cloth and other articles which had been plundered from different ships by the pirates in the Persian Gulf.
The 2d regiment of cavalry has been withdrawn from Sultanpore, in consequence of the restoration of tranquility in that direction.
Several Dutch merchants, and others, have been permitted to proceed from Cochin and Travancore, to Batavia, on board a vessel appointed for that purpose by the British government in India.
Notwithstanding the Reports of the Hamburg and Altona papers, of the king of Sweden having refused to ratify the treaty concluded with general Mortier, it appears from a general article annexed to the Swedish armistice, dated April 29th, that the notice of a recommencement of hostilities has been extended from ten days to a month.—Whether this augurs on the part of Sweden an inclination to prolong the peace, or is intended merely as a means of gaining time, we are not at present qualified to determine. Before the termination of a month, perhaps his Swedish majesty expects the arrival of our troops, but notwithstanding all the activity of the new ministers he is likely in this respect to be disappointed. Our expeditions in general are very slow in their movements, and not unfrequently very public, with respect to their destination. It may be a compliment to the enemy, but it is certainly no great mark of gallantry towards our allies. It is not impossible that the king of Sweden, before the arrival of our troops, may have resorted to his former system of neutrality.
As a proof of the pacific dispositions of the belligerent powers, the outposts of the respective armies, say the foreign journals, are separated at Pultusk only by a river, and though within the reach of each other's fire, have agreed to abstain from all hostilities for some time. The Prussian general Blucher has been invited to the French head quarters, at Posenstein, and received, it is said, with great politeness by Bonaparte, who spoke in the most flattering terms of the king of Prussia, and professed a sincere desire for the re-establishment of peace with the Prussian nation. The French army in Germany, including their allies, is estimated at not less than 400,000 men.
Private letters from the Lower Elbe mention, that advices had been received there of the Austrian court having refused a farther passage thro' Istria to the French troops intended for Dalmatia, in consequence of very pressing remonstrances from Russia. Many reports are spread which would seem to indicate an approaching rupture between France and Austria. That 35,000 from the army collected in Istria, as was supposed, for the purpose of penetrating into Turkey, are coming by forced marches to Germany, is represented as a remarkable circumstance, that gives rise to many conjectures. We have little hope that, however, that any immediate rupture will take place.
WASHINGTON CITY,
MONDAY, JULY 20.
It is said that the scurvy prevails to a considerable extent on board the British ships lately before Hampton. If so, it is very probable that they will repair to Halifax, in order to land their men, which they will assuredly find a very difficult thing to do in the U. States.
Rumor says the British Commodore held a very rude and undignified language to the person who communicated the President's proclamation to him. It is also said, on the authority of letters from Hampton, that menacing verbal messages had been sent to the inhabitants of that place, notifying the intention of the British to effect a landing by force, and recommending the removal of their women and children, to avoid the spilling of innocent blood.
Information from the Mobile, early in June, gave rise to serious apprehensions that the Creek nation of Indians would be hostile to the U. States. But by letters of a later date, we learn, that the present indications of their disposition are entirely pacific.
THE Committee of Norfolk have closed their duties,—duties the more arduous from the extraordinary nature of the crisis, and the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed. Their services are already rewarded in the thanks of their country. Unappalled by danger, energetic yet dispassionate in the measures they took, feeling their high responsibility in the discharge of duties, whose only justification was to be found in the manner in which they were performed, it has rarely fallen to the lot of any men to have acted more correctly or to have given a more complete satisfaction to their countrymen. The spirit, dignity and justness with which they have conducted themselves deserve to be recorded, as adding another evidence of the safety with which the people may be confided to make up for those deficiencies of delegated power, perhaps inseparable from the nature of free governments.
It is the best justification of the leading step taken by them, that it is the very one adopted by the government, and consequently the step, which, had the government from its local situation possessed the means of immediately acting, would have been adopted by it. But why talk of justification in a case
where the nation has already most audibly expressed not merely its approbation, but applause; and in which the insignificant murmurs of disaffection only serve the more decidedly to call forth public opinion.
It is a fact, but little known in the middle and eastern states, that a very large portion of the uplands of the southern and western country is happily adapted to the culture of RICE. As this plant is the most productive that grows in furnishing food to man, it is highly important that its cultivation should be extended, and particularly that species of it that succeeds in a dry soil. It is quite distinct from that which is raised in the low grounds of Georgia and South Carolina; and the circumstances attending its introduction into the United States are eminently entitled to notice and preservation, as they cannot fail to hold out inducements to the trial of other exotics, whose naturalisation might contribute to our comfortable subsistence. These circumstances are the following, which may be fully depended upon, as they are derived from the very gentleman who shares the merit of introducing this valuable plant into the United States.
A short time after the revolutionary war, Mr. Jefferson was informed by Mr. Nathaniel Cutting, now in the city of Washington, that he was about going to the coast of Africa, who tendered his services in the execution of any commission entrusted to him. Mr. Jefferson observed that he had understood there grew there a species of the Rice plant, that flourished very well on high and dry ground, intimated the great advantages that might flow from its naturalisation in the United States, & requested Mr. Cutting, if possible, to obtain some of the seed. Mr. Cutting, fully sensible of the importance of the object, did not overlook this request, but sent to Mr. Jefferson, then at Philadelphia, a few bushels of the seed. Mr. Jefferson immediately sent a part of the seed to the Agricultural Society at Charleston, and distributed the residue among a number of intelligent farmers in the different sections of the southern country. The success which ensued is only surpassed by that which crowned the raising the cotton plant. It was found to succeed admirably on the high grounds of the Carolinas, Georgia, Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, where the soil was strong and rich, which property is represented as indispensable. It has accordingly spread extensively through these states, and may, it is presumed, be raised as high as the 40th degree of north latitude. The product is frequently 40 bushels an acre, and has been known, it is said, to reach 80. In short, where the land is favorable, it would seem to yield a larger profit to the planter than any other article that can be raised by him, and of it the products of this country to be only inferior in the profit it yields to the sugar cane.
Who hope this statement will have two good effects; one, to stimulate the planters of Maryland to try how far their best grounds are fitted for the cultivation of this valuable plant; the other, by shewing how much an individual may benefit his country by availing himself of opportunities in his power to encourage our citizens generally, when peculiar circumstances offer the means, to attempt the naturalization of other foreign plants.
We cannot close this article without the notice of one important effect that may flow from the introduction of this species of rice plant into this country.—None but blacks are able, it is said, to cultivate low land rice; and this circumstance has been urged as a reason for slavery. This will be altogether removed in case a sufficient quantity of rice can be raised more profitably from dry than overflowed ground, and the latter be more advantageously devoted to meadow, which, under a proper management, must afford a higher profit than any other purpose to which it can be devoted.
The obligation of all classes of citizens to obey the delegated Executive of the national sovereignty is beyond all question. But we are happy to find that there exists a satisfaction, to which we know no dissentient, as to the temper and spirit of the recent proclamation.
Repertory.
The governor and council held a session at Annapolis on Saturday evening, for the purpose of adopting measures to carry into effect the requisition of the President of the U. S. who, through the secretary of war, has demanded that 5,863 men should be held in readiness to march at a moment's notice, as our quota of the 100,000 militia to be called out.
Post.
Gen. Dearborne, secretary of war, arrived in this city on Saturday last. He is a commissioner with the vice President and col. Williams, to designate points and cause to be erected upon them permanent forts, & also such temporary works as in their opinion present exigencies call for. It is understood, and it is mentioned with great pleasure, that as to present circumstances the powers of the commissioners are not limited.
Citizen.
Extract from the protest of captain Tuck's seamen, taken by the Rattler, and carried into St. John's New foundland.
"That they were forcibly taken from the captured American schooner Bellisaries , and carried on board the sloop of war Rattler , where they were station-
ed in the tops and forecastle, and obliged to do duty, and allowed but one half allowance of grog and one half allowance of bread; and were threatened, if they did not repair to quarters, they should be brought to the gangway and flogged, which they were obliged to do; and after their arrival in St. John's, they were allowed no provisions on board the privater, except what was supplied them by Capt. Tuck."
PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
Charleston, July 7.
The German Fusileer Company, the Company of Rangers, and South Carolina Volunteers, unanimously resolved to tender their services to government, at the present critical moment.—Their offer was communicated to the President, by yesterday's mail, in a letter from their commander, major John Ward.
Baltimore, July 15.
We have been informed by a gentleman of credibility, that the enquiry into the conduct of Captain Barron, has been suspended for the present, on account of the indisposition of commodore Preble. Captain Chauncey, who was to have been a member of the court for the purpose, arrived yesterday in this city, on his way to New York, whither he has been ordered, in conjunction with commodore Rodgers, for the purpose of taking efficient measures for protecting the port of that place. Eight or nine gun boats, we understand, will be employed for the defence of that harbor.
Baltimore, July 16.
The pilot who took down the ship Victress , reports, that at eleven o'clock last Monday, they passed the British fleet at the Capes, consisting of two 74's, one 50 and a frigate; were boarded by an officer from the Leopard , who behaved with extreme politeness; inquired respecting the state of the public mind at Baltimore, and was anxious to obtain newspapers, which were given to him. He said that it never was their intention to obstruct outward bound vessels. The officer requested the favor of being permitted to put the pilot on board of any vessel which he might desire to take up, offering him accommodation for 2 or 3 days on board the Leopard .
New York, July 15.
We have received by captain Williams, from Cape Francois, a law issued by general Christophe on the 21st of June, which repeals the duty of ten per cent. upon sugars, cottons and cocoa, and allows to the planters the free exportation of these articles in such a way as they may deem most conducive to their own interest.
LAW
Suppressing the duty of 10 per cent upon the exportation of sugar, Cotton and Cocoa, and abolishing the tax of 1-4th imposed upon the Farmers of the plantations belonging to the state.
The Council of state upon the proposition of the President and Generalissimo of the land and sea forces of the Island of Hayti, enacts the following law.
1. From the first July next, the duty of ten per cent laid by the 1st. art. of the decree of the 2d September, 1806, is and shall be suspended upon the exportation of sugar, cotton and cocoa: it shall only be retained upon coffee. 2. It shall hereafter be lawful for vessels of every description, foreigners or others, freely to export sugar, cotton and cocoa; upon which article, it is forbidden to exact any duty whatever. 3. The duty of one-forth imposed upon the produce raised by the farmers of the state, by the 5th article of the decree relating to the mode of renting the national domains of the 22d Dec. 1804, shall be hereafter abolished. 4. The Farmers of the state shall be subjected to no other charge than the payment of the rent of their farms. 5. The superintendant general of the Finances is strictly enjoined to carry the above into execution.
Done at the Cape the 20th June, 1807,
4th year of Independence.
A. Vernet, Touissant Brave, Martial Besse, Jean Philippi Daux, Raphael Macuol, Jean Baptiste, Juge Fleury, Paul Romain, chairman, Maguy, secretary.
We, the president and generalissimo of the land and sea forces of the state of Hayti, have sanctioned, and do hereby sanction the present law—and direct that the seal of the state shall be thereunto affixed, and that the same be published and carried into execution throughout the territory of Hayti.—Given at the palace at the Cape, 21st June, 1807, 4th year of independence.
HENRY CHRISTOPHE.
Norfolk, July 14.
Mr. George Newton was the official messenger of the President's Proclamations to Commodore Douglas. He delivered it to him on Sunday evening; and received a verbal answer, "that he would next day quit his anchorage, and in other respects would control his own conduct." Yesterday, the British ships of war left Hampton Roads; but we cannot vouch for their having left the waters of the United States.
The order of admiral Berkley to captain Humphries of the Leopard is said to have been dated on the 1st of June.
New York July 15.
At a late hour last night, we received Paris papers to the 21st of May.—The ship American Packet , but we were
unable to make any translations for this morning's paper.
The captain informs, that the French and Russian armies were in sight of each other, and a battle momentarily expected.
New York, July 15.
Captain Boyd informs us that when he left Cadiz 5 French and 7 Spanish ships of war were lying at that place ready for sea, unable to get out on account of a British squadron by whom they are blockaded.
Capt. Weymouth, from Richmond, has furnished us with the following information relative to the British squadron, viz.
"That on Friday morning (July 10) he was boarded in Hampton Roads by a boat from the Bellona , commodore Douglas, and treated politely. The officer enquired after news, and informed c. pt. W. that they had received the President's proclamation the day before, and that they hoped the dispute would be terminated in a few days. The same evening capt. W. was boarded off Cape Henry, by a boat from the Melampus , which vessel and the Triumph of 74 guns had dropped down two days before. The boat had 4 officers and 2 seamen, (2 of the officers assisted in rowing,) who asked capt. W. for some poultry, which he refused. They said they were very much in want of fresh provisions; that their crews were getting the scurvy; and that they had plenty of salted provisions and water. Captain W. enquired what they had done with the seamen taken out of the Chesapeake ? and if they were Englishmen? The officers replied they were distributed on board the fleet—that they were Americans, but had received the king's bounty and signed the ship's papers in England—and that they had taken the captain's pinnace, in which they made their escape, but did not take an officer with them, as has been erroneously stated."
New York, July 15.
By the politeness of a gentleman, lately arrived from London, which place he left on the morning of the 27th of May, we have been favored with the following important intelligence. The source from which it is derived entitles it to the highest credit.
Official intelligence was received in London on the evening of the 26th May, that a sortie had been made from Dantzic by the combined Russian and Prussian armies, while 5,000 men from Koningsburg had effected a landing on the Haaff, which led to a very bloody and long contested conflict, which, by the French bulletin, is said to have cost the Allies 16,000 men—the whole 5000 from Koningsburg were either killed or taken prisoners. The loss on the side of the French is not mentioned. The names of several of the officers were given, and the allies demanded a suspension of hostilities for three days to bury their dead—a part of which was only granted. The same account, with the exception of 2 or 300 fewer killed, was also received from Denmark.
The next arrival from England will probably bring us the official details of this event.
The Common Council of New York have agreed to cede to the United States such part of the public grounds as the Secretary of War may deem necessary for erecting fortifications.
The late arrival from France brings the 73rd Bulletin, dated Elbing, May 8, the contents of which are of but little importance.
By the Charleston papers we have the proceedings of that town on the present state of affairs, which we shall detail in our next. They exhibit the same patriotism and spirit that so universally characterise our countrymen.
SONS OF ERIN, ASSEMBLE!
Honor, duty and your adopted country calls you! The blood of your sires, your brothers, your countrymen, is not yet wiped away from the hands of the assassins, the tyrants of the ocean!—but like the satellites of Nero they look for fresh objects to glut their voracious but bloody appetites with! Forced from your native shore by the rapacity of your tyrants, you looked for an asylum here; but received a home, adopted & identified with the proprietors of the soil, enjoying in common with them every blessing that an upright and virtuous government can confer—But above all, put into the full possession of that inexpressible felicity the complete enjoyment of liberty. Ungrateful and dishonorable would your conduct be, if you were to be the last to the battle—Press forward, then, to Mr. MYERS' Tavern, Pennsylvania Avenue, THIS EVENING, at 7 o'clock—Form yourselves into a company of Invincibles, whose motto will be 'Liberty or Death!' To die is the lot of all; it cannot be avoided. The coward who shuns the battle may drag out a wretched, degraded existence for a short time; but at length falls a victim to some disease, unregretted and despised—Not so with a Montgomery, a Warren, or a Wooster. Their memory is, and ever will be, dear to posterity. When our government honors us with a place among its defenders, let us not forget that retribution is due for the murders by Whitby and Humphreys, as well as that committed on the blood-stained fields of poor Erin.
A REPUBLICAN.

PROPOSALS.
(Continued.)
171. From Warren by Mesopotamia, Windsor, Morgantown, Jefferson, Auf- rinburg, Grand River, Euclid, Cleve- land, Hudson, Ravenna, Deerfield, El- worth & Palmyra to Warren once a week. Leave Warren every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Jefferson on Tuesday by 9 a m & at Cleveland on Wednes- day by 6 p m. Leave Cleveland every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at War- ren the next Saturday by noon.  172. From Cleveland by Sandusky to Fort Miami once a week. Leave Cleve- land every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Fort Miami on Sunday by 10 a m. Leave Fort Miami every Sunday at 2 p m & arrive at Cleveland on Wednes- day by 6 p m.  173. From Detroit by Frenchtown to Fort Miami once a week. Leave Detroit every Friday noon & arrive at Fort Miami on Sunday by 10 a m. Leave Fort Miami every Sunday at 2 p m & arrive at Detroit on Tuesday by 2 p m.  174. From Jefferson by Ashtabula, Conneaut & Walnut Creek to Erie once in two weeks. Leave Jefferson every other Thursday at 5 a m & arrive at Erie on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Erie every other Friday at 2 p m & ar- rive at Jefferson on Saturday by 6 p m.  175. From New Baltimore or Brook- ch Va. by Steubenville, Fannettown, Georgetown & New Lisbon to Canfield once a week. Leave New Baltimore every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Can- field on Sunday by 11 a m. Leave Canfield every Wednesday noon and ar- rive at New Baltimore by 11 a m.  176. From Warrenton to West Li- berty in Virginia once a week. Leave Warrenton every Wednesday at 9 a m and arrive at West Liberty by 11 a m. Leave West Liberty every Wednesday at 1 p m & arrive at Warrenton by 3 p m.  177. From Zanesville by Tuckers- and Salem to Grande Run once in two weeks. Leave Zanesville every other Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Grande Run by 7 p m. Leave Gran- de Run every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Zanesville by 7 p m.  178. From Chillicothe, by Franklin- ton to Washington once in two weeks. Leave Chillicothe every other Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Washington on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Wash- ington every other Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Chillicothe on Monday by 6 p m.  179. From Chillicothe by Pepee to Alexandria once a week. Leave Chilli- cothe every Tuesday at 4 a m and ar- rive at Alexandria on Wednesday by noon. Leave Alexandria every Sunday noon and arrive at Chillicothe by 8 p m on Monday.  180. From Chillicothe by Brown's Roads, New Market, Williamsburg and Columbia to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Chillicothe every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Cincinnati on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Cincinnati every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Chillicothe on Friday by 10 a m.  181. From Cincinnati by Hamilton, Franklin and Dayton to Staunton- thence by Springfield, Ludlow, Xenia, Waynesville, Lebanon, Deerfield and Chastleton to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Cincinnati every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Cincinnati the next Saturday by 6 p m.  182. From Cincinnati by Hamilton, Northaven, Colerain, Springdale, Boon- e, Galloway, Chastleton & Newville to Frankfort once a week. Leave Cin- cinnati every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Frankfort the next Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Frankfort every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Cincinnati the next Mon- day by 10 a m.  183. From Washington, by Augusta, to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Washington every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Cin- cinnati on Friday by 5 p m. Leave Cincinnati every Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Wash- ington on Sunday by 5 p m.  184. From Washington, by Fleming's Upper Blue Licks, State Furnace, Mount Sterling and Winchester to Lexington once a week. Leave Lexington every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Washington the next Friday by 7 p m. Leave Washington every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Lexington on Tuesday by 10 a m.  185. From Frankfort, by Georgetown, Cin- chiana, Falmouth, Grant's Lick and Newport, to Cincinnati once a week. Leave Frankfort every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Cin- cinnati on Saturday by 5 p m. Leave Cin- cinnati every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Frankfort on Tuesday by noon.  186. From Frankfort by Shelbyville and Middletown to Louisville once a week. Leave Frankfort every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Louisville on Saturday by 4 p m. Leave Louisville every Sunday at 8 a m and arrive at Frankfort by 10 a m on Monday.  187. From Frankfort, by Middlesex, Bardstown, Sealston and Elizabethtown to Harrodsburg once in two weeks. Leave Frankfort every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Harrodsburg on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Harrodsburg every other Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Frankfort on Thursday by 6 p m.  188. From Harrodsburg by Yellow Banks, Henderson and Livingston to Addisville to town by Eddy Grove and Hopkins to Henderson once in two weeks. Leave Harrodsburg every other Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Addisville the next Friday by 6 p m. Leave Addisville every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Harrodsburg the next Monday by 10 a m.
189. From Frankfort, by Harrodsburg, Danville and Springfield, to Green ch once a week. Leave Frankfort every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Green ch on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Green ch every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Frankfort on Thursday by 10 a m.  190. From Greene ch by Glasgow, Pruet's Knob, Bowling Green, Russellville, Springfield and Manifold's Lick, to Nashville once a week. Leave Greene ch every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Russellville on Wednesday by 3 p m. Leave Russellville at 4 p m and arrive at Nashville on Thursday by 6 p m. Return- ing—Leave Nashville every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Russellville on Saturday by 7 a m. Leave Russellville at 8 a m and arrive at Green ch on Monday by 10 a m.  191. From Russellville, by Christian ch to Eddyville once a week. Leave Russellville every Saturday at 8 a m & arrive at Eddyville on Sunday by 5 p m. Leave Eddyville on Monday at 9 a m and arrive at Russellville on Tuesday by 3 p m.  192. From Danville by Stanford and Pulaski ch to Wayne ch once in two weeks. Leave Danville every other Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at Wayne ch on Sunday by 7 p m. Leave Wayne ch the next day, Sunday at 6 p m and arrive at Danville on Tuesday by 4 p m.  193. From Springfield, by Bardstown and Shepherdsville, to Louisville once a week. Leave Louisville every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Springfield on Monday by noon. Leave Springfield every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Louisville on Saturday by 7 p m.  194. From Green ch by Adair ch, Black- Custerland ch and Jackson ch to Black- burn's Springs, T. once in two weeks. Leave Green ch every other Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Blackburn's Springs on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Blackburn's Springs every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Green ch on Monday by 10 a m.  195. From Louisville, Ky. by Jeffersonville & Clarksville, to Vincennes once a week. Leave Louisville every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Vincennes the next Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Vincennes every Wednesday at 2 p m & arrive at Louisville the next Satur- day by 6 p m.  196. From Vincennes to Cahokia once a week. Leave Vincennes every Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Cahokia on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Cahokia every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Vincennes the next Wednesday by 1 a m.  197. From Cahokia by St. Louis to St. Charles once a week. Leave St. Charles every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Cahokia by 6 p m. Leave Cahokia every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at St. Charles by 6 p m.  198. From Cahokia, by Prairie du Rocher, St. Philip & Kaskaskia, to Gales- burg once a week. Leave Galesburg every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Cahokia on Saturday by 5 p m. Leave Cahokia every Sunday at 8 a m & arrive at Galesburg on Monday by 6 p m.  199. From Geneva by Cape Girardeau to New Madrid, once in two weeks. Leave Geneva every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Madrid on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Cape Girardeau same day at 2 p m, & arrive at Geneva on Monday by 6 p m.  200. From Cape Girardeau by Tiptonville, Wilmotville, Fort Massac and the mouth of Cumberland river to Eddyville, once in two weeks. Leave Eddyville every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Cape Girardeau on Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave Cape Girardeau every other Thursday at 1 p m, & arrive at Eddyville on Sunday by 6 p m.  201. From Randolph ch to Franklin, Va. once in two weeks. Leave Randolph ch every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Randolph ch by 11 a m. Leave Randolph ch every other Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Randolph ch by 6 p m.  202. From Prince Edward ch by Hunter's tavern to Lynchburg once a week. Leave Prince Edward ch every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Lynchburg on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 9 a m and arrive at Prince Edward ch by 6 p m.  203. From Lynchburg by Campbell's Han- son's store, Marysville, Grafton's store, Stone's store, Pittsylvania ch & Beaver's tavern, to Dan- ville once in two weeks. Leave Lynchburg every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Dan- ville on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Danville every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Lynchburg on Saturday by 6 p m.  204. From Lynchburg by Campbell's Han- son's store, Marysville, Grafton's store, Stone's store, Pittsylvania ch & Beaver's tavern, to Dan- ville once in two weeks. Leave Lynchburg every other Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Dan- ville on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Danville every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Lynchburg on Saturday by 6 p m.  205. From Williamsburg by Bullock's store, Brown's store, Sterrett's and the Red House, to Colwell ch once in two weeks. Leave Williamsburg every other Wednes- day at 6 a m & arrive at Colwell ch on Thursday by noon. Leave Colwell ch every other Thursday at 1 p m & arrive at Wil- liamsburg on Friday by 6 p m.  206. From Raleigh by Paul's ferry, Watson's Roads, Richardson's, on Little River, Woodward's on Contendery river, and Dow's, on Toffnot, to Tarboro once in two weeks. Leave Raleigh every other Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Tarboro, on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Tarboro every other Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Raleigh on Friday by 6 p m.  207. From Darien by Nassau & Montgo- mery ch to Fort Wilkinson once in two weeks. Leave Fort Wilkinson every other Saturday at 8 p m & arrive at Darien the next Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Darien on Friday by 8 a m & arrive at Fort Wilkinson on Wednesday by 6 p m.  208. From Natchez, Miss. T. by Concord, Caddo's ferry, Catahoula, and Rapid, to Natchez once in two weeks. Leave Natchez every other Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Natchez on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Natchez every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Natchez on Monday by 10 a m.  209. From Knoxville to the Agency house, on Tallapoosa river once a month. Leave Knoxville the first Monday of each month, and arrive at the Agency house in two days, on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave the Agency house on Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Knoxville in two days on Saturday by 6 p m.  210. From Rapid to Opelousa, once in two weeks. Leave Rapid every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Opelousa on Friday by
6 p m. Leave Opelousa every other Sat- urday at 6 a m and arrive at Rapid on Sunday by 6 p m.  NOTES.  1. The Post master general may expedite the mails, & alter the times of arrival and de- parture at any time during the continuance of the contract, he stipulating an adequate com- pensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.  2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for open- ing and closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified.  3. For every thirty minutes delay (un- avoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the con- tractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mails delivered for each succeeding mail lose a trip, an addi- tional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.  4. Newspapers, as well as letters, to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.  5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alteration desired, and the dif- ference they will make in the terms of the contract.  6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of August, November, February, and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.  7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.  8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.  9. The Post master general reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.  10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of October next, & are to continue in force for two years excepting the routes numbered 202 to 210, which are to continue in force two years and a half.  GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master-general. General Post Office, Wash- ington city April 27—w Jul.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE
The subscriber wishes to sell at private sale, that valuable property which he now occupies in the town of Bladensburg Maryland, 6 miles from the Capital of the United States, and promised to be one of the best watering places in the union. The lot contains about one and three quarters of an acre on which is erected a commodious frame Dwelling Building, 37 by 30 feet, two- storied high, built of the best materials, nearly new and finished in the best manner, 6 rooms on the first floor, and 9 bed chambers 4 of which if necessary might be partitioned to make 8, also a good Kitchen and Bake Oven, Wash house, Smoke house, stable for 30 horses and a house that will cover 6 carriages and a granary for oats.  The Lot borders on the Eastern Branch which is navigable and where fish may be caught in abundance in their season. The whole property is in fee simple, and clear of all encumbrances and will be disposed of in the following manner, one half of the pur- chase to be paid in Land in the state of Ohio near some settled part thereof, one fourth in cash, on the residue 12 months credit will be given. Possession may be taken on the first Monday in September if required, if not it would be best for one year. Should the pur- chaser income to buy the furniture, I can spare 16 prime feather beds, a handsome mahogany bed board, tables, chairs and all the residue of the household and kitchen furniture.  He wishes to return his grateful thanks to his friends in particular and the public gene- rally for their patronage, and hopes to merit a continuance of it.  His house is well provided for the accom- modation of those who may wish to visit the Spa this season.  WILLIAM ROSS. Bladensburg, July 8—taw8w
LITERARY NOTICE.
WM. DUANE, of Philadelphia, will thank such Book sellers, Printers, and others, as may have had the goodness to collect sub- scribers, for the  LIFE AND WORKS OF DR FRANKLIN, about to be published by Wm Duane to forward to him lists of the subscribers, obtain- ed, with particular directions relative to their residence, &c.  Printers of newspapers, who have published the proposals for this extensive work, will add to the favors already conferred, by publishing the above in their respective papers, as often as convenient.
WM DUANE will also thank those, who have collected subscribers, for  "POLITICS FOR FARMERS AND MECHANICS," to inform him of their names and places of residence, without delay. July 13—
ST. CROIX SUGARS, COFFEE, &c.
JUST Received per Schooner Citizen from New York, 20 Hhds. of the very first quality of St. Croix scale sugars 2000 pounds Guadalupe green Coffee. 6 pipes of excellent Holland Gin. 6 Barrels Albany amber Ale. 10 Dozen best Marcellies refined Sweet Oil. For sale by  W. & C. SMITH. Georgetown, July 1—tawtf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW.
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill, Washington, July 16—wtf
RAMSAY'S LIFE OF WASHINGTON.  IN the press, and in a few weeks will be pub- lished by E. B. T. Thomas, of Providence, R. Island, late of Charleston, S. C. and for sale at J. March's book store, George Town.  THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, Commander in Chief of the Armies of the U. States of America, throughout the war which established their In- dependence, and first President of the United States.  BY DAVID RAMSAY, M. D. AUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.  This work will be published on the fol- lowing conditions.  1st. It will be comprised in one volume, octavo, of about 400 pages, on a fine wove paper.  2d. It shall be ornamented with an elegant engraved head of Washington.  3d. The price to Subscribers, in boards, will be two dollars and fifty cents; to non- subscribers, three dollars.  4d. No money will be required until the books are ready for delivery.  On the merits of a work, coming from an author so celebrated in the annals of literature as Ramsay, suffice it to say, that the manu- script has been read by several gentlemen of great literary acquirements, and pronounced to be "a piece of elegant classic Biography."  Subscriptions received at J. March's book store, High Street, George Town.  Where are just received a new collection of books in every department of literature. July 15
GUN AND PISTOL MANUFACTORY, CORNER OF LING AND WATER STREETS, ALEXANDRIA.  The subscriber begs leave to inform the inhabitants of the city of Washing- ton and its vicinity, that he carries on the above business in all its various branches—he has now on hand and expects in a few days a further supply of Guns and Pistols, (from London) which he will sell at the lowest terms.  R. MASH.  Guns and Pistols, flocked & repaired in the best manner, at the lowest prices, and shortest notice.—A few Small Guns for Boys for sale. June 29—2awtf
WEISKOPFF & KELLER, CONFECTIONERS,  RESPECTFULLY inform the public, that they have commenced business in High Street, where Ladies and Gentlemen can be supplied with CAKE of the best kind, Ornaments for Tables, and also Ice Creams by giving the shortest notice.  They have also on hand an assortment of Confectionery, which they will sell to retail- ers on the most reasonable terms. They have also Omelet, Biscuit of Lemon, do. Punch and Cordials of different kinds, superior to any ever offered for sale in this place. They will use their endeavor to please those who may favor them with their custom.  Ice Cream every day. Georgetown, June 22—2awtf
RUN AWAY NEGRO.  Was committed to the jail of Kent county, on Wednesday the 3d inst. a run away, negro BOY, who is between 40 and 45 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, and has a scar on his chin. His clothes are a coarse rumbustion blue over jacket and trow- sers, and a coarse linen shirt. His owner is desired to release him, or he will be sold for his jail and other fees, agreeably to the laws of Maryland.  RABIN GALE, sheriff of Kent county.  Said Bob says he belongs to Mr. Fur- low, Green county, state of Georgia. June 14 w5t
JAMES S. STEVENSON, WHOLESALE & RETAIL DRUGGIST.  HAS for sale (at a credit of 12 months to Druggists and Physicians) a large and com- plete assortment of Drugs, Medicines, Sur- geon's Instruments, Patent Medicines, &c. &c. of the first quality which he will sell at the lowest prices. Tobacco taken in payment. Navy Yard. City of Washington, July 8 w3t
R. C. WEIGHTMAN, PRINTER, BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.  HAVING purchased the Extensive and Valuable establishment of Wm. DUANE, consisting of Books, Stationery, Binding im- plements, and Printing materials offers for sale at the lowest Philadelphia rates, Books and Stationery of all kinds;—Music and Mu- sical Instruments—Printing Ink of the first quality, and Patent Ball Quills.  Printing in all its various branches, will be executed to order, with taste and on the shortest notice.  Blank Mortgages, Deeds, Leases, Bills of Lading, Powers of Attorney, Apprentices' Indentures, & warrants, &c. kept constantly for sale, by the quire or single sheets. Lawyers & others, by taking a quantity will be allowed a libéral discount.  R. C. W. solicits the attention of his friends, and hopes by unremitting attention to his business, to merit a share of public pat- ronage. May 27—eopf
TEAS, SUGARS, BRANDY, RICE, &c.  WALTER & CLEMENT SMITH, have just received by the Schooner Citizen, captain Sturges, and Providence captain Tra- vers, from New York, and offer for sale at their Warehouse opposite Lowndes's wharf— 50 chests fresh Hylon Young Hylon, and Hylon skin less of fine quality. 100 boxes of ylb. Superior and fresh Hylon, and 14lb. each (Imperial) and Gunpowder 200 leads ylb. Tea, put up in Canton for each family use, 4 chests single Hylon, 7 pipes high 4th proof and well flavored Bourseau Brandy, 20 tiers Rice, 15 hds. best Surinam Molasses, 40 hds. Prime St. Croix and Trinidad 30 barrels Sugars. 15 hds. Martinique clayed Sugar, entitled to drawback and certificate, 40 boxes, Claret and Frontignac wines, one dozen each, 30 boxes Olives and Capers, 10 baskets best refined Sweet Oil, 6 bottles each, 10 boxes London Mustard, 6 hds. Spermaceti and Whale Oil, 100 Demijohns, Pimento, Ginger, Nutmegs, Cloves, Fruits, &c.  And in Store, Old Cogniac Brandy, very fine, Holland and country Gin, Whiskey, Peach and Apple Brandy, Sherry, Lisbon, Teneriffe, Port, Catalonia, and old Madeira Wines; old Jamaica Spirits, West India Rum, Segars, Lemons in boxes, Loaf and Lump Sugars, coarse Lisbon Salt, &c. Georgetown, May 27—2awtf
PUBLIC SALE.  By virtue of a decree of the hon. the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia sitting as a court of Chancery for the county of Washington, will be sold, at public sale, on the premises, the 5th day of August next at 12 o'clock, M. that valuable stand, situated in Georgetown, in the district of Columbia, and known by the name of  THE UNION TAVERN,
now in the occupancy of Wm. Crawford, and late the property of Charles M'Laughlin, de- ceased; together with the Lots, Houses, Sta- bles and Improvements belonging to, and on which the said tavern is erected, and also the two story Brick House situate on Bridge street, near the said Union Tavern, and the Lot on which the same is erected, late the property of James S. Morefield, esq.  The terms of sale are, the purchaser to give bonds, with approved security for the pay- ment of the purchase money, with interest from the day of sale, in three equal annual payments.  DANIEL BUSSARD, Trustee.  The creditors of the said Charles M'Laughlin are hereby notified to bring into the said court, their claims, with the vouchers there- of, against the said Charles M'Laughlin, within two months from the day of sale above mentioned.  NIEL BUSSARD, trustee. 5—w3t