The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-05-04 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1179.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, MAY 4, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
BY AUTHORITY.
AN ACT
To make good a deficit in the appropriation of eighteen hundred and seven, for completing the public buildings; and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that in addition to the appropriations already made, the following sums of money be and the same are hereby appropriated, to be applied, under the direction of the President of the United States, to the purposes hereinafter mentioned, that is to say:
For making good the deficit of eighteen hundred and seven, including the debt due from the public offices, fifty-one thousand five hundred dollars:
For completing the wall of the President's square, planting the ground so as to close this part of the expenditure, building a solid flight of steps to the principal door, and minor expenses, fourteen thousand dollars:
For carrying up in solid work, the interior of the North Wing, comprising the Senate Chamber, twenty-five thousand dollars:
For executing the work deficient in the interior of the South Wing and for painting, eleven thousand five hundred dollars:
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several sums of money hereby appropriated, shall be paid out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro tempore.
APPROVED, TH. JEFFERSON.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 6.
Debate on the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force. (CONTINUED.)
Mr. TALMADGE said that after the lengthy and able discussion which this bill had undergone, as well in committee of the whole, as in the House, he could hardly flatter himself with the hope that he should be able to throw much light upon the subject. But so long as there were any gentlemen on that floor whose minds were yet balancing on the question (and he had reason to believe there were some in that condition) he felt it to be a duty which he owed that honorable house, and the nation, to offer his sentiments on the important question now before them.
The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Stanford) who spoke yesterday at some length, in opposition to the passage of this bill, seemed to felicitate himself that he had never given but one federal vote, and from his remarks he wished to be understood as having never committed but one political sin in his life. For this indeed he seemed to be so penitent that from my heart I can forgive him, and trust no honorable gentleman who heard him, and witnessed the deep contrition which seemed to flow from his heart, will be unwilling to pardon an offence which he deemed so atrocious. The heinous nature of the crime seems to consist in this that, in 1792, he voted for the army which the government then determined to raise, and now in 1808, his political faith has veered about, and he finds himself constrained to vote against the bill on your table, which proposes to raise an inferior force on a more urgent and pressing occasion. To this sort of political sinless perfection I lay no claim; for although a much younger legislator than the gentleman from N. C. I have doubtless committed many mistakes; but never have intentionally erred. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, there seems to be an astonishing propensity, in some gentlemen of this honorable body, to take up the time of this House in giving their reasons at length why they find it necessary to change their vote on the present from a former similar occasion. Having no compuncions of this sort, I have no confession to make; and give me leave to add, I hope never to see the chair of the Speaker turned into that of St. Peter. Taking the constitution for my guide, and the
public good for my object, I shall never search the journals to find how I voted on a former occasion. Because I voted to raise troops when the Spanish army violated our territory on the Sabine, does it follow of course that I must vote for this bill? Or because I opposed the bill authorizing the building of gun-boats, am I compelled to vote against the bill on your table, that I may appear to be consistent? In the case of the Spanish aggression I did vote for the raising of troops and greatly lament that they had not been brought into the field to vindicate our insulted honor. The gun-boat system, beyond a given number for our rivers and shoal waters, I did oppose with all my heart; most conscientiously believing them to be a most miserable sort of maritime defence for our seaports, coasts, and harbors. From the best light I have been able to obtain, this additional force may be necessary for our defence, and I purpose to advocate the passage of the bill accordingly.
Before I proceed to offer the reasons which will govern me in the vote I am about to give, I think it proper to state the precise force which the bill on your table provides. The five regiments of infantry and one of riflemen will consist of 270 commissioned and staff officers, and 4824 cadets, non-commissioned officers and privates. The regiment of light artillery will have 35 officers, and 784 cadets, non-commissioned officers and privates, and the regiment of light dragoons will consist of 38 officers and 628 cadets, non-commissioned officers and privates, making a total, when completed to the establishment, of 343 officers, and 6236 cadets, non-commissioned officers and privates. So that the whole complement of men, officers included, is 6579. The present peace establishment amounts to 3231, officers included, which, with the corps of engineers, and certain necessary attendants about a camp, will make our military force about 10,000 men. This may serve to correct the opinions of some gentlemen who have estimated the troops contemplated by this bill to be from 5,000 even to 9 or 10,000 men. I shall now proceed to give my reasons, as briefly as I can, why I advocate the passage of this bill.
1. In the first place, the measure comes recommended to us by the President of the United States.
In making this remark I trust I shall not be accused of courting the favor of the Executive, by a blind devotedness to his measures. Having never been charged with this political sin, I shall take no time to exculpate myself from it; but proceed to remark that being placed by the constitution as our great political sentinel, it is his duty, on the approach of danger, to make it known to the legislature. In his message of February 25th, after exhibiting the dangers which threaten us, and proposing an augmentation of our military force, he remarks: "I submit to the wisdom of the legislature whether they will authorize a commencement of this precautionary work, by a present provision for raising and organizing some additional force." I can hardly conceive of language more appropriate for the purpose, and coming from such high and responsible authority, I am disposed to give the subject a fair and candid consideration.
2. My second reason in favor of this measure is drawn from the present state of the world.
Will gentlemen take the trouble to examine the wretched state of Europe at this day? Will they permit themselves to reflect, on the great events which have followed each other in such quick succession within a few years past, that they can scarcely credit what they have heard? How many kingdoms have changed their masters, or have been entirely swallowed up by the conqueror of the European world? What other country on earth, except our own, can this day deservedly boast of a free republican government? Since war has become a sort of trade, shall we not be warned by the example of the world, and make some preparation to meet it?
3. But a more forcible argument may be drawn from our particular relation to the two great belligerent powers of Europe. These two mighty powers, in fact, sway the destinies of all Europe, and the one having the
control by land and the other by sea, have been not unaptly compared to the Tyger and the Shark. Can any gentleman who hears me remember the insults and injuries which were heaped upon us by the Spanish troops in Louisiana, and not blush for his degraded country? If we turn from our western frontier, what do we find on the south? The Floridas extend along our southern line and afford an easy approach to a French or Spanish foe. On the north and east we are circumscribed by British territories, from which irruptions, in case of war, might be made into New-England. What is the present state of our fortifications on the sea coast from St. Croix to St. Marys? And are we well secured on the west against savage incursions? What is the present state of our relations either with France or Great Britain? Is it not a fact that each of those rival powers is endeavoring to draw us into the present war? And although our best policy must lead us to pursue an honest neutrality, yet I cannot feel satisfied with an aspect of profound peace, when the world seems to be in arms. In addition to this I know how repugnant it is to the feelings of the militia to perform garrison duty, and to man your fortifications. This duty must be done by disciplined troops, or I fear it will be but inefficiently performed. It might be further urged that the service of a portion of these troops might be well employed in erecting and repairing fortifications.
4. Another benefit to be derived from such an establishment is, that it might serve to form a military school, to teach men the science of war, and to prepare them for actual and useful service in the hour of danger and trial. Some gentlemen suppose that discipline and military service may be learnt in a day; but since war has become so much a trade, its principles and art must be studied. A great portion of the skill and science of mankind is directed to the most effectual mode of destroying the human race; and perhaps three fourths of the revenues of the world are expended for the same object. It must be folly and madness therefore in any nation not to take warning, or to refuse useful instruction from the example and conduct of others. War is a great calamity, and the surest way to avoid it is to be prepared for it.
But this measure is objected to because the militia ought to be resorted to in the first instance, and are competent to this duty. That our ultimate resort must be to the militia, for the defence of our country, I do not deny; but that they are fully competent to all the duties of the field and the fort, I do not admit. No man has greater confidence in the yeomanry of our country, when properly organized and equipped, to defend our country against an invading foe, than myself. I have witnessed their services in the late revolutionary war, and the faithful page of history will hand down the record of their deeds to posterity, with honor and applause. But then, it ought to be remembered, that some of their proudest exploits have been performed when acting in concert with a regular force. When I cast my eyes around this hall, I am glad to see gentlemen who took an active part in the struggles of our country under its severest pressure. To them, would I with confidence appeal, when I assert, that a single company or battalion of disciplined troops has been like a phalanx to which the militia might resort, as to a common centre. Equally useful in attack, in defence, or to cover a retreat, I shall not hazard much by saying that when opposed to a regular and well appointed force, the militia are inefficient without them. In proof of this remark, need I state the progress which the British army made in the southern states, in the late revolutionary war? The destruction of the flourishing towns of New London, Fairfield, Norwalk, Danbury, &c. in the midst of a populous, thick settled country, and with but little loss, is a strong proof of the justice of my remark. I would further observe, that in point of economy, either of money, of labor, or of health and life, undisciplined militia ought not to be our only military defence.
2. Another objection made to this bill is, because standing armies are dangerous to civil liberty. That they may be used by profligate and wicked
rulers for this purpose, I do not deny; but can any gentleman be seriously alarmed for such an event, even if we had ten times this force, when he reflects that we have from 600,000 to 1,000,000 of able bodied militia ready to defend their country. In favor of this objection, gentlemen have cited the case of the Army at Newburg, in 1783. An artful incendiary had spread his anonymous publications through the army, calculated to excite their resentments against their country because, from her impoverished condition their services had not been fully remunerated. I hope no unfavorable inference will be drawn from this event, when I assert, that after our illustrious leader had explained to the officers, the situation of our country, and his confident belief that every possible exertion would be made by the government to justice to their army, not one advocate could be found to support the hostile attempt. A more urgent occasion than this I trust never will occur.
3. An objection has been urged by my colleague (Mr. Moseley) who preceded me, that because we are not in a state of war, therefore these troops are not wanted. I fully accord with him in the declaration that we are not in a state of open declared war; but I am not satisfied that our defenceless situation should court an invasion. By a timely preparation, I would convince the world that we mean to be prepared for the worst; and if the expenditure of a few millions in preparation and defence shall prevent a war, it will be economy in the end. If Great Britain was so disposed, and not otherwise engaged, with her immense fleet she could transport troops to any of our ports on the Atlantic; and in the event of a general peace in Europe, where can the victorious Napoleon send his myriads out to the West Indies, or America? I hope neither of these events may ever be realized; but I greatly prefer being ready for such a trial, to that of being found sleeping on our post. Separated from Europe by an immense ocean, and unwilling to take any part in their civil or military operations, no nation on earth should be permitted to land any troops on our shores. If the madness or ambition of any proud conqueror should attempt such a measure, the deadly conflict should commence at the water's edge. As the veterans of Europe would probably be the invaders, the disciplined troops of America only would be able to decide the contest at the point of the bayonet. Should such a crisis ever arrive, I shall hazard nothing by declaring that the militia will be found unequal to the conflict.
4. It is also said that military establishments are expensive, and therefore ought to be avoided. This is undoubtedly true, and grows out of the necessity of the case. The question at issue is not whether an army is an expensive institution; but whether in the present state of the world it is prudent and proper for this government to increase its military force. The gentleman from North Carolina, tells us that he is so unhappy as always, from an early impression, to associate the idea of taxes with the very name of an army. This I doubt not, must be unpleasant to him; but when he reflects that the laborer is worthy of his hire, it may be useful for him to lay aside his prejudices: for if fighting must be done, the man who defends us by his arms is as worthy of his reward as he that works on the soil. Permit me here to express my regret that any gentleman in debate should speak contemptuously of those who are willing to jeopardize their lives in our defence. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) has frequently attempted to expose the regular soldier to ridicule and contempt, who (to use the gentleman's favorite expression) hires himself to be shot at for six pence a day. Why do we hear language like this on the floor of this House. The profession of arms has always been honorable, as well in the savage as the civilized state of the world, and probably always will be, and surely, sir, it cannot be wise to render any class of men odious or contemptible, whose services we may speedily need. Although I deprecate the necessity which calls for such service; yet from habit I cannot but love & venerate the soldier who is brave, and standing in my place
as a Representative of the people, I feel constrained thus publicly to bear testimony against all such ungenerous reflections.
5. It is further objected that the force now proposed to be raised is too great for peace, and too small for war. How is the precise standard to be determined? Some gentlemen say we are now in a state of war, others think our situation vastly critical, and many suppose it is neither peace nor war. From this dissimilarity of opinion the fair conclusion is that the present additional force must be about right. It has also been termed a quid war by some, and a quid pacis by others. Here again the force is adapted precisely to the emergency—inasmuch as it is an incipient step, I feel constrained to approve of it.
6. The last objection I shall notice is that the bill is not sufficiently precise as to the period for which these troops are to be engaged. Although enlistments are limited to five years, yet by a continuation of recruits this force may be kept alive for any period whatever. This provision I think must be a good one, for if the situation of our country should require the continuance of this force, surely the experience of the officers, &c. must be valuable to the U. S. I have no wish to increase executive patronage, having long believed this to be a dangerous weapon in the hands of the chief magistrate. But if the time should come (which God forbid) which this country shall be cursed with an ambitious, unprincipled executive, so long as we are faithful to the constitution, I think no danger is to be apprehended. The Senate must always have a check upon the nominations made by the President, and if both President and Senate should combine, still this House can always withhold the supplies which are emphatically the sinews of war. Even should the three co-ordinate branches of the government combine to support a great military establishment, as by the constitution no appropriation can be made for more than two years, the sovereign people, who are the legitimate source of all power, can always remedy the evil by electing rulers to correct the procedure.
Much has been said, during this debate, about a patriot army , and a mercenary army . Our revolutionary army was undoubtedly a patriot army , but did they serve for nothing? Does the amount demanded for service constitute the patriotism and value of the deed? If so, how low must we estimate the service of our illustrious commander in chief, who through his military career, accepted no compensation for his service, and through a long and arduous civil life maintained the same undeviating course. He was shot at for less than six pence a day when a soldier; and when a statesman the shafts of his enemies flew thick around him—For his country's honor I wish those impotent efforts had ended even with his life.
I have now gone through with the remarks which I have thought proper to offer to the consideration of this honorable body. Perhaps from early habits and attachments, I have less apprehensions from regular troops than some other gentlemen. I do not advocate such establishments in time of peace; but considering the present hostile state of the world as very alarming, and fully believing that the crisis is very solemn, and may prove extremely eventful to these United States, I shall very cheerfully give my vote for the final passage of the bill now under consideration.
(Debate to be continued.)
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE.
THAT the subscriber has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Montgomery county, Maryland, letters of administration De bonis non on the personal Estate of William Chambers, and likewise letters of administration on the personal Estates of Sarah and Ann Chambers, deceased, all of Montgomery county, Maryland. All persons having claims against the deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the first day of November next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estates. Given under my hand this 28th day of April, 1808.
DENNIS LACK AND,
WSt Admnr. for
May 2—

Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, Mi- nisters Extraordinary and Plenipo- tentary of the United States, in London.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, May 17, 1806.
GENTLEMEN,
I herewith include a commission and letters of credence, authorizing you to treat with the British government concerning the maritime wrongs which have been committed, and the regulation of commerce and navigation between the parties. Your authority is made several as well as joint, as a provision for any contingency depriving either of the co-operation of the other.
The importance of the trust is evinced by its being made the occasion of an extraordinary mission, as well as by the subjects which it embraces. And I have great pleasure in expressing the confidence which the President feels, in the prudence and talents to which the business is committed.
It is his particular wish that the British government should be made fully to understand, that the United States are sincerely and anxiously disposed to cherish good will and liberal intercourse between the two nations; that an unwillingness alone to take measures not congenial with that disposition, has made them so long patient under violations of their rights and of the rules of a friendly reciprocity; and when forced at length by accumulating wrongs to depart from an absolute forbearance, they have not only selected a mode strictly pacific, but in demonstration of their friendly policy, have connected with the measure an extraordinary mission, with powers to remove every source of difference, and even to enlarge the foundations of future harmony and mutual interest.
There can be the less ground of umbrage to the British government, in the act prohibiting the importation of certain articles of British manufacture—1st. Because there is nothing on the face of the act beyond a mere commercial regulation, tending to foster manufactures in the United States, to lessen our dependence on a single nation by the distribution of our trade, and to substitute for woollens and linens, manufactures made from one of our principal agricultural staples. 2d—Because it is, far short of a reciprocity with British exclusions of American articles of export. 3d—Because as a commercial measure, discriminating in the time of war, between British and other nations, it has examples in British practice. It deserves attention also, that a discrimination was made, and under another name still exists, in the amount of convoy duty imposed on the trade between Great Britain with Europe, and with America. 4th—Because the measure cannot be ascribed to a partiality towards the enemies of Great Britain, or to a view of favoring them in the war, having for its sole object the interest of the United States, which it pursues in a mode strictly conformable to the rights and the practice of all nations.
In fine the act may truly be represented as so far from derogating from the amicable dispositions of the United States towards Great Britain, that it has resulted solely from the inefficacy of their protracted and reiterated endeavors, otherwise to obtain a just redress, and from a hope that an appeal in this peaceable form to the reflections and interests of an enlightened nation, would be more successful in removing every obstacle to a perfect and permanent cordiality between the two nations.
The instructions given to Mr. Monroe, January 5, 1804, having taken into view, and being still applicable to a great proportion of the matter now committed to your joint negotiations, it will be most convenient to refer you to those instructions as your general guide, and to confine the present to the alterations and additions, which a change of circumstances, or a contemplation of new objects, may require.
The first article of the project comprised in the instructions of 1804, relates to the impressment of seamen. The importance of an effectual remedy for this practice, derives urgency from the licentiousness with which it is still pursued, and from the growing impatience of this country under it. So indispensable is some adequate provision for the case, that the President makes it a necessary preliminary to any stipulation, requiring a repeal of the act shutting the market of the United States against certain British manufactures. At the same time he authorizes you, in case the ultimatum as stated in the article above referred to, should not be acceptable to the British government, to substitute one in the terms following, "No seaman nor seafaring person shall upon the high seas, and without the juris-
diction of either party, be demanded, or taken out of any ship or vessel, belonging to the citizens or subjects of one of the parties, by the public or private armed ships or men of war belonging to, or in the service of the other party, and strict orders shall be given for the due observance of this engagement."
An article in these terms was with the acquiescence of Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Addington, concerted between Mr. King and Lord St. Vincent, on the approaching renewal of the late war. It was frustrated by an exception of the "narrow seas," inserted by Lord St. Vincent, an exception so evidently inadmissible both in principle and in practice, that it must have been intended as a pretext for evading the stipulation at that time. Perhaps the present ministry may neither be disposed to resort to such a pretext, nor unwilling to avail themselves of the precise sanction as far as it was given, by their predecessors.
With respect to contraband, which is the subject of the 4th article, it may be observed, that as it excludes naval stores from the list, and is otherwise limited to articles strictly military, it must be admissible to Great Britain, leave but feeble objections to an abolition of contraband altogether. In the present state of the arts in Europe, with the intercourse by land, no nation at war with Great Britain can be much embarrassed by leaving those particular articles subject to maritime captures. Whilst belligerent nations, therefore, have little interest in the limited right against contraband; it imposes on neutrals all the evils resulting from suspicious and vexatious searches, and from questions incident to the terms used in the actual enumeration. It is not an unreasonable hope, therefore, that in place of this article, an entire abolition of contraband may be substituted. Should this be found unattainable, it may be an improvement of the article as it stands, to subjoin, for the sake of greater caution, to the positive enumeration, a negative specification of certain articles, such as provisions, money, naval stores, &c. as in no case to be deemed within the meaning of the article; with a proviso, that the specification shall not be construed to imply in the least, that any articles not specified in the exception, shall, on that account, be liable to be drawn into question.
A doctrine has been lately introduced by the British courts, and at length adopted by the instructions of June, 1803, to British cruisers, which regards contraband conveyed in one voyage as affecting a resumed or return voyage, although the contraband shall have been previously deposited at its port of destination. It will be a further improvement of the article to insert a declaratory clause against this innovation, and the abuses incident to it.
The 4th article, besides the stipulation on the subject of contraband, relates to two other subjects. 1st—That of free ships, free goods. 2d—That of a trade with enemy's colonies.
1st. With respect to the first, the principle that a neutral flag covers the property of an enemy, is relinquished in pursuance of the example of the Russian treaty on which the article is modelled; the relinquishment however being connected with, and conditioned on, the provision required in favor of the neutral right to the colonial trade. The importance of that principle to the security of neutral commerce, and to the freedom of the seas, has at all times been felt by the United States; and although they have not asserted it as the established law of nations, they have ever been anxious to see it made a part of that law. It was with reluctance, of course, that a contrary stipulation was authorized, and merely as a means of obtaining from Great Britain, the recognition of a principle now become of more importance to neutral nations possessing mercantile capital, than the principle of "free ships, free goods." It is to be particularly kept in view, therefore, that such a contrary stipulation is to be avoided if possible, and if unavoidable, that the stipulation be so modified as to interfere as little as possible, with the spirit and policy of any provisions in favor of the principle which may be likely to be introduced into a treaty of peace among the present belligerent powers of Europe. Should it be known that Russia as well as France mean to insist on such a provision; and that such a stipulation by the United States, however modified, will materially affect her confidence and good will towards them, the objection to the measure will acquire a force that can yield only to the consideration, that without such a sacrifice the provisions for the security of our seamen, and of our neutral commerce, cannot be obtained, and that the office will effectually answer these purposes.
2d. The vast importance of the colonial trade, with the circumstances and the excitement which have taken place since the date of the original instructions to Mr. Monroe, will require that the neutral right on this subject, be provided for in an appropriate article, and in terms more explicit than are used in the article under review. As the right in this case turns on the general principle that neutrals may lawfully trade, with the exceptions of blockades and contrabands, to and between all ports of an enemy, and in all articles, although the trade shall not have been open to them in time of peace; particular care is to be taken, that no part of the principle be expressly or virtually abandoned, as being no part of the law of nations. On the contrary, it is much to be desired, that the general principle in its full extent, be laid down in the stipulation. But as this may not be attainable, and as too much ought not to be risked by an inflexible pursuit of abstract right, especially against the example and the sentiments of great powers having concurrent interests with the U. States, you are left at liberty, if found necessary, to abridge the right in practice, as is done in the supplement of October 1801, to the treaty of June of that year, between Russia and G. Britain; not omitting to provide that in case Great Britain should by her treaties or instructions leave to any other nation the right in a greater extent than is stipulated to the U. States, they may claim the enjoyment of it in an equal extent.
The abuses which have been committed by G. Britain, under the pretext that a neutral trade, from enemy colonies, through neutral ports, was a direct trade, render it indispensable to guard against such a pretext, by some express declaration on that point. The most that can be conceded, on the part of the U. States is, that the landing of the goods, the securing the duties, and the change of the ship, or preferably the landing of the goods alone, or with the securing the duties, shall be requisite to destroy the identity of the voyage & the directness of the trade, and that the ordinary documents of the custom house officers, shall be sufficient evidence of the facts or fact.
A satisfactory provision on this subject of a trade with the enemy colonies, is deemed of so much consequence to the rights and interests of the U. S. and is so well understood to have been contemplated along with a like provision against the impressment of seamen, in the late act of Congress prohibiting the importation of certain classes of British manufactures, that, as was enjoined with respect to the provision against impressment no stipulation is to be entered into, not consistent with a continuance of that act, unless the provision with respect to the colonial trade be also obtained.
In remodeling the provision with respect to the colonial trade, you may with great propriety urge a distinction between the West India colonies, and the very distant ones in the East Indies and elsewhere, and the reasonableness of limiting to the former the exception of the direct trade with their parent countries out of the general neutral right. The distinction is supported by several considerations, particularly by the greater difficulty, in the case of the more distant colonies, of previously knowing, & eventually proving, the regulations as they may have actually stood in time of peace; and by the ruinous delays and expenses attending the judicial investigations. The British courts have in fact admitted the distinction so far as to presume the lawfulness of the neutral trade with the East India colonies, as being generally open in peace as well as war; whilst they reverse the presumption, with respect to the West Indies.
In addition to what is proposed on the subject of blockades in VI and VII articles, the perseverance of Great Britain in considering a notification of a blockade, and even of an intended blockade, to a foreign government, or its ministers at London, as a notice to its citizens, and as rendering a vessel wherever found in a destination to the notified port, as liable to capture, call for a special remedy. The palpable injustice of the practice, is aggravated by the auxiliary rule prevailing in the British courts, that the blockade is to be held in legal force, until the governmental notification be expressly rescinded; however certain the fact may be that the blockade was never formed or had ceased. You will be at no loss for topics to enforce the inconsistency of these innovations with the law of nations, with the nature of blockade, with the safety of neutral commerce & particularly with the communication made to this government by order of the British government, in the year 1804; according to which, the British commander and vice-admiralty courts, were instructed "not
to consider any blockade of the islands of Martinique and Guadalupe as existing, unless in respect of particular ports which may be actually invested, and then not to capture vessels bound to such ports, unless they shall previously have been warned not to enter them."
The absurdity of substituting such diplomatic notifications in place of a special warning, from the blockading ships, cannot be better illustrated than by the fact, that before the notification of a proposed blockade of Cadiz, in the year 1805, was received here from our minister at London, official information was received from Cadiz, that the blockade had actually been raised by an enemy's fleet.
It may be worth your attention, that a distinction has been admitted by the British prize court, in consideration of the distance of the United States from the European blockades, between their citizens and those of states, less distant; the notice required for the former being more positive than is made necessary for the latter. You will be able to avail yourselves in the discussion, and perhaps in the modification of the article, of the reasons on which such a distinction rests.
[Confidential—not printed] There remains as an object of great importance, some adequate provision against the insults and injuries committed by British cruisers, in the vicinity of our shores and harbors. These have been heretofore a topic of remonstrance, and have in a late instance been repeated with circumstances peculiarly provoking, as they include the murder of an American seaman within the jurisdictional limits of the United States. Mr. Monroe is in full possession of the documents explaining a former instance. Herewith will be received those relating to the late one. They not only support a just demand of an exemplary punishment of the offenders, and of indemnity for the spoliations, but call for some stipulations, guarding against such outrages in future. With this view it is proper that all armed belligerent ships should be expressly and effectually restrained from making seizures, or searches, within a certain distance from our coasts, or taking stations near our harbors, commodious for those purposes.
In defining the distance protected against belligerent proceedings, it would, not perhaps be unreasonable, considering the extent of the United States, the shoalness of their coast, and the natural indication furnished by the well defined path of the Gullf stream, to expect an immunity for the space between that limit, and the American shore. But at least it may be insisted that the extent of the neutral immunity should correspond with the claims maintained by Great Britain, around her own territory. Without any particular enquiry into the extent of these it may be observed, 1st. That the British act of parliament, in the year 1736, 9 G. 2. c. 35. supposed to be that called the Hovering act, assumes for certain purposes of trade, the distance of four leagues from the shores. 2d. That it appears that both in the reign of James I. and of Charles II. the security of the commerce with British ports was provided for, by express prohibitions against the roving or hovering of belligerent ships so near the neutral harbors and coasts of Great Britain, as to disturb or threaten vessels homeward or outward bound; as well as against belligerent proceedings generally, within an inconvenient approach towards British territory.
With this example, and with a view to what is suggested by our own experience, it may be expected that the British government will not refuse to concur in an article to the following effect.
"It is agreed that all armed vessels belonging to either of the parties engaged in war, shall be effectually restrained by positive orders and penal provisions, from seizing, searching, or otherwise interrupting or disturbing vessels to whomsoever belonging, and whether outward or inward bound, within the harbors, or the chambers formed by headlands, or any where at sea within the distance of four leagues from the shore, or from a right line from one headland to another: It is further agreed, That, by like order and provisions, all armed vessels shall be effectually restrained by the party to which they respectively belong, from stationing themselves, or from roving or hovering so near the entry of any of the harbors or coasts of the other, as that merchantmen shall apprehend their passage to be unsafe, or a danger of being set upon and surprised; and that in all cases where death shall be occasioned by any
proceeding contrary to these stipulations, and the offender cannot conveniently be brought to trial and punishment under the laws of the party offended, he shall on demand made within months be delivered up for that purpose."
If the distance of four leagues cannot be obtained, any distance not less than one sea league may be substituted in the article. It will occur to you, that the stipulation against the roving and hovering of armed ships on our coasts, so as to endanger or alarm trading vessels, will acquire importance, as the space entitled to immunity shall be narrowed.
Another object, not comprehended in the instructions of 1804, to Mr. Monroe, is rendered important, by the number of illegal captures and injuries, which have been committed by British cruisers since that date. An indemnity for them, is due on every consideration of justice and friendship, and is enforced by the example heretofore given by G. Britain herself, as well as by other nations which have provided by treaty, for repaying the spoliations practiced under color of their authority. You will press this as an object too reasonable not to be confidently expected by the United States. Many of the claims, indeed, for indemnification are so obviously just, that a refusal to satisfy them, cannot be decently made, and ought not therefore to be presumed.
The two modes most readily presenting themselves for a comprehensive provision for the claims, are, first, the establishment of a board, analogous to that provided for in the 7th article of the treaty of 1794; secondly, the substitution of a gross sum to be distributed among the claimants, according to a liquidation to be made under the authority of the U. States.
The second is the mode most eligible, if the gross sum to be allowed be thought to approach the amount of losses to be indemnified. To assist you in estimating these, the statements addressed to this department by the underwriters, and others, are herewith transmitted. These statements, with those furnished by Mr. Lyman, to November 1st, will be to be reduced, according to the redress which shall have been judicially afforded, and on the other hand to be augmented by the addition of cases not reported here, and to be collected from the sources of information within your own reach.
If the first mode should be adopted, great care will be requisite, in describing the cases, to employ such general terms as will comprehend all that are fairly entitled to redress. It will be well at the same time to secure, by specifying such of the cases as can be specified, and as are least susceptible of objection. Under this head may be classed, 1st, cases in which the official communication made by Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. King, of the 11th day of April, 1801, has been violated; 2d, cases in which the rules of blockade, stated in Mr. Merry's communication to the department of state, on the 12th day of April, 1804, have been violated; 3d, cases where the territorial jurisdiction of the U. States has been violated.
The list of neutral rights, asserted in the report of the secretary of state to the President, on the 25th day of January, 1806, will suggest other specifications which may be attempted. It may be worth recollecting, that the British order of council, bearing date 24th June, 1803, and subjecting to capture vessels on a return voyage, which had carried contraband in the outward voyage, was never promulgated, nor was it known that such a rule was to be enforced, until the summer of 1805. Could the rule be regarded otherwise than as it certainly is, an innovation on the law of nations, all captures before it was made known, and contrary to antecedent practice, would be marked by an unjust surprise, fairly entitling them to redress.
The business to come before such a board may be much diminished by the reference of cases, particularly of costs and damages, and such others whose description by common consent entitles them to redress, to the king's advocate and an advocate to be named on your part, who may be authorized to report the sum due, subject to the approbation, in each case, of Mr. Lyman, our agent. As far as the cases fall within the observation here made, a liquidation of them may be carried on during the period of negotiation.
Although the subject of indemnifications for past wrongs is to be pressed as of great magnitude, in a satisfactory adjustment of our differences with G. Britain; yet as the British government may be inflexible in refusing an arrangement implying that her maritime principles of capture were contrary to the law of nations,
See L. Jenkins, Vol. 1. and Vol. 2.

whilst she would not be inflexible in stipulating a future practice conformable to our wishes, it is not thought proper that a provision for indemnities should be an absolute condition of the repeal of the act of Congress concerning British manufactures, provided satisfactory arrangements shall be made relative to impressments, and the trade with enemy's colonies. Still, however, it is to be kept in view, that here are claims founded on acts of British cruisers, violating the law of nations, as recognized by G. Britain herself, and others founded on unexpected departures, without notice, from rules of practice deliberately settled and formally announced. Of these, examples have been referred to in the communication of Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. King, and of Mr. Merry, to the department of state.
With respect to claims of these several kinds, it is evident that provision is clearly due for them, and that it may be made without any implication which can alarm the pride or the caution which may be professed. You will not fail, therefore, to bring, if necessary, these claims into view, as distinguished from others founded on controverted principles; and to let it be understood, that a refusal of them will be a painful ingredient in the negotiations for extinguishing discontent on both sides, and consolidating and perpetuating the friendship between them. In case this distinction should operate in the adjustment, it will furnish an additional reason for preferring a gross sum, to the liquidations of a joint board. First, because it will admit of a liberal sum, if the British government should be liberally disposed, on presumptions not affecting her maritime principles. Secondly, because it will leave the U. States free to apply the gross sum, in redressing claims according to our maritime principles. A precedent for such an expedient may be found in the convention of January, 1756, between Great Britain and Prussia; whereby a gross sum of 20,000 pounds sterling, was paid to the latter as an extinguishment of claims on account of illegal captures, without reference to the precise rules by which it was to be applied. The treaty of Pardo, in January, 1739, between Great Britain and Spain, is another precedent. In that treaty the sum of 95,000 pounds sterling, was stipulated in the like general manner, to be paid to G. Britain by Spain, as a compromise for all reparations of maritime injuries.
If the U. States succeed in making satisfactory arrangements on the principal points of impressment of seamen, colonial trade, and still more if provision be also made for indemnity for spoliations, it may be naturally expected that Great Britain will require, not only the repeal of the prohibitory act of last session, but also some security that the U. States will not by subsequent acts of the same nature, place her on a worse footing than other nations. She may reasonably urge that demand on the double plea, of having yielded on those points which were the subjects of complaint on the part of the U. States, and of her being now, for want of a commercial treaty, placed in that respect at the discretion of the U. States; whilst they are precluded by their treaties with the enemies of Great Britain, (Holland, France and Spain,) from the power of laying prohibitions or restrictions particularly affecting those nations.
The most natural arrangement in that respect will be, simply to agree that the two parties shall enjoy in the ports of each other, in regard to commerce and navigation, the privileges of the most favored nation. But the article should be framed so as to embrace; 1st, every privilege, and particularly the exemption from higher duties of every description, either on imports or exports, and including convoy duties, that are paid by the most favored nation; 2d, all the possessions of G. Britain in every part of the world, which will secure admission at all times in both the East and West Indies, on the same terms as are now or may in future be enjoyed by the most favored nation, whether it be a friend, or an enemy.
The same clause of the footing of the most favored nation, may be extended not only to navigation and commercial intercourse between the two nations, but to points which relate to the rights and duties of belligerents and neutrals: an arrangement which would secure to G. Britain the same rights in relation to the admission of her armed vessels in our ports, and to the exclusion of her enemies, privateers and of their prizes, which are now enjoyed by Holland, Spain, and other most favored nations; whilst it would place the rights of the U. States, as neutrals, on the same footing with Russia, or the most favored nation, in respect to
search, convoys, blockades and contraband.
(Letter to be continued.)
NOTICE.
THE President and Directors of the Washington Bridge Company will receive sealed proposals at Stelle's Hotel on Friday the 13th inst. for the delivery of the whole or any part of the following Bill of SCANTLING:
   Feet long. Inch. Inch.     140 Piles 36 11 by 14   140 40 11 14   200 18 11 11   200 40 11 14   60 38 12 12   15 Caps 27 13 13   190 37 13 13   190 Mud Sills 37 10 12   380 Braces 25 7 9   380 20 9 9   200 Stringers 52 8 16   1540 27 8 16    170,000 Superficial feet of four inch Plank, white pine, or the heart of yellow pine, each plank 18 feet long. The above materials, except the plank, must be of the best heart, hard, yellow pine, or of the best white oak, free of sap. The proposals to estimate by the cubic foot. Written Proposals will be received at the same time for the Iron work, for Carpenters and Laborers. Proposals may be handed in before the day above mentioned to the President.
DANIEL CARROLL, of Dd. President. May 4—Sept 13th
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, in Westmoreland county, near Kinsale, Virginia, Henry a black man, in the year of 1803; was formerly the property of James A. Thompson, deceased. The said Henry formerly waited on Jo. Thompson, James A. Thompson, Chas. Thompson & William S. Thompson, in Alexandria, when the said Thompson was merchant in Alexandria. This said Henry is very well acquainted in all parts, as he did formerly wait on the Messrs. Thompsons in all parts, especially in Alexandria and George Town, where he has some relations, and also Washington city, Baltimore, and Philadelphia. This said Henry was born and raised in St. Mary's county, near Leonardtown, in Maryland, where he has some relations, as I believe, as Mr. Richard Jackson informs me, whom I bought the said Negro from, and also Mr. Charles Thompson informs me. Henry is I believe 40 or 45 years old, as near as I can guess, is 5 feet high, has very small eyes, as far as I can recollect Henry was brought up a house servant, is an excellent gardener, and a good hostler. Henry when quick spoke to stamblers in his speech. Henry I expect has altered his name, and has procured some free papers by some means or other, and passes for one of Carters free negroes, or some other free negro, as he is a very artful fellow. Any person who will deliver him to me at Kinsale, in Westmoreland county, Virginia, or secure him in any jail in the United States, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward by me.
RICHARD STRAUGHAN. May 4—4t
IN obedience to the decree of the High court of Chancery of Maryland will be sold to the highest bidder at Semmes's tavern George Town, on the 31st instant at 11 o'clock, A. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to some certain Lots of ground in Thomas Beall of George's addition to George Town, purchased of John M. Gantt, esq., being the four easternmost Lots, purchased by said Gantt of Thomas Beall of George, esq. and in and to Lots no. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 in square No. 8 in the city of Washington and to part of Square No. 3, in said city. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the R. Gister of the court of Chancery of Maryland aforesaid, with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale.
JAMES S. MORSELL, Trustee. May 4—wM3t
NOTICE is hereby given that the subscribers have obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, letters of administration on the personal estate of William Bowie late of said county deceased; all those who have claims against said estate are hereby warned to exhibit the same to the subscribers with the vouchers therefor on or before the first day of October next, otherwise they may be excluded from all benefit of said estate; all those indebted to the above estate are requested to come forward and make immediate payment. Given under our hands and seals the 22nd day of April 1808.
JOHN B. BOWIE, WM. M. BOWIE. May 4—St
FOR SALE.
THE Two story BRICK HOUSE, situated on square number 939 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tuns Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. H. M. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 4.
Among the documents lately laid before the British Parliament and printed, is a report, specifying the amount of supplies of every sort, received by the B. W. I. Islands respectively. From this report it appears that for the years 1804—5—6, the whole importations, with the proportion of them supplied from the U. S. were as follows:
   Whole importation. Proportion from U. S. Per Ct.     Corn, bushels 1,870,625 1,218,568 equal to 65   Bread, flour, & meal, barrels 871,655 794,586 91   Rice, do. 35,818 35,220 98   Beef & pork, lbs. 332,140 162,343 49   Fish, dry, quintals 740,334 415,452 56   —, do. bbls. 3,552 1,707 48   Fish, pickled, bbls. 355,970 114,514 32   Butter, firkins 174,440 24,074 14   Cows and oxen, No. 15,940 12,537 79   Sheep and hogs, 11,551 10,464 90        Oak & pine boards, and timber, feet. 118,199,294 115,068,938 97   Shingles 130,193,887 129,155,112 99   Staves 55,185,641 52,817,061 96  
The foregoing document furnishes a most conclusive evidence of the effects that may be justly expected from the embargo on the West India Islands. Those belonging to Great Britain for the three specified years, have depended on the United States for the immense supplies stated, the value of which we have not immediately before us the materials of estimating, but the amount of which may be confidently taken at a sum between sixteen and twenty millions of dollars, which gives an annual consumption of from five to seven millions. It is probable that the other islands would average a consumption but little inferior, making in the whole, an annual consumption of between ten and fourteen millions. All these articles, let it be recollected, are indispensably requisite, either to subsistence, or the preservation and transportation of their raw materials. The distress, arising from the want of them will be tremendous, such as humanity shudders at, and which nothing but the principle of self-preservation can justify. But this distress, dreadful as it is, does not terminate here. We have not merely supplied the Islands with our provisions and lumber; but we have taken in return their products to an immense amount, greatly beyond the value of the former. This demand on our part will be suspended along with
our exportations. We shall either draw on the old stock in our possession, or lessen our consumption of their great staples, probably both. We shall also, by withdrawing our shipping from the ocean, absolutely disable that of England on account of its inadequacy from carrying their bulky products to the depressed and circumscribed market to be found in England.
Here then will be a triple effect—the distress arising from the want of food; that arising from a diminished demand on our part for their products, & that arising from a want of the means of transportation.
It is to be hoped, most fervently hoped, that the mother countries will not jeopardize their great colonial interests by suffering the causes to continue, which have driven us into measures whose effects may be so dreadful, which may produce famine and despair, and most certainly will produce discontent and hatred towards the authors of these evils. Is it a flattering hope, that those governments will, as soon as the rise of Congress shall assure them of the continuance of the Embargo during the summer, and of the measures taken to render it effectual, revoke their unjust principles, which they will then discern to be as invasive of their interests as of our rights?
The Republicans of the city of New-York have done themselves honor. By their firmness and spirit at the election held the last week they have realised all that could be expected from men not merely in name, but in principle Americans. They have proved themselves the honorable descendants of the founders of the revolution, and that, instead of shrinking from the crisis, they are proud to endure the evils it occasions. The republican ticket has triumphed by the vast majority of 1178 votes. Ye Gardeners, ye Wolcots, ye Kings, and ye Pickeringes, how are your airy castles tumbled into the dust, and your visionary hopes of power blasted at the very moment of expected fruition. Barent Gardenier was set forth as the hero of federalism, as the Hercules that was to crush the embargo and its advocates; but, as ought to have been foreseen, the violence with which party spirit pushed its purpose, the imprudence that dictated such a selection, and the torrents of detraction poured forth against the most virtuous men in the land, but illy veiled the apologists of Britain, and of designs deadly to the peace and prosperity of the union. The embargo was the watch-word, the magical wand that was to work wonders. But, thanks to Heaven, the virtue of the people has triumphed over every artifice; and has proved that a just government may calculate upon their support, no less in bad than in good times. The popular sentiment, even in the proud emporium of commerce, is uncorrupt, and we trust, incorruptible. This vote decides the popularity of the embargo; and it proves it to be more popular than any other measure taken by the republican administration. At this result faction will stand appalled, and foreign hostility learn the folly of attempting to divide a free and enlightened people.
A public dinner was on Friday given to JOSEPH LEWIS, by the citizens of Alexandria as an acknowledgement for his zeal in promoting the interests of the district of Columbia. In this entertainment gentlemen of various political principles united. The object was to express their sense of his services towards the advancement of the interests of the district, and not, as has been intimated, to approve his general political conduct. However cordially the republicans present might have united and did actually unite in the former, they would have evinced a total destitution of principles, had they acquiesced in the latter. We are desired to state, by a republican present
at the dinner, that this explanation has been handed to Mr. Snowden, the Editor of the Alexandria Advertiser, in contradiction of an article in his paper, representing the entertainment to have been given to Mr. Lewis generally in approbation of his political conduct, and been by him refused insertion.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
A company is about to be established in Petersburg Vir. with a capital of 50,000 dollars for the "Carding and Spinning of Cotton and Wool; Fulling; Weaving of Cotton Shirtings, Cambricks, Dimities, Gingham, Nankenees, Kerseymeres, Velvets, Velveteens, Patent Cords, Duroys, Grandurells, Tickings, Hosieries and all other articles of cotton and wool. And also the manufacture of Iron Ware, such as Nails, Hoes, Spades, Scythes, &c. &c. or such of the said enumerated articles and manufactures as the society shall from time to time find to be the most productive, and as the calls for consumption may demand."
At a meeting of citizens, at Frederick Town, Maryland, it has been determined to support James Madison, as President, and George Clinton as Vice President, and Nathaniel Rochester as Elector.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of respectable, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated
Kingston, (Jam.) March 29, 1808.
"There is not any arrivals from your quarter. We now begin seriously to feel the effects of your embargo. Flour is now retailing at 30 dollars per barrel; corn meal at 16 dollars; rice 12 and 13 dollars per 100 lbs. The latter article was sold yesterday at 11 1-2 by the fifty tierces!!! What we will do here shortly, God only knows. Nothing is the theme at present, but war between America and England, I cannot allow myself to think that this is the case, though it seems the general opinion. Yesterday a new governor arrived (say the duke of Manchester) and London papers as late as the 26th ult. They are silent as to the differences between your country and Great Britain. A cargo of lumber would now sell well. Shingles, in particular, would pay handsomely. I would advise you to send a cargo of them the very first opening. Corn and fish are the only articles that do not rise rapidly. This is to be accounted for from the great quantity at market, and the abundant crops of provisions."
Extract of letter from a respectable gentleman to his friend in Philadelphia, dated
Havanna, April 10, 1808.
"The object of the present serves to inform you, that flour is up now to 26 dollars per barrel and that all kind of Silesia linens sell to a good advantage, the market, being quite bare of this article; wherefore, if you find an opening to make a shipment thereof, before any other shipments arrive, you will avail of the favorable prices offered at present, but soon after the embargo is off with you, imported goods will decline, and our products rise at least 25 per cent. which please let serve for your government. As that I am most respectfully."
TO LET.
A DWELLING HOUSE Fronting North E Street, situate between Josiah W. King's, esq. and the subscriber's, an agreeable situation for a private family. Possession may be had in a few days.
Enquire of JAMES HOBAN. May 4—3t
UNITED STATES.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
IN CHANCERY,
Circuit Court, D. C. center term 1807, Gideon Snow—complainant,
against Abigail Perkins widow and adm'x. and Hannah Perkins, sister and heir of Joseph Perkins, deceased and Nathan Bond—defendants.
THE bill states that Joseph Perkins, formerly of Boston, now deceased, being indebted unto the United States for duties to the amount of seven hundred and fifty seven dollars and fifty cents current money, requested the complainant as his security to enter into two several obligations for the payment thereof, that in compliance with said request he the said complainant, did so become his security; that when the said bonds became due, the said Joseph Perkins failed to pay the same, and the said complainant was obliged to pay the same; that the said Joseph Perkins, died intestate, having no lineal heirs, and having a widow, Abigail Perkins, and a sister, Hannah Perkins, above named, who both reside in Boston; that the said Joseph Perkins left a personal estate inadequate to the payment of his debts, and the whole of the same has been fully administered; that the equitable interest in and to lots numbered five and six in square numbered five hundred and thirty-three, and lot numbered two in square numbered four hundred and eighty, all lying and being in the city of Washington, county and district aforesaid, were conveyed to said Joseph Perkins, by a certain Nathan Bond, also of Boston, and that the whole of the purchase money hath been paid for the same—The said bill, further prays a decree for the sale of said lots, for the payment of the said money so paid by said complainant, as security for the said Joseph Perkins.
It is on the complainant's motion, ordered, that he procure a copy of this order, to be inserted once a week in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, and once a week in each of three successive weeks in some newspaper published in Boston before the third Monday of June next, ensuing, to the end that the said Abigail Perkins, Hannah Perkins and Nathan Bond and all other persons (if any there be) interested in the premises may have notice of the complainant's application, and of the object of his said bill, and that the said defendants may be warned to appear in person or by solicitor in this court, on or before the third Monday in June next ensuing, to show cause if any they can why a decree as prayed for, in and by said bill, should not be made.
By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. May 4—w3t
IN obedience to the decree of the high court of Chancery of Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at the premises on the 4th day of May next at 3 o'clock, P. M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to part of a Tract of LAND, called Brack Hall, supposed to contain about one hundred and twenty acres, and part of a Tract of LAND called Deal's Hunting Quarters, supposed to contain about seventy acres, lying in Prince George's county Maryland. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest thereon from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale. JAMES S. MORSELL, Trustee. April 15—3w
This is to give Notice—
THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Wilfred Neale, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 20th day of March 1808. HENRY NEALE, Ex'r.

CONGRESS. IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
April 16th. 1806.
MR. ANDERSON from the committee to whom was referred, on the 4th instant, the correspondence between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Canning, and between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, relative to the attack made upon the frigate Chesapeake, by the British ship of war Leopard—and also the communications made to the Senate, on the 30th day of March last, containing a letter from Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of state, and a letter from Mr. Champagny to Gen. Armstrong.
REPORTED:
That on a view of the several orders, decrees and decisions of Great Britain and France, within the period of the existing war, it appears that previous to the measures referred to in the letters from Mr. Erskine to the secretary of state, & from Mr. Champagny to Gen. Armstrong, various and heavy injuries have been committed against the neutral commerce and navigation of the U. States, under the following heads:
1st. The British order of June, 1803, unlawfully restricting the trade of the United States, with a certain portion of the unblockaded ports of her enemies, and condemning vessels with innocent cargoes on a return from ports where they had deposited contraband articles.
2d. The capture and condemnation, in British courts of admiralty, of American property, on a pretended principle, debarring neutral nations from a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, interdicted in time of peace. The injuries suffered by the citizens of the United States, on this head, arose, not from any public order of the British council, but from a variation in the principle, upon which the courts of admiralty, pronounced their decision. These decisions have indeed again varied, without any new orders of council being issued; and in the higher courts of admiralty, some of the decisions which had formed the greatest cause for complaint, have been reversed, and the property restored. There still remains, however, a heavy claim of indemnity for confiscations, which were made during the period of these unwarrantable decisions, and for which no negotiation has hitherto been unavailing.
3d. Blockades notified to the ministers of the United States at London, and thence made a ground of capture, against the trade of the United States, in direct disregard of the law of nations, & even of definition of legal blockades, laid down by the British government itself. Examples of these illegitimate blockades, will be found in the notifications of the blockade of May 16th, 1805, of the coast from the river Elbe to Brest inclusive—blockade of 11th May, 1807, expanded 19th June, 1807, of the Elbe, Weser, and Ems, and the coast between the same—and blockade 11th May, 1807, of the Dardanelles and Symrna—blockade of the 8th January, 1808, of Carthagena, Cadiz, and St. Lucar, and of all the intermediate ports between Carthagena and St. Lucar, comprehending a much greater extent of coast, than the whole British navy could blockade, according to the established law of nations.
4th. To these injuries immediately authorised by the British government, might be added other spurious blockades by British naval commanders, particularly that of the island of Curacao, which for a very considerable period, was made a pretext for very extensive spoliations on the commerce of the U. States.
5th. The British proclamation of Oct. last, which makes it the duty of the British officers to impress from American merchant vessels, all such of their crews as might be taken or mistaken for British subjects—those officers being the sole and absolute judges in the case.
For the decrees and acts of the French government, violating the maritime law of nations, in respect to the United States, the committee refer to the instances contained in the report of the secretary of state, Jan. 25th, 1806, to the Senate, in one of which, viz. a decree of the French general Ferrand, at St. Domingo, are regulations sensibly affecting the neutral and commercial rights of the U. States.
The French act next in order of time is the decree of Nov. 21, 1806—declaring the British isles in a state of blockade, and purporting to be a retaliation on antecedent proceedings of G. Britain violating the law of nations.
This decree was followed, first by the British order of January, 1807,
professing to be a retaliation on that decree, and subjecting to capture the trade of the U. S. from the port of one belligerent to the port of another; and secondly, by the orders of Nov. last, professing to be a further retaliation on the same decree, and prohibiting the commerce of neutrals with the enemies of G. Britain, as explained in the aforesaid letter of Mr. Erskine.
The last British orders again, have been followed by the French decree of Dec. 17th, purporting to be a retaliation on the said orders, and to be put in force against the commerce of the United States, as stated in the aforesaid letter of Mr. Champagny.
The committee forbear to enter into a comparative view of those proceedings, of the different belligerent powers, deeming it sufficient to present the materials from which they may be formed. They think it their duty nevertheless, to offer the following remarks, suggested by a collective view of the whole.
The injuries and dangers resulting to the commerce of the U. States, from the cause and increase of these belligerent measures, and from similar ones adopted by other nations, were such as first to induce the more circumspect of our merchants and ship owners, no longer to commit their property to the high seas, and at length to impose on Congress the indispensable duty of imposing some legislative provisions, for such an unexampled state of things.
Among other expedients out of which a choice was to be made, may be reckoned:
1st. A protection of commerce by armed ships of war.
2d. A protection of it by self-armed vessels.
3d. A war of offence as well as of defence.
4th. A general suspension of foreign commerce.
5th. An embargo on all our vessels, fishermen and merchandise.
This last was adopted, and the policy of it was enforced, at the particular moment, by the account quickly after confirmed, of the British orders of Nov. and by the probability that these would be followed, as has also happened, by invigorated spirit of retaliation, in other belligerent powers. The happy effect of the precaution is demonstrated by the well known fact, that the ports of Europe are crowded with captured vessels of the U. States, unfortunately not within the reach of the precaution.
With respect to a protection of our commerce by our ships of war, it must be obviously impracticable, in any material degree, without a lapse of time, and an expence which amounts to a prohibition of that resort, besides that it would necessarily involve hostile collisions with one or more of the belligerent powers.
Self armed merchantmen would have the same tendency, at the time, that they would be utterly inadequate to a security against the multiplied fleets and cruisers to be encountered.
An entire suspension of foreign commerce as the resort in the first instance, would evidently have produced some inconveniences, not incident to the embargo, as it was modified. But the committee do not suppress their opinion, that after a reasonable time, it may not improperly take the place of the embargo; in case of a protracted adherence of the belligerent powers, to their destructive proceedings against our neutral commerce.
With respect to a resort to war, as a remedy for the evils experienced, the committee will offer no other reflection, than that it is in itself so great an evil, that the U. States have wisely considered peace and honest neutrality, as the best foundation of their general policy. It is not for the committee to say under what degree of aggravated injuries, and sufferings, a departure from this policy may become a duty; and the most pacific nation finds itself compelled to exchange for the calamities of war, the greater distresses of longer forbearance.
In the present state of things, the committee cannot recommend any departure from that policy which withholds our commercial and agricultural property, from the licenced depredations of the great maritime belligerent powers. They hope that an adherence to this policy will eventually secure to us the blessings of peace without any sacrifice of our national rights; and they have no doubt that it will be supported by all the many virtue, which the good people of the U. States have ever discovered, on great and patriotic occasions. But the committee would suggest, on this subject, that better councils in the belligerent governments, producing a juster conduct towards neutral nations, would render the continuance of the embargo unnecessary and that it will be a prudent measure to vest
in the executive a power, in such an event, to suspend until the next session of Congress, wholly, or in part, the several acts prohibiting the departure of our vessels for foreign ports.
Although the committee have abstained from entering into particular comparison, of the proceedings of the French and British governments, towards the U. States; they cannot reconcile with their duty, or with the just sensibility of the nation, not to advert to the tenor and language of the late communications, made by the respective organs of those governments.
In the letter of Mr. Champagny, the U. S. are not only threatened with confiscation, as the final destiny of American property, seized under French decrees, unless disposition shall be manifested by them against G. Britain, satisfactory to France, but they are even declared, without reserve of any sort, to be actually in a state of war with G. Britain.
In the letter of Mr. Erskine, to the Secretary of state, the U. States are explicitly charged with justly subjecting their commerce to confiscations under the British orders, by not opposing an effectual resistance against the decrees of France; in other words, by not making war against that nation, in case no other interposition should be effectual.
There are in this exposition of the British orders, certain features, which claim particular attention; among the regulations of which they consist, it is provided, that the commerce of the U. States, bound from their own ports to its legal and ordinary markets, shall pass through British ports, shall there in all cases, take their clearances from British officers, shall, in some cases, obtain special licences, and in others, pay a direct and advanced tax; thus, putting the U. S. on a commercial footing, even worse than was allowed to British colonies—which were left free to carry their exports directly to foreign markets, in cases where an intermediate voyage to the parent country, would be too oppressive. In the present case, not a single article is permitted to be sent from the U. S. to the most southern parts of Europe, without a previous voyage to G. Britain, and in some instances, not without purchasing even that privilege, without paying a tribute to the British treasury.
The committee have taken into consideration the documents relating to the attack on the frigate Chesapeake; but they have not deemed it their duty, in the actual posture of that subject, to make any other remark, than that it strengthens the motives for persevering in all the provisional and precautionary measures hitherto contemplated.
The committee finally beg leave to submit the following resolutions:
Resolved, That committee do bring in a bill, authorizing the President of the U. S. in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the U. States sufficiently safe in his judgment, to suspend the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and the several acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions, and restrictions as the public interest and circumstances of the case may require: Provided, such suspension shall not extend beyond days after the commencement of the next session of Congress.
Resolved, That the committee do bring in a bill, authorizing the President of the U. S. to suspend the operation of the several acts prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, if in his judgment the public good should require it: Provided, That such suspension shall not extend beyond days after the commencement of the next session of Congress.
Resolved, That the committee be instructed to report a bill, prohibiting after the day of all commercial intercourse with such of the belligerent nations, whose edicts against the neutral commerce of the U. S. may render such prohibition expedient.
Resolved, That the committee be further instructed to report a bill, expatriating all citizens of the U. S. commanding ships or vessels of the U. S. who shall be convicted of voluntarily accepting any license, or paying any tax, in conformity to the British orders of council, of the 11th of November last.
Resolved, That the committee be further instructed to report a bill, imposing on the navigation and commerce of foreign nations, restrictions corresponding with the restrictions, imposed by them respectively, on the commerce and navigation of the U. States.
A RUNAWAY. COMMITTED to my custody, a negro man, called LENN, who says he belongs to Ralph Bowman, of Charles County—he appears to be about 22 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, slender made, his cloathing is very indistinct—the owner is desired to take him away, or he will be sold for his expenses agreeable to law. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery County, Md. April 29—3t.
TO RENT, A possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to MR. THOMAS HERTY, Sec. to said Company. April 29—1f.
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Tra- falgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Jumper, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk molekins do. Tolinetts, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Beaver skins, halfhicks, Rose and dufl blank ts, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, C. shoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambic and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelfese dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & net sleeves,
Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Bock muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tickling, &c. Osanburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c.
ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small box s, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
I AM desirous of Renting the WHARF and WARE HOUSE, lately occupied by Mr. Griffith Coombe. The wharf is advantageously situated for the reception and sale of Lumber, and the Warehouse well calculated for storage of flour, or any kind of country produce, as well as West India produce. The terms will be reasonable and immediate possession given. Vessels drawing 13 feet water can come to the wharf. ROBERT BRENT. April 18—Sw
PORT WINE, Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice LIQUORS of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25—
AMERICAN MILITARY LIBRARY. Just received and for sale at R. C. WRIGHTMAN'S book store, Pennsylvania Avenue, NOS. 5 and 6 Military Library, Medical Reports on the effects of water, cold and warm, as a remedy in fever and other diseases by James Currie, M. D. F. R. S. Darwin's Botanic Garden, Life of Dr. Blair, Wild Irish Girl, Memoirs of Samuel Foote, Fife's Anatomy, Ivory and Bone Chessmen, Ornamented leather Backgammon and Chessboard. Winter in London, 2 vols. a new novel just published. May 2, 1808.
TO BE LET, After the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylvania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day.—For terms enquire at Robert Underwood's, directly opposite. April 27—epif
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
ROSS AND GATTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cu and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
BURAS AND BELL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
40 DOLLARS REWARD, FOR apprehending and bringing home, or the one half for securing in jail so that we get them again, OLIVER & DAVID who runaway from the subscriber living in Madison county, Virginia, on the 17th of Feb. last, Oliver, a middling stout made fellow, near 6 feet high, about 46 years old, some few grey hairs to be seen about his temples, a little yellow complexioned. David, a large stout made fellow, about 6 feet high, 26 years old, thick lips and full face, and has a brand with the letter G on his right cheek, it looks dim, hardly discoverable without close inspection; dark complexioned. Said negroes runaway last summer, and was apprehended. One was committed to Fairfax jail, and the other was committed to Dumfries jail, and do expect they have gone that way again, aiming for Maryland, so I may have provided themselves with a pass and attempt to pass as free people. We do hereby forewarn all masters of vessels and others from taking on board the vessels the said negroes or secreting them any other way under the strictest penalties of the law. THOS. GRAVES, Jun. THEOPHILUS EDDINS. April 25—4w
VENDUE. Will be sold at public vendue, on Thursday the 12th of May next, at the dwelling house of the late John Beckley, Esq. all the personal property of the deceased, consisting of BEDS, Bedsteads and Furniture, Window Curtains, Tables, Chairs, Sideboard, &c. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock, and will be continued until the whole is sold. For all sums under 20 dollars cash will be required, and for all above that sum a credit will be given of 90 days—the purchasers giving bonds or notes with satisfactory security. MARIA BECKLEY, } Extra. MARY PRINCE, } April 27—pt12M.
CHARLES H. VANDER MERCHER TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spenecks and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent panted suspenders for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. THE Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N. B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf