The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-04-09 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLVIII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 9, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
A LIST OF LETTERS, Remaining in the Post Office at Wash- ington city, on the 1st day of April 1806.
A.—Jonathan Arnold, William Abbott 2, Peter Allen, Thomas G. Addison, E. Avery, Anthony Addison, Lieut. George Armistead, Mr. Anderson, John Armstrong, Jacob W. Albright 4, Thomas Arnold 3.
B.—Mrs. S. Bacon, captain Benjamin Briggs 2, Richard Butler 2, lieutenant Charles A. Budd, rev'd Stephen Bowale, William Burnam, Phillis Burr, Theodore Burr, Frederick Betz, Samuel Brooke, Alexander Brent, rev'd John Breckenridge, doctor Edward Briscoe, William Bambridge, William Ballard, James Barry carpenter, John Bowin, William Brent, Eleanor M. Brown, James M. Bradford, Wilson Brown, George Budd, David Bassart, mr. Brown 2, captain Robert Bailey 3, Johnson Blakely, Benjamin Brown, William Barton, esq. Ignatius Boone of Nichs, Mrs. Rebecca Bickley.
C.—William Cowan, John Coyal, Lieut. Eli B. Chaison, Doreas Chrous, Smith Craven, George Chism 3, Thomas Canfield, James Chamberlain, Louis Chaudhuri, William Coffee, esq. John H. Carr, esq. George Carroll, Mary A. Caton, Robert Coane 4, Enoch Campbell, David J. Cox, dr. Peter Custis, Joseph Cuvera, esq. captain Hugh Geo. Campbell, Thomas Clark, Archibald Cheshire 4, John Clark, gen. Henry Carberry, Joseph Cobb, John S. Crawford, Adam Cuzan, George Cozens.
D.—Captain Decatur, Aaron Dayton, William Dolley, William Dunlap, Plu-mard Denieus, miss Sally Davis, David Duncan, esq. Lewis De Mun, captain John H. Dent, John Darby, Silas Dinsmoor 4, miss Darr, Joseph Duncastle, Jeremiah Donovan, Joseph Duly, William Diltan, Gustavus Douglass 2, Matthew Davis, Robert Deverson, miss Catherine Derrer, mr. Deter, captain Thomas Dulton, mr. Deyleson.
E.—Rufus Easton, esq. 3, St. Clair Elliott, John H. Elton 2, Jesse D. Elliott, Edward Evans, Elizabeth Evans, Francis Eppes.
F.—Thomas Freeman, messrs. D. Floyd and William Gaumbers, esqs. Henry Fisher, Robert Fell, Isaac Foster 2, captain John Francis, Elizabeth Flanagan, Mrs. Charlotte Fitzhugh 2, Richard Farrell.
G.—Lewis H. Guerin, esq. 14, William Gant, Jacob Gibson, esq. William Green 4, Johanna Gallaspy, Catharine Gardiner, Hezzy Gatton, Robert H. Goldsborough, James Gardner, Joseph Gray.
H.—Mr. John Heath 3, captain Halsey, Nathaniel H. Heath, Robert Howison, miss Susannah Hutchins, care of Richard Cutts, esq. midshipman Wm. T. Hill 2, doctor J. L. Henry 3, Thomas Haughey, Elizabeth Hughes 2, John Henricks, Mary Horner, doctor Eliza Harrison.
I.—Catharine Jauvier, mr. C. Johnson, mr. Thomas Jenkins, Kinsey Johns 2, William Henry Jackson 2, hon. judge Johnson, Charles Jouett, Susan Johnson, William Jones, care of Thomas Hutchinson, Samuel Johnson, John Louis 2.
K.—James Kenan, Jacob Kleiber, mr. Kusick, John Kale, Richard King, Edward P. Kennedy 2, George Kennedy.
L.—Captain Meriwether Lewis, Lieut. John Livingston, John Lincoln 2, Abraham B. Lindsly 2, Morris Lewis, miss Sarah Lowmox, Law and Bruce 2, John Lowery, Isaac Lewis, Alexander Laws 3, Andrew Leddy, Jeremiah Love, B. H. Latrobe, esq.
M.—Mrs. Jane Murray, colonel John Mercer 2, Mrs. Hannah Maxwell, John Ripley Madison, Lieut. George Morrill, captain John McClellan 2, Obadiah Maurice, John N. Maus 2, William Morton, esq. 3, captain Len. Mackall, William S. Moore, Elizabeth R. Morris, Bristol Mayo, William Mattox, Washington Morton, esq. 2, colonel Return J. Meigs 3, Malcolm McGee, Franklin Metcalf, Eliakim Morse 3, Jacob Miller, Moses Mershon, John Moore, captain Alexander Murray 3, John Maysey, John Mackey, William Minchin, Francis Marion, jun. general Francisco de Miranda.
N.—Benjamin Naylor, Jeremiah Nelson, John Nelson, John M. Noyes, Mrs. Frances W. Nance, doctor Joseph W. New, Rebecca Nalley, Peter Norbury, John M. Nally.
O.—Major Ogden, Nathaniel Ownes, Samuel Overton.
P.—Gaiett Penderghast, William Prentis, Mr. Potts, Mr. Pitman, lieutenant Daniel N. Patterson, Joseph Persons, lieutenant R. Pinckney 2, John Pringle, Ralph Potts, Robert Paterson, Miss Ann Fryse, William Pitman, Edward Preble, 2, James Peabody, Norman Pringle, Miss Polly Perry, Mrs. Price, Q.—Henry Quinley, esq. 2.
R.—James R. Rodgers, Madame La Plante de la Rochellecault, Joseph Reilly, George H. Rodgers, Mr. Terrien de Riviere, Miss Ridenhouse, Charles D. Ross, esq. Lewis F. Rush.
S.—Captain Amos Stoddart, John Saunders, esq. Jonathan Shoemaker, 2, doctor Simon Smith, William S. Shaw, Gilbert Stewart, captain James Somerville, Miss Eliza Swaine, John Smith, esq. 2, Mrs. Merier Smith, George Stanley, 2, William Scott, William
Sprague, 2, captain John Shaw, Michael Sheely, 2, Walter B. Smallwood, Rags Sands, Samuel Shuter, William Spelman, Eliza Shorter, George Singleton, John B. Scott, colonel commandant, 10, John Strode, esq. 3, Enoch Silsby, 2, Samuel Shaw, Hugh Steel.
T.—Charles Tomkins, 3, Charles Tuckett, esq. John Lloyd Tilghman, John Tulk, Richard Teril, Miss E. Thomas, William Tilghman.
V.—Joseph Varden, Lewis Valli, 2, colonel James Van, John Vernon, Martin Volch.
W.—Joseph I. Wood, esq. Thomas Watson, Timothy Wynn, Molly Wright, Thomas Walbert, John Winthrop, esq. Walter Winton, esq. Francis White, Henry R. Warfield, James Wallis, Henry Waddell, George S. Washington, captain Richard Whitley, 2, Francis Wayne, Isaac Williams, captain Thomas Wiley.
Y.—John Yerby.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, MARCH 1.
DEBATE ON MR. GREGG'S RESOLUTION.
[CONTINUED.]
MR. D. R. WILLIAMS.—Mr. Chairman, I feel the necessity of apologising to the committee for that portion of their time which I shall occupy; not presuming to offer reasons to others why this resolution should not be adopted, I beg their indulgence, while I do that which presents itself at the time as a duty, to declare what are my reasons for voting against it; the deep stake my constituents hold in the measure is my apology.
Such is the magnitude of the subject under discussion, spreading itself over a prodigious extent, running to the heart of some of our most valuable institutions, subverting unmeasurably the plighted faith of the government and overturning the foundations of a considerable portion of our revenue, that I feel myself inadequate to trace its influence over even a ramification of that vast interest it lays hold of, much less, do I pretend to a view of the whole ground; but, imperfect as that comprehension is, it takes in much more than sufficient to fill me with fear and trembling for its consequences.
We have heard during the present, and the three last days discussion, a great deal said about the spirit of the nation, and that it demands energetic measures. Sir, I ask the gentlemen who urge this as an argument, if there had been as much pains taken, to apprise the nation of its true position with Great Britain as there has been to alarm it, whether its anxiety would not have been, at least by this time, quieted? If gentlemen, standing in such a responsible situation to their constituents, as they do upon this floor, had, instead of urging war measures, spoke out the plain language of truth, that at the date of Mr. Monroe's 1st. despatches, Lord Mulgrave had acceded to his request, to enter upon an examination of the dispute between the two governments, whether they would now venture to represent the spirit of the nation as excited in every part of the continent? I presume not. But whence do they learn that this spirit is so excited? It is true we have received spirited resolutions from two towns in Virginia, and a few well written memorials from a few merchants at a few of the seaport towns, refusing the British doctrine; but what else do they say? At Baltimore they believe "redress for the past may be found in amicable explanations." From Philadelphia, you are called upon for a naval force on the West India station; for what? to defend their trade to St. Domingo I suppose; for that appears to be the pith of the memorial. The merchants of New York pledge themselves to support "all measures adopted," as serving to themselves the right to judge, not such measures as may be adopted by Congress. From Boston "a special mission" is recommended. The inhabitants of the town of Salem tell you "they wish to take no part in the contests, which now convulse the world." Where else, than from these documents do gentlemen find the spirit of the nation? Certainly not from the cabinet, not from the executive; for if it were good authority, to talk about what we hear out of this House, they have no such wishes. Is it fair then to force the passage of this resolution, by attributing that to the nation, which perhaps it does not feel, which it certainly would not, if it were fully apprized of its situation abroad, and which the memorials on your table do not speak. Does the resolution provide for "amicable explanations," for a "special mission," for a squadron on the West India station? No such thing, sir.
In arguing this subject it is material to ascertain what is the true cause of our present dispute with Great Britain and to what extent it goes. I say cause of dispute, because it strikes me that, had not the present difficulty arisen,
her insults offered in the impressment of our seamen, were in train for amicable adjustment, and will be arranged when the present uneasiness shall be quieted. It cannot be unknown to gentlemen that an investigation of that subject was nearly completed, and in fact would have been, but for the hasty departure of our then minister, from the court of St. James.
It is taken for granted, that the present aggravations originated in her attempts to cramp, say destroy, if gentlemen like it better, our carrying trade. This is the grand pivot on which, the whole machinery of national honor and dignity, and wrongs, and insults, are made to turn. Yes, sir, this carrying trade which Spain and Portugal once shared, but could not retain, which Holland attempted to monopolize, which Van Trump and De Ruyter fought for, but which she, was obliged to relinquish; this carrying trade is the bone of contention for which, the sweat, the blood, the lives and fortunes of the American people are to be lavished in maintaining: and what is this carrying trade? Is it any thing different from a partial right which, but a very small part of the community can enjoy, which but a small portion of that part do improve? Is it not a right which is still problematical, whether the exercise is of real national utility? There are many who believe it has been of no solid advantage to G. Britain herself, notwithstanding she has possessed a much greater share of it than any other nation. Certainly it has been the cause of several long and ruinous wars to her, and if we look back a little upon our own experience, we shall see it has been the germ from which has sprung all our difficulties with that government since the commencement of a political hurricane, the French revolution. Since that period our commerce has become a rival of increasing strength, with that of G. Britain, and finding it to grow in this branch above competition, to the exclusion of hers, she has commenced a system to counteract it, and has commenced it, I have no hesitation in saying mildly, to what it will progress, if we drive her to it. Gentlemen are surely not unmindful of the untamable pride of that ministry; they cannot forget that it is formed of men who, never do acts of aggression by halves, and who feel no other restraints than those of power: national rights, injuries and insults, are not graduated on the scale of their policy. The only enquiries with them are, can we gain by the war? Is this the time to strike the first blow with the most effect? I need not give an instance of this fact; if G. Britain ever had waited for a just cause of war, that is when she wished for it, we might console ourselves with our safety in agreeing to this resolution; but it is well known that she never did, and in my opinion, with her present minister, she never will. Do gentlemen then wish for war? How is it possible they can believe, this measure will not produce it? Sir, I would rather vote for war, than for the resolution, and indisputably it would be the better of the two evils; because under the operation of the resolution G. Britain can amuse you with negotiation, till she had completed her precautionary measures, and would then break it off, or what is worse, commence the war first, and make that the denouement to your peace commissioners; whereas the reverse would be the effect under a prompt declaration of war; here we should strike the first blow; she holds upwards of 20,000,000 dollars of your public debt; her merchants and capitalists, notwithstanding the declaration to the contrary, by the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Jos. Clay) I believe, have additional enormous sums in this country; if you suffer these to slip through your fingers, you may as well whistle, as attempt to make an impression upon her afterward. I know, sir, the treaty of 1794 bars this measure; but this committee are not now to learn that G. Britain herself has given frequent proofs that the parchments of peace have no influence over the deeds of war; the order of the day would be to do each other the most harm, and we certainly should not be so squeamish, as to be restricted by the provisions of a treaty which never ought to have been made, from inflicting the worst punishment upon our enemy. But, sir, neither of these measures need be resorted to. If gentlemen will only delay the decision, and they appear very much disposed to do so, just time enough for fair discussion, they will see that this resolution goes to the destruction of the great mass of the community, to the entire sacrifice of the whole of the agricultural interest, to the probable advantages of a small portion of the commercial world. There cannot be a clearer position than this; the whole of the agricultural will be sacrificed to a part of the mercantile interest. A trade which must be supported by such means is not worth preserving; it is in no way reciprocal, and never can be carried on to the advantage of the whole nation, while its circumstances are so desperate, as to involve the peace and happiness of the country.
It is fair to draw a comparison between this favorite branch of commerce, to support which, the whole energies of the nation are to be held in requisition, and the other branches. What does it yield to the revenue? The secretary of the treasury, eagle-eyed as he is, has searched the whole record through to the last page, and has not been able to discover more than $50,000 dollars per annum. Are gentlemen prepared thus to relinquish the sources, to cut up by the roots, the supplies to government of at least 6,212,000 dollars; I take this to be the amount of revenue collected from the imports this resolution will prohibit; I ask are gentlemen willing to relinquish 6,212,000 dollars, to preserve $50,000? To say nothing about the immense disadvantage the causes of such conduct should be most cogent and necessitous. Are there any such causes? To men whose minds are inflated with those high notions of honor and dignity, which have been the burthen of every war speech to the British parliament, and to maintain which, poor John Bull has waded up to his eyes in national debt and national misery, there may be such causes: but to men of plain understanding, who measure the quantum of national honor and dignity abroad, by the degree of national happiness and virtue at home; and who understanding nothing more or less by these terms, than blood and taxes on the people, there have been no such causes offered. Sir, I will never vote to plunge this nation into a war. I believe this resolution to be nothing short of it, to preserve the foreign, partial, privileges and advantages of any set of men, or the separate interest or any description of the community whatever. By war we can gain nothing, we have every thing to lose; many years should roll over us before we admit more than one cause of war, when negotiation has been exhausted. There is a line round this country which when trespassed on, should burst the faculties of every man's soul into hatred; should kindle all the fiery particles of his system into a flame of vengeance and redress; it is upon such an occasion, when the whole mass, when the people are invaded, we should think of war, not when a few merchants find themselves hampered by foreign commercial regulations: there are other remedies for this disease; war is worse than the disease itself. I spurn the thought of relinquishing any one right of our fellow-citizens, I only wish to show that this is not the measure best calculated for the present injuries. And am I therefore an enemy of the merchants? A hatred of war measures does not involve the idea; but I freely declare I am not; there are many among them whom I respect, some I love; and when such permanent commercial regulations shall be proposed, which shall secure to the merchant his rights and privileges, without endangering the peace of the nation, I will then prove as friendly to his interest, as I possibly can be, on any other occasion, to any separate interest whatever.
Sir, I am opposed to this resolution, because when you have deprived the government of the revenue which is derived from the importations contemplated to prohibit, I know not how the deficiency is to be made good. Gentlemen have digested this subject, perhaps they do. I shall be glad to hear from what source they will secure to the nation, the permanent appropriation of 8,000,000 dollars for the redemption of the public debt; how will they effect the disbursements of the civil and the pension lists? How pay the army? How support the navy? A very important item, sir. That navy upon which has been, and I am sorry to say, still are squandered, such enormous sums of money, that even the secretary himself cannot tell what it will cost to repair a single frigate. That navy, for the support of which, the expenditures for the last year exceeded the estimates, by at least sixty percent. That curious navy, indeed, which costs less to keep the whole in actual service than a part; for such is made to appear by the report of estimates and details of expenditures on the table.
When the advocates of the resolution have done this, when they have provided for the ordinary, I shall be glad to hear from them on the extraordinary expenses of government. One party are determined to fortify New York, where immense sums have been already expended; New Port must not be forgotten, for there too has been a scene of prodigious folly and extravagance; Baltimore is not safe; Norfolk is exposed; Charleston is in danger. I have a letter in my pocket from the Governor of South Carolina, which states, that there is mounted upon the ruined fortifications of Charleston, but one gun, and that is a four pounder, on a crazy carriage. At one time you hear that your ports & harbours must be fortified, at another, with all the solemnity of a death warning, your navy must be augmented; in the name of God where is all the money to come from! Is that single solitary million about which so much has been said, to do all this? I believe, and I trust there will be a ma-
jority with me, that neither of these measures are necessary, if you will pursue a line of conduct, just to yourselves, prudent and moderate to others. I would rather ask, why are all these extravagancies to be blundered into? Are gentlemen determined on war? If so, let them speak manly and outright, and then we shall understand each other; but I suspect not, considering the quarter the resolution came from. Why then all this rashness, all this eagerness to rush into the mischiefs which hastened the ruin of the former administration, and into war measures, when peace is as desirable now, as it ever was, and is as easily maintained? The nation is prosperous and happy; to a degree of prosperity and happiness, the annals of the whole world bear no analogy. Is it prudent, is it wise, is it expedient to tear up the foundations of all this prosperity and happiness, when they are not even threatened by the rough, the unhallowed hand of war? God forbid!
Take the British rule, enforced literally, in its greatest latitude, it does not effect the exportations of your own products in the least, nor your imports for domestic consumption, or the exportation of the surplus of that trade, except as to the regulations of reshipment. Those branches of commerce remain as free and as unshackled as formerly. What is the comparative importance of the carrying trade with these? Their interests run parallel with the other great interests of the community, and are so intimately connected, the vibration of a stroke on one, is sensibly felt by all the rest; but, this other branch, this carrying trade, carries no principle of reciprocation with it; but is entirely confined to the few merchants, who embark in it. In what degree are the general interests of the nation affected, by the right which that honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Crowninshield) has, of lading his ship at Batavia with cotton, and carrying it round to Canton upon freight? So far as it yields him a profit I rejoice, and wish to maintain the right for him, but certainly not at the expense of the lives and fortunes of the whole people, especially when they are no sharers with him.
We have witnessed, and sorely felt the injustice and deliberate robbery of Great Britain on a former occasion, to a tenfold greater degree of importance than the present; yet, she retracted her errors and made us amicable adjustment of the injuries. Shall we take the same important stand now, upon a less important occasion, than we did then? I hope not, sir. At any rate, let us go to this work with clean hands; before we attempt to coerce Great Britain into justice, we should set her an example of it. Is there any gentleman in this House prepared to say our merchants have not given some cause of aggression? Have they never been detected covering enemies property? Is it reasonable to believe, there is active American capital enough to carry on the trade of France, Spain, Holland, and our own besides? I presume not, sir. We should look well to our own acts, before we commence war upon another nation for its injustice towards us.
I cannot vote for this resolution. I believe it calculated to produce greater injuries than are now complained of, and not redress for those already committed. I should abuse the indulgence of the committee, to show that Great Britain would go to war with you, rather than remain at peace under the operation of a law bottomed on this resolution; there is no proposition clearer to my mind. It would be equally a loss of time to prove, that peace is the true interest of this country; the whole nation test it; will you outrage that general sentiment, by adopting the very measure least calculated to procure a change of her injustice?
The influence of this resolution, if agreed to, will be incalculable; thousands of innocent persons must inevitably fall sacrifices to its enormous pressure; it will throw convulsions over the whole body politic; it is to avoid these convulsions, to spare the spasm necessarily resulting therefrom, to every neighbourhood in the United States, that I vote against it.
What will be its operation on the banking interest? Sir, if it could annihilate the whole system, if it could erase every fragment of its massy walls, without tearing down others, I would rejoice, for I believe the very system to be a national curse, erecting the most potent political engine against the freedom of our institutions that can be devised; but this is impossible, the mercantile world is so enveloped in bank influence, that they feel a run on the banks, as they would a shock of electricity. There are established, within the United States, not less than eighty banks, which keep afloat certainly at least fifty millions of paper dollars; will gentlemen venture on a line of policy which, shall promptly stop, such an immense circulating representative of specie, without previous notice? In disputably the merchant would be the first victim; but the destruction would

and stop with him, nor can any gentle- man say where it would stop; for mer- chants and manufacturers, who have their business set up in rows for their advertisement, knock one down and they all go; when a merchant fails, all within the vortex of his endorsements and his interest fall with him.
I mean not to be presumptuous, it is with great diffidence I ask, what would be the effect of a course of conduct somewhat like this? Let the Congress of the United States declare, in a man- ly and dignified manner, what are the rights of the citizens of this country, which they are determined to maintain; let the President of the United States be requested to open a new negotiation with the court of St. James, and in ad- dition to such representations as he shall think proper to make, to lay this decla- ration before that court, together with such commercial regulations as may be adopted. The commercial, the manu- facturing interest of that country, under- stand so thoroughly their connection with this, it is reasonable to believe, their influence, which is admitted to be very great with the ministry, will induce it to break back those steps of aversion and unprovoked injuries they have made upon our fellow-citizens and to which their own sense of justice may not otherwise lead them.
I cannot refrain from calling the attention of the committee to an act which passed the last session of Con- gress, at the special instance of that particular description of merchants, who are now loudest in their complaints. It is dated 22d February, 1805. The second section reads thus: "That it shall be lawful for any ship or vessel to proceed with any goods, wares or merchandise, brought in her, and which shall in the manifest delivered to the collector of the customs, be report- ed as destined or intended for any for- eign port or place, from the district within which such ship or vessel shall first arrive to such foreign port or place, without paying or securing the payment of any duties upon such goods, wares or merchandise, as shall be ac- tually re-exported in the said ship or vessel," &c. From this act may be fairly dated the British doctrine. Not content with the then facilities of their carrying trade, with which they were growing wealthy, they grew covetous of the small duty they paid to government, for the neutral character it gave their carries; they were unwilling that the poor day laborer, who unloaded and re- loaded his vessel, should partake of the blessings of this trade, they grasped at that instance too. Is it to be expected, sir, that we shall thus extend this branch of commerce, with which we are always clashing with Great Britain, and she will sit still an idle spectator? Here then the merchants, understand me, the carrying merchants, and their friends, have dashed up their own in- juries; for one, I am determined not to work on their salvation, at the ex- pense of every thing dear to the nation.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.
SATURDAY, APRIL 5.
Debate on the motion of Mr. J. RANDOLPH to amend the Secret Journal by inserting in it the message of the President of the 6th of Decem- ber.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I rise to ex- ecute the purpose which I intimated yesterday. On the first page of this journal [holding in his hand the journal of the secret proceedings of the House] I find it stated that the Speaker laid before the House a letter and commu- nication from the President of the U. S. which were read, that they were refer- red to a select committee, and I find that then follows the report of that committee without any notice of the message of the President on which it was grounded. This I take to be a de- parture from the regular system of keeping the journal; because I per- ceive in other parts of it messages, tho' of a private nature, accompanying o- ther communications, inserted. I deem it not less important to the character of those who compose the select com- mittee, of which I had the honor to be one, than to the character of the go- vernment of the U. S. that a full and fair view should be given to the public of the conduct of the government on the one hand, and of the legislature on the other. I beg pardon for using the phrase government, by government I mean the executive department. I shall feel it incumbent on me, in order to impress on the House, the sense I entertain of the importance of this motion, to enter into some little history of the transactions which have taken place with closed doors, in which, tho' I may not undertake to say what the message of the President contains, I shall feel myself at liberty, according to the course pursued here, to say what it does not contain.
It is true that on the 6th of Decem- ber that message was referred to a se- lect committee. That committee met, and one of the members, a gentleman from Massachusetts, whom I do not now see in his place, as soon as the commit- tee met proposed that they should re- commend to the House the making an appropriation of money to enable the executive to negotiate abroad. I un- derstood, though it may not have been so expressed, that the object was the purchase of the Floridas. There was a great variety of sentiment in the com- mittee, and other gentlemen of the com- mittee, of whom I was one, objected, that in the confidential message of the President, there was not a syllable ab- out the purchase of the Floridas, or an appropriation of money for foreign ne- gotiation, that there was not a word in it to induce us to believe that Spain was willing to make the sale or to come to
an amicable adjustment of differences with us; but that on the contrary, a di- rect and opposite inference could only be drawn from its contents.
On coming to town, and conversing with gentlemen of this House, I was apprized of the existence of a project for the purchase of the Floridas from Spain; and I was prepared to have con- sidered any expressions in the execu- tive message as having this meaning, which could at all warrant it. There was such a difference of opinion in the committee that they came to no direct conclusion. Circumstances of an im- perious nature called me to Baltimore; where I staid, I think, six days. On my return on Saturday, I found, from the information of a gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) that there had been considerable excitement in consequence of the committee not re- porting. Without even changing my clothes or going to my lodgings, I im- mediately met the committee, and it was agreed to write to the secretary of war, and learn from him the number of troops necessary to protect the south- ern frontier from Spanish inroad and insults. But altho' in the public mes- sage of the President at the opening of the session, we heard much of Spanish outrages and insults, and though the private message held a language in con- sonance with the public, I found a back- wardness in the head of the war de- partment, and generally of the execu- tive government on taking a decided at- titude as to Spain; and I found what was worse, before I left town to go to Baltimore, from a conversation with what has been considered the head of the first executive department under the government, that France was the great obstacle to the compromise of Spanish differences; that France would not permit Spain to come to any ac- commodation with us, because France wanted money, and that we must give her money. From the moment I heard that declaration, all the objections I or- iginally had to the procedure were ag- gravated to the highest possible degree. I considered it a base prostration of the national character, to excite one nation by money to bully another nation out of its property, and from that moment, & to the last moment of my life my confidence in the principles of the man entertain- ing those sentiments died, never to live again. Well, sir, during my absence in Baltimore, the dispatches contained in the message of the 17th of January arrived. This I shall have occasion to mention again. The House began to act on the subject of our foreign rela- tions. Gentlemen who in select com- mittee had declared they considered the executive message as a requisition to buy the Floridas, though there was not a word in it about the Floridas or about money, took a different ground in the House. They said that though the executive did not recommend to Con- gress to purchase the country, yet that they were adequate to give the busi- ness this direction; that if they chose, they were at liberty to do it. But un- fortunately for this new doctrine, and the previous one broached, and unfortu- nately for the whole system, gentlemen stepped forward to enforce, one gen- tleman asserted that he was ready in his own person to vouch that the course in question was in consonance with the secret wishes of the executive; and this is one of those reasons which calls most imperiously for the motion which I am about to make. What was after- wards done the House will perceive. I pass over the motion made to restrict the purchase to the country not in dis- pute with Spain, and to exclude from that purchase the country in dispute, thereby testing the principle, whether we were actually buying land or peace. In spite of every obstacle, of all oppo- sition, and the contradictory votes given, the bill was sent to the Senate, and on the next day, the 17th of January, after the business was out of our posses- sion, we received dispatches from our minister at London, which had arrived before Christmas. It will be recol- lected that it was attempted to be insin- uated by individual members, that in- asmuch as we received the original pa- per and not a copy, the dispatches had just arrived, and there had not been time for transcribing them. But in re- turning from the House, I was so well convinced to the contrary, for I had myself received letters from London of a contemporaneous date, that I made enquiry of the secretary of state, and was told that they had been received the week before Christmas, at the same time with my letters.
While I am up, I will undertake to rectify a trivial inaccuracy (for I wish every thing which I state on this floor to be literally exact) which on some former occasion escaped me. I said that the existence of these dispatches was unknown to a high cabinet minis- ter; although it is certain that I so understood, it is no less so that I was mistaken. But though their existence was not unknown, yet their contents were. That minister had no reason to believe that they contained, on the contrary he had every reason to believe that they did not contain, any thing re- lative to our differences with Spain; and as to their being sent to the House, he knew nothing of it until after they had been received. They were no spon- er opened here, than they excited an instantaneous sensation, and produced a declaration that the course we had taken was wrong; they produced also an im- pression that it would be in vain on the subject of our differences with England to assume a manly attitude towards her, if we became the panders and caterers of the lustful appetite of France.
The question is now reduced to this point—whether the public shall read the secret journal without understanding one word about it, or shall read it intel- ligibly. For it is impossible to decide
how far the report of the select commit- tee is consistent with the message of the President, unless that message is also published. A difficulty may be raised, by saying this is a confidential message. But this is got over by the publicity given to the proceedings on it. It was con- fidential, because the proceedings on it were so. For instance—let us suppose that the U. S. were preparing for some strong and decisive measure against Spain which it was politic to conceal from her till taken; but as to anything decisive in the message, no man can contend that it contains any thing of this nature. When I speak of the message, I do not allude to the communications of the minister of the U. S. with the author- ised agents of Spain. Though I see no reason why even those should not be pub- lished, as the negotiation has been en- tirely closed by the abortion in which it has terminated. I however restrict my present motion to the message.
The public, from this vague and de- sultory sketch, may acquire some prin- ciples by which to appreciate the con- duct of members in this House. They will see what members were disposed to have adopted that course which the most authentic information from Europe re- commended. They will see who were indisposed to acting through the inter- vention of any foreign power, and more especially in the shape of a bribe, and when such a course was not asked for by the Executive. They will see who were these members; and I believe there are now but few who would be willing to take the responsibility on themselves which properly belonged to another department of the government; and to do all the dirty work, which would otherwise have soiled their fin- gers. They will see and beware.
MR. J. RANDOLPH concluded by moving that the message of the Presi- dent of the 6th of December last be printed; that it be inserted in the Journal of the secret proceedings; and that a new edition of that journal should be printed for the use of the members.
MR. JACKSON. I think it highly probable that a majority of this House will be disposed to take of the injunc- tion of secrecy, not only on this docu- ment, but on all their proceedings; that the people may be enabled to judge for themselves whether the representations made from time to time are correct; but I submit whether it is correct in point of order to act in this way. What is the resolution adopted by this House? That the injunction of secrecy, relative to the proceedings, not the messages or other communications, shall be taken off. This is not the proper course to effect the object in view. I, for one, am will- ing to go into conclave, and have the injunction on the whole taken off. It is not my wish to see the eyes of the peo- ple hoodwinked any longer. It has been declared by the gentleman who has of- fered this resolution, that we have not an inch of territory beyond the Iberville. It was therefore that I considered it all important to have the Floridas, and it was therefore I voted, as Congress did in the memorable instance of the pur- chase of Louisiana. And it was the fear that taking off the injunction of se- crecy might affect the issue of this all important negotiation that induced me some time since to vote against it. But during the whole of the discussion we have had on this subject, no proof has been adduced, that the money we have appropriated is to be given to France, although the gentleman from Virginia has declared there is no Spain, no Py- renees; although he has declared that Spain is confessedly merged in France; although he has declared France would not permit Spain to settle her differences with us, and although this has been adduced as an argument to show that we can do nothing with Spain; and although the gentleman has further said that if we could see the dispatches of the Spanish minister, we should see them signed "Charles Maurice Talley- rand;" and although he has alleged that a negotiation could not be opened with a government reduced to a mere nonentity; as I did not anticipate the motion of my colleague, I cannot be ex- pected to be prepared to go into an ex- amination of the motives, as has been done by my colleague, which influenc- ed the decision of the House. This could not be done unless all the docu- ments on this subject were printed. Some gentlemen appear to me to have given an importance to a certain docu- ment which it does not merit; and it has been said it was withheld until our vote was taken for the purpose of tre- panning us. I have heard of but two gentlemen who have declared it would have affected their votes. On me it would have had a different tendency. I wish it published. I will say for one, that I think, had it been received be- fore the passage of the bill, it would have had a tendency to increase the majority, stupendous as it was, because —but I am not at liberty to say why. I hope the Speaker will decide this ques- tion not proper to be discussed with o- pen doors.
MR. J. RANDOLPH said that he had to his astonishment, found a detail- ed report on the journal, which it was not usual to enter upon it. He found also three messages, and this was the only instance in which a message was not entered upon it.
MR. LEIB asked whether it was consistent with the rules of the House to have the message now read? If it were not, he could not concur with the gentleman from Virginia in voting for the motion under consideration, though he agreed with him in the propriety of taking off the injunction of secrecy from all the papers.
MR. J. RANDOLPH asked, whe- ther, when the journal was read, the clerk had not begun to read the message, when the reading was dispensed with?
This was his recollection, and if so, it must be considered as a part of the jour- nal, respecting which the injunction of secrecy had been taken off.
The Clerk said this was the fact. MR. LEIB then said, before he de- cided on the resolution, he wished to hear the message read.
The Speaker said it would be most acceptable that the House should decide whether the reading were proper.
MR. ALSTON. I merely rise to re- mind the Speaker of the decision he gave, and of the question I put to him when the injunction of secrecy was re- moved. I well recollect the decision of the chair that the message of the Presi- dent and the letters of our minister were not embraced in the motion for taking off that injunction. And I have not a doubt on my mind that it was in conse- quence of that decision that the vote of the House was such as it was. As to the publication of the message, it is immaterial to me. I voted against giv- ing publicity to the secret journal until we had heard the result of the negotia- tion. To act confidently on this sub- ject with that vote, I am for going no farther. I believe however for the jus- tification of those who voted as I did, the publication of all the documents will be advantageous. In voting there- fore against publishing this message, I shall make a sacrifice of my feelings to the public interest. For this vote the good of the nation will be my only mo- tive. But when a negotiation is about to be opened for an object so important as the Floridas, I ask whether it is not right, I appeal to the American people whether they do not think it right to use every necessary means for ensuring its success? With regard to the appro- priation of two millions with a view to this purchase, I voted for it as a set-off to the refolution reported by the select committee. I voted for it in preference to a funding army. I would rather strengthen the arm of the executive with money than with a standing army, so fatal to liberty. And I believe a majority of the republicans in this na- tion will uphold me in this opinion. Every body knows the importance of this country. Has it not been said on this floor that there does not belong to us a foot of ground between the Mis- sissippi and the Perdido? I recollect when this country was ceded to the United States, to have had a conver- sation on this subject with a gentleman from Virginia, for whose opinion I have a high respect, and he was of opinion with me that it was very doubtful whe- ther this country was included, indeed we rather thought it was not in the treaty. Will any man say that it is not of vast importance to us to have the small territory that divides our people, and by a fair purchase remove all grounds of future quarrels. If it has entered into the minds of gentlemen to make other than a fair purchase of this country from its rightful owner, this is not my opinion, nor have I any recollection that any such motive has been avowed. A particular document has been referred to, the receipt of which I have heard one or two gentlemen say, might have altered their views on the bill passed by the House. But I was astonished to hear such a declaration. It could not have altered my opinion; it had in my mind no bearing on the measure. I have one farther observation to make. If it was doubtful whether this country belonged to us, what would have been the effect of adding one or two addi- tional regiments to your standing army? and placing them on a territory you ac- knowledge you do not believe to be rightfully yours? I would rather put down a regiment of the present standing army than add one man to it. When our rights are invaded we shall not re- quire a standing army to defend them— it will be the militia that will defend them. I am opposed to a standing army, and ever will be opposed to it. For these reasons I was in favor of strengthening the arm of the executive by an appro- priation, instead of strengthening it by a standing army.
MR. CLARK requested the Speaker to examine the secret journal, and see whether this message was in it.
The Speaker said it was, and might therefore be discussed with open doors.
MR. J. CLAY. I was astonished when I found this journal without the message. Five messages appear to have been re- ceived, all of which appear on the jour- nal, excepting this, which is the only message of any consequence. I did be- lieve when the injunction of secrecy was removed, it applied to all the pa- pers received by the House, and I did not conceive myself bound to conceal one title of what occurred while we had locked doors. I should therefore wish my friend from Virginia, so to amend his motion, as to include all the documents. I consider this essentially necessary to elucidate the transactions of this House. It seems to have been fashionable for gentlemen to declare what were their motives, for the sev- eral votes they have given during the time our doors were shut. I had but one motive, which I hope will continue to govern me as long as I have a seat in this House. My object was to be pre- pared for war while I endeavored to maintain peace. I voted for the resolu- tion for the increase of the army because every body knows, who is the least ac- quainted with the state of the south and south western frontier, that the militia in that quarter are not able to defend
it. They are indeed but a people of yesterday—aliens to your habits & lan- guage—and indeed aliens in every sense of the word. We had seen that frontier invaded by Spain—I was not willing therefore to withhold from the executive the means of chastising this aggression, I therefore voted for the resolution. I also voted for the appropriation of money, because I was willing to show Spain that while we were prepared to chastize her aggressions, we were also willing, by amicable negotiation to ad- just our differences. I therefore voted for an appropriation for the purchase of a country which I deemed highly va- luable to us. Whether the money ap- propriated was to go to France or Spain did not influence the vote I gave. I did not know then that any circumstances were concealed from the House calculat- ed to throw light upon the subject, and of the contents of the message of the 17th of January I was totally ignorant, as it was handed in the day I went to Philadelphia, and was immediately af- terwards returned to the President. I could have wished that between the 24th of December and the 17th of Ja- nuary, there had been found time to make an official copy of it, since we have heard that it would have a consi- derable bearing on the votes of the mem- bers of this House; and I should con- ceive that it would be very important as forming an item in the transactions of the session. When we came here the public expectation was highly ex- cited. We had been injured and insult- ed by Spain on land and by England at sea. The nation required the adoption of measures to procure redress, and to prevent similar aggressions in future. What have been the consequences? We have passed an act appropriating two millions to purchase the Floridas and to chastise Spain, and we have passed an act prohibiting the importa- tion of certain goods from Great Britain as a peace offering to her. It is in my opinion necessary that all the documents should be published to give the people an opportunity of judging whether their representatives have been faithful to their trust. There are parts of those documents which I suppose will not be published, which had a considerable in- fluence on my mind on the votes which I gave. I allude to the threat of hosti- lity by France.
Mr. Speaker here called to order. Mr. Clay concluded by observing that as they had published five messages which had contained nothing, he hoped they would publish the one that con- tained something.
MR. DAWSON expressed himself in favor of giving publicity to the mes- sage, which he believed could do no possible injury. So far as it went, he thought it favored both the resolutions —as well that for raising an army, as that for conducting a negotiation by the appropriation of money.
The reading of the message being called for, Mr. Speaker said he thought it was in order to read it, as it was in- serted on the private journal.
MR. BLACKLEDGE appealed from the decision of the chair.
MR. ALSTON observed that his col- league would better get at his object by taking a question on the reading of the message, and Mr. Blackledge so modi- fied his motion.
MR. SMITH said a regard to consis- tency would prevent him from voting to give publicity to the message. He could not vote for it, because he did not wish to take on himself that responsi- bility which might flow from the publici- ty defeating the negotiation. It rested with those who voted for the taking off the injunction of secrecy to take that responsibility on themselves. At the same time, however, that he must vote against it, he hoped a majority would be found in its favor, because he saw it would be necessary to publish this docu- ment, to place their conduct in a proper point of light. So far was the message of the 17th of January, which had been alluded to, from having any influence in changing his vote, that it tended strong- ly to confirm him in the propriety of it.
On the Speaker reminding Mr. Smi- th of the question before the House, he declined saying any thing further than requesting the Yeas and Nays to be ta- ken.
MR. ELMER said if he understood the decision of the Speaker, the motion of the gentleman from Virginia was altogether useless. He had understood from a former decision that the journal did not include the message; but other gentlemen appeared to have considered it in another way. He was perfectly willing that it should be published, and he did not think any ill could arise from it. For reasons already assigned by other gentlemen he had been against taking off the injunction of secrecy at this time. He should therefore vote a- gainst every question of this kind.
MR. JACKSON. Is it not compe- tent, Mr. Speaker, to any member of the House to demand an official copy of the message? You have decided it to be a part of the journal ordered to be made public, and now it is said it shall not be read, because the reading it will give it publicity. I am not now prepared to make a motion, which I shall do at some future time, unless anticipated by some other gentleman, that the President be requested to communicate to the House all the papers heretofore communicated from him, with a view to giving them publicity. I hope, however, that the message will now be read to give it pub- licity. I wish on all occasions to give publicity to my conduct, as well in con- clave, as when these doors are open. I will take this occasion to express my sense of an insinuation made the other day, in a debate on the Vazoo question, which I am told applied to me. I was charged with deserting my seat through fear of voting upon it. I will candidly confess that in the year before the last,

I declared I considered it for the interest of the country that those claims should be compromised; but that finding gentlemen in whom I had confidence of the opinion that such a measure would tend to sanction a scene of nefarious swindling, I was induced to say that I would not again vote on it; and I was the more induced to do this from the existence of certain claims called Indiana claims, which however over the head of my constituents, and in consequence of the resuscitation of which, lands have been sold at one-fourth of their value, I was willing to think that the opinion I had formed on this subject was not correct. But when at the last session, the gentleman from Virginia charged all who voted for the compromise with corruption, and threatened them with the vengeance of the people, and declared that no member from Virginia who voted for it should be re-elected, I was driven from the ground I had taken, and thus borne down by the impetuous eloquence of the gentleman, I thought it became me not to shrink from the vote I had given. The reasons on which I acted went before the people, who re-elected me by a greater majority than I had ever before received. I cannot therefore be considered as having shrunk from the vote for this reason. As an individual, I care not for the decision on these claims, but as a judge I wished to be equitable. My colleague knows I refused my vote to give leave to the gentleman from Maryland to be excused. Having given this vote, I went to the other side of the House, to ask a gentleman from North Carolina to spend a social evening with me. I will not attempt to scan the feelings of that mind that discovers unworthy feelings in every man who holds different opinions from itself. I thank God that my feelings are not of this cast. It is my desire to avoid acting on cases which have a tendency to excite malignant feelings; but I will never shrink from a performance of my duty in this House or elsewhere at any sacrifice. MR. BLACKLEDGE said he was astonished at the course which this debate had taken. The question is this—shall a certain paper, heretofore secret, be made public? And the chair has decided that this very paper is already public. Let the question then be decided which way it may, the paper goes to the public. My object is to get a vote which shall decide whether this question shall be debated with closed doors or in public. MR. SPEAKER said it was in order to appeal from his decision. MR. BLACKLEDGE then said he would appeal from that decision. After some further conversation, Mr. Blackledge withdrew his motion, which was renewed by Mr. J. Clay. The SPEAKER then said—the reading of the message of the President of the 6th of December is called for;—the Speaker has decided that that document is part of the journal ordered to be published, and may be read. From this decision an appeal is made to the House, on which appeal there can be no debate. When, without taking a question, two successive motions were made to adjourn, the last of which prevailed.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 9.
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES were on Monday almost exclusively occupied in discussing Mr. J. Randolph's motion to print the message of the President of the 6th of December, which was the basis of the measures taken relative to Spain.
At an early hour of the day when this subject was called up, Mr. Blackledge moved that the galleries should be cleared. The House continued in secret sitting for a short time, when the doors were reopened and the question taken by Yeas and Nays on the point of order, whether the decision of the Speaker was correct, viz.
"That the said message being contained in the journal of the secret proceedings of the House, as the same had been read in the House, it was now in order to call for the reading of the said message."
Yeas 43—Nays 39. The question then recurred on the motion made by Mr. J. RANDOLPH on Saturday as follows:
"That the printed supplemental journal of secret proceedings be amended, by asserting after the word 'read' in the third line of the first page, the message of the President of the United States of the 6th of December last, and that a new edition of the said journal, thus amended, be printed for the use of the members."
On this motion a very interesting debate ensued, in which a pretty full view was taken by the different speakers of the arguments urged in secret debate. Messrs. J. Randolph, Dana, J. Clay, Eppes, and Kelly supported, and Messrs. Sloan, Findley, Fisk, G. W. Campbell and Jackson opposed the motion. As we shall give this debate with the utmost dispatch, we shall not at present attempt even an outline of it.
About 5 o'clock the Yeas and Nays were taken on the motion, which was disagreed to—Yeas 44—Nays 74.
On TUESDAY, a motion was made by Mr. J. Randolph, to print the letter addressed to, and the report received from, the Secretary of War, which is referred to in the report of the select committee on Spanish affairs—which was disagreed to—Ayes 43.
DIED at the city of Washington, on Good Friday, 4th of April, aged 22 years, Miss MARY SCOTT, daughter of the late Gustavus Scott, esq. The virtues of this young lady were so generally known among her friends, that no panegyric is necessary to her memory.
FROM THE LONDON MORNING CHRONICLE of FEBRUARY 10.
DILAPIDATED RESOURCES AND HOPES.
The Courier of Thursday last, with its usual candor and truth, remarks that the new ministry "are beginning to prepare the public not to be surprised if they find them unable to govern the country better than that excellent statesman who is now no more." They are labouring to impress a belief that they have succeeded to "dilapidated resources and hopes," &c.
We should not have thought it necessary to take any notice of this, more than of the eternal columns of vapour common-place and dull malignity which fill the Courier night after night, were it not that it may be fit to remind the country of the situation in which the new ministry succeed to the direction of affairs.
We have said (and with that article the new ministry have no more to do than with the feuillets of the Courier), that the new ministry succeed to "dilapidated resources and hopes." And with the truth of the assertion be questioned by any man who has witnessed the events of the last four months? Do we say that the resources of the country are extinguished, or it hopes annihilated? Do we say that the victory of Trafalgar affords no consolation, or that its splendor is not bright amidst the surrounding gloom? Certainly not. We neither despair of the country's resources, nor of its courage; but that man must be blind indeed, who does not see that the resources of Great Britain, and its hopes, too, are dilapidated by an ill-concerted, ill-supported continental war, by the battle of Austerlitz, and the peace of Presburgh.
Only a few days ago, the patriotic Mr. George Rose, who in a long official life, has made more money in the public service than the Duke of Newcastle spent in it, in a speech which, for true pathos and delicacy, surpassed far all that history or poetry records of the speech of Antony over the dead corpse of Cæsar, pronounced a funeral oration over the late Mr. Pitt, in which he depicts that "excellent statesman" as linking the victim of a nation's ills, and exclaiming in his last moments, "O! the times! O! my country!" The heavy afflictions which have befallen Europe, and in Europe England, are represented to have broken his heart, and to have killed him as in a field of battle.
Whether this picture be too much coloured or not, we do not inquire. We
did not throw blame on any one when we said that the new ministry succeeded to dilapidated resources and hopes. We meant to describe a state of things under which an "excellent statesman" funk with sorrow to the grave.
We shall have a great reluctance to bring Mr. Pitt and his system into discussion upon personal grounds; but, for the sake of justice and of truth, we must not suffer the living to be robbed in order to deck the monuments of the dead.
We said that the new ministry succeed to "dilapidated resources and hopes," because, after the late events on the continent, no man can reasonably entertain the same expectations of glory and ultimate success in the war as if these events had not taken place. This must be obvious, though the utmost praise were due to Mr. Pitt. His own friends agree that the success of his continental measures did not correspond with the wisdom of his plans. Be it so—But surely, if we can transport ourselves back to last June and July, before the continental war began, before the battle of Austerlitz, and the peace of Presburgh, it might have been laid with a certain degree of truth, that we had resources entire, and hopes fresh and vigorous. It might then have been said, that in addition to the courage, the zeal and enterprise of Lord Nelson, and all our fleets, we had numerous and confident allies on the continent. We had, according to Lords Mulgrave and Castlereagh and Francis de Neufchateau, 500,000 men ready to take the field in the same cause with us. Surely, at least, that was a resource to look to in June last. A wise and able minister would have been entitled to calculate upon that as something to aid our own exertions and to oppose the force of the enemy. But where now are the 500,000 men? Where are those resources? Where the hopes built upon them of deliverance to Europe—of new banners to its independence, and additional safeguards to our own? Is it false then to say, that now, after the battle of Austerlitz, and the peace of Presburgh, the new ministry succeed to "dilapidated resources and hopes."
We see, from the treaties laid before parliament, that the object of the confederates, among other things, was to "Re-establish the King of Sardinia in Piedmont."
"The security of Naples, and the evacuation by the French of all Italy."
"The establishment of such an order of things in Europe, which may effectually guarantee the security and independence of the different states, and present a solid barrier against future usurpations."
These were desirable, most desirable objects, and he who, in the prosecution of them, could contemplate the prospect of 500,000 armed men, and with ability to employ them well, must be acknowledged to have possessed great resources; and, perhaps, might have been indulged in considerable hopes. But when the attempt has been made, and has failed, is there nothing taken away of "resources of hope" from those who have the lot to succeed to the conduct of this arduous war?
The objects of the confederacy were laudable, and they were, to use a simple phrase of one of the treaties, more desirable than easy of attainment. But what man in his sober senses can now indulge even the dream of such terms being obtained by war or negotiation?—What man would propose them to Bonaparte, so unsuitable are they now, not to reason and justice, but to the ultima ratio regum , that force which has triumphed, that fortune which has decided. Is it false, then, that the new ministry succeed to "dilapidated resources and hopes?"
Far be it from us, however, to say, that because in many respects we are deprived of all reasonable expectation of settling bounds to the insolence and the ambition of Bonaparte on the Continent that we are therefore to consider ourselves either deprived of resources or of hopes. In relation to the Continent and the effectual reduction of the power of France, we assert that none but a visionary can expect such a result from the single exertions of this country. After what has lately befallen the Continent, as little can any reasonable man look to a new continental co-operation to which Bonaparte will be willing to make any concessions, either from fear or policy.
The new ministry, therefore, succeed to the helm of the state under disadvantages which cannot be denied. The war must now assume a different character from that which it possessed previous to the continental disasters. The public reposes confidence in the new administration, but they are too just to indulge expectations or to make demands absolutely inconsistent with the state in which the affairs of Europe are now placed.
We entertain no fears, however, that the new ministry will find it necessary to caution the public not to be surprised if they do not govern the country better than the "excellent statesman," now no more. Had they negotiated the treaties with foreign powers, now before Parliament, and conducted the confederacy, so miserably broken to pieces, we are confident that no one man among them, however supported by conscious rectitude, would have ar-
rogated the honors of a monument. There is not one among them who has not spirit to hold in supreme contempt the authors of such absurd and unreasonable adulation.
The citizens of London may raise what columns they please "to lift the head and lie" of Mr. Pitt's merits; but the pile of ruins which cover Europe inspires the beholder with different sentiments, and must tell another tale to future times.
WILLIAM H. DORSEY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Has opened an office in George Town next door to the Bank of Columbia. He will attend Montgomery county court and the courts held in Washington county in the district of Columbia. April 4—1w
TUNSTALL'S PATENT THRESHING MACHINE.
COMPLETE sets of cast Iron Wheels, made purposely for this valuable machine; also Patent Licers, according to law, may be bought of, H. Foxall, esq. George Town foundry district of Columbia; and at T. Hogan's F Street Washington city, of the Patentee; with whom contracts and patent rights for districts may be agreed for, on reasonable terms. A machine capable to thresh with two horses or oxen 200 bushels in a day, will cost about 130 dollars. The horse wheel cast iron, in one piece, may also work other kinds of mills. A quantity of straw, supposed to contain 250 bushels of wheat, has been threshed with this machine, and did produce after a whole day, only ONE PINT and HALF, Letters to be post paid. April 9—wdG
Valuable Property For Sale.
THE Subscribers will offer at Public Sale at the Union Tavern in George Town on Tuesday the 20th day of May next if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, that valuable tract of Land with the improvements thereon, the late residence of Anthony Helmead, deceased, containing upwards of 146 acres, which is divided in the following manner, viz. one Lot containing about 56 acres, 10 or 12 of which is woodland, and including the improvements, which are a two story Brick
DWELLING HOUSE 38 feet in length by 27 wide, with four rooms on each floor and a cellar under the whole, a large barn and other out buildings, also a good apple orchard, chiefly young thriving trees, and abundance of other choice fruit trees, a good garden, and a well of excellent water in the yard. One other Lot adjoining the above, containing upwards of 50 acres, nearly one half is wood land. Also, one other Lot adjoining the last mentioned, containing about 11 acres chiefly in woods. These lots of Land are situated between north and north west of the President's house, and adjoining the city of Washington, and Rock Hill, the seat of Colonel W. A. Washington, this land is generally allowed to be as handsomely situated as any in the district of Columbia, having an extensive prospect of the city of Washington, George Town and Alexandria. Also, will be offered at the same time and place, three whole Squares in the city of Washington numbered 55, 66, and 122, the two last mentioned are well enclosed with a common rail fence, one of them in clover, the other in timothy. Also, part of Lot no. 16 in Holmead's addition to George Town, fronting on Bridge and Rock Creek streets. The terms of sale are one fourth of the purchase money paid down, and a credit of one, two, and three years will be given for the balance, on the purchaser giving bonds with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale; the interest to be paid annually on the whole sum due on the receipt of the last payment a good and sufficient title will be given to the purchaser. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock any person willing to view this property may be shown the same with the plate thereof by either of the subscribers. JOHN HOLMEAD, } Executors of ANTHONY HOLMEAD, } deceased. April 9—wts
AT the same time and place and immediately after the sale of the above property the subscriber will sell to the highest bidder for ready cash agreeable to a deed in trust from the heirs of col. Charles Beatty for the purpose therein mentioned, part of Lot Number 200 in Beatty and Hawkin's addition to George Town, fronting on Market Street one hundred feet, and running back seventy feet. JOHN HOLMEAD. April 9—wts
Thirty Dollars Reward, FOR apprehending and securing in jail negro JACOB, who is a low well made fellow, about 25 years of age, complexion rather black, tho' not deep, has a pleasant countenance, is stout made about the shoulders and breast with small legs, has a stoopage in his speech and cannot make a quick reply, when spoken to without shutting his eyes or being in motion, which is very observable, his clothing was blue negro cotton jacket and overalls, ozanburgh shirt, and wool hat, though they are subject to change, he was late the property of Richard E. Bell of Fauquier county, Virginia, and closed about the 6th of Nov ember last. The constables and others of the city of Washington, George Town, Alexandria, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Norfolk are requested to look out for the said runaway slave, as above reward will be immediately paid them on the terms specified by JOHN KEDDLE. City of Washington, Dec 16—2awtf
FOR SALE.
A second hand COACHEE with a handsome pair of plated Harness. This carriage is the property of a Lady who wishes to sell it, and a bargain will be given. Application may be made to Wm. A. Washington, esq. of Rock Hill, where the carriage may be seen. February 29—wts
INFORMATION TO TRAVELLERS.
THE Subscribers beg leave to inform the public that on the first day of April next, a new, expeditious and convenient LINE OF STAGES, will be established between the cities of Philadelphia and Washington—to run in the following order of time and place:
A Stage, with the mail, will leave Branton's tavern, in Wilmington, every Monday and Wednesday, at 3 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Chester-town early in the evening on the same day.
A Stage with the mail, will leave Chester-town on every Tuesday and Thursday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Rock Hill by early breakfast.
A comfortable and fast sailing packet, with the mail, will leave Rock Hill on every Tuesday and Thursday at 8 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Annapolis, with a favorable wind, in the course of two and a half hours, at any rate in the course of the same day.
A Stage with the Eastern Shore of Maryland and Delaware mails, will leave Annapolis on Wednesdays and Fridays, and arrive at Washington and George-town on the same days.
The Stage will leave Mt. Langhlin's hotel in George-town, and St. John's in Washington, on every Thursday and Sunday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Annapolis on the same days.
A packet will leave Annapolis on Mondays and Fridays, at 8 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Rock Hill on the same days, in time to proceed on to Chester-town on the same evenings.
The Stage will leave Chester-town on Tuesdays and Saturdays, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Wilmington on the same days; from whence a stage runs to Philadelphia every day.
One of the subscribers likewise begs leave to inform the public, that he is now established at the antient and well known ferry, Rock Hill, and has provided good, safe and commodious packets, fitted up in the neatest manner for the accommodation of passengers; that a large and comfortable packet will leave Rock Hill, for Baltimore on the same days that the mail crosses to Annapolis, Tuesdays and Thursdays, at 9 o'clock A. M. and will leave Baltimore, from the lower end of Every's wharf, on Wednesdays and Saturdays, at 9 o'clock A. M. for Rock Hill. Each of the above packets are well calculated for the conveyance of horses and carriages. Horses and carriages will always be in readiness for the conveyance of passengers on their arrival at Rock Hill, to whatever place they may wish to proceed, in any neighboring part of the country, or to Chester-town, from whence they may be conveyed to the northward or southward, by the regular line of stages; and that the Annapolis packet will leave Annapolis on Wednesdays for Rock Hill, and will leave Rock Hill on Sundays for Annapolis, besides the regular day of carrying the mail, as above mentioned. He also flatters himself, that from his experience in maritime pursuits, and the confidence placed in him by many of the most respectable merchants in Baltimore, whilst following the sea-faring life, that he has a competent knowledge to keep his boats in good order, for the comfort and convenience of passengers, and that he shall merit the patronage of a generous public, which he hereby respectfully solicits.
It is unnecessary to make any comments on the advantages which entitles this route to a preference, to that round the waters of the Chesapeake bay. This affords a safe dry road, through a beautiful, level, and fertile country, from the Delaware state to the seat of government, whilst the other presents one continual scene of hills and valleys, generally filled with water and mire. Travellers on this route will not only derive advantage from good roads, shortening the distance, and incurring less expence, but will avoid the danger of injuring their health, by not being exposed to traveling by night.
THOMAS HARRIS, Rock Hill, DAVID WETHERSPOON, Middle Town. March 26—tawtf
100 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber living near Montgomery Court House in the state of Maryland on Thursday the 26th of December last, a likely black man named BEN, about 38 years of age, straight and well made, 6 feet 1 or 2 inches high, thin visage, has a small scar in his forehead above the right eye, has remarkable long hair for a black portion in plaits if not cut, and when cut short it don't map as the general run of black people's do in common, his clothing is unknown, as he took away several suits of cloths with him, and he being an artful fellow I make no doubt but he has changed his name and clothes; and on the same day ran away from George Town in the district of Columbia, a likely negro woman named LETTY, the property of Mrs. Charity Wilson, Montgomery county Maryland, (near me.) Letty is about 30 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, straight and well made, she has a scar on one of her elbows, her clothing is unknown as she took away several suits and it is supposed that the two negroes are going in company and will endeavor to pass as free. I make no doubt but they have obtained a pass to that effect. Letty was hired, as a cook, to Mr. John Cox of George Town—Those negroes were seen in company together the evening they went off. Whoever takes up and secures the said negroes in any jail so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward, or 50 dollars for either. THOMAS CLAGETT. March 21—wst
FOR SALE,
The first Monday in May next, the property where I now live, with a HOUSE & LOT in George Town, viz. Two Lots in square No. 1, fronting on Water and K street, and adjoining the lower bridge over Rock Creek; the buildings are, a two story frame Dwelling house with a Ware-house and Wharf, a two story frame Dwelling with an addition for a store, house on Orange street near the Methodist Meeting house George Town; one third of the purchase money will be required in hand, the other two thirds in twelve and eighteen months, the purchaser giving negotiable notes in George Town or the City banks. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock. HENRY SCHINVLY. April 7—wst
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is Published
By SAMUEL H. SMITH.
TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE,
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States.
Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In Two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public, with the exact notation of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and interwoven at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial.
Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers. March 24—
To be Sold, Or Exchanged for other property in the City, or its vicinity.
TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6820 acres, and the other 6253 acres, by late survey. They are under old and indispensible titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber,
JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington, November 6—wtf

FOR SALE, A handsome second hand GIG On liberal terms. Enquire of the Editor or Wm. Joseph Collins near the Navy Yard. April 4-6t
A HOUSE TO RENT. The house at present occupied by ED WARD JONES, esq. fronting North B Street near the Treasury Office, to be rented. Possession may be had on the 1st of July next. JAMES ROBSON. April 4-7t
All persons having claims against the estate of Ulrich Forster according to law, are requested to have them proved according to law, and presented to Philip B. Key, before the 1st day of June next, that a distribution of the personal assets may be made as early as practicable. REBECCA TORRELL, Executrix. April 4-4t
THE BLACK SULTAN, PRESENTED by the Bey of Tunis, to the Government of the United States, and lately brought to this country by the Tunisian am- bassador, will stand the ensuing season at PATRICK H. the farm of JOHN TAYLOR, esq. near Rock Creek church, and within two miles of the city of Washington, where Mares from a distance will be preferred at 50 cents per week, and fed if desired at the market price. This Royal present being one of the most choice animals of the Regency of Tunis and full fifteen hands high, a desire has pre- vailed that so valuable a race should be ex- tended as much as possible; it has therefore been directed that he be placed at a low price; he will consequently stand at TWENTY DOLLARS the season, which will begin im- mediately, and end on the first of August; or before, which time the price of the season will be discharged by 100 DOLLARS, with a DOLLAR to the Groom when the Mare is sent. CHESTER B. BAILEY, Manager for John T. Taylor, esq. at Foxworth- April 4-3t wtf
Thirty dollars Reward. MANAWAT on Sunday the 23rd of March, a young negro man named DENNIS, a dark well made fellow, yellow complexion, a small scar on forehead above his right eye; he is a good hand about a plantation, a cer- tificate of freedom, and a book with him a letter of freedom, a blue roundabout jacket and overalls, broken round about jacket and overalls. A young negro wo- man named HANNAH, on Christmas was a year old, runaway from the place where she was hired, she is tall and strong and capable of great deception. Whoever will take up said negroes and confine them in jail, in the dis- trict of Columbia, Ten dollars for each, if out of the district Fifteen dollars for each shall be paid. N. B. I let both their mothers free, and did intend to let them free, if they had behaved as all servants ought to do. I forewarn all persons from harboring, employing, or con- veying them away. SIMON SOMMERS. Alexandria county, April 4-3t St. Mary's county courts, March term, 1806.
NATHANIEL WASHINGTON an insolvent debtor of St. Mary's county having appli- ed by petition in writing to Saint Mary's county court, praying the benefit of "an act for the relief of sundry in- solvent debtors," passed at the last ses- sion of the General Assembly of Maryland, and a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors annexed as by the said act is re- quired, being annexed to his said petition, and the said Nathaniel Washington being un- der arrest upon sundry causes for debts due before the passage of said act, and having proved to the satisfaction of said court that he has resided in the state of Maryland the two last years preceding the passage of said act, it is thereupon adjudged and ordered that the said Nathaniel Washington appear before the said court at the court House in Leonard Town on the 19th day of July next, then and there to produce to said court the effect in writing, of creditors holding two thirds of the amount of his debts and to answer such interrogatories as may be proposed to him by his creditors, that the said day be and it is hereby appointed the time for said creditors to appear and recommend a trustee for their benefit, and that the said Nathaniel Washington give them notice of the passage of this order by causing a copy of it to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for six successive weeks from the date hereof. JOSEPH HARRIS Clerk of St. Mary's county courts. April 4-6t
FOR SALE, AN AMPLE PRINTING OFFICE, With three presses and every other material for extensive printing, particularly of public work. A handsome stock of STATIONERY. A valuable collection of BOOKS. And a complete BOOK BINDING appara- tus. The whole laid in at a considerable expense and in excellent order. Also the commodious STORE and DWEL- LING annexed, on Pennsylvania avenue, and therewith or separately the spacious two story Brick House on R street near the Hotel. Proposals will be received for the purchase of the whole or any part of the above proper- ty, by WM. DUANE on the premises, where any information will be given and the pro- perty may be viewed. The terms of sale will be rendered easy to a suitable purchaser. April 4-3t
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gen- tlemen of the District of Columbia that in ad- dition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of Opusline clothes, single and double milled cassimeres, Benett's patent cord, woolveteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk mouselins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, Flushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges him- self, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N. B. Ladies habite, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable man- ner. Washington, Dec. 17-6t
FOR SALE. I WILL sell or exchange for cash goods Two BRICK BUILDINGS, well calculated for a retail store, being oppo- site the Centre Market—for further particu- lar enquiries of the subscriber on the premises. ROBERT HARRISON. April 5-4t
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of a deed in trust from Daniel Hurley, I will offer for Saturday the 3rd day of May next at 11 o'clock A. M. on the pre- mises, for cash, part of lot number one in square number eight hundred and forty-five in the city of Washington—with a well built two story BRICK HOUSE on the same adjoining the house of Robert Alexander, esq. and now occupied by Mr. Sandford. The title is indisputable as may be seen on application to NICHOLAS VOSS. April 3-6t
This is to give Notice, THAT the subscriber hath obtained letters of administration on the personal estate of JOHN BOYCE, deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased, are requested to forward their accounts agreeable to law—all those indebted are warned to make immediate payment. Given under my hand. SARAH BOYCE. March 19-6t
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending negro FANNY a very low and tolerable likely woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has left one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having prac- ticed a free pass, and passes by the name of Charity Shorter; she was formerly the pro- perty of John Chittenden of this county, and was run away from near eight years, was appre- hended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been in King, I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have an orchard her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Fort Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman at their peril. MARY SIMMS. Nov. 27-4t
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the seythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 60 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris awfully well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small re- pairs, be rendered very comfortable. From its vicinity to two growing cities, many ad- vantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be re- quired in cash or approved negotiable paper & the remainder rendered easy—or negroes re- ceived in payment. The subscriber or Wil- iam Beary residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. WM. THORNTON, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill, Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on rea- sonable terms or exchanged for negroes I. P. Jan. 29-6t
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 23-4t N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
Bank of Columbia. THE board of directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of 15 per cent per annum. The same will be paid to the stockholders or their representatives on or after Thursday the 20th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 10-6t
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of pur- chasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805-1t
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 10th day of Oc- tober, 1797, for regulating the materials and manner of building and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is pro- vided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone" and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the for- tlement in this city, of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erect- ing houses authorized by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said ar- ticles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June in the year 1795 to the first day of January last, and beneficial effects arising from such suspension having been experienced it is deemed proper to revive the same with the exception hereafter mentioned. WHEREFORE I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, Do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby sus- pended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than three hun- dred and twenty square feet, or higher than 12 feet from the sill to the eve shall be erect- ed, nor shall such house be placed within twenty four feet of any brick or stone house. Given under my hand the twenty-fifth day of February 1805. TH. JEFFERSON. Feb 23-2t w8w
TO RENT. THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, esq. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Deblois on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Bewick, esq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard. NICHOLAS VOSS. City of Washington, March 14-2t wtf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD will be given for apprehending and securing to that the owner may get her again, a likely negro girl named ANN, about twenty years of age—of dark complexion, large eyes of rather a down look—&c of middle stature. She absconded from George Town about four or five weeks ago. She formerly belonged to John Brent, Esq. near Port Tobacco, in Charles County, state of Maryland. She took with her sundry articles of wearing apparel, among which were a black silk short gown, and a red pink ditto. She appears, when spoken to, diffident and unassuming. The above re- ward will be paid if she is taken out of this district, and ten dollars if taken in it. GEORGE GLOYD, one of the Constables of George town. March 21-2t wtf
NORTH AMERICAN LAND COMPANY. THE subscriber having undertaken the entire guidance of the concerns of the North American Land Company, and being fully and legally authorized to that effect, by the Presi- dent and Managers of the said company; hereby calls on all persons, possessing any pro- perty, title, deeds, contracts, mays, &c. be- longing to the company, to render up the same to him—and on all agents, surveyors, &c. heretofore employed in the service of the com- pany, to communicate with him on the subject of their respective doings. He also calls on all persons indebted to the company for lands sold, to make payment, and on all who have claims, to render him their accounts duly at- tested. All persons possessing information inter- esting to the concerns of the company, are respectfully requested to communicate the same by letter or otherwise, and all persons disposed to purchase any of the property of the company, for cash, or on credit, are desired to make application to JAMES GREENLEAF, Secretary of the N. A. Land Com. Philadelphia, Feb 19-w8t
This is to give notice that if the heirs of a certain STEPHEN REYNOLDS, who died on his way from the western country in the month of August 1803, and supposed to have been a native of the state of New Hampshire or one of the Eastern states will apply to JOHN RANE administrator living in the town of Cumberland, Allegany county, state of Maryland, will hear of something to their advantage. By order of Allegany county orphans court March 3-6t
To Lease on Ground Rent, ON VERY MODERATE TERMS. TWENTY-NINE unimproved Lots of ground in the vicinity of the Navy Yard, in very eligible situations for private families. For particulars apply to the subscriber, who is in possession of the plats, and will show the property. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK. March 28-6t
ON Monday the 21st day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold on the premises at 12 o'clock at public sale to the highest bidder, the dwelling plan- tation of the late WM. DUGGS, containing 230 acres of Land—there is on the premises a handsome commodious dwelling house, sta- ble, barn and negro quarters—the Land lies level, is of good quality and well suited to plantation—there is an excellent garden and a great deal of choice fruit—the dwelling house is situated 2 miles from George town; and from the beauty of its situation, its healthiness and other advantages, a most desirable place for the residence of a gentleman cannot be of- fered. It is at present subject to the life estate of a Lady upwards of 70 years old, and will be sold under that incumbrance. And at the same time and place will be sold, plantation on Rock creek, containing 215 acres, of which 100 acres is in wood—This tract has on it a fine Mill seat, distant about 5 miles from the city of Washington. And at the same time and place will be sold be- tween 15 & 20 valuable likely negroes—men, women and children, among the former are some valuable tradesmen and farmers—the ne- groes are orderly and sober, and all raised in the family, and nothing but the embarrassments of the estate could compel a sale of them— Terms of sale for the negroes, notes with ap- proved indorsers payable 12 in 60, 1-3 in 90 and 1-3 in 120 days—the land on a credit of 1, 2, and 3 years with interest from day of sale—If any default in payment of any in- stallment, the whole to become due. JOSEPH W. CLAGETT, } Trustees. PHILIP B. KEY. March 17-6t wtf
This is to give Notice, That the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans court of Calvert county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of Samuel Whittington late of Calvert county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the proper vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 29th day of March, eighteen hundred and six. WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Adm'r. N. B. All persons having claims against the partnership of Samuel Whittington and company are requested to make them known to the subscriber as speedily as possible. Those who are indebted to make immediate payment to WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, 4 ffig- nee of Francis Whittington, the surviv- ing partner of S. Whittington & Co. March 26-3t
NOTICE. THE sale of the House and Lot No. 10 in figure 728 in the city of Washington, advertised to be held this day, at Mr. King's tavern, is unavoidably postponed until Mon- day the 14th April next when it will certainly be offered at Public Sale to the highest bidder at 4 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Wm. R. King's tavern. The terms of sale will be made known on that day, by SAMUEL TYLER. March 26-7t
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail a young Mulatto man slave named ANDREW. He was hired by me last year to Mr. Joseph Thomas who keeps the inn or ferry to Alexandria, and absconded from that place about the latter end of August last. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, luly and well made, has short curly hair, and is frequently subject to have several large pimples on his face. He is reck- oned to be a sensible fellow of an easy agree- able address for a man in his low sphere of life. As he has not been heard of by me since his escape, I suspect he has had the address to ship himself as a freeman on board some vessel either at Alexandria or Baltimore Whoever takes him up and secures him an jail shall receive from me the above reward, or as soon due information thereof is given to me or to Dr. N. P. Caudin at Port Tobacco. G. B. CAUSIN. Maryland Charles County, January 29-wtf
In the case of WILLIAM RUTHER- FORD an insolvent debtor. SIX months from and after the first day of February next is limited and appointed for the creditors of Wm. Rutherford to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee. It is ordered that this notice be published in the Washington Federalist and National Intelli- gencer, three times in each paper prior to the first day of July next. By order of the honorable Wm. Cranch, Esq. WM. BRENT, Ck. April 7-3t
ELIAS P. CALDAVELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26-4t
NOTICE. The subscriber respectfully in- forms the inhabitants of Washington city that he has engaged to repair the PUBLIC PUMPS—applications made at his house near the Wharf on Tiber Creek will be duly at- tended to. WM. YEATES. N. B. Pumps made on the best construction and Pipes for conveying water on the shortest notice. 4th month 7th, 1806-3t
FOR SALE. UPWARDS of 2000 acres of Land lying on each side of Little River in Loudoun county being part of the Goose Creek tract of land purchased of the late col. Charles Carter; the river runs nearly through the middle of it and forms on each side upwards of two hundred acres of low grounds, of which about forty acres is timothy. It is in general good farm land, and remarkable for the pro- duction of grass and of timothy in particular. About three fourths of the tract in my own occupation, the remainder in the possession of tenants. The land lies well, abounds in good springs, and has a sufficiency of white and red oak timber, and some fine poplars. The purchaser may be supplied with stock of every kind, also with from 20 to about 30 ne- groes in families, and taking them in that man- ner upon very reasonable terms; the land lies about the same distance (40 miles from Wash- ington, Alexandria, and Dumfries, eight miles from Leesburg & six from Middlebury; there is on the part in my occupation a small dwelling house containing two rooms and an entry below, and two rooms above stairs, a kitchen, good stable and carriage house and other necessary buildings, all of them erected within the last five years, a good garden. The purchaser may be accommodated in the payments. JOSEPH JONES. Near Leesburg, Loudoun County, April 7-6t
By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit court of the District of Co- lumbia for the county of Washington, in the suit of James Barry, complainant, against Dorothy O'Brien, James O'Brien, Mary anne O'Brien and John O'Brien, defendants in Chancery; Will be sold at Public Auction, To the highest bidder on Monday the 28th of April inst. at Steele's hotel, all those two parcels of land situate in the city of Wash- ington on the Eastern Branch, and contiguous to Booth's wharf, bounded as follows: The first beginning at the intersection at the west side of South Capitol Street, with Water Street, and running thence with South Capitol Street eighty-four feet, thence due west thirty feet two inches to Water Street, and thence with Water Street to the beginning. The second part beginning at the end of one hundred and fifty-six feet measured westwardly from the north east corner of square numbered six hundred and sixty-two on the south side of South R. Street, running thence south one hundred and thirty feet, thence west sixty four feet three inches, thence north one hundred and thirty feet to South R. Street, and thence east with the line of said Street to the beginning, with the im- provements and appurtenances on the same two pieces of land or either of them being or appertaining. The only improvement on the first piece or parcel of ground abovementioned is, a two story framed Dwelling House, and on the other a single story framed building— any person desirous of purchasing said property can be shown it by applying at the Clerk's Office. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock precise- ly. The terms ready money, or money to be paid immediately on the Court ratifying and confirming said sale. The time of which rat- ification and confirmation, will be notified in the same papers in which the sale is adver- tised. LEWIS FORD, Trustee. April 7-3t
TO RENT, THE COMMODIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28-1t
DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP. THE partnership of ROMULUS RIGGS, & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual con- sent. If there is any claims against said firm, they are requested to be presented for pay- ment, and all those indebted will please to call and pay the accounts immediately to Romu- lus Riggs, who is authorized to settle the business of said firm. ELISHA RIGGS, ROMULUS RIGGS. The business will be continued at the same place, by the subscriber, who intends keeping a good assortment of seasonable goods, and will sell low for cash or tobacco. ROMULUS RIGGS. George town, April 4-
Valuable Property For Sale. THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 2 or 3 miles from the Pres- ident's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. con- tains 42 acres, No. 3. contains 202 acres. No. 4 contains 19 acres; Likewise a lot lying between John Taylor, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. These lots will be sold together or apart as may suit pur- chasers. Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Breckenridge near the property. Jan 24-wtf.