The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-02-10 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1143.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the Schooner Carolina, Capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell-bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Locking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf.
AGREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,433 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—HOUSES and LOTS—Enquire as above. All kinds of STOCKS bought and sold. It is Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington City, Dec. 11—tf
Proposals for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next. 1. From Fredericksburg by Orange and Milton & Charlottesville to New York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p.m. & arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 a.m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a.m. and arrive at New York by 11 a.m.—Leave New York every Friday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p.m. 2. From New York by Wanaresboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at New York by 11 a.m. Leave New York every Friday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p.m. 3. From Richmond by Goochland and Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p.m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a.m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middletown, Harrisburg, Carlisle and Shippensburg to Chambersburg three times a week—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 p.m. & arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p.m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a.m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p.m. 5. From Chambersburg by McConnellsburg, Bedford, Somerset & Greensburg to Pittsburgh three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p.m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday by 10 a.m.—Returning, Leave Pittsburgh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 6 p.m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, & to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master-general. General Post-Office, Dec. 18—tf14
BURAS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, mch's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N.B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plaid, kerseys, halfhicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mu-mul figured and plain, Plain and figured lenos, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Piche dresses, 8 4 damask and raw silk shawls, Dumark scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and Jastings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4 4 T. B. Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diaper, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tickling, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
STRAYED on Saturday the 30th inst. a BLACK HORSE, with a white mark on one side of his nose & on the forehead; the dock long; but the hair at the end of it cut short; off foot behind white. Whoever will deliver him to the owner shall receive FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. Apply at the house of MR. ERSKINE, the British Minister. February 5—3t
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscriber will sell at public sale on the premises on Monday the 22nd day of February next. All the real estate of Dr. William Lansdale, deceased, lying and being in Saint Mary's county, consisting of the following tracts of Land, to wit: "The Rammie," "Hanslow," and "The Strand," adjoining each other and containing about 1000 acres. The above estate is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood about two miles from Leonard town. The improvement consists of a large and convenient Brick Dwelling House, four rooms below and four above stairs, with a Kitchen adjoining, meat house, stables, corn house and granary, and a young thriving apple orchard. The dwelling house stands on an eminence commanding a view of the whole of the flat land of said estate, which is esteemed to be of the first quality in the county, and is adapted to the cultivation of tobacco, corn, small grain, and clover, and is deemed the finest grazing land in the county—a few acres of said land are now in grass and much more may be easily laid down; there is a fine stream of water that runs through this estate, on which has been heretofore a valuable mill. A further description is unnecessary. Persons inclined to purchase, will be shown the premises and the title papers and decree, on application to the subscriber at the county court office, in Leonard town. This property will be sold entire or in such parcels as may be deemed advantageous, after an actual survey, a plot of which will be shown before and on the day of sale. The terms of sale are that the purchaser of the whole or any part thereof shall give bond with approved security for the paying the purchase money with interest, within twelve months from the day of sale. Those persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby requested to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 22nd day of August next. JOSEPH HARRISS, Trustee. Leonard Town, Jan. 15—5t
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on the proposition for the removal of the seat of government to Philadelphia.
CONTINUED.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 2.
Mr. MACON said the present motion brought the resolution regularly before the House; and it was now in order for the friends of the resolution to justify it. It was not proposed to postpone it indefinitely with a view to stifle discussion. If gentlemen recollected that the friends of the measure were prepared as he had no doubt they had had it under consideration long enough to be prepared, there was no occasion for further time. As the question was now regularly before the House, he would state his objections to the resolution and to a removal.
A greater question than this said Mr. M. has not in my opinion been agitated since the adoption of the constitution. If I understand it, the constitution requires that this shall be the permanent seat of government. Though the word "permanent" is not contained in the clause of the constitution relative to this subject, it is clearly implied. "The Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, & the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, &c." Can language be more explicit? Would gentlemen say that the addition of the word permanent would make it more so? It only requires reading to be convinced the constitution contemplates a permanent seat of government.
A great many objections had been offered to this place instead of a demonstration of the right of Congress to remove from it. The sickness of the place has been much relied on. I am not sure that this place is more or less sickly than any other; this is a mere matter of opinion on which men will differ. In examining this question my mind has been forcibly turned to the situation of the people in Washington and its neighborhood, who gave up their landed property to the government—on what terms? That this was to be the permanent seat of government. Could the people calculate on its being but a temporary seat of government. Those things called public contract, & public faith do not seem in the present question to come into consideration. If public faith is violated in small things, it will soon be violated in great ones, violate it as respects the city of Washington and we shall soon violate it in other and greater matters. I consider the faith of the government as much pledged that the seat of government shall be permanently fixed here, as it can be to any contract under the sun.
As to living, Mr. M. said it was possible they might live better in Philadelphia than here but not cheaper. Gentlemen board here for precisely the same as formerly in Philadelphia. He himself boarded for the same sum here as he paid there.
If we were to remove said Mr. M. I should be opposed to going to any large city. True, I have more acquaintance with Philadelphia than any other; but they are all much alike I believe. There is scarcely a place in the United States to which I had not rather go than to Philadelphia; I had rather go to Fredericktown, Hagerstown or Winchester. We may talk about our independence; but every man in Congress when at Philadelphia knew that city had more than its proportionate weight in the representation of the Union. Go to any city and the same influence will be experienced. Do gentlemen recollect what was the state of the public mind there during the years 1797 and 1798? The time as before said by the gentleman from Kentucky, when the name of republican and democrat was accounted a disgrace? There are gentlemen in my hearing who were then associated with me in legislation, and who know and will test the truth of what I say that we were shunned as a pestilence—the yellow fever could not be more carefully avoided. I do not mention this as any reflection on the then administration, but as an evidence of what may be expected in large cities. We may do very well in peaceable times; but come to the
times which try men's souls, and we should have to desert them for Princeton or some other convenient village.
There is another evil which I dread and which may have influence as an objection to the resolution. I have lived in a state where for some years the government was always on the wing, where the assembly at each session determined where they would sit the next. What I saw there fully satisfied me of the propriety of a permanent seat of government. This question, should the House determine on moving, will undoubtedly work itself into your elections for President and Vice-President. Give us this seat of government for so many years, it will be said, and we will give you a President. It will go to corrupting your Legislature, making this a contracting government, and I believe, as much as I believe in any thing, that it will have this effect.
I have another reason why I think Philadelphia the wrong place and this the wrong time for removal. The charter of the bank of the U. States expires in 1811. In 1809 it is proposed that we shall be in Philadelphia, we shall then have too years before us to talk and be talked to about this bank. Let us be as far from them as possible. If we must remove, let us go over the Alleghany. Remember that these large cities are the places where every advantage will be taken of our proceedings. Recollect the speculations at the conclusion of the war on the claims of our brave soldiers and officers. These large cities have always had too much influence in this body; go among them and it will be increased an hundred fold.
The gentleman from New-York seems to think that those opposed to the resolution are influenced in their opposition more by their situation than by their judgement. This is one of those arguments which works both ways: applies as well to the supporters as to the opponents of the resolution. If it is a good argument because I live in Carolina that I have a local prejudice against a removal, is it not equally good because he lives in New-York that he is for it? I should not have noticed this, had not the novelty of the idea drawn my attention to it.
I do not agree with the gentleman from New-York that by a decision in any way this question can be put finally to rest. The subject has been always spoken of more or less; and for my part I am ready to meet it here or go to a committee on the subject; but I can always say in twice speaking all I wish to say on any subject.
I am so satisfied that this proposition contemplates a breach of public faith, which in free governments ought to be as sacredly adhered to as any thing among men that I should not hesitate to give my vote against it. But in addition to this, when gentlemen consider the effect it will have upon the election of President, if we shall be set at liberty to go East or West, North or South, it must appear best to stop it here; for unquestionably, talk, as much as we may of independence and integrity, when the thing is once afloat, when the government is once started, it will be said by each, since it is to be moved, we have as much right to the benefit of it as any one else; and thus may it be made a matter of bargain or compromise.
Mr. JOHNSON rose to notice an observation of his colleague (Mr. Lyon) relative to intrigues in Kentucky concerning the removal of the seat of government of that state. If he who has so lately come into the state knows of this intrigue, said Mr. J. I who drew my first breath in that country am ignorant of it. I can say that I believe the citizens of Kentucky do not manoeuvre in that way.
I voted for the consideration of this resolution because I wished a discussion; but if the interests of the people of this district are to be sacrificed and no remuneration made, I certainly shall not agree to the resolution; and I would rather spend my time while here in a dungeon than violate the public faith. But I wish an investigation of the subject. I go out of this hall, and what do I hear? That government can carry on its operations in Philadelphia at a saving of 250,000 dollars annually less than at this place. If I am fully satisfied of this I shall vote for a removal. If the crisis will not justify a removal, or I shall be convinced that these inducements for removal do not exist, or that it will be
a breach of the faith of the nation, I shall vote for staying here, whatever my private inconveniences may be, I care not for them. If in the course of discussion I shall be convinced either way, so shall I vote. If I am convinced that it is expedient and for the public good, and that it is consistent with the constitution and good faith to remove, I shall vote for the resolution in spite of all that can be done to prevent me; if on the contrary I shall be otherwise convinced, I pledge myself to myself and to my country to vote against removal and every breach of public faith.
Mr. LYON re-stated the circumstance of the removal of the seat of government of Kentucky. He did not mean to charge his colleague or any others with these designs; he had merely stated facts and reasoned from those facts. But he did say, that it was no more than natural that when the Eastern interest was joined by the western, when the latter was increased by 10 or 15 additional representatives, they would have the whole of this interest to carry the seat of government hereafter westward.
Mr. KEY rose to offer some observations on the all-important question now before the House. He was most decidedly in favor of an indefinite postponement of this question, because he himself was opposed to it in every shape, and as those whom he had the honor to represent on this floor were unanimous in their opposition to the measure. He should therefore violate his own principles if he did not in every stage of the business give this his utmost opposition. He had not, when he casually came into the House this morning, the smallest expectation that this subject was to be agitated; but as he considered that the first view of the matter furnished ample reason to defeat the measure, he should without preparation endeavor to give his sentiments upon it.
I believe, said he, that we are now about to give all that the friends of the measure can ask—not a stifle, but an ample discussion. I understand the resolution now to be fairly before the House, as if in committee of the whole or in any other state. If I am correct in the opinion that it is the proper time to make observations on the merits of the question, I must be permitted to express my surprise that gentlemen in favor of the measure should require further time to make up their minds. Had we the opponents to it asked for time, it might have been reasonable; but that others who had been so long in preparation should wish to procrastinate, has really astonished me. I believe that the sooner a question of this sort receives the decision of the House the better, because on it depends the fortunes of thousands. To us it is of very little moment whether it is disposed of on this day or on some weeks hence; to those over whom the dagger is suspended by a hair, it is of moment. Let them immediately know the worst.
I do not know what may have been said before I arrived here; but no reason has been offered since to justify the resolution on the table. The resolution itself is couched in captivating phraseology, begins with expediency and the public good, high sounding words, but which should be well weighed before they are acted on. We are all desirous to do what the public good requires, although we may differ as to what constitutes the public good. I had hoped to hear some advocate for this removal give some reasons for it; but in this I have been disappointed. Whenever a great and imperious public duty calls for the destruction of a portion of a free country, that call and that duty must be manifestly imperious, or not carried into effect to the ruin of individuals. What is the necessity which makes this a duty? An honorable member from Kentucky who has not made up his mind, says he has heard that so much will be saved. Why in the name of sense are not calculations produced? Gentlemen, advocates of the measure, must have thought on the subject and made calculations. I cannot for my part see how such a saving can exist. I will reserve myself to that moment when a statement is exhibited, to prove to the House that it is on false ground; that there will result in time advantages which will more than meet any present expenditures—that it is the statement of a person taking a narrow view of the subject, looking at the present population of the city, instead of taking a liberal view, and considering what its consequence will be to our great and growing nation.

An hon. member from N. Jersey, whose motives no doubt are correct, (and here permit me to say what I trust will always be found correct, that I consider the motives of every gentleman to be correct, and will always suppose them so, and endeavor to show that they are mistaken in practice) has said this is a sickly place. I pray you where is the authority for the assertion? Have gentlemen that information which every one ought to have before he pronounces on its sickness or health? There is no place possessing a population so thin, in which more instances of longevity can be produced. Those who come from different parts of the Union with the seeds of disease in their frames can not exist longer here than in their native clime. It is I know ridiculous to make comparisons, but I undertake to say that this city has been as remarkable for health as any spot in the United States. I will go farther and say from my own knowledge of the fact that there is not in the United States an instance of greater longevity or more health of natural born subjects or citizens than within this district. Did the gentleman's observation flow from the case of his late colleague? The gentleman must have been thus alarmed and had his fears thus excited by his regret for his friend. But I will venture to say, that in a congregation of any given number of gentlemen in the same stage of life as those here convened, that there is no portion of country where an equal number of deaths may not be expected as have taken place from this body in preceding years. The gentlemen convened here are not in the flower of youth; they are gentlemen sent here from their experience & whose regularity at home is changed by their occupation here, being deprived of their regular habits and prevented from taking that exercise to which they have been accustomed. And take the population of the city and I will undertake to say and prove that there never has happened a proportionate number of deaths to those which usually occur in other situations. But, granting the assertion made, should we better our situation by removal? Look at the times, at the crisis at which it is thought proper to propose a removal—a possibility of impending war, in which case may occur a summer session of Congress; and will any gentleman say that the disorder prevalent in that city in the summer months (whether native or not, is not necessary to enquire—it is sufficient to know that it exists) does not leave a greater chance for ill health than the general salubrity of this place? No man can say that the prospect of sickness would be diminished by a removal to Philadelphia; by comparison it would be increased.
This measure ought to be shewn to be politic. After seven years stay in this place, what at this moment calls for a removal? Is it the crisis of our political affairs? Is there not as much safety here as at Philadelphia? Doubtless. If no imperious necessity calls for a removal, I hold a better opinion of the heads and hearts of the gentlemen composing this honorable body, than to suppose they will hesitate when they look at the subject. I am convinced that they would not sacrifice personal inconvenience, the welfare of ten times their number, that they might be fed on more dainty food, see more company, or enjoy somewhat more of personal gratification. They would not by a removal consult mere personal accommodation at the expence of those so greatly to suffer.
But are we at liberty to remove ourselves? Can we remove the seat of government? Is there no doubt on the constitutionality of a removal? Does not this proposition contemplate a violation of the public faith, which imperiously calls upon us to respect the honor of our country? The faith of our government like Caesar's wife must be preserved not only inviolate, but unsusppected. How came we here? By the wisdom of the convention which framed the constitution. The framers of our constitution selected a district of ten miles square, to be under the immediate and exclusive jurisdiction of Congress; they engrafted it into the constitution, authorised the acceptance of a cession of this territory from one or more states; for what? For a temporary seat of government? However it may be the fashion of the present day to cherish this changing disposition, those patriots who framed this instrument never did suppose that this was not to be the permanent seat of government. This district of ten miles square was intended when selected to be the permanent seat of government, the depository of the national archives. This spot was selected. By whom was the whole projected? By him who was inferior to no man living; by him whose judgment will be venerated till the foundations of liberty are sapped and gone. In the maturity of his judgment, experience and attachment to his native land, he called the constitution into effect by placing the seat of government on this spot, from its central situation, its health, its convenience to the Atlantic and its easy access to the western waters—for all these causes combined together. I hold the most profound respect and place the most implicit confidence in his judgment. And appealing from his judgment, we are called upon to move from here before we are even warmly in our seats, from no better consideration than a little personal inconvenience without considering the merits of the question on public policy.
The resolution on your table contemplates a limited fixture at Philadelphia. It is well known and calculated upon that the population of Philadelphia may
do things which this poor place cannot. They calculate upon the superior talents and overbearing wealth and influence of Philadelphia, to retain the seat of government there not for a few years, but as long as government exists. Expediency and the public good, a man must be hood-winked who cannot look under the curtain and see what these words mean.
Then for retaining the government here where it was originally fixed by the sage whose name it bears, and the establishment of which may almost be considered as an act of the constitution, because the act was done by a law emanating from and carrying into effect a provision of the constitution. The erection of a permanent seat of government was the only mode on earth by which the constitutional provision could have been fulfilled. Did our predecessors consider this as a temporary seat of government? Every word of the law which they enacted, and which was considered as an interpretation of the constitution, expresses the reverse. Refer to chapter 28, vol. 1, of the laws of the U. States. Let us see the temporary construction given to the constitution by the members of that Congress, some of whom were members of the convention who framed it, men distinguished for their vigilance in guarding the constitution. "That a district of territory, not exceeding ten miles square, to be located as hereafter directed on the river Potomac, at some place between the mouths of the Eastern branch and Conogocheague, be and is hereby accepted" for what? "for a permanent seat of the government of the U. States," &c. And in succeeding laws on this subject the same language is repeated. No man living ever construed that instrument to give exclusive jurisdiction over a certain territory for a temporary seat of government. We all know the disadvantages attendant on a temporary situation; they are gentlemen within the hearing of my voice who know the contests which arose whether it should be held at Philadelphia, New York, or elsewhere, previous to its being made stationary. Neither the framers of the constitution, or the legislature who carried it into effect, ever did dream that this was to be any other than the permanent seat of government. The expenses incurred here also incontrovertibly demonstrate that to have been the intention of the legislature.
Suppose, for the sake of argument, that I am mistaken in the constitutional requisition; and that the fixing the seat of government was a simple legislative act as all other acts, and predicated not upon the constitution but upon expediency. Reject, and say, whether in consequence of that act you would not by removal violate the public faith, I mean not by this to say that any gentleman on this floor has less respect for it than me, or that any one would wantonly concur in violation of it; but it is fair argument. When the cession of the territory was accepted, and the city of Washington designated as it was to become the permanent seat of government, I ask the honorable members of this House, being then a wilderness, whether on the faith of its being permanently the seat of government, individuals did not come forward and invest vast property in lots and improvements on it? Did you not by law solemnly say that this should be the permanent seat of government, and invite numbers of persons to come here, to build houses and make improvements which necessarily grew out of that law? Was not the investment of their property a legitimate act in pursuance of a public law? Unquestionably it was. If you remove hence, what will be the consequence? Are the people who have reposed their confidence in the faith of a public law to be sacrificed? Have they no right to complain of a violation of the national faith by a removal, if agreed to? I ask if this law did not hold out to them a permanency? And if after a lapse of seven years the seat of government is removed, if that act has not been a decay to all those people who, confiding in a public act, have settled in the city? Say that we are capable of repealing that law; if we do it, is not the repeal an infraction of good faith and contract with those who advanced their money? Is it not a breach of contract to induce a man to come here in hopes and confidence in the permanency of the government here, than it would be to borrow money on the faith of the nation, and by a simple act of legislation to wipe away the obligation to repay that money? Foreigners were by law competent to hold real estate—large sums were by these men vested in the property of this city, relying on the faith of the U. S. How so? Here's the law, I hold it in my hand, fixing a permanent seat of government. If persons embark their property in this stock, on what do they do it? On the faith of this law. Repeal this law, remove the seat of government, and our faith is gone in Europe; for those nations who hold stock in our funds will soon expect that the obligation to pay that shall be cancelled, as that we should violate our faith by repealing a law in which it is pledged. Take the question in this view, and it is all-important.
An honorable gentleman, whose liberality I approve, has no idea that ample compensation for these losses should not be made. If this measure should carry, he would not find many seconders of that motion; more especially at this time. Do gentlemen believe that compensation is seriously intended? No such belief can be cherished. Gentlemen will not feel themselves bound to attend to the dictates of conscience when they disregard the obligations of a law. They will not leave the people as they found them: they will leave them ruined by coming forward with their property to furnish those accommodations which we now enjoy. I trust, however inconvenient or dispersed the situation of our places
of residence, however indifferent our accommodations, that these minor and petty considerations will be thrown out of view when gentlemen consider the situation of those who have a right to be remembered when this measure is considered.
I do most ardently hope, that this question, when once agitated may forever be laid to rest; so that a confidence in the permanency of the government, may inspire persons with a disposition to settle here and better our accommodations; for, so long as this question is agitated, so long proportionably will confidence be diminished and hope extinguished—accommodations will grow worse from year to year, and at length be made a pretence for removal. From year to year you will prevent others from making improvements, and then easily make it a pretext for complaint against accommodations. The House, I feel convinced, will not do this; they will act differently; they will encourage and promote this place from its peculiar situation; for nothing has yet been said to justify an act pregnant with such mischievous consequences to the people and the nation.
But, says an honorable gentleman, you wish to stifle enquiry. I ask for discussion, for information; for calculations; and if any honorable member will convince me that it is constitutional and proper, and that it is demanded of us by the public good, I myself, for public good must be preferred to private feelings, will vote for it. But the case is so plain that he who runs may read. If the affairs of government be not better transacted here than at Philadelphia, they will not be worse. Shall we gain by going to Philadelphia in preference to staying here? Shall we gain by removal to a large commercial town, whose capital and interests are much in the hands of foreigners domiciliated amongst them, a motley crew, a heterogeneous mixture, coming from every portion of the globe? Are we likely to increase in our attachment to republican habits, by such a change? Certainly not.
On another account I should object to a removal to Philadelphia, if no other objection existed. Honorable and independent men may be influenced and biased by external objects without themselves knowing it; and this would be greatly promoted by going to a large commercial town. Shall we acquire more local information there? No. Can a member from Georgia there procure better information in relation to his duty, to his constituents, than he can here? No. Information they he can give you none, except it be to prejudice you in favor of commerce, for which reason it is the worst place you can go to, as it may insensibly induce you to sacrifice agriculture at the shrine of that commerce now jeopardizing the best interest of the country, and leading us to war. These are evils likely to grow out of a removal; I do not say they will, but it is right to consider what may possibly exist in the one place, and which cannot exist in the other. I do verify believe from my soul that it was not for the single circumstance of obtaining information from Europe, with greater ease, that the National Legislature should sit in the heart of the agricultural interest instead of running into cities. A removal into a large commercial city, where all the inhabitants would give us good dinners and handsome entertainments, operating on our prejudices and taking advantage of unguarded moments, would insensibly bias our better judgement. The agricultural and commercial interests are no the same. Agriculture can never amalgamate with commerce, but commerce may involve agriculture in the expence of a war. There is nothing under Heavens to induce me to remove to Philadelphia. If the seat of government must be moved, take it to any considerable inland town, where honorable gentlemen may long enjoy great health. If you wish for good health and living, go to Lancaster. But as in my heart and soul I believe that almost all the benefits are enjoyed here that could be enjoyed in any other place, and as this is fixed as the permanent seat of government by the law and the constitution, I think it most unwise on any consideration to attempt a removal, supposing no individual injury to result from removal.
An honorable gentleman from New-York (Mr. Gardenier) supposes that the motion of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Lewis) was intended to stifle discussion. I would not for a moment jeopardize the property of the citizen, or give rise to a supposition that we had an idea of violating the constitution or the laws. Does the gentleman suppose the minority could be convinced by reason or argument? I never yet saw a minority which could. The gentleman says if we now strike it down, it will be brought forward next year. If there be a minority, they will no doubt bring it forward next year, if they have the whole session now allowed for discussion. It is neither improper nor impolitic at this time to decide it.
The gentleman from New-Jersey has mentioned society. If we remove to a place where there are abundance of ladies and good cheer, it is likely we shall now and then be remiss in our duty. That might be a reason
why this of all others is the place to sit in. If ever you want men to do their duty, I have found it a good thing to place them where they have nothing to take off their attention; and rely upon it, wherever you increase temptation, you encourage neglect of duty.
I have no doubt that the honorable member who made this motion has given the sense of his constituents; but something of local interest is to be given up to a government of compromise like ours; much was given up in its origin and much must be surrendered now. If I am not mistaken Philadelphia herself is now tremblingly alive, watching the direction of a great western road which is contemplated to lead to Baltimore, and by which she will feel herself injured. The honorable gentleman who feel it their true interest to have communication with the western country by any road which shall terminate at Fort Cumberland, are, in the true spirit of commerce looking for pecuniary advantage over each other. I see the honorable gentleman smile. Let Philadelphia yield her rights to where they are better placed for the national security. This road is the great connecting link between the western country and the Atlantic waters; and the struggle is to remove it so as to go nearer to Philadelphia. The same objection which applies to Philadelphia applies to Baltimore. No great commercial town is suited for the seat of government. The honorable members of the House duly weighing this question will certainly find it their duty to give faith to a law which they themselves have enacted.
(Debate to be continued.)
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8.
Mr. Mumford presented the memorial of certain Yazoo claimants in the city of New York, praying a consideration of their claim. Referred to the committee of the whole to whom was referred the memorial from the legislature of Massachusetts on that subject.
Mr. Samuel Smith presented the memorial of a number of inhabitants of the county of Erie, Pennsylvania, praying for an enquiry into the defect in the law or administration of the law for the punishment of treason; which was referred to the committee on that part of the President's message which relates to enterprizes against the public peace.
Mr. S. Smith also presented a petition from the inhabitants of the same county, representing their unprotected and dangerous situation in case of a war as apprehended; and praying the attention of Congress to their situation. Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Burwell presented the following resolution:
Resolved, That the committee on our military and naval establishments be instructed to enquire into the expediency of authorising the President of the United States to procure as soon as practicable a thousand stand of arms.
Mr. Burwell hoped the House would agree to the resolution, that it might go to the committee that they might report a bill. It would be recollected that a colleague of his had a few weeks ago submitted to the House some resolutions for the purpose of arming the whole militia in the U. States. This gentleman, said Mr. B. is at this time so much indisposed as to be unable to attend, and possibly the nation may not at this session receive the benefit of any such plan. If, however, the resolution which I offer, shall become the foundation of a law, & the House appropriate a sufficient sum to purchase fifty or an hundred thousand stand of arms, it will not interfere with that object; if it can be accomplished; but, if procured, they might be so disposed as to arm the militia or regular force according to the future determination of the House. It is scarcely necessary to call the attention of the House to the situation of the U. States; every man must be impressed with it; our commerce attacked in every part of the globe, our peace menaced by the most powerful nations in the world. Although there may be in the United States an indisposition to protect commerce at all hazards, yet whenever it is necessary (no man can tell what is to happen in the present state of things, we should therefore prepare for the worst) to prepare for defence against attack on land but one opinion can prevail. I have offered this resolution because the procuring arms will be indispensably necessary to enable us to defend the country. I am one who believes that if this country is possessed of a sufficient number of arms, we are perfectly safe against the world. I for one feel no sort of alarm; I feel indifferent to any combination however extensive or formidable. It is impossible to conquer this country; it would require a corporal and a guard for every man. Let us have arms and I fear not any mischief from combination of any kind against the country. I hope the resolution will be agreed to and referred to the committee I have mentioned.
Mr. Bacon thought this a resolution of considerable importance, which need not be adopted at a moment's warning. He wished further time to consider the subject, and moved that it be referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Dawson said that the committee on our military and naval establishments had made the enquiry contemplated by the resolution. They found that the United States were now in pos-
session of 150,000 stand of arms, and annually manufactured thousand in addition. Upon this enquiry they had thought it unnecessary to enquire into the means of procuring an additional supply.
Mr. Marion said it was indifferent to him what course this resolution should take, though he was anxious that the House should come to some determination on the subject. Early in the session a committee had reported a resolution for loaning or selling arms to the several states, which resolution had lain on the table. Several legislatures had since been in session and appropriated money for procuring arms. But as long as these motions were pending in this House, and Congress had the subject under consideration, they knew not how to act. If Congress will purchase arms, said Mr. M. it is unnecessary for the states to do it; if Congress will sell them, the states will purchase them. I myself have been applied to by a state authority to know what success they would meet in an attempt to procure arms in the United States. It is impossible to purchase them in the United States; the armories and manufactories are in contract with the United States or with the states for all that can be manufactured, and it is impossible to procure them except from foreign nations. If this resolution were adopted, the details from the committee might furnish some mode of procuring them. It is desirable that something on this subject may be done, and this course may produce the most speedy decision.
Mr. Ely thought it a truly desirable object that the U. States should possess more arms than they do at present. One hundred and thirty thousand were not half the number that the United States ought to possess. He should be willing to adopt the resolution if the gentleman from Virginia or any other would show the means to carry that object into effect, that arms could be procured; but until it could be shewn that there were arms in the U. S. which could be purchased, it was unnecessary to trouble the House with a discussion on the subject, as it would have a tendency to prevent the states from arming. Now if the gentleman who proposed the resolution could shew where 50,000 stand of arms were to be had, he would adopt any measure for procuring them. He did not think 100,000 stand would be one musket more than the United States ought to have in addition to their present supply; but he would not be willing to adopt the resolution except it were shewn where they could be purchased. The political world was now in such a state that arms could not be procured from foreign nations: he should be glad that some way could be demonstrated. He wished to know before they committed the subject, that the resolution embraced an object within their reach.
Mr. Bacon withdrew his motion for commitment, and moved that it lie on the table.
Mr. Burwell assured the gentleman just set down, that he had not introduced the resolution to promote useless discussion. [Mr. Ely explained that he had not meant to express an idea that he had] It was no part of his object. It appears to me, said Mr. B. that nothing can be more evident than that every country which anticipates attack should possess more arms than necessary to arm any particular number of men that are likely to be called out at one time. Let us suppose that by whatever event a part of our arms should be destroyed. Is it not necessary that there should be a certain deposit whence they can be immediately supplied? I presume that there should. As to any particular place where any quantity of arms can now be procured, I cannot designate any. The resolution contemplates vesting a power in the government to purchase them if they can be had. There are no doubt, some few in the seaports. Government may purchase them. Although we cannot import them at this day, we may in a few weeks or months, in which time the state of things may be so far changed as to put it in the power of the President to procure them. With respect to the number of arms already belonging to the U. States, it will be considered that we have an exposed frontier, liable to the attack of nations on our borders, and it is indispensably necessary that the inhabitants on our frontier should be armed. The petition this day presented by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smith) sufficiently evinces that the United States are not amply provided with arms.
Mr. S. Smith deemed it his duty to state that the fears of the petitioners just alluded to were not chimerical; he personally knew their situation, and was anxious that something should be done for their relief.
Mr. Burwell having expressed a consent that it might lie on the table.
The resolution was so disposed of, 42 to 34.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for carrying into effect certain Indian treaties. Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. W. Alston moved that the unfinished business of the last sitting [Mr. Blount's renewal of Mr. Sloan's motion for the removal of the seat of government] be postponed indefinitely. He presumed every gentleman must be convinced that sufficient time had been occupied by it.
Messrs. Sawyer and Tallmadge opposed this motion and advocated a removal of the seat of government, at great length.
Mr. W. Alston withdrew his motion, as he had not intended to cause a discussion by it; he had moved it for the purpose of getting rid of the subject altogether.
Mr. Quincy rising to speak under a belief that the question on the passage

of the resolution had recurred— The Speaker declared that the House had not yet agreed to consider the subject; and no debate being admissible on a motion to consider, the question on considering the resolution was taken by Yeas and Nays, and carried—Yeas 60, Nays 58.
Mr. Gardenier said, as a determination was pressed, and as in deciding they ought to be possessed of all the information in the power of the House to procure, he should move that the resolution be referred to a select committee with instructions to enquire into and report how much money has been expended in the city of Washington, and how much may be saved by a removal, and that the heads of Departments be instructed to afford such information as the committee may call for.
Mr. Montgomery wished to know if the motion were in order? The Speaker concurred that it was in order to move a commitment, but not in order particularly to instruct the committee to whom it was committed.
Mr. Gardenier said there might be an error in the motion; but he was led into it from the indulgence of the House in a similar motion which he had made some time ago in considering the resolution for enquiring into the conduct of gen. Wilkinson, and on which motion a question was taken by Yeas and Nays. If he had been wrong then, he was not right now; if he had been right then, he was not wrong now. He submitted to the decision of the Speaker, however, and withdrew that part of his motion which went to instruct the committee with a design to renew it hereafter.
Mr. Goldsborough, although he was decidedly opposed to a removal, was willing to commit the resolution, in order that it might undergo a thorough investigation, and receive a full decision. He hoped that gentlemen thinking as he did would agree to refer it, at the same time he assured the House that he had not an idea that the Secretary of the Treasury or other department could give them any information necessary to decide this question. If a motion were not now before the House he would move to refer it to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Gardenier, as he had no preference for any particular committee, withdrew his motion, moved to commit the resolution to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Rhea (T.) opposed the commitment, in the course of his remarks observing that it appeared to him as if gentlemen made motions for others to make speeches upon, and withdrew them as soon, before a question could be taken on them, as though they wished to prolong a tedious discussion.
Mr. Nicholas opposed a commitment, as it could have no other effect than to produce farther delay on a subject which had already occupied the attention of the House too long.
Mr. Smith observed that it was not good policy in any majority to push their advantage too far. Gentlemen must see by this time that they had better have stopped when they had forced the minority to retreat; but not satisfied with that they determined to go farther and triumph over them. Every minority could always perplex a majority, and something in proof of that they now saw. The gentleman who renewed this motion had yet in his power to withdraw it; if he did not, he could not expect any accommodation on the part of the minority.
Mr. Burwell in a speech of some length opposed a commitment. He regretted that so much warmth had been displayed, that public measures had been suspended & the body tied down to this subject without producing any good effect. He went over the ground of removal, of which he did not believe there was any constitutional prohibition, but there were circumstances attendant on the creation of the place into a seat of government, which operated as strongly in his mind against a removal as if the constitution itself had prohibited it.
Mr. Van Dyke in a speech of considerable length advocated the removal and commitment.—When a motion for adjournment was made (this being the sixth day's discussion on this subject) and carried 55 to 42.
TUESDAY, FEB. 9.
The unfinished business of yesterday being called up immediately on the meeting of the House.
Mr. Stedman called the yeas and nays on considering it, which being taken, there were for considering it 35, against it 51.
Mr. M. O'ay moved for the order of the day on the bill for classing the militia. Negatived 44 to 38.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported a bill for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases, and for other purposes; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. M. Williams, the House went into a committee of the
whole, Mr. Curts in the chair, on the bill making additional compensation to the marshals of the districts of North Carolina and N. Jersey.
After some discussion of the bill, in which Mr. Blackledge and others forcibly represented the peculiar situation of the marshal in the state of N. Carolina, a question was taken on filling the blank for the addition to the salary of that officer, with five hundred dollars and negatived—aye 29: four hundred was agreed to—aye 57.
After some observations from Mr. Southard relative to the situation of the marshal of N. Jersey, the blank for the addition to his salary was filled with 200 dollars, when
The committee rose and reported the bill, which, after some objections by Mr. Withersell, and reply by Messrs. M. Williams, Mason, Newton, and Blackledge, was ordered to a third reading.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing the House that he had approved and signed the bill for the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac.
The following message was received from the President of the U. States: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S.
I communicate to Congress for their information a letter from the person acting in the absence of our Consul at Naples giving reason to believe on the affidavit of a Captain Sheffield of the American Schooner Mary Ann, that the Dey of Algiers has commenced war against the U. States. For this no just cause has been given on our part within my knowledge. We may daily expect more authentic and particular information on the subject from Mr. Lear who was residing as our Consul at Algiers.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Feb. 9. 1808. [Accompanying this message were the papers alluded to which appear in substance in this day's paper.]
The message with its enclosures, being read,
Mr. Quincy moved that it be referred to a select committee—Agreed. Messrs. Quincy, Findley, Nicholas, Taylor, Troup, Johnson, & Mumford form the committee.
A number of orders of the day being named, the House went into a committee of the whole, on motion of Mr. Newton, 52 to 23, on the bill supplementing to an act prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, Mr. Pitkin in the chair. After some amendments to the detail of the bill the committee rose and reported the bill with amendments.
The bill was gone through in the House and ordered to a third reading to-morrow; when the House adjourned.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT the subscribers, of the city of Washington, have obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county, in the district of Columbia, letters testamentary on the Personal Estate of George Mitchell, late of said city, deceased. All persons having claims against the deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers, at or before the 12th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the estate. Given under our hands this 8th day of February, in the year 1808. JOHN MCGOWAN, } Ex'rs. MICHAEL NOURSE, } February 10—3t
NOTICE. THE whole of the Personal Property of George Mitchell, deceased, consisting of a valuable Gold Watch, bedstead, feather bed and bedding, a considerable quantity of wearing apparel, and a variety of other articles, will be sold at Public Vendue, on Thursday the 18th inst. at the House of John M'Gowan, opposite Rhea's Tavern.—Sale to commence at 11 o'clock.—Terms made known previous to the sale. AMUEL SPEAKE, Auct. February 10—1ds
ST. MARY'S COLLEGE LOTTERY, BALTIMORE.
A few fortunate Tickets in the above Lottery may be had at G. & R. Wait's, Baltimore, and at J. March's Book Store, Geo. Town—Present price 15 dollars, and will advance in a few days.
*** A regular check-book is kept at J. March's Book Store, Geo. Town, where the fate of any ticket may be known. February 10—3t
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
WA Stolen from the subscriber living near the head of South River Anne Arundel county, Maryland, on the night of Friday the 29th of January, a handsome Bay HORSE, 14 1/2 hands high, 12 years old next spring, his gait are a trot and gallop, except an appearance of his having had a pole evil, (which cannot be perceived but upon close examination) he has none other than natural marks, which are, a little white on his nose, a white spot on each side of his back, near his withers, his right fore foot white, off which he lately lost the shoe, the others were shod. The thief is supposed to be a certain William Grant who has been twice sentenced to work at the wheel-barrow in this state, and who since complying with the requisitions of the law is supposed to spend most of his time in some part of Virginia.
To any person who will bring the atrocious felon to justice, and return the horse to the owner, the above reward will be paid, or Twenty Dollars for the Horse. JOHN HALL. February 8—2t
New Bedford, Jan. 30.
WAR WITH ALGIERS. Arrived this evening, the fast sailing ship Honestas, captain Nathan Clark, 42 days from the Downs. Left London about the 11th December, for the Mediterranean. Off Cape Trafalgar, spoke a British ship of war, who informed him that Algiers had declared WAR against America, and had captured a number of vessels; in consequence, went into Tangier for further information; and on application to the American Consul, the account of war was fully confirmed; and a letter handed by the Consul to captain Clark, a copy of which is given below.
In consequence of this information, captain Clark left Tangier for America the 1st inst. touched at Madeira on the 9th, and found it in the hands of the English; they having taken possession of it on the 25th December.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
Captain Clark informs, that about the 1st December, authentic information was received in London, that Russia had declared war against England. Captain C. read the declaration himself, and says that 48 hours were allowed to the English to get away with their ships, &c. of which they had generally availed themselves; and that the English had taken possession of a Russian frigate, which was lying at Portsmouth, and made all the Russians in England prisoners of war.
That Sweden had concluded an armistice with France, which was to continue till May.
That it had been rumored in London, that a general embargo had taken place in France; but that it proved to be void of foundation. That the brig Acorn, captain Folger, arrived in London about the 5th December from Cherbourg; and that captain Folger stated that an embargo of a few days continuance had been laid in consequence of 2 or 3 frigates being about to sail, which probably gave rise to the report.
That it was reported in London, and generally supposed to be true, that the royal family of Portugal had embarked for Brazil; that off the rock of Lisbon, he spoke an English frigate, an officer from which confirmed this report; and added, that the French had possession of Lisbon.
THE LETTER.
Tangiers, December 31.
"SIR, The belief of the Algerines having commenced hostilities on the flag of the United States, is founded on the declaration under oath of captain Ichabod Sheffield, of the schooner Mary Ann, of New York, made at Naples; which states, that his vessel and the brig Violet, of Boston, was captured on the 26th October, by an Algerine frigate of 44 guns. Capt. Sheffield adds, that he had heard the same frigate had taken an American ship and schooner a few days before his vessel. He was fortunate enough to overpower the Turks put on board the Mary Ann, and arrived at Naples on the 4th November. This intelligence appears fully confirmed by the advice received at Gibraltar, on the 21st inst. from Oran, of nine American vessels having been carried to Algiers, which Mr. Gavio has acquainted me. Under these circumstances, it is my decided opinion, your determination not to proceed up the Mediterranean is perfectly right; and I beg you may make this known to every American vessel you may meet at sea.
"With this is a letter for Consul Cathcart, at Madeira; if you can conveniently leave it there, or put it on board of any vessel bound for that island, it may be productive of happy consequences. I also deliver you a dispatch for the hon. the Secretary of State, which I have to request you will put into the hands of the post-master, at the first port you may be able to make in the United States.
"I wish you a safe and speedy voyage, and am, sir, Your most obedient servant, JAMES SIMSON.
Capt. Nathan Clark, Ship Honest, Tangier Bay."
* Captain Clark saw Captain Sheffield's declaration, and is confident that there is a mistake in this date, it was 26th November.
† December 4th, in the original.
Philadelphia, February 5.
Yesterday afternoon arrived the fast sailing brig Lydia, capt. Webb, 40 days from Bordeaux; by her we have received 20 regular files of French papers to the 20th December, from which we have made several interesting translations for this day's Gazette. These extracts corroborate the intelligence of war being declared against the United States by the Dey of Algiers. They also confirm the fact of the prince regent of Portugal having abandoned his European dominions, and taken shelter from French fraternity in his American possessions.
The President's message at the meeting of Congress, was published in France early in December, unaccompanied by any remarks of consequence. It was received about the same time in England, and excited more attention from the writers of that country, as will be perceived by the article from London, December 7.
It will also be perceived, that Sweden, urged by Russia, has at length united itself to the immense continental coalition against Great Britain.
Bonaparte had not returned to Paris on the 15th inst. Letters from his quarters in Italy stated, that he might be expected on the 19th December.
Further extracts shall be given in subsequent numbers.
PARIS, Dec. 14.
Letters from the first corps of observation of the Gironde, commanded by general Junot, announce, that the prince regent of Portugal, as soon as he was informed of the arrival of the French troops at Abrantes, took the resolution of retiring to the Brazils. He set sail accordingly on the 29th ult. and general Junot entered Lisbon on the 30th. He was received with great attention and
regard by the inhabitants of that city. So great was the confidence reposed in the French there, that shops remained open, and business did not experience a moment's interruption.
DECEMBER 10.
The Argus repeats to day the report of the entrance of the French into Lisbon on the 28th November.
DECEMBER 13.
The Portuguese are well satisfied as to the intentions of the French, and have received them with enthusiasm, as their saviours. It is said the prince regent has directed his course towards the Brazils; the people of Lisbon complain bitterly of his conduct, and particularly for having caused the cannon of Fort Belier to be spiked up, for the purpose of permitting a free access to the English, and afterwards having joined them. He left behind him a proclamation addressed to his subjects.
The vessels are still in sight.
Among the number of distinguished emigrants are the duke de Cadaval, the Marquis de Pombal, and the minister of state, Aranjo.
At the departure of the Courier, it is stated that the English had landed at Peniche, an important post, about 11 leagues from Lisbon.
HAMBURG, Dec. 5.
Letters from Sweden state that the English previous to leaving the Sound, requested permission from the king of Sweden to winter their troops in Scania, for which a very great subsidy would be paid. But the Swedish monarch replied that his own army not being on the war establishment, the independence of his dominions would not allow him to admit foreign troops therein.
Conformably to an order from Paris there can be imported in the ports of the Baltic sea occupied by French troops, no other articles but those that are comprised in the following list: Timber, masts, tar, copper, iron, French brandy, French wine, wheat, rye, oats, peas, rice, barley, oatmeal, clover, flaxseed, &c. butter, cheese, honey, flaxseed oil, tallow, potash, candles, flour, hemp, horse hair, hogs bristles, fish oil, canvas, cordages, salt-petre, &c.
FRANKFORT, Nov. 30.
It is believed at Stockholm, that since the audience granted by the king of Sweden to the Russian ambassador, that sovereign has determined to make a common cause with Russia and Denmark against England, as the latter in her declaration for blockading the continent has not even excepted Sweden. This arrangement against the British ministry reduces England to one port on the continent—Gibraltar.
TWO ELEGANT FORTEPIANO-NOES.
THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. He has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS, among the latter peach brandy 6 years old, fourth proof, and best kind of HAMS—also, he offers a pair of PISTOLS, in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a musket handle, original cost 100 dollars.
F. A. WAGLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market.
N. B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice. December 25—tf.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10.
We understand that a copy of the address of the Prince Regent of Portugal, on embarking for the Brazils, is received in this City, which we regret that we were not able to obtain for this day's paper. It is said that he has taken with him property valued at one hundred millions of dollars, of which thirty millions are in specie.
Philadelphia, Feb. 5.
Under the Paris date of December 2, we find that our Minister, Gen. Armstrong, had received information of the sudden Declaration of War by the Dey of Algiers, against the United States.
We have received the Paris Moniteur down to the 13th of December. The only article of an interesting nature which they contain, not already given, is the following. The Moniteur of the 12th contains the President's Message at the opening of Congress. The Emperor Napoleon was at Venice on the 5th, having been there from the 30th of November. A paragraph under the head of Petersburg, Nov. 10, says that an Embargo had been laid on all the English vessels, that all English property had been sequestered, and that Lord Gower had obtained his passports, and was about returning to England.
PARIS, December 8.
Mr. Stephen Cathalan, Consul of the United States of America, in Marseilles, has communicated to the chamber of commerce of that city, the following letter which he received from the American consulate, dated at Tunis, Nov. 5, 1807.
"SIR—I hasten to communicate to you the following information contained in a letter which I received about three days since, from Colonel Lear, the consul-general of the United States at Algiers, by which he informs me that the Dey sent for the drogomans of the
American, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch consuls, and ordered them to inform their respective consuls that he had waited a long time for the enquiries due from them; that his patience was exhausted, and that if he did not receive, either by the way of Alicante, or some vessel which should soon arrive, information that they might be shortly expected, they would feel the consequences.
"The consul-general considers this as a formal declaration: the reigning Dey being in the habit of putting his threats into execution; and he thinks there is very little doubt he will declare against some one or perhaps the whole of the powers abovementioned; but it is to be presumed, that if his attacks should be confined to one alone, the extent of our commerce in those seas will offer the greatest object for his cupidity.
"You will therefore be pleased immediately to notify all the American vessels within your district, of this circumstance, in order that they may be upon their guard, and to forward this information to those of our consuls in Europe, with whom you may have an opportunity of corresponding.
"I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) C. D. COXE."
It is reported that England has accepted the mediation of Austria, for entering into negotiations for peace.
An arrival at New York from Liverpool brings London prints to the 15th of December.
Maenz, the Austrian messenger, had returned from Paris with fresh dispatches.
On the 9th of December an embargo was laid in England on all Russian vessels, and authority given to capture Russian ships.
The armistice acceded to by the king of Sweden is ascribed to the march of the Russian army towards Swedish Finland.
New York, February 6.
Captain Shaler of the ship General Hamilton, which arrived at this port last evening from Amsterdam, left there on the 18th of December, and informs, that the Emperor of Austria had offered to negotiate for a peace between England and France:—that there had not been any seizures of American property or vessels in Amsterdam, and no idea of an embargo.
COMMUNICATION.
MR. SAWYER very strongly insinuated, if not positively asserted on the floor of the House of Representatives lately, that Mr. Crowninshield's illness was owing to the hail; and another gentleman who followed him did not fail to use the intimation in his argument: Now Doctor Weems, the attending physician, declares that his own colour or any other effect may with equal justice be ascribed to the Representative Room!!
U. S. Military Philosophical Society.
In conformity to a provision in the constitution of the United States Military Philosophical Society, a meeting was called by col. JONATHAN WILLIAMS, President thereof, and held at the War-Office on Saturday the 30th ult.
The business was opened by the President, who laid before the Society a comprehensive view of the origin, progress, and present state of the Society, together with a summary account of the communications and donations that have been made to it since the publication in January, 1807; after which it was on motion
Resolved, That the thanks of this Society be given to the President for his address delivered this evening, and that the Secretary pro tem. be desired to publish the same in the National Intelligencer in this city, with a request that it may be printed in the other papers of the U. States; and also separately, for the use of the members of this Society.
Extract from the minutes. HEZ. ROGERS, Secretary pro tem.
* The account of communications and donations being too voluminous for the limits of a Gazette, they will be sent in another form to the members. H. R.
THE ADDRESS.
Gentlemen, I have thought it an indispensable duty, on my passage through this city, to call you together; and it is particularly gratifying to meet you in the capital of the union, at a time when, of all others, the usefulness and importance of such an institution as this is, must come home to all your feelings. Two belligerent nations divide the power of Europe between them; the one, extending its maritime arm over all the watry world, the other, either controlling, or holding within its grasp, the whole territory of Europe, between the Mediterranean and Baltic seas. Neutrality has been driven from the ocean; and is now hidden within our ports. With both these gigantic powers we have necessary relations, and to preserve as much as possible a just impartiality between them, the government has suspended our commercial connections with all. This state of things cannot long continue; but whenever may be the event, in whatever direction the storm may burst, we ought to be ready for it; not merely so; for should it blow over, we ought to remember the old adage, and in future most sacredly adhere to it: "In peace prepare for war."
The sentiment contained in this adage gave the first idea to the founders of this society, and the complete execu-

plification of it, is all its end and aim.
It never was intended that it should become a political engine, to aid any sect or party; it has no more to do with politics as such, than it has with religion; it respects the correct principles of both, but meddles with neither. It is founded on patriotism of the purest kind; it proposes to defend its own country, and while its efforts are directed to draw forth all the energy of the nation, its object is to procure, preserve and perpetuate peace.
Scientia in bello pax. —This is its motto; and the seal displays the maxim. There we see Minerva causing an olive branch to start from the ground, by the touch of her spear; the goddess of Science, in full armour, produces peace, by the very lance with which she is prepared for battle.
The wars of conquest the society disclaims; the contests of ambition it despises; Firm to one object, it has paid no attention to the shades of difference in political opinions, and takes into its bosom, the well-meaning patriots of all parties; relying firmly, that whoever may administer the government, we shall all be true to the principles of the constitution and support the authorities it has created; whenever the time shall come which may call forth our exertions, we shall break to pieces the shackles of prejudice, and unite in one common cause!
The U. States, having become a nation, within the memory of many of us, it naturally follows, that institutions, which are independent of foreign control, must have a recent origin. Many have risen in our country from very minute causes; the accidental meetings of a few men of talents, a few lines perhaps, from some persons present at these meetings, have given rise to most of the societies for the promotion of useful knowledge, of agriculture, of commerce, of the arts and sciences, in almost every quarter of our extensive country. It is hoped, therefore, that this offspring of the corps of Engineers, itself but just emerging from infancy, will be viewed with complacency by all who consider that the importance of the end ought to justify the well intentioned tamperity of the means: An acorn, planted by a child, may become the pride of the forest.
It must be self evident to the reflecting mind, in taking a retrospect of the origin, cause, and various events of our revolution, that there exists in our country a very considerable mass of military science, derived by many still living, from hardy experience in the field. By others from tradition, now locked up in the stores of memory, which they have received from their sires, who have "fought their battles o'er again," for the instruction of their children. And much may be buried in the dusty files of neglected cabinets. By others in fine, who since the termination of our struggles for independence, have travelled over Europe, and collected rich treasures, from personal intercourse with the great characters of the age, or by free access to extensive military deposits. While existing in this scattered state, our country cannot derive advantage from the improvement of her sons. Individuals might possess genius and talents, & be proficient in architecture, sculpture and painting; but, without edification, without statues, without the exhibition of the breathing canvas—the genius would expire, the talents would be lost, and the art would be buried with the artist. It is thus in military science—without plans, without models, without the detail of all existing causes and effects, military experience is confined within the limits of humankind; and every successor has to learn in the same dear school, in which he can arrive at proficiency only, when his vigour is exhausted. To arrest these ravages of time, to collect into one mass all the military knowledge now dispersed, in order to give it out again, as the exigencies of our country may require, for the purposes of universal instruction, are the primary objects of the plan; and form the motives for attempting a permanent establishment.
The theories of Europe are undoubtedly the basis of a military education. But, the practice of our own warriors in our own country, the experience and observation of men, who have had local circumstances in view, are far more essential. With this knowledge we shall be able, in case of invasion, to renew the scenes of Saratoga and York.
It will naturally occur, that although the title of the society expressly designates it as a military one, yet, the same title connects it with every branch of physics. Science is in its own nature so diffuse, that it is almost impossible to designate any dividing lines. Astronomy, geography, and mathematics, run into each other at every step. Chymistry and mineralogy are inseparable. The laws of motion, mechanics, and projectile are also interwoven, and in some way or other (although the extreme points may be distant) the gradations become insensible. Military science embraces all these branches, it therefore has as good a claim to the title of philosophical as any other, and considering the end in view ( peace ) the term is doubtless appropriate.
It would be tedious, and to this audience, absolutely useless to go into farther detail, to establish a position which displays its own demonstration.
After the plan of the society was formed, it was submitted to the President of the United States, requesting him to become its patron. The request was readily granted in terms of great complacency, and in a manner highly gratifying to the feelings of its projectors. Although this can only be considered binding on any future President, as far as relates to a decorous regard to his predecessor and the public utility resulting from our association; yet there can be no doubt of its being continued to us as long as we shall, by our labors, continue to merit the public attention. A constitution was formed, but as in
similar cases, it was impossible to foresee the operation of all its parts. When it came to be put in practice, some of its conditions, although of very trifling import as to principle, became extremely inconvenient; one of these conditions was, the restricting the meetings to a place, where only a few members could attend; and it is owing to this amendment in the third section of the fourth chapter, that I am enabled to meet you at this time. This constitution has been sent with a circular letter to all the members; and it will be understood that the approbation of this meeting is tacitly expressed, unless some member shall, before we separate, make any remarks to the contrary, in which case a vote will be taken. Having a few copies of the constitution here, they are laid before you. In one of the bye-laws it was enacted, that in case a member did not accept his election in four calender months, it was understood that he had declined—but this was found to operate very injuriously: For in some instances the notification failed, in others, the answers did not get to hand; and most of the members who did not answer, were unacquainted with the necessity of doing so. As the notices did not specify any such condition. This bye-law, therefore, has been repealed, and members are not limited to time; though it is certainly a reasonable expectation that an answer should be given. The members who have accepted are many, and in doing so, there have been expressions of great satisfaction on the occasion. Even the few who have declined, have done it in terms of high approbation of the measure, politely acknowledging the intended honor, and the reasons for declining under circumstances altogether personal to themselves. To this, however, there have been two exceptions—both from men who have filled dignified stations, and equally distinguished for their high characters, and public services. The first declined for reasons which were so exclusively political, that they were considered irrelevant to the objects of this society, and of course, need not be noticed. The second declined for more appropriate reasons, which are best expressed in the words of the writer himself. "I can (says he) entertain no doubt of the importance of improving and extending military knowledge in the United States; but to that end I think other means than those embraced by the plan of your institution are requisite. Enough of theory may be found in books accessible to every military man, or if (for want of adequate funds) a library of the best books on the subject be not now attainable by the officers; provision ought to be made by law. This library may be lodged where the collections by the society are proposed to be deposited. The one and the great thing needful is the application of rules in the practical instruction of a competent number of our citizens who are inclined to devote themselves to the military life, in all the branches of the military art. By their instrumentality, military knowledge might be speedily diffused throughout the army, whenever the situation of the United States shall make the raising of one indispensable, or expedient."
These sentiments indeed display to us how useful a member this gentleman might have been. He states to us what ought to replace this institution, by stating the very objects it aims at—"A military library where the collections of the society are to be deposited."—"Application of rule to practical instruction," and "the diffusion of knowledge through an army." All these are embraced in the plan. But he goes on—"Should Congress refuse to make such a provision, individual efforts will be of little avail." To this opinion we ought not to subscribe; what would become of every species of individual zeal, if we were to declare at the threshold that it would be unavailing? Let us adopt a contrary opinion, and say that individual zeal must prevail, and that as long as we live the ill success of its efforts shall never be imputed to our neglect! The very objects here pointed out will be attained, our society will become a corporate body, it will be established in the capital of the Union, and its self evident usefulness, will supersede the necessity of all reasoning upon the subject; combined with and taking under its paternal care the military academy, already established by law, it will afford the most useful lessons to our young military students, and both the establishments will flourish together, under the eyes of the collected wisdom of our nation.
No society can exist without funds; for however small its expenses may be, they should be equally borne. In 1806, a contribution of five dollars per annum, was imposed upon each member, payable at any time within the first six months of every year, and at whatever time of the year an election is made, the contribution for that year becomes due. A sum so trifling, cannot, it is presumed, be thought burdensome; and when, at a future day, the society shall have a surplus stock, premiums may be offered for such models and other works of genius as may deserve the encouragement, either of a pecuniary reward, or the honorable testimony of a medal; and important military publications will be purchased to enrich its library, which at present consists only of donations. All views of amassing wealth for any other purpose, are too mean and unworthy to admit a supposition that the society can ever be suspected of them. It has begun with the greater sum, owing to the necessary expenses at the outset, and the small number of contributors. This tax will decrease in proportion as the members grow numerous; it cannot increase, and may be reduced to a very trifle.
The society has paid all expenses hitherto, and the treasurer has at this time upwards of two hundred and se-
venty dollars in hand: but the society stands engaged to pay about fifty dollars for some models of arms now making, and four hundred to the engraver of the diploma, which when finished will be deposited in the hands of the treasurer, Mr. Popham, in New York, of which notice will be given, that each member may apply for his own. In this place, it may not be improper to give an account of the drawing for this object, with which the society has been favored, by Mr. Louis Simond of New York, one of its members. At the superior part is a representation of the city of Syracuse, and on an advanced tower Archimedes is seen, with a large concave mirror, collecting and reflecting the rays of the sun on the fleet of Marcellus, some of which are retiring in confusion, while others are enveloped in flame. Around the picture, we perceive a collection of ancient military insignia, and in the foreground are some of the more modern and ponderous implements of war, interspersed with various philosophical instruments in appropriate positions. This is intended as a representation of the first member of our motto: Science in War —the latter member, being the consequence or result of the former one, is represented by emblems of peace: The implements of husbandry on one side, and those of fishery on the other, are displayed in pendant festoons; and at the foot is an elliptical medalion, containing a rural view, under a mild and cheering sky; with one man ploughing, and another sowing in a field. Either of which may be understood to represent the alternate husbandman and warrior, so often cited as the model for a military chief, in the act of cultivating his "little farm." In the body of the plate is a blank certificate in elegant script, to be filled with the name of the member elected.
When the original projectors had formed the plan, it was a matter of serious consideration, how to designate characters for members. It was at first thought proper to select bodies of men generally, such as officers of the army and navy, legislators, and men in dignified stations. But it occurred, that by choosing in that collective manner, no compliment would be paid to the genius or talents of any individual; and therefore, what was designed to be an honor, might not be felt as such. It was of course determined to make some selections individually, not with a view of filling the society, but to extend the right of proposing candidates, and nominations were made by each of the founders, according as their personal knowledge or the general public estimation of characters directed, without any previous knowledge of their disposition to associate with them, and without any attempt at exclusive choice. As the society has increased, this mode of selection consequently increases with it, every member having a right of nominating who he pleases, and it is hoped and expected that it will be exercised.
But, as the dignity of the institution requires (now that it has taken so respectable a consistency) that what is intended an honorable tribute of respect, should be so considered by the receiver, it will be prudent in each proposing member, to have some good reason to believe, that the candidate he proposes should not only have the requisite qualities for an useful associate, but be of a disposition to aid as far as may be in his power, the laudable views of the society.
It is hoped that no man whose pretensions to such an association indisputably result from station or character, will suppose himself to have been purposely omitted. It would have been presumptuous in the projectors to have monopolised the right of nomination by at once choosing all whom they esteemed worthy.
Having thus laid before you the motives by which the founders of this society have been influenced, and the measures that have been taken to give it a form and consistence, with a slight expression of its views in attempting a permanent establishment, I shall proceed to give an account of its progress and present state. But my memory intrudes a melancholy reflection; and forces me into a sorrowful digression.
Young as the society is, it has lived long enough to see three of its distinguished members snatched from it by the hand of death!—Paterson! The enlightened and virtuous patriot—the profound impartial judge—the unassuming and useful citizen—the amiable friend and social companion, is numbered with the dead!—Preble! The pride of our navy—the hero of Tripoli—he who silenced barbarian batteries, is himself entombed in awful silence! Bissell! A veteran indeed—who, after sharing in our revolution, continued in the army till the close of the last year closed his efficient services—in arms, to the last moment of his life, he died, uniformly supporting the character of a brave and honest soldier! But although dead, they shall live in the memory of this society; they will stand upon its records; and notwithstanding the mournful monosyllable shall be written against their names, posterity will see with complacency, and the members of this society will remark with pride, that such distinguished patriots continue to adorn the list of their associates.
It is natural for most men to hope that their good deeds will not be forgotten; and we may be allowed to feel some satisfaction in the reflection that our names will live in the annals of this institution. If this be a weakness, it is a laudable one. Because it tends to excite an useful emulation.
At the close of the last year, a circular communication was made to the then existing members; stating, in a summary way, all its transactions to that period. In my circular letter, accompanying that communication, I took the liberty of observing, that it cannot be too often nor too strongly reiterated, that as much as our government is opposed to a standing army, so much
ought we to preserve and make perfect the means of organising a "temporary one." We place our great national defence, in case of a contest that should require a very vigorous effort, on the militia of our country. But so. But, ought not our citizens to be instructed? Ought they not to have disseminated among them as far as it is practicable, every principle of discipline, tactics and martial regulation? Ought they not to know what has been formerly done in the like cases, in order to know what is worthy of imitation, and what might be avoided. Of what avail is individual courage, individual patriotism, and individual talents if the combination fails! It is not elegant parade, expert exercise on chosen fields, nor a general knowledge of arms that makes the soldier. It is discipline, it is subordination, it is confidence in each other, and a certainty that all will stand to the end of the contest, whatever may be the perils or the privations it occasions. It is in short, individualizing a body of troops, so that its head can direct the operations of its parts, as effectually as the mind can direct the operations of the natural body, and command the functions of all its members.
Our warriors of former days have performed many brilliant exploits; but they may have met with insurmountable obstacles. Our infant navy has performed the feats of manhood—but no naval character will say that mistakes have not been committed. The knowledge of both, that have accrued by land and sea, would now be useful. A good pilot thinks himself but half instructed if he only knows a safe channel; he ought to know where the rocks and quicksands lie, in case he should be driven out of it.
I remember in the year '74 hearing a noble Lord in the House of Peers exclaim, "What signifies the Americans having an army—they have neither discipline nor military knowledge, and cannot withstand British veterans?" The battle of Lexington, which soon followed, may have proved the former part of the assertion; but it shewed also what courage inspired by patriotism can do. The victory of that memorable day, however, was but a spark produced by sudden collision, and no good statesman, nor any experienced general would rely on such a state of things for a long and steady resistance.
On the continent of Europe we find not only the historical traces of every campaign most carefully preserved, but all the motions of the troops, all the positions taken, all the changes of the face of the country, whether by change of circumstances or change of place—detailed plans in short of every battle are fully delineated, and the engravings are lodged among the military archives of the nation. But with us, what have we? We have rapid sketches of the public events of a civil and military nature crowded together, in biographical and political histories, in such a manner as to render a separation impossible, with any degree of intelligence on the subject; in a few instances indeed, these are accompanied by maps or plans, and are attempts at delineation by an historian who writes at the distance of many years, for readers not interested in the military manoeuvres by which this battle was won, or the errors by which that was lost. If we had regular plans of all the battles that have been fought in America, if we had topographical maps of the different passes, the open country, the defiles, the plains, the ravines, the creeks, all the advantages & obstacles upon a large scale—we should know the points to which our enemy should be decoyed, and the manner of attacking him to certain advantage. But above all, we want the notes, the remarks, the hints, the plans, and all the ideas that were made or expressed at the time, either written or verbal, by the great characters that may have gone before us, or may still live. What makes the want of these particulars the more necessary, is, the unfavorable impression and discouraging conclusions that have been drawn from former failures, which if all the circumstances were known, might serve to establish a very opposite maxim.
We have heard it a thousand times repeated, that batteries cannot annoy ships; because in the early part of our revolution, the temporary works on North River, bearing that denomination, have been passed with impunity.
All we know at this day is the naked fact, which, without the attendant circumstances, ought no more to influence the judgment than ancient failures of an attempt to fly, should prejudice us against the act of aerostation. But another naked fact of an opposite nature is well known, and the vestige of it is still existing in the Delaware. But it will be said that local circumstances were also different. This is the very point in question; what were these local circumstances? What were the causes of immediate failure in one instance, and firm resistance in the other? If the living characters who directed these operations, and have acquired a just renown of fame, would deposit all the details of them in this society, many useful hints might be given and applied to works now to be undertaken.
I beg leave to close this subject with a remark: That although enthusiasm upon most occasions tends much to lessen the weight of an opinion, and the soundness of the judgment is generally measured by the considerate coolness of the expression; yet, when important machines are to be put in motion by small and minute means, the elasticity of the spring has sometimes an effect, which neither the strength of the cord nor the power of the weight could produce. The spring in this instance I acknowledge to be weak, but if the parts of the machine should sustain harmonious motion, it may eventually realise enthusiastic expectations, and reward zealous and faithful endeavors for the public good.
United States, District of Columbia, county of Washington, to wit.
IN CHANCERY, 9th OCTOBER, 1807.
Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason,
versus
Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrall, Gahault & Doyrey, James C. Montflorenee, I. I. Pacaud and James Davidson.
The bill states that the defendant, Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simond to the French government. That the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo, the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith, the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners Taney and Simond. That the debt so due hath been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand, two hundred and seventy francs, French money of the value of 35,675 dollars. That the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing and for several years past having resided in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland, well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complainants said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris under the Louisiana Convention was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants as the trustees of Francis Lewis, Taney, and Taney and Simond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith in the said debt to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid. That notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C. Montflorenee of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt, which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; and the said Montflorenee did actually receive the bills or the ministers of the United States, on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montflorenee, with a view as the said complainants believe, to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith and as his attorney to the said I. I. Pacaud, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston, who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrall, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed them over to James Davidson cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees as aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Gahault, and Doyrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith, for thirty thousand francs French money of the value of 5625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson, and endorsed over to him for collection in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American minister at Paris on the treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid. The object of the said bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his co-adaptors, and to obtain a writ of injunction directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c. and particularly to the said James Davidson enjoining and commanding him from paying over to any person besides the said complainants the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills, or parting with the said bills until the further order of this court in the premises.
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrall, Gahault and Doyrey, James C. Montflorenee, and I. I. Pacaud, defendants in this cause all reside out of the district of Columbia and are not within the reach of the process of this court. It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted once each week for six months previous to the first Monday in June next in the National Intelligencer, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause, if any, why a decree shall not pass as prayed.
By order, Wm. BRENT, Ck. December 4—w6n
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spanelets and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory.
Four or five good Journeyman wanted, who will find constant employ. November 27—tf