The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-07-13 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DLXXXIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JULY 13th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The following articles are extracted from Gouber's Political Register.
BIRMINGHAM DOLLARS.
Several tons of dollars are said to have been sent to Birmingham to be metamorphosed by an artizan there, with the intention of being afterwards issued by the Bank of England, with the following words stamped on them: "BANK DOLLARS: TOKEN FOR FIVE SHILLINGS," which, as I observed on a former occasion, will also be a token of depreciation. That observation, together with what I had advanced in a preceding sheet, respecting the current rate of the dollar being a proof of the depreciation of the bank paper, has brought me communications from two persons, who either differ with me in opinion, or by whom I have not had the good fortune to make myself understood. My opinion upon the subject was this: that, as the sterling value of the dollar is no more than 4s. 6d. and as the dollar now passes for 5s. in company with English bank paper, that paper is depreciated from its former value ten per centum. I stated this proposition in another way, thus: formerly, only a few years ago, a ten pound bank note would purchase forty-four dollars and nearly a half, and that now a ten pound bank note will purchase only forty dollars, of exactly the same weight and metal; from which premises, I naturally drew a conclusion, that the bank note had depreciated. But, according to the first of my correspondents above alluded to, I was in an "error;" for, says he, "the intrinsic value of the dollar (or, its exchangeable value in bank notes,) is 4s. 9d. and not 5s. as you have stated; and at this price dollars may be purchased of any of the refiners in London." And then he tells me, that the stamped dollars pass for 5s. only because the bank promises to take them again at that rate, whenever they may be presented, and that the bank people have signified this their intention, in a circular letter, which has been sent to most of the bankers and principal merchants in London. He concludes with advising me, as a friend, not to write any more upon the subject, seeing that it is one, which he believes I do not understand. Now it is rather too hard for this gentleman to impose silence upon me, when he himself allows that dollars, at the refiner's, are worth 4s. 9d. in bank paper, when all the world knows, that they were ten years ago, not worth more than 4s. 2d. at the refiner's, and 4s. 6d. as sterling money. At any rate the dollar is now worth, in bank paper, even at the refiner's, 3d. more than it used to be worth as money. He should have accounted for this rise in the value of the dollar, when matched against paper, before he passed sentence upon me. But, when did I talk about the price of dollars at the refiner's? When did I talk of them as currency? I never spoke of them as bullion, as mere metal. It was not of silver in old buckles or tea pots that I was talking; it was not of the intrinsic value of dollars, but of dollars as current money in this kingdom; not of dollars bought and sold for bank notes, but of dollars acting with bank notes in the purchase of commodities. In order to simplify my proposition, I did, indeed, make use of the word purchase , instead of the words exchange for , but nothing did I say whence any one could reasonably suppose that I meant dollars as bullion. I will now state it in a way which I think no one can possibly misapprehend.—Formerly, forty-four dollars and two shillings would have bought no more bread than a ten pound note would have bought, but now forty dollars will buy as much bread as a ten pound note will buy; if, therefore, the dollars are of the same weight and metal that they used to be, the bank note must be depreciated. The objection of my other correspondent has more plausibility.—These are his words: "I think the argument, that bank paper is depreciated, drawn from the difference between the sterling and the current value of a dollar, it prove anything, proves too much. That guineas are depreciated you will hardly insist, yet I would fardly maintain, from your premises, that they are, since a guinea will not purchase so many dollars as it formerly would."—Yes, but I do insist though, that guineas are depreciated: not in their intrinsic value, but in their value as currency, that is to say in their power of purchasing commodities in this country. When there is a depreciating
paper in any country, the current coin of that country depreciates in its powers along with the paper, because it has a fixed nominal value, and it can pass currently for no more than an equal nominal value in paper, until the paper is at an open discount. The metal is degraded by the society of the paper; but there comes a time when it will bear this degradation no longer; it then rises above its nominal value, or, in other words, the paper is at a discount.—Things have arrived at this state in Ireland, where a guinea is worth nearly twenty-three shillings in bank paper. To illustrate this in another way: in America, for instance, where the coins of all countries circulate freely according to their sterling value, an English guinea will purchase as much bread as four dollars and three English shillings, but in England, the same guinea will only purchase as much bread as four dollars and one shilling. In America and other countries the guinea is not cramped in its powers of purchase by the trammels of a falling paper, and, therefore it is that the guineas fly to those foreign countries; therefore it is that they leave us; therefore it is, that we scarcely ever see a guinea, and that we never see one except upon its route from the chest of those who can hear it no longer to the hands of those who are ready to convey it out of the kingdom. When the paper comes to be publicly at a discount, then more guineas will appear, as they have done already in Ireland, in the northern part of which, gold and silver are the common currency.—Whether this discount is approaching us, or whether the paper will or can be restored to its sterling value, are questions that I am not now discussing; but that the paper is in a depreciated state, and that the guineas have, as currency, depreciated along with it, are, I think, positions which can no longer be controverted.—The correspondent first mentioned above has signified his intention to enter at large into the subject of a depreciation in our currency, if I remain unconvinced by his statement; and, as he will perceive, that I do remain so unconvinced, I shall be ready to communicate to my readers any observations that he may think proper to offer for their consideration. I am by no means wedded to my opinions, upon this subject above all others: but, I see nothing holy in the trade of banking any more than the trade of shoe-making, and I shall not, by the whimsical cant about "decrying the resources of the country," ever be turned aside from the pursuit of my inquiries. Bank notes are not the resources of the country: the resources of the country consist of men and of the produce of their labor. These existed before bank notes were heard of, and they will exist when bank notes shall be no more.
IRISH CURRENCY. —In the preceding number of this work, p. 506, some account was given of the troubles, which had been created, in Dublin and elsewhere, from the refusal of the bankers and others to take in payment the silver, or rather metal, which has heretofore circulated in Ireland. Mr. Corry, the chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, has given notice, in parliament, of a measure that he proposes to bring forward upon the subject. What that measure may be, it is not easy even to guess. It is hardly intended to make good the promise of Sir Evan Nepean and the cabinet of the Castle: it is hardly intended to send over " dollars and other coin " to supply the circulation; because, be it known to Mr. Corry, that these dollars and "other coin" would not remain in circulation for twelve hours, unless two-thirds, at least, of the bank paper were first thrown into the fire, or taken, some how or other, out of circulation. Pure coin cannot, at any thing near its real value, freely circulate in the same atmosphere with that paper. One or the other must give way, and it only remains for the wisdom of Mr. Corry to make his election. It is, by some persons, supposed, that he has determined in favor of the paper; and that, with the advice of the Bank Directors, it has been determined to issue shillings and sixpenny bank notes! Whether these little slips of paper are to be made a legal tender, and whether that measure is to be followed up by the establishing of a maximum , as to the prices of labor and provisions, are points to be settled by the cogitations of the Castle; but, let the wise men, to whose hands the government of Ireland has been committed, take care how they move: they are here upon ground more slippery than they ever before trod upon: let them beware how they exercise their power; for they may
be assured, that no force, civil or military, will, upon this occasion, compensate for the want of wisdom. Above all things let them beware how they make the government a party with the bank, how they lend to the bank paper the aid of the state, for then the bank paper becomes assignats at once, and universal distrust and confusion are at no great distance. If small notes are issued, all the necessaries of life will instantly rise. The pains of death cannot prevent this. Robespierre himself failed in the attempt; and, let the wile men be prepared for those difficulties which way arise from the want of a corresponding rise in the price of labor. In short, if they do not act with uncommon prudence and with firmness no less rare, there is now opening before them a gulph of horrors such as even wretched Ireland never yet witnessed.
BOSTON, July 5, 1804.
GLORIOUS ANNIVERSARY.
"Citizens, Citizens, no art, nor intrigue, must ever obliterate from your mind, nor from those of your children, the virtuous design of this commemoration."
YESTERDAY there was a republican Triumph at Faneuil Hall, where upwards of two hundred Citizens assembled to celebrate our political emancipation—The procession was escorted by the Washington Infantry, under the command of Capt. Joseph Loring—The meeting was conducted with decorum appropriate to the great occasion. The Hon. JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. was in the chair, and the day passed away in a succession of sentiments, replete with genuine patriotism—It was a glorious spectacle of those men, who retain the spirit of '75, and it was particularly honorable, in being displayed and enjoyed in the metropolis of Massachusetts, where an insidious and baneful party, have been employed, during the last ten years, in the endeavour to introduce the elements of an aristocracy under various, specious disguises.
The enthusiasm that accompanied the verbal honors that were paid to a Jefferson, Samuel Adams, a Hancock, &c. were highly energetic; and the consequent despair to the Anglo Federal party must be proportioned to the ardour of the Republicans of Massachusetts; many, very many, have been the attempts of the enemies of equal rights, to neutralize the public opinion in regard to the true interests of liberty; but the rapturous consequences of this day, will eclipse even the appearance of such a hope from their minds—not the day, when our beloved President's Declaration of Independence was first promulgated; nor the august day, when a ratification of the Independence was received from the proud but sullen Court of Britain, could produce more unequivocal and joyful demonstrations, in behalf of that independence, than were evinced yesterday by the respectable association in Faneuil Hall.
The following are the leading sentiments which were given on this gladdening event—It will be observed that they are not clouded with mystery, to give a half concealment to the meaning of the mind, as has been customary with the Federalists; who sedulously interweave one word for the prosperity of America, amidst twenty for the prosperity of Great Britain—No! They were pure, determined, comprehensive and honorable; such as the hallowed shade of a Washington would approve, and such as the real friends of our Independence, as a nation, would have engraved in letters of gold. They were not given, like the voice of the Demon, with an intention to betray the hearers into wretchedness, but in the love of human kind, and with a view to enlarge their individual sphere of happiness, and the common good of the empire.
1. THE DAY—Let it be regarded by republicans as their political Sabbath; ever to be remembered and kept holy—13 guns. 2. The People—May those who believe them perverse and refractory, be ever exempt from the burthen of ruling them—7 guns. 3. The American States United and indivisible—Whom interest, honor and compact have joined together, let none presume to put asunder—17 guns.
4. Our beloved President THOMAS JEFFERSON, whose eulogy is proclaimed in the prosperity of his country and the despair of her enemies—9 guns.
5. The federal Constitution—They who attempt to demolish the pillars of this temple should remember, in its fall, their ruin is inevitable—7 guns.
6. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts; a speedy recovery, by the best and only means, of her wonted eminence and distinction in the union—7 guns.
7. The State of New Hampshire—May her regeneration to the true faith, awaken the penitence, and quicken the conversion of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Delaware—7 guns.
8. Quiet replete to the "Sleeping Sampsons of New-England," and perfect security to the few harmless locks which are yet unshorn by the saucy Philistines—1 gun and a Dirge.
9. The American Navy; equal rights to all nations on the surface of the ocean, and the bottom of it, to those who would usurp its entire dominion—7 guns and three cheers.
10. The American Army; arrayed to protect by their valor in the field, the victories acquired by wisdom in the cabinet—7 guns.
11. The federal Judiciary—May the sanctuary of justice never be outraged by the oppressor's wrong, or the madman's prophany—5 guns.
12. The 4th of November, like the 4th of July; let it be a day of joy and triumph to the People, of disappointment and disaster, to their adversaries—19 guns.
13. Congress—Patriotic in principle, wise in deliberation, irrefragable in decision—5 guns.
14. Our fellow-citizens the American seamen, native or adopted; volunteers not slaves—4 guns and 3 cheers.
15. ELY's Amendment—Let us listen to the prophetic admonitions of Washington, and indignantly frown on this first dawning of an attempt to alienate one portion of our country from the rest.—Dirge.
16. GENERAL TICKET OUT-GENERALLED; or the managers managed in the Electoral Lottery—2 guns.
17. The proscribed Patriots of '75, who broke the chains which were forged for their country and hurled them at their tyrants—9 guns
VOLUNTEERS.
By Dr. Fustis—Madison, Gallatin, Dearborn, Smith—honor, honesty, justice and integrity.
By Dr. Jarvis—Perish the dastard that will not support his friend; Our sister state Virginia, which never deferred this state on a single revolutionary question.
By B. Austin, Jr. Esq.—Democracy, accurately defined and virtuously practised.
By G. Blake, Esq.—The body politic; nourished and strengthened by wholesome corrections, but uncorrupted by the poisons of quacks and impostors.
By James Prince, Esq.—The federal plot lately contrived to blow up the republicans, on the 5th of November; may it prove as disastrous to them as the powder plot did to the Roman Catholics.
By Major Brazier—"Old South;" may the principle of equal rights, so energetically supported by that consistent republican be held in everlasting remembrance.
By Col. Gardner—The militia of Massachusetts; they were the first to assert their rights, may they be the last to abandon them.
ADDRESS
Of the republican citizens of Albany to the late governor, GEORGE CLINTON, SIR,
The important functions you have so long and so honorably exercised, for the more immediate advantage of the people of this state, are about to be once more suspended, perhaps forever. We improve this, therefore, as the proper season to express the high sense we en-
tertained of your virtues as a private citizen, and the gratitude we feel, and shall ever cherish, for your useful labors as a servant of the people.
The man who can justly boast of a long life, actively devoted to the service of his country, may well claim the meed of patriotism, and the best rewards a grateful people have to bestow. Your life, Sir, has been thus devoted, and the consciousness of it must prove to you a source of honorable pride—whilst you cannot but derive felicity from the reflection that your labors for the public weal have been crowned with success.
It is with mingled emotions of pride and pleasure, that we contemplate your career as a soldier, a patriot, and a statesman: inasmuch as we derive from the retrospect, one more proof of the fallacy of the favorite maxim of monarchists, that ingratitude is the peculiar sin of republics. Nor is yours, Sir, the only living example we might offer in proof, that a steady course of public virtue will not be repaid with ingratitude in the American republic—whatever may have been the conduct of ancient republics, constituted essentially different from ours, towards men who had served them with zeal, fidelity and usefulness. In a republic properly constituted, though the people may labor under temporary delusions, and the brightest virtues may for a while lie buried in obscurity and neglect—yet reason will not fail at last to resume her empire, and intelligence, virtue and patriotism, to irradiate and purify the public councils, dispel the mists of delusion, and restore to liberty her benignant aspect, and her pristine vigor. How far your own experience affords proof of this position, impartial history will not be wanting to record, nor posterity to acknowledge.
Long as you have lived to labor in the vineyard of liberty, there is yet a field open for the exertion of your talents in her sacred cause. You are destined for new scenes of action, into which it needs not the gift of prophecy to predict, that you will be called by the voice of a grateful country. Thither our best wishes will accompany you—and in this new relation to society, your tall life affords the surest pledge of your devotion to her true interests. In concert with the sage Jefferson, and that band of patriots who form the majority of our national councils, and in union with the wishes of every real American, we doubt not the grand object of your cares will be, to preserve inviolate those sacred fruits of the revolution—the union of the States, and the liberties of the people.
In closing this address, we cannot but rejoice, that you will leave the affairs of this state in unexampled prosperity, under the auspices of a man who deserves and enjoys our confidence; and whose election as your successor, considering the circumstances under which it took place, has afforded additional proof of the capacity of the people of this state for self-government, for the enjoyment of popular elections, and the blessings of rational liberty.
With these sentiments, Sir, we bid you an affectionate farewell—and when it shall please heaven to translate you from the scenes of this life, may a blissful immortality in another and a better world be your portion.
RICHARD LUSH, HENRY QUACKENBUSH, GEORGE MERCHANT, CHARLES D. COOPER, SOLOMON SOUTHWICK, Committee of the Republican citizens of Albany.
Albany, June 29, 1804.
REPLY.
GENTLEMEN, I entreat you to accept of my grateful acknowledgments for this polite address, and for the favorable opinion you are pleased to express of my private character and public services: As it has always been my endeavor to discharge with fidelity the important trusts reposed in me by the people, the consideration that my services may have contributed to their welfare and happiness, is highly gratifying to me, and their approbation constitutes my best reward.
In retiring from office, it is with pleasure I reflect, that the care of our public affairs will devolve on a man, whose well known attachment to the principles of our happy revolution, and faithful discharge of the duties of some of the most important offices of the state, afford just grounds of confidence, that the government will be administered with integrity and wisdom.
Permit me to reciprocate your kind wishes for my present and future happi-

ness, and to embrace this opportunity of bidding you a sincere and affectionate farewell.
GEORGE CLINTON.
From the Enquirer.
THE VINDICATION OF VIRGINIA.
No. I.
The political affairs of this country had approached a great crisis in the year 1800. The two parties who had adopted such different modes of interpreting the constitution, and of exercising the powers which were expressly given, clearly fore saw that the period of a great triumph or defeat was rapidly advancing. The election of the first magistrate in our country was about to determine whether the federalists, who wished to strengthen the federal government by lessening the power of the states and liberties of the people, should continue to direct the administration of affairs; or whether the republicans, who viewed with suspicious vigilance the gradual encroachments of the general government upon the rights of the states or of individuals, should introduce a new and more liberal policy. The 4th of March at length arrived, and Mr. Jefferson was elevated to the high office of President of the United States.
Conquerors have not always the good fortune to enjoy their triumph with that graceful moderation which soothes the disappointment and conciliates the esteem even of their opponents; nor are the vanquished always able to preserve that commanding fortitude in the midst of their misfortunes, which is sometimes sufficient to reflect an honor upon defeat. The joy of the republicans was certainly as great as their fears had been violent. When they saw in Mr. Adams's administration the ruin of their own schemes, and as they believed the ruin of their country, they could have felt no common exultation at escaping from this system to take refuge under the republican administration of Jefferson. The cordial congratulations to which this event gave birth, might have naturally flowed from their own elevated feelings, but they were little suited to the wounded feelings of the opposite party. They saw in those symptoms of the public joy, the downfall of their own system, and the triumphs of an ungenerous enemy. Their disappointment was not, however, so great, as to exclude every hope of raising their fallen fortunes.
They have not despaired of recovering from the same blow which had once threatened the complete destruction of their opponents. They have tried every method to weaken the confidence of the people in the administration of Mr. Jefferson. They have laboriously sifted every public measure in the vain hope of finding some dangerous oversight. They have descended into the recesses of his private conduct, with the expectation of finding those faults in the man which they had in vain attempted to detect in the public officer. But all their exertions have proved abortive. By attempting to detract from the merit of the President, they have only drawn forth more powerful friends to defend him. Their desire to shew how much they have disliked his administration has ended only in showing how much he is beloved by his grateful countrymen. An experience of more than three years has evidently demonstrated how much he was worthy of the confidence which the people had reposed in him. Since a single friend has deserted his cause; while numbers of his former enemies have honorably acknowledged their mistake by enlisting under his banners.
Some of the federalists in the northern states, where they have always had the greatest influence, have now materially changed their policy. A desperate cause has put them upon expedients not less desperate. Unable to accomplish their objects by combining with their brethren in the southern states, they have resolved to pursue the old tyrannical maxim, and conquer by dividing. Instead of those general distinctions which arise from different political systems, and which might equally embrace the scattered inhabitants of all the different states, they now wish to introduce a new set of interests, which take their character from geographical boundaries. Instead of the old distinction of federalist and republican, they are anxious to bring about a northern and a southern interest, a northern and a southern party.
The federalists of the southern states are not surely under many obligations to them, for this late defection of their common cause. They cannot but perceive that in this great desire to provide for their own safety, they have meanly consented to live in the hands of their enemy those very allies, who had adhered to them in so many struggles, and had
generously partaken of all their losses and defeats.
Yet these men have wished to make their countrymen believe that they themselves are not the founders of this new distinction; that they do not wish to have northern interest distinct from a southern one. They pretend that the southern states have already formed an interest of their own; and that the only attempt which they are anxious to make, is to shew their unthinking countrymen, how far this influence extends in the administration of the general government. Their zeal to create a division of interest appears thus to be nothing more than a rational fear, lest the northern states should be trampled on by a party which the southern states have already formed. These men have appealed to every passion which could assist the operation of this fear, in weaning the affections of the northern people from the southern inhabitants. They have demanded, whether their patriotism would suffer their country to remain under the dominion of the south. They have attempted to excite their jealousy, by drawing before them the figure of a despotic rival. The manners of the southern people have been described in colours calculated to provoke their contempt.
These passions have been particularly directed against the state of Virginia. The history of the American government has been ransacked for proofs of her selfish spirit and her grasping ambition. They have represented her sons as cowards in time of war, and usurpers in the period of peace. Her doubts on adopting the constitution, her insisting upon subsequent amendments, the additional representation which she derives from her negroes, her opposing the administration of Gen. Washington and Mr. Adams have been considered as so many proofs of a selfish and discontented temper. The repeal of the internal duties since Mr. Jefferson became President, while the impost they say continues to fall upon the northern states; the acquisition of Louisiana, and the late amendment to the constitution, have been made use of to prove not only that this southern interest has lost none of its force, but that it now presides in the administration of the government.
It would have been unnecessary to have taken notice of these charges, had they been confined to a small number of northern federalists. They have, however, crept into the high-toned prints of Boston, New York, Philadelphia and other northern towns. They have even received the sanction of the most distinguished federalists of Boston, who having met together to the number of one hundred and eighty, to give dinner to a Mr. Gore, gave as one of their toasts: "May the dominion of Virginia be limited by the constitution, or at least by the Delaware."
Who knows but that this unfounded discontent has pervaded many of the respectable inhabitants of the northern states? Who knows how far this discontent may contribute to a separation of the states, unless its progress should be arrested in time? Some of the other papers of the union have already attempted to remove those unfounded discontent and these ungenerous suspicions. To assist them in the attainment of this liberal object, I will attempt to shew in a few short essays, that the principal complaints which have been made against Virginia, have sprung rather from the invidious policy of party spirit, than from an enlightened view of our political history.
A VIRGINIAN.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, April 23.
Motion on the Defence of the NATION.
Mr. PITT. Before I proceed to explain to the House the reasons which induce me to give my cordial and zealous support to the motion of the hon. gentleman opposite, I cannot help saying a few words upon the mode of argument pursued by the right hon. gentleman who has just sat down. The right hon. gentleman says that the motion of the hon. gentleman is calculated to embrace numbers who entertain different views & opinions respecting the system of public defence. The motion indeed, is undoubtedly calculated to obtain the concurrence, not of those merely who differ on minute grounds; not of those who make insignificant cavils upon the various measures of administration; but it is calculated to unite all those who have gravely and dispassionately weighed the dangers and difficulties of our situation; those who by a careful retrospect of the conduct of government, previous to that war which they have declared to be so long impending, and subsequent to its commencement, have arrived at a
perfect conviction of the inability of ministers to devise, or to execute any measures adequate to the demands of the public safety, and to the arduous nature of the conflict. The motion is calculated to unite all those, who, by the experience of the last twelve months, in which ministers have exhausted their minds in attempts to modify, to amend or to improve the various measures for the public defence that have been suggested; and who still are so far behind what the circumstances of this eventful moment required, what the resources of the empire would have afforded, and the zeal and spirit of the country have so cheerfully supplied to perfect the system of public defence. In a word, a motion calculated to unite all those who conscientiously believe that from & under the present ministers no measure of suitable vigor and energy can be expected; that no fair chance can be given to the country that its safety will be sufficiently provided, its resources wisely called forth, and its power successfully exerted. It is in this view that I consider the motion for almost all the reasons urged by the right hon. mover, and for others which he did not state. The hon. gentleman below, however, who has enjoyed the opportunity of acquiring an intimate knowledge of the proceedings of the House, says that neither in his recollection of the Journals has such a motion been made; nor even in his imagination can he conceive that any thing so extraordinary could disgrace them. But if it were true that the motion is extraordinary, perhaps it would be sufficient to urge what has often been urged on other occasions by the honorable gentleman himself, that extraordinary circumstances frequently call for extraordinary modes of proceeding. If the motion were indeed extraordinary, it might be answer enough to say that the crisis is new and extraordinary; it would be answer enough to state, that after a war which has now lasted a year, and after an interval of peace, avowed in the manifestos of ministers to have been a perpetual scene of aggression, they had brought forward nothing but what was contradictory, feeble and inadequate; that whatever was done was ruined by delay, hesitation and uncertainty; that if they even seemed for a moment to be roused into vigour, it was quickly succeeded by a conduct that seemed a complete retraction and disavowal of the momentary impulse. It is melancholy indeed to reflect that, after time for mature consideration, after repeated trials, no system had been found which could afford us that security to which the country was entitled, and that no plans had been produced by which we were likely to bring the war to a successful termination.
The honorable gentleman says, that ministers do not greatly differ from those who think an armed peasantry calculated to be fully employed, but that they prefer the volunteer force. The question, however, is not of substituting, but of adding. It is not that the volunteer system shall be abolished, but that an additional force in aid of them is to be obtained. If, then, ministers approve of such a mode of increasing the means of defence, why do they not announce their intention of taking some steps to obtain that advantage? However gentlemen may differ as to the degree of utility, the mode of application, the local circumstances in which an armed peasantry would be desirable, it is not disputed that, in many situations, the efforts of the peasantry would be of the greatest advantage. Why then does not the hon. gentleman propose to enter upon the consideration without delay? Have we not been told by ministers for these six months past, that the invasion might take place perhaps within 24 hours? Is it a time to procrastinate any wise measure, any efficient plans of defence, at a period when we see that the enemy have surmounted many of those preliminary difficulties which some months ago were deemed invincible? Have not the enemy supplied those means of conveyance which it was at first thought must render all the threats of the enemy vain and futile? Have they not, in the face of that navy which ministers so confidently boast has been carried to its utmost strength, and has been distributed with the most perfect judgement? Have they not, within sight of our shores and in defiance of our obstruction, assembled in one port between 13 and 1400 vessels, capable of conveying from 50 to 100 and 150 men each? Have they not proved that all our reasonings about the impossibility of sailing from one port, the difficulty of a concerted attack, the obstacle of winds and tides, were unfounded, and that the attempt we entertained for their preparations and for their menaces were ill founded and unwarranted. With such facts before us, ought we to suspend or delay any means that can contribute to our safety? We ought not to treat with contempt, or with a false security pronounce impracticable, the projects of a bold, enterprising, and desperate, though often fortunate enemy, and one, too, that never stood in the way of good fortune by a dread of bad. If, then, an armed peasantry is calculated to be of any utility in Essex, Kent, or Sussex, in opposing an enemy and retarding their pro-
gress to the metropolis, it is at that no time should be lost in devising a plan of obtaining this additional aid. The hon. gentleman next contends, that the motion is unconstitutional, but what is there unconstitutional in referring to the consideration of a committee of the whole house, which I understand to be the object of the motion (Mr. Fox nodded assent,) certain acts passed by the legislature, so that they may be modified, altered, and improved. Is the hon. gentleman who so long filled that chair, with so much credit to himself and advantage to the house, so little acquainted with parliamentary usages as not to know, that in a committee of the whole house alone several proceedings can regularly originate. Matters of religion, grievance, trade, finance, &c. must first be discussed in a committee of the whole house. If, then, questions on those subjects must originate in a committee, can there be any scruple to refer to a similar committee, a measure, the object of which is to defend every thing that is dear and valuable to a state, the religion which exalts, the commerce which enriches, the laws which regulate and protect? Is there any thing extraordinary, any thing dangerous, then, in the present motion? Will it be said that the system of defence is so good that there is nothing to be added to it? Is the experience of it on its fruits and effects such as to encourage us to rely with implicit confidence in the energy and resources of ministers? What measure have they ever adopted that have not been thwarted by some other of their measures? What efficient plan has been proposed for the recruiting of the regular army? Can we indulge the vain and chimerical hope, that, without any new regulations as to the period of service, such as those proposed by the right honorable gentleman, recruits will be obtained for eight guineas, when they could hardly be procured for forty or fifty pounds? It is upon the wisdom, the vigilance, and the energy of these ministers that we can rely, when we have seen that no one measure for the public defence, can be said to have truly originated from them; when several they have retarded or enfeebled? I am satisfied that some plan for the permanent recruiting of the army ought to be settled, and that we ought with all dispatch to proceed to that important subject. But neglecting the regular army, have ministers improved and perfected that system of the volunteers, in which they have spent so much time. I venture to affirm, that the volunteer system is still far from that state of perfection to which it might be carried. The army of Reserve, instead of being suspended, should be modified. In regard to fortifications too, in which, hitherto, so little has been done, I will venture to state, due precautions in that department have been much neglected, and that many things have been omitted to be done, which, in case of invasion, would tend both to save the lives of men and to check the progress of an invader.
From all that I have heard too on the subject of the navy, and in spite of that magnificent catalogue of ships which ministers have produced, and which I shall not at present dissect, I must repeat, that the conduct of that branch of our defence, has not been such as the public had a right to expect, and upon this subject I may take an opportunity to state circumstances that will astonish the House and the country. These and many other considerations form the most conclusive arguments in favor of the motion, and though the right hon. gentleman who made it, did not dilate on these topics, he naturally expected, and stated his expectation, that they would be taken up by other speakers in the course of the debate. It is true that ministers on this as on former occasions have given us a pompous enumeration of the force of the country. I have heard that statement with pride. It affords the most consolatory evidence of what the country is capable of doing. But I and other members of this House have at least as good a right to exult in that survey of our strength as ministers. We have not been swaning in our exertions to contribute to call forth the spirit of the country, and to organize its strength. That spirit and exertion, however, belong to the country, and are not to be ascribed to the direction or the energy of the government. Indeed if there be any who ought peculiarly to separate that pride from any other feelings of personal merit, it is the present ministers who have had so little share in the national energy.
No one measure can they claim as their own; no one measure have they improved and perfected; very many they have weakened by their delays, and destroyed by their incongruities. Whatever then the spirit and zeal of a free and brave people may have been under the sense of danger, ought fairly to be separated from the tardiness, languor and imbecility of ministers in every thing of which they have assumed the direction. Ministers boast of what others have suggested or voluntary public zeal has effected, as if what was done was perfectly adequate to our security. But it is enough to have provided against the danger of a final conquest?
Enough has not been done, unless we have adopted every practicable and rational means of checking the enemy, should they invade our shores, with the least sacrifice of life, with the least waste of the public resources, with a rapidity that will disappoint the enemy's projects of devastation. Enough has not been done, unless every thing has been provided by which in the shortest space we may be enabled to defeat the enemy with the signal overthrow and destruction, as will forever deter them from a repetition of the attack, and forever relieve the country from the alarm and anxiety of invasion. I do not mean to say that the enemy would according to all human calculation, succeed in their designs, even had we no other means of defence, but those which now exist; but have we reason to believe that our strength is yet arrayed in the best manner, that our forces are distributed at the proper points, so as to act with the most decisive effects? Unless this be done (as I fear it is not,) it is not enough to say that we have 184,000 regulars and militia, and 400,000 volunteers; and indeed when it is proved by their own statements that the resources of the country are so great, it forms an additional ground of censure against ministers, if our system of defence be not adequate to every demand. As to the observations which have been made upon the amount of force which should have been kept up during the peace, and the proportion which existed at the renewal of the war, whatever I may think with respect to the opinion held by the hon. gentleman who opened the debate, on a former occasion, I cannot without surprise hear from the right hon. gentleman who has just sat down, that he conceived the force which was maintained during the peace, as amply sufficient to meet any probable emergency; for that right hon. gentleman was in possession of much knowledge of the disposition of the enemy which must have satisfied his mind of the propriety of making more extensive preparations for a state of hostility. That knowledge the right hon. gentleman, to be sure studiously concealed from parliament; and therefore, the hon. gentleman upon the opposite bench was, with many others, incompetent to form any opinion of the impending danger. But not so his majesty's ministers, who had yet neglected to provide against it. They, who by a manifesto since published to the world, explained that there were grounds almost from immediately after the conclusion of the peace to complain of the conduct and to suspect the intentions of Bonaparte, had yet omitted to devise measures to counteract his designs, and to put the country in a state fitted for the description of hostility to be apprehended. In this state the country is not in point of fact even now placed—and this forms one of my reasons for concurring in the motion before the House, because, as they who thought the peace not likely to continue, did not prepare for war, and who, since the war, has commenced, have not preserved that course of vigorous exertion which the situation of the Empire called for, are not those in whom I would confide for the establishment of our security.
Ministers fore saw the war, and yet they did not attempt to ballot for the militia as they should have done during the peace. They should have availed themselves of that period, when they must, according to their own confessions since so repeatedly made, have contemplated war as something more than probable, set every means in motion for defending the country against invasion. The observations they were enabled to make at the close of the last war, of the plans and purposes of Bonaparte, were sufficient to assure them that his first motion was an invasion of this country, which the short period that elapsed between the establishment of peace upon the continent, and the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens, did not qualify him to attempt, but the progress of his then preparations served to shew that his resolution was not to make defultory attacks upon us, but to do that which he has since accomplished, viz. to collect a large force upon some part of the coast most convenient for the purpose of making a descent upon this country. What then are we to think of those ministers, who, with such an opportunity of observation, overlooked renewing the ballot for that important part of our force, the militia, during peace? And how did they act towards the volunteers, on whose gallantry they now profess so much to rely? The house must have in recollection the letters which ministers addressed to that body of men during the peace, which letters were so much calculated rather to damp than to animate and encourage the zeal of those corps. But this was not all; for, under circumstances peculiarly auspicious for the purpose, and with the prospects before them I have already mentioned, they refused to attend to a plan suggested to them for providing a certain resource for the recruiting and supply of our regular army. This plan was founded upon the same principle as the army of reserve, with the addition of that which I took occasion lately to lay before the house, and which, if adopted

when my opinion was first urged to ministers, would have furnished the means of adding to our army, with all possible expedition, not less than 40 or 50,000 men. This plan has, I admit, been since adopted in part; and I shall feel it my duty to urge the adoption of the whole of it again and again. The committee proposed by the motion I conceive the most convenient place for entering into the detail of this and other measures for the public defence—to no branch of which I perceive with regret have ministers attended in due time, and to the execution of none of which do they appear to be adequate. Passing by all the omissions I complain of during the period of peace; drawing a veil over their conduct on that occasion altogether; and supposing the war recommenced as much to the surprise of ministers as to that of many persons in that house and the country; supposing that they were not all prepared to expect it—let us only look at their proceedings since that event, and let us examine how far their measures have been to contrive or executed as to justify a hope, much less an opinion, of safety to be derived from their exertions.—The first part of their plan of defence, and that to which they seemed principally to look, related to volunteers. This topic has, I am aware, been already very fully discussed, and on that account overlooked by the hon. mover of the proposition before the house: but upon this point I would wish to ask of ministers whether they foresaw or had even a remote idea at the commencement of hostilities, that this description of our force would have extended so far, whether they contemplated that it ever should be so numerous? It was known by those who had any knowledge of their sentiments, who had any conversation with ministers, that they had no such intentions, & that on the contrary they expressed their disapprobation of the policy of their predecessors in allowing the volunteer system to enlarge so much. This fact I alluded to merely to show that they are entitled to no praise for the multiplication of the volunteers; & to state that the spirit which produced the increase of that body arose out of the discussions of this House—a spirit which, as ministers themselves admitted, far outvies their calculation or hopes; and also, as it seemed, exceeded their power of direction, for they afterwards thought proper to check and restrain it. So much as to the origin of the volunteer system. But how did ministers proceed to carry that system into execution? Why, without going into length into this part of the subject, which I do not mean at present. I will merely remark on the case of exemptions, which have been much and very justly objected to—The propriety of granting these exemptions I could never see—certain it is that they were never necessary; for the volunteers for the most part required no such thing in the shape of encouragement to offer their services, and many of them were not at all aware when they did engage: that any exemptions were to be granted: on the contrary, it is notorious that they were in several districts actually subscribing a certain sum of each to purchase substitutes for any of their body which might be balloted for the militia. Such was the state of the volunteers when the act of parliament was passed with the strong recommendation of ministers for allowing exemptions, clogged however with such conditions that the measure was not well understood. In another part of this act of ministers, there was something still less intelligible with respect to a volunteer's right of resignation, upon which ministers had evinced the most complete want of penetration and foresight. Had they judged wisely, they never would have attempted to dispute this right; for paradoxical as it may seem, nothing tends more to preserve discipline among these corps than the undisputed exercise of this right; and the reason is, this, that, while a volunteer has the right of leaving a corps, he cannot object to any regulation that may be deemed necessary by a commanding officer for the promotion of order and discipline in such corps, the private having his choice to submit or resign; but as to the act of ministers and the attorney general, for whose judgment and learning I entertain the most unfeigned respect, interpreted the law upon resignations in one way, and the court of king's bench in another. Ministers in this contradiction thought proper to circulate the opinion of the former as that to be acted upon by the volunteers, although they have since avowed that they did not agree with that opinion, and that they intended to introduce a declaratory law upon the subject. This I must class among the most unaccountable proceedings of ministers.—As to the volunteer system generally, according to its present constitution, it appears to me to have several radical errors, & principally as to the mode in which the volunteers are distributed over the face of the country. When they were forming, and particularly when it was determined to limit their numbers, regard should have been had to the proportion proper to be assigned to each district. With that view, it would have been right to consider the difference be-
between the inland and maritime counties, which were the most probable points of attack, and which was the most important to preserve.
(Debate to be continued)
ALIST of LETTERS remaining in the POST OFFICE WASHINGTON CITY, on the 1st day of July, 1804.
A. Philip Allen, D. D. Addison Esq. J. B. Anderson.
B. Andrew Bartle, Jona. Brunt, Moses Bullen, Lieut. William L. Brent, John Lewis Brooke, Samuel Budgett, Esq. Miss Nancy H. Baker, Eggleton M. Boyle, Wm. Buris.
C. Overton Carr, jun. Josiah Curtis, Capt. Silas Gault, James Crook, Capt. Wm. Crosley, George Colder, Ann Grone, Mrs. Ann Carr, Harith Carter, John Cross, George Crowninshield, Esq.
D. Patrick Deary, Andrew Dodge, Peggy Dorsey, William Dunny, William Dupoy, James R. D'emoor, William Dyer, Mrs. Eliza Davies.
E. Rufus Easton, Esq. Joseph Eaton.
F. William Fairburn 2, Mrs. Sufannah B. Finch, Jacob Forman, Joseph Foster.
G. Christian Gouldin, John Green, Margaret Gibbs, Thomas Gantt, jun. Mr. Green, Martha Gordon, Robert Gilmer, John Grogan.
H. Doctor Grafton Hanlon, 2, Thomas Hanson, Esq. 2, Spencer Hickman, Dolly Hudderton, Benjamin Hutton, jun. Miss Hanson, John Hurrey, J. Hardy, Isaac Henry, care of Isaac Pollock.
I. James Jackson, Israel Jones, Asiel Jeans, General Andrew Jackson, John Jennings.
K. John Keall, James Kennedy, Capt. James Kinney, Thomas Karus.
L. John U. Loulin, 2, George Lewis, Anthony Lihernis, King Luton, Geo. Lan, John Lloyd, Hillary Lanham, Christopher Lowndes, Lieut. Charles Ludlow, Mrs. Lewis, Louis Anbain Citoyen Louis Legras.
M. Absalom Mayers, William Macgill, Peter Moor, Notley Maddox, Esq. 2, Joseph M'Nee, John Mayne, Captain Ignatius Manning, James Miles, Thos. M'Minn.
P. Archibald Penton, John Pierston, Thomas Pearce, Lawson Pearson, Wesley Pigman, Thomas Purcell, Peter B. Porter, Esq. Charles Pongo, Wm. Priestman, Oliver Pollock, Esq.
R. M. Razilly, Miss Nancy Ruffan, George H. Rogers, David K. Richardson, 2, Major Rivardi, Major Rogers, 3, Tench Ringgold, Mrs. Maria Ranels, care of Mr. Stelle.
S. Capt. Thomas Swaine, 2, John Swank, Joseph Schofield, Godfrey Smith, Isaac Smith, Mrs. Jane Savery, Andrew Smith, Esq. George Sands, Esq.
T. William Perry, Maria Thomson, Eliza Thompson, Benjamin Talman, 2, John Taylor, Samuel G. Thompson, Lewis Talburt.
W. Catherine Wilson, Thomas Wilson, Joseph Wilson, Mrs. Ann H. Winthrop, 2, Thomas Webb, Col. W. A. Washington, Joshua Ward, John A. Wilson, Robert R. Williams, William Wood, Lieut. Melanchton, T. Woolsey, Joseph Williams, Charles White, Jacob Woolf, George Wilson, Esq. James Wilson.
Y. Charles Young, William Young. July 4.
NOTICE
BY virtue of three writs of venditioni exponas issued from the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, to me directed, one at the suit of Summers and Coote, against Samuel Blodget, one at the suit of Edward Pennington, against Samuel Blodget, and one at the suit of John Mullay, against John Daby, will be exposed to public sale for ready cash on the 25th inst. at Wm. Rhodes's Tavern in the city of Washington, all the right, title, claim and interest of the said Samuel Blodget and John Daby in and to the following property, viz. Lot No. 23 in square 107, Lot No. 23 in square 378, Lot No. 2 in square 533, Lot No. 5 in square 54, Lot No. 12 in square 320, Lot No. 2 in square 218, Lot No. 12 in square 286, Lot No. 23 in square 263, Lot No. 23 in square 263, Lot No. 24 in square 253, Lot No. 7 in square 264, Lot No. 8 in square 264, Lot No. 7 in square 409, Lot No. 3 in square 409, Lot No. 17 in square 253, Lot No. 7 in square 253 with a three story brick dwelling house thereon, late the property of the said Blodget, and Lot No. 5 in square 607, late the property of the said Daby—the sale will commence precisely at 4 o'clock. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. July 2—12aw4c
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 13.
On Wednesday last arrived in this city, twelve Chiefs and two boys of the Okage tribe of Indians.
The Emperor of all the Russias has founded an University, on a very comprehensive and liberal scale in Lithuania for the cultivation and diffusion of the arts and sciences in that part of the Empire. Mr. Fletcher Campbell, a Scotch gentleman of considerable note as well as talents and accomplishments, has on commission, been beating up, as it were, for recruits at Edinburgh, Aberdeen, and Glasgow, to fill the new professorships. It may easily be imagined, which is in fact the case, that in a country where learning is so common, and the young men, from temper as well as necessity, so adventurous, Mr. Fletcher's labors have not been in vain.
Late accounts discover to us that many families of the Mennonites are patronized by the government, and are to settle in New Russia. The history of the Christian Church, particularly about the times of the Reformation, exhibits the singular events which furnished the interior of Europe with settlers of a character resembling that which was marked in the first settlers of America. The violence of persecution drove into the unsettled parts of Europe the men who preferred peace of conscience to every other pleasure. The best policy, and the immediate interest of the Princes made them indulgent to the new settlers, and from them have returned to Europe the best principles of religious liberty, and the greatest spirit of free enquiry. Had the Europeans left the American world to profit from the civilization of its own inhabitants, it would have been long without hope. A progress not more rapid would not have been made in Europe, had the uncivilized man been left to emerge from his barbarity. By transplanting seeds, much has been done for the interior parts of Europe, and so long has Russia struggled in vain to raise its own subjects from their barbarism, that no course can be more wise than to encourage the persecuted, or the friends of religious independence to plant themselves in countries which invite and will reward industry. To encourage artisans in South Russia, in the act of the Russian Court in 1798, it is promised, that they shall possess their privileges, without any enquiry into the causes of their emigration, while they remain peaceful subjects. The Mennonites have suffered all the contempt which religious prejudice could fix, but by their morals may become the most useful part of the new population. Their leader has been dead 240 years. For a century they endured the worst persecution, and divided into sects in Poland and the adjacent countries. The success of the English colonies in America, and the rapidity of their growth, will justify the experiments made upon the same character in Europe.
In 1800, a plan was proposed for a colony on the borders of China, in Siberia. It was to consist of 1,000 persons, who were to be cantoned so that no more than 100 families should be together. They were to attend to agriculture, and manufactures of cloth and furs, for the commerce of China. They were to be soldiers in part, & of persons under sentence of banishment, and the latter after ten years were to gain the privileges of colonists. The government were to provide 2000 houses, and provide for them 18 months. No duties were to be paid for the first ten years, and nothing required but an annual consideration to the Inspector, and assistance to the new colonists who should join them. This has some resemblance to the English colony for transported persons. (Salem Register.)
CITY AUCTION ROOM F STREET.
To be sold by public auction on Saturday 14th inst. the following articles, viz—Wines and spirituous liquors, Port and Claret in bottles, Porter and Cider in bottles, Vinegar, Molasses, Sweet oil, Crockery and Glass ware, Spanish segars, James River tobacco, Snuff, Scales, Weights & Measures, two Horses, Cart, Dray and Harness—Also several articles of Household furniture, consisting of Beds, Bedsteads, Mattresses, Chairs, Tables, Looking glasses, Mahogany press Bed, Graves, Kitchen furniture too tedious to mention. Terms of sale, Cash for all sums under fifty dollars, and for all sums above fifty dollars negotiable notes at five months with approved endorser bearing interest from the date. GEO. QUINN, Auct. N. B. Sales to Commence at 10 o'clock. July 11—
LAND FOR SALE.
The subscriber wishing to remove to the westward offers for sale a small tract of land lying in Montgomery county, state of Maryland, about two miles from Conrad Myers Ferry, lying on the road leading from the same to the Federal city, about thirty five miles from the latter—this tract contains about two hundred and thirty acres well watered and under good repair, with a sufficient quantity of wood to support the farm; on this tract there is about 10 or 15 acres of good meadow land, which might be put in Timothy with little expense; it has a good apple orchard, peach and cherry also, and well improved with a good farmhouse which is an excellent stand for selling goods, which is occupied by Jesse Phillips—at present it produces equal to any in the neighborhood, and will be offered to public sale on the first day of August next, if not sold before at private sale. Any person wishing to purchase prior to that date may view the same and know the terms by applying to the subscriber living on the premises. RICHARD JONES, of Ed. July 13—w3t
30 Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber living in St. Mary's county Maryland, near Point Look Out, on the 4th inst. a negro man named CHARLES about forty years of age, about five feet eight or ten inches in height, of a robust turn; had on when he went of a striped cotton coat and trowsers, and is fond of liquor, in all probability he has since changed his dress; he has been used to the water business and may probably try to get a birth to the West Indies or along the coast. Masters of vessels are forewarned from shipping said fellow as the law in that case will be strictly put in force—any person that will secure said fellow in jail so that the owner can again claim him shall receive fifteen dollars, and is brought to hand the above reward. JAMES KIRK. July 13—7t
Ten Dollars Reward.
DESERTED from on board the United States Ship Gun Boat No. 1 on the night of the 11th July, RICHARD HOLLOWELL (shipped in Baltimore) 5 feet 8 inches high, stout and well made, short black hair, hazel eyes, and dark complexion, 24 or 25 years of age, by trade a shoemaker. Whoever will apprehend said deserter, and deliver him at the Navy Yard, Washington, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid. JOHN LOVELL, Master. Washington July 13—3t
Ten Dollars Reward.
DESERTED from on board the United States frigate United States , on the night of the 8th of July, RICHARD WHITE, 5 feet 8 inches high, short light hair, light eyes, fair complexion, 23 or 24 years of age. Whoever will apprehend the said deserter, and deliver him at the Navy Yard, Washington, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid. JOHN CASSIN, Superintendent, Navy Yard. July 13—3t
HERTY'S LAWS of MARYLAND Volume II.
Those holding subscription papers to the above, are requested to forward a list of the subscribers and their residence, to the Editor in the city of Washington, before the 10th August next, in order that they be inferred, agreeably to the proposals. The work will be ready for delivery a few days thereafter. The Editors of papers in Maryland who published the proposals, are requested to give publicity to the above. July 13—cp
NOTICE.
THE Sale of the lots &c. in the city of Washington and district of Columbia for the payment of the direct tax is postponed until the 20th inst. The sale will commence at 10 o'clock on that day at Mr. Rhodes's tavern and continue until the whole is sold. GEORGE MACRUDER, Col. 6th collection district. July 4—
MEDITERRANEAN PASSPORTS.
Notice is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean Passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the eighth day of July next those of the new form will be issued as the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers, with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use. Department of State, 23d of May, 1804. The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the Customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. May 30—2aw6m
100 DOLLARS REWARD.
Stolen or strayed, on Monday last, a pair of fine Blood bay GELDINGS, accustomed to the carriage, each five years old, 15 hands 1 inch high. The mane, tail and legs of one are black, & he has a small flint, or body prominence on the inside of each foreleg, he was also lame in the off fore foot by a prick in shoeing, and the shoe of that foot was taken off. The legs tail and mane of the other (which is the handsomer and more lively beast) are more inclined to a brown than black. They had twitch tails, but no marks of white or brands. I will give the above sum on conviction of the thief, and a generous reward on returning the horses, besides all expenses. WILLIAM THORNTON. Washington city July 13—
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, being legally and fully authorized, by his attorneys, to adjust and settle finally, all the concerns of his former estate, incurred under the laws of Pennsylvania, of Maryland, and of the United States, hereby calls on all persons indebted to said estate, to make payment to him; and on all who have claims, to render him their accounts, with notice of what property is still held in pledge for securing payment. JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, April 13—w6t
NOTICE.
The subscriber having been legally authorized, by Messrs Henry Pratt Thomas Wilhing, Francis John Miller, just John Ashbey, and Jacob Meyer, trustees of a fund created from the joint and separate estates of Robert Morris, John Nicholson and James Greenleaf, and generally denominated, the "Aggregate Fund," hereby calls on all persons, having any claims or pretensions by Mortgage or otherwise, to any of the objects of the said Fund, to make the same known to him, with a view to their adjustment. And all persons disposed to purchase any of the property of the said Fund either in cash, or on terms of short credit, are desired to make early application to JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia April 13—w6t
The property of the AGRÉGATE FUND lying in or near the river Potomac, consists of a large number of house lots in the city of Washington.
A number of handsome brick houses and a few wooden houses in do.
A wharf and store in do.
Lands on the Eastern branch, opposite the do. on Hunting Creek near Alexandria.
Do. a joining Fort Cumberland.
Do. about 12 miles from do.
The subscriber will in person receive applications on any of the objects of his agency, at Mr. Stelles hotel, until the 10th inst. after which until further notice, he requests that all applications may be made to capt. Thomas Tingey, William Cranch, Esq. or Mr. Samuel Elliot, jun.
JAMES GREENLEAF. Washington, June 4—3t twlf
PROPOSALS
By THOMAS HERTY, Of the City of Washington, Conveyancer, for publishing by Subscription The Second Volume of his DIGEST OF THE Laws of Maryland.
IT will contain all the public acts of assembly passed since the publication of the first volume to the present time, which have not been repealed—that is, the acts of the sessions of 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802 and 1803. It will be printed of the same size, in the same order of arrangement and have reference to such parts of the first volume as are repealed, expired, or which may otherwise undergo alterations, with a neat index of subjects to which will be given by way of Appendix, a variety of precedents adapted to the law, for the use of justices of the peace, &c. &c.
CONDITIONS.
1. It will be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers is procured to defray the expense of the work, and finished immediately thereafter as soon as a strict attention to neatness and accuracy will admit. 2. Price to subscribers 2 dollars stitched, to be paid on delivery; to non-subscribers the price will be enhanced. 3. Those procuring 9 subscribers, and accountable for the money, will be entitled to an additional copy. Subscriptions received by the Editor at his office near the Treasury Department, by the Book sellers in Maryland, and by those in whose hands subscription papers are left. Printers of Newspapers in Maryland giving the above due publicity will be entitled to a copy. N. B. He has in forwardness and will issue proposals as soon as ready for A System of Conveyancing calculated for each state in the union; to the precedents of each species, will be prefixed observations on their nature and use, the law on the subject of alienation by deed of each particular state, shall be exhibited, and how such deed shall be authenticated when executed as well by residents as by non-residents, or, as well in the state as out of the state together with other interesting particulars. March 19—w6t
RUNAWAY NEGRO.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county a runaway on the 28th February last, a negro man who calls himself JOHN RUSHER, he is about 30 years old, five feet five or six inches high; a stout well made fellow; his clothing are a grey coat, a striped waistcoat and corduroy trowsers. If his owner does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees according to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, Frederick county. June 25—

Ten Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the office of the WESTERN STAR , on the night between the 4th and 5th inst. an indented apprentice to the printing business, named WILLIAM JOHNSON , between 18 and 19 years of age, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high; rather slender make, short black hair and dark complexion, had on and took with him a brown coat with pearl buttons, nankeen pan- taloon, white waistcoat, and a good hat; he had also with him a French made watch, with a twisted gold wire chain. The above reward will be given for securing him in any jail, so that I may get him again, or reasonable charges if brought home.
Also all persons are hereby cautioned against harbouring or trusting said boy, and all captains or masters of vessels are warned at their peril against carrying away said apprentice.
EDWARD COLE.
Lewistown, Pennsylvania, July 9—
For NEW ORLEANS.
THE fast sailing ship COMET , J. M'Neill master—a constant trader, and elegant accommodations for passengers. She will sail in all this month. For freight or passage apply to
WM. TAYLOR, No. 3, Bank Street.
Baltimore, July 9—3t
AT a meeting of the Stockholders of the THEATRE COMPANY , at Rhodes tavern on the 7th June, 1804, pursuant to notice.
ROBERT BRENT, Esq. Mayor of the city of Washington, was called to the Chair, and STANLEY BYUS , appointed Secretary.
On motion made and seconded, the meeting came to the following resolutions:
Resolved , That a Board of Directors, consisting of five Stockholders, be chosen by ballot at the present meeting, to continue in office one year from their election.
Resolved , That the said Board of Directors have the power generally to manage the affairs of the institution during the period for which they are elected.
Resolved , That it be the duty of the said Board of Directors to proceed immediately to the raising by such means as they shall deem most eligible the necessary funds, and thenceforth apply the same to the completion of the building; and to procure a dramatic company, when the prospects respecting the completion of the building will in their opinion warrant the same.
Whereupon the meeting proceeded to the election of a Board of Directors for one year, when the following gentlemen were elected.
John P. Van Ness, Samuel Harrison Smith, Robert Brent, William Brent, and Thomas Law.
Resolved , That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer .
ROBERT BRENT , Chairman.
June 18—3w
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR.
Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish su, crinoline cloths and cassimeres, white and fancy Marcellas, colored and white Jams, india nankeen, cotton cassimeres, black silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season.
N. B. Ladies habits regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion.
New Jersey avenue near the Capitol,
June 8—tf
30 Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, living near Dumfries in Virginia, on the 11th inst. A Negro or dark Mulatto named PRINCE , about 23 years of age, about five feet nine inches high, bow legs, has a mark on his face occasioned by a fall from a horse and a scar on one of his wrists, from a cut with a broken glass bottle. I will give thirty dollars reward for apprehending and bringing said negro home.
ROBERT GRAHAM.
May 23—tf
NOTICE.
APPLICATION is intended to be made at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of the following lost certificates; No. 364, 363, 364, 365, and 366, dated the 5th April 1804, for 2000 dollars each, Louisiana 6 per cent stock, in favor of John Coles of New London, signed by Joseph Nourie, Reg.
JOHN M'GOWAN.
June 13, 1804—ep6w
NOTICE.
THERE was committed as a Run away to the jail of Frederick county, a negro boy who calls himself GEORGE and says he belongs to capt. Newman of George Town, he is about 14 years of age, four feet seven inches high, his clothing are a tow linen shirt and a pair of coarse blue cloth trowsers. If his master does not release him from jail he will be sold for jail fees agreeable to law.
GEORGE CREAGER , Sheriff
Frederick county.
June 25—
Travellers Hall.
THE subscriber has lately been induced to purchase a lot of ground adjoining that on which he lives for the purpose of building a dining room and assembly room, each 54 feet by 32 feet 10 inches with six additional lodging rooms, and intends to finish them before the ensuing winter; which together with his tavern and house will occupy a front of near one hundred feet in the most agreeable part of the town and in the center of business being on the highest part of the public square.
He has considerably increased the furniture &c. of his house and stables. His domestics and servants are of the most faithful dispositions and properly qualified for the departments to which they are assigned. He has a constant supply of the best stable forage; imported and country provisions, imported liquors, &c. of the first quality, foreign newspapers, &c. And his ice will most probably last through the hot weather.
The distinguished preference which the first characters have already given him, fills him with gratitude. He offers his sincere thanks to all his good friends and begs leave to assure them that neither his time nor his purse shall be spared in attempting to render the Travellers Hall a house of entertainment, for GENTLE MEN ONLY, equal to any in America.
P. BRADLEY.
Lexington, Kentucky, June 12, 1804. A Stage runs from the Travellers Hall to the Olympian Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the sessions of Assembly.
June 29—3m
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern that JOHN EDWARDS is appointed by the Legionary court of the First Legion of Militia of the district of Columbia to collect all fines put into his hands—by order of said court.
WM. D. BELL , Clk.
June 22—6w
TO RENT,
A THREE STORY BRICK HOUSE in the city of Washington, situate on that beautiful ridge north east of the Seven Buildings, on 1 street, Lot No. 3, square 106, at present occupied by Mrs. Scott. Possession may be had the 1st of August next. Under said house is a good dry cellar, on the back of the lot is a stable, and near the premises a pump of most excellent water.
Inquire of Mrs. Scott, or of the subscriber, High Street at Doctor John Beaty's George Town.
ABSALOM JOY.
June 29—tf
JUST PUBLISHED By Rapine, Conrad & Co.
NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL,
MAYOR'S Universal History, Ancient and Modern, from the earliest records of time, to the general peace of 1801, Vols. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7—This work will be comprised in 25 volumes, at one DOLLAR each to subscribers in boards. Those who have already favored the publishers with their names are requested to send for their copies, and those who are desirous of possessing this valuable work are informed that the subscription is still open.
Also just published and for sale as above.
The works of WILLIAM SMITH, D. D. late provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, vols. 1st and 2nd. This work will be comprised in 4 volumes at 250 cents per volume in boards.
R. C. & Co. Have on hand a most valuable collection of new books, received by the late arrivals from Europe, which they will dispose of on the most reasonable terms.
June 29—
PROPOSAL,
For printing by Subscription,
Miscellaneous Poems,
BY MRS. ALLEN, Consort to the Rev. Mr. Allen of Harford county, Written before her marriage.
CONDITIONS
THE book to be printed with a clear type, and fine paper, in a duodecimo volume, and delivered to the subscribers neatly bound; price Three quarters of a Dollar, half to be paid on subscribing and the residue on delivery of the book—which will be put to press as soon as three hundred copies shall be subscribed for.
Subscriptions received by Mr. Matthew Carey, Philadelphia—by Messrs. Warner and Hanna, Baltimore, and by the principal booksellers in those cities, also by Mr. Samuel Harrison Smith, Washington city.
June 29—
Dr. Jacob Hall, of Harford county, of known literary character, to whose inspection these Poems were submitted, in a letter to the author, expresses his opinion of them, as follows:
MADAM,
I have been honored and gratified with the perusal of your manuscript copy of Poems. In my opinion it is a work of considerable merit, and displays true piety and poetic genius. The pastoral dialogues are commendable for their novelty, simplicity and beauty. The elegies, epistles, and especially the "Man of Misfortune," a Moral Tale, are interesting and pathetic. The Odes and Fugitive Pieces are sprightly and amusing—And the whole composition seems to breathe such a spirit of philanthropy and benevolence as cannot fail to elevate the affections, and to mend the heart—And it is to be regretted, that the author's modesty has hitherto denied the community so refined & elegant an entertainment.
Your Friend, &c.
J. HALL.
Christopher's Camp, March 24.
WANTED
At the NAVY YARD —Washington, a quantity of the following materials, viz:
 5 inch Oak Plank }  4 1-2 inch do. }  3 inch do. }  2 inch do. }  3 inch Yellow Pine }  2 1-2 inch do. }  2 inch do. }  Locust Trunnails, of 18 and 24 inches long. 
Lengths, from 30 feet upwards.
Locust Timber, in the log
Cedar do do
Beams of yellow Pine and Oak knees of various sizes.
Proposals for supplying the whole or any part of the Materials, specifying the particulars and the lowest price, will be received by the Subscriber until the first of August next.
Navy-Yard, Washington, July 6 1804.
THOMAS TINGEY.
N. B. All further information which may be required, can be obtained, on application being made at the Constructor's office.
For the information of the Freeholders of the state of Virginia.
THE following correct list of the persons who compose the REPUBLICAN TICKET of Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, is published. The election for the choice of Electors will be held in each county and corporation on the first Monday in November next.
PHILIP N. NICHOLAS , Chairman. JOHN H. FOUSHEE , Sec'y. Richmond, May 25, 1804.
Republican Ticket.
 Richard E. Lee, of Norfolk borough.  John Goodrich, — Isle of Wight.  Edward Pegram, — Dinwiddie.  Dr. Richard Field, — Brunswick.  Thomas Read, — Charlotte.  Creed Taylor, — Cumberland.  William H. Cabell, — Amherst.  George Penn, — Patrick.  George Wythe, — City of Richmond.  John Taylor, — Caroline.  Larkin Smith, — King and Queen.  John Minor, — Spotsylvania.  William Elzey, — Loudoun.  William Dudley, — Warwick.  Mann Page, — Gloucester.  John Taliaferro, jr. — King George.  Richard Brent, — Prince William.  Hugh Holmes, — Frederick.  James Dailey, — Hampshire.  James Allen, — Shenandoah.  Archibald Stuart, — Augusta.  James M'Farlane, — Russell.  Gen. John Preston, — Montgomery.  William M'Kinley, — Ohio. 
June 27—4w Prince George's County, Upper Marlboro, June 12, 1804.
At a respectable meeting of republican citizens of Prince George's County, pursuant to the recommendations of a former meeting, HUMPHREY BELT , Esquire, having been appointed Chairman, and TRUEMAN TYLER , Secretary, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted.
Resolved , That William Lyles, Alexander Covington, Alexander Contee and William W. Berry, Esquires be recommended to the people of this County as Delegates to the next General Assembly of Maryland.
Resolved , That Isaac Duckett, Humphrey Belt, James G. Wood, Thomas Hewitt and George F. Hawkins, Esqs. be a committee to confer with a similar committee on the part of Anne Arundel County, on a proper character to represent this district in Congress, in the place of Walter Bowie, Esq. who declines being a candidate.
Resolved , That Richard Sprigg, Thomas Rogers and Trueman Tyler, Esqs. be a committee to confer with Calvert County, and that part of Montgomery County composing the electoral District, on a proper character as an elector of President and Vice-President; and that it is the sense of this meeting that the said corresponding committee recommend, General Joseph Wilkinson, as a proper character to fill that appointment.
Resolved , That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer and Maryland Gazette .
HUMPHREY BELT , Chairman.
TRUEMAN TYLER , Secretary.
June 18—ep3w.
REMOVAL.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Has removed to the house above Mr. Rhodes (LATE LOVRE'S), HOTEL, near the President's Square. In addition to the present stock of goods, a Handsome Assortment
Is expected immediately. Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post, will be waited upon with all possible expedition.
T. C. will pledge himself to execute any order with a taste, expedition and moderation of charge, which shall not be excelled by any.
April 16—tf.
COLUMBIAN LIBRARY.
AN Appendix to the Catalogue is this day published and may be had at the Library Room. In the course of the last year, the Directors have been incorporated by an act of Congress, and some 250 vols. have been added to the books, making in the whole upwards of 800 vols. New Shares may be had on application to the Librarian—Books are let out on hire to those who are not shareholders, and are to be taken out and returned on the afternoons of Wednesdays and Saturdays.
George Town, June 5—
HAT MANUFACTURY.
The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chuse to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness be requisites.
JOEL BROWN.
George Town, Feb. 17—tf
GEORGE TOWN COLLEGE,
In the district of Columbia, United States of America, under the direction of the Incorporated Catholic Clergy of the state of Maryland.
I. The annual pension of this establishment is two hundred and twenty dollars; but for children under twelve years of age; only two hundred dollars will be required. Those students who continue their education through the class of Philosophy shall, on account of extraordinary expenses and some particular indulgencies allowed them, pay two hundred and fifty dollars per annum.
The pension is to be paid half yearly in advance. A deduction of fifty dollars per annum will be allowed to those parents who may choose to charge themselves with the detail of clothing their children. The college will furnish washing, and mending; but will not keep particular accounts, or become answerable for clothing provided by parents.
II. In lieu of bed linen, table service school books, and other articles usually required on entering establishments of this kind, each student shall pay ten dollars entrance money.
III. The Sunday or holiday dress is uniform, and consists of a plain coat of blue cloth, with yellow buttons, red cloth or kerseymere waistcoats. The use of silk is not permitted—Every student shall bring with him his uniform dress, besides a suit for daily wear, six shirts, six neck handkerchiefs, six pocket handkerchiefs, six pair of stockings, and three pair of shoes; all new. Any deficiency in the above will be charged to the parents.
IV. On the above terms the students are furnished with clothes, linen, washing, mending, lodging, board, fire, candle, table, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, and school rewards; so that nothing will remain to the charge of the parents, but medical attendance and medicines, postage, and such extra lessons of drawing, dancing, music, &c. which they may choose to order for their children.
V. The religion, uniformly practiced by the students living in the college, is the Roman Catholic; but for students of other religious persuasions, there are boarding houses, convenient to the college, where they will be subject to the same rules (religion excepted) and enjoy the same advantages for their improvement in science as the pensioners of college.
VI. Out Boarders must be furnished by their parents with the uniform of the college, and pay annually for tuition, fire, candle, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, school rewards, &c. fifty dollars, always half yearly in advance.
VII. The students are taught English, Latin, Greek, and all the branches of Classical Education, sacred and profane History, Geography, the use of the Globes, Arithmetic, and when sufficiently advanced Algebra and Geometry, with all the other parts of the Mathematics, in the respective classes. Particular care is taken that they learn to read well, and write a good hand, and that they speak and write French with accuracy. Four times a year the students are called to a public examination of what they have been taught before Parents and the Friends of Literature. Those who have made extraordinary progress are honored and rewarded. The idle, for punishment, are confined in the vacation to certain extraordinary hours of study during playtime, in order to repair what they have neglected to learn in school; therefore, if they are found defective in the last and most important examination of the year, before the August vacation, they will not be allowed to go home during that time.
VIII. The age of admission is from eight to fourteen. When children are not sufficiently advanced to begin a regular course of classical education, they are placed in an elementary class, attended by a particular teacher, from whom they learn to spell, read, and write.
IX. If the children sent to this College have been before at any other house of education, an attestation of their morals and docility is required.
X. The greatest care is taken to instruct the children in the duties of Religion and Morality; and they are constantly under the eye of one or more of the Professors, who see that those duties are practiced, and that the rules of civility are not violated.
XI. Cleanliness and exercise, and every thing which contributes to health, are attended to with particular care.
XII. All the pensioners dine and sup with their professors, and have the same table which they have. No distinctions are allowed in diet or clothing.
XIII. As long experience has convinced the directors, that a profusion of pocket money is very prejudicial, not only to good order, but even to study and application, they therefore request that parents will not be forward in indulging their children in more than fifty cents at most per month, for this purpose.
XIV. No allowance is made for absence during the vacation, which begins on the 15th August, and ends the 15th of September. To these terms the parents are desired to be particularly attentive, in case they choose to
call their children home, as the absence of a few weeks at the opening of school is seldom repaired without very great difficulty. Absence from school at no other time will be permitted. It is indeed the most serious and earnest desire of the Directors, that the children should never be called home during the course of their education, as they have found by experience, that such avocations have often proved prejudicial, not only to study and application, but even to content and happiness. Those children who may be received into the college upon other funds, either totally or partially, than those provided by the parents or guardians, will not be allowed to go home or absent themselves from the college during the full course of their education, unless particular circumstances in the judgment of the President should require permission of absence for a time.
XV. When children are removed from the College, whatever new linen or clothes are furnished them on that occasion, will be charged to their parents. After entering on a new quarter no deduction will be made for the remaining part thereof.
The College is a large building, capable of lodging two hundred persons conveniently. The garden and court adjoining, where the young gentlemen play, are very airy and spacious. The situation is very pleasant and healthy.
It will contribute much to the advantage of the children, if parents on sending them will inform the President how long they propose to leave them at the College, and for what employments in life they are designed. The regular course of education is properly classical; but such as are destined for the commercial line, have a lesson of Arithmetic and Book-Keeping, under a particular Professor appointed for that purpose.
N. B. The above Regulations and Conditions will take place from the 15th day of August, 1804, for all such as enter at, or after that period; but for others, they will only commence at the expiration of the six months, for which the advance payment had become due prior to that term.
Right Rev. LEONARD NEALE, President.
Georgetown, June 22—zm.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
Scheme of a Lottery.
To build an ACADEMY in the city of Richmond. Dollars.
  1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000   1 do. — 10,000 10,000   1 do. — 5,000 5,000   5 do. — 1,000 make 5,000   6 do. — 500 — 3,000   10 do. — 200 — 2,000   20 do. — 100 — 2,000   100 do. — 50 — 5,000   250 do. — 20 — 7,500   420 do. — 10 — 10,500   1,500 do. — 5 — 30,000   3,000 do. — 1 — 45,000   1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250   1 do. after 2,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250   1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500   1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000 
5,325 prizes, 150,000 9,675 blanks, not two to a prize,
15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This lottery has been authorized by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a Seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dollars, and 2,500 dollars, in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage