The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-01-06 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY. PRINTED BY SAM. EL. HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1286
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 6, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CONTINUED.
December 6.
(Mr. Campbell's speech continued.)
Sir, what was the situation of your commerce when the embargo was laid? By the orders of G. Britain you were prohibited from going to any country on the continent of Europe, except Sweden—the poor barren country of Sweden, as it is emphatically called by an English writer, to which country you export about 55 000 dollars worth of your own domestic produce. You were not permitted to export thither the produce or manufacture of any other country. Of course this was all the trade left open to this country by those orders on the continent of Europe. If you carried on any other trade to Europe, it must be directly with or through a British port. In order to shew the correctness of this statement, and also to shew what was considered in England the operation of those orders in council, and in what condition they placed the commerce of this country with Europe, I will refer to the production of a late writer of the first respectability, whose authority, for the purpose I have in view, will not be denied. I mean Mr. Baring's pamphlet, on the subject of these orders. In the 12th page of which is stated what was considered there as the practical construction of them.
"All trade directly from America to every port and country of Europe at war with Great Britain, or from which the British flag is excluded, is totally prohibited. In this general prohibition every port of Europe, with exception at present of Sweden is included, and no distinction whatever is made between the domestic produce of America, and that of the colonies re-exported from thence."
"The trade from America to the colonies of all nations remains unaffected by the present orders. America may export the produce of her own country, but that of no other directly to Sweden."
"With the above exceptions, all articles whether of domestic or colonial produce exported by America to Europe, must be landed in this country, from whence it is intended to permit their re-exportation under such regulations as may hereafter be determined."
"By these regulations, it is understood that duties are to be imposed on all articles so re-exported, &c."
"Any vessel the cargo whereof shall be accompanied with certificates of French consuls abroad of its origin, shall, together with the cargo, be liable to seizure and condemnation, &c."
Thus, sir, we see that according to the construction given those orders, by the English themselves, (for this Mr. Baring was a member of Parliament) at the time the embargo was laid, your commerce was prohibited from every country on the continent of Europe, except Sweden alone, poor and barren in trade as already stated, to which your trade, as has been observed, is of no importance, being confined to your own produce, of which you send there only about the value of $55,000; an amount too inconsiderable to deserve material notice in the great scale of American commerce. On the other hand you were by the decrees of France prohibited from trading to Great Britain, or to any other country occupied by British troops. About this time it is believed, there were British troops in occupation of Sweden—If so, you were totally excluded and shut out from all Europe; there was not a single port to which you could go with safety. But, sir, it is altogether immaterial for my purpose, whether Sweden was occupied by British troops or not; the trade with her is not worth naming, and would afford no sufficient inducement to keep open a commerce, that would probably involve the destruction of a hundred times its value of your property under one pretext or other; and would also compromise your honor and independence as a nation—for if you voluntarily surrendered all your trade as far as forbidden by G. Britain and France, and continued the small precarious scraps, if any, that they chose to assign you, you at once acknowledged their right to regulate your trade at their own pleasure, and in fact to give laws to this country. If this view of the subject be correct, and I call on gentlemen if they deny it, to shew the contrary, what trade could you have pursued or enjoyed when the embargo was laid? Your trade with all Europe was totally cut off as has been already shown—(And with Sweden whether permitted or not would not sensibly affect the general result)—your only trade that remained was that with the colonies. Let us enquire what this trade would be. With the British colonies you have no permanent trade; she never opens the ports of her colonies to your ships, except when forced by necessity to do so. Your whole trade then to the colonies would have been in domestic produce only somewhat more than $5,000,000 worth. This would have been all the trade you could carry on; your trade with those colonies in foreign articles would cease, because you could not procure the foreign goods that constituted that branch of trade. When therefore the em-
bargo was laid, your whole commerce, amounting to more than $108,000,000 of exports, was liable to capture and confiscation, except the small amount of somewhat more than $5,000,000. When your trade was in this situation; when those orders and decrees were about to sweep your commerce from the ocean, the embargo was laid, and like a shield intervened and saved it from certain destruction. Yes, sir, I venture to affirm, without the hazard of a contradiction from any well informed merchant or candid, as my information is derived from the most respectable authority, that the embargo has saved the American people more than $100,000,000, that would, if it had not been laid, most undoubtedly have fallen into the hands of the belligerent powers—No man will be so wild as to say that those powers, after solemnly declaring that they would capture your vessels, trading to their enemies, would, notwithstanding, refrain from taking them if they came in their way. There is not the slightest pretext for this—there was then no security for your commerce, but to withdraw it from the ocean. This was done, and it has been saved. The effects of the belligerents left no alternative with your government, but to leave your commerce to be entirely destroyed, or retain it within your own limits—the latter was resorted to, and was rendered indispensable by the conduct of those powers. There is not therefore any foundation in fact for the assertion that the embargo destroyed your trade; the contrary is shown beyond a doubt. Yet, sir, unfounded as this assertion is, it has been industriously circulated throughout the nation; has imposed upon and deluded many honest, well meaning men, and aided by constant misrepresentations, equally unbounded, which are constantly spread from one end of the union to the other by the opponents and enemies of the present government, has been made the hobby-horse upon which they have indulged the hope for the last year of riding into power. In this hope, however, they may probably be disappointed. So soon as the people are correctly informed, the delusion which has been produced by misrepresentation will vanish and disappear—[Mr. Southard here observed, that as the gentleman who was speaking, appeared somewhat exhausted, and was not probably near the conclusion of his remarks, & it being now a late hour, he would with his consent move to adjourn, which was agreed to.]
DECEMBER 7.
Mr. CAMPBELL said when he closed the remarks which he had the honor of making on yesterday, he had just submitted to the House some observations with the view of showing that it was not the embargo that destroyed our commerce, or brought on the nation the pressure which is now so sensibly felt, & so much complained of. I had stated to the House (said he) that the orders of G. Britain and the decrees of France were the real cause of all the difficulties which are now experienced by this country—That they and not the embargo had cut up your trade by the very roots, and rendered a total suspension of commerce for a time indispensable for its salvation from inevitable destruction. This is a truth supported by facts that cannot be denied—remove the embargo and you expose your trade, naked and defenceless to certain destruction—the same that would have taken place if it had not been laid.
Fortunately for the merchants (but unfortunately it would seem for the government, if the misrepresentations that are circulated abroad, should be believed) your commerce did not feel the destructive scourge that was prepared for it. The embargo intervened and saved it from the devouring jaws of the great Leviathan of the ocean, that were already open to receive it. If the embargo had been postponed a few weeks longer, until your trade had felt a partial destruction, until a few hundred more of your ships had been swept from the ocean, and condemned by G. Britain and France under their orders and decrees, your merchants and the people of the U. S. generally, would have been more sensible of the salutary effects of this measure in saving the property of the nation. They would then have been convinced of the real cause of the present suspension of trade—and ascribe it to its true source, the edicts of the belligerent powers. They would have seen that nearly all their property on the ocean was seized and sequestered or condemned by those powers, and that the residue, if it had been suffered to go out, would have shared the same fate—that this would have been the case there can be no doubt. It is proved by the fact that of the vessels that left this country for Europe, shortly before the embargo, scarcely one arrived safe at their intended market—a fact of the strongest kind in support of this position as well known, and has already been stated, that of nine vessels that went out of one of the eastern ports, immediately previous to the embargo, not one of them arrived safe at the place of destination. It is a fair calculation, that if your commerce generally had been permitted to go on the ocean, it would have shared the same fate. Hence the conclusion is inevitable that this measure, so far from destroying your
trade has saved it from certain destruction.
Entertaining this view of the subject, and being convinced of its correctness, I confess I have been much astonished that it has been so often repeated in this House, and also in the party prints in different parts of the country, that the embargo has brought the nation to the verge of ruin; when it is undoubtedly true, that if it had not been laid, property to a vast amount, which is now within the country and in your own possession would have been captured, condemned and added to the resources of your enemies. You would have been stripped, I may say robbed, of more than one hundred millions of property, and that would have been added to the common stocks or funds of G. Britain and France. This is precisely the situation in which you would have been placed by the edicts of the belligerents, if the embargo had not been laid. Will gentlemen say that this would be a more desirable situation than you are in at present? Will they say that your own people being deprived of their property while it is thrown into the hands of their enemies, would render their condition more eligible, relieve their distresses, or add to the money in your treasury? Is it better, sir, that G. Britain should have the greater part of your vessels & merchandise, & a great proportion of your seamen, and make use of them against you, whenever the occasion should occur, than that they should remain in the country in your own possession, and add to the resources of the nation? There can be no doubt on this subject—no one will assert this. I might pursue the enquiry further. Is it not better and much more honorable for this country that your produce should even rot in your own warehouses, than that it should be enjoyed by your enemies, and used by them for your destruction. The people of America cannot entertain a doubt on this point. If they know what is the fact, that there was no alternative but either to leave it in their warehouses to rot, or throw it into the hands of their enemies, they would not hesitate to say with one voice, "we will suffer it to moulder & rot in our warehouses rather than supply our enemies with it to our own destruction." This is the precise question, which was presented when the embargo was laid, and which is still to be decided. That those powers would have captured all your property which they could find upon the ocean cannot be doubted by any one who has attended to their conduct, and is in any degree acquainted with their proceedings.
It may not be improper here to notice some particular instances in the conduct of those powers on this occasion, in order to ascertain whether we had any thing to expect from their friendship or justice, whether on the contrary they did not seem to prepare deliberate plans to entrap and destroy your commerce.
It will be recollected that G. Britain in the famous note of reservation, which was annexed to Monroe's treaty (so often noticed here) lately rejected by our government, expressly stated, that "if however the enemy should carry these threats (meaning the Berlin decree) into execution, and if neutral nations (contrary to all expectation) should acquiesce in such usurpation, his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate in his just defence, and to adopt, in regard to the commerce of neutral nations with his enemies, the same measures which those nations shall have permitted to be enforced against their commerce with his subjects." From this it appears that the two requisites necessary in the opinion of the British ministry themselves to justify retaliation, are the execution of the decree and the acquiescence of neutral nations in such execution. This note was calculated to lull into security the people of America, and induce them to believe there was no danger to be apprehended from G. Britain, unless France should carry her decrees into execution, and there should also be an acquiescence on the part of this country. But what was the result? After this public declaration, without waiting to ascertain either of these facts, without knowing whether France would execute her decree, or the U. S. acquiesce therein—nay, in less than eight days after such declaration G. Britain issued her retaliating orders of the 7th January, 1807, which contrary to the acknowledged law of nations and in direct violation of the note that had been officially communicated, declared as good prize vessels of the U. S. sailing from
the ports of one belligerent to a port of another belligerent. This was spreading a net, in which would probably be taken a great part of your commerce then afloat upon the ocean.
In the next place, a minister extraordinary, Mr. Rose, was sent to this country, to adjust existing differences between the two nations; it was announced that he was the messenger of peace; this was also calculated to quiet the apprehensions of your people, to lull into security the councils of your nation, and produce an impression that nothing hostile or unfriendly was intended by that government. He gave you no information respecting the existence or intended publication of any orders violating your commerce; mark the result. At the very time he left England, those orders in council of the 11th November, 1807, had issued, and another scheme was thereby laid, more deep and much more extensive than the former, to sweep the whole of your commerce from the ocean, and put an end at once to all rivalry of British trade by that of America; can the object of this measure be mistaken or misunderstood? Will gentlemen close their eyes against the strongest proof? This minister extraordinary, did not mention those orders to your government; he did not even know of their existence, as was pretended; yet they had actually issued before he left that country. A fact may be mentioned here, which I have received from such authority as induces me to believe it, that may throw some light on this subject, and shew the effects it was there expected the measure would have. Bets were offered in England immediately after those orders issued, that in a few months the United States would not possess 100 merchant vessels; so confident they were that their plan was so well laid, that they would sweep from the ocean the whole commerce of the United States! And it was not so important to Great Britain, whether this was effected by herself or by France, so as it was done. Her great object was to destroy your commercial importance; if she effected that, she gained the great points she had in view. Again, it so happened, that in some parts of this country there was a great out cry made against the embargo; misrepresentations were numerous, and industriously circulated, (principally by the enemies of this country and the friends of England) and its pressure on the people was exaggerated, and its evils highly colored, beyond all reason and without the least regard to truth. These misrepresentations and false coloring of facts, reached England, and there probably gained some credit. That government was induced to believe that when Congress met, they must and would remove the embargo. The session had hardly opened, the members had scarcely taken their seats, when this great Leviathan of the ocean, hungry for the prey, of which she had been deprived by the embargo, again opened her avaricious jaws to engulf your defenceless commerce the moment it floated upon the seas. But unfortunately for her, (though fortunately for your own merchants) she was again disappointed. She had declared the French West India islands in a state of blockade about the time the session commenced, in order to be prepared in case the embargo was removed, to seize and destroy your trade whenever it was committed to the ocean, and had your embargo been taken off, every ship which would have left this country, would undoubtedly, under one pretext or other, have fallen a prey to British cruisers. These are three honorable instances of British consistency, friendship and candor. I have thought proper to notice them to the House, to show that we have nothing to hope from the friendship of Great Britain, who has now the entire command of the seas. That so far from having any disposition to favor us, she has deliberately laid one plan after another, to seize your vessels and destroy your trade; so that if your commerce had been permitted to go out, it would most undoubtedly have been annihilated. Further, sir, experience has proved that almost the whole of the vessels that went out about that time, and shortly before, have either been seized and condemned, or made to pay tribute by Great Britain, or sequestered, or condemned by France. If your trade had generally gone out, it must therefore all have shared the same fate. And yet, sir, you are told that, by laying the embargo and saving your commerce from certain destruction, you have brought this country to the verge of ruin.
From this view of the subject I feel myself authorised to say, that the embargo when it was laid, was not only a wise and proper, but also a fortunate measure. This has been proved by events, which afterwards took place, that could not have been foreseen, in their full extent, or in all the points of view in which they afterwards presented themselves. The result has shown it to have been more important, as well as more fortunate, than it could fairly have been estimated at the time it was imposed. How long it may be proper to persevere in the embargo, in preference to war is a question of quite a different nature; a question which I do not intend at this time to agitate. But, sir, if gentlemen consider the embargo, aided by a non-intercourse law as proposed, inefficient, and too weak a measure, the committee, whose report is now under consideration, has presented to the House another alternative—war. If gentlemen prefer this course, and are willing to adopt it, let them come forward and say so; we have not said that we will not join them in it; we have not said that we will not go every length to vindicate the injured rights of our country. Let gentlemen therefore declare to the nation the ground they are willing to take to resist aggressions.
2. I propose to shew that the embargo, when laid, was not submission to those powers, (as has been asserted and often repeated), that it was taking a firm and dignified ground in opposition to their aggressions and in vindication of our rights.
Nothing could give the least appearance of plausibility to the assertion, that the embargo was submission, but the situation in which we were placed, in regard to the two great belligerent powers, who were at war with each other, rendering it necessary that we should resist both at the same time. When the measure is considered, as it certainly ought to be, as applied to each of them separately and distinctly; and as if adopted and operating first against one alone, in consequence of its conduct towards us, and then against the other in like manner, its true character will be manifest, and no doubt can exist on the subject. First, then as it regards France; by her decrees she declares, you shall not trade to Great Britain or any of her dependencies. To resist this aggression on our rights, we say to France, you have violated our lawful commerce, we will therefore shut up our ports as to you, if you do not permit us to trade with other nations on fair terms, we will not trade with you at all; we will keep our commerce at home, and shew you and the world, that we can do better without your manufactures, than you can subsist without our produce, so essential to your support. Surely, sir, this cannot be called submission to France—and although not a hostile measure, it is a measure of firm and decided resistance. In the first place you save your own trade from threatened destruction, you deprive her of supplies, and the advantages she derived from your commerce; and next you say to her, although we have not as large a navy, or as many soldiers to fight as you have, yet we will be independent; we will remain within our own limits; live on our own productions and protect our own soil; we will not hold intercourse with you on your own terms, nor submit to go to those ports only, which you point out, and to no others.
On the other hand, apply the measure to Great Britain. She by her orders in council, has declared "you shall not trade with France or with any of her dependencies," that is, "you shall not sail to a single port on the continent of Europe," (except perhaps those of Sweden) if you do, my cruisers are authorised to seize you and carry you into my ports, where you shall either be condemned, or made to pay a tribute, a heavy tax for licence to go, where you will most undoubtedly be condemned for having such licence. To this outrageous aggression on their best rights, the United States have said—in the first place, "we will cut off our export trade from you altogether; if you do not suffer us to trade with other nations on fair terms, we will not trade with you at all. We know we have not a navy to protect our commerce against your thousand ships of war, upon the ocean; we will therefore withdraw our commerce from that element, and retain it within our own limits; you shall not receive supplies from us, or be furnished with our produce. We will in the next place, cut off all intercourse with you, in if you agree to do us justice; you will feel much more sensibly the loss of

our trade, than we shall the loss of your custom. This, sir, is not submission. It is a firm and manly resistance though not of a hostile nature, and the only measure that could at the time have been adopted consistent with the honor and interest of the nation. We do not pretend to have as many ships of war as Great Britain, to protect our commerce on the ocean; we do not wish to have them; such establishment would be inconsistent with the genius of our government; but we do know that our produce being the necessaries of life, is much more important to her than her gaudy fabrics are to us; that the balance of her trade with us, is nearly twenty millions annually in her favor, that we receive of her manufactures annually, about twelve millions sterling, nearly equal to sixty millions of dollars, being about one third of her whole exports; and knowing those facts, we must know, that by a suspension of our commerce with her, she must be loser in proportion to the advantages she usually derived from it. We have a right fairly to conclude that a nation will do what is best for her own interest, and what will most promote the benefit of her people. If Great Britain is blind to, and regardless of the best interests of her people, it is no proof that our measures are not correct, or that they were not the best for this country, that could at the time have been adopted.
It is, however said, sir, that this measure is an abandonment of commerce. I do not profess to have any practical knowledge in commercial matters—but I apprehend it will not be difficult to shew, without much of such knowledge, that this assertion is totally fallacious and unfounded. That on the contrary the measures pursued by government have been taken in support of the commercial rights of this country, and are persevered in to maintain the same unimpaired. What occasioned the passage of the non-importation act? The numerous petitions of your merchants, complaining of aggressions committed on your trade by G. Britain and violations of your neutral rights on the ocean. They alone complained in this case—and they were principally interested. The government attended to their complaints—a stand was made in favor of commerce—a step was taken to maintain and vindicate the mercantile interest of the nation. The measure taken pledged the government at once to support those commercial and neutral rights which we claimed as an independent nation. Was this abandoning commerce? It was not, sir. Again, who were likely to suffer most by the orders of G. Britain and the decrees of France? Certainly the merchants, whose property was exposed to ruin, almost inevitably. It is true the other classes of society would feel the effects of those foreign aggressions sensibly; but it would only be through the merchants, who would suffer first and most materially. This produced the embargo in order to save the property of your merchants, and maintain unimpaired the commercial rights of the country.
In this instance the nation gave another pledge not to suffer those rights to be encroached upon—and hazarded all the consequences of throwing back as it were on the hands of the farmers their produce, to remain dormant, or be sold for very low prices—of having the sources from which their revenue was chiefly derived, in a great degree dried up, rather than see those rights trampled upon and the vital principles of the mercantile interest openly violated—and yet we are told that in all this we are abandoning commerce. It is scarcely possible to believe, that gentlemen who have any tolerable knowledge of the substantial and real interests of commerce in a national point of view can be serious in making those assertions—or if they are, they must be blinded by prejudice or deluded by mistaken views of the subject. What would be the consequences of pursuing your trade under the restrictions imposed upon it, by foreign powers? It would be acknowledging the right those powers had to regulate and circumscribe your commerce at pleasure—to cut it up by piece meal, until you were stripped of the whole of it. I say, sir, this would be abandoning commerce, and they must be totally ignorant of the great principles of national commerce, or inimical to them, who wish to pursue this course. Yet, sir, it is the course insisted upon by those who pretend to be the advocates of commerce. They say, although G. Britain has cut off your trade with France and the continent, and France has interdicted your trade to G. Britain, there is still some trade left, which you might enjoy. This would be submitting to the right which G. Britain and France claim, to fix the precise places to which we shall be permitted to go. You agree not to go to France because G. Britain has so required. You do not go to G. Britain because France has so required—but you go to some of the islands because both have permitted it. This would be submission to both those powers, and that of the meanest kind—and it would be surrender-
ing at once the vital principles of the great commercial interests of this country. If you relinquish your commerce by piece-meal, as the belligerents choose alternately to interdict it, will it not soon be wholly destroyed? For they have as good a right to cut off our trade with the whole world, as with that part of it from which they have already interdicted it. There can be no difference. The government of this country has considered our commercial rights as forming one whole or aggregate system, which as a free nation we have a right to enjoy—and have determined not to surrender any part of these rights—not to suffer any encroachment upon them—to rally round, and maintain them unimpaired—to enjoy the whole as a free people, or not enjoy them at all. For there is no ground upon which you could surrender any part of those rights that would not equally justify the surrender of the whole. In this view I understand this subject—and those who oppose the present measures, must be considered as willing to surrender a portion of those rights—to submit to foreign aggressions, in order to be permitted to pursue the scanty trade that may be left them at the pleasure of those powers. This ought to be known. The people should be informed that in this way a portion of their best rights is proposed to be surrendered, and probably forever abandoned. I am not, sir, for giving up any portion of our rights—I am not for abandoning commerce—I consider the measures we have adopted a stand made in support of commerce. I am not for retreating our steps; if we must move, I am for advancing. So far as commerce is consistent with the great interests of agriculture, so far I am willing to go in support of it—but when it is attempted to oppress or sacrifice the agricultural interest of the country, in order to extend commerce beyond its natural bounds, or when those two interests come in collision, the one with the other, I shall consider it my duty to support the interest of agriculture in opposition to that of commerce. It may be proper here to remark, that there is not the slightest pretext for the allegation that we are about to pursue a Chinese policy, or that the embargo is to be perpetual. These are the mere chimeras of a feverish imagination, or the alarm-cries of those whose constant endeavor has been to misrepresent in order to mislead the public mind. The committee have presented to the House two alternatives, the one is a continuation of the suspension of commerce for a season, the other is war. If the time has not yet arrived to resort to the last alternative to obtain justice, persevere for a time in the embargo, but if you do, strengthen its ties, and execute its provisions, and do not permit a few of the most corrupt and degenerate individuals in society to enrich themselves at the expense not only of the honest part of the community, but of the dearest and best rights of the nation.
I come now to shew in the third place, that any other course which could have been pursued when the embargo was laid, would be war or submission. If you attempted to trade to those places from which you were prohibited by the edicts of the belligerents, you came in direct collision with them; your vessels were of course captured and condemned, and this must produce war. If you traded to those places only to which you were permitted to go by those edicts, (the only remaining course that could be pursued) it was submission to both those powers. Many of the remarks already made in shewing that the embargo was not submission, are applicable to this point and sufficiently support it; a few additional observations only will be made. Suppose you were to pursue such trade as was left unrestricted by those edicts—what would be its extent, and what its character? You were totally excluded from Europe, as already shewn, except that you might possibly carry your own produce, but that of no other country to Sweden, amounting as already stated only to about fifty-six thousand dollars, and this very doubtful. But suppose you were suffered to go there unopposed, what would—what ought the world to say of your conduct? That you were the submissive, humble slave of Great Britain and France; that you obeyed their edicts, and submitted to trade to the precise country to which they permitted you, and surrendered up all the rest of your commerce at their pleasure. Each of those powers may, with equal justice, prevent you from exercising any other of your rights appertaining to a free people, as to say, that you shall not trade with certain ports or places not under its controul. In going to that precise place to which they permit you, and to no other, you submit to both, and you acknowledge their right to give you laws. Yet this is the only course proposed to be pursued by those gentlemen, and it would reduce the nation to a state of foreign vassalage. Gentlemen have said that the West-India Islands are
not included in those edicts, and that you might carry on a commerce with them. This trade, sir, falls under all the objections just stated, and would be pursuing a humble course as trading to Sweden alone. But what is the situation of this trade to the islands? G. Britain does not permit any regular trade with her West India colonies—you are never suffered to go there, except when she is forced by necessity, by scarcity, to open her ports for your produce, and then it is under such restrictions that her own merchants derive the greater part of the benefits from the trade. The British orders according to their general tenor include the other West India islands, but his majesty as a matter of favor is graciously pleased to permit you for the present to carry on your trade with them. This is announced officially to your government by Mr. Erskine, in the same note by which he communicated those orders. There it is stated expressly that his majesty might justly exclude you from all the colonies of France and her allies, but that through favor as a matter of mere grace, your trade to them was left open. He would not press too severely on you at once, lest the spirit of the nation might be roused into indignation, and they should determine to avenge at once those aggressions and insults—and it is hoped the day of retribution may not be far distant. He chose in order to soften the measure, to suffer this small portion of your trade, not exceeding seven millions of dollars, as shall be shewn hereafter, to be carried on, but under his express permission, which he might withdraw at pleasure. This is the trade which the nation has been told might still be pursued—and these are the terms on which it would be enjoyed. Is there, sir, a soul that warms an American breast so degraded, as to be willing to accept of such a boon upon such conditions? I had supposed there was not? I had supposed that every American would recoil with indignation from such a proposition; but in this I was mistaken. A proposition made by a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) during the last session, had for its object expressly to pursue such part of your commerce as Great Britain had assigned you, by her orders, and no more, and to relinquish all she had prohibited.
A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Key) in a long speech recommended, and strongly advocated the same measure in substance. He told you, your fish would be carried to one market, and your produce to another, to a considerable amount, without being exposed to danger from those edicts; and how did this appear? Because Great Britain had permitted you to go to those places, he would therefore carry on so much commerce as she was pleased to permit, and by which she might conceive herself likely to be benefited, and abandon the rest. If his majesty George the III. had an advocate on this floor, whose business it was to carry into effect his orders in council, he could have proposed no measure more effectual for that purpose than this would have been. Nothing could more completely execute those orders, than confining your trade to those ports, and within the precise circle which these orders prescribe. It is acknowledging, what I am told, some British agents and advocates in this country avow, that Great Britain has conquered the ocean, and has therefore a right to regulate commerce upon it as she pleases. We have been told something about pursuing a Chinese policy; but I venture to affirm that this would be the most effectual mode to destroy your foreign commerce, and establish this kind of policy. If you acknowledge the supremacy of Great Britain, the right she has to limit, circumscribe and regulate your commerce, when, and how she pleases, you at once sap the vital principles of foreign commerce, and necessarily lay the foundation for a Chinese policy. If to day she cuts off all your trade except to the West-India islands, in a few days, months, or years, she may on the same principle cut you off from them also. This might probably open the eyes of those who are most deeply interested in commerce; and I cannot help feeling the strongest conviction, that if the merchants, in the eastern states, saw this subject in its true light, they would be among the first to support at every hazard the measures already adopted and proposed. They are deeply interested in preserving unimpaired, foreign commerce in its full extent. In the bold and daring violations of it by those orders and decrees, they must see a fatal blow aimed at its vital principles; which if submitted to may be repeated, and finally complete its total destruction. They are therefore now seriously called upon to determine, whether in order to avoid this catastrophe, and maintain unimpaired the great principles of national commerce, they will not rally round their government, who have put every thing to hazard for this important object, and support, not only the embargo and non-intercourse, so long as the
same are thought proper and necessary, but also war with all its calamities, should that be the result. If they do not act thus, through whatever delusion it may be, they will most certainly repent when they are undeceived, for they must and will be convinced, in a short time, that the real objects of those measures, and of the government in adopting them were, and still are, the protection of national commerce; and that the effects of the course proposed by the opposition party would be to sap its very foundations, to endanger its existence—to surrender the fairest portions of it to G. Britain, and fritter it away to a mere skeleton, a name without substance. If gentlemen interested in commerce will persevere in this course, let them beware of and be prepared to abide by the consequences.
I come now to shew, as I proposed, in the 4th place, that if you even submitted to carry on the miserable pittance of commerce that was left you, and which could be enjoyed if the embargo had not been laid, it would only amount to a mere trifle, not sufficient to merit any serious notice, and could not be considered as any compensation for national degradation and dishonor. You were shut out from the continent of Europe. I will not mention again your trade to Sweden—she is now a mere speck in the political horizon and scarcely known in the commercial world. The conditions upon which you would obtain permission to trade to any other place on the continent, are too degrading to be passed in review here. I will not go through the odious task, for the purpose of exciting your indignation, of repeating the tribute or tax imposed on your commerce, and even on your own produce in British ports, in order to obtain a licence to carry it elsewhere—I will not rouse indignant feelings, by telling the people of this country, that they may send their cotton to the continent, by carrying it first to G. Britain and there paying a duty of 17 cents per lb. on it and receiving a licence (as a badge of vassalage to George the 3rd) which would certainly procure its condemnation at any port on the continent to which it could go. Nor will I enter into a calculation of the duty to be paid on that portion of your produce consumed in G. Britain after it is forced into her ports; neither shall I pursue the regulations by which you are compelled to take your cotton and other articles out of the warehouses for the purpose of home consumption on payment of duties, unless exported within 15 months after you have been compelled to carry them there by their cruisers; and in case your cotton will not sell for a sufficient price to pay the charges and duties, you are graciously permitted to burn or otherwise destroy it in order to avoid paying duties. These odious impositions need not be announced to the American people, to rouse resentment already sufficiently excited—but in order to shew what trade you could pursue, subject to those humiliating restrictions of the belligerents already mentioned, I have made out, (though with some reluctance, as I do not conceive the question before you to depend on calculations,) a brief statement of your commerce with those countries and places to which you were permitted to go. This statement taken from official documents will present the House with the amount of trade during the last year, ending the 30th Sept. 1807, to the respective countries and places to which we were permitted to go by the orders of G. Britain, and were not prevented from going by the decrees of France.
   COUNTRIES. Value of Domestic produce exported.     Turkey, Barbary, Africa, China, South seas, and North-West coast of America $480,986   Not interdicted by France, and permitted by G. Britain—   Spanish colonies 2,817,344   French colonies 3,046,765   Dutch East Indies 79,880   6,424,273   If we should add to these the colonies of Sweden and Portugal, though they would most probably be considered as subject to those edicts, the amount would be   Colonies of Sweden 416,509   Colonies of Portugal 570,303   7,411,085   And if to this be added our exports to Sweden herself 56,187   The amount will be $7,467,252  
The whole trade therefore that could be pursued by the special permission of Great Britain, and not interdicted by France, when the embargo was laid, would be less than seven millions and a half of dollars, out of more than one hundred and eight and one-third millions, the amount of your foreign trade for the same year. This, sir, is a correct statement, and cannot be controverted by any authentic documents; and it will shew how fallacious the statements were, which a gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Key) made at the close of last session, and which were calculated to impose on the public mind. I know, sir, we exported during the period mentioned, to the same countries, foreign produce and manufactures to the amount of about sixteen millions and a half of dollars; but this cannot be included in the commerce we could pursue; because we could not now procure the foreign articles which constituted this branch of our exports, being prohibited from going to those countries where they could be obtained. It is proper here also to remark, that your imports from the same countries are less than your exports, which can be shown from the most correct information on the subject. But whatever they may have been, they must in such case depend entirely on your exports, as they would depend on the means you had to pay for them. We could not therefore export from those countries more than they received from us, because we would not possess the means to pay for such overplus. This leaves the estimate precisely as already stated, and confines the amount of commerce you could pursue, to the sum before stated of about seven and a half millions, out of 108 and one third millions of dollars, the amount of your lawful commerce; and this patty, inconsiderable portion of your trade, which would be entirely confined to a few particular states of the union, you are seriously called upon to pursue, at the expense of, and to accept as the price for, national degradation and dishonor; and it has also been used as the stalking horse to divert the public mind, (which would always decide correctly, if properly informed) from the real situation in which their commerce was placed by the conduct of the belligerent powers. And we are now told, because we did not sell our honor, our independence, our birth-right, for this petty morsel of (commercial) bread, we have brought the nation to the verge of ruin.
But some gentlemen have said there are countries which have not passed any orders or decrees violating your lawful commerce, you ought to force a trade with them, notwithstanding you are prohibited from going to them by the edicts of the belligerents. This is the only other proposition suggested of opening a trade, and at first view, possesses some plausibility. The objections to this course, however, are insurmountable. It is not pretended such trade could be pursued without arming. If you arm your merchant vessels, with authority to capture—it is immediate war with the belligerents. If you arm them only for defence, you expose them to almost certain destruction, without the chance to re-imburse the loss by retaliating on their enemies. For they would not generally be attacked except by vessels of superior force, to which their resistance would be ineffectual—and they would not be authorised to attack in their turn, and by way of retaliation, vessels of inferior force. This would therefore lead directly to a war of depredation on your own commerce, in which it would be exposed to inevitable ruin, and in which your merchants, would certainly have every thing to lose and nothing to gain.
(Mr. Campbell's Speech to be continued.)
AN ACT, To empower the Executive to purchase arms for the use of the militia of this state, and for other purposes therein mentioned.
Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland, That for the space of five years after the first day of November next, there shall be annually provided, at the expense of this state, twelve hundred good and serviceable muskets or firelocks, with a bayonet and cartridge box to each, also two hundred iron field pieces complete, also fifty brace of horsemen's pistols, and one hundred horsemen's swords complete, for the use of the militia when occasion may require, to be deposited at such suitable and convenient places as the Executive may direct.
2. And be it enacted, That the Executive are hereby authorised and required to contract for and procure the aforesaid arms and accoutrements for the use of this state, and to publish for the information of the mechanics of the state of Maryland, and others willing to contract for the whole, or any part thereof, that at the time of contracting they must exhibit a pattern of the particular kind of arms or accoutrements designed to be contracted for.
3. And be it enacted, That the muskets or firelocks to be procured under the provision of this act, shall be of the same caliber and dimensions as those described by the act of Congress, and now made for the use of the United States.
4. And be it enacted, That in order to effectuate the objects of this act, the Executive are hereby authorised to draw from the treasury of the western shore annually for the space of five years after the first day of November next, any sum not exceeding fifteen thousand dollars, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, Jan. 6—81.
PROPOSALS WILL be received by the President and Directors of the Washington Bridge Company, on or before the 10th inst. for finishing the RAILING of the BRIDGE by the running foot. A particular description will be given on application to the Superintendent, Mr. Mills or his foreman Mr. Notchess. SAWYERS wanted to saw a quantity of TIMBER by the foot—Apply as above. By order of the President and Directors. SAM. ELLIOTT, Sec. Cl. January 6—
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the repeal of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6—24w4w3.

We have received from governor Milledge, of the Senate of the United States, a specimen of SUGAR CANE, now cultivated on the island of Sable, in Georgia. The cane is the same with that which grows at Ouabche, and is large and luxuriant. Three acres have been already cultivated by Mr. Spalding, from whom governor Milledge has received this specimen. This experiment promises to be of the utmost importance, as it is believed that all the land that produces sea-island cotton will grow cane. Our fellow-citizens will not fail to distinguish with their thanks the individual, who has thus meritoriously added to the solid riches of his country.
Samuel Huntington, the new Governor of the state of Ohio, has opened the legislature with a Speech replete with patriotic sentiments. Our readers may recollect that on announcing the election of Mr. Huntington, we described him as a firm republican. Notwithstanding this fact, the federal prints pronounced him a federalist, and there is scarcely a paper of this description that has not dubbed him with the honorable distinction. So much for the regard of these vehicles for truth, for which they have at no antecedent period exhibited so many instances of a profligate contempt. Now for the speech of the Governor. We regret our inability to insert it entire, as it is not only distinguished by the correctness and elevation of its sentiments, but likewise by the chastity and elegance of its language. The following extract will, however, at once vindicate the character of the Governor from federal eulogium, and evince the genuine patriotism which animates the people of Ohio.
"In congratulating you, gentlemen, upon the general prosperity of our country, it would have afforded me additional pleasure, had I been able to assure you that all apprehensions of being forced into hostilities, by the injustice of foreign nations, were at an end, or that the salutary measures adopted by the general government to avoid the calamities of war, were no longer necessary. But it does not appear, that any material change has lately taken place in the conduct of the two rival belligerents of Europe towards this country; and while this is the case, we ought not to calculate upon the suspension or abandonment of those precautionary measures to which our government has been obliged to resort: such a calculation would imply a distrust of the wisdom, firmness and consistency of the general government, at a time when it eminently claims all our confidence and support.
"It cannot be denied, that the privations and embarrassments arising out of the present state of our foreign relations, so sensibly felt by the people of the Atlantic states, are in a degree experienced by a respectable portion of our own citizens. From the manner in which our own citizens are principally affected, it is in the power of Congress to afford them relief, without yielding any thing to the arrogant pretensions of foreign nations; and there is no reason to believe they will not manifest the same readiness to extend all reasonable relief to our citizens, which they have always done to promote the interests of the state. However this may be, we have the pleasing assurance that every description of our fellow-citizens will cheerfully submit to their present privations so long as it shall be necessary, or meet a more momentous crisis with fortitude.
"If the general government wanted an apology for the line of conduct it has pursued in relation to Great Britain and France, it would be found in the anticipation of the inevitable consequences of a different course.
"The American flag had been outrageously insulted, and our citizens slaughtered: our vessels on every sea were seized, their cargoes plundered or confiscated, and their crews impressed into foreign service, under the orders and decrees of those governments, issued at a time when all the relations of peace and amity, between us and them were in force, and in violation of every rule of justice, and of the law of nations; and to heap the measure of injustice, at the very time our government was negotiating for the friendly redress of our wrongs, an enormous tribute was imposed on us by one of those nations, as the price of permission to prosecute a fair and legitimate traffic with other countries."
The French are said to have demanded of Prussia, that all ships detained in her ports as coming from England should be condemned.
By recent information from both Russia and Denmark, it appears that
a general embargo exists in those countries. That of Denmark, in particular, has continued, with short intervals, for the greater part of the last year.
The Senate have passed the bill for the continuance of the Mediterranean fund; have receded from their amendment to the bill for the employment of twelve additional revenue cutters, which bill is consequently passed; and have proposed amendments to the bill of the House authorizing the employment of an additional number of seamen, so as to reinstate the provisions of their own bill for the entire equipment of all the public armed ships.
On Wednesday Mr. Lloyd offered the following resolution:
That the President of the U. States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate all the official as well as informal correspondence between Mr. Rose, the late British Minister to the U. States and the Secretary of State or any other officer of this government, which has not already been communicated to Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday, January 4.
Mr. Lewis reported a bill conferring certain powers as to roads and bridges, on the levy court of the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia. Twice read and referred.
DISTRESSED SEAMEN.
Mr. Newton offered a resolution, directing the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures to enquire into the propriety of providing for the relief of distressed and disabled seamen.
Mr. Newton stated that he had been induced to propose the resolution from the following letter from the Secretary of the Treasury:
Treasury Department, Dec. 29th, 1803.
Sir, Whilst the fund for supporting sick and disabled seamen has during this year been considerably diminished, the expenses are actually increasing. For the fund consisting of the deduction of 20 cents per month from the wages of seamen, must necessarily decrease in the same ratio as the number of seamen actually employed; and, on the other hand, the number itself of those who are confined at home and deprived of employment, produces an increase of applications for relief.
All that had, by frugality in the expenditure, been saved during former years will be inadequate to supply the deficiency of the ensuing year, unless orders be immediately given to reduce, by some general and harsh rules, the number of persons heretofore admitted. I cannot believe that this would be consistent with the intention of the Legislature, and think it my duty to state the facts, in order that a proper remedy may be applied.
Upon due consideration of the subject, it appears to me that the most simple and equitable plan would be to appropriate for the year 1809, in aid of the fund, an additional sum of about two hundred thousand dollars; such sum to be applied as the fund itself, under the general directions of the President, but to be expended in the several ports in proportion to the amount actually collected in each on that account during the year 1807, and to be applicable to the relief, not only of sick and disabled, but also of distressed seamen.
I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
T. Newton, Esq. Chairman of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
The resolution was agreed to without opposition.
PUBLIC LANDS.
Mr. Boyle offered the following resolution, observing that the subject had been before the House several times, but a solemn decision had never been had on the subject, and those who had witnessed the mode of disposing of land on credit, had seen the ill effects of the present system:
Resolved, That the committee on public lands, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of reducing the price of public lands, and abolishing the credit on sales thereof; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise. Agreed to.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
Mr. Story said, that if the House did not wish to be considered as slumbering at their posts, it was proper that they should, after determining that they would not submit to the orders and decrees of the belligerents, adopt some efficient system of warfare, if war must be the result. On this point he was decidedly of opinion that we could carry on operations to great advantage on the ocean. He held in his hand a resolution for enquiring into the propriety of augmenting our naval force, which he submitted to the consideration of the House:
Resolved, That the committee to whom was referred so much of the message of the President of the United States, as relates to our military and naval establishments, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of increasing our naval establishment, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. D. R. Williams asked of the gentleman, against whom was this force to be applied? From what source could any considerable increase be made? He presumed, as the gentleman appeared to have his mind so fully made up on the subject, that he had made the necessary calculations, and would favor the House with them. For his part, Mr. Wil-
liams said, if we were to go to war to-morrow, he would not vote a single additional floating gun. What had been the consequence of augmentations of naval force in other countries? Were they not perpetually augmenting the British navy? The ministry would give but a small premium to ensure the gentleman's augmentation (should it be made) a safe birth in their ports. Did the gentleman wish to follow the example of Denmark, and have our towns Copenhagened?
Mr. Gardner observed, that a bill for putting our present navy into service was already before the House. He should prefer first acting on that, and therefore moved that this resolution lie on the table.
Mr. Story hoped this course would not be given to his motion; for it might be perfectly proper not to order the whole naval force to be put into actual service, and yet it might be very proper to prepare an additional naval force. We were not, he said, at present at war; but we soon might be. The gentleman from South-Carolina had supposed that any augmentation of our naval force must fall a sacrifice to the British navy. Mr. Story said, he could not so much doubt the courage or character of his countrymen, as to feel as the gentleman did. I was born among the hardy sons of the ocean, said Mr. S. They never will be guilty of a dereliction of their duty or their country's rights. They never will submit. If Great Britain ever obtains possession of our present little establishment, it must be at an expence of the best blood of the country, and after a struggle which would call for more of her strength than she had ever found necessary for an European enemy. He said, he did not wish our naval force to be increased for offensive measures; but it had appeared to him, that the only force which could effectually protect our sea coast was a naval force. He wished a few vessels of war to co-operate with our fortifications. Such a force too, with the known bravery of American seamen, would carry dismay wherever it went. The passage of this resolution would not decide the principle; it was barely for enquiry. Would not gentlemen enquire whether an increase of the naval force might not be proper? Would they hold out the language that they would permit the scene of the Chesapeake to be acted over again with impunity? That they would still remain on land? Mr. Story said, he could not believe that the gentleman from South-Carolina wished to see this game played again. He hoped that we would prepare a force to protect us against every foe. The naval establishments of European nations must be always maintained at an expence double of the proportionate expence, which would be incurred in this country. He asked the gentleman from South-Carolina, if we had fifty fast sailing frigates, whether the British nation would send an armament sufficiently powerful to endanger them? Mr. Story said, that we knew perfectly well the importance which they attach to their naval establishment. The thunder which rolled over their heads in terror was only from their floating batteries on the water. Believing that whenever we have war it must be carried on at sea as well as on land, he was in favor of increasing our naval force.
Mr. D. R. Williams said that the gentleman must excuse him for saying that he had pursued the Eastern mode of propounding other questions instead of answering those which had been put to him. He said he had meant no reflection on the hardy sons of Neptune; he believed them to be as courageous as the gentleman had represented them. The gentleman talks of fifty fast sailing frigates (said Mr. W.) Is it possible that any man in the nation can suppose that its safety depends upon fifty fast sailing frigates? They must, if sent out, either carry orders not to fight, or become what the Chesapeake has been—a disgrace to us. I feel regret that such is our situation; and I have no other consolation than the state of the nation. Yes, sir, it is a mortification to me that the British minister here has said, and perhaps to members of this House, that if fifty sail of the line were built they would soon be taken from us. We cannot command resources for such establishments. Will gentlemen consider that our greatest annual revenue never amounted to seventeen millions of dollars? I ask then where are we to get money for the support of such immense establishments. Mr. Williams said that 'twas on the score that he would risk the salvation of his country; and of an invading foe there would not, he trusted, a single man escape to tell the tale of his comrades. Indeed he should tremble for his country if he thought its salvation depended on floating batteries.
Mr. Nicholas said there appeared to be a difference of opinion among gentlemen as to the mode of preparing for action. It was unquestionably necessary, he observed, that the House should come to some decision on the subject. Gentlemen who were in favor of naval force, when that question was fairly decided in the negative, would no doubt give up all idea of that force and join those in the majority in voting for that force which they deemed necessary. I do not, will not believe (said Mr. N.) that a difference of opinion as to the species of preparation to be made, will prevent us from making any. Until some decision be made we shall be perpetually embarrassed in this way. I have not made up my opinion on this subject; but I am inclined to believe that in the event of a war we can do but little on water. I think it important, however, that the thing should be settled and not procrastinated. This question should be met and decided. I do not believe that I say too much when I say that I believe war to be inevitable. I say this upon the presumption that I am warranted in believing that it is the determination of this House and the nation to resist, as long as a man remains of us, the edicts of Great Britain and France. Having made this determination, what is our duty under the present aspect of our affairs, when it does not appear that either of these nations will recede? To prepare to meet the crisis as men determined to resist effectually. Shall we do this as long as we divide as to the means to be employed? We shall not, sir. Mr. Nicholas expressed a hope that gentlemen who thought land force the best, would, if it should not be agreed to by a majority, consent to employ naval force; and that, under similar circumstances, those in favor of naval force would consent to employ land forces. It was of the utmost importance that they should come to an understanding on the subject. If out voted in the force which was best in his opinion, he would cordially assist in preparing the other species. He said he was for offence, not for defence merely, when thus vitally assailed. He hoped the House would at once settle the mode and commence the work of preparation.
Mr. Lyon said that it was well known that he had never been inimical to naval force. The rule which he had laid down to himself had been to give a great share of the revenue derived from commerce to the protection of commerce. He had never entertained the idea of manning a fleet for the purpose of defying Great Britain on the ocean. He had wished to give that share of the proceeds of the commerce of the nation to its protection which should be deemed necessary. He said that sending out a navy with a view to meet that of Great Britain on the ocean, would indeed be a Quixotic expedition. He had always thought that this nation would be justifiable alone in defensive war. He would forever maintain the right to govern ourselves on land, and on the ocean too if he thought there was any probability of succeeding in such a contest. He censured the propensity displayed by gentlemen for making partial preparations, and wished to see a whole system at once.
The question on ordering Mr. Story's proposition to lie on the table was carried, 47 to 38.
EMBARGO.
Mr. Van Cortlandt observed that it was impossible for the House to get along with business till the question of repeal or continuance of the embargo was decided. He therefore called for the order of the day on Mr. Chittenden's resolution for the immediate repeal of the embargo.
Mr. Bacon made a motion which superseded this motion, viz. to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of it, and to refer it to the committee of the whole, to whom was referred the bill on the subject of non-intercourse.
After a debate of near three hours this motion was negatived—Yeas 23—Nays 91. The debate was desultory in the extreme, including questions of order, &c. and the decision of the question appeared to involve no principle. Messrs. Gardner, Dana, Chittenden, Quincy, Upham, Lyon, Sloan and Masters appeared to be in favor of the adoption of Mr. Chittenden's resolution; and Messrs. J. G. Jackson, D. R. Williams, Bacon, G. W. Campbell, Smilie, Alexander, Story, Bibb, Holland and Eppes opposed to it.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on motion of Mr. Van Cortlandt—Yeas 62 Nays 49—Mr. Basset in the chair, on the resolution of Mr. Chittenden, in the following words:
Resolved, That the act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto," ought to be immediately repealed.
Mr. Van Cortlandt moved to strike out the word "immediately" and insert "from and after the 4th day of March next."
Mr. Eppes called for a division of the question, so as to take it first on striking out the word "immediately." And the question having been so taken, was negatived—Ayes 36. The motion to insert of course fell with the motion to strike out. And the question on the resolution having been stated, (about 4 o'clock) Mr. Livermore said he was agree-
ably disappointed in seeing this subject taken up; and was not therefore as ready to meet it as he might be. He then commenced an argument on the constitutionality of the embargo. The origin of the federal compact was chiefly the want of some general power to regulate commerce. There had, however, he contended, been no delegation by the constitution of a power to lay an embargo; consequently the exercise of it was an assumption of power not warranted by the constitution. The convention he said could have had no idea that they were raising a power to destroy the very object for the preservation of which they were associated. After Mr. Livermore had been speaking about ten minutes—
Mr. Gholson asked if the gentleman would not prefer being heard to-morrow.
Mr. Livermore answered that he should.
A motion was made that the committee rise and report progress; which however was soon changed to a motion to report the fact that there was not a quorum present.
The motion for rising was supported by Messrs. Cook, Dana, Quincy, Elliot and Lyon, on the ground that time was not allowed for discussion; that it was late in the day, and no gentleman could be heard to advantage at this hour. It was opposed by Messrs. Macon, Blackledge, Aston, and D. R. Williams, for the reason that as they had consented to go into committee on the subject, they wished an immediate decision; that the subject had already been amply discussed, and a protraction of debate now would but keep the people in suspense.
The committee rose, but could not report; a quorum not being present.
A motion was then made to adjourn and carried—Yeas 40—Nays 38—a quorum being present at the vote, several members having, whilst the Yeas and Nays were calling, come into the House from the lobby and elsewhere.
Thursday, January 5.
SEAMEN.
A bill was reported by Mr. Venable, appropriating dollars for the relief of distressed and disabled seamen; and twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
EMBARGO.
The House took up the bill for enforcing the embargo, early in the day. The bill was gone through and reported to the House. About 5 o'clock an amendment was offered by Mr. Sturges, limiting the duration of the bill to the first of June next; and NEGATIVED, by Yeas and Nays, seventy-five to twenty-seven.
Mr. Sturges then offered a new section, for REPEALING THE EMBARGO, on the 4th of March next.
Mr. Blount moved to amend this section, by giving authority to ISSUE LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISAL, after that day, in order to express his sense of what must be done, under present circumstances, if the embargo were repealed. He withdrew the motion, however, to accommodate some of his friends, who wished a direct decision on the naked question proposed.
On the amendment of Mr. Sturges for repealing the embargo, a debate took place, which still continued when this paper was put to press, (twelve o'clock) without a decision having been had.
(Details in our next.)
FRIDAY MORNING, 2 o'clock.
We stop the press, to state that at one o'clock—the question was taken on Mr. Sturges's amendment to repeal the embargo, and lost, Yeas 35 Nays 81; and the house are now debating the bill for enforcing the embargo, having just refused to adjourn, 79 to 35.
Legislature of New-Hampshire. We have been told that this body would not fail to recommend the repeal of the embargo. Of this take the following proof—
On the 23d ult. Mr. Adams offered the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the embargo system adopted by Congress is, in the opinion of the legislature of New Hampshire, unnecessary, ruinous to the country at large, unprecedented in the annals of other nations, and a prostration of the honor of the United States.
Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested to make every possible exertion to effect an immediate repeal of the said obnoxious laws; and that his excellency the governor be requested to transmit, without delay, a copy of the foregoing resolve to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress."
On these resolutions, after an animated debate the question was taken, 25 members being in favor and 101 against them.
"By this vote," says the Patriot, "we ascertain the strength of the Essex Junto party in the New-Hampshire Legislature."
MARRIED at Annapolis on Tuesday the 27th ult. by the Rev. Mr. Judt, Mr. John G. Clegg, Merchant of Georgetown, to Miss Mary A. Annas, of Annapolis.

THIS is to give Notice, that the subscriber, of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphans' court of Prince George's county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Nathaniel C. Weeks, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, at or before the 20th day of May next, to Emmanuel Tipton , Esq., of Upper Marlborough, who is fully authorized to settle and adjust said claims and administration. They may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of November, 1908.
VIOLETTA WEEMS, Adm'x. N. B. All those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. Violetta Weems, Adm'x. November 20—w6t
Prince George's county court, September term, 1908.
ON the application by petition in writing of Denis M. Burgess , of Prince George's county to this court for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Denis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Denis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Denis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, JR. C.K. November 8—w3m.
Prince George's county court, Sept. term, 1908.
ON the application, by petition in writing by John M. Burgess , of Prince George's county to this court for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at the November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application and being also satisfied that the said John M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said John M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said John M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, JR. C.K. November 8—w3m.
NOTICE. THE sale of the real estate of the late SAMUEL HEPBURN , Esq., of Prince George's County, heretofore advertised to be sold by the subscriber, under a decree of the Orphans' court of Maryland, is postponed until Tuesday the 19th day of January next.
THOMAS TYLER, Trustee. December 30—w4t.
ON application by petition, in writing, of GEORGE W. WILLETT , of Prince George's county, to the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them, on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt, and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next, be hereby appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighth day of June, 1908.
DANIEL CLARKE. True Copy, Test, JOHN READ MACRUDER, JR. C. P. G. Cy. Ct. December 19—w13t.
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to, I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with either dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARRWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12t.
PROPOSALS for carrying Mails of the United States, on the following post routes, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the 16th day of January next inclusive.
(Continued.) 34. From Clarkburg by Rockhman & Randolph ch to Pendleton once in two weeks. Leave Clarkburg every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Pendleton ch the next Friday by 10 a m. Leave Pendleton ch every other Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Clarkburg the next Monday by 6 p m. 35. From Fredericksburg by Ralmonth, Tuckin church, Fauquier ch & Oakhill and Salem, or Ash's store to Paris once a week. Leave Paris, every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Paris on Friday by 6 p m. 36. From Alexandria by Fairfax ch, Centreville, Hay-market, Buckland, Warrenton, Jeffersonville, Culpepper ch, Barksburg, or Station ch to Staunton once a week. Leave Alexandria every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Fairfax ch by 6 p m and arrive at Staunton on Monday by 5 p m. Leave Staunton every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Alexandria on Friday by 10 a m. 37. From Fredericksburg, by Germantown, Stevensburg, Culpepper ch, Gauley Cross Roads, or Front Royal to Winchester once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Winchester on Monday at 6 a m. Returning. Leave Winchester every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Wednesday by 6 p m. 38. From Culpepper ch, by Woodville, P. T. Village, Washington, Pass Mills, Thornton's Gap, Mundell's Store, or Hanke's Mill to New Market once a week. Leave Culpepper ch every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New Market on Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave New Market at 2 p m and arrive at Culpepper on Wednesday by 6 p m. 39. From Fredericksburg, by Thomasburg, Roger's Mills, Gilesville, Chesapeake, ch, Newfound Mills, Oxford, Crow's store, Goochland ch, Mitchell's, Yanceyville, Price's mills, Guckooville, Louisa, ch, Potomacville, Bibb's store or Spottsylvania ch to Fredericksburg once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Goochland ch on Thursday by 11 a m and at Fredericksburg the next Tuesday by 9 a m. 40. From Fredericksburg, by Port Royal, Pittsville, Layton's, Lloyd's, Tappahannock, Urbanna, Gleason's & Gloucester ch to Yorktown once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Yorktown, on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Yorktown every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Wednesday by 10 a m. 41. From Fredericksburg, by King George ch, Broadfield, Mattox Bridge, Leesburg, Templeman's Cross Roads, Richmond ch, Mount Airy, Farnham, Kinsale, Northumberland ch and Lancaster ch to Kilmarnoak once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Kilmarnoak, the next Saturday by 5 p m. Returning. Leave Kilmarnoak every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg the next Wednesday by 10 a m. 42. From Tappahannock to Richmond ch once a week. Leave Richmond ch every Thursday at noon & arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Tappahannock on Thursday at 6 1/2 p m and arrive at Richmond ch on Friday by 9 a m. 43. From Bowling Green, by Baileysville, Broadus's mill, Harrisonville, Newtown, Dunkirk, Wakefield, King William ch, Lilly Point, or Cumberland, to New Kent ch once a week. Leave Bowling Green every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent ch on Wednesday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave New Kent ch every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Bowling Green on Thursday by 8 p m. 44. From Richmond by Hanoverstown, Aglett's and Dunkirk, to Tappahannock once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at Dunkirk on Thursday by 8 a m. Leave Dunkirk on Thursday by 8 a m and arrive at Tappahannock by 1 p m. Returning. Leave Tappahannock every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Richmond on Monday by noon. 45. From Dunkirk, by King and Queen ch, Shackleford's, Gloucester ch and North End, to Matthews ch once a week. Leave Dunkirk every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Matthews ch on Friday by 7 p m. Returning. Leave Matthews ch on Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Dunkirk on Monday by 6 p m. 46. From Richmond, by Granville to Charles City ch once a week. Leave Charles City ch every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Richmond by 8 p m. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Charles City ch by 6 p m. 47. From Fredericksburg, by Orange ch, Lindsay's store, Charlottesville, New York & Waverley to Staunton twice a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday & Saturday at noon, arrive at Charlottesville on Wednesday & Sunday by 5 p m. Leave Charlottesville at 5 1/2 p m and arrive at Staunton on Thursday & Monday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Staunton every Tuesday & Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday and Thursday by 7 a m. Leave Charlottesville at 7 1/2 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Saturday and Wednesday by 11 a m. 48. From Staunton by Middlebrook, Brownsburg, Lexington, Natural Bridge, Pattonsburg, Pinecastle, Amsterdam, Salem, Airmont, and Montgomery ch to Wythe ch twice a week. Leave Staunton every Monday and Thursday at 1 p m, arrive at Pinecastle on Tuesday & Friday by 7 p m, arrive at Montgomery ch on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m and arrive at Wythe ch on Thursday and Sunday by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Wythe ch every Monday and Friday at 4 a m, arrive at Montgomery ch by 8 p m, arrive at Pinecastle on Tuesday & Saturday by 8 p m and arrive at Staunton the next Thursday and Monday by 11 a m. 49. From Wythe ch, by Crab Orchard, Abingdon, Blountsville, Rossville, Rogersville, Whitesides, Reene's Station, & Rutledge, to Knoxville twice a week. Leave Wythe ch every Monday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Sullivan ch on Tuesday and Saturday by noon, at Reene's Station on Wednesday and Sunday by 2 p m and at Knoxville on Thursday & Monday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Knoxville every Monday and Thursday at 1 p m, arrive at Reene's Station on Tuesday & Friday by 10 a m, at Sullivan ch on Wednesday and Saturday by noon, & at Wythe ch, on Thursday & Sunday by 8 p m. 50. From Richmond by Goochland ch, George's, Timberlake's, and Milton, to Charlottesville twice a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday & Saturday at 6 a m, and arrive at Charlottesville on Wednesday & Sunday by 4 p m. Returning. Leave Charlottesville every Tuesday & Friday at 8 a m, & arrive at Richmond on Wednesday & Sunday by 7 p m. 51. From Richmond, by Hopkin's, Powhatan ch, Cartersville, New Centon, Buckingham ch, and Ben Creek, to Lynchburg once a week. Leave Richmond every Friday at 3 p m, arrive at Powhatan ch on Sa-
turday by 9 a m and at Lynchburg on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Powhatan ch on Wednesday by 3 p m. Leave Powhatan ch at 4 p m and arrive at Richmond on Thursday by 10 a m. 52. From Lynchburg by New London & Liberty to Pinecastle once a week. Leave Pinecastle every Sunday at 6 a m, & arrive at Lynchburg on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Pinecastle on Tuesday by 7 p m. 53. From Richmond, by Manchester, Chesterfield ch, Springfield, Colesville, Genito Bridge, Pridaville, Perkinsville, Painesville, Ligonstown & Jamestown, to Farmville once a week. Leave Farmville every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Richmond on Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Jamestown on Thursday by 8 p m. 54. From Powhatan ch, by Cumberland ch, Gauley, Farmville, Prince Edward court house, Charlotte court house, to Halifax ch once a week. Leave Powhatan ch every Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at Prince Edward ch on Sunday by 4 p m and arrive at Halifax ch on Monday by 4 p m. Leave Halifax ch on Tuesday at 4 a m, arrive at Prince Edward ch on Wednesday by 6 a m. Leave it at 6 1/2 a m and arrive at Powhatan ch on Wednesday by 3 p m. 55. From Prince Edward's ch, by Leicester, Wheeler's Springs, Reeds & Campbell ch to New London once a week. Leave Prince Edward ch every Sunday at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at New London on Monday by 8 p m. Returning. Leave New London on Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Prince Edward ch on Wednesday by 6 a m. 56. From Halifax ch, by Danville, and Dixonville, to Lenox Castle, N. C. once a week. Leave Lenox Castle every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Halifax ch on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Halifax ch every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Lenox Castle on Wednesday by 6 p m. 57. From Halifax ch, by Halifax Oldtown, Pittsylvania ch, Pittsylvania Old ch, Peytonsville, Henry ch, Hughesville, & Patrick ch to Germanton once a week. Leave Halifax ch every Tuesday at 6 a m, arrive at Henry ch on Wednesday by 3 p m and at Germanton on Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Germanton every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Henry ch on Sunday by 3 p m. Leave Henry ch at 4 p m and arrive at Halifax ch on Monday by 6 p m. 58. From Henry ch, by Rocky Mount, to Liberty once a week. Leave Henry ch every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Liberty on Friday by 11 a m. Leave Liberty every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Henry ch on Saturday by 6 p m. 59. From Petersburg, by Brookington, Namozee Bridge, Henderson, Nottoway ch, Hungarytown, Double Bridge, Halesburg, Wilkesville, Bibb's Ferry, & Scottsburg, to Halifax ch once a week. Leave Petersburg every Friday at 2 p m, arrive at Wilkesville on Monday by 9 a m. Leave Wilkesville at 10 a m and arrive at Halifax ch by 4 p m. Returning. Leave Halifax ch on Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilkesville by 2 p m. Leave Wilkesville at 3 p m and arrive at Petersburg on Friday by 10 a m. 60. From Harrisville, by Fielder's mill, Quariesville, McFarlands, Lunenburg ch, Christiansville, Marshallville, Mecklenburg ch, St. Tamany's, Gee's Bridge, Edmiston, & Fielder's mill to Harrisville once a week. Leave Harrisville every Tuesday at 6 a m, arrive at Marshallville by 3 p m. Leave them on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Harrisville by 6 p m. 61. From Harrisville, by Bellfield, Hicks's Ford & Alexandria, to Halifax twice a week. Leave Harrisville every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Halifax by 8 p m. Leave Halifax every Wednesday & Sunday at 5 a m and arrive at Harrisville by 3 p m. The mail is to pass by Putney's store and Dacey's on Tuesday and Sunday. 62. From Petersburg, by Sussex ch, Jerusalem & South Quay, to Murfreesboro' N. C. once a week. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Murfreesboro' on Wednesday by 4 p m. Returning. Leave Murfreesboro' every Sunday at 8 a m and arrive at Petersburg on Monday by 6 p m. 63. From Smithfield, by Urquhart's store, Jerusalem, Bethlehem Cross Roads and the Cross Key, to Hicks's Ford, once a week. Leave Hicks's Ford every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Smithfield on Friday by 7 p m. Returning. Leave Smithfield every Saturday at 7 a m and arrive at Hicks's Ford on Sunday by 7 p m. 64. From Suffolk, by Everett's Bridge & Gates ch, to Edenton N. C. twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Wednesday & Sunday at 10 a m and arrive at Edenton on Thursday & Monday by 5 p m. Leave Edenton every Tuesday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffolk on Wednesday & Sunday by 8 a m. 65. From Norfolk by Kempville, N. W. R. Bridge, Tulls Creek, N. C. Indiantown, Currituck ch, Jonesboro', Elizabeth City, Nixonton & Hertford to Edenton, once a week. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday noon, & arrive at Edenton the next Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Edenton every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Norfolk the next Tuesday by 6 a m. 66. From Charlottesville, by Warren, Warrington, New Market, New Glasgow, Amherst ch, & Madison, to Lynchburg, once a week. Leave Charlottesville every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Lynchburg on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Charlottesville on Monday by 10 a m. 67. From Lynchburg by Bethell, Pedlar's mills, and Weymouth, to Lexington once a week. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Lexington on Tuesday by 5 p m. Leave Lexington at 5 p m and arrive at Lynchburg on Wednesday by 8 p m. 68. From Lynchburg, by Hermitage and Hunter's Tavern, to Prince Edward ch once a week. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 2 p m, arrive at Prince Edward ch on Tuesday by noon. Leave Prince Edward ch every Tuesday by 2 p m and arrive at Lynchburg on Wednesday by noon. 69. From Lynchburg, by Campbell ch, Hanson's store, Marysville, Grasty's store, Stone's store, Pittsylvania ch, and Beaver's, to Danville, once in two weeks. Leave Lynchburg every other Monday at 2 p m, arrive at Danville on Thursday by 4 p m. Leave Danville every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Lynchburg on Monday by 8 a m. 70. From Staunton, by Kinkeads, the Warm Springs, or Bath ch, Morris's, Callaghan's, and the Sturminster Springs, to Lewisburg, and from thence by Uniontown, the Sweet Springs, Callaghan's, &c. to Staunton, once a week. Leave Staunton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Lewisburg on Sunday by 10 a m. Leave Lewisburg by noon, and arrive at Staunton the next Thursday by 10 a m. 71. From Lewisburg, by Boyer's, Huff's, Morris's, Kenhaway ch, Point Pleasant, Gilkopolis, and Sciaha salt works, to Chillicothe once in two weeks. Leave Lewisburg every other Sunday at noon, arrive at Chillicothe on the Friday by 4 p m. Leave Chillicothe every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Lewisburg by 10 a m. 72. From Wythe ch by Austinville, Grayson ch, Scull Camp, Mount Airy, and Bethania to Salem N. C. once a week. Leave Wythe ch every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Salem the next Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Salem every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Wythe ch, on Sunday by 6 p m. 73. From Wythe ch, by Tazewell ch, Russell ch, and Lee ch, to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks. Leave Wythe ch every other Monday at 6 a m, arrive at Robinson's mills on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Robinson's mills every other Friday at 6 a m, arrive at Wythe ch on Monday by 6 p m. 74. From Waterford, by Braden's store, Janney's store, and Snicker's Gap to Upperville, once a week. Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 10 a m, arrive at Upperville on the next Thursday by 2 p m. Leave Upperville every Thursday at 4 p m, arrive at Waterford on Friday by 6 p m. 75. From Leesburg to Centreville, once a week. Leave Leesburg every Saturday at 4 a m, arrive at Centreville same day by 11 a m. Leave Centreville every Saturday at noon, arrive at Leesburg on same day by 7 p m. 76. From Petersburg to City Point. Leave City Point every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Petersburg same day by 9 a m. Leave in two hours and return to City Point by 3 p m. IN NORTH CAROLINA. 77. From Edenton, by Lee's mills, and Plymouth, to Washington, once a week. Leave Edenton every Tuesday at 6 a m, arrive at Plymouth by 7 p m. Leave Plymouth on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Washington by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Washington on Sunday at 6 a m, arrive at Plymouth by 4 p m. Leave Plymouth at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Edenton on Monday by 4 p m. 78. From Washington, by Bath, to Woodstock, once a week. Leave Woodstock every Wednesday at 7 a m and arrive at Washington by 4 p m. Leave Washington at 7 p m and arrive at Woodstock on Thursday by 2 p m. 79. From Newbern, by Trenton, North West Landing, and Richmond, to Wilmington, once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Newbern on Saturday by 7 p m. 80. From Newbern to Beaufort once in two weeks. Leave Newbern every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Beaufort on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Beaufort the same day at 2 p m and arrive at Newbern on Sunday by 6 p m. 81. From Warrenton, by Ransom's Bridge, Jonesville, Halifax, Scotland Neck, Hogton, Williamson, Daily's, Plymouth, and Lee's mills, to Scuppernong, once a week. Leave Warrenton every Tuesday at 4 a m, arrive at Ransom's bridge by noon. Leave Ransom's bridge at 1 p m and arrive at Halifax by 6 p m. Leave Halifax at 7 p m and arrive at Scotland Neck by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Scuppernong every Friday at 1 p m, arrive at Scotland Neck at 4 p m and arrive at Halifax on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Halifax at 8 1/2 a m, arrive at Ransom's bridge by noon. Leave Ransom's bridge at 1 p m and arrive at Warrenton by 7 p m. 82. From Halifax, by Northampton ch, Princeton, Murfreesboro', Winton, Colerain, Pugh's Landing and Windsor, to Edenton, once a week. Leave Halifax every Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Murfreesboro', by 4 p m. Leave Murfreesboro', by 5 p m and arrive at Edenton on Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Edenton every Friday at 2 p m, arrive at Murfreesboro', on Sunday by 7 a m and at Halifax by 8 p m. 83. From Warrenton by Ransom's bridge and Jonesboro' to Tarboro', thence by Nash ch, and Stille's store to Warrenton, once a week. Leave Warrenton every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Tarboro' on Saturday by 1 p m. Leave Tarboro' at 2 p m and arrive at Warrenton on Monday by 8 p m. 84. From Halifax, by Tate's store, Enfield, Tarboro', Greenville and Washington to Newbern, twice a week. Leave Halifax every Wednesday and Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Newbern on Saturday and Wednesday at 10 a m. Returning. Leave Newbern every Wednesday and Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Halifax on Saturday and Tuesday by 6 p m. 85. From Scotland Neck, by Norfleet's ferry, Grandberry cross roads and Clarksville to Windsor once a week. Leave Scotland Neck every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Windsor by 4 p m. Leave Windsor every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Scotland Neck by 6 p m. 86. From Raleigh, by Chapel Hill to Hillsboro' once a week. Leave Raleigh every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Hillsboro' on Saturday by 8 a m. Leave Hillsboro' every Wednesday at 5 p m and arrive at Raleigh on Thursday by 5 p m. 87. From Hillsboro' by Mount Tipton ch, P. M. ch, Lewisburg, Caldwell ch, Lenox, Goffe, Buttwick's and Rockingham to Germanton, once a week. Leave Hillsboro' every Saturday at 10 a m, arrive at Caldwell ch on Sunday noon, and arrive at Germanton the next Tuesday by 8 p m. Leave Germanton every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Hillsboro' the next Saturday by 8 a m. 88. From Avery'sboro' by Hawwood, Pitsburg and Jon's ferry to Hillsboro', once a week. Leave Avery'sboro' every Thursday at 6 a m, & arrive at Hillsboro' on Saturday by 3 a m. Leave Hillsboro' every Sunday at 10 a m and arrive at Avery'sboro' on Sunday by 6 p m. 89. From Raleigh, by Nuttall's, to Oxford or Morrisville, once a week. Leave Raleigh every Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Oxford by 6 p m. Leave Oxford every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Raleigh by 6 p m. 90. From Raleigh, by Paul's ferry, Warden's cross roads, Richardsons, Warders, Dowlands, or Totten's, to Tarboro' once in two weeks. Leave Raleigh every Friday, at 6 a m, and arrive at Tarboro' on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Tarboro' every other Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Raleigh on Monday by 6 p m. 91. From Williamsboro' by Bullock's ferry, Brown's store, Williamsville, Sterlingville & Red House, to Gafwell ch once a week. Leave Williamsboro' every Saturday at 4 a m, arrive at Gafwell ch on Sunday by noon. Leave Gafwell ch every Sunday by 4 p m and arrive at Williamsboro' on Monday by 4 p m. 92. From Warrenton, by William's ferry, Oxford, Hillsboro', Alamance, Matsonville, New Garden, Salem and Lexington, to Salisbury, once a week. Leave Warrenton every Friday at 2 a m and arrive at Salisbury on Saturday by 8 a m. Leave Salisbury at 9 a m, & arrive at Salem on Sunday by 3 p m. Leave Salem at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Monday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Salisbury every Monday at 1 p m, & arrive at Salem on Tuesday by 8 a m. Leave Salem at 9 a m, & arrive at Hillsboro' on Wednesday by 3 p m. Leave Hillsboro' at 5 p m and arrive at Warrenton on Thursday by 5 p m. 93. From Salem, by Bethania, Huntsville, Rockford and Wilkes to Morganton, and thence by Hyland Ford, Starceville, Huttonville and Huntville to Salem once a week. Leave Salem every Tuesday at 10 a m, and arrive at Morganton the next Thursday by 5 p m. Leave Morganton every Friday at 8 a m, & arrive at Salem the next Monday by 3 a m. 94. From Salisbury, by Canebrake, Alexandria, Chastleton, Hunterville, Lincoln & Morganton, to Asheville, to return by Morganton, Lincoln, Catawba ferry & Mount Monroe to Salisbury once a week. Leave Salisbury every Monday at 3 p m, and arrive at Charlotte on Tuesday by 8 p m & arrive at Asheville on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Asheville every Friday at 6 a m, & arrive at Salisbury on Monday by 10 a m. 95. From Asheville, by the Warm Springs, Nesport T. & Sevierville to Knoxville T. once a week. Leave Asheville every Friday at 6 a m, & arrive at Knoxville on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 p m, & arrive at Asheville the next Thursday by 6 p m. 96. From Morganton, by Rutherford and Gaven's store to Greenville ch S. C. once a week. Leave Morganton every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Greenville ch on Sunday by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Greenville ch every Monday at 6 a m, & arrive at Morganton on Wednesday by 6 p m. 97. From Charlotte, by Bazzar's ferry, and Mill's iron works, to York ch S. C. once a week. Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 9 a m and arrive at York ch by 8 p m. Returning. Leave York ch every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at Charlotte by 6 p m. 98. From Raleigh, by Smithfield, Waverly, Green ch and Kingston, to Newbern once a week. Leave Raleigh every Friday at 9 a m and arrive at Newbern the next Monday by 10 a m. Leave Newbern every Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Raleigh the next Thursday by 4 p m. 99. From Charlotte, by Lancaster, C. & P.vidence, to Camden, once a week. Leave Charlotte every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 5 p m. Leave Camden on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Charlotte on Saturday by 6 p m. 100. From Fayetteville by Elizabethtown to Wilmington, and thence by South Washington and Sampson ch to Fayetteville once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Monday at 4 a m, and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 6 p m. 101. From Fayetteville, by Anderson to Wilmington, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Sunday by 9 p m. Leave Wilmington every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Fayetteville on Thursday by 6 p m. 102. From Fayetteville, by Laurel Hill, Winnsboro', & Cheraw ch to Camden S. C. once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 p m. Leave Camden every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 3 p m. 103. From Fayetteville by Moore ch to Carthage & Randolph ch to Hillsboro', and thence by Tiptonville, Henderson, Wadesboro', Springville, Gafford's and Richmond ch to Fayetteville, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Salisbury the next Monday by 10 a m. Leave Salisbury at 2 p m and arrive at Richmond ch on Wednesday by 4 p m, and at Fayetteville on Thursday by 5 p m. 104. From Wilkes ch to Ashe ch once in two weeks. Leave Wilkes ch every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Ashe ch on Sunday by 7 p m. Leave Ashe ch every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilkes ch the same day by 7 p m. 105. From Newbern to Swansboro' once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Swansboro' on Wednesday at 1 p m. Leave Swansboro' every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Newbern on Friday by 7 p m. IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 106. From Snedsboro' by Parker's ferry, Chatham, Cheraw ch, Brittonville, Darlington ch, Pawleyville, Jaffrey and the City Route, to Port's ferry once a week. Leave Snedsboro' every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Port's ferry on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Port's ferry on Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Snedsboro' on Sunday by 6 p m.