The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-11-18 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCXCVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
REMARKS ON REPELLING AGGRESSIONS ON NEUTRAL RIGHTS.
(Concluded.)
Some pains have been taken without success to determine the precise value of British manufactures consumed in the United States. It is not, however, beyond truth to say that they amount to fifteen millions of dollars.
Suppose an average duty of fifteen per centum laid on these articles.
We have said it would paralyze the British manufactures.
Whether this would or would not be the effect let the following considerations decide.
It is probable that England would impose countervailing duties. These would in effect be paid by her manufacturers. If they bore a proportion to our duties on her goods, they would be fifteen per cent. on all our productions used by her subjects. Nor would she be able in vending her fabrics to obtain a return of the duty. Because, if she were to make such a charge, other nations would be able to undersell her. Add to this the duty of fifteen per cent. upon all her manufactures exported to the United States, and an average duty in the whole, of at least twenty per cent. would be to be paid.
This would greatly diminish the British manufactures exported to America, at least, I should think, one-half; causing a diminution of seven millions and a half of dollars. This sum would probably keep in pay 150,000 persons of all descriptions employed in the British manufactures. It is not extravagant to consider such a number of working hands as having an equal number of infants, adults, and infirm dependant upon them, making in the whole 300,000 souls thrown out of work and deprived of the ordinary means of support.
Whether this large body of men and their employers, together with all those whose occupations arose out of their labors, would submit in quiet, will readily be decided by every mind, which appreciates the ordinary conduct of men driven to despair. For let it be recollected, to despair they would inevitably be driven. The creatures of habit, they could not, like the enterprising American, find employment in new channels. They would compel their government to change their policy, or inflict upon it a fatal vengeance.
Our own manufactures would be efficiently fostered. A high premium would be offered in the increased price of imported goods. This effect is too well understood, and sufficiently appreciated, to render it necessary to dilate upon it.
Our habitual dependance on Great Britain for her manufactures would be diminished. No event can be more desirable. We have seen that while that nation pursues her present policy, and while that policy is backed by a triumphant navy, that we have no security against a frequent invasion of our rights. Her government, estimating at a high rate the value we attach to her fabrics, believe, and with some truth, that our citizens would rather crutch to a degree of aggression than hazard a rupture. Just in proportion to the diminution of our dependance will be the change in popular opinion.
New channels of commerce will be opened with other nations.
By this means we shall be enabled to command a direct trade with the nation whose products we consume, and consequently obtain them much cheaper than we do at present.
We should call into activity the vast resources of Louisiana in raising the ordinary products of the West Indies.
This is a consideration of vast, of almost inconceivable magnitude. The single article of sugar is of so immense a value as fully to indemnify us for great sacrifices.
The imposition of high duties on the goods of England is then a measure the good effects of which are so disproportionate to its inconveniences that it seems to be consciously the first step towards arresting her injustice. Should this not succeed in awakening her to a just and liberal policy, let the others pointed out follow.
The second measure suggested is the prohibition to export to the territories of the offending nation, or a part thereof, our own productions.
The effects of this step on their colonies scarcely needs illustration. It would either throw them into a state of insurrection, or altogether destroy their commercial importance.
The next resource would be a prohibition to import or consume any of the commodities of the offending nation.
All the effects, and still greater effects, would flow from this measure than were ascribed to the imposition of high duties. It would be a solemn indication of the vigorous tone of the national sentiment; of the resolution of the American people to sacrifice their luxuries and even many of their comforts to avenging the insults and injuries so wantonly inflicted upon them. It would inevitably produce an active sensation through the whole commercial and manufacturing body in England, and in its
remote consequences would even reach the funded interest, that main pillar of the whole political system. To us the evil would be but temporary, and would be productive, in several respects, of great benefit, but would its effects be likewise temporary on England? Would the shock she would receive have no influence in diminishing that strength, every atom of which is essential to protect her against the formidable power that menaces her with destruction? Would not her funds be diminished? Would not the capital engaged in trade and manufactures be impaired? Even granting that new markets should be explored for the sale of her fabrics, would not the stagnation of trade and manufactures for a considerable length of time be deeply injurious?
If in addition to these successive measures, it became necessary to take the last, and an entire prohibition of all intercourse whatever ensued the effects on Britain would be still more fatal. What would be the situation of her colonies? Would they not unavoidably be converted into the theatres of want, famine, rebellion and conflagration? Would not the horrid scenes of Domingo be acted over again? Could England, without endangering her own existence, spare an army sufficiently numerous to silence rebellion? If France has not been able, surely England could not. Her colonies then would be lost to her; and with their loss would ensue the destruction of a most important source of individual wealth, and national revenue.
These are the resources that belong to a pacific policy; resources whose application would strike terror into the hearts of those whose aggressions we at present suffer.
Their application would be easy and would most properly be the act of the legislature. To them they belong, as the constitutional organ for regulating trade and declaring war. Should no honorable arrangements be previously entered into by the Executive, Congress might direct the above measures successively to be pursued by the Executive, at fixed periods, provided the causes of complaint were not removed. This would be an open, honorable and decided course to pursue. It would be likewise the most energetic that could be adopted. It would solemnly announce the public feeling, and the resolute purpose of Congress, in obedience to it, to go the necessary lengths. It would convince the aggressive nation that we were in good earnest, and would remove all expectation of our making improper concessions, or abandoning our course before it had effectually been tried. And should this course unfortunately issue, after exhausting every pacific expedient, in war, our enemies would know that the measure being pursued those of Congress, who possess the entire legislative power, and consequently that of taxation, the undivided resources of the nation would, if necessary, be embarked, aided by the undivided suffrage of the people. The issue of such a contest the American people need not dread.
WASHINGTON.
Extract of a letter from William Goodwin, jun. supercargo of the brig Stork, Walter Cornell, master, belonging to James d'Wolff, Esq. of Rhode-Island.
"We sailed from Newport the 21st of June, and in 26 days, (during which we were constantly perplexed with head winds and calms) we found ourselves in lat. 36 N. and long. 38 W. On the evening of the 26th being thick and squally, we were brought to by a French privateer of 14 guns; our captain was ordered to get out his boat and come on board with his papers, which was immediately complied with. Soon after they sent six men armed, who took possession of the vessel and ordered us on board the privateer. Eight men, Mr. Adams the mate, and myself embarked in a small leaky skiff, which the pirates sent for the purpose, forbidding us to take our jolly boat which was alongside. We had not proceeded far from the vessel, before one of the men cried out the boat is going down! I threw off my coat and prepared myself for swimming, but fortunately found a bucket and kept her free until we reached the privateer. They conducted us aft, and seated us on a chest of arms, and examined us one by one with a lantern, in order to discover if any of us were Frenchmen; me the wiseacres declared to be a fellow countryman of theirs; the rest were driven into the fore hold and had a guard set over them. Having examined the papers and finding I was the supercargo, they swore I was the son of some English merchant to whom the property belonged. I was ordered down into the after hold, and as I was descending one of them directed a blow which met me on the face so forcibly, that I lay motionless for some time at the bottom of the hold. When I came to myself I found I had lost a considerable quantity of blood, but this did not distress me half so much as the gloomy prospect of what was to follow; being convinced by their conduct that they were PIRATES. I found the place in which I was confined, to be filled with different kinds of plunder, and by
what I could learn with my ear at the bulk head, I was satisfied my captain was coming off worse than myself: Thus you may well suppose
"The dreadful host of observation "Darken'd every hour."
"Their boats were employed the whole night in conveying plunder from our vessel. I was not permitted to see captain Cornell: the first reception he met was with the butt of a pistol, which stunned him; they beat him, tore the hair from his head, and otherwise abused him in a most inhuman manner. They then wrote for him to sign what they termed a "capitulation," the burden of which was that our cargo was English property: on his refusal they threatened to put him to torture until he should consent. Finding the actual tortures of the body an constant menace of repetition did not shake his firmness, they attempted his paternal feelings in a manner at the recital of which humanity revolts. The captain's little son was left asleep in the cabin when we came on board the privateer: he was now taken on deck and lashed to the shrouds, where these merciless wretches scourged him in a manner too barbarous for conception, in order to carry their villainous project into effect. The father was released from his confinement, and from the deck of the robber he witnessed this affecting sight. The cries of his son, however, soon forced him below. Here he was threatened with the like treatment, if he did not immediately sign the "capitulation," which he perseveringly refused.
"After they had beaten the child as long as they had thought proper, he was unbound and commanded to find English colors; on declaring it was out of his power (there being none on board the brig) one of them drew a sword and threatened to cut off his head. He immediately ran down into the cabin and finding he was pursued, he jumped out at one of the windows. The privateersmen manned their boat and took him in. He was thrown senseless on the deck with his hands tied behind him, & thus they left him.
"About 11 o'clock the next forenoon, I was called up and ordered into the boat; soon after the captain joined me, and we were all dismissed from the privateer, which immediately bore away: we found all our men on board. The first object which demanded our attention was the captain's son, whom we stripped of his wet clothes and put him to bed. His wounds for 6 or 8 days were painful, but he has since quite recovered.
"Our vessel was plundered in a shameful manner. The pirates broke open all our chests and trunks, and took nearly every article of clothing except what we had on. They also took our spare sails, cordage, &c. and unrove a part of our running rigging. All our cabin stores, quadrants, charts, what money they could find, my hat, boots, shoes, writing desk, watch, pistols, and even bosom pin did not escape their rapacity. However we consider ourselves fortunate in coming off with one thing that they almost frightened us out of—I mean our lives."
"The loss of the vessel was about 500 dollars; they did not plunder the cargo."
From the Petersburg Republican.
We have already had occasion to notice the assertions of the federalists, that the republicans were anxious to keep in a perpetual state of discord with their political adversaries. These assertions have been noticed heretofore, merely to give them a pointed contradiction, as it must be evident to every candid person, that they had not the smallest foundation in truth. But as the federalists, with unblushing effrontery, continue to heap obloquy on their opponents, as the sole cause of the existing divisions, which they themselves first commenced, and still protract, we deem the insertion of a few plain facts not altogether useless, towards laying a correct statement of the case before the public.
It is well known, that during the administration of Mr. Adams, the most acrimonious philippics were uttered and published against the republicans, from the chief ruler in government, to the most despicable dependant: it is well known too, that Mr. Adams and his party never spared an opportunity of branding their opponents with the opprobrious epithets of jacobins and disorganizers. The terrors of the sedition law, that political hydra, which the herculean arm of republicanism alone could crush, have not been forgotten. The incarceration in damp and unwholesome dungeons, of almost every man who dared to raise his voice in the hour of danger, will stand as a monument of tyranny, as long as the "reign of terror" shall remain engraved on the faithful page of history.—It were necessary, we could repeat a catalogue of deeds under the administration of Mr. Adams, all tending to divide and distract the American people, which future ages will be at a loss to believe could occur in the most free and enlightened nation in the world. We could dilate on the mischiefs of a standing army, a direct tax, an alien law, &c. But
enough.—The days of oppression and proscription are over: Let them be remembered only to be execrated.
We now recur with pleasure to the administration of Mr. Jefferson. When this invaluable citizen ascended the chair of state, what was the situation of America? Social intercourse, and all the comforts of domestic life, had been destroyed by federal intolerance, and the United States presented nothing but a chaos of jarring and contending passions. Jefferson, with a calm and philosophic eye, beheld the mischiefs and divisions engendered by his predecessor, applied a corrective, and with a liberality which put his enemies to the blush, extended the protecting arm of government to every class of citizens. "We are all republicans, all federalists," was the language of his inaugural address. "Let us," he continues, "restore to social intercourse, that harmony, without which, liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things." And has he not acted up to these professions? The unparalleled unanimity of the American people, present an answer glaring as the light of day. With an enthusiasm, bordering on idolatry, our citizens rallied round the principles proclaimed by Mr. Jefferson. Many of his most determined political opponents, to their honor be it recorded, generously withdrew their opposition, and confided in the man of the people. They discovered that he had been traduced, basely traduced, by those interested beings who wished to blind the public mind, by bold assertions and malicious falsehoods.
Virginia has been frequently represented as foremost in producing the divisions which lately destroyed the peace and harmony of the United States. During the administration of Mr. Adams, it is true, Virginia was foremost in opposition. It was within the walls of her legislature, a determined stand was made against the federal torrent, which poured in on every side: it is to the exertions of a Madison, a Giles, a Taylor, and other worthies, we owe the dissolution of the federal faction. The mild, yet dignified, resolutions of the Virginia assembly, carried conviction to every man not blinded by prejudice. The people read, the charm was broken, and liberty once more smiled on the American nation.
How has Virginia acted since? Has she discovered a dogmatical determination to banish from her confidence every political adversary? No—she has not. Even federalists applaud her magnanimity in the appointment of auditor of public accounts. In December last, when that officer was chosen, an undoubted and intelligent republican was put in nomination against Mr. Shepard, a staunch and undeviating federalist—and the issue was nearly three to one in favor of Mr. S. The assembly knew he was "honest, capable, and faithful to the constitution," and no other qualification was necessary.
Contrast this liberal policy with the narrow habits of Connecticut. Her conduct respecting the five justices of the peace, who were ignominiously driven from office for expressing an opinion relative to the existence of a written constitution in that state, is fresh in the minds of our readers. Other facts could be adduced, but they are deemed useless.
With these truths full in their face, it is hoped the federalists will cease their eternal clamor, and endeavor by their future conduct, to have a degree of credibility attached to their assertions.
FROM THE SALEM REGISTER.
The federal editors are loud in their clamours against the administration, because the British capture our vessels. They dexterously shift the blame from their English friends to our government. When the English adjudicated 500 American vessels in '94 and '95, in the Washington administration, they were as humble as spaniel dogs. Retaliation was never thought of by federalists at that time; they seemed to kiss the rod that whipped them. Mr. Jay was sent to London, and had the honor to kiss his majesty's hand (or great toe, it is not recollected which) once or twice, and a treaty was the consequence. Ten years afterwards we got payment for these adjudications, and received about four millions of dollars, upon paying nearly three millions for tory debts, &c. under an article of the treaty which the federalists said would not cost us a cent.—Our merchants who had suffered, it is meant such as knew their interest, liked the treaty, because it held out indemnification for their losses, but they overlooked the commercial disadvantages and restrictions which the treaty entailed upon their country.—The treaty enlarged the list of contraband articles to an extent unknown before. Provisions were authorised to be seized in certain cases. American ships in the East-India trade were not permitted to go to Europe from India, but forced to come directly to America, with their cargoes, however inconvenient this might be. Blockades were left uncertain. We bound ourselves to lay no additional duties on English goods, &c. except such as were common to all other nations, and then the British reserved
the right to countervail us—and above all, we engaged not to confiscate British property or debts in our country, in case of war breaking out, (but, by the way, Major Russell has lately told us this is mere moonshine, for he agrees that war annihilates all treaties.) Besides submitting to these injurious articles, Mr. Jay stipulated that we should not export "any sugar, coffee, cotton or cocoa, from the United States in American vessels, to any part of the world, reasonable sea-stores excepted!" Here we might pause, and assert, that the late British-captures bear a strong resemblance to this provision of that hard treaty.
What! American vessels not carry any cotton, sugar or coffee to Europe, because it suited the British policy! The article containing that monstrous provision was abolished, but the mere insertion of it shows how little Mr. Jay was acquainted with the interest of his country, and how ill disposed to assert her rights to a free commerce. But the worst is not yet detailed.—The treaty was silent on several important matters. It provided no security for captures after its ratification, and we saw the consequences which followed; a wide spread depredation of our property on the ocean, as it was severely felt from her cruizers from '94 to the peace of Amiens. The impressment of our seamen was not noticed and 2 or 3000 brave men were left on board British men of war, and guard ships 6 or 8 years, to fight the battles of George 3d, without the two federal administrations doing much, if any thing to procure their release. The treaty professed to give reciprocal advantages, and the advantages were all on the side of England.
These things are now only mentioned to point out the inconsistency of some of the federalists, who are vociferous in concerning the present administration at this time, on account of the late English captures, when it is well known Mr. Jefferson is doing all in his power to arrest the mischief, by proper and energetic representations to the British government. But the charge against the federalists is this, they palliated and excused the British during Washington's and Adams' administrations, for the same things they now charge upon Jefferson's administration.
While the republicans have been uniformly consistent in these particulars, they boldly spoke against the former captures, and they as loudly and as justly condemn those of the present period. They have never whined and cried to the British court to take the commerce of the country into their protection! They have written no letters to ask convoy for merchantmen, and then experienced the mortification of seeing the ships of their country plundered before their eyes by the vessels of war engaged to afford them protection.
If losses have happened to our trade by the French, Spanish or English cruisers, it has not been owing to a treaty with either, which sacrificed the best commercial privileges which a neutral nation enjoyed. When federal editors arraign the conduct of the present administration, it would be well for them to cast their eyes back upon the conduct of the two others which preceded it. With respect to neutral rights, the voice of all republican America cannot be mistaken. We are justly entitled to a free trade, our native as well as foreign articles, not contraband of war. We have a right to supply all the belligerent nations and their colonies with innocent and lawful merchandise, and to receive in payment their manufactures and produce, which we have also the right to dispose of afterwards in any foreign market most convenient to be visited by our trading vessels. When the belligerent nations violate these rights, they commit aggressions which we may and should oppose with force. Retaliation may be employed, when justice is refused; or negotiation may be judiciously resorted to, and, if this fails, the nation may redress the wrong by declaring WAR, or by retaliating in any milder way, as policy or prudence may justify.
GOVERNOR POWNALL.
DIED, at Bath, (England) on the 25th February, 1805, in the 85th year of his age, Governor Pownall, universally lamented, because universally respected by all who knew him. He met his death with fortitude, being well prepared for the event, having long familiarised his mind to the contemplation of it. The excellent writings he hath left behind him, give an ample evidence of his uncommon abilities. He retained his faculties, in perfect vigour, to the latest period of his life, as many scientific men can witness, who attended him almost to the end of it. In his early days he filled a situation in the Board of Trade, and was much esteemed by Lord Halifax, who was first lord of that board. In those times, this board of office was the best school for young gentlemen, to obtain a rudimental knowledge of the commerce, the politics, and the interests of their country. Mr. Burke, however, by his bill of reform, in the year 1782, abolished this office. Mr. Thomas Pownall, (the subject of this sketch) constantly paid a particular and sedulous

attention to the affairs of the colonies. At the beginning of the seven years war with France, which commenced in America in 1754, (two years before it broke out in Europe) a number of persons, who were styled commissioners, being deputed from each colony, assembled at Albany, to consider of the best method they could devise to defend themselves against the French, who were making great and alarming encroachments on their back settlements. This assembly was called the Albany Congress, and was the first congress held in America. The precedent of this congress gave rise to the subsequent plan of a Congress Government, established at the revolution in 1775. As soon as the intention of the colonies to hold a Congress at Albany was known in England, Mr. Pownall immediately foresaw the danger to the mother country that this project of a general union would draw after it, if once permitted; and he presented a strong and impressive memorial to Lord Halifax on the subject. This was in the year 1754. The plan which the Congress had in view was, to form a great council of deputies from all the colonies; with a governor-general to be appointed by the crown, and empowered to take measures for the common safety; and to raise money for the execution of their designs. The ministry did not approve of this plan; but, seeing that they could not prevent the commissioners meeting, they resolved to take advantage of this distress of the colonies, to turn the subject of deliberation to their own account. For this purpose they sent over a proposal, that the Congress should be assisted in their consultations by two of the King's council from each colony, be empowered to erect forts, to levy troops, and to draw on the treasury in London for the monies wanted; and the treasury to be reimbursed by a tax on the colonies, to be laid by the British Parliament. This proposal was peremptorily rejected because it gave to the British Parliament a power to tax the colonies. This was the first idea of taxing the colonies by the authority of Parliament. These facts are but little known. Although Mr. Pownall did not agree with the ministry in the whole extent of their proposal, yet they thought him a gentleman so well acquainted with the affairs of the colonies, that, in the year 1757, they appointed him governor of Massachusetts Bay, in the room of Mr. Shirley, removed. He did not give his confidence to Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Oliver, nor to any of their party; which they resented, by propagating a variety of slanders against him amongst the people, particularly amongst the clergy, with a view of making his situation uncomfortable to him. He was a friend to liberty, and to the constitution; and therefore, he countenanced no plots against either. Being exceedingly averse to taxation, after two years residence, he solicited to be recalled. In the year 1759, Mr. Bernard (afterwards Sir Francis) was removed from New Jersey to Massachusetts Bay, and governor Pownall went to New Jersey in his room. He staid in New Jersey, but a very short time, being almost immediately appointed governor, captain-general, and vice admiral, of South Carolina, in the room of Mr. Lyttleton, now lord Lyttleton. He staid in Carolina until the year of 1761, when, at his own desire, he was recalled. Upon his arrival in London, he was appointed director-general of the office of the mint, with the rank of colonel in the army, under the command of Prince Ferdinand in Germany. While in this situation, having permitted some oats to pass from Bremen for the use of the army, Mr. John Guest, who had been appointed inspector of the magazines in Germany, declared them damaged, and unfit for use; and he sent a memorial to the lords of the treasury in London, charging governor Pownall with misconduct in this matter. After some examination, the charge appeared to be unfounded, and in consequence, Mr. Guest was dismissed from his employment. Guest came to London, and, in the spirit of revenge, sent a copy of his memorial to Mr. Wilkes, who caused it to be printed in the fortieth number of the North Briton. At the end of the war, governor Pownall returned to England. His accounts were examined, and passed with honor. At the general election in 1768, he was chosen a representative, in Parliament, for Tregony, in Cornwall. At this time the hostile designs of the British cabinet against America, were become perfectly obvious. All America saw them, and every colony was seized with a general alarm. These designs, and the measures which were founded upon them, governor Pownall strenuously and uniformly opposed in Parliament. His first essay was against the bill for suspending the legislature of New York. In the debate on that bill he declared with a warm and strong emphasis, that "It was a fact which the House ought to be apprised of in all its extent that the people of America, universally, unitedly, and unalterably, are resolved not to submit to any internal tax imposed upon them by any legislature, in which they have not a share by representatives of their own election." At this time very few people in England believed that America would make any serious resistance; but in a few years they saw Pownall's words were found to be strictly true. His other speeches in Parliament, which are many in number and very interesting, were all printed by Mr. Almon, in his Parliamentary Register, from Mr. Pownall's own manuscripts. The governor also assisted Mr. Almon very considerably in his American Remembrancer, in twenty volumes; a work that is now become extremely scarce. At the general election in 1774, gov. Pownall was elected representative in Parliament for Minchead, in Somersetshire. Throughout this
Parliament, he continued to oppose every measure that was inimical to America. He approved of Mr. Grenville as a minister, but not of his American measures: which he said were suggested and recommended by those persons in America to whom he had refused to give his confidence; and who, he said, were the enemies of both countries. He highly esteemed the late lords Chatham and Temple, whom he always considered to be the truly disinterested friends of their country. With Dr. Franklin he was also upon terms of sincere friendship. And he was with equal ardor the opponent of that system of government, which Mr. Burke so happily denominated "a double cabinet." At the general election in 1780, he retired from Parliament; but he preserved his connection and friendship with Mr. Almon. Some time afterwards he quitted Richmond, and retired to Bodleian-shire: but frequently visited London and Bath.
FROM THE BRITISH ROYAL GAZETTE.
Anno Quadragesimo Quinto GEORGI III. REGIS. CAP. LVII. An act to consolidate and extend the several laws now in force for allowing the importation and exportation of certain goods and merchandise into and from certain ports in the West-Indies.
[27th June, 1805.] WHEREAS by an act passed in the twenty-seventh year of his present Majesty's reign, intitled, An act for allowing the importation and exportation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, in the ports of Kingston, Savannah La Mar, Montego Bay and Santa Lucia, in the island of Jamaica, in the port of St. George, in the island of Grenada; in the port of Roseau in the island of Dominica; and in the port of Nassau in the island of New-Providence, one of the Bahama islands, under certain regulations and restrictions; and by several other acts passed subsequently thereto, the ports of Kingston, Savannah La Mar, Montego Bay, Santa Lucia, and Port Antonio, in the island of Jamaica; the port of St. George, in the island of Grenada, the port of Roseau in the island of Dominica, the port of St. Johns in the island of Antigua, the port of San Josef in the island of Trinidad, the port of Scarborough in the island of Tobago, the port of Nassau in the island of New-Providence, one of the Bahama islands, and the port of Road Harbour in the island of Tortola, were opened for the importation of certain goods and merchandise under certain regulations and restrictions; and whereas it is expedient that such of the provisions of the said acts relating to the importation or exportation of any goods, wares or merchandise to or from the aforesaid ports, the admission of any ships or vessels into the said ports, or any of them, or to any duties payable on such importation, exportation or admission, as are now in force, should be consolidated into one act, and that such of the said laws as are now temporary should be made perpetual; and that, in addition to the aforesaid ports, the port of Saint Ann in the island of Jamaica, the port of Pitt's Town in Portland Harbour in Crooked Island, another of the Bahama Islands, the port of Kingston in the island of St. Vincent, and the principal port in the island of Bermuda, in any foreign sloop, schooner or other vessel whatever, not having more than one deck, and being owned and navigated by persons inhabiting any of the said colonies or plantations in America, or other countries on the continent of America, belonging to or under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state, any law, custom or usage to the contrary notwithstanding.
II. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this act, tobacco, being the growth or production of any island in the West Indies, or of any country on the continent of America, belonging to or under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state, may be imported from any of the said islands or countries into any of the said ports herein before enumerated, in the like foreign ships and vessels, and
be again exported from thence to any part of the united kingdom, under the same rules, regulations and restrictions, and subject to the like penalties and forfeitures as are in this act mentioned and contained with regard to the goods, wares and merchandise hereinbefore enumerated.
III. And be it further enacted, That all such tobacco so imported into any of the said ports, shall, when imported into any part of the united kingdom from any of the said ports, pay the same duties of customs and excise, and none other, as tobacco, the growth or production of any of his majesty's plantations in the West Indies, or of the territories of the United States of America, and be subject to the same rules, regulations, conditions and restrictions, and be liable to the same forfeitures and penalties for the breach thereof.
IV. And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful, from and after the passing of this act, to import into the said port of Nassau in the Island of New-Providence, and into the said port or ports of Pitt's Town in Portland Harbour in Crooked Island, and into such other port or ports in the said Bahama Islands, and into the principal port in the island of Bermuda, and into such ports in the said islands called Caicos as shall be approved by his majesty in council, sugar and coffee, the produce of any foreign country or plantation, in such foreign ships or vessels, and subject to such rules, regulations, and restrictions, as are prescribed in this act with respect to the goods, wares and merchandise hereinbefore enumerated.
V. And be it further enacted, That sugar and coffee which shall be imported into the port of Nassau in the island of New-Providence or the port of Pitt's Town in Crooked Island, or into such port or ports in the said Bahama Islands or into the principal port in the island of Bermuda or into any such port or ports in the said islands called Caicos, as have been or may hereafter be approved by his majesty in council, may be imported into and again exported from any of the said ports, without payment of any duties of customs whatsoever; any law, customs or usage to the contrary notwithstanding.
VI. And be it further enacted, That on the importation of any sugar or coffee into any part of the united kingdom from the said port of Nassau in the island of New-Providence, or the said ports of Pitt's Town in Crooked Island, or such other port or ports in the Bahama Islands, or the island of Bermuda, or any such ports in the said islands called Caicos, such sugar or coffee shall respectively be deemed to be not of the British plantations, and shall be liable to and shall pay duty of customs and excise as such, and may be warehoused in like manner, and shall be subject to the regulations of any act or acts of Parliament in force at the time of importation of such sugar or coffee, so far as they relate to sugar or coffee not of the British plantations.
VII. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this act, no goods wares or merchandise, except such as are hereinbefore enumerated, shall be imported in any foreign ship, sloop, schooner or vessel whatever from any of the colonies or plantations in America, or any countries on the continent of America, belonging to or under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state, into any of the before mentioned ports upon any pretence whatever, upon pain of forfeiting the same together with the ship, sloop, schooner or vessel in which the same shall be imported, and the guns, tackle, apparel, and furniture of such ship, sloop, schooner, or vessel: and in every such case the same shall and may be seized by any officer or officers of his majesty's customs or navy, who are or shall be authorised or empowered to make seizures in cases of forfeiture and shall and may be prosecuted in such manner, as hereinbefore directed.
VIII. And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful, from and after the passing of this act, to export from any of the said ports to any of the colonies or plantations in America or any countries on the continent of America, belonging to or under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state, in any sloop, schooner or other vessel whatever, not having more than one deck, & being owned and navigated by persons inhabiting any such colony, plantation or country, rum of the produce of any British island, and also negroes which shall have been brought into the said islands, respectively in British built ships, owned navigated and registered according to law; and all manner of goods, wares or merchandise, which shall have been legally imported into the said islands respectively, except masts, yards, or bow-sprits, pitch, tar and terpenine, and also except such iron as shall have been brought from the British colonies or plantations in America; any law, custom or usage, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
IX. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this act, it shall be lawful to export in any British ship or vessel owned or navigated according to law, from any of the said islands in this act enumerated, to any British colony or plantation in America or the West Indies, any goods or commodities whatever of the manufacture of Europe; and also any goods, wares or merchandise, which shall have been legally imported into any of the said islands, from any of the colonies or plantations in America, or any country on the continent of America belonging to or under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state.
X. Provided always: And be it further enacted, That if any doubts shall arise whether any such goods, wares or merchandise, intended to be so export-
ed, shall have been legally imported into the said islands respectively in this act enumerated, the legality of such importation shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of the collector and comptroller, or other principal officer of the customs at the port of exportation, before such goods, wares or merchandise shall be suffered to be shipped for exportation.
XI. And be it hereby further enacted, That, from and after the passing of this act, all wool, cotton wool, indigo, cochineal, drugs of all sorts, cocoa, logwood, fusil, and all sorts of wood for dyers use, hides, skins and tallow, beaver and all sorts of furs, tortoise shell, mahogany and all other woods for cabinet ware, of the growth or production of any of the colonies or plantations in America, or countries on the continent of America belonging to or under the dominion of any foreign European sovereign or state, shall be allowed to be exported from any of the said islands in this act enumerated to any part of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, under the rules, regulations, restrictions, securities, penalties, and forfeitures, particularly mentioned and provided in an act of Parliament, made in the twelfth year of the reign of king Charles the Second, entitled, An act for encouraging and increasing of Shipping & Navigation: and in another act of Parliament made in the twenty second and twenty third years of the reign of king Charles the Second, entitled, An act to prevent the planting of tobacco in England, and for regulating the plantation trade; and in another act of Parliament, made in the twentieth year of his present Majesty's reign, entitled, An act to allow the trade between Ireland and the British colonies and plantations in America and the West Indies, and the British settlements on the coast of Africa, to be carried on in like manner as is now carried on between Great Britain and the said colonies and settlements; or in any of the said acts with respect to the goods wares or merchandise, therein enumerated or described.
XII. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this act, no goods or commodities whatever of the growth, production, or manufacture of the East Indies, or other places beyond the Cape of Good Hope, shall, upon any pretence whatever, be exported from any of the ports enumerated in this act, to any other British colony or plantation in America or the West Indies, upon pain of forfeiting such goods or commodities, together with the ship or vessel in which the same shall be so exported, and the guns, tackle, apparel, and furniture, of such ship or vessel.
XIII. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this act, if any foreign ship or vessel as aforesaid, arriving at or in any of the aforesaid ports, shall have on board any goods or commodities whatever, of the growth, production, or manufacture, of the East Indies or other places beyond the Cape of Good Hope, such goods or commodities shall be forfeited, together with the ship or vessel in which the same shall be brought, and all her guns, ammunition, tackle and apparel, whether such goods or commodities shall be intended to be landed or not, or whether bulk shall have been broken or not.
XIV. And be it further enacted, That no duty of gun powder or any fee or reward whatever, shall be demanded, taken or received, by any officer or officers whatever in the said islands respectively in this act enumerated, for any entry, coquet, clearance or passport for any foreign ship or vessel, or for and goods, wares or merchandise, imported into or exported from the said islands, respectively in such foreign ships or vessels, under the like pains and penalties as are inflicted upon officers exacting or receiving greater fees than are allowed by any act or acts of Parliament now in force for regulating the fees of the officers of the customs in his majesty's colonies and planters in America.
XV. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures imposed by this act shall and may be prosecuted, sued for, recovered and divided in Great-Britain, Guernsey, Jersey, or the Isle of Man, or in any of his majesty's colonies or islands in America, in the same manner and form, and by the same rules and regulations in all respects, in so far as the same are applicable, as any other penalties and forfeitures imposed by any act or acts of Parliament made for the security of the revenue of the customs, or for the regulation or improvement thereof, or for the regulation of trade or navigation, and which were in force immediately before the passing of this act, may be respectively prosecuted, sued for, recovered and divided in Great-Britain, Guernsey, Jersey or the Isle of Man, or in any of his majesty's colonies or islands in America.
XVI. And be it further enacted, That all such clauses, provisions, articles, matters and things, in any former act or acts of Parliament contained, as relate to the opening or establishing any ports in the islands hereinbefore mentioned, or any of them, for the more free importation & exportation of the goods, wares and merchandise in this act enumerated, shall, from and after the passing of this act, be and the same are hereby repealed.
FROM THE MONITEUR.
PARIS, Sept. 11.
Mr. Bacher, Charge d'Affaires of his imperial majesty at Ratisbon, has received orders to present to the Diet the following note:
"Under the present circumstances of affairs, when the movements of the house of Austria menace the continent with a new war, his imperial majesty, the emperor of the French, king of Ita-
ly, judges it necessary to make known, in a frank and solemn declaration, the sentiments by which he is animated, in order to enable his cotemporaries and posterity, to judge with a true knowledge of the case, in the event of the war taking place, who has been the aggressor.
"It is with this view, that the undersigned, charge d'affaires of his imperial majesty, the emperor of the French, to the German diet, has received orders to present a faithful exposition of the principles by which his imperial majesty the emperor, has been uniformly actuated in his conduct towards Austria.
"Every thing which that power has done contrary to the spirit and letter of treaties, the emperor has hitherto permitted. He has not complained of the immediate extension of territory on the right side of the Pave, against the acquisition of Lindau, against all the other acquisitions made by him in Suabia, and which, subsequently to the treaty of Luneville, have materially altered the relative situation of the neighboring states in the interior of Germany; against those, in fine, which continue at the present moment the subject of negotiation with different princes, to the perfect knowledge of all Germany; he has not complained of the debt of Venice not having been discharged, contrary to the spirit and the letter of the treaties of Campo Formio, and of Luneville; he has not complained of the denial of justice experienced at Vienna by his subjects of Milan and Mantua, none of whom, notwithstanding the formal stipulations, have been paid their demands; neither has he complained of the partiality with which Austria has recognised the right of blockade, which England so monstrously arrogates to herself: and when the neutrality of the Austrian flag was so often violated to the injury of France, he was not provoked by this conduct of the court of Vienna to make any complaint: thus making a sacrifice to his love of peace, in preserving silence upon the subject.
"The emperor has evacuated Switzerland, rendered tranquil and happy by his act of mediation; he has not kept in Italy a greater number of troops than is indispensably necessary to maintain the positions which occupy to the extremity of the peninsula, in order to protect the commerce of the Levant and to insure himself an object of compensation, which may determine England to evacuate Malta and Russia to evacuate Corfu; he has not upon the Rhine, and interior of his empire, any more troops than are indispensably necessary to garrison the different places.
"Engaged entirely in the operations of war which he has not provoked, which he sustains as much for the interests of Europe, as for his own, and in which his principal end is the re-establishment of the equilibrium of commerce and the equal right of all flags upon the sea, he has united all his forces in the camps upon the borders of the ocean, far distant from the Austrian frontiers; he has employed all the resources of his empire to construct fleets to form his marine, to improve his ports: and it is at the same moment when he reposes with entire confidence upon the execution of treaties which have re-established the peace of the continent, that Austria rises from her state of repose, organises her forces upon the war establishment, sends an army into the states of Italy, establishes another equally considerable in the Tyrol; it is at this moment that she makes new levies of cavalry, that she forms magazines, that she strengthens her fortifications, that she terrifies by her preparations the people of Bavaria, of Suabia, and of Switzerland, and discovers an evident intention of making a diversion so obviously favorable to England, and more injuriously hostile towards France than would be a direct campaign, and an open declaration of war. In these grave circumstances, the emperor of the French has deemed it his duty to invite the court of Vienna to return to a proper sense of its true interests. All the expedients which an ardent love of peace could suggest have been resorted to with avidity, and several times renewed. The court of Vienna has made high professions of its respect for the treaties which exist between it and France; but its military preparations have developed her intentions, at the same time her declarations have become more and more pacific. Austria has declared that she has no hostile intention against the states of his majesty the emperor of the French. Against whom then, are her preparations directed? Are they against the Swiss? Are they against Bavaria? Will they, in the end, be directed against the German empire itself?
"His majesty, the emperor of the French has charged the undersigned to make known, that he will consider, as a formal declaration of war directed against himself, all aggressions which may be attempted against the German body, and especially against Bavaria.
"His majesty the emperor of the French will never separate the interests of his empire from those of the princes of Germany who are attached to him. Any injury which they may sustain, any dangers by which they may be menaced, can never be indifferent to him, or foreign from his lively solicitude.
"Persuaded that the princes and states of the German empire are penetrated with the same sentiments, the undersigned, in the name of the emperor of the French, invites the diet to unite with him in pressing, by every consideration of justice and reason, the emperor of Austria not to expose for any longer period, the present generation to inculcable calamities, to spare the blood of a multitude of men doomed to perish the victims of a war, the object of which is foreign to Germany, which, at the moment of its breaking out, is every where the subject of enquiry and

and whose real motives cannot be ascertained. The alarms of the continent will not be allayed, until the emperor of Austria, yielding to the just and pressing representations of Germany, shall cease his hostile preparations, shall not keep in Suabia and in the Tyrol more troops than are necessary for garrisoning the places, and shall replace his army on the peace establishment. Was it not understood since the conventions entered into in consequence of the treaty of Luneville, that the Austrian armies could not pass the territories of the Upper Austria without committing actual hostility? Was not Austria sensible at that period, that France being then engaged in a foreign war, having withdrawn her troops from Suabia, and having put a stop to the movements which it could make by means of the corps of troops she had in Switzerland, it was not just to oppose to such marks of confidence precautions truly aggressive? The circumstances being the same at present on the part of France, why are the measures of Austria so different? Why does she keep 60 battalions in the Tyrol and Suabia; whilst the forces of France are collected at a distance for an expedition against England?
There exists no difference at this moment between the Swiss Republic and the German empire; no difference between Bavaria and Austria; and, if any credit is to be given to the declarations of the court of Vienna, there exists none between it and France. For what unknown objects then has the court of Vienna assembled so many troops?
It can have but one plausible object, that is, to keep France in a state of indecision, to place her in a state of inactivity; and, in a word, to arrest her progress on the eve of a decisive effort. But this object can only be attained for a time. France has been deceived; she is no longer so. She has been obliged to her enterprises; she still defers them; she waits the effects of these remonstrances; she waits the effect of the representations of the German Diet. But when every effort shall be fruitlessly made to bring Austria to the adoption either of a sincere peace, or of an undisguised and open hostility, his majesty the Emperor of the French will fulfil all the duties imposed upon him by his dignity and his power; he will direct his efforts to every quarter which shall be menaced. Providence has bestowed on him sufficient strength to contend against England with one hand, and with the other to defend the honor of his standards, and the rights of his allies.
Should the Diet adopt the course which the undersigned has orders to point out to it. Should it succeed in representing to the view of the Emperor of Austria the real situation in which these movements, made perhaps without reflection, ordered perhaps without any hostile intention, and solely in consequence of foreign influence, have placed the continent; should it succeed in persuading this Sovereign, individually humane and just, that he has no enemies, that his frontiers are not threatened, that France has twice had it in her power to deprive him for ever of one half of his hereditary states, if she had extended her wishes beyond what had been established at Campo Formio and Luneville; that, by his dispositions, which even before they are fully developed, affect France even in the centre of her action, he interferes, without advantage to his states, and without honor to his policy, in a quarrel which is foreign to him. The Diet will have deserved well of Germany, of Switzerland, of Italy, of France, of all Europe, with the exception of a single nation, the enemy of the general tranquility, and which has founded its prosperity on the hope and the design, arduously and perseveringly maintained, of perpetuating the Giscard, the troubles, and the divisions of the continent.
The undersigned, &c. (Signed) BACHER.
LONDON, September 22. It is stated that Austria has published a declaration of the provocations which have again compelled her to appeal to arms.
Frankfort letters of the 11th state, that the Emperor of Russia has agreed to the proposition of a ultim, for opening a congress for a general peace.
Letters from Ratibon of the 11th inst. speak of an extensive confederation of electors and princes of Germany, to maintain a system of neutrality. The return of the messenger, who carried M. Bacher's note to Vienna, was anxiously looked for; as on his dispatches the question of war or peace was supposed to depend.
were coming thither from Holland. Hanover was still to furnish 900 horses and 800,000 francs.
Private letters from Berlin state, that M. Duroc proposed to the king of Prussia to send auxiliary troops to the assistance of the French; and that the application was peremptorily refused; and his majesty has given orders for 70,000 of his troops to occupy Hanover, and that he is determined to remain neutral if possible; but if he should be pressed or obliged to take a part in the war, he would join the allies against Bonaparte.
Intelligence of the commencement of hostilities in Italy may be daily expected. It was supposed that the Austrian army would cross the Adige shortly after the arrival of the Archduke Charles, to assume the command of it.
Duroc continued at Berlin to late as the 13th inst. This intelligence in a letter from a gentleman at Hamburg, to a respectable merchant in the city, in which he also states, that he had just arrived from Berlin, after passing the electorate of Hanover, in which not a single soldier was to be seen. He also asserts it, as a positive fact, that ten thousand Russians had landed at Stralsund.
We had yesterday an opportunity of seeing a letter from Amsterdam, of the 18th inst. addressed to a most respectable house in the city. It states that an express had just arrived from Paris, with several letters from the merchants there, which as the writer expresses himself, "takes away the last hopes of peace." The continental war is considered inevitable, and under this apprehension, large purchases have been made in this country, of such articles of merchandise as were most likely to be affected by the event.
FALMOUTH, September 21. The armed schooner Paramatta arrived at Falmouth on Thursday last, with a mail and despatches, in ten days from Lisbon. By her we learn, that admiral Calder had arrived off Cadiz on the 29th of August, where he remained blockading the combined French and Spanish squadrons in that port. We are assured that these squadrons are in the greatest distress for the want of stores and provisions. Bread they have none; nor is there any to be procured at Cadiz, where the greatest scarcity prevails even among the inhabitants. The British fleet, in the mean time, so strictly blockades the port, that no supplies can enter from the sea. Much jealousy and discontent consequently prevails between the French and Spanish officers; and this perhaps, has given rise to the rumor which has reached us, said to have been brought by the Paramatta, that the Spaniards had withdrawn from their alliance with France, and declared against her. Admiral Villeneuve has been recalled to Paris, to have his conduct on the 22d July investigated by a court martial. The Rochefort squadron, which lately took a cruise, with the probable intention of intercepting our homeward bound convoys, has returned disappointed to port.
Letters from Cadiz, of a still later date, confirm the above intelligence, and mention that grain has considerably advanced in price since the French arrived.
Letters from Madrid, of the 28th ult. prove the misery which the unfortunate Spaniards endured, owing to their alliance with France. Payment in specie is stopped, and the merchants are unable to honor their bills when they become due. The paper termed Dinero, which has been always considered as cash, is now at three per cent. discount.
JUST ARRIVED AT THE NAVY YARD. THE Sloop MARY ANN, Captain Lee from Guilford Connecticut, who has for sale on board said vessel. Potatoes, Onions, Cheese, Hay, Clover seed, Best quality Table Fish, &c &c Washington City, Oct. 18—3t
To be Sold, At public auction on Monday the 25th inst. near the Well Market and opposite Mr. Lingan's house, a part of the personal estate of WM. JENKINS, deceased, consisting of beds, beds ticks, a number of articles fitting for the use of a grocery store, such as weights, measures, &c. wearing apparel, bureau, tables, chairs and a variety of household and kitchen furniture, also at the same place will be sold two or three horses. The sale to commence at ten o'clock. Purchasers to have six months credit for all sums above twenty dollars on their giving notes with approved Indorsers, and all sums under twenty dollars cash.
SAMUEL BROWN MARY JENKINS. S Adm's. Nov. 18—3t. Prince George's county, to wit: I hereby certify that DANIEL PURRELL of said county brought before me one of the justices of peace in and for the county aforesaid as a trespassing stray, a sorrel stud about eight years old, thirteen and one half hands high, blaze in his face, two hind feet white, few saddle spots, and had before with old shoes, pads, traces and gallops, and thin in flesh. Given under my hand this fifth day of November, 1805. WM. SPRIGG BOWIE. Nov. 18—3t
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, NOVEMBER 13.
On Saturday arrived at the city of Washington, the United States' brig Franklin from the Mediterranean, commanded by midshipman Robinson. In her came our gallant countryman, the Honorable WILLIAM EATON, who landed at Hampton, and is coming thence by land to the Seat of Government. We understand that Mr. EATON has brought in the Brig Franklin, three elegant horses, and some very valuable sheep; and that among the horses is the one that triumphantly carried him from Egypt to Derne.
A very advantageous TREATY has been made, we understand, at this place, with the chiefs of the Creek Nation; by which a large cession of land is made to the United States, and the right given to open a direct road to New Orleans through the territory of the Creeks. The U. States on their part, contract to pay the annual sum of 12,000 dollars, for eight years, and the annual sum of 11,000 dollars, for ten years thence ensuing.
It is true, we understand, that there is on board the Congress now in the Potomac, an ambassador from the Bey of Tunis to the United States. His name is SIDI SULTMAN MALA MANNI, and he is attended by a numerous suite. The circumstances attending this mission are too interesting to be omitted. For a considerable time past the Bey of Tunis had manifested hostile feelings towards the United States, when three Tunisian ships were taken by our blockading squadron off Tripoli. This act excited the indignation of the Bey, and menacing letters were addressed to our commodore demanding satisfaction. As soon as peace was effected with Tripoli, commodore Rodgers entered the Tunisian Bay, and sent a message, little expected by the Bey, whose court was thrown into consternation. The language of menace was disavowed, and an intention of coming to a rupture with the United States disclaimed. The subsisting differences between the Bey and commodore Rodgers issued in the former proposing, and the latter acquiescing in this mission, with the view of making the proper assurances and representations to the President of the United States. We understand that according to the usage of the Barbary powers, this mission is to be considered as a distinction paid to the U. States, as those powers never send ministers but to nations whose power they hold in great respect.
According, likewise, to their customs, it becomes the duty of our government to provide for the lodging and maintenance of the ambassador. The house, lately occupied by Mr. Stelle, has accordingly been taken for the reception of the minister, who, no doubt, will be received with distinguished honors. Sidi Sultman Mala Manni brings, we understand, four fine Arabian horses as presents.
Sidi Hamet, the exiled Bashaw of Tripoli, declines, it is said, coming to the United States. Since writing the above, we have received the Norfolk papers, which contain the following notice of the arrival of the Tunisian ambassador.
"Yesterday came up from the Congress frigate, in Hampton Roads, his excellency Sidi Solyman Melimelli, ambassador from the Bey of Tunis to the United States, attended by his two secretaries. They visited fort Nelson on their way up, by which they were saluted upon landing. Afterwards they proceeded to town, and dined with a select party at Bainbridge's Hotel, accompanied also by captain Decatur and several of his officers."
"In the evening, the mayor and several respectable gentlemen of the town visited the ambassador, to whom they were presented by captain Decatur, and this morning accompanied by his secretaries, he returned the visits of the mayor and some other gentlemen. We do not know when they leave town, but understand they only wait for a fair wind to proceed in the frigate to Washington. The novelty of their appearance, and their magnificent costume in the true Turkish style, attracted more attention than comported with good breeding, they did not however appear displeased, but seemed to attribute it to the right cause. The ambassador appears turned of 50 years of age, of a grave and dignified deportment."
NEW-JERSEY LEGISLATURE. In the House of Assembly on the 7th inst. Mr. Stout, From the committee to whom was referred the resolutions from Massachusetts and North Carolina, proposing an amendment to the general constitution so as to prohibit the importation of slaves, reported, That notwithstanding they are truly sensible of the propriety of taking every legal step within their power to ameliorate the state of the unfortunate black people to which those resolutions refer, they are upon the most mature deliberation upon the subject, of opinion, that the part of the constitution referred to is not susceptible of alteration until the year 1808; but supposing it was, they think it highly probable the amendment could not be brought into operation before that period arrives: if that should be the case, no benefit will result from the amendment. And as your committee are of opinion that no change in the constitution ought ever to take place without the highest prospect of producing important advantages to the People at large—they are therefore
of opinion, that the said Resolutions ought not to be adopted. Which report was read and agreed to by the House.
Extract of a letter from Genoa, August 1. M. Garnerin, after having made a brilliant ascension at the time of the coronation of our august sovereign, before he quitted Italy, went to Rome, where he was presented to his holiness, and had the satisfaction of again seeing the balloon, which he had launched at Paris, during the festival of the coronation of his imperial majesty, and which in twenty-two hours, having descended within some leagues of Rome, carried them the news of the ceremony of the coronation. This balloon, as we have been informed by a letter from his eminence the cardinal Gonsalvi to M. Garnerin, has been, by his Majesty the Emperor of the French, and King of Italy, presented to the Pope, to be deposited in the Vatican, with an inscription, which records the wonderful rapidity of the passage, and the solemn occasion on which it was launched from Paris, as well as the success of M. Garnerin, who constructed and launched it.
AMERICAN CAPTIVES IN TRIPOLI. (CONTINUED.)
November 1. This morning the Danish consul, Mr. Nissen, paid us another visit. Captain Bainbridge engaged him to furnish us with provisions and such other necessaries as we might want. Our dwelling was furnished in a plain style, and we were supplied with fresh provisions that were tolerably good. We were allowed to go to the front door, and to walk on the terrace or top of the house, which commanded a handsome prospect of the harbor, the sea, the town, the palace and the adjoining country. Here we could see our ship on the rocks, full of Turks, and surrounded by their boats, and a constant stream of boats going to, and bringing off, the plunder of the ship. We could see these robbers running about town, with our uniform coats and other clothing on. The minister of exterior relations promised to be friendly, and collect as much of our clothing and effects as he could, and return them to us.
November 3. The Bashaw sent for the carpenter to go on board the ship; he went and found six feet water in the hold. The carpenter's crew and fifty men were ordered and carried on board to work at night. A gale of wind and a heavy sea hove the ship off the rocks, and the carpenter returned.
November 4. In the morning Messrs. Hunt and Osborne, and myself were at the Danish consul's observatory, on the top of his house, upon a plane with and adjoining ours, which together made a large and handsome walk. We were looking at the ship with Mr. Nissen's glass, when our droger man came and informed us that the Bashaw had ordered us not to walk upon the terrace any more. We immediately returned to our house.
November 5. Our new masters came and closed up the passage which led to the top of the House; and a guard was set at the front door to prevent our going into the street. The minister sent his chief secretary with a parole of honor, written in French, which we all signed.
November 6. We found that we were not allowed to go out, notwithstanding our signing the parole of honor. The minister of exterior relations sent us word that he had got eight or ten of our trunks, which we might have for twelve hundred dollars. We did not take them, nor thank him for his hospitality. We purchased new blankets, sent to us by the Danish consul. The English consul, Mr. McDonald, paid us a visit and offered us every assistance in his power.
November 8. The Jews purchased some of our clothing and offered it to us at an enormous price; but we purchased but little of it. The Bashaw sent for Captain Bainbridge and told him that John Wilson had informed him that Captain Bainbridge, before hauling down the colors, threw over nineteen boxes of dollars and a large bag of gold. Captain Bainbridge assured him it was false, and gave his word and honor that there was no money thrown over to his knowledge; but that the money in question was left at Malta. In the evening the Bashaw, not being satisfied, sent for the captain's servant, and ordered him flogged if he did not tell the truth concerning the money. The boy denied having any knowledge of it. After repeating the threat several times, and the boy insisting on his not knowing anything about the money, he was acquitted. Wilson had turned traitor, and given the enemy all the assistance in his power. He now acts as overseer of our men.
November 9. Our captain established a credit with the Danish Consul, who supplied us with necessary provisions, and with cloth for matresses. A guard was posted at our door to prevent our going into the street, or purchasing any books or clothing.
November 10. Several Turks came in and informed Captain Bainbridge that the Bashaw had been told that Captain Rodgers, who commanded the United States frigate John Adams,
treated the Tripolitan prisoners taken last summer very badly; and that they feared we should suffer for it. We have plenty of pomegranates, dates and oranges. The Danish consul visits us every day.
November 13. The minister of exterior relations sent his droger man to captain Bainbridge, and informed him, that if he would send an immediate order to commodore Preble, to deliver up the Tripolitan prisoners captured by captain Rodgers last summer, amounting to eighty in number, we might remain where we were, but if he did not comply, we should fare worse. Captain Bainbridge replied, that he could not command commodore Preble, and therefore could not comply with his request. At nine in the evening a Tripolitan officer came armed with two pistols and a sabre, and said to night, nothing; to morrow, the castle. We accordingly prepared for the call.
November 14. Breakfasted early, to be ready for our new habitation. At 9 A.M. a guard came and ordered us to the castle. We formed agreeable to rank, and marched to the castle. We were buddled into a gloomy cell amongst our men, where there was hardly room for us to stand. Here we spent the day without food, and were locked up at night until night, when to our happy surprise, we were conducted back to our old place of abode. The minister of exterior relations sent for Captain Bainbridge, and affected great surprise at our going to the castle, saying that he knew nothing of the measure; which we all knew to be false. He told Captain Bainbridge that we should remain where we were, until he heard from his people, the prisoners in the hands of the Americans. (To be Continued.)
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. Sir. By publishing the enclosed in your next paper, you will oblige A Lover of Beef. Admiral Pocock's celebrated pickle for meat. To 4 gallons of water add 12 lb. brown sugar, 2 oz. salt petre, 6 lb. large or Bay Salt: Boil all these together in an iron pot or kettle, and skim it repeatedly as long as any scum rises; then take off the pot and set it stand till the liquor is cold. The meat being placed in the vessel meant to hold it, pour the cold pickle on it till it is covered, and put something on to keep it in the pickle, and thus keep it for family use. When it is intended to keep it for a length of time, the pickle must be boiled once in 6 weeks or 2 months at farthest, adding, during the boiling 2 oz. sugar, and half a pound of salt, scumming as before directed. By this management the pickle will keep good 12 months, and is always ready for a fresh supply of meat. N. B. The foregoing method is equally excellent for Bacon and Beef.
NOTICE. Subscribers in arrears are respectfully requested to make immediate payment, otherwise their papers will be discontinued. Nov. 6, 1805.
NOTICE. This is to give notice that the subscribers have obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of Mrs. CATHERINE JOHNSON, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscribers at or before the 20th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from the benefit of the said estate. Given under our hand, this 17th day of November, 1805. WILLIAM BRENT, WASHINGTON BOYD. Nov. 18 wgt.
PUBLIC SALE. WILL be sold on Thursday the 28th of this month by public auction at the dwelling house of the late Mrs. Catharine Johnson deceased, all the Household and Kitchen Furniture belonging to the estate of the said deceased, also, an excellent milk cow and sundry hogs, and a quantity of coal. Terms of sale, for all furs under twenty dollars cash, and for all furs above that amount a credit of six months will be given upon bonds with approved security. The sale will commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon. WM. BRENT, WASHINGTON BOYD, } Adm's. N. B. The late dwelling house of Mrs. Johnson is offered for rent. Possession may be had on 18th December next, apply as above. Nov. 18—3t
FOR SALE. 2000 weight of SHIP BREAD. WHICH will be sold low for cash on immediate application. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK, &c. &c. Corner of North L. and 8th Streets near the Navy Yard.

NOTICE.
THE Subscriber anxious to settle with all those who have accounts standing against him unpaid, earnestly requests all persons indebted to him for Medical Services rendered previous to the 1st of Jan. 1805, immediately to pay off their respective balances, as no farther indulgence can be given. Those who do not comply with the above request may be assured that the most speedy and effectual mode to compel payment will be adopted without respect of person. EDWARD GANTT. Nov. 10—172
To be Sold,
Or EXCHANGED for other property in the City, or its vicinity.
TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the State of Kentucky, the one containing 6830 acres, and the other 6250 acres, by late survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situated in a populous country, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber, JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington, } November 6—w11 }
TO HIRE or FOR SALE
A MIDDLE aged, strong Negro WOMAN, who has been accustomed to House work. Also, a NEGRO GIRL, in her fourteenth year. Apply at the Office of the National Intelligencer. October 25—tf
OPENING THE TYBER.
All Persons Inhabitants of the city of Washington, or others, that with the opening of Tyber Creek, are requested to meet at Mr. MYER'S TAVERN on the Monday evening the 17th inst. at 7 o'clock, at which time a report will be made as to the depth of water that can be got and the probable expense of executing it in such a manner as will be pointed out. The object of the meeting is to consider the utility and the means best calculated to attain the object. Nov. 13, 1805.
New DRY GOOD STORE.
BENJ. & HORATIO JONES, HAVE just received at their Store in High Street, next door to Mr. John Cox's, a handsome assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, which being laid in on the best terms, they will dispose of them unreasonably low, for cash. George Town. Nov. 13 3t
FOR NEW ORLEANS,
The fine New Ship FAIR AMERICAN, Robert Davis, master, built for a constant trader with the best accommodation for passengers. She will sail in all this month. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board at Cole's wharf, or WM. TAYLOR. Baltimore. Nov. 13—3t
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol . The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
FALL & WINTER GOODS.
JOHN COX HAS this day received a Large addition to his former supply of FALL and WINTER GOODS, which makes his assortment very complete. Most of his goods were bought on such terms as to enable him to offer them by piece or retail lower than the regular importers can afford to sell at. George town Oct. 18—N & UGenl
CITY TAXES.
NOTICE is hereby given by the Mayor of Washington, that the Board of a special appointed under the act of the City Council entitled "An act directing an assessment of property in certain cases," will meet at the Treasurer's Office in the city on Tuesday the 19th inst. to decide all cases in which individuals shall think themselves aggrieved in the assessment of improvements by the Treasurer. Nov. 15—2t
FOR SALE.
Good weight of SHIP BREAD. WHICH will be sold low for cash on immediate application. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK, & co. Corner of North L. and 8th Streets near the Navy Yard.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
WILL be given for apprehending NIM, a small mulatto fellow, about 5 feet 4 inches and a half high, active and well made, 28 or 33 years of age, tho' perhaps of an appearance more youthful, and cunning and artful in the extreme. His features are regular, and the expression of his countenance agreeable—his thumbs are short and unusually thick at the ends—he is an excellent coachman and hostler, having done little else than attend to horses for many years. He carried with him a short blue cloth coat, corduroy panaloons, and a drab great coat, and many other articles of clothing in a pair of black saddle bags. The above reward will be given for securing him in jail. JOHN COLES. Albemarle county, Virg. Nov. 1
KING'S HOTEL.
The subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public generally, that he has removed from the Navy Yard to the Capitol Hill, in the hotel lately occupied by Mr. P. D. Stelle, where he hopes to be favoured with a part of their patronage. It being a desirable situation, and the conveniences of the hotel excelled by none in the city. He therefore hopes to please those that call upon him in every instance. WILLIAM R. KING. August 30—tf.
For Sale
IN the county of Prince William, Virginia, Neasby Farm and its appendages, with four or five thousand acres of land adjoining, near the town of Dumfries, and within four or five miles of the Potomac—the soil is generally adapted to small grain, and if too considerable for one purchaser, will be laid off in Lots suitable for small farms—a description of the land is thought unnecessary—as those wishing to purchase will no doubt first view it: the payments required will be one third cash, and the other two thirds in annual instalments, to be secured by a mortgage on the land; and no deed given until the last payment is made; any person wishing to purchase, may know the terms by applying to Mr. Thomas T. Page, living near the premises, who is fully authorised by me to sell the whole or any part. JOHN TAYLOR. August 16—3m. N. B. A valuable mine bank in Maryland may be had with the farm if required. J. T.
WASHINGTON TONTINE.
SUBSCRIBERS to this Institution who have not fixed the lives on which they choose their Stock to depend, will please to take notice, that it cannot be done after the 21st day of December ensuing; the constitution providing, that after that day, there can be no change of lives. Written directions on this subject, sent to the subscriber in season, will be duly attended to. BEN: STODDERT. October 16—cytDec.
Ten Dollars Reward.
WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased silver Watch, maker's name Grothwaite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia.—Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligencer, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 20—tf
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of a private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 677 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 244 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plots of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Manion at the Navy Yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
Twenty Dollars Reward.
AARON, a mulatto man about 43 years old, left the city of Washington early in October, and was seen on the road leading from Alexandria to Leesburg in company with a black woman, who I am informed is the property of some person in the vicinity of this place—(is about 5 feet 10 inches high, has frail hair, very bald, in one of his eyes a hole (I think it is the left) near his nose, there is an indented scar occasioned by a stroke he received, which fractured the bone in that place, and whenever he has it in his power never fails to drink to excess. It is probable that he has gone to Jefferson or Berkeley county in Virginia, where he formerly resided, and from thence will endeavour to go to Kentucky. The above reward will be paid to any person who will have him committed to jail, and give information thereof to the subscriber in George Town, district of Columbia. EDWARD GANTT. Nov. 11—tf
ENTERTAINMENT FOR Man and Horse.
THE subscriber takes this method to inform the public, and particularly those travelling to the City of Washington, that he has opened a house of entertainment opposite the Branch Bank of the United States, where travellers shall be well accommodated on the most reasonable terms. THOMAS THORPE. July 3—zawtf.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Bennet's cord, toiletnets, fancy and white Marcellas, black and figured silks, mouselkins, fancy silks, Marcellas, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
PENNSYLVANIA HOUSE AND MYER'S CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber respectfully acquaints his friends and the public in general that he has removed from his old tavern stand, to the adjoining houses on the Pennsylvania Avenue, lately occupied by Mrs. Wilson as a boarding-house, and Mr. Woodward's tavern, in which he is now opening a Complete Hotel. This stand is probably not excelled by any in the city, either for the accommodation of travellers or boarders; being at a convenient and almost equal distance from the Capitol, the President's House, and Public Offices; near the Theatre, Messrs. Way's Printing Office, and Centre Market, opposite the office of the National Intelligencer, and adjoining Mr. Duane's book store. These houses contain twenty six lodging rooms with fire places, exclusive of dining, bar, assembly, and coffee rooms, servants apartments, &c. The celebrated ridge spring is conveyed in pipes to the yard of this hotel, where it supplies the whole neighbourhood with flowing, cool water, to which the general health of this part of the city has in a great measure been attributed. The finishing of the hotel now erected is considerable; more however will be completed before the meeting of Congress.
I now beg leave to inform my friends with confidence, that my prices shall be as heretofore, corresponding with Pennsylvania tavern rates, and in proportion as my elbow room has increased my disposition to please shall be enlarged; I therefore respectfully hope the continuance of a share of the public patronage. SOLOMON MYER. Washington, July 24— Independence the 30th year—tf
1500 DOLLARS REWARD.
HIGHWAY ROBBERY. YESTERDAY about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Mr. JOHN PETER, an Officer of the BANK OF COLUMBIA, was stopped on horseback on the road between this town and Alexandria, and within about 2 miles of the latter place, by some unknown villain, shot through the body with a pistol, and robbed of a sum of money in his possession belonging to this Institution which he was taking to Alexandria, for the purpose of exchanging with the banks there. The whole sum taken amounted Eighteen Thousand One hundred and Fourteen Dollars and Sixty five Cents, made up in several packages, among which were,
   Dol. C.     1 post note of the Bank of Virginia, for 800   1 do. of the same, for 500   1 do. of the same, for 500   1 do. of the same, for 450   1 do. of the Bank of Potomac in favor of Joseph Riddle by him endorsed to Washington Bowie, dated 6 July, 1805 No 117 149 05  
A check of the Union Bank, on the Bank of Alexandria, drawn by R. Higginbotham, cashier, in favor of Greatham and Deveraux, by them endorsed and by Benj. Stoddert, and C. Smith, Teller. There were also a parcel of post notes of the Bank of Alexandria for 100 dollars, and for 50 dollars each. The remainder was in current notes, principally of the banks of Alexandria and Potomac, and some few of the Bank of Virginia of different sizes and denominations. As the attack was sudden, and the wound received of a nature to deprive Mr. Peter instantly of his senses, (although it is now hoped he will recover) the description obtained may not be very accurate—a far as we are informed—the man who perpetrated the act, is of middle stature, good countenance, and had a genteel appearance. He had on a dark blue or black coat, nankeen panaloons, shoes, and a black hat, he was on foot and alone at the time, but may have had accomplices concealed, and will probably change his clothes.
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given to any person or persons, who will detect and bring to conviction the robber; and ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS additional for the recovery of the whole of the money, or in proportion for any smaller sum recovered—should there be accomplices, and one of them make a discovery, so that it leads to the conviction of the robber, or to the recovery of the money he shall receive the above reward, and interest will be made to obtain his pardon. WILLIAM WHELAN, Cashier of the Bank of Columbia. George Town, July 31—
CITY of WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state, that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.
NOTICE to Delinquent Subscribers to the THEATRE.
ALL Subscribers to the Theatre, who have not made full payments on their shares, or contributed the materials and work promised, are hereby notified that unless the same be done on or before the first day of December next, their shares will be forfeited; after which day certificates of stock will be issued to those subscribers who have complied with the terms of subscription on application to the Directors. ROBERT BRENT, WILLIAM BRENT, SAMUEL H. SMITH, } Directors. Sept. 4—tf
To be Sold,
WILL be sold at public sale on the 16th day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, at the dwelling house of the late James Wueema, of Calvert county, deceased, all the Stock, Furniture, Plate, and several valuable negroes, the property of the deceased. Cash for all sums not exceeding 20 dollars, and for all sums above that, a credit of six months will be given. Bonds with approved security will be required. NATHL. T. WEEMS, Adm'r. October 25—cpw &wdf
PROPOSALS.
WILLING to engage the favor and patronage of a liberal public in general, as well as to obtain the approving voice of intelligent and delegated characters in the various parts of the Union, who are about specifically to convene at the National seat of Government, for the purpose of promoting extensive good and individual felicity, the subsequent proposals are, in the intermediate, respectfully submitted.
PROPOSALS
FOR PRINTING A PHILOSOPHIC WORK, Entitled THE NATURE & STATE OF MAN AS CONNECTED WITH THE WORLD, AND WITH DEITY, In the GOVERNMENT of the UNIVERSE. *****
17 What Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero of old, and other renowned characters of modern date have condescended to unfold only in part, is here freely investigated, and the contents of the volume offered may be said to embrace these interesting particulars, viz. Deity, the World, Man, Orders, simultaneous and successive evils, natural, moral, political and religious governments, free and despotic Laws and Religions, pure and spurious Revolutions, changes, causes and effects, as awfully manifested in the dynasty of the old world, and strikingly admonitory to the happy people of the new, who compose the large family of the great American Republic, and to whom this work is affectionately dedicated.
CONDITIONS.
 1. It shall be printed on the best paper, and with a good type, neatly bound and lettered, price ONE DOLLAR.  2. It shall be put to press with all convenient speed, and as soon as a prospect of remuneration can be ascertained from a generous public—The preface will give a review of the Author, and his motives for solicitation and encouragement; and though a small star in the republic of Letters, yet visible, and approximating to a more brilliant constellation, when the luminous sun of Truth and Light will arise in meridian lustre, and dispel the mist of error and the clouds of darkness.  Signatures will be received at the office of the National Intelligencer, the book stores in Washington, Georgetown and Alexandria, where printed proposals will be duly deposited.
WASHINGTON TONTINE.
THE Subscriber, appointed by the Directors, agent for the sale of lots belonging to this institution has opened an office for that purpose in the third house from the west end of the Six Buildings, where he will attend every day from 3 to 5 o'clock in the afternoon. The Lots are generally situate between George Town and the President's square, between that square and the Capitol, and about the Navy Yard, and amongst them there are some water lots, equal to any in the city, the terms of sale, cash, or short or long credit to suit purchasers; but in cases of credit, the punctilious payment of annual interest, and of the principal at the period stipulated must be well secured. If this be done to satisfaction, the purchasers may almost name their own time of credit. JOSEPH FORREST. October 16—cd
This day is published
AND FOR SALE BY RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. IN NEW JERSEY AVENUE, CAPITOL HILL. FLEETWOOD; Or the New Man of Feeling, BY WILLIAM GODWIN, Author of Caleb Williams, St. Leon, &c. &c. price 175 cents. Sept. 25.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
ELISHA RIGGS,
Has imported by the ships Wm. Murdoch and Enterprise from London, and the United States, Newcon, and Abacon from Liverpool, Eighty-nine PACKAGES of Seasonable Goods, which he bought of the manufacturers principally for cash, will be sold much lower by the piece or retail, than any not imported direct to this place, for cash or in exchange for tobacco.
Among them are,
 9 Bales superfine, and second clothes and coatings,  29 do. plains, kerseys, cottons and blankets,  8 do. flannels, carpets and hockings,  10 trunks, clintzes, talcos and hosiery,  5 do. cambric muslins and umbrellas,  8 cases London hats,  3 do. ladies' Lawsonbury bonnets,  1 trunk lace shades, black laces and veils,  1 case damask and diaper table cloths and ticking,  6 cases knives and forks, buttons, saddle, &c. seine twine, &c.  3 cases shirting cambrics, dimities and cotton counterpanes.  Also, Silk hosiery, Chambray muslins, Irish linens; Gloves, hatters trimmings, Silk shawls, furniture trimmings, and many other articles. George Town, Oct. 30—zawtf
PUBLIC SALE,
Pursuant to a decree of the Court of Chancery, I will sell at public sale on Saturday the 30 inst. the following valuable property in the city of Washington.
All that Lot of ground, being part of square No. 74, adjoining the Six Buildings, upon which several frame buildings are erected, one of which is large and well calculated for an extensive wet or dry good store, and the others with a small expense may be made to suit a family. This valuable property has a front of 86 feet on Pennsylvania Avenue, and 140 feet front on 24th Street.
Also,
Lots numbered 3, 4, 5, and 6, in square No. 38—the three first having a front of 28 feet 7 inches each, and the last 9 feet 1 inch, on Pennsylvania Avenue; each lot is improved by a two story brick building intended for back buildings, but which may, at an inconsiderable expense, be rendered comfortable dwellings. A more particular description of those lots will be given on the day of sale, or at any time before, on application to me. Terms of sale to be for ready money, or money to be paid immediately upon the ratification of the sale by the Court of Chancery for the district of Columbia. The sale to commence at half after 10 o'clock A. M. on the premises. JOSEPH FORREST, Trustee. November 8—cdof
PUBLIC AUCTION.
By Virtue of certain powers in me vested by the proprietors, will privately be held at public auction at Stelle's Hotel, on Wednesday evening next at 6 o'clock, the following described property, viz. Lot No. 3, in square No. 686, fronting on Delaware Avenue, near the Capitol; containing in front 50 feet 6 inches, and in depth 134 1/2 feet, on which is erected a three story brick house 21 feet 6 inches front, and 38 feet 4 inches deep, finished in a very genteel manner, at present under a lease to and occupied by John Beckley, esq. which lease will expire on the first day of March, 1806. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as it is probable any person desirous of purchasing will view the premises previous to the sale—an indisputable title will be given, and terms of sale made known by application to JOHN COYLE. Washington city, Nov. 15—3t
JOURNEYMAN TAYLORS
WANTED BY THE SUBSCRIBER. Five or Six good hands will find constant employ and the full prices given by applying to CHARLES H. VARDEN, Capitol Hill, Washington city—3t
RAGS.
The highest price, in Cash or Books will be given for any quantity of clean men and Cotton Rags, by RABIN CONRAD and Co. Capitol Hill. June 24—
Preparing for the press
AND will be published early in the Spring, in one closely printed volume, The spirit of the Public Journals; Being an impartial selection of the best original Poetry, Essays, &c. which have appeared in the newspapers of the United States during the year 1805.
The Editors of Newspapers who exchange with the BALTIMORE Weekly Post, are requested to give the above advertisement a few insertions in their papers. When published, a copy of the work will be sent to each office. Sept. 9—
NOTICE.
MY Limited pecuniary resources render it indispensable that I should provide the necessaries of life on the most advantageous terms—of course with ready money. And that I shall not subject myself to the payment of articles never received, I give notice that I shall not hold myself responsible for any debt unless contradicted by myself in person, or by my written order. RICHARD WILSON. November 15—wif