The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-08-19 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCCLVIII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, AUGUST 19, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SPEECH DELIVERED BY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE, TO THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, ON PROROGUING THEM, JULY 3, 1805.
Fellow-Citizens of the Legislative Council:
I HAVE attended in this hall for the purpose of proroguing your session, and thus to close, perhaps forever, the political connexion now subsisting between us. The occasion has given rise to reflexions, calculated to excite on my part a great degree of sensibility. To you, gentlemen, who have participated with me in the toil of legislating for a territory situated as this has been; where a general innovation throughout the whole system of government, presented a variety of legislative objects that required the exercise of a more than ordinary share of talent and discretion; where prejudice and former habits presented impediments to that progress of improvement, which experience had suggested and reason sanctioned; and above all, where party spirit, lighted up by restless, and occasionally by unprincipled ambition, was too successful in producing distrust and inquietude; permit me to observe that to citizens, who neither influenced by any wayward impulse of the moment or awed by the difficulties in view, attended with fidelity and remained with firmness at the post assigned them by their country, a great debt of gratitude is due, and my sincerity cannot be questioned, when for them I profess much respect and a sincere regard.
Uncandid men have said, and many have been deceived into the belief, that this country became annexed to the United States under the most favorable auspices, and that therefore every dissatisfaction manifested by the people, may be attributed to the feebleness or wickedness of the local administration. To what degree of credit this statement is entitled, you, gentlemen, well know. But let the stranger be told, that at the period of the cession, the aspect of affairs in Louisiana was not such as to justify an expectation on the part of those entrusted with the government, that their administration would for some time, be otherwise than painful and perplexing.
In a territory whose citizens are for the most part either natives or descendants of natives of France or Spain, who had long cherished a fond remembrance of the country of their forefathers;—in a territory that had been controuled by the will of arbitrary chiefs for near a century, and harassed by frequent change of allegiance; where the ties of birth, affinity and language; the influence of habit and past favors, had made those impressions, which like causes every where produce, the man indeed must be little acquainted with human nature, who had supposed that in a territory thus situated, the principles of the American government could have been introduced without difficulty, or that the public functionaries could have discharged their duties in such a way, as to have conciliated the good opinion of all. That the people have experienced inconvenience , must be admitted; but that it was inseparable from the change of dominion. During the first provisional government, probably some errors may have been committed, and these have too often been exaggerated by the malevolent and designing. On this subject, however, I feel no uneasiness, as the errors of a good intention will readily be excused by a generous people; but in relation to the calumnies to which I have been subjected, and their authors, I look down upon them with contempt, from that eminence on which conscious rectitude has placed me. I believe I may confidently assert that the provisional administration in Louisiana was commenced and conducted with consistency as to the principle by which its acts were governed; a principle of mild and conciliatory justice, resolved on at an early period as the best policy that could be pursued in a district, where the harmony of the citizens was secured but by slender ties, and where it was the daily labor of some to rend those ties asunder. Armed as that administration was with extensive power, it was, perhaps, difficult to avoid the character of tyranny, without being exposed to charges of defect on the other extreme.
Superficial observers and perverted minds are often unable to view the arm as otherwise than feeble, which, when clothed with power, refuses to exert it. But the principle was fixed, and if occasions did occur that might have justified a departure from it, I nevertheless look back with pleasure to the forbearance that was so happily persevered in, and I feel proud in the reflection that no unworthy spirit of resentment, was at any time manifested by the government or its friends.
But whatever, upon the whole, may have been the defects of that adminis-
tration, this much at least we find to be a fact, that the country has suffered no material injury from them; that thro' the favor of Heaven and the amiable disposition of the people in general, good order was preserved, private and public rights secured, and the territory advanced in agriculture, commerce, population and real wealth.
Fellow-Citizens
of the Legislative Council:
I now come to the period at which your labors commenced, and permit me to assure you of my great admiration of the judgment you have manifested in selecting proper objects of legislation. Your code of criminal law, exhibiting a system at the same time mild and energetic; the judicious innovations which you have occasionally made in the municipal arrangements of the country; the wise acts you have passed for the convenience, encouragement and protection of commerce, as well as for the internal improvement of the territory; and above all, the laudable provision you have made for the introduction of science and literature, and for the education of the rising generation, will remain lasting testimonies of your abilities, discretion and real patriotism. With respect to the laws for the organization of the militia, I have great confidence in their success; but a sufficient time has not elapsed to give the operation of them a fair trial. Within a period so limited as that of your session, and with such a diversity of duties before you, more could not have been expected, and it is a subject of congratulation that so much has been done, and done so well.
Another important change in the nature of our government now awaits us. The Congress of the United States, ever just to their engagements, and faithful to the interests of all within their protection , have assigned the period at which Louisiana is to become one of the sovereign and independent states of the American Union; in the mean time the right of self government is extended to this district, under the like restrictions which have been laid on our fellow citizens in the other territories of the United States. This species of temporary government has been found commensurate to the protection of society, and the advancement of the general weal, and is certainly well calculated for the gradual introduction of those representative principles, on which the future constitution of the state (when erected) must necessarily be predicated. But possibly there may be many, whom this new form of government will fail to satisfy. It would indeed be a presumption unwarranted by experience, to calculate on universal approbation of any measure. The best of men may occasionally differ in political sentiments, and the investigation of their opinions lead to truth, and may be considered one of the salutary incidents of political freedom. But, unfortunately, society is infested with members who argue, not to enlighten, but to mislead their fellow citizens, and who from motives of disingenuous ambition or from malice, labor incessantly to raise themselves on the ruin of others. That there have been, and still are a few individuals among us of that description, is I fear too true. Under their patronage calumny may recompence its efforts—It may distort the most innocent actions, and pervert error into crime—It may enter the threshold of domestic life, harrow up private feelings, and produce private distress: But the distrust of the discerning, and the contempt of the good, will sooner or later drive the authors into obscurity.
Fellow-Citizens
of the Council:
After the political change, on the eve of which we now are, there remains but one more which this territory is destined to experience, and that is its complete incorporation into the American Union. We have heard idle reports of various kinds, respecting new territorial divisions, and partial, and sometimes total retrocessions to foreign powers; but these seem to be the fanciful chimeras of unreflecting minds. My firm belief is, that the Mississippi will cease to flow ere she ceases to behold Louisiana attached to the empire of American Freedom. A disposition to encroach on the territories of others is foreign to the nature of our government; but the perfect preservation of her own is one of its vital principles. Just to the rights of others, the American nation will preserve her own inviolate, or perish with them.
Fellow-Citizens
of the Council:
I fear the range I have taken has been too extensive, and that I trespass upon your polite attention. Your duties are closed—I declare your session prorogued, sine die . You will retain my affectionate remembrance, and my best wishes accompany you.
WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE.
NEW-ORLEANS, July 3d, 1805.
Foreign Intelligence.
GENOA, June 2:
Some of our Senators, who were sent to Milan to the coronation of the Emperor Napoleon, as King of Italy, having returned here on the 24th May, with M. Salicetti, the French Minister. On the next day an extraordinary sitting of the Ligurian Senate was held, in which the most important question which could be submitted to the consideration of that Assembly was discussed. The Genoese Senate, in this meeting, formally declared for an union with the French Empire; proclaimed its conditions, and resolved to submit it to the approbation of the people. The Decree follows in these words:—
“The Senate, taking into consideration the actual state of the Republic, and convinced that an independence, without strength or means to protect its commerce, the only source of its national prosperity, is of no advantage to the State of Liguria, and that it cannot exist without being united to the French Empire, particularly since Piedmont has been incorporated with it; considering, besides, that the declaration made at the Congress of Amiens, by the English Government, that it could not recognise the Republic of Genoa until it had resumed its antient form (a condition to which the Ligurian people could never consent,) exposes it to the severe necessity of being involved in all the naval wars which may arise between France and England: considering that if, on the one side, the Barbary powers, desolating the Ligurian commerce, make all maritime communication impracticable, so on the other our communications by land are as much interrupted by the necessary system of the French law of customs; considering, in fine , that the only means of withdrawing ourselves from a situation so critical, of re-establishing our commerce, of recovering all our rights and privileges, and of removing all the obstacles to our participating with the commerce of France, the immense advantages which peace will assuredly procure for her, is to incorporate ourselves with the French nation, and that to obtain this favour, it is advisable to profit of the journey of the Emperor and King of Italy; decrees—
“Article 1. The union of the Kingdom of Italy with the French Empire, shall be proposed to his Majesty the Emperor and King, under the following conditions:—1st. That all the Ligurian territory, without the least reduction, shall compose an integral part of the French Empire. 2d. That the debt of the Ligurian Republic is to be liquidated in the same way with the debt of the French nation: 3d. That Genoa shall be a free port, with all the privileges thereunto annexed: 4th. That in apportioning the land tax, due regard will be paid to the barrenness of the Ligurian soil, and the expenses of agriculture, more considerable than in any other country: 5th. That there are neither to be barriers nor custom houses between France and Liguria: 6th. That the law of Conscription shall only apply to sailors: 7th. That the export and import duties shall be regulated in the manner the most favorable to the agriculture and manufactures of Liguria: 8th. That all civil and criminal suits shall be decided either at Genoa or in some of the adjacent departments of the empire: 9th. That all the proprietors of national property shall be secured in the possession and full enjoyment of the said property.
“Article 2. The present decree shall be immediately submitted to the decision of the people.
“LAZOTTI LANZOLA. Chief Sec'y.”
The Registers having been immediately opened throughout all Liguria, to receive the votes of the functionaries and citizens, the decree of the Senate was instantly ratified by a great majority of affirmative votes. The Registers were collected at Genoa, and intrusted to deputies, who yesterday set out to present them to the Emperor of the French, and to entreat his Majesty to grant therequest expressed—Previous to the departure of the deputies, an official communication was made of the wishes of the Ligurians to the Austrian Envoy, Baron Giusti, in the following note:
“GENOA, June 1.
“The undersigned Senator, Minister for Foreign Affairs, has the honor to communicate to his Excellency the En-
voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of Germany and Austria, the decree whereby the Senate has induced the union of the Ligurian Republic with the French Empire; a decree which has obtained the sanction of the people, and in virtue of which a deputation has been appointed to lay before his majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Italy, the wishes of the whole nation. His Excellency has resided sufficiently long at Genoa to be satisfied of the impossibility, under which this country labored, of preserving its independence amidst events which have changed the face of Europe.—Too weak to protect our commerce and navigation, we have constantly seen our flag insulted, and our coasts exposed to the pillage of the Barbary powers. While the great powers were occupied in making their flag respected, they abandoned the weaker ones to the outrages of the enemies of the Christian name. Our inter or police also was so difficultly circumstanced, that a band of robbers, who had taken refuge in the mountains, were become an object of terror to the neighboring parts.
On the other hand, England, in the negotiations which preceded the treaty of Amiens, would not recognise the existence of our new state, nor the changes which we had thought proper to make in our constitution, by abolishing the aristocracy, and by preferring to all other advantages, that equality of rights, on which the prosperity of every commercial nation is founded.—She has, in spite of our efforts to the contrary, included us in all her wars with France, and our maritime commerce has always been a prey to her tyranny. On the land side, we were so surrounded by the territory of the French empire, that if our city still possesses any commerce, we owe it to the Emperor, who has treated us with so much goodness, that he has made sacrifices in our favor, to the possible prejudice of Nice and Marfeilles. We had every reason to apprehend, that in the course of time, his Majesty would not be able to continue to us these advantages; and then, surrounded by the French custom-houses, without territory, marine, or commerce, we should have been a most weak and miserable nation. The decree which united Piedmont to France, had already pronounced the union of our territory with the French Empire, and of our city, which is only a part of Piedmont.
“In this state of affairs, by an unanimity of opinion, which is unexampled in any nation, anxious to show ourselves worthy of our fathers, and unable, when left to ourselves, to give our flag that splendour and glory which our ancestors have obtained for it under different circumstances, we have resolved to recover that splendour, and that glory, by incorporating ourselves with a great nation, and by submitting ourselves to the laws of a great Prince, who has always manifested towards us sentiments of friendship, and has honored us with his particular protection.
“The deputation, who carry the voice of the Senate, of the Doge, and of the people, depart this evening; and when they shall have passed the frontiers of our territories, we shall consider our independence at an end.
“The government has thought it proper to communicate these circumstances to his Excellency the Baron de Giusti, and to assure his Majesty the Emperor of Germany and Austria of their gratitude for the concern he has evinced on several occasions; and at the same time to acquaint his worthy Representative at Genoa, that his mission is hereby terminated.
“In placing ourselves thus under the laws of the French empire, we do not in the least add to her continental strength.—Our population, few in number, is far from warlike. The produce of our finances will be entirely absorbed in the expenses of the defence of our coasts, and the establishment of our arsenals. France, by this union, will obtain an augmentation of naval force; and we cannot but think that we are doing what is the will of all the Continental powers, namely, to enable her to contend with the enemy of all nations, and the tyrant of the seas.
“The undersigned has the honor to reiterate to his Excellency the Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary, the expression of his entire esteem, and distinguished consideration.
(Signed)
“ROGGIERI.”
Milan, June 7.
The session of the legislative body opened this day. At six in the morning his excellency gen Duroc, grand mar-
shall of the palace, took the command of the palace of the legislative body. The members of the legislative body assembled in grand costume in the hall of their sittings, at one o'clock. The council of state proceeded, at one o'clock, from the palace to the palace of the legislative body, where they were received by a deputation of three legislators. This deputation conducted the members of the council to the places destined for them. At half past one the empress arrived at the palace of the legislative body, accompanied by her imperial highness the princess Elisa, by her ladies, and the officers of her household. Her majesty was received at the outer door of the palace by the president and deputation of thirty members of the legislative body, and conducted to the tribune prepared for her. His majesty's train set out from the palace at two for the palace of the legislative body. His departure was announced by a discharge of artillery. The way through which his train passed was lined with troops. The procession was arranged with the usual pomp and according to the established forms, and preceded and followed by a detachment of the French and Italian guards, and by squadrons of Mamelukes. His majesty's arrival at the palace of the legislative body was announced by a second discharge of artillery. He was received at the outer door by a deputation composed of thirty members of the legislative body, with the president at their head. The procession assembled in one of the halls of the palace, whence it proceeded in order to the hall of sitting, where the places were arranged in the following order: His majesty the emperor and king on a throne; on his right his serene highness prince Eugene in a chair, two steps lower than the throne; behind his majesty on the right and left, two colonels, generals of the guard, the grand marshal of the palace, the grand major Domo, the Grand almoner and marshal Mencey; back of the throne the chamberlains and French and Italian esquires. The other officers of the court were stationed according to their rank. Opposite the throne the legislators were disposed in a circular form, their president in the centre, without any distinction of place, but having two state messengers of the legislative body, one on his right the other on his left. Before the legislators sat the council of state on chairs, half on the right and half on the left. When his majesty was seated on his throne, the whole were uncovered. The grand master of the ceremonies took the orders of his majesty. The legislators, summoned individually by the chancellor, took the oath, after which the secretary of state read the statutes of the kingdom. These statutes are eight in number. The eighth respects exclusively the establishment of a military order, under the denomination of The order of the Iron Crown , and is divided into five titles. The order is to consist of five hundred knights, one hundred commanders, and twenty dignitaries. The motto is to be ‘ Dieu me l'a donne, gare a quiry touchera ’.—Vacancies are to be filled up every year, on Ascension day. Four hundred thousand Milanese livres are to be appropriated to the order. Each knight to have 300 livres yearly, each commander 800, and each dignitary 3000 livres. One hundred thousand livres of this revenue to be set apart for such extraordinary life pensions as the grand master shall think proper to grant to any knights, commanders, or dignitaries. The king of Italy to be grand master, but the emperor and king, Napoleon, in consideration of being founder, to retain, during his life, exclusively the title and functions of the office. The statutes were signed by all the public functionaries, and directed, by order of the Emperor and King Napoleon, dated June 6, at his palace of Milan, to be transmitted into the registers of the tribunals' administrative authorities.
Prince Eugene then was summoned by the grand master to take the oath as Viceroy. He made a profound bow to his majesty, and placed himself on his knees on a cushion at the left of the Throne, where putting his hand on the Gospel, he pronounced the following oath:—
“I swear to be faithful to the constitution, and to obey the King; not resign my functions till the moment I shall receive the King's directions thereupon; and to give up immediately the authority with which I am invested, to any person that shall be deputed by him.”
His Majesty then addressed the legislative body, as follows:
“Gentlemen of the Legislative Body,
“I have caused a detailed account to be rendered to me of all the parts of the administration. I have introduced into these divers branches the same simplicity that, with the help of the Consulta and of the Censure, I established in the division of the constitution of Lyons. Whatever is good, whatever is beautiful, is always the result of a uniform and simple system. I have suppressed the double organization of the departmental administrations, and of the administrations of prefecture, because I have thought that by resting the admini-

Administration solely upon the prefects, not only a million would be economised in the expenses, but a greater rapidity would be obtained in the course of business. If I have annexed to the prefects a council for litigations, it is to the principle which requires that the administration be the act of one, and that the decision of litigious objects be the act of one.
"The statutes which you have just heard read, extend to my people of Italy the benefits of the code, over the drawing up of which I myself presided. I have ordered my council to prepare an organization of the judiciary order which may render to the tribunals the lustre and consideration which it is my intention to give them. I could not approve that a praetor alone should be called to pronounce upon the fortune of the citizens, and that judges hidden from the eyes of the public should decide in secret not only upon their property but upon their lives. In the organization which will be presented to you, my council will study to make my people enjoy all the advantages which result from elective tribunals, from a public procedure, and from a contradictory defence. It is to secure to them a justice more evidently enlightened, that I have established that the circumstances in which Italy now is, permitted me to think of the establishment of Juries; but the judges must pronounce like the juries, from their sole conviction, and without delivering themselves up to that system of half proofs which much oftener endangers innocence than it serves to discover guilt. The surest rule of a judge who has presided over the trial, is the conviction of his conscience."
"I have myself watched over the establishment of regular and conservative forms in the finances of the state, and I hope that my people will find themselves well, from the order which I have commanded my ministers of finance and of the public treasury to establish in the accounts which will be public. I have consented that the public debt should bear the name Monte-Napoleon , to give a guarantee the more of fidelity in the engagements which constitute it, and a new vigor to credit."
"The public instruction will cease to be departmental, and I have fixed the basis to give it the ensemble , uniformity and direction, which must have so much influence upon the morals and habits of the rising generation."
"I have judged that it was proper, from this year forward, to place more equality in the distribution of the departmental expenses, and to afford succour to those of my departments, such as the Mincio and the lower Po, which find themselves burthened by the necessity of defending themselves against the ravages of the waters."
"The finances are in the most prosperous situation, and all payments are free of arrears. My people of Italy is of all the nations of Europe the least loaded with taxes. No new burthens shall be laid on them: and if there be any change made in any contribution, if the enregistrement is established in the project of Budget, according to a moderate tariff, it is for the purpose of diminishing more onerous impositions: the Terrrier is full of imperfections, which manifest themselves every day. To remedy them I shall vanquish the obstacles which are opposed to such operations, much less by the nature of things than by private interest; I however, do not hope to arrive at results, such as may cause to be avoided the inconvenience of raising a tax until the period it may reach to."
"I have taken measures to order the clergy a proper endowment, which they have been deprived of for these ten years past; and if I have made some unions of converts, I wished to preserve and it is my intention to protect those who devote themselves to services of public utility, or who, placed in the country parts, are in places and circumstances wherein they supply the want of secular clergy. I have at the same time provided that the Bishops should have the means to be useful to the poor, and I only wait, to occupy myself with the lot of the curates, for the information which I have ordered to be quickly collected upon their real situation: I know that many of them, especially in the mountains, are in a penury which I have the most pressing desire to put an end to."
"Independent of the road of Simplon, which will be finished this year, and at which four thousand workmen are working at this moment, in the part alone that crosses the kingdom of Italy, I have ordered that the bridge of Volano should be begun, and that such important works should be undertaken without delay, and pursued with activity."
"I have neglected none of the objects upon which my experience in administration could be useful to my people of Italy. Before I return across the mountains, I shall go over a part of the departments to become nearer acquainted with their wants."
"I shall leave depositary of my authority this young Prince, whom I have brought up from his infancy, and who will be animated with my spirit. I have besides taken measures to direct myself the most important affairs of the State."
"Orators of my Council will present to you a project of law authorising to my Chancellor Keeper of the Seals, Melzi, to act for four years in the quality of depositary of my authority, as Vice-President; a domain which, remaining in his family, may attest to his descendants the satisfaction I have felt from its services."
"I think I have given fresh proofs of my constant resolution to fulfil towards my people of Italy every thing they expect from me. I hope that in their turn they will be desirous of occupying the place that I destine for them in my thoughts; and they never will attain it,
but by persuading themselves that the force of arms is the principal support of States."
"It is time that the youth who live in the idleness of great cities, should cease to fear the fatigues and dangers of war, and that they should enable themselves to make their country be respected, if they wish their country to be respectable."
"Gentlemen of the Legislative Body, vie in zeal with my Council of State, and by that concurrence of wills towards the sole aim of the public prosperity, give to my representative the support he should receive from you."
"The British government having received, with an evasive answer, the propositions I made to it, and the King of England having immediately rendered them public by insulting my people in his Parliament, I have seen the hopes considerably weakened, which I had conceived of the re-establishment of peace. However, the French squadrons have since obtained success to which I attach importance only because they must farther convince my enemies of the futility of a war which affords them nothing to gain and every thing to lose. The divisions of the flotillas and the frigates built at the expense of the finances of my kingdom of Italy, and which at present make a part of the French forces, have rendered useful services in many circumstances. I preserve the hope that the peace of the Continent will not be troubled; and at all events, I find myself in a position to fear none of the chances of war: I shall be in the midst of you the very moment my presence would become necessary for the preservation of my kingdom of Italy."
UNION OF GENOA WITH FRANCE.
On the 14th of June, at mid-day, the Emperor received the Doge, and the deputation of the Senate, and people of Genoa, introduced by M. De Legue, and presented by his Serene highness Prince Eugène. His Serene highness the Doge addressed the Emperor. In the course of his speech he said—
"Deign Sire, to hear the wish of a people which has been attached to France in times of the greatest difficulty. Reunite to your Empire that Liguria, the first theatre of your victories, and the first step to that throne on which you are seated, for the safety of all civilized societies. Deign to grant us the happiness of being your subjects.—Your Majesty cannot have more devoted or more faithful."
His majesty replied to the discourse of the Doge in these terms:—
Mr. Doge and Gentlemen Deputies of the Senate, & people of Genoa.
Circumstances, and your desires, have several times called me within the last ten years to interfere in your internal affairs.—I have always brought with me peace, and sought to promote those liberal ideas which alone could give your Government that splendour which it had many ages since; but I soon convinced myself of the impossibility of your being able alone to perform any thing worthy of your ancestors. Every thing is changed. The new principles of maritime legislation which the English have adopted, and obliged the greatest part of Europe to recognize; the right of blockade which they can extend to places not blockaded, and even to entire coasts and rivers, which is nothing else than the right of annihilating at pleasure the commerce of nations: the continually increasing ravages of the Barbary States; all these circumstances presented to you but desolation in your independence. Posterity will be grateful to me for having exerted myself to render the seas free, and obliged the Barbary corsairs not to make war on weak naval powers, but to live among themselves as cultivators and honest men. I was animated only by a sense of the interest and the dignity of man. At the treaty of Amiens, England refused to co-operate in these liberal ideas. Since that a great power of the Continent has shewn quite as much disinclination to them. Alone, to sustain these legitimate principles, it would have been necessary to have recourse to arms; but I have not the right to shed the blood of my people, except to interests that are peculiar to them. From the moment that Europe could not obtain from England that the right of blockade should be restrained to places really blockaded; from the moment that the flag of the weak was without protection, and delivered to the fury of the corsairs, there has been no maritime independence! for a commercial people, there arises a necessity for uniting itself to a more powerful flag. I will realize your wish, I will unite you to my great people. It will be to me a new means for rendering more efficacious the protection I have always loved to grant you. My people will receive you with pleasure. They know that in all circumstances you have assisted their arms with friendship, and have supported them with all your means and all your strength. They find besides with your ports, an increase of maritime power, which is necessary to them to sustain its lawful rights against the oppressor of the seas.—You will find in your union with my people a continent. You have only ports and a marine. You will find a flag, which, whatever may be the pretensions of my enemies I will maintain on all the seas of the universe, constantly free from insult and from search, and exempt from the rights of blockade, which I will never recognise, but for the places really blockaded as well by sea as by land. You will find yourselves sheltered under it from this shameful slavery, the existence of which I reluctantly suffer with
respect to weaker nations, but from which I will always guarantee my subjects. Your people will find in the esteem I have always had for them, and in the paternal sentiments I shall entertain for it henceforth the guarantee that every thing which can contribute to its happiness shall be done. Mr. Doge, and gentlemen deputies of the Senate, and people of Genoa, return to your country. I will repair thither in a little time, and there I will seal the union in which my people and you will engage.—These barriers which separate you from the continent, shall be removed by the common interest and things will be placed in their natural state. The signatures of all your citizens, placed at the bottom of the wish which you present to me, answer all the objections I can suggest: they constitute the only right I can acknowledge as legitimate. In making it respected, I will only cause to be executed the guarantee of your independence, which I promise to you."
LONDON, JUNE 21.
His Majesty's Message was debated yesterday in the House of Lords, and Mr. Gray's motion discussed in the Commons. The debate in the Commons may also be considered as having included a discussion upon the message. Earl Caersford moved an amendment in the House of Lords to the same effect as Mr. Gray's motion in the House of Commons—"That His Majesty would not prorogue Parliament till it should be in his power to lay before them the result of the communications in which his Majesty has been engaged with the Continental Powers." The opposers of Ministers in both Houses were guilty of their usual incongruity. They exaggerate and extol the strength and resources of France, and the inability of the Continental Powers to cope with her; and then they blame Ministers for not having formed Continental alliances, and roused the Continent against her.
Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox both recommended the same system of politics. "If we could not procure Continental Powers on such terms as to act with us as allies, our next object ought to be to propose to negotiate in open Congress, taking them as umpires of our differences. When satisfied that we were sincere in such a system, we might soon depend on having peace on far and equitable terms, or a vigorous co-operation in carrying on the war." It was not expected that any precise information would be given by his Majesty's ministers upon the state of our negotiations or communications with Foreign Powers; but Mr. Pitt stated generally "that the principle of joint peace or joint war formed the basis of the negotiations." He hinted too that those negotiations had had for their object the interesting other powers in the cause, besides Russia. We shall to-morrow, enter into a more ample discussion of the debates than we have either time or space for today.
There was a large majority in favor of Ministers in both houses. In the House of Lords, the motion for an address to his Majesty in consequence of his Message, was carried by a majority of 53—111 to 58. In the House of Commons, Mr. Gray's motion was negatived by a majority of 151—101 being for it, and 261 against it.
June 22.
Mr. Pitt in the House of Commons yesterday, in the debate upon his Majesty's message, only felt it necessary to propose that 2,500,000l of the five millions provided for in the Ways and Means when the budget was opened, should be granted to his Majesty to enable him to enter into such engagements as to his wisdom should appear expedient, and the necessity of affairs should require. Mr. Pitt stated "that the grounds on which the sum had been reduced from the five millions, which was before required, to 3 1-2 millions, was not any change of system. He was still clearly convinced, that if any efforts at all were to be made for a Continental co-operation, they ought to be on a large scale. Gentlemen would observe, that when five millions were before proposed, it was at an earlier period, when something might possibly have been done this season. It was not now proposed to reduce the scale by which the operations were to be carried on; but the season was now far advanced, and the sum which was required at present would be fully adequate to the purposes for which it was intended, till Parliament met again."
The vote for the three millions and a half was agreed to.
June 27.
Mr. Whitbread attended by several members of the House of Commons went up to the House of Lords yesterday, and delivered the following Message at the Bar:
"The Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled, have commanded me to impeach Henry Lord Viscount Melville, of high crimes and misdemeanors. And I do here, in their names, and in the names of all the Commons of the United Kingdom, impeach the said Henry Lord
Viscount Melville, of high crimes and misdemeanors. And am further commanded by the House of Commons to acquaint your lordships that they will in due time exhibit particular articles against him, and make good the same."
Upon his return to the House of Commons he informed the House, that pursuant to their orders he had impeached Lord Melville at the Bar of the Lords. The Committee to manage the Impeachment was then appointed; it consists of 21 members.
JUNE 29.
Dispatches of considerable importance have been received from India, by the court of directors. They were brought to town by lieut. M'Neil, who was landed on Tuesday evening at Plymouth, from the Holstein Danish East Indiaman, after a voyage of 19 weeks from Madras. Soon after lieut. M'Neil was put on shore, dispatches, stated to be duplicates, were also brought by the Star, South-Whaler, arrived from St. Helena, after a passage of 6 weeks.
It appears that Lord Lake's operations against Holkar have, since the middle of November, been conducted with great vigor and rapidity. About the 20th of November, Holkar retired with the main body of his troops to the strong fortress of Deeg, the place being occupied by his infantry and artillery, and his cavalry encamped under the fortifications. Deeg was invested in the beginning of December by our army, whose attacks became so pressing as to force Holkar to evacuate the fortress, and retreat to Bert-Pore, where he was joined by the Rajah. He was followed by Lord Lake, and the siege of the place was formed early in January. As this point of defence was understood to constitute the last resource of the enemy, the greatest efforts were made by the commander in chief to bring the war to a conclusion; and a breach having been made, on the tenth of January, a chosen body consisting of Europeans and natives, led to the assault by colonel Maitland, endeavored to carry the town by storm. In this gallant affair, notwithstanding the intrepidity displayed by our troops, they were repulsed with considerable loss. Col. Maitland, while heading his detachment, unfortunately fell in the early part of the action. He was a gallant officer and his death greatly deplored by the army. Of the 7th regiment there also fell two captains, two lieuts. were wounded, and forty-five rank and file killed and wounded. The 22d regiment and the company's troops suffered a proportionate loss in rank and file, but not in officers. Notwithstanding this repulse, the fall of the place was considered as certain. The enemy were considerably reduced in numbers, chiefly in consequence of daily dissection of their men to gen. Lake, who has thus been made acquainted with Holkar's deplorable situation. It was confidently asserted in India, that the best body of cavalry which Holkar possessed, to the number of seven thousand, had joined gen. Lake. So certain was the general of the total subjection of Holkar, that he had refused to grant him any terms, notwithstanding his repeated offers to capitulate. The loss suffered by the enemy in killed and wounded during the attempt to storm, was very great. So confident was Lord Lake of the capture of Bert-Pore, and the total extinction of the war, that in his last letter to the marquis of Wellesley, he is said to have expressed himself in the following terms:
"We are preparing to attack Holkar.—All will be over in a few days. I have no doubt of the result. When this is done, our work will be completely finished. I hope to find here a sufficiency to reward the courage and hard toils of my gallant troops."
When the dispatches came away, it was understood that Holkar had no possible means of effecting his escape from Bert-Pore.
From the Moniteur .
"When the emperor made propositions of peace to the king of England, the king of England eluded them, and dared to say in full Parliament, that the treaties by which he was connected with Russia, obliged him to communicate with that power, before he could give an answer. We then said what we thought of that assertion, and the six months which have since transpired, have sufficiently justified our opinion. All Europe is at present convinced that England had no alliance with Russia, and that she availed herself of that circumstance as a mere subterfuge, altogether as false as that adopted by his Britannic majesty in his message of March 7th, when he affirmed that the ports of France and Holland were full of armaments and troops, destined to invade England.—Now that the cabinet of St. Petersburg has refused to adopt the views of the ambassador Woronzoff, who resides at London for Russia, but who is much less a Russian than an Englishman; now that the emperor Alexander has declared he is determined to be neutral, and will neither take part with France nor England, but intervene in the dispute to aid as much as possible towards the re-establishment of a general peace; now, finally, that this sovereign has asked passports for his chamberlain, whom he sends to France, the English government fears the bad effect which these arrangements will produce in London, and particularly at a moment, when the weakness and folly of its system of war becomes evident to all the inhabitants of Great Britain; it imagines a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive with Russia; it pretends that if the emperor Alexander sends to the emperor Bonaparte, it is to make known his ultimatum , and trace the circle of Popilius. Nothing is more false
than all this; but nothing is more comparable to the noble habits of the Cabinet of London. Enough has been said on this subject; it appeared to us expedient to seize this occasion of returning to the past, and to inform the English that—if, the day when Lord Whitworth had the impertinence to say, that if he had not an answer in 36 hours he would quit France, the emperor, then first consul, did not cause him to be taken, thrown into a post-chaise, and reconducted to Calais, it was because during every day of the delay, some of our ships of commerce entered our ports. There was not then a moment's hesitation, and war was decided upon, from the instant that the king of England had insulted the French nation in his parliament."
It was necessary to be as devoid of sense, as blind as the British in fact then were, to think that the emperor, whose character is so well known in Europe, should have the weakness to suffer the nation to be insulted with impunity. It is time that the English government should finally accustom itself to the new order of things, and that it should reflect that a nation with coasts so extensive and a population four times as great as theirs; whose inhabitants are at least as brave, will not consent to be forever disinherited of the commerce of the universe.—France will combat England with the same arms she employs against her. If her government is attacked by English truths which they will not rejoice to hear. If the king, in his addresses to parliament becomes again the echo of his ministers to insult France, he will necessarily be answered by exposes in this of the situation of our empire, and by the speeches of our orators pronounced in the bosom of our principal authorities. If, in fine, England combats us by exclusive privileges, we will do the same. But so long as we have wood in our forest, and population is renewed on our coasts, let not the English expect on our part a spiritless condescension. A real and solid peace can never take place between her and us, until she shall renounce a project, far above her power, of excluding us from the commerce of the universe. Assuredly, none can accuse a nation containing forty millions of inhabitants of inordinate ambition, which only asks to live upon an equality with a nation containing but ten millions.
CHARLESTON, S. C.
(COPY.)
Office of the South-Carolina Insurance Company.
CHARLESTON, June 22, 1805.
SIR,
I have the honor to inclose a memorial of the President and directors of the South Carolina Insurance company, and of the merchants and others, interested in the commerce of the city of Charleston; and am, sir,
Your most obedient servant, THOMAS CORBETT. President of the South-Carolina Insurance Company.
The hon. JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State of the United States of America.
MEMORIAL
To the hon. JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State of the United States. The MEMORIAL of the President & Directors of the South Carolina Insurance Company, and of the Merchants, and others interested in the Commerce of the city of Charleston, RESPECTFULLY SHEWETH:
THAT your memorialists are deeply affected by the recent capture, at the very entrance of this port, of the American ship Two Friends , by a French privateer. This event has excited among all classes of citizens the strongest sensations, not only because the said ship was captured without any colour of pretence, within sight of land, but because she is our only regular London trader, and had on board a full supply of spring and summer goods. The distress and anxiety occasioned by these circumstances, are greatly enhanced from our having been hitherto deprived of our spring supplies, and from an anticipation of the consequences justly to be apprehended from a continuance of similar outrages, should not the most prompt and effectual measures be adopted for the protection and security of our commercial interests.
Your memorialists are authorised to add (although the fact be not detailed in the Protest) that it appears from undoubted authority, that the magnitude of the prize was the sole inducement to the abovementioned capture, the captors having said that they would release the Two Friends , in the event of their falling in with any other valuable prize, which might be more worthy their notice.
This most extraordinary capture, in direct violation of our treaty with France, (as appears by the accompanying documents) has already been followed by events no less alarming—our harbor being at this moment completely blockaded by three French privateers (and more are daily expected) which examine all vessels coming in and going out of this port, and either detain or release them, according as their value excites the cupidity of the cruisers.
This degrading state of our harbor has necessarily raised the premium of insurance, thus forcing additional sums from the pockets of our citizens.—has advanced the price of every commodity, and created a distressing stagnation of our exports; for the merchants, not receiving their goods from abroad, are incapacitated from purchasing the pro-

duce of the country. Among these deplorable effects of the defenceless and humiliating condition of our commerce, may be moreover enumerated the immense loss of duties—those on the ship Two Friends alone, being estimated by the Collector at 45,000 dollars.
Your memorialists have the best reasons for believing that this early success, experienced by these French privateers will immediately allure others in swarms to our coasts and bar, to the total ruin of private mercantile concerns, and the most fatal defalcation of the public revenue: Your memorialists have no less ground for apprehending that British cruisers, availing themselves of the absence of domestic protection, will, under the colour of expelling the French, assume and occupy their ground, and either retain us in the same degraded state, harassing our vessels by searches and detentions, or subject us to the disgraceful and mortifying obligations of gratitude for alien succour and relief.
Your memorialists are the more alarmed at these depredations, because much valuable property is still expected this summer, from other quarters than London, and considerable importations will be looked for in the fall; and should there not be an early and effectual check to these aggressions; should our fall importations be also interrupted, the calamities of the last year, produced by the hurricane and other causes, in which this city has so largely participated, would be aggravated to such an extent as to eventuate in general ruin, and these great alarms and apprehensions of your memorialists, are heightened by the well known circumstance of many of the cruisers which infest our shores, belonging to St. Jago de Cuba and Barracoa, in which receptacles our vessels and their cargoes, with the knowledge of the government of Cuba, are instantly sold, without even the formality of a trial, or any condemnation whatever, thereby precluding every future probability of redress.
Your memorialists avail themselves of this occasion to notice a late decision of the district court within this state, grounded on an act of Congress, whereby the territorial jurisdiction of the United States is limited to the short distance of three miles, or a marine league from the coasts or shores, which, by the said court, is construed to mean three miles from the land, consequently the middle channel of our bar, being more than three miles distant from the nearest land, is pronounced, by judicial authority, to be without the jurisdiction of the United States! The very entrance of our harbour, in full sight of the city where vessels are frequently obliged to anchor while waiting for a tide, and with a pilot on board, is, by our own tribunals, acknowledged to be without the protection of our government!!!
Your memorialists refrain from commenting on the pernicious effects of a system of policy so pregnant with dishonor and ruin to the trade and navigation of the Union at large, but more particularly to those of Charleston, from the geography of whose shores and peculiar local situation of whose bar and harbour, every vessel, in her ingress and egress, is thus subjected to search, detention or seizure. We content ourselves with a bare statement of the above grievance, superadded to so many others; not doubting that the President will take the same into consideration, and being duly impressed with the necessity of some early remedial arrangement, either of a legislative or diplomatic nature, will recur to such as may appear conducive to the desired end.
Your memorialists having thus exhibited but an imperfect view of the ruinous, unprotected and degraded situation, rely with confidence on the prompt interposition of the President to obtain by representations to the minister of France and Spain, (in the event of the Two Friends being carried into a Spanish port) restitution of the said ship and her cargo, and to cause a stop to be put to further spoliations. And your memorialists further most earnestly solicit some immediate and effectual naval protection for our harbour and shores, together with such other measures as the national councils, in their wisdom, may deem expedient, as well for prevention of the renewal of outrages we have sustained, as for the permanent safety and protection of our commercial and navigating rights and interests.
CHARLESTON, S. C. June 22, 1805.
COPY.
Department of State, 10th July, 1805.
SIR,
I have received your letter of the 22d ult. including the memorial of the Insurance Company of which you are President, and of the merchants and others, interested in the commerce of Charleston.
Having been before made acquainted by the collector of the customs, with the circumstances of the capture of the Two Friends , I lost no time in stating it to the French minister, who has replied, that the communication made to him respecting this affair, by the commissary of his nation at Charleston, had enabled him to anticipate my desires, by requesting the captains general of the French colonies, to all of whom he had written respecting it, to obtain satisfaction for this violation of the convention between France and the United States.
The observations contained in the Memorial respecting the local situation, and the protection necessary for the port of Charleston and the adjacent coast, have been weighed by the President, and in connection with other information, will promote such measures as the nature of his functions, the ex-
isting laws, and the public good, may be thought to admit and require.
I have the honor to be, sir, Very respectfully, Your most obedient servant, JAMES MADISON. THOMAS CORBETT, Esq.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, AUGUST 19.
FIRE —On Saturday morning, between the hours of six and seven a fire broke out in a house occupied by Mr. Wilson in E. street, which, with two adjoining houses, were entirely consumed. The flames also communicated to a house belonging to Mr. M'Dermot Roe, but were soon got under by the spirited exertions of the citizens.
It is said that our distinguished countryman, Joel Barlow , is arrived at New-York.
FRANKLIN feels little disposition to enter the lists with Mr. Elliot. He attaches but humble credit to the honors of controversial victory; and even a triumph over the profound lucubrations of a representative of the people would not compensate him for the pain of applying a harsh epithet to any man.
It was in defence of principle that Franklin troubled the public with the few remarks which have drawn forth the passionate animadversions of Mr. Elliot. A deference for principle is the sole motive that induces the following notice of those animadversions.
The point in issue is the allegation of Mr. E. "that the southern planter who possesses fifty slaves has 31 times "the political weight of the New England farmer."
This Mr. Elliot avers to be correct. "Here, says he, is the proof."—"The southern states are allowed a representative for 33,000 slaves. Of course 1,100 planters, each possessing 50 slaves, could form a constitutional district, & might be entitled to a member of Congress. It requires 33,000 people possessing no slaves to elect a member; and 1,100 is one thirtieth part of 33,000."
By political weight Mr. Elliot means the right of voting for representatives; as if he does not mean this, he can mean nothing. In the case, therefore, which he puts the southern planter is represented as possessing thirty one times as many votes as the New England farmer. If the facts of Mr. E. do not prove this, the charge of falsehood returns upon himself.
Now in this case, extreme as it is and altogether unfounded in fact, inasmuch as there is no district in the southern states in which 1,100 planters each possess 50 slaves, the illogical and extravagant inference of Mr. E. flows from confounding the term planter , with the term people . Eleven hundred planters are represented as possessing the same political weight with 33,000 people; and, as though the terms were convertible, it is inferred that each of the people ought to have the same political weight with each of the planters , and consequently that the political weight of the one to the other is as one to thirty one. But it so happens that the force of the terms, so far from being synonymous, are extremely different.—The word planter , as used by Mr. Elliot, characterises all male persons of full age entitled to vote and excludes all other persons; whereas the word people includes every man, woman and child in the district. Before then we can draw any sound difference, we must enquire how many male persons of full age entitled to vote are to be found in a district of New England containing thirty three thousand people . Even in this region of freedom, the women and children are excluded from the right of voting, and generally those who vote must either possess property to a certain amount, or have paid taxes.—Without aiming at absolute precision it is believed correct to say that not more than a sixth of the whole people are allowed to vote. In such a district then there will be about 5,500 voters, which is only five times the number of planters in the extreme case put by Mr. Elliot. It irresistibly follows that Mr. Elliot's conclusion is totally unfounded. It is probable, indeed, from his statements that he knows little about the principles of mathematics. For in the spirit of his remarks above quoted, he might as fair-
ly have put the following case in the rule of three: If one wise head is a pearl of great worth, what is the value of ten blockheads?
Again—"Franklin denies that the southern planter contributes much less than his proportion to the support of government. Here we are at issue. Let him produce the documents."
No task would be easier did the time of Franklin admit. But can a statesman, an elevated legislator require proofs of this? Is Mr. Elliot unacquainted with the first principles of political economy? Is he yet to learn that an agricultural people always consume more foreign products than a community that carries on manufactures to a considerable degree? Does he not know that the southern states actually consume more such commodities than the eastern, making their federal numbers the basis? It may be that their consumption of articles imported from abroad does not exceed that of the eastern states, though it is believed that it does; but there cannot be a doubt of the aggregate consumption of those commodities, and the manufactured articles brought from the eastern states, being proportionably greater. With regard to the point in issue, there is no difference between the latter and the former. For just in the degree in which the southern are dependent on the eastern states for their productions beyond the degree in which the latter are dependent on the former, will the latter obtain the superior ability to consume imported articles, the duties as well as the price of which will in fact be paid by the southern states, though nominally paid by the eastern.
It is to be feared that this logic, equally with the foregoing, will be lost on Mr. Elliot. If so, we take the liberty of referring him to Adam Smith, in whose writings he will be presented with a new world, in which he will soon learn that political economy is not the superficial thing that is found without research, comprehended without study, or applied to any useful purpose without correct and calm reflection.
A Botanic Garden is establishing at Charleston, S. C. and the land is already enclosed.
Accounts from London state that the Emperor of Russia has written a polite letter to General Moraw , offering him the situation of a general of Infantry, with the pay attached to that rank, and 12,000 rubles to defray his expenses to Russia.
DIED,
On the 18th June last, near London, ARTHUR MURPHY, an eminent barister, and a celebrated dramatic writer.
In Halifax, on Saturday the 3d inst. Mr. ABRAHAM HODGE, editor of the North Carolina Journal.
Alexandria, Aug. 16.
We are extremely happy in stating that Mr. Peters , the gentleman that was shot and robbed on the 30th ult. in the neighborhood of this town is now in a very fair way to recover. He was yesterday so well as to be removed from Mr. Swift's house to the county wharf, where he was received by Mr. Custis, and placed on a bed under an awning in his elegant ten oared barge, and arrived at George-town about 12 o'clock.
We sincerely wish him a speedy recovery, and that the ruffian who shot him will meet the punishment due to his crimes.
Baltimore, August 8
The unexampled growth of our city has been the frequent theme of our own countrymen, and the admiration and surprise of strangers; but at no period since its foundation has it made such rapid advances as during the last and present years. Its banking capital, its private buildings, churches and wharves, have for this period outstripped those of any other city in the union; and the public improvements, now progressing, will, when completed, give it a proud pre-eminence. The water-works, the Frederick turnpike, and the Jones's Falls turnpike, now all under way, bear honorable testimony of the enterprise and public spirit of our citizens; and when to these is added the Reister's-town road, the notice for which appears in this day's Gazette, we may challenge a comparison in useful works with any other city of ancient or modern date.
In recommendation of the stock which will be taken for this last road, nothing need be said. We believe that a general and accurate idea prevails among our monied characters, that their funds can no where be so well invested, at present, as in a road which must to a certainty produce the full amount of dividend allowed by the charter. Indeed, the short distance to which it will extend from the city (about 30 miles) would give its stock, in point of dividend,
a decided advantage over that of the Frederick road, should the latter not reach the amount permitted by law.
There is one object still left, to which it would be well to point the public attention, and to which the remaining degree of prosperity which our city does not enjoy, may be traced—we mean the obstructions in the bed of the Sulquehanah. Could they be removed, (and that they can, not a doubt remains on our minds, notwithstanding the great exertions which our citizens have just made, and are making,) a country equal to an European principality would resort to our city as its best and only mart. On this subject we propose, some short time hence, to draw the attention of the public & the next legislature—& request those gentlemen who have made it a subject of reflection, to favor us with their remarks.
New-York, Aug. 14.
Extract of a letter from a friend in Dublin to his correspondent in this city, dated the 26th of May last.
"The state of this country is alarming at present; there is every prospect of another rebellion. The guards patrol the streets of the city every night, and the country is still worse. They assemble in thousands in the county of Kildare. The papists are mad, for they petitioned Parliament to have equal privilege with the protestants and to sit in parliament, but the bill was rejected by a vast majority, and caused great discontent. They can hardly refrain themselves from breaking into open rebellion: the only thing that keeps them back is waiting for the landing of the French, which they are daily in expectation of. Government is putting the kingdom in a strong state of defence against a foreign enemy. They are building all round the kingdom batteries on the coast so near each other, that they can fire on a fleet that may appear at any part of it. As for the city it is full of soldiers. The archbishop's palace in Kevin street, is converted into a barrack, and near one half of Georges Lane to the same purpose: They have taken all the houses round the castle, one side of Castle street, Cole alley, one side of Great Ship street, and are pulling down the houses and building military stores."
Extract of a letter from Charles Pinckney, Esq. late American Minister at Madrid, dated at Aranjuez, (six leagues from Madrid) May 4.
"It is now five months since Mr. Munroe and myself have been deeply and closely engaged in arranging some very important concerns, and, which are now nearly closing. In August last, I was ready to leave this country, having resigned my appointment as minister here; the malignant disorder which then made its appearance, prevented my departure, either by land or water, as cordons of troops were placed round the sea ports, and all intercourse was prohibited between France and Portugal and this country. As soon as these impediments were removed Mr. Munroe arrived with a new special commission to himself and me; as it was joint and the dearest interests of our country were involved, I was obliged in honor to remain, altho' so eminently inconvenient to me in my affairs. You may expect me now in a very short time, as the special commission is now closing and every moment's stay here is contrary to my wishes, and most ardent desire to be at home."
From the London Times, of the 24th of June.
"That which every one expected, who has watched the ambition and policy of Bonaparte, as to what has regarded the states of Italy, has come to pass—he has united the Ligurian republic, or Genoa, not with his Kingdom of Italy, but with the French empire!—How far this union is in the spirit of those principles which he advanced, when he deigned to accept the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Italy, the powers of the continent, who are the most interested in the event, are best enabled to judge. There is, however, one striking difference in these two unions, a difference, which certainly cannot escape the most superficial observer. The kingdom of Italy, by its fundamental constitution, cannot, after the demise of Bonaparte, fall under the sovereignty of the same person who wears the crown of France; the Ligurian republic is absolutely incorporated with, and become part and parcel of the French empire. What the policy or caprice might have been, which has given rise to these different tenures, it is not worth while to enquire; nor are the conditions which he has been pleased to impose upon himself, likely to allay the jealousy of Austria or Naples. From the moment that he became President of the Italian Republic, his gigantic views to the ultimate sovereignty of the whole of Italy, were clearly revealed; but we did not expect that he would have proceeded so rapidly to the accomplishment of his purpose. There is in the circumstances of this union, as well as in all its preliminaries and details, a character peculiarly hostile to this country, and insulting, in no small degree, to the Court of Vienna. The Note of the Ligurian Senate, presented to the representative of his Imperial Majesty, seems to have been trans-
ted more for purposes of offence, than diplomatic communication. The Austrian plenipotentiary is calmer and diffused, even before the union is proposed, with as much indifference as the Emperor of the French would one of his military lacquies. The refusal of Great Britain to acknowledge the Ligurian Republic is the principal reason assigned for incorporating the latter state with the French empire. How this motive can satisfy Austria, or any power in the fate of Italy, or the relative state of Europe, it is impossible to conjecture. Genoa, under the protection of the French flag, is, indeed, to be put out of fear from the flutes of Barbary and their depredations; but in return, the marine of Genoa becomes the disposable property of France. A thinner mask was never used to hide the depravity of ambition and injustice, and that most galling part of it, the insults it offers to the prostrate and afflicted."
Genoa, June 4.
JEROME BONAPARTE, commanding the frigate the Pomona, and two brigs, is cruising before this road. The Pomona is a very fine ship, built in our port.
By the arrival of the Sally Ann at Boston, Liverpool dates to the 9th of July, and London dates to the 5th, are received. We have given the most interesting articles. The House of Commons had rescinded their resolution directing the prosecution of Lord Melville, and had voted his impeachment. Messrs. Whittbread, Fox, Grey and Sheridan are on the committee appointed to conduct the impeachment.
A meeting of the planters of St. Mary's, Charles, Calvert, Prince-George's and Anne-Arundel Counties, who inspect their crops of Tobacco at the Warehouse on Patuxent River, is requested at the Port of Nottingham, on the second Monday of October next, to take into consideration propositions for forming a Society of Planters out of the aforesaid Counties, to protect the Planting Interest on said River, and to devise ways and means to prevent sacrifices of Tobacco in the hands of individuals by forced sales.
August 19, 1805 —w4t.
NOTICE.
THE Battalion court for the 1st battalion of the 1st Legion of Militia of the district of Columbia will meet at Rhodes's tavern, in the city of Washington, on Saturday the 24th inst. at 10 o'clock in the morning.
And the Court of the 2d battalion of same Legion will meet at M c Laughlin's Union tavern in George town, on Saturday the 31st inst. at 10 o'clock in the morning.
The Legionary court will meet the 13th September next at Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington, at 10 o'clock in the morning.
By order,
WM. D. BEALL, acting adjt.
August 19.—1awt13sept.
For Sale
IN the county of Prince William, Virginia, Neabico Furnace and its appurtenances, with four or five thou and acres of land adjoining, near the town of Dumfries, and within four or five miles of the Potomac—the soil is generally adapted to small grain and is too considerable for one purchaser, will be laid off in Lots suitable for small farms—a description of the land is thought unnecessary—as those wishing to purchase will no doubt first view it: the payments required will be one third cash, and the other two thirds in annual instalments, to be secured by a mortgage on the land; and no deed given until the last payment is made; any person wishing to purchase, may know the terms by applying to Mr. Thomas T. Page, living near the premises, who is fully authorised by me to sell the whole or any part.
JOHN TAYLOR.
August 16—3m.
N B. A valuable mine bank in Maryland may be had with the furnace if required.
J. T.
THE services of THOMAS EWELL, M. D. in the practice of Medicine and Surgery may be had by applying at the office lately occupied by Wm. O. Sprigg, Esq. opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern. George-town, Aug. 16—3t.
In the case of DAVID ASTIN an insolvent debtor.
SIX months from and after the first day of August next is limited and appointed for the creditors of the said David Astin to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, three times before the first day of October next.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, esq.
WM. BRENT, Clk.
Aug. 14—3t.
The Subscriber being appointed trustee in the above case, requests the creditors of David Astin above named, to bring in and exhibit their claims agreeably to the above order.
ISAAC JOHNSON.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capital Hill. Washington, July 26—tf

PUBLIC SALE.
1500 DOLLARS REWARD.
Lands for Sale.
Council, Annapolis, May 16, 1805.
AN ACT
HIGHWAY ROBBERY.
Y ESTERDAY about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Mr. JOHN PETER, an Officer of the BANK OF COLUMBIA, was stopped on horseback on the road between this town and Alexandria, and within about 2 miles of the latter place, by some unknown villain, shot through the body with a pistol, and robbed of a sum of money in his possession belonging to this Institution which he was taking to Alexandria, for the purpose of exchanging with the banks there.
The whole sum taken amounted Eighteen Thousand One hundred and Fourteen Dollars and Sixty five Cents, made up in several packages, among which were,
 1 post note of the Bank of Virginia, for 800  1 do. of the same, for 500  1 do. of the same, for 500  1 do. of the same, for 450  1 do. of the Bank of Potomac in favor of Joseph Riddle by him endorsed to Washington Bowie, dated 6 July, 1805. No 117 149 65 
A check of the Union Bank, on the Bank of Alexandria, drawn by R. Higginbotham, cashier, in favor of Greatham and Devereu, by them endorsed and by Benj. Sodderd, and C. Smith, Teller.
There were also a parcel of post notes of the Bank of Alexandria for 100 dollars. And for 50 dollars. each. The remainder was in current notes, principally of the banks of Alexandria and Potomac, and some few of the Bank of Virginia of different sizes and denominations.
As the attack was sudden, and the wound received of a nature to deprive Mr. Peter instantly of his senses, (although it is now hoped he will recover) the description obtained may not be very accurate.—As far as we are informed—the man who perpetrated the act, is of middle stature, good countenance, and had a genteel appearance. He had on a dark blue or black coat, nankeen pantaloons, shoes, and a black hat, he was on foot and alone at the time, but may have had accomplices concealed, and will probably change his clothes.
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given to any person or persons, who will detect and bring to conviction the robber: and ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS additional for the recovery of the whole of the money, or in proportion for any smaller sum recovered—should there be accomplices, and one of them make a discovery, so that it leads to the conviction of the robber, or to the recovery of the money he shall receive the above reward, and interest will be made to obtain his pardon.
WILLIAM WHANN , Cashier of the Bank of Columbia. George Town, July 31—
This is to give notice, That the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington county and district of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of Joseph Hodgson, late of Washington city, deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 29th day of January next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate—Given under my hand this 29th day of July, 1805.
REBECCA HODGSON. Aug. 5—1aw3w
ENTERTAINMENT FOR Man and Horse. The subscriber takes this method to inform the public, and particularly those travelling to the City of Washington, that he has opened a house of entertainment opposite the Branch Bank of the United States, where travellers shall be well accommodated on the most reasonable terms. THOMAS THORPE. July 3—1awtf.
PUBLIC SALE. On the first Monday in November next will be sold at Public Auction, on the premises at the hour of eleven o'clock A. M. all those Lots of ground, No. 13 and 26 which were allotted and set apart for JAMES WIGFIELD , of Washington county, District of Columbia, situated near the south end of the Eastern Branch Bridge, and vested in me in virtue of a deed of trust from said Wigfield. Terms of sale CASH. BENSON L. MCCORMICK, July 29—1wtn.
FOR SALE. An unfinished two story brick house with an excellent cellar fronting on Seventh street, east, square No. 907, in the city of Washington; if not disposed of at private sale previous to the 4th day of September next, it will on that day be offered at public sale, for terms apply to the subscriber. And on the same day will positively be sold a frame house situated on the same street and square as the above property; and a quantity of household and kitchen furniture. The vicinity of the above property to the navy yard renders it an object worthy of attention. WILLIAM PROUT. Aug. 12—
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR. Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cambrics, patent Bennet's cord, toillettes, fancy and white Marcellas, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marcellas, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regiments, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol. December 10—
IN virtue of an order issued from the Hon. court of Calvert county, will be offered at public sale, on the 28th day of August next, (if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter) at the late mansion of Benjamin Ward, deceased, at the hour of 12 o'clock, a valuable plantation, containing 184 acres of Land, lying on the Chesapeake Bay, in Calvert county. The improvements are a small dwelling house, kitchen, tobacco house, corn house, and other out houses; a large orchard of fine fruit. This fertile spot has every advantage, it abounds in heavy timber, and has a great proportion of rich low ground, capable of being made into meadow at a very trifling expense. The soil is extremely rich—tobacco, wheat, rye, and Indian corn, grow with little labour—the neighbourhood affords a society of very genteel and friendly people—places of worship surround it—convenient to mills, and a ware house for the inspection of tobacco within two miles of the premises. This Land will be laid off in small parcels, or sold all together, as may best suit purchasers.—Land with approved security will be required, carrying interest from the day of sale, payable in two equal payments, the first in 12, and the last in 18 months from the day of sale.
WM. M. CAPCAUD, DAVID L. WEEMS, CHAS. WILLIAMSON, Commissioners. July 3 ep8w
Rapine, Conrad, & Co. On New Jersey Avenue Capitol Hill, HAVE just received and offer for sale, at a low price, a quantity of PERUVIAN BARK by the pound and smaller quantity. They have also, lately received an addition to their former assortment of books and stationery. July 10—
Twenty Dollars Reward. STRAYED or was stolen from the commons of the city of Washington on the night of the 4th inst. a Bright Bay Riding Horse, about eight years old and fifteen hands high—he has a star in his forehead, and as well as it is recollected one of his fore feet is white:—he canters, paces and trots, and posts his great spirit—he has had for some time a sore on his back which has prevented his being rode. His tail is cut square and is trimmed remarkably close. The above reward will be paid on the recovery of the horse, and if stolen, for the conviction of the thief, and ten dollars will be paid for the delivery of the horse to the subscriber and all reasonable charges. WILLIAM BRENT. Aug. 12—tf.
Runaway Negro. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, as a runaway, on the 25th day of last June, a negro man who says his name is BEN JOHNSON , he is about 30 years old; is 6 feet 1 inch high, and has a scar above his left eye—His clothes are a check and a linen shirts; one red cassimere and one striped jacket; one pair of blue, one pair of nankeen, and one pair of osnaburg overalls; two pair of stockings, one brown cloth coat, two round-about jackets with sleeves, and one fur hat. His owner is desired to release him, or he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick county. August 7—wft
ADAM KING, & Co. At their wine store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
To be Sold, Or exchanged for other property in the City, or its vicinity. TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6880 acres, and the other 6452 acres, by late survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber, JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington, July 17—ep2m
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately adjoining the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 14th June 1805—tf
Ten Dollars Reward. WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased Silver Watch, maker's name Croftwaite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia.—Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligence, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 20—tf
P URSUANT to an order of the court of Calvert county—the subscribers will sell at public auction at the house of Mr. James Duke, at Prince Frederick Town in the county aforesaid on the 29th day of August, if fair, if not the next fair day—ALL the real estate of captain Walter Smith late of said county deceased, consisting of the following tracts of land.
The tract on which the said captain Smith resided, containing 1225 1.8 acres lying on the river Patuxent, bounded on the west by said river, and on the south and east by a fine navigable creek called St. Leonards, so that a short fence will enclose the whole land—the trial of this tract is equal to any on Patuxent either for farming, planting, or grazing; and no other season a great abundance of fine fish and oysters may be had either from the river or creek.
One other tract of land in the Forest, about two miles from the former, containing 627 1.2 acres. The greater part of which is covered with hickory, chestnut, and oak wood, and a great proportion of Swamp land, which at a trifling expence might be converted into valuable meadow.
One other tract of 536 1.2 acres lying on Chesapeake Bay, bounded on the east by said bay and on the north by a creek called Parker's creek; on this tract there is a very fine salt marsh, a quantity of fine meadow land, and abundance of timber.
It is thought needs to give a fuller description of those lands, as it is presumed no one will purchase without first viewing them. And on application to Mr. John Turner who lives adjoining the first mentioned tract he will show the different tracts as well as the plats of the same. These different tracts will be sold in a body or divided into lots, as may best suit those who wish to purchase: The purchasers to give bond on interest with approved security for the purchase money to be paid in three equal annual payments the whole interest to be paid yearly. And on the ratification of the sale by the court and a full payment of the purchase money, a deed of conveyance will be executed to the purchasers agreeable to an act of assembly in such case made and provided.
JO. WILKINSON, JOHN TURNER, JAMES HEIGHE, Commissioners. July 31—wts.
TO BE SOLD, AT PUBLIC VENDUE, At Gadsby's Hotel, in Alexandria, on Monday the 16th day of September, at 12 o'clock at noon.
ALL that TRACT of LAND late Presly Thornton, Esquire's, situated in Northernumberland county, Virginia, lying immediately on the Potomac river. The following description is given of this property by persons well acquainted with it:—It contains 2,500 acres, 1,700 acres of which are the most valuable low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 acres heavily timbered, and the remainder very high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious Brick Mansion House and two Offices, a large Brick Stable, valuable Barn, Cow House, and many other out houses. The Orchards and Garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Baltimore Alexandria and Norfolk. There are two good mill seats for grist and saw mills on the estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, for which an excellent market may be found at the city of Washington.
The terms of sale are—one fourth cash, fourth in one year, one fourth in 18 months and the residue in two years from the day of sale. The payments to be secured by bonds, with mortgages on the premises, and to be on interest from the day of sale.
For further information, application may be made in behalf of the subscriber, Thomas Robinson, to Richard Peters, jun attorney at law in the city of Philadelphia, or to William Lewis, in the same city, (Philadelphia.)
THOMAS ROBINSON, W. LEWIS. June 19—cp Sep 16
Fifty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY on the 9th inst. from the subscriber's farm near Frederick Town, (Maryland) a dark mulatto fellow named MOSES, But commonly called LANHAM, He was raised near Pifcattaway and sold by a Mr. Burrells to the late James Marshall, deceased, of Frederick county. Lanham is about thirty years of age, nearly six feet high, stout and very active, fond of spirituous liquors, has been accustomed to working aboard shipping, likewise in a brick yard and is well acquainted with the management of horses and with the ferrying business; he is a very artful fellow, and I expect he has obtained a pass and will pass under the name of Samuel Beall. He had on and took with him an osnaburg shirt & trowsers, a blue cloth coat with a black silk velvet cape bound with silk ferritting, a black fur hat nearly new, a pair of shoes nearly new, an old drab furtout coat, with sundry other clothing not recollected; he has a scar under one of his eyes but it is not recollected which, somewhat hard of hearing and round shouldered. From his acquaintance in the city of Washington I suppose he has made for that place or some other seaport. Whoever takes up and secures said fellow in any jail so that I get him again shall receive if taken ten miles from home eight dollars, if twenty miles sixteen dollars, if thirty miles twenty dollars, if fifty miles thirty dollars, and if a greater distance the above reward with all reasonable charges if brought home. JOHN L. HARDING. N. B. Masters of vessels and others are cautioned against harboring said runaway at their peril. July 26—1m
RAGS. The highest price, in Cash or Books will be given for any quantity of clean Linen and Cotton RAGS, by Rapine Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill. June 24—
ORDERED, That the act to provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals, be published twice in each week for the space of three months in the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the American, Telegraph and the Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate and Bartgis's paper at Frederick-Town; Greaves's paper at Hagerstown, and in Smith's and Cowan's paper at Easton. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk.
AN ACT To provide for the trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and forms of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals.
B E it enacted, That the general assembly of Maryland, That this state shall be divided into six judicial districts in manner and form following to wit: St. Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties, shall be the second district; Calvert, Anne Arundel and Montgomery counties shall be the third district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the fourth district; Frederick, Washington and Allegany counties shall be the fifth district; Baltimore and Harford counties shall be the sixth district; and there shall be appointed, for each of the said judicial districts, three persons of integrity and sound legal knowledge, residents of the state of Maryland, who shall previous to and during their acting as judges, reside in the district for which they shall respectively be appointed, one of whom shall be styled in the commission chief judge, and the other two associate judges, of the district for which they shall be appointed; and the chief judge, together with the two associate judges, shall compose the county courts in each respective district; and each judge shall hold his commission during good behavior, removable for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law, or shall be removed by the governor, upon the address of the general assembly, provided that two thirds of all the members of each house concur in such address; and the county courts, so as aforesaid established, shall have, hold and exercise, in the several counties of this state, all and every the powers authorities and jurisdictions, which the county courts of this state now have, use and exercise, and which shall be hereafter prescribed by law; and the said county courts established by this act shall respectively hold their sessions in the several counties at such times and places as the legislature shall direct and appoint, and the salaries of the said judges shall not be diminished during the period of their continuance in office.
II. And be it enacted, That in any suit or action at law hereafter to be commenced or instituted in any county court of this state, the judges thereof, upon suggestion in writing by either of the parties thereto, supported by affidavit or other proper evidence, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in the county court of the county where such suit or action is depending, shall and may order and direct the record of their proceedings in such suit or action to be transmitted to the judges of any county court within the district for trial, and the judges of such county court, to whom the said record shall be transmitted, shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such suit or action had been originally instituted therein; provided, nevertheless, that such suggestion shall be made as aforesaid before or during the term in which the issue or issues may be joined in the said suit or action; and provided also, that such further remedy may be provided by law, in the premises, as the legislature shall from time to time direct and enact.
III. And be it enacted, That if any party presented or indicted in any of the county courts of this state, shall suggest in writing to the court in which such prosecution is depending, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such adjoining county court shall hear and determine the same in the same manner as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein; provided that such further and other remedy may be provided by law in the premises as the legislature may direct and enact.
IV. And be it enacted, That if the attorney general, or the prosecutor for the state, shall suggest in writing to any county court, before whom an indictment is or may be depending, that the state cannot have a fair and impartial trial in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court, in their discretion, to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such county court shall hear and determine the same as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein.
V. And be it enacted, That there shall be a court of appeals, and the same shall be composed of the chief judges of the several judicial districts of the state, which said court of appeals shall hold, use and exercise, all and singular the powers, authorities and jurisdictions, heretofore held, used and exercised, by the court of appeals of this state, and also the appellate jurisdiction heretofore used and exercised by the general court; and the said court of appeals hereby established, shall sit on the western and eastern shores for transacting and determining the business of the respective shores, at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint, and any three of the said judges of the court of appeals shall form a quorum to hear and decide in all cases pending in said court and the judge who has given a decision in any case in the county court, shall withdraw from the bench upon the deciding of the same case before the court of appeals; and the judges of the court of appeals may appoint the clerks of said court for the western and eastern shores.
appointments, who shall hold their appointments during good behavior, removable only for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law; and in case of death, resignation, disqualification or removal out of the state, or from their respective shores, of either of the said clerks in the vacation of the said court, the governor, with the advice of the council, may appoint and commission a fit and proper person to such vacant office, to hold the same until the next meeting of the said court; and all laws passed after this act shall take effect, shall be recorded in the office of the court of appeals of the western shore.
VI. And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government which relates to the court of appeals and the general court, or the judges thereof, or that is in any manner repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby repealed, abrogated and annulled upon the confirmation hereof; provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed so as to authorise the removal of the clerks of the respective county courts being in commission at the time of the passing of this act, in any other mode or manner than that prescribed by the constitution and form of government.
VII. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing in the said constitution and form of government to the contrary, notwithstanding. May 31—2aw3m
I will sell upon a liberal credit, the following valuable property.
M y plantation on St. Charles's branch containing 800 acres, about three miles from Upper Marlbro, and not more than one from Patuxent River. Few plantations in Prince George's County combine greater advantages, or flatter an industrious man with better prospects of profit.
The situation of the dwelling house is elevated, pleasant and remarkably healthy.—The spring water, fine and abundant—The arable land, extremely favorable to the growth of Tobacco, Corn and all kinds of small grain. The meadows, sure to remunerate, are extensive, and with proper management will produce two hundred tons of Hay annually—This plantation abounds with fire wood, rails, and fine timber, so distributed that little labor is required in making the necessary repairs, and much can be spared in the vicinity of a good market towards refunding the purchaser his money. In 1803 it produced 28,000 lb. of tobacco, with only 1 hands, the product would have been greater the next year, but for the succession of uncommon frosts. The dwelling, out houses, four tobacco houses and four quarters, are in good repair, and the plantation abounds with fruit trees.
The purchaser may be furnished with the negroes on it, about 20 in number, twelve of whom are working hands and of them eleven are men. Mules, horses, about sixty head of cattle, a waggon, a cart, and every necessary for carrying on said plantation.
Strawberry Hill, containing 180 acres within two miles of Upper Marlbro, on the post road leading from thence to the City of Washington. The soil is remarkably fertile and nearly one third may be made good meadow; The buildings are sufficient for a small family, who, with care and industry, would be sure to reap, on land so congenial to the growth of tobacco, corn, small grain and grass the full benefit of their labor.
Its situation renders it a pleasing retreat to a gentleman of fortune, disposed to take the advantages it promises to health, and amuse himself with the cultivation of a small rich plantation, in a genteel neighborhood, at the distance of about 12 miles from the seat of the general government, to which the road is very level, and nearly equal to a turnpike.
Four hundred acres of land about 2 miles from Hancock in Washington County Maryland. About 40 acres of this land is cleared, and a small house on it; the balance heavily timbered, well watered and level, the post road from Hancock to Legaway passes through it; near the road about the centre of the land is a fine spring, well calculated to turn a saw mill, or to carry on a Distillery; timber may be easily taken from this land to Hancock, and from thence floated to the city of Washington, where it always commands a handsome price.
1 Lot in the City of Washington, sq. 652. No 12 fronting 173 feet 7 inches on South North Street, and 55 feet 3 inches on half Street West. WM B. BEANS. Upper Marlbro, July 10—10w.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
T HE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that 'tis his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and so to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty. PONTIUS D. STELLA. Washington City, March 25—tf