The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-05-15 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1027.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM
FRIDAY, MAY 15, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Post Office, Washington, } May 9th. 1807.
SUMMER ESTABLISHMENT. to commence on Monday the 11th May 1807. The Mail for the main Southern route, are to be closed at 6 o'clock, P. M. and are to arrive at half past 5 P. M.
The Baltimore mail to be closed at half past 6 P. M. and arrive at half past 5 P. M.
The Annapolis and Eastern Shore route closes on Tuesdays and Fridays at 6 P. M. and arrive Tuesdays and Thursdays at 5 o'clock P. M.
The Clarkburg and Chillicothe route, via Fairfax and Winchester &c. close Fridays at 11 o'clock A. M. and arrive Thursdays at noon.
The Leesburg mail, via Paeonian Springs &c. will close on Mondays at 1 o'clock P. M. and arrive Tuesdays at 11 A. M.
The general Western mail, via Fredericktown, Md. will be closed on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Sundays at 6 o'clock P. M. and arrive at 5 P. M. on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays.
The mail for Brookville, Md. will be closed every Wednesday at 6 P. M. & arrive Thursday at 6 P. M.
The New Orleans mail, via Athens, Georgia, will be closed every Saturday, 6 P. M. and arrive same day at 8 A. M.
Do. via Tennessee, Mississippi Territory, &c. will be closed every Monday 6 P. M. & arrive same day 5 P. M.
The mail to Ridge, Md. via Piscataway, Port Tobacco St. Inigoes, &c. will close every Thursday at 6 P. M. and arrive every Tuesday at 6 P. M.
May 3-3w
FOR SALE,
A valuable tract of land in Allegany county state of Maryland; it contains 474 acres of very rich Timber Land, and will be sold for cash, or exchanged for Merchandise or improved property in the city of Washington—for further particulars apply to
WILLIAM WATERS,
For Rent A HOUSE in Georgetown, near Mr. Hoitzman's tavern. It will accommodate a large family comfortably, and may be had for a small rent—apply as above. Washington city, May 13-3t&12w
PUBLIC SALE.
ON the 6th day of June next, will be sold for cash, all the right and interest of John Coles in that valuable property known on the plat of the city of Washington, called Lots No. 3 and 4 in square No. 9 with a large stone War-house, and Wharf and a large brick Dwelling House, or to such thereof as may be necessary to satisfy a writ of Fieri facias issued out of the circuit court at the suit of John Hay against John Coles—sale at the Union tavern in Georgetown at 4 P. M. DANL. BUSSARD, for D. C. BRENT, marshal. May 14-tdf
LAND FOR SALE.
The Subscriber offers for sale 780 acres of land on Bull Run in Jefferson county Virginia about 10 miles from Harper's Ferry, and a miles from the Shenandoah river—400 acres of this land is cleared, the rest in woods, on it there is a valuable Mill seat with 22 feet fall, the stream affording a sufficiency of water to turn two pair of stones, 25 acres of watered meadow which produces abundant crops of Hay, and as much more may be made at a trifling expence the cleared land may be laid off into fields of 50 acres and each field have running water in it; there is generally sown on this farm 120 acres in wheat, which has not for some years past, produced less than 2500 bushels per annum—the improvements are a fine Dwelling House and Kitchen, a Stone Dairy with a large never failing spring near the dwelling, a barn with stables under it for 30 horses, an apple orchard of 200 trees of choice fruit, and a variety of other fruit trees; on another part of this farm, there is a small frame Dwelling House, Kitchen and Dairy, Smoke house, Barn and Stables—this property will be known and the terms made known on application to the subscriber on the premises.
JOHN GANTT, Sen.
This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Washington in the district of Columbia, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Thomas Duckett, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber on or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Those indebted to the deceased are desired to make immediate payment.
ALLEN B. DUCKETT, Adm. City of Washington, March 18-tdf All claims forwarded by mail must be paid
The thorough Bred Horse MONTICELLO, NOW IN 'HIGH ORDER.
WILL be Let to Mares the ensuing season, to commence the first of April at my seat, near Georgetown at FIFTEEN DOLLARS, per Mare, for which a note must be lent, payable the first of September, and one dollar to the groom; or in lieu thereof, ELEVEN DOLLARS in money.
Good and extensive pasture, well enclosed, at 50 cents per week, and the mare fed, if required, at the market price, for which the money must be lent. The greatest care taken to prevent accidents or escapes, but will not be responsible for either.
JOHN THRELKELD.
March 23-tdf
From the American.
The following interesting article, communicated for publication in the American, is from the pen of General Wilkinson. It has been on hand some time, and we embrace the opportunity of a supplement to give it publicity.—
Reflections on the fortifications and defence of the sea ports of the United States.
The geographical position of the U. States oppose strong obstacles to the rapacity and ambition of the old world; but it neither secures them against political casualties, nor exempts them from outrage and invasion; and if we are to estimate the future by the past, we may rationally conclude that our industry and enterprise, our progressive wealth and improvements, while they affect the fears of some nations, may excite the jealousy of others; and it is a military axiom, that precaution is the parent of safety, and security the precursor of misfortune.
Our natural indolence discourages abstract enquiry, and to save the labor of investigation, we two frequently, with blind confidence, adopt the opinion of others; hence general conclusions are deduced from solitary incidents. Fashion beguiles the understanding—names sanction errors—false ideas oblige, and the torrent of opinion bears down the judgment.
To exemplify these truths in their application to military life, we need but retrace the conduct of the French & British engineers, pending the conflict of those nations on this continent, and review the systems of defence adapted not long since for the protection of our towns and harbors.
The first posts erected on the frontiers of the British colonies and of Canada, were calculated for defence against small arms merely, without other regard to ground than its proximity to running waters; and when armies were put in motion with artillery, and their arsenals, either defective knowledge or local attachments, decided in favor of the original occupancies, for the erection of regular fortifications, scientifically constructed, which were overlooked by heights, from whence men's feet might be reckoned on their parades. Such was Tyconderoga, built by the French, and such were Crown Point, Fort William Henry, Fort Edward, Fort Pitt, and others erected by the British. Immense sums were lavished, and great labor bestowed on works destined to impede armies and protract sieges—when in fact, the first glance of an invasion exposed to him a choice of ground, from whence a single battery piece might compel their garrisons to surrender at discretion. It is true general Abercrombie, morally as well as physically blind, declined to avail himself of those advantages, and preferred the assault of the French lines before Tyconderoga, where he was repulsed with slaughter—and yet general Amherst afterwards followed his footsteps. Such is the influence of example—but fortunately for him, found the French two feeble to offer resistance against his superior force.
It would appear that our maritime defences have originated in grounds not less superficial and fallacious, and that the result of sir Hyde Parker's fruitless attack of Fort Moultrie, and that against Fort Mifflin, under the orders of lord Howe, left such impressions on the American mind in favor of fixed batteries, that we have deemed it prudent to commit to their protection exclusively, our most vulnerable points and in part our most important interests; whereas if we had taken the trouble of a moments consideration the delusion would have been dissipated, and we should have perceived that if sir Hyde's squadron could lay 10 hours before Fort Moultrie, and then sail away, he could have passed and repassed it with safety; and that the attack of lord Howe was confined to a narrow channel, obstructed by a cheveu de frise and the attacking ship Augusta took fire by accident from her own battery, before the assault could have been pressed to one extremity. To these reflections we might have added the important fact, that on the 12th July 1776, two British frigates and three tenders passed all our batteries at New York, in the face of day, and in the presence of Gen. Washington, who observes on the occasion in his letter to the President of Congress, "They ran past our batteries up the North river without receiving any certain damage that I could perceive, notwithstanding a heavy and incessant cannonade was kept up from several batteries here, as well as from Paulus Hook."
Taking into consideration the past errors—to aid future enquiries, and illustrate the subject of these reflections, which may not I hope be deemed either pre-emptuous or affected.
In the course of duty some years since, I had occasion to direct my attention to several of our most important seaports, and their defences, which I found not only insufficient to resist invasions, but to repel predatory attacks. I will apply these observations particularly to New York and Newport, on whose for-
tifications the heaviest disbursements have been made—I hazard nothing when I assert that they are insufficient to resist invasions; because landings may be effected beyond the range of their heaviest metal, and because their works are commanded by circumjacent heights; or to repel predatory attacks, because they cannot obstruct the passage of a vessel of war, and being erected in advance of the objects to be protected with their batteries to the front, when once passed they lose all power to annoy an invader, and of course our towns would be exposed to his depredations.
Struck by these reflections I was led to enquire minutely into the efficacy of the works I had surveyed, and of the merits of fixed batteries for the defence of our harbors in general; and after the most deliberate examination, I found the former to be injudiciously sited, badly planned, and constructed generally of defective materials; and the following objections against fixed batteries on the plan we have pursued, were suggested by the occasion:—1st. Their immobility destroy their utility, unless a narrow crooked channel should oblige vessels to approach them within point blank shot; which, if a 24 pounder may be estimated at 650 yards and render a change of wind necessary to carry such vessel beyond the reach of their gun.
2nd. They are generally so much elevated above the water, that when a vessel comes within point blank shot you are obliged to depress the muzzles of your guns to bring them to bear, which retards your fire, and renders it extremely precarious.
3rd. Because it is by accident only a cannon can be pointed to hit an object when in motion, and every moment changing its position.
4th. Because in unobstructed channels, no matter what their direction, a vessel with wind and tide, may not be exposed to your effectual fire more than ten minutes.
5th. Because optical delusions prevent us from ascertaining distances by the eye, with sufficient precision to regulate the aim of a cannon ball against any given object beyond point blank range.
6th. Because it will require several shot even at a fixed object beyond point blank range, to give the proper elevation to a piece to strike such object successively.
7th. Because they cannot prevent a blockade; a vessel may find safe anchorage beyond the range of their guns.
8th. Because vessels of war may without extreme peril, lay before the heaviest and best constructed batteries a sufficient length of time to carry havoc and distress to the centre of our most exposed cities—witness the late attack of Copenhagen. And,
9th. Because they operate defensively, and therefore lose the many obvious advantages of the attack.
It does not result from these facts that our commercial towns are insusceptible of defence by fortifications; on the contrary, it is acknowledged that by occupying the circumjacent heights with strong holds, and erecting heavy batteries on the wharves and approximate islands, to deliver cross fires from mortars as well as cannon, we may not only give them effectual protection against a coup de main, but may accomplish the original design of military fortresses, to enable weaker battalions to resist stronger force until the natural or adventitious force of the country may be assembled and brought into operation; yet after all, it should be remembered that in general superior numbers, with equal skill and conduct must finally prevail.
But previously to the erection of fortifications, we should cautiously examine their utility, importance and expence; the number of troops requisite for their defence, and the capacities of the nation in men and money; and, it is also worthy of remark, that to render a work defensive, it must be equally strong in all its parts by nature and art.
Fortifications against predatory attacks are calculated for the immediate defence of places only, but against invasions these immediate defences must be secured by the occupancy of all high grounds which command them, otherwise you erect works for the enemy.
Low, flat grounds, partially surrounded by bays or rivers (such as the site of Charleston) should be environed on the land side with the utmost labor and skill, taking particular care to make every practicable application of water by canals and inundations, and on the water line heavy batteries of cannon & mortars, calculated to produce as many cross fires as possible, should be constructed; and it will also be found expedient to occupy the islands and opposite head lands from which the place might be annoyed; but in hilly countries, such as we find New York or Newport, in addition to the batteries for immediate defence, all the heights which surround the town or harbor must be fortified.
Defences erected on this scale, and agreeably to the rules of art, with durable materials, (and it is the excess of folly to build with others) would cost for the harbor of New York alone, at least one and a half million of dollars;
and after their erection, unless suitably garrisoned, they would not answer the end of their establishment; but would be exposed constantly to an enemy, and in the course of a long peace would moulder, decay and tumble to pieces. It may not be amiss to observe, in this place, that the wretched works heretofore erected in our harbors have never been adequately or judiciously garrisoned; and that at this moment those of Charleston, Cape Fear, Norfolk, or New York, might be carried by a coup de main, and the guns be turned with effect against the very objects they are intended to defend.
Should the expence of putting up effectual defences and maintaining the necessary garrisons exceed the resources of the country, and clash with its true policy, it may be asked whether we are to rest the safety of our commercial towns and shipping, on the passive disposition or good faith of foreign powers? To which we may reply in the negative, and add that it is certainly our duty to seek for those places of defence within the compass of our abilities which may be found most economical, most durable, and most effectual.
After as close a view of this question as can be expected from a man unskilled in naval affairs, I have formed the conclusion, that next to a superior navy, floating batteries will be found more effectual to the protection of our sea ports, and should therefore be preferred; but I speak with exception to long tide water rivers and narrow channels, because they may be commanded by fixed batteries and cheveaux de frize, yet cannot be secured by them against blockade.
In determining on the size, form and construction of such floating batteries, regard must be had to the services to be performed, and after due experiment, the best models may be adopted for tide water, and uniform currents, for bays and harbors, narrow, wide, open, or sheltered from particular winds.
The extent of our bays and inlets, the capacities of our harbors and the water-approaches to our great cities, have determined my judgement in favor of these vessels, calculated to be impelled with velocity, by the more powerful combination of oars and sails, to enable them to make rapid transitions, & to take any requisite station with promptitude.
In equipping armies, and manning these vessels, provision should be made to prevent their being boarded by light barges, and with submission, I would recommend that they should carry battering pieces of the largest calibre, and the lightest construction, on their bows and sterns. I have strong prejudices in favor of a proportion of 8 inch howitz because one shell which takes effect, will prove more destructive, generally speaking, than ten shot.
I feel confidence, that without extensive fortifications, and proportionable military forces to garrison them, that barges, allies, or gun-boats, on the preceding or improved plan, with the co-operation of heavy moveable batteries, which may be expeditiously transferred from one part of a town or city to another, by means of horses will form one most economical, durable, and effectual means of defence, and afford the best security to the objects to be protected; and in support of this opinion, I beg leave to offer the following considerations:—
1st. Such vessels can either attack or defend, may prove as offensive in the retreat, as pursuits, and can approach or avoid an enemy at discretion.
2d In calms, their oars will enable them to take any station with safety, which may be found most advantageous.
3d. Their mobility will enable them in smooth water to hang on the bow or stern of a vessel, and avoid its batteries.
4th. Their lowness in the water, will enable them to deliver their shot on a horizontal range, or at a small elevation which will give them more certainty and effect.
5th. In calm weather they may, without hazard, approach a vessel at anchor in a stream, to the point blank, force of a 24 pounder, 650 yards, or of a 32 pounder 850 yards, and preserving a steady station, may give effect to every shot without fail.
6th. In light breezes, with sails and oars, they may preserve the same distance on the bow of a vessel, and if pursued, may deliver as destructive a fire, as if they were stationary.
7th. Should they be hard pressed, they may escape in shallow water and renew the action at discretion.
8th. In rough weather they may take station beyond the force of the
the guns of a ship, from whence the superior elevation of their own pieces may enable them to deliver their fire with effect.
9th. Taking advantage of circumstances, they may drive intruders from our bays, roads, or rivers, and by forcing them to sea, may relieve a blockade, or render it less close, constant, or pernicious.
10th. They may be employed during the calm season, to transport stores or men from one port to another, with safety, even should an enemy be waiting; and lastly, in time of peace eight out of ten may be laid up under cover, & with due attention instead of injury may be improved by aid for a number of years.
But to insure these ends, it is absolutely indispensable that an officer of judgment, experience, activity, zeal and courage should be appointed to the general command of the flotilla of each post. The immediate commanders of the vessels should be intrepid and perfectly acquainted with the conduct of them in all circumstances. The gunners and bombadiers should be practically, and perfectly instructed in all their functions. The artillerymen should be expert at their duty, and the oarsmen should be active and athletic.
I have professed my predilection for howitz, and hope they may be experienced to ascertain their worth; I am persuaded they may be employed to throw their shell with great effect point blank, or with an elevation; for we find at Gibraltar, in 1786, targets of 8 feet square, and of equal strength and resistance with the strongest part of the largest men of war, was fired at out of a 10 inch sea mortar, with a charge of 10 pounds of powder, the aim being point blank, and the distance 150 yards; the first shell touched the top of the target, and entered the bank behind, the second grazed shot 3 yards, and went through a lower corner of the object; the third took effect in the center of the target, passed through it, and entered the solid earth behind it 5 feet, and it was with much satisfaction observed, that in every instance the fuses were not affected, and the shells exploded notwithstanding they had passed through such a mass of wood, and were lodged so deep in the earth—and in 1782, at the same place, the first observable effect on the Spanish Armada, after it had been 10 times before the British batteries, were produced by shells thrown from howitz point blank, some of which stuck in the sides of the vessels, and exploded, while others entered their ports, and agreeably to the report of a Spanish officer and boat's crew, who were captured during the action, killed 30 or 40 men every explosion.
The distance taken for the experiment of the 10 inch sea mortar at Gibraltar, seems very short, and was intended to exemplify their application to naval conflicts. It is difficult, if not impossible, to reduce to a fixed rule the range of a shot or shell, either with a given elevation or point blank, because it does not depend merely on the caliber of the piece, or the weight of the ball, but is influenced by the length and weight of a gun, the construction of its chamber, the exact rotundity and smoothness of the ball, the weight and construction of the carriage, the state of the atmosphere, and the quality of the powder. But Tiltke, an Austrian officer of repute, has, in a late work, given to an eight inch howitz, with a charge of 11 1/2 pound of powder, only 232 yards, for its point blank range, 414 for the visor shot equal to one degree elevation, and 380 yards for a 45 degree elevation, which will give but a slight curvature to the flight of the shell, and of course will not sensibly affect its projectile force, or the certainty of its direction and its shock may be estimated from its weight, being when charged fifty pounds.
I submit these thoughts with great deference, being conscious of my incapacity to do justice to the subject, and in the hope their defect may be viewed with an indulgent eye; yet, am I so well assured of the soundness of my doctrine, that, with a suitable flotilla & the preparations premised, I would have no hesitation to hazard my reputation on the result.
(Signed)
J. WILKINSON.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
FOR apprehending RICHARD GOTIER, who broke jail last night. He was committed on his confession of passing counterfeit checks; he is about 5 feet 7 inches high, fair complexion, light hair, grey eyes, very much pitted with the small-pox, and pretty much round shouldered. He was a tailor in the United States service, had a blue jacket and trousers, a long blue coat, several white linen shirts, a pair of blue and a very good black hat. The above reward will be given for apprehending and securing the said Gotier in any jail and giving me information thereof.
DANL. C. BRENT,
Marshal of the district of Columbia. December 8-3w&1

MELANCHOLY!
On Wednesday forenoon at the Ma- Barracks, JOHN C. LOVE, late a lieutenant of the Marine Corps, in a fit of insanity, put an end to his ex- -His remains were yesterday re- ved by his relations to be buried his brother's farm—Salisbury Vir-
We earnestly recommend the at- tive perusal of the following extracts from a speech recently delivered by M. Whitbread in the British House of Commons. The sentiments are such as to honor to human nature, and are a legitimate offspring of the Fox school. But it is to the times that we principally invite the attention of the American reader; and particularly to those which demonstrate the benefits of that is in the speech styled 'national education,' by which, in other words, is meant universal education. Let any candid mind reflect on these facts, and their effects, as contrasted in the experience of England and Scotland, and all more in that of England and Ireland, and say whether we too are not unduly called upon to use a small portion of our abundant means in carrying to effect a plan for the more general education of youth than at present exists. If the British government appre- ciates this object so highly, shall we be different about it? We, whose liber- ties can only endure so long as the great body of the people are well informed; and, who, unless educated in their youth, cannot generally be well informed in their riper years.]
with philosopher in all his conclu- sions. He would not detain the House by going back to the abstract right of man to the support of man, although certainly to study and perfectly to un- derstand those principles, was unquestion- ably the duty of every one who might undertake the task which he had undertaken. Whether every man who was born, had or had not a right to the support of his fellow creatures, it was not worth while to inquire, because every man in a civilized nation did re- ceive that support, and this country in particular afforded numberless refuges for misery, even when that misery pro- ceeded from vice, much more when it was the result of misfortune. Without dwelling, therefore, on this part of the subject, he would go on, and suppose Mr. Malthus's position true, that the misery and profligacy of the poor had been increased by the poor laws. The question would then be, could we, or dare we abrogate the poor laws? Could any one venture to propose the entire destruction of them. Even without advert- erting to the sensation which such a proposition would make on the minds of the people, the desolation, greater than had ever been inflicted by a legislature, which such an immediate abrogation would create, must deter every one from urging the carrying of such a pro- position into practice, however benefi- cial it might have been its ultimate ef- fects. The next question then would be, whether a gradual abolition was not practicable, and whether the country could not be brought back to the state in which it was before the 43d of queen Elizabeth. Only two persons had proposed plans for such a gradual abolition. Mr. Arthur Young, and Mr. Malthus. Mr. Arthur Young was sup- ported in his opinion by a very great authority; a worthy baronet, lately a member of that House, Sir W. Pulteney, for whose opinions every man must en- tertain the highest deference. Sir W. Pulteney concurred with Mr. Young, in supposing it possible to get rid of the poor's rates by a gradual extinction, in the following manner; to take the given sum in the whole country for the past year, and having divided it amongst the various districts, to tell each district that it could not have more allowed it for the next year, and by pursuing this system, it was hoped that the grand sum would be gradually diminished. Mr. Malthus however had completely re- futed Mr. Young's statements—had proved his principles false as well as cruel, and had demonstrated, that the practice of them would be impossible. He was sorry to detain the House at such length on this subject, although he was sure that it was one, the explana- tion of which would be received with favor, ( hear, hear, hear! ) and that no opposition would be made to his plan but to that which might arise from its de- ments. He was convinced that he had the heartfelt wishes of the House for its success. The honorable gentleman here read the passage from Mr. Malthus's work, in which he proved the fallacy of Mr. Young's principles, and declared, that his own opinion coincided entirely with that of Mr. Malthus; to illustrate whose arguments he might state cases in which, if a parish were limited for relief, and it was impossible that that relief could be increased, famine would destroy many, and prosti- tution more. He had himself known an instance, in which a pestilential fever had been stopped by individual liber- ality, and by immense parochial aid. If by an act of the legislature that aid was prevented from being extended, dreadful indeed might be the conse- quences! Mr. Malthus (and his name deserved to be mentioned with honor) proposed another plan, which was, that the legislature should promulgate an act, declaring that no persons who might marry a year or more after the promulgation of such an act, should be entitled, either for themselves, or for their children, to any parochial relief, and by this means ultimately to effect the extinction of the poor rates. Now, were this plan put into execution until this ultimate extinction, clashing and discordant interests and feelings would exist in the same classes of the commu- nity; and when that ultimate period arrived which never certainly would be the case, for the legislature must see and correct their errors, what would be the situation of the country? It might be asked by an honorable gentle- man opposite, who had written, and written very ably, on this subject, what was the situation of the country before the poor laws were enacted? He would not minutely trace the situation of the poor laws so far back as under the fe- dal system; but as long ago as the reign of Richard II., severe enactments were passed against vagabonds and beggars. At that period, all the necessitous went about for alms; and under the cloak of mendicity, sprang up those sturdy beg- gars, who disturbed the tranquility of the country in such a manner as to oc- casion the establishment of severe pe- nalties and cruel punishments. After the dissolution of the monasteries, men- dicity became more common, and the punishment of it still more severe. In the reign of Edward VI. a statute was passed, which enacted, that if a man were found who had been without work for three days, he might be sized as a slave, branded with a hot iron, and compelled for fourteen years to serve his master, under the penalty of whip- ping and chains; and that if during that period he attempted to escape, such an attempt should constitute a fe- lony, and would subject the offender to the punishment of an ignominious death. It was true that that statute was re- pealed in five or six years, but great severities still continued to be exercis- ed, and it was not until near the end of Elizabeth that those cruel laws fell into disuse. From the 5th to the 14th, the 15th, the 39th, and lastly, the 43d of
Elizabeth, indeed during the whole of that wise reign, the legislature was em- ployed in deliberating on this subject, on which they had evidently not come to a decision until after mature delibe- ration. And was it now desirable that that decision should be reversed? That no parochial relief should be allowed? No redress afforded? That the system which connected man and man together, should be done away and another sub- stituted, which would leave ranging through the realms, an army of valiant and sturdy beggars, demanding relief, and who might say, "if you are not dis- posed to grant us relief, we will take care for ourselves, that you shall not let us starve?" This was certainly not a state of society into which any man could wish to plunge the country. If therefore it was not wise or politic to propose an immediate abrogation of the poor laws; if no means offered them- selves of effecting a gradual abolition (where that desirable), what remained! Why, that which Mr. Malthus propos- ed, namely, that if it were not deemed advisable to abolish the poor laws, a knowledge of the true principles on which they should be founded might be applied to modify them, and render them less objectionable than they were at present. This was precisely his ob- ject in the bill which he intended to submit to the judgment of the House. Far from his mind were any visionary ideas of relieving the lower classes of the people from that to which the lower classes of every country were necessa- rily subject.—Man was born to labor as the sparks flew upwards. No commu- nity could exist without a proper grad- iation in the classes of which it was com- posed, and those who would paint the situation of the laboring in this country as bad, compared with the situation at any other period of our history, were either weak enough not to see the truth, ignorant enough not to understand it, or vicious enough to desire to conceal it. For his own part, he should be most happy to see every man well fed, well lodged, and well clothed, like that benevolent monarch Henry IV. he wished every man had a pulet in his pot, but false expectations must not be held out. He remembered having read in Collins's interesting account of New South Wales, that some of the convicts, entertaining the wild idea that there was a neighboring country in which fruits and corn were sponta- neously produced, and in which no skill or industry was necessary to pro- vide the means of human subsistence, set off to discover this happy region, but perished in the wilderness, a prey to wild beasts. Such would be the re- sult of the delusions of the politician who would attempt to persuade the la- borer that he might live without toil. Mised like those unhappy wretches, like them he would perish. The ob- ject of his bill was to modify, to reg- ulate, and, in some instances, to add to the existing statutes, as in process of time to render the poor laws obsolete. By the operations of his principles, he proposed to exalt the character of the laboring poor, and ultimately to make them ashamed of receiving relief. He proposed to give a greater freedom both of body and mind.—He proposed to make the burden lighter on the country—to make all relief a matter of degra- dation, and to institute a discrimination between the criminal and the necessi- tous. In doing this, he felt the expediency of cautiously avoiding any innovation which might produce litigation in the courts of justice. He did not mean to alter the ancient boundaries of the laws, and he should take care so to frame his regulations, as not to contradict any decision of the courts. He should not propose any thing new, except that which seemed almost unanimously called for; nor would he attempt to modify that which is old, except in cases in which the house had the advantage of experience. His first object then was, to exalt the character of the laborer. It must be anticipated by the house, that in every plan which had such an ob- ject in view, education must form a principal feature. It had been wise- ly and magnificently said, on a late oc- casion, from the chair, that that House was accustomed to throw open its doors wide for the reception of the petitions of the people. He thought that they should also throw open their doors wide for any measure which tended to in- crease the knowledge of the people.— Could there be any thing so like a brute as an uninstructed man, in whom the pas- sions operated only to destroy? As man approached to civilization, the brutal character diminished, and in the state of the greatest refinement vices became fewer, and virtues more nume- rous. He therefore recommended, that the whole of the population of the king- dom should have the means of obtain- ing education afforded them. He knew that prejudices had formerly existed against enlightening the vulgar, but he trusted that those prejudices were dis- pelled. If, however, any still remain- ed, surely nothing more was necessary to dissipate them, than to compare the proceedings of an ignorant and infuriate mob with those of an enlightened and deliberative assembly. Had the edu- cation of the lower orders in Athens been attended to, would the banish- ment of Aristides have taken place through the medium of men ignorant enough to ask him to write their own names on his shell? Were not the de- struction of the Grand Pensiary De Witt, in Holland, and the dreadful riot- s in this country in 1780, sufficient proofs of the consequences that must attend leaving the lower classes in a state of ignorance. Let the House look at the lower classes of Scotland, to what could their superior situation be attributed, but to the effects of educa- tion? A misconception had gone forth, that Scotland was not subject to the poor
laws. Now the fact was, that those laws were in existence in Scotland;—that they might be resorted to, and a recent decision in the court of session had proved that the subject in Scotland was equally entitled to relief from them as the subject in Great Britain. Those statutes, however, had nearly become in Scotland what, he trusted, they would soon become in this country, ob- solete. For his information on this subject he was indebted to a learned lord near him, who had lately become an ornament of that House (lord Ad- vocate). It appeared that above a cen- tury ago, the situation of the poor in Scotland, and their consequent ill con- duct were dreadful; but that these evils had since subsided. To what was this owing? Mr. Arthur Fletcher in his description of the situation of Scotland in 1698, stated that there were two hundred thousand poor begging from door to door, and that this mendicity was the source of every description of pillage and vice. To put an end to those disorders Mr. F. proposed a plan for the better education of the Scotch youth. It was adopted. And what followed? The House had lately heard the learned lord near him had declared, in 1803, that more criminals were trans- ported from Manchester in a single session, than from the whole of Scotland in a year. Within a few years, how- ever, it appeared that the poor laws of Scotland had been more called into ac- tion than during the period immediate- ly preceding. Why? The lowness of the salaries of the schoolmasters in Scotland for the last twenty years, had caused a great many of those schools to be abandoned. In exact proportion as instruction decreased, vice and the ne- cessity of the poor laws increased! He trusted he had said enough to induce the House to accede to a system of na- tional education. As to the expense it would not be great—in the considera- tion of a wise legislature it would be nothing—for if the object were gained the country would be amply repaid, even in a pecuniary point of view. He had been a strong advocate for reform—he still was a strong advocate for re- form; but he sincerely believed that the greatest reform that could take place in this kingdom, would be to im- part instruction to every man in it.— Within a short period a system of ed- ucation had been discovered, which had received the patronage of the Throne, and of many distinguished persons in that House and in the country—a sys- tem so simple, so cheap, an so effec- tive, that the discovery of it was a great benefit to the world at large, and en- titled the discoverer, Mr. Lancaster, to every considerable praise. He was a ware that prejudice and bigotry had united against him, but he was con- vinced that his principles were true, that they would ultimately prevail, and that, by the establishment of similar schools, education would be conducted at less than a third of the expense of that which it at present demanded. It could not be expected that Mr. Lancaster's system would be immediately intro- duced into general practice, but he was persuaded that it would be gradually a- dopted. After dilating on other points Mr. W. said, it was a fact, that many of the poor, contrary to all calculation, and in a manner which they themselves could not describe, did honestly contrive to maintain their families on a pittance which would by no means have been sufficient for that purpose, had others undertaken the management of it for them; and not only to maintain their families, but to lay by money. The question then arose with them, what was to be done with this money? If they lent it to their master, perhaps he might fail, and they would be deprived of it—if they lent it to a country attorney on a mortgage, chicanery might be employed for defrauding them. In this dilemma, the poor were frequently in- duced to spend their money, that they might at least have some enjoyment of it. To remedy this evil, Mr. Malthus proposed the establishment of country banks. For his part, he thought the division into so many parts would be injurious if not impracticable. Only one means of security presented itself to his mind, which was, by establishing one grand national concern. He hoped that no alarm would be excited by this proposition. It would be attended with a very trifling expense. He would re- commend, that this national bank should be established in the metropolis, under the superintendency of certain commissioners for the management of the fund which should be called "The Poor's Fund." That every person ob- taining a certificate from the church wardens of his parish that he subsisted by labor, should be allowed to subscribe to this fund, and to send to it, annually, not less than twenty shillings, nor more than five pounds; and, to prevent abuse, that no individual should be permitted to accumulate in this fund a larger sum than 200l. The interest, when it amounted to ten shillings, to be transmitted free of postage and stamps, or reinvested if such were the wish of the proprietor. He would also recom- mend the establishment of a similar institution for insurances.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To carry any system into a complete and effective operation, order must be established in its various parts.—We all know that cheapness and facility of ex- ecution are concomitants in any busi- ness; the most common mechanical art is not attainable without years of prac- tical application, and the man who would vary his pursuits in a capricious succession, would without honor, and labor without profit. Let us apply these observations to the subject before us; can it be expected
that a body of men employed by the day, week, or month, to accomplish a task, which requires not only bodily exertion, but a knowledge of the busi- ness, can give an adequate value for the wages they receive without this knowledge? Impossible—the time that ought to be devoted to action is spent in obtaining information; the labor of the raw hand is lost while he is learn- ing, and that of the experienced lost whilst he is teaching. The frequent change of men renders this evil conti- nual, and the funds are wasting rapidly while the work progresses slowly.— That this has been the case in many instances, those who are practically ac- quainted with the subject will readily admit; but how is this evil to be reme- died? We should have a standing army!—of canal and road men, enlisted for a term of years. The different divisions of this corps, as pioneers, miners, car- penters, smiths, &c. should be reg- ularly officered; skill and industry made the only passports to promotion; length and fidelity of service to be strictly at- tended to. The organization we may suppose to be thus—every squad of 20 to have a drill sergeant, to be elected by themselves in this way; the 20 to choose 5, the 5 from amongst them- selves choose 1—a choice immediate would be subversive of subordination; this officer to be liable to be broke by his colonel, for neglect of duty or dis- obedience of orders, and to receive ex- tra pay, say 25 per cent. above the laborer's wages:—the colonels to be appointed (over 100s. or 500s. as may be necessary) by a board of engineers, consisting of three, who shall commu- nicate with the Vice-President of the U. States, who at present has ver. little to do for the salary he receives, and whose time might, with great propriety, be devoted to such an useful employ- ment. We shall, to vary the subject, say something on the raising of funds for de- fraying the expense (as connected with it) after first asking pardon of the gen- tlemen of the art military, for applying their exclusive appellations to "the dull pursuits of civil life." In several of the states the raising of money by LOTTERY has been autho- rized by the legislatures for the pur- pose of public improvement, and much benefit has accrued from money grant- ed in this way: that this resource should be held by the government for such purposes, and not be free to indi- vidual adventurers for private emolu- ment, appears reasonable and just, when viewed, either in relation to revenue or morals. It is one of the readiest and least expensive modes of raising a sup- ply by indirect taxation, or of granting aids to individuals, involves no danger- ous executive patronage, and in the latter case can be left to the entire di- rection of those immediately interested, without burthening the executive with the incumbent details. The money comes out of the pockets of those who have a surplus to spare from their ne- cessary wants, and would, at any rate, expend it in a way as little advanta- geous to themselves; this kind of surplus- age is what taxation should constantly be aimed at; this is the true secret of supporting the expense of government without impoverishing the citizen.— Those who have more than they can profitably employ, and not those who have less, or no more, than they can properly employ, are the proper hold- ers of the funds for public exigencies; of this class stand prominent the buy- ers of lottery tickets, which, though a grant, is to the individual an inju- dicious disposal of his funds, yet it cannot be deemed a patricious policy, out the contrary—that without encourag- ing folly, alleviates its effects by converting its expenditures to the most beneficial purposes. The evil tendency of it on morals, a plea that has been often urged, we de- ny; for the purpose of an action stamps the character of that action, and a lot- tery granted for a good purpose, must have a good operation.—As to its effect on individuals, we all know well that nothing short of the stimulus of press- ing necessity will compel men to labor; it is therefore wisely ordained by Di- vine Providence, that a very large pro- portion of mankind actually feel and experience this stimulus, so necessary to our existence, and even to our hap- piness; for who will dare to affirm that in indolence there is any thing of happiness? It follows in this case, that you receive from a man for an use- ful end what he does not himself want, and by doing so, you restore him the sooner to his laborious pursuits, and re- add his industry to the national stock. Having touched this subject, here we shall mention a source of supply as yet untouched in our country, a means of great extent, and of great popularity, if well understood—I allude to the act of raising money off of foreign nations, which, of all modes of raising money, is the best; because all nations being more or less at this day in a state of rival hostility to each other, by en- rickening ourselves at their expense, we increase our own means of defence, and in the same proportion diminish theirs. The manner of doing this is by an export duty; a thing always deemed impolitic, unprofitable to a na- tion, and even ruinous to its interests— We grant that all this is just, and that these objections may be urged in full force against an indiscriminate proceed- ing. Two things must be attended to, if you would succeed well in this mea- sure; to tax nothing that any other country can rival you in, and let the articles taxed be of a nature indispen- sible to the consumers. It is an estab- lished principle, that the consumer pays the cost, and also the charges thereon, which, by the time it reaches him, forms a part of the cost; to exem-

ply, we shall take the Havannah—there is as much flour consumed there, when the price is 20s. per barrel, as when it is at 10s. — how then could the demand for that market be affected with us, whilst the consumption is undiminished there? and if the same demand continues here, how can the price decline? Is not the price governed by the quantity of the article, and the demand for it? As for the export duty, it would be added to the prime cost, and the buyer in the foreign market would pay for all. This plan would serve for our provision trade to the West Indies in time of war, in tobacco to Europe at all times. We shall probably soon have nearly a monopoly of the cotton trade, upon which we can make the manufactures of Britain pay 25 percent. without injury to our planters.
This is a slight sketch, by way of exhibiting, to feeble and timid minds, some fractional parts of the resources we have to carry on our internal improvements, on a national scale, the only one on which they can be carried on to the utmost utility and advantage.
Let political fops erect statues and monuments of marble and brass to commemorate the objects of their admiration; but let the Jefferson, the Madison, and the Gallatin canals be the indelible records to convey to posterity the recollection of their invaluable services, and the gratitude of their admirers, who acknowledge no glory to be genuine, that is not combined with the public prosperity.
CANAL PARTY.
LONDON, MARCH 24.
THE PRESENT CRISIS.—Whilst the daily papers are filled with the song of party triumph, or indulging in reciprocal animadversions on the characters, talents, and conduct of the goers-out and the comers in, for our own part we cannot but contemplate all that is passing, and all that may result from it, with the most serious apprehensions and anxiety. If ever there was a moment when frequent changes of our government were to be deprecated by every reflecting man, it is the present; and never was there a time when freedom from political animosities was more to be desired, and that our affairs should be in the hands of an administration, possessing at once the confidence of the king and of the country.
The facts that have led to this embarrassed state of things are now pretty well established; and we shall shortly state them, without any opinion or comment. It seems that lord Grenville thought some concessions to the catholics necessary; and, in the first instance, proposed to grant to those serving in the army, by new clauses to the mutiny bill, such security and encouragement as the Irish act of 1793 held out to them. To this no objection was made in the cabinet, not even by lord Sidmouth—and we understand, that none was made by his majesty himself. But when concessions going far beyond that act were proposed, by which papists were to be enabled to hold any appointments whatever, either in the army or navy, and by which the necessity of repealing part of the Test and Corporation acts, were created. Lords Sidmouth and Ellenborough immediately declared their dissent, in the most unqualified manner; and the former expressed his determination to withdraw from the cabinet, if it were persisted in. The bill was brought into the House of Commons, and was to be read a second time on Friday the 13th, when it was well known that lord Sidmouth's friends intended openly to oppose it. On Wednesday morning he sent a resignation to lord Grenville, praying that he might consider himself as free on that day, to express to the house his unreserved opinion on the catholic bill. We have not heard that the king had, before that day, consulted any other person on the subject. Shortly after the royal disapprobation was expressed to the cabinet in strong terms; and at a meeting, held at lord Grenville's, on Sunday the 15th, (to which neither lord Sidmouth, lord Ellenborough, nor, we believe, the Chancellor, were invited) it was determined to yield to the king's wishes; reserving, however, to his servants the liberty of bringing forward, at some future period, such measures of a similar nature as circumstances might possibly call for. On receiving this communication, his majesty demanded a pledge in return, that no such measure should ever again be proposed to him. To this lord Grenville, and the greater part of his colleagues have demurred; and there is no doubt, but that in consequence of their refusal, their services will be dispensed with as soon as a new government can be put together.
We had always understood from the time of the formation of the government in 1806, that lord Sidmouth had reserved to himself the right of acting according to his known opinions on any catholic question that might arise. His conduct has, therefore, throughout the whole of this delicate business been direct, manly, and consistent. His colleagues were fully apprised of his intentions; and he set himself at liberty to act up to them, before he attended the council on Wednesday evening. It does not appear that this resignation was actually taken place; nor are we enabled to say whether this has been owing to a request made by lord Grenville, or from a higher quarter. We have not heard that he has been sent to by the king, or had any communication made to him from those who were arranging a new government. This naturally occasions no small degree of observation and surprise. We are perfectly convinced that very great difficulties have occurred in the formation of it, and believe that no dependence is to be placed
even on such parts of the arrangement as have been the most positively announced. A good deal might possibly depend on lord Chatham's opinion, who did not reach town till yesterday afternoon, and who can hardly have yet waited yet have yet waited on the king. We believe there is no doubt but that lord Hardwicke and Mr. Yorke have positively refused to take any office; and we have heard it confidently asserted that lord Melville had declined.
A new government constituted as this seems likely to be, though it may possess the confidence of the king, can hardly be calculated to command the confidence of the country. Under such circumstances we shall abstain from expressing what our wishes would have been, in which we believe a great part of the public would have been disposed to sympathise. According to present prospect, what have we to look forward to, but to the dangerous step of another dissolution of parliament, and to the possibility of those great measures being put a stop to or rescinded, from which the country had so much to hope. A frequent change of system is always ruinous; and we doubt whether it would not be less injurious to persist in even a defective one! "Time and the hour" can alone dispel or confirm these anxieties. As to the ministerial arrangements, we should not be surprised if it took another week to complete them.
To the candid and dispassionate it appears not a little singular that a difference in opinion between any two of the three branches of the legislature, respecting the propriety of any proposed measure, should, on almost every occasion, so far distract the government as to render a change of ministers necessary. Those who are not versed in the nature of the contrary forces which disturb the oscillations of the political pendulum, would be apt to think that the balance of the three powers should, on any occasion of the kind that has occurred, be able to restore equilibrium to the machine of government, without the necessity of suspending its movements—a mischief which in some degree or other attends every new arrangement, and of which the real extent can never be calculated. Time alone can unfold the magnitude of the evil, resulting in any case from such a derangement, and the mischief is bequeathed to posterity. Star.
LONDON, MARCH 23.
The dispatches which government received from Ireland on Saturday last, are stated to be of a very unfavorable nature—the counties in the north are in a state of awful discontent—Never, indeed, did the situation of that country require a more delicate management. And we must add, the Duke of Bedford, who is about to be recalled, is stated to be as generally beloved, as his eager attention to public affairs and his exertions in the cause of Ireland so well merit.
MARCH 25.
We have received Dutch papers to the 23d instant.
We are sorry to learn by these papers the loss of the Blanche frigate, near Brest, on the night of the 4th inst.—The Captain, Sir Thomas Lavie, with the whole of the officers & crew, except about 30 of the latter, were fortunately saved.
The Vienna letters in the Berlin papers speak of the Porte having declared war against England.—It is said that this determination was taken, in consequence of a threat of Admiral Louis to bombard Constantinople, in case the Porte did not immediately consent to a renewal of the treaties with Russia and England, and to dismiss the French Minister and his suite. After a Divan had been held, it was resolved to seize on the person of the English Ambassador, and of all English subjects. Mr. Arbuthnot, however, had previously made his escape to the English frigate (the Enymion) which brought the summons.
Two messengers from the Continent arrived yesterday one of whom is a servant of Mr. Garlick, at Copenhagen. There was a report in that city before he came away that General Bennington, having been joined by the reinforcements under Gen Van Essen, had followed the French, and again brought them to action, in which he had obtained a decisive victory. This report, we believe, relates to military movements of a secondary consideration.
The other messenger came from Vienna, and is said to be the bearer of very satisfactory intelligence respecting the line of conduct by which the Emperor of Austria means to regulate himself in future.—A report of his having declared war against France, is, we believe premature.
MARCH 26.
A very interesting conversation took place last night in the House of Commons, upon the motion of Mr. Martin for an address to his Majesty, praying that he would not grant any office for life which had usually been granted during pleasure. This motion was directed against Mr. Perceval, to whom it was in contemplation to grant the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster for life, as a compensation to him for giving up his profession on accepting the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Perceval took his seat on the Treasury Bench, and after
having expressed his sentiments upon the motion he withdrew. On a division, the numbers were—
For the address 208 Against it 115
Majority against the New-Administration 93
The House of Commons was uncommonly crowded with members, about 50 of whom were obliged to take their seats in the side galleries, for want of room in the House.
All the members of the late Administration took their seats on the opposition Benches as they came in; some, however, inadvertently sat down on the Treasury Bench at first, but crossed the House on perceiving their mistake, which excited a considerable degree of merriment.
Yesterday morning his majesty's late ministers attended at Buckingham House, and in conformity to the Royal command resigned their seals of office. Lord Chancellor Erskine is not to surrender the Great Seal till Wednesday next, as it is his majesty's pleasure that he should retain his high office till that period, in order to enable him to pronounce his judgement upon several causes in the Court of Chancery, upon which he was about to decide. The Duke of Portland kissed hands on being appointed First Lord of the Treasury. Mr. Canning went through the same ceremony, as Secretary of State for the Foreign Department and not as First Lord of the Admiralty, as reported. The latter situation is, we find, to be allotted to Lord Mulgrave; Lord Hawkesbury also kissed his Majesty's hand on being appointed to the Home department; Earl of Westmoreland, Privy Seal, Earl Camden is to be President of the Council.
The Lord Chancellor this morning took leave in a very pathetic speech, in which his feelings seemed much overpowered by the subject.
The new ministerial arrangement has already excited considerable anxiety and alarm. Mr. Bankes, in the House of Commons last night, moved—"That there be a resolution of the House, in conformity with that of the committee of Finance and Inquiry into the state of public offices, that no office, place, employment, or salary, in any part of his Majesty's dominions, ought hereafter to be granted in reversion." In the discussion which followed, Mr. Plumer, member for Hertfordshire, stated a report, that it was in contemplation of the new Minister to grant the duchy of Lancaster, a place heretofore held during pleasure, to the new chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Perceval, for life; and this induced Mr. H. Martin to give notice of a motion this day for "An humble address to his Majesty, praying that he may be graciously pleased not to grant any office, not at present held for life for any longer time than it is held at present."
The House of Lords met this morning at an early hour, when the Slave Trade Abolition bill, the Irish License bill, the Thames Police bill, & two private bills, received the royal assent, by commission.
The commissioners were—the Lord Chancellor, and Lords Holland & Walsingham.
LONDON, MARCH 27.
The following appointments had not been officially announced, but were confidentially spoken of.
The right honorable Spencer Perceval to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, together with the office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, which, as a bonus, is to be made, for the first time, a patent place for life.
Lord Eldon to be Lord Chancellor. His Royal Highness the Duke of York, commander in chief, with the staff restored.
The right hon. George Rose, Treasurer of the Navy.
Sturges Bourne, Esq. to be Secretary at War.
The Earl of Chatham to be Master General of the Ordnance and Constable of the Tower.
The Marquis of Hertford to be Master of the Horse.
William Huskisson, Esq. to be one of the Secretaries of the Treasury.
Sir Vicary Gibbs to be Attorney General.
Mr. Plumer to be Solicitor General.
LIVERPOOL, MARCH 28.
The new Ministerial arrangements, are now near completed, and a list has been published of the persons appointed to the principal situations. So sudden and complete a change has seldom occurred in the annals of court intrigue, & there is little doubt but the intelligence will be received throughout the country with a sentiment of deep and general regret. We still think it improbable that the New Cabinet should be able to obtain the confidence of the House, in a sufficient degree to enable them to conduct the necessary business of the session. If that should be the case, a dissolution of Parliament may immediately be looked for; but the adherents of the new Ministry are quite confident of being supported without having recourse to such a measure. It is strongly asserted by the late Ministers, that the Catholic question is only
the ostensible cause of their removal. Their real offence is said to be their determined resistance of corruption and speculation, in every shape and in every quarter.
FROM THE LONDON COURIER, March 27.
KING'S LEVER.—Mr. Perceval received the seals of office yesterday, as chancellor of the exchequer, and chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster—the latter office during his majesty's pleasure. He kissed hands on the occasion, as did also the following noblemen and gentlemen, on receiving their several appointments:
Earl Camden, president of the council.
Lord Mulgrave, first lord of the admiralty.
Mr. R. S. Dundas, president of the board of control.
Earl Chichester, one of the postmaster-general.
Earl Bathurst, president of the board of trade and master of the mint.
Lord Charles Somerset, and Mr. Longjoint pay masters of the forces.
Marquis of Titchfield, one of the lords of the treasury.
Lord Lovaine, a member of the board of control.
His majesty afterwards gave audiences to the duke of Portland, lords Camden and Hawkesbury, and Mr. Perceval, chancellor of the exchequer. At five o'clock his majesty left town.
Mr. Hammond and lord Fitzharris are appointed under secretaries of state in the foreign department; and Mr. Cooke and the hon. colonel Stewart in the war and colonial department. Mr. Darce Adams, who filled the office of private secretary to Mr. Pitt, has been appointed to the same situation by his grace the duke of Portland.
In noticing the recent foreign news the Mercantile Advertiser observes—
The Russian head-quarters were at Heilspere, in East Prussia, near which place the French are said to have left after one engagement nearly fifteen thousand dead on the field, and that gen. Lefevre with 6000 men were taken prisoners. The Russians were about to receive two additional reinforcements of 80,000 men each, under the command of the grand duke Constantine.
A letter from Berlin, of the 15th of March, inserted in the Hamburg papers, is silent as to any battles having been fought; but mentions that the head-quarters, and the emperor Napoleon, remained at Osterode on the 8th.
The Porte has declared war against England in consequence (as it is said) of a prompt declaration of admiral Louis, that unless the Grand Seignor would consent to renew the ancient treaty with Russia, and Great Britain he would approach Constantinople, and lay it in ashes. "The Divan, in the height of its infatuation (says one of our London papers) could not have taken a more decided step to accelerate the downfall of the Ottoman empire."
The roll of the new administration of England was inspected and approved by the king on the 24th; but they had not all entered upon the duties of their office on the 27th. The old administration, as we informed our readers some days ago, refused to resign voluntarily. Their seals of office were, therefore, not surrendered but at the express command of his majesty.
WILLIAM MARBURY
HAS just received, via Philadelphia and Baltimore, and now for sale at his store, next door above Mr. Eliza Riggs, Bridge street, an elegant assortment of Fancy & Spring Goods, viz.
 4th, and 7 8th Irish Thall net, do.  1 lens Silk and cotton hosiery  5th Irish sheeting Figured Florence  Linen cambricks Do. craps  Thread and cotton lace Plain and plain Man-  Fancy ginghams tas  Do. gauze mouselins White and coloured  Seeded mull do. Kid gloves  Tamboured do. Paraloes, plated  Fancy tamboured mull mounted  mouselins Ladies, mouselins and chil-  Leno do. do. drens morocco slip-  Leno long shawls pers  Do. tamboured veils, Blue, plain and coloured  8 8th and 6 4ths cam- nankens  brick mouselins Cotton cashmere  4 4th silk chambrays Marcellies waistcoating  Cotton do. India and cambric di-  7 4th fatin damask mouselins  shawls London hats, &c. &c.  Georgetown, May 15—taw2m 
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by ship Eliza ANN lately arrived at Philad. A choice assortment
Of Extra Superfine cloths, Bennets, Velvets, and Cordas, Cashmeres, single and double milled Sattin cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Tolletens, rich silk Mouselin velvets, silk and fatin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
N. B. Ladies habits, regiments, and navy uniforms made in the first file of fashion.
Richard Harwells celebrated patent parallel suspenders, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
November 12—tf
FOR RENT,
The House now occupied by Mr. Edward Jones—its advantageous situation to Market and the many real and essential conveniences appertaining thereto, render it a very desirable residence for any genteel family to a person, who I can be satisfied will make a good tenant, a lease of years will be granted if required.
Particulars can be given the first day of July next ensuing W.M. STUART. Georgetown, April 20—2aw2 July.
New York May 12.
The British sloop of war Driver, a vessel interdicted by the President from entering our harbours, anchored on Thursday the 20th ult. abreast of Fort Johnson, in the harbour of Charleston. Two U. S. officers of that fort waited upon the governor, on the day following to consult with him on measures necessary to be taken to expel her from the port—his excellency was not at home. On Saturday the commandant of Fort Johnson addressed a letter to the commanding officer of the said vessel, of which the following is a copy:
Fort Johnson, Harbour of Charleston, 4 P. M. of May 2.
"Sir—The President of the U. S. of America, having by proclamation, bearing date the 31. May, 1805, forever interdicted his Britannic majesty's sloop of war Driver, from entering any port or harbour of the U. S. and the said vessel having entered this port in contempt of the said proclamation, my duty compels me to demand that the Driver sloop of war do depart from this harbour within twenty four hour from the date hereof.
"Need I add, sir, how repugnant it would be to my feelings, should any blood be spilt, which must inevitably be the case if this communication be not complied with.
"Lieut. W. n.dam of the artillery is charged with the delivery of this—he will receive your reply.
"I am, sir, your obedient serv't, MICHAEL KALTEISEN,
"Capt. Commandant of his Britannic majesty's sloop Driver."
[Capt. Slocum, of the Semiramis, left Charleston on Monday the 4th inst. & has favored the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a paper of that date, containing the above article. What reply had been received by the commanding officer at Fort Johnson has not yet come to our knowledge. Mr. Goodwin, who is a passenger in the Semiramis, informs us that several letters had been interchanged, of which the contents had not transpired. It was reported that capt. Love, who commands the Driver, in his answer to the first letter of capt. Kalteisen, expressed his willingness to comply with the orders of the government of the U. S. and would proceed to sea: but that he was prepared to resent any insult that might be offered to the flag of his Britannic majesty. Dispatches, supposed to relate to this unpleasant circumstance, have been forwarded to the general government, Lieut. Wyndham is the bearer of them.—Officers were placed at the different wharves in Charleston to prevent the Driver from receiving any supplies.]
We are informed that Lieut. Wyndham of the artillery passed through this place last evening, on his way to the seat of government, with dispatches to the President relative to the British sloop of war Driver, now at anchor in the harbour of Charleston.
A Philadelphia print of the 13th inst. says, yesterday arrived brig South Carolina, capt. Serrill, 7 days from Charleston. By him we learn that the capt. of the British ship Driver had sent up to request a pilot, as he would go to sea as speedily as possible.
SPRING GOODS.
London, Manchester, & Scotch Goods
Imported in the Fair American, Fame, Abena, and Hercules, for Sale, by
APPLETON & Co.
No. 16, Calvert street, Baltimore.
CALICOES, furniture dimity, mouselins, velvets and cords, mouselins, cambricks, broad cloths, cashmeres, velvets, hats, umbrellas, hosiery fluffs, ginghams, chambrays, shawls, handkerchiefs, silks, laces, and lace goods of every kind &c. &c.
These goods were purchased in England, with cash and 60 days acceptance, and will be sold very low, by the package or piece, for cash or 90 day bills.
Daily expected,
By the Diana, Globe, and John Adams, An additional supply many of these goods are in assorted cases, calculated for exportation, and are entitled to descenture.
Baltimore, May 6— s w
Washington, April 30th, 1807.
HAVING been appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, agent for purchasing the 8 per cent. stock of the United States standing on the books of the Treasury, and the books of the commissioners of Loans for Maryland and Virginia.
Notice is hereby given,
That I am ready to treat with any person for the purchase of said stock at private sale, within the price limited by the 2d section of the act of Congress of the 18th of April, 1806, a copy whereof is hereunto annexed.
JAMES DAVIDSON, Jun.
Agent, &c.
SEC. 2d. And be it further enacted, That the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, shall not be authorised to purchase any of the several species of the public debt, at a higher price than at the rates following, that is to say—they shall not pay more for three per cent stock than sixty per cent of its nominal value; nor for any other species of the public debt more than the nominal value of its unredeemed amount, the eight per cent stock only excepted; for which they shall be authorised in addition thereto, to give at the rate of one half of one per cent on the said nominal value for each quarterly dividend, which may be payable on such purchased stock, from the time of such purchase to the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine.
May 1— s w

PROPOSALS
For carrying the MAILS of the United States , on the following Post Roads , will be received at the General Post Office in Washington , until the 1st day of July next, inclusive.
71. From Providence by East Greenwich, Patuxet, Wickford and Little Rell, to Tower-hill, once a week.—Leave Providence every Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Tower-hill by 11 a m. Leave Tower-hill every Friday at 1 p m. & arrive at Newport by 7 p m.
72. From Newport, by South Kingston, Charlestown, Westerly, Stonington, Dr. and Groton, Ct. to New London, once a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Newport every Tuesday and Thursday at 10 a m. & arrive at New London on Wednesday and Friday by 3 p m. Leave New London every Tuesday and Thursday at 9 a m. & arrive at Newport on Wednesday and Friday by 10 a m.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Newport every Monday and Wednesday by noon, & arrive at New London on Tuesday and Thursday by 6 p m. Leave New London every Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Newport on Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m.
IN CONNECTICUT.
73. From Hartford by Simsbury, Granby, Granville, Blandford, Sandisfield and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 6 a m. and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 3 p m.—Leave Stockbridge every Tuesday noon, & arrive at Hartford on Wednesday by 5 p m.
74. From Hartford by Simsbury, New Britain, New Britain, Winchester, Norfolk, Canaan, Sheffield, Housatonic and Claverack to Hudson once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 6 a m. & arrive at Hudson on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Hudson every Friday at 2 p m. & arrive at Hartford the next Monday by 7 p m.
75. From Hartford by Farmington, Farmington, Litchfield, Washington, New Milford, Danbury, Ridgefield, Salem and Bedlam to New York once a week. Leave Hartford every Tuesday at 2 p m. & arrive at Litchfield on Wednesday by 9 a m. at New Milford by 3 p m. & at New York on Friday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave New York every Friday at 6 p m. & arrive at New Milford on Monday by 9 a m. at Litchfield by 3 p m. and at Hartford by 10 a m. on Tuesday.
76. From Litchfield by Cornwall & Sharon to Poughkeepsie once a week.—Leave Litchfield every Wednesday at 2 p m. & arrive at Sharon by 7 p m. & at Poughkeepsie on Thursday by 2 p m.—Leave Poughkeepsie on Thursday at 5 p m. and arrive at Litchfield on Saturday by noon.
77. From Hartford by Glastenbury, Colchester and Montville to New London once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 1 p m. and arrive at New London on Friday by 7 p m. Leave New London every Saturday at 9 a m. and arrive at Hartford on Monday by 9 a m.
78. From Hartford by East Hartford, Hebron, Lebanon and Norwich to Chelsea twice a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Hartford every Wednesday & Friday at 5 a m. & arrive at Chelsea by 5 p m. Leave Chelsea every Tuesday & Thursday at 5 a m. & arrive at Hartford by 5 p m.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Hartford every Tuesday & Saturday at 6 a m. & arrive at Chelsea by 6 p m. Leave Chelsea every Monday & Friday at 6 a m. & arrive at Hartford by 6 p m.
79. From Hartford by Coventry, Windham & Canterbury to Plainfield once a week. Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 p m. & arrive at Plainfield on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Plainfield every Wednesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 p m.
80. From Norwich by Canterbury & Brooklyn to Pomfret once a week.—Leave Pomfret every Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Norwich by 10 a m. Leave Norwich every Friday at 2 p m. & arrive at Pomfret by 8 p m.
81. From Middletown by Middle Haddam, East Haddam, Haddam & Petty Pough to Saybrook once a week. Leave Middletown every Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Saybrook by 5 p m. Leave Saybrook every Saturday at 4 a m. & arrive at Middletown by 6 p m.
82. From New Haven by Cheshire & Southington to Farmington once a week. Leave New Haven every Thursday at 10 a m. & arrive at Farmington by 7 p m. Leave Farmington every Wednesday at 1 p m. & arrive at New Haven on Thursday by 8 a m.
83. From New Haven by Woodbridge, Watsebury & Watertown to Litchfield once a week. Leave Litchfield every Friday at 6 a m. & arrive at New Haven by 3 p m. Leave New Haven every Friday at 5 p m. & arrive at Litchfield on Saturday by 3 p m.
84. From New Haven by Derby, Southbury, Woodbury, Bethlehem, Litch-
field, Goshen & Canaan to Sheffield once a week. Leave New Haven every Tuesday at 2 p m. & arrive at Litchfield on Wednesday by 11 a m. and at Sheffield on Thursday by 9 a m. Leave Sheffield every Monday at 5 a m. & arrive at New Haven on Tuesday by 10 a m.
85. From Bridgeport by Newfield, Trumbull, Huntingdon, Newton & Brookfield to New Milford once a week. Leave Bridgeport every Thursday at 2 p m. & arrive at New Milford on Friday by 6 p m. Leave New Milford every Wednesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Bridgeport on Thursday by 10 a m.
86. From Danbury by South East, Franklin, Pawling, Dover, Kent, Sharon, Salisbury, Sheffield, Great Barrington, Stockbridge, Lenox, Lansford, Williamstown & Pownal to Bennington once a week. Leave Danbury every Monday at 5 a m. & arrive at Bennington the next Thursday by 11 a m. Leave Bennington every Thursday at 1 p m. & arrive at Danbury the next Sunday by 7 p m.
IN NEW-YORK.
87. From New York by Brooklyn, Jamaica, Hempstead, Merrick, South Oysterbay, South Huntington, Islip, Patchogue, Fire Place, Moriches, West Hampton, Southampton and Bridgehampton to Sag Harbor once a week.—Leave New York every Thursday at 9 a m. & arrive at Jamaica by 1 p m. & at Sag Harbor the next Saturday by 3 p m. Leave Sag Harbor every Monday at 8 a m. & arrive at New York the next Wednesday by 3 p m.
88. From Jamaica by Queens ch. Jericho, Huntington, Dixhills, Winnetacomie, Smithtown, Setauket, Brookhaven & Riverhead to Southold once a week. Leave Jamaica every Thursday at 2 p m. & arrive at Southold on Saturday by 2 p m. Leave Southold every Saturday at 4 p m. and arrive at Jamaica the next Tuesday by noon.
89. From West Hampton to Riverhead, once a week. Leave West Hampton every Saturday at 1 p m. & arrive at Riverhead by 3 p m.—Leave Riverhead at 4 p m. & arrive at West Hampton by 6 p m.
90. From New York by Kingsbridge, Yonkers, Greenburg, Mount Pleasant, Peekskill, Fishkill, Poughkeepsie, Stateburg, Rhinebeck, Redhook, Clermont, Hudson and Kinderhook to Albany three times a week.
May 1 to November 1.
Leave New York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 p m. & arrive at Yonkers by 8 p m. Leave Yonkers every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday at 4 a m. & arrive at Poughkeepsie by 8 p m. Leave Poughkeepsie every Wednesday, Friday & Sunday at 4 a m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Albany every Thursday, Sunday & Tuesday at 4 a m. & arrive at Poughkeepsie by 8 p m. Leave Poughkeepsie every Friday, Monday & Wednesday at 4 a m. & arrive at Yonkers by 8 p m. Leave Yonkers every Saturday, Tuesday & Thursday at 4 a m. & arrive at New York by 10 a m.
November 1 to May 1.
Leave New York every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Peekskill by 8 p m. Leave Peekskill every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m. & arrive at Rhinebeck by 8 p m. Leave Rhinebeck every Wednesday, Friday & Sunday at 4 a m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Albany every Thursday, Sunday & Tuesday at 4 a m. & arrive at Rhinebeck by 8 p m. Leave Rhinebeck every Friday, Monday and Wednesday at 4 a m. & arrive at Peekskill by 8 p m. Leave Peekskill every Saturday, Tuesday & Thursday at 4 a m. & arrive at New York by 7 p m.
91. From New York by Bergen, Hackenback, Paramus, New Artrum, Chester, Southfield, Goshen, Wallkill, Montgomery, Kingston, Sager et, Catskill, Lunsburg, Coeymans, Coeymans & Bethlehem to Albany three times a week.
May 1 to November 1.
Leave New York every Tuesday, Thursday & Sunday at 2 p m. & arrive at Paramus by 8 p m. Leave Paramus every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a m. & arrive at Kingston by 8 p m. Leave Kingston every Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday at 4 a m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Albany every Friday, Monday & Wednesday at 4 a m. & arrive at Kingston by 8 p m. Leave Kingston every Saturday, Tuesday & Thursday at 4 a m. & arrive at Paramus by 8 p m. Leave Paramus every Sunday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at New York by 11 a m.
November 1 to May 1.
Leave New York every Tuesday, Thursday & Sunday at 4 a m. & arrive at Goshen by 8 p m. Leave Goshen every Wednesday, Friday & Monday at 4 a m. & arrive at Sager et by 8 p m. Leave Sager et every Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday at 4 a m. & arrive at Albany by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Albany every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Sager et by 8 p m. Leave Sager et every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m. & arrive at Goshen by 8 p m.
Leave Goshen every Wednesday, Friday & Sunday by 4 a m. & arrive at New York by 8 p m.
92. From Fishkill, by Fishkill Landing, to Newburg, twice a week. Leave Fishkill every Tuesday and Saturday at 4 p m. & arrive at Newburg by 6 p m. Leave Newburg every Tuesday & Saturday by noon, & arrive at Fishkill by 2 p m.
93. From Rhinebeck to Kingston, once a week. Leave Rhinebeck every Monday at 11 a m. & arrive at Kingston by 1 p m. Leave Kingston every Monday at 8 a m. & arrive at Rhinebeck by 10 a m.
94. From Kingston by Shandecan, Middletown, Delhi, Walton & Sidney, to Church's ferry, once a week. Leave Kingston every Wednesday at 8 a m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p m. & arrive at Kingston on Tuesday by 4 p m.
95. From Hudson to Catskill, once a week. Leave Hudson every Friday at half past 1 p m. & arrive at Catskill by half past 4 p m. Leave Catskill every Friday at 8 a m. & arrive at Hudson by half past 10 a m.
96. From Catskill by Canton, Freehold, Bristol, Blethen, Stamford, Harspelsfield, Kortright, Meredith, Franklin, Unadilla and Cinton, to Church's ferry, in Jericho, once a week. Leave Catskill every Wednesday at 8 a m. & arrive at Meredith on Thursday by 8 p m. Leave Meredith on Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Unadilla by 2 p m. Leave Unadilla at 3 p m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p m. & arrive at Unadilla on Sunday by 9 a m. Leave Unadilla at 10 a m. & arrive at Meredith by 7 p m. Leave Meredith on Monday at 4 a m. & arrive at Catskill on Tuesday by 4 p m.
97. From Church's ferry, in Jericho, by Onondago, Binghamton, Union, Oswego, Athens, Chemung, Newtown, Great Flat & Painted Post to Bath once a week. Leave Church's ferry every Saturday at 2 p m. & arrive at Union on Sunday by 11 a m. Leave Union at noon & at Oswego by 7 p m. Leave Oswego on Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at Athens by 11 a m. Leave Athens at 1 p m. & arrive at Newtown by 7 p m. Leave Newtown every Tuesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Painted Post by noon, & at Bath by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Bath every Wednesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Painted Post every Wednesday noon, & at Newtown by 7 p m. Leave Newtown on Thursday at 4 a m. and arrive at Athens by 11 a m. Leave Athens at 1 p m. & arrive at Oswego by 7 p m. Leave Oswego every Friday at 6 a m. & arrive at Union by noon. Leave Union at 1 p m. & arrive at Church's ferry on Saturday by 10 a m.
98. From Meredith to Delhi once a week. Leave Meredith every Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Delhi by 10 a m. Leave Delhi by noon & arrive at Meredith by 6 p m.
99. From Oswego by Cantines, Ithaca, Salmon Creek, Milton & Scipio or Aurora to Cayuga once a week. Leave Oswego every Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at Cayuga on Tuesday by 6 p m.—Leave Cayuga every Wednesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Oswego on Thursday by 6 p m.
100. From Albany by Troy to Lansingburg six times a week. Leave Lansingburg every day (Sunday excepted) at 1 p m. & arrive at Albany by 3 p m. Leave Albany every day (Sunday excepted) at 9 a m. & arrive at Lansingburg by 11 a m.
101. From Lansingburg by Cambridge, Salem, Hebron, Granville, Hampton & Pownal, to Fairhaven once a week. Leave Lansingburg every Wednesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Salem by 8 p m. Leave Salem on Friday at 6 a m. & arrive at Fairhaven by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Fairhaven on Saturday at 6 a m. & arrive at Salem at 8 p m. Leave Salem on Tuesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Lansingburg at 8 p m.
102. From Lansingburg, by Schatcoke, Easton, Green, Argyle and Hartford, to Whitehall, once a week.—Leave Lansingburg every Wednesday at 8 a m. & arrive at Whitehall on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Whitehall every Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at Lansingburg on Tuesday by 4 p m.
103. From Lansingburg, by Waterford, Still Water, Westfield, Saratoga, Fort Miller, Fort Edward, S. S. Hill, Kingsbury, Fort Anne and Whitehall, to Fairhaven, once a week. Leave Lansingburg every Friday at 3 a m. & arrive at Sandy Hill on Saturday by 9 a m. and at Fairhaven on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Fairhaven every Monday at noon, & arrive at Lansingburg on Thursday by 6 p m.
104. From Sandy Hill, by Fort George, Thurman and Scaroon Lake, to Crown Point, once in two weeks. Leave Sandy Hill every other Saturday at 10 a m. & arrive at Crown Point on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Crown Point every Thursday at 1 p m. and arrive at Sandy Hill on Saturday by 8 a m.
105. From Albany, by Duanesburg,
Durlock, Cherry Valley, Cooperstown and Butternuts, to Oxford, once a week. Leave Albany every Wednesday at 8 a m. & arrive at Cooperstown on Thursday at 2 p m. Leave Cooperstown at 8 p m. & arrive at Oxford on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Oxford every Saturday at 2 p m. & arrive at Cooperstown on Monday by 8 a m. Leave Cooperstown at 9 a m. and arrive at Albany on Tuesday by 4 p m.
106. From Union, by Green, to Oxford, once a week. Leave Union every Friday at 2 p m. and arrive at Oxford on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Oxford at 2 p m. and arrive at Union on Saturday by 10 a m.
107. From Cooperstown, by Burlington, Brookfield, Sherburne, Daryter, Fabius, Milton and S. mpronius, to Scipio, once in two weeks. Leave Cooperstown every other Thursday at 3 a m. and arrive at Scipio on Saturday by 11 a m. Leave Scipio every other Saturday at 1 p m. and arrive at Cooperstown on Monday by 8 p m.
108. From Albany, by Schenectady, Amsterdam, Triphill, Palatine, Little Falls, Herkimer, Utica, New Hartford, Wellmoreland, Oneida, Sullivan, Canadaseaga, Manlius, Onondago, Marcellus, Aurelius, Cayuga and Geneva, to Canandaigua. Leave Albany every day (Sunday excepted) at 2 p m. and arrive at Schenectady by 7 p m. Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Utica the next days, Tuesday Thursday and Saturday, by 7 p m.—Leave Utica every Monday and Friday at 3 a m. & arrive at Canadaseaga the next Wednesday and Sunday by 9 p m. Returning. —Leave Canadaseaga every Monday and Thursday at 3 a m. & arrive at Utica the next Wednesday and Saturday by 9 p m. Leave Utica every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m. & arrive at Schenectady the next days, Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday by 8 p m. Leave Schenectady every day (Sunday excepted) at 5 A M. & arrive at Albany by 11 A M.
109. From Schenectady, by Gallo-way, Charlton, Milton, Hadley, Greenfield, Saratoga Springs, Ballstown Springs and Ballstown, to Schenectady, once a week. Leave Schenectady every Wednesday at 6 A M. & return to Schenectady the next Friday by 6 P M.
110. From Triphill to Johnston, once a week. Leave Triphill every Tuesday and Friday at 3 P M. & arrive at Johnston by 4 P M. Leave Johnston every Tuesday & Friday at 5 P M. & arrive at Triphill by 6 P M.
111. From Utica, by Whitesboro, to Rome, twice a week. Leave Utica every Sunday & Friday at 6 A M. & arrive at Rome by 11 A M. Leave Rome at 1 P M. & arrive at Utica by 6 P M.
112. From Utica by Trenton, Steubenville, Leyden, Turin, Lowville, Harrisburg, Champion & Watertown, to Brownsville, once a week. Leave Utica every Wednesday at 6 A M. & arrive at Brownsville on Saturday by 9 A M. Returning. —Leave Brownsville every Saturday at 3 P M. & arrive at Harrisburg on Sunday by 6 P M. and at Utica the next Tuesday by 6 P M.
113. From Harrisburg by Oxbow, Decatur, Ogdenburg and Lisbon, to Madrid, once in two weeks. Leave Harrisburg every other Friday at 6 A M. & arrive at Madrid the next Monday by 10 A M. Leave Madrid at 2 P M. & arrive at Harrisburg the next Thursday by 6 P M.
114. From Plattsburg to Chateaugay, Malone, Cheesefield, Stockholm and Portland to Madrid—and thence by Pottsdam, Hopkinton, Madrid and Chateaugay, to Plattsburg, once in two weeks. Leave Plattsburg every other Friday at 6 A M. and arrive at Madrid the next Monday by 10 A M.—Leave Madrid at 2 p m. and arrive at Plattsburg the next Thursday by 6 p m.
115. From Rome by Curtis's milia in Camden, and Smith's milia in Adams, to Sacket's Harbour, once in two weeks. Leave Rome every other Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at Sacket's Harbour the next day, Tuesday, at 6 a m. and arrive at Rome the next Saturday by 6 p m.
116. From Bath by Canesteotown, Ark Port, Danville, Williamsburg and Genesee to Hartford, once in two weeks. Leave Hartford every other Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at Bath on Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Bath the next day, Wednesday, at 6 a m. and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 6 p m.
117. From Onondago by Salina, Liverpool, Three Rivers, Point and Oswego falls, to Oswego, once in two weeks. Leave Onondago every other Tuesday noon, and arrive at Oswego on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Oswego every other Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at Onondago on Tuesday by 10 a m.
118. From Cherry Valley by Springfield, Richfield, Plainfield and Bridge-water, to Sangerfield, once in two weeks. Leave Cherry Valley every other Thursday at 6 a m. & arrive at Sangerfield by 6 p m. Leave Sangerfield the next day at 6 a m. & arrive at Cherry Valley by 6 p m.
119. From Utica, by New Hartford, Paris, Hamilton, Sherburne and Nor-
wich, to Oxford, once a week. Leave Utica every Friday at 6 a m. & arrive at Oxford on Saturday by 10 a m.—Leave Oxford every Saturday at 2 p m. & arrive at Utica on Sunday by 6 p m.
120. From Canandaigua, by Bloomfield, Hartford, Southampton, Batavia, New Amsterdam & Lewistown, to Niagara, once a week. Leave Canandaigua every Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at New Amsterdam on Tuesday by 6 p m. and at Niagara the next Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Niagara every Thursday at 2 p m. & arrive at Canandaigua the next Sunday by 4 p m.
121. From Unadilla, by Hardwick, Milford and Otego, to Cooperstown once in two weeks. Leave Unadilla every other Saturday at 6 a m. & arrive at Cooperstown by 6 p m. Leave Cooperstown every other Sunday at 6 a m. & arrive at Unadilla by 6 p m.
122. From Bath, by Roelmon and Jerusalem, to Canadaseaga, once a week. Leave Canadaseaga every Monday at 6 a m. & arrive at Bath on Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Bath every Wednesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Canadaseaga by 6 p m.
123. From Newtown, by Catharine-town, Hector, Ovid, Lancaster and Romulus, to Geneva, once a week.—Leave Newtown every Tuesday at 6 a m. & arrive at Geneva on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Geneva every Sunday at 6 a m. & arrive at Newtown on Monday by 6 p m.
124. From New Amsterdam, by Fish, C. Gattarawgus and Caleada, to Erie, Pa. once in two weeks. Leave New Amsterdam every other Wednesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Erie on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Erie on Friday at 2 p m. & arrive at New Amsterdam on Saturday by 7 p m.
IN NEW JERSEY.
125. From Newark, by Chatham, Morristown, Boonton, Rockaway and Sparta, to Newtown, Andover—thence by Hacketstown, Black River, Mendon, Morristown and Chatham, to Newark, once a week. Leave Newark every Wednesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Newtown on Thursday by 7 p m. Leave Newtown every Friday at 6 a m. and arrive at Morristown on Saturday by 6 p m.
126. From New York, by Newark, Springfield, Scotch plains, Plainfield, New Market, Boundbrook, Somerville, Ringeo, New Hope and Jenkintown, to Philadelphia, once a week. Leave New York every Wednesday at 10 a m. and arrive at Philadelphia on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Philadelphia every Saturday at 8 a m. and arrive at New York on Monday by 10 a m.
127. From Easton, Pa. by Belvidere, Hope, Johnsbury, Newtown, Hamburg, Warwick, Florida, Goshen, Little Britton and New Windsor, to Newburg, once a week. Leave Newburg every Monday at 1 p m. and arrive at Goshen by 7 p m. Leave Goshen every Tuesday at 6 a m. and arrive at Newtown by 7 p m. Leave Newtown on Wednesday at 5 a m. and arrive at Easton by 7 p m. Returning. —Leave Easton every Thursday at 5 a m. and arrive at Newtown by 5 p m. Leave Newtown every Friday at 5 a m. and arrive at Goshen by 7 p m. Leave Goshen every Monday at 5 a m. and arrive at Newburg by 11 a m.
128. From Belvidere, by Knoll's mill and Detotburg, Pa. to Stroudsburg, Pa. once a week. Leave Belvidere every Friday at 4 a m. and arrive at Stroudsburg by 11 a m. Leave Stroudsburg at 1 p m. and arrive at Belvidere by 8 p m.
129. From Rahway by Scotch-plains to New Providence, once a week. Leave Rahway every Wednesday at 6 a m. and arrive at New Providence by 11 a m. Leave New Providence at 1 p m. and arrive at Rahway by 7 p m.
130. From Morristown, by Baskenridge, to Somerset, once a week. Leave Morristown every Thursday at 6 a m. & arrive at Somerset by 11 a m. Leave Somerset at 1 p m. & arrive at Morristown by 6 p m.
131. From Trenton, by Allentown Granbury, Monmouth, Shrewsbury, Middletown Point, Spotswood, New Brunswick, Somerset ch. Pluckemin, Rariton, New Germantown, Wallington, New Hampton, Pittston, Flemington & Pennington, to Trenton, once a week. And from Trenton, by Pennington, Flemington, Alexandria, Plumhead, Pa. thence by Alexandria, Pittston, New Hampton, and the reverse of the above route, to Trenton, once a week. Leave Trenton, to pals by Allentown every Tuesday at 8 a m. & arrive at New Brunswick on Wednesday by 6 p m. & at Trenton the next Tuesday by 6 a m. Leave Trenton, to pals by Flemington, every Tuesday at 8 a m. & arrive at Plumhead on Wednesday by 1 p m. at New Brunswick on Friday by 6 p m. & at Trenton the next Tuesday by 6 a m.
132. From Trenton, by Bordentown, Slabtown, Mount Holly, New Mills, Moretown, Haddonfield & Cooperstown, to Philadelphia, once a week. Leave Trenton every Tuesday at 9 a m. & arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Philadelphia every Wednesday at 3 p m. & arrive at Trenton on Thursday by 6 p m.