The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-12-14 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1276.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IN SENATE.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
NOVEMBER 24.
Mr. Giles's speech continued.
The next article I shall mention, is, the article of timber or lumber. I mention these articles particularly, in relation to the supply of the West Indies; and the rather, as the traders to these islands have been foremost in urging the British hostile orders. I recollect sometime since to have seen a report made, I believe to the House of Commons, showing the proportion of these articles imported to the West Indies, from the U. States, in relation to the same articles, imported thither from all the rest of the world; and the proportion of these articles was 99 in the 100, imported from the U. States. It is known that these articles are indispensable to the exports from those islands; particularly rum, sugar, and molasses. And I am at a loss to know from whence these articles can be supplied, except from the U. States. It should also be recollected, that timber and lumber are not of annual growth, they are part of the veteran sturdy oak itself; and therefore that their deficiency cannot be so easily supplied as is suggested in relation to cotton.
The next article I shall mention is tobacco—What says the Liverpool merchants respecting this article?
“During the last month tobacco has experienced some fluctuation, and sales have been made at prices under those quoted; but some considerable orders having appeared for export, the market has again settled at these rates, and if any opening to the continent of Europe, through the medium of Holland, should be found, an advance may be expected; on the contrary, if we have only our home consumption to depend upon, little alteration can take place until the sentiments of the American government be known at the meeting of Congress in November next.”
It is admitted that tobacco is not an article of the first necessity, it is however material to the manufacturer, and highly important to the revenue.
Naval stores are, also, certainly entitled to some consideration, although some supply of those articles, is now furnished from Sweden.
I have selected these articles as specimens of the intimacy and importance of the commercial connection between the U. States and G. Britain; and to demonstrate, that it cannot be withdrawn on our part without essentially affecting her interests. Again, sir, what effect will this recession of intercourse have upon the revenue of that country? I shall make no minute estimate, but it will certainly have an effect which cannot be disregarded; and the rather when it is recollected that G. Britain has imposed an export duty of 4 per cent. upon her goods sent to the U. States which produces to her, an annual revenue of about $600,000, probably much more; and that this is a discriminating duty against the U. States which ought to have been repelled the moment it was laid—and especially, as it was avowed, that it was imposed upon the U. States with the view of placing them on the same footing with the British colonies.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) tells us, even suppose that our embargo laws drive fifty thousand, or more, manufacturers from their employment in G. Britain, it will only add to her naval and military strength. It would only give her fifty thousand seamen or soldiers more than she now has. This, sir, is an unfortunate specimen of the prosperity, which G. Britain is supposed to derive from the embargo laws. If I am rightly informed, generally, and particularly yesterday, by the learned gentleman from N. York (Mr. Mitchell) of the materials of which the manufacturers consist, I am disposed to think they would make poor seamen, & sorry soldiers. I do not think the world would have much to fear from their prowess. They are fit for manufacturers, and nothing else; and if driven from their habitual employments, they must starve, or become a charge upon the nation. But, sir, the conversion of fifty thousand productive, into fifty thousand unproductive, and even expensive, laborers, could not contribute much to the wealth or power of any nation; and such an operation in G. Britain, where the poor rates are sufficiently high already, would command the serious attention of the government.
There is something essential to the physical power of a nation, besides the numbers of seamen and soldiers. It is money—it is revenue. This operation upon labor, could not be pro-
ductive of revenue, but would be an enormous charge upon it. I am therefore inclined to think that the British cabinet would not feel any great obligation to the gentleman for his ingenious discovery. All these considerations must present strong inducements to G. Britain to revoke her hostile orders; but she has hitherto refused to do so.
Let a candid enquiry be now made into the actual causes of this refusal. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) informs us, that the British cabinet shewed some solicitude about the embargo laws, till some time between the 22d of June and the 29th of July last, within which time, information flowed in upon them, which relieved them from this solicitude, and reconciled them to the embargo. [Mr. Lloyd rose to explain. He said he referred to the months of June and July, without mentioning any particular days of those months.] I admit that the gentleman did not mention the particular days; I took the particular days for greater precision, from the correspondence between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Madison, from which I presume the gentleman had drawn his information.
What was the information that flowed in upon the British cabinet, from the 22d June to the 29th of July? That period announced two events. First, the wonderful revolution in Spain; although this event must have been pretty well understood in London before even the 22d June, perhaps not to its full extent. The other event was, the paltry attempt at the resistance of the embargo laws in Vermont, magnified into a formidable insurrection against the government; and the unhappy discontent manifested in Boston, and its neighborhood, together with the results of the elections in Massachusetts. All these circumstances were certainly greatly exaggerated, or, perhaps, utterly misrepresented. Here, then, sir, we clearly discern the real causes of the refusal of the British cabinet to meet the just and honorable proposition of the U. States and to revoke their orders in council. The Spanish revolution, no doubt, contributed to their determination; but the principal cause, was our own divisions and discontent, either wholly misrepresented or highly exaggerated.
Before the 22d June, Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning were engaged in the most informal and friendly communications: Mr. Canning had gone so far as to intimate to Mr. Pinkney, that he might in a few days expect to be able to communicate to his government, some agreeable intelligence, evidently meaning, either the revocation or relaxation of the hostile orders. But, unfortunately, shortly after the 22d June, the packet arrived with this flood of disgraceful information from the U. States. Immediately after the receipt of this information, or rather misinformation, Mr. Canning changes his conduct. All informal conferences with Mr. Pinkney are declined, and a formal note demanded, in reply to which, the note of refusal was returned, marked, as we have seen, with indignity and insult to the U. States.
Now, sir, let me ask, whether these facts do not demonstrate, that the continuation of the hostile orders is principally, if not solely, owing to the dishonorable divisions and discontent in this country, and the exaggerated accounts given of them to the British government? That events in Spain alone, however intoxicating to the British cabinet, were not, of themselves, sufficient to produce this effect; because they were known before the change in Mr. Canning's conduct took place, and had not produced that effect: But, the moment the extravagant accounts of the discontent and divisions in this country were received, was the moment of change in Mr. Canning's conduct, and, therefore, must be considered as the real cause that produced it. Besides, sir, was not this change of conduct the natural effect of this disgraceful information? When Mr. Canning was informed that the people of the U. States had become false to themselves; had refused to bear the necessary privations, imposed by the government; had, in fact, separated themselves from their own government—that they would elect persons to office, who would, voluntarily, yield obedience to Mr. Canning's orders—what inducement could he have for their revocation? If obedience and submission were gratuitously tendered by the people of the U. States, he had certainly nothing to do but graciously to accept them; and his note affords full evidence of this impression on his mind. The refusal of the British go-
vernment, to revoke their hostile orders, therefore, appears not to have been founded upon a calculation of its interests upon correct information; but upon a miscalculation of its interests upon misinformation. How much, then, is it to be lamented, Mr. President, that our sufferings and privations should be continued, by the discontent, which were intended to remedy them? How can the authors of these discontent, reconcile their conduct to the nation, or to their own consciences? What compensation or atonement can they ever hope to make to the people for the prostrations of their privations and sufferings? What, for the disgrace befallen the nation? What, for all the horrors and calamities of war, which may, and probably will be, the consequences of such conduct? Let the infatuated authors of it answer these questions. Ages of services cannot atone for these cruel, these unfortunate errors.
It is asked, sir, how do the embargo laws operate on France? It is readily admitted, that the commercial connection between the U. States and France, is not of such a nature as to make a suspension of it operate as injuriously to France herself, particularly in the interior, as on G. Britain. But our commerce cannot be deemed unimportant to France in the feeble state of her navy. At the time too, of laying the embargo, Spain, Portugal, and Holland, were in alliance with, or in subjection to France. Its pressure was materially felt by Spain and Portugal from their want of provisions; and it is questionable, how far that measure contributed to the convention for the evacuation of Portugal by the French army. The want of provisions being one ground alleged for their late convention for that purpose.
The French West India islands too, have felt the pressure with great severity. They are at this moment in a state of blockade. There are probably two objects in this blockade—The one to reduce the French islands for want of provisions. The other, to seize upon our merchant ships, which it was presumed would hasten thither immediately upon raising the embargo. And it appeared extremely well timed to effect that object, if Congress upon their first meeting, had been weak or pusillanimous enough to have raised it. The loss of these islands, would be severely felt by the French emperor, and would probably produce some regret on his part, in having contributed to drive the U. States to the extremity of the embargo laws.
But, sir, gentlemen are very much alarmed at an expression in a late French expose—They have made some general allusions to it, but in so vague a manner, as not to be understood with precision. As I am always fond of a correct statement of facts, I will read the expression probably alluded to. “The Americans, a people who involve their fortunes, their prosperity, and almost their existence in commerce, have given an example of a great and courageous sacrifice. They have suspended by a general embargo, all commerce and all navigation, rather than shamefully submit to that tribute, which the English impose on the navigation of all nations.”—I cannot conceive the importance attached to this expression, or the view with which it was introduced. It is to be remarked that this is the character given to this measure throughout all Europe, and by none more loudly and decisively, than by the federal American merchants now in Great Britain.
It is only on this side of the Atlantic that we hear it described as a weak or a wicked measure. But what of all this, sir. Will this French expression change the real character of the measure? Shall we change our own opinions of the true character of the measure because the French government has thought proper to pronounce an opinion upon it?—Are we told to abandon our own right of judging of our own measures, because the French government officially undertakes to judge for us? Sir, to me it is perfectly indifferent, what the French government thinks upon the subject; I shall take the liberty of exercising my own judgment upon it, perfectly exempt from any extraneous influence whatever.
Mr. Canning, sir, has also undertaken to say something respecting the character of the embargo laws. Let us hear what he says upon the subject:
“If considered as a measure of impartial hostility against both belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty, to have been manifestly unjust, as according to every principle
of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong. And his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility, which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expense of a concession made, not to America, but to France.”
“If, as it has more generally been represented by the government of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent, municipal regulation, which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it; and he has made none.”
“His majesty would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity; and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people.”
Let me now ask you, Mr. President, what feelings must rush themselves into your bosom, upon hearing this last, this arrogant insinuation? What must be the feelings of every worn veteran, who has so long enjoyed the pleasing consciousness of having been instrumental in achieving his country's independence? What must be the feelings of every young American, who has not basely degenerated from his father's virtues? Do you not see, sir, in this sentence almost a direct overture of the interference of his most gracious majesty in our political concerns? Do you not see the vain and idle effort to encourage discontent by the expression of his majesty's good disposition to interpose his good offices to relieve the American people from the inconvenient restrictions imposed on them by their own government? What indignity, what insult could be greater upon the American people? What could more clearly demonstrate the infatuation, the intoxication of Mr. Canning's mind, produced by the unfortunate flood of misinformation which had poured in upon him? The American people will repel the overture with indignation, with disdain;—and, sir, as a sure and pleasing anticipation of this result, I rejoiced to see the indignant resentment manifested by the gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. White.) It was the more honorable to him, sir, because it was the triumph of his American feelings over a host of prejudices with which I fear he is surrounded. I always knew that gentleman to be a patriot, and when it shall become necessary, I expect to see him amongst the foremost in the ranks of honor, in the defence of his country's rights.
Yes, sir, this insulting overture will doubtless burst the strong fetters of the prejudices of thousands of other American patriots, who will rally to the standard of their own government, and will teach Mr. Canning, how little he knows of the American character, or the American sensibility, when he thus ventures to insult it.
Sir, the sentiments contained in this extraordinary note of Mr. Canning's, are not new to me. I have seen them for some months in some of the Boston newspapers—it contains nothing more than the ridiculous insinuations contained in them, reduced to the form of a diplomatic note, not at all improved, nor dignified, nor better calculated to effect their object, by the sarcastic insolence of Mr. Canning.
Upon an impartial review of the whole of this part of the subject, Mr. President, I think I am warranted in the conclusion, that the embargo laws have not been without materially beneficial effects upon both the belligerents—that they have presented strong appeals to the interests of both; but that these appeals have not produced their complete effect. I have no hesitation in saying, sir, that when the proper time shall arrive, if these orders and decrees should unfortunately be persevered in, I shall, for one, be ready to make still stronger appeals to their interests—appeals limited only by the whole force and energy of the nation.
I think also, sir, I am warranted in concluding, that if the embargo laws have failed of complete success, their failure has been owing to extraordinary causes, which could neither have been foreseen nor anticipated at the time of the adoption of the measure, and therefore cannot furnish any imputation against its policy or wisdom.
Permit me, now, sir, to make some observations upon the general character of this measure, as well as replies to some of the more general objections brought against it. I have said, sir, that there are no substitutes for the embargo, but war or submission . I will now proceed to prove this position—a repeal of the embargo without a substitute, is submission , if with a substitute it is war . Gentlemen in the opposition, seem fully sensible of the delicacy and ingenuity of this part of the question. When pressed for their substitute they manifest vast reluctance in producing it.
The gentleman from Delaware, indeed told us, he was not the pioneer of the administration; I never knew that he was called upon to act in that character; but I hope he will not voluntarily act as the sapper, nor the miner of the administration, especially when he must behold the administration assailed by the two most powerful belligerents in the world, unfortunately aided, I fear too, sir, by a host of domestic sappers and miners, and underminers in the bargain. I am sure, sir, the gentleman will not take upon himself such a character. The gentleman, however, did not withhold from us an intimation, at least of his substitute—an intimation which could not be mistaken. It was war with France. The question, therefore, as to him is at an end upon this point. War is the substitute.
But, the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) after protesting against furnishing any substitute, intimates merely that he is in favor of armed commerce. Why, sir, do gentlemen in the opposition manifest such a reluctance in producing a substitute, if they have one? They seem to be laboring under an impression that this is a mere question, between themselves and the administration; an unimportant question of ins and outs. The question is certainly of a very different description. It is a question between this nation and foreign nations. It is a question involving our national existence and independence, and the dearest rights of the people.
Let me tell these gentlemen, sir, that the people have a right to demand a substitute from them, if they have one; not merely a vague insinuation to fill up a chasm in a defective argument, but a written proposition, reduced to form, presented for serious consideration; that every word may be strictly examined, and all its bearings seen; then, sir, we should be in a state of preparation to make a choice between such substitute, and the measures of the administration.
Besides, sir, if this obligation were disregarded, every rule of criticism, every principle of common sense would require a substitute. If you criticise upon a sentence in writing, the criticism is incomplete until you shew a better. In law pleadings, if you object to a plea, as defective, you are bound to show a better. And, certainly, sir, the magnitude of the question, does not lessen the obligation imposed by the ordinary rules of common sense. Again, sir, I hardly could have supposed, that gentlemen of such lofty pretensions to wisdom and talents, would have contented themselves with the humble office of finding faults, without furnishing the proper correction. This motive conduct, this doing nothing for the people, in these dangerous and critical times, can furnish but a poor claim to the people's gratitude and applause.
But, sir, I will consider the gentleman's substitute, even with the glimmering views of it, which he has presented. His substitute is an armed commerce. Would he extend it to acts of reprisal? If so, it is immediate war. Would he stop short of that? It would still be war; but of a more inefficient kind. If our vessels are to arm, I presume their arms are to be used in self defence; they would be used against both the belligerents. In the present temper of G. Britain, the first gun fired in a spirit of hostility, even with a blank cartridge; or if it were a pop-gun, would be instant war. It would be the signal to her navy to seize upon the whole of our commerce, which would be scared up in the ocean, the moment of raising the embargo. The gentleman's substitute I, therefore, believe to be war, and war of the most inefficient kind. A repeal of the embargo, without a substitute, is submission. Submission to what? to colonization; to taxation, to tribute.
That this is the true character of the British orders and acts of parliament, we not only know from the measures themselves, but we know it was so understood in the Brit-

parliament, at the time of their adoption. As an evidence of this fact, let me call your most serious attention, sir, to some of the observations made in Parliament, at the time of their adoption, particularly the observations of Lord Grenville in the House of Lords.
Speech to be continued.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
NOVEMBER 30.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CONTINUED.
Mr. Troup said he was extremely happy to agree in one thing with the hon. gentleman who has just sat down, that the southern had not suffered less by the operation of the embargo than the eastern states; but when in suffering from the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) on a point of still greater importance he was also compelled to differ from the hon. gentleman from Virginia; he did so with the deepest regret. It has been said by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (observed Mr. T.) that for the last 11 months the country has suffered by this system of embargo, the extreme of disgrace and humiliation, and the gentleman from Virginia has called it a measure of degrading submission. Sir, it is not a measure of submission; it is a measure of resistance, and of the most formidable resistance. Whatever may have been the object of the Executive in recommending the embargo, it has ever been supported by me as a measure of coercion, as a measure of justifiable retaliation. I contend that it is not submission. Acquiescence in the orders & decrees; submission to seizure and condemnation, would be submission to all intents and purposes; but that measure which keeps at home the ships and property which our enemies seek to capture on the high seas is not submission, but resistance, and the gentleman from Massachusetts will find it so to his sorrow. Commerce, sir, is the life-blood of England; it is the foundation of her wealth, her prosperity and her maritime grandeur. But the gentleman says we have retired from the high way of nations and left our great rival free to navigate it. True—we have retired from the ocean; we have left our rival free to navigate; but very little more than between port and port of her own dominions. We have given the finishing stroke to her exclusion from the commerce of the whole civilized world—she has not one title of it left other than what you yourselves would have if your embargo were raised to-morrow, and your committee have told you what that is—a scanty, contemptible commerce of 7,000,000 of dollars. England lost 100,000,000 when France shut the continent against her—she lost 50,000,000 by the occlusion of your own ports, and nothing of trade is left her but that which she may drive with the native powers of Asia and Africa, with Sweden, and precariously with Spain, Portugal and their possessions. No more then of raising the embargo to carry on commerce, when without a sacrifice of independence, without a dishonorable submission to the orders of cou. it we cannot carry on more than 7,000,000 of commerce.
I know it is said that the people of the southern states are the enemies of foreign trade, that their spirit and their interest are anti-commercial. Sir, in this sentiment which is itself without foundation, nay without even the shadow of foundation is to be sought that jealousy which has given rise to so many evils and from which such serious evils are yet to be apprehended—but sir it is a mean, pitiful, contemptible jealousy. The southern states are not the enemies of commerce—indeed how can it be said of a people who raise 70,000,000 of pounds of cotton and for which they have not a home market for 10,000,000, that they are the enemies of commerce! No sir, they have from the beginning of your government to the present day sacrificed as much to the prosperity of commerce as any people of the union; they have been at all times as ready to go to war for commerce—on the attack of the Chesapeake they were even more forward to go to war for the honor and dignity of the flag than the people of the eastern states.
A little more than was said by my friend from Virginia, as to the comparative operation of the embargo on the Eastern and Southern states—compare the operation of this measure by its proper test—the only true and correct one; the depreciation of the respective staples of those two sections of the union. Let the gentleman from Massachusetts state to the House what has been the depreciation of his beef, pork, fish, butter, cheese, onions, potatoes, and cabbages, and I will tell him what has been the depreciation of our great staples cotton and rice. The ordinary market price of cotton is between 18 and 22 cents; the embargo price is from 10 to 12; the ordinary price of rice is from 5 to 6 dollars; the embargo price is from 2 to 3. Our people are besides in proportion to their number more in debt than the people of the Eastern states.
But the gentleman from Massachusetts warns us against a perse-
verance in the system of embargo—a perseverance according to the gentleman is to be followed by open hostility to the laws. Sir, I dread no such hostility; we have no reason to dread it; it is altogether impossible that men who are actuated by the basest of human passions, can make a serious movement in a revolution. No, sir, I insist upon it, we have no cause to fear the anti-embargo men of Massachusetts; one brave, independent, generous yeoman of Massachusetts, would drive a half a dozen such fellows into the ocean. But the truth is, the gentleman seems to have wholly mistaken the condition of his countrymen. He told us they had suffered every thing but famine, that the distress and ruin were co-extensive with the country, they could or would not suffer longer. Yet, sir, the gentleman was not well seated before his colleague (Mr. Bacon) rose, and with equal claim to veracity and the same opportunity of forming a correct opinion, told you that his honorable colleague had given a very high coloring to the picture; that the distresses of the people were by no means as great as they were described, and that if they were less prosperous and flourishing than before the embargo, they were far, very far, from that state of misery which his colleague had represented.
Sir, many of these observations have been made with extreme reluctance; they have been extorted under circumstances which must give pain to every American, but which cannot fail to kindle in him the liveliest indignation. No man can read without horror and disgust in the paper of the day, the most treasonable and flagitious libel that ever disgraced our country (the anonymous publication circulated in Newbury-Port.)
Sir, it is remarkable that we have been so gradually familiarized with British outrages, and have at length become so completely reconciled to the most extravagant excesses of them that what, two years ago you would have been willing to go to war for, would now be considered a matter of too trifling importance to merit your attention, much less your resentment. Two years ago you were willing to go to war to limit the right of search; you would have gone to war to prohibit the practice of impressment, you would have gone to war to overturn the lawless system of blockade; you would have gone to war for the colonial trade; for the attack on the Chesapeake; two years ago you would have gone to war for the orders in council, and now that all these outrages & more than these have accumulated on your head until you are bowed down to the earth—you are content to beg a little commerce of England—you tell England if she will be pleased to grant you a little trade you will open your ports to her and shut them against France. This last, this humiliating overture she rejects with indignation—you have no choice left, as your committee has reported, but between war and embargo. We cannot go to war with one without going to war with the other; because the wrongs done by one are not less than the wrongs done by the other—unless indeed you consider the shedding of innocent blood the greatest of all possible wrongs.
I know this measure of embargo has been condemned, loudly condemned; but only by men who propose to reseat themselves in power by an appeal to the feelings and interest of the community. In one part of the country this appeal has been made with effect. The avaricious have been corrupted, the ignorant have been duped. In all countries there are the avaricious and the ignorant, and the passion of the one and the credulity of the other have been wielded with success by the anti-embargo men. Sir, the people have been led to believe, that a great commerce could be carried on under the orders and decrees, when in fact no commerce could be carried on without compromising the honor of the nation. They have been led to believe that a commerce could be carried on without hazarding the peace of the country, when in fact no commerce could be carried on without involving the country in war, and whilst the great object of the government was to protect commerce the embargo was said to aim a deadly blow at commerce. It is by such misrepresentations that the noisy enemies of embargo out of doors have been deluded and corrupted. And are these the people to whom we are called on to turn a respectful and deferential ear. The merest Shylocks—men who cry out, away with your honor, your independence, your neutrality—they are all stuff—give me gold! British merchants, British agents, and malcontent Americans—the depraved of the cities, and the ignorant of the country—men who are ready to sacrifice the honor and independence of the nation for a little trade in codfish and potash. If we are thus degenerate—if we are thus fallen in thirty short years, it is high time to abandon your republican system of government. Sir, will posterity believe that this very people, who thirty years ago
magnanimously offered up their lives and fortunes for the acquisition of independence, are now prepared to sacrifice that very independence to their avarice? Will posterity believe, that this same people, in one short year forgot the affair of the Chesapeake? That they were ready to shake hands with the murderers and robbers of their countrymen? I will not, for myself, assent to such a base barter of honor for gold. No, sir! If it has come to this—if we cannot for a year or two years endure the privations incident to a measure of embargo, if we cannot exist without the luxuries of life, notwithstanding the most imperious calls of honor and of duty, we are unworthy the blessings we enjoy—we have lost our virtue, and are ripe for the dynasty of the Bonapartes or any other dynasty, and whether you are conquered by France into miserable servitude to-morrow, or corrupted to sell your country to England, is not worth a reflection. This accursed avarice will ruin you.
Sir, it is not to such a people as those, and I trust in God, a majority of the people of New-England are very different, that I would appeal to test the correctness of the measure of embargo. Were I disposed to test its correctness by its popularity, I would appeal to the people of Virginia, too honorable to be corrupted, too enlightened to be duped. I would ask them what they thought of the embargo, and they would answer with an almost unanimous voice—they would go further—they would be ready to support it with their lives and fortunes.
You have done every thing for commerce—you have negotiated for commerce—you have jeopardized the peace of the country for commerce—you have passed an embargo to protect commerce—and commerce is the first to abandon you. God forbid that I should speak thus of the whole mercantile community. I have seen too many instances on this floor of noble and magnanimous sacrifice of private interest to the public weal—they are not the Smiths or the Grays, or the Crowninshields, of whom I speak.
If the embargo were raised to-morrow, none would trade but men of desperate character and bankrupt fortune—the real bona fide American merchant, would not venture a ship at sea—and where would they trade? Why to be sure they might drive a trade in beef and pork and flour to the West Indies, and some of our cotton and rice and tobacco, would find their way to England, if the French privateers did not catch them—but the market would soon be overrun—it would soon be no better than the home market, and where would you trade to besides? If you are determined to pay the nine pence per pound tribute, for permission to re-export your cotton to the continent, the French decrees would take it, and if they did not, the price of the article would be so enhanced by the tribute, that the market at the continent would be lost to you.
Permission to arm is tantamount to a declaration of war, and the people of this country want peace, as long as they can preserve it with honor. And do you think, sir, we are ready to plunge headlong into a ruinous war, naked and unarmed, to gratify a few bankrupt commercial speculators! It is easy to declare war—it is more difficult under present circumstances, to maintain peace, and it is most difficult of all to wage a successful war. Sir, beware! It is the object of the gentleman from Massachusetts and his friends, to lead you step by step into a war, and if he can, into an unpopular war, which the moment you cease to conduct with effect, you are ruined, and he and his friends are exalted. To such an event, deplorable as it would be, I could be reconciled if I believed the gentleman and his friends would govern in the true spirit of the constitution; but liberty has been hunted down in the old world—there is scarce a remnant of it left, save in America—here it is sustained by the ruling party; and sir, the moment this party ceases to rule, republicanism is gone, and with it the hopes of all good men forever. On this account I deprecate such an event.
It would appear to me from the tenor of the argument of the gentleman from Massachusetts, that he wants war with France and alliance with England. If this be the fact, the gentleman is not consistent. If he is really as much afraid of the gigantic power of France as he affects to be, (and I must confess, for my part, I am very much afraid of it,) assuredly it is not policy to provoke France—it is policy to keep out of the way of both monsters as long as we can, and to husband your resources. And what would avail an alliance with England?—You could only furnish men to be slaughtered on the continent. I can tell the gentleman from Massachusetts in what he would much better exemplify, both his patriotism and consistency—in union—in uniting to call into activity the resources of the nation for its defence—in organizing and arming and disciplining—and what is not less desirable in adopting a system of finance, which would not fail you in any exigency—
in short, in pursuing the course, in which you are—which the soundest policy points to as the safest and the best, the course of impartial neutrality, if indeed neutrality has any thing to do with it.
As to the embargo so much has been said both in and out of doors in its justification, that I will forbear to touch it. It is only necessary to observe that it has been supported and will be continued as a measure of security and of just retaliation—as a measure of security it keeps the property at home, which but for it would have enriched your enemies—as a measure of retaliation, it would have had its effect but for the anti-embargo men of Massachusetts. If the gentleman will co-operate to make it efficient he will soon find the great mercantile politicians of England from Anderson down to M c Call Medford, have not been mistaken in the belief that this country can vitally affect the colonial & manufacturing interests of that by an embargo system.
As to a declaration of war against France and G. Britain, and the policy of making it immediately, no local considerations should be permitted to enter into our view of it; but this much is to be said, that the Southern people are more interested in raising the embargo than going to war; by the first they would find a vent for a small proportion of their staples—by the latter they could get nothing but taxes and fighting. The anti embargo men of Massachusetts would not make more by the first than ourselves, and by the last they would make nothing more than their privateers would make for them, but the great object is to postpone the evil.
One word before I sit down, as to what fell from the gentleman from N. York. He proposes to repeal the embargo in relation to Spain and Portugal; sir, is the political condition of those states characterized by a permanency and stability which would warrant a commercial connexion with them—trade with the junta of Seville, a mere political ephemeron—a being of a day. Sir, I wish the Spanish patriots success with all my heart, but success is impossible. Ten thousand to one that whilst I am speaking, this same Junta of Seville is imploring clemency at the footstool of the great usurper. Indeed, sir, if we are bound to consider this people of any definite description, we are to consider them rather as French subjects than Spanish patriots, for the only official paper in relation to them is the instrument of abdication and renunciation by which this unhappy people have been transferred over like a flock of sheep to the emperor Napoleon, and by the very men for whose rights of empire they are said to be contending.
(To be continued.)
SENATE—DECEMBER 11.
Mr. GILES, from the committee appointed the 11th November, on that part of the message of the President of the U. States which relates to the embargo laws, & the measures necessary to enforce the observance thereof, made a further report, in part, of the following bill, "To authorize and require the President of the U. S. to arm, man and fit out for immediate service all the public ships of war, vessels and gun boats of the U. S."
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, That the President be, and he is hereby authorized and required, to cause to be fitted out, officered, manned, and employed, as soon as may be, all the frigates and other armed vessels of the United States, including gun boats; and to cause the frigates and armed vessels, so soon as they can be prepared for actual service respectively, to be stationed at such ports and places on the sea-coast as he may deem most expedient, or to cruise on any part of the coast of the United States, or territories thereof."
"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of carrying the foregoing provision into immediate effect, the President of the United States be, and is hereby authorized and required in addition to the number of petty officers, able seamen, ordinary seamen, and boys, at present authorized by law, to appoint, and cause to be engaged and employed as soon as may be midshipmen, corporals of marines, able seamen, ordinary seamen and boys, which shall be engaged to serve for a period not exceeding years, but the President may discharge the same sooner, if in his judgment their service may be dispensed with: And to satisfy the necessary expenditures to be incurred therein, a sum not exceeding dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated; and shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated."
The bill for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases and for other purposes, was read the second time and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. BRADLEY gave notice that he should on Thursday next ask leave to bring in a bill in addition to the act,
entitled "An act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and in the waters under their jurisdiction."
The bill making further appropriation for the public buildings in the city of Washington, was considered, without any definitive order being taken thereon.
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 13.
The bill to authorize and require the President of the U. S. to arm, man and fit out for immediate service all the public ships of war, vessels and gun boats of the U. S. was read the second time and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
After consideration, the bill making further provision for enforcing the embargo was recommitted to the original committee.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 12.
MOTION FOR PUBLISHING CONFIDENTIAL PAPERS.
After the reference of some petitions and resolutions of a private nature—
Mr. Randolph observed, that it was not without some embarrassment that he rose to submit a motion to the House, not because he conceived that there was any thing improper in the motion itself—far otherwise—but because he was not perfectly sure whether, previous to making it he ought not to request the galleries of the House to be cleared. But inasmuch as the motion itself could convey nothing to the spectators in the galleries which would be improper to be disclosed, and it would be competent for the chair to decide whether the discussion (if any should arise) ought to be carried on with closed doors or not, perhaps it would be better in the first instance to submit the motion with the doors open, because he knew what sensations the closing of the doors of the House frequently excited. The public had already seen, by the supplemental journal of proceedings with closed doors, the fate of several motions made in order to give publicity to several communications from our ministers abroad. They had also seen, he presumed, because he had seen, in the public newspapers, a letter purporting to be written by a member of this House, (Mr. Sawyer) containing what was stated to be a disclosure of those dispatches in substance. It could not be forgotten that during the discussion of propositions to give publicity to those communications, gentlemen, one in particular from Massachusetts, had conceived that nothing could be more unhappy than to give substantially their contents; that it would be infinitely better, in fact to publish them verbatim, than to give what each individual might chuse to call their substance: and Mr. R. said, it was well known that his worthy friend from North Carolina, (Mr. Macon) though zealous for their publication, had voted against giving permission to any individual to make public what he thought to be their substance.
It was with extreme reluctance, Mr. R. said, that he had drawn into question the name of any member of this House, particularly of one who was not present. He said, he had deferred the motion which he was about to submit, in hopes that the gentleman whose name had been used by the public papers would be present to inform the House whether his name had been properly used by the public papers or not. He wished not to be understood as vouching for the proof of the fact; but the impression on the public mind was the same from that letter as if it had actually been written by the member in question; and it must be well known to every member of the House, and that as far as it went was a proof that it had not been written by the gentleman in question, that the letter did not contain substantially the amount of the dispatches. He said he perceived in that printed letter that an important letter of Gen. Armstrong, he thought of the 22d of February, was not alluded to at all. He thought it important not only that the public should see what the members themselves had seen, that they should know what they knew, but that they should be apprized of what in his opinion was not of much less consequence, of what the House did not know. For this purpose he said he would again submit a motion to the House, which had been once rejected upon ground which in his opinion could not at this moment have weight; since the principal objection had consisted in the impropriety of permitting any thing purporting to be the contents of the communications to be known, on account of the misrepresentation to which they might be liable. Mr. R. then offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the communication from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th instant, be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, December 27th, 1807.
The Speaker observed that in his opinion the rules of the House re-

quired that this resolution should be considered with closed doors.
On motion of Mr. Randolph, the galleries were accordingly cleared, and so remained for about an hour and an half, when they were again opened. Whilst the doors were closed, the question on Mr. Randolph's motion was taken, after debate, by Yeas and Nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Basset, Champion, Chittenden, Culpeper, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gardenier, Garnet, Gray, Harris, Hope, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Macomb, Masters, John Morrow, Mosely, Munford, Nelson, Picken, Quincy, Randolph, Russell, S. Smith, Stedman, Sturgis, Tallmadge, Taggart, Trigg, Upham, Van Cleave, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, & D. R. Williams—42.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Bount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clay, Clopton, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Deshe, Finch, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Helms, Howard, Holmes, Holland, Humphreys, Isley, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, Marion, McCrory, Milner, J. Montgomery, D. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jr., Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Rea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, John Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Swart, Taylor, Thompson, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, A. Wilson, N. Wilson, and Winn—31.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The report of the committee on our foreign relations still under consideration.
Mr. Gardenier commenced a speech against the measures of the present administration generally, and the embargo in particular. When he had been speaking about an hour,
Mr. Ullrich observed that the usual hour of adjournment (about half past two o'clock) had arrived, and the gentleman appeared not to have nearly finished. He therefore moved to adjourn.
Mr. Gardenier giving way for the purpose of permitting a question to be taken on the motion, Mr. J. Jackson called for the Yeas and Nays on it, giving as a reason his desire that the public should know who were willing to protract public business thus. The motion for adjournment was negatived. Ayes 47—Nays 65.
After Mr. Gardenier had spoken about twenty minutes longer,
Mr. Quincy observed that the gentleman from New York appeared to be much exhausted, and renewed the motion for adjournment—Carried—Ayes 67.
Tuesday, Dec. 13.
On motion of Mr. Thomas, Resolved, that a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of dividing the Indiana territory. The resolution of the House of Representatives of the Indiana territory on this subject was referred to the same committee.
A bill from the Senate for the relief of A. J. Viellard, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Alexander, a committee was appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments were necessary in the laws directing in what manner the judicial acts of one state shall be proven in another state, &c.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The report of the committee on our foreign relations still under consideration.
Mr. Gardenier occupied the floor, in continuation of his observations of yesterday, for four hours.
Mr. Findley spoke for about twenty minutes in reply.
The first resolution, contained in the following words, was divided, so as to take the question first on the part in italics .
Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain—and France.
The question was then taken on the first clause of this resolution, and CARRIED one hundred and twenty-one to two. Nays—Messrs. Gardenier and Trigg.
The question being about to be put on the remaining part of the resolution, viz. on the words "and France"—
Mr. Randolph enquired whether it was in order to put a question on these words, as they expressed no definite meaning, considering of themselves no specific proposition to which a response of Aye or No could be made.
The Speaker declared that it was in order. Mr. Randolph appealed from this decision, and called for the Yeas and Nays on the appeal; alleging, as a reason for making it, that no resolution or motion could be divided except where the sense naturally divided it, and the words "and France," taken separately, containing no proposition which could either be affirmed or denied.
Much desultory debate took place on the appeal from the Speaker's decision; when Mr. Gholson appealed from the decision of the Speaker permitting the appeal by Mr. Randolph after a question had been taken (on the first clause of the resolution) under the decision appealed from.
The question was then taken on the motion of Mr. Gholson, viz. "Is the decision of the Speaker permitting an appeal correct?" It was determined in the negative, ayes 16; and thus the question of order was decided.
The question was then taken on the second clause of the resolution, and CARRIED one hundred and thirteen to two. Nays—Messrs. Gardenier and Trigg.
The question was then taken on the whole resolution as reported by the committee, and CARRIED one hundred
and eighteen to two. Nays—Messrs. Gardenier and Trigg.
And the house adjourned about 7 o'clock.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14.
We have received London prints to the 15th of October inclusive. Although they do not furnish intelligence, in addition to that already given, of any great consequence, the following articles, which we have selected, are by no means devoid of interest. The article, in particular, which intimates a relaxation of the orders of Council, which we take from the Morning Chronicle, if correct, would open a wide field for speculation; and would seem to shew, either that the British cabinet are opening the way to the eventual direction of a system, which a hard necessity may compel them to abandon; or, that they have thrown out this appearance of a disposition to yield to the just claims of neutrals, to paralyse the measures expected from our government. This last conjecture acquires some weight from the season, when this relaxation is alleged to have been made, which just allowed it time, on a common calculation, to reach this country on the opening of the session of Congress. But it is unnecessary further to speculate on what may not have occurred. When substantiated, it will be time enough to analyse its character, and to decide whether it evinces most friendship or treachery.
Our readers will perceive, with interest, the striking parallel, between Bonaparte and the British government, as illustrated by the one in his conduct to Spain, and by the other in its conduct to the Nabobs of the Carnatic. These examples should convince us that we must depend on ourselves, and that it is equally preposterous to hold up the British navy, and the army of Napoleon, as the saviours of the world.
The state of New-York, it will be seen, has divided her votes for President and Vice-President. This will not elevate her in the esteem of her sister states. In such a crisis, and on such an occasion, the minority should have yielded to the majority, and the little prejudices of person or place been sacrificed to principle. We, therefore, regret this result. It will, however, not be unaccompanied with good. It will prove that the friends of the Vice-President have continued to urge his pretensions to the Presidency, and that all their efforts have only insured him six votes out of nineteen in his own state, and not a solitary vote out of his state. It will shew that his support, compared with that given to Mr. Madison, stands in the relation of six to one hundred and twenty-three. For no doubt remains of the final result. It is certain that the votes for President will stand as follows:
  For Madison, 123   Pinkney, 47   Clinton, 6 
In our last we mentioned the convocation of the Legislature of Pennsylvania at Lancaster. We have since received several letters from that place. The representation they contain is uniform. Whig principles there carry every thing before them; and the whole republican phalanx is devoted to the measures of the administration, ready to stake the last life, if necessary, in their defence. Glorious example! Freedom or death has ever been your motto. Illustrious state! You have not only declared yourself independent; but by your virtues and talents have actually made yourself so; and, unlike a degenerate sister, you are grateful for the rich blessings with which a beneficent Providence rewards you.
Governor M'Kean has made his valedictory speech. A more finished performance has rarely been offered to the public. We say nothing of its local allusions; but on national topics it is animated in every line, with the fire of seventy-six.
"And should we, after all, be compelled to surrender the blessing and the hope of peace, we have certainly the consolation to see it demonstrated to the world, that neither the guilt of aggression nor the folly of ambition, can be fairly imputed to the measures of our government. Impartial, respectful and conciliatory towards other nations, the federal administration, with becoming firmness and dignity, has sought in return atonement for acknowledged injuries, and security for unquestionable rights."
After defending the policy of the embargo, he adds:—
"Upon a full view of the national situation, its present inconveniences and its probable consequences, the patriotic disposition which has been manifested by our immediate constituents, is entitled to universal respect and applause; if it is true, that symptoms of disaffection to the union, of opposition to the laws and of animosity to the chosen rulers of the people, have elsewhere appeared, Pennsylvania, we know, has borne the suspension of her commerce without a murmur or complaint. Neither the restraints of the embargo, nor the feuds of party, nor the allurements of private interest, nor the menaces of war, have impaired, in feeling or in action, her obedience to the constitution and laws; her pride of character or her plighted faith to the government of the union. An example so honorable and so conspicuous, cannot fail to be beneficial. Extending beyond the limits of Pennsylvania, it will animate and confirm the virtue of her sister states. And, for my
own part, I feel the highest gratification, among the latest acts of a protracted public life, after a lapse of more than thirty years, and in seasons of extreme difficulty and danger, I can again, with my countrymen in "the mutual pledge of our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor," to support the declaration—"that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent."
We have heard from three districts of Tennessee, in which Electors favorable to the Election of Mr. Madison are chosen, either unanimously, or by great majorities. The vote in Kentucky is equally decisive. The redoubtable J. H. Davies, in one district, has one vote.
In Virginia Governor Cabell has communicated a most patriotic address to the legislature, couched in terms of great dignity. His constitutional term of office having expired, John Tyler has been chosen his successor. The Electors of that state have dined together at Richmond. The toasts given burn with patriotism, of which the following, by gov. Cabell, is offered as a specimen—"The embargo, non-intercourse, or war—Any thing rather than submission to French edicts, or British orders in council."
The latest letters from Liverpool state the price of upland cotton at three shillings and six pence sterling, which is 78 cents a pound;
VOTES FOR PRESIDENT.
   Republican. J. MADISON. Federal. C. C. PINKNEY.     Massachusetts 19   New Jersey, 8 0   Pennsylvania, 20 0   Delaware, 3   Maryland, 9 2   Virginia, 24 0  
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
   Republican. G. CLINTON. Federal. R. KING.     Massachusetts 19   New Jersey, 8 0   Pennsylvania, 20 0   Delaware, 3   Maryland, 9 2   Virginia, 24 0  
In New-York, for President, Mr. Madison 13. Mr. Clinton 6; for Vice-President, Mr. Clinton 13, Mr. Madison 3; Mr. Monroe 3.
On the 3rd instant arrived at this place William Wells, Esq. Indian Agent at Fort Wayne, with seven Indian Chiefs and two women. Among whom are the celebrated Little Turtle , a Miami chief, and the great Marpock , a Pautawatamy chief, on a friendly visit to the President of the United States.
Letters from, we understand, been received from Mr. Pinkney to the 10th of October. They are said to contain nothing of importance.
By the following account of VACCINATION, it will appear that the benefit of that operation is not confined to the prevention of Small Pox , but may be employed in mitigating the violence of Whooping Cough . The great relief it promises to the younger classes of society, entitles the venerable author of this discovery to be ranked among the benefactors of the human race.
To the hon. Samuel L. Mitchell, Senator in Congress.
Stanford county, (Md.) Nov. 15, 1808. DEAR SIR:—You may recollect that about three or four years ago, I mentioned to you my opinion, that vaccination would cure the tussis convulsiva , that I had made one experiment, and that it succeeded fully to my expectations. I mentioned the case to several physicians, & requested their making a trial of its effects when they should have any patients with Whooping Cough . The beneficial effects of vaccination above mentioned determined me in every instance that occurred of the Whooping Cough , to vaccinate. I therefore have vaccinated six or seven patients who had the Whooping Cough , and in every case, it has succeeded in curing this most distressing disease.
The Whooping Cough does not come to its height in less than six weeks from its commencement, and then when a favorable termination is expected, the declension of the disease is gradual; and does not terminate in less than six weeks more. To arrest this afflicting disorder in its progress, I would recommend vaccination in the second or third weeks of the Whooping Cough ; that is when the symptoms of the Whooping Cough are fully ascertained, then to vaccinate. Should the convulsive cough be violent, I would immediately vaccinate, being well assured that the distressing symptoms of the Whooping Cough are checked by the vaccine disease. The termination of the vaccine disease will be the termination of the Whooping Cough ; that is, as soon as the vaccinated part loses the efflorescence and the scab begins to dry, and becomes of a blackish or brownish color, there will then be an evident change in the Whooping Cough for the better, and the severe symptoms will cease.
Thus, two of the formidable distempers to which the human race is liable, are arrested, the Small Pox & Whooping Cough ; the former prevented and the latter cured.
I am with respect and esteem, Your fellow citizen, JOHN ARCHER.
London, October 14.
To some merchants of the first respectability, connected particularly with the trade to Spain and Portugal, who had yesterday an interview with Lord Bathurst upon commercial business, the following important communication was made, namely—"that all articles, the growth, produce or manufacture of such countries and their colonies as are in amity with Great Britain, may be imported either in British ships or in ships belonging to those countries, and re-exported either directly to countries in amity with us, or through the medium of
free ports, without payment of the duty imposed by the order in council. This order is to be retrospective, so far as extends to the time at which the countries alluded to have been declared in a state of amity." It is expected that the substance of this communication, which is regarded by the mercantile world as completely official, will appear in the Gazette on Saturday.
Upon a question being put to Lord Bathurst, whether St. Domingo was to be included in this order, the noble Lord declined to give any decisive answer. Then it seems St. Domingo is not regarded by Ministers as a state in amity with us. At least they do not wish it to be understood that it has been recognized as such by government. This was clearly implied in the tone and terms in which Lord Bathurst treated the question.
October 14.—The perfidious arts by which Bonaparte attempted to dethrone the royal family of Spain, appear in colours peculiarly odious, when contrasted with the uniform fidelity of that family to his interests. The Spaniards therefore with reason call out "traitor and thief," while the cry is re-echoed from every quarter of Europe, and by none more loudly than by us. But when we stop and take breath, it is not a little mortifying to reflect, that of all the transactions of modern times that which bears the strongest resemblance to the proceedings of Bonaparte, is to be found in our own history at no very distant period. The royal family of Spain were not only the firm allies, but the faithful servants of Bonaparte. If he wanted money, if he wanted troops, if he wanted any thing which Spain could furnish, he had only to ask, and every thing was granted. Not satisfied with this, however, he insisted on having Spain for himself, which if they would quietly resign, he promised them a house, garden, pleasure grounds and attendants. But finding them restive, and not so sensible of his beneficence and generosity as they ought to have been, he began to propagate mysterious doubts as to the legitimacy of Ferdinand, and at last told them plainly, that "he had a system of policy of his own," and that the King had only to choose be between cession and death. Now the Nabobs of the Carnatic were at least as faithful and subservient to us, as the royal family of Spain has been to Bonaparte. They supplied us with troops, with provisions, with money, and allowed their foreign policy to be entirely directed at our discretion. But Marquis Wellesley too "had a system of policy of his own," and was not to be satisfied without a cession, for which he made promises similar to those of Bonaparte. But finding the young prince inflexible, he all of a sudden felt violent suspicions as to his legitimacy, discovered palpable treason in a correspondence carried on at the desire of our own government, and threatened the traitor with death, or something like it. The deposition followed, and another was set up, and so far the parallel is pretty close, but here it stops. Whether Bonaparte would have committed Ferdinand to the custody of king Joseph, cannot be known, as he had no opportunity to try the experiment, but the Nabob was given in keeping to his rival. Ferdinand is still alive, but the Nabob died somehow or other. Now as by the acquittal of Marquis Wellesley, we have taken all this upon us, we ought to be cautious how we reproach Bonaparte, least we should inadvertently pronounce judgment upon ourselves. At the same time, however, there may be good policy in imitating the example of the thief, who when pursued in the street, has some chance of escape, by bawling "stop thief" louder than any of the mob at his heels.
October 14. The Cossack frigate has arrived from Spain, but she does not bring any news of a battle. Indeed we do not think there is much probability of such an event taking place till the arrival of the British force. We hear from good authority, that Blake's army does not exceed 20,000 men, including about 200 ill-mounted cavalry. As we have already stated, the whole regular force on which the Spaniards can depend, does not amount to more than 70,000 men.
London, Oct. 12. Dutch papers to the 5th inst. were yesterday received in town; but they contain nothing of much importance, with the exception of a new decree respecting the intercourse between this country and Holland. In this decree the Dutch government, which has so often changed in its system upon this subject, denounces the most severe penalties against all who may be concerned in such intercourse hereafter. The masters of vessels which may be found to have arrived from England are to be capitally punished, their vessels and cargoes confiscated, and any passengers they may have on board to be transported and their letters burned. This decree is no doubt severe, but if government could prevent the commerce referred to, such interdicts had been previously severe enough for the object professedly in view. We are disposed to think from what we have seen and known upon this business, that the Dutch
government issue these decrees with a view to induce the French government to suppose it zealous, rather than from any serious desire to carry them into execution. King Louis, who has been uniformly studious to serve and to please the Dutch, is well aware, that unless the commerce he professes to prohibit be tolerated, his subjects can neither subsist nor pay the taxes. But the fault will lie with the government of this country; if it tolerates a commerce from which the enemy will be the only gainer.
Constantinople, August 22. On the 2d inst. two American ships appeared before the port of Smyrna, but were refused admittance by desire of the French consul. The Sublime Porte has acknowledged the justice of the principle, which has induced another power to exclude the American flag from its ports, and has issued a very vigorous firman against the English trade, on all occasions where attempts were made to introduce British goods. The new ministers closely adhere to the system which has been adopted by the whole continent against England.
Bayonne, Sept. 21. There are troops passing through this city every day for Spain; the situation of Spain is dreadful. It was lately reported, that the General Junta of Seville had been transferred to Madrid, where it assumed the title of Regency. This day the contrary is maintained; what seems certain is, that in the metropolis the greatest licentiousness prevails; that the insurgents of Valencia, after having committed great depredations, have instituted an absolute system of terror, cast the most distinguished persons into prisons, and declared their goods and chatties forfeited; these revolutionary measures they have extended, even to some of the most dignified of the clergy.
Amsterdam, October 3.—The following notice has been issued by the Minister of Justice and Police:—
"The Minister of Justice and Police hereby informing all whom it may concern, that in pursuance of a Decree of his Majesty, dated Sept. 2d, 1808. No. 44. he is charged in the first place, either by means of gens-d'armes, or such other as he, the Minister, shall think proper, to cause to be conveyed beyond the frontiers of this kingdom, all passengers without distinction, who shall have been landed here out of vessels proceeding from England, or from any colonies or territories occupied by the British power; and who cannot be sent off again in the vessels by which they may have arrived: which measure will be carried into execution at their own expence, if they are in any respect in a condition to defray it; and they are seriously admonished carefully to avoid again entering upon this territory, on the pain of being more rigorously dealt with.
"Secondly, to burn or destroy all letters arriving from England, or any of the territories occupied by the British power, or going to the said countries, in all cases where they are intercepted by the Minister of Justice and Police, without any distinction as to their being addressed to persons resident within or without this kingdom."
Koningsberg, Sept. 22.—As soon as the arrival of the Russian Emperor in our environs was announced, his Prussian majesty went out to meet him, with a numerous suite. On a level ground near Koningsstadt, both monarchs alighted from their carriages, and embraced each other in the most affectionate manner. On the 19th, the birth-day of Prince Augustus, both the illustrious friends paid him a visit of congratulation. On the 21st, at five o'clock in the afternoon, the Russian monarch continued his journey for Erfurth.
Letters from Barcelona describe, in moving terms, the distress suffered by the inhabitants of that place in consequence of their still remaining under the control of the French. Animal food is selling at 16 reals vellon (8 shillings) per pound, and bread in proportion.
A GREAT BARGAIN. MAY be had in about five thousand Acres of LAND in the county of Monroe, about 12 miles from the Sweet Springs in the state of Virginia, it is well timbered and a good part for it fit for cultivation, it is well adapted for grain and meadow about one hundred acres of which may be made in a body & conveniently watered, there is about one hundred acres of opened land, well enclosed and some necessary houses on it, very considerable bodies of good iron ore, lime stone, and a large and well built furnace with the necessary buildings for casting, &c. the end of the bridge house built against a considerable oak bank; these works have not been in use for several years past and are much out of repair, there is a large seat about a mile below the furnace; the subscriber would make the payments very accommodating on receiving about a thousand pounds cash on making a title, & the other payments satisfactory secured; any person inclining to purchase may see the land by applying to Mr. Alexander Hutchinson who lives on the plantation near the furnace, or Mr. John Hanley who lives within a few miles, or Mr. Robert Bland who lives on a part of the plantation, and a bargain concluded by applying to the subscriber in Buckingham county on James River.
JOHN CARROLL Dec. 24—134

THE subscriber having rented his farm situated about six miles from the city of Washington, on the road leading to Marlinton, will sell, on credit, on Saturday the 17th inst. at public sale, on the premises, all the stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and Hogs. The Hogs were originally purchased by the subscriber from Richard Parkinson, who imported them from England, and great care has been taken to preserve the breed unadulterated—Also, a Haggard, Ploughs, and a variety of Farming Utensils—Corn, Hay, Oats, Potatoes, Straw, and a quantity of Hay and Wood. Terms made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM O. SPRIGG.
Dec. 5—28x1pds. By an order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county, will be exposed to Public Sale on the 22nd day of December next, on a credit of nine months at the residence of Mr. Thomas Gantt, sen. deceased, about three miles below Nottingham on Patuxent river, the Personal Estate of the deceased, consisting of Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, Horses, Hogs, Cattle, Sheep and other articles too tedious to mention. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock.
CHARLES GANTT, THOS. GANTT, Admrs. December 2—2aw3w
Cotton, Twine, Sugars, Mustard, &c. W. & C. SMITH. Have just received by the Cores, Captain Weeks, from New-York— 50 Bales prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Kegs ground Ginger 2 Bags Race Ginger 10 Bags Pepper and Pimento 20 Chests and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Casks Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 40 Boxes Chocolate. 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town, November 21—1aw6w
30 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday 11th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark complexion, and slow of expression. His clothing when he went off, was a dark brown broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantaloons—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows.
NATHAN SOPER. More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write. N. S. Prince George's county, Nov. 23—2awtf
By his excellency ROBERT WRIGHT, Governor of Maryland.
A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, the General Assembly of Maryland, did by an act passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act to reduce into one the several acts of assembly respecting elections, and to regulate said elections, to direct that the Governor and Council, after having received the returns of the election for Electors to choose the President and Vice President of the U. States, should enumerate & ascertain the number of votes for each and every candidate nominated for an Elector aforesaid respectively, and shall thereupon declare by proclamation, signed by the Governor, and without delay disperse through the state the name of the person or persons duly elected as Elector in each respective district. We inform you of the directions of said act, do by this our proclamation declare, that by the returns made to us, it appears that John Bously Plater, Esq. was elected an Elector for the first district; Robert Bowie, Esq. was elected an Elector for the second district; Edward Johnson and John Johnson, Esqs. were elected Electors for the third district; Dr. John Tyler and Nathaniel Rochester, Esqs. were elected Electors for the fourth district; Tobias E. Smuldsbury, Esq. was elected an Elector for the fifth district; Thomas W. Venzly, Esq. was elected an Elector for the sixth district; Richard H. Belman Esq. was elected an Elector for the seventh district; Perry Spencer, Esq. was elected an Elector for the eighth district; and Henry James Carroll, Esq. was elected an Elector for the ninth district. Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this third day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight.
ROBERT WRIGHT. By the Governor, NATHAN PINCKNEY, Clk. of the Council. December 9—
JOHN COX OF GEORGETOWN, Offers for Sale, the following valuable TRACTS of LAND: 2028 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seven or eight miles from the seat of government of the United States. Also, the following well known and valuable tracts in Allegany county, state of Maryland: Governor's Neglect, 1031 acres. Orme's Attention, 684 Cheesnut Grove, 401 Hard Struggle, 1554 1057 Western Connexion, 1601 5-8 6180 Lot No. 2487, 50 These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Simkin's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Cheesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers. November 14—2aw6w
FRESH FRUITS, &c. The Subscriber in addition to a general assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES. Has just received a fresh supply of Peas, Peppers, soft shelled Almonds, Grapes, Limes and Lemons—Genuine Marquette Noyeau Cordial, preserved Limes and Ginger, French Mustard Currant Jelly, Macawba, French and Lancaster Smuts, Rose and Orange Flower Water, Parsley, &c. JOHN OT. Georgetown, Dec. 12—2w
25,000 DOLLARS, FOR 800 CENTS! NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY. For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 12th of January next; 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature. The Capital Prizes are— 50,000 dollars 20,000 dollars 10,000 dollars 5,000 dollars 2,000 dollars Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each. Tickets—Halfes, Quarters, & Eighths, are to be had at G. & H. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Offices, No. 64, Maiden-Lane, & No. 38, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231 10,000 — No. 25,403 5,000 — No. 20,799 Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 2000 dollars, besides several others of 2000, 1000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotteries were sold at the above offices— 17199 23,000 dolls. 11735 2000 dolls. 5923 20,000 dolls. 28573 2000 dolls. 3639 10,000 dolls. 15394 2000 dolls. 26135 5,000 dolls. 16517 2000 dolls. 30356 5,000 dolls. 25598 2000 dolls. 15293 5,000 dolls. 20885 2000 dolls. And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz. 6974 30,000 dolls. 19894 1500 dolls. 15364 15,000 dolls. 1788 1500 dolls. 7001 10,000 dolls. 1523 1500 dolls. 6977 5,000 dolls. 7440 1500 dolls. 14425 1500 dolls. Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares returned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this. The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, SIX Dollars, which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. TO BE SOLD. At public auction, at the Union Tavern, in George-Town, at 12 o'clock on Monday the 15th day of January next, if not previously disposed of by private contract—that valuable property situated on the Potomac River, in Washington City, contiguous to George-Town, formerly the property of Messrs. Lew, & Co. The Lot is 126 feet front, by 105 feet deep, on which is erected a substantial Hare House, built of stone, 83 feet by 43, together with the large commodious Warehouse adjoining. Also—SIX LOTS in Haimeads, addition to George-Town, bounded on Bridge Street and Rock Creek, in George-Town. For terms and other particulars, apply to JOHN DAVIDSON, or WALTER HELLEN. Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company. Nov. 26—1151.
THE Stockholders of the Washington & Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the fourth installment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer, in Alexandria, on or before the 14th day December next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. November 18—13t
MRS. LEE, begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its Vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of MUSIC, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, she has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruction in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBES, MAPS, & CHARTS. Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced; and hopes still to merit by her unrelenting attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst. Washington, October 20—2m
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufacture. 3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4 240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 430 3-4 1500 yards of 6-4 Batte for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheeting, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of whitened brown Thread, 10 lb. of red Thread, 100 lbs. of blue Thread, 20 lbs. of yellow Thread, 3500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called qua-lity, 2000 yards of stout Plains, for watch coats, any color except red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain. The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 23—
THE Partnership of COLLARD & MOORE, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—the business in future will be transacted by GEO. COLLARD, and all the business of the above Firm will be settled by him. December 9—3t
THE Partnership of COLLARD & MOORE, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—the business in future will be transacted by GEO. COLLARD, and all the business of the above Firm will be settled by him. December 9—3t
THE Partnership of COLLARD & MOORE, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—the business in future will be transacted by GEO. COLLARD, and all the business of the above Firm will be settled by him. December 9—3t
THE Partnership of COLLARD & MOORE, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—the business in future will be transacted by GEO. COLLARD, and all the business of the above Firm will be settled by him. December 9—3t
THE Partnership of COLLARD & MOORE, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—the business in future will be transacted by GEO. COLLARD, and all the business of the above Firm will be settled by him. December 9—3t
THE Partnership of COLLARD & MOORE, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—the business in future will be transacted by GEO. COLLARD, and all the business of the above Firm will be settled by him. December 9—3t
RICHARD BECK, Has just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— Superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do. Moleskin and silk waistcoating. Bennetts cord and Spanish marels, do. Constitution cords and velveteens Coating, frizes and kerseys Rose and striped blankets Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery Flannel and baizes Navy blue cloths Checks, calicoes and Chinizes White and colored cambrics Dimities, brown Holland and dowlagies Bandanna and Madras handkerchiefs Durants and calimanees Taps and bobbins Silk and cotton chambray 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens 4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting London and other hats Plain India mtl muslins Seeded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenoes Linen cambrics Damask, silk and serge shawls Tabby velveteens for pelices Italian Mantua Bombazets and bombazeens Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces Handsome assortment ribbons Kid and silk gloves Picket silk mits and glove Dinner and diaper table cloths Kid and Morocco shoes A few bales India muslins assorted Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—4f
JUST PUBLISHED. And for Sale, at D. Rapine's Book-store, on Capitol Hill, A new Pamphlet, entitled "A View of the Rights and Wrongs, Power & Policy of the U. States of America." By Charles Jared Ingersoll, of Philadelphia. This pamphlet is not of the ordinary kind, and merits the perusal of every American and friend to his country. December 5—ep6t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 bds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 bds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 cases Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Load Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT application will be made, at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th June, 1798, in favor of William Holland, of London, for five thousand dollars, three per cent. stock. JOHN DAVIDSON. Nov. 25—6w
CHARLES J. NOURSE, Has received from the Citizen, Capt. Sturges from New York, and offers for Sale on reasonable terms at his Warehouse, in front of Lowndes's Wharf, 45 chests and boxes of— Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson skin, Bohea, } FRESH TEAS. 4 chests of Imperial and Young Hyson in canisters of 2lb each, 34 bds. and barrels of prime Sugar, 3 boxes Havanna do. 40 barrels and kegs of West India and Bourbon Coffee, 7 pipes of best Cognac Brandy, 5 do. fine flavored Holland Gin, 2 do. New York Anchor, do. 28 do. half pipes and qr. casks of old London Particular Madeira, New York market Madeira, Old Port, Teneriffe, Sherry, Malaga, Bucellas, & Catalonia, } Wines of Superior Quality. 20 cases real Chateau Mar-geaux Claret, 65 boxes mould dipt and Spermaceti Candles, 50 do. Castile, white and yellow Soap, 20 do. Chocolate, 15 boxes and casks of Raisins, 8 do. Prunes, 5 cases Olive Oil, 25 baskets table do. 2 hds. winter thinned Spermaceti Oil, 2 do. Molasses, 5 bags Pepper and Pimento, 5 kegs Ginger, 2 bales of Cassia, 10 cases of Cordials, 20 do. Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 10 do. Mustard, 8 doz. each, 1 bale of Mow Mamoodies, 2 do. Guitars, 2 do. Baftas, 200 pieces Bandanna handkerchiefs assort- ed, 116 whole, half, and qr. boxes of Havanna Segars, among which are some of Martin's best, And in Store, 4000 bushels of ground alum Salt, 2000 do. Isle of May do. 2000 do. Lisbon do. Georgetown, Dec. 7—4w
ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince Georges county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, JR. C. November 8—w3m
A HORSE STRAYED. ON the night of the 17th of August last strayed or was stolen from the commons of this city, a bright BAY HORSE, 4 years old last spring, 15 1-2 hands high, with a thin mane and tail, is slender made, a natural trotter, was shod all round, & had a small lump on his back by a hurt from the hind part of the saddle, no particular mark recollected, nor any white about him; but am not certain as I did not own him but 4 days. TEN dollars will be paid for the delivery of the Horse, or 25 for horse and thief (if stolen). CHESTER BAILEY, opposite the Bank. Washington, December 12—3w
SHERIFF'S SALE. WILL be sold at Public Sale on Thursday the 22nd inst. if fair, if not the next fair day, on the premises, for cash, the FARM whereon John Orme now lives, containing Two hundred and thirty-eight acres, four Horses, three Cows, a parcel of Tobacco, one Cart, and one Clock—late the property of said Orme, taken by a writ of fifa, at the suit of John Hoy, Adm'r. D. B. Nott, of William Deakins, jun. JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of Montgomery county Md. December 7—7t
WHARVES FOR RENT. IN Virtue of the power vested in the Mayor of the City of Washington, by an act of the City Council, entitled, "An act for renting the Wharves at the end of 12th and 17th streets west, and for other purposes," the property of the corporation of said city; he hereby notifies, that the said Wharves will be rented for One Year from the 1st day of January next, to the highest bidder, at Rhodes's hotel, on Saturday the 31st inst. between the hours of 12 and 1 o'clock, subject to the regulations contained in the above-mentioned act. By order of the Mayor, THOS. HERTY, Reg. Washington, Dec. 7—
BOOT MAKING. JOHN MINCHIN, Boot Maker, impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the liberal support & distinguished preference he has received in his line, since he first commenced his Boot Manufactory here, which was previous to the removal of the government to this city, being confident that good work is ever the best recommendation, had resolved (contrary to his usual custom) to decline intruding his advertisement on the public, being already sufficiently established, until he was convinced, from the best information, that some of his brethren of the craft had artfully, slyly and insidiously asserted repeatedly that his boots were not imported, that he kept only a shop & not a manufactory. He thus contradicts those fabricators of falsehood, by challenging them to produce boots of any description equal to what he manufactures. They have declared that they would undersell him, but they dare not pretend to excel him in neatness, durability, taste and fashion, which he is ready to prove to the satisfaction of those who may please to favor him with their orders. N. B.—A large assortment of elegant Boots of his own manufacture on hand. December 3—ep1m
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponceltes & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Hornwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
FOR SALE, AN ELEGANT CARRIAGE, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted Harness for four or two Horses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown. Inquire of the Editor of this paper. SEBASTIAN SPRING, ON THE NEW TURNPIKE ROAD BETWEEN ALEXANDRIA & WASHINGTON CITY. AT the above Spring, situated about half a mile from Washington Bridge, the subscriber has lately opened a house of entertainment for the accommodation of the citizens of both places and travellers. Parties can be furnished, on a short notice, with every species of refreshment they may wish, in a style to their satisfaction, and public dinners can be had suitable to any occasion. He is determined to keep the best liquors the district will afford, and a genuine glass of Madeira may always be relied on. A. LINDO. N. B. A Hack and Gigg will be kept for the convenience of gentlemen crossing the Potomac river wishing to proceed to Alexandria. Two good Waiters and a Cook Wanted. Nov. 25—9t
Prince George's county court, September term, 1808. ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince Georges county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he hath resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MACRUDER, JR. C. November 8—w3m
FOR SALE, THREE Two Story BRICK HOUSES, well finished, with back Kitchens and good Cellars, in a very healthy situation on a street near the Great Hotel, and contiguous to the invaluable Hotel Springs—they are all under rent, and will be sold on very accommodating terms; in order to close the estate to which they belong. A good title will be given to the houses and lots. A large Back Building adjoining the above property and under rent is likewise offered for sale. For further particulars apply to PHINEAS BRADLEY. November 7—6w
FOR SALE, And now on the Stocks at Neabsco, near Dumfries, and can speedily be launched. A SCHOONER, Of the following dimensions 48 feet Keel, 18 1-2 feet Beam, 8 feet 3 inches Hold, She is of the best possible construction, as uncommon pains have been taken with the work, and is built of White Oak, Mulberry, Cedar, and Locust, with a flush deck; shewing seven ports of a side; can carry 14 Guns and is supposed will sail remarkably fast, and is precisely adapted for a Revenue Cutter. JOHN TAYLOR at Washington, or THOMAS T. PAGE, agent at Neabsco. December 12—2aw2w
PUBLIC SALE OF LOTS In the city of Washington. BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, passed on the 9th day of October, 1806; and of two additional and supplementary decrees, passed during the same term with the original decree; one thereof dated on the 24th day of October, 1806, and the other on the 1st day of December 1806, and constituting part of the said original decree; in a suit instituted in the said court of Chancery, prior to the separation of the district of Columbia from the state of Maryland, by Thomas Morris, Samuel Coates, and Joseph Morris, executors of Mordecai Lewis, and by Edward Burr, against Robert Morris, the heirs of John Nicholson, the Commissioners of the city of Washington, James Greenleaf, Thomas Law, and others. The subscriber, E. S. Burr, trustee, appointed by the Chancellor, under the said decrees, will, on Tuesday the 17th day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, offer for Public Sale, at Rhodes's hotel, in the city of Washington, Two hundred and ninety-five LOTS, and three-fourths of a lot, in the said city; each lot averaging five thousand two hundred and sixty-five square feet, and which are contained in the following squares, viz. in square No. 626, sq. 628, sq. 684—sq. 687—sq. 723—sq. 726—sq. 727, sq. 729—sq. 738—sq. 760—sq. 782—sq. 786, sq. 789—sq. 814—sq. 816—sq. 818—sq. 841, sq. 843—sq. 866—sq. 868—sq. 880—sq. 897, sq. 899—sq. 918—sq. 919—sq. 922—sq. 923, sq. 943—sq. 966—sq. 967—sq. 968—sq. 970, sq. 972—sq. 992—sq. 1014—sq. 1016—sq. 1037—sq. 1059—sq. 1040—sq. 1052—sq. 1072—sq. 1075—sq. 1076.
For the convenience and information of purchasers, a plan of the city, and particular lists of the squares, and of the lots which they respectively contain, will be exhibited at the time of the sale, by the subscriber. The terms of sale are: that the purchaser is to pay into the chancery court of the state of Maryland, the full amount of the purchase money, immediately after the day of the ratification of the sale; which ratification, if it takes place, will, according to the stipulation of the original decree aforesaid, be passed within five weeks from the time of the report to be made by the subscriber, trustee as aforesaid. And on the approbation and ratification by the chancellor of any sales made, and on the payment of the purchase money into the Chancery Court aforesaid. The subscriber, trustee as aforesaid, will by good and sufficient deed or deeds, convey to the purchasers respectively and their heirs, the property so by them purchased; that is to say, all the right, title, and interest, which at the time of the execution of a certain mortgage comprehending the said lots, by Robert Morris and John Nicholson, in favor of James Greenleaf of the 20th of June 1796, were in the said Morris and Nicholson, Thomas Law, or the Commissioners or the city of Washington, free, clear, and discharged from all claim or title of them, the said Robert Morris and John Nicholson, or the heirs of John Nicholson or any person claiming under them, or any of them subsequent to the said deed, and from all claim or title of the other parties to the said suit. E. S. BURD, Trustee of the court of Chancery of Maryland. December 12—ep1m17
STRAY HORSE. Strayed or was stolen from the Capital Hill, city of Washington, on Wednesday the 7th inst. A SORREL HORSE, About 17 hands high, a white star in his face, a long mane hung on the right side, the two hind feet white. Whoever will deliver said horse to the subscriber or give information so that I get him again shall receive the sum of Five Dollars. CHARLES JONES. Washington city, Pennsylvania Avenue, December 12—3t
This is to give Notice, THAT I intend to petition to the next county Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN. Charles County, December 5—w3m
THIS is to give Notice, that the subscriber, of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's court of Prince George's county, in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Nathaniel C. Weems, late of said county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, at or before the 20th day of May next, to T. Newman Tyler, Esq. of Upper Marlborough, who is fully authorised to settle and adjust said administration, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of November, 1808. VIOLETTA WEEMS, Adm'r. N. B. All those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. Violetta Weems, Adm'r. November 30—w6t
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Prince George's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's court of Prince George's county in Maryland, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of John Rustin, late of said county deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 7th day of May next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 7th day of November 1808. JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. November 16—w6t
FOR SALE, THREE Two Story BRICK HOUSES, well finished, with back Kitchens and good Cellars, in a very healthy situation on a street near the Great Hotel, and contiguous to the invaluable Hotel Springs—they are all under rent, and will be sold on very accommodating terms; in order to close the estate to which they belong. A good title will be given to the houses and lots. A large Back Building adjoining the above property and under rent is likewise offered for sale. For further particulars apply to PHINEAS BRADLEY. November 7—6w