The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-07-21 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1370.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, JULY 21, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The National Intelligencer is conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH, and JOSEPH GALE, Jun. and printed at the Office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested to address themselves. The annual price, payable in advance, is five Dollars.
Advertisements, not exceeding one square in breadth, are inserted the first time at fifty cents, and for every subsequent insertion twenty-five cents. If inserted less than three times a Dollar is charged. If inserted but once a week, an addition of one fourth is made. Other advertisements charged in the same ratio.
FOR SALE OR RENT. THE Subscriber offers for Sale or a Lease of three lives, the Plantation which he now lives on, about 10 miles from Alexandria on the Accotink river, containing 100 acres, with a Dwelling-house, Smoke-house, and other convenient out-houses. There is on the plantation several springs of most excellent water, and a seat where a Mill might be erected on a never-failing stream. If he should not sell the above property, I wish to rent the same for a term of years. Any person desirous of viewing the plantation may be shown the same, and the terms made known by application to MICHAEL BROAD.
A HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. ABSCONDED from the Subscriber in Alexandria on the 31st of July 1807, a negro man, who calls himself JIM MASON. He is a low squat fellow, rather bow-legged and has a down look when closely interrogated; is about 35 or 36 years old, 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high; is a very good Cook and Waiter; understands the management of horses and is an excellent Coachman. A few days before his elopement, his wife (who was the property of a neighbor) was sold to a negro purchaser from the neighborhood of Nashville, Tennessee. It is conjectured that Jim either pursued her or that he went off by water and is now in some of the seaport towns of the United States.
Whoever will apprehend and deliver him to me, shall receive one hundred dollars, including all charges, or fifty dollars for securing him in any jail so that I get him again—I will give to any Editor of a newspaper twenty-five dollars who will publish this advertisement, provided it lead to the discovery and apprehension of the runaway. JAMES H. BLAKE.
N. B. I have for RENT on F street, a few lots east of the Bank, Two FRAMED BUILDINGS. Possession may be had on the 1st of August. J. H. B.
Washington City, July 17— TAKE NOTICE. For sale a strong and Handsome COACHED, and Pair of HORSES—Cheap for cash or good flour—they will be sold together or separate, to accommodate purchasers. For particulars enquire of WILLIAMS & WHEAT, near the Navy Yard. July 17—3t
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. ABSCONDED from the service of the Subscriber a few days since, a negro woman named ALLY, a large woman, has lost some of her fore teeth and has remarkable large feet, between 30 and 40 years of age; has a variety of clothing; she was on Sunday last in the city of Washington, but it is believed she is lurking about Alexandria, or some of Mr. Custis's quarters from whom I purchased her. The above reward will be paid for apprehending and securing her so that I get her again, and reasonable charges if brought to Alexandria. MARY RESSLER.
N. B. All captains or masters of vessels, and all others are forewarned harbouring or assisting the escape of said negro, at their peril. M. R. Alexandria, July 17—3t
TWO STORES FOR SALE. FOR sale a number of LOTS in Squares No. 119, 222, 378, 1020 and 1045—Also, the TWO BRICK STORES, adjoining the Seven Buildings, which have for several years been occupied in the Dry Good and Grocery line. For terms apply to W. P. Gardner, No. 6, of the Seven Buildings or Mr. Paine on the premises. July 14—3t&w1m
WANTED TO HIRE, A Servant Woman for a small family. It is necessary that she should produce evidence of honesty and sobriety—a slave would be preferred. Her work will be confined to plain cooking, washing and ironing, and for this it is required she should be tolerably well qualified. To such an one liberal wages will be given. Apply to the printer. July 17—3t
ONE HUNDRED CENTS REWARD. RAN away on the seventh inst. an apprentice boy, John Long, about 16 years of age, bound to the shoe-making; had on a blue mackerel roundabout jacket, white pantalettes and a good round hat; he is a homely ill-looking fellow; as great a liar as ever spoke, will steal if he can, and a remarkable bad workman for the time he spent at the business.
Also, his fellow-apprentice at the same time, George W. Brooks; he is about 15 years of age and dressed in like manner; he is a better looking than the other, but equally prone to lie, is artful, intricate and untrustworthy. I will pay the above reward to any one who will secure them so as that I may get them again or half for each, or either, if brought home to me, free of charge. Captains of vessels, and all others are hereby cautioned not to carry them off or harbor or conceal them, as I shall prosecute any one so offending, according to law in that case made and provided. JOHN MINCHIN.
Wanted a Foreman to the Shoemaking business, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given. J. M. July 17—3t
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Sallad Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 24—tf
By virtue of a decree of the honorable the Circuit Court, of the District of Columbia, for the County of Washington— In the suit of SOLOMON DAVIS, complainant, against
Mabel Jennings, and Deborah Jennings his wife, and Ferdinand Fairfaxe.
WILL be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder on Monday the 7th day of August next at Long's hotel, Thirty-Nine LOTS of ground situated in the city of Washington, numbered as follows: Lots No. 1, 2, 3, 22, 23, and 24 in Sq. No. 1061. Lots No. 4, 5, 9, 10, in Sq. No. 1070—Lots No. 1, 2 and 3 in Sq. No. 1091—Lots No. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, in Sq. No. 1099—Lot No. 11 in Sq. 1105—Lots No. 5, 11, 12, 13 in Sq. 1106—Lots No. 4, 5, 6 in Sq. 1112—Lots No. 1, 2, and 3 in Sq. 1114—Lot No. 4 in Sq. No. 1148—Lot No. 5 in 1117—Lots No. 9, 10, 11, 12 in Sq. No. 1130.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock precisely. Terms six months credit with interest from the day of Sale. Bond or bonds with good and sufficient security will be required.
SAM: ELLIOT, Jr. Trustee. July 14—tdps.
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. L'HERMETTE, 41, Maiden Lane, New-York.
To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe, at the city of Washington. May 19—ep4m.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponcleets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
District of Columbia, to wit— BE IT REMEMBERED, that on this second day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and in the thirty third year of American Independence, JOSEPH MILLIGAN, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit:
"The Child of Feeling, A comedy, in five acts. By George Watterston, Esq." In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned." G. DENEAL, Clerk of the District Court of Columbia.
June 26—cop1m.
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE.
BY Virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dun, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio.
DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last will & testament of Robert Means, dec'd. Richmond, July 19—tf
GEO. W. RIGGS, Has just received and for Sale, Gold and silver velum lace. Do. do. do. cords, &c. &c. Plated and gilt lace. Gold and silver epaulets. Gold watches, plain and repeating. Silver do. warranted. Jewelry of the newest fashion. A considerable choice of silver and plated ware. With a variety of fancy goods too tedious to mention.
—ALSO— 2800 RACCOON SKINS, Of the best quality, assorted to suit the buyers. George-town, June 21—w8t
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS.
TUESDAY, JUNE 27.
[CONCLUDED.]
The question being on the passage of the bill to revive and amend the non-intercourse law—
MR. DANA observed that by the journals of the Senate it appeared that this bill had been unanimously passed by that body. This unanimous vote of the Senate might be regarded as a consideration to operate very strongly on the minds of members of the House as respected the propriety of adopting the present bill; it certainly must have weight in favor of a measure, when it was found that men differing widely in political opinions joined in voting for it. I (said Mr. Dana) have myself very strongly felt the force of this consideration. But you know, sir, that the rules of proceeding and order established in this House do not admit of our urging in debate the conduct of the Senate of the U. S. as a motive for deciding the opinion of this House. Why is it out of order? Because the excellence of our constitution is, that the legislature shall consist of two houses, each of which shall act on its own ideas of propriety. If it is not proper to mention the conduct of the Senate in debate, it is not proper to suffer it to overbear our opinions. In this view I feel myself bound, with all due deference to the Senate, to examine this subject for myself. I cannot but feel the weight of that vote; but I cannot forget that a bill respecting the writ of habeas corpus was once passed in that House, and rejected unanimously in this, without being permitted to be read a second time.
On examining this bill, sir, I do not find that its various provisions appear to constitute one whole, to conform with any system of policy, or to be consistent with the principles of any man in this country. It is certainly not the course which I would have chosen; it is not consistent with the course marked out at the last session of Congress. I was certainly not in favor of the embargo; I disapproved of that system; and when I saw the non-intercourse system, I considered that as retaining the embargo principle but not with so much precision. I consider this bill to be receding from a weak position. If the embargo was a decisive measure, it ought to have been taken more completely at the outset than it was. But it failed. The non-intercourse was abandoning one part and retaining another of the system. This bill is abandoning a part of the non-intercourse system and retaining a part. When I look at it I see nothing in it at which any portion of American citizens can rejoice or be proud of, nothing of a firm, dignified, matured, sound, consistent policy, to be maintained on general principles against all the world. Am I then required to vote for a measure of this kind? If, with my friend from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) I could suppose that voting for a system which I did not like would destroy it, I should vote for it. For, if I understood him, he dislikes the whole, and therefore will vote for this part of it. The whole would die at the end of this session; but to shew his anxiety for its death he must keep it alive till the next session of Congress. I was very much pleased with a great part of his remarks; I approbated his premises, but his conclusions appeared to be directly the reverse of the proper result. But as he is a gentleman of strong powers of mind, he may well be able to draw a conclusion which I cannot.
Gentlemen have alluded to the declarations of the emperor of France in relation to his decrees. When Bonaparte talks of the freedom of the seas, does he mean the same idea which we attach to these words when we use them? When he talks of the principles of maritime law does he mean the same as we? On the subject of maritime law has he not stated things which before were unheard of? Certainly, sir. On the contrary, I have always understood the claims of the United States as a neutral nation to be, not to assert new pretensions but to assert such claims as they may think reasonable with respect to principle, and such as have been formerly admitted in practice.
With respect to the bill before you, there has been one argument used, and
an imposing one certainly, provided that it appeared completely founded in fact. It is said that this bill is considered as comporting with the views of the Executive government of the country; and that the Executive has acted so well in conducting the preliminary arrangement for removing certain obstacles to negotiation, that on the whole we ought to assist his administration. On this subject, sir, I have to observe that we are utterly without official evidence on this point. We have no evidence whatever, of an official nature, that this bill comports with the Executive views. If we have, it is to me unknown. We have not during the present session had any report in detail from the committee of foreign relations. If that committee had made a report stating facts and reasoning as the basis of the bill, I might consider that committee as having consulted the Executive of the country and as having adopted its disposition as the basis of its proceedings. But as we have no such thing, are we to suppose that there are certain gentlemen in the House who are organs of communication of the Executive wishes? Have we any other evidence of the disposition of the Executive in relation to this bill than that certain gentlemen are in favor of it? If on this subject the opinion of the Executive should properly decide our judgment, ought we not to have had some official exposition of the views of the government? As we have no such information, we are to examine whether this bill comports with the arrangement made with G. Britain. But as to that, I beg leave to be deemed as not considering myself pledged by that arrangement merely. As to myself, as an American, I am by no means gratified that we should contend with one nation because another does us justice. A stipulation of that kind I should consider as degrading to my country.
In my remarks, therefore, I disclaim owing any thing for any boon which Great Britain may have given us, because I do not consider it as a boon that they have ceased to injure us. But in the face of the world such declarations have been formally made by the Congress of the United States. The fact is known to ourselves, to our countrymen, to such portions of the foreign world as may take an interest in our concerns. And in comparing this bill with those declarations, will it be possible to conceive that we are consistent? When you had differences with both the belligerents, what was your language? You talked as though you would throw the gauntlet to the globe, as though you would stretch out your arm and smite the world. When an adjustment is made with one of those powers, what is your language? Really, sir, the difficulty under which the government formerly labored was said to be this: that if we went to war, we were under the necessity of going to war with both nations. [Mr. Dana quoted a part of the report of the committee of foreign relations of last session on this subject.] I consider this part of the report, said he, as proceeding upon assumptions which are erroneous, and founded upon grounds untenable and inaccurate. But as to this report, which appeared to receive the approbation of a majority of the members of the House, it seems to be clear from it, that were it not that you were so equally wronged by both belligerents, and that both persisted, you certainly would have engaged in war with one; but that, as a treble war was rather a difficult plan, it was best to continue the restrictive system.
What is the declaration made to the British minister at this place by our Secretary of State on this subject? Is it pretended to enter into any stipulations with Great Britain as to our conduct? No, sir; it is that our measures are adopted on the principle that the government would assert the rights of our country against any power on the globe, without any reference to pledges. On this point I would call the attention of the House to a sentence which is the most extraordinary surely that ever was put together. And, unless it be a dash of the pen, like that of the brush of the painter who painted at one dash a perfect horse, it must have been the elaborate labor of 24 hours; in either case not detracting from the skill of the author of it. The sentence is as follows: "As it appears at the same time, that in making this offer, his Britannic majesty derives a motive from the
"equality, now existing, in the relations of the U. States, with the two belligerent powers, the President owes it to the occasion, & to himself, to let it be understood, that this equality is a result, incident to a state of things, growing out of distinct considerations." If any mortal, from the depth of his knowledge, can specifically tell what this means, he may pass for an oracle. It proceeds upon this idea: that in making our arrangements at the last session we did not mean, as respects saying that whatever nation insulted us, we would resent it, to please Great Britain alone, but equally to please any other nation whatever. If the saying this was an announcement by our government to the British government that in making this arrangement we are not making any stipulation in respect to France, but you and the world may know that whoever invades our rights shall meet with resistance, and resistance adequate to the crisis, if the government can find means to accomplish it—if the paragraph be thus considered, we may respect the declaration itself and admire the skill with which it is so worded as to convey nothing, if even in the expression. In this view I am willing to admit it, because it conduces to the reputation of the government and of the Secretary of State, who in this business appears to have conducted with the frankness of a man of talents, and the manner of a practical man of sense.
I consider this bill as not corresponding with the resolutions of last session, as not corresponding with the general sentiment in regard to the non-intercourse law when it passed; nor with the general sentiment fairly to be collected from the correspondence of our officers with the British minister.
If then this bill be not consistent with the declarations of gentlemen and of the government itself, I must ask of myself whether it be consistent with my own opinion. And there I cannot hesitate. For myself I do not approve this system of commercial restriction. The non-importation act was the commencement of a system, feeble as it affected other nations, powerful to distress ourselves. In this system there is a radical error, by adopting a policy which acknowledged our allegiance prior to the declaration of independence, when we were merely infants, and when refraining from intercourse was an expression of the dissatisfaction of a child; when remonstrances at the foot of the throne were presented, very properly accompanied with professions of allegiance & humble supplications of mercy. And therefore I say, that to adopt these regulations is to adopt measures of infantine weakness, and implies premature old age; that if this be our system of resistance to foreign insult or injury, second childhood has come upon us at once.—And, sir, when I hear gentlemen quote the measures of Congress prior to the declaration of independence in 1776, I am convinced that, would they but read through the page of history of that day, they would have scouted such authority for these measures; for they were universally attended with supplications before the throne of majesty. And if we mean that the ministers of the U. S. shall only throw themselves at the foot of the thrones of the French Emperor and British king, it may be proper to adopt these measures. Otherwise, they are unworthy of a great and independent nation.
If it be asked, what other system would be proper, I acknowledge it to be a question of difficulty. But, for myself, I think I would say that I would prefer an armed neutrality; not such a one as distinguished the confederacy in the Balic, not one to assert new pretensions; but one to operate in its claims, specific in its object. And I could really wish that in the present state of the world we should turn our attention to a system of policy which shall be founded on general principles, and at least say what are the rights which as neutrals we claim, and what the pretensions to which as neutrals we well submit; and if our legislation were of that character, we never should be embarrassed as we are. We pass a law that if the edicts of the belligerents be revoked or modified, trade shall be renewed. Now the edicts then in existence might be revoked, and others substituted; and the law would be

complied with. The whole system has been constituted too much in reference to particular cases.
Independently of these general views, I have another objection to the bill: that the persons who are in favor of this bill cannot (I presume) tell its meaning. Let me not be understood as meaning that they cannot tell what they believe it means; but the question is whether a majority of them can agree as to its particular meaning. The bill proposes to continue in force the third section of the non-intercourse act. What will be the effect of it? It will go to exclude from the waters of the United States vessels owned in whole or in part by the citizens of either belligerent nation. I was highly delighted the other day on this subject to hear a distinction taken (by Mr. Rice) between vessels sailing under the flag of the United States, and vessels carrying it. I was pleased with it, because it had all the charm of novelty about it. A merchant vessel was said to sail under and a public vessel to carry the flag of the U. States; and this was stated as a distinction generally known. Whatever maritime writer has laid it down, cannot be much known. Indeed I should think it rather difficult for a vessel to sail under a flag which it did not carry. A vessel which carries a flag must sail under it at some time or other. I should doubt whether the gentleman's position be correct; because flag is a figurative term. For, in speaking of maritime law and the usage of nations, no gentleman will say when we mention the flag that we mean the piece of bunting carried at the mast-head. It is the public manifestation of the national character of the vessel that we mean; and this word is a mere figure of speech for all such manifestations. I must therefore consider that public ships sail under the flag of a nation; and that really if it was proposed to the commander of a vessel to press one of his seamen he would point to the flag over their heads and say that was their protection. The waters of the United States are interdicted to any vessel sailing under the flag of G. Britain or France, or owned in whole or in part by any subject or citizen of either. The words are so broad as to comprehend all vessels, whether public or private.
But I have one further objection to this bill, viz. that by it you do permit trade with French trading vessels, thus. There is no prohibition to the furnishing supplies to French vessels. The French vessels going to sea go armed and under the authority of their government; and coming into the ports of this country may be supplied with anything they wish without an infraction of the letter of the law. Let any public armed vessel come into the waters of the United States, and they may purchase whatever they please. There is no law to prohibit it, nor any authority placed in the government of the U. States to prevent them from purchasing. The state of the case now is, that your vessels shall not be cleared out to carry anything to France, but your boats and every thing that sails may be employed to carry provisions to French armed ships in your harbors, and they may be completely loaded. If this be the intention of gentlemen, I have nothing further to say; if it be not their intention they will have in this case as they have had in others a very great experience of the disadvantages of undertaking to chop up law. From these general views of the subject, sir, I am opposed to the passage of the law.
When Mr. DANA concluded his observations the question was taken on the passage of the bill which was passed 72 to 15, as heretofore stated in the N. Intelligencer.
DEBATE ON
The petition of Americans concerned in MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION. (Continued.)
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 14.
Mr. Ross said he had revolved this subject in his mind with a view to deciding his vote on it. At first it had appeared to him somewhat doubtful whether it would be proper to take any measures to rescue our unfortunate fellow citizens. The first objection to this measure which presented itself to me, said Mr. Ross, was, that it might probably produce an effect calculated to bring others into similar situations, and operate as an encouragement to such expeditions. The next objection which occurred to me was, that it might be proper, on an occasion of this kind, that an example should be exhibited to the citizens of America to show that whenever they attempted to commit the peace of their country, they would be abandoned to their fate. Further reflection, however, satisfied my mind that neither of those objections is sufficient to induce us to reject the resolution now under consideration.
As to the first objection, that it
might hold out an encouragement to others to set out on similar expeditions, I think the severity with which those unfortunate persons have been punished, the sufferings they have undergone, the death of part of their companions, have been such a warning to our fellow citizens, that nothing is required but that those sufferings should be made known to the country to operate with equal force as by procuring a return of those unfortunate men to tell the mournful tale to their friends, to tell the difference between the wise and mild administration of the laws of the United States and the liberty of the citizen under it, and the administration of those of the despotic government under which they were punished. A lesson would be taught such as could be taught perhaps in no other way, and which would produce a salutary effect on the minds of our citizens receiving wisdom from the mouths of those who had obtained it by fatal experience. In that point of view I feel disposed to listen to their prayer.
Another objection to this proposition was, that it was necessary on this occasion that an example should be made, and that this government should show to the world that they disapprove of proceedings of this kind, and therefore thus ought to be abandoned to their fate. Have not examples been made? Have not ten of these men atoned for their offence by their lives, their heads being stuck on pikes and carried through the country? Great indeed must be that thirst for example, haughty and proud that unrelenting spirit which can be appeased by no atonement of this kind. To me it would appear that atonement was made by the execution of ten individuals; & that by the punishment inflicted on the survivors, atonement has been made sufficient to satisfy the least humane member of society. I therefore suppose that the example is already made, and the men are sufficiently abandoned to the fate which they brought upon themselves.
Before I sit down, sir, I will endeavor to take notice of some of the observations made in the course of yesterday, when this subject was under discussion. I am well aware that men conscious of their own virtue and integrity have less sensibility than those who feel their own failings, towards the misfortunes of others. And whilst I admire the firmness of the nerve that is steeled to all the feelings which actuate the human heart, I cannot for myself avoid those sensations which are so intimately wound round our hearts by nature's hands. If, therefore, in my vote I shall be in the opinion of cool reason, unadulterated by the finer feelings of the heart, I shall find consolation for the error in the satisfaction of my own breast. I know that in governments it is right to be actuated by principles of policy and a sound exercise of reason. But a question has arisen whether it be sound policy to adopt the resolution. None of the gentlemen who have spoken have satisfied my mind that it is objectionable on that ground. It seems from the observations of the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Macon) whom I congratulate on his feelings, that he views the ebullitions of youth & the follies of inexperience with indifference. He will not hold out the hand to the child which has been led into difficulty. I congratulate the man who possesses those kind of feelings. It would with propriety in my opinion be said that the gentleman might wish he was acquainted with law, supposing it calculated to support a bad cause. The cause in which he was speaking required such support, and therefore his desire is not an unnatural one. What were the objections which were made? Were they of a singular kind or were they bottomed on sound principles of policy? To what part of the able argument of the gentleman can you turn your attention and say, that therefore it was impolitic to proceed on the resolution on your table? I endeavored to attend to every thing said by the gentleman, and perceived nothing in what he said which had the least tendency to show that it was an impolitic measure. Was it pretended that it could place the government in an improper situation? It has been said that it is taking money out of the pocket of the government to relieve villains. This is assuming a point: I would call misfortunes by a milder name. I would say it was to relieve men led by the follies of youth and misled by men some of whom were of high repute in the country. When you place the question in this point of view, it appears to me that it wears a very different aspect. I would not with the gentleman say that I would take away the power of pardon, that I would not leave a power of clemency because it might be abused. This would do away all law, because all laws to protect innocence are liable to
abuse. It would go to the root of legislation itself.
I would not object to the principles of the resolution, because there were mingled in it some of the principles of mercy. I know that stern virtue may plume itself on sitting aloof from the frailties of human nature; but I also know that every man who has had occasion to associate with his fellow-creatures has had frequent opportunities of knowing the necessity of making great allowances to each other. When Col. Smith, a man high in the estimation of his country and appointed to a high and respectable office, launched into the scheme, and and others whose names are not generally known—when these persons engaged in a plan to entrap men into their schemes, shall it be said that men so entrapped had acted like villains? Will gentlemen say if these innocent men have been led away by the machinations of wicked men, that we should abandon them to their fate? I hope in this country there is too much feeling for the frailties of human nature generally ever to sanction such a doctrine. Were this case stated to the people of the U. States and an appeal made to their feelings, I venture to pronounce that three-fourths of all our fellow-citizens would be in favor of our making exertions for the release of these men. They were not in the secret of the expedition. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Enot) who spoke in a very clear manner showed that they were blindfolded, carried into the scheme without knowing its object. It may be said that it was their duty and business to know it. Sir, do prudential motives influence young men in general? Do you expect from them conduct different from their nature? Young men are always aspiring, enterprising. They were, under the influence of Col. Smith, Mr. Ogden, Captain Lewis and Mr. Fink, led into a measure from which they were induced to expect much benefit, inasmuch as they were to be well dressed, fed, and to have no fighting to do. They did not enquire how it was to be accomplished, because they saw Mr. Ogden employing an independent fortune on this plan. If he would launch his fortune in the enterprise, was it to be supposed that young men would enquire deeply into the matter? Neither did they had been on board of the Leander six days, did one-third of them see Miranda. He never appeared to any of these persons at all till they were placed on ship board. They were carried to Jacquemel, and then saw too late that they were destined to a purpose which they had not understood.
Gentlemen say that the pretences on which these men were engaged were too ridiculous for belief. Was there not reason to believe that there was danger in our south-western country? And if so, was it extraordinary that a guard should be wanted for the mail? Others were led to believe that they were to do other acts; but till they arrived at Jacquemel they had no idea what was their destination; and after they arrived there they were not told the design of the expedition, that it was to revolutionize the provinces, or what was the nature of the expedition. Here however when they attempted to rescue themselves from their situation, they were closely guarded, and kept under strict discipline. A part of them attempted to make their escape, but after passing ten miles were retaken and sent back to their ship. Here then is evidence beyond doubt that these young men never entered into this enterprise with any view to attack the Spanish territory. Perhaps, according to the opinion of some gentlemen, a man may be guilty without knowing of his crime; but, according to my ideas, a man must be conscious that he is about to commit some evil act, to stamp criminality on his proceedings. Thus the leaders who conducted this enterprise were guilty, and it is a misfortune to the country that they were not brought to punishment. We see these subordinate persons abandoned by the men who deluded them; we see them lingering in a dungeon without clothing, and perishing for want of the common sustenance of life. Can any American, any man possessing feelings common to the human heart say that he can view them without sensations of pity? The American captains who have been there advanced them money out of their own pockets; they could not see their distress without shedding tears. And shall this House steel itself against those sensations? Shall it say in cold, inhuman terms "Let the villains suffer." My language should be—
"Teach me to feel another's woe"
"To hide that fault I see;"
"That mercy I to others shew"
"Let others shew to me."
I call upon the fathers of the people, for you are the fathers of the people, who now alone can help them to step forward. For what good will you suffer them to expire in these
dungeons? Why let them remain there to be insulted and oppressed by a domineering people? I hope we shall not do it. Shall it be said that the paltry sum of 3,500 dollars shall be an obstacle to the relief of these men? I hope, sir, that we shall not act on the cool maxims of policy laid down by gentlemen who oppose it. The adoption of it will return these persons to the bosoms of their friends and families to tell the dreadful tale to their countrymen, to warn them of the danger of entering into expeditions against the public peace, and teach them the difference between the mild laws of the United States and the despotic laws of other countries. It will teach them a lesson calculated to produce much good, in my opinion, & to do no harm.
Mr. TAYLOR said if he could view this subject in the light in which it had been viewed by most of its advocates and particularly by the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Pearson) he should think it was the duty of this government to make exertion for the release of these people; but even then he should enquire whether any exertion in their favor would not rather do them an injury than a service; for it would be recollected that every gentleman who had spoken seemed to consider the mercy which was asked to depend upon and to be bestowed by the United States. Were I a Spaniard (said Mr. Taylor) and attended the debate in this House, I should think that gentlemen in favor of the resolution contemplated an infraction of the rights of the nation before whose courts and by whose laws these men were condemned. These fine appeals to mercy and humanity would apply well before the power possessing the right to bestow mercy, but are not applicable to the feelings proper to be exercised on this occasion by this House. I say that it is one of the attributes of government to punish those who have infringed or broken the laws of the country. These people have been condemned by a Spanish tribunal; it is by that government alone that mercy is to be shown—and an exertion by this House in attempting to bestow mercy upon these people is an infringement of that right. I challenge gentlemen to show me an instance in the annals of diplomacy of a like nature with this proposition. I recollect one instance, but I have heard no gentleman propose to go so far. Oliver Cromwell, when a member of the British commonwealth was imprisoned by the inquisition, ordered his admirals to draw up before the harbor & demand his release. This is the only case I have met with in the course of my reading of an attempt by one nation to relieve criminals condemned by another nation under its own laws. If this view be a just one, it certainly becomes a matter of great delicacy. If this government had never been by the most secret whisper implicated (unjustly as I firmly believe) in this transaction, still it would have been a subject of the greatest delicacy for the government of the United States to interfere. What will the government of Spain, the junta, king or governors of Spanish provinces to whom you apply, say to you on this subject? Why they will say—"We have long suspected, we have heard from your own quarter that you were implicated in this expedition; you now give us proof; you have come forward in an unprecedented manner and interfered in a case with which you have no business, a case which is fully embraced by the sovereignty which we ourselves exercise over our own courts." Will it not at once be inferred that these assertions throughout the United States had been true, and that this government was implicated or concerned, or, to use the words of yesterday, that this government had connived at such an expedition? You will but render the sufferings of these people more rigorous. It is not to be conceived, although the gentleman from Massachusetts and others have acquired the government of participation, that the Spanish government will do so also. Why, even in our cool and calm situation you see that suspicion of the connivance of the administration is not yet quite done away—and do you suppose, sir, that the Spaniards, against whom repeated expeditions have been made, at a distance from those sources whence conviction might flash upon their minds, will form the same opinion of the subject that we do? Fear forms a bias on their mind; and we form a conviction on the side on which we feel interested.
Gentlemen, in order to induce us to grant pardon to these men, which we have no power to do, have told us that they are innocent; because, forsooth, they themselves have said so. I recollect, sir, once in a conversation with a most eminent barrister in the state in which I live, who had often performed the duty of counselor and advocate in our state, he informed
me that in a practice of 35 years, in the course of which he had been concerned in the cases of many culprits, on many, nay on all occasions he put this plain question to his client: "I am your counsel; it is necessary for me, in order to make the best possible defence of your cause, to make the best statement in your favor, to know whether you are guilty or not." He declared that he had never yet met with a man who acknowledged that he was guilty. I believe that this disposition to appear innocent is inherent in human nature. It is natural for these men to say that they are not guilty; they said so to the court before whom they were tried. Why were they not liberated? Why was not that mercy which is so pathetically called for bestowed on them by that tribunal before whom the case was examined? If they are the immaculate and almost sainted victims which they are described to be, why did not the court which heard the testimony on both sides of the question bestow that clemency asked of us? I should presume, that when all the circumstances came out before the court, they were not favorable to the petitioners; and it is a respect due from this government to the acts of that government that such a construction should be put upon this matter. If we are to distrust the acts of the Spaniard, because as we are told, he is vindictive and cruel, he might justly say that we have not done to others as we would be done by.
We should place the President of the United States in a very unpleasant situation indeed by requiring him to demand these men if we would not also be willing to go to war for them. As our navy is now afloat, I would propose as an amendment to the project, if gentlemen are serious in their determination to rescue these men, that our fleet shall sail before Cartagenza and compel the Spanish governor or junta to give them up. This is the only mode of interfering with a matter of this kind, which is sanctioned by precedent, as I have before stated.
It would seem, sir, as if the passing scenes of this world were entirely forgotten. The British government has been suspected of having connived at this expedition as well as the government of the U. States. They have received Miranda into their bosom; and on the examination on the trial of Sir Home Popham it did appear that he had received orders to sail for a particular port of that continent to create a diversion of an attack expected to be made in another part of it. But what have the British government done on the subject? Have they not considered it a delicate one? Have they not in their conduct given us the most sound & wholesome advice on the subject? Although I believe these men were employed to answer a purpose all important to her, yet she has not extended towards these sufferers in her own cause that clemency which is asked at our hands. These men who were suffering in her employ, demonstrably acting in furtherance of her interest have not met with the clemency of the government; and the case is more strong when it is recollected that since the capture of these men, although previously at war with Spain, Great Britain was not only at peace but in alliance with that nation. With all these favorable circumstances, when but a hint from the British ministry in favor of these people might have released them, yet being so delicate a subject that it has not been touched by them, shall we, who have been crusading and exerting every nerve for the release of our seamen, and with all our efforts have been unsuccessful—shall we start on a fresh crusade for these men, when the efforts of the government in the other cause, in so noble, so just, and so humane a cause have as yet proved unavailing? Shall we engage in a contest for those people who are acknowledged justly to be in the power and under the sentence of the courts of another nation, whilst the honest American tar, guilless of harm, is writhing under the lash of every boatswain on board a man of war? If you will go on and reform the whole world, begin with one grievance first; to use a homely phrase, do not put too many irons in the fire.
Sir, if the Spanish nation has any feeling for its sovereignty, it would spurn your request. Only suppose that nation to possess the same feelings which actuate every breast in this House; which actuate the American people. Suppose the claim of Mr. Burr to citizenship in Britain on the ground of once a subject always a subject, had been recognized by the British government. Suppose that he was suffering in chains in some of her prisons; and because they had heard that Mr. Burr might have been innocent, the British government had asked his release. Would the people of America have spurned the request as an indignity to the nation? And

may we not suppose that these proud Spaniards as they are called may have feelings of a like nature? I believe, sir, that the course proposed would only add vigor to their sufferings, weight to their chains.
But it seems that these men are to be called back to the country to tell the tale of their sufferings & horrors. Now, sir, I suspect from the feelings which the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Ross) himself has shown, that other feelings would be excited; that if they return they would bring back with them resentment against those who punished them; they would return with information of the state of the country; your interference would convince them that, no matter how nefarious a plan might be, this nation would again stretch out its arm to protect them; and like the petty inclusions which the Danes in former days made on the British coast, whatever hard blows are received will only be the motives for a larger blow to follow. If the people of the U. States would not believe Moses and the prophets, if they would not already prefer the duty of suits of civil life to these nefarious practical expeditions, they would not believe it though these men with their chains came back and told it; though one should rise from the dead and tell it.
On this subject there is but little interest excited in the nation. What have you on the table? What is it that has caused so much debate? The single say so of these men, themselves placed in their own testimony. We have no petition from the city of New-York or even from the state, nor from the neighborhood whence the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) comes. The sympathy is all in this House—and whence proceeds it? I charge no man with inaudible motives; but certainly the most noble and godlike motives might be attributed to gentlemen in one quarter of the House from their advocating the proposition, according to the hint given by the gentleman from North Carolina that the government ought to interfere now, as it was supposed to have connived at it; and no wonder that it excited sensations in another quarter of the House. I thank gentlemen for the intimation which they have given us; it is the same as I would give on any occasion on which I had the feelings which I know that gentleman honestly has on this occasion. I say, sir, that this government has nothing to do with it; that to pass the resolution would be interfering with the sovereignty of another nation, and in a manner which would only expose our Executive to an insulting reply. The Spanish governor may justly reply as Brutus to Cassius, "You wrong your self to write in such a cause."
Mr. LIVERMORE asked if the committee which made this report had not before it evidence that certain British subjects concerned in Miranda's expedition had been liberated on the application of some officers of that nation? If they had, it would be a fair answer to the eloquent speech of the gentleman from South Carolina.
Mr. RANOLPH said he did not think that the information asked for by the gentleman was at all material to this case. It was a matter of no sort of consequence at all, as respected the statement made by the gentleman from South Carolina (he had no doubt) very good grounds. What, (said Mr. R.) has been the situation of G. Britain in relation to Spain? G. Britain, at the time this expedition was undertaken, was an enemy of Spain, was at actual war with Spain, and therefore in a subject of G. Britain it might have been highly meritorious to annoy Spain, either at home or in her colonies to the utmost extent in his power, without any direct authority from his government. Subsequently to that time, however, G. Britain has become the ally of Spain in consequence of the revolution; and at that time G. Britain obtained from persons exercising the authority of government in Spain the release of these prisoners, which it is perfectly natural that Spain should then have granted. But suppose, instead of that thing having taken place in the relations between G. Britain and Spain, Bonaparte had quietly succeeded in putting King Joseph on the throne of Spain and the Indies, and suppose that then had been made; or suppose that the application had been deferred until now, and the power of the House of Bonaparte was as complete over the colonies in South America as we have every reason to believe it is over the European possessions of the mother country—Would the British subjects in that case have been released? It is in unfortunate circumstance that no question can be agitated in this House and tried upon its own merits; that every thing which is, has been or may be, is to be judged on the question before us, to the total exclusion of the merits of the case—and in this way, instead of a discussion of three or six months for doing the business of the nation, if every question is to be tried in the manner in which it appears to me has been, we may sit to all eternity and never get through it.
I lay no claim to great precision what other men; but really I cannot perceive what kind of reason, what kind of connection exists between the G. Britain and the case on this subject; the true merits of the case. Gentlemen get up and abuse the Spanish government and people—and what then? Why, it appears all this is preliminary to our making a humble request of this government and people, that they shall grant us a patent book. To be sure, say all this time we do propose ourselves immortality—we say it with a trowel—and gentlemen seem to think that if we sufficiently praise ourselves, our president and people, and every other government
and people, it is sufficient to illuminate every question. And this is the stile in which we speak to governments perfectly independent on us!—A very wise mean to be sure of inducing them to grant the pardon of these people as a favor to us. Sir, it would be a strange spectacle, to be sure, when this minister that is to be, this sort of anomalous messenger whom you are going to send, I know not exactly to whom; whether to the Junta or persons exercising the power of government in the provinces, or to the government in Europe—when this minister goes to Carthagena or elsewhere, if he should carry to the viceroy along with his credentials a file of papers containing the debates on this question. Why, sir, like Sir Francis Wronghead, we appear all to have turned round. My hon. friend, the gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. Taylor) spoke on the crimes of these men. Gentlemen on the other side, who wish them to be pardoned, tell you of nothing but of their innocence, and the injustice of those who condemned them and now have them under punishment. Two more such advocates as have appeared in favor of this proposition would damn the best cause ever brought before any House or any court in Christendom. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Emott) who spoke yesterday certainly very pertinently and very handsomely, tells the House that in this case no other money than that of the U. S. will be required; that, with a sort of Castilian fastidiousness, those persons acting for the government of Spain will not touch any money which shall not be offered in the quality of public money. I believe no such thing; and moreover I wish it to be distinctly understood that the question of money is not the question with me; and that to suppose it necessary for the government of the U. S. to interfere for the purpose of raising so great a sum as $3500 for the relief of these unfortunate men, whose situation I most seriously deplore, is a libel upon the capacity of this country. I believe, notwithstanding the public impression on this subject against the petitioners, that the money could be raised in half an hour in any town in the U. S. I believe it might be raised in that time in the city of Washington. It is not a question of the amount of money wanted; it is, whether the government of the U. S. shall lend its countenance to persons situated as these unfortunate people are? Sir, had we at that time been at war with Spain, as G. Britain, something might be said in favor of these persons. But we were not at war with Spain, and these men knew it; and I believe they knew at least as well as I know, that when a man is recruited for public service, as they say they thought to be their case, he is immediately taken before a justice of the peace and sworn. This part of the ceremony however is not stated to have taken place. To be sure, sir, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Emott) said, I believe every thing that could be said in favor of those unfortunate people, and really almost convinced me that we ought to make this interference; but unfortunately for him and for his cause, other advocates rose up in his favor and placed the subject in a situation not only as respects the majority of this House, but as respects that government with whom interference is to be made, which will completely foreclose any attempt at relieving the sufferers. It is not possible that the majority of this House or that the Spanish government can be affected in any other manner than with disgust and indignation at such stuff.
The gentleman from New York told us that these were ardent young men, who were anxious to go to Caracas for the purpose, I think, of correcting the despotism which existed in that country; or otherwise, political Quixotism. This, I take it, will operate little in their favor with the Spanish government, however it may in ours. I confess I feel very little sympathy for those who, overlooking their own country and the abuses in their own government, go in search of political adversaries abroad—to go a tilting against political despotisms for the relief, I suppose, of distressed damsels compelled to live under them.
Sir, I could not have been induced to say any thing more on this question—for I stand in a very invidious position, not at all concealed to my feelings, being compelled to rely on my judgment for support against my feelings—nothing could have induced me to rise but the very unprecedented manner in which the oldest member, and certainly not the least respectable in the House, has been treated, and the manner in which some assertions, if you will, of mine have been met. It has been stated by a gentleman in his place that the only proof of the guilt of these persons consists in my declaration to this effect—the naked assertion of one, too, who knows nothing of their innocence or guilt. Let us bring this naked assertion to the standard of common sense and common honesty. Were the ringleaders in this expedition condemned, and did they suffer death on my assertion—an assertion long posterior to the fact? Were the unhappy men now condemned to imprisonment and hard labor convicted on my assertion, on my assertion of yesterday? Or is it so extremely in pardonable for any one to infer the guilt of the accomplices in any transaction, no matter what, wherein the ringleaders have been acknowledged universally to be guilty, have been brought to trial and have suffered the punishment of their crime? Does not the onus in this instance, although it be in the negative, lie on the condemned? What, sir! They go on an expedition against South America under general Miranda and with others are taken, the ringleaders executed as pirates, as hostes humani generis as they really were, and these men are to be avenged to be innocent men, the only proof of whose guilt consists in the declaration of an individual who has considered them as guilty men, but who feels not the less for them because they have been guilty? In this stile is this question to be discussed & decided? One gentleman asserts that the men are perfectly innocent, that the only proof of their guilt rests on the declaration of an individual, and another asserts that they are guilty only under the unjust and arbitrary principles of the Spanish government, when we have it in proof, the strongest proof that the nature of the case will admit, that they are not guilty men something not much less than a miracle must have been worked in their favor. From the description given of their situation by the gentleman from Massachusetts, on whom and on the gentleman from New York (Mr. Emott) the management of this business appeared to devolve, I think it extremely probable that the resolution improved as it would have passed. The description was forcible which the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) gave from his own knowledge of the situation of a man brought up at the same school with himself, and for whom it was natural for him to feel as he does—and I honor the member for so feeling and acting; for mutatis mutandis I think it highly probable I should do so too. These men are enlisted by no matter whom, to go they do not know where, to do they do not know what. After getting to sea, they are compelled to go to Caracas with the commanding officers whether they will or not. Never before was such a tale invented; it will not bear the touch. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Fisk) says that the very insurance offices would not underwrite because no place was named. And then we are told that these people were carried to a newly discovered country, a land of promise. I should not wonder, sir, that the insurance officers would not underwrite a voyage to the island of Jacquemel, or that the vessels should never have arrived at their place of destination; for the latitude of that island with geographers is at least as uncertain as was the destination of Miranda.
All that I have heard on this subject, except from the gentleman from Massachusetts or the gentleman from New York on my right (Mr. Emott) reminds me of speeches, which it has been my misfortune to be compelled to listen to, delivered to ignorant juries in mitigation of damages. My friend from N. Carolina (Mr. Macon) laments that he too has not a little law, because he believes that it very often serves to help out a bad argument. Sir, it is one of the indiscretions of which my friend from N. Carolina is not destitute, to wish for a little learning, more especially a little learning of the law. I had thought that the history of Jonathan Wild the great had left an awful monument to posterity that although "a little learning is a dangerous thing," a little law learning is almost equal to a hanging patent. No, sir—God forbid that the natural sense, sterling worth and read knowledge of my friend from N. Carolina should be blemished by a little county court law learning. It would be impossible for me to estimate him as I do if such were his lot—if he were fated to dress up a flimsy argument on any side of any question on which a man happens to have received a retaining fee. I do not know how it may be with other men, but I do most devoutly pray not like Oliver Cromwell, to be delivered from Sir Harry Vane—but that my country may be delivered from leading politicians in the persons of second-rate lawyers. They have been tried in other countries, and it has been found that first rate lawyers would not answer for politicians. If they will not, in the name of common sense, what are second, third, fourth and fifth rates to make? I do not know, as I have said already, how it may be with other men; but whenever I hear men of a certain description get up to speak in a public assembly, I am almost reminded of an observation made of a learned and witty man, who, when he rose to speak on a subject, said "Well now" and was then supposed to be considering what he should say—And I, sir, never see a man of a certain description rising to speak on a great national question, but it appears to me that he is balancing for want of the malleability of a fee.
(Debate to be continued.)
scription was forcible which the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) gave from his own knowledge of the situation of a man brought up at the same school with himself, and for whom it was natural for him to feel as he does—and I honor the member for so feeling and acting; for mutatis mutandis I think it highly probable I should do so too. These men are enlisted by no matter whom, to go they do not know where, to do they do not know what. After getting to sea, they are compelled to go to Caracas with the commanding officers whether they will or not. Never before was such a tale invented; it will not bear the touch. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Fisk) says that the very insurance offices would not underwrite because no place was named. And then we are told that these people were carried to a newly discovered country, a land of promise. I should not wonder, sir, that the insurance officers would not underwrite a voyage to the island of Jacquemel, or that the vessels should never have arrived at their place of destination; for the latitude of that island with geographers is at least as uncertain as was the destination of Miranda.
All that I have heard on this subject, except from the gentleman from Massachusetts or the gentleman from New York on my right (Mr. Emott) reminds me of speeches, which it has been my misfortune to be compelled to listen to, delivered to ignorant juries in mitigation of damages. My friend from N. Carolina (Mr. Macon) laments that he too has not a little law, because he believes that it very often serves to help out a bad argument. Sir, it is one of the indiscretions of which my friend from N. Carolina is not destitute, to wish for a little learning, more especially a little learning of the law. I had thought that the history of Jonathan Wild the great had left an awful monument to posterity that although "a little learning is a dangerous thing," a little law learning is almost equal to a hanging patent. No, sir—God forbid that the natural sense, sterling worth and read knowledge of my friend from N. Carolina should be blemished by a little county court law learning. It would be impossible for me to estimate him as I do if such were his lot—if he were fated to dress up a flimsy argument on any side of any question on which a man happens to have received a retaining fee. I do not know how it may be with other men, but I do most devoutly pray not like Oliver Cromwell, to be delivered from Sir Harry Vane—but that my country may be delivered from leading politicians in the persons of second-rate lawyers. They have been tried in other countries, and it has been found that first rate lawyers would not answer for politicians. If they will not, in the name of common sense, what are second, third, fourth and fifth rates to make? I do not know, as I have said already, how it may be with other men; but whenever I hear men of a certain description get up to speak in a public assembly, I am almost reminded of an observation made of a learned and witty man, who, when he rose to speak on a subject, said "Well now" and was then supposed to be considering what he should say—And I, sir, never see a man of a certain description rising to speak on a great national question, but it appears to me that he is balancing for want of the malleability of a fee.
(Debate to be continued.)
[BY AUTHORITY.]
An Act authorising the discharge of John Heard from his imprisonment.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That John Heard, late collector at the port of Amboy, in the state of New Jersey, be discharged from his imprisonment, upon a judgment obtained against him in favor of the United States: Provided, however, That he shall first assign and convey all the estate, real and personal, which he may now own, or be entitled to, to some person or persons, for the use and benefit of the United States, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury: And provided also, That the said judgment shall remain in full force against any estate which the said John Heard may hereafter acquire, and that process may at any time be thereafter issued against the same.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. June 20, 1809. APPROVED, JAMES MADISON.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY on Tuesday the 18th day of July, from the subscriber in Prince George's county, state of Maryland, the following Negroes:
TOM, A mulatto fellow about 30 years old, straight and well made; five feet ten or eleven inches high; he has a coarse voice; rather a down look when spoken to; slow in his motion; very fond of strong drink, and has his hair cut nearly close to his head; his clothes are a full cloth jacket and trousers; oznaburg shirt and crocus trousers, and one pair check trousers. It is probable he has other clothes which are not known.
ISAAC, A black fellow about 35 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high; very polite when spoken to; has always a smile; rather stoops in his walk; has a spot about the size of a dollar quite clear of hair on the top of his head; and a small scar in his forehead; his clothes not known. He was purchased of a Mr. Diggs in Charles county near Brian's town, where it is probable he will go. If taken 10 miles from home, 10 dollars; if 20 miles, 20 dollars; if 30, 30 dollars for each; if out of the state and above 30 miles, the above reward or fifty dollars for either of them, for securing them in any jail so that I get them, and all reasonable expenses if brought home. All persons are forwarded from harboring the said negroes at their peril.
RICHARD SNOWDEN.
July 21—St.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 21.
TO THE Editors of the National Intelligencer.
It gives me pleasure, gentlemen, to find that a writer in your paper has commenced a review and vindication of the administration of Mr. Jefferson. His enemies are anxious to disturb his repose in retirement, to produce a coolness between him and the President, and a political separation between their friends. The opposition have no other remaining hope of regaining their former power. Among other attacks on Mr. Jefferson, he is represented as guilty of gross inconsistency and departure from principle, in pardoning Callender and others suffering under the Sedition act, and in instigating the commencement and prosecution of certain indictments for sedition at common law in Connecticut.
It is true, that he granted the pardons; but it is false, that he instigated the prosecutions in Connecticut.
It is a fact, that he was informed of the commencement of these prosecutions by the writer of this article.
It is a fact, that he disapproved of them openly; though he wished not to interfere with any portion of the judiciary department, unless impelled by strong necessity.
It is a fact, that, when he saw there was a determination to press the prosecutions, he did interfere and direct their dismissal.
It is a fact, that in consequence of his directions the District Attorney entered a nolle prosequi.
It is also a fact the Parson Backus, whose character as a gentleman of science and learning, and whose standing in society are well known, declared to a friend of Mr. Jefferson that he had never used the expressions charged in the indictment or any of similar import: and for the truth of this declaration he pledged his reputation. He further remarked that he could produce more than one hundred of his parishioners who heard the discourse and who on oath would declare that they did not hear him express any ideas similar to those charged upon him in the indictment—that he should hold himself in contempt if he were capable of using such language in the desk; and that if he had used it he ought to be punished, by being sent to a mad-house, not a prison. He concluded by requesting Mr. Jefferson's friend to communicate to him these declarations, to present his compliments to Mr. Jefferson, and to assure him that while he did not admire him as a politician, he held his character in high respect as a person who had rendered many important services to his country, as the friend of science and as a man.
The writer pledges himself to make good the truth of these allegations in court or country.
VERITAS.
Washington City, July 20.
Dresden, (Saxony) April 12.
The Russian charge d'affaires, at the court of Vienna, Baron Anstetton has on the 5th, in an official manner, acquainted the Austrian court, that as long as the present ministers should remain at the head of affairs in England, his Russian majesty could not treat with that power. This appeared in contradiction of an article in the Vienna Court Gazette, intimating that negotiations were actually on foot between Russia and England.
AUCTION BUSINESS.
THE Subscriber having for two years past received a considerable share of public patronage as AUCTIONEER, for which he returns his sincere thanks, respectfully informs his friends and the citizens generally, that he has taken out a Licence for the current year, under the act authorising Public Auctions in the city of Washington. He hopes for attention and punctuality to receive a continuance of their favors.
S. SPEAKE, AUCTIONEER.
On every Saturday at 4 o'clock in the afternoon at the Auction Room nearly opposite the Centre Market House, will be sold all kind of Goods, which will be received there for sale on commission. S. S. AUG. Washington, July 21—6t
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
FOR THE BENEFIT OF MR. AND MRS. WILMOT.
On Saturday Evening, July 22, 1809.
Will be presented a Tragedy, in Five Acts, called
ROMEO AND JULIET.
In act first, A Masquerade.
In act fifth, a Funeral Procession and Solemn Dirge.
Vocal Parts, by Mrs. Seymour, Jefferson, Jacobs.
Messrs. Jacobs, Cross, Wilmot, &c.
At the end of the play, The Favorite Song.
"NOBODY COMING TO MARRY ME," Mrs. Wilmot.
After which, a Parody on the same, "NOBODY COMING TO BUY ME," Mr. Jefferson.
To which will be added, A musical Entertainment, called
MY GRAND MOTHER,
OR, THE LIVING PICTURE.
Price One Dollar—Pit Three Quarters of a Dollar.
Tickets for Children at 50 cents.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber then residing at Sandy Point, Charles county, a bright Mulatto Woman named DEBBY. She is about 22 years old, tall and well proportioned, and would by some persons be thought comely. It is deemed unnecessary to attempt a description of her clothing, as she took with her a good deal of that that was good, and it is probable she will not discover it to persons induced to apprehend her. It is imagined she has either gone to the neighborhood of Hill Top, Ald. or Floyd's Hole, Virg. as she has lived in and belonged to the estate of Mr. John Bumbury, dec'd. of the latter, where she was well known, until the last 12 months past, which time she lived in the former, and it is very probable she has gone there as during her residence there she had a corrupt connection which it is likely she still has correspondence with, and is harbored by. The above reward will be given for securing her in any jail so that I get her again, or delivering her to me; provided she is not apprehended; in that case a former reward of 50 dollars will be given. All persons are hereby forewarned from secreting or harboring said woman at their peril.
CLEMENT KENNEDY, JR. Washington July 21—w3t
PROPOSALS.
For engraving a representation in honor of THOMAS JEFFERSON, ESQ. Late President of the U. States.
THE Piece proposed to be Engraved, is a representation of THOMAS JEFFERSON under the conduct of MINERVA, in which Fame, with her Trumpet, announces to the world his retirement from office.
The most correct judges pronounce it to be an elegant production, and a striking Likeness of Mr. Jefferson himself. It was conceived and executed by Mr. Thomas Gimbrede, an artist of taste and reputation. It is confidently expected that no circumstances of political feeling will withhold public patronage from works of genius.
CONDITIONS.
The dimensions of this Engraving will be 8 by 6 inches. Price One DOLLAR to subscribers, and Two DOLLARS to such as do not subscribe.
Any person who shall procure 10 subscribers shall be entitled to one copy.
Subscriptions received by the publisher, John Hopkins, Philadelphia; also by all the Booksellers.
PROPOSALS.
For Engraving a representation of America, figured under the form of a Goddess extending the hand of relief to suffering humanity.
IN This piece, two unfortunate Strangers, a man and a young Babe, after having escaped from oppression and death in their native country, and more immediately from the watery element, appear in distress on our shores. The Wife, seated on a rock, with the almost expiring Infant in her lap, exhibits an image of grief and despair—the Husband, with countenance irresistibly pathetic and eloquent, implores the blessings of God, at the same time seeming to regard rather his tender companion and infant offspring than his own sufferings. At this juncture, the Goddess AMERICA, crowned with beauties and with glories, driven in a Chariot by the Goddess of Liberty, the Horn of PLENTY, pouring out its fruits, is introduced upon the scene. She is arrested in her course by the unhappy objects on her shores. Whilst her seeds are held by one of the aboriginal inhabitants, she appears descending from her chariot to their relief in an attitude of infinite dignity, her beautiful face a picture of benignity and of pity. It is this point in the history that our author seizes upon, and every circumstance of perspective, drapery, and costume in general, are adapted to it. A description of this kind can however convey a faint idea of such a piece; for as the parts which compose it, must be necessarily successive to each other in their operation on the mind, it cannot make that full and entire impression produced by a simultaneous view of all the parts of the picture itself. This marches directly to the heart, which recognises, by a single glance of the eye, its elegant and touching pathos.
This representation serves to illustrate the agreeable truth, that while through the greater part of the Globe, the Pillars of the Temples of Liberty have been torn from their bases, in this favored land they stand in Corinthian elegance and pristine glory—that while the voice of humanity is almost drowned by the din of war, its cries are still heard in this happy clime. From the great progress of taste and refinement, it is not doubted that the American public will give that fostering encouragement to productions of this nature, without which genius must languish in inaction and obscurity. The pointer nations of the world have boasted of their celebrated Galleries and collections of the works of fine art, and it is extremely probable that the frequent contemplation of their statues and paintings tended to keep alive the sentiments, ideas and objects they were made to represent. It is moreover stated that the Indians were never so inclined to resistance, nor so thoroughly sensible that their political privileges were gone, as when the French Emperor violated their Galleries.
The author of the piece is Mr. Thomas Gimbrede, a young gentleman of classic education and correct taste. In smaller trials of his art, he has attracted the respectful notice of the enlightened citizens of Baltimore, and it is expected that a publication of the proposed Engraving, will afford him that remuneration for his labor, in the gratitude and consideration of society, which he justly merits.
CONDITIONS.
The above-mentioned piece will occupy a space of 24 by 18 inches.
The price, which is payable on delivery, will be THREE DOLLARS to subscribers, and five DOLLARS to such as do not subscribe.
Every person who shall obtain ten subscribers will be entitled to one copy.
Subscriptions received by the publisher John Hopkins, Philadelphia; also by all the Booksellers.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR apprehending and securing in jail an apprentice boy named WM. BURCH. He is a fair complexioned lad about 13 years old; he was bound to me by the Orphans Court of the city of Washington, District of Columbia to learn the art of Stone and Bricklaying. It is supposed he is in Baltimore or its vicinity. The above reward will be paid by me if secured as above.
THOMAS H. GANN.
All persons are hereby warned from harboring or employing said William Burch, or he will be dealt with as the law directs. Washington city, July 19—3t

BANK OF WASHINGTON.
TO ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME, OR IN ANY WISE CONCERN.
BE IT KNOWN, that it is hereby proclaimed, that we the subscribers, associated together have formed a company or limited partnership, and do mutually agree with each other, and hereby bind ourselves, to conduct the business of the company, under the name and style of "The President and Directors of the Bank of Washington," and conformably to the rules and regulations herein after specified. And we do covenant and agree with each other, and declare that we and all persons who at any time hereafter may transact business with said company, shall be bound and concluded by these our fundamental articles of association.
ARTICLE 1.
The copartnership shall be and continue for the term of twenty-one years, from and after the opening of the subscription unless a charter is sooner obtained; but the proprietors of two thirds of the capital stock of the company, may by their concurrent votes at a general meeting to be called for that expressed purpose, dissolve the same at any time; provided, that notice of such meeting and its object shall be published in one or more of the Washington newspapers, once a week, for six months previous thereto; and if the President and Directors at their first meeting, after the election in the last year of the aforesaid term, two thirds of that body concurring, shall be of opinion, that it will be proper and expedient to continue the copartnership for a further limited term not exceeding twenty-one years, they shall have power to decide on the same, and shall immediately make known their decision by publication in one or more Washington newspapers. And the President and Directors are hereby authorized at any time to apply for and accept such charter as may be agreed upon with the concurrence of nine members of said body.
ARTICLE 2.
The capital stock of the company shall consist of one million of dollars, money of the United States, to be divided into shares of fifty dollars each, and to be paid in the manner following, that is to say—one dollar on each share to be paid at the time of subscribing; one dollar in thirty days; two dollars in sixty days; two dollars in one hundred and eighty days; two dollars in three hundred and sixty-five days, and two dollars in five hundred and forty days after the time of opening the subscription. And it shall be optional with any stockholder thereafter to fill up his share or shares, by the payment at any one time of the residue of the money due thereon, and shall thereupon be entitled to receive dividends in future, in proportion to the whole amount paid upon such share or shares: Provided, that the dividend or dividends on such sums so paid, shall not commence until the first day of the month next ensuing such payments. And a failure to make punctiliously any of the said first mentioned five installments on any share, shall incur a forfeiture of such share to the use of the company, of all that shall have been previously paid thereon; and such share shall be sold by the President and Directors for the benefit of the company.
ARTICLE 3.
The copartnership shall transact its business in the city of Washington, south of B street south, and east of south Capitol street, and shall commence its operations as soon after the payment of the third installment as circumstances will permit.
ARTICLE 4.
The subscription shall be opened at Long's Hotel, in the city of Washington, on the first Monday of September next, under the direction of Daniel Carroll of Duddington, William Granch, Robert Brent, Frederick May, Franklin H. Norton, Joel Barlow, Samuel H. Smith, James S. Stevenson, Joseph Pares, George Hagedorn, Thos. Law, Samuel N. Smallwood, Daniel Rapine, Peter Miller, T. M. Craven, and William Prout, or a majority of them. And the commissioners aforesaid shall open the subscription books at ten o'clock A. M. and they shall continue open until four P. M. and shall remain open between those hours for one day at least, and for the term of three days unless sooner filed; and if it should happen that more than the stipulated number of shares should be subscribed on the first day, then the commissioners aforesaid are to apportion them among the subscribers, by deducting from the highest subscriptions, until they are reduced to the proper number, or if more persons subscribe than there are shares, the commissioners are to cast lots to decide to whom they shall belong. But no person or persons, bodies corporate or otherwise, shall be permitted to subscribe on the first day of opening the books, for more than one thousand two hundred and fifty shares; and if the stock be not all taken the first day, the books shall remain open on the second day, on the same terms as on the first; but if the subscription be not filled on the second day, then the commissioners may permit any person or persons, bodies corporate or otherwise, to subscribe for any number of shares until the whole number is completed.
The commissioners after having decided to whom the shares may belong, will issue receipts to the different stockholders, for the monies received of them at the time of subscribing, which receipts with the original subscription shall be deemed good evidence of the quantity of stock to which each subscriber shall be entitled in this company.
ARTICLE 5.
The affairs of the company shall be conducted by twelve directors, of whom nine at least shall be residents in the city of Washington, and a president, whose place, if chosen from among their number, shall be supplied by that body; and six of the directors with the president shall form a board or quorum, for transacting all the business of the company. In case of his sickness or any absence, his place may be supplied by any director, whom he, by writing under his hand, may nominate for that purpose, or in case of his not making such nomination, the board may appoint a president to act during his absence; and the directors who may be appointed at the first election, shall hold their seats until the first Monday in January, one thousand eight hundred and eleven. And the directors then and after that period shall be elected for one year, by the stockholders for the time being, and each director shall be a stockholder at the time of his election, and shall cease to be a director, if he should cease to be a stockholder, and no director of any other bank shall at the same time be a director of this bank. Every share shall entitle its proprietor to a vote, but no stockholder shall be permitted to vote (except at the first election) who has not held his stock for thirty days prior to the election; and all stockholders shall vote at elections by ballot, in person or by
proxy, which proxy, in all elections after the first, shall be made in such form as the president and directors shall prescribe.
ARTICLE 6.
A general meeting of the stockholders of the company shall be held on the first Monday in January in every year, (except the next January) at such place as the President and Directors shall appoint, by giving four weeks notice in one or more of the newspapers of the city of Washington. For the purpose of electing directors for the ensuing year, who shall take their seats at the board the succeeding day, and immediately proceed to elect the president; but for the present year, for the more immediate organization of the business of the company, the election shall be held on the second Wednesday in September next, under the direction of the commissioners appointed to receive subscriptions. And the president and directors for the time being shall continue to hold their offices until others shall be appointed in their places.
ARTICLE 7.
The president and directors are hereby fully empowered to make, revise, alter, or amend all such rules, orders, bye-laws and regulations for the government of the company, and that of their officers, servants and affairs, as they shall, from time to time, think expedient, not inconsistent with law or these articles of association; and to use, employ, and dispose of the joint-stock, funds or property of the said company, (subject only to the restrictions herein after mentioned) as to them may seem expedient.
ARTICLE 8.
All bills, bonds, notes and every contract and engagement on behalf of the company, for the payment of money, shall be signed by the president and countersigned or attested by the cashier of the company; and the funds of the company shall in no case be held responsible for any contract or engagement whatever, unless the same shall be so signed, and countersigned or attested as aforesaid.
ARTICLE 9.
The books, papers, correspondence and funds of the company shall at all times be subject to the inspection of the directors.
ARTICLE 10.
The said president and directors shall have power to appoint a cashier and another officers and servants for executing the business of the company, and to establish the compensation to be paid to the president, and all other officers and servants of the company respectively, and which, together with all other necessary expenses, shall be delayed out of the funds of the company.
ARTICLE 11.
The president and directors shall have power to call a general meeting of the stockholders for the purposes relative to the concerns of the company, giving at least six weeks notice in one or more of the newspapers of the city, specifying in such notice the object or objects of such meeting.
ARTICLE 12.
The shares of capital stock at any time owned by any individual stockholder, shall be transferable on the books of the company according to such rules as may conformably to law, be established in that behalf by the president and directors; but all debts actually due and payable to the company (days of grace for payment being past) by a stockholder requesting a transfer, must be satisfied before such transfer shall be made, unless the president and directors shall direct to the contrary.
ARTICLE 13.
No transfer of stock in this company shall be considered as binding upon the company, unless made in a book or books to be kept for that purpose by the company, and it is further expressly agreed and declared that any stockholder who shall transfer in manner aforesaid, all his stock or shares in this company to any other person or persons whatever, shall thereupon cease to be a member of this company; and that any person or persons whatever who shall accept a transfer of any stock or share in this company, shall thereupon become, and be a member of this company, according to these articles of association.
ARTICLE 14.
It is hereby expressly and explicitly declared to be the object and intention of the persons who associate under the name or firm of "The President and Directors of the Bank of Washington," that the joint stock or property of the said company, exclusive of dividends to be made in the manner herein after mentioned, shall alone be responsible for the debts and engagements of the said company; and that no person who shall or may deal with this company, or to whom they shall or may become in any wise indebted, shall on any pretence whatever have recourse against the separate property of any present or future member of this company, or against their persons, excepting the officers and servants of said company, in regard to the faithful discharge of their respective duties in the conduct of the affairs and administration of the funds of said company; but all persons accepting any bond, bill or note, or other contract of this company, signed by the President and countersigned by the Cashier of the company for the time being, or dealing with it in any other manner whatsoever, thereby respectively give credit to the said joint stock or property of the said company, and thereby respectively disavow having recourse on any pretence whatever to the person or separate property of any present or future member of this company, (excepting as before mentioned). And all suits to be brought against this company (if any shall be) shall be brought against the President for the time being, and in case of his death or removal from office, pending any such suit against him, measures shall be taken at the expense of the company for substituting his successor in office as a defendant, so that persons having demands upon the company may not be prejudiced or delayed by that event; or if the person suing shall go on against the person first named as defendant (notwithstanding his death or removal from office) this company shall take no advantage, by writ of error or otherwise, of such proceeding on that account; and all recovery had, in manner aforesaid, shall be conclusive upon the company, so far as to render the company's said joint stock or property liable thereby, and no further; and the company shall immediately pay the amount of such recovery out of their joint stock, but not otherwise. And in case of any suit at law the President shall sign his appearance upon the writ, or the common bail thereto; it being expressly understood and declared, that all persons dealing with said company, agree to these terms & are bound thereby; and will not require special bail from any person for or on account of any claim or demand upon the said company.
ARTICLE 15.
Dividends of the profits of the company, or so much of said profits as shall be deemed expedient and proper, shall be declared half-yearly in the first week in May and November in each year; the amount of said dividend shall from time to time be determined
by the President and Directors, at a meeting held for that purpose, and shall in no case exceed the amount of the nett profits actually acquired by the company, so that the capital stock of the said company shall never be impaired by dividends; but the Directors shall be at liberty to retain at least one per cent. upon the capital as a fund for future contingencies.
ARTICLE 16.
If the said Directors shall at any time wilfully and knowingly make or declare any dividend which shall impair the said capital stock, all the Directors present at the making or declaring of said dividend and consenting thereto, shall be liable in their individual capacities to the company, for the amount or proportion of said capital stock, so divided by the said Directors; and each Director who shall be present at the making or declaring such dividend, shall be deemed to have consented thereto, unless he shall immediately enter in writing his dissent on the minutes of the proceedings of the board, and give public notice to the stockholders, that such dividend has been declared.
ARTICLE 17.
These articles of agreement shall be published in one newspaper in Washington, and one in Baltimore once a week for one month, and for the further information of persons who may transact business with, or in any manner give credit to said company, every bond, bill, note, or other instrument or contract, by the effect or terms of which the company may be charged, or held liable for the payment of money, shall specially declare, in such form as the President and Directors shall prescribe that payment shall be made out of the joint funds of the Bank of Washington, according to the present articles of association, and not otherwise: A copy of the 14th article of this association shall be inserted in the Bank Book of every person depositing money, or other valuable property with the company for safe keeping, or a printed copy shall be delivered to every such person, before any such deposit shall be received from him. And it is hereby expressly declared, that no engagement can legally be made in the name of said company, unless it contain a limitation or restriction to the effect above recited; and the company hereby expressly disavow all responsibility for any debt or engagement which may be made in their name, not containing a limitation or restriction to the effect aforesaid.
ARTICLE 18.
The company shall in no case be owners of any ships or vessels, or directly or indirectly be concerned in trade, or the importation or exportation, purchase or sale of any goods, wares or merchandise whatever, (bills of exchange and bullion only excepted,) and except such ships, vessels, goods, wares, or merchandise, as shall be truly pledged to them by way of security for debts due, owing or growing due to the said company, or purchased by them to secure such debts so due to the said company.
ARTICLE 19.
If any vacancy shall at any time happen among the Directors by death, resignation, or otherwise, the residue of the Directors for the time being, shall elect a Director to fill the vacancy.
ARTICLE 20.
The company shall not purchase or hold any lands, tenements, or other real estates, other than what may be necessary for the convenient transaction of its business, unless such lands, tenements and real estates, shall have been bona fide mortgaged to the company, by way of security, or conveyed to it in satisfaction of debts previously contracted in the course of dealings, or purchased to secure debts contracted with or due to the company, and in every instance in which the company may become owners or claimants of lands, tenements, or real estates, the President and Directors are empowered to sell or dispose of the same, in such manner as they may deem beneficial for the company.
ARTICLE 21.
Any number of stockholders, not less than 100, who together shall be proprietors of 2500 shares, may, for any purpose relative to the institution, at any time, apply to the President and Directors to call a general meeting of the stockholders; and if by them refused, the said number of stockholders, proprietors of not less than the number of shares aforesaid, shall have power to call a general meeting of the stockholders, giving at least sixty days notice in one or more of the public newspapers of the city of Washington, specifying in such notice, the object or objects of such call.
ARTICLE 22.
IMMEDIATELY on the dissolution of this association, prompt and effectual measures shall be taken by the Directors then existing, for closing all the concerns of the company and for dividing the capital and profits which may remain among the stockholders, in proportion to their respective interests.
In witness whereof—
June 30—93
WM. EMICK
RETURNS his sincere thanks to those of his fellow citizens who have favored him with their friendship and custom in the Mercantile Line; but now having made arrangements to REMOVE his STORE, in the course of TEN days, to Frederickburg Virginia—he earnestly requests that all those who are indebted to him will please to call and make payment, as no further indulgence can be given. Also those to whom he is indebted, are invited to exhibit their accounts, which, when adjusted, shall be paid. His DWELLING-HOUSE, STORE, &c. on East Capitol street are now offered for RENT; the eligibility of which for the Dry Good and Grocery business is at least equal to any in the neighborhood—for terms apply to him on the premises, or if after ten days, to Mr. ADAM LINDSAY, merchant near the Navy Yard, who is fully authorised to rent the same, as also to settle his unfinished business.
July 19—3t
ROMULUS RIGGS,
Has just received and opening at his New Cash Store, a complete and well selected assortment of SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, Which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices, As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Goods, to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell.
CASH GIVEN FOR TOBACCO
Inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse.
FOR RENT.
THE upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a genteel family, if application is immediately made.
June 9—tf
REILLY'S STORE,
ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, Is just supplied with Madeira and Lisbon Wine, choice French Brandy, excellent retailing Whiskey and Molasses, fresh Lemons, a few boxes fresh Raisins, best Green Coffee in bags, some nice Old Hyson Tea, Spermaceti Oil of good quality, a thousand weight of Smithfield Bacon, half of which is Hams mostly of small size suitable for families, Jamieson's Water Crackers, superfine Flour as usual selected for family use— Also, Corn Oats, Bran, Chop, and a constant supply of Fresh Corn Meal, received weekly from the mill.
July 3—6tsp
FOR SALE,
By LEWIS DENNIS, At his Store near the Navy Yard. Old French and Peach Brandy, Do. Jamaica Spirits, Holland Gin, Whiskey by the hogshead or barrel, Sugars, Teas, Coffee, Corn, Corn Meal, Picked Superfine Flour for family use, Fresh Turkey Pigs, Do. Bloom Raisins, and many other articles which he will sell low for cash. Washington, July 17—3w
RICHARD BECK
Has just received from New York & Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable GOODS which are all of the latest importations, consisting of IMPERIAL Cordis, Grandrills, Cotton Cassimeres, white Jeans, colored do. superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, Marseilles & Imperial Waistcoating, Patent Nankeen, Silk Hosiery, Bed Ticking, Seersuckers, Bandanno Handkerchiefs, Dimities, Apron Checks, Netting Cottons, Sewing Silks, Silk and Cambric Buttons, plain India Mull Muslins, figured do. seeded do. Jacanett and book do. veined and japanned do. book & jacanett Handkerchiefs, plain & figured Lenoes, Italian Mantillas, Sinshaws and Lustrings, Ribbands, Threads, black Cambries, Kid & Silk Gloves, Umbrellas and Parasols, Damask and other silk Shawls Plush bordered do. York Tan and Beaver Gloves, Suspenders, fashionable Buttons, Boss Thread, Yellow, White, and Blue Nankeens.
FOR LONDON, DIRECT—
The substantial fast sailing Ship FAME, 360 tons burthen, J. Pitch Master, will sail in 3 days. For Passage only, having elegant accommodations, apply to the Captain on board, or to
CHARLES J. NOURSE.
Georgetown, July 19—4t
FOR SALE.
By Order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at Public Sale in this place on Saturday the 5th day of next month, (if fair, if not, the next fair day thereafter, (Sunday excepted) all the remaining part of the late Mr. John Campbell's Personal Estate, consisting of Wearing Apparel, an elegant Gold Watch, enamelled, the hands and round the face being set with diamonds, cap'd and jeweled, a Gold Seal, a Gold Ring, a Backgammon Table, and several other articles.
The terms of Sale will be cash, and sold without reserve. The subscriber's infirm state of health for many years has been the cause of the sale being so long postponed, and as he is still poorly, his friend Mr. Richard Ponsonby will direct and conduct the sale of said property, which will commence at 11 o'clock at my house.
WM. BRUCE, Adm'r of JOHN CAMPBELL.
Bladensburg July 14—3w
FOR SALE.
By Virtue of an order of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for Washington county will be sold at Public Vendue, at the house of Mr. William Rhodes, innkeeper, city of Washington on Saturday the 29th of this month (July) at 3 o'clock, P. M. the following very valuable Property in the city of Washington, to wit: LOT No. 6 in square No. 224, containing 4,618 3-4 square feet. On this Lot, with other improvements, is a large, elegant and commodious (three stories) Brick House, well calculated for an extensive tavern or boarding-house, and is now occupied in part by Mrs. Suter as a boarding-house, and the other part by Mr. Edg. Patterson, as a store. This property is situated on the corner of 15th and North P streets, directly opposite to the Treasury Department; and may be justly said to be, as eligible and advantageous a situation for public business as any in the city; and, from the largeness and structure of the aforesaid house, it might be occupied and used, as two separate & suitable dwellings. The terms of sale will be, one eighth part in cash, and the residue on 12, 18 and 24 months credit with interest, the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above-mentioned property, will be sold, subject to the dower of Mrs. Mary Anne Fenwick, widow of Bennet Fenwick, deceased.
Lots No. 15 & 16 adjoining, in Sq. No. 407, containing 10,206 3-4 square feet. On these Lots are some wooden framed Houses, and the Lots are advantageously situated on Ninth and E streets. The terms of sale are, one fourth part in cash, and the balance on credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest—the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above lots and property will be sold, freed from all incumbrance.
Lot No. 26 in square No. 252, containing in lot 5,902 square feet—Alley 1,338 square feet; and Lot No. 27, in square No. 272, containing in lot 5,322 square feet—Alley 309 1-2 square feet. These lots are adjoining, and situate on 13th street, on one of which is erected a small wooden House. The terms of sale are, one 4th part in cash, and the balance on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest; the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security. Possession may be had immediately. The above Lots and property will be sold freed from all incumbrances.
Edgar Patterson, Alex. Cochran, Sen. Francis Clarke, James H. Blake, Pierce Purcell, Commissioners.
N. B. Any person desirous of purchasing the aforesaid property, or any part thereof, can be made acquainted with said said as to the title, by applying to James A. Porter, esq. attorney for the present claimants and owners.
July 14—
CITY AUCTIONEERS.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have built a commodious house adjoining the Store of the Purser of the Navy and opposite to Wm. Prout's, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction.
NICHOLAS L. QUEEN,
HENRY M. QUEEN.
May 29—tf
FOR SALE.
Will be sold at Auction on Thursday the 27th inst. a convenient 3 Story Frame House, with a Kitchen back, on No. 5 in Square No. 118, on Pennsylvania Avenue between the Six and Seven Buildings. An indisputable title clear of every incumbrance will be given. The terms made known on the day of sale.
N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Aucts. July 10—tdos
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND late the property of John D. Scott, deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Mill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco.
This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase.
F. S. KEY, Trustee.
July 5—tdos
W. & C. SMITH,
HAVE for Sale at their Warehouse near the Ferry—Loaf and Lump Sugar in lds and barrels, Prime Muscovado do. do. do. 2d and 3d quantity do. do. do. Hyson, Young Hy- } TEAS son, Hyson skin } in Chests, Boxes and and Imperial } Canisters, Coffee, Chocolate, Pepper and Allspice, Nutmegs and Cloves, sweet Oil in Baskets and Boxes, Indigo and Copperas, Best 4th proof Cogniac Brandy, Bourdeaux and Marseilles Brandy, Holland and Anchor Gin, Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, old and fit for immediate use, Old and New Whiskey, Madeira, Port, Sherry, Teneriffe, Corsica, Sciocy, and Catalonia Wines, Claret in boxes 1 doz. each, Best chewing Tobacco, Demijohns, Casks, &c. &c.
George Town, July 3—ep
FOR LONDON, DIRECT—
The substantial fast sailing Ship FAME, 360 tons burthen, J. Pitch Master, will sail in 3 days. For Passage only, having elegant accommodations, apply to the Captain on board, or to
CHARLES J. NOURSE.
Georgetown, July 19—4t
FOR SALE.
By Order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at Public Sale in this place on Saturday the 5th day of next month, (if fair, if not, the next fair day thereafter, (Sunday excepted) all the remaining part of the late Mr. John Campbell's Personal Estate, consisting of Wearing Apparel, an elegant Gold Watch, enamelled, the hands and round the face being set with diamonds, cap'd and jeweled, a Gold Seal, a Gold Ring, a Backgammon Table, and several other articles.
The terms of Sale will be cash, and sold without reserve. The subscriber's infirm state of health for many years has been the cause of the sale being so long postponed, and as he is still poorly, his friend Mr. Richard Ponsonby will direct and conduct the sale of said property, which will commence at 11 o'clock at my house.
WM. BRUCE, Adm'r of JOHN CAMPBELL.
Bladensburg July 14—3w
FOR SALE.
By Virtue of an order of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for Washington county will be sold at Public Vendue, at the house of Mr. William Rhodes, innkeeper, city of Washington on Saturday the 29th of this month (July) at 3 o'clock, P. M. the following very valuable Property in the city of Washington, to wit:
LOT No. 6 in square No. 224, containing 4,618 3-4 square feet. On this Lot, with other improvements, is a large, elegant and commodious (three stories) Brick House, well calculated for an extensive tavern or boarding-house, and is now occupied in part by Mrs. Suter as a boarding-house, and the other part by Mr. Edg. Patterson, as a store. This property is situated on the corner of 15th and North P streets, directly opposite to the Treasury Department; and may be justly said to be, as eligible and advantageous a situation for public business as any in the city; and, from the largeness and structure of the aforesaid house, it might be occupied and used, as two separate & suitable dwellings. The terms of sale will be, one eighth part in cash, and the residue on 12, 18 and 24 months credit with interest, the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above-mentioned property, will be sold, subject to the dower of Mrs. Mary Anne Fenwick, widow of Bennet Fenwick, deceased.
Lots No. 15 & 16 adjoining, in Sq. No. 407, containing 10,206 3-4 square feet. On these Lots are some wooden framed Houses, and the Lots are advantageously situated on Ninth and E streets. The terms of sale are, one fourth part in cash, and the balance on credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest—the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above lots and property will be sold, freed from all incumbrance.
Lot No. 26 in square No. 252, containing in lot 5,902 square feet—Alley 1,338 square feet; and Lot No. 27, in square No. 272, containing in lot 5,322 square feet—Alley 309 1-2 square feet. These lots are adjoining, and situate on 13th street, on one of which is erected a small wooden House