The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-24 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1307.
VOL. IX.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE
DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
The National Intelligencer will henceforth be conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH , and JOSEPH GAYES, Jun. and printed at the Office of the forerunner , to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested still to address themselves.
The annual price, payable in advance, is Five dollars . The punctilious compliance with this term is at this time of the greatest importance, and is earnestly requested.
ADVERTISEMENTS , not exceeding one square in breadth, are inserted the first time at fifty cents , and for every subsequent insertion twenty-five cents . If inserted less than three times a Dollar is charged. If inserted but once a week, an addition of one fourth part is made. Other advertisements charged the same ratio.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
An act for the erection of pumps and sinking of wells, and for conveying water in pipes in the Pennsylvania Avenue .
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the sum of six hundred dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated for the erection of pumps and sinking of wells, and conveyance of water in pipes, and that each ward shall have an equal proportion of said appropriation.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That the Mayor be empowered to establish such regulations respecting the erection of pumps and sinking of wells, and conveying of water as aforesaid, and to require such previous individual contributions as he may see fit, not being less than one half the said expense.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, That the sum of two hundred dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated, for the repairs of pumps in the City of Washington, and that the provisions contained in this act be carried into effect under the direction of the Mayor.
GEORGE ANDREWS, President pro tem. of the First Chamber. E. B. CALDWELL, President of the Second Chamber. Approved, December 31, 1808. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
An act making appropriations for finishing the Centre Market, and for Third street east.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the sum of two hundred dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated, for graveling, enclosing and making the stalls of the Centre Market House.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the commissioners appointed to superintend the erection of the addition to said Market House, be authorised and directed to sell the plank and lumber of the south wing of the said Market House, and to apply thereof in part of the above appropriation.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the sum of two hundred dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated, for improving and graveling Third street east, from L street to the water, and for making stone gutters on said street, and that the said money be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the said money be expended by two commissioners, to be appointed by the Mayor.
GEORGE ANDREWS, President of the First Chamber, pro tem. E. B. CALDWELL, President of the Second Chamber. Approved, January 3, 1809. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
Solomon Holland } In Chancery, vs. } February 1809. Hezekiah M. Ford }
The object of the bill, is to have a deed recorded, granted from Hezekiah M. Ford to said Holland, bearing date the 6th of August, 1800, for a lot or parcel of land called "Exchange and New Exchange Enlarged," being part of lot number two in the town of Williamsburgh, in Montgomery county. The bill also states, that the said Hezekiah M. Ford has removed out of this state to the state of Kentucky.
It is thereupon ordered, that the complainant, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three weeks successively in the National Intelligencer before the 22d day of March next, give notice to the defendant to appear in this court on or before the 22d day of July next, to show cause, (if any he has) why a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy—Test, NICHOLAS BREWER , Reg. Cur. Can. Feb 22—w3r.
PUBLIC SALE.
Will be sold on Saturday the 25th inst. at the house of the subscriber in F street, City of Washington, part of the estate of Maurice Cribbin , deceased, consisting of several articles of plain and japanned tin ware, mould and dipped candles, bed and bedding, shawls, handkerchiefs, stockings, several articles of wearing apparel, mustard & snuff in bottles, an excellent theodolite, &c. Terms to be made known on the day of sale.
All those indebted to the said estate are requested to settle and pay the same to me, on or before the first day of April next, or I shall put their accounts in the hands of a proper officer for collection.
NICHOLAS CALLAN Administrator of the said M. Cribbin. Feb. 22—2.
ANY LADY or GENTLEMAN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE,
May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof . None need apply who cannot be well recommended.
January 3—3t
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA)
F. Street between the Bank & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality.
Washington Jan. 26—
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24.
The following are original letters of the illustrious Washington , most eminently adapted to the present crisis. The sentiments are sterling; such as that upright man felt from the bottom of his soul. Were he now alive, what terrors would not his indignant frown strike into the hearts of those wretches, who, for the base purposes of disaffection, of errant Toryism, of foreign attachments, dare to invoke his name; who, with the flexible malignity of the serpent, turn and twist themselves into endless contortions to deceive and seduce the unwary; who assert and retract, retract and assert, the most profligate falsehoods, with the insensibility and impudence of a stage player.
Mount Vernon, July 20th, 1774.
DEAR SIR,
Your letter of the 17th was not presented to me till after the resolutions (which were adjudged advisable for this country to come to) had been revised, altered, and corrected in the committee; nor till we had gone into a general meeting in the court-house, and my attention necessarily called every moment to the business that was before it; I did however upon the receipt of it (in that hurry and bustle) hastily run it over, and handed it round to the gentlemen on the bench, of which there were many; but as no person present seemed in the least disposed to adopt your sentiments—as there appeared a perfect satisfaction and acquiescence to the measures proposed (except from a Mr. Williamson, who was for adopting your advice, literally, without obtaining a second voice on his side)—and as the gentlemen to whom the letter was shewn advised me not to read it, as it was not like to make a convert, and repugnant (some of them thought) to the very principle we were contending for, I forbore to offer it otherwise than in the manner above mentioned, which I shall be sorry for, if it gives you any dissatisfaction in not having your sentiments read to the county at large, instead of communicating them to the first people in it, by offering them the letter in the manner I did.
That I differ very widely from you, in respect to the mode of obtaining a repeal of the acts so much, and so justly complained of, I shall not hesitate to acknowledge; and that this difference of opinion may probably proceed from the different constructions we put upon the conduct and intention of the ministry, may also be true; but as I see nothing on the one hand, to induce a belief that the parliament would embrace a favorable opportunity of repealing acts which they go on with great rapidity to pass, in order to enforce their tyrannical system; and on the other observe, or think I observe, that government is pursuing a regular plan at the expence of law and justice, to overthrow our constitutional rights and liberties, how can I expect any redress from a measure which hath been ineffectually tried already. For, sir, what is it we are contending against? Is it against paying the duty of 3d. per lb. on tea, because burthensome? No, it is the right only, we have all along disputed, and to this end we have already petitioned his majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner as subjects could do; nay more, we applied to the House of Lords & House of Commons in their different legislative capacities, setting forth that as Englishmen we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of our constitution. If then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of taxation we now do, and (as I before said) all along have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now than formerly? And what reason have we to believe that they would make a second attempt whilst the same sentiments filled the breast of every American, if they did not intend to enforce it if possible? The conduct of the Boston people could not justify the rigor of their measures, unless there had been a requisition of payment and refusal of it; nor did that measure require an act to deprive the government of Massachusetts Bay of their charter, or to exempt offenders from trial in the place, where offences were committed; as there was not or could not be a single instance produced to manifest the necessity of it. Are not all these things self-evident
proofs of a fixed and uniform plan to tax us? If we want further proofs, does not all the debates in the House of Commons serve to confirm this? I do not gen. Gage's conduct since his arrival (in stopping the address of his council, and publishing a proclamation more becoming a Turkish Bashaw than an English governor declaring it treason to associate in any manner by which the commerce of Great Britain is to be effected) exhibited unexampled testimony of the most despotic system of tyranny that ever was practised in a free government. In short, what farther proofs are wanting to satisfy one, of the designs of the ministry than their own acts; which are uniform, and plainly tending to the same point—nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of taxation—what hope then from petitioning, when they tell us that now, or never, is the time to fix the matter? Shall we after this whine and cry for relief, when we have already tried it in vain? or shall we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a sacrifice to despotism? If I were in any doubt as to the right which the Parliament of G. Britain had to tax us without our consent, I should most heartily coincide with you in opinion, that to petition, and petition only, is the proper method to apply for relief; because we should then be asking a favor, and not claiming a right which, by the law of nature and our constitution, we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to; I should even think it criminal to go farther than this, under such an idea; but none such I have, I think the Parliament of G. Britain hath no more right to put their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my hands into yours for money; and this being already urged to them in a firm, but decent manner, by all the colonies, what reason is there to expect any thing from their justice?
As to the resolution for addressing the Throne, I own to you, sir, I think the whole might as well have been expunged; I expect nothing from the measure; nor should my voice have accompanied it, if the non-importation scheme was intended to be retarded by it; for I am convinced as much as I am of my existence, that there is no relief for us but in their distress; and I think, at least I hope, that there is public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing but the bare necessaries of life, to accomplish this end; this we have a right to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to do otherwise, till they have first reduced us to the most abject state of slavery that ever was designed for mankind. The stopping our exports would, no doubt, be a shorter cut than the other, to effect this purpose, but if we owe money to Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity can justify the non-payment of it; and therefore I have great doubts upon this head, and wish to see the other method, which is legal and will facilitate these payments, first tried.
I cannot conclude without expressing some concern, that I should differ so widely in sentiments from you in a matter of such great moment, and general import; and should much distrust my own judgment upon the occasion, if my nature did not recoil at the thought of submitting to measures which I think subversive of every thing that I ought to hold dear and valuable—and did I not find, at the same time, that the voice of mankind is with me. I must apologise for sending you so rough a sketch of my thoughts upon your letter. When I looked back and saw the length of my own, I could not, as I am also a good deal hurried at this time, bear the thoughts of making off a fair copy.
I am, dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
GEO. WASHINGTON. To Bryan Fairfax, Esq. at Towlston.
HEAD QUARTERS, Valley Forge, March 1, 1778. DEAR SIR,
Your favor of the 8th of December came safe to my hands, after considerable delay in its passage.
The sentiments you have expressed of me in this letter are highly flattering—meriting my warmest acknowledgements, as I have too good an opinion of your sincerity and candor, to believe that you are capable of unmeaning professions, and speaking a language foreign from your heart; the friendship I ever professed, and felt for you, met with no diminution
from the difference in our political sentiments. I knew the rectitude of my own intentions and believing in the sincerity of yours, lamented, tho' I did not condemn, your renunciation of the creed I had adopted. Nor do I think any person, or power ought to do it whilst your conduct is not opposed to the general interests of the people, and the measures they are pursuing. The latter, that is our actions, depending on ourselves may be controled, while the powers of thinking originating from higher causes, cannot always be moulded to our wishes.
The determinations of Providence are always wise—often inscrutable—and, though its decrees appear to bear hard upon us at times, is, nevertheless meant for gracious purposes. In this light I cannot help viewing your late disappointment; for if you had been permitted to have gone to England, unrestrained even by the rigid oaths which are administered upon those occasions, your feelings as a husband, parent, &c. must have been considerably wounded in the prospect of a long, perhaps lasting separation from your nearest relatives—what then must they have been if the obligation of an oath had left you without a will?
Your hope of being instrumental in restoring peace would prove as unsubstantial as mist before a noonday sun; and would as soon dispel; for believe me, sir, Great Britain understood herself perfectly well in this dispute, but did not comprehend America. She meant, as Lord Camden in his late speech in Parliament, clearly and explicitly declares, to drive America into rebellion, that her own purposes might be more fully answered by it; but take this along with it, that this plan originating in a firm belief founded on misinformation, that no effectual opposition would or could be made; they little dreamt of what has happened, and are disappointed in their views.
Does not every act of administration from the tea-act to the present sessions of Parliament declare this in plain and self-evident characters? Had the commissioners any powers to treat with America? If they meant peace, would Lord Howe have been detained in England five months after passing the act? Would the powers of these Commissioners have been confined to mere acts of grace upon condition of absolute submission? No. Surely no! They meant to draw us into what they termed rebellion, that they might be furnished with a pretext to disarm, and then strip us of the rights and privileges of Englishmen. If they were actuated by principles of justice, why did they refuse, indignantly, to accede to the terms which we humbly supplicated before hostilities commenced, and this country deluged in blood, and even the commissioners themselves, say that these terms are just and reasonable; nay, that more will be granted than we have yet asked, if we will relinquish our claim to independence. What name does such conduct as this deserve? And what punishment is there in store for the men who have distressed millions—involved themselves in ruin—and plunged numberless families in inexhaustible woe!—Could that which is just and reasonable now, have been unjust four years ago? If not, upon what principles I repeat, does administration act? They must either be wantonly wicked and cruel, or (which is only another mode of expressing the same thing) under false colors are now endeavoring to deceive the great body of the people by industriously propagating an idea, that Great Britain is willing to offer any, and that we will accept of no terms; thereby hoping to poison, and disaffect the minds of those who wish for peace, and create feuds and dissensions to consequence—in a word, having less dependence now on their arms than their arts, they are practising such low & dirty tricks, that men of sentiment and honor must blush for their fall. Among other measures in this way, they are forging letters and publishing them as intercepted ones of mine, to prove that I am an enemy to the present measures of this continent; having been deceived, and led on by Congress in hopes that at length, they would recede from their claims and withdraw their opposition to G. Britain.
Dear sir, your most obedient and affectionate, GEO: WASHINGTON.
[COMMUNICATION.]
JOEL BARLOW and ROBERT FULTON have been lately elected members of the American Philosophical Society at Philadel-
phia. They were not long since elected into the Military Philosophical Society at West-point.
One advantage of a free country is, that its scientific institutions are open only to real merit. A man's admission into them is not an indication that he is the favorite of a prince, but a benefactor of mankind. The facility it gives him is not that of living on the labors of the people by means of a pension, but of laboring for the people more advantageously by uniting his labors with those of other men in similar pursuits.
We do not readily conceive how much of the real wealth of nations arises from the cultivation of science. It not only fosters and facilitates the useful arts already in operation, but it produces new arts, extending constantly the compass of the powers of man, and convincing him more and more of the advantages of freedom and industry over despotism and war, considered as means of acquiring dignity to nations as well as to individuals.
DIED on Wednesday the 8th inst. at his seat in Montgomery, Maryland, SAMUEL TURNER, Esq. in the 84th year of his age. For about 30 years he was the Register of Wills for that county; and it may be truly said, that in all the various duties of a long and useful life, both public and private, he conducted himself with a zeal and integrity that merited and received the universal respect and esteem of all who knew him.
WASHINGTON WOLLEN MANUFACTORY.
To the inhabitants of the District of Columbia and the country circumjacent.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
Having before had the honor of addressing you on the important & national subject of domestic manufactures, I make no apology for calling your attention at the present moment, to a concern of such patriotic, as well as individual interest.
The formation of companies for the purpose of forwarding this truly beneficial system has taken place in many parts of the Union, since last spring—with much success in the North and with very partial prospect of encouragement southwardly. With the exception of Charleston, (S. C.) most of the other companies have been but moderately patronized and seem unlikely to succeed. Whether these companies have been founded on too extensive a scale, or whether the dispositions of the inhabitants in those parts of our country, are unfriendly to those establishments, is not for me to determine—very certain it is that the laudable and patriotic views of the promoters of these institutions, are at present much paralysed, by the apathy of their fellow-citizens, and the enthusiasm in favor of domestic economy, seems subsiding to its former level.
With a view to restore this generous and worthy cause, I have sought for, and obtained, the most authentic information, from a gentleman resident in Pennsylvania, of the expense attending the erection of works, for the purpose of Woollen Manufactories, which information I beg leave to present to the public.
The price of making and putting up two machines, one carding and one breaker and finisher, will be $ 750 which will turn out 15 lbs. of wool per hour. The Spinning machines with 40 spindles, will cost $ 150 to spin 25 lbs. per day—freight to be paid to Arlington. An experienced hand for six months to attend the works, at $ 18 per month, and two boys will be all the hands necessary for commencing the manufactory.
Believing that a system of this kind will answer a better purpose, in most parts of the Southern country than more extensive establishments—I beg leave to offer the following proposals to the public, viz.
To establish a company stock of 150 shares, at $ 20 each, $ 10 to be paid at the time of subscribing, and the balance in two installments. The works to be established at the Washington mills, in the forest of Washington, where the following inducements will be offered, and the following advantages given to the establishment.
To take the water from the forebay of the mills which affords a fall of 30 feet. The stone necessary for the houses may be quarried from a quarry within 150 yards of the site, which quarry is equal to any in the United States. The timber for the machinery to be furnished from the forest gratis, and the property necessary for the site to be decided to the commissioners who may be appointed to receive the same, to be held by them until the works shall have redeemed the principal stock, with an interest of six per cent. and then to become the exclusive property of the commissioners of the Administration institution, to be by them appropriated to the promotion of the Woollen Manufacture, and the case was vi a

necessary for the education of the children who may be engaged in the works, and such others as may be proper candidates for instruction.
The situation hereby offered cannot be exceeded in point of value or convenience. The mills are between four and five miles from Alexandria, three and four from George Town and the City, and the great road leading from the Potomac bridge to the Little River Turnpike will pass immediately by the site.
The expenses calculated by the subscription may perhaps exceed the necessities of the plan, if so, the latter installment will be but partially required.
That the works, if erected, will meet with due encouragement, I fully believe, since there are no establishments of the sort in the Southern country where they are more particularly wanted.
Materials for building, workmanship and even labor would be taken in payment of shares to admit all classes of citizens as partakers in the establishment. Wavers and every class of mechanics who would serve as appendages to the works, will meet with situations at the Mills free of charge to the amount of an acre each.
The money which shall be paid on the shares can be placed in any of the banks in the district to credit of any three gentlemen the company may be pleased to appoint as directors.
When we reflect that every other company formed within this district for public purposes has met with success and large monied capitals have been vested in stock of every description throughout the union, may we not hope that this humble and patriotic experiment will meet with due patronage and support. Should this institution be found to answer beneficial purposes, others will arise in support of the same cause, and establishments on a larger scale succeed the first adventurers.
The subscriber trusts that the public will duly appreciate his motives in promoting this very useful establishment, and acquit him of all selfish or interested views. His labors have always been guided by a far different impulse. "Pro patria semper" will ever be the motto of the Arlington Institution, and the public utility its end.
GEORGE W. P. CUSTIS.
Subscription papers will be placed in the Coffee-house of Alexandria, George Town, the City and elsewhere. A list of the subscribers will be published and a meeting called for organizing the company.
A friend to whom I am under many obligations, favored me yesterday with a Gibraltar Chronicle , of December 10, 1808. The following article which I extract from it, is conclusive as to the disasters of the Spaniards. The supreme Junta has fled to Badajoz, a distance of 233 English miles. The force of the French must be overwhelming, and the terror of the Spaniards and English great to impel them thus to relinquish Madrid.
Gibraltar, Dec. 10. 1808.
It is stated, in letters from Madrid, that Charles IV. and the Prince of Peace are in that city.
The general mail, which became due on Thursday last, has not been received.
On that day, Captain Kittoc, of his majesty's ship Sabrina , whose departure for Madrid we announced a fortnight ago, returned to the garrison. We understand, that, on the morning of the 1st inst. when Captain Kittoc set out, the French were within a few leagues of the capital—their numbers not known. The inhabitants were preparing to defend themselves with the greatest resolution: detachments of armed peasantry, and several regiments of foot and horse, were met on the road by Captain Kittoc, flocking from all quarters to their assistance. The central board had successively removed from Aranjuez to Toledo, and from Toledo to Badajoz.
Monitor.
Philadelphia, Feb. 20.
We understand that the Governor of Connecticut has declined nominating a militia officer to aid the collectors under the forcing law.
February 20.
Extract of a letter addressed to a gentleman of this city, dated
Havanna, Jan. 29, 1809.
"A Spanish ship arrived here this morning, in a remarkable short passage from Cadiz, bringing the pleasing intelligence of the defeat of the French army at Madrid, on the eighth and ninth of December, by the combined English and Spanish armies. The French lost fourteen thousand killed, and sixteen thousand prisoners—the loss of the combined armies was very considerable."
It is also stated, that there was great rejoicing at the Havanna in consequence of this information.
The letter from which the above was extracted came by a vessel arrived at an Eastern port.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24.
PUBLIC MEETING.
AT the instance of a respectable number of citizens, a meeting of the citizens of Washington is requested on Saturday next, at five o'clock P. M. at Lindsay's Hotel, for the purpose of considering the propriety of presenting an address to THOMAS JEFFERSON, previous to his departure from this place, expressive of their sentiments.
[COMMUNICATION.]
In your paper of yesterday, you say that the non-intercourse bill was supported by Gen. Smith. This is incorrect—Gen. Smith was present during the debate. The question being called for, Mr. Pickering rose and said, that he was not prepared to vote; that he did not expect to receive commercial information from Mr. Giles, but he hoped the gentleman from Maryland (Gen. Smith) would inform the Senate what trade there would be left open to the merchants of the U. S. if the bill passed, for he could see none or very little left. Gen. Smith said, that he did not intend to take any part in the discussion of the bill, but being thus called upon, he would remind the Senate that he had on another occasion stated, that there was but a pittance of commerce left to the U. S. free from the operation of the decrees of France and the orders of council of G. Britain; that this bill left open to our merchants all the commerce not prohibited by those edicts, that he therefore referred the gentleman (Mr. P.) for full and complete information on the subject of his enquiry to the printed speeches of Col. Pickering, Mr. Lloyd, and Mr. White.
February 23, 1809.
For APPROPRIATION ACT, see the last page.
SENATE. February 22.
Yeas & Nays on the passage of the bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes.
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Condit, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howard, Kitchell, Leib, Matthewson, Meigs, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Pope, Robinson, Smith of Md. Smith of N. Y. Smith of Ten. Thruston and Tiffin.—21.
NAYS—Messrs. Bayard, Crawford, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Parker, Pickering, Reed, Sumner, Turner and White.—12.
February 22.
Resolved, That the Surveyor of the public buildings do cause to be prepared for the accommodation of the Senate, at the next session of Congress, the room called the Library room, in the manner stated in the said Surveyor's report, with as little expense as may consist with the reasonable comfort of the members and the convenience of spectators.
The bill freeing from postage all letters and packets to THOMAS JEFFERSON was read a third time and passed. [This bill has passed the House.]
February 23.
The act, from the House of Representatives, for imposing additional duties upon all goods, wares, and merchandise, imported from any foreign port or place, passed, with amendments, to a third reading. Yeas 20; Nays 9.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, FEB. 27.
A bill from the Senate for amending the law for the government of the navy was twice read and referred.
Mr. Porter presented a petition from a number of ship holders of the city of Philadelphia, praying that the town of New Castle, in the state of Delaware may be erected into a port of entry.
Mr. Van Dyke presented a petition on the same subject.—Both petitions referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. Love moved to postpone the further consideration of the unfinished business till to-morrow. A similar bill was before the Senate, which he believed would be more generally satisfactory than the bill now before the House, and which would probably soon be received. The question now pending was not lightly to be decided; for it was known what effect a mere decision in committee of the whole on a part of a resolution had lately produced. The House would be better prepared to vote on it when they had the whole ground before them.
Mr. Lloyd objected to this procedure as unworthy of the dignity of the House. This House had no right to know what was doing in the Senate; except indeed it was to be guided in its proceedings by what the Senate should cause to do. For one he said he would not be led by the nose by the Senate or any other department of the government.
Messrs. Lyon, Durell, Bacon, Culpepper and Gardner, also opposed postponement; Mr. Bibb advocated it.
The motion was negatived, by Yeas and Nays, 72 to 28.
The House then took up the non-intercourse bill.
The motion of Mr. Bibb to strike out the 12th section yet under consideration.
Mr. Culpepper opposed it. He conceived that the embargo laws must if possible be repealed; and though he was not partial to the bill under consideration, yet he preferred it to a continuance of the embargo, which if not repealed he conceived must involve the country in ruin. He entered at some length into a view of the advantages and disadvantages of external commerce, heretofore under the treaty of '94, with Great Britain; and censured the rejection by this government of the offer to renew that treaty. He disclaimed submission to the decrees and orders, and was against war; but in favor of some measure to unite the American people, and afford a further opportunity for negotiation. Should this fail, he should be prepared in earnest for war.
Mr. Bibb observed, that whatever should be the decision of the House, he should obtain one object: he should obtain the names of those who in the commencement of the session told the House that the proposition now under consideration was the most dishonorable that could be proposed, and would now vote in favor of it.
Mr. W. Alston said notwithstanding the threat of the gentleman from Georgia, he should vote against his motion. He had a right, as well as the gentleman from Georgia, to judge of the nature of the proposition submitted to him. Every one who voted on the report of that committee, did not adopt its reasoning, and might have voted in whatever way he deemed proper, without consulting their explanation of it. He believed the nation looked forward to a modification of the embargo, and he should therefore vote for the bill.
Mr. Love opposed the motion to strike out the 12th section. He thought it premature at least, as there were considerable amendments contemplated to the bill. Mr. Love took an extensive range of argument to show that if the embargo system was repealed the non-intercourse would be the best substitute; that the effects of it would be felt by our enemies, perhaps in a greater degree than the embargo, especially after it was understood in foreign nations, that the execution of the law was opposed, even under the sanction of state authority; that the mode of treating infractions of our laws as it respected our citizens, was a different thing, and he hoped would meet with proper attention. He thought the system to be substituted, would probably bring our differences with foreign governments to an issue of some kind, if the provisions were such as he wished. It was certainly desirable that a termination of some kind should be had to those differences. The honor and independence of the United States required it.
Mr. Love replied to observations, which had been made of the great power and revenues of England, by stating that the United States were better able now to meet the power of England, if war was to be resorted to, than in the year '76, when the same causes of war existed, as at present, and when the resources of America were literally nothing. Mr. Love regretted the motion had now been made, as he feared it was calculated to make another false impression on the people of the United States, and although he should vote against the motion, he should not consider it as committing himself on the final question.
Mr. Cook was against the motion. He considered the embargo as a measure which in its friendship for commerce, was destroying it by grasping it too tight. He wished its grasp to be loosened.
Mr. C. W. Campbell next took the floor. He was in favor of the motion under consideration. He said he was surprised at the change which a few weeks, during which he had been absent from indisposition, had produced on the minds of the members of the House. It seemed as if some enchantment had spread itself over them, which they perceived and yet did not wish to remove. He urged many reasons against a repeal of the embargo, and against the bill proposed. But a few weeks ago the House had decided in favor of a continuance of the present system as the only means of honorably avoiding a war; and some of the very same gentlemen were now about to adopt a measure which the report of the committee on foreign relations had declared to be submission, viz. a partial repeal of the embargo. A removal of the embargo would render our property liable to capture, and give an opportunity to the British subjects to take from the country in the manner most advantageous to themselves, twenty millions of property which would otherwise be in the power of the United States in case of war, which was at least probable. It was a measure which would relieve our adversary without benefiting our own citizens in the slightest degree. Mr. Campbell expressed his astonishment how gentlemen whom he perceived supporting this bill, could reconcile it with consistency to do so, when no
change of circumstances had taken place which could authorise a change in their opinions. Mr. C. also noticed the system of arming our merchant vessels, which he pronounced to be novel and futile. Mr. C. spoke about an hour. He did not state how he might vote on the bill when on its final passage.
Mr. Randolph replied to some of the observations of Mr. Campbell on the subject of the arming system, and in relation to consistency.
Mr. Rhea (T.) replied to some of the remarks of Mr. Campbell and defended himself, as one who voted on the report of the committee of foreign relations, from the charge of inconsistency. He was in favor of the present bill, and in voting for it should not change his ground. He thought that this bill was what the embargo ought to have been in the beginning. In commenting on Mr. Campbell's observation in relation to the property in this country he said that when we went to war for a moral right, he would not say that twenty millions of private property in this country should be taken possession of by us.
The question was then taken on Mr. Bibb's motion and negatived by yeas and nays as given in our last.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out the 12th section the exceptions to the general removal of the embargo.
Mr. Randolph supported the motion on the ground of the expediency, for general reasons, of a total repeal of the embargo. And in addition to the general reasons in favor of a repeal he observed that although the embargo was to be but partially repealed, in point of practice no attention would be paid to the remaining part of it. He deprecated the fostering in the people of this country the sentiment which existed in almost every other country than ours, that obedience was due to the laws so long as the whip of the executioner was flourished over the head, and no longer.
Mr. Bacon was in favor of the motion, because he wished, by so doing, to make way for the amendment of the gentleman from S. C. (Mr. D. R. Williams) for imposing additional discriminating duties, &c. If the non-intercourse system was to be adopted, Mr. B. was also in favor of repealing the provisions of the embargo laws, and enacting others, which should be more intelligible to the revenue officers than as it would be were it not repealed.
Mr. Quincy advocated the motion from the total impossibility of enforcing the embargo after the fourth of March, in some parts of the country, particularly in the district of Maine.
Mr. Macon said he cared but little about this question; for the die was cast when the House decided partially to repeal the embargo. He never had an idea however that the law could not be enforced; for if it had been repealed on that ground, any large state would hereafter have it in its power to procure the repeal of any law which it conceived to militate against its interests. He declared that notwithstanding all that had been said to the contrary, he would maintain that the embargo had never brought an evil on this country.
Mr. Nicholas said that if the embargo were to be repealed in order to erect the non-intercourse system on its own basis, provisions nearly similar to those contemplated to be contained in force, would be necessary. As to yielding to resistance to the laws, if it was to take place, let it come. It was time for the people to know whether they had a government or not.
Mr. Alexander gave the reasons why he should vote in the affirmative on this motion, declaring that he was not influenced to do so by any opposition to the laws in any quarter of the union.
Mr. Smilie had been in favor of the embargo, which he had considered the only means of preserving us from war; and as it was determined to repeal the embargo and not to go to war, he was in favor of non-intercourse; and he said that the system of non-intercourse was not so weak or novel a system as had been represented. He quoted the instance in which it was adopted in the year 1775, and agreed to in '93, though not put in practice, because the President recommended a special mission. Amongst the votes in favor of the measure at that day were enrolled some of the most respectable names to be found in American history. What were the causes which had produced a change in the minds of members of the House in relation to the embargo system, Mr. S. said he did not know; but certain it was, that the threats of some gentlemen from the East had influence in bringing it about. Mr. Smilie censured an insinuation made by Mr. Dana a few days ago on the subject of the relative physical strength of the North and South, as improper to be used on the floor and unfounded in fact; for the states of Pennsylvania, N. Jersey and N. York contained a population one seventh greater than that of all the N. England states together.
Mr. Randolph supported the motion on the ground that as the law now stood compounded with the five supplementary embargo laws, it would be almost unintelligible to the revenue officers. He expatiated at some length on this point. "If you will have a system of non-intercourse (said he) enact it; but let us, for God's sake, sing a requiem to the ashes of the embargo; let not our successors have to take up the doleful ditty where we left off."
Mr. Key followed on the same side of the question. He was happy to find that that doctrine which at the commencement of the session was almost heretical was now becoming orthodox. He was not without hopes, that, if he maintained his ground, he should soon be found in the right church, preaching sound and saving doctrine. Mr. Key said that the provision of the bill by which the commencement of the non-importation was fixed for the 20th of May was evidence that it could be still further postponed. "If we can rock our honor asleep till the 20th of May (said he) could it not be cradled a little longer for the public good?" Mr. Key appeared to be wholly opposed to the non-intercourse system.
Mr. W. Alston observed, in the course of some observations in reply to Mr. Key, that there were some gentlemen whom no system that ever was invented would suit. As to political doctrines (said Mr. A.) God forbid that I should ever see the day when the doctrines of that gentleman will become orthodox.
The question on Mr. Randolph's motion was then taken as stated in our last.
Mr. Gholson moved to strike out "the fourth of March," the day at which the partial repeal of the embargo is to take date, and insert "the first of June." Having before given his sentiments on this subject, and so much having been said on it, Mr. G. said he would now add nothing.
The House adjourned before the question could be taken.
Wednesday, Feb. 22.
The bill concerning invalid pensioners, was recommitted 46 to 39.
Mr. Burwell presented a petition of a number of citizens of Upper Louisiana, on the subject of the act of Congress of 1806, establishing a board of commissioners, to several parts of which they object. Referred to the committee of Public Lands.
EXPENDITURE OF THE PUBLIC MONEY.
Mr. Randolph from the committee appointed to enquire whether any advances had been made by the War Department to the commander in chief contrary to law, and to what amount, stated to the House that the committee had received from the office of the accountant of the War department a number of documents which they had directed him to present to the House as their report.
The documents were read, and a motion made to print them was agreed to.
On the question how many should be printed, a desultory conversation of near three hours took place not confined to the question before the House, but touching somewhat the subject of the legality or illegality of the advances made.
Questions were severally taken on printing 5000, 3000, 1200, 1000, 900, and 600 copies and negatived by large majorities. The usual number were ordered to be printed.
A bill for the relief of certain Alabama Indians, was read the third time and Passed.
The bill from the Senate for the further accommodation of the household of the President of the United States was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
A bill from the Senate to amend the charter of Georgetown was twice read & referred to a committee of the whole.
NONINTERCOURSE.
The bill from the Senate for interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and for other purposes, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole, and made the order of the day for this day.
The unfinished business of yesterday (the non-intercourse bill of this House) was ordered to lie on the table, 64 to 55.
And the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Ayes 68. Mr. BASSETT in the chair, on the bill from the Senate for interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. Masters moved to strike out of the 11th section the words "and to cause to be issued under suitable pledges and precautions, letters of marque and reprisal against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the U. S."
Mr. Milnor supported the motion on the ground that the constitution of the U. S. provided that Congress alone should have the power to declare war, and this bill by giving the President a discretion to judge when that power should commence, transferred the

power to him. Could it be supposed that if it was not proper now to go to war, it would be proper before the next meeting of Congress? Certainly not. And if not, should the President of the U. S. have the power of declaring war before that time? It was giving a pledge to one nation that if she would withdraw her decrees, we would take part with her in the war against the other, without giving the other a chance to withdraw hers and thus prevent war; and he was therefore opposed to it, because it intended to promote war.
Mr. Livermore also contended that the part proposed to be struck out was unconstitutional. The power of Congress could not be delegated to the President or any other person. They might as well delegate to the President power to make or revoke all laws. The bill did not contemplate a legislative act for issuing letters of marque or reprisal against a particular enemy, but gave a power to the President to choose with which of the belligerents he would take sides and against which he would declare war. If the nation was in favor of war, this was not the proper way to make it. He conceived that if they passed this bill, their constituents would tell them that they were traitors to the constitution; that they had betrayed the trust reposed in them. There was a time when he should have been astonished to see such a bill as this come from the Senate; but the age of miracles was not passed. He should scarcely now be surprised at anything which could be proposed. Its passage would be a precedent which would redound to the everlasting disgrace of the Congress of the U. S. He said also that it was a clause which he conceived would shake the government of the U. S. to its foundation. He only considered it in a constitutional point of view; as to its inexpediency, that was a minor consideration when put in competition with its unconstitutionality.
Mr. Lyon followed on the same side and on the same grounds as Messrs. Minor and Livermore. He believed that the people did not wish for war. No man wished for it but those who wished offices or some other benefit from it. He wished the nation to be permitted to grow. He knew of no mode by which this nation could more effectually be plunged into a war with G. Britain and a war with France, than by this provision of the bill. Although Mr. Lyon did not like the embargo, because he considered it ruinous to the people, he would rather continue it for seven years than plunge into war.
Mr. Holland spoke in reply to the preceding gentlemen. He was astonished that gentlemen should declare every proposition the worst that ever was made. A short time ago, government would rather have war than the embargo. Now their tone was changed. But this bill neither was a declaration of war, nor a discretion to the President to make it. It authorised the President, at the moment of one of those powers withdrawing its orders or decrees, to issue letters of marque and reprisal. It conferred no legislative power on the Executive. The event was fixed on the happening of which being made known to the President, he should forthwith issue letters of marque and reprisal. The bill obviated the great objection which had been made to war, viz. that it must be war against two nations. Now this bill gave choice to those nations which would make herself our enemy; and it would be equally the interest of both to withdraw its decrees or orders, and place the U. S. at war with the other. He had no idea of consulting the interests of those nations more than our own; and if it was ascertained that those nations were determined to continue their orders and decrees, no gentleman in the House would say that this nation should not resist them, except perhaps the gentleman from N. York (Mr. Gardenier) or the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Lyon).
The committee then rose, and on the question that it have leave to sit again, it was, after debate, granted, and the House adjourned at 5 o'clock.
THURSDAY, FEB. 23.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House again in committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the Chair, on the bill from the Senate for interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. Master's motion for striking out part of the 11th section being yet under consideration.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to strike out the whole of the section preceding the proviso, for the purpose of inserting the following amendment:
"If after Great Britain or France shall revoke such of their orders or decrees, laws, or edicts as violate the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States; or which revocation the President of the United States shall give public notice by proclamation fixing the time which shall be at the expiration of fifty days from the date thereof, when the operation of this act and also of the act laying an embargo, &c. shall cease and determine; and the President of the United States shall at the expiration
of the time limited in the said proclamation issue letters of marque and reprisal against the nation which shall continue in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States."
The reason he assigned for it was not an hostility to the principle, but that as the section now stood, it gave the President a discretionary power to judge of the time at which the commerce of the United States would be safe enough to warrant the withdrawing the embargo as relates to either power, &c.
Mr. Randolph called for a division of the question on striking out, so as to take the question distinctly on striking out the two clauses of the section.
The question was taken on striking out the first clause of the section, and negatived, 52 to 47.
The question then recurring on striking out the second clause, being precisely the motion of Mr. Masters.
Mr. Dana objected to the clause for a variety of reasons, because it delegated to the President power which belonged to Congress only, by making him judge of what "pledges and precautions" were "suitable"; that it authorised the employment of private force in a case in which the public force was not to be employed, which is a novelty; it contemplated not actual war but invited individual enterprise; it was therefore a mere menace, going upon the principle that private vessels might be authorised to make reprisals where the public force was not presumed to be employed; it was therefore a measure unworthy of the government, and unknown in the history of nations. The construction of the section too was singular, and he was astonished that such a bill should come from the Senate. It made no regulations as to what disposition should be made of the property captured by these vessels, whether declared good prize or not, &c. It was a mere vague proposition, and unworthy of the government, as it proposed war by individuals whilst the nation shrunk from the contest. He objected also to the condition on which letters of marque were to be issued—that on one nation's ceasing to wrong her, we should agree to fight another. He objected to it too, because it transferred to the President a legislative power, by making the issuing letters of marque dependant on the events which in the opinion of the President should render the commerce of the United States sufficiently safe, &c.
Mr. J. G. Jackson renewed his motion to strike out the whole section, except the enacting clause. He acknowledged the justice of the arguments of the gentleman from Connecticut; but as a session of Congress would intervene, the objection to the defect in detail would fall to the ground. The amendment which he intended to offer, would remove the remainder of the gentleman's objections.
Mr. Randolph called for a division of the motion at the same point as before. He said if the Senate had erred, the error was not to be remedied by the proposition submitted to the House. It was only putting a tortoise under the elephant; for the system would be liable to precisely the same objections as the clause proposed to be amended. Mr. R. went into an examination of the amendment which Mr. Jackson read, to show that this was the case. It was in fact the same point now which the House had under consideration a few days ago—a declaration of war in futuro , leaving it to chance as to whom and how war was to be declared; with a mental reservation at the same time, that all this was mere pen, ink and paper. It was complying with the object of those very belligerents whom it proposed to resist, viz. involving us in the war—setting the nation up to the highest bidder, the kindest keeper. Was this dignity? Was this the spirit of '76? He described this bill from the Senate as a new alternative, never discovered by the committee of foreign relations, who had some time ago presented three of them to the House. He spoke of the proceedings of the present session. "It has been said (observed Mr. R.) that this House has been acting under a panic; and allusion has been made to a particular quarter of the union as the cause of that panic. I trust, sir, that the members of this House will think it more honorable to themselves, if they are to be influenced by fear, and I hope they are not, to yield to the wishes of a great & respectable portion of the union, than, after having expressed a disposition to gratify that section, to be whip in by an editorial paragraphist. It has been truly said that the government France was destroyed by the Parliaments putting the galleries in the place of the house, by legislating under the hisses or applauses of the galleries. This was a horrible state of things. But if any body of men is to legislate under hissing, where is the difference, whether they come from the galleries, or, from really the most worthless part of the community? Whether from an individual who arrogates to himself not merely
the right, which as an individual and freeman he has of judging of the conduct of this House, but of prescribing what it should do? And when, sir, I indulge in these observations I feel a repugnance at comparing such an audience as I see around me to persons of that description." The foreign difficulties in which we are now involved, Mr. R. attributed to our own oversight; to the rejection of a treaty which might have been formed. The renewal of Mr. Jay's treaty or the acceptance of that negotiated by Mr. Monroe would, he conceived, have placed the U. S. in a situation far preferable to that in which it now found itself. But instead of that our government had searched the volumes of Puffendorf, Martin, Vattel, &c. and produced whole volumes of diplomatic correspondence. He said he could almost wish that the Curate and Barber would come into the library and make a bonfire of all the rubbish which had led us to this windmill expedition. With regard to our domestic difficulties, Mr. R. conceived that they were all of our own creation; that they had been produced by ill-judged conduct. He compared the present and late situation of this country with that of Great Britain under the administration of Lord North. He said Congress were not now like Macbeth, in a situation where to go on was as easy as to retreat. He expatiated on their present difficulty, and condemned the policy which had prevented the House from agreeing to the proposition of Mr. Chittenden to repeal the embargo at the commencement of the present session. If they now intended to modify the embargo at all, he begged of gentlemen, for God's sake, for the love of country, taking warning by the past errors of their former masters (the ministry of Lord North) not to retain one iota of that obnoxious principle which had put the continent in an uproar. Rather than continue it, he would join any man in war, however averse he might be to war—but he was opposed to war; put the embargo in one scale and war in the other, he would take war—and why? Because foreign war was better than domestic war. He said that this nation could not go to war with a formidable minority against it. The bill before the committee might bring on war, though it was not intended. "Yes, sir, (said he) it may bring us to fighting and to disgrace; it is something like dressing ourselves up in a dough face and winding-sheets to frighten others, who may blow our brains out at the moment we suppose them in the height of their terror." Mr. R. spoke about an hour and a half.
Mr. J. G. Jackson observed that it was his opinion that it would be more to the honor of the nation to persevere in the embargo till they went to war; but the majority of the House appeared to be of opinion that neither course was proper. That being the case, he was willing to make the ground as tenable as he could, so as to avoid a direct right submission. He replied to various observations made by gentlemen who had spoken on the subject. In relation to domestic difficulties, he should be as little influenced by attacks thro' newspapers, as by popular meetings, enlisting the people with arms in their hands, in opposition to the government. In relation to the treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, he said that the rider attached to that treaty gave a licence to the British government to pursue the very course which now produced our difficulties, &c. Mr. Canning maintained that to have been the construction of it. Mr. Jackson said that he was not yet prepared for burning the law of nations, and substituting force for law. As to violations of the embargo or of the proposed system, he observed that all laws restraining the actions of men would be more or less evaded; this therefore could be no argument against any law proposed, the same objection would lie against a law for the punishment of murder. Mr. J. spoke about half an hour.
The question was then taken on striking out the first clause of the section, and negatived, 56 to 48.
The question recurring on Mr. Master's motion for striking out the remainder of the section, relating to letters of marque and reprisal.
Mr. Lyon spoke in favor of striking out the clause.
Mr. D. R. Williams viewing this section as a measure contemplating further negotiation, was wholly opposed to it. It said to Britain "we will dismiss every other cause of quarrel with you, if you will revoke your orders in council." It told our poor sailors incarcerated in their "floating hells" that we were ready to abandon them. The surrender to her of the right of impressment and of even other rights previously in contest was offered as the purchase money for the revocation of the orders in council; and he blushed for his country that such a proposition should be seriously entertained in this House. He would declare war to morrow most heartily. He would
vote for a section for immediate revocation of letters of marque and reprisal, but he would not barter away our rights for the revocation of the orders in council. If we were to submit, he wished to do it in that way which should carry so much destruction into the families of those who cried out so loudly for the repeal of the embargo, that they would rally round the government in support of the country's rights.
Mr. Eppes too was of opinion that there was no honorable course left for this country but embargo or war; but a majority of the house having overruled his opinion, he must acquiesce in their decision. But he could not consent to adopt the measure proposed by this section, which, under whatever aspect he could view it, appeared calculated to produce no effect, but disgrace and ruin to the country. It could only be used in one of two ways, either as an instrument of negotiation or as a measure of war. Mr. Eppes used some arguments to show that as an instrument of negotiation proposing to each power to pass over all former injuries, if it would withdraw its last infraction of our rights, and besides so doing to go to war with its enemy—whatever might be the result, it could produce nothing but ruin and disgrace. It reminded him of a physician painted blind, with a club in his hands, his patient on one side and the disease on the other: striking at random on each side, he killed the one to which chance directed the first blow. And as a measure of coercion, what was it? Not old fashioned downright war, but war depending on a contingency. It was a golden apple held up to the belligerents, to be adjudged to the swiftest in receding. Upon the rumor or whim of Talleyrand or Canning when they received the proposal, arising perhaps from an undigested dinner, was to depend our war with either France or England; and we were to present ourselves as a courtisan to the polluted embraces of England, or be fixed on the imperial car, in either case bribing France or England by going to war with the enemy of the one which should be the first to embrace our offer. Which ever should accept it, disgrace and ruin must be the result. Rome at one time was said to want nothing but a bidder; but Rome had its age of virtue. Mr. Eppes said that it seemed as if we in our very infancy had all the degeneracy of the latter days of old Rome. If there was not firmness enough to take a manly attitude, he hoped the house would not take this thing as a substitute for it.
Mr. Fisk was against striking out this clause. After some remarks in reply to Messrs. Randolph and Lyon, he said that he regretted exceedingly the situation in which the house was placed; that this clause should be stricken out—for it would be virtually saying that they meant to take no honorable ground, that they would submit. He believed that temporising would ruin the nation. As to the opposition of the people in the East to war on any terms, he said that, excepting a few who had been opposed to the revolution, and who still longed for British dominion, there were not many who would not join their government in a war against either G. Britain or France for the maintenance of our just right.
The question was then taken on striking out that part of the bill from the Senate relating to letters of marque and reprisal, and carried, ayes 72.
Mr. D. R. Williams then proposed his amendment for substituting a discriminating duty of per cent. as a substitute for the non-importation from Great Britain and France.
The committee immediately rose, without taking a question, and obtained leave to sit again.
At a Meeting of the Republicans of Loudoun county, in the town of Leesburg, on the 13th day of Feb. 1805, convened agreeably to public notice, "for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of presenting to the President of the United States, an address expressive of their sentiments of the measures of his administration, and particularly of those of a recent date."
Col. Wm. ELZEY was called to the chair, and ARMISTEAD T. MASON was appointed Secretary.
Whereas the outrageous and infamous attempts of the belligerents of Europe to interpolate or destroy, to the manifest injury of neutrals, the just laws, which have hitherto regulated the intercourse of nations, are most daring invasions of our rights; and whereas the wise, firm, and dignified conduct of our administration, in resisting the encroachments of foreign enemies, has met with the most unexpected, seditious and licentious opposition in a certain district of our own country, an opposition which reflects indelible disgrace on its authors, and which must provoke the strong indignation of every patriot, it becomes necessary for every good citizen, to proclaim aloud his honest sentiments, lest his voice should be overwhelmed, or confounded with the clamor of disappointed ambition, and the yell of factious discontent; therefore
Resolved, That John Littleton, Esq. Dr. Henry Claggett, Col. Hugh Douglas, Richard H. Henderson, Esq. Wm. S. Gantt, Esq. Stacey Taylor, Esq. Col. Wm. Elzey, the Chairman, and Armistead T. Mason, the Secretary, be constituted a committee to express the sense of this assembly; and pursuant to instructions they prepared the following address:
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
In common with our fellow-citizens, we approach you on the eve of your retirement from the first office in the gift of your country. Permit us to declare the high and grateful sense we entertain of the services which you have performed: although assailed by the most unmerciful, and perilous, you have conducted the national bark in safety. We admire the wisdom, and venerate the purity of the motives which have uniformly directed your public conduct; and we feel the utmost conviction that the recent great examples of your administration, dictated by humanity and honor, as the only alternative of war, or an ignominious surrender of our rights as an independent people, would have produced the happiest and most efficacious results, had they not been intercepted by causes which the unsearchable American could not anticipate, and which, for the honor, not less than the interest of this country, he must ever deeply deplore.
We still fondly trust, that ere long, the blessings of peace and harmony will be restored to our beloved country, accompanied with satisfactory reparation of wrongs inflicted, and ample security against future aggressions. Should we however, be disappointed in these just expectations, we solemnly pledge our fortunes and our lives, at every hazard, to support the government of our choice, in any measure it may adopt, in vindication of our violated rights.
You will soon return to the rank of a private citizen: you carry with you into your philosophic shades, regrets felt by children, upon the deprivation of their Father; but these feelings are mingled with admiration of the principle upon which you act. The charter of our rights limits the tenure of office, and the spirit of our institutions calls for rotation. You, who participated so eminently in framing that charter, and in infusing that spirit, evince an honorable consistency in obeying their injunctions.
Long may the citizens of United America continue to hail the voluntary retirement of their chief magistrate from office. That which Washington and Jefferson did, succeeding Presidents will be proud to imitate.
In conclusion, sir, suffer us to express our ardent hope, that your happiness, in the walks of private life, may be as perfect, as your career, in public, has been glorious.
Resolved, unanimously, That a copy of the above proceedings be transmitted to the President of the United States; and that they be published in the Republican of this town, and in the National Intelligencer of Washington city.
(Signed) Wm. ELZEY, Secretary.
ARMISTEAD T. MASON, Secretary.
NOTICE. THE partnership of SPYDEN & COOK, Stone Cutters of this city, is dissolved. All persons having claims against the partnership are requested to call on the subscriber for payment, and every person who is in arrears with the partnership, will please to pay to ORLANDO COOK.
N. B. The business will in future be carried on by Orlando Cook, in all its various branches. Feb. 24—3t.
WANTED TO HIRE.
A WOMAN SERVANT, of good character, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and house work generally, to such a person liberal wages will be given—Apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, Near to the Six Buildings. Feb 24—6t.
By order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's County.
The subscriber will sell at public sale, to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 16th day of March next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the late residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, sen. deceased, near Baldwin's Tavern, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to his dwelling plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, sheep and plantation utensils.
And on Tuesday, the 21st day of March next, the subscriber will sell at public sale, to the highest bidder, at the residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, jun. near the Brick Church, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to said plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys, and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, and plantation utensils. The terms of sale are, twelve months credit for all sums above twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security—for all sums of twenty dollars, or less, cash will be demanded. Sale to commence at each place at 11 o'clock, and all the property will be sold without reserve. BENJAMIN HOLLINGS. Feb. 24—6t.

[BY AUTHORITY.]
An act making appropriations for the support of government during the year one thousand eight hundred and nine.
B E it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in America in Congress assembled, That for the expenditure of the civil list, in the present year, including the contingent expenses of the several departments and offices: for the compensation of the several loan officers, and their clerks, and for books and stationery for the same; for the payment of annuities and grants; for the support of intercourse with foreign nations; for the support of light houses, beacons, buoys and public piers; for defraying the expenses of surveying the public lands; and for satisfying certain miscellaneous claims; the following sums be, and the same hereby are respectively appropriated, that is to say:
For compensation granted by law to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, their officers and attendants estimated for a session of four months and a half continuance, two hundred and one thousand four hundred and twenty-five dollars.
For the expense of firewood, stationery, printing and all other contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress, twenty-eight thousand dollars.
For all contingent expenses of the library of Congress, and for the librarian's allowance for the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, eight hundred dollars.
For compensation to the President and Vice-President of the United States, thirty thousand dollars.
For compensation to the Secretary of State, clerks and persons employed in that department, including the sum of one thousand dollars for compensation to his clerks, in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the twenty-first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, thirteen thousand five hundred and sixty dollars.
For the incidental and contingent expenses of the said department, four thousand two hundred dollars.
For printing and distributing the laws of the second session of the tenth Congress, and printing the laws in newspapers, eight thousand two hundred and fifty dollars.
For special messengers charged with dispatches, two thousand dollars.
For compensation to the Secretary of the Treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, including the sum of one thousand dollars, for clerk hire, in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the twenty-first April, one thousand eight hundred and six, sixteen thousand seven hundred dollars.
For the expense of translating foreign languages, allowance to the person employed in transmitting passports and sea-letters, and for stationery and printing in the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, one thousand dollars.
For compensation to the Comptroller of the Treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, including the sum of one thousand six hundred and thirty nine dollars, for compensation to his clerks, in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the twenty-first April, one thousand eight hundred and six, fourteen thousand six hundred and sixteen dollars.
For expense of stationery, printing and incidental and contingent expenses of the Comptroller's office, eight hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Auditor of the Treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, twelve thousand two hundred and twenty-one dollars.
For expense of stationery, printing and incidental and contingent expenses of the Auditor's office, five hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Treasurer, clerks and persons employed in his office, six thousand two hundred and twenty-seven dollars and forty-five cents.
For expense of stationery, printing and incidental and contingent expenses in the Treasurer's office, three hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Register of the Treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, sixteen thousand and fifty-two dollars and two cents.
For expense of stationery, printing and all other incidental and contingent expenses in the Register's office, including books for the public stock, and for the management of the public records, two thousand eight hundred dollars.
For fuel and other contingent and incidental expenses of the Treasury department, four thousand dollars.
For defraying the expense of printing and stating the public accounts for the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, one thousand two hundred dollars.
For the purchase of books, maps and charts for the use of the Treasury department, four hundred dollars.
For compensation to a superintendent employed to secure the buildings and records of the Treasury department, during the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, including the expense of two watchmen, the repairs of two fire engines, buckets, ladders and other incidental and contingent expenses, one thousand one hundred dollars.
For compensation to the secretary of the commissioners of the sinking fund, two hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the secretary of war, clerks and persons employed in his office, eleven thousand two hundred and fifty dollars.
For expense of fuel, stationery, printing and other contingent expenses of the office of the secretary of war, one thousand dollars.
For compensation to the accountant of the war department, clerks and persons employed in his office, ten thousand nine hundred and ten dollars.
For contingent expenses in the office of the accountant of the war department, one thousand dollars.
For compensation to the clerks employed in the pay-master's office, two thousand eight hundred dollars.
For contingent expenses in the said office, two hundred dollars.
For compensation to the purveyor of public supplies, clerks and persons employed in his office, and for expense of stationery, store rent and fuel, for the said office, including the sum of five hundred dollars for compensation to clerks in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the twenty-first of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, five thousand one hundred dollars.
For compensation to the secretary of the navy, clerks and persons employed in his office, nine thousand eight hundred and ten dollars.
For expense of fuel, stationery, printing and other contingent expenses in the said office, two thousand dollars.
For compensation to the accountant of the navy, clerks and persons employed in
his office, ten thousand four hundred and ten dollars.
For contingent expenses in the office of the accountant of the navy, seven hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the post-master general, assistant post-master general, clerks and persons employed in the post-master general's office, including the sum of one thousand five hundred and forty-five dollars, for compensation to clerks in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the twenty-first of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, sixteen thousand dollars.
For expense of fuel, candles, house rent for the messenger, stationery, chests, &c. pertaining to the post-master general's office, two thousand five hundred dollars.
For compensation to the several loan officers, thirteen thousand two hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the clerks of the several commissioners of loans, and for allowances to certain loan officers, in lieu of clerk hire, and to defray the authorized expense of the several loan offices, fifteen thousand dollars.
For compensation to the surveyor general and his clerks, three thousand two hundred dollars.
For compensation to the surveyor of the lands south of the state of Tennessee, clerks employed in his office, and for stationery, and other contingencies, three thousand two hundred dollars.
For compensation to the officers of the mint.
The director, two thousand dollars.
The treasurer, twelve hundred dollars.
The assayers, fifteen hundred dollars.
The chief coiner, fifteen hundred dollars.
The melter and refiner, fifteen hundred dollars.
The engraver, twelve hundred dollars.
One clerk at seven hundred dollars.
And two clerks at five hundred dollars each, one thousand dollars.
For wages of the persons employed in the different branches of coining, coining, carpenters, mill-rights and smith's work, including the sum of one thousand dollars per annum, allowed to an assistant coiner and die forger, who also oversees the execution of the iron work, and of six hundred dollars per annum, allowed to an assistant engraver, eight thousand five hundred dollars.
For repairs of furnaces, cast-rollers and screws, timber, bar-iron, lead steel, potash, and for all other contingencies of the mint, three thousand two hundred dollars.
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the territory of Orleans, thirteen thousand dollars.
For incidental and contingent expenses of the executive officers of the said territory, two thousand eight hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Mississippi territory, seven thousand eight hundred dollars.
For expense of stationery, office rent and other contingent expenses of said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Indiana territory, six thousand six hundred dollars.
For expense of stationery, office rent and other contingent expenses of said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Michigan territory, six thousand six hundred dollars.
For expense of stationery, office rent and other contingent expenses of said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Louisiana territory, six thousand six hundred dollars.
For expense of stationery, office rent and other contingent expenses of said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Illinois territory, six thousand six hundred dollars.
For expense of stationery, office rent and other contingent expenses of said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars.
For the discharge of such demands against the United States, on account of the civil department, not otherwise provided for, as shall have been admitted in a due course of settlement at the treasury, two thousand dollars.
For additional compensation to the clerks in the several departments of state, treasury, war and navy, and of the general post-office, not exceeding for each department, respectively, fifteen per annum, in addition to the sums allowed by the act, entitled "An act to regulate and fix the compensation of clerks, and to authorize the laying out certain public roads, and for other purposes," thirteen thousand two hundred and sixty nine dollars and thirty three cents.
For compensation granted by law to the chief justice, the associate judges and district judges of the United States, including the chief justice and two associate judges for the district of Columbia, to the attorney general, and to the district judge of the territory of Orleans, fifty nine thousand four hundred dollars.
For the like compensation granted to the several district attorneys of the United States, three thousand four hundred dollars.
For compensations granted to the marshals for the districts of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, New Jersey, North Carolina, Kentucky, Ohio, East and West Tennessee, and Orleans, including the compensation allowed to the marshals of New Jersey and North Carolina, for the three last quarters of the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, by the act of the twenty-fifth of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight, two thousand six hundred and fifty dollars.
For defraying the expenses of the supreme, circuit and district courts of the United States, including the district of Columbia, and of jurors and witnesses, in aid of the funds arising from fines, forfeitures and penalties, and for defraying the expenses of prosecutions for offences against the United States, and for the safe keeping of prisoners, forty thousand dollars.
For the payment of sundry pensions granted by the late government, nine hundred and sixty dollars.
For the payment of the annual allowance to the invalid pensioners of the United States, from the fifth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and nine, to the fourth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and ten, ninety-eight thousand dollars.
For the maintenance and support of light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, stakesages of channels, bars and shoals, and certain contingent expenses, seventy-nine thousand and thirty-nine dollars and forty cents.
For erecting two light-houses on Long-Island sound, one on Watch-hill point, and the other on Sands or Watch point, the following sums, that is to say, the sum of
two thousand six hundred and thirty-seven dollars and fifty cents, balance of a former appropriation for these objects carried to the "surplus fund," and the further sum of five thousand seven hundred dollars, in addition to the appropriations heretofore made for the same objects:
For placing buoys and beacons on or near the shoals and rocks in the channel leading into the harbor of Salem, in the state of Massachusetts. In addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for that purpose, sixty-seven dollars and twenty-nine cents:
For rebuilding two light-houses on Plumb Island, in the state of Massachusetts, ten thousand dollars.
For defraying the expenses of surveying the public land, within the several territories of the United States, eighteen thousand two hundred and forty dollars.
For expenses of the boards formed in the territories of Orleans and Louisiana, for investigating and adjusting titles and claims to land, in addition to the sum heretofore appropriated for that object, ten thousand dollars.
For the expense of taking the second census of the United States, being the balance of a former appropriation for that object, and carried to the surplus fund, thirteen thousand eight hundred and ninety dollars and ninety-six cents.
For the expense of returning the votes of President and Vice-President of the United States, for the term commencing on the fourth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and nine, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three dollars.
For expenses of intercourse with foreign nations, thirty-three thousand and fifty dollars.
For the contingent expenses of intercourse with foreign nations, seventy-five thousand dollars.
For the expenses of intercourse with the Barbary powers, fifty thousand dollars.
For the contingent expenses of intercourse with the Barbary powers, fifty thousand dollars.
For the relief and protection of distressed American seamen, five thousand dollars.
For the expenses of prosecuting claims in relation to captures, six thousand dollars.
For defraying the expenses of regulating, laying out, and making a road from Cumberland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio, agreeably to an act of Congress, passed the twenty-ninth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and six, the balance of a former appropriation made by the aforesaid act, for that object, having been carried to the surplus fund, sixteen thousand and seventy-five dollars, and fifteen cents.
For defraying the expense of opening a road from the frontier of Georgia, on the route from Athens to New-Orleans, until the same intersects the thirty-first degree of North latitude, agreeably to an act of Congress, passed on the twenty-first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, the balance of a former appropriation made for that object having been carried to the surplus fund, two thousand four hundred dollars, and a further sum of five thousand dollars in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for that object:
For defraying the expense of opening a road or roads through the territory lately ceded by the Indians to the United States, from the Mississippi to the Ohio, and to the former Indian boundary line, which was established by the treaty of Greenville, agreeably to the last above recited act; the balance of a former appropriation made for that object having been carried to the surplus fund, one thousand eight hundred dollars, and forty-eight cents.
For defraying the expense of opening a road from Nashville in the state of Tennessee, to Natchez, in the Mississippi territory, agreeably to the aforesaid act of the twenty-first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, the balance of a former appropriation for that object having been carried to the surplus fund, three thousand dollars.
For the discharge of such miscellaneous claims against the United States, not otherwise provided for, as shall have been admitted, in due course of settlement, at the treasury, four thousand dollars.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several appropriations herein before made, shall be paid and discharged out of a fund of six hundred thousand dollars, reserved by an act making provision for the debt of the United States; and out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
J. N. MILLEDGE,
President of the Senate pro tempore.
February 17, 1809.
APPROVED.
TH: JEFFERSON.
SAMUEL STETTINIUS,
PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET.
GRATEFULLY sensible of the past favors of both his Friends and the Public at large, takes the liberty to offer in addition to his lately Advertised Stock of DRY GOODS, a new supply of—
 Common Broad Cloth,  Police do.  Tappy Velvet,  Silk do. and Flannels of almost any description at the most reduced prices, as also every other article in the Dry Good line, at the most reasonable accommodations a favoring public can expect.  He has also newly received by the sch. Hope, capt. James Keeth, and offers for Sale by Wholesale,  5000 lbs. best Green Coffee,  500 lbs. well tanned Sole Leather of first rate slaughter Hides,  1 pipe Holland Gin,  1 bale Almonds in Shells,  9 boxes Tin,  A quantity of best Sheet Iron, single, double and treble,  1 box London imported Hats,  A few pieces Oil Cloth,  Spanish Segars by the box,  Linon Checks,  Apron do.  Cotton Velvets,  Black Cambrics,  Do. silk Velvets,  Plain Velvet Binding of all numbers,  1 trunk elegant Calicoes,  Silk Shawls,  Pelice Cloth,  Dressing Looking-Glasses,  Black Worsted Stockings,  Cotton Stripes,  Linon do.  1 trunk tanned Buck skins suitable for gloves and pantaloons making,  5000 best Clarified Quills,  All of which he intends to dispose of on the most pleasing terms for cash or approved notes. 
December 28—St&Wif
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
W HIERAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 7th day of October 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of building and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others, whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June 1796 to this day, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions being experienced, it is deemed proper to revive and continue the same with the exception hereafter mentioned.
Wherefore, I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare, That the first and third articles above recited, shall be and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington, previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected; except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall any such house be placed within twenty-four feet of a brick or stone house.
Given under my hand the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and nine.
TH: JEFFERSON.
February 8—w6t
NOTICE
By virtue of a decree of the hon. the high Court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscribers will offer at PUBLIC SALE, on the Premises on TUESDAY the 7th day of March next, the following Tracts of LAND, to wit: "The Rumble," "Hanslow," and the "Strand," lying and being in St. Mary's county, and adjoining each other, supposed to contain more than 1000 acres, and formerly occupied by Dr. William Lansdale, deceased. The above estate is situated in a healthy and genteel neighborhood, about two miles from Leonardtown. The improvements consist of a large and convenient Brick Dwelling-house 4 rooms below and 4 above stairs, with a Kitchen adjoining, Meat House, Corn House, Stables and Granary, and a young thriving Apple Orchard. The Dwelling House stands on an eminence, commanding a view of the whole of the flat land on said estate which is esteemed to be of the first quality in the county and is well adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, small grain, clover, &c. and is deemed the finest grazing land in the county. There is a fine stream of water that runs through this estate, on which has been heretofore a valuable Mill.
On the same day, by virtue of the above decree, the Subscribers will also sell on the premises, Three other Tracts of LAND, called "Newcastle," "Hearts Delight," and "Backacre," containing in the whole about 500 acres adjoining the above described estate; they were lately owned and occupied by Dr. John Reeder, deceased. The improvements on these lands are extremely valuable, consisting of a new Two story Dwelling House, Kitchen, Corn House, Granary, Cow Houses and Stables; there is likewise on this estate a vuable Mill in complete repair. This estate is rendered very valuable on account of the great quantity of Wood and Timber on it, and of the flat land which is adapted to meadow.
A further description is deemed unnecessary as persons who are inclined to purchase can view the premises; the title of which together with a plat of the whole may be seen on application to Mr. Enoch J. Millard of Leonard Town. This property will be sold entire or in parcels as may be deemed advantageous.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser of the whole or any part thereof shall give bond with approved security for the payment of the purchase money within eighteen months from the day of sale.
CLEMENT BROOKE, GUSTAVUS A. CLAGETT, Trustees.
February 10—wtdos
Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing, of ROBERT M'Koy, of Prince George's county, to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto: a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'Koy, is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Robert M'Koy be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Robert M'Koy by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr.
December 26—w3m Ck. P. G. C. C.
WILL BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION,
ON Monday the 27th inst. at 12 o'clock, at Mr. David Dobbin's, at the Navy Yard, 3000 weight of GOOD CHEESE—The terms of sale made known on the day of sale—if the above day should be rainy the next fair day.
S. SPEARE, Auc.
Feb. 28—3t
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION.
ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time: the purchaser to give notes payable, either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber to Bridge erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bell in and about the House, the Crates, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P. M.
SAMUEL SPEARE, Auc.
January 30—tdos
A TANN YARD TO BE RENTED,
For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next—
THE premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Sinks, a large Bark and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying Shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania avenue, who will show the premises.
February 17—4f
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington
are hereby notified that an instalment of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend.
JOSEPH FORREST, Pr.
January 18—
ON application by petition in writing, of GEORGE W. WILLETT of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto: a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt; and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1808.
DANIEL CLARKE.
True Copy, Test,
JOHN READ MAGRUDER, JUS.
C P G Cy Ct
December 19—w13t.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
Will be offered for Sale at Public Auction at Rhodes's hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on F. street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Boyd. From its contiguity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAML. SPEARE, Auc. Washington, January 30—tdos