The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-27 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
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MONDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1809.
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON EXTRA SESSION.
JANUARY 20.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said that it was with some embarrassment he rose to address the House on this occasion; as the duty he owed to himself and to his country would impel him to notice some remarks made by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) calculated to excite sensations which ought not to be indulged in this House, and to extort replies that may inroad on that decorum, which ought to be observed on this floor, and ought not to be violated even in the presence of this respectable audience. Remarks, said he, which are not founded on facts, or supported by any sound argument, which must be the effusion of a disordered brain, or malignant heart, which admit of no serious investigation, and do not merit and cannot receive any other reply than a direct and positive denial, accompanied with that contempt which such misrepresentations justly deserve. The gentleman told you when he found some explanation of what he had said necessary, that he had not alluded to particular facts, but meant to bring together a group of motives, by which he conceived the administration and the majority of this House, as I understood him, to be governed. This group of motives must be the gentleman's own impressions, and not being derived from facts, as he admits, must be considered as the offspring either of ignorance, or what is more probable, of a deliberate and malicious preconcerted plan to usher forth those misrepresentations, knowing them to be without foundation, at this critical moment, for the express purpose of deluding the public mind. Take the gentleman on his own ground and this must be the conclusion. He did not allude to facts, and yet he pretends to give the motives by which government and the majority are actuated. He says the majority have acted under a deception—the administration had other motives than those avowed. He advances no proof to support these assertions. The result must therefore be such as has been stated—a deliberate scheme to mislead the public opinion on those subjects—to make an impression abroad, that the majority of this House have been guided in their proceedings like automatons—that they are not governed by their own judgments, and do not act from the convictions of their own minds, but are directed by some invisible hand, some unseen influence, which, though alluded to, he dare not name. This are in substance the infamous and unfounded insinuations made by that gentleman. I care not how he may attempt to invelope them in dubious language, or attempt to fritter them away by explanations. The turpitude of heart that produced them remains the same. If the gentleman had come forward openly, and told this House that the members composing the majority had no sentiments of their own; that possibly they do not mean to destroy their country (as he has been pleased to admit) but are made to do so by the direction of some other controlling power, I should then think he might have some claim to candor, that possibly he believed what he said, & was ready to hazard not only his reputation, but also his feelings (if indeed he has any, of which I now entertain some doubt) and even his person in support of what he had asserted. [Mr. Quincy wished to explain.] I wish no explanation from the gentleman, said Mr. C. after what he has already said, & the frequent samples of explanations, he has heretofore given. There is no other member in the House, sir, to whom I would not concede the floor for the purpose of explanation; but there is a point beyond which, so long as I have a seat in this House, I will not suffer my feelings to be injured, nor my motives to be impeached with impunity.
I did, sir, not hear all the remarks made by the gentleman on yesterday, and I shall only notice such of those as I did hear, as he seemed to consider of most importance, in order to add my evidence to what has already been said by others on this subject, to show that they are destitute of the slightest foundation in fact. It would not be difficult to prove, from circumstances, that they are a fabrication of misrepresentations, prepared at this moment for the express purpose of influencing certain elections, which are to take place during the ensuing spring, in the quarter from which that gentleman comes. Hence he thinks, in order to cover his own views, he will be the first to cry out "the object of the majority is to influence those elections." But the gentleman's veil is too thin, it cannot conceal his designs; they are distinctly seen through it. The object is at the hazard of every thing, to deceive and mislead the honest part of society in that quarter, to promote the views of a certain faction or party there, who are evidently sworn enemies to the government of this country—who are connected, directly or indirectly, with a foreign power, that of G. Britain, and who use every means in their power to support her interest and increase her influence in this country, at the hazard and expense of the dearest rights and best interests of this nation. That such a party exists cannot now be doubted, (and the gentleman from Massachusetts resides in the midst of it) who consider their fate intimately connected with that of G. Britain—who seem to have congenial sympathies with her—feel her success as their glory, and would consider her fall as their destruction—who use all the means in their power to excite her to a perseverance in her destructive measures against this country, & prevent her, if possible, from yielding or accommodating existing differences with your government—who become desperate in proportion as the prospect of accommodation seems to approach, and represent to her in the strongest colors, their dangers in such an event—that if she settles her differences with you at this time, without making you first yield to her terms, they, as her party in this country, sink into obscurity and contempt for ever. Hence their desperate exertions to convince Great Britain that this country cannot long persevere in her present measures. Proofs could be adduced to support this statement, that must produce conviction in every discerning mind. I shall instance one fact, which of itself is conclusive on this point. The late publication of the famous letter from Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney. This insidious production, which has been substantially contradicted by Mr. Pinkney's answer, was ushered into the public prints by that faction, for the purpose of making false impressions on the minds of the American people, favorable to the views of Great Britain. And yet, sir, we are told by the gentleman, that the members of this House were blundering and scolding about the letter of a British minister. [Mr. Quincy said he did not refer to that letter.] I am certainly willing (said Mr. C.) that the gentleman should deny what he said, though I wish for no explanation from him I certainly understood him as referring to this letter. [Mr. Quincy said he had alluded to another letter.] I will, said Mr. C. state the gentleman's words, and the House will judge whether this was not the very letter he alluded to, however he may chuse now to change the reference. He said, "that this House was scolding and blustering about a letter of the British minister." The letter now in question had a few days ago been laid before this House, and some spirited animadversions were made upon it by several members; no other letter of a British minister had been noticed in the House, to my knowledge, for some time; to my mind, therefore, the inference was inevitable, that this was the letter alluded to. And how the gentleman could introduce or mean any other is to me incomprehensible. However, the fact of the letter having been published, is the same, whether he alluded to it or not, and will equally answer my purpose. It was an official letter, and must have been obtained either from the British minister or from your own government. It is known to every one it was not obtained from the latter; it must therefore have been furnished by the former. It was first published in Boston, accompanied by comments calculated to inflame the minds of the American people against their own government, at a time when our public affairs were in the most critical situation. This single fact is sufficient to prove the existence of this party, and their connection with, and anxious desire to support the views of the British cabinet. It may be proper, sir, that I should state here, that in speaking of this faction, or party, who are a disgrace to the American character, I do not mean to include all those called federalists. No, sir, there are many of them for whom I have the highest respect, believing them real friends to their country. There are many members in this House, for whose character I entertain the highest esteem, from a conviction that they act from pure motives; but there are some who do not come within this description.
But, sir, to turn for a moment to the gentleman's remarks. He told you this House passed the embargo law under a deception, as to the motives that induced the measure to be recommended by the Executive. This old and hacknied charge already refuted and contradicted, time after time. I did not expect would again be brought before the House. But it is now renewed, though destitute of the slightest foundation, for the express purpose of giving a new impulse to misrepresentations, in the quarter from which that gentleman comes. There is no man can with truth deny, that when the embargo law was passed, this House had all the information on the subject, the government possessed, and could not therefore act under a deception. The motives alleged for its passage were the real motives, and there is not a single fact can be adduced to show, that there was any other object in view than those avowed. It was adopted, first as a measure of precaution to save our property and seamen. It was relied on also as a coercive measure, in regard to the belligerents, so far as depriving them of our supplies would operate in that way, and was so stated by many members on this floor, during the passage of the law; but it was not considered as a hostile measure, and the belligerents had no right to view it in that light; as we have an undoubted right to regulate our own commerce, or abandon it altogether, without giving just cause of war to any nation. How the gentleman, therefore, without the shadow of proof, could bring forward such serious charges, is more than extraordinary; and indeed it does appear to argue a degree of arrogance little becoming the character of an honorable member of the national legislature, to assert, as has been done, that a large majority of Congress have acted under a deception, have been led as it were blindfold , to give their assent to the measures that have been adopted, for more than a year; as if no one had penetration enough to perceive the real motives that guided our councils but this gentleman alone. This opinion he will probably be permitted to enjoy, without a single rival on earth.
You are next told by the same gentleman, that the object of the majority in laying the embargo, by a law unlimited in its duration, was to vest the whole power of regulating commerce, in the hands of the President; and he says, if it was intended to coerce, to reach the vitals of Great Britain, it was proper to do so. On this latter point indeed, the gentleman seems to feel very sensibly; to be tremblingly alive to the slightest pressure that may be made on his innocent and unoffending friend, Great Britain ; as if, when you coerced her, you pressed on his interest in the tenderest point; and when you "reached her vitals," you touched his heart's blood. It was therefore wrong, in his opinion, to adopt any measure that would bear hard on her interest. This doctrine may suit the people that gentleman represents, those called the Essex Junto, but it will not be relished by the great body of the American people. No, sir, they will hear it with that indignation it so justly merits! A very slight attention to facts will show the majority had no such object in view in laying the embargo, as that so untruly ascribed to them—by the gentleman, of placing the whole power in the hands of the Executive. The first proposition made by the majority, was to lay the embargo, by a joint resolution, as had formerly been done, which would, it is presumed, have left the power in the two Houses to rescind it at pleasure. This mode was opposed by the gentleman on the other side of the House, by that gentleman and his political friends; and to accommodate those
opposed to this mode, a law was substituted in its place. This proves the majority had no disposition whatever to vest the power in the hands of the President—and that this charge like many others, is without the slightest foundation in truth. But the gentleman says, that he formerly urged an argument against the constitutionality of the embargo laws, viz. "that you cannot repeal them, without the consent of the President, if their be twelve members of the Senate against such repeal—that is that the President and twelve members of the Senate may prevent their repeal"—which argument he says has not been answered. I believe, sir, it has not been even noticed, much less answered; and it would still remain unnoticed by me, if the gentleman did not seem to attach so much importance to it, that possibly some might conclude there was some weight in the objection. I did not, sir, indeed suppose, that any gentleman, however conceited he might feel, could seriously think that the members of this House, were obliged to answer, and enter into a logical discussion of every quibble, however silly, he might chuse to start. The argument deemed so important by the gentleman has not been urged, or even mentioned, so far as I recollect, by any other of his own party. It has not been thought worthy of notice by the newspapers of the same party. It has therefore justly been considered by the majority as not meriting an answer, and passed in silence as many other unmeaning quibbles from the same quarter dabbled with the name of arguments, have been. Every man of ordinary understanding and possessed of any information, must know, that the embargo law is on the same footing in regard to its repeal, with every other law. You cannot repeal or pass any law without the assent of the President unless two thirds of both Houses concur. The same objection therefore made to the embargo law being unlimited in its duration, would equally apply to every other law, that it might be thought any event would ever render expedient to repeal—according to the gentleman's doctrine all your laws ought to be limited in their duration, least the President, or two thirds of the Senate would not agree to repeal them. This absurdity, to which the gentleman's argument would lead, was seen by every one who examined the subject, and an answer was therefore considered totally superfluous. But, sir, what foundation is there for all this jealousy with regard to the President's giving his assent to an act repealing the embargo laws? Is there any part of his conduct hitherto calculated to induce a belief that he would refuse his approbation to an act passed by both Houses of Congress? Is it candid or liberal at this time to argue, because he has the power to refuse his assent, that he would on such occasion exercise that power, when he never has during the whole course of his administration, now near a close, in any one instance done so? Does it not prove the weakness of the cause which gentlemen advocate; the wretched shifts to which they are put for what they call arguments; and the futility and even absurdity of the objections they make? It certainly does; and further, strongly tends to prove that there is some object at the bottom of all this different from those avowed—it seems to cry aloud, "there is something rotten in Denmark."
Another charge is brought forward, sir, which would be a very serious one if true, that when the army of 5000 men was authorised to be raised, your administration did not design them to fight foreign nations, but your own citizens—that they were intended only to enforce the embargo—though the contrary was avowed. There is something in this charge so insidious, and I might add, so base and malignant, that it must be considered as springing from the same disorganizing and malicious disposition which actuates that party, or rather faction, to which I have already alluded; and stimulates them to issue forth one false statement after another in continued succession, in order to keep up the public delusion in that quarter, and effect at the expence of truth, and every principle of justice, their electioneering purposes. These attempts hitherto, there is reason to believe, were likely to fail. The publication of official documents, and state papers, from time to time, refuted their misrepresentations, and were likely to confound all their exertions to mislead the people, who
began to see clearly that their government was not affected by any foreign influence—that they acted solely with a single view to the interests of their own country—opposed by truths too powerful to resist, the party resort to this, as the forlorn hope, as the last desperate effort, to support their nefarious schemes. When the national councils were making preparations to resist foreign aggression of every kind from whatever nation they might proceed, there were no means left them to carry on their system of delusion, but to tell the people, (in the very face of the clearest proof to the contrary,) those preparations are not made against your enemies, but against yourselves! This charge must be too absurd to gain credit with any man whose mind has not been already poisoned against the truth. There is scarcely a child in the nation, who can read, possessed of so little sense and information, as to believe it. There is no doubt the government would use all the proper means in their power to preserve peace with foreign nations, if it could be done consistent with the interest and honor of this country. They can have no wish for war. But at the present crisis it is certainly necessary to be prepared for it, in case it should become inevitable. For this purpose those troops were authorised to be raised to resist foreign aggression, not to enforce the embargo. The idea of using them to enforce the embargo laws, (though it would have been a proper object) could not, at the time, have been entertained by any one. It was not then supposed there was any portion of the American people so corrupt, so totally, lost to all sense of the duty they owe the nation, as to evade, much less openly to oppose the execution of the laws of the union. It could not therefore have been thought necessary to provide for such a case. The assertion is indeed so destitute of the slightest foundation, that it would be surprising, (if any thing from that quarter could now surprise us) that it should be uttered on this floor.
But what reason does the gentleman assign for entertaining this opinion—one as extraordinary as it is futile. He says no federalists are appointed to offices in this new army, and therefore he concludes their only object is to enforce the embargo. Though the statement as to appointments is not true in fact to the extent asserted; yet if it were, how could it prove the gentleman's position? Did he mean to insinuate that all the federalists would oppose the execution of the embargo laws during the time they remained in force, and on that account are not to be trusted as officers? I trust he did not—and I presume such is not the fact. I have reason to believe there are many federalists, who though opposed to these laws, would aid in carrying them into complete execution; so long as they continue to be the laws of the union. Or did the gentleman wish to be understood, as saying that there were none but federalists, who could be entrusted to fight foreign nations? Madly as that gentleman appears to be, and vain of his own importance, he could scarcely, I presume, utter such a sentiment, without blushing. But, sir, could he suppose the government would appoint the apologists of British outrage and aggression to defend their country against her armies? Certainly he could not, and the nation would not sanction such conduct. But the gentleman intimates this House might have acted under honest motives, but the administration did not mean to make war with foreign nations. Need he be told that the Executive cannot make war—that Congress alone are competent to declare it? Surely I presume he need not. And with what pretext therefore, can he bring this charge against the President? The only object must be to cover himself from the imputation of charging the members of this House directly with acting from improper motives, which charge in fact he does make indirectly. Many on this floor have declared, if the belligerents would not do us justice, they were determined to meet war with all its calamities, and that in a very short time, rather than submit to their unjust edicts. The gentleman asserts the majority are determined not to go to war. This is charging them with duplicity, with being actuated by motives different from those they avow. Such charge is unfounded and absurd—and so far as it was intended to apply to me, is totally untrue and one which out of the sanctuary of these walls, neither that gentleman
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SENATE, February 24.
The bill making further provision for the Corps of Engineers was read for the third time, and passed. This bill provides for the removal of the Military Academy, now at West Point, to this place in July next, and appropriates 2,000 dollars.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24. NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House again in committee of the whole, Mr. BASSETT in the chair, on the bill from the Senate, for interdicing commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. D. R. Williams's amendment under consideration, viz. to strike out the part of the law relating to non-importation and insert a provision for discriminating duties.
Mr. D. R. Williams rose to rescue himself from an imputation of intending indirectly to embarrass the bill by this amendment because he intended eventually to vote against it. He solemnly abjured any such an intention. Any member who would at this time make such a motion with a view to embarrass the proceedings of the House, would deserve a ratter. Perceiving that a large majority of this House was determined to repeal the embargo, and not to fight, he had been induced to offer to the House that which to his understanding appeared the best plan that had been presented. Mr. W. offered many reasons against the non-intercourse bill—among others, that, instead of being coercive, it would operate as a premium to the navigating interest of G. Britain; that two years continuance of it would be worth millions to G. Britain; that it also injured the agricultural interest of this country, laying additional obstructions on the sale of its produce; that it seemed as though, lest the people should believe the embargo was a wise measure, they were about to pursue the very course which would prevent the people from receiving a conviction of its protecting policy. The course which he proposed would at least prevent this evil, by practically demonstrating to the people the effect of the orders in council and decrees, which were the causes of the embargo.
Mr. Sloan regretted that this deceptive measure was proposed nominally contemplating a repeal of the embargo, but which would produce little or no benefit. He described the body politic to be laboring under a disorder as an individual with a dreadful cancer. When he beheld the situation of this distressed country, he felt it his duty again to address the House, and call their attention to the remedy. Instead of the inveterate passion for war with the belligerents, which existed in a part of the House, he recommended another species of war—a war against the passions, in which, though no friend to war, he had no objection to engage as a volunteer. He agreed with the gentleman from S. C. that if this bill passed it would be just what the court of G. Britain would wish. Mr. Sloan said he should proceed in his remarks without any fear of falling under the late substitute for common law, viz tar and feathers , even tho' he was promised "a full suit of homespun from head to foot," by some natives of Philadelphia, and although he was well acquainted with the power and disposition of the Executives of some states to screen offenders from punishment. Mr. S. stated various objections to the bill. If it were continued long there would be no occasion for employing a committee to enquire what disposition should be made of the surplus money in the treasury. He was in favor of Mr. Williams's amendment as tending to increase revenue, to promote union and secure the happiness of the U. States. Mr. Sloan spoke more than half an hour.
Mr. Lyon also spoke against the non-intercourse system and in favor of Mr. Williams's amendment at some length. Mr. Lyon was opposed to the bill as tending to destroy revenue and navigation. He never had wanted a substitute for the embargo, one evil for another; but rather than continue the embargo, he would take such a modification of this Bill as that proposed by Mr. Williams, or even the bill itself. The former plan might be operative on G. Britain, whilst the non-intercourse would be wholly inefficient.
Mr. Taylor next spoke on the subject. He considered the bill upon the table not to have the merit of resistance; it was submission to trade in the track pointed out by the orders in council. And yet gentlemen said they would not submit. Could gentlemen so deceive themselves as not to see that they were in fact submitting to the British orders in council? It was a surrender of the navigation of the world to G. Britain; it made her the carrier of our produce. That this was the effect could not be concealed. It was wonderful that, like the ostrich, hiding its head and supposing its whole body out of sight, gentlemen should thrust their heads into a bunch of brambles, and suppose that they hid the effect of this system. Gentlemen said that they would
not legalize a trade to G. Britain under the orders in council; at the same time that they authorize a trade with her through the depots, the circuitry of the voyage only tending to the benefit of G. Britain, by giving to her the carriage of our produce. Might not Sweden and Spain too want a little profit, since monopoly was the order of the day, and impose duties at the entrepots? It was a great objection to this system too that it could not be maintained; and he called upon the House not to take a position like this, which their successors might be obliged to abandon with disgrace. France and England could see as well as ourselves that the system could not be maintained; and if they should accumulate injuries on our heads, the sinews of war being relaxed, we should not be in a situation effectually to resist. It was also throwing all advantages into the hands of Britain, whilst France was deprived of any portion—being submission to the one and opposition to the other. The exclusion from French ports too would be severely felt by the planters of cotton; for besides the loss of a market for such a proportion of the crop, the glutting of the British market with so large a surplus would depreciate its value enormously. He called upon gentlemen not at this time to give a monopoly to Britain at our own expence. Desirous to do equal justice to both nations, as we would not fight them, and to do equal justice also to ourselves, and not to follow the very meanderings of the orders in council, he was opposed to the bill. He also objected to the phraseology of the bill—"G. Britain and France, and their dependencies." Who was to judge what nations were dependencies? Whether did the term include Holland, Spain, Portugal? In relation to Mr. Williams's amendment, he considered it to be one which the U. S. could stand by, which would increase our revenue, and have some effect also on the interests of the belligerents. It would be better than any other system proposed as a measure of resistance; would benefit our merchants, and enrich the treasury. Mr. T. spoke about half an hour.
Mr. Gardner was apprehensive that the remainder of the session would be consumed in debating this bill, and that Congress would separate without removing the embargo at all. The consequence of such a procedure he deprecated. He had been in hopes that when the embargo was repealed, if a substitute was considered necessary, it might be a measure which would benefit the country, and not be equally obnoxious with the embargo. He deprecated the effects produced by these laws on the people, and the consequence which must result from a further continuance of them. He described the New England states. He concluded his observations by reading an extract from the inaugural speech of the present President of the United States, the sentiments contained in which he fully approved.
Mr. Gholson said that the bill on the table was not a favorite plan with him; but as he should probably vote for it, he wished to rescue it from some of the imputations cast on it. Both the gentlemen from South Carolina (Messrs. Taylor and D. R. Williams) had advocated the resolution reported by the committee of foreign relations, proposing this very plan. As to the argument that this bill operated to carry into effect the orders in council, the same objection might in the same manner be made to the embargo system, of which both those gentlemen were strenuous supporters. This argument therefore had no weight. He denied that we submitted to British taxation by the bill. For, supposing our produce to go to the entrepots, the British capitulation there purchasing it would have to pay in Great Britain the tax on our produce destined for the continent, instead of our paying it. In this way therefore we did not as directly come under the operation of the orders in council, as by trading direct to Great Britain. Was there any American who would be willing to resume our usual intercourse with the belligerents, while all the black catalogue of our injuries were unatoned? Surely not; and yet this appeared to be contemplated by the amendment of the gentleman from South Carolina. The discriminating duty would affect not the belligerents but our own citizens—it would fall wholly upon the consumers of our imports. Sooner than trade thus he would make a bonfire of all our produce, as the gentleman himself had before proposed in an eloquent speech. It would also be a direct submission to trade under the orders in council; it could not be denied. Commerce must at some time be resumed. If we were to have war, we must have some commerce. Let gentlemen point out a system by which commerce could more honorably be pursued in the present convulsive state of the world, than it could under the proposed law; for, as it had been observed in the course of the debate, it was easier to find fault with a system than to invent one.
Mr. D. R. Williams rose to rescue himself from any imputation of inconsistency. He had been extremely happy when the gentleman rose, to hear him avow his intention of rescuing the bill from some of the imputations cast on it; for really it was somewhat necessary, as no reasons had yet been offered in favor of the bill. But he denied that the gentleman had succeeded in his efforts. The resolution for non-intercourse which had been adopted at the commencement of the session had been intended to go in aid of the embargo; it did not contemplate a repeal of the embargo, as this bill did—and there was, therefore, no inconsistency in voting for that resolution & against this bill. As to the additional duty being a burthen, if the law passed as it now stood and was executed, it deprived the people of the article altogether; if not executed, the premium to the smuggler would amount, in some cases, to 500 per cent. instead of 50 or 25 per cent. And unquestionably it could not be executed; for notwithstanding the existence of actual war between Great Britain and France, and all the revenue officers and military force of both, the British market had always been supplied with French claret and Spanish wool. The gentleman from Virginia had endeavored to saddle him and his friend (Mr. Taylor) with inconsistency because he could not defend the bill—for it could not be defended.
Mr. Bacon, however, he might be prepared to urge arguments against the bill, said he could not in charity push the argument any further upon gentlemen; for no gentleman had attempted to defend it except the gentleman from Virginia. (Mr. Gholson) who with the characteristic gallantry of a young and active soldier, had done the best he could for it. Mr. Bacon however only rose as he had been alluded to as having an amendment in his possession, to read it to the House. Mr. B. read the following section as an amendment which, in connection with other sections containing details, he intended to propose if Mr. Williams's amendment should be carried:
"And be it further enacted, That the commander and crew of any merchant vessel of the U. States, owned and navigated wholly by a citizen or citizens thereof, may oppose and defend against any unlawful restraint or seizure not authorized by the customary and acknowledged law of nations, which shall be attempted upon such vessel, or upon any other vessel armed and navigated as aforesaid, by the commander or crew of any foreign armed vessel, and may repel by force any assault or hostility on the part of such foreign armed vessel pursuing such attempt, and may subdue and capture the same; and may also retake any vessel owned and navigated as aforesaid, which may have been captured contrary to the customary and acknowledged laws of nations, by any foreign armed vessel."
Mr. B. observed, however, even if the bill should not be amended, he should vote for it, chiefly because the term of its duration was limited, and it might produce a little good.
Mr. J. G. Jackson conceived that the expedient proposed was even worse than the non-intercourse bill. He rose however to expose the evil tendency of the amendment suggested by Mr. Bacon, which contemplated giving to merchants the power to chase what attacks or seizures they chose to consider unlawful, and thus involve the United States with whom they chose. He warned gentlemen against adopting it. If war was to be made, let it be declared according to the constitution.
Mr. Williams's motion was then negatived, 51 to 50.
Mr. Cook renewed the motion to strike out the same part of the bill, for the purpose of inserting an amendment for arming our merchant vessels as a substitute for it. In support of his motion Mr. Cook urged a number of arguments. He was opposed to the non-intercourse system. There was no fear of the arming system driving the nation into war; for whatever acts should be committed by our armed vessels, would be the acts of individuals and not of the nation. He had heard from parts of the union, from people not to be interested in or injured by such a course, cries for war, war, war—at whose expence? Not at theirs, but of those on the margin of the ocean, who all wished for peace. Mr. Cook again deprecated the continuance of the embargo, and expressed his concurrence in opinion with Mr. Randolph, that our administration was pursuing a course somewhat similar to that of Lord North under the British government. The course which he proposed would promote union and again unite a divided people. The following is the amendment which Mr. Cook proposed to insert:
"And be it further enacted, that from and after the 20th day of May next, the merchant vessels owned wholly by a citizen or citizens of the United States, and navigated wholly
by citizens of the United States, and not in any part laden with goods contraband of war, and not bound to any port or place actually blockaded and invested, and pursuing a commerce permitted by the laws of the United States, may be armed and equipped, and may defend their neutral rights by resisting the late decrees of France and orders of Great Britain, which violate the long established rights of neutrality; and may repel by force any assault or hostility which shall be made or committed on the part of any French or British vessel of war, in pursuance of such decrees or orders. And to subdue and capture the same; and to retake any vessel of the United States, owned, navigated, laden and bound as aforesaid, which may have been captured pursuant to such decrees or orders by any vessel sailing under French or British colors, and acting or pretending to act by or under authority of such decrees or orders from the French or British governments."
Mr. Holland thought it would be better at once to withdraw all our measures, to undo every thing that had been done, than to adopt the gentleman's amendment. Of all others the system of arming our merchant vessels was the most futile that could be conceived. The merchants would again come forward and call upon the government to take up the cause. And was the government again to be duped by them? No; for if the government had done wrong, in his opinion it was by going too far for the support of commerce; and their efforts were rewarded by the exclamations of the same people who by their cries had induced the government so to do. Sooner than again attempt to protect them, if they deserted their own cause, he would leave commerce and the rights of the seas to the mercy of the winds and waves. He would repeal all our discriminating duties and drawbacks; that the merchants should be hereafter precisely on the same footing as foreign merchants.
The question was then taken on Mr. Cook's motion and negatived 50 to 45.
Mr. Marion moved to amend the bill by striking out the fourth day of March, and inserting the 15th day of March, as the day on which the partial repeal of the embargo should take date, and thus to place all the ports in the union on an equality—Negatived 56 to 45.
The bill was then read through. Mr. D. R. Williams enquired whether, the bill extending credit on revenue bonds, the continuance of which depends on the continuance of the embargo, would be continued after the passage of this law.
Mr. Nicholas said he could only state his individual opinion that it would be still in force.
Mr. D. R. Williams asked whether it had been considered expedient by the committee of Foreign Relations that that bill should continue in force hereafter?
Mr. Nicholas replied that the committee had not had the subject under consideration.
The committee then rose and reported the bill as amended.
Mr. W. Alston hoped that the House would not now consider the report but take up the appropriation bill for the navy.
The House agreed, however, now to consider the report.—Ayes 60.
The amendment made in the committee, by striking out all that part of the bill relating to letters of marque & reprisal, being read, was concurred in as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Babb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Butler, Champion, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Harris, Helms, Humphreys, Isley, R. S. Jackson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milnor, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Pugh, Quincy, Randolph, Riker, Rowan, Sloan, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Talmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Whitebill, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, N. Wilson—74.
NAYS—Messrs. Bard, Bassett, Boyle, Brown, Calhoun, Clay, Cutts, Deane, Desha, Fisk, Green, Holland, Holmes, Johnson, Love, McCreery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Rea (Pen.) Rea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Say, Seaver, Smilie, J. Smith, Taylor, A. Wilson, Winn—33.
Mr. Gholson moved to strike out the fourth day of March and insert the 20th May as the time at which the partial repeal of the embargo should take date. He said he had taken this day in preference to the first day of June, which he had before moved, because it would give an indubitable pledge to the people that the repeal should take place, by fixing on a period anterior to the convocation of the next Congress for the commencement of the operation of the law. If the non-intercourse system was to be a substitute for the embargo, why should there be an interval from the 4th of March till the 20th of May? It was a resession for such a time from
out ground, without any interposition. He called upon gentlemen to show to him that it was not receding, that it was not submission.
Mr. Lyon said that the nation was tired enough of the embargo, and he hoped that they would not continue it any longer.
Mr. Boyd rose to observe to those within his hearing that he was not willing to submit to the dictates of Great Britain or France, nor of any gentleman on the floor, and that he despised denunciations, come whence they would.
Mr. Macon moved to strike out all that part of the bill relating to the repeal of the embargo, which motion superseded that of Mr. Gholson.
The question was then taken on Mr. Macon's motion by Yeas and Nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Bard, Bassett, Babb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Calhoun, Clay, Deane, Desha, Franklin, Holland, Holmes, Howard, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Kenan, Macon, Marion, J. Montgomery, Newbold, Porter, Rea, (Pen.) Rea, (Ten.) Say, Smilie, Stanford, Taylor, Troup, Verplanck, Whitebill, D. R. Williams, Winn—32.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Blake, Boyd, Brown, Butler, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Gardner, Gardner, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Humphreys, Isley, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Jones, Kelly, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Masters, McCreery, Milnor, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Moseley, Mumford, Newton, Nicholas, Quincy, Randolph, J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Talmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Wilbour, M. Williams, N. Wilson—82.
The question recurring on Mr. Gholson's motion, a division of the question was called for, so as to take the question first on striking out the words "4th of March."
Messrs. Macon, J. G. Jackson and Troup advocated a protraction of the date. It would be the greatest injustice to the ports at a distance from the seat of government not to give notice of the passage of the law, & was in the face of the provision of the constitution would require equal privileges to every port. Messrs. Masters, Randolph and Quincy contended for an early or immediate repeal on the ground that the embargo was originally laid without notice; that if our produce was exported, it ought to be exported immediately; and that the people of Canada or the smugglers at Amelia island or elsewhere should not have an opportunity to take advantage of the honest part of our citizens.
The question on striking out was negatived 66 to 47.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to strike out that part of the bill giving the President power to raise the embargo, whenever the decrees of the belligerents are so modified as to render the commerce of the United States sufficiently safe; to make way for the amendment which he yesterday offered authorising the President to issue letters of marque and reprisal against the power retaining, in force orders and decrees whenever the other shall revoke its edicts. He observed that there could be no doubt that gentlemen would agree to strike out this clause whether they agree to insert the substitute or not; for almost every member who had voted for striking out the clause relating to letters of marque and reprisal, had assigned as one great reason that it gave the President a legislative power, by making him judge of the events which might call into action that provision of the law. The same objection certainly attached to that part of the section which he now proposed to strike out.
The House adjourned, 60 to 35, without taking a question.
SATURDAY, FEB. 25.
NAVY AND ARMY APPROPRIATION. On motion of Mr. W. Alston, the unfinished business was ordered to lie on the table. When the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Desha in the Chair, on the bill for amending the acts establishing the war and naval departments, and making an appropriation for the support of the military and naval establishments for the year 1809.
Amongst other appropriations proposed by the bill, is one for fortifications, in addition to the sum already appropriated at this session. Mr. Alston proposed to appropriate one million of dollars. It was observed by Mr. Blount that all the money had been already appropriated which was required by the department of war. The appropriation was supported by Messrs. W. Alston, Van Cortlandt, Cook, Masters, Troup, Nicholas and Smilie, and opposed by Messrs. Blount, Stanford, Boyd and D. R. Williams.
The arguments in favor of this appropriation were the importance of permanent defence; the defenceless state of many ports, particularly of New York, which was the pride and boast of the state; the probability of war, which appeared now only to be delayed on our part from the defenceless state of the sea ports; that if war was now to take place, the people of the cities must fly to the mountains; that it might be sufficient to comply

from all, and would be the last appro- priation asked for.
The arguments against it were that as much had been appropriated as could be expended with ordinary means; that the House appeared to be taking a course of re-assertion, instead of resistance, & there was there- fore no extraordinary appropriation for fortifications against attack necessary; that there were about 700,000 dollars liable to expenditure for this object previous to the next session of Con- gress; that even were twenty mil- lions appropriated, there was no evi- dence that New York could be suffi- ciently fortified; or that gentlemen would be satisfied; that war was not delayed by the defenceless state of the seaports, but by the indisposition of mercantile men to go to war against foreign taxation on the produce of the soil; if it had been on ships or the shipping interest, they would have been clamorous for war.
The committee agreed to insert one million of dollars by a majority of 17 votes.
The bill being gone through, the committee rose and reported it.
The question on the appropriation of one million of dollars for forti- fications was taken by Yeas & Nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Blackledge, Blake, Boyle, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Cutts, Davenport, Dawson, Elliot, Ely, Findlay, Gardener, Harris, Helms, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, J. G. Jackson, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Lewis, Livermore, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, N. R. Moore, Mumford, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Quin- lan, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, Smith, Sted- man, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wilbour, N. Wil- son—61.
NAYS—Messrs. Bard, Barker, Bibb, Blount, Boyd, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Cal- houn, Clay, Culpepper, Deane, Desha, Du- rell, Eppes, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Hoge, Holland, Kenan, Lambert, Lloyd, Macon, Marion, J. Marrow, John Morrow, Porter, Rea of Pen. Rhea of Ten. M. Richards, Say, Se- aver, Shaw, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Stan- ford, Taylor, Whitehill, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, A. Wilson—45.
The appropriation of $45,000 for repairing the frigates was objected to by Mr. Macon, but concurred in— Ayes 68.
Mr. Blount moved to amend the section appropriating for fortifications, by striking out the words "in addi- tion to" and inserting "including"— so as to include in the appropriation the sum of 450,000 dollars already appropriated instead of adding one million to that sum. He afterwards withdrew this motion, and moved an amendment, so as to authorize the contemplated line of blocks and chains across the harbor of New York. He did this to ascertain the sense of the House on this point; for he should not have the same objection to this appropriation, if that were the object of it. A sufficient number of mem- bers not rising to give the Yeas and Nays on this question, Mr. Blount withdrew the motion and renewed his former motion; which was negativ- ed, by Yeas and Nays—62 to 49.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House resumed the considera- tion of the unfinished business of yesterday.
Mr. J. G. Jackson withdrew his motion of yesterday with a view to offer another in place of it, which looked more like a manly stand. He said that the amendment proposed was no offer made to either power to take sides with the other. There was nothing like threat in the proposi- tion, any more than in the resolutions submitted to the House some time since. It would be a warning to the merchants under what peril they would go out, which they would not otherwise conceive, reposing in false security on this bill. He would not go precipitately into war; for he had the best reason to believe that Great Britain would be disposed to listen to the dictates of justice towards us; but if she did not, he was for imme- diate war. The amendment now proposed by Mr. Jackson, is as fol- lows:
"Sec. 19. And be it further enacted, That after demand made and refusal on the part of his Britannic majesty to withdraw his decrees and orders infringing the lawful commerce of the United States, the President of the United States shall be author- ised and required to employ such a portion of the volunteer militia of the United States not exceeding 10,000 men, and of the regular troops, as may be necessary to take possession of the territories of his Britannic majesty, bordering on the United States, and to hold the same, and to instruct the commanders of the public armed vessels which are or shall be employed in the service of the United States to subdue, seize and take any armed or unarmed British vessel on the high seas or elsewhere; and such captured vessel, with her apparel, guns, and appurtenances, and the goods or effects which shall be found on board the same, being British property, shall be brought within some port of the United States, and shall be duly proceeded against and condemned, as forfeited, and shall ac- crue and be distributed as by law is or shall be provided, respecting the captures which shall be made by the public armed vessels of the United States."
"Sec. 20. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States shall be and he is hereby authorised and required, after demand and refusal as afore- said, to grant to the owners of private armed vessels of the United States who shall make application therefor, special commis- sions in the form which he shall direct, and
under the seal of the United States, and such private armed vessels, when duly commissioned as aforesaid, shall have the same license and authority for the subdu- ing and capturing any armed or unarm- ed British vessel, and for the recapture of the vessels, goods and effects of the United States, as the public armed vessels of the United States may by law have; and shall be, in like manner subject to such instruc- tions as shall be ordered by the President of the United States for the regulation of their conduct. And the commissions which shall be granted, shall be revocable at the pleasure of the President of the United States."
"Sec. 21. And be it further enacted, That after demand made and refusal on the part of the Emperor of France to withdraw his decrees and orders infringing the lawful commerce of the United States, the President of the United States shall be authorised and required to instruct the commanders of the public armed vessels, which are or shall be em- ployed in the service of the United States, to seize, and take any armed or unarmed French vessel on the high seas, or else- where, and such captured vessel, with her apparel, guns, and appurtenances, and the goods or effects which shall be found on board the same, being French property, shall be brought within some port of the U. S. and shall be duly proceeded against and condemned as directed, and shall accrue and be distributed as by law is or shall be provided respecting the capture which shall be made by the public armed vessels of the United States."
"Sec. 22. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States shall be and he is hereby authorised and required, after demand made and refusal aforesaid, to grant to the owners of private armed ships and vessels of the United States who shall make applica- tion therefor, special commissions in the form which he shall direct and under the seal of the United States, and such private armed vessels when duly commissioned as afore- said, shall have the same license and author- ity for the subduing, seizing and capturing any armed or unarmed French vessel, and for the recapture of the vessels, goods and effects of the people of the United States, as the public armed vessels of the United States may by law have; and shall be in like manner subject to such instruc- tions as shall be ordered by the President of the United States for the regulation of their con- duct; and the commissions which shall be granted as aforesaid shall be revocable at the pleasure of the President of the United States."
Mr. Eppes said that this was a pro- position which he hoped might unite all parties in the House. It author- ised the President to demand the repeal of the injurious acts of the bel- ligerents, and on a refusal it declared that we would use all the force which we possess against the decrees and orders, which under whatever aspect they could be viewed, were calculat- ed to produce total ruin to all the great interests of the country. The bill under consideration, he feared, would afford no relief to the South- ern country; their produce would still be lying on their hands. And in- deed take three dollars a hundred from the price of tobacco, (as the or- ders in council do) and the cultiva- tion of it is out of the question. If we allowed Great Britain to say that we shall not trade without coming and paying her a tax, where would be the limit to her extortion? If we were such dastardly wretches as to permit her to tax at will the great staples of the country, could it be supposed that she would ever allow us hereafter even to be the carriers of our own produce? Whatever present relief the bill might afford to the shipping interest, ruin would ultimately fall on every man who had any thing at stake in the country. If we took no means to resist taxation he should be compelled to believe that what had been said was correct; that "the majority cannot be kicked into a war." And if some such measure as that proposed was not adopted, the as- sertion would stand as a damnable re- cord to future ages. If we should hereafter be refractory, a foreign nation ought therefore not to send troops but men armed with whips to scourge us into obedience. He con- cluded by saying that he hoped the House would agree to postpone the consideration of the subject till Mon- day, that the amendments might be printed.
Mr. Basset also expressed his ap- probation of the proposition. There must be one of two intentions in the House, either to glide smoothly down the current of submission or to take a higher ground, which must be war. Could it be believed, that if G. Britain maintained her system of excluding our commerce from the ocean, or subjecting it to heavy taxation, war was not inevitable? No man could conceal this fact from himself or from his nation.
Mr. D. R. Williams wished to offer an amendment to the amendment, for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of the House on the subject of fighting. For this purpose he mov- ed so to amend the bill as to authorise the President forthwith to use the pub- lic force, &c.
Mr. Masters opposed the postpone- ment; he hoped the business would be finally concluded to-night.
The question being taken by Yeas and Nays on Mr. Eppes' motion for the postponement of the further con- sideration of the subject till Monday, there were for it 60—against it 60.
The House being equally divided, the Speaker decided in the negative.
Mr. J. G. Jackson wished to post- pone the consideration of this amend- ment, so as not to delay the progress of the bill. The Speaker declared that a part of a subject before the House could not be postponed.
Mr. D. R. Williams rejoined in the opportunity of registering his vote for war. He observed that the tar- iff must be considered as perfectly
falling except as the precursor of war. We had a much greater hold now on the belligerents than we should ever have again. We had changed the balance of the ledger completely during the embargo. They had before an immense proper- ty of ours in their hands; we now had of theirs. Permit the embargo to be removed, and they would again have the same hold on us, and we should not go to war next session. Rather than give them notice that we meant to make war upon them at a certain time, he would seize all their citizens and set them to work on our fortifications—act the Algerine to them. Their governments played the Algerine on us, and would not we do the same to them? He would seize every thing but the funds. If the House could abandon our rights in this manner, when every square foot of our ground was laid under contri- bution, they deserved to be scoffed at by the world.
Mr. Gardener declared the amend- ment offered by Mr. J. G. Jackson, to be unconstitutional; because the power of declaring war belonged to Congress, and was a power which they could not delegate.
The question being about to be put on Mr. Williams's amendment, a di- vision of the question was called for, so as to take it first on striking out—
Mr. Randolph observed, that he should vote for striking out, to destroy the hypothetical character of the pro- position. If we were to have war at all, it ought to be direct.
Mr. Eppes observed that the pro- position of Mr. Jackson was not con- tingent, but complete. It authorized the President to say to each nation "withdraw your orders or decrees." If not, it was war and immediate war. Means for it were at hand; and no- thing was wanting but spirit on the part of the House to use them.
Mr. Lyon was in favor of strik- ing out. If we were to have war, he wanted to have the first blow.
The question on striking out a part of Mr. Jackson's motion, to make way for Mr. Williams's amendment was negatived by Yeas and Nays, 57 to 56.
Mr. Jackson renewed his motion for postponement—for it 61, against it 61. Another count being called— for it 64 against it 62. Another count being called for, tellers were named by the Speaker, who reported that there were for it 62, against it 63.
Mr. Burwell moved that the bill lie on the table.—For it, by Yeas and Nays, 64 to 63. The Speaker (Mr. Varnum) observed that the subject had been so long under debate and so many questions had been taken on it that he felt compelled by duty to vote in the negative. So the motion was lost.
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved an ad- journment.—For it by Yeas & Nays, 57, against it 70.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to strike out the words in italic in Mr. Jackson's motion and insert " to ad- just the disputes with the "—For the motion by Yeas and Nays 25, against it 94.
Mr. J. Montgomery, moved to ad- journ—Yeas 50—Nays 70.
The question was next taken on the first section of Mr. Jackson's amendment as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bard, Basset, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Cal- houn, Clay, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Holland, Holmes, Howard, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Kenan, Love, J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, New- ton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea of Pen. Rhea of Ten. J. Richards, Saw- yer, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Taylor, Troup, Whitehill, M. Williams, Winn—48.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, Bacon, Barker, Blake, Boyd, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Cul- pepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gardener, Gardner, Gar- nett, Gray, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Humphreys, Isley, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Key, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, N. R. Moore, Jno. Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, Newbold, Quincy, Randolph, M. Richards, Riker, Row- an, Russell, Sloan, S. Smith, South- ard, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Stur- ges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Trigg, Upham, Van Al- len, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson—74.
Mr. Fisk entering after his name was called, was not permitted to vote. He wished to vote in the affirmative.
No question was taken on the re- maining sections offered by Mr. J. G. Jackson.
Mr. Blount offered a new section in substance declaring the first cap- ture of any vessel under the decrees and orders to be an act of war, author- ising the President of the United States to issue letters of marque and reprisal against the nation so com- mitting war. The question on agree- ing to this amendment was decided as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Bard, Basset, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Brown,
Butler, Calhoun, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, Green, Holmes, Howard, J. G. Jackson, John- son, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Love, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicho- las, Porter, Pugh, Rea of Pen. Rhea of Ten. J. Richards, M. Richards, Sawyer, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Taylor, Troup, Wharton, Wilbour, M. Williams, A. Wilson, Winn—49.
NAYS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Bibb, Blackledge, Boyd, Burwell, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Daven- port, Dawson, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Findlay, Gardener, Gardner, Gar- nett, Goodwyn, Gray, Harris, Heis- ter, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Hum- phreys, Isley, R. S. Jackson, Jen- kins, Kelly, Key, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, T. Moore, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Quincy, Randolph, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Tag- gart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Trigg, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Renssela- er, Verplanck, D. R. Williams, N. Wilson—73.
Mr. Macon moved to strike out that part of the bill authorising a suspension of it on the rescinding of the orders and decrees; with a view to have no intercourse with the belligerents till all our differences were redressed.—Ayes 24.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to amend the bill so as to make a total revoca- tion of the orders and decrees neces- sary previous to a renewal of inter- course. For it 48, against it 66.
Mr. J. G. Jackson renewed this mo- tion in substance for the purpose of getting the Yeas and Nays on it. Yeas 51, Nays 91.
Mr. Eppes moved to strike out of the bill the section for the repeal of the non-importation act. Yeas 50, Nays 70.
Mr. Dawson moved to adjourn— Ayes 40.
Mr. Bibb moved to strike out the fourth of March and insert the 15th. A division of the question being called for, the question was taken on striking out and carried, Yeas 59, Nays 56. The 15th of March was then inserted, Yeas 86, Nays 30.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out "March next," and insert "March, 1809."
Mr. Macon moved to amend this motion by inserting September instead of March . Motion lost, Ayes 25.
Mr. Randolph's motion was then agreed to, Ayes 79.
Mr. Wharton moved to strike out the section limiting the duration of this act & the several embargo laws to the end of the next session of Congress.—Ayes 12.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to strike out "till the end of the next session of Congress," the term to which the law is limited, and insert "till the first day of January next." For it 42, against it 50.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading on Monday next—
And the House adjourned at half past eleven, after a session of thirteen hours and a half .
During the proceedings this even- ing considerable debate took place, which will be noticed hereafter. We have not room in this paper to notice even the Speakers.
We are desired to state that on the 17th inst. Mr. Love said, " He had been in favor of war whenever the embargo should be re- moved, unless our injuries were redressed ." And not "He too had been in favor of war," as stated in the National Intelligen- cer of the 22nd inst.
COMMUNICATION.
In the National Intelligencer of Friday Feb. 24, in a sketch given of Mr. Randolph's observations made on the preceding day, that gentlemen's meaning and language have been misunderstood—because they have been mistated. Mr. R. did not say "that our foreign difficulties were to be ascribed to our own oversight"—nor that "the government had searched the volumes of Puffendorf, &c." neither did he speak of the Parliaments of France putting the gal- leries in place of the House." The Parliaments of France were Judicial Tribunals , not Legislative Bodies : and were abolished at the revolution. Mr. R. said that "the representative government of France had been destroyed by the galleries over-awing the National Assembly and Convention ." But it is not possible perhaps by quoting a few words, or even a few isolated sentences from a speech of "an hour and a half," not materially to change its meaning, even when those words are accurately quoted.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Commercial Company of Washington , held on the first Monday of February 1809, it was
Resolved, That Messrs. Smallwood, Kerr, and Lindsay, be a committee to enquire into the propriety of fixing upon some place on the Eastern Branch for the permanent estab- lishment of this company, and that they report to next meeting, on what the third Monday of March next.
JOSEPH FORRESTER, Pr.
In pursuance of the above resolution, PROPOSALS will be received at the Compting-house of S. N. Smallwood on Barr's wharf until the 16th of March next, from those persons who have and may wish to dispose of water property on the Eastern Branch, between 12th and South Capitol streets.
SAML. N. SMALLWOOD, ALEX. KERR, ADAM LINDSAY. February 27—
FOR SALE.
A very likely healthy MULATTO GIRL, About 12 years of age—apply at this office. February 27—
WASHINGTON CITY.
Monday, February 27.
A Meeting of the CITIZENS on WASHINGTON held at Lindsay's Tavern, in the absence of notification in the National Intelligencer and Monitor .
ROBT. BRENT, Esq. Mayor of the City, was unanimously chosen Chair- man, and
N. KING appointed Secretary to the meeting.
On the motion of Mr. S. H. Smith it was Unanimously Resolved , That a Committee be appointed to prepare a respectful and affectionate address to THOMAS JEFFERSON on his retiring from office.
Whereupon, the following gentle- men were appointed—S. H. Smith, Dieter Blake, Wm. Brent, Geo. Blag- den and Washington Boyd.
The committee then withdrew to execute the object of their appoint- ment.
Some time having elapsed the com- mittee returned, and reported an ad- dress which was twice read and Un- animously agreed to; it was directed to be presented subsequent to Mr. Jefferson's retiring from the Presi- dency, by a committee composed of Robert Brent, S. H. Smith and Dr. Blake.
ROBERT BRENT, Chairman. NICHOLAS KING, Sec.
New York, Feb. 22.
A gentleman who came passenger in the ship True American , in 21 days from Port au Prince, informs us, that 8 or 10 days before he sailed, a very bloody battle had taken place at Cape Nicholas Male, between the ar- mies of Peñon and Christophe, in which the latter was defeated with great loss, at least 1000 being left dead on the field.
The St. Jago de la Vega Gazette , of the 21st Jan. contains in addition to the above the following paragraph:
"We understand by recent ac- counts from Carthagena, that advices from Madrid had reached that place as late as the 12th of Dec. at which time the patriotic cause was going on prosperously. In several engage- ments they had been victors, and at one time took 9,000 prisoners from the French. Castanos had been ar- rested for preventing his troops en- gaging the enemy, and sent to Ma- drid, but afterwards liberated."
We have received from our corres- pondent at New York two French Bulletins, the 11th and 12th, taken from late Jamaica papers. The 11th is dated Aranda de Duero, Nov. 27th, and gives an ac- count of the battle of Tudela, in which the French fought 45,000 Spaniards under Castanos, which terminated in the loss by the latter, of 7 standards, 30 pieces of can- non, 300 officers, 3,000 were taken, and 4,000 killed. On the part of the French 60 killed, and 400 wounded. The bulletin concludes as follows—
"This army of 45,000 men has been thus beaten and defeated, without having had more than 6,000 men engaged."
"The battle of Burgos had struck the centre of the enemy, and the battle of Es- pinosa the right; the battle of Tudela has struck the left; victory has thus struck as with a thunderbolt, and dispersed the whole league of the enemy."
The 12th Bulletin is dated Aranda, Nov. 28th, and states the fruits of the pursuit of the Spaniards after the battle of Tudela. When the last accounts were received the French had taken 37 pieces of cannon, and made 5,000 prisoners.
At an Election held for Officers of the MANUFACTURING COMPANY on Wednes- day the 22nd inst. the following gentlemen were elected for
DIRECTORS.
Robert Brent, Nicholas King, Michael Nourse, William Cranch, Charles Jones, Samuel H. Smith, John P. Van Neer, Thomas Mawne, Joseph Huddleston. SECRETARY. Thomas Carpenter.
At a meeting of the Directors on the 23rd instant ROBERT BRENT, Esq. was elected President, and SAML. H. SMITH and MICHAEL NOURSE, Esqs. Assistants. February 27, 1809.
I PROPOSE opening a STORE in an eligi- ble situation in the city of Washington, for the Sale of AMERICAN MANUFAC- TURES of every description on commission, on moderate terms. Good security can be given. The demand here for Domestic Articles cannot fail to merit the attention of Manufacturers.
Communications (post paid) will be at- tended to with promptitude.
THOMAS CARPENTER.
City of Washington, Feb. 27—31
MALTHUS ON POPULATION.
This day is Published and for Sale by R. C. WEIGHTMAN Pennsylvania avenue, and by J. MILLIGAN, Georgetown. MALTHUS ON POPULATION. 2 Vols. handsome, 8 vo—Price in boards to non-subscribers, Five Dollars.
J. RAPINE

(Speech continued from first page.) nor any other should make with im- mity.
But it is further said you have no spirit enough to fit out your small navy. Here we have a proof of that gentleman means by spirit. He estimates it in proportion to the amount of money you appropriate. This it seems with him is the only test of true spirit. With regard to what most other men would call spirit, I presume, the gen- tleman may satisfy himself on a proper occasion, that almost any one of the minority possesses a sufficient degree of it to meet any demand he may make—though they will not contend with him on the score of that kind of spirit, which consists alone in appropriating money for unnecessary and useless purposes. [Mr. Lyon wished to interrupt Mr. Campbell apparently for the purpose of calling him to order.] Sir, said Mr. Campbell, there are certain per- sons, who are entirely too low to be noticed and are therefore secure. The remark in regard to not fitting out the whole navy, when properly under- stood, has no weight, or tendency whatever to prove the charge that the majority have no intention to go to war, should the interest of their country require it. Those of the majority who opposed fitting out the whole navy did so because they were of opinion it would not constitute any substantial or efficient means of defending the country or annoying an enemy. They did not think a navy ought to be relied on for pro- tection or offence. They therefore considered the large appropriation of money necessary for fitting out the whole navy as a useless waste of our resources which would add little or nothing to our security, or means of actual resistance, and which resources ought to be applied to other objects better calculated to prepare the na- tion, for both defensive and offen- sive measures, should the occasion require them. It was not therefore in any point of view an evidence of their indisposition to meet war, or make it if necessary, but related solely to the means by which they conceiv- ed it could most effectually be carried on.
Another ground is taken equally futile and destitute of foundation—He asks, when you have reduced your resources, and destroyed your reve- nue will you go to war? He must have forgotten, that in the very breath before he had complained because you did not expend millions on the navy; now he says you have exhaust- ed your resources. This is proof of the gentleman's consistency. But I might call on him to show a single instance in which, during the present administration, the resources of the nation have been unnecessarily laid out—he could point out none—on the contrary they have been husbanded by them most carefully, and in conse- quence of their economical manage- ment, there is at this time more mo- ney in your treasury, than ever there has been at any preceding period. On the first of this month there was in the treasury sixteen millions of dollars, which is amply sufficient to meet all ex- penditures authorized for the present year, and leave a considerable ba- lance in the treasury, to meet those of the ensuing year, together with the amount of revenue, that shall during that period be received. Hence it is manifest, this allegation of your hav- ing exhausted your resources, is des- titute of the slightest foundation in fact.
There was another remark made by that gentleman, which is only noticed because it shows a degree of assumed, self-im- portance, and even insolence, which would hardly be expected from any gentleman, even though he affected to be the hero of the False Friend —with a kind of pan- omical exhibition, which is of en performed on this floor, (I presume for our amusement.) he observed, "I cannot suffer any longer, the cry of war to go abroad." How, sir, did he suppose he could prevent it? Could he imagine even for a moment, in the midst of all his apparent mental delirium, that he had any control over the members compos- ing the majority of this House? Such remarks can only expose the extreme weak- ness, arrogance, or ignorance of those who make them, and will be treated by all who hear them with that indignant contempt which they so justly merit. Pursuing the same course of misrepresentation, it is fur- ther said, that this bill is a continuation of the system of deception of the administra- tion, intended to operate on the elections in the spring. I must conclude, (which I re- gret very much to be under the necessity of doing,) there is more corruption and tur- pitude in the part of the country from which that gentleman comes, than in any with which I have ever been acquainted—He must in this instance judge of others by him- self; for as he adduces no facts to support his assertion, he must speak from a know- ledge of what would, in similar circum- stances, be his own views, and those of his political friends. There is no other ground upon which to account for this assertion— unless indeed you ascribe it to motives still more base, if possible. He produces no proofs to support his allegation; he must therefore, draw his inferences from analogy. He determines what objects, he and his friends would have in view, and what course they would pursue in a similar case; and very sagaciously concludes, the majority of this House are actuated by like motives, and would act accordingly. In this con- clusion he has been egregiously mistaken. There is not, I trust, among the majority, a single individual actuated by such unworthy motives; they have no other objects in view but those they avow—the charge is a base and unfounded slander, for which its author, if rules of decorum were duly re-
garded, would justly merit and receive the decided and public censure of this House. This course must & soon will be resorted to, and can alone prevent the necessity of re- turning to remarks, which are disgusting in the highest degree to every one who hears them—it alone will prevent introducing on this floor, the language of Billingsgate, or the coarse style of the oyster bench, as has been done by the same gentleman. He ob- served, the language used by some gentle- men who answered him, resembled that of Billingsgate, and that he never sat down with fishermen or took degrees at an oyster bench. If he has not yet, sir, taken his degrees, I have no doubt, he soon will re- ceive that honor, with universal consent— for he certainly has been a very apt scholar, and must have made great proficiency in the acquisition of their sentiments, as well as their language. He has given proofs of it on this floor, exceeding any thing of the kind ever before produced in a respectable deliberative body. He said you could not kick the majority of this House into war! This language is too disgraceful to merit notice—in the manner it was applied, it is below the style of a common ale-house, and will fix a stain on the character of its author, which all the evasions and hypocritical ex- planations to which he may resort cannot remove for years to come.
But, sir, we cannot help inquiring what has at this time produced all these unfound- ed charges? And we are impelled to con- clude, they are the result of a precon- certed plan, as has been already noticed, to continue the delusion in the public opinion to the eastward, so as to influence the en- suing elections in that quarter. On their success in this effort rest all the hopes of the party. In the late elections, with the aid of intrigue and misrepresentations they succeeded beyond the general expectation, and far beyond their own. Since that time a number of the false statements which sup- ported their cause have been completely refuted by the publication of official docu- ments—they seem to consider their cause as likely to be desperate—they can no longer persuade the people, that the embargo was intended as a war measure—that your councils are guided by French influence— that you are willing to submit to all foreign aggressions, and that the embargo was to be permanent. All these absurd tales have had their round, and are now no longer be- lieved by any man of sense. The last strug- gle, the forlorn hope now is, to per- suade the people, you are not serious, you are not in earnest in your preparations to defend their rights and avenge their wrongs. They hope by impressing on their minds this barefaced falsehood, to be able still to lead them in the paths of error—they trem- ble for the fate of their party—they perceive clearly that G. Britain is pressed severely by the embargo, and is likely to discover her error in giving credit to the false state- ments she received from them respecting the people of this country, and in all prob- ability is on the very point of accommo- dating her differences with your government. In this they see a death blow to the ex- istence of the party in this country, and they use every means in their power to prevent such event—Hence their unremitted ex- ertions to excite domestic disturbances, insur- rections and rebellion in the eastern states, with the hope thereby to commit the people decisively on their side of the question, and particularly to persuade G. Britain she has a strong party here on her side, and thereby induce her to persevere in her aggressions, and prevent her from doing justice to this country. With her they are willing to rise or fall, and they know should our differences, with foreign nations be adjusted without disgracing our country, they vanish forever as a party. Such means pursued to effect such objects will draw down on their au- thors the just indignation of the American people; charges so serious, and at the same time so groundless, made against the representatives of the nation at this impor- tant crisis, ought to be exposed and repel- led by every member of the majority on this floor—and as one, I deem it my duty to pronounce them, in the face of this nation and of the world, so far as they were intend- ed to apply to me, to be slanderous and ma- licious falsehoods.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the pur- chaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two ap- proved endorsers; that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, com- prising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situ- ation of these premises give them some ad- vantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyburtia Bridge erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of en- tertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable pre- mises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Grates, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the pre- mises, and commence at 1 o'clock P.M. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. January 30—tdos
A TEN YARD TO BE RENTED, For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next— THE premises consist of a good Dwell- ing House and Stable, with two Gar- dens; the Yard contains about 24 Sinks, a large Bank and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying Shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any per- son who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania avenue, who will show the premises. February 17—tf
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an instalment of Two Dollars & FIFTY Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr.
FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consis- ting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy BENJ. DEN. Prince Georges county, Dec. 16—tf
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. WILL be offered for Sale at Public Auc- tion at Rhodes's hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on F street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Lloyd. From its contiguity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAML. SPEAKE, Auc. Washington, January 30—tdos The above Sale is postponed until 2nd of March, at 1 o'clock P.M. Feb. 15—ep
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the Schooner Citizen , capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pines Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsalla, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
WILL BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, ON Monday the 27th inst. at 12 o'clock, at Mr. David Dobbins's, at the Navy Yard, 3000 weight of GOOD CHEESE—The terms of sale made known on the day of sale—if the above day should be rainy the next fair day. S. SPEAKE, Auc. Feb. 22—3t. For ALEXANDRIA GEORGETOWN and the City of WASHINGTON. THE Schooner CAROLINE , John Hand, Jr. Master—a constant trader. All persons having goods to ship, will please leave a list of the packages with their contents and value, with the master on board at Morris's wharf, (2d above the Drawbridge) that a general permit may be taken, as nothing can afterwards be taken on board. Philadelphia, Feb. 47—3t.
ATTENTION. THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs , and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as farther indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the busi- ness as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price. ROMULUS RIGGS. N.B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6—2aw6w
State of Maryland, in Chancery, February 4, 1809. ORDERED, That the sale of certain lots, in the city of Washington, made and reported by Edward S. Burt as trustee in a suit in this court by the executors of M. Lewis and Edward Burt, against Mor- ris, Nicholson and others, be ratified and confirmed, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the 15th March next, provided a copy of this order be inserted three successive weeks before that time in the National Intelligencer. The report states, that the said lots which are herein particularly described, were sold for thirteen thousand dollars. True copy—Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. Feb. 22—w3t. Mr. MADISON'S PORTRAIT. An elegant engraved Portrait of JAMES MADISON, Executed by the celebrated Edwin of Phila- delphia, from an original painting by Stewart, is just received and for Sale at the Book-store of R. C. WEIGHTMAN, Penn- sylvania avenue. PRICE 2 DOLLARS, Published by C. Boyle, Baltimore. February 15—6t
IN COUNCIL—ANNAPOLIS, FEB. 8, 1809 Ordered, That the resolution of the Le- gislature, passed at the last session, re- questing the Governor and Council to procure information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a build- ing of sufficient dimensions for the manu- facturing annually one thousand stand of arms complete, be published twice a week for the space of four weeks in the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the Ma- ryland Gazette at Annapolis; the Repub- lican Advocate at Frederick-Town; the National Intelligencer; the Maryland Her- ald at Hager's-Town, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Eason. BY order, NINIAN PINNEY, CK. Resolved, That the Governor and Council be requested to procure, and submit to this House, at their next meeting, information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing annually, one thousand stand of arms complete, fifty brace of horsemen's pistols, one hundred horse- men's swords, and one hundred swords suitable for artillerymen, and the practica- bility of procuring workmen sufficient for the same, and the usual wages for such work- men, and as to the most eligible site for the erection of such buildings, the machinery of which, if necessary, to be worked by water, steam, or otherwise; and that by publication of this resolution, they give notice that they will receive description of any proposal for the sale of such site. And that they procure if practicable, the annual report of the different establishments of the same kind in the United States. February 17—1aw4w
WANTED TO HIRE. A WOMAN SERVANT, of good char- acter, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and house work generally, to such a person liberal wages will be given—Apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, Near to the Six Buildings. Feb 24—tf. CHARLES L. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponeclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waist- coats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
CHEAP GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS, (SIGN OF THE PLOUGH.) HAYE removed to the Store, lately occu- pied by Romulus Riggs, and has bought his entire Stock of GOODS, (very low) which added to their former supply, with some fresh Goods, just received from Philadelphia, makes their assortment very extensive, they being bought principally for cash, previous to any material rise in the market, enables them to sell lower than the present prices. Amongst their Stock are Irish Linens, Shirting & Cambric Muslins, Linen Cambrics, Cambric Handkerchiefs, Furniture Dimities & Chintzes, Fine Mu- muleno & Ceded Muslins, Muslin Shawls, Mantles & Robes, Super undressed Shirting Muslins, very fine Cambric Muslin for Cra- vats, veils, laces, shades, silks, crapes, Silk Shawls, Elastic India Crape, Ladies Beaver and Straw Bonnets, Silk, Cotton & Worsted Hosiery and Gloves, Bleach'd country Linen for sheeting, Cloths, Cords, Blan- kets, Waiscoating, Carpeting, and many other Fancy and substantial articles, which will be sold low for Cash, and a liberal discount to persons to sell again. They also expect to receive in a few days, a quantity of best Ingraine, English, and Venetian Carpeting with other arti- cles. Georgetown, February 6—2aw6w BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a cer- tain GEORGE GORDON, of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cum- berland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with felon- iously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising, and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Ma- ryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of An- napolis, this twentieth day of Decem- ber, in the year of our Lord one thou- sand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By his Excellency's command, NINIAN PINNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing procla- mation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Ga- zette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick- Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. Jan. 4—2aw6w
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespass- ing on my plantation not being attended to I therefore give this Public Notice, to pre- vent all persons from HUNTING, with ei- ther dog or gun, or in any manner trespass- ing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12t. By order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's County, The subscriber will sell, at public sale, to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 16th day of March next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the late residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, sen. deceased, near Baldwin's Tavern, in Prince George's coun- ty, all the personal estate of the said de- ceased, belonging to his dwelling planta- tion, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, sheep and plantation utensils. And on Tuesday, the 21st day of March next, the subscriber will sell at public sale, to the highest bidder, at the residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, jun. near the Brick Church, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, be- longing to said plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys, and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, and plantation utensils. The terms of sale are, twelve months credit for all sums above twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security—for all sums of twenty dollars, or less, cash will be demanded. Sale to com- mence at each place at 11 o'clock, and all the property will be sold without reserve. BENJAMIN HODGES, Adm. Feb. 24—epts.
NOTICE. THE partnership of SPYDEN & COOK, Stone-Cutters of this city, is dissolved. All persons having claims against the part- nership are requested to call on the sub- scriber for payment, and every person who is in arrears with the partnership, will please to pay to ORLANDO COOK. N.B. The business will in future be carried on by Orlando Cook, in all its va- rious branches. Feb. 24—3t.
WANTED TO HIRE. A WOMAN SERVANT, of good char- acter, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and house work generally, to such a person liberal wages will be given—Apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, Near to the Six Buildings. Feb 24—tf.
CHARLES L. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponeclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waist- coats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms as at his Manufactory. November 27—tf
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARNAN. Charles County, Jan. 6—2aw6w.
TEN DOLLARS. AN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named STER, a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alex- andria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or har- boring said slave at their peril. Who- ever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fauquier Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAMU. FISHER. January 30—1m THREE PIPES OF MADEIRA WINE. To be Exchanged for FLOUR. Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particu- lars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPPEN APPLES. Washington, January 30—1m FOR SALE OR TO RENT, The Free Store FRAME HOUSE & LOT ON 13th street west, belonging and now in the occupation of the Subscriber. The house is convenient; the situation is healthy and pleasant. Possession may be had the first of Fourth month. For further partic- ulars enquire on the premises. WM. YEATES, Jr. 17t 2 of 2d month—w3t
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Gar- den Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO. HOLT. Washington city, January 18—2aw2m
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, in Piscataway, Prince George's county Maryland, on the 31st of May last, two Negro Men, viz. POMPEY, a very black man, upwards of 50 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, rather slender made, with a small head and face; his forehead pro- jects considerably over his eyes, and it is believed he has lost an under foretooth; he is much addicted to liquor, and when drunk disposed to talk a great deal; he has been accustomed to driving a carriage and waggon; he had on when he went away a deep blue short jacket of coarse cloth, oz- nabrige shirt and trousers. BASIL, a dark mulatto, about 22 or 23 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, rather stout made; has thick lips and large mouth, the forefinger of his right hand is stiff and smaller than the other; he had ulcers on his legs, and if healed the scars may be discovered. Basil was a house servant, and at the time he went off his apparel was the same as Pompey's, but they had each a variety of cloths. They may endeavour to pass as freemen, and it is probable that Basil is in Alexandria or Baltimore, as his father is living in the former place, and he has a brother and sister in the latter. It is conjectured that a black man in the district of Columbia called Jack Neal, has conspired to get them away, as the subscriber has been informed that the said Neal about two years ago carried a negro woman of his on board of a vessel at Alexandria, at which time she was a runaway. The above reward (including what the law allows) will be given for securing Pompey and Basil in any jail, so that the subscriber shall get them again, or Fifty Dollars for either, and all reasonable expenses if brought home. All persons are forewarned against harbor- ing them. JACOB DUCKETT. February 1—w5t
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Musca- del Raisins of superior quality. He has also received per the brig Orozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do Rose Blankets 2 do 6-4 Cloths 7 do Negro Cottons 5 do Flannels 4 do Carpeting 2 do Bocking Baise 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do Dimities 4 do Velvets and Cords 2 do Shirting Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Teneriffe do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Buccelas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hy- son, Hyson Skin, Bohem.—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotont Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dipt, and Spermaceti Candles, Castile, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper, Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3—2awtf.
Solomon Holland } In Chancery, vs. } February 1809. Hezekiah M. Ford. The object of the bill, is to have a deed recorded, granted from Hezekiah M. Ford to said Holland, bearing date the 6th of August, 1800, for a lot or parcel of land called "Exchange and New Exchange En- larged," being part of lot number two in the town of Williamsburgh, in Montgomery county. The bill also states, that the said Hezekiah M. Ford has removed out of this state to the state of Kentucky. It is thereupon ordered, that the com- plainant, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three weeks successively in the National Intelligencer before the 22nd day of March next, give notice to the de- fendant to appear in this court on or before the 22nd day of July next, to show cause, (if any he has) why a decree should not pass as prayed. True copy—Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. Feb. 22—w3t. THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARNAN. Charles County, Jan. 6—2aw6w.