The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-03-13 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1314.
IX.
MONDAY, MARCH 13, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
The National Intelligencer will henceforth be conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH, and JOSEPH GALE, JR., and printed at the Office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested still to address themselves.
The annual price, payable in advance, is five dollars. The punctual compliance with this term is at this time of the greatest importance, and is earnestly requested.
ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding one square in breadth, are inserted the first time at fifty cents, and for every subsequent insertion twenty-five cents. If inserted less than three times a dollar is charged. If inserted but once a week, an addition of one fourth part is made. Other advertisements charged at the same ratio.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
At a meeting of the friends of the late administration, of George Town, and its vicinity, held in conformity to public notice, at Mr. Semmes' Tavern, on the Evening of Monday the sixth inst. GEN. JOHN MASON, was called to the Chair—DANIEL REINTEEL, was appointed Secretary.
Soon after taking the Chair, General Mason rose, and having stated, what he presumed to be the object of the meeting, he took a succinct view of the political course of MR. JEFFERSON, during a long life of public duty—He portrayed in strong colors, the faithful services rendered to his country by the late President of the United States, in the various eminent and highly responsible stations he had filled, at home and abroad, and concluded by recommending, that a committee should be appointed for the purpose of preparing an ADDRESS to THOMAS JEFFERSON, approving of his political career, and valedictory, on his retirement to private life: Whereupon, it was moved, that the following gentlemen compose a committee, for the purpose of preparing an Address:—
The Chairman, The Secretary, Joseph Nourse, Alexander Scott, and Richard Parrot.
After a short retirement, the committee returned and reported the Address, which with the answer of Mr. Jefferson is annexed. The address being read and considered, was unanimously adopted; and the following gentlemen were appointed a committee to present it:—
The Chairman—Thomas Corcoran, Mayor of the Town—Alexander Scott, Richard Parrot—Touch Ringgold.
Ordered, That the proceedings of the Meeting, together with the Address, and such answer as may be returned, be published.
It was then moved and carried unanimously, that the thanks of this meeting be given to the Chairman, and the Committee, for the able and prompt manner, in which they have executed the task assigned them.
ADDRESS.
SIR, THE Republicans and friends of the late administration, of George Town, animated by the purest sentiments of gratitude and affection, beg leave to express to you those emotions inspired by the interesting crisis of your departure from public life; devoted, as you have been, for so long a period of time, to the service of your country, endeared by your unceasing cares for our national prosperity, can we reflect on your retirement from public duty without feelings of the liveliest nature? But, Sir, your country can demand no more; you have contributed your share to the public weal; at the shrine of patriotism, long have you sacrificed domestic ease and quiet.
When we reflect on the various and trying scenes through which you have past, from the dawn of our national existence, to the present period, your unremitting exertions to promote the happiness of your country, and the signal success with which your labors have been crowned, we feel a reverential gratitude to that Providence, who has centered on us such an instrument of his favor.
In reviewing your long political career, from its commencement to the concluding scene, in the many and high departments you have filled, in times of war and in times of peace, it is a matter of triumph to your fellow citizens, that you have ever pursued an undeviating course. In no instance have you departed from those sublime principles, proclaimed by the charter which declared our independence as a nation. Justice, moderation & philanthropy, have been the
distinguished characteristics of your public conduct, and in your late arduous and exalted station, your talents and virtues have shone with undiminished splendor.
To preserve peace, to promote agriculture, commerce and manufactures, to diminish public burthens, to cement the union, and to perpetuate the rights and liberties of your country; these have been the grand objects of your unceasing efforts; nor can we forget the enlargement of our empire by the acquisition of territory, incalculable in value. Such has been your administration; may your successors profit by your illustrious example! While we regret that your just and liberal policy has not exempted us from the rapacity of foreign nations, actuated solely by interest and ambition, we feel assured that no American will hesitate to rally round the standard of his insulted country, in defence of that freedom, and independence, achieved by the wisdom of sages, and consecrated by the blood of heroes. With proud exultation we reflect, that our country has produced patriots, whose memories will be inscribed in the temple of fame, among those immortal benefactors of man, who have delighted to employ their lives in mitigating the evils, and advancing the happiness of the human race. In this number, Sir, your name will stand eminently conspicuous! In contemplating your domestic virtues and social qualities, the picture, though less dazzling, is equally pleasing; benevolence, generosity, and charity, those amiable ornaments of the human character, have been displayed by you in their fullest lustre, and those best acquainted with your private walks are your most ardent and sincere admirers.
The applause of a grateful people, that brightest of rewards, will follow you to the shades of retirement, while the recollection of the past and the prospect of the future, will enliven your declining days. Before we conclude the valedictory tribute, accept the genuine effusions of our hearts. May many years of health and happiness be yet in store for you. May you long enjoy that exalted felicity, resulting from conscious rectitude; and may the evening of your life be as serene and tranquil, as its meridian has been refulgent and glorious.
J. MASON, Chairman.
DANIEL REINTEEL, Sec'y.
George-Town, 6th
March, 1809.
Thomas Jefferson, Esq.
To the Republicans of George Town.
THE affectionate address of the Republicans of George Town, on my retirement from public duty, is received with sincere pleasure. In the review of my political life, which they so indulgently take, if it be found that I have done my duty as other faithful citizens have done, it is all the merit I claim. Our lot has been cast on an awful period of human history. The contest which began with us, which ushered in the dawn of our national existence, and led us through various and trying scenes, was for every thing dear to freeborn man. The principles on which we engaged, of which the charter of our Independence is the record, were sanctioned by the laws of our being, and we but obeyed them in pursuing undeviatingly the course they called for. It issued finally in that inestimable state of freedom, which alone can ensure to man the enjoyment of his equal rights. From the moment which sealed our peace and independence, our nation has wisely pursued the paths of peace and justice. During the period in which I have been charged with its concerns, no effort has been spared to exempt us from the wrongs and the rapacity of foreign nations, and with you, I feel assured that no American will hesitate to rally round the standard of his insulted country, in defence of that freedom and independence, achieved by the wisdom of sages, and consecrated by the blood of heroes.
The favorable testimony of those among whom I have lived, and lived happily, as a fellow citizen, as a neighbor, and in the various relations of social life, will enliven the days of my retirement, and be felt and cherished with affection and gratitude.
I thank you, fellow citizens, for your kind prayers for my future happiness. I shall ever retain a lively
sense of your friendly attentions, and continue to pray for your prosperity and well being.
TH: JEFFERSON.
March 8, 1809.
[BY AUTHORITY.]
An ACT, making a further appropriation towards completing the two wings of the Capitol at the City of Washington, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the following sums of money be, and the same are hereby appropriated, to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States, that is to say:
For improvements and repairs of the House of Representatives, six thousand dollars:
For completing work in the interior of the North Wing, comprising the Senate Chamber, Court Room, &c. &c. twenty thousand dollars:
For completing the stair case, and providing temporary and adequate accommodations for the Library, in the room now used for that purpose, and in the one in which the Senate now sit, five thousand dollars:
For improvements and repairs of the President's House and square, including a carriage house, twelve thousand dollars:
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several sums of money hereby appropriated shall be paid out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro tempore.
March 3, 1809. APPROVED. TH: JEFFERSON.
An ACT further to amend the Judicial System of the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in case of the disability of the district judge of either of the districts of the United States to hold a district court, and to perform the duties of his office, and satisfactory evidence thereof being shown to the justice of the supreme court, allotted to that circuit in which such district court ought by law to be held; and on application of the district attorney, or marshal of such district in writing to the said justice of the supreme court, said justice of the supreme court, shall thereupon issue his order in the nature of a certiorari, directed to the clerk of such district court, requiring him forthwith to certify into the next circuit court to be held in said district, all actions, suits, causes, pleas, or processes, civil or criminal, of what nature or kind soever, that may be depending in said district court and undetermined, with all the proceedings thereon, and all files and papers relating thereto; which said order shall be immediately published in one or more newspapers, printed in said district, and at least thirty days before the session of such circuit court, and shall be deemed a sufficient notification to all concerned. And the said circuit court shall thereupon have the same cognizance of all such actions, suits, causes, pleas, or processes, civil or criminal, of what nature or kind soever, and in the like manner as the district court of said district by law might have, or the circuit court, had the same been originally commenced therein; and shall proceed to hear and determine the same accordingly; and the said justice of the supreme court during the continuance of such disability shall moreover be invested with and exercise all, and singular, the powers and authority, vested by law in the judge of the district court in said district. And all bonds and recognizances taken for or returnable to such district court shall be construed and taken to be to the circuit court, to be held thereafter, in pursuance of this act, and shall have the same force and effect in such circuit court, as they could have had in the district court to which they were taken: Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to require of the judge of the supreme court within whose circuit such district may lie, to hold any special court, or court of admiralty, at any other time than the legal time for holding the circuit court of the United States in and for such districts.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the clerk of such district court shall, during the continuance of the disability of the district judge, continue to certify as aforesaid, all suits or actions of what nature or kind soever, which may thereafter be brought to such district court, and the same transmit to the circuit court next thereafter to be held in the same district; and the said circuit court shall have cognizance of the same in like manner as is herein before provided in this act, and shall proceed to hear and determine the same, Provided nevertheless, That when the disability of the district judge shall cease or be removed, all suits or actions then pending and undetermined in the circuit court, in which by law the district courts have an exclusive original cognizance shall be remanded, and the clerk of the said circuit court shall transmit the same pursuant to the order of said court with all matters and things relating thereto, to the district court next thereafter to be held in said district and the same proceedings shall be had therein in said district court as would have been, had the same originated or been continued in the said district court.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That in case of the district judge in any district being unable to discharge his duties, as a
foresaid, the district clerk of such district shall be authorised and empowered by leave or order of the circuit judge of the circuit in which such district is included, to take, during such disability of the district judge, all examinations and depositions of witnesses, and make all necessary rules and orders preparatory to the final hearing of all causes of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro tempore.
March 3, 1809. APPROVED. TH: JEFFERSON.
WANTED TO HIRE
A WOMAN SERVANT, of good character, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and house work generally, to such a person liberal wages will be given—Apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, Near to the Six Buildings. Feb. 24—tf.
By order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county,
The subscriber will sell, at public sale, to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 16th day of March next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the late residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, sen. deceased, near Baldwin's Tavern, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to his dwelling plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, and plantation utensils.
And on Tuesday, the 21st day of March next, the subscriber will sell at public sale, to the highest bidder, at the residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, jun. near the Brick Church, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to said plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys, and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, and plantation utensils.
The terms of sale are, twelve months credit for all sums above twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security—for all sums of twenty dollars, or less, cash will be demanded. Sale to commence at each place at 11 o'clock, and all the property will be sold without reserve.
BENJAMIN HODGES, Adm. Feb. 24—epts.
A TAN YARD TO BE RENTED, For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next—
THE premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Sinks, a large Bark and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying Shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania avenue, who will show the premises. February 17—tf.
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an Instrument of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share, is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 18—
AT a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Commercial Company of Washington, held on the first Monday of February 1809, it was—
Resolved, That Messrs. Smallwood, Kerr, and Lindsay, be a committee to enquire into the propriety of fixing upon some place on the Eastern Branch for the permanent establishment of this company, and that they the report to next meeting, to wit: on the third Monday of March next. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr.
IN pursuance of the above resolution, PROPOSALS will be received at the Compting-house of S. N. Smallwood on Barry's wharf until the 16th of March next, from those persons who have and may wish to dispose of water property on the Eastern Branch, between 12th and South Capitol streets. SAML. N. SMALLWOOD, ALEX. KERR, ADAM LINDSAY. February 27—
YOUNG LADIES ACADEMY.
MRS. GREENTREE Respectfully informs the Public that she has opened a BOARDING & DAY SCHOOL in Georgetown, in the house lately occupied by Maj. BEALL, for the Education of Young Ladies. Her regular course of Tuition will be Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Grammar, Geography with the use of the Globes, and Needle Work in its various branches, Music, Drawing and the French Language grammatically.
Sensible as she is that the charge committed to her, involves a high responsibility, both as it relates to the improvement of her Pupils, in their different branches of study, as also to the inculcation of morality; she promises her patrons that her best exertions shall be applied to obtain the accomplishment of these objects. Georgetown, March 10—3t
FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy being unable to discharge his duties, as a Prince Georges county, Dec. 16—tf.
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET. HAS added to his former stock of DRY GOODS. A new supply of White Cotton Candies, of various qualities and prices, Elegant Calicoes, Furniture, &c.
S. STETTINIUS, called upon by the liveliest impressions of gratitude towards both the Ladies and Gentlemen of this city for their respective favors which they were pleased to indulge him with these many years in the above branch of business, begs leave to acknowledge that he thinks it a most incumbent duty on him, to sell his Dry Goods as low and reasonable as the present difficulties in trade possibly will admit, and he will with pleasure embrace the opportunities which might be offered him by a kind public for manifesting the same to all respects.
He has also just received by the Schooner Regulator, Capt. James Bowie, from Baltimore, and offers for sale by WHOLESALE, 30 Boxes first quality of Brown Sugar, 6 do. white do. 1000 Pounds first quality of Green Coffee 5000 do. Second do. 1000 do. Third do. 2 Pipes Holland Gin, and which will be disposed of lower than by the present situation of Dutch trade, can be expected.
15 Boxes Tin, 12 do. Window Glass, 10 by 12. 1 Trunk of Furniture Calicoes, 1 do. of Fashionable do. 1 do. of Undressed China and French Muslin, 30 Boxes Centric Bandkerchiefs, 1 Bale of Dowlass, No. 6, 7, 17, 18, 19, 20, 3 Boxes, containing Ticklenburgh, Oil Cloth, Diaper Table Cloth, Do. Towelling do. Bed Ticks, Tapes No. 25, Do. 13, Sewing Silk, cloth color, Do. do. Black do. Marking Cotton, No. 12, 20, 30, 45, 300 Pieces of Silk Ribbons, Satin, Lustrine Crazed, of all Numbers, 100 Do. Galloon do. No. 1-4, 1-2, 3-4, 1, 2, 4, Palmel Ribbands, 25 Dozen White Cotton Stockings for men, 25 Do. do. do. women, 50 Do. Ladies Combs of various prices 50 Pieces Boot Straps, Cotton Stripes, Linen do. Colas, Tildie Cotton, 1000 Pounds Spanish Sole Leather, 1000 Do. Slaughter Hides, do. 1 Dozen Hop skins, 25 Pieces Bandanna Handkerchiefs, 1 Trunk White Cotton, Cambrics assorted, 1 Chest Old Hysen Tea, 1 Do. Young do. 6 Do. Hysen Skin do. of 15 lbs. each, 12 Pieces Dimity, Elegant Brass Candlesticks, Coal Buttons, Gilt and Silvered, Waistcoat, do. All of which he now offers low for Cash or good paper. Washington, March 10—3t&wtf
NOTICE.
Bank of Columbia, March 6, 1809. IN conformity to the Charter of this Institution an Election for TWELVE DIRECTORS will be held at the Tavern of Mr. Joseph Semmes in Georgetown on Monday the 20th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 10—ept20th.
MR. GENERES has the honor to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington that his next BALL will be on Wednesday next 15th inst. Washington, March 10—3t
FOR SALE,
A very likely healthy MULATTO GIRL, About 12 years of age—apply at this office. February 27—tf
CARPENTERS, LABORERS, & TIMBER, wanted at the Washington Bridge. Enquire of Mr. Mills or Mr. Nottage at the Bridge. March 1—10t.
TO RENT,
THE BRICK HOUSE, on Virginia Avenue, near the Navy Yard, lately occupied by Mr. Josiah Fox. Enquire of FREDERICK MAY. March 1—10t.
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY, Positively commences Drawing 12th of April next.
HIGHEST PRIZES. 30,000 Dollars. 20,000 Dollars. 10,000 Dollars. 5,000 Dollars.
TICKETS & SHARES, Sold at WAITE'S Truly fortunate Lottery Offices in New York, where was also in the last Lottery the three highest prizes, viz.
No. 20 231 25,000 Dollars. — 25 403 10,000 Dollars. — 20 799 5,000 Dollars.
Tickets and Shares in the above Grand Lottery from Waite's Office, may be had of Mr. JOSEPH MILLIGAN, 11th Street, corner of 11th and 12th, weekly. Prize List will be regularly received. Georgetown, March 10—ept20th.

Mr. JEFFERSON left the City for Monticello on Saturday last.
On Friday Lieut. Gibbons, the messenger from England, and on Saturday Mr. Pruvance, the messenger from France, arrived in this city, from on board the U. States ship Union, which they left in the Delaware at New Castle.
The Union left Plymouth on the 2nd of January, and ever since leaving port has been exposed to the most furious storms.
By her dispatches from England are received, which we understand, do not otherwise change the subsisting relations between the U. States and Great Britain, than as they may be affected by the following order of council [extracted from the London Gazette of December 27th] the operation of which, so far as relates to this country, would seem to be nugatory, the late act of Congress interdicting intercourse with Great Britain and France, excluding the British flag from our ports. Cotton, likewise, it will be recollected, is prohibited from exportation.
"His Majesty in virtue of the power reserved to him by two certain acts, passed in the forty-eighth year of his majesty's reign, the one intitled, "An Act for granting to his majesty, until the end of the next sessions of parliament, duties of customs on the goods, wares and merchandise, therein enumerated, in furtherance of the provisions of certain orders in council;" the other intitled, "An Act for granting to his majesty, until the end of the next session of parliament, certain duties on the exportation from Ireland of goods, wares and merchandise therein enumerated;" is pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that, until further orders shall be made herein, the operation of the aforesaid acts be suspended as to any duties on exportation granted by the said acts, so far as relates to articles being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any country for the time being in amity with his majesty, and from the ports of which the British flag is not excluded, which articles have been or shall be, imported direct from such country into any port or place of the United Kingdom, either in British ships, or in ships of the country of which such articles are the growth, produce, & manufacture:
"And his majesty is further pleased, with the advice aforesaid, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the operation of the aforesaid acts be in like manner suspended as to any duties on the exportation of goods, wares, or merchandise which have been or may be condemned as prize."
The dispatches received from France are of the same character with those from England, and do not change the previous state of relations between the U. States and France. We understand that the dispatches from this country were not received in France until the 16th of November, and that the latest letter from Gen. Armstrong is dated December 1st, during which time the emperor was absent on the Spanish campaign. No modification of the Milan decree had taken place.
The French papers brought by the Union contain no news, she having left L'Orient the 12th of December. In England the price of flour, on the departure of the Union, was nineteen dollars a barrel; in France seven dollars.
By the Union, we have received London papers to the 29th of December, inclusive. They abound with speculations on American affairs, and particularly on the message of the President, and the early measures of Congress.
The most important news they furnish is gleaned principally from the 14th, 15th, and 16th Bulletins of the army of Spain; from which we learn, that Madrid surrendered to the French, very trifling previous resistance having been made, on the 5th of December, Bonaparte commanding in person; that tranquillity was soon restored, after little disturbance or injury to the inhabitants; that Gen. Ruffin had passed the Tagus at Aranjuez; that the whole of the country to the confines of La Mancha, was open to French cavalry, which were advancing upon Portugal; and that the English were flying in every direction.
Details will be found in our following columns.
On the departure of the Union American advices had been received in London only to the 10th of November. From the impression made by these advices, it appears manifest that the eager desire of the nation that the embargo should be removed, had given to hope all the characteristics of a well founded expectation. The most trifling circumstances, bearing this color, are seized, embellished, and distorted.
The agreement to consider Mr. Chittenden's motion for a repeal of the embargo, though a mere matter
of form, is hailed as the certain forerunner of the repeal itself, and the prostration of Mr. Jefferson's influence. These things prove, whatever may be said to the contrary, that the embargo had begun to be felt as no mean measure of coercion; and the late order in council may fairly be considered as the effect of the embargo; unless, indeed, the ministry, anticipating the passage of the non-intercourse law, seized the occasion to manifest an appearance of friendship, which they knew would cost them nothing.
The Fourth of March has been celebrated in the adjacent states with unusual marks of distinction; with dinners, processions, and patriotic notes. We have received accounts from Petersburg and Richmond in Virginia, and Philadelphia in Pennsylvania. In all these places the election of Mr. Madison is hailed with tokens of the highest gratification. In Philadelphia, more especially, the procession has been splendid beyond example, the central and commanding figure of which consisted of the republican ship James Madison (followed by 400 seamen) mounting 17 guns, and drawn by thirteen horses, twenty-six feet in length, her depth and width in proportion, and completely rigged, officered and manned. The procession extended a mile in length.
The following is from the mass of speculation with which the English prints abound on American affairs, and evinces the sentiments entertained in that country by the part of the community most distinguished for their talents and virtues.
"Yesterday a mail arrived in town, brought by the Princess Augusta Packet, in 30 days from New York to Falmouth, by which we have received New York papers down to the 16th ult. It will be seen from Mr. President JEFFERSON's Message at the opening of the Congress, (as far as one can judge from this document of the future policy of the American government) that no change is likely to take place in the relations at present subsisting between it and the belligerent powers. Of the sentiments of the House of Representatives respecting the Embargo, we are yet unable to judge, as the discussion of the question was not to take place till the 14th, and at present we have no account of their proceedings later than the 10th ult.
"It appears that, during the recess, the President availed himself of the powers vested in him by an act of the legislature to enter into discussions both with the British and French governments upon the subject of the embargo, and proposed conditions for its removal, accommodated to the respective situations and circumstances of the two belligerent powers. To Great Britain it was proposed, that if our Orders in Council were rescinded, the embargo, in as far as it concerns us, should be taken off. It is not quite so clear what was the nature of the propositions made to France. As the revocation merely of the French decrees would not have given adequate security to the American commerce, general Armstrong was not authorized to promise a repeal of the act of embargo, in case that these decrees were repealed; but, says Mr. Jefferson: "It was presumed that a sufficient inducement might be found in other considerations, and particularly in the change produced by a compliance by one belligerent and a refusal by the other, in the relations between this other and the U. States."
"There is some ambiguity in this part of the communication; but it is not easy to conceive any other change which could take place in the existing relations between this country and America, which would operate as an inducement to Bonaparte to revoke his decrees, excepting actual hostility. We suppose, therefore, that the inducement held out to France to abandon the system which she had been the first to adopt, was the assurance of a declaration of war by the American government against this country, provided we did not follow her example, and repeal those orders of council which he had provoked. The result certainly affords a strong presumption in favor of the impartiality of the propositions; for they were rejected by us, and the French government never deigned so much as to return an answer to them. Had they been greedily accepted by either party, it might have given rise to suspicion that they had not been quite impartially framed. Their rejection, next to their acceptance, by both, is a proof that no undue favor was shown to the interests of either.
"It is quite obvious that the repeal of the embargo, in as far as regards France, would not be so advantageous to France as the repeal of the embargo, as it regards Great Britain, would be advantageous to this country. In fact, to France it would be nothing, to England, on account of the greatness of her maritime power, it would be every thing. And though on first thought, it seems rather unfair, that Mr. Jefferson should have proposed to become a party with France in the war against this country, in case of
our refusing to repeal the orders of council, while, in the event of the refusal of France to revoke her decrees, he only proposed to continue the suspension of intercourse between America and France, it is not easy (assuming always what he has uniformly held out, that both the belligerents were equally in the wrong, and not wishing to quarrel with either), to conceive any other proposition that could have been listened to. In vain he might have declared the American ports open to French vessels, or given permission to American ships to sail to the ports of France, when the hazard of capture by British cruisers would have operated as a barrier against all intercourse between the two countries quite paramount to the embargo. But as soon as the prohibition against commerce with this country was taken off, what would there have been to oppose it? Some few American ships might indeed have attempted now and then to get into French ports, with the hope of finding a better market for their cargoes; but this contraband traffic never could have been carried on to a great extent, deprived, as they would have been, of all protection from their own government, and exposed to the vigilance of our cruisers, whose activity would have been stimulated by the hopes of prize money.
"Supposing also (as the adversaries of Mr. Jefferson's policy in this country will probably contend), that the proposition made to the French was more favorable than that made to the British government, we should like to know how they will reconcile this opinion with the score with which it appears to have been treated by Bonaparte, and, above all, with the boasted tendency of our orders of council, to retort upon him the mischiefs of his own system with tenfold severity. Unfortunately for the reasonings, both of the opponents of Mr. Jefferson and the advocates of the orders of council, Bonaparte, who (devil and monster as they call him) we take to be fully as good a judge of his own interests as they are of theirs, did not think that the pretended partiality shown him by the American President was worth one single word of acknowledgment, or that even the contingent prospect of having America as a belligerent ally, offered advantages at all to be compared with those he derives from his own decrees, fortified as they are in their operation by the British orders of council.
"Take the refusal of our government to listen to the proposition made to them in another light. It will be recollected, that one, and indeed the chief justification of the orders of council, in as far as they affected America, was that America had not manifested any disposition to resist the unjust decrees of France. Mr. Jefferson, availing himself of this plea, which we had formerly set up, observes, "The favorable reception of the proposition to Great Britain was the less to be doubted, as her orders of council had not only been referred for their vindication to an acquiescence on the part of the United States, no longer to be pretended; but because the arrangement proposed, while it resisted the illegal decrees of France, involved, moreover, substantially, the precise advantages professedly aimed at by the British orders." Now, we should like to know, whether if, in consequence of the French decrees, all intercourse had been immediately prohibited between America and France, by the American government, our ministers would have considered that suspension of intercourse as sufficient evidence of the non-acquiescence of that government in the unjust measures of the enemy. If they answer in the affirmative, then we demand why they discountenanced a proposition which must have led either to a revocation of the decrees on the part of the enemy, or to the wished-for resistance on the part of the neutral? If they answer in the negative, we desire to be informed, what right they have to dictate to an independent state, whether it shall maintain the relations of war or peace with another power, there being nothing so near to a state of positive hostility as a suspension of all intercourse?
"In every view of the case, we must confess, it appears to us that our ministers have acted wrong, and if there was any thing necessary in addition to the considerations we have already stated, to convince us of the justice of this opinion, it would be that part of the President's message which relates to the progress of manufactures in America. It was by some vainly imagined that America could not do without us, and that we could force her to accept any terms we chose to dictate. Very different indeed, has been the result of our pretensions. Instead of being a trading, she is now become a manufacturing nation, and not only have we, by our overbearing measures, shut ourselves out from a mart of raw materials for our manufactures, and lost a market for the produce of our industry and ingenuity, but we are now stimulating the Americans to exertions, from which other countries may one day derive those supplies with which England
alone has been able hitherto to furnish them. Her revenue too, instead of falling off to the degree which was apprehended from the suspension of her trade, does not seem to have experienced any material diminution. From the treasury receipts of the last year, ending on the 30th of September, after meeting the current demands, two millions three hundred thousand dollars have been appropriated to the liquidation of the capital debt, and instead of being embarrassed by any present defalcation, the only difficulty seems to be about the appropriation of the future surpluses.
"Among the documents laid before Congress, we have a copy of Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Erskine, dated on the 25th of March last, in which these orders are denominated "a deep violation of the rights and of the commerce of the United States." A letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning, of the 27th of August following, shows how easily some of the pernicious effects of these orders, by a certain limitation, might have been avoided, by which the millions of capital belonging to British merchants in the hands of Americans would have been refunded, and most of the advantages of our commerce with them secured. The Republican Minister, in this official letter, says, "If the orders of council were repealed, all the operation of the embargo, as to Britain, would be rescinded, and by such restriction, the effect of these concurrent acts will be, that the commercial intercourse of the two countries will be immediately resumed; while if France should adopt the maxims and conduct derogatory to the natural rights of the United States, the embargo continuing as to her, will take the place of your orders, and operate with an efficacy not merely equal to theirs, but probably much greater, as to all the consequences that ought to result from them." Morn. Chronicle.
A strong excitement is attempted to be raised by the publication of the "suppressed documents," as they are most absurdly and falsely denominated. Labored commentaries, charged with insinuations and assertions which could only flow from unprincipled and jaundiced minds, are brought in aid of them, with the friendly view of thinking for those who cannot or do not think for themselves. With regard to that part of the community who do not commit their understandings to the keeping of others, they are too lofty game! the reaching them is not even hoped for. But it is calculated upon, that a great point will be gained by keeping those in darkness, who have not dared to let in the light which has been lately so copiously shed by the government; towards which nothing can be more effectual than the cry of mad dog, to which this shameful imposition may most aptly be compared.
No attempt is made to prove these letters genuine. They rest solely on the assertion of we know not whom. The declaration of the Editor of the Centinel, as he could derive nothing from his own personal knowledge, amounts to nothing.
Under these circumstances, what ought to be expected? Should the Executive government come forward, at the call of an anonymous, unprincipled assassin, and avow or deny their genuineness? To do the former, in case they are genuine, would be to commit the very act which it had deliberately judged to be incorrect; and to do the latter, in case they are spurious, would be a tacit admission that every slander against them, not officially refuted, was well founded. We here behold the fortress with which faction surrounds herself. Seeing that the government cannot come out on the subject, she feels that she may, with impunity, indulge herself in the most extravagant profligacies in which she delights to riot.
We shall say nothing of the theatre of this profligacy. We feel too deeply humiliated at the anti-republican excesses of Boston, not to mourn over and pity the depth of her degradation. When we look at what she was, and behold her as she is, we feel the compassion of a parent for a child that has gone astray, mingled with the hope that it may soon perceive the error of its ways, and return to the station it has deserted.
But suppose those papers to be correct, what does that prove? Does it prove them to have been suppressed? No such thing. As we stated in our last, the message of the President to Congress shows clearly that, if they are genuine, they were communicated. And let the whole of them be read without passion or prejudice, and it will be found that there is not a single letter, which, either from its unimportance did not call from publicity, or from the confidential nature of its contents did not forbid it; not confidential so far as respects the relationship subsisting between our government and the people, but confidential as it respects our public ministers, the sources from which they derived information, and the freedom of remark which could only have been in-
dulged under the impression that they would not be betrayed.
What, we demand, will be the situation of our ministers abroad, in case these letters are considered as genuine? To determine this point, in some faint degree, it is only requisite to ask ourselves what we should think of, or how we should feel towards, the French or English minister, in case similar confidential communications made by them should be revealed.
But this point of view, serious as it is, is unimportant compared with another. One of the ends of this unprincipled publication (for such it is, whether the letters are genuine or spurious) may have been to embroil our government with foreign governments through our ministers; but the principal object is to induce the people to believe that important facts, necessary for their illumination, have been withheld.
Few readers retain a precise recollection of the contents of the voluminous correspondence disclosed by our government; few possess the means of refreshing their memories; and still fewer will have the patience to wade through them. All these, it is reckoned upon, will be gulled by partial statements, discolored by party malignity.
Under these circumstances it is the duty of every press devoted to truth to strip this imposture of its mask, and by shewing it naked, hold it up to the detestation it merits.
Anyone, who will carefully read over the documents published by government, and then peruse these "suppressed documents," as they are styled, will find that the latter do not contain a single material fact not to be found in the former; and that the general impression which they are calculated to produce is the same with that produced by the former.
It is false that the government of the United States has directly or indirectly justified the recent conduct of France. On the contrary they have in the most decided terms expressed their disapprobation of it, and denied that the original and flagrant outrages of Britain either palliated or justified it. Take the whole of the correspondence ascribed to Gen. Armstrong, and it amounts to nothing more than a decided expression of the belief that France is hostile to us; and that something besides the embargo will have to be resorted to before our just rights shall be respected. Has the government ever intimated a word to the contrary? Have not all the debates and measures of Congress been predicated on this undisputed fact?
But the "friendly disposition" of the British government is harped upon; and these supplementary letters of Mr. Pinkney are said to prove it; and that, inasmuch as they prove it, they have been suppressed, while letters from him in a different tone have been published. But nothing can be more despicable than this. These last letters do not manifest the "friendly disposition" of the British government; they only prove its friendly "professions;"—the professions of whom? Of Mr. Canning! Yes, of Mr. Canning; and what is the worth of the professions of a man, whose assertions the last summer on the floor of Parliament were so baseless, who stooped to a subterfuge to calumniate the American government.
With regard to the letters of Mr. Pinkney long since published by our government, they are precisely, in this respect, of the same tenor with those now printed. They all of them ascribe to Mr. Canning the most amicable professions.
But professions do not always evince the disposition. Nor does Mr. Pinkney say that the British government have evinced a friendly disposition. He states directly the reverse—"although, says he, "Mr. C's manner was extremely conciliatory, not a word him escaped to encourage a hope that the orders in council would be in any degree abandoned, or that "I should gain any thing by urging a re-consideration of them. I threw out some intimations with that toncency, but soon perceived that it could not be useful to follow them up."
The last letter published, dated September 21, 1808, and from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison, urging a continuance of the embargo, and vindicating it as the best measure which could have been adopted, has drawn upon the writer the full vial of party rancor. This is an un pardonable sin; and such is the detestable characteristic of malice that the defence is imputed to the basest of motives. This, indeed, might have been expected. The ability with which the embargo is defended, and the impressive views presented, could never be forgiven; and as they could not be answered by argument, it only remained to assail them with calumny. As a piece of argument (beyond the composition of Mr. Pinkney or of any other man) we recommend it to the attentive perusal of the reader.
Upon the whole, without dilating, as we at first intended upon the various points involved in these extracts, which the other interesting...

of our paper forbid, we may safely conclude with asserting, that in this instance, as in many other instances, our government comes out of the crucible of party brighter for the trial to which it has been exposed by the malice of its enemies.
[For the residue of the papers, commented upon above, see the last page.]
We learn, that owing to a renewed indisposition of the King of England, a regency was contemplated, to consist of the Prince of Wales, the Queen and the Duke of Portland. This circumstance was not publicly known at London. North American.
New York, March 6. Capt. Marshall of the Swedish ship Narion , who arrived here last night in 24 days from St. Bartholemew, informs us, that 2 days before he sailed, intelligence was received, that the island of Martinique was taken by the British, under Gen. Prevost, excepting Fort Bourbon, which the French had possession of.
London, Dec. 17. We have extracted from the Moniteur , an article from Copenhagen, which states that Mr. Adair has failed in his mission to the Sublime Porte.
Mr. Shaw arrived in town this morning from France. The two ladies, nieces of Talleyrand, who sailed from Dover with the foreign Messengers, arrived in Paris on Monday last. It was then known in that city, that the French army was at Madrid, but it caused no sensation, being a matter of course.
Mr. Shaw reached Paris on Tuesday, and delivered his dispatches to M. Champagny, the French minister of foreign Affairs, who received him with great politeness, and gave orders that every possible attention should be paid to him. He was entertained in the minister's house until Wednesday, when he left Paris with the answer to his dispatches.
Free trade to Haiti. Dec. 20.—Mr. Pawkewicz presents his compliments to Mr. Pelletier, and acquaints him, that an order in council has this day been issued by his Majesty, declaring, that those ports and places of the island of St. Domingo which are not in the actual possession of France and from which the British flag is not excluded, shall be considered as not being in a state of hostility with his Majesty, and that his Majesty's subjects and others are at liberty freely to trade therein, in the same manner as they may trade at neutral ports and places.
Council Office, Whitehall, Dec. 14, 1808 (A true copy) J. PELLETIER, Agent of Hayti
Dec. 27.—Admiral Berkeley will sail in the course of a day or two from Portsmouth, in the Conqueror of 74 guns, to take the command on the coast of Portugal.—Sir C. Cotton will return in the Hibernia .
Dec. 20.—The Milan Decree, under which it is supposed the recent seizures of American ships took place in France, has not as was formerly represented been in any manner rendered less rigorous towards Americans. Some few exceptions have been made in favor of the Tuscan flag.
From Turkey, we learn, that propositions of peace have been recently made to the Porte on the part of Russia. This explains why the Russians have not long since resumed offensive operations.
The Moniteur states, that the business of the assignments made upon half the Hanoverian domains, to the marshals of the French empire, is finally settled. The produce of the fisheries, forests, mills, corvées, &c. goes to the public treasury; but the estates and arms of the bailiffs are to be made over in full property to the grantees, who are to manage them for their own benefit. These domains will yield rentals of from 55,000 to 100,000 francs to marshals Bernadotte, Mortier, Dume, Ney, Augereau, Massena, Coddicourt, Davoust, Soult, Lannes, Junot and Sebastiani.
An Imperial Ukase has been issued at Petersburg, which allows Russian subjects to import through the harbor of Odessa, all sorts of merchandise prohibited in Russia, (with the exception of English merchandise) on condition that they are not to remain in the Empire, and not to be carried by any other roads than those pointed out in the Ukase.
A Gottenburgh Mail was received on Tuesday. The intelligence it has brought confirms the apprehensions long entertained of the results of the war in Finland. The Swedish general, after retreating before the enemy, whose forces trebled his own, finding it impossible to act with success, was under the necessity of proposing a convention. The two first articles are tantamount to an abandonment of Finland by the Swedes, and the line of demarcation throws their army upon the confines of Lapland. We subjoin the two material articles: "1. The Royal Swedish army is, immediately after the notification of this convention, to take up a position along the frontiers of the District of Uleaborg, from Kemi to Porthana. Kemi, in consequence, remains in the hands of the Russians. 2. The Swedish army is to evacuate the town of Uleaborg within ten days next ensuing the date of this convention, and the Russian troops are to take possession of the said town on the 30th of Nov. The other parts of the country which are to be given up to the Russians, shall be evacuated according to the agreement yet to be concluded between the contracting parties." The Swedish commander, sensible of his weakness, proposed at the same time an armistice, for one month; but this was declined by Count Laxhovden, who observed, that though he would not consent to any formal armistice, yet he would engage his word of honor that hostile operations should not commence against the Swedish army before the expiration of 14 days, after it shall have taken up the position stipulated as above. The convention was signed on the 20th ult. The Russian army exceeded 20,000 men, and was supplied with 60 pieces of cannon; the Swedes barely amounted to 7,000 and were indifferently supplied with artillery.
Dec. 29.—Ministers yesterday received dispatches from Spain, brought home by the Orestes , which sailed from Corunna on the 14th inst. We understand that the dispatches from Lord William Bentinck and Mr. Moore, communicate the state and dispositions of the Spanish armies only up to the 3d inst. So difficult was it for the messenger to pass through the country. Rumor says, that at that time they were confident in the resolution of the popular party, which embraced the great majority of the south of Spain—and stat-
ed, that though they might be forced to retreat before the conquerors, yet they would not harbor a thought of submission; & it must be clearly seen, even from the bulletins of Bonaparte himself, that such will be found to be the determination of the inhabitants of Madrid, as well as of the army assembled there.
"Sir John Moore's dispatches are dated the 8th inst. He was at that time totally ignorant of the French having entered Madrid. It is said that he was resolved to continue his position at Salamanca, for the purpose of effecting a junction with Sir David Baird; to facilitate which he had pushed a corps forward to Zamora.
"The dispatches from Sir D. Baird are of the 9th inst. dated from Villa Franca. He had not been able to commence his march, from the circumstance of part of his cavalry not having come up. The remainder of the 7th regt. and the advance of the 14th, were expected to arrive the next day, when they would begin their march on Salamanca; and there was no appearance of French troops to prevent them. The army, however, was most exceedingly distressed by the want of horses to drag their artillery along. The destruction of horses by the want of provender had been most calamitous; and the desolate state of that part of the kingdom afforded no means of repairing the loss.
"We have still the assurances repeated, that the army of the marquis de Romana had reunited to the number of 20,000 men; and that the progress of the French had not stifled the patriotic flame in the breast of the people."
FROM FRENCH PAPERS. THIRTEENTH BULLETIN Of the French Army in Spain. St. Martins, near Madrid, December 2.
On the 29th ult. the head quarters of the Emperor were removed to the village of Bouzasalca; on the 30th at break of day, the duke of Belluno presented himself at the foot of the Soto Sierro; a division of 13,000 men of the Spanish army of reserve defended the passage of the mountains. The enemy thought themselves unattackable in that position. They had entrenched the narrow passage called Puerto, with 16 pieces of cannon. The 9th light infantry marched upon the right—the 96th upon the causeway—and the 24th followed by the side of the heights on the left—General Senarmont, with six pieces of artillery, advanced by the causeway. The action commenced by the firing of musketry and cannon.
A charge made by the General Montbrun, at the head of the Polish light horse, decided the affair—it was a most brilliant one, and the regiment covered itself with glory, and proved it was worthy to form a part of the imperial guards—cannons, flags, muskets, soldiers, all were taken or cut to pieces. Eight Polish light horse were killed upon the cannon, and sixteen have been wounded. Among the last is captain Dzinvanoski, who was dangerously wounded, and lies almost without hopes of recovery. Major Segur, marshal of the Emperor's household, charged along with the Polish troops, and received many wounds, one of which is very severe.
Sixteen pieces of cannon, 10 flags, 20 covered chests, 200 wagons laden with all kind of baggage, and the military chests of the regiment, are the fruits of this brilliant affair. Among the prisoners, which are very numerous, are all the colonels and lieutenant colonels of the Spanish division. All the soldiers would have been taken, if they had not thrown away their arms, and dispersed in the mountains.
On the 1st Dec. the head quarters of the Emperor were at St. Agustin, and on the 2d the duke of Istria, with the cavalry, commanded the heights of Madrid.
The infantry could not arrive before the 3d. The intelligence which we hitherto have received, leads us to think that this town is suffering under all kind of disorders, and that the doors are barricaded. The weather is very fine.
FOURTEENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN.
Madrid, December 5.—The 2d at noon his majesty arrived in person on the heights which impend over Madrid, on which were already placed the divisions of dragoons of generals Latour Maubourg, and Lahunssaye, and the Imperial horse guards. The anniversary of the coronation, that epoch which has signalized so many days for ever fortunate for France, awakened in all hearts the most agreeable recollections, and inspired all the troops with an enthusiasm which manifested itself in a thousand exclamations. The weather was beautiful, and like that enjoyed in France in the month of May. The Marshal Duke of Istria sent to summon the town, where a military Junta was formed, under the presidency of the marquis of Castelbar, who had under his orders general Morla, captain-general of Andalusia, and inspector-general of Artillery. The town contained a number of armed peasants, assembled from all quarters, 6000 troops of the line, and 100 pieces of cannon. Sixty thousand men were in arms. Their cries were heard on every side; the bells of two hundred churches rang together; and every thing presented the appearance of disorder and madness. The general of the troops of the line appeared at the advanced posts to answer the summons of the duke of Istria. He was accompanied by 30 men of the people, whose dress, looks, and ferocious language, recalled the recollection of the assassins of September. When the Spanish general was asked whether he meant to expose women, children and old men to the horrors of an assault, he manifested secretly the grief with which he was penetrated; he made known by signs, that he, as well as all the honest men of Madrid, groaned under oppression; and when he raised his voice, his words were dictated by the wretches who watched over him. No doubt could be entertained of the excess to which the tyranny of the multitude was carried, when they saw him write down all his words, and caused the record to be verified by the assassins who surrounded him. The aide-de-camp of the duke of Istria, who had been sent into the town, was seized by men of the lowest class of people, and was about to be massacred, when the troops of the line, indignant at the outrage, took him under their protection, and caused him to be restored to his general. A little time after, some deserters from the Walloon Guards came to the camp. Their deposition convinced us that the people of property, and honest men, were without influence; and it was to be concluded that conciliation was altogether impossible.
The marquis of Perales, a reputable man, who had hitherto appeared to enjoy the confidence of the people, had been, on the day before this, accused of putting sand in the cartridges. He was immediately strangled. It was determined that all the cartridges should be remade; 3 or 4000 monks were employed upon this work at the Retiro. All the palaces and houses were ordered to be opened to furnish provisions at discretion. The French infantry was still employed the evening in reconnoitring the town, and deciding a plan of attack, consistent with the consideration due to the great number of honest people always to be found in a great capital.
At seven o'clock the division Lapissi of the corps of the duke of Bano arrived. The moon shone with a brilliancy that seemed to prolong the day. The Emperor ordered the general of brigade Maison, to take possession of the suburbs, and charged the general of brigade Lutrison, to support them in the enterprise, with four pieces of artillery belonging to the guards.
The sharpshooters of the 16th regiment took possession of some houses, and in particular, of the grand cemetery. At the first fire, the enemy showed as much cowardice as he did of arrogance all the day. The duke of Belluno employed all the night in placing his artillery, in the posts designed for the attack. At midnight, the prince of Neufchatel sent to Madrid a Spanish lieutenant colonel of Artillery, who had been taken at Somosierra, and who saw with affright the obstinacy of his fellow-citizens. He took charge of the annexed letter, No. 1. On the 3d, at nine in the morning, the same flag of truce returned to the head quarters with the letter No. 2. But the general of brigade Lecomont, an officer of great merit, had already placed 30 pieces of artillery, and had commenced a very smart fire, which made a breach in the walls of the Retiro. The sharpshooters of the division of Villatte having passed the breach, their battalion followed them, and in less than a quarter of an hour 1000 men, who defended the Retiro, were knocked on the head. The palace of the Retiro, the important posts of the Observatory, the porcelain manufactory, of the grand barracks, the Hospital of Medina Celi, and all the outlets which had been fortified, were taken by our troops. On another side, 20 pieces of cannon of the guards, accompanied by light troops, threw shells, and attracted the attention of the enemy by a false attack.
No. 1. To the Commandant of the Town of Madrid. BEFORE MADRID, Dec. 3, 1808. The circumstances of the war having conducted the French army to the gates of Madrid, and all the dispositions being made to take possession of the town by storm, I hold it right, & conformable to the usage of all nations, to summon you, Monsieur general, not to expose a town so important to all the horrors of an assault, nor to render so many peaceful inhabitants victims to the evils of war. Wishing to omit nothing to inform you of your real situation, I send you the present summons by one of your officers, who has been made prisoner, and who has had an opportunity of seeing all the means that the army has to reduce the town. Receive Monsieur general, the assurances of my high consideration. ALEX. BERTHIER. Major General. No. II.—(In Spanish.) To His Most Serene Highness the Prince of Neufchatel. It is indispensably incumbent upon me, most Serene Signior, to consult, previous to my giving a categorical answer to your highness, the constituted authorities of my court, and moreover, to ascertain the dispositions of the people as impressed by the circumstances of the day. For these purposes I entreat your highness to grant, for this day, a suspension of arms, in order that I may comply with those duties, assuring you, that early in the morning, or this night, I will send a general officer with my answer to your highness; assuring you, that I profess to you all the consideration due to your high rank and merit. MARQUIS CASTELBAR. Madrid, 3d Dec. 1808. No. III. To the General commanding in Madrid. Imperial Camp, before Madrid, Dec. 4, Eleven A. M. Monsieur General Castelbar—To defend Madrid is contrary to the principles of war, and inhuman towards the inhabitants. His majesty authorises me to send you a second summons. Immense batteries are mounted; miners are prepared to blow up your principal buildings; columns of troops are at the entrances of the town, of which some companies of sharpshooters have made themselves masters; but the Emperor, always generous in the course of his victories, suspends the attack till two o'clock. The town of Madrid ought to look for protection and security for its peaceful inhabitants; for its ministers; in fine, the obligation of the past. Hoist a white flag before two o'clock, and send commissioners to treat for the surrender of the town. Accept, Mons. Gen. &c. ALEX. BERTHIER. Major General. The fifteenth bulletin is dated Madrid, Dec. 7.—It contains particulars of the conduct of several officers who distinguished themselves; with promotions. It states that gen. Lubienski had, on the 2d, reconnoitred the remains of the army of Castanos, near Guadarrama, under the command of gen. Perales. Castanos was said to have been defeated by the General Junta. Then follows a long tirade against the duke Del Infantado, which ends with stating, that "he will lose his titles, his property, raised at two millions of livres a year, and he will go to London, to seek the contempt and ingratitude with which England has always rewarded the men who sacrifice their honor and their country, to the injustice of their cause." The bulletin continues, "As soon as the report of the chief of the squadron, count Lubienski, was known, the duke of Istria put himself in march, with sixteen squadrons of cavalry, to observe the enemy. The duke of Belluno followed with the infantry. The duke of Istria arrived at Guadalajara, and found there the rear-guard of the enemy, which was filing towards Andalusia, dispersed it, and made five hundred prisoners. The general of division, Ruffin, and the brigade of dragoons of Bordessault, informed that the enemy were moving towards Aranjuez, proceeded to that place. The enemy were put to flight, and these troops were immediately put in pursuit of all those that are flying towards Andalusia. The gen. of division, Laboussey, entered the Escurial on the 3d. Five or six hundred peasants wished to defend the convent, but were driven out by a brisk attack. Then follow further particulars of the tranquil state of Madrid, and the orderly manner in which the possession of that city was taken, &c. A French soldier, found guilty of plundering a number of watches, was shot in the principal square. The disarming was carried on without difficulty. The 'king of Spain' (Joseph) had formed two regiments of foreign troops, from the late Spanish army; one the Royal Foreigners, and the other that of Reding, the younger, a Swiss general of a very different character from that of the Spanish general of the same name. The 5th and 8th corps of the French armies were but passing the Bidasoa, very far from the line of the French army, and all the victories recounted were already obtained, and the business was almost completely settled. After a description of the disorder that reigned in Madrid, the bulletin proceeds, "The enemy had more than 100 pieces of cannon mounted—a more considerable number had been dug up, taken out of cellars, and fixed upon carts, a grotesque train, and in itself sufficient to prove the madness of a people abandoned to itself. But all means of defence were become useless. The possessors of Retiro are always masters of Madrid. The emperor took all possible care to prevent the troops from going from house to house. The city was ruined if many troops had been employed. Only some companies of sharpshooters advanced, and the emperor constantly refused to send any to sustain them. At 11 o'clock the prince of Neufchatel wrote the annexed letter, No. 3. His majesty at the same time ordered the fire to cease on all points. At five o'clock gen. Morla, one of the members of the Military Junta, and don Bernardo Yriarte, sent from the town, repaired to the tent of the Maj. Gen. They informed him that the most intelligent persons were of opinion that the town was destitute of resources, and that the continuation of the defence would be the height of madness, but that the lower orders of the inhabitants, and the foreigners at Madrid, were determined to persevere in the defence. Believing that they could not do it with effect, they requested a pause of a few hours to inform the people of the real state of affairs. The major general presented the Deputies to the Emperor and King, who addressed them thus:—"You make use of the name of the people to no purpose: if you cannot restore tranquility and appease their minds, it is because you have excited them to revolt; you have seduced them by propagating falsehoods. Assemble the Clergy, the heads of the Convents, the Alcaldes, the men of property and influence, and let the town capitulate by six o'clock in the morning, or it shall be destroyed. I will not, nor ought I to withdraw my troops. You have massacred the unfortunate French prisoners who had fallen into your hands; only a few days ago, you suffered two persons in the suite of the Russian Ambassador to be dragged along and murdered in the public streets, because they were Frenchmen born. The incapacity and baseness of a general had put into your power troops who surrendered in the field of battle, and the capitulation has been violated. You, Mr. Morla, what sort of an epistle did you write to that General? It well became you, sir, to talk of pillage; you who, on entering Roussillon, carried off all the women, and distributed them as booty among your soldiers! What right had you to hold such language elsewhere? The capitulation ought to have induced you to pursue a different line of conduct. See what has been the conduct of the English, who are far from piquing themselves on being rigid observers of the law of nations. They have complained of the convention of Portugal, but they have carried it into effect. To violate military treaties, is to renounce all civilization, it is placing ourselves on a footing with the banditti of the desert. How dare you, then, presume to solicit a capitulation—you who violated that of Baylen? See how injustice and bad faith always recoil upon the guilty, and operate to their prejudice. I had a fleet at Cadiz; it was under the protection of Spain, yet you directed against it the mortars of the town where you commanded. I had a Spanish army in my ranks; I would rather have viewed them embark on board the English ships, and be obliged to precipitate it from the rocks of Epinosa, than to disarm it; I would rather prefer having 7000 more enemies to fight, than be deficient in honor and good faith. Return to Madrid—I give you till six o'clock tomorrow morning—return at that hour—you have only to inform me of the submission of the people—if not, you and your troops shall all be put to the sword." This speech of the emperor, repeated in the midst of the respectable people, gave the certainty that he commanded in person. The losses sustained during the foregoing day, had carried terror and repentance into all minds. During the night the most mutinous withdrew themselves from the danger by flight, and a part of the troops was disbanded. At ten o'clock, on the 5th, Gen. Belliard took the command of Madrid; all the posts were put into the hands of the French, and a general pardon was proclaimed. [The bulletin closes with a panegyric on the order observed by the French, in taking possession of the town, the security enjoyed by the inhabitants, and with a trade against the English.] The 16th Bulletin, dated Madrid, Dec. 8, begins like the preceding, with the praises and rewards of distinguished officers. The gen. of division, Ruffin, having passed the Tagus at Aranjuez, advanced towards Ocaña, and cut off the retreat of the remains of the army of Andalusia, which wished to retire to their own province, and threw themselves towards Cuenca. The divisions of cavalry of Gens. Lasalle and Milhaud were directed to march on Portugal by Valverade de la Reyna. His majesty wished to spare Saragossa till Madrid had surrendered; but it that
town would be obstinate enough to make resistance, mines and bombs should bring it to reason. The English fly on every side. The division of Lasalle has, however, fallen in with 16 men of them, who have been put to the sword. They were stragglers, or such who had gone astray. Then follow some particulars of the siege of Rosas in Catalonia, which had not surrendered; but it is supposed the inhabitants were thinking to evacuate it. About 400 Englishmen who had landed, were killed or driven into the sea by an Italian regiment. An attack, made by the Spaniards on the Huora, was repulsed with loss.
POSTSCRIPT. Since the foregoing compilation we have had the pleasure of an interview with Mr. Purvis, from whom we learn that he entertains the strongest apprehensions relative to the fate of the immense treasure capital that is about to be committed to the ocean by the partial repeal of the embargo. From his observations abroad, and all the information he has been able to collect, he fears that a wide spread ruin will be the consequence. Never has there, perhaps, been a season in which there existed higher inducements to prudence and circumspection.
Mr. Purvis left M. Champagny at Paris, the latter end of November, whence he was then about to follow the emperor. On the 2d of January information was received at Plymouth from London, stating that the ministry had received intelligence that the English and Spanish forces had united, and that an engagement had taken place between them and the French on the 16th of December, in which the French lost 50,000 men. A few hours after the receipt of this intelligence, the loss on the part of the French had fallen to 23,000. This news had produced great exultation at Plymouth. The general impression, however, in England among intelligent men was, that the French arms must eventually prevail in Spain.
The prints received from Baltimore and Philadelphia add considerably to the preceding mass of intelligence. We have only room for a very concise outline. Mr. Canning is said to have resigned, and to be replaced by Lord Melville. English propositions for a peace are stated to have been sent to Bayonne, which, it was signified, would not be opened until the Imperial Eagles were erected at Madrid and Lisbon. A second armistice, to continue a month, had been agreed to between Sweden and Russia. The Lisbon Gazette of the 13th December calls upon all the Portuguese to arm themselves en masse against the French. A vessel arrived at Plymouth on the 3d of January from Vigo, bringing intelligence from Sir D. Baird's army of the 13th of December, at Benevento, and of Sir J. Moore's army on the 19th of December, stating that both armies were in retreat; and that there had been a massacre of 26,000 Frenchmen at Madrid; and that since the defeat of Castanos a battle had been fought at Tudela, in which the French were much worsted; that Romana had joined the British forces. A London paper of the 31st Dec. says dispatches had been received from Admiral De Courcy at Corunna, enclosing letters from Sir David Baird, dated the 17th, in which he advises that he was on the point of effecting a junction with Sir J. Moore, whose head quarters were then at a distance of about 20 miles.
In the National Intelligence of the 15th ultimo, the following Card appeared, addressed to the Editor of the Boston Centinel. No answer having been given, the call is repeated by a republication of the Card.
A CARD. "The Editor of the Boston Centinel could not content himself with a bare vindication of the charge, which he says was made against the British minister, of having caused the letter of Mr. Canning of the 23d Sept. to Mr. Pinkney to be published; but has chosen to do it at the expence of others; he is therefore called on to state explicitly the authority on which he asserts that the letter in question was taken from the Cabinet files," and to name the person thus guilty of a violation of so sacred a trust.
SALE AT AUCTION. On Monday the 13th of March, will be sold on LOWNDES'S WHARF, at eleven o'clock, in the forenoon, if fair, if not the next fair day—THIRTY HOGSHEADS of First Quality MUSCOVADO SUGARS.
—ALSO— FIVE THOUSAND bushels of SALT of May and ground ALLUM SALT, in lots that may suit the purchasers. Terms of Sale—All purchasers to the amount of $300, three months credit—and all over $300, a credit of four months. The purchasers to give their notes, negotiable at the Bank of Columbia, or City of Washington, with approved indorsers. JOHN TRAVES, Auctioneer. March 15.
BUILDING LOTS. TO LET on Ground rent, TEN or TWELVE Building Lots, fronting south on Pomegranate avenue, about 25 feet each, situate between Mr. Weight's our bookstore and the bridge near the Capitol, on square 491. Enquire of JAMES HOBAN, Who has to LET, a LOT containing half an acre of good ground for gardening, well enclosed with a substantial fence. March 13—6t
MILL WRIGHTS WANTED. SIX good JOURNEYMEN will meet with employment by applying to the subscriber at Occoquan before the 20th March, and after at Ellicott's Lower Mills, 8 miles from Baltimore. ROBERT WELSH. March 3—3t
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber west of the President's, Washington City, on the 15th February last, a Mulatto Girl, named HELON; she is 19 years old, of the middle size, with large breasts; she has a scar on the side of her neck, I think on the left side, a black mole in one of the palms of her hands, one on her forehead and between her breasts, her dress was a dark coating; she is of a sprightly turn, and capable of deception. If taken up within the district and brought to the subscriber, the above reward will be given, if taken out of the district the person must pay her in jail and information given as soon as possible to the subscriber. All persons favoured from harboring or employing her at their peril. WILLIAM BOLAND. March 10—8t

The following are a continuation of the documents alleged by the Boston Courier to have been suppressed.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Madison to Mr. Armstrong.
May 2d, 1808.
To follow the paragraph ending with the words "will be immediately taken."
The repeal of her decrees is the more to be expected, above all, if G. Britain should repeal, or be likely to repeal hers, as the plan of the original decree at Berlin did not extend to a violation of the freedom of the seas, and was restricted to a municipal operation for nearly an entire year, notwithstanding the illegal British order of Jan. 1807, and as a return of France, to that restricted scope of her plan, would so immaterially diminish its operation against the British commerce; that operation being so completely in the power of France on land, and so little on the high seas. But although we cannot of right, demand of France more than a repeal of so much of her decrees as violate the freedom of the seas, and a great point will be gained by a repeal of that part of them, yet as it may not have the effect of inducing a repeal of the whole illegal system of the British government, which may seek pretexts, to plead a necessity for counteracting the unprecedented and formidable mode of warfare practiced against her; it will be desirable, that as little room as possible should be left, for this remaining danger to the tranquil enjoyment of our commercial rights."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Pinkney.
Paris, 25th June, 1808.
"The St. Michael arrived at L'Orient on 1st inst. and the government messenger at Paris on the 3rd; a passport for the vessel to Falmouth, thence to L'Orient again, was immediately requested, but one in the form could not be granted but by order of the emperor, and this was not given till the 18th; these circumstances will account for the long detention of your dispatches. We have reason to regret that the views of our government, founded on the justice and wisdom of the belligerent powers, are so little likely to succeed. Attempts of this character made here (and they have not been unfrequent) have hitherto done no good. Nay the repetition of these may be fairly presumed to have done mischief, inasmuch as it has tended to establish a creed, that wrong in some form or other, are the only means we have to employ. The French council of prizes, which is (I am told) as like the English court of admiralty, as one egg is like another, has lately begun a career of condemnation. Between the 1st and 15th inst. five cases have been decided, and I am assured that orders have been received from Bayonne for condemnation, all American cases en bloc, [in mass.] What has suspended the axe, since the 15th we can but conjecture. It may be presumed that the reflections of the Spanish Junta on the political and other relations, subsisting between Spain and the United States, through the medium of the colonies, may have produced the pause. That it is not owing to any conquest which good principles may have obtained over bad ones, is certain. Are there any better your side the channel?"
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison.
30th August, 1808.
"We have somewhat overrated our means of coercion of the two great belligerents to a course of justice. The embargo is a measure calculated to have any other, to keep us whole, and keep us in peace, but beyond this you must not count upon it. Here it is not felt, and in England (in the midst of the more recent and interesting events of the day) it is forgotten. I hope that unless France shall do us justice, we shall raise the embargo, and make in its stead the experiment of an armed commerce. Should she adhere to her wicked and foolish measures, we ought not to content ourselves with doing this. There is much, very much besides that we can do, and we ought not to omit doing all we can, because it is believed here that we cannot do much, and even that we will not do what we have the power of doing."
Letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison.
February 2, 1808.
"Sir—I had an interview this morning with Mr. Canning, at his own request. One object of the interview related to the message of the President of 27th of October last, of which a newspaper copy had been received from Mr. Erskine. A call for a copy of this message was expected in Parliament, and Mr. C. wished to be in a situation to produce it. I could not assist him, and I suppose the newspaper copy will be considered sufficient."
"As soon as this subject was disposed of, Mr. C. observed, that he had requested to see me principally for the purpose of conversing with me privately and extra-officially upon the duty proposed to be laid in consequence of their late blockading orders, upon cotton intended for re-exportation to enemy ports upon the continent. The very few occasional remarks which I had made upon this subject at our last interview (already mentioned in my letter of the ult.) had led him to suppose that it was only to this mode of excluding our cotton from France that the U. S. would be likely to object. And if their object could be accomplished in another way the measure would cease to be offensive. Having admitted (what indeed was sufficiently obvious before) that they looked to the intended duty upon cotton as a complete prohibition; he said that if it would be more acceptable to the U. S. that the form of the proceeding should be changed, so as to leave the exclusion of cotton from the continent to the mere effect of the blockade, their desire to consult the feelings and wishes, in whatever did not entirely counteract the great end of the measure, would dispose them to adopt such a modification of their plan. In the course of his explanations upon this point, he introduced professions of good will towards our country, of regret that France had imposed upon them the necessity of resorting to a step which might be supposed to press with severity upon our interests, and of an anxious desire that a return to a system of equity and moderation on the part of her enemies, would speedily enable G. Britain to abandon (as she would in that case certainly do) the whole of the recent orders in council. He stated that it was peculiarly important towards the first effect of the orders (of which it was the object to compel France to relieve the commerce of the world from the oppression of her late decrees) that considerable supplies of cotton should not be introduced into the continent—that it had been hoped and believed, that the U. S. would not receive harsh or unfriendly, a constrained attempt by G. Britain to prevent such supplies from being received by the parties to the war, especially as it was certain that G. Britain could herself consume the whole of the cotton which we were in the habit of sending abroad, and that they had preferred the imposition of a duty upon cotton to a direct prohibition of the operation of the blockade, because it was consistent with those various and extensive modifications of the blockade to which they had been led; not merely by views of advantage to the selves, but by respect for the convenience and feelings of other nations, and particularly of America. In fine, he wished to know my private opinion before the subject came before the Parliament, whether an alteration in this respect from a prohibitory duty to an absolute interdiction, would be likely to be acceptable to us. I replied in as conciliatory a manner as I could, that as soon as I had understood that a duty was to be proposed on re-exported cotton, I had been disposed to take for granted that the object was not revenue, but prohibition."
"That whether the object were the one or the other, it was, as he knew, my opinion, that the U. S. would hold that object as well as the means and the whole system connected with them, to be utterly inadmissible, and that I did not feel myself authorised to say, to which of the causes he had suggested, my government would give the preference, or that it would feel a preference for either. Mr. C. at length asked me, if I should think it worth while to consult my government on this subject, observing at the same time, that he would not wish it to be done, if there was the least danger of giving offence; and assuring me, that what he had said, proceeded from motives the most amicable and respectful towards us. He added, that upon reflection, this would be the most convenient mode, as it would now give them a good deal of trouble to accommodate their plan, as prepared for Parliament, to a change of so much importance in season, to be acted upon."
"I answered, in substance, as I saw it was his wish, that I should mention whatever had passed to you. And that I did not doubt, that the motives of his proposal, whatever might be thought of the proposal itself would be acceptable to the President. He requested me to say to you, that although the necessary bills would be proposed, and would pass in Parliament, according to their first project of a duty, yet that the alteration above suggested, would be adopted whenever it should be known, that it would be agreeable to us."
"I must not trouble you with any reflections upon this conversation, but it is my duty to say, that although Mr. C's manner was extremely com-
fortable, not a word escaped him to encourage a hope, that the orders in council would be in any degree abandoned, or that I should gain any thing by urging a re-consideration of them. I threw out some intimations with that tendency, but soon perceived that it could not be useful to follow them up. I have the honor to be, &c."
A letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison.
London, Jan. 26th, 1808.
"SIR, I had the honor to receive this morning your letter of the 23d of last month, inclosing a copy of a message from the President to Congress, and of their act in pursuance of it, laying an embargo on our vessels and exports. It appeared to be my duty to lose no time in giving such explanations to the British government, of this wise and salutary measure, as your letter suggests. And accordingly I went to Downing-street immediately, and had a short conference with Mr. Canning, who received my explanation with great apparent satisfaction, and took occasion to express the most friendly disposition towards our country. I avail myself of this opportunity to mention a subject of some importance, connected with the late orders in council. "I had been told, that American vessels coming into British ports under warning, could not obtain any document to enable them to return to the United States, in the event of its being their original voyage, although they are not prohibited from returning, yet as the warning is in dorsed on their papers, the return may be hazardous, without some British documents to prove compliance with it, and give security to the voyage. Mr. C. took a note of what I said, and assured me that whatever was necessary to give the facility in question, would be done without delay; and he added, that it was their sincere wish to shew in every thing connected with the orders in council, which only necessity had compelled them to adopt, their anxiety to accommodate them, as far as was consistent with their object, to the feelings and interest of the American government & people. I was induced by these observations to mention and to make several strong remarks upon the duty intended to be imposed on our cotton, when re-exported to the continent, and the adherence to the determination not to allow to our vessels warned into British ports, any change of destination. He told me that, these subjects (with which however, it was evident, he was very little acquainted) should be taken into immediate consideration, and that he would let me know the result. I am to have another interview with him in the course of a few days."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison.
London, Sept. 21, 1808.
"The Hope arrived at Cowes from France, the 13th."
"Not having heard from Mr. Canning although he returned to London the 15th, I called again yesterday at Downing street, and was assured that the answer to my note would be sent to night or early to-morrow morning. Mr. Atwater will of course be able to leave town on Friday, and embark on Saturday with a copy of it."
"I have been told since the arrival of the last British Packet, (but do not believe it) that there is more probability than I had anticipated, that the late events in Spain and Portugal, (which ought not to be considered as deciding any thing,) will have an effect on public opinion in America against the continuance of the embargo, and favorable to all the purposes of Great Britain. If this were true, I should think it was deeply to be lamented. I may misunderstand the subject, but I cannot persuade myself that any thing that has happened on this side the Atlantic, ought to induce us in any degree to retreat from our present system. If we should resolve to trade with Spain and Portugal, (G. Britain and France persisting in their orders & decrees) in any way to which Great Britain would not object, we must suspend the embargo as to those countries only, or as to those countries and G. B. or we must repeal it altogether. The temptation to the first of these courses is even in a commercial sense inconceivable—the objections to it endless. The object to be gained (if no more was gained than ought to be gained) would be trifling. There could indeed be no gain. An inadequate market redundantly supplied, would be more injurious than no market at all—it would be a lure to destruction and nothing more. A suspension of the embargo so limited in its nature as this would be (supposing it could be in fact what it would be in form) would have a most inequitable and injudicious operation in the
different quarters of the Union, of which the various commodities, would not in the ports of Portugal and Spain, be in equal demand. A war with France would be inevitable—and such a war (so produced) from which we could not hope to derive either honor or advantage, would place us at the mercy of Great Britain and on that account would in the end do more to cripple and humble us, than any disaster that could otherwise befall us. The actual state of Spain and Portugal is moreover not to be relied upon. My first opinion on that subject remains. But even the most sanguine will admit that there is great room to doubt. The emperor of France is evidently collecting a mighty force for the reduction of Spain, and Portugal must share its fate. And even if that force should be destined (as some suppose) first to contend with Austria—the speedy subjugation of Spain is not the less certain. If France should succeed Spain & Portugal would again fall under the British orders of November, as well as under the operation of the French decrees. Our cargoes would scarcely have found their way to the ocean in search of the boasted market, before they would be once more in a state of prohibition, and we should in the mean time have incurred the scandal of suffering an improvident thirst of gain to seduce us from our principles into a dilemma presenting no alternative but loss in all the senses of the word."
"But it is not even certain, what G. Britain would herself finally say to such a partial suspension of the embargo. She would doubtless at first approve of it. But her ultimate course (especially if war between France and the U. States were not the immediate consequence, or if the measure were eventually less beneficial to herself, than might be supposed at the outset) ought not to be trusted. That she should approve at first, is hardly to be questioned, and the considerations upon which she would do so, are precisely those which should dissuade us from it. Some of these are—the aid it would afford to her allies, as well as to her own troops co-operating with them, and its consequent tendency to destroy every thing like system in our conduct—its tendency to embroil us with France, its tendency to induce us by overstocking a limited market, to make our commodities of no value—to dissipate our capital—to ruin our merchants without benefiting our agriculture—to destroy our infant manufactures without benefiting our commerce—its tendency to habituate us to a trammelled trade, and to fit us for acquiescence in a maritime despotism. But there are other reasons—our trade with Spain and Portugal while it lasted, would be a circuitous one with G. Britain and her colonies, for their benefit. Our productions would be carried in the first instance to Spain and Portugal, would be bought there for British account, and would find their way to the W. Indies or enter here, as British convenience might require, and thus in effect, the embargo be removed as to G. Britain, while it continued as to France, and we professed to continue it as to both. And if any profits should arise from this sordid traffic, they would become a fund, to enable us to import into the U. S. directly or indirectly the manufactures of G. Britain, and thus relieve her in another way, while her orders would prevent us from receiving the commodities of her enemy. It would be far better openly to take off the embargo as to G. Britain, than while affecting to continue it as to that power, to do what must rescue her completely (and that too, without advantage to ourselves) from the pressure of it, at the same time that it would promote her views against France, in Portugal and Spain."
As to withdrawing the embargo as to G. Britain, as well as Spain and Portugal, while the British orders were unrelieved, the objections to that course are just as strong now as they were four months ago. The change in Spain and Portugal (if it were even likely to last) cannot touch the principle of the embargo as regards G. Britain, who reasserts her her orders of November, in the very explanations of the 4th July, under which we must trade with those countries, if we trade with them at all. If we include G. Britain in the suspension and exclude France, we do now what we have declined to do before, for the sake of a delusive commerce, which may perish before it can be enjoyed, and cannot in any event be enjoyed with credit, with advantage, or even with safety. We take part at once with G. Britain against France, at a time the least suited that could be imagined to such a determination, at a time when it might be said we were emboldened by French reverses, to do what before we could not resolve upon, or even tempted by a prospect of a scanty profit exaggerated by our cupidity and impatience to forget what was due to consistency, to character and permanent prosperity. We sanction too the maritime pretensions which insult and injure us; we throw ourselves bound hand and foot upon the generosity of a government that has hitherto refused us justice, and all this when the affair of the Chesapeake, and a host of other wrongs are unredressed, and when G. Britain has just rejected an overture which she must have accepted with eagerness, if her views were not such as became us to suspect and guard against. To repeal the embargo altogether would be preferable to either of the other courses, but would notwithstanding be so fatal to us in all respects, that we should long feel the wound it would inflict, unless indeed some other expedient as strong at least and as efficacious in all its bearings, (as I fear it cannot) be substituted in its place. War would seem to be the unavoidable result of such a step. If our commerce should not flourish in consequence of this measure, nothing would be gained by it but dishonor. And how it could be carried on to any valuable purpose it would be difficult to shew. If our commerce should flourish in spite of French and British edicts, and the miserable state of the world, in spite of war with France, if that should happen, it would I doubt not, be assailed in some other form. The spirit of monopoly has seized
the people and government of this country. We shall not under any circumstances be tolerated as rivals in navigation and trade—it is in vain to hope that G. Britain will voluntarily foster the naval means of the U. S. All her prejudices—all her calculations are against it. Even as allies we should be subjects of jealousy. It would be endless to enumerate in detail the evils which would cling to us in this new career of vassalage and meanness; and tedious to pursue our backward course to the extinction of that very trade to which we had sacrificed every thing else."
"On the other hand if we persevere we must gain our purpose at last. By complying with the little policy of the moment, we shall be lost. By a great and systematic adherence to principle, we shall find the end to our difficulties. The embargo and the loss of our trade are deeply felt here, and will be felt with more severity every day. The wheat harvest is likely to be alarmingly short, and the state of the continent will augment the evil. The discontent among their manufacturers are only quieted for the moment by temporary causes. Cotton is rising and soon will be scarce. Unfavorable events in the continent will subdue the temper unfriendly to wisdom and justice which now prevails here. But above all, the world will I trust be convinced that our firmness is not to be shaken. Our measures have not been without effect. They have not been decisive, because we have not been thought capable of persevering in self-denial, if that can be called self-denial, which is no more than prudent abstainence from destruction and dishonor."
"I ought to mention that I have been told by a most respectable American merchant here, that large quantities of such woollen cloths as are prohibited by our non-importation act, have been and continue to be sent to Canada, with the view of being smuggled into the U. States."
"I need not tell you that I am induced to trouble you with my hasty reflections, because I think you stand in need of them. I give them merely because I believe that you are entitled to know the impressions which a public servant on this side of the water receives from a view of our situation. I have the honor to be with the sincerest attachment and respect, dear sir, your obedient servant,
(Signed) WM. PINKNEY.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—1f
MR. LONGBOTHOM, SURGEON DENTIST, informs the inhabitants of Washington, George-town and their vicinities, that he is now at Mr. Templeman's, in George-town, where he may be consulted in the line of his Profession—for a few days only. Application not personally made, is requested to be left in writing, which shall be immediately attended to, as will all letters addressed to Washington Post-Office. March 8—3t
PRINTING At the Office of the RELIGIOUS REPOSITORY, THE INAUGURAL SPEECH, OF THE HON. JAMES MADISON, Elegantly executed, on Satin and Blue Ink.—Price Three Dollars. March 8—3t
NOTICE IS hereby given to the Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company, that the fourth installment of ten dollars on each share, is called for, which must be paid on or before the 20th instant, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, DAN. CARNOLL, of Dudd. President. March 8, 1809—6t
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 20th February last, WILLIAM HUTCHINSON, an apprentice to the Baking Business. WILLIAM is about sixteen years old, has his hair cut close to his head. He had on when he went away, a drab cloth trousers and jacket, and an old brown great coat. He is supposed to have gone near the foot of the Sugar Loaf Mountain. Whoever brings said run away apprentice to me, shall receive the above reward, and reasonable charges. EIAS TRAVERS. N. B. I forewarn all persons from harboring, employing or carrying said apprentice away, their peril. March 8—3t
SUGARS, COFFEE, TEA, &c. First and second quality Muscovado Sugars. First and second do. Coffee. Fresh Teas. Lemons. Fig Blue, first quality Segars, &c. &c. Just received per the Brig John, from New-York, and for sale by CHARLES J. NOURSE. March 8—3t
DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP. THE partnership of Duckett & Clagett, being dissolved this day by mutual consent. All those indebted to said firm, are requested to make payment to Jacob Duckett, and those having claims against the concern will render them for settlement. JACOB DUCKETT, Signed, HANNIBAL CLAGETT. The business will be continued by Jacob Duckett. March 8—3t