The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-06-30 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCLVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 30th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HISTORY
OF THE Last Session of Congress.
(CONTINUED)
Eight distinct documents accompanied the message.
The first contained a sketch of the present state of the objects under the charge of the principal agent for Indian affairs, south of the Ohio.
This document may be viewed as of considerable consequence, as it establishes the approximation, by regular graduations, of the aborigines of the country, to the policy, the arts, and the manners of the civilized state. It represents an annual council, composed of 5 or 6 deputies for each town, to be convened under the superintendence of the agent of the United States. "To this council the agent makes a report of the state of the nation; suggests his ideas of what is proper for them to do, and applies for compensation and satisfaction, for offences committed in violation of their treaty stipulations with us."
The agent observes that—"The number of deputies who attend cannot hitherto be restrained to a given number, but they seldom exceed 5 or 6 from a town: at first it required a continued attention to the chiefs, to make them comprehend the utility of such a plan, and the necessity of carrying its decisions into effect."
"Heretofore, every town, tribe or family, provided its own regulations, and those of a general tendency were left to the management of public agents, who used temporary expedients only, among the most powerful and persuasive of which were the pressure of fear from without, and presents."
"The council appoint a speaker, who remains in office without limitation as to time: all propositions are debated until they are agreed to, or postponed; the agreement is called the will of the nation, and is expressed by the speaker publicly to all the chiefs, and to the agent for Indian affairs, who records such parts as interest any of their neighbors, red or white."
"The council, when convened, sit night and day; the public buildings are the place of lodging as well as business, and they debate as much in the night as in the day; they lie down when they are sleepy, when hungry they eat, and when anything important is under debate they attend to it."
"The agent furnishes beef, corn, beans and salt, and the town, where the council meet, furnishes butchers, cooks and waiters. The expence of a meeting is something less than 400 dollars. I doubt not, in few years, it will be a useful instrument to approximate them to a more civilized state, and give the United States a more commanding influence over them. One of the interpreters, and assistants to the agent, a half breed, and chief of the land, remains constantly in the council, during their sitting; and the agent has a right to enter and speak when he pleases."
The raising of stock is represented as more acceptable to the Creeks than any part of the plan devised for their civilization. In this they are actively engaged; and the country is stated to be well adapted to the object. Horses are in general use; and oxen, sheep, and goats are more and more attended to.
In agriculture the improvements are slowly progressing. "The agent has prevailed on several of the towns, who had exhausted the lands in their neighbourhood by culture, to settle out in villages; this practice is increasing, and all of them fence their fields. There has been a demand this season for ploughs, and 70 have been issued out of those sent by the Secretary of War; and 50 of them are in use by Indians."
"There is a nursery of peach trees in the Lower Creeks, and one has been lately established among the Upper Creeks, and the Indians begin to accept of, and to plant them. Nearly 5000 have been raised and distributed since the arrival of the agent."
"The nurseries are increased, and will be kept up to the demand; they are hitherto raised by the agent and his assistants, without any expence to the agency. Cotton is raised in several places, but in small quantities, by Indians; it does well throughout the agency. The green seed is in general use, and well suited to the northern half of the agency; and the sea-island cotton, from two successive experiments, promises to do well on the southern half; some cotton has been sent to market. Flax does well; the next be: it will be cultivated in several places: There is much rich swamp land for it, and sufficiently dry in the
season for its growth. Wheat, barley, rye and oats, have been introduced and fairly tried; the three first do well, but the springs being generally dry, oats have failed. The early white and brown wheat is ripe by the middle of May. Apple trees, grape-vines, raspberries, and the roots, herbs and vegetables, usually cultivated in good gardens, have lately been introduced, and they all thrive well."
Under the head of manufactures, it appears that the agent had, the past spring, (1801) delivered to Indian women 100 pair of cotton cards, and 80 spinning wheels; and that there are eight looms in the Creek nation; that the women have adopted this part of the plan with spirit; that three Indian women have by spinning completely clothed themselves; and that one of the looms in use was made by an Indian chief."
The agent observes that "The chiefs who were apprehensive at first that if their women could clothe and feed themselves by their own exertions, they would become independent of the degraded state of connection between them, have had proofs that the link is more firm, in proportion as the women are more useful, and occupied in domestic concerns."
A very rapid progress is stated to have been made in the manufacture of oil from hickory nuts; and in the winter of 1800, 500 gallons were actually delivered for market.
Two blacksmiths are established, who in the spring are restricted to mending implements of husbandry, while at other seasons they attend to any work brought them.
With regard to the administration of justice, it appears that "When the National Council are convened, all the white people are ordered to attend on a given day; three of the most respectable are appointed by the agent to hear and decide on all cases between white people, with the right of appeal to him. In all cases between a white man and an Indian, the agent hears and decides himself. The judgments have hitherto been carried into effect without doing more than giving them to the parties, and without costs."
The second document contained the correspondence between the Secretary of State and our foreign agents, in relation to the Barbary powers, from the 20th of May to the 20th of October, 1801. By this correspondence it appeared that the executive had taken the most decisive measures on the first evidence of hostile design exhibited by the Bashaw of Tripoli; and had, through the Secretary of State, apprised our consuls and other agents in the Mediterranean, of the necessary steps to be pursued by them generally.
The President concludes a letter to the Bey of Tripoli in the following terms: "We have found it expedient to detach a squadron of observation into the Mediterranean sea, to superintend the safety of our commerce there, and to exercise our seamen in nautical duties. We recommend them to your hospitality and good offices, should occasion require their resorting to your harbours. We hope their appearance will give umbrage to no power; for while we mean to rest the safety of our commerce on the resources of our own strength and bravery in every sea, we have yet given to this squadron in strict command, to conduct themselves towards all friendly powers with the most perfect respect and good order; it being the first object of our solicitude to cherish peace and friendship with all nations with whom it can be held on terms of equality and reciprocity."
Three frigates and a sloop of war are stated to have been dispatched to the Mediterranean under the command of Commodore Dale.
The letters of our consul, Mr. Cathcart, minutely detail his successive conversations with the Bashaw, who had for some time, jealous of the large sums paid by the United States to Algiers, entertained expectations of receiving tribute. In one of the last interviews, the Bashaw said, "Comin, there is no nation I wish more to be at peace with than yours; but all nations pay and to most the Americans." Mr. Cathcart replied, "We have already paid you all we owe you and are nothing in arrears." The Bashaw rejoined, "that for the peace we had paid him, it was true; but to maintain the peace we had given him nothing." Mr. Cathcart told him that the terms of our treaty were to pay him the stipulated cash and stores in full of all demands whatever. After some further interviews the Bashaw said, "let your government give me a sum of money, and I will be content; but paid I will be, one way or other. I now desire you to inform your government that I will wait six months for an answer to my
letter to the President; that if it did not arrive in that period, or is not satisfactory, that I will declare war in form against the United States."
On the 14th of May 1801, the American flag-staff was chopped down, which is the Tripolitan mode of declaring war. The instructions of the Secretary of the Navy to Commodore Dale are given at full length.
On the first of August, 1801, Rear-Admiral, commander of the Schooner Enterprise of 90 men and 12 guns felt in with a Tripolitan corsair mooring 14 guns. An action immediately commenced within pistol shot, which, with incessant fire, continued for three hours, when the corsair struck her colours. The carnage on board the Tripolitan was dreadful, 20 men having been killed and 30 wounded, among the latter of whom were the captain and first lieutenant; while on board the Enterprise not a man was even wounded. The fortune of war scarcely furnishes a similar instance of disparity. Agreeably to the instructions of the Secretary of the Navy, the corsair was dismantled and released.
In addition to the above articles, the correspondence between the agents of the United States and the Bey of Tunis, and a circumstantial detail of the ignominious treatment of the United States frigate George Washington, by the Dey of Algiers, are given.
Respecting all the above transactions the details are full and satisfactory. They mark, on the part of the American government, an honorable adherence to justice with powers which had been the first to violate its duties; and evince in the correspondence of the Secretary of State with our foreign agents great circumspection and foresight. In the chain of contemplated events there appears to have been no failure; and the measures taken, with the issue in which they terminated, have evidently elevated the marriage character of the United States in the eyes of foreign powers.
We have not by these measures obtained the friendship of Barbary; but we have taught her the policy of forbearance; and it is to be hoped, whatever symptoms of ill-will may exist, that the expectation of slighted tribute, on the one hand, and the dread of merited vengeance on the other, will suppress a repetition of violence.
The third document contained a return of the whole number of persons within the several districts of the United States, according to an act providing for the second census; by which it appeared that the whole number of persons amounted to 3,505,582, of which 893,507 were slaves.
It may not be uninteresting to exhibit the relative numbers of this census with that of 1790, ten years distant, so far as respects the aggregate numbers, the slaves, and the population of each state.
   In 1790. In 1800.     Aggregate No. 3,929,826 5,305,582   Slaves. 697,697 893,507   New-Hampshire, 141,833 183,858   Massachusetts, 378,787 422,845   Maine, 96,530 151,719   Rhode-Island, 68,825 69,122   Connecticut, 237,945 251,002   Vermont, 85,539 154,465   New-York, 340,120 586,030   New-Jersey, 134,139 211,149   Pennsylvania, 434,373 602,545   Delaware, 59,094 64,273   Maryland, 319,728 349,652   Virginia, 747,610 830,200   Columbia, in Virg. 5,949   North-Carolina, 395,751 478,103   South-Carolina, 249,073 345,591   Georgia, 82,548 162,686   Kentucky, 73,577 220,955   Tennessee, 105,602   N. W. Territory, 45,965   Indiana Territory, 5,441   Mississippi Territory, 8,830  
From this view it appears that the slaves have suffered a proportional decrease of about 70,000 in ten years.
* Including Washington county in Columbia.
The fourth document exhibited the detailed expenditures on account of materials for building six 74 gun ships to the 1st of October, 1801, the aggregate of which is represented to amount to 458,411 dollars.
The fifth document exhibited specifically the expenditures to the 1st of October, 1801, on account of navy yards, docks and wharves, at Washington, Norfolk, Philadelphia, New-York, Charlestown (Mass.) and Portsmouth, amounting in the whole to 240,906 dollars.
The sixth document exhibited the proceeds of the sales of public vessels and stores, directed to be sold by an act of the last session, amounting to 275,761 dollars, and 63 cents.
The seventh document exhibited a
statement of monies applied for the defence of the ports and harbours of the United States from the 20th of March, 1794, to the 16th Nov. 1801, amounting in the whole to 578,587 dollars and 41 cents.
The eighth document exhibited a statement of the number of suits instituted in the circuit courts of the United States, with those decided or depending from May 1790, to June 13, 1801.
An attempt was made in the Senate by Mr. Tracy, and afterwards in the House of Representatives by other of its members to invalidate the accuracy of this statement, which, on investigation, receded upon themselves. It appeared that some trifling errors, not in the least affecting the inference of the paucity of instituted or depending causes, had arisen from inexact statements derived from clerks of courts, and from analysing and adding the numbers contained in the returns, and transferring the result. That these errors were trifling, clearly appeared from the effect of their correction on the first statement, the one of which only varied from the other, by the addition of 32 instituted, and 90 depending suits, including in the corrected, some returns not in the original statement.
The recapitulation of all the suits instituted and depending in the circuits for the above stated eleven years was as follows:
RECAPITULATION of the suits in the Circuit Courts of the United States, and the District Courts for Maine, Kentucky and Tennessee.
   Instituted. depending.     New-Hampshire 114 7   Rhode-Island 273 10   Massachusetts 323 41   Maine 9 3   Connecticut 354 28   Vermont 278 64   New-York and Albany 196 —   New Jersey 104 14   Eastern District Pennsylv. 1061 174   Western do none none   Delaware 163 16   Maryland 279 59   Kentucky, 870 246   Eastern district of Virginia, 2162 331   Western do. { none none   Not completely organized. 629 134   North Carolina, 495 261   South-Carolina, 897 147   Georgia, 239 74   Districts of E. & W. { none none   W. & Tenn. { none none   District of Ohio, { Not organized.   8858 1029  
(To be continued.)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday March 1, 1802.
DEBATE
On the bill received from the Senate, entitled "An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the courts of the United States."
Mr. Plater's Speech on the Judiciary Bill.
I did hope, Sir, from the proceedings of Saturday gentlemen who are advocates for this bill would have manifested a similar spirit of accommodation at this late hour of the night in granting us farther time to express our sentiments. It is now ten hours since I have been in the possession of my seat, and I would put it to the candor of gentlemen, if the fatigue of the day does not incapacitate them from fully discussing a subject of such magnitude. I confess I feel myself unable to do that justice to the question which an earlier hour would have afforded. I shall therefore forbear a reference to the variety of notes I have been at the trouble of taking, and only state a few of the principles (without any illustration) which will influence my vote, and then resign myself to the consequences resulting from the adoption of the bill. I cannot, however, avoid expressing my surprise that an honorable member from North Carolina, (Mr. Holland) should say every thing which has been delivered in favor of striking out the full section of the bill is declamation, and nothing can shake his opinion. I very much fear that the temper of mind of most gentlemen on his side of the committee, if an angel was to descend from Heaven with a view of conviction, the attempt would be vain. I believe, if we recur to the President's message we shall discover he suggests a consideration of this subject, grounded on a statement of the number of causes instituted and decided since the establishment of these courts. Notwithstanding the document bearing this statement is admitted by all gentlemen who have spoken on each side of the question to be inaccurate and fallacious, yet I will myself give it the authority they will and it will then demonstrate that there is a sufficiency of business to justify the continuance of these courts in the circuit of Pennsylvania and Virginia—is it then reasonable or right to deny the inhabitants therein law, justice and protection, or the only reason the same quantum of business does not exist in the eastern and southern circuits; this would be measuring justice with a partial and sparing hand indeed; for the paucity of suits in these courts is the strongest evidence to my mind that injuries wrongs and oppressions have been prevented by the speedy and faithful manner in which justice has been administered, or, the legal remedy in the old system was so great as induced suitors to give the state courts a preference to the federal—consequently its abolition for the purpose of a change to the former establishment must be productive of great delay of justice, great inconvenience and hardships to the judges—I did expect the ability and ingenuity of gentlemen, particularly some who have the advantage of being tested by experience would have given stronger reasons for discontinuing a system which was considered as requisite as to induce the most intelligent characters who sit on the floor of the last congress to organize and mature, but in this I am disappointed. Sir, the exclamation of the day is retrench, retrench, in my soul would I unite in this system of retrenchment did I conceive it for the benefit of society; but when I see gentlemen determined to explode from office a certain set of men who are perfectly obnoxious to them, and thereby pull down and destroy a law before it is tried, it is impossible under these circumstances I can concur in this system of retrenchment—permit me the liberty of asking if twelve months are sufficient to test the utility of this law? No, Sir, they are not, neither any law whatever—the business of a court is not complete in extent in this limitation of time—but as commerce flourishes, population increases, and the transactions of men become more general and extensive, so are the objects for the jurisdiction of a court promoted and augmented. How can it be expected we shall have characters valuable for integrity, legal information and respectability, to fill the judiciary when we destroy the very institutions to their acceptance, I mean the tenure of office—is it to be presumed that men who are in the habit of acquiring a plentiful support by their profession will relinquish that for an appointment liable on account of its uncertainty and inability to terminate at a succeeding session of congress? No, Sir, your courts will be filled by needy adventurers seeking a support for the object of pecuniation, men of small talents perfectly inadequate to grapple the fruits produced by inferior abilities—When I look into the constitution I read "the judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour," these hall words so clearly show the intention of making the judges independent of others for continuance in office, that very construction tending to prevent this meaning must fail and radically destroy the fundamental principles of the constitution. There is no proposition more generally admitted and agreed to, and I can lay with truth on which the judgment of the people of this country is more completely one up, than that of the independency of the judges: it is deemed essential to the security of life, liberty, property and reputation, and this the constitution has wisely guarded by its express provisions.—If it is considered an office held during good behaviour is rem v. by the legislature, you make good behaviour and legislative will of the same meaning and synonymous terms; this is so contrary to the common acceptance of these words among us, and the contrariety apparently to great, that I really have not heard one gentleman unfold and explain it; but they tell us we must resort to the judicature of England for the definition of it.—Can it be possible gentlemen are satisfied the men who compose the Parliament of Great Britain should be the expounders of a constitution made by the people of America? This would indeed be a re-signation of all law and language. A case which arose in Virginia has been frequently mentioned, whether an office

to legislative acts, hence? The great law characters of the late determined unanimity was not in which the legislature acquiesced. I repeat this in order it may bear on the mind of an honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) who is now in his seat. When a petition not many weeks past was before this house, the subject matter of which had received a previous judicial decision, he rose from his chair and expressed an anxiety with the house would not interfere with the decision of a court. Now, Sir, the bill upon your table is well understood; the judges of Virginia have unanimously decided on its unconstitutionality, and it is known nine tenths if not all the judges of the United States are of the same opinion, and nothing but the mere form of a record is necessary to make the case the same. I therefore should presume if consistency is to characterize the legislative proceedings of an honorable gentleman, he must withdraw his report from the bill upon your table. Sir, it is a principle upon which I have acknowledged that no man shall be a judge in his own cause, once you transfer the judicial power to courts under the influence and control of a legislature you frustrate the important object of an impartial administration of justice. I consider the judicial department as the protector of the constitution; it stands between the people and the legislature to check the abuse of a trust committed to them; it is its particular province to determine the constitutionality of all laws—the case may arise wherein it will become the duty of the judiciary to decide between the legislature and the President, should the judges be dependent on either great apprehensions might result, they would lean to that side on which their dependency rested. And should the legislature and executive unite to invade this constitution, we should be left without a tribunal to give an impartial and disinterested decision. Thus, Sir, you are deliberating with the only check to the oppression of an unlimited and unlimited power.
And thus this fair and beautiful fabric, so much admired, by being deprived of its greatest ornament and best support, in consequence of this right's decision, before to-morrow's sun fulfills his usual course, will, I fear, vanish from your view.
On the amendments proposed to the bill received from the Senate, entitled "An act to repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the courts of the United States."
Tuesday, March 2, 1802. Mr. Eustis. In the negative given to the several amendments, which have been offered, I perceive a determination to pass the bill in its present form. This I regret. I have voted for those amendments from a conviction that they were proper and necessary, and that others ought to be made before the bill should pass—that the defects of the old system be supplied at the same time, and by the same act which abolishes the present system.
Satisfied in my own mind of the constitutional right to pass the bill, I have hitherto been silent on that and every other part of the subject; but as two of my honorable colleagues have brought the sentiments of Massachusetts into the scale of the unconstitutionality, I may be permitted to state one fact expressive of the ideas which have prevailed in that state. Several years past and when no party spirit mingled itself with the consideration, repeated attempts were made to abolish the whole set of inferior courts, and to establish circuit courts in their stead. A bill for this purpose passed one branch of the legislature after a long discussion, was considered and debated in the other branch; an election intervened; the subject was again revived, and I have never heard that the constitutional right was called in question. The judges of these courts, in our supreme court, and the judges of the courts of the United States, hold their offices by the same tenure; the cases are similar; and so far as my information extends, the sentiment which prevailed in the legislature prevailed the state. Had this house been equally free from the spirit of party, I cannot believe this objection would have arisen to such an height. Confusing themselves to the use of terms, and under the influence of other circumstances, gentlemen appear to me to be wrought up to a zeal, which has beguiled their judgements. With a proper respect for those who differ from me, I am perfectly satisfied of the constitutional right to abridge or abolish, as well as to extend and establish courts, as the public good or the public necessity shall require. For the founders of this doctrine, without a comment on the constitution, without opening it in this place, I should be willing to trust to the construction which would be given by the common sense of the people of the United States, and to rest my reputation on their decision.
The doctrine contended for by some gentlemen, is so foreign to the
meaning and fair construction of the instrument, so fatal to a primary and elementary principle, and ultimately and in its consequences so destructive to the very independence of the judiciary, for which they contend, that I would consent to pass the bill, imperfect as it is, was there no other way to repeal it. But this is not necessary; the constitutional question was decided by the vote of the last evening.
The right having been established, in what manner should it be exercised? Not on ordinary occasions or for light causes. A high and solemn discretion should preside over and direct its use. Is this an occasion which requires it? On what ground is the bill on your table predicated? On a conviction that the courts, as established by the law of the last session, are not required by the wants or circumstances of the country—that the provisions therein made are unnecessary and burthensome to the people; and that they ought therefore to be reduced. This bill is intended to effect; it abolishes the present and revives and restores the past system. But the system revived is allowed to be materially defective. The judges of the supreme court have not been able to comply with the duties required of them. The association of the supreme with the district judges has occasioned a want of uniformity of decision, and an increased uncertainty of the law, different judges being called to preside in the same court, and often over different stages of the same cause; whole terms have failed; legislative acts have been repeatedly found necessary to continue action.
What then is to be done? At the same time that you restore the one and abolish the other, that which is restored ought to be amended and rendered competent: the act should carry on the face of it its own justification. But, say gentlemen, we will first repeal the existing law, abolish the present system, and afterwards by another bill, we will provide for the defects of the old. One of my honorable colleagues believes neither to be perfect, but that the old is preferable to the new. This belief will justify his voting for the bill. Perfection is not to be expected. But what is the fact? By passing the bill, as it now stands, we take away a system too competent, and restore one superior in principle, but practically defective. To justify the change, that which is restored ought to be rendered competent to the due administration of justice, or we may be accused of legislating for men and not for measures. One honorable gentleman objects to amending this bill, because amendments were not permitted by the last congress to be made to the act which is now intended to be repealed. This surely is not a good reason. The gentleman would not have us pursue a line of conduct which he, on a former occasion, disapproved.
It is objected that in attempting to amend, the bill may be lost. How can it be lost? Will it not be under a constant controul of the majority? If there be danger of losing the bill, there is greater danger of losing the necessary amendments after the bill is past. Should this be the case, what is hazarded? The imputation of having abolished the present system because you had the power, or because you had the will, or from some motive not honorable or satisfactory. If the repealing act, on the other hand, restores the old system, superior in principle, competent to the due administration of justice, and free from objection (and I would a moment until every reasonable objection was satisfied) what is the impression? You have abolished a system, which was unnecessary and burthensome, and have restored another and a better in its place. You shut the mouths of your enemies; you command the public confidence.
Let the true reason be assigned. The patience of the house is exhausted. They have been two weeks wasted in a wild deviation from the subject. Far from a wish to revive, I would throw a veil of oblivion over the past, impenetrable, if possible, to the eye of a discerning people: too long already has the public repose been disturbed by alterations within these walls. Let them cease. Let us recollect that we owe nothing to the community—to ourselves. For once let us bring our prejudices and passions to the la of our country.
Let the bill rest on the table for a few days, until the necessary amendments can
be prepared. In the mean time let the other business of the session go on. Take the collected wisdom of the house, take the assistance of the minority. Gentlemen say they cannot be confined in, as they have declared the act unconstitutional. Make the trial. If they refuse their aid they give you a triumph; if they discover a disposition to embarrass, take the business out of their hands and complete it. Much has been laid of public sentiment. Sir, the people of this country are weary of professions. They require the evidence of facts to satisfy them. They ought, in my opinion, to have that evidence in the present case: this bill ought to carry on the face of it unequivocal evidence of the good faith with which it is enacted; in forming this opinion, I acknowledge that I look beyond the walls of this house.
This is the course which an honorable gentleman from Virginia has stated his with that the business should have taken at its first. This is the course it ought to have taken, and which it ought now to take; it is not too late.
With perfect confidence in the sincerity of gentlemen, who tell us that the amendments will be made in a supplementary bill, I have also learned, from some small experience, that there is no certainty for the future, especially in public bodies. Gentlemen cannot command or engage for others. After the bill is passed, I am very apprehensive the amendments may be disagreed to, and finally lost. As no hazard is required, to none ought to be incurred.
This has been my view of the subject from its first origin. Every day has confirmed me that it was a just view. It has governed my conduct hitherto, and will direct the vote I shall finally give.
From the Boston Independent Chronicle. To the People of Massachusetts—On the repeal of the Excises.
IF any one measure adopted by the present administration have a claim to pre-eminence in the public estimation, it is the repealing of the Excise Laws , or as they are more generally termed the Internal Taxes . Among the best proofs of this truth, is the intemperate railing of the opposition. They levied these taxes. It was right to lay them, it was wrong to abolish them. Their character are at issue; and like desperate gamesters, they stake the last remnant of their reputation to retrieve the whole. In the sound and truly federal policy of abolishing this complicated, unequal and oppressive system of Excise, (when rightly understood) they anticipate the last and fatal blow to their expiring influence. Hence their desperate efforts to misrepresent one of the plainest transactions, which can be offered to common understandings.
In order to form a correct judgment on this subject, it will be useful to cast a retrospective eye over the past. When the formation of a federal constitution was in contemplation, neither the delegates to the convention, nor the People who elected them, entertained an idea, that the Federal Government should be vested with the power of levying Taxes, excepting by Impost . Many intelligent Citizens were of opinion that even the Impost should be limited to five per cent. On his opposition to granting even this five per cent. impost , Mr. KING, our Minister at London, grounded his first popularity in Massachusetts; and so did Mr. STEPHEN HIGGINSON, of Boston. To lay Excises and Direct Taxes , was at that time deemed an important right, which ought to be reserved to the State Governments, and which was actually exercised by them. When a concurrent right to lay Excises and Direct Taxes was suggested, and actually inserted among the powers of the Federal Government, it formed and was urged as an objection to the adoption to the Constitution.
INDEPENDENT of the general wish of the people, that this mode of Taxation should be referred to the States exclusively, it was foreseen that two concurrent jurisdictions over the same sources of Revenue, were generally impolitic and inconsistent—that, after a conflict of influence, the stronger power would eventually prevail over the weaker; that the State Governments must yield to the Federal. Such has been the result of experiment. The state of Massachusetts repealed her Excise on carriages and licenses, soon after that of the Federal government came into operation, on the same articles.
In the power to "lay & collect excises," which was vested in the Federal government, men of political experience and discernment fore saw the circle of taxation extended, not merely to goods imported from foreign countries, but to every article of family use, whether foreign or domestic manufacture, and as a necessary consequence, they anticipated a loss of officers, authorized to enter their manufacturing houses, every day and every hour of the day, to take account of their flock, and collect the taxes laid on their property, without being accountable to the laws of the State. Here lay the root of their objections, the reasonable and well founded jealousy of a people who understand freedom in a practical sense. To what extent this power might be carried, they could not know, but they did know, for experience
had taught them, that nothing was so liable to be abused as power; and the power to place centinels and tax gatherers over their dwellings and occupations, with inquisitorial authority, was never palatable to the people of Massachusetts.
Another and not an unimportant consequence was foreseen, in the exercise of this power, a multiplication of officers, with a consequent increase of officers by the Federal Executive, must, in process of time, give to that Executive an influence not limited to the immediate object of appointments, incompatible with, & finally destructive of the elective franchise; an influence, which in its various and extensive effects, must tend to sap the foundation of government and render the Executive officers perpetual.
In answer to these objections, and to quiet these apprehensions, it was urged by the party, who assumed to themselves the character of Federalists, that the Impost was the great source of revenue, on which the Federal government would depend, and which would prove adequate to the national exigencies—that Excises and Direct Taxes would never be resorted to, except in time of actual war, or on some equally pressing occasion. On such declarations, and in a zeal to establish a National government, the Republicans, who at that time (as well as the present) constituted three-fourths of the qualified voters in the State, gave assent and life to the Constitution.
The period in which the wary politician knows fear will subside, and public vigilance slumber, was scarcely suffered to elapse, when the excise system was ushered into being; and that in a time of peace, and without any apparent necessity. Like a culprit in good company, it was smuggled into our law-books, on the credit of its authenticator, meeting a cold civility from his friends, and the veto of a few honest men. Having been once established, the system has progressed in regular gradation, as fast as the apathy of the people and cupidity of the administration have dictated. How soon it would have been extended to every article which administrators to the ease and comfort of life, may be conjectured from the rapid strides already made in our infant country, and the examples of countries further advanced in the modern art of taxation. How long the right of sufrage would have existed in purity, or in safety under the blighting influence of this single branch of executive patronage, we are no longer tortured to conjecture.
From this view of the subject, and with these consequences resulting from the system, a reformation was demanded, by the principles of civil liberty, and by the genius of the constitution. To reform was neither more nor less than to abolish the taxes, by repealing every law which related to them. It was necessary that the practice under the constitution should be brought back and rendered conformable to the sense and interpretation which was originally given it; to simplify the government, in order that the people might, through the administration, have one glimpse at "those manners, feelings and principles," for which they fought and bled, and by which they expected to be governed, when they adopted the constitution—that the executive should no longer derive an artificial support, which the constitution abhors—that hundreds of excise men who were eating the public bread, should return from habits of indolence, to eat the bread of their own labour—that manufactures, if they were not fostered by the government, should at least be freed from fetters; and above all, that the elective franchise should be no longer adulterated by the poison of executive patronage.
The administration who have had the courage to make this reformation, the executive who has discovered the virtue willingly to rest on its own basis, divested of artificial props of its own railing, are held up to you as objects of suspicion, if not of reproach! Paucity, my countrymen, lay aside all reticence, banish party considerations, and ask yourselves what you have gained, and what you have lost? Four hundred excisemen have lost their places! Is this a cause of mourning for a nation of freemen? Four hundred objects of competition are removed. Is that prejudicial to the public tranquility? So many dreams of executive patronage are dried up. Who but office-seekers have occasion to complain? What have the people lost? They are liberated from a system unfavourable to the cause of freedom. One million of dollars (the sum which may be fairly estimated as the amount of what the people paid directly or indirectly on account of these taxes) instead of being thus paid, is now retained in the pockets of those who have laboured for it, to be applied in their own way to their own uses—who is injured? let him speak. Is the public creditor defrauded? Does he not receive his interest punctually—his principle as soon as it becomes due? Has no ample provision ever before been made for the national debt? The price of the stocks answers every objection and licences every murmur on this head.
Is the "common defence" insufficient, or the "general welfare" unprovided for? Are not the frontiers well defended? Do you require larger garrisons on the sea-board? Is commerce unprotected?
ed? Farmers, merchants, manufacturers, mechanics, men of political science, answer these plain questions—then turn your attention to those who clamor; see who they are—mark well their characters and draw your own conclusions.
But, after all these are not the questions. It is on the principle that the opposition object. It is on the principle , that the republicans ground their justification. The theory with which the federalists really view the constitution, and their practice under it, proceeding step by step towards a favourite point, are detected and reprobated. Their system of patronage and influence, we will not say their barter and sale of the right of suffrage, but we may be permitted to call it their system of artificial influence , tending to corruption , is broken up. Here is the wound given to ambition; a deadly wound, which rages in the heart of faction, and envenoms the whole corps of aristocracy. Defeated, disappointed and exposed in their flattering project of introducing this aristocratic system of executive influence, under the specious guise of federalism, they are now attempting to divert your attention, fellow-citizens, from the great question between the two parties. Reluctant to meet the principle, and unable to defend it, they turn the discussion of its merits, and apply themselves to the avarice, to the weakness with which they know human nature abounds—they appeal to your prejudices, and would cover your judgment with delusion. With an effrontery unparalleled in the history of parties, they are endeavouring, by popular clamour and misrepresentations, to disgust you with a free government of your own adoption, and divide you from the constituted authorities of your own choice. Attend to their objections, and in a moment their short-lived, shadowy influence will vanish like a dream. Their first and great objection is that all the revenues of the country, whether of impost , tonnage or excise , are not more than adequate to defray the national expenses and provide for the public debt—that the internal duties ought not to have been abolished, because they were necessary to the payment of that debt. And yet, in the same moment, the same party propose a repeal of the duties on salt, on the low priced teas, and on sugar and coffee, amounting to a much larger sum!
If they did really believe that the internal tax could not be dispensed with, could they be willing to repeal the duties on imported articles of greater amount? But lay they, the duties on sugar, tea and coffee, fall on the poor—who laid those burthens on the poor? Who have from time to time increased these burthens on the poor? And who, if they had continued in power, would have still increased and extended them to every article of life, from the light of heaven admitted through our windows, to the hearth, which administrators to our culinary wants? The men who have expended millions on armies and navies, who have given a premium of 8 per cent. for millions of dollars; under whose administration the public debt has been augmented at the rate of a million of dollars a year, during ten years of uncommon prosperity, and with a revenue in their hands of ten millions a year—the men who have forfeited the public confidence, and are now industriously addressing their passions and courting your good opinion.
[To be concluded]
[From an English Publication.] A TRIBUTE to the MEMORY of Mr. WAKEFIELD.
Literature has this month sustained a severe loss by the death of GILBERT WAKEFIELD, B. A. whom a fever carried off on September the 9th, in the 46th year of his age, to the unpeakeable regret of his family and friends. A person in various respects so distinguished, is a proper subject for the contemplation of survivors; and he had deserved too well of the public not to be entitled to honourable and affectionate commemoration.
Mr. Wakefield, in "Memoirs of his own life," published in 1792, has informed the world of all the circumstances attending his education and passage through life down to that period, with a minuteness and frankness which render his work a very curious and entertaining piece of biography. I shall not make any transcripts from it, but, confining myself to a slight sketch of the leading events, shall take a view of his character and conduct which suggests itself to the reflexion of a friendly but not a prejudiced by-stander.
GILBERT WAKEFIELD was born on February 22, 1756, at Nottingham, of which town his father was one of the parochial clergy. An uncommon solidity and seriousness of disposition marked him from infancy, together with a power of application, and thirst after knowledge, which accelerated his progress in juvenile studies. In his grammatical course he passed under the tuition of several masters, the last and most re-

ineffable of whom was the rev. Mr. Woodeson, of Kingston upon Thames, to whom parish his father was then removed. He was used, however, to lament that he had not possessed the advantages of an uniform education at one of those public schools, which undoubtedly, whatever may be their dangers and deficiencies, effect the point at which they exclusively aim, that of laying a solid foundation for classical erudition in its most exact form. In 1772 he was entered as a scholar of Jesus college, Cambridge; and it was ever a topic of thankfulness to him, that he became a member of that university in which the love of truth met with some encouragement from a spirit of liberal enquiry, rather than of that which was devoted either to supine ignorance, or to the passive inculcation of opinions fancioned by authority. During the first years, his attention was chiefly fixed upon classical studies, always his favourites; and he was excited only by emulation and academical requisitions to aim at that proficiency in mathematical knowledge which bears so high a value at Cambridge. Yet while he confessed himself destitute of a genuine taste for speculations of this kind, he scrupled not to declare the infinite superiority, in point of grandeur and sublimity, of mathematical philosophy to classical lucubrations. In 1776 he took his degree of B. A. on which occasion he was nominated to the second post among seventy-five candidates; and soon after, he was elected to a fellowship of his college. In the same year he published a small collection of Latin poems, with a few critical notes on Homer, at the university-press. If not highly excellent, they were sufficient to establish the claim of a young man to more than ordinary acquaintance with the elegancies of literature. He had already obtained a knowledge of the Hebrew language, as preparatory to those theological studies which now became his most serious occupation; and it may safely be affirmed that no man ever commenced them with a mind more determined upon the unbiased search after truth, and the open avowal of it when discovered. The foundation which he laid for his enquiries was an accurate knowledge of the phraseology of the Scriptures, acquired by means of attention to the idiom in which they were written. As at this time some of his most esteemed academical friends manifested their dissatisfaction with the article of the church of England by a conscientious refusal of subscription, it cannot be doubted that scruples on this point had already taken possession of his mind; and so far had his convictions proceeded, that he has stigmatized his compliance with the forms requisite for obtaining deacon's orders, which he received in 1778, as "the most disingenuous action of his whole life." If, indeed, he could receive consolation from the practice of others, there were several of his intimate associates, who, by a superiority to such scruples, have since risen to opulence and distinction in the church, without betraying any uneasiness for a similar acquiescence. Mr. Wakefield left college after ordination, and engaged in a curacy at Stockport, in Cheshire, whence he afterwards removed to a similar situation in Liverpool. He performed the duties of his office with seriousness and punctuality; but his dissatisfaction with the doctrine and worship of the church continuing to increase, he probably considered his connection with it as not likely to be durable. The disgust he felt at what he saw of the practice of privateering, and the slave-trade, in the latter place of his residence, also awakened in his mind a conspicuous part of his character. The American war did not tend to augment his attachment to the political administration of his country: in short, he became altogether unfit to make one of that body, the principal business of which, in the opinion of many, seems to be, acting as the satellites of existing authority, however exerted. His marriage, in 1779, to Miss Watson, niece of the rector of Stockport, was soon followed by an invitation to undertake the post of classical tutor at the dissenting academy at Warrington, with which he complied. That he was regarded as a very valuable acquisition to this institution—that he was exemplary in the discharge of his duty, and equally gained the attachment of his pupils, and the friendship and esteem of his colleagues—the writer of this account can from his
own knowledge attest. Being now freed from all clerical shackles, he began his career as theological controversialist, and it must be confessed, with an acrimony of style which was lamented by his friends, and which laid him open to the reproach of his enemies. It is not here intended to vindicate what the writer himself cannot but disapprove; but the real and substantial kindness of Mr. Wakefield's temper, and the benevolence of his heart, were such, that this apparent contradiction must be solved by his warmth of zeal in what he thought the cause of truth, and perhaps by a familiarity with scholastic debates, which rendered him in some measure callous to the use, or rather abuse, of vituperative expressions from the press. In disputations by word of mouth no man was more calm and gentle, more patient in hearing, or more placid in replying; and if, in his writings, he has without hesitation or disingenuity bestowed his censures, he has been equally liberal and decided in his praise. His applauses evidently came from the heart, free and unblinded, for envy did not possess a single particle in his composition; nor has he withheld them when he thought them deserved by particular laudable qualities, even in characters which he could not regard with general approbation. A man, perhaps, ever more fully gave way to the openness of his disposition in speaking the whole truth concerning men and things, unmoved by common considerations; whence it is not to be wondered at, that he frequently rendered himself more obnoxious to antagonists than the case essentially required, and roused prejudices which a more guarded conduct would have left dormant. A sentence which, in his Memoirs, he has quoted from Asgill, expresses (as it was probably meant to do) the spirit with which he wrote. "A blunt author in pursuit of truth, knows no man after the flesh, till his cause is over." For a man to think what he writes may bespeak his prudence; but to write what he thinks, best opens his principal. We shall not, in this sketch, attempt to give an account of all his publications, many of them small in bulk and temporary in their application. The most important of his theological labours will be allowed to be those in which he employs his singular erudition in the explanation of Scripture. Of these, the first was "A New Translation of the First Epistle of Paul, the Apostle, to the Thessalonians," printed in 1781. It was followed in the next year by "A New Translation of St. Matthew, with Notes, critical, philological, and explanatory," 4to, a work which obtained much applause, and amply displayed the extent of his reading, and the facility with which his memory called up its reperted stores for the purpose of illustration or parallelism. At this time he likewise augmented his fund for Scripture interpretation by the acquisition of various Oriental dialects. After quitting Warrington, at the dissolution of the academy, he took up his residence successively at Bramcote in Nottinghamshire, at Richmond, and at Nottingham, upon the plan of taking a few pupils, and pursuing at his leisure those studies to which he became continually more attached. While in the first of these situations, he published the first volume of "An enquiry into the Opinions of the Christian Writers of the three first Centuries concerning the Person of Jesus Christ," a learned and elaborate performance, but which did not meet with encouragement sufficient to induce him to proceed in the design. A painful disorder in his left shoulder, with which he was attacked in 1786, and which harassed him for two years, interrupted the course of his employments; and he could do no more for letters during that period, than alleviate his sufferings by drawing up some remarks upon the Georgics of Virgil and the Poems of Gray, which he published with editions of those delightful compositions. As his health returned, his theological pursuits were resumed, and he again engaged in the field of controversy. First, also, in 1789, made a commencement of a work, which promised much, as well for his reputation, as for the advantage of sacred literature. It was "an Union of Theological and Classical Learning, illustrating the Scriptures by Light borrowed from the Philology of Greece and Rome." Under the title of "Silva Critica" three parts of this performance have issued from the university press at Cambridge.
(To be concluded.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 30, 1802.
The details of political events, to which we have considered it our duty to give priority, have been so extensive, that we have been obliged, for a long time, to forego the pleasure of offering occasional notices of literature. Those details, chiefly occasioned by the proceedings of the legislature, being, however, nearly closed, we shall occupy a part of our columns with useful and entertaining literary articles. It is believed that there are few Americans who have not a taste for literature. So much of individual happiness flows from the cultivation of this taste, and so much of national character, that a more arduous improvement and extension of it cannot be too warmly recommended to our countrymen. We are persuaded, that while it enlarges their views, it tends to inspire sentiments of general good will, and to diminish and eventually destroy those fratricidal antipathies that divide man from man.
A letter from Martinico, dated June 3 lays, "Baffler has at length surrendered to the French arms."
N. Y. D. Adv.
From a Kentucky paper of June 5, 1802. "The district court for the Lexington district, commenced its June session on Monday last. We are pleased in not having the disagreeable task to perform, of telling to the world who was arraigned at the bar, who is to hang, and who serve in the penitentiary; there being no presentment this term."
FRANKFORT, (K. n.) June 9. Extract of a letter dated St. Vincennes, May 20th, 1802.
"A rupture has taken place between the Kaskaskias and Potawatamie Indians. The particulars of which I am not informed."
PORTSMOUTH, (N. H.) June 19. By a gentleman from the country, we learn the hon. James Sherley, esq. has resigned his seat in the senate of the United States, and yesterday was fixed on by the legislature to fill the vacancy. The N. H. New Hampshire Union bill was carried in the house of representatives by a majority of five in favor of an incorporation for forty years. It was non-concurred in by the senate, and an amendment to limit the term to twenty years, was made and carried, was concurred in by the house, and the bill now lies before the governor.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Concord June 17, 1802.
The following answer of the lieutenant to the governor's address, at the opening of the session, was presented the 17th, by the honorable Messrs. Payson, McCharty, Gannan, and Beman.
May it please your Excellency.
At a period when our country laments the exclusion of many of her ancient and long approved benefactors from her councils and government, it is with peculiar pleasure we see your excellency yet enjoying the confidence of the citizens of this state, and to find you disposed to accept the important trust committed to you by their suffrages. Your Excellency's former administration affords us a satisfying evidence, that your communications to us will be dictated by a wise and faithful regard to the public good; and that all our endeavours to promote the same important object, will meet your sanction and ready concurrence. By an assurance of our firm support in every measure which shall appear to be conducive to the interests of our constituents, permit us to invite your Excellency to a reciprocal confidence.
Although the particular interests of this state demand our primary attention, we sincerely participate in the repugnance our European brethren from the alarms and calamities of war; notwithstanding the threatening aspect which the accumulated power of a particular nation, and the depredation of others, may have upon the continuance of peace, we would fain cherish the pleasing idea, that these temporary agitations will result in the advancement of genuine liberty, and the happiness of mankind.
A sense of the dangers which have surrounded us, amidst the conflicts of contending nations, is highly calculated to excite our grateful joy, and to appreciate in our estimation, the wisdom and propriety of those measures which were the conspicuous means of preserving our country from many ills which its attempts to involve us in the convulsions of Europe. It remains, however, matter of deep regret, that those attempts, although failing in their ultimate object, have prevailed to disseminate those principles of division which impair our strength, degrade our dignity, and even endanger our national existence. And were the means in the means in our power by which we could extend the pacification of Europe to the breaths of Americans, we ardently should embrace them as the surest means of our national prosperity and happiness.
Your Excellency has perfectly ex-
pressed our sentiments respecting the importance of habits, opinions, morals, and religion, in free governments; we firmly believe them to be the foundation on which republics rest, and that in proportion as these are shaken, the whole fabric will be convulsed; therefore, all attempts to misrepresent the measures of government, we consider as hostile to the safety, prosperity, and peace of the community; and it is with no small degree of indignation we see "the liberty of the press" so grossly abused to promote the purposes of sedition, and subvert the liberties, the morals, and happiness of our countrymen. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, we shall not be inactive to the recommendation of your Excellency, as Legislators and Magistrates, to do whatever may be in our power, both by precept and example, for the suppression of licentiousness and immorality, and for the promotion of useful knowledge, virtue and religion.
We shall carefully strive to render even more perfect those systems of government from which we have already derived such important blessings, by endeavoring to remedy those defects which attend the most accurate productions of human wisdom; but in this attempt we shall cautiously follow the safe instructions of experience, sensible that theoretical calculations serve merely to weaken that energy which is of peculiar importance, especially in a government extended like that of the United States, over a large territory, and with a population so rapidly increasing.
The history of ruined republics, affords a most valuable fund of instruction to those who have the wisdom to receive instruction, and to avoid the evils which were the conspicuous causes of their overthrow.
We have long beheld with approbation on the decision and frankness with which your Excellency has publicly advocated these political sentiments which it is our belief naturally result from an informed mind and an upright heart. Of the justness and importance of these sentiments, we have never doubted; but yet we can sincerely join with your Excellency, in declaring that this conviction has been confirmed and increased by the recent resolutions of our National Government.
The subjects to which our attention has been directed, with every subsequent communication, will be duly and carefully noticed; and we hope to participate with your Excellency, the pure and virtuous pleasure of those whole efforts are intentionally directed to the public happiness. May that Almighty Power on whom all depend, ever guard your Excellency by his holy providence, and by his wisdom guide you to still greater usefulness here, and to the final rewards of those who faithfully serve him in their generation.
PROPOSALS
UNDER SEAL FOR BUILDING A JAIL IN THIS CITY.
Will be received at my office at 8 o'clock Hotel, until Wednesday evening the 7th July next, a plan of the Jail, the reference thereof, and the manner in which the work is to be executed, may be seen there at any time.
Not having determined whether the building will be contracted for in the lump or divided into branches the proposals must be made in the following manner:—Where one or more persons united, wish to undertake the whole building and to find the necessary materials, they must be particular in specifying on what terms each kind of work will be done. That is to say, an estimate of the cost of each kind of work, and also, the quantity and cost of each material, separate and distinct.
Proposals will be received from such as wish to undertake either the Stone cutters, Stone masons, Carpenters, Brick-layers, Iron work, or digging the foundation, they finding the necessary materials, stating the cost of the workmanship, the quantity and cost of each material.
SEPARATE PROPOSALS
Will also be received for furnishing on the spot the necessary quantities of Free Stone, of Granite or rough Stone, Bricks, Lime, Timber, Sand and Iron.
DANIEL C. BRENT.
Washington, June 30, 1802.
Attention!!!
IT is requested that such young men as have joined the Republican Company now about to be raised in the City of Washington, (together with such of their friends as would wish to join said corps) will please to attend at Morin's Tavern, 11 A on the Pennsylvania Avenue, on Thursday the first day of July, precisely at half past 6 o'clock in the evening, for the purpose of electing officers and choosing uniform.
By Order of the Committee, ROBERT M. LAN.
Sec. pro tem.
Washington, 30, 1802.
FOR SALE,
LOOKING GLASSES & FURNITURE.
The subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has just received from New York various kinds of Looking-Glasses, from 3 to 70 dollars each. Also card tables, bureaus, &c of an elegant and fashionable make. He continues to mount and sell all kinds of ornaments for chimney pieces, door caps, frontispieces, mantel pieces, &c. &c.
GEORGE ANDREWS.
April 14, 1802.
FOR SALE.
TWO large superb looking glasses just imported from London.
One Plate measuring 103 by 40 inches, The other 84 by 40 inches with suitable ornaments—apply to
WM. HUDSON.
Alexandria, June 30, 1802.
12t
AGREELY to a Deed of Trust from Anthony Watson to the subscribers, will be offered
For Sale
to the highest bidder, by public auction, at Stale's Hotel, in the City of Washington, on Monday the 9th day of August next, all that tract of land lying and being on the east a branch of the Potomac opposite to said City, called "Chichester, with addition re-in-eyes" containing three hundred acres.
On the above mentioned tract of land, is the Perry Landing, so well known by the name of "Dyer's Ferry," now in the occupation of Capt. Naylon.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon.—Terms of Sale—cash.
WM. BRENT,
19th A
June 30, 1802.
For Sale,
A two story frame House, nearly finished, situate and fronting on south N street on sq. 700, adjoining the premises of Mr. R. Fraser.
THE house is twenty five feet front, fifteen feet deep, a parlor and passage below, stairs in the passage, the lower story ready for plastering; the materials on the spot. The second story nearly ready. The house occupies the whole of the front and runs back ninety five feet to a twenty feet alley, under a lease of ninety nine years, renewable forever. Should the above property not be sold by private contract before the 28th day of July, it will then be offered at public sale. For further information enquire of Mr. Thomas Herty, or James Vanlandy New Jersey Avenue.
June 21, 1802.
epfjy28
Thomas Carpenter,
TAYLOR,
Has just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cashmeres; India, Manchester, and silk striped hankies; cotton cashmeres, beaglepoor, Bengal elegant white choral for panteleons, white and coloured marlottes, Janes and faint crosevers, silk ginghams, black and other coloured striped satins, &c. All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner.—Pensylvania Avenue, west of the President's square.
May 24, 1802.
epf
CHARLES VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of Bell superfine cloths, cashmeres, Swansdown, Toyken etc., Velverets, Janey Cloths, Costings, Flannels, &c. N. B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice.—Washington City, New Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store.
Dec. 16, 1801.
epf
The suppressed Book.
At DANN'S Book Store, Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington City.—Just received for Sale—
A FEW Copies of the History of John Adams's administration; which was suppressed by Mr. Burr.
Also—A separate pamphlet, containing a narrative of the transactions of the suppression.
The History is a large 8vo volume priced in boards 2 dollars; bound 2 dollars 50 cents. The narrative 37 1/2 cents.
At the same store a collection of books English and French of recent introduction, the prices considerably lower than before the war in Europe. A beautiful Quarto Edition of the Bible in 2 vols, large type elegantly printed.
Stationary of all kinds at Philadelphia prices.
Also—The fourth number (and the three preceding) of LUCAS MARTIN'S, Historical comic Roman— and the answer of Mr. R. B. Keene.
3t
NOTICE.
By virtue of a writ of fieri Facias, issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, will be exposed to public sale on Wednesday the fourteenth day of July next, at Rhode's City Tavern.
THE right, title and interest of THADY HOGAN, to one framed house together with one moiety of lot No 17, in square 377, on which the said house is built—Also one feather bed, one pair sheets, bolster, pillows and coverlet. Taken as the property of Thady Hogan, and sold to satisfy three executions in favor of Robert Brown. The sale to commence at eleven o'clock in the forenoon—Terms cash.
DANIEL C. BRENT,
Marshal.
June 25, 1802.
epf
Miss JONES,
First House west of the President's, Pennsylvania Avenue.
HAS received in addition to her former stock, an elegant assortment of goods with the latest fashions—to be sold at the most reasonable prices.
June 25, 1802.
epf

SUPERINTENDENT'S OFFICE, Washington, June 19, 1802. In pursuance of the directions of the Act of Congress...
City Hotel, BROADWAY AT NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends...
PROPOSALS For carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads...
IN CONNECTICUT. 27. From Hartford by East-Hartford, Hebron, Lebanon, Windham and Lebanon...
From Hartford by Middle-town, Haddam, East-Haddam, Colchester and Montville to New-London...
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,400 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac...
Summer Establishment. WILL in future leave the Washington Tavern, Alexandria...
MAIL PILOT. WILL in future leave the Washington Tavern, Alexandria...
Fifty Dollars Reward. For apprehending and returning the following Criminals...
For Sale. A NEGRO WOMAN about 38 years of age; she is an excellent Cook, and good washer...
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. June 23, 1802. ep30A
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. June 23, 1802. ep30A
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. June 23, 1802. ep30A
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. June 23, 1802. ep30A
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. June 23, 1802. ep30A