The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-07-18 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXXII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANN.
MONDAY, JULY 18th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Papers laid before the British Parliament respecting the NEGOTIATION WITH FRANCE.
(Continued.)
With respect to several of the positions stated in the note, and grounded on the idea of the 10th article being executed in its literal sense, they call for some observations. By the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens, the island of Malta was to be restored by his majesty to the Order of St. John, upon certain conditions. The evacuation of the island, at a special period formed a part of these conditions; and if the other stipulations had been in a due course of execution, his majesty would have been bound, by the terms of the treaty, to have ordered his forces to evacuate the island; but these conditions must be considered as being all of equal effect; and if any material parts of them should have been regarded, his majesty would be warranted in deferring the evacuation of the island until such time as the other conditions of the article could be effected, or until some new arrangement could be concluded which should be judged satisfactory to the contracting parties. The refusal of Russia to accede to the arrangement, except on condition that the Maltese language should be abolished; the silence of the court of Berlin, with respect to the invitation that has been made to it, in consequence of the treaty, to become a guarantee power; the abolition of the Spanish priories, in defiance of the treaty to which the king of Spain was a party; the declaration of the Portuguese priory, as forming a part of the Spanish language, unless the property of the Spanish priories was restored to them; these circumstances would have been sufficient, without any other special grounds, to have warranted his majesty in suspending the evacuation of the island. The evacuation of Tarentum and Brundusium is in no respect connected with that of Malta. The French government were bound to evacuate the kingdom of Naples, by their treaty of peace with the king of Naples, at a period antecedent to that at which this stipulation was carried into effect.
The French government were bound likewise, by engagements with the emperor of Russia to respect the independence of the kingdom of Naples; but even admitting that the departure of the French troops, Tarentum depended solely on the article of the treaty of Amiens, their departure is, by the term of the treaty, to take place at the same period as the other evacuations in Europe; namely, one month after the ratification of the definitive treaty; at such period both Porto Ferrajo and Minorca were evacuated by his majesty's forces; whereas the troops of his majesty were in no case bound to evacuate the island of Malta antecedent to the period of three months after the ratification of the definitive treaty; even in that event, it must be considered as depending upon the other parts of the arrangements being in a course of execution. With respect to the assertion in the note, that the Neapolitan troops were to form the garrison of Malta, until the period when the arrangements relative to the order could be carried into effect, it will appear by a reference to the articles, that by the preliminary paragraph, the island was to be restored to the Order upon the condition of the succeeding stipulations, and that it was only from the period when the restitution to the order had actually taken place, that by the 12th paragraph the Neapolitan troops were to form a part of the garrison.
The underlined has thus stated, with all the frankness which the importance of the subject appears to require, the sentiments of his majesty on the note delivered to him by general Andreossi, and on the points in discussion between the two countries.
His majesty is willing to indulge hope, that the conduct of the French government on this occasion may be influenced by principles similar to those which have invariably influenced his own! That as far as possible all causes of distrust, and every impediment to a good understanding between the two countries, may be completely and effectually removed, and that the peace may be consolidated on a secure and lasting foundation.
The underlined requests that general Andreossi accept the assurances of his high consideration.
(Signed) HAWKESBURY. Downing-street, March 15, 1803. His excellency gen. Andreossi, &c.
No. XLVI.
Paris, March 17, 1803.
My Lord, I called yesterday on M. de Talleyrand to converse with him on the subject
of what had passed on Sunday last at the Thuilleries. He had been since that day fully occupied with his expectations to different foreign courts, that I had no opportunity of seeing him sooner. I told him, that I had been placed by the first consul in a situation which could neither suit my public nor my private feelings. That I went to the Thuilleries to pay my respects to the first consul, and to present my countrymen, but not to treat of political subjects; and that unless I had the assurance from him, that I should not be exposed to a repetition of the same disagreeable circumstance, I should be under the necessity of discontinuing my visits to the Thuilleries. M. de Talleyrand assured me, that it was very far from the first consul's intention to distress me, but he had felt himself personally insulted by the charges which were brought against him by the English government; and that it was incumbent upon him to take the first opportunity of exculpating himself in the presence of the ministers of the different powers of Europe. He assured me that nothing similar would occur.
(Signed) WHITWORTH.
The Right hon. lord Hawkesbury, &c.
No. XLVII.—Is an extract of a letter from lord Whitworth to lord Hawkesbury, dated Paris, March 18, 1803. The only material point in this dispatch is a remark of the English ambassador to Talleyrand, viz. That by our possession of Malta, France was not threatened, but the reverse was the case, should the access to Egypt be opened by its evacuation.
No. XLVIII.—Letter from lord Hawkesbury to lord Whitworth, dated Downing-street, March 22, 1803. His lordship lays: "I have in command to signify to you his majesty's pleasure, that you take the earliest opportunity to present to Monseigneur de Talleyrand, the purport with which his majesty has learnt the conduct which the first consul has observed towards your excellency in the instance to which that dispatch refers; and you will add, that as his majesty has a right to expect that his ambassador should be treated with the respect and attention due to the dignity of the sovereign whom he represents, it will be impossible for you to present yourself on any days of ceremony to the first consul, unless you receive an assurance that you will never be exposed to a repetition of the treatment which you experienced on the occasion."
(Inclosure referred to in No. 49.)
The underlined general of division, ambassador and minister plenipotentiary from the French republic, has laid before his government the note addressed to him by his excellency lord Hawkesbury. He has received orders to make the following answer to the observations therein contained:
The object of this note appears to be to explain his Britannic majesty's message; and to give some elucidations which had been demanded respecting the execution of the treaty of Amiens. The first consul will not make any complaint relative to the extra-ordinary and unexpected assertions of this act issued by his Britannic majesty. Not one of them is founded.
His Britannic majesty believes that his kingdom is menaced by preparations made in the ports of Holland & France. He has been deceived. The first consul has made no preparation.
There were at the time of the message but two frigates in the roads of Holland, and but three corvettes in the road of Dunkirk.
How can his Britannic majesty's ministers have been deceived on facts so evident? His Britannic majesty's ambassadors at Paris and at the Hague have seriously to reproach themselves, if they have credited information so evidently false, and if they did not foresee that they thereby exposed their government to err in the most important deliberations.
Was it not conformable to the usage practiced among nations, first to demand explanations, and thus to take means for being convinced of the falseness of the intelligence which the ministers might have received? Must not the least effects of the omission of this practice be, to bring on the ruin of families, and carry confusion, uncertainty, and disorder into all the commercial affairs of both nations? The first consul knows, both from his own sentiments, and judging of other people, by the French, that a great nation can never be terrified. He believes that good policy and the feelings of true dignity ever inspire the sentiment of esteem for a rival nation, and never the design of menacing her. A great nation may be destroyed, but not intimidated.
The second part of his majesty's message consists of another assertion, no better founded. His Britannic majesty makes mention of discussions, the facts of which are doubtful. What are these discussions? What official notes, what protocol prove the opening, the progress, the vicissitudes of a debate? Can a state of difficulties, which leads to an alternative of peace or war, spring up unawares, without commencement, without progression, and lead without dilution, to an appeal to arms before all the means of conciliation have been exhausted?
In this case the appeal has been publicly made before it could be known that there was room for misunderstanding. The termination of the discussions was announced before they had begun. The issue of a difficult discussion has been declared before it arose. What would Europe, what would both nations think, if they knew that these discussions, announced by his Britannic majesty as so difficult to terminate, were unknown to the French government; and that the first consul on reading the message, could not comprehend the meaning of either of the declarations therein contained.
He has also abstained from any offensive step; and whatever may have been the clamour, the activity, the provocations of war, which have taken place in England since that message, he has given no orders, he has made no dispositions, no preparations. He places his glory in an affair of this nature, wholly in being taken in an unprovided state. He will continue in this system of honest frankness, until his Britannic majesty has reflected fully on the part he proposes to take.
In lord Hawkesbury's note, an opinion is expressed, that the French republic has increased in power since the peace of Amiens. This is a decided error. Since that epoch, France has evacuated a considerable territory. The French power has received no degree of augmentation. If his Britannic majesty is determined to make war, he may allege all the pretexts he pleases. He will find few less founded.
As to the complaints made respecting the publications which may have appeared in France, they are of an order too secondary to be capable of influencing such a decision. Are we then returned to the age of tournaments? Motives of this nature might have authorized, for centuries ago, the combat of thirty; but they cannot, in this age, be a reason for war between the two countries.
It might suffice in this respect to reply to his excellency, that no representation has been made by him on the subject to the government of the republic; and that, if it was but justice to grant satisfaction, the first consul had a right to expect that which was required by M. Otto in his note of the 22d Thermidor last, upon grounds more serious and more just.
Is it possible that the English ministry can have been ignorant, that ever since the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens the English press has not ceased to spread through Europe the rage of war, the discord of peace, and shapeless and boundless outrages against every thing which is the object of the love and veneration of the French people?
A few days after the ratification of peace, one of his Britannic majesty's ministers declared that the peace establishment must be considerable; and the distrust excited by this declaration made in parliament with as much bitterness as impropriety, furnished a commentary for the exaggeration and alarms which were circulated in despicable pamphlets, and in newspapers as contemptible as those libels. Since that time, these writers have found themselves invariably supported in their incoherent observations by particular phrases taken from the speeches of some leading members of parliament. These speeches, scarcely to be exceeded by the news writers themselves, have for these 18 months tended to encourage insult against other governments to that degree, that every European must be offended, and every reasonable Englishman must be humiliated, by such unearned-officiousness.
What if we connect with these fallacies, proceedings more offensive and serious; the indulgence granted to French criminals, publishing daily outrages in the French language; the still more inexcusable toleration extended to villains covered with crimes, and plotting assassinations-intelligents, such as Georges, who still continues to reside at London protected, and having a considerable establishment; in a word, the little justice which has been shown to all our
representations.—How are we to account for the publicity of the complaint which his Britannic majesty has thought proper to make respecting some indefinite wrongs which he has hitherto thought unnecessary to bring before the first consul?
The first consul has had cause to be convinced that all his representations on all these points were useless, and that his Britannic majesty, regardless of the neighbouring powers, was resolved to authorize every thing within his dominions; but he did not on that account entertain a doubt of the continuance of peace, nor alarm Europe with the notification of war. He confined himself to this principle of conduct, to permit or prevent in France with respect to England whatever should be permitted or prevented in England with regard to France.
He has, however, expressed, and he again expresses his wish, that means should be adopted to prevent in future any mention being made of what is passing in England, either in the official discussions or in the polemical writings in France, as in like manner in the French official discussions and polemical writings no mention whatever should be made of what is passing in England.
Lord Hawkesbury mentions an article in a newspaper, containing the report of a French colonel. In serious discussions an answer on this point might be dispensed with; but it is neither a long nor difficult matter.
A colonel in the English army has published a work in England, filled with the most atrocious and disgusting calumnies against the French army and its general. The lies it contains have been contradicted by the reception which col. Sebastiani experienced. The publicity of his report was at once a retaliation and a reparation which the French army had a right to expect. On his arrival in Egypt, this officer, to his great astonishment, found the English army there, although they should have evacuated it, and the Turks prodigiously alarmed at the continuance of the English army and at its relations with the natives in rebellion and open revolt against the sublime Porte.
He must have conceived that the treaties which connect us with the Porte, and by which we have guaranteed to it the integrity of its possessions, compelled us to unite ourselves with that power. It was natural to think that England meant to declare war from the instant she refused to execute the articles of the treaty. For after all, France is not reduced to such a state of debasement as to suffer treaties made with her to be executed or not at pleasure.
Hence the researches made by this officer, as to the forces which were in Egypt, and as to the position occupied by the English army.
But Egypt has since been restored to the dominion of its lawful sovereign, and the idea of a rupture between the two nations, on account of the engagement contracted with the Porte no longer exists.
There remains, therefore, but one object worthy of fixing the attention of the two nations. The execution of the treaty of Amiens, as far as concerns Malta. His Majesty has engaged to restore it to the Order, and entrust it to the Neapolitan army until the Order should be in a condition to guard it. His Majesty will reject all sophistry, every dilution, every mental reservation on which might be offered to him, to put in doubt the force and the validity of his engagement. His Britannic Majesty's equity, his conscience in this respect, are guarantees for the French Republic. Were it otherwise, what means in future would the two nations have for coming to an understanding? Would not all be chaos? This would indeed be adding another calamity to those which have menaced social order.
The underlined is directed to declare, in short, that the First Consul will not take up the defiance of war given by England to France; that as to Malta, he sees no subject for discussion, the treaty having provided for every thing, and settled every thing. The underlined has the honor &c.
(Signed) F. ANDREOSSI. Portland Place, 8 Germinal, year 11. (29 March, 1803.)
(Inclosure referred to in No. 49.)
The underlined, his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for foreign affairs, has laid before the king the note of his Excellency General Andreossi, of the 29th of last month.
His Majesty has been induced, by that spirit of moderation and forbearance which have invariably governed his conduct in every part of his communi-
cations with the French Government, to abstain from making many observations, which the perusal of this note may naturally have suggested to his mind.
His Majesty has perceived with great regret, that the French Government continues to withhold all satisfaction and explanation on the points on which he has complained; and that at the time when they evade all discussion on the subject of his representations, they persist in their requisition that the island of Malta should be forthwith evacuated by his forces.
His Majesty can never so far forget what is due to himself and to his people, as to acquiesce in such a course of proceeding; he has therefore judged it expedient to give instructions to his Ambassador at Paris, to ascertain distinctly from the French government, whether they are determined to persevere in withholding all satisfaction and explanation on the points on which his Majesty has complained,—or whether they are disposed, without delay, to give such satisfaction and explanation upon the present state of affairs as may lead to an arrangement which may be calculated to adjust the differences at present subsisting between the two Governments. It is his Majesty's anxious desire, that by this mode of proceeding an end may be put to that state of suspense and irritation which must be so injurious to the interests of both countries; and that the two governments, actuated by the same principles of justice and moderation, may be led to concur in such measures as are most likely to conduce to their permanent tranquility.
The underlined requests General Andreossi to accept the assurances of his high consideration.
HAWKESBURY.
Downing-street, April 3, 1803.
His Excellency Gen. Andreossi, &c. &c.
No. LI.
Downing-street, April 4, 1803.
My Lord,
It is become essential, that the discussions which have been for some time subsisting between his majesty and the French government should be brought to an issue within as short a time as is consistent with the deliberation which must be given to objects of so much importance.
The last note presented by gen. Andreossi, in the name of his government, in answer to my note of the 15th of last month evades all explanation, and even all discussion, of the points on which complaint has been made by his majesty.
If the French government should seriously intend to persist in this course of proceeding, there can be no hopes of a successful termination to the negotiation. It is important, therefore, that you should ascertain distinctly, in the first instance, whether they are disposed to enter into explanation on the points on which his majesty has complained, and to come to such an arrangement as may be calculated to adjust the differences at present between the two countries; and for this purpose you will present a note to the effect of that which is herewith enclosed. It is possible that the French government may continue to evade all discussion on the points in question, and confine themselves to a categorical demand, that Malta should be immediately evacuated. In that case, it is his majesty's pleasure, that you should declare the impossibility of the relations of amity continuing to subsist between the two countries, and the necessity that you will be under of leaving Paris within a certain time. But if, on the other hand, they should show a readiness to enter into discussion, and to give reasonable satisfaction and explanation, it is important that you should be informed, without loss of time, of the sentiments of his majesty's government, as to what might be considered as an equitable adjustment of the differences between the two governments at this moment.
I have therefore, by his majesty's command, inclosed the project of an arrangement, which, under the present circumstances, would meet the ideas of his majesty's government; which would afford security for those objects which are considered as endangered by the equivocal disclosure of the views of the First Consul, and which, at the same time, might entirely save the honor of the French government.
I am &c.
HAWKESBURY.
His excellency lord Whitworth, &c.
(First inclosure referred to in No. 50.)
His majesty has perceived, with great regret that the French government continue to withhold all satisfaction and explanation on the points on which he has complained.
(Continued on last page.)

NEW-YORK, July 13.
Paris papers to the 21st May, inclusive, are received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser by the brig Enterprise, from Havre-de-Grace. From one of these dates, printed in the English language, we copy the following important paper: the counter declaration of the French government on the subject of the late negotiations.
We have also been letters from a source of high respectability in Paris, which mention that Louisiana is ceded to the United States for eighty millions of livres (about 13 millions of dollars); one-fourth payable in debts due to the citizens of the United States from France, to be liquidated at Paris, and the remainder in six per cent stock.
The enterprise left Havre on the 23d, and was boarded the day following by an English frigate, who (as reported by her officers) had captured six French vessels, and sent them into British ports.
Come passengers, Mr. Elston, and Mr. G. A. Hughes at Baltimore. The latter is bearer of the treasury respecting Louisiana, and proceeded immediately for the seat of government.
PARIS, May 21. CONSERVATIVE SENATE. Sitting of the 24th Floreal.
The candidates of the Regent, Pienneau, D. Rolland and Fleuriou, orators of the government, made a communication to the Senate, of the note, addressed on the 24th of the month, to the ambassador of his Britannic majesty, by the minister for foreign affairs.
23 Floreal, (13th May.)
In the important and serious circumstances, in which the two nations find themselves, the undersigned the minister for foreign affairs of the French Republic, has received an order to place under the eyes of the British government the following note.
The 17 Ventose, his Britannic majesty caused to be communicated to his parliament, by a special message that formidable armaments were preparing in the ports of France and Holland, and that important negotiations, the result of which were doubtful, divided the two governments.
This extraordinary and unexpected declaration excited a general astonishment; but the maritime situation of France was obvious. England and Europe knew that there were no formidable armaments either in the ports of France, or in the ports of Holland.
The undersigned will not call to the recollection of his excellency, lord Whitworth, every thing which was said at that time. It was demanded from what source could spring information so ill-founded? The personal discernment of lord Whitworth, the loyalty of his character, could not for a moment be suspected.
The affirmation that France was making formidable armaments, was manifestly a supposition, and one which could not impose on any person. Its natural effect must tend to create a belief, that it was a means, of which men signalized by their turbulent opinions, wished to avail themselves, and who fought with eagerness a pretext for exciting trouble, for enflaming the passions of the British nation, for exciting France, hatred and alarm.
With respect to the English government; it ought to be believed that, if false reports had been laid into an order, with respect to the existence of armaments, it could not have been equally so with respect to the existence of negotiations.
The ambassador of the Republic at London, was no sooner informed of the message of his Britannic majesty, than, astonished that it announced a negotiation, of which he was unacquainted, he immediately waited upon his excellency, lord Hawkesbury, and desired, at that time, expecting that an appeal to arms, founded upon false suppositions, could cover the project to violate the treaty of Amiens, with respect to the clauses, which were not yet carried into execution, he presented to the minister of his Britannic majesty, on the 19th Ventose, a note demanding of him explanations.
At the same period the undersigned had orders to address his excellency, lord Whitworth, relative to the motives which could have determined the English government to authorize, in its message, two assertions, both equally false, in order to call its nation to arms, and to break the bond of peace, which united the two states.
His excellency, lord Hawkesbury, received on the 24th Ventose, to general Andreossi, a vague, aggressive and impetuous note. This note, far from throwing any light on the subject of the discussion, on the contrary involved it in additional obscurity. It feignedly held out the faint hope of the possibility of a living at a discussion, and still less the hope of seeing it terminate in an auspicious manner.
The reply of the French government, under date of the 8th Germinal, was equally as vague and moderate, as the note of the British ministry had been hostile.
The first consul declared that he should not bring in question the defiance of war thrown out by England, that he abstained
ed from laying any stress upon expressions, the meaning of which might bear an aggressive character; and that, finally, he could not bring himself to believe, that his Britannic majesty wished to violate the sacredness of a treaty, upon which reposed the safety of all nations.
The declaration, made by order of the first consul, produced on the 17th Germinal, a new note, in which the French government did not see without surprise, that an indefinite demand of satisfaction was addressed to it. The absurdity of the demand, expressed without motives, and without object, leaves nothing to be distinctly perceived, but the inconsistency of its expressions.
The intention of violating the treaty of Amiens was manifested in this note, by refusing to evacuate Malta. It should seem that the English government flattered itself, that the French people would consent to give satisfaction upon two supposed acts, on the allegation of which they, perhaps, had equally the same right to demand satisfaction themselves.
In waving for the present this office, lord Whitworth demanded that an arrangement should be immediately made, upon the basis which is going to be exposed to view, and at the same time he gave it to be understood, that in case of a refusal, he feared he should be obliged, by the orders of his government, to quit Paris instantly, and to put a termination to his mission.
What reply could the French government give to overtures so abrupt and strange? Nothing but a strong and ardent desire for peace, could have gained the ascendancy over indignation.
To confine one's self to a cool and calm decision, which leaves to reason and to justice time to triumph over the passions, it is necessary to be deeply penetrated with the idea, that the numberless victims of the discord of governments, have nothing whatever to do with the intus which menaces them; that to many millions of brave citizens who, in the ardour of their heroic attachment to their country, shed their blood solely for its good, never harbour the wish to affront a neighbouring and powerful people; that they take no interest in the odious pursuits by pride, and in the vain pretensions of supremacy. Nor only must this idea be deeply impressed upon the mind; it must possess and engulf it solely without cessation.
His excellency lord Whitworth agreed to write to his court, that the first consul could not consent to the violation of a solemn treaty; but that he wished for peace, that if the English government was desirous that a convention should be made, with a view to arrangements foreign to the treaty of Amiens, he would not refuse it, and that the motives of this convention might be drawn from reciprocal grievances.
These views were just and moderate. It was impossible to propose a negotiation upon a more liberal basis. It will not be irrelevant to observe here, that it was six weeks after the message, in which the existence of a negotiation of a difficult nature, of most serious interest, and of uncertain but near issue, was positively asserted and announced, that the ministers of the two governments were not able to come even to the opening of an actual negotiation.
Lord Whitworth received new orders; he presented successively two projects of a convention.
By the first, it was proposed that Malta should remain under the sovereignty of the king of England; and the clause being adopted, his Britannic majesty offered to recognize all that had taken place in Europe, since the treaty of Amiens.
His majesty, the king of England, further promised to take measures, in order that those men who in different parts of England are hatching plots against France, should be effectually suppressed. The undersigned has the honour to remark to his excellency, lord Whitworth, that the first project of the convention was a palpable violation of the treaty of Amiens, and subversive of the basis of the negotiation which his excellency was charged to present to his court; that with respect to the recognition offered by his Britannic majesty there in fact existed no objects to which it could apply, that no change has taken place in Europe since the treaty of Amiens; unless it be on the organization of the empire, in which the king of England had coincided with his note, as elector of Hanover; and that even this was no more than a necessary consequence of the treaty of Luneville, which is much anterior to the treaty of Amiens.
That the events relative to the political existence of Piedmont, of the kingdom of Etruria, and of the Italian and Ligurian republics, had their date prior to the treaty of Amiens; that in the negotiation of this treaty, France had desired that England should recognize these three powers; but as they could not accord upon this point, as well as upon the affairs of India, in as far as concerns the destruction of some of the principal states, and the incalculable acquisitions made by England in this country; it was agreed to consider the discussion of these objects as not appertaining to the execution of the preliminary articles, and to the fundamental object of the pacification of the two states.
The undersigned finally observes, that the French government does not demand, on this point, any approbation or recognizing from his Britannic majesty.
The undersigned adds that, with respect to the Batavian republic, it had been recognized by the king of England, in as much as he had treated with it, and that by the existing treaties between this republic and France, the rear-guard of the French troops are bound to evacuate this country, on receiving the news of the entire execution of the treaty of Amiens.
With respect to the criminals, who have sought refuge in London, and in Jersey, where they give themselves up to all their perverse inclinations, and where, far from being restrained, they are supported and punished by England, the French government conceives that, in the actual state of the negotiations, it ought not to attach any importance to this point.
His excellency, lord Whitworth, proposed a second project. England demanded that the civil government of Malta being left with the grand master, the British garrison should continue to occupy the fortifications of the island. This proposition was impracticable and unheard of. Like that of the first project, it was contrary to the treaty of Amiens, offered by the First Consul; it was besides attended with the irremediable inconvenience of placing an order of Knights, appertaining to all the powers of Europe, under the authority and arbitrary tutelage of a single power; it was finally, in its very self, an offence to the honor and to the religion of an order, allied by all its elements to the honor and to the religion of all Europe.
Thus, in every step of this negotiation, the government of the republic was obliged to perceive that the English government had but one desire, one sole object in view, to wit, the non-fulfilment of the stipulations of the treaty of Amiens, & to retain Malta, for this sole reason, because Malta suited its convenience, and that it called this acquisition a sufficient guarantee.
But which is the power of Europe, were it even obliged to acknowledge itself unequal, that could suffer to submit itself to the will of another, without a discussion of its rights, without an appeal to the principles of justice? Where above all is the power, which placed in the predicament France finds herself, in the course of this discussion, could have subscribed to conditions, dictated from the very opening of a negotiation, and rather announced with the noise of menaces of war, by preparations and armaments, than proposed as the means of according the rights and the interests of two states.
In circumstances, in some respect analogous, a nation feeble, not as to its courage, but with respect to the extent and population of its provinces, dared to brave the English power, and menaced in its capital; to expose the residence of its kings, to endanger its riches, the result of a century of peace, and of an industrious economy, rather than subscribe to unjust conditions, proposed at that time, the same as on the present occasion, from motives of convenience to England; and backed by the equipment of a considerable armament. Many gallant heroes perished; the Danish colonies were usurped; but however unequal as was the struggle, honor did not leave to this generous Nation the choice of the part which it ought to take.
In the present discussion, policy speaks the same language as honor. If the British government is at liberty to conform, or not conform, to its engagements; if it is permitted to the British government, to make a distinction, in the treaties, which it concludes, between the spirit and the letter: if mental restrictions are allowed, as authorized exceptions; if whatever constitutes an object of convenience to England, is to be the umpire of the meaning of political conventions, where will be the end, the termination of the concessions, which the British government flatters itself that it can extort from the weakness of France; What will be the measure of the sacrifices and humiliations, which one may dare to impose upon her? To day the convenience of England exacts a guarantee against France, and England retains Malta. In former times, the convenience of England required a guarantee against France, and Dunkirk was destroyed! and an English Commissary dictated the law in a country, in which the French flag waved! To-morrow, the convenience of England may demand a guarantee against the progress of French industry, and a proposal may be made for a Tariff of commerce, to arrest and check the progress of our industry.
If we repair our ports; if we construct a mole; if we dig a canal; if, by any mode of encouragement, we improve our manufactures, &c. a demand is made upon us, to degrade our ports; that our canals shall be choked up, and our Manufactures ruined. It is demanded, that France shall become poor; that it shall be deformed to suit the convenience of England, and that it shall give a sufficient guarantee to its government.
Whether we consider the principles, or examine the consequences, we are equally struck with surprise at the injus-
tice and the scandal of these pretensions. Supposing, that such a demand were submitted even to the verdict of an English jury, would they hesitate a single moment to reject it unanimously?
The government of the Republic has the right to feel surprised, that the British ministry should deem itself authorized to suppose that France would submit to such a degree of humiliation. On what ground has it believed, that the actual and existing government of France would in ignominious repose, lose sight at once of the remembrance of what it had achieved, and of all its duties.
Are our provinces less extensive, or is our population decreased? Are we no longer the same nation, which made a sacrifice of every thing to our just and indispensable interests. And if, after our success, we have displayed an extraordinary moderation to what other power can this moderation, be imputed than to the justice of our cause, and the conviction of our force.
The undersigned in laying before his excellency, Lord Whitworth, these observations, conceives himself authorized in making the remark, that the moderate conduct of the whole of the French administration, during two entire months, which constitute one series of provocation and offence, and notwithstanding the deep impression which such conduct cannot fail to make, ought to cause him to appreciate the real character of the French government. Yet, under all these circumstances, at the very time, that, in consequence of its profound silence, after reiterated insults, the government of the Republic had the right to expect that reparation would be given, or at least, that a termination would be made to insult—at a time when abstaining from prejudging the final and ultimate result which affairs might take it has manifested nothing but affection and eagerness to investigate the means, which were capable of being proposed, in order to conciliate and satisfy the English government; at this very time, and under these peculiar circumstances, his excellency, Lord Whitworth, by order of his government, made verbally, and without consenting to give any written declaration, the following demands to the undersigned, viz.
1. That England should retain Malta for 10 years. 2. That England should be put in possession of Lampedosa. 3. That Holland should be evacuated by the French troops.
His excellency Lord Whitworth, further declared, that these propositions formed the ultimatum of his court, and that, in case of a refusal he had instructions to leave Paris, in the course of seven days.
The undersigned has no hesitation to declare, that there is no precedent of such form being given to so imperious an ultimatum.
And on what ground? Is war attended with no inconveniences to any other power than us? Does the English ministry believe the French nation to be so feeble, that in circumstances where points of the utmost importance are under consideration it does not think itself bound to conform, on its part, to the usages which obtain among the governments of all civilized nations?
Or is it not rather, that the sentiment of injustice which weighs upon the conscience of public alarm as upon that of a private man, has to prevent the British government from signing the demand which it made, and that it has endeavoured, by a less decisive step, to reserve to itself, at a future opportunity, the capability of effacing the traits of its real pretensions, and to deceive and mislead the public opinion, as to the cause and origin of the rupture?
O false, is it, that the ministers of his Britannic Majesty have ill appreciated the character of the First Consul? Have they flattered themselves with the hope, that they should be able, by hint of provocation, to exasperate, or to intimidate him; to cause him to forget the interest of the nation, or to goad him to any act of éclat, which they might afterwards be able to parody and misrepresent to Europe, as the initiative of war.
The First Consul, more than any man that exists, knows the evils of war, because he is better acquainted than any man, with its calculations and its chances. He is of opinion, that in circumstances in which we are at present placed, the first care of a government ought to be directed to the catastrophe and the calamities, which may result from a new war; he is of opinion, that it is the primary duty not only not to give way to the impulse of imitation but to make use of every means to enlighten, to moderate the impetuous passions of the multitude.
The undersigned, confining himself to the form of his communication on the part of his excellency Lord Whitworth, requests of him to observe, that verbal and fugitive observations are insufficient for the discussion of such immense interests, all the motives of which it is customary to discuss in the councils of nations, after the most mature deliberation. In these councils, and under such circumstances, nothing is judged indifferent; the forms, say the very expressions are weighed, examined, debated, canvassed, appreciated, and served always,
as well to determine, as to justify the part, which it becomes necessary to take.
If such an imprudent, such an indecent violation of all forms had been committed by France, what would not have been written by England? There is not a single orator in the two houses of Parliament, who would not have declared, that this deviation from the rules generally established between nations, in important circumstances, was an outrage offered to the English nation. In the opinion of all, an offence of this kind would be regarded as an adequate motive to break off all further negotiation.
With respect to the basis of the proposed ultimatum, the undersigned has the honor to call to the recollection of his excellency Lord Whitworth, that he was charged to signify by a note, which was remitted to him on the 12th Floreal, that the First Consul was as little to be worked upon by menaces, as by injuries, and that he was ready to overlook the neglect of forms, of which a parallel is not to be found in the history of any nation, in circumstances of equal importance.
That the island of Lampedosa did not belong to France; that it was under the sovereignty of a foreign power, and that, with respect to the will of his Britannic Majesty to have possession of it, the First Consul had no right to specify, either his consent or refusal.
That the independence of the order, and the Island of Malta was the result of an especial article of the treaty of Amiens; that the First Consul is not competent to take, in this respect, any new determination, without the concurrence of the two other contracting powers to the treaty, his Majesty, the King of Spain, and the Batavian Republic.
That the independence of the Island of Malta had been guaranteed by His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, and that the ratifications of this guarantee were exchanged; that their Majesties, the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia had guaranteed the independence of the Order & Malta, that these guarantees were demanded of these powers, by England as well as by France; that it was the duty of the First Consul to accept of them, that the First Consul could not, in consequence, give ear to any proposition, relative to the Independence of the Order of the Island of Malta, without previously being apprized with respect to this Independence, of the intentions of the Governments, which had authentically guaranteed it.
That a small Corps of French was still, at the time of the message, stationed in Holland, in virtue of a convention concluded between that Republic and France; and that the First Consul had not the least hesitation in saying, he would cause Holland to be evacuated, the moment the stipulations of the Treaty of Amiens were carried into effect, on the part of England.
To this note which, in expressions and exactitude, and above all in the precision of its movements, breathed nothing but justice, peace and moderation. His excellency, Lord Whitworth, replied, by a peremptory demand of passports; stating, at the same time, that he intended leaving Paris on Wednesday, the 4th of May, at five o'clock in the morning.
The French Government deeply feels the contrast which a determination, so absolute, presents to the character of decorum, of justice and of conciliation, which in all circumstances, and principally in the last, it has made a point of giving to all its measures. Nevertheless it deemed it incumbent upon itself to make a sacrifice to the interests of humanity. It was not willing to abandon till the last moment all hopes of Peace, and the Undersigned transmitted to his excellency, Lord Whitworth, a new Note, in which France made the offer to give its assent, that Malta should be placed under the guardianship of one of the three guaranteeing powers, viz. Austria, Russia, and Prussia.
This proposition appeared to Lord Whitworth himself such as ought to satisfy the pretensions of his Court; he suspended his departure, and received the Note ad referendum.
At the same time the Ambassador of the Republic, at London, being apprized of the demand, which his excellency Lord Whitworth, had made at Paris for his passports to return to England, received orders to hold himself in readiness to depart. He accordingly demanded his passports which were instantly granted.
The mezzo termino, proposed by the French Government, was a deviation from the letter of the Treaty of Amiens; but it had the double advantage to assimilate, to the greatest degree possible, with its spirit, that is to say, to place Malta in the independence of the two nations, and to offer this guarantee to much insisted upon, and which the British Ministry pretended constituted the sole object of its alarms.
The British government comprehended the force of these reasons, and the unhappy fatality which induced it to war, offered to it no other reply, than a false allegation. The 21st of this month Lord Whitworth transmitted a note, in which he declared, that Russia had refused to accede to what was required of her,

The guaranteeing Powers being three in number, if Russia had given a refusal still there remained the Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia. But how was it possible for Russia to make known its sentiments on the subject of new propositions, and which had been made only a few days? It was in the knowledge of England that Russia and Prussia had proposed to guarantee the independence of Malta, with some slight modifications, and that the French Government had willingly accepted of the said guarantee; and that, judging of the genius, the consistency, and the fidelity to his engagement, which characterize the Emperor Alexander, there was not the smallest doubt, that he would accept of the proposition which had been made to him; but Providence, which takes a pleasure in confounding bad faith, caused, at the time, that, even at the same instance in which Lord Whitworth transmitted his note, a Russian courier to arrive addressed to the plenipotentiaries of this power, as well at Paris as at London, by virtue of which his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, manifested with a most marked and peculiar energy, the pain he experienced on learning the resolution of his Britannic Majesty to retain the Island of Malta; he renewed the assurance of his guarantee, and made it known, that he would accept the demand of his mediation, which had been made by the First Consul, if the two powers had receded to it. The underlined, hearing, on the 22d, to apprise Lord Whitworth, by a note, of the error into which his Court had been led, not doubting, that as this was the only objection which it had made to the project proposed, the moment that it was acquainted with the reiterated and positive declaration of Russia, it would use all possible diligence to adhere to the delivering up of Malta into the hands of one of the three powerful guaranteeing powers. What then must have been the astonishment of the underlined, when Lord Whitworth, without entering into any explanation, or seeking to contradict or discuss the declarations made to him by the underlined, made known by a note written on the same day, that by his instructions, he had received orders to depart within thirty-six hours after the delivery of his last note, and repeated his demand for his passports. The underlined was obliged, in consequence, to cause them to be delivered to him immediately.
Would the English Ambassador have conducted himself in a different manner, if the French Government had been besieged in a place battered in breach, and that the point in question had been—not the most important interests of the British Crown; for these eight hundred years, but of a simple capitulation. The commencement of these negotiations was preceded by armaments pompously announced. Every day, every hour the signal was given for the commencement of hostilities. And what is this ultimatum that is presented to the French government, and requires to be signed in the course of a day. It is required that the French government should consent to give an island, which does not belong to it; that it should itself commit, even to its own injury, a violation of a solemn treaty, under the pretext that England stands in need of a new guarantee against her; that it should be waiting in all regard due to the other contracting powers, by destroying, without their consent, the article which, with respect to themselves, was discussed longer than any other at the period of the conferences; that it would be equally wanting in the regard due to the guaranteeing powers, in consenting that an island, which they wished to be independent, should remain for ten years under the authority of the British Crown; that it took away from the state of Malta the sovereignty of the state which had been restored to it, and that this sovereignty be transferred to the inhabitants; that by this spoliation it would give offence to all the powers, which had sanctioned the establishment of this order, which had guaranteed it, and which, in the arrangements of Germany, had assured to it incentives for the losses it had experienced. Such is the basis of this Ultimatum, which presents a series of pretensions always increasing in the same proportion, as the government of the Republic displays its moderation. At the first, England gave its consent to the preservation of the order of Malta, but wanted to subject this order and its states to the British authority. At present, and for the same time, the abolition of the same order is demanded, and that it should be consented to in the space of thirty-six hours. But, were the definitive conditions proposed equally as conformable to the treaty of Amiens, and to the interests of France, as they are contrary to them, the simple form of these demands, the period of thirty-six hours, prescribed for giving the answer, cannot leave any doubt, as to the determinations of the French government. No, never will France recognize in any government the right of annulling by a single act of its pleasure, the stipulations of a reciprocal engagement. If she has per-
mitted that, under appearances which announced direct menaces, a verbal Ultimatum, of seven days, should be presented to her, an Ultimatum of thirty-six hours, and treaties concluded, without being negotiated, she could have no other motive, than to recall the British government by the example of her moderation; but she cannot consent to any thing, which compromises the interests of her dignity, and her power. The underlined is therefore charged to declare to his Excellency, Lord Whitworth, that any communication, the false and the forms of which do not accord with the usages observed among the great powers, and with the principle of the most perfect equality between one state and the other, can no more be admitted in France. That nothing could oblige the French government to dispose of countries, which do not in the least appertain to her, and that it never will recognize the right of England to violate in any point whatever the treaties into which that power has entered with France. Finally, the underlined repeats the proposition of placing Malta under the guarantee of one of the three powers, and as to every other object, foreign to the treaty of Amiens, he renews the declaration, that the French government is ready to open a negotiation on these points. If the English Government gives the signal of war, nothing will remain to the Republican government, but to confide in the justice of her cause, and in the God of armies. The Minister for Foreign Affairs. (Signed) CH. M. TALLEYRAND.
The Senate, after hearing this message, charged its vice president and secretaries, and the Senators Joseph Bonaparte, Laflèche, Lespinalle, Jacqueminot and Roberdeau, to be the bearers to the First Consul of its thanks for the communication made to the Senate by his orders. In its deliberation the Senate says, "that it cannot but applaud the moderation and firmness which characterize the negotiations opened with the British government; that it feels impatient to give to France the signal of acknowledgement, if peace accords with the wishes of the First Consul; and of devotedness, if the national dignity calls for war." The First Consul received at St. Cloud, on Sunday the 15th May, the deputation of the Senate. A similar communication was made on the same day to the legislative body and the tribunate. These two authorities have likewise each separately, sent a deputation to the First Consul. Mr. Talbot, Secretary of the British Legation, leaves Paris this day. Mr. Bortalis the younger, returns from England. Lauriston, aide-de-camp to the First Consul, has been at Brest since the 11th May. Yesterday (20 May) the Legislative body and the Senate have had an extraordinary sitting. Orators of the government transmitted to these two authorities all the papers relative to the negotiation with England. "The negotiations are at an end, said they; if we are attacked, we are ready to fight; and we will combat to maintain the faith of treaties and the honor of the French. The result of this struggle shall be such as we have a right to expect from the justice of our cause and the courage of our warriors." The presidents of the Legislative body and of the tribunate have answered to the communication of the government by speeches in which they have paid to the chief consul the tribute due to his moderation, his firmness, and his respect for the majesty of the French people which he represents. The legislature has formed itself into a secret committee, and has appointed a select number of its members to report the project of a message to government; and then adjourned to this day. The tribunate has appointed a committee of seven of its members to make a report for Monday next, on the official papers of the negotiation. The Senate is also assembled under the presidency of count Cambacérès. The official papers, which have been laid before the first authorities of the Republic, make a volume of 278 pages in 4to of which we shall to-morrow give as copious extracts as the limits of this journal will admit. In the meantime we present to our readers the truly curious ultimatum of the British Ministry, such as it was transmitted on the 10th May by the English Ambassador.
COMMITTED to the goal of Prince George's county Maryland, on the second day July, a black fellow by the name of JACK, about twenty two years of age, five feet six inches high, has a scar on his left cheek near his eye, and some grey hairs on his head; his clothing is an Osnaburg shirt and trousers—Lays he was sold not long since by Joseph Griffiths of Calver county Maryland, to a person living in one of the southern states, from whom he made his escape. His owner is requested to release him from goal, or he will be sold for his prison fees as the law directs. THOMAS MACGILL, Sheriff. Prince George county, Maryland. July 18, 1803.
WASHINGTON CITY MONDAY, JULY 18. By the President of the United States of America. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS great and weighty matters, claiming the consideration of the Congress of the United States, form an extraordinary occasion for convening them; I do by these presents appoint Monday the 17th day of October next for their meeting at the City of Washington, hereby requiring, their respective Senators and Representatives, then and there to assemble in Congress, in order to receive such communications as may then be made to them, and to consult and determine on such measures, as, in their wisdom may be deemed meet for the welfare of the United States. In Testimony Whereof, I have caused the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the City of Washington, the sixteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and three; and in the twenty-eighth year of the Independence of the United States. (Signed) TH. JEFFERSON. By the President. (Signed) JAMES MADISON, Secretary.
Dispatches from the American minister at Paris were received by Executive on Thursday evening. They were brought by Mr. Hughes of Baltimore, as confidential bearer, and contain the Treaty and signed on April 30th which conveys Louisiana to the United States. The extent of the territory ceded is defined by a general reference to that in which Louisiana was ceded to France. The terms are, 18,112,500 dollars to be paid to France in six per cent stock, within three months after the exchange of ratifications and the delivery of possession. 2d. An assumption of the debts due and captures provided for under the Convention of the Sept. 30th 1803, between the United States and the French Republic which are to be liquidated by Commissioners at Paris, and paid at the Treasury of the United States on debts from their Minister at Paris. The sum of this is not to go beyond 3,750,000 dollars, and it is conjectured, that the amount of the debts and claims will fall short of that sum. 3d. French and Spanish vessels and merchandise directly from their own ports the merchandise being of the respective countries are to pay, in the ports of the Ceded Territory, for a period of 12 years, no higher duties than are paid by American citizens, and this privilege is not to be extended during that period to any other foreign nation. After that period France and Spain are to enjoy within the ports of the ceded territory the privileges only of the most favored nation. The treaty is to be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged within six months from its date. This circumstance will require the convening of Congress a little earlier than the 1st Monday of November. It is understood that the ratification of the First Consul is on its way to the United States. Immediately after the ratifications of the treaty, possession is to be delivered. The inhabitants of Louisiana are to be incorporated with the U. S. as soon as can consistently with the constitution of the U. S. be effected; and in the mean time are to be secured in their liberties, prosperity and religion.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. A Rejection of the Charges against the present Administration, that their Views and Measures are hostile to the Eastern States.
NO. VII. APPOINTMENTS TO OFFICE. On the subject of appointments to office it is understood that the Eastern states are peculiarly vigilant. They are told that they ought to view with jealousy and distrust every attempt to deprive them of their full share in the great offices of the states, who may constitutionally be selected, without local consideration, by the Chief Magistrate, from any part of the union. Though it is not our wish to be the apologist of any local prejudice whatever on this or on any other great national object, and though it is our firm conviction that the first offices of the government ought to be filled with men of the first talents without regard to the states they may live in, we will not, in the present case, condemn the vigilance ascribed to our Eastern friends. Inasmuch as many of their citizens possess talents competent to the highest offices, and inasmuch as they feel an equal zeal for the welfare of their country with those who inhabit the Southern or the Middle states, it will be allowed that they possess a moral right to a participation of office in proportion to their numbers. As numbers are the basis of representation fixed by the constitution, it is to be presumed that no objection will be made to considering that as the criterion. If the states be divided into the three classes of Eastern, Middle, and Southern, we shall find the number of each class to be as follows, reckoning only three States of the states:
  1. EASTERN STATES.   New-Hampshire, 188,000   Massachusetts, 575,000   Rhode-Island, 69,000   Connecticut, 250,000   Vermont, 154,000   1,229,000   2. MIDDLE STATES.   New-York, 577,000   Pennsylvania, 603,000   Delaware, 63,000   New-Jersey, 206,000   1,447,000   3. SOUTHERN STATES.   Maryland, 305,000   Virginia, 741,000   North-Carolina, 425,000   South-Carolina, 236,000   Georgia, 138,000   1,855,000 
Add these together— Eastern, 1,229,000 Middle, 1,447,000 Southern, 1,855,000 Total, 4,531,000
Of which total the Eastern states comprise but little more than one-fourth, the Middle nearly one-third, and the Southern between one-third and a half. By mathematical calculation it will be found that the respective numbers of each class will bear the following relation to the common number ten.
  Eastern, 2—69   Middle, 3—18   Southern, 4—13 
These numbers present, in one simple view, the relative claims of each class of states to office. The important offices, other than local, may be divided into four descriptions:—
 1. Those which are called Cabinet Officers, consisting of the four Secretaries and the Attorney General.  2. Foreign Ministers.  3. Officers in the different departments.  4. Judges. 
Let the above criterion be applied to each of these descriptions:— First—The Cabinet Officers, consist of, Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts. Levi Lincoln, — Ditto. Albert Gallatin, — Pennsylvania. Robert Smith, — Maryland. James Madison, — Virginia. Vis. Two Eastern, one Middle, and two Southern. Compare these with the common standard ten, and they will bear the following relation—
  Eastern, 4.   Middle, 2.   Southern, 4. 
It follows that the Eastern states have a great over-proportion, that the Middle states have less than their share in a still greater proportion, and that the Southern states have less than their share by a small fraction.
2. The Foreign Ministers, are Mr. Livingston, of New-York, Mr. King, — Massachusetts, Mr. Pinckney, — South-Carolina. With the standard ten, these will bear the following relation—
  Eastern, 3—33   Middle, 3—33   Southern, 3—33 
It follows that the Eastern states have more than their proportion, and the Middle states, and the Southern states less. Mr. King is reckoned as an Eastern man; though immediately before his departure to Europe he was a citizen of New-York. It will, however, be recollected that his early political career commenced in New-England, that he represented Massachusetts in the Federal Convention, and that his politics are decidedly those of the Eastern states.
3. The Officers in the different Departments, are Gideon Grainger, of Connecticut, Abraham Bradley, — New England, Gabriel Duval, — Maryland, William Miller, — Pennsylvania, Richard Harrison, — Virginia, Joseph Mourie, — Pennsylvania, Thos. T. Tucker, — South-Carolina, William Simmons, — New-York, Thomas Turner, — Maryland. With the standard ten, these will bear the following relation:—
  Eastern, 2—22   Middle, 3—33   Southern, 4—45 
It follows that the Eastern states have, by a fraction, less than their share, and that the Middle and Southern states have by alike fraction more, than their share. 4. With regard to the Judges, no remarks shall here be offered, as not one of them has been appointed by the present administration; nor are they subject to its removal.
If this view be generalised by considering all the different descriptions of officers, it will appear that, according to the common standard of ten, The Eastern states have 3—18 Middle — 2—80 Southern — 3—93 Compare these numbers, with those above stated, to which the several states are entitled according to their numbers, and it will appear that while the New-England states have more offices than fall to their share, both the Middle and Eastern states have less.
The view will be rendered still plainer by the following statement:— The whole of the above offices are seventeen; of which the Eastern states are entitled to 4—57 And have 5—00 The Middle states are entitled to 5—37 And have 5—00 The Southern states are entitled to 7—03 And have 7—00
These close mathematical views have been taken to demonstrate the several results, and thereby to destroy all doubt. They place the subject on ground which cannot be shaken, and prove the entire exemption of the present administration from all partial feelings, and all local attachments. The distribution of offices appears to have been made with scrupulous precision, and if any favor has been shown, it has been to New-England. Let it be remarked that many of the Southern offices were in place when Mr. Jefferson was elected President; that while he has appointed to office four Southern citizens, he has nominated the same number from the Eastern states, notwithstanding the preponderant numbers of the former; and that while he has appointed to office but one citizen of Virginia, he has nominated two from Massachusetts.
PUBLIUS. (BY AUTHORITY.)
An Act supplementary to the act to regulate the measuring of coal.
Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That coal may be sold within the city by the cask, bill of lading or invoice, and in cases where the purchaser thereof may so agree, without measurement, any thing in the act entitled "An act to regulate the measuring of coal" to the contrary notwithstanding.
JOHN P. VAN NESS, President of the first chamber of the city council of Washington. DANIEL CARROLL of Dudn. President of the second chamber of the city council of Washington. Approved, July 14th, 1803. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Copy from the original deposited with me. THOMAS HERTY, PEO. of the city of Washington.
An Act making an appropriation for defraying the expenses of the City Council.
Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That there be appropriated the sum of two hundred dollars, for defraying the expenses of house rent, stationery, firewood, candles and other necessary expenses of the City Council for the current year—to be laid out by the Secretary of each chamber respectively, who shall render an account thereof to the President of his chamber to be by him laid before the branch of the Council over which he presides.
JOHN P. VAN NESS, President of the first chamber of the city council of Washington. DANIEL CARROLL of Dudn. President of the second chamber of the city council of Washington. Approved, July 14th, 1803. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Copy from the original deposited with me. THOMAS HERTY, REG. of the city of Washington.
NOTICE. Those who have subscribed to the Theatre erecting in this city, are desired to meet at Lovell's hotel, on Wednesday evening the 20th inst. at six o'clock, as business of much importance will be laid before them by the committee.
NOTICE.
WAS committed to my custody as a runaway on the 5th inst. a negro boy, who calls himself Jonathan and says he belongs to a certain William Rusk, near Battle-town Virginia. He is about 15 years of age, 4 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a full down look and a stammering in his speech, his clothing is an old linen shirt, spotted cloth dumblet and White cloth overalls, as also an old wool hat much worn.
LAURENCE PRENTICE. Sheriff, Frederick County. July 18, 1803.
ON Monday the 29th day of August next at the town of Sharpsburg in Washington county Maryland, will commence the sale of several thousand acres of valuable land lying in Washington and Frederick Counties a great part of this land is excellent arable land, abounding with wood and finely watered—it will be laid off in separate lots to suit the convenience of purchasers—it will be sold at public sale to the highest bidder, the purchaser to give bond and security to pay one half with interest from the day of sale at the end of one year, the other half with interest at the expiration of two years.—This property is sold under a decree of the court of Chancery, and clear titles will be made and conveyances given on payment of the purchase money and not before.—This sale is worthy the attention of persons desirous of purchasing fine farms.
PHILIP B. KEY, } Trustees. WILLIAM M. RUBY, } July 18th, 1803.

(Continued from first page.) complained, and that at the time when they evade all discussion on the subject of his representations, they persist in their requisition that the island of Malta should be forthwith evacuated by his forces. His majesty can never so far forget what is due to himself and to his people, as to acquiesce in such a course of proceeding. He has therefore commanded the undersigned to ascertain distinctly from the French government, whether they are determined to persevere in withholding all satisfaction and explanation upon the points on which his majesty has complained, or whether they are disposed, without delay, to give such satisfaction and explanation upon the present state of affairs, as may lead to an arrangement, which may be calculated to adjust the differences at present subsisting between the two governments.
It is his majesty's anxious desire that by adopting this mode of proceeding, an end may be put to that state of suspense and uncertainty which must be so injurious to the interests of both countries; and that the two governments, actuated by the same principles of justice and moderation, may be led to concur in such measures as are most likely to conduce to their permanent tranquillity.
(Signed) WHITWORTH. (Second inclosure referred to in No. 50.) Heads of an arrangement to be concluded by treaty or convention between his majesty and the French government, Malta to remain in perpetuity in the possession of his majesty. The knights of the Order of St. John to be indemnified by his majesty for any losses of property which they may sustain in consequence of such an arrangement.
Holland and Switzerland to be evacuated by the French troops. The island of Elba to be confirmed by his majesty to France, and the king of Etruria to be acknowledged.
The Italian and Ligurian Republics to be acknowledged by his majesty, provided an arrangement is made in Italy for the king of Sardinia, which shall be satisfactory to him.
No. LII. Extract of a dispatch from Lord Whitworth to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Paris, April 7, 1803.
I received your lordship's despatches of the 4th inst. by the messenger Wagstaff, with their inclosures, yesterday evening; and shall probably in the course of the day have an opportunity of communicating to Monseigneur de Talleyrand the note which I shall translate for that purpose.
(No. LIII.) Paris, April 7, 1803.
My Lord, Since writing the preceding dispatch, I have seen M. de Talleyrand, and communicated to him the inclosed note, which I trust your lordship will find as close a translation as possible of that which I received from your lordship. He read it over with much attention, and when he had done it he appeared to be in expectation of some other communication. Upon desiring he would explain himself, he said that he was in hopes I should have furnished him with the heads of those points, on which it was affirmed in the note that the French government had so repeatedly refused all explanation and satisfaction. I told him, that it would have been entirely useless to repeat what had been so often urged in vain; that he could not but know that the explanation required, referred to the conduct of the French government and the system of aggrandizement which it had constantly pursued since the conclusion, and in direct violation of the treaty of Amiens, founded as it indisputably was on the state of possession of the two countries at the time; that with regard to the satisfaction, it evidently referred to the unjustifiable insinuations and charges against his majesty's government, against the officer commanding his forces in Egypt, and against the British army in that quarter, contained in the official report of Gen. Sebastiani. He was by no means disposed to admit, that either of these cases could justify the assertion of the French government having refused explanation and satisfaction, on the ground that no notice had been taken of these transactions but in a very curious manner; nor had any explanation ever been required as to any particular transaction wherever in Italy or elsewhere, and if it had, it would immediately have been given; and that the language of Col. Sebastiani, was not to be put in any comparison with that used by Maj. Wilson, in his account of the campaign of Egypt. I urged the difference on a common publication like that to what he alluded and a report to the First Consul, published by him in his official paper. On the occasion M. de Talleyrand was disposed to call in question the authenticity of the Moniteur. In short, the most ungrounded assertions were substituted for arguments; and amongst these, I cannot but place that so often repeated, of the First Consul's having entirely given up all idea whatever of Egypt, confederacy—we could have no pretext for retaining Malta.
He assured me for the rest, that he
would communicate it this evening to the First Consul, and that to-morrow he should, in all probability, have a communication to make in return.
I have the honor to be, &c. WHITWORTH. Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. [Inclosure referred to in No. 52.] This is merely a translation of first inclosure in No. 50.
No. LIII. Paris, April 9th, 1803.
My Lord, In my conversation yesterday evening with M. de Talleyrand, I found him, after he had seen the First Consul more disposed to contest the substance of the note which I had presented the day before, than to afford any further explanations. He said, that in order to proceed regularly, it would be necessary that the French government should be informed precisely what were the objects which had created such uneasiness, and on which it was alleged all explanations had been refused. That although this had perhaps been touched upon in general conversation, yet no specific charge had been adduced in such a manner as to demand a formal explanation. I told him, that if the object of the French government was to protract the present state of suspense and uncertainty, that object might be answered to the extent indeed of a very few days, by forcing me to such a reference; but I must at the same time declare to him that it could be productive of no advantage, and would serve only to provoke such a recapitulation of the system and conduct which France had pursued since the treaty of Amiens, as would have all the appearance of a manifesto, every item of which would carry conviction to every individual in Europe; that it appeared therefore more likely to answer the end which both parties proposed, that of hastening the conclusion of an amicable arrangement, to take up the business on the basis which I should propose, and by which they would admit no more than what was incontrovertible, namely, that if the French government exercised a right of extending its influence and territory, in violation of the spirit of the treaty of Amiens, Great Britain had, if the choice to avail herself of it, (which I was confident she would not do further than was necessary as a measure of security) an undoubted right to seek a counterpoise. He did not seem inclined to dispute this position, but rather to admit that such a right did exist, and might be claimed in consequence of the acquisitions which had been made by France. On the point of satisfaction I found him much more obstinate. He said that the First Consul was hurt at the expression (satisfaction) to which he gave an interpretation I had never understood belonged to it, as implying superiority; so that if the British government required satisfaction of the French, it arrogated to itself a superiority. I told him what certainly must be understood by every one, that the demand of satisfaction implied that one party had been offended by another, and of course had a right, to demand such satisfaction; that an inferior had an equal right with his superior to demand it; but in the case in question there was perfect equality, and consequently there was no offence to be found but in the conduct which rendered such an appeal necessary. The discussion of this point took up considerable time, without producing any thing decisive.
We at last came to the main point of the business; and on this I cannot say any real progress has been made. M. de Talleyrand repeated to me that the first consul had nothing more at heart than to avoid the necessity of going to war, and that there was no sacrifice he would not make, short of his honour, to obtain this end. Is there, said M. de Talleyrand, no means of satisfying both parties? For at the same time that the first consul insists, and will always insist on the full execution of the treaty, he will not object to any mode by which you may acquire the security you think so necessary. You are not satisfied with the independence of Neapolitan troops; what other will answer the purpose? He then stated the idea of a mixed garrison, composed of English, French, Italian, Germans, &c. He begged that I would refer once more to your lordship, and submit the inclosed paper, which he drew up in my presence. I told him that we were only losing time by such a reference; that my instructions were positive, and had certainly not been sent me without the fullest consideration. I could not, however, refuse what he so earnestly required; and your lordship will see by the paper how the matter rests after this conference. I will confess to your lordship, that my motive for consenting to forward this sort of proposal is, that supposing we should find the first consul as obstinate as he now appears to be on the point of abandoning Malta to us in perpetuity, and that a temporary possession might be considered as the next best thing, something of this kind might derive from it.
I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) WHITWORTH. The right hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c.
(Translation of inclosure referred to in No. 52.)
The conversation with M. Talleyrand to day has led us to this result: Every thing which may tend to violate the independence of the Order of Malta, will never be consented to by the French government. Every thing which may tend to put an end to the present difficulties, or be agreeable to the English government, and which shall not be contrary to the treaty of Amiens, the French government have no objection to make a particular convention respecting it. The motives of this convention shall be inserted in the preamble, and shall relate to the respective grievances concerning which the two governments shall think it advisable to come to an understanding with each other.
(To be continued.)
A LIST OF LETTERS Remaining in the Post Office at Washington City, on the 1st July, 1803.
A. Mrs. Eliza Alexander, Lieut. A. B. Armistead.
B. Benjamin C. Bartlett, James Blake, Mark Blair, Wm. Blade, Rev. Gideon Blackburn, Jeremiah Booth, Robert Brown, John Backenridge, Samuel Boote, Gerard S. Boarman, Hugh Boyd, Solomon Bond, Jacob Beugry, Clement Brooke, Isaac Bloom, Esq. John Brown, (taylor) Wm. Burris, (care of J. Brown) John D. Bradburn, Robert B. Brandt, for William Tyrrell.
C. Miss Mary Clarke, (care of Samuel Boote) Pierre Caly, at Richard Charles's, George Golin, Directors of the Chamber of Commerce, James Colquhoun, Esq. Doctor Edward Cuthbert, John Chilly, (marine) Lieut. Michael Carroll, (2) John Caton, (ditcher) Hugh G. Campbell, Esq. William Cannon, jun. of the Essex, Jacob Craven, Solomon Carrier, (lejeant.)
D. Margaret Davis, (Greenleaf's point) Samuel B. Davis, John Dunbar, Mr. Decatur, (navy) Sukay Davis, Henry Duggin, (of the Boston) John Dunbar, William Dean, Alexander Done, (navy department.)
E. Madame Elais, Edward Ellis (taylor) Ignatius Edelwin.
F. John B. French, Dennis Fitzhugh, Azariah Foxton, Capt. John Frazier, Philip Fitzhugh.
G. William Gibbins, Joshua Gregg, Russell Goodrich, James Gibson (midshipman) Peter Gardner, Henry Griffith, Joseph Gail.
H. Samuel Hoser, John Herton, John H. Hooker, Esq. Captain Charles Hyde, (6) Edward Hall, Bernard Hendry, Daniel Hurl y, Michael Huck, Samuel Hoar, Lieut. Isaac Hull, (of the Adams) John S. Higdon, Andrew Hoce.
J. David Johnson, Richard Jones, Captain Izard, Honorable Charles Jarvis, Peter Jackson, (care of Samuel Harkless) Francis Jones.
K. G. W. Kirkland, Edward Keaton, (joiner) Ez-kiel King.
L. Mrs. Butler Lee, A. B. Lindley, John Love, G. A. Lawrence, D. Lapier, Rev. Wilson Lee.
M. Robert Myers, Ezra Mantz, Philip Menn, Gen. William Miller, Miss Mary Mitchell (2) Rev. John Morgan, (2) Mr. Magill, James M'Donough, Esq. Benjamin Marlow, (carpenter) Mans. M c Henry, Edward M c Carty, John M c Caul, Samuel Miller, (shoemaker) James M c Cow, (mariner) James P. Mix, (2) Thomas Mathis.
N. David Norris, James Nite.
P. John Payne, Wm. Pickering, (2) Henry Page, (2) J. F. Pearce, William Prentiss, (2) Peter Pimpkin, Esq.
R. Isaac Raper, John Richardson, Esq. Thomas O. Roberson, (masters mate) William Iroa Rea, (sail maker) Thomas Roghan.
S. Robert Short, Esq. Elizabeth Stone, Mary Santorous, Stephen Sykes, Ralph Smith, jun. Richard Stephenson, (gunner) Charles Stewart, Mr. Sinclair, William Sykes, Hendrick H. Staats, Samuel Smith.
T. Miss Gracy Turner, Edward Turner, Joseph Thompson, Doctor Nathaniel Uisdale, Charles C. Byrd Thompson.
W. Thomas West, (of Kentucky) Abraham Weston, Wallace Wormley, Samuel Wright (care of Robert Brown) Widow Wilson, Roger C. Weightman, James Wilson, Joel Wert, John Willoby, James W. Wynan, Benjamin Witt, (taylor) Charles Wilkins, Esq. (of Kentucky) Gen. John Wilkens (late quarter master general.)
Conveyancer's Office.
THOMAS HERTY, Grateful for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he continues to prepare CONVEYANCES OF LAND, and every other species of DEED or INSTRUMENT in the line of his profession, with legal precision, and on moderate terms, titles investigated, &c.
A choice selection of lots on the Pennsylvania Avenue and in other desirable situations in the City to lease or sell.
N. B. Herty's Abridgment of the laws of Maryland in 1 vol. and Herty's Digest of the laws of the United States in 2 vol. for sale at the above office.
City of Washington, April 1st 1803. ttwf
I WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house, and within twenty of the City of Washington, Alexandria, Dumfries, and twelve of the Occoquan mills, it is a healthy situation, the land fertile, and has about two hundred acres of wood to cut, there is a great proportion of white and red oak—popular and hickory timber—There is nearly one hundred acres of prime land for meadow, I will give six months credit for one fourth of the purchase money—twelve months for the other quarter, eighteen for the third, and two years for the last payment, a purchaser will find me on the premises.
THOS. FOLLARD.
Feb. 21st. ep
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY C. CALLDWELL's
Near the West Market, City of Washington, who has to Let on Ground Rent a number of Lots in eligible situations.
June 22. 3m.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD,
FOR delivering to the Subscriber a negro boy, Edmund, who was a few days ago sent with a letter to a gentleman in the city and has not since returned.
RICHARD FRAZER. Otep.
Washington June 27, 1843.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN H. HERTY or RICHARD FORREST, Esqrs. of the city of Washington, who are authorized, in my name, to adjust and settle the same and all persons indebted to me are requested to make payment to either of the gentlemen above named.
SAMUEL BLODGETT.
March 30. tf
The highest price in Cash will be given for a quantity of HOMOLOGY BEANS and BLACK EYED PEAS. Apply to Wm. BRENT. Washington, June 29. ep3w
Lots for sale.
IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereon by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
Attorney at law and conveyancer. tf
FOR SALE,
By public action on Thursday the 28th inst. at 11 o'clock before noon, at Stelle's hotel, on Capitol Hill.
THE commodious two story brick dwelling house (at present occupied by colonel Burrows) with the out houses and lots number 10 and 11 in square number 925 in the city of Washington, open to and bounded in part on Pennsylvania Avenue, and by much direct street, leading to the Navy Yard. The premises may be viewed any day previous to the sale. The terms one third cash, when a clear and sufficient title will be given; one third in 6 and one third in 12 months with interest on the last two payments, to be secured by bond and mortgage on the premises.
THOMAS TINGEY.
Washington, July 5, 1805. tdof
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA.
HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, Silk florintine, Black and fancy silk moleskin velvet, white & figured Marfelses, Swandowns, Tolinettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coatings, &c.
With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season.
N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made to the first style of fashion.
New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square.
December 8, 1802. f.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 24th of June last, near the Eastern Branch Ferry, City of Washington, a Negro man named ABRAHAM, but being an artful fellow, I expect he will change his name, and pass for a free man.
He is about 28 years of age, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made: He is rather of a yellow complexion; his wool is very short, and a scar on one side of his head near the top; he speaks very quick, and stammers in his speech. He was formerly the property of Doctor Blake of Calvert county. I have some reason to believe he has made for that place, or otherwise for Baltimore. He had no clothing with him but what he had on, which was Osnaburg trowsers, an old shirt, a grey short coat. Whoever delivers the said fellow to me, shall receive the above reward.
LEWIN TALBURTT. July 11. 1803. tawtf
FOR SALE,
For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by— ROBERT M c CLAN. Washington May 25. tf.
BY AUTHORITY.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.     1 prize of 40,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 18 10,000   5 do 1000 — 5,000   10 do 500 — 5,000   15 do 200 — 3,000   200 do 100 — 20,000   200 do 50 — 10,000   200 do 25 — 5,000   2500 do 20 — 50,000   4000 do 15 — 60,000   1 first drawn ticket, after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 22,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7754 Prizes, 13,836 blanks—Not two to a prize. 210,000  
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000. The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorize it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.
For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.
Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them.
Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beaton, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghiquiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livera, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell, copref.
July 13, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
NEW BOOKS.
Just imported in the ship Active, from London, via Philadelphia, and for sale by RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. New-Jersey Avenue, near the capitol, a choice collection of new and valuable books—amongst which are
Burke's works, 8 vols. 8vo. Pratt's Gleanings, 5 vols. 8vo. elegant. Pervou's Voyage, 2 vols. 8vo. Mickie's Luck, 2 vols. 8vo. Link's Travels, 8vo.—Clavigero's Mexico, 2 vols. 4to. Sancho's Letters, 8vo. Memoirs of Pius the 6th, 8 vols. 8vo. Segur's Frederic William 2nd, 3 vols. 8vo. Soulawie's Memoirs of Louis 16th, 6 vols. 8vo. Spallanzani's Travels, 4 vols. 8vo. Watson's Philip 2nd and 3rd, 5 vols. 8vo. Helen Maria Williams' Sketches, 2 vols. 8vo. Gibbon's Roman Empire 12 vols. 8vo. Grandpré's Voyage in the Indian Ocean 2 vols.
Memoirs of Polignac, 8vo. Reynier's State of Egypt, 8vo. Cavallo's Natural and Experimental Philosophy, a new and valuable work, 4 vols. 8vo. Belknap's Moral Philosophy, 8vo. Payley's (Dr.) Natural Theology, 8vo. Adams on the Microscope, with plates. Brown's Travels into Africa, 4to, Horniman's do.
Grant's life of France. Deiphine 6 vols. 12mo. War Office 3 vols. 12mo. Microcosm 5 vols. 12mo. The Benevolent Jew, 2 vols. by Geo. Walker.
Infidel Father, 3 vols. 12mo. Monk of Madrid 4 vols. 12mo. Lorimor 2 vols. 12mo.—Home 5 vols. 12mo. Romance of the Pyrenees, 4 vols. 12mo.
The Savage of Aveyron, 12mo. Tales of Superstition 12mo. Broad Grins, by G. Coleman, Bofcawen's Poems, 12mo.
Atala—Glover's Athenaid, 3 vols. 8vo. In addition to the above they have always on hand a collection of well assorted books on education, science, and amusement, which they will sell at such prices as cannot fail of giving general satisfaction.
May 20, 1803.
RAPINE CONRAD & Co. BOOKSELLERS & STATIONERS,
New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol,
HAVE JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE,
Washington's Reports of cases argued and determined in the court of appeals of Virginia—Price 6 dollars.
An address to the government of the United States, on the cession of Louisiana, second edition—Price 25 cents.
Monroe's Embassy, in relation to our claims to the navigation of the Mississippi—Price 25 cents.
An address on the past, present and eventual relations of the United States to France—Price 18 cents.
Also,
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BOOKS in every branch of literature and science; and a constant supply of the Stationery—all which they will sell at their usual moderate prices.