The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-06-05 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. V. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. NO. DCXXVII. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 5th, 1805. PAID IN ADVANCE
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Turners' hotel, which he has commenced enlarging and improving - he respectfully invites a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that his full determination is to keep up his present hotel, and to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty.
To be Sold
For cash, at Public Vendue, to the highest bidder, at Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington, on Monday the third day of June next.
All the right and estate of
JOHN GARDENER, late of the city of Washington, or of the subscriber, in virtue of a deed of trust to him from the said Gardener, bearing date the 28th Dec. 1804, of, in and to, a certain tract or parcel of land situate and lying in the State of Ohio, on the Muskingum river, and adjoining to the flourishing town of Zaneville: described in the said deed of trust in the words following, to being part of the third quarter of the first township in the seventh range of the tract appropriated for settling warrants for military services, granted by patent signed by the President and sealed with the seal of the United States on the twenty ninth day of March 1802, unto Robert Underwood, beginning at a stake on the south line of said quarter township eighty chains west from the south east corner thereof, and running thence north eighty four chains, thence west to the low water line of the Muskingum river, and then down and with the low water line of said river to the lands granted by the United States to Ebenezer Zane, and then leaving the Muskingum river and running south with the western line of the said Zane's land to the southern boundary of the said third quarter of the first township, and with the said southern boundary line east to the place of beginning, (excepting thereout a road of one rod and a half wide adjoining to Zane's line and extending from the southern boundary northward to the river; another road three rods wide parallel to the former and extending from said boundary to the river at the distance of ten chains eastwardly from the first described road, and also three lots numbered two, three, and four, of five acres each lying between said roads, and one lot numbered eleven containing ten acres lying on the east side of the road last described, which roads and lots the said Robert Underwood hath heretofore sold or reserved) containing exclusive of said roads and lots, five hundred and nine acres and twenty perches more or less, being part of the premises which under and by virtue of a certain indenture bearing date the 15th of October 1803 was conveyed and assured by the said Robert Underwood unto and to the use of the said John Gardener his heirs and assigns."
This advertisement and the sale of the land is in conformity to the trusts mentioned in the deed to me; and I will give every information in my power relative to the same, before, and on the day of sale.
NICHOLAS KING.
May 17-8t
RAGS.
THE highest price CASH, given for clean RAGS, by EDGAR PATTERSON. George town, and SAMUEL STETTENUS, near the Centre market, Washington.
March 8-tf.
Traveller's Hall.
THE Subscriber tenders his sincere thanks to his friends for the very liberal encouragement which they have bestowed on him. He will furnish one of his new rooms in a few weeks, which will be large enough to dine near 200 persons at a time, and will shortly after have the remainder of his additional building completed, which will give him a front of near 100 feet, in the most agreeable part of the town, and in the centre of business, being on the highest part of the public square. He has on hand, and has contracted for a constant supply of the best wines, and foreign spirits, liquors imported, and country provisions. He has a large, foreign & fare newspapers, and has secured a quantity of liquors sufficient for the use of his table and bar during the season. He assures his friends, and that respectable part of the public who have patronized him that there shall be nothing wanting which his time or purse will command, to render the TRAVELLER'S HALL a house of entertainment for genteel guests only, equal to any in America.
R. BRADLEY.
Lexington, Kentucky, March 1st 1805. N.B. A flag runs from the TRAVELLER'S HALL to the Olympian Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the session of the Legislature.
March 27-cp3m.
POLKINHORN & HALL, have received by the late arrivals from London and Liverpool, a handsome assortment of plated Saddle-Trees, &c. They have and have always on hand a general assortment of Portmanteaus, Leather and Hair Trunks.
George Town, May 31-3t.
SPRING GOODS.
JOHN COX, [GEORGE TOWN.] Has received a part of his Spring assortment of Dry Goods, which were selected from the late arrivals at New York - he has also received from Baltimore a quantity of
GERMAN LINENS,
consisting of Tienenburgs, Osnaburgs, Hempen, Gessians, Brown Roles, &c. all of which will be sold low by piece or retail. May 3-cpam
PUBLIC SALE.
WILL be offered for public sale on Tuesday the 4th of June next on the premises at 11 o'clock A. M. a small FRANK DWELLING HOUSE & KITCHEN situated on the street that leads from the Barracks to the Navy Yard and on the Northeast corner of sq. no. 905 - the terms of sale will be one third of the purchase money down, one third in three months and the other third in six months from the day of sale; if the money is not paid up in the time mentioned, the purchaser must pay interest on all the money unpaid from the day of sale until all is paid, when an indisputable title will be given - a further description is thought unnecessary as it is presumed that any person desirous of purchasing will view the property previous to the day of sale.
BARNABY PARSONS.
Washington, May 20-6t
By virtue of a decree from the Court of Chancery, the subscriber will sell at public auction on the 10th day of July next, several lots of ground late the property of Benjamin Brooks deceased, in the town of Upper Marlboro' in Prince George's county, two of these lots are improved; on the one stands the well known tavern lately occupied by Samuel Cooleedge with the improvements thereto attached, and on the other, the house which Samuel Hepburn, esq. has occupied for some time past, and has just moved from. On the day of sale the unimproved lots will be particularly described, and all the improvements shown. The terms are, bond with security given for the purchase money, payable in two and three years. Possession will be immediately given.
This property is sold for the payment of the debts of the deceased; all persons who have claims and have not yet exhibited them, are requested to file the same with the register of the court of Chancery, with the respective vouchers on or before the 25th day of November next.
ROBERT BOWIE, trustee.
May 29-cpt July 10
ADAM KING, & Co.
AT their wine store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call - where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5-tf
STRANGER IN FRANCE.
Just opened, and for sale by Rapine, Conrad, & Co. THE STRANGER IN FRANCE; OR A TOUR FROM DEVONSHIRE TO PARIS; BY JOHN CARR, Esq. Price 150 Cents. 20-tw2w.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Benet's cord, toiletries, fancy and white Marcellas, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marcellas, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N.B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10-tf
LOST.
On board the ship Jupiter, Capt. Law, from London bound to New York, the following certificates of United States debt, viz. No. 11137 for 3000 Dolls. defer. 6 per Cts. 11138 1000 do. 11139 1000 do. 11140 1000 do. 11141 1000 do. 11142 1000 do. Issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register of the Treasury, on the 24th May, 1799 in favor of James Heygate of London, merchant. For the renewal of which application will be made at the Treasury of the United States JOHN DAVIDSON. May 24-cp6w
Ten Dollars Reward.
WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased silver Watch, maker's name Crothwaite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia - Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligencer, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 1-tf.
SPRING GOODS.
THOMAS W. PAIRO,
HAS just received a very extensive assortment of Spring Goods, amongst which are a variety of fancy articles, viz. Lined cambric mullins, Counterpanes, Lined do. Ginghams, Laced cambric shawls, Willed and plain nankeens, Cambric mullins, Jeans and Marcellas, Black, pink, yellow, & Willow sheets of a full Cotton and thread hose, perfine quality, Silk do. Leghorn flats, Linen, silk and cotton Crapes and fans, handkerchiefs, Terseleffell combs, Bombazines, Silk shawls and head- Durants and calimancos, handkerchiefs, Glass ware, Chinzees and calicoes, Knives and forks, Furniture do. Stationary, Ribbons, Braces and tooth-brushes, Shoes with cork soles, Snuff boxes, Dimities, Penknives and scissors, Cambric do. Darning cotton, Irish & German linens, Cakes and flutes, Fine diaper and table cloth, Coffee mills, &c. &c. Sheetings, superfine and second quality, May 29-3t.
ROSS, & PLEASANTON
Have just received and offer for sale, wholesale and retail, a large and general assortment of groceries consisting of Gun-powder, Tea of the re-importation, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson and Congo, Mould and dipped candles, Spermaceti, go. Madeira, Sherry, Malaga, Port and Lisbon, Wines, Claret, Bitters and Sweet Oil, In bottles, Cognac and other French Brandies, A variety of the best French Cordials in bottles and casks, Holland Gin, Jamaica, Antigua, and New England Old Irish Whiskey, Rum, Pennington's double & single refined sugar, Loaf and lump sugar of other manufacturers, Best brown sugar and inferior do. English and American cheese, Pine apple do. Fresh Mulcatel raisins, Rice. They have also an invoice of elegant white and gilt china tea sets, together with a variety of the best cut glasses. Besides what are above particularly mentioned they have on hand, and constantly keep every other article in the grocery line. Georgetown, May 29-cp3w.
THE CELEBRATED WARM SPRINGS In VIRGINIA.
THE subscribers have taken a lease of ten years, of the highly celebrated Medicinal Springs in the county of Bath called the WARM SPRINGS, so justly famed for their great cures and general relief in many complaints. They are now preparing every necessary comfort and accommodation to suit the amusement of those who have health, (and to promote the recovery of those who want it) and it is deemed necessary to make these things widely known, because complaints have heretofore been made against the entertainment which has been offered. Preparations are made for at least one hundred constant boarders, besides transient guests, for the accommodation of which, the subscribers will make all possible exertions; and they flatter themselves, that those who may place confidence in this advertisement, will not find the smallest cause for regret or complaint. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. May 1-cp6w
MRS. SMITH and MRS. WILY respectfully acquaint their friends and the public that they have removed their boarding school from the house they occupied in Water street, to a large brick house fitted up for a school, in the Main street near Mr. Francis Lowndes, with a good garden, yard, and excellent spring of water. They solicit the patronage of the inhabitants of George town and its vicinity, which they have liberally experienced, and gratefully acknowledge. They teach reading, writing, English grammar and geography. The best masters attended to instruct the young ladies in music, dancing, arithmetic, French and drawing. Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Wily continue to teach plain work, marking, embroidery in lamb's wool, silk and chenille, with a variety of other kinds of needle work, in the afternoon. April 26-6w.
IMPEACHMENT
JUDGE CHASE.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21.
Mr. Hopkinson's speech, continued.
The pure and upright administration of justice, &c. is of the utmost importance to any people - the other movements of government are not of such universal concern - Who shall be President or what treaties or general statutes shall be made, occupies the attention of a few busy politicians - but these things touch not, or but seldom, the private interests and happiness of the great mass of the community - But the settlement of private controversies - the administration of law between man and man; the distribution of justice and right to the citizen in his private business and concern, comes to every man's door, and is essential to every man's prosperity and happiness - Hence I consider the judiciary of our country most important among the branches of government, and its purity and independence of the most interesting consequence to every man. Whilst it is honorably and fully protected from the influence of favor or fear from any quarter, the situation of a people can never be very uncomfortable or unsafe - But if a judge is forever to be exposed to prosecutions and impeachments for his official conduct on the mere suggestions of caprice, and to be condemned by the mere voice of prejudice, under the specious name of common sense, can he hold that firm and steady hand his high functions require - No - it his nerves are of iron they must tremble in to peril as a situation. In England the complete independence of the judiciary has been considered and has been found the best and surest safeguard of true liberty, securing a government of known and uniform laws, acting alike upon every man. It has however been suggested by some of our newspaper politicians, perhaps from a higher source, that although this independent judiciary is very necessary in a monarchy to protect the people from the oppression of a court, yet that in our republican institution the same reasons for it do not exist - that it is indeed inconsistent with the nature of our government that any part or branch of it should be independent of the people from whom the power is derived. And as the House of Representatives come most frequently from this great source of power, they claim the best right of knowing and expressing its will; and of course the right of a controlling influence over the other branches. My doctrine is precisely the reverse of this. If I were called upon to declare whether the independence of judges were more essentially important in a monarchy or a republic, I should certainly say, in the latter. All governments require, in order to give them firmness, stability and character, some permanent principle, some settled establishment - The want of this is the great deficiency in republican institutions. Nothing can be relied upon - no faith can be given either at home or abroad to a people whose systems and operations and policy are constantly changing with popular opinion - If however the judiciary is stable and independent - if the rule of justice between men rests upon known and permanent principles, it gives a security and character to a country which is absolutely necessary in its intercourse with the world and in its own internal concerns. This independence is further requisite as a security from oppression. All history demonstrates from page to page, that tyranny and oppression have not been confined to despots, but have been freely exercised in republics both ancient and modern - With this difference; that in the latter the oppression has sprung from the impulse of some sudden gust of passion or prejudice, while in the former it is systematically planned and pursued as an ingredient and principle of the government. The people desire not deliberately and will return to reflection and justice, if passion is not kept alive and excited by artful intrigue, but while the fit is on, their devastation and cruelty is more terrible and unbounded than the most monstrous tyrant. It is for their own benefit and to protect them from the violence of their own passions that it is essential to have some firm, unshaken, independent branch of government, able and willing to resist their pleasure - If we have read the death of a Seneca under the ferocity of a Nero; we have read two of the murder of a Socrates under the delusion of a republic - An independ-
ent and from judiciary protected and protected by the laws would have snatched the one from the fury of a despot and preserved the other from the madness of a people.
I have considered these observations on the necessary independence of the judiciary applicable and important to the case before this honorable court, to repel the wild idea that a judge may be impeached and removed from office although he has violated no law of the country, but merely on the vague and changing opinions of right and wrong - propriety and impropriety of demeanor. For if this is to be the tenure on which a judge holds his office and character; if by such a standard his judicial conduct is to be adjudged criminal or innocent, there is an end to the independence of our judiciary. In opposition to this reasoning I have heard (not from the honorable managers) a sort of jargon about the sovereignty of the people, and that nothing in a republic should be independent of them - No phrase in our language is more abused or more misunderstood. The just and legitimate sovereignty of a people is truly an awful object, full of power and commanding respect. It consists in a full acknowledgment that all power originally emanates in some way from them, and that all responsibility is finally in some way due to them. And whether this is acknowledged or not, they have, if driven to the last resort, a physical force, to make it so - But, sir, this sovereignty does not consist in a right to control or interfere with the regular and legal operations and functions of the different branches of the government at the will and pleasure of the people. Having delegated their power, having distributed it for various purposes into various channels, and directed its course by certain limits, they have no right to impede it while it flows in its intended direction - Otherwise we have no government - In like manner the officers of government are responsible in certain modes and at certain periods for the exercise of their duties and powers - but the people have no right to make them accountable in any other manner or at any other period than that prescribed by the great compact of government - or constitution. Having parted with their power under certain regulations and restrictions, they are done with it - they are bound by their own acts, and having retained and declared the manner in which they will correct abuses in office, they have no right to claim any other sort of responsibility - If this be not the case, what government have we? What rule of conduct? What system of association? None - But are truly in a state of savage anarchy and ruthless confusion; with all the vices incident to civilization without the restraints to control of them.
Having discussed this necessary preliminary point as to what is or is not impeachable, I will proceed to a consideration of the charges now in issue between the respondent and the House of Representatives of the United States. It will be some relief to this honorable court to learn that for the expediting of this trial, and to avoid useless and irksome repetition, the counsel for the respondent have divided the articles of impeachment among themselves. I shall beg leave to address you on the first article, which relates to the transactions at Philadelphia, on the trial of John Fries for high treason.
The gentleman (Mr. Early) who has offered you his observations on these articles of impeachment, appears to have grounded his argument, not on the evidence but on the articles. Supposing, perhaps, that they would be proved, he has taken it for granted that they have been proved, and has shaped his remarks accordingly. Had we filed a general demurrer to these charges, thereby admitting them as stated, the argument of the gentleman might have had the force and application he intended. But if I mistake not, the respondent has pleaded not guilty, and the case must therefore be decided by the amount of the evidence, and not by the averments of the articles. I admit, indeed, that the honorable managers are put to some difficulty in this respect. They are under the necessity of making their election between the articles and the evidence as the foundation of their argument; for they are so totally dissimilar that they could not take them both; they meet in so few and such immaterial points, that no man can argue from them both for five sentences. Thus being, the situation of the gentleman, he has thought proper to list the articles and the facts therein set forth as the foundation of his argument in de-

ance of the testimony. In the observations I shall have the honor to submit, I propose to take the evidence as my text and guide, and leave the articles, to shift for themselves under the care and patronage of our honorable opponents.
Upon reading this first article of impeachment against the respondent, after a due degree of horror and indignation at the monstrous tyranny and oppression portrayed in it, the first question that would strike the mind of the enquirer would naturally be, when did this horrid transaction take place? when and where was it that Judge Chase thus persecuted an unfortunate wretch to the very brink of the grave, from which he was snatched by the interference of executive mercy, in check at the injustice of his condemnation? When were the rights of juries and the privileges of counsel and their clients thus thrown down and prostrated at the feet of a cruel and inexorable judge? What would this enquirer think and believe on being informed that these atrocious outrages upon justice, law and humanity were perpetrated five years since? Why, and where has the justice of the country slumbered so long? What has awakened it from this lethargic sleep? Why has this monster as offender so long escaped the punishment of his crimes? To what region of reform did he fly? But will not in prize be greatly increased, when it is told that at the time of the trial of John Fries, this injured and oppressed man, at the very time when these crimes of the judge were committed, the Congress of the United States, the guardian of our lives & liberties, were actually in session in the very city where the scene of these transactions probably witnessed the whole transaction. I do not expect to be answered here, for I cannot help our honorable opponents of so much versatility, that at that period the administration of justice was in the hands of the political friends of the judge, and therefore he was permitted to escape however atrocious his crimes. Whatever, sir, may have been the character of that administration, even if a weak and wicked one, as it has been represented, it could have no object in protecting any individual at so great a risk to themselves and their reputation. If Judge Chase had really violated the law and constitution to come at the blood of Fries, and had done this in the face of the public, the administration would have got too much at hazard by endeavouring to shelter him. I hope, however, no such reason will be given for the neglect of these charges. And as we most cheerfully and truly confide in the justice of the present administration, we trust no such distrust will be avowed of the integrity of the former—we feel as false under trial now as we should have done then, and look without distrust for the same impartial justice from this honorable court, as we in old have expected and received at any time.
We feel however, sir, a serious inconvenience from the delay of this prosecution. In five years facts fall into oblivion, and witnesses engaged in their ordinary occupations of life cannot mix their memories with the circumstances of such distant events. It is difficult to discover indeed who were present at the transaction. To guard against injustice of this kind, even in civil cases, and protect us from fraudulent and slumbering demands, a limitation is put by law upon the claims of every man. The criminal code of the United States has justly adopted the same principle. By a habit, no person shall be prosecuted or punished for treason or other capital offence, with some exceptions, unless the indictment be found within three years after the offence is committed, and for smaller offences the prosecution must be instituted within two years. We cannot it is true claim the benefit of the letter of this law, but we may claim something from its principal; in expecting from this honorable court every indulgence and allowance for any deficiency in our proof, which should be attributed not to the real weakness of our case, but to the unreasonable slenderness of the charges. Judge Chase was a stranger in Philadelphia, and necessarily found extreme difficulty in discovering what persons were in court at the time to which the charges relate, and in selecting those who had the best recollection of the transaction.
This first article, sir, charges, "That unmindful of the solemn oaths of his office, and contrary to the sacred obligations by which he stood bound to discharge them faithfully and impartially and without regard to persons, the said Samuel Chase on the trial of John Fries, charged with treason, before the circuit court of the United States, held for the district of Pennsylvania, in the city of Philadelphia, during the months of April and May 1800, whereat the said Samuel Chase presided, did in his judicial capacity, conduct himself in a manner highly arbitrary, oppressive and unjust." This general accusation is followed by three distinct specifications of offence, to wit:
"1. In delivering an opinion, in writing, on the question of law, on the construction of which the defence of the accused materially depended, tending to prejudice the minds of the jury against the case of the said John Fries, the pri-
soner, before counsel had been heard in his defence:
"2. In restricting the counsel for the said Fries from recurring to such English authorities as they believed applicable, or from citing certain statutes of the United States, which they deemed illustrative of the positions, upon which they intended to rest the defence of their client:
"3. In debarring the prisoner from his constitutional privilege of addressing the jury (through his counsel) on the law as well as on the fact, which was to determine his guilt, or innocence, and, at the same time endeavouring to wrest from the jury their indisputable right to hear argument, and determine upon the question of law, as well as the question of fact, involved in the verdict which they were required to give."
In the whole of these specifications I am able to discover but one truth; the rest is wholly contradicted and disproved by the evidence. It is true, that Judge Chase did form and reduce to writing, and, in a limited manner, deliver an opinion on a question of law, on the construction of which the defence of the accused materially depended—but when the article goes on to charge that this opinion tended to prejudice the minds of the jury against the case of John Fries the prisoner, before counsel had been heard in his defence, it is utterly unfounded and untrue. To whom was this opinion delivered? To the counsel for Fries and to the attorney for the United States; and to no other person. The third copy, and but three were made, never was delivered, to the jury or to any other person, and never could produce any prejudice or injury to John Fries. Nor indeed was it ever intended to come to the knowledge of the jury, until they had completely heard the discussion of the case by counsel, when they were to have taken out with them this opinion of the judge upon the law of the case submitted to them. At that period of the trial when it was not only the right but the duty of the court to state to the jury their opinion of the law arising on the facts, then and not until then was it the intention of the judge to communicate to them this deliberate opinion. Could this be done with any intention to injure or oppress the prisoner; if such was the intention of the act, then and not otherwise, it was criminal. In inquiring into the nature of this act, I confine myself now to the forming and delivery of this opinion, and to decide its innocence or criminality, we should consider it in relation to its motives, its time and manner and its consequences. It nothing partial, oppressive or corrupt is to be found in any of these, I know not in what or whence the criminality is to be established. In deciding, sir, upon the motive which prompted the judge to this act, we must look for materials in the testimony: by this we must be governed, and not by the imputations, surmises and constructions of our opponents, however eloquent and ingenious. The judge and his motives are not only strongly denounced in the article, but have also had the same fate from the mouths of the managers. I take the evidence for my guide, and I know it will be the guide of this honorable court.
What then, sir, did Judge Chase declare himself to be the reasons which induced him to form this opinion, to reduce it to writing, and to hand it to the council? And permit me here, sir, to state, that in all criminal prosecutions for an act equivocal in itself, and whose character of guilt or innocence depends upon the intention with which it was done, the declarations of the party, made at the time, are always received in evidence to ascertain and fix the true character of the act; and the fair and legal explanation of the act is taken and derived from such declarations of the party, if not disproved by other evidence. What then did Judge Chase himself say of his intention and motives in relation to this opinion? Mr. Lewis states that on this occasion Judge Chase said, that he had understood that at the former trial there had been a great waste of time on topics which had nothing to do with the business of the case, and in reading common law decisions on the doctrine of treason, as well as under the statute of Edw. 3d before the revolution; and also relating to certain acts of Congress for crimes less than treason. That to prevent this in future, he or they had considered the law, made up their minds and reduced it to writing. And in order that the council might govern themselves accordingly, had ordered three copies to be made out, &c. &c. &c. Here then the judge, at the time of the act now charged to proceed from a corrupt and partial intention, declares in unequivocal language what were his true motives. His object was to prevent an unnecessary waste of time in a court, where a vast deal of criminal and civil business was then depending and waiting for trial. This was the motive, and the only motive declared and avowed by the judge, at the time he delivered this offensive paper, and unless it be disproved by the evidence or the circumstances of the case, it must be taken to be the true one. It is not a subject of enquiry now whether the reason he assigned for this proceeding be a good or a bad one: it is
enough to our purpose that it most certainly is neither partial nor corrupt. As the motive was not partial, so neither was or could be the act oppressive to the prisoner, unless the judge, in executing his duty of preventing the waste of time, pursued it to an unreasonable extent. If he obstructed only the introduction of irrelevant matter, and did not exclude anything that could and ought to have benefited the prisoner, he was guilty of no injustice or impropriety. If the proper and legal rights of the counsel of the prisoner were curtailed to his injury, there was certainly injustice done; but if not a greater than wholesome & reasonable restrictions were imposed, to the manifest advantage of the general business of the court and of other suitors there, without any unjust detriment to John Fries, then not only the motive was correct, but the act was highly laudable. And such was undoubtedly the case. If we go no further than Mr. Lewis's testimony on this subject, every idea of an intention on the part of the judge to injure or oppress John Fries is done away. As far as the judge declared himself his intention was pure and correct, and we cannot say that in the execution of this correct intention, he would have carried it to such excess as to produce oppression and injustice. The delinqu was crushed in embryo; as far as we are acquainted with it, it is fair and clear of oppression, and we are not authorized to presume that if it had proceeded farther, it would have changed its character and become partial and corrupt. It is well known in Pennsylvania, that the loudest clamours are made against our courts for the delays of justice and the unreasonable time spent in the trial of every cause. These complaints had doubtless reached the ears of the judge; there was an enormous list of civil causes then before him, and he presumed that any expedient fairly to save time, would have been acceptable to every body, to counsel as well as to suitors.
(To be continued.)
BY an order from the Orphan's court of Washington county, district of Columbia, will be sold to the highest bidder on the 25th inst. at Mr. Semmes's tavern, George town, a negro woman, & three small boys, late the property of John Young, deceased, on a credit of six months, giving bond and good security, bearing interest from date.
CHARLES YOUNG, Admr. June 3—3t
IRON WORKS FOR SALE.
IN Wythe county State of Virginia, on Cripple Creek about 15 miles from the Great Kanawha and 40 miles from the north fork of Holston which affords a tolerable safe navigation to a prodigious scope of the western country, where perhaps iron is in greater demand than any other quarter of the United States. Cripple Creek affords a sufficiency of water for both forge and furnace, being fed by bold never failing springs. The furnace and all the buildings have been commenced within 4 or 5 years—they consist of dwelling houses, kitchens, and a store house; also, a large and convenient stable—the forge has not long been completed. It is supposed to be the best built forge in Virginia, being out of choice timber felled at proper seasons and executed by a first rate forge carpenter from Pennsylvania. It works three fires and two hammers, is sixty feet long and fifty wide, well covered with joint shingles. There are between 7 and 800 acres of land attached to these works, some of it of excellent soil, and any quantity may be procured within 6 or 8 miles for from 1 to 8 dollars per acre.—The ore banks appear to be inexhaustible, lying within one mile of the furnace and good roads. From one of the banks the ore may be conveyed by water within 10 or 12 of the furnace, with the inconsiderable expense of 40 or 50 dollars. The quality of the iron is acknowledged by those who have used it to be equal to any. It is particularly sought for by lock makers, saddle tree platers, cutlers, &c.
The demand for iron in that country is far beyond what is made, and is selling from 60 to 70 dollars per ton. I have no hesitation to say, contracts on not a very long credit can be had for almost any quantity yearly, as from that quarter a considerable portion of the western country is supplied. As it is supposed a purchase of this magnitude would not be made, without a view of the property by those inclined to purchase, it is deemed unnecessary to give a further description. Letters addressed to me at Abington, Virginia, will be duly attended to.
I will also sell my SALT WORKS
On Holston in Washington county Virginia, which is now rented at 10,000 Dollars a year. I have adjoining to it between 5 and 6000 acres of land well covered with timber, a considerable proportion of which in point of fertility is equal to any land whatever, and will afford 3 or 400 acres of meadow, nearly 100 being now in good timothy. The buildings which are extensive are in a good state of preservation. FRANCIS PRESTON. May 1—
100 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY, two months ago, about the middle of November, a Negro Man, named TOM DANIEL, five feet ten inches high, black complexion, has lost some of his jaw teeth, very knock kneed, about 45 years of age. It is supposed that he has made to the northward, and has a free pass. He took with him a grey mare, and is very fond of driving a cart—apply to RALPH LANE, Centreville, Fairfax county, Virginia. wtf
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 5.
It has been agreed between the powers bordering upon the Baltic that no merchant vessel coming from the North Sea and bound to any port of the Baltic, shall be received therein, unless the captain can produce an attestation from the custom house by which it is legally proved that the vessel came to at Helsingør, Nyborg, or Fredericia, that she took a clearance thence, and that consequently the commission of health, established at each of the passages of the Belts and the Sound, after making the customary examination, permitted her to pursue her voyage.
On Monday an election was held for members of the City Council for the ensuing year, when the following citizens were elected by the votes annexed to their names.
  FIRST CHAMBER.    Robert Alexander, 272  Charles Minifie, 255  George Collard, 242  William Prout, 220  Joseph Bromley, 210  Alexander McCormick, 206  John Dempsey, 196  William Emack, 196  John McGowan, and  John Chalmers,  had each 195  SECOND CHAMBER.  Joseph Cassin, 214  Samuel Hamilton, 209  Azariah Galt, 203  John Beckley, 193  Peter Miller, 194  Griffith Coombe, 194  Michael N. url, 186  Robert Cherry, 190  Nicholas Voss, 183  
The number of votes given in the respective wards was as follows: A. Morins, 55 } Western sec. Rhodes, 114 } tion. Stelle's, 247 Eastern sec.
All the above citizens in Italic reside in the eastern section of the city. Several meetings were held previous to the election, and the population of the eastern and western sections being nearly equal, it was generally understood and solemnly agreed that each section of the city should have nine representatives. Numerous public meetings were held in the eastern as well as western sections, at all of which nine citizens were selected from each party. The voters in the western section adhered to these equal nominations, until they understood late in the day of the election that a printed ticket composed exclusively of eighteen residents of the eastern part of the city was vigorously supported. It was now too late in the day to make any effectual arrangement in the western section to defeat this local ticket; particularly as it was supported by a number of votes nearly double those heretofore brought forward, nor was it credited that the local ticket would be supported by the general vote of the citizens in the eastern section. The consequence was that a much greater number of votes was given in the eastern than in the western section, although the reverse has always heretofore been the case; and the local ticket prevailed entirely by local votes. This is so completely the case that of those elected four of the members had not a single vote in the western district; and six had only from six to three votes each. We shall give a more detailed statement of the votes in our next paper.
Examination of the question, "In what does true republicanism consist?"
[Concluded.]
Having examined some of the prominent points, on which genuine republicanism may differ, without rendering themselves objects of suspicion, we are brought to the second division of our subject; the points on which a correspondence of opinion is essential. This view opens a wide field of enquiry, too extensive to be fully occupied at this time. The very nature of the enquiry, however, supercedes the necessity of much detail either of argument or fact on the several points of agreement; as they must inevitably be such as do not admit of any considerable diversity of opinion among republicans; and if the points specified be such, an immediate acquaintance may be relied on.
We venture to lay down these general propositions: that genuine republicanism consists in,
 1. A mutual toleration of opinion.  2. In discussing the propriety of proposed measures, under a sacred respect for truth, and the influence of an unprejudiced and unbiased judgment.  3. In resolutely going, however at variance with preconceived ideas, whatever length reason and the public welfare require. 
1. In a devotion to liberty evinced not so much in our abstract ideas of government, because the best and wisest men will differ on these points, as by the general tenor of our sentiments and actions. Consequently a true republican will neither by word or deed say or do any thing which shall infringe the rights of conscience, or the freedom of action in his fellow men, which is not flagrantly inconsistent with the general welfare.
5. In the habitual manifestation of respect for republican institutions, and the people.
6. In an habitual and cheerful submission to the will of the people as expressed by a majority.
7. In a stronger attachment to measures than men, in an attachment to strong as to prevent a violation of the former from a regard to the latter.
8. In a cautious abdication from the exercise of all unnecessary power, leaving to individuals the noncoacted pursuit of their own concerns, wherein it does not injure others.
9. In the imposition of light taxes on ordinary, and of equal taxes on all occasions.
10. In the habitual maintenance of peace, unless driven to arms by the systematic and deliberate aggressions of an enemy.
11. In strenuous and persevering exertions, by promoting education and the arts, to raise the poor to a state of comfort and independence, and to enlighten the whole community, so as to render them better able to enjoy personal happiness and maintain local rights.
I will not say that these are all, or even the greater part of the traits which characterize a genuine republican; but I will say that he who possesses them is a genuine republican, however he may think or act either in private or public life on subordinate points. It will be perceived that these traits necessarily imply a sincere conviction that all legitimate power is derived from the people, and that its only honest exercise is in the promotion of their happiness.
Let us rapidly review these several traits.
First. A mutual toleration of opinion is an essential ingredient in the character of a republican. Were I called upon to name the cardinal point of republicanism, pre-eminent above all others, I would name this. Without it freedom is but a name, an ignis fatuus , that may hurry us into difficulties and dangers, but can never lead us to any useful result. He who denies freedom of opinion to others necessarily arrogates to himself superior intelligence or virtue to all around him; and without, perhaps, always perceiving it himself, lays the first foundation stone of a monarchy or aristocracy. Whence is it, that free states have perished, but from the inordinate ambition of a few men, who have not rested satisfied until they prostrated all opposition to their views? What was the first indication of this ambition, but intolerance of opinion, overbearing and menacing whatever opposed or thwarted it?
Let us analyse the ingredients of which such a spirit is generally composed. It is founded on the belief of the individual that he is possessed of high powers, arising from a comparison of himself with those around him. This belief may be just, or it may be unjust. If just he can have no claims to superior influence. If just, his talents entitle him to a distinguished lead among his associates. But how is this lead to be gained? By fairly displaying his talents, by laying before his associates or the people the reasons for his opinions, by convincing those to whom they are addressed that it is their interest to receive them, and to adopt the measures they recommend. Now conviction is an act of the mind, that can only be produced by enlightening the judgment, and not by coercion. The appearance of it may be, but the reality never can. Where then superior powers exist, so far from leading to intolerance, they dictate it; they contain within themselves happier means for accomplishing their purposes. Hence it rarely happens that a great mind is intolerant. Why should it be? If it may use the expression, it brings its wares to the market, and every eye at once acknowledges their superior excellencies and quality. Seeing is believing.
The fact is that intolerant minds are usually weak; and a secret consciousness of defect is the fruitful parent of deceitful appearances. Such minds, therefore, think from scrutiny; they refuse to take the common ground of argument; and they fly from the touchstone of familiar observation.
It may be further remarked that political intolerance implies a contempt for public opinion, a belief that the great body of the people are incompetent to judge for themselves.
Let us then cherish a mutual toleration of opinion as the sheet anchor of republican power and national happiness. If one of our associates possess the foregoing traits of character, and effecti-

ally if these traits have shed a lustre over his actions during the periods of political gloom that have so recently passed, let us not, because he does not coincide with us in every thing, banish him from our communion and confidence. If God has not endowed him with the same happy intuition we enjoy, let us, while we pity the weakness of his head, not denounce the purity of his heart.
Let me not be understood as being desirous of removing the necessary lines that distinguish parties in this country. Two great parties exist, whose principles and measures are at war with each other. While each retains its distinctive principles a solid or safe coalition is impossible. The attempt would be ruinous. But let it be recollected that the toleration here inculcated is confined to republicans, to those who possess in common the foregoing traits of character; which are precisely those in which the federal party were deficient when in possession of power. While, therefore, to that body of men belongs the time-honored enquiry with that claimed for the republicans, they have no title to our confidence, until they abandon their characteristic sentiments.
The republican cause consists, Second-ly, in discussing the propriety of proposed measures, under a sacred respect for truth, and the influence of an unprejudiced and uninfluenced judgment.
The republican system is the offspring of wisdom and philanthropy. Its sole object is the public good. Its sole means the wisdom and virtue of the people. Whenever these means do not exist, or these ends fail to be accomplished, republicanism is but a name. How then shall these be attained but by diffusing information in the shape of facts and just reasoning? They require not the aid of passion or sophistry. They are the subterfuges of far different systems. The people, to judge correctly, ought to keep their minds cool and unprejudiced. Every man knows that this is the only road to prosperity in private life; and it is equally so in public life.
But, if my actions and motives are assailed with malignant fury by a political opponent, who totally disregards of truth calumniates my character, shall I refrain from manifesting my resentment by retaliation? This must depend on the nature of the libel, and the source from which it flows. In most cases, however atrocious the libel, it will not touch the character at which it is levelled. Scurrility carries with it its own antidote; and such is the debased state of the press, that it is generally considered as the homage paid to distinguished merit.
Cases do undoubtedly occur in which replies are necessary; but there are none in which the vindication of the character of a good and great man requires a resort to scurrility. Let then the enemies of our republican institutions enjoy the unenvied distinction of monopolizing defamation in all its atrocious hues; and let its friends never adopt the pretext of tyranny, that good ends sanctify bad means.
In the third place, genuine republicanism consists in resolutely going, however at variance with pre-conceived ideas, whatever length reason and the public welfare require.
Under systems, founded in error or fraud, it is not surprising that the mere suggestion of reform should appal those whose sole claim to power rests upon the continuance of abuse. It is unquestionably to this source that we are to ascribe the hue and cry which have in the old world invariably attended every effort made to effect a change in the existing systems of government. And such has been the fury with which all changes have been opposed, and so powerful the hideous engines put into motion, arising from the consolidated corruption of ages, that even good men have doubted the expediency of attempting them.
But are there in this country any such causes? Are our circumstances the least similar to those of the nations of Europe? On the contrary, is it not a distinctive feature of all our political institutions that they ought to change with circumstances; that there is no other criterion of their goodness than their competency to advance the general welfare? Has not, too, every great step we have taken in reforming our constitutions and laws been for the better? Theory, then, and practice concur in enforcing the propriety of the course we have hitherto habitually pursued. The truth is, that our systems of government are but experiments by which the founders of political principles are tested; and most of them having been more the result of theory than practice may in their full development exhibit numerous and fatal defects.
From these considerations, it would seem to be a necessary feature of republicanism to keep in constant view the operation of existing systems, to compare the effects of different systems upon the several communities in which they are established, and at a proper season to transplant into all, the principles which have stood the test of fair experiment. In doing this there is, no doubt, the greatest need of circumspection, of reflection, of patriotism. It should never
be lost sight of that great effects can rarely be produced without the allowance of considerable time; and that the effort to precipitate them generally destructive of the good, which, under a more cautious spirit, they might produce; that it naturally tends to excite suspicion of the motives, and enmity to those, who are their advocates. On points, too, so deeply interesting as the structure of governments, which necessarily affect all ranks and different ages, personal considerations or temporary objects should be studiously avoided.
With an abstinence from these feelings, and with a zealous regard for the public welfare, and a mind enlightened by reflection and experience, we have nothing to fear from any plans of reform that may be suggested.
Is there not, likewise, one further reason for encouraging such a spirit of investigation? It is universally allowed, that the vigilance of the people ought to be habitual. Can this be the case, if there are not objects constantly submitted to them worthy of exciting it?—What objects can be more worthy of exciting it than those which involve the correctness or incorrectness of the elementary principles of their governments? May it not be hoped that in the discussion of these, the feelings of the combatants will be purified of much of that debased spirit which mingles itself with ordinary political collisions, and which has gone so far to degrade the national character in the eyes of the civilized part of mankind.
In the fourth place, genuine republicanism consists not in much in our abstract ideas of government, because the best and wisest men will differ on these points, as in the general tenor of our sentiments and actions.
This proposition we have already qualified. There is a certain limit beyond which political charity ought not to go. The sovereignty of the people must be allowed; so must the principle of representation, as being its only legitimate organ; and the necessity of rigidly circumscribing executive power, to apt virtually to swallow up the other departments. But with regard to the length to which the right of suffrage should be carried, the modification and distribution of delegated powers, and the periods of office; it is in vain to expect among republicans identity of ideas. On these points, we have shown, that they differ from each other nearly as widely, as from their opponents. Wanting this criterion, we have, fortunately a much happier one in the general tenor of men's sentiments and actions.
If you entertain any doubt of the sincerity of their republican principles, mark their course for a succession of years. Their deportment in private life will shed no feeble light on their secret thoughts. Have they been virtuous, liberal, enlightened? Have they held a consistent language? Have they been industrious, and by the exercise of their own faculties strove to gain an honorable independence? These are the solid foundations on which the true republican character should rest. If to these, you can add that they have, on all public occasions, discharged uprightly the duties imposed upon them, and that they have in no instance sacrificed the welfare of the public to personal views, you can have no hesitation in pronouncing them republican.
In the fifth place, genuine republicanism consists in the habitual manifestation of respect for republican institutions and for the people.
This must be no hollow profession of devotion—a thousand demagogues have made this their ladder to power. It must appear more in actions than in words—The want of this respect will perhaps be more evident in most cases than its possession. Those who want it will not generally openly avow their predilection for a monarchy or an aristocracy; but you will hear them pronouncing eulogiums on energetic governments; expressing their admiration of the British constitution; extolling whatever is English; and depreciating whatever is American; ridiculing the popular exercise of political rights; laughing at elections, and magnifying into flagrant excesses, their slightest deviations from decorum or good order. These men are not, cannot be, republicans.
In the sixth place, genuine republicanism consists in an habitual and cheerful submission to the will of the people as expressed by a majority.
However arduous the attainment of this duty, it is of cardinal importance; and he is practically not a republican, however pure his theory of government, who does not respect it. It results directly from the possession of equal rights, of which its non-observance is absolutely destructive.
So far as involves the independent and uncontrollable exercise of the powers of the mind it has its limit. These powers cannot be invaded. Whatever, therefore, the will of a majority may be, tho' I am bound to obey and respect it, while it remains in force, my mind remains un-fettered; and if I consider it incorrect, I may controvert it by the weapons of argument and truth.
Genuine republicanism, in the seventh place, consists in a stronger attachment to measures than men, in an attachment to the public welfare, while it sheds a light around them that will justify the confidence of a discerning people.
This also is a duty of difficult performance. Men become the objects of our affection, our veneration. Accustomed to look up to them, from our earliest years, as models of patriotism, we reposes the highest confidence in their motives and actions. In our estimate of these we do not always make a proper allowance for the influence of time and the intoxicating seductions of power. We do not realize the mournful truth, that power is a great magician that will wonderfully, and miraculously metamorphose the human heart; we do not realize the truth, that such metamorphosis are often effected without the consciousness of those who are their victims, or that it is possible for a man, without himself being apprised of it, to cease to be a sincere republican. All these things, & many more, must be realized; feelings, pain if because they cherish suspicion of our friends, must be indulged to a certain extent; before we can be ready to pronounce that our attachment is stronger to measures than men. And yet without this trait of character, how precarious is the tenure of our political principles!—We are led blindly by authority, when we ought to submit only to reason.
Let it not, however, be imagined that this necessary trait of character is inconsistent with a strong attachment to men. On the contrary, it is perhaps productive of the strongest attachment to them in a good cause. Having examined the nature and tendency of the measures of men, and having found them virtuous and wise, the vigor with which I support their authors will be increased; they become, in fact, my own measures, such as I would, were I similarly situated with them, adopt.
In the next place, genuine republicanism consists in a cautious abstinence from the exercise of all unnecessary power, leaving to individuals the uncontrolled pursuit of their own concerns, where it does not injure others:—
In the imposition of light taxes on ordinary, and of equal taxes, on all occasions:—and,
In the habitual maintenance of peace, unless driven to arms by the systematic and deliberate aggressions of an enemy.
These are bold and unerring criteria of genuine republicanism. He whose public life, for a succession of years, has indicated them, must be a republican.—In some subordinate points he may wander from truth, but in its essential characteristics he is her apostle. True to these principles, and carrying them invariably into practice, his political orthodoxy ought not to be questioned; whatever temporary clouds may shade his fame, its effulgence will eventually only shine the brighter.
These constitute the broad basis of separation between federalists and republicans in the periods of their power. The career of the former exhibited a steady violation of them; that of the latter has marked an undeviating devotion to them. This fact has been so luminously elucidated by the able discussions with which the public prints have for some years teemed, and its truth is so deeply fixed in the hearts of Americans, as to require at present no illustration.
In the last place, genuine republicanism consists,—In strenuous and persevering exertions, by promoting education and the arts, to raise the poor to a state of comfort and independence, and to enlighten the whole community, so as to render them better able to enjoy personal happiness, and maintain social rights.
On this point republicans are all agreed in their objects; but are they in their conduct? Possessing the power to accomplish this vast object, do they zealously use it? Have they done all they could to effect it?
These are solemn questions. They ought to be repeated, without cessation, until the people, with one voice, demand the vigorous and effectual exertions of their representatives. The time has arrived when this becomes a paramount duty. Its instantaneous effects may not be so great as the extinguishment of the national debt, the reduction of taxes, or the maintenance of peace; but its eventual effects will infinitely surpass them. It will require many years to enlighten the rising generation; but enlightened they must be, or their liberties will perish. Let us not deceive ourselves! The ignorance of nations has made or keeps them slaves. Knowledge alone can make or keep them free. Let us then consider a solicitude to diffuse it, as an indispensable trait in the character of a republican.
These observations have extended much beyond expectation. The great duties they inculcate, are forbearance, vigilance, and freedom of enquiry. Mutual toleration among republicans will give a strength, consistency and vigor to their common plans, which alone can enable them to blast the hopes of their enemies; vigilance will guard them against the perils of misplaced confidence; and freedom of enquiry, conducted with
temperance, will qualify them to select the best plans for the advancement of the public welfare, while it sheds a light around them that will justify the confidence of a discerning people.
The Legislature of Massachusetts convened on the 29th inst. In the Senate 37 members attended. On proceeding to the choice of a President H. G. Otis (fed.) was elected by 19 votes, and John Bacon (repub.) had 18 votes.
In the House of Representatives 323 members attended. On proceeding to the choice of a Speaker, Timothy Bixlow (fed.) was elected by 169 votes, and Perez Morton (repub.) had 151 votes.
New York, May 31. Gunboat No. 7, commanded by Lieut. Ogilvie, returned yesterday from the squadron which failed upon the coast. She had proceeded in company with the gunboats, and frigate John Adams, as far as lat. 37, and lon. 45, when she sprung her mast and was forced to put back to procure a new one. The accident occurred during a strong breeze of wind, and while under a press of sail, which they were necessitated to carry to keep up with the frigate.
Gunboats No. 2, 3, and 4, were spoken on the 14th inst. on the edge of the Current, 72 hours from Cape Henry. It is mentioned that they failed remarkably fast.
London, April 19, 1805. The friends of Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter have set up, as their defence, that the public has been defrauded of nothing by all their speculations with the property which was (not) entrusted to their care. But the public is at this moment defrauded of every shilling of the profits they have made by this illegal traffic; and that it may conjecture what may have been the amount of them upon 134,000,000. sterling, which have illegally passed through their hands, let it be remembered, that Navy Bills have been at a discount of 15 per cent. that they bought Navy Bills with these millions; and if they could have employed them all in this speculation alone, the profits might have amounted to 150,000. per million, or 20,100,000. sterling.
Lord Hawkesbury, we understand has been appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, and is expected to be succeeded in the home department by Lord Harrowby.
SPAIN—St. Roch, March 7. In pursuance of orders issued by the commandant General, the battalion of Barbastree, with the company of carabiniers and artillery, proceeded yesterday to the line; and the regiments of Geron, of Cantabria, and that of the cavalry, kept themselves in readiness to march on the shortest notice. On the arrival of the troops, 50 carabiniers took post before the tower of Molinos, from the strand on the east side, to the opposite side; 120 men, armed with hatchets and other warlike implements, sallied from Fort S. Philip; 80 of those were commanded by Don Valdes, and the remainder by Don Cartes. The latter, at the head of his small party, conducted it to the stone piles which are situated at the foot of the mount on the north side, and Don Valdes marched directly against the English guard of the Devil's Tower, which he surprised. The English pill was inclosed at the moment that resistance was attempted; the officer charged, with the detachment of this post was undressed in bed, and sleeping soundly. Two of the English were killed. The fortune's musket missed fire; and the remainder of the guard fled to the citadel, and alarmed the garrison; on this both the Spanish detachments returned to their lines, taking with them the English officer and three soldiers, one of whom was mortally wounded. The Spanish fire ships had gone out of the river; but the night being too clear, they could not reach the enemy.
DANCING SCHOOL. M c GENERES respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of this city, that he has opened his Dancing School on the Capitol Hill, in the house occupied by Dr. May. The days of session are Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday in the morning; those ladies and gentlemen who wish to have their children taught, will please to apply at his Dancing School, where the particulars will be known. June 5—3t
District of Columbia, county of Washington, to wit:
UPON the petition of JOHN BURNS an insolvent debtor confined in jail in the county of Washington, in the district aforesaid, praying relief under the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," it is ordered that notice of his application be given to his creditors, and that on the 10th day of June inst. at 9 o'clock, A. M. at the court room in the Capitol the said John Burns will be administered to the said John Burns, and a trustee appointed, agreeably to the said act, unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary.
It is also ordered that this notice be published twice in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist before that day.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, esquire, one of the assistant judges of the Circuit court of the district of Columbia. U. FORREST, Clk. June 5—2t
RUNAWAY NEGROES.
WAS committed to the jail of this county on the 14th inst. a negro man who calls himself BEN, about 40 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, has a lump near his navel, one country linen, and one Ozanburg shirt, one pair white kersey and one pair tow linen overalls, striped linsy, striped Swandown, and m x ed cafmere jackets, one blue and one lead colored cloth coat, one pair nankeen and a pair corduroy overalls, old yarn stockings, two pair shoes and a new wool hat; says he belongs to John Wilcox, late of Montgomery county but now of the state of Kentucky.
Also was committed on the 16th inst. as a Runaway slave, a negro man by the name of SAM, but says his right name is Rippy, about 25 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a small scar on his left eye brow and on his forehead, several scars on his right arm occasioned by a burn, same arm has been broke, a scar also on the back of his long head, has a coarse tow linen shirt and trousers, blue jacket, old pair cloth trousers and an old hat; says he belongs to captain Samuel Minnis, but was lent to Dr. Timberlake or Timberlain of the state of Virginia, near New town. Their owners are desired to come prove property, pay charges and take them away or they will be sold within eighty days from the date hereof agreeably to law.
L. HILLBARY, Sheriff. Allegany county, Maryland. June 5—3w
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL H. SMITH, —PRICE TWO DOLLARS—
THE TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE,
An associate justice of the Supreme court of the United States, impeached by the House of Representatives, for high crimes and misdemeanors, before the Senate of the United States, taken in short hand by
SAMUEL H. SMITH, AND THOMAS LLOYD.
The second volume will probably contain between three and four hundred pages.
The first volume will be sold only to those who subscribe for the whole work.
VOLUME I.
This volume contains,—
1. Measures preliminary to the trial, including the proceedings of the House of Representatives and Senate antecedent to the trial. 3. The answer of Mr. Chase and the replication of the Managers. 3. The speech of Mr. Randolph on opening the impeachment. 4. The evidence on the part of the prosecution. 5. The speech of Mr. Harper on opening the defence. 6. The evidence on the part of Mr. Chase. 7. The speech of Mr. Early. 8. The speech of Mr. Campbell.
The advertisement prefixed to this edition will enable the public to form some opinion of its accuracy.
The following report of the trial of Samuel Chase has been drawn up with the greatest care. To guard against misconception or omission, two individuals, one of whom is a professional stenographer, were constantly engaged during the whole course of the trial; and the arguments of the managers and counsel have in most instances, and wherever it was attainable, been revised by them. It is with some satisfaction that the editor of this impression is enabled, under these circumstances, to submit to the public a trace whose fidelity and comprehensiveness, he hopes, will amply reward the interest so deeply excited by the progress and issue of this important trial.
"The second volume is in the press, and will be published in a short time."
COPY-RIGHT. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, to wit:
BE IT REMEMBERED, that [SEAL] on this twenty third day of April in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and five Samuel H. Smith of the said district, hath deposited in the clerk's office of the district court of the United States for the district of Columbia, the title of a book the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit: "The trial of Samuel Chase an associate justice of the supreme court of the United States impeached by the House of Representatives for high crimes and misdemeanors, before the Senate of the United States, taken in short hand by Samuel H. Smith and Thomas Lloyd," in conformity to the act of Congress for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the time therein mentioned.
G. DENEALE, Clk. Dist. Ct.
BOOKSELLERS or others, who purchase CHASE'S TRIAL for sale, will be allowed a deduction of twenty five per cent.