The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-01-10 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCLXVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, JANUARY 10th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 5, 1803.
Motion of Mr. Randolph to refer the resolutions of Mr. Griswold calling for official documents respecting the cession of Louisiana to a committee of the whole on the State of the union.
(Debate continued.)
Mr. Dana said that he did not know, nor had he heard from any quarter that there was any negotiation depending respecting the cession of Louisiana. The President has informed us of the fact. All that the resolution asks are official documents respecting the cession, with the stipulations, circumstances and conditions under which it is to be delivered up. He could not see the impropriety of such a request. But if the President deem it improper to furnish the information, we do not assert our right to demand it. There are two views in which this information may be important; that which may throw light on the boundaries of the province as ceded; and another, whether the province is to be ceded to the French in the condition it shall be in when actually delivered up, or whether subject to the conditions in which it was held according to treaty by Spain. This is important information to guide our deliberations; information not depending upon an existing negotiation, but upon a negotiation decided.
Mr. Griswold called for the taking of the yeas and nays.
Mr. Smilie was in favor of the widest publicity in every case where it would not prove injurious; and there were, in his opinion, very few cases in which it ought not to take place. He could not, however, withhold one remark; that gentlemen should object to the mode now proposed, a mode similar to that adopted in like cases, greatly surprised him. [He here quoted the proceedings of the House on a call for papers in the case of the British Treaty.] That case furnished a precedent, by which it appeared that a motion for information was referred to a committee of the whole for a more full discussion.
Mr. Davis observed that as he lived in that district of country most materially affected by the subject before the House, he thought it proper to express his opinion on the motion. He said he did not know what reason could be assigned for the motion, but that expressed by the gentleman from Virginia to go into a committee of the whole in private to propose certain resolutions that required secrecy.
Mr. Davis said it had been his purpose yesterday to have submitted certain resolutions, which he should have done, but for the motion of the gentleman from Connecticut calling for information; after it was made he was willing to wait until all information was obtained that could be furnished. Suppose we go into a committee of the whole, what light can we expect from their deliberations? We can gain nothing. But let the call for information prevail; let us draw from the President such information as he may think it proper to give; and let us then refer that information to a committee of the whole, and they will be able to deliberate wisely—What use can it be to take a step from which no benefit can be derived? As to the call on the President, he will not give us any thing that is improper. How does the gentleman from Virginia know what light this information may throw on the subject? Is he prepared to say it will throw no light on this subject? If he is, Mr. D. said he himself was not. He might have ways of acquiring the secrets of the cabinet; but for himself he had no such opportunities. Mr. Davis concluded by declaring himself against the motion.
Mr. Randolph was compelled again reluctantly to trespass on the indulgence of the House, to assure them and the gentleman from Kentucky, that his motion did not comprehend a refusal to agree to the call for information made by the gentleman from Connecticut. After going into committee, they might, perhaps, either by a unanimous vote, or by that of a majority, agree to the resolution. Benefit might arise, and no mischief possibly could, from going into a committee of the whole.
Mr. Huger must acknowledge that he could not understand the object of those who were for refusing this information. If they had any objection to asking the information, let them inform us what it is. And if they have no objection why
go into a committee of the whole; which if gone into, must be with closed doors. The question alluded to in the British Treaty was very different from this. In that case, one part of the House thought they had a right to demand the information of the executive, and that he was bound to deliver it; while the other part of the House neither acknowledged the right to demand, or the obligation to obey. The present case was entirely different. We ask nothing but what the executive shall think proper to furnish; we are as cautious as we can possibly be; we even go so far as to put words in the President's mouth if he shall think there is any impropriety in giving the information. Gentlemen certainly have confidence in the executive, that he will tell us if the information is improper to be furnished.
Mr. Huger could not but express his surprise that the House had received no official documents on this important subject. He could not comprehend why Congress should not know the contents of the convention. If proper, we ought to have these documents; and if not proper, we ought to have a reason for it. The country was in a state of serious alarm; and it might have a bad effect if something was not immediately done, and a disposition exhibited to act in case it should prove necessary.
Mr. Smilie said the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Huger) was incorrect, when he stated that in the case of the British Treaty, one set of gentlemen had contended for the right of the House to demand papers. If this had been so the resolution then proposed would have been preremptory; whereas the fact was that it was qualified by an exception of such papers as the President might consider it improper to furnish. [Mr. Smilie here quoted the Journals, which confirmed his remark.]
Mr. Gregg, said it would be allowed that this was an important resolution, which related to an important subject. This was, he believed, the first instance in which a resolution allowed to be important, had been refused a reference to a committee of the whole. On this principle his vote would be decided. If the motion did not prevail, he should then move that the resolution should be printed before it was acted upon.
Mr. Griswold would not object to the reference if the object were to obtain a more full discussion of the resolution. He was generally in favour of such references, as the discussion was conducted in a committee of the whole on a freer scale than in the House. On this principle it was that the call for papers respecting the British treaty was referred to a committee of the whole. But it had not been referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the Union.
He, however, understood the object of gentlemen to be to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole, for the purpose of discussing it with closed doors. If that were the object, he should oppose it. For he would say nothing of secrecy could arise out of the discussion of this resolution. It did not with that a resolution, so important, should be referred to a secret committee. If gentlemen mean to deny us this information, let them deny it in public. Let them not do it in a secret committee. Surely they can have no such unworthy motives.
As to the case of 1796 under the British treaty, the ground of opposition was this. It was claimed that the House had a right to decide upon a treaty, and to establish this point papers were called for. And on the decision of the question, on the granting or refusing the application, depended the establishment of the right of the House to participate in the treaty making power. This right was denied by those who voted against the call. But in this case there was no difference as to the power of the House. The President in his message had expressly stated that the cession would have weight in the deliberations of the legislature. This then being a case in which it is proper to legislate, shall we go to work blindfold, without having all the information possessed by the executive, that it is proper we should possess? What do we know respecting the cession? Though made for more than one year, we have no information, except that contained in the message which barely mentions the fact. For these reasons Mr. Griswold hoped the motion would not prevail, as its avowed object was for a more full discussion, but for the purpose of going into a secret committee. If gentlemen mean to deny us the information we ask, let the denial be public; and if they grant it, there is no reason against their doing it publicly.
Mr. Randolph. The gentleman from Connecticut tells us that this subject is
referred to in the message of the President, and that on it we are called by him to legislate. That subject has been referred to a committee of the whole; and yet he says it is improper to refer this resolution to the same committee. This may be logic; but I confess, if it is, I do not understand it. He says if the object of reference be for a more ample discussion he will be in favor of it; but not so, if it be to send it to a secret committee. Does the gentleman mean to insinuate that the debates of this body are for the entertainment of the ladies who honor us with their presence; or that as soon as our doors are shut, our ears also are shut to all useful and necessary information? If the doors shall be closed, cannot we still agree to the resolution? However gentlemen may persist in the course they have taken, I shall not permit the warmth of their remarks, or that of my own feelings, to betray me into a debate on points which the House have determined shall be discussed with closed doors. For my own part, I am ready to declare that I have arguments to advance, that it is not my wish to advance with open doors.
Mr. Bacon said the resolution simply called for information respecting the cession of the province of Louisiana to the French. He did not see the end to be answered by committing it. Is there any doubt that we shall not stand in need of information when we come to discuss points connected with this subject? It appeared to him they would. He was therefore against the reference.
Mr. S. Smith. The gentleman from Connecticut has candidly admitted that it is customary in such cases to make a reference, that he is not in favor of the reference being made to a committee with shut doors; but if the object were to obtain a free discussion, he would not object to it. He is told that a full and free discussion cannot be had without such a reference, and yet he persists in his hostility to the motion. He had been told so by the mover, and common sense would have told him so at first; yet he is for taking advantage of the mover, and for shutting out the arguments he has to urge. The gentleman is mistaken in his statement of the motives of the different sides of the House in the discussion on a call for papers in 1796, when he represents one side as claiming a right to participate in the treaty making power. He recollected it had been charged upon them; but they had denied it. We contended, said general Smith, that when a treaty was formed appropriating a large sum of money, we had a right to appropriate or not appropriate the money; but we never assumed the right to say whether the treaty was concluded or not. Afterwards, gentlemen themselves, if he recollected right, moved a resolution that it was expedient to carry the treaty into effect, by which they did admit the right of the House. Mr. Smith said he had no previous knowledge of what the gentleman from Virginia meant by his motion; he might perhaps wish to amend the resolution; but when he says he has arguments that he cannot urge without shut doors, he trusted that indulgence would be allowed him, or there would be a denial of justice.
Mr. Dana said there was a magic of language to those unaccustomed to parliamentary language, in the House resolving itself into a committee, and that committee returning itself back into the House, both composed of the same members, that made the proceedings of public bodies appear ridiculous. But there were substantial benefits derived from the observance of these forms. There was a fuller and freer discussion, every member spoke as often as he chose, and they enjoyed the Speaker's advice. There were besides two discussions and decisions instead of one. He admitted, therefore, the propriety of such procedure in all cases where there was an important principle involved. But in this instance there was no important principle to discuss. There was an important principle involved in the famous question of 1795. It was, therefore, right to refer it to a committee of the whole. He did not know what principle was to be discussed on this reference unless it was the want of information. This he most sensibly felt; and those gentlemen who also felt it might, he thought, be indulged by those who possess all information on the subject. If any gentleman, however, will say that any important principle is involved in the resolution, he was ready to go into a committee of the whole, though not with closed doors.
The question was then taken by Yeas and Nays on Mr. Randolph's motion to refer the resolution of Mr. Griswold to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, and carried—Yeas 49—Nays 39—as follow:
YEAS—Messrs. Allison, Archer, Brent, Brown, Butler, Claiborne, Clay, Clopton, Condit, Cutts, Dawson, Elmore, Eustis, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, Heister, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Leib, Meriwether, Mitchell, Moore, New, Newton, Nicholson, Randolph, jun. Smilie, J. Smith, N. Y. J. Smith, Virg. Josiah Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stansford, Stanton, jun. Stewart, Taliaferro, Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, Van Horn, Wynns.—49.
NAYS—Messrs. Bacon, Bishop, Boude, Campbell, Cutler, Dana, Davenport, Davis, Dennis, Dickson, Goddard, Griswold, Grove, Hastings, Helms, Hemphill, Henderson, Huger, Hunt, Lowndes, Mattson, L. R. Morris, T. Morris, Mott, Perkins, Plater, Read, Rutledge, Shepard, J. C. Smith, Stanley, Tallmage, Tenney, Thatcher, Tillinghast, Upham, Wadsworth, L. Williams, Woods.—39.
On motion of Mr. Griswold, the House immediately went into committee of the whole on the state of the union.
Mr. John C. Smith, in the Chair. Mr. Randolph rose, and observed that he held in his hands certain resolutions connected with the Message of the President relative to the late proceedings at New Orleans, the discussion of which had been ordered to be carried on with closed doors. He asked the decision of the question, whether previously to offering his resolutions, the doors ought not to be closed. The resolutions, he meant to submit, grew out of the Message. If the House, however, insisted upon their being then read, he had no indisposition to read them.
The Chairman considered the committee as incompetent to clearing the galleries. He thought it must be the act of the House.
Mr. Dawson enquired if the same rules that applied to the House did not also apply to committees of the whole.
Mr. Randolph, called for the reading of the President's Message respecting New Orleans.
Mr. Griswold said there was other business not requiring secrecy referred to the committee.
Mr. Randolph repeated his call for the reading of the President's Message.
The Chairman asked what Message?
Mr. Randolph replied the confidential Message.
Mr. Griswold said that could not be read with open doors.
The Chairman said the doors could not be closed without an order of the House.
Mr. S. Smith observed that it had been customary to clear the galleries before the House went into committee. To save time, he would move that the committee should rise, in order to obtain an order of the House to that effect.
Mr. Griswold hoped the committee would not rise. The business he had proposed was of a public, not a secret nature. It was also of a pressing nature, and ought not to be postponed for any other business.
Mr. Dana hoped, indeed, for the honor of the House, they would not exhibit the spectacle of waiting time in going into committee and then coming out of it without doing any thing; but would proceed to the public business.
Mr. Rutledge. The gentleman from Virginia holds in his hands resolutions that require secrecy. After deciding on the motion of the gentleman from Connecticut, he will not be precluded from offering these resolutions.
Mr. Eustis said if the House had resolved itself into a committee for the express purpose of taking into consideration the resolution of the gentleman from Connecticut, it would be proper to give it the preference over any other business; and in that case he should have been as ready at this moment as at any other to offer his objections to it. But if it were understood that the House had resolved itself generally into a committee on the state of the union, one gentleman from Virginia having made a motion, and another gentleman from Connecticut having afterwards made another motion, that made by the last gentleman being junior in point of time ought to be last attended to. The other gentleman's motion was first in course; and if the gentleman who offered it desired the galleries to be cleared, he had an undoubted right to an order to that effect.
Mr. Macon (Speaker) remarked that a committee of the whole house was one committee, and a committee of the whole house on the state of the union another committee. They were distinct committees. The last was never formed for special purposes. He did not recollect that this had ever been done. Where
the other committee was always formed for a special purpose. The difficulty in this case had arisen from referring the confidential message to a committee of the whole on the state of the Union. He believed it would be well to rise and separate the two subjects that had been referred to the committee on the state of Union.
Mr. Griswold did not understand what the gentleman from Massachusetts meant by priority of motion. The chairman had determined that the motion of the gentleman from Virginia was not in order, as it could not be submitted in a public committee. After this disposition of that motion, none remained before the committee other than his own. In point of priority, he rose, therefore, to have his resolution then decided upon. With regard to the proposition of the honorable Speaker, he did not see any reason for it. Was it not as well to decide on this resolution in this committee as in any other committee? Why then rise for the purpose of referring it to a secret committee?
Mr. S. Smith said the gentleman from Massachusetts meant by his remarks that the message of the President had precedence. The gentleman from Connecticut was only now urging what had been decided against him in the House. He thinks he has now an advantage and press of it.
Mr. Smith said he had not a doubt that the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rutledge) is very sincere in his opinion, that if we will agree to submit all power to them, they will indulge us by agreeing to certain subordinate points. But gentlemen will excuse us. We have already taken great pains to divest them of power, and we are not yet disposed to return it into their hands.
We are of opinion that the message ought to be discussed with closed doors; that is the intention of the motion; let us not take advantage of those who have arguments to offer which they will not to submit with open doors; let the committee rise and the galleries be cleared.
Mr. Dana in one point fully agreed with the gentleman from Maryland. They had taken great pains to get power. But he regretted that any political party allusion whatever had been made on this subject. He had supposed it so important, so deeply interesting to all America, that he had hoped all spirit of party would have slept during our deliberations on it; and that we should have shewn that we entertained but one sentiment, and were ready, if necessary, to extend one arm in defence of our invaded rights.
Mr. L. R. Morris expressed his disagreement with the Speaker on a point of order.
When the question was taken on the rising of the committee, and carried in the affirmative—Yeas 49—Nays 37.
The committee accordingly rose, and the chairman reported that they had come to no resolution.
A motion was made to adjourn, on which Mr. Griswold called the yeas and nays; which were, yeas 38—Nays 51, as follow:
YEAS—Messrs. Bailey, Brent, Brown, Butler, Condit, Cutts, Davis, Dawson, Dickson, Elmore, Gregg, Hanna, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Leib, Meriwether, Mitchell, Moore, New, Newton, J. Smith, N. Y. J. Smith, Virg. Josiah Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stansford, Stanton, Stewart, Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Horn, and Wynns.—38.
NAYS—Messrs. Allison, Archer, Bacon, Bishop, Boude, Campbell, Claiborne, Clay, Clopton, Cutler, Dana, Davenport, Dennis, Elmer, Eustis, Goddard, Gray, Griswold, Grove, Hastings, Hemphill, Henderson, Huger, Hunt, Lowndes, Mattson, L. R. Morris, T. Morris, Mott, Nicholson, Perkins, Plater, Randolph, Read, Rutledge, Shepard, Smilie, J. C. Smith, Stanley, Stratton, Taliaferro, Tallmage, Tenney, Thatcher, Tillinghast, J. Trigg, Upham, Varnum, Wadsworth, L. Williams, and Woods.—51.
The galleries were then cleared by a vote of the House—Yeas 41—Nays 41; the Speaker voting in the affirmative.
THURSDAY, JAN. 6, 1803.
Mr. Griswold moved that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole on his resolution.
Mr. Dawson was opposed to the motion for reasons before assigned.
Mr. Griswold said the gentleman did not understand what he had proposed. It had been the wish of gentlemen to separate the consideration of his resolution from other subjects referred to the Committee of the whole on the state of the union. For which purpose he had been willing to refer it to a Committee of the

which. But he was averse to referring it to a secret committee; as he did not perceive its connection with any subject that required secrecy. The discussion on it ought, in his opinion, to be public. It was not necessary for him to repeat that it was of a pressing nature. It respected the obtaining information on a subject, he would say, of greater importance than any which could come before Congress at that session. One third of the session was gone, and yet the legislature had no information before them. He hoped there was no disposition entertained by gentlemen to embarrass this proposition with points unconnected with it. The proposition was extremely simple. Called upon by the President to legislate on the subject of the cession of Louisiana, we do not know the precise state of that cession. To legislate correctly, we want to be informed of all the circumstances. If gentlemen are disposed to deny us this information, let the denial be public. Do not let them refer this motion to a secret committee, where they may deny us the information we ask, on reasons which we cannot divulge. Mr. G. concluded by calling for the yeas and nays.
Mr. S. Smith asked if this were not the precise motion decided yesterday by the House? He thought it had been referred to a committee of the whole. He had considered it as having taken that course. When we go into committee the gentlemen will see whether we shall refuse them the information. Perhaps we shall see that it is of such a nature as we ought to possess. He did not himself know how that was; nor did he mean to commit himself by any remarks which he had made. He trusted gentlemen would remember their vote yesterday, and not suffer themselves to be put out of their course by this extraordinary mode of conducting business.
Mr. Lowndes demanded whether, even if the motion were the same, there was any impropriety in putting it again today, and whether it were not perfectly consistent with the rules of order to go into a committee, and take up the resolution. If there ever were a resolution offered to that house which ought to obtain an unanimous vote, it was that of his honorable friend from Connecticut; which proposes simply the calling for such information as the President might see fit to give on a most important subject, that had excited the sensibility of the whole nation. The President himself, in his message, alludes to the subject as one which may require legislative interpretation, and gentlemen peril in refusing us this information. It was a most extraordinary circumstance in the annals of the United States that notwithstanding the magnitude of the cession of Louisiana, the length of time since it was made, and the necessary consequence of having a new and powerful neighbour on our frontier, we had yet no official information on the subject. The President, in his message, really tells us nothing. He says "the cession of the Spanish province of Louisiana to France, which took place in the course of the late war"—This we had been told long before by the public prints, and in a discussion before the British Parliament—But he goes on and lays—"will, if carried into effect, make a change in the aspect of our foreign relations, which will doubtless have just weight in any deliberations of the legislature connected with that subject." To this the understanding of every school boy is competent. It was really surprising that gentlemen should wish to reject such a call as this. It was not probable that the President had been so unmindful of his duty, as not to have demanded an explanation through our ministers at the court of Spain, or at Paris. If he has this information, and it is of a nature proper to be known to us, we ought immediately to obtain it, that we may not be slumbering at our posts on an infraction of our rights.
Mr. Lowndes suspected gentlemen had not correctly attended to the resolution. It only requests the President to lay such information before the House as he may think proper. Are gentlemen then afraid to trust to the discretion of the President? Are they apprehensive least he should communicate that which is improper? He hoped they had more confidence in the executive. He thought this call should precede any resolutions. He could not disconnect the shutting of the port of New Orleans from the cession of Louisiana. There appeared to be a natural connection between these two events. He was afraid that the shutting of the port was ominous of the disposition of Spain to cede the province to France independently of any incumbrances she may have imposed upon herself. He was afraid France in this transaction would conflict her interest and convenience, and not our rights. We well knew the grounds on which that nation interpreted treaties, and we had no reason from that knowledge to repress our fears. An observation of the gentleman from Virginia had given him great uneasiness. That gentleman had told us, if Spain had ceded Louisiana to France, she had a right to cede it. This Mr. Lowndes was not prepared to lay. He did not think Spain had a right to give to America what she pleased; much less to give her a new neighbor, under cir-
cumstances different from those by which she held the province. He was not, however, then disposed to discuss the abstract question involved in this subject. He trusted the resolution, calling for information, would be agreed to. The House need not fear that in asking this information, they would speak the sense of the people; and if other measures were necessary, they would also in adopting them speak the sense of the nation.
Mr. Bacon said it was not uncommon to hear of extraordinary occurrences in that House. One mode of reasoning yesterday had great weight, that asserted a connection between the resolution and the subject of New Orleans, which had been taken up and referred to a committee with closed doors. One subject appeared to him to be not only nearly connected, but to form an essential part of the other. For what purpose this resolution should be separated from the general subject, he could not conceive. Why do we want information, but that we may have a more clear view of the general subject? He could not see any detached purpose for which it was required. Why then divide it into little detached parts? Until he could hear reasons for such a division, he should be against the reference.
Mr. Hemphill observed that the gentleman was mistaken in what passed yesterday. The gentleman from Maryland had first stated the subjects as similar, that ground was afterwards abandoned; and they were considered as distinct. There were only two points connected with the subject before the house in which documents could be required or secrecy necessary. The one related to the cession of Louisiana; the other to the shutting of the port of New Orleans. The former, though not referred to a committee, was as important as the latter, which had been referred. In the last case we deemed it important to have and to request papers. The resolution before them related to the first point; it had been deemed of sufficient importance to refer it to a committee, and this afforded good reasons for calling for papers respecting the cession. He begged leave to refer to the Message, which says the cession "will, if carried into effect, make a change in the aspect of our foreign relations, which will doubtless have just weight in any deliberations of the legislature connected with that subject." The House will perceive that the language of the Message is hypothetical—the words are "if carried into effect"—How then can we deliberate on this subject, unless we know the degree of probability there is that it will be carried into effect? A knowledge of the circumstances necessary to ascertain this, appeared to be absolutely indispensable.
If likely to be carried into effect, the next question is as to the time when it will be carried into effect. When these two enquiries were solved, another naturally offered itself—Is France to take the province subject to existing Treaties? or as she shall receive it at the time of delivery—All these circumstances it was necessary for Congress to know before they could act correctly.
What necessity there was for secrecy in the discussion of this resolution, Mr. Hemphill could not conceive. All the information we have on the subject is contained in the President's Message, which every person in the United States knows as well as we do. It appeared to him that when their deliberations turned on facts which every body knew they ought to be public. His ideas of secrecy were these; that policy might require certain facts to be kept secret for a time; but when made known, their arguments on them ought not to be secret. In this opinion he was strengthened by the rule of the House. [Mr. Hemphill here read the rule on that point which prescribes that the galleries shall be cleared whenever a confidential communication shall be received from the President, or whenever the Speaker, or any other member shall inform the House that he has communications to make which he conceives ought to be kept secret] Mr. Hemphill asked on which branch of this rule could the arguments of gentlemen be predicted—The President had not sent them a confidential communication, nor had any member said he had communications to make which he conceived ought to be kept secret. The information referred to in the rule meant facts, and not arguments drawn from facts. He concluded by saying he saw no occasion whatever for discussing this proposition with closed doors.
Mr. Dawson. The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Lowndes) lays there is a material connection between the shutting of the port of New Orleans and the cession of Louisiana. After then that part of the discussion which related to New Orleans had been ordered to be conducted with shut doors, how proper was it in him to introduce into debate a subject intimately connected with it? His opposition to the present motion did not arise from an indisposition fully to discuss the subject to which it referred; but from an indisposition to delay the discussion of the motion offered by his colleague. Against the present motion he should vote, because it promised nothing useful, and might be mischievous. We have been told this subject is important and pressing. That it was important he felt; but he
did not believe it was pressing. He could say, if the time should ever arrive when it became that House to act, this was not the time. When the time did arrive, he was prepared to act. Gentlemen were very anxious on this subject. He rejoiced to witness their anxiety. But he and his friends were not now to hear who were the friends of the western country. The people of that country doubted not the protection of the government. They were warmly attached to the government, and knew that every thing would be done, that ought to be done, to protect and defend their rights.
Mr. Bacon said if he understood the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Hemphill) he perfectly agreed with him in opinion, that this resolution was connected with the subject of New Orleans. He agreed with him as to their inseparable connection. But the only difference was that they inferred opposite consequences from the same premises. He (Mr. Bacon) contended that the resolution made a part of the general subject, and ought not to be divided from it. They say it ought to be divided.
Mr. Hemphill replied that he had spoken as plainly as he could. He had said the subject was distinct.
Mr. Goddard. The gentlemen from Massachusetts yesterday told us the call for information ought to be public, though the information itself should be secret. This reasoning had been satisfactory to him then; he had hoped it would have also proved so to day. But it appears that he is now for sending us to a secret committee. Mr. Goddard said in his opinion, the call ought to be public, whatever the nature of the information might be. This information gentlemen will either deny or grant. They say it is not to be denied. Why then go into a committee. And if granted, why not grant it without assigning reasons as well as with assigning them? Are we to be told by the gentleman from Virginia, there is no occasion for this call; that we have information enough. How does that honorable gentleman get his information? If from the Cabinet, are we, the representatives of the people, to obtain it from him? Surely this will be degrading to our characters. We may believe it a true coin from him, but as representatives, we should spurn at receiving it in such a channel. We want official information. But gentlemen say they want to go into secret on this resolution. What will be the good of this? Though he could not say what was done in secret yesterday, yet he might say what had not been done. They had done nothing; and if they went into secret again, the consequence would be the same.
Mr. Randolph felt extremely reluctant to rise in this stage of the discussion, but he deemed it time to repel insinuations so frequently thrown out as perhaps to gain some credit if they were permitted to pass entirely unnoticed. We are averse to take up the motion of the gentleman from Connecticut, and wherefore? Because, as our opponents would fain have it believed, we are inflexible to the vast interest affected by the obstruction of the Mississippi? No, Sir, because we are alive to this delicate and momentous subject, because we wish to act upon it; because we wish to go into committee on the confidential message of the executive, because the information required by the motion before you is not necessary to determine us in the course which we ought, and, I trust, will pursue; and because these various preliminary questions, whatever be their object, are, in effect, only calculated to retard and to embarrass the decision of the house on this great question. Sir, I am content that gentlemen should repeat after each other the trite observations which have been so often reiterated of the magnitude of the object in question. I am content that they should make the best possible display of their ardor on this occasion. But wherefore this exhibition of a zeal so inordinate as to arrogate to itself all sensibility to the national welfare? Since gentlemen insist upon it, since they provoke the discussion, I must request to be indulged in some remarks on the history of this subject. And in reply to the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Goddard) I must be permitted to observe that such of my information as may have been derived from the executive is equally accessible to every member of this house, and I believe to every reputable citizen in the union, who chooses to apply for it. That however which I am about to present is derived from a source accessible to the whole world. It is to be found in a document of inestimable value, (the debates of the Virginia convention in 1788,) and might truly be said to be official. It is an account given in his official character of member of Congress and under the old confederation, by that able and eminent man, that faithful and illustrious public servant, the late governor of Virginia, to the convention of that state at their requisition. At his own suggestion the legislature of the state had declined to insist upon it: To the convention it was given (however reluctantly) as to a paramount authority—(here Mr. Randolph read Mr. Monroe's Speech.)
After some desultory conversation, Mr. Monroe spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman—My conduct respecting the transactions of
Congress, upon this interesting subject, from my return to the State, has been well known to many worthy Gentlemen here—I have been often called upon before this, in a public line, and particularly in the last Assembly, whilst I was present, for information of these transactions; but have heretofore declined it, and for reasons that were held satisfactory. Being amenable upon the principles of the Federal compact, to the Legislature for my conduct in Congress, it cannot be doubted, it required, it were my duty to obey their direction; but that honorable body thought it best to dispense with such demand—The right in this Assembly is unquestionably more complete, having powers paramount to that;—but even here I could with it had not been exerted as I understand it to be, by going into committee for that purpose.—Before, however, I enter into this subject, I cannot but observe, it is given me pain to hear it created by Honorable Gentlemen in a manner that has appeared not altogether free from exception. For they have not gone into it fully, and given a proper view of the transaction in every part, but of those only which preceded and were subsequent to that, which has been the particular object of enquiry; a conduct that has seemed too much calculated to make an impression favorable to their wishes in the present instance. But in making this observation, I owe it to those Gentlemen to declare, that it is my opinion such omission has proceeded not from intention, but their having forgotten facts or to some cause not obvious to me, and which I make no doubt they will readily explain.
The policy of this State respecting this river has always been the same. It has contemplated but one object, the opening it for the use of the inhabitants, whose interest depended on it—and in this, she has, in my opinion, shewn her wisdom and magnanimity. I may, I believe, with propriety say, that all the measures that have at any time been taken by Congress for that purpose, were adopted at the instance of this State.—There was a time, it is true, fir, when even this state, in some measure abandoned the object, by authorizing its cession to the court of Spain. But let us take all circumstances into view, as they were at that time, and I am persuaded it will by no means shew a departure from this liberal and enlightened system of policy, although it may manifest an accommodation to the exigencies which pressed on us at the time.—The Southern states were overrun and in possession of the enemy.—The Governments of South-Carolina and Georgia were prostrate, and opposition there at an end.—North Carolina made but a feeble resistance; and Virginia herself was greatly harassed by the enemy in force at that time in the heart of the country, and by insurrections for her own and the defence of the Southern states.—In addition to this, the finances of the United States were in a deplorable condition, if not totally exhausted; and France our ally seemed anxious for peace; and as the means of bringing the war to a more happy and speedy conclusion; the object of this cession was the hopes of uniting Spain in it with all her forces. If I recollect aright too at this moment, the Minister of the United States at the Court of Madrid, informed Congress of the difficulty he found in prevailing upon that Court to acknowledge our independence, or take any measure in our favor, suggested the jealousy with which it viewed our settlements in the Western Country, and the probability of better success, provided we would cede the navigation of this river, as the consideration. The latter circumstances were made known to the Legislature, and they had their weight. All interior objects must yield to the safety of the society itself. A resolution passed to that effect. An act of Congress likewise passed, and the Minister of the United States had full authority to relinquish this valuable right to that Court, upon the condition above stated. But what was the issue of this proposition? Was any treaty made with Spain that obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, although at war with Great-Britain, and such acknowledgment would have cost her nothing? Was a loan of money accomplished? In short, does it appear that even Spain herself thought it an object of any importance? So soon as the war ended, this resolution was rescinded. The power to make such a treaty was revoked. So that this system of policy was departed from, only for a short time, for the most important object that can be conceived, and resumed again as soon as it possibly could be.
After the peace, it became the business of Congress to invigorate the relation of these states to the different powers of the earth, in a more extensive view than they had hitherto done, and particularly in the commercial line; and to make arrangements for entering into treaties with them on such terms as might be mutually beneficial for each party. As the result of the deliberations of that day, it was resolved, "That commercial treaties be formed, if possible, with said powers, those of Europe in particular, Spain included upon familiar principles, and three Commissioners, Mr. Adams, Mr. Franklin, and Mr. Jefferson, be appointed for that purpose."—So that an arrangement for a treaty of commerce with Spain had already been taken. Whilst these powers were in force, a representative from Spain arrived, authorized to treat with the United States on the interfering claims of the two nations, respecting the Mississippi, and the boundaries and other concerns wherein they were respectively interested.—A similar commission was given to the Honorable the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, on the part of the United States, with these ultimatia, "That he enter into no treaty, compact or convention whatever, with the said representative of Spain, which did not stipulate our right to the navigation of the Mississippi, and the boundaries as established in our treaty with Great-Britain."—And thus the late negotiation commenced, and under auspices, as I supposed, very favorable to the wishes of the United States; for Spain had become sensible of the propriety of cultivating the friendship of these states.—Knowing our claim to the navigation of this river, she had sent a Minister hither principally to treat on that point—and the time would not be remote when, under the increasing population of that country, the inhabitants would be able to open it, without our assistance or her consent. These circumstances being considered, was it not presumable she intended to make a merit of her concession to our wishes and to agree to an accommodation upon that subject, that would not only be satisfactory, but highly pleasing to the United States? But what was the issue of this negotiation? How was it terminated? Has it forwarded the particular object in view, or otherwise promoted the interests and the harmony of the states, or any of
them? Eight or ten months elapsed without any communications of its progress to Congress. At length a letter was received from the Secretary, stating that difficulties had arisen in his negotiation with the representative of Spain, which, in his opinion, should be managed, as that even their existence should remain a secret for the present, and proposing that a Committee be appointed with full power to direct and instruct him in every case relative to the proposed treaty. As the only ultimate in his instructions respected the Mississippi and the boundaries, it readily occurred that these occasioned the difficulties alluded to, and were those he wished to remove. And for many reasons this appeared at least to me an extraordinary proposition. By the Articles of Confederation nine states are necessary to enter into treaties. The instruction is the foundation of the treaty; for if it is formed agreeable thereto, good faith requires that it be ratified. The practice of Congress hath also been always, I believe, in conformity to this idea. The instructions under which our commercial treaties have been made were carried by nine States. Those under which the Secretary now acted were passed by nine states. The proposition then would be, that the powers which under the Constitution nine states only were competent to, should be transferred to a committee, and the object thereby to disengage himself from the ultimate already mentioned in his existing instructions. In this light the subject was taken up, and on these principles discussed. The Secretary, Mr. Jay, being at length called before Congress to explain the difficulties mentioned in his letter, presented to their view the project of a treaty of commerce, containing, as he supposed, advantageous dispositions in our favor, in that line; in consideration for which we were to contract to forbear the use of the navigation of the river Mississippi for the term of twenty-five or thirty years, and earnestly advised our adopting it. The subject now took a decided form; there was no further ambiguity in it, and we were surprised for reasons that have been already given, that he had taken up the subject of commerce at all. We were greatly surprised it should form the principal object of the project, and that a partial or temporary sacrifice of that interest, for the advancement of which the negotiation was set on foot, should be the consideration proposed to be given for it. But the Honorable Secretary urged, that it was necessary to stand well with Spain; that the commercial project was a beneficial one, and should not be neglected; that a stipulation to forbear the use contained an acknowledgment, on her part of the right in the United States; that we were in no condition to take the river, and therefore gave nothing for it; with other reasons which perhaps I have forgotten; for the subject in detail has nearly escaped my memory. We differed with the Honorable Secretary, almost in every respect. We admitted indeed the propriety of standing well with Spain, but supposed we might accomplish this end at least on equal terms. We considered the stipulation to forbear the use, as a sacrifice of part, that should never be countenanced in the councils of the American states, since it might tend to the destruction of the society itself; for a forbearance of the use of one river, might lead into more extensive consequences, to that of the Chesapeake, the Potomack, or any other of the rivers that emptied into it. In short, that the councils of the confederacy should be conducted with more magnanimity and candour, should contemplate the benefit of all parts upon common principles, and not the sacrifice of one part for that of another. There appeared to us a material difference between stipulating by treaty to forbear the use, and not being able to open the river. The former would be considered by the inhabitants of the Western Country as an act of infidelity; the latter might be justified by our inability. And with respect to the commercial part of the project, we really thought it an ill advised one, on its own merits solely.
Thus was this project brought before Congress, and so far as I recollect, in this form, and upon these principles. It was the subject of tedious and lengthy discussion in that honorable body. Every distinct measure that was taken I do not now remember, nor do I suppose I do of consequence. I have shewn the outlines of the transaction, which is, if I apprehend rightly, all that the committee with to possess. The communications of the Secretary were referred to a committee of the whole House. The Delegates of the seven eastern states voted that the ultimate in the Secretary's instructions, be repealed; which was reported to the House, and entered on the journal by the Secretary of Congress, that the question was carried. Upon this entry, a constitutional question arose to this effect: "Nine states being necessary, by the Federal Constitution, to give an instruction, and seven having repealed a part of an instruction so given, for the formation of a treaty with a foreign power, so as to alter its import, and authorise, under the remaining part thereof, the formation of a treaty, on principles altogether different from what the said instruction originally contemplated, was such remaining part be considered as in force and constitutionally obligatory?" We passed on Congress for a decision on this point. Then, but without effect. Notwithstanding this, I understood it was the intention of the Secretary to proceed and conclude a treaty, in conformity to his project, with the Minister of Spain. In this situation I left Congress: What I have since heard, belongs not to me to discover. Other Gentlemen have more complete information of this business, in the course it has taken, than I can possibly have been able to obtain: For having done my duty whilst there, I left it for others who succeeded me to perform theirs, and I have made but little further enquiry respecting it. The animated pursuit that was made of this object, required, and I believe received, as firm an opposition. The Southern states were on their guard, and warmly opposed it. For my part, I thought it my duty to use every effort in Congress, for the interest of the Southern states. But so far as it depended on me, with my official character, it ceased. With many of those Gentlemen, to whom I always considered it as my particular misfortune to be opposed, I am now in habits of correspondence and friendship; and I am concerned for the necessity which has given birth to this relation.
Whether the Delegates of those states spoke the language of their constituents; whether it may be considered as the permanent interest of such states to depress the growth and increasing population of the Western Country, are points which I cannot pretend to determine. I must observe, however, that I always supposed it would, for a variety of reasons, prove injurious to every part of the

Confederacy. These are well understood and need not be dilated on here. If, however, such should be the interest of seven states, let Gentlemen contemplate the consequences in the operation of the Government, as it applies to this subject. I have always been of opinion, that the American States to all national objects, had in every respect a common interest. Few persons would be willing to bind them together by a stronger or more indissoluble bond, or give the national Government more power than myself. I only wish to prevent it from doing harm, either to states or individuals; and the rights and interests of both, in a variety of instances, in which they are now left unprotected, might, in my opinion, be better guarded. If I have mistaken any facts, Honorable Gentlemen will correct me. If I omitted any, it has not been intentional, so I shall be happy with their assistance to supply the defect.
Mr. Monroe added several other observations, the purport of which was that the interest of the Western Country would not be as secure under the proposed Constitution, as under the Confederation; because under the latter system, the Mississippi could not be relinquished without the consent of nine states, whereas by the former, he said, a majority of seven states, could yield it. His own opinion was, that it would be given up by a majority of the Senators present in the Senate, with the President, which would put it in the power of less than seven states to surrender it. That the Northern states were inclined to yield it. That it was their interest to prevent an augmentation of the Southern influence and power; and that as mankind in general, and states in particular, were governed by interest, the Northern states would not fail of availing themselves of the opportunity given them by the Constitution, of relinquishing that river, in order to depress the Western Country, and prevent the Southern interest from preponderating.
Mr. Henry then arose, and requested that the Honorable Gentleman (Mr. Monroe) would discover the rest of the project, and what Spain was to do on her part, as an equivalent for the cession of the Mississippi.
Mr. Monroe, --Mr. Chairman, I do not thoroughly recollect every circumstance relative to this project. But there was to be a commercial intercourse between the United States and Spain. We were to be allowed to carry our produce to the ports of Spain, and the Spaniards to have an equal right of trading hither. It was stipulated, that there should be a reciprocity of commercial intercourse and benefits between the subjects of Spain, and the citizens of the United States. The manufactures of Spain were to be freely imported and vendued in this country, and our manufactures to be carried to Spain, &c. without obstruction, and both parties were to have mutual privileges in point of commercial intercourse and connection. This, Sir, is the amount of the project of Spain, which was looked upon as advantageous to us. I thought myself, that it was not. I considered Spain as being without manufactures, as the most flow in the progress of arts, and the most unskilled with respect to commerce, of all nations under the sun, (in which respect I thou't Great-Britain the wilful) Their Gentlemen and Nobles look on commerce with contempt. No man of character among them will undertake it. They make little discrimination with any nation. Their character is to shut out all nations, and exclude every intercourse with them, and this would be the case with respect to us. Nothing is given to us by this project, but what is given to all other nations. It is bad policy and unprofitable on such terms to yield that valuable right. Their merchants have great flocks in trade. It is not so with our merchants. Our people require encouragement. Mariners must be encouraged. On a review of these circumstances, I thought the project unwise and impolitic.
Having completed the reading, Mr. B. resumed his remarks. I have, said he, to ask pardon of the house for detaining them with the reading of so lengthy a document. That it contains perhaps the only correct historical detail, extant of this truly curious transaction, must constitute my apology.
I will now ask, Mr. Speaker, who ever have been and still are the unbroken friends of the navigation of the Mississippi, and of the western interests of this union? It is not my will, Sir, on this occasion to call gentlemen opposed to us into the shade, to throw them into the background. All we ask is an equal share of confidence in our zeal to assert this great right, until we shall have proved ourselves unworthy of it. What is there then exhibited from the earliest period of our history? What fact has transpired, which renders us undeserving of that confidence, or which entitles gentlemen on the other side of the house exclusively to it? Shall we then silently submit to the intolerant assumption on their part of all feeling for this important right involving the vital interest of our country--shall we sit down contented under the imputation of lukewarmness in this cause? or shall we tell those gentlemen that under every circumstance, and in all situations; with closed doors as well as with open doors, we have been, and are ever will be the unalterable supporters of the free navigation of the Mississippi.
The sentiments which have been displayed in the course of this proceeding, presents a phenomenon in the history of what are termed regular governments. When an administration have formed the design of subverting the public liberties; of enriching themselves or their adherents out of the public purse, or of crushing all opposition beneath the strong hand of power; war has ever been the favorite ministerial specific. Hence have we seen men in power too generally inclined to hostile measures, and hence the opposition have been, as uniformly the champions of peace--not choosing to enter with new vigor (the natural consequence of war) hands, on whose hearts or heads they were unwilling to bestow their confidence. But how shall we ac-
count for the exception which is now exhibited to this hitherto received maxim? On the one part, the solution is easy. An administration under which our country flourishes beyond all former example--with no similar views--seeking to pay off the public incumbrances, to lessen the public burdens and to leave to each man the enjoyment of the fruits of his own labor, are, therefore, desirous of peace, so long as it can be preserved consistently with the interests and honor of the country. On the other hand what do you see? Shall I say an opposition sickening at the sight of the public prosperity, seeking through war, confusion and a consequent derangement of our finances, that aggrandizement which the public felicity must forever forbid? No Sir, my respect for this house and for those gentlemen forbids this declaration, whilst, at the same time, I am unable to account on any other principle for their conduct. Mr. R. concluded by laying that he had forbome these observations until they were extorted from him. He had hoped that gentlemen would have let the business take its course, after the decision of yesterday, and that the House would have gone into committee on the confidential message--But gentlemen had insisted on discussing the merits of the navigation on a preliminary question. The business having taken that turn he thought it due to himself and friends to repel the odium which it was endeavored to attach to them.
Mr. Dana thought it was not necessary on this subject to enter into an history of political parties in this country. And when the gentleman from Virginia undertook to give a history, he had no idea that he was about giving details of secret history. He had supposed he was about offering a general view of the subject. He did not know that it was to be stated who were friendly or unfriendly to the rights of our western citizens; much less that there was an established hereditary hostility to them. He had supposed that all the gentlemen on that floor had expressed the wishes of the people; he had supposed there was but one opinion; he had heard of no intimation of difference. The only difference which he had thought existed, was as to the means to be used, and the time when those means should be carried into effect. But as to the natural right, and the ultimate enjoyment of the nation to the free navigation of the Mississippi, he asked what gentleman had charged another with any doubts on that? And when we all agree in this, whence the necessity of calling up the animosities of party? May not gentlemen express their opinions in favor of decided measures, when the voice of the nation had had been so audibly expressed, without such expression being construed into a censure upon others? When too the opinions of other gentlemen on fundamental points coincided with our own? Is it necessary, when the whole nation is alive, to be moderate in the expression of our ideas? If we do not come from that part of the union more immediately affected by the late measures at New Orleans, are we therefore to be indifferent and unconcerned spectators of events? If standing here as representatives of the United States, we are not at liberty to attend to any thing not confined to the trifling district of county we may each of us represent, miserable is the ground on which we stand, and humble indeed our condition! But let me say, even on this ground, the ship owners, and the merchants on the Atlantic are deeply interested. Our western citizens are certainly more deeply interested in the freedom of the Mississippi; but it goes to the great interests of navigation generally. They feel it most; but we feel it much.
This is all I deem it necessary, said Mr. Dana, to observe on the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia on his historical detail. Sir, this ought not to be made a party question. With respect to the motion before the house, my colleague has drawn it in terms the most respectful. Gentlemen propose to refer it to a committee of the whole. To this we object, because we want the information promptly. But the votes of gentlemen prevail, and it is referred. Our next step is to refer it immediately, to avoid delay. To obtain information, full and prompt, is the end of our endeavors. Why are we told of the incompetency of our means? The course we pursue is plain and direct, that which carries us steadily to our obtaining information; and if the House will not give it to us in the way we will, we are for taking it in the best way we can. Let it be remarked that, if no obstacles had taken place at New Orleans, the subject of the cession of Louisiana is referred to in the message of the President. Is not the information, we ask, important in the general view of who are to be our neighbors, where, from the dispersed population of our citizens, the union is most vulnerable? And in this light it would have been proper to get the information, even if the measures at New Orleans had not occurred. It makes no difference whether those measures are the measures of Spain or of France. The two points were not necessarily connected though I admit that the proceedings at New Orleans have a bearing on the general subject. With regard to the measures at New Orleans we have information, and have obtained
it. That information has been referred to a committee of the whole. We now ask information respecting the cession; and having got it let us refer that also, and deliberate on the measures proper to be taken. Cannot the logical talents of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) distinguish between information and measures? Will he say that premises and conclusions are the same thing? This information is that on which we are to deliberate. I had supposed facts necessary to legislative on. I had thought there was, to be sure, a connection between one step and another which follows. But will the gentlemen say, that whenever we ask information we conclude upon measures.
The yeas and nays were then taken, on the call of Mr. Griswold, on going into a committee of the whole on the fate of the union, which was lost--Yeas 38--Nays 48--as follows:
YEAS--Messrs. Billings, Boudet, Campbell, Cutler, Dana, Davenport, Davis, Dickson, Eutis, Goddard, Griswold, Grove, Hastings, Helms, Hemphill, Henderson, Huger, Hunt, Lowndes, Mattson, Mitchell, L. R. Morris, T. Morris, Perkins, Pitter, Read, Rutledge, J. C. Smith, Stanley, Stratton, Tenney, Thatcher, Tillinghast, Upham, Van Rensselaer, Wadsworth, L. Williams, Woods--38.
NAYS--Messrs. Allison, Archer, Bacon, Bailey, Brent, Brown, Butler, Claiborne, Clay, Clapton, Condit, Guttis, Dawson, Elmer, Elmer, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, J. H. Hester, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Leib, McIver, Moore, New, Newton, jun. Nicholson, Randolph, jun. Smilie, J. Smith, N. Y. J. Smith, Van, Joshua Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stanton, Stewart, Taliaferro, jun. Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Nels, Varnum, Van Horne, Wynns--48.
Mr. Griswold said, that notwithstanding the unfortunate situation they were placed in by the refusal of the House, he still deemed it his duty to move other resolutions, which he would read and move to be referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Griswold then moved the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the people of the United States are entitled to the free navigation of the river Mississippi.
Resolved, That the navigation of the river Mississippi has been obstructed by the regulations recently carried into effect at New Orleans.
Resolved, That the right of freely navigating the river Mississippi, ought never to be abandoned by the United States.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any what legislative measures are necessary to secure to the people of the United States the free navigation of the river Mississippi.
Mr. Dawson asked if these resolutions were not necessarily connected with a subject which the House had determined should be discussed in private. It, by this arrangement, other gentlemen had been precluded from offering resolutions, he would ask if it were right in the gentleman from Connecticut to violate a general injunction laid upon all the members.
Mr. Griswold. There is a message from the President of the 22d of December on this subject that is publicly entered on the Journals. It is on this message that these resolutions are predicated. I trust I understand the rules of the House well enough to know that I am not to bring forward what it has been enjoined shall be secret.
The question was then taken, without further debate, on taking up the above resolutions for consideration, and lost--Yeas 32--Nays 50.
Mr. Randolph then called for the consideration of the President's confidential message, when the galleries were cleared.
FRIDAY, January 7. 1803. The Galleries were cleared about half past 11 o'clock when the House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the Message of the President of the 22d and 30th ult. and the documents transmitted therewith--Mr. Varnum in the Chair.
Mr. Randolph's motion made on the 5th instant with closed doors, was read as follows:
Resolved, That this House receive with great sensibility the information of a disposition in certain officers of the Spanish government at New Orleans to obstruct the navigation of the river Mississippi, as secured to the United States by the most solemn stipulations:
That, adhering to that humane and wise policy which ought ever to characterize a free people, and by which the United States have always professed to be governed; willing, at the same time, to ascribe this breach of compact to the unauthorized misconduct of certain individuals, rather than to a want of good faith on the part of his Catholic Majesty; and relying with perfect confidence on the vigilance and wisdom of the executive, they will wait the issue of such measures as that department of the government shall have pursued for asserting
the rights and vindicating the injuries of the United States:--Holding it to be their duty, at the same time, to express their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries, and the rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi, as established by existing treaties.
On which a debate of considerable duration ensued; during which various propositions to amend were offered, some verbal, and others implicating principles, all of which were finally rejected, except the introduction of the word as in the first section of the motion.
The committee rose and reported that they had come to the foregoing resolution.
On which the debate was resumed. The first section of the motion was agreed to.
On the second section being read, A motion was made to amend it by striking out the word vindicating , and inserting the word redressing in room thereof.--
Disagreed to. Mr. Griswold moved to strike out the following words:
"And relying with perfect confidence on the vigilance and wisdom of the Executive, they will wait the issue of such measures as that department of the government shall have pursued for asserting the rights and vindicating the injuries of the United States."
Which was lost. Yeas 39--Nays 53--The second section was then agreed to; when the House reconsidered their vote of agreement.
Mr. Griswold then called for a division of the question on the second section, by first taking the question on the following part.
"That adhering to that humane and wise policy which ought ever to characterize a free people, and by which the United States have always professed to be governed; willing, at the same time, to ascribe this breach of compact to the unauthorized misconduct of certain individuals, rather than to a want of good faith on the part of his Catholic Majesty"--This division was objected to as not in order.
The Speaker decided that it was in order.
On which Mr. Taliaferro appealed to the House, who decided that it was in order. The said member of the section was agreed to unanimously.
The third member of the second section being read, as follows:
"Holding it to be their duty, at the same time, to express their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries, and the rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi, as established by existing treaties."
Mr. Griswold moved to strike out the words "existing treaties," and insert the word "treaty," with a view to refer to our treaty with Spain exclusively.
Passed in the negative. The said third member was then unanimously agreed to.
The question was then taken on agreeing to the whole of the second section of the motion, and carried--Yeas 50--Nays 25.
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy, so far as relates to the foregoing resolution and the proceedings of the House on the message from the President of the 22d and 30th, be taken off.
When the House adjourned about 5 o'clock.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, January 10, 1803.
Many articles of considerable interest have been excluded by the full detail of the proceedings of the House of Representatives on the late proceedings at New Orleans.
The Court of Henrico County on the 4th instant discharged Messrs. Callender and Pace, the binding of them over being in their opinion an illegal act.
A tremendous fire in Portsmouth N. H. has consumed above 300 Houses.
AT a meeting of the citizens of the city and county of Washington, held pursuant to advertisement at Lovell's hotel, on Friday, the 7th January, 1803,
CORNELIUS CONINGHAM, was appointed Chairman, NICHOLAS KING, Secretary.
A letter from Mr. Robert Brent, one of the persons by whom this meeting was called, apologizing for his absence, and assigning the reasons which induced him to advocate the measure, was received and read.
It was Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare a petition to Congress, to establish a legislature for the territory of Columbia. With instruction to take into consideration, and present the grievances enumerated in the papers laid before the meeting, and such other grievances, as they may find necessary.
Robert Brent, Benjamin Moore, Nicholas King, Samuel H. Smith, and A. B. Woodward, were appointed the com-
mittee under the foregoing resolution.
It was Resolved, That the committee appointed to prepare a petition of memorial to Congress, be instructed to confer with any other committee or committees which may be appointed within the territory of Columbia, on the subject of said memorial. And that the said committee be empowered to call a meeting of the citizens for the signing of such memorial.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the city of Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria newspapers.
(Signed) CORN. CONINGHAM, chairman Test, N. KING, secretary .
The following Arrete , which has been officially communicated by the French government, deserves the particular attention of owners and masters of vessels bound to France, as it appears thereby that no vessels from the United States will be admitted to entry in the French ports, without a bill of health properly attested.
TRANSLATION. PARIS, 30th Fructidor, (16th Sept. 1802,) 10th year of the Republic, One and Indivisible.
The consuls of the Republic on the report of the Minister of the Marine and of the colonies, decree:
Art. I. Any vessel, coming from the ports of the United States of America, cannot be admitted in those of France to free practice, if she do not carry a bill of health in due form, and if she shall not first having undergone a visit respecting the state of the crew on board of her.
Art. II. This visit shall be made by the council of health formed in each port: and in order that the result thereof may be more certainly ascertained, the captain of the vessel shall be bound to produce the bill of health of which he may be the bearer, to declare whether any sick are on board, his vessel, what has been the state of health there during his voyage, whether he had any communications at sea; of what nature they were, and lastly to satisfy every question which may be put to him upon this subject.
Art. III. The council of health shall decide, according to the result of its visit, whether or not it be proper to admit the vessel visited to free practice: in this last case, it is authorized to subject her to a quarantine of observation, the duration of which it shall determine.
Art. IV. The provisions contained in the three preceding articles shall be rigorously executed from the 15th Thermidor, 2d August, to the 15th Nivose, 5th January, following. Although during the rest of the year their observance may as yet appear less necessary, it is nevertheless provided, that during the latter space of time, the vessels which shall not carry a bill of health in form, and those which proceed from any ports, where it shall be generally known that contagion exists, shall be subjected to the visit prescribed by the present arrete, and consequently to the quarantine of observation as occasion may require.
Art. V. The minister of Marine is charged with the execution of the present arrete.
The First Consul, (Signed) BONAPARTE. By the First Consul, The Secretary of State, (Signed) HUGUES B. MARET. A true copy. The minister of the Marine and the colonies. (Signed) DECRETS.
THE SALE Of Slops and Damaged Bread at the Navy Yard, is on account of the weather, postponed till this morning the 10th at 11 o'clock, or next fair day. THOS. TINGEY, Superintendent. Jan. 10. it.
FOR SALE. By public vendue at STYLES Hotel , in the city of Washington, on Wednesday the 12th day of January next, at 12 o'clock, the following tract of Land--Situate in Northumberland County, State of Virginia, late the residence and property of PRESLY THORNTON, Esq. containing 4,500 acres, lying immediately on the river Potomac--1700 acres of which are the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 heavily timbered; the remainder is wavy high land, extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the culture of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story Brick Mansion House, and two offices, a large brick stable, valuable barn, corn house, and many other out houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situate about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore and Norfolk. There are two good mill sites for grist or saw mill on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if sawed up into scantling will command a price in the city of Washington nearly equal to the value of the land.
The terms of sale will be one third cash, and the residue of the purchase money in payments which will be made known at the time of sale.
RICHd. PETERS, jun. December 2. opus.

CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, FROM PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cashmeres, Silk florantine, Black and fancy silk mouselon velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandown, Toilmottes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, Coatings, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. December 8, 1802. tf.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR. HAS received a very handsome assortment of goods, consisting of superfine cloths, essences and coatings of all colours. Patent water proof Cloths, Silk and woolen Mouselons, Toilmottes, velveteens, &c. of superior quality. From which, and an acquisition of the newest fashions and the best workmen, he can afford whatever commanded. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square, and New Jersey Avenue, about eight houses from Capitol Square. Dec. 1, 1802. tf.
FOR SALE By Edgar Patterson, GEORGE TOWN, BEST old London Particular Madeira Wine, Sherry, ditto. 4th proof Cognac Brandy, 1st proof Bordeaux Ditto, Cherry Bounce, Wine and cyder Vinegars, Sugar House Molasses, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars of a very superior quality, East India, ditto, Hylon, Young Hylon & Hylon skin Teas, Loaf, Lump and Brown Sugars, Green and white coffee, American Cheese of superior quality, Raisins and Lemmons, Rice and Chocolate, Pearl and common Barley, Oat Meal and Sago, Spermaceti, Wax, and Tallow Candles, Brown Soap, by the box only, Demijohns, Liquor Casks, &c. &c. Dec. 23d. epf3w.
TO RENT, A handsome two story FRAME HOUSE on G street near the War office. IT consists of two Parlors and a kitchen on the ground floor—two bed rooms and a garret, a garden and stable—the rent low—possession will be given immediately, apply to ROB. ELLIS, Department of War. N. B. Front Parlour handsomely papered. Dec. 22. 6t.
For Sale or to Rent. LOT No 3 in square 233 city of Washington, on which are erected a convenient two story frame House, Kitchen, Stable and wood house, with a good cellar under the House, and a well enclosed garden. ALSO, a two story brick house on square 432, of 24 feet front and 34 feet back, with a good cellar, calculated for a store and private family; the Lot is 80 feet deep, with the benefit of a back alley; also 23 feet front joining Stella's Hotel, and 95 feet ten inches back. Lot no 20 square 143, on which is erected a one story brick house—Lot no 6, square 104, on which is erected a large frame House, with a well enclosed garden, containing nearly one eighth of an acre—for part payment of the three first a small piece of Land convenient to the City will be taken in payment, and the rest part cash and some credit. As to the other two Lots will be sold at one, two and three years credit, giving good security with interest. To Rent for fourteen years, LOT No 1 in square 147. Also, for a term of years to be agreed on, No. 1 and 22 in square 376 near the Federal Springs, and for sale Lot no 8, square 288, and no 3, square 723, on which are erected a two story brick House, stable, &c. For terms apply to JAMES R. DERMOT, Capitol Hill. taw3w. Dec. 22.
FOR SALE OR RENT, THAT elegant three story BRICK HOUSE, on the corner of Falls & Frederick Street in George Town, lately occupied by Mr. Picton. Likewise, THE two well finished three story BRICK HOUSES, adjoining that occupied by Mr. Samuel H. Smith, Printer, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, east of the centre Market House, City of Washington—Apply to GEORGE THOMPSON, George Town. Geo. Town, Oct. 20. tf.
TO RENT, After the last day of the present month, THE HOUSE now in the tenure of Doctor BULLUS, situated between the six and seven Buildings—it is calculated for a store & dwelling, it being a corner house, three stories high—ALSO, a good stable and coach house a well inclosed garden, &c. For terms, application may be made to the Subscribers. JOEL BROWN. Nov. 27. tf.
The George Town and Annapolis STAGE, WILL commence on the first Monday in October next to run three times a week; leave Annapolis every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and return from George Town every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday—Fare and allowance as usual. JOSEPH SEMMES, JOHN SMITH. This is intended to accommodate such gentlemen and ladies as are going to and from Frederick and Hager's Town. October 11th, 1802. tf.
Members of Congress, Travellers, and those gentlemen whose business call them to the City of Washington, are respectfully informed that the subscriber has established the UNION TAVERN & WASHINGTON HOTEL, On Pennsylvania Avenue, first house east of the President's, and one mile from the Capitol. THERE is a pavement all the way, and the accommodations are equal to any in the United States, having thirty rooms fitted up in an elegant manner. Also, a large Coffee Room, 34 feet by 22—and a room over the same, now finishing, convenient for the reception of any public meeting, with a pleasant view of the Potomac and the surrounding country. All the principal newspapers in the Union are taken and regularly filed. WILLIAM LOVELL. N. B.—To Let, a coach and single horse chair. Nov. 26. 3m.
HE following valuable Tracts of land, which will be disposed of on reasonable terms, for either cash, property in the city of Washington, good security, or a certain number of negroes, as may best suit the purchaser. A tract of 300 acres on Second creek, near the Natchez. 150 acres on the river Amite. 400 acres on the river Tangipahoa, opposite to New Orleans. This tract is particularly valuable, on account of its eligible situation, fertility of soil, and abundant supply of fish, which abound in the river, and the neighbouring lake. A post road passes this tract from New Orleans to the Natchez—The above three tracts are with in the line of the United States. A Tract of 201 acres on the river Mississippi, Baton rouge settlement. 500 acres back land do. do. 300 acres do. do. 1000 acres do. do. 500 acres do. do. Whole Lands are adjoining Baton Rouge, being the first high ground that commands the river, where the British established a Fort and a strong garrison, which was conquered by Don Galvez and the garrison made prisoners of war, in the year 1779, and this settlement is now one of the most promising on the river, within the Spanish Boundary. A tract of 500 acres near point Cooper, a flourishing settlement. This Property is also within the Spanish boundary. A tract of 7000 acres in Bedford county, on the branches of Otter river, the branches of Reed and Hunting Creeks, branches of James river. A tract of 4000 acres in Pittsylvania, on Staunton river. These two tracts just mentioned are in the state of Virginia. Two tracts of 1200 acres each, in Fayette, near Bourbon county, district of Kentucky, on the waters of Main Licking. Two valuable lots in the town of Portsmouth. These tracts are adjoining the ground now occupied by government as a navy yard; they are a growing property, worthy attention. All the tracts on or near the Mississippi are well calculated for the raising of cotton, indigo, hemp, flax, indian corn, oats, &c. the quality being generally strong, and highly productive. Their range for horned cattle, horses, hogs, &c. in all seasons, is equal to any on the continent. Those who wish to purchase may gain further information by applying to James Duncan, esq. Carlisle, Pennsylvania; or to Dr. Robinson at the city of Washington, or to the Subscriber in the city of Philadelphia. Letters, post paid, will be attended to. OLIVER POLLOCK. Washington, Dec. 27. 1802. raw1 2m
The Dey of Algiers. This beautiful native Arabian Horse, IS NOW FOR SALE. The proof of his age and origin may be inspected, and the noble animal himself may be seen, by applying to Charles C. Jones at his farm, seven miles from this town: he is young, healthy and in fine spirits, and condition, and the trial of last season, (the only one he has stood in this part of the world) proves him a sure foal getter. As to his form, let those judge who are inclined to purchase. The best judges have pronounced him perfect; his color is white; he is of full stature for his size, measuring exactly 14 hands 2 and a half inches. As, if not sold, he will be advertised to cover on the 1st February. I cannot receive propositions later than that day. JOHN MASON. George Town December 22. 1802. ep4w
FOR SALE. Stack and Common Bricks, Scantling, Firewood, Slate, Coals. Apply to JAMES O'BRIEN, Carrollsburn Oct. 29. p2m
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments. The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the state of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island &c. &c. A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in. Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT. N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. epf
PROPOSALS FOR CARRYING Mails of the United States On the following Post-Roads, Will be received at the GENERAL POST OFFICE at WASHINGTON, until the 18th day of January, inclusive. IN DELAWARE. 1. From Wilmington by New-Castle, St. George's-town, Cantwell's bridge, Duck Creek, Dover, Frederica, Milford, George-town, Trapp, Snowhill, Horntown, Drummond and Northampton c. h. to the Ferry Landing, three times a week. April 1st to November 15th. Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 11 a. m. arrive at Dover same days by 9 p. m.—Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Drummond the next day, Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by 8 p. m. and arrive at the Ferry Landing on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by noon.—Returning—Leave the Ferry Landing every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon. Leave Drummond every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 6 a. m. arrive at Dover the next day on Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by 8 p. m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Wilmington the same days by 2 p. m.—
London particular Madeira Wine, in pipes and quarter casks; West-India Rum in hds. and barrels; Brown Sugar of excellent quality; and 55 bbls. of Cargo Beef WM. BRENT. Washington, Nov. 12. tf.
NOTICE. NEGRO NANCY, a black woman, was committed to the Jail of Washington County, on the 9th day of December, as a run away. She is a smart, active, well fitted woman, five feet one or two inches high, pitted with the small pox, has scars on each side of her neck, and says she formerly belonged to JOHN CHILD'S of Fairfax county Virginia. NEGRO RACHEL and her child John, were committed on the same day—Rachel is about five feet three or four inches high, is pitted with the small pox, and has lost one of her fore teeth—the child is about 18 months old. She says she was formerly the property of JAMES WILSON of Calvert county. The owners of the above slaves are desired to come, prove property, pay charges and take them away, or they will be sold for fees agreeable to law. ROBERT MCLEAN, Jailor. For Daniel C. Brent, Marshal District Columbia. Dec. 29. raw3w
IN CHANCERY, Dec. 17, 1802. ORDERED, That the Sales made by WILLIAM STEWART, as stated in his report, shall be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown before the 20th day of March next, provided a copy of this order be published in the National Intelligencer, at least once in each of three successive weeks, before the 20th of March next. The sales were as follows:—A tract of Land in Allegany county, called "Suck" 212 acres sold for £497 0 0. "Addition to the Spring Bottom" 96 acres sold for £216. Workmans desire, 76 acres sold for £225. "Johnsons Fancy" 50 acres sold for £112 10 0. Lot no. 8 in square 664, and no 8 in square east of square 664 in the City of Washington, sold for £241 17 6. Tels, SAMUEL H. HOWARD. Dec. 27. Reg. Cur. Can. raw3t.
FOR SALE. BETWEEN two and three thousand ACRES OF LAND in the county of Loudoun, being part of the Goose creek tract of land, purchased of the late Col. CHARLES CARTER. On Little River, which runs nearly thro' the middle of the tract there is between two and three hundred acres of rich low ground. The high land excellent for small grain, and the production of grass; particularly timothy. About one half the land is in the occupation of tenants, and on that part untenant, one hundred and seventy six bushels of wheat are sown. All the tenants are well watered, have good springs, and a sufficiency of wood land and timber for their support. In a pleasant situation on that part not occupied by the tenants, there are necessary improvements for the accommodation of a small family, all built within a few years past. I will treat for the whole, or (if preferred by a purchase) that part which is not in the possession of tenants. Stock of the bank of Alexandria will be received in payment. For terms apply to JOS. JONES. Loudoun, Dec. 20. Jan. 5. raw3w
and arrive at Easton on Monday by 9 p. m. 10. From Hartford to Bell-Air once a week. Leave Bell Air every Tuesday at 7 a. m. arrive at Hartford by 9 a. m. Leave Hartford at 11 a. m. and arrive at Bell-Air at 1 p. m. 11. From Baltimore by Liberty-town to Frederick-town, and from thence by New-Market to Baltimore, twice a week. Leave Baltimore every Thursday and Saturday at 6 a. m. arrive at Frederick-town by 6 p. m. Leave Frederick-town every Friday and Sunday at 6 a. m. arrive at Baltimore by 7 p. m. 12. From Baltimore by Ellicott's Lower Mills, Brookville, Montgomery c. h. and Charlesburg, to Leesburg, Va. once a week. Leave Leesburg every Thursday at 6 a. m. arrive at Baltimore on Friday at 10 a. m. Leave Baltimore every Friday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Leesburg on Saturday by 6 p. m. 13. From Baltimore to Annapolis three times a week. Leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Annapolis same days by 5 p. m.—Returning—Leave Annapolis every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 8 a. m. and arrive at Baltimore same days by 5 p. m. 14. From Annapolis by Tracey's Landing, Lower Marlboro', Huntingdon and Calvert c. h. to St. Leonard's, once a week. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at St. Leonard's on Wednesday by 10 a. m. Leave St. Leonard's every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Lower Marlboro' on Thursday. Leave Lower Marlboro' every Monday at 8 a. m. and arrive at Annapolis by 5 p. m. 15. From Washington city by University town, Hobb-town, Brookville, Howard, Puley's mill and Wright's mill, to Taneyton, once a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Taneyton by 6 p. m. on Thursday. Leave Taneyton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Washington on Saturday by 6 p. m. 16. From Washington city by George-town, Montgomery c. h. and Clarkfords to Frederick-town, three times a week. Leave Washington every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 a. m. arrive at Frederick-town same days by 6 p. m. Returning—Leave Frederick-town every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Washington same days by 6 p. m. 17. From Frederick-town by Woodfords, Taneyton, Peterham, Pa. and Hanover to York, Pa. once a week, Leave Frederick-town every Monday at 6 a. m. arrive at York by 6 p. m. Returning—Leave York every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Frederick-town same day by 6 p. m. 18. From Frederick-town by Middletown, Boonesboro', Hager's-town and Green-Castle, to Chambersburg, Pa. twice a week. Leave Frederick-town every Sunday and Friday at 4 a. m. arrive at Hager's-town by 11 a. m. Leave Hager's-town at half past 11, and arrive at Chambersburg same days by 7 p. m.—Returning—Leave Chambersburg every Monday and Friday at 11 p. m. arrive at Hager's-town on Tuesday and Saturday at half past 12 p. m. Leave Hager's-town at 1 p. m. and arrive at Frederick-town same days by 8 p. m. 19. From Hager's-town by Hancock, Berkly Springs, and Old-town, to Cumberland, once a week. Leave Hager's-town every Tuesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Cumberland on Thursday by 2 p. m.—Leave Cumberland every Saturday at 8 p. m. arrive at Hager's-town on Tuesday at 10 a. m. 20. From Frederick-town by New-town, Harper's ferry, Charles-town and Shepherd's-town, to Martinsburg, Va. once a week. Leave Frederick-town every Wednesday at 8 a. m. arrive at Charles-town by 5 p. m. Leave Charles-town every Wednesday at 6 p. m. arrive at Martinsburg on Thursday at 9 a. m. Leave Martinsburg every Thursday at noon, arrive at Harper's ferry by 8 p. m. Leave Harper's ferry on Tuesday at 9 a. m. arrive at Frederick-town by 6 p. m. 21. From Frederick-town to Leesburg, once a week. Leave Frederick-town every Friday at noon, arrive at Leesburg, by 8 p. m. Leave Leesburg every Thursday at 8 p. m. arrive at Frederick-town on Friday by 11 a. m. 22. From Washington city by Piscataway, Port-Tobacco, Allen's Ferry, Newport, Chaptico, Leonard-town, Great Mill and St. Inigoes, to the Ridge.—Leave Washington every Monday and Friday at 7 a. m. and arrive at Port-Tobacco by 5 p. m. Leave Port-Tobacco every Tuesday at 4 a. m. arrive at Leonard-town by 4 p. m. Leave Leonard-town at half past 4 p. m. and arrive at the Ridge on Wednesday by 4 p. m.—Returning—Leave the Ridge on Thursday at 6 a. m. arrive at Port-Tobacco Friday by 6 p. m. Leave Port-Tobacco on Saturday at 4 a. m. arrive at Washington by 4 p. m. 23. From Piscataway to Alexandria once a week. Leave Piscataway every Saturday at 6 a. m. arrive at Alexandria by 10 a. m. Leave Alexandria every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Piscataway by 6 p. m.
(To be Continued.)