The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-11-05 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCXXX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 5th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Address to Subscribers.
Two years have elapsed since the first appearance of the National Intelligencer. During this period much has occurred abroad to awaken curiosity, and much at home to excite interest. The intrinsic importance of the events that have occurred has necessarily and properly produced these effects. It had been well for the national character, if other effects had not accompanied them. Unfortunately for the peace of society, party violence has burst forth with unbridled fury, and threatens to prostrate the brightest talent and purest virtue of the community.
The transfer of power from one set of men, governed by certain political principles, to another set of men guided by different principles, has kindled a resentment that prescribes to itself no limits; and too many of our presses, administering to its gratification, are filled with the basest and lowest detraction.
Under these circumstances it becomes the Editor of the National Intelligencer openly and distinctly to assign the rules of his conduct; rules which he has found no reason to abandon, and which it is not probable he will ever relinquish.
Believing the freedom of speech and of the press to be one of the great bulwarks of our liberties, it has been and shall be vigorously sustained. That freedom consists in the temperate discussion of all principles and measures on which the general happiness depends. While on the one hand, it holds no principle too sacred for examination, it forbids all personal slander and vulgar language. The National Intelligencer, therefore, has not, and will not enter into personal warfare with any wretch who by his crimes has abandoned himself to infamy, nor will it, elated with editorial consequence, make the nation the theatre of the petty feuds of hostile prints. Such falsehoods and follies will be left to their own fate. On the contrary, detraction will be discountenanced, and the plain language of truth, whenever it shall be thought necessary, shall put down the slanderer.
Believing that our happiness essentially depends upon a republican government, and that such government is alike susceptible of abuse and improvement, whatever increases a love and respect for it, whatever tends to destroy its abuses or promises its amelioration shall be admitted.
Believing that the measures of the late administration tended to draw into disrepute the republican system by incorporating numerous and dangerous abuses, which were calculated with great rapidity to hurry us into the common vortex of ruined nations; those measures have been held up to public opinion as unworthy of imitation; while the measures of an administration, zealously attached to the republican system, and resolutely bent on keeping this country apart from foreign commotion, have been enforced as the offspring of a wise and honest policy.
These measures are well known to the readers of the National Intelligencer, with the arguments urged as well in their opposition as support. Since the establishment of the paper, every document of importance has been given, and the debates of the legislature at a length which, it is believed, is unparalleled. Nor will the malice of party ascribe to them a want of rigid impartiality.
From this exposition, it will be seen that the Editor does not claim an exemption from decided political convictions. However the recluse student may shroud himself in apathy, the citizen of a genuine republic, in the midst of the political scene, must have little sensibility and less patriotism not to embrace with zeal one side or the other. If he believe the general happiness to depend upon the repub-
lican system, if he believe that system to depend upon the unimpaired enjoyment of peace, upon the moderation of taxes, and if he believe that the men now in power will insure these effects, while those in opposition would mar them, can he be indifferent? No fellow citizens, while we are moderate let us be vigilant; while we limit ourselves to truth, let us embrace that truth with zeal; and while we desire the happiness of our opponents, let us take care of our own.
So long as the National Intelligencer is conducted on these principles, it may, without presumption, claim the support of the enlightened patriot. That support it already possesses in an eminent degree. But an extended subscription, while it rewarded the Editor, would enable him to improve the plan of the Paper, and to enlarge the sphere of its usefulness. Under this impression, and with this view the Editor requests the person, who shall receive the accompanying specimen papers, to obtain as many subscribers as shall be in his power, on one condition, which experience has proved to be indispensable, the actual payment by each subscriber of five Dollars in advance.
October 31st, 1802.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
CATO, No. V.
MR. SMITH, Have not the present administration manifested a respect for, and compliance with the public will, wherever it could be correctly ascertained?
This is a strong, clear test of republicanism. Whatever may be the prejudices of other nations, it is our pride, that all good government is established, and ought to be administered for the general welfare. Our constitution was made to "promote the general welfare." It is the sacred duty of rulers, enjoined by their oaths, to support it, and by their sense of moral honesty, to do that, and that only which advances the national interest.
So far we are all nominally agreed. There may be men among us who wish the establishment of a different rule of action; but they dare not avow the treason that lurks in the recesses of their heart. They know, and long may they continue to feel, that the voice of the people, if not the voice of God, is a voice whose energy can appal, as it has appalled, all human opposition. All acknowledge that the people are the fountain of power; but all do not agree that this power should be exercised by the people for their own good, or that the people should be the supreme arbiter of that which promotes their happiness. There are those who deny these points; who contend that the people, though possessed of irresistible power, when uncontrolled, should rarely, if ever exercise it; who deny their competency to make laws for their own government, or even to select those who are competent.
These men are busily and perseveringly engaged in decrying the intelligence of the people, in painting in hideous colours the lawless rage of their passions, and in denouncing, under the name of democracy, whatever is truly republican.
Here are the roots of division that strike deep through the whole extent of our country, and from which spring those noxious principles which ambition and venality know so well how to direct to their sinister purposes.
Of those men, who hold these sentiments, there are two classes. The one avows, without a blush, its contempt for the sovereign people! the many headed monster! the swinish multitude! with whom it considers association contamination; while the other, more politic and profound, practises what it dares not profess. These last are demagogues on their tongues, but tyrants at heart. Hear them, and you would believe that their respect for the people transcends their respect for their God, and even that which they entertain for themselves. But observe their actions, and you behold a succession of measures made up of violated rights and usurped powers.
Scrutinize the features of this picture, fellow-citizens, and say whether they are not the features of federalism; I mean not of open and virtuous federalism, but of that spurious federalism, which, under
the auspices of a popular name, has aimed its deadliest shafts at the vitals of liberty. These shafts are to be traced on our records in the establishment of a large standing army, never popular with a free people, in the imposition of burdensome taxes, in the attempt to embroil the nation in war, in sedition and alien laws, and in many, many other acts only inferior to these in torpidity.
These things have been done! Fain would the leaders of the federal van dash them into oblivion! Alas, for their views, they will either survive, or immortalize their authors! 'Tis true, the temple was not burnt, but the torch was light; and another day of protracted power might have consigned every rampart of liberty.
These things have been done by federalists! They have been done in shameful violation of national sentiment, of the proudest love of liberty, of the loftiest sense of its sacred claim. What have republicans done? What has the present republican administration done?
These republicans, and this administration, hold a different creed. They acknowledge the supremacy of the people. They believe that they are the depositary of all power—that governments, being established for their benefit, ought to act in obedience to their will. Not that every mob or faction in the country should by the exercise of lawless force, sweep before it all constituted authority. No—This is the calumny of their enemies. By the people, they mean the whole nation. By their wills they content, may they glory to be governed.
Taking the experience of their own country, they have, in every vicissitude of its affairs, seen no body, numerous or select, to competent to understand, and through the organ of representation pursue, its own interests, as the people. It is not pretended that even they are free from error, but it is believed that they are more free than any other body that could be selected. In one respect they have the advantage of any other body. Their views are and must be honest, because all men pursue faithfully their own good; while the views of any other political body may be, and generally are in some degree vicious.
The present administration, therefore, are devoted to the people, no less than the people are devoted to them. Between them there is no shade of association. Their destinies go together.
Respecting the public will, elated by no imaginary dignity, not despising the source of their elevation, they have faithfully laboured, while they enlightened the people, to discover their wishes, and to carry them into honest effect. It is to their labours that peace, with all its blessings, strikes its roots still deeper and deeper into our soil. It is to their labours, that the mad career of infatuate power in the prostration of all that was dear to men or freemen, has been successfully arrested. It is to their labours, that not one man among five millions can say I have been unjustly injured in my person, property, title, or liberty by the government.
And is this the administration that calumny in every form incessantly assails—calumny, that, in its chalice, mingles all the poisons of personal hatred, of disappointed ambition, of base ingratitude, and of gross vulgarity. Is this the administration, that these despicable passions strive to represent as hostile to the people?
From the London Courier, of Sept. 3d.
EXTERNAL POLITICS OF BONA-PARTE.
France had many errors to repair in her external system of politics—Old friendships chilled or abandoned—imprudent alliances eagerly courted—the Porte neglected—Prussia sacrificed to Austria—all these errors had diminished that consideration, and preponderance in the scale of Europe, which she had attained in the reigns of the predecessor of her last ill-fated Monarch. The revolution dissolved all her old connections, and, whatever faults or crimes it may have produced in her domestic, has eminently improved and ameliorated her system of foreign politics.
Her return to those principles which sound policy dictates, was apparent, even in the early periods of the revolution, and in the most critical state of her affairs. Pressed on all sides by foreign enemies, by enemies carrying on open war, and provoking and assisting domestic insurrection, France first turned her eyes to Prussia. It was so contrary to the real interests of Prussia to desire the humiliation of France, that we are at a loss to account for her entrance into the coalition.
Some feeling of resentment for the conduct of the ancient government might influence her—she might too have caught the enthusiasm of those projects which prophesied and promised the subjugation of the enemy to social order, and more than hinted the necessity of diminishing her territorial possessions. But whatever were the motives that drew Prussia into the contest, she soon abandoned them, and to her belongs the merit of having been the first nation that opened its eyes to the desperate enterprise in which the European powers had engaged.
It could not escape the sagacity of the Prussian Cabinet, that the most important advantages were to be derived from being the first to withdraw from the coalition. To husband its own resources, whilst the other powers were exhausting theirs, was not, perhaps, amongst the most prominent of those advantages. Peace with France would bring a vast accession to the weight and importance of Prussia in the Empire; the North would enjoy the blessings of neutrality, whilst the South remained a prey to the horrors of war, and all Germany would not fail to draw a comparison between the happy situation of the States under the protection of Prussia, and the miserable fate of those under the power of Austria. By this prudent policy, the Cabinet of Berlin gradually lapped the influence of the Cabinet of Vienna, and paved the way for that period when the Empire should no longer weigh any thing in the balance, as Head of the Germanic Empire.
From the day on which the Treaty of Basle was signed, we might almost say, from the commencement of the Revolution, France has persevered in the system of elevating the House of Brandenburg. The vicissitudes of her fortune, and the contests and convulsions of parties and of factions, diverted her not from her purpose. Her domestic politics might change—one demagogue might be supplanted by another—Robespierre might give place to a Reubel—the tyranny of the Committee of Public Safety might be succeeded by the despotism of the Directory—the Directory might be displaced by a Consular Government—Barras might be expelled by Bonaparte; but the foreign politics of France still remained the same, and were pursued with the same undeviating step and the same persevering ardor.
A few days only have elapsed since we have been enabled to view the accomplishment of her projects in the gigantic injustice of the indemnities.
History informs us, that the inventives which foreign powers indulged against the administration of Cromwell, before he had consolidated his power, were only surpassed by the meanness of their submission and deference to him afterwards. France, to whom the powers of Europe were to dictate, has become the arbiter of the fate of the Continent (we had almost said, of the world) and it is not amongst the least extraordinary events that have occurred, that all the great powers of Europe seem to enter completely into her views. She dictates laws, and they obey; she parcels out Germany, and they acquiesce; and she appears to have learned the secret of managing them all by the science (a science first taught in their school) of skillful dismemberment and plunder.
Her object in this system of indemnities is twofold: 1st. To elevate the House of Brandenburg to an equal importance with the House of Austria. 2d. To render the House of Brandenburg essentially dependent upon France. In other words, to introduce an uncontroulable French influence into the affairs of the German empire. And this effect she has produced—she has modelled and managed the balance of Germanic power, that her interference in every affair that relates to the empire will become indispensably necessary, and will certainly be irresistible. A nation that can interfere with effect in the affairs of another nation, will never, it is to be feared, be in want of a pretext.
This plan of indemnity arrogates to itself the merit of being "most analogous to the political state of Europe, and most favorable to the maintenance of peace." To lay the foundation for permanent tranquility in a country composed of different independent states, it is necessary that the power of those states should be properly balanced. If Austria had formerly too much influence, she has now too little. In reality, Westphalia, Franconia, Suabia, and Bavaria, though subject to different princes, have been by this artful scheme, of indemnities, condensed and amalgamated into one power, capable of being directed at all times by France against the House of Austria.
Prussia cannot maintain the elevated rank in which she moves, but by the strictest alliance with France. If France were to withdraw her support from Bavaria, would the electoral power be long respected by the Austrian eagle? Hence, we repeat, these states are in the hands of France but as one power, whose movements and resources she can direct at pleasure. Can it then be said, that any balance has been established, when Austria against all or one of these states is nothing, and when these states against Austria are every thing? In fact the emperor may be said to be almost driven out of the empire; and Germany, placed within the gip of France, may expect to be governed by Senatus Consulta from the Tuileries, with almost as much facility as the departments of the French Republic.
Hitherto we have only taken a general view of the plan. Examined in its details, it will be found to have as little regard to the proportioning the indemnities to the losses as to the preserving or establishing an effectual balance of power. Prussia and Bavaria have been more than compensated—the most sanguine expectations of Wirtemberg and Baden have been exceeded. If the whole system were not obviously founded upon the principle of humbling the House of Austria, we should ask why, in addition to the extravagant compensation bestowed upon those two princes, they are to be elevated to the electoral dignity in preference to the grand duke of Tuscany?—The reason is evident. France gains a double advantage. The emperor of Russia is flattered by the distinctions conferred upon his kindred, and the emperor of Germany will be deprived of a majority in the electoral college of the empire.
It is not a little curious that the event, that has taken place since the promulgation of this pacific plan, has been, the assembling a hostile army on the frontier of Bavaria, for the purpose of opposing an arrangement "from which this very Austria is to draw the immense advantage of seeing all her possessions concentrated." It should seem as if the viewed this advantage of concentration with the same feelings as the man who was concentrated in a corner to be attacked with more effect by a host of enemies. He would have been better pleased with a little enlargement of territory.
Amidst these scenes of plunder, we ought almost to offer an apology for raising one voice in defence of the insulted cause of morality and justice. Because the ecclesiastical electors have been deprived of their territories on the left bank of the Rhine, they are to lose the remainder of their possessions on the right: to be subjected to all the miseries of a Ban of the empire; to be turned from their palaces, denied the shelter of the humblest of their peasants cottages, and their white and venerable heads to be exposed, houseless and homeless, to every waring wind of heaven. Oh! dire reverse of fortune! Oh! unwearied chastisement!
In this scheme of partition nothing is sacred—it proceeds upon the principles of pillaging the weak to gorge the rapacity of the strong. The poor pijs and the defenceless imperial towns are huddled and packed together like so many negro slaves for sale in the West-Indies. The principal merchants, the Wirtemberg, the Baden, the Prussian, and Bavarian, are admitted to take their choice, and the rest are thrown to be divided among the lesser dealers. Here we meet a prince carrying away half an abbey and a whole convent of nuns—there we see his less fortunate brother with the other half of the abbey and a cargo of monks. This count slips away with a town without territory—that is forced to content himself with a territory without a town. Nothing is grand in the scheme but the guilt. No beauties of proportion are preserved—the whole is a hideous, misshapen mass. The constitution of the German empire, which harmonized the different states, and established the independence of each, whilst it united the whole in one common band; which gave to industry and commerce a policy of weight and importance in the state, and fortified the adversity of the military orders by mixing and associating them with the learning and piety of the ecclesiastical; all this constitution is destroyed for ever. A foreign influence has been introduced into the state. The politics of France have diminished the importance of the head of the empire, and have raised a powerful rival in the House of Brandenburg; but the rival of the Imperial authority must be the tool of the confining authority, and dearly has she purchased her elevation, by laying all Germany at the feet of the French Republic.

ON THE MISERY OF KINGS.
FROM CHURCHILL.
How much do they mis-ke, how little know Of kings, of kingdoms, and the pains which how From royalty, who fancy that a crown, Because it shines, must be lin'd with down. Which outside shows, and vain appearance catches, They look no farther, and by folly taught, Prize high the toy of thrones, but never find One of the many cares which lurk behind. The gem-th'y worship, which a crown adorns, Nor once suspect that crown is lin'd with thorns.
O might rest from folly's place family, Would we one moment ule her piercing eye, Then should we learn what woe from a grandeur springs,
And learn to pity, not to envy kings! The villager, born humbly, and bred hard, Content his wealth, and poverty his guard, In action firmly just, in conscience clear, By guilt untainted, undisturb'd by fear. His means but scanty, and his wants but few, Labour his business and his pleasure too, Enjoys more comforts in a single hour, Than ages give the wretch condemn'd to power.
Call'd up by health, he rises with the day, And goes to work, as if he went to play. Whistling off toil, one half of which might make
The stoutest Atlas of a palace quake; 'Gainst heat and cold, which make us cowards faint,
Harden'd by constant use, without complaint He bears, what we should think it death to bear;
Short are his meals, and homely is his fare; His thirst is slakes at some poor neighbouring brook.
Nor afe for sauce where appetite stands cook. When the dews fall, and when the fan tires Behind the mountains, when the village fires, Which, waken'd all at once, speak supper-nigh, At distance catch, and fix his longing eye, Homely 'rd he lies, and with his miny brood Of ravy-bond cubs, enjoys that clean, coarse food, Which, season'd with good humour, his fond bride
'Gainst his return is happy to provide. Then free from care, and free from thought, he creeps
Into his straw, and till the morning sleeps. Not to the king—with anxious cares op- press'd, His hard labours, and admits not rest. A glorious wretch, he sweats beneath the weight.
Of misery, and gives up safe for state. Then when his smiles, which, by the fools of pride,
Are treasur'd and preserv'd, from side to side, Fly round the court, 'en when compell'd by form,
He seems most calm, his soul is in a storm. CARE, like a spectre, seen by him alone, With all her set of vipers, round his throne By day crawls full in view; when night bids sleep,
Sweet nurse of nature, o'er the senses creep, When misery herself no more complains, And slaves, if possible, forget their chains. The his sense weakens, tho' his eyes grow dim, That rest which comes to all, comes not to him. Then at that hour, CARE, tyrant CARE, forbids The dew of sleep to fall upon his lids; From night to night he watches at his bed; Now as one moud, first brooding o'er his head, Anxious he starts, and, borne on even's wings, Creaks forth aloud—SLEEP WAS NOT MADE FOR KINGS.
FROM THE MONTHLY REVIEW FOR JULY, 1802.
Account of the Life and Writings of WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D.D.F.R.S.E. late Principal of the University of Ed- inburgh, and Historiographer to his Majesty for Scotland.
A NATURAL and laudable curiosity is felt with regard to the incidents of a life which has been spent in enlarging the knowledge and promoting the wel- fare of mankind. When a writer has rendered himself deservedly popular by his productions, we wish to be informed of some particulars relative to the man; we are desirous of being made acquaint- ed with his favorite pursuits, and of learning whether his conduct in private life entitled him to our respect equally with his public exertions. With such sentiments and feelings, we commenced the perusal of the present volume; the subject of which, and the respectability of its writer, Professor Dugald Stewart, invest it with strong claims to our atten- tion. It opens with a short account of Doctor Robertson's family; in which we are informed that he was the son of the Reverend William Robertson, minister of the Old Gray Friars church, and of Eleanor Lockhart, daughter of David Pitcairn, Esq. of Dergthorn; that he was born in 1721; and that 'till the year 1739, when, by his publication of his Scottish History, he fixed a new era in the literary annals of his country, the habits and occurrences of his life were such as to supply few materials for bio- graphy; and the imagination is left to fill up a long interval spent in the silent pursuit of letters, and enlivened by the secret anticipation of future eminence.'
Three clubs, to which Dr. Robertson belonged, are particularly mentioned by his biographer. One, which was called the Rankinean club, from the name of the patron in whose tavern its meetings were held, had carried on a private cor- respondence with Dr. Berkeley, the cele- brated Bishop of Cloyne, on the subject of his metaphysical publications; and its members are said to have been number- ed by him among the few who complete- ly comprehended the scope of his rea-
sonings against the existence of matter. Another was formed with the view of cultivating the study of elocution, and preparing the members of it, by habits of extemporaneous discussion and debate, for conducting the business of popular assemblies. A third was called the Select Society; and among those who belonged to it we find the names of Dr. Robert- son, Dr. Adam Smith, Lord Roslyn, Lord Kaims, Mr. Ramsay the painter, Mr. John Home, Dr. Carlyle, Mr. An- drew Stewart, Sir Gilbert Elliott, and Lord Almon. To this institution, Dr. Robertson contributed his most zealous support.
The first publication of Dr. R. was a sermon in 1755 before the society for propagating Christian knowledge; and his history of Scotland was presented to the world on the 1st of February, 1759. The biographer informs us that this work was received with unbounded applause; and he presents us with extracts from se- veral congratulatory letters addressed to the author on this occasion. That which was written by Mr. Garrick is so truly characteristic of our old friend's manner, that we cannot refrain from transcrib- ing it:
'Mr. Garrick, beside writing to Mil- lar, addressed himself directly to the au- thor. "Upon my word, I was never more entertained in all my life; and tho' I read it slowd to a friend and Mrs. Gar- rick, I finished the three first books at two sittings. I could not help writ- ing to Millar, and congratulating him upon this great acquisition to his literary treasures. I will assure you that there is no love lost (as the saying is) between you and Mrs. Garrick. She is resolved to see Scotland as soon as my affairs will permit: nor do I find her inclination in the least abated, though I read your Se- cond Book (in which her religion is so ex- quisitely handled) with all the malevo- lent exertion I was master of—but it would not do; she thinks you right even in that, and still resolves to see Scotland. In short, if she can give up the Pope and his trumpery to reality to you, what must her poor husband think? I shall keep in England, I assure you; for you have convinced me how difficult it is to contend with the Scots in their own country."
We are much pleased with the follow- ing remarks of the biographer:
'The peculiar circumstances of Scot- land, since the union of the crowns, are extremely apt to warp our ideas with respect to its previous history. The hap- py but slow effects produced by the union of the kingdoms do not extend be- yond the memory of some of our con- temporaries; and the traditions we have received concerning the condition of our immediate predecessors are apt to impress us with a belief that, at a still more ear- ly period, a proportionally less degree of civilization prevailed. It requires an ef- fort of reflection to conceive the effects which must have resulted from the res- idence of a court; and it is not, perhaps, easy for us to avoid underrating the im- portance of that court while it existed. During the long and intimate intercourse with England, which preceded the dis- puted succession between Bruce and Ba- liol, it was certainly not without its share of that "barbaric pomp" which was then affected by the English sove- reigns; nor, under our later kings, con- nected as it was with the court of France, could it be altogether unadorned with those envied manners and habits, of which that country has been always re- garded as the parent soil, and which do not seem to be the native growth of ei- ther part of our island. These circum- stances, accordingly, appear to have op- erated so powerfully on the higher orders, that, even in their own vernacular tongue, their compositions do not suffer by a com- parison with the style of their English contemporaries; and at the era when Dr. Robertson's history closes, some of the purest and most correct performances of the age may be selected from the corre- spondence of our Scottish statesmen.'
'This era was followed by a long and melancholy period, not less fatal to ge- nius than to morals; and which had scarcely arrived at its complete termina- tion, when Dr. Robertson appeared as an author; aspiring at once to adorn the monuments of former times when Scotland was yet a kingdom, and to ani- mate his countrymen by his example, in reviving its literary honours.'
It appears that Dr. Robertson was long in determining what he should next undertake. Several subjects were sug- gested to him by his friends; but two ap- pear to have divided his choice—the History of Greece—and that on which he finally decided, the History of the Em- peror Charles the Fifth. We agree with Professor Stewart, that this was
'A determination not less fortunate for the public than for his own fame; as it engaged him, unexpectedly perhaps, in a train of researches not confined to the period, or to the quarter of the globe, that he had originally in view; but which, opening as he advanced, new and more magnificent prospects, attracted his curiosity to two of the greatest and most interesting subjects of speculation in the history of human affairs;—the en- terprises of modern ambition in the West- ern World, and the traces of ancient wisdom and arts existing in the East.'
We think that our readers will not be
displeased with the following extract from a letter written to Dr. Robertson by Mr. Hume, who perused the History of Charles the Fifth while the sheets were in the press:
'You know that you and I have al- ways been on a footing of finding in each other's productions something to blame; and something to commend; and there- fore you may perhaps expect also some teasing of the former kind; but really neither my leisure nor inclination allow- ed me to make such remarks, and I sin- cerely believe you have afforded me very small materials for them. However, such particulars as occur to my memory I shall mention. Maltreat is a Scott- icism which occurs once. What the devil had you to do with that old-fashioned dangling word wherewith ? I should as soon take back whereupon , whereunto , and wherewithal . I think the only to- lerable, decent gentleman of the family is wherein ; and I should not choose to be often seen in his company. But I know your affection for wherewith pro- ceeds from your partiality to Dean Swift, whom I can often laugh with, whose style I can even approve, but surely can never admire. It has no harmony, no eloquence, no ornament; and not much correctness whatever the English may imagine. Were not their litera- ture full in a somewhat barbarous state, that author's place would not be so high among their classics. But what a fancy is this you have taken of saying always an hand , an heart , an head ? Have you an ear? Do not you know that this (n) is added before vowels to prevent the cacophony, and ought never to take place before (h) when that letter is sounded? It is never pronounced in these words: why should it be wrote? Thus, I should say, a history , and an historian ; and so would you too, if you had any sense. But you tell me, that Swift does otherwise. To be sure there is no reply to that; and we must swallow your hath too upon the same authority. I will see you d—d sooner. But I will endeavour to keep my temper.'
'I do not like this sentence in pag. 149. This step was taken in consequence of the treaty of Walsy had concluded with the Emperor at Brussels, and which had hitherto been kept secret. Sic omnia dixies, I should never have been plagued with hearing your praises so often found- ed, and that fools preferred your style to mine. Certainly it had been better to have said, which Walsy, &c. That rela- tive ought very seldom to be omitted, and is here particularly requisite to pre- serve a symmetry between the two mem- bers of the sentence. You omit the re- lative too often, which is a colloquial barbarism, as Mr. Johnson calls it.'
'Your periods are sometimes, though not often, too long. Suard [M. Suard was the French translator of Dr. R.'s history] will be embarrassed with them, as the in-diffi French style runs into the other extreme.'
Mr. Hume's objection to the omission of relatives might be applied to great numbers of writers, of all ranks, all de- scriptions, and all periods; and we agree with him completely in the force of his censure on this inelegant and inaccurate practice.'
After an interval of eight years from the publication of this work, Dr. Ro- bertson produced his History of America ; and on this occasion also, the biographer has inserted various congratulatory let- ters which the Doctor received from se- veral persons, "whose names render their judgments of men and books ob- jects of public curiosity." That which was addressed to him by Mr. Gibbon has been already published by Lord Sheffield, in his memoirs of Mr. G. and Professor Stewart observes that the copy, found among Dr. Robertson's papers, corre- sponds verbatim with that which Mr. Gibbon appears to have had in his own possession, thus affording a proof of the care which he bestowed on his epistolary compositions. It is followed by a letter from Lord Mansfield, which, the bio- grapher asserts, bears no mark of the su- perior mind of that eminent man; but it certainly does not disgrace him, and con- sidering it as a common epistolary effu- sion, this may be deemed some commen- dation.
[To be concluded in our next.]
Foreign Intelligence.
HAGUE, Aug. 27. The following is the proclamation re- specting the Amnesty issued by our go- vernment on the 16th.
'Batavians.—We should conceive ourselves deficient in duty to the country, if we did not seize with avidity the im- portant period, of which we are witnes- ses, wherein—after a commotion as long as vehement, a dangerous sorting of op- polite passions, opinions, alarms, and in- terests—a well framed constitution is at length established, adapted to the nature and the wants of the people, which, by a balance fortunately restored, has brought back the state, almost rent in pieces, to the proper operation of its great- ly divided powers, and the tranquility of a well ordered government.'
'Fellow Citizens, we should not mer- it the confidence of this respected na- tion, if we did not at once embrace the
moment so ardently implored of heaven, in which the critical contest with formida- ble enemies abroad, is so unexpectedly and so honourably terminated; in which, with the established peace, is opened to us a transporting prospect of re-animated commerce, prosperity, and welfare; to make a decisive experiment for the per- fect annihilation of all internal misun- derstandings and contentions, which have thus far reigned in the midst of us, which have almost crushed us, and op- erated more prejudice to the dearest in- terests of the country, than the formida- ble armies and fleets of our powerful for- eign opponents.'
'What a potent excitement to a favoured nation; what a significant glance of benign providence; to render serviceable to them the favourable con- currence of such great events to the im- portant ends which it, in its boundless wis- dom, seems to have had in view!'
'And in what manner can a mild and virtuous people more sincerely ma- nifest their gratitude, how more accept- ably, to the gracious Supreme, or more worthy of humanity, than by a cordial reconciliation and a hearty and unfeigned forgetting and forgiveness of all sup- posed or real injuries? In what better and more interesting manner to the state, could a good and pious government re- spond to those blessings than by annihila- ting even the recollection of all that has been suffered or done amiss from a difference of opinions as to the interests of a state; in short, than by a general and unlimited amnesty and remission, without any exception; while justice alone shall preserve her vigilance with respect to those who have rendered themselves guilty of crimes, which, having no re- lation to politics, cannot in their nature be comprehended in this amnesty.'
'Penetrated with the idea that, after vehement disturbances and rapidly suc- ceeding revolutions, the only inalienable care is, to tranquillize the minds of men, to temper the ardent passion for change, to smother the spirit of faction for ever, and to give the agitated state at length that calmness and rest once more which are so indispensable to the establishment of its dearest interests, and expressly ad- apted to secure it against new explo- sions; convinced that with the recon- ciliation of our last and most dreaded ene- my, the independent party of this state is guaranteed against all further attempts from abroad; cheered by the idea, that lovely peace has animated with new vigour the spirit of industry, so greatly impaired by dejection and adversity, and opened, more and more, all patriotic hearts to the gentler sentiments of confidence, una- nimity, and mutual acts of benevolence, with the banishment, wholly and recip- rocally, of all old and too long cherish- ed revenge. We deem it necessary and consistent with our duty to propose such an unlimited amnesty to the Legislative Assembly; and in conformity thereto, by a resolution of that body, on the 13th inst. it is enacted:
'That there be granted a general amnesty, remission, and oblivion of all real, or supposed real crimes, which ori- ginated in a difference of political op- inions; and this without any exception; to which end, all those are comprehen- ded herein, who, at the time or after the change of affairs in 1795, flying, were necessarily excluded from the amnesty of March 23, 1801, during the preceding constitution; as also those who served the then enemy by water or land against this Republic, or who otherwise acted in po- litical or military hostilities; all sen- tences pronounced and executed on them, on this account, being considered as an- nulled, although the punishment im- posed be not wholly inflicted, with this proviso, nevertheless, with reference to the last mentioned sentences, that the judge by whom they have been pro- nounced, at the request of the persons sentenced, until previously have declared, that such sentence has alone been pro- nounced on account of deeds arising in a difference of political opinions, without being accompanied by other offences which, having no reference to politics, have, in all times and under all circum- stances, been considered in a criminal point of view; to the giving of which de- clarations, the higher and lower Crimi- nal Tribunals within this Republic, mat- ters being disposed of accordingly, are hereby authorized and qualified: provid- ed however, that strict attention be paid that these declarations, in no respect whatever, be extended to such high or inferior placemen and officers who have surrendered the national establishments, possessions, places or ships, through trea- son, ignorance, or cowardice, to the ene- my, without having offered becoming resistance, or in any other manner have been unfriendly to their oath or promises made to this Government after the revo- lution of 1795, all whole offences, ac- cording to their shade and nature, are not comprehended in this amnesty; while, for the same reason, are specially excluded such commanding and other officers who, by actually surrendering or consenting to surrender, caused the na- tional fleet in the Vlieter to fall into the enemy's hands on the 11th of August, 1799; the investigation of which trans- action, for so far as it yet remains unde- cided, shall be and remain subject to the High Military Tribunal of this Repub- lic; all declarations which may be de- livered by any Tribunals, repugnant to the
aforesaid explanation, being to be held as null and void.'
'That further, in consequence of this amnesty, criminal proceedings, on matters arising from a difference of political op- inions as before alluded to, and which are still pending in the courts, shall, from henceforth, cease; and as soon as the accused shall be provided with the before- mentioned judicial declaration, the suit shall be considered as never having been commenced.'
'That, lastly, no criminal prosecu- tion shall further be allowed to be initi- ated by the public accusers within this Republic, on account of matters before specified; and in future all proceedings of that nature shall be confined to offences committed after the issuing of this pub- lication; provided, however, that by the annihilating of the aforesaid sentences, procedures, and actions, the condemned and the accused as little claim to demand a restitution of law costs, as to be restored to such political or military employ- ments, which they may formerly have filled in this Republic.'
'Come then, Batavians! and make an un-doubted use of this act of oblivion and amnesty. Shew, by your future conduct that you, in case of need, with sacrificing your private opinions and interests, are averse to excite your country anew to confusion, discord, and civil war. Share henceforward, equally with others, in the advantages of Society, as well as in the flattering prospect of universal prosperity and welfare; and forget all supposed or real injuries as sincerely as you desire it of others. Do not lay us, against our will, under the painful necessity of giving indubitable indications, by a succeeding first maintenance of the laws, that this measure was not the effect of imbecility, or diffidence, as to the firmness of the pre- sent order of things, but of a real desire to extinguish the spirit of faction, to smother divisions, and to promote, with energy, the prosperity of the country.'
'In the Hague, Aug. 16, 1802. (Signed) "G. PYMAN, Pt."
'By decree of the Government of State. (Signed) "C. G. HULTMAN."
LEXINGTON, October 19, 1802.
Extract of a letter to the Editor, dated St. Vincennes, September 17, 1802.
I have now to communicate the pleasing result of our council with the Indians. Every object for which it was holden, so far as it relates to us, is completely obtained. They listened with attention and apparent pleasure, to the plans pro- posed for their advancement in civiliza- tion. They all promised their firmest support in carrying the measures of the president into effect. To governor Har- rison's perseverance and unremitting at- tention, its successful issue is justly to be ascribed.
'The Indians have relinquished to the United States a beautiful, fertile coun- try, twenty-four leagues square. It ex- tends north and south, from Point Cou- pee to the mouth of White-river, and from a line drawn parallel to the ge- neral course of the Wabash, twelve miles to the west of this town, across towards the Ohio. It is expected it will extend to, or near the Illinois grant. They have also granted the privilege of working the great salt spring, on the Saline river, near the Ohio, with four miles square of land, including the spring, which will afford a plentiful supply of fuel for the salt works that will there be erected— It is unquestionably the best spring that is possessed by the western country. Ar- rangements will shortly be made by go- vernment for the disposal of this tract of country; and we may justly flatter our- selves with the pleasing hope, that at no distant period, our wildernesses that are only traversed by savages and wild beasts, will give way to wealthy populous settle- ments.'
(Guardian Freed.)
BOSTON, October 21. The success of the Republican ticket in Pennsylvania has been complete.
It is brilliant and conclusive beyond example; and is the happiest event that has occurred since the taking of Cornwall- is, or the election of President JEFFER- SON.
It is a direct, absolute contradiction, to all the insinuations, falsehoods and for- geries that have been so long unsuccess- fully but industriously plied by a few hired miscreants, such as Dutton, Coleman, Prentiss, Callender, and about a dozen others, to wound the fair poli- tical character that this or any age has produced.
As to the nonsense in the Centinel about foreigners voting in Pennsylvania, & claus- turing the election, who ever heard of any difficulty about that? Do not all the foreigners, that are naturalized, vote? And have they not uniformly voted on every former occasion? Have not Messrs. Boot and Pratt, Dickinson, and hundreds of others in this town, some of whom were and still are British subjects, con- stantly voted, with all their servants, in all our elections? Have not even the Irish voted? Was not old Mr. John Gore carried down to Faneuil-Hall, to vote against the venerable SAMUEL A- DAMS; and is there a returned soldier, refugee, or conspirator, who has been re- fused this privilege?—alike they tried with their whole strength during the late

way to bring WASHINGTON to a gibbet, for his manifold treasons, as they used to call them, against the very best of kings! Small we then be forfeited with a tale of a few honest Irishmen and industrious mechanics being permitted to vote, after having been legally naturalized, when the unhappy black men in this town have been seen to follow their masters to the boxes, and to give their votes without the least knowledge of the candidate for whom they voted? Did Gen. WASHINGTON ever refuse an Irish soldier in the revolutionary army? Were not most of the rifle battalions Irish? Was not STARKS, and that gallant martyr MONTGOMERY, full blooded Irishmen? Who gained the victory at Bennington, but the Irish? Who beat the British at the Cowpens, but these abused, insulted, persecuted Hibernians? Is this the way G. Britain is to revenge herself, by directing her partisans thus to vilify and affront some of our best and most laborious citizens?
Let the muster roll of the late Continental army be called over, and the Irish will be found in a great proportion in the ranks, true to the cause of American Liberty; while their present enemies were, many of them, filling the country with their intrigues, to secede these hardy veterans from their standards. But what is all this talk about the Irish? Have we not had a society to encourage them to settle in this state, incorporated by our General Court? and have we not seen the names of Morfe, Sullivan, and many others of our most distinguished characters in law, and in divinity, assisting in the promotion of this salutary institution? How is it then the Centinel all at once is so violent against the Irish? Let it publish the act of the General Court of this State for the encouragement of foreigners, particularly English and Irish artisans, to come and settle here, and we shall soon see who were then the movers in this respect, and who have since changed their sentiments.
Why is Pennsylvania the richest and most populous state in the Union—almost the key-stone of the federal arch? Because the genius of Penn and Franklin pointed to that favoured spot as the happy asylum of the persecuted and oppressed of every other country. Are there not more than a thousand honest Irishmen in this town, and are they not useful and industrious in their various occupations? Why then are these men, who are good and true to their country, always to be hunted like savages in so many of our public newspapers? There is a mystery in this business that ought to be explained. It has an alarming tendency. Nearly two to one, more than four to one in some places, have sanctioned the mild, economic policy of Mr. JEFFERSON. Are these all Irish!
Not a tory , the son or grandson of a tory , it may be generally said, has ever voted for economy and frugality in our public expenses; or for a regular republican system of administration. For toryism , like a leprosy, descends even to the fourth generation—and yet we are still told of the Irish. Is not Major M c LELLAN, of Hampshire, an Irishman, and a republican also, altho' a little warped for the present? Has he not been, and is he not yet among the warmest friends of HANCOCK and ADAMS? Away then with this trash about the Irish, or the ghosts of STARKS and MONTGOMERY, and their brave, determined followers, will "bury their earnings," and exclaim to their persecutors—who and whence are you?
Pennsylvania is the center of the Union. Her enlightened, liberal citizens, have elected one of the ablest statesmen to direct their affairs; and toryism , in that illustrious Commonwealth, is humbled in dust and ashes. Yet no man is hurt or molested in his life, liberty, or property, or questioned for his religious sentiments. How was it when federalism triumphed? Let the spirit of intolerance disappear from this favoured country; and let him who is an honest and industrious man, be received as the noblest work of Heaven; without troubling our heads whether he was rocked in his cradle on this or the other side of the Atlantic.
Republicans! it is an undoubted truth that you never yet gained an influence or advantage that the high and exclusive federalists , or even the old tories did not share it with you; while if you are ever reduced by accident to a minority, there is not an insult or outrage that you are not made to suffer.
Charleston, Oct. 1, 1802. A correspondent is happy to have it in his power to inform the public, that more particularly the planters and farmers of the lower and upper parts of this state, that the navigation of the Santee-Canal, that arduous and patriotic undertaking, is now brought to that state of perfection, as not only to invite but to ensure those who may be inclined to use this new channel for the bringing down of produce, an easy, safe and expeditious navigation through it all the approaching season; there being four feet water all the way, and the reservoirs so well filled, that, even should a drought prevail, there is a sufficiency of water for any number of boats that might pass for four months to come.
A very spacious ware-house has late-
ly been erected at White-Oak, (and which is nearly completed) for the reception of produce, &c. which, it is supposed, will be exceedingly convenient for those who may wish to have their crops safely stored, and yet capable of being brought to town at any moment wanted, as boats are plying constantly from the canal to this city and vice-versa.
We thus congratulate our country friends on the prospect before them, not doubting that if once this new mode of communication between the upper and lower country is brought into vogue, they will feel the great advantages resulting therefrom, and the state that increase of wealth, which never fails to flow itself wherever agriculture is befriended by inland navigation.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, November 5, 1802.
Tory version from the Washington Federalist.
At the review of the militia of Washington county on Saturday last, 'it was with equal surprise & regret that the President was observed to appear on the parade without uniform. The President of the U. S. is a military as well as civil officer; whenever therefore he is acting in a military capacity, he should appear in a military dress. If the commander in chief pays so little attention & respect to the militia, what can be expected from those in subordinate stations?'
Republican version
At the review of the militia of Washington county on Saturday last, it was with equal pleasure and reverence that the President was observed to appear on the parade in his civic dress. The President of the U. S. is indeed a military officer, and head of the military. But he is head also of the civil, which is the supreme authority of our land. Whenever, therefore, he appears as President of the U. S. States, it should not be in a military and subordinate dress, but in his civil and superior character, exhibiting a lesson, always proper and useful, of the supremacy of the civil over the military power.
We consider it complimentary to the understandings of our readers to address them frequently on points fundamentally connected with the first principles of the government under which we live, instead of enlisting their passions on topics of a personal nature. The right of suffrage is the grand pillar of all our political institutions. While it remains firm, we have nothing to fear. The stratagem of treason, or the sword of usurpation, will prove equally harmless, in opposition to the will of the people truly expressed. While, therefore, others are engaged in depreciating this right, in obstrucing its exercise, and in ridiculing its efficacy, it shall be our pride, on all fit occasions, to impress a conviction of its importance, and to inspire an ardent devotion to it.
To the endless sophistry that is urged against it, we shall oppose facts; we shall appeal to the existing state of things, and invite a comparison between the turbulence and misery of the monarchies of the old world, and the tranquility and happiness of our republic. In the former the will of one or of a few constitutes the law. Here the law is the will of the whole nation. There the will of the nation is in perpetual collision with that of the government. Here the one is the legitimate offspring of the other. There, there is constant strife and frequent warfare; here there is steady concord, and permanent peace.
A change in Europe is ever accompanied with a convulsion; while with us it is uniformly, from the different structure of our governments, the precursor of augmented harmony.
With us there is often, it is true, a mighty war of words. But what is this compared to conflagrated towns, and desolated plains—the slaughter of thousands, and the misery of tens of thousands!
These remarks are peculiarly appropriate to the present season. Within a short period ten foreign states have chosen their representatives, and invested them with the highest political duties, without the least exhibition of violence. Not a mob, that we learn, has sullied the exercise of this important political function. Yet, on no occasion perhaps, have greater efforts been made to excite passion and kindle resentment.
Citizens of America! while you value freedom, respect and cling to this great right, that the bayonet may never be substituted in the room of the ballot.
The attention of the reader will be requited by the perusal of the impartial remarks of the London Courier on the gigantic influence of the present government of France. The subject of indemnities in its various details, is one difficult of apprehension by the best in-
formed men in this country. But however difficult it may be to comprehend the details, the general effect, and the mighty power by which it is accomplished, are easily perceived; and we may thank the fortune of our lot, derived from local situation, from the spirit of liberty, and from the comparative perfection of our political institutions, that we do not feel as well as understand them. This remark is not meant to imply the least ground for the belief that the government of France is hostile to this country; but arises from the contemplation of the degraded state of all the minor powers of Europe, many of which are superior to the United States in population.
[We have received from a correspondent the following plan of Districts for Maryland.]
Districts for Electing Electors of PRESIDENT and VICE-PRESIDENT.
Let St. Marys, Charles and the lower election District of Calvert county with the Piscataway district of Prince George, constitute the 1st district.
Let the residue of Calvert and Prince George with two of the adjoining election districts of Montgomery constitute the 2d district.
Let the residue of Montgomery with Ann-arundel and the city of Annapolis make the 3d district.
The city of Baltimore and two of the election districts of Baltimore county the 4th district.
The residue of Baltimore county and Harford the 5th.
Frederick the 6th.
Washington and Allegany the 7th.
Cecil and Kent the 8th.
Queen Ann's and Talbot the 9th.
Caroline and Dorchester the 10th.
Somerlet and Worcester the 11th.
Districts for MEMBERS to CONGRESS.
Let this district remain the same as the 1st for Electors of President and Vice-President.
Let the residue of Calvert and Prince George's with the whole of Montgomery county make the 2d.
Let Ann-arundel, including Annapolis with the city of Baltimore, make the 3d.
Frederick county with one of the election districts of Baltimore county make the 4th.
The remainder of Baltimore and Harford county the 5th.
Washington and Allegany the 6th.
Cecil, Kent and two of the election districts of Queen Ann's the 7th.
The residue of Queen Ann's, Talbot and Caroline, to make the 8th.
Dorchester, Somerlet and Worcester make the 9th.
The following is extracted from the Chillicothe Gazette . It is important as it decides the sentiment of Ross County to be decidedly in favour of the admission of the North Western Territory as a state into the union. We have not heard the result of the election in the other counties.
On the second Tuesday in October, 1802, at the election held in the county of Ross, for five members to the general Convention, the following gentlemen were duly elected:—
Edward Tiffin, Esq.—Col. Nathaniel Massie—Col. Thomas Worthington—Michael Baldwin and James Grubb, Esquires.
The following is an authenticated Return of the votes as they stood at the close of the polls:—
 Edward Tiffin 905  Nathaniel Massie, 754  Thomas Worthington, 716  Michael Baldwin, 627  James Grubb, 621  Abraham Claypool, 435  Elias Langham, 443  Samuel Finley, 409  Jacob Smith, 368  James Dunlap, 347  James Scott, 260  Noble Crawford, 193  John Guthery, 134 
The following are the persons elected to represent the county of Ross in the territorial legislature, for two years from and after the 22d day of January next:— William Patton, David Shelby, Winn Winship, Joseph Kerr and Robert Culbertson.
Account of the number of vessels, with the amount of their tonnage, which have been annually built and registered in the several ports of Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the Empire, between the 5th of January, 1789, and the 5th of January, 1802.
  Years. Vessels. Tons.    1789 827 80,090  1790 723 68,695  1791 766 68,940  1792 821 78,020  1793 100 7,583  1794 714 66,321  1795 719 72,181  1796 823 94,972  1797 756 86,242  1798 833 89,319  1799 858 98,044  1800 1041 134,181  1801 1045 122,592  
Gratitude of General Gates. [Extracted from the genuine letter of an officer.]
An old soldier of the royal regiment of artillery, who served me while the 18th regiment was at Fort Pitt and the Illi-nois, on our return from that country to Philadelphia in 1772, came to me with a happy smile on his countenance, and told me, he had the honor to receive a letter from Major Gates, and begged me to read it. I asked him how he came to correspond with Major Gates. Pleas your honor, said the old man, Major Gates was dangerously wounded at Braddock's defeat, and was left among the slain; I was wounded also, but made a shift to carry the worthy captain Gates (he was then a captain) off the field. He has often told me since, that he owed his life to me, and charged me at parting, that whenever I thought he could in any instance serve me, to write to him without reserve; so, pleas your honor, (this is a soldier's dialect to all officers) I am now grown old, and worn out in the service, and expect to be invalidated and sent home; but have been long in America, and like America, pleas your honor; I accordingly took the liberty to write to Major Gates for his advice, and this is his answer. He has also wrote to Major Hay, to give me every indulgence the service will admit of. I hope your honor will give me your opinion what is best to be done. I read the letter; but had not read far, before I was sensibly touched with the sentiments of the writer. After recapitulating the service the veteran had rendered him at Braddock's Field, he says, "Do as you please, respecting your small pittance of pension. Thou hast served long, but thy service has not brought thee rest for thy wounds and infirmities. I find by your letter that you will to continue in America, therefore make yourself easy;—When you receive your discharge, repair to my plantation on Potomack river. I have got a fine tract of land here, which not only furnishes me with all the necessaries, but all the comforts of life; come and rest your firelock in my chimney corner, and partake of them; while I have, my favour Penfield shall not want; and it is my wish, as well as Mrs. Gates's to see you spend the evening of your life comfortably.—Mrs. Gates desire to be affectionately remembered to you."
Troy Gaz.
USEFUL DISCOVERY.
Mr. John James Dufour of Jessamine county, has discovered a method of kiln drying all kinds of grain, so as to secure it from the weevil, and preserve it in its purity a great length of time. This discovery is simple, and so cheap that every farmer will be able to make use of it. The grain is not removed from the grainery, and any quantity dried in a day, without a possibility of burning it. It is hoped the discovery will prove equally advantageous to the public and Mr. Dufour.
ANCIENT CHART.
The learned Librarian, MORELLI, is about to publish the Marine Chart of Bianchi, preserved in the library of St. Mark at Venice. This Chart was constructed before the discoveries of AMERICUS VESPUCI, and contains an indication of the Antilles, which proves that the Europeans had some idea of America, before the expedition of VESPUCI.
Citizen Guyton, a member of the French National Institute, and Director of the Polytechnic School, read in the sitting of the Institute of the 25th ult. a memoir, entitled " Recherches sur la pile electrique de volta ," by Citizens Hachette and Delomes, Professors of the Polytechnic School. This memoir discloses two very important facts, which tend to throw a great light on the theory of Electricity. The first is, that an isolated Electric Pile, is an exhaustible source of Electricity, and the second, that several solid and dry substances, such as flint, are capable of replacing the humid substance of the Electric Pile of volta. From this discovery results a method of constructing Piles, affording a constant and almost unalterable source of Electric Fluid.
On the 4th of August, was executed at Swabmunchen, near Augsburg, a woman, aged 38, whose crime is of a nature calculated to fix the attention of those who study mankind. Between the 15th of January, 1798, and the 2d of November, 1801, this woman set fire to the town of Swabmunchen, fifteen times, in consequence of which fifty houses became a prey to the flames, and a great number of persons were reduced to poverty. Several individuals, on whom suspicion fell, were sent to prison, but at length happily for them, the real criminal was discovered by a labourer, who caught her in the fact. Her name is Maria Franklin; after seven examinations, in which she denied the crime, she at length, on the eighth, confessed her guilt, and pleaded in her justification, that from her youth, she had been tormented by a violent penchant to set houses on fire; that she had resisted this desire for a long time, but at length overcome by her passion, she had burnt the houses alluded to, without any end in view, and without any remorse. This woman, in other
respects had conducted herself with great propriety, and did not appear to be swayed in her mind. She was beheaded, and her body burnt.
A corporal, who was some time since condemned to death in Dublin, finding that he was to be executed on a Friday, wrote to his wife on the Thursday preceding, to inform her of his unfortunate situation. Being aware that the letter would not reach till the Saturday, he determined to inform her of the fact itself, and wrote thus: "My dear wife, I hope this will find you in good health, as I am at present. I have to inform you, that I was hanged yesterday at half past eleven—I had, thank God, an easy death—and had the pleasure of seeing every body weep on my account. Remember me, and take care of my poor children, who have no longer a father. Your affectionate husband, until death."
Ranzozzi in a short time takes a final leave of this country, in order to superintend an institution for the encouragement of the arts at Lisbon. This admirable artist has exerted his unrivalled talents with considerable success in this country; but his hospitable and liberal spirit has left him, at a very advanced age, little more than his high professional repute.
[Lond. Paper.]
Baltimore, Nov. 1.
Arrived, Capt. Travers, of the sch't Nancy, from St. Augustine, East Florida, after a passage of 24 days. The governor of St. Augustine has concluded a peace with the Indians. He issued his proclamation two days prior to captain T's sailing, prohibiting any further trade with the Americans. The great rains which have prevailed there, have almost entirely destroyed the oranges and limes.
MILITIA MUSTER.
The enrolled Citizens attached to Captain ANDREW's company are requested to meet on Monday the 8th inst. at nine o'clock, back of the great Hotel, equipped agreeably to law.
By order of the Captain, J. C. O'REILLY, Serjeant, November 3d, 1802.
NOTICE.
THE inhabitants of Washington are particularly requested to give in to the Treasurer correct lists of their property, real and personal, on or before the 15th of the present month. To those who were assessed in August and September, 1801, it will only be necessary to list such additional property acquired since that time, and such property as may have been transferred. To render as little trouble and inconvenience as possible to the inhabitants, those living in the eastern part of the city may leave their lists in the letter-box at the Marshal's office; those of the western part, at the post office. Others, and all if they chuse, will be thanked for leaving their lists at my lodgings, at Mrs. Johnson's, on F street, near the Bank.
By recurrence to the corporation law, authorizing the levying and collection of a tax, they may see what property is liable to be taxed. It will be necessary for all the lists left at the places described, to be signed by the proprietor, and directed to me. It is earnestly hoped the inhabitants will comply with the above requests, as the short time allowed by law for completing the assessment cannot be complied with without these measures.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City, November 5.
PUBLIC SALE.
IN Pursuance of a second order of the Orphans Court for the County of Washington, in the District of Columbia, will be exposed to public Sale, on Thursday the 25th day of November, at ten o'clock in the morning, at the corner of South E Street and New-Jersey Avenue, in the City of Washington—
ALL the personal property of JASPER DE CARNAP, late of the City of Washington, deceased, which remained unsold at the sale in June last—Consisting principally of Household Furniture—Also, one Negro Girl about 13 years of age, who has been accustomed to Horse work. Terms of Sale Cash. HENRY INGLE, Adm'r. ELIZABETH DE CARNAP, Adm'x. Nov. 3.
FOR SALE.
The elegant three story brick HOUSE is the City of Washington, in which the Secretary of State now resides, and the house adjoining, situate on F street, within one square of the President's House, which together, rent for 800 dollars per annum. ALSO, Two elegant three story BRICK HOUSES, in Alexandria, on the corner of King and Columbia streets, a situation equal to any in the town for the flour and grocery business, being the principal thoroughfare from the country.
I will take in payment, negroes, or wet and dry goods.
For Lease.
For 5 or 7 years, 700 Acres of valuable Land, in the county of Culpeper, Virginia, 28 miles from Fredericksburg, and 55 from Alexandria and Washington. There are 400 acres cleared and under good inclosure. Possession will be given immediately. In order to accommodate the Tenant, a portion of the produce will be taken in payment.
Application to be made to ROBERT B. VOSS, living near the premises, or to the subscriber.
NICHOLAS VOSS. Nov. 5.

A LIST OF LETTERS Remaining in the Post-Office at Wash- ington City on the 1st October 1802.
A. Eliza Abraham, Drury Allen. B. Captain William Bainbridge, J. B. Bond, William Butler, (2) of navy, James Buchanan, Abraham Battle, Maria Bailey, Catherine Belt at Thomas Han- sons, Miss Anne Ballard, Wm. Baker, doctor (2), Major J. G. Barnwell, John M. Baker, Edward Barry, shipcarpenter, Robert Bracey, George Brown, Esq. Major Daniel Ridley, Wm. Birch, Tho- mas Barry, William Bowdet, John Brown (2) George Beall, junr.
C. Joseph Chambers, James Conway, na- vy, Archibald Carey, navy, Thompson Clark, William Cannon, John Crumwell, Mrs. Anne Carr, Nathan Glinton, Mi- chael Brown Carroll, John Orde Creigh- ton, navy, William Cadey, Hugh G. Campbell, navy, James M. Cooke, Mrs. Sarah Cox, Jn. M'Glan, Peter Gadey, Robert Cole.
D. Frederick Deighton, William Dor- man, John Decatur, constable, Joseph Duncan, David Darr, navy, William Dyer (4), David Dobbins (2), James D. D. Dennis, mariner, Thomas Dozen, Benjamin Dearborn, Mrs. P. Julia Donaldson, lieu- tenant Stephen D. Dater.
E. Captain Samuel Eames, Richard Eli- cott (2), Solomon Ellis, Pat. Edwards, Edward Smothers, James & Thomas Ellis coopers, Samuel George Early, navy.
F. Doctor Nathan Fobes, Robert Field, miniature painter, John Francis, Colin Ferguson, Robert R. Flinn, James Fra- zer.
G. Mr. William Giles, Frederick Gibson, stone cutter, A. A. Gooch, Martha Gor- don, Charles R. Goodwin, Jaque George, gardener, Samuel Gothard, Archibald Grady, Col. Henry Gaither, John B. Goddard, John Gallagher.
H. Jeremiah Hunt, Anthony Hale, John Hicks, Mr. Harrison at Secretary of Navy's Office, William Hopkins, Daniel Hargan, Captain Charles Flyde (4), Anthony H. G. Heineken, commercial agent, James Hall, mariner, James Howard, Isaac Howard, William Hom- mers, Rebecca Hopkins, William Hum- phries, Hannah Huggins, James Harri- son.
I. Flora Johnson, John Johnson of War Office, Mr. Jourdan, Thomas Jamieson, Esq. Gen. Post Office (2), William In- glee.
K. William King, Navy Yard, Archibald K. Kearney (2), Robert King at Mr. Smiths.
L. Thomas Lowndes, Esq. (2), Frederick Leffler at Lear & Co's, Israel Loring (2), Edward L. Lively, Esq. Archibald Lee, John P. Lovell, Navy.
M. Gideon Morris, Mrs. Eliza Moore, Nich. Miller, Daniel M'Neil, junr. of the Navy (2), Dennis M'Elroy, John M'Clane, Joseph Martin, mariner, John & Daniel G. Math, Mr. N. Fer- rand Max (2), Rev. Mr. Marshall, Mur- macute M'Cane, William Vans Murray, Esq. Barkly Mans, Joseph M'Murray.
N. William Francis Nichols of Navy, Charles Nicholson, Samuel Nicholson, Lt. Nicolas (2), John Y. Noel, Esq.
O. Blicker Olsen, Esq. Thomas Oliver.
P. Penelope Pallation, Captain Richard Pur, Liley Patterson, Peter B. Porter, Esq. (2), Robert Piper, William Peters, major (2), Joseph Becker Parlons, John Pennington, Lieut. Pinkney, R. G. Van Pollen (2).
R. John Reath (2), George F. Ross, Capt. George Reynolds, Fenner Rhodes, John Rower (2).
S. Thomas Seward, Wm. P. Smith, Miss Nancy Smith, Miss Jane Smith, Albert Stevens, Antoine Suarez (2), Lt. Henry Stewart, Francis Henry Stewart, Mrs. Elizabeth Stewart, G. W. Sottwood, Amos Stall, fadler, Thomas Sillick, marine, Hugh Scott (2), Captain Amos Stoddard, General Sumpter, Capt. John Shaw.
T. Joseph Tucker, junr., Rock Creek, Rev. James Templeman (2) James Taylor, James Thompson, Alexander Thom, Charles Treadwell, Capt. Samuel Tins- ley (2), John Thompson, mariner.
V. James Vandandt, Henry Vandike, Daniel Vertner.
W. Jacob Wagner, Lieut. Godfrey Wood, Ambrose White, Charles Wilkins, Esq. Gen. James Wilkinson, Edward Wal- ker, Mr. Wiley, Thomas Wilson, Lieut. Col. Williams, Captain Thomas Wiley, John Wilkinson, junr. Burton Well, Mrs. Wilson.
L I M E. JUST Received and for Sale by the Subscriber, a quantity of Rhode Island Lime.
M. CLEARY.
New Books from London.
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol have received an extensive collection of New and Valuable Books, Amongst which are the following: Soulavie's memoirs of Louis 18th, 6 vols. 8vo. Lord Bolingbroke's private Letters and corre- spondence. 4 vols. Malmesbury's translation of Cicero's Letters, 3 vols. Beloe's Herodotus, 4 vols. Barthelemy's (author of Anacharsis travels) Letters from Italy. Ferguson's history of the Roman Republic, 5 vols. Mickle's translation of Comœn's Luciad, 2 Vols. A new edition of Peter Pinder's work, 5 vols. 8vo. Brown's travels in Africa, 4to. Gillies's Aristotle's Ethics and Politics, 2 vols 4to. Jacob's Law Dictionary, 2 vols. 4 to. Webster's Dictionary, 4to. London. Belsham's memoirs of George 3rd and 6th. Thomson's chemistry, 4 vols. Bartolomew's voyage to the E. Ind. Indies. Lee's Canterbury Tales vol. 4th Jussieu, a new Voy. 4 vols. Helms of Glencairn, 4 vols. Belinda, by Miss Edgeworth, 2 vols. Beverly Boy. M'Kersie's friendship, 2 vols. Knight and Mason, 4 vols. Man of Fortitude, 3 vols. Traveller, 2 vols. Follies of fashion, 3 vols. Accusing Spirit, 4 vols. Belmour, 2 vols. Voyage in search of La Perouse, 2 vols. with elegant cuts. Mackenzie's voyages through North America, to the frozen and Pacific Oceans. Sullivan on land titles. Willes' Reports. And a variety of school books & stationery articles, all which they will sell at their usual low prices. A few bags of Maxwell's first quality of printing ink. Oct. 29. tf.
170,038 Acres of Land.
THIS body of land, in one entire and in- dividual survey, is offered for sale to any individual or company, who may incline to purchase for the purposes of settlement and emigration. It is situated in the State of Vir- ginia, on the Great Kanawha River, Moun- gomery county, and is distinguished by the name of "The Great Bent of the Kanawha," being intersected by the Piney river, Great and Little Blackstone rivers, Coal river, and Guyandot river, as also by numerous other creeks and waters, running into said rivers. Numerous millsites, inexhaustible bodies of coal, and great appearances of ores, metals, salt springs and salt licks, are to be found on this tract, besides which, sugar may be made thereon to any amount, the sugar cane aboun- ding in almost every part. For fertility of soil, growth of timber, fi- ness for cultivation, salubrity of climate, and natural advantages, this body of land stands unrivaled by any tract of equal quantity in Western America; it will be submitted for sale to an entire purchaser, until the first day of June next, on very advantageous terms; after which, it cannot be disposed of at any price, the present proprietor being compelled to a di- vision thereof. An indispensable title will be given, and for further particulars, as to terms of sale and payment, enquire of JOHN BECK- LEY, Esq. Clerk to the House of Representa- tives of the United States, at the city of Washington. November 1, 1802. tf.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
By virtue of a writ of venditioni exponas, issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, will be exposed to Public Sale—
ALL the right, title, and interest of URI- AH FORREST, either in law or equity, to the following described property, viz: Lots No. 11, 12, 13, 29, and 30, in square No. 102, lots No. 8, 9, and 10, in square No. 119, in the city of Washington—one square or lot of land in Georgetown, 339 feet front on Payette Street, running back on the tenth 245 feet, and on the north 160 feet, also, one square or lot of land in said Town 254 feet front, on Eighth Street, and 204 feet on Payette Street.
ALSO, a Chaise with plated harness, two Carriage Horses, one Saddle Horse, one ele- gant French clock—together with a variety of Household Furniture, consisting of chairs, ta- bles, side-boards, desks, book cases, &c. &c. taken as the property of said Uriah Forrest, and sold to satisfy debt and costs due William Thornton, Alexander White and Tristram Dalton—The sale of the city lots will take at the seven buildings in the city of Wash- ington, on Monday the 15th day of next month, at 10 o'clock, A. M. that in Georgetown at Plant's Tavern, on the north side of George Town, on the 14th, at 10 o'clock A. M.—and the personal property at the dwelling house of General Forrest, about a mile and a half above Georgetown, at 4 o'clock P. M. Terms of sale cash.
DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the district of Columbia. Marshal's Office, Washington, Oct. 11th, 1802.
ON the 16th of same month at 3 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Forrest's dwelling house will be sold, to the highest bidder, a great variety of House- hold and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation U- ensils, some Sheep, Hogs, a Horse and a Cow; a Negro woman, Negro girl and child, and a number of Books. Six months credit will be given for all sums above twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bond with security, for pay- ment, with interest from the day of sale, for all sums under twenty dollars, cash.
JOHN H. WILLY, Affiance for the estate of Uriah Forrest. 23d October, 1802. def
FOR SALE,
A FEW Panchons excellent Antigua Rum, of 3d and 4th proof. Apply to the Sub- scriber. WM. BRENT. Sept. 29, 1802. tf.
FOR SALE OR RENT,
THAT elegant three story Brick House, on the corner of Falls & Frederick Street, in George Town, lately occupied by Mr. Picuon.
Likewise,
THE two well finished three story BRICK HOUSES, adjoining that occupied by Mr. SAMUEL H. SMITH, Printer, on the Penn- sylvania Avenue, east of the centre Market House, City of Washington—Apply to GEORGE TOMPSON, George Town. Geo. Town. Oct. 20. tf.
HENRY INGLE,
Has imported in the Ships F. G. G. and Brutus, from Liverpool, and now of- fers for Sale at his Store on New- Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill, City of Washington—
Ironmongery, Cutlery, Brass Wares, & Liverpool Earthen ware in crates,
A few Panchons, Rumford & Forrest coal grates of neat patterns—Also, coal hods, brats and wire tenders, hand irons, shovel and tongs, cinder sifters, knives and forks, iron and brass chasing dills, crust stands, jappaned ware, brasiers, spades and shovels, frying pans, mill, pit and cross cut files, carpenters tools, smiths tools, stone cutters chisels, materials for bell hangars, locks, hinges, screws, nails and racks of various qualities, and a variety of other articles. Oct. 22d. 22wtrfj.
Advertisement.
On Thursday the 18th day of November, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to sale on the premises, in the Town of Alexandria, the following parcels of land, late the property of JOHN FITZGERALD, deceased, sold pursuant to the directions of his will, for the payment of debts, to wit:
One parcel of land lying up- on the East side of Union Street, and to the North of Wilkes Street, being a wharf or made ground, upon which there is a Frame WAREHOUSE, it will be sold together or laid off into convenient lots, to accommodate pur- chasers—the ground is subject to an annual rent of £9 17 6. One half of a Brewery, commonly called Wales's Brewery, with the necessary instruments and utensils for carrying on that business, and the ground appertaining to the Brewery; the whole of the Brewery is now under ademece at 600 dollars per annum. A piece of ground immediately joining on the Brewery, fronting on Water Street and a twenty foot alley, extending on Water Street above forty feet, and upon the alley 150 feet. A piece of ground fronting upon Wolfe and St. Asaph Streets—this will be laid off into convenient lots.—A piece of ground lying upon the South side of King Street, fronting there- upon 22 feet, and extending 32 feet to a 12 foot alley, upon which is erected a two story brick house and a frame warehouse.
On the same day, if there be sufficient time after the sales of the above property, if not on the next day will be exposed to Sale—also on the premises, a small tract of Land con- tiguous to the Town, containing 37 acres— this is subdivided and will be sold in small par- cels, containing from four to six acres. The terms of Sale are one fourth of the purchase money in hand, one fourth in six months, one fourth in twelve months, and the remainder in eighteen months; the latter payments to be secured by a trust upon the land, which will be conveyed to the purchaser on payment of the first fourth part of the purchase money.
THOS. D'IGERS, 7 Acting executors of JAS. KEITH, J. J. Fitzgerald, dec. Alexandria, Oct. 22. ept8N.
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above hotel will be opened on the first of May en- suing, when their patronage is earnestly solic- ited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation.
Parding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sit- ting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments.
The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every di- rection, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the State of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c.
A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and re- freshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in.
Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly fur- nished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT.
N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR from Philadelphia, Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue. HAS received an assortment of summer goods consisting of the best superfine Cloths.
Cassimeres, Silk Borrashea, English Striped Nankeen, White India Dimities, White and printed Marcellas, With a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladys Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms, made in the first style of fashion. July 3, 1802. tf.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and full as- sortment of summer goods, con- sisting of London superfine cloths and calli- meres; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankeens; cotton cassimeres, horsehoop, ben- gal elegant white chord for pantaloons, white and coloured marcellas, janes and fatin cross- overs, silk ginghams, black and other colour- ed striped linens, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsyl- vania Avenue, well of the President's square. May 24, 1802. eptf
LEWIS DEBLOIS,
Has just received by the Brig Leopard, the following articles, which he offers for sale, on moderate terms—at his store on Stewart or Lowndes's Wharf.
Russia Sheeting, Ravens Duck, India Cottons, Osna Briggs, Sweeds Iron, Cordage, Sugar in Barrels, New-England Rum, A few Casks of cut Nails, of different sizes. George Town, 2 Sept. 22, 1802. 5
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on F Street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.— The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Cle- ment Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscribing, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Build- ings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYER. April 7, 1802. eptf Building Materials will be taken in part payment. W.D.
STAGE.
The George Town and Annapolis WILL commence on the first Monday in October next to run three times a week; leave Annapolis every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and return from George Town every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday— Fare and allowance as usual. JOSEPH SEMMES, JOHN SMITH. This is intended to accommodate such gen- tlemen and ladies as are going to and from Frederick and Upper's-Town. October 11th, 1802. tf.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By virtue of a Decree of Trust from OWEN ROBERTS to the Subscriber, will be exposed to Sale, for ready money, on the Premises, on Wednesday the 18th day of November, if fair, if not, then the next fair day,
ONE half of that LOT OF GROUND in the city of Washington, lying in square No. 256, and designated in that square by the No. 10; the moiety intended to be sold fronts upon the open area on the Pennsylvania Ave- nue, and joins upon the lot No. 11 in that square, has a front of 24 feet 2 inches and an hall, and 93 feet 5 inches deep; upon it is erected a frame Dwelling House. JAMES KEITH, Trustee. Oct. 15. ept8N.
Now Landing.
FOR SALE, On Messrs. R. & G. Barry's Wharf, TEN hds. Molasses, twenty barrels brown Sugar, two thousand pounds of the green Coffee, fifteen hundred pounds of Carroll's best Petersburg chewing Tobacco, in small kegs, and a few excellent Casks—Also, soap and a few casks of low priced Tea. Apply to the Subscriber near the 20 Build- ings. R. D. FRAZER. Oct. 18. epew.
LAND FOR SALE.
The subscriber offers for sale the tract of Land where he now lives, lying in King George County, on Potomac Creek, containing eleven hundred and ten acres.— This Land is very heavily timbered with all the different kinds of timber common to this climate, and a rich soil. It is bounded by the creek about three quarters of a mile, where the water is from eight to ten feet deep. There is an excellent Rock fishery on it, and at the fishing shore (which is considered a good stand for a store) there is a store, a dwelling house, kitchen, stable, and corn-house, a good garden, &c. About a mile from the Creek is a good dwelling house, containing five rooms, very convenient out-houses, a well enclosed, yard, garden, &c. at present occupied by the Subscriber. From the situation of this land, the goodness of its soil (which is adapted to the growth of corn, wheat, and tobacco) the quantity of wood it contains, its contiguity to the water, and facility of conveyance to Alexandria and the City of Washington, in- duces the subscriber to believe that he will meet with a ready sale, as he is determined to ask a moderate price to induce a speedy sale. For terms apply to Daniel C. Brent, Esq. and Mr. Jeremiah Booth, of the City of Washington, or to the Subscriber, or in his absence, to Mr. John Murphy, who lives on the premises. LEWIS WAUGH. October 11th, 1802. raww.
FOR SALE.
Stack and Common Bricks, Scantling, Firewood, Slate, Coals. Apply to JAMES O'BRIEN, Carrollshurg. Oct. 29. epam.
District of Virginia, RICHMOND, Sept. 30, 1802.
IT being believed that considerable portions of Lands in the back counties of the State of Virginia, on which the Direct Tax of the United States remains unpaid, are owned by persons residing out of the State; and the time having been authorized, in pursuance of the act of Congress of the 16th of March last, in amendment of the act entitled "An act to lay and to collect a Direct Tax in the United States," as may be seen by the pub- lication of the Supervisor of the 2d of June last, and running in the Examiner of Richmond, that being the paper in which the acts of the State are printed, to be held for the tax and costs, in all cases where the tax shall not be paid within six months from the date of the no- tification agreeably to the 2d section of the said amendatory act; it is recommended to all who own lands in the said State, whom they do not know the tax to have been paid, to take measures for paying the same, which have been lodged at the Supervisor's Office at Richmond, as directed by the said amend- atory act, examined, in order to the ascertain- ing and paying such tax where due. And as, in some instances, lands have been assessed in the name of person theretofore owning, but who have alienated them, it is further recommended that, upon failing to examine the transfer, all names known to have been at any time conceived as owner or owners with any tract or tracts in question, be sent forward, the better to guide the examination. The sale will take place generally in the month of December next, on dates which may be seen in the notification referred to above. This short notice of the business is published in some of the papers of other States as a means of more certainly calling the attention of per- sons concerned, to the subject. E. GARRINGTON, Supervisor of the District of Virginia. Aug. 16, 1802. rawgm.
UNITED STATES, District of Columbia and County of Washington,
IN CHANCERY, 9th Oct. 1803.
TUE UNITED STATES, Complainant against
Samuel Jackson of Virginia, William Shan- non and Joshua B. Bond of Philadelphia, and Frederick Shaffer, and Philip Fitzhugh of the State of Maryland. Defendants. THE object of the Bill is to foreclose all and every equity of redemption which the defendants or any of them may have of and in four acres and one eighth of an acre of ground with the Buildings and improvements thereon, situate in Thomas Beall's George, his second addition to George Town, the same being part of a larger tract of land called the Rock of Dumbarrow; and by the sale of the same to raise and to satisfy to the United States the sum of 5750 dollars, with interest thereon, from the third day of June 1797 till paid and the costs of the suit.
The Bill states that Samuel Jackson, the de- fendant, being seized of this property in fee on the 3d day of June 1797, mortgaged it to the defendant William Shannon, to secure to him or his assigns the said sum of 5750 dollars, with interest as aforesaid, on or before the 2d day of June 1801, that the said William Shan- non, by deed duly executed and recorded, assigned that mortgage for the whole sum to Oliver Wolcott, Esquire, then Secretary of the Treasury for the United States, for the use and benefit of the said United States, which said bond bears date on the 21st day of February 1800—that the whole sum of 5750 dollars, with accruing interest from the 3d day of June 1797 till remains due and unliquidated to the said United States—that the said Samuel Jackson afterwards mortgaged the same pro- perty to the said William Shannon by deed bearing date on the 13th day of May 1800 to secure the payment of one other sum of money due or pretended to be due to the said Shannon—that on the twentieth day of June 1800 the said Jackson by Indenture conveyed or pretended to convey the said property to the above named Philip Fitzhugh in fee simple, that the said Fitzhugh by Indenture bearing date on the 13th day of April 1801, conveyed or pretended to convey the said property to the above named Joshua B. Bond and Freder- ick Shaffer.
The Bill further states that Samuel Jackson the defendant lives in the county of Weymore, land in the Commonwealth of Virginia, that William Shannon and Joshua B. Bond, two of the defendants above named, reside in the City of Philadelphia, that Philip Fitzhugh, one of the defendants above named resides in the county of Prince George's in the State of Maryland, and that Frederick Shaffer the other defendant resides in the city of Balti- more, in the State of Maryland.
It is upon the motion of John T. Mason, Attorney for the United States for the District of Columbia, ordered that a copy of this or- der be inserted at least once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer and the Washington Federalist, and in Poul- ton's Daily Advertiser and the Aurora in Phila- delphia, before the 20th day of November next, to the intent that the aforesaid defend- ants, and all other persons (if any there be) interested in the premises may have notice of this application on behalf of the United States, and of the substance and object of the said Bill, and that each of the said defendants may be warned to appear here in person or by lo- citor, on or before the fourth Monday in December next, to show cause, if any they can, why a decree should not pass, as prayed for in and by the said Bill. By Order, URIAN FORREST, Clerk. Oct. 27. rawgm.
FOR RENT,
SEVERAL Houses in New Jersey Avenue, Dwell calculated for Boarding Houses and private families. WM. BRENT, Atty. for Thomas Law, Esq. Sept. 29, 1802. eptd.
TO LET.
A TWO STORY FRAME HOUSE, near the Bank, the tenant will have the advantage of a well cultivated Garden. En- quire at Mr. Joseph Ball at the office of Dis- court and Depester, Washington. Sept. 27, 1802. tf.