The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-07-16 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 12.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME I.]
MONDAY, JULY 16, 1798.
FOR THIS GAZETTE
EXTRACTS
From the Rev. Mr. JOHNSON'S
ORATION,
Delivered at Freeport, July 4th, 1798.
THIS birth day of our Independence, brings it to the age of twenty two. An age which unites the activity of youth with the firmness of manhood. And unto which providence hath, with great indulgence, cherished it to endure the struggle, which he seems to be preparing for its profit, and we hope its improvement. Its promising exertions in childhood made it known and acknowledged by all the nations of Europe; but the most proud and powerful among them did not yet respect its age sufficiently to leave it to itself. The French have until this day, expected to keep us dependent on their will, joining with them in all their wars, and subserving their interest only in all their commerce. The British still kept a claw upon us in the western posts, and refused any treaty of commerce with us, which had been sought for many years by the old Congress, and by all America, until within a few years past, the many voice of our maturity, the youthful vigor of our new government brought them to the long sought Treaty,* the surrender of the posts, and the compensation of their barbarous spoliation.
But notwithstanding our independence is young; although it was asserted, doubtless, as soon as it could be maintained, yet our liberties are older than our flatly native forests; and their roots are entwined strongly with all our principles, affections and habits.
It is a doctrine contradicted by all history, that liberty and reason were but just now born. The first governments of all States have been free; and although we have called their chiefs kings, yet those kings were only their leading soldiers in war, and their presiding magistrates in time of peace. It is generally by the conquest and spoils of other States that a government has been enabled to oppress its own. It was thus that the four great beauteous empires were created, which have successively subdued and debased great portions of mankind. But many nations of the earth have lived in great freedom all the while, at a happy distance from their power. And in modern times, that balance which has held the ambitious powers of Europe as a check upon each other, has hindered many foreign conquests, and given opportunity for many small States to maintain their independence in the midst of them. Unil now "from the bottomless pit ariseth another beast," unlike the rest in form, but worse in spirit, blaspheming God, slaying the two witnesses of his word, speaking as a dragon, with a mouth full of cursing and bitterness, with feet swift to shed blood, leaving destruction and misery in all its paths, while the way of peace it refuseth to know without a great price. All the republics of Europe are in its power already, and God only, who hath reared it up to scourge the crimes of the age, can tell when it shall cease to destroy. The prophecies about it seeming to implicate it the last and greatest plagues of the nations. French liberty, for which the greatest part of the people were not prepared, has degenerated into impiety and blood; first to anarchy and then to despotism: so easy do all extremes produce their opposites. But we were free born, and were never in bondage to any man. Our fathers left the British Isles when they began to lose their liberties under the Stuarts; and here they have planted and defended them ever since. The smallest encroachments on them, they repelled, in their acknowledged king. And when at last only a three penny tax on tea, or paper was demanded, without the consent of our own representatives, the whole of the strongest power on earth was set at defiance, rather than abandon this barrier of our liberties; and God looked down in smiles on our exertions, to defend what he had so long indulged our fathers to enjoy. Encouraged by such auspices, we dared soon to disclaim any further dependence on European power, that we might enjoy our large inheritance alone, and be no longer obliged to follow the fortunes and wars, the sins and plagues of any other nation.
As a means of success we addressed ourselves to that same jealousy of each other, that balance of power, which had been the origin and safety of all small States, among the larger. And as France took the lead, in the scale of power, to England, she was solicited to interpose. But as our eagle eyed leaders were aware of the danger of only exchanging one dependence for
* Our Jacobin papers had long been filled with complaints of our disadvantages for the want of such a treaty; but the moment it was likely to be obtained, they opened all their artillery against treating at all.
† Daniel's Prophecy. ‡ See Mr. Pires' letters, now reprinting in Portland.
another, they cautiously refused any footing near our territory, for their power. For this reason perhaps it was, that they did not declare for us until they found by the conquest of Burgoyne, we might be able to do without them, and they might lose the benefit of our success. No effectual aid, however, excepting by diversion was afterwards afforded us for several years, except towards the conclusion of the war, in the capture of Cornwallis. Jealous of our growing out of their tutelage, in the treaty of peace they endeavored to confine our limits and to give our wilderness and fisheries to a rival king. Their agents afterwards were instructed to divide and depress us; and had not they been fully occupied with the approaches of their revolution; and had not a good Angel held the winds of discord which the French would have blown among us, we never should have found an opportunity to establish our present constitution; which, by uniting all our strength, gives us power to support our independence. An opportunity which no other nation has ever had, to discuss and adopt, in peace, without fraud or a single weapon of force, such a government as their united wisdom could devise from the experience of all the world.—In the freest ancient States an individual often dictated the constitution. And these lately formed by France, for herself or for her neighbors, have all been enforced by mobs or armies. But for the sake of keeping in favor with the French, our politicians have so long concealed all complaints, and have so often flattered French vanity, that we owed every thing to their disinterested love, that they began to think we were all so simple as to believe it.
And they have flattered us in turn, that they were only learning liberty in our school. And some noble beginnings they had made in their first essays, led our pride to acknowledge their pupils, and long fondly to exonerate and defend their following enormities. The subtle leaders of their second revolution had sought and proclaimed a war with Germany, that in the passion of the people, they might have an opportunity to make the king suspended, to take away his remaining authority, which was left with him as first magistrate; and also to destroy the brave men who had thus far reduced the king, and who stood in the way of their ambition. But this only prepared the way for another faction, more daring, to rise on their ruin, to throw off all restraint of law, of humanity, and of God; and to proclaim the project of universal revolution, or rather universal conquest and desolation: and in pursuit of this purpose to provoke a war on Holland and England. In these times it was, presuming on our blind devotion to their views, when her good or bad, and the same blind hatred towards England, they dispatched Genet to lead us into, and then govern us, through this long contest. The approach of this man of war, was viewed with great anxiety, as our unarmed ships were in all the seas; and our long coast, unprotected, exposed to the British ship of war; while those of France were, as they yet are, shut into their own ports by their enemies.
The greatest advantage that had been expected from our independence, was an exemption from those broils of Europe, which had kept us in their wars nearly half the time for a century, and which may go on to rage for centuries to come. And as they had first proclaimed war—a war offensive in its principle, we were not bound to assist them in it, in any measure; and if we were, self preservation being the first law of nature and of nations, we could not be bound in such a case, to rush into certain ruin, with the small means we had of helping them. They wanted not men but only provisions to maintain the multitude they had; and without the neutral flag of peace, we could not have sent these to them, nor could we have paid them our debt, not yet due, by anticipation as we have done.
At that critical moment of our country's danger, Washington proclaimed our existing neutrality, that we might the better understand and maintain it. Genet, therefore, concealed his war instructions—dissembled his designs, but went on issuing commissions to arm our ships as privateers, and enlisting troops among our people. When opposed in these measures, as inevitably leading to war, he threatened the government to appeal to the people, i. e. to attempt to take the government wholly upon himself. It was now found that the American people had some American sentiment and character; that they were not all the fond dupes of French intrigue. But a powerful party was formed by this minister's newspapers and clubs, to divide and weaken, if not to govern the country. With this party, he and his successors have still been playing to subdue our government, and to bring us into the war; until a treaty, setting all disputes with Britain, and removing all complaints and causes of war, was ratified. Finding they must give up this project now, they have sought to find their account in us another way, much more beneficial to them in their present situation. This explains their otherwise unaccountable conduct towards us. But hitherto by their arts they have ob-
tained all the advantages they could gain of us by war, without its smallest disadvantage. And like silly sheep we have only stood looking on in surprise on these wolves, that have been worrying us down one after another, without resistance. Their secret agency among us, has bound these arms with a palsy, which might have easily defended many of the millions they have taken from us. Yes, and they have had the skill and means, as our envoys were told in France they would have, to throw the blame of his conduct on our government: so as to keep us still a divided, distracted people, just fitted for their easy prey; and unable to make them any returns, but repeated empires, long and humble prayers, and rich prizes for peace offerings, to feed the Cannibal that will only want more, the more his gigantic stature is thus nourished and enlarged; until, like the Roman Republic, all the world is taxed to poverty, one citizen squandering more treasure in his private palace, than is left to sustain a conquered kingdom.
In one thing they already exceed those Romans, they so much affect to imitate in everything. I mean by taking advantage of the divisions of their neighbors, embracing one party as friends and allies, and using it the easier to conquer the other, till by these easy conquests, they become strong enough gradually to dissolve all those who have cast themselves into their treacherous and torpid embraces, to one common level with the rest in their oppressed empire. A cloud of witnesses already arises in proof of this. Cast your eyes towards poor Holland, formerly so rich and free; but now fainting in French embraces, she is found without her treasure, money and credit, her colonies, commerce and ships of war, her independence and even liberty of speech. Twenty two of her most independent representatives, were lately banished by the French after their own fashion, to a distant and dismal confinement, for daring to vote against French imposition. Look up to the mountains, and over the rich valleys of Switzerland, where liberty, peace and virtue have held the longest reign, that they have ever had in modern Europe. After keeping an army of thirty thousand men close to the feats of the war to maintain their neutrality; and after always having been praised by the French for the spirit and impartiality of their conduct, because they found their own account in it; now see them just sinking under the conquering sword of France; because a French faction among them, had by intimidating the weak and cowardly, with the fear of irritating the enemy, and by amusing the stupid with hope of safety, while the enemy were in full march towards their capital, had obtained an order forbidding their troops to fight, till it was too late to fight to any purpose; and the brave men, together with five hundred women, were butchered, by the French. The same arts they have practiced with similar success in all the free States of Italy; and the same has been attempted among ourselves.
But the day of this delusion is over. The people after long warnings, at length beheld their danger; and I can see by the fixed line of your countenances, that I need not add one word at this time to these simple facts, which I have endeavored to bring to every capacity, to persuade you to pledge your faith to your country, and to unite your voice with mine to the great and gracious guardian of our country, that we will with all our might and means, stand ready to defend our altars and laws, our goods and lands, our aged and young, our wives and friends.
Spirit of the Ladies!
"So ALL should speak, whose lovely bosoms glow With patriotic ardour—to should act Each matron, virgin, and each bride, to whom A son, a brother, or a husband's dear."
[The American Fair, add much to the spirit of the times. In different parts of the Union they have presented the American Standard to the Volunteer corps. This must have a charming influence to animate the breasts of our young soldiers. The idea of acting under the standard of our country, thus presented, with a reliance on our bravery, will excite the utmost vigor of our nerves, and inspire us with an honorable pride, that will never suffer them to be torn from our hands. Yes, ye fair! these sacred pledges of your patriotism, must be maintained; and the sons of Columbia will no longer merit your favors, than they are ready and able to defend and protect you, and their country—The Volunteer company now forming in this town, will afford the young ladies of Portland an opportunity to imitate the following pleasing conduct of some ladies at the southward:]
A NUMBER of young ladies, observing their brothers, lovers and fathers, forming themselves into different disciplined companies, to tender their lives and fortunes in defence of their injured country—fired with the amor patriae, and spurning the degrading thought of dragging out a miserable existence in a country debased by a foreign domination, they entered into an aff-
Isabella Child, Has for sale at her shop in fish-street, a fresh assortment of GOODS, suitable for the season.
TAMBORE, Japan and plain Jack-onet Muslins. Chickered, bordered and sheer Bittito. Black Muslin, ditto Italian Crêpe. Satins, Modes and Sarinets, Silk and Cotton Hose. Fashionable Bonnets, Beaver and other Hats, Pearl and Steel Buttons, Linens and Cambricks, India Cottons. A variety of fashionable Ribbands. Silk and Mullin Shawls, Silk Nankinet, Satin Florentine. Calicoes and Ginghams, Fine pocket Handkerchiefs, Silk and Kid Gloves, Garden Fans, Spanish and other Sewing Silks, Needles, Tapes and Bobbins.
Also, a large assortment of SHOES, of all kinds. Hair Powder, Raisins, and a number of other articles, which will be sold cheap MILLENNARY, done in the latest fashions. Portland July 2. 1798
REMOVED.
Jesse Richards,
INFORMS his customers and the public that he has removed from his shop at the head of Titcomb's wharf, to the bottom of Fish-street—Where he makes and keeps constantly for sale,
HATS
of every description. Those who may favor him with their commands, shall receive every attention. Portland, July 2.
FLOUR.
SUPERFINE and fine Baltimore and Philadelphia FLOUR, of an excellent quality, for sale by June 25. WALTER SIMONTON.
Ten Dollars Reward.
DESERTED, from brigantine Joseph, JOHN CHASE, about six feet high, light complexion, long dark hair, little pitted round the nose with the small pox; the forefinger of one of his hands gone near upper the joint; had on brown Jacket and naked trowsers; appeared to be about twenty eight years old.—Whoever will take up and return said CHASE to the subscriber, shall receive the above reward. ASA CLAP. July 2.
Ran Away,
FROM the English ship Admiral Duncan , Capt. Cuthbertson, JOHN SMITH, an apprentice boy, about fourteen years old, short thick light hair, having on when he left the ship, a blue large jacket with bright metal buttons, and blue trowsers—no shoes or hat.—Whoever will apprehend said boy, and deliver him to Mr. Arthur M'Lean, or Capt. Cuthbertson of the above ship, shall receive TEN DOLLARS reward and reasonable expences. Portland, June 25. JOHN PILE.
Notice.
WHEREAS SAMUEL WARD, who now lives in the town of Gorham who holds a note of hand against me the subscriber, for Fifty Dollars, which was given him some time in September 1797, and witnessed by Joseph Wilson—and although the said Ward has received of my property, according to the judgment of judicious men, to the value of said note, yet he refuses to deliver it up—This is therefore to forbid any person from purchasing said note, as I am determined not to pay it. BENJAMIN CHIPMAN. Poland, June 18, 1798.
Thomas Slemmon's Estate.
THE subscriber hereby gives notice, that he hath been duly appointed Administrator on the Estate of Thomas Slemmon, late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman deceased, and taken upon him that trust, by giving bond as the law directs. All persons therefore, who have any demands against said estate, are requested to exhibit the same—and those who are indebted to said estate, are requested to make payment to WILLIAM SLEMNON. June 20. 1798.
Wanted,
As an apprentice to the leather dressing business, a LAD about 15 or 16 years old, that can be well recommended. Inquire at S. Bird's Leather store in forestreet. July 9th.

ation to promote by every measure in their power, a determined spirit of opposition, and resolved to present to a new formed company of young gentlemen, an American flag, executed by their own hands. Notice of which being given to the assembled company, a deputation of young officers was appointed to receive it in front of a balcony, where the ladies assembled for this purpose. One of whom gracefully presented the flag, accompanied by the following laconic and truly beautiful speech:
"GENTLEMEN,
"Please to accept the American flag made by our own hands. The tyrants and robbers of corrupted Europe, will not suffer us to enjoy that liberty, peace and happiness we have been accustomed to contemplate from our earliest infancy, as an inheritance bequeathed to us by the blood and sufferings of our virtuous fathers. Receive this emblem of our independence. To GOD, and to you, we commit our protection and happiness."
To which one of the officers replied—
"LADIES,
"From your fair hands we receive the glorious emblem of American independence. Our most ardent wishes, in common with the general voice of our country, was to have exhibited to corrupted Europe the novel example of suffering even outrages of the basest kind, rather than to have had recourse to the diabolical practice of war and human carnage, as though life was not in the course of nature sufficiently short. But since our honour, our safety and happiness—our all is at stake we shall cling to the flag now presented by you; and while a drop of blood flows in our veins, we will protect you and defend the fair inheritance bequeathed to us by our fathers—determined not to survive the horrid spectacle of beholding America a debased and humiliated nation.
"We will convince the ecclesiastical tyrant & apostate spy, Tellerand, that he knows nothing of the American genius in comparing us to the insignificant and degraded republics of Venice and Genoa. No! France may as well attempt to pull down the Moon as to subdue the unconquerable spirit of Americans. Be calm—be confident—Heaven is with us—We shall rise gloriously triumphant—for even in our deaths we are sure of victory, and we will transmit to unborn millions of happy future Americans that independence and liberty committed in trust to our charge, and snatch from the wreck of nations, and crush of empires, a spot on the globe where liberty dwells—and to which the oppressed of all countries may in due time fly for an asylum."
Does there exist a man, woman or child, who possesses a spark of spirit or public virtue that can read the foregoing pathetic scene without emotion and being inspired with enthusiastic ardour in the defence of our country. Rush on, brave Americans! suffer not an inch of our territory to be defiled. The American character again unfolds itself. Our national standard is erected in the display of millions of Federal national cockades.
THE GAZETTE.
Portland.
American Independence.
THE Anniversary of our independence was never more generally celebrated than it has been this year. The reader can form some idea of the general spirit, from the instances given in this District.
COMMUNICATED FOR THIS GAZETTE.
The anniversary of Independence was celebrated at Kennebec on the 4th inst. in the following manner:
The day was introduced and welcomed by discharge of cannon.—At 12 o'clock, a respectable number of citizens being collected at Mr. Barnard's tavern for the purpose of commemorating our national birth day, moved in procession, attended with music, to the Meeting-house. The Rev. Mr. LITTLE having there addressed the throne of Grace in a prayer well adapted to the occasion, an animated and pertinent Oration was delivered by Dr. SAMUEL EMERSON, to a very considerable audience, of which the Ladies, in honor of the day, had chosen to make a part.—The company then returning to Mr. Barnard's Hall, partook of a liberal repast, at which Capt. Oliver Keating, commander of the Kennebec troop of horse, presided.—After dinner the following toasts were drank.
 1. The Day.  2. The Constitution of the United States.  3. THE PRESIDENT.  4. GEORGE WASHINGTON.  5. The Vice President—We honor him as the choice of the people—God grant a new and right direction to his eminent political talents.  6. The Governor and Commonwealth of Massachusetts.  7. PINCKNEY, MARSHALL and GERRY.  8. Gunpowder, the extreme logic of negotiation.  9. May those fields which have been made rich by the blood of our brave, never be tilled by surviving slaves.  10. GEORGE THATCHER—May his politics continue sound as his heart is firm and honest.  11. Arts and Sciences. 
 12. Agriculture, Commerce & Navigation.  13. The District of Maine.  14. The patriotic Clergy of our country.  15. The American Fair.  16. Reformation and complete happiness to all mankind. 
VOLUNTARIES.
By Capt. Keating.—The Orator of the day. By Hon. Nathaniel Wells, Esq.—May the United States be more and more united. By Benjamin Green, Esq. of Berwick.—May United America never want an Adams in her cabinet, or a Washington in her field.
By Mr. John Low.—Leprosy, Cramp and Cholic, to the secret enemies of their country.
By Dr. Jacob Fisher.—May all the Plagues of Egypt alight on the present leaders of France, except the plague of Fools.
It so happened that to the 5th toast there was no gun; but nothing improper was intended by the omission.
At this interesting point of time, no circumstance, however minute, is unworthy our attention, which opens to us the political sentiments of great and good men: We cannot therefore but mention, that, in the blessing asked at table by the Rev. Dr. Hemmingway, and in the thanks returned by the Rev. Silas Moody, we noticed with heart-felt pleasure the most genuine breathings of patriotism.
Federalism and Order, always inseparable, triumphed through the festive day.
FOURTH OF JULY, 1798.
When the United States entered on the 23d year of its Independence, was celebrated at Saco Falls, by the citizens of Biddeford and Pepperellborough, who collected at the Assembly Room at Pepperellborough, and at noon marched in order, escorted by Capt. Bryant's company, to the new Meeting-house in Biddeford.
Order of Procession.
CAPT. BRYANT AND COMPANY, THE SPEAKER OF THE DAY, THE CLERGY, THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE TWO TOWNS, THE COMMITTEE, MILITARY OFFICERS, CITIZENS.
Jeremiah Hill, Esq. and Mr. Ichabod Fairfield, officiated as Marshals. Having arrived at the Meeting house, Mr. Averill (who officiates to the society there) opened the day with a very patriotic prayer, suitable to the occasion—then Mr. Cyrus King pronounced a truly American Oration, warm from the heart, big with the story of our country's wrongs, and stimulating to manly resistance.—After which the procession returned to the Assembly Room, where an elegant dinner was prepared.—Thomas G. Thornton, Esq. was chosen President, and Mr. Daniel Hooper Vice President; agreeably to a vote of the company, their thanks to the Orator of the day for his spirited and truly patriotic oration, were delivered in a polite and very expressive manner by the President.—The following toasts were given under the discharge of 16 cannon.
 1. The Day—May that valor which achieved our Independence, always be ready to support it.  2. The President, Senate and House of Representatives—May the rays of their wisdom dispel the clouds which envelope our political horizon.  3. George Washington, the sword of Independence—Tho' withdrawn from our councils, may he never be from our hearts.  4. La Fayette—May his sufferings endear our remembrance of his valor.  5. Pinckney, Marshall and Gerry—Well done good and faithful servants.  6. The National Militia—May its spirit and discipline supersede the necessity of a standing army.  7. The Infant Navy of America—May it soon be competent to protect our vessels from Pirates and Sea Robbers, and our Commerce be as extensive as the ocean which sustains it.  8. Annihilation to all foreign influence—May the wretch who wishes prosperity of any nation at the expence of his own, be justly execrated by every true American.  9. The Sovereign People—May their promptitude and decision in executing the laws, their union and firmness in defending their country, prove to the world their determination to support their own government.  10. The Constitution—May every American be ready to sacrifice life and property in its defence.  11. Union the order of the day, Friendship the counter-sign, and Courage the parole of every citizen.  12. The Friends of America—May our justice make them, our virtue keep them, and our bravery defend them.  13. Agriculture—May our soil be always tilled by Freemen, watered by the showers of Heaven, and an abundant increase expand our hearts in gratitude to God and love to man.  14. Commonwealth of Massachusetts—May its government and people (as heretofore) always be first when our country calls.  15. Governor and Lt. Governor of Massachusetts.  16. The blooming daughters of America—May they refuse their favors to every coward soul who fears the frowns, or would stoop to the embraces of any foreign mistress. 
From Wiscasset, July 6.
Wednesday last, being the anniversary of our National Independence, a number of military officers & other respectable citizens of this and the neighbouring town, partook of a sumptuous entertainment, given by Gen. ABEL WOOD, at which a number of truly federal and patriotic
toasts were given, accompanied with the discharge of sixteen cannon from The President, lying in the harbour.—At sunset, sixteen rounds were fired in honor of the day, by the artillery under the command of Capt. David Silvester.—Federalism was the order of the day; several patriotic songs were sung, among which 'Adams and Liberty' was not forgotten, but echoed resplendently from every heart that glowed with the irradiating fire of federalism.
The anniversary of American Independence was celebrated at Hallowell in the true spirit of patriotism. The morn was announced by a liberal discharge of Capt. Greenleaf's artillery, and the ringing of bells. The several companies of that town paraded in honor of the day.—The usual number of toasts were given, from which the following are selected:
The day we celebrate: May the enemies of our country remember it and tremble.
JOHN ADAMS: May he, like Sampson, slay thousands of Frenchmen with the jaw bone of Jefferson.
GEORGE WASHINGTON: May his advice, like that of Moses on the mount, be received by the Americans.
May the Jacobins of all countries, like Noah's Dove, find no resting place.
The District of Maine: If it be the last, may it never be the least State in the Union.
The day was also celebrated by a large number of the inhabitants of Augusta. A handsome entertainment was prepared, at which Col. William Howard and the Hon. Dr. Cony presided.—After dinner the company expressed their feelings and sentiments by a number of federal toasts. Among them the following merits particular notice:
The memory of departed Heroes—Our Liberties bought by their blood, WE SWEAR to defend by our own. (Here the company rose and solemnly repeated the toast.)
FOR THIS GAZETTE.
Communication.
AS this communication is intended as a poet's corner for the Jacobins, we shall not study any precise method of detail; for even should they use it as a kind of confessional of their manifold sins and transgressions, it is no matter which they confess first, nor is it possible for any human genius to set them in order before their eyes. Clothed in the mock-majesty of the people, they have done more mischief than hypocrisy ever did in sheep's clothing, and been more 'fraught,' God forgive 'em, than Mary Magdalene herself with seven devils.—It will be a thing of time to bring them to a sense of their pretty little mistakes, as I suppose we shall be requested to call them by and by, because such have been the materials with which the suns eulotte policy of France has chosen, and very shrewdly chosen, to work in this country, that it is next to impossible to bring them to any sense at all. The leaders only of this mob understand the springs of its springs of its motion, which they touch with their own hands; but all the rest are as mere puppets as any exhibited by the ingenious Mr. Maginnis; and could as little dance, or even cackle, without a manager, as that gentleman's wonderful Gregory & Dorcas and the Devil.
And all this notwithstanding, I suppose we are to have our understandings insulted in the very twilight and evening of jacobinism with the merit such people have in coming over, and being satisfied at last. Still that infamous spirit of egotism and selfish vanity which has been the most conspicuous trait in the French revolution, in France itself, and which ever will be the most prominent phenomenon of every quick and mountebank whatever, domineers in the expiring breath of ignorance and folly. Indulged by common sentiments with every possible opportunity to take a decent turn round the sharp corner of conversion, some of them till affect to lord it over God's heritage in the old menacing stile—or more properly they are like the taylor's wife who called him pick-loose; and when he lowered her down over head and ears in a well to stop her provoking tongue, she still held up her hands and put her thumb nails together till she was drowned. Or, if they are sovereignly pleased to be of a right mind, we are, to be sure, to be as much obliged to them even yet, as if they had done us a favor, and to make them our most humble compliments for condescending to behold the light of the sun, and acknowledging that there is some force even in truth. I confess that we do not take wild horses by the heels, nor mad bulls by the horns—but I shall take the freedom to use the other sort of gentry in that way, because I do not intend to treat them like brutes, but exactly as they ought to be treated, like idiots or lunatics, where honest, and where otherwise, like knaves and villains.
Let us decipher a little the nature of what is now for a year or two called jacobinism in this country. It is well known that in all nations under the sun, except despotic powers and particularly China, there are two parties, one for the standing government, and one against it. This perhaps is inherent in all free nations. It is also well known that foreign enemy influence always makes use of that party which is opposed to the government; and for this good reason, because foreign friendly influence maintains an amicable understanding with the government itself. So that if you wish to carry a point in any nation to which the government of it will not accede, your next step is to make a tool of that party which is waiting to get in, that is, the party which finds flaws and picks holes in the govern-
ment. By this means you get the second strongest party in the nation, which certainly is something, if you cannot have the first. Then by moving this second party hither and thither as you please, if you are an able rascal at this business, it is ten to one that you so harrafs and plague the government, that you oblige them at last for fear of greater mischief at home, to sacrifice their country to you in the point you were contending for. In the mean time, the party so used and employed, finds great benefit from the foreign agent; for as on the one hand, they can serve him by bringing no matter what misery on their country, so he can serve them by making the consequence of government among the people, bringing the opposition party nearer to power, and lending them first the name, and at last, if they want it, the force of his nation. This has been the sake's progress of the jacobin party in America, in which the whoresoms of France have made a principal figure. But let us look a little deeper.
History gives us several instances of certain effervescences or liberty-spots, which have broken out on the body of Mankind, owing to ill humors or bad circulations in the veins and arteries of government. But it was reserved for France to project the scheme of dislocating the whole body of Mankind at once with the nervous fever of disorganization. The insensible adoption of the French language, French manners, French fashions, French levity and French atheism, which either casually, or by an unexampled perseverance in policy, had for several centuries taken place all over Europe, and were more or less in almost all the courts of the eastern world—prepared the way for a conception so immense as the subjugation of the whole human race under the most familiar and endearing names. It is no wonder that the deposition and decollation of a single king should be viewed and treated as a trifle by leaders who had determined to execute this amazing but not impracticable plan. It is no wonder that all coalitions should be contemned and broken which resisted an infinite mass, inspired with all the "sacred honor" of liberty infused by ambition, and moving with incalculable velocity and weight. Nor is it strange that all the tropes and metaphors, sacred and profane, and all the models of eloquence which had preceded this vast design, were neglected as poor and mean, and a new moral language made, commensurate to the conquest of the human breast throughout the world. This was done by the Jacobins.
Reader, do not suppose that by Jacobins here I mean the very miserable things so called in America. These last are but servile glow-worms of instrumentality and imitation, to the grand, and I must confess, sublime and glorious radiance which for a while illuminated France and finally burnt it to ashes. But let us not be too much dazzled even by truly great and glorious things. Alas! we must return to the simple useful at last. To proceed—in the commencement of this grand operation it was foreseen that every existing opinion must be called a prejudice and probably an error, and the human mind reduced to a blank for the reception of pure and perfect doctrines, that is, that all the governments in the world must be subverted. To this end the most capable villains were sent to all nations where they were not excluded by a precautionary declaration of war, under the name of ambassadors, whose millions have been as successful as from the fascinating principle of their diabolical instructions might very well be expected. One of them, as was said before, made the jacobins of the United States. But further—
It was a great postulatium in America how that opposition party which has been described as existing, and perhaps useful, in all free governments, should be formed. Had not the French revolution happened, it might have turned upon Indian wars, land jobbing, the debt, or something else. Fortunately for France it was yet to be created, and she was lucky enough to get it bottomed precisely where she would have it, on GRATITUDE TO HER. Could there be a more certain method to have the people of the United States in her direction? Was any endearment spared? Was any tenderness omitted? And did she not become quite domesticated at once, and take family-freedoms in the most obliging and condescending manner even without invitation or ceremony of any kind whatever? Who were the fools all this time? The Jacobins. Ay, and the rogues? The Jacobins. (To be continued.)
THE COCKADE.
When gen'ral courage is in States display'd, Let not the coward wear the blue cockade: Black is the fashion, and beyond all doubt Who wears the blue will let you pull it out. And tho' he'll grumble at the breach of right, You've naught to fear—for d—m me if he'll fight. ONE OF US.
WASHINGTON, still carries with him the American Cockade, which he has uniformly worn—Where then is the old, or the young man, that will hesitate for a moment to follow this example.
Look at this judicious preference! Gen. Dearborn was the highest candidate in Lincoln county as Senator; Mr. Dummer, the other candidate, was however elected by the legislature, and Gen. Dearborn had but 30 votes out of 180. In Worcester the same thing is observable. Judge Lincoln, though highly respected in every thing but his politics, was dropped by a majority equally striking.—Volumes could not more strongly mark the decision and firmness, the good sense, and the patriotism of the Legislature of Massachusetts.
[They are time when a man's politics decide his destiny.]

FEDERAL APPOINTMENT!
George Washington,
Virginia, Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief of the Armies of the United States of America.
We this day, present our readers with an article of intelligence that must make every American heart leap for joy. WASHINGTON, the Saviour of his country! WASHINGTON, the brave the great, who, after having through toils, intrigues and dangers, given Liberty and Independence to America, & raised her to a rank among the nations of the earth, now to enjoy, in the bosom of Vernon's shades, the peace he had so manfully won, yet willing to leave those happy scenes, again to lead her armies forth; again to testify to an admiring world that Americans will never be slaves. If there is a single son of COLUMBIA who now feels not his whole soul roused, to energetic activity, whose bosom does not glow with the holy flame, let him read the language of our Hero, and then, if he can, suffer his musket to rust, or his truss-blade to remain undrawn in its scabbard, let him do so, but let him also resign the honorable title of AMERICAN. Attend to the language of WASHINGTON. We have it from good authority, that when spoken to by a friend on the probability of his appointment, the old General replied, "I am ready again to go with my fellow citizens to the field of battle in the defence of the Liberty and Independence of my country." Such is the language of every true American; and if we act up to such language, no nation on earth will ever be able to wrest our dear bought Liberties and Independence from us. [C.A.]
It is said that Washington intends making a tour of the Continent. Nothing could tend more to unite and animate all those who are prepared to fight for their country, than the presence of this good old veteran; and his love for his country is too strong to suffer him to neglect any thing that lies in his power to serve it. The presence of this great and good man in the different parts of the Union, will have a greater effect on the public mind than an army of 100,000 men.
Important News.
By an arrival last evening in 24 hours from Boston, authentic accounts are received of the capture of a French privateer by the Delaware. Particulars of this capture in the next Gazette. —A fleet of 40 sail of armed ships sailed from Toulon about 14th May, with Buonaparte on board. Destination unknown.
Intelligence from Providence as late as Tuesday last, states—the arrival of a brig at Newport from Bourdeaux, the captain of which informed the passengers in a packet from Newport to Providence, that he had a passage of 49 days—that Messrs. Pinckney and Gerry both left France three days before he failed—and that all Americans, not naturalised in France, were ordered to quit that country— That Sir Sidney Smith had made his escape from prison—and that an American ship, bound to Jamaica, had sunk a French privateer.
Ship Fox is at Newyork from Bourdeaux. Sailed May 22. Government brig Sophia, with dispatches, arrived May 5. No other information has yet come from her.
London accounts to May 1, say, "a circumstance likely to produce most serious consequences is the death of Jean Bon St. Andre, who has been decapitated by the Dey of Algiers, regardless of the vengeance that might be expected to be attempted by the Great Nation, for such an act committed on the person of one of its accredited agents! We are not informed of circumstances that led to this catastrophe; but should it be confirmed, we would not be surprised should the Learned Expedition, prepared for Egypt, be ordered to pay the Dey a visit.—The cause of the execution is said to be this: he had a revolutionary club, composed of a few
Frenchmen and some natives. Information of this was carried to the Dey of Algiers, who only demanded if the fact was ascertained! and on being told that it was, he said, "Let me have no more of that, but bring me his head in two hours."
A letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia, dated July 5, says, "On Tuesday Mr. Livingston again brought forward his resolution for requesting the President to instruct Mr. Gerry to negotiate a treaty with the French minister. It met a pretty rough reception. "The Question, the Question" again thundered from all parts of the hall. It was negatived 51 to 30—six gentlemen who have generally acted with that party had not hardihood enough to assume the scandal of voting for this resolution; they deserted their friends, and for once voted for the honor of their country as did all the half-way members,
A bill for punishing sedition has been received from the Senate.
Several other spirited resolutions have been made by Congress; among others a resolution has been offered to appoint a committee to consider upon the expediency of declaring, by a legislative act, the State and Relation subsisting between the United States and the French republic.
Two Jacobin printers have been arrested at Newyork.
DIED—Suddenly at Kennebec, Mr Thomas Lord. He was at work in a brick-yard, and dropped down dead in an instant.
At Pepperellborough, on the 23d inst after a few days sickness, in the 24th year of his age, Mr. Tristram Scammon, son of Mr. Nathaniel Scammon, merchant, in that town.
At Durdan, Mr. Samuel Goodwin, jun.
Marine Articles. Port of Portland.
Wednesday last, arrived Schooner Jay, Capt. L. Moody, 28 days from Surinam. Left there, Ship Betsey, Elunt, Portsmouth, N. H. Brig Katy, Brown, Salem, Schooner Esther, Cook, Danvers.—Markets DULL—not good, as asserted in the Trumpet.
A very handsome vessel, belonging to Messrs. PREBLE and DARBY, was launched from Mr. Ficketts ship yard in Stroudwater on Thursday last. She is calculated for a privateer.
Barbarity unequalled!
Mr. Samuel Prince, who arrived at Boston, Wednesday last, from Basse Terre (Guad.) via Salem, has communicated the following particulars of a transaction, which must rouse the indignation, and interest the feelings of every American.
Capt. Ebenezer Smith, of the armed ship Hunter, of Boston, bound for Martinique, in lat. 14, 38, fell in with a French privateer Schooner of 8 guns and 80 men, who after hailing Capt. S. and demanding him to come on board with his papers, was replied by Capt. S. that he was willing to see them on board and exhibit his papers; but that he was engaged in a lawful trade, and being armed, would suffer no other interruption.
The privateer then immediately fired, and repeated it both with cannon and musketry, until she got nearly abreast of the ship, when unfortunately, at the moment Capt. S. was giving orders to point the guns and fire into the privateer, which was executed in part with effect, he was wounded in the groin, and fell to the deck; this unhappy circumstance created confusion on board the ship, the helmsman quitted his station, the vessel fell off, and the privateer instantly laid along side and boarded: previous to this, Mr. Stafford, the boatswain, was killed—the mate, and Mr. David Bradlee a passenger, wounded.
Here commenced a scene which would have disgraced savages. Capt. Smith, wounded as he was, lying bleeding in the passage way, was assaulted, and received more than twenty stabs and cuts, in his breast, back, sides and arms. Young Bradlee, having discharged a blunderbuss and killed one of the officers on board the privateer, was probably marked out as a victim; those monsters cut him in pieces, and threw them overboard. They also cut and wounded Mr. Prince who was a passenger on board. A son of Capt. Smith's, about 13 years old, being found in one of the state rooms, was dragged out; and while the poor lad, had his hands over his head to guard in some measure from the blows which were aimed to dispatch him, had them cut in a shocking manner.
Detested and detestable as are Frenchmen, we would not exaggerate one iota of this infernal business, Mr. Samuel Prince, and Capt. Smith's son, are present, and can be seen.
Capt. Smith is a remarkably benevolent man; has been uncommonly attentive to unfortunate Frenchmen. We sympathize with his numerous friends and acquaintance, and hope he may survive his wounds, and return to his family and country.
Think of these things, ye flint-nerved Jacobins, and luke-warm patriots, and blush!!
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To the Honorable the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas, to be holden at Portland, within and for the county of Cumberland, on the last Tuesday day of April, 1798.
Ebenezer Lane, and Ebenezer Lane, jun. both of Newgloucester, in said county, yeomen, and Job Lane of Poland, in said county, that they are seized in fee as tenants in common, of one undivided moiety of a double Saw-Mill in said Poland, with the privileges and appurtenances thereof, the other moiety being the property of John Nason of said Poland, yeoman: your petitioners being desirous of holding their moiety in severality, humbly pray your honors, that after legal notice, said mill may be divided conformably to law, and that they may hold and enjoy their moiety with its privileges and appurtenances in severality; and as in duty bound will ever pray.
SAMUEL THATCHER, Attorney for EBENEZER LANE, EBENEZER LANE, JUN. JOB LANE.
At a Court of Common Pleas for the county of Cumberland, begun and holden at Portland, in said county, on the last Tuesday of April, A. D. 1798.
ON the petition of Ebenezer Lane, and others, whereof the foregoing is a copy, the Court order, That the petitioners cause all persons interested to be notified thereof, by serving John Nason therein named with a copy of the same, and by advertising in one of the Portland Newspapers, three weeks before the third Tuesday of October next, that they may shew cause (if any they have) at a Court of Common Pleas then to be holden at Portland, within and for the county aforesaid, why the prayer thereof should not be granted.
Attest, SAMUEL FREEMAN, Clerk.
RAN away from the subscriber on the 22d ult. BENJAMIN HAYES, an indentured apprentice, about 17 years old, dark complexion; had with him when he went away, a broadcloth coat, and long jacket; two waistcoats, one velvet, the other kerlimere; a pair of fulian trowsers, &c.—All masters of vessels and others, are forbid harboring or trusting said runaway, as they would avoid the penalties of the law.
N. B. It is supposed he will apply for a voyage to sea, or to be employed at the baking business. JOSEPH SMITH. Dover, July 2, 1798.
Sale at Auction.
Traders, and others, attend! THIS DAY, at 9 o'clock, WILL be sold at the COLUMBIAN HALL, by Public Auction, a great variety of English & Hard Ware Goods, and other articles. They were taken by Execution, and will be sold without reserve, to the highest bidder. CALEB GRAFFAM, Deputy Sheriff.
Mr. King's ORATION,
Pronounced at Biddeford, July 4th, '98, will be published and ready for sale at this Office, on Friday next.
The American Envoys to Talleyrand.
[Concluded from the last Gazette.] 3dly. YOU complain of the speech of the President made to Congress in May last. It denounces, you say, the Executive Directory as searching to propagate anarchy and division in the United States. The Constitution of the United States imposes on the President this important duty. "He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union." It having been deemed proper to recall the Minister from the United States to this Republic, and to replace him by a citizen the objects of whose mission, as expressed in his letters of credence, were "to maintain in that good understanding which from the commencement of the alliance had subsisted between the two nations; and to efface unfavourable impressions, banish suspicions, and to restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union; the President of the Directory addressed the recalled Minister in the following terms. "In presenting to day to the Executive Directory your letters of recall, you give to Europe a strange spectacle,—France rich in her liberty, surrounded with the train of her victories, strong in the esteem of her allies, will not abase herself by calculating the consequences of the condescensions of the American Government to the suggestions of its ancient tyrants. The French Republic hopes moreover, that the successors of Columbus, Raleigh and Penn, always proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owed it to France. They will weigh in their wisdom the magnanimous good will of the French people with the crafty carresses of certain perfidious persons who meditate to bring them back to their ancient slavery. Assure, Mr. Minister, the good American people that like them we adore liberty, that they will always have our esteem, and that they will find in the French people, that Republican generosity which knows as well how to grant peace as to cause its sovereignty to be respected."
The change of a Minister is an ordinary act for which no government is accountable to another, and which has not heretofore been a "strange spectacle" in France or in any other part of Europe. It appears to be a measure not of itself calculated to draw on the government making such change the strictures or the resentments of the nation to which the Minister is deputed. Such an effect produced by so inadequate a cause could not fail to command attention, while it excited surprize.
This official speech addressed by the government of France to that of the United States, through its Minister, charges that government with condescensions to the suggestions of its ancient tyrants, speaks of the crafty carresses of certain perfidious persons who meditate to bring back the successors of Columbus, Raleigh and Penn to their ancient slavery, and desires the Minister to assure, not his government, but the good people of America, that they will always have the esteem of France, and that they will find in the French people, that republican generosity which knows as well how to grant peace as to cause its sovereignty to be respected.
That a Minister should carry any assurances from a foreign government to the people of his nation, is as remarkable as the difference between the manner in which his government and his people are addressed. His government are charged with condescensions to the suggestions of the ancient tyrants of his country, but the people are considered as loving liberty, and they are to be assured of the perpetual esteem of France. This esteem they are to weigh against the crafty carresses of those perfidious persons who meditate to bring them back to their former slavery.
When this Speech thus addressed directly to the government and people of the United States in the face of Europe and the world, came to be considered in connexion with other measures, when it came to be considered in connexion with the wide spreading devastation to which their commerce was subjected, with the cruel severities practised on their seamen, with the recall of the Minister of France from the U. S. and the very extraordinary manner in which that recall was signified by him both to the government and people; with the refusal even to hear the messenger of peace, deputed from the United States for the sole purpose of conciliation—it could not fail to make on the American mind a deep and a serious impression. It was considered as fact two important to be held from the Congress by the department of the government which is charged with the duties of maintaining its intercourse with foreign nations, and of making communications to the legislature of the Union. The President there-

Fire did communicate it in the following words:—With the conduct of the French government it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minister of the U. S. on his taking leave of the executive directory. The speech of the President disclosed sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the same time studiously marked with indignities towards the government of the U. S. It evidences a disposition to separate the people of the U. S. from the gov. to persuade them that they have different affections, principles and interests from those of their fellow citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority—fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character and interest.
I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions, if it had been possible to conceal them; but they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the face of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity, that they cannot be disguised, and will not soon be forgotten; they have inflicted a wound in the American breast. It is my sincere desire, however, that it may be healed.
It is hoped this communication will be viewed in its true light, that it will no longer be considered as a denunciation of the Executive Directory, but as the statement of an all important fact by one department of the American government to another, the making of which was enjoined by duties of the highest obligation.
The undersigned have now, citizen minister, passed through the complaints you urge against the government of the U. S. They have endeavored to consider those complaints impartially, and to weigh them in the scales of justice and truth. If any of them be well founded, France herself could not demand more readily than America would make reparation for the injury sustained.—The President of the U. S. has said—"If we have committed errors, and these can be demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done injuries, we shall be willing on conviction to redress them." These dispositions on the part of the government have been felt in all their force by the undersigned, and have constantly regulated their conduct.
The undersigned will not resume, citizen minister, the painful task of re-urging the multiplied injuries which have been accumulated on their country, and which have been in some degree detailed in their memorial of the 17th January last. They cannot however, decline to remonstrate against a measure which has been announced since that date. The legislative councils of the French republic have decreed that
1st. The condition of ships in every thing which concerns their character as neutrals or enemies, shall be determined by their cargo, consequently every vessel found at sea, laden in whole or in part with merchandise coming out of England or its possessions, shall be declared good prize, whoever may be the proprietors of such commodities or merchandise.
2dly. No foreign vessel which in the course of its voyage shall have entered into an English port, shall be admitted into any port of the French Republic, but in the case of necessity, in which case the vessel shall be obliged to depart from such port as soon as the cause of entry shall have ceased.
This decree too deeply affects the interests of the U. S. to remain unattended to by their ministers. They pray you therefore, citizen minister, to receive their respectful representations concerning it.
The object of the decree is to cut off all direct intercourse between neutrals and Great Britain or its possessions, and to prevent the acquisition, even by circuitous commerce, of those articles which come from England or its dominions.
The right of one nation to exchange with another the surplus produce of its labour, for those articles which may supply its wants or administer to its comfort, is too essential to have been ever classed among those admitted to be in any degree doubtful. It is a right in ceding which a nation would cede the privilege of regulating its own interests and providing for its own welfare. When any two nations shall chuse to make war on each other, they have never been considered, nor can they be considered as thereby authorizing themselves to impair the essential right of those who may choose to remain at peace. Consequently these rights, the free exercise of which is essential to its interests and welfare, must be retained by a neutral power, whatever nations may be involved in war.
The right of a belligerent to restrain a neutral from assisting her enemy by supplying him with those articles which are defined as contraband, has been universally submitted to: but to cut off all intercourse between neutrals and an enemy, to declare that any single article which may have come from the possessions of an enemy, whoever may be its owner, shall of itself be sufficient to condemn both vessel and cargo, is to exercise a control over the conduct of neutrals which war can never give and which is alike incompatible with their dignity and their welfare.
The rights of belligerents are the same. If this might be exercised by one so might it be exercised by every other. If it might be exercised
in the present, so it might be exercised in every future war. This decree is therefore on the part of France, the practical assertion of a principle which would destroy all direct or circuitous commerce between belligerent and neutral powers, which would often interrupt the business of a large portion of the world and withdraw or change the employment of a considerable portion of the human race.
This is not all. It is the exercise of a power which war is not admitted to give, and which therefore may be assumed in peace as well as war.
It materially affects the internal economy of nations deranges that course of industry which they have a right to pursue and on which their prosperity depends.
To acquiesce therefore, in the existing state of things, under a principle so extensive and so pernicious, is to establish a precedent for national degradation which can never cease to apply, and which will authorize any measures which power may be disposed to practice.
France therefore will perceive that neutral governments, whatever may be their dispositions towards this republic, are impelled by duties of the highest obligation, to remonstrate against a decree which at the same time invades their interests and their independence, which takes from them the profits of an honest and lawful industry, as well as the inestimable privilege of conducting their own affairs as their own judgment may direct.
It is hoped that the remonstrances of the United States on this subject, will derive additional force from their subsisting engagements with France, and from a situation peculiar to themselves.
The twenty third article of the treaty of amity and commerce of the 6th of Feb. 1778, is in these words. "It shall be lawful for all and singular the subjects of the most christian king & the citizens, people and inhabitants of the United States, to sail with their ships with all manner of liberty and security, no distinction being made who are the proprietors of the merchandise laden thereon, from any port to the places of those who now are, or hereafter shall be at enmity with the most christian king or the United States. It shall likewise be lawful for the subjects and inhabitants aforesaid, to sail with the ships and merchandise aforementioned and to trade with the same liberty and security from the places, ports and havens of those who are enemies of both or either party, without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever, not only directly from the places of the enemy before mentioned to neutral places, but also from one place belonging to an enemy, where they be under the jurisdiction of the same prince or under several. And it is hereby stipulated, that free ships shall also give a freedom to goods, and that every thing shall be deemed to be free and exempt which shall be found on board the ships belonging to the subjects of either of the confederates, altho' the whole lading or any part thereof should appertain to the enemies of either; contraband goods being always excepted. It is also agreed in like manner that the same liberty be extended to persons who are on board a free ship, with this effect, that altho' they be enemies to both or either party, they are not to be taken out of that free ship unless they are soldiers, and in actual service of the enemy."
The two nations contemplating and providing for the case when one may be at war, and the other at peace, solemnly stipulate and pledge themselves to each other, that in such an event the subjects or the citizens of the party at peace may freely trade with the enemy of the other, may freely sail with their ships in all manner of security, to and from any port or place belonging to such enemy.—Not only goods coming from the hostile territory, but the very goods of the enemy himself may be carried with safety in the vessels of either of the contracting parties.
You will perceive, citizen minister, without requiring the undersigned to execute the painful task of drawing the contract, how openly and entirely the decree of the councils opposed itself to the treaty between France and the U. S.
In addition to the hitherto unceded rights of a sovereign and independent nation, in addition to the right stipulated by compact, the undersigned will respectfully submit other considerations growing out of the peculiar situation of the U. S. manifesting the particular hardships the decree complained of must impose on them.
In possession of a rich, extensive and unsettled country, the labour of the U. S. is not yet sufficient for the full cultivation of its soil, and consequently but a very small portion of it can have been applied to manufactures. Articles of the first necessity and comfort are imported in exchange for provisions, and for those raw materials which are the growth of the country, and which its inhabitants are accustomed to raise.
It is at any time extremely difficult, nor is practicable without great loss, to change suddenly the habits of a whole people and that course of industry in which their population and their real interests have engaged them. An agricultural cannot suddenly and at will, become a manufacturing people; the U. S. cannot instantaneously, on the mere passing of a decree, transfer to the manufacture of articles, heretofore imported, such a portion of their labour as will at the same time furnish a market for the surplus commodities and a supply for the wants of the cultivation of the soil. It is therefore scarcely possible for them to surrender their foreign commerce.
Independent of the right they possess in common with others to search for and chuse the best markets, it is believed that the supplies they need could with difficulty, in the actual state of the world, be completely furnished without the aid of England and its possessions. It is not pretended that France manufactures, at
present, for foreign consumption, nor do the undersigned suppose that there exists a market where the citizens of the U. S. can obtain in exchange the articles they need and are accustomed to consume, if those coming out of England and its possessions be entirely excluded. A variety of other considerations, and especially the difficulties individuals must encounter, in suddenly breaking old and forming new connections, in forcing all their commerce into channels not yet well explored, in trading without a sufficient capital to countries where they have no credit, combine to render almost impossible an immediate dissolution of commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain.
If then the decree complained of shall be executed on American vessels, it can only increase grievances already but too considerable, and transfer the carriage of English manufactures, for American consumption, from their own to British bottoms, sailing under the protection of a convoy. Instead of wounding England, it will probably aggrandize its marine, by sacrificing the remainder of that of the U. S. and destroying that system of policy by which they have heretofore sought to give their own vessels that portion of their own carrying trade which would otherwise be enjoyed by British merchants.
You have made some general animadversions on the government of the U. S. which the undersigned feel themselves bound briefly to notice.
You have charged that government with living in instructions not in the intention of living at pacific relations, and the undersigned have offered to charge those clauses in the treaty of 1778, which have become inconvenient to France, and to repair any injuries which may have been committed.
You have charged that government with omitting nothing to prolong and augment the misunderstanding between the two republics—but does not the fact that the undersigned are now in Paris, furnish persuasive evidence to the contrary?
You have charged it with searching to justify, by deceitful appearances, the prejudices with which it surrounds at pleasure the name of the republic, and the system of exasperation and separation pursued in this respect with the foreign obstinacy: But has not this republic, in terms the most cordial, been again and again intreated to enter into a candid investigation of the mutual complaints of the two nations?—Have not these entreaties been unnoted, whilst the ministers deputed to make them, have remained unaccredited?
You have charged it with wishing to seize the first favorable occasion for consummating an intimate union with a power towards which a devotion and a partiality are professed which have long constituted the principle of the conduct of the federal government, whilst no devotion or partiality has been expressed for any nation except France, have not the U. S. made, and are they not still making the most extraordinary efforts to restore the broken relations between the two republics?
In all the discussions the important interests of two great nations, the undersigned are unwilling to introduce what relates personally to themselves.
This unwillingness for task has been rendered a duty by ascribing to them opinions and relations which exist in imagination only, and by adducing those supposed opinions and relations as proofs of an indisposition, on the part of the government which has deputed them, towards that accommodation which has been sought to unremittingly thro' all these difficulties and impediments with which the pursuit has been embarrassed.
You are pleased to add, that these intentions are so little disguised, "that nothing seems to have been neglected at Philadelphia to manifest them to every eye. It is probably with this view, that it has been judged proper to send to the French republic, persons whose opinions and relations are too well known to hope from them dispositions sincerely conciliatory."
The opinions and relations of the undersigned are purely American, unmixed with any particle of foreign tint. If they possess a quality on which they pride themselves, it is an attachment to the happiness and the welfare of their country; if they could at will select the means of manifesting that attachment, it would be by effecting a sincere and real accommodation between France and the U. S. on principles promoting the interests of both, and consistent with the independence of the latter.
It requires no assurance to convince, that every real American must with sincerity extricate his country from the ills it suffers, and from the greater ills with which it is threatened, but all who love liberty must admit that it does not exist in a nation which cannot exercise the right of maintaining its neutrality. If "opinions and relations" such as these are incompatible with "dispositions sincerely conciliatory," then indeed has the federal government chosen unfit instruments for the expression of its pacific disposition.
You censure the conduct observed by the U. S. States, under analogous circumstances, towards the cabinet of St. James, with that which is observed towards this republic. You say that on that occasion there was a solicitude to send to London, ministers well known to possess sentiments conformable to the objects of their mission: That the republic has a right to count upon a similar deference; and that if a like attention has not been observed with respect to it, it is two probable that it must be attributed to the views already indicated.
If unfortunately the cases shall exhibit a contrast, it is not to be found in the characters the United States have thought proper to employ, or in the conduct of their government, other-
wise than by the superior attention manifested towards this republic, and never shown to any other nation, in deputing to it, with ample powers, three Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary from the three great divisions of the United States. The ministers sent to the cabinet of St. James greatly deserved the confidence of their country; but they did not possess sentiments more conformable to the objects of their mission than those deputed to this republic. They did not with more ardently to effect reconciliation; nor is it believed that any persons who could have been deputed to that cabinet would have submitted to greater sacrifices in order to obtain it. Had their application for compensation for past injuries, and security against their future commission, been only met by requisitions, a compliance with which would involve their nations in ills of which war perhaps might not be the most considerable; had all attempts to remove unfavourable impressions failed; & all efforts to make explanation been rejected, can it be believed that other ministers (the first having been ordered out of the nation) would have waited six months unaccredited, soliciting permission to display the upright principles on which their government had acted, and the amicable sentiments by which it was animated?
The undersigned are induced, citizen minister, to pray your attention to these plain truths from a conviction that they manifest unequivocally the friendly temper of the Federal Government, and the extreme reluctance with which the hope of an accommodation with France would be relinquished.
The undersigned observe with infinite regret, that the disposition manifested to treat with the minister who might be selected by this government, is not accompanied with any assurances of receding from those demands of money heretofore made the considerations on which alone a cessation of hostility on American commerce could be obtained, to which the undersigned have not the power to accede, with which the United States would find it extremely difficult to comply, and a compliance with which would violate that faith pledged for the observance of neutrality, and would involve them in a disastrous war with which they have no concern. Nor do your answers to the applications which have been made for compensation to the citizens of the United States for property which shall be proved to have been taken contrary to the law of nations and existing treaties, otherwise than that you are willing to discuss where there has been a departure from certain principles, in fact, involve almost every case.
You have signified citizen minister that the executive directory is disposed to treat with one of the envoys, and you hope that this overture will not be attended on the part of the undersigned with any serious difficulty. Every proposition of the executive directory is considered with the most minute and respectful attention.
The result of a deliberation on this point is, that no one of the undersigned is authorized to take upon himself a negotiation evidently entrusted by the tenor of their powers & instructions to the whole; nor are there any two of them who can propose to withdraw themselves from the task committed to them by their government whilst there remains a possibility of performing it.
It is hoped that the prejudices laid to have been conceived against the ministers of the United States, will be dissipated by the truths they have stated.
If in this hope they shall be disappointed and it should be the will of the directory to order passports for the whole or any number of them, you will please to accompany such passports with letters of safe conduct, which will entirely protect from the cruizers of France, the vessels in which they may respectively sail, and give to their persons, suite and property, that perfect security to which the laws and usages of nations entitle them.
They pray you, citizen minister, to receive the renewal of their assurances of profound respect and consideration.
Signed, CHARLES C. PINCKNEY, JOHN MARSHALL, ELBRIDGE GERRY. Henry M. Rutledge, Secretary.
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