The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-04-04 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1466.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, APRIL 4, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 30.
Messrs. Chittenden, Blackledge & Van Dyke obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams a resolution was adopted to instruct the committee of Post-Office and Post-Roads to enquire into the propriety of providing by law for the transportation by the mail of the late message of the President of the U. S. and documents accompanying the same.
The committee to whom was referred the memorial of Jonathan Grout relative to Telegraphs , was discharged from the further consideration of the subject, and it was referred to the Secretary of the Treasury to report thereon at the next session of Congress.
Debate on the bill for raising an additional military force.
Mr. Rowan observed that it seemed to him that if this addition to the military force was considered as an addition to the peace establishment, the regiment of horse contemplated by the bill was unnecessary; if war was contemplated, the force was too small. The report of the Secretary of War on which this bill was predicated, said he, stated that under existing circumstances, this particular force was necessary. What are those existing circumstances? If I thought we were to have war, I would vote with all my heart for this number and a much larger number if it should be thought necessary. If we have not war, and it appears to be the general opinion that it will not be commenced on our part, certainly the dragoons are not necessary. I do not think it the opinion of the House that any war-like measure should be now adopted; and if not, by striking out these eight troops of horse a sufficient force will yet be left for the peace establishment. Horse are much more expensive than foot; and I cannot see any occasion for horse on a peace establishment. I could have wished that the bill might have laid over until we have received further information, which it is understood we shall shortly receive, because I hold it the duty of the House to know what our circumstances are, and not to take the dictum of any department of the government, from the highest to the lowest. We have had information copious and voluminous laid before us; but from that it does not seem to result that measures of war are to be taken. If not, where is the necessity for troops of horse? I can see no use for them or service which they can render. We all know the extent of our frontier, and have some idea of the situation of the places on it. As I cannot see the necessity for horse, and more especially for this quantity, I move to strike out all that part of the bill relative to the dragoons.
Mr. Tallmadge said that had the gentleman from Kentucky been present, or if present, had he no forgotten, he would recollect that a provision was introduced to avoid incurring the expense which the gentleman had objected to. There was a distinct section which provided that the regiment of dragoons were to serve either in whole or in part until the President of the U. States shall judge it necessary to mount them; so that in fact the regiment of dragoons was to be a regiment of infantry. In case of war the gentleman would fully appreciate the advantage of cavalry, in which case the President is authorized to mount the whole or in part. So that were any force to be raised this was a necessary part of it.
Mr. Rowan observed that his object was to diminish the force; and he had chosen the horse because he thought it that part which could most properly be detached. He wished to know whether this force was considered by the House as calculated for peace or war? It was known that we had already a peace establishment to line our frontiers; this bill contemplated an addition of 7000 or perhaps more, which would certainly be too many. Against external assault, wherever the population was tolerably replete, the militia were competent; a regular force was necessary only where the population did not furnish the advantages of militia defence which the interior possessed. A sufficient number of men for garrison duty seemed to him to be as many as were necessary; and a standing army of 10,000 men was certainly beyond the number necessary for that. The existing circumstances, said he, at the time when the report of the Se-
cretary of War was made, were different from what they are at present. It seems now to be the general opinion that we shall not have war; if that be not the general opinion, let this bill on your table, and apportion the number to the object. If we have peace the quantity is at least by one half too large. I therefore made the motion to strike out the cavalry not so much to get clear of them, as to diminish the force.
Mr. Smilie said he did not consider this as a part of the peace establishment; he considered war as a matter of uncertainty. If the gentleman from Kentucky could have confidence in the generosity of the nation with whom we are contending, he was right to lessen the number; for my part, said he, I have reliance neither in the justice or generosity of that nation, but consider it our duty to put ourselves in a situation to await the event. Will any gentleman say that a blow may not even now be aimed at us? I have not that assurance of their forbearance that I will leave my country in this situation. We have granted money for fortifications; we know that the fortified posts must be occupied. Is it to be taken for granted, that those posts shall be filled by militia—that the militia shall do garrison duty? I believe not; there must be a certain number of regular troops. Would the gentleman consent that the militia of Kentucky should be drawn to N. Orleans to form a stationary force there? I think not; and yet I believe that such a force must be maintained there. The truth is, that we ought to consider our situation—that we may have war or we may not. I wish to put the country into such a situation that we may be competent to meet events; and I consider that the number proposed will answer that purpose. If it be the wish of the House however to insert a less number, I should still vote for the bill.
Mr. Rowan said that as to reliance on national justice or generosity, history smiles with contempt if not with derision at an idea of that kind; justice between nations is ideal, and never has existed in reality. I ask whether these troops have not been as necessary in that view ever since the year 1800 as at this time; for we are told that the sine qua non on our part is a subject on which that power had rather fight than yield; we know that the impressment of seamen would not be surrendered without a war. There has been then the same occasion for this force since the year 1800 as at this time: The question then is simply this: will we keep up an armed force to prevent invasion? If we do this, we reject the old doctrine, and assume one which was some time ago considered as too bold to advance, but we have slipped up to it gradually. It seems to be the general sentiment that war should not be commenced on our part. I had judged myself that unless reparation was made, war steps would be taken; but instead of that we seem disposed to solace ourselves with a hope that we shall not be troubled in future, and with that to rest content. What measure shall be pursued I have not myself formed a decisive opinion; no view of what measures are proper to be taken has been presented by any department or by any member. The case of Orleans has been mentioned. The militia of Kentucky would not like to go there at any time; and it is not more necessary that they should now go than it has been at any time past. I grant that there should be an established force at New-Orleans, but to what amount? The militia of the territory of Orleans form a considerable body; a garrison of 1000 regulars at the most, aided by the militia, would be competent to every purpose. As to fortification, I hope it is not contemplated that they shall be manned in time of peace by such a regular force as might be necessary in war. All that will be necessary, is a file of men at each post with a sergeant or snbaltern to keep them in order who may serve as a rallying point to the militia. If we are to have a standing army for war, I wish it to be declared at once, for this number is incompetent. Our present peace establishment is indeed too small, but with this addition it will be much too large.
Mr. Durrell said it seemed to be the fatality of some gentlemen never to be able to discern the motives by which others were actuated; and as they could not see their motives they could not consent to plans which others advocated. I am very sorry, said Mr. D. that this has so
generally been the case during the present session. The gentleman from Kentucky has objected to this bill introduced for the purpose of increasing our military force; he says for a peace establishment the proposed force will be too large; or war it does not come up to the mark. It seems that the objection which the gentleman first made to the bill was in consequence of the number of cavalry; he could not see in any event that a regiment of cavalry could be necessary, and gave as reasons that they were expensive and that he saw no service in which they could be used. Those objections have been totally answered by the gentleman from Connecticut; because, by the provisions of the bill these cavalry may serve as infantry. The gentleman's objections then return to the amount of the force, being too great for peace, and vastly too little for war. The gentleman says he presumes that this House is not at all governed by a belief that we are in a state of war; that this is not considered as a war measure; that we have had no evidence to induce a belief that a state of war is likely to ensue. It has been frequently mentioned on this floor, and by that gentleman too more than once, that if not at actual hostilities, we were very near it. We are not now in a state of profound peace or actual war, but in a half way state. We are in a sort of galloping situation, sometimes war and sometimes peace; and the conduct of many gentlemen seems to shew, and I am sorry to see it, that their opinions are not founded on what is before us, but every breath which wafts a scintilla of information across the Atlantic gives new vigor to their action, or damps their ardor. Are we to be influenced by causes so trivial?—Let me call the attention of the House to the time when we were called together by the President of the United States. What was the occasion which gave rise to our extra session? An assault on our sovereignty by an armed ship of Britain, by an outrage of the most flagrant nature ever recorded in history. Congress was convened under the idea that notwithstanding our peaceable relations with that nation, she might refuse to make ample satisfaction for that attack. What is the event? Has she made this satisfaction? Is the lapse of eight months, without a repetition of the injury, to be considered as a satisfaction? I know not how other gentlemen may feel, but it is none to me. What would have been the conduct of this House had she immediately refused satisfaction? For what were we called together? Was it not to meet such a possible event? If Great Britain had refused instanter , we should have made a declaration of war upon her: I do not hesitate to say that I would have held up my hand in favor of it. What is now our situation? No reparation has been made, and we are under the same obligations now as we were then to prepare for defence. No one will say that we are defended, or that we are in no danger of attack even from Great Britain. Are we then to sit here week after week and month after month, and do nothing? I hope not. It appears to me that the number of men proposed to be raised is proper. I am not squeamish as to figures. If the number called for had been 20,000, I would have voted for it; if but 3000 I would also have voted for them; because in the event of war the latter could be increased, and in the event of peace the former could have been disbanded.
We were told by a gentleman (Mr. Upham) when this bill was before the House on a former occasion, that no system was followed, that there is a want of energy, and that he had no confidence in the Executive; if the thing be fairly considered and understood, all these objections fall in my opinion. The attempts which have been heretofore made to get up the army bill have been experimental; it was not presumable that we should agree to the number or detail of the bill in the first instance. The very nature of the negotiation then pending was I presume a sufficient motive for delaying the business. The same gentlemen who now object to the bill would possibly have objected to it pending the negotiation, and its decision might have irritated the British ministry; that was my opinion, and therefore I did not press it all, but thought it better that it should lie on the table. Would it either have been proper to lay information on the subject before the House during the negotiation? No one can say that it
would have been proper. I should not have expected at this time of day that objections would have been made to this bill on the score of confidence in our security. What is the situation of the relations between foreign powers and of our own country with those powers? Is the prospect of our foreign relations more cheering than it was immediately after the attack on the Chesapeake? I say not, and no one will gainsay it. That insult is yet unatoned for; no reparation whatever has been made for it. I feel myself under the same obligation to seek redress by such means as God and nature have placed in our power, as if that government had absolutely and immediately refused to make reparation; for they have made none. Instead of our relations being better they have grown from bad to worse, and in consequence of no fault of ours. Let gentlemen contemplate the late decrees and their bearing on our commerce. Will they say that our situation is better? Foreign powers are already at war with our commerce, and as likely as not, when they have gathered up the fragments of that, they will make an attack upon our soil. What is the situation of our exposed points, of which we have so many, and of our sea coast of 2000 miles? Are not our cities defenceless? Assuredly they are. A million of dollars have been expended for fortifications, and this money could not have been more economically expended: We want these forts garrisoned by these very troops; we do not want them left defenceless for English, French or Spaniards to possess and turn the guns against us. No, sir, the situation of the world will by no means admit of our sitting still with our fingers in our mouths, and taking no steps of defence. It has been said that the present session is drawing to a close. I for one shall not rest satisfied with departing and leaving the country in its present defenceless situation. I hope, for these reasons, that the gentleman's amendment will be negatived.
Mr. Rowan did not see why this artillery of Executive confidence should be levelled at him. I have (said he) before said, that confidence or diffidence in the Executive was unimportant to the decision of any question in my mind, and therefore I have not expressed my sentiments on the subject; why then it should be lugged in and levelled at me I do not understand. [Mr. Durrell did not intend to level at the gentleman any expression other than what he had used in direct reply to his observations on another point.] Upon that subject then, said Mr. R. I have confidence in what comes from the Executive, so far as to give it that weight to which all information coming from an Executive is entitled. I hope this House will always understand their situation, the rights of the people and the Executive rights; that they will understand and make a proper discrimination between confidence and diffidence. I believe confidence to be unfeignedly to civil liberty, and vigilance and diffidence to be friendly to it. When a recommendation is made by any department of the government, it is entitled to confidence in proportion to the information which accompanies it, and no further. I deprecate the day when any department shall only have to say that "under existing circumstances" so many troops are necessary. Will not the Representatives of the nation enquire what are the circumstances, and deliberate what they are and whether they will authorise the erection of such a force? Surely they will. What are our circumstances then at this time? Are they such as to lead to a belief that we shall have immediate war? This nation is liable at all times to attack; and if gentlemen will raise an army upon that predication, there ought to have been one since the commencement of the government. It is agreed on all hands that a certain force for our peace establishment is necessary; our naked frontier requires it. It then becomes a matter of consideration what should be the nature of that peace establishment, and how far it should be increased. It is my opinion that the addition proposed by this bill is too large, and therefore as a peace establishment I am opposed to it, but am willing that it should pass with the amendment which I have proposed. I have not questioned, nor ever do arraign the motives of those who oppose this bill or any measure; but if it be a war measure, let us so understand it, and those who view it in that light will be willing to provide more troops. It is either for war or peace. If peace, the language of all republicans excludes the idea of maintaining a standing ar-
my during peace; they are only necessary with an eye to war. If the latter is to be our course, let it be known and I am ready to concur in preparatory measures.
But as I am averse to questioning the motives of the advocates of any measure, and therefore avoid it, so also I wish my motives not to be questioned; neither do I understand another argument, which is common, "how can any gentleman have the hardihood to say this or that?" I trust I shall always have the hardihood to pursue what I deem my duty. As little do I understand the mode of enquiring whether a person will hazard his reputation on this or any measure. That man who is afraid to hazard his reputation or considers his reputation as hazarded on any measure which he supports, is unfit for his station. So much for motives, hardihood, and hazard of reputation. I challenge any member of this House to name an instance in which I have ever questioned the motives of any member; I consider that the decency of legislative deliberation excludes it. I trust I shall always have the hardihood to advocate any measure which reason tells me is right, and oppose those which reason declares incorrect. And therefore am I under the necessity of opposing this bill, because it is suited neither for war nor peace. But the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) tells us our situation is doubtful; so it always has been. He says we may be assailed; we have always been liable to assault. The question still returns to this single point: Is it necessary to have a standing army to ensure perpetuity to our government? If we have war, we must have a regular army; that is my opinion: perhaps it is rather heterodox, but I believe that is the opinion of a majority of the House. If we are neither at war or peace, we are then reduced to a doubtful situation, for which if the militia are not competent the wise framers of our constitution have fundamentally erred, and we must come into the old destructive doctrine of a standing army, with its whole concomitant train of corruption. It is the fear of the prostration of our civil liberty which makes me feel averse to the bill if considered as a dubious measure.
We get nothing from abroad; we have demanded atonement for an injury, and it has been refused. If we choose to take it, then we go to war; if not, and it is intended to rest for justice on future prospects, say so, and we remain at peace. The quantity of force proposed by the bill then is either too large or too small. For the maintenance of our government a standing army is not necessary; it would be a reproach to a representative government, and to our boasted republican institutions, that a standing army was necessary to support it. If we are to go to war, it is not avowed; if peace, that is not admitted; it must then be that doubtful state which has always existed. And therefore I hope my amendment will prevail.
Mr. Findley. It has always been considered as prudent conduct in neutral nations when they had only even a remote probability of war, to make precautionary preparations to prevent being taken by surprise, the fate of Copenhagen and numerous other cases justify the measure and strongly condemn the neglect of it. If this is at all times necessary, how much more now when the spirit of war so extensively and with such an uncommon degree of violence prevails among all the nations with whom we have relations. But the gentlemen from Kentucky (Mr. Rowan) gave us assurances near fifty times repeated, that there is no danger of war, that whatever ground there might have been to apprehend war early in the session, there is no danger of it now, there is no disposition with us to go to war, that there was as much danger any time since 1804, as at present, &c.
Mr. F. said the gentleman had pleaded his responsibility with sufficient confidence, but without assigning any solid reasons on which our confidence can rest. We are indeed at a distance from Europe, but some of these nations bring themselves near to us, they have committed aggressions and hostilities on our coasts and in our harbors, these proceedings were attempted to be prevented or mitigated, and reparation to be procured by negotiation. Negotiation seemed to be encouraged with friendly professions and fostering hopes, but treated with evasion and delay, till finally all hopes from that quarter are vanished without having obtained either reparation for the past or as-

arrangements for the future; not only so, but negotiation declared to be at an end, by an highly accredited agent, and to this that the traders of that nation are employed in influencing the Indians within our own territory, and not only traders but accredited agents are openly employed in that business, that the force in the provinces adjoining our defenceless frontiers is greatly increased, their militia organized, and their fleets hovering on our coasts, likely to be at any moment in a position to bring interdiction from our harbors, and secret expeditions consisting of powerful fleets and armies equipped for destinations unknown, and we with a very extensive coast on the ocean where our commercial cities are exposed to destruction and our coasts to every species of depredation. And all this is a subject of public notoriety, to inform us of which official information is not necessary, and yet the gentleman from Kentucky pledges his high responsibility that there is no danger of war. He has however been kind enough to warn us not to have confidence in the opinion or recommendation of the executive. He has told us that republican government was a government of jealousy and suspicion and not of confidence, we for the present admit this principle, and then ask, what ground has he so repeatedly to claim our implicit confidence in his own responsibility totally unsupported by reason or evidence? If his declared principles of republican government are correct, we can have no confidence in him, nor ought we to have any confidence in ourselves, nor our constituents in us, nor we in each other; then it would be to his mind a government of suspicion and jealousy all over, but the people are not yet prepared for such a government. They do not know how it will work.
He has asserted more frequently than I can recollect, that the addition proposed to our little army is too great for the peace establishment and too small for war, and as repeatedly has he enquired what is its object. Mr. F. said he would tell the gentleman what its object was—it was intended for the very situation the U. S. were in at present, for an intermediate state between peace and war at a time when war was more probable than peace, but peace still possible, at a time after we had long been with what other nations have usually considered as justifiable causes of war, and when these causes are daily increasing, and probably before we are aware of in any good measure prepared they may become insupportable. When actual war is forced upon us it is a bad time to have to make the first beginnings to prepare to meet it. The gentleman talks boldly about the efficiency of the militia for every purpose till after war is fairly commenced. He talks however to many who know more about militia and the advantages of even a small regular army for the militia to rally round than he does himself. Suppose our sea-coasts to be attacked and overrun in situations where from peculiar causes the militia are few and dispersed, and at the same time our very extensive and very thinly settled frontier, to be attacked and the inhabitants indiscriminately massacred. Could the militia of Kentucky or Pennsylvania give them prompt and permanent protection? No, they certainly could not, and the protection they could afford, suppose them ever so willing, and alert, would be attended with incalculable loss to themselves and more than double the expense to the United States, than the same number of regular troops would be.
Mr. F. added that he sympathised sincerely with the gentleman on the account of his feeling so much sensibility at the very name or idea of a standing army. This indeed seems to give him as much alarm as if it was to be an army of Hobgoblins or Cannibals, that would not only kill, but eat us. But to quiet the gentleman's fears, he would assure him the name standing army was not in the law, nor the thing. It was not a standing army in the sense in which that term was understood in Europe. It was to be enlisted for a short term, and might be reduced or dissolved at the pleasure of the government, and the funds could be appropriated but for a short period, so that it was in the power of one branch of government to prevent an appropriation for the support of the army; but still further to abate the gentleman's fears, he would assure him that the militia were not such paupers as he seemed to think. They would not permit an army to double the number of what was proposed to be raised to endanger their liberties even if they were so disposed. But why suspect them so dreadfully. The officers must be citizens and would generally be the sons and brothers of citizens, the soldiers will generally be citizens or the near relations of citizens, and will naturally look forward to the enjoyment of the privileges they are employed to protect. Surely the gentleman can draw nothing from past experience in this country to justify this alarm to the degree of
affright at the idea of a standing army, a name given only by himself. He would from past observation, however, assure him that half this army would not be enlisted before the next session of Congress. Gen. Wayne's army was seldom much more than half filled during five years.
Mr. F. said he most sincerely hoped and wished not only for our own interest, but for the interest of the European nations, that we might avoid war, but his hopes and wishes could give no security against it, and he considered being in some measure prepared for it was the best way either to prevent or to conduct it. The gentleman has repeatedly assured us that we have no right to calculate on national justice, that there is no such thing, &c. in this he agreed with the gentleman with respect to the present character of the nations of Europe, with whom their own opinion of a necessity of their own creation, was made the plea for committing the most flagitious wrongs, but he considered that this opinion applied forcibly against the object of the gentleman's own argument. Mr. F. said that he had no confidence in the justice of either of the belligerent nations, he knew that their own interest or the want of the means of subjugating us, was our only security on their part, and a short review of the past would demonstrate that some of them have often overlapped the bounds of their own interest, therefore we ought not to depend on our own views of their interest or object. He gave the gentleman from Kentucky credit for his candor, but upon a review of his own argument he would surely himself discover that it was strongly marked with inconsistency.
This business was then postponed to make way for a confidential message from the President.
Philadelphia, March 28.
At a meeting of thirty-eight constitutional members of the Senate and House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, held in the Senate chamber the 14th of March 1808, and continued by adjournment to the 23d.
JAMES BRADY, Chairman.
JOHN SERGEANT, Secretary.
Resolved unanimously, That JOHN SEAY be recommended to our fellow citizens to be supported for the office of Governor at the ensuing general election in October next.
Resolved unanimously, That we will use our best exertions to support the nomination lately made at Washington of JAMES MADISON for President, and GEORGE CLINTON for vice-President of the United States.
Resolved unanimously, That for the purpose of carrying into effect the preceding resolution, we recommend to our fellow-citizens to unite with us in supporting the following ticket of electors of President and Vice-President.
ELECTORS.
Jonathan Bayard Smith, Nathaniel Irish, Joseph Reed, Isaac M'Ilvaine, William Warner, (of Blockley,) Casper Schreyer, junr. Col. William Irwin, Gen. Francis Swaine, Henry Shering, James Boyd, Peter Frailey, John Gloninger, Jacob Rudisell, John Anderson, Abram Hendricks, William Brown, John Hamilton, John Minnors, Alexander Brown, and John G. Lowry.
Norfolk, March 28.
The Statira, with Mr. Rose, sailed from Hampton Roads yesterday, and anchored last night in Lynhaven Bay.
Philadelphia, March 31.
Capt. Fowler of the Indiana, informs that the evening he sailed from Havana (March 12th) news was just received from Martinique, via Trinidad in Cuba, that a British fleet had arrived at that island and landed six thousand men, who were all, it was said, cut off by the French; this was communicated to capt. F. by a respectable Spanish Officer, a few hours before he sailed—How far it is to be depended on time must determine.
New-York, March 30.
Last night arrived the ship Baltic, Delano, from Liverpool, which port she left on the 22d of February, and on the 27th in lat. 49, 11, long. 17, 20, was boarded by a French frigate, who examined her papers, but permitted the Baltic to proceed, as her cargo was of no value to them. They informed capt. D. they had captured the Mars, of N. York, from Savannah for London; and the Mars, from Liverpool of and for Philadelphia, and had sent them for a French port.
On the 18th of March, in lat. 42, 12, long. 56, 24, capt. D. spoke ship Pocahontes, Norris, from Liverpool, for Boston, which had been captured on the first of March, by two French frigates (the Hermoine and Ortance) from Martinique, on their way home; they having a few hours before, captured the Brutus, of Danbury, from Liverpool for Boston, and after stripping her of her sails, &c. set her on fire—The frigates permitted the Pocahontes to proceed, after discharging the crates between decks into the sea, upon condition that capt. Norris would take on board (without
any supply of provisions) the officers and crews of the ships Eliza, William and Brutus.
The Eliza, Dunbar, of N. York, from Liverpool, for Charleston, was captured on the 17th of February, and set on fire, allowing the crew only time to get their clothes.
The William, Rockwell of New-York, from Liverpool for Savannah, was captured on the 29th of Feb. and after stripping her of her provisions, bales, and some crates, set her on fire.
The Pocahontes was short of provisions and had been on short allowance from their leaving the frigates. Capt. Delano relieved them by taking on board his ship captains Dunbar and Rockwell with part of their officers & crews, who arrived in the Baltic.
The frigates had captured 2 British & 1 Portuguese vessels, which they burnt.
The ship Ceres, Green, arrived at this port late last evening in 34 days from Bordeaux, and has brought Paris papers to the 20th of February, but they do not contain any news of importance.
It was reported in Paris and Bordeaux, that the Toulon and Rochefort squadrons consisting of 17 sail of the line had formed a junction, and put to sea.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, APRIL 4.
The Citizens of the District have this day an opportunity of manifesting their public spirit by coming forward with subscriptions to the bridge to be erected over the Potomac. Those, who have paid a particular attention to the subject, and have obtained a number of estimates, are convinced that the stock will be very valuable, and that although the nominal share is one hundred dollars, the actual sum required will not exceed thirty or forty dollars. We flatter ourselves that every citizen in good circumstances, who considers this as an object of local as well as national importance, will according to his ability, make a contribution.
THE COMMISSIONERS
Appointed under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorizing the erection of a BRIDGE over the RIVER POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia" to receive subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of Subscription, will be opened at Steele's Hotel in the city of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P. M.
ROBERT BRENT, DANIEL CARROLL, of Washington, THOMAS MUNROE, JAMES D. BARRY, FREDERICK MAY, SAMUEL H. SMITH, JONAH THOMPSON, JONATHAN WIET, THOMAS VOWELL, CUTHBERT POWELL, ELISHA JANNEY, CHARLES ALEXANDER.
THE act of Congress authorizes the Subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of Ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in instalments of Ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix.
Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent, I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia." February 19—
The following letters are offered to the public as honorable attestations to the patriotism of the times, and as conclusive proof that the embargo, notwithstanding all the privations and sacrifices it imposes, is a popular measure. We are well assured that the sentiments of Col. Hampton are those of the whole southern planting interest, who will suffer more from this measure than any other description of our citizens. This intelligent body of men do not cherish the infatuated hope of enjoying all the comforts and luxuries of tranquility and prosperity during the continuance of a state of things only less destructive than war. Viewing the embargo as a substitute for war, they feel the necessity of cheerfully submitting to that share of evils which such a resort unavoidably produces. By meeting them with spirit, and by supporting their government, they pursue the best means of abridging the period of their duration, by convincing the foreign governments which are their real cause, that we can make any honorable sacrifices, and bear any tolerable burthens to place our rights and interests upon a basis of permanent security. It is extremely probable that the redress we shall receive for past injuries, and the security we shall obtain against future wrongs, will depend on the fortitude with which the embargo shall be borne.
Col. Hampton, the writer of these letters, was a respectable revolutionary officer, distinguished for the activity of his conduct, and the penetration of his judgment. In the gloomiest periods of the war, he rendered
the most useful assistance to general Sumter in resisting the British arms in South Carolina. He commanded a regiment, and part of a brigade at the battle of Eutaw Springs, where he distinguished himself by making a vigorous and successful charge, in which he brought off above a hundred prisoners, and in which his major and other valuable officers fell. The manner in which he has tendered his services will be properly appreciated by the fact that his reputed annual income is above seventy thousand dollars.
In consideration of the stagnation of business occasioned by the embargo, in many of the counties of South Carolina, an amicable convention has been entered into between debtors and creditors to stay executions for the sale of property.
Extract of a letter from Col. Wade Hampton to Gen. Sumter, dated March 15th.
"It is difficult to imagine the pecuniary effect, and the individual distress occasioned by the embargo. It pervades all classes, and extends to every corner of the state. The peculiar stage of the African trade had stripped the planting interest, pretty generally, of their resources, and involved many of them in debt. The crop was just coming in to their aid, but being cut off from this, there remains nothing between the hammer and the sheriff's auctioneer and their property—and indeed sales of this description have multiplied to an astonishing degree, in every part of the state. Yet notwithstanding this distress, and the gloomy prospect afforded by the latter mails from Washington, there is every where an acquiescence in the measure, proceeding from a confidence in the government, that really exceeds any thing that could be expected. For myself, I viewed it, at the first, as a substitute for war, and although more distressing in a pecuniary view, at least to individuals, yet I hoped it might turn out less so to the country, if the end proposed could be answered by it. Under this impression, I had no idea of its being soon removed, and indeed if it had, I should have been the more inclined to deprecate it as having been uselessly oppressive; but if the measure had been adopted as a defensive one, is persevered in, and answers the end, it can but be preferred to open war. After all the imperial and royal decrees of the governments of England and France, have turned out the most powerful advocates for the wisdom of the embargo, and have contributed very much to reconcile the people, of all classes to it."
"Be it as it may, we must face it, with all its consequences, you and I shall, at least, have this consolation, that we cannot expect worse times than we have passed through."
Extract of another letter from the same gentleman to Gen. Sumter.
"If the measure for raising an additional, or provisional army, now before Congress, should be adopted, I am inclined to make a tender of services in it. Without soliciting any thing for me, I will thank you, in the event I have mentioned, barely to mention my wish, to the proper department."
"If I could suppose I had any claim on the notice of the government, I could not do better than to make it through you: for having commenced my military career in 1776 (before I was twenty years of age) in your regiment, and completed it in that, and the two corps I had afterwards the honor to command, almost under your immediate eye, for nearly six years, no one is so well qualified to judge of my pretensions."
"But I assume no such claim. The truth is, I could not look on as an idle spectator, in the event of actual war, and having never served in the militia, it is now too late to begin. As I have little solicitude about the eclat of rank, and none about its emoluments, I should refuse no appointment that would not dishonor my former services."
IN THE CASE OF JOHN SMITH. SENATE, APRIL 1, 1808.
This being the day, assigned for hearing counsel, the President said the Senate were ready to hear the counsel of John Smith, in any thing they had to offer why the resolution [for expelling him] should not be adopted.
Mr. Adams submitted it to the Senate, whether it was not most proper that the counsel should be permitted to shew cause, why the report should not be adopted. He remarked that in like cases the whole report comprising the grounds on which the final resolution was founded, had been the subject of discussion, and of approbation or rejection. He considered this the correct course, that the world & posterity might know the ground on which the Senate acted.
A short conversation ensued on the suggestion of Mr. Adams, in which the principles of the report were incidentally noticed. In reply to Mr. Adams's remarks, it was said that it could not be expected that a deliberating body, however agreed in the guilt or
innocence of the accused, would be able to unite in their agreement to a complicated report, embracing a variety of abstract and disputable principles.
Mr. Giles intimated the idea that this discussion was premature; that as the Senate had by their vote determined to hear counsel on the report, it was proper that this course should, in the present stage of the business, be pursued. After having heard counsel, it would be for the Senate, as they then should see fit, either to decide on the resolution alone, or on the report connected with it.
This suggestion having been acquiesced in, without any vote,
Mr. Key, of counsel for Mr. Smith, asked for subpoenas for Messrs. Davenport, Morrow and Sturges, of the House of Representatives, to attest the credibility of witnesses; and likewise for a subpoena for gen. Wilkinson.
It was intimated that the usual mode of proceeding in such a case was to request the attendance of the members of the other House.
Mr. Key then opened the defence by a few very concise preliminary remarks. He observed that the counsel of Mr. Smith felt highly gratified in appearing before the Senate with a body of testimony sufficiently strong to flatter them with the assurance of a favorable result; that all the apprehensions which had arisen from the distance and the extent of the testimony were almost removed; and that although testimony was still coming in, they were fully satisfied with that they had already received.
He said that they would be able to shew that the testimony of Elias Glover was not worthy of credit. He admitted that if his testimony were correct, John Smith was unworthy of his seat; but they would be able entirely to destroy its weight by destroying his credibility. They would, likewise, be able to shew that there was nothing else in the other testimony which materially affected the character of the accused. They would also, after this, enter into a consideration of the principles on which a decision in this case ought to be made; and endeavor to shew that that decision could only be made according to legal evidence; that the Senate were bound by judicial principles, and that the accused was consequently entitled to the same privileges as he would be in a court of justice.
Mr. Key said he should first proceed to offer depositions to discredit Elias Glover. He would shew that he had not only made charges, which were contradicted by respectable testimony, but likewise by his own declarations at other times. He would commence with the proof of his general character, and shew that it had been such, ever since he entered into life, as to destroy the weight of his testimony; he would shew that he had in several instances perjured himself. He would then shew his inducements to perjure himself in this case, by establishing the existence of a combination, of which he was the head, to ruin Mr. Smith.
Mr. Key was about to read sundry depositions taken at New-town, Connecticut. Previous to this he read the certificates of notice given by Mr. Smith to Mr. Glover of his purpose to take depositions relative to his character. From these it appeared that Mr. Smith had on the 10th of February notified him of his intention to take depositions at Delhi, N. Y. on the 13th February—at New-town, (Con.) on the 20th—in the Miss. Territory on the 26th—at Cincinnati the
Mr. Crawford objected to reading these depositions. He observed that they went seriously to affect the character of Mr. Glover; that the Senate had, in such a case, prescribed that the depositions should only be received in case of reasonable notice having been given to the person, whose character it was intended to discredit; that in this case no such reasonable notice had been allowed; that the notice was too short to be of the least use to Mr. Glover.
Mr. Harper, of counsel for Mr. Smith, observed that as much time had been given by Mr. Smith as he could possibly spare. The time fixed for taking depositions at the several places had been as distant as they could be, consistently with Mr. Smith's getting the testimony forwarded to the seat of government by the 1st of March; the period then fixed by the Senate for his hearing.
Mr. S. Smith stated that, although the resolution fixing the 1st of March for a hearing had passed on the 2d of January, the notices of Mr. Smith were not dated till the 10th of February, at Berryville, in Virginia, where he had put them into the post-office.
A short debate followed, in which the principal circumstances noted here, that according to Mr. Smith's affidavit, on which the first postponement had taken place, it was not expected that depositions to discredit Glover's would be taken at any other place than Cincinnati—that, if these depositions, though informal were read, they would be taken by the Senate only for what they were worth,

and that, if exparte evidence was received in favor of Mr. Smith, it could not be rejected when against him.
On reading the depositions, 17 members, being a majority, rose in the affirmative.
The counsel then read the depositions of Calvin Chamberlain, Henry Peck, jun. Ely Perry, Wm. Meeker, Daniel Wheeler, John Noffrog, Luther Bulkeley, Zalmon Tousy, jun. Cyrus Springle, James Nicholls, Solomon Bontz, Oliver Tousy, Gideon Fisher, Stephen Beers, John N. Hays, Joseph Michm, Solomon M. Sackriden, James Meeker, Homer R. Phelps, Joshua B. Brent, Gabriel North, John T. Moore, Philip Gabeblatt, Cyracus Poole, Roswell Hodgkiss, Benjamin Beardsley, E. K. Granger, Henry Tyler, John B. Judson, Samuel Stephens, George Foss, Asa Tyler, Nathan T. Tyler, John S. Gano, Francis Dupley, John Schram, Stephen M'Farland, George Gordon, Edward H. Stull, Thomas N. Stull.
These depositions are made by persons residing in the states of Connecticut, N. York and Ohio.
About 4 o'clock, the Senate adjourned till the next day at 10, A. M.
IMPORTANT COMMUNICATIONS.
SENATE, APRIL 2, 1808. The following message was received from the President.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
Believing that the confidence and union of our fellow citizens, at the present crisis, will be still further confirmed by the publication of the letter of Mr. Champagny to Gen. Armstrong, and that of Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of State, communicated with my message of the 30th ult. and therefore that it may be useful to except them from the confidential character of the other documents accompanying that message, I leave to the consideration of Congress the expediency of making them public.
T. JEFFERSON.
April 2, 1808. On motion of Mr. Giles the following letters were ordered to be printed.
Washington, February, 23d, 1808.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit to you the copies of certain orders of Council which his majesty has thought proper to issue in consequence of the hostile conduct of France towards the navigation and commerce of Great Britain and of neutral states.
His majesty has been induced hitherto to forbear recurring to measures of this nature by the expectation that the governments of the neutral states, who have been the objects of the French Decrees, would have been awakened to a just sense of what they owe to their interests and own rights, and would have interposed with effect, either to prevent the execution of the French decrees, or to procure their abrogation.
But his majesty having been disappointed in this just expectation, and perceiving that the neutral nations, so far from opposing any effectual resistance, have submitted to whatever regulations France may have prescribed for giving effect to her decrees, can no longer refrain from having recourse to such measures as by retorting on the enemy the inconveniences and evils produced by his injustice and violence, may afford the only remaining chance of putting an end to a system, the perseverance in which is not more injurious to his majesty's dominions than to nations not parties to the war between Great Britain and France.
The principle, upon which his majesty finds himself compelled to proceed, would justify a complete and unqualified retaliation on his part of the system announced and acted upon by France, in respect to his majesty's dominions: and his majesty might, therefore, have declared in a state of rigorous and unmitigated blockade, all the coasts and colonies of France and her allies. Such a measure, the maritime power of G. Britain would have enabled his majesty to enforce: nor would those nations, which have acquiesced, without effectual remonstrance, in the French decree of blockade, have derived any right from the perfect execution of a corresponding determination on the part of his majesty, to complain of his majesty's enforcing that measure, which the enemy has executed imperfectly, only from the want of the means of execution.
His majesty however actuated by the same sentiments of moderation by which his majesty's conduct has been uniformly governed, has been desirous of alleviating, as much as possible, the inconveniences necessarily brought upon neutral nations by a state of things so unfavorable to the commercial intercourse of the world; and has therefore anxiously considered what modifications it would be practicable to apply to the principle upon which he is compelled to act, which would not, at the same time that they might afford relief from the pressure of that principle upon neutral or friendly nations, impede or enfeeble its operation upon the enemy.
In pursuance of this desire, the order in council, which, if it had ended with the sixth paragraph, would have been no more than a strict and justifiable retaliation for the French decree of November 1806, proceeds, as you will observe, sir, to provide many material exceptions, which are calculated to qualify the operation of the order upon neutral nations in general, but which must be considered as most peculiarly favorable to the particular interests of the U. States.
It will not escape you, sir, that by this order in council, thus modified and regulated, the direct intercourse of the United States with the colonies of the enemy is unrestrained; an indulgence which, when it is considered to be (as it really is) not only a mitigation of that principle of just reprisal upon which the order itself is framed, but a deviation in favor of the United States, from that ancient and established principle of maritime law, by which the intercourse with the colonies of an enemy in time of war is limited to the extent which that enemy was accustomed in time of peace to prescribe for it, and which, by reference to the conduct of France in time of peace, would amount to a complete interdiction, cannot fail to afford to the American government a proof of the amicable disposition of his majesty towards the United States.
You will observe, sir, also that the transportation of the colonial produce of the enemy from the U. States to Europe, instead of being altogether prohibited (which would have been the natural retaliation for the rigorous and universal prohibition of British produce and manufactures by France) is freely permitted to the ports of G. Britain, with the power of subsequently re-exporting it to any part of Europe, under certain regulations.
The object of these regulations will be the establishment of such a protecting duty, as shall prevent the enemy from obtaining the produce of his own colonies at a cheaper rate than that of the colonies of Great Britain. In this duty it is evident that America is no otherwise concerned than as being to make an advance to that amount for which it is in her own power amply to indemnify herself at the expence of the foreign consumer.
Another most important relaxation of the principles upon which his majesty's orders proceed is that which licences the importation of all flour and meal, and all grains, tobacco and other articles, the produce of the soil of America with the exception of cotton, through the ports of his majesty's dominions, into those of his enemies, without the payment of any duty on the transit. This is, I beg leave to observe, an instance in which his majesty has deprived his measure of its most efficacious and hurtful operation against the enemy, through motives of consideration for the interests of America. The reason why his majesty could not feel himself a liberty, consistent with what was necessary for the execution of his purpose, in any tolerable degree, to allow this relaxation to apply to cotton, is to be found in the great extent to which France has pushed the manufacture of that article, and the consequent embarrassment upon her trade which a heavy impost upon cotton, as it passes through Great Britain to France, must necessarily produce.
I cannot refrain from calling the attention of the government of the United States to the contrast between the different modes in which his majesty's orders and those of France are carried into execution. By his majesty's, the utmost consideration is manifested for the interests of those nations whose commerce he is reluctantly compelled to impede, and ample time allowed for their becoming acquainted with the new regulations and conforming to them. Whereas France, without any previous notice, and without any interval, applies her orders to trade already entered upon in ignorance of any such orders, and subjects to condemnation ships, whose voyages, when commenced, were in strict conformity to all the regulations at that time promulgated by France.
Even with these and other modifications, his majesty is not unaware that a measure extorted from him by the injustice of the enemy, must inevitably produce inconveniences to the neutral parties who are affected by its operation.
The right of his majesty to resort to retaliation cannot be questioned. The suffering occasioned to neutral parties is incidental, and not of his majesty's seeking.
In the exercise of this undoubted right his majesty has studiously endeavored to avoid aggravating unnecessarily the inconveniences suffered by the neutral. And I am commanded by his majesty, especially, to represent to the government of the United States, the earnest desire of his majesty, to see the commerce of the world restored once more to that freedom which is necessary for its prosperity; and his readiness to abandon the system which has been forced upon him, whenever the enemy shall
retract the principles which have rendered it necessary; but his majesty retains the conviction, upon which alone his present measures are founded, that it would be vain to hope for such a retraction, until the enemy shall have been made to feel a portion of the evils which he has endeavored to inflict upon others.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration and respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant.
D. M. ERSKINE. Hon. James Madison, Sec'y of State.
Translation of a letter from M. CHAMPAGNY to Gen. ARMSTRONG, dated Paris, Jan. 15, 1808.
Sir,—The different notes which you have done me the honor to address to me have been laid before his Majesty. The proceedings of England towards all governments are so contrary to the law of nations, and to all the rules constantly observed even among enemies, that no recourse against this power is any longer to be found in the ordinary means of repression. In order to annoy her, it is become necessary to turn against her the arms which she makes use of herself; and if transient inconveniences result therefrom, it is to her alone, they are to be imputed. Since England respects no laws, how could they be respected with regard to her? The maritime laws which she violates, ought they still to be a protection to her? And if some powers tolerate the infractions committed on their independence, could they have the right to require, that France alone should restrain herself within limits which her enemy has every where overlapped?
The United States, more than any other power, have to complain of the aggressions of England. It has not been enough for her to offend against the independence of her flag, nay, against that of their territory, and of their inhabitants, by attacking them even in their ports, by forcibly carrying away their crews; her decrees of the 11th November have made a fresh attack on their commerce, and on their navigation, as they have done on those of all other powers.
In the situation in which England has placed the continent, especially since her decrees of the 11th of November, His Majesty has no doubt of a declaration of war against her by the United States. Whatever transient sacrifices war may occasion, they will not believe it consistent either with their interest or dignity to acknowledge the monstrous principle, and the anarchy which that government wishes to establish on the seas. If it be useful, and honorable for all nations to cause the true maritime law of nations to be re-established, and to avenge the insults committed by England against every flag, it is indispensable for the United States, who from the extent of their commerce have oftener to complain of those violations. War exists, then, in fact between England and the United States; and his majesty considers it as declared, from the day on which England published her decrees. In that persuasion his majesty, ready to consider the United States as associated with the cause of all the powers, who have to defend themselves against England, has not taken any definitive measure towards the American vessels which may have been brought into our ports. He has ordered that they should remain sequestered, until a decision may be had thereon, according to the dispositions which shall have been expressed by the government of the United States.
The Senate on Friday and Saturday heard counsel in the case of Mr. Smith. The detailed notice of the proceedings of Saturday, with various other articles, are necessarily deferred by the superior importance of the documents on our foreign relations.
The House of Representatives have been almost exclusively engaged during the three last days with closed doors, during which various propositions were submitted relative to the publication of papers communicated by the President in his message of the 30th ult. On Saturday a message was received from the President [the same with that given under the head of the proceedings of the Senate] when the House ordered the publication of the letters of Mr. Erskine and Mr. Champagny, as given in the National Intelligencer, and the secret journal of proceeding, which shall be given in our next. All the motions made previous to the receipt of the message were negatived.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 31.
Mr. Rowan having called up his resolution for an enquiry into the conduct of HARRY INNES—
The House agreed to consider it, 42 to 38.
Mr. Howard rose merely to express a wish that the resolution should be adopted, not only from that respect which he owed to the legislature of the state of Kentucky, but from a belief that the enquiry was necessary. Ever since the trial of Judge Sebastian, said Mr. H. an impression has been made on the public mind unfavorable
to the standing of judge Innes as a citizen and as an officer of the general government. From the delicate and important nature of the trust reposed in a judge, it is indisputably necessary not only that he should possess integrity, and possess purity of mind, but that he should be free from all suspicion to the contrary. That his reputation has sustained a diminution is certain, whether on proper or improper ground, it is not necessary for me to determine. I trust the House will permit the enquiry to progress, that if innocent, this gentleman may be permitted to sustain that reputation which he has long enjoyed; and if guilty, the public may put out of their service a man who has so ill conducted. I conceive the House cannot hesitate on this subject. Whatever other gentlemen may require to justify them in adopting this resolution I cannot for them say; but for my single self, if nothing more were presented to my view than the resolution of the Legislature of Kentucky, to my mind it would be sufficient. While up I think it my duty to mention that judge Innes, by the same mail which brought his accusation, wrote to a number of the Representatives of the state of Kentucky, among whom was myself, expressing not only his willingness but his anxiety that an enquiry should take place.
Mr. Smith said he had voted against now considering the resolution, because he wished to take up the army bill; but as to the resolution, coming into the House as it did, under such respectable authority, he could see no objection to adopting it.
Mr. Stanford observed that if his recollection served him, it had been usual in cases of this kind to attach a preamble to the resolution; he wished every thing to have a why or wherefore to it. He therefore offered a preamble, stating the request of the Legislature of Kentucky as the ground on which the resolution is predicated.
Mr. Bacon in some observations against affixing the preamble, observed that the practice of prefacing every law and resolution with a preamble, was an awkward and procrastinating mode of legislation and had therefore become obsolete.
Mr. Troup observed that he had voted against considering the resolution, though friendly to its object. He did believe that the western conspiracy should be developed in its utmost extent. It was high time that a line should be drawn between the friends and enemies of this government; that those of the latter who are in office may be put out, and those who are not in office may be exposed and kept out. He believed this object would be fully attained by the resolution, as well by an exposition of the nature of the conspiracy, as of the number and character of the conspirators; he was therefore in favor of it.
Mr. Dawson hoped and believed that there was not a gentleman in the House who was opposed to the resolution. He observed that the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) had well stated the disadvantages of preambles, a discussion on which had frequently occupied more time than the act to which they were prefixed. He hoped the gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Stanford) would conform to the established practice.
Mr. Johnson observed that he was decidedly in favor of an enquiry, and was happy that there appeared to be so unanimous a disposition in its favor; he regretted that any gentleman should propose an addition to the resolution which might occupy the House in a discussion which might be unpleasant.
Mr. Stanford observed that his only desire was to conform to the established practice, which he had believed to be as he had stated it; but as it seemed to be thought otherwise, he withdrew the preamble.
The resolution was then adopted, nem. con.
Mr. Stanford said he would now make a motion which he knew to have been usual; and he did this without intending any disrespect to the Speaker. He moved that the committee be appointed by ballot. If an appointment of a committee in this manner was proper in any case, it was in this.
After a short conversation between several gentlemen as to what had been the former practice, the motion was negatived, Ayes 8.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the bill for raising an additional military force.
The amendment yesterday proposed by Mr. Rowan, was negatived, without debate, Ayes 20.
The committee then rose and reported the bill, which was immediately ordered to a third reading. For tomorrow, Ayes 29. To-day—carried without a division.
The galleries were now cleared as stated in our last, and so continued during the remainder of the sitting.
Philadelphia, March 14. Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Lancaster, dated March 11, 1808.
"The bill for the improvement of the state, passed the House of Representatives to-day by a majority of 19. The votes were 50 to 31.
"It is to be hoped that the Senate will complete what the House of Representatives have begun. The bill is of great public importance, and is particularly recommended by the circumstance of its embracing an object, which, though highly interesting, is free from the influence of party feeling. Every citizen of the State has an interest in the fate of this bill. The surplus funds of the commonwealth could not be more beneficially applied, than to the purposes contemplated by it."
Extract of a letter from a commercial house in Liverpool to another in New York, dated February 18.
"We have received a printed list of the duties proposed by ministers to be laid on foreign produce when exported from this country; and have extracted the articles, information on which will be most interesting in America. These duties will probably in some instances be modified before they receive the sanction of Parliament."
The following are the duties which the committee of the House of Commons have recommended for the sanction of the legislature on the exportation of the following goods from Great Britain, being foreign goods limited on importation without payment of duty: coffee 20s. per cwt.; cocoa 20s. per do.; cochineal 10s. per lb.; cotton wool 9d. per do.; gum 10s. per cwt.; hides raw 3s. each; indigo 2s. per lb.; oil (seed) 10s. per puncheon of 152 gal. 12 lbs.; pimento 4s. per lb.; prier goods 20s. per cwt.; sal ammoniac 15s. per cwt.; sugar 10s. per cwt.; muscovado 10s. per cwt.; tobacco 1 1/2 per lb.; mahogany 11 per ton of 20 cwt.; and the following on goods which cannot be landed on importation: Aches, not per pair 10s. per cwt.; Wheat 10s. per quarter; rye, peas, Indian corn 5s. per do.; wheat flour 5s. per cwt.
From Liverpool, Feb. 6. "Premiums of Insurance on American vessels have risen to 8 guineas. In consequence of your embargo, all kinds of American produce have risen considerably; and will continue to rise as long as the embargo lasts, which I hope will not be long."
The king of Great Britain has been pleased to appoint maj. gen. sir George Prevost, bart. to be lieut. gov. of the province of Nova Scotia and commander of the forces, with the local rank of lieut. gen. in Nova Scotia only.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
By Authority.
THIS EVENING, April 4th, will be presented a choice SELECTION FROM THE DRAMA. (Particulars in hand-bills.)
Mr. & Mrs. Grimaldi respectfully inform Ladies and Gentlemen that, from the very flattering reception their first performance met with, they are induced to make every addition in their power to the Theatrical Entertainments. Several necessary improvements will be made, and no assistance shall be wanting that can be procured, in order to render the Theatre worthy the attention of the lovers of the Drama.
April 1—29
AMERICAN MILITARY LIBRARY.
Just received and for sale at R. C. Weightman's Bookstore, Pennsylvania Avenue.
Nos. 2, 3 and 4 of the American Military Library.
Horrors of St. Domingo.
Life of an Irish Harp, by Miss O'Genson.
A Sailor's Friendship and A Soldier's Love, a new novel, by Miss Porter.
Ivory and bone Chessmen.
Battledores and Shuttlecocks.
Leather Chessboards.
April 4—31.
CHARLOTTE HALL.
MARCH 27, 1808.
WHEN the emulation and exertions of youth are sanctioned by the respectability and experience of riper years how serious is the calamity which deprives them of a Friend.
The Washington Society unanimously have resolved to wear crape upon the left arm for the space of one month as a small but sincere token of respect to the memory of NATHANIEL C. WETMS, Esq. of Prince Georges county late an honorary member of that Society.
Signed by order, ROBERT MURPHY, Secretary.
April 4—31
NOTICE.
The subscribers under painful sanctions announces to the public his intention to apply to the Hon. Prince Georges county court, or in its recess to one of the judges thereof, for the benefit of an act of Assembly, entitled, "An act for the benefit of insolvent debtors," passed November session, 1805, and the "act supplementary thereto," passed November session 1806.
ROBT. MCKOY.
April 1—561
BANK OF COLUMBIA.
March 18th, 1807.
The President and Directors having this day declared a dividend on the Capital Stock of the Institution at the rate of eight per cent per annum, the same will be paid to the stock-holders or their representatives on Monday the 21st. inst. or at any time thereafter.
WILL. WHANN, Cash.
86.

ROSS AND GATTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the Schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz. 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass handles, &c. &c. January 9—tf
URGEAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEAT Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—HOUSES and LOTS—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
JAMES CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Talinets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Deerskin coatings, Plains, kersies, halfhicks, Ross and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jacomet muslins, India and British book do. India mull mull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured gowns, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 8 4 damask and raw silk shawls, Dama K. & C. do. Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & net sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and Intersprings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4 4 7 8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, Ross threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Washington county, District of Columbia, the subscriber will offer at Public Sale, on Friday the 8th of April,
Part of the Personal Estate of John Wight, deceased, consisting of Wheat, Corn, Oats, Rye, Horses, horned Cattle, & among which there is one yoke of valuable Oxen, Hogs, Sheep, Plantation Utensils, &c. The sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M.—Terms all sums under 20 dollars cash, above that sum a credit of six months, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security, to bear interest from the date.
WASHINGTON BOYD Ex'rs of AND GEORGE MOORE, Dec'd. March 30—eptds A Stock of well Assorted HARDWARE, FOR SALE. The subscriber wishes to decline the Hardware business, and offers his entire stock in that line at a low advance upon the first cost, to a person wishing to purchase the same, a credit will be given, upon giving approved security. HENRY INGLE. March 18—2aw1m 1808—tf
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806. entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, or unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
SECRET HISTORY OR HORRORS OF ST. DOMINGO. In a Series of Letters written by a Lady, to C. Burr, late Vice-President of the United States, principally during the command of general Rochambeau, Price One Dollar. And other NEW BOOKS Among which are the following: D. C. Third vol. Chapman's Select Speeches, 2 50 Fourth volume, do. 2 50 Reeces Medical Guide, 3 00 Hitchcocks Poems, 75 Barlow's Columbiad, fine plates, 20 00 Brooke's Gazetteer, new edition, 3 50 Public Characters for 1807, 4 25 Lay of an Irish Harp, by Miss Owenson, 1 00 Likewise, The second number of col. Townsend's American Artillerists Companion 2 00 The third number is now in the Press. Gentlemen wishing to patronise this valuable work, are earnestly requested to call and leave their names at J. MARCH'S, Book Store, George Town.
Where may be had any Book that can possibly be procured in New York, Philadelphia or Baltimore, without any advance on the price. March 18—6t
NOTICE. The Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of his brother Romulus Rigg, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. O'Fall, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16—tf
THE subscriber has purchased out the stock of GOODS lately belonging to Mr. Elisha Rigg, and will be enabled, from the conditions of purchase, to dispose of them in the same house on as liberal if not better terms than they were sold before. He expects by Capt. Hand, from Philadelphia this week or the first of next, a handsome Spring Supply, which will make his assortment complete. They were laid in for cash, therefore will accommodate his friends no doubt satisfactorily. JOHN PETER. George Town, March 16—ep4w
WHEREAS the SUNSCRIBER together with John Stockwell the Elder, and George Johnston and Jane his wife of the county of Tyrone in the kingdom of Ireland, executed a power of attorney, dated the 9th day of April 1806, authorising John Stockwell, jun. to receive, and to sell and convey all the estate, real and personal to which we were entitled under the wills or as heirs at law of Mark Stockwell late of the city of Washington, or of Henry Stockwell late of Philadelphia consisting principally of Lots in the city of Washington, and Lands in Greenbrier, and Kenawey, counties in Virginia. Now know all to whom this writing shall come, that we, for good causes, do hereby revoke and entirely annul the said letter of attorney herein before mentioned. Given under our hands and seals this 28th day of March 1808. (Seal) JAMES HANCOCK. March 30—3t
BURAS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's merchants, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N.B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
THE CAPITOL PRIZE. Ticket No. 6974 was drawn the 36th day in St. Mary's College Lottery, prize of 30,000 dollars. The ticket was sold at G. and R. WAITE'S truly for an amateur Lottery office, corner of Market & Charles streets, to Mr. Dobbins, who we understand afterwar is disposed of it to another person in this city. Ticket No. 15,554, which was drawn the second capital prize 15,000 dollars. Ticket No. 7,001, which was drawn the third capital prize, 10,000 dollars, and Ticket No. 1977 was drawn the 4th capital prize, 5,000 dollars, were all sold at the same lucky office.
STATE LOTTERY—NEW YORK. For the promotion of Literature, and for other purposes. Positively commences drawing on the First Tuesday in April next. Payment of prizes guaranteed by the state Legislature. HIGHEST PRIZES, 1 25,000 dollars. 1 10,000 dollars. 2 5,000 dollars. 4 2,000 dollars. 7 1,000 dollars.
And a very considerable number of inferior prizes. Less than two blanks to a prize. The tickets are now offered for sale in a variety of numbers at G. & R. WAITE'S truly for an amateur Lottery Office in New York, at the following prices, Whole 7 50 Quarters 2 Halves 3 75 Eighths 1 But will in a few days advance in price. All prizes purchased of G. & R. Waite will be paid by them, and every information relative to the Lottery will be given to distant adventurers gratis. Prize tickets in the New York and Baltimore Lottery taken in payment. Orders for G. and R. Waite, taken and punctually attended to, at J. MARCH'S Book-Store, High street George Town. March 18—6t
PUBLIC SALE. By Virtue of a decree of the honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, will be exposed to sale on the 8th day of April next at 12 o'clock at the store of Thomas Duvall, a Tract of LAND, containing One Hundred and Eighty-Seven acres, called Brashear's Plantation, the property of John Turner deceased, lying in Prince George's county, about 7 miles from Bladensburg, 10 from the city of Washington, and 25 from Annapolis; about one third in wood, the remainder in a state of productive cultivation. The terms of the above sale are, that the purchaser shall give bond with good security such as shall be approved of by the trustee for paying one half within 9 months, and the other half within 18 months with interest on each payment from the day of sale. GEO. PAGE, Trustee.
THE Creditors of John Turner, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court, with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale. G. PAGE. March 16—3w
PUBLIC NOTICE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold on Thursday the 21st day of April next, at his late dwelling in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of John Rustin, late of said county, deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils and a variety of other articles too numerous to mention. The terms of sale are six months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good securities bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums to the amount of ten dollars and under, the cash must be paid. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock. JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. March 25—3w
This is to give Notice— That the subscriber of St. Mary's hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Wilfred Neale, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of March 1808. HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
ADVERTISEMENT. TO be sold on Thursday the 7th of April at the Dwelling House of Mrs. ANN SMITH in High street, Her whole Household Furniture, consisting of Feather Beds, Bedsteads, Blankets, Ch'irs, Mahogany Tables, Desk, Mirror Glasses, Grate, 4 Stoves, Brass Fender, Andirons, Crockery Ware, Kitchen Furniture, a Milch Cow, Shower Bath, a pair of Globes, and an excellent Pian, in perfect repair; the Piano to be sold either at private or public sale; a valuable Negro woman about twenty, with a fine boy, near two years old; the woman is a good plain cook, a washer, ironer, and house maid. George Town, March 28—
FORT WINE. Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale. JOHN GOULDING Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice LIQUORS of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25—
30 DOLLARS REWARD, FOR apprehending and safe keeping, black MOSES, about 5 feet 10 inches high, about 25 years old; has lost an upper front tooth, has a rupture near his groin; when sharply spoken to she was submission, his voice is soft and low, his gestures is such as has enabled him to deceive those who are acquainted with him. I have had him twice since the 30th of July last; once he broke from the stocks; once from five men on the 26th December last. On the day after he broke Wm. Lee's house, and took therefrom all said Lee's wearing apparel, also a saddle and bridle and a horse from my stable. The horse, saddle and bridle I have recovered, which was taken from him by Mr. Rison who keeps ferry near Dumfries. The principal part of clothing he had with him when he was lodged in Dumfries jail, on 30th December last, consisted of home made cloth, which he took with him on the 1st of January last when he broke jail and cleared himself. I suppose he is lurking about George Town or Alexandria. He called himself a freeman, and passed by the name of John Lucas Roulis. It is likely he will take some other. The above reward and all reasonable charges I will pay to any person who will lodge him in any jail, or deliver him to me in Orange county. JOHN PAYNE, Black Walnut Run. March 18—10
MR. JOSHUA B. BOND'S celebrate running HORSE, FIRST CONSUL, WILL stand this season, at the subscriber's farm in Prince George's county, Maryland, about seven miles from Queen Anne, ten from Bladensburg, the same distance from Upper Marlborough, and about sixteen miles from the city of Washington; at Twenty-Five dollars the season, and one dollar to the groom; but Twenty-One dollars will be received in full if sent with the MARES; if the money is not sent with the MARES it is requested that notes of hand will be sent at that time, given for Twenty Six dollars, payable at the expiration of the season, which will commence immediately and end the 1st of August. Good pasture will be furnished gratis, as soon as the grass is good, and in the mean time, hay and corn furnished at the common price, for the mares according to orders. The utmost care will be taken of the mares, but I will not be answerable for accidents or escapes. Consul is of fine figure, beautiful bright bay, with a small blaze in his face, and his hind angles white; full 15 and 1 2 hands high. It is expected that the stock from Consul and well bred mares, will not be surpassed by the stock from any horse (scarcely) in America, for the turf, carriage, or saddle; or even from Consul and good looking mares, which have none of the running blood; their colts cannot be other than elegant in a carriage or under the saddle. Such mares as have little, or not any of what is supposed to be running blood in them, may be put to Consul at half price, the money sent with the mares. It should be preferred by gentlemen living beyond Bladensburg and Upper Marlborough, who wish to breed from Consul, by giving notice to the subscriber, he can be sent one day in each week to each place, from the first day of April, while there will be any mares to send to him from either of those directions; say Bladensburg on Tuesday, and Upper Marlborough on Saturday. ISAAC DUCKETT. March 12, 1808.
PEDIGREE OF FIRST CONSUL. HE was foaled in Philadelphia county, June 1798, got by the noted running horse Flag of Truce, his dam by the imported horse Slender, his granddam from the imported mare Dianna, Dianna was got by Old Eclipse, Slender was got by King Herod, who produced more runners than any other horse in England, as may be seen by the Racing Calendar, therefore it may in truth be said on the dam side of First Consul, the two great grand sires were the best horses England ever produced. Flag of Truce was bred by colonel Good of Virginia and was esteemed the best turf horse in his day and was the sire to colonel Taylor's famous running horse Leviathan. First Consul has won either 20 or 22 purses from 100l. and 100g. and never started against a horse he did not outrun until the fall he was eight years old—the spring following he won three purses and distanced the field the first day at New Market on Long Island. JOSHUA B. BOND, Philadelphia. March 18—eptM&wtf
THE DRAWING OF THE NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY, Will positively commence on Tuesday the 5th of April, and continue drawing at the rate of 3000 Tickets per week until finished. Present price of Tickets 7 Dollars & 50 Cents, but will positively rise to 8 dollars on the 5th of April. ** Tickets may be had by early application at J. MARCH'S Book Store, George Town, where a regular Check book of the drawing will be kept. April 1—2t
PROPOSALS For publishing by subscription, a new work, entitled, "THE LAWYER; OR MAN AS HE OUGHT NOT TO BE." A Tale. CONDITIONS. 1. This work will be printed on fine paper, and handsomely bound in boards. 2. It will be published in one duodecimo volume of about 250 pages, and delivered to subscribers at one dollar. 3. Those who shall obtain 12 subscribers, shall be entitled to one copy gratis. 4. As the expence of publication will be considerable, a discount of one eighth of the price will be allowed to such as pay in advance. Subscriptions for the above work are received at the book-store of D. RAPINE, Capitol Hill, where a general assortment of books and stationary are always kept for sale.
TO LAND HOLDERS IN THE STATE OF OHIO. By one of the propositions made by Congress to the people of the eastern division of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, when it was about to pass into a state government, provision was made for an exemption, of the lands sold by Congress, from taxation, for the space of five years, after the sale. That time has now elapsed, as to all lands sold previously to the 30th day of June, 1803; and they will, this year, be entered, by the Auditor for taxation, at 100, 75, and 50 cents per 160 acres of 1st. 2d. and 3d. rate land. So, for the next year, those lands sold previously to the 30th day of June, 1804, will be in like manner entered. Every year the system will progress, in this manner, until the whole of the lands will be embraced. The sale of lands, for tax, commences on the first Monday of December. We give this early information, that non-residents may take advantage of it, and, by the like early provision, may save their property from the grasp of speculating harpies. TH. S. HINTLE, and CH. A. STUART, Agents for non-residents. Chillicothe, March 10th, 1808. It is desired that the Enquirer, Aurora, and United States Gazette, will insert the above notice twice, and forward their accounts. April 1—3t
CHARLES H. VARDEA, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders, for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE. That the subscriber of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of of Command Plowden late of the county aforesaid deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 18th day of March, eighteen hundred & eight HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
FAMILY PHYSICIAN. A new and greatly improved Family Physician, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion," FOR SALE AT R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Washington city. J. MILLIGAN'S George Town, And KID W. THOMAS'S , Market street, Baltimore. March 28—3w
SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Montgomery county, will be sold, at Public Sale, on Saturday the 23d of April, at the dwelling of Absalom Beddo, deceased, THE Property remaining unsold, consisting of Hogs, Plantation Utensils, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. A credit of nine months will be given to the purchaser, by giving note, with approved security. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock. JAMES BEDDO, Ex'r. April 1—3t
In obedience to the decree of the high court of chancery of Maryland, will be sold to the highest bidder at Sennett's Tavern, George Town, on the Thursday week after the first Monday in April next, at 11 o'clock A. M. all the right, title and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to sundry Lots of Ground in Thomas Beall of George's addition to George Town, purchased of John M. Gantt Esquire, being the four easternmost lots purchased by said Gantt of Thomas Beall of George, Esq. and in and to Lots No. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 16, in square No. 8 & part of square No. 3 in said city. Will also be sold to the highest bidder at Brooks's Tavern, Upper Marlborough on the first Monday in April next, at 4 o'clock, P. M. all the right, title and interest of said Thomas Clark in and to a Tract or part of a Tract of Land lying in Prince George county, purchased by said Clark of one Brock Mockey, supposed to contain about one hundred and fifty acres. The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the registrar of the court of chancery of Maryland, with the vouchers to support them within 3 months from the said day of sale. JAMES S. MORSELL, Trustee. March 5, 1808.—3w 3t
TAKE NOTICE. THE Commissioners of the taxes for Prince George's County, will meet at the Court House in Upper Marlborough, on the first Tuesday in April next and continue to sit for twenty days, for the purpose of making entry of such alterations as have taken place in the real and personal property in said county since their last meeting. TRUMAN TYLER, Clerk. March 18—w3t