Alexandria advertiser and commercial intelligencer (Alexandria [Va.]), 1802-02-10 00:00:00

W Cartier
Alexandria Advertiser AND COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCER.
Vol. 11.] WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 18. 2. [No. 30.]
Sale by Auction.
On SATURDAY next, at ten o'clock, will be sold at the Auction Room, Rum in hhds. and bls. Sugar in do. Coffee in bags, Soap and Candles in boxes, Raisins in do. Starch in do. Tobacco in kegs, &c.—ALSO, A quantity of Dry Goods, Viz. Kendal Cottons, Kerseys, Haltucks, Plains, Plads, Coatings, Duffs, Flannels, Irish and Sheetings Linens, German Osnaburgs, Calicoes, Durants, Shawls, Handkerchiefs, Ladies' Silk Gloves, Sewing Silks, Threads, &c. H. and T. MOORE, Auctioneers. Feb. 8.
Public Sale.
On FRIDAY , At ten o'clock, will be sold at the Vendu Store, 3d and 4th proof Antigua and Jamaica Rum in hhds. and bls. French Brandy in bls. Holland Gin in bls. Teneriffe Wine in cases, Cordials in bls. Sugar in Hds and bls. Molasses in bls. Rice in tierces and bls. Soap in boxes, Queens and Earthen Ware in crates, handsomely assorted, 30 boxes Havanna Segars, Cotton in bales—on a credit. ALSO, A variety of DRY GOODS, —AMONG WHICH ARE— Broad and narrow Cloths, Flannels and Planes, Carpet and Carpeting. Irish and German Linens, Worsted and cotton Stockings, Calicoes and Ginghams, A variety of Muslin and Muslin Hand kerchiefs and Shawls, Table Cloths, Hats, Boots and Shoes, Hardware, and A number of other articles. P. G. MARSTELLER, Vendue Master. Feb. 8.
Public Sale.
On the 11th of February next WILL BE SOLD, On the Premises, A neat and convenient Store and Dwelling-House, on Prince-Street, near the corner of Royal-Street. The land is equal to any in the Town, fronts on Prince-Street 18 feet 4 inches, and is in depth 78 feet, with the benefit of an alley; subject to a rent of Twenty Pounds. Terms, &c. will be made known previous to the sale. P. G. MARSTELLER, v. m. January 23.
Public Sale.
On the 11th of February next WILL BE SOLD, On the Premises, A neat and convenient Store and Dwelling-House, on Prince-Street, near the corner of Royal-Street. The land is equal to any in the Town, fronts on Prince-Street 18 feet 4 inches, and is in depth 78 feet, with the benefit of an alley; subject to a rent of Twenty Pounds. Terms, &c. will be made known previous to the sale. P. G. MARSTELLER, v. m. January 23.
For Charter.
THE SCHOONER LUCY, Captain Snow, 90 Ton burthen, to Europe, or an port in the West-Indies—apply to the Master on board at Vowell's Wharf or to the subscribers. JANNEY & PATON. January 22. £5—Cash given at this office for clean Rags.
GERMAN LINENS.
Joseph Riddle & Co. HAVE FOR SALE Best white Ticklenburg, Second qual. do. Brown do. Osnaburgs, Brown Hemp Rolls, White do. Hessian do. Brown Holland and Dowlas. ALSO ON HAND, A Quantity of Turk's Island, Isle of May, and Cadiz SALT. December 29. d
ROBBERY.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. THE subscribers' store was last night broke open and the following Cash and Goods taken therefrom, viz. About 100 dollars in cash, Cross-barred and striped coarse swansdown, 1 Piece of superfine brown cloth, 1 do. do. dark bottle green, 1 do. of dark brown superfine, 1 do. dark mixed brown superfine, 2 do. of blue fine cloth, 2 do. of dark mixture fine cloth, 3 do. lapel muslins, Of sprigged muslins a number—also diz- ties; camel hair shawls; brown, red and blue bandannos; yellow flags and cinnamon silk shawls; a number of India book muslins; womens' blue and white worsted and cotton stockings, men's fancy cotton stockings; a few pieces of Muslins veil patterns and silk nan- keen, together with a variety of other articles not particularly recollected. The above reward will be paid to any person for discovering the Cash and Goods and convicting the thief or thieves; or Fifty Dollars for all the Goods, or in proportion for any part of the Goods re- covered. It is hoped all well disposed persons will interest themselves in discovering and bringing to condign punishment the per- petrators of this daring attack upon the property of citizens. J. & M. SCHOLFIELD. January 2. d Such Printers as are disposed to de- tect villainy are requested to insert the a- bove.
Various Property
(Within a quarter of a mile of Alexandria) TO BE RENTED. 12 Acres of land, on the East side of the George-Town road, well en- closed, with a post and rail fence, and a growing hedge all round, about 5 acres of this lot is cultivated as a Garden, and well manured, in which there are a variety of excellent bearing fruit trees, grape vines, raspberry, gooseberry, and currant bushes, a variety of herbs and flowers and 38 aspara- gus beds, highly manured and produced ab- undantly, there are also on this lot, two dwelling houses, a cow-house, stable, corn and sheep-house. 23 Acres of land on the West side of the said road, enclosed in like man- ner, about 15 acres of it is in timothy, and produces good crops of hay, about 6 acres has been in clover, and since a crop of rye has been taken from it; at a proper season it may be again laid down, in either clo- ver or timothy; about two acres is in wood—this lot may be conveniently di- vided into four good grass lots. No person or persons need apply to rent the aforesaid property, but such as can come, well recommended, for their honest- ty, sobriety and knowledge in the garden- ing and farming business. The two lot- will be let separate or together as may be- suit, and good security will be required, for performance of the covenants, in the lease or leases. For terms apply to the subscriber. PHILIP R. FENDALL. January 20. d
William Hartshorne Has for Sale at his Mill, or in Alexandria, Plaister of Paris by the ton, or ready ground by the bushel, Indian Meal and Rye Meal, bottled or unbottled, Corn, or any other grain, ground for toll at the mill. At his Store in town, Hay in bundles, Corn by the bushel, Loaf and Lump Sugar by the hoghead or barrel, First and second quality James R Tobacco, in kegs, A few very good Mill Spindles, Two good Scale Beams. For Sale, One Share in the Poto- mac Company. A number of valuable Lots in town. Also, for Sale or Rent, A valuable Brick House on King street, now in the tenure of Tho- mas Cruse. To Let, A two story Frame House on Duke street, with a large garden and well of good water at the door. 1st mo. 18. d
Alexandria Library Company. THE members of the Alex- andria Library Company will please to take notice, that an election will be held at the Council Chamber, on Monday the 15th inst. at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, for a President and eleven Directors for the ensuing year. JAMES KENNEDY, Gen. Sec'y. Feb. 1. d
JANNEY & PATON HAVE FOR SALE, 90 Pieces of Russia Duck, 30 Ravens do. 6 Chests of Souchong Tea, Havanna white & brown Sugars in boxes, West-India do. in hhds. and barrels, Coffee in bags and barrels, Holland Gin in barrels, Sweet Oil in boxes of 12 bottles each, Castile Soap in boxes, Shoes in boxes assorted, East-India Goods. Also, The Cargo of the Schooner Lucy, captain Snow, consisting of 43 Tons Plaister of Paris, 60 Casks of Lime, 10 Barrels of Tanner's Oil, 115 Reams of Wrapping Paper, 40 Boxes of dipt Candles. January 22. d
JUST RECEIVED, COARSE WOOLLENS, Consisting of Nap'd cottons, half thicks, pladdings, Striped blankets and kersey duffs.—For sale on very moderate terms by the pack- age, on the usual credit. WM. HODGSON. Oct. 6. d
JUST RECEIVED, FRUITS and GROCERIES. Antigua Rum by the hhd. Raisins by the box, Sugar by the barrel, Dates, fresh from the coast of Barbary, With a variety of other FRUITS and GROCERIES. ABEL WILLIS. The HOPE will sail for Norfolk on Thursday next. Jan. 11. d
Wanted to Purchase Marine Shares of Alexandria. Ap- ply to WILLIAM HODGSON. January 22. d Printing in all its variety exe- cuted at this office.
JUST RECEIVED, And for sale by the subscriber, at his Gro- cery and Fruit Store, lower end of Prince street, Fresh Oranges and Lemons in boxes from Lisbon, Do. figs in frails, 30 boxes fresh bloom Raisins, Soft shell'd Almonds, Tamarins. Also, Apples by the barrel, Shelbarks do. Good Cyder do. Soap and Candles in boxes, Mould Candles do. R. Island Cheese and Potatoes of a superior quality, Queens Ware assorted, And every other article in the GROCERY LINE. Thomas Simmons. Feb. 6. d
In obedience to a Decree of the Court of Alexandria county, on Sa- turday the sixth day of March next, will be offered for sale on the premises, for ready money, A Lot of Ground Containing half an acre; lying upon the east side of Alfred street and south side of Cameron street, in the town of Alex- andria; extending on Alfred street 76 feet 7 inches, and on Cameron street 123 feet 5 inches. There are a convenient two story frame dwelling house, with a kitchen and other out houses upon the lot. The lot is subject to an annual rent which will be made known on the day of sale. As the lot is large it will be divided into smaller dividends, and sold either in par- cels or altogether as will best suit purchas- ers. This sale is made to satisfy a debt due from Thomas Richards to Thompson and Veitch. JAMES KEITH, } Com'rs. JOHN JANNEY, } JOHN DUNLAP, } Feb. 5. d
JANNEY & PATON Have just received and offer for Sale, A quantity of New-England Rum, and Liverpool Ware in crates. Feb. 2. d
PETER NOWLAND, HAIR DRESSER, Has just received an assortment of Wigs and Fillets, from London. Feb. 4. d
JUST RECEIVED, And for sale on a liberal credit, or to ex- change for Flour, 1900 bushels of excellent Turk's Island Salt, and 40 bls. prime Beef. I have also, 20 quarter casks Port Wine. WM. HODGSON. Feb. 3. d
FOR SALE, The Cargo of the brig Little Sally, capt. Cozens, From Rhode-Island, now landing and consisting of French Brandy, Holland Gin (entitled to drawback) Country Gin, West-India Rum, N. England do. Loaf Sugar, Castile Soap, Tanner's Oil, R. I. Cheese of an excellent quality, Seal Leather, Russia and raven Duck and Sheetings, Cordage, 1 bale of Ticklenburgs, &c. For Sale, Freight or Charter, The said brig Little Sally, burthen about 650 barrels, an excellent vessel and well equipped. Apply to J. G. LADD. Jan. 4. d

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Friday, January 15.
JUDICIARY BILL.
Mr. Wright of Maryland observed, that he had been called forth early in this debate rather to defend the state he had the honor to represent, from the unkind imputation of 'a violation of her constitution,' (in which he flattered himself he had succeeded even to the satisfaction of the honorable gentleman himself, who, he presumed, from misinformed, had been induced to make it,) than from any desire at that time, to enter into the discussion of the merits of the resolution then under consideration of the senate. He therefore hoped, he should now be indulged with a few observations on the merits of the resolution before them, although it had already occupied so much of the time of the senate, and had been so ably and fully discussed by honorable gentlemen of great abilities and experience on both sides, yet he should presume to call their attention to such prominent features of the case as had been unrespective on his own mind.
This subject has been brought before us in the imposing shape of a recommendation of the President of the United States, the national, the constitutional organ of the government, in his official message to congress on the state of the Union; a duty imposed on him by the express letter of the constitution, a duty he was bound by the most solemn obligations constitutionally to discharge, a duty that renovated and enlightened America had too recently exacted him to discharge, too readily to believe he would unconstitutionally abuse.
Sir, this subject has been submitted to the consideration of the congress of the United States, a body selected for their patriotism, their wisdom, and their virtue, the constitutional organ of the legislative will of the nation, in order to inform their minds, and point their attention to the great and important subjects on which they were convened to deliberate, on the honest discharge of which every thing valuable to America depends. This subject had not been brought before them in a manner to coerce a hasty or an immature decision on the subject, nor had it been left on the vague foundation of suggestion or conjecture, but it had been brought before them in a manner that imposed deliberation, and had been supported by documents that had aroused and almost feared the lips of opposition on the point of its expediency.
But, however imposing the manner, or however incontrovertible the matter on which the resolution was predicated, yet, honorable gentlemen are found on this floor to oppose it as a measure of that administration they feel indisposed to support, particularly as it implicates the policy of the late administration, and indeed a measure which was the work of their own hands, which mankind at all times have been prone to admire, and however convinced of their errors, have with great reluctance been brought to confess them.
Sir, it would seem by the course of the arguments on the present question, that we had it in contemplation to break down the federal judiciary altogether, and to subvert ancient foundations, and as if the agents or perpetrators (as the gentlemen from Connecticut has pointed) with polluted hands intended to destroy that constitution, they have sworn to support, and to leave the community without a judiciary to enforce obedience to the laws, whereby the strong might give law to the weak, the rich oppress the poor, and the artful and the wicked impose on the weak and uninformed; and all with impunity, and indeed would induce a belief, that they alone had either life, liberty or property to be protected. But the fact is, that the old judiciary system, that has answered every necessary purpose from the commencement of the government, remains inviolate. It is the new system established at the last period of the last session of congress, a system whereby fifteen new judges were introduced as circuit judges, several of whom had been promoted to be circuit judges from district judges to make room in the district courts, for gentlemen of congress, who assented to establish this new system,
and who therefore were by the constitution disqualified to accept that office, created during the time for which they were elected to serve in congress; and as he had said before thereby, indirectly minted offices for themselves, and the favorites of an expiring administration—a measure resisted by the republicans in both branches of the national legislature, a measure which was carried into operation by those from whom the people have revoked their confidence, at the moment their power was passing away, at a time when the business in the federal courts had declined nearly one half, and when the sedition law had ceased to be an engine to restrain the liberty of the press, and to punish men for the expression of their honest political opinions—was all that was intended to be repealed.
Here let me call your attention to the letter of the resolution, which on reading it will be found to extend no further than to the repeal of the act of congress of the last session, by which sixteen new federal judges had been created, and a system established at the annual expense of 130,000 dollars. We are now called on, as the representatives of the nation, as the organ of their legislative will, to determine whether this law, which has been ever odious in the sight of the people, and whose birth was not entirely legitimate, shall be repealed. We are informed by the President himself, that it is unnecessary, and that fact has been established by the document submitted to us on the subject of the judiciary courts of the United States. We are informed also, that on the repeal of this law and the making some retrenchments, in the naval and military establishments, which have been already progressed in, is predicated the repeal of the odious internal taxes; and in this manner and to effect this desirable purpose, this object is brought before us. Can we then hesitate to relieve our people from the burthen of their odious internal taxes, by the repeal of this unnecessary law? I should presume not, if governed simply by the regard to the public welfare; but we have notwithstanding been told by honorable gentlemen, on the other side of the House, that this law ought not to be repealed:
1. Because it is inexpedient. 2. Because it is unconstitutional. Upon the first point, that of its expediency he should not detain the senate longer than to observe, that the document on our table shews, that the old judiciary system, which had been coeval with our government, and had been in operation from its commencement, had been at all times sufficient for the transaction of all the judicial business of the Union; that the business in the courts had already declined nearly one half under the old system, even at the moment of the establishment of the new one;—also that it was contemplated to repeal the odious internal taxes, a considerable source of litigation; and that the more odious sedition law had expired, which they all knew had been a source of considerable litigation, and he was sorry to add, had not placed the judiciary above the reach of abuse; but whether deservedly or not, he dared not to affirm :—and that the peace we had lately established with France had put an end to another source of litigation, that of admiralty causes on the prize side of the court of admiralty. From this view of the subject, he himself was entirely satisfied of the expediency of the repeal, and had little doubt that, every gentleman was equally so, that any evidence could convince.
As to the point of it being unconstitutional, it will be recollected that the President himself has recommended the repeal of this law; an evidence of its constitutionality of so high authority with the enlightened people of America, that if it stood simply on that, it would require a federal bill to shake it, but we know there are honorable gentlemen on this floor not disposed to confess their respect for that authority on this occasion.—Those gentlemen I will refer to the constitution itself, from whence I presume it will appear that the power now proposed to be exercised is clearly delegated.
In the 8th section, 9th article, Congress shall have power to constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court.—In the 7th article, Congress shall have power to establish post-offices and post-roads. These are the precise expressions by which Congress acquire the power over the subjects of the inferior courts, and of the post-offices; there is no other authority
given them but by these articles; there is no express authority to abolish either courts or post-offices, but the subjects are respectively given to Congress to exercise their legislative will upon, in such manner as should best promote the public good.—I would ask gentlemen if Congress have not established post-offices without number and abolished them at their will and pleasure, by virtue of their authority under the 7th article above stated; and I should be glad to hear from whence the authority to abolish post-offices is derived unless from the article that only expressly authorizes their establishment, and whether the authority given over the subject has not in all past times been held sufficient to justify the abolishing as well as establishment of post-offices.—He then called on the gentleman in the opposition to point out a difference between the powers of Congress over the inferior courts and the post-offices, and to show how it was that Congress could abolish the post-offices under an authority to establish them, and not to abolish the inferior courts under the like authority to establish them, and how the same phraseology that is used in wielding the power in Congress over the post-offices and inferior courts, can be tortured so as to authorize the abolishing post-offices and not to authorize abolishing the inferior courts. But we have been told that by the 1st section of the 3d article this business is to be explained; let us examine it. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour. By this it has been insisted, that the judges of the inferior as well as the superior courts hold their offices during good behaviour, and that we have no power to pass this repealing law because it would operate to dismiss the judges.
He said that Congress by an extraordinary legislative act, with the concurrence of two thirds of the states, had a power to abolish even the supreme court. He asked in such case, what would become of the judges? Would they be entitled to hold their offices as judges, when in the event of the constitution there was no such court? No certainly! The constitution means, and could mean nothing else than a judge under the constitution, and the moment the constitution discontinued the office the judge under the constitution ceased to have a political existence, and would not be known to the constitution as a judge. So he concluded by an ordinary act of legislation, the Congress might repeal the law erecting the inferior courts, and on the repeal of the law from whence the legal existence had been derived, constituting them judges, he should be glad to hear how they could be judges, that being created from the law, they derive their existence from the law, and could not as judges survive it; the constitution means a judge known to the law, and not the man who had been a judge, after his political dissolution. He insisted that Congress can establish legislatively a court, and thereby create a judge; so they can legislatively abolish the court and eventually annihilate the officer; that the inferior courts are creatures of the legislature, and that the creature must always be in the power of the creator; that he who createth can destroy.—But we are asked by the honorable gentleman from N. York, in answer to this, "has a man a right to destroy his own children." Mr. Wright said he had been taught to believe that man had not been his own creator, but the happy instrument of creation.—But this power that is now denied to us, had been exercised by the gentlemen themselves, in the very law that is now intended to be repealed.—
You will see by adverting to that law the district courts of Tennessee and Kentucky are expressly abolished, and the office of a district judge for the states of Tennessee and Kentucky annihilated.—But we are told by honorable gentlemen, that there was a circuit court established, consisting of these two states and another state, and that the judges of the district courts were appointed judges of the circuit courts, and accepted their commissions as such, and therefore they say that they did not destroy the office of the district judges of Tennessee and Kentucky.—He asked if each other state had not district courts; he asked if there had not been circuit courts established in all the states
by that law, and if the district courts of the other states had not been continued; and can it be said that a district court composed of a single state as in the case of Tennessee and Kentucky, is not abolished, and the office of a district judge destroyed, because in the same law a circuit court is established, and the district judges appointed circuit judges? Can it be said in fact that it is the same office, when the duties are extended to three states, to sit in three places, as it was when limited to one state and one place; or will gentlemen tell us that if the judges of the district courts had refused to act as judges of the circuit courts, whether they would have been still judges of the district courts after they had been abolished? or will they say that the commission of a district judge limiting his jurisdiction to a state is the same as that of a circuit judge extending it over three states? and whether the law authorizing the commission over three states ought not to precede the commission vesting that authority.
Mr. Wright asked if Congress, when exercising their authority in the first instance to establish inferior courts, had not the right to limit their continuance to any period, and that at the end of that period, if the law was not continued, what would be the situation of the judge appointed under the law, would his authority continue? Certainly not.—And will any gentleman contend on this floor that if a former congress had a right to give limitation to the continuance of a law that the present Congress have not the same authority to limit or to continue. Honorable gentlemen, however ingenious, will find themselves, he presumed, unable to solve these difficulties, or to reconcile these inconveniences; but his part the authority by which this subject had been brought before them, the recommendation of the President, had been powerful. The letter and spirit of the constitution, when recurrd to, had established him in that opinion, that they were justified in the measure now proposed, and the practice of Congress in abolishing the district courts of Tennessee and Kentucky, satisfied him that it was no new idea no new exercise of power, and further that nothing in the form of a constitution can be drawn so guardedly that gentlemen may not be found to differ on its true construction of the same instrument. If all these considerations were not sufficient to satisfy gentlemen, and we were obliged to recur to the principles on which this instrument must have been established, we shall find that we do not in any degree violate them by the construction we put on them. If the British government is recurrd to, from whence the state governments borrowed their principles, or if the state constitutions are resorted to, we shall find thoroughly incorporated, the principles for which we contend, that the judges are independent only of the Executive, but never above the law giving them their political existence. He admitted, with the gentleman from New-York, that judges ought to be the guardians of the constitution; so far as questions were constitutionally submitted to them; but he held the legislative, executive, and judiciary, each severally the guardians of the constitution, so far as they were called on in their several departments to act; and he had not supposed the judges were intended to decide questions not judicially submitted to them, or to lead the public mind in legislative or executive questions, and he confessed he had greater confidence in the security of his liberty in the trial by jury, which had in all times been considered as the palladium of liberty, than in the decision of judges, who had at some time been corrupt. For his part, he did not wish to break down the judiciary or the judges, or to violate the constitution, though he confessed he should feel as secure in the decision of the state judges in even federal questions, with an appeal to the supreme federal court, as in the present judges, and indeed the constitution in the 4th art. 2. sec. which imposes on all state judges the oath to observe the constitution and laws of the United States, always seemed to him to consider the state courts in a certain degree judges of federal questions. Nor had he ever been able to raise a doubt in his own mind as to the propriety of trusting state judges to decide federal questions, with an appeal to a federal court; when he considered that state juries had always been trusted to decide all questions from whose decision there

was no appeal; and indeed the state courts at all times had been the only judicial guardians of our rights, whose integrity had never been impeached. The gentleman from New-York is so careful of the constitution, that he wished it secured by walls of brass. Does he apprehend others with to violate it, and himself its exclusive guardian, and that other gentlemen do not hold themselves equally bound to protect it, or have nothing worth protecting. For his part he had sworn to support it, and never should intentionally violate it; but he believed that no human invention could make it more secure than it was, deposited in that hallowed temple, and locked by the key of our holy religion.
Alexandria Advertiser.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10.
At an election held yesterday for choosing Common Councilmen, the following gentlemen were elected.
Thomas Irwin, John Dundas, Edmund J. Lee, Richard Conway, George Siam, Alexander Smith, Joseph Dean, Abel Janney, Mark Alexander, Archibald McClean, William Hailey, Bernard Bryan.
An Auroriste , among a number of other items, proposes an increase of duty upon "Foreign Cordage and Candles." Could a democrat be supposed to "stop at anything," we suppose, that finding he has "done enough," he only modestly desires to end his career in the dark .
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Virginia to his friend in Washington.
I now almost despair of the commonwealth, I never saw a public mind under such a suspicious direction as it is at present—it is ominous of some dreadful change—and such a general demoralization must inevitably produce our perdition: these are not the bodings of a man, who only contemplates affairs in their blackest side, but one of those who looks at the 'signs of the times' with an unprejudiced & steady eye, and viewing them with such an optic, anticipates those unpleasant consequences. What will be done with the late appointed judges? are they to be cashiered, though innocent of crime? guilty neither of omission of duty, or commission of any wrong deed. Is the internal revenue to be abolished? and all the heavy duties on imported articles to be retained? are all these things to be done by our representatives and senators, and sanctioned by a president of the United States. If they be, I have no hesitation in predicting, without inspired powers of prophecy, our ruin is sealed, the death warrant of our present constitution and government signed without a hope of reprieve—all this (if done) will be done in condescension to the influence of a man, whose whimsies and crude indigested schemes, if they had their full play, would destroy all that is venerable, sacred, wise, orderly, practicable on this terrestrial globe; nay if he had courage he would attempt to scale heaven, and could he get there introduce his dreams and plans of innovation. Never did I see any character, elevated to power, better calculated to spread desolation and ruin over a flourishing growing empire.'
Extract a letter from the American Consul at Gibraltar, dated 24th Dec. 1801.
The trial of the brig Sally , capt. James, has come on, and the vessel and cargo were liberated. The cargo of the sch. Mary , capt. Ward, was condemned and there is to be another hearing with respect to the vessel."
From a London Paper of December 8.
DIVORCE.
Mr. Windham, when he said that French Marriages were as loose as the tenure of furnished lodgings, had really too much foundation for what he stated. The phrase, though resembling the stroke of a layard, is almost literally true. M. Mollivelle, one of those who drew up the Civil Code, has published a pamphlet justifying the authors of that work, for having afforded the facilities of divorce. The following extract from Malleville's book,
we think must convince all impartial men of the horrible consequences of relaxing in the prohibition of divorce, and of the unparalleled scandal of making Law itself pandar to the vices of mankind.
"The fury of divorce (says Malleville) had not ceased for the last ten years. At present it no longer prevails in the case of marriages contracted previously to the nation obtaining this fatal permission. It is in marriages contracted since that it rages with the most boundless licence. It is most frequent in the case of marriages contracted after a divorce . Sometimes divorce takes place when a marriage has existed but for eight days!!! A circumstance which ought to excite the most serious reflections is, that the number of marriages in Paris in the year 8 (1799-1800) was only 3305, and the number of divorces 684.
In the eleven last months of the year 9 (1800-1801) the number of marriages 3501, and that of divorces 659, so that out of five marriages the chance is, that one will be annulled. Was there ever such a thing heard of among nations which have practised divorce since the time when in the days of fallen degenerate Rome, the women computed their age, not by consulship, but by the number of their husbands?"
This is indeed a very hideous picture of the morals of Paris. After such an example, none but the weakest or the worst of mankind would tolerate a system of legislation, under which such abuses exist.
IMMIGRATION.
The Defenders of President Jefferson's constituency, say, that he signifies in his Notes his willingness to let Foreigners come here, if they will, and enjoy the privileges of Citizenship; but he would not encourage their coming. Excellent voucher for his constituency! Why, truly, if all the bad consequences of their coming are justly pointed out in his Book, then it is very inconsistent for him to be willing to let them come and be citizens. Mischief, so great as he foretells, ought not to be left unprovided against; nor ought it to be left to the mere will and pleasure of the disturbers of Europe ; nor to the chances of revolutionary confusion; which will drive them over, like the Goths into the Roman Empire, in hosts, to come and govern us. It appears to native Citizens a right to govern themselves.
As little consistency is there in pretending, that he would not encourage them to come; his words and actions contradict that defence. Read over again, gentlemen of counsel for the Defendant, the Message to Congress, and say, if you can, that he would not encourage them. This is not all. Is not Citizenship encouragement? Is it nothing to be a Roman Citizen? There was a time when some great boasters thought much of their nobility, because they were French Citizens. We do not assert that Mr. Jefferson is a French citizen, but we believe he is, and we invite those who preserve old files of Gazettes, to ascertain the matter.
It is great encouragement to Foreigners to be made American Citizens. Hundreds and thousands of them voted for Electors, and their votes turned the majority. Is it nothing, then, for foreigners to make our President? And is it no encouragement that, in return, the President will make them Secretaries, and they can make one another Congress men.
Already our public counsels begin to be double-tongued ; already they stammer, in pronouncing Shibboleth . The Romans gave citizenship to foreigners, till the forum was filled, like Governor M'Kean's places of election, with a rabble of all nations, who made Marius and Carbo, and Sylla, and finally Cæsar, the tyrants of the State.
In progress of time, and long before the days of Arcadius and Honorius, the Roman Senate was a place of deliberation in which they could scarcely speak Latin.
Mr. Jefferson is well read in the classics. Let him read once more the enormous abuses, and in the end, the tyranny, that grew from this bitter exotic root planted by Demagogues in the Roman State. [N. E. Palladium.]
THE AMERICAN GAZETTES.
IT is with newspapers, as with other articles made for sale; they will be suited to the taste of the customers. If this rule should be applied by a foreigner, he would form, from the character of their respective newspapers, no incorrect judg-
ment of the sort of people called Federalists, and of those who are called Democrats or Jacobins. Without making any claim for ourselves, though it has been our ambition to place The Palladium in such good company, we may confidently assert, that in the Centinel , in Hudson and Goodwin's Connecticut Courant , in the New-York Evening Post , and in The Gazette of the United States , printed at Philadelphia, there have been, since the fourth of March last, sources of able ingenious political essays, abounding in solid information and elegant writing.
It is no less true, that although these performances have charged Mr. Jefferson and his party with various great mistakes, and some still greater violations of constitutional duty, yet not one closely argumentative or even plausible defence has appeared in the Aurora or Chronicle . The FARMER has taken the most pains, and spread himself over the widest surface of paper, but we may boldly affirm, that the very Jacobins think he has done them more harm than good. The obscure, turgid, vehement essays of this writer were probably more intended to terrify than to convince any body; for had the latter been his design, he is certainly a man of some sense and could have written better. He chiefly concerns himself to shew, how many the Jacobins are, and how terrible to the Clergy and the Federalists their vengeance will be. Accordingly he sends in his No. 10, like a summons to a besieged town, to tell the garrison—Society has made her pause, during which short period they may submit and find mercy.
Why is it that the Jacobins, even when hardly pushed to repel charges on their Chief, forbear to reason? why is it, that, instead of fair argument, which for ten months past they have so deplorably needed, they resort only to railing against Mr. Adams and the Federalists? One reason for this singular forbearance may be, that the very sort of mind that fits a man to be a Jacobin unfits him for being a sound reasoner. Jacobins have a strange visionary system, that consists in discerning exceptions and calling them rules, and in supposing the extreme cases that never happened, and yet assuming them for ordinary cases. They treat experience just as if it was hypothesis, and the wanderings of their disordered imaginations just as if they were maxims of experience.—If instances are called for, take Mr. Jno. Taylor and Governor Munroe, and old Mr. Pendleton of Virginia, and the amiable Abraham Bishop of New-Haven.
But the principal explanation we shall offer for the silence of the Jacobin Gazettes when solid truth and argument are called for, was suggested in the first sentence of this essay—They make their articles to suit their sort of customers.
When the political power in a republic is given to the mere rabble, destitute alike of property and principle, the very first thing that demagogues will attempt, will be to inflame and delude that rabble so as to get the command of them. This is obvious, and we have seen it tried with success in New-York by the Livingstons, and in Philadelphia by Gov. M'Kean.—The solid householders of Baltimore well know who plays this part in that city.—The attempt has been made with less uniform success in Boston, and the reason is, Boston has substantial enlightened mechanics, who live in their own houses, and are well-fed and well-disposed.
It may be said, the doctrine of universal suffrage is not adopted in this country; property is a qualification for a vote; and, therefore, the wretched sons of vice and ignorance have nothing to do with our affairs, and are very properly destitute of all political power. The answer is, such is our theory, our practice has been too much to permit the jacobin leaders to introduce illegal voters. Every body knows, that abuses are great, and that in the clamour and confusion of an election, regard to law and right are apt to be pushed aside. The qualifications, as to property, scarcely exclude any; and jacobins, when they interpret these, exclude none who will vote for their candidate.
The property, learning and true worth and patriotism of New-England, have been uniformly and almost unanimously on the Federal side. It is to be supposed, that if good character had not been exceedingly scarce, many of the new appointments would not have fallen upon persons who were justly detested and scorned.
When the best citizens unite to frame
a government, as they did in 1787, for the United States, an opposition to that government is not to be looked for among the best citizens, but the worst. Demagogues are most sure to rise under the freest systems of laws, and they are led by choice and driven too by necessity, to seek friends among those whom vice and want have fitted for their purpose. Look back, fellow-citizens, and see how exactly this opinion is verified by experience. We could go minutely into the detail of facts in proof, but we proceed to say, that these natural Jacobins do not call for argument. Their leaders have no such trouble to take. They only need fuel for their prejudices—the envy of those who have nothing, must be turned against those who have something. Hence it is, that the Jacobin Gazettes, though often invited to appear on the field of fair argument, have hitherto declined. Hence it is that the Federal Gazettes are incessantly reasoning, & indefatigably engaged in tracing measures to principles—Take for an instance, the writings of Lucius or Croesus ; and hence no doubt it is that the Democratic papers in this country are duller, as well as more virulent, than they are in England.
This is to be accounted for on the same ground as before stated. The London Morning Chronicle is supported with an ability which our wretched Chronicle could no more comprehend than imitate. —The middling classes of people in England, who are well informed, are those whom the anti-ministerial writers address. They discuss points because such people call for discussion. Our Jacobins have no such taste, and, therefore, nothing is done to suit it. ibid
FOURTH PROOF
JAMAICA RUM of an excellent flavor, and BROWN SUGAR, in hds. for sale by JOHN M'KINNEY.
Feb. 10.
12w 3t
Dancing Academy.
MR. LONGER informs the ladies and gentlemen of Alexandria, that his present quarter will end this week, and that he will begin another immediately after, and continue teaching in this town as long as it affords him the same encouragement that it does at present.
Price of tuition TEN DOLLARS per quarter, one half in advance.
Feb. 10.
3t
FOR SALE,
A likely MULATTO GIRL about 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Feb. 10. 3w
Alexandria County, V.
I do hereby certify, that Wm. Kirby of said county, this day brought before me, A. Faw, one of the justices of peace for said county, as a trespassing estray, taken on his land, a Sorrel Horse , about 14 hands high, 5 years old, a natural trotter, a blaze in his face, two white feet on the off side, a short switch tail, shod all round, some saddle spots on his back, has the distemper, and is appraised to fifty dollars.
Given under my hand this 5th day of February, 1802.
A. FAW.
The above notice is given, That whoever has lost said horse, may have him again on application to the subscriber, living near the Four Mile Run Mill, between Alexandria and George-Town, on proving property and paying charges.
Wm. KIRBY.
Feb. 10.
12w 3t
Notice.
The tenants of William T. Alexander will please to take notice, that hereafter distress will be made for all rents due over thirty days, without any respect to persons; and where property cannot be found to satisfy the rent, suits against all persons concerned will be instituted by the particular direction of the proprietor.
JESSE SIMMS, Attorney for W. T. Alexander.
Feb. 4.
46t
Removal.
Robert & John Gray Have removed their Book and Stationary Store from Prince street, to the store lately occupied by Pomeroy and Isabel, in King street, fourth door from the south east corner of King and Royal streets.
The Attorney General of the United States.