The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-06-17 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1198.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, JUNE 17, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the Resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell for authorising the President to SUSPEND THE EMBARGO under certain contingencies.
TUESDAY, APRIL 12. (CONTINUED.)
Mr. JOHNSON said he had not expected that, upon a proposition of this kind, the subject of the treaty which was rejected by the Executive, would be introduced. I did attend to that treaty when it was read in the House, said he, and I have perused it with some attention since; and though not a practical politician, and perhaps not sufficiently so in theory to speak or decide upon every point embraced or omitted in that treaty, I think it requires but little discernment indeed to see that this treaty was such an one as this nation would not have been justified in acceding to. I may differ with gentlemen on different points in this treaty; likewise upon the circumstances which would have induced the acceptance on the part of the United States of that treaty which in more perilous times would have been rejected. But let me ask were we in a worse situation when this treaty was formed and rejected, than when the treaty was formed in 1794? Had we any motive to induce us to make a sacrifice? In 1794, if the distress of an Indian war, if the accumulation of the public debt which was continually increasing, if violations of neutral commerce and the predations of the power of Algiers, with the then reduced and indigent situation of our country, would have justified Jay's treaty, the sacrifice made by it were justifiable. Did circumstances similar to these exist in relation to the rejected treaty to form an apology for the concessions which it made and the principles which it abandoned? Let me ask what was our situation in 1806 and 7? Quite different from that of 1793-4, when Jay's treaty was received; and we had not in my opinion a single motive to induce a sacrifice in the formation of a treaty with any foreign power. Our citizens were happy, rich, and in flourishing circumstances, the nation partook of these advantages, and that prosperity which invigorated the people also strengthened the nation. We existed as an independent nation; and having a character to form, it was necessary that we should resist foreign invasion on our political & commercial rights; it was no time for receding the privileges we had already enjoyed, but rather for acquiring others. We had not then a motive, except a wish to live in peace, to make a sacrifice when the treaty was formed and at the time it was rejected. What should we have obtained by this treaty? It surely is not necessary for me to enumerate the different points of collision with Great Britain, and say that none were fixed on a better footing than before that treaty was formed, and many on a much worse.
Upon the subject of impressment however, I conceive that the informal note placed it in a worse situation than that in which it stood before. Why? The principle never had been denied, that our seamen should not be impressed; but under the exercise of the right of taking British deserters, this arrangement permitted it. It never had been contended that Great Britain had a right to take American seamen. They had said they would take their own men; but they never had said that they would exercise this right to the abuse of American citizens; and whenever these men have fallen a sacrifice to press gangs and petty naval commanders, it never has been contended that Great Britain would sanction the acts of her officers. In this arrangement they do not give up the right of search or impressment; but they will endeavor not to abuse it. Did not the rights and I may add the sensibility of this nation require that Britain should not exercise the right of impressment except it were ascertained that it was impossible that she should abuse it? Was it not one of the primary objects of the mission from the American government to have the
subject of impressment, fixed upon an honorable footing? We did not wish the British government to relinquish the possibility of getting her deserters; we made every reasonable proposition to meet her justice, and, as far as was compatible with our rights, to accommodate her interests. I believe propositions were offered which would have resulted to the advantage of Great Britain; she, however, was the judge of that, & would not accept of them. We said that G. Britain had a right to reclaim her own citizens; but that ours should not be subject to her press-gangs. What is our situation now? Can we ever give up the principle that our flag shall protect our own seamen? Can we ever submit that our citizens shall be subject to the discretion or pleasure of a British naval commander? If Great Britain had not amused us with a Syren song, the American people would be more indignant than they are on this occasion. But I hope there still exists a due sensibility on this subject; tho' every movement of the American nation shows that we do not wish to go to war. Have these men not rights? How eloquently did the gentleman from Virginia the other day express his indignation that our territorial line had been crossed, & our citizens taken from the bosom of our country; and will he consent that our citizen shall be torn from his country, family and friends, and doomed to serve a long and useful life on board a British man of war, to drag out the remainder of his existence in the service of a foreign power, subject to corporal punishment at the will of a British officer, from an admiral down to a midshipman. This informal arrangement says that they will abstain from the exercise of the right of impressing our citizens, and if impressed, they will make reparation for it. Why should we have accepted a solemn act, much less an informal note, declaring they will abstain from the practice of a right which they cannot claim, and derogatory to our rights? Upon the subject of impressment then should we have gained any thing by the treaty? We may all differ in sentiments, but my opinion is, that so far from gaining any thing, it acknowledges informally the right, although Great Britain promises not to exercise it. It is said that the subject was left open for discussion. Had we not been petitioning long enough? Had not our ministers acted in the capacity of beggars long enough.
I consider the rejection of that treaty as constituting an important era in the history of this country; and I believe however we may suffer, the people of this country will not retract. We will take our stand; and if we must fall, let us at least have the merit of resistance.
Upon the subject of the colonial trade I shall say but little. I believe nothing was gained on that subject; if nothing was done why make a temporary provision in relation to it. Is it a concession on our part to Great Britain, or on the part of G. Britain to us? If it be a concession on the part of the U. S. to allow their colonial trade to be guarded in this way, the shorter the time the better: if it be an advantage to us, the regulation should be permanent. If neither, why make any agreement in relation to it? We had heretofore enjoyed that trade. What now? The goods must be relanded, and two per cent. paid. Conditions and fees are required on our part upon that commerce. On this subject then nothing advantageous to us is done.
Upon the subject of the East India trade, it is admitted that it is fixed on a worse footing than might have been expected. Our ministers say that they could not withstand the influence of the East India company. Far be it from me to question the integrity of our ministers: it would ill become me, a child of the day, to detract from their merits or well-earned reputation. But it does not follow because they have with difficulty obtained this treaty that it should not have been rejected; or, that it would not have been as replete with evils as Pandora's box.
Upon the subject of blockade there is a small deviation perhaps, and that in the particular instance of evidence. I recollect a particular circumstance
attending the negotiation on the subject of blockade, and of searching our merchant vessels. It was pressed upon the British government to give us the same advantages as they gave to the northern powers in a treaty with Russia; and although there is an informal arrangement which looks something like this treaty, still they have been so cautious as not to give us any thing; or to give us every thing but that for which we contend.
The subject of spoliations on our commerce is held for further negotiation. Nothing done.
These are a few prominent objections with me to the treaty. I cannot say that they are all; for the subject has been introduced into discussion before we could have an opportunity of investigating the papers.
On the subjects of impressment, the East and West India trades, searching our merchant vessels, blockade, and spoliations, nothing material was done.
How then can the embargo be ascribed to the rejection of this treaty? Recollect, that after they had agreed to these formal and informal arrangements, her practice differed from her professions. Are we to put ourselves upon her national justice forever, and she to make professions which she as often violates? At the time of the attack upon the Chesapeake, when we were slumbering in the midst of a negotiation for peace (and let it be recollected that the rejection of the treaty could not even have been officially known at the court of London on that day—the 22d of June)—might it not have been expected that her strong professions of friendship and her formal and informal arrangements would have confined her to a peaceable, if not friendly demeanor towards us? She sprung upon one of our national ships, knowing it to be such, and made a prey of our citizens in sight of the American shore. The knowledge that it was a national ship, did not restrain the licentiousness of a British officer. She disavows the act; but makes no reparation for it. After having entered into the arrangements then under consideration by our government, and stipulating by the informal arrangement to exercise the right of impressment with moderation, we might have supposed that she would have shown more respect to our rights, and exercised her pretended right with more "moderation" than she has displayed.
But there is one point of view in which I have considered our foreign relations, and I deem it important. We have a disposition to be friendly to Great Britain (and I hope we always shall feel that disposition towards her and all others) on honorable terms; but we find that the measure of non-importation, the exercise of our national sovereignty, was a cause of great irritation in Great Britain; and therefore we were to purchase peace by a treaty which we see on the face of it has not settled the important subjects of irritation in this nation. We have always been the complaining party; the acts of injury have been disavowed, or justified—not by justice, but on the principle of retaliation. If we recede again we are lost. In 1785 did she not reject our minister? Was he not rejected in '93? Was not the treaty of Jay hatched up to allow us a little time to follow the common pursuits of industry? I say nothing with a design to produce irritation in relation to the conduct of that nation; I hope we are sufficiently alive to it. I speak of the treaty: Shall we recede from our ground in 1808? Where is the inducement to accept a treaty by which we gain nothing, as the purchase of a peace? Have we done any acts of hostility? Have we invaded her national ships, her territory? Have we captured her merchant vessels or impressed her seamen? What have we done that we must make a sacrifice? Are we weak, defenceless? Let the hour of danger come, and we shall wax strong. I wish no alliance with either Great Britain or France. Gentlemen wish to say to our merchant vessels "you may go out if you can." Agreed.—Those who stay at home will be satisfied with their wisdom, and those who go out will suffer for their temerity. Let us not hold out the idea that we are an independent nation, if we will not maintain our rights. When the rights of other nations come in contact with our own, we will each yield—give and
take. But on fundamental principles no yielding!
Upon the subject of the embargo the worthy gentleman from Virginia has made objections to it on a constitutional ground; and held out a distinction between a permanent and a temporary embargo. If we have power to lay an embargo for one day, have we not the power to renew it at the end of that day? If for 60 days, have we not the power to lay it again? Would it not amount to the same thing? If we pass a law to expire within a limited term, we may renew it at the end of that term; and there is no difference between a power to do this and a power to pass laws without specified limit.
It is to be presumed that the public good requires that the embargo should be removed as soon as possible, and as soon as the causes vanish which produced it, it may be removed. I have been pleased with the observations of the gentleman from Virginia in regard to the elective franchise; but where can this be prostrated by the delegation of an authority to the President to suspend the embargo? Are not the people as competent now to detect a lurking monarchy as they have been at any other period? Do you not find the people bearing with patriotism the inconveniences which result from the measures we are compelled to adopt? I can speak with certainty as to the part of the country which I represent, that they do. What could we have done? Had we taken no measures whatever, the property of our merchants would have enriched our enemies; had we suffered our merchant vessels to arm, we should have been in active war in a month. Had we not better remain as we are, prepared to strike a blow or relax upon a change for worse or better of those circumstances which had well nigh annihilated our commerce?
The gentleman has told us that the embargo is well received in Great Britain. Do we not know the warm discussions which have taken place in the British Parliament? Have we not seen the petitions of the people of England, and from our minister himself do we not know that if we are plunged into a war the whole world will say that the cause of America is just? If we are upon wrong ground, let us retract; if not, let us have bare justice, and I for one will be satisfied.
It would give me extreme pain that I should give a sanction to any measure which should look like a dependence on a foreign government: but, if we see our course clear, are we to be diverted from it, because it may be beneficial or otherwise to them? I would not obey the impulse of any foreign power; but I would not be driven from my course because it might operate this or that way on a foreign government: nor, I am convinced, would other gentlemen consult the interest of a foreign government, when adopting measures for the security of our own. Having said this much, I resume my seat. It has not been my design to attack the motives or conduct of our ministers at London. I believe they obtained the best treaty that was in their power; but I believe that it ought to have been rejected, or it was pregnant with mischief.
Mr. RANDOLPH said he would just remind his friend from Kentucky, that he had never conceded the right of Congress to lay a temporary embargo. (Debate to be continued.)
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
The patriotic and intelligent governor of that state has, as usual addressed a communication to the Legislature, replete with patriotic sentiments. He states his having made every exertion within the compass of his power, to arm the state, and prepare for any emergency that may arise; recommending that these preparations should be urged and extended under the sanction of the Legislature.
In regard to the measures of the general government he says:
"You are convened to deliberate and decide on the important matters of state, at a most interesting moment of our public concerns. I doubt not that all the patriotism and unanimity which have for several sessions past marked the proceedings of the Legislature, will be called forth in passing such wholesome laws, and taking such measures as may tend to the happiness and tranquility of the state, and add to
the support of the general government of which we are a part.
"The gloomy prospect of our national affairs, as they relate to foreign government, must impress every serious and reflecting mind, and present to our view, as a nation, the displeasure of Divine Providence. Is it not then incumbent on us to enquire why our Maker is contending with us? We have been greatly exalted in our civil and religious privileges—We have not given God the glory, but have trusted too much to our own strength and wisdom. Let us be persuaded to turn and give thanks, and praise to that Being from all blessings flow; then may we hope that the judgments of Heaven which hang over us may be averted, and that the people will learn righteousness.
"The pacific disposition constantly manifested by our general government, and the wise, patriotic and faithful conduct of those who administer it, have hitherto under Providence, preserved our country from the horrors and devastations of war. It appears to me that every candid and liberal mind must applaud the proceedings of our national government by whom all our foreign relations are regulated.
"It gives me pleasure to inform you that the detachment of the militia called for by the President of the U. S. has been made and organised, and that the returns have been transmitted to the Secretary of War. Several companies of horse and foot have done themselves and the state honor in volunteering their services as a part of the detachment.
"Every measure that we had a right to expect has been adopted by the general government for the defence of our port and harbor. Particular attention has been paid by the Secretary of War, with whom I have had a constant correspondence. Batteries are erecting for our security. Cannon mounted on travelling carriages are ordered for Portsmouth for the protection of the town and port."
On the subject of the improvement of our internal resource, at this time so interesting to the nation, governor Langdon thus expresses himself:—
"The encouragement of agriculture, manufactures and commerce must at all times command the attention of every wise and prudent government; but in our present situation, when our external commerce has nearly ceased and we have great reason to fear that an appeal to arms may be soon made, it becomes the more important that we should take every measure in our power, to improve and increase our internal resources, which will strengthen our independence and give employment to such classes of our citizens, as stand in the most need of it."
PENNSYLVANIA.
We can now say, by advices from all part of Pennsylvania, that the political ticket of this state, will be—MADISON for President, SNYDER for governor—and that all party distinctions are likely to be reduced, under this ticket to the old denomination of Democrats and Federalists—alias, Whigs and Tories. (Aurora.)
New York, June 11.
It is reported that colonel Burr was a passenger in the British packet which sailed on Thursday last.
Rutland, June 4.
A detachment of one hundred and fifty of the militia, made from the 2nd brigade, marched from this vicinity on Tuesday last, to put a stop to the disgraceful pot-ash and lumber rebellion on Lake Champlain.
From the best information we are authorised to state, that the extent of the rebellion which now exists in this state is confined principally to about two or three hundred men, mostly foreigners, (many of them probably employed) who are skulking about the Lake shore, seducing the citizens to embark in their detestable schemes of speculation, and to rebel against the necessary laws of their country. But we believe they will get but few proselytes, who will be so daringly wicked as to attempt to oppose force by force. We however regret to suggest that we are fearful that the opposers of the embargo law and every other measure of the government, whether good or bad, have no disposition to quench or kindle the fire of rebellion—and we only judge them by their works.

Mr. Mills, the gentleman engaged to build the bridge over the Potomac, has arrived here. From what we have heard, he is eminently qualified in this important department. Few builders of bridges have had greater advantages, either derived from early instruction, or subsequent experience. He was a pupil of the celebrated Mr. Coxe, and has directed the erection of several of the most extensive bridges in New-England. He is of opinion that all the suggested obstacles, either to the erection of his bridge or to its standing, are perfectly visionary.
We have been favored with the perusal of the examination before the British House of Commons of witnesses on the petitions for a revocation of the Orders of Council, made in the latter part of the month of March. This document contains matter nearly equal to the usual contents of an octavo volume. Notwithstanding, therefore, its highly interesting nature, it is impossible to give its contents fully in detail. Their general character, however, is too important to pass without notice. The information given is by men of great wealth and respectability, men of practical knowledge, and rich in the treasures of experience. It will be found to confirm every leading argument taken in this country on the side of the embargo, and, consequently, to strengthen the proofs of the wisdom of the course pursued by our government.
With the view of showing the spirit of this evidence, we shall offer a selection of some of its most prominent points, observing that these are fully confirmed by all the witnesses examined.
These will shew— 1. That the Berlin decree was not the cause of the British orders; that in fact it was not previously enforced. On this point the facts stated are conclusive, proving that there was no previous condemnation under that decree, and that, although before the explanation of the minister Decree there was a temporary rise of insurance, yet that it immediately thereafter fell to the ordinary rate.
2. That the determination of the British government to issue their orders was well known for some weeks previously in England, where it had a considerable effect on their commercial concerns, and that such a purpose was communicated through numerous channels to this country, and, with other causes, led to the Embargo.
3. That the immediate effect of those orders in England was to interrupt commercial transactions with this country long before the Embargo was known; that they were considered as likely to lead to war; and, at all events, to destroy the American trade; and that this effect was so extensively produced that shipments from England to the continent could not be made but at a certain loss.
4. That the non-importation act is viewed in England in the just light of an amicable and precautionary measure on the part of this government, and did not excite any considerable uneasiness in the merchants of England.
5. That the immediate effect of the British orders, before the Embargo was known, was to diminish to a great extent the number of manufacturers employed in England; many of whom were thrown altogether out of employ, and others continued at work at rates proportionate to the time they are employed, which, in some instances, is but two or three days in the week.
6. That it is a general practice for the subject of Great Britain engaged in that country in trade, to have as a partner, a citizen of the U. States; the object being, it is presumed, to evade our revenue laws with regard to foreign goods and vessels, as well as to secure their effects from any dangers apprehended from seizure, confiscation, &c.
7. It appears that the real credit generally given to our merchants is about eighteen months. This confirms the usual estimate of commercial debts due to English merchants as being about twelve millions sterling, or forty-eight millions of dollars. Add to this their property in our stocks, banks, &c. and it is not, perhaps extravagant to compute the whole at a hundred millions, which would be jeopardised by war. Will not this operate as a powerful restraint with the British ministry?
8. It appears to be the general impression of the British merchants, that while the orders continue, the American embargo, will and ought to continue; that if the embargo were removed, the British orders continuing,
it would make but little difference in their shipments; that it is absurd to expect that we should submit to those orders; that they would if acquiesced in, be ruinous to our trade, either by cutting it off altogether, or by producing a glut in the British market which would depress the prices of our produce to a ruinous extent.
9. It appears that England is absolutely dependent upon us for naval stores.
10. It appears that intelligent Englishmen, who have lately been in this country, entertain a high opinion of the quality of those articles manufactured by us, and consider our manufactures as rapidly on the increase.
Mr. George Wm. Wood.—18 3/4 day of March.
Q. You have alluded to the present interruptions in the intercourse between the two countries, as the cause to which you impute the protesting the acceptances: in consequence of this interruption, have you restricted your shipments of late to America? A. My house has not made any shipments to America during the present season.
In consequence of this have you either dismissed hands employed in your manufactory, or given fewer orders to the manufacturers for work? In consequence of the interruption which has taken place with America, my house has reduced its manufactory to nearly one half of what it was six months ago.
In what way has this reduction been effected? By limiting the quantity which each workman was allowed to do in a given time.
Not by paying him less for the work he has done, but by taking only half the quantity, and paying that at the former proportion? I have made no reduction in the price which I pay for work.
When did you begin to make this reduction in the quantity of work? In the month of November last.
Have you made any further reduction since the beginning of January? I have been gradually reducing my manufactory ever since the month of November.
How long before you and your house heard of the American government having laid an embargo, had this determination begun? Nearly three months.
Before any knowledge of the embargo reached you? Yes.
If to-morrow news were to come, of the American government having withdrawn the embargo, and if the orders of council should still remain in force, what would you and your house still do, with respect to shipments? I do not think my house would export any goods to America.
Although the embargo were taken off, if the orders were to continue? Although the embargo were taken off, and if the orders were still to continue.
For what reason would you still refrain from getting work up for the American markets? From the apprehension that a war might ensue between this country and the government of America.
Would that be the only reason to deter you from shipping for the American markets? Yes it would.
You stated before, that part of your payments at least, although the proportion you could not assign, came in the form of bills drawn by Americans upon the continent; how should you expect, if you reserved your shipments, to get that part of your payments? I do not think that any proportion of the payments from the U. S. could be made by bills drawn on the continent.
What was the reason for your contracting your shipments? The article I principally export to America is hats; the manufacture of hats in America is gradually increasing, and we have gradually experienced a reduction of orders for that article.
Then the reduction of your orders at the latter end of the last year was not in consequence of any measure adopted in this country? Not in the smallest degree.
Then you should not think your shipments would be as extensive as they were before, if the embargo was taken off in America, not only on account of the orders in council, but also on account of the difficulty of getting remittances to the continent? I said, perhaps that might have some influence with me, but not much, because, not having had remittances lately from the continent, it is not a thing that I consider.
Have you reduced your manufacture of any thing but hats? No.
You were in the habit of sending other manufactures to America? Occasionally, but not regularly.
And you have reduced your manufacture for America in hats only? In hats only.
Had you, when you began to reduce your manufacture not heard of
the stoppage and condemnation of American ships in the ports of France and Holland? I cannot recollect whether I had or not, but that had no effect whatever in the reduction which took place in my manufacture.
Had you no apprehension of any injury to the American trade from that? I had no apprehension of the interruption in the trade between this country and America from that.
To what amount is your annual trade to America? To the amount of about 20,000. a year in hats.
As soon as you and your house heard of the orders in council having been issued, did you form any resolution respecting your American trade? To discontinue exporting any hats to America during the continuance of those orders.
Shakespeare Philips.
In what business is your house engaged? Chiefly in the export of the cotton manufacture to the U. States of America.
Have you lately, in the house to which you belong, drawn in, in any branch of the American trade? Very considerably indeed; almost totally.
At what time did you begin to cease to make these shipments to America, and to give the necessary orders? The shipments to America take place at particular periods, about the month of February and the month of July.
After the issue of the orders of council to which you have just alluded, did you or your house form any resolution with respect to the American trade? Yes.
To what purpose was this determination? To abstain almost entirely from any further export.
This resolution was taken before any news arrived in the country, of the American embargo? Yes it was.
In what way was this resolution executed? In reducing very much the manufacture, and not purchasing the manufactured goods of Lancashire, which we have formerly done to a very large amount.
Did you give to the workmen whom you formerly have employed, less work to each workman? I cannot precisely answer that question, because our manufactory was chiefly executed by agency.
Did you give fewer orders to those agents? Much less.
In what proportion? Of those articles shipped for the American trade, not half.
In consequence of those diminished orders for articles shipped for the American trade, has the stock in hand diminished or accumulated? It is regularly accumulating.
Notwithstanding the diminished orders? It is.
If the orders in council were withdrawn, would you and your house resume their former exportation to America? We should to a certain degree.
Although the American embargo continued? Yes.
If the American embargo were removed, and the orders in council still continued in force, would you and your house resume your former shipments to America?—In a very small degree indeed.
But if the embargo were withdrawn, and the orders in council continued, why would not you then send to America? For two reasons: first, I should conceive that from the intercourse being impeded between America and the continent of Europe, I could not expect to receive remittances for the property; but the principal reason is that I should apprehend those orders in council would produce hostility between this country and America.
Then if the embargo were withdrawn, the order of council continuing, why should you be less willing to export? I should not conceive it a likely thing that America would withdraw her embargo while the orders in council continued.
Then I am to understand that your reason in the case supposed would be, that America would have less continental trade, and you should therefore fear to continue your trade? I stated that as one reason.
(Shakespeare Philips' evidence to be continued.)
We this day continue the publication of the debate of the late session on Mr. Campbell's resolution for authorising the President of the U. S. under certain circumstances, to suspend the embargo. This debate having been deemed very important, the observations of several gentlemen who went largely into the subject, were submitted to their revisal, with a view to ensure all possible correctness. Such of these as have not yet been returned, must be omitted for the present, and inserted as received; their delay may not operate to prevent the publication of the whole debate.
The following paragraphs are extracted from two different federal
prints published in Boston: "Our accounts from North Carolina are highly flattering. Several elections have lately taken place, in which the current of federal principles has completely overwhelmed its opponents. As these elections are stated to have taken place in districts, where democracy for a number of years had prevailed, we may safely calculate on the returning good sense and patriotism of that respectable state."
"It is said and repeated that a majority of the legislature in N. C. are decidedly federal."
Paragraphs of a somewhat similar tendency with these have for some time appeared in prints far south of Boston; but, believing that every one who had paid the slightest attention to passing events, must know them to be founded (to use no harsher term) in error, we had deemed them unworthy of refutation. These statements having, however, acquired currency from their boldness of assertion, it is thought proper to state a few facts, to undeceive our northern brethren, who may be misled by them.
The annual elections for members of the legislature of the state of N. Carolina are held about the middle of August; at which time also the election for representatives in Congress is biennially held.
No election consequently has taken place for members of the state legislature since last August; or will take place again until next August. The last legislature was, as it has been for several years, decidedly republican; of which the address to the President of the United States, passed by a commanding majority, was a sufficient proof. No other election by the people has taken place in that state since August, except to supply the place of Mr. Culpepper, whose seat was vacated on account of an informality in the return of the election. He is a federalist; but is elected from a district which has, since the commencement of the government, with a single exception, sent a federal representative, and is now the only federal district in the state—being one out of twelve, which may be fairly estimated as the relative strength of parties in that state.
We rely on the candor of those who have published these erroneous statements through misapprehension, to publish their refutation.
The following corroborating statements are from the Raleigh Register, published at the seat of government of North Carolina. Commenting on a similar paragraph the editor says, "The citizens of this state need not be told that this paragraph is founded in falsehood—they know it; but for the information of the people of the United States, we declare it as our opinion (and we trust the issue of the approaching elections will confirm it) notwithstanding the unfair means taken to prejudice the public mind against the present administration and majority in Congress) that North Carolina remains, as it has long been, a decidedly republican state."
"We believe there can be very little doubt about Mr. Madison's election to the Presidency. We do not believe any other candidate will get a vote in North Carolina."
The Legislature of Massachusetts, by deferring to determine the mode of choosing electors till an extra session to be held in November, sufficiently indicate their purpose to cause that election to be by themselves, in which case Massachusetts will give 20 federal votes. But as such a mode of election has never heretofore been pursued, and is very unpopular, in that state, it is at least questionable whether it will eventually be adopted.
We have received several late London papers by the Jane. In addition to the articles extracted from Philadelphia prints, are the following taken from the [London] Globe, of the 26th April. Many of them serve to shew, either the extreme ignorance, or wilful spirit of misrepresentation of the British ministerial prints, and their eagerness to catch at any falsehood that crosses the Atlantic. On the authority of federal papers, they advise their readers that Mr. Clinton will certainly be elected President, and that Mr. Pickering's letter, which is republished at full length "speaks the language of the peace party and friends of British connection in the U. States!" This is a precious confession, and confers, perhaps, the justest eulogium yet pronounced on that far-famed performance. As the Editor of the Aurora says—"The British newspapers in England and in America, contrive to echo each other, with as perfect an agreement in tone and manner as if they were instruments performing in concert."
One article in the Globe is particularly interesting, that which says let-
ters of marque and reprisal will be issued against this country in a few days. We do not know the complexion of this print, and cannot therefore say what weight is to be attached to the intimation. Although not probable, it is far from impossible. For the ministry that could issue the orders of Nov. 11th, and persist in them after the luminous exposure of their folly may, from the same motives take the more desperate step of war. Energy seems to be the watch word in that devoted kingdom, and we ought not to be surprised at any excesses to which it leads.
Because the Osage stopped first at France, the Courier, a ministerial print, infers that the President has applied in the first instance to France for a revocation of her decrees, and those of England are declared to be strictly countervailing. "It remains, therefore, first to bring the French government to a sense of right, and America will be sure of justice from G. Britain." If this is the only ground on which we are to look for a revocation of the British orders, the hope, we fear, of such an event is very faint. The stoppage of the Osage at France is no evidence of the sentiment ascribed to the President, and if it were, it is not easy to perceive what effect it would have upon the French Emperor. The suggestion can then be looked upon in no other light than that of a subterfuge, an effort to make the people of England believe that their government is anxious for peace with this country, but that France will not permit it.
LONDON, APRIL 26.
A vessel arrived yesterday from Holland, and brought papers of a late date. Some private letters received by this conveyance, we understand, report, that Mr. Armstrong, the American Ambassador, had left Paris in consequence of the refusal of the French government to remove any of the restrictions on neutral commerce. We do not know what degree of credit is due to this account.
A detachment of the Swedish army has entered Norway, in the acquisition of which country, Sweden will probably seek a compensation for its loss of Finland and Swedish Pomerania.
The French, Russian, and Austrian troops are either in motion or preparing for it, on the side of Turkey. That ancient empire will scarcely survive the present year.
We this day resume our extracts from the American papers which we received yesterday. They contain an able and well written letter from the Hon. T. Pickering, upon the present state of affairs between England and America. Mr. Pickering was Secretary of State in the Presidency of Mr. Adams, and speaks the language of the peace party and friends of British connection in the United States.
We stated yesterday that Mr. Rose had returned from America, having left the Embargo act and the President's Proclamation, prohibiting the entrance of our ships of war into the waters of the United States, in their full force. His mission has, therefore, completely failed, and the ministerial prints, in which it has been presented as successful, have greatly misled their readers. It is idle to say in their defence, that Mr. Rose's mission was confined to the affair of the Chesapeake, and that our apology has been accepted. The President's interdictory Proclamation was the mode in which the American government resented that injury, and the apology was offered for the purpose of inducing the President to withdraw it. The interdict, however, still continues, and, therefore we repeat, Mr. Rose's mission has completely failed. The position the President may stile "dignified retirement," and the embargo no doubt may harmonise with such an idea, as a measure of prudence. It is alike directed against France and England; but the interdict was conceived and executed in an hostile spirit, and is directed against England alone. As such, we understand she will resent it, and, before many days elapse, letters of marque & reprisal will probably be issued against that country. Extraordinary bustle and activity prevailed yesterday, at the admiralty, and they were generally considered to be the first movements to that result.
The House of Commons meets this day, pursuant to adjournment.
The following is the communication of Mr. Adams, on resigning his seat as a Senator of Massachusetts. Mr. Adams, in retiring, will enjoy the happiness of having nobly broken the fetters of party, and of having done all in his power to uphold the true interests of his country. He may have lost the confidence of his constituents,

but he has gained the esteem and thanks of his country.
To the Hon. Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN, It has been my endeavor, as I have conceived it was my duty, while holding a seat in the Senate of the Union, to support the Administration of the General Government, in all necessary measures, within its competency, the object of which was to preserve from seizure and depredation the persons and property of our Citizens, and to vindicate the rights essential to the Independence of our Country, against the unjust pretensions and aggressions of all foreign powers.
Certain resolutions recently passed by you, have expressed your disapprobation of measures to which, under the influence of these motives, I gave my assent—as far as the opinions of a majority in the legislature can operate, I cannot but consider the resolutions, as enjoining upon the representation of the state in Congress, a sort of opposition to the national administration, in which I cannot consistently with my principles concur.
To give you however an opportunity of placing in the Senate of the U. States a member, who may devise and enforce the means of relieving our fellow citizens from their present sufferings, without sacrificing the peace of the nation, the personal liberties of our seamen, or the neutral rights of our commerce, I now restore to you the trust committed to my charge, and resign my seat as a Senator of the United States, on the part of the Commonwealth.
I am with perfect respect, GENTLEMEN, Your very humble and Obedient servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Boston, June 3, 1808.
In consequence of the resignation of Mr. Adams, the Senate proceeded to ballot for a Senator, to represent this state in his room; and the votes were—hon. James Lloyd 20, hon. William Gray 16. The House concurred, hon. James Lloyd 150, hon. William Gray 113.
The resolutions offered by Mr. Wheaton, have been agreed to by the Senate of Massachusetts—Yeas 20—Nays 15.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
Glad Tidings. —Yesterday week the books of the Petersburg Manufacturing Society were opened, and 25,000 dollars immediately subscribed for. Thus have our citizens set an example glorious to themselves, and of incalculable advantage to their country—an example which has been seconded by the metropolis, and should be followed by every town and county in Virginia. If the citizens at large will be faithful to themselves, and encourage their own productions, the time is not distant when we shall be independent, not only in name, but in reality.
Already have many of our citizens clad themselves in homespun; and we with pleasure record the almost unanimous determination of the Petersburg Troop of Cavalry to appear, on the 4th of July, with an uniform of white Virginian cloth. Instead of European manufacture, would it not be praiseworthy in the officers of militia to wear constantly pantaloons and waistcoats of the growth and product of our own fields and loom.
Petersburg Intell. The Petersburg Troop of Cavalry, at their muster on the first Saturday in this month, unanimously resolved to appear clad in homespun uniform, on the approaching Anniversary of American Independence.
COMMUNICATION.
To the Editors of the Virginia Gazette.
SIRS, On my arrival at this city, the evening before last, I was indeed most extremely mortified on being informed, that in your paper of the 25th ult. it is stated, "that a gentleman had in better times purchased of Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, his" (last year's) "crop of wheat, and for the payment of which being lately dunned for the sum due; replied, go back and tell Mr. Madison if he will take off the embargo I will pay him for his wheat!" Now, sirs, as it is well known in the county of Orange, that my agent there purchased from the agent of Mr. Madison, his last year's crop of wheat from three large plantations; therefore, in point of honor and moral rectitude, it is indispensably incumbent on me to let the
public know through the medium of the same paper, that the said statement, so far as relates to my being dunned for the money or making such a reply thereto, is altogether unfounded and destitute of even the least shadow of truth; and further I do verily believe, that as soon as Mr. Madison had an opportunity, after he knew of the sale made as above, by his agent to mine; he sent me word that he should during the present time be among the last who would ask me for payment; and shortly after, in private conversation with that good and worthy gentleman, he with great politeness, spontaneously gave me the same friendly assurance.
JOHN STRODE. Richmond, June 12, 1808.
Charleston, May 31. The detention of the Connecticut, captain Wasson, by the Hornet sloop of war, as mentioned in yesterday's Courier, as is now stated, was owing to the officer who had the command on board, not having been apprized of the decision of the Federal Court on Saturday last. It affords us pleasure to state that the coasting vessels regularly cleared at the custom house, will not, in future, be detained.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in St. Mary's, to his friend in this city, dated 24th May, 1808.
"A day or two ago all the property, at least all the provisions, for sale, belonging to Josiah Smith of Savannah, was seized by the collector of St. Mary's and the officers of the gun boat, I believe, on suspicion of his being a smuggler—he has before been detected in thus violating the laws of our country.
"It is truly distressing to reflect on the sufferings of the people of Florida. I am told they are absolutely starving, without a grain of corn or morsel of bread of any kind. A man, a few days since, obtained permission from the collector, to carry some corn to Cumberland, with the hope of getting it over to Amelia at night. In attempting it, however, he was discovered by the gun boat and brought back—he said his family and twenty-five negroes must starve, for he had not a grain of corn when he left home, which was two days before; the other inhabitants of the island, he adds, are alike distressed."
In giving publication to the first paragraph in the preceding extract, it may be urged by some, that we should have observed a greater degree of delicacy than to have mentioned the name of the offender: but we conclude, and believe every well-wisher to the country—every one not engaged in, or approbating the nefarious traffic, will agree with us, that an American who can so far forget the obligations he is under to support the measures of his government, as thus to endeavor to thwart its plans of defence, ought to be held up to public view and public infamy. And as a means of preventing, in some measure, future evasions of laws made for our preservation, it behoves every friend of the nation, to be vigilant and bold in making public the names of those who are ever ready to sacrifice national happiness and prosperity at the shrine of a lawless and pitiful pecuniary compensation.
Boston, June 9.
From Augusta, (Maine) June 9. "Disturbances and alarm still continue to agitate this country. On Tuesday last, during the sitting of the supreme court, sheriff Chandler notified the court that he had good reason to apprehend from the movement of the insurgents in the north east part of the county, that an attempt would be made to rescue Nathan Barlow, one of the insurgents, who was in jail. The court directed the sheriff to do his duty. General Chandler immediately called out the militia, composed of captain Eastman's company of cavalry, captain Vose's light infantry, and part of captain Thomas and Shubael Pitt's companies, together with a corps of volunteers, in which several of the gentlemen of the bar entered the list. This precautionary measure frustrated the designs of these deluded people."
Extract of a letter from Salem, dated June 9.
"On Tuesday arrived schooner Raven, Thorndike, from Passamaquoddy, with salt. By her we have information that there is no relaxation of business at that place, notwithstanding the government force stationed there. The inhabitants were employed at 2 dollars per day to keep guard over the stores, and yet under cover of every fog, hundreds of barrels a day would find their way across to the British side, where the price was 12 50. So profitable was the boating business, and the standing guard, that the poor people had suddenly become rich."
New York, June 11. A rumor was running through the city this morning, that the French privateer schooner Superior, captain Bravaud, had captured the British packet, Queen Charlotte, that sailed from here last Thursday morning for Falmouth, (Eng.) The engagement is stated to have taken place off the Hook, and the firing distinctly heard on Long Island. It is said that a coaster which arrived this morning saw the packet in tow of the privateer yesterday morning.
By a gentleman who arrived in town yesterday directly from Rutland, we are informed that his excellency, gov. Smith, has ordered two companies of militia, consisting of 60 men each, and 30 cavalry to repair immediately to guard our frontiers! We momentarily expect their arrival. This detachment, we understand, is to be commanded by major Williams. We learn, it has been intimated to his Excellency, that we are too much interested in this country, to prevent the running in of our ralts, pot-ash, &c. but we can with propriety say, that those who are now stationed at the lines, have, like independent soldiers, done all that their scanty means would possibly allow them to do. On Sunday evening, captain Hopkins, stationed at Windmill-Point, with his company of soldiers, took a batteau, which was floating rapidly to market, containing 25 barrels of pot-ash, and on Monday evening lieutenant Whitemore, and five men, boarded and took possession of a small batteau, which was loaded with about two tons pot-ash, and rowed it safely into the harbor. Notwithstanding the hands on board of these vessels were armed with cudgels, no heads have been broken, no blood spilt, either in this or any other previous conflict.
One hundred and seventy barrels of pot-ash, and 100 barrels of pork, belonging to people in Middlebury, and a sloop with 200 chests of tea on board, without owners, were several days since taken, and now remain in the hands of the government. Notwithstanding every means has been taken to avoid prosecutions, some have already commenced, and more will undoubtedly take place shortly.
St. Alban's Adviser.
Philadelphia, June 13. Captain Treadwell, of the Elizabeth, from Gibraltar, arrived at New York, states, that the British sloop of war Squirrel arrived at that place, a few days before he sailed, with information that a French squadron of 7 sail of the line and 50 transports had passed by Minorca, supposed to be bound either to Cetté or Algeciras. A frigate was instantly dispatched from Gibraltar to carry this information to the commander of the British squadron off Cadiz.
The St. Croix Packet was the first vessel that sailed from Philadelphia for St. Croix on permission, and has returned full, after a voyage of something less than seven weeks.
Brig Elizabeth, Campbell, Ariadne, Cullen and Ariel, Donavon, hence, have arrived at St. Croix. These vessels sailed from this port, by permission, under the supplementary embargo act, and will, we understand, all return with cargoes, notwithstanding the late regulations of the governor of St. Croix.
Yesterday arrived the ship America, Capt. Brown, from Liverpool, and to-day ship Jane, Capt. Bliss from London. By the former we have received Liverpool papers to the 28th, and by the latter London papers to the 27th April. They contain nothing particularly interesting. The politicians of England turn their eyes to this country for a decision of the question of peace or war. The public sentiment was fluctuating amidst a multitude of fears, hopes and conjectures: the predominant wish was in favor of preserving peace with this country.
Neither the Osage nor Mr. Nourse had arrived in England at the time of the Jane's sailing; and the idea already conceived of her being under seizure in France, was daily obtaining credit.
Intelligent passengers arrived in the Jane, say, that the present British ministry will certainly never relax in the late orders of council, until Bonaparte recedes from practising on the principles avowed in his Berlin and Milan decrees; in retaliation of which the British orders were ostensibly issued. As Bonaparte no doubt will hold the same language with regard to England, the termination of the present disastrous state of things is beyond all ordinary calculation.
The Jane from London, brings dispatches from Mr. Pinckney, for the Secretary of State.
The expedition which sailed from England, about the 27th of April, it was said, had for its first object a visit to Flushing, for the destruction of
several ships of war equipping in that port.
Admiral Berkeley, on his return to England, had a public audience with the king at his levee. Capt. Humphreys, of the Leopard, had sailed from England for the East India station.
LONDON, April 26—EVENING.
It was reported yesterday, that the Osage had arrived from France with Mr. Nourse on board. There were rumors also that general Armstrong had left Paris. The latter very important event is altogether without confirmation. The former fact we could not trace to any authority; but the Statura frigate has brought letters addressed to Mr. Nourse, from whence we may infer that England was at last his destination.
We have already stated, in general terms, the result of Mr. Rose's mission. It is said, that the explanation he was sent to give was not in fact given, it being offered conditionally only, in case the President consented to annul his proclamation against admitting English ships of war into the American waters. At the same time it was expressly noticed, that this omission was to be considered as a mere affair of etiquette, not an expression of hostility.
In the mean while the embargo continues: and we find from all accounts, that the sufferings it has produced are excessive: seventy-five houses are said to have failed in New-York alone.
We have received American papers to the 10th ult. and made extracts of various interest and importance. Our readers will perceive a disposition on the part of that government to increase their military force. A proposition has been made to raise 6000 regular troops, and organize 24,000 volunteers. In the message from the President, introducing this measure, there was no pointed allusion to either of the European belligerent powers.
In the accounts we have received, there is a reference made to the confidential correspondence of the American ministers, which had been imparted to the legislative body; the injunction of secrecy was afterwards removed, but we have not yet seen the papers at full: they are alluded to in the debate published. It will be curious to compare hereafter, the relative tone and stile made use of by the American ministers to the English and French governments.
Mr. Pinkney has, it is said, been nominated by the President, and approved by the Senate, as the minister to our court; and it is expected that Messrs. Clinton and Monroe will be elected President & Vice-President at the ensuing election.
Our readers will perceive by the report of the proceedings of a general court of proprietors, held yesterday at the East India House, that there is at present a deficit of 2,400,000l. in their accounts, and that the court had determined to present a petition to parliament for relief. It was, however, strongly asserted, that the company's effects were not only sufficient to defray their debts, but would leave a large surplus.
The mystery is at length revealed concerning the Rochefort squadron. From sources altogether independent of each other, we learn, that it went to Toulon; a statement made long ago, but disbelieved. This intelligence is brought by the Centurion, which is arrived at Portsmouth from Gibraltar, and by the Statura, which spoke the Pomone frigate, captain Barrie, off cape Finisterre, from whom she learnt the same fact.
The Gottenburgh mail of yesterday also brings the same information. Indeed it is here said, that, on the 12th of February, the Rochefort and Toulon squadrons sailed from Toulon; so that our curiosity is no sooner stillled than it is quickened again.
LONDON, April 27.
As far as Mr. Rose's mission tended to offer explanations with respect to the affairs of the Chesapeake, those explanations were deemed satisfactory. His mission did not extend to the other points in dispute, but it is believed that he required the removal of the interdiction of the American ports and waters, which had been laid in consequence of the affair of the Chesapeake. This request was refused, the President declaring that it would not be removed till all the other points in dispute had been adjusted. But this declaration was accompanied with an assurance that no hostile intentions were entertained against England, but situated as they were in regard to this country and France, they wished to continue in retirement from both. Fresh instructions have been sent to the American ministers at London and Paris. Mr. Pinckney has been nominated by the President and approved of by the Senate, as the
minister to our court. In this state affairs were at the departure of Mr. Rose.
The French decree having originated the system which our orders of council were merely intended to counteract, the President has applied to the French government in the first instance.
Our government having, on this occasion, acted merely on the defensive, and in conformity to the strictest principles of justice, desirous only, as they were, of avoiding the certain ruin of carrying on so unequal a war as that of forbearance and moderation, opposed to violence and aggression, will return, as soon as circumstances will permit, to a system so congenial to the disposition and habits of Britain, as that from which it so slowly and reluctantly digressed. It remains, therefore, for us to bring the French government to a sense of right, and America will be sure of justice from G. Britain.
Mr. Rose took a friendly leave of Mr. President Jefferson on the 29th ult.; and no doubt was entertained of those moderate characters, Messrs. Clinton and Monroe, being elected to the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the U. States, at the ensuing election. Mr. Erskine remains in America.
In the mean time the American papers which we have received to the 10th ult. and of which we have given extracts, hold a tone and language unfavorable to peace. In this they are encouraged by a recent message from the President, which recommends the raising 6000 regulars, and 24,000 volunteers. In communicating this fact, one of the American papers adds, that "a number of French officers are said to have arrived at N Orleans."
POSTSCRIPT.
Mr. OGILVIE delivered last evening a most eloquent and instructive discourse on the progress and prospects of society. We are happy to inform our readers that he will THIS EVENING deliver a discourse on DUELING at Rhode's Hotel at half past 7 o'clock. As this will be the last pronounced in this place, we strongly recommend it to every one, sensible of the charms of eloquence, to attend.
Arrived the ship Ocean, Captain Girdon, 42 days from Rotterdam, with thirty-one men belonging to three American vessels condemned by the French. Capt. Girdon brings dispatches from Mr. Armstrong, who, he says, was still at Paris, for our government.
The brig Sally, Brown, of this port, bound to Bordeaux, and sent into Plymouth, sailed for Rotterdam; but being forced into Flushing by stress of weather, she was seized and then sent to Antwerp. Letters from Paris of the 14th of April per the Ocean, state that the Osage was at L'Orient to sail in a few days for England—that in the case of the Edward, Madison, Charleston Packet, and another American vessel, boarded on their passage to France, by British cruizers, a special report was ordered by the Emperor, and that by a decree of the Grand Judge, dated 11th March, (a copy of which we have seen) the cargoes of all the American vessels detained under the Imperial decrees should be delivered to the consignees on board, to await the final decision, the valuation to be fixed by the brokers chosen by the parties. Philadelphia paper.
CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON.
IN compliance with the wishes of a respectable number of my fellow-citizens I invite you to attend at Stelle's hotel on Tuesday the 21st inst. at 6 o'clock P.M. for the purpose of taking into consideration the expediency of organizing a plan for the encouragement of Domestic Manufactures.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the city of Washington.
PASSPORTS. GRANTED by the Department of State to citizens going into foreign ports, having been in sundry instances obtained from the persons receiving them, by others assuming their names; it has been thought proper to guard against the abuse by requiring the party to write their own names on the body of the passport, and with this alteration they will be issued from the 21st day of June 1808.
Department of State, June 15, 1808.
The Printers who publish the laws of the United States are requested to insert this notice.
June 17—
A MIDDLE AGED RESPECTABLE WOMAN IS WANTED.
To take charge of a Small family in George Town. She must produce good recommendations and be qualified to attend to children. To such an one liberal wages will be given. Apply at the Office of the Washington Federalist in George Town. June 17—6t

THE ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.  PROPOSALS For carrying Mail of the U. States on the following Post Roads , will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive .
20. From Savannah by Bryan court house, M c Intosh court house, and Darien, to St. Mary's, once a week by land. Leave Savannah every Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 5 P. M.
21. From Darien by Brunswick, to Frederica, once a week. Leave Darien every Wednesday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Frederica on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave Frederica at 2 P. M. & arrive at Darien by 6 P. M. on Friday.
22. From Milledgeville (c.) to Athens, (c.) once a week. Leave Milledgeville every Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens on Saturday, by 11 A. M. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Sunday, by 8 P. M.
23. From Sparta by Milledgeville and Ithaca, to Fort Ocmulgee, once a week. Leave Sparta every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Ocmulgee on Saturday by 6 P. M. Leave Ocmulgee every Monday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Sparta on Tuesday by 6 P. M.
24. From Milledgeville by Purnam c. h. and Morgan c. h. to Randolph c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Milledgeville every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Randolph c. h. on Tuesday, by 6 P. M. Leave Randolph c. h. the next day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Milledgeville on Wednesday by 6 P. M.
25. From Woodbridge, (N. J.) to Amboy, three times a week. Leave Woodbridge Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 6 P. M. and arrive at Amboy by 7 P. M. Leave Amboy every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Woodbridge by 1 P. M.
26. From New Lisbon to Canton, (Ohio). Leave New Lisbon every Sunday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Canton by 6 P. M. Leave Canton every Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at New Lisbon by 6 P. M.
27. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke & Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week. Leave Boston every Tuesday Thursday and Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 P. M. Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 5 P. M.
NOTES. 1. The mail will be carried on the routes, number four to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when the roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shown, that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the newspapers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance.
2. The Postmaster General may expect the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
3. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
4. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any succeeding mail, whereby the mails destined for such succeeding mail lose a trip a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained.
5. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
6. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
7. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage he is desired to state it in his proposals.
8. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
9. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 16, are to be in operation on the first day of Oct. next and to continue in force two years from that time; for the routes from No. 17 to 25 to commence at the same time, & to continue in force until the 31st of March, 1811. For the routes 26, 27, and 28, to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster General General Post Office, Washington City, May 26, 1808. May 16—wLA.
NOTICE. The Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned, are notified that the Board of Appeal, composed of the city Commissioners will sit at the Council Chamber on Tuesday the 14th day of June next, and continue to sit for TEN days, Sundays excepted, from 3 until 7 o'clock, P. M. to hear and determine on appeals from the late assessment.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington city. June 1—124
WANTED At the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—eptS
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offutt, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 15—tf
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
PUBLIC SALE. THE sale or the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, heretofore advertised, being postponed by order of the Chancellor, the subscriber as trustee, will sell at public auction, at Van Wyck & Dorsey's Auction Room in the city of Baltimore, on Friday the 17th day of June next at 12 o'clock, the following tracts of unimproved land lying in Allegany county, to wit:
   acres.     Governor's Neglect, containing 1931   Roby's Delight, 421   Ormes Attention, 684   Chesnut Grove, 461   Now or Never, 600   Hard Struggle, 1554   Lot No. 2487, 50   Western Connection, 15484  
The lands above mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing, and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase.
A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscriber.
The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands, shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within twelve months from the day of sale. The creditors of Gustavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale aforesaid.
ROGER PERRY, Trustee. Cumberland, May 23—3w.
NOW LANDING From on board the VIRGINIA , captain Phillips from New York — 3 bhd. Prime St. Croix, scale sugars, 25 do. 2d and 3d quality do. do. 1 Pipe and 4 quarter casks, choice old Port Wine, 6 Qr. casks Catalonia do. 11 do. old Sherry do. 10 do. London particular Teneriffe do. 12 boxes Claret, one dozen each, 5 Pipes New York anchor Gin, 2000 lb. Best Martinique green Coffee, 25 Boxes Olives, Capers & Anchovies, 12 Parcels extra wide and fine white Russia Sheetings.
From on board the CITIZEN , capt. Sturges, from Charleston . 20 Bales first quality upland Cotton, 10 Tierces fresh Rice, And in store, 25 Pipes Cogniac Brandy, 8 Do. Holland Gin, Madeira, Lisbon, and Tercalaga wines, Old and new Whiskey, 20 Puncheons Antigua and St. Croix Rum, 30 Chests Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Imperial Teas, Loaf and Lump Sugars, Cassia in small bales, Sweet Oil in bottles and flasks, Segars, 1st and 2d quality, Demijohns, Gin cases, &c. &c. &c. For sale by, W. & C. SMITH. George Town, May 20—2aw4w
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. TREASURY DEPARTMENT, May 28th, 1808. IT has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keais, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tudor Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post-office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said Bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post-Office as aforesaid: neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keais, and on one part of the back of all or of most of the notes, was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen. ALBERT GALLATIN, secretary of the Treasury.
   No. Date. To whom payable. Dollars     1401 20th July, 1804, Adam Gilchrist or bearer at Charleston, for 100   1428 20th July, 1804, Do. 100   2284 12th March, 1805, Do. 100   4729 27th Feb. 1807, Do. 100   4790 27th Feb. 1807, Do. 100   2641 19th March, 1805, Joseph Habersham, Savannah, 100   2620 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   2666 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   2774 Do. do. do. do. do. 100   35 24 April, 1806, W. Warner at the Bank of the U. States, 100   3061 16th April, 1805, Cornelius Ray, New York, 100   3841 22d Jan. 1802, do. do. 100   1973 20th July, 1804, Adam Gilchrist, Charleston, 50   3609 19th March, 1805, do. do. 50   2183 20th July, 1804, do. do. 50   1265 23d March, 1804, Joseph Habersham, Savannah, 50   1355 23d do. do. do. do. 50   3597 18th Nov. 1806, do. do. 50   Dollars 1,500  
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk mouselins do. Toilnets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kersies, halthicks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mull Mull gingham and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 3-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persian and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, tickling, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Thomas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantaloons with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloons nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surcoat coat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress. As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—eptf
TO BE LET, After the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylvania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day. For terms enquire at Robert Underwood's, directly opposite. April 27—eptf
NOW LANDING From on board the schooner VIRGINIA from New York , First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS, Bordeaux CLARTE in bales of one dozen each, SWEET OIL, OLIVES, CAPERS & ANCHOVIES, for sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23—tf
PROPOSALS in writing for building a bridge across Rock Creek, at the termination of Bridge Street, will be received, in writing, by the Mayor, until Thursday the 23d inst. The bridge must be built of stone, with one stone arch of at least eighty feet span, raised on solid abutments of stone. It must have parapet walls four feet high, and must be thirty six feet in width inside of the parapet walls, and the centre of the arch be at least 25 feet above the level of high water.
The contractor must give bond and security to complete the bridge before the first day of January next—and to support it in safe, firm & passable condition for five years after being completed. Persons proposing to contract would do well to hand in a draught of their plan with the proposals, and to be particular in describing the manner in which they would perform and finish off the work. Thomas Corcoran, John Mason, David Wyley, Wm. Whann, Wm. Crawford. Commissioners. George Town, June 14th. 1808.
I hereby certify that Walter Mitchell, the manager at the farm of Robert Brent, brought before me as a stray trespassing on the enclosures at said farm, a dark bay horse, about ten years old, no perceivable brand or mark, about fourteen hands high, rather lean in flesh. He appears to have been accustomed to work in gears. Given under my hand, one of the justices for the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia, this 14th day of June, 1808. (Signed) DANIEL RAPINE. True Copy. The owner of the above described horse is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take him away. WALTER MITCHELL. June 15—3t
THE PRESIDENT & DIRECTORS of the WASHINGTON & ALEXANDRIA TURNPIKE COMPANY, WILL meet on the road to be improved, on Wednesday next at 9 o'clock A. M. and continue till 3 o'clock for the purpose of shewing the road and describing the manner of improving it, and also of erecting a BRIDGE across Four Mile Creek, where those persons desirous of contracting for the whole or any part of the work are requested to attend; and sealed proposals will be received by the President on the Saturday following. G. DENEALE, President. June 15—
PUBLIC SALE. ON Monday the 11th of July next will be sold at Public Auction a two Story BRICK HOUSE, with a front FRAME Building, and the Lots No. 10 and 11, on Square No. 935, near the Marine Barracks. The house was lately inhabited by Lt. Col. Wharton, now in the occupancy of Mr. Thomas Carberry. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, at Stelle's hotel. June 15—tdos
FOR NORFOLK. The brig Mahitable Capt. LAGOON, will sail in six days. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board, at the Navy Yard wharf. June 10—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit. ON the petition of DAVID WOODS an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said D. Woods that on Monday the 20th day of June, inst. at the court room at Lindsey's Hotel, at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said David Woods, and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published in the Washington Federalist, National Intelligencer and some paper printed in Alexandria, twice before that day in each paper. By order of the honorable William Cranch, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, CLK. June 15—2t
TAKE NOTICE.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, Maryland, on the 20th day of April last, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JOHN ROMAN; he appears to be about 29 years of age, about five feet five or six inches high, well made, very black, and has a smiling countenance: his clothing when committed, was as follows—a blue cloth coat and pantaloons, a striped cotton waistcoat, an osnaburg shirt, a pair of black woolen stockings, and one pair of shoes, all of which are pretty much worn; by trade, as he says, a blacksmith and gunsmith; he has a small scar between his eyes, and says he belongs to Bennett Taylor, of Jefferson county, Virginia, within six miles of Charlestown, on the water of Bullskin, near the place it empties into the Shenandoah. The owner is requested to come and release him otherwise he will be sold for his pris. a fees agreeable to law. GEORGE CREAGER, jun. Sheriff, Frederick county, Md. May 13—wSt.