The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-07-14 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1367.
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FRIDAY, JULY 14, 1809.
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS.
(Continued.)
Monday, June 26.
Mr. BURWELL said he deemed it in some degree his duty to make some remarks on the bill before the House. He intended to vote against both the amendments proposed to the bill. I think (said Mr. B.) that if my colleague who moved the first amendment (Mr. Sheffield) had taken that view of this subject which might have been presented to his mind, he would not have found such error in the course proposed to be pursued. He seems to have taken another ground, when by the clearest demonstration it might have been shown that the system proposed is one of impartiality to the belligerent powers of Europe. It will be recollected by gentlemen of this House, that at the time the exclusion of French armed ships took place, it was upon the express ground that the British government objected to come to an accommodation with us, because we excluded her vessels and nominally admitted those of her enemy. On that ground I venture to say that the exclusion took place; because, at the time that it took place, it was considered a measure absolutely favoring G. Britain; yet not injuring France by a nominal prohibition of the entrance of her vessels. It was stated that there was not perhaps in the course of a year a single French public armed vessel in the harbor of the U. S. Have we any French pirates now in our seas? None. Is there any probability that there will be any? No, sir; for France having now lost her W. India islands, if her vessels are freely admitted, it is probable that there would not, in the course of five years, be a single French vessel within our waters. As the exclusion would be perfectly nominal, I would not adopt any thing to prevent a settlement of our differences with France. I am not now sanguine in my belief that we shall settle our differences with her; for every one acquainted with that government knows, I fear, that it is not to be diverted from its object by any arrangement we may make. But I would do away every possible justification that could be urged by France for not meeting our overtures for peace. This conduct would produce at home more union among our citizens; and, when our rights are attacked without a pretence for their infraction, there can be but one sentiment in the nation. I have always determined to admit British vessels as far as my vote would go; and should the House determine to exclude French vessels I should still vote for the admission of English vessels, because their former exclusion has been so actually managed by the British government, and the doctrine has been so admitted by the presses in this country, as to give rise to the most unjustifiable conduct ever pursued by one nation towards another. As to the idea advanced by the gentleman from South-Carolina (Mr. Taylor) that, if we do admit them to take possession of our waters, they will take advantage of the privilege to our injury in negotiation, it has no force with me, for this plain reason: that, although the exclusion of them from our waters was not carried into execution by physical force, yet they did not enter our waters, when they might have done, in defiance of the proclamation. And why did they not? Because, I presume, they had no desire to rouse the indignation of this nation by an open violation of the laws of the land.
If, sir, you wish to gain the advantage of union at home, take away every pretext for the violation of our rights. Let me ask if it be not better to admit them? By so doing you give up a principle which does not benefit you, and receive in a cession of
physical strength by union at home. I do not say that every one will be satisfied, because I have no doubt England has agents in the country, but so few in number as to be unworthy of notice. If G. Britain, on the other hand, attacks us when we have taken away every possible ground of collision and violates her promise, the people in every part of the country will be satisfied that her deliberate object is to destroy our commerce. We should have no more of those party divisions which have distracted us for some months past.
It cannot be said that we are bound by any part of the negotiation to admit English vessels. I have seen nothing of the kind, if it exist; and I call upon gentlemen to point it out. Why do it then? It may be considered a concession; and certainly manifests that disposition which we feel to settle all the points of difference in agitation between us. And here I beg leave to say that, according to the most explicit declarations of the British minister, you would not give the smallest umbrage by pursuing that course. On this subject Mr. Burwell quoted a speech of Mr. Stevens in the British Parliament. If we were to be governed by reference to impressions which existed in that country of our partiality to France, it did appear to him that this speech was entitled to weight, because it justified the course proposed by the bill, and stated a position which the British government admitted was all that could be required from a neutral state. From this speech it appeared that placing the two belligerents on an equal footing was all that was required. Did not this bill completely come up to their wishes? Did it not interdict all trade with France under the most severe and heavy penalties? Mr. B. said he did not wish it to be understood that he would shape his conduct by the wishes of the British ministry; but as it had been said that the bill was somewhat hostile to that country, he had quoted the speech of a ministerial member to show that no such inference could be drawn. The same person in his speech also states, said Mr. B. that the reason why our offer in August last was not accepted, was, that if it had been accepted, such was the situation of the law, that a commerce might always be carried on with the enemy; that through the ports in Europe her enemy might be as efficiently supplied as if the embargo did not exist in relation to him. But, sir, what is now the state of things? If it is possible to operate on France by commercial restrictions, let me ask if this bill will not accomplish that object? Let me ask if an American vessel under it can go to any port of France? It not only cuts off direct intercourse, but prohibits the importation of the products of France; and any attempt to carry on a circuitous commerce must be ineffectual, inasmuch as the produce will be liable to seizure when it comes into the ports of the United States.
If, according to the ideas of the British government itself, this state of things be a sufficient resistance to France, let me ask of gentlemen how they can infer a partiality to France. What more can you do? If you exclude the armed vessels of France, though it may display a disposition to injure her, I defy any gentleman to show that it can in the smallest degree coerce or affect her. Let me call the attention of gentlemen to the present situation of Europe. If accounts lately received are to be credited, we may calculate on the universal control of the French Emperor over the ports of Europe. Is it to our advantage to be excluded from the trade of the continent? Is it not known that all the surplus product of the agriculture of this country finds its vent on the continent of Europe? Is it not known that of the whole of our tobacco seven out of eight parts are consumed on the continent? That of our cotton at least one half finds its market there? Does not flour find a great proportion of its consumption on the continent? This cannot be denied.—Then let me ask of gentlemen whether it be so much to our advantage to exclude this trade; and, if not why we should take a step which can do France no injury, but which may and probably would be made a pretext for cutting off so valuable a part of our trade? With respect to partiality to France, let me call upon the gentleman from Virginia or
any other to show if from the conduct of the United States any such thing can be inferred. Look at our relative situation. Have we opened our ports to her traders? Have we renewed commercial intercourse with her? Let me ask, which have we placed in the best situation, France or England? Every gentleman must answer—England. Whilst she gets all our commerce, her enemy is wholly excluded from any participation in it.
There is another point of view in which this subject may be considered. So far as French commerce is excluded, I contend that it cannot be cause of war, because you have a right to restrict your commerce in any manner you please. If France will not trade with you on liberal terms, you have a right to say that you will not trade with her at all; and this would not be cause for war, or an act for which she could in justice attack you. What was the non-importation act as to England? Not, an act of war, not an act which she had any right to resent; it was a mere municipal regulation. Apply the same principle to France. If she will not permit intercourse on terms of liberality and reciprocity, you have a right to prohibit intercourse partially or generally. In so doing no man would have the hardihood to say that you had commenced the controversy with France. But one sentiment on the subject will pervade the country, and that will be resistance. It strikes me, sir, that if the House were disposed instanter to go to war with France, they should take the course pointed out by the amendment. I acknowledge that the conduct of that nation does justify war; that is to say that many a war has been commenced since the foundation of the world with less provocation and for less cause. But it ought to be observed that we are a peaceful nation; war is not congenial to our habits. The point of view in which I consider the subject, is, that if you exclude French armed vessels now, they must consider you as having commenced a war with them. If you are for war, and think this the proper time to commence it, make this discrimination. Let me ask gentlemen whether the partial exclusion of British public vessels in the first instance, and their total exclusion in the second instance were not produced by outrages within our waters? Certainly. And is not the probability of the repetition of them now as strong as ever? Unquestionably it is; and so far the admission of British armed vessels may be considered a concession. On this subject of partiality to France I will observe that I believe that a great part of the hostility of the British government to this country has been produced by this charge made here in the first instance, and repeated there; and that gentlemen anxious to prevent a war with Britain have done more to accelerate it by this charge, than by any course of conduct which they could have adopted. Is it not within the recollection of every gentleman who has attended to the politics of this country for eight years past, that this cry has been as strong throughout as it has been during any period of the existence of the embargo? From 1796 down to the present day, a part of the people of this country have been charged with French partiality; and when the change of government took place, which stationed us at the head of it, the papers teemed with the assertion that we were partial to France. For myself I believe that a great part of the hostility of the British government towards us has grown out of the unfortunate state of parties in this country. When the charge of partiality to France is considered, it must strike every one as the most absurd and unfounded that could be urged. Let gentlemen look at their neighbors, friends and connections, whom they have thus accused, who have so much at stake in the country—and how can they reconcile it to themselves to conceive that they have any attachment to any foreign country? A particular species of papers of this country alone circulate in England.—From these the ministry derived their information; and any person reading them must suppose that a great portion of the citizens of this country are devotedly attached to France, caring nothing for their own country. It is not therefore surprising that this jealousy has existed in G. Britain.
During all our differences with the British government it has always been in the power of that government to renew commercial intercourse with us without a sacrifice of a single right. I have thought that we were rather disposed to yield rights of importance for the sake of accommodation. You have given up various claims; and yet, when we were struggling for the abandonment of the orders in council and nothing else she had the art to make a great portion of the people of this country believe that we were struggling to destroy her very existence. She has now given up more than we have asked and yet not surrendered one iota of her just rights, but merely abstained from the prosecution of a principle which, if carried into effect, would have reduced us to the most despicable state of colonization. My object heretofore has been to prevent the existence of any point of etiquette to prevent a settlement. It was said, however that a mere point of etiquette prevented a settlement with England. Sir, whenever we are compelled to go to war, let us do it on grounds on which it is impossible for Americans to hesitate. I do contend that we ought to try if it is not possible by faithfully discharging the duties which we owe to ourselves, and maintaining a correct position, to keep peace with France and with England also.
I do hope, from what I have said, that no one will suppose that I should be governed in my conduct by the policy of England or France. I wish to be governed exclusively by our own policy. If England does us an injury let us resist it. If France does us an injury let us resist her. While considering the subject in this point of view, I am not much in hopes of producing the result which we hope for, because I am afraid that the policy of France is already decided on.
Another idea has suggested itself to my mind which I think merits consideration. Let it be recollected that on the 15th of March a great many of our vessels went to the continent of Europe; and, I am informed by gentlemen whose authority is to be relied on, that the shipments of colonial produce have been enormous.—Where can it have gone? Not to Great Britain because there it is as plentiful as here. It must then have gone to the Continent. Suppose 50 vessels have gone to Amsterdam. The insurance against sea risk is 5 per cent. in consideration of the risk in port there is an additional insurance of 7 per cent. Now, sir, would you not do extreme injustice to the merchants and insurance offices by taking a step which would infallibly insure the condemnation of all your property? I ask whether it would not be injuring them materially, because these vessels left your ports under a state of things very different from that which it is proposed to create; and by changing it you will infallibly cause the loss of all this property. At this time it is probable that the shipments are greater even than they were on the 15th of March. The merchants, finding the colonial produce useless here (for, unless they can find a foreign market for it, it is of comparatively little value) ship it off to Europe rather than risk the total loss of it by keeping it.
As I before said, I have always been in favor of admitting British vessels; for I would have peace with that nation if possible. I never have hesitated on that subject, because I wish to take away every possible pretext for quarrel. If she is disposed to do us justice, I am not disposed to prevent it. If all our wealth and strength were confined within the walls of any particular town, the admission of armed vessels might be a matter of serious doubt. Let it be recollected that we have an immense extent of coast and innumerable sea-ports which she might attack; and I never would prevent an adjustment by a measure which can be of no real efficacy and which may do a vast deal of harm. I would reason in the same manner with respect to France. I would make peace with her if we can; but I would not quarrel with England to please her, any more than I would quarrel with France to please England. If the proposed step be taken, however, all the property which has left this country for the ports on the continent since the 15th March last, is as certainly confiscated as it has touched those ports.
Mr. LIVERMORE wished gentlemen to confine themselves to the point in debate. For what purpose were old transactions now brought up? For what purpose did gentlemen say that Britain was misled? I might say the same of France, said Mr. Livermore. But I could not probably convince the gentleman, or he me. The real question is on the last amendment proposed, which appears to have for its object to get rid of the motion of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Sheffield.) The meaning of the amendment I take to be that there has not been a satisfactory adjustment of our differences with G. Britain; whether it be considered in that or any other point of view I cannot admit it. I contend that, as the two countries stand in relation to each other, we are at peace; and whether an envoy is or is not sent out here does not lead to any event by the law of nations. Still we should be at peace. Now as I said the other day, I am not anxious whether the bill which came from the Senate be adopted or not; it is a measure which the majority may take on their own shoulders. A gentleman from South-Carolina has inferred that it is the opinion of the Executive of the U. S. that this act is correct. If I knew this to be the fact, it would completely alter my opinion on the subject; for if peace be preserved, I care not in what way—but I am not for doing away what we have already done, for fear it should offend sister France.
A great deal has been said about its being our interest to keep peace with France. I feel that as much as any one; and if peace can be preserved, we certainly ought to do it. But I would not do a wrong act because I wish for peace.
Declarations made on the floor of Parliament have been introduced here as authority. I must observe, whilst gentlemen lug these in, they would be very angry at the other side of the House for doing it. And to what did the quotation amount? To this: that as long as the decrees of France exist we ought to resist them. It is admitted that an indiscriminate admission or exclusion is not a breach of neutrality. But, considering the whole circumstances of the non-intercourse act, can the U. S. consistently with good faith and with the true line which they ought to pursue, or with the interests of G. Britain or what she has a right to expect, impair one part of the obligation more than another? I conceive that the resistance to the decrees and orders in the first instance was the interdiction of public ships; and, secondly, the interdiction of commerce. And although the terms of the agreement do not point out expressly that the interdiction shall cease, yet I contend that as to good faith it was intended it should cease with the renewal of intercourse.
As to the negotiations carrying on with France, I wish to know whether or not it is not as injurious to France to interdict her private ships as to interdict her public armed vessels? If so, the interdiction of her armed vessels will not add to her complaints. An argument is urged that France knew what we had done at the time the messenger went out in the Mentor, and that the interdiction of her armed vessels now, before the return of the messenger, would essentially change the relation in which we stand to each other. This argument would apply just as much to the whole non-intercourse bill as to this feature of it; and, if correct, would supercede this bill wholly; for, if we have no right to enact over again against France provisions which do not extend to Great Britain, we must let the non-intercourse act die by its own limitation. What I contend for is simply this: that this act, which was in resistance to the arbitrary decrees of both nations when one has ceased its orders, should still be left in operation against the other.
Another argument has been used against discrimination, viz. that France has no public armed ships. If this be the case, gentlemen need not be alarmed; for, if they cannot come here, we need not be afraid of their resentment because we will not admit them. But we know that her cruisers can steal out of their ports, go into foreign seas and destroy our trade in spite of the ships of Great Britain. If an American vessel has British property on board or has been spoken by a British cruiser, a French public armed vessel

is bound to make prize of her. This being the case, let us for a moment consider the subject as respects ourselves. Our feelings ought to be for ourselves and for our country. Here is a nation having public ships, having a right to come into our ports. Does it comport with our honor and dignity to admit into our ports and harbors the very vessels, destroying our commerce? Not to go into an enquiry what has been the fact heretofore, but what may be now—If you pass a law that a French frigate may come into your waters and partake of your hospitalities, where is the obligation that it may not take advantage of the opportunity to make its prey more sure by watching it in port and then going out and entrapping it? If, from the intoxication of the man who rules the destinies of the nation of Europe, he does not feel disposed to treat us on terms of reciprocity, that circumstance should have no effect on our measures. But the question on that point is no doubt already settled; time will tell how far we should go to go and receive an answer to the question sent to our minister. I certainly would so far respect myself as to fulfill what I conceive to be good faith towards both, without respect to the wish or dictation of either.
As to the amount of produce sent to the continent, it cannot be great. Some men may have adventured there on desperate voyages; but that there is much property in jeopardy, I cannot believe, for France is known to be, in respect to mercantile property, the lion's den, easy of access, but impossible to return. Those therefore who have risked their property, must have been extremely rash.
If the French government would do us justice, I should be glad; if not, we must abide by the consequences. We must not do improper things because they will not do us justice. It is proper that we should assert what we conceive to be our rights. I believe however that the question of peace with France will not turn on this bill. I believe the point to be already settled. If it be not, however, and the exclusion of French armed vessels would be an impediment to it, the same objection would be valid against the whole bill.
Mr. HOLLAND asked the indulgence of the House whilst he stated a few reasons why he should vote for the amendment under consideration. It had been asked whether it was consistent with the honor of this nation to admit French ships within our waters. Mr. H. said he would answer, that as things now stood, he did not consider it consistent with our honor & dignity to admit the reason why, was, that that government had done sundry injudicious acts towards this nation for which it had not made reparation, nor even intimated an intention of doing so. He therefore answered that it was inconsistent to admit the vessels of France within our waters. It was in consequence of injuries which they had done, according to my conception, that I voted for their exclusion. I was not influenced by any desire to produce an equality in our relations with the belligerents. It was no impression of that that had induced my vote; and yet I voted that French ships of war should not come into our waters. It was not the opinions of editors of newspapers or the clamors of individuals that influenced my vote, and I hope they never will. I think that every gentleman on this side of the House should consider himself beyond suspicion. The only question for the consideration of the members of this House, when a measure is presented to them, is the expediency of it; and on that ground alone I voted for the exclusion of French ships or of British ships. I was chiefly influenced to vote for the exclusion of British armed ships by the variety of acts committed in our waters and the great disposition which she had shown to commit the most wanton acts of treachery. I can say for myself that my conduct was only partially influenced by acts of British officers within our waters; I had in view a variety of other acts committed against the rights of the people of this country, respecting the affair of the Chesapeake, to have been unauthorized. I never wished to see British ships of war within our waters; they recede from an act of impressment. I wished that the French government to know that it was the determination of the major part of the citizens of the U. S. to recognize the sovereignty of that right. I think it is a question of the dignity of the U. S. to admit British vessels within our waters, and to admit those acts. I was therefore inclined to exclude them.
It is said by the gentleman last up that we had made peace with G. Britain. I have not heard that they are entitled to all the rights of hospitality that one nation could possibly show to another. Certainly not. We ought yet to hold up some indication that we
are not perfectly reconciled to them. When they abandon the outrageous principles which govern that nation with respect to neutrals; when they abandon the practice of impressment; when they make restitution for spoliations of our trade, we will hold the hand of fellowship to them. It is not enough for me to hear the British minister say that an envoy extraordinary is to come out and settle all differences. I have heard something like this long ago. I heard that a minister was to be sent out to make reparation for the affair of the Chesapeake. We have experience on this subject. Have we forgot that every thing which accompanied that mission was evidence that the British government was not sincere, and that it did not intend to accommodate? When I see an abandonment by G. Britain of the principles destructive to neutrality, I can consent to admit that nation to the rights of hospitality.
If we pass this bill as it now is, the British government will see the inconsistency of it, and certainly it will not raise our reputation to a more exalted pitch than before. The true course in my opinion will be to follow up our measures and not to retrograde. Even had France conducted herself properly towards this country, the exclusion of her armed vessels was an act which every one will admit our right to do. But as we have great ground of complaint against that nation, still stronger right have we to do it. To admit the armed ships of France within our waters is at best but a nominal favor. It is impossible that the injury can be forgotten till reparation is made. When the injuries done to us are repaired, then & not till then would I open the waters of the U. S. in respect to France.
Why did we vote a prohibition of our waters to British ships? Because of injuries received. Have they been repaired? No, sir; to my mind they have said nothing conclusive or satisfactory as to abandoning any ground they had taken. What would be the feelings of any American if a fleet of British vessels were to come up the Potomac immediately after the passage of this act, with the commander who perpetrated the outrage on the Chesapeake at their head? They may do so by the bill as it has come from the Senate unlimited in number and force. The British would not ask the privilege, and yet we gratuitously offer it to them. Is the privilege worth any thing to the British nation? Let us hold it up as a matter that requires certain privileges in return; for we are compelled to buy all the privileges we get from that nation. I wish therefore, if this be an advantage, not to take it out of the hands of the Executive; for we knew that appeals to the magnanimity and justice of that nation will have no effect. If it be not an advantage, there can be no complaint for a refusal of it.
With respect to the ships of France, I cannot but notice the strange appearance we shall hold out to the world if this bill pass. The interdiction of commerce with a nation and admission of her public armed ships! The public ships are the representatives of the sovereignty of a nation, of the government against which we have cause of offence. But the merchants, who are the innocent subjects, we will not admit. We declare war against the subjects, whilst we take the Emperor and government into our bosom. This to me is inexplicable. To save our honor and preserve our consistency we ought not to admit French ships of war, so long as trade with France is interdicted. I think, therefore, both as respects the one or the other, we ought to maintain the same ground as heretofore. From France we have heard nothing. Instead of relaxing measures in relation to her, therefore, we ought to strengthen them. These ideas, however incorrect they may be thought, will influence my vote.
Mr. JOHNSON observed that to say any thing on this subject, after the time which had been already consumed and the speeches which had been made, was contrary to a rule which he had laid down for his conduct. But his excuse would be found in the introduction into the House of a proposition which it was said, proposed to place us on a neutral ground. Nothing, said Mr. Johnson, is dearer to me than neutrality as to our foreign relations; but the bill submitted to the House by the committee of which I had the honor to constitute one, and which is the same with that now before us, so far from being in hostility to Great Britain and partiality to France, I contend is a concession to Great Britain, at the same time that I admit that it is not hostility to France. The admission of the belligerent vessels into our waters, so far from being hostility to Great Britain, is concession. I do not make the remark upon the fact that at this moment, as many and as heavy causes of complaint exist unsettled between this government and Great Britain as have been this government and that of France. If then the same
causes exist to exclude from our waters the vessels of both, I ask whether the admission of both will not be an actual benefit and concession to Great Britain, and a nominal benefit to France? And still it is to go forth to the nation that we are about to commit an act which will sink the nation from the elevated situation in which it is now placed by our former measures! I hope that we shall continue to convince the world that the United States of America are incapable of other than neutral conduct. Is it a fact that greater injuries exist from France than from Great Britain? What injuries have been received from France? Have they been committed within our waters? Has our hospitality been violated and our officers insulted in our very ports by the vessels of France? Or is her hostility merely commercial? It is of the latter description. Is it not admitted that we may lawfully exclude or admit the vessels of both belligerents? If you admit the vessels of one nation with whom you have cause of difference, and exclude those of another nation with whom you have only the same cause of difference, I ask whether you do not commit the dignity of the nation and jeopardize its peace?
I will put this question to gentlemen—what has Britain done which would require a discrimination as to her public vessels? She has rescinded her orders in council. And what have we done in return? Have we done nothing? Has G. Britain held out the hand of friendship, and have we refused to meet her? Has she withdrawn her orders in council, and have we insisted on a continuance of our commercial restrictions? I have understood that she has done nothing but rescinded her orders in council, and we have renewed intercourse with her therefor. I am more astonished at the proposal to discriminate, when we see that at this moment orders are in existence blocking countries to which your merchants have long ago taken out clearances, in violation of stipulations which Britain had proposed to us. When she has violated our rights, I am more astonished that gentlemen should wish to go beyond the letter of the law. And, let the consequence be what it may, it would result to the benefit of this nation that we should not be influenced by idle fears of imaginary dangers. My better judgment tells me we should exclude the armed vessels of both nations; but the general sentiment appears to be against it. It is asked of us, why admit the vessels of France, whilst injuries which she has done us are unatoned for? And I ask, sir, why then admit the vessels of England standing in the same relation to us? I only make these remarks as going to show that we ought to be strictly neutral. If, sir, you wish to take part in the broils of Europe, embody your men, send them over to the disposal of England at once, and let her send them to Spain or Austria. But if you would remain neutral, either admit or exclude the armed vessels (as you would armies) of both belligerents.
I had thought, sir, not only from the acts of our government, but from conversing with gentlemen, that we halted the present as an auspicious moment, as a political jubilee; I had thought that we had been on the verge of war with the two most powerful nations of the earth, but that our situation was changed, and that at the same moment we now offer the only asylum to the victims of European wars. And are you now about again to jeopardize the peace of this nation without any cause whatever?
The exclusion of French and British armed vessels at the last session, may be taken on this ground. It was a defensive war, not only for the injuries we had received, but in expectation of actual hostility. Has it occurred? No, sir. Would you have excluded British vessels since 1793, for taking the vessels engaged in your lawful trade and for impressing your seamen? You did not do it; and it was not for that alone that you did it at the last session, but for other causes, which have nearly or quite disappeared.
I have done, sir. I shall not vote for any proposition which makes a difference between France and Great Britain; not that I am afraid of the consequences of Napoleon or the navy of George the 3rd. But I cannot consent to adopt a course which will again obscure with clouds our political horizon.
Mr. SMITH said that if he now took up five minutes of the time of the House, he could not excuse it to himself; and he should not have risen but to explain the reasons for the course which he should take. As to the amendment, to that he could never agree. The question which the legislature often had to decide was not what is best, but what is practicable. Now he thought it a happy circumstance that parties in the other House had united on this subject. However we may differ as to local affairs, said
he, I think it good policy, if it can be done without a sacrifice of principle, to meet in concert on measures of external relations. What may be the effect if you introduce either of these two principles into this bill? We know that if this bill does not go to the Senate till to morrow, if amended, a single member of the Senate can, according to their rules, prevent the bill from passing altogether. My opinion is that it is our duty to pass the bill in its present form. If any material alteration be made in the bill, I believe it will not pass. If it does not, all that has taken place between this country and Great Britain is at an end. And I hope that this reason will induce gentlemen to permit the question to be taken.
Mr. J. G. JACKSON said he had intended, before the day had so far progressed, to have explained to the House the motives by which he was actuated in relation to the bill. He said he would still take the liberty of stating to the few members present (the House being very thin) why he offered the amendment to the amendment. It will be recollected, said Mr. J. that the other day I stated that a construction had been given to the law contemplated to be re-enacted by the bill on the table, which, notwithstanding the renewal of intercourse, excluded armed vessels from our waters; and for the purpose of doing away completely that construction I moved an amendment, which, gentlemen conceiving it unnecessary, I withdrew. If gentlemen are correct in the opinion which they advanced, and which induced me to withdraw that motion, they cannot consistently vote for the amendment of my colleague providing an exception to a provision which the bill does not contain. Where is the necessity of a proviso if the law does not bear such a construction? Is the Executive to infer from the proviso that something exists in the law which the friends of the proviso declare does not exist? The amendment proposed by my colleague provides for the admission of the armed vessels of those nations with whom commercial intercourse shall have been (not has been) permitted. Are you by this phraseology about to devolve upon the President a discretionary power, holding the scale of national honor in one hand and the injury and atonement in the other, to decide which nation shall be thus favored, when it is conceded on all hands that the admission of the armed vessels of one nation and the exclusion of those of the other, is an act ipso facto of hostility?
Gentlemen have observed that there ought to be an exclusion of French & admission of English armed ships, and that any other course would be an acquiescence in the views of "sister France," and hostility to England. This language, sir, does not help the cause which the gentleman advocates. What must be the effect of such insinuations? They must excite feelings, which, I am happy to say, have not been displayed on this floor during the session but on this occasion. Might it not with propriety be retorted, as a natural consequence, that gentlemen who wish to admit British and exclude French ships, and thus serve the interest of England, are desirous of subserving the views of mother Britain? The attachment to sister France on the one hand is about as great as the attachment to mother Britain on the other. I believe it has been emphatically declared to the nation that we would not go to war for existing differences. If, however, gentlemen since the last session have so materially altered their ideas of the policy proper in relation to one belligerent, let us go to war openly; I am not for using the stiletto, or for stabbing in the dark.
The interdict of British armed vessels from entering our ports was not on account of the affair of the Chesapeake only. It is unnecessary now to repeat the causes which led to it. If gentlemen will turn to the letter of Mr. Madison to Mr. Rose, they will find the causes detailed. Since that time other injuries have been committed; and it has been justly observed that the burning the Impetueux was an insult to the sovereignty of this nation scarcely less than the affair of the Chesapeake. If we permit hostility from one belligerent to another within our territory, we become party to the war, as we do, by admitting the enemy even to pass through our territory to attack another nation. It is in vain to say that a nation preserves a neutral attitude, when it permits one of the belligerents repeatedly to violate its sovereignty. If there be as much injury unatoned on the part of Britain as on the part of France, then a discrimination will be a departure from the ground, which we took last session, that both should be excluded. And the President had no power over that part of the law. Inasmuch as we know that G. Britain has the command of the ocean, and that a French
ship of war cannot without a miracle escape across the Atlantic, we in fact by the operation of the bill as it came from the Senate admit English and exclude French ships. We throw open our ports and admit the thousand ships of Britain without opening our eyes to the consequences which have heretofore resulted from so doing. And shall we now refuse admission to the vessels of France? It is indeed difficult to say what led to their exclusion; for it has been with truth observed that the non-intercourse bill had not an advocate in the house. It was something like throwing all our discordant opinions into one crucible, and after fusion extracting what was expected to be gold, but which all called dross. When gentlemen speak of their zeal to maintain the ground taken last winter, I beg of them to recollect their own speeches, from which it will be found that the bill was so obnoxious to them that they would not even extend its operation to the next winter, and that it was with difficulty that it was extended to the end of the present session.
I hope, sir, that present appearances across the water are not the sure tokens of the course which the British government intends to pursue towards us. When, however, they assume so awful an aspect, we had better remain a little longer in our present situation. It was unequivocally known to the British government that the overture, which she made would be accepted, because last summer we offered more advantageous terms to her, which she refused to accept. They knew the state of things in this country, however, or the letter of Mr. Canning would not have found its way into the prints of Boston before it found its way to us here. Here is a tariff of duties to take effect on the 12th of May by which cotton is taxed 7 dollars and 50 cts. per hundred weight, pitch 5 dollars 50 cts. per 12 barrels, and many other articles enormously taxed. These duties were laid at a time when they must have known, if my position be correct, and I defy gentlemen to shew how it is not, that their overture was accepted. They were laid at a time when our products were known to be going to that country, having no other market, because they had re-blockaded the continent after nominally rescinding their orders, and thus prevented our vessels from going to the continent. It was a kidnapping duty, and must produce the ruin and bankruptcy of many thousands of those who embarked their property on the ocean within two weeks after the suspension of the embargo. G. Britain has cut off our market from every quarter of the globe but herself, and imposed those duties on our exports to her ports. This is sufficient to induce the American Congress to hesitate. The bill under consideration presents a perfect equality in regard to vessels of war, and discrimination as to every thing else; and in so doing goes far enough.
Gentlemen ask, has there not been a satisfactory adjustment of our differences with G. Britain? I deny it. What is the expression of the British envoy on which gentlemen rely, and on which they are about to sit down quietly under the vine and fig tree? "In the mean time, with a view to contribute to the attainment of so desirable an object, His Majesty would be willing to withdraw his orders, &c." In the mean time, still persisting in the principle of taxing our exports, a right denied even to us by the constitution. It is to be hung up in terrorem , to be let loose upon us hereafter, if we shall not do every thing which is required of us. There is a marked cautious stile of language in this letter which shews that G. Britain in fact has promised nothing. She does not say that she will repeal or revoke her orders, but that in the mean time she will withdraw them, and substituted other orders or proclamations equally obnoxious. This is reason sufficient for not going beyond the letter of the agreement; which however I will consent to do, by admitting instead of excluding British armed vessels.
When Mr. Jackson concluded, Mr. Sheffield adopted his motion as a part of his own; which, so amended, was negatived by Yeas and Nays, as given heretofore. And, after some slight amendment the bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
(Debate to be continued.)
On the last day of the session, Mr. Randolph, from committees appointed on the subject, reported the following bills. It was so late in the session that no order was taken on them; they were not even ordered to be printed. For the information of our readers we have procured copies of them.
A bill to secure an impartial jury in all cases, civil and criminal, maintained in the courts of the United States. BE it enacted, &c. That the judge

of the superior, circuit or district courts of each of the states respectively shall, during the sitting of the courts held by such judges designated, out of the persons qualified to serve as jurors within such state and residing within the jurisdiction of the court so held as aforesaid, a number not exceeding to serve as jurors for the courts of the United States for the district within which such state courts shall be held; the said designation to be made at convenient times, at least twice within each year, and the names of the parties so designated to be returned to the clerk's office of the court of the United States at least days previous to the commencement of any term of the circuit court or of any regular term of the district court. And it shall be the duty of the marshals of the respective districts to summon the persons so designated as aforesaid to attend as jurors on the circuit and district courts of the United States next to be held after the return aforesaid. And if the number of persons so designated and returned and summoned and appearing shall exceed it shall be the duty of the marshal to cause the number to be reduced by lot under the direction and in the presence of the court to a number not exceeding out of which the juries for the court then held and to be held within the next six months ensuing shall be selected by the marshal, subject to such right of challenge and exception as now does or may hereafter exist by law.
A bill to amend the act entitled "An act for establishing rules and articles for the government of the armies of the United States."
Be it enacted, &c. That from and after the passing of this act the following punishments and none other shall be inflicted by sentence of court martial for any offence arising under the act entitled an act for establishing rules and articles for the government of the armies of the United States, to wit: confinement to hard labor with or without a suspension of pay; solitary confinement with or without a suspension of pay; and a suspension of subsistence in part; banishment with disgrace; and death.
The following letter accompanied the bill reported on the subject of the articles of war:
WAR DEPARTMENT, 8th June, 1809. Sir, In answer to your enquiry respecting a commutation of the punishment provided by the 87th section of the rules and articles for the government of the armies of the United States the following opinion, founded on the practice of other armies and on the practice of our own army and country, is respectfully submitted for the consideration of the committee.
"Confinement to labor, with or without a suspension of pay; solitary confinement, with or without a suspension of pay; and a suspension of subsistence in part; banishment with disgrace; and death, may by law be established as the four general punishments for crimes."
At the same time it will be necessary to empower the courts to inflict corporal punishments not exceeding strokes or lashes (and this number ought to exceed the present provision of the statute) in cases where either of the two first mentioned punishments have proved ineffectual, or on characters so depraved, in the judgment of the court, as to merit this mark of degradation, or under circumstances where confinement is incompatible with the situation of the troops.
I am, very respectfully, Your most obedient servant, W. EUSTIS. Execution of a decree of the honorable the Circuit Court, of the District of Columbia, for the County of Washington—In the suit of SOLOMON DAVIS, complainant, against Abiel Jennings, and Deborah Jennings his wife, and Ferdinand Fairfax.
WILL be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder on Monday the 7th day of August next at Long's hotel, Thirty-Nine LOTS of ground situated in the city of Washington, numbered as follows: Lots No. 1, 2, 3, 22, 23, and 24 in Sq. No. 1061—Lots No. 4, 5, 9, 10, in Sq. No. 1070—Lots No. 1, 2 and 3 in Sq. No. 1091—Lots No. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, in Sq. No. 1098—Lot No. 11 in Sq. 1105—Lots No. 5, 11, 12, 13 in Sq. 1100—Lots No. 4, 5, 6 in Sq. 1112—Lots No. 1, 2, and 3 in Sq. 1114—Lot No. 4 in Sq. No. 1148—Lot No. 5 in 1117—Lots No. 9, 10, 11, 12 in Sq. No. 1130.
The Sale to commence at 12 o'clock precisely. Terms six months credit with interest from the day of sale. Bond or bonds with good and sufficient security will be required.
SAM: ELLIOT, Jr. Trustee. July 14—J. Law.
TWO STORES FOR SALE. For Sale a number of LOTS in Squares No. 119, 222, 378, 1020 and 1045—Also, two BRICK STORES, adjoining the Seven Buildings, which have for several years been occupied in the Dry Good and Grocery line. For terms apply to W. P. Gardner, No. 6, of the Seven Buildings or Mr. Paine on the premises. July 14—J. Law.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 14.
Among the numerous new publications daily issuing from the American press, it is not time to look for a complete edition of the various tracts of Mr. Jefferson? Their sterling merit entitles them to collection; and we are persuaded that the publisher who undertook an edition would be amply rewarded by the disposition of a large impression. There are thousands of Americans who would be highly gratified in preserving on their shelves this remembrance of a man to whom they feel so ardent a respect and gratitude. We recommend this suggestion to our enterprising booksellers, with the hope that it adopted, the edition of Mr. Jefferson's works will be printed with becoming elegance.
We entertain another and more important hope, in which, we have no doubt, we shall be joined universally by our fellow-citizens. This is, that Mr. Jefferson will be his own biographer, and bequeath to the world a faithful record of the distinguished events in which he has borne so illustrious a part. No one can discharge this duty so ably as himself; and, next to the services he has rendered, must be the value of exhibiting them, together with the several incidents to which they relate, or with which they are connected, in such an unquestionable shape as shall dispel all misconception respecting them. Such a legacy would embrace the annals of his country, and no inconsiderable portion of the history of the civilized world. It would expose the true motives of the revolution, and the beneficent views of the advocates of liberty, in a just point of light.
Have not the friends of liberty a right to expect from Mr. Jefferson such a bequest? His eminent literary attainments, his full retention of mental faculties, and his leisure, all qualify him for the discharge of the duty.
Extract from a letter of a respectable gentleman, residing at Wilmington, Delaware, dated July 7, 1809.
"The machine for Domestic Cotton Spinning, invented by my friend Jacob Abnicks of this place, proves to be eminently useful. I think it will spread the Domestic Manufacture of Cotton throughout the U. States in defiance of Britain and India. On a fair trial, a girl with a machine of 12 spindles can do as much work (and much better) as a Mule of 24 spindles."
The recent anniversary of our national existence has been celebrated throughout the continent with more distinguished honors, than have graced the day for several years past. With few exceptions, the celebrations have been characterized by a spirit worthy of Americans, and the malignant passions of party have been lost in the generous sentiment of patriotism. Every where the recent arrangement of our government have been crowned with applause. Let us hope that this is the presage of happier time, and that the death-blow, given by these measures to the libel that imputed to the government, or any considerable portion of the people, a foreign influence, will annihilate the power of those depraved and designing men, who have made it the stalking-horse by which they hoped to get into power. We regret that the large room required for other articles prevents our doing full justice to this proud display of national feeling, and especially, our giving a description of the vast and splendid procession at Baltimore; to which every profession, with appropriate ensignia, was tributary. We must content ourselves with observing that it was one of the most magnificent exhibitions which has ever been presented in this country, and that after it had passed its prescribed course, General Smith, whose worth appears to be appreciated in proportion to the persecution that assails him, pronounced the Declaration of Independence.
The following select toasts will give some idea of the spirit that characterized the day:
The President of the U. States—a republican of tried virtue, a statesman of unrivaled fame—May the close of his administration be not less glorious for his country than its commencement.
James Madison, President of the U. S.—whilst he continues to tread in the footsteps of his predecessor, he will receive the plaudits of his friends, and the detestation of his enemies, whatever may be their professions.
Thomas Jefferson—the man who has withstood the rage of party rancor, unruffled, and who by his wisdom and firmness has conducted his country through the storms of a contending world with peace and safety, deserves a triumph for exceeding the heroes of ancient Rome. Time shall never
obliterate from our memory his exalted virtues.
Thomas Jefferson, the author of the declaration of independence. Voluntarily he retrenched his own power & voluntarily retired from the highest office in his country's gift—useful and honorable has been his public life—may the remainder of his days be serene and happy.
The Vice-President of the U. S.—May his declining years be soothed by the recollection of a well spent life and a knowledge that his fellow-citizens remember with gratitude his services in the cause of liberty and his country.
The memory of Washington, the illustrious father of our country—While we venerate his virtues, may we never forget his principles.
The memory of Benjamin Franklin—He snatched the sceptre from tyrants, divested lightning of its terrors, and laid the foundation of the approaching liberty of the seas, which, when accomplished, rescue the world from the ravages of the common robber, and bestow on it centuries of peace.
The memory of Gen. Joseph Reed—the man, who, in the time that tried men's souls, when tempted by foreign emissaries to betray his country—in the language of a genuine American replied—"I am not worth purchasing; but such as I am, all the wealth of the British crown is insufficient to do it." Sons of Columbia shed a tear; he is no more; and let us imitate his virtues.
The memory of the departed heroes of our revolution—May their great example inspire the people of America with a resolution never to abandon the glorious cause of freedom but with their lives.
Perpetual union to the states—and perpetual infamy to the man that would dissolve it.
Internal improvement, a much surer road to wealth than external traffic. Man—The world his country, all mankind his brothers, and liberty his polar star. "Hail liberty."
The Union of the states, the basis of their safety—May the arm wither that is raised to divide them.
The Press as it should be—the vehicle of correct information, at which only tyrants and apostates tremble.
The rapidly growing manufactures of our country—a cradled Hercules that will infallibly destroy the hydra of foreign influence.
Democracy—May Americans ever cherish and support its principles.
The Ocean—Its surface to those who advocate its freedom, its bottom to those who seek to usurp it. "The sons of Columbia ne'er shall be slaves."
"That unity of government which constitutes us one people; the main pillar in the edifice of our real independence; the support of our tranquillity at home; of our peace abroad; of our safety; of our property; of that very liberty which we so highly prize"—may it be perpetual.
Honest men of all parties—Though truth can be but on one side, sincerity may distinguish all.
Peace with honor—But war in preference to an abandonment of our rights.
Home manufactures—essential to the independence of a country—may the patriotism of our citizens, by making homespun fashionable, atone for the neglect of their representatives.
The memory of the author of Common Sense , the Rights of Man , and the Crisis , which opened the minds of Americans to a true sense of liberty, and nobly sustained them through a long and doubtful contest.
Agriculture, commerce and manufactures to enrich the land; arts and sciences to enlighten and adorn it. "America, commerce and freedom."
The neutral rights of America—May our citizens exert as much courage in their defence, as our statesmen have displayed ability in their assertion.
Roads, Canals, and inland navigation—They will ever enjoy the fostering hand of a wise government.
Alexandria, July 12.
The President of the U. S. and Heads of Departments yesterday visited Fort Washington in barges—they were saluted as they passed this place in the morning by 17 rounds from capt. Marsteller's Artillery, and on their return by 17 rounds from a gun under the direction of the citizens, 17 from the British brig Sisters, and 17 from captain Masteller's Artillery.
Philadelphia, July 10.
On Thursday last, arrived at Baltimore, the brig Fair American, Hamilton, 23 days from Cayenne. Capt. H. informs, that a few days previous to his sailing, the troops stationed there had revolted and wounded a number of persons in the streets; they made a peremptory demand of their wages from government accompanied with threats,
that if their demands were not complied with in 24 hours they would fire upon the government house, which demand the government were not able to meet and dare not refuse, without levying a heavy tax on the merchants, which they were obliged to do, after which the troops had become more tranquil; but it was feared by many, that something serious would take place in a short time, as the privates had complete control over the officers. Several Americans sailed for Surinam & Demerara.
Boston, July 6.
FROM THE HAVANA, June 12.
"The San Francisco de Paula, of 74 guns, arrived this morning from Vera Cruz, with seven millions of dollars for Spain, and two millions for this place. Mr. Anderson, American Agent, has closed his office by express orders of the governor, & will take his departure in a few days.
Lisbon, June 1. —The army commanded by general Romana attacked the French at Meire, and followed them to Paranay. Here the enemy hid themselves in a forest, which we surrounded, fired on them, and killed many. They then retreated to Lugo, leaving in our hands 3 pieces of cannon, &c. Our troops followed the enemy to the gates, surrounded the city, placing strong detachments at the gates, expecting it will surrender by capitulation or compulsion. Fortunately the apostate Magarrado, who has so long been praising king Joseph in Astorga, is now shut up in Lugo.
P.S. This day, at 7 o'clock in the evening, we have received the official account of the retaking of Lugo, by marshal Nicola Mabi, second in command of the army of the left, and commander in chief in the absence of the Marquis Romana. In this glorious action, the resistance made by the enemy was obstinate, but were defeated after losing 4000 men, in killed, wounded and prisoners.
June 2. —Letters from Elvas of the 28th ult. mention that general Cuesta had advanced his head quarters from Monasterio to Fuente del Muerstre.
The Dutch papers mention about a battle in Polonia; Archduke Ferdinand commanded there, but say nothing of its result, a convincing proof that the French were defeated, and it is believed that Morsovia had fallen into their hands.
We learn from Seville, that it is certain that peace had been made between Russia and England, and that Russia has entered into the coalition against the usurper of Europe. With impatience, we expect a confirmation, as we have good reason to give credit to this news which is given by Col. Alava, who had arrived at Seville. In England, this event, as late as the 15th May, was considered probable.
Account of the battle fought on the 16th of April, near Fontanafreda.
June 4. —In their retreat the French left one regiment of the line, No. 35, in Paderbone. This regiment, commanded by adjutant-general Dugomir and Col. Brembeau, was surprised by a strong body of Austrians and compelled to surrender.
The Austrians in their march met in Salside a French army of 53,000 men, commanded by the Vice Roy Eugene Beauharnois, and the general of brigade Gillet, with 80 pieces of artillery which, together with the reinforcements brought by general Cervelloni, who came from Italy with 15,000 men, make a total of 50,000 men. The Austrians, commanded by the Archduke John, commenced the attack with an army of 35,000 men, & were twice obliged to fall back; but, having been joined by 20,000 men from the Tyrol, from Sevarale, and Ceneda, of infantry and cavalry, attacked the French army in the rear. The French army was thus placed between two fires. The battle lasted the whole day of the 16th. The French, after losing a great number of men abandoned the field to the victorious Austrians. Scarcely 15,000 escaped, whose retreat was favored by the conflagration of the village Ronco, which they set on fire to favor their retreat. The loss of the enemy was, in killed, wounded and prisoners, upwards of 10,000 men. The Vice-Roy was wounded, a general Serras was made prisoner with a number officers of rank. The Italian regt. called Velites laid down their arms, but were afterwards compelled by the French cavalry to take them up again. Soon after the regiment was destroyed by the Austrian cavalry. The loss of the Austrians was considerable. General Ginlay was wounded, after having two horses killed under him. Many of the staff officers were killed and wounded. Some of the regiments remain with very few officers, most of them having fallen in the action.
The Austrian army continued advancing. In short, the field was left completely in the power of the Austrians. Upwards of 5,000 wounded French have been found between Bas-
sine and Padehone, amongst whom is gen. Defais, who was wounded and made prisoner in the first action, and was sent to the house of signior Calvani.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
For the Benefit of Mrs. and MASTER BARNETT. On Saturday Evening, July 15, 1809, Will be presented a celebrated Comedy, in Five Acts, called LOVERS' VOWS. To which will be added, A Musical Farce, in two acts, (never performed here,) called YOUTH, LOVE AND FOLLY.
SAFE KEEPING. A Person, (no doubt for safe keeping,) but rather too officious, took, without leave, a very elegant New Silver mounted H.P. that was left on the seat of a gig at a gentleman's door, Seven Buildings, pretty late on Saturday evening last. It is presumed that the person who took said Whip to look at it, no doubt out of pure love to a stranger (or perhaps he never saw it) will return it (if he pleases under the rose to prevent detection) otherwise means will be resorted to, to consign him over to the 'under-takers' of our public roads, just for a few seasons. A Reward of Two Silver Dollars, however will be given to the person who returns the Whip, and no questions asked, lest it may wound the Gentleman's feelings on application to Mr. CRAWFORD, Union Tavern, Georgetown. July 14—
By order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at Public Sale in this place on Saturday the 9th day of next month, if fair, if not, the next fair day thereafter. (Sunday excepted) all the remaining part of the late Mr. John Gambel's Personal Estate, consisting of Wearing Apparel, an elegant Gold Watch, enamelled, the hands and round the face being set with diamonds, captain's jeweled, a Gold Seal, a Gold Ring, a Brocade Table, and several other articles.
The terms of Sale will be cash, and said without reserve. The subscriber's infant state of health for many years has been the cause of the sale being so long postponed, and as he is still poorly, his friend Mr. Richard Ponsonby will direct and superintend the sale of said property, which will commence at 11 o'clock at my house.
WM. BRUCE, Adm'r. JOHN CAMPBELL. Bladensburg July 14—J. Law.
By virtue of an order of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for Washington county, will be sold at Public Vendue, at the house of Mr. William Rhodes innkeeper, city of Washington on Saturday the 20th of August (July) at 3 o'clock, P. M. the following very valuable Property in the city of Washington, to wit:
LOT No. 6 in square No. 224, containing 4,618 3/4 square feet. On this Lot, with other improvements, is a large, elegant and commodious (three stories) Brick House, well adapted for an extensive tavern or boarding house, and is now occupied in part by Mrs. Suter as a boarding-house, and the other part by Mr. Edy as a tavern, as a store. This property is situated on the corner of 15th and North E Streets, directly opposite to the Treasury Department, and may be justly said to be, as eligible and advantageous a situation for public business as any in the city; and from the largeness and structure of the aforesaid house, it might be occupied and used, as two separate & suitable dwellings. The terms of sale will be, one eighth part in cash, and the residue on 12, 18 and 24 months credit with interest, the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above-mentioned property will be sold, subject to the dower of Mrs. Mary Anne Fenwick, widow of Bennet Fenwick, deceased.
Lots No. 15 & 16 adjoining, in Sq. No. 407, containing 10,205 3/4 square feet. On these Lots are some wooden framed Houses, and the Lots are advantageously situated on Ninth and E Streets. The terms of sale are, one fourth part in cash, and the balance on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest—the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security—possession to be had immediately. The above lots and property will be sold, freed from all encumbrances.
Lot No. 26 in square No. 252, containing in lot 5,902 square feet—also 4,238 square feet; and Lot No. 27, in square No. 252, containing in lot 5,322 square feet—also 309 1/2 square feet. These lots are adjoining and situate on 13th street, on one of which is erected a small wooden House. The terms of sale are, one 4th part in cash, and the balance on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest—the purchaser or purchasers giving approved security. Possession may be had immediately. The above Lots and property will be sold freed from all encumbrances.
Edw. Matthews, Pres. Overman, Secy. Francis Clarke, James H. Blake, Pierce Pirell, Commissioners.
N. B. Any person desirous of purchasing the aforesaid property, or any part thereof, can be made acquainted with, and satisfied as to the title, by applying to James A. Porton, esq. attorney for the present claimants and owners. July 14—
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT the subscribers of Washington county, district of Columbia, have obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington and district aforesaid, letters testamentary on the personal estate of James Bedington, late of said district, deceased. All persons having claims against the deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to either of the subscribers, on or before the seventh day of January next ensuing, or they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under our hands this 7th day of July, 1809.
ROBERT ROSE, Esq. in the estate of Mrs. Bedington, dec'd. ROBERT BROWN, July 7—J. Law.

CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers have leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have built a commodious house adjoining the store of the Purser of the Navy and opposite to Wm. Prout's, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction. NICHOLAS L. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29-11.
N. B. At their Auction Room, will be sold a variety of Household Furniture, Dry Goods, Sugar in Boxes and a quantity of Beef, Lard and Hams in Barrels, &c. &c. N. L. & H. M. Q. Auctions. July 12-11.
TUNTLE DINNER. ON WEDNESDAY the 19th inst. at Three o'clock precisely, a fine GARDEN DINNER will be given at the Spring of the Lady's Town (Schumann Springs) . Those gentlemen desirous to partake will find subscription papers at Messrs. Stolle's, Long's, Landers' and Rhoades' Hotels city of Washington on Monday a pint of wine 25 cts. July 10-3t.
100 DOLLARS REWARD. A negro man named SAM , about 30 years of age, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, has lost the sight of his left eye, which is very perceptible, as how-legged and has some impediment in his speech, and on which he went away an iron collar. His dress, country tow linen shirt and trousers, round about indigo cloth jacket, and some other clothing. It is likely he will get his collar off, change his name and endeavor to pass for a free man. Whoever secures the said negro, so that I get him again, shall have, if taken 10 miles from home, 10 dollars, if 20 miles, 20 dollars, if 30 miles, 30 dollars, and so in proportion to the above reward, including what the law allows, paid by WALTER WATERS. July 12-3t. W.W.
FOR SALE. A NUMBER of well built brick houses, several of which are immediately rentable—situate on Greenleaf's point—Also, house lots in almost every part of the city. Apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAMUEL ELIOT, junr. July 6-8w
CHARLES J. NOURSE. Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Gallon Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, 15 cts. &c. &c. George Town. May 24-1f.
JOHN RALPH, Trustee. N. B. The creditors of the said Nathaniel Washington are hereby notified to exhibit their claims to the auditor of the Court of Chancery within six months from the day of sale. J. R. Tr. Office note—Bull St. Mary's County, June 19-11.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, At Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 24th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq. and are the same on which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof of heavily timbered. The uplands consist of about 1000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable. The premises will be shown to persons intending to purchase, by Col. James Moore, who lives on them, or by Samuel Blackwell, Esq. who lives near to them, and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to THOMAS ROBINSON, Near Chester, Delaware. Or to W. LEWIS, at Phila. June 7-11.
FOR SALE. Will be sold at Auction on Thursday the 27th inst. a convenient 3 Story Frame House, with a Kitchen back, on No. 5 in Square No. 118, on Pennsylvania avenue between the Six and Seven Buildings. An inalienable title clear of every encumbrance will be given. The terms made known on the day of sale. N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Auctions. July 10-11.
Just arrived from St. Bartholomew's on board the brig Betsy , Capt. Nielson , and for sale at my Warehouse— 30 puncheons 3d proof rum, 40 hds. molasses, 7 do. Sugar, 12000 lb. green Coffee, Apply to CH. HERSTON'S, or the Subscriber, Who has for Sale, Best qualified Port Wine, Old Madeira do. Claret by the box, Old Jamaica and Antigua Rum, Cognac Brandy, Holland and Country Gin, Lou and Lump Sugar, Coffee in Bags and Barrels. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Souchong, Bohea. TEAS. Pork, Beef, Herrings, Rice, Cheese, Bacon, Flour, Meal, Corn, Ground Pepper, Soap, Dye, Mould, and Spermaceti Candles. 20 or 30 tons Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia Hay from well assorted, together with many articles of Ship Chandlery. RICHARD PARROT, Georgetown Town, June 28-1f.
ROBERTUS MCGEE, Has just received and opening at his New Cash Store, a complete and well selected assortment of SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, Which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices. As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Goods, to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell. CASH GIVEN FOR TOBACCO inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse. FOR RENT, The upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a respectable family, if application is immediately made. June 9-1f.
CITY LOTS FOR SALE. THE undermentioned lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit; they are all free from mortgage or encumbrance, and are subject to no litigation or contest as the titles are derived by immediate conveyance from the Chancellor of Maryland and the commissioners of Washington, to Messrs. Henry Pratt, Thomas Willing Francis, John Miller, junr. John Ashley, and Jacob Baker of the Aggregate Fund. Square No. 54 Lot no 9 sq 72. Lots no 2 4 8 10 12 13 14 15 18 19 24 Lot no 1 sq 83. Lots no 20 21 22 sq 103. Lots no 7 8—sq 145. Lots no 1 2 7 8—sq 146. Lot no 1 2 3 sq 147. Lot no 4 sq 163. Lots no 5 6 7 12 13 14 sq 358. Lots no 6 7 10 11 12 15 16 sq 393. Lots no 1 2 3 7 8 11 12 13 18 sq 349. Lots no 1 2 8 sq 376. Lot no 10 16 17 18 sq 409. Lots no 3 4 7 8 9 17 18 sq 487. Lots no 5 6 7 10 sq 488. Lot no 8 12 sq 489. Lots no 6 9 sq 491. Lot no 10 11 12 16 19 20 sq 492. Lot no 7 8 sq 494. Lots no 8 9 10 sq 531. Lot no 3 4 8 11 12 13 14 sq 533. Lots no 13 15 16 17 sq 584. Lots no 1 2 3 4 22 23 24 sq 588. Whole square East of 590 whole square. Sq 635. Lots no 1 2 3 sq 639. Lot no 1 sq 640. Lots no 1 2 3 4 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 sq 641. Whole square. Sq 642. Lot no 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 19. East of 643. Lot no 2 South of 643. Lot no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 sq 644. Lot no 1 5 7 West of 645 whole square. Sq 878. Lot no 16 17 18 19 20 sq 973. Lot no 4 5 6 7 8 20 21 sq 995. Lots no 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 south of 1029. Lot no 1 2 4 sq 1020. Lot no 1 2 3 4 5 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 sq 1021. Lot no 1 sq 1022. Lot no 2 sq 1023. Lots no 4 5 7 8 9 10 1024. Lots no 1 3 7 sq 1025. Lots no 9 10 12 13 sq 1046. Lots no 2 14 15 sq 1047. Lots no 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 19 20 sq 1048. Lot no 7 8 9 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23.
Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAM. ELLIOT, JR. Greenleaf's Point, June 28-4t. W.W.
PATENT KNAPSAKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSAK , which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. LHERBETTY, 81, Maiden Lane, New-York. To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. L. Latrobe , at the city of Washington. July 19-ephm.
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE, At H. C. Weightman's , Washington, J. Miligan's , George Town, and Robert Gray's , Alexandria— REQUISITE TABLES To be used with The Nautical Ephemeris for finding the latitude and longitude at sea, &c. By J. GARNETT, AUTHOR OF THE NAUTICAL ALMANAC, Which may be had at the above places for 1809 & 1810; as also the FRENCH PRONOUNCING DICTIONARY. July 10-11.
BE IT REMEMBERED, That on this second day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and in the thirty third year of American Independence, JOSEPH MILLIGAN , of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit: "The Child of Feeling, A comedy, in five acts. By George Watterston, Esq." In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the time therein mentioned." G. DUNCALF, Clerk of the District Court of Columbia. June 26-ecoplm.
FOR SALE. By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND lot the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee July 5-11.
FOR SALE. By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND lot the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee July 5-11.
CHARLES J. NOURSE, Merchant Taylor, 44, ESSEX STREET informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public generally, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelers & Rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles, suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27-1f.
COPY. Circuit Court, District of Columbia, Washington County, June term, 1809. Godfrey Haga vs. Charles Cist's Representatives. ORDERED, That the sale made by Phileas Bradley, the trustee in this case, be ratified and confirmed, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the first day of August next—provided a copy of this order be inserted three times in the National Intelligence previous to said day. The report states, that a two story brick house on part of lot number six, in square No. 377, in the city of Washington, was sold for one thousand and five dollars. By Order, WM. BRENT, Clerk. July 10-3t.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED from Centreville, Fairfax County, Virginia, some time in April last, a BRIGHT BAY MARSH , nearly 15 hands high, ten years old, delicately formed, and remarkably handsome, with one hind foot white and a small star in the forehead. Whoever will deliver her to the subscriber residing in Centreville, or give information so that she may be gotten again, shall receive the above reward. HENRY W. BALL. June 30-6t.
HAVE for Sale at their Warehouse near the Ferry— Lou and Lump Sugar in hds and barrels, Prime Muscovado do. do. do. 2d and 3d quantity do. do. do. TEAS Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, in Chests, Boxes and Casks, and Imperial, do. do. do. Coffee, Chocolate, Pepper and Allspice, Nutmegs and Cloves, Sweet Oil in Baskets and Boxes, Indigo and Copperas, Best 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Bourdeaux and Marseilles Brandy, Holland and Anchor Gin, Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, old and fit for immediate use. Old and New Whiskey, Madeira, Port, Sherry, Teneriffe, Corsica, Sicily, and Catalonia Wines, Claret in boxes 1 doz. each, Best chewing Tobacco, Demijohns, Casks, &c. &c. George Town. July 3-ep
The subscriber offers for sale that elegant and valuable estate, called WILTON , lying nine miles below Richmond. The dwelling house is not inferior to any in the state; the offices are commodious; the garden and yard are handsomely laid out. The situation combines so many advantages, that I am unwilling to give a description of it, wishing any gentleman who is disposed to purchase, to come and view it. It may not be amiss, however, to observe, that James River is 100 yards from the door of the house; that vessels of five hundred tons have loated at Warwick, one mile above it, that the water carriage to Richmond is only six miles, that there is a good shed and fishing fishery, and that wild fowl are frequently procured. A small GLIST MILL is attached to it on a stream that runs through the plantation. —ALSO— 2000 ACRES OF LAND. Lying on Fishing Creek, Powhatan county, two miles from the Court House, which will be divided into two or more lots to suit purchasers. This land is well watered and calculated for the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco. For terms apply to the subscriber residing in Richmond, or William Berkeley, in Powhatan. WILLIAM RANDOLPH. Richmond, Jun 23-w3m.
St. Mary's county Court, March term 1809. On application to St. Mary's county Court, by petition in writing of FRANCIS HOWARD of St. Mary's county for the benefit of the act of Assembly for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors passed at November session eighteen hundred and five and the several supplements thereto on the terms mentioned therein, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath, as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Francis Howard has resided two years immediately preceding the time of his application, in the state of Maryland. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Francis Howard by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligence, once a week for three months before the 7th day of August next, give notice to his creditors to a peer before this court at the court house in Leonardtown St. Mary's county, on the said 7th day of August next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, and to show cause if they have, why the said Francis Howard should not have the benefit of the acts of Assembly aforesaid as prayed. Test J. O. HARRIS, Clk. April 28-w3m
FOR SALE. By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND lot the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee July 5-11.
FOR SALE. By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND lot the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee July 5-11.
Saint Mary's county, Orphan's Court, June 13th, 1809. On application of Decandia S. Smith executrix of Henry A. Smith , late of Charles county deceased, ordered that she give the notice required by law for creditors to exhibit their claims against the said deceased, and that the same be published once in each week for the space of six successive weeks in the National Intelligence and American and Commercial Daily Advertiser . JAMES FORREST, Rep. Wills for Saint Mary's county. THIS is to give notice that the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county, letters testamentary on the personal estate of Henry A. Smith , late of Charles county deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of December next, they may otherwise be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 20th day of June eighteen hundred and nine. DECANDIA S. SMITH, Ex'x June 23-w6t
SWEET SPRINGS, VIRGINIA. THE Subscriber has been at great expense and trouble to render this much esteemed place comfortable and pleasant for the present session. Gentlemen and ladies who are desirous of visiting those waters, may depend upon every attention on the part of the subscriber to make their time agreeable. O. TOWLES, JUS. June 21-3w.
RICHARD BECK Has just received from New York & Philadelphia a Large and handsome assortment of Seasonable GOODS which are all of the latest importations, consisting of IMPERIAL Coords, Grandrills, Cotton Cassimeres, white Jeans, colored do. superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, Marseilles & Imperial Waistcoatings, Patent Nankeneen, Silk Hosiery, Bed Tickings, Seersuckers, Bandanna Handkerchiefs, Dimities, Apron Checks, Netting Cottons, Sewing Silks, Silk and Cambric Buttons, plain India Mull Muslins, figured do. seeded do. Jacanet and book do. veined and japanned do. book & jacanet Handkerchiefs, plain & figured Lenoes, Italian Mantuas, Simshaws and Lutestrings, Ribbands, Threads, black Cambrics, Kid and Silk Gloves, Umbrellas and Parasols, Damask and other silk Shawls, plush bordered do. York Tan and Beaver Gloves, Suspenders, fashionable Buttons, Boss Thread, Yellow, White, and Blue Nankeens. I case German Linens, 1 case 7-3 Cotton shirtings, 1 do. 4-4 do. do. 1 trunk 9-8 Cambrics, 2 do. 6-4 do. 3 trunks Calicoes and Chintzes, 1 trunk Ginghams, 1 case Irish Linens, 1 case Cotton Hosiery, 1 trunk Adelphia Cottons, 6 bales Gurrabs, Baftas, Emeries, Mamodies, Cassins, and Mow Lawns, etc. etc. All of which being well selected, and on the best terms, enables him to sell them at the most reduced prices, by the piece or retail for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, May 21-31w-21w-wtf
REILLY'S STORE, ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, is just supplied with Madeira and Lisbon Wine, choice French Brandy, excellent retailing Whiskey and Molasses, fresh Lemons, a few boxes fresh Raisins, best Green Coffee in bags, some nice Old Hyson Tea, Spermaceti Oil of good quality, a thousand weight of Smithfield Bacon, half of which is hams mostly of small size suitable for families, Jamaison's Water Crackers, superfine Flour as usual selected for family use—Also, Corn Oats, Bran, Chop, and a constant supply of Fresh Corn Meal, received weekly from the mill. July 3-6eop
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery authorized by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA. SCHEME. 2 prizes of $10,000 each 20,000 2 " 5,000 10,000 2 " 2,500 5,000 3 " 1,000 3,000 6 " 500 3,000 15 " 200 3,000 30 " 100 3,000 60 " 50 3,000 150 " 20 3,000 300 " 10 3,000 13,800 " 5 69,000 35,630 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize. 50,000 tickets at 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Albin, Esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 percent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery. Part of the above prizes determinable as follows: The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500 do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2300 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do. The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do. Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest. Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jm. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON , Washington city, December 12-wtf
PUBLIC SCHOOLS. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN To the contributors to the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the city of Washington, that an election of six trustees for the ensuing year will be held at Lindsay's Hotel on Monday the 17th inst. The election will be kept open from 4 to 7 P.M. E. B. CALDWELL, SAM. H. SMITH, MICHAEL NOURSE, Judges of Election. July 10-3t.
FOR SALE. By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND lot the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee July 5-11.
THE Subscriber offers for Sale 12 Porter Bottles in hampers containing 6 Gross each. Upwards of fifty thousand pounds wt. Brown Soap, chiefly put up in Boxes of 50 or 60 lbs. wt. old and in nice order for shipping. Mould and Dip Candles in boxes—from 38 to 40 lbs. wt. each. Suffolk Rosin, transparent and free of dross. Porter and Pale Ale in Casks and Bottles, which on trial will be found of very superior quality. WM. DUNLAP. Mezanzilla, July 3-5t.
SALE AT AUCTION. THE subscriber will offer for sale at his house on Capitol Hill, on Monday the 17th inst., a variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, also, a Hack and Pair of Horses. A liberal credit will be given to large purchasers. Sale to commence at 10 A. M. HENRY LIMB. July 10-11.
PROPOSALS For engraving a representation in honor of THOMAS JEFFERSON, ESQ. Late President of the U. States. The piece proposed to be engraved, is a representation of THOMAS JEFFERSON under the conduct of MINERVA , in which FAME , with her trumpet, announces to the world his retirement from office. The most correct judges pronounce it to be an elegant production, and a striking likeness of Mr. Jefferson himself. It was conceived and executed by Mr. Thomas Gimbred, an artist of taste and repute. It is confidently expected that no circumstances of political feeling will withhold public patronage from works of Genius. CONDITIONS. The dimensions of this engraving will be 8 by 6 inches—Price 1 dollar to subscribers, and 2 dollars to such as do not subscribe. Any person who shall procure 10 subscribers shall be entitled to 1 copy. Subscriptions received by the publisher, John Hopkins , Philadelphia—Also by all the Booksellers. July 12-11.
PROPOSALS, For engraving a representation of America, figure under the form of a Goddess extending the hand of relief to suffering humanity. IN this piece, two unfortunate strangers, a with a young babe, after having escaped from oppression and death in their native country, and more immediately from the watery element, appear in distress on our shores. The wife, seated on a rock, with the almost expiring infant in her lap, exhibits an image of grief and despair. The Husband, with countenance irresistibly pathetic and eloquent, implores the blessings of God, at the same time seeming to regard rather his tender companion and faint offspring than his own sufferings. At this juncture the Goddess America , crowned with berries and with glories, driven in a Chariot by the Goddess of Liberty , the hand of PLENTY pointing out its fruits, is introduced upon the scene—She is arrested in her course by the unhappy objects on her shores. Whilst her seeds are held by one of the aboriginal inhabitants, She appears descending from a Chariot to their relief, in a attitude of infinite dignity, her beautiful face a picture of benignity and of pity. It is this point in the history that our author seizes upon, and every circumstance of perspective, drapery, and costume in general, are adapted to it. A description of this kind can however convey a faint idea of such a piece; for as the parts which compose it, must be necessarily successive to each other in their operation on the mind, it cannot make that full and entire impression produced by a simultaneous view of all the parts of the picture itself. This marches directly to the heart, which recognises, by a single glance of the eye, its elegant and touching pathos. This representation serves to illustrate the agreeable truth, that while through the greater part of the Globe, the Pillars of the Temples of Liberty have been torn from their bases, in this favored land they stand in Corinthian elegance and pristine glory—while the voice of humanity is almost drowned by the din of war, its cries are still heard in this happy clime. From the great progress of taste and refinement, it is not doubted that the American public will give that fostering encouragement to productions of this nature, without which Genius must languish in inaction and obscurity. The polished nations of the world have boasted of their celebrated galleries and collections of the works of fine art, and it is extremely probable that the frequent contemplation of their statues and paintings tended to keep alive the sentiments, ideas and objects they were made to represent. It is moreover stated that the French were never so inclined to resistance, nor so thoroughly sensible that their political privileges were gone, as when the French Emperor violated their galleries.
The author of the piece is Mr. Thomas Gimbred , a young gentleman of classic education and correct taste. In smaller trials of his art, he has already attracted the respectful notice of the enlightened citizens of Baltimore, and it is expected that a publication of the proposed engraving, will afford him that remuneration for his labor, in the gratitude and consideration of society, which he justly merits. CONDITIONS. The above mentioned piece will occupy a space of 23 by 13 inches. The price, which is payable on delivery, will be three dollars to subscribers, and five dollars to such as do not subscribe. Every person who shall obtain ten subscribers will be entitled to one copy. Subscriptions received by the publisher John Hopkins , Philadelphia. Also, by all the Booksellers.
In the case of EDWARD GANT an insolvent debtor in the county aforesaid, six months from and after the first day of March next is limited and appointed for the creditors of said insolvent to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee. Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligence and Washington Federalist once a month during said time. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch , Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Clk. February 23, 1809. Those indebted to the insolvent's estate are hereby notified to pay the same without delay, otherwise same will be sought for recovery. THOMAS HENRY, Trustee. March 27-w6m
TO BE LET And entered on the 27th of this month, The HOUSE in effect in the occupation of J. M. H. Ken . Likewise to be LET and entered on the 1st of September, the HOUSE on the Pennsylvania avenue, now occupied by Wm. Cox . For particulars enquire of WM. COOKING, 19th street & west. July 12-wtf