The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-02-26 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1180.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE on a call for information relative to the state of our foreign relations.
THURSDAY FEBRUARY 18.
The committee of the whole having just reported the bill to raise an additional army,
Mr. VAN DYKE submitted the following resolution, which the House agreed to consider, Ayes 55:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House such information touching our foreign relations as he may deem consistent with the public interest, the better to enable this House to judge how far the military establishment of the U. S. ought to be increased.
Mr. VAN DYKE said it would be recollected that the President, in his message to Congress had given reason to believe that he would in the course of the session lay before them information relating to this very subject. A negotiation was now going on; in what situation it was impossible to say. We know nothing of it as legislators, said he, for certainly we as legislators cannot act on the rumors which are afloat. There ought to be a communication between the Chief Magistrate and the Representatives of the union when employed in public business. The Chief Magistrate cannot find himself embarrassed by this resolution; it is couched in terms which leave him at liberty to communicate that information, or withhold it; it is not my wish to extract from the cabinet a single syllable which would affect the negotiations, but when bills of this kind are brought before us, it must be desirable to every man anxious to discharge his duty to know what can be known on this important subject. I therefore hope the House who are now acting blindfold as to the subject of foreign relations, will request the Executive to give us such information as can be communicated, to enable us to judge of the expediency of increasing our military establishment.
Mr. DAWSON hoped the resolution would not be agreed to. Under the constitution which it is the duty of the President to obey, he is directed to give to this House whenever he shall think proper, information relative to the matters within our cognizance. Had the gentleman from Delaware read the last message from the President on the subject of foreign affairs, he would have there found "Nothing shall be wanting on my part which may give information or dispatch to the proceedings of the legislature in the exercise of their high duties at a moment so interesting to the public welfare." This assurance was made when we first convened and in this I place entire confidence. Whenever the public good requires, a disclosure will be made: I have no doubt at all times and in every point which it is his duty to inform the House that he will make communication. In my judgment it would at this time be improper to make the communication which the gentleman calls for. If there be any subject which requires Executive secrecy, it is the negotiation now pending. Does the gentleman desire that the President should say I wish to raise 50 or 100,000 men? Would not this shew the state of the negotiation, and would it not have an ill effect? At any time when any thing shall occur which shall require a decisive act, no doubt communication will be made.
Mr. ELLIOT said he differed radically with the gentleman from Virginia. He thought this the most proper time that could have been selected for calling upon the President of the U. S. for information respecting our foreign relations. Was there ever a time, said Mr. E. when a crisis of such moment amid circumstances so inauspicious and ominous as those which now encircle us, could render information more desirable? Can there ever be such a time, when this House shall have less information than at this time on the subject of our relations with foreign powers? Are we never to be permitted to pierce this impenetrable veil which has so long covered our political prospect with thick and dark clouds? Shall not a solitary ray of light wander through
the gloom? I hope we are not much longer to remain in darkness. I hope the Representatives of the American people, and the people themselves are, at no very distant day, to know how our foreign relations not only now stand, but how they have been conducted for several years past. Over our relations with Spain and France, notwithstanding their extremely delicate character, a cloud as dark as ever covered the political atmosphere of any republic has long been suspended. All we know is, that dreadful is the prospect, and that "shadows, clouds and darkness rest upon it."
But the reason why it is said this is so inauspicious a time is, because a negotiation is going on between the government of the U. S. and an envoy extraordinary from the government of G. Britain; because a negotiation is going on at the seat of government with one of the three great powers of Europe with whom our relations are so interesting, we are not to call for information on the subject of our foreign relations generally. If I understand the resolution now under consideration it is a call for a general view of our situation; it calls for such information respecting our foreign relations as the President shall deem it consistent with the public interest to communicate. Is it possible that at any moment whatever a request of that kind can be objected to? Can there be a time when it could be liable to the least objection? Every gentleman knows that we have not the power to coerce information; our power is limited to the request. As the President's message has been alluded to, I will observe that we are told in his message that important information will soon be communicated—and none of any consequence has yet been communicated. When I say that no information of consequence has been communicated, I would be understood to say none of consequence, when compared with the immense mass which the Executive must possess—compared with those volumes of documents which every man within these walls knows that the Executive does possess, nothing has been stated to us. Do gentlemen who object to this resolution recollect that this House as a branch of the national legislature, is entrusted with the most important, most awful power that can be confided to any department of any government, the power to declare war.
At the commencement of this session members on this floor, highly respected for their political talents, venerable for their political experience, members, at least one of them, second to none in political service, told us that they considered that we were already actually in a state of war. I differed from them. I did not believe we were in a state of war—nor do I believe that we are now; but every one knows that there is a prospect, nay, a great probability of war, and Congress alone can prepare for the event. The measure now under consideration (the bill for raising an additional army) and which appears to have led to this resolution calling for information, is certainly a measure of a warlike aspect. Do we want an additional army, if we have no prospect of war? We have distinct bills for an addition to the peace establishment and for a provisional army. It appears to me then that we ought to know, as far as we can with propriety, what is the prospect, in the most extensive view of it.
In the message of the President of the United States at the commencement of the present session, of our differences with Spain he says they "remain still unsettled; no measure having been taken on her part, since my last communications, to bring them to a close. But under a state of things which may favor reconsideration, they have been recently pressed, and an expectation is entertained that they may soon be brought to an issue of some sort."
We have no information on this subject; but if we may judge from what has heretofore taken place, we must expect war with Spain. She has once invaded our territory; in consequence of an agreement with our commander in chief the invaders retired; and we are now told no measures have since that time been taken to bring our differences with her to a close. Spain felt herself authorized
to take possession of a portion of our territory, and since that time no concession has been made which can give us the least assurance that she may not soon reassert it.
As it respects the same power we are told, "To our former grounds of complaint has been added a very serious one, as you will see by the decree, a copy of which is now communicated. Whether this decree which professes to be conformable to that of the French government of Nov. 21, 1806, heretofore communicated to Congress, will also be conformable to that in its construction and application in relation to the United States, had not been ascertained at the date of our last communications. These however gave reason to expect such a conformity." It was intimated that there was reason to expect that that decree would be conformable to the French decree; and I believe it was a very reasonable expectation that there should be a perfect conformity in the decrees of the French and Spanish governments. We now know what is the real construction of the French decree, and we know it to be tantamount to a declaration of war, but we chose not to consider it in that point of light.
France has declared war against America, and America does not chuse to declare that a state of war exists between the two powers. The treaty between this country and France stipulates that we shall enjoy free commerce; the decree says we shall have no commerce. France therefore has broken the treaty, and we may with propriety consider ourselves at war with France if it should be thought prudent to do so. The same remark does not apply to the late decrees of G. Britain, because there exists no commercial treaty between the U. S. and G. Britain.
"Whether a regular army is to be raised and to what extent depends on the information so shortly expected." Here is an explicit declaration by the President that the raising of an army and the extent of it must depend on information to be received. We have received information that the decree of the French government is to be literally executed; but we have not supposed it necessary to raise an army in consequence of the determination of that government to execute it. Further information then is contemplated as a matter of contingency on which depends the consideration of the question whether we shall have a regular army or not. So extremely interesting is the state of our foreign relations in general; so perfectly convinced am I, and so must be all the members of this House, that the Executive is in possession of information of the state of our foreign relations with France and Spain, and that a portion of it ought to be exhibited to that branch of the government which must prepare for and declare war, if we have war; and so far convinced am I of our incompetency to pass that judgment upon the state of foreign relations which our duty requires, and to pursue those measures necessary to be pursued, that I do most cordially approve of the motion made by the gentleman from Delaware. If no other objection than what has been offered can be pointed out, it ought to be adopted. The existing negotiation cannot operate as an objection; because the President is not bound to communicate any thing which he may think proper to conceal. If this does not constitute an objection, there can be none.
We are told because the President has said that nothing shall be wanting on his part that it is not proper to call for information. This is to me a very strange argument; and nothing can be more hostile to the principles of a free government, than the deliberate assumption of such a position. Is our government indeed a government of confidence? It may not indeed be as it has been called, a government of suspicion, but it is certainly not a government of unlimited confidence. The constitution has said that the President shall from time to time communicate such information as he deems proper, and has thus made him the judge of what is proper for communication; but practice has long established the principle that the House of Representatives have a right to request information whenever they chuse to ask it. If therefore there is
nothing in the present state of things which forid this resolution, I cannot see why it should be objected to. I disclaim the unbounded confidence professed by the gentleman from Virginia; I disclaim it as a friend to the rights of the American people, and as one of those entrusted by them in a crisis of great danger to take care of their great political interests, the real state of which they are not themselves permitted to know. In disclaiming unbounded confidence, I make no personal discrimination. Were Washington at the head of the government, I would disclaim it as I now do. The days of Washington, indeed, are past; but principles remain the same. Whoever is placed at the head of the government on him I should not hesitate to call to communicate such information as he may think proper. When I say however that in disclaiming this unbounded confidence I make no personal application, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I have no extraordinary degree of confidence in the present administration—extraordinary. I repeat; I have a confidence that it is pursuing what it deems the interest of the nation—but I am not so confident that its conduct is consonant to the dictates of a sound judgement. It is impossible, however, to form a correct opinion on the subject. All is conjecture. Information is wanted. It may appear that the administration is pursuing the most wise course; and if so, it is certainly desirable to remove all suspicion from the public mind.
Mr. LYON made some observations in favor of the resolution; in the course of his observations, remarking that many stories had been circulated of French influence respecting the embargo; so that if for no other reason this resolution ought to be adopted because it would operate an economy of lies.
Mr. M. CLAY moved that the resolution lie on the table. It was not improper but premature. He was of the same opinion as to the bill under consideration to-day (additional army)—rather premature.
Mr. COOK said he wanted information. Was there any thing indicative of war? Did they fear immediate war? No; they did not. And after all that had taken place, he wished to know whether they were to have peace or war.
Mr. VAN HORNE was opposed to the resolution at this time, and was also determined not to vote for the bill this day under consideration (additional army) till he had information. This was an improper time however to ask it. It must be known, said he, that we are waiting for information and that the state of events has prevented its being communicated. What are we now to do? We are told that the advocates of the resolution do not want improper information. The information called for is with a view directly expressed, to enable us to act on a war measure. What must the President say? If he recommends the raising of troops, or to the contrary, it shows his opinion with respect to the pending negotiation, and such an opinion the President may not wish to advance. It is the duty of the President to communicate information at such times as the public good may require it. He knows that we want information. He has expressly told us nothing shall be wanting on his part to give dispatch to our proceedings at a moment so interesting to the public welfare. What more could he have said? Does any man doubt that he will give us information when it is necessary to act. Then if it be necessary in his opinion that an army shall be raised, that will be a moment in which it will be proper for him to communicate information. And till that time I shall not vote either for increasing the peace establishment or for raising an army. I will not act without information; and I would not be understood as willing to raise twelve or fifteen thousand men without being satisfied that they are necessary. And I hope the bill will not be called up till we have information on which we can be satisfied whether or not it is necessary to raise an army.
Mr. BACON said that as the proposition now before the House did not seem to him to be one which necessarily involved in it any question of political or personal confidence in the
chief magistrate of the nation, he could not think that it was required for him to seize upon the occasion for the purpose of declaring whether he entertained that confidence or not, especially when he considered the importance it might have on the opinions of some other governments in the House should in that respect be known, and they had on that account undoubtedly supposed that the discharging a high and responsible duty in explicitly declaring the matter with regard to himself, it was a matter of too little consideration to notify him in stopping aside from the purpose of proclaiming his individual confidence, or expressing his distrust of the Executive magistrate. Whatever his personal partialities or aversions in that respect might be, he could not perceive the necessity of calling them into action for the purpose of enabling him to decide the question now before the house; and in giving his vote in the negative, he felt that he should stand justified in it merely by that constitutional confidence which as a member of one branch of the government, he might be supposed to entertain towards another branch, and that was all which on this occasion he thought it necessary to express. It is provided, said he, in the 2d article and 3d section of the constitution "that the President shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." In the performance of this duty he is undoubtedly entrusted with a discretionary power for the due and proper exercise of which he is fully responsible. If he is possessed of any information which might have an important bearing on our measures and deliberations, and which the public interest does not for the present require him to keep secret, and he notwithstanding fails to communicate it, the public service thereby sustains injury, he is undoubtedly as much responsible for that neglect of duty, as he would be for recommending to our consideration measures which were improper and detrimental to the country, and if for want of that information which we ought to have had, we fail to adopt those measures which the public safety requires, this House are in no wise responsible for it, it rests altogether with him. Mr. B. remarked that this general view of his constitutional powers and duties was particularly applicable to that sort of information which he might be supposed to possess in relation to our relations to foreign powers, and to any existing negotiations which might be pending between us and them; that as the Executive alone could be supposed to know what the peculiar state of those relations were, so he alone could correctly judge how far, and when it was proper to give them publicity. The President, said Mr. B. having in substance told us at the commencement of the session, that our future measures must depend upon the events which might turn up thereafter, and which would in proper time be made known to us, we had a right to suppose that no further information on those subjects, which it was proper at this time to make known, was in his possession, beyond what had already been communicated, in the course of the session. Whether what we were already possessed of was sufficient to justify any particular measure which might from any quarter be submitted to the House, every member would judge for himself, being responsible for his conduct, and his vote more further than the information which was laid before him justified; it certainly is not our duty to remind the Executive, that it is at all times, and more particularly in the present critical crisis of our affairs, incumbent on him to furnish us with every light that he possibly can, consistent with the public convenience, and a regard to pending negotiations with foreign powers; and I repeat it, that for the proper, faithful, and fair discharge of this duty, the Executive alone is responsible to the nation, and it is not for either of the other branches of the government to assume a responsibility which does not constitutionally belong to them. Mr. B. said he was not therefore for doing it, although he probably felt as much curiosity as other gentlemen to know exactly how

we were situated in our foreign relations, and although he professed to know as little about them as any other member on that floor.
As to the argument used by a gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Lyon) that it was politic and expedient to pass the resolution before us in order to prevent misrepresentations of our conduct and our views, and that it would therefore be as he expressed it "an economy of lies."—Mr. B. would only remark that the crops of that commodity which were every day springing up around them and in every quarter of the country were so vastly beyond what was necessary for their ordinary consumption, that it would be a desirable object to discourage them if they could do it effectually; but that they sprang from such a great variety of sources, & branched out into such innumerable ramifications, that the attempt was fruitless and in vain; and to cut off one root of the evil, even if it was in our power to do it, would be of very little consequence, while a thousand others remained and would be daily springing up, so long as a disposition for misrepresentation and calumny prevailed in the country. He therefore hoped that if that gentleman had no better reasons than that for voting in favor of the resolution before the House, that he would upon more serious consideration relinquish it.
Mr. QUINCY said that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Dawson) and his colleague (Mr. Bacon) called for confidence not only in what the President does, but in what he thinks. The latter gentleman observed Mr. Q. says that if we neglect the doing of an act because we were not informed of the necessity for it, the omission rests with the President of the United States. But we ourselves are now called upon to act. Great duties are required of us. What are they? To raise an army of 12 or 15,000 men. We ask for information, to know what number are necessary, and where our exposed points are. I have no objection to give all the force which may be requisite for the public good; but I wish to know what particular points require force, and whether this force is to the extent which it becomes our duty to give.
The House now adjourned—53 to 52.
On the next day this business being called up the House refused to consider it, 70 to 27.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20.
The bill in addition to the act supplementary to the act laying an embargo being under consideration, and Mr. Bacon having moved that the bill be re-committed to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures,
Mr. GARDNER made a lively representation of the sufferings of the country and the privations of individuals in consequence of the embargo law. Supposing that not to be sufficiently binding or preventative of intercourse they had passed a second bill on the subject and were now going on with a third forging of fetters on the commerce of the country. He represented the House as carried on by an unseen hand—carrying into effect a complete non-intercourse law under color of embargo. He thought he should ill do his duty to his constituents if he did not protest against this species of legislation, and oppose the bill. His principal objection to this bill went to the fourth section prohibiting exportation of produce by land or in any manner whatever. Here was a prohibition to land communication in a bill amendatory to a law laying an embargo on ships and vessels. This was going even further than was recommended by the message of the President of the United States which produced the embargo. The minority on that question to their eternal honor had opposed the destruction of the country, had set day and night, and day and night again before they would consent to this measure; but not content with obtaining this, the House were now, by a sort of magic influence, aiding each other to rivet closer the chains which bound them down.
This bill contemplated a measure essentially different from the original embargo law; it was a non-intercourse bill. This measure was indeed at first called an embargo; but it would be found that it was a sly and cunning deception, a prelude to a complete non-intercourse. Mr. G. asked if the nation was prepared for this? If they were determined to pass the bill, call it by its proper name, call it a non-intercourse law. If they were determined thus to take part with the Gallic Emperor, thus to forge chains to bind them to the triumphal car of Napoleon—Mr. G. was here called to order by several gentlemen. Mr. Montgomery hoped that he would be permitted to go on that his senti-
ments might be known. The Speaker declared him to be out of order.
Mr. G. said as gentlemen appeared unwilling to hear a little more of what seemed to vex them, he would observe that the President had professed his intention to be merely that the nation should retire within itself. This bill then was not only in direct hostility to the interests of the country, but what is worse, in direct hostility to the President's professed wish, which appeared to be merely that our vessels and seamen should be retained in our harbors. Instead of these repeated attempts to fetter the country more completely, and thus putting ingenuity to the rack to stifle commerce, he should have wished that since our ships were to be kept in their harbors, as much commerce could be enjoyed by the citizens of the country as could, at the same time that our vessels were kept in port. But instead of this, they had been going on to make it worse and worse. Suppose the people of Vermont traded with the people of Canada, or those of Georgia with their neighbors in Florida. Why should they not? Why not permit some of their produce to find a vent? It seemed to be the intention of the House that there should be no corner of the country which this thing should not reach. Gentlemen seemed at least to have a method in their madness. This restriction after restriction might be for the good of their country; but if it was he could not see it. He begged this august body, the honorable Representatives of the nation to sheath the flaming sword, to give up the idea of sacrificing the best interests of the country to insure a complete non-intercourse; he adjured them by their suffering country to stop. It could not come to good.
The great objects contemplated by the President, said he, are completely answered. Let us leave a little opening for the exertion of enterprising men. Bring not distress on every body. I doubt very much whether our experience hitherto is calculated to impress us with the good resulting from the embargo itself. We were told it was necessary that we should retain our ships and vessels within our own ports to preserve them from capture; but hitherto we have seen that our ships and vessels might have navigated the seas with perfect safety. Being a thing of experiment, was it not enough when we passed the embargo law, to have secured its effectual operation? Was it not enough to have lain by, and seen what would be its effect? If good, it would have produced sufficient effect to have satisfied the most zealous patriot; if bad it is already too strong. I hope therefore repressing many observations which I feel a desire to make, that this bill will not pass. I appeal to the House, I entreat them to believe me when I say that I have no view nor any object but the good of my country, that my feelings are the same with theirs, to look candidly and see whether it is necessary to extend further this measure. I ask whether it is essential as a preparatory step to that state of war into which we may be hurried? In the anticipation of any other event than this can the bill be justified? If it cannot on that ground be justified, why should we go on increasing this evil to its utmost point of perfection, without knowing what is the object of all this unnecessary legislation on the subject. It is time to stop; we have embargo enough already. Leave a little circulation in the political body; do not stagnate every thing; at least leave sufficient to enable the country to support the shock. If it be true, that we must make all suffer as much as we can from this embargo, there may be some consistency in this bill. I wish gentlemen would tell me instead of bursting out in this way, instead of bolting out upon me while I am speaking—I implore gentlemen to enlighten my understanding. Do tell me how this measure is to make us better prepared for war—how this distress on every creeping thing in the country is to enable the country to make a great effort in the day of trial. If gentlemen can do this I might yield my assent to what I conceive to be a most pernicious measure. More than this I protest against it, because there is no end to it. No sooner is a little hole, no larger than a wheat straw, discovered than the whole energies of the government are ready to stop it up, while the produce of the farmer is rotting on their hands. We tell them you shall not travel with it at all; you shall not enrich your individuals. I cannot understand it, I know it is wrong, substantially pernicious; but I am at a loss, astonished and amazed at the object of all this. I am afraid there is something in this which will not bear the light—some unseen hand in it, unseen, because it would be dangerous to discover it. The Repre-
sentatives of the people alone can snatch the nation from the course which it is made to march. We have gone on in this way too long.—Not only in this measure, but in every measure, darkness, secrecy, and impenetrable mystery overshadow us. We are mere automatons—mere moving figures, not set in motion by an impulse of our own, but by an extraneous motion. We are not permitted to know what is the state of the nation. We know nothing about it; but we are told what we are to do, and the council of five hundred vote it. I want to know why we are forced along: I want to be relieved from this cloud of political darkness, to know how we are set in motion, and where we are going. I wish to be dealt fairly with; and when the time comes at which we shall be permitted to know why we are called upon to act, we will then support the government and the interests of this country with a zeal and fervor not to be exceeded by any. We love our country, and would support it with the last drop of our blood. And abused as we have been by our country, to her we would cling to the last moment; but we have no idea of being kept in the dark and then vilified because we oppose measures, the object of which we do not know, but are called upon to submit, to believe. These things won't do in this country; every portion of it should be enlightened. The people ought to be permitted to know what is the state of the public affairs, and from what impulse we act.
Mr. BACON. I hope the House will do me the justice to believe that there was no concurrence of views or unity of design in the simple motion which I had the honor to submit to the House for the commitment of the present bill, & the most extraordinary rhapsody of "melancholy madness," (for I can call it by no other name) which we have just heard from the gentleman from New York. In order however to prevent any more of those undue advantages being taken to insult the House, by the means of that motion, and in order that I may not be deemed accessory to any more of those effusions of the pride, which the gentleman says he cherishes, in relation to his public character and his conduct on this occasion, (and for which, if he does in reality entertain them, I most sincerely pity him) I rise to withdraw the motion which I had submitted for a very different purpose than that for which it has been improved. If that gentleman or his friends are ambitious that he should have any further opportunity for displaying himself in that way before the public, either he or they are welcome to renew it. I wash my hands of any further participation in it.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS. I do renew the motion; and I hope there is yet sobriety enough in the House, not to suffer themselves to be driven into an improper measure by any intemperance which any member may have displayed. Mr. W. then gave some reasons why the bill should be re-committed; it had been so repeatedly and variously amended that it could not be understood. As a further reason for commitment, he said that the chairman of the committee himself had offered a proviso, and upon a reconsideration of it had found it had not the operation he intended. Mr. DANA said although not partial to the measure of laying an embargo he should endeavor to legislate effectually, to propose amendments or to object to them to any bill whatever which should be necessary to carry into effect the general object. Since an embargo had been laid he was willing to render it effectual and equalize its operation. He then gave some reasons why the bill should be re-committed. Mr. RHEA (Ten.) moved to adjourn—Negatived, 55 to 25. Mr. LIVERMORE said he had seconded the motion for recommitment because he thought the bill required revision. There had been exceptions taken to several parts of it; were gentlemen ready to go into a discussion of them at this late hour and this late day in the week? He thought not, and for this reason wished them to be examined by the committee. Mr. J. MONTGOMERY. Now, at this late hour, charges of a very serious nature against the House have been made on this floor by a gentleman from N. York. Not on this day are they made for the first time; they have been sent abroad in the public prints. It is important to know how those charges originated. At this late hour they cannot be repelled. Let us pursue this course on this awful business; let the question be carried over; let the House now adjourn. At our next meeting let us take up, and if those charges can be proven, if we are indeed so abandoned, so profligate, so destitute of patriotism, so
dead to every thing which concerns the interest of our country, let us be stamped with infamy and sent home to our constituents. The crisis is serious and calls for the attentive deliberation of the House. Let the gentleman from N. York establish his charges; if he does so, I for one will say those persons under this secret influence must be immediately expelled the House, if he does not, some other course may be taken with relation to that gentleman.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22. The House having resumed the consideration of the bill amendatory of the embargo law and the motion for recommitment being yet before the House, Mr. JOHNSON observed that it had been late in the day on Saturday when a gentleman from New-York in giving some of his reasons why this bill should be committed had made use of observations which he had at that time wished to repel, that he hoped he should be excused a few moments this morning in expressing to the House his sentiments of the course of that discussion, and what should always be his conduct so long as he held a seat in the councils of his country. I presume, said he, that the rules which govern this House are reciprocal; and though I cannot feel myself justified in making an attack on any member without reasons by which to substantiate charges which I may make against them, yet I will abandon my seat at that moment in which I am not permitted to repel any attacks made on the House in which I am in common with the rest included. I represent a portion of the citizens of the United States. Before they sent me here they knew my sentiments; I had not concealed them. I have since I have been here on all occasions voted from a sense of duty, and upon evidence derived from sources accessible to all. I am a friend to liberal discussion and freedom of debate; but I am an enemy to insinuations unfounded and attacks unprovoked. I know that in the ardor of debate expressions may have escaped the lips of myself or any gentleman; I may have been betrayed into an hurried expression, in which perhaps upon retrospection I might not feel myself justified but from the ardor of debate. But a direct charge against any members on this floor, tending to put them in a degraded and infamous view is contrary to honorable conduct and cannot be excused, much less can it be justified. I have differed in opinion with gentlemen on this floor; and notwithstanding this difference I respect them individually, so far as I am acquainted with them and so far as they have treated me with that politeness due from one gentleman to another. I should consider myself as derogating from the dignity of a Representative, were I to level a reflection against any member because he differed from me in political sentiment. But what expressions have we heard on a subject on which they were not applicable, when every one of all parties seemed to join to render the embargo as effectual as a national measure should be. To this House and to those who vote for the measure, have been applied the observations, that an invisible hand guided us; that we were told what was wanting and that the council of five hundred voted it; that we are governed by foreign influence; that our steps are marked by folly and madness; that we are forging chains to bind us to the triumphal car of the French Emperor; that we are mere automatons, that we wait for the word of command and we obey. Expressions of this kind I never expected to hear on this floor. Such expressions I never expected to hear from the Representative of a free people; and I pronounce them derogatory to the republican character and highly reprehensible. If by such expressions the gentleman means to charge me, or if any man shall say that I am governed by any other impulse, than duty, or influenced by any other motives than my own, I say that I consider it a base and unprincipled calumny. And what I have said I am glad that I did not say till this morning, because it is now deliberately done. A member may say what he pleases with respect to himself; that he is governed by such or such influence. But when a charge is made that I am governed by any other impulse than that of an American, and that I am a tool to the will of others, I pronounce it a slander. Under this impression I make this reply. And I would be understood that if any one considers himself injured or the resentment of any gentleman is awakened by any thing which I have said, that I do not consider myself as shielded by the splendid walls
which surround me, nor by the privileges of a member. What I have said I shall not retract.
(To be continued.)
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24. Mr. Newton from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported the bill to them committed for the amendment of the embargo law, with amendments, which was ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed. Mr. Whitehill presented a resolution of the general assembly of Pennsylvania, instructing their Senators and requesting their Representatives in the Congress of the U. States to use their endeavors to have an amendment made to the constitution of the U. States that the federal judges should hold their offices for a term of years, be removable on the joint address of a majority of both Houses of Congress, and in cases of impeachment, that a majority should be sufficient for conviction. Mr. Whitehill moved that they be committed to a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, to which had been referred the resolution before the House on the subject. A considerable discussion on this motion ensued, in the course of which Mr. Whitehill withdrew the motion that the resolutions might lie on the table, and Mr. J. Clay renewed the motion. The opponents to commitment argued that this was not a resolution of the legislature of the state in form as it was a distinct resolution of the two houses, the signature of the governor not being affixed to it, and the constitution requiring his signature to every act of the legislature. That this was merely a recommendation to the representatives of that state, and could not be considered an official instruction. The advocates of reference contended that this was the expression of the opinion of the legislature of that state, as such tendered to the House, and not considered as a legislative act which required the signature of the governor. The reason why this method was adopted was, that it was well known that the signature of the governor of the state would be refused to any resolution in favor of such an amendment to the constitution; and this was the only manner in which the sense of the legislature could have been expressed. The speakers in favor of commitment were Messrs. Smilie, J. Clay, Marion, Holland, Macon, Southard, and Findley; against it, Messrs. Milner, Kelly, Barker, Dana, Goldsborough, Lyon, Cook and Talmadge. The resolution was finally committed, 82 to 23. Mr. Smilie laid on the table for consideration the following order as a part of the rules of the House. If any member in speaking shall violate decorum and order, he shall be called to order by the Speaker, or may be called to order by any member, in either of which cases he shall immediately sit down: the objectionable words may then be repeated by the member calling to order, and if required, be taken down in writing by the clerk and read: Whereupon the member called to order, may either deny, retract, explain or apologize for the words spoken. If the House be satisfied therewith, no farther proceedings shall be had, but if otherwise, he shall be subject to the censure of the House, at its discretion, according to the constitutional provisions in that respect. Mr. Newton reported a bill to permit John L. Gardner, and John Prince, junior, to dispatch a vessel to Sierra Leone on the coast of Africa, which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole. The engrossed bills to extend credit on revenue bonds, and appropriating money for the support of the military establishment, were read the third time and passed. The House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. PITKIN in the chair, on the bill to remit the duties on the importation of the monument to be erected to the memory of the officers who fell in the attack on Tripoli. Mr. Milner's motion for adding a section to the bill for covering and railing the monument being under consideration, A considerable debate arose on it, in which Messrs. Milner, Rowan, Cook, Nicholas, Van Dyke, Campbell and Lyon supported the motion; and Messrs. Macon, Smilie, Stanford, D. R. Williams, Taylor and Alexander opposed it. When the question on the amendment was at length taken, and negatived, 50 to 42. The committee then rose and reported the bill without amendment. The bill being under consideration, Mr. Milner renewed the amendment which he offered to the bill in committee of the whole. The House adjourned, near five o'clock.

WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 26.
Among our new advertisements, the reader will perceive a notice relative to the receiving subscriptions for the contemplated Manufacturing Institution at Baltimore. We have already decidedly expressed our approbation of the object of this association. The patriotic motives in which it has originated entitle it to the aid of every American who possesses the means of making a contribution. Five hundred shares, it will be seen, are allotted for this place, which, we hope, the event will show we have the disposition and the means of taking up.
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FEBRUARY 23.
Mr. MITCHELL submitted the following resolution for consideration:
Resolved, That a committee of three members of the Senate be appointed, who, with three members of the House of Representatives, to be appointed by the said House, shall have the application of the money appropriated by the "Act making a further appropriation for the support of a library, passed 21st February, 1806; and that the Secretary give information thereof to the House of Representatives—which was adopted, and Messrs. Mitchell, Adams and Giles, appointed on the part of the Senate.
We have received a London print of the 2nd of January, from which the following interesting articles are extracted.
After giving the Milan Decree, it is added—"As a supplement to this Decree, there is in the Official Journal the following Circular Letter, addressed by the Minister of the Interior to the Chamber of Commerce:—
"YOU are not unacquainted, gentlemen, with the late acts of the British government, that last stage of the oppression of the commerce of the world; you know that it has resolved to destroy the feeble remains of the independence of the seas. It now thinks proper, that henceforth no ship shall navigate the seas, without touching at its ports, without a tribute to its pretended sovereignty, and without receiving from it an ignominious licence.
"Thus the Ocean is henceforward only the field of slavery: the usurpation of the most sacred of the rights of nations is consummated, and this tyrannic yoke is to press upon them until the day of vengeance, or until brought to a due sense of moderation, the English government will itself calm its rage, and break that sceptre to which the nations of the continent will never consent to submit.
"I am calling our common attention to the important circumstances which must powerfully induce us to awaken your patriotism and your wisdom. One would have imagined, that every obstruction and restraint that clogged the course of the commerce on the continent, had been exhausted; still, however, they are going to be aggravated by the measures lately adopted by England; but they will find our minds made up to struggle against, and to overcome, this new mode of oppression.
"We must not shut our eyes to the consequences. Importation and exportation, already so much restricted, will soon be much more so. Every thing connected with maritime commerce; every thing that depends upon it, will now be liable to more difficulties, to more uncertainty. There are, however, two channels that still remain open.
"The power of attacking every ship that renounces the independence of its national flag, by a shameful submission to the British sovereignty, and by navigating under a British licence, will open a wide field to the hopes of our commanders. Such a resource will not prove ineffectual, and French commerce will not devote itself uselessly to that sort of warfare which never less courage, dexterity, and decision, go unrewarded.
"We have moreover to hope that neutral ships will elude the vigilance of the English cruisers; the immense extent of the coasts of the empire will favor and protect their enterprises.
"These resources ought not to be undervalued, nor counted for nothing. France will submit to a temporary situation, which can only change with time, and with new exertions; but her enemy shall not deprive her of the main basis of her prosperity, her internal communication, her relations with the continent, where she no longer sees any but friends or allies; her soil will not be less fertile, her industry will not maintain itself the less, though deprived of some materials
which it is not impossible to replace. "To this last proposition I am rather anxious, gentlemen, to direct your attention. You have advice to give, and examples to hold out to commerce. You must already foresee the effect of the privation of certain materials, more especially of cotton, and of ingredients for dying cotton, of which a quantity has been stored up in France: that which we shall derive from the Levant, and that which, at a more distant period, we shall reap from our indigenous culture, not unsuccessfully essayed, will suffice to support, in a great measure, our manufactures; but in the expectation that some of them may experience privations, we must have recourse, as far as possible, to hemp and flax, in order to provide occupation for those manufacturers who would no longer be employed with articles of cotton. It were desirable that we should circumscribe our consumption within the products of the materials the growth of our soil, and restrain the unhappy effects of habits and taste contracted for manufactures, that would render us dependent upon foreign countries.
"The materials for dyeing may become scarce—but many of them may be replaced by the productions of our soil. We will dispense with the rest by a slight sacrifice of some colours, which may please from their apparent greater beauty, without adding any thing to the intrinsic goodness of the article.—Besides, no small reliance is to be placed on the genius of our manufacturers: it will triumph over these difficulties.
"The channels, which in spite of these usurpations, will remain open to importation, may not suffice for the consumption of sugar and coffee: these objects of a secondary utility may become scarce; but the great mass of the nation will not suffer from this temporary privation; habits of indulgence too widely indulged will be counteracted and restrained by the rise in the price.
"And besides, is it to be supposed that the Great Nation will allow itself to be intimidated by the privation of some futile enjoyments?—Her armies have endured, without a murmur, the most pinching wants; that great example will not have been held out in vain; and when we have in view to reconquer the independence of the seas; when we have in view to rescue and redeem commerce from the ruinous acts of piracy that are juridically exercised against it; when we have in view the vindication of the national honor, and the breaking down of those furcaudinae which England is attempting to erect upon our coasts, the French people will support with the dignity and the courage that belong to their great character, the momentary sacrifices that are imposed upon their taste, their habits, and their industry. The commerce of Europe will soon, no doubt, be rescued from oppression. The interest of nations; the honor of sovereigns; the magnanimous resolutions of the most powerful of the allies of France; the power and wish of the hero who rules over us; the justice of a cause to which Heaven will grant its protection; every motive concurs to decide the contest; nor can its issue remain uncertain. Accept, gentlemen, the assurance of my sincere esteem.
(Signed) "CRETET."
PHILADELPHIA CITY MEETING.
At a meeting of the general ward committee, held at the district court room, February 19, 1808, THOMAS LEIPER was called to the chair, and GEO. BARTRAM appointed secretary.
Present, 63 members. The meeting proceeded to nominate candidates, to attend a conference at Lancaster, for the purpose of putting in nomination, a candidate for governor, and candidates for an electoral ticket for President of the U. S. A ballot being taken—
Thomas Leiper, Michael Bright, William Duane, Jonas Simonds, Callender Irvine,
having a majority of the votes present, were accordingly chosen.
Resolved, That a committee of five persons be appointed, to prepare an address to the President of the U. S. expressing the approbation and confirmed confidence of the republicans of this city, in the wisdom of his public measures.
William Duane, James Carson, George Bartram, John L. Leib, and Abraham Small were appointed the committee.
Resolved, That it be recommended to the delegates from this city to use all fair and honorable means, to have Simon Snyder put into nomination for the next governor of this state.
Resolved, That the proceedings of
this meeting be published in the Aurora, and Geyer's paper.
THOMAS LEIPER, Chairman. Attest, GEO. BARTRAM, Secretary.
We learn that a suit has been commenced in the Superior Court of this Territory, by LEWIS KERR, Esq. against EBENEZER BRADISH, Esq. the captain of the Orleans Troop of Horse, for an illegal arrest last winter, by order of Gen. Wilkinson. The damages are laid at 20,000 dollars. The subject being under judicial investigation, it is of course our duty to refrain from comments.
Louisiana Gazette. Baltimore, February 24.
A letter from a respectable mercantile house in London to one in this city, dated January 7, received by the ship Romp, arrived at New York, states that British cruisers are continually bringing in American vessels bound to different ports on the continent, and the prevailing opinion in London was that they would be detained until a final termination of our negotiations should take place.
Philadelphia, February 20.
The latest accounts from Lisbon, state, that the French general commanding in that city, had seized all the flour in that port, and was to pay the owners of it at the rate of 12 dollars per barrel.
New York, Feb. 20.
An act to provide for the defence of the Northern and Western frontiers of this state, was passed by the Legislature on the 8th inst. It authorises the Governor to cause to be deposited at such places in the county of Genesee as he shall think fit, 500 stands of arms—at Canandaigua 1000 stands—at Onandaga 500—at Champlain, Jefferson county, 500—at Rome, 700—and at such places in the counties of Essex and Clinton as the Governor shall think fit, 500 stands—and that the Governor also cause to be transported to the above places, such quantities of ammunition & military stores as in his opinion will be requisite in case of invasion. The light pieces of field artillery and equipments likewise to be distributed among the companies of artillery not already provided, giving a preference to those nearest the frontiers.
Captain Dickens, of the schooner Silenus, in 23 days from Barbadoes, informs that at the time of his sailing there were afloat in the harbor, about 9000 barrels of flour, and other provisions, and live stock in abundance—flour was selling at 12 dollars per barrel. An embargo had been laid as a precautionary measure. Capt. D. further informs, that the blockade of Martinique commenced on the 20th Jan. by 6 frigates, and a 74.
MADRID, Dec. 8.
The French army, under the command of gen. Junot, arrived on the 26th of November at Abrantes. The advanced guard had entered that city before the Portuguese government knew of the army having marched.
The troops marched 10 leagues a day through bad roads and constant rain. As soon as the Prince was informed of the proximity of the French troops, intrigues were set at work on all sides, and the Prince resolved to embark on board the ships with his treasures, and every thing most precious. On the 30th of Nov. the advanced guard of the French troops arrived at Lisbon, and on the 1st, the anniversary of the day on which the House of Braganza rose against the Spaniards, and hoisted its standard against theirs, on that same day the Braganza flag was replaced by that of the French. To this singular circumstance, which the Portuguese superstition did not fail to remark, was added another—a horrible earthquake was felt six hours before; but the moment the French flag was hoisted, the tempest ceased and the weather became serene.
The six Portuguese ships of the line, laden with women, children, furniture, &c. without water, badly provisioned, set sail, some say for the Brazils, but probably for England.
There was a moment of fear; a great city like Lisbon has more risk to run in such moments, from revolution on the part of the populace, than on the part of the enemy. But a French battalion arrived in time, to establish order.
The success of the Expedition, remarkable for the extraordinary promptitude of the march of the troops and the activity of the general in chief, has placed in the hands of the French six frigates, twelve brigs, four sail of the line, several on the stocks, and an arsenal well stocked with timber and iron.
All the English property, whether movable or immovable, has been put under sequestration.
PETERSBURGH, Nov. 18.
News, very interesting to Naturalists, has been received here from Irkutsk, in Siberia. Mr. Adams, who went out as a companion to the Russian ambassador to China, has seen and examined the carcase of an enormous animal, near the mouth of the Lena, whose marks all manifested it to be a Mammoth.—The carcase was, as yet, covered with its hide; which retained the whole of its hair, and it had lost but little of its flesh.
From these appearances, it is very probable, that the race of the Mammoth, which was believed to be extinct, still exists.
STOCKHOLM, Nov. 18.
The king has ordered, that the prayers which had been put up in all our church for the prosperity of our arms, should be suspended. If his majesty abandons, as all appearances indicate, the cause of the English, and prohibits them an entrance into his ports, the scarcity of money, which has already made its appearance in Sweden, will, without doubt, be augmented, because the greater part of our products, as iron, copper, ship timber, &c. went to England. At the same time we have on the ocean a great number of merchant ships, which may fall into the hands of the English. Notwithstanding this, such is the situation of the continent, that no choice is left us to doubt about the matter; it is necessary to resolve to lose something that we may not lose all; with respect to which, if our friendship with England should continue, it is very probable that the armies of Russia will attack us one side, and the combined force of France and Denmark on the other.
VIENNA, Dec. 17.
It is ascertained that our court will shortly publish a declaration similar to that of Russia, by virtue of which all communication with England will cease, and the Austrian ports be shut.
BERLIN, Dec. 6.
They write from Koningsburg, under date of the 22d ult. that the king of Prussia has sent an order to his minister in London, to leave that city.
It passes for certain, that the French will maintain themselves in Prussia till next spring.
COPENHAGEN, Dec. 13.
The merchants at Copenhagen presented a petition to the Prince to authorize, under the superintendence of the police, a correspondence with England relative to the personal affairs of Danish subjects, and to establish a distinction between objects sent on English account and those destined to reimburse the Dutch merchants. The Prince has just sent the following reply:—
"I must acquaint the Trade, that it is impossible to modify the orders contained in the publications of the 9th and 14th September.—The King, in confining himself to the sequestration of enemy's property, has done all that was in his power to assist those of his subjects whose fortunes might fall into the hands of the English—He has even exceeded what so perfidious an enemy merits—Besides, nothing ought to chill the ardor of a noble vengeance: and the merchants may at once, by arming privateers, recover their capital, and avenge the country and the king.—With respect to the re-establishment of a correspondence, that measure is incompatible with the orders given to break off all communication between England and the continent—We ought to reject such an idea in a country like Denmark, where laws are passed not for mere pleasure, and to be broken. The King is not ignorant that measures demanded by the general welfare often injure the personal interests of his subjects; but the testimony of his conscience consoles him, having preserved as long as possible to his people the benefits of peace, and having altered his conduct only at the period when the most revolting aggressions provoked the most vigorous resistance against a perfidious enemy.
(Signed) FREDERICK, Prince Royal. Given at the Head-quarters at Copenhagen. 27th November.
A vessel arrived at New-York, brings London papers to the 7th of January, the most important contents of which are in the preceding columns. The king was still alive.
PORTLAND, FEB. 16.
Captain Cole arrived at this port on Saturday last, in 46 days from Leghorn, but brought no papers. We learn verbally that Bonaparte arrived before that place very unexpectedly. He had but a small force—but he advanced with that rapidity,
that he was at the gates of the city before the government were apprised of his approach; and immediately demanded admittance—which was granted. Soon after, Bonaparte ordered a very heavy contribution to be levied from the citizens, which was rigorously carried into execution.
UNION MANUFACTURING COMPANY OF MARYLAND.
The Books for receiving Subscriptions to the Union Manufacturing Company of Maryland, will be opened on Monday the 7th March next, and will remain open for that purpose for two days, in different parts of that state as designated by the articles of association of the company—the capital stock of the company, is to consist of one million of dollars, in twenty thousand shares of Fifty Dollars each; two dollars and fifty cents warrant, to be paid at the time of subscribing.
The Commissioners appointed for the town of Baltimore, have issued a Subscription Paper, at the Bank of Columbia, and another at the Office of Discount and Deposit, in the city of Washington, which will be opened on the days above mentioned, between the hours of Ten and Three to receive any subscription which may offer not exceeding Five Hundred shares at each place. A pamphlet containing the Report of the Committee, and the Articles of Association may in the mean time be seen at either Bank. February 26—tMh
PUBLIC SALE.
By Virtue of a decree of the honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscriber as trustee for the sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, will sell at public sale at Van Wyck and Dorsey's Auction Room, in the city of Baltimore on Friday the 18th day of March next, at 12 o'clock, the following Tracts of unimproved LAND, lying in Allegany county to wit:
Governor's Neglect, containing 1051 acres.
Robey's Delight, 424
Boine's Attention, 684
Chesnut Grove, 461
Now or Never, 600
Hard Struggle, 1354
Lot No. 2487, 50
Western Connection, 15,484
The lands above-mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase. A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase on application to the subscriber. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within 12 months from the day of sale.
ROGER PERRY. The creditors of Gustavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale aforesaid.
R. PERRY. Cumberland, February 26—3w
By order of the Orphan's Court, will be offered for public SALE on Tuesday the 24th of March next on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving note with approved security, with interest from date, all the personal ESTATE of Margaret Roberts late of Montgomery county, deceased, consisting of a number of Negroes, two Leases of Land, a Crop of Corn, Corn Fodder, Hay, Horses, Cattle and Hogs, and other articles too tedious to enumerate. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock on said day and to continue from day to day till all is sold.
HENRY ROBERTS, and JOSEPH ROBERTS, Admrs. of Margaret Roberts. February 26—tdos.
THIS is to give Notice, that the Subscriber hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the estate of Charles Hodges, late of said county, deceased. All those having claims against the said estate are hereby warned to exhibit them on or before 14th August next, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, in Upper Marlborough, otherwise they may by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All those who are indebted to the said estate are hereby notified that suits will be instituted without respect to persons, if immediate payments are not made.
ALEXANDER H. BOTETER, Admr. February 22—w6.
POCKET BOOK—LOST.
ON Monday evening last, a middle sized Red Morocco Pocket Book was lost between Myers hotel and the Eastern Branch bridge. It contained Accounts, some Memorandums, & several small Notes of Hand, but no Bank paper or Money. The contents can be of no use but to the owner. Whoever delivers the same to him or leaves the Book and contents at the Printing Office of this Paper, shall receive THREE DOLLARS. Washington, Feb. 26—2t

TUNIS CRAVE HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District; among which are,
 Woolens best London cloth,  Do. do. milled & plain cassimeres,  Do. do. cords and velvets,  Constitution, Gerrow, hunting, Trunk, and silver cords,  Velvets,  Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating,  Silk mouselins do.  Toilets, swansdown do.  Plain and figured Marseilles do.  Blanket coatings,  Plaid, kerseys, halfhicks,  Rose and dufl blankets, flannels,  Superfine green cloth table covers,  Canton, colored cambrics,  Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays,  Furniture Chintz,  Cambric and jacobet muslins,  India and British book do.  India muslin figured and plain,  Plain and figured lenos,  1. cal cambrics,  Elegant tamboured mulls,  Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses,  8 Adamask and raw silk shawls,  Damask cloths,  Camel's hair and swansdown do.  Down scarf,  Long and short lace sleeves, spider & net sleeves,  Extra long and habit kid gloves,  Do. do. silk do.  Do. do. raw silk do.  Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and Intrustrings,  Persians and Medes,  Thread and cotton laces,  Rice caps and handkerchiefs,  Book muslin and leno cap patterns,  4. 7. 8 Irish linens,  Long lawns, linen cambrics,  Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins,  Cotton cambrics,  Canton dimities,  Furniture do.  Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose,  Gentlemen's pantaloons do.  Silk cords and buttons,  Ribbons, floss threads,  Severaland other colored bombazets,  Heavily rug, Russia sheeting, tick, liagburg,  Osnaburgs, baltas, gurrahs, &c. &c.  ALSO,  Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars.  T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz.   30 kegs butter,  20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples,  10 do. buck wheat flour,  10 do. Cranberries, and  10 do. shell-bark hickory nuts.   Also a small assignment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Wafers, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c.  January 9—tf
WURAS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, mfrs' mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.  N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch.  October 23—tf
TWO ELEGANT FORTEPIANOS. THE subscriber has just received two instruments made by Broadwood, of the first quality, and probably superior to any in this place. He has also all kinds of DRY & WET GOODS, among the latter peach brandy 6 years old, fourth proof, and best kind of HATS—also, he offers a pair of PISTOLS, in mahogany case, said to shoot between two and three hundred yards, with a musket handle, original cost 100 dollars.  R. A. WASLER, At his New Store, near the Centre Market.  N. B. Instruments tuned on the shortest notice.  December 25—tf
CHARLES H. VANDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR, ESPECIALLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spantels and rich silk Mouselins, for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.  Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.  Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use, can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory.  Or FIVE good Journeymen to will find constant employ.  at 27—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant.  GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—LIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated.  October 19—tf
In pursuance of a deed of trust, dated on the 17th day of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, from Isidore Hardey, of Prince George's county, Maryland, to John Francis Hardey, will be exposed to Public Sale, on the premises, on Tuesday the first day of March next, if fair, and if not, the first fair day thereafter.
ALL those two Tracts or Parts of Tracts or Parcels of Land, lying and being in Prince George's county, called Gardiner's Meadows and Tyler's Advantage , containing 330 acres. These lands are encumbered with the right of dower, and will be sold for cash. The above tracts of land are situated about 5 miles from Piscataway, in Prince George's county, and are tolerably well improved. A more minute description is deemed unnecessary, as those who wish to purchase will view the premises, either on or before the day of sale.  RICHARD B. GARDINOR, Adm'r of John F. Hardey.  January 29—tMar.
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 648,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above.  All kinds of STOCKS bought and sold.  Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS.  Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
PUBLIC NOTICE Is hereby given to all persons who have any demands against Peter Foerhis an insolvent debtor, that the subscriber, assignee of the said Peter, will attend at the House of John Baird, inn-keeper, in the town of Hackensack, on Monday the 1st day of August next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of examining and ascertaining the debts due from the said Peter to such of his creditors as shall then and there attend and exhibit their demands. The subscriber will also attend at the place aforesaid on Thursday the 1st day of September next at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of making a division agreeably to law, of all such money as shall then have come to his hands, of the estate of the said Peter, of which those concerned will please to take notice.  WILLIAM A. DE PEYSTER. Hackensack N.J. Feb. 10th, 1808.
By virtue of a power of attorney to me given by George N. Thomas, I will offer for sale, on Tuesday 8th day of March next, if fair, and if not, the first fair day thereafter, at the Bridge across the Eastern Branch, and on the south side of the Bridge, three NEGRO MEN, for cash. These Negroes are young and healthy, and one of them is an excellent carpenter.  RICHARD B. GARDINER. February 22—t8Mh
A BRICK HOUSE AND LOT FOR SALE. ON Monday the 8th day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to public sale on the premises at 4 o'clock in the evening, part of Lot No. 6, in square No. 141. in this city, fronting 16 feet 9 inches on North G street, and running back 133 feet, with the improvements thereon, consisting of a convenient two story Brick House and enclosure. The Lot was leased to the former tenant for a term of 99 years at the rent of 35 dollars per annum, and the benefit of a covenant to purchase the fee simple thereof.
On default of payment of three years rent, the subscriber has been put in possession of the premises, according to the law in such cases provided; for which, and accruing expenses, it will be sold, subject to the conditions of the former case, and a new lease executed to the purchaser on complying with the terms of sale. Being in the vicinity of the public offices, and in a thick settled genteel neighborhood, it would be an eligible situation for a gentleman doing business in either of the departments. The premises may be viewed and the papers seen by applying to Thomas Herty, prior to the day of sale.  JOSEPH NOURSE.
Terms of sale, a negotiable note with an approved endorser, payable 60 days after date.  The Sale of the above Property is postponed until Monday the 14th day of March next, when it will be offered for sale at the hour and place above-mentioned.  February 17—t8Mh
LOST out of the CONGRESS LIBRARY the First Part of the First Volume of the CYCLOPEDIA, Philadelphia Edition. It belonged to the late Abraham Baldwin, Senator. It can be of little use but to the owner of the set. Whoever will leave it at the Office of the National Intelligencer shall be liberally rewarded.  February 24—4t
RISE OF TICKETS. Tickets in the Philadelphia Grand Lottery—highest prize 10,000 D.—will sell at TWO Dollars on Tuesday the 22d inst. and will continue to rise as the drawing progresses.  Tickets to be had at R. C. WEIGHTMAN'S Book-store, Pennsylvania avenue.  February 19—3t
FOR SALE. THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  MR. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wif
WAS committed to the jail of Cecil county, on the 2d inst. on suspicion of being a runaway, a Negro Man, who calls himself PHILIP, about 26 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, a very dark complexion; he had on when he was committed a woollen hat, linsy-woolsey jacket and trousers. He says he was sold by John Tyler, near Frederick Town, to Mr. Crown. The owner of said Negro is requested to come forward within 60 days and pay all legal costs and charges, otherwise he will be sold out agreeably to law.  JO. BAXTER, Sheriff of Cecil county. Elkton, January 20—w9t
THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorizing the erection of a BRIDGE over the RIVER POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia" to receive Subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of Subscription, will be opened at Stelle's Hotel in the city of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P. M.  ROBERT BRENT, DANIEL CARROLL, of Duddington, THOMAS MUNROE, JAMES D. BARRY, FREDERICK MAY, SAMUEL H. SMITH, JONAH THOMPSON, JONATHAN SWIFT, THOMAS YOWELL, CUTBERT POWELL, ELISHA JANNEY, CHARLES ALEXANDER.
The act of Congress authorises the Subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of Ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in Instalments of Ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix.  Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent.  I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia."  February 19—
Charles County court, August Term, 1807. SAMUEL BAXTER, an insolvent debtor of Charles county, having applied by petition in writing to the judges of the court here praying the benefit of an act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors, passed at the last session of the General Assembly, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on his oath as far as he can ascertain them, as directed by the said act having accompanied his petition, and the said county court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Samuel Baxter has resided the two preceding years within the state of Maryland prior to the passage of the said act, and having been brought before the court here and discharged from imprisonment upon giving bond, by the said act required. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, by the said court, that the said Samuel Baxter appear before the said county court at the court house, on the first day of March term next to answer such interrogatories as may be proposed to him by his creditors; and that the said day be, and is hereby appointed for the said creditors to appear, and recommend a trustee for their benefit, on the said Samuel Baxter, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed for delivering up his property; and the said Samuel Baxter, give notice of the passage of this order by causing a copy thereof to be served on each and every of his creditors or to so many of them as can be served therewith or their agent or attorney at least three months before the said first day of March term, and by causing a copy thereof to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week during that time aforesaid, previous to the next term.  Test JOHN BARNES, Clk. Nov. 27—wMar.
By THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October 1791 for regulating the materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided, "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared, "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues," and whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others whose circumstance did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June 1796 to this day, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced, it is deemed proper to revive and continue the same, with the exceptions hereafter mentioned:  Wherefore, I Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, do declare, That the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same hereby are suspended until the 1st day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, and that all houses which shall be erected in the city of Washington previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected except that no wooden house, covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall any such house be placed within twenty-four feet of a brick or stone house.  Given under my hand, the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.  TH: JEFFERSON. Jan. 11—w6t
By THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the act, entitled "An act making provision for the disposal of the public Lands situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted, that for the disposal of the lands of the United States lying on the Ohio river, between the Cincinnati and Vincennes district, a Land Office should be established at Jeffersonville. And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid, with the exception of certain tracts, therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall by a public Proclamation of the President of the United States, be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, & on the same terms & conditions as are provided for the lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river.
Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in conformity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare and make known, that sales shall be held at Jeffersonville in the Indiana Territory for the disposal of the above mentioned lands, to commence on the second Monday of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks.  Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November one thousand eight hundred and seven.  (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—w1p
THE COLUMBIAD, BY JOEL BARLOW.  The Lovers of the FINE ARTS need only see it, and they will universally pronounce it the most splendid Work ever published in America. The ENGRAVING of the PLATES alone, cost upwards of 4,000 dollars.  A few copies of the above work are received, & for Sale at J. MARCH'S Book-store, Georgetown.  February 12—1aw1m
RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the jail of Washington county district of Columbia as a runaway, on the 5th inst. a black man who calls himself STEPHEN LOCKERMAN, and says he belongs to John M. Paden of Baltimore; he further says that he sailed out of Baltimore in March 1804, with captain Deshan in the ship Margaret, bound to Batavia; he is about 35 years of age, 5 feet 5 inches high, had on when committed, a brown cloth jacket and trousers, blue striped vest, black hat, fine linen shirt, half boots, and no other clothes with him. His owner is desired to come and prove him and take him away or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs.  CARLWRIGHT TIPPET, Keeper of the jail for Washington Byrd, marshal.  February 12—w3t
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber having recently received a supply of European Garden Seeds, &c. which added to the various sorts saved by him the last summer, makes his assortment extensive and which are for sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown.  THEO: HOLT. Washington city, Jan. 11—taw
Treasury Department, Rev. Office, June 5th. 1807. Notice is hereby given; THAT, in conformity with the provision of the act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the Treasury on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen interest days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription stand on the books of the treasury.  Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. stock mentioned, but not redeemable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.  The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe and may assent to that modification, may at their option receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest then paid.  JOSEPH NOURSE, Reg. of the Treasury.  NOTE.—Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive 649 62 of new six per cent. stock.  Subscribed between the 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 64 37  Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808 619 03  Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st Oct. 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78  If subscribed between the 1st Oct. and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62  Between the 1st Jan. and 17th March 1808, 831 42  Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October 1807, and 1st January 1808, respectively.  Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock, will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six per cent. stock.  June 8—wgm.
I WISH to SELL about 90 acres of LAND, adjoining Georgetown, with the following improvements: a new framed dwelling 40 feet cellar under the whole, 5 rooms and a piazza on the first floor, stone kitchen 18 by 24, a wash house 14 by 16, smoke house, stable and carriage house, also, a good yard and garden, there are a number of young fruit trees beginning to bear, and 6 or 7 acres in clover. I believe this place as healthy as the Allegheny mountain, and perhaps second to none for a country seat; for although about three quarters of a mile from Georgetown market, yet by reason of a deep valley between it and town it is rendered very private; and the road good; the prospect commanding and varied.  As I wish to improve near the Rope Walk, I would sell this place low.  RICHD. PARROTT. Georgetown, December 12—w1p
By THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the disposal of the Public Lands, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut reserve, and for other purposes," it was enacted that for the disposal of the lands of the United States, situated between the United States Military Tract, and the Connecticut Reserve, a Land Office should be established at such place, as the President of the United States might direct: And it was further enacted, that the lands aforesaid with the exception of certain tracts therein excepted, be offered for sale to the highest bidder at the place aforesaid, on such day or days, as shall by a public proclamation of the President of the United States be designated for that purpose, in tracts of the same size, and on the same terms and conditions as are provided for the lands North of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river.  Wherefore, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, in conformity with the provisions of the act before recited, Do hereby declare and make known, that sales shall be held at Canton in the state of Ohio, for the disposal of the above mentioned lands, to commence on the second Monday of May, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and continue for and during the six following weeks.  Given under my hand the nineteenth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. December 25—w1m