The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-09-11 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCLXVIII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HISTORY
Of the West Indies:
A WORK in the contents of which every citizen of America must be interested, whether devoted to business, or desirous of information through the medium of amusement.
A new & revised edition of Mr. Edwards's History of the West Indies, with a third volume, (completed by its amiable author a short time previous to his death) has lately been published in London. This third volume contains the interesting and important history, with a large Map of the Island of St. Domingo, or Hispaniola, as also that of Tobago; likewise a history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1793, and a tour of Mr. William Young through several of the islands. It is accompanied by a highly finished portrait of Mr. Edwards, a history of his life written by himself, and a prefatory advertisement by Sir William Young, Baronet, M.P. F.R.S. &c. under whose editorialship it has been given to the public.
The subscriber, impressed with a sense of the great importance a general knowledge of the history, civil and commercial, of the West Indies, must be to every citizen of America, and of the great celebrity of the above work, proposes to print it by subscription, and respectfully offers the following for public patronage and encouragement.
Proposals for Printing.
From the London copy, 3 volumes quarto, THE HISTORY, CIVIL AND COMMERCIAL, Of the British Colonies in the West Indies.
BY BRYAN EDWARDS, ESQ. F.R.S.A.S. Containing, with a variety of other matter:—
A political and topographical survey of the sugar islands.
A comprehensive account of the ancient and present inhabitants, agriculture, productions, laws, government, constitution and commerce.
An historical review of the slave trade; including observations on the character, genius, dispositions, and situations of the enslaved Africans.
An historical review of St. Domingo, comprehending an account of the former government of the French part of that island, its political state, populations, productions, and exports; a narrative of the calamities which have desolated the island ever since the year 1789; and a detail of the transactions of the British army in that island.
Also, a tour through the islands of Barbadoes, St. Vincent, Antigua, Tobago and Grenada, by Sir William Young, Baronet, &c. And
A history of the war in the West Indies from its commencement in 1793, &c. &c.
CONDITIONS.
It will be printed in four volumes, large octavo, on a perfectly new and beautiful type, and on a handsome large medium paper, agreeable to a specimen, which may be had at the full price of the work.
The price to subscribers to be three dollars the volume, in boards; each volume to be paid for on delivery.
With the last volume will be given an ATLAS, (without any additional price) containing the following maps, viz.
 1 A large general map of the West Indies.  2 Map of Jamaica.  3 Barbadoes.  4 Grenada.  5 St. Vincent.  6 Dominica.  7 St. Christopher's.  8 Nevis.  9 Antigua.  10 Virgin Islands.  11 St. Domingo, or Hispaniola.  12 Tobago. 
To prevent disappointment or complaint, it is now promised, that on the publication of the second volume the subscription price will be advanced to three dollars and a half the volume, and on the publication of the last volume the price will be again enhanced.
With the last volume, besides the Atlas, will be given an elegant engraving of the celebrated author. Also a list of the subscribers names.
The London copy of the foregoing work in three volumes cannot be sold in America, in boards, under sixty dollars.
JAMES HUMPHREYS.
Subscriptions are received by said Humphreys at his book-store the corner of Second and Walnut streets, and by the principal booksellers through the Union. Philadelphia, July 15—
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that 'tis his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty.
PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
A summary Historical and Political Review of the Revolution, Constitution and Government of the United States; an Oration, delivered at Sheffield, July 4th, 1805.
By BARNABAS BIDWELL.
(CONCLUDED.)
THE original sentiments of the American people were strongly opposed to the hereditary, and attached to the democratic system. The first step towards a change in the principle of our government was to turn the current of popular opinion. The power of fashion was thought supreme on political, as well as other subjects. In England, by annexing ridicule to the name, it had rendered the character and politics of a republican odious. A similar process was attempted here. Hereditary authority was palliated by fashionable epithets. Instead of monarchical or aristocratic, it was plausibly termed energetic, independent and permanent. Its friends assumed the popular denomination of federalists, and continued to appropriate it, until, from an apparent consciousness of the declining popularity of that perverted name, they have latterly affected to style themselves republicans. In the mean time natural liberty and equality, and rights of men, the very first doctrines asserted in the declaration of independence, and in our constitutional declaration of rights, were systematically ridiculed. The sovereign people were contemned. Those departments of our government, farthest removed from their immediate control, were distinguished with comparative praises. From the perversion of the French revolution an inference was drawn unfavorable to the eventual issue of ours. The practicability of the elective system was first doubted, and then denied; and the necessity of a more energetic and stable form was lamented, but inculcated. Popular elections were decried. Democrats were reproachfully stigmatised; and democracy, the essential principle of our national and state constitutions, was charged with all the crimes of anarchy and atheism. Hundreds and thousands of real republicans unsuspectingly followed this political fashion, as they conform to the prevailing mode of dress, till observation taught them its tendency and warned them of the consequences.
An over-ruling Providence brings good out of evil. The discussions, which grew out of such a radical division of sentiments, and which have agitated our citizens for a number of years, although accompanied with much acrimony and abuse, have, upon the whole, produced salutary effects. The nature of government has been more thoroughly examined. Our political rights and duties are better understood. Popular errors have been corrected. The public mind, after partial and temporary aberrations, is brought back to first principles. The American revolution has revived in popular esteem. The French revolutionary attempt has, in some measure, lost its power to bewilder and discourage the friends of freedom. The practicability of republicanism is more generally admitted. The necessity of making our government more permanent by hereditary authorities, of increasing its energy by a military establishment, and attaching a powerful monied interest to its support by means of a funded debt, is exploded. Democracy is no longer considered criminal; and a democrat is by no means felt to be a term of reproach. Party slander is so justly condemned, that it injures its authors more than the objects aimed at. Periodical elections are more highly valued and more punctiliously attended. The people are generally treated with respect. Their constitutional sovereignty is felt. Their elective decisions are acquiesced in; and their rights and interests are regarded. Their conduct, at the same time, evinces an increasing sense of the importance of supporting the constituted authorities, elected by a majority of their own suffrages, and of obeying and executing the laws, constitutionally enacted by a majority of their own representatives; and thus practically refuting the objections of their anti-democratic enemies, and confirming the republican maxim, that representative democracy is in reality the strongest, as well as the freest of human governments.
The progress of political reformation has extended to measures, as well as sentiments. One of the sins, which most easily beset modern governments, is an extension of executive patronage, by the multiplication of offices, the augmentation of taxes and the accumulation of debts. In each of these particulars, Great Britain exhibits an awful example. Her list of offices, civil, ecclesiastical, military, naval and fiscal, has been multiplied to an extent, which would startle an American. Taxes, direct and indirect, are there loaded upon every article of property and every convenience and necessary of life; and year after year increases the weight of their load. The art of taxation, which seems to be a principal qualification for the ministry, is carried to such refinement,
that they now raise, by annual taxes, twenty times as much as the U. States; and yet their expenditures so far exceed their income, that they annually add to their national debt, by loans more than the whole amount of ours. Their debt already exceeds two thousand millions of dollars, and is progressing ad infinitum. No man, in his senses, now believes that any part of it will ever be redeemed. All this accumulation of burdens is the effect of the anti-democratic system of government, in the course of a little more than a century. At the era of the revolution 1688, the English national debt was less than half a million sterling, their annual revenue two millions, and their expenses within the revenue.
BOLINGBROKE, in his "State of the Nation," explaining the funding system, which was then introduced observes, "It was said that a new government, established against the ancient principles, and actual engagements of many, could not be so effectually secured any way, as it would be if the private fortunes of great numbers were made to depend on the preservation of it; & that this could not be done, unless they were induced to lend their money to the public, and accept securities under the present establishment. Thus the method of funding and the trade of stock-jobbing began." He might have added, that the policy was fatally successful. It created an influential monied interest, and attached the holders of the funded stocks to the administration, who had assisted them to their fortune, by advantageous loans. Thus too, the stockholders of the United States, with a very few exceptions, have been politically attached to the party, who were the authors of our funding system.
On the subject of offices, taxes and debts, our own history, though short, is full of instruction. A few facts only will be selected on the present occasion.
Under the former administration we had Ministers resident at the Courts of England, France, Spain, Prussia, Portugal and Holland. At present we have them only at London, Paris, and Madrid.
Near the close of the former administration, the federal judiciary then consisting of six judges of the supreme court, and one district judge in each district, was nearly doubled by the creation of an additional grade of circuit judges.
There is a clause in the Constitution that no Senator or Representative shall be appointed to any civil office created during his term. The members of that Congress, therefore, could not be directly accommodated with the new official births. But a number of district judges and attorneys were advanced, and members of the Senate and House appointed to succeed them, without the previous acceptance or even knowledge of the promoted officers. That was not, indeed, a violation of the letter of the constitutional prohibition; but was it fairly reconcilable with the spirit of the constitution? It certainly was attended with embarrassments. In one case for instance a district judge was promoted to the circuit bench and a Senator was commissioned as his successor. But the former, when consulted declined his promotion, and the latter therefore took nothing by his appointments: Judge BEE is still the district judge of South Carolina; and Mr. READ with a commission in his pocket, appointing him a judge during good behavior, has yet no office to serve in.
The first Congress, after the change of administration, repealed the circuit law, and restored the old judiciary establishment, with some improvements suggested by experience.
No measure of the Republicans encountered severer opposition than this. Both its constitutionality and expediency were controverted. It was once a question for political discussion; but we are now viewing it in the light of history.
The tenure of judicial office, during good behavior, was first introduced in England, then transplanted to some of our state constitutions, and from thence engrafted into that of the United States. Its object was to secure judges against arbitrary removals from existing offices; but it had no relation to the continuance or discontinuance of the offices themselves. Thus the office of an English judge is, and always has been repealable by an act of the legislature, although, in the technical language of their laws, he holds it during good behavior.
The very act, creating the circuit courts, expressly abolished pre-existing courts. Yet it was afterwards contended that the courts created by that act
could not constitutionally be abolished.
Gentlemen in Massachusetts, who had long advocated the abolition of a different system, without the least doubt of the constitutionality of the measure, notwithstanding the judges of those courts hold their offices during good behavior, became converts to the new doctrine, that the abolition of an inferior court of the United States, without the consent of the judges, would infringe their constitutional tenure of office during good behavior.
In Connecticut, also, gentlemen who will defend their own state system, by which the judges are not only appointed annually by the legislature, but dependent on them for the amount of their salaries, and the continuance of their offices, and removable by them at pleasure, any day of any session, were nevertheless alarmed, left the repeal of the federal circuit courts should ruin the judiciary, that main pillar of the constitution, by leaving all the judges at the mercy of the legislature, and thus rendering them victims of political intolerance, or tools of the prevailing party.
Some of the late judges themselves protested against the repealing act; and, in a petition to Congress, they have since given notice that they still claim their salaries during life, provided they behave in such a manner as to avoid a removal by the process of impeachment.
Upon the point of expediency, it was asserted, that the remaining judges could not possibly accomplish the judicial business of the United States. But experience has now refuted that assertion, and sanctioned the discharge of those supernumerary judges.
The federal Bankrupt act supplied a multitude of offices, which were all swept away when that law was repealed; and to say the least, the morals of the community have received no injury from the repeal.
The provisional army, which under an idea of repelling an expected invasion, had, for some time, furnished many offices and employments, was disbanded, after a change of administration had become morally certain; and a subsequent reduction in the military establishment still left officers, as well as privates enough to garrison the forts and guard the frontiers.
The act for levying a federal direct tax and for estimating lands and houses for that purpose, in addition to a host of temporary officers, created about a thousand permanent offices & one in each assessment district, for the ascertainment of accruing variations in the state of real estate, with a view to succeeding taxes. By the discontinuance of direct taxation, those offices are all abolished.
The stamp tax, and other excises employed 457 officers, at an expense of more than two hundred thousand dollars annually, as appears by the official returns for the years 1800. With the repeal of the excises, those offices also have ceased.
By a train of Republican measures, executive patronage has thus been essentially restrained, and our annual expenditure diminished more in amount than the whole present expenses of the legislative, executive and judiciary departments added together.
National as well as personal economy, not only relieves us from burdens, but enables us to pay our debts. The same Congress which repealed the internal taxes, made effectual provision for the extinguishment of the national debt by a permanent appropriation of seven millions three hundred thousand dollars to which have since been added seven hundred thousand more, making in the whole eight millions of dollars a year.
The names of those who voted for and against this republican measure, are entered on the journal of Congress, and will be recorded in the faithful pages of history.
The effect of such a change of measures is already seen and felt; in our relief from direct taxes, stamps and all other internal duties and more sensibly, perhaps, in the rapid reduction of the debt. In twelve years it had risen from about seventy to above eighty millions of dollars. A considerable part of the addition was made irredeemable for a stipulated time, and charged with eight per cent. interest, payable quarterly. According to the policy then prevailing, such an augmentation, and on
such terms, was considered necessary. The ratio of increase was nearly equal to the progress of the English debt, during an equal period from its commencement after their revolution. It was seriously apprehended, that the plea of necessity would always continue, and produce here, as it had in England, a continued and inextinguishable progression of debt.
The new administration succeeded March 4th, 1801. On the first treasury quarter day afterwards, that is April 1st, 1801, the balance of cash in the treasury was 1,794,044 dollars, and 85 cents. On the 30th September last, to which time the last annual treasury statement reached the cash in the treasury amounted to 4,882,225 dollars and 11 cents, an increase of more than three millions; and, in the intermediate period of three years and a half, 13,576,881 dollars and 15 cents, of the principal, had been redeemed, besides the payment of the interest and the current expenses of government.
No additional tax has been laid under the present administration except the late temporary addition of two and a half per cent upon certain articles of import, estimated to produce $50,000 the present year, constituting the Mediterranean fund, specially appropriated to the extraordinary expenses of the naval armament, and limited to the duration of the Barbary war.
The permanent ordinary revenue is 11,200,000; which after deducting the appropriated eight millions, leaves three millions two hundred thousand dollars, a sum sufficient for the ordinary expenses of government, which are now indeed, within three millions a year, according to the last estimate. So that the appropriation need not be disturbed.
The application of eight millions annually already reduces near 3,700,000 dollars of the principal. This annual reduction increases in a compound ratio; and will if continued, discharge the whole of the old debt in the course of the year 1817, and the remaining 13 millions of the price of Louisiana, in 1819. This is mathematically certain. Within 15 years, therefore, the United States will be freed from debt, provided the present system of economy and peace shall be maintained.
These, fellow-citizens, are facts and calculations, founded on the authentic documents, which any person, who has leisure, and will take the trouble, can examine for himself.
In the late re-election of President Jefferson, by 162 of 176 electoral votes, is a fair criterion of public opinion, more than eleven twelfths of the nation already approve the republican measures now in operation. I am sensible they have been opposed with great ingenuity and zeal, by a persevering minority in Congress, who are still supported by a respectable portion of the people in this and some other states. A part of the audience, whom I have the honor to address, are of that number. As the system now opposing is now deliberately sanctioned by so decisive and increasing a majority of the nation; as it has, in practice, already been productive of such beneficial effects, and, on reasonable grounds, promises such further benefits; will they not feel it a duty to hesitate, to re-examine the foundation of their opinion, to review the series of contested measures, by the lights of history and experience, and think seriously of the responsibility of pursuing their opposition any further? What rational motive can they now have for striving to reverse the present order of things? Can they hope, or even wish, to restore the federal measures which have been discarded? Would they, for instance, revive the abolished circuit court, after experience has proved them to be unnecessary? Or would they grant the ex-judges the salaries they claim during life, when all the world is convinced there is no occasion for their services? Would peaceable citizens be gratified to hear again of invasions and alarms and the drums of a provisional army, beating through our streets, to re-enlist their sons and apprentices, with mercenary vagabonds and convicts, for their companions? Would our husbandmen, who eat their bread in the sweat of their brow, welcome the revisits of federal collectors of taxes on their houses and lands? Are men of business desirous to have their negotiations embarrassed again with stamps? Would it be matter of joy to our traders and manufacturers, to see five hundred excise-men, dependent upon the pleasure of the executive, replanted all over the interior of the country, with inquisitorial powers to enter their houses and work shops, any day, and any hour, to inspect their business; examine their books, and administer oaths of discovery, for the purpose of collecting excise duties, in a time of general peace, in all our towns and villages, at an expense of twenty per cent.
This round number of the surveyors of Revenue is stated upon estimate only without the returns necessary for an exact calculation.

when a deficiency of revenue, if managed with economy, can be raised from the impost collected in a few ports, of those who have the most ready means of payment, without any additional officers, without the interruption to internal police, and with less than four per cent. cost of collection, leaving the sources of internal taxation for a time of war or other national exigency? Who in the present state of things, is ambitious to have our public expenses re-enlarged to their former amount? Where is the man, who would willingly prevent or protract the redemption of the national debt? Is there one in this assembly, who, if his life should be spared fifteen years, would not feel proud to behold his country out of debt; or who would not, in case of his own intermediate decease, rejoice in such a prospect for his children? If no such man is to be found among us, why, then, in the name of conscience and common sense, let me ask, why would any one be so inconsistent, as to oppose, or countenance others in opposing a system of measures now actually in train to produce so desirable a result?
In the mean time let us not forget the appropriate duties of the day. Fellow citizens of all parties and denominations, on this anniversary of Independence, let us honestly try ourselves by the metrics of the revolution, and compare our politics with the principles of the constitution. While we are celebrating the conquest of our enemies in the field, and the establishment of a national government, let us resolve to conquer our own political prejudices, and establish a government over our party passions. Let us spread abroad a mantle of charity over the petty animosities, which have too long divided us; and, with grateful acknowledgment to the God of our fathers for past interpositions, and a humble reliance on his grace, through the Saviour, for future blessings, let us unite our congratulations upon the happy prospect of our country.
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 1.
DEBATE ON THE YAZOO CLAIMS.
MR. FINDLEY—CONTINUED.
Mr. F. said that it had been his lot to have been in public bodies of different kinds in the state government, and also in the congress of the U. States where party spirit and irritation had run very high. Where sometimes one party preponderated and sometimes another, and where parties were nearly equal. But on no question before the present had he heard corrupt motives ascribed to members who differed in opinion, at no time had he heard members called on to rescue their characters from the infamy of corruption, at no time had he heard the trumpet of party spirit sounded on the floor of a public body to influence a decision of a claim of property, at no time had he heard the opinions or power of another branch of the government brought in as a substitute for argument, at no time had he heard the characters of individual members arraigned instead of replying to their arguments, before the present occasion.
During all his opportunity of observation, Mr. F. said party spirit was always exerted about the construction of the constitution, or about the measures of government, and even in such cases it was never permitted to be mentioned in argument with impunity; but the mention of party in the decision on claims of property would have been considered as a breach of the rules of order and decency by all parties. In times when party spirit rose to an alarming height, he never even out of doors heard of any decision on a claim of property ascribed to the influence of party. However far one party might charge the other with political error and oppose the political measures they pursued, he never had heard the morals or the motives of members attacked on the floor of the house, but had always observed the most remote attempt of that kind suppressed by the authority of the house.
Mr. F. acknowledged he had been astonished at the manner in which the arguments in opposition to the report of the committee of claims in favor of carrying into complete execution the convention with the State of Georgia had been conducted. These arguments had been uniformly applied to cases that had no connection with the question before the house; whether the assembly of Georgia in 1789 had made a good bargain or a bad one, or whether the succeeding assembly in defeating that contract had acted on honorable or dishonorable principles, or whether the assembly of 1795 in their law for the sale had acted so corruptly as to vitiate the contracts made under that law, though all the other laws made by that same assembly were sustained, or whether the ex post facto act of the assembly of 1796, impairing the obligation of contracts contrary to the constitution of the U. States, was sufficiently justified by necessity, and could annul the former contracts for a valuable consideration, were questions that had never been decided by a court of justice, nor had Congress any negative or revisionary powers over the laws of Georgia.
Mr. F. said that the whole question before the House arose from the book in his hand (the President's message.) In pursuance of a resolution of Congress, for that purpose, the President had instructed three commissioners appointed by law, to treat with the state of Georgia
for a cession of the territory, or part of it, then possessed by the Indians. The state of Georgia had also appointed three commissioners on their part to meet with the commissioners fully authorized by the U. States. A convention or treaty of cession was made to the U. States of fifty-two millions of acres of land, subject to specified conditions, five millions of acres of which was appropriated to satisfy specific claims, and the residue after compensating those claims, was appropriated to satisfy, quiet and compensate other claims obtained under any law, or pretended law of Georgia, and if not so appropriated within one year, the lands shall revert to the state of Georgia.
A law was passed in 1803, to carry the convention of Georgia into execution, in which the residue of the 5,000,000 of acres after the specific claims were satisfied, are expressly appropriated to satisfy, quiet and compensate the claims in question, and the claimants have been by government invited to release their original claim to 35,000,000 of acres, and to make proposals of compromise, and in the mean time to register their claims in the office of the secretary of state, at considerable expense they have made proposals of compromise and registered their claims, and proposals have been made by the authority of government to them, and these mutual proposals of compromise have been laid before the Congress by the President, in order that commissioners may be authorized to settle and adjust the claims, and satisfy, quiet and compensate them on equitable principles. These, he said, were the facts on record, and from these facts he considered the government to be under a moral obligation to apply the residue of the 5,000,000 of acres, amounting probably to little if any more than 4,000,000 of acres, and as a member of the house he was convinced that he was under a moral obligation to vote for it. He repeated, that agreeable to the opinions of the commissioners, tho' neither the U. States nor the state of Georgia were suable in law, and the claimants had no direct legal remedy, yet that the interest of the U. States, the tranquility of those who may hereafter inhabit the territory, and various equitable considerations rendered a compromise expedient; a full indemnity is not proposed nor sought.
Some, however, in opposition had asked, how could this interest of the U. S. be promoted by it? He would also ask if it was not the interest of the U. States to fulfil her engagements with good faith? She having never purchased or paid for the land in question, but received it as a deposit to be applied to the relief of those injured claimants or to be returned to the state of Georgia, whose legislature had done the injury. The state of Georgia made the deposit for the purpose of making some reparation for the injury, and lest the U. S. should apply it to her own use, had exacted the obligation of returning it if it was not so applied. He confessed when he first saw the conditions of the act of session, he thought this provision expressed an unreasonable jealousy of the U. States. But when he heard gentlemen, when argument failed, declaim, that if we applied the residue of the 5,000,000 of acres for the purposes for which it was deposited with government, and appropriated by both the mutual act of cession and the subsequent law of Congress, that we were putting our hand into the public purse, robbing the public of millions of dollars, &c. he was astonished.
He said he would ask these gentlemen if they were convinced, on dispassionate examination, that laying hold on this deposit for the use of the U. States would be for their interest? He was persuaded it would not. The commissioners report that there is above 3,000,000 of acres adjoining the Mississippi freed from the Indian claim, and these settlements had been made long since, and the land office of the U. States has been open for some time, yet we all know that notwithstanding the great advantages of the situation, the lands sell and the country settles very slowly indeed. Compare this with the state of Tennessee, which has now three members in this house and very lately was not known as a state. Compare it with the state of Ohio, which lately was an Indian hunting ground and seat of war, and much more remote from market, and yet this wilderness is now grown into a populous state. He asked why the lands on the Mississippi with such superior advantages did not sell, and the population increase in some proportion to other new settlements? The reason to him was plain. Where the title was clear, where there was no danger of future disputes, good people would emigrate and settle their families; where it was not so, no wise man would run the risk of vesting his property, and leaving his family under a cloud of uncertainty.
The United States have purchased fifty two millions of acres from Georgia, for which they are to make the payments out of the proceeds of the sales, besides the reserve of five millions of acres to satisfy claims against that state, out of this, in the first place, specific claims of actual settlers and some others are to be satisfied to perhaps more than one million of acres. Georgia sold lands to an amount unknown in 1789 to the Virginia and Carolina companies, for which part payment was received, and in 1795 that state sold what the commissioners estimate at 35,000,000 of acres, for which payment was fully made and patents granted in due form, and by the original patentees sold to others. None of these sales have ever been set aside by a court and jury, without whose decision no man under either the government of the United States or the individual states can be legally divested of his property.
These facts are very generally known, and every man of common information knows, that tho' the claimants cannot have an action against the state of Georgia or the United States, yet they can have an action against any or all the actual settlers on the land which they claim. This apprehension, if it was worse founded than it is, would be sufficient to prevent the sale and settlement of the land until these claims are settled by compromise, agreeable to the convention with Georgia and the usual practice of the other states, and the original claim relinquished. Experience and observation, he said, had taught him that the sooner accommodations of this kind were made, they were the easier and the cheaper done. He added, that quieting and satisfying 1200 respectable and injured claimants and their connections who had been injured by their confidence in the law of a state, and in men who stood high in government, was certainly the interest and duty of Congress, when it could be done without loss, which it certainly could in this case, for the land in question had cost the United States nothing, but was a deposit from Georgia for that very purpose.
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
Alleghany.
The subscriber having determined to reside in Alleghany Co. Maryland, offers for sale 20,000 acres of land there and in Hardy County, Virginia, which is separated from Alleghany county, only by the North branch of Potomac. The land to be sold in small or large quantity as to suit purchasers. He will remain here till 5th October, and he in Western Poet at the mouth of Georges creek, 25 miles above Cumberland on 14th of October, for the express purpose of showing, selling, and laying out lands for those who wish to purchase. The terms of sale will be very reasonable, and a long time allowed for a large proportion of the payments, and produce or stock of any kind will be taken from year to year, at the Cumberland prices, and as he will want land open labor will also be taken in payment. A final payment will be expected at the time of purchase, say one eighth part, which may be made in cash, good notes, bonds or slaves. He also offers a number of good lots at the west end of the city of Washington, and his dwelling house, out houses, garden &c. in George Town, now under the occupation of Washington Bowie, Esq. The lots will be sold for cash or on a long credit, or leased on ground rents. The place in George Town is one of the handsomest in the world, is well calculated for a man of business, and particularly well for a gentleman with a family of children to educate, it being situated in the midst of excellent seminaries for male and female, and good society, with fine water and excellent health. For further particulars respecting the city and George Town property, apply to Mr. CHARLES WAYMAN in George Town. The country at the head of the Potomac, where the subscriber offers his lands for sale, has perhaps important advantages over all other new countries, though in general it is mountainous, yet there are large bodies of land sufficiently level, and fertile in a high degree. No country is more healthy, none better adapted to farming and grazing. The crops of Indian corn are from 5 to 8 barrels the acre, in the common mode of cultivation, and there is no country superior for wheat, rye and oats, but its greatest advantage over most new countries, is its convenience to market, being not more than 150 miles from the seat of government of the United States; to which the produce can be brought by water. Those who may wish for further particulars, may see me in George Town any time between this and 5th of October.
JOHN TEMPLEMAN.
Sept. 4—w8w.
Preparing for the Press,
AND will be published early in the Spring, in one closely printed volume, The spirit of the Public Journals; Being an impartial selection of the best original Poetry, Essays, &c. which have appeared in the newspapers of the United States during the year 1805.
The Editors of Newspapers who exchange with the BALTIMORE Evening Post, are requested to give the above advertisement a few insertions in their papers. When published, a copy of the work will be sent to each office.
Sept. 9—
A Valuable Tract of Land FOR SALE,
LAYING on the main road, leading from Charlottesville to Washington city, containing 263 acres; six miles from Culpepper Court House, Virginia, convenient to a number of fine merchant and saw mills. The situation pleasant and remarkably healthy, the land level, fertile and well adapted to the production of Indian corn, tobacco, wheat and other small grain, and is remarkably well watered, having the north fork of Cedar Run passing through the center of it, and sixteen bold and never failing springs on it; 140 acres of timothy meadow land on it, all of which may be put in good repair at a very small expence and a superabundance of large and lofty timber on it. The improvements are a dwelling house, three too-houses on a floor, a good kitchen, a very large barn two stories high and other out houses sufficient, and which are strong and well built—2200 bearing fruit trees, principally apple trees, together with all kinds of feed and fence fruits. It is so situated as to admit of being divided into two convenient and profitable farms. I will sell it entire or divide it as may be found most convenient and give immediate possession—there is a good chance to feed a large crop of grain on it this fall. I will take negroes to the full amount of the above land or any part thereof for the accommodation of a purchaser; if the above land is not sold before the 20th of October, it will be sold on that day to the highest bidder; the sale to take place on the premises.
MORTON PANNELL,
Culpepper county, Virginia.
August 21—w8w
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11.
IT is with the liveliest pleasure we are enabled to say that our late captive citizens in Tripoli are released, and a treaty of peace is made with the reigning Bashaw. Dispatches have been received, which announce these joyous events, and place them beyond all doubt. We congratulate our countrymen on these events, equally calculated to gratify their sensibility as men, and their pride as citizens of a free republic.
Dispatches, we understand, have been received, by the Brig Olib , from Commodore J. Rodgers, as late as the middle of June, Commodore Barron having previously resigned the command; which state that preliminary articles of peace were signed on the second of June by Col. Lear and the reigning Bashaw. Previously to this time, Tripoli had been pressed by a vigorous blockade which intercepted all supply of provisions, and the city was in a condition very little short of starving.
By dispatches received from Mr. Eaton, and Capt. Hull, commander of the Argus , it appears that the army headed by Mr. Eaton and the ex-Bashaw, after enduring severe hardships and surmounting great difficulties, attacked on the 27th of April the fortified town of Derne, which they took after a bloody engagement, in which Mr. Eaton was wounded, not dangerously, by a musket ball that struck his left wrist. These operations were ably aided by the co-operation of the brig Argus , the schooner Nautilus , and the Hornet, under the command of Capt. Hull, and which had previously furnished supplies for the army.
The following letter places the liberation of the captives beyond question.
Extract of a letter from Robert Denison, Esq. secretary to the Commodore of the Mediterranean squadron, dated Malta, 15th June 1805.
"I do myself the pleasure to announce to you that Peace has been finally concluded betwixt the United States and the Bashaw of Tripoli, and our long captive countrymen restored to liberty and their friends. Commodore S. Barron left this for Sicily about 10 days since, with a view to try the air in the neighborhood of mount Etna. Capt. Bainbridge with some of his officers are gone to join him there."
On Monday the Theatre was opened with Wives as they Were, and the Springs of Laurel. In conformity to our expectations the House is fitted up with great neatness. The ornaments are few, but are plain and elegant. There is a distinct view of the whole stage from every quarter of the house; and the seats are placed at a convenient distance from each other. The coup d'œil impresses the eye very agreeably, by presenting the appearance of harmony, unity, and accommodation. The whole house, the stage as well as that part occupied by the audience, appears like one elegant room, happily proportioned and neatly furnished. And what is of the first importance, the spectator receives every word uttered by the actor. We have never been in a theatre, in which there was so faithful a transmission of sound to every part of the house.
A first night's performance in a theatre never before occupied will always develop some deficiencies. Accordingly we have some few to notice on this occasion. Owing to the want of ventilation, the lights, at first emitted a very unpleasant effluvia, which, however, was greatly removed by opening one of the southern windows. The boxes are all so capacious as to place it out of the power of a select party to take an entire one. It is with pleasure, we are authorised by the manager to say that these inconveniences will be obviated. A more perfect ventilation will be afforded, and the boxes be so divided as to give to a party of eight the entire occupancy. It is also intended to cover the benches with green baize.
We have not time to enter into a detailed criticism of the merits of the respective performers. It may, however, suffice to say that a general sentiment of approbation pervaded the audience, and that the pleasure received surpassed that expected. This is saying a great deal, as the performances possessed but little intrinsic merit.
AN ENQUIRY INTO THE CONSTITUTIONALITY AND EXPEDIENCY OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT MAKING PROVISION FOR EDUCATION AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS.
No season can be more favorable than the present for considering how far it is constitutional or expedient in the general government to direct its attention to the great objects of education and internal improvements. That this is a question which, at some future period not remote, must be decided, all will agree. While conflicting opinions exist with regard to the relative investiture of power on these points among the union and the states, and on the expediency of its exercise by either, it is easy to see that either much may be omitted which ought to be done, or that much, that is done, may be effected in an improper manner. That seriously conflicting opinions do exist on these points is most certain. There are undoubtedly respectable authorities for, as well as against the interposition of the general government. The expectation, that the general government will at a pro-
per season exercise powers, with which it is conceived to be invested, is the not unfrequent pretext for an omission, on the part of the states, to attend to objects allowed to be of great importance. Nor will this attention be properly bestowed until the leading question, who are the constitutional repositories of the description of powers alluded to, shall be settled. Is it not then of great importance at once to come to a decision on which such interesting results depend? Is there a member of the community that does not feel a strong interest in carrying forward with vigor, those improvements, which the boundless field presented by our country, the habits of our citizens, their spirit of enterprise, and their increasing wealth, so forcibly recommend. Whatever, then, facilitates this progress will be welcomed with general and hearty approbation.
In addition to these interesting considerations there are others which ought to have great weight in producing an attention to these points at this time.
As a nation we are now in our infancy, and we possess, perhaps in a higher degree than we shall, at any future period, that purity of motive, and steadiness of view, so well calculated to lead our judgments to the happiest decisions. Although personal feelings and interests do, in some measure, mingle their alloy with the pure currency of patriotism, our public councils, as well as the public mind, are unquestionably more free from it than they can be expected to be in our more advanced state. This then is the favorable season for cool reflection, for disinterested deliberation, for wise determination.
Nor is it altogether unimportant that we at present enjoy external as well as internal tranquility. There is nothing of national importance that deeply agitates the public feeling; there is no external danger to absorb the public attention. Our affairs, external as well as internal, wear the fairest aspect; and every new day either brings us some additional benefit, or relieves us from some previous evil. How long this sunshine will continue, it is not for limited intelligence to say. Though the policy of our government, and the pursuits of our citizens promise a long season of prosperity, the sky may, at no distant day, be overcast, and the tempest, which has, in the old world, shaken so many empires to their centre, may burst upon us. Let us then, before this evil day arrives, seize the opportunity that now offers—an opportunity which may never return—of coming to a decision on points so interesting to our future prospects, and so closely interwoven with the leading features of national policy.
How shall this interesting enquiry be made? There are two ways, each of which possesses its peculiar advantages; either by a discussion in the public prints, or in the national and state legislatures. As the one may, if vigorously conducted, lead to the other, and as both may be expected to lead to the best conclusions, it would appear only important, in the present view, to adopt, in the first instance, either course. Some advantages would arise from the discussion of propositions, in the first instance, in a select legislative body. It may be presumed, that in this case, more light would be shed on the subject from the superior powers of the legislator, and his superior inducements to exert them. But, on the other hand, there would be, perhaps, in the previous discussions of the public prints, a greater exemption from personal or local views, a greater freedom from party, and a greater chance of harmony and unanimity.
The subject naturally invites two views. Does the government of the United States possess the power of promoting education and internal improvement? And if it does not, is it expedient that the constitution should be so altered as to confer it?
On the first point, the existence of the power, considerable diversity of opinion exists. Let us in the first instance examine the several provisions of the federal constitution which bear upon this point. This will the better enable us to determine what degree of weight ought to be given to the several prevailing opinions.
By the 12th amendment to the constitution it is declared that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people." It follows that we must find in some part of the constitution a delegation of this power to the United States, or a prohibition of it to the states; otherwise it does not exist. This delegation or prohibition must be direct and literal, or it must flow incidentally and necessarily from the delegation or prohibition of some other power.
The preamble to the constitution has generally in cases of a questionable nature been considered as shedding no inconsiderable light on the vested powers. That preamble is in the following words: "We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America."
Among the great ends for the attainment of which the government was established, there are then two sufficiently definite and comprehensive to embrace education and internal improvements. It is indeed impossible to conceive any objects which would more completely tend to "promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of

liberty to ourselves and our posterity." It is not, however, meant to be intimated that this part of the Constitution would alone warrant the exercise of these powers. On the contrary, it is admitted that it would not. But it may throw some light on the terms of the powers subsequently conferred. Let us then proceed to the other provisions of the Constitution.
1. The 8th section of the 1st. Art. gives Congress power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence, and general welfare of the United States"
2. "To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States"
3. "To establish Post-Offices and Post-roads"
4. "To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries."
These, it is believed, are all the Constitutional provisions that can be considered as applicable to this point.
The first gives an unlimited power to lay taxes, leaving altogether unspecified the purposes for which they are laid. It becomes necessary to enquire to what objects they can be constitutionally applied. To all objects, surely, mentioned in the Constitution. But is the door to be shut upon all others? Although it be true that the Constitution of the United States differs from most others, inasmuch as it is a government of circumscribed and delegated powers, does it follow that it is denied all the attributes of other governments because they are not expressly given. For instance, there is no power expressly given to relieve from distress, or to reward merit by a pecuniary donation or the erection of monuments? Yet will it be contended that, because these powers are not expressly given, they are altogether denied? This will be contended by no one. It follows, therefore, that it is allowed, by an universal assent, that the government does possess some powers, not specified, which had been previously considered as incident to all other governments. And the only remaining question is whether the power to provide for education and internal improvements is not of this kind.
It so happens that the very clause of the Constitution, which confers the unlimited power of laying taxes, likewise bestows the power of providing for the general welfare of the United States, in addition to that of providing for the common defence. It is confidently believed that this provision viewed in connection with the preamble, already cited, was intended principally to apply to these great objects. Why else was it introduced in this place, in the very section that authorises the imposition of taxes, and why was the imposition of those taxes left without limitation? It would seem that the eye of the Convention connected these great objects together, and that impressed with the magnitude of the ends to be effected, the members were not regardless of the necessity of creating means of correspondent importance. If this construction be not put on the words general welfare, what other shall be placed upon them? Will it be contended that they amount merely to a general expression, embracing numerous powers specially conferred, such as the raising an army, the creation of a navy, the establishment of a mint? If so, are not the words altogether superfluous; as competent provision is made elsewhere for these objects? Will the precision and conciseness of the instrument justify this inference? If they will not, where shall we look for objects, omitting education and internal improvements, that would require or justify such comprehensive language as providing for the general welfare.
Further, one of the great ends of the Constitution is, in the preamble declared to be "to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Can there be devised a more potent engine for obtaining this great and invaluable end, than education? Is it not generally believed that the preservation of liberty entirely depends upon this object being properly attended to? These considerations add forcibly to the argument that it was not intended by the framers of the constitution to deny this power to congress.
Further: Among the numerous prohibitions of power to the general government, contained either in the original instrument, or the amendments subsequently made, there is not indicated the least jealousy of such a power, a strong proof that the people apprehended no danger from its exercise. It will, perhaps, be replied that as no direct power over these objects was given to Congress in the original instrument, there was no occasion to restrain it in the amendments. But may not the same thing be said of most, if not all, of the objects provided for in the amendments? By the 3rd amendment Congress are prohibited from making any law respecting an establishment of religion—Yet in the Constitution no power is given to Congress relative to religion. The amendments deny to Congress the power of abridging the freedom of speech or of the press,
Yet the Constitution is silent on this subject. And so with regard to several other provisions established in the amendments. It is clear then that it was imagined that Congress might, if uncontrolled by a positive veto, go beyond their literal charter of delegated powers.
But we are referred to that Constitutional provision that empowers Congress "to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries": And it is contended that this limited bestowal of power on a particular subject is equivalent to a denial of any other power relative to it. This, however, will, I think, on a little reflection appear to be a very unfair inference. We well know that it had long been a subject of regret that there existed in the United States no power pervading all the states for giving copy rights to authors, and patents to inventors, for their works and discoveries. It was essential to the efficacy of this power that it should be reposed in some body whose authority should extend beyond the limits of a state, and it was likewise important that this authority should be exclusive of that of any other bodies. The foregoing constitutional provision has these two effects. So far then as it was important to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for a limited time, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries, this power to promote the progress of science and the useful arts, was exclusively vested in Congress. But does it necessarily follow that because this power was exclusively granted to Congress, all other power on the subject, to be concurrently exercised with the states, was denied? This provision then giving Congress exclusive power to grant copy rights and patents may have been introduced entirely, with a view of prohibiting a like power to the respective states.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
A Boston print states that on the arrival of Mr. Bowdoin at Corunna, the customary quarantine regulations were dispensed with in his favor. He was politely received by the brother of the Spanish prime minister who commands at Corunna; and he readily received his passports to proceed to Madrid.—Soon after he was taken ill; and on a consultation of physicians, a voyage to Great-Britain was recommended for the recovery of his health, where he no doubt now is. Madrid is considered an unhealthy place.
New-York, Sept. 5.
Captain Fairchild, of the ship Aurora, from Havana, informs us that three days previous to his sailing, Mr. HILL, the American consul, shut his office, and declined doing any business, in consequence of some dispute with the Spanish government, on the subject of the depredations committed by Spanish cruisers on the commerce of the United States; several masters of vessels, who have been taken, plundered, and sent into Batabano and other places in the Island, having applied to the consul for redress.
Six American schooners had been sent into Batabano (west side of Cuba) and the masters of them arrived at Havana the day before the Aurora sailed. One of them was captain Cranston of a pilot boat schooner from Philadelphia, taken by the privateer Launch.
New-Orleans, July 25.
We understand that his excellency, William C. C. Claiborne, has been appointed by the President of the United States, governor, and the hon. J. B. Prevost, Buckner Thruston and Geo. Duffield, judges of the superior court of the territory of Orleans, under the act of Congress extending to us the second grade of government.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
THIS EVENING,
Will be presented the Comedy of
She wou'd and she wou'd not!
OR
The kind Impostor.
To which will be added the Farce of
Ways and Means,
OR
A Trip to Dover.
ADMITTANCE—Box one Dollar, Pitt three quarters of a Dollar.
Tickets to be had at Mr. McLaughlin's tavern, George-Town, at the office of the Washington Federalist, at the Theatre, and at A. & G. Way's Printing-Office.
Doors to be opened at 6, and the performance to commence at 7 o'clock precisely.
PUBLIC SALE.
On the first Monday in November next will be held a Public Auction, on the premises at the hour of eleven o'clock A.M. all those Lots of ground, No. 18 and 26 which were allotted and set apart for JAMES WIGFIELD, of Washington county, District of Columbia, situated near the south end of the Baers Branch Bridge, and vested in me in virtue of a deed of trust from said Wigfield. Term of sale cash.
BENSON L. MCCORMICK,
July 29—1wtN.
For sale on a liberal credit, or will be exchanged for ground rents or improved property in Alexandria. George Town or Washington, one half or the whole of the LONG GLADE, containing thirteen hundred and sixty acres of land, situated three miles from the Great Falls of Potomac, in the county of Fairfax, on the post road from Alexandria and the city of Washington, twenty miles from the former, and fourteen from the latter.
On this land is the well known White House, half way between Alexandria and Leesburg. The buildings are convenient and good. The situation for a Public House is inferior to none. A store might be established here to advantage.
This property can be divided so as to give an equal proportion of woodland to each part. There is no tract of the same size in the country that is better watered, that has a larger proportion of valuable meadow, nor no one in the state on which plainer paris anwers better. Bay meets with a ready sale as at Washington or Alexandria. There are on it two mill seat, a stone Quarry, and an excellent situation for a distillery. There are strong appearances of copper ore on part of the land that adjoins the mine tract, belonging to Lord Tankerville and others.
Also, a plantation containing 400 acres of good lime stone land, situated within 12 miles of Winchester 7 of Newtown, and 7 from the Shenandoah river which is now opening. One half the tract is in heavy timber, has a good proportion of meadow and is well watered.
Also, a tract of land containing three hundred and fifty six acres in the district of Columbia, on four mile run, between seven and eight miles from Alexandria, and about four from George Town or Washington.
More than half this land is in valuable timber; has a large quarry of building stone, and is well watered. The improvements are indifferent. It has several elegant sites for building, that command a prospect of the city of Washington and adjacent country.
J. SWITT.
Sept. 11—3t.
Anacosta Library.
NOTICE to the Stockholders.—That the annual election was held at the Library room in conformity to the constitution, on Tuesday the 3d inst. when the following gentlemen were elected officers:
DOCTOR A. McWilliams, James Burgess, Azariah Gatton, Matthew Wright, Adam Lindsay, } Trustees.
Gustavus Higdon—Librarian.
Samuel Fowler—Treasurer.
Robert Bunyie—Secretary.
The Library is now removed to Mr. Higdon's, at the corner of L Street South and 8th Street east,
R. BUNYIE, Secretary.
City of Washington, Sept. 11—3t.
Runaway Negro.
WAS Committed to the jail of this county on the 18th day of August last, a negro man by the name of
RALPH about 23 or 24 years old, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has a scar on his throat or neck, and two of his fore teeth out; his clothing is a tow shirt and trowsers, old tawndown jacket, old wool hat, two pair striped cotton trowsers and an old linen shirt, says he belongs to James Wyatt near the Red House, Prince William county state of Virginia. His owner is desired to come, prove property, pay charges, and take him away otherwise he will be sold for his prison fees according to law on the 20th day of November next.
L. HILLEARY, Sheriff. Allegany county, Maryland.
Cumberland, Sept. 11—w3t
IN CHANCERY, MARYLAND, August 5, 1805.
Hezekiah Berry, vs. Samuel Smallwood, Amastatia Smith & Cornelius Smith her husband and others.
The object of the bill in this cause filed is to obtain a decree to foreclose a mortgage executed by Henry Smallwood on fifth day of July seventeen hundred and ninety-nine for conveying to the complainant sundry tracts of land in Charles county. The bill states that Samuel Smallwood, Amastatia Smith and Cornelius Smith her husband reside out of the state of Maryland. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered that the complainant by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in a newspaper in the city of Washington, before the 25th day of October next, give notice to the defendants of this application and of the substance and object of the bill, that they may be warned to appear here in person or by a solicitor of this court before the twenty fifth day of February next, to show cause if any they have wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, Reg. Cur. Cau.
Sept. 11—w3t
PUBLIC SALE, Of Houses, Lots, and lands, situated in Fredericktown, and in the county of Frederick and state of Maryland.
ON the 23d of October next, at Mrs. Kimbolla in said town, will be sold at auction for the benefit of creditors, viz in Fredericktown. A large, handsome and commodious three story brick dwelling & storehouse, in a central situation for business—Also an extensive range of building, forming a very eligible family residence, in an airy situation with every necessary improvement, and an out lot of 21 acres, enclosed with a post and rail fence, now in clover—353 acres of good farming land, in two tenements well apportioned, with meadow, upland, improvements and timber, distant about 12 miles. The terms, one twelfth in hand, one fourth in one month, the residue in two equal annual instalments with interest, on bond and security.
JOHN RITCHIE, Trustee. Fredericktown, Sept. 11—
NOTICE.
THE citizens who are interested in obtaining a market near the NAVY YARD, are requested to meet at Gattson's tavern on Thursday next at 6 o'clock in the evening, to confer of the best means of accomplishing that object.
Washington, Sept. 11—1t
Sale at Auction OF FURNITURE.
ON Tuesday 17th September will be sold at public auction, next door to Mr. Harrison Smith's on Pennsylvania avenue, a variety of furniture the property of Miss SALLY DANIEL, consisting of beds, bedside ds and furniture, Mahogany dining and card tables, an elegant side board, chairs, brass andirons, shovels and tongs, mahogany bureaus, fine carpets, and a quantity of blankets all in excellent order, also a quantity of kitchen furniture. The terms of sale for all sums amounting to 20 dollars cash, for all sums over 20 dollars, negotiable notes with approved indorsers at the city bank, to bear interest from day of sale. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon.
JOHN TRAVERS, Aug. Sept. 11—3t
Kich Kanawha Bottom Lands FOR SALE OR EXCHANGE.
THE subscriber offers for sale, or exchange for Lands or other real property on the east side of Blue Ridge about 7000 acres of rich bottom land on the Great Kanawha river, and on both sides thereof, opposite and below the mouth of Poketotillo creek in the state of Virginia, 23 miles from Point Pleasant, the county town of Mason county, and 12 miles from the county town of Kanawha county, and adjoining the lands of the late Gen. Washington. They were surveyed at the same time with these lands, viz. in the year 1772, and are held under the same titles, viz. old military rights which are unquestionable.
The Lands are of the very first quality, the bottoms in many places a mile wide. They have been lately resurveyed and divided into lots containing from 150 to 350 acres each, for the accommodation of purchasers, each Lot fronting on the river, and extending back from thence to the hills, which afford a most extensive range for stock, which can never be interrupted. 100 acres therefore of this rich bottom with its advantages would make a good settlement. The great Virginia state road leading to the states of Ohio and Kentucky, passes by and through these lands, which being on a fine navigable river will command a ready and high price for the produce to the emigrants to the western countries both by land and water. Their situation besides gives their occupants choice of the eastern or western markets as produce or stock may be found most profitable. The climate is mild and remarkably favorable to the production of fruit. Salt works are erected on the banks of the river but a few miles above these lands, and the neighborhood furnishes abundance of iron, coal, limestone, mills and mill seats—so that there is no part of the western country which holds out more advantages to persons desirous of emigrating. A more particular description of these lands, with plots of the several lots, their situation, description and price may be had by application in Alexandria, to Mr. Wm CRAIK who attended the surveying of them, or to the subscriber.
JAMES CRAIG.
Sept. 11—w6w.
District of Columbia, Washington county, ss.
BE it remembered that on the 10th day of September, 1805, Stephen Osbourne, residing near Rock creek church, brought before me the subscriber, a justice of the peace in and for the county aforesaid, a black mare taken up as a stray about 6 years old, 14 hands high, a long blaze down her forehead, with a remarkable scar on the right buttock. Given under my hand the day and year above written.
SAML. N. SMALLWOOD. The owner of said mare is requested to prove property, pay charges and take her away:
STEPHEN OSBOURNE. Sept. 11—3t.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Benner's cord, toilenetts, fancy and white Marbeilles, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marbeilles, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and fatten Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regiments, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—1t
PROPOSALS
For publishing by subscription, A NEW WORK, ENTITLED "PLAIN DISCOURSES ON THE CHEMICAL LAWS OF MATTER" Containing a general view of the principles and improvements of the science of CHEMISTRY, with a particular detail of such parts as are the objects of more common attention. BY THOS. EWELL, M: D. &c. of Virg:
TO THE PROMOTERS OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. I HAVE ventured to present for your patronage a new work. It is a system of Chemistry exempt from such technical terms as retard the study, by those not desirous of entering into the nicest refinements of the science; and it will convey particular descriptions of those processes which are for domestic purposes. The object of the work is to render the study of chemistry less difficult,
more general and agreeable, as well as to lead to improvements in various arts.
Long has the greater part of mankind labored under difficulties which might have been avoided by learning the discoveries of philosophers. During the study of most sciences we notice improvements unknown to the majority of the people; and in no one have these become more conspicuous than in the science of Chemistry. Since the wild conjectures of deluded men were banished from its annals, the study has become one of the most useful and interesting to all of common understanding. The science is now characterised by a simplicity, notable only to the pride of the pedantic scholar. Its extensive scenes are open, and with powerful attraction they invite the entrance of the intelligent in the pursuit of pleasure, of information, or of most of the arts. An entrance is desired, that the wonderful beauty and wisdom displayed in the operations of nature may be contemplated with rapture, in parts neglected by the vulgar as a "dreary void".
To those in the pursuit of pleasure, the study of chemistry affords the greatest delight. The conversion of solids into volumes of vivifying airs, and of airs and other fluids into solids, are processes which the author in too many in chemistry, give unit and satisfaction. To know the composition of the substances surrounding us, with their connection and relation to each other, and to understand many of the arts of chemists—will impart to the mind an agreeable action, while it increases its capacity to make improvements. And such are the fascinating powers attached to the pursuit of this knowledge, that France is fast becoming a nation of chemists, in consequence of the general study of the science by the ladies as well as gentlemen.
The respectable cultivators of Land will be much benefited by an acquaintance with chemistry. It will teach them the properties of the soil they cultivate, the art of making manures, and the kinds of vegetables as well as manures best adapted for their respective farms. An idea of this may be formed from the famous fact, that by a judicious management of the grave yards at Paris, such quantities of sale petre were procured for the powder manufactory as to enable the French government to procure their war.
To be able to detect the presence, and discriminate between the noxious and innocent metals, as well as to make most useful combinations of them, to ascertain the constituents of medical springs, to detect the adulterations of our drinks, and to correct corrupted airs, must be of consequence to most individuals. The combustion of bodies, the arts of tanning and preserving meats, of coloring and of making glass, of brewing and distilling, as well as many other arts, are chemical operations. No doubt most of them could be improved by a further cultivation of the science, which from its simplicity could be done in but a small part of the time often mispent by the artists. This will be less doubted by reading the following extract from a letter I received from the President, Mr. Jefferson, dated MONTECITO, August 1805.
"Of the importance of turning a knowledge of chemistry to household purposes, I have been long satisfied. The common herd of philosophers seem to write only for one another. The chemists have filled volumes on the composition of a thousand substances of no sort of importance to the purposes of life; while the arts of making bread, butter, cheese, vinegar, soap, beer, cyder, &c. remain totally unexplained. Chaptall has lately given the chemistry of wine making; the late Dr. Pennington did the same as to bread, and promised to pursue the line of rendering his knowledge useful to common life; but death deprived us of his labors. Good treatises on these subjects should receive general approbation. Accept of my salutations and assurances of respect.
TH: JEFFERSON."
But, fellow citizens, for you to know the beauty, the connection and the importance of the science I wish to communicate to you, it is necessary that you know the science itself. To relate in the most intelligible terms the discoveries of chemical philosophers will not be the extent of my labors. I shall offer a new view of the art of ascertaining the fertility of Lands, and of the formation of vegetable juices, which has been approved of by some distinguished characters. I shall also relate some original experiments, a part of which establish a hitherto disputed doctrine concerning heat, & throw light on the art of enriching impoverished Lands.
You will now determine by your subscription, whether the desire of one to disseminate useful knowledge shall be gratified—whether the proposed publication shall appear.
T. EWELL.
TERMS OF PUBLICATION.
As soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained, the work shall be put to the press. It will be comprised in from 4 to 500 pages 8vo, will be printed on good paper with suitable type. A general Index will be annexed to the work—with proper drawings of the apparatus commonly used by chemists. The work shall be bound in boards and delivered to Subscribers at three dollars per copy.
Those who become answerable for more than five copies, shall receive the usual allowance of Booksellers. Subscriptions received at the office of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, and at Mr. MARCH'S, George-town.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—1t
REMOVAL.
THE CITY TREASURER'S OFFICE COUNCIL HALL is removed to the Brick House next west of the Theatre. August 23—w3t

A Brewery for Sale.
By virtue of an authority given to the subscriber will be sold upon the premises to the highest bidder, on Monday the 21st day of October next at the hour of twelve. Lot numbered 10 in square east of square numbered 33 in the city of Washington; upon this lot is a malt house and kiln a dwelling house of four rooms, to which is attached the brew house, containing a copper of 600 gallons and another of 100 gallons, a mashing tun, at present down, a working tun and a number of hogsheads; also a small primary with cellar room for sixty run hogsheads—the standing works are convenient and the whole may be put in complete repair for 500 dollars. Annexed to the brewery is a good horse mill. A wharf may be extended from it at a small expense, to receive wood and grain, and beer may be conveyed from it by water to all the more prominent parts of the city and George Town. The above property is extremely desirable in all respects to a person wishing to go into the brewing line.
The terms of sale are, the purchase money to be paid one half in six and the other in nine months. For further particulars apply to Dr. Cunningham relating thereon.
MARSHAM WARING.
Sept. 2—tdol
1500 DOLLARS REWARD.
HIGHWAY ROBBERY.
YESTERDAY about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Mr. JOHN PETER, an Officer of the BANK OF COLUMBIA, was stopped on horseback on the road between this town and Alexandria, and within about a mile of the latter place, by some unknown villain, shot through the body with a pistol, and robbed of a sum of money in his possession belonging to the institution which he was taking to Alexandria, for the purpose of exchanging with the banks there.
The whole sum taken amounted to one thousand one hundred and fourteen Dollars and sixty five Cents made up in several packages, among which were,
 Del. C  1 per cent of the Bank of Virginia, for 800  1 do. of the same, for 500  1 do. of the same, for 500  1 do. of the same, for 450  1 do. of the Bank of Potomac in favor of Joseph Biddle by him endorsed to Washington Bowie, dated 6 July, 1805. No 117 149 65 
A check of the Union Bank, on the Bank of Alexandria, drawn by R. Higginbotham, cashier, in favor of Greatham and Devereau, by them endorsed and by Benj. Stoddert, and C. Smith, teller.
There were also a parcel of post notes of the Bank of Alexandria for 100 dollars, and for 50 dollars each. The remainder was in current notes, principally of the banks of Alexandria and Potomac, and some few of the Bank of Virginia of different sizes and denominations.
As the attack was sudden, and the wound received of a nature to deprive Mr. Peter instantly of his senses, (although it is now hoped he will recover) the description obtained may not be very accurate. As far as we are informed, the man who perpetrated the act, is of middle stature, good countenance, and had a genteel appearance. He had on a dark blue or black coat, nankeen pantaloon, shoes, and a black hat, he was on foot and alone at the time, but may have had accomplices concealed, and will probably change his clothes.
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given to any person or persons, who will detect and bring to conviction the robber: and ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS additional for the recovery of the whole of the money, or in proportion for any smaller sum recovered—should they be accomplices, and one of them make a discovery, so that it leads to the conviction of the robber, or to the recovery of the money he shall receive the above reward, and interest will be made to obtain his pardon.
WILLIAM WITANN, Cashier of the Bank of Columbia. George Town, July 31—
TO BE SOLD,
AT PUBLIC VENDUE,
At Gadsby's Hotel, in Alexandria, on Monday the 16th day of September, at 12 o'clock at noon.
ALL that TRACT OF LAND late Presly Thornton, Esquire's, situated in Northumberland county, Virginia, lying immediately on the Potomac river. The following description is given of this property by persons well acquainted with it:—It contains 2,500 acres, 1,700 acres of which are the most valuable low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 acres heavily timbered, and the remainder very high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious Brick Mansion House and two Offices, a large Brick Stable, valuable Barn, Cow House, and many other out houses. The Orchards and Garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria and Norfolk. There are two good mill seats for grist and saw mills on the estate, and plenty of cedar and chesnut timber, for which an excellent market may be found at the city of Washington.
The terms of sale are—one fourth cash, fourth in one year, one fourth in 18 months and the residue in two years from the day of sale. The payments to be secured by bonds, with mortgage on the premises, and to be on interest from the day of sale.
For further information, application may be made in behalf of the subscriber, Thomas Robinson, to Richard Peters, jun. attorney at law in the city of Philadelphia, or to William Lewis, in the same city, (Philadelphia.)
THOMAS ROBINSON, W. LEWIS.
June 29—ep Sept. 16
Council, Annapolis, May 16, 1805.
ORDERED, That the act to provide for the trial of felonies in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish all such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals, be published twice in each week for the space of three months in the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the American Telegraph and the Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate and Bartgis's paper at Frederick Town; Greenleaf's paper at Hagerstown, and in Smith's and Cowan's paper at Easton.
By order, NINIAN P. KINEY, Clerk.
AN ACT
To provide for the trial of felonies in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and forms of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals.
Be it enacted by the general assembly of Maryland, That this state shall be divided into six judicial districts in manner and form following to wit: St. Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, shall be the first district; Cecil, Kent, Queen Anne's and Talbot counties, shall be the second district; Calvert, Anne Arundel and Montgomery counties shall be the third district; Caroline, Dorchester, Somerset and Worcester counties, shall be the fourth district; Frederick, Washington and Allegany counties shall be the fifth district; Baltimore and Harford counties shall be the sixth district; and there shall be appointed, for each of the said judicial districts, three persons of integrity and sound legal knowledge, residents of the state of Maryland, who shall previous to and during their acting as judges, respectively be appointed one of whom shall be styled in the commission chief judge, and the other two associate judges, at the district for which they shall be appointed; and the chief judge, together with the two associate judges, shall compose the county courts in each respective district; and each judge shall hold his commission during good behavior, removable for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law, or shall be removed by the governor, upon the address of the general assembly; provided that two thirds of all the members of each house concur in such address; and the county courts, so as aforesaid established, shall have hold and exercise, in the several counties of this state, all and every the powers authorities and jurisdictions, which the county courts of this state now have use and exercise, and which shall be hereafter prescribed by law; and the said county courts established by this act shall respectively hold their sessions in the several counties at such times and places as the legislature shall direct and appoint, and the salaries of the said judges shall not be diminished during the period of their continuance in office.
II. And be it enacted, That in any suit or action at law hereafter to be commenced or instituted in any county court of this state, the judges thereof, upon suggestion in writing by either of the parties thereto, supported by affidavit or other proper evidence, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in the county court of the county where such suit or action is depending, shall and may order and direct the record of their proceedings in such suit or action to be transmitted to the judges of any county court within the district for trial, and the judges of such county court, to whom the said record shall be transmitted, shall hear and determine the same in like manner as if such suit or action had been originally instituted therein; provided, nevertheless, that such suggestion shall be made as aforesaid before or during the term in which the issue or issues may be joined in the said suit or action; and provided also, that such further remedy may be provided by law, in the premises, as the legislature shall from time to time direct and enact.
III. And be it enacted, That if any party presented or indicted in any of the county courts of this state, shall suggest in writing to the court in which such prosecution is depending, that a fair and impartial trial cannot be had in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such adjoining county court shall hear and determine the same in the same manner as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein; provided that such further and other remedy may be provided by law in the premises as the legislature may direct and enact.
IV. And be it enacted, That if the attorney general, or the prosecutor for the state, shall suggest in writing to any county court, before whom an indictment is or may be depending, that the state cannot have a fair and impartial trial in such court, it shall and may be lawful for the said court, in their discretion, to order and direct the record of their proceedings in the said prosecution to be transmitted to the judges of any adjoining county court for trial, and the judges of such county court shall hear and determine the same as if such prosecution had been originally instituted therein.
V. And be it enacted, That there shall be a court of appeals, and the same shall be composed of the chief judges of the several judicial districts of the state, which said court of appeals shall hold, use and exercise, all and singular the powers, authorities and jurisdictions, heretofore held, used and exercised, by the court of appeals of this state, and also the appellate jurisdiction heretofore used and exercised by the general court; and the said court of appeals hereby established, shall sit, on the western and eastern shores for transacting and determining the business of the respective shores, at such times and places as the future legislature of this state shall direct and appoint, and any three of the said judges of the court of appeals shall form a quorum to hear and decide in all cases pending in said court and the judge who has given a decision in any case in the county court, shall withdraw from the bench upon the decision of the same case before the court of appeals; and the judges of the court of appeals may appoint the clerks of said court for the western and eastern shores,
respectively, who shall hold their appointments during good behavior, removable only for misbehavior on conviction in a court of law; and in case of death, resignation, disqualification or removal out of the state, or from their respective shores, of either of the said clerks in the vacation of the said court, the governor, with the advice of the council, may appoint and commission a fit and proper person to such vacant office, to hold the same until the next meeting of the said court; and all laws passed after this act shall take effect, shall be recorded in the office of the court of appeals of the western shore.
VI. And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government which relates to the court of appeals and the general court, or the judges thereof, or that is in any manner repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby repealed, abrogated and annulled upon the confirmation hereof; provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed so as to authorize the removal of the clerks of the respective county courts being in commission at the time of the passing of this act, in any other mode or manner than that prescribed by the constitution and form of government.
VII. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alterations and amendments of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing in the said constitution and form of government to the contrary, notwithstanding.
May 31—2aw3m
NOTICE to Delinquent Subscribers to the THEATRE.
ALL Subscribers to the Theatre, who have not made full payments on their shares, or contributed the materials and work promised, are hereby notified that unless the same be done on or before the first day of December next, their shares will be forfeited; after which day certificates of stock will be issued to those subscribers who have complied with the terms of subscription on application to the Directors.
ROBERT BRENT, WILLIAM BRENT, SAMUEL H. SMITH, } Directors. Sept. 4—tf
For Sale
IN the county of Prince William, Virginia, Neabsco Furnace and its appurtenances, with four or five thousand acres of land adjoining, near the town of Dumfries, and within four or five miles of the Potomac—the soil is generally adapted to small grain, and if too considerable for one purchaser, will be laid off in Lots suitable for small farms—a description of the land is thought unnecessary—as those wishing to purchase will no doubt first view it: the payments required will be one third cash, and the other two thirds in annual instalments, to be secured by a mortgage on the land; and no deed given until the last payment is made; any person wishing to purchase, may know the terms by applying to Mr. Thomas T. Page, living near the premises, who is fully authorised by me to sell the whole or any part.
JOHN TAYLOR, August 16—3m.
N.B. A valuable mine bank in Maryland may be had with the furnace if required. J. T.
RAGS.
The highest price, in Cash or Books will be given for any quantity of clean Linen and Cotton RAGS, by Rapine Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill. June 24—
In the case of ROBERT DILLON, an Insolvent Debtor.
SIX months from and after the first day of September next is limited and appointed for the creditors of said DILLON to bring in and exhibit their claims to the Trustee.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist three times in each paper prior to the 1st day of October next.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, one of the assistant judges of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
By order, WM. BRENT, Ck.
September 4—3t
The subscriber being appointed Trustee in the above case of Robert Dillon, requests all persons having claims against the said Dillon to exhibit them without delay. Also all persons indebted to the said Robert Dillon, prior to his taking the benefit of the act of insolvency, to make immediate payment to
CH. RLES JONES, Trustee.
I WILL SELL at Public Vendue on Monday next the 9th inst. at the late shop of the said DILLON for the benefit of his creditors, all his personal property, consisting of a quantity of Carriage Wheel timber, &c. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock—Terms cash. CHARLES JONES.
Sept. 4
Ten Dollars Reward.
WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased silver Watch, maker's name Crosthwaite, Dublin, and in the outer case was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia.—Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligencer, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked.
May 12—tf
SULLIVAN'S LECTURES,
PROPOSALS BY THOMAS B. WAIT & Co. FOR PRINTING, BY SUBSCRIPTION, AN HISTORICAL TREATISE
ON THE FEUDAL LAW, AND THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF ENGLAND;
With a Commentary on Magna Charta, and Illustrations of many of the English Statutes.
BY THE LATE FRANCIS STOUGHTON SULLIVAN, L. L. D. Royal Professor of Common Law in the University of Dublin.
To which authorities are added, and a Dictionary is prefixed, concerning the Laws and Government of England,
BY GILBERT STUART, L. L. D.
THE Lectures of Professor Sullivan, delivered to the Students in the University of Dublin, are in very high repute among all Lawyers of eminence, and have been uniformly recommended as an elementary book to those young gentlemen who begin the study of Law with a view to render themselves respectable in the profession.
However obsolete the feudal policy may now seem to be, it having gradually disappeared as mankind grew more civilized and became better acquainted with their natural and inalienable rights and privileges; yet a research into the history of the government of jurisprudence of the nations of Europe, will satisfy anyone, that many consequences of that system still exist and influence the opinions and decisions of the highest and most enlightened tribunals of justice. Every author who has undertaken to give a regular and systematic account of the rise and progress of modern nations, has felt himself obliged to resort to the history of feuds and feudal rights, as the fundamental principle from which all existing civil and political institutions have taken their rise; and every jurist who has employed himself in explaining the constitution and laws of his country, has gone to the same source for the correct materials of his essays and dissertations. Robertson, in his history of the Emperor Charles V. has with great beauty and perspicuity illustrated so much of the feudal policy as was necessary to enable the scientific reader to understand that valuable book; and Sir Wm. Blackstone has in the course of his commentaries, led the student to a contemplation of the ancient tenures, many of which depend upon the doctrine of feuds, as established in England by the Norman conqueror.
But in both those invaluable productions, the feudal policy was adverted to, only as incidental to the principal object of the authors, and therefore cannot be supposed to furnish so complete and satisfactory an account, as would be given by so distinguished a lawyer as professor Sullivan, who declares the great purpose of his lectures to be the full discussion of the subject, which was of necessity but partially considered by the other writers.
This work has become so scarce in this country, as to be seldom seen, even on the shelves of a practising lawyer; a fact to be accounted for only by the difficulty of obtaining the book: for it cannot well be supposed that any one of the profession, who has higher views than the mere pecuniary advantages of the practice, would willingly neglect an enquiry into those ancient institutions, upon which, notwithstanding the lapse of ages, most modern improvements are founded. But it is not to the profession alone, that this book may be considered useful. In this rising empire, where political knowledge to a certain degree is claimed by all, and actually possessed by many; a book which succinctly and perspicuously brings to view the laws, institutions, manners and customs of those nations from which our English ancestors descended, must be peculiarly useful as it will enable young politicians to trace all our civil regulations to their source, and thus to account methodically and scientifically for many modern usages and practices, of which their knowledge is extremely superficial. In this book they will see how our ancestors struggled for the establishment of those privileges which artful monarchs and a proud nobility were continually attempting to destroy; and they will also learn that the perfecting industry of the people, aided by the wealth which their skill and enterprise brought into the country, finally obtained a complete victory in the establishment of principles and customs, which, transplanted into America by our progenitors, terminated in those glorious constitutions which distinguish the people of America, for liberty and happiness, from every other people on the earth.
CONDITIONS.
The work shall be elegantly printed, in two octavo volumes, on five wove paper, with a new and beautiful type. It will be delivered to Subscribers, bound in calf, at Five Dollars; and in boards, at Four Dollars.—To non subscribers the price will be enhanced. No money will be required till the delivery of the work.
Those who subscribe for ten sets shall have one gratis. To booksellers the usual allowance will be made. P. Land, June 24—
The above work will be printed from a correct London Edition.—The few copies of an Irish Edition now circulating in this country are considered by the first law characters as extreme incorrect, and not to be relied on historical authority.
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediate off land the city of Washington. This tract from containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge.
ANTHONY ADDISON.
Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
SALE at AUCTION.
ON the 7th of October at 11 o'clock in the forenoon will be sold at public auction (at the COLUMBIAN INN in GEORGE TOWN)
a handsome assortment of HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, consisting of beds, bedsteads and furniture, mahogany dining tables, side board, walnut tables, looking glasses, carpets, chairs, brass andirons, fenders, shovels and tongs, &c &c and a great variety of other articles—a liberal credit will be given for all sums above one hundred dollars.
JOHN TRAVERS, Auct.
Aug. 21—2awtf
FOR SALE.
THAT valuable Tract of Land where a new live called Brookfield, containing 418 acres and 3/4 of an acre; the soil is pecuniarily good; there are a great number of well bearing apple, pear, and peach trees. It bounds with yellow Locusts, and has a sufficiency of oak for every necessary use. There is a large dwelling newly shingled with four brick chimneys, two piazzas, four commodious rooms and a passage on each floor, and a large convenient kitchen adjoining it, a spring milk house, meat house, stables, carriage house, and an overlevers house with a brick chimney, four tobacco houses, a large new quarter, corn house, and granaries; a great proportion of swamp land very rich and well secured from freshee—like-wise 120 or 30 acres of wood land about three miles and a half distant from the aforesaid tract, a level public road leading to it. The dwelling plantation is about 3 1/2 miles distant from the port of Nottingham, 7 1/2 from Upper Marlboro', 18 from Alexandria ferry, and about the same distance from the Federal city. Any person wishing to purchase will apply to the subscriber.
THOS. BROOKE.
Brookfield, Sept. 4—w3t
To be Sold,
Or exchanged for other property in the City, or its vicinity.
TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6880 acres, and the other 6234 acres, by late re-survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid.
Apply to the subscriber,
JOHN BECKLEY, City of Washington, July 17—epam
Ten Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or stolen about the 1st of July, a dark BAY HORSE from the subscriber living near the Navy Yard. He is a strong well made horse, trots hard, has a black mane, had shoes on his hind feet but none on his fore feet, was docked, and marked with a figure 9 on his right side. Had been bit by a horse under his wether. About thirteen hands high.
MARY RUSSELL.
Sept. 4—3t
A meeting of the planters of St. Mary's, Charles, Calvert, Prince-George's and Anne-Arundel Counties,
who inspect their crops of Tobacco at the Ware-Houses on Patuxent River, is requested at the Port of Nottingham, on the second Monday of October next, to take into consideration propositions for forming a Society of Planters out of the aforesaid Counties, to protect the planting interest on said River, and to devise ways and means to prevent sacrifices of Tobacco in the hands of individuals by forced sales.
August 19, 1805—w4t.
LOST,
IN George Town District of Columbia on the evening of the 31st ultimo; one SILVER WATCH, double cased, marked R. S. on the outside, and R. S. in small letters on the side—maker's name Ellicott, London. Whoever will drop the said watch, & person having it and give notice to the printer hereof, shall receive FIVE DOLLARS reward. Sept. 4—w3t
Runaway Negro.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, on the 23th of July last, as a runaway, a negro man named JIM, about 23 years of age, five feet four inches high; his clothing is a velvet jacket, osnaburg shirt and trousers, and a wool hat. He says he belongs to Mr. Evans, of Natchez, and that he was purchased of Reuben Hammond, of Anne-Arundel county, Maryland. His owner is desired to release him, or he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick County. Aug. 16th—1805—1awgw.
The subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public generally, that he has moved from the Navy Yard to the Capitol Hill, in the hotel lately occupied by Mr. P. D. Stelle, where he hopes to be favoured with a part of their patronage. Being a desirable situation, and the conveniences of the hotel excelled by none in the city. He therefore hopes to please those that call upon him in every instance.
WILLIAM R. KING.
Aug. 30—wtf.