The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1803-07-13 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCCXXV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 13th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN & IRELAND.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAY 19.
NEGOTIATION.
Mr. Grey said, that in consequence of the refusal of the right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) to grant the information for which he had applied yesterday, he now thought it his duty to bring forward a specific motion on the subject, and he was not sorry for the delay, as from the short attention he was able to bestow on the papers relative to the late negotiation, which were yesterday laid before the house, he had discovered that there were many points in which the information they contained was defective. It was, therefore, his intention, in order to remove those defects, and to furnish the house with that ample knowledge which was necessary towards the complete comprehension of the important question that was to be discussed on Monday, to combine with the motion of which he had given notice yesterday, a number of other motions, in stating and commenting on which it was by no means his wish to say any thing that might go to prejudge the subject of Monday's debate. He observed, that it was a very striking fact, that though in his majesty's declaration it was alleged that violence had been committed by the French upon the shipping and property of British subjects, yet it did not appear in the course of the papers yesterday presented, that any redress or satisfaction had been obtained on this point from the French government, nor indeed were the particular cases of violence at all described. This was one of the points on which he meant to make a motion, for if such violence had actually taken place, it was alone a just ground of war—it was to be held by that house in the case of Nootka Sound. The first motion, therefore, he should make would be, that there should be laid before the house, an account of any acts of violence which had been committed by the French on any British vessels, or other property, from May 1802, to the 1st of March last, with copies of any representations that might have been made on the subject to the French government, together with the answers thereto. The other motions he proposed to submit to the house referred to the conduct of the several persons dispatched by France to the different ports of this country and Ireland, under the name of commercial commissioners, and the proceedings of our government thereon; the continuance of the French troops in Holland; the answers, if any obtained, to the remonstrances contained in the account of the negotiations relative to Switzerland; the different orders given with regard to the Cape of Good Hope since the treaty of Amiens; the remarks made by our ministers upon some expressions in the declaration of the state of France, some time since published by the French government, with the replies thereto. He also wished that the house should be informed whether it was the fact, as generally understood, that Louisiana had been very lately ceded to America. This was material, as it made the relative situation of this country with France much more favorable to us, and was not less in a political than a commercial view of advantage to this country. There were other articles of information which he felt to be highly necessary previous to the discussion of Monday, and he was happy to hear that an honorable member had given notice of motions for to-morrow respecting them. The honorable member now came to the motion of which he had given notice yesterday, with respect to the substance of the intelligence communicated to government as to the armaments in the ports of France and Holland, which were alluded to in his majesty's message to Parliament in the month of March last. The truth of this statement, it was desirable to ascertain, and he worded the motion so that it could not be liable to the common objection of an unwillingness to disclose private sources of information, as no names were called for. Upon this point there was not one title of information in the papers yesterday presented, except the absolute denial of that assertion by the French government, and the statement that they had at that time but two frigates on the coast of Holland, and three corvettes in the port of Dunkirk; such was the description of their considerable naval armament, which was made the ground of an alarming message to Parliament. Here the honorable member took occasion to allude to the observations made of late as to the situa-
tion of our navy; and as the friend of the first lord of the admiralty, whom he much admired, he desired an investigation of the subject. He was sure that noble lord was ready to meet it, and he was fully certain that he would disclaim the petty subterfuge taken by the right honorable gentleman on the treasury bench, as to the number of ships which were to be prepared at a short time after the commencement of war. If that noble lord promised fifty sail of the line, he surely could not be disposed to mean fifty hulks. However, he had no difficulty in laying, notwithstanding his regard for the general character of the noble President of the admiralty, that if we had not at present in the East and West Indies, and in the Mediterranean, fleets more than sufficient to encounter any force, which can be brought against us, that noble lord would deserve the severest punishment the country could inflict. If so, and that our fleets were equally strong at home, and he had little doubt of the fact, we had nothing to apprehend from a military force which had not a fleet to convey it to any quarter where it might annoy us. After a short review of the several motions which he meant to submit to the house, remarking on the private instructions laid to have been sent to citizen Faubert, the French commercial commissioner in Dublin, directing him to take the bearings of that harbour, and upon other points; the account of the negotiation, where no satisfactory explanation seemed to have been given by the French government, and where several instances of aggression occurred, any one of which quite insulted and uncounciled with other proofs of a hostile mind, would have formed a legitimate ground of war. The honorable member reverted to the subject of the alleged armaments in the French and Dutch ports in March last. He quoted the precedents of the motions similar to that he now proposed, which had occurred during the war of 1756, and also one in the year 1732, from the words of which he copied his motion.
The first motion as to the injury done to our shipping, with the remonstrances, &c. being put.
Lord Hawkesbury wished the house to be particularly impressed with the idea that the conduct of ministers in the course of the negotiation was not actuated so much by a view of the facts alluded to by the honorable gentleman who had just sat down, or raised by any single insulted act. They rested their justification on the production of a body of evidence, tending irresistibly to prove the existence of a hostile mind on the part of France. This he was desirous to mention, without meaning to prejudge the question for discussion on Monday. The noble lord then went over and replied to the several points touched on by the honorable gentleman who spoke last. As to that which formed the subject of the motion now before the house, he explained how it was alluded to in his majesty's declaration, and contended that it was quite misunderstood by the honorable gentleman, for he appeared not to have made a just distinction between the not giving a just satisfaction, and the absolute refusal to do so. Had the latter been the case in any instance, particularly with respect to the security of our shipping; had such a refusal been made, either in the conversations of the first consul with our ambassador, or in any official communication, most undoubtedly ministers would have been bound to consider it as a ground for war; but no such thing had ever happened until the final conclusion of the negotiation. To the honorable gentleman's first motion he should not object; but as to that which related to the commercial agents of France in this country, he observed, that the honorable gentleman had taken an exaggerated view of that subject. It was perfectly true that many such persons were sent into this country, but as they appeared in a capacity in which they could not be recognized, no commercial treaty being in existence between this country and France, he had no difficulty in saying that very few of them were suffered to go to the places of their destination, and upon suspicion arising as to the objects of their mission, representations were made to the French government, and several of them were recalled. As to the declaration of the first consul upon the state of France, which formed the third of the honorable member's motions, he would say, that though that paper presented a strong manifestation of a hostile mind in the French government, yet it was thought more coulant with the usual course of diplomatic transactions, to notice it only by directing our ambassador to refer to it upon
any allusion being made in his intercourse with that government to the publication in England. Switzerland was the fourth point touched on by the honorable gentleman. In answer to the note verbale which his majesty's ministers had thought proper to present to the French government on that subject, they certainly did not receive a communication of the same kind with that given to Bavaria and other powers; but they were shown by M. Otto an ostensible dispatch, in which was a solemn assurance that the first consul did not mean to invade the independence of Switzerland. How far that assurance had been observed, it was open to the house and to Europe to judge; but as to the dispatch itself, it was a copy of that which appeared about the same time in the Mositeur and other newspapers, under the title of a proclamation. To the honorable gentleman's motion respecting the Cape of Good Hope he had no objection, nor to that either which regarded the cession of Louisiana to America; for there was a document forthcoming on that transaction which had lately been presented to his majesty's ministers by the American ambassador, and which confirmed that important fact—a fact which, though it took place subsequent to the close of the negotiation, was yet considerably promoted by our conduct during its progress. As to the motion respecting the French troops in Holland, he had to inform the honorable gentleman that no such representations had ever been made to the French government, as the honorable gentleman seemed to imagine. To the last motion of the honorable gentleman, relative to the intelligence received of the armaments referred to in his majesty's message in March last, he felt it his duty strongly to object, because he did not see any good that could result from the motion, nor any necessity that called for it, though he was aware of the evils which would result from such a disclosure of secret information, and those evils were very manifest, even from one of the precedents cited by the honorable gentleman, for the inconveniences which arose from cases alluded to in 1734, cases not to be forgotten. The acquiescence of parliament in that motion served to break up a channel of private communication which was of the utmost importance to this country, and which had subsisted for years. Against such consequences the house should be particularly guarded, and before such a danger were even risked, a very strong case indeed should be made out. He did not think the grounds stated by the honorable gentleman to be at all of that description, and therefore his motion could not be acceded to. It was not upon the armaments in the ports of France and Holland that his majesty's ministers meant to rely for the vindication of the message referred to by the honorable gentleman, but upon the whole tenor of the conduct which distinguished the French government, and which was sufficiently exposed in the papers presented yesterday. It was upon a series of circumstances tending to demonstrate a hostile purpose, which convinced ministers of the necessity for active preparation; for he begged to call to the minds of the house that his majesty's ministers were not the first to arm; the First Consul preceded them, and he prepared his troops with a view to those hostile objects which are alluded to in his conversation with our ambassador, and also, in his declaration addressed to the legislative body, which took place before the delivery of his majesty's message. He would ask whether, under such circumstances, ministers would have been highly culpable if they had neglected to put the country in a proper state of defence by calling out the militia, &c. and he would also ask, whether such steps of precaution could have been consistently taken; whether the militia could have been called out without a communication from his majesty to parliament? Such were the motives which dictated the communication of the 8th of March last, and to a combined view of all the existing circumstances, he trusted with confidence for the proof of its necessity, and for the justification of ministers.
Mr. Whitbread was sensible that the house must feel themselves much indebted to his honourable friend for the motion he had this day brought forward, as they must afford to the house an opportunity of obtaining more simple and satisfactory information respecting the great question which was so soon to come under their consideration. The honourable gentleman then followed up the arguments urged by his honorable friend (Mr. Grey); he insisted that if offensive expressions had been made use of by the
First Consul in his communication to the legislative body, ministers had failed in their duty at the time in not calling for an explanation of those expressions. Ministers had also laid much stress on the mission of the commercial agents into the more considerable sea-port towns of the empire, and of the views and projects which they were commissioned to prosecute. But the noble lord contended that this cause of complaint had been done away; for on a representation of it to general Andreossi, those agents who had already arrived were sent away, and the arrival of those who were preparing to come over was suspended. This, in his mind, was a satisfactory explanation upon that point. As to the case of Switzerland, the note verbale upon that point was communicated both to the ministers of our government, and to those of the other governments of Europe.—But there was another point upon which the house must undoubtedly be anxious to obtain some information. The point he alluded to was, what communications, if any, had taken place since the departure of lord Whitworth from Paris, between Mr. Talbot and the French government. In the present state of the country, surely no information could be more material or more requisite for the house to be in possession of before they came to any decision on the great question. Now as to the more immediate object of his honourable friend's motion, viz. the obtaining information respecting the armaments, their extent, destination, &c. &c. said to be carrying on in the ports of France and Holland, he was at a loss to discover what danger could be apprehended from granting such information as was called for, especially in the shape in which it was moved for by his honourable friend. His hon. friend called only for the substance of that information, but it was objected to on the ground of its being dangerous to cut off the sources of such intelligence. But the house would, no doubt, recollect the difference in such cases between a time of war and a time of peace. In time of war it might be difficult to obtain information, and dangerous even to communicate the substance of it; but in time of peace, as was stated by the right honourable gentleman (the chancellor of the exchequer), in time of profound peace, when access was open to every Englishman to visit what parts of France he thought proper, to inspect the ports of Boulogne, Dunkirk, Cherbourg, &c. &c. how could any objection be made to granting the substance of any information that might be communicated at such a period? and indeed if any danger was to arise to the persons who made the communication from the substance of the information being laid before the House, would they not be exposed to that danger from the very fact of that information being alluded to in his majesty's message? Besides, ministers, by the message they brought down from his majesty, intimated a near and great alarm; and by bounding this alarm they shut the mouth of the house, and called on parliament to leave their conduct, under such circumstances, free and unembarrassed.—They represented the preparations in the ports of France and Holland as not intended for colonial purposes; and that during a negotiation it was proper to take every precaution against their being intended for any hostile project. They might have in view an invasion of this country. But in the whole course of the negotiation, and on the face of the papers laid before the House, there was not a single word to prove a mediation of such designs. It was a mere assertion on the part of ministers, and that assertion was flatly denied by the French government. But ministers say they are responsible; if so, let them not shrink from granting the information called for, and let the house go into an examination of their conduct on Monday, with all the evidence before them which can possibly be adduced to explain and clear up their conduct.
Lord Castlereagh contended that the very aspect of the armaments carrying on in the ports of France and Holland rendered it a duty on Ministers to bring down a message of the nature of that which had been delivered to the House in the month of March. At full it was notorious that a great expedition was preparing in the ports of Holland for Louisiana. The message did not assert that this expedition was intended to act hostily against this country; it merely stated the fact, that such an armament existed pending a negotiation; and that, combined with the subsisting negotiation, it was the duty of ministers to make a communication of it to the House. Nor was it only the armament at Helvoetsluys that government had
to attend to; if due attention was paid to what was observed by the First Consul himself, it was evident that apprehensions might also be rationally entertained of the armaments fitted out at Toulon and other of the southern ports of France, said to be intended for St. Domingo, but which afforded the facility of invading Egypt, if such had been the First Consul's wish and design—were not these then just subjects of alarm? To these armaments might be added another fitted out at Brest for the East Indies, all of which, when combined together, afforded ample room for precaution, and for well grounded apprehension; and unless a message was brought down to Parliament expressive of these apprehensions, how could the militia have been called out either in this country and in Ireland, in which latter parts of the United Empire, such serious alarms were to be apprehended? It was therefore, no doubt, the duty of ministers to provide for every exigency. But on all these points his noble friend has enlarged with much perspicuity, that it was superfluous for him to travel over the same ground. As to the question put by the hon. gentleman—whether Mr. Talbot had not had further communication with the French government after lord Whitworth had quitted Paris? He had only to say, that no further attempt had been made to carry on the negotiation after the departure of his lordship, and that Mr. Talbot was only employed to wait on M. Talleyrand, while Lord Whitworth was still at Paris; nothing had been done subsequent to his leaving that city. When the whole of this important matter came to be more fully and minutely discussed, whatever might be the opinion of the House on its ultimate result, he was confident that on one point they would be unanimous, viz. that ministers never betrayed any wish to conceal their conduct; but on the contrary, were anxious to submit it to the severest Parliamentary ordeal.
Mr. Whitbread and Lord Hawkesbury said a few words in explanation.
Mr. Windham supported the motion of the hon. gentleman who introduced the discussion with his usual force and energy. He conceived that one important point of information had been already gained by the discussion, and that the declaration of ministers that no information had been communicated. A good deal of argument had been employed respecting those persons whom, under the character of Commercial Commissioners, the French government had chosen to send into this country. It was not enough that remonstrances had been employed by ministers, and that in consequence of these remonstrances they were forced to withdraw. The House had a right to know on what grounds they were in the first instance received into the country, for after they were admitted it was no sufficient cure for the evils which their appearance might have created that they should be dismissed from the kingdom. It was a matter of very serious consideration that, in time of peace, a set of men had appeared in this country possessed of no definite character, but under the pretence of acting as Commercial Agents in the absence of any treaty of commerce, acted as spies, and employed themselves in collecting information hereafter to be employed in facilitating any plans of national annoyance. The House were entitled to know whether this has ever been a ground of remonstrance on the part of ministers, and in what manner these remonstrances had been received by the French government. But, passing from this point, the honorable member adverted particularly to the subject of the armaments, as described in his majesty's message delivered in March. When peace or war was to be founded on these armaments, it was no matter of light consideration. It had been said by a Noble Lord (Lord Castlereagh) that armaments were nothing independent of circumstances. With this opinion he perfectly coincided. But it was not to be forgotten that in circumstances there was nothing of peculiar alarm independent of armaments. The great question to be considered, was, whether the armaments were such as might in all cases be expected to exist, extended as the military force of France now was; or whether they were armaments which might be pointed to any specific object, or made the ground of any peculiar alarm? The hon. gentleman, with great acuteness, illustrated his argument on this point; he saw no reasonable argument against the motion for ascertaining on what grounds ministers had stated the existence of the military preparations in the ports of Holland and France, (Continued on last page.)

(Continued from last page.)
No. XVIII. A letter from Lord Hawkesbury to Francis Moore, esq. dated Oct. 10, 1802, states, that his majesty deeming it necessary to have a confidential person in Switzerland, in consequence of a communication from the Swiss Confederacy, had made choice of him for that purpose, and that it was necessary to inform himself of what is the actual residence of the government of the Swiss Confederation, to which he is immediately to repair; to obtain an interview with the persons in the principal direction of affairs, to inform himself of the disposition of the people, their strength and means of defence, and to assure them of the deep interest his majesty takes in the success of their exertions. He is also instructed to communicate in confidence to the Swiss government, that on the event of a French army having entered their country, his majesty has authorised him to accede to their application to him for pecuniary succours. As it is of importance that his majesty's government should be regularly informed of the events passing in Switzerland, he will ascertain the most safe and expeditious mode of conveying letters, so that they may avoid passing through any part of the French Republic.
No. XIX. A letter from Francis Moore, esq. to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Geneva, Oct. 31, 1802, states, that he arrived there on the 24th inst. and that he had received authentic intelligence of the submission of the Swiss Diet, assembled at Schwitz, to the French arms.
No. XX. Is a letter from Lord Hawkesbury to Francis Moore, esq. dated Nov. 23, 1802, intimating that his residence in Switzerland would be no longer necessary.
No. XXI. Extract of a dispatch from Mr. Lithgow, to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Hague, Oct. 13, 1802.
A few hours after I had sent off my last dispatch to your lordship, on Saturday (the 9th of this month) the French ambassador, M. de Semonville, waited upon the President of the government of state, and informed him, that he had just received, by a courier from Paris, orders to inform the government of this country.
Que le Premier Consul avoit appris, avec autant de surprise que d'indignation, que des personnes avides de revolutions voulaient de nouveau troubler le repos dans la Batavie, en abusant meme pour cet effet de noms respectables; et que le Premier Consul, comme allie de la Republique, invitoit le gouvernement a prendre toutes les mesures necessaires pour maintenir l'ordre des choses etablies par la constitution."
These were nearly the words read to me by the secretary of state, from a note in his own hand writing, dictated to him by M. de Semonville, with a view to its publication, (and a translation accordingly inserted in the Dutch official paper of the Hague on the 11th); but they fall very short of the language employed by the French minister for foreign affairs in his dispatches to the ambassador, and in the communication made by him to the Dutch charge d'affaires at Paris, (who also sent a messenger to the Hague on this occasion.) In these M. de Talleyrand entered into a considerable detail on the subject of the plots supposed to be formed in this country against the administration, mentioned the names of the chiefs, and ended by making an offer, on the part of the First Consul, to come to the assistance of the government (should circumstances render it necessary) with all his forces.
No. XXII.
Hague, October 29, 1802.
My Lord,
The recent attack made by Bonaparte upon the liberties and independence of the Swiss Cantons, has naturally made a strong impression on the inhabitants of this country; and the public anxiety has been much augmented by certain symptoms in the conduct of the consular government, which seem to indicate an intention not to withdraw the French troops, which have been kept at the Batavian Republic for sometime past, under the title of auxiliaries, paid and maintained at the expence of the Dutch nation.
These troops (amounting to between ten and eleven thousand men) were to remain here till the conclusion of the definitive treaty with Great Britain. It was afterwards formally promised on the part of France, that they should evacuate the territories of the republic at the latest on the expiration of the last French year, (the 23d of September.) They accordingly began their march to the southward a few days before that period; and the government and the people rejoiced at the prospect of being finally relieved from a load which has become extremely irksome to them. But, on pretension that a great proportion of the corps were to be embarked at Flushing for Louisiana, and that there was a want of shipping for their accommodation, they took up their quarters at the frontiers of the country (at Bois le Duc, Breda, and Bergen-op-Zoom), where they still remain; and demands have been made for their pay and maintenance.
Hopes were, however, entertained
from day to day, that their departure would take place; when to the astonishment of the Batavian government, official notice was (last week) transmitted from France to the department of war at the Hague, (which has been charged with the support of these corps) that the First Consul has been pleased to appoint a commander in chief (general Montrichard) and a new staff, for auxiliary troops in this country; and notice was given that government might provide for the pay of the officers in question.
The administration appear to oppose all the resistance in their power to this unexpected and oppressive extortion. An express has been sent off to the Dutch ambassador at Paris, charging him to claim, in the most urgent terms, the accomplishment of the treaties subsisting between the two republics, and the fulfilment of the repeated and recent promises made by the French government upon this subject. And in case of the failure of this application, they talk of addressing themselves to the principal powers of Europe who had any share or influence in the conclusion of the peace, to intreat their intervention and good offices, with a view to the maintenance of the independence of the republic.
I have the honour to be, &c.
ROBERT LISTON.
Right hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. &c.
No. XXII. Letter from Lord Hawkesbury to Lord Whitworth, imputing the declaration of General Stuart to Colonel Scballiani, of his inability to evacuate Egypt, to his having been misled in supposing that it was requisite he should receive a warrant for the purpose; and stating that orders should be immediately sent to General Stuart to remove the king's troops with as little delay as possible.
Nos. XXIV. XXV. and XXVI. are extracts of dispatches from St. Petersburg and Vienna, relative to Malta. They are unimportant.
No. XXVII. Extract of a dispatch from the honorable A. Paget to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Vienna, August 22, 1802; stating the Emperor's act of guarantee and accession to the 10th article of the Treaty of Amiens.
Nos. XXVIII. XXIX. and XXX. are unimportant.
No. XXXI. Extract of a dispatch from Mr. Jackson to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Berlin, Nov. 25, 1802; stating that Count Haugwitz had hinted that the king of Prussia took a very slight interest in the fate of Malta; and that he was countenanced in withholding his guarantee by the example of Spain. He, however, added, that the report in question had been made to the king, and that he only waited his Majesty's commands to confer with Mr. Jackson farther upon the subject.
Nos. XXXII. and XXXIII. are unimportant.
No. XXXIV. contains the Conditions upon which his imperial majesty of all the Russias is willing to accede to the stipulations of the 10th article of the Treaty of Amiens.
 1. The acknowledgement of the Sovereignty of the order of St. John of Jerusalem over the islands of Malta, and its dependencies; the acknowledgement of the grand master, and of the civil government of the order, according to its ancient institutions, with the admission into it of native Maltese.  2. The rights of the king of the two Sicilies, as sovereign of the island, shall remain upon the same footing as they were previous to the war, which is now terminated by the treaty of Amiens.  3. The independence and neutrality of the island of Malta, its ports and dependencies, shall be secured and guaranteed by the respective contracting powers, who shall mutually engage to acknowledge and maintain that neutrality in all cases of war; whether between each other, or between any of them and any other power, not excepting his Sicilian Majesty, whose right of sovereignty shall not extend to as to enable him to cause a departure from the neutrality of the island, as guaranteed by the present act.  4. Until the order shall be in a situation to provide, by its own resources, for the maintenance of its independence and neutrality as secured by the preceding article, as well as for the defence of their principal residence, the different forts shall be occupied by his Sicilian Majesty's troops, who shall lend a sufficient force for the defence of the island and its dependencies, the number of which shall be agreed upon by his said majesty and the two contracting powers, who shall take upon themselves jointly, the expence of maintaining the whole of the troops, so long as the defence of the island shall continue to be intrusted to them, during which period the said troops shall be under the authority of the grand master and the government.  5. The present act shall be considered as forming an integral part of the treaty of Amiens, the same as if it had been inserted therein, word for word, and shall be executed in like manner.  6. Their majesties, the Emperor of the Russias, the Emperor of the Romans, the King of Spain, the King of the two Sicilies, and the King of Prussia, shall be invited to accede to this act as guarantors. 
(Signed)
COMTE ALEX. DE WORONZO.
My Lord,
I have to report to your lordship the purport of a conversation I had on Tuesday last by an appointment with M. Talleyrand. He had invited me some days ago for this purpose. The communication he had to make to me related to two points, both equally important, as he said, to the maintenance of good harmony between the two countries; with this difference, however, that the one originated with himself, and was dictated by his anxiety to do away every thing that might feed the mutual irritation of the two countries; and the other by the express order of the First Consul. That which came from himself related to the English newspapers, against which he pronounced a most bitter philippic, assuring me that the First Consul was extremely hurt to find that his endeavors to conciliate had hitherto produced no other effect than to increase the abuse with which the papers of England continually loaded him. He expatiated much upon this topic, and endeavored to establish a fact, which I assured him a reference to any one newspaper in Paris would instantly refute, that during four months not a word of provocation had appeared in any French journal, that could justify a retort from those published in England. For the rest he advanced nothing but what has been said on more than one occasion to Mr. Merry, and reported by him to your lordship. I was however given to understand, that the First Consul was in fact highly incensed, and the more so, he was pleased to say, as it came from a country of whose good opinion he was very ambitious.
In my reply, I could but go over the old ground, and endeavor to make M. Talleyrand understand—first, that whatever was said in the English papers might be considered but as a national retaliation for what was published in the French papers—secondly, that what was officially published here was by no means so in England—and thirdly, that although the government possessed a control over the press in France, the English government neither had or could have, unless they purchased it at the same price, any whatever in England. Upon this he endeavored to prove to me, that there were papers in England attached to different parties, and went over their names and supposed connections with great precision; and that consequently his majesty's ministers might so far control those at least which depend upon them, as to prevent their interjecting that abuse which must be considered as having their sanction, I endeavored to explain to him what the influence was, which he supposed ministers to possess in England; that it amounted to nothing more than a preference which your lordship might give to one paper rather than another, by tending to it any articles of news which it might be wished to make public; but that your lordship's influence went no further; and that if the editor of such paper conceived it more for his interest to continue to write after his own fancy and uncontrolled, than to be the publisher of such occasional articles, in that case all influence was at an end. I told him that if he had remarked any abusive article in any paper of such a description, it was natural and fair to conclude that it did not depend upon government to prevent it. He persisted in his opinion, that his majesty's ministers might keep certain papers in order, as I did in assuring him, that until the First Consul could so far master his feelings as to be as indifferent to the facility of the English prints, as the English government was to that which daily appeared in the French, this state of irritation was irremediable. I told him, however, that I would report the substance of this communication to your lordship, although I could assure that your lordship could add nothing to the explanation which had been given, and in such detail, by Mr. Merry from your lordship.
M. Talleyrand, with great solemnity, required of me to inform him, and this by the express order of the First Consul, what were his majesty's intentions with regard to the evacuation of Malta. He again on this occasion made great professions of his sincere desire to let us see every thing which could interrupt the good understanding between the two governments; adding, that it was absolutely necessary that the French government should know what it was meant to do, when the clause in the treaty of Amiens, which stipulates thecession of Malta, should be accomplished. He said that another grand master would now very soon be elected; that all the powers in Europe invited to do so, with the exception of Russia, whose difficulties it was easy to remove, and without whom the guaranty would be equally complete, were ready to come forward; and that consequently the term would very soon arrive when Great Britain could have no pretext for keeping longer possession. I informed him that I would report his conversation to your lordship, and would have the honor of communicating to him your lordship's answer as soon as I could receive it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WHITWORTH.
Right hon. Lord Hawkesbury. (To be continued.)
LONDON, May 13.
Admiral Cornwallis sailed on Monday from Torbay, with a squadron, consisting of 10 ships of the line.
The remainder of the ships in Cowland Bay are nearly ready for sea, and want but few men to complete their complement. They will be ready to follow Admiral Cornwallis in 24 hours. He will then have a fleet of between twenty and thirty sail of the line. Brest is probably by this time blockaded or at least not a vessel dare venture out.
In the North Seas we shall have a strong squadron in a few days. Lord Keith received his commission yesterday, as Commander in Chief of that station.
Lord Nelson has probably, by this time, failed for the Mediterranean, where we have a fleet, which the French are utterly unable to cope with. Fortunate it is for them, that the squadron which carried General Buache to Constantinople, has returned safe to port.
The mouth of the Meuse and Helvoetsluys are closely watched by Rear Admiral THORNBOURGH.
The elections in Switzerland under the New Constitution, are terminated, and almost without exception in favour of the partisans of the Old System; a clear proof, if any were wanting, that the mediation of the First Consul in the internal affairs of that unfortunate country was entirely contrary to the wishes and opinions of a large majority of its inhabitants.
The Deputation of the German Empire still holds its sitting and continues to be occupied with a variety of objects of considerable importance to the Empire: amongst others, with the favourite project of the Emperor, for insuring an equality between the Catholic and Protestant religions.
According to letters from Berne, one of the brothers to the First Consul was expected at Frisbourg.
We yesterday stated the arrival of Lord Whitworth in London on Wednesday night. He landed at Dover about twelve on the preceding evening. His Lordship was treated on his departure from Calais with every demonstration of respect by the people, as well as by the Municipal officers, and the Military. He was saluted by a discharge of guns, and all parties seemed to regret the occasion of his departure. On his arrival at Dover, where he found General Andreossi, who had received similar honours, his Lordship sent a message to the French ambassador, importing a desire to have an interview with his Excellency, before he left this country, and requesting that the latter would point out the mode for the accomplishment of that purpose. Gen. Andreossi returned an answer expressive of high respect and acquiescence, but leaving the arrangement to Lord Whitworth. It was then determined that neither should meet the other at their respective hotels, and an interview was held at a third place. What passed at this interview we do not pretend to state. After this meeting, each of the Ambassadors visited the other at their hotels, and both expressed their strong sense of the treatment which they had received in their respective countries, and their anxious hopes that all causes of national differences would soon be removed. Gen. Andreossi then took his leave, with every testimony of public and private respect. He embarked on Wednesday morning at 7 o'clock.
A convention has been signed between the courts of Russia, and Sweden, by which the frontiers are, for the present, left in the same situation as before. Preparations for war were immediately put a stop to.
An interesting debate took place in the British house of Lords, the 23d May, on the subject of his majesty's message. An address to his majesty was carried, approbatory of the measures adopted by him, and of their readiness to "concur in the measures best calculated to call forth the spirit and resources of the British nation, in support of the honour and dignity of his majesty's crown—the rights and liberties of the people, as well as every other consideration which can be dear to them, as a free and independent nation."
LONDON, May 21.
According to intelligence from Vienna, 40,000 Austrian troops are to be detached to Italy, to cover the frontiers of Dalmatia, and the Venetian territory.
The French army in the neighbourhood of Nimeguen is stated to be daily augmenting. Great movements have been also observed amongst the Prussian troops at Westphalia.
The accounts from Italy repeat that a French and Italian army is assembling on the frontiers of the Papal states.
An envoy extraordinary from the Landaman of Switzerland to the First Consul, has set out from thence to Paris.
Apprehensions are entertained in Holland of a war between the Bay of Tripoli and the Batavian republic.
We learnt yesterday by the Dutch mail, that an embargo is laid upon the vessels of all nations in the port of Flushing.
Letters received at Genoa from Mar- seilles, announce, that a frigate sailed from Toulon, on board of which was a commissioner of commercial relations (or consul) who goes to reside at Cairo. The commissary general of the police for the same city has given notice by public advertisement that it would be prudent, for the present to suspend any commercial adventures destined for America, and to take suitable precautions in regard to such as might be intended for the neighbouring countries.
The military movements for the defence of the coast have already commenced.
Orders have been issued, to stop and send into British ports all Dutch vessels.
Thursday morning, at nine o'clock, came into Plymouth, the Vrow Constan- tia, Dutch ship, from Surinam to Amsterdam, with a valuable cargo of cotton, coffee, indigo, &c. detained pursuant to orders from government, and sent in there by the Doris, of thirty-eight guns, cap- tured.
An express arrived in town last night, stating that Lord Nelson failed yesterday forenoon from Portsmouth in the Victo- ry, to take the command in the Medi- terranean.
Lord Keith has arrived at Sheerness, and hoisted his flag on board the Za- lous.
Sir James Saumarez struck his flag on Thursday at Sheerness, and sailed in the Kite, capt. Phipps. He has received his commission of commander in chief on the Jersey and Guernsey station.
All the large Dover and Sandwich cutters are hired by government, to be attached as cruisers to the different squa- drons.
Our letters from Brighton state, that near 100 privateers have already failed from the French ports of Cherbourg and St. Maloes.
By a gentleman who arrived yester- day at Helvoetsluys we learn, that two French frigates lay off that port with their sails bent ready to put immediately to sea.
May 22.—Evening.—Orders have been sent to India, both overland and by a vessel of war, announcing the renewal of hostilities, and conveying directions for the occupation of Pondicherry, &c.
Two French officers have lately made their appearance at Constantinople, and have excited considerable notice. They pretend to be charged with secret commissions, and propose to remain for a length of time in that city.
Letters from the Hague state, that the French troops of the Batavian republic are to be augmented to 80,000 men, and that they are to be commanded by general Victor. The English squadrons continue to cruise off the Texel and the Meuse, and will stop any ship coming in, or going out.
The ministers, it is reported, will on Friday announce his intention of contracting for a loan not to exceed twelve millions. It is likewise said, that he will then give notice of a lottery, to consist of one hundred thousand tickets.
Yesterday consols fell about three fourths per cent.
May 24.—Extract of a letter from Ply- mouth, May 22.
Last night arrived in the Sound the French brig La Marguerite, Jean Fauras commander and owner, from Bordeaux, bound to St. Maloes laden with salt, captured on Thursday last by his Majesty's ship Acasta, of 38 guns, in the Bay of Biscay. The Acasta is attached to the channel fleet; she also captured a Dutch dogger, but also parted company with her two nights ago. It appears that there are a number of privateers fitting out in France, especially in Bordeaux, and many of them nearly ready for sea; among them is the famous ship privateer Braave, which ran through the whole of the last war, and was uncommonly successful."
Sir S. Smith has taken a rich French merchantman, and sent her into the Downs.
An embargo was laid on all the ship- ping at Antwerp on the 15th inst.
Lloyd's List, May 24.
A large Dutch ship from Surinam for Rotterdam is sent into the Downs by his Majesty's ships Grampus and Jalouse.
The Phoenix Wildboar, from Surinam, is sent into Sheerness by the Amelia Frigate.
La Marguerite, Fauras, from Bor- deaux to St. Maloes, is captured by the Acasta frigate, and sent into Plymouth.
The de Jong William Ling of Am- sterdam, bound to Rouen, is sent into Yarmouth by Admiral Thornborough's squadron.
VIENNA, April 29.
The last post from Constantinople has brought us no interesting news, from that capital, except some details in regard to the insurrection of Abdul Wehab, a name which, in the Arabic, signifies The propagator of the light.—According to these details, the number of the partisans of this illumine amount already to nearly 150,000, mostly Arabs.—He has formed a council composed of Schieks or chiefs, who have joined him with their hordes. He has already published several manifestoes, in which

he announces that he wishes to establish the Mahometan religion in its primitive purity. The whole extent of country between Medina, Mecca, and Bassora, has submitted to him.
Towards Aleppo he has experienced an obstinate resistance from some of the Schiicks, who had a numerous party, but he found means to beat and disperse them. Aboul Wechab is now endeavoring to extend his conquests towards Egypt, and to gain over the Bays as well as the Arab tribes of that country. It does not however, appear that the rebels have yet made themselves masters of any place of importance.
Medina and Mecca are still occupied by the Turks. The Ottoman minister has sent to the governor of the latter a numerous train of artillery, which he had requested, as well as artillerymen. A part of the troops in Natolia were to proceed with all speed to Bagdad, where the corps destined to march against the rebels was to assemble.
HAMBURGH, May 6.
The French government, notwithstanding the rejection of its recent proposals, for an alliance offensive and defensive with Denmark, has since urged the Prince Royal, in case of a rupture with England, to shut the Elbe and entrance of the Baltic to all English ships. To this application likewise the Danish cabinet has returned a positive refusal. The Ministers strongly represented to the French Ambassador the injudicious consequences which a system hostile to so near a neighbour as Great Britain would bring upon that kingdom.
Champagny, the French Ambassador at Vienna, after receiving a courier from his government, lately presented a note to the Imperial minister, in which he demands that, in case of war, the Austrian harbours should be shut against the English. Though no answer had been returned to this note on the 27th ult. there is every reason to believe that such a demand will not be complied with.
The court of Austria is highly alarmed at the immense military force which France continues to pour into Italy; and representation on this have actually been made to Citizen Champagny, as well as to the cabinet of the Tuilleries, by Count Cobentzel, the Austrian Ambassador at Paris.
WASHINGTON CITY
WEDNESDAY, JULY 13.
The ANNIVERSARY of our national existence has been celebrated with demonstrations of the liveliest joy in all those parts of the Union from which we have had time to hear. In the city of New-York, in particular, it appears to have been welcomed with universal joy, and the celebration of it to have been conducted in the most impressive style. Every where appropriate toasts and sentiments have shown that the present race have lost none of the love of liberty bequeathed them by their fathers. Indeed it is our sincere conviction, and we declare it with honest pride, that at this day there exists in these states a more enlightened love of liberty, more deeply rooted in the affections of our citizens, and more widely spread among them, than at any antecedent period of our national existence.
In the year seventy-six, it is certain that the divine flame of liberty animated the heart of every true American, and created a spirit of heroism, ready to incur all hazards and endure all difficulties.
But liberty at that day had principally to contend with open enemies; and the great question was whether Britain should govern us, or whether we should govern ourselves?
Since the era of independence, heretical doctrines have sprung up; and attempts have been made by an insidious imitator of the measures of other countries gradually to undermine our liberties;—attempts the more dangerous from emanating from some of those who joined our councils and fought our battles during the revolution. These measures principally were, the establishment and perpetuity of a great national debt, immense standing armies, extensive navies, dangerous powers invested in the Executive, and a still more dangerous invasion of the liberty of the press.
These chains, however, were little brooked by the freemen of America; They soon shook them off, and disarmed those who imposed them.
The dangers we have encountered have rendered us more vigilant. The time has been when the idea of the existence of an enemy to liberty among us was scouted as ridiculous. That was a day of peril! That was the time which preferred to usurpation its greatest temptation; and we ought to be thankful that some daring son of ambition did not then involve us in the horrors of civil war.
This false security has ceased. We now possess the confidence of a nation of freemen; but we know there are those among us who would be tyrants
if they could. It is theirs unceasingly to traduce a virtuous administration, and as unceasingly to oppose all its means. In the name of liberty, we thank them for their imprudent violence; while their attacks are open she has nothing to fear.
It was our purpose to exhibit a full account of the most interesting celebrations of the day throughout the continent. The great mass of foreign news has hitherto prevented the accomplishment of this intention. As room allows it shall be yet attended to.
An election for a representative to Congress has been lately held in the new state of Ohio.
In the county of Ross the following votes were given:
For Elias Langham, rep.—459 Jeremiah Morrow Rep.—400 Michael Baldwin, Rep.—210 William M c Millan, Fed.—30 On this return the Scioto Gazette remarks:
By the above returns, we may discover the proportionate strength of political parties in this county, there being three republican candidates and one federalist:
Republican votes. 1069 Federal, 30 Republican majority, 1039 How are the mighty fallen!!
Philadelphia, July 6.
ANNIVERSARY OF NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE.
The glorious festival was celebrated with even more than usual gladness on Monday in this city. Private and public societies appeared to vie with each other in the general rejoicing, and the cheerful sentiments of public peace, individual security and general liberty, were expressed by the silent language of the countenance.
The number of public festival meetings will be better understood by the traits which we shall have to publish for some time to come daily, and from the same source public feeling will be better expressed and understood than by any observations of ours.
The militia legion under General Shee composed of uniformed corps, exhibited a brilliant and interesting spectacle, more numerous in corps and strength of numbers, than on any former occasion. The several corps were paraded by ten o'clock in the forenoon, with their right on Chestnut and extending downward thro' Third Street, from whence they marched in the following order:
First Division. Major Jonas Simons . 1. Troop of Huzars, Capt. Leiper. 2. Rifle Corps, Huff. 3. Lt. Infantry Company, J. M. Irwin Braised field piece. 4. Company of Artillery, Goodman. 5. Infantry Corps, Ruth. 6. Ditto, Lyle. Drums and Fifes, And Colors of the First Division. 7. New Infantry Corps, Waterman. 8. Infantry Corps, Lloyd. 9. Ditto, Fotherall. 10. Artillery—with a brass field piece. An excellent band of wind instruments.
Second Division.
Major Thomas Willis . 11. Artillery, with a brass field piece. 12. Infantry, Capt. Sweeney. 13. Ditto, Duane. 14. Infantry, Montgomery. 15. Battalion company of 80th regiment in uniform. Drums and Fifes, And standards of the second division. 16. New Infantry corps, Capt. Fox. 17. Rifle Pangers (new corps.) Seyfert. 18. Infantry corps, Cope. 19. Ditto, Samington. Braised field piece. 20. Corps of Artillery, Souder. 21. Rifle Corps, Snyder. 22. Troop of horse, Lieut. Shaeffer.
The whole marched in this order from the place of parade to the Centre Square, and having formed with their rights to the Rotunda, and extending their left along Broad Street; a salute of 17 guns was fired by the artillery under the command of col. Connolly; and a feu de joie of three rounds from right to left by the whole line, cavalry, artillery and infantry—after which the several corps marched to their several places of entertainment.
Monday being the glorious anniversary of that day, which made us a free, sovereign and independent people, the same was celebrated at George M c Veit ch 's in Vine Street by capt. Huff's Riflemen, and the following toasts drank:
1. The 4th of July, '76—The day on which we declared ourselves free and independent of the British tyrant. 3 chrs. 2. The sovereign people of the U. States—May they crush to atoms all who may attempt to enslave them. 3 ch. 3. Thomas Jefferson—the friend of the people and author of the declaration of independence. 3 cheers. 4. Thomas M c Kean, governor of the state of Pennsylvania and commander in chief of the militia thereof—may his steady attachment to the liberties of mankind be held in grateful remembrance by his fellow citizens. 3 cheers.
5. The memory of those heroes who nobly fought, bled, and died in the cause of liberty, and independence. 3 cheers.
6. General John Shee,—our worthy commander. 3 cheers.
7. The memory of George Washington—May it live justly revered to the latest posterity. 3 cheers.
8. Liberty—May the eagle of liberty soar through the regions of despotism and pluck the crowns, wherever they may be found, until there is not one left upon a tyrant's head. 3 cheers.
9. The insidious farter—May neither sycophants, aristocrats, speculators, nor foreign emissaries and spies, be ever able to entice them from the true and genuine standard of liberty and independence. 3 cheers.
10. The militia of the United States—the guardians of our liberties—May their spirit and patriotism supercede the necessity of a standing army. 6 cheers.
11. The republicans of '76—May their infant struggle in the cause of liberty meet that respect they so justly merit. 3 cheers.
12. The freedom of the press—the great palladium of our liberties—May the tyrants that dare infringe it, meet the execration of all good men. 3 cheers.
13. Our brother soldiers of the legion. 3 cheers.
14. All foreign influence—May it find America to be the pit of its destruction. 3 cheers.
15. May the tree of liberty continue to grow until its branches overshadow the whole universe. 3 cheers.
16. May each succeeding 4th of July bring with it fresh triumphs of republicanism until all mankind are free. 3 cheers.
17. The American fair—May the love, respect, and protection they receive inspire them with attachment to republicanism and its defenders.
Monday, the 4th of July, the first Light Infantry company commanded by captain J. M. Irwin, after going through the evolutions of the day, marched to Lombardy Gardens and partook of a sumptuous dinner, at which mirth and good cheer enlivened the occasion—the following toasts were given:
1. The day—May the principles which gave rise to its celebration, exist till time is no more. America, Commerce and Freedom. 9 cheers and 3 volleys.
2. The guardian genius of Columbia, may she always be attentive to the happiness of her charge, preside in her councils, and give success to her arms when employed in a just cause. Yankee doodle, 6 cheers and 2 volleys.
3. The constitution of the U. States, prosperity to its friends, and may those who attempt to destroy it be the first victims of their temerity. Vive la constitution, 9 cheers and 3 volleys.
4. Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, the friend of his fellow citizens—May he long enjoy their confidence. Jefferson's march, 9 cheers and 3 volleys.
5. Thomas M c Kean, governor of the state of Pennsylvania, the firm patriot and enlightened statesman. M c Kean and liberty, 9 cheers and 3 volleys.
6. The heads of departments of the general government, may they ever merit the title of diligent, energetic and active democratic republicans.
7. The 15th June, 1800—The day on which the destroying locusts disappeared—the obnoxious alien bill expired, and the anglo-federal standing army was disbanded. 3 cheers and 2 volleys.
8. The people of the United States—the grand inquest that found a true bill against John Adams their late President. Dukes retreat to Braintree, 6 cheers and 2 volleys.
9. The memory of Washington, Montgomery, Woolster, Mercer, Franklin and Rittenhouse—the pride and glory of their country—may their virtues be imitated till time shall hold his wings for ever, and use his scythe no more. Roslin Cattle.
10. The year 1793—the reign of tyranny, British influence, black cockades and anglo-federal insolence, may it never return. Macpherson's defeat, 3 cheers and 2 volleys.
11. Democratic republicanism, as it is on its trial in the United States of America.
12. Intrigue and corruption—May they hereafter be considered as aliens in Columbia's land.
13. The sons of America, may they venerate their fathers of '76. Stony Point 9 cheers and 3 volleys.
14. The flag of the United States, may its stars illuminate the world, and its stripes give a lashing to its enemies. Hail Liberty, 2 cheers and 6 volleys.
15. The land we live in—The only land of freedom in hearty welcome to all republicans. St. Patrick's Day, 9 cheers and 3 volleys.
16. The commandant and legion of Philadelphia—The terror of Tories and apostate whigs, Caira, 9 cheers and 3 volleys.
17. The fair sex of America—may they never join their hands to any but friends of democratic republicanism. American fair 6 cheers and 2 volleys.
Turnpike improvements.
The legislature of Massachusetts, at their late session, have incorporated five new turnpike companies.
Philadelphia, July 8, 1803.
DELAWARE BRIDGE.
We feel much pleasure in announcing to our readers, that the subscription which was opened yesterday at the City Tavern, for building a bridge over the river Delaware, near Trenton, was filled in half an hour.
We are sorry to learn, that the claim of our state upon Great Britain, for provincial funds lodged in the Bank of England before the revolution, has lately come before the chancellor of the kingdom, and a judgement given against us. Our demand was for about £250,000 sterling, or one million one hundred thousand dollars.
Fed. Gaz.
The cession of Louisiana will be considered as one of the most important events in the history of this country, that has occurred since the declaration of independence. Mr. Jefferson's presidency will be hailed by the native inhabitants of that extensive and delightful country, as the period of its birth, and his memory will be regarded with respect for having directed the negotiation, which terminated thus advantageously for his country.
While the cession of Louisiana is regarded as honorable to our executive and administration, we should not hesitate in awarding to Chancellor Livingston, the credit due to his diplomatic talents, and to the attention and ability he has exerted in this negotiation.
The small wits of the day have jested at Mr. Livingston's designs, and queried how he would figure in a cabinet interview with Bonaparte. They now find that he has at least had his eyes well open, and that he has carefully watched the moment of striking with most advantage to his country.
Mr. Monroe, it is presumable, has now gone to the Spanish court to complete the object of his mission by negotiating for the possession of the Floridas. There is little doubt but he will be as successful at Madrid, as Mr. Livingston has been at the court at Paris.
Morn. Chron.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Nevis, to his friend in Norfolk, dated the 14th of June.
"Commodore Hood has sent into Barbadoes two French frigates and three transports bound from France to Guadalupe."
A letter from a gentleman in Bordeaux, received at Charleston, dated in May, says, "I should not be at all surprised to see all the young men under 28 years of age for the army, which has occasioned a revolt, as I learn, yesterday, within a few miles of Bordeaux; a party of military, by the name of Gens Dames, employed by the government to take such youths, for each of which they receive a Louis D'or, these young men, fired upon them, at a place called Biye, on which there was blood shed—the same thing has happened at Paris; these measures may yet bring on an internal revolution, which God forbid."
Extract of a letter from a Mercantile house in Liverpool to another in this city, dated May 19, 1803.
"The effect (of war) on trade has been a further advance of upland cottons to 14 and 14 1-2d per lb. and holders very stiff; but there is no alteration in sea islands or other fine cottons, owing to the general opinion that they are already high. Rum has advanced 6d per gallon; wheat about 4d. per bushel, and sugars from 2s. to 4s. per cwt. on our last quotations, and looking up. In other articles little doing yet, and prices unsettled—but in our view, we hope it will be in our power to give you more particulars as well as comprehensive information."
The recent conduct of Bonaparte to the Emperor of Germany is said to have been in the highest degree insulting. In speaking to the Imperial Minister at Paris, on the subject of the delay in the ratification of the Conclusum he observed, that "the impotency of Austria being known to all Europe, this reluctance on the part of his Majesty to confirm a measure which he could not avert, only renders his weakness the more manifest, and his folly the more ridiculous; but he should beware how he trifled with the French nation, lest, in exacting the penalty of the offence, the sovereignty of Austria should be annihilated."
London Print.
On Wednesday a man, dressed as a countryman attempted to make his way into the Lever, but was prevented by the mail-men. He said he must see his Majesty on some particular business, and became very troublesome; upon which Macnamara, Townshend and Sayers, the officers who were attending, took him into custody, he still arguing that he must see his majesty; and on being asked his business, replied, he had rose from the dead, and had got a commission from Heaven to kill Bonaparte, but was directed to see the king of England first. The officers, very properly, to prevent any disturbance, told
him they would introduce him to the king, if he would go with them, which he very quietly consented to; but they took him before Sir Richard Ford, at Lord Pelham's office, when the account he gave of himself was, that he had been sacrificed, was buried, and had rose from the dead, with two men of the names of White and Russel; and they were commissioned by Heaven to reform the world, and kill Bonaparte. He said, since he had risen from the dead, he had walked from Swansea in Wales, and was led to the Palace, by meeting with chalk-stones in the road, and on turning them up, there was written on them, "Go on!" and he discovered other symptoms of a deranged mind.
Lon. papr.
It appears that the opposition members in Parliament, with Mr. Fox at their head, have agreed to support the war.
Talleyrand has published his manifesto against the English government, accompanied with the paper that passed in the negotiation.
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
Those subscribers to the Theatre who propose contributing work or materials, are requested to meet the committee on Saturday evening next the 16th inst. at 8 o'clock precisely, at the house of William Lovell on Pennsylvania Avenue.
The subscribers to the Theatre are requested to pay the third installment (being ten dollars on each share) of their subscriptions to J. P. Van Nis, The fee who have not paid their first or second installments it is expected will do so.
BY AUTHORITY.
Scheme of a Lottery, To build a Catholic Episcopal Church in the City of Baltimore.
   Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 10,000   5 do 1000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   15 do 200 3,000   200 do 100 20,000   200 do 50 10,000   200 do 25 5,000   250 do 20 5,000   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 1000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 500   1 do after 6000 500   1 do after 8000 500   1 do after 10000 500   1 do after 12000 500   1 do after 14000 500   1 do after 16000 500   1 do after 18000 500   1 do after 20000 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7154 Prizes, 210,000   13,856 Clanks—Not two to a prize.  
21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000. The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church.
For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn.
Tickets to be had of the managers or of such persons as may be appointed by them.
Managers.
Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beeton, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Liveris, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell,
July 13, 1803.
The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
FOR SALE,
By public action on Thursday the 28th inst. at 11 o'clock before noon, at Stette's hotel, on Capitol Hill.
The commodious two story brick dwelling house, (at present occupied by colonel Burrows) with the out houses and lots numbered 10 and 11 in square number 925 in the city of Washington, open to and bounded in part on Pennsylvania avenue, and by north street east, leading to the Navy Yard. The premises may be viewed any day previous to the sale. The terms one third cash, when a clear and sufficient title will be given; one third in 6 and one third in 12 months with interest on the last two payments, to be secured by bond and mortgage on the premises.
THOMAS TINGEY.
Washington, July 5, 1805.
FOR SALE,
For a term of 5 years, A LIKELY young and healthy NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age for sale by—ROBERT M c LEAN. Washington May 25.

Notice is hereby given,
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until the 31st day of July next...
Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States...
A Ration to consist of one pound and a quarter of Beef, or three quarters of a pound of Pork, eighteen ounces of Bread or Flour...
It is to be understood that the Contractor is at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy...
H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. 2awt1j.
WAS committed to the goal of Baltimore county as a runaway, on the 15th inst. a bright mulatto man, who calls himself LICK...
JAMES WILSON, sheriff. July 4th. raw. t. P-&S
WILL sell five hundred and fifty acres of Land whereon I live, in Fairfax county, within five miles of the court house...
Feb. 21st. THOS. POLLARD. cp
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR. HAS just received by recent arrivals at Philadelphia, from England, and the East Indies, a handsome assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS...
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. FOR delivering to the Subscriber a negro boy, Edmond, who was a few days ago sent with a letter to a gentleman in the city...
RICHARD FRAZER. Washington June 27, 1843. bte.
Lots for sale. IN eligible situations, and upon very advantageous terms—A plan of the several squares in which they are contained may be seen and terms thereof by applying to, ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
Attorney at law and conveyancer. tf
SPRING GOODS. JOHN COX. HAS just received an elegant and extensive assortment of Fashionable Spring Goods, which he is now selling at very reduced prices.
Also, A quantity of Spinning Cotton in bags. Georgetown, June 1. 6w.
PRINTING INK OF AN EXCELLENT QUALITY, FOR SALE AT TIMOTHY CALDWELL'S Near the West Market, City of Washington...
June 22. 3m.
All persons having claims or demands of any nature against the subscriber, are requested to exhibit their accounts, without delay, to JOHN HEWIT or RICHARD FORRESTER, Esqrs. of the city of Washington...
SAMUEL BLODGET. March 30. tf
The highest price in Cash will be given for a quantity of HOMMONY BEANS and BLACK EYED PEAS. Apply to WM. BRENT. Washington, June 29. ep3w
RAPINE CONRAD & Co. BOOKSELLERS & STATIONERS, New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol, HAVE JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE, Washington's Reports of cases argued and determined in the court of appeals of Virginia—Price 6 dollars.
An addn to the government of the United States, on the edition of Louisiana, second edition—Price 25 cents.
Monroe's Embassy, in relation to our claims to the navigation of the Mississippi—Price 25 cents.
An address on the past, present and eventual relations of the United States to France—Price 18 cents.
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Switzerland, which herself independent, when she was desirous of returning to her ancient institutions rendered still dearer to her by her late misfortunes, and the arbitrary acts of the government furnished her with the means of doing so. Almost the whole of Switzerland, with unexampled unanimity and moderation shook off the yoke. The Cantons formed themselves into constituted bodies; and twelve of the thirteen Cantons of Switzerland sent their representatives to the Diet of Schwitz, in order there to organize a central power, which might be acceptable to the neighbouring powers.
The Aristocratical Cantons renounced their exclusive rights; the Pays de Vaud was left at liberty to form its own constitution, as well as Thurgovia and the other New Cantons.
The government having taken refuge at Lausanne, was by no means secure there, notwithstanding its regular troops; perhaps even at the present moment it no longer exists.
Who would not have thought that according to the stipulation of the Treaty of Lunéville, which grants independence to Switzerland, and the right of choosing its own government, every thing was settled, and that this nation might see its former happiness and tranquility revive?
Who could have thought that the first Consul would have issued such a decree as that of the 8th Vendemaire ( )?
Is an independent nation to be thus treated? Should Bonaparte persist in his determination, and the other powers should not interpose in our favor, it only remains for us either to bury ourselves in the ruins of our houses, although without hope of resistance, exhausted as we are by the Colossus who is about to overwhelm us, or to debate ourselves in the eyes of the whole universe!
Will the government of this generous nation, which has at all times afforded so many proofs of the interest it takes in the welfare of the Swiss, do nothing for us under circumstances which are to decide, whether we are still to be ranked amongst free people?
We have only men left us:—The revolution, and spoilation without end, have exhausted our means:—We are without arms, without ammunition, without stores, and without money to purchase them.
No. XVII. NOTE VERBALE. Lord Hawkesbury has received his majesty's commands to communicate, through Mr. Otto to the French government, the sentiments of deep regret, which have been excited in his majesty's mind, by the address of the First Consul to the Helvetic People, which was published by authority in the Moniteur of the first inst. and by the representations which have been made to his majesty on this subject, in behalf of the nation whose interests are so immediately affected by it.
His majesty most sincerely laments the convulsions to which the Swiss Cantons have for sometime past been exposed; but he can consider their late exertions in no other light than as the lawful efforts of a brave and generous people, to recover their ancient laws and government, and to procure a re-establishment of a system which experience has demonstrated, not only favorable to the maintenance of their domestic happiness, but to be perfectly consistent with the tranquility and security of other powers.
The cantons of Switzerland unquestionably possess, in the same degree as ever other independent state, the right of regulating their own internal concerns; and this right has moreover, in the present instance, been formally and explicitly guaranteed to the Swiss nation by the French government in the treaty of Lunéville, conjointly with the other powers, who were parties to that engagement. His Majesty has no other desire than that the people of Switzerland, who now appears to be generally united, should be left at liberty to settle their own internal concerns, without the interposition of any foreign powers; and with whatever regret his Majesty may have perceived the late proclamation of the French government, he is yet unwilling to believe that they will farther attempt to control that independent nation in the exercise of their undoubted rights. His Majesty thinks himself called upon by his regard for the general interests of Europe and by his peculiar solicitude for the happiness and welfare of the Swiss nation, to express these his sentiments with a frankness and sincerity which he feels to be due to his character, and to the good understanding which he is desirous of preserving with the government of France.
Downing-Street, Oct. 10, 1802. M. Otto, &c. &c. &c.
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authorised to facilitate this transport, as the stipulations which ought to precede it were not yet fulfilled; M. Otto says he is instructed to request the British ministry, that directions may be given for the execution of the 10th article without obstacle.
No. XV. Lord Hawkesbury's answer to M. Otto's note, dated August 23, says, that by the last advices from Malta, it appears that Sir Alexander Ball had arrived there on the 10th of last month, and that having conferred with general Fox upon the subject, he had written to Mr. Drummond, that there was no impediment whatever to the immediate reception of the Neapolitan troops, and that their quarters would be prepared accordingly. It was probable, therefore, that his Sicilian majesty's troops were already embarked, and on their passage.
No. XVI. Extract of a dispatch from Mr. Merry to Lord Hawkesbury, dated Paris, October 3, 1802.
As soon as the Helvetic government had retired from Berne to Lausanne, the partisans of the ancient federative system of the Swiss Cantons, who established immediately in the former city a provisional government, deputed a confidential to Paris, for the purpose of counteracting the measures of M. Stapfer, and of engaging the First Consul to suffer the inhabitants of Switzerland to settle their own affairs amongst themselves. He was instructed in any emergency to address himself to the ministers here of the principal powers of Europe, and to solicit their interference and assistance in the object of his mission. He reached Paris four days ago, and had reason to flatter himself, from the result of an interview which he had immediately with M. Talleyrand, that the First Consul would put no obstacle in the way of an arrangement which the Swiss might agree upon among themselves, for the final settlement of their government; he was therefore much surprised to learn soon afterwards, that a change had taken place in the First Consul's sentiments, and his appointment was cancelled when he found that the latter had taken so decided and so unfavorable a part in the business, as that which is announced by a resolution published in yesterday's Moniteur, (which I have the honor to transmit inclosed) in the form of an address to the inhabitants of Switzerland.
This person having besides this public declaration, required some private information of its being the First Consul's intention to give the most immediate and vigorous effect to it, left no time in addressing a letter to the latter, in which he took the liberty of stating that he must have been deceived by false representations, that his interference in the affairs of Switzerland was, as he was authorised to say, entirely unsolicited by the majority, and the best thinking part of the inhabitants, and that he had therefore, to intreat of him, in the most earnest manner, to suspend the execution of his resolution until those explanations could take place, which he trusted might be the means of preventing the immense effusion of blood which would otherwise inevitably ensue. He at the same time addressed himself in the course of yesterday to me, as well as to the Austrian and Spanish ambassadors, and to the Russian and Prussian ministers, (not having gained admittance to Mons. de Cobentzel, nor to M. de Markoff or Lucheni; he afterwards wrote to them,) soliciting, in the strongest terms, an interference (jointly, if possible,) on their part, with the French government, to endeavor to avert the impending evil. I naturally observed to him in answer, that the present state of political relations between the great powers of Europe afforded no prospect of his obtaining their ministers at Paris, to adopt a concerted measure in favor of the object which he had so much at heart, and that of course I could not take it individually upon myself, without any express instructions from my government. He returned to me to day, to acquaint me that he was not only as yet without a reply from any quarter, but had reason to fear that his prayers would not be listened to by the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian ministers; he therefore conjured me to transmit them to his majesty's government, from whom only his countrymen could have a hope of deriving any assistance in the terrible conflict which they were determined to stand, and which would only cease by the extermination of every virtuous and brave man in the country. He then put into my hand a note which he had drawn up in a hurry, and of which I enclose a copy. Whilst, my lord, it was out of my power to give him any encouragement to expect from his majesty's government the assistance which his petition expresses, I have thought it my duty to lose no time in making you acquainted with a state of things which may shortly be attended with very important consequences. (Translation of inclosure referred to in No. 16.)
NOTE. So long as Switzerland was occupied by the French armies, the wishes of the people could never be freely manifested. The revolutions which took place in the government were the mere tricks of certain factions, in which the nation at large took but a very trifling interest.
(Continued from first page.)
The manner in which the motion was made for the production of this information, met his entire approbation. As nothing more than the substance of the information in the possession of ministers was required, he saw no solid reason for refusing to accede to the motion. It was absurd to urge any reasons drawn from a wish to conceal the sources of this information. In a time of peace, where there was a constant succession of travellers from all the different parts of France and Holland, an allegation of mysterious means of information was ridiculous. Whatever was necessary to be known might be disclosed to the House without any danger. Ministers had, for a very long period, enveloped the whole of their proceedings in impenetrable mystery. They at length condescended to lay some documents before the House; but no sooner did any member advert to a blank in these documents, than they took shelter under the same system of mysterious responsibility. After the House and the country had been so long favoured for want of knowledge of the proceedings of ministers, complaint was very natural when it was attempted to satisfy them by supplies of information furnished in so scanty and unsatisfactory a manner. After urging some strong considerations in reply to the last Speaker, Mr. Windham's motion, by giving his hearty support to the motion. The Chancellor of the Exchequer declared, on the part of Ministers, every wish to conceal any part of their proceedings. It was from a wish to have their whole conduct fully and fairly considered, that they had not limited the papers to the particular points included in the late negotiation but had referred to all the intercourse betwixt the two governments since the definitive treaty. The right honorable Gentleman in the centre of his observation, went over the grounds insisted on by two noble Lords who preceded him in the debate. He illustrated and confirmed their statements. He endeavoured to show that the expressions of his majesty's message relative to the armaments in the ports of France and Holland, were highly just and circumstances, and that if ministers had acted in any other way than that which they had pursued, they would not have acted consistently with the honor of their country. In corroboration of his statements, he on several occasions referred to the correspondence betwixt the two governments. The information required on this subject could answer no useful end. If it was too general, it could not be applicable to the purpose which was intended. If, on the other hand, it was too particular, it might disclose sources of information which it was important to conceal. He distanced on all the topics touched on by former speakers at some length, and concluded by declaring that whatever reasonable degree of information was required should not willingly be withheld.
We regret that the press of temporary matter forbids us from going further into any detail of the debate.
Dr. Lawrence spoke in support of the motion with great energy.
He was answered by the Secretary at war.
Mr. W. Smith combated the arguments of the last speaker.
The Master of the Rolls, in a short, but ingenious speech, vindicated the conduct of Ministers, and resisted the production of the greater part of the papers.
Mr. Grey's observations in reply were excellent. He removed the misrepresentations which had been attached to his motions, and related with new points of illustration his previous arguments. His remarks made a very strong impression on the House.
After a few words from Sir Lawrence Parsons, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the question was put on the first motion, which was agreed to.
The motion relative to the Cape of Good Hope and that respecting Malta was also adopted.
On all the others, till the last was put from the chair, the previous question was put and carried.
On the last, relative to the armaments, a division took place.
There appeared for Mr. Grey's motion 59
Against it 136
After the other orders were disposed of, the House adjourned.
Papers laid before the British Parliament respecting the NEGOTIATION WITH FRANCE. (Continued.)
No. XIV. Is a letter from general Vial to Lord Hawkesbury, dated August 1st, stating that he set out for Malta about the 20th July, and would soon be in a condition to treat with his Britannic majesty's minister plenipotentiary on the evacuation of that island. The three months in which it ought to have taken place were expired, and it is desirable that the 2000 Neapolitans should be transported, that they might be in readiness when the evacuation should take place. Mr. Drummond the English minister at Naples, having said he was not