The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-02-17 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1146.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY FEBRUARY 17 th 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
BY AUTHORITY.
AN ACT
Making appropriations for the support of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for defraying the expenses of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, the following sums be, and the same hereby are, respectively appropriated; that is to say:
For the pay and subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, three hundred and sixty-eight thousand and forty eight dollars:
For provisions, one hundred and sixty-two thousand seven hundred and sixty-five dollars, and ten cents:
For medicines, instruments, and hospital stores, five thousand dollars:
For repairs of vessels, one hundred and ninety-five thousand dollars:
For freight, store rent, commissions to agents and other contingent expenses, seventy-five thousand dollars:
For pay and subsistence of the marine corps, including provisions for those on shore, and forage for the staff, one hundred and sixty thousand, one hundred and thirty-one dollars and ninety cents:
For clothing for the same, twenty-nine thousand, nine hundred and thirty-three dollars and eighty cents:
For military stores for the same, nine thousand, six hundred and fifty-four dollars:
For medicine, medical services, hospital stores and all other expenses on account of the sick belonging to the marine corps, two thousand dollars:
For quarter-master's and barrack-master's stores, officers travelling expenses, armourer's and carpenter's bills, fuel, premiums for enlisting, musical instruments, bounty to music, and other contingent expenses, fourteen thousand, and thirty-five dollars:
For the expense of navy-yards comprising docks and other improvements, pay of superintendents, store-keepers, clerks and laborers, sixty thousand dollars:
For ordnance, fifty thousand dollars.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several sums herein specifically appropriated, shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 10, 1808.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To revive and continue certain causes and proceedings in the district court of the district of Columbia.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all causes, suits, actions, writs, process, and proceedings, which were pending in the district court of the district of Columbia, at the time appointed by law for holding a session thereof, on the first Tuesday of October last past, or which were returnable to the session of the said court which ought to have been held on the first Tuesday of October, shall be, and the same are hereby revived, reinstated and continued over to the next stated session of the said court, to be held on the first Tuesday of April next, in the same manner and condition, and the same further proceedings may be had therein, as if a session of the said court had been, on the said first Tuesday of October, held according to law, and as if a regular continuance of all the said causes, suits, actions, writs, process, and proceedings had been duly entered upon the records of the said court.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 10, 1808.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
DEBATE
On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of GENERAL WILKINSON.
(CONCLUDED.)
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13.
MR. BACON said he believed he had expressed his sentiments on this motion now before the House when it was offered for their consideration at a former day— believed , for it would be recollected that the general subject had danced before their eyes in such various forms that it was impossible to say with certainty whether he had expressed his opinion on this particular point or not, but he believed he had. It was not a little amusing and perhaps worthy of attention to look back and see the regular gradation in which this business had progressed from its first presentation. How had it gone on? First, said Mr. B., it was proposed in the form of a simple and modest request addressed to the Executive, to the language of which it was thought there could not be any objection, although there certainly was to the substance. Then, after the House had considered it a while, it was moved to go further: that it should be committed to a committee, with power to send for persons and papers. This motion was discussed a day or two, when the sense of the House was taken on it, and it was thrown out by a large majority of votes. What was the next step? A motion that two gentlemen on the floor might be so far indulged as to permit them to lay their evidence on the table. This presented the subject in a more confined and limited shape. It was not giving a committee power over persons and papers; it was represented as a very circumscribed and harmless thing. Without pretending to a great degree of prescience, I then thought I saw the extent to which we should be drawn, and did lift up my feeble voice against it, even in that shape, and suggested my ideas to the House: But I was found to be in a very small minority. I really thought the next step would have been a decision on the resolution as first moved by the gentleman from Virginia, or on transmitting the papers which had been laid on our table to the Executive; but from the large majority on that question, courage seemed to have been taken to go farther. What was next? A resolution proposed by the gentleman from Kentucky. The first resolution offered by the gentleman from Virginia simply requested the President to do a certain act transcending our own powers in a modest manner; but the gentleman from Kentucky seems to have thought the House then was in a temper to go further, and therefore moved a resolution not that we should direct the President to do his duty, but to take the power ourselves and appoint a committee to enquire into a crime of the highest magnitude. I did not regret that the subject was brought in this shape before the House. I thought it would produce a good effect—that the House would see how far the "entering wedge" was finally to be driven. But this resolution and the doctrines urged in support of it evidently went too far; the temper of the House did not seem to relish it; many gentlemen who seemed inclined to adopt the first resolution could not bring themselves up to this. What then was done? The gentleman from Kentucky withdrew it, and then—[Mr. Randolph asked leave to set the gentleman right in what he was about to state. He was certain that the gentleman from Massachusetts would wish to state nothing but what was correct. The truth was, that the resolution now before them would not have been the subject of debate at present, had it not been for the circumstance of his having misconceived the gentleman from Kentucky. I understood the gentleman, said Mr. R. as meaning to withdraw his to make way for the resolution which I had the honor to submit; when, in fact, had I heard him distinctly, I should have understood that his intention was to withdraw his own to modify it and present it in a new shape, disincumbered of additions unconnected with it. This is the plain state of the fact; and the change of question now originates solely from my having misunderstood the gentleman from Kentucky, and having not possessed of the floor.]
It occurred, and could only things as they presented themselves. He understood the gentleman from Kentucky to withdraw his motion altogether, on account of the motion of the gentleman from North Carolina to strike out a part of it. [The Speaker said such was the case.] Then, said Mr. B., I believe the House was in the same unfortunate situation as the gentleman from Virginia, and could not hear the true state of the case; and really if I did misunderstand him, I am not so happy as I imagined I should be, for I did hope I should be right in supposing that the comments made upon the resolution had induced him wholly to withdraw it, and am sorry that this does not appear to be the case.
I beg the House now to consider through what stages we have been led in the consideration of this subject. It seems we are now to meet this question in its original form. I will not now again enter into a discussion of it. It will however be an useful lesson to me, and I trust to the House to observe through what mazes we have travelled. First the discussion commenced on a civil request to the Executive that he would do his duty and exercise his power; but feeling the ground pretty firm under them, gentlemen thought they might assume more; and the question was, at last presented as we yesterday heard it supported by the gentleman from Kentucky.
I shall not occupy the attention of the House with any further remarks: I will only observe that there is nothing at the bottom of the opposition to this resolution, no improper motive for the zeal displayed on the occasion. I profess no great zeal; I am neither the partizan of Gen. Wilkinson or his foe; shall not join in the eulogium on his character by the gentleman from New Jersey, nor in the aspersions on it by the gentleman from Kentucky. I equally disclaim any participation in both. The character of this officer may be banded about as gentlemen please; but I will not for the purpose of showing my zeal for what may be supposed a popular enquiry be driven from my constitutional ground, standing on which, and on which alone I feel myself safe. I thought the other day, when the House called for information, that they had better have stopped where they were; I endeavored to show the consequences of it then. I now repeat that here is the ground to halt. If we have already gone too far, we cannot retrace our steps; but we may say we will go no further. If the House go further I will not go with them; but I hope they will well consider the precedents and principles which will flow from the course which they seem now about to adopt.
MR. RHEA, (T.) said he should vote against this resolution for several reasons; it was inexpedient, unnecessary, and exceeded the power of the House. It was inexpedient and unnecessary at the present time, because the very object of the resolution was already taken into consideration by the President, and a court of enquiry had been ordered in pursuance of it. He should vote against it as inexpedient because the President of the U. States was fully adequate to do every thing which he was by constitution or law required to do; and with him alone rested all the power to have this business brought before the proper tribunal. There is, said he, a military court to which all these officers are amenable, and by whom they are punishable for any offences which they may commit; and I am willing to submit to their decision not only this case but every other which may arise, without further interference. I for my part shall never descend to the situation of a petitioner to the President of the U. States, or to any other department of government. If then the resolution be considered as a petition, the House can do nothing more impolitic than to become petitioners. This legislature stands precedent to any department of the government; and if any gentleman thinks fit to come forward as a petitioner, let him do it; and if he chuses to resign his seat as he has threatened to do, if we do not agree to "petition," let him do so.
It has been asked by a gentleman from Connecticut why should the President be troubled with this evidence, if not with the resolution. This evidence, although upon the table, is unconnected with any thing else whatever.
When I was on a few days ago I
partments, and that it was the intention of the framers of the constitution that these departments should not interfere with each other. I observed that the constitution says that the President shall recommend to this House from time to time such measures as he shall think proper. Gentlemen had been called upon to shew why this House had any right to request him; it is given up that it is not expressly delegated, and if it is by implication I should be glad to see it. I have examined the constitution, and found that every power not delegated to the U. States is reserved to the people or the states. I deny that the constitution ever authorized this House to recommend to the President any measure which it is within his province to do. If any such authority can be shewn, it will be some reason why this resolution should be adopted. I must act according to the constitution which I have sworn to support, and I do not see that any power is therein given to do such an act as this; and therefore I shall vote against this resolution and all such. If this doctrine be once established, what will be the consequence? It will be in the power of gentlemen to bring forward a resolution to affect any officer of the army or navy, and they might send the whole army before the President on suspicion. I hope this doctrine will never be adopted; I am content to let these officers remain amenable to the department which has power over them by the constitution. I deem that department fully competent; and when the power was confided to the Executive department it was expected that he would do his duty as well as this department; if this is not the case, let this House at once assume the duties of the President, and come before the sovereign people in that capacity; one act under that assumption will blast the un-constitutional doctrine.
As well might this legislature assume the power to request a jury to do any thing as to request the President; and being a measure not warranted by the constitution, I cannot agree to it.
MR. LYON said, while he should cheerfully have voted for an enquiry by this House as it was contended they had not this right to enquire, he should not vote for this, because it requested the President to institute an enquiry, which was already done, and the proceedings of the court were published. But when he said he should vote against the resolution, he felt a sort of repugnance to so voting from the expression of a belief by many of its opponents, that they had no right to pass it. He contended that they had a right to make enquiry themselves as well as to call upon the President to do it; he was as strongly attached to the constitution as any one, and could not consent to give up his rights. He should vote against the resolution merely because it called upon the President to do a thing already done. He was inclined to think some further enquiry was necessary because of the clamor; and because charges had been made of a disposition to stifle enquiry, which assertions should be met broadly. It ought to be said by every part of the House that they would not hesitate to go into any enquiry. It was a matter of vast importance; and the House should not be influenced by delicacy towards the President, commander in chief, or any other man, but boldly take up the case, and shew to the world that they were not ashamed to go on with an enquiry which every part of the nation called for. Gen. Wilkinson's character, after what had been sworn to by Mr. Clark, did not stand with the nation so that they could have confidence in him; on the contrary their confidence in that commander must be shaken. The House ought to pursue such a course as would restore confidence to this officer, or he ought to be dismissed from the service. I hope, said Mr. L. that gentlemen who oppose this on constitutional grounds, do not consider if the enquiry now commenced goes on in such a way as is not completely satisfactory to the whole nation, that the purpose intended will be answered—that if the commander in chief is exculpated, and that merely because this or that form is wanting, that confidence will be restored. If he is kept in office, and confidence is not restored to him, a great evil will take place without a remedy, except this House have the power. Gentlemen talk about the time which has been spent. I do not care how much time has been spent
than that the nation should be kept in suspense. I shall vote against this resolution, though I might vote for the resolution of my colleague, Mr. Rowan, if under consideration now.
The question on Mr. Randolph's resolution was then taken by yeas and nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, Jno. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Cobb, Davenport, Desha, Elliott, Ely, Eppes, Gadenier, Gardner, Garnett, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Helms, Hoge, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Macon, Marion, Masters, D. Montgomery, T. Moore, Moseley, Mumford, Newton, Pitkin, Quiney, Randolph, Rea, (Penn.) Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sinelt, S. Smith, Jno. Smith, Stamford, Stedman, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Trigg, Troup, Upham, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wharton, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn—72.
NAYS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Brown, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Carlton, Chandler, Cutts, Deane, Durell, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Green, Heister, Holland, Ilsley, Jenkins, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lambert, Love, Lyon, McCreery, Milnor, N. R. Moore, Jr. Morrow, J. Morrow, Nelson, Newbold, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea (Ten.) M. Richards, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Thompson, Van Horne, Whitehill, Wilbour, and Withersell—49.
DEBATE
On the motion for admitting an agent of the Yazoo company to be heard at the bar of the House in support of the claim.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12.
The following resolution, offered by Mr. Bacon, being under consideration:
Resolved, That the prayer of the petition of Joseph Story as agent of the New-England Mississippi company, praying that he may be admitted to a hearing at the bar of this House in behalf of the said company to state their rights and explain their claims which are now pending before Congress be granted; and that the House will proceed to hear said agent, accordingly at this bar, on Monday 22d Feb. inst.
Mr. Bacon said this was not a case which required any abstruse reasoning or deep research for facts. He had taken this resolution from a precedent which he found recorded of a similar indulgence granted to the South Carolina Company who were heard at the bar of the House in support of their claim, by Mr. Moutrie, their agent, in a nearly similar case.
Mr. Troup hoped the resolution would not be adopted. The precedent adduced was not in point: that was in the case of an application to be heard on the subject of the old Virginia and South Carolina claims. It will be recollected by the House, said Mr. T. that the case adduced in precedent was an old, a dormant claim, which had slept long, & the principles of which were almost forgotten by members of the House, and when application was made for hearing they determined to hear all that could be said that they might act understandingly on the subject. They did hear and were satisfied; from that time to this the House has had no further trouble with it. The claims of these persons however have been turned over from session to session, canvassed over and over again; and the House are as well conversant with the merits of the claim as with its advocates. I do not know whether it is customary to admit within its bar the advocates of claims. For any part I do not know if such persons were admitted within the bar, that I would keep my seat and listen. It is impossible that this House could be so lost to a sense of its own dignity as to enter into a controversy on its own floor with speculators or their agents. In discussion of this subject among ourselves, our utmost coolness and care will be required to keep us in temper with each other; and the admission of a stranger within this bar for the purpose of irritating & perhaps insinuating us, & I beg gentlemen to recollect that the theme is extremely delicate, will not encrase the calmness which ought to be observed. What is the object of the present motion? Is it proposed, by admitting a practising

foundly ignorant? No; with the principle of this claim we are all acquainted. Its object is to give some strength to a claim which has not the smallest foundation in justice, and they know it. They have no more claim on the U. S. than on you or me. Why then do they call upon us? Because the U. S. has an overflowing treasury. If I had it they would make the same claim upon me. They are the cormorants which perch upon the treasuries of all nations; and as long as you have gold and silver, and manifest a disposition to give, they will stick to you. I thought for my part that one discussion would have sufficed for them; on the presentation of the original memorial you listened to it and submitted it to a committee of the whole House. I was anxious that all discussion on this subject should have been waived; it might have been and I had hoped it would. I myself would have submitted my individual feelings to the harmony of the nation; and am sorry that I am now compelled to speak.
Mr. LYON made some remarks to show that the precedent adduced was in point. The object of the claim in precedent and of the present claim was to obtain a share of the land appropriated for extinguishing claims on the U. S. for lands. Why then refuse that prayer at this time which they had granted on a former occasion?
Mr. BIRN remarked that there had been in the year—a general invitation to all claimants for land, and to these amongst the others, to attend and support their claim. At that time these claimants refused to attend. If the claimants then had not been heard it was their own fault.
Mr. LOVE hoped the resolution would not be adopted. He had voted for the reference of the original memorial, as coming from a respectable state; but the claim was perfectly understood by the House without the demonstration of an agent.
Mr. MARION quoted passages from record to show that the case cited in precedent was not exactly similar to the present. Commissioners were appointed to receive terms of compromise from the agents of the land claimants and report an opinion thereon to the House. The committee reported in favor of the '95 (Yazoo) claimants, to the exclusion of the '89 (Virginia and South Carolina) claimants. The latter conceived themselves equally entitled, and requested to be heard at the bar of the House to show that they should be placed on the same footing with other claimants. They were heard; and in consequence of the hearing an amendment was made to the law then under consideration. Mr. M. then read a part of the address delivered on this occasion by Alexander Moultrie, esquire, their agent.
Mr. COOK had yet heard nothing which convinced him of the impropriety of hearing the claimants at the bar of the House. He had never heard the subject illustrated before the House, although it had been decided on since he had been a member. It was now brought forward again, supported by the unanimous voice of a large and respectable state. The claimants complained of many hardships, amongst which, that they were not heard. He expressed his surprise that gentlemen who thought the Yazoo claim so iniquitous, should be unwilling that it should be heard. If it were a bad cause there would be no fear of its overcoming their judgment. If it were detestable, on a full hearing of it, they would detest it the more. He hoped the resolution would prevail, as he wished to hear the real merits of the case.
Mr. HOLLAND rose to express a wish that the motion would prevail. He thought differently with the gentleman from Georgia, who thought such an admission and discussion would irritate the House. He hoped no member would individually advocate or oppose the claim; that every one would be ready to hear it fairly explained and decided on. He hoped if prepossessions existed on the minds of any members, they would do all they could to erase such prepossessions; at least that they would sit silently and hear what was said in favor of the claim. When persons had been heard in behalf of the Virginia and South Carolina claimants, they had conducted themselves with so much propriety that the whole House had been satisfied. He supposed that the person admitted in behalf of the present claimants would probe the matter so easily as not even to discomfort the gentleman from Georgia. A gentleman had said that this was so well known that all knew that it ought to be condemned. In saying this, the gentleman was not correct; for commissioners appointed by the United States to investigate the subject had said that equity and sound policy required a settlement. Not only this authority, but more than this: this House had at one time taken up the subject, and on the main question there was a large majority in favor of
Therefore if the gentleman from Virginia had said it ought not to be heard, Mr. H. did not agree with him. I believe, said he, that it ought to be heard; I have always thought so, and I believe it must be heard. Sound policy and justice accord in requiring that it should be heard. We have by a very late acquisition from the Choctaw Indians acquired a large tract of land, part of the claim. Our public lands will not be purchased till the claim is settled. I hope the consideration will expedite the business: I conceive these claimants to have the same right to be heard as others, and more perhaps, because their claim has been acknowledged by commissioners appointed by the United States.
Mr. DAWSON expressed regret that this matter should be so pertinaciously pressed upon the House. It may be remembered by many gentlemen in the House, said he, that at a former session of Congress, when the subject of claims in general was under consideration, by verbal information these claimants declined being heard at the bar of the House. They then had the power and right to support their claim, and declined. I am now opposed to hearing counsel in their behalf. I remember the case of a venerable old man, who fought your battles, who headed your armies, whose head was covered with grey hairs, and bowed down by the infirmities of age, and who made application to be heard at your bar in support of his claim. The House determined that he should not be heard. And shall preference be given over him to persons of this class? I am convinced that it would only agitate the public mind, and therefore hope it will not be granted.
Mr. BIRN had entertained a hope, for the sake of the harmony so desirable at the present crisis, that their attention would not have been called to this detestable subject. He had hoped, from the past agitation, that their angry passions might have been calmed, and that they might be allowed the quiet discharge of the duty which they owed to the nation at this time. But he had been disappointed. Gentlemen seemed to think this a propitious time to press a subject calculated to create animosities and discord. No possible good could result from a discussion of the claim. Gentlemen must be convinced that they would injure the American character by stopping to examine a claim founded in bribery, perjury and corruption. I am sorry to say, observed Mr. B. that the governor of a respectable state has taken advantage of his elevated situation to press upon the House a private claim. In that station I am sorry to say that he has become the advocate of fraud and corruption. But I did not rise to go into a discussion. I rose to say that if discussion does continue upon this motion with a view to force upon us the merits of the claim, I shall move an indefinite postponement of the motion.
Mr. GARDNER was in favor of adopting the motion. After having spoken twice on the subject, as often as he could speak without special leave, it was not surprising that the gentleman should wish to postpone the debate. The gentlemen from Georgia seemed to be very warm on this motion. With great warmth also had they opposed the reference of the memorial on the subject. He had heard these gentlemen accuse their own state government of bribery and corruption. They must have some foundation for this or they would not do it. But of this bribery and corruption Mr. G. knew not; he wished the matter to be investigated, and was in favor of the mode now proposed. It was a pretty important subject; it might have been investigated by some gentlemen; but of Yazoo he knew nothing but what he had learnt since he arrived here. According to the usage of deliberative bodies to admit counsel to investigate matters before the House, he could trust himself to admit this agent, and so should vote.
Mr. CHANDLER observed that he should vote in favor of the motion, as a precedent was shown in which similar indulgence had been granted to other claimants. Much had been said about the subject's having been thoroughly investigated. It might have been, but it had not since he had held a seat in this House. Whenever it had appeared here it had been put down by hard words and the cry of Yazoo! He wished to know in some way the reasons pro and con, to hear both sides of the question. As to the governor of Massachusetts advocating an individual claim, the gentleman from Georgia was misinformed. Mr. C. had understood that the governor did not possess a cent of property in the claim; nor was he capable of taking advantage of his official capacity to advocate fraud and corruption.
Mr. BIRN said he would only observe that he had been informed by a colleague of the gentleman last up that governor Sullivan was one of the
chusetts, he was not acquainted with this subject; he knew not its merits or demerits. At all events the claim was intricate. If it was founded on corruption and fraud and perjury, and supported by falsehood, he should like to know: but he was not willing, because of these observations made by gentlemen, to say that it was founded in corruption and fraud and perjury, or that it was supported by falsehood. He wished to examine this as he would all other claims. There seemed to be something very awful even in the name of Yazoo: if that was the case he should like to know the whole of it; and if he found it so corrupt, he should give his vote against it and feel as much indignation at it as any gentleman. But what reason under Heaven could there be why this should not take the usual course, or why should there be so much cause for irritation? As far as he understood it he could not see why. Although many seemed to understand the whole matter, it should be recollected that there were 48 or 50 new members who perhaps did not understand the merits of the question. He hoped the resolution would prevail, and that they should hear the prayer of the claimants.
Mr. LOVE remarked that it was indeed true that there were many new members; but such had been the discussion which had taken place already on the subject, with the repetition by its publication in the newspapers, that he felt perfectly prepared to vote on the subject. He did not think it necessary on this occasion to travel out of the usual course; and no arguments had been used in support of the admission of counsel in this case, that would not apply with equal force to any claim against the U. S.
Mr. DURSELL said that there was something in this claim which required that it should be heard at the bar of the House in distinction from common claims. He conceived the Yazoo claim to be of the first importance; he did not believe that there was any individual claim of a citizen against the U. S. of equal magnitude. If gentlemen in discussing this and like subjects, would use argument and reason, instead of rambling at large and endeavoring to excite the passions, it would not be difficult to decide on the propriety of granting or rejecting the prayer of the petition. There were two points in this case proper for consideration: 1. Was the principle correct, that this House should in any case admit an advocate at the bar of this House to urge or demonstrate the right of a petitioner? 2. Was this a case of that description? He had no doubt that the principle was correct that advocates should be admitted, in support of which precedents had been quoted. Had there been no precedent, however, he should not have doubted. By the constitution the good people of the U. S. had certainly a right of presenting their petitions. In his mind it followed conclusively that they had a right of being heard by themselves or counsel. It was the universal practice in all the state governments with which he was acquainted. He supposed it to follow of course. It was not presumable that gentlemen of this or of any deliberative body should intuitively know the merits of any case. It was certainly necessary in order to pass understandingly in every case, that its merits should be known. How get at them? Not by reading the petition merely. It was not presumable that an agent of the claimant should be found in a member of the legislature. He knew no course then but to let in the petitioner, or, which was the same thing, his agent. If then it was right in principle, was the case before them such a one as to make it necessary that this privilege should be allowed? Several considerations occurred in favor of it: It was a case of magnitude, of great importance in point of property, none more so that he knew. Why were gentlemen agitated about it? Why were the representatives from the state of Georgia agitated about it? They wanted the business to be kept back to prevent the House from being agitated. Surely the single consideration that there was fifty new members would call for a discussion and fair examination of the subject. He was a new member; he had no interest in the claim to which the petition referred, nor did he know that there was a drop of his blood in any one who was connected in the claim to the amount of one cent; but he was unacquainted with the merits of the case, and wished to know how to get at them. He wished in all cases, but more particularly in important cases, to decide understandingly. How could he now so decide? By the information which the gentlemen from Georgia should give him? That might possibly be all on one side; for these gentlemen wished it not to be disturbed, not to be agitated either in this House or with the public at large. As he could not obtain information on the subject in any other way, he should vote for the resolution.
Mr. MASTERS could not see the
known. If a statement of facts was wanted, let a committee report them; they could not be got at by hearing counsel on one side of the question. It would form a dangerous precedent; and he hoped therefore that this subject would take the same course as others of a like nature.
Mr. WITHERELL said it had been shown by a precedent that the House had once deviated from the common track to pursue a course from which he should ever revolt; and he certainly felt it his duty to state that in no possible case which he had ever heard of, would he vote for the admission of counsel. If there be any case of claim, said he, which demands a course similar to that contemplated by the resolution before us, it is in favor of the houseless foreigner who comes to you with a just claim, but who wants friends to support it. Has this course been taken in regard to such? No. A poor old Frenchman who thirty years ago fought the battles of this country—when he offered his petition for remuneration of honest services, did he ask for admission of counsel in his favor? No; he knew it would not be granted. He was indeed friendless in comparison with those who now ask the privilege. I have no hesitation in saying that the claimants have friends enough on this floor—more than you are aware of—and the ultimate vote will convince you of it. But when great questions are pending, as now, this of all claims which could be pointed out is the most improper for discussion. If gentlemen wish an elucidation of facts, can they have them better from the mouth of an orator than from a paper laid on the table. I say nothing of the merits or justice of the claim; but, though a new member, I am not altogether unacquainted with it—nor are there many in the House ignorant of it who have lived a fourth part of a century. Let it take the natural course, that the plain facts unadorned or embellished, may present themselves to the understanding of the House. That I never may, while these walls stand around me, have occasion to rise again on the subject. I now enter my eternal protest against it.
Mr. TROUP said they were not permitted to avoid a discussion on this subject. With every disposition to express ourselves with coolness, said he, gentlemen have not permitted us to do it; they have gone into the merits of the question, and censured us for expressing an opinion. I oppose the admission of these persons, not on account of myself; I speak for the dignity of the House. It would be a matter of indifference to me individually, how many practising attorneys were admitted within the bar of the House to advocate the claim; but if such a person were admitted, if he did not confine himself to the most indubitable facts, and these established by the most unquestionable testimony, I would arrest him in every step of his progress; a situation most unfavorable to rational and satisfactory investigation. Why are we so anxiously opposed to this claim, we are asked? Is it not obvious, if you compensate the claim, you determine that Georgia had no right to pass her rescinding act, and if you determine Georgia had no right to pass her rescinding act, you declare in fact that she fraudulently sold you the property of the claimants? For another reason too which comes home to the feelings of every man. When an infant state, as Georgia was in the year 1795, rising to consequence by her own resources, with a character to form and a credit to establish, its people well disposed and ambitious of an honest fame—when such a state is blasted in its first budding by the pestiferous breath of this foul monster Yazoo, it is enough to stir up in any man of sensibility for his country the most angry passions, and if we are intemperate we seek our justification and apology in the integrity of the House. We do not enter into the merits of the claim, when we are in this way driven into a desultory discussion against our will. The subject is not before the House; we shall speak in another manner when we come to the merits of the main question. We are told here over and over again that the preservation of harmony is all-important—that the crisis demands union—that the state of our national affairs demands it; and yet we cannot proceed one step in the public business but a Yazoo memorial or some such thing is ushered in to awaken all the dormant and turbulent emotions by the very gentlemen who are the first to cry peace when it seems they are determined there shall be no peace. Let gentlemen give us credit for our moderation & forbearance; let those be esteemed the real friends of this most admirable system of administration who set their faces against corruption in every shape, who strive to purge the country of the lawless banditti which infests every corner of it, of Yazooism, which is the mother of corruption. It has been stated by my colleague that the interference of the legislature of Mas-
not mean the people of that state, for I believe them to be generally virtuous, and well-disposed; but if the government of Massachusetts will array herself against Georgia and on the side of Yazoo corruption, if she will prostitute her power and sovereignty to the basest and vilest of all purposes, let her stand to the consequence. And if her governor, as my colleague has told you, will descend from the dignity of his station to patronize Yazoo, if he will prostitute the dignity of his high office to the most ignoble purposes, he ought to be tumbled from his seat; and I trust there is virtue enough in Massachusetts to put him down. Has the gentleman from Massachusetts read the Yazoo memorial? I did read it and was thunderstruck. What does this governor say? That the violation of claim in a free country is a violation of fundamental axioms, and may lead to a violation of the social compact! This governor Sullivan threatens you with a violation of the social compact—this man of Yazoo fame, and of speculating morals, threatens you with a dissolution of the social compact—he purposes to march his thirty thousand men into the Mississippi territory; and this agent, whom it is proposed to introduce, is his pioneer. Is not what I have stated fact? It is in black and white, and now on record, that the governor of Massachusetts has thus threatened you; and yet gentlemen can express their wonder and astonishment that we have feelings and express them! He hoped the motion would be rejected.
Mr. CHANDLER said that the very decent and modest manner in which the gentleman from Georgia had treated the governor and legislature of Massachusetts would need but little reply. Gentlemen would judge whether that decency which is always requisite had been observed. The governor in that case had acted in obedience to an order of the legislature; it then became his duty; and he had no more than complied with it. As to the claim, said Mr. C. I know nothing as I have said before. I have repeatedly heard it said here that the legislature of Georgia which originated it was corrupt, and I do not doubt the fact, or that they were corrupted by people out of Georgia. But it seems to me that it is very extraordinary that there should be such an objection to have light thrown on the subject; and all the petitioners ask, is, that they may be heard, that the thing may be fairly investigated; and it would not be a great injury to gentlemen once to turn their attention to the subject.
Mr. EPPES said he had not been present when the original memorial was presented to the House this session; but he supposed that the unusual respect shown to this subject on the present occasion was owing to the respectful form in which it had been produced to the House. It has become fashionable to say, observed Mr. E. that these Yazoo claimants have never had a fair chance of bringing their claim before the public. What is the fact? The first year in which I had the honor of a seat in this House, the subject was fully and amply discussed: in the second also, as well as at various other periods: and every man living in a country where newspapers circulated, is well acquainted with it. It seems that the claim is now brought forward in a new form, like a scoundrel introduced into decent company in a new garb, who wishes to become the head of the company into which he is introduced. Last session the claim was rejected here; it has been renewed under a respectable authority. But because we have treated the memorial of a state with respect, are we to admit one of the gang interested in the original fraud within our walls? I hope not. Let the same course be pursued with this claim as with every other; at least let not an odious distinction be made in their favor. Have you not been told of a venerable patriot, now hobbling in your lobby whose claim you refused to hear by counsel? And will you grant to Yazoo speculators the privilege which you refused to him? This very company who now pray for a hearing, might have been heretofore heard, and why were they not? They were then perfectly indifferent about a compromise; they would indeed have accepted a compromise if offered, but they were not anxious about it; they wished to frighten the nation into an act of injustice. But now the tables are turned—the laws of last session or the session before, have put down Yazooism forever, have taught them to come forward now, and claim a right which five years ago they spurned. Whenever this subject is brought up, I shall meet it in every form, and so long as I am able, oppose it with my voice.
Mr. QUINCY said it seemed to him in general practice that argument on this floor for the illustration of any general point was expedient, and in this case the main argument urged by the gentleman from Georgia and others, was a reason why the course

mor With one another, and that therefore a subject of this kind should not be discussed between them. Mr. Q. acquiesced with gentlemen in the opinion that this was not a time when those passions should be introduced which this subject was calculated to excite; but it was a subject from which they could not shrink, which they must meet, because it was a subject connected with their official duty, and expose them as it would to the censure or personalities of other gentlemen, they must see that the subject was fairly presented to the members of this House, particularly to those who were new members and had never yet had an opportunity of hearing discussion on the subject. Now much time would be saved, much irritating argument avoided, and the public good promoted, if an individual were admitted on the floor to state the general principles of the claim of the petitioners, who would refrain from making any observations which would have a tendency to excite irritation, and press his observations no further than the House should please to attend to them. The prayer was therefore reasonable. Discussion on the subject could not be restrained; it had become actually necessary. It was impossible for a representative from Massachusetts to stand on this floor and not represent the opinions which there prevailed. But were an opportunity given by the admission of an advocate to relieve themselves from that necessity, much time of the House would be saved and passion prevented. With respect to the precedent which had been adduced, and the attempts to make a discrimination between that case and the present, Mr. Q. observed that the circumstances of each were similar. The former was an old claim; this was also. The former was a claim in which the public were deeply interested from the nature of the claim; so was this. There was also another circumstance which had not been noticed and which ought to have weight: The former was a claim from the Virginia and South Carolina company; this was a claim from a Massachusetts company. In the one case an advocate of the claim was heard at the bar; in this case it was insisted that it should be denied. This was a question which was growing into a local question, more than gentlemen would allow or believe. He would not justify the claim, or enter into its merits at this time; in Massachusetts a sentiment, feeling and interest existed on this subject very different from what was generally understood by the members on this floor. With respect to the observation of the gentleman from Georgia on the memorial of governor Sullivan, Mr. Q. observed that the passage alluded to was by no means an expression of threat to the House, but of a reflection presented to the House for its consideration, whether or not such principles as these did tend to the dissolution of the social compact. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) had told them that the law of last session had put this question down. In doing this had they not put down the judiciary power of the United States? It was indeed true that they could put down any claim by putting down law. There was also another consideration which he would put to the gentlemen from Georgia merely for their reflection as it respected the effect which their warmth might have upon men's minds in other parts of the union. It was true a considerable zeal existed against this claim in some of the southern states; but men interested themselves would remember one fact, that, from the tenor of the compact as he understood it, the very land which these men claimed did revert to the state of Georgia after a certain term if not granted to claimants. That state therefore and its representatives had a strong individual interest to put down every claim of this kind; for in the result of no grant being made, they would—[Mr. Eppes begged leave here to interrupt the gentleman to tell him that he was totally mistaken; the compact said that it should revert to the United States and become a common fund.] Mr. Q. said he was then misinformed. He wished his own mind and that of every other gentleman to be kept clear and unobscured by local prejudice or individual passions; and he believed it would tend to create harmony that the subject should undergo an illustration, and that they should coolly decide on the prayer of the claimants. Mr. DANA said in ordinary cases it was not perhaps proper to admit counsel: for if counsel were admitted to support all claims, it would occupy so much of their time that they would not be able to proceed with public business. It must be in extraordinary cases only that counsel should be admitted—in cases of such magnitude and importance that the admission of counsel could not interfere with the general course of business. Was this then a claim of sufficient importance? It amounted to several millions of acres of land, the
annual revenue of the United States; it affected a vast territory, which the United States had sold, the value of which would be materially affected by the right of it being cleared from all doubt. This claim was therefore connected with the great question of public policy as to its settlement by compromise on general principle as all great territorial questions had been settled by compromise. This mode of settlement had also been recommended by commissioners of the United States; this was therefore a claim of a peculiar character. He could not see why the gentleman from Georgia should not express peculiar feelings; their feelings as men and as gentlemen were operated upon by the feelings of the state of Georgia which appeared to be precisely against the claim; and no doubt the gentleman from Georgia thought this a perfectly iniquitous and base business; they felt intensely in this case from their peculiar situation. Other gentlemen however perhaps looked at the subject through a different medium. He was not disposed particularly at this time to enter into an examination of facts; but one reason why he did not consider it entirely unworthy of consideration, was, that commissioners appointed by the United States to examine had reported in favor of a compromise. Had any new fact or demonstration of turpitude or corruption occurred since the commissioners made their report? Any new evidence of profligacy? Had not the commissioners who were appointed to examine claims to western territory full evidence before them on this subject? [Mr. Troup begged that the gentleman would not proceed farther into the merits of the claim, as by so doing he would compel Mr. T. to go at this time into a full examination of it, contrary to his wish.] Mr. D. said he would not then proceed further on that point; but there was one bearing of the present question which he would notice—whether the commissioners were not persons whose opinions gentlemen themselves ought to respect. If, said Mr. D. we are by a vote now to reject this application, we shall mark the claim with peculiar reprobation. What will be the event of that vote as it respects its ultimate bearing? What will be said of the persons who have in their official capacity as commissioners spoken favorably of the claims? What must the nation think of this House or the other branch of this legislature, when they pass a vote of reprobation on those to whom they have given evidence of preference, and seemed to approve as qualified to fill high offices? It is a subject of common report, that during the last month a very considerable proportion of members of this House assembled in the Senate chamber, and there considered the question who should succeed the present chief magistrate of the union; and that a majority of gentlemen there present, did designate as a proper person for the office of chief magistrate, a gentleman who was one of the commissioners appointed on this Yazoo claim. 'Tis true I and some of my friends did not receive an invitation to it, though we have made no secret of our republicanism even in these days of secrecy; but I know this from report. If you reject this claim, you imply that the character of this person is not sufficiently stern in considerations of this kind. I therefore submit to the consideration of the House, whether this is not a proper consideration in favor of the admission of this agent to explain the claim. The question on the resolution was taken by Yeas and Nays, as follows: YEAS—Messrs. Bacon, Barker, Champion, Chandler, Chittenden, Cook, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, Deane, Durell, Elliott, Ely, Gardner, Harris, Holland, Ilsley, Kirkpatrick, Lyon, Moseley, Pickin, Quincy, Stedman, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Upham, Van Rensselaer—28. NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Basset, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clinton, Clopton, Cobb, Dawson, Desha, Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Garnett, Gray, Green, Helms, Hoge, Holmes, Howard, Jenkins, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Knight, Lambert, Lewis, Love, Macon, Marion, Masters, M'Creery, Milner, D. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Mumford, Newbold, Newton, Pugh, Rea (Penn.), Richards, M. Riker, Rowan, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, S. Smith, Jno. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Swart, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Verplanck, Wharton, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell—76.
WANTED a man in the occupation of a SCHOOLMASTER; any person coming well recommended will find encouragement by applying to THOMAS H. LYLES, RICHARD IRELAND. Jr.
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 17.
A meeting of the commissioners appointed by act of Congress, entitled "An Act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac within the District of Columbia," is requested at 12 o'clock, at Stelle's hotel, on Wednesday next, the 17th instant. Washington, 13th February, 1808. We some time since briefly noticed the patriotic steps taken by the citizens of Baltimore towards the encouragement of domestic manufactures. We have now the further pleasure of stating that a plan for effecting this great object has been devised and commenced on a scale of liberality which promises the happiest effects, and evinces a zeal equal to surmounting every difficulty which is likely to occur. It is proposed to receive subscriptions to the amount of one million of dollars, payable in shares of fifty dollars, and in small instalments, by which every man in tolerable circumstances will be enabled to take at least one share, while the opulent capitalist may be expected to embark a considerable portion of his wealth. The avowed object of this institution is to establish, carry on, and encourage manufactures of all the useful and necessary articles, which have heretofore been imported from foreign countries; but the establishment of manufactures of cotton and wool, by means of the latest improved labor-saving machines, to be put in motion by water, is to be the first and immediate object to which the attention and funds of this association are to be applied. There never has been a season so propitious as the present for the furtherance of this great object. If the existing negotiations shall terminate in a rupture, the American people ought to prepare themselves for a state of things whose duration no human wisdom can limit. The points at issue will be so deeply momentous, and national pride will be exarcerbated to so high a pitch, that many years may elapse before the relations of amity with Europe shall be restored. Under such circumstances it will be the strongest evidence of wisdom to cultivate to its greatest extent every internal resource we possess, and make ourselves by this means, in a great degree, independent of the foreign world. This will be a necessary, an inevitable resort; and there can be no question but that under such circumstances the capital employed in manufactures will yield a sufficient remuneration. The only question seems to be, whether the individual interest of the capitalist may not suffer, in case there should be no rupture, or in case that rupture should be but of fugitive continuance. We are decidedly of opinion that no such injury will be incurred, provided the plan proposed at Baltimore shall be carried into effect, and similar plans be effected in other parts of the union. Domestic manufactures being once established to a degree adequate to our wants, it will be so manifestly the interest of the whole nation to uphold them that there may be an unequivocal confidence reposed in the national government. Guided by the public sentiment, and sensible of the perils to which for a long time past an overgrown commerce has exposed us, measures will, undoubtedly, be taken that will protect from injury those who have embarked their fortunes in such a cause. For, whether our lot be peace or war, it is the sound policy of this nation to make itself as independent as it can in every respect. DE WITT CLINTON is appointed Mayor of the city of New York. The Legislature of Massachusetts have passed the following resolution. In the House of Representatives—Yeas 178—Nays 81. In the Senate Yeas 19—Nays 16. Whereas the pacific and impartial policy pursued by the government of the U. States in relation to the belligerent powers of Europe appears, at the present period, to have no effect in exciting a fair and honest reciprocity in their conduct, and whereas from the aspect of our foreign relations it is altogether uncertain how long the blessings of peace continue to us, and whereas, under circumstances of national danger, an expression of accordant sentiments on the part of the individual states will give force and energy to the General Government and convince our enemies that we are not a divided people—Therefore be it resolved, That the Legislature of Massachusetts view, with the highest approbation the wise, dignified and energetic measures pursued by the Executive of the U. States relative to the outrageous attack on the Chesapeake, by the Leopard ship of war. Resolved, That in the present convulsed state of the civilized world, when a
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, FEB. 15.
ate fury, and when the experience of former ages affords no assistance in calculating its effects or duration, we repose with confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the General Government, to avert from us, if possible, the impending danger, or to direct our energies in the event of encountering it with a spirit of decision, becoming a free and sovereign people. On motion of Mr. Basset, the House went into committee of the whole, 47 to 23, on the bill concerning public contracts, Mr. J. Richards in the chair. The bill was gone through without debate and on motion of Mr. Basset, the committee rose and reported the bill which was, without debate ordered to a third reading to-morrow, 46 to 27. Mr. Basset called for the order of the day on the subject of the standing rules and orders of the House. The difficulty of getting up business on this day was an argument in favor of their being decided on. Many orders of the day being called for, Mr. Newton moved that the subject of the rules and orders be postponed as the session was so far advanced. Mr. Basset objected to the motion. They need only revert to the scenes of the morning in which several gentlemen had been on the floor at once, and several decisions had been had on the preference of business in the orders of the day; they must see the necessity of adopting some order for the regular routine of business. Mr. Newton and Mr. Holland, supported the motion for postponement, which was carried 46 to 37. Mr. Stanford was so fully impressed with the necessity of some rule for the routine of business, that he wished to originate a motion for the regulation of it the same which was made by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Basset) in committee of the whole on the subject. The Speaker said that the motion was not in order. On motion of Mr. Cook, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Cutts in the chair on the bill for extinguishing the debts due from the U. S. Messrs. Cook and Holland supported the bill and Messrs. Rhea and Alston opposed it; when a message having been received from the President of the U. States by Mr. Graham, On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams the committee rose reported progress and obtained leave to sit again. The message was then read as follows: To the Senate and House of Representatives of U. S. I communicate for the information of Congress a letter from the Consul of the United States at Malaga to the Secretary of State covering one from Mr. Lear, our Consul at Algiers which gives information that the rupture threatened on the part of the Dey of Algiers has been amicably settled, and the vessels seized by him are liberated. TH: JEFFERSON. Feb. 15, 1808. The document which accompanies the message is the same with that which appeared in our last. The message was on motion of Mr. Quincy referred to the committee appointed to consider a former communication of the President of the U. States relative to our relations with Algiers. Mr. Newton moved for the order of the day on the bill extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds. Mr. Cook supposed the bill for extinguishing the debts due from the U. States had preference as unfinished business; if not, he hoped the gentleman from Virginia had too high a sense of decorum to insist on his motion. Messrs. Holland, Sturges and Quincy advocated the bill, and Messrs. Alston and Rhea opposed it. The question was then taken on striking out the first section (the principle of the bill) and negatived 53 to 24. When, on motion of Mr. Cook the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again. Mr. Dawson from the committee on military and naval establishments, reported the following resolution, which was agreed to, ayes 58, and referred to the committee who reported it to bring in a bill. Resolved, That the sum of dollars be appropriated to enable the President of the United States to procure by purchase, or to cause the same to be manufactured stand of arms for the use of the U. S. and to cause the same to be deposited in safe and suitable places. Mr. Dawson also reported the
tary peace establishment of the U. States; which was referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow. On motion of Mr. Parke the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill extending the right of suffrage within the Indiana territory; Mr. Pitkin in the chair, which having been gone through was reported to the House. Mr. Rhea proposed an amendment further extending the suffrage; which was negatived, ayes 14. The bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow. On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Marion in the chair, on the bill for the relief of Edward Weld, and Samuel Beebee; which having been gone through was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading. On motion of Mr. Newton, the House went into a committee of the whole on the resolution for disposing of certain charts of the coast of North Carolina, Mr. Richards in the chair, which being gone through, was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading. On motion of Mr. Newton, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Pitkin in the chair, on the bill to allow the importation of old coper free of duty; which being gone through and reported to the House, was ordered to a third reading. On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. W. Alston in the chair, on the bill from the Senate to defray the expenses incurred in an enquiry into the conduct of John Smith, a Senator from Ohio; which being gone through and reported to the House, was ordered to a third reading. Mr. Dawson laid upon the table the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of this House jointly with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate to consider and report what further business it is necessary to be done during the present session; and at what time it will be proper for Congress to adjourn. On motion of Mr. Van Rensselaer the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Basset in the chair, on the bill for the relief of Samuel Whiting, which being gone through and reported to the House, the House adjourned without concurring in the report. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 16. Mr. Stanford laid upon the table a resolution for the regulation of business in the House, which he should call up in the event of the rules and orders not being soon considered. The several bills yesterday ordered to be read a third time were severally read and passed, except the bill concerning contracts; On which Mr. Troup having called the yeas and nays, after some discussion, it was on motion of Mr. Southard re-committed to a committee of the whole for amendment of the detail. [A view of the debate hereafter.] Mr. Dawson reported a bill for procuring a certain number of arms; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow. On motion of Mr. Blackledge, Resolved, That the committee of Ways and Means be directed to enquire whether any, and if any, what alterations are necessary to be made in the several acts fixing the salaries and emoluments of the collectors of duties on imports and tonnage, and that the committee be authorized to report by bill or otherwise. A bill from the Senate for erecting a light-house, and placing buoys at the places therein mentioned, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole. The bill for the relief of Samuel Whiting was ordered to a third reading. Philadelphia, February 11. Capt. Williams, of the Sea-Nymph, arrived at New York from St. Croix, informs that admiral Cochrane had gone to windward to blockade Martique. News of the embargo was brought to St. Croix by capt. Sims of New York. It excited much alarm among the inhabitants. Flour rose from 8 to 14 dollars in one day, and other provisions in proportion. BIRTH NIGHT BALL. THERE will be a subscription Ball on Monday the 22nd inst. as no Cards will be sent out, the Ladies who attend the City Assembly are invited. Tickets for gentlemen to be had at the bar. February 17, CITY DANCING ASSEMBLIES. In consequence of the Birth Night Ball, the next Assembly will be postponed to Thursday the 3rd of March next. THE MANAGERS. Feb 17—31. ST. ANDREWS SOCIETY. A stated meeting of the Society will be held at the house of Wm. RAITIRL, George-town, on Friday next the 19th instant; of which the mem-

(BY AUTHORITY.)
AN ACT
Making appropriations for the support of government during the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the expenditures of the civil list in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, including the contingent expenses of the several departments and offices; for the compensation of the several loan officers and their clerks, and for books and stationery for the same; for the payment of annuities and grants; for the support of the mint establishment; for the expenses of intercourse with foreign nations; for the support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers; for defraying the expenses of surveying the public lands, and for satisfying certain miscellaneous claims, the following sums be, and the same hereby are respectively appropriated, that is to say:
For compensation granted by law to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, their officers and attendants, estimated for a session of four months and a half continuance, two hundred and one thousand, four hundred and twenty-five dollars:
For the expense of fire-wood, stationery, printing, and all other contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress, twenty-nine thousand two hundred dollars:
For all contingent expenses of the Library of Congress, and the librarian's allowance for the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, eight hundred dollars:
For compensation to the President and Vice-President of the United States, thirty thousand dollars:
For compensation to the Secretary of State, clerks and persons employed in that department, thirteen thousand dollars:
For the incidental and contingent expenses of the said department, four thousand two hundred dollars:
For printing and distributing copies of the laws of the first session of the tenth Congress, and printing the laws in newspapers, eight thousand two hundred and fifty dollars:
For special messengers charged with dispatches, two thousand dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, sixteen thousand seven hundred dollars:
For the expense of translating foreign languages, allowance to the person employed in receiving and transmitting passports and sea-letters, stationery and printing, one thousand dollars:
For compensation to the comptroller of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, twelve thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven dollars:
For expense of stationery, printing and incidental and contingent expenses of the comptroller's office, eight hundred dollars:
For compensation to the auditor of the treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, twelve thousand two hundred and twenty-one dollars:
For expense of stationery, printing, and incidental and contingent expenses in the office of the auditor of the treasury, five hundred dollars:
For compensation to the treasurer, clerks, and persons employed in his office, six thousand two hundred and twenty-seven dollars, and forty-five cents:
For expense of stationery, printing, and incidental and contingent expenses in the treasurer's office, three hundred dollars:
For compensation to the register of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, sixteen thousand and fifty-two dollars and two cents:
For expense of stationery and printing in the register's office, (including books for the public stocks, and for the arrangement of the marine papers,) two thousand eight hundred dollars:
For purchasing books, maps and charts, for the use of the treasury department, four hundred dollars:
For fuel and other contingent expenses of the treasury department, four thousand dollars:
For defraying the expenses of stating and printing the public accounts for the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, one thousand two hundred dollars:
For compensation to a superintendent employed to secure the buildings and records of the treasury during the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, including the expense of two watchmen, and for the repair of two fire engines, buckets, lanterns, and other incidental expenses, one thousand one hundred dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of the commissioners of the sinking fund, two hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of war, clerks, and persons employed in his office, eleven thousand two hundred and fifty dollars:
penses of the office of the secretary of war, one thousand dollars:
For compensation to the accountant of the war department, clerks, and persons employed in his office, two thousand nine hundred and ten dollars:
For contingent expenses in the office of the accountant of the war department, one thousand dollars:
For compensation to clerks employed in the pay-master's office, one thousand eight hundred dollars:
For fuel in the said office, ninety dollars:
For compensation to the purveyor of public supplies, clerks, and persons employed in his office, and for expense of stationery, store rent and fuel for the said office, four thousand six hundred dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of the navy, clerks, and persons employed in his office, nine thousand eight hundred and ten dollars:
For expense of fuel, stationery, printing, and other contingent expenses in the office of the secretary of the navy, two thousand dollars:
For compensation to the accountant of the navy, clerks and persons employed in his office, ten thousand four hundred and ten dollars:
For contingent expenses in the office of the accountant of the navy, five hundred dollars:
For compensation to the post-master general, to the assistant post-master general, clerks and persons employed in the post-master general's office, sixteen thousand dollars:
For expense of fuel, candles, house rent for the messenger, stationery, chests, &c. two thousand five hundred dollars:
For compensation to the several loan officers, thirteen thousand two hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the clerks of the several commissioners of loans, and for an allowance to certain loan officers in lieu of clerk hire, and to defray the authorized expenses of the several loan offices, fifteen thousand dollars:
For compensation to the surveyor general, and for his clerks, three thousand two hundred dollars:
For compensation to the surveyor of lands south of the state of Tennessee, clerks employed in his office, stationery and other contingencies, three thousand two hundred dollars:
For compensation to the officers of the mint:
The director, two thousand dollars:
The treasurer, one thousand two hundred dollars:
The assayer, one thousand five hundred dollars:
The chief coiner, one thousand five hundred dollars:
The melter and refiner, one thousand five hundred dollars:
The engraver, one thousand two hundred dollars:
One clerk, at seven hundred dollars:
And two clerks, at five hundred dollars each:
For the wages of persons employed in the different branches of melting, coining, carpenter's, mill-right's and smith's-work, including the sum of one thousand dollars per annum allowed to an assistant coiner and die forger, who also oversees the execution of the iron-works, eight thousand and fifty dollars:
For the repairs of furnaces, cost of rollers and screws, timber, bar-iron, lead, steel, potash and for all other contingencies of the mint, two thousand eight hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the territory of Orleans, thirteen thousand dollars:
For incidental and contingent expenses of the executive officers of the said territory, and for express hire and compensation of an Indian interpreter, two thousand eight hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Mississippi territory, including additional compensation allowed to the judges for the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, nine thousand four hundred dollars:
For expense of stationery, office rent and other contingent expenses in said territory, including a deficiency in the appropriation for these objects, in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, six hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Indiana territory, including additional compensation allowed to the judges for the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, seven thousand eight hundred dollars:
For expense of stationery, office rent and other contingent expenses of said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Michigan territory, including additional compensation allowed to the judges for the year one thousand eight hundred
For expenses of stationery, office rent, and other contingent expenses of the said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Louisiana territory, including additional compensation allowed to the judges for the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, seven thousand eight hundred dollars:
For expense of stationery, office rent, and other contingent expenses of the said territory, three hundred and fifty dollars:
For the discharge of such demands against the United States, on account of the civil department, not otherwise provided for, as shall have been admitted in a due course of settlement at the treasury, two thousand dollars:
For additional compensation to the clerks of the several departments of state, treasury, war and navy, and of the general post-office, not exceeding for each department respectively, fifteen per centum, in addition to the sums allowed by the act intitled "An act to regulate and fix the compensation of clerks, and to authorise the laying out certain public roads, and for other purposes," thirteen thousand, two hundred and sixty nine dollars and thirty three cents:
For compensation granted by law to the chief justice, associate judges and district judges of the United States, including the chief justice and two associate judges of the district of Columbia; to the attorney general, and to the district judge of the territory of Orleans, fifty nine thousand, four hundred dollars:
For the like compensation granted to the several district attorneys of the United States, three thousand, four hundred dollars:
For compensation to the marshals of the districts of Maine, New-Hampshire, Vermont, Kentucky, Ohio, East and West Tennessee, and Orleans, one thousand, six hundred dollars:
For defraying the expenses of the supreme, circuit, and district courts of the United States, including the district of Columbia, and of jurors and witnesses, in aid of the funds arising from fines, forfeitures and penalties, and likewise for defraying the expenses of prosecutions for offences against the United States, and for safe keeping of prisoners, forty thousand dollars:
For the payment of sundry pensions granted by the late government, eight hundred and sixty dollars:
For the payment of the annual allowance to the invalid pensioners of the United States, from the fifth of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight to the fourth of March one thousand eight hundred and nine, ninety-eight thousand dollars:
For the maintenance and support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, stakes of channels, bars and shoals, and certain contingent expenses, including repairs and raising Newport light-house, eighty-five thousand dollars:
For erecting light-houses at the mouth of the Mississippi river, and at or near the pitch of cape Look-out in North Carolina, a former appropriation of twenty thousand dollars for those objects having been carried to the surplus fund, twenty thousand dollars:
For erecting a light-house on the south point of Cumberland island, in the state of Georgia, a former appropriation of four thousand dollars for that object having been carried to the surplus fund, four thousand dollars:
For erecting a light-house on cape Hatteras, and beacon on Shell-castle island, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for those objects, one thousand one hundred and forty-five dollars and forty-four cents:
For erecting the following light-houses, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for them respectively, that is to say: for erecting a light-house on New-point Comfort in Virginia, one hundred and seventy-seven dollars and twenty cents:
For erecting a light-house on Wood island or Fletcher's neck, one hundred dollars:
For erecting a double light-house at or near Chatham harbor, on the back of cape Cod, two thousand dollars:
For placing buoys and beacons, in or near the rocks and shoals in the channel leading into the harbor of Salem in Massachusetts, in addition to the sum heretofore appropriated for that object, five thousand dollars:
For the expenses of the boards formed in the territories of Orleans and Louisiana, for investigating and adjusting titles and claims to land, in addition to the sum heretofore appropriated for that object, thirty-three thousand, three hundred dollars:
For carrying on the surveys of the public lands in the several territories, twenty one thousand, one hundred and seventy-four dollars:
For the contingent expenses of government, the balance of former ap-
ty thousand dollars:
For expenses of intercourse with foreign nations, thirty-three thousand and fifty dollars:
For contingent expenses of intercourse with foreign nations, twenty thousand dollars:
For expenses of intercourse with the Barbary powers, fifty thousand dollars:
For contingent expenses of intercourse with Barbary powers, fifty thousand dollars:
For the relief and protection of distressed American seamen, five thousand dollars:
For expenses of prosecuting claims in relation to captures, twelve thousand, five hundred dollars:
For the discharge of such miscellaneous claims against the United States, not otherwise provided for, as shall have been admitted in due course of settlement at the treasury, four thousand dollars:
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several appropriations herein before made, shall be paid and discharged out of the fund of six hundred thousand dollars, reserved by an act making provision for the debt of the United States, and out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 10, 1808.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT To erect a light-house on Point Judith, in the state of Rhode-Island.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the secretary of the treasury shall be, and he hereby is authorized and required, to cause a good and sufficient light-house to be erected on Point Judith, in the state of Rhode-Island, and to appoint the keeper of the said light-house, under the direction of the President of the United States, and otherwise to provide for such light-house at the expense of the United States: Provided, That sufficient land for accommodation of such light-house, can be obtained, at a reasonable price, and the legislature of Rhode-Island shall cede the jurisdiction over the same to the United States. And the sum not exceeding five thousand dollars is hereby appropriated for the purpose of defraying the expense of erecting the said light-house; to be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the treasury, to cause the said light-house to be so constructed, that the light, on being discovered, may with certainty be distinguished from that of other light-houses, heretofore erected in its neighborhood.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 10, 1808.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
BURNS AND BELL.
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N.B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch.
October 23—tf.
NOTICE.
THE whole of the Personal Property of George Mitchel, deceased, consisting of a valuable Gold Watch, bedstead, feather bed and bedding, a considerable quantity of wearing apparel, and a variety of other articles, will be sold at Public Vendue, on Thursday the 18th inst. at the House of John M'Gowan, opposite Rhode's Tavern.—Sale to commence at 11 o'clock—Terms made known previous to the sale.
SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct. February 10—tds
CHARLES H. FARNHAM, MERCHANT TAILOR.
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT
Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaneats and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspender far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District—among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's coris and velvets, Constitution, Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets,
Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Toinets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do.
Bearskin coatings, Plains, kersies, halfthicks,
Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers,
Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays,
Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins,
India and British book do. India mull-mull figured and plain,
Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics,
Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses,
8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs,
Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs,
Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves,
Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do.
Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and Intestines,
Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces,
Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns,
4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics,
Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes,
Cambric Dimities, Common do.
Furniture do. Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread,
cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose,
Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons,
Ribbons, floss threads, Scarf-tend other colored bombazets,
Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg,
Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO,
Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T.C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
Will be Sold at Public Auction,
ON the Premises, on Thursday the 25th day of February next, part of
LOT No. 4, in Square 73 being 28 feet front, near the Western Market, and
extending back about 147 feet to an alley. There is erected upon this Lot,
a good BRICK BUILDING covering the whole front, with a good Kitchen and enclosure, and was formerly occupied by Dr. Bellus. As the property is well known, nothing further descriptive is thought necessary. January 25—tds
A GREAT BARGAIN.
JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,433 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
ROSS AND GETTY,
HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz.
30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples,
10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and
10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
In pursuance of a deed of trust, dated on the 17th day of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, from Isidore Hardey, of Prince George's county, Maryland, to John Francis Hardey, will be exposed to Public Sale, on the premises, on Tuesday the first day of March next, if fair, and if not, the first fair day thereafter,
ALL those two Tracts or Parts of Tracts or Parcels of Land, lying and being in Prince George's county, called Gardiner's Meadows and Tyler's Advantage, containing 330 acres. These lands are encumbered with the right of dower, and will be sold for cash. The above tracts of land are situated about 5 miles from Piscataway, in Prince George's county, and are tolerably well improved. A more minute description is deemed unnecessary, as those who wish to purchase will view the premises, either on or before the day of sale.