The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-01-09 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 111.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY JANUARY 9th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
The following extract from the London Monthly Magazine of July last shows the opinion entertained abroad of the motives and tendency of the measures of the opponents of the administration on that topic which for a year past has most deeply engaged the attention of the people. We perceive in the delineation it draws of parties the award of history.
* POLITICS.
"THIS is the grand subject which principally interests the minds of men in the United States of America. The form of the government, the habits of the people, and the wonderful revolutionary events which have occurred, both in America and Europe, within the memory of the present generation, serve to fix their attention more strongly on this object, and to make it dear to their hearts."
Comparatively, the few last months have passed away in remarkable tranquillity. The general ascendancy acquired by the Republican over the federal party seems to have extinguished much of that animosity which might have been expected to prevail if the contentions had been maintained with nearly equal numbers. The large, unshaken, and augmented majorities in favor of the republican interest, exhibited at most of the elections, evince a decision among the people concerning their political sentiments which does not appear likely to be speedily reversed."
The most fruitful source of altercation among the parties for the last six months, has been the proceedings of the national legislature and executive, on the subject of the dispute with Spain, concerning New Orleans. The sudden withholding of the right of deposit at that place, which had been solemnly stipulated by treaty, created a strong sensation in the minds of the people of the United States. A doubt, however, early arose whether this unwarrantable act originated from the Intendant of Louisiana, or from the Spanish court. While this question remained undecided, the government of the United States deemed it more advisable to attempt a settlement of the difference by negotiation, than abruptly to adopt forcible measures which might lead to war. They therefore determined to take such precautionary and preparatory steps as would provide against the worst, and at the same time to open a negotiation."
But the opposition, observing the popularity of the economical and other salutary reforms undertaken by the present administration, and despairing of all means but of a foreign war to unhinge a system resting upon so deep a foundation, employed every means in their power to precipitate the nation into hostilities with Spain. For this purpose the discontents and murmurs of the people of the Western States, more immediately suffering the inconveniences and privations resulting from the suspension of the deposit at New Orleans, were warmly cherished and encouraged; and hints of no equivocal meaning were industriously thrown out, that they ought themselves without waiting for the concurrence or authority of the government, to provide a remedy, and that a hostile one, for the existing restriction on their trade. The suggestions, though well calculated to gratify the feelings of the moment, obtained no success. The Western States, strongly attached to the administration, to republican principles, to the authority of the constitution, to law and to order, refused to listen to propositions so destructive to every thing that freemen hold most dear. Thus the affair was quietly left to the operation of the remonstrances which the government had early transmitted to the court of Madrid."
At length the order of the king of Spain arrived, the conduct of the Intendant was disavowed, and the right of deposit entirely restored. Thus the business was terminated with much more dispatch than could possibly have been done by any arrangement of violent measures, and without any breach of the good understanding between the two nations."
The efforts of the Federalists to involve the United States in the calamities of war, were, on this occasion, prompt, bold, and persevering. Their disappointment indicates a degree of good sense, moderation and reflection,
in the great body of the people which does them much honor, and which, unfortunately for mankind, is not always displayed by a nation when their passions are roused by a sense of injury."
It will not appear surprising that this dispute with Spain was the grand topic of discussion in the newspapers, and of debate in the national legislature, for several months. During this agitation a pamphlet appeared under very singular circumstances, intitled "An Address to the government of the United States on the cession of Louisiana to the French; and on the late breach of treaty by the Spaniards; including the translation of a Memorial on the war of St. Domingo, and the cession of the Mississippi to France, drawn up by a French counselor of state." The object of this pamphlet was doubtless to increase the existing ferment, and to impel the nation to violent measures. By many it was considered as a spurious performance; as the original, of which it purports to be a translation, though pressing called for by the public, was never produced or referred to in any satisfactory manner. The same author soon afterwards, and probably with similar intentions, published "Monroe's embassy; or, the conduct of the government in relation to our claims to the navigation of the Mississippi, considered; by the author of an Address to the Government of the United States, &c."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, December 9.
Debate on the AMENDMENT to the CONSTITUTION.
(Continued.)
Mr. THATCHER. Mr. Speaker, My principal object in rising upon this occasion is, to examine some of those ideas which were suggested by gentlemen of the majority in the course of yesterday's debate. But before I attempt that examination, I beg leave to call the attention of the House for a moment, to a view of the subject which has convinced my mind that the proposed amendment cannot be adopted without materially impairing the rights of individual states—without in fact destroying the very basis of the confederacy.
Under the first confederation the states composing the union were equal and independent. They voted by states. This constitution was adopted by states acting in their corporate capacity. They relinquished certain important rights, and the United States by the constitution guaranteed to each state the enjoyment of other rights as an equivalent. The one was a consideration for the other. The states for example which held few or no slaves, consented to relinquish their right of equal representation in the House of Representatives; and that those states which possessed a vast number of slaves should be represented in Congress "according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons." The number of electors of President and Vice-President is increased in the same proportion. Among other things in return, the constitution establishes a mode of electing the President and Vice-President which gives to each state a share in the election, and in determining the number of electors, it has express reference to states in their corporate capacity. By the article which it is proposed to alter, each state is entitled to "a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the state may be entitled in the Congress." It provides that two persons shall be voted for without designating which is intended for President. It further provides that "if there shall be more than one" (person) "who have a majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot, one of them for President;—and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list, the said House shall in like manner choose the
President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by states the representation from each state having one vote," &c. By this important article of the constitution a degree of influence in the choice of President and Vice-President is in fact guaranteed to each state, and the large states consented that the small should have a greater share of votes in the choice than they would have been entitled to by their population. It has been so clearly shown, indeed it is so evident, that the constitutional mode of election is calculated to guard the rights and interests of each state, but most of all the small states, that I forbear to enlarge upon this point. It is certain that the larger states would not have guaranteed to the small, rights so important, rights which abridged their own power materially, unless they had received an equivalent. We cannot determine, with certainty, that one of these rights was solely a consideration for another, but it is sufficient for this argument to know that the rights guaranteed were a consideration for those relinquished. It follows that although we may modify the forms of the constitution, in such a manner as will operate equally upon all the states, we cannot, under the article providing for amendments, ingraft new principles into the constitution which will destroy the rights of individual states, without the consent of those states. There are certain rights inherent in states, as well as in individuals, of which they can never be divested without an express consent. Suppose two-thirds of Congress and the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states should adopt a resolution which in direct terms should declare that in future the other states should give no votes, or should have no share in the election of President and Vice-President, would any one pretend that they were authorized to do this under the article providing for amendments of the constitution? I consider it impossible to adopt a resolution which will impair the rights of some states—which in fact, will secure to a few states the power of choosing the President and Vice-President at pleasure, to the total exclusion of all the other states, (and it has been clearly shown that with the present population five states may chuse the President and Vice-President, to the exclusion of the other twelve.) without making the constitution a nudum pactum ; without destroying the very basis of the confederacy. I look forward, sir, with fearful apprehensions to the consequences, should this resolution be adopted. It will create the greatest dissatisfaction in the states injured by the alteration. It will furnish arguments to the enemies of this union, which may effect its destruction.
An honorable gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Campb.) has founded his argument principally upon the position that the proposed amendment will carry into effect the public will;—that it will prevent a contingency, which under the present mode of election may occur, viz. the person intended by a majority of the electors for President may be supplanted by the person intended by them for Vice-President, and will fill the second office in the government. This argument has also been urged by other gentlemen.
It is scarcely within the compass of possibility that with the experience already had, an equal number of votes, and a majority should be given to two candidates for the Presidency. But it is demonstrable that whenever the right of choosing a President shall under this amendment, devolve upon the House of Representatives, the danger that the person intended by the electors for President will be excluded, not only from the Presidency, but also from the Vice-Presidency, will be increased in a tenfold ratio. For under this amendment as adopted by the Senate, the House of Representatives may chuse the President not only from five candidates, as under the present mode, but from among the candidates who may have either of the three highest numbers. The number of candidates is, therefore, almost unlimited. Every state candidate, every ambitious man who can secure a few votes, will offer himself for the office, and knowing that his only chance of success will be in the House of Representatives, it will be the object of all his supporters to prevent a choice by the electors. The Vice-President will be compelled by the most powerful inducements to prevent a choice, because by this amendment, "if the House of Representatives shall not chuse a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March then next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President as
in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President." If the Vice-President shall be elected by the Senate, the influence of the Senators may be added to prevent a choice by the House, for they will naturally prefer that the man of their own choice should act as President. Thus to the clashing interests of states, and of numerous candidates, may be added the influence of the Vice-President, and of the Senate, all tending to prevent a majority of states from uniting in one candidate.—Under the present mode, if, by possibility, the choice should devolve upon the House of Representatives, the responsibility for all the evils of an interregnum must operate as the most powerful inducement to make an election; but under this amendment the horrors of anarchy will not be dreaded, because in case of no choice the government will be administered by the Vice-President. It is fairly to be calculated that no election will be made by the House of Representatives. What is the consequence? A man who from the nature of the choice will probably be unqualified for the office (as has been very clearly shown by my friend from Connecticut) a man who had not one vote for President succeeds in fact to that office. Thus the choice may be virtually transferred from the popular to the federative branch of the government.
The gentleman from Tennessee tells us that this argument drawn from the omission of the House to elect a President implies corruption. This cannot be admitted, for men will naturally disagree in their opinions of candidates, and may very honestly adhere to the dictates of their judgements and consciences. But, sir, if it did imply corruption, it would not destroy the force of the argument. With the growth and opulence of our country, we must expect corruption; with the progress of our government we must calculate upon intrigue.
To prevent the difficulties and dangers of a contested election in the House of Representatives, we hold out by this amendment to the large states the strongest inducements, we almost compel them by the principles of self-interest, so to combine that the right of choice shall not devolve upon the House of Representatives, as a few states may so combine as to secure to themselves the election of President and Vice-President to the total exclusion of the other states, the greatest evils are generally to be apprehended from such exclusive combinations.
What, let me ask, sir, are the evils, the great, the impending evils which will induce us to brave all the dangers of this hazardous experiment? The worst that can be apprehended from the present mode of choice is, that two of the first citizens in the United States, each having a majority of votes—voted for by the same electors, if it should happen that they have an equal number of votes, the one preferred by the majority of electors for President may chance to fill the second office in the government, while the candidate intended by a majority of the electors for the second office, may, by the votes of a majority of states, be chosen President.
The gentleman from Tennessee conceives that the minority can have no share in the election, but by counteracting the will of the majority. Let it be remembered, sir, that it requires a majority of the electors to make a choice. All that is left to the minority, under the present mode of election, when they have any share in the choice, is, to vote for one of the candidates offered by the majority. Is there to be a line of demarcation drawn between parties by the constitution itself which will render the Chief Magistrate of the u. on the mere instrument of party? Is this calculated to secure the equal rights of the majority?
Mr. Speaker, several gentlemen in the majority have told us that the people call for this "amendment". My colleague (Mr. Taggart) has been accused of speaking disrespectfully of the people. I understood him only to say, that public opinion is mutable, and that the opinion of the people respecting this "amendment" has not been ascertained. How, sir, do gentlemen know the opinion of the "people" upon this question? By what evidence does it appear? It is said that some of the state legislatures have expressed a wish in favor of the "amendment." I know that two or three legislatures, at different times, have passed a vote in favor of the designating principle. But, sir, no state legislature has ever expressed approbation of the various other
alterations in this resolution.
If the state legislatures had expressed their approbation of this resolution; will gentlemen say that it ought to be obligatory upon the members of this House? We certainly are under the strongest obligations to give an independent vote upon this question, contracted only by the dictates of our own consciences. The constitution has, in this instance made each House of Congress, and the state legislatures a check upon each other. Else why are two thirds of both House of Congress and the legislature of three fourths of the several states required by the constitution to concur in an amendment? If the opposite doctrine be correct, it would have been better to have decided questions respecting constitutional amendments by the state legislatures alone, than to have assigned to Congress a part in such a political farce.
In the course of this debate, various and repeated allusions have been made to party distinctions. We have, I believe, for the first time in this House, heard the terms federal and republican applied to members of this House, and contra-distinguished to each other. I have long seen these distinctions in newspaper publications, but I feel great regret that they should be introduced here, more particularly upon a question which demands of us to divest ourselves of all partial considerations, and to investigate this subject with candor and with coolness. What can gentlemen intend to effect by this denunciation. Is it intended to call a reproach upon the name of federalist? Do they recollect whence was derived the honorable distinction of federalist? Do they not know that it is derived from an early and warm attachment to the federal constitution? If gentlemen claim the title of republicans let them not claim it exclusively. Let them remember that we are all bound by oath to support the same federal republican constitution.
Mr. Speaker, my mind is deeply impressed with a sense of the vast importance of rejecting this resolution. We are not discussing an ordinary, a party, or a local question, but it is proposed to adopt a material change in a fundamental principle of the national compact; an alteration which will affect the whole union—which will influence the condition of millions long after the present distinctions of party shall have passed away, and we shall have passed away with them. Whilst we endeavor to render the present principle of the constitution as operative and beneficial as possible, let us beware lest, under the plausible pretext of "amendment," we introduce principles destructive of the compact itself. On former occasions extracts have been read from the speeches and from the writings of eminent statesmen, permit me to quote a few sentences from an authority which once had great influence in this House. I trust it will now have an effect.
"Towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of government, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion."
These sentiments are from the "famous address" of that most illustrious statesman and patriot who presided in the convention which formed this constitution.
Mr. Speaker, I have been highly gratified by the various motions which have been made, some of them by gentlemen of the majority, to recommit this resolution for the purpose of amendment. It is evident that some of the expressions are so extremely ambiguous and obscure, as to admit a great variety of construction. Such a variety of constructions have indeed been given in this House to some of the most important clauses, and so just have been the criticisms upon the phraseology of this resolution, that the necessity of amendment must be obvious to the friends of

The resolution. It certainly cannot be necessary to adopt it precisely as it stands. If it must be sent to the state legislatures, I hope we shall so far respect the reputation of the House as at least to make the resolution intelligible.
Some gentlemen wish to amend this resolution as to make it conform to that which passed this House, and of which gentlemen were, at that time, in possession.
I sincerely hope that two thirds of this House will never adopt the various alterations of the constitution contained in this resolution. If disappointed here, the state legislatures will, I trust, perceive, that the important right guaranteed to them by this constitution once relinquished can never be regained:—that by adopting the fairest feature of the constitution, they sacrifice the rights of other states, they hazard the peace, the existence of the union.
MR. THOMAS. A number of gentlemen opposed to the amendment, and particularly the gentleman left up from Massachusetts, (Mr. Thatcher) appear to lay great stress on exceptions to the phraseology of the resolution. In the first paragraph they contend, that it is absurd, because it reads, "which when ratified by three fourths of the legislatures of the several states."—I agree with the gentlemen that it would have read better to my mind, had it said, which when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, and it would have been nigher the phrase made use of in the constitution;—but, as on all occasions like this, when there are precedents, as to form, we generally adopt them, the Senate appear to have done it in this instance; I wish gentlemen to examine a resolution of the first Congress under this constitution, proposing a number of amendments to the state legislatures; they will find in that resolution it is thus expressed, "which when ratified by three fourths of the legislatures of the said states." Now, I ask, what is the difference in the phraseology of these two resolutions? One says "when ratified by three fourths of the legislatures of the several states."—The other, which I have just read, says, "when ratified by three fourths of the legislatures of the said states." For my part, I can see no difference between these two; besides, in my opinion, it is altogether unimportant, whether any thing is said in the resolution about its being ratified by three fourths, all, or any of the state legislatures. I believe it is sufficient that the bare proposition go out from Congress, and when it has received the ratification of the legislatures of three fourths of the states, the constitution itself, which is paramount to any thing we can say on the subject, declares it to be a part of that instrument. And I ask the gentleman from Massachusetts, or any other gentleman on this floor, whether this is not correct? Whether what is said in the resolution, or what we could say, in relation to its ratification by the state legislatures, can possibly affect its validity? It cannot; therefore, all that has been said about that part, goes for nothing.
With respect to the criticism of gentlemen as to the wording of the second paragraph, I wish they would read the exceptional sentence, and then compare that, with the one on the same subject, in the constitution, (here Mr. T. read the two, and then laid.) To my mind it appears plain and proper enough expressed, and I do consider, that the objections to the phraseology of this part are equally puerile with the other.
MR. SPEAKER, (said Mr. T.) I am in favor of the resolution as it now stands, and shall give it my decided support. I however, acknowledge, that I should like it better myself without the provision made by the Senate, that the Vice-President should act as President, in case no election should be made by the House of Representatives, previous to the 4th of March, when the choice devolves on them—and as several gentlemen have expressed a desire, that a trial should be made to effect this alteration, I wish the Speaker to inform me whether if this House should amend the resolution, and the Senate should not concur in the amendment, when it comes down again to this House, a majority cannot rescind the amendment, or whether it will require two thirds? Because, although I have heretofore voted against a recommendation, if the Speaker is of the opinion that a majority can rescind, I am willing to make the trial, and shall in that case, move to recommit the resolution to a committee of the whole House for that purpose.
The Speaker said he considered it improper to give an opinion on a question of order relating to a subject not immediately before the House. He said, on all incidental questions he considered a majority sufficient.
MR. R. GRISWOLD. I feel no disposition to protract the debate to any considerable length. Nor can I flatter myself, that any remarks which I shall make, will convince a single member of the House, whose opinions have been formed in favor of the resolution, of its pernicious tendency. But upon a question of so much importance, I must be permitted to state in a concise manner, one of those considerations, which will
induce me to give my decided negative to the measure.
The election of a President is a transaction of vast importance to the United States. In the hands of this officer is deposited the executive power of the government. The constitution having expressly declared, "that the executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America." On the execution of this power, depends in a great measure the character and prosperity of the country. The President is entrusted with the execution of the laws. He appoints, with the consent of the Senate, the judicial and executive officers. He forms, and with the advice of the Senate concludes treaties, and in his hands is virtually lodged the peace and safety of the country. Even the right of declaring war, although nominally confined to the legislature, must be substantially controlled by the acts of the executive; because it must generally happen, that the necessity of war will depend on the management of our foreign relations by the President, and the power of terminating a war by treaty, rests with him. In a period of war, the President is the executive officer to conduct it, and in a time of peace, he is the guardian of our neutral rights. A power so important and extensive, must necessarily carry along with it vast patronage and influence; and a President may at all times become emphatically a blessing, or a scourge to the community.
From this hasty sketch may be perceived the deep interest which every state has in the Presidential election.
The election of the first magistrate of a nation has always been considered the most difficult part of the science of government. The authority which the office necessarily confers—the respect which it creates, and the patronage which it gives, must render it the great object of ambition to aspiring men. The journal of the general convention shews, that this subject created more difficulty than any other, which fell under the deliberations of that respectable body. To organize the election in such a manner, as to guard against popular cabals and corruption on the one hand, and to secure a proper dependence on the people, on the other, to prevent improper combinations of states, or of individuals, and at the same time to give each state its due weight and influence in the election, was no easy task; they formed, however, the great objects which engaged the attention of the convention; and after every project had received a deliberate consideration—that body agreed upon the plan, under which we have successfully practiced for fourteen years. It is now proposed to introduce an essential and radical change in this plan, and we are called upon to decide whether we will recommend the change to the states. Under these circumstances it cannot be improper to caution gentlemen against precipitancy, and to request them to examine critically the nature of our government, and to be careful that they do not, under the pretext of amendment and reform, violate one of the first and most important principles of the union.
The government of the United States, is not a consolidated government, it is strictly federal, and its friends are of course federalists. It is true that this branch of the legislature (the House of Representatives) bears many marks of a consolidation. We are the representatives of the people of the respective states, and in this respect the principle of consolidation may be considered as existing in this House. But in the Senate, nothing but the federative principle is seen. In that body each state is not only represented as a sovereign state, but the representation is equal; nor can the size, population or wealth of a state increase, or diminish its rights, or its vote on that floor. In the election of a President, the federative principle is likewise discernable. That officer is elected by electors, chosen in such manner, as the state legislatures shall direct and to consist of a number of electors equal to the Senators and Representatives of each state. By this arrangement, the choice of President is controlled by the states, and although the large states have a greater influence in the election than the small states, yet this influence is not entirely regulated by population. The votes, to which each state is entitled for its Senators, increases the influence of the small states, and it is in consequence of this, that the state of Rhode Island now gives four votes for President, when upon the principle of consolidation, she would be entitled to no more than two—the votes of Delaware on the same principle would be reduced from three to one.
There is not a feature of our government more strongly marked than this of its confederation, nor any, to which the people are more strongly attached. And it would be impossible to submit any proposition, which could create more alarm, than a direct project of consolidating the states into one government. The states always have, and probably will continue, to preserve with jealousy, their sovereignty and independence.—The present government, it is well known grew out of the old confederation—under which form, the states were
in every respect equal; each state having one vote in the national Congress. The innovation which was made on the pure federative principle by the present constitution was the result of necessity and compromise. But still, as has been already observed, the federative principle is distinctly preserved, and remains the great and leading feature of the constitution.
It has been often repeated, that the constitution of the United States was the result of compromise between the large and the small states. This is undoubtedly true, and the basis of this compromise ought to be considered as sacred, never to be shaken whilst the constitution endures. After mutual concessions by the large and small states, for both may be considered as conceding something, the principles, by which the influence of each state is balanced, in the legislative and executive departments, may be fairly considered, as constituting the basis of this compromise. It results from this, that every attempt to diminish the influence of large states, on the one hand, or to weaken that of the small states on the other, is sapping the foundation of our confederacy.—The power to amend the constitution was not given, to authorize the change of any radical principle, in which particular states might be interested. This power, it is well known, was given for very different purposes.
I have made these general observations, because it has appeared to me that every proposal to amend the constitution, ought to be first tested, by the nature and general scope of the Constitution itself; and if it shall be found to interfere with the rights of states, or with any fundamental principle of the compact, it ought to be rejected, although it may promise some temporary advantages in the eyes of speculative men. It cannot be too often repeated, that in considering projects for changing the constitution, we ought to consider what the Constitution is, and not what it ought to be, in the opinion of individuals. Our government is in fact a confederacy, & as such we are bound to respect the rights of each party to the compact.
In respect to the resolution under consideration, the first principle I assume is that it must necessarily diminish the influence of small states in the election of a full magistrate, and of course, that it is a direct violation of that spirit of compromise, which produced the constitution.
The effect of the proposed amendment, upon the influence of small states, in the presidential election, has scarcely been denied, on the floor of the House. Indeed, after the very able and lucid exposition of this part of the subject, by the gentleman from South-Carolina, (Mr. Huger) some days ago, it appears to be generally understood and admitted, that the power of the small states, in this great point of electing a President, must be diminished. Under such circumstances, it can scarcely be necessary to repeat arguments, or to support a position, which has been so clearly sustained in the debate. But as this is a point of great magnitude, and (if well understood) must be felt in every small state, I will take the liberty of advertising again to some of the proofs, on which the assertion rests.
If the proposed amendment is adopted, it will remain in the power of five large states to combine, and with perfect certainty to give a President and Vice-President to the Union: As the electoral votes were distributed, under the last census, this power may be exercised by Virginia, North-Carolina, Pennsylvania, New-York and Massachusetts. To say that no such combination can be formed, is speaking without a knowledge of the human character. And although a combination of the particular states which I have named cannot at this time be formed, yet it is certain that a combination of large states, equally effectual, may at this moment be produced. Gentlemen deceive themselves, if they imagine, that the large states can have no interest or inducement to form these combinations. We ought not to forget that our government is a confederacy of states, that the office of President is vastly important, and that the state which can possess the executive power, in the person of one of its own citizens, is necessarily elevated above the other members of the confederacy. Nor can we forget our own feelings as men.—There is not a member of this House, who does not feel particularly attached to the state to which he belongs—whose pride would not be gratified, by seeing the state which he represents, giving a President to the Union, and a tone to the government—who does not believe that the interests of those with whom he is particularly connected, would on many occasions better, and on every occasion, be as well secured under the administration of a president from his own state as from any other quarter.—Whenever communities, or individuals, are stimulated by the powerful inducements of interest and ambition to form combinations, they will necessarily be created. And although at this time, there is no state, which can openly claim the exclusive right of giving a President
to the Union, yet this right may be enjoyed in rotation by a few large states, in defiance of any combination which can be formed against them. We have already seen upon one occasion, some evidence of a combination of large states, in a Presidential election, and we have seen that combination crumbling to pieces by the jealousies which the present, peculiar mode of election has excited.
It might appear to a cursory observer, that the same combinations may be formed under the existing mode of election—it being equally in the power of the large states to give a President and Vice-President to the union. But a critical attention to the subject will satisfy gentlemen, that the present mode of election must necessarily create so much jealousy, among the large states, as to render all lasting combinations impracticable. As the election is now regulated, each elector must give his vote for two candidates, for the office of President, one of whom must be the citizen of a state, to which the elector does not belong. Under such circumstances, if the large states should combine, for the purpose of securing to themselves the two offices, they must give to each of their candidates nearly an equal number of votes; in which case, it will be left in the power of a small state to decide the election in favor of the least objectionable candidate. The effect of which must often be, to defeat the plan of rotation agreed upon by the large states, and to create suspicions, that the votes of a small state thus given to the successful candidate, have been obtained, by a secret combination with the state to which the candidate belongs, or with the candidate himself. In the same manner the views of any particular state may be forever defeated by the small states; and such views will be defeated, if any one of the states, from its local situation, its great extent, and its population, should arrogate to itself the right of giving a President. Gentlemen must be sensible, that no combination formed under such circumstances can be lasting. Political combinations can only be lasting, where the object for which they are formed, is obtained with certainty, and where no jealousies are excited. But where the object is defeated, where jealousies arise, and more especially where the views of the most powerful and ambitious member of the combination, are forever defeated, the combination can never endure.
The advantages resulting to the small states, from the present mode of election, is not confined to the power of defeating the combination of large states. It is certainly important to possess the power of selecting the least objectionable of two candidates. Although neither candidate may be the particular object of our choice, there may still exist, in our opinion, a wide difference in their respective qualifications for office. Whenever a candidate has been preferred to his rival, by the suffrages of his political opponents, he will entertain those sentiments towards them, which every liberal mind must feel towards those, who have granted a favor. He will be conscious that he is indebted to them for office. He will feel bound to treat them with respect, and to promote their interests. Such are the sentiments which must be entertained by every man, under similar circumstances,—such are the sentiments which the presiding officer of this House must always feel, when promoted to the chair, in consequence of the division of his own party, by his political opponents. This influence of the small states, in the Presidential election, will promote the harmony of the union. The power of the small states, although circumscribed, may under certain circumstances, become effectual. And as public bodies and individuals, in all political transactions are carried, and respected in proportion to their power, the small states will be counted and respected by the large states, and the mutual dependence, which they feel on each other, must soften their passions, and in a great measure diminish those state animosities which endanger our domestic tranquility. And will gentlemen tell me that these advantages are of no importance? In my opinion, they are advantages which only tend to harmonize the union, but they form the strongest barrier for the small states, in one of the most important transactions of the nation, against the overwhelming power of the large states. It is this peculiar mode of election, which can render the votes of small states truly efficient, in the choice of a President. Strip the constitution of this feature—introduce the discriminating principle, and you transfer the whole power to the large states. Their combinations can never be defeated, and whilst they give you a President and Vice-President with perfect certainty, and in perpetual rotation, they will laugh at our interference, and deride our impotency.
Permit me on this point, to appeal to those gentlemen who represent the large states, for the correctness of the opinions which I have expressed, and to ask them, whether it is consistent with their characters, as guardians of the constitution, to avail themselves of the present moment of party violence, to pursue this serious and radical change,
and to aggrandize the states which they represent, at the expense of those with whom they are connected. To those gentlemen who represent small states, it would not be necessary, under any other circumstances to make an appeal. The interests of the states to which they belong would not be forgotten. But this is a moment, when every object appears to be forgotten, but the temporary views of party; and I must be permitted to remind those gentlemen, that if they suffer themselves to be carried along by the torrent; and consent to abandon the interests of the states to which they belong, their votes can never be recalled. If they agree to the resolution, and the amendment should be engrafted upon the constitution, the rights thus sacrificed, are lost forever. For myself, I should be as well satisfied, to see an amendment, which should in express terms, confine the choice of President to certain large states, as to see the resolution on your table. The effect must be precisely the same. But as it is not my intention to consume much of the time of the House, I will wave all further remarks upon this part of the subject.
There is another view of this subject, which furnishes to my mind, a conclusive argument against the proposed amendment. In all governments which have hitherto existed, in which the elective principle has extended to the executive Magistrate, it has been impossible, for any length of time, to guard against corruption in the elections. The danger is not an imaginary one, in this country. The office of President is at this time, the great object of ambition, and as the wealth, and population of the country increases, the powers and patronage of the President must necessarily be extended. We cannot expect to escape the fate of other Republics. Candidates for the office of President, will arise, who, under the assumed garb of patriotism, and disinterested benevolence, will disguise the most unprincipled ambition. Corruption will be practiced by such candidates, whenever it can be done with success.
It is therefore an object of the first importance, to regulate the election in such a manner as to remove, as far as possible, both the temptation and the means of corruption. If gentlemen will attend to the proposed amendment, with a reference to this point, they will find that the means and the temptation to corruption must be increased. As the constitution now stands, the man who aspires to the office of President, can at best, but run the race on equal terms with some individual of his own party. In order to succeed, he must not only obtain for himself and his associate, a greater number of votes than his political opponents, but he must obtain more votes than the associate himself. The chances of success are by those means rendered more remote, and however desirable the office may be, the temptation to enter the list, or to make individual exertions are diminished. The means of corruption must generally be found in the offices at the disposal of the President; and these, it is well known, constitute a fund of great extent, and where the election is brought to such a point, as to rest with two candidates only, this fund may be used with great success. One office may be promised to this elector as the price of his vote, whilst other offices are promised to other electors, on the same corrupt consideration, and the aspiring candidate may thus mount to the first office in the government. But so long as your elections remain on their present footing, the means of corruption are diminished;—because the aspiring candidate can only promise this corrupt distribution of office upon eventually succeeding to the Presidency, and as his chances of success are diminished by the mode of election, his promises are of less value to the elector, and of course, will be less frequently made, and more generally rejected.
So far as I can understand the objections which are made to the present mode of election, they are brought within a narrow compass. They consist principally of a general and loose assertion, that it is reasonable and proper electors should on all occasions, designate the man they intend for a particular office; and secondly, that the experience of the last Presidential election shews the necessity of a designation in this particular case.
If it was true, that one man only could be found within the United States, qualified to fill the office of President, there would be force in the first objection. But such is not the fact. There are men to be found in every state, eminently qualified for this important trust. Where then can be the necessity of confining the votes of electors to a single candidate? Is it an hardship upon an elector to be compelled to vote for two candidates when two may easily be found? And are there not advantages arising from this mode, of a serious and decisive nature? I have already mentioned the interest which the small states have in the arrangement, and I have alluded to the door of corruption which the change will open, and it is not necessary at this time to repeat those opinions. But I must be

permitted to be, is it not of some importance, that the most eminent men should be selected for the offices of President and Vice-President? The President is elected for four years; he may die within that period—he may be removed from office, or he may become disqualified to execute its duties;—in either of these events the Vice-President succeeds to the power. Under the existing arrangement you will see, as far as human prudence can accomplish it, the most eminent men for these two offices. Each candidate must be voted for as President, and if the electors fairly execute the constitution, they will give their votes for those men, who are the best qualified to administer the government. Thus, under every probable event, you will find one of the most eminent of your citizens at the head of your government.
But if the amendment prevails the case must be greatly changed. The man voted for as Vice-President will be selected without any decisive view, to his qualifications, to administer the government. The office will generally be carried into the market to be exchanged for the votes of some large state for President. And the only criterion which will be regarded as a qualification for the office of Vice-President, will be, the temporary influence of the candidate, over the electors of his state. It is in this manner you must expect to obtain a man to fill the second office in the government, and who must succeed to the power of President, upon every vacancy. The momentary views of party may perhaps be promoted by such arrangements, but the permanent interests of the country are sacrificed.
Far from believing that experience has shown the impropriety of the existing mode of election, I am convinced, (so far as it has gone) that it has evinced the wisdom of the arrangement. The general success of the government is well understood, and exhibits a strong proof in favor of the constitution, as it now stands. But gentlemen speak of the late election of President by the House of Representatives, and by the manner in which that transaction is described, I am persuaded the circumstances which attended it, are not understood.—I was a member of the House of Representatives, at the time, and I take this occasion to declare, that no transaction ever was more grossly misrepresented, than that has been, in every part of this country. When the election commenced in the House of Representatives, every gentleman knew that it must terminate in the choice of one or the other of the two candidates, and the only question was, who could, or would think proper, to persist the longest in support of the candidate he had first chosen. The election was conducted with perfect mildness and good humor; not an expression or look of severity escaped from any one; and when the election was closed, the House proceeded to the ordinary business of the session, as though nothing of particular importance had taken place. The candidates, who on that occasion were brought into the House, were both selected by the same political party. It could not be of much importance to that party, which should be chosen, nor could it be supposed to be of vast importance to their opponents. The event therefore was certain that, an election would be made, and there did not exist the smallest hazard, that the government would be left without a President. Had the election terminated in favor of either candidate, those who brought them into the House must have been satisfied. If the controversy had arisen between two candidates of different political parties, the contest might have been a serious one, but that is a state of things, for which the present amendment makes no provision. The public agitation, which it is said by some gentlemen, existed at that time, was not called for by the occasion, and must have been harmless. The people of this country are not at this time, nor were they then disposed, to rebel against their constitution, and government. It was not only the right, but the duty of the House of Representatives, to select from the two candidates, the man, who in their opinion was best qualified to execute the office of President. And if the choice had fallen on the gentleman, who now presides in the Senate, "all United America," to use the favorite expression of the gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. G. W. Campbell) would have acquiesced in the decision, and submitted without rebellion, or insurrection to the administration.
But there is one important lesson, which the experience of that election has taught the people of the United States—it is this, that it becomes the great and solemn duty of electors, upon all occasions to give their votes for two men, who shall be best qualified for the office of President. The electors do not, cannot know which of their own candidates will succeed. They are therefore called upon by every sacred principle, to select the most eminent of their fellow citizens. They will be stimulated on all future occasions, by the experience of the last election, to do, what I trust they have heretofore done, to give their votes for two men, in either
of whom they are willing to consider the executive power of the government. What then can induce us, to change the form of our elections? Some gentlemen have said a great deal about the voice of the people, and declared that the people demand the alteration.
This is a language too frequently used within these walls. The purposes for which it is used, I leave to others to explain; but it must be perfectly understood that the clamors of designing men are too often mistaken for the voice of the people. The people are rarely disposed to seek for changes whilst they feel and enjoy the blessings of their old establishments. Be this as it may, we have been sent into this House, to obey no voice, but that of our own consciences and judgments.
If gentlemen would, upon this occasion, divest themselves of those party considerations, which are so apt to swallow up deliberation, I cannot persuade myself, that they would agree to the resolution. When they view the deep wound which it inflicts on the interests of small states—when they see the wide door which it opens to corruption—the certain and pernicious effect which it must produce on the electors of a Vice President, and the destruction of that balance of power, among the states, which was settled by the constitution, they will at least hesitate, before they give a final vote for the passage of the resolution.
The security given by the constitution to the interests, and influence of the different states, in our great national concerns, forms the only basis on which the government can rest. Disturb those interests, and the government must tremble to its foundation. And although the effect may not be immediately perceived, yet the day will come, when it will be both seen and felt, and the large states who have now seized a moment of passion to grasp the power, may regret the hour, when they violated the compact which binds us together.
(To be continued.)
CONVENTION
Between his Britannic Majesty and the King of Sweden, signed on the 25th of July, 1803.
His Majesty the King of the united kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the King of Sweden, being equally desirous of promoting the good understanding which happily subsists between them and of preventing the recurrence of those differences which have heretofore arisen respecting the eleventh article of the treaty of alliance concluded and signed at Whitehall, on the 21st day of October 1801, have named and authorised for that purpose, to wit: His Britannic Majesty, the right honorable Robert Banks Jenkinson, Lord Hawkesbury, one of his said Majesty's most honorable privy council, and his principal Secretary of State for the Foreign department, and his Swedish Majesty, George Udric Baron de Silverhjelm, his envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, and knight of the order of the polar star, who after having duly communicated to each other their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following articles:
Art. 1. In the event of one of the contracting parties being neutral, during a war in which the other contracting party may be belligerent, the vessels of the neutral party shall not carry to the enemy or enemies of the belligerent party, money, arms, or bombs with their fuses and other appurtenances, fire balls, gun-powder, matches, cannon balls, spears, lances, pikes, halberds, guns, mortars, petards, grenades, musket balls, bandoliers, salt-petre, muskets, musket bullets, helmets, head pieces, breast plates, coats of mail, commonly called cuirasses, and the like kind of arms, or troops, horses, or any thing necessary for the equipment of cavalry, or pistols, belts, or any other instruments of war, or ships of war, and guards ships, nor any manufactured articles immediately serving for the equipment of the same, under the penalty, that if either of the contracting parties shall seize the same, these articles shall be liable to confiscation.
Art. 2. The cruisers of the belligerent power shall exercise the right of bringing in the ships of the neutral going to the ports of an enemy, laden with cargoes of provisions, or with cargoes of pitch, tar, hemp, and generally all unmanufactured articles whatever, serving for the equipment of ships of all descriptions, and likewise all manufactured articles serving for the equipment of merchant vessels (herring, iron in bars, steel, rope, copper, brass, and brass wire, deal planks not being oak, and spars, however, excepted,) and if the cargoes so exported in the bottoms of the neutral power, are the produce of the territories of the said neutral power, and going on account of the subject thereof, the belligerent power shall, in that case exercise the right of purchasing them, upon condition of paying a profit of ten per cent. upon a fair invoice price, or the
fair market price in England or in Sweden respectively, at the option of the owner, with an indemnification for the detention and necessary expenses.
Art. 3. If the cargoes specified in the preceding articles (not being enemy's property) are proceeding with a professed destination to the ports of a neutral country and are brought in under suspicion, that their true destination to the ports of the enemy, find it shall turn out upon due enquiry that they were really bound to neutral ports, they shall be at liberty to pursue their voyage, after being indemnified for their detention and necessary expenses; unless the government of the belligerent country, from a reasonable apprehension of their falling into the hands of the enemy, should desire to purchase them, in which case the full price shall be paid, which they would have obtained in the ports of the neutral country to which they were going, with an indemnification for detention and necessary expenses.
Art. 4. Herring, iron in bars, steel, rope, copper, brass, and brass wire, deal planks not being of oak, and spars, shall not be liable to confiscation or pre-emption on the part of the belligerent power, but shall be permitted to pass free in the ships of the neutral country, provided that they are not enemies property.
Art. 5. The present Convention shall be ratified by his Britannic Majesty, and by his Swedish Majesty, and the ratifications exchanged at London, in the space of two months, or sooner if it can be done.
In witness whereof, we the undersigned Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic Majesty, and of his Swedish Majesty, have signed the present Convention, and have caused the Seals of our Arms to be affixed thereto.
Done at London, the 25th day of July, 1803.
MESSAGE of the Governor of OHIO on submitting the amendment to the Constitution.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Ohio.
It is with much pleasure I lay before you, at the request of the general government, a resolution of Congress proposing to the several state legislatures an amendment to the constitution of the United States, agreeably to the fifth article thereof, which provides that "Congress whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one, or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress;"—and as Congress at their present session, by virtue of the said recited article, and in conformity thereto, have proposed an amendment in lieu of the third paragraph of the first section of the second article of the said constitution of the United States, which proposed amendment is hereunto annexed, and which when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as a part of the constitution of the United States.
The amendment, thus constitutionally proposed by Congress, to the several state legislatures, is so reasonable in itself, and so eminently calculated to obtain a fair expression of the public mind in one of its most important acts, that relying on the wisdom, virtue and patriotism of the present Assembly, I am well persuaded, you will rejoice in having an opportunity of manifesting the disposition of the state of Ohio, in affording its aid to accomplish so desirable an object.
EDWARD TIFFIN.
From a Paris Paper.
Account of a fire ball.
C. Biot, member of the National Institute, in a letter to the French minister of the interior, dated July 20, 1803, gives a detailed account of his enquiries, &c. respecting a Fire Ball which fell in the neighborhood of Laigle. From this, the following description of the phenomenon is deduced:—
On Tuesday, April 26, 1803, about one in the afternoon the weather being serene, there was observed from Caen, Pont-Audemer, and the environs of Alencon, Falaise, and Verneuil, a fiery globe of a very brilliant splendour, which moved in the atmosphere with great rapidity.
Some moments after there was heard at Laigle, and in the environs of that city to the extent of more than thirty leagues in every direction, a violent explosion, which lasted five or six minutes.
At first there were three or four reports like those of a cannon, followed by a kind of discharge which resembled a firing of musketry; after which there was heard a dreadful rumbling like the beating of a drum. The air was calm the sky serene, except a few clouds,
such as are frequently observed.
The noise proceeded from a small cloud which had a rectangular form, the largest side being in a direction from east to west. It appeared motionless all the time the phenomenon lasted. But the vapour of which it was composed was projected momentarily from the different sides by the effect of the successive explosions. This cloud was about half a league to the north north east of the town of Laigle: it was at a great elevation in the atmosphere, for the inhabitants of two hamlets a league distant from each other saw it at the same time above their heads. In the whole canton over which this cloud hovered, a hissing noise like that of a stone discharged from a sling was heard, and a multitude of mineral masses exactly similar to those distinguished by the name of meteoric stones were seen to fall at the same time.
The district in which the stones fell forms an elliptical extent of about two leagues and a half in length and nearly one in breadth, the great axis being in a direction from south east to north west, forming a declination of about 22 degrees. This direction which the meteor must have followed is exactly that of the magnetic meridian; which is a remarkable result.
The largest of these stones fell at the south east extremity of the large axis of the ellipse; the middle sized one fell in the centre, and the smallest at the other extremity. It thereby appears that the largest fell first, as might naturally be supposed.
The largest of all those which fell weigh 17 1-2 pounds. The smallest I saw weigh about two gros, which is the thousandth part of the former.
The number that fell is certainly above two or three thousand.
In this account I have confined myself to a simple relation of facts; I have endeavored to view them as any other person would have done, and I have employed every care to present them with exactness. I leave to the sagacity of philosophers the numerous consequences that may be deduced from them; and I shall consider myself happy if they find that I have succeeded in placing beyond a doubt the most astonishing phenomenon ever observed by man.
WASHINGTON CITY
MONDAY, JANUARY 9, 1804.
NO NEWS is received from NEW-ORLEANS, by the mail of last evening.
The SENATE of the United States have determined that the form of their proceedings in the capacity of a court of impeachment, shall be distinct from those in their ordinary character; in consequence of which decision, a separate Journal is kept, and distinct adjournments take place.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 6, 1804.
Mr. BARD—For many reasons this House must have been justly surprised by a recent measure of one of the southern states—The impressions however, which that measure gave my mind, were deep and painful—Had I been informed that some formidable foreign power had invaded our country, I would not, I ought not, be more alarmed than on hearing that South Carolina had repealed her law prohibiting the importation of slaves.
In the one case we would know what to do—The emergency itself would inspire exertion, and suggest suitable means of repelling the attack—But here we are nonplussed and find ourselves without resource—Our hands are tied and we are obliged to stand confounded, while we see the flood gate opened, and pouring incalculable miseries into our country—By the repeal of that law, fresh activity is given to the horrid traffic, which has been long since seriously regretted by the wise and humane, but none have been able to devise an adequate remedy to its dreadful consequences.
Congress has but little power, or rather they have no power to prevent the growth of the evil—To impose a tax on imported slaves is the extent of their power; but every one must see that it is infinitely disproportionate to what the morality, the interest, the peace and safety of individuals, and of the public, at this moment, demand.
And though in regard to their present case the power of the general government may be insufficient to check the mischief, yet I hope they are disposed to discourage it, as far as they are authorised by the constitution—Therefore I beg leave to offer the House the following resolution:
Resolved, That a tax of 10 dollars be imposed upon every slave imported into the United States.
Mr. Varnum presented a representation from the officers of the militia of the district of Columbia, praying certain alterations in their militia law.
Referred to a select committee of five.
Dr. Mitchill from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was referred that part of the message of
the President that relates to means for preventing the improper use of the American flag, reported a bill to amend an act entitled an act concerning the recording and registering American vessels.
Referred to a committee of the whole.
The House resumed the consideration of Mr. J. Randolph's motion to appoint a committee to enquire into the official conduct of JUDGE CHASE.
Mr. SMITH opened the debate.
He was followed by Dr. Leib, who moved to amend the motion so as to embrace an enquiry into the official conduct of Richard Peters, district judge for the district of Pennsylvania, who presided with judge Chase at the trial of Fries.
This amendment was agreed to—the yeas and nays being called were—Yeas 79—Nays 57.
The resolution, thus amended, was supported by Messrs. Findley, Jackson, Nicholson and Holland; and opposed by Messrs. Lowndes, R. Gist, Elliot and Dennis.
About 4 o'clock an adjournment was carried, Ayes 61—Noes 43.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 7.
Mr. Nicholson, from the committee appointed on the memorial of Alexander Moultrie, agent for the South Carolina Yazoo Company, and of _____ agent of the Virginia Yazoo Company, made a report, going considerably into detail, and concluding with a resolution, adverse to the prayer of the memorials.
Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
The House resumed the consideration of Mr. J. Randolph's motion for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the official conduct of Samuel Chase.
Messrs. J. Randolph, Ruffin, Early, Smilie, Eppes, and Nicholson, spoke in favor of, and Messrs. Griffin, Thatcher, Huger and Dana against it.
Several amendments moved were rejected, when the question was taken on the resolution, varied only from that submitted by Mr. Randolph, so as to embrace an enquiry into the official conduct of Richard Peters, and carried by Yeas and Nays, in the affirmative—Yeas 80—Nays 40.
Philadelphia Jan. 4 1804.
Captain Berry, of the Schooner Mechanic, arrived at New London, the 22d ult. in 34 days from Lisbon. Capt. B. informs, that at Lisbon he saw a letter from Ireland, to agent-man in Lisbon, which gave information that an army of 30,000 French had made good their landing in the North of Ireland; he also informs, that he spoke a ship from Liverpool, which informed him that the Brest fleet were out.
[* Captain Berry, must have sailed about the 18th November, which is six days later, than our accounts from England.]
On the 27th of November the governor of Jamaica issued a proclamation ordering all foreigners, and the French in particular, to quit the island without delay, unless they immediately gave such security as the terms prescribed required. In consequence of which two ships were chartered to carry the French to New Orleans.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
Subscribers indebted for the National Intelligencer are respectfully reminded that, according to the terms of that Paper, unless payment be immediately made, it will be discontinued. It will be recollected that an annual advance payment of five dollars is required.
S. THOMEE.
BEGS leave to inform his friends that he has removed his store from George Town to King Street Alexandria, where orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch. Orders left at Mr. March's Book-store will be duly attended to.
GILDING
AND ENAMELLING ON GLASS. A few doors above the Washington tavern—Looking glass and picture frames made and regilt.
NEEDLE WORK
Framed in the handsomest manner, and names done on glass.
S. THOMEE, as a stranger being determined to establish in the line of his profession, solicits that encouragement alone which he trusts the reasonableness of his charges and his assiduity to business may entitle him to.
Window cornices handsomely gilt, and every thing in his line done to please the fancy of the owner equal to any imported.
N. S. He has some glasses and prints for sale on low terms. Jan. 9—cp3m
NOTICE.
TOLLS will be collected for crossing the BRIDGE over the Eastern Branch, from Thursday the 12th inst. Any person willing to engage by the year will please to apply to the Toll-gatherer at the bridge.
THE DIRECTORS.
January 9—3t

Ten Dollars Reward. DESERTED from on board the frigate United States, ROBERT FAGAN, about five feet ten inches high, stout made, a native of New Jersey, supposed to be about thirty years of age. Whoever will apprehend said deserter and deliver him to captain John Coffin Superintendent of the Navy Yard, Washington, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges. He is supposed to be in Alexandria. Jan. 4-3t
Public Sale of Lots, In George Town and the City of Washington. THE executors of the estate of Anthony Holmead deceased, will offer at public sale, at the Union Tavern in George Town, on Monday the 30th instants 57 lots in Holmead's addition to George Town, many of them in eligible situations—Also several lots in the city of Washington, in squares 48, 49 and 63. The terms, which will be moderate, will be made known on the day of sale—The sale to begin at 12 o'clock. Any person wishing to view any of the above lots, will be shown them on application to the subscriber. JOHN HOEMEADE. Jan. 4-3t
For Sale or Rent. A convenient two story Dwelling HOUSE, in the city, situated in a most remarkable pleasant situation, opposite the twenty buildings, and commanding a view of Alexandria, there is a very convenient kitchen, a small garden, and office with it. Any other particulars, may be known by applying to the subscriber, residing near the Navy Yard. RICHARD FRAZER. Jan. 4-
To be Rented ON moderate terms a two story brick Dwelling House and Lot in the city of Washington, on New Jersey Avenue near Barry's wharf—the house contains four rooms with a cellar and kitchen. Persons wishing to rent will make early application to William Howard on the premises or to the subscriber living in Alexandria. E. MILLS. Jan. 4-3t
ROBIN HOOD, An apprentice boy, aged between 14 and 15 years, run away from the subscriber, a Joiner in the city of Washington, a few days since. A reward of 50 cents will be given to any person who may apprehend the said apprentice and deliver him to me—but no charges will be paid. All persons are warned hereby not to harbour or entertain the said apprentice at their peril. He has a scar on his chin occasioned by the bite of a horse—his clothing was a blue Jacket grey trowsers and a black hat for much worn. ANDREW THOMPSON, Joiner. January 4th-3t.
FOR SALE. THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are, an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two stories high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the scythe and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19. eptf
FOR SALE, To be sold to the highest bidder at Steele's Hotel in the city of Washington, on Monday the 16th of January 1804, 680 acres of valuable LAND, upon the Eastern Branch opposite the City, and is bounded by the water from opposite the Navy Yard nearly up to the bridge. More than one half is in Wood and timber, none of which is more than a mile and quarter from the water. This land will be sold altogether or in lots to suit purchasers, and a credit given according to the quantity purchased. Those who wish to examine it, will apply to Mr. Weddin at the Ferry who will show it. A. ADDISON. Dec. 30-1aw16
ELISHA RIGGS, Has just received from Philadelphia, an additional supply of  FALL GOODS, Which makes his assortment extensive. Among them are many fancy articles, and Superfine cloths, cambrics, velvets, and fancy vest patterns. Irish linens, cotton counterpanes, tickers, and sheeting. English hats, kid shoes, silk hosiery, and gloves. Shirting flannels, rose blankets, and coarse cloths. Furniture dimities, ditto calicoes, and stuffs, Silks, cambrics, mullins, chintzes and cañes. Laces, veils, crapes and India mullins, so boxes China in sets. Also—other articles, which will be sold on terms to please the purchaser. George-Town, Nov. 30-1aw6w
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14. tf
LOST, THE following described certificates of funded three per cent stock issued by the Register of the Treasury in the name of Jacob Etiamer of Amsterdam, for the renewal of which application is intended to be made at the proper office. No. 3113 dated 23th October 1791 for 12,419 53 3/4 per cent stock. No. 3500 dated 23th November 1791, for 7,900 No. 6271, dated, 7th December 1792, for 831 41 No. 1201 dated, 5th December 1792, for 8,749 29 Dolls. 30,000 00 ROBERT GILMOR, & Sons. Dec. 28—cp7w
NOTICE. AGREABLY to a deed of trust from the late Mr. John Beall, the subscriber will offer for sale, by public auction, at Mr. Dougherty's in Bladensburg, on the Saturday the 21st of January next, at one o'clock, All the right and title of Mr. Beall, to several tracts of land, conveyed by him or the benefit of his creditors. These lands are not more than a mile and a half from the town of Bladensburg, and contain about 240 acres, on which are a good dwelling house, a large barn & other useful houses. Also a few acres of valuable meadow. The land will be sold clear of dower—cash required for one third of the purchase money, and bonds with approved security, for the other two thirds, payable in one or two years, with the interest from the day of sale. BEN. LOWNDES, Trustee. Dec. 30—ept3t
A GREAT BARGAIN. THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made easy, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever. A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 200 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after her being completed—they now being in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement, with about Ten thousand acres of land all adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mills, on which are several valuable farms. The timber foh mill are inexhaustible and unexceptionably good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from George Town South Carolina, to which place the lumber is carried being rafted at the mills without the trouble of hawing, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the states of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at times of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mills is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stables, carriage and harness houses and other necessary out buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Purvance at the city of Washington. Wm. NORMANT. Millville N. C. Dec. 12. N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23—tf
FOR SALE. PURSUANT to the Will of the late Patrick Henry, a Tract of Land, lying on both sides of Falling river, in Charlotte county, Virginia, and containing about 1800 acres. This Land is in general poor, but contains a bank of Iron Ore, supposed to be the best, of any known in that part of the country. It lies on an excellent stream, a branch of Roanoke river, within four miles of its mouth; from whence is an easy and safe navigation. There are water-falls, stone and timber on the Land for all the purposes of an Iron Work; in the midst of a fine corn country; and about 400 acres of the Land is valuable for its soil. For further particulars inquire of Mr. RANDOLPH, of the House of Representatives. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser by EDMUND WINSTON, Ex'r. of Patrick Henry. Buckingham county, Ver. Dec. 23.—tf.
JOHN COX Has just received a quantity of American manufactured Bed Tickens warranted to hold the down of the feathers, which will be sold by the piece at the manufacturers prices, and by retail at a very small advance—Also sewing, darning and tambooring cotton, with a quantity of chintzes and calico, which he will sell lower than the regular importer can afford to sell at. Elegant thread lace, fox, bear, and martin skin muffs and tippets, handsome paper hangings, with almost every other article in the dry good line, both fanciful and substantial, which he will sell at his usual low prices for cash, or in exchange for tobacco and flaxseed. For flax seed he will allow 11s. 3d. per bushel. Also a few handsome double barrel fowling pieces. George Town, Dec. 23-3m
NOTICE. ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town, Nov. 25-4f
MICHAEL ROBERTS HAS FOR SALE, AT HIS STORE, GEORGE CITY A GENERAL Assortment of Stationary, And other articles in his line, viz. ATLAS, imperial, superroyal, royal, medium, demy, and folio post papers. Plain and vellum fool's cap ditto. Hot pressed, gilt, wove & plain qua to post ditto. Superroyal and royal cartridge do. Medium, demy & fool's cap, French marble & Plain and ruled blank books. Best quills and ready made pens. Pen knives, crafting knives and paper scissors. Black and red ink and ink powder. Black and red sealing wax and wafers. Large red and white do. for office use. Silk tape and red and white tape. Parchment, scuttle fish bone and pounce. Ivory pounce boxes and paper folders. India rubbers and gum arabic. Black lead pencils, (warranted) Ditto with silver cases. Round and flat rulers. Marking types and Reeve's colours in boxes. Backgammon tables and cribbage boxes. Billiard balls and dice. English and American playing cards. Portable writing desks. Gentlemen and ladies pocket books. Sheet and house almanacs for 1803. Sheep & calf skins dressed for bookbinding use. Printing ink and printing paper. Wedgewood, glass and pewter inkstands. Sand and water boxes. Wax candles and tapers. Ivory handle table desert knives. Plated tea and coffee urns, large and elegant with silver head and brims. Ditto tea and coffee pots, silver brims. Ditto after double flint cut glass. Ditto bread baskets and toast stands. Ditto goblets and tumblers. Ditto salt and mustard pots. Ditto Decanter stands and fifth knives. Ditto plain, high and patent round and oval candlesticks. Ditto small do. Do chamber do. with snuffers & extinguishers. Ditto snuffer and snuffer trays. Fashionable bras and androns. Green wire fenders and fire forrens with bras tops. Shovels and tongs. Coal hods and cinder sifters. Hand bellows with bras and iron pipes. Plated Mouldings for Carriages. Gigg springs. Spurs and stirrup irons. Chaize, duke & snaffle bridle bits. Horse bridles and curbs. Carriage, chair and switch whips. Walking sticks and sword canes. Horseman's and pocket pistols. Officers travelling canteens, with soaking utensils, &c. complete. Swords and dirks. Gold and silver epaulets. Sword knot and crimson silk sashes. Gold and silver lace and cords. Guns and fowling pieces. Shot pouches and powder flasks. Game and hawking bags. Caltin nets mounted and unmounted. Travelling trunks and travelling poaches. Buckskin gloves and breeches. Morocco skins of various colours. Boot and girth webbing. English bend and cork toals. Gentlemen & ladies japanned dressing boxes. English and American hair powder. Powder bags and powder puffs. Curing tongs and crimping irons and powder knives. Hard and soft pomatum. Best warranted razors. Shaving brushes and boxes. Benzoin, almond, palm, palmasceen, cowslip, and windfor soaps. Wash balls and wash ball boxes. Essence of musk, and ambergris. Burgamot and avender. Rupinis Tincture for the teeth. Tooth brushes and tooth powder. Ivory and boxwood horn combs. Tortoise shell and horn braid combs. Do. do. dressing do. Genuine black and flesh colored plaister. Patent shoe blacking and shoe brushes. Clothes, hair and hat brushes. Sweeping, scrubbing, and dusting do. Tortoise shell and japanned segar boxes. Mother of pearl, tortoise shell and japanned snuff boxes. An assortment of upholsterers ware, consisting of fringe line, tassels, &c. An assortment of hardware consisting of saws, plains, chisels, gouges, augurs, files, rasps, locks, hinges, bolts, spades, shovels, tacks, sprigs, &c. ALSO FOR SALE, BY EDGAR PATTERSON, at the above store, FRESH FRUITS, just received per the Brig Celia, capt. Brown, from Malaga. George-town, Dec. 21.
NOTICE. ALL those indebted to the late firm of Redmond and Garrett Barry of this city are requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber, and those who have claims against said concern are desired to bring in their accounts properly authenticated for adjustment. GARRETT BARRY, surviving partner of Redmond & G. Barry. Jan. 2-6t
Valuable Land for Sale. The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will find a shewn the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11—w4f
In the Case of LUKE SHANNON an Insolvent Debtor IT is ordered that six months from and after the first day of November next, be limited and appointed for the Creditors to bring in and exhibit their claims to GEORGE ANDREWS of the City of Washington, Trustee, appointed for the benefit of the Creditors of the said Luke Shannon;—and that a copy of this order be published once in each week until the tenth day of January next, in the National Intelligencer. By order of William Cranch, Esquire. URIAH FORREST, Clerk. November 4-1aw10j.
BY AUTHORITY.  SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore.     Dollars.     1 prize of 20,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 do 5000 10,000   5 do 1000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   15 do 200 3,000   200 do 100 20,000   200 do 50 10,000   200 do 25 5,000   250 do 20 5,000   4000 do 15 60,000   1 first drawn ticket after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500   1 do after 4000 do 500   1 do after 6000 do 500   1 do after 8000 do 500   1 do after 10,000 do 500   1 do after 12,000 do 500   1 do after 15,000 do 500   1 do after 18,000 do 500   1 do after 20,000 do 2,000   1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000   7154 Prizes, 210,000   3,856 Blanks—Not two to a prize.    21,000 Tickets, at 10 dollars each, 210,000 The laudable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beeton, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennet, Arnold Liveris, Luke Tiernan, Francis I. Mitchell. July 13, 1803. copf
The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.  STOUGHTON'S GENUINE BITTERS. Faithfully prepared at the original warehouse London. TO make any observations here, upon the superior quality of these bitters to any ever offered for sale, is needless; suffice it to say, that they have stood the test of approbation a great number of years. Gentlemen, who prefer bitters, will find them an elegant and wholesome preparation; and far preferable to the trash generally offered under that name. It is now for the first time, imported in quart bottles, as well as vials, which will reduce the price near one half. Sold by Rapine, Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill, Washington, John March, George Town, Robert and J. Grey, Alexandria, and A. Buck, Frederickburgh, Virginia. November 7-1aw3m
NEW STORE, WHOLESALE & RETAIL. THE subscriber respectfully informs the public that he has opened a store in Bridge street, near High street, at the left, running from the city, where he will sell very cheap the following fresh imported goods: Superfine and second London mens' and childrens' hats, first and second broad cloth, calicoes, coating and naps of a variety of the newest fashionable colors, flannels, Irish linen of the very finest and middle sort, Or-naburg, cambric, cambric mullin, laces, cotton, calicoes, fancy waistcoatings, English and French silk flockings and gloves, worsted hosiery, handkerchiefs, silk and other threads, fringes, gold and silver watches, razors, pen knives, &c. &c. The subscriber has a large quantity of broad cloth, calicoes, coatings, &c. on hand which he wishes to sell off, and offers them therefore by wholesale at the very low price of 11s advance. TH. W. PAIRO. George Town 19th Dec.—3atawtf
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN on the Race ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely Sorrell MARE, saddle and bridle; the saddle is about half worn with plated stirrups, and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about fourteen hands high. Paces trots and gallops; shod before; the outsets of both hind feet a little worn by dragging them when rode; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder that resembles the letter T. Whoever delivers the above described mare, saddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the six buildings in the city of Washington will receive the above reward and no questions asked. November 14—w4f
NOTICE IS hereby given to the creditors of James McDonald a bankrupt, that his final certificate of discharge will be granted on Monday the 16th January inst. at 10 o'clock A.M. at the court house for the county of Washington in the district of Columbia, unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary. WILLIAM CRANCH, assistant Judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. Jan. 6-3t
In the case of ZEBULON WARNER a bankrupt. Whereas a commission of BANKRUPTCY founded on the act of Congress passed on the 4th day of April in the year eighteen hundred, entitled "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded against Zebulon Warner of the district of Columbia, dealer and chapman and he being declared bankrupt is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them on the 19th day of December inst. and 2nd and 16th days of January next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes innkeeper in the city of Washington and to make a full disclosure of his whole estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, at the second fitting to choose assignees and at the last fitting to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate, all persons indebted to the said bankrupt or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, Sec. to the commissioners. December 5, 1803-116j
By the PRESIDENT of the United States.  A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS by the first articles of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the seventeenth day of October, 1791, for regulating the Materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided that "the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared, "that the wall of no house shall be higher than 40 feet to the roof, in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than 35 feet on any of the Avenues." AND WHEREAS the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles, has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States from the fifth day of June 1796, to the first day of January 1804, and the beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced—it is deemed proper to revive the same, with the exception hereafter mentioned. Wherefore, I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, and that all Houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than 320 square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the Eave shall be erected—nor shall such house be placed within 24 feet of any brick or stone house. GIVEN under my hand, 23th December, 1803. TH: JEFFERSON.
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been trimmed about the head and ears. Any person giving me information so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21-1f
Brought before me as a fray and trespasser, by ALEXANDER SOPER—a Sorrel HORSE, about eight years old, fourteen hands high, face and lips white, a few saddle spots, a scar on his off hind ankle, shod before, carries his tail horizontally when he trots. BEN. MOORE, J.P. The owner is desired to prove property, pay charges and take him away. ALEX. SOPER. Nonfuch Farm, belonging to Mrs. Young, Jan. 6-3t
District of Columbia, Washington County, ss.