The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-01-13 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 119.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY JANUARY 13th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, December 9.
Debate on the AMENDMENT to the CONSTITUTION.
[CONCLUDED.]
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said, that they had been told the other night, by the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Griswold,) that it was necessary to procrastinate this decision in order to give time for that thorough investigation, which it was then contended had not taken place. From the promise which was held out on that occasion; and from the time which had intervened, his expectations, had been wound up to a very high pitch—whether they had been gratified or not he would leave the House to determine. Since the gentleman had expressed a desire, and the House had affirmed it, that this discussion should be protracted, Mr. R. hoped that he, on this subject (whatever might be the case on others, where he was compelled to defend what it was his duty to originate) had occupied as little of their time as most of those who had discussed it, might be permitted to make a few remarks in reply to those which had fallen from gentlemen.
He would begin with those of the worthy member from Massachusetts, (Dr. Eustis.) He has stated that this amendment embraces three objects. The designation of the persons voted for as President and Vice-President;—the mode in which the choice of President should be made by that House, in case of no election by the electors, in the first instance; and the provision that the duties of President should be exercised by the Vice President, if the House of Representatives should also fail to make an election. To the first of these provisions the gentleman from Massachusetts professed himself warmly attached, but could not be brought to adopt it, when combined with the other two. On the first objection which he had taken, the gentleman had dwelt for a time, and with so little force,—and the difference between electing out of "the five highest," or out of those "having the highest numbers not exceeding three," was, in itself, so trivial, that little reliance seemed placed upon it. The possible succession of the Vice President to the Presidency appeared to form the chief obstacle, and because he conceived it calculated to defeat the discriminating principle he could not be prevailed upon to assent to any amendment into which it was incorporated. And yet against this very principle of designation the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. R. Griswold,) has made his utmost exertions, as subversive of the original ground of compact between the states. Let me ask, said Mr. Randolph, upon what ground these gentlemen will vote together against this amendment, when their views of its tendency are so entirely opposite, and when they are equally opposed in opinion, as to what ought to be effected by us. I beg, Sir, this enquiry may be understood to proceed from the high respect in which I hold the gentleman from Massachusetts, and from the regret which I must always feel in being compelled to act against him. It is dictated only by my anxiety to add the sanction of his character and his talents to every measure in which I may be concerned. The gentleman from Massachusetts advocates the discriminating between the persons voted for as President and Vice President; the gentleman from Connecticut deprecates it:—The first gentleman is opposed to the amendment because it is calculated to defeat this principle of discrimination; the second because it contains it. When these gentlemen assigned such opposite and irreconcilable objections, I hoped they would not unite their votes against the amendment—That one of them would become a convert to the other, and that we should derive some support from them on the question. But there is one point on which they agree. They contend that it does not become us to suppose that the House of Representatives can refuse to obey the imperative voice of the constitution, which commands them to elect a President, and that the provision of the Senate for such an emergency contains at once an unwarranted imputation on that branch of the legislature, and an inducement to them to swerve from their duty. The supposition that this House will refuse to make an election, when it is enjoined upon them by the constitution, is said to be degrading, and therefore inadmissible. We are exhausted not to libel
ourselves on our own statute book, and a late case is adduced to prove that all fears on that head are groundless. From that case I draw directly a opposite inference. Gentlemen then told us, we are highly averse to both the persons from whom we are to select a President—but there are shades in our dislike—we conceive we have a right to be indulged with the candidate whom we conceive least obnoxious to our principles and views. If a mere shade of dislike between two persons whom they highly disapproved would warrant such an opposition as we then saw, what would have been the struggle if the choice had been to be made between the gentleman who succeeded to the Presidency and either of those who were held up for that office from Massachusetts, or South Carolina? Does any man believe that we should have succeeded in an election under such circumstances? Would the gentleman from Connecticut have abandoned his principles in that case—or does he expect that we should have surrendered ours.
I put it to the gentleman himself whether he could, under such circumstances, have relinquished his own judgement and principles. I ask, if he could have justified to himself the giving of such a vote. I answer for him that he could not. I take upon me to say so, because I could not have justified it in myself. I never could have justified myself, because the House of Representatives are directed to choose a President, in abandoning a candidate for whom I had the highest confidence, and voting for one of whom I felt the greatest distrust. The constitution enjoins it upon this House to make an election, but it cannot enjoin upon any man an abandonment of his judgement and his principles. When we have conscientiously given our votes we have discharged our duty. It is equally our business to pass laws and to perform other important functions. But does that imply an obligation on any man to vote for laws which he believes impolitic, oppressive, or unjust? If the case which I have put had actually occurred, I presume we should have broken up without an election. For one, I do not hesitate to say, that I would have continued balloting till the 4th of March, and let things take their course.
Let us suppose such a case to have happened. The gentleman from Massachusetts objects that the provision discriminating between the President and Vice-President will be totally defeated—since the Vice-President, chosen either by the electors, or the Senate, will succeed to the Presidency. Is it not better that a person selected by the electors, who are apprized of this contingency, or by the Senate out of two presented to their choice should succeed to the presidency, than that anarchy should ensue, or desperate measures be resorted to for carrying on the government? Will it not serve to diminish the violence of the conflict here, when this House is apprized that it does not rest with a party within its walls to defeat the election of President altogether. But this we are told will give rise to endless intrigue. The Vice-President, if any, or candidates for that office, will use every means to prevent an election, in hopes of succeeding to the executive power. Do gentlemen reflect that this argument equally applies to every case of election by the House, as the constitution now stands? Is it not as easy for a candidate for the Presidency to intrigue, in order to effect an election, as for a Vice-President to intrigue to defeat one. When two, or more men come into this House as candidates for the office of President, are not their inducements to intrigue as strong as any which can exist under the proposed amendment, and is not the event of an election by the House of Representatives, much more probable under the present than under the proposed amendment?
To vote for two persons, without designating which is intended for the President and which for Vice-President, is, we are told by the gentleman from Connecticut to ensure the selection of the two most capable men in the United States, for those offices, respectively—but if a discrimination be made, combinations will take place between the states, and the Vice President will be made a make-weight to secure the election of President—that he will be selected rather with a view to the state of which he is a citizen, or to his influence with particular electors, than to his worth, or abilities. So far is this from being true, in my opinion, that a designation is absolutely necessary to secure the election of a fit person for the office of Vice-President. When the
electors designate the offices and persons, respectively, for whom they vote, after choosing the person highest in their confidence for President, they will, naturally, make choice of him who stands next in their esteem for Vice-President—but where they are not permitted to make this discrimination they will, to secure the most important election, give all their votes to him whom they wish to be President, and scatter the other votes: thus leaving it to chance to decide who shall be Vice-President. Where a discrimination takes place the Vice-President will, necessarily, be a man standing high in the public confidence. Where it does not take place it is more than probable that he will be a secondary character. But we are told that it is degrading in the lowest degree to suppose that there is but one person in the United States equal to the Presidency. Far be this idea from me. Were I of this opinion, weak as I am, I should expect to survive the constitution—since I may reasonably expect to survive the term of the present chief magistrate. But whilst I admit that there are hundreds capable of filling the office, I do not believe it possible to present to the public, or to an individual, two candidates between whom there will not exist a preference. This is the nature of man—and it is the nature of free government to gratify this preference.
But the gentleman from Connecticut has gone into a wide field. He takes a view of the elementary principles of our government, which he states to be consolidating and federal, and he declares that the discrimination attempted to be introduced will violate the last of these principles, to which he professes himself particularly attached. It is a matter of some surprise to me that agreeing so nearly as we do in general principles, we should differ so widely in our conclusions. With some variation of expression (perhaps of idea) I subscribe to his general doctrine. With him I consider this as a government of states;—as a federal government. Inasmuch as it tends to consolidation, by so much is it objectionable to me. With him I prize the federal principles on which it is founded, and I will join that gentleman, or any other, in heightening every federal feature of the constitution. I consider it, too, not only as a government of states, but as a compromise between states of various dimensions and interests. When embarked in one common bottom, with a common load and common treasury, it became necessary to give the large states a superior degree of influence, to induce them to put their superior wealth and population at the disposal of the confederacy; whilst the small states were to be secured against encroachment. While therefore they are equal in the Senate, on this floor the states are represented in proportion to their population and wealth—their influence in the choice of President is compounded of their influence in both branches of the legislature. This is the basis of the constitution, and carries compromise in every feature. I will venture to say that even this House is not organized on the principle of a consolidated government—because the representation on this floor is not of the whole mass of the people of the United States, but it is a representation of each state. The United States are not divided into as many districts as there are members, nor is there a general election, but each state sends its own delegation—and the rule of apportionment of representatives is an additional proof that this is a federative government and a government of compromise. If I were to point out the part of this constitution which tends most to consolidation, I should lay my hand on the judiciary. The giving to that department jurisdiction not only under federal laws, but in cases between man and man, arising under the laws of a state, where one of the parties is a foreigner, or citizen of another state,—and even between citizens of the same state under the bankrupt system,—is the strongest feature of consolidation in this government. I will go all lengths with gentlemen in abrogating this jurisdiction—in restoring the federal principle to this department of government. I wish to see the day when the jurisdiction of the federal courts shall be confined to cases arising under federal laws. Mr. Randolph apologized for the digression into which he had been carried, by the view which the gentleman from Connecticut had taken of the principles of our government. It is contended that the discriminating principle of this amendment goes to destroy the compromise between the states since it will annihilate the power of the small states. To this I
conceive it is an unanswerable reply that if such be its effect it can never become a part of the constitution. Five states may put their veto upon it.—Rhode-Island, Delaware, Ohio, Tennessee and Georgia are five as small states as can be found in the union. They belong to the great subdivisions of the country, eastern, middle, western and southern. These five states, judging from their representation, contain less than one twentieth of the population of the United States—eleven twelfths of the union may be forbidden by these states from adding this amendment to the constitution. An additional proof that this proposition is not injurious to the smaller states is that the representation of those very states have expressed their approbation of it. If on the contrary, as has been contended by other gentlemen, this amendment impairs the influence of the large states, Massachusetts, New-York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and North-Carolina will reject it. But a strong proof that it neither affects the interest of the one, or the other, is, that objections have been made to it on both these grounds. Whilst however the gentleman from Connecticut combats this discrimination as subversive of the rights of the small states his friend from Maryland (Mr. Dennis) objects to it because the last provision, renders negatory the discriminating principle. Does the gentleman mean to disarm his friends of their objections to the amendment and induce them to support it, or does he, relying on their stability, expect to excite alarm in its friends and thereby defeat it? The gentleman and his friends have uniformly opposed all discrimination, and now, it seems, he objects because that object is likely to be defeated. This objection the gentleman from Connecticut had, with his usual clear sightedness, cautiously avoided. He knew better the real bearing of the amendment, and if such had been the effect of the last provision, the amendment would never have received so strenuous an opposition from him. No, Sir, it is because he sees this principle, so obnoxious to him, existing unimpaired in this amendment, that he has thrown every obstacle in his power against it. He has indeed taken the objection that it will open the door to intrigue: for so soon as any man is put in reach of the Presidency you arm him with the power, whilst you give him the disposition to corrupt the electors. It will therefore be the interest of the Vice-President to defeat an election by this House. But will not the disposition and power to intrigue be equally brought into action, as the constitution now stands, when two or more candidates shall be presented to that House for their selection? And is not the probability of such an event diminished by discriminating between the officers. I conceive this provision by lessening the chance of an election by this House has done much. It will remove those heart burnings of which gentlemen complain. It will tend in a great degree to strengthen the union of these states which never was more endangered than at the last election. The gentleman from Connecticut complains that the events of that period have been grossly misrepresented. Whether that be the case, or not, I have no hesitation to state that it was, in my opinion, a period of imminent danger to this country. It was a crisis such as I hope we shall never again be exposed to, and to avoid its recurrence is my motive for advocating the amendment which has been sent us and which is as unexceptionable as any which I believe at this time attainable. The worst that can befall us will be the exercise of the duties of President by the same person who would be called upon to discharge them in case of his death, resignation, or removal from office.
Dr. EUSTIS. If at this late hour I could expect the attention of the House, I should derive a peculiar satisfaction in replying to the observations of my friend from Virginia; and as from present indications I have a right to experience that indulgence, I shall proceed with the same candor which has distinguished the remarks of that gentleman, with whom it would be my pleasure to act on this as on other occasions.
That gentleman expresses his hope, as the resolution under consideration embraces the great object had in view, that those who are desirous of attaining this object will not refuse their assent to it because the resolution contains other provisions which he terms of an inferior or secondary nature.
It is necessary to review the resolution, and I must repeat the objections which were made when it first came un-
der consideration. I stated at that time that it differed widely and materially from the resolution sent up by this House to the Senate, and on which it does not appear that the Senate have acted. That resolution contemplated a single object, viz. a designation of the persons voted for as President and Vice-President. The resolution of the Senate, I also stated to consist of three distinct and separate propositions. The first containing what has been termed the designating principle—the second reducing the constitutional number of candidates, from whom the House of Representatives are to choose a President in case there be no choice by the electors, from 5 to 3—the third providing in case there shall be no choice by the House of Representatives, that the Vice-President shall be President of the United States.
The first provision, that of designating, appears to me, and the House will recollect and the gentleman from Virginia will also recollect, that I then stated this to be a modification rather than a change of a constitutional rule or principle, by which the votes of the electors given in that case as they are now given under the constitution, will be subject only to this alteration, that the person voted for as President and the person voted for as Vice President, will be respectively designated in distinct ballots.
This is the alteration contemplated in the resolution which passed the House—this embraces the whole of the change contemplated by the House and by the public—this is the amendment which I continue to approve, and against which I have heard no substantial objection.
The second amendment proposed by the Senate, is may also be recollected, was objected to on two grounds—first, that it contemplated another important alteration in the constitution in a point where no evil had resulted and no inconvenience had been experienced. Without any reason, it proposed to narrow the choice of the House from five to three. It has been contended, and I beg the gentleman from North-Carolina will take this as an answer to his observations, it has been contended by that gentleman as well as others, and with some ingenuity, that the President and Vice-President are to be chosen from the five highest candidates, by the constitution—and as by the resolution the President is to be chosen from the three highest, and the Vice-President from the two highest, that the three and the two make five, and of course there is no difference, and the gentleman therefore does not see how the resolution can be objected to on this ground. But it will be seen that at present and under the constitution, the President is chosen from five—if the proposed amendment be adopted, he must be chosen from three candidates—making a change and narrowing the choice from among the candidates from five to three. The election of Vice President by this amendment is totally changed: he is to be chosen at another time and in another place, and gentlemen must see that his election bears no relation to and cannot be coupled with that of the President.
The second objection to this amendment was grounded on the indefinite mode of expression, "from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot." There is a want of precision in these words. Some gentlemen understand it as limiting the choice to the three highest candidates, while others suppose them intended to embrace five, ten or fifteen, if there be so many having an equal number of votes in the three highest grades—and if gentlemen on this floor differ in their construction, it is not to be expected that the state legislatures, when they come to consider, and the House of Representatives of the United States when they come to act under it, will also differ?
The third proposition provides that not choose a President before the fourth of March following, the Vice-President shall act as President, as in case of his resignation or death: another and a still more important change in the constitution. To this I did object, and I do still object, because it is predicated on a conception which I am not willing to have engrafted in that instrument. It is predicated on a presumption that the House of Representatives may refuse to carry into effect the public will—that they will refuse to obey the imperative language of the constitution which ordains that in case there be no choice by the electors they shall immediately proceed to a choice, because it affairs a first and fundamental principle—it presumes

on a privation or absence of political morality and sense of obligation on which all our institutions rest. The constitution cannot exist if this principle becomes extinct. The formation of this House, which is the democratic branch of the government, how is it effected? In apportioning the representation of the several states the words of the constitution are "The state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to three representatives." Suppose the people of the state of New Hampshire had declined to choose their representatives—has this House the power to compel that state to exercise this right? They have not—and if other states had, from whatever motives pursued a similar course—this House could not have been formed, and the constitution must have been defeated. A sense of interest and of political obligation are the basis and the security of the constitution, and distinguish the people and government of this from those of other countries—if you presume on its absence you discourage, you diminish, you destroy it. "If the House of Representatives shall not choose." The House of Representatives will not refuse—they will not dare to refuse—the transaction which is passed proves they dare not defeat the will of the people. But if you make this amendment, you furnish them with an apology, with an excuse, with a justification for refusing; and what is worse, you tempt them to refuse; you presume at least that they may refuse. The high responsibility imposed on the House by the constitution is destroyed. This provision will plead in justification of their refusal to make a choice—and when they shall refuse, what is to be the consequence? The officer whom it is intended to be defeated by the first resolution, is promoted—the man whom the people never intended to be President, the Vice-President becomes President of the United States. The Vice-Presidency will thenceforth become the office of importance to be secured in the government, and by the means, and with the temptations which will be in his power to offend and to use, he will finally become President.
I am sensible this is a provision in the last resort, and which cannot take effect excepting in case of a failure of two other processes, that of the electors first, and that of the House in the second instance—and I am also sensible that the three provisions for securing a President stand separate from each other—but it is true, and it will be found in practice, that they have each a relation to and bearing on the others. The responsibility of the electors will be diminished—the House of Representatives will feel less responsibility, encouragement will be given to intrigue, and the means which have been perhaps too often alluded to on this floor, will receive a facility in the hands of the person who shall be chosen Vice-President, which may become dangerous to the public peace and destructive to the public happiness.
These are the objections which I made to the resolution under consideration: a review of the subject has not diminished them. We continue to approve the designating principle—we approve the number 5 of candidates from which the House is to make a choice when the election shall be brought there, my friend from Virginia was with us in opinion on these points; our affirmative vote is on the journals, if there be any change of opinion, that change is not with us, it is the majority of the House who have changed. And what reason is assigned for the change? What is the reason assigned by the gentleman from Virginia? That this is the best or the most he can attain, or that as he gains the designating principle he is willing to take the two other amendments which the Senate have added. We ask to be satisfied that we are reduced to this alternative, it is not satisfactory to be told that the Senate will not recede when they shall be made acquainted with the objections of the House; we ask for an intercourse with them—we desire that the rules of procedure in ordinary business be observed in this. With this view I moved yesterday that the resolution might be committed; that we might send a message to the Senate asking an answer to the proposal made to them for their concurrence in the resolution which passed the House, or to propose a committee of conference. The motion was negatived—it was said not to have been a custom in this government to send such an order or message. Without pretensions to much experience, I know it must be in order—I know it must be consistent with parliamentary rule to send messages of this nature. In what other manner is the sense of one House to be made known to the other? On a subject of this importance where there appears a difference of sentiment in the two Houses, some intercourse ought to be had, and some explanation is required, perhaps the Senate when they shall become possessed of the objections of the House will be willing to recede from one or both the alterations which they have made in our resolution. When we ask them to institute this enquiry, gentlemen rise in their places and tell us, the Senate will not re-
cede, and this is all we can have—this is not satisfactory—By what means can gentlemen know this? It is due to those who object, and it is due to the House that the enquiry should be made—that the ordinary course should be pursued. The resolution in the mean time will remain in custody of the House, and if there shall be a conviction that the Senate will give up nothing for the sake of accommodation, it may finally be adopted; until this course shall have been pursued it is unreasonable to press a decision. Many gentlemen who approve of the designating principle are opposed to the amendments proposed by the Senate. Some of those gentlemen have expressed their disapprobation—some of them will be compelled to vote against the resolution if insisted on at this time.
On the subject of amendments generally, two of my colleagues have expressed sentiments not founded in a knowledge of the letter or spirit of the constitution. One of them a reverend gentleman (Mr. Taggart), speaking of the constitution of Massachusetts, ascribed great wisdom to the framers of that instrument, because they had provided that it should not be amended until after the expiration of 15 years—that within that term an insurrection had prevailed in the state, and if the constitution had admitted of being amended, or altered at that time, the temper and disposition of what he has called the public mind was such as would have cast the state adrift in the ocean of anarchy. Sir, that worthy gentleman is not acquainted with the constitution of his own state. That constitution is bottomed on the principle that the people have at all times a right to alter, to amend and to change their form of government, whenever their own interest or their own happiness, shall in their own opinion require it.
Impressed with this principle, the framers of that constitution, provided by an expressed article, that the General Court, which should be in session fifteen years after the adoption shall issue precepts to the several towns, and plantations, calling a convention in order to take the sense of the people whether they wished for any alteration. Understanding their own constitution and knowing that they have at all times the right to alter and amend it, the people of that state have acted early under it without alteration.
With respect to the federal constitution, are gentlemen ignorant of the difficulty with which the convention of Massachusetts finally adopted it? Do they recollect that amendments were for a long time insisted on as a condition of the ratification? that the people of that state having gone through the war under a federative government very different from this—were afraid of the powers granted by the new constitution—that their fears were extensive and influential, and that this constitution was finally adopted, because, it carried within itself the means of being altered and amended as time and experience should suggest? and because the state legislatures as well as Congress had the right to institute amendments?
One of the gentlemen (Mr. Thatcher) has quoted an authority to which every member of this House will bend with respect and attention—but the passage he has quoted, makes directly against him—while we are cautioned against alterations under the garb of amendments, we are invited to adopt such as "experience" shall recommend, and the object of this amendment so far as it respects the designating principle is suggested by experience: that the true way to preserve the affections of the people for this constitution, is, to recur to the principle and conditions with which it was adopted, and instead of objecting to give facility to such amendments as experience shall suggest.
TO SUBSCRIBERS. Subscribers indebted for the National Intelligencer are respectfully reminded that, according to the terms of that paper, unless payment be immediately made, it will be discontinued. It will be recollected that an annual advance payment of five dollars is required.
NOTICE. THE Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned are hereby informed, that the assessment by order of the corporation of Washington for the year 1803, is now complete, and that the tax on real and personal property must be paid at the City Treasurer's office on or before the first day of March next. The owners of slaves and dogs are also informed that the tax on the same must be paid on or before the first day of February next.
WASHINGTON BOYD, City Treasurer. Jan. 13—STRAW
CITY TAXES. Notice is hereby given that the Board of Appeal On contested valuations of property under the several acts of the corporation relating to the valuation of property, will meet on Monday the 23d inst. at the office of the Treasurer of the city and continue their meetings for two weeks thereafter to whom all and every person who feel aggrieved by the late assessment of property in the city, may apply for redress. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor, of the city of Washington. Jan. 13—123
WASHINGTON CITY
FRIDAY JANUARY 13, 1803,
By letters from KENTUCKY we learn that the amendment to the constitution respecting the mode of electing a President and Vice President had passed the Senate with but one dissenting vote; and had, without opposition, gone to a third reading in the House of Representatives, where no doubt is entertained of its final passage.
Other letters state the final passage of the amendment.
The Legislature of the state of OHIO have also ratified the amendment.
All the Legislatures of the states, that have been in session since the proposition of the amendment, have ratified it, to wit: North Carolina, Maryland, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Kentucky and Ohio.
Amendment to the constitution ratified by Virginia.
Extract from the Journal of the Senate, December 31, 1803.
Mr. Allen reported from the committee to whom was committed the amendment proposed by congress to the constitution of the United States, with the resolution annexed, for the ratification of the same by the legislature of this state. That the committee had, according to order, had the same under their consideration, and had made several amendments to the said resolution, which he delivered in with the same.
And the said amendments being generally twice read, were on the questions thereon being put, agreed to by the House.
The said amendment proposed by Congress to the constitution of the United States, and the resolution for the ratification of the same by the legislature of this state with the amendments thereto, were again read, and are as follows:
Resolved, By the general assembly of Virginia, that the amendment to the constitution of the United States proposed at the first session of the eighth congress, by a resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in congress assembled, to the several state legislatures, be, and the same is hereby upon the part of this legislature, ratified and made a part of the constitution of the United States, which amendment is in the following words:
(The amendment is here inserted)
And on the question thereupon being put, the said amendment and resolution for ratifying the same, were agreed to by the House—Ayes 17—No. 1.
The American Philosophical Society met on Friday, the sixth inst. for the election of the officers for the ensuing year, when the following gentlemen were duly chosen.
President—THOMAS JEFFERSON. Vice President—Robert Patterson, Calper Willar, Benjamin Smith Barton. Secretaries—John Redman Coxe, Adam Seybert, Thomas C. James, Thomas T. Hewson, William White, Jonathan B. Smith, Peter S. Duponceau, Adam Kuhn. Curators—Charles W. Peale, Robert Hare, jun. John Church. Treasurer—John Vaughan.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, January 11.
Dr. Mitchill, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, on a resolution instructing them to enquire whether any and what additions are necessary to be made to the Naval establishment of the United States, and the bill from the Senate for the sale of the General Green, &c.—made a report, stating that in their opinion no addition to the Navy is at present necessary, and that it will be expedient instead of selling, to convert, the General Green into a store ship.
Referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. J. Randolph moved that William Gowan, agent of the Virginia Yazoo Company, be heard by counsel at the bar of this House on Monday next in support of the claim of said company.
After some conversation on the propriety of the motion, the Yeas and Nays were taken on it—Yeas 61—Nays 45.
A like motion was then made to hear counsel in behalf of the South Carolina Yazoo Company.
Mr. Meriwether moved to enlarge the motion, so as to allow counsel in behalf of all the claimants to be heard. It being suggested that it would be time enough to extend this privilege when desired,
This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 42—Nays 45.
The motion previously made was then agreed to—Yeas 67—Nays 46.
The House went into committee of the whole—on the bill for the relief of the captors of the Moorish armed ships Methouda and Mirboka.
Mr. VARNUM in the chair—The committee reported the bill without amendment, and the House concurred in their report, and ordered the bill to a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. J. Randolph moved the recommitment of the 3d section of the bill farther to amend the act laying a direct tax.
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved to recommit the whole bill.—Carried—and made the order for to-day.
The House immediately went into committee on the bill—Mr. VARNUM in the chair—The bill having undergone amendment, the committee rose, asked and obtained leave to sit again.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 12, 1804.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Varnum in the chair—on the report of the committee of Claims, for enabling the President of the United States to make restitution to the owners of the Dash Brigantine, called the Henrick.
The report, after considerable debate, was agreed to by a large majority in the committee and then in the House, and the committee of Claims ordered to bring in a bill conformably to the report.
ERRATA In Mr. TAYLOR's Speech in Monday's paper.
In the first page, fourth column, and at the end of the fourth paragraph—for majority read minority.
In the fifth column, and ninth line from the top—for contrated read controuled.
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA.
In the House of Representatives,
Wednesday the 7th Dec. 1803.
THE select committee to whom was referred the papers and documents relative to a charge or accusation of one Zachariah Cox against the honorable major general James Jackson,
REPORT, That your committee have taken the said papers and documents under their serious consideration, and a number of other documents relating to the Tennessee deposit, and beg leave to recommend the following resolution.
Whereas information has been laid before this Legislature from which it does appear that the political reputation and personal integrity of the honorable James Jackson, have been vilified and traduced by one Zachariah Cox, who has asserted that the said honorable gentleman did receive when governor of this state a proportion of the Tennessee deposit as a reward or donour for his assent to the drawing out of the treasury of this state certain sums of the said deposit, to which the said Zachariah Cox pretended to be entitled. Now,
Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the state of Georgia in General Assembly met, And it is hereby resolved by the authority of the same that the conduct of that honorable gentleman during his administration as governor of this state was characterised with honesty and disinterestedness, and that his reputation stands too high in the opinion of this legislature and his fellow citizens at large to be affected by any malicious assertions or insinuations whatever.
And the same being read was unanimously agreed to.
Extract from the Journal, JOEL ABBOT, Speaker, pro tem. Test. HINES HOLT, Clk.
In Senate, 7th December 1803. Read and unanimously concurred in DAVID EMANUEL, President of Senate. WILL. ROBERTSON, Sec.
Executive Department 8th Dec. 1803. Presented read and approved of. JOHN MILLEDGE, Governor. Test. JAS. BOZEMAN, Sec. E. D.
Lexington, (Ken.) Dec. 27. The following resolutions passed the house of representatives of this state on Thursday the 8th inst. And on Monday the Senate concurred therein, with only one dissenting voice, viz. colonel Moore, from the county of Jefferson.
Extract from the Journal of the House of Representatives.
Mr. Hopkins moved to take up the resolution, which was laid on the table the first of this instant, approbatory of the measures of the general government. And the same being read, Mr. Cosby moved the following as an amendment—Strike out the whole of the former resolution, and substitute the following, in lieu thereof:
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, That the present administration of the Federal government, is entitled to, and does receive the un-
feigned approbation of this legislature for its intelligent, upright and economical administration of the Federal government.
Resolved, also, that the course pursued by the President, and the last and present congress of the United States, in adjusting the differences which had unfortunately arisen with the Spanish government, and in procuring the cession of Louisiana through the peaceful means of negotiation, and to obtain the possession of the same, is founded on a correct understanding of the national honor, the legitimate principles of national justice, and is best calculated to promote the peace, prosperity and happiness of America.
Which being twice read Mr. Rowan moved to lay the same on the table to the end of the session.
And the question being taken, it passed in the negative.
The yeas and nays being required by Messrs. Rowan and Welch, were—Yeas 3—Nays 52.
The question was then taken on adopting the amendment in lieu of the original resolution, it passed in the affirmative.
Mr. Rowan then moved to divide the question on the said resolutions. And the question being taken on the first resolution: the same was unanimously agreed to. The question was then taken on the second, it passed in the affirmative.
The yeas and nays being required by Messrs. Russell and Taylor, were—Yeas 54—Nay 1.
New York, Jan. 6.
CAPE FRANCOIS—It has, we understand, been currently reported in the city, that Cape Francois was evacuated on the first of December. From the following circumstances, we presume the report is incorrect.
A French gentleman, who arrived in this city yesterday, from Norfolk, and who failed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 12th of December, informs, that two days before he failed, a Spanish Falouche, (a long vessel with latin sails) arrived thither from Cape Francois; that the vessel left the Cape on the 5th of December, and that on the 29th of November, an attack was made on that place by the brigands. They passed through the different block-houses, which form a line of defence round the city, and even entered Champ de Mars, where they were defeated with immense slaughter. They retired some distance, where they were still encamped on the 5th of December, when the Spanish vessel left that city.
New York, January 7.
Captain Burke, of the brig Nancy from Norfolk, informs us that previous to his departure, a brig had arrived there from London, with intelligence to the 12th of November, two days later than our former advices: but that no political event of importance had occurred, nor had any additional measures been adopted for carrying into effect the proposed invasion of Great-Britain.
PROCLAMATION of DESSALINES, CHRISTOPHE & CLEK.
VEAUX, Chiefs of St. Domingo,
In the name of the black people and men of colour of St. Domingo.
THE independence of St. Domingo is proclaimed. Restored to our primitive dignity, we have claimed our rights; we swear never to yield them to any power on earth. The frightful veil of prejudice is torn to pieces, and is so forever. Woe be to whomsoever would dare again to put together its bloody tatters.
O! Landholders of St. Domingo, wandering in foreign countries, by proclaiming our independence, we do not intend to forbid you indiscriminately from returning to your property. Far be from us this unjust idea. We are not ignorant, that there are some among you, that have renounced their old errors, abjured the injustice of their exorbitant pretensions, and acknowledged the lawfulness of the cause for which we have been spilling our blood these twelve years. Towards these men who do us justice, we will act as brothers; let them rely forever on our esteem and friendship; let them return among us. The God who protected us, the God of freemen, bids us to stretch out towards them our conquering arms. But as for those who, intoxicated with a foolish pride and interested slaves to a guilty pretension, are blinded so much as to think that they are the essence of human nature, and affect to believe that they are defined by Heaven to be our masters and our tyrants, let them never come near the land of St. Domingo; if they come hither, they will meet only with chains and deportation; let them stay then where they are; and tormented by their well deserved misery, and the frowns of the just men that they have but too long mocked at, let them continue to move the pity and concern of nobody.
We have sworn not to listen to clemency towards all those who would dare

to speak to us of slavery; we shall be inexorable, perhaps even cruel, towards all the troops who, themselves, forgetting the object for which they have not ceased fighting since 1789, should come yet from Europe, to carry among us death and servitude. Nothing is too dear, and every means are lawful, to men from whom it is wished to tear the first of all blessings. Were they to cause rivers and torrents of blood to run; were they, in order to maintain their liberty, to conflagrate the seven eighths of the globe, the innocent before the tribunal of Providence, that has not created men, to see them groaning under a hard and shameful servitude.
If in the various insurrections that took place, some inhabitants, against whom we had not to complain, have been victims of the cruelty of a few soldiers or cultivators, too much blinded by the remembrance of their past sufferings, to be able to distinguish the good and humane landholders from those that were unfeeling and cruel; we lament with all feeling souls so deplorable an end, and declare to the world, whatever may be said to the contrary by wicked people, that these murders were committed contrary to the wishes of our hearts. It was impossible especially in the crisis in which the colony was, to be able to prevent or stop these horrors. They who are in the least acquainted with history, all know that a people, when assailed by civil dissensions, though they may be the most polished on earth, give themselves up to all kinds of excess, and the authority of the chiefs always but poorly consolidated in a time of revolution, cannot punish all those that are guilty, without always meeting with new difficulties. But now a days the aurora of peace lets us have the glimpse of a less stormy time, now that the calm of victory has succeeded to the troubles of a dreadful war, every thing in St. Domingo ought to assume a new face and its government henceforward to be that of justice.
Done at the head-quarters, Fort Dauphin, November 29, 1803. (Signed) DESSALINES, CHRISTOPHE, and CLERVEAUX. True copy, B. AMIR, Secy.
New York, January 5. The editors of the New-York Gazette are indebted to capt. Symonds, from New Orleans, for the French proclamation and two arrests, published at New Orleans, on their taking possession of that place. The substance of the arrests follows:
"Laussat, colonial prefect, having learned that the militia of New Orleans, which, under the Spanish dominion were commanded by officers of his Catholic majesty, and on the surrender of Louisiana they were left without an état major (staff officers) which deficiency it is necessary to supply.
"It is decreed, that Mr. Bellarache be named colonial commandant of the militia of New Orleans, and inspector of the companies of free blacks and free people of color."
The other contains an address to the French citizens at Louisiana, in these words:
"The French flag is this day flying before your eyes: it reminds you in the distant territory, of your combats, your victories and your valor. It in vain seeks the accustomed rampart of those formidable bayonets that surrounded it, and which crowned it with so much power and glory. But, supported by an ally loyal and faithful, it will be guarded by the Louisianians, those worthy children of our forefathers: it will be effected by your presence, by your respect, by your love. This is the cherished standard of our reunion, French citizens, and (the prefect) I swear before it in your name and upon your honor, that though its continuance is but short in these countries, it will by your concurrence and efforts, leave a long remembrance of those days of tranquility, order and conceil, of which it constantly gives proofs, and signalize their duration."
(Signed, &c.)
A RUNAWAY. ABSCONDED on the 26th of December last for fear of being sold. A stout, strong, square built, black slave called CIMON; a well behaved and well looking fellow, about 26 years of age. In speaking to gentlemen he shows a set of white teeth, appears diffident, and even somewhat agitated. He carries no fear nor mark of any injury. Having worked in a blacksmiths shop his hands are very rough; he came from Mrs. Edens estate in St. Mary's county, and was there called Peter; his clothing was new and strong; the jacket and overalls of grey kersey. He had a long blue broad cloth coat, and a pair of overalls of the same kind of cloth; the coat and overalls had yellow metal buttons, with the figure of a spread eagle on them. His brother Harry (slave to Miss Grace Stone who has been hired in the city of Washington) has a strong resemblance to Cimon. I offer Ten Dollars reward for delivering Cimon to me, or confining him in any jail. And if I find out of the county the additional reward of one quarter of a dollar for every mile he may be brought. M. L. STONE. Charles county, Jan. 23—12aw3w
National Intelligencer. We are indebted for the following interesting information, respecting LOUISIANA to Mr. Winston, a representative from North Carolina.
A LETTER FROM DR. JOHN SIBLEY, Late of Fayetteville, (Now of LOUISIANA,) TO J. GALES, PRINTER, In Raleigh. Louisiana, August 15, 1803.
DEAR SIR, About twelve months ago I was called by some business to Natchez: I took shipping at Charleston, landed at New Orleans, and proceeded on to Natchez by land, along the Mississippi. The distance is called 300 miles.
Not being able immediately to accomplish my business at Natchez, I thoroughly explored the Mississippi territory. After which, finding my return to Carolina would be unavoidably protracted for some time, and hearing much of the country of Louisiana, I conceived the plan of taking a ramble thither. I therefore applied to the Spanish government, and obtained permission to travel through, and explore that country where I pleased.
For that purpose I left Natchez the 5th of March last, and have been since that time through various parts of Louisiana, but principally on Red River. I have kept an accurate journal of my travels since I left Charleston, interspersed with notes and observations, which at this time is swelled to a considerable size.
A few days ago I received a letter from Governor Claiborne, of Natchez, informing me of the cession of this country to the United States, which has made me the medium through which this important information has been communicated to the inhabitants of this part of Louisiana; nineteen-twentieths of whom are French, speak none but their native language, and understand but little of the government of the United States. My room has been crowded almost every day since I received Governor Claiborne's letter; some having heard the report, and wishing to learn the truth of it; others to obtain some knowledge of the American government, under which they expect soon to pass.
I have done all in my power to reconcile them to the change; and it has afforded me much satisfaction to observe the success of my efforts: though I have been astonished at the misrepresentations which have been spread among the people here, concerning the government of the United States, (by some Tory Americans who have found their way hither) which had excited prejudices that in some instances I found much difficulty to remove.
I have represented to the people, that while they were under an European government, they were held as an article of traffic, were bought and sold from one European power to another, as they buy and sell their cattle, mules and horses; that the Europeans were eternally at war with one another, and let them belong to which ever of these powers they would, they must be a party in their wars, and liable to be plundered by their enemies; and that they knew, by experience, how little an European colony had to expect, situated four or five thousand miles from the seat of government. Although this country has been settled nearly as long as Pennsylvania, and in many respects possessing superior advantages, how small is its progress in improvement, compared to that state! which difference is entirely to be attributed to the difference of government.
Without prejudice to the governments of France and Spain, I have represented to them the mildness of the American government. It interferes with no one's religion, but protects all. Its disposition to encourage commerce, agriculture, internal navigation, manufactures, arts and science; and that they will now be under a government that will never sell them, and that is able, and will always be willing to protect them, and whose finances are such, that they will not be oppressed with taxes.
As some description of this country, which will shortly become part of the United States, cannot fail to be interesting, I will give you some extracts from my journal respecting it, which must be in a very abridged manner, or it would too far exceed the bounds of a letter, which I hope has not already become tiresome, and which has no other recommendations, than the novelty of the subject, and a strict adherence to truth.
The island of Orleans, which forms part of Louisiana, is on the east side of the Mississippi river; the south end of it forms one part of the mouth of the river Balize, and is a point. It is bounded on the east by Spiritu Santo bay, the lakes Ponchartrain and Maurepas; and north by the Bayan Manchack, or which is sometimes called the river Iberville, which is dry when the Mississippi is low, but when that river
is high, its waters break through the Bayan, falling into lake Maurepas, from thence to Ponchartrain, and from thence into Spiritu Santo bay. The length of this island is about 200 miles, and its breadth from 2 to 20. About the middle of it, on the bank of the Mississippi, is the town of New Orleans. This town is regularly laid off; the streets are 50 feet wide, and intersected at right angles; the houses are principally of brick, some two, and some three stories high, many of them elegant with flat roofs. The town is more than half the size of Charleston, and several of its streets next the river, are as well built as any streets in Charleston: there is one large handsome church, a government-house, a nunnery, a theatre, and two hospitals; and contains about fifteen thousand inhabitants, four-fifths of whom are French.
About 40 miles above the Balize, and 65 below Orleans, the settlements begin, and are much alike on both sides of the river. Strong all along 40 or 50 yards from the river, behind the Seire or embankment, and (except at a point or turn) within half a mile of each other, and the cleared land extending back from half a mile to a mile and a half, and is generally bounded by a cypress swamp. The lands from the edge of the river back, gradually fall till they become too low to cultivate; it never can admit of but one row of settlements. These plantations are interchangeably planted in sugar cane, rice, corn, and cotton. Nothing can exceed the luxuriance of their crops. The population of the island of Orleans, including the town, may be estimated at 20,000 inhabitants. On the opposite side of the river is another island, in length about 170 miles, formed by the Bayan La Fosh, which, like Manchack, is dry at low water, but at high water a large ship might conveniently pass through it. This Bayan falls into Vermillion bay, nearly 100 miles west of Orleans. All along the banks of La Fosh, for 70 or 80 miles, is as thick settled as any part of the banks of the Mississippi.
There are several other islands along the Gulf of Mexico, west of Mississippi, on which are some settlements, particularly one called Barataria, at which I was. Among these bays and islands are found, in the greatest perfection and abundance, turtle fish, oysters, &c. and in winter plenty of fowl. Farther to the westward on the bay, is the large rich settlement of Tuckepa, interspersed with beautiful prairies, (land without forest growth,) rivers and creeks, some of which are navigable for small vessels. The population of this district is 965 families; they have large flocks of very large sized cattle, make considerable sugar and cotton for exportation.
North of Tuckepa, and directly back of it, is the district of Appalusa, in extent nearly 100 miles by 50. This is a high, rich, and beautiful country, skirted with clumps of flourishing trees, and interspersed with fine rich prairies, which produce corn and cotton in great perfection. But the immense flocks of cattle, with which they are covered, are almost incredible: ten thousand head may be seen in one view. The population of Appalusa is 470 families. A river called Chaffeli runs through Appalusa, and empties into the Gulf of Mexico, at Tuckepa. This is a part of the Mississippi that breaks out about 200 miles above New Orleans, just below and in sight of the mouth of Red river. The navigation of the Chaffeli has been considerably obstructed for some years past, by drift wood, that in floating down the Mississippi, has lodged in its mouth.
North of Appalusa, and joining, begin the settlements on the waters of Red river. This river heads in the same mountains of the Missouri and the river Grand, which separate the waters of the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico, from those of the Western Ocean. Red river is near 2000 miles in length; it falls into the Mississippi about 300 miles from its mouth, and is navigable, it is said, for boats more than 1200 miles. In ascending it, the first high land that will admit of being settled, (on account of its overflowing) is Izavial, which is about 75 miles up it by water, and 40 miles above the mouth of Black river.
Izavial is called an island, and is so at high water: it is a beautiful prairie, on the south side of Red river, about 20 miles in length, and 4 or 5 in breadth, of an oval form, surrounded with thick wood, interspersed with handsome clumps of trees, tusked over with fine grass, and settled all round the edge in a circular form. Their fields are in the prairie, in front of their houses, and the centre of the prairie (which is not cultivated) is covered with cattle of a very large size. I passed through Izavial in the month of March: I accurately ascertained the number of families, which is 296. The land, when ploughed, has a very rich appearance, and produces corn and cotton abundantly, but not to be compared to the river lands, or the Appalusa or Tuckepa prairies. On each side of Red river are some scattering settlements for about 50 miles, to Bayan Rapide, on which are about 100 families. The land here, in point of fertility, is inferior to none in the world; and for about 40 miles hence, to the
beginning of the Appalusa prairies, passing Bayan Robert, and Bayan Boeuf (on which a few settlements are beginning) the country is equally rich, and as well timbered as any land can be. It is perfectly level, (resembling a river bed) the soil 20 feet deep, and like a bed of manure.
Higher up Red river, the banks and low grounds (which are 5 or 6 miles wide) are nearly of the same quality as the lands on Bayan Rapide, with only this difference, being of a texture somewhat looser, which is perhaps an advantage. Here are but few settlements, till you arrive at the river Cane Settlement (so called) which is 60 or 70 miles higher up Red river. From this up to the village or port of Natchitoches, which is about 50 miles, and for 25 miles above it, the banks of one branch of Red river are settled in the same manner as the Mississippi. It is impossible to conceive of more beautiful fields and plantations, or more luxuriant crops of corn, cotton and tobacco.
The town or port of Natchitoches, (where is a church, the residence of the commandant, priest, ten or twelve merchants, and 30 or 40 families) was formerly a French garrison and an out post. It is handsomely situated on a hill, which overlooks a great extent of well cultivated fields: it was much larger 50 or 60 years ago than at present, owing to many of the inhabitants, who before lived in the garrison, having, within these 30 or 40 years past, settled on plantations up and down the river.
From this place the great western road takes off towards Mexico, and it will ever be an important place, being the key to an immense rich country. The population of the district of Natchitoches, is between 4 and 5000. The low grounds of Red river, are generally 5 or 6 miles wide, and no soil can be richer, and nearly all alike; considerable part of which is overflowed annually in the month of April; but it continues up but a short time, and always falls in time to plant corn and tobacco, and rises no more till the same time the next year. There are fields that, from the best account I can obtain, have been planted successively for near 100 years in corn or tobacco, and never known to fail in producing plentiful crops, nor is the soil apparently in the least exhausted. It is particularly favorable for tobacco, which grows remarkably luxuriant, and has a very fine flavour. The soil has a saline impregnation, which imparts something of it to the tobacco.
The well and river water is somewhat brackish. I am convinced that one hand here can make as much tobacco in a season, as four or five on the belt lands in Virginia or North Carolina. It is made without any bills being raised, and grows so quick (from the strength and warmth of the soil) that they usually cut it three times: when prepared for market, it is stemmed and made into twirls of five pounds each.
From 80 to 100 bushels of corn can be made to the acre. Cotton produces equally well. The gardens on the natural soil (for they cannot be made richer with manure) are not less astonishing or extraordinary. I have particularly observed the very great height to which the artichoke grows; they are usually 10 feet, and very frequently 12 and 15 feet high.
In the neighborhood of Natchitoches are several salt springs, the waters of which are at least three times as strong as sea water. Two men, with 10 or 12 old pots and kettles, supply the settlement on Red river with salt. The springs are almost inexhaustible, and would admit of very large quantities of salt being made from them.
There are likewise plenty of iron and copper ore, pit coal, shell and stone lime. The different branches of the river, the lakes, creeks and bayans, abound with very fine fish, cockles, soft shelled turtle and shrimp, and in winter great varieties of wild fowl. The country is far from being sickly. The river being very deep, does not get much heated; the houses are immediately on its banks, which are kept perfectly clean; and the water being saltish, prevents the exhalation of sickly vapors; and it is happily freed from many of those troublesome insects so common in the southern states, particularly the bed bug. The musquito is very rarely seen here.
The high lands, which are all vacant and unsettled, are covered with a thick growth of oak, hickory, ash, gum, sassafras, dogwood, buckeye, grape vines, &c. intermixed with some short-leaved pine, and interspersed with prairies, creeks, lakes and fountains: it is not mountainous, but gently rising hills and valleys, and generally a strong clay soil. But the appearance of both the timber and land is very much injured by the frequent burning of the woods.
The country on Red river which I esteem most valuable, begins about 50 or 60 miles above the upper settlements, and extends 4 or 500 miles. The river there never overflows its banks; the low grounds are wide, and from the river, for 40 miles on each side, the lands are remarkably rich, interspersed with handsome prairies, beautiful streams and fountains; also quarries of free-stone, lime, flint, slate, grit, and almost every kind of stone.
About 80 or 90 years ago, a number of Frenchmen settled on this part of Red river: they built a merchant mill, with Burr stones (which they brought from France) and cultivated wheat in the prairies with much success, and made excellent flour for several years, till, by the repeated incursions of the Oza Indians, they were compelled to abandon their settlements.
The Ozas are a race of Indians living in a prairie between Red river and a branch of the Missouri, at three remarkable large springs; they formerly consisted of near 2000 warriors, but near two-thirds of them were destroyed by the small-pox a few years ago. They are in size gigantic, and in disposition cruel and ferocious: they are always at war with their Indian neighbors, and are inveterate enemies of all white people, particularly the Spaniards.
Something more than twenty years ago, an attempt was made by the Spaniards to re-settle this country; for this purpose, some priests, a company of soldiers, and a number of families with a rich outfit, repaired thither. They had been there but a short time, before the Ozas fell upon them and totally destroyed them. No attempt has since been made to settle it.
I am well acquainted with an elderly French gentleman of very large fortune, and strict veracity, who was born there, and who went there a few years ago, and brought away the Burr millstones which were left there by the French. From him I have had an accurate description of that country. He says there are, to his certain knowledge, three silver mines, as rich as any in Mexico, from which he has taken ore and had it proved. He likewise describes to me a quarry of slate, that is on the bank of the river, from which slates may be taken seven or eight feet square, perfectly true, and half an inch thick; and that the source is inexhaustible. He says the prairies in that country are full of buffaloes, wild horses, mules, antelopes, and a remarkable species of wild hog, whose navels are on their backs.
In ascending Red river, about thirty miles from the mouth of it, Black river falls in on the north side: this is always a clear navigable stream, for 5 or 600 miles. About 100 miles up it, it branches, at the same place, in three different directions. The eastern branch, called the Tenlaw, is navigable for many miles, affords rich land, which is all vacant. The middle or main branch, called Washita, is navigable 500 miles, on which is an old settlement, affords excellent lands, salt springs, lead ore, and plenty of very good mill and grind stones. The western branch, called Catahola, (on which are 20 or 30 families newly settled) runs through a beautiful rich prairie country, in which is a large lake, called Catahola Lake. On this lake are said to be a great number of salt springs, and very remarkable accounts are given of the fish and fowl with which it abounds. On the river called Ozark, are many valuable tracts of land, some of which are settled. The same of White river and Saint Francois.
From the lower settlement, at Sans la Grace, to the upper settlements on the Missouri (a distance of upwards of 250 miles) containing a population of 50 or 60,000, is a country equal to Kentucky, or any part of our western territory; and the lead and iron mines contained in it, render it a country of vast importance. The extent of Louisiana being 1500 miles in length, and not less than 200 in width, will admit of its being divided into four states at least.
Travelling up the Mississippi some months ago, I took pains to ascertain the number of sugar plantations, and the average quantity of sugar made annually on each. I found 14 below N. Orleans, and 64 above, in all 78; and they averaged annually about 75,000 pounds weight of sugar, besides a proportionate quantity of rum and molasses. Considerable sugar has been made in Tuckepa, but I have not been able to ascertain the quantity; but in examining that part of Louisiana that will answer for the cultivation of sugar, viz. on the Mississippi, for 60 miles below New Orleans, and 60 miles above it, with Terre Boeuf, and the bayan St. John's, the bayan La Fosh, Tuckepa, and Quelquechose, at least 1000 sugar plantations may be made equal to those now used as such, which might turn out annually 75,000 hogheads, of 1000 pounds weight each, besides a proportionate quantity of rum and molasses.
(To be continued.)
TO RENT, And immediate Possession given, A Two story Frame House, in the City of Washington, situated on N. F. street, square 224—containing 4 rooms beside two garret rooms, piazza and pantry, kitchen, store room, &c. with a good garden—lately occupied by Mrs. Lee, adjoining to Mr. Knappe's store—Also that convenient two-story frame on same square, late in possession of Dr. Tabs, opposite to which Robert Peacock, Esq. lately resided—consisting of 6 rooms, and two garret rooms, piazza and balcony to south front, cellar with dry well, kitchen, carriage house, stable, an excellent garden, with every convenience for the reception of a genteel family. For particulars enquire at Mr. Rhoad's tavern, Mr. Knappe's store, or to the subscriber. REDMUND PURCEL. January 13, 1804—tf

PROPOSAL
For carrying the United States mails on the following post roads will be received at the General post office in Washington city, until the 1st day of February next inclusive.
From Wilmington Delaware, by New Castle, St. Georgetown, Cantwells bridge, Duck Creek, Dover and Frederica, to Milford, three times a week.
May 1, to November 1.
Leave Wilmington every Monday Wednesday and Friday at 11 a.m. and arrive at Dover the same days by 9 P.M. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Milford by 10 a.m. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Dover by 8 p.m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 3 a.m. and arrive at Wilmington by 7 p.m.
November 1, to May 1.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Dover by 6 p.m. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a.m. Returning—Leave Milford every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Dover by 7 p.m. Leave Dover every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Wilmington the same days by 6 p.m.
2. From Milford by Georgetown, Trap, Snowhill, Horntown and Dummond, to Northampton c. h. once a week. Leave Milford every Tuesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p.m. and at Northampton c. h. the next Friday by 6 p.m. Returning—Leave Northampton c. h. every Saturday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Georgetown on Monday by 3 p.m. Leave Georgetown on Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Milford by 11 a.m.
3. From Wilmington by Christiana-bridge, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgetown, to Cheltenham twice a week. Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Cheltenham by 8 p.m. Leave Cheltenham every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p.m.
4. From Cheltenham by Churchhill, Centreville, Queenston and Kent Island to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Cheltenham every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Centreville by 10 a.m. and arrive at Annapolis the same days by 8 p.m. Returning—Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Centreville by 2 p.m. Leave Centreville at 3 p.m. and arrive at Cheltenham by 8 p.m.
5. From Centreville to Easton twice a week. Leave Centreville every Wednesday and Saturday at noon and arrive at Easton by 7 p.m. Leave Easton every Tuesday and Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Centreville by 1 p.m.
6. From Romney by Springfield, Frankfort and Grafton to Cumberland once a week. Leave Romney every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Cumberland by 6 p.m. Leave Cumberland every Monday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Romney by 6 p.m.
7. From Fauquier c. h. by Acquia to King George c. h. once in two weeks. George c. h. on Saturday by 6 p.m. Leave King George c. h. every other Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Fauquier c. h. on Thursday by 6 p.m.
8. From Tappahannock to Richmond c. h. once a week. Leave Richmond c. h. every Thursday noon, and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p.m. Leave Tappahannock every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Richmond c. h. by noon.
9. From Inglesville by Tazewell c. h. or Jeffersonville, Russell c. h. and Lee c. h. to Cumberland Gap once in two weeks. Leave Inglesville every other Tuesday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Cumberland Gap the next Saturday by 3 p.m. Leave Cumberland Gap at 4 p.m. and arrive at Inglesville the next Thursday by 6 p.m.
10. From Suffolk by Everetts Bridge, Gates c. h. Edenton, Lee's Mills, Plymouth and Washington to Newbern twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 4 p.m. and arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday at 1 p.m. Leave Edenton at 2 p.m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Sunday by 6 a.m. Leave Plymouth at 6 1/2 a.m. and arrive at Washington the same days by 6 p.m. Leave Washington at 7 p.m. and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 p.m. Returning—Leave Newbern every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Washington by 5 p.m. Leave Washington at 6 p.m. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Saturday by 4 p.m. and arrive at Edenton on Sunday and Thursday at 9 a.m. Leave Edenton at 9 1/2 a.m. and arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday by 9 a.m.
11. From Wilkesville by Speed and Wilfons's store, Walden's store, Sterling-
ville and Normanton to Mount Tirzah once a week.
Leave Wilkesville every Saturday at 10 a.m. and arrive at Mount Tirzah on Monday by 11 a.m. Leave Mount Tirzah at 1 p.m. and arrive at Wilkesville on Tuesday by 6 p.m.
12. From Wilkes c. h. to Asht c. h. in North Carolina once a week.
Leave Wilkes c. h. every Monday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Asht c. h. by 6 p.m.
Leave Asht c. h. every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Wilkes c. h. by 6 p.m.
13. From Fayetteville by M c Falls, Winfieldville and Cheras c. h. to Camden once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Camden on Thursday by 8 p.m.
Leave Camden every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 8 p.m.
14. From Jonesborough by River Bridge and New-Lebanon to N. W. River Bridge once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at N. W. River Bridge on Wednesday by 3 p.m.
Leave N. W. River Bridge every Wednesday at 4 p.m. and arrive at Jonesborough on Thursday by noon.
15. From Jonesborough to Elizabethton in Tennessee once a week.
Leave Jonesborough every Monday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Elizabethton at 9 a.m.
Leave Elizabethton every Monday at noon, and arrive at Jonesborough by 4 p.m.
16. From Knoxville to Burrville once a week. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Burrville by 11 a.m.
Leave Burrville every Monday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Knoxville by 8 p.m.
17. From Nashville in Tennessee by Franklin, Occoquapoe, M c Intoshville to Grindstoneford once a week.
Leave Nashville every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Grindstoneford the next Monday by 8 p.m. Returning—Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Nashville the next Monday by 8 p.m.
18. From Grindstoneford by Greenville, Huntston, Washington, and Natchez, to Fort Adams, or Lottus Heights, once a week.
Leave Grindstoneford every Tuesday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p.m. Leave Natchez on Wednesday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Fort Adams by 8 p.m. Returning—Leave Fort Adams every Sunday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Natchez by 7 p.m. Leave Natchez every Monday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Grindstoneford by 8 p.m.
19. From Chastleton by St. George's and Orange c. h. to Columbia, once a week.
Leave Columbia every Monday at 10 a.m. and arrive at Chastleton on Thursday by 10 a.m.
Leave Chastleton every Thursday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by noon.
20. From Washington by Burris's, Lexington, Athens, and Clarkburg to Jackson c. h. once a week.
Leave Washington every Tuesday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Jackson c. h. on Wednesday by 6 p.m.
Leave Jackson c. h. every Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Washington on Friday by noon.
NOTES:
 1. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expence that may be occasioned thereby.  2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices, where no particular time is specified.  3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mails, lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.  4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry with the emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.  5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract.  6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter.  7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.  8. Where the proposal intends to 
convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next, and are to continue in force for one year.
GIDEON GRANGER, Postmaster-General. General Post-Office, Wash- ington City, Nov. 23, 1803. } Jrn. 4—tf
NOTICE
IS hereby given to the creditors of James McDonald a bankrupt, that his final certificate of discharge will be granted on Monday the 16th January inst. at 10 o'clock A.M. at the court house for the county of Washington in the district of Columbia, unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
WILLIAM CRANCH, assistant Judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. Jan. 6—3t
In the case of ZEBULON WARNER a bankrupt.
Whereas a commission of BANKRUPTCY founded on the act of Congress passed on the 4th day of April in the year eighteen hundred, entitled "An act to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States" has been awarded against Zebulon Warner of the district of Columbia, dealer and Chapman and he being declared bankrupt is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners in the said commission named, or the major part of them on the 19th day of December inst. and 16th days of January next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of each day at the house of William Rhodes innkeeper in the city of Washington and to make a full disclosure of his whole estate and effects, when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, at the second sitting to choose assignees and at the last sitting to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate, all persons indebted to the said bankrupt or who have any of his estate or effects in their hands are not to pay or deliver the same to any person not appointed by the commissioners but give notice to LEWIS FORD, Sec. to the commissioners. December 5, 1803—116J
CAUTION.
WHEREAS in the month of September last, money was obtained from two gentlemen of my acquaintance in the states of New Jersey and Delaware, by a person who assumed the name of James Nicholson, and called himself my brother, I have that proper to state, with a view of explaining any other impositions of a similar nature which have been practiced, & to prevent such as may be attempted hereafter, that for the last four years, my brother James Nicholson has been but little in the United States, and that he failed from Philadelphia in the month of April last for Canton, where it is presumed he now is. One of the letters in which application for money was made, is in my possession, and is a palpable forgery.—Printers in the middle states may possibly render a service, by inserting this advertisement in their papers. JOSEPH H. NICHOLSON. Jan. 11.
To the Public.
PROPOSALS are offered, and preparations are making, for publishing a Newspaper, twice a week, in the City of New-Orleans, to be entitled "THE UNION, Or New-Orleans Advertiser and Price-Current."
From which it is proposed that a Country Paper should emanate once a week. Conditions of the country paper:
 1. "The Union" will be published every week, on a sheet equal in size and quality to the daily papers in the Atlantic cities, printed with a suitable type.  2. The price of "The Union, or New-Orleans Advertiser and Price-Current," will be five dollars a year, to be paid half-yearly in advance.  3. The publication of this paper will commence as soon as the materials, which are now on their way to New-Orleans, can be received.  4. The objects of this paper are—to communicate to our fellow-citizens of the United States, early accounts of the important occurrences in New-Orleans and Louisiana; to disseminate such statistical information of that newly acquired territory as may come within our knowledge; to convey to the distant merchant and planter, a correct list of the prices of the principal articles of produce and merchandise, offered for sale in New-Orleans; and generally to diffuse such information as falls within the province of a newspaper and price-current.  5. The politician, the merchant, and he who seeks for general information, must alike be impressed with the importance of a well conducted press, upon correct principles, at this important point of the union: Under these impressions, with great deference we submit the above proposals to our liberal and enlightened fellow-citizens. 
J. LYON & CO. THE EDITORS. Jan. 11. N.B. Subscriptions to the Union received at the post-office Washington city.
For Sale or Rent.
A convenient two story Dwelling HOUSE, in the city, situated in a most remarkable pleasant situation, opposite the twenty buildings, and commanding a view of Alexandria, there is a very convenient kitchen, a small garden, and office with it. Any other particulars, may be known by applying to the subscriber, residing near the Navy Ya l. RICHARD FRAZER. Jan. 4—
Public Sale of Lots, In George Town and the City of Washington.
THE executors of the estate of Anthony Holmead deceased, will offer at public sale, at the Union Tavern in George Town, on Monday the 30th instants 57 lots in Holmead's addition to George Town, many of them in eligible situations—Also several lots in the city of Washington, in squares 48, 49 and 62. The terms, which will be moderate, will be made known on the day of sale.—The sale to begin at 12 o'clock. Any person wishing to view any of the above lots, will be shown them on application to the subscriber. JOHN HOLMEAD. Jrn. 4—tf
S. THOMEE.
BEGS leave to inform his friends that he has removed his store from George Town to King Street Alexandria, where orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch. Orders left at Mr. March's Book-store will be duly attended to. GILDING
AND ENAMELLING ON GLASS. A few doors above the Washington tavern—Looking glass and picture frames made and reg'd.
NEEDLE WORK.
Framed in the handsest manner, and names done on glass.
S. THOMEE, as a firmer being determined to establish in the line of his profession, offers that encouragement alone which he trusts the reasonable benefits of his charges and his affinity to business may entitle him to. Window curtains handsomely gilt, and every thing in his line done to please the fancy of the owner equal to any imported. N. B. He has some glasses and prints for sale on low terms. Jan. 9—ep3gm
FOR SALE.
THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable and. The improvements are an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with five places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two florists high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house meat house and dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kinds, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy central neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria. Nearly one half is in wood and timbered, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the fence and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19. ep1f
FOR SALE.
To be sold to the highest bidder at Steele's Hotel in the city of Washington, on Monday the 16th of January 1804, 680 acres of valuable LAND, upon the Eastern Branch opposite the City, and is bounded by the water from opposite the Navy Yard nearly up to the bridge. More than one half is in wood and timber, none of which is more than a mile and quarter from the water. This land will be sold altogether or in lots to suit purchasers, and a credit given according to the quantity purchased. Those who wish to examine it, will apply to Mr. Weddin at the Ferry who will show it. A. ADDISON. Dec. 30—tawtj16
NOTICE.
ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Adm. George Town, Nov. 25—tf
JOHN COX
Has just received a quantity of American manufactured Bed Tickens warranted to hold the down of the feathers, which will be sold by the piece at the manufacturer's prices, and by retail at a very small advance—Also sewing, darning and tambozing cotton, with a quantity of chintzes and calico, which he will sell lower than the regular importer can afford to sell at. Elegant thread lace, fox, bear, and martin skin muffs and tippets, handsome paper hangings, with almost every other article in the dry good line, both fanciful and substantial, which he will sell at his usual low prices for cash, or in exchange for tobacco and flaxseed. For flax seed he will allow 11s. 3d. per bushel. Also a few handsome double barrel fowling pieces. George Town, Dec. 23—2m
FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the Will of the late Patrick Henry, a Tract of Land, lying on both sides of Falling river, in Charlotte county, Virginia, and containing about 1800 acres. This Land is in general poor, but contains a bank of Iron Ore, supposed to be the best, of any known in that part of the country. It lies on an excellent stream, a branch of Roanoke river, within four miles of its mouth, from whence is an easy and safe navigation. There are water-falls, stone and timber on the Land for all the purposes of an Iron Work; in the midst of a fine corn country; and about 400 acres of the Land is valuable for its soil. For further particular inquiry of Mr. RANDOLPH, of the House of Representatives. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser by EDMUND WINSTON, Ex r . of Patrick Henry. Buckingham county, Ver. Dec. 23.—tf.
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made easy, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever.
A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 300 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after her being completed—they now being in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement, with about ten thousand acres of land all adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mill, on which are several valuable farms. The timber for mill site are inexhaustible and unexceptionably good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from George Town South Carolina, to which place the lumber is carried being rafted at the mill without the trouble of hauling, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the states of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at times of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mill is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stables, carriage and harness houses and other necessary out buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Purvis at the city of Washington. WM. NORMENT, Millville N. C. Dec. 12. N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23—tf
NOTICE.
AGREABLY to a deed of trust from the late Mr. John Beall, the subscriber will offer for sale, by public auction, at Mr. Dougherty's in Bladenburg, on the Saturday the 21st of January next, at one o'clock, All the right and title of Mr. Beall, to several tracts of land, conveyed by him for the benefit of his creditors. These lands are not more than a mile and a half from the town of Bladenburg, and contain about 240 acres, on which are a good dwelling house, a large barn & other useful houses. Also a few acres of valuable meadow. The land will be sold clear of dower—cash required for one third of the purchase money, and bonds with approved security, for the other two thirds, payable in one or two years, with the interest from the day of sale. BEN. LOWNDES, Trustee. Dec. 30—ep1f
LOST,
THE following described certificates of funded three per cent stock issued by the Register of the Treasury in the name of Jacob Fletiamer of Amsterdam, for the renewal of which application is intended to be made at the proper office. No. 3113 dated 23th October 1791 for 12,419 53 3/4 No. 3500 dated 23d November 1791, for 7,900 No. 6271, dated, 7th December 1792, for 831 41 No. 1201 dated, 5th December 1792, for 8,749 29 Dolls. 30,000 00 ROBERT GILMOR, & Sons. Dec. 23—ep7w
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR
HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14. tf
NOTICE.
ALL those indebted to the late firm of Redmond and Garrett Barry of this city are requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber, and those who have claims against said concern are desired to bring in their accounts properly authenticated for adjustment. GARRETT BARRY, surviving partner of Redmond & G. Barry. Jan. 2—6t
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broke to the plough—he has lately been crimped about the head and ears. Any person giving me information for that I get him again shall receive the above reward and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21—tf
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN off the Race ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely Sorrell MARE, saddle and bridle; the saddle is about half worn with plated stirrups, and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about fourteen hands high. Faces trots and gallops; had before the out sides of both hind feet a little worn by dragging them when rode; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder that resembles the letter T. Whoever delivers the above described mare, saddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the six buildings in the city of Washington will receive the above reward and no questions asked. November 14—wf