The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-01-25 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1294.
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WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 25, 1809.
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At a meeting of the Republican Citizens of the City and County of New-York , for the purpose of expressing their sentiments on the measures of the General Government : in the square, in front of Mr. A. B. Alston's, opposite the Park, on Wednesday, 18th January, 1809.
COL. RUTGERS —was chosen chairman. AND COLONEL FEW, Secretary.
Shortly after the chairman had taken his seat, he rose, and addressed the meeting in the following words:
Fellow-Citizens,
Thirty-three years since, when the arm of despotism was raised against this, our beloved country—I accompanied some of you—your fathers—brothers, and other patriots, to the tented field, led on by the great Washington , the father of his country; and in defence of our rights and privileges, combated Foreign Mercenaries and Domestic Tyrants .
Unprepared for the arduous conflict; patriotism and courage excepted, our patriot army at first experienced almost every privation and want, and after a seven years glorious contest, in which many of our relatives and friends freely offered their lives on the altar of liberty— The god of battle decreed us the victory . The tyrant of Britain was compelled to withdraw his fleets and armies, and acknowledge these U. States free and independent .
Since which period the population and prosperity of this country stands, unparalleled in the page of history.
But, fellow-citizens, the arm of oppression is once more raised against us, and the belligerent powers of Europe have become hostile to our interests. Great Britain , who had acknowledged our Independence , attempts now to raise a TRIBUTE from our commerce, even in navigating the high way of nations .
Are you ready, my countrymen, to submit to these restraints? Are you willing to become the VASSALS OF ENGLAND , or any other other power? I trust that you are not. Let us, then, rally round the standard of our country, in support of our constitution, and laws, and solemnly and patriotically determine, never to surrender our rights and independence BUT WITH OUR LIVES .
The following resolutions were then read, and carried unanimously.
WHEREAS it is the indispensable duty of good and patriotic citizens to afford their firm support to a virtuous government, and to their country's cause, and considering that we should not permit our sentiments and feelings to be misrepresented, and thus by producing a belief that we are dissatisfied with, or disapprove the measures of the administration of the general government, encourage hostile powers to persevere in their aggressions, we do therefore—
Resolved , That we do continue to repose full confidence in the patriotism and talents of the President, Vice-President and the Republican majority of both Houses of Congress of the United States. That viewing without partiality and with equal indignation the hostile acts of both the belligerent powers, we entirely approve of the embargo and a rigid enforcement thereof, and believe that while it affords an opportunity to the aggressors, peaceably to discontinue their violation of our rights, its immediate tendency has been to preserve American property, to vindicate the freedom & protect the persons of our mariners, & while we lament that the violence & injustice of foreign nations have rendered it a necessary measure, we decidedly resolve that it meets our hearty approbation.
Resolved , That we will support the government of the United States in its present honorable struggle to maintain the national dignity and independence together with the commercial rights of our country, for which we pledge "our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."
Resolved , That we view with becoming indignation the repeated acts that have been committed to evade and violate the embargo laws of the United States; that we expressly consider the violators of those laws as public enemies, and that we will use our best exertions to support, and enforce those laws, and to detect and expose the infamous violators thereof—and we do earnestly recommend to the friends of our national rights and independence throughout the United States, particularly those residing in the counties on our frontiers, or bordering on the sea coast, to form associations for the same laudable purpose.
And much as we respect the just liberty of the press— Resolved , That those public prints which in a contest between our country and European governments, have manifested a foreign partiality, endeavored to weaken the confidence of the people in our administration, and by encouraging hostile states to persevere in their aggressions, have prolonged our difficulties, and endangered the peace of our country, deserve our severest reprobation.
Resolved , That in our opinion the conduct of the party opposing the measures of the present administration, is calculated to involve us in a war with the belligerent powers, inasmuch as it tends to exhibit us as a people divided, even on questions involving our national independence, and to induce a belief that there exists in our country, a party which will force our government to abandon the honorable ground it has taken, thereby encouraging them to persist in measures which leave us no alter-
native but war, or a surrender of our national independence.
Resolved , That the unremitting efforts of our government to preserve peace, is confirmable to the true interests of the United States and the dictates of humanity, but the just propositions made to France and England, having been both rejected, we prefer an honorable war, in defence of our rights, rather than submission to their tyrannical decrees and orders.
Resolved , That in our opinion, war with all its concomitant horrors will not be destitute of a measure of benefit to our country, inasmuch as it will excite into action the latent energies and resources of the nation, as it regards the establishment of domestic manufactures, and thereby render us more independent of foreign supplies. That by thus destroying the interest of foreign merchants, agents and foreign emissaries, to resort hither to re-sell a comparatively small amount of our own materials manufactured and charged with an immense amount for foreign labor, they will not have the opportunity or inducement to intermeddle with the internal concerns of our government. Hence the greatest source of that rancorous party spirit, which has too long been a scourge and disgrace to the nation, will be annihilated.
Resolved , That war, should we be constrained to engage in it, will have the effect to rid our country of the many foreign emissaries and domestic traitors who infest our sea-port towns, and who use their utmost endeavors to alienate the people from their government, with the hope of rendering both subservient to the views of their employers.
Resolved , That our republican brethren in the respective counties in this state, be, and they are hereby respectfully requested, to assemble and express their opinions of the measures of government in regard to the belligerent powers.
Resolved , That it be recommended to all the printers in the United States, who possess sufficient patriotism and liberality, to publish the proceedings of this meeting in their respective papers.
Resolved , That the Chair appoint nine of our republican fellow-citizens to be a corresponding committee, to communicate with our republican friends in this, and others of the United States, on the interesting concerns of our country, and that they continue in session, until the next general meeting of the republicans of this city, when the further pleasure of such meeting shall be taken thereupon.
The Chairman, in pursuance of the above powers, has appointed the following persons to constitute the corresponding committee.
 HENRY RUTGERS,  WILLIAM FEW,  TUNIS WORTMAN,  JONAS HUMBERT,  SAMUEL LAWRENCE,  JOHN HAFF,  JOHN BINGHAM,  JOHN MILLS,  ABRAHAM BLOODGOOD. 
It was at the request of a great number of republican citizens, that Colonel Rutgers consented to serve as a member of the Corresponding Committee.
HENRY RUTGERS, Chairman . WILLIAM FEW, Secretary .
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON EXTRA SESSION
THURSDAY, JAN. 19.
A motion having been made for striking out of the bill "to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress" the words "the fourth Monday of May next" with a view of inserting a later day—
Mr. MILNOR hoped the motion would not be agreed to. If the new Congress could commence its session on the 4th day of March next, he said he should think it extremely proper that it should do so. And if he could think that the majority would fix an earlier day than the 4th Monday of May for the meeting, he should vote for the present motion. He agreed with gentlemen that this was a momentous crisis; that the country was in a situation of extreme difficulty and danger. It appeared to him therefore that Congress, who were the guardians of the public welfare, to whom were confided the destinies of the nation, so far as the nation could control them, should be constantly in session till a more favorable state of affairs took place. It was possible, but was it probable that any event would occur to alter our situation for the better? There was no hope that the belligerents would recede from their injurious restrictions on our commerce. It was not probable that any thing would occur which would do away the necessity of an extra session. The present Congress having determined to persevere in the embargo and the present system of measures a while longer, the peace and welfare of the country required that a different system should be adopted. The present had been sufficiently tested, and would never produce those effects anticipated from it. It was proper that an early opportunity should be given to the next Congress to approve the present system or give it up and adopt some other in its stead.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he was opposed to Congress coming here at the time proposed. Why would they come here then? He wished someone to answer and let him understand
why they were coming. In his opinion there was every possible objection to such a procedure. On the 4th day of March (said he) a new President comes into power. Is it not presumable that the President would chuse to have some communication with our ministers abroad before the meeting of Congress. Could any man say that it was not proper that he should have it? Mr. W. said he hoped that the President would send special messengers, unfashionable as that policy was. If you are willing to wait for a declaration of war till the 4th Monday in May, said he, will there be any necessity of declaring it before the first Monday in June or July? You have suffered the public mind to assuage in its resentment; & I very much doubt that before a full experiment be made of the embargo, it will be wholly allayed. It has been said through the nation, and indeed avowed on this floor, that the administration does not wish for peace. Having failed to take hold of the affair of the Chesapeake for a declaration of war, you have nothing now to give the people that interest which I hope they always will have in a declaration of war. Suppose you were to send special ministers, and they were to be treated as our ministers to France were under a former administration, would not this treatment make every man in the nation rally around you? Would it not prove beyond doubt that the administration was sincere in its wishes for peace? Undoubtedly it would. Why are your ministers now loitering in foreign courts? With a hope of accommodation, sir, I would send other ministers there, and if they failed of immediate accommodation, would order them all home. If they are compelled to return, you will have the whole nation with you, which you must have when you go to war.
Mr. J. G. JACKSON replied to Mr. Williams. The gentleman had asked emphatically why Congress should convene here in May. Occurrences of every day, said Mr. Jackson, are presenting themselves in such a way as to render it highly important and necessary that some other ground should be taken. Are we to adhere to the embargo forever, sir. I have said, and again say, that a total abandonment of the ocean would be submission. I think by passing this bill we give the nation a pledge that it shall be the ae plus ultra which shall give to foreign nations time to revise their conduct towards us, and will give them time to consider whether or not they will have war with us. The gentleman wants a special mission. Sir, are we to continue in this state any longer? Shall negotiation be spun out further? No man can doubt the capacity of our ministers abroad and their disposition to represent their government correctly. The doors are shut in the face of our minister at the court of St. James; and worse than shut at the court of St. Cloud, for from the latter contemptuous silence is all the answer we have received, if indeed silence can convey an answer. Are we to renew negotiation, then, when every circumstance manifests that it would be useless? Need I refer to what took place the other day—I allude to the publication of a letter by Mr. Canning in a highly exceptionable manner, through federal presses, or presses more devoted to the interests of that country than any other. One universal burst of indignation accompanied the publication of that letter in this House. And are we, under such circumstances, to renew negotiation by extra-missions? I conceive that the cup of negotiation and conciliation is exhausted to the dregs, and that we should but further degrade ourselves by sending further extra-missions. It has been stated to me that a proposition had actually been reduced to writing by a member of this House the other day for sending away foreign ministers and calling our ministers home; and I am sorry that the proposition was not offered to the House, for under present circumstances it might not have been improper to have adopted it. The gentleman asks if the government has in its power anything to rouse the people? There is no occasion for it, sir; they impel us towards war; we can scarcely keep them out of it, we can scarcely maintain our course a moment. Nothing but a disposition to confide in the constituted authorities prevents them from expressing their inclination more loudly. Passing over every thing else, are not the orders and decrees sufficient to induce the nation to impel us to take the attitude of war if the time was proper for it? The best answer to the gentleman's question may be found in the vote of this
House, which has unanimously declared, with an exception of but two members and those two I understand to be opposed to the declaration because it was a self-evident proposition, that we cannot submit to these edicts without a sacrifice of our rights, honor and independence. And are these to be sacrificed without first struggling to maintain them? I trust not.
Mr. SMILIE said, if there were no other reason, the present suspension of commerce and discontent at home were sufficient reasons for calling Congress earlier than the first Monday in December. When the new administration should come into office, it was proper, he said, that they should have an opportunity of meeting Congress as early as possible. It was his opinion that at the next session a change of measures would take place. What would be the substitute for the present measure he could not say; but at this time he must say that he could see no way of avoiding war. With regard to extra missions, he really had no idea of a measure of that kind. If there should be any other means to secure the interest and honor of the nation but war, he hoped in God it would be adopted; but he did not now see any such prospect.
Mr. RHEA (F.) said it was of no importance in the consideration of the present question what the next administration should think or do. He wished that there could be an understanding with foreign nations for our good, but he much doubted such a result. He would not undertake to say whether war or what other measure ought to be adopted at the extra session; but it was his opinion that Congress ought to meet, and he should vote against every proposition going to defeat the object of the bill. Though this nation had not immediately retaliated the attack on the Chesapeake, would any man rise on this floor and say that the act of dishonor was done away because the House refused immediately to avenge it? He believed not; and as long as it remained unatoned, it was cause for this nation to act. The only question for the House now to determine was this: Are there reasons to induce gentlemen to believe that a meeting of Congress is necessary on the 4th Monday of May next? As it appeared to him that such reasons did exist, he said he was bound on his responsibility to vote for the bill.
Mr. DURELL asked if gentlemen meant to continue the embargo forever? He believed somewhat in the doctrine that an explosion might take place under it in a certain portion of the country. Gentlemen said an extra session was therefore necessary to save the nation. Mr. Durell asked, if the nation was to be saved by long speeches? He had seen almost two whole sessions of Congress pass away, the one of six months, the other of three, and the nation in the same situation still; and still told in long stories from day to day that it was in a critical situation. He had no idea that the nation was to be saved by much speaking. He did firmly believe that more than 48 hours would not be necessary to pass all laws to meet the impending crisis. If a declaration of war was thought proper, this would be sufficient time for it; if an extraordinary mission, as suggested by the gentleman from S. Carolina, 48 hours would be time enough for the House to decide on recommending it. The present was a state of suspense from which the nation ought to be removed; and he was unwilling to prolong this state by the passage of the bill.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said that the observations of gentlemen themselves were the landmarks by which he would steer. Gentlemen had said that they would wait under all these accumulated injuries, the weight of which Mr. Williams acknowledged, till the fourth Monday in May. Now, he said, he wished to wait a little longer, that the Executive might if he chose take advantage of the interval. He said he had alluded to the case of the Chesapeake as an eminent illustration of the desire of the Executive for peace; though he should not trespass upon truth if he said that the affair of the Chesapeake rested not now as it had done. Admitting that we had ample cause for war, what did gentlemen propose to gain by postponing it? The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Jackson) had said that the nation was pushing them to war. Mr. Williams asked if there was a petition on the table to that purport from any portion of the U. States? No, really; whilst a large portion of the peo-
ple, the South almost unanimously, had expressed a wish that the government should adhere to the embargo, till it produced an effect, or its capacity to produce the effect was disproved. You are like to be driven out of the embargo by war? Asked Mr. W., why, sir, look at the sensation in N. England and N. York, and talk about going to war, when you cannot maintain an embargo! There is a large portion of the people of N. England, who, through misrepresentations and the efforts of your enemies have been taught to believe that your administration has not sought for peace. Could any man have the hardihood to say so, after another special mission had failed? Certainly not; & it is no treason to mention it, although gentlemen should not like it. If you do not adopt war before the fourth Monday in May, will the nation be ruined if you postpone it still further? How could gentlemen denounce the course which he recommended, when it was now pursued? For a vessel was now advertised, he observed, to go on public business to G. Britain and France, and new dispatches were going, he supposed. Even if war was determined on, would there be anything inconsistent, anything degrading, in giving to foreign nations yet another chance to do us justice? Mr. W. said he would do every thing he could, in an honorable manner, to prevent war. He believed that the men who wished to prevent war, were quite as patriotic as those who appeared desirous of promoting it. He felt more satisfaction in seeing the poor emigrant or exile from the troubles of Europe sitting peacefully and in comfort at his fireside or cabin door, than in hearing of the most splendid victories. When the last step to preserve peace had failed, then would he be willing to rouse the people, to mount the capitol and sound the tocsin—but not till then. He was for giving a fair opportunity to hear from Europe; for if Congress met in May, there would yet be a foreign messenger yet abroad; and waiting his arrival, they would do nothing.
Mr. BURWELL said he was one of those who would vote for an earlier meeting of Congress than usual. In G. Britain in whose government there were some features approximating to ours, there was always an uneasiness, lest the parliament should not meet often enough. Whence could be the objection to Congress meeting at an early day? If the public sentiment was not then prepared for war, it would not be adopted. It appeared to him that an early session, instead of producing mischief, would essentially contribute to tranquillize the minds of the people. If peace was attainable, we must have peace; but if not, we have no choice but war. The gentleman from S. Carolina suggests the propriety of sending a special mission, said Mr. B. Let me ask him, if administration should not take this course, whether it would not be perfectly proper that Congress should be in session? Certainly it would. With respect to a special mission, Mr. Burwell said he was perfectly at a loss to conceive what could be the nature of any proposition which could be made to Great Britain. A proposition had already been made to her, in effect, to go to war with her against France, and insinuatingly refused; for no other interpretation could be made of the offer to suspend the embargo, if she would rescind her orders in council, except Mr. Canning chose to misunderstand every thing that could be said. Unless gentlemen would point out some new proposition, which could be made to G. Britain or France, he could not see the propriety of the course recommended. As to the continuance of the embargo, Mr. B. said it seemed to be perfectly well understood by every man, that when the government determined on that course, it did not determine to persevere in it eternally. If it could be made manifest to him that any particular favorable consequence would be produced by postponing the session beyond the fourth Monday in May, he might be induced to accede to it. As to the disposition of administration to preserve peace, could the gentleman conceive it possible to remove the impressions of those who were determined not to be convinced? This nation had not sued for peace, but in vain; they had offered to give up almost every thing in contest, if G. Britain would yield a thing which neither Mr. Canning nor any other member of the British government ever said they had a right to do, and which was only justified on the ground of necessity. There was therefore no plausibility in the assertion

that peace had not been earnestly sought for.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said that if nothing occurred between this time and the time proposed by the bill for the next meeting of Congress, which would particularly render a change necessary, he was yet of opinion that it would be then necessary to change our situation; for this reason: that at that period, time sufficient would have elapsed to give us information as to what ground G. Britain would take, after she had heard of the position which Congress had maintained. After that ground was taken, Congress would know how to act. I never voted for the embargo as a permanent measure, said Mr. Campbell; nor did I ever use an expression which would authorise such a supposition; nor do I suppose than any other gentleman entertained such an idea. As to a special mission, I should as soon think of sending a special messenger to the moon as to G. Britain or to France, for the cup of humiliation is exhausted already, and I will never put it in their power to offer us another cup. The gentleman from S. Carolina asked why our ministers still continued at those courts. Tho' I have no objection that the gentleman should animadvert on this topic, it is not a question for our determination; but I think it proper that as long as we can maintain our situation, intercourse may remain open. At the moment when we determine on war only ought we to recall our ministers. We are told, sir, that we cannot carry the people with us into war; that we must do something to excite them. This looks something like the doctrine of European countries. I believe that the people have trodden the same course that we have in every thing which has taken place, and are as capable of determining on the propriety of the course which we pursue as we are ourselves. I believe that no impulse is necessary to be given to the people. If we act correctly, there is no doubt that the people will support our conduct. With respect to the affair of the Chesapeake, which has been alluded to, it was not in my mind a proper occasion for war. If it was so, I cannot really comprehend why we are told that it is necessary to do something to excite the people to go to war. If we were to send a minister what could he do but repeat the same course? There seems to be an idea entertained by some gentlemen, sir, which I wish to disavow. The change of President about to take place, appears to be considered as the commencement of a new dynasty. The change of that officer cannot affect our general relations, for it is the people and not the President who are to point out the proper course to be pursued. (Debate to be Continued.)
IN SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
JANUARY 23d, 1809.
Mr. BRADLEY, of the conferees from the Senate, on the disagreement between the two Houses, in relation to the bill, entitled "An act authorising the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines," made the following report:
That they have met the conferees on the part of the House of Representatives, and have had a free conference on the subject of the disagreement between the two Houses, and regret that it has not been in their power to compromise the disagreement. They submit to the Senate certain propositions made by them to the conferees from the other House as evidence of their earnest desire to have accommodated all differences, and a justification of their conduct to the nation; they subjoin the letter from the superintendent of the Navy Yard, in the absence of the Secretary of the Navy, that the state of the frigates might be fully known. They are compelled to say, they found no disposition on the part of the other conferees to depart in the least respect from the bill as passed by the House of Representatives, or in any manner to wish any accommodation, short of the Senate receding, in every instance from their amendments. They therefore unanimously recommend to the Senate to adhere to their amendments.
Propositions with the subjoined letter, communicated to the conferees on the part of the House of Representatives.
"The conferees from the Senate, on the disagreement between the two Houses, in relation to the amendments made by the Senate to the bill, entitled "An act authorising the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines," being sincerely desirous to accommodate all differences between the two Houses, do propose to the conferees from the House of Representatives, a middle course which will impose little if any additional burdens on the nation; the four frigates being at present in a state of repair, as they are informed, can very soon be equipped for actual service; they presume, from the known liberality and spirit of accommodation, which has so uniformly marked the proceedings of both
Houses of Congress, that they will readily concur therein, to wit:
"To amend the first amendment made by the Senate, to read as follows:
"That in addition to the frigates now employed in actual service, there be fitted out, officered and manned as soon as may be, the four following frigates, to wit: the United States , Essex , John Adams , & President ; and moreover the President of the U. S. is hereby authorised and empowered to equip, man, and employ in actual service, so many of the other public armed vessels now laid up in ordinary, and gun boats, as in his judgment the public service may require; and to cause the frigates and other armed vessels, when prepared for actual service, respectively, to be stationed at such ports and places on the sea coast as he may deem most expedient, or to cruise on any part of the coast of the U. States or territories thereof, and."
And so modify the second amendment of the Senate, that in lieu of the words "three hundred and fifty," insert only "three hundred."
And so modify the third amendment of the Senate, that in lieu of "four thousand four hundred and forty-seven," insert the words, "three thousand six hundred."
And to recommend to the Senate, to recede from their two last amendments made to the second section of the bill.
And to amend the title to read, "An act authorising the employment of an additional naval force."
Subjoined is a letter from captain Tingey, superintendent of the Navy Yard, shewing the state of the frigates.
NAVY YARD, Washington, 20th Jan. 1809.
Sir, I have the honor to state in reply to your note of this morning that the frigates United States , Essex and John Adams , are now in as good order in their hulls as on the day they were launched, and can be rigged in a few weeks if so ordered, and suitable appropriations made.
The frigates "Congress & Adams," might also proceed to a station in the mouths of any of our bays or harbors, but I do not consider their hulls in a situation fit to bear the sea in heavy weather.
The frigates Constellation and New-York , I consider as unfit to proceed from this yard, until they shall have had a thorough repair, and the remaining frigate, the President , is now progressing under a thorough repair, and may, I presume, be ready for sea in May next, with the number of carpenters now employed here.
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant, THOMAS TINGEY. Hon. Stephen R. Bradley.
JANUARY 24.
The bill, making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the sea-port towns and harbors of the U. S. and to defray the expenses of deepening & extending to the river Mississippi, the canal of Carondelet, was passed. The bill appropriates 448,000 dollars.
A message was received from the President transmitting the information requested respecting the execution of the act of Feb. 21, 1806, appropriating two millions for foreign intercourse.
The Senate took into consideration the report of the conferees of the Senate, on the disagreement of the two Houses, in relation to the bill authorising the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines [as given in the proceedings of Monday] and agreed to the same—Yeas 23—Nays 10. The bill is consequently lost, unless the House of Representatives agreed to the amendments of the Senate.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, January 23. NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
Mr. Macon, from the committee appointed by this House to confer with a committee of the Senate, on the subject of the amendments to the bill for employing seamen, &c. reported, that the conferees had not been able to agree upon any thing; and consequently that he had no proposition to report from that committee.
Mr. Lewis reported a bill concerning executions for small debts in the county of Washington in the district of Columbia.
Mr. Holmes reported a bill for the relief of Isaac Briggs.
Mr. Pisk reported a bill for altering the times and places for holding the circuit court of the U. S. for the district of Vermont.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill concerning claims to lands in the Mississippi territory granted by the British government of West Florida.
These bills were severally twice read and committed.
Messrs. Varnum & Seaver presented petitions from sundry inhabitants of six towns in Massachusetts, com-
plaining of the mode in which the late election of electors was made.
VOLUNTEER TROOPS.
On motion of Mr. Nelson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the bill for raising an additional military force—the 50,000 volunteer bill.
The blanks having been filled up without opposition, the committee rose and reported the bill.
After a few observations against the bill from Mr. Ailnor, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, by Yeas and Nays, 72 to 45—majority 27.
On the question on what day it should be read a third time, Mr. Nelson moved to-morrow, Mr. Desha Thursday, Mr. Talmadge Monday next, and Mr. Gardenier the 22d of February.
A debate arose on this subject, which was protracted till dark; when Mr. Gardenier's motion was negatived, by Yeas and Nays, 65 to 16.
Mr. Talmadge's motion was also negatived; and Thursday agreed on as the day on which the bill should be read a third time.
TUESDAY, JAN. 24. FORTIFICATIONS.
After the transaction of some minor business—
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for appropriating further sums for fortifications, &c.
Mr. Blount moved to fill the blank for the sum with 450,000 dollars, and read the following estimate of the sums necessary for completing the fortifications in each state for the ensuing year.
  For the several works at and near New Orleans 36,000   Do. in the state of Georgia 60,000   South Carolina 30,000   North Carolina 16,000   Virginia 28,000   Maryland 15,000   Delaware 18,000   Pennsylvania 5,000   New Jersey 14,000   New York 165,000   Connecticut 24,000   Rhode Island 8,000   Massachusetts including Maine 25,000   New Hampshire 4,000 
$448,000
The motion was agreed to, without a division.
Mr. Van Dyke moved to insert at the end of the section which provides for completing the works already commenced, the words "and for erecting such other fortifications as may be deemed necessary." Agreed to without a division.
Mr. Goldsborough moved to strike out of the bill the words "exclusive of the contemplated line of blocks and chains across the harbor of New York," and insert a proviso that no part of the money appropriated by this bill should be employed in that mode of defence, and that the materials provided for it should be sold, and the proceeds of the sale be appropriated to other fortifications. This motion was opposed by Messrs. Burwell and Blount, and afterwards withdrawn.
A motion was made by Mr. D. R. Williams to strike out the 2d section of the bill—(respecting the canal of Carondelet). This motion was superceded by a motion of Mr. Dana, for the committee to rise in order to recommit the bill; on which motion a debate took place of two or three hours in length, turning principally on the question of the propriety of that mode of defending New Orleans. Motion to rise lost, 47 to 40. Motion to strike out the second section lost—55 to 40.
The blank in the second section was filled with 25,000 dollars.
Mr. Newton moved a new section to authorise the President of the United States to cause a survey of the land lying between the head of the Eastern branch of Elizabeth and Lynhaven rivers, to ascertain the practicability of cutting a canal across. —Negatived, Ayes 10.
The committee rose and reported the bill as amended, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Lyon obtained leave of absence from Monday next for the remainder of the session.
PREPARATION FOR WAR.
Mr. Nicholas said, that there never was a period in any country which more required the union and exertion of all its citizens to extricate it from its difficulties, than the situation of this country required at the present time. The two most powerful nations of the world (said he) are in a state of war against this country. Their aggressions against us have been continued for twelve months; whilst we have used every honorable means in our power to avoid war. I have repeatedly declared my determination never to submit to the wrongs received; that when the embargo failed we must resort to the valor and patriotism of our citizens. Sir, we have too much reason to believe that the moment is at hand when nothing else can extricate us from our difficulties. My attention has been particularly called to the necessity of a measure of the sort I am about to propose from the opposition made to the preparation for war by gentlemen who rely wholly upon the embargo as a coercive measure, and declare that
as long as it continues, no preparation should be made with a view to a state of war. If the country remains in a situation unprepared to meet war until the period when every man would be satisfied that the embargo ought to be raised, we shall be compelled to continue it six, eight, or ten months longer till we can prepare for actual war. But, sir, in our preparations, mere defence should not be the sole object. We are the injured party in the contest. This state of things imposes upon us the necessity of being prepared to prosecute the war; because if we seek redress for injury, the mere defence of the country will not answer the purpose—and therefore there is the greater necessity for extensive preparation. After these observations, Mr. N. offered the following resolution, which he moved to refer to a committee of the whole:
Resolved, As the opinion of this House that the U. S. ought not to delay beyond the day of
to repeal the embargo laws, & to resume, maintain and defend the navigation of the high seas against any nation or nations having in force edicts, orders or decrees, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States.
After a few observations from Mr. Dana, expressive of a wish to see a whole system, and the object of the preparation for war precisely defined, expressing at the same time a desire to give the subject an early consideration, the resolution was made the order of the day for Monday next, in preference to to-day, 53 to 45.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 25.
For the conclusion of Mr. Key's speech see the last page.
We are told by the Boston Centinel, that the Collector and Deputy Collector of that port have resigned their offices. How men, to whom their government had confided offices of such high trust and responsibility, can reconcile a precipitate abandonment of their posts when their services are most requisite, is a question which they will have to settle with a people, who, we trust will not soon forget, even if they should forgive, such conduct. It ought, however, to be known to every man whom the act of abdication reaches, that the Collector is a federalist, whom the forbearance of the administration has long retained in office in opposition to the wishes of a respectable class of the community. What confidence, we demand, can be placed in these men, after this flagrant dereliction of duty? It would seem as if this conduct had proceeded from a deliberate purpose to conspire with the disaffected in their infamous violations of the laws of their country.
Portuguese Analty—By the brig Hamlet, which left St. Salvador in Brazil, 18th Nov. 1808, intelligence is received from Mr. Hill, the American consul at that place, of the friendly intentions which the Prince Regent has reciprocated to the United States, and of his disposition to cultivate with them the most intimate relations of friendship and commerce.
COMMUNICATION.
Grand Assembly of the Patriots at New-York, on the 17th January, 1809.
A letter of the 19th from New-York, contains some particulars of this grand collection of republicans, which have not hitherto appeared in the Gazettes. "Yesterday, although the ground was covered with snow and hail, the democratic republicans of this city assembled, agreeably to public notice, in the front of Martling's hotel, near the park. The FREEMEN sturpily waved on the top of a lofty liberty pole that had been erected for the purpose. The summit supported a superb cap of liberty. On the flag was delineated the Congress of 1776, 1805 and 1809. About ten feet from the ground, the embargo law, elegantly framed, was supported in open sight; and beneath it were suspended the English orders and French decrees. After the speeches were finished, and the resolutions adopted, a match was applied to those infamous acts of foreign aggression. They both took fire, and quickly were blown into the air, amidst the huzzas and shouts of thousands. Even the debtors imprisoned on the opposite side of the square, partook of the emotion, and returned the salute from the jail. I never beheld a larger meeting, nor a people more highly pleased, fuller of glee, or in more exalted spirits. That venerable type of Whiggism, HENRY RUTGERS was our chairman; and his address, though short, was delivered in a firm and audible voice, and surpassed every thing that I or any other man had heard from him on any former occasion."
The British ship London, 49 days from Liverpool, has arrived at Norfolk, and brings London papers to the 25d of November, inclusive.
The Norfolk Ledger, says—
It will appear from both the French and Spanish accounts that the battle of Somosierra, on the 31st October, had terminated in favor of the former; but as neither appears to attach much importance to its result, it may be concluded that nothing important was gained. But there appears to be a considerable anxiety respecting a battle which is supposed to have been fought on the 6th or 7th of November, of which accounts are so contradictory, that it is impossible to arrive at our conclusion from them, or indeed to say with certainty, if there was any battle. The very quick passages of the late vessels from Spain, render it probable that no certain accounts had been received before the London sailed, though she brings, we understand, papers to the 26th of November. Verbal accounts say that the Spaniards have been successful.
Both parties are exerting every nerve to press forward their forces to the scenes of action. The British armies would assemble about the 14th of November. That from Portugal, that under sir David Baird, the two about 40,000, were to rendezvous at Valladolid. A third division chiefly cavalry, had arrived, 2,500 men and horses were landed at Corunna, on the 8th of November. The British has 5,000 cavalry in Spain, mounted on English horses. The British army in Portugal 10,000 are embarking for the north of Spain, and another division of 10,000 are preparing in England, and would be embarked about the 1st or 10th of December. A great battle must be fought near Bilboa, to decide the fate of that city, as the French appear unwilling to enter Spain, leaving that port open to their enemies.
A number of partial actions in the different parts of Spain, are noticed in our gazettes, but they are not important, except to shew, that on all those occasions, the Spanish troops behaved with the greatest bravery and discipline. The papers are crowded with accounts of detachments from all parts of Spain, marching to join the armies on the frontiers. Bonaparte, it will be noticed, had arrived in Spain, and it is said he never moves in vain.
FROM THE NORFOLK LEDGER.
EXPOSITION OF THE SITUATION OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE.
Legislative Body, Nov. 3.
M. Cretet, minister of the interior, delivered the following exposition of the situation of the empire.
(The following are the most material parts—the whole of it would fill more than a newspaper.)
After having spoken of what has been done under the head of justice, worship, science, and literature, public institutions, internal administration, public works, bridges and highways, industry, trade, agriculture, finance, and the navy; the Exposition proceeds to speak of the war.
OF THE PRESENT WAR.
"At the period of your last sittings, gentlemen, every thing concurred to deliver Europe from its agitations; but England, the enemy of the world, repeated again the cry of eternal war, and the war continues. What then is its object—what will be its issue?
The object of this war is the enslaving of the world by the exclusive possession of the seas. Undoubtedly by signing treaties of slavery disguised under the sacred name of peace, nations would obtain repose; but that shameful repose would be death. In this alternative, the choice between submission and resistance would not be doubtful.
The war which England has provoked, which she continues with so much pride and obstinacy, is the conclusion of the ambitious system which she has cherished for two centuries. Mixed with the politics of the continent, she has been able to keep Europe in perpetual agitation, by feeding all the jealous and envious passions against France. She wishes to humble or destroy her. In keeping the people of the continent constantly under arms, in thus isolating the maritime powers, she had the art to profit by the divisions which she fomented among her neighbors, in order to extend far her conquests.
It is thus that she has extended her colonies and augmented her naval force, and that by the aid of that force, she thinks henceforth to be able to enjoy her usurpation, and arrogate to herself the exclusive possession of the seas.
But until these latter times at least, she paid some particular homage to the rights of nations, she seemed to respect the rights of her allies, and even by returning towards peace to let her enemies breathe.
This kind of management has ceased to accord with the development of a system which she neither can nor will dissemble longer. Every thing that does not serve her interests in her enemy. The abandonment of her alliance is a cause of war. Neutrality is a revolt, and all nations that resist her yoke are given up to her pitiless ravages.
We could not have foreseen what would have been the effect of so much audacity, if the fortune of our country had not raised up a superior man, whom she has destined to ward off the evils with which England menaces the world.
He had constantly to combat the allies of that power upon the continent, and to conquer the enemies whom she had excited against us. Always attacked, always menaced, he was to regulate his policy on that position, and he felt in order to meet that contest, it was necessary to augment our force, and weaken that of our enemy.
The emperor always pacific, but always armed from necessity, was not ambitious of the aggrandizement of the empire—prudence alone directed his views. He was to release our ancient frontiers from the too near danger of sudden attacks, and to found their security upon limits fortified by nature; finally he was by alliances so to separate France from her rivals, that the sight even of an enemy's standard, would not alarm the territory of the empire.
England conquered in the struggle which she had so often renewed, profiled nevertheless, by them to increase her wealth by the universal monopoly of trade.
She had impoverished her allies by wars, in which they had alone combated for her interests abandoned at the moment her arms ceased to be of use to her, their fate became so much the more indifferent to her, because she kept up with them commercial relations, even in continuing the war with France.
France herself left to the English the hope of a shameful slavery to the wants of certain objects, of which they conceived her generous population incapable of supporting the privation. They thought that not being able to touch the territory of the empire with their arms, they would intrude into her bosom a commerce now become her most dangerous enemy, the admission of which would have exhausted her most precious resources.
The genius and prudence of the emperor did not fail to see this danger. Enveloped in the difficulties of a continental war, he ceased not to repel from his states the monopoly of English commerce. He has been able to compete since the measure of an efficacious resistance.
We must not deceive ourselves; since the English have declared this kind of war, all the ports of the continent are blockaded—the ocean is forbidden to every neutral ship which shall not pay to the British treasury a tribute, which it presumes to impose upon the whole population of the world.
To this law of slavery nations have replied by measures of reprisal, and by wishes for the annihilation of such a tyranny.
The English nation is isolated from all other nations—it shall be fixed in that isolation. All her commercial relations with the continent are suspended; she is struck with the excommunication which she provoked herself.

Hence the war consists in repeating the English commerce from all parts, and in employing all the means proper to support that measure.
France has concurred with energy in excluding the monopoly of commerce; she is resigned to privations which long habit had rendered more sensible—some branches of her agriculture and her industry have suffered, and still suffer—but the prosperity of the mass of the nation has not been injured—she familiarises herself to this passing state, the duration of which even she beholds without fear.
The allies of France and the United States sacrifice with her, and with an equally generous resolution, their private conveniences.
England had touched the moment in which her exclusion from the continent would have been consummated; but she has availed herself of recent circumstances to extend over Spain the genius of evil, and to agitate in that unhappy country all the furious passions; she has sought for allies even in the props of the Inquisition, and in the most abject and servile prejudices.
Miserable people! To whom do you confide your destinies? To the despiser of your manners, to the enemy of your religion, to those who violated their promises, have erected upon your territory a monument of their audacity; an affront, whose impunity, for a century and a half, would give evidence against your courage, if the weakness of your government had not alone been guilty of it! You ally yourselves with the English, who so often wounded your pride and your independence; who so long have invaded by open violence, and even in the bosom of peace, the commerce of your colonies; who, to intimate to you the prohibition to remain neutral, prefaced their decrees by the pillage of your treasures, and the massacre of your seamen; who, in short, have covered Europe with their contempt for their allies, and for the delusive promises which they have made them! You will recover no doubt from your delusion! You will then mourn the new perfidies that are destined for you! But what blood and tears will have flowed before this slow return to wisdom!
The English, hitherto absent from the great battles, try a new fortune upon the continent; they strip their island, and leave Sicily almost defenceless, in the presence of our brave king, who commands a French army, and who has just deprived them of the strong position of the Isle of Caprera. What then will be the fruit of their efforts? Could they hope to exclude the French from Spain and Portugal? Can success be doubtful, the emperor himself commanding his invincible legions? What presage does the heroic army of Portugal afford, which contending against double its numbers, was able to erect trophies of victory upon the very ground where it fought with so much advantage, and to dictate the conditions of a glorious retreat.
In preparing a fresh contest against our only enemy, the wisdom of the emperor has done every thing that was necessary for the maintenance of peace upon the continent. He may rely upon it, without doubt, since Austria, the only power that could disturb it in future, has given the strongest assurance other dispositions, by recalling her ambassador from London, and by putting an end to all political communication with England.
Yet Austria had recently made armaments—she took place undoubtedly without any hostile intention—yet prudence dictated energetic measures of precaution—the armies of Germany and Italy, are strengthening themselves with the levies of the new conscription—the troops of the confederation of the Rhine are complete, well organised and disciplined.
One hundred thousand of the grand army quit the Prussian states to occupy the camp of Bologna, whilst Denmark, henceforth sheltered from invasion on the part of England, is evacuated by our troops, which are concentrating themselves. Before the end of January, the battalions drafted for Spain will be replaced upon the banks of the Elbe and the Rhine.
Those who had quitted Italy last year, return to their ancient destination.
Such, gentlemen, is the external situation of the empire.
In the interior, the greatest order in all parts of the administration, important ameliorations, a great number of new institutions have excited the gratitude of the people.
The President Fontanes made a reply to the minister—in which he says, “Woe to the sovereign, who is only great at the head of his armies! Happy he, who is incessantly employed in useful works to unbind himself after the fatigues of war.”
“We cannot pay the emperor a greater homage than to wish that his warlike talents may soon become useless.—He is so sure to find in himself other means of grandeur. Let us not doubt it, thanks to all he will undertake for the national felicity, his renown as conqueror will be hereafter only the weakest part of his glory.”
Napoleon left Bayonne for Spain on the 4th of November. There was a report at that place of the defeat of Blake with a loss of 5 or 6000 men.
BATTLE OF SORNOSA.
Private communications from an officer of rank in the Spanish army.
VALMASEDA, Nov. 2.
At day-break yesterday morning, the enemy, who had received very considerable reinforcements from Vittoria, attacked the Galician army, posted about a league and a quarter in advance of Sornosa, in the following order:
The first regiment of the volunteers of Catalonia, being part of the vanguard, occupied a hill to the right of the road leading to Durango.
The third division, commanded by gen. Riquelmi, was stationed on the heights to the right of Sornosa to support the vanguard, and defend the right flank of our position.
The vanguard, commanded by general Mandizabal, defended the road leading to Durango.
Our centre was drawn up in a line, on an eminence to the left and rear of the vanguard.
Our left, commanded by brigadier gen. Figueron, possessed themselves of a hill to the left of the road. The base of the hill was joined to that occupied by the fourth division and reserve.
During the night of the 30th, the enemy advanced his force in very
The next morning, at day-break, the different columns moved forward to the attack, their approach being concealed by a very heavy and thick fog, which in these parts is prevalent in the morning.
The first attack was made on our right. Two large columns advanced with the intention of surrounding that part of our force. The enemy was opposed in a most steady and gallant manner by the 4th regiment of the volunteers of Catalonia; this famous corps kept up a tremendous and incessant fire by platoons, and for a considerable time kept in check a force upwards of four times its own number. Two battalions of marines, and the tiradores, or sharpshooters, of the third or fourth division, reinforced the regiment of Catalonia; however, being overpowered by numbers, they were obliged to retire on the third division; this enabled the enemy to place a column on the right of the third division, while another column attacked in front. The enemy advanced in force along the road, and attacked the vanguard, which defended the road and valley leading to Durango. The enemy was most gallantly and vigorously opposed, and compelled to retreat to a considerable distance, by the vanguard, headed by gen. Mandizabal. The enemy, however, having considerably increased his numbers in this point, advanced a second time, accompanied by a howitzer and a four pounder, and succeeded in gaining a sufficient advance on the road, to enable him to bring his gun to bear (within about three quarters of a gun shot), on the centre and the left division.
Whilst these operations were carrying on against our right and centre, the enemy advanced two very strong columns against the front of our left position; and at the same moment a very numerous corps of sharpshooters (volunteers) advanced under cover of the howitzer and four pounder, and got possession of a wood which ascended from the road to within less than musket-shot of the right flank of the left position. This obliged gen. Figueron to throw back one or two battalions upon his right, to oppose the enemy's light infantry. Nothing could be more gallant or more orderly than the enemy's attack of this post; he advanced in the greatest military regularity, under a most tremendous fire. The gallantry of the enemy's attack could only be equalled by the intrepidity of the defence made by the 1st division. It is impossible for me to do justice to the soldier-like conduct of this division. Attacked on their side by a very superior force, and occasionally fired on by the howitzer and four pounder, they defended their post with determined obstinacy. They appeared resolved not to yield a foot of ground. The enemy were equally obstinate and persevering, and being enabled by their very superior numbers to nearly surround the hill occupied by this gallant division, gen. Figueron at last called upon to order a retreat, which was effected with as much order as existing circumstances would admit of. Whilst the 1st division was thus engaged, the enemy kept up a heavy fire of shot and shell, and some musketry (from the woods in our front) on the centre division and the reserve. The guns were supported by two very large columns, and a disposable reserve.
Nothing could exceed the soldier-like steadiness with which the fourth division and reserve remained on their post under this heavy fire; this courage will not be wondered at when I mention that the commander in chief himself was at the head of the centre division, animating the soldiers by his presence and example. When the first shell burst, there gen. Blake repaired, and placed his horse on the very spot, displayed his division into two lines, part of the reserve remaining in columns. His address to the soldiers was simple, and spoke to their feelings—“Remember you are Spaniards; be firm, soldiers.” Never did the most veteran troops, or those most accustomed to cannon, remain more cool, steady, and determined. After an action of nearly nine hours incessant fire and it became evident that the enemy had received very great reinforcements, and having been enabled, by the assistance of his cannon (of which aid this army was entirely destitute) to push forward a strong force against our centre, and having in consequence occupied the woods flanking the right of our left position, it was deemed advisable to retreat. Gen. Blake placed himself at the head of the fourth division and part of the reserve, and in person superintended and directed the covering of the retreat of his army, which was effected in order, the enemy not appearing inclined to molest our movements. By eleven o'clock on the night of the 30th October, the most part of the troops arrived at Bilboa.
Early in the morning of the 1st (yesterday) gen. Blake arrived in that town with the fourth division, and lost not a moment in proceeding to the great square, where he superintended in person the issue of bread
could exceed their joy at seeing their general return to them, a false report having obtained that he had been cut off in covering the retreat.
No language of mine could do sufficient justice to the gallantry and ardor of the officers and soldiers of this army in the action of yesterday. I trust, however, the statement of facts which I have given, in a plain unvarnished manner, will give some idea of their brave conduct.
Nothing can exceed the patience, and, I may add, the cheerfulness of the Spanish soldiers, under difficulties and privations of all sorts.
The impression left on my mind from the account of yesterday, is decidedly most favorable to the Spanish volunteers.
The effect produced on their bosoms from yesterday's defence, is a manly and soldier-like pride, arising from a self-conviction of their having done their duty.
Plymouth, Nov. 18. —The Black Joke lugger is arrived from Gijon, in 63 hours, with dispatches for government, which I understand contain an account of the defeat of Marshal Ney near Bilboa on the 7th of Nov. by gen. Blake, after a severe action, in which the French lost 9000 men, killed, wounded, and prisoners.
It is also stated, that Saragossa had been attacked by the French, and the enemy repulsed with great loss.
Nov. 19. —In addition to the intelligence brought by the Black Joke, it is confidently asserted, that marshal Ney was killed in the battle of the 7th Nov. and gen. Blake wounded.
Extract of another letter. —The intelligence from Spain, with which we have been inundated for the three last days, is of a contradictory nature. The Black Joke lugger, lieut. Canady, which arrived here yesterday, in 4 days from Gijon, states that a few hours prior to her sailing, a report was prevalent, and generally accredited, that a great battle had been fought between the French and Spanish armies, in which the former were totally routed and defeated, with the loss of 9000 men. The Spaniards are represented to have been busily employed in burying and clearing away the vanquished slain.”
Since writing the above, we are able to state that government have not received any intelligence of importance by the Black Joke or Nonpareil which are arrived from Spain.
London, Nov. 21. Extract of letter from a gentleman at St. Andero, dated Nov. 7.
“I take this opportunity of giving you the earliest account of the state of affairs here. The French army is within 10 miles of St. Andero; they have had a brush with the Spaniards, and came off with the loss of 7000 men. The loss on the side of the Spaniards is computed at 3000, besides one regiment called the Catalonia, which was destroyed to a man, by the French undermining them with powder. Fifteen thousand English troops, in good health and spirits, marched within 6 miles of this place on their way to join the grand army. As soon as their artillery gets up with them we may expect to hear of a terrible battle.”
Nov. 22. —The accounts relative to Spain continue to be contradictory, and we are still unable to decide which deserves credit; those which claim a victory for the Spaniards, or those which report them to have met with a defeat. We shall confine ourselves to the laying before our readers the accounts that are in circulation. The first is an extract of a letter from an officer in gen. Blake's army, received by the Mayor of St. Andero, and sent on the 10th to Gijon:
Lauisada, Nov. 8. “I have just received your letter of yesterday, and in answer have to say, that gen. Blake has answered to the dispatch that the auditor-general of the army, and the maj. gen. of Engineers, sent to him from the quarters of Urantia, on Sunday at 2 o'clock in the evening saying that Saturday was a happy day, and that the aspect of things had completely changed; for the 4th division being cut off, and 4000 Asturians nearly falling into the hands of the enemy, he commanded a movement to attract the attention of the enemy near Valmaseda, where he sent the 4th division, and all the rest of the people, to the heights of Orantia and its environs. He states, that the 4th division was attacked, but defended itself with courage, and repulsed the enemy, dislodging them from Valmaseda, slaughtering them, and following them up as far as the iron works of Urrutia. That the same day the 2d division joined; also the Asturians, which caused him great joy; and on Sunday evening he transferred his head-quarters to Valmaseda, promising himself happy results, as the army were desirous to fight.”
“The express arrived yesterday morning, and desired the two Regiments to remain here yesterday, although they could very well have gone to head quarters.”
“For the present we have no further intelligence; but we are very contented; for the French, who had come to Medina, marched away, and there is no advice of their returning. The messenger adds, that
would enter Bilboa yesterday, the 8th.”
The above letter relates merely to the affair of the 5th, adding, however, that the French who had got to Medina had retreated, and that it was thought the Spaniards would re-occupy Bilboa on the 8th.
Another account, received by a merchant in the city, from Gijon, dated on the 13th, states, “that the mayor of Santander had officially announced to the inhabitants of that town the complete victory obtained by Gen. Blake over the division of Marshal Ney, near Bilboa, the result of which was, that the division was surrounded, and it was thought must lay down their arms.”
A third account says, that an English officer at Gijon had received a letter from Gen. Blake himself, stating in substance, that he had an action with the French on the 31st of October, and was obliged to retire to the mountains; that on the 4th instant he quit his position, to cover the retreat of 4000 patriots, who were threatened to be surrounded. This brought on a general action, and he defeated the French, with the loss of 9000 killed—took possession again of Bilboa, and pursued the enemy to the distance of 30 leagues. Gen. Blake concludes his letter thus:—“I have now paid the French in turn for their ill treatment to the brave patriots on the 31st; for it is said the French gave no quarters on that day, nor do we find that any quarters was given on the 4th, as no prisoners are stated to be made. After entering Bilboa, we were employed three days in burying the dead.”
A gentleman is reported to have arrived in town yesterday from St. Andero, which place he says he left on the 13th instant. He states, “that the contending armies had been engaged for several days with various success, but that the Spaniards were at length defeated, and thrown into confusion. Romana, who had reached St. Andero, having received an account of the disasters which had befallen Gen. Blake, marched precipitately on the 12th from thence, with 2000 dismounted cavalry, with a view of assisting to prevent the immediate approach of the enemy to St. Andero, notwithstanding, which, the people of that place, calculating on the well known discomfiture of the Spanish army, were in the utmost confusion, and the French were expected daily at St. Andero.”
The last report in circulation relates to the army of Castanos, and states, that an account had been received at Corunna from Madrid, announcing that on the 29th ult. there had been an engagement in Navarre, in which Castanos was defeated and wounded. The French immediately crossed the Ebro. It will be recollected, that the last French papers mentioned, that the arrangements which had been made to clear both banks of the Ebro, had completely succeeded. Other accounts received from Spain, stated Castanos to have changed his position, joined Palafox, & occupied a line extending southward from Sanguessa, for the purpose of covering Arragon. The French papers asserted, that he had fallen back behind Soris, a town on the banks of one of those small rivers that fall into the Douro.
Nov. 23. —We remain still without any official advices from Spain. It is generally believed, however, that the report of a victory gained by general Blake is without foundation, and that he has been obliged to fall back.
Paris, Nov. 4. —The departure of the Minister of Foreign Affairs from Bayonne is delayed by the dispatches sent by the English government.
London, Nov. 14. —A mail from Gotterburg has also arrived. The armistice between the Swedes and Russians is at an end; and we are sorry to be informed that the first action succeeding its rupture, has been unfavorable to the Swedish troops, who are stated to have suffered materially on the occasion.
Copenhagen, October 29. The following article is copied from our Court Gazette:
“The measures adopted by the government of the continent to cut off all commercial intercourse on the part of their subjects with England, are sufficiently known. It has therefore been with the greatest dissatisfaction that we have seen numerous mercantile fleets, protected by the armed vessels of our enemy, passing into the Baltic, fully laden, and returning in a similar state. It was easy to conceive that all these cargoes were not destined for Swedish ports; but by what means our enemy contrived to effect their purpose of procuring articles of the first necessity from the ports of the Baltic, and of there unloading and disposing of their superfluous manufactures, we were for a long time wholly at a loss how to conceive. But at length we were apprized of that system of deception, and convincing proofs are obtained, that by falsifying invoices and ships' papers, the views of the governments of the continent are frustrated; the rigor of their measures being eluded by their own subjects—the first principles of com-
plied upon, and a feeling of indifference carried to such a pitch, that men have not hesitated to deceive a government which, faithful to its engagements, does not consult its own interests, by conniving at frauds, and being ostensibly rigid, but secretly indulgent.
“It is, moreover, the interest of Denmark and her allies, and it concerns the honor of the governments of the continent, to obtain the means of detecting these frauds; and every honest merchant must feel grateful in seeing the discoveries which have been made in this respect, laid before the public.”
To the above is subjoined in the Gazette a description of the false papers alluded to, pointing out at the same time, the circumstance by which they may be detected.
Amsterdam, November 14. The following decree has been published & circulated in East Friesland, by an order from the minister of finance, dated the 5th instant:
Art. 1. All colonial produce, English and other commodities, the importation of which is prohibited, and which shall be conveyed through the department of East Friesland, shall, exclusive of the passports and other documents hitherto required with respect to internal commerce, be provided with certificates of origin, making it appear that such articles have not been imported into the kingdom contrary to law.
2. In default of the certificates above stated, such goods and merchandise shall be seized by the officers of convoys and customs, the gendarmerie, and the civil and military authorities empowered to execute the laws against contraband trade, and the same shall not be restored without a special order under our royal hand.
3. The minister of finance, and the commandant of the third division of the coasts, are charged with the execution of the present decree, which shall be published in the department of East Friesland.
Given at Utrecht, Nov. 3, 1808. Nov. 16. —Dutch papers have been received to the 15th.—They contain an account of an attack upon the Danish fortress of Christianstand, on the 24th ult. by an English squadron of which we had not heard before. They bombarded the place for four hours, and did considerable damage to the buildings in the fort and the ships in the harbor. Our object according to the Dutch papers, was to burn the town, and the ships.
New-York, January 20.
By the Swedish schooner Juliana, from Aux-Cayes, we learn, that Christophe and Petion were still carrying on rather an inactive war. The island was tolerably well supplied with provisions, and the British were carrying on a great trade with the Haytians. Coffee was selling at 17 sours.
Captain Cunningham arrived at Boston from Shelburne in 12 days, informs, that a vessel had arrived there in 16 days from Barbadoes, with information, that Martinique had surrendered to the British.
Wilson, (Va.) January 9.
Mott and Ledgard, who were indicted for murder in August last, at Burlington, have been convicted, of man-slaughter, before the Supreme Court now sitting in that place. Mudget, one of their accomplices, it is expected, will not be found guilty.
SUBSCRIPTION DANCING ASSEMBLY, will be held at Mr. Long's HOTEL, on Tuesday evening the 31st day of January.
ROBERT BRENT, DANIEL CARROLL, of D. Lieut. JOHN JOHNSON, JOHN LAW.
The tickets will be purchased at the bar, and none will be disposed of, without the concurrence of a Manager. A supper, and proper refreshments, will be provided. January 23—3t
TO BE SOLD BY PUBLIC AUCTION, On Saturday the 28th inst. on the premises, Lot No 6, in Square No. 233, and half of Lot No. 10, with a two story Frame Dwelling in square No. 225, both situated and lying on F street, between the Branch Bank & War Office. Terms of Sale, cash. The sale to commence about 4 o'clock. MARY M'NEMARA, Executor of Cornelius M'Dermott Noe. SAM. SPEARE, Auctioneer.
January 23—2t
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. THAT the subscribers of Washington County, District of Columbia—has obtained from the Orphan's Court, of Washington, and District aforesaid—letters of administration on the personal estate of MARIE CARRIE, late of said District, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, on or before the 25th day of July next, or they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 25th day of January, 1809. NICHOLAS CALLEN
January 23—w3t
NOTICE. WHEREAS we the subscribers did some time in the spring of the year 1808, execute a power of attorney to Col. John Ballenger, of Knox county, Kentucky, authorising him to collect certain monies, which we were to receive for damages, which we sustained by the military under the command of Captain Ball, on Yellow Creek, Knox county, Kentucky. These are therefore to forewarn the Secretary at War, and all persons whatsoever, from paying said monies to said Ballenger, or any one authorised by him to receive it, as we have revoked the aforesaid power of Attorney. his JOHN M. BROWN, mark. his EDWARD M. GIDEONS, mark. JOHN GORDEN, SAMUEL MOSLEY, ROBERT BALLOU

Mr. Key's Speech concluded. But gentlemen say they are not accountable for the failure in England from another cause—the language of the public papers and pamphlets of the anti-embargoists. The enemy we are told has been induced to hold out under the idea that America will yield. Sir, would Great Britain rely for her success on the newspapers or pamphlets of this country? Have those causes wrought on her a perseverance in her measures? I wonder, sir, that in the anxiety to find causes for failure, they never cast their eyes on official documents, or a very important state paper, issued on this side the Atlantic, saying that the marshals and civil force were not adequate to enforcing the embargo. When the President's proclamation arrived in England, no doubt could have remained of the effect of the embargo. Another public record accompanied it—act of one of the states arresting exceptions for the continuance of the embargo. Will these public documents prove them the British nation would be more apt to judge, and more correctly judge, of the international situation of the country, than from all the periodical publications of the day put together. Pamphlets also have been written in this country, of which it is said the British ministry have availed themselves to induce their people to believe that the United States are not capable of suffering. I believe we are the people of America as a nation as any on earth; and will respect the laws, and must be made to respect them. They will obey them from principle; they must be made to obey them if they do not; for while a law is in force, it must be enforced. But I am somewhat surprised that gentlemen who talk of opposition publications in this country, as influencing England, should derive all their political data from British newspaper publications or opposition pamphlets. British opposition papers and pamphlets are with them the best things in the world; but nothing said there must be regarded there as correct. Even Mr. Baring has been quoted, who is a commission merchant to the greatest extent perhaps known in the world. The Louisiana purchase of fourteen millions was nothing to him as a commission merchant. The next writer referred to is Mr. Brougham, brought before Parliament, to assert the rights of a body of merchants confined almost exclusively to the continental trade. He came forward on their account; and the fact was demonstrated, notwithstanding his exertions, that the orders in council did not, but the prior French decrees did, curtail that commerce. So the majority thought and acted on that supposition. If the continuance of the embargo then does not operate a change in the policy of Great Britain on its operation on the West Indies, if they resort to documents in this country, or even to speeches on this floor, they will probably continue the conflict, of suffering as long as we are able to endure it, and continue our measures; for my opinion is, sir, that the extent of our seaboard affords such opportunities for evasion, that unless we station cutters within half of each other on our whole coast, they will not be competent to carry our laws into effect. It will be benefiting the British colonies at the expense of our own country.
The continuance of our measures may be productive of another consequence, attended with more serious mischief than all others together; the diversion of trade from us to other channels. Look at both sides of the case. If Great Britain holds on, (and my predictions are not fulfilled, or she will persevere) she will look for other sources of supply that in the event of a war she may not be essentially injured. She will endeavor to arrange her sources of supply so that no one nation refusing to deal with her shall have it in their power materially to impair her interests. As to cotton, large quantities of this article were formerly drawn from the West Indies. The destruction of the sugar estates in St. Domingo gave a new direction to cultivation. They ceased to grow in many of the West India islands that article which they formerly had raised to a considerable extent, (cotton) and which, if the embezzled labor employed in the sugar estates, now adequate to the supply of Europe be not profitable, they will again cultivate. The Brazils will assist to make up a sufficient quantity for consumption; and well as my memory serves me, they produce seventy or eighty thousand bales annually, and South America will add its supplies. I grant that we can now enter all these countries. But I beg gentlemen to pause before they drive England into a change of commercial habits, which in the hour of future peace may never be fully restored, and thus inflict deep and lasting wounds upon our prosperity. Sir, we are told that we are to produce great effects by a continuance of the embargo and non-intercourse with this nation. Do gentlemen who were in the majority on the subject of the embargo, when laid, (for I was anxious then that at least foreign nations might come and give us what we wanted in exchange for our product) recollect their argument against permitting foreign vessels to come and take our produce, that it was privilege all on one side; that it would be nominal to France whilst England would be sole carrier? Now, Sir, as to the non-intercourse system—how does that operate? France has no commerce; cannot come here; and therefore is not injured by the exclusion from our ports. It operates solely on England. If the argument was then correct, to avoid the measure because it operated to the sole benefit of England, what shall we think of the non-intercourse measure which operates solely against her? In a commercial view, therefore, and in point of interest, this country will be deeply benefited by a removal of the embargo.
But gentlemen say that the honor of the country is at stake; that a removal of the embargo would be submission to Great Britain and submission to France. How is our honor affected by removing it. We say we will not trade—with whom? With them alone? No, sir; the embargo says we will not trade with any body. All nations when they find it convenient can pocket their honor for profit. What is it we do for a licence to go into the Mediterranean? Do we not pay an annual tribute to Algiers for liberty to navigate that sea safer from its corsairs? Have we not an undoubted right to navigate the Mediterranean? Surely; and yet we pay annually a tribute for permission to do it—and why? Because the happiness and interest of the nation is promoted by it. In monarchies, the prince leads his subjects to war for the honor of his mistress or to avenge a petty insult. But what best consols the honor of a republican government? Those measures which maintain the independence, promote the interest and secure the happiness of the individuals composing
it pursued, shall bring with it the greatest benefits to the people at large. I do not know, sir, strictly speaking, whether the destruction of any commercial right is destructive to the independence of the country; for a nation may exist independent, and the happiness of the people be secured, without commerce—so that the violation of commercial rights does not destroy our independence. I acknowledge that it would affect the sovereignty of the country and retain its prosperity—but are not the measures which have been adopted submission? No train of argument can make more clear the fact that withdrawing from the ocean for a time is an abandonment instead of an assertion of our rights. Nay, I think I have the authority of the committee for it, for I speak of submission as applicable to the measure recommended by the committee. They say that "a permanent suspension of commerce, after repeated and unavailing efforts to obtain peace, would not properly be resistance; it would be withdrawing from the contest, and abandoning our inalienable right freely to navigate the ocean." If a temporary embargo, after repeated offers of peace would not properly be resistance but an abandonment of our rights, is not a temporary embargo, and this has been a year continued, an abandonment for the time? Unquestionably it is. So long as it continues it does abandon our rights; and now I will show that it is submission and not resistance—I maintain that the embargo, aided by the second and third resolutions of the committee, does complete an abandonment of our maritime rights and is a submission to the orders and decrees.
Of what nature are the rights in contest? They are maritime rights & not territorial; and to be used must be exercised exterior to the limits of our territory. Whatever measures are confined within our territorial limits, is not an assertion or enjoyment of our exterior rights. Their enjoyment must be abroad, consisting of the actual use of them. If then all our measures be confined within our jurisdictional limits, they cannot amount to an enjoyment of the rights exterior to those limits. I will illustrate this to every man's comprehension—there is a street in Georgetown through which every person has a right to pass; it is a high way. A merchant with whom I have dealt for many years, because I purchase some articles of another merchant, says I shall not go through the street. I cross over, and his enemy says I shall not pass by him—I retire home and call a consultation of my friends—I tell them that I have entered into resolutions, 1st. that to submit to this will be an abandonment of my right to pass and repass. Well, what then say my friends; why I declare I will neither go nor send to either of their houses—have no intercourse with them—well. What then? Why I will buy a broad sword and pair of pistols, and lock my door and stay at home. And do I enjoy my right of walking the street by making myself a prisoner? Surely not, sir. Now this is precisely our case under these resolutions. We say that to submit would be a wound on our honor and independence. We call a consultation. What is the result of it? We say we will have no intercourse with the nations injuring us, or with any other; and lastly that we will arm and defend ourselves at home—and I ask is this resistance—is it an enjoyment of our rights or a direct full submission; is it not an abandonment of these rights to which we are entitled.
It has been said that the little portion of commerce which would remain unaffected by the belligerent edicts, would belong to us as a boon from England, were we to prosecute it. I do not understand it in this light. Our right to navigate the ocean is inherent, and belongs to us as a part of our sovereignty. But when interdicted from any one place, if we go to another, we certainly do not accept that commerce as a boon. I might as well say if a man interdicted me from going down one street in Georgetown, that I accept a boon from him in going down another. This is certainly not the case. The trading to these places is exercising our original right not interfered with; and so far as those orders and decrees do not operate, we could carry on a legitimate trade, flowing from our indisputable right as a sovereign nation to navigate the ocean. It does seem to me then, sir, that the residue of our trade might be carried on without submitting to the belligerent edicts. But an hon. gentleman (Mr. G. W. Campbell) asked me yesterday, if we were to permit our enemies to take any part, whether they would not take the remainder? Thus, like the horse's tail in Horace it would be plucked hair by hair till it was all out—true, sir, this might possibly happen—but what have we done? Why we have cut the tail off, for fear all the hair should be taken out. We have ourselves destroyed all that portion of our trade which the belligerents have not interdicted.
Taking the whole into view, then, I think that the continuance of the embargo, as an assertion of our rights, is not an efficient mode of resistance.
But gentlemen say, in a crisis like the present, when each individual ought to contribute his mite, it is very easy to find fault; and they ask for a substitute. I want no substitute. Take off the embargo. That is what I want. But when called upon in this manner, I cannot help looking around me to the source whence I expected higher and better information. The crisis is awful. We are brought into it by the means recommended by the head of our foreign relations. I think the President advised the embargo. If he did not, he certainly advised the gun-boats and the additional military force. In these minor measures which have been in their consequences so interesting, there was no want of advice or responsibility. Why then, in this awful crisis, shall we not look to the same quarter? The responsibility is left on us. We anti-embargoists show that things would not have been thus, had our advice been taken, and not being taken we have little encouragement to give more. Our advice is on the journals. We said let us have what commerce we can get, and bring home returns to stimulate our industry. I believe the declarations of gentlemen when they say that they are friendly to commerce; but their fondness for it is the embrace of death. They say they will protect it; but it is strange that they should begin to protect it by abolishing it. I contend that their measures have not answered the purposes of protection; but on the contrary they have been prejudicial to it; and I trust in their candor that they will join us in giving elasticity to commerce, and removing this pressure. The interests of commerce and agriculture are identified; whenever one increases, the other extends. Turgot's progress pari passu. Look at your mercantile towns; and wherever you find one, like a pebble thrown into water, its influence extends in a circle more or less remotely, over the whole surface. Gentlemen from the agricultural country vote to support commerce, because it en-
creases the value of their own product; they are not so disinterested as they suppose; and I believe the best way is to consider the two inseparable. As I am at present disposed, could I not obtain a total repeal, I would prefer a resolution laid on the table by a gentleman (Mr. Mumford) from one of the largest commercial cities in the union, and who must be supposed to know the opinion of commercial men. I can scarcely with my knowledge or understanding point out any thing; but if I have not capacity to be one of the ins, I can readily perceive whether the present system be adequate or not. I would let our vessels go out armed for resistance; and if they were interfered with, I would make the dormer appeal . We are able and willing to resist; and when the moment arrives, there will be but one heart and hand throughout the whole union. All will be American—all united for the protection of their dearest rights and interests.
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON.
Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsalla, 5 qrs. casks Lisbon, 5 qrs. casks Sherry, 13 qrs. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould, 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 3 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks. They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
Alexander Green & wife vs. Rebecca Bond, Caroline Cecile Bond, Martha Vanwesenacken, Elizabeth Mary Vanwesenacken, Peter Campbell, Richard Leveillon, Nicholas Peers, Eleanor his wife, Ann Jordan, Henry Jordan, Charles Jordan, David Easton & Sarah his wife, & others, heirs of John Jordan, deceased. In Chancery, December 27, 1808.
THE object of the bill is to obtain a sale of certain tracts of land of which the said John Jordan, died, seized & possessed in fee simple, for the purpose of paying a debt due from the said John Jordan to the aforesaid Alexander Greer and Sally his wife, executrix, of the last will and testament of William Trieman Stoddert, deceased. The bill states that the above-named defendants reside out of the state. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered, that the complainants, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the 1st day of February next, give notice to the absent defendants of this application, and of the substance and object of the bill, that they may be warned to appear herein person or by a solicitor or solicitors of this court, on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed. True Copy, Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Reg. Cur. Cur. Jan. 4—10t.
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an installment of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 18—
RICHARD PARROTT, Has just arrived at Alexandria on board the Sea-Flower, capt. Marshall from Savannah. 75 barrels Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse, George Town) at Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turkey's Island, St. Ubes, ground Allum and Blown Salt, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 2 hds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do. 9 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Boston Cheese, 100 barrels Tea, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Bohemian, Coffee, Aspic, Pepper, Mustard, Monck & Dept Candles, Soap, Snuff. Fish Oil, Plaster Paris (ground & in stone) Bacon, Pork, Herrings, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Bar Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bed-cords, Plough Lines, Traces, Saff-Twine, and Cordage of every description. Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce. RICHARD PARROTT. January 9—1f.
FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county, Dec. 15—4f. LUCK KENT. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the Bank & Treasurer. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington, Dec. 15—1f.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spencelets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Bormell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—1f.
RICHARD BECK, HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are— Superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do. Molekin and silk waistcoating, Bennets cord and Spanish marcel, do. Constitution cords and velverets Coating, frizes and kerseys Rose and striped blankets Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery Flannel and baizes Navy blue cloths Checks, calicoes and Chintzes White and colored cambrics Dimities, brown Holland and dowlasses Bandanno and Madras handkerchiefs Durants and calimancoes Tapes and bobbins Silk and cotton chamlbray 4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens 4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting London and other hats Plain India-muslin muslins Seeded do. do. Diagonal and Trafalgar do. Plain and figured lenoes Linen cambrics Damask, silk and serge shawls Tabby velverets for pelices Italian Mantua Bombazets and bonbazeens Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces Handsome assortment ribbons Kid and silk gloves Pickett silk mits and glove Diaper and diaper table cloths Kid and Morocco shoes A few bales India muslins assorted Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11—1f.
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday 11th day of September, a negro lad, named JOHN, aged 19 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. He is of a dark complexion, and slow of expression. His clothing when he went off, was a dark brown broad cloth coat, old blue waistcoat, and corduroy pantaloons—has other clothing with him which is unknown. Said fellow has been seen since he went off, in the city of Washington, from thence I suspect he has removed to the neighborhood of Mr. William Carroll's in Montgomery county, as he has acquaintances there. Whoever secures said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid if brought home, including what the law allows. NATHAN SOPER. More than probable, said fellow has made for the state of Pennsylvania or for the state of Virginia, and may have a pass given him by some free person of color, who can write. N. S. Prince George's county, Nov. 23—2awtf.
NOTICE. THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city, and all others concerned, are hereby informed that the Tax for the year 1808, on Real and Personal Property, also the Tax on Slaves and Dogs, became due on the 1st Inst. and must be paid immediately at the City Treasurer's Office. The Treasurer returns his thanks to those who have usually called at his Office and settled their accounts, and will still be thankful to those who may make it convenient to settle in that way. He also informs those who are in arrears that no further indulgence can be given, and that they must pay the amount due immediately, or their property must be seized and sold to satisfy the same. HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington City. January 20—2w.
COAL FOR SALE. A Cargo of RICHMOND COAL, on board the sloop Rebecca, lying at Leau's Wharf. Apply to the subscriber, back of the Seven Buildings. JOSEPH MIDDLETON, January 20—3t.
JUST RECEIVED And for Sale by R. C. WRIGHTMAN Pennsylvania avenue, Sketch of a Plan and Method of Education founded on an analysis of the human faculties, and natural reason, suitable for the offspring of a free people and for all rational beings. By JOSEPH NEED, formerly a coadjutor of Pestalozzi, at his school near Berne in Switzerland—Price 75 cents. This book may also be had of D. Rapine, Capitol Hill, and Jas. Milligan, Georgetown. Crabbs's Poems, Elizabeth, or the Exiles of Siberia, Sword Exercise for Cavalry, Pocket Almanacs, 12 1-2 cents each, Enouy's Map of Europe, Portable Mahogany Desks, from 11 to 16 dollars, A variety of new Music, German Flutes, plain and tipt, Visiting Cards, plain, gift, and embossed, &c. &c. January 20—6t.
JUST RECEIVED, And now for Sale at D. RAPIE'S Book-store Capitol Hill, Memoirs of the Philadelphia Society for promoting Agriculture. Containing communications on various subjects in Husbandry and rural affairs. To which is added, a Statistical account of the Schuylkill Permanent Bridge, as communicated to the said Society, Vol. I. Price $2. 50. D. R. Has always for sale an excellent assortment and large supply of books and Stationery. January 20—3t. IMPORTANT PAMPHLET. This day is Published and for sale, BY JOSEPH MILLIGAN—GEORGETOWN. AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW-ENGLAND. BY ALGERNON SIDNEY. It may also be had at the Store of R. C. Weightman, and at the Printing Office of Dinmore & Cooper, Washington city. January 13—3t.
Department of State, Jan. 11th, 1809. MERCHANTS and others wishing to forward letters to Europe are informed that Two Vessels under the orders of government, will sail from New York on the 25th of this month, or as soon thereafter as possible, the one for Pelham , the other for D'Orient , and will deliver all such letters as may be respectively consigned to those ports, or to other places through the same. The postage on the letters to N. Y. must be paid. January 13—
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden , Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store , Georgetown. THEO. HOLT. Washington city, January 18—2aw2m.
FOR SALE. A Most valuable MULATTO LADD, about 22 years of age—has served five years under two good Scotch gardeners, well accustomed to all sorts of plantation work and handy at any, very intelligent. Since he eloped from me, he has hired himself to do house-work and take care of horses, at both which he is said to be dextrous. Having ran away without any provocation, he will be sold only to those who would carry him to the Western country, and I have no doubt he will make an excellent body servant. Apply to JOHN TAYLOR, City of Washington. January 18—3t.
ROMULUS RIGGS, intending to close town, and being determined to SELL off his entire stock of GOODS, only to cover Cost for CASH. Purchasers will find it well worth their immediate attention, in particular those who buy to sell again (as from the great rise of many kinds of Merchandise, his being purchased before said rise) gives him the power to sell, much lower than they can be had in this or any other market. His Stock consists of, viz. Cloths, Cassimeres, Flannels, Coatings, Kerseys, Plains, Blankets, Napts Frizes, Manchester, Waistcoating, Pelice Cloths and Velvets, Spotted Serges for children, Salisbury Flannels, Stuffs, a complete assortment, silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, fine and coarse India Muslins, Furniture Chintzes, Calicoes and Dimities, fine cheap Irish Linens, Long Lawns, super-royal undressed Shirting Cambrics, linnen and cotton Cambrics, super-figured and plain jaconey Mull Mull Muslins; black, white, pink and colored Silks, Grapes, Laes, Spider Net Sleeves, silk and kid Gloves short and long, Ribbands, lace Veils and Shades, Chintzes, undressed Ginghams, Extra Cashmere and Damask silk Shawls, elastic India Crapes for dresses, fashionable London white and colored Beaver Bonnets, split straw and velvet do. black Feathers, Cords and Tassels, with many articles to complete his assortment of seasonable, substantial and fashionable goods. Any person wishing to enter into business in Georgetown, now have it in their power to commence under many advantages, and to such a person a great bargain will be given of the entire stock now on hand, if application is made in a few days. ATTENTION— All those indebted to me will please to make immediate payment as indulgences must not be expected and cannot be given. Suits will be commenced on all accounts which are not immediately settled, it being actually necessary to close my business in the shortest time possible.—Tobacco will be received in payment at the best prices, provided it is not convenient to pay the money. Accounts will be rendered as fast as possible, to those who do not call for the same. Georgetown, December 22—1m.
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufacture. 3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4, 240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 480 3-4, 1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel, 7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide, 220 pieces of Sheetings, such as Russia, 240 lbs. of whited brown Thread, 10 lb. of red Thread, 100 lbs. of blue Thread, 20 lbs. of yellow Thread, 3500 yards of 3-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide, 100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat, 2000 3 point Blankets, 10000 yards of yellow binding, called quality, 2000 yards of stout Plains, for watch coats, any color excepting red, 20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain. The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured. November 23— Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing, of ROBERT M'Koy, of Prince Georges county, to this court, for the benefit of the act, of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them, being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'Koy, is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Robert M'Koy be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Robert M'Koy by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to the day and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. December 26—w3m Ok. P. G. C. C.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE. THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6—2aw3m.