The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-12-16 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1277.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IN SENATE
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
NOVEMBER 24.
Mr. Giles's speech concluded.
His lordship said, "as to the duties proposed to be levied under these orders of council, he should only say, that when the peace of 1782 took place, he never thought he should have lived, or that the British parliament should have lived to see the day when a proposition should be made to tax America." And when a similar suggestion was made in the House of Commons, what was Mr. Canning's reply? Did he deny the object? No, sir: But begged the gentlemen in the opposition not to tell the secret to the Americans! Hush, gentlemen, was in substance, his reply. Thus adding indignity and insult to the arrogant pretension. Upon this part of the subject, I shall make no comment! It is impossible to improve the eloquence of this parliamentary language! It must strike deep into the heart of every true American!
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) says no tribute will be paid, because there will be no inducement to pay it. France will not receive vessels into her ports, which have submitted to such a disgrace. It is admitted that the tribute is imposed; and to avoid the payment of it, we are to look to France: to give up our national character, and our national honor to the safe keeping of the French emperor. [The gentleman rose to explain. He protested against making any such inference.] This was admitted. He only stated the facts, & I supplied the inference. The inference from the facts I deem irresistible. I despise, sir, this miserable subterfuge. Let us act like a nation of freemen—Let us be the conservators of our own honor and character. We should be the gainers if upon the most economical calculations, in pounds, shillings and pence. Our national character is now worth more than the delusive gains held out by this miserable commerce, and would sell for more in every market: submit to this disgraceful tribute, it would not be worth a cent, and would not sell for it in any market.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) says, that the embargo is submission to the mandates of both France and G. Britain, and therefore dishonorable. He makes this statement—France says you shall not trade with G. Britain—G. Britain says you shall not trade with France; and we say, we will not trade with either, and therefore gratify both. The fallacy of this argument consists in the misstatement. France says you may trade with me, and I am anxious you should do so, but you shall not trade with G. Britain; we say, we will not trade with you, nor with G. Britain. Now, sir, in this yielding to the mandate, or gratifying the wish of France? Certainly not. G. Britain uses the same language & meets with the same reply. Now I contend that we have neither yielded submission, nor gratified the wish of either; but have resisted the wishes and mandates of both; and I have no doubt that you are astonished at the honorable and dignified attitude we have assumed and hitherto persisted in.
But, sir, the gentleman intimates, that the government of the U. S. has suspended a rod over the head of G. Britain, and asks, whether any American would negotiate with a rod suspended over his head? Let me ask in turn, sir, if the gentleman's proposition, is not submission; not indeed while the rod is suspended over our heads; but whilst it is applied with the most unrelenting severity to our backs? I was really hurt, sir, to see that any gentleman could make an observation which would bear the most distant tint of an apology for G. Britain; and I cannot conceive how any gentleman can reconcile it to himself when he reflects upon the many outrages committed by G. Britain against the U. S. before even any attempt was made to do ourselves justice—and that these outrages were increased, in proportion to our patience under them.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) expresses his fears of some design for the destruction of commerce. He tells us, our commerce has grown to an enormous size and warns us that it is not to be trifled with. The gentleman from Connecticut, too, tells us, that the avowed, was not the real object, of the embargo laws; and that he so prophesied at the time of passing them—that their real object was to encourage manufactures, at the expense of
commerce. This charge of insincerity is a serious one. It is of a nature to impose a restraint upon the feelings, against making the merited reply. It has excited my surprise more than anything I ever heard fall from that gentleman; and the only apology I can find for it is, that he unfortunately prophesied it. It is a painful effort of the mind to admit ourselves false prophets. By this time, it is impossible, but the gentleman must be convinced, that this was a false prophecy. He reminds me of two lines in Hudibras:
"A man convinced against his will, Is of the same opinion still."
The gentleman must be convinced, but retains the same opinion. Sir, whether it be a suspicion, or a jealousy, or whatever delusion the gentleman is laboring under, I peremptorily deny the existence of the fact he has insinuated. How has it happened, that the commerce of the U. S. has become so enormous; but from the fostering and protecting influence of the federal government? What act of hostility against commerce, has ever been shewn by the government? I challenge the gentleman to name one, or a single act from the southern members unfavorable to our commercial prosperity. On the other hand, have we not always concurred in the stimuli given to commerce by discriminating duties, both on tonnage and merchandise, by the drawback system? and many other acts not material now to mention. It has been from these causes, added to the enterprizes of our people, that commerce has arrived to such a pitch of prosperity. They certainly do not warrant the charge brought against the government.
But what has excited my surprise, more than anything else, respecting this suggestion is, that the delusion upon the gentleman's mind, should be so strong as to banish his recollection of the local interests of the different states in the union. He seems to suppose that the southern are manufacturing states—this is not the fact. The fact is, that the commercial are, also, the manufacturing states. The southern states are agricultural and commercial, not manufacturing, except in the household way; and that is not the species of manufacturing that has excited the gentleman's alarm. The peculiar organization of society in the southern states, will, for a long time, forbid large establishments of domestic manufactures. This is the kind which gives the gentleman so much alarm; and, in this kind, the southern states have no local interests whatever. They have, however, an essential interest in commerce, although, generally, the merchants carrying it on, may not reside within them. The agriculturists know, that a prosperous commerce is essential to good prices, and, therefore, they have always contributed to its protection and prosperity. In this state of facts, the gentleman may find a perfect security against his extravagant, and unfounded jealousy. But the gentleman is alarmed, because he has discovered in the President's replies to sundry addresses from the manufacturers, expressions of satisfaction at their prosperity and improvement in the manufacturing system. But the President has no where expressed an intimation, or a wish, that this improvement or prosperity should be encouraged and promoted at the expence of commerce. And if he were to indulge so extraordinary an inclination, he could not expect to get a vote south of Potomac, in favor of the system. Suppose the merchants had addressed the President in the days of their prosperity, would he not have expressed his satisfaction at the circumstance? And would such expression have been just ground, or any ground of alarm and jealousy to the manufacturer? Certainly not, sir. Every patriot must rejoice at the prosperity of each, and every class of citizens. Indeed, sir, did not the gentleman himself, in the course of his observations, with a laudable animation, express his high satisfaction at the doings of his own legislature, giving encouragement to colonel Humphries, in his attempts at introducing manufactures into the state of Connecticut? Proceedings highly honorable both to the legislature and colonel Humphries; and which I have also seen with great satisfaction. But, sir, would it be correct to infer from this circumstance, that commerce is to be assailed and prostrated? Such an inference would be as idle and absurd in this case, as it is in relation to the views of the general government. Indeed, sir, I concur perfectly with the gentleman in the opinions he has expressed upon the manufacturing system, in relation to the commercial.
commercial. I have taken more pains in repelling this extraordinary jealousy or suspicion, in the hope that in correcting the public sentiment, in this respect, it would, at the same time, dispel a great portion of the objections to the embargo laws, which seem to me at this time, to be imperiously demanded, by the extraordinary crisis of our foreign relations.
I am now approaching a part of this subject, Mr. President, which fills me with regret. I know its delicacy, sir, and deeply regret the necessity which impels the examination of it. It is however rendered indispensable, perhaps, by exterior events; but certainly by observations made in the course of this debate. I allude, sir, to the inexecution of the embargo laws; or, rather, sir, to the suggested incapacity of the government to enforce their observance. The gentlemen from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) tells us, directly, that the government has not power to enforce the execution of these laws. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) even points out the mode of resistance. He tells us they may be resisted, first, by town meetings, then by petitions, then by legislative resolutions, and finally, by insurrections and rebellion. [Mr. Lloyd rose to explain. He said, "he did not say that this would be the course of events. He only stated them, abstractly, as probable results from those laws."] The gentleman is correct in his statement. I meant to be understood, as stating his observations in that way. It cannot escape observation, however, Mr. President, that this is the practical process now going on in the state, the gentleman has the honor to represent.
It is submitted to the patriotism and good sense of those gentlemen to determine, whether mentioning these circumstances, even in that way, may not have some tendency to produce effects, which must be so much deprecated by all, and permit me to hope, sir, to be more than by those gentlemen. And whether, sir, they are calculated to keep up the despotism in foreign nations, which, I believe in God, to be the principal cause of our present embarrassments. These circumstances were the less to be expected from gentlemen, who, a few years ago, arrogated to themselves the exclusive appellation of lovers of order and good government, whilst their political opponents were denounced as anarchists and disorganizers, and not even possessing virtue and honesty enough to be trusted with the public treasury. This, sir, was an imposing appellation; and as long as its sincerity was confided in, it preserved these gentlemen in the dominion of the United States.
It was hardly to have been expected that these gentlemen would now be found the first to sound the alarm in favor of anarchy and confusion; nor was it to have been expected, sir, that the eastern states, which were the first to press the constitution upon us, and which have reaped a golden harvest from its operations, should be the first to wish to absolve themselves from its sacred obligations.
But, Mr. President, I believe this government does possess power sufficient to enforce the embargo laws. The real character of our government seems to be entirely misunderstood by foreigners, and not fully appreciated by some of our own citizens. It has all the strength of execution, with the most despotic governments upon earth. It is aided, too, by the knowledge of every citizen; that when its will is pronounced, it is the fair expression of the will of the majority. The checks of this government are exclusively upon its deliberations, not upon its powers of execution. So far from it, that the constitution has expressly provided, that the government should possess all means necessary and proper for executing its specified powers. There is no limitation whatever, upon the means for executing the general will, when fairly and deliberately pronounced. Nothing could be more absurd than to suppose, that when so many checks had been imposed upon deliberation in pronouncing the public will, after that will was thus pronounced, that any means, whatever, for its execution should be withheld.
Again, sir, the fundamental principle of our government is, that the majority shall govern. This principle is known and respected by every citizen, and by none more than the people of Massachusetts. They are taught to respect it from the cradle to manhood. First in their town meetings—then in their legislature—and, finally, in the general government. They know too well the fatal consequences of resisting it. I have per-
fect confidence, therefore, in the people of Massachusetts, and, if their electioneering leaders and partisans, should unfortunately stimulate some of them into insurrection, I have no doubt but that the militia of that state, when lawfully called on, will obey the call, and will do their duty. Such a movement would share the fate of all similar attempts which have preceded it; and its only consequences would be, that its authors, as they would be the first to merit the fate, so they would become the first victims of it. But, sir, I have but little apprehension from these threats of insurrection and rebellion, for other reasons.
The peculiar interests of the people of Massachusetts, forbid the attempt. A few leaders may, perhaps, postpone their interests to their love of power—But few, however, could enjoy the power under any new order of things, and the people at large would soon see that their interests were sacrificed to the indulgence of this inflated ambition of the few.
Let this subject, Mr. President, be a little further examined, in reference to the local interests of the eastern states, as members of this union. Potomac may be considered as the boundary line between the commercial and agricultural states.
When our first difficulties with the belligerents occurred, it respected merely a commercial right. What was the conduct of the merchants, and commercial states, upon the subject? You have heard, sir, their memorials read, calling upon the government, in a voice too loud to be suppressed, to protect them in their commercial rights; the call was obeyed. As I think this part of the subject ought to be well understood, I beg the indulgence of the Senate to read their own proceedings thereupon.
"The Senate resumed the consideration of the report of the committee made on the 5th inst. on that part of the message of the President of the U. S. which relates to the violation of neutral rights and the impressment of American seamen.
On motion, to commit the second resolution, reported—it passed in the negative.
On motion, to strike out the following words in the second resolution, reported: "Demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; and upon the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations, and to"—
It was determined in the negative, Yeas 13, Nays 16.
The Yeas and Nays having been required by one-fifth of the Senators present, those who voted in the affirmative, are,
Messrs. Adair, Baldwin, Bradley, Gail-lard, Howland, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Plumer, Smith, of Vermont, Sumner, Turner, Worthington.
Those who voted in the negative, are, Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Bayard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Kitchell, Mitchell, Pickering, Smith of Md. Smith of N. York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Ten. Thurston, Tracy, White, Wright.
And several amendments to the said second resolution having been adopted:
On motion, to agree thereto as amended, it was determined in the affirmative, Yeas 23, Nays 7.
The Yeas and Nays having been required by one-fifth of the Senators present, those who voted in the affirmative, are,
Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Gail-lard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchell, Logan, Maclay, Mitchell, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Md. Smith of N. York, Smith of Ohio, Smith of Ten. Tracy, Turner, White, Worthington, Wright.
Those who voted in the negative, are, Messrs. Adair, Bradley, Plumer, Smith of Ver. Stone, Sumner, Thurston.
So it was Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to demand the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; and the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations: & to enter into such arrangements with the British government, on this and all other differences subsisting between the two nations, (and particularly respecting the impressment of American seamen,) as may be consistent with the honor & interests of the U. S. and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their citizens by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they are entitled."
At this time the question involved only a commercial right. What was the conduct of the merchants then? They came forward and pledged their lives and fortunes to support the government in any measures for its protection. The question is now changed. To the original question, is added a question of national sovereignty and independence. What is now the conduct of these same merchants? They tell you, sir, to tread back your steps, give up the contest, and disgrace your country. These merchants too, threaten you with insurrection and rebellion unless you yield implicit obedience to their mandates.
Again, sir, I have little apprehension from these threats, for the fol-
lowing reasons:—First, more of the individuals engaged in these movements, I am told are pensioners of property and families. Therefore, now, in the enjoyment of every political and domestic blessing; their infatuated passions to the contrary notwithstanding. I think persons of this description will pause, before they hazard all these blessings; and a moment's impartial reflection will be sufficient to check their career. In the next place, there are many local advantages accruing to the people of the eastern states from the operations of the general government. They consist principally of the following, although there are others.
1. The protection afforded to their carrying trade, by discriminating duties, both on tonnage and merchandise. 2. Protection and facility afforded to the coasting trade. 3. Protection to their fisheries by duties on foreign fish. 4. Affording a good market for their surplus manufactures and other articles. 5. Payment of the public debt at par, which was bought up at very low rates. 6. As a result from all these advantages, the protection of their population on the seaboard, by lessening the inducements to emigration.
Permit me, sir, to remind the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) that these advantages are not to be trifled with.
But, sir, I have heard it intimated that these advantages could be compensated by a connection with G. Britain. Indulge me, sir, with an examination of this idea. A connection between New England and Old England, could only be for the benefit of the latter. They are essentially rivals in every occupation. First, in navigation—second in exports. The exports of New England are principally fish and beef. It would be a great object with Old England, utterly to destroy the New-England fish market; and the Irish beet would come into an advantageous competition with the export of that article.
These are permanent points of competition, unalterably fixed in the nature of things; they cannot be altered, nor destroyed by any sudden ebullition of passions; nor by any connection resulting therefrom.
Again, sir, what would be the effect of such a connexion upon the rest of the U. S. In that case, the discriminating duties now in favor of the New England states would be turned against them, and would probably be given to the middle states, and thus New England would be effectually excluded from carrying the bulky and heavy productions of the southern states. Discrimination might even be made in favor of British ships. It is a matter of no consequence to the agriculturalist, whether his produce is carried to market in a New England or Old England ship. The only interest he has in the transaction is the price of his produce; and that could always be driven to its highest point by the competition of British tonnage and British capital alone, without taking into the estimate the tonnage and capital of the middle states. The people of the southern states are perfectly sensible of the local advantages their eastern brethren enjoy from the operation of the general government. But they envy them not—they rejoice in their prosperity; and the southern people are pleased with the recollection that they contribute to this prosperity; they find in return their compensation in the general safety and protection: I do not mean safety and protection against any internal movements; upon that point I would agree with our eastern brethren upon a reciprocal absolution from all obligation; I mean safety and protection against foreign aggression. Under this plain and obvious view of this part of the subject, Mr. President, I should be disposed to think that our eastern brethren would be the last to desire to absolve themselves from the sacred obligations of the constitution.
In the southern states we feel no resentments nor jealousies against our eastern friends. There are no inducements with us to foster and encourage such unpleasant and mischievous feelings. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) has ventured to interpose an opinion between G. Britain and France, respecting the character of the quarrel between them. He has ventured to say, sir, that France is fighting for lawless domination; whilst G. Britain is fighting for her natale solum , for her national existence. Sir, in my opinion, it must be inauspicious to the interests of the people of the U. S. if
(Continued on last page)

First resolution under consideration.
MR. MASTERS said he lamented the present situation of affairs, which he feared would terminate in our disgrace; he wished that one sober view should be taken of this great question, before they blindly rushed deeper into a scene of confusion and distress.
In the precarious situation in which this country stands (said he) it is the duty of every man to avow his principles and sentiments, with firmness and integrity. It is public delusion to bow to the chimeraical projects and phantoms of any man; No man can be deemed independent, unless he is guided by the reason and expedience of things, abstracted from all party and personal prejudices. I trust these resolutions will be determined by their merits, and not by Executive or party influence.
Great pains have been taken both in conversation and in print, to work upon the feelings of the people to persuade them, it must be embargo or war; at the same time you intend non-intercourse and then war.
This report is calculated to manage, cultivate and set in action, the warmth of public imagination; in order that a non-intercourse and the embargo may be well received.
The report states, at the time the embargo was laid, the British orders in council were known and understood in this country, though not officially communicated. The fact is the British orders in council were not even mentioned in the debate on that question; and the embargo was laid as a coercive measure, without any reference to those orders; and when the administration found they had mistaken its operation, they went to the British government supplicating and begging, that those orders might be rescinded. Sir, this nation feels humbled with the unhappy issue of their measures; and by deviating from an energetic and practical course, are whirled about, the sport of every gust, and easily driven into any port.
Mr. Masters said, it had been in the power of this nation, more than once to have adjusted their differences with Great Britain. When Mr. Fox came into the British administration, he offered our minister to renew the expired treaty; and at the same time remarked it should not prevent him from proceeding in the negotiation, and endeavoring to make such a treaty as would be most satisfactory to both countries. In the mean time the renewal of the old treaty would prevent all collision between the two nations. Mr. Monroe's instructions would not admit of it.
Although Jay's treaty was exceptionable in many points, and not popular in this country, yet this nation prospered under that treaty, more than they have since without it.
Mr. M. said, the late treaty concluded with the British government, by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, was, in his opinion, more advantageous than the former. This last treaty was rejected principally on account of the protestation signed by the British commissioners. It was worthy of consideration that the protestation was no part of the treaty, and our government had since offered to continue the embargo as to France, provided the British government would rescind their orders, which was substantially complying with the protestation, yet this treaty is rejected. It never has been in our power (said he) to adjust the existing differences with France, whose Emperor has always showed the greatest contempt for the neutrality of every nation, and whose determination is, to compel us to take part in the war, either as friends or allies. If the nation does not know this, I know it, and you know it Mr. Chairman. The demands are positive, and because we have not promptly obeyed, France has swept by sequestration and confiscation all the American property, from Italy to Antwerp, amounting to more than one hundred millions of livres; she has burnt and sunk many of your vessels without even the form of a trial.
Why do you continue the embargo, and add to it a non-intercourse? Are you waiting for an answer from Bonaparte, that he has taken off his decrees, that you may go to war according to his demand? or do you wish to continue this pressure, in order to give time to offer to the great Emperor, in more explicit terms, that you will take sides with him? your measures are leading to that point, and it will be the result.
Russia, Prussia, Holland, Spain, Portugal, Naples, in short all the subjugated world, passed embargo laws under the influence of France, under the same pretence, and worded nearly in the same manner as our's—therefore your embargo laws had a tendency to prevent the British government from rescinding their orders in council, and were more injurious than beneficial.
Great Britain has given you her answer. Sir, our affairs have proceeded daily from bad to worse, until we have been brought step by step, to this
mildest precaution when they exercised state of things. By not resisting the first belligerent decree, we have invited retaliation and courted calamity. You ought to desist from a course of measures, which will in my opinion, bring the people of this nation into want and misery. This is a question which will decide the fate of this country. Sir, before you pass a non-intercourse, I beg the House sincerely and gravely, to consider the calamities which will follow; inconveniences, mischief and distress, are great and certain. The belligerent powers have trampled upon the law of nations, and we have trampled on and disgraced ourselves. If these measures were intended to coerce them, they would prove visionary and philosophical, and not founded on experience. Your extreme and theoretical measures may be brought forward, ad infinitum , in order to extinguish all principles of action, which arise from experience and probability.
Mr. M. said, the embargo originated from no plan of sound policy whatsoever, and was in contradiction to all the principles of commerce. Your finances (said he) must lean upon commerce, or your whole system will tumble upon your head. You are throwing open the doors to smuggling. Whenever the laws of trade press hard upon the people, your shores and frontiers are full of contraband. When he cast his eye back on our once flourishing commerce and agriculture, grown to perfection thro' a series of fortunate events, and train of successful industry and interprize, unparalled in the annals of the world, and contrasted them with your non-intercourse and embargo, it gave him melancholy reflections . He could not embrace a system which tended to destroy this country.
In looking round (said he) you will discover symptoms of radical decay, and proof of consuming strength. Never did a people suffer so much from fallacious measures and empty words. This non-intercourse and embargo, must be given up. They stand on no solid principle; it is a reflection on your wisdom to persist in them; you cannot shew either of them to be the means of obtaining some useful end, there can be no dignity in persevering on your ill chosen ground; you are not punishing the belligerents; the operation against them is childish and fruitless; you are punishing ourselves. The project of abstinence and starving men into a sense of duty might apply to a Convent or Monastery, but the operation as against the belligerents, is extremely absurd and ridiculous.
We have got into this difficulty; the great question is, how are we to get out. we to get out. One obstacle in the way, is, that you proudly boasted when you laid the embargo, and you now scorn meanly to sneak out of difficulties, and are pressing the nation into non-intercourse and war. I think it best to have the generous courage, when you find and feel an error, honorably and fairly to renounce it.
If your non-intercourse and embargo are intended to habituate the citizens to the manufacturing and wearing of homespun; that is also visionary. Instead of homespun, the genius of the people is commerce, commerce, money, money ; and we ought to spurn from us the hand of unconstitutional power, that would wrest from us those privileges. Let the House be cautious to guard against the progress of subtle encroachments on commerce, and consider that it may be undermined, as well as openly attacked. If you attempt to destroy or depress commerce, you excite a jealousy between the states; which, however, much to be lamented, will end in a separation. Among the united interests of the commercial and agricultural parts of the Union, nothing can be more detrimental than their jealousies of each other, and nothing can be so advantageous to this country, as their united efforts for their mutual benefit. You have already excited jealousies, and shaken the confidence of the people; mutual affection and confidence between the several states is the glory and safety of all. You have turned the course of trade into other channels, which cannot be recovered back for years to come, and posterity will curse the non-intercourse if it is adopted, and posterity will curse the embargo, which will be remembered as great instances to instruct the world, to avoid unpardonable error. Sir, you know they cannot be carried into effect without a large military force, subject to military tribunals. I have always understood, that military force was not to be applied to enforce obedience to a law, but when called for by a civil magistrate; and if they are not under the civil authority, it is not government, it is war, civil war , and we have no protection against tyranny. While we follow the sound of liberty, let us take care we do not lose the substance.
Mr. M. said, he had taken great pains, and paid attention with deliberation to the highly interesting and important situation of the country, and did believe it indispensably necessary to negative the resolution for a non-intercourse, and raise the embargo.
go. If you do not (said he) it is but the beginning of distress, and I never knew any thing which gave me more heartfelt regret than these measures. This nation has experienced great advantages resulting from the different branches of trade; and the sources of public wealth and individual happiness are encresing and extending.—Reject this resolution of non-intercourse; raise the embargo, in whole or in part; you will then invigorate her exertions, and reanimate her hopes. If you do not, you will sink down the nation into despair, and an absence of hope for constitutional relief, and their reservation may get the ascendancy of their moderation, and your laws will be evaded by force.—Sir, a want of remedy, is in effect the same thing as a want of right.
I will not say where it will end; I will be silent on that head, and go no further; but look to the consequences. No rational man will deny, that this state of things, cannot be attended with either duration or stability.
DECEMBER 1.
MR. BURWELL. I feel bound by the course the debate has taken to express my sentiments upon the resolutions, and place in a proper point of view my conduct and opinions. The view taken of the subject by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) is, to be sure, an extraordinary one; he seems to have considered it a question whether we shall have a free trade or not. Can he seriously believe that to be the true question before the House? Can he hope to impose that belief upon us? In the course of my remarks I will endeavor to shew that the question stands upon very different grounds, and that heretofore we have had but a choice of evils, and have but the same hereafter. He has presented us a high wrought picture of the distress and sufferings of the New England states generally. Is this intended to operate upon us in favor of free trade? or does the gentleman expect by unfolding to Europe these dreadful calamities, to awaken the tenderness of Mr. Canning, and dispose him by withdrawing the orders of council, to facilitate the removal of the embargo as a measure of inconvenient restriction to the American people? Will this language have a more beneficial effect upon France? No, sir, it requires a firm and decisive tone, manly fortitude to command respect from those governments. But the gentleman, like an indiscreet officer, in a state of siege, while endeavoring to form an honorable capitulation tells his adversary he can hold out no longer, his provisions are exhausted, his men disheartened, and his works of defence tottering. Others have taken a retrospective view of this subject, and say that the government might have avoided the present difficulties, if a different course had been adopted. I could have wished that all which is past should be forgotten, and that we should now take the course best adapted to secure the honor and independence of our country; but as this government depends upon the will of the people, and derives its strength from their approbation, it is necessary they should know the truth of things urged on this part of the subject. The gentleman from N. York (Mr. Masters) told us yesterday all our difficulties might have been averted by the ratification of the rejected treaty of Monroe and Pinkney; without deciding the merits of that treaty, at the same time yielding every tribute of respect to the talents of the negotiators, I altogether deny the assertion—I beg leave to recal to the attention of gentlemen a single fact. By a reference to the note of Mr. Canning of 23d of September last, you will find the orders of January, 1807 and November, 11th, rest upon the same ground, and are defended upon the same principle, the "unquestionable right of his majesty to reton upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice." You well know that of January was issued in seven days after the signature of the treaty, and before its reception in the United States; and supposing therefore the treaty had been ratified, it proves that the same measures would have followed; that part of the argument is completely done away by a reference to that note. With respect to the conduct of our government in relation to G. Britain, the proclamation interdicting your ports and harbors to British ships of war, and the non-importation act deserve some consideration, particularly the proclamation. It has been stated that all our difficulties have been protracted upon a point of etiquette. The proclamation was not a departure from our neutrality with G. Britain & France, because it inflicted a penalty for the violation of a general statute, passed in 1804, without reference to a particular nation, and applicable equally to any power that should offend against it. If the ships of France had committed similar outrages, they would, I am confident, have received the same treatment. Do you doubt the violation of the law? Look at the conduct of the squadron. It cannot be reconciled with the independence of the U. S. and the proclamation was the
ed the hostile rights of sovereignty in this country. They stopped our vessels, impressed our seamen, attacked our frigate, threatened the destruction of Norfolk, and arrayed themselves in complete hostility against us in our own waters. I do not mention these circumstances to excite strong feelings against the nation; I would ask if the U. S. could suffer the officers of a foreign government to exercise this power within our territory, and whether, if the French had done the same acts, it would not have been considered blameable to permit them to remain there?
If the British navy had conducted themselves right, they would have been entitled to and received the customary hospitality. Is it too much for the U. S. to ask as a condition for revoking the proclamation, and inconsistent with the dignity of the British government to give an assurance that their hospitality shall not be again repaid by the violation of their peace? As to the non-importation act, I would ask, can gentlemen believe if it had not passed, the system pursued by G. Britain would have been different? Had not the policy which terminated in the orders of council commenced previous to the passage of your law? Mr. B. contended that the measures adopted by that government grew out of the state of things in Europe, and the peculiar character of the present war. The non-importation act could not have given offence to the English cabinet, because it was a commercial regulation justified by previous injuries, and the discrimination made in England of four per cent. more on goods exported to the U. S. than the continent of Europe; and this country had an undoubted right to countervail it in any way they pleased. England had the less right to complain, as she was in the habit of excluding from her ports, such articles as were objectionable, and in her colonies had placed the exports of the U. S. upon terms by no means reciprocal.
Admit for argument sake, that the act was improper, its policy equivocal, it was not enforced; and therefore the English never experienced any injury from that act. It does not constitute an apology for them. Why ascribe the conduct of England to these causes, when your ministers, Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, have declared to you, there were strong and powerful interests in that country, anxious for a war with you; they have told you these interests combine power and wealth sufficient to control the government; and you have been cautioned by Mr. Monroe, in the most propitious moments of his negotiations, against this spirit; that the liberal views of the minister must yield to the clamor of the West India planters, the jealousies of the East India Company, and ship holders, and the impatient avarice of the navy. It is the ascendancy in the cabinet of these influences, thwarted by the war on the continent, which menaces your commerce with extermination, and your country with servitude. It kept pace precisely with the progress of these events.
The first cause of complaint you had was the obstructions to the exportation of foreign articles to the continent, the surplus of similar articles became multiplied in the hands of the British merchants, and the means of disposal gradually lessened, with the conquests of France, and her occupation of the continental sea ports; in order to counteract these effects, they tried to destroy our trade, by declaring the continuity of the voyage between the colonies and mother country illegal; your vessels were then required to stop in the United States, change the cargo, and pay or secure the payment of the duties, before they could proceed to the continent. These regulations obviously tended to destroy the superior advantages of the commerce of the U. S. states, and when France had succeeded in cutting out the British entirely from the trade of the continent, a report of the West India committee declared, that unless all West India and colonial produce, was compelled to reach the continent through England, they could not cope with the American merchant; and the planters in the British colonies could not compete with their rivals without absolute loss. To secure the interest of her planters the American commerce must be depressed. It was the same object which revived the rule of 1756, and extended its application to us, upon principles totally new; and the orders of the 11th November, which followed the execution of the Berlin decree, were intended to give efficacy to this project. Upon this point the gentleman from Massachusetts is good authority; he admitted one of the objects was the annihilation of neutral commerce; he seems however to have forgotten that it was impossible for an American vessel to reach the continent; and argues as if your commerce was perfectly free, overlooking the actual situation of the United States. You are told by the gentleman from Massachusetts, you have effectually yielded to the operation of the French and British edicts, by withdrawing from the ocean, in conformity
to them. I would ask him if we had armed against both powers, in addition to the embargo, whether that would be submission? Yet according to the gentleman's logic, submission consists in refusing to trade with the belligerents. Let us take him upon another ground; he says take off the embargo, and let your vessels go to sea.—Well, suppose that to be done; your vessels go to sea, and trade exclusively to Great Britain; for she says you shall go no where else; would that be submission or resistance? Unquestionably submission. But, sir, grant your present system to be submission, is it of that abject kind recommended by the gentleman, which renounces the character of your flag, abandons your property and citizens to the mercy of every picaroon and plunderer on the high seas? Upon the subject of tribute, you are told by him, it will not be paid, if you first go to England—because your merchant will not afterwards go to the continent, as he knows France will confiscate his property. Is it come to this, and are we to be indebted to France, our bitter enemy, for protection? Is the national honor to be deposited in such hands? It is asked, could we not trade to Russia, Denmark and Sweden? Yes, you could go direct, but for the orders of council, which compel you to touch first at a British port, and pay the duty which she requires for permission to carry on that commerce, to which you have an undoubted right, without imposition or obstruction from that government. In this case who will save your honor , and your people from paying tribute? The gentleman from Massachusetts admits the trade of the United States must stop in England; it was upon that ground he endeavored to prove we need not pay tribute—what will be the consequence to the United States and the New England people themselves?—Why, as England does not employ or consume more than one-third or one-fourth of all your exports, of course you will lose the employment of your shipping in that proportion; what will become of the vessels usually employed in the export trade, in exporting the remaining produce to the continent, when they are absolutely prohibited from approaching it. They will be useless; and it is absurd, in the present state of things, to imagine they would be relieved by taking off the embargo. He tells us, in speaking of the relative importance of the commerce of Massachusetts and Virginia, that the state of Massachusetts exported to the amount of twenty millions of dollars, 13 in foreign and 7 in domestic produce. Great part of the latter is actually the product of Virginia, whose resources he has endeavored to underrate.
In the report of the Secretary of the Treasury you will find the whole U. S. exported a little more than one million & a half of foreign produce to England; this is all she wants—whilst Massachusetts alone exports thirteen millions ; several other states export as much foreign produce. Can it be necessary to say what will be the consequence of carrying all these goods to G. Britain? Instead of enhancing the value to the proprietor the loss and depreciation in the price are inevitable. You must pay an export duty of 17 per ct. ad valorem, the consumption in that country being prohibited; and according to the gentleman's account the trade closes there. But admit it may be sent abroad, that it escapes the fangs of French privateers and unprincipled confiscation in French ports—in that case you cannot in addition to the expense of a circuitous voyage, pay 17 per cent. and come into competition with British merchants trading in similar products favored with the consumption of the home market, and aided by the drawback in foreign markets. Sir, you would lose upon the property at least as much as you do here, where by the progress of internal consumption it is gradually going off at its full value. When the gentleman talks about a disposition to sacrifice commerce, a disposition which never did or can exist, what would he say if instead of the British repealing our drawbacks we were to do it? The drawback given by the U. S. to the eastern merchant upon exportation to foster navigation, the British government has undertaken to repeal, and that which we give as a stimulus to enterprise, they extort a tax upon it. You will find the drawback has been made the standard for the duties imposed by England on foreign exports.
I would again demand, what would these gentlemen say if we should repeal the drawback? They would say you paralyse our commerce, suspend the employment of our capital, and sacrifice us to our rivals. Yet when the very thing is done by a foreign government having no jurisdiction over us, they see nothing hostile to commerce, not a murmur is heard; but they tell you, let the merchants trade, they will not pay tribute, France will prevent that—they are determined upon free trade in spite of drawbacks, circuitous voyages, exposure to captures, new duties and total exclusion from a mar-

ket. "Every thing," says the gentleman from Massachusetts, "stops in England." How does this affect the remaining branch of your navigation? Such is the amount of the discriminating duty in favor of British vessels and against American, by giving them the preference in the transportation of some of your own produce you save the whole freight without including other charges incident to the voyage. Can your ship come into competition when it is the interest of the shipper of every article to give your adversary fifty per cent. more than you can carry it for? This fact is demonstrable with the certainty of Arithmetical calculation, and it gentlemen will take the trouble to calculate the discriminating duty upon cotton they will be satisfied. It is proper to observe a discriminating duty is not a recent thing, the duty is relatively now what it was before; but as the gross amount of duty imposed on American produce by the act of Parliament carrying the orders of council into effect, has increased, this effect has resulted. Let us examine how the fisheries will be affected, which to some gentlemen are a source of tremendous uneasiness. For these fishermen I sympathise with all my soul, because they are precisely in my own situation. They impose on stock fish 2s. 6d. sterling per cwt. and on every other species 4s. sterling per cwt. Now gentlemen have always told you the fisheries cannot subsist without some special bounty from government. Will they now contend that that branch of industry can maintain itself against a duty the fourth part of the value of the fish? Cut off too from its natural market, and forced into one in which there is no demand? The merchant who has patronised the fisheries, and vested his capital in the transportation, will no longer find it his interest to pursue his accustomed traffic in this article to Europe. On the subject of the fisheries I remember a remark of Alexander Baring, who is considered one of the most intelligent merchants in England, that the cutting off our trade with the continent would effectually destroy their own fisheries, because he said they used to sell their fish to the American merchants who sent them to Spain, Portugal, &c. under the neutral flag. How much greater must be the injury when to the loss of the market must be added the expense of double freight and insurance, and a prohibition instead of a protecting duty? Gentlemen will hardly call this a matter of bounty from his royal majesty. What will be the effect on the planter? I believe I have shown the interests of the eastern merchants and fishermen are completely destroyed. It will be found that similar duties are laid on lumber and other important articles, operating in the same way as on the fisheries. With respect to the productions of the southern country, let us take tobacco, an article in which I am personally interested. We export annually about 85,000 hds. from the U. S. of which it is stated by Mr. Baring the consumption in England is about 12,000 hds. annually. What will become of the surplus? If lodged in England it will not sell, because the quantity exceeds the demand in England, while the risk of capture, and the duties on exportation must confine it to that country and destroy competition among the purchasers. On this subject I beg leave to read a calculation of the tribute to which that article is liable.  "A cargo of Tobacco may be said to consist of 400 hds. For the sake of round numbers we will suppose each hd. weighs only 1000 pounds and the account stands thus—    400,000 lbs. tobacco at 1 1/2 sterling per lb. is 2,500 sterling, or  $11,100 00    Tonnage at 12s. per ton on 400 tons is 240 sterling, or  1,055 00    Light money, and about fifty other charges will amount to  800 00    Amount of tribute on each cargo  12,955 00    Deducting the quantity of tobacco consumed in England, the residue destined for the continent, and which would go direct but for the orders in council, is compelled to touch in England and pay besides double freight, duties, which calculated as above, stands thus—say 63,000, though the real quantity is 74,000 hds. weighing 1000 lbs. or 1 1/2 sterling per pound, is 425,000, or dollars 1,983,000 00  170 ships tonnage at $2000 each 340,000 00  Amount of tribute on Tob. $2,338,000 00  The amount of tribute then on 74,000 hds. the quantity consumed on the continent, is 2,338,000 dollars, nearly one half the value of the whole article when shipped from the U. S. estimated on the custom-house books at 6,000,000. After having destroyed its value, by depriving it of a market, and hindering its consumption, I venture to pronounce that if the embargo was removed it would not pay the risk and freight, much less the duty. The planter would receive no reward for his labor, and the merchant under-king the shipment would be ruined. But the gentleman from Massachusetts talks about navigating the ocean as a matter of perfect safety. What are the facts so far as they have transpired? Mr. Gray, (of Salem) a man whose patriotism has honorably triumphed over the prejudices of party, and whose commercial accuracy will not be questioned, has stated, that out of seven vessels which sailed from that port in the month of December, only one reached the continent, and she had to pay heavy charges to escape capture; and was, to use a vulgar saying, whipped and cleaned. I have seen a list from a single insurance office in Baltimore, of vessels cleared out from the 1st of September to the 29th December, and out of fifteen which
sailed for the continent, in that time only two escaped—two were condemned, two acquitted, and nine remain in jeopardy. Why then will gentlemen tell us we can carry on commerce, when such vessels as have sailed have been devoted to certain capture? In the case of the Insurance Company to which I have alluded, the loss of property was calculated at a ratio of 80 percent. on its whole value, and in the case of the port of Salem, at a ratio at least as great. With respect to the trade with the French and Spanish colonies, which was open when the embargo was laid, every body knows we had enough of some of their articles to serve this country for five years to come—we were overstocked—they would be of no value in the U. S. and why then bring them here? For I have before shown if they had been brought they could not have been re-exported with safety or profit.  This then being the state of affairs at the time the embargo was laid, it becomes proper to speak of the policy which governed my vote. It has been claimed, from every part of the House, that the embargo has failed in its purpose; that it has not served and brought England and France to our feet; I had no such expectation. As far as I recollect, what I thought or said at the time of its passage, no such consequence as stopping the belligerents was anticipated—I advocated it as a precautionary measure; in that point of view it has not disappointed my expectations. It has answered then fully, because it has saved the property which was in port, and got in that which was out; a sum equal to 100,000,000 of dollars.  It has yet saved us from war, and what is equally important, it has saved us from tribute. That another object, to give an opportunity to appeal to their interests, and ascertain whether the belligerents would respect our rights or not. As far as Mr. Canning insinuates, that we looked for the downfall of the British nation from our measures, I did not anticipate such an effect, neither did I with that view support the present system. I contend for nothing but free trade, and ask nothing more of them, nor will I ever be content with less. I am one of those who have always considered the British nation safer than it has been within an hundred years; her relative situation is incontestibly more firm than it was at the commencement of the French revolution. Is there a navy on the ocean to oppose her? No. She has swept from that element every thing under the name of a ship of war; a danger of internal commotion which threatened her at the commencement of the present war, no longer exists from the example of the French revolution; no man can suppose that the example of France could now invite emulation; it has ceased to be contagious; the systems resemble too much; all honest men loathe and detest with abhorrence, the habitual violation of national rights, whatever may be her internal regulations. In estimating the policy of the embargo when laid, and the effects it would have produced, we should bear in mind the situation of Europe, that was peculiarly favorable for an appeal to the commercial interests of G. Britain. Mr. C. himself admits it was a state in which such an attempt was most likely to succeed; at that time she was excluded from the continent of Europe, and the want of the commerce of the U. S. would have been sensibly felt by her. If the coercive effects of the embargo have been partially defeated by the change which has since occurred in Spain, no one can consider it as an error in our calculations at the time, because it could not be foreseen.  There is a remark made by Mr. Canning, connected with this subject, which deserves a reply. He says the embargo by an unfortunate concurrence of circumstances did come in aid of the "blockade of the continent." The minister would find a very natural solution for this mystery, if he would only recollect the "unfortunate concurrence" in point of time of the extension of the French decree and his orders against neutral commerce. But, sir, the embargo was materially unlike the blockade of the continent, inasmuch as British goods were not excluded from your ports, and consequently "did not come in aid of it." I again disclaim all identity in the cause or concurrence in the views of the French emperor. My ground was exclusively American; I asked no surrender of British rights. How far the effects of this measure have been defeated by events in this country, appears very obvious to my mind. How does it happen that Mr. Pinkney, as late as July, had every reason to believe the British government would accede to a proposition which has been since rejected? How does it happen that their tone has been so suddenly changed? This alteration could not have been caused by the events in Spain, because they were known previous to that time, and the change was too abrupt to have an entire connection with the state of things in Spain & Portugal. Sanguine calculations were entertained that the U. S. would be dismembered, and your government destroyed. This was the common prophecy of newspapers and pamphlets—The author of "Hints to both Parties," no less a man than Mr. Marriot, a ministerial member of Parliament, sagely remarks that the chief of your government must follow the fate of Paul , when Russia and G. Britain were at war; that he is mistaken (as my colleague, Mr. Randolph, declared) we all know; but the effects were the same as if the calculation had been correct, because the ministry had acted upon it as if it were a fact. But this writer is certainly mistaken in assimilating this government to that of Russia. Though it would be as easy to take off an individual in this country—it will be found infinitely more difficult to effect a revolution in its policy. The destruction of one man would not change the temper of the people, or alter the policy of the national councils. While I regret the effects produced in Europe by the intemperance of our own people, and the shameful misrepresentations of the papers and foreign emissaries, I am far from questioning the right of the people in every section of the country to speak what language, and to give what intelligence they please to foreign powers. It is one of the evils arising from our political institutions, but which is counterbalanced by the good effects which the liberty of the press produces. It is however lamentable that the essential interests of the country have been sacrificed by regarding a settlement of our differences.
There is one fact which proves that the calculation of the British government on our division has been decisive in her councils. I mean the proclamation inviting the violation of our embargo laws—affording protection to those who resist the authority of the law. Is this the conduct to be pursued towards us by a nation professing friendship? Is it the conduct of one civilized country to another? It is not, and can only proceed from the delusion produced by the reports of individuals who have been scattered throughout this country to engender mischief. Mr. Canning speaks this language, as if his hopes of rebellion were consummated. He evidently considers us torn to pieces, incapable of resistance, and obliged to fall a victim to their policy. But I trust there is a redeeming spirit which will avenge the wrongs of this injured nation. There has been another effect produced by the embargo, notwithstanding the shameful evasion of the law. The price paid in the West India islands for your products, some of which are essential to existence, & all necessary to comfort; this price has been extravagantly high, and must have been injurious to the planters, who, while they found the means of vending their produce limited, were compelled to pay for articles of foreign growth high prices, and exchange their own below the usual price, which even at its common standard afforded no profit. In Great Britain herself, as was expected, the gradual advance on the price of all the raw materials for her manufactures has not only embarrassed their operations, but thrown thousands out of employment, the effect has kept pace with the exhaustion of the stock on hand when the embargo was laid.  The plan proposed by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Munford) for permitting a trade with Spain and Portugal, would be far from affording adequate relief to the great and important interests concerned. Your exports to Spain and Portugal do not exceed four million of dollars in dollars and sixteen in foreign produce. Supposing this commerce free, which would be the effect of prosecuting it? Do you think in the present state of things you can come into competition with the Spanish, Portuguese, and British vessels? I apprehend not—for it will unquestionably be the policy of the new government to favor their own navigation, and that of the British nation, with whom they are in alliance, in preference to another. And let me tell you, by this moment, their markets have been glutted with foreign produce, by the English, who are convenient, and have themselves a superabundance. But have you any assurance the present state of things will continue? Suppose your vessels were to clear out for ports of Spain and Portugal; is there any certainty you would not find them occupied by French troops? And in that case an unprincipled confiscation of all your property must be the immediate consequence. Besides, how do you know these countries are not within the scope of the orders of council. All you know upon this subject, is a conversation said to have passed between some merchants and Mr. Canning. He tells you, to be sure, it is not impossible some relaxation of the orders not calculated to impair their rigor, but to accommodate them to neutrals, may take place. You understand pretty well from experience, what these favorable modifications mean—I shall presently have occasion to speak of them. You rely then upon a conversation in which a British minister has undertaken to do—What? to regulate the trade between this country and an independent nation—(for it must be considered independent until subdued). He tells you, that you may carry direct your own, and the produce of the Spanish and Portuguese colonies, and bring back the produce of those countries in return. This boon, seized upon here with avidity, is stamped upon an assumption of authority, subversive of your national independence. If it rests with them to regulate your commerce at their pleasure, what pledge have you when it conflicts with their interests, they will not curtail it? How are you to satisfy the scrupulous consciences of the admiralty courts—that sugar you carry was raised in Cuba, and not in Martinique or Guadalupe? And if you succeed in this, a thousand pretexts will be found by the learned crafts of Doctor's Commons, to rob you of your property. When talk of the security of our trade, I talk of a non-entity. It is regulated by the single dash of a pen, and that not of your own government, but of a foreign power.  (Speech to be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16.  We announce with regret the death of James Sullivan , late governor of the state of Massachusetts.  The reader is desired to correct a typographical error in the last number. In an editorial article, under the Washington head, read eventual , instead of eventful .  VOTES FOR PRESIDENT.      Republican. J. MADISON.  Federal. C. G. PINCKNEY.      Massachusetts   19    New Jersey,  8  0    Pennsylvania,  20  0    Delaware,   3    Maryland,  9  2    Virginia,  24  0    N. Carolina,  11  3     FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.      Republican. G. CLINTON.  Federal. R. KING.      Massachusetts   19    New Jersey,  8  0    Pennsylvania,  20  0    Delaware,   3    Maryland,  9  2    Virginia,  24  0    N. Carolina,  11  3     In New-York, for President, Mr. Madison 13, Mr. Clinton 6; for Vice-President, Mr. Clinton 13, Mr. Madison 3; Mr. Monroe 3.  The Senate, after adopting several amendments to the bill, making further provision for enforcing the Embargo, ordered it to a third reading.  Nothing else of consequence has been done in the Senate for the two last days.  HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, DEC. 14. OHIO ROAD.  A message, received from the President of the U. S. yesterday, inclosed documents respecting the great Cumberland road, was read, and with the documents accompanying it, referred to a select committee.  REVENUE BONDS. A bill from the Senate supplemental to "An act for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds and for other purposes," was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.  FOREIGN AFFAIRS. The second resolution reported by the committee on our foreign relations, (relative to non-intercourse) being under consideration—  Mr. Milner opposed it in a speech of about an hour; and Mr. Risk supported it in a speech of an hour and a half.  The House adjourned at 3 o'clock without taking a question.  THURSDAY, DEC. 15. ON MOTION OF MR. THOMAS, Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory.  FOREIGN RELATIONS. The second resolution reported by the committee on our foreign relations still under consideration—  Mr. Upham spoke against it for about three quarters of an hour.  Mr. Livermore followed on the same side in a speech of about an hour.  Mr. Boyd spoke in support of it for about twenty minutes.  Mr. Taylor followed on the same side in a speech of about an hour.  Mr. Cook spoke a few minutes in explanation of his former remarks.  A motion was made to adjourn and negatived, 54 to 43.  Mr. Paken said that he wished to deliver his sentiments on this important subject, and did not wish to commence at this late hour; and renewed the motion to adjourn—Carried 57 to 51.  The following notice is from the London Times. Of the article, to which it refers, we have as yet only received the commencement.  "We this day enter on the publication of a state document, of as much interest and importance as any which has been offered to the public within our recollection. It is a circumstantial narrative, supported by official documents, of the artifice, hypocrisy, treachery, and tyranny, by which Bonaparte drew the virtuous and unfortunate king Ferdinand from Madrid to Bayonne, compelled him to descend from the throne of Spain, and renounce his right to it. The facts and proofs are furnished by M. Cevallos, who filled this important office of Minister for foreign affairs, under the late and present king of Spain, accompanied the latter to Bayonne, and who, notwithstanding the noble stand he made there in support of the indefeasible rights of his master, was continued by Joseph Bonaparte in the same appointment. With the subsequent conduct of this very able and honest statesman, the public are already acquainted. He went in the train of the usurper to Madrid, from whence he made his escape, to throw himself into the arms of his country, and give it the full benefit of his virtues and talents."
When we were first apprised that M. Cevallos had abandoned the traitorous service into which he was impressed, we were persuaded that the interval would not be long, until he laid before his country and Europe, the particulars of these extraordinary transactions. This he has done in one of the clearest, most luminous, as well as the most temperate expositions it has ever fallen to our lot to peruse.  We have received a series of London prints to the 22d of October. They add but little to our previous stock of news. They contain a minute detail of several trifling engagements anterior to the re-capture of Bilboa, by the French, all of which terminated favorably to the Spanish patriots; but they are too unimportant for republication. In addition to the following articles, we shall in our next give one from the Times on the reply of the President to the Boston petition, which will shew the complete identity of sentiment between the British partisans on each side of the water.  London, Oct. 14. Ministers have received and communicated to the merchants very important intelligence from Spain, which demonstrates the liberality, gratitude, and attachment of the Spanish governors towards this country. In the whole course of our relation with Spain, for a series of years, even when our connection with that country was most amicable, the importation of various articles from this country, particularly Manchester goods, hats, and Birmingham manufacture, was totally prohibited. But it appears that an order has been issued permitting the importation of all articles of British growth or manufacture, with exception, upon the payment of a small duty, namely, 15 per cent. ad valorem . The order which we have described, specifically referred only to the ships in the Port of Cadiz, but it is considered the certain forerunner of a general decree from the Supreme government.  October 19. —It will be seen from the following letter, dated from a town but a few leagues distant from Bilboa, that an immediate attack on the enemy was intended:  Extract of a letter, dated Castro Oct. 2. "The French entered Bilboa on the 27th ult. 46,000 Spaniards are nearly ready to attack them, and it will be impossible for them to remain there a week longer. It is expected an engagement will take place to-day or to-morrow. "Nearly the whole of the respectable merchants of Bilboa are here." The number of the Spanish troops intended to act against Bilboa, we should suppose to be greatly exaggerated, unless gen. Blake meant to proceed thither with his whole army. However, they would not fall much short of 15 or 20,000 men, after they had been joined by the 3d division, and the corps under command of gen. Riquelme.  London, October 19. Advices had reached Malta on the 6th ult. that the Austrian ports are shut against American vessels, and even against their own, if laden with colonial produce. In consequence of this information, six American ships, which had arrived full freighted at Malta, on their way to Trieste, were about to discharge their cargoes at the first of these ports.  Captain Atkins, who arrived at Salem yesterday se'night from Liverpool, had been at Belfast, in Ireland. He reports, that while he was at Belfast, an English vessel loaded with potatoes, and was about sailing for England, when the Irish populace collected, dismantled the vessel, and burnt her sails and rigging in the public square, declaring that no portion of the necessaries of life should go from that place to England, as they expected they had no more than enough for their own consumption.  Mercan. Adv.  Berlin, Sept. 20. —The reports circulated with so much confidence, that this city was to be entirely evacuated by the French on the 15th, are contradicted by the event; neither is it yet confirmed that the French are, by a new convention, to occupy Pilsen, Colberg, and Stettin, with a force of 2000 men, to guard the coast of the Baltic. The report that a considerable abatement was to be made from the amount of the contribution, is equally without confirmation.  FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter; his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Pineo Georges county, Dec. 16—tf  LEGIONARY COURT. A Legionary Court of Enquiry for the 1st Legion of the Militia of the district of Columbia, will be held this day, at eleven o'clock, A. M. at the house of William Rhodes in this city. Washington, Dec. 16—

(Concluded from first page.)
their rulers not only feel, but express sympathies in favor of one of the belligerent powers; and surely, sir, the gentleman must feel no small sympathy for one of the belligerents, if he believes the character of the quarrel to be such as he has described.
In my judgement, sir, the U. S. have nothing to do with the character of the quarrel of the belligerents; but I differ entirely with the gentleman on this point. I believe the character of the quarrel is precisely the same on both sides—they are both fighting for lawless domination—and I believe that G. Britain has full as much chance of conquering France, as France has of conquering G. Britain. The only difference between them consists in the difference in the objects of their lawless domination. France claims dominion on the land, G. Britain on the water; they are both equally hostile to us.
The difference to us consists only in the different degrees of force they can bring to bear upon us—in this respect G. Britain does us most injury. We are, thank God, remote from the influence of French power; but the power of G. Britain extends to our shores. France, when she can, seizes and burns our vessels—G. Britain having more power on the ocean, seizes and confiscates them. The only limit of their hostility is the limit of their power. Both are equally the objects of our just resistance and punishment if we possessed the power.
I rejoice that I have heard no apology for France on this floor, nor any where else. I feel, sir, a condescension in introducing, for the purpose of denying, the idle and ridiculous tale of French influence, which has so disrespectfully and disgracefully to our country, been circulated by newspapers. Sir, this idle and ridiculous tale of French influence, I have strong reasons to believe, was originally suggested by British influence. The tale was probably invented by the British cabinet about the same time of the invention of the tale respecting the secret article in the treaty of Tilsit, that the Danes had agreed to give up their fleet to the French emperor to facilitate his invasion of Great Britain. This tale lord Hutchinson has since pronounced, in the British Parliament, to be a falsehood. About the same period this same energetic British cabinet probably determined upon the destruction of American commerce, although the orders for that purpose were not actually issued for several months afterwards. Some tale was thought necessary for the justification of the act, and the suggestion of French influence operating upon our councils was probably the one suggested.
I have heard it said, and believe it to be true, that the governor of Nova Scotia made the suggestion, in a letter addressed to certain British partisans in Boston. It is hardly to be presumed, that he would have taken upon himself, the responsibility of such a suggestion without the authority of the cabinet. I am inclined to think that this fact could be proved in a court of justice. Perhaps there may be gentlemen here from Boston, who could give us more particular information upon this subject. I feel, sir, a condescension in touching upon this subject. I wish to see all extraneous influence utterly banished from the country, and the only operating influence—American influence.
I have now, sir, gone through this unpleasant, and, I fear, unprofitable discussion, respecting the character of measures heretofore adopted by the government; the only hope I have from it is, that it may put us into a better temper for deliberating on the measures now proper to be adopted. Let me then, Mr. President, call the attention of the Senate, to the actual situation of the United States at this time.
The U. S. are now left alone to protect neutral principles against the belligerent encroachments of a warring world. In all former wars, the belligerent encroachments have been proportioned to the influence of the powers at war, compared to the influence of those remaining at peace; but I believe history presents no example of the warring powers at any former time putting at defiance all neutral rights, all public law. It remained for the present times to witness this unexampled aggression; and it remained for the U. S. alone to bear the shock. This state of things imposes on them a great, a sacred obligation. The obligation of protecting neutral principles—principles which lessen the inducements to war, and mitigate its rigor—principles highly interesting to mankind; not only to the present, but to future generations, and in a peculiar manner, to the people of the U. S. This arises from their remote situation from the great contending nations of Europe. Hitherto, sir, the talents displayed in defining and the magnanimity in protecting these principles, have obtained for the U. S. the respect and sympathy of an astonished world—And shall we, sir,
at the moment of an extraordinary pressure, basely abandon them without striking a blow! Forbid it interest! Forbid it honor! Forbid it American gallantry! But, sir, some gentlemen seem not sufficiently impressed with the hostile character of the belligerent aggressions. With respect to those of France, there is but one opinion. They amount to hostility itself—But, sir, to my astonishment, the acts of G. Britain seem not to have made the same strong impression on the minds of some gentlemen. Let me then enquire, sir, into the real character of acts, which can by some gentlemen be palliated or excused! They are acts amounting to colonization and taxation. To the exercise of the national sovereignty of the U. S. G. Britain has even gone so far, as to exercise an act of sovereignty over the people of the U. S. which they would not entrust to Congress; but retained to themselves in their highest sovereign capacity.
The British orders of council, now sanctioned by an act of parliament, direct all vessels, laden with the produce of the U. S. destined to any of the ports of the enemies of G. Britain, to call at a British port, there to pay an enormous transit duty, and accept a license for the further prosecution of the voyage; and upon refusal, they are forced to do so by British armed ships. This is, literally and precisely the introduction of the old, and long established colonial principle of coercing all the commerce of the colony to the ports of the mother country, there to pay a transit duty for their protection by the mother country. In the colonial state, the mandate of the mother country was sufficient to effect this object—Now the same object is effected by an armed force. This is the only real difference in the two cases. But, sir, this is not all; G. Britain has attempted by an act of Parliament, to exercise an act of sovereignty over the U. S. solemnly given by the people to their Congress. Amongst the powers given to Congress, I find these words. "Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations," &c. Now, sir, permit me to read an extract from an act of Parliament, and see whether it does not only impose a tax upon American productions, but also exercise this act of national sovereignty delegated by the people to Congress.
"And whereas it is expedient and necessary in order effectually to accomplish the object of such orders, that duties of customs should be granted upon certain goods exported from G. Britain; we, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom, in Parliament assembled, do most humbly beseech your majesty that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the king's most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after the passing of this act, there shall be raised, levied, collected and paid unto his majesty, his heirs and successors, upon all goods, wares, and merchandise, enumerated or described in the tables (A.) (B.) and (C.) annexed to this act, exported from G. Britain, the several duties and customs, as the same are respectively described and set forth in figures in said tables."
In those tables marked A. B. C. are to be found productions of the U. S. States. It has been said, that Great Britain may lay an export duty upon any goods within her ports. That is readily admitted—it being a mere municipal regulation. But G. Britain has no right to compel our ships to carry our productions into her ports, for the purpose of imposing duties thereon; and this is the act regulating our commerce, of which I complain.
Again, sir, Great Britain has attempted by this act of Parliament to lay an export duty upon the productions of the United States, a power not even entrusted to the discretion of Congress. I find in the constitution, these words: "No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state." Here then is an express prohibition to Congress against laying a duty on any articles exported from any state; yet Great Britain has attempted by an act of Parliament, to lay an export duty on cotton exported from one of the U. S.—an authority which can only be exercised by the people in their highest sovereign capacity. It is true, sir, that Mr. Canning offered to commute this duty into an entire prohibition of the article, as an export from G. Britain. This, sir, was only adding insult to injury, & shewed that Mr. Canning possessed very little knowledge of the human character, if he expected to soothe the feelings by insulting the understanding.
I regret, that so much respect was shown to this proposition, as to forward it to our government. It would have been more agreeable to me, if the American minister had thrown the proposition back upon Mr. Canning.
It is true, Mr. President, that the export duty, is to be collected in London, & not in Charleston. But, sir, it is not the better in principle on that account; and it is worse in practice. A vessel sailing from Charleston, is to be forced into London, for the purpose of paying this tribute—better would it be to collect it in Charleston; because the circuitry of the voyage
would be saved, and many other vexations and expenses avoided which are now incurred by being forced into London, to make the payment; and if this measure were to be submitted to, I should not be at all surprised to see his most gracious majesty in the spirit of a mitigated retaliation, send out his collectors to the ports of the United States for the accommodation of our merchants. In that case, I presume, we should all admit it to be a duty imposed upon an article exported from a particular state. Are we, sir, not only basely to surrender to Great Britain our rights, entrusted to us by the people, but treacherously to them to surrender rights reserved to themselves in their highest sovereign capacity? And in a case like this, sir, can it be necessary to resort to argument, to rouse the indignat feelings of the American people?
Mr. President, the eyes of the world are now turned upon us; if we submit to these indignities and aggressions, Great Britain herself would despise us; she would consider us as an outcast amongst nations; she would not own us for her offspring; France would despise us; and all the world would despise us; and what is infinitely worse, we should be compelled to despise ourselves!!! If we resist, we shall command the respect of our enemies, the sympathies of the world, and the noble approbation of our own consciences.
Mr. President, our fate is in our own hands; let us have union, and we have nothing to fear. So highly do I prize union, at this awful moment, that I would prefer any one measure of resistance with union, to any other measure of resistance with division; let us, then, sir, banish all personal feelings; let us present to our enemies, the formidable front of an indissoluble band of brothers; nothing else is necessary to our success. Mr. President, unequal as this contest may seem; favored as we are by our situation, and under the blessings of a beneficent Providence, who has never lost sight of these United States, in times of difficulty and trial, I have the most perfect confidence, that if we prove true to ourselves, we shall triumph over our enemies. Deeply impressed with these considerations, I am prepared to give to the resolution a flat and decided negative.
NOTE.—It was intended, in the course of the foregoing observations, to shew, that the British board of trade had, at length, undertaken to regulate our commerce with foreign nations, even when it did not pass through British ports. The paper intended to be offered as evidence of this fact, was then mislaid. It is now subjoined for that purpose.
"The lords of the committee of council, for trade and foreign plantations, having authorized us to make public the following answers to certain questions proposed by us to their lordships, we publish them for the information of all whom they may concern.
THOS. BARING, A. GIENNE, THOS. MULLETT.
London, 15th Mar. 1803. QUESTION 1.—His Majesty's order in council of the 4th July 1803, having ordered, that all hostilities against Spain on the part of his majesty shall immediately cease, and that the blockade of all the ports of Spain, except such as may be still in possession, or under control of France, shall be forthwith raised—
Can an American vessel proceed from a port in the U. S. of America, with a cargo, the produce of the U. S. or colonial produce, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal, not being in the possession of the enemies of G. Britain, and return back to a port in the U. S. direct, with a cargo the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal, without being liable to capture and condemnation, under the orders of council of the 11th and 25th of November 1807, and the several acts of Parliament passed to carry them into effect?
ANSWER.—American vessels may proceed from a port in the U. S. of America, with a cargo, the produce of the U. S. or colonial produce, provided such produce be not the produce of the enemy's colonies, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal; such port not being in the possession of, or under the control of the enemies of G. Britain, and return back to a port in the U. S. direct, with a cargo the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal.
QUESTION 2.—Can an American vessel, having entered a port in Spain, previous to the commencement of hostilities by the patriots against the enemy, proceed from such port with a cargo, the growth and produce of Spain, direct to a port in the U. S. without being liable to a seizure and condemnation as above?
ANSWER.—An American vessel having entered a port in Spain, previous to the commencement of hostilities by the patriots against the enemy, may proceed from such port with a cargo the growth and produce of Spain, direct to a port in the U. S. without being liable to seizure and condemnation as above, unless the vessel entered in breach of the orders in council.
PROPOSALS for carrying Made of the United States , on the following post routes, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington, until the 16th day of January next inclusive.
(Continued.) 43. From Bowling Green, by Bailorville, Broadus's mill, Harrisonville, Newtown, Dunkirk, Walkerton, King William c h, Lilly Point, & Cumberland, to New Kent c h once a week. Leave Bowling Green every Tuesday at 6 a m & arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday at 10 a m— Returning . Leave New Kent c h every Wednesday at 2 p m & arrive at Bowling Green on Thursday by 8 p m. 44. From Richmond by Hanovertown, Aylet's and Dunkirk, to Tappahannock once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 1 p m, arrive at Dunkirk on Thursday by 8 a m. Leave Dunkirk at 9 a m. and arrive at Tappahannock by 1 p m— Returning . Leave Tappahannock every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Richmond on Monday by noon.
45. From Dunkirk, by King and Queen c h, Shackleford's, Gloucester c h & North End, to Matthews c h, once a week. Leave Dunkirk every Thu. day at 8 a m & arrive at Matthews c h on Friday by 7 p m— Returning . Leave Matthews c h on Saturday at 6 a m, & arrive at Dunkirk on Monday by 6 p m. 46. From Richmond, by Granville to Charles City c h, once a week. Leave Charles City c h every Tuesday at 6 a m, & arrive at Richmond by 4 p m. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Charles City c h by 6 p m. 47. From Fredericksburg, by Orange c h, Lindsay's store, Charlottesville, New York & Wanesburg to Staunton twice a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday & Saturday at noon, arrive at Charlottesville on Wednesday & Sunday by 5 p m. Leave Charlottesville at 5 1/2 p m and arrive at Staunton on Thursday & Monday by 11 a m— Returning . Leave Staunton every Thursday & Monday at 1 p m, arrive at Charlottesville on Friday and Tuesday by 7 a m. Leave Charlottesville at 7 1/2 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Saturday and Wednesday by 11 a m. 48. From Staunton by Middlebrook, Brownsville, Lexington, Natural Bridge, Pattonsburg, Fincastle, Amsterdam, Salem, Airmont, and Montgomery c h to Wythe c h, twice a week. Leave Staunton every Monday and Thursday at 1 p m, arrive at Fincastle on Tuesday & Friday by 7 p m, arrive at Montgomery c h on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m & arrive at Wythe c h on Thursday and Sunday by 8 p m— Returning . Leave Wythe c h every Monday and Friday at 4 a m, arrive at Montgomery c h by 8 p m, arrive at Fincastle on Tuesday & Saturday by 8 p m and arrive at Staunton the next Thursday and Monday by 11 a m. 49. From Wythe c h, by Crab Orchard, Abingdon, Blountsville, Rossville, Rogersville, Whitesides, Beene's Station, & Rutledge, to Knoxville twice a week. Leave Wythe c h every Monday and Friday at 4 a m & arrive at Sullivan c h on Tuesday and Saturday by noon, at Beene's Station on Wednesday and Sunday by 2 p m and at Knoxville on Thursday & Monday by 11 a m— Returning . Leave Knoxville every Monday and Thursday at 1 p m, arrive at Beene's Station on Tuesday & Friday by 10 a m, at Sullivan c h on Wednesday and Saturday by noon, & at Wythe c h, on Thursday & Sunday by 8 p m. 50. From Richmond by Goochland c h, George's, Timberlake's, and Milton, to Charlottesville, twice a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday & Saturday at 6 a m, and arrive at Charlottesville on Wednesday & Sunday by 4 p m— Returning . Leave Charlottesville every Tuesday & Friday at 8 a m, & arrive at Richmond on Wednesday & Sunday by 7 p m. 51. From Richmond, by Hopkin's, Powhatan c h, Cartersville, New Canton, Buckingham c h, and Bent Creek, to Lynchburg once a week. Leave Richmond every Friday at 3 p m, arrive at Powhatan c h on Saturday by 9 a m and at Lynchburg on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Powhatan c h on Wednesday by 3 p m. Leave Powhatan c h at 4 p m & arrive at Richmond on Thursday by 10 a m. 52. From Lynchburg by New London & Liberty to Fincastle, once a week. Leave Lynchburg every Sunday at 6 a m, & arrive at Fincastle on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Fincastle every Monday at 2 p m & arrive at Lynchburg on Tuesday by 7 p m. 53. From Richmond, by Manchester, Chesterfield c h, Springfield, Colesville, Genito Bridge, Pridesville, Perkinsonville, Painsville, Liggetown & Jamestown, to Farmville once a week. Leave Farmville every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Richmond on Tuesday by 4 p m. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Jamestown on Thursday by 8 p m. 54. From Powhatan c h, by Cumberland c h, Ca-hra, Farmville, Prince Edward court house, Charlotte court house, to Halifax c h, once a week. Leave Powhatan c h every Saturday at 10 a m, arrive at Prince Edward c h on Sunday by 4 p m & arrive at Halifax c h on Monday by 4 p m. Leave Halifax c h on Tuesday at 4 a m, arrive at Prince Edward c h on Wednesday by 6 a m. Leave it at 6 1/2 a m & arrive at Powhatan c h on Wednesday by 3 p m. 55. From Prince Edward's c h, by Leicester, Wheeler's Springs, Reeds & Campbell c h to New London once a week. Leave Prince Edward c h every Sunday at 4 1/2 p m & arrive at New London on Monday by 8 p m— Returning . Leave New London on Tuesday at 4 a m & arrive at Prince Edward c h on Wednesday by 6 a m. 56. From Halifax c h, by Danville, and Dixonsville, to Lenox Castle, N. C. once a week. Leave Lenox Castle every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Halifax c h on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Halifax c h every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Lenox Castle on Wednesday by 6 p m. 57. From Halifax c h, by Halifax Oldtown, Pittsylvania c h, Pittsylvania old c h, Peytonsville, Henry c h, Hughesville, & Patrick c h to Germanton once a week. Leave Halifax c h every Tuesday at 6 a m, arrive at Henry c h on Wednesday by 3 p m & at Germanton on Friday by 10 a m— Returning . Leave Germanton every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Henry c h on Sunday by 3 p m. Leave Henry c h at 4 p m and arrive at Halifax c h on Monday by 6 p m. 58. From Henry c h, by Rocky Mount, to Liberty, once a week. Leave Henry c h every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Liberty on Friday by 11 a m. Leave Liberty every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Henry c h on Saturday by 6 p m. 59. From Petersburg, by Brookington, Namozee Bridge, Henderson, Nottoway c h, Humptown, Double Bridge, Hakeysburg, Willisville, Bibb's Ferry, & Scuttsburg, to Halifax c h, once a week. Leave Petersburg every Friday at 2 p m, arrive at Willisville on Monday by 9 a m. Leave Willisville at 10 a m and arrive at Halifax c h by 4 p m— Returning . Leave Halifax c h on Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Willisville by 2 p m. Leave Willisville at 3 p m and arrive at Petersburg on Friday by 10 a m. 60. From Harrisville, by Fielder's mill, Quarlesville, M'Farlands, Lunenburg c h, Chrismanville, Marshallsburg, Meeklenburg c h, St. Tamany's, Gee's Bridge, Edmundson, & Fielder's mill to Harrisville, once a week. Leave Harrisville every Tuesday at 6 a m, & arrive at Marshallville by 5 p m. Leave there on Wednesday at 6 a m & arrive at Harrisville by 6 p m. 61. From Harrisville, by Bellfield, Hoke's Ford & Alexandria, to Halifax, twice a week. Leave Harrisville every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Halifax by 8 p m. Leave Halifax every Wednesday & Sunday at 5 a m and arrive at Harrisville by 8 p m. The mail is to pass by Hoke's store and Dancy's on Tuesday and Sunday. 62. From Petersburg, by Sussex c h, Jerusalem & South Quay, to Murfreesboro', N. C. once a week. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Murfreesboro' on Wednesday by 4 p m— Returning . Leave Murfreesboro' every Sunday at 8 a m, and arrive at Petersburg on Monday by 6 p m.
and arrive at Petersburg on Monday by 6 a m. 63. From Smithfield, by Urquhart's store, Jerusalem, Bethlehem Cross Roads, and the Cross Keys, to Hoke's Ford, once a week. Leave Hoke's Ford every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Smithfield on Friday by 7 p m— Returning . Leave Smithfield every Saturday at 7 a m and arrive at Hoke's Ford on Sunday by 7 p m. 64. From Suffolk, by Everett's Bridge & Gates c h, to Edenton N. C. twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Wednesday & Sunday at 10 a m, & arrive at Edenton on Thursday & Monday by 5 p m. Leave Edenton every Tuesday & Saturday at 4 a m & arrive at Suffolk on Wednesday & Sunday by 8 a m. 65. From Norfolk by Kempville, N. W. Bridge, Tulls Creek, N. C. Indian town, Currituck c h, Jonesboro', Elizabeth City, Nixonton & Hertford to Edenton, once a week. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday noon, & arrive at Edenton the next Friday by 10 a m— Returning . Leave Edenton every Friday at 2 p m & arrive at Norfolk the next Tuesday by 6 a m. 66. From Charlottesville, by Warrenton, Warminster, New Market, New Glasgow, Amherst c h, & Madison, to Lynchburg, once a week. Leave Charlottesville every Thursday at 6 a m & arrive at Lynchburg on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 a m & arrive at Charlottesville on Monday by 10 a m. 67. From Lynchburg by Bethel, Pedlar's mills, and Wincanton, to Lexington once a week. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 2 p m, arrive at Lexington on Tuesday by 5 p m. Leave Lexington at 5 p m and arrive at Lynchburg on Wednesday by 8 p m. 68. From Lynchburg, by Mermitege and Hunter's Tavern, to Prince Edward c h, once a week. Leave Lynchburg every Monday at 2 p m, arrive at Prince Edward c h on Tuesday by noon. Leave Prince Edward c h every Tuesday by 2 p m and arrive at Lynchburg on Wednesday by noon. 69. From Lynchburg, by Campbell c h, Hanson's store, Marysville, Grasty's store, Stone's store, Pittsylvania c h, and Beaver's, to Danville, once in two weeks. Leave Lynchburg every other Monday at 2 p m, arrive at Danville on Thursday by 4 p m. Leave Danville every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Lynchburg on Monday by 8 a m. 70. From Staunton, by Kinkaid's, the Warm Springs, or Bath c h, Morris's, Callaghan's, and the Sulphur Springs, to Lewisburg, and from thence by Uniontown, the Sweet Springs, Callaghan's, &c. to Staunton, once a week. Leave Staunton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Lewisburg on Sunday by 10 a m. Leave Lewisburg by noon, and arrive at Staunton the next Thursday by 10 a m. 71. From Lewisburg, by Boyer's, Huff's, Morris's, Kenhaway c h, Point Pleasant, Gillipolis, and Sciota salt works, to Chillicothe once in two weeks. Leave Lewisburg every other Sunday at noon, arrive at Chillicothe on Friday by 4 p m. Leave Chillicothe every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Lewisburg the next Saturday by 10 a m. 72. From Wythe c h by Austinville, Grayson c h, Scull Camp, Mount Airy, and Bethania to Salem N. C. once a week. Leave Wythe c h every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Salem the next Friday by 10 a m— Returning . Leave Salem every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Wythe c h, on Sunday by 6 p m. 73. From Wythe c h, by Tazewell c h, Russel c h, and Lee c h, to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks. Leave Wythe c h every other Monday at 6 a m, arrive at Robinson's mills on Thursday by 6 p m. Leave Robinson's mills every other Friday at 6 a m, arrive at Wythe c h on Monday by 6 p m. 74. From Waterford, by Braden's store, Janney's store, and Snicker's Gap to Upper-ville, once a week. Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 10 a m, arrive at Upper-ville on the next Thursday by 2 p m. Leave Upper-ville every Thursday at 4 p m, arrive at Waterford on Friday by 6 p m. 75. From Leesburg to Centreville, once a week. Leave Leesburg every Saturday at 4 a m, arrive at Centreville same day by 11 a m. Leave Centreville every Saturday at noon, arrive at Leesburg on same day by 7 p m. 76. From Petersburg to City Point. Leave City Point every Monday at 6 a m, arrive at Petersburg same day by 9 a m. Leave in two hours and return to City Point by 3 p m. IN NORTH CAROLINA. 77. From Edenton, by Lee's mills, and Plymouth, to Washington, once a week. Leave Edenton every Tuesday at 6 a m, arrive at Plymouth by 7 p m. Leave Plymouth on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Washington by 6 p m— Returning . Leave Washington on Sunday at 6 a m, arrive at Plymouth by 4 p m. Leave Plymouth at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Edenton on Monday by 4 p m. 78. From Washington, by Bath, to Woodstock, once a week. Leave Woodstock every Wednesday at 7 a m and arrive at Washington by 4 p m. Leave Washington at 7 p m and arrive at Woodstock on Thursday by 2 p m. 79. From Newbern, by Trenton, North West Landing, and Richmond, to Wilmington, once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Newbern on Saturday by 7 p m. 80. From Newbern to Beaufort once in two weeks. Leave Newbern every other Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Beaufort on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Beaufort the same day at 2 p m and arrive at Newbern on Sunday by 6 p m. 81. From Warrenton, by Ransom's Bridge, Jonesville, Halifax, Scotland Neck, Hogton, Williamson, Dally's, Plymouth, and Lee's mills, to Scuppernong, once a week. Leave Warrenton every Tuesday at 4 a m, arrive at Ransom's bridge by noon. Leave Ransom's bridge at 1 p m and arrive at Halifax by 6 p m. Leave Halifax at 7 p m and arrive at Scotland Neck at 11 a m— Returning . Leave Scuppernong every Friday at 1 p m, arrive at Scotland Neck at 4 p m, and arrive at Halifax on Monday by 8 p m. Leave Halifax at 8 1/2 a m, arrive at Ransom's bridge by noon. Leave Ransom's bridge at 1 p m and arrive at Warrenton by 7 p m. 82. From Halifax, by Northhampton c h, Princeton, Murfreesboro', Winton, Colerain, Pitch Landing, and Windsor, to Edenton, once a week. Leave Halifax every Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Murfreesboro', by 4 p m. Leave Murfreesboro', by 5 p m and arrive at Edenton on Friday by 10 a m— Returning . Leave Edenton every Friday at 2 p m, arrive at Murfreesboro', on Sunday by 7 a m and at Halifax by 8 p m. 83. From Warrenton by Ransom's bridge and Jonesboro' to Tarboro', thence by Nash c h, and Stille's store to Warrenton, once a week. Leave Warrenton every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Tarboro' on Saturday by 1 p m. Leave Tarboro' at 2 p m and arrive at Warrenton on Monday by 8 p m.
(To be continued.)

SUPPLEMENT. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16.
JOHN COX
OF GEORGETOWN, Offers for Sale, the following valuable TRACTS of LAND:
238 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seven or eight miles from the seat of government of the United States.
Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Alleghany county, state of Maryland:
  Governor's Neglect, 1081 acres.   Ormes's Attention, 684   Chesnut Grove, 461   Hard Struggle, 1554   Western Connexion, { 1057   { 1601 5-8   { 6180   Lot No. 2487, 50 
These lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Simkin's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Chesnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers.
November 14—2aw6w
RICHARD BECK,
HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS, among which are—
 Superfine cloths and cassimeres,  Second do. do.  Moleskin and silk waistcoating  Bennett cord and Spanish marcel, do.  Constitution cords and velverets  Coating, frizes and kerseys  Rose and striped blankets  Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery  Flannel and baizes  Navy blue cloths  Checks, calicoes and Chintzes  White and colored cambrics  Dimities, brown Holland and dowlas  Bandanna and Madrass handkerchiefs  Durants and calimancoes  Tapes and bobbins  Silk and cotton chambray  4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens  4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting  London and other hats  Plain India mouselins  Seeded do. do.  Diagonal and Trafalgar do.  Plain and figured lenoes  Linen cambrics  Damask, silk and serge shawls  Tabby velverets for pelices  Italian Mantua  Bombazets and bombazene  Elegant assortment thread and cotton laces  Handsome assortment ribbons  Kid and silk gloves  Picknet silk mits and glove  Diaper and diaper table cloths  Kid and Morocco shoes  A few bales India muslins assorted  Ticklenburgs and osnaburgs, &c. &c. 
All of which being bought on the best terms will be sold by the piece or retail very low for cash or approved notes.
Georgetown, Nov. 11—tf
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, living in R. Montgomery county, Maryland, near the Great falls of Potomac, on the 16th ult. a Negro Man, named JACK; he is about 5 feet 8 inches high, well made in proportion, and is a very artful fellow, about 40 years of age, an African by birth, speaks bad English, stammers very much; he has a remarkable large mouth and teeth, very thick lips, a dull countenance when spoken to, & speaks quick; he has lost both his little toes. It is needless to describe his clothing, as he took away with him several suits, and no doubt will change his dress, and it is highly probable he may have a pars.
Whoever will take up said fellow, and secure him in any jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, if taken 120 miles from home, and in proportion if nearer.
MARGARET OFFUTT.
November 4—w6t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON,
Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Struger, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale,
 20 hhds. Muscovado Sugar,  6 Pipes Holland Gin,  9 hhds. Rum,  3 pipes Cogniac Brandy,  6 pipes L. P. Madeira,  2 pipes Marsalla,  5 qr. casks Lisbon,  5 qr. casks Sherry,  15 qr. casks Catalonia,  80 boxes Claret,  17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson,  25 barrels Loaf Sugar,  16 boxes Spermaceti  25 do. Mould  8 casks Ginger,  2 do. Salt Petre,  2 do. Pimento,  5 do. Pepper,  12 boxes Mustard,  3 bales Cassia,  6 do. soft shelled Almonds,  20 boxes Raisins,  8 do. Olives,  10 do. long and short Pipes,  10 barrels Mackerel,  3 do. Cranberries,  2 do. Fig Blue,  50 boxes Spanish Segars,  50 bags Cocks, 
They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c.
JOSEPH FORREST, Pres.
December 5—
SHERIFF'S SALE.
WILL be sold at Public Sale on Thursday the 22nd inst. if fair, if not the next fair day, on the premises, for cash, the FARM whereon John Orme now lives, containing Two hundred and thirty-eight acres, four Horses, three Cows, a parcel of Tobacco, one Cart, and one Clock—late the property of said Orme, taken by a writ of ffa, at the suit of John Hoy, Adm'r. D. B. Nott, of William Deakins, jun.
JOHN FLEMING, Sheriff of
Montgomery county Md.
December 7—7t
WHARVES FOR RENT.
IN Virtue of the power vested in the Mayor of the City of Washington, by an act of the City Council, entitled, "An act for renting the Wharves at the end of 12th and 17th streets west, and for other purposes," the property of the corporation of said city; he hereby notifies, that the said Wharves will be rented for One Year from the 1st day of January next, to the highest bidder, at Rhodes's hotel, on Saturday the 31st inst. between the hours of 12 and 1 o'clock, subject to the regulations contained in the above-mentioned act.
By order of the Mayor,
THOS. HERTY, Reg.
Washington, Dec. 7—
BOOT MAKING.
JOHN MINCHIN, Boot Maker, impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude for the liberal support & distinguished preference he has received in his line, since he first commenced his Boot Manufactory here, which was previous to the removal of the government to this city, being confident that good work is ever the best recommendation, had resolved (contrary to his annual custom) to decline intruding his advertisement on the public, being already sufficiently established, until he was convinced, from the best information, that some of his brethren of the craft had artfully, slyly and insidiously asserted repeatedly that his boots were all imported, that he kept only a shop & not a manufactory. He thus contradicts those fabricators of falsehood, by challenging them to produce boots of any description equal to what he manufactures. They have declared that they would undersell him, but they dare not pretend to excel him in neatness, durability, taste and fashion, which he is ready to prove to the satisfaction of those who may please to favor him with their orders.
N. B.—A large assortment of elegant Boots of his own manufacture on hand.
December 5—ep1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Prince in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS, far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory.
November 27—tf
30,000 DOLLARS, FOR 800 CENTS!
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY.
For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River—positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next; 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable thirty days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature.
The Capital Prizes are:—
 30,000 dollars  20,000 dollars  10,000 dollars  5,000 dollars  2,000 dollars 
Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c.
Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each.
Tickets—Halves, Quarters, & Eighths, are to be had at G. & R. WAITE'S truly Fortunate Lottery Offices, No. 64, Maiden-Lane, & No. 38, Maiden-Lane, New York, where were sold in the last New York Lottery, the three capital prizes of
 25,000 Dollars No. 20,231  10,000 — No. 25,403  5,000 — No. 20,799 
Also, No. 20,310, a prize of 2000 dollars, besides several others of 2000, 1000, 500 dollars, &c. and in former New York Lotteries were sold at the above offices—
 17199 25,000 dolls. 11736 2000 dolls.  3929 20,000 dolls. 28573 2000 dolls.  3639 10,000 dolls. 13904 2000 dolls.  26135 5,000 dolls. 16617 2000 dolls.  30356 5,000 dolls. 25596 2000 dolls.  15298 3,000 dolls. 20385 2000 dolls. 
And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market streets, were sold nearly all the capital prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz.
 6974 30,000 dolls. 19894 1500 dolls.  15564 15,000 dolls. 1788 1500 dolls.  7001 10,000 dolls. 1525 1500 dolls.  6977 5,000 dolls. 7440 1500 dolls.  14425 1500 dolls. 
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Waite's Office, in Baltimore, New York, or Albany, may have Tickets and Shares returned by post, to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed prize list will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers Official List of prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number.
Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this.
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the 1st of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Price of Tickets, SIX Dollars, which may be had at any of Waite's offices, warranted undrawn. November 23—6w
FOR SALE.
AN ELEGANT CHARROT, full Silver mounted and double lined, with or without silver mounted Harness for four or two Morses, it is of first rate materials and workmanship, has scarcely ever been used, and never out of the limits of this city and Georgetown.
Inquire of the Editor of this paper.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Has received per the City Mail, from New York, and from Philadelphia, a large assortment of Goods, at his Warehouse, No. 45 Chests and boxes of
 Imperial,  Hyson,  Young Hyson,  Hyson Skin,  Bohea,  Chests of Imperial and Young Hyson  4 casks Ministers of 2lb each,  34 hhds. of prime Sugar,  3 boxes Havana Cigars of West India  40 barrels and  Bourbon Coffee,  7 pipes of best Cogniac  5 do. fine flavored Hollar  2 do. New York Anchor  28 do. half pipes and qr. casks  London Particular Madeira,  New York market Madeira,  Old Port,  Teneriffe,  Sherry,  Malaga,  Bucellas, &  Catalonia, 
 20 cases real Chateau Mar-  geaux Claret,  55 boxes mould dipt and Spermaceti Can-  dles,  50 do. Castile, white and yellow Soap,  20 do. Chocolate,  15 boxes and casks of Raisins,  5 do. Prunes,  5 cases Olive Oil,  25 baskets table do.  2 hhds. winter thinned Spermaceti Oil,  2 do. Molasses,  5 bags Pepper and Pimento,  5 kegs Ginger,  2 bales of Cassia,  10 cases of Cordials,  20 do. Olives, Capers and Anchovies,  10 do. Mustard, 8 doz. each,  1 bale of Mow Mamoodies,  2 do. Gurrahs,  2 do. Baftas,  200 pieces Bandanna handkerchiefs assort-  ed,  116 whole, half, and qr. boxes of Havanna  Segars, among which are some of  Martin's best,  Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, &c. 
And in Store, 4000 bushels of ground alum Salt, 2000 do. Isle of May do. 2000 do. Lisbon do. Georgetown, Dec. 7—4w
JUST PUBLISHED, And for Sale, at D. Rapine's Book-store, on Capitol Hill,
A new Pamphlet, entitled "A View of the Rights and Wrongs, Power & Policy of the U. States of America." By Charles Jared Ingersoll, of Philadelphia. This pamphlet is not of the ordinary kind, and merits the perusal of every American and friend to his country. December 5—ep6t
FRESH FRUITS, &c.
The Subscriber in addition to a general Assortment
OF DRUGS & MEDICINES, HAS just received a fresh supply of Prunes, Filberts, soft shelled Almonds, Oranges, Limes and Lemons—Genuine Martinique Noyeau Cordial, preserved Limes and Ginger, Frenoh, Mustard Currant Jelly, Macawba, French and Lancaster Snuffs, Rose and Orange Flower Water, Perfumery, &c.
JOHN OTT.
Georgetown, Dec. 12—2w
THE subscriber having rented his farm situated about six miles from the city of Washington, on the road leading to Markborough, will sell, on a credit, on Saturday the 17th inst. at public sale, on the premises, all his stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, and Hogs—The hogs were originally purchased by the subscriber of Richard Parkinson, who imported them from England, and great care has been taken to preserve the breed unmixed—Also, a Waggon, Ploughs, and a variety of Farming Utensils—Corn, Flax-Seed, Fother, Straw, and a quantity of Plow and Wool. Terms made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM O. SPRIGG.
Dec. 5—2&1pds.

MAY A GREAT BARGAIN MAY have had in about Five Thousand Acres of LAND in the county of Monroe, about 12 miles from the Sweet Springs in the state of Virginia, it is well timbered and a good part for it fit for cultivation, it is well adapted for grain and meadow about one hundred acres of which may be made in a body & conveniently watered, there is about one hundred acres of opened land, well enclosed and some necessary houses on it, very considerable bodies of good iron ore, lime stone, and a large and well built furnace with the necessary buildings for casting, &c. the end of the bridge house butts against a considerable oak bank; these works have not been in use for several years past and are much out of repair, there is a forge seat about a mile below the furnace; the subscriber would make the payments very accommodating on receiving about a thousand pounds cash on making a title, & the other payments satisfactorily secured; any person inclinable to purchase may see the land by applying to Mr. Alexander Hutchinson who lives on the plantation near the furnace, or Maj. John Handley who lives within a few miles, or Mr. Robert Bland who lives on a part of the plantation, and a bargain concluded by applying to the subscribed in Buckingham county on James River.
JOHN CABELL.
Dec. 14—13t.
MRS. LEE , begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its Vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of MUSIC, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, She has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruct in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBES, MAPS, & CHARTS.
Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced; and hopes still to merit by an unremitted attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst.
Washington, October 20—2m
THE Secretary of the Navy will receive PROPOSALS until the first day of February next, for furnishing all or any of the following articles of Domestic Materials and Domestic Manufacture .
3000 yards of 6-4 coarse Blue Cloth, or 6000 yards of 3-4.
240 yards of 6-4 scarlet do. or 480 3-4.
1500 yards of 6-4 Baize for lining, any color except red, or 3000 yards of 3-4 flannel.
7000 yards of Brown Linen 3-4 wide,
220 pieces of Sheetings, such as Russia,
240 lbs. of whited brown Thread,
10 lb. of red Thread,
100 lbs. of blue Thread,
20 lbs. of yellow Thread,
3500 yards of 5-4 grey mixed coating, or 3100 yards of 6-4 wide,
100 gross of Button Moulds—small coat,
2000 3 point Blankets,
10000 yards of yellow binding, called quality,
2000 yards of stout Plains, for watch coats, any color excepting red,
20 gross of large Metal Buttons, plain.
The articles to be delivered to the Navy Agent, residing nearest the place at which they may be manufactured.
November 23—
A HORSE STRAYED.
ON the night of the 17th of August last
strayed or was stolen from the commons of this city, a bright BAY HORSE,
4 years old last spring, 15 1-2 hands high,
with a thin mane and tail, is slender made,
a natural trotter, was shod all round, & had
a small lump on his back by a hurt from the
hind part of the saddle, no particular mark
recollected, nor any white about him; but
am not certain as I did not own him but 4
days. Ten dollars will be paid for the de-
livery of the Horse, or 25 for horse and
thief (if stolen.)
CHESTER BAILEY,
opposite the Bank.
Washington, December 12—3w
THIS is to give Notice,
THAT I intend to petition to the next
county Court of Charles, for the benefit of
an act of insolvency.
GEORGE BOARMAN.
Charles County, December 5—w3m
PUBLIC SALE OF LOTS
In the city of Washington.
BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, passed on the 9th day of October, 1806; and of two additional and supplementary decrees, passed during the same term with the original decree; one thereof dated on the 24th day of Oct. 1806, & the other on the 1st day of December 1806, and constituting part of the said original decree; in a suit instituted in the said court of Chancery, prior to the separation of the district of Columbia from the state of Maryland, by Thomas Morris, Samuel Coates, and Joseph Morris, executors of Mordecai Lewis, and by Edward Burt, against Robert Morris, the heirs of John Nicholson, the Commissioners of the city of Washington, James Greenleaf, Thomas Law, and others.
The subscriber, E. S. Burt, trustee, appointed by the Chancellor, under the said decrees, will, on Tuesday the 17th day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, offer for Public Sale, at Rhodes's hotel, in the city of Washington, Two hundred and ninety-five LOTS, and three-fourths of a lot , in the said city; each lot averaging five thousand two hundred and sixty-five square feet, and which are contained in the following squares, viz. in square No. 626, sq. 628, sq. 684—sq. 687—sq. 723—sq. 726—sq. 727. sq. 729—sq. 738—sq. 760—sq. 782—sq. 786. sq. 789—sq. 814—sq. 816—sq. 818—sq. 841. sq. 843—sq. 866—sq. 868—sq. 896—sq. 897. sq. 899—sq. 918—sq. 919—sq. 922—sq. 925. sq. 943—sq. 966—sq. 967—sq. 958—sq. 970. sq. 972—sq. 992—sq. 1014—sq. 1016—sq. 1037—sq. 1039—sq. 1040—sq. 1062—sq. 1072—sq. 1075—and sq. 1076.
For the convenience and information of purchasers, a plan of the city, and particular lists of the squares, and of the lots which they respectively contain, will be exhibited at the time of the sale, by the subscriber.
The terms of sale are: that the purchaser is to pay into the chancery court of the state of Maryland, the full amount of the purchase money, immediately after the day of the ratification of the sale; which ratification, if it takes place, will, according to the stipulation of the original decree aforesaid, be passed within five weeks from the time of the report to be made by the subscriber, trustee as aforesaid.
And on the approbation and ratification by the chancellor of any sales made, and on the payment of the purchase money into the Chancery Court as aforesaid. The subscriber, trustee as aforesaid, will by good and sufficient deed or deeds, convey to the purchasers respectively and their heirs, the property so by them purchased; that is to say, all the right, title, and interest, which at the time of the execution of a certain mortgage comprehending the said lots, by Robert Morris and John Nicholson, in favor of James Greenleaf of the 20th of June 1796, were in the said Morris and Nicholson, Thomas Law, or the Commissioners of the city of Washington, free, clear, and discharged from all claim or title of them, the said Robert Morris and John Nicholson, or the heirs of John Nicholson or any person claiming under them, or any of them subsequent to the said deed, and from all claim or title of the other parties to the said suit.
E. S. BURT, Trustee of the court of Chancery of Maryland, December 12—eptJan.17
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. TO BE SOLD.
At public auction, at the Union Tavern, in George-Town, at 12 o'clock on Monday the 15th day of January next, if not previously disposed of by private contract—that Valuable property situated on the Potomac River, in Washington City, contiguous to George Town, formerly the property of Messrs. Lear, & Co.
The Lot is 28 feet front, by 105 feet deep, on which is erected a substantial Hare House , built of stone, 83 feet by 43, together with the large commodious Wharf adjoining.
Also— SIX LOTS in Holmes's addition to George-Town , bounded on Bridge Street and Rock Creek in George-Town.
For terms and other particulars, apply to JOHN DAVIDSON, or VALTER HELLEN.
Nov. 28—415j
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET.
Has just received and is now opening an Extensive Assortment of ALL GOODS, consisting in a variety of
Broad Cloths, Coatings, Blue and drab colored Bear Skin, Flannels of almost every description, Irish and German Linens, Bed Tickings.
An extensive assortment of Calicoes, Furniture Calicoes, Camel hair and cotton Shawls, Silk Shawls, White, black & colored cotton Cambrics, Linen Cambrics and shirting do. Durant, Calimanco, Bombazet, Wildboar.
An handsome assortment of Velvets, Corderoy & worsted Cord, Benetts Cord, Swansdown, blue, black and nankeen colored Cassimeres, Table Cloths ready made, Russia toweling, bed spreads velvet Bindings, Lute-strings of different colors.
Gold and silver Spangles, Linen and cotton Checks, Baftas and Gurrahs, shirting and
sheeting Muslin, Looking Glasses of all sizes and some of great elegance, Tortoise shell Combs, most fashionable ornamented Combs, Black Crape, white do. silk Velvets of different colors, silk plush Bonnets, Laces, silk, kid, cotton and worsted Gloves long and short, Black worsted and cotton Hose for ladies and gentlemen, silk do. Muffs and Tip-pets of best Furs, Silk and cotton Umbrellas, Sword Canes, Fur Hats, ladies Morocco and Leather Shoes, Adelpi Thread, Cotton and cotton in Skains, Table and tea Spoons, Ticklenburgs, Osnaburg and Hessian Linens, Razors and Razor Straps, Scissars of the best quality, Penknives & Pocket do. Knives and Forks, Ivory & horn Combs
And a variety of other DRY GOODS, too tedious to enumerate.
S. STETTINIUS begs leave to pay hereby to his friends and the public in general, his warmest thanks for the encouragement they were pleased to give him, since his establishment in this city, and solicits their kind remembrance in the above branch of business, where it will always be his first duty to accommodate to his utmost endeavors and in all respects.
He has also received by the Schooner Sally , Capt. Fairfax, and offers for SALE BY WHOLESALE,
5 Hogsheads of prime New Orleans Sugar,
2 Pipes of genuine Holland Gin, with a certificate of importation from the custom house of New York,
2000 lb. green Coffee,
20 barrels Whiskey, of a good flavor,
12 boxes Window Glass, 12 by 10 and 10 by 8.
50 Pieces tanned Buck Skins, suitable for Glove-makers and fit for Pantaloons,
Plain velvet Ribbons, from No. 12 to 50.
Figured do. from No. 18 to 50.
Suspenders,
Linen Checks, No. 3.
Apron do. 1. B. 42 inches,
Do do. C. 40 do.
Cotton stripes,
Linen do.
Red Tapes, No. 25,
Ladies long Floret Gloves,
Mens cotton do.
Silk Shawls, No. 8.
Black silk Velvet,
Mens over Shoes,
Womens do. do.
Black Cambric,
One trunk Calicoes,
Cotton Velvets,
5000 best Quills,
Ladies Morocco Slippers.
Any admirer of CANARY BIRDS may be accommodated with Bird and Cage, at a moderate price when calling on me.
Washington city, Oct.—26 3t&wtf
PRINTING INK.
SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PAIRO, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN MINCHIN's new Jersey avenue, near the Capitol.
October 10—6sp&w3m
THOMAS W. PAIRO HAS removed next door to his former store, where he has received from Philadelphia and Baltimore a new supply of goods, which make his assortment very considerable—he has
London and French Cloths, Cassimeres and Coatings, Fancy Waistcoatings, Silk and Cotton Velvets, Cord, and Thicksets, Rose Blankets, Scarlet Flannels and others, green, blue and brown bucking base,
Bandannoes, Madras Handkerchiefs, India Muslins, Cambrics, Book Muslin, Leno Handkerchiefs, Chambrays, Tappy Velvet, Black Silk do. Parisian Shawls, Silk and Camels Hair, do. Shirting Muslin, Crapes and Fancy Trimmings, Silk Stockings, and a large assortment of cotton and worsted hosiery,
Ladies and Men's Gloves, Ladies and Men's Shoes, Childrens do. Irish and German Linens, Irish and Flanders Sheetings, Knitting and Sewing Cotton, Spinning do. Silk Spencers, Linen and cotton Checks, Hats, Ribbons, Lace, Cotton and Thread, Sarsanets and Peelongs, Plaid Silks, Tortois Shell Combs, Mock do. do. Silk Cord,
Suspenders, Razors, Penknives and Scissars, Spun Buttons, Gilt and Plated do. Playing Cards, Ink Powder, Quills, Pencils, Slates, Oil Cloth,
Powder and Shot, Nails and Augurs, An assortment of Glass Ware, also,
The following Liquors and Groceries.
Madeira, Lisbon, L. P. Teneriffe, Malaga, Port Wine, Claret, French Brandy, old Jamaica Rum, Gin, Whiskey, Cherry Bounce, Coffee and Tea, Chocolate, Loaf & Brown Sugar, Raisins, Filberts, Rice, Soap, and Candles, Spanish Sogars, and Philadelphia Porter and Ale. All of which will be sold on low terms for Cash or to punctual customers.
AMERICAN PLAYING CARDS.
Of the very best quality just received from the Manufactory, which will be sold wholesale & Retail, cheap for cash; also Maccabai
SAUF.
The Members of Congress are respectfully
informed that T. W. Pairo will be happy to
furnish them with any of his choice Liquors,
and find himself cases for them.
Washington, October 24—3t&wtf
RUNAWAY.
WAS Committed to the jail of Washing-
ton county, district of Columbia as a run-
way, on the 3d inst. a black woman who
calls herself KITTY THOMAS, and says
she belongs to Domindigo Gambara, of
Charles county, Maryland; she is about 24
years of age, 5 feet 3 inches high; had on
when committed, blue petticoat and jacket
striped white. Her owner is desired to
prove her and take her away or she will be
sold for her jail fees and other expenses as
the law directs.
C. TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for
Washington Boyd, marshal.
December 9—3t
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT application will be made, at the
Treasury of the United States, for the re-
newal of Certificate No. 12,329, issued by
Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register, on the 16th
June, 1798, in favor of William Hollend,
of London, for five thousand dollars, three
per cent. stock.
JOHN DAVIDSON
Nov. 25—6w.