The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-12-28 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1282.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 28, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CONTINUED.
Mr. MACON said, before the question was taken, he wished to make a few observations, in order, which he would endeavor to follow the advice of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Nelson) who had just sat down; neither to repeat what others had said, nor to make a long speech. He felt no disposition to fatigue the House, or to tire himself.
Mr. M. said he had stated when he introduced several resolutions some days past, that there were but three alternatives—submission to the edicts of the two belligerents who had injured us—war—or a continuance of the embargo. If there were any others he had not discovered it, nor had any one yet told the House of another; but if any other productive of the same ends should be offered, that would be more satisfactory to others, he was not so much attached to the embargo, as to prevent his voting for that.
Do we know, said Mr. M. that we have a single friend in the civilized world. We have not Hannibal at the gate; but Rome and Carthage have both declared against us. Upon our own means alone we must depend, and if properly managed, they are equal to the crisis.
The second resolution reported by the committee, Mr. M. said was in substance the same with two that he had moved. On this subject he had reflected much, not only since his arrival here, but whilst at home. On the subject of the embargo, he had endeavored to ascertain the opinion of well informed merchants and navigators, not of one political party but of both. The result of the enquiry was that the embargo was a wise measure, and it was considered by some, to have saved to the U. S. fifty thousand sailors and fifty millions of property. This was the smallest number of either which had been mentioned to him, and was not considered too high.
If you raise the embargo, said Mr. M. what will you do? Submission is out of the question; and there is no proposition for war on your table. This is a proof that all consider our present situation better than actual war; and in my opinion, the embargo, aided by the second resolution which proposes a non-intercourse, will produce all the effects which can be desired by us on the two great belligerent nations. The second resolution proposes to put both these nations on the same footing. In their conduct to us there is not much, if any difference. G. Britain impresses our seamen and attacks the Chesapeake frigate, and France pays no regard to the treaty which now exists between the two countries. In every thing else I consider them as acting towards us alike, and at all times on the same principles. At this moment we have a law prohibiting the importation of certain goods from G. Britain, and the armed ships of that nation are prohibited by proclamation from coming into our waters. Adopt the resolution and you place the two nations on the same footing, and if one or both shall not like the situation, they know how to get out of it. We only want them to act justly towards us, and nothing more.
When gentlemen talk of trading to this or that place under present circumstances, they seem to forget the omnipotence of the English fleet, and that to carry on their desired trade, they must fight their way through that fleet. Permit me, sir, to add a few words as to war with both nations. Both have long endeavored to get us into the war on their side, and if we now go to war with both, it will be only a nominal war with France, while it will be an actual war with England; and so long as the British fleet prevents a French vessel from sailing on the ocean, so long the war will be only nominal with France, because we shall never meet. This to my mind is an additional reason, to induce us to try the embargo some time longer. To me it is as clear as noon day, that you cannot trade except to G. Britain and her dependencies without fighting your way thro' her fleet. I have another reason for wishing to try the embargo some time longer, and to have it amended in such manner as to prevent evasion of it; that from the earliest age of our country, we have believed that by withholding our supplies and withdrawing from the ocean for a while, we could bring the most powerful European nation to her knees. The experiment is now making, and I am desirous that it should be fairly made; that if it succeed we shall
know the value of the measure, and if it fail, hereafter we may not depend on it.
Some gentlemen, living not very far from me, have advanced opinions on the subject of the carrying trade, against which I now, as I always have done, whenever I have heard them advanced protest. I am now willing, and always was willing to go as far as any member of the House in the protection of the trade which fairly grew out of the agriculture and fisheries of the U. S. I never will consent to risk the best interest of the nation, for a trade which we can carry on, only when Europe is at war. I do not hesitate to maintain this opinion at this time, notwithstanding the cry, that a part of the U. S. are not only willing to cramp trade but to destroy it. A recurrence to the laws will show the great encouragement which has been given to it. Is the drawback nothing? Are the discriminating duties nothing? Besides these, many other things have been done for trade. Attempt to repeal only one of them, and you will immediately produce a ferment among the merchants. Ask the sailor too, who is brought home by the government, if nothing has been done for him?
The uncommon state, in which Europe has been placed by the last & the present war, ought to make us at least cautious, not to enter into war with France and England, provided we can by just means keep out of it. There is no visible object for which they are contending, unless it be for the mastery of Europe. They have by some means or other involved every nation in Europe in their wars and quarrels, and have nearly ruined and destroyed all of them. When gentlemen speak of the evils which we suffer, not I say in consequence of the embargo, but of their wicked orders and decrees, let them compare our situation, and that too as bad as they declare it, with that of any nation which has gone into the war, and they will find that we have cause to rejoice. Compare it with that of Sweden, who has not suffered so much as many others, and they must be satisfied that our situation is far better than that of the Swedes. We have enough of the necessaries of life to make us content, and there is no nation in the world, at this time, that enjoys more of the luxuries of Europe and of the East and West Indies than we do; in a word, none that enjoys more of the good things of this world.
We have heard as much said about the possibility of a trade to Spain, to Portugal, to the West Indies, and to South America, as if that trade was fairly open to us and perfectly secure. But when you compare this with what the gentleman from New-York (Mr. Mumford) told us about the French officer, and the dispositions of the people of Orleans, (and I regret he mentioned them, because they have no delegate here) your attention will be drawn from this possible trade, to the troops in Nova Scotia and Jamaica; I will not hazard a conjecture as to their destination, but I will say we ought not to forget them. When I was up before I mentioned the spirit of '76. A gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) has since made many remarks on that spirit, but as he has already been satisfactorily answered by others, I shall only add, that it was a spirit of firmness, a spirit of perseverance, a spirit determined not to surrender the rights of the nation, and further, that it was a pacific spirit; having told the world, that the United States were independent, it only required of Great Britain to withdraw her troops and do us justice.
Gentlemen seem from their arguments to suppose, that only one part of the union is interested on this subject. It is a subject, sir, in which the whole nation have a common interest. Foreign nations undertake to dictate to you, and to tax you, and yet only one part of the people interested! The same gentleman from Massachusetts, seemed to consider it a question of trade. Be it so, for the sake of argument. Then he fully proved to my mind, that if the embargo was off, we should have little or no trade, because he says there is no danger of your paying tribute to England, for this plain reason, that if you go there, you cannot go thence to France or her dependencies, without your property being confiscated. Then, sir, carry all the produce of this nation to England, without the right to go elsewhere for a market, and you instantly glut that market; and experience has taught us, that under such circumstances, the price would scarcely pay the charges and duties. Let it not be forgotten that when we had a
sort of war with France, the price of tobacco fell to almost nothing, compared to that which it bore before. I speak of tobacco, because I am better acquainted with the price of that than any other article which we export. Before the war it was ten dollars per hundred at Petersburg, in Virginia, and in great demand; and before the war ended, it was not more than three dollars at the same place, and not in demand. The true cause of this fall in the price, was understood to be, that all the British markets were completely glutted, and that there was great difficulty in getting it to a market on the continent of Europe. How has this same article been affected at the same place by the embargo? When it was laid, the price there did not exceed four and a half dollars, and it has not been less than three since. This, to my mind fully proves, that the embargo has not injured the price of it, whatever the orders and decrees of France and England may have done. No one can doubt, that if you were to raise the embargo, the first cargoes to Great Britain would command a good price; but the moment the market was glutted, it would scarcely pay the charges.
If I understood the gentleman from Massachusetts rightly, he said, that when I introduced the resolutions, I spoke with uncommon zeal, [Mr. Quincy explained. He had said the gentleman had spoken with a zeal which did him honor.] Sir, permit me to assure that gentleman, that it was with no other zeal than for the welfare of our common country.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) used an argument, against the embargo, and the plan now proposed, which to my mind was conclusive in favor of both. I thank him for it, because it is a better one than had occurred to me. He asked, who could have supposed that the two great conflicting interests of the nation, the agricultural and the commercial would have united to suppress all trade? Can there be a stronger evidence of the correctness of the measure, than the union of these great conflicting interests, in support of it? Would they join to support a measure which injured them both? No, sir, it was the interest of both that united them. An attempt has been made to compare the plan before you to the Chinese policy. No man in the nation can, it seems to me, seriously believe, that we intend to introduce such a system; but I will ask, would not a Chinese policy have been better for some of the nations of Europe, than the policy which they have pursued? Would it not have been better for Prussia?
In the part which I have taken in the whole of this business, if I know my own heart, there has been nothing of party in it. I have been willing from the first to discuss the question in any shape, in which any member might wish to have it discussed; and I differ very much from the gentleman of Virginia, (Mr. Dawson) who has expressed a desire to have the question immediately taken. I hope that every member who wishes to give his sentiments, will be heard, and heard patiently; and if any one should be desirous of speaking more than once, he will have my consent to speak twenty times, if he desires it. If the embargo has produced no good, and is now only producing evil, it ought to be repealed. But I firmly believe that it has produced much good, and if the laws be properly amended, that it will produce all the good that ever was expected from it; for I cannot believe, notwithstanding the opinion of the gentleman from Massachusetts, that any respectable man will be found violating the laws of his country.
If you raise the embargo, where will you trade? You cannot calculate on trading to Spain and Portugal, and their dependencies, without the consent of Great Britain? For notwithstanding they are contending for their independence, it is with the aid of England; and without that aid, they could not do much, because they could not get all the supplies that they stand in need of. It is not material to me, in the present question, for what Spain and Portugal are contending; but so far as they are contending for self-government I wish them success. It is in their power with France on one side, and Great Britain on the other, to afford us commerce on any just terms.
I agree with gentlemen that in a state of war, some of the sea port towns will suffer more than the interior country; but it is equally true
that they will have all the advantages resulting from the expenditure of the public money, by which they will be enabled to speculate with profit on the country.
There is but one way when bad laws are passed, to have them altered, and that is by elections. They are the only correctives not only against them, but against every abuse of power. These have lately taken place, and so far as I am acquainted they terminated favorably to the embargo; in some districts it was made a question but without effect, in others where a change has taken place, it is not pretended, that the embargo had much effect, probably none.
It appears to me, that there never was a time, in which it was more necessary than the present, practically to observe one of the admonitions printed on the old continental money; UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL. Nothing but a strict attention to this can secure our rights; it will, as formerly, secure to us all that we ought in justice to expect. If on a fair experiment, the proposed plan does not produce the desired effect, and I then have a seat in the national legislature, I will go as far as any member in adopting such measures, as shall be best calculated to enforce our national rights.
I have nothing more to say; I have expressed my ideas in a very desultory manner just as they have occurred. I did not expect to address you to day. I have endeavored to do that which I promised; not to repeat what others have said, and though I have tired myself, I hope I have not fatigued the house.
Mr. RANDOLPH. It has been considered by every member, I believe, who has spoken on this subject, that the great question of our foreign relations is now before the House; not, sir, that this or that particular resolution is the subject matter of our discussion, but that the ultimate course to be pursued by this country with respect to foreign powers, is the point to be debated. It is, I conceive, not an unfavorable circumstance that this view of the question should have been taken; because, if not taken here and now, where I beseech you could it have been taken at all? The subject of our foreign relations has been referred to a committee who have brought in a report. If we were to confine the discussion to the minute details of this report, to the mere naked question presented to us, where is the subject of our foreign relations to be discussed generally? So far as this particular question (which is but of little magnitude though made a matter of much importance by gentlemen calling for the previous question and raising questions of order on it) is concerned, I feel myself scarcely interested in the decision. But I do feel myself interested to a degree which it is impossible for me to express, as to the course which this House will take on the subject, ultimately. I think we are standing on the brink and verge of ruin. I address myself to this House—my observations are not intended for persons without these walls—they are addressed to the sober understandings of gentlemen who may chance to hear them.
In the few desultory observations which I threw out the other day (more in the nature of heads of discourse, than regular connected argument) I touched on one question on which I ask the patience of the House to hear me again. It is this—Wherefore was the constitution of the United States created? Out of what did it grow? From what stock does the great mass of powers possessed by the federal government spring? From relations of peace and of war—from intercourse with foreign states—from commerce. It was more immediately the regulation of commerce which gave birth to this constitution. It was not contemplated at that time that this nation should ever pursue that which in my opinion has been properly called a Chinese policy. It was as well known to the nation then as it is now, that by the revenue derived from commerce alone could the general government, be enabled to perfect its engagements, to keep the public faith, to provide for the general welfare and public safety. For this purpose the constitution was adopted. I cannot help casting back my mind to the time when the adoption of that constitution was agitated in the convention of Virginia. I at this time tremble at the recollection of the predictions made in that body, when I think I can see their fulfillment near a hand. It was then foretold by the greatest statesman, if not the greatest statesman, the greatest orator that America
ever knew, that if the time should ever come, when the state and federal governments should have to be supported by revenue derived from direct taxation, the existence of the one or the other must be destroyed. An attempt to feel the public pulse on this subject—a mere attempt at experiment to collect a beggarly revenue of one or two millions, has already put down a former administration. We are now called upon to resolve that we will have no connection of import or export with the rest of mankind; to substitute this measure for war, for defence, for offence. What will be the inevitable result? Are we prepared to violate the public faith—to issue continental money again to pay the expenses of the government?
I know the case is provided for by the constitution—but what are constitutions themselves in the mighty concussion of parties? Are we prepared for this state of things? I have the honor to belong to an important committee raised on the question, what we shall do with our surplus revenue; with the surplus revenue of a nation which neither buys nor sells; of a nation whose revenue is derived from duties on tonnage & imposts, and which is without import & without export. Sir, I hope to be excused in the course of the observations which I make to you I should not follow the example set me by my worthy friend from N. C. (Mr. Macon.) I feel myself too deeply interested to express myself with that method and precision, which is much to be desired, but cannot be attained, at least by me. It does appear to me, sir, that the final extinction of the governments of these states is at hand. If we are to have no connection with foreign nations, no ministers abroad, none from other powers residing with us, no trade, no relations of peace or of war, (for this state of non-intercourse contemplates neither the one nor the other) where was the use of the general government? It will no longer answer the purposes for which it was instituted. I hope I may not be misunderstood—nothing is farther from my anticipation than the destruction of the general government. My fear is that it will swallow up the governments of the states. I see by a late publication that the person who is perhaps to wield the destinies of this nation has long thought, that the governments of the states ought not to exist. Take this fact with another fact, that a question is pending before a committee of this house whether the powers of the general government shall not be enlarged so as to narrow down still further the powers of the governments of the states. My fear is that the strength, grandeur and magnificence of this government will swallow up the power of the states. I have no hesitation in saying that the state which I represent, cannot by all the taxes, which can be so squeezed out of her yield her quota to the support of the general government by direct taxation. What do you infer from this, sir? Is the general government going to take the attitude of a state in the interior? Ask your greatest statesmen—ask the Secretary of the Treasury out of what this government grew. He will tell you, out of our foreign relations . It grows out of our power to supervise the concerns of this, with the sovereigns of other nations. The moment we disrobe ourselves of this general power, and the government of the U. States employs itself in matters of mere local and interior regulation—in laying out and cutting canals and building bridges, the governments of the states are extinguished—from that moment they cease to exist. The people will ask themselves this question—Since the government of the U. States has nothing to do with foreign relations, and we have no money to pay for the support of two governments, where is the necessity of having two separate governments directed to the same objects? This is my fear, and it is a fear which I feel it my duty to express.
No, sir, two governments, each of them depending for support on one and the same people, and that support derived from direct taxation, cannot exist in this country. It is as much as the people of the country in which I live, an do—I will go further, and say it is more than they can now do, to pay their contributions to the state treasury. They look forward to something like a restoration of the ancient state of things for their ability to do that, and to fulfil their engagements with one another.
My friend from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) has said that this idea of coercing the nations of Europe by refusing to have intercourse with them, is as old as the revolution. I wish to ask my friend from N. Caro-

lina and other gentlemen who heard me, if the course to be pursued by us, a free, sovereign and independent nation, for the purpose of coercing all the rest of the world, is that which it became the colonies to take in order to coerce the mother country, possessing the monopoly of their commerce. Sir, I feel that it is impossible for me—the intimations which I have from within of my own weakness convince me that it is impossible for me to go over the ground which I intended to occupy in this discussion. I must throw out my ideas rather by way of innuendo than in any regular system. Is this nation, I ask, to pursue that course, in order to coerce all the nations of the world, which might have been a proper weapon for the coercion of the mother country who held the exclusive monopoly of our commerce? There is no analogy, either between the state of the world then and now, or between that of these U. S. then and now—between the relative situations of the parties, or of which undertakes to act on the other by this new-invented political machine. What is now the state of Spanish and Portuguese America, and what was it then?—What is now the relative situation of France and G. Britain, and what was it then? Totally changed. What is our condition? Entirely altered. We have now to fulfil the engagements which we have made—to pay the price of our independence. We were then free from debt, at least from public debt; and we freed ourselves from private debt by a confiscation of what we owed across the water. We might then do without revenue, because we had not the purposes to which revenue must necessarily be applied. With your marine, with your army, with your palaces on this hill, and on that, a profuse expenditure of money in at least every civil department of the government—and here let me not be understood as making charges against those who have now the conduct of the public affairs—it is an excrescence, an abuse growing out of such governments as this—will you, with all these objects of expenditure, dispense with your revenue? If not, whence is it to be derived, if you declare that you will not suffer your produce to go abroad, nor hold any intercourse with the rest of the world? You must look at home for it; there is nothing left but direct taxation and excise duties.
I confess for one that I was mortified at seeing the proceedings of the first continental Congress resorted to, to justify the proceedings of independent America. In the year 1774, when we were yet provinces, loyal and submissive petitions were addressed to his majesty, and addresses made to the people of Great Britain, Ireland and Jamaica, one of which was read by the gentleman of Massachusetts, (Mr. Bacon) in his place. There the old Congress say to the people of Jamaica, you have nothing more to do than to convert a little sugar land into provision ground, and our measures will not hurt you in the least; and this, sir, was introduced to show our power of affecting the West-India Islands, by withholding our supplies. We know that the West-India planters have already profited of the advice we gave them in 1774. [Here Mr. Bacon asked leave to explain]—Mr. Randolph said that he yielded the floor with pleasure to the gentleman from Massachusetts, for he found himself scarce able to proceed—and but that he thought he perceived in the house a disposition to force the question—He said Mr. Randolph was interrupted by Mr. Love, who said that with the consent of the gentleman from Virginia he would move to adjourn, which was agreed to.]
DECEMBER 5. The consideration of the unfinished business being resumed, the Speaker said that the gentleman from Virginia was entitled to the floor. After a short pause—
Mr. RANDOLPH rose and observed that it would argue a degree of insensibility, which he trusted was wholly foreign from his nature, were he not penetrated with the polite deference paid to him by the House on Saturday last. He was sincerely grateful for that instance of their liberal and generous attention, but he feared he had exposed them to needless trouble—that the same incapacity which prevented him from going on them, still existed in a degree that would disable him from doing to the subject even that feeble justice which his powers in their best state might have enabled him to render it.
He entered into a recapitulation of some of his former remarks—he considered the country as standing in an awful and momentous condition: that we were about to make a virtual sacrifice of that very independence, which in words we proposed to assert—and stood on the verge of a mighty revolution in our own political institutions. In this apprehension he might be mistaken—he hoped in God he was—but if he did not conscientiously entertain it, he would not obtrude himself upon their attention. The powers of the general government growing out of foreign relations and out of commerce, when these were cut off,
and the source from which alone revenue was derived dried up, the general government must act on the citizen through the medium of excise and direct taxation. The burthen of this government and that of the state governments would be beyond the capacity of our citizens to bear. The necessary effect must be the doing away the state governments and directing the operation of the general government to matters of municipal and local concern. Was he not justified in drawing these conclusions from past experience and from circumstances within the knowledge of every man who heard him? Was it not proposed at that very moment to extend the sphere of action of the general government at the expence of the state governments—was it not then a question whether the power of the state governments should be materially diminished and that of the general government proportionably augmented? Unquestionably it was. The federal government might be (he did not say that it was not) eminently calculated for federal purposes, but considered as a consolidated government it was highly objectionable. He could not but feel alarmed when he saw that the person who was to preside over our future destinies had been from the very beginning of the federal constitution inimical to the existence of the state governments. He was impressed with the deepest apprehension for the existence of these institutions—His fears might be unfounded, but they were sincere.
He must again repeat his regret, that the only system of coercion upon Europe, generally, which the wisdom of that House had been able to discover, was that system which, in a state of colonial weakness and dependence thirty-four years ago, we were obliged to have recourse to in order to obtain a boon from the mother country. They had heard much in that debate of the spirit of seventy-sixty. What was that spirit? It was this—“touch the soil and you touch the life-blood of every man upon it.” And yet, sir, this soil has been violated without exciting scarcely a sensation in the heart which pulsates here and distributes life and heat to every extremity of the body politic. Let us not talk of the spirit of ’76, if this be the only demonstration which we can give of that spirit being alive. We were not up to the colonial spirit of 1774-5. The old Congress at the very moment when they asked for justice had taken more vigorous measures to enforce and secure it, than the United States had yet done. Long before their declaration of independence, Montgomery had bled under the walls of Quebec. But what was our present system of coercion? One which told Europe in the plainest language, attested by solemn public acts of the individual states, that its first operation on ourselves was such as obliged us to shut up our courts of justice. That sort of popularity derived to a great national measure from suspending the execution of justice between man and man, from the virtual exoneration of men from the payment of their just and lawful debts, was a species of popularity which he never wished to see in this country. A system which was compelled to resort to such means for its support might well be said, in the new-fangled language of the times, to go to the demoralization of society, to strike at the very root of common honesty. This new invented system of coercion which was to bring all Europe to our feet, had gone across the Atlantic, accompanied with declarations of Georgia and Virginia, (and their example promised to be generally followed) that the distress occasioned by it among ourselves was such as to render it immediately necessary to obstruct the natural course of the great stream of justice. What kind of respect would the belligerents pay to a measure whose operation we confessed to be thus destructive to ourselves. It would, if persevered in, end, not only in shutting up the courts of justice, but the exchequer also. It was not possible to derive from any source but commerce, a revenue adequate to the support of the general government. The state governments were supported, generally, by direct taxes—but if the supply from commerce be taken away, the general government must resort to the same mode of taxation—and what would be the consequence?—A conflict between the sheriff and the marshal for the property of the citizen, and when that was exhausted, for his person; which, he supposed, like the child in the judgment of Solomon, must be divided between the two claimants. This was a state of things which could not long exist. He asked gentlemen to calculate the indispensable annual revenue required for the support of this government, and then say whether they can derive it from direct taxation and excises—to say nothing of the sums necessary for the support of the state institutions. If the operation of our embargo abroad was such as it had been at home, it might well have been boasted of as a measure of coercion. He would have been the last man to have denied its efficacy, or to have wished its repeal,
if he could see bringing such distress on Great Britain as that the court of King's Bench should be compelled to suspend its proceedings, whilst her every source of revenue was at the same time cut off. But when he saw its actual operation upon us and its operation on our enemies, on France and Great Britain, at least questionable, if not altogether imaginary, he could not consent to continue it at such an expence of privation as the people must incur in consequence of it. It had unfortunately happened that during the whole course of the discussion there had been an extreme want of precision with respect to the object in view. They had had enough, and more than enough, of the aggressions of foreign powers. They did not want a history of the disease, but the remedy to be indicated. Not a word had been uttered that went to show that a suspension of intercourse with the belligerents, would have any effectual operation on them. His friend from North Carolina, (Mr. Macon) had indeed told them that if we ventured to sea, if we meant to have any sort of foreign commerce, we must be prepared to contend with the British navy—that our foreign commerce was dependent on the will of England, and therefore we must do it away altogether. To what would this lead? Suppose the belligerents to interrupt our coasting trade. To capture our vessels bound from Charleston to New-York. Must we therefore prohibit it? Suppose a British fleet lying in Hampton Roads, and the communication between Norfolk & Baltimore, enjoyed purely by sufferance. Should we pass a law to prevent Deagle's packet from clearing out for Baltimore by way of remedy for the mischief, and style it a system of coercion and retaliation. Would any man dream of coercing the enemy by such a device? This mode of cutting our throats to save our lives, Mr. R. could not understand. To what extent did the argument go? Fully to this—that in proportion as the belligerents pressed upon us we must recede—and so promptly and rapidly too as never to come in contact with them. This was certainly an admirable recipe for avoiding war; one by which the swift-footed Achilles himself might have kept out of the combat, since he had only to take his distance from the enemy and keep it. He did not expect to have heard, because any branch of our commerce was annoyed by the belligerents, that we should therefore annoy ourselves to a yet greater degree; that because it was liable to partial attack, we should annihilate it.
With his friend from Georgia (Mr. Troup) he was not willing to kneel at the footstool of the throne of the Gallic or British sovereign and beg for commerce. He considered this observation as rather unfortunate for the argument of his friend from Georgia. If it applied any where it must be to our own proposition to raise the embargo if Great Britain would withdraw her orders in council. It was somewhat curious that gentlemen should have exhausted their lungs, as well as their ingenuity, in portraying the humiliating situation in which commerce was placed previous to the embargo, when we had offered to raise the embargo, and put the trade of the U. States on that very footing which it had been said no American would accept. There appeared to have been a very gross mistake amongst the members of that body in relation to the causes out of which the embargo grew. In order to ascertain the point he would call for the reading of the President's message recommending the measure. [It was read by the clerk—as follows.]
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S. “The communications now made showing the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere, from the belligerent powers of Europe, and it being of the greatest importance to keep in safety these essential resources, I deem it my duty to recommend the subject to the consideration of Congress who will doubtless perceive all the advantages which may be expected from an inhibition of the departure of our own vessels from the ports of the U. S. Their wisdom will also see the necessity of making every preparation for whatever events may grow out of the present crisis. TH: JEFFERSON. Dec. 1808.”
Mr. R. proceeded—The House could not fail to recollect that “the communications then made” consisted of information from Paris that the Berlin decree was executed to the full extent of the letter of it, and the proclamation of the British king calling home his native subjects, of which we had not an official copy, but one cut out of a newspaper. The orders of council, although in existence, were not known even unofficially, or the House would have been apprised of them. To offer to withdraw the embargo, then, on the withdrawal of the orders in council was to acknowledge, if not that the measure was laid with-
out cause, at least that that state of commerce was desirable on our part, which had been described on that floor as the most degrading and injurious that could be conceived. It was to leave our resources [our seamen especially, about whom so much had been said] exposed to the very dangers against which the embargo had been adopted to guard.
Here Mr. Randolph observed that he really felt a physical incapacity to present his ideas on the subject in a condensed, and he feared he might add, an intelligible form. He had never when attempting to address the chair labored under it in an equal degree. He asked the indulgence of the House for the length and want of connection of his remarks.
But it had been said since the belligerents would not consent to give their aid in ridding us of the embargo, we must pass stronger laws to enforce it and cut off all intercourse with them. There was a wide difference between an open and hostile resistance to a law, and a clandestine evasion of it. The powers of the government were unquestionably adequate to suppress the first, and he would be amongst the foremost to direct the sword of justice against that man, who should openly put the laws of his country at defiance—but it was not in the power of the government to prevent clandestine evasions, and when he heard intimations of an intention to cut off the coasting trade, and river navigation, by way of enforcing the embargo, he was seized with horror and consternation. But the embargo had kept up the price of produce. This one of its merits was matter of very late and prodigious discovery. To what was the embargo price of tobacco owing? To the home consumption?—Certainly not. To men of capital investing their money in it by way of speculation, calculating on a great profit when the embargo shall be raised. As to the embargo price of flour—to what was that to be ascribed? Not to the consumption at home, but to the fact that the flour, the embargo laws to the contrary notwithstanding, had found its way out of the country—and for whose benefit? The growers were choused out of 50 per cent. of the produce of their land & labor to make fortunes for dishonest daring mercantile adventurers, who bought at home at half price and sold abroad for three or four prices. Was such a state of things desirable? That our sole measure of action against the belligerents should only re-act upon ourselves and amongst ourselves with peculiar, nay, almost exclusive severity on the honest part of the community, whilst the dishonest were reaping enormous profit from it. Was it to be expected that the honest men of the country would bear such a system when they should come to understand it? They would not—they would (as they had done before) change their representatives, if they would not change the law. It was not the Shylocks of the country (as his friend from Georgia supposed) who were opposed to the embargo. As far as his knowledge went men of that character were among its most distinguished advocates—and wherefore? The nominal market price of almost every article, except those from which the landed interest drew their supplies, had either remained stationary or had increased. Produce was down, land and slaves fallen—every thing except the product of the land and labor of the country was either up to the old rate, or had risen to an alarming height. What was the consequence? That Shylock with one dollar—with a single ducat, can now make as great a profit out of the suffering planter, can purchase as much actual property, as before he could with two. The value of his commodity—money—was doubled, that of his neighbor sunk in the same proportion—could that be displeasing to him? And accordingly in Virginia the dealers in deeds of trust and mortgages and your five per cent. per month men were warm advocates of the embargo. They either had money, or could get it by bank accommodation, and thus (to use a vulgar but expressive phrase) could share their neighbors on their own terms and get rich to an incalculable extent.
There was another & important view of this subject. No sooner did the resolution for cutting off all intercourse with the two great belligerents pass through the committee of the whole house, than the vast capital which exists principally to the North and East, set itself in motion. This fluid, which in a healthy state of the system had been employed in the great and salutary work of circulation, had been pent up in the body politic until it had acquired an acrimonious quality. It had hitherto been active in carrying off our redundant products and bringing back such as we wanted in exchange; but the embargo denying it a free vent it had become morbid by stagnation & was corroding the system which it had once nourished & exhilarated. Immediately on the passage of that resolution the spirit of monopoly stalked abroad—the great capitalists had dashed into the market and purchased up every article which nature and habit have rendered
necessary to us—they had bought up salt, dry goods, every thing that they could lay their hands upon, gutting the very shops of the petty retailers. At whose cost were they to be reimbursed? At the cost of the public—the great consuming body. If things were restored to the old channel, the loss, if any, would fall upon those best able to bear it, upon the men of great capital; although it would not be difficult to show that, in such a case, they might re-export their purchases at a profit. If the system were continued it must grind the people down to a state of the most abject poverty and depression. It was a system which might suit Asiatics, but was never adapted to the American spirit. It might do for the Chinese, but even granting it to be the best policy eventually for us, no man who pretended to the character of a practical statesman would attempt to make a total change of the habits of a nation in one night. Great changes to be beneficial must be gradual, not forced upon the people. Nature might be coaxed, but she would not be coerced with impunity.
His friend and colleague (Mr. Burwell) had said that to expose the pressure of the embargo on ourselves was to encourage the enemy, inciting him as it were to persevere in his measures. He had compared our situation to that of a besieged town, and asked, if we ought to apprise the besiegers that we were nearly out of provisions, that we could not hold out another week? Mr. Randolph accepted the comparison. Under such circumstances suppose a council of war to be held—he would not hesitate to say to his compatriots and fellow soldiers that it was better to perish in a glorious sally, than die by inches in the trenches of disease and famine. He should not be deterred by the fear that the enemy would take advantage of their deliberations. In the present case they had the most authentic intelligence of our real situation—it was upon record in acts of assembly of states the most zealous in support of administration, and in the proposals of government itself. He feared that without some change the public spirit would become so completely broken, so entirely paralysed that we might almost as well be over-run by an enemy as reduced to so torpid and degraded a condition.
The capital, which we would not suffer to employ itself in a natural and salutary direction, had to use the expression, turned its arms against the state. It was engaged in monopolizing suit and every article of the first necessity, to be resold at the most exorbitant advance, because we would not suffer it to take our cotton, tobacco, fish, &c. abroad, and bring us returns for it at the most reasonable rate. During the whole discussion it appeared, that gentlemen had indulged themselves in begging the question. As a planter he could not conceive how he husband his own resources by suffering his crop to perish on his hands, instead of paying his debts or purchasing necessities with its proceeds; nor how he assisted the belligerents by exchanging a superfluity even for another—for the wines and brandies of France, for example. How did we impair the resources of the European powers or aid our own by the destruction of the whole product of our country? But to return to the effect of the embargo on the price of produce, which had nearly escaped him. His friend from Carolina (Mr. Macon) had said, that if all our produce were pent up in England, the price would be lower even than it then was. Was there any necessity for its being pent up in Great Britain? Could gentlemen devise no other vent for it? Was it not notorious that Sweden, an independent kingdom, having no orders or decrees against us, was open to its reception? and was it not equally well known that if we could get our produce to Gottenburg, that it would find its way to the rest of the continent, as heretofore it had done from Hamburg and Bremen. There was a common sense view of this subject, that settled the question. When it is understood out of the house that the embargo is to be continued, produce falls—with a whisper that it is to be taken off produce rises. The mere motion of a colleague (Mr. Sawyer) of his friend from Carolina to open a trade to the West-Indies, had a sensible effect on the Baltimore market. There was not a merchant who would not give more for a barrel of flour, or a hogshead of tobacco, on condition that the embargo was to be raised. To contend then that the embargo kept up the price of produce was absurd. Go into the market, and the theory vanished when you come to practice. It was in vain to oppose argument however ingenious against fact and experience. It was matter of notoriety—Let us not attempt to cheat our senses in this thing. Produce was bought with no other view than to its exportation. Prohibition of exportation could not enhance its price. If the position be not true, words had lost their meaning.
During the course of the debate, recurrence had been had to past transactions—for one he could have wished that they might have been passed

present seemed to render it almost impossible. He begged gentlemen to carry back their minds to the time when the right of deposit at New Orleans was arbitrarily suspended. It was a time of general peace in Europe. The nation committing the wrong was the known ally of France, identified (he might say) with her. What did we do? Did we declare Independence? Did we assert our rights in one resolution, and in another immediately forbid their exercise? No—we declared in a prompt and spirited manner that we were willing to view the aggression as the unauthorised act of an individual—that we would apply to his government for redress, but we pledged ourselves to maintain at every hazard our right of navigation through the Mississippi, as established by existing treaties and the laws of nations and of nature. With this declaration in hand our minister went abroad. It was made when Europe was at peace, and when for ought we knew the whole combined force of France and Spain, unshackled by the British navy, would be brought to bear upon us. We gained our point and more than gained it. If we had met with a denial of justice no doubt we remained of the alternative. He knew too well the temper of the house at that day not to feel assured that we should have taken redress into our own hands, and had we spent fifteen millions of money to acquire the possession of both banks of the Mississippi, but five short years ago, and shall we now be the first to shut it up? Even the Spaniards had not carried their audacity so far. They did not require us to come to, and give bond and security that our property should not be carried out of the river—they only disputed our right to deposit it on their own territory—and had we spent fifteen millions for the sovereignty of that river merely to deprive our citizens of the right to use it, when we would not submit for a moment to its suspension by those who rightfully held both banks of it? It was to our vigorous proceedings at that day, that we were indebted for the possession of Louisiana. It was in that last session of 1805-6, that the policy of yielding to any thing that might come in the shape of insult and aggression was commenced. The result was then foretold. It has happened. What was then prophecy is now history. We are completely entangled in the web of our own irresolute, hesitating policy. The Gordian knot cannot be untied—It must be cut—We must cut the Lilliputian letters which have so long bound us to the earth.
Mr. Randolph hoped his friend from North Carolina would consider the notice which he had taken of his arguments only as an evidence of the profound respect and veneration in which he held the qualities of his heart and understanding. His friend had requested the House to take warning by the fate of the powers of Europe, and with an infelicity which he could not have expected from a man of his sagacity, had held up Prussia as an example—herself the victim of a short sighted, timid, temporising policy. She might have saved Europe. She consented to become the pandar of French ambition & she has received her reward; that reward which awaits all who descend to act the same ignoble, loathsome and detestable part. No more of Prussia, sir— veluti in speculo —in the fate of Prussia, as in a mirror, we may see our own, if once we consent to be governed by Prussian councils.
On the subject of our trade there was one plain and obvious answer to every man who objected to raising the embargo as the commencement of a struggle for our indubitable maritime rights. It was this; that those who were most to be affected by it—the merchants—excepting a few—for example, those who have vessels out and take care that they shall never come in, and who whilst the great mass of our tonnage is rotting in our ports are themselves receiving an enormous premium, which the competition of that tonnage would deprive them of; and those who have in the country an immense stock of foreign goods, the price of which they know must rise three or four hundred per cent; and thus make them nabobs at the expence of the community;—excepting these, the merchants are willing to run the risk; and if we do not choose to protect them, at least we may leave them and the insurance officers to settle the business between themselves. If we will not engage to protect them, let us not incapacitate them by way of apology for not protecting them. They tell us that they can find ways and means to get rid of our produce and give us a better price for it if we will permit them. It is then their affair. But gentlemen say that by the captures at sea we shall be immediately involved in war. Well—Do not gentlemen tell us that we are now at war. Was not this one of their war measures—part of their great system of coercion? And yet to avoid this war, in which we are actually involved, we are to do—What? Shew our heels to the enemy and our indignant fronts to our own helpless citizens. It was high time that the vigor of this govern-
ment any it have—and he believed it had more than any in the world)—should be displayed on some other theatre than our own country, and on some other objects than our own citizens. It was indeed time that this vigor should be husbanded for the aggressors on our rights, and not that the whole vial of our wrath should be poured out on the heads of our own unoffending people. Let gentlemen take into consideration the condition of the country—the eastern states particularly. Had they no pity?—No compassion upon the distresses of those people, and in fact upon the privations and sufferings of the whole mass of our society? Was all their force and energy to be exerted only upon ourselves? Or shall we determine that inasmuch as foreign nations will not do us justice, to the best of our ability, to help us God! we will do justice to ourselves.
His friend from Virginia (Mr. Barwell) had told the House that there was a very strong interest in Great Britain in favor of making war upon us. We knew that the naval, the West India and East India interests are so disposed—that would have been a good reason for treating when it was in our power—but shall we therefore now give up the ground? Because a portion of her subjects are hostilely disposed towards us, shall we put on an aspect precisely pacific in proportion to the airs which they may assume? We knew that France was disposed to make war upon us—that nothing but the ocean, interposed as a non-conductor between us, prevented her—that she had injured us to the extent of her ability—Should we therefore propitiate the resentment of her monarch by a sacrifice of our rights? It was a doctrine which he never expected to have heard on the floor of the American House of Representatives. The cup of patience was exhausted. We had drained the chalice of humiliation to the dregs—if instead of asserting our rights against the aggressors we were determined to forego them forever, instead of re-enacting the declaration of independence, let us expunge it from the statute-book, and agree to hold a middle rank in the scale of beings between the nations of Europe and the aboriginal savages. Indeed there was not an Indian tribe, however reduced, that would unresistingly suffer what we had endured. There was not a man that ever wore a string of wampum—even if he were the last of his tribe, who would not consider himself disgraced by such submission. The time for temporizing had gone by—This was the time for acting. If we would not act, let us not in one breath assert our rights, and in the next resign them, and punish whomsoever shall trespass against that determination. The nation was undone. It could not exist under such a system. Shall we come out with a fine, vaporing, flourishing resolution about honor and independence, and sneak out of it by forbidding our citizens to do that which we declare every man of them is entitled of right to do? Shall we turn our face from the enemy, and put on the angry frown of vindictive cowardice towards our own people? Shew him the man who dare not resent an insult, who shrinks from his adversary in public, and he would shew you a tyrant in his family. In proportion as his courage sinks where there is danger, so does it rise where there is none—in every respect the reverse of the man of real honor and real spirit. Such he hoped they would not make their model. But why did he thus idly waste his strength in a vain attempt to express the few confused and scattered ideas floating in his mind. He would recall the attention of the House to matter of sober and melancholy fact—the condition of the people. What was it? In Virginia the September frost had destroyed nearly half the crop, and the embargo half the value of the remainder—debts pressing on the planter and taxes to pay. But perhaps gentlemen might ask, will you go to war—will you lay a land tax? He would not, for one, add to the burthen on the citizen—but he would scuffe for commerce as the only means of relieving him, the only chance for revenue. He would make the struggle, and if we could not maintain our rights in the worst event, we could but resort to what was now proposed to be done in the first instance.
Mr. Randolph approved the first member of the second resolution, which went to exclude ships of war from our ports. It wore an aspect of impartiality, although one of the belligerents, it was well known, would be little affected by it. The second member of the resolution was objectionable to him, not only as operating exclusively on one of them, and in a manner meeting the views of the other, but because he was for opening our ports to the products of both, and of the whole world, at once to supply ourselves with necessaries, and the means of revenue. Our merchants believed that, if let alone, they could by their enterprise carry on a lucrative trade, and get us a better price for our produce. He was at least willing to indulge them in the experiment. He could no
see the grounds upon which men refused their assent. If it failed, they were not obliged to be answerable for its failure; but so long as government tied their hands, it was responsible for the consequences. Let them then go. In short, if we would not maintain them in the exercise of their indubitable rights, at least let us not forbid them from attempting to use them. If the law will not protect your person when you pass your foot over your threshold, let it not therefore confine you close prisoner in your own house.
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY DECEMBER 28.
For the "Bill for enforcing and making more effectual the embargo laws," & other articles, see last page.
The Electors of Tennessee (5) have unanimously given their votes to James Madison, as President, and George Clinton, as Vice President of the United States.
Pennsylvania Legislature.—On the 20th inst. Mr. Moore offered a resolution for calling a convention to consider what amendments & alterations were necessary in the constitution, which, after debate, was withdrawn.
A resolution, offered by Dr. Leib, to annul all criminal prosecutions for libels, and to leave the printer and author alone responsible, has been adopted.
The Spanish news by the way of the Havana turns out, to be entirely unfounded.
An arrival at Charleston, from Havana, states that Bonaparte was in Spain at the head of 160,000 men.
SENATE. No business has been transacted during the two last days, owing to the absence of the Vice President of the United States, occasioned by his indisposition.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Monday, Dec. 25.
Mr. Say obtained leave of absence for three weeks.
Mr. Nelson from the committee to whom was referred so much of the Message of the President of the U. States as relates to the military and naval establishments, and to whom was referred on the 17th inst. a resolution for placing the country in a more complete state of defence, submitted the following RESOLUTION IN PART.
Resolved, That it is expedient immediately to raise, arm, and equip, fifty thousand volunteers, to serve for the term of two years.
A PROPOSITION FOR RAISING FIFTY THOUSAND VOLUNTEERS.
Will it not be advisable to propose raising an army of 50,000 volunteers, to be engaged for two years, and to serve, if required for actual service, any proportion of the term not exceeding twelve months within the term for which they shall be engaged; each non-commissioned officer, musician, and private, to receive ten dollars bounty, and each commissioned officer to receive one month's pay when appointed; and the whole to receive pay and rations when attending musters as well as when in actual service; the non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates, to be armed and equipped by the public, and to receive a uniform coat, vest, one pair pantaloons, hat, two shirts, one pair of shoes, and a blanket; and if called into actual service for any term over three months, to receive other articles of clothing in proportion to the term of service, not exceeding in the whole (including those first received) what are allowed to the soldiers in the regular army for one year. The whole to be mustered and exercised in companies four days within the two first months after being engaged, and six days in each succeeding year, and to meet and encamp in their respective states and territories, thirty days in each year; no man to be enlisted into any company, whose place of residence shall not be within a reasonable distance from the company parade to which he shall belong.
A suitable number of inspectors to be appointed by the President of the U. States, to direct and inspect the exercise of the troops when encamped, and to give directions for the drilling and exercise of the companies, and to direct and receive all returns, muster and pay rolls; to be transmitted to an adjutant and inspector general (to be appointed by the President of the U. States) who shall give general instructions to all sub-inspectors, for the drilling, exercise, discipline, and police of the volunteers when not in actual service. The officers to be appointed and commissioned by the President of the U. States. The proposed corps to include as many of the volunteers who have offered their services under the act of 24th February, 1807, as shall engage in the volunteer army now proposed. The whole to consist of 44,000 infantry, 3,000 artillery, and 3,000 riflemen, to be organised into companies of 100 each, including officers, regiments of 1000, brigades of 5000, and divisions of 10,000 each, to have the usual staff, including surgeons and mates; the surgeons and mates to attend the annual encampment and actual service, and to receive pay only for their actual services, at the same rate as allowed to regimental surgeons and mates in the other corps of the army.
   Pay per month     5 Major generals $166 830   10 Brigadier gens. 104 1040   50 Colonels 75 3750   50 Lieut. colonels 60 3000   50 Majors 50 2500   500 Captains 40 20000   500 Lieutenants 30 15000   50 Ensigns 20 10000   50 Sny. coms 45 2250   50 Surgeons mates 30 1500   2000 Sergeants 8 16000   2000 Corporals 7 14000   1000 Musicians 6 6000   43500 Privates 5 217500   Per month $ 253500  
2 1/4 months pay for the commissioned officers, $134,707 50 1 1/4 do. for non commissioned officers, musicians and privates, $16,875
   Commissioned officers, at 20 cents per ration, $5,587 50   1 1/4 do. of the non-commissioned officers, &c. at 15 cents per ration, 272,312 50   Clothing for non-commissioned officers, &c. at $14 each, 679,000   Bounty for do. do. at 10 each, 485,000   Tents and contingent expenses per year, 160,000   $2,083,982 50  
The first year's expence will be, 2,100,000 The second year will be, 800,000 $2,900,000
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of Treasury enclosing a statement of the appropriations necessary for the service of the ensuing year, and of the receipts and expenditures for the year past.—Referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. Story offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to consider whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to the act, entitled "An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," with liberty to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Stanford enquiring as to the precise object of this resolution, Mr. Story replied, that his object was merely to define certain crimes now loosely defined, and to provide a punishment for some crimes now committed with impunity.
The resolution was adopted—Ayes 66. Messrs. Story, Dama, Nelson, Troup, and J. G. Jackson form the committee.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee on our foreign relations, to whom was referred the resolution lately passed by this House on the subject, reported a bill to interdict commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes. Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole on Wednesday next.
The following are the prominent features of the non-intercourse bill. Exclusion from the harbors and waters of the U. S. and the territories thereof, of all public ships and vessels belonging to G. Britain or France, or to any other belligerent power or powers having in force orders, decrees, edicts, or laws, violating the lawful commerce or neutral rights of the U. S. excepting vessels forced in by stress of weather, pursuit of an enemy, such as are charged with dispatches, or business from their governments, or packets having no cargo nor merchandise on board. The President is authorised to exempt by force all such vessels as contravene this regulation—A penalty not exceeding $10,000, nor less than $100, and imprisonment for not less than one month, and not more than one year, upon all persons affording assistance to vessels entering contrary to the law, excepting in case of piloting them out of the jurisdiction of the U. S.—Authority to seize and condemn after a certain day, all vessels and their cargoes, bearing the French or English flag, or owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of either, which may enter the ports &c. of the U. S. excepting only vessels expressly hired to convey dispatches, such as put in through distress; or are chased in by an enemy—Prohibits, after a certain day, of the importation of any goods or merchandise, the produce or manufacture of G. Britain or France, or their dependencies either directly or indirectly, from any country whatever—The forfeiture, and payment of treble value by the owners of any goods so prohibited, attempted to be introduced into the U. S. on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage—Forfeiture of the ship, vessel, boat, raft, or carriage, which shall receive prohibited goods on board, knowing them to be such, and the owner and master mulcted in treble the value of the articles—Provision that if G. Britain or France, revoke or modify their orders or decrees so as to render our commerce sufficiently safe in the opinion of the President of the U. S. of which revocation or modification he shall give public notice by proclamation, the operation of this act and of the embargo acts, shall so far as relates to the nation making such revocation or modification, and to nations in amity with her, and having no orders, decrees, or edicts in force, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. S. forthwith cease and determine; without, however, any remission of previous fines and forfeitures. Vessels bound to any foreign port or place with which intercourse shall have been thus restored, are to give bond and approved security, in six times the value of such vessel and cargo, not to proceed to any foreign port, nor trade with any country other than those with which commercial intercourse shall have been thus permitted—The President vested with power to extend the provisions of the bill to any nations having in force edicts, &c. such as those of G. Britain and France; and all the penalties, &c. of the bill, made applicable to them.
ENFORCING THE EMBARGO.
The order of the day on the bill for enforcing and making more effectual the act laying the embargo, and the several acts supplementary thereto, being called for—
Mr. Newton observed that he wished to expedite the passage of the bill, and as amendments were contemplated to it, he moved that the committee of the whole be discharged from the bill, and that it be referred to a select committee.
After a short discussion, the motion was negatived, Ayes 34.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill, Mr. Story in the chair.
Mr. Elliot moved to strike out the first section, and spoke at length in support of the motion, when the committee rose without having come to any decision—Ayes 53.
Mr. Fisk wished leave to sit again to be refused, in order to refer the bill to a select committee.
But the committee obtained leave to sit again, 42 to 32.
MEDITERRANEAN FUND.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a "bill to continue in force the first section of an act entitled "An act further to protect the
powers," which read and referred to a committee of the whole.
The House then adjourned at half past 3 o'clock.
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 27.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill reported yesterday, to continue the Mediterranean fund, which he stated to expire on the first of January, and therefore required a speedy decision by the House. Mr. Cotts in the chair.
[The bill proposes to continue the fund for one year.]
The bill went through the committee of the whole, and was ordered to a third reading.
A letter was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing the annual statement of the district tonnage of the United States. Ordered to be printed.
A letter was also received from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing the annual statement of the exports during the last year. Ordered to be printed.
Mr. Jackson moved that the committee of the whole be discharged from further consideration of the bill for enforcing the embargo, with a view to refer it to a select committee, to make amendments wished by its friends, which could not be made without difficulty in committee of the whole.
After a discussion of three hours and a half, the motion to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of the bill, was carried, Ayes 70, and the bill committed to a select committee of seven members. Adjourned at 5 o'clock.
MARRIED, on Sunday the 11th inst. Mr. RALPH CHARLTON of this city, to Miss ABIGAIL STILLWELL, of Bedford county, P.sylvania.
NEW STORE.
OPPOSITE THE CENTRE MARKET. THE Subscribers inform their friends & the public in general, that they have made a considerable addition to their former stock of Groceries, &c. which they will sell on the most reasonable terms, a quantity of excellent honey, corn, corn meal, bran, oats, &c. &c. Whiskey and Flour by the barrel.
P. S. Alexandria Beer of superior quality by the barrel or half barrel. BACON & MOORE. December 28—cp2w
TREASURER'S SALE.
ON Saturday the seventh day of January next, will be exposed to public sale at Seltz's Hotel, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the following Negroes, the property of Daniel Carroll, of Du-dington, Esquire, to satisfy taxes due the corporation of the city of Washington, for the years 1805, 1806, and 1807, to wit: Charles and William, two Negro men, John, Bennett and Frank, three negro boys, Milly, Rachael, Suckey, Juma, Charity and Polly, six negro women. Terms of sale Cash. HENRY WHETCROFT, Treasurer of Washington City. December 28, 1803—3t
30,000 DOLLARS—FOR 800 CENTS.
NEW-YORK STATE LOTTERY. For opening and improving certain roads to the Black River. Positively to commence drawing on the 17th of April next—500 Tickets to be drawn each day, until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable 30 days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature. THE CAPITAL PRIZES ARE—
 30,000 Dollars,  20,000 Dollars,  10,000 Dollars,  5,000 Dollars,  2,000 Dollars, 
Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two Blanks to a Prize. The scheme of this Lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American Public, and the price of Tickets at present no higher than eight Dollars each.
TICKETS, Halves, Quarters and Eighths, Are to be had of Joseph Milligan, George-Town, where a regular Check Book of the drawing is kept for the inspection of tickets gratis.
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters post paid, directed to Joseph Milligan, George-Town, may have Tickets and shares returned by post to any part of the union, with the utmost punctuality; and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large gratis, and Cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. Prizes in former Lotteries taken in payment for Tickets in this.
J. Milligan having established a regular correspondence with G. and R. Waite's, pledges himself to give the earliest information about the Lotteries gratis—purchasers of tickets may rest assured of being furnished at the New-York price, without the risk or expence of postage. George Town, Dec. 2—Popet.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber having suffered much from Trespasses committed on his Farm at Gishborough Point, forewarns all persons from cutting and transporting wood from his shores or hunting with dog or gun on his lands, as he will prosecute all offenders in future.
J. J. SHAAFF. Gishborough, Dec. 28—3t
Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company.
THE Stockholders of the Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company are hereby notified that the Fifth & last installment of TEN Dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, Treasurer in Alexandria, on or before the 23d. day of January next, agreeable to an act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors. G. DENGATE, President. December 28—Jan 3

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act, no person or persons whatsoever, shall export, be water, or transport by land, or in any other manner, any of the United States, or any part thereof, to any foreign prince, state, or country, any specie or goods, wares or merchandise, either of domestic or foreign growth, produce, or manufacture, nor put or receive the same on board any ship, vessel, boat, or water craft, destined to any foreign place or country, or with intent that the same shall be carried to any foreign place or country; nor load, put, or receive the same into any cart, waggon, sled, or any other carriage or vehicle, with or without wheels, to transport or carry to any place or territory without the limits of the United States, or with intent that the same shall be transported or carried to any such place or territory; and every person who shall export, be water, or in any other manner, carry out of the United States, any specie or goods, wares or merchandise, either of domestic or foreign growth, produce, or manufacture, or shall put or receive the same on board any ship, vessel, boat, or water craft, or shall load, put, or receive the same into any cart, waggon, sled, or any other carriage or vehicle, with or without wheels, to transport or carry to any foreign place or country, or with intent that the same shall be carried to any such place or country, shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall forfeit and pay to the use of the United States, treble the value of such specie, goods, wares, or merchandise, at the same time and place, and the price thereof estimated at the foreign destination, or place, or country to which they were exported, transported, or carried, or to which they were intended to be exported, transported, or carried, as aforesaid, together with costs of prosecution, and all other costs and charges, till the said judgment be fully satisfied; and to secure the payment of the said judgment, the court before whom the same shall be had, shall proceed forthwith to estimate the value of such specie, goods, wares or merchandise, at the foreign destination, or place, or country to which they were exported, transported, or carried, or to which they were intended to be exported, transported, or carried, as aforesaid: Provided nevertheless , That the person who shall first make the disclosure, and lodge a complaint with the district judge, or with the attorney or marshal of the district where the offence was committed, of any offence committed against the provisions of this section, shall be entitled to receive one half the sum the person so complained of shall on conviction, be fined; and the same shall be paid to him, when collected, under the direction of the President of the United States, having first obtained a certificate from the court before whom the conviction was had, that he is entitled to the same: And provided also , That this act shall not be construed to extend to any agent or factor, mariner or seaman, nor the driver or conductor of any team, cart, waggon, sled, or any other carriage or vehicle, who shall first make the disclosure, and lodge a complaint as aforesaid, and who shall not have been at any time owner or proprietor, in whole or in part, of such specie, or of the goods, wares, or merchandise, so carried or attempted to be carried out of the United States.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted , That it shall not be lawful to put on board any ship, vessel, or boat of any description whatever, any specie or goods, wares or merchandise, either of domestic or foreign growth, produce, or manufacture, and the same is hereby prohibited unless a permit particularly stating the articles thus to be laden shall have been previously obtained from the collector of the district in which such ship, vessel, or boat may then be, or from a revenue officer specially authorised by the collector to grant such permits; nor unless the laden shall be made under the inspection of the proper revenue officer, nor unless the owner or owners, consignee or factor of such ship, vessel or boat shall, with the master, have given bond with one or more sureties to the United States in a sum six times the value of the vessel and cargo, that the vessel shall not leave the port without a clearance, nor shall, when leaving the port, proceed to a foreign port or place, nor shall put any article on board of any other vessel; and that the whole cargo shall be re-laden either in the port where the vessel may then be, or in such other port of the United States as shall be designated in the clearance. And it shall be lawful for the collectors of the customs to refuse permission to put any cargo on board any such ship, vessel, or boat, whenever in their opinion there is an intention to violate the embargo, or whenever they shall have received instructions to that effect by direction of the President of the United States: Provided , That nothing contained in this section shall be construed to extend to any ship, vessel, or boat, uniformly employed in the navigation only of bays, sounds, or rivers, and lakes within the jurisdiction of the United States, which shall have obtained a general permission, agreeably to the provisions in the fourth section of this act.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted , That the owner or owners, consignee or factor, of any ship, vessel, or boat, as described in the preceding section which may, at the time when notice of this act shall be received at the several custom houses respectively, be laden in whole or in part, shall, on notice given by the collector, either discharge such cargo or give bond for the same, in the manner and on the conditions mentioned in the preceding section; & if the cargo shall not be discharged within ten days or the bond given within forty-eight hours after such notice,
the ship, vessel, or boat and cargo shall be wholly forfeited: But the collectors are hereby authorized to order or to cause the cargoes of such vessels to be discharged for the same causes as they may refuse permission to put any cargo on board of vessels not yet laden in whole or in part. And they are likewise authorized in the meanwhile, and until the cargoes shall have been discharged, or bonds given, as the case may be, to take possession of such vessels, and to take such other measures as may be necessary to prevent their departure.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted , That the collectors of the customs be and they are hereby authorized to grant, under such general instructions as the President of the United States may give to that effect, a general permission to ships, vessels, or boats, whose employment has uniformly been confined to the navigation of bays, sounds, rivers, or lakes within the jurisdiction of the United States, when it can be done without danger of the embargo being violated, to take on board at any time such articles of domestic or foreign growth as may be designated in such general permission or permissions, and with one or more sureties being previously given to the United States by the owner, owners, consignee, or factors of such ship, vessel or boat, and by the master thereof, in an amount equal to three hundred dollars for each ton of the said vessel, that such vessel shall not, during the time limited, in the condition of the bond, depart from any district of the United States without having, previously obtained a clearance, nor until the master or commanders shall have delivered to the collector or surveyor of the port of departure a manifest of the whole cargo on board, that the said vessel shall not during the time above mentioned, proceed to any other port than that mentioned in her clearance, or put any article on board of any other vessel, or be employed in any foreign trade; and that on every voyage, or trip the whole of the cargo shall be landed in a port of the United States within the bay, sound, river, or lakes to which the navigation of such vessel is confined.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted , That if any ship, vessel, or boat, not having received a general permission and a general bond not having been first given in the manner provided for in the next preceding section, shall take on board any specie, or any goods, wares, or merchandise, either of foreign or domestic growth, produce, or manufacture, contrary to the provisions of the third section of this act, such ship, vessel, or boat, together with the specie and goods, wares, or merchandise, shall be wholly forfeited; and the owner or owners, agent, freighter, or factors, master or commander of such ship, vessel, or boat, shall moreover severally forfeit and pay a sum equal to the value of the ship, vessel, or boat, and of the cargo put on board the same.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted , That the person or persons whose names do or may appear as owner or owners of any ship or vessel, either on the certificate of registry, enrolment, or license of any such ship or vessel, or if neither registered or licensed, on the last clearance or custom-house document issued before the passing of this act for such ship or vessel, shall be reputed as the true owner or owners of such ship or vessel, and be liable to the payment of all penalties which may be incurred by the owners of such ship or vessel, by reason of any violation of any of the provisions of this act, or of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, or of any of the acts supplementary thereto by such ship or vessel: Provided always , That nothing in this section contained shall be construed to release any other person or persons from the payment of any penalty incurred by virtue of any of the acts aforesaid. And in case of any new register or license being granted during the continuance of the said acts, or in case of the sale of any ship or vessel neither registered or licensed, a bond with one or more sureties to the United States shall, previous to the granting any such new register or license, or to recognising the sale of such vessel not registered or licensed, be required by the collector, in an amount equal to three hundred dollars for each ton of such ship or vessel, that such ship or vessel shall not, during the continuance of the acts laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, contravene or infringe any of the provisions of the said acts: Provided , That nothing herein contained, shall be construed to extend to the owner or owners of any ship or vessel, who shall have made a bona fide sale of such ship or vessel, in any port or harbor of the United States, before notice of this act at such port or harbor, respectively; nor to the owner or owners of any ship or vessel, in any foreign port or place, who shall have made a bona fide sale thereof, before notice of this act: And provided also , That such bond shall not release the owners and master of such ship or vessel, or any other person
from the obligation of giving every other bond required by this act or by any of the acts aforesaid.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted , That in all cases where either under this act, or under the act laying an embargo on all ships or vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States, or under any of the acts supplementary thereto, a bond has been or shall be given to the United States with condition that certain goods, wares, and merchandise or the cargo of a vessel shall be re-laden in some port of the United States, the party or parties to such bond, shall within two months after the date of the same, (unless in the case of a voyage from New Orleans to an Atlantic port or from an Atlantic port to New Orleans, in either of which cases, four months shall as heretofore be allowed,) produce to the collector of the port from which the vessel had been cleared with such goods, wares, merchandise, or cargo, a certificate of the re-laden of the same from the collector of the proper port; on failure whereof, the bond shall be put in suit; and in every such suit, as well as in every suit instituted on a bond given for a voyage from or to New Orleans, judgment shall be given against the defendant or defendants, unless proof shall be given of such re-laden, or of loss of the vessel at sea. But neither capture, distress, or any other accident whatever shall be pleaded or given in evidence in any such suit: And in every suit instituted on a bond given as aforesaid, the defendants shall pay all costs, if they shall not within the limited time have produced the certificate of re-laden to the collector of the proper port.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted , That no registered or sea letter vessel, though in ballast, shall receive a clearance, or be permitted to depart from any port of the United States, unless the same bond shall have been previously given which is required from vessels licensed for the coasting trade, before they are allowed to depart. And if any such ship or vessel shall depart without bond having been given as aforesaid, the said ship or vessel shall be forfeited; and the owner, owners, agent, consignee, factor, and master or commander of such ship or vessel, as well as any other person concerned in such prohibited departure, shall be liable to the same penalties imposed by law in the case of vessels licensed for the coasting trade, departing without bond having been given, or without clearance, as aforesaid.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted , That the collectors of all the districts of the United States, shall and they are hereby authorised to take into their custody specie or any articles of domestic growth, produce or manufacture, when there is reason to believe that they are intended for exportation, or when in vessels, carts, wagons, sledges or any other carriage, or in any manner apparently on their way towards the territories of a foreign nation, or the vicinity thereof, or towards a place whence such articles are intended to be exported; and not to permit such articles to be removed until bond with sufficient sureties shall have been given for the landing or delivery of the same in some place of the United States, whence, in the opinion of the collector there shall not be any danger of such articles being exported.
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted , That the powers given to the collectors, either by this or any other act respecting the embargo, to detain any vessel, or to take into their custody any articles for the purpose of preventing violations of the embargo, shall be exercised in conformity with such instructions as the President may give, and such general rules as he may prescribe for that purpose, made in pursuance of the powers aforesaid; which instructions and general rules the collectors shall be bound to obey: And if any action or suit be brought against any collector or other person acting under the directions of and in pursuance of this act, he may plead the general issue, and give this act and the instructions and regulations of the President in evidence for his justification and defence.
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted , That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces or militia of the United States, or of the territories thereof as may be judged necessary, in conformity with the provisions of this and other acts respecting the embargo to the purpose of preventing the illegal departure of any ship or vessel, or of detaining, taking possession of, and keeping in custody any ship or vessel, or of taking into custody and guarding any specie or articles of domestic growth, produce, or manufacture, and also for the purpose of preventing and suppressing any armed or riotous assemblage of persons resisting the custom-house officers in the exercise of their duties, or in any manner opposing the execution of the laws laying an embargo, or otherwise violating, or assisting and abetting violations of the same.
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted , That all penalties and forfeitures incurred by force of this act, unless herein before otherwise directed; and all penalties and forfeitures incurred by force of the act, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," or by virtue of the several acts supplementary thereto, may be prosecuted, sued for, and recovered by action of debt, or by indictment or information, any law, usage, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding; and shall be distributed, and accounted for in the manner prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imposts and tonnage," passed the 2d day of March, 1799, and may be mitigated or remitted in the manner prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to provide for mitigating or remitting forfeitures, penalties, and disabilities accruing in certain cases therein mentioned," passed the third day of March, 1797, and made perpetual by an act passed the 11th of February, 1800.
Sec. 13. And be it further enacted , That this act shall be in force from and after the passing thereof, during the continuance of the act, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," and no longer.
Extract of a letter from Pensacola, dated 3d November, 1808.
"A plot has been discovered, which has in some measure disturbed the public tranquility; but the leader of it, a serjeant, is now in confinement, and it is supposed will be hung in two or three days."
A Grape Vine in Hampton Court gardens, England, is said to be 72 feet long, and 20 broad, with 2004 bunches of grapes.
Baltimore, December 22.
A letter from a gentleman in Montreal to his relative in this city, dated December 8, 1808, states, that the day before, troops were passing in large numbers, from Upper into Lower Canada—that the non-intercourse law would be viewed as a declaration of war —and that 10,000 stand of arms and a large quantity of ammunition had been sent to the Indians, who have engaged to aid the British in prosecuting the war."
The above extract comes to us under every appearance of truth, and we are disposed to place implicit reliance in the information it contains. We are informed that these facts have been communicated to the President of the U. States.
SAMUEL SITTINIUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET.
GRATEFULLY sensible of the past favors of both his Friends and the Public at large, takes the liberty to offer in addition to his lately Advertised Stock of DRY GOODS, a new supply of—
 Common Broad Cloth,  Pelice do.  Tappi Velvet,  Silk do. and Flannels of almost any description at the most reduced prices,  5000 lbs. best Green Coffee,  500 lbs. well tanned Seal Leather of first rate slaughter Hides,  1 pipe Holland Gin,  1 bale Almonds in shells,  9 boxes Tin,  A quantity of best Sheet Iron, single, double and treble,  1 box London imported Hats,  A few pieces Oil Cloth,  Spanish Segars by the box,  Linon Clocks,  Apron do.  Cotton Velvets,  Black Gambies,  Do. silk Velvets,  Plain Velvet Binding of all numbers,  1 trunk elegant Calicoes,  Silk Shawls,  Pelice Cloth,  Dressing Looking-Glasses,  Black Worsted Stockings,  Cotton Stripes,  Linon do.  1 trunk tanned Buck skins suitable for gloves and pantaloon making,  5000 best Clarioned Quills,  All of which he intends to dispose of on the most pleasing terms for cash or approved notes. December 28—3&wtf
THE WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY.
Notice is hereby given, that an annual meeting of the STOCKHOLDERS will be held on the 1st Monday in January next, agreeably to the "Act authorizing the erection of a Bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia," at Long's tavern, at 11 o'clock, A. M. By order of the President & Directors, SAML. ELLIOT, Jun. Clk. December 26—ep
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber on Wednesday last, a bright mulatto slave who called himself GEORGE DYER—he is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, well made; he had on when he went away a suit of country cloth, very much worn, but he may probably change his clothes. He was brought up on a farm but pretends to several other trades, shoe-making and the carpenter's trades. Plays on the violin. Masters of vessels and all others are cautioned against employing and harboring said fellow at their peril. Whoever takes up said fellow and secures him in any jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward, and all charges paid if brought home. He was seen at Alexandria on the 23d inst. JON. ROWE. Pomonky, Charles County, (Md.) Dec. 23—3t.
20,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED. 2 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery and raised by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA.     SCHEME.     2 prizes of $10,000 each 20,000 20,000   2 5,000 10,000 10,000   2 2,500 5,000 5,000   3 1,000 3,000 3,000   6 500 3,000 3,000   15 200 3,000 3,000   30 100 3,000 3,000   60 50 3,000 3,000   150 20 3,000 3,000   300 10 3,000 3,000   15,800 5 69,000 69,000   35,630 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize.   50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000 125,000  
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Alibone, esq., the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 1 1/2 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery.
Part of the above prizes determinable as follows: The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each. do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th &c. 75th do. 500 do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do.
The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each. The two 5000 dollars 10 shares. The two 2500 do. 5 do. Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest. Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jan. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city. December 12—wtf
On application by petition, in writing, of GEORGE W. WILLETT of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1805, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt, and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into a bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him,—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next be, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1808. DANIEL CLARKE. True Copy, Test, JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jun. C. P. G. Cy. Ct. December 19—w13t.
By an order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, will be exposed to Public Sale on the 22nd day of December inst. on a credit of nine months at the late residence of Mr. Thomas Gantt, sen. deceased, about three miles below Nottingham on Patuxent river, the Personal Estate of the deceased, consisting of Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, Horses, Hogs, Cattle, Sheep and other articles too tedious to mention. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock. CHARLES GANTT, THOS. GANTT, Admrs. December 2—2aw3w
Cotton, Tea, Sugars, Molasses, &c. W. & C. SMITH, Have just received by the Geras, Captain Weeks, from New-York—30 Bales prime upland cotton 10 Boxes Mustard 10 do. Fresh Olives 10 Kegs ground Ginger 2 Bags Race Ginger 10 Bags Pepper and Pimento 20 Casks and boxes Fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas 10 Cases Florence Oil 10 Barrels Prime Sugars 10 Boxes Chocolate 200 lbs. Best Spanish Indigo. Geo. Town, November 21—tawfw
JOHN COX OF GEORGETOWN, Offers for Sale, the following valuable TRACTS OF LAND: 308 acres in Shenandoah county, state of Virginia, between the north and south forks of Shenandoah river, within one and a half miles of said river, and not more than seven or eight miles from the seat of government of the United States. Also the following well known and valuable tracts in Alleghany county, state of Maryland:—
   Governor's Neglect, 1081 acres.   Ormes's Attention, 684   Chestnut Grove, 461   Hard Struggle, 1554   Western Connexion, } 1057 1057   } 1601 5.8   Lot No. 2437, 6180   } 50    Those lands lay principally between the town of Cumberland and Smith's tavern. A part is heavily timbered, and skirted by glades; and is perhaps the best grazing land in the world. The tract "Chestnut Grove" is about 10 or 12 miles from the town of Cumberland, is well situated, having the great road running through it; this road connects the waters of the Potomac and Ohio rivers. November 14—2awfw