The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-06-11 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. D. CCXXXIV
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 11, 1866.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, MARCH 29.
DEBATE.
On the GEORGIA CLAIMS.
The bill from the Senate entitled "an act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the U. S. south of the state of Tennessee," was read the first time.
Mr. R. NELSON said he should not on this occasion go into an examination of the principles of the bill, as they were well understood by the House. They went to practice one of the grossest impositions he had ever known. In order to get rid of what he considered a stain on the statute book, and a disgrace on the nation, he moved that the bill be rejected.
The question was accordingly put from the chair, "shall the bill be rejected?" On the motion of Dr. Leib, it was determined to take the yeas and nays.
Mr. KELLY said it had been remarked that the principles of the bill were well understood by all the members of the House. He could only answer for himself that he was not well acquainted with those principles. The subject had been, it is true, discussed in a former Congress; but he had not then had the honor of a seat on the floor. He had, in truth, formed no decided opinion on the subject. He was not, therefore, at present prepared to vote for rejecting the bill. He hoped it would be referred to the common course of other bills, the more particularly as it had received the approbation of the other branch of the legislature, which ought to be treated with becoming respect. He trusted a short postponement of the bill would take place, and that its merits would then be discussed.
Mr. CLARK observed that if gentlemen attended to the provisions of the bill, every mind would concur in the propriety of rejecting it; a similar bill to which would not be believed, be found upon the records of any body; a bill which had no specific object. He did not know which most to admire, its insidious tendency or its absurdity. It declares, "That if on or before the 1st day of Jan. next, such sufficient releases as aforesaid shall be lodged in the said office of the secretary of state, as shall release to the U. S. and discharge all claims to the said lands, which have been exhibited to the secretary of state and recorded as aforesaid, or which may be exhibited and recorded agreeably to the provisions of this act, Congress will make provision by law for the indemnification of such claimants." What is the bill for? What is its object? It only enables Congress hereafter to pass a law; it only declares that on the event of certain things happening, Congress will pass a law. But will this oblige Congress to pass a law? Do your seven volumes of laws furnish a single instance of Congress declaring that they will hereafter pass a law?
Again—The first section declares that a law shall not be passed except in case of a sufficient legal release of all claims to the U. S. Now there may be infants, feme covert, and persons insane, who cannot make such release. How then is it possible for this provision of the law to be carried into effect? Shall the rights of these persons remain unprovided for? I see, said Mr. Clark, no other view in the passage of this bill than this. Those who have framed it are afraid to face the question; they are ashamed to meet it. This is nothing more than an entering wedge—to strengthen the force of the claims, by getting the government to pledge itself to certain acts. These men will then soon tell you, they have been called upon to record their claims; that their agents have been obliged to attend your departments to receive propositions of compromise. Let this act pass, and you will add an ounce, a penny weight to the weight of that testimony by which they ultimately expect to establish their claim. The bill in itself amounts to nothing. But pass it even in this harmless form, they will come forward at the next session, and say you are pledged to do something. There can be no other view in this bill, and it is a view which I think it becomes the honor and dignity of this House decisively to reject.
Mr. SLOAN said he did not rise to say anything as to the merits of this bill. He rose merely to observe, that a bill in all respects similar had been on their tables for twenty days. He was therefore opposed to the postponement. Mr. GREGG said the gentleman from Virginia had stated in some measure the reasons which would induce him to vote for the rejection of the bill. The bill must be considered as holding out some encouragement to these people. He had always thought it best to meet the question at once; for which purpose he had at an early period of the session brought forward a resolution,
which he had, however, been so unfortunate as never to have got up. He hoped this bill would be rejected, and if the subject were taken up, that it would be on that resolution. This was a bill, not making any provision, but only telling these people to bring forward their claim.
Mr. COOK hoped the question would not be taken on the rejection of the bill at this time. Those gentlemen, who have not heretofore held seats in the House, are not adequate so in-stantaneously to judge of its merits. For himself he had formed no decided opinion. He was willing to give his vote as the light received from an investigation of the subject should lead him. He was against precipitating a decision, which would not be treating the other branch with proper decorum.
Mr. SPALDING called for the reading of that rule of the House, which prohibits a member from voting on any question in which he is personally interested.
The clerk read the rule.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH said he was precisely in the situation of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelly).—He had never investigated the subject, and the only opinion he had formed had been on preliminary. Such opinion as he did entertain was hostile to the Yazoo claims; but he was against precipitate measures. He therefore moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill to Monday.
The Speaker declared this motion not in order.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH said he must then request to be excused from voting.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I hope the bill will be rejected. I have a very great respect for a full and fair discussion of every question brought before this assembly. But this is the third, and I do not know that I should be wrong in saying it is the fourth I since this business has been pending before Congress. I believe that the report of the commissioners has been printed twice, if not three times, for the information of members. This bill, we are told, has been laying twenty days on our tables. But had it come into the House but twenty minutes ago when we advert to the history of the business, I am willing and anxious to give it a positive & prompt rejection. My memory is unfortunately bad. I do not, therefore, recollect when this subject, so well denominated the Yazoo subject, was first brought into this House. I know, however, it was several sessions ago, and I recollect that it was attended with some peculiar circumstances. I recollect that, important as the subject was, the discussion was smothered at the outset; and when I take into consideration that suppression of the discussion, with other facts within my own knowledge, there is the strongest prima facie evidence that it was designedly smothered. But it may
*This unfounded insinuation has been already, on a former occasion, abundantly refuted. We shall treat it on this occasion, as we did then, by a republication of the facts then offered, in full confidence that the public opinion will be just and unprejudiced. The following is the statement which was then given:
"At the last session of Congress the Georgia claims were taken into consideration by the House of Representatives on the 7th day of February. At that time the Editor reported the debates, and was at his seat. The discussion which took place was extremely desultory and unimportant, principally involving details, and excluding any interesting principle. The two next days he was absent from the House. His absence was occasioned by a severe indisposition, the effect, probably, of excessive occupation. This was to him, at the time, cause of but little regret, as his impression was that the discussion, in its progress, would be equally uninteresting. He had not the least idea that it was intended to contest the principles of compromise proposed in the report of the commissioners. In this he was mistaken. It so happened that on these two days those principles were warmly contested. On the last day of the debate he attended; but the speeches delivered being altogether replicatory to those previously pronounced, he did not report them. Understanding a few days after, that it was the wish of several members that the most prominent parts of the debate should be given to the public, he declared his willingness to publish them, provided speeches made on both sides could be obtained, that the report, although imperfect, might be impartial. He went further, and actually applied to a member who had taken a conspicuous part in the debate for a sketch of his remarks, which he declined giving.
"At a subsequent period of the session the debate was resumed on Mr. J. Randolph's resolutions. The whole of this debate was given in the National Intelligencer at great length. On recurring to a file of that paper it will be seen, that this debate occupies forty co-
lumn; that the speeches in favor of the claims fill about eleven, while those against the claims fill about twenty-three columns; that of the latter, the speeches of Mr. J. Randolph made above eight columns, the speech of Mr. Rodney about five, and that of Mr. Thomas M. Randolph above nine columns; and that of the former the only speeches of considerable length are those of Mr. Lyon, occupying about six columns, and of Dr. Eastis, occupying about two columns."
"So far from there having been the least indisposition on the part of the editor to give publicity to every word said on the Georgia claims, it has been, and still is to him cause of regret, that the above circumstances occasioned the non-appearance of the first debate. He has no interests, prejudices, or biases on the subject, other than those which flow from a regard to the public good."
"These are the facts attending this affair. They are stated to remove error, and to show that in this instance, as in every other, the editor has been guided by principles of strict impartiality and justice. If he knows himself, he would disdain to conduct a public print upon any other principles."
be said that the suppression of that discussion ought to render it more proper to discuss the bill before you. On the contrary the act of suppression three or four years ago drew the attention of the public to the subject, and caused the report of the commissioners to be republished, I believe, in every newspaper in America. Now, what will be the consequence of this business after having received the attention of one branch of the legislature, and after having been stirred over by the other. I believe it would require no prophet to pronounce on the event. I have heard of a certain machine, which always gains and never loses, a machine, which plain waggoners call a shuffling stick. Every step it gets up hill is sure, although the horse be reflexive, or the waggon be loaded too heavily, or the driver be incapable—still it cannot get back again. I am for the rejection of the bill for another reason. This bill may be called the Omega, the last letter of the political alphabet; but with me it is the Alpha—it is the head of the divisions among the republican party—it is the secret and covert cause of the whole—This is the subject, which has been shoved off from day to day, merely that we might get something from the other House where its friends were more numerous. Yes, a union has been formed between Cape Ann and Marblehead, & the Reo de Nord, a union of the East with the West, which makes gentlemen more touchy and jealous of one acre of this territory than of all the real land of the U. S. This has been seen, and the nation is sold. I say quo ad hos or illos the nation is sold. We heard of this thing two years ago, and it has come to pass. No prophets so true as those who have the means to bring things to pass. The man of the mountain is the truest prophet that ever lived. He had only to prophecy, to insure the perdition of any man.
What is the bill on which this House is called to act or not to act? If the gentleman will but use half the intelligence he manifests on other occasions, instead of asking to be excused from giving a vote, he will vote for an instantaneous rejection of this bill. The facts are lumped there; that in 1794, and 1795, a project was set on foot to debauch and corrupt the legislature of Georgia, and to obtain for the projectors a tract of country more extensive than any state in this union, and more fertile than most of them; that this project succeeded; that the legislature of Georgia were bribed; that for a mess of pottage, to be eaten by themselves, they transferred the birth right of their countrymen. These facts are in proof to the House; and instead of a postponement, gentlemen who want information have only to call for the reading of the records on your table. The sum stipulated to be paid for the country in question, embracing at the least forty millions of acres, was 500,000 dollars. His law excited, as it ought to have excited, in the people of Georgia one general sentiment of indignation. But the corruption had pervaded and flooded and overflowed every department of the government. Grants were made out, & the grantees held the parchment in their hands. The people of Georgia resolved to resort to first principles. It will be recollected that the corrupt law was passed in 1795. In the subsequent spring the grand juries of the several counties made an unanimous protest against its passage; the succeeding le-
gislature repealed it burnt the parchment and exposed its authors—And what are we now about to do? Will we, after following an illustrious patriot to his grave, fully the fairest page in his history, by giving a sanction to this measure? The people will say you are mere mummery, actors that put on false garments for a particular occasion, and the moment after return to your original insignificance. The law was burnt—it was expunged from the records of the state, and the rescinding act incorporated in a subsequent constitution made by the people. But the grantees under the first act, under the corrupt act, had their post horses and runners ready who flew to the East and the West, the North and the South, and made sale of their grants. To whom did they fall? To persons apprised of the original invalidity of the act. But if they did not, does that change the question? Who are the legislature of Georgia? The delegates of the people of Georgia. Who were the sovereigns of the several states before the revolution? The representatives of the crown. I will ask you then if one of these men had proceeded to give away the country, whether the court of King's Bench would not have set aside the grant? They would subsequently to this the U. S. received from the state of Georgia a grant of the country in question and of other country not in question. In receiving this grant, they acknowledged the validity of the rescinding act of Georgia. The U. S. when they received the grant, were apprised of the preceding transfers, and their acceptance of the country from Georgia is unequivocal evidence of their opinion that the original act of 1795, was null and void. But in a country so extensive as this, in which some settlements had been previously made under British, Spanish and other grants from the state of Georgia, than those of 1795, it will be readily believed there were many antagonizing claims for land. When, therefore, the U. S. received the country from Georgia, they entered into a compact with Georgia, or obtained permission from her, to give land not exceeding five millions, to satisfy claims not provided for in the original contract with her. Now the bill before you proposes to give this land as far as it goes, and to pledge the faith of the U. S. to that particular class of claimants whose pretensions arise under the act of 1795—These claims under the act of 1795 are the last class of claims under the state of Georgia, which in my opinion, the U. S. are bound to satisfy. There is another description of claims, called the claims of 1789—And I am very glad the claims of 1789, are not included in this bill, because the joint interest of the two classes might possibly have an effect, that in this House a single class would not. Well, Congress took the grant of country in question from Georgia. They bound themselves to extinguish the Indian title to lands within the existing state of Georgia—to Georgia they stipulated to pay a certain sum of money, and they reserved the right of appropriating a quantity of lands not exceeding five millions of acres, to satisfy claims not specifically recognized in the contract with Georgia. The question now is, as I take it, whether these five millions shall go to satisfy the claims under the act of 1795—But if it should be the sense of the House that the bill includes those likewise of 1789, it will not alter, in my opinion, the question.
But I may be asked by men, who profess not to be informed on this subject, what is this act of 1789, and who are the claimants under it, and how can there be interfering claims for the same lands? The case is simply this. In 1789 two companies were formed under the names of the South Carolina and the Virginia Yazoo companies, who contracted for a great, and the greater part of the country afterwards purchased by the claimants under the act of 1795. But Georgia alleges that they did not comply with their contract, and that it was therefore set aside, and the same lands subsequently sold under the act of 1795. But it is remembered that the purchasers under the act of 1795 were men of understanding, of intelligence, of intrigue—designing men—speculators—not cultivators but swindlers—men not to be imposed on, but men with their eyes open—They bought with a full knowledge of the equitable claims of 1789. When I say this, I do not mean to advocate the claims of 1789. When put to the test one description of claims will be found as invalid as the other. But to whom did the grantees under the act of 1795 1795 sell? After the presentation of the grand juries—after it had rung throughout the continent, that the whole was an imposition of corruption and
fraud, and after there was every reason to believe they were acquainted with all the circumstances, deeds were given, one of which bears contemporaneous date with the rescinding act of Georgia. After this, what did they do? They went back to Georgia—there the money they had paid was still living in the treasury of Georgia, with which Georgia said she would have nothing to do—after having sold the lands for which they had paid this half million—they drew this very money from the treasury of Georgia. Is this the say so of an individual. The act appears in the report of your commissioners, composed of the secretary of state, the secretary of the treasury, and the late attorney general—in a report now on your table, and which has been twice published under the authority of this House.
Now the question simply is, will you do any thing to give any further countenance to these claims. Will you countenance the fraud a little further? These men have agents here—within your government—who hold great offices under it. The whole weight of the executive government presses it on. We cannot bear up against it. The whole executive government has had a bias to the Yazoo interest ever since I had a seat here. This is the original sin, which has created all the mischiefs which gentlemen pretend to throw on the impression of our seamen, and God knows what—this is the cause of these mischiefs, which existed years ago.
I hope I shall receive credit when I say that I never rose to address you more unprepared. The bill has been just sent down, and I had no intimation of such a discussion. But I call on gentlemen—not on those who have been advocating this measure at the fire side for four months past—but on men who are free from any impression—to say whether they will give their sanction to this inquiry—whether after officers of the government of the United States have tampered with members of this and the other House for years, they are prepared to take that step which will open the door to this scene still wider? What will be the effect of a postponement? Gentlemen will come forward, and say the Senate have passed a bill in favor of these claimants; these men will inquire whether this is not a countenance of their claims—they will tell you they have transferred their rights to A, B, and C, until all their resistance will fail, and you will give a halter to the axe which shall lay the whole woods in ruins.
I may be asked about this tampering of executive officers. At the last session I had the honor to carry up and conduct an impeachment before the other House. It proved unsuccessful; and one of the principal causes was this Yazoo sin. I overheard a conversation between a worthy friend of mine from Georgia, who has gone home, and a great officer of the government, when they were sitting up the green boxes for the magnates of the land. I heard the great officer of the government tampering with that man to get his vote. I overheard it. Let him be brought to your bar to-morrow, and he will tell you it is true. Why, sir, this is nothing—it is done every day, and every hour of the day. It is there (at the fire side) and not on the floor, that the affairs of this country are discussed; and should this question, as a gentleman has said, be postponed till to-morrow—till Sabbath day on which holy work is generally done—for myself I would not give one farthing for the question; if an adjournment take place till Monday, and if all the secret mechanism, which everybody knows, be brought to bear upon it, I would not give a farthing for the issue. What have we seen as late as yesterday? A vote of 56 in favor of a resolution dwindled down by conversation in the lobby to 25. As long as you adjourn and prolong this discussion, what do you do? I am willing to allow that what I have offered this morning is hardly worth an answer. But gentlemen will come in with their pieces of paper, with speeches ready cut and dry in reply to what I have now said. This is the fashion of the day—there is no doubt of it. Yesterday the House adjourned, and I deferred the consideration of a resolution declaring the holding of civil and military offices in one person incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. Well, gentlemen have come down to-day with their arguments. How comes it, they will say, that the President of the United States is commander in chief of the armies, at the same time that he is the first civil executive officer—I know they will—I am sure I am correct. And we may go on until executive influence shall become like a bow, which you may turn in any way, and point in any direction.
Mr. FISK said he was one of those unfortunate men who were not informed on this subject; he pleaded guilty to the charge, and if he were thus precipitately compelled to give a vote, it would be against the rejection of the bill. And yet he was free to declare he was undecided as to the final vote he should give on this subject. But he would never consent to vote away any man's right until he had been heard.

The true question at present before us, said Mr. F., is whether we shall be allowed further time to make up our judgments on this subject. I do not undertake to say that the information which the gentleman from Virginia has given of the atrocious frauds practised in this business are unfounded, though I do wonder that the persons concerned in them have committed them to his keeping—or to deny that Executive influence is so dangerous as he represents it to be, though I confess I do not see it. But I am prepared to say that the members of this House are not of such a cast, as to be bought in four and twenty hours, or to be misled by any Executive officers. I am dreading so far to criminate the character of a representative of the people, as to admit that it is dangerous to postpone a subject for a short time, for fear of his corruption. I wish to know whether the American people are so vicious. I do not believe this portrait correct. I hope the bill will be postponed. If it is not, I shall give my vote against its rejection. I think it my duty to enquire into the subject, though I am willing to say my impressions are unfavorable to the claims.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH. I am not prepared to give the vote of an honest legislator on this subject. Whatever may be the information possessed by other gentlemen, I have none which to form a satisfactory decision. I had heard, some time since, that the most satisfactory information on this subject was to be found in the report of the commissioners. But I must remind gentlemen that that report has not been laid on our tables this session. When I learnt this I endeavored to obtain a copy, but without success, and I yesterday tried to get a pamphlet, which, I understood, contained considerable information; but in vain. Thus uninformed when this bill came under consideration it became my duty to devise some mode of getting that information I wanted, and when I examined the rules I found one which I thought admitted a motion to postpone. This motion I accordingly made without any view to an injudicious delay—for my prejudices are against the claims. It is said gentlemen ought to be prepared to vote on this bill, for that it has been twenty days on our tables. But I ask gentlemen whether it is the duty of the members of this House to examine before it comes before us every subject depending before the Senate. Is there not business enough before us fully to occupy our attention? The motion of postponement the chair has declared out of order. I then only ask the House to excuse me from voting on this bill. I will only add, that it is a subject with which I never had any thing to do, and that I know no man who is particularly concerned in it.
Mr. SAILLY hoped the gentleman would not be excused. He said he stood himself in the same situation, and was unprepared to vote upon it.
The question was then taken on excusing Mr. Goldsborough from voting, and carried in the affirmative—Ayes 58—Nones 51.
Mr. KELLY said he was likewise under the necessity of asking to be excused. It was true the bill as offered to the Senate had lain some time on their tables; but it was well known that bills generally underwent considerable alteration previous to their passage, and there had been no reason to infer that this would not be the case with the present bill. He said that he had some time since taken considerable pains to inform himself on this subject, when there was a prospect of its being brought before the House; but the information he had obtained was imperfect, and he had not had time to compare the facts attending the business with the provisions of the bill on the table, so as to be enabled to give a faithful and honest vote. The decision being thus hurried placed him under the necessity of asking to be excused from voting. As to himself, he would declare that he had had no concern in this, or indeed in any other speculation; nor were there any persons interested in it for whom he felt a peculiar regard.
Mr. THOMAS said he should vote against excusing the gentleman from Pennsylvania. He observed that there would be no inconsistency in voting against the rejection of the bill, and afterwards against the bill itself, if, on consideration, it appeared improper to pass it. In the exigency in which the House were placed, by their being forced thus precipitately to act on this business, the only proper course, in his opinion, was to vote against rejecting the bill, thereby allowing time for examining it. Under this view of the subject he hoped the gentleman from Pennsylvania would not be excused from voting, or any other member, unless he was personally interested.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he should vote for the rejection of this bill more heartily than he had ever voted on any subject in the course of his life. If he were totally ignorant of the enormous villainy of the legislature of Georgia he should still vote for its rejection, because it carried with it, one principle, which he could never agree to sanction with his vote, it vested the House with both a legislative and judicial character.
Mr. CONRAD said it was painful to him to hear gentlemen asking to be excused from voting on this or any other subject, as he was convinced the correct course was to allow time on all subjects for forming a dispassionate judgement. This too, he believed, was the first time this indulgence had ever been denied in this House. For himself he said he was prepared to vote on the Yazoo business in every shape it might assume; because it was among the most odious things he had ever heard of. He said he abhorred and abhorred the whole business. But, he was at the same time, willing to give other gentlemen an opportunity to make up their minds.
He concluded by saying he considered the motion of postponement strictly in order.
The question was then taken on excusing Mr. Kelly from voting, and passed in the negative—Ayes 49—Nones 58.
Mr. SAILLY. The question returns on rejecting the bill. I regret that this decision is thus pressed. It is the first time I have ever seen members in the situation in which they are now placed. I wish a small delay had been allowed. But the Speaker has decided a motion to postpone to be out of order, and there is no remedy. The question being to be taken on the rejected of the bill I shall vote for it. I never had but one sentiment on that subject, altho' I never could consider it of such magnitude as some gentlemen appear to consider it. I ever believed it improper for the legislative body to decide on these claims. But that this question has drawn in all the consequences that we have heard stated to day by the gentleman from Virginia, that it has influenced this House in the decision of every other question, I cannot believe—that the representatives of the American people are so corrupt that in the course of a single evening they may be made by the Executive to adopt any thing they please I cannot believe. This is such a picture of the members of this House as I do not think any member is authorized to draw. Nay the member has referred to a case in which a strange influence is represented to have been exerted, where there was not a minute to spare. Mr. Speaker, has it come to this, that the members of this House can get behind their seats, and a few influence all the rest on a question of the last moment, on a question in which the constitution of our country is involved—Good God, is the House so corrupt—But I will say no more on this subject—Every member who hears me knows they are not.
Mr. CONRAD said, he should vote for rejecting the bill. He thought some further time ought to be allowed, and if any of the younger members would appeal from the decision of the chair, he would second the motion.
A member called for the reading of the bill for information.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH opposed the call and asked whether it had not already been read twice.
Mr. CROWNINSHIELD said, he hoped it would be read twenty times if necessary.
The Speaker put the question on its being read, which was carried by a large majority.
Mr. KELLY said, he thought there ought not to be a line of distinction drawn between the members of the House, and therefore moved a reconsideration of the vote excusing Mr. Goldsborough from voting—which was agreed to, and the resolution to excuse him rescinded—Ayes 64—Nones 44.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said, he hoped the bill would be rejected, and that an end would be put to the miserable farce of begging to be excused from voting, when gentlemen could answer the same purpose, a thing which was every day practised, by stopping aside. He hoped if they did not wish to vote they would take this course, and that the House would no longer be pestered with their motions. What, are gentlemen afraid to lose a Yazoo vote. They first excused one member from voting. But they found this would not do, and they therefore refused excusing another, and not satisfied with this, they must reconsider their first vote, and get a Yazoo vote back again. This is the plain case. I hope we shall not rise till we have the question. Were I disposed to postpone the proceedings of this House, I should be in favor of delaying this decision till the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) now absent, should return into the House—that is an anti-Yazoo vote; and every body knows it. That is a man of honorable views, who having at first been cajoled into an acquiescence in the claims without having sufficiently examined them, had afterwards virtue and magnanimity enough to acknowledge that he had been wrong, and to declare that he would not commit the keeping of his reputation to Yazoo men.
When I was up before, I omitted to say many things that have a bearing on this question, as I may have said several things that had no bearing on it. But there is one fact which I omitted—that a man, not a Georgian—he lived on the north side of the Savannah river—if I am not correct in my statement let the Georgia delegates correct me. This man happened to be admitted into the secrets of the Divan, who had done a deed without a name, who had corrupted the legislature of Georgia. He went home, and he was blockhead enough to speak what he thought, notwithstanding his principles and his promises. He was used like a grumbling hoe to do dirty work and then thrown aside as a useless engine. He told others what he knew—mark the catastrophe—at a still hour of the night, without being the enemy of any mortal man, he was shot. And it is from this fact that we now want on this question the benefit of a witness, who was murdered in cold blood, and whose testimony has thus been prevented from being brought forward to this or other tribunals before which these claims may be brought. This fact is a truth as notorious as the massacre of Boston or the battle of Concord.
But we are told by some gentlemen that this is not a question of magnitude. What is a question of magnitude? If the people of the U. S. are to go to war with Britain for a three penny tax on tea, is not that a question of magnitude?—for there is a great political principle involved in the imposition of that tax. And what is the real state of the country? The quarter from which
we have most to dread is speculators, land jobbers, and if you can preserve the interests of the community inviolable against them, your inferior interests are safe. And where do we find every land jobber in octave or passu , but rallying round this iniquity? And what will be the event, if by little and little you sanction these claims, the pretensions of these men, but that you will fall beneath the power of Yazoo men, of speculators in land and paper scrip. And is not this a question of magnitude? Whether a country embracing forty millions of acres shall be bartered away? And is it not a great principle whether a legislative body has a right to sell their votes, and whether the rights vested by them shall pass? No—the question whether you shall lay a duty of two per cent. on negroes imported into the U. S. is a question of magnitude, and is reported at full length—But this is not a question of magnitude! Yes, they all draw together—Yesterday you decided that contractors were not officers—Now mark, if the contractors and Yazoo men do not draw together to pull this thing out of the mire. It is a thing well understood—and we well understand the men that advocate it.
But the gentleman from Pennsylvania asks, are we a set of men to corrupt? Is this indeed the state of things? The gentleman ought to know there are different sort of corruptions—There is a corruption of interest, that is number one. There is a corruption of timidity, which consists in men not saying what they think. This is number two. There is a corruption of court, influence, of party—and there is a corruption, which though last is not least, the corruption of irreconcilable personal animosity, a corruption which will engage a man to go all lengths to injure him whom he hates and despises, or rather, whom he cannot despise, because he hates. And when we take all these considerations into question, and that there are men now ready to grasp your lands in Ohio, in Indiana, and your other territories, are we willing to become parties to this solemn league and covenant? If we carry on this affair one step further, what will be the situation of the nation? I call on gentlemen (whom I have no right to consider under the influence of personal or private interest) to vote with effect this day, or to give up their country to the fate that futurity has otherwise in store for it—to discard all idea of scratch me and I'll tickle you. It is out of the chances of futurity for this assembly or this nation to be corrupted, from any other source than land—there is no other fund can do it. But where is the use of taking airs on ourselves, and pretending to more virtue in our public than we get credit for in our private capacities. Look at the legislature of Georgia. That body was composed of men of the same flesh and blood with ourselves, they were bought—and they followed the fate of every political body under the sun. They died a natural death. The whole question is how long you shall keep this period off; & whether you will take poison to-day, or live out the time which God has allotted you. Yes, who were the legislators of Georgia? They were the same men, elected by the same freeholders, possessed of the same qualifications, and in many respects the same men, who are now on this floor. I ask if my excellent friend from Georgia is more incorrupt than the Georgia legislature were presumed to be. You may fix what stamp you please, a garter to the knee, or insignia to the breast, men are still liable to the same feelings, the same temper, the same fallibility.
We are told that this is a question on which we ought to have a dispassionate discussion. I am always for a dispassionate consideration of every important question before it is acted on; and I have given to this a dispassionate examination. But I should despise myself, if I could come into this assembly, and like a cold blooded naturalist, weigh the corruption of certain individuals of Georgia against the corruption of officers of this government—I should despise myself if I could dispassionately weigh the one against the other, and find the one outweighed by the other half a dram. The whole territory of the people of the United States is at stake. Say this bill shall not be rejected, halter, and what will be the effect? The whole of the public lands of the United States will follow the fate of the Yazoo business. It most certainly will. With all our virtue there is land enough in the U. S. to buy us, and woe be to him that is put into this state of temptation. Let no man think too highly of his own incorruptibility. There was a Cato in the time of Rome, and I am willing, if it will satisfy the gentleman from Pennsylvania, to allow him to be the man—but what will become of this assembly, when you bring into play a hundred millions of acres, and talk of the fund from which the British parliament is co-opted. Once pass this bill, and the fund of the British ministry will dwindle into insignificance. Go, and engender Yazoo, and
this curse of speculation, like the members of the polypus, cut it in as many pieces as you please, will appropriate to itself a new body. Where are you? You are now free. But how long will you remain so after giving your sanction to this bill? What have we seen? We have seen a question of momentous constitutional importance brought forward in this House. What have we done? It is a standing parliamentary jest—like the question of parliamentary reform in another body, after the accession of a great political reformer to the ministry. I speak of the amendment to the constitution relative to the tenure of the judicial office, and the proposition to purge this assembly of contractors. It has gone to the family vault of all the Capulets—and a requiem has been sung over them. The gentlemen from Pennsylvania and New York have chanted repose to their souls.
But the gentleman from Pennsylvania asks if it is possible that in half an hour, or in a few hours at the fire side, or elsewhere, the vote of this assembly can be changed? Are we indeed so corrupt? Why, I have no hesitation to say, and I believe I am not out of order in saying so, the cause which principally drew my attention was this. When a gentleman, who uniformly presides in committee of the whole with great dignity, was compelled to have recourse to strong measures to preserve decorum, I was surprised to see the gentleman from Pennsylvania quitting his seat, leaving his own province, and coming over to our fire side, purposely to create a disturbance. I wish to be understood before I sit down, as not having made a single allusion to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Fisk)—I abjure the idea. But I did hear gentlemen who are the most eager advocates of the Yazoo claims declare, time was not allowed to consider them, and when I witnessed such unblushing effrontery, I could not withhold the remarks I made. What will be the effect of a simple vote of this House, that this bill shall not pass, taken secundum artem, more majorum ? It will be this—that the House are of opinion that there are some errors in its details, some inaccuracy in it which ought not to be admitted, and that therefore it is rejected. And what will this prove to men who will not see the sun at mid-day? To Yazoo men blind to all the iniquity perpetrated in Georgia? They will tell you it may have been rejected on account of some small defect—they will come forward at the next session with an accession of strength, and you will have the same ground to go over again. Hence the necessity for the explicit, prompt and strongly marked indignation of this House in its immediate rejection. A man who shall merely vote against the bill in its last stage shall not by me be considered as merely committed—we shall not know what his reasons are for his vote; but a man who votes in this stage of the business for the rejection of the bill cannot be considered as a trimmer—he will show himself to be a decided man against it under all modifications. Under present circumstances it is of the last importance that the House of Representatives should do what they have a legislative right to do—say that this bill shall be rejected; that the hopes of the claimants may be crushed as far as they can be by a vote of this House.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH. I did not not stand in need of the injunction of the gentleman from Virginia, if I wished to decline voting on this occasion, to go out of the bar; but so long as I hold a seat in this House I will never consent to do this. For I should think myself placed in a most contemptible situation, if any of my constituents should ask me what vote I gave on a particular occasion, I should be obliged to tell him that instead of giving a vote I skulked behind the bar.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he assured the gentleman he imputed to him no improper motive. He had been totally misunderstood if the gentleman drew any such inference from what he had said.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH said he was gratified by the gentleman's explanation, but he hoped he would be permitted to go on. When he had desired a postponement till Monday, it was from the best motives. He said he cared nothing for the Yazoo claims, he had no interest in them. He was sorry the vote excusing him from voting had been reconsidered. He deemed himself at liberty at all times to decline voting when he was not duly informed; he should not therefore vote on the present occasion.
Mr. KELLY said he should vote against the rejection of this bill, to allow further time for a discussion of the subject, without pledging himself how he should vote on its final passage.
Mr. SAILLY said he did not wish to give a vote without information. He thought this business unnecessarily hurried—he considered it the duty of the new members who were not informed on it to vote against the rejection of the bill, which was the only way of refuting such arbitrary conduct.
The question was then put—shall the bill be rejected, & passed in the affirmative—Yeas 62—Nones 54—as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Anderson, Bard, Bassett, Bedinger, Blackledge, Blake, jun. Blount, Brown, Butler, Casey, Claiborne, Clark, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Dawson, Earle, Eppes, Garnett, Goodwyn, Grey, Gregg, Halsey, Hamilton, Holmes, Jones, Kenan, Leib, McFarland, Marion, Masters, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jno. Morrow, Mumford, R. Nelson, Newton, Olin, Pugh, J. Randolph, T. M. Randolph, Rea, of Pen. Richards, Sammons, Sandford, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Spalding, Stanford, P. R. Thompson, Tye, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, D. R. Will-
iams, Wilson, Winn, and Winston. NAYS.—Messrs. Alston, jun. Barker, Betton, Bidwell, J. Campbell, Chandler, Ch'nden, Cook, Crowninshield, Cutts, Dana, Darby, Davenport, Dickson, Elliot, Ellis, Elmer, F., Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Green, Hastings, Helms, Hough, Jackson, Kelly, Lewis, jr. Lyon, M'Creery, Jer. Morrow, Mosely, J. Nelson, Pitken, jr. Quincy, Russel, Sailly, Schuneman, J. C. Smith, Stanton, Stedman, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Tenney, Thomas, T. W. Thompson, Tracy, Van Rensselaer, Varnum, Wadsworth, Wickes, M. Williams, and N. Williams.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 11.
The City Council held their first sitting on Monday. In the First Chamber John Dempse was chosen President and John Gardiner Secretary. In the Second Chamber, Nicholas King was chosen President, and Henry Johnson, Secretary.
The recent political triumph in Massachusetts is too important to be passed by without more than ordinary notice. In every view in which it can be contemplated, it is an event of great magnitude, and is well worthy of our deliberate consideration whether we view it in reference to the causes from which it has flowed, or the effects which are likely to ensue from it.
If we look back but a few years we shall behold federalism in full triumph in that state. In the reign of terror, as it has been emphatically denominated, Massachusetts was, perhaps, the leading state in our national councils. Among her citizens she counted the President of the U. S. disposed to carry patronage and power, to their greatest lengths, and several of the most influential men in the two branches of the legislature; and it was, probably, from an elevated idea of her power, connected, we would hope, with a mistaken conception of her disposition, that the chief magistrates ventured to treat the largest state in the union, a state then as well as invariably republican, with marked contumely and scorn. It was no doubt believed by the friends of energetic government that the physical force of Massachusetts would be able to put down all resistance that might be made to the enforcement of that system of measures which began to disclose itself. We do not believe that the freemen of Massachusetts would, when the crisis arrived, have permitted themselves to have been hostily arrayed against their brethren of the middle and southern states. The attempt, when clearly exposed, would, in all probability, have awakened them to their danger, and would have injured an earlier change of the public opinion than has taken place. But, notwithstanding this confidence in their virtue, it cannot be denied that a large majority of the people of this state were devoted to federal men and federal politics, and held in lively distrust the motives of those who were at the head of the republican party. In direct opposition to their votes, a republican was raised to the first office of the government, a man artfully represented as irreligious, as jacobine, & as wedded to a foreign nation. Considering the activity with which these slanders were propagated, and the high and even sacred sources from which they flowed, it is not surprising that they continued for a long time, an overmatch for truth and justice. It was fortunately, however, impossible for the acts of the government not to be extensively known, and their effects still more extensively felt. A reflecting people, whose passions had recently been agitated, and whose worst fears had been excited by the troubled state of our foreign relations, could not help marking the contrast between their late and present state. Under the administration of John Adams, the tocsin had been awfully rung, and the events of every passing day foreboded new misfortunes. Under that of Thomas Jefferson, peace and tranquillity reigned. They were told that this stillness was deceitful, and, as in the physical world, only portended a more destructive form. They waited, therefore, with apprehension, the issue. But month following month and year succeeding year without the verification of these prophecies, their faith was shaken, and they gradually gave way to the evidence of their senses. Every new election gained proselytes to the republican cause, until, at length, we behold a state, whose population exceeds half a million; whose wealth is great and rapidly increasing, and whose enterprise is unparalleled in the annals of the world, taking with a firm step the high commanding ground of republicanism; transfusing new life blood into our councils, and serving with a stronger arm the ability of their rulers to promote the general interests. There is one circumstance attending this change, which is peculiarly interesting. It has been gradually effected by regular and persevering exertion. Like those natural results, which promise the greatest duration, it is the work of many years. It does not mark the triumph of unrelenting passion, which often hurries without any satis-

Factory cause, the multitude from one extreme to the other; but illustrates the deliberate influence of reason and truth in the removal of error and the substitution of correct impressions. A support thus acquired to the republican cause, and to the administration that uphold it, is among the brightest honors that can surround them; and it is a support which, once acquired, will not soon desert them.
Among the great benefits which this event may be expected to produce, we may enumerate its influence on the great mass of the people of Massachusetts in their local concerns, and its influence on the general councils of the nation. Locally considered, it will impel into action thousands and tens of thousands of germs of enterprise, in the middle and lower classes of society, that have heretofore wanted the fostering beams of an enlarged system of policy to unfold them. Under such a general influence, we may expect to see genius and talent springing up in every quarter, and exercising themselves in all directions. Under its auspices the public good will be the general guide, and we may consequently expect a more zealous attention to every scheme calculated to improve the state, to advance its great interests of agriculture, commerce and manufactures, and to improve its municipal code. Persecution and monopoly will no longer entail the noblest powers of the mind; but equal rights insure to all the unfettered exercise of the best gifts of nature, and the undisturbed enjoyment of the acquisitions of art.
But still more important will be its effects on our national concerns. The East will no longer be arrayed against the South. We shall no longer hear the tocsin of discord and disunion sounded. The illusion of separate and hostile interests will vanish. New life blood, as we have before observed, will be transfused into the political system. The whole machine may be expected to move with a more harmonious action. The European world, hostile to our principles or our rising importance, bereft of their last hope, that our internal divisions would destroy us, will learn the policy of respecting our rights, least their continued invasion shall recall on themselves.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To the Hon. JUDGE CRANCH.
Sir, BY particular desire of the Grand Jurors, I have to request that you will favor them with a copy of your charge at this term.
B. MACKALL, Foreman.
June Term, 1806.
The Hon. BENJ: MACKALL, Foreman of the Grand Jury.
Sir, IN compliance with the wishes of the Grand Jurors communicated through you, I now enclose a copy of the charge which I delivered to them on Monday.
W: CRANCH.
Friday morning, June 6, 1806.
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury:
THE office which you are now called upon to discharge is of high antiquity, and of vast importance to the peace and happiness of society. Its duties are interesting and solemn.
They ought not to be undertaken with levity nor executed with carelessness. They require diligence, attention and accuracy of investigation.
To prepare yourselves for the faithful execution of this important trust, it will be incumbent on you to lay aside all political and party feelings; to drive from your bosoms all those individual passions and prejudices which cloud the mind while they corrupt the heart.
That judgment which is founded upon political or party considerations, or which proceeds from personal passions or prejudices, is as corrupt a judgment as if it had been bought with gold. It is true that the attack of the other passions upon the heart, is more insidious, but it is not therefore less sure and fatal than that of avarice. The moral guilt may not be so great in the one case as in the other, because party zeal, like religious fanaticism, while it corrupts the heart, benumbs the head. But the evil effects in society, the perversion of justice (the punishment of innocence and the reward of guilt) are in both the same.
The more insidious the attack of the passions upon the heart, the more cautious we must be in keeping a watch over them; and while we spurn them with indignation in their direct approach, it behoves us to guard against their entrance at any other avenue.
It is not sufficient that one passion alone should be excluded. The whole herd should be driven from our seats of justice—all but the child of Heaven, benignant Mercy. Yet even her presence seems not of absolute necessity, since she has a local habitation in the breast of the Executive. While she presides over the legislative and executive departments of our government, there can be but little left for her to do in the judgment seat.
Gentlemen, let us lay aside the sins which most easily beset us;—those passions which creep unawares into the heart. Let us do our duty with courage and firmness. Let no offender escape, however high his station—Let not innocence suffer, whoever may be its accuser.
In considering the accusations which will be brought before you, and weighing the evidence in support of them, you will of course distinguish between such as are made from a sense of public duty, and those which proceed from private malice, hatred, or revenge. In the latter case, the evidence, if it depend
upon the oath of the injured person only, will be liable to doubt, unless it be perfectly consistent in itself, and corroborated by circumstances. The degree of evidence which will justify a presentment or bill of indictment, has never been, and perhaps never can be accurately defined. It is, however, a good rule, that a grand jury should have that degree of evidence of the truth of an indictment or presentment, which would, if uncontradicted, be sufficient to justify a petit jury in finding a verdict of guilty.
This rule is safe and reasonable. For to no purpose would a grand jury find a bill, if there is no sufficient competent evidence to support it. The U. S. ought not to be put to the cost of attempting to maintain a fruitless accusation, and no man ought to be compelled to answer to an unfounded charge of a crime. You must therefore not only be satisfied of the probability, but of the truth of the facts alleged.
It is, for many reasons, important, that your deliberations should be secret; and for this purpose it is proper that only one witness at a time should be brought before you for examination. If your proceedings were public, it would give an opportunity to criminals to escape, and members of your own body might be subject to the malice or revenge of opulent and powerful offenders. You are bound, therefore, not only by your oaths, but by every obligation of prudence and honour, not to disclose the detail of your proceedings, nor the opinions of individual members of the Grand Jury.
Not only our personal, but in some respects our political liberty depends upon the integrity, the firmness, and the independence of Grand Jurors. Their irresponsibility is the pledge of our security.
The jurisdiction of this court, as to the cognizance of crimes and offences, is unlimited except by territorial boundaries. It is your duty, gentlemen, to enquire of all such as have been committed within the County of Washington, or upon the high seas, if the offender shall be first taken in, or brought into this County.
It is not my intention, at this time, to present to you the gloomy catalogue of crimes, which the wickedness of man has invented. There is one, however, whose frequency, and whose fatal effects call loudly for the interposition of every friend of humanity. I mean the crime of Murder, particularly that which proceeds from the practice of Duelling.
There can be no doubt but that homicide committed in a deliberate duel is murder. "For," says that great and humane judge (Foster 296) "let it be observed that in all possible cases deliberate homicide, upon a principle of revenge, is murder. No man under the protection of the law is to be the avenger of his own wrongs. If they are of such a nature for which the laws of society will give him an adequate remedy, thither he ought to resort; but be they of what nature soever, he ought to bear his lot with patience and remember that vengeance belongeth only to the Most High. Upon this principle," continues the judge "deliberate duelling, if death ensue, is in the eye of the law, murder; for duels are generally founded in deep revenge; and though a person should be drawn into a duel, not upon a motive so criminal, but merely upon the punctilio of what the swordsmen falsely call honour, that will not excuse; for he that deliberately seeketh the blood of another, upon a private quarrel, acteth in defiance of all laws, human and divine, whatever his motives may be."
And Sergeant Hawkins in his excellent book upon the criminal law of England (1 H. P. C. 122. B. 1 C. 31. § 21.) says, "It seems agreed that wherever two persons in cool blood meet and fight on a precedent quarrel, and one of them is killed, the other is guilty of murder, and cannot help himself by alleging that he was first struck by the deceased; or that he had often declined to meet him and was prevailed upon to do it by his importunity; or that it was his only intent to vindicate his reputation; or that he meant not to kill, but only to disarm his adversary; for since he deliberately engaged in an act highly unlawful, in defiance of the laws, he must, at his peril, abide the consequences thereof. And from hence it clearly follows that if two persons quarrel over night, and appoint to fight the next day, or quarrel in the morning and agree to fight in the afternoon, or such a considerable time after by which in common intendment it must be presumed that the blood was cooled, and then they meet and fight, and one kill the other, he is guilty of murder."
"The law" (continues Sergeant Hawkins) (page 124, § 31.) so far abhors all duelling in cold blood that not only the principal who actually kills the other, but also his seconds are guilty of murder, whether they fought or not. "It is also certain" (says Hawkins, p. 266, § 3) "that it is a very high offence to challenge another either by word or letter, to fight a duel,—or to be the messenger of such a challenge; or even barely to provoke another to send a challenge, or to fight."
I have been thus explicit, gentlemen, in stating the law upon this subject, because I have reason to believe it is not generally understood. The frequency of the crime, and the impunity with which it has generally been perpetrated, would naturally lead to a belief that the laws had passed it by, without censure, when in truth it is prohibited by the highest of all human sanctions. Its punishment is death.
It is the duty of every good citizen, who respects the laws of his country, and of his God, and who regards the happiness of mankind, to bear loud tes-
timony against the increasing evil &, if by our voice we can prevent one unpardoned sinner, from rushing covered with his sins, into the presence of the Great Judge, of all, we shall not fail of a reward both here and hereafter.
Gentlemen, It is necessary that more than 1 of your number should be present at all your deliberations as a grand jury, and the assent of 12 at least is necessary to every presentment and bill of indictment.
There are several acts of assemblies which I am directed by law to give on charge, a list whereof will be laid before you.
If any doubts should arise upon questions of law, you will apply to the attorney for the district, or to the court, for advice.
With these things in charge, you may now, gentlemen, retire to your chamber, and by the calmness, dignity, and candor of your deliberations, by the independence of your proceedings, and by a faithful discharge of the duties incumbent upon you, do honor to the high and important office you are now called upon to perform.
The Philadelphia True American of Thursday, states that captain Hart of the ship Jupiter, 37 days from Liverpool, on the 27th ult. was boarded by the murdering ship Leander, White, who pressed from on board the Jupiter, John Thomas, born in New-York, and had a protection; and put on board in his stead, a Spaniard prisoner of war, taken four months ago, bound from Saguirra for Cadiz. The Spaniard was on board the Leander at the time of the murder of Pierce and says the ship is again bound on a cruise off New-York—no doubt to add "insult to injury!"
The schooner Sukey and Peggy has arrived at Philadelphia in 17 days from Curracoa. The captain brings reports that the crews of Miranda's two schooners, were taken to Caraccas, and have been hanged as pirates.
SEA ROBBERS.
A few days since, we stated, that Whitby, the murderer of JOHN PIERCE, had again made his appearance off Sandy Hook, and that he had recommended his piratical depredations on our commerce, by the seizure of two valuable ships belonging to this port. We have since been informed, that the ship Hope, also of this port, was seized last Thursday afternoon, by the same bloodthirsty ruffian, whose hands are yet stained with the blood of Pierce, and sent to Halifax. Not a single vessel is permitted to pass without molestation—even coasters are interrupted, and treated with every species of indignity and violence; but his insolence to captain Wheeler, of the brig Canton, from Savannah, is without a parallel: not satisfied with detaining captain W. upwards of two hours and an half, Whitby had the audacity to demand MONEY for the twenty-six shot he had fired to bring the Canton to. This insolent demand of the authorised pirate was however firmly resisted by captain Wheeler, who, after undergoing many indignities, was at length permitted to proceed.
New York, June 5.
The following extract of a letter from captain Dawson, of the ship Olive, dated Laguaira, May 4, confirms the news of the capture of general Miranda's two schooners, and gives other particulars not heretofore received: and which, coming from a respectable source we are inclined to believe is correct.—The letter was received yesterday by the schooner William, in 13 days from St. Thomas.
The Extract.
"General Miranda has made a great deal of noise at this place. A few days ago a man of war brig and schooner were sent in pursuit of him. The day after he left this place, they fell in with the Leander and two schooners, and after a short action they captured the schooners—The Leander made sail and got off. The schooners have arrived at Porto Cabello. Young Smith is on board one of the schooners; he and eight of the principal officers are ordered up for Caraccas."
The Olive was to sail for New York in 10 days after the date of Captain Dawson's letter, and may be hourly expected.
The French privateer schooner La Creole, of 6 guns and 67 men, which, in November last, captured off Charleston bar the British ship Esther, bound from that port for Liverpool, and whose crew behaved with such unparallelled barbarity to the unfortunate men belonging to that ship, after they had surrendered, was captured on the 21st of April off Tortudas, by the British brig Reindeer of 18 guns, and carried into Port Royal, Jamaica, on the 25th.
Philadelphia, June 7.
We learn from Jamaica papers, which we have received to the 10th of May, that the ship Leander, captain Lewis, with two schooners, her tenders from Jacquemel, having on board general Miranda, 28 staff officers, and about 270 men, touched at Aruba on the 10th of April, and sailed again on the 16th for Caraccas, accompanied by the ship Echo of Kingston. It is stated that general Miranda was provided with the insignia of the ancient Peruvians, (a sun and a highly marked rainbow) brilliantly displayed on his standards, and expected to find a strong party to join him in the scheme of revolutionizing the South American colonies.
On the arrival of Miranda off Barcelona, he wrote a letter to his brother on shore, advising him of his intention, and requesting him, his mother and sister, to retire into the interior, and to take with them the most valuable of their property. Miranda's brother was alarmed—and, lest he should be suspected of being concerned in the enterprise or favoring the views of his brother, he hastened to the governor-general at Caraccas with the letter. An immediate alarm was excited, and vessels were dispatched in pursuit of Miranda. The capture of his two schooners was the result.
We also learn, that after the engagement, the Leander stopt two days off Bonaire, repaired her rigging, and put to sea; since which she has not been heard of.
We learn verbally, that the two Spaniards who went out with Miranda, as soon as the two schooners struck their colors, jumped into the sea, and were drowned.
Frankford, [Ken.] May 18.
Dear Sir, "All the troops except one company march from here in the course of 6 days for Fort Adams, and Nachitoches. The Indians have been threatening us all winter—I expect they will get to be very troublesome now the troops are going."
Lieutenant Hughs has returned some days from the Mississippi, with all the Osage prisoners. They cost him 100 dollars each as a ransom They consisted principally of women and children. Two of the nation were waiting here all winter. An old fellow among them, who suspected his wife of some gallantries, on her arrival here, cut her ears crosswise, and cut her hair off."
GENERAL MEETING.
THE Directors of the TYBER CREEK NAVIGATION, request all the FRIENDS to that useful Improvement and the SUBSCRIBERS in particular to attend a Public Meeting to be held at the house of THOMAS THORPE, on Saturday 24th inst at 6 o'clock, P. M. when an exhibit will be made, of the state of the Fund, the progress of the work, the prospect of success, and where some plans will be proposed for the consideration of the meeting, for procuring a sum of money in aid of the subscriptions already received.
THOMAS THORPE, Chairman.
June 11 2:
AN ACT
More effectually to provide for the payment of taxes upon lands within this Commonwealth.
(Passed January 29th, 1803.)
WHEREAS numerous inconveniences and losses have accrued to this commonwealth, from the want of an adequate mode for the subjection of lands to the payment of taxes: And where as it is a principle in well organized governments, that property should be holden subservient to the purposes thereof.
Sec. 2. Be it enacted, That when the taxes upon any tract or survey of land, shall have remained unpaid for the space of two years, such tract or survey of land, shall be forfeited to the commonwealth, and subject to location according to the terms prescribed by an act, intitled "an act, for reducing into one, the several acts concerning the land office, ascertaining the terms and manner of granting waste and unappropriated lands for settling the title and bounds of lands, directing the mode of pre-emption, and prescribing the duty of surveyors" so far as the said act applies to waste and unappropriated land, and not to forfeited land; and title thereto shall be acquired by the said location, and by the payment of the taxes due upon such tract or survey of land: Provided nevertheless, That the tract or survey of land so afore said forfeited, shall be subject to the redemption of the former rightful and proper owner, at any time within one year after such forfeiture shall have accrued, upon the payment of the taxes due thereupon, with interest upon the same from the time they became payable.
And be it further enacted, That at any time within six months after the annual return of the list of insolvents or delinquents for the non-payment of the taxes upon land into his office, the auditor of this commonwealth shall cause this act to be published for three several times in the Gazette for the printer of this commonwealth, & in some newspaper of general circulation, published at the seat of the general government: Provided always, that nothing in this act shall be so construed as to authorise the location of any lands within the purview of this act, before the expiration of the time limited for the redemption thereof; nor to affect the rights of infants, femes covert, or persons of unfound mind, until one year after the disabilities shall have ceased.
All acts and parts of acts, within the purview of this act are hereby repealed. This act shall commence and be in force from and after the first day of March next.
A copy from the roll, Telt, J. PLEASANTS, jun. Keeper of the rolls.
AN ACT
Giving further time to the proprietors of certain lands, forfeited for the non-payment of taxes, to redeem the same.
(Passed February 1st, 1806.)
BE it enacted by the General Assembly, That the proprietors of lands forfeited to, and vested in the commonwealth, by the non payment of taxes, agreeably to the act, intitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the payment of taxes upon lands within this commonwealth," may redeem the same by paying into the treasury of this commonwealth, on or before the first day of March, in the year eighteen hundred and seven, all arrears of taxes due thereon.
This act shall commence and be in force from and after the passing thereof.
A copy from the roll, Telt, J. PLEASANTS, jun. Keeper of the rolls. Richmond, June 11—3t
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
SIRY'D or stolen from the commns of G. G. own on Monday the 26th of May a brig BAY G LDI S, about 14 hands high, 6 years old, for a saddle marks no perceivable brand long twitch tail much rubbed with the traces both shoed before, and one white hind foot. Any person taking up the said horse shall receive the above reward on application to the subscriber living in Prince George's county 5 miles above Bladensburg.
RANDOL MORRIS. June 11—w3t
ALEX'R. COCHRANE, 17 STREET NORTH,
HAS just received by Captain Ellwood, 4 chests of fresh Teas, viz Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Hyson skin, Best chocolate, mustard, & pickling vinegar, Men's fine shoes, and women's Morocco slippers. Yellow and blue Indians mankees, Also from BALTIMORE, Kerscymere's, dummies, a dozen checks, India and British muslins and shawls, Italian plain silks and fancy waistcoats, Trifalgar chimneys, calicoes, and chambrays, 4 4th and 7 8 4 4th linens and lawns, Sundry disperses and dispersible cloths, Silk and cotton hosiery, gloves, Fine lawn bordered handkerchiefs, silk and cotton, do. China, glass, and Queens ware, Cut and wrought nails, Ironmongery, and is constantly supplied with the best Liquors and Groceries all of said goods as well fell on the most reasonable reasonable terms. June 11—3w
Twenty Dollars Reward,
RAN W Y from the subscriber on Monday the 9th inst negro J S B purchased about two months ago from the estate of the late Mr. Wm. Diggs of Montgomery county, where no doubt he is now in King J's a freight well made fellow, copper color, about 25 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high The above reward will be paid to any person who will deliver him to me at this place, or if ten dollars is lodged in the jail in the city of Washington, or any other so that I get him again. Wm. B. BENES. Upper Marlbro, June 11—2awtd
District of Columbia Washington, county, to wit.
IN the case of JOSEPH FLAUT an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Flaut that on the 23rd day of June inst at the court room in the Capitol at the hour of 8 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors, within the district of Columbia" will be administered to the said Flaut and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary.
Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist three times in each paper before the said 23rd day of June. By order, Wm. BRENT, Clk.
June 11—3t
PROPOSALS.
FOR building a PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH on square 277 in the city of Washington will be received by the subscriber until Monday the 9th of June next. It is expected the persons proposing will mention SEPARATELY the masons, and carpenters work, and the materials appertaining to both branches.
The building to be of brick, contemplated to be 38 by 45 feet in the clear, and two stories high.
The proposals to be in writing and left with the subscriber, capital Hill, with whom a plan of the building may be seen.
HENRY T. GLE, Register. Washington, May 28—1 Jung
SPRING GOODS.
JOHN COX, HAS received a part of his Spring Assortment of Goods, consisting of many fancy and substantial articles He has also received by the Jefferson captain Hunt from Amsterdam, a quantity of Ticklenburgs, Osnaburgs, Hessians, Kempens, Rolls, Glals and Quilts, and by the Washington from Leghorn, handsome Leghorn Chairs and Flats. All which goods he will sell at his usual low prices by the piece or retail. George Town, April 30—UGepNI2697

PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. FROM Portsmouth, N H by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, Newburyport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn and Chelsea, to Boston, six times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by midnight, in 12 hours.
Leave Boston every day at 11 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 p m in 12 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 4 p m.
Leave Boston every day at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 p m.
2. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Waltham, East Sudbury Framingham, Southboro', Northboro', Sherborn, Weston, Needham, Newton, Brookfield, Wellesley, Weston, Palmer, Williamstown, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford and Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at New Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 1 p m in 33 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 10 a m in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at New Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 8 p m.
Leave New Haven every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Boston by 4 p m.
Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Haven by 6 p m.
Returnings. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Suffield by 6 p m.
Leave Suffield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 8 p m.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday at 4 a m and arrive at Boston by 3 p m.
3. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, & to New York, seven times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave New Haven every day at 2 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 20 hours.
Leave New York every day at 9 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 3 a m in 18 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave New Haven every day at 4 a m and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a m in 30 hours.
Leave New York every day at 11 a m and arrive at New Haven the next day by 6 p m in 31 hours, resting one hour at Stamford each way.
The mail is to be carried only four times a week from Oct. 1, 1806, to Oct. 1, 1807, omitting to take it both from New Haven and New York on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the mild season, and on Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the cold season.
4. From New York by Jersey, Newark, Elizabeth town, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, seven times a week.
Leave New York every day at 1 p m and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p m and arrive at New York the next day by 6 a m in 17 hours.
From Dec. 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 a m, in 12 hours.
5. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vanville, Bladensburg and Washington City to Georgetown, every day.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 8 a m and arrive at Washington City by 4 p m in 8 hours.
Leave Washington City every day at 2 a m and arrive at Baltimore by 10 a m in 8 hours.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a m and arrive at Washington City by 8 p m in 10 hours.
Leave Washington City every day by 10 p m and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester & Dumfries to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m, arrive at Alexandria by 5 a m; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 11 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 p m in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 2 p m; leave Alexandria at 3 p m and arrive at Washington by 5 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 6 a m; leave Alexandria at 7 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p m; leave Dumfries at 2 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p m.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a m and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a m; leave Dumfries at 10 a m and arrive at Alexandria by 4 p m; leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Washington City by 6 1/2 p m.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover co. Richmond and Osborn's, to Petersburg, six times a week.
April 15 to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a m and arrive at Richmond by 3 p m; leave Richmond at 4 p m and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p m.
Returnings. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 a m and arrive at Richmond by 8 a m; leave Richmond by 9 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 a m and arrive at Richmond by 6 p m; leave Richmond every day Sunday excepted, at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a m.
Returnings. Leave Petersburg every day, save Sunday, at 2 p m and arrive at Richmond by 8 p m; leave Richmond every day, save Sunday, at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p m.
8. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent co. Williamsburg, Yorktown & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Hampton by 9 p m and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m.
Returnings. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p m and arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 p m.
9. From Petersburg by Cabin Point, Smithfield, Surry co. and Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 p m; leave Sleepy hole at 3 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 a m.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 a m; leave Sleepy hole at 10 a m and arrive at Petersburg by 8 p m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 12 a m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 p m.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 a m.
Returnings. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 p m.
Leave Sleepy hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
10. From Charleston by Jacksboro' Pocotaligo and Cofawhatchie to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m, and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a m, and arrive at Savannah by 8 p m.
Returnings. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p m.
Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Charleston by 5 p m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p m.
Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a m; leave Louisville at 11 a m and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a m; leave Louisville at 10 a m and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan co. Medway church, Riceboro' McIntosh co. Darien, Frederica, Jekyll island & Dungeness Neff, to St. Mary's, once a week.
Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a m and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a m.
Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p m.
14. From Jekyll island to Brunswick once a week.
Leave Jekyll island every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a m.
Leave Brunswick every day at 3 p m and arrive at Jekyll island by 6 p m.
IN MAINE.
15. From Scod to plantation No 5, once a week.
Leave No 5 every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Scod by 11 a m.
Leave Scod every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at No 5 by 6 p m.
16. From Buckfield by Hartford to Livermore, once a week.
Leave Buckfield every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Livermore by 10 a m.
Leave Livermore every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Buckfield by 6 p m.
17. From Vassalboro' by Fairfax, Uni' & Colledgetown to Hampden, once a week.
Leave Vassalboro' every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Hampden on Saturday by 10 a m.
Leave Hampden every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at Vassalboro' on Monday by 8 a m.
1. From New Milford by Ballstown, Palermo, and Davistown, to Belfast once a week.
Leave New Milford every Thursday at 10 a m and arrive at Belfast by 6 p m.
Leave Belfast every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at New Milford by 10 a m.
2. From Brunswick by Bowdoin, Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta, once a week.
Leave Brunswick every Monday at 2 a m and arrive at Augusta by 11 a m.
Leave Augusta every Monday at 1 p m and arrive at Brunswick by 9 p m.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
3. From Fryberg, in Maine, by Conway, Bartlett, Rosebrooks and Jefferson, to Lancaster, once in two weeks.
Leave Fryberg every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Fryberg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
4. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Middletown, Opechee, Moultonborough, Canterbury, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m.
Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Newbury by 7 p m.
Returnings. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 7 a m and at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth at 7 p m and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
22. From Hanover N H by Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Guildhall, Vt. and from Guildhall by Lunenburg and Concord, Vt. Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week.
Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Guildhall on Saturday by 6 p m.
Leave Guildhall every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p m.
23. From Salisbury by Andover, New Chester and Bridgewater to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by Holderness, New Hampton and Sandborntown, to Salisbury, alternately, once a week.
Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 2 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N H by Littleton, Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Greensboro' Craftsboro' Eden and Johnson to St. Albans, once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton, N H on Saturday by 6 p m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre Washington, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet & Peacham, to Danville, once a week.
Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, and arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Newbury on Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Danville by 5 p m.
Returnings. Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Royalton, Randolph, Williamston, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Willyton, to Burlington, once a week.
Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m.
Returnings. Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Royalton by Tunbridge, Grafton and Vershire, to Corinth, once a week.
Leave Royalton every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Corinth by 6 p m.
Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Royalton by 6 p m.
ELIAS B. LOWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Has removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 16—tf
WANTED
AN APPRENTICE.
Where the fine arts combined with mechanical practice will be taught—dredgery not being understood as any part of his employ, it is hoped that talent and respectability will be his recommendation.
Apply for information at Mr. Lewis Clephens near the Bank & Street.
June 6—tf
FOR SALE.
A pair of handsome YOUNG MULBS, each three years old, Male and Female, the horse has been cut one year, and has been a short time used to the draught, warranted perfectly found—a short credit will be given.
Inquire of Mr. Wm. Froue, merchant, Navy Yard, Washington city. June 6—tf
A GREAT BARGAIN.
TO BOOKSELLERS.
SEVERAL Thousand Volumes of Books, chiefly German; some French, Latin, and English works—principally new publications, all of the first merit, and prime German editions mostly in sheets, and lately imported into this country, will be sold upon the most liberal terms, either the whole or a part. Many of them are works never yet seen in the United States—the collection includes every department in literature, except Law, and are offered for sale in this way, merely because the owner has not long since declined the book-selling business.
Application to be made for the terms of sale, &c. to
C. MORNEWECK, at the Hanseatic Hotel, Gay Street, Baltimore. May 30—6t
DR. REES'S
NEW CYCLOPEDIA,
Just Published, And ready to be delivered to subscribers in the city of Washington, VOL. I. PART I.
OF DR. REES'S NEW CYCLOPEDIA, or UNIVERSAL DICTIONARY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES,
To be completed in 20 volumes quarto. The whole improved and adapted to this country, by gentlemen of known abilities; by whose aid it will be rendered the most complete work of the kind that has yet appeared.
In order to give the early patrons of this work a decided advantage over future purchasers, each half volume is furnished to them at 3 DOLLARS—To all those who may subscribe after the first of November next, the price will be raised to 3 DOLLARS and 50 cents; and after the 3th volume is published, none will be sold under 4 DOLLARS.
Subscribers will please to apply for their copies at Daniel Rapine's Book & Stationery store Capitol Hill, where is constantly kept for sale a very general assortment of books and stationery.
A liberal allowance made to schoolmasters, and others who purchase a quantity. June 2—6t
NOTICE.
IS hereby given that the sale of property for TAXES due the Corporation of Washington, advertised for this day, is postponed until Friday the 20th day of June next, and if the taxes are not paid on or before the said 20th day of June, the sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. at the City Treasurer's office.
By order of the Council of Washington, WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City. May 30—tdf
PUBLIC AUCTION.
FOR sale at Auction, on Wednesday the 18th inst. at the house occupied last winter by MICHEL KROEMNACKER, on Capitol Hill, a quantity of
Household Furniture, consisting of Beds, Mattresses, Bedding, Bedsteads, Curtains, Tables, Looking-glasses, Chairs, Carpets, Kitchen Furniture, &c. and a small quantity of Plate.
The sale will commence precisely at 10 o'clock and the terms will be for all sums under 20 DOLLARS cash above that amount good notes, with approved endorser, at 90 days will be required.
N. L. QUEEN, Auctioneer. June 9—5t
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED away on the 27th April from the subscriber living on the Eastern Branch, about 3 miles from Vanville and about 5 miles from Bladensburg a black MARE COLT, about 2 years old, 13 1/2 or 14 hands high has a bald face and is a natural trotter, her hind feet white & a long switch main & tail—any one that will take up said mare and bring her to me shall receive the reward of ten dollars or secure her to me so that I get her again. JAMES SCAGGS. Prince Georges county Maryland, June 9—3t
MARY POTTINGER,
survivor of Samuel Tyler.
May 14—13t
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805.
Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City.
Sept. 9—tf
SALES BY AUCTION.
WILL be sold on the premises on Tuesday the 1st day of July, at 11 o'clock—part of lot in sq 907 beginning for the said piece of ground 149 feet from the south west corner and fronting on 7th street east 16 feet, running back 75, with a good frame house which rents for 150 dollars per year to Augustine Sary.
Half of Lot No. 16 in sq. 696, 23 feet 6 inches front on 1st street E. running east 93; containing with proportion of alley, 2475 sq. feet, be the same more or less; a range of brick houses 50 by 14, one frame 14 by 18, two stories high, the lot enclosed.
One Lot No. 16 in sq. 799, one frame house 12 by 14, two stories, with a good inclosure.
One Lot no. 20 in sq. 846 Lot no. 2 in sq. south of sq. 825, 24 ft. front, 65 feet back, with a 1 and 1 1/2 story frame house, well inclosed.
One tract of Land called French Adventure, lying partly in Prince George's county in the state of Maryland and part lying in Washington county in the district of Columbia, containing 39 acres, lying on the west side of Eastern Branch, about 10 miles from the city.
Also one clock and case, one mahogany bureau, one cast iron stove, one horse and carriage, with a good set of harness, and a number of articles too tedious to mention.
Terms will be made known on the day of sale. June 9—11t
GENERAL ORDERS.
Head Quarters, St. Louis, 1st March 1806.
At a general court martial held at the city of New Orleans, by order of Lt. Col. Freeman, on the 4th of January last, and continued to the 6th of the same month.
Lieutenant Alfred Sebastian, of the U. S. 2nd Reg. Infantry, was tried on the following charges.
Charge 1st. For contempt to Lieut. Baldwin, your superior officer, when on parade, on the 20th May 1805.
Specification. In ordering the band to cease playing, and the retreat to be beat, in violation of a garrison order of 27th May, 1804, regulating the evening parade, while he was on parade, inspecting the company to which he was attached.
Charge 2nd. For ungentlemanly and unofficer-like conduct.
Specification. For having Lieut. Baldwin arrested, and brought before a General Court Martial upon charges which you are not able to substantiate, and which he made appear to the court were malicious and false.
Lieutenant Sebastian being arraigned plead not guilty, and the court passed the following sentence (viz.) The court after weighing the testimony for and against Lieutenant Sebastian are of opinion that he is not guilty, and do acquit him with honor.
The General approves the foregoing sentence, and orders Lieutenant Sebastian released from arrest.
(Signed) JAMES WILKINSON, Inspectors office St. Louis, March 1st 1806.
The foregoing is a copy from the original on file in this office.
(Signed) THOS. H. CUSHING, Adj. & Inspector.