The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-12-15 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. X.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1423
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Extracts FROM THE MESSAGE OF GOV. SNYDER TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
You assemble, fellow-citizens, under circumstances, deeply interesting to our country, which call for all our energies, and all our patriotism, and imperiously demand from the people and the constituted authorities a union of action in support of our common rights. The hostile nations of Europe with unabated fury carry on the contest against each other and against the rights of neutral nations. The communications laid before Congress exhibit a gloomy prospect of our foreign relations. They manifest that frank and honorable negotiation, and a prompt and perfect compliance with our engagements, have not been met with corresponding dispositions and reciprocal good faith. The conduct of the government of Great Britain, in refusing to carry into effect a compact predicated upon propositions made by her own minister plenipotentiary, is one of those unequivocal evidences of a contemptuous disregard for solemnity and publicly plighted national honor which could not fail to arouse the resentment of the people of the United States, whose indignation has been greatly and justly heightened by the haughty and indecorous deportment of the present British minister.
It is much to be regretted that all the measures which the wisdom and anxious patriotism of Congress have devised—all the manifestations which the most prompt and earnest desire to obtain honorable friendship with the belligerents, have not effected the objects contemplated:—But it is gratifying to feel assured that the conduct of our government cannot have failed to impress the nations of Europe with high respect for our national character, nor has it failed to excite in every American bosom a fixed and determined resolution to support the general government in its patriotic efforts to maintain the honor, independence and just rights of our country.
This determination is the more to be relied on, because it is not only the dictate of correct feeling, but the offspring of just pride, but it is also founded on the general conviction that, in all our negotiations and relations with foreign powers, the late and present administration of the general government have been animated by the purest motives, governed by the soundest principles and with a single eye to American rights and interests. This spirit, fellow citizens, ought to be generously fostered, for it is above all price—united at home we have nothing to fear from abroad.
From the perfidy and injustice of foreign nations, we turn with proud satisfaction to contemplate the internal resources, the invincible spirit and increasing prosperity of our own state. Without any direct tax our treasury presents abundant means to promote the present and permanent welfare of the commonwealth. In the enjoyment of the rich blessings of independence, freedom and peace, our population is rapidly multiplying.
EXTRACT FROM THE MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR TYLER TO THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA.
It would have afforded me great consolation, and I am sure no less to the Legislature of my country, could it have been in my power, from events more favorable than are now passing, to have announced the prospect of an happy adjustment of the existing differences between the U. States and the two great contending powers of Europe. But too many aggravating circumstances have recently occurred (more especially as they relate to Great Britain) to permit a hope, that so happy an issue will take place in a short period. That nation has always been governed by her pride & her prejudices; or why has she seen through so false a medium? Why has she been so long the dupe of her own weakness, and the misrepresentations of her venal agents? The similarity of language between this country and that, and our connections with it by blood, always had more influence on our conduct than was good for our political safety and happiness. Her commerce flowed uninteruptedly through every channel that watered our land, and returned full freighted with the fruits of her industry and enterprise. That commerce so fasci-
nating in the present state of society, and so inviting to avarice, seized on our affections and bound us in chains indissoluble as adamant. Hence the opposition to those measures which alone would have been efficient, if they had been rigorously enforced; and hence arose those bitter animosities which have poisoned the sources of social intercourse between our fellow-citizens, and tended to disunite them and distract our councils. The embargo was the system which was best calculated to ensure success; and long will it be regretted that want of resolution to forego the advantages of a degraded commerce, and want of sound patriotism to enforce that measure, should have reduced our country to a dilemma, scarcely recollected to have occurred in the history of nations. But notwithstanding the disgraceful violations of the law, which have fixed an indelible stain on the characters of too many of our countrymen; its pressure was so severely felt, that aided by the failure of the combined forces in Spain, an epoch was produced, in which something like a friendly termination of our differences seemed to be promised. Overtures were made by the British government for accommodation, which were met by the President of the United States with that promptitude and candor, which characterize the great and good of every country. Stipulations were entered into on both sides, preliminary to full and free negotiation on all the points in dispute. Every thing required by those stipulations was performed on our part with good faith. The militia, which had been organized, and held in readiness to meet aggression, whenever it might be offered by any power, was discharged; the suspension of our commercial intercourse was taken off; and a fair and wide road was opened for the completion of what appeared to have been happily begun. But mark the issue! A new era arose on the continent, in which a final stroke was aimed at the power of France, (puerile indeed! for every unsuccessful attempt has only added strength to that power;) the stores of G. Britain were filled with American supplies; the complaints arising from hunger, want and misery, were appeased; and that government scrupled not to disavow the act of its Minister Plenipotentiary , under the shameful pretext of its being unauthorised; as if the injury were not the same to us, and as if their government was not benefited by the measure, and bound to ratify and sanction it, on every principle of good faith and sound morality.
Thus have we seen and felt injury following injury, from the commencement of the revolution to the present day; and negotiation succeeding negotiation, without any satisfaction for what had passed, or any security against future hostility; and thus have we seen too, all those rules which bind nations as well as individuals in the sacred bonds of justice, charity and benevolence, totally disregarded, and a new order of things introduced altogether disgraceful to civilized man—"Shall I not visit for these things, saith the Lord?" Nor has France acted up to those principles which she professes so much to admire and support—I mean the rights of neutrals and the freedom of the seas. For notwithstanding the peaceful attitude we have taken, unjust and severe wounds, (though not so frequent, nor yet so vitally fatal in their consequences,) have been inflicted by her on our rights and national honor, under the idea of our attachment to G. Britain, which was supposed to have influenced our measures, and to have counteracted her policy. For one nation to retaliate on another by which it is injured, is certainly justifiable: But what can justify or even excuse the act which inflicts a wound upon an innocent neutral, to come at an enemy? Why not suffer the inconveniences arising from the unlawful acts of some of our anomalous citizens, rather than violate all those ancient maxims which were so much revered in former times, and which are the only means of sustaining a good understanding with the world? It remains for that nation to wipe this stain from its splendid achievements, by a proper explanation and renunciation of its measures.
Under circumstances so unfriendly, we have little to hope from the philanthropy of foreign nations, but nothing to fear for our national character and independence, provided we u-
rite in the general support of our principles and government. It is true, therefore, to assume a station which will bid defiance to any power, and put an end to that party spirit, which has taught those nations to believe, that we have gone from the just standard of honest measures, and could be easily made a victim to intrigue or force. We have talked long enough of our rights and our national honor, let us now prepare to defend them. It was the want of union, and of sincere love of country, that caused so many discomfortures of the European powers in their conflicts with France. But for an union of honest sentiments and measures among our citizens, from the beginning to the end of our revolution, America must still have remained under colonial degradation. Let that union now be the rock of our salvation; and let us no longer persist in the fatal policy which has so distracted the nation and paralyzed its councils. Let us again rally around our own government, and convince mankind, that we can neither be seduced, on the one hand by intrigue, nor driven on the other, by force, to surrender that liberty which was acquired by our fathers at the expence of so much blood and treasure. Let us prepare for the worst, and be ready to execute with vigor, whatever may be the determination of the general government, to which belongs the constitutional right to decide on the momentous subjects which must fall under their deliberation at their present sitting."
MR. GILES'S SPEECH, Continued.
Let me now, sir, call your attention to the letter of Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson in reply to these highly offensive insinuations, dated 19th of October, 1809, pages 46, 47, of the printed documents.
The stress you have laid on what you have been pleased to state as the substitution of the terms finally agreed on, for the terms first proposed, has excited no small degree of surprise. Certain it is, that your predecessor did present for my consideration the three conditions, which now appear in the printed document—that he was disposed to urge them more than the nature of two of them (both palpably inadmissible and one more than merely inadmissible) could permit, and that on finding his first proposals unsuccessful the more reasonable terms comprised in the arrangement respecting the orders in council were adopted. And what, sir, is there in this to countenance the conclusion you have drawn in favor of the right of his Britannic majesty to disavow the proceeding? Is any thing more common in public negotiations, than to begin with a higher demand, and that failing, to descend to a lower? To have, if not two sets of instructions, two, or more than two grades of propositions in the same set of instructions; to begin with what is the most desirable, and to end with what is found to be admissible in case the more desirable should not be attainable. This must be obvious to every understanding and it is confirmed by universal experience.
What were the real and entire instructions given to your predecessor is a question essentially between him and his government. That he had, or at least, that he believed he had sufficient authority to conclude the arrangement, his formal assurances, during our discussions, were such as to leave no room for doubt. His subsequent letter of 15th June, renewing his assurances to me "that the terms of the agreement so happily concluded by the recent negotiation, will be strictly fulfilled on the part of his majesty," is an evident indication of what his persuasion then was as to his instructions. And with a view to show what his impressions have been even since the disavowal, I must take the liberty of referring you to the annexed extracts (see C.) from his official letters of the 31st July and of the 14th of August.
The declaration "that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d January, is the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it relates," is now for the first time made to this government, and I need hardly add that if that despatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, or if it had
been known that the propositions contained in it, and which were at first presented by Mr. Erskine, were the only ones on which he was authorised to make an arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made."
The language of this quotation is at once so perspicuous, candid and intelligent, that it requires no explanation or illustration, from me. I will therefore pass on to Mr. Jackson's reply, dated 23d October, 1809, pages 59, 60, in the following words:
"I have, therefore, no hesitation in informing you, that his majesty was pleased to disavow the agreement concluded between you and Mr. Erskine, because it was concluded in violation of that gentleman's instructions, and altogether without authority to subscribe to the terms of it. These instructions, I now understand by your letter, as well as from the obvious deduction which I took the liberty of making in mine of the 11th instant, were at the time in substance made known to you; no stronger illustration, therefore, can be given of the deviation from them which occurred, than by a reference to the terms of your agreement."
Nothing can be more notorious than the frequency with which, in the course of a complicated negotiation, ministers are furnished with a gradation of conditions, on which they may be successively authorised to conclude. So common is the case which you put hypothetically, that in according to the justice of your statement, I feel myself compelled to make only one observation upon it, which is, that it does not strike me, as bearing upon the consideration of the unauthorised agreement concluded here, inasmuch as in point of fact, Mr. Erskine had no such graduated instruction. You are already acquainted with that which was given, and I have had the honor of informing you that it was the only one by which the conditions on which he was to conclude were prescribed. So far from the terms, which he was actually induced to accept, having been contemplated in that instruction, he himself states that they were substituted by you in lieu of those originally proposed."
The first observation which occurs, in reading this extract, is, that Mr. Jackson here attempts to get at his object by what, I suppose, he considers an ingenious conceit, shifting his verbiage—the words, "conditions prescribed in the despatch" are here dropped; and the word "instructions" substituted. Thus endeavoring to show, that Mr. Erskine's instructions themselves were in fact known to Mr. Smith at the time of the arrangement. And how, sir, do you suppose he attempts to get at this fact? Why, sir, he tells you from Mr. Smith's letter just read, which so far from justifying that conclusion, that it positively denies it; and even goes further, it furnishes, and refers to extracts of two letters from Mr. Erskine to Mr. Smith, the one dated the 31st July, the other the 14th August, 1809: It refers also to one of the 15th June, all of which go explicitly to show, that the instructions in question were not known to Mr. Smith, and that Mr. Erskine at every period of time thought his instructions competent to the arrangement. Sir, these papers ought to have relieved Mr. Jackson's mind from every vestige of a doubt, respecting this fact, if it were possible that he could even before have thought so unworthily, as well of Mr. Erskine, as of our government; but very far from yielding to the influence of all this evidence, in the very face of it, with the most extraordinary effrontery, he contradicts the whole, and renews his offensive insinuation with all the aggravation of this impudent contradiction. But, sir, this is not all, he here reiterates this insinuation by referring to what he calls the "obvious deduction" he took the liberty of making in his letter of the 11th of October which I have before adverted on to the Senate—this reiteration demonstrates the propriety of my animadversions on that letter; the whole of which are equally applicable to the letter of the 23d of October now under consideration, and noticed in the resolution before you; with this additional aggravating circumstance, that at the time of writing this last letter Mr. Jackson knew that he wrote the first under false or mistaken impressions. Nor, sir, can it escape obser-
vation that he here again renews his insinuations deduced from his ridiculous and contemptible interpretation of what he calls the act of substitution.
Let me now, sir, proceed to Mr. Smith's letter to Mr. Jackson, of 1st November, replying to these reiterated and aggravated insinuations. It will be found in pages 66, 67, of the printed documents, in the following words:
"But it would be improper to include the few observations, to which I purposely limit myself without alluding to your repetition of a language implying a knowledge on the part of the government that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorise the arrangement formed by him. After the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view, which you have again presented of the subject, makes it my duty to apprise you, that such insinuations are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a government that understands what it owes to itself."
This language is also too perspicuous and correct in itself, to require any explanation from me. But I cannot help remarking, sir, that surely every American patriot must feel a smile of confidence and complacency towards his own government, when he beholds the openness, the frankness, the candor and the intelligence with which it gets at the truth, compared with the miserable and contemptible conceits and subterfuges, with which the British minister attempts to disguise and obscure it.
After this admonition, made with dignified decision and moderation, let me turn your attention to Mr. Jackson's reply. It will be found in his letter to Mr. Smith of the 4th November, page 72, of the printed documents, in the following words:
"You will find that in my correspondence with you, I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and last of all should I think of uttering an insinuation, where I was unable to substantiate a fact. To facts, such as I have become acquainted with them I have scrupulously adhered, and in so doing I must continue, whenever the good faith of his Majesty's government is called in question, to vindicate its honor and dignity, in the manner that appears to me best calculated for that purpose."
It cannot have escaped your observation, sir, that the Executive government, with a moderation and forbearance almost peculiar to itself, would not impose upon Mr. Jackson the pain either of explanation or retraction. Notwithstanding his reiterated efforts, it made no demand of either. It appeared only to desire to throw out of the way these offensive insinuations. And how, sir, has it been requited for this moderation and forbearance? Why, sir, instead of dropping a subject in which Mr. Jackson was so clearly in the wrong, he again renews it with still further aggravations. He tells Mr. Smith that he had carefully avoided in all his preceding correspondence drawing conclusions, that did not necessarily follow from premises advanced by him; or uttering an insinuation, where he was unable to substantiate a fact: That he had scrupulously adhered to such facts as he had become acquainted with, and that he should continue to do so whenever the good faith of his Majesty's government was called in question, to vindicate his honor and dignity, in the manner he thought best calculated for that purpose.
Now, sir, permit me to ask you, if the Executive government had gone on to receive any further communications from Mr. Jackson after these declarations; in what situation would the American Secretary of State have been placed? When Mr. Jackson in substance, here tells him with a superciliousness bordering on mental infatuation, I have insulted you, I here repeat the insult, and now give you notice that I will continue to repeat it whenever I may think proper, during the whole course of our future negotiations. For, sir, at the time of writing this letter, you will be pleased to remark, that there remained no doubt of the true meaning of the offensive insinuations; because Mr. Smith had put an interpretation upon them in his

letter of the 1st November, which was plain and explicit, and which could not be misunderstood. Mr. Smith then tells Mr. Jackson, that his, Mr. Jackson's language implied a knowledge on the part of the American government, that the instructions of his predecessor did not authorise the arrangement formed by him. That after the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into. &c. such insinuations are inadmissible, &c. &c. This interpretation of the meaning of Mr. Jackson's insinuations is not denied, and therefore admitted by Mr. Jackson; and with that admission he goes on superciliously to repeat them, and to declare that he will continue to do so in all future discussions whenever he pleases.
Is there one single gentleman in the United States, with an American heart in his bosom, who could wish to see his government and his country placed in so degrading a situation? And what prospect of benefit could there be to the U. States, in proceeding with a negotiation conducted with such a spirit of hostility and superciliousness on the part of the British negotiator? Is there a gentleman whose highest sensibilities are not excited by this insolent conduct of the British minister? and whose judgement is not convinced of the propriety of the conduct of his own government? And, Sir, after all these outrageous and premeditated insults, what is the measure proposed by the Executive in relation to this contumacious minister? Why, Sir, the mildest in the whole vocabulary of expedients—Simply to refuse to receive any further communications from him, and to request his recall by his own government; and in the mean time, to receive communications through any other channel—Thus merely shielding itself from further insults, and manifesting a solecism for friendly intercourse with Great Britain, which must shield it from every imputation of insincerity in its professions of friendly views in relation to that government. Yes Sir, negotiation is still open, although in my judgement without the smallest probability of success or advantage. Upon the whole review of this part of the subject then, Sir, is there a gentleman, who is not prepared to say, that in refusing to receive any further communications from Mr. Jackson, the Executive government has manifested a just regard to its own dignity and honor, as well as to the character and interests of the American people? and can there be a gentleman of this Senate who is not prepared to pledge himself to stand by & support the Executive government in this respect to the last extremity? Permit me now, Sir, to call your attention to a still more aggravated conduct on the part of Mr. Jackson. I allude to his letter headed "circular," dated 13th November and published and circulated through the country. In all its essential parts it seems to be the same with the note of the same date delivered to Mr. Smith by Mr. O'Kelley at the request of Mr. Jackson in the following words—and will be found in the printed documents pages 74, 75.—
"That Mr. Jackson has seen with much regret, that facts which it has been his duty to state in his official correspondence, have been deemed by the American government to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important negotiation and for putting an end to all communication whatever with the minister charged by his sovereign with that negotiation so interesting to both nations, and on one point of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written overture."
"One of the facts alluded to has been admitted by the secretary of state himself, in his letter of the 19th October, viz. that the three conditions forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instructions were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received."
"In stating these facts and in adhering to them, as his duty imperiously enjoined him to do, Mr. Jackson could not imagine that offence would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none could be intended on his part."
It is to be observed, sir, that the letter headed "Circular," and this note officially presented by Mr. O'Kelley, at the request of Jackson, are of the same date, and essentially in the same words; and what must have been the surprise of the Executive government, to find that within very few days after an official note had been presented to it at the request of the British Minister complaining of some of its acts; that the same note should be published and circulated through the country, as an appeal to the people against the conduct of their Executive government in relation to these acts? Nor can it escape observation, sir, that this circular letter contained the first official announcement of the rupture of the negotiations between our
government and Mr. Jackson. This sir, was such a premeditated and inexcusable affront to the whole American people, as well as to their government, that nothing could have restrained me at this time from submitting a resolution to the Senate, requiring the President to send Mr. Jackson immediately out of the country, but the consideration, that this contumacious and insolent conduct has been presented to the British government, as one of the grounds upon which his immediate recall is requested, and I am unwilling to interfere with this milder course, which the Executive has the proper to adopt. Yes, sir, I wish it now to be explicitly understood, that I think, Mr. Jackson ought instantly to be sent out of the country. That it is due to the dignity and the honor of the people and the government; and even that measure would afford a poor atonement for his insolent affronts to both.
I wish it also understood, sir, that I consider the insult to consist in the appeal itself, in the publication and circulation of the paper, without any reference to the question of the truth or falsehood of the facts stated as the grounds of the appeal, but, sir, as an aggravation in this case, the facts stated are manifestly false or fallacious, and in some respects I believe both false and fallacious. As an incontestible evidence of this, sir, I beg your attention to the first paragraph of this impudent appeal, which has been already read in the following words—
"That Mr. Jackson has seen with regret, that facts which it has been his duty to state in his official correspondence, have been deemed by the American government to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important negotiation, and for putting an end to all communication whatever with the minister charged by his sovereign with that negotiation so interesting to both nations, and on one point of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written overture."
What, sir, is the evident design of Mr. Jackson in thus presenting this complaint to the people against their own government? Why, sir, to impress them with a belief that he really was engaged in an important negotiation highly interesting to both the United States and Great Britain, and that there was a fair prospect of bringing it to a happy conclusion; when the Executive of the U. States causelessly and capriciously put an end to it, utterly regardless of the high interests of both nations. This, surely, sir, if well founded, is a serious complaint, and let me ask every gentleman, and especially those, if there be any, who have habitually placed their faith in British orthodoxy, whether this was not the impression intended to have been made by Mr. Jackson? Sir, it is too obvious, to be denied Now, sir, let me look into the state and prospect of this negotiation, and see whether it was likely to eventuate in these intimated and anticipated advantages to either nation? Without animadverting upon the general spirit and temper of the whole of Mr. Jackson's communications, the nature and tendency of which cannot be mistaken by any gentleman, who has given them an impartial consideration, let me call your most particular attention to a principle of ultimatum as I understand it, contained in pages 38, 39, of the printed documents. Speaking of the orders in council and the British principle of blockades in pa. 38 Mr. Jackson uses these words:
"The effect of this new order is to relieve the system under which the former orders were issued, from that which has always been represented in this country, as the most objectionable and offensive part of it, the option given to neutrals to trade with the enemies of Great Britain through British ports on payment of a transit duty. This was originally devised and intended as a mitigation of what is certainly more correct but more rigid in principle, the total and unqualified interdiction of all trade with the enemy"
And in speaking on the same subject in the same page and page 39, Mr. Jackson uses these words:
"And that by the capture of Martinique in addition to that of almost all the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, together with the blockade of Guadalupe, the extent to which the liberty of commerce with enemies colonies applied, has been so far narrowed, that there is little of practical hardship in recurring to the rule which, however occasionally mitigated in its application, G. Britain can never cease in principle to maintain."
Now, sir, let me ask, if there is one single gentleman in this Senate or in the United States, who would formally admit by treaty, that G. Britain has a right to interdict the whole of our trade with her enemy? Or what prospect there could be of a happy termination of a negotiation, in which that principle is asserted by Great Britain, and a positive declaration made, that she never will cease to maintain it?
But again, sir, let us see in what manner this negotiation was to be conducted; and what were the powers of Mr. Jackson in relation to it? To do this, sir, with the most perfect fairness and impartiality let me present this subject in Mr. Jack-
son's own words. His first announcement will be found in page 63, of the printed documents:
"Beyond this point of explanation which was supposed to have been attained, but which is now given by the present letter in the form understood to be most agreeable to the American government, my instructions are prospective; they look to substituting for notions of good understanding, erroneously entertained, practical stipulations on which a real reconciliation of all differences may be substantially founded; and they authorise me not to renew proposals which have already been declared here to be unacceptable; but to receive and discuss any proposals made on the part of the United States and eventually to conclude a convention between the two countries."
Now, sir, in what manner were these negotiations to commence? And to what point were they to extend? Why Mr. Jackson tells us, that his prospective instructions do not authorise him to renew proposals which have already been declared to be unacceptable to the United States, but to receive and discuss any proposal made on the part of the United States and eventually to conclude a convention, &c. Here, sir, Mr. Jackson has nothing on his part to propose; but sets himself up to be courted by new proposals on the part of the United States; and then he has power to receive and discuss any such proposal; and eventually to conclude a convention, &c. underscoring the word eventually to give it a peculiar character and emphasis Now, sir, I should like to know, whatever Mr. Jackson's instructions would call for, to take place between his positive power to receive & discuss and his eventual power to conclude a convention, &c. Why, sir, I suppose the proposals on the part of this government, must exactly fit his instructions without the government's knowing what they were, and in case of such a lucky hit, these proposals might be transmitted to the British government, and if there also approved; why then Mr. Jackson might eventually be invested with powers to conclude a convention, &c. So much by way of conjecture, as to Mr. Jackson's eventual powers? Now, sir, let me ask you, what does he tell us, are his positive powers? A power merely to receive & discuss. Why, sir, every gentleman here present has that power; and indeed every lady too, sir, has the power to receive and discuss; and eventually to conclude a convention, &c. But, sir, the power merely to receive and discuss, is what is very properly called, & is in fact, no power.
I am apprised that Mr. Jackson places this subject upon a ground somewhat different in his next letter; or at least it would appear so, if that letter were taken by itself, but in fact I apprehend there is no material difference in the two statements. Let me, however, call your attention to his own words which will be found in page 71 of the printed documents—in addressing Mr. Smith Mr. J. says:
"I am surprised at the transition by which it appears to you that this part of the subject is connected with the authority empowering me to negotiate with you. It will not, I dare say, have escaped your recollection that I informed you at a very early period of our communications, that in addition to the usual credential letter, his majesty had been pleased to invest me with a full power, under the great seal of his kingdom, for the express purpose of concluding a treaty or convention."
Here, sir, Mr. Jackson in a peculiarly of syle and manner, says that his majesty has been pleased to invest him with a full power and for the express purpose of concluding a treaty, &c. But here Mr. Jackson omits the mode of conducting the negotiation, and the conditions upon which he would be authorised to conclude &c. But, sir, he had been very explicit upon those points before; and this sentence, therefore, must be taken in connection with his previous explicit declarations in this respect; or Mr. Jackson would be reduced to the dilemma of a direct contradiction; therefore, sir, this new declaration, is nothing more than an equivoque upon the former; & makes no material variation in the first announcement of his powers, and the mode pointed out for conducting the negotiations under them. Especially, sir, as he took the precaution to underscore the word eventually, and therefore cautioned Mr. Smith to regard it as the most important and significant word in the sentence. Let me here enquire, sir, whether there is a single gentleman in the United States who now believes, that a negotiation commenced and conducted under such auspices, could be highly interesting to the United States or to Great Britain? Or that it promised the smallest advantage to either? Still less could any gentleman conclude, that it was causelessly or capriciously broken off by the Executive of the United States. And if impressions to this effect were intended to have been made on the American people, as is most obvious, then I am warranted in concluding that if this part of the appeal is not both false & fallacious; it is at least, false or fallacious and thus justifies to the full extent the expressions in the resolution.
I beg now, Sir, to turn your attention to another part of this insidious appeal in the following words:
"One of the facts alluded to has been admitted by the secretary of state himself, in his letter of the 19th October, viz. that the three conditions, forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instruction were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received."
I now assert, that the facts here stated are not true.—If Mr. Jackson had never made any other statement than the preceding, I do not know, that any offence would have been taken at it by the Executive government. The offensive insinuations of Mr. Jackson are fully explained by Mr. Smith in his letter of the 8th November in the following, which could not have been misunderstood by Mr. Jackson—
"In my letter of the 19th ultimo, I stated to you that the declaration in your letter of the 11th, that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d January was the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, was then for the first time made to this government. And it was added that if that despatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, or if it had been known that the propositions contained in it, were the only ones on which he was authorised to make an arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made."
"In my letter of the 1st instant, advertising to the repetition in your letter of the 23d ultimo of a language implying a knowledge in this government that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorise the arrangement formed by him, an intimation was distinctly given to you that, after the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had not any such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge, such an arrangement would not have been made, no such insinuation could be admitted by this government."
"Finding that in your reply of the 4th instant, you have used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation, it only remains in order to preclude opportunities which are thus abused, to inform you, that no further communications will be received from you, and that the necessity of this determination will, without delay, be made known to your government."
Now, Sir, is it not most obvious, that the grounds of complaint against Mr. Jackson which caused the rupture in the negotiation, are very different from what he states them to have been in his insidious appeal to the people; and if so, Sir, is not the appeal false or fallacious? or both?
Sir, another part of this insidious appeal, deserves some animadversions. It is in the following words—
"In stating these facts and in adhering to them, as his duty imperiously enjoined him to do, Mr. Jackson could not imagine that offence would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none could be intended on his part."
Sir, it is painful to me to be so often compelled to question the candor of any gentleman, particularly one clothed with the high functions of Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty; But permit me to ask you Sir, how it is possible for Mr. Jackson not to conceive that offence would be taken at his offensive insinuations after Mr. Smith's letter of the 1st of November telling him in strong and decisive terms that offence had been taken at them? or how can Mr. Jackson reconcile it to himself to say that in adhering to these gross insinuations, he did not intend to give offence? Let me ask you, Sir, what else he did, or could intend? for my part I can see nothing else that he could either rationally intend or expect. Here then, Sir, is another false or fallacious disguise thrown out before the people of the United States, as will always be the case in every appeal to them, calculated, or evidently intended, to excite their resentments and distrusts against their own government.
Now Sir, upon the most critical review of this exposition, is there a single gentleman present, who is not prepared to say, that the facts stated in the resolution are fully justified by the correspondence? And if they be, Sir, what inducement can possibly prevent unanimity on the present occasion? Surely those, who wish peace with G. Britain, will find unanimity upon this occasion the most likely to deter from war; and surely, sir, every gentleman must feel and see that the declarations contained in the resolution are imperiously due to the dignity & honor of our own government, as well as to our respect for the people and ourselves. Sir, what would be the effect of passing by unnoticed these gross and insidious insults to both the people and government? Why, sir, foreign ministers would begin to conceive, that an ap-
peal to the people was amongst the most sacred of their privileges and immunities. The frequency of them already is almost sufficient to establish sanctify the rule. The cases of Genet, Yrujo, the publication of Mr. Canning's letter in one of the Boston newspapers &c. never received sufficient animadversions from Congress; and if this most aggravated case of all should pass over unnoticed, I should not be surprised to see Mr. Jackson during the present winter set himself up as a British President in New York contesting the point of jurisdiction before the people with the American President at Washington; whilst congress, regardless of their own constitutional powers, &c. &c. should stand by and behold the extraordinary scene in a state of perfect neutrality. Sir, is it possible, that Congress can so far forget their duties to the people and their respect for themselves? Independently of the obvious propriety of this proceeding in itself have we sir, no examples of the course of conduct recommended by the resolution?
Let me remind you, sir, of the case of Count De Palm in the British Parliament. In that case, sir, the Count De Palm, presented a memorial to the British king by the express order of his government, complaining of the misrepresentation of facts made in the king's speech to Parliament, which complaint, British historians admit was well founded. After presenting the memorial, he caused it to be published and circulated through the country, etc. etc. What, sir, was the conduct of the British Parliament & nation upon that occasion? Sir, the Parliament unanimously entered into resolutions expressing the highest indignation at the insolent procedure; and presented an address to his majesty requesting him to order the Count De Palm out of the country immediately. Sir, I will not trouble the Senate with reading the proceedings of the House of Commons upon this memorable occasion; because I presented them to the Senate last winter in the case of the publication of Mr. Canning's letter in the Boston paper, and I therefore presume they are now fresh in the recollection of every gentleman. And what, sir, was the conduct of the opposition in the British House of Commons, when their king and country were insulted by a foreign minister? Did they hold back, did they attempt to paralyse the proceedings of their government in resenting this conduct and retrieving its wounded honor and dignity? No, sir, they were Englishmen and felt the indignity to themselves! They were patriots and could not see their government, and nation insulted with indifference! They stepped forward, sir, and were the first to move the resolution and address. The proceeding was unanimous, and what benefit did the British nation receive from this unanimous and prompt proceeding? Why, sir, from the year 1726 to the present time, the insult has not, I believe, been repeated, and probably never will again.
Sir, how honorable, how patriotic, was this course of conduct to the British opposition! How honorable and laudable would be its imitation here! Especially, sir, when union is all that is wanting to make us happy and victorious. Why then sir, should we not have union, when it is so easy, and efficacious a remedy for all our difficulties! Sir, the nation expects it; the nation has right to demand it. May I not then hope, sir, that the hitherto dominant spirit of party will now yield to an occasion, so obvious, so urgent, so honorable! Sir, I cannot express to you the pleasure I should feel at my heart, if I could see all irritations banished, and harmony and mutual good will universally pervading all political scenes and all social intercourse. That the present occasion may be improved to this desirable end, is the most fervent prayer of one, who, in the present delicate, interesting crisis of the nation, feels a devotion for his country beyond every thing else on this side Heaven!
IN SENATE—DECEMBER 13. Mr. Pope presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Mississippi Territory east of Pearl river, praying for a division of the Territory.—Ordered to lie on the table.
DECEMBER 14th. Mr. Leib submitted the following motion, for consideration.—
Resolved, that the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate a copy of the correspondence between him and the Governor of Pennsylvania in the case of Gideon Olmsted.
The bill to prevent the abuse of the privileges and immunities enjoyed by Foreign Ministers within the United States was, on motion of Mr. Giles, re-committed to a select committee.
The bill to extend the time for issuing and locating military warrants, was read a third time and passed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Wednesday, December 13.
Mr. Quincy from the committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Monday last, reported, that they had performed the duty assigned them, and that the President had expressed his disposition to comply with the request of the House as far as practicable.
THE "THIRD CONDITION." Mr. Gold rose for the purpose of moving a resolution to call upon the Executive for information affecting, as he conceived, the resolution from the Senate respecting Mr. Jackson. To shew the object of his motion, Mr. G. quoted from the letter of the Secretary of State to Mr. Pinkney of the 23d November last the following passage: "Another point in the despatch and not in the arrangement, is, that the British navy might capture our trade to ports prohibited by the United States. This condition, too, appears to have had its origin in a mistake of your meaning in a conversation with Mr. Canning, as noted by yourself." On referring to the communications made and the correspondence presented to the House from the American minister, he did not find the despatch there referred to. He said he found also in Mr. Erskine's letter to Mr. Smith of the 14th August, that reference was made to the same subject, and the same point was stated by Mr. Canning to have been assented to by Mr. Pinkney. The subject might not otherwise be of the most important nature, but, inasmuch as the resolution from the Senate seemed to point to the last resort of nations, war, it seemed to

MARRIED, on Thursday evening, Hon. Samuel Smith, Member of Congress from the state of Pennsylvania, to Miss Sarah Grayson of this city, daughter of the late Richard Spencer Grayson, of Virginia.
DIED—At Philadelphia, on the 4th inst. Mr. ROBERT ELLIS, formerly book-keeper in the Department of War.
"They that fear the Lord," says the son of Sirach, "keep his commandments, and will have patience even until his visitation." Departed this life, on Wednesday evening last, in the 60th year of his age, Mr. EDWARD PENNELL, a native of Ireland, but for many years a respectable inhabitant of this district. He was a man of sincere piety, of strict integrity, and of a benevolent heart. He bore a long and painful illness with Christian fortitude and resignation; and yielded up his soul to his Creator, in the full confidence of receiving the rewards which are promised to a well spent life. His death will long be regretted by a numerous circle of friends and acquaintances.
AN ACT to authorise the transportation of certain Documents free of postage. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Members of Congress, the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives, be and they are hereby respectively authorised to transmit free of postage, the Message of the President of the United States of the twenty-ninth of November, one thousand eight hundred and nine, and the Documents accompanying the same, printed by order of the Senate and by order of the House of Representatives, to any postoffice within the United States, and territories thereof, to which they may direct, any law to the contrary notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. ANDREW GREGG, President of the Senate, pro tempore. December 9, 1809. APPROVED, JAMES MADISON.
GRAND PIANO FORTE. HENRY SHULTZE, High-street Georgetown, has for Sale an Elegant GRAND PIANO FORTE, which he will sell low for cash. December 15—3t.
FOR RENT. A TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, Of moderate size and well finished, near the War Office, opposite Mr. Nicholas King's. Possession may be had immediately. Enquire of THOS W. PAIRO, F street. December 15—3t.
PUBLIC SALE. PURSUANT to an order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county will be offered for sale, on Monday the 8th of January next, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter, at the late Dwelling of Mary Meek Duckett, deceased, (within 7 miles of Upper Marlboro, and near Mr. Dennis Magruder) the PERSONAL PROPERTY of said deceased, consisting of Negroes, Beds, Furniture, Cattle, etc. etc. A credit of nine months will be given, the purchasers giving bond with approved security. The sale to commence from 9 o'clock, A. M. and to continue from day to day until the whole Personal Estate ordered to be sold, shall be disposed of. JACOB DUCKETT, Exrs. J. BRUCE.
It is desired that all claims against the above Estate, may be presented to the Executors by the day of sale. Prince Georges county, Dec. 14—10t.
LOST, on Monday last, a POINTER DOG, white with light liver marks and a long tail. Whoever will find and return him to Mrs. Dowson's, Capitol Hill, will be handsomely rewarded. December 14—3t.
CATHARINE FUSSET, MANUAU MAKER, has the honor to inform the Ladies of Washington City and Georgetown, that she has left Mrs. Mary Ann Pic, and is now working for her own account, at her lodgings, in the House formerly occupied by Mr. W. Holmes, between the War Department and the Seven hills. She begs the Ladies of Washington city and Georgetown, to favor her with their patronage, which she will try to deserve by good work and punctual attendance. December 15—3t.
RICHARD BECK Has just received per the latest arrivals, a large and handsome assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS,
 Among which are—  Superfine cloths and casimers, Second do. do.  Coatings, Kersey Molekins, Cords and Velvets, Molekin & Swansdown Waistcoatings, Silk Florentines, Rose and Stripe Blankets, Plains and Kerseys, Double Milled Devonshire Kersey, Flannels, Dockings and Baizes, Carpeting and Hearth Rugs, Apron Checks, Cotton Stripes, Brown Hollands, Fashionable Buttons, Bed Tickings, Italia Mantuas, India Lutestrings, Bombazets and Willborees, Ginghams, Fancy Shawls and Muslins, Damask and large Silk Shawls, Laces and Ribbons, Worst d. Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Silk Velvets, Furniture Dimity, Chintzes and Cambrics, Piece Velvets, Chambrays, Madras Handkerchiefs, Bandanas do.  3 Tanks Calicoes, 1 Do. Furnitures, 1 Do. Cambric Muslins, 1 Do. Shirting Cottons, &c. &c.  4 Bates Germ. Linens, 6 Bates India Muslins, 1 Case Irish Linens. 
All of which being well selected and on the best terms, enables him to sell them at wholesale or retail, at the most reduced prices for cash, or approved notes. He flatters himself that from his regular mode of dealing, that all those who favor him with a call will meet with such bargains as will please—and will on his part leave nothing undone to render general satisfaction. December 15—3t.
him important that the House should proceed circumspetly in the whole business; and it would certainly be seen by the House that it was proper to have the fullest information on the subject. Impressed himself with this idea, he offered the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before this House such information contained in any despatch from the American minister in London, relative to the instructions of Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d day of January, 1809, and relative to any communications and conversations between the American minister and Mr. Canning antecedent or subsequent thereto on the same subject, as may not, in the opinion of the President, be improper to be communicated."
Mr. Bacon thought that the information asked for had no sort of connection with the resolution from the Senate, which related merely to the conduct of Mr. Jackson, and which was of course to be decided by the proceedings of the minister himself. In the consideration of that resolution, then, it would be immaterial to enquire what had given rise to the mistake of Mr. Canning. If the object of the resolution were to justify or accuse Mr. Canning, this information might be necessary. Suppose it should be ascertained that the proposition of Mr. Canning grew out of his own mistake or originated with him, it was impossible to see what was gained by the proposition from the Senate, which went to make a pledge to the nation to support the Executive in any result which might be consequent on the course it had pursued. Though he was willing at all times to call for all necessary papers, he could not see the propriety of passing this resolution, which only called upon the Executive for such papers as he should think proper to communicate, and which he no doubt had already done without waiting for a request by the House.
Mr. Gold said that the House could not, as the gentleman supposed, have all the information on this subject already before it; for an express reference had been shown to a despatch from Mr. Pinkney which was not to be found among the papers communicated. The House had called for Mr. Canning's despatch to Mr. Erskine of 23d Jan. and would they not have all its contents? Was it not of some importance to have all the papers which gave rise to it? Was it not proper, at this momentous crisis, that what our minister in London had thought proper to communicate, this House should also have? The great question of peace or war was not to be decided on feeble grounds. When the time came that war should become a question, every inch of ground would be suitably scrutinized. It was important on this occasion to see whether that condition in Mr. Canning's despatch which carried such hostile features on its face, might not be softened by the discovery that it originated in some degree in the agent of this country in England. A mistake arising under these circumstances would much soften the features of hostility. If the matter had been deemed by our minister of sufficient importance to be communicated to the Executive, was it not important also that Congress should have it? As the House had called for the despatch of Mr. Canning including that condition, was it not important that they should also have every thing relating to it?
Mr. Gardener observed that although the paper called for might not be necessary to the decision of the resolution from the Senate, it by no means followed that it was not necessary at all. The House were called upon to do more than merely to pass that resolution. If the honor and dignity of the nation had been sacrificed as was stated, if the ground taken by the Executive was correct, he trusted they would do more than pass a resolution; he trusted that they would abandon this paper system, by which the nation had sunk in the estimation of foreign powers. But before they took that ground, he trusted likewise that they would look before them at every step; that they would be careful in all things that their quarrel was just. He said it was not to be conceded, and no American could concede it from himself, that the third condition contained in the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine was such a one as the United States could not accede to. They could never call in the aid of any foreign nation to support their laws, because that would be to confess the impotence of the country to enforce its own acts. But, Mr. Gardener said, there were two parties to this question. That part of the world not yet under the control of Napoleon was to decide whether the United States or their adversary might be satisfied; and all men who love justice, he said that it was necessary that this government should make out the case in its own favor, and show that the British government was in the wrong. The British government had proposed that their navy should be expressly permitted to assist in executing a law to be passed by the Legislature of the United States. They had said also that in making this proposition they had acted not from their own impulse but were warranted in suggesting it from its having been first proposed by our minister in London. If this be correct, said Mr. G. our government can have nothing to complain of. If our minister in London has to the British government that we were prepared to accede to such an arrangement, then assuredly there is nothing reprehensible in the British government's being willing to take as much as we were willing to surrender. On our part, therefore, it is important that the declaration of Mr. Canning should be repelled, that it should be made out to the world that the transaction is not correctly stated; that the proposition did come from the British government originally, and not from our minister—because in the latter case we should have no cause of complaint. We should have to say that we were not understood to say that it would place confidence in the declaration of Mr. Canning, and disbelieve our own government; but I merely wish to see the evidence, which will clear the subject from all doubt. It is agreed by both parties, as appears from Mr. Smith's last letter to Mr. Pinkney, that there had been a conversation on the subject, but it is alleged that the meaning of our minister has been misrepresented. I wish to know what Mr. Pinkney did say and how Mr. Canning came so widely to misunderstand him—I am desirous that it should appear that the 3d proposition did not derive its origin from our government or from any agent of abroad. It would appear extremely singular that a document which contains the means of putting down the statement of an adverse government should be in our possession, and that gentlemen should be unwilling to let it come forth. Let me tell the gentleman from Massachusetts, who, I believe, sir, is quite as much attached to the administration as the government as I am, that he does injustice by withholding from them the opportunity of justifying themselves. No doubt Mr. Pinkney has satisfactorily explained the matter to the Executive; and no doubt the same explanation would be satisfactory to us as to his share in the transaction. But, Mr. G. said, standing here as
the advocate of the honor and dignity of the United States, he wished nothing to be withheld. The President would thank the House, as he ought to do, for calling for information on this one point, if it were made out clearly on the side of the government. If not made out in consequence of withholding information, gentlemen would see in what situation they would be placed. It was well known that in this country there were a great many sceptical captious people called federalists—and what would they say if the information asked was refused? Why, that the administration dare not communicate it; that this must be a lame part of the story, and therefore was not published; they would say that the administration had given to the world so much as was favorable to themselves, and that what was otherwise had been withheld. If such should prove to be the fact, it would not be very honorable to the Executive. But, Mr. G. said, he had a confidence in the Executive, as he had said at the late session of Congress, and he would not surrender it till he was compelled to do so, and therefore he wished for the best evidence in his favor.
The President of the United States, in his message to Congress, had in strong terms imputed to the British government a breach of good faith; its minister too had been rejected on account of his alleged insolence. This Mr. G. said was the rolling of clouds which preceded a storm, and which was not to pass over without producing some concussion. If this nation was to go to war, the people must first be satisfied that the cause was just. With a divided people it was in vain to think of going to war. He pledged himself to the House that that description of gentlemen called the minority would proceed to the examination of this subject with that pure spirit of patriotism which in alarming times became peculiarly necessary; that no party disposition would be shown to emboss the government, provided every thing, when examined, should appear to be fair and open.
Mr. G. concluded by hoping that as it was important in this case to prove that Mr. Canning had erred, the House too should know what the Executive knew. They had as strong a right to know. The Executive received all information on our foreign relations, not that he alone was peculiarly entitled to it, but because it was most convenient that he should be the organ of communication with our ministers abroad.
Mr. Eppes said he should not have risen on the present occasion but that it appeared to him that the course taken by the gentleman from New York was calculated to give to this resolution a very different aspect from that which it bore on the face of it; and was calculated to convey an impression that the grounds of difference now existing between the U. States and G. Britain depended on what? On perhaps the least important point of collision which existed, viz. a tender of the British navy to enforce the laws of the U. States, thereby insinuating that they themselves were unable to enforce them—an insinuation made repeatedly on this floor; and which, when compared with the circumstances disclosed by the documents laid before Congress, was but as a drop in the ocean to the immense field of British enormities, duplicity and deceit. Look, said he, at the letter of the Secretary of State in which are stated the grounds on which matters now rest. A new minister comes here, after the arrangement entered into and executed on our part is disavowed, and offers no explanation as to the motives of it. As to the affair of the Chesapeake—what have we there? The minister on this subject is charged with no proposition but such as has been previously rejected, with none but such as the British government knew would be rejected with scorn in this country. When Mr. Rose was sent here to atone for the outrage on the Chesapeake, the first step taken by him was to require the annulling a proclamation issued to prevent the recurrence of similar events—and what is the proposition of Mr. Jackson in relation to it, after the proclamation has been virtually repealed? Why, he must have a formal acknowledgement of its repeal. It is a decisive proof that there is no sincere desire in the British government for a settlement of that point; because they propose terms dishonorable, terms which have been before rejected. There is another point of difference which should have entered into the view of the gentleman from New York. No proposition whatever has been made with respect to the Orders in Council, and it is declared that the principle of them they will never cease to maintain. Another point insisted on previous to any friendly arrangement is the express renunciation of the colonial trade not permitted in time of peace. I have said thus much to remind the gentleman that it is not because Britain has tendered her aid to execute our laws merely that we have cause of complaint against her, but because she has manifested a total want of good faith in refusing to fulfil an arrangement formally concluded, and by making propositions which he must now would be rejected, because they could not be honorably accepted. As to the resolution before the House, Mr. Eppes said he cared very little about it. He believed if the gentleman would take the trouble of looking over the documents of the last session, he would find the paper desired. But that no gentleman might have it in his power to say that he had not all the information before him that he could require, he should vote for the resolution.
Mr. Key said that whenever the representatives of the nation were called upon to act upon any momentous occasion, as the present certainly was, it was all important to them and to the people at large to possess all the information to be had, compatibly with propriety. It was manifest that the Executive was possessed of information which might be beneficial and therefore ought to be laid before Congress. He said he alluded particularly to the correspondence of Mr. Pinkney with the Executive on this subject. He said he had seen no where an account of what were the views taken by that gentleman of the instructions to Mr. Erskine. Mr. Pinkney, Mr. Key said, was a man of high character, of great talents, and of unquestioned zeal for his country's good; and it was impossible that he should have lost a moment in presenting to our government the views of the government of the nation to which he is our minister. Mr. Canning had said that he had communicated to Mr. Pinkney Mr. Erskine's instructions in extenso. So important a fact would certainly not have been omitted to be communicated by our minister. Mr. Key said he wished to see whether Mr. Canning had correctly stated what had taken place, and in what manner Mr. Pinkney had conveyed the information to our government. He had confidence enough in the Executive to submit to his discretion to lay before the House such part of this communication as he should think proper. But satisfied as he was that important documents must be in possession of the Executive, he wished, when called upon to act on a great question which would involve the dearest interests of the country, to be
possessed of all the information possessed by the Executive on the subject. He therefore said he should vote for the resolution.
Mr. Dlea (T.) said he should vote for the resolution, because it called for information irrelevant to any question before the House, and because on a subject the consideration of which appeared to him to have been precluded by the arrangement entered into in April last. He said he found by the documents laid before them that strenuous efforts had been made by Mr. Jackson to call up the discussion of it afresh on the principle that the arrangement concluded by Mr. Erskine was unauthorized, and entered into by our government with the knowledge of its being so. Mr. R. said he was against giving any color whatever to that opinion. He never was opposed to calling for necessary information; but the reason he had assigned was sufficient, if there were no other, to induce him to vote against the motion. Mr. Erskine having denied ever having given his government any reason to suppose, from any conversations he had held with members of the Executive, that they would agree to the 3d proposition, it seemed to be thought necessary to throw the burthen of it on Mr. Pinkney. The very nature of the proposition itself ought to induce gentlemen to reject every motion to enquire into it. He would spurn the idea of enquiring what Mr. Pinkney had thought of it, because it went to a point in itself wholly inadmissible; as much so, as if the British government had proposed to Congress to prepare projects of laws for them. It had been stated by Mr. Jackson that the arrangement was disavowed because the instructions contained in the note of the 23d Jan. were not complied with, which instruction included this 3d proposition. And of course, this 3d proposition must be assented to before any negotiation could be brought to a conclusion. But, Mr. Rie. said, in his opinion all this was foreign to the resolution from the Senate, which merely respected the conduct of Mr. Jackson to this government, and whether this government had done right in the manner in which it had treated him. He further remarked that it was evidently not Mr. Pinkney but Mr. Canning who had mistaken the meaning of their mutual conversations, because Mr. P. could not have had any doubts on the subject of such a proposition. And what had that to do with Mr. Canning's mistakes? They were not going to erect an inquisition into the correctness or incorrectness of his ideas; and therefore needed no information on the subject of them.
On the 27th day of May, Mr. R. said our minister had been made acquainted with Mr. Erskine's instructions; and the arrangement was made on the 19th April. So that it had been executed by the U. S. prior to the time at which the instructions of Mr. E. were communicated to Mr. Pinkney. If Mr. Canning was at that time devising means of disavowing the arrangement which he expected was entered into, what was that to the U. States? That arrangement, he said, had been a plain matter of bargain, which after being executed with good faith by one party to it, was refused to be fulfilled by the other.
It had been said that the British government had a right to get from our minister whatever they could, and that therefore the 3d condition in Mr. C's despatch had been required. Where was the evidence that Mr. P. had ever proposed or assented to it? Mr. Rie's opinion of him was such, he said, that he could not permit himself to suppose that he would assent to such a proposition; and it was not treating him with justice to suppose so. Mr. R. said it was not for him to say whether or not war would result from the present state of things—he wished not for war—but this consideration had no connection with the resolution; against which he should vote for reasons some of which he had assigned.
Mr. Gold said that he had examined the documents communicated at the last session and found no such despatch as that alluded to by the gentleman from Virginia; and if that gentleman, whom he always heard with pleasure, would recollect the state of things, at the last session, he would hardly believe that the Executive would have been justifiable in communicating any correspondence which might reveal hostile sentiments. That cause for forbearance did not now exist. He wished information from the fountain head, from Mr. Pinkney himself, who had been a party in the conversation alluded to; and he could perceive no reason why gentlemen should oppose it. He thanked the gentleman from Virginia for not limiting the discussion to that narrow point to which it was attempted to be confined by the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Bacon). Gentlemen would see that they had arrived at a point at which the whole correspondence on this odious offensive despatch from Mr. Canning should be communicated.
Mr. Quincy stated the motion before the House in one point of view to show its connection with the resolution from the Senate. We are called upon, said he, to state that it was the intention of Mr. Jackson to excite discussions among the people through false and fallacious disguises. In making up this argument, as I understand it has been argued, it is stated that one of these disguises was that he had stated to the people of the U. S. that he had commenced an important negotiation, when, in fact, he was only authorized to propose certain conditions, the acceptance of one of which would be disgraceful to this country. It is almost impossible to enter into an examination of these disguises without taking up that condition and the circumstances under which it was proposed; for unquestionably it is a false disguise if a proposition be stated to have been originally proposed by our minister in London, which he never even assented to. The House ought not, however, to refuse the production of any paper thought necessary by any member in making up his opinion on matters before the House.
Mr. Bacon said that he now understood the specific ground on which the motion was introduced to be abandoned, and the paper called for was admitted not to be necessary to the consideration of the resolution from the Senate. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardener) had supported it on the ground that the paper might be necessary for the justification of administration—How? No imputation had been alleged against the British government by the Executive for making this 3d proposition; it had been simply rejected, as all admitted, on correct grounds. So far from being made the ground of any imputation against that government, it was expressly imputed to a mistake of Mr. Canning, not to a wilful misinterpretation, but a misapprehension of what had passed between him and Mr. Pinkney. The sole imputation of blame made on Mr. Canning is not that he originally proposed it, because he might in so doing have acted under a mistake, but that it was urged by Mr. Canning, after the refusal by this government to admit it. Neither could Mr. B. see how the paper to be called for was necessary for the justification of Mr. Canning; for no charge had been brought against him on account of it. No supposition had ever been uttered in or out of the House that our minister had ever been authorized to assent to such a proposition; and if he had done so, the affair concerned only him. Mr. B. said he could not see how administration were concerned in it. Whether the nation was to go to war or not, would not at all depend on that point. He saw no reason to call for the paper. It might be necessary, as the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardener) supposed, to stop the cavilings of captious federalists. The gentleman (said Mr. B.) is better acquainted with gentlemen of that description than I am, and therefore no doubt has characterized them correctly. It is not for me to say whether he has mistaken the character of his friends. But on that account I see no reason to vote for the motion.
Mr. Key said the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Rie.) had seemed to suppose, because Mr. Canning's letter of the 27th of May was subsequent to the arrangement that the communication of the instructions to Mr. P. could have no bearing on the question to be discussed. Mr. R. said, that he did not understand this to have been the first communication of the instructions, for Mr. Canning writes to Mr. P. on the 27th May "Having had the honor to read to you in extenso the instructions, &c." Mr. K. said it was because the time when he first read them was not stated, that he wished to see Mr. Pinkney's letter on the subject. That gentleman, if he correctly recollects the nature of the communications from him, usually detailed the periods of time and substance of conversations in a clear and unambiguous manner. Not to travel over ground occupied by other gentlemen, Mr. Key said he justified the call on the ground that the time at which the instructions given to Mr. Erskine were first read to Mr. P. was uncertain.
Mr. Gardener said he had just heard from a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) very much to his surprise that the proposition of this 3d condition was a matter of very trifling importance. Perhaps, Mr. G. said, he was fated to differ with gentlemen on points which concerned the honor of the country. He thought it extremely important that it should be ascertained how this proposition came to be made by the British government, if without any previous indication on the part of the United States of a disposition to submit to it. He should, if such were the case, call it little short of an insulting proposition, as he making it necessarily implied a belief of the want of power in this government to carry into execution its own laws—an imputation to which he could never submit. But, (said Mr. G.) the President of the United States, in his message to Congress, has thought fit, possessing no doubt a view of the whole ground (to which I do not pretend but shall strive to attain) in the face of the world to charge the British government with perfidy in refusing to ratify an agreement entered into by his minister having competent power to make it—a charge which, if not repelled, will disgrace the British government for ever—for what worse imputation can you attach to a government than the deliberate violation of a compact entered into? None. It is therefore important, after issuing a state paper of a higher order than any thing since the revolution, to that union which it ought to be the duty of government to establish among the people, if any serious consequences are to result, to show that we are in the right. The British government alleges, as I understand that its minister here did not follow his instructions, but absolutely violated them, inasmuch as, among other things, he did not get the assent of the American government to stipulations which were to leave the British government at liberty to capture our vessels engaged in a certain trade. Now, inasmuch as he was instructed to make this a part of his arrangement, and failed to do so, therefore, say the British government, we are not bound by it. On the part of this government it appears to have been contended that a minister resident was possessed of sufficient powers to conclude such an arrangement. That question Mr. G. said he would not enter into now. But if it were true that the proposal that British armed vessels should capture American vessels engaged in a trade prohibited by American laws, so repugnant to every idea of propriety, did in fact come, as Mr. Canning says, first from America; and if, after it was made a condition by the British government, the government of the United States refused to accede to it, after having so first proposed it, there was a want of good faith on the part of this government. If that fact should be ascertained, the British government would be justified in refusing to sanction the arrangement. Mr. G. wished to be understood not as saying that such was the case, but merely stating the question on both sides. On this account, however, he considered it extremely important to ascertain how this proposition first received existence. He wished to know what Mr. Pinkney did say, and how Mr. Canning came to misunderstand him, if in fact he had misunderstood him. And for this purpose he wanted such papers as might be embraced by the motion before the House.
The question was now taken on Mr. Gold's motion by Yeas and Nays, and carried 85 to 36—majority in its favor 49. Messrs. Gold and Key were appointed a committee to wait on the President with this resolution.
(Remainder of this Jay's proceedings unavoidably postponed.)
Thursday, December 14. COUNTERVAILING COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS.
Mr. M cKim , after a few observations, in which he declared the object of his motion to be to countervail the restrictions imposed by foreign nations on our commerce, laid upon the table the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting by law the importation in foreign ships or vessels of all goods, wares, and merchandise, not of the growth, produce or manufacture of the country to which the ship belongs, excepting in the ships of such countries as by permanent regulations permit our ships and vessels, as freely and beneficially as their own, to import into their ports or territories the produce and manufactures of foreign countries.
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of laying an additional impost duty on distilled spirits imported in foreign ships or vessels from ports or countries in which American vessels are not permitted by permanent regulations to a fair participation in such trade.
YAZOO CLAIMANTS. Mr. Bacon presented the petition of the New-England Mississippi Land Company, praying for a compromise or settlement of the claim, which he moved to refer to the committee of Claims.
This motion gave rise to a debate of more than an hour, of which a sketch will be given in our next. It was finally carried by Yeas and Nays, 60 to 52—Majority 8.

VALUABLE LOTS, FOR SALE AT AUCTION. Notice to Gentlemen of Fortune, wishing elegant Situations to build in—to Men of Business for desirable sites for Stores—to Mechanics for situation and size of Lots that will suit the exertions of their industry.
Will be sold at Public Sale at Mr. Rhoades's Hotel, Pennsylvania avenue, on Saturday the 16th December next at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, precisely, a variety of Lots, laid off in such a manner as to suit all descriptions of purchasers; as they adjoin each other, if one is not sufficiently large others may be added.
Their situation are, 1st. in the President's Square, in the range with Mr. Davidson's valuable Lots—2nd, in the vicinity of the War Office, near to Col. John Taylor, Dr. Elzey and many others, as it is thickly settled, and 3rd. in the vicinity of the Center Market, also thickly settled.
DESCRIPTION OF LOTS. In Square 188, Lot No. 9, a corner Lot fronting North G street and 18th street west, divided in 3 parts, viz.
One 25 feet front on North G street by 56 feet deep in 18th street west, the corner of the corner lot.
One 25 feet, same front, by 56 feet deep, adjoining the former eastwardly.
One 25 feet, same front, by 56 feet deep, adjoining the foregoing eastwardly; several buildings join these lots.
In Sq. 158, Lot No. 10, fronting on 18th street west, divided into 2 parts, viz.
One 30 feet front by 100 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 9 northwardly.
One 28 feet 3 inches front by 100 feet deep, adjoining the foregoing northwardly.
In Sq. 168, Lot No. 11, fronting on 18th street west, divided into 2 parts, viz.
One 28 feet 4 inches front by about 130 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 10, northwardly.
One 28 feet front by about 110 feet deep, adjoining former Lot northerly.
In Sq. 219 Lot No. 4, a corner lot fronting North H street and Vermont avenue, divided into 4 parts, viz.
One 45 feet front on North H street by about 50 feet deep on Vermont avenue; the back part of this Lot is about 42 feet wide, it is the corner of the corner lot; this Lot commands a full view of the President's House.
One 35 feet front, on North H. St. by about 80 feet deep, adjoining the former eastwardly; the back part of this Lot is about 25 feet wide.
One 34 feet 10 inches, same front, by about 65 feet deep, adjoining the former eastwardly; the back part of this Lot is about 20 feet 6 inches wide.
One 56 feet 5 inches front on Vermont avenue, by about 40 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 5 southwardly.
Square 219, Lot No. 5, fronting on North H street, divided into 2 parts, viz.
One 23 feet front on North H street, adjoining Lot No. 4 eastwardly, about 100 feet deep average.
One 28 feet, same front, adjoining eastwardly the foregoing Lot, about 125 feet deep average.
Square 219, Lot No. 6, fronting on Vermont avenue, divided into 2 parts as follows:
One 25 feet front on Vermont avenue by 82 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining northwardly Lot No. 5, per plat.
One 26 feet 8 1/4 inches, same front, by 84 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining the foregoing northwardly.
Square 219, Lot No. 10, a corner Lot, fronts on North H street and 13th street west, divided into 3 parts, viz.
One 25 feet front on 15th street west by 45 feet 5 inches deep on North H street, the corner of the corner lot.
One 25 feet, same front, by 56 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining the former lot southwardly.
One 25 feet, same front, by 56 feet 5 inches deep, adjoining the foregoing Lot southwardly.
Square 219, Lot No. 11, fronting on 15th street west, divided into 2 parts, viz.
One 28 feet front on 15th street west by about 78 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 10 southwardly.
One 25 feet, same front, about 92 feet deep, adjoining the foregoing Lot southwardly.
Square 458, Lot No. 1, a corner lot, fronting on 6th street west, on North D street and on an avenue, (3 fronts) divided into 4 parts, viz.
One 40 feet front on the avenue, 32 feet 3 inches deep on 6th street west, the back of this Lot is on North D street, average depth about 32 feet.
One 35 feet front on the avenue by about 50 feet deep, adjoining former Lot westwardly, the back of this Lot is on North D street.
One 35 feet front on the avenue by about 63 feet deep, adjoining former lot westwardly, back of lot fronting North D street.
One 34 feet front on the avenue by about 75 feet deep, adjoining former lot westwardly, back of lot fronting North D street.
Square 458, Lot No. 2, front on the avenue, and back on North D street, divided into 4 parts, viz.
One 50 feet front on the avenue by about 57 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 2, westwardly.
One 30 feet, same front, by about 58 feet deep, adjoining former lot, westwardly.
One 30 feet front on North D street by about 45 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 1, westwardly.
One 30 feet front on North D street by about 48 feet deep, adjoining former lot, westwardly.
Square 458, Lot. No. 3, fronting on the avenue and North D street, divided into 4 parts, viz.
One 50 feet front on the avenue by about 57 feet deep, adjoining Lot No. 2, westwardly.
One 30 feet, same front, by about 58 feet deep, adjoining former lot, westwardly.
One 30 feet front on North D street by about 55 feet deep, adjoining lot No. 2, westwardly.
One 30 feet front on North D street by about 58 feet deep, adjoining former Lot westwardly.
ALL the foregoing Lots and parts of Lots will be sold peremptorily to the highest bidder without reserve. The title indisputable.
Terms of sale cash, or approved endorsed negotiable notes at 60 days. As there will be no reserved bid, they will no doubt be sold to the great advantage of purchasers.
The plan of the City, with the Plans of the different Lots, are to be viewed at
SAM'L SPEAKES, Auct.
November 24—tds.
NEW STORE. MCKENNEY AND OSBORNE, HAVE commenced the Dry Good business in the house lately occupied by N. Lufborough, esq. on Bridge street, fronting Jefferson street, where they have an extensive assortment of every description of Seasonable Goods, consisting of:
SUPERFINE Cloths, Second do. Double and single milled Kerseymeres, Pelice Cloths, Moleskin Coatings, Plain do. Rose and striped Blankets, Carpeting, passage and stair Fire Rugs, White Planes, White Kerseys, Colored Planes, Fearnought, Baize, blue, red and green Flannels, white, yellow & red, every quality Swanskin Flannel, White Ticklenburg, Hempen Linen, Pater Bones, Hessians, Constitution and other Cords, Black and olive Velvets, Palice Velvets, various colors, Mens worsted Hosiery, all colors, Womens do. lead color, Men and Womens cotton Hosiery, assorted, Boys and Girls worsted and cotton do. Linen and cotton Diapers, various widths, Duper Table Cloths, Bed Tickling, Long Lawns, Furniture Chintzes and Cottons, Chintzes, Demi Chintzes & printed Calicoes, Gingham, White Cottons, every description, Dimities, Cambrie Dimities, 6-4th Cambric Muslin, 4-4th do. do. Colored do. do. Mul Muslins figured and plain, India and British book Muslins, Do. do. Hankerchiefs, Marseilles Quilts, Irish Linens, Shirting Muslins, Italian Plaid Mantuas, Black Mantuas and Sattins, Colored Sattins, Florentines, White and colored Marseilles, Marseilles quilting for Vest Patterns, Swansdown, do. do. Moleskin, Cotton Shawls, Camels Hair do. Elegant Cashmere, do. Damask Silk, do. Plain do. do. Laces, thread and Cotton, Ribbons, Lace Cap Patterns, Cashmere Robes, Muslins do. white and Colored, Bandana and Madrass Handkerchiefs, Seriate Bombaze, Black do. Bombazine, Elegant Plaid Cambries, Pink and blue, 6-4th and 4-4th, Elegant Buttons latest from Europe, Tortoise Shell Combs, Looking Glasses Large and small, Toilet do. do. do. Brass and Irons, Whips, Scarlet and gold Tea Boards, Black and Gilt do. do. Waiters do. do. do.
In addition to the above, are a variety of articles which it is deemed unnecessary here to mention, excepting 40,000 needles, well assorted.
As M'Kenney & Osborn, purpose selling for cash, they have marked their goods at the smallest possible advance, which must certainly be an object to all purchasers; and more especially so, when the public are assured that their purchases were made under peculiarly advantageous circumstances.
Reasonable deductions are made to those who may purchase by the p'ce or package.
Georgetown, Nov. 17—4w
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to Public Sale on Friday the 22nd day of December next if fair, if not the next fair day thereafter, at the late Dwelling of Isaac Lansdale, deceased, the following property, viz. a number of valuable Negroes, consisting of Men, Women and Children, Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils and a variety of articles too tedious to enumerate.
The Terms of Sale are 12 months credit for all sums above 20 dollars, the purchaser giving bond with approved security; all sums under 20 dollars the money must be paid on the day of sale. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock.
CLEMENT BROOKE, } Admrs. DENNIS BOYD, } December 4—3w
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY. FOR SALE.
By Virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country.
The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dun, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio.
DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last Will & Testament of Robert Means, dec'd.
Richmond, July 19—tf
WM. S. NICHOLLS. BEING determined to close and settle up all his business in Georgetown, takes this method of informing his friends and the public that he will sell off his entire stock of Goods, which is very extensive & complete, at Cost and Charges for cash only—And invites all persons who wish to buy Cheap Goods to call on him, as his goods will go at very low prices. He has it in contemplation to leave Georgetown in the course of the ensuing summer & requests all those who are indebted to him to make immediate payment, as longer indulgence cannot be given.
Nov. 29—3w.
BOARDING HOUSE, ON CAPITOL HILL. THE Subscriber has taken the House lately occupied by Mr. HENRY TILAS, Where he has made comfortable arrangements for TEN BOARDERS. B. RICHMOND. Nov. 24—tf
ROSS & GETT Have just received from New-York and Philadelphia, the following GROCERIES & LIQUORS, viz. 12 Hds. Prime Jamaica Sugars. 8 do. Second Quality. 6 do. Molasses. 4 do. Jamaica Spirits. 300 Baskets Salt. 60 Boxes Mould and Dipped Candles. A few pipes Holland and New-York Anchoor Gin. Cognise Brandy, Mace, Pepper, Cloves, &c. &c.
—IN STORE—
Gun Powder Tea in canisters of 2 pounds each. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, & Souchong, } Teas all of this year's importation, end of the best quality, 3000 pounds prime Green Coffee. 3 Pipes genuine old Madeira Wine. 5 do. Sicily Madeira. 4 do. Lisbon Wine. Port Wine in pipes, qr. casks and bottles Claret in Boxes. Brushes of all kinds. Powder and Shot. Cordials, &c. together with a large variety of articles in their line, which renders their assortment complete.
Also, just received on commission, a small invoice of handsome looking glasses. And-Irons. Brass mounted Fenders, Shovels and Tongs, Tea Trays, waiters, coal hods, &c. &c. All of which will be sold cheap, on early application to them at their store, corner of Washington and Bridge Street, opposite the Union Tavern, George Town. November 8—tf
TO BE SOLD, A NEGRO WOMAN of good character, about 25 or 27 years old, with two children, fine boys, the one six years old and the other about three—neither of which are troublesome to her.—A credit will be given—Apply to JOHN P. VAN NESS. November 8—tf
United States—District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit. Circuit Court, June term, 1809. IN CHANCERY. Solomon Davis—Complainant, against Abiel Jenners and Deborah his wife, and Ferdinando Fairfax—Defendants.
THE report of Samuel Eliot, jun. the trustee formerly appointed in this cause under the decree of the 12th day of April last, having been sworn to, returned and filed, and the proceedings thereon approved:
It is therefore ordered, adjudged and decreed this sixth day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, that the said report be ratified and confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the fourth Monday of December next; Provided, a copy of this order be published for three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer before the said fourth Monday of December next.
The report states, that the mortgaged premises mentioned in the bill, were sold for the sum of five hundred sixty-one dollars and fifty cents.
By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. True copy, WM. BRENT, Ck. November 13—eptd25in.
THE different Post-Masters of the United States are, by WM. H. DORSEY, Merchant in Baltimore, respectfully solicited to examine their Boxes for a Letter of consequence, to him addressed, which was lodged for transmission at the Post-Office in Washington City, on 10th August last, and as it has never by him been received, it is supposed must have taken a wrong direction from thence. If found they will particularly oblige him by forwarding it either to him or to the General Post-Office in Washington. Baltimore, Nov. 20—1m
FOR SALE. WILL be offered at Public Sale on Thursday the 21st December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, on the premises—the well improved Tract of LAND, now occupied by the Subscriber, 19 miles from Georgetown and the city of Washington, 9 from Montgomery Court House and 2 miles from Milford Mills on the Potomac, containing about 250 Acres, nearly one half of this Tract abounds in wood and the greatest proportion of the other half has lately been cleared and under good enclosures; the soil is equal to any land in the neighborhood, and is well adapted to the growth of corn, wheat, clover and on almost every part of it are never failing springs of excellent water. The improvements consist of a new and well finished frame dwelling-house 36 feet by 18, and an adjoining building 19 by 15, with other necessary buildings, and a young orchard of the best selected fruit. The subscriber, being desirous to remove from this part of the country will sell this valuable property for the moderate sum of three thousand two hundred dollars, one-half the purchase money to be paid in hand, when an unquestionable title will be given on securing the payment of the balance. Any persons that may be disposed to purchase are invited to view the situation previous to the day of sale. Also for sale on reasonable terms 2000 acres of excellent land in Allegany county, which can be seen on a few days notice being given to the subscriber. Montgomery C. H. Md. Dec. 1, 1808.—5t. JOHN ORME.
FOR RENT, The Three Story BRICK HOUSE Near the Navy Yard, lately occupied as a Tavern by Mr. Hugh Drummond. It is situated at the intersection of Virginia avenue, South K street and Seventh street East, and is not above eighty yards distant from the Navy Yard Market. Several improvements and additions will be made by the Subscriber to the house for any tenant who might wish to occupy it as a Tavern on a large scale. For terms apply to NOTLEY MADDOX, or JOHN LAW. November 22—
GRAND LOTTERY, THREE PRIZES OF 25,000 DOLLARS EACH. State of New York, UNION COLLEGE LOTTERY, No. 1. MANAGERS. William W. Gilbert, Benjamin Dewitt, George Merchant, Isaac Demitson, and Stephen Thorne. JUDAH and LAZARUS, (late N. Judah) No. 84, Maiden Lane, New York; having purchased one half of the Tickets in the present Lottery, offer the same for sale, at their Lucky Lottery Office (where the highest Prize of $30,000 in the last Lottery, and most of the capital Prizes in former Lotteries were sold) in Whole, Half, and Quarter Tickets, for which most of the Bank Notes of other states, Prize Tickets in former Lotteries, and approved promissory notes will be taken in payment.
Distant adventurers, by enclosing cash (post paid) shall receive immediate attention, and the earliest advice given of their success. Owing to the great demand for Tickets in this Lottery (being one of the best Schemes we ever had, as one Ticket may draw $140,000) they will soon advance from the present price of EIGHT DOLLARS. SCHEME. 3 Prizes of $25,000 is $75,000 1 — 10,000 — 10,000 1 — 5,000 — 5,000 4 — 250 tickets each, 7,000 2 — 2,000 — 4,000 5 — 1,000 — 5,000 28 — 500 — 14,000 30 — 200 — 6,000 50 — 100 — 5,000 100 — 50 — 5,000 200 — 20 — 4,000 10,500 — 10 — 105,000 10,924 Prizes, 245,000 24,076 Blanks, 55,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, is 245,000 Part of the Capital Prizes will be determined as follows: 1st drawn No. 10th day, blank or prize $1000 (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 1 to No. 250 inclusive. (Excepting the reserved) 250 tickets, from No. 251 to No. 500 inclusive. (Excepting the reserved) 250 tickets, from No. 501 to No. 750 inclusive. (Excepting the reserved) 250 tickets, from No. 751 to No. 1000 inclusive. 1st do. 25th { 250 tickets, from No. 1001 to No. 1250 inclusive. 1st do. 50th { 250 tickets, from No. 1251 to No. 1500 inclusive. 1st do. 75th { 250 tickets, from No. 1501 to No. 1750 inclusive. 1st do. 100th { 250 tickets, from No. 1751 to No. 2000 inclusive. The first 4,000 blanks will be entitled to Ten Dollars each. Less than Two and a 1/4 blanks to a Prize. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent—Prizes payable thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing. The drawing will commence in the city of New York, on the Third Tuesday in April next, and will continue to draw 600 Tickets each day (excepting the last day, when there will remain 800 tickets to be drawn) until finished. Tickets purchased at this office, examined gratis—A correct Check Book, kept for the examination of tickets, and the highest price in cash, given for prizes as soon as drawn. New York, December 4—3m
100 DOLLARS REWARD. A LETTER covering the two following BANK NOTES, viz. United States Bank , R No. 5004, dated 28th April 1807 for $100. Do. do. O. No. 5032, dated 28th April 1807 for $100. directed to the Subscriber in Baltimore, was forwarded from the Post-office in Jonesborough, Tennessee, the 9th of September last, and as the said Letter has not come to hand, it is supposed to have been pilfered from the Post on the way—We therefore offer a reward of One Hundred Dollars to any one who will give information as will lead to a discovery of the money and the conviction of the Robber. T. JONES & H. YOUNG. Baltimore, Nov. 24—sl.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC VENDUE, On Monday the 19th day of February next about noon of that day, on the premises, the following Real Property in the city of Washington, viz.
TWO LOTS OF GROUND, Numbered and distinguished on the ground plan of the City by numbers 16 and 17, in square numbered 101, together with the Buildings and Improvements on the same.
The above mentioned sale will take place by Virtue of a certain Indenture, or Deed of trust, dated the 16th day of January in the year of our Lord 1805, and the same day, recorded among the Land Records of Washington county in the District of Columbia, between one Samuel Wilson, of the one part, and the undersigned James Davidson, jun. of the other part, in order to satisfy John P. Van Ness, of a certain debt of 76 dollars 77 cents, and interest, in the said deed mentioned to be due from said Wilson to said Van Ness.
JAMES DAVIDSON, Trustee. November 17—
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. DAN AWAY from the Subscriber's living near Nottingham, Prince George's county state of Maryland, on the 19th of November, a Negro man named CHARLES ODEN, sometimes calls himself CHARLES ODEN, about 23 years old, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a dark complexion, when spoken to has a down look, one of his upper foreteeth is out, has several scars about his face occasioned by a scald when young, he is rather slender made, brisk and active about any thing, particularly cooking and waiting, he took with him two homespun cotton shirts, India cotton shirts, and brown round about jacket, sundry waistcoats, one pair corduroy pantaloons, home made yarn stockings and shoes, one furred hat and wool hat. He has a variety of clothing unknown, but being an artful cunning fellow he may change them for others, it is very likely that he is a forger of pass, and it is very likely will endeavour to pass as a free man, we expect he is making towards Pennsylvania. If taken within ten miles, ten dollars; if twenty miles, twenty dollars; if thirty miles, thirty dollars; if taken without the state the above reward will be given to any person or persons securing him in any jail, so that we get him again. All persons are forewarned harboring, employing, or carrying said negro out of this state. LEONARD P. HARVEY. WILLIAM HARVEY. Dec. 4—4w.
FOR SALE On Monday the first day of January next, at the Plantation of the late Robert Peter in the Susquehanna, within the mile of the Seneca Mills, about FIFTY VALUABLE SLAVES: Consisting of Men, Women, Boys & Girls; Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs; Plantation Utensils, and a quantity of Indian Corn. The Sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. and continue till all are Sold—Terms of Sale six months credit, the purchasers giving bond with such security as will be approved of, bonds bearing interest from day of Sale. THOMAS PETER, Executor. Dec. 11—tds.
THOMAS ROBERTSON, BRIDGE STREET, GEORGE TOWN, HAS received in addition to his former elegant assortment of HARDWARE, a few elegant wire fenders 18 inches high, with brass tops and knobs; coal hods, coal shovels and dusting pans, shovels and tongs, And-Irons, stair carpet, rods and hooks, best stag handle table and desert knives and forks, ivory and bone handle, do., butchers and shoe do. fancy and coarse bridle bits, Tinner's rivets, large and small scale beams, a few elegant satin wood tea caddies, double bordered tea trays; pots, skeletons, ovens, frying pans, and tea kettles; anvils, vices, &c. &c.—Together with a general assortment of Carpenter's tools and hardware for building, which he will sell at reasonable prices for cash. December 11—tf
Treasury Department, March 28, 1809.
WHEREAS, in conformity with the provisions made by law, for the reimbursement of the Exchange Six per Cent Stock, created by the second section of the Act entitled "An Act supplementary to the act entitled an act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U.S." passed on the 11th day of February, 1807, it has been determined by law that the Certificates of said stock designated by the permanent numbers contained in the annexed Schedule, should be reimbursed on the first day of January next;
PUBLIC NOTICE IS therefore given to the proprietors of the Certificates of EXCHANGED SIX PER CENT STOCK created by the act aforesaid, and bearing the permanent numbers contained in the annexed Schedule, that the principal of the same, with an surrender of the certificates, be paid on the first day of January, 1810, to the respective Stockholders or their legal representatives, or attorneys duly constituted, either at the Treasury or at the Loan Office where the Stock thus to be reimbursed, may then stand credited to the proprietors thereof.
It is further made known for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the Certificates of Exchanged Stock bearing the permanent numbers contained in the annexed Schedule, from the Books of the Treasury or of any Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the first day of December next. And the interest on all the Certificates contained in the said Schedule, will cease and determine, on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
SCHEDULE.
   5 16,201 39,905 40,340   7 16,218 39,006 40,344   5,017 16,219 39,041 40,348   5,018 16,222 39,014 40,355   5,021 16,238 39,045 40,364   5,022 16,242 39,053 40,365   5,023 16,246 40,001 40,367   5,032 16,249 40,005 40,378   5,039 16,255 40,011 40,388   5,045 16,258 40,021 40,384