The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-13 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1302.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FEBRUARY 1. Debate on raising Embargo, and authorizing Letters of Marque and Reprisal.—Continued.
[Mr. Burwell's speech concluded.]
Here the gentleman's argument comes properly into view. He considers the safety of the United States as depending on the British navy which presents a barrier to the transportation of French troops. Admit for a moment that our security against invasion does in some degree depend on the British navy. Does that operate as a reason why we should not resist that nation, when attacked in a vital manner? Certainly not. Have we any object in view in resisting British aggression which will weaken the naval force of Great Britain? I believe not. There is not a principle which we ask of her that can affect her prosperity or interests, unless it be to make her recognize the revenue she has collected from our commerce. And are gentlemen willing to contribute to the support of the British navy by submitting to fiscal regulations of this sort? Certainly not. Admitting, then that the British navy is the barrier betwixt us and France, our wishes do not go to impair the strength of her navy. They will add an additional strength to it by giving her markets of infinite importance, and give her supplies, which will increase rather than depreciate her system of defence. But let us admit for a moment that the effect of our opposition to the extension of Great Britain, would be to destroy or weaken her navy. Is it possible that gentlemen could, to avoid a contingent evil from a foreign nation which injures us, consent to sacrifice the independence of our nation, and submit to present or fear of future domination? No, sir. You would have nothing worth keeping if you lost your independence. Then let us maintain it as long as we have the means. But why should gentlemen urge that argument upon you—an argument intended to prevent anything like resistance to Great Britain at the very moment when they tell you that a war with her would be ruinous to you? They laugh at the idea of affecting Great Britain, and say she will crush you in a moment; and yet you are called upon not to resist her, lest by so doing you overturn or jeopardize her at pleasure, and destroy the barrier between you and France. I ask gentlemen if these arguments do not destroy each other? I really have listened to arguments of this sort with astonishment: that gentlemen in one breath should say that you can do nothing to injure Great Britain, and in the next breath caution you against proceeding in your operations against her, lest you should create a degree of pressure which shall destroy that invincible power whom you cannot touch. But it has appeared to me that this very argument which has had a great deal of weight in the nation, which has cost many who would be disposed under other views of the subject, to defend the rights of the nation, is utterly out of the question. The gentleman says that commercial restriction is useless; that if you prevent foreign nations from coming to your custom house, they will smuggle. Sir, the only means by which Great Britain can be vitally attacked or destroyed, is by this sort of regulation which the gentleman says is nothing. The mode in which the commerce of Great Britain is attacked on the continent of Europe, is by excluding her commerce from the ports of that country. If so, and the gentleman says it is harmless, how is the existence of Great Britain endangered by this formidable combination on the continent? And yet, sir, I understood that to be the drift of the gentleman's whole argument. As for the commercial resources, capital and money, which that nation has to sustain itself against any other nation, nothing is more clear to me than that she possesses them now as much as ever she did. I consider her more safe, infinitely more safe than she ever has been; that she is in no sort of danger. That argument may be retorted on me, and I may be asked why would I contend with a nation which I admit to be so strong. I shall certainly admit that we could not destroy the British navy, or coerce her to any terms which would be degrading to herself; nor would I ever wish it. Whilst I feel for the honor of my own government, I should never wish that any government should commit its rights to any danger of the United States.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) yesterday seemed to be much at a loss to conceive how the U. S. could enter into the triple war. The gentleman placed the subject in a laughable point of view, and I was certainly amused by his wit though not convinced by his arguments. But, sir, if we were to commence hostilities against both these nations, would any man believe that the war against both would continue for any length of time? Certainly not; there can be no doubt that one of them would meet you on such terms as to enable you to carry on the combat against the other till your rights were acknowledged. The gentleman ought to have recollected, when he combated this idea of fighting neutrally, that it originated on that side of the House. What has been the complaint on that side of the House? Why that we did not maintain our neutrality, by making our commercial measures operate with strict impartiality against both of the belligerents. If our measures operate equally on both, it will have proved that we were not more hostile to one than to the other, and this one strong source of objection to our measures will be removed.
I do call upon gentlemen on the other side of the House most seriously to consider this proposition, & to view it in the aspect in which I have presented it. If I know myself I am sincerely anxious to preserve peace with both those belligerents. I do believe that the result which I have mentioned would follow the course proposed to the House; that if France would recede from her decrees your peace would be settled with both—that England would then revoke her orders of course, as the only ground on which she has ever placed them would be removed. If France refuses, it will enable the British government to accommodate with you to make you her friend, and throw you in the scale against her enemy. If gentlemen view the subject as I do, they will conceive that there is but one course proper to be pursued—to persevere in the embargo till this intelligence of our determination can have reached Europe and an answer be received. For if you take off the embargo to-morrow, whether the House determine to defend its rights by defensive war or enforce them by offensive war, the effect which I propose will be destroyed; because, if you take off the embargo, I shall be egregiously mistaken if we are not involved in war in six weeks or two months, and a war too in which you will lose all your property on the seas at one sweep. I think therefore that gentlemen seriously disposed to cultivate peace with those nations will enforce the embargo; for if it be not enforced, I too shall be for taking it off. The state of things in Europe now is particularly favorable to this appeal; and I am convinced that, such is the respect which gentlemen owe to the people whom they represent, some course must be taken to support our rights and not by submission endanger the peace and independence of this country for ever. I have expressed my views, sir, of the subject. The House will decide for themselves and take the course which they think best. If they determine to take off the embargo on the 15th February or any other day before the first of June, however I may lament it, I will co-operate in taking other measures.
Mr. VAN DYKE was in favor of that part of the resolution now under consideration, which related to the repeal of the embargo. It is probably known to most gentlemen in the House (said he) that I was not originally an advocate for the system of retiring from the ocean. It so happened that I was not present when the vote on the first embargo law was taken, and of course the journals do not record my disapprobation of the measure; but I do not hesitate to declare that such a law without any limitation as to its duration would never have been sanctioned by my voice. However, after Congress in their wisdom had adopted it, my sincere wish was that it should receive a fair and satisfactory experiment, and I was willing to give my support to the full and honest execution of the measure, in the hope that some good might result from it. To me and to my constituents it would have been grateful if our wrongs could have been redressed and our rights secured by a plan of operation so pacific. To the propositions, therefore, submitted at the last session for amending the original law on the ground that such amendment was necessary to ensure a fair trial of the experi-
ment, I did not oppose my vote. During the present session, there has been introduced into this House from the Senate, and passed, a bill for enforcing the embargo, many provisions of which, in my opinion, far exceeded the limits of our constitutional powers, and against which I was obliged by a sense of duty to raise my feeble voice. That bill, however, was approved by a majority, & is now in operation, and under those circumstances it is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to decide whether the system shall be continued, or repealed on the first day of June next, or at an earlier period. From the best consideration which I have been able to give the subject, I am satisfied that a postponement of its repeal until the first day of June next will be opposed to the best interests of the nation. I am not going upon the principle that any part of the union is in a state of rebellion, as some gentlemen have intimated, nor upon the ground that it will be necessary to send an armed force to shed the blood of our brethren, in order to execute the law, (as some seem to apprehend) but upon the broad principle that the embargo system has effected all the good that its warmest friends can ever rationally expect to reap from it—that its pressure upon the people of the U. S. is unequal and partial—that the hope of coercing the belligerents by it is vain—and that its further continuance will operate wholly to the injury and oppression of our own citizens. Sir, if we credit intelligence stated by gentlemen on this floor to be received, as well from the Southern as from the Northern and Eastern sections of the union, we cannot doubt that the measure has already become so extremely unpopular, that the law is eluded and violated in such a manner that our produce is daily exported, and the nation whom you expected to coerce and bring to your feet by the embargo is, in despite of all your vigilance and all your penalties, reaping at this moment a rich harvest from your commerce, by the agency of many of your own citizens. In truth, sir, if we look at home, we see the honest, the conscientious man, who obeys the law, suffering a very heavy loss, while the man who disregards and violates it, cannot fail to be rewarded with a rapid increase of wealth. If we extend our view across the Atlantic, we find the emperor of France applauds our magnanimity in abandoning the ocean, and Great Britain laughs at the imbecility of the measure. My judgment therefore tells me that it is time to remove such a system; and I should cheerfully concur in a proposition for its immediate repeal; but as that course does not meet the sentiment of the majority, I am compelled to choose between the first day of June and the fourth of March. The same reasons which weigh in favor of an immediate repeal, will induce me to give my vote for the earliest day that is proposed.
I must now claim the indulgence of the committee while I examine the second branch of the resolution, proposing to issue letters of marque and reprisal against Britain and France on the first day of June next, unless they revoke their orders and decrees. This proposition involves a question still more deeply interesting to the nation than that which I have just noticed; a question of no less magnitude than that of peace or war. No hon. gentleman will deny that issuing letters of marque and reprisal is an unequivocal act of hostility, leading directly to war, and usually its immediate precursor. This is extremely different from authorizing our merchants to arm their vessels and defend themselves when engaged in lawful commerce, against the unjust attacks or illegal restraints of the belligerents, for it is the employment of a hostile force, with express authority from the government, to capture and make prize of any property of those nations that may happen to come within the power of the person bearing such a commission. It is in effect tantamount to a declaration of war, and will never be adopted by prudent statesmen, unless they are prepared to meet the last appeal, for you have no reason to calculate upon the forbearance of your opponents, a moment after they are apprised of your taking such a course. If actual war is resolved on, I should deem it much more politic to begin seriously that active, efficient preparation which ought to precede it, and when we are ready for the contest, tell the nation and the world, that war exists, and thus let every man in the country know what he has to depend upon. What is our pre-
sent condition? Without an army; without ships; with a scanty supply of ordnance and military stores; our cities and towns on the sea-board naked and unprotected, and the national treasury all but empty; will it be wise, will it be prudent in this situation, on the first day of February, to give formal notice to your adversaries, the two greatest powers upon earth, that you mean to go to war with them on the first day of June next? Sir, we ought to calculate well the effect of such a proceeding; for in my view it is placing the nation in the worst possible situation. This Congress will be dissolved on the 4th of March; you can take no further warlike measure from that day, until the next Congress shall assemble late in May, and in the mean time your enemy, apprised of your intention, is invited by the certain prospect of gaining an advantage, to make the first stroke. The course is equally novel and extraordinary. You are bound; but your adversary is free to act whenever his inclination or interest may dictate. You will place everything at hazard without the possibility of reaping any benefit, for I cannot believe that such a threat will aid negotiation by alarming the belligerents, or that they will be inclined to lend a more favorable ear to our just remonstrances, under the influence of such a measure. Sir, the question is not whether we have just cause of war against those nations; for every American will agree that the conduct of both has long furnished ample cause for an appeal to arms; but the true question is, whether having so long forborne, it will be most advisable at this moment to declare our intention to wage war at a future day? In my opinion we shall act more like wise politicians, by not making such declaration at present and by leaving our successors at liberty to act in May next, as their wisdom and judgment shall direct, from a full view of our foreign relations, as they may then exist.
When the subject of war is presented for deliberation, it cannot be improper to enquire a little more particularly into the state of our foreign relations than has yet been done, in the discussion which has taken place. We have become so habituated to rail against the French decrees and British orders, violating our lawful commerce and neutral rights, that we seem in a great measure to have lost sight of our situation with respect to the belligerents, prior to the adoption of those unjust measures, under the immediate pressure of which we are now suffering. The history of those decrees and orders is concise and easily understood. With France we were at peace, and our commercial rights were guaranteed by a solemn treaty, in full force, when his imperial and royal majesty, trampling under foot the law of nations, and setting at defiance that national compact, undertook by his famous Berlin decree of 21st Nov. 1806, "to declare the British islands in a state of blockade," "to prohibit all commerce and correspondence with them," and "to make all merchandise belonging to England or coming from its manufactories and colonies lawful prize." Thus attacked, Britain claims the right of retaliation against her enemy, and by her orders in council undertakes to counteract his decrees; and thus, although each declares that the blow is aimed only at the enemy, our rights as a neutral nation are violated and our commerce is destroyed; and we are brought into a state of collision with both belligerents. In this situation it seems natural to review the diplomatic scenes which were acting between the British government and the administration of this country, prior to the date of the Berlin decree, and impartially to consider whether we have not omitted to take advantage of the most favorable moment for adjusting many important subjects of negotiation, or committed some errors which now tend to increase our difficulties and embarrassments with that government, and whether there was no honorable course by which we might have avoided the present collision. Such a review, when taken with candor, may be useful, and cannot, I trust, produce any evil consequence in our foreign relations.
With a sincere desire of ascertaining truth on this point, I have bestowed some attention upon the documents which the President was pleased to lay before us during the last session, and which we are to presume contain, a correct and authentic history of those transactions. I have not examined them with a jaundiced eye, nor shall I attempt in any point
to magnify or extenuate the facts that have presented themselves to my mind, as worthy of the attention of the committee, in connection with the subject of our foreign relations. The motives of the Executive make no part of this inquiry; it is the public act and the consequences flowing from such act, to which as statesmen we should direct our eyes.
As infallibility is not an attribute of our nature, I shall certainly not surpass the limits of my representative duty, when I state that it is not only possible, but very probable, that our administration may have committed some errors, and if we look carefully into those documents, perhaps we may discover that a part of our embarrassments are the consequence of such errors. In advertizing to the facts to which I refer, I shall avoid any mistake of language or sentiment, read a few extracts from the documents themselves.
It will be recollected by the committee that the treaty of 1794, with Great Britain so far as it relates to commerce expired on the 1st day of October, 1803, by which the commercial intercourse of the two countries was left to the regulations which the parties separately might think fit to establish. On the 1st of January succeeding we find a letter addressed by the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, our then minister at London, accompanied by the plan of a convention between the United States and Great Britain. On 5th March 1804, we read the extract of a letter in which the Secretary after noticing the expiration of the commercial part of the treaty of 1794, and making some observations on the state of commerce between the two countries, proceeds in these words—"These observations are made not with a view to any negotiation whatever, leading at the present moment to a treaty or to any other commercial points," &c. as a reason for not pressing which the particularly delicate situation of Great Britain at that critical moment is assigned. From this letter I understand the Executive forbade our minister from negotiating any treaty until further orders, and it is not discoverable that any other communication was made upon the subject until the 6th of March, 1805; under which date we find the extract of a letter from the Secretary containing these words. "The experience of every day shows more and more the obligation on both sides to enter seriously on the means of guarding the harmony of the two countries," &c. By this letter an injunction is laid on Mr. Monroe to enter seriously upon the subject of negotiation, and we find Mr. Monroe did accordingly engage seriously in that important trust. By advertizing to a letter from him of date April 15th, 1804, we discover that at the first interview between Lord Hawkesbury and himself, his Lordship "went so far as to express a wish that the principles of our treaty of 1794 might be adopted in the proposed convention where they applied," but Mr. Monroe "gave him to understand he could not, according to his instructions, accede to the idea." In perusing the next document, Mr. Monroe's letter of 7th August in the same year, we are expressly informed that Lord Hawkesbury unequivocally offered to renew the treaty of 1794. What says that letter? "He asked how far it would be agreeable to our government to stipulate that the treaty of 1794 should remain in force until two years should expire after the conclusion of the present war." I told his Lordship that I had no power to agree to such a proposal." As the negotiation proceeded, and it was discovered that obstacles and difficulties more serious than had been at first apprehended, arose—we discover that the British commissioners in August 1806, repeat the offer which had been previously made, for in the letter of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney dated September 11, in that year; they state it in these words. "In the course of this conference Lord Auckland renewed a proposal which he had glanced at in our first interview that the treaty of 1794 should be made the basis of the present negotiation." This was rejected. I am therefore authorized to assume the fact, that during the negotiation, an explicit offer was repeatedly made by the British government to renew the treaty of 1794, & that offer was as often rejected by our Executive, and we may well pause and consider whether in rejecting that, without being sure of making an offer at least as good, a very serious mistake has not been committed. What were the insurmountable objections to that

treaty which induced the Executive to put every thing at stake between the two countries, rather than continue it during the war in Europe? It is true the claim of the British government, to take British seamen and deserters from our merchant vessels is not abandoned by that treaty; but the renewal of it did not prevent us from pressing that subject by negotiation for we shall see in the further examination of the documents that the British commissioners were willing to proceed with the discussion of a plan which should have for its object satisfactory regulations effectually to secure American seamen. Had our experience of the operation of that treaty alarmed us? Was our country ruined or in danger of being ruined by it? No, sir; we reaped many and important advantages from it—and our country flourished beyond all example. Let experience be the only true test of merit answer. If we look back to the years 1793—4—we shall discover that our country was then threatened with war; the treaty was formed, and, notwithstanding all the noise and clamor against it which assailed the administration, the wisdom of the Senate and the intelligence and firmness of Washington; secured to the people by its adoption many years of unparalleled prosperity and happiness.—Yes, sir, under the auspices of that treaty were laid by the father of his country, the foundations of the temple of peace, which was erected by his patriotic hands, and whose magnificent dome was supported by the sound pillars of national faith. At its entrance were seen the cheering emblems of plenty; and within you beheld the Genius of Liberty in majestic dignity and resistless power, guarding that choicest gift of Heaven to a free people, "the constitution," yet unviolated by the ruffian hand of military force. In this fair temple the arts and sciences, commerce and agriculture greeted each other, and worshipped in harmony together. Thus stood the splendid edifice, surrounded by a band of brothers, united by mutual confidence and affection, the pride and glory of America, exciting the admiration and commanding the respect of the world. Under the protecting influence of that treaty commerce unfurled her sails in every quarter of the globe, and brought to our shores the rich reward of industry and enterprise. Agriculture flourished—giving a happier aspect to our country by progress in improvement. Then, indeed, the husbandman hailed with joy his golden harvest; for each succeeding harvest ensured to him a golden reward for his labor. Individual wealth increased, and the national treasure was greatly augmented. Is the picture which I have drawn too highly colored? I believe not; consult the history of those times, and you will be convinced that all those advantages were enjoyed by this happy country under that treaty, and it is not less evident that those blessings have been gradually disappearing ever since the day that it expired. Mark the contrast, which the history of this day presents, and judge whether very serious consequences have not followed from the refusal to renew that treaty. What is our present situation? You behold commerce palsied, agriculture drooping—distress and ruin stalking over the land, and civil discord raising her fiery head, more terrific than all the hosts of Europe. The foundations of the temple of peace are sapped—the building totters on the brink of destruction, and from the present prospect I shall think the nation fortunate, if we can save the constitution from being buried under its ruins.
It is true, that in a certain event the refusal to renew the treaty of 1794, would not have been injurious to the nation—that is, if the Executive had succeeded in making a more beneficial bargain—but in this, unfortunately, his hope and expectation failed. I grant you, sir, that no preceding administration ever enjoyed so promising a season for favorable negotiation; for, sir, we had the opportunity of addressing the ear of the patriotic Mr. Fox, united with a ministry of similar political sentiments, composing just such a cabinet as we should have elected to treat with, a ministry who Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney inform you in every letter, profess the most friendly disposition, and are sincerely desirous to settle all matters in difference between the two countries upon fair and just principles. The opportunity I repeat was the most auspicious—the prospect the most flattering that we ever enjoyed for such a purpose. Let us trace from the same authoritative source the history, the progress and the issue of the business. It is well known to every man in the nation that ever since the acknowledgment of our independence, our government has, at every opportunity, pressed upon the cabinet of Great Britain the abandonment of a practice which is certainly embarrassing to our commerce, and from its abuse has been in many cases extremely injurious to our own citizens. I mean the right which that government claims of taking from the mer-
chant vessels of other nations British seamen and deserters, and which has always been tenaciously insisted upon by G. Britain on the ground as she alleges of self preservation. It is true that during the present administration, in the year 1802, Mr. King, our then minister at London, succeeded so far as to obtain a relinquishment of the practice on the high seas, but could not obtain an extension of it to the narrow seas, and of course the project of an arrangement then failed. This fact is stated in the letter of the Secretary of State of 3d February, 1807. By recurring to the instructions sent to Mr. Monroe for opening a negotiation with the British cabinet in 1807, the first and most prominent feature is the same long controverted point, which is not to be made the subject of regulation or arrangement, for the protection simply of American seamen, but the broad principle of that government abandoning altogether the right of taking even her own seamen or deserters from our merchant vessels, is insisted on as the great ultimatum or sine qua non of any treaty. I agree sir, that if this point could have been obtained, it would have been a very brilliant victory in the field of negotiation, at which the nation would have rejoiced, and with which no man would have been more gratified than myself. But such a victory was not to be expected. For the correspondence of our ministers inform you that notwithstanding all their exertions and their skill to gain that point, they found it beyond the reach of negotiation, & they disclose to you the reason which is frankly avowed by the British cabinet, and which is stated in the letter of Messrs. Monroe & Pinkney of November 11, 1806, in these words, "at our meeting the next day the British commissioners stated explicitly, but in a very conciliating manner, that it was not in their power to adopt an article in the spirit of our project; that the board of admiralty had been consulted on the subject as had also been the crown officers in Doctors' Commons, who united all without exception, in the opinion that the right of their government in the case in question was well founded, and ought not to be relinquished. They added, that under such circumstances the relinquishment of it was a measure which the government could not adopt without taking on itself a responsibility which no ministry would be willing to meet, however pressing the emergency might be." The result, sir, is known; an informal arrangement was made, by which our commissioners say, "we place the business almost, if not altogether, on as good a footing as we should have done by treaty, had the project which we offered them been adopted." This informal arrangement on the subject of impressment being thus made, a treaty is concluded and signed by our commissioners 31st December, 1806, and transmitted to the President with their explanatory letter of January 3d, 1807. In that letter our commissioners again speak of the informal arrangement for the protection of our seamen, and declare their opinion, "that altho' the British government did not feel itself at liberty to relinquish formally by treaty its claim to search our merchant vessels for British seamen, its practice would nevertheless be essentially, if not completely, abandoned."
These, sir, are the observations of our own ministers, from which it is plainly to be inferred, that no talents, no exertion of diplomatic skill, no ingenuity of argument whatever could induce the British government to submit to an abandonment of their claim. It is the same answer which has been invariably given to all our applications on that subject. That government always declares its willingness to enter into any regulations for the full and effectual security of our seamen, but at the same time candidly informs you that no ministry could survive the surrender to you of the principle or right of taking their own, & of this our administration have for a number of years had pretty strong evidence, derived from actual experiment. The treaty thus concluded, and thus explained by our commissioners is received by the President, examined and rejected, because the claim of impressment is not formally relinquished, and because in other particulars it does not come up to his sanguine expectations. Sir, in the observations which accompany its return to our commissioners, it is acknowledged that "the change made by the third article in the provisions of the treaty of 1794, relative to the British possessions in India," is not as favorable as it stood in that treaty. By referring to the explanatory letter of our commissioners, we discover why that change was made, because the British government will not consent to grant us in the new treaty as favorable terms of trading to their India possessions as we enjoyed under the treaty of 1794, which they had so repeatedly offered to renew. This is full and satisfactory evidence that, after rejecting the treaty of 1794, our administration have not been able to make as good a bargain in a very im-
portant point, the India trade, even under circumstances most propitiously favoring their attempt. Does the Executive charge our ministers with a want of skill, exertion or fidelity in the discharge of their important trust? No, sir; read his declaration in the letter which the Secretary addressed to them on returning the treaty, "The President has seen in your exertions to accomplish the great objects of your instructions ample proofs of that zeal and patriotism in which he confided, and feels deep regret that your success has not corresponded with the reasonableness of your propositions and the ability with which they were supported." And yet in the same letter we find again expressed the fixed determination of the President "to decline any arrangement formal or informal which does not comprise a provision against impressments from American vessels on the high seas." Thus repeating and insisting upon that point as the ultimatum in any treaty arrangement.
In this manner the treaty of 1806 was rejected by the President without condescending to advise with his great constitutional council. What would have been the result of the negotiation had the treaty been submitted to the consideration of the Senate it is impossible to divine—whether the united wisdom of the President and Senate would have been able to effect such a compromise or arrangement of the points in controversy as to be mutually satisfactory, must remain forever unknown—but one fact may be assumed, that the advice of the Senate upon a subject so deeply interesting to the people, could not have placed the nation in a situation more embarrassing than our present. The history of the ratification of the treaty of 1794 furnishes an example of the suspension of an objectionable article and the acquiescence of Great Britain in the adoption of the residue, and shews that a spirit of conciliation in that instance produced the happiest result. But if the great ultimatum broadly insisted upon by our Executive, be adhered to, probably no administration can ever make a treaty with that nation. The British government tells you that it cannot surrender the point in controversy without endangering its very existence, and that no ministry can abandon it in the latitude that we require. How then can you calculate upon better success while that government is able to defend itself? Can you rationally expect more than what is offered, "to adopt some liberal and equitable plan for reconciling the exercise of that right which government deems a right essential to its existence with the just claims of the United States and for removing from it all cause of complaint and irritation." The object which we have in view is the security and protection of our own citizens—this it is the duty of our government most strenuously to insist upon and if negotiation will not effect it, an appeal may safely be made to the spirit and feeling of the nation to defend it. But if that object can be obtained by honorable negotiation, I am much deceived if the people will consent to stake their peace and happiness in a contest to protect British seamen and British deserters who may be employed on board our merchant vessels on the high seas. But, sir, was the security and protection of our own seamen abandoned by our ministers in the late negotiation? If we credit them they never lost sight of that object. It is true there appears no stipulation in the treaty upon that point because they were bound by their instructions not to treat formally but on the principle of an unqualified abandonment by the British government. But the explanatory letter of our ministers, and the subsequent letter of Mr. Monroe of 28th February, 1808, gives us reason to believe that the arrangement was at least worthy of experiment, especially as that point (as well as our claim for illegal captures) was left open to future discussion and was placed as Mr. Monroe informs upon such a footing as to give our government the command of the subject. His words are these—"We were therefore decidedly of the opinion that the paper of the British commissioners, placed the interest of impressment on ground which it was both safe and honorable for the United States to admit; that in short it gave their government the command of the subject for every necessary and useful purpose." If this opinion be correct—if that question was placed upon ground both safe and honorable, and left in such a situation that our government had the command of the subject, would not such an arrangement be satisfactory to the nation? Would it not have been wise at least to try whether the practice would correspond with the theory? In my opinion, sir, it did merit the united deliberation of the Senate and President before the determination was taken to reject that treaty, and attempt to renew negotiation upon points so long and so ably discussed. The issue of the affair corroborates this opinion, for when the
treaty was returned, a change of ministry having taken place, so far from acceding to the proposition of proceeding again to discuss the points to which the President objected, Mr. Canning readily acquiesces in the rejection, and informs us, that as we had not accepted the convention, the whole subject must be resumed when leisure may permit. It therefore yet remains uncertain whether a more favorable treaty will ever be obtained. But, sir, suppose either the treaty of 1794, had been renewed, or the late negotiation had been conducted to an amicable issue, and we had with promptness and energy resisted the Berlin decree, which outraged the law of nations and trampled upon a solemn treaty, is it probable that our country would at this time have been reduced to the dilemma stated in the report of your committee, of submitting to a ruinous embargo, or waging war with two powerful nations. Sir, in my opinion, we should not have been engaged in war with either; for the mode of resisting that decree was plain and easy, by authorising our merchantmen to arm and resist any unlawful attacks upon your commerce. This plan would have prevented war, and protected our lawful trade without embarrassing our government, or compelling it to take part with either of the belligerents.
From this review of the history of our negotiation since 1803, it appears to me, that we have committed errors of no small importance as they regarded the interest of the nation. Should the orders in council be repealed to morrow, our commercial intercourse with Britain would be in the same situation as in 1804, and the whole ground of negotiation must be again travelled over. Connected as we are by commerce with Britain, it is impossible for us to continue friends long without some commercial regulations; the sources of controversy are too numerous; the points of collision are too prominent. Such is our situation with respect to that government; and what is the remedy prescribed by our political doctors? Nothing less than war. Yes, sir, we are called upon to indulge our passions and resentment in idle menaces, by declaring to day that we will go to war in June next. I hope, however, while we indulge our feelings, we shall not forget our want of preparation, or lose sight of the principles of our government. Ours, sir, is a peace government, and is not well calculated for offensive war. Its spirit, like the benign spirit of christianity, breathes peace and good will to all men. Whenever the occasion for trying its energies may happen, it will be found weak or strong, according to circumstances. I will illustrate my idea. In a war of defence against attack or invasion, the whole strength and force of the nation will be spontaneously exerted, and every man becoming identified with the government, the impulse will be irresistible, and we shall then want only a skilful commander in chief, to direct with judgment the physical force of an united people. In a war of enterprise or offence, our government will be weak, unless the cause of war addresses itself strongly to the feelings of the great majority of the people; and the necessity of it to vindicate the essential rights and honor of the nation is plainly discerned; and for this obvious reason, you cannot raise a regiment or man a gun-boat, without voluntary enlistment, or provide money (the very sinews of war) without the consent of a majority of the people, expressed by their representatives. Before we declare war or adopt a measure which leads directly to that event, we ought therefore to be well assured, that the great majority of the nation are ready and willing to unite in the contest, a fact of which, at present, I really entertain strong doubts, excited by the language of memorials on your table, and information daily received from different parts of the union. I know we can conceal our errors from the view of the people for a season, by a declaration of war. The still small voice in which they address the understanding, will be unheard amidst the din of arms, or drownsed amidst the groans of the hapless victims of war. They will be lost in the blaze of our villages wrapt in flames, or obscured by clouds of smoke ascending from the funeral piles of our devoted cities. But let me ask this House or rather let me ask the nation, whether they are prepared to bring their peace, their happiness, their treasure & their blood, and present them all as an offering to atone for the errors of the administration? Will nothing less than such a sacrifice expiate those errors? I trust some other equally honorable and infinitely less costly will yet be found. Sir, I am convinced that no honorable gentleman within these walls, would advocate war to cover those errors, and therefore I cannot implicate to any one such a motive.
Perhaps, sir, when I state my unwillingness at this moment to declare war against Britain and France—or to adopt the plan of marque and reprisal, I shall be asked if I mean to submit to their unjust orders & decrees? I answer no. I hope the idea of submission
has never been entertained in this House. I trust, sir, that the term "submission" is not found in the vocabulary of an American statesman. It is true that the committee of foreign relations, in a detailed report after reciting our wrongs, has informed us that we have only to choose submission, embargo, or war with both nations. With all due deference to the superior judgment of that honorable committee, I must beg leave to enter my protest against their inference, and as they have given us the premises, I shall probably be pardoned, if I venture to consult my own understanding and draw my own conclusions. I cannot perceive how it can well be called submission for our merchants if they please to trade with Britain or France or any other part of the world, notwithstanding those orders and decrees.
By submission, is understood the doing under coercion that which is commanded, or the refraining from doing that which is forbidden. France says we shall not trade with Britain; and Britain in return says we shall not trade with France.
The whole tenor of the orders and decrees as applicable to this question is negative or prohibitory. If then our merchants being at liberty to stay at home, or to go to France, do actually go there, that act is clearly not submission to the decree of the emperor, and being contrary to the British orders, certainly is not submission to them. And on the other hand, the voluntary trade to Britain is not produced by the British orders, and is against the French decree; and equally clear it is that our trade to India, Spain, Portugal & many other places might be carried on without the least imputation of submitting to the will of the belligerents. As to embargo, that, in my view, savours more strongly of submission—the nation, however, is weary of it, and I trust the wisdom of Congress will grant them reasonable relief from its pressure, without adopting the third alternative insisted on by the committee.
If the embargo is raised on the 4th of March, its full force will by that time be felt by the belligerents, and they may probably then be inclined to do us justice, and our trade be permitted to resume its natural channels. The British government, moved by the impulse of its own interest, and taught, by our patriotic submission to embargo for fifteen months, to appreciate the value of our friendship and commerce, may yet listen to the voice of reason, & yield to an honorable adjustment of our differences, & of such a disposition Mr. Canning's last letter gives a pledge. As we have borne so long, and endured so much to preserve our young and growing nation from being drawn into the vortex of European wars—I hope we shall not close the door of negotiation at this moment, but leave the succeeding President at liberty to use such means as his wisdom and patriotism may suggest to secure the rights and honor of his country. The object is at least worth the experiment. Should he succeed in the attempt, his reward will be great—no less than the grateful applause of his fellow-citizens. I would therefore do no act which may tend to increase the difficulties with which the interesting subject of our foreign relations is already embarrassed. Sir, a very important consequence will in any event result from this course—for if justice is denied us, the nation will be convinced that war is necessary—it will tend to harmonize the public sentiment, and unite all in the common cause. For my constituents I can answer with confidence, that whenever Congress shall declare that war is necessary to protect our rights or vindicate our national honor they will rally around the standard of the government, and present their breasts as a bulwark for their country. The report of the committee to which I have referred, speaks of war, with both the belligerents; this proposition has more of sound than substance; it deserves some attention, and a few remarks will shew its fallacy. No man will say that we can come into contact with France, and perhaps that is for us a most fortunate circumstance. As it regards her therefore, the declaration of war would be merely nominal. But with Britain we might have a real and a serious warfare. Mark the consequence. The emperor, by his decrees, wishes to reduce Britain by cutting off her commerce. We declare war against Britain; and thus the object which he aimed at will be accomplished. Do you doubt, sir, after reading Mr. Champagny's letter, in which the emperor not only tells us we ought to go to war with Britain, but even ventures to declare war for us, that such a state would be extremely gratifying to him? Sir, we know well that such is his wish, and it becomes us to act with caution and circumspection; but we may be taken in his toils. From every view therefore which I can take of the subject, my mind is fully convinced that we ought not at this time to adopt the second branch of the resolution.
(Debate to be continued.)

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 19.
The following article was communicated by a friend of Mr. Key's for insertion in the National Intelligencer. On inspecting it reference was had to the report of Mr. Key's speech which appeared in the National Intelligencer. Finding it, in many respects, variant from the representation given of it by Mr. Key, his friend was desired to shew him the paper in which it appeared, with the intimation that in quoting the remarks ascribed to him, it would be most fair to use the precise language in which they were couched; and it was added, that if the opposite course was pursued, a very incorrect impression would be probably made through the medium of federal prints, of the sentiments ascribed to Mr. Key. Notwithstanding, however, these intimations, the letter of Mr. Key was returned unaltered. Justice to ourselves, & to truth, compels us, under these circumstances, to cite the passages in our report, which Mr. Key refers to in his letter, to shew the variance between the two. The reader will particularly observe that in the report nothing is said of Mr. Key's approving or even respecting the conduct of the administration; but merely that he said—"I repeat the administration on the whole." The following is the paragraph as reported.
"Whatever difference of political opinion may exist between us on some points; I respect the administration on the whole, and every honest man of every political opinion must side with me."
The following is Mr. Key's Communication.
SIR—In your paper editing my observations on the letter of Mr. Canning, I am made to say, "that altho' I differed with the administration on some points, yet I approved of, or respected their conduct on the whole, as all honest men of every political description must do"—or words to that effect, for I have not your paper by me, nor did I see it till lately.
I presume I was indistinctly heard, for I have no thought of imputing intentional mistake, but my sentiments are not correctly conveyed.
My ideas were precise, and conveyed very nearly in these terms, "that though I differed with the administration on some points, yet I respected them too much not to rally round & support them against any foreign interference" "that like husband and wife however parties might differ amongst themselves, they would unite against the officious or insolent intrusion of third persons." The illustration used, definitely fixed the idea; but as that part of my speech is reported, it is wholly inconsistent with my repeated and uniform declarations; and the latter part of it would be a most unwarrantable insinuation against a very respectable portion of the country, and my constituents in particular, who are decidedly opposed to the general measures of the administration.
I have been called to this subject from a general impression much circulated, that I had changed my political sentiments. I wish no human being to be deceived in that respect—they are uniform and decided—I hope liberal and not violent. I beg you to do me the justice to publish this, and I am, sir, your obt. servant, PHILIP B. KEY.
George Town, 10th Feb. 1809.
Extract from the Laws of the Territory of Michigan.
Sec. 28. Be it enacted, That if any person or number of persons, society or company of men, within this Territory, without authority or licence first had and obtained from the Legislative authority thereof, shall strike, emit or put in circulation, any bills of credit, or notes on any fund, or credit of any person, or persons, society or company to be passed and used as a general currency or medium of trade, traffic or commerce in lieu of money, (other than promissory notes of hand, and bills of exchange); every person herein offending on conviction thereof, shall forfeit treble the nominal value of the bills or notes so emitted or put in circulation, one third part to him, her, or them who shall sue for and prosecute the same to effect, and the other two thirds to the Treasury of the District in which the conviction shall be had.
Sec. 29. And be it enacted, That if any person or persons within this Territory shall utter, vend, or pass any bills, or notes, or other currency whatever, which either have been or which shall hereafter be struck, emitted or put in circulation, to be passed and used as a general currency or medium of trade, traffic or commerce, in lieu of money as mentioned in the last preceding section on the fund or credit of any person or persons or private society or company of men, either in this Territory, or any of the United States, or Territories thereof, shall forfeit double
the value expressed in such bill, note or other currency, the one moiety thereof to him, her or them, who shall sue for and prosecute the same to effect, and the other moiety to the Treasury of the district in which the conviction shall be had, provided, however, that nothing in this or the preceding section shall be construed to prevent any person or persons from demanding and receiving payment from any person or persons, society or company of persons, on any bill or note, which may have been emitted or issued by him or them, before the passage of this act.
A true extract from the original on file.
JOS: WATSON, Secretary. Legislature of Michigan, December 23, 1808.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 10.
Mr. Morrow (Ohio) reported a bill for the disposal of certain tracts of land in the Mississippi territory, claimed under Spanish grants, reported by the commissioners to be antedated or otherwise invalidated. Twice read and referred.
TERRITORIAL COURTS.
Mr. Poinsett observed, that at present the courts of the territories have no jurisdiction to try offenders against the laws of the U. S. That in the territory which he had the honor to represent and probably in other territories violations of the embargo have had taken place and would again take place; and that as the law stood they might take place with impunity, the territorial courts having no jurisdiction to punish the offenders. He therefore moved for the order of the day on the bill for extending jurisdiction to the territorial courts. The House refused to take it up, Ayes 27.
On motion of Mr. W. Alston, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. FITZHEN in the chair, on the bill making appropriation for the support of government for the year 1809. The bill having been gone through, and the blanks filled with the various sums reported by the Treasury Department, the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
No division took place on any appropriation but one of 5000 dollars towards completing the Orleans road; which was opposed by Messrs. Gardner, Gardener, and Uphaus, and supported by Messrs. W. Alston, Eppes, Desha, Bibb, and J. G. Jackson, and carried 52 to 19.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 43 to 30, Mr. DESHA in the chair, on the bill reported by Mr. Dana concerning associations for the security of navigation.
The bill provides "That in cases where in the armament of merchant vessels for defence may be allowed by any law of the United States, it shall be lawful for citizens of the U. S. to agree, that any ships or vessels by them owned shall sail in concert and be associated for mutual assistance and protection in any voyage or voyages not contrary to law and during any time or times which may be designated by instrument in writing duly executed by the owners or their authorised agents. The stipulations of the parties contained in such instrument may extend to the equipment and force of the vessels respectively, the relative authority of the masters or commanders, the appointment of places and times of rendezvous and sailing, the regulation of signals, the direction of the general course of the voyage or voyages, the orders to be observed in cases of separation or danger, and the making of arrangements for conducting and managing the respective vessels as may be most effectual for assistance in any case of peril or misfortune and for protecting all or any of them against forcible seizure or annoyance. Provided, That no such agreement or stipulation shall contravene any instructions or orders issued according to law by the President of the U. S.—That the respective ships or vessels shall be holden for the stipulations contained in any such instrument concerning them and shall accordingly be chargeable for such compensation or indemnity as may be justly required on account of any failure to perform the same as well as for satisfying any reasonable claim of contribution on account of loss or damage incurred in pursuance thereof. The rates of contribution to be so made shall be apportioned to and among the respective vessels as the parties may have consented and declared by such instrument, or, in failure of such declaration, the apportionment of the same shall be adjusted by the competent court, &c."
The words in Italic in the above were inserted by amendment on motion of Mr. J. G. Jackson.
In explaining the operation of the provisions of this bill—
Mr. Dana said that it did not propose to change the state of our foreign relations with respect to any power whatever; it decided nothing respecting the cases in which merchant vessels might be permitted to arm for their defence, but proceeded on the supposition that there might be cases in which arming the merchant vessels of the U. S. should be authorised by law. The object of the bill was to make such arming efficacious by combining different vessels that they might act together, the importance of concert being well known to every person who had attended to the difficulty of attaining any point by individual and unconnected efforts. It was well known that, for some trades, vessels were now permitted to arm; and if with respect to the great powers of the civilized world the U. S. were to permit their vessels to arm, the bill would equally apply to associations for defence against them as against any other enemy. Such association might now take place by compact where vessels were permitted to arm, which however could be obligatory on the owner only. The object of the bill was that the vessels engaged might be pledged for the performance of the compact.
Some desultory discussion took place on the details of the bill, in which Messrs. Dana, Love, Burwell, D. R. Williams, Smilie and Basset partook. Messrs. Eppes and Basset appeared to be opposed to the principle of the bill, the objection to which appeared to be that it sanctioned armaments by individuals larger than the government itself chose to support, and that the government might be deemed in some sort pledged to a responsibility for their acts.
The committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 11.
A bill from the Senate to incorporate a company for opening the canal in the city of Washington was twice read; and on mo-
tion of Mr. Van Horn, was ordered to be read a third time to-day, 55 to 29. The bill was read a third time and PASSED.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
The bill concerning associations for the security of navigation being about to be read a third time, was, on motion of Mr. Eppes, with the assent of Mr. Dana, postponed till Monday, on the ground that it had not received that mature consideration by the House to which the importance of the subject entitled it.
The bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1809, was read a third time and PASSED.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. Nicholas, from the committee on our foreign relations (Mr. G. W. Campbell being detained from his seat by illness) reported a bill interdicting commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain and France, and for other purposes. The bill was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole on Tuesday next.
[This bill provides for a repeal of the embargo, except so far as relates to Great Britain and France, on the 4th day of March next, repealing almost entirely the provisions of the embargo laws affecting the coasting trade; and for a total non-importation from G. Britain and France, to commence on the 20th of May. It also excludes from the waters of the U. S. all armed vessels after the 4th of March next.]
Mr. Love after a few prefatory remarks, offered the following resolution, which was referred to a select committee with leave to report by bill or otherwise:
Resolved, That the laws of the several states shall be regarded as the rules of proceeding on judgments and executions in the courts of the U. S. except where the laws of the U. S. shall otherwise provide.
PUBLIC LANDS.
On motion of Mr. Morrow (O.) the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill from the Senate, for extending the terms of payment for public lands, Mr. Desha in the chair. The bill being gone through, was reported to the House, and ordered to a third reading.
The nomination of General Dearborn, as Collector of the port of Boston, has been approved by the Senate—Yeas 25—Nays 7.
The resolutions, passed by the Senate of New-York, as given in our last, have been adopted, without alteration, by the House of Representatives, Yeas 61, Nays 41.
From the Aurora.
The following is the answer of the President of the United States, to the resolutions and address passed unanimously on the 23d ult. by TEN THOUSAND, and on the 31st, by EIGHTEEN THOUSAND citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia.
To the citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, in town meeting assembled.
In the resolutions and address which you have been pleased to present to me, I recognise, with great satisfaction the sentiments of faithful citizens, devoted to the maintenance of the rights of their country, to the sacred band which unites these states together, and rallying round their government in support of its laws. After the intolerable assault on our maritime rights, by the declarations of the belligerent powers that we should navigate the ocean only as they should permit, the recall of our seamen, recovery of our property abroad, and putting ourselves into a state of defence should persevere on their part force us to the last appeal, were duties of first obligation; no other course was left us, but to reduce our navigation within the limits they dictated, and to hold even that subject to such restrictions as their interests or will should prescribe. To this no friend to the independence of his country could submit.
Your resolution to aid in bringing to justice all violators of the laws of their country, and particularly of the embargo laws, and to be ready at all times to assist in carrying them into effect, is worthy of the patriotism which distinguishes the city and county of Philadelphia. This voluntary support of laws, formed by persons of our own choice, distinguishes peculiarly the minds capable of self government. The contrary spirit is anarchy, which of necessity, produces despotism. It is from the supporters of regular government only, that the pledge of life, fortune, and honor, is worthy of confidence.
I learn, with great satisfaction, your approbation of the general measures pursued by the government, enumerated in your address. For the advantages flowing from them you are indebted principally to a wise and patriotic legislature, and to the able and inestimable coadjutors with whom it has been my good fortune to be associated in the direction of your affairs. That these measures may be productive of the ends intended, must be the wish of every friend of his country—and the belief that every thing has been done to preserve our peace, secure the rights of our fellow citizens, and to promote their best interests, will be a consolation under every situation to which the great Disposer of events may desire us.
Your approbation of the motives for my retirement from the station so long confided to me, is a confirmation of their correctness. In no office can rotation be more expedient; and none less admits the indulgencies of age. I am peculiarly sensible of your kind wishes for my happiness in the tranquility of retirement. Nothing will contribute more to it than the hope of carrying with me the approbation of my fellow citizens, or the endeavors which I have faithfully avowed to be
useful to them. To the all protecting favor of Heaven, I commit yourselves and our common country.
TH: JEFFERSON, February 3, 1809.
DELAWARE LEGISLATURE.
In the House of Representatives of the State of Delaware, the following resolutions were adopted, Feb. 1st.
Whereas the measures pursued by the government of the United States, have justly excited considerable interest in the United States, and silence on our part might be construed into an approbation of those measures—Therefore,
1. Resolved, By the House of Representatives of the state of Delaware, that we cannot approve the policy of those measures that have annihilated the commerce of the United States, and brought distress and ruin on our own citizens, while at the same time they have done no injury to the enemies of our country; that we cannot approve the policy of an administration that does not act with impartiality and sincerity towards all foreign nations.
2. Resolved, That the people of the United States have a right freely to navigate the ocean, and to carry on a fair and honest commerce, and that we highly disapprove a policy that relinquishes those rights or dares not defend them.
3. Resolved, That we consider the embargo as a war measure, worse than futile; as a measure injurious to ourselves, destructive to the best interests of our country, and evidently intended to be partial in its operation against the belligerent nations; and that it becomes the United States, a great and gallant nation, to defend its rights in a manly, open and efficient manner.
4. Resolved, That we consider the act to enforce and make more effectual an act, entitled, "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto," approved on the 9th January, 1809, by the President of the United States, as an invasion of the liberty of the people, and the constitutional sovereignty of the state governments.
5. Resolved, That it will be dangerous to the freedom of these states, to place at the disposal of the President of the United States a standing army of 50,000 volunteers.
6. Resolved, That in our opinions, the present embarrassed and unhappy situation of our country, might have been avoided, if the administration had pursued the wise and prudent policy of the IMMORTAL WASHINGTON.
7. Resolved, nevertheless, That we have the fullest confidence that the patriotism of the good people of the United States will induce them to submit to unwise and arbitrary laws, rather than resort to violence; and that they will use the remedy pointed out by the constitution for the evils under which they suffer, rather than jeopardize the union of the states, and the independence of their country, by an open opposition to the laws.
8. Resolved also, That the legislature and people of the state of Delaware feel no foreign partiality, and that they will defend their country from the aggression of every foreign foe.
BY AUTHORITY.
An act for dividing the Indiana Territory into two separate governments.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the first day of March next, all that part of the Indiana territory which lies west of the Wabash river and a direct line drawn from the said Wabash river and Post Vincennes, due north to the territorial line between the United States and Canada, shall, for the purpose of temporary government, constitute a separate territory, and be called Illinois.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That there shall be established within the said territory a government in all respects similar to that provided by the ordinance of Congress, passed on the thirteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, for the government of the territory of the United States, north-west of the river Ohio; and by an act passed on the seventh day of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, entitled "An act to provide for the government of the territory north-west of the river Ohio; and the inhabitants thereof shall be entitled to, and enjoy all and singular the rights, privileges and advantages, granted and secured to the people of the territory of the United States, north-west of the river Ohio, by the said ordinance."
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the officers for the said territory, who, by virtue of this act, shall be appointed by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall respectively exercise the same powers, perform the same duties, and receive for their services the same compensations, as by the ordinance aforesaid, and the laws of the United States, have been provided and established for similar officers in the Indiana territory. And the duties and emoluments of superintendant of Indian affairs shall be united with those of governor.
Provided, That the President of the United States shall have full power, in the recess of Congress, to appoint and commission all officers herein authorised, and their commissions shall continue in force until the end of the next session of Congress.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That so much of the ordinance for the government of the territory of the United States north-west of the Ohio river, as relates to the organization of a general assembly therein, and prescribes the powers thereof, shall be in force and operate in the Illinois territory, whenever satisfactory evidence
shall be given to the governor thereof that such is the wish of a majority of the freeholders, notwithstanding there may not be therein five thousand free male inhabitants of the age of twenty-one years and upwards. Provided, That until there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants of twenty-one years and upwards in said territory, the whole number of representatives to the general assembly shall not be less than seven, nor more than nine, to be apportioned by the governor to the several counties in the said territory, agreeably to the number of free males of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, which they may respectively contain.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed so as in any manner to affect the government now in force in the Indiana territory, further than to prohibit the exercise thereof within the Illinois territory, from and after the aforesaid first day of March next.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That all suits, process and proceedings, which, on the first day of March next, shall be pending in the court of any county which shall be included within the said territory of Illinois, and also all suits, process and proceedings, which, on the said first day of March next, shall be pending in the general court of the Indiana territory, in consequence of any writ of removal, or order for trial at bar, and which had been removed from any of the counties included within the limits of the territory of Illinois aforesaid, shall, in all things concerning the same, be proceeded on, and judgments and decrees rendered thereon, in the same manner as if the said Indiana territory had remained undivided.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to prevent the collection of taxes which may, on the first day of March next, be due to the Indiana territory on lands lying in the said territory of Illinois.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That until it shall be otherwise ordered by the legislature of the said Illinois territory, Kaskaskia on the Mississippi river shall be the seat of government for the said Illinois territory.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate pro tempore. February 3, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
An act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act to amend the act, entitled "An act establishing circuit courts, and abolishing the jurisdiction of the district courts of the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio"
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in all actions or suits that were pending in the circuit courts of the United States for the district of Tennessee, established by an act entitled "An act establishing circuit courts, and abolishing the jurisdiction of the district courts of the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio," in which any judgment or decree was rendered, or any sentence passed, previous to the passage of the act entitled "An act to amend the act entitled "An act establishing circuit courts, and abolishing the jurisdiction of the district courts of the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio," the clerk of the circuit court of the United States for the district of East Tennessee be, and he is hereby authorised and directed to issue executions, and all other process necessary for carrying the same into complete effect, in the same manner as if the said last mentioned act had not passed; which executions and other process shall be directed to the marshal of either of the districts of East or West Tennessee, in which the party against whom the same shall issue may reside, or his property may be found, who shall execute and return the same, in like manner he would have done if the act to which this is a supplement had not passed, and shall receive the same fees as are by law allowed for similar services in other cases.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the next session of the district court of the United States, for the district of Kentucky, shall be holden on the second Monday in May next, and that the session of the said court heretofore holden on the first Monday in June, annually, shall thereafter be holden annually, on the second Monday in May.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That all writs and process, which shall have been issued, or may hereafter be issued, and all recognizances returnable, and all suits and other proceedings of what nature or kind soever, which have been continued to the said district court on the first Monday in June next, from the last December term, shall be returned and held continued to the said second Monday in May next.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate pro tempore. FEBRUARY 4, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
ON the petition of EDWARD GANTT, an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Edward Gantt that on the 20th inst. at the Court room in Long's hotel in the city of Washington, at the hour of 10 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Edward Gantt and a true copy appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist three times in each paper before said day.
By order of the hon. Wm. Craigh, esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM: BRENT, Clk.
February 13—3t
NOTICE.
THE subscribers to the "Manufacturing Company of the City of Washington and district of Columbia," are requested to meet at LINDSAY'S Hotel on the 22d inst. to elect by ballot nine directors and a secretary agreeably to the "articles of association."
The election to commence at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, and to close at 3 o'clock in the evening.
By order of the committee. CHARLES MINIFIE, Chairman. Feb. 13—3t.
WANTED TO RENT
During the next Session of Congress, A SMALL FURNISHED HOUSE, convenient to the CAPITOL.—Apply at this Office.
February 14—3t

ATTENTION! THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs, and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as further indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the business as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price.  ROMULUS RIGGS. N. B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6-2aw6w  PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, to wit: ON application to me the subscriber (in the recess of the court) an associate judge of the first judicial district, in the state of Maryland, by petition in writing, of NATHANIEL HAGAN , of Prince George's County, praying for the benefit of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, on the terms mentioned in the said act, and its supplements, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having satisfied me by competent testimony, that he has resided in the state of Maryland, two years immediately preceding the time of his application—and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having also stated in his petition, that he is now in actual confinement, for debt, and not on account of any breach of the peace, or for the non-payment of any fine or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state, or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the Sheriff of Prince George's county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement, on the terms prescribed in the said act and its supplements, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court, to be held in and for Prince George's County aforesaid, on the first Monday in April next, to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do also order and adjudge, that the said Nathaniel Hagan be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in April next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the County Court, at the Court House of said County, on the said first Monday in April next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Nathaniel Hagan, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for the delivering up his property, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Nathaniel Hagan should not have the benefit of the several acts of assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors. Given under my hand this thirtieth day of November, eighteen hundred and eight.  DANIEL CLARKE. December 30—w3m.
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the schooner Citizen , capt. Shaw , from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS , and a no offer for Sale, 20 hhds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hhds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 5 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qt. casks Lisbon, 5 qt. casks Sherry, 15 qt. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 3 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 80 hogs Cocks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c.  JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
A FEW COPIES Of the Interesting Work mentioned below both in the Large and Small Edition, may be had at THIS OFFICE, and at the STORE of JOS. MILLIGAN , in George-town. BOARDS $2 IN SHELL $2 50 IN CALF $3 The following is from a Philadelphia paper.  BARLOW'S COLUMBIAD. C. & A. CONRAD & Co. have it now in their power to put the public in possession of this excellent Poem, at a very moderate price. The author has consented to their publishing a second edition in two volumes, 12mo. which they now offer for sale at Two Dollars; in concurrence with the large and splendid Edition at 20 Dols. a few copies of which remain to be disposed of. This work is unquestionably one of the proudest monuments of American genius that we have yet to boast of. As a monument of our Literature, both in prose and in poetry, it clearly stands the first; and it would not be strange if the present century should pass away without giving it a rival in any country. The notes and the preface, which are copious and instructive, may probably be quoted as the finest specimens of prose composition in the English language. Their style is a happy mixture of force and perspicuity, simplicity, elevation & elegance; they display a wide scope of erudition; united with profound philosophical research; they inculcate the most defensible system of morals, while they leave a claim on the mind in favor of the soundest principles of liberty, and the best grounded hope of improvement in the social state of man. We speak not merely as booksellers interested in the sale of the work, but as patriots, lovers of our country, actuated by the broader interest of seeing it prosperous and happy, improving its own advantages, and giving lessons of practical wisdom to other nations, and future ages, when we recommend this valuable production to the perusal, respectful study, and attention of our fellow-citizens. It ought in our opinion to enter as an elementary book into our academies and colleges, as a noble stimulus in the pursuit of true glory, and of national as well as individual happiness. If the rising generation could be well imbued with the principles of this book, the nation must be happy, because it must cherish every practical truth, every honorable pursuit, every foundation on which national happiness can be erected and supported. The Quarto edition, ornamented with twelve of the most beautiful engravings that the Graphic Art has ever produced, and dressed in the highest Typographical luxury hitherto attained on either side of the Atlantic, is still offered to those amateurs whose love of literature is accompanied with an admiration of the fine arts. A few Sets of the Engravings, separate from the Poem, may be had at Ten Dollars per Set, to accommodate such persons as are desirous of possessing themselves of these exquisite specimens of art at a lower price than accompanied by the work. The original pictures, painted in Oil, by Smirke, are now to be seen at the Academy of Fine Arts. February 6-4t
TO THE BUTCHERS. PROPOSALS will be received till Tuesday the 14th inst. for a contract to supply the Navy in ordinary with FRESH BEEF for one year from that day.  THOS. TINEY, Superintendent. Feb. 10-2t  FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Northern Garden , Northern Branch , and at Dr. Oil's Medicine Store , Georgetown.  THED. HOLT. Washington city, January 16-2aw2m
THE two story BRICK HOUSE , situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this said for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard itself. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  WM. BUNTON.
THREE PIPES of MADERA WINE To be Exchanged for FLOUR Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER , who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPPEN APPLES . Washington, January 10-1m
FOR SALE. THE two story BRICK HOUSE, situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this said for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard itself. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  WM. BUNTON.
THE two story BRICK HOUSE , situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this said for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard itself. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  WM. BUNTON.
SADDLE HORSE. FOR SALE an excellent Saddle Horse with Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar.—Also a remarkably smart Waiting BOY, about 13 years old, who has waited in the house for three years. They can be had on trial any time this month. Enquire at this office. February 6-3t
RICHARD PARROTT, Has just arrived at Alexandria, on board the Sea-Flower , capt. Marshall from Savannah. 75 tierces Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse, George Town) at Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turk's Island, St. Ubes, ground Allum and Blown Salt. 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 3 hhds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do. 9 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Coshen Cheese, 100 barrels Tar, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Bohem, Coffee, Aspic, Pepper, Mustard, Mould & Dpt Candles, Soap, Snuff. Fish Oil, Planters Paris (ground & in stone) Bacon, Pork, Herring, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Bar Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bed-cords, Plough-Lines, Traces, Sail-Twine, and Cordage of every description. Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce.  RICHARD PARROTT. January 9-1t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the schooner Citizen , capt. Shaw , from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS , and a no offer for Sale, 20 hhds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hhds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 5 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qt. casks Lisbon, 5 qt. casks Sherry, 15 qt. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 3 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 80 hogs Cocks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c.  JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. On Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorser, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereto, comprising every thing necessary for its use, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber, to Bridge erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Crates, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the Kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P. M.  SAMUEL SPEARS, Auc. January 30-48s
BY HIS EXCELLENCY  ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE,  GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.  A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia, hath lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON , of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an inquisition, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cumberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley ; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.  ROBERT WRIGHT. By his Excellency's command,  NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hagerstown; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Baltimore. Jan. 4-2aw6w.
THE two story BRICK HOUSE , situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this said for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard itself. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  WM. BUNTON.
THE two story BRICK HOUSE , situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this said for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard itself. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  WM. BUNTON.
THE two story BRICK HOUSE , situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this said for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard itself. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  WM. BUNTON.
THE two story BRICK HOUSE , situate on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this said for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard itself. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale.  WM. BUNTON.
TEN DOLLARS. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER , a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fairfax Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward.  SAM. FISHER. January 30-1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponceltes & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLAX SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27-4t
ANY LADY or GENTLEMAN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE , May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3-3t
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an instalment of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend.  JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 18-1m
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) E. Street between the Bank & Treasurers. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20—
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Muscatel Raisins of superior quality. He has also received per the brig Orozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do Rose Blankets 20 do 6-4 Cloths 7 do Negro Cottons 5 do Flannels 4 do Carpeting 2 do Bocking Baise 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do Dimities 4 Velvets and Cords 2 Shirting Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms. He has on hand 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Teneriffe do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Bucellas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohem.—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotain Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dpt, and Spermaceti Candles, Castile, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table Oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper, Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3-2awtf.
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with either dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders.  BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19-12t.
FOR SALE. A TRACT of LAND, containing about Eighty acres, lying in the District of Columbia, about two miles north of the Capitol. The premises are at present occupied by a Mrs. Halsey. Any person inclining to purchase will make application before the 1st of March next, to Mr. THOMAS CLAXTON at the Capitol. February 10-3t
A TEACHER. CAPABLE of Teaching, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Geography, and the Rudiments of the Latin Language, wants a situation in a Private Family. One on the banks of the river Potomac or Patuxent would be preferred. A line addressed to A. Z. in the city of Washington by the mail, (and the postage paid) will receive prompt attention. February 10-3t
NOTICE. ALL persons interested, are hereby requested to attend on Saturday the 18th day of February next, either in person, by agent or attorney, at the office of James Forrest, Esq. Leonardtown, for the purpose of receiving their dividend in the estate of Henry Lee, deceased, as on that day I shall proceed to make payment and distribution amongst the creditors of the said deceased.  WILLIAM T. LEE, Adm'r. January 20-w3t
PIANO FORTES. The subscriber has just received from Philadelphia, Three Piano Fortes, with additional keys, American manufacture, equal to any yet imported, which he offers for Sale on reasonable terms. December 30-wtf
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency.  GEORGE BOANMAN. Charles County, Jan. 6-2awtf.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY  ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ.  GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.  A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNELL CARTY , as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnell Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnell Carty , to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.  ROBERT WRIGHT. By his excellency's command,  NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27-2aw6w
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, in Piscataway, Prince George's county Maryland, on the 31st of May last, two Negro Men, viz. POMPEY , a very black man, upwards of 50 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, rather slender made, with a small head and face; his forehead projects considerably over his eyes, and it is believed he has lost an under foretooth, he is much addicted to liquor, and when drunk disposed to talk a great deal; he has been accustomed to driving a carriage and waggon; he had on when he went away a deep blue short jacket of coarse cloth, oz. nabrig shirt and trowsers.  BASIL , a dark mulatto, about 22 or 23 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, rather stout made; has thick lips and large mouth, the forefinger of his right hand is stiff and smaller than the other; he had ulcers on his legs, and if healed the scars may be discovered. Basil was a house servant, and at the time he went off his apparel was the same as Pompey's , but they had each a variety of cloths. They may endeavor to pass as freemen, and it is probable that Basil is in Alexandria or Baltimore, as his father is living in the former place, and he has a brother and sister in the latter. It is conjectured that a black man in the district of Columbia called Jaco Neal , has contrived to get them away, as the subscriber has been informed that the said Neal about two years ago carried a negro woman of his own board of a vessel at Alexandria, at which time she was a runaway. The above reward (including what the law allows) will be given for securing Pompey and Basil in any jail, so that the subscriber shall get them again, or Fifty Dollars for either, and all reasonable expenses if brought home. All persons are forewarned against harboring them.  JACOB BUCKETT. February 1-5t
ON application by petition in writing, to GEORGE W. WILLETT of Prince George's county, to me the subscriber, an associate judge of the first judicial district of Maryland, composed of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George's counties, in the recess of Prince George's county court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly, passed at November session, 1809, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, as far as he can ascertain them on oath, being annexed to his said petition, and being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last preceding years; and being also satisfied, that the said George W. Willett is now in actual confinement for debt, and for no other cause, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in Prince George's county court on the first Monday of April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him.—It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said George W. Willett be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday of April next be, and hereby is appointed, for the said petitioner to deliver up his property, and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and the said petitioner, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer, once a week for three months successively, before the said first Monday of April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before the Judges of Prince George's county court on the day aforesaid, to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Given under my hand, this eighteenth day of June, 1809.  DANIEL CLARKE. True Copy, Test,  JOHN READ MAGRUDER, jun. C P G Cy Ct December 19-w13t.
PRINTING INK. SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PAIRO , adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN MINCHIN'S New Jersey avenue, near the Capitol. October 10-3sp8w3m
THIS is to give notice, that the subscriber has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington city and district of Columbia, Letters of Administration on the Personal Estate of HENRY HOWES , late of said city deceased. All persons having claims against said estate, are hereby notified to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 15th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All persons that are indebted to the said estate are requested to come forward and settle up their accounts, otherwise I shall put the books in an officer's hands to act as the law directs. Given under my hand this 10th day of February 1809.  IGNATIUS HOWE, Ex'r. February 10-3t
FOR SALE. A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter , his wife and seven children; all young and healthy.  BENJ. GREEN. Prince George's county, Dec. 16-1t