The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-01-02 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCXLI
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2nd, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
THE following letters, which originally appeared in the National Intelligencer, during the past autumn, are republished at the instance of a number of respectable friends, whose opinions fortify our own, of the importance of the topics discussed in them.
To the Legislatures of the respective States.
LETTER FIRST.
IN a period of peace and prosperity, the public attention is naturally directed to your deliberations. The United States have heretofore, in a great degree, been contending for their existence as an independent nation. Having claimed her rank among the nations of the earth, she has happily vanquished all the obstacles which a mistaken interest had opposed. Rising above all these, she now occupies the commanding eminence merited by the purity of her principles and the virtuous direction of her resources. Bold in these principles, and fortified by increasing power, she has nothing to fear from the violence or the intrigue of her external enemies. Indeed most of those nations, who, from the force of early prejudice, from ignorance or from ambition, have heretofore indicated marks of hostility or distrust, have yielded to a more enlightened and liberal policy, and have at length perceived that mutual benefit will be the result of an interchange of good offices. What share of this amicable spirit is owing to the wise conduct of those who administer the general government, and what part of it arises from the force of events, we shall not pretend to say. All that is necessary for us to know is that we have a government that, profiting of the circumstances that spring up, uses them to promote a permanent good understanding with foreign nations. Under the auspices of such motives and talents, we may confidently rely on a continuance of peace and external prosperity.
The security of these great objects is the duty of the national government. To promote the interior interests is the great duty of the governments of the states. While the former are in hazard, it is right that every resource should be engaged towards their attainment. Once secured, other objects, worthy of the best patriotism, offer themselves for accomplishment.
For the accomplishment of these objects the propitious season has arrived; and let me add that season too, which, if neglected, may never return. Need I awaken your minds to a sense of their importance? Their accomplishment involves the intelligence, the morals, the republicanism, the wealth and the strength of the nation. These, your national government may protect, but it cannot create; and such is the structure of our political institutions that a decay of state virtues, will necessarily produce a destruction of the whole superstructure that rests upon them.
People of America! By the regard you feel for your children, by your attachment to liberty, by your abhorrence of tyranny, by the honorable pride inspired on contemplating the great prospects before you in case your resources be efficiently developed, I conjure you to ponder on the advice, which a duty as pure as your own hearts, prompts me to offer. I feel that I possess no peculiar claims to give advice. Age has neither sprinkled my brow, nor wisdom showered on me her choice endowments. But I ever have felt an ardent love of my country, since my understanding has been capable of appreciating the value of liberty; and I trust this affection after constituting the solace of my life, will descend with me to the grave. It is not because America is my country, that I love her; but it is because SHE IS FREE.
LETTER SECOND.
The great objects of state legislation are,
 1. Education.  2. Internal improvements.  3. The security of property; and the  4. Punishment of crimes. 
On the manner in which these objects are accomplished must eventually depend our liberties, our personal happiness, and the wealth and respectability of the community.
It is to awaken the attention of the legislatures of the several states to the
accomplishment of these objects that I have undertaken to make this address.
1. On the subject of EDUCATION little can be said, which has not been said already. There is not, there cannot be a dissenting voice on its importance. It would seem to be sufficient to shew, what no man has denied, that a free state cannot exist without that wide diffusion of knowledge which can alone flow from education, to awaken every mind to its magnitude.
"Knowledge," says General Washington in one of his earliest official addresses to Congress, "is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one, in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community, as in ours, it is proportionably essential. To the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways. By convincing those who are entrusted with the public administration, that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people: And by teaching the people themselves to know, and to value their own rights; to discern and to provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discipline the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy, but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect for the laws."
That governments directly rising on principles calculated to enforce the preservation of equal rights should be indifferent to such a vast object can only find a solution in the complicated machinery of human actions. When too are added the inducements growing out of personal convenience and economy, our surprise naturally rises.
In exploring the causes of this indifference we shall probably discover the most efficient means of overcoming it.
They are principally found in the erroneous impression that a general system of education, under the direction of the public, involves a great and unnecessary expence; and in the want of individuals disposed, with becoming zeal, to devote their minds to devising suitable plans, and carrying them into execution.
That a greater expence is incurred under a general system of education, than that at present incurred, is not true. This will abundantly appear from a view of the great number of schools at present in existence, from the little time which is too often devoted by the teacher to instruction, by the small number of his pupils, from the imperfect style of their education, and from the excessive expence in many cases incurred by individuals in the education of their children. When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, it will be found not unsafe to affirm that more money is at present laid out on the education of youth, imperfect and limited as that education is, than would be sufficient to provide for the establishment of a general system, so comprehensive as to embrace every child in the country.
But there are other additional sources of expence which, though not usually regarded in examining this subject, merit the first place in our reflections.
In a country where labor is at all times convertible into money, it is a great expence unnecessarily to consume time. The time, at present taken up, owing to the unskillfulness of instructors is generally twice as much as is necessary. When, therefore, the child has attained that age, that gives a value to his services, the whole of this value is so far destroyed, as his time shall be uselessly consumed. Let the cultivators of the soil, those who are the most reluctant to come into a general system of instruction, seriously weigh this consideration, and they will not fail to perceive how deeply, even on the score of gain, they are interested in its accomplishment.
The distance at which common schools as well as respectable families or learning are placed, from those who send their children to them are sources of great, or almost incalculable expence; so great as frequently to impoverish those whose enlarged minds induce them to give their children the advantage derived from them. Hence the unfortunate state of things which virtually disqualifies the poor, and even men in moderate circumstances, from properly educating their offspring; whereby the advantages of education are monopolized by the rich. And hence the long train of political evils that threaten the subversion
of all governments indissolubly connected with the enjoyment of equal rights, and only to be maintained by a wide diffusion of knowledge.
Let us, in order to test the accuracy of this statement, enquire into the probable expence of a system of education that should embrace all the male children at present within the United States between the ages of ten and sixteen. The number of children between these ages is taken because it constitutes a class in the last Census, and because it is considered that a good system of education, conducted during that period, would be adequate to giving all the necessary elementary knowledge. The number of male children between ten and sixteen years old in the United States, at the taking of the Census appears to have been about 340,000. A well qualified preceptor, with the assistance of a young man between the age of eighteen and twenty one, could easily teach reading, writing, arithmetic and geography to three classes, each consisting of thirty pupils. Such a preceptor and assistant might be got for a salary of $50 dollars. Add fifty dollars for the rent of a school room; making all together six hundred dollars. The education of 340,000 youth would require 3,771 schools, the establishment of which, being computed at 600 dollars each, would cost, in the aggregate, 2,266,200 dollars. This sum sounds large; but on comparing it with the magnitude of the object, and with our numbers, it, at once, appears, very moderate. If it should be raised by a poll tax it would not exact from each person in the United States more than fifty cents; and if assessed on property would not impose a burthen of more than thirty cents on a hundred dollars. Families would pay on an average four dollars a year.
There is one view of this subject, evincive of the lightness of this imposition, which must be conclusive with all men of sound judgments. Such are our habits that we pay from choice on single imported articles of consumption sums as great or greater than would be required for the attainment of this important object.
On Spirits we pay above four millions of dollars which is double the estimated expence of education.
On Sugars above four millions, also double.
On Wines about two millions and a half. Here then are three articles of consumption, two of which are absolute luxuries, and the other not a necessary of life, for which individually we pay, without a murmur, more than would be enough to educate all our children, and for which, in the aggregate, we pay five times as much. And will any rational being say that the gratification of animal appetite can be put in competition with the education of a whole nation?
It is not then because the establishment of a system of general education would impose intolerable burthens upon the people that it has not been yet adopted. No. It is because no man has hitherto taken the pains to investigate the subject, to analyse it, to lay it before the people in the plain and popular aspects of which it is susceptible. Occupied almost exclusively with party considerations, our great men have not condescended to exert their powers on subjects so unimportant as the diffusion of knowledge, though of all the instruments of individual happiness and true national glory, it is the mightiest! Much may be said, in apology for this apathy. During our revolution all was action. Then indeed, it was the duty of the patriot to concentrate every atom of resource into exertion. The triumph of our political principles depended upon the strength of our arm. Since the revolution, we have had much external, and not a little internal danger, to guard against. Let us then drop the curtain upon the feeble efforts which have heretofore been manifested on the subject of education! Overlooking the past, let the present and the future command our whole attention. NOW is the TIME for doing that which duty commands. Addressed to the people, these remarks are feeble. However interesting or philanthropic the views of the writer, they are not supported by that weight of character, or surrounded with that luster which he, whose talents and virtues unite the affections of a nation, stamps upon who ever he suggests.
To such men then I address myself. Does the zeal, you have heretofore so conspicuously exhibited for the welfare of your country, still glow in your breasts? Does that country, in proportion as it rises to importance, animate and invigorate your attachment? Do you feel a more tender love for it, from
many of its best blessings owing their origin to your labors and sacrifices? By all these proud feelings, I conjure you to seize the auspicious moment for accomplishing that great work, which by educating the whole nation, by equalising and diffusing knowledge, shall give the stamp of immortality to your labors. All great men are ambitious! Be yours the ambition of doing that good whose effects shall be imperishable! Say not the people are prejudiced, and the plan will be unpopular! If they were prejudiced, it would be your peculiar duty to enlighten them, and banish their prejudices. But they are not prejudiced! They are sufficiently liberal to appreciate the value of knowledge. Give them but the means, and they will bestow its blessings on their children! They are a rich mine, fraught with precious ore beneath the surface, however rugged to the eye. Dig deep and you will find it. Give them an object worthy of their liberality, and you will not be troubled with their prejudices. Does the expenditure of ten annual millions, to support the credit and defend the interests of the country, and of many more millions on its interior concerns, excite their prejudice? Will then the expenditure of a sum infinitely smaller, on an object equally great, fail to gain their approbation?
LETTER THIRD.
Next in importance to the formation of a general plan of education may be ranked a liberal provision for internal improvements. This ought to be an object of attention under all governments; but especially under those exclusively instituted for the general welfare. Nothing can be more congenial to the spirit of a republican government than the application of resources derived from all to the benefit of all. There is, moreover, so intimate a connection between public and personal interest, that it is perhaps, impossible, to advance the one without promoting the other.
In a country whose numbers are extending with an unprecedented rapidity, and which is so advantageously situated for an internal interchange of productions, as well as for external commerce, there can be no improvement on a liberal and prudent scale, whatever the expence, that will not eventually, and at no very remote period, indemnify the cost, while it diffuses benefits to an almost inappreciable extent among the community generally.
The experience of England on this subject is conclusive. In that country there has been scarcely a canal or a turnpike formed, which has not liberally rewarded the adventurous individuals, and in some instances there has been a remuneration in a short period of above one hundred per cent on the capital expended; in addition to the incalculable appreciation of land bordering on the new canals or roads. It is true that, in some cases, a considerable number of years have elapsed, before any material profit accrued; but the progress though gradual, has been sure.
This would be the case in the existing circumstances of our country. A road could not, perhaps, be judiciously laid out, and turnpiked that would not ultimately remunerate adventurers; though it is probable that in most instances, there would not be a competent interest immediately paid in the shape of tolls.
No canal or turnpike can be made that will not immediately draw the attention of land holders to the improvement of their property, that will not give rise to seats of trade and manufactures, and afford convenient and regular markets for an interchange of productions. Lands in the neighbourhood will immediately increase in value, by being brought into the market, by settlements being extended, by emigration, and by the great convenience and accommodation which increased population can all be below.
The enlightened author of the "Nature and causes of the wealth of nations," observes that "good roads, canals, and navigable rivers, by diminishing the expence of carriage, put the remote part of the country more nearly upon a level with those in the neighbourhood of the town. They are upon that account the greatest of all improvements. They encourage the cultivation of the remote, which must always be the most extensive circle of the country. They are advantageous to the town, by breaking down the monopoly of the country in its neighbourhood. They are advantageous even to that part of the country. Though they introduce some rival commodities into the old market
they open many new markets to its produce. Monopoly, besides, is a great enemy to good management, which can never be universally established but in consequence of that free and universal competition which forces every body to have recourse to it for the sake of self defence. It is not more than fifty years ago, that some of the counties in the neighborhood of London petitioned the parliament against the extension of the turnpike roads into the remoter counties. These remote counties, they pretended from the cheapness of labor, would be able to sell their grains and corn cheaper in the London market than themselves, and would thereby reduce their rents, and ruin their cultivation. Their rents, however, have risen, and their cultivation has been improved since that time."
So great, however, is the expense of carrying into effect a liberal system of internal improvements that individual resources are inadequate to its successful accomplishment. It is one of those vast objects which not only interest the whole community, but requires likewise their united co-operation. There may be particular districts so situated, as to reward the enterprising citizen; and there may be a limited number of citizens so adventurous or public spirited as to encounter peculiar rigors; but to cautious, generally speaking, is individual interest, and so circumstanced individual resource, that the eye is too generally wanting both the disposition and the power to produce those great results which a regular organised government is alone competent to effect.
There is no object, which to give it a fair trial, more peculiarly requires systematic arrangements. Most local improvements languish for no other reason than a want of support from other improvements which ought at the same time to be carried on. It is extremely possible for ten distinct and distant canals or roads entirely to fail of producing a profit, while a few connected or adjacent ones shall make that profit abundant; as in the natural world a detached sill soon loses itself, while a multitude of streams, each equally small, by junction, form the boldest rivers and the deepest oceans.
There is likewise one serious inconvenience attending the operations of individuals. They always pay a special, often an exclusive regard to the promotion of their own interest, to the sacrifice, in a proportionate degree, of the public good; and they generally pursue plans which have altogether for their object an immediate benefit. Hence works which ought to be so devised as to subserve the interests of the whole community, by being partial in their effects, prejudice what they would otherwise promote; and hence their execution in so imperfect a manner as to render them entirely unfitted for permanent utility.
These and many other considerations tend irresistibly to establish the conclusion that the great features of internal improvement ought to be laid out on a national scale, free from local influence, and calculated for permanent duration.
It will not be improper here to meet an argument, which is usually urged against the interposition of public resources towards the promotion of the interests of individuals. It is said to be the peculiar trait of our political institutions to interfere as little as possible with the concerns of individuals; and that it is principally to this circumstance that our unrivalled prosperity is to be traced. Of the accuracy of this remark there can be no doubt; but it is no difficult task to shew that it is inapplicable to the point under consideration. The refusal of the governments to establish under present of the public good, monopolies, either of land, of trade, or of manufactures, has certainly left to the enterprise of our citizens a field well fitted to unfold and engage their greatest exertions; and these exertions, having been made, free from all foreign interference, and under a conviction that no such interference would take place, have undoubtedly added more to the common stock than all our public associations with their united resources could have done. This result is so universally acknowledged by economical writers, that it is unnecessary further to dwell upon it.
While, however, the fact is allowed in its fullest latitude, it is denied that it has any application to the great internal improvements of a nation. These are roads and canals. It is obvious that both these organs of intercourse must be regulated by government, in the first instance, by designating their route, and in the next place, by prescribing the manner in which they shall be made and kept in repair. The terms

also, on which they shall be used by individuals, must necessarily be fixed by public authority. So far then as relates to their designation, to their formation, to their maintenance in repair and to the terms on which they shall be used, they are the necessary and inevitable subjects of legislation. Without the interposition of government individuals have no right to act. The only points that remain to be considered, are, the creation of funds with which they shall be made and maintained, and the application of the profits resulting from them.
If the necessary funds could be derived from individual contribution, some plausible reasons might perhaps, be urged against the use of the public treasury; though even then, it would be unadvisable to leave the entire management of the improvements made to the persons concerned, and if it were taken from them, they would scarcely consider their interests secure under an authority over which they had either no control, or one of a limited nature.
But it is a fact that the necessary funds cannot be obtained from individual contributions. With regard to the public roads, even the main road, travelled by the mail, so far from being fitted for rapid and easy progress, is, at all seasons, in a state of miserable repair, and at some seasons, impassible but with great personal risk; while the state of our rivers, and sometimes the lesser streams, for the want of bridges, presents insuperable obstacles to their passage. On the importance of placing this road in a state of good repair there cannot be a dissenting voice; and he who, for the accomplishment of this object, confides in private enterprise, must be the victim of a prejudice opposed by long experience. Other roads of but secondary importance, are in the same deplorable state; and promise to remain as they are, until the state governments shall awaken from their apathy.
Canals, it is acknowledged, are not of such indispensable importance, as roads. But, inasmuch as the routes they open will eventually supersede the necessity of roads in a similar line, from the vast difference in the prices of transportation, it is important that an early designation and execution of them be made, to prevent a useless expenditure of money on turnpikes, of little or no utility after the establishment of correspondent canals. Nor can the interests of a great part of trade be more extensively promoted than by the formation of canals leading into the interior country. Though the expense of canals is greater than that of turnpikes, the retribution more than keeps pace with it.
Another argument against all public works is that public money is generally wastefully applied. Of the justness of this abstract remark as little doubt can be entertained as of the former. But it is not thence deducible that all public works are inexpedient. If so, we should have no jails, court-houses, poor houses, or other public edifices. All that can be reasonably inferred is that we should always leave to individuals the accomplishment of those objects to which they are competent; and not that we should oppose the execution by the public of those objects of utility, which they alone can effect. It would doubtless cost a nation less to name one man to make their laws, and to execute them, than to call together large bodies, in different districts; but no one is so much of a madman, as thence to infer the preference of despotic to republican institutions. The truth is, there is no human benefit without its attendant alloy. Every thing valuable has its price; and it is folly to revile against a law of our nature.
But this argument may be easily disarmed of more than half its force. Though it be true that the disbursement of public money on objects that require a vigilant superintendence is often accompanied by a prodigal waste, yet experience shews us that it may be so controlled by a connection with individual interest, as, if not altogether to overcome the evil, at least greatly to reduce it. Several monied institutions, such as Banks and Insurance Companies, have been established by an union of public and private contributions. The state governments have contributed in some of these instances as much as one third of the capital; and the general government, in establishing the Bank of the United States, took stock to the amount of two millions and a half, being one fourth of the capital of the institution. In all these cases a certain portion of the general superintendence of the institutions were reserved by the governments; and in none of them has it ever been said that this public agency operated injuriously to the general interests of the incorporated bodies, or to the interest of the states. On the contrary, it has invariably given a reputation to them; they have acquired more of the public confidence, and their stock has risen higher than that of institutions relying entirely on private support.
This feature may, without any difficulty, be introduced into any system of national improvement. Inasmuch as it is impossible to effect any part of such a
system, without directly and immediately advancing the interests of a particular district of country, and generally of some seat of trade or manufactures to which it will be tributary on a facility of intercourse, there will never be wanting those who will make considerable pecuniary advances, which, in union with public contributions, will form a joint stock capable of being placed under the direction of public and private agents. By these means a reciprocal check will be created; the one on the prodigal expenditure of public money, and the other on the narrow views of personal interest.
(To be continued)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 13.
Debate on the Bill to regulate the clearance of armed merchant vessels.
Continued.
Mr. McCreery. Mr. Chairman— Whatever may be the fate of the bill now before you, I think it my duty to state to this committee some circumstances which induce me to think, that the information given to the executive concerning the conduct of our merchant vessels has been much exaggerated.
I am aware that the liberty of trade granted us to that island has been much abused by some of our citizens, and it is my wish that such laws may pass as will effectually restrain and punish such proceedings.
It is well known, Sir, that we have had a considerable share of the trade of St. Domingo for more than ten years past, except for a certain period of the late administration when it was prohibited by our own government—that under the all late legitimate governments of that island, it was not only permitted, but invited—that in consequence of this and of contracts made by the generals Le Clerc and Rochambeau, with some of our citizens, for the supply of provisions and other necessaries, there was American property to an immense amount in that island when evacuated by the last mentioned general, and consequently, a considerable number of our citizens remained there. Under these circumstances it was not to be expected that this property and these men were to be abandoned. The trade was therefore continued in a peaceful manner, and would still have been carried on, had it not been interrupted by vessels unlawfully armed in the ports of Cuba. Into these ports many of our vessels were carried, their cargoes landed in the night, the vessels sent out of the harbours, scuttled and sunk, to prevent detection, and the crews left without any means of returning to their own country. The question with our merchants then was, whether they were to abandon this trade altogether, and sacrifice their property remaining there; or arm their vessels for defence. The latter plan, and in my opinion the wiser, was adopted; and, I believe, not more than one instance has occurred where our vessels, thus armed, have resisted a legitimate force. To prove to the committee that the vessels thus opposing our trade were not authorised, I request that the clerk may be permitted to read the decree not long since issued by general Ferrand, at the port of Santo Domingo.
(The decree was here read by the clerk as follows:—)
A DECREE for re-establishing order in the Leeward Islands, for the issuing and use of letters of Marque.
WE, L. FERRAND, general of brigade, commander in chief of the army of St. Domingo, captain general pro tem.
Being informed that several owners and captains of French corsairs, who have obtained limited letters of marque, whose time is expired, continue or renew their cruising, without having regard to any of the formalities required in such cases.
That others have obtained of some pretended French agents, the term of their letters of marque to be prolonged.
That others are bearers of letters of marque, whose transfer has been made by these pretended agents over to other ships, than those for which they had been delivered.
That others have purchased letters of marque of these pretended agents, who, abusing the confidence of the captains-general, of whom they held their power, have permitted a commerce thus unlawful, without even examining the morality of the men to whom these letters of marque have been sold.
That some navigate with letters of marque expedited by those generals, who not being captains-general, nor exercising those functions, have no right to deliver them. Informed likewise that under pretence of being ignorant that the tribunals of St. Domingo are alone competent to decide on neutral prizes, in relation with the rebels of that island,
without regard to the authority from which the letters of marque, with which the privateers are provided, issued, several owners and captains of corsairs have neglected to observe the formalities prescribed, the principle of which is to make known the literal contents of those letters which have been given them.
Considering, that to tolerate much longer the irregular conduct of the privateers and captains of corsairs, which are found in the different cases mentioned, there would incontestibly result abuses which would cause privateering to degenerate into piracy, and dishonor the French flag.
DECREE.
Article I. From the first of Vendemaire, 13th year, all the letters of marque delivered by general Rochambeau, those delivered by the generals formerly employed in the army of St. Domingo, likewise those issued by us until the present day, the 8th Thermidor, shall be null and without effect. The only letters of marque delivered by us from the present date, the 8th Thermidor, and which shall be declared under our hand, that they shall be valid until such epoch, are not to be comprised in this repeal.
II. From the same day, the 1st Vendemaire, 13th year, all the owners and captains carrying letters of marque of the French captains general, other than those of St. Domingo, which shall be in the case of having relation to Santo Domingo, while courts are the only competent tribunals to judge of neutral ships taken in contravention on the coast of St. Domingo, as well as those arrested with clearances for the ports occupied by the rebels, or going out of those ports, shall be held to prove their powers in the original.
III. Those who should wish to arm for a cruise, or those having armed who should wish to continue cruising, will obtain from us letters of marque when they shall conform to the requisite formalities.
IV. The captains-general of the French windward islands shall be apprized of the routes committed daily, in consequence of the cupidities of some owners or captains disposed to see every ship in contravention, where soever they may meet neutral flags in sight, and even frequently out of sight of the coast of St. Domingo, and they shall be invited to put a stop to those abuses, to have returned the letters of marque confiscated to those men who have abused them; they shall likewise be desired to recall those charged with their affairs, pretending to be French agents, who have given well founded cause of complaint.
V. From the date of the 1st Vendemaire, 13th year, the prizes that shall be made by owners and Captains of French corsairs, who have not conformed to the regulations contained in articles I. II. III. of the present decree, shall be confiscated for the use of the invalid fund.
VI. The pretended French agents who shall issue letters of marque, or which they may be in possession, or cause to be assigned those delivered by competent authority, shall be considered as forgers, and denounced as such to the minister of the marine and of the colonies, and prosecuted with all the rigor of the law.
VII. Copies of this decree shall be sent to the minister of the marine and the colonies. They shall likewise be sent to the governors of the neighbouring colonies, to the Captains general of the French windward islands, to the minister of France near the United States of America, and likewise to the French agents in the Antilles. The present decree shall be printed, published, and posted up in the city of Santo Domingo, and likewise in all parts of the island of St. Domingo occupied by the French. It shall be registered in the bureau of the inspection of the marine, likewise in the register of the provisional commission of justice, and also in the special commission of prizes.
Head quarters at Santo Domingo, the 8th Thermidor, 13th year. (Signed) L. FERRAND.
And to give to the committee some idea of the extent of the lawless depredations committed on our commerce in those seas, I beg leave to state the losses sustained by the five Insurance Offices of Baltimore, not correctly stated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Clay)
   Dolls.     The Maryland office 128,565   Baltimore office 80,140   Capenake office 67,455   Union office 90,687   Marine office 125,110   492,555  
Making in all nearly 500,000 dollars, besides considerable property not insured, nearly all of which has been sold without any form of trial, and leaves our merchants without any hope of redress. If this bill passes into a law, we shall in fact be deprived of the trade to all the leeward islands, and even that to New Orleans will not be safe. One vessel lately bound from Alexandria to Jamaica has been carried into Cuba, where her cargo was landed and sent in small vessels to Jamaica, by these picks-
rooms. Another from Baltimore to St. Jago de Cuba, was, on her homeward passage, with a cargo worth 40,000 dollars, taken by one of them, who had no commission, and was carrying his prize into Barracoa, when it was retaken by a British cruiser and sent to Jamaica; and no later than last month, the vessel of a Baltimore merchant, who never armed a vessel, and who, I verily believe, was never concerned in any illicit trade, was obliged to put into the port of Savannah in distress, on her return from St. Domingo. On going up that river she was met by one of these freebooters, that had chased her on her voyage out. The captain of which declared he would make prize of this schooner, and waited off the river for that purpose.
I will not detain the committee by reading documents to prove these statements, but will leave them on the clerk's table for the perusal of any gentleman of the committee who may choose to satisfy himself. I have been also informed, but I have no documents to prove it, that one of our vessels bound from Liverpool to New Orleans, has been taken by one of these cruisers—On the whole, Sir, as I consider our entire trade to the West Indies and to New Orleans implicated in this motion, I shall decidedly vote against it.
Mr. Phipps said that, notwithstanding the objections made to his proposed amendment, he sincerely believed the best interests of the nation required that it should prevail. It appeared to him that neither of the gentlemen who had opposed it, had taken a correct view of the question. We are not, said he, passing a law for the protection of American commerce; but we are making provision against the improper use of arms; for it seems to be the intention of those gentlemen to allow our vessels to arm. They tell you that their vessels cannot do without arms; they cannot effect the object of their voyages without being prepared with a sufficient armament. Why, this is precisely the argument of a highway-man for the use of his pistols. But ought the United States to protect their commerce in this way? He thought they ought not. Did these gentlemen possess information, that we cannot carry on our commerce without armed vessels; if so, it will bring up the whole principles upon which the right of armament is founded, and he trusted it would be manifested that the provisions of this or any other bill, to be enacted for the purpose, would be such as to secure the United States from a collision with foreign powers. He did not think it comported with the dignity of the Union to arm their merchant vessels, and turn them loose upon the ocean, to act as whim or caprice, or a thirst of lucre should dictate. It would be nothing more or less than covering the ocean with an armed banditti that would bring down upon the United States the sovereign contempt and just indignation of all the powers of Europe. He hoped the navigating and commercial character of Americans would be found upon their superior skill and industry; if in the exercise of these, they were opposed, he was willing to extend the public protection to them, he would not only protect their rights in this way, but he would also avenge their wrongs. The arms of the Union can reach the Caribbean seas, as well as the Mediterranean; and this he presumed was the course proper to be pursued. He felt extremely averse to the principle of the bill; he could not reconcile himself to do what no other nation had ever done; that is, give arms to every man sailing on the ocean who shall require it. Do you grant even letters of marque in this way? By no means—What! shall A, B and C, persons we know nothing of, because they can sign a bond, with a security, range the ocean under the sanction of the flag of the Union, to make war upon other nations, and exercise a power which the constitution declares shall be exercised exclusively by Congress. He did not believe the good sense of the committee would permit them to confer the power of making war on any set of men, however virtuous or respectable, much less to commanders of armed merchant vessels, cruising in pursuit of wealth or plunder. No, they would certainly prefer to retain such an important power in their own hands; and he was well persuaded that the public peace would be preserved but a very short time after the moment that Congress put it in the power of others to make war. For whatever may be the character of a sea captain, if he executes his bond, he is entitled to his arms, and is any gentleman weak enough to believe that a bond to the amount of the value of the vessel will restrain an intemperate person from using arms when he is irritated by an anticipated detention or scrutinizing over haul? It is well known, even in civil life on shore, where every man is equal, how difficult it is to restrain the vindictive passions of hasty tempers. The difficulty was much greater at sea—He really thought the risk too great to be entrusted to this body of men. He was, however, willing to protect them in every lawful commercial pursuit, as far as the arm of Union could reach. But he would not consent to
put the national vengeance in the hands of any man, or set of men, with whose character he was unacquainted, & who for all he knew, crapped to be required by the bill, might be totally devoid of all the ties of virtue, justice and national honour.
The question on Mr. Phipps's amendment was taken; 40 voting in the affirmative, and 61 in the negative; the motion was lost.
Mr. Crowninshield moved to strike out the proviso and the second section.
Mr. J. C. Smith concurred in the motion out of order; the proviso belonged to the first section, and that was the section under consideration; the committee had not yet reached the second section.
Mr. Crowninshield then proposed to strike out the proviso alone, which was agreed to by the committee, 55 against 32.
Mr. J. Clay said that he did not think the bond of an owner or commander for the value of the vessel was sufficient; he therefore moved to forfeit also her tackle, apparel, furniture, and cargo. It was well known that in many voyages now making the forfeiture of the vessel would be but a trifling loss, compared with the profits made upon some cargoes, and that merchants would cheerfully incur the penalty, rather than decline a voyage whereon such great profits were to arise.
Mr. Eustis admitted in some cases that the penalty might not be too great; but there were others in which it would be out of all proportion; instance an East Indian with a cargo of 4 or 500,000 dollars; he feared requiring sureties to such an amount would greatly interrupt that branch of commerce if not totally prevent it.
Mr. Crowninshield objected to the insertion of the cargo, but had no objection to the tackle, apparel and furniture being forfeited with the vessel.
Mr. J. Clay. The gentleman knows that the bond given in the case of East Indian is a mere formality; that trade being on account of its profits, one, in which there is no danger as to the improper conduct of the captain, men of respectability and good character always being employed; but the provision is intended to prevent illegal voyages under an idea that the profits upon the cargo will more than cover the condition of the bond: he had no objection to exclude the cargoes of East Indian from the effect of this bond; but in the case of West Indian he thought government would not have an adequate security unless the value of the cargo was made liable as well as the vessel.
Mr. Goddard said if it was intended to take two bonds, one of the owner, and the other of the commander, and to be for double the value of the vessel, and double the value of the cargo; in this event the security would be quadruple: he would merely submit it to the consideration of gentlemen, whether it would be proper to embarrass commerce in this way.
Mr. J. Clay. That may be easily obviated by making it a joint bond.
The question on the amendment was taken and agreed to; 65 against 32. (To be continued)
MONDAY, DECEMBER 31, 1804.
Mr. Richards from the committee of enrolment, reported that the committee had examined the bill providing for the disposal of sundry copies of the laws of the United States, and that they had found the same duly enrolled.
Mr. Elmer presented the petition of the heirs and residuary legatees of Hannah Preston, late relict of Colonel Preston, who died at camp in March 1777: praying to be allowed half pay for the term which she had survived her husband. Referred to the committee of claims.
On motion of Mr. Elmer the several petitions of Eli Elmer, Serh Bower, and Jonathan Moore, presented at the first session, were referred to the committee of the whole, to whom had been referred the bill making further provision for the extinguishment of the public debt.
On motion of Mr. Holland the subject of an establishment of a post road from Washington to New Orleans was referred to the committee of the whole, to whom the subject of a like road by Knoxville was referred.
On motion of Mr. Holland it was resolved that the President be requested to cause to be laid before the house any documents that relate to that subject, and to communicate such other information as he shall think proper. Ordered that a committee of two be appointed to wait upon the President for the purpose of presenting this resolution.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill making an appropriation for the support of the navy of the United States for the year 1805, which being twice read and referred to a committee of the whole, the blanks were severally filled up, the total amount of the appropriation was 1,240,000 dollars. The committee rose and reported, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Wednesday.

Mr. J. Randolph, from the committee of Ways and Means, presented a bill making an appropriation for the support of government for the year 1805, which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole on Wednesday.
An engrossed bill for the relief of John Steel was read a third time and passed.
An engrossed bill to incorporate the Washington building and fire insurance company was about being read, when
Mr. Gregg expressed a wish that it might be postponed, and a speedy decision had on the question of recessing. He understood this was the day fixed for that subject.
Mr. Lewis observed that the motion for recessing could have no effect upon this bill, as it did not contemplate the recessing of the city of Washington, but only of the other parts of the district.
Mr. Stanford had intended to have called up the resolutions for recessing; but he had just received a letter from a number of the inhabitants of the district wishing a short delay; there were also absent from the House several members, who had taken considerable interest in the subject. For these reasons he did not intend to call up the resolutions for two or three days.
Mr. Early was averse to a postponement; he thought an early decision ought to be made to quiet the minds and soothe the feelings of the inhabitants who felt a deep interest in the decision; indeed the members themselves had had their feelings excited in no inconsiderable degree. He hoped the gentleman who brought the resolutions forward should forbear to call them up, some other gentlemen would do it for him.
Mr. Stanford was induced to let the subject rest a few days longer, on account of those very feelings and interest which pervaded the whole body of the people. He would also prefer a decision by a full House, rather than by such a thin one as now appeared.
Mr. Early did not think that a thin attendance by the members was a good argument for postponement; if it was expected that every member should attend, he feared the public business would progress very slowly; but if the subject was entered upon now, and the resolutions adopted, they would have to take the shape of a bill, and it would be many days before the subject was finally decided, by which time no doubt the absent gentlemen alluded to, would arrive.
Mr. Lyon said the bill that was moved to be postponed had nothing to do with the recessing, as it was not proposed to recede the city.
Mr. Gregg knew that the resolutions excepted Washington city, but he hoped that if a part of the district was to be recessed, there would be found a majority for recessing the whole. He was against the recessing altogether, and so he should be till the question was decided against him. The business had been so long before the House, that he could not see any reason for further delay.
On the question to postpone the bill for incorporating the Washington Building and Fire Insurance Company, there were 51 for it, and 42 against it: and the bill was postponed accordingly.
A message was received from the President informing that he had inclosed a letter from Mr. O'Brien, giving some details of the naval transactions before Tripoli, which he communicated for the information of Congress.
[Our readers will find this communication under the Washington head.]
Mr. Findley reported from the committee of elections that Alexander Wilson, elected a member from Virginia in the room of Mr. Andrew Moore, was entitled to his seat.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the House went into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee of claims in the case of Ann Elliot.
Mr. Tenney in the chair. The committee of the whole concurred in the report of the committee of claims that the prayer of the petition was reasonable, and ought to be granted.
The committee then rose and reported the same, which was agreed to by the House, and the committee of claims were instructed to report a bill conformably thereto.
Mr. Elliot presented the petition of Elijah Brainerd, of Claremont, in the state of New-Hampshire. It was not, Mr. E. said, the petition of a general, his widow, or his legal representatives, (alluding to the case of Madame Hazen) it was not an application for half pay, or for whole pay; but it was an artist's tale of woe, written by a private soldier in the revolutionary war, whose case is perhaps the most distressing, and his claim upon the justice of his country the strongest; that has yet been exhibited to Congress; and who has a wife and six children, drinking the bitter cup of poverty. The petitioner states that he received a wound while in service, from which he did not, for many years, experience those consequences which would have entitled him to a pension; but which in its remote effects, has, for a number of years, not only rendered him incapable, of every kind of business, but
subjected him to excruciating bodily tortures, which have been mitigated only by the continual use of opium. By the construction given to the act on the subject of pensions, by the Secretary of War, he is not entitled to a place on the pension list; and he prays relief from Congress.
On motion of Mr. Elliot, the petition was referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Gregg called up the resolutions for a recessing of the district of Columbia to the states of Maryland and Virginia.
Mr. Huger moved to postpone the same till this day week.
Mr. Jackson moved to postpone them till the 31st December next.
Some defaulty remarks were made, not touching the merits of the main subject; at length the question was taken on postponing till 31st December, and lost without a division.
On postponing till Monday next, the question was decided in the affirmative 59 for, and 31 against it.
On motion of Mr. Clarke the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill extending the time for registering of claims to lands south of Tennessee derived from the state of Georgia.
Mr. Gregg in the chair. The bill was agreed to by the committee of the whole without amendment, reported to the House, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Wednesday next.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of commerce and manufactures, reported on the amendments of the Senate to the bill for allowing drawbacks on goods exported from New Orleans; referred to a committee of the whole on Wednesday next.
Mr. Crowninshield asked and obtained leave of absence for two weeks for Mr. Rodney.
Mr. Crowninshield offered a resolution to the following effect:
Resolved, That the Secretary of State be directed to lay before this House a return of the number of American seamen who have been impressed or detained on board the ships of war of any foreign nation, stating the names of the persons so impressed, the names of the ships or vessels by which they were impressed, and the nation to which they respectively belong, and the time of such impressment, as far as it is practicable; also the circumstances and facts relating to the same which may have been reported to him.
The resolution was agreed to by the House.
Adjourned till Wednesday next.
ERRATUM—Mr. Gregg opposed the Alexandria bill on Friday; his name is by mistake inserted among its supporters.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2.
Yesterday, being New Year's day, the President was waited upon by a large concourse of ladies, citizens, and strangers of distinction, among whom refreshments were liberally distributed.
There prevailed throughout the company a lively joy at the return of another year, crowned with the continued enjoyment of peace, liberty and prosperity.
On no preceding occasion has the company been so numerous; an evidence of the increasing confidence of the people in the administration of their public concerns.
On Monday the President of the United States communicated to Congress the following message.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
THE enclosed letter, written from Malta, by Richard O'Brien, our late Consul at Algiers, giving some details of transactions before Tripoli, is communicated for the information of Congress.
T. JEFFERSON.
December 31st, 1804.
Copy of a letter from RICHARD O'BRIEN, late Consul of the United States, at Algiers, giving some details of transactions before Tripoli to JOHN GAVINO, Consul at Gibraltar.
MALTA, 5th Sept. 1804.
Dear Sir, 1st. The American frigates, corsairs, gun-boats, and bombards attacked Tripoli castle. Corsairs and gun-boats on the evening of the 3rd of Aug. and after a severe contest captured three Tripoline gun-boats, whose crews were ninety-six men; of this number forty-six were killed, and fifty made prisoners. Amongst the latter number eighteen were severely wounded. We lost lieut. James Decatur, and thirteen men killed and wounded.
2d. On the 7th of August the American force attacked Tripoli to the west part of the city: after a great deal of gun-boat firing, and also of the two bombards, they silenced a seven gun battery & threw several shells into the town. In these two attacks Tripoli must certainly have lost five hundred men. We lost a small gun-boat and twelve men; amongst this
number lieut. Caldwell and Mr. D'rfey. The boat blew up by the fire of wads of another boat.
3d. On the morning of the 29th of August, at half past one A. M. the American gun-boats, &c. and two bombards entered the harbor of Tripoli, and within 600 feet of the bathaw's cable commenced their attack. They fired one hundred and twenty rounds each, sunk three of the enemy's gun-boats, and a merchant polacre. At day light the Constitution led within pistol shot of the chief of the batteries, fired nine broadsides, received twelve that in the hull, lost four men killed, and two wounded in one of her boats by shot. In Tripoli, they have mounted in the city presenting the east, north, and west, 115 guns, had 45,000 Arbs, and the inhabitants to defend the city, had 19 sail of gun-boats, two Schooners, and two galliots, and a brig. The Americans had the Constitution, Argus, Syren, Vixen, Nautilus, Enterprize, six gun-boats, and two bombards. The whole of the American crews amounted to 890 men, and the Neapolitans 120. The latter behaved well. In the latter action capt. Chauncy, officers and crew of the John Adams, volunteered their services to the Constitution and gun-boats. We have been expecting to be joined by commodore Barron, and frigates; but he will be too late to end the affairs this year, as the summer season is all but over for gun-boats, and Tripoli in winter can only be blockaded by corsairs, at times off and on. This extract will show that our present force is only adequate to irritate Tripoli, but will not be adequate to reduce it to American terms, and obtain our fellow citizens.
12th September, 1804.
On the evening of the 5th arrived here commodore Barron, and captain Campbell. The former sailed on the evening of the 7th, and the latter for Tripoli, on the morning of the 8th. No doubt but they arrived off Tripoli on the 10th, and of course joined, will give Tripoli a general attack.
We have learned since by the return of a vessel here, which carried water to the fleet, than on the night of the 6th, the Americans sent in a vessel prepared with fifty barrels of powder, and a number of bomb-shells; that the vessel had got close into the harbor of Tripoli amongst the enemy's gun-boats, and laid vessel was set fire to; by some accident or other the ship blew up, before the officer and crew could get clear, and in consequence, the officer, midshipman, and twelve men were blown to atoms. I believe it is captain Smith, of the Vixen. The Constitution, gun-boats and bombards led in, and had a long and severe action. I have not been able to obtain from the Maltese crew any better account on this subject, as they have not brought any one better. They were conveyed by one of our brig's of war, which did not enter this port, but went for Syracuse. I have not been well. I left the fleet the night of the 22d ult. and when the John Adams returns here and discharges, I shall proceed with my family in said ship for the United States. Will you please to forward a copy of this letter to the Secretary of State.
I am, &c. (Signed) RICHARD O'BRIEN. John Gavino, Esq. &c. &c.
P. S. The expected frigates, joined with the present force, will do it or drive the bathaw and divan out of Tripoli.
14th September, 1804:
SIR, I have to inform you, that it is captain Somers, with lieutenant Wadsworth, and Mr. Israel, midshipman, that is blown up by the explosion of the fire ship, at their entering among the gun-boats of Tripoli. Captain Smith in the Vixen, arrived here this day, he left Tripoli three days past—he lays that commodore Barron, and Campbell, arrived there the 9th, that on the 7th the gun-boats, bombards, with the Syren, Enterprize, Scourge, and John Adams, left the coast of Tripoli for Syracuse. The President, Constitution, Constitution, and Argus, remain off Tripoli—that it is considered if the weather would be favourable that the three frigates would attack the place—I do not think that without the gun-boats and bombards, they will reduce Tripoli to American terms, or obtain the liberation of our fellow-citizens. The season is too far advanced for the gun-boats and bombards to remain with latey on the coast of Tripoli.
I am respectfully &c. Signed, RICHARD O'BRIEN. John Gavino, Esq. &c. &c.
The long agitated reform of the Judiciary of Maryland has at length prevailed by the subjoined vote in the House of Delegates. No doubt, we are advised, is entertained of the concurrence of the Senate. The act submitted, and whole conclusive adoption, as it is amendatory of the constitution, depends upon the ensuing legislature, is entitled "An act to provide for the
trial of facts in the several counties of this state, and to alter, change and abolish, all such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to the general court and court of appeals."
In the lieu of the old system, this act provides for the establishment of six district courts, each composed of a chief judge and two associate judges; and for the establishment of a court of appeals composed of the chief judges of the several districts.
The Yeas and Nays on the passage of this act were as follows:
AFFIRMATIVE—Messrs. Thomas, Moore, Hutchinson, Scarsberry, Lemon, Brown, Harryman, Red, Ennalls, Sterrett, Alexander, Venzey, Miller, Covington, Blake, Lowrey, Thompson, Suggs, Predeaux, Williams, Clarke, Waters, Gackey, Hawkins, Bond, Ayres, Montgomery, Fairwood, Holdbrook, Rich, Stephen, Bowles, Yates, Ringgold, Claggett, Bruce, B. Tomlinson—36.
NEGATIVE—Messrs. R. Neal, V. Neal, Hebb, Barber, Scott, Mercer, Hall, Dorsey, Howard, B. Mackall, Parrham, Stewart, Chapman, M'Pher-son, Lloyd, Maloy, Spencer, Goldsborough, T. Bayley, Jackson, Cotnau, Hyland, S. Frazier, J. Bayley, Contee, Muir, Snapp, Handy, Parter, Lintheum, Selby, Darne, Bayard, J. Tomlinson—34.
The best information we can obtain justifies the declaration that the legislature of Maryland are assiduously occupied in deliberations of the greatest importance to the present and future happiness of their constituents. A bill has been introduced into the House of Delegates, calculated to effect a radical reform in the penal code; and we understand that there is no doubt that the mild system of punishments, of which Pennsylvania honorably set the example, will be adopted, with the improvements pointed out by experience.
A new system for the government of the militia is likewise before the legislature; and the subject of education is allowed on all hands to be pre-eminently entitled to regard.
Republican legislators of Maryland! The eyes, not only of your constituents, but of the union, are fixed upon you! Never did men possess more power to do good! Your motives are honest, your views are enlightened—May your measures be wise, liberal, and decisive!
Extract of a letter from Tunis, dated 20th August, 1804.
Naples inspired by our daring acts continues to annoy this coast. I learn (and the intelligence may be relied on, though we cannot give the detail) that the Tunisian squadron has been separated and attacked in different stations by their enemy. Three Tunisian gallies, on board of which were nearly 700 men, made an attack upon a Neapolitan frigate: one it is said was sunk in the other two captured; part of the action was seen from Mount Ros Jebel, near Porto Farino, and a number of dead bodies have since floated on shore. We have also accounts of four other corsairs being captured by the Neapolitans. A frigate is cruising between Porto Farino and Bona.
His Catholic Majesty's regalia arrived on the 18th inst. to wit: two Xebecs, mounting 30 pieces of cannon each, 70,000 dollars in cash, a regalia for the Sapataps, with the usual Consular present.
The committee to whom was referred a resolution to "enquire into the expediency of making provision by law for the completion of the public buildings near Philadelphia," submit the following
REPORT— That there remains unfinished the fourth wing of the arsenal, which has not been raised higher than the ground floor; and that according to the estimate, the sum of 15,550 dollars will be required to complete it, so as to make it correspond with the north wing.
That 10,000 dollars have already been expended by the United States on this wing and some of the materials necessary to its completion, and considering that in its present condition it is entirely useless to the government, that the materials which are provided are sustaining injury, and that the foundation of the building is exposed to dilapidation and decay, the committee are of opinion that economy dictates its completion. They, therefore, offer the following resolution.
Resolved, That the sum of dollars be appropriated for the completion of the arsenal belonging to the United States on the river Schuylkill.
No. I. Estimate, and valuation of the total expense of building the building called the barracks at the United States arsenal, on Schuylkill, similar to the north wing already built; after deducting the value of the materials wrought and unwrought now on the premises.
Carpenters work and materials, 9,000 Bricklayers do. and do. 5,650
 Painting and glazing, 800  Glaze, 100  Total to complete the building, 15,550  Erecting a rough board fence round the lot, 1,500  Mason's estimate of a stone wall to support the bank, including all materials, 1,850  Total expense of finishing building, fence, and stone wall, 5,350  DOLLARS, 18,900 
No. II. Contains an estimate of the quantity of cubbing, including the expense of laying it on the ground at the arsenal; also of regulating the ground, graveling the roads, &c. amounting to 4,406 dollars and 34 cents.
The following note delivered by M. d'Oubril to the French government, renders the preservation of peace between Russia and France impossible. Note presented by M. d'Oubril, Russian Charge d'Affaires, to the minister of foreign relations.
PARIS, July 21, 1804. The undersigned has been ordered to declare, that he cannot prolong his stay at Paris, unless the following demands are previously granted:
1. That, conformably to the 4th and 5th articles of the secret convention of the 11th of October, 1801, the French government shall order its troops to evacuate the kingdom of Naples; and when that is done, that it shall engage to respect the neutrality of that kingdom, during the present and any future war.
2. That in conformity to the 12nd article of the said convention, the French government shall promise to establish in immediately some principle of concert with his Imperial majesty for regulating the balls upon which the affairs of Italy shall be finally adjusted.
3. That it shall engage, in conformity to the 6th article of the convention aforesaid, and the promises so repeatedly given to Russia, to intensify without delay, the king of Sardinia for the files he has sustained. Last y.
4. That, in virtue of the obligation of a mutual guarantee, and mediation, the French government shall promise immediately to evacuate and withdraw its troops from the North of Germany; and enter into an engagement to respect, in the strictest manner, the neutrality of the German body.
The undersigned has to add, that he has received orders from his government to demand a categorical answer to these four points, and avails himself of this opportunity, &c. (Signed) P. OUBRIL.
With none of these demands would Bonaparte comply. He might, perhaps have agreed to allow a certain sum yearly to his Sardinian majesty, but the making him a pensioner of France was not that kind of indemnity which the emperor of Russia desired and demanded. The evacuation of Naples and Hanover, and the establishment of a basis for the final adjustment, was refused by Bonaparte in the most positive and unequivocal manner.
The court of Petersburg, it is said, now considers war inevitable, and his Imperial majesty has sent the Prince Novosilze, to this country upon an important mission, and ordered a Russian squadron to take in four months provisions.
In the case of Philip Meyer, an insolvent debtor.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit: ON the petition of PHILIP MEYER an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt. It is ordered that notice be given to the creditors of the said Philip Meyer, that on the 7th day of January next at 10 o'clock A. M. in the court room in the Capitol the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Philip Meyer, and a trustee appointed agreeably to the act, "for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary, it is also ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist, twice previously to said day.
By order URIAH FORREST, Clk. Jan 2—2t.
GARDENER WANTED.
ONE who is perfectly acquainted with the work of a Kitchen Garden and understands the management of fruit trees and can be well recommended, will meet with encouragement by applying to the printer.
WANTED,
TWO hard working NEGRO MEN who are acquainted with all kinds of country work. It will be necessary that they bear a character of honesty, sobriety, and fidelity to business. Application to be made at this office. Nov 28—
This day is published by SAMUEL H. SMITH, price 50 cents—
A DEFENCE of the MEASURES of the ADMINISTRATION of THOMAS JEFFERSON. BY CURTIUS.

CHARLES II VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR. Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Bennet's cord, toisonettes, fancy and white Marcellas, black and figured silks, mouselkins, fancy silks, Marcellas, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and fatten Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
A FEW Hundred bushels of white, well burnt SHELL LIME, will be sold for cash, at 16 Dollars the 100 bushels, if applied for immediately, a less quantity than 100 bushels will not be sold at this price. Apply to CON. CONNINGHAM. November 27 Cash will be given for WELL cleaned PEARL
Public Sale. Will be sold at public sale, on Saturday the 22d of December instant, at the Union Tavern, George town, the following property to wit: one moiety of 42 acres of land situate on Rock Creek—bounded on the north and east by Mr. Holmead, on the south by Mr. Rowles, and on the west by Rock Creek; the other moiety was lately held by the trustees of Mr. Cottee. ALSO, 13 and a half acres higher up the creek, bounded on the north by Mr. Pearce, on the east and south by Mr. Holmead, and on the west by Rock Creek. Also, one moiety of the mill usually called Lingan's mill, situate on Rock Creek, a little below Rowles mill. And also 13 Potomac Bridge shares. A credit of 12 months will be given, upon the purchaser's giving bond with good security—the sale to commence at 12 o'clock, meridian. ELIAS B. CALDWELL, Trustee of Gustavus Scott's estate. Dec 15—epf N. B. The above sale is postponed to Thursday the tenth day of January next, at 12 o'clock, meridian. E. B. CALDWELL, Trustee of Gustavus Scott's estate. Dec. 26th, 1804
To be sold at Auction. At the Court House in Alexandria, ON Monday the 14th day of January next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, about 96 acres of land, lying one quarter of a mile from the built part of that city, and a great part laid out into streets and lots corresponding with the streets and lots of the city of Washington, of which it must soon become a part; its lying within the District of Columbia, and other advantages render it an object worthy the attention of monied men, who by retaining it some time cannot fail of making great advantages. In the mean time either the whole or one half if more convenient to a purchaser, may be had at private sale. The terms of payment are ten per cent. in cash, or a good endorsed note at 60 days, and the remainder in three equal annual installments, on interest from the date. The security required will be a bond, with a conveyance of the land to certain trustees agreed on, who shall have authority to sell, in case of non payment of interest or principal at the time fixed. Persons wishing for information will please apply to Col. George Denaele, at Alexandria, or the subscriber in New York. NATHANIEL ENDLETON. Dec. 24th, 1804—Jan. 14
FOR SALE, ALL that extensive building generally known by the name of the GREAT HOTEL, in the City of Washington with the appurtenances and lots whereon the same is erected—Also lots No 1, 2 and 3, adjoining. This property is 214 feet on North East Street, 125 feet on Eighth Street west, and 75 feet on Seventh Street west on square No. 450. The situation of this property is such that it may at a small expense be converted into three elegant houses of forty feet by sixty; the materials in this building are equal to any in the city, and its situation in the most improved part, being immediately between the Capitol and President's House. For terms and other particulars, enquire of the subscriber at Mr. Earney's hotel in Georgetown. ROBERT BICKLEY. N. B. An indisputable title will be given for the above property. The subscriber will leave George town for Philadelphia in a few days. Dec 28
ALL persons who are indebted to the estate of Michael Roberts deceased (or debts contracted at his store in George town) are requested to come forward immediately and make payment to Edgar Paterson, who is duly authorized to receive the same, otherwise their accounts will be put in suit without discrimination—those who have demands against said estate, if any there are, are requested to apply as above for payment. FRANCIS ROVERS, Executrix THOMAS CUMPS ON } Executors JOSEPH WILLIAMS } George town, 26th Dec. 1804—epm
FALL GOODS. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square. HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Goods executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and on the most moderate terms. Oct 31—tf TO RENT, On very moderate terms, FOUR two story brick dwelling houses ON north H street, square No 77, directly south of the Six Buildings. For terms apply to T. H. GILLISS At the Navy Office Washington City, Nov. 2d, 1804—M&Pet
For Sale, The following CITY LOTS, ON A LIBERAL TIME, Upon security, viz. LOTS—3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in square No. 919.—Lots 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, and 16, in sq. No. 938. Lots 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, and 16, in sq. No. 936. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19, in sq. No. 1042. Lots 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13, in square No. 1066. Apply to CHARLES MINIFIE, Washington City, or to RICHARD C. JONES, at Philadelphia. Washington, August 3—tf N B. C. M. bath Sunday other lots for sale on ground rent (on easy terms to improve ers) and in eligible situations
Runaway, Some time in April last a bright MULATTO WOMAN named FANNY, she is nearly 6 feet high and stout in proportion, thick lips, middling large eyes, very large breasts, bends forward when she stands or walks, quick in speech, and has very large feet, her apparel is not remembered, took with her a large bundle thereof, and it is probable often changes them—I have been informed that she is in the service of a Mr. Thompson in Georgetown, whoever secures her in Washington City jail so that her mistress, Mrs. Sarah Brooks gets her again or will deliver her to the subscriber in Upper Marlboro' shall receive Ten dollars and all reasonable expenses paid by SAML J. COOLIDGE. December 3—8w
TO RENT, THE house occupied by J. P. VAN NASS. Enquire of John Little at the Treasury Department or of the subscriber, at Doctor John Beatty's George Town. Possession given on the 1st December. ABSALOM JOY. November 7—tf
ROBERT C. CHERRY. HAS removed his store, to the house of Mr. George Blagden New Jersey avenue on the Eastern Branch, where he has just received (in addition to his former stock) by the Schooner Lyland from Philadelphia a general assortment of groceries and liquors of superior quality, with a few boxes India china of the best quality eighty pieces to the set; all of which he will sell wholesale and retail at the most reduced prices for cash, or in exchange for country produce—All orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch; he flatters himself from the quality of his articles he will be able to render ample satisfaction to his friends and all those who may be pleased to favor him with their custom. All kinds of common flour business will be attended to with the utmost attention. Washington City Dec. 12—tf
ADAM KING, & Co. At their wine store in High Street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, lately occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BERRY, where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce, Genuine Cognac brandy, Superior French do. Old Jamaica Spirits, Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask Sherry, } and safe, or smaller quantity. Lisbon, } Claret, } Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality. Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses. Firkin Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, } In bottles. Oysters, Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hylon, Imperial, } Teas, fresh, and of superior quality. Young Hylon, } Salt Herrings in Barrels. PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
DISCOVERED a few day since (in the Telegraph) a challenge by Samuel Norwood, Esq. Bonaparte against Democrat—At Annapolis this fall. I proposed running Democrat against Bonaparte, carrying from 110 lbs to 140 at the discretion of Mr. Norwood; which was rejected. As Mr. Norwood refused the proposition made by me at that time, I am not bound to run the race proposed by him in the Telegraphs—Democrat will run Bonaparte over the Annapolis race course, on the third Tuesday in May next, four miles and repeat, for 1000 DOLLARS, pay on pay, carrying 126lbs. each; which is the weight they are to carry by the rule, of racing, both being seven years last spring—Should Mr. Norwood decline this offer, Democrat will cover mares next spring at the subscriber's farm, from the first day of March until the first day of August, at Sixteen dollars each and Fifty cents for the groom. Democrat's pedigree is equal to the pedigree of any horse to be produced, having in him the blood of Medley, Eclipse, Figure, Dove, Godolphin, Arabian, and Mr. Tackin's Mares. If this proposition is approved of by Mr. Norwood, notice will be given in the Maryland Gazette within forty days from the date hereof. ISAAC FUCKETT. December 21—tawtApr 20
STATIONARY & FANCY STORE GEORGE TOWN. THE Subscriber has just received from New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, a large and general supply of STATIONARY &c.—Among which are the following articles, viz. Atlases imperial, superroyal, royal, medium and demy English papers, Extra large thick folio post, do. Do. do. thin do. horsepressed do. Small, plain and wove folio post do. Plain and wove foolscap do. Horsepressed, gilt, mourning, wove and plain letter do. Folio and quarto copying do. Super Royal cartridge do. Medium, demy and foolscap French marble do. Demy blotting do. Pate and box not boards, ] Single and double ruled ledgers, journals, and waste books Medium, demy and foolscap blank books suitable for public offices Best Holland quills and ready made pens Black and red ink and ink powders Japan and durable ink Printing ink for book and newspaper use Red and black sealing wax Red and black wafers Large red and white wafers for office use Wax tapers and taper stands Counting house seals Pink and blue silk tape Broad and narrow red tape Ball and bank twine Cases of mathematical instruments Reading glasses in horn and tortoise shell frames Gold leaf Parchment squared and pounced Scuttle fifth bone and pounces Ivory and bone pounce boxes Black lead, crayon and camels hair pencils Do. with silver cases Reeves colours in boxes Krazag knives and paper scissors Counting house and pocket pen knives Do. with ivory scale and rule handles Ivory and bone paper folders Round and flat rulers Gum Tragacanth and Gum Arabic States and slate pencils Plated, gilt, wedgewood, pewter, & pocket inkstands Sand boxes and sand glasses Black sand, and steel filings Message and visiting cards Geographical and genealogical pastimes an arithmetical games with totums Portable writing desks with apartments for dressing apparatus Mahogany, japanned and Morocco snaving cases Shaving boxes with soap and brushes Razors of a superior quality Ladies and gentlemen's japanned dressing case Playing cards and ivory boxes with counters Cribbage, boxes and boards Backgammon tables and dice boxes Ivory chessmen and chess boards Billiard balls and dice Drum battle doors and shuttles Violins, flutes and fives Violin strings and bows Fowling pieces, shot pouches, and powder Horsemen and pocket pistols [flasks] Silver and gilt mounted small swords, dirks and hangars Gold and silver epaulets and sword knots Do. do. shoulder straps and crescents Military fishes, lace, cords, &c. Officers travelling canntees with cooking utensils &c. complete Gold and silver bullion, spangles and thread An elegant assortment of gold, silver and gilt mounted combs Gold and silver hair slides Wreaths and bunches of artificial flowers Offrich feathers, fancy plumes, &c. Tortoise shell and superfine ivory combs Coquilles and jet necklaces Gentlemen's doe skin and dress gloves Boots, shoes and pumps Morocco skins and bend soles Bailey's and Morley's patent blacking Hair powder and pomatum Powder bags and powder puffs Tortoise shell and horn dressing combs Curling tongs and crumpling irons Wash ball and wash ball boxes Tooth powder and shaving powder Essence of musk, lavender, burgamot and ambergrease Segar boxes and snuff boxes Tooth brushes and tooth picks Clothe brushes and hat brushes Sweeping, dusting, scrabbling, shoe and fur mixture brushes Switch, chair and carriage whips Walking sticks and sword canes Silk and morocco elastic braces Green wire fenders with brass tops ornamented Fashionable brass and irons Coal hods, cinder sifters and pokers An elegant assortment of japanned tea trays Satin wood and mahogany knife cases Green and white ivory tables and desert knives and forks in sets Elegant plated tea and coffee urns Plated tea and coffee pots Do. bread baskets and roast stands Do. candlesticks and branches Do. snuffers and snuffer trays Do. castors, double flint cut glasses Do. salts with do. do. Do. mugs, tumblers and bottle stands Gold, pebble and glass watch seals Do. watch chains and keys Do. rings, brooches and breast pins Plated and common coach and gig lamps Do. furniture for harness double and single horse Do. mouldings for carriages Do. gig springs, and hubb bands Do. chaise, duke and saddle bridle bits Do. horn, bridoons and carb Do. patent and common spurs Japanned lamps and hand lanterns Lamp wick and lamp glasses Worsted Webb and saddle cloths Mill and cross tool chaws Gentlemen's tool chaws Travelling trunks, &c. ALSO—FOR SALE, An Invoice of Hardware Which will be sold low at a credit of six months. EDGAR PATERSON. Nov. 12—tf
Analysis of the Washington Tontine. THIS institution, as its name implies, is calculated for the benefit of survivorship. Each share owner must, at the time of subscribing, or at some time before the 1st of July, 1805, name a life or lives, on the continuance of which, his share must depend—or failing to do this, the existence of his stock will depend upon his own life. The basis of the institution is upwards of 1200 lots in the city of Washington, averaging 25 feet by 120, and lying principally between George town and the President's square; between that square and the capitol, and adjacent to the navy yard. These at different prices, from 60 to 240 dollars, amount to 2,000,000 dollars. This sum is divided into 4,000 shares, or 50 dollars each. It was necessary that the legal estate in the lots should be deposited some where for the use of the company. Trustees, who are men of probity and property, are named in the articles, to whom the property is to be conveyed. These trustees, however, cannot dispose of the property. That can only be done by the directors, who are to be chosen in each year by the stock holders. The first election of directors will be held at Stell's hotel, on the first Monday in February next. It was proper too, that the public should not be imposed upon by bad titles. Two gentlemen therefore, as respectable for their private worth, as eminent for their knowledge in the law, and thoroughly versed in city affairs, are pointed out by the constitution of the Tontine, to investigate, and to judge of the titles, before the execution of the deed. These gentlemen happen to be the counsel for the assignees of persons, who have heretofore speculated largely in the city property; a circumstance which rendered it still more proper, because more safe for the public, that they should be selected as the judges of the Tontine titles. The directors are to sell the lots, and to invest the money arising from sales, in stock of the United States. The interest of the stock, until the end of the year 1807, is also to be invested in like stock—After 1807, it is to be divided, semi-annually amongst the share owners of existing stock, until the dissolution of the company in 1825, when the capital, the whole of which it is to be presumed, will then exist in stock of the United States, is to be divided amongst the owners of the then existing stock, in proportion to the sum held by each. These are the leading features of the Tontine—there are many minor regulations, which it would be tedious to enumerate—and which will be better understood by reference to the constitution itself. December 28, 1804
Washington, November 28th, 1804. I have been informed that, during my late protracted absence from Washington, some persons have called on me, for the purpose of bringing suits within the district of Columbia. My absences have been so frequent, and I have found my attention necessarily so much engrossed by some other affairs, as to prevent my bestowing that uninterrupted care on business of an ordinary nature, and keeping that regular intercourse with the Clerk's and Marshal's offices, which is indispensably requisite, in order to render full justice to the party concerned, a circumstance which, indeed, cannot fail to have been already observed by some of my friends. It is on this account that I am induced to acquaint such persons, in the city of Washington, as would propose to honor me with their future commands, that I will deem it a particular favor in them to make their application to Mr. JAMES H. KEARNEY, a young gentleman who was formerly my student, and who has now entered into the practice of law, in this place; a gentleman whose great steadiness, constant attendance, and strict integrity, I am persuaded will enable him to render complete satisfaction to a discriminating public. I shall make it a rule not to receive a fee in opposition to Mr. Kearney; but on the contrary, shall appear to his cases, during the sitting of the court, and argue them, where necessary, in the same manner as if the party had originally spoken to me, and without any charge for so doing. Mr. Kearney will prepare deeds, and other instruments of writing, and will constantly have, at his private office, which is, at present, kept at my house, a regular docket of all the causes depending in court; so that persons can, at any time, be informed of the state and progress of their suits, in the same manner as on making application at the Clerk's office. Those persons, residing in Washington, for whom my name already appears, will oblige me by applying to Mr. Kearney for information respecting the state of their business. Mr. Kearney will open, during my absence, letters addressed to me; and will answer such of them as relate to business. A. E. WOODWARD, 6tep.
FOR SALE. A Tract or parcel of land, containing one hundred thousand acres, surveyed in tracts of one thousand acres each, lying on the great Satilla and St. Mary's rivers in the counties of Wayne and Taliaferro in the state of Georgia, distant about 40 miles from the town of St. Mary's and the sea. This land is an undivided moiety of two adjoining tracts containing each 100,000 acres, and is remarkable for its extensive forests of large and valuable yellow pine, and the luxuriant growth of natural grass, affording an inexhaustible range of pasturage for cattle. It is also favorable for the culture of cotton, and lies in a very healthy district of country. A great bargain may be had to a purchaser of the whole undivided moiety; for terms of sale apply to JOHN BECKLEY. City of Washington. Sept. 19—tf
NOTICE. THE Legionary Court of Enquiry of the 1st Legion of the Militia of the District of Columbia, adjourned to meet at William Rhodes's Tavern, in the City of Washington the 24th instant, at 10 o'clock in the morning, is further adjourned to meet at same time and place the 19th January, 1805. The members are earnestly requested to be punctual in their attendance. By Order, WM. D. BEALL, Clk. Dec. 26, 1804. R. L. M. D. C. [awt97]
By His Excellency, ROBERT BOWIE, Governor of the State of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the general assembly of Maryland did by an act passed at November session, seventeen hundred and ninety, entitled An act directing the time, place, and manner, of holding elections for representatives of this state, in the congress of the United States, and for the regulations of the said elections; and also to repeal the act of assembly therein mentioned; direct that the governor and council, after having received the returns, papers and instruments, containing the number of votes for representatives of this state in the congress of the United States should enumerate and ascertain the number, of votes for each and every candidate and person chosen as representative.—We, in pursuance of the directions of the said act, do, by this our proclamation, declare, that John Campbell, esq. was elected for the first district; Leonard Covington, esq. was elected for the second district; Patrick Maynard, esq. was elected for the third district; Roger Nelson, esq. was elected for the fourth district; Nicholas Ruxton Moore and William McCreery, esqrs. were elected for the fifth district; John Archer, esq. was elected for the sixth district; Joseph Hopper Nicholson, esq. was elected for the seventh district; and Charles Goldsborough, esq. was elected for the eighth district. Given in council, at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the State of Maryland, this 28th day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and four. ROBERT BOWIE. By the governor and council, NIANIAN PINCKNEY, Clerk of the council. ORDERED, that the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of three weeks successively, in the American, Telegraphic and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer; Mr. Smith's paper at Easton; the Republican Advocate, at Frederick town; and Mr. Grieve's paper, at Hager's town. By order, NIANIAN PINCKNEY, Clerk. Dec. 1, 1804. Dec. 14—3 w.
Five Dollars Reward To any person giving information where a GREY HORSE is to be found, within the District (Nick'd and crop'd) formerly the property of William Dyer—now the property of Charles Jofulton. Said horse is owned and kept out of the way in order to avoid a writ of replevin being levied on the horse by Mr. Henry Queen to whom he was lent. Apply to CHARLES J. JOHNSON on the Capitol Hill, at Mr. Dey's, or to WILLIAM DYER, at the Navy Yard City Washington, Dec. 27th 1804.—2t
NOTICE IS hereby given that the sale of all those lands and lots heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette on the 20th day of August last for a tax due the county of Washington in the territory of Columbia for the year 1801 (which sale was to have taken place on Monday the 10th day of December next at Rhodes Hotel in the City of Washington) is postponed until the first Monday in February next, when, at the same place at 11 o'clock A. M. the sale will commence and continue from day to day until all are sold or to much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon unless the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale. By order of the commissioners of the Levy Court, WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington County December 8th, 1804. epuf
For Sale or Rent THE TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE on Gay Street north of the methodist meeting, containing two rooms on each floor and two in the garret. The whole completely finished—has an extensive back garden with an excellent pump of water in front with other conveniences suitable for a genteel family.—For terms apply to Mr. John Suter, or to CHARLES BUTESTER. December 24, 1804. 3t
Doctor Benson, (Lately from Great Britain) RESPECTFULLY informs the inhabitants of Washington and its vicinity, that he has taken up his residence in F. Street, (three doors from the Secretary of State) where he intends practising as Physician, Surgeon and accoucheur. Washington, Dec. 23, 1804.
Cheap Groceries AND CROCKERY WARE. THE Subscriber intending to decline business, offers for sale, on the lowest terms, a general assortment of Groceries and Crockery Ware, among which are, viz. Cognac, Sarcobona, and old Peach Brandy, Port, Sherry, Naples and Malaga Wine, Cherry Bounce, Antiseptic cordial, best Wine Bitters, preserved fruits in brandy, preferred ginger Pickles, Sweet Oil, Spices, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Coffee, fresh Teas, Sweeping Brushes and Scrubbing, do. Spanish Segars, Chewing Tobacco, Mustard, Hair Powder, Gunpowder, Shot, Thread by the ounce, very cheap, &c. &c. &c.—China, Glass, and Crockery ware. A person desirous of following the mercantile line, in the city of Washington, cannot find a more eligible situation for business, than the one occupied, now, by the subscriber, for either a Dry Good or a Grocery Store, it being in one of the most inhabited parts of the city; the house is very convenient and the rent moderate. Such a person by applying to the subscriber on the premises, will meet with a very cheap bargain and with every thing necessary for carrying on the grocery line. J. A. KAUPF. F Street, near the Branch Bank, city of Washington, Dec. 21—14tf