The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-03-29 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1321.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 29, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE
The National Intelligencer will henceforth be conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH, and JOSEPH GALES, Jr. and printed at the Office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested still to address themselves.
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MR. RANDOLPH'S SPEECH ON THE NON-INTERCOURSE BILL.
MONDAY, FEB. 20.
Mr. BEEBE moved to strike out the 12th section of the bill, which would go directly to his object, viz. to continue the embargo altogether.
Mr. RANDOLPH hoped the House would not go directly to this object by the means proposed by his friend from Georgia; for, if he understood the motion, it went to prevent the repeal of the embargo either in whole or in part. As it was his object not to repeal the embargo partially but in toto, Mr. R. said he could not vote for the motion of his friend from Georgia, and hoped therefore that it would not prevail. At the same time (said Mr. R.) it would be no very great stretch of candor to allow that if this House do repeal the embargo in any degree, it would comport more with its dignity and reputation as well as with the interest of the nation, to repeal it in toto than in this sort of way. I believe that even what is termed a partial repeal of the embargo will to the interest of the nation be a most important measure, whatsoever bearing it may have on the reputation of the legislature of the U. S. but, if we mean to preserve at once our own credit and to consult the good of the union, we ought to repeal the embargo, in words as well as in fact, totally—and, indeed, let not the words of the wisest man under the sun ever again be quoted, to prove that there is nothing new under the sun. Unquestionably a partial repeal of an embargo is a new thing under the sun in legislation. A partial repeal of an embargo! What is an embargo, sir? An inhibition of vessels going from a particular port or from all the ports of a nation. It is limited to a single port, as Bordeaux, or to a whole empire. But a partial embargo is such a thing as verily I think never was heard of. An embargo is a prohibition of every vessel from sailing; and here is a permission to any vessel to sail. Look at your embargo laws. Have they any reference to the place of destination of a vessel? No, sir; you might as well undertake partially to pull the House over your heads as partially to repeal an embargo. The embargo, with all its supplements—God knows how many, but this litter of misshapen cubs is sufficient to exhaust their original parent—these laws refer to the act of sailing from the U. S. to any port of a belligerent, or of a neutral, if indeed we could find such an animal in political zoology. If we repeal any part of an embargo, we repeal it in point of fact and practice altogether. If it were consistent with the gravity of this dignified assembly, I would say that this bill reminds me of the ingenious project of a citizen of Virginia, a naturalised one, and (strange as it may appear when the story is told) not an Irishman, to let off his gun by degrees—when that scheme was mentioned it was due to the nation to state that he was not a native—by gently pulling the trigger he proposed to let off his gun by degrees. This project is precisely such an one, a twin brother. If, sir, you are not able, without any partial repeal of the embargo, with all your penalties and gun boats, to keep the people from going where they will with their cotton, fish, &c. can you expect to prevent them from doing so when you let them go out? Is it in your power to direct their course after they cross the gulf stream? Is there any magic in your laws to control them when out of your jurisdiction? If they are not interrupted by the physical force of
some belligerent nation, they will free as the wind that blows go where they list; and really I consider this as one of the idlest propositions ever submitted to a deliberative assembly. A partial repeal of the embargo! If it be partial, it is repealed, very well—half a loaf is better than no bread, especially when the grant of half the loaf gives possession of the other half also. If the House choose to proceed in this way, it is not for an embargo man, it may be said, to object any thing against it.
In the course of the remarks which I shall offer to your consideration, sir, I shall not think it at all necessary to take notice of the very—I will not give a character to the observations made by the gentleman from New-York (Mr. Gardenier) on Saturday last. Sir, I was surprised for one, I confess, that gentlemen who seemed extremely opposed to the sentiments which fell from that gentleman were not at the same time willing to give him an opportunity of continuing them. I cannot conceive any thing that could be said by a gentleman in what is called the majority of this House which could have half so strong an effect in favor of their measures as what had fallen from the gentleman from New-York against them. I should not—really I should not think it necessary to notice them in any way were it not that I looked at the gentleman from New-York at that moment with the sort of sensation which we feel in beholding a sprightly child meddling with edged tools, every moment expecting (what actually happened) that he will cut his fingers. There are circumstances under which a man would not like to see even an adversary placed. The gentleman has powers and of no ordinary cast—and he has certainly given to the House a strong proof of his candor, whatever it may have been of his discretion. He unburdened himself without reserve; but I do believe—I certainly hope that there is not another gentleman in the House who takes the same view of the subject which that gentleman has taken. And, sir, the gentleman's friends, if any he have—and I have no right to presume that he has none, but the contrary, will do well to keep such dangerous implements out of his way for the future. At the same time, I am very far from impeaching the correctness of the gentleman's motives. His conduct appeared to me the effect of youthful inexperience; and I have no doubt that when he has attained a greater knowledge of the world, and a greater knowledge—I am sorry to say it—of the rights and interests of his own country, his error will be corrected.
But, sir, to come to the point, which is the repeal of the embargo. No question can exist, it would appear to me, in the mind of any practical man, that the embargo must be repealed; and this vote for a partial repeal of the embargo is a proof that there exists a conviction in this House that some way or other the embargo must be gotten rid of. I look upon the embargo as the most fatal measure that ever happened to this country, as the most calamitous event—on account of pecuniary loss? No; great as that is, I do not view it so on that account. On account of the vexations to which our citizens have been exposed under it, not only from officers of government but from their fellow-citizens, from one another—tearing one another to pieces in the courts where they were open, and unable to satisfy each other's just demands? Not, sir, on that account. Suppose we had answered in November last the almost unanimous expectation of America, how different would have been the result! But by that blind perseverance in this most unfortunate measure we have lifted the veil which concealed our weakness—we have exposed our imbecility. The veil of the temple of the constitution is rent in twain—the nakedness of the fathers of the country has been exposed to their unnatural impious children. That is our situation. You never can redeem it. The constitution has received a wound that ages cannot heal. But if we had only come up to the expectation of our suffering people, if we had been contented with a twelve months embargo instead of an embargo ad eternum, the nation would have obeyed, would
have been united. Gentlemen may say what they will—they may declaim as much as they please about the vices of the people; out their virtue has stood a test which that of no other country on earth ever did or ever will stand—but, sir, I hope delayed maketh the heart sick; and the heart trifled with under such circumstances has nothing left but desparation. The consequences we now all know. We are marked not merely to Europe but to ourselves as a divided people, imbecile, distracted—and why? Were we a divided people 18 months ago? We were not, sir; we were strong in the sentiment of obedience to the laws; that sentiment which constitutes the vital principle of every government pretending to be free, was not nearly defunct; it was in its full force—and when you see that sentiment destroyed, you may prate about vice and immorality—its destruction can come but from one source—unwise counsels. Want of wisdom, or virtue, or of both in the councils of the nation alone can produce such an effect on a people like ourselves; and, in my opinion it is something to our honor that it took a longer period of suffering than any man could have anticipated, before that spirit was in the least impaired in any part of the community. But, sir, in our measures, throwing away the operation of moral causes & relying wholly on physical force, on main strength which we had not, we have prostrated the majesty of the laws—and I fear we shall hand over to the successor of the present President of the U. S. a broken sceptre. I believe it is no secret that that gentleman is not among the first of my political favorites—but do every man justice, sir—in the situation in which we abandon this government to him, he will deserve immortal honor if he steer the nation thro' the peril which surrounds it; more especially if you give it to him clogged with your embargo systems. He will have a task to perform as great as human strength is competent to execute; and if he does it even not very well, he ought to have due credit. The arduous duties of the station—I speak of the officer not of the man—ought to be weighed.
On the subject of the embargo, sir, I have always understood it, like a vessel for holding liquor, to derive all its value from its tightness; and whenever you begin to drill holes in the bottom, no matter of what diameter, it is good for nothing. We have trusted our most precious interests in this leaky vessel; and now, by way of amendment, we are going to bore additional holes in this machine, which, like a cask, derives all its value, if it have any, from being water tight. From some notion of honor or dignity, quite incomprehensible to me, we are to stick to this thing; it is to be hung around our necks—or to be trailed after us like a canister tied to the tail of a miserable persecuted dog. This is not all. We are not content to lift the covering which hid, I will not say our nakedness; but we are, I fear, breaking up from the very foundation every principle and maxim of policy which governed the country from the institution of the federal constitution to the present moment. I listened the other day with very great pleasure to the remarks of my worthy colleague (Mr. Burwell) made in his usual plain, sensible manner, and to some of them I subscribe; but in the extent to which they were carried by him I could by no means agree to them. I understand my colleague to be divided between two opposite and contradictory sentiments, which conflict very much with each other—a desire to protect trade and our maritime rights on the ocean, and a desire to put down trade for the purpose of fostering our manufactures at home; and until the period when trade shall be so curtailed that we shall be compelled to manufacture for ourselves, he considers that we shall not be independent. If we are to be governed by this policy, there was no occasion for a constitution or federal government; for we might have set up our spinning wheels and prevented the importation of foreign goods without the constitution. But the object of the constitution was to regulate commerce—and to do more—to draw a revenue from trade, which from trade alone could be drawn, for paying the debts and pro-
viding for the common defence and general welfare of the union. But now it seems all this is to be set aside. We are to go upon an opposite policy—to give up the duty on imports and tonnage and rely altogether on excises and direct taxes. I beg the ingenuity of man to devise any other mode of collecting a revenue than by imposts, excise or direct tax. If we give up imposts, we have nothing left but internal and direct taxes. Cast back your mind, sir, to the time when the present administration came into office, and see what was its policy. To rely wholly on impost; to abolish internal taxes; not certainly to burn our fingers with a land tax—though it may not be improper to observe that a great part of the proceeds of the internal and direct taxes was brought into the treasury after the 3d of March 1801—that however was not our fault. We set our faces—for, sir, when I speak of the good old times of 1802-3 and so forth, I will say we—we set our faces against the internal taxes. Why did we so? From their oppression on the people and operation on the revenue of the states—from the vast patronage and number of officers which they gave rise to—because the impost was the cheapest tax in collection, least oppressive in its operation, and least injurious to the states. Are we now to turn completely round, to give up imposts and go back to internal taxes? I am very far from being an enemy to domestic manufactures; but if they do not thrive at present, we cannot make them. There is something ungrateful in the soil, ungenial in the climate—the tree will not grow at all if it does not thrive apace under present circumstances.
One thing, sir, I am very free to allow: that, do what we will, we never can expect—neither do I know that it is desirable—to enjoy as great a degree of foreign trade as we did enjoy at the time we took the humor of quarrelling with our bread and butter, and going into the system which has led to our present condition. As long as we carried her manufactures to France and the continent generally, G. Britain connived at our trading there—and why? Because she drew an advantage from it. But the moment that France said that her products should not be imported in your ships, she had no idea of your going on in this way with your 1,200,000 tons of shipping, without producing her something, unless she drew a benefit from it. I do not think it necessary to say that she acted wrongfully and hurtfully—the question is, the remedy. If a man knocks you down, you do not require to be told that he has broken the peace. The question is, how will you get reparation?
Whilst noticing the observations of my worthy colleague and friend, permit me to say that I differ from him in two material points. In the first place the explanation given by the minister of Marine of the Berlin decree was not a satisfactory one, because the minister himself declared that he had no authority for giving it. My colleague seems to think that that put off, a mere evasion of the French government—for it is very easy for a minister of foreign affairs to evade an answer, if you will put up with one from an unauthorized person—was a satisfactory explanation of the Berlin decree. It was not—not only, as it turned out, that the French government did not so consider it; but, that the officer, in giving the explanation, declared that it was no explanation at all, inasmuch as he had no authority to give it. I cannot help thinking that there must have been an application to the officer who had authority to give one; but as I have seen no such correspondence, I cannot determine any thing on this point. Whilst on the subject of our foreign correspondence, I think it extremely unfortunate that the motions which I made in the early part of the session for giving publicity to a part of that correspondence did not prevail—not more for the purpose of showing the public what we had than what we had not. For example, I believe it is generally supposed that the overture made by our government to the government of France on the subject of the decrees, is contained in that correspondence. What does the President say? "The instructions to our ministers with respect to the different belligerents were necessa-
rily modified with reference to their different circumstances, and to the condition annexed by law to the Executive power of suspension requiring a degree of security to our commerce which would not result from a repeal of the decrees of France. Instead of a pledge thereof fore of a suspension of the embargo as to her in case of such repeal, it was presumed that a sufficient inducement might be found in other considerations, and particularly in the change produced by a compliance with our just demands by one belligerent, and a refusal by the other, in the relations between this other and the United States." We are then told that the offer was made to Great Britain to repeal the embargo in relation to her in case she revoked her orders in council. The reasons are assigned why this offer was not made to France; but what offer was made to France we know not—and I think it proper to state this, because I perceive that there is a general impression abroad that it is contained in the private communications made to us. It is not. As to offering to France to repeal the embargo as to her if she would revoke her decrees, it would have been a strange proceeding indeed. France wanted the embargo—and to take from her what she wanted as an inducement to do what she did not like, would be curious indeed. If we had offered to continue the embargo, it might indeed have been an inducement to her. I therefore differ from my friend from North Carolina, (Mr. Macon.) I think it wise that the offer was not made—at the same time I should like to know what offer was made. [Mr. Blackledge said if the gentleman would turn to page 20 and 21, of the document he held in his hand, he would find the offer made to France.]
I believe, I have read the papers, sir. This by the way—I am extremely obliged to my friend from North Carolina—I remember him at college; he was a very expert mathematician, and doubtless is so still—but although I am but a poor scholar, I have a small smattering in political algebra, and should have no great difficulty in proceeding from known to unknown things, if I had the necessary data—with the aid of X. Y. or Z., we might perhaps get at it—letters, I believe, which generally designate unknown quantities.
In another instance I differ from my good friend and colleague—in relation to the note accompanying the treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney. That note, certainly, sir, made no part of the treaty negotiated by our ministers with the British commissioners. If the treaty had been ratified, that note would have made no part of it. But, sir, when we take into view who the persons were with whom that treaty was negotiated—that very (now) minority, in Parliament, who are so often quoted in support of our rights, and who really appear to have acted to this country in as strong a spirit of conciliation as any ministry that has ever existed, or probably ever will exist in England—I take this note as a sort of caveat, in a different point of view from my friend in Virginia. I take it rather as a mark of good faith than of the contrary—for, if you make a treaty with your adversary, and he points out (previously to your ratification of it) circumstances under which he must be compelled to violate it, he acts more like a man of honor than if he had waited till the circumstances occurred, and then have broken it, and assigned the very causes for so doing which he had in contemplation when it was agreed upon. Is it not better and fairer to make such a declaration in the first instance than to keep it back as a mental reservation? Undoubtedly it is. There is another circumstance, applying not to this note, but to that informal understanding respecting impressment which I wish we had accepted. It is this: that treaties, any more than embargo laws, have no talismanic powers—no magic virtues which prevent them from being violated; and if we cannot trust to the honor of a party we cannot trust with one jot more of wisdom to his hand and seal. In society you trust a man of whose honor you are doubtful, under his hand and seal; because, if he depart from his engagements, there is a power to

APPOINTMENTS made by the late President of the United States in the recess of the Senate, in 1808, and which have been since submitted to and approved by them.
James Charles Jewett, of Massachusetts, surveyor for the district of Portland and Falmouth, and inspector of the revenue for the several ports within the same.
Isaiah Weston, collector of the district and inspector of the port of New Bedford, (already published).
John Steele, of Pennsylvania, collector for the district of Philadelphia.
John Ennals, of Maryland, collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the port of Vienna.
Athanasius Fenwick, of Maryland, collector for the district of St. Mary's.
William Jackson, of Maryland, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of Nanjemoy.
Eugene Sullivan, of Virginia, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of West Point.
Robert H. Jones, of North Carolina, attorney of the United States for the district of North Carolina.
Levi Blount, of North Carolina, collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the port of Plymouth, in North Carolina.
John Pooler, of Georgia, commissioner of loans in the state of Georgia.
Richard Wall, of Georgia, collector for the district of Savannah.
Peter Wilson, of Ohio, receiver of public monies for lands of the United States, at Steubenville.
Charles Minifie, a justice of peace for the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia.
Richard S. Briscoe, a justice of peace for the same county.
William Orr, of North Carolina, collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the Port of Washington, in North Carolina.
APPOINTMENTS made in the first instance, with the advice and consent of the Senate.
John Thompson, of Orleans Territory, to be a judge of said Territory.
General Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts, to be collector for the district of Boston and Charlestown.
Peter Saily, of New-York, collector for the district of Champlain and inspector of the revenue for the same.
Thomas Coles, of Rhode-Island, collector for the district of Providence.
Joseph Marguand, of Massachusetts, surveyor of the district of Newburyport.
Nathaniel Williams, of Massachusetts, collector and inspector of the revenue for the district and port of Dighton.
William Ots, of Massachusetts, collector and inspector for the district and port of Barnstable.
Isaac Carter, of Massachusetts, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of Augusta.
Alexander McIntire, of Massachusetts, collector for the district of York, and inspector of the revenue for the several ports within the same.
Joseph Storer, of Massachusetts, to be collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the port of Kennebec.
Daniel Grainger, of Massachusetts, collector and inspector for the district and port of Saco.
William M. Daws, of Massachusetts, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of Thomaston.
Peter Freneau, of South Carolina, commissioner of loans for South Carolina.
Philip Grymes, now district attorney of Orleans, to be registrar of the land office of the United States for the eastern part of that territory.
In addition to the various and somewhat contradictory accounts from Spain given in this day's paper, we understand that a letter has been received in this city, dated Cadiz, Jan. 29, from a source entitled to full credit. The letter states that a desperate action took place in the early part of January, about the 1st, between the French and combined Spanish and English armies under the command of Gen. Romana. The action lasted about four days, and was decided by the arrival of a large reinforcement to the French army. The combined army retired, the Spaniards taking a position in the mountains of Leon. Many officers of distinction fell in this engagement on both sides; and either army left about 6,000 dead upon the field.
In all engagements between the Spanish and French armies the utmost valor and enmity were manifested, and the most determined persevering bravery displayed on the part of the Spaniards. In some of the northern
leaves your own produce to perish, to rot, permitting your adversary to throw in her own goods to any amount, and saddle you with a debt which you will be able to pay no one. Two year's importations are to be met with one year's crop. This is a tribute, sir. I am against any tribute; but if we must pay it, I had rather pay it with a full pocket than one nearly empty. A system of resistance to the belligerents by arming and defending yourself, is paying tribute; but going out under this bill to London and taking a licence, is not tribute. Going to St. Bartholomew's, and disposing of your produce to British capitalists for what you can get, is not paying tribute, but actual fighting. That is all right, sir—for we ought to have a new nomenclature—every thing is left handed. The political heart is in the wrong place, where the mock doctor placed it in the play. This bill however is at least as much resistance as the embargo and more so; for the embargo runs you in debt, destroys your produce and levies a contribution on you to an amount which cannot be calculated.
I shall conclude what I have to say on this subject, with remarking, that if we do not repeal the embargo or do something speedily, we are accessory—inno- innocently I hope—to one of the vilest species of swindling that ever existed in any country. I speak from correct mercantile information of the most respectable kind. Before the proposition was made by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Nicholas) to repeal the embargo, the public expectation, though not high, was at a sort of regulated standard, tolerably steady, looking forward to a repeal at some time or other. The motion of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Nicholas)—and I beg you, sir, to recollect from whom it came, the influence of that gentleman, and his supposed acquaintance and high credit with the administration—his motion made the prices of commodities start in a night like mushrooms; sales were made to a great amount. When, on a sudden, as if by the stroke of a torpedo, the proceedings of this House are benumbed. The committee of the whole, after the vote to repeal the embargo, is discharged, a recommittal takes place—and what is the result? The mercantile barometer not only went down but did not stop at the point at which it was before; it fell even lower than ever; it now is fluctuating a little, but not up to the point at which it stood when the motion was originally made. Now, suppose a man in the secret when that motion was made, had sold out perhaps to the amount of half a million, at an advance of from 25 to 33 1-3 per cent.—a few days afterwards he would be able to buy the same commodity at perhaps a price as much below par as he sold it above, making a difference of from 50 to 66 1-2 per cent. Should such gambling be encouraged? The people want to know what way we are going, whether North or South, East or West. If they could guess within five points of the political compass and I doubt whether we can within fifteen, they would be satisfied. They will know what they have to depend on. For whether we take off the embargo in toto , or partially remove it in law and wholly in point of fact, or whether we shall go to war, or have a non-importation with double duties on importation to procure revenue, is not more material than that they should know what we are going to do. And whatever it is, let us do it with all possible expedition. Let us decide; for there are now but a very few days to the end of our political life—and really, with this sort of management, I am not without my fears that the session will be spun out without doing anything, and the embargo will be wholly kept on till the 4th Monday of May.
NEW STORE.
Opened by JOHN LAUB, a few doors above the Union Tavern in Georgetown; where he offers for Sale an Elegant Assortment of the following GOODS, lately received from Philadelphia— Ladies Kid, Morocco and Leather Shoes, Misses and Children's do. do. Ladies Silk and Cotton Hosiery, Plated and plain Parasols, Ladies short, long & extra long Kid Shoes, Silk Lace, Cotton Lace, and Spider Net Sleeves, Tortoise Shell Combs, Sewing Silks, Sewing Cotton by the ball and hank, Pins, Needles, Tapes, Bobbins, a variety of Fruit and Ladies Work Baskets, &c. &c. March 29—3t
ONE CENT REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber on Wednesday the 22d inst. an Apprentice Boy by the name of Johnson Crawford, nearly 14 years of age, about 4 feet 5 inches high, dark complexion. Had on when he went away a dark blue jacket and panta-loons. Whoever harbors the said apprentice will be liable to prosecution. Any person that will be at the pains of returning him shall receive the above reward, but no expenses will be paid by DINMORE & COOPER.
March 29—3t
as individuals custom is second nature. We have become in many branches of our expenditure profuse and extravagant to an alarming degree. Our clerks in the departments have higher salaries than governors or judges in respectable states—look at this edifice too and the money spent on this ill thriven brat the territory of Columbia. When I see my friend from Carolina, (Mr. D. R. Williams) an apt illustration presents itself. The people of South Carolina and Georgia have for years become enormously rich from the culture of cotton. Suppose a projector were to tell them they had better cultivate flax, they would say that they had thriven by cotton & having thereby accumulated many surplus dollars which they could not get rid of without going every summer to Ballastown Springs and other watering places, they would stick to the culture of cotton. This was our situation; and now it seems, we have found not only that Gen. Washington was wrong in his system, but that we who continued it were wrong; that every thing done in the first years of our administration was wrong. For if it were not wrong, it would be wrong now to lay internal taxes. And if we become what my friend from Virginia wishes to see us, living wholly within ourselves, without trade, in the name of God, how is money to be raised but by internal taxes? We cannot otherwise procure it—we must send a quager into every man's house. Be it so—but I do not wish to see it—I had rather adhere to the old system.
Yes, sir; we are departing from our first principle, which was to derive revenue from commerce. Yes, sir—we are killing the golden goose like the foolish boy in the fable; and hereafter, like Venice, Genoa and other republics, which have been once rich, great and powerful, the only vestige of our departed splendor may soon only be found in such edifices as this—palaces of marble, imperial edifices, the astonishment of the world; but poverty, misery, and want inhabiting within them—No man, if travellers are to be believed, can avoid being struck with the contrast in the places to which I have alluded between their ancient splendor, the monuments of which are stable as the foundations of the earth, and their present wretched, impoverished condition. Yes, sir, we shall have rags and ruffles—tawdry poverty—shabby gentility, of all things on earth the most mean and repulsive—a situation which will but ill comport with our present luxurious and expensive habits.
But, sir, it seems that to repeal this embargo wholly would be to descend from our dignity. The committee of exterior relations told us as much at the beginning of the session. I will thank any gentleman who has it, for a copy of the report. [The report being handed to him by a member, Mr. Randolph quoted the following passage: "There is no other alternative than war with both nations, or a continuance of the present system. For war with one of the belligerents only would be submission to the edicts and will of the other; and a repeal in whole or in part of the embargo must necessarily be war or submission. A general repeal without arming, would be submission to both nations. A general repeal and arming of our merchant vessels, would be war with both, and war of the worst kind, suffering the enemies to plunder us without retaliation upon them. A partial repeal"—the very proposition, as I understand it, which I wish to get rid of. It is not necessary for me to read the whole of the committee's reasoning on this subject, more especially as I do not, never did, nor ever shall subscribe to it— nullus ad dictus jurare in verba —"A partial repeal must from the situation of Europe, necessarily be actual submission to one of the aggressors, and war with the other." It seems that we are neither to have war with both nations nor a continuance of the present system; which will bring the committee into a dilemma—but as to me, (I speak in the singular) my withers are unwrung. Suppose, sir, that instead of this indecisive state of acting, this House had, at the commencement of the present session, repealed the embargo, and armed in our defence in statuer —what would have been the consequence? That you must have had at this moment, whilst I am speaking, war with both nations, or an accommodation with one and war with the other, or an accommodation with both—and I believe that the last would have ensued. Will gentlemen hint that arming the merchantmen is not a dignified resistance, and that the embargo or this wretched thing is? What is the embargo? It compels your own produce to die on your hands. It has been said that our merchants would go to England and pay tribute. The embargo is tribute, and of the most destructive sort—
raise them. In other operations there is friction, or resistance of the atmosphere, something to weaken them; but in this you embody all the capitalists at every turn of the screw, and acquire new power to increase its force—every revolution of it goes to render the rich richer than they were, and the poor still more wretched. This has caused the yeomanry of that country in some districts almost to disappear. Under the operation of such a system, they are swallowed up in two classes—the overgrown rich and the miserably poor. The middle class, that great staff and stay of the community, falls into the one or the other of these descriptions, until it wholly disappears in the ruin of the state. In our wisdom do we recollect that there is now a supply in this country, of some articles perhaps a seven years supply, brought in with a view to exportation and entitled to drawback—of coffee for instance, of sugar and all those articles which pay a high specific duty? Of India goods and dry goods all of which pay an ad valorem duty there is an immense supply. We lay a tax of 50 per ct. on the existing duties. One of two things must happen—either that the non-intercourse law will give us some trade or that it will destroy all trade. If it destroys trade you give so much money out of the pocket of the consuming public to the great capitalists, and that is all the operation of it. You give a handsome bonus as the minister of Great Britain do on loans to the Barings or whoever are the favorite bankers of the day, but get nothing in return for it, and here it ends. But gentlemen say, sir, that we shall have this circuitous trade, as I remarked three or four years ago—that you will go to some neutral island as you did in the last war to St. Eustatia, and give a joe for a striped blanket. Yes, sir; and we are to do it now—to go to a neutral island and there make sale of your produce—for whose profit? Who will get the freight? The nation which has the command of the ocean. You will sell cheaper, and buy dearer. You are there to get British manufactures. I have no more doubt of it, and that Coniac brandy will still be drunk here, your embargo and non-intercourse to the contrary notwithstanding, than that we break the vital air; and that we are to get them too at double freight, insurance and commissions, and under the additional duty of 50 per cent. besides. And do you expect that you can compete with those merchants who have goods here? No, sir. You must then wait, sir; this circuitous trade will come when the price shall have been such as to enable foreign supplies, with the additional duty on them, to compete in the market. If I had four or five millions pounds of coffee or sugar, sir, I do not know what weight it might have on my vote, but I should not think myself a good juror. If neither the people or the government of the United States chose to challenge me, I should expect to myself—I should say that I was not a good juror and quit my seat. There are merchants in this country, not one or two but many, who have from half a million to several millions of foreign duty-able articles which were brought into this country in the direct way paying only the old impost; and if you expect that your new importations, forbidden by the letter of the law, under double charges and additional duties, will compete with these supplies, you must be totally in an error. They cannot do it.
To what point have we got, sir? When General Washington first set up this government, as I may say so, for if he had never existed I believe the government never would—in what situation were the poor old Congress? Instead of such palaces as this, paying at the rate of 25000 dollars a year (the amount of our contingent expenses) for candle-ends and cheese-parings, they had not money to go market—they were literally paupers. When Gen. Washington came to the government the first year's revenue was four millions. Let any gentleman compare the revenue of the 8 years of Gen. Washington's administration with that of the eight years ending the 3d of March next. The difference is enormous. Whence is this great revenue derived? From duties on imports and tonnage. You sanctioned this system; you tore down all the system of internal taxation with a glorious and strong hand—thank God I assisted in the work, and shall not soon assist to build it up again—you kept up the imposts till your revenue exceeded sixteen millions of dollars a year. This government began a poor people, with a beggarly exchequer; but we have long been wallowing in wealth; we have been boasting of our millions in the Treasury besides the payment of former loans. We have got into a habit of expense—and with nations
compel his performance. The reason why you take bond of a man in whom you have confidence, is, that he may die—but bodies politic never die. But if there could be a man who was immortal and over whom no civil power had control, surely if you could not trust to his honor, you could not to his bond—and there is said to be a species of honor amongst a class of people with whom (thank God I have no acquaintance, more binding on them than even the laws of God or man. I believe we should have an equal chance in trusting to the faith of the British or any other government in an informal arrangement, as in trusting to any other security whatever. These things being premised, sir, let me say a little on the subject of the offer to repeal the embargo and other subjects which preceded the proposition. One of the principal objections urged by me on the night when the first embargo bill passed, was, that hitherto the people had been obedient to the laws—not in the sense of not making insurrection against the laws—I mean voluntary obedience, from the heart as well as the hand. The character of a smuggler was disreputable on the exchange & in the coffee house. This is an honorable trait in the character of our merchants. I anticipated from the embargo that we should put men to a school of smuggling out ; and after the embargo was repealed they would keep their hand in by smuggling in —more especially as, after having put them apprentices to the business, we have given them an additional premium of 50 per cent. lest they should not set up for themselves in it. We have given them a stock—lent them a lift. I was going to say that I am surprised—but I am not, cannot be surprised— nil admirari is a maxim which every man conversant in politics must sooner or later subscribe to. The demon of infatuation—unless indeed I am mad; and perhaps I am, for they say that the difference between a madman and other people is, that the madman thinks all the rest of the world is mad, and they know him to be mad—the demon of infatuation must have come over this House before it could consent to pursue its late, and—I am sorry to say it—its present policy. You want revenue. Let us take the thing the regular way, the cart before the horse—that is the stile of driving now—you lay double duties and then interdict commerce, and that is the way we are to get revenue! A rumor has been brought into the House this morning that the British orders in council are rescinded and a treaty made. Under any circumstances I should rejoice at this intelligence, but more especially under the present—for send but a copy of the journal of this session across the Atlantic and you may whistle for a treaty with any nation of the earth—even with the Barbary powers unless you bribe them to it—except you grease the fists of their Dazaws well with money. [Here a member from N. York near Mr. Randolph said the news was false, that the Union had not arrived at N. York as was reported in the morning.] I am told sir, that the report is unfounded; that the Union has not arrived. The Union has not indeed arrived, sir, nor ever will arrive unless we change our measures, and give up this system of vibration from point to point—this wonderful discovery of partially repealing an embargo. But, sir, on the subject of this double duty bill, as it is called, though improperly; I believe it is only 50 per cent. now—in May I suppose we shall have the other 50. Suppose a rich merchant such as my friend from Georgia (Col. Troup) spoke of the other day—Mr. Gray of Salem, for instance, to have a seat on this floor—how could he vote on such a bill? Voting for it, when he has millions of dollars worth of foreign goods in his warehouses, he must vote to put into his pocket a per centage on those goods equal to the tax imposed. I have no acquaintance with that gentleman; I am told and it costs me nothing to believe that he is a very good man. Except he were a very bad man he could not have the face to get up here and put 50 or 100,000 dollars into his own pocket without rendering to the public one atom of service. One of the great and crying grievances of the British nation, though they have not advanced at quite as rapid a pace as we have begun to do in raising the customs, is, that every additional excise, on malt for instance if you please, was so much money at an instant put into the hands of the great capitalists who had large stocks on hand—thus securing, by an ingenious species of bribery, all the weight of those capitalists on the side of the ministry, at the expense of the great consuming body politic—and thus, by a strange and wonderful political invention establishing the position paradoxical yet true, that in proportion as you raise taxes you acquire the power to

provinces no quarter was given by either party.
Madrid, though in possession of the French, was the scene of the most violent atrocities. Several risings of the populace had taken place, in which many lives were lost.
About the 27th of January, M. Cevallos was at Cadiz on his way to London, as an Envoy Extraordinary from the General Junta to the British government.
At a meeting of the Stockholders in the Bank of Columbia on the 20th inst. the following Gentlemen were elected Directors.
 John Mason,  Charles Worthington,  Wm. Marbury,  John Cox,  John Threlkeld,  Walter Smith,  Henry Foxall,  Marsham Waring,  James Dunlop,  Philip B. Key,  Jeremiah Williams,  Thomas Peter. 
At a meeting of the Directors, Jno Mason, Esq. was chosen President, and Washington Bowie, Esq. to fill the vacancy.
The Legislature of Pennsylvania have exempted from taxation the property of all religious, literary and charitable societies, unless their property be so excessive as to be more than necessary to the due attainment of the ends for which they were instituted.
Sailed from New York, on the 24th in the afternoon, with a fair wind the Dispatch ships Pacific and Mentor, for Falmouth and L'Orient.
The votes for Governor from 130 towns of the state of New Hampshire, give
  To Judge Smith 11,929   Mr. Langdon 11,092   Federal Majority 837   The whole number of incorporated towns is about 190. 
The New Hampshire Gazette of the 21st gives as the aggregate of votes for Governor in 140 towns
  Langdon 11,521   Smith 11,287 
By the foregoing return of votes from 138 towns, it will be seen that the whole force of federalism has been brought into the field. The republicans have contended manfully. The issue is doubtful. Be the result what it may we shall not despair of the republic.
There are probably three republican Councillors, and seven Senators chosen. The House we presume will also be republican.— N. H. Gaz.
Philadelphia, March 24.
TRIBUTE OF RESPECT. Yesterday a very respectable number of democratic citizens residing in the first congressional district, who highly approved of the political conduct of Dr. John Porter, in a series of year past, particularly during the last session of Congress, met at the Shakespeare Tavern, to dine—Dr. Porter having been previously invited by a committee, was placed on the right hand of the chairman.
General John Steele, was appointed chairman, and
Richard Palmer, esq. vice-chairman.
A number of appropriate toasts were drank.
March 25.
In consequence of orders from the Governor of this state, an armed detachment from the Philadelphia militia was yesterday morning posted in the front and rear of the property of the late David Rittenhouse, esquire, (situate on the north-west corner of Arch and Seventh streets) to protect his Representatives from the operation of process directed to be issued against them by the Supreme Court of the United States.
Extract of a letter from Port-Royal, Jamaica, to a gentleman in Philadelphia, dated February 16.
"The surrender of St. Domingo is daily expected, being in dreadful want of provisions. Twelve hundred noble insurgents had marched against them from Port-au-Prince, and the port was blockaded by some English vessels of war, a Spanish Guarda Costa, and two schooners. The Polyphemus, (the flag ship), and Tweed, sail to-morrow, said to be destined there."
CAPTURE OF MARTINIQUE.
Charleston, March 20.
Captain Moss, arrived last evening in 11 days from St. Bartholomews, informs us, that shortly before he left that place, certain intelligence had been received of the surrender of the island of Martinique, to the British arms. It is stated that early in the
month of February, the British carried, by storm, the important post of Windmill-Hill, which in some measure commands Fort Bourbon—the old batteries at this place were strengthened and new ones thrown up—on the 18th of February these batteries were opened upon the fort, and on the 25th the French commander capitulated. It is also stated, that the surrender of the fort was accelerated by the accidental explosion of the powder magazine, which also destroyed the water cistern. The British troops were commanded by general Beckwith. There was but one French frigate at Fort Royal, and she was destroyed before the surrender of the place—her commander had been previously killed by the explosion of a bomb. A sloop of war was immediately dispatched to England with an account of the surrender of the island.
New York, March 20.
Arrived the armed brig Ann-Maria, Speck, 25 days from St. Lucia. About a week before captain Speck sailed, he says the Ann-Maria was boarded by a boat from the British brig Solon, at 12 at night, having on board a drunken lieutenant and two midshipmen, who demanded the people, they all being on shore, except the captain, mate, cook and boy. They then demanded the mate, but captain S. objected—they presented their dirks, and forced him into the boat. Capt. Speck wrote to the governor on the subject, but sailed too soon for anything to be done.
The following is extracted from a letter dated Bourdeaux, 18th December.
"Should the American government deem it expedient to raise the embargo, and your merchants be rash enough to risk adventures to this country, previous to the repeal of the decree of the 17th December, and the subsequent ministerial instructions to our customs, ordering the provisional seizure of all vessels, arriving with cargoes under the American flag, they will, even if fortunate enough to escape the British blockading squadron, be involved in great difficulties on their arrival; and if ultimately liberated, our prices will not offer them a reasonable compensation for such complicated dangers."
EXTRACT OF A LETTER.
Bermuda, March 3.—The embargo is severely felt in this island, and many are without a mouthful of bread—not a grain of corn for sale for a month or six weeks back, and scarcely a barrel of flour; what little there is has been selling at upwards of thirty dollars per barrel.
LATE NEWS FROM SPAIN.
New York, March 24.
The editors of the New York Gazette this day lay before their readers, news from Spain as late as the 27th of Jan. upwards of one month later than former advices.
This intelligence was received at Havana on the 7th inst. by a despatch vessel, in 35 days from Cadiz; and by the British brig Little George, which arrived here yesterday in 11 days from Havana, we have received from our correspondent at that place, the Havana Aurora Extraordinary, of the 8th inst. containing an official account of a bloody battle fought under the walls of Saragossa on the 21st of Jan. between the French army under the command of Marshal Mancey (duke of Cornegliano) and the patriotic army commanded by the Spanish Gen. Palafox. It will be seen that this battle terminated gloriously in favor of the Spaniards, they having routed the French troops at all points. The official particulars of this battle are copied from the Seville Gazette of Jan. 27, the latest paper from old Spain, by the despatch vessel arrived at Havana.
In addition to our translations, we are indebted to a friend for the following important extract of a letter, written by an American gentleman of the first respectability. It is dated
Havana, March 8, 1809.
"By a British vessel [the Little George] about to depart for N. York, I have only time to enclose you a paper containing the afflicting news of yesterday, by a vessel in 35 days from Cadiz.
"Morla, the governor of Cadiz, has proved a traitor, and invited the French to Cadiz.
"Bonaparte left Madrid the 23rd of Dec. to attack Romana's army, since which time nothing official has been received from the armies.
"The whole of the Spanish forces are drawing to a point, and hopes are entertained that they will surround and take Bonaparte, the emperor.
"The Supreme Junta was at Seville, but it was expected that they would remove to Cadiz in a few days. At Cadiz they had $4,000 French prisoners.
"The British have been roughly handled—one army is marching to-
wards Corunna, from prudential motives, and the other towards the borders of Portugal. These movements indicate an expectation of the necessity of embarking at those points, to sail round to another more tenable.
"I do not like the information received, although many do, who believe that Spain will soon be cleared of the monster of Europe, and his armies. Indeed, the news I consider to be more afflicting to the cause of humanity, than any which has reached us."
[SUMMARY TRANSLATIONS.]
The Official Gazette of the Supreme Junta of Spain, dated Seville (to which they had again removed) the 27th Jan. gives the particulars of a severe engagement having taken place at Saragossa, between the French army, under marshal Mancey, and the Spanish patriots under Gen. Palafox, on the 21st of that month.
It commenced at day light, upon the batteries on the heights surrounding the city, from which after some smart resistance the patriots finally retreated in good order. At mid-day, the attack was renewed by the French upon the suburbs of the city, and some important posts established there. Gen. Palafox ordered brigadier Monso to maintain them; which he did with great courage and skill, in an action lasting more than five hours. The colonel of Artillery, Velasco, also directed three batteries with great skill and terrible effect upon the enemy, who were obliged to fall back. They however afterwards brought up their reserve, and renewed the attack with almost incredible fury, and with all their force. At this time Palafox himself, sword in hand, accompanied by Lieut. Gen. O'Neill, and Maj. Gen. Saint Marc, took the command, and rushed into the thickest of the battle; exercising his whole energy, skill and valor, so as to secure the victory. This was complete. The French lost the greater part of their force, and were entirely routed and dispersed, leaving before the batteries and walls more than 4000 killed, and as many wounded; among them the grenadiers, who had fought with the greatest boldness.
Translated for the mercantile Advertiser.
Seville, January 27.—On the 30th of Dec. died in this city, aged 81 years and two months his serene highness Don Josef Monino, Count de Florida Blanca, President of the Supreme Council of government of the kingdom, senior member of his Majesty's council of state, Knight of the celebrated order of the golden fleece, and grand cross of the royal and distinguished order of Charles III. &c. &c.
[Here follows an eulogium on the deceased and an account of his public services.]
The king Don Ferdinand VII, and in his public royal name the Supreme council of government of the kingdom, in consideration of the eminent and extraordinary merits and services of his serene highness the Count de Florida Blanca, and of the high and glorious dignity of President of the said council; and in order to give to posterity a proof of his majesty's approbation of those subjects who distinguish themselves in his service, and exhibit such demonstrations of love to his royal person, &c. has been pleased to grant to his heir for himself and legitimate successors, the dignity of grandee of Spain exempt from the taxes and charges usually imposed.
Saragossa Summoned to Surrender.
Letter of Marshal Mancey to his excellency the commander in chief of the Spanish troops, and to the magistrates of the city of Saragossa.
Gentlemen,
The city of Saragossa is invested in every part, and has now no external communication. We can therefore employ against the place all the means of destruction which the laws of war permit. The fifth division of the grand army under the orders of Marl. Mortier duke of Treviso, & that which I command, threaten the walls. The city of Madrid has capitulated, and has thus been preserved from the misfortunes which a longer resistance would have brought upon it. Gentlemen, the city of Saragossa, trusting to the bravery of its inhabitants, but wholly unable to withstand the resources and exertions which the art of war is about to combine against it, if it renders the use of them necessary, will inevitably be totally destroyed.
Marshal Mortier and I believe that you will take into consideration what I have the honor to state to you, and that you will coincide in opinion with us. To prevent the effusion of blood, and to preserve the beautiful city of Saragossa so considerable in population, riches and commerce, from the evils of a siege and from the terrible consequences which might result,
would be the means of obtaining the love and blessings of the people under your government. If you, gentlemen, will induce the citizens to entertain sentiments of peace and tranquility, on my part I promise you every thing compatible with my duty and the powers with which I am invested by H. M. the Emperor.
I send you this dispatch with a flag of truce and propose to you to appoint commissioners to treat with those whom I shall appoint for that purpose.
I am, gentlemen, with the greatest consideration yours
The MARSHAL MANCEY.
Head quarters at Torrero 22nd December, 1808.
REPLY OF THE GENERAL.
The general in chief of the army of reserve replies for the town of Saragossa. This beautiful city knows not what it is to surrender. The marshal of the empire will observe all the laws of war, and will measure his strength with mine. I have communication with all parts of the peninsula, and am in want of nothing. Sixty thousand brave men and I who command them, know of no greater reward than glory. The honor of being their leader I would not exchange for empires.
His excellency Marshal Mancey will cover himself with glory, if, observing the noble laws of war, he conquers me; mine will not be less if I make a successful resistance. What I say to your excellency is, that my troops will fight honorably, and I am totally ignorant of the method of oppression which the ancient Marshals of France abhorred.
A siege is nothing to one who knows how to die with honor, and more so when I already know its effects from the experience of the former siege of sixty one days; if I would not then surrender when I was at the head of a smaller force, your excellency ought not to expect it now when my force is greater than all the armies which surrounds me.
The shedding of Spanish blood covers us with glory in the same proportion as it is ignominious for the French arms to have shed it without cause.
The Marshal of the Empire will learn, that the enthusiasm of eleven millions of inhabitants is not extinguished by oppression, and that when a nation wills to be free, it is free. I wish not to spill the blood of those whom I govern, but there is not one of them who would not joyfully lose his life in defence of his country. Yesterday the French troops left at our gates sufficient testimonies of this truth: we did not lose a man, and I believe that I might with more propriety propose to the marshal to surrender, unless he chooses to lose his whole army before the walls of this place. That prudence which is his characteristic will not permit him to view with indifference such a waste of lives, and especially when neither war nor the Spaniards occasion it.
If Madrid has capitulated, Madrid has been sold, and I cannot believe it; but Madrid is but a single city, and its surrender forms no reason for a surrender of this place.
I wish only to remark to the Marshal, that when he sends a flag of truce he must not cause two columns to advance from distinct points, as we were on the point of firing, believing it to be a reconnoitering party rather than a flag of truce.
I have the honor to reply to your excellency Marshal Mancey with due attention in the only language with which I am acquainted, and which the sacred duties imposed on me dictate. Head-quarters at Saragossa, 22nd December, 1808.
THE GEN. PALAFOX.
New-York, March 25.
LATEST NEWS DIRECT FROM SPAIN.
Yesterday arrived at this port the ship Bordeaux, capt. Law, in 51 days from Cadiz, which place she left the first of Feb. Capt. Law brought no papers except one containing the affair at Saragossa, of the 22nd Dec. He informs us verbally, that Mr. Erving, the American charge des affairs, who was at Cadiz, had received assurances from the Junta of Seville that the American vessels at Algesiras should be released immediately: that the English army were attacked near Valladolid, and had retreated towards the mountains of Asturias, from whence they would proceed to Corunna, (where the British fleet were on their way from Lisbon) to embark for England; that their actual arrival at Corunna was announced by a cutter which reached Cadiz a few days before capt. Law sailed; that no account of any battle between the French and the marquis of Romana had been received; that the English under sir John Moore were attacked about the 15th of Jan. and defeated with great slaughter on both sides; and that gen. Blake, and the principal officers of the
Spanish patriotic army, had deserted to the French.
The following abstract is obligingly furnished us by the supercargo:
"Ship Bordeaux, capt. Richard Law, left Cadiz on the 1st of Feb. A few days before the Bordeaux sailed, accounts were received of a most obstinate battle having been fought near Valladolid, between the English army, under sir John Moore and the main body of the French: after dreadful carnage on both sides, an army of reserve, commanded by Bonaparte in person arrived on the field; night closed the sanguinary conflict, and the British were forced to retreat to the mountains of Asturias.
"The captain of an English schooner which arrived at Cadiz about the same time the above account was received in a short passage from Corunna, reported that the British were marching into that place when he sailed. Some transport ships were waiting for them, but that they were so closely pursued by the French, that it was apprehended part of them would be cut off as there were not ships sufficient to receive them all. The government at Cadiz had endeavored to suppress the foregoing accounts, and several suspected characters had been arrested for having propagated them; but they were generally believed to be too true, and the majority of the people were in consequence very much alarmed. Great exertions were made by the present governor (Don Felix Jones) to render Cadiz impregnable; the Puente de Suazo (a bridge originally constructed by the Romans, and which joined Cadiz to the continent) has been destroyed, and a great number of laborers were daily employed on the fortifications at the gates.
"It was also reported, that after the retreat of the British, a division of the French army had marched in pursuit of the marquis de la Romana, who had been somewhere in the vicinity of Valladolid, but with whom the British never had effected a junction, and who had in consequence retreated with his army with intention to join the duke del Infantado; the latter was supposed to be in New Castile, and not far from Madrid, but the Spanish government strictly prohibit the publication of all unfavorable accounts, and it was almost impossible to obtain any correct information respecting the situation or force of the armies. A detachment of 6000 French had been within two days march of Seville, but had retreated again. It was expected the government would soon remove to Cadiz.
"Gen. Reding by the latest accounts was at Tarragona, with 24,000 men, and another army under the marquis de Lazan, had obtained some advantages over the French in Catalonia."
MARRIED on Tuesday evening 28th inst. by the Rev. Mr. Addison, John Florentius Cox, Esq. of New York, to Miss Eliza R. Lansdale, daughter of the late Maj. Thomas L. Lansdale of Prince Georges.
ATTENTION! UNION RIFLE GUARDS.
The Members of the Union Rifle Guards, are requested to meet at the House of Mr. C. JONES Pennsylvania avenue on Friday Evening next at 7 o'clock, for the purpose of receiving the Report of the Committee appointed last meeting, and to elect Officers for the Company.
Those persons desirous of joining are invited to attend.
By order of the COMPANY.
March 29—2t
WANTS A SITUATION.
As a Private Tutor or Public Teacher, either in town or country, a young MAN, qualified to teach English, including the practical branches of the Mathematics. A line addressed to C. A. city of Washington, will be duly attended to.
N. B. Unexceptionable recommendations will be given. March 29—2awtf
NOTICE.
ON Monday next at 10 o'clock, A. M. there will be several PLEWS put up to Public Sale, and that the same place at 11 o'clock, A. M. there will be an Election for Vestrymen and Wardens for this Parish for the ensuing year.
By order,
HENRY INGLE, Reg. W. P. March 29—3t
WAS taken up adrift on Thursday last a new GUNDALOW BOAT with one steering oar. The owner is requested to come, prove property, pay charges and take her away.
WM SPOONER. Navy Yard, March 25—3t
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE,
That the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans Court of St. Mary's county and state of Md. letters of administration on the Personal Estate of RICHARD MONROE, late of the aforesaid county and state, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, for adjustment, with the proper vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, living in St. Mary's county and state of Md. at or before the 13th day of July next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from a benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 13th day of January 1809.
RICHARD WHITE BOND, executor. January 20—mfmUG

MANUFACTURING COMPANY. A GREENLE to a resolution of the Board of Directors, the subscribers to the Manufacturing Company of the city of Washington and district of Columbia, are hereby notified that the Second Instalment on each share is required to be paid on Monday the 3rd day of April next, and the residuary instalments on the 1st Monday of every month thereafter, until the whole are paid.
For the receipt of the Second Instalment on the 3rd April next, the Subscriber will attend at LINDSAY'S Hotel, city of Washington from 11 A. M. to 7 P. M. MICHAEL NOURSE, Treas. March 27—3t
Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing, of ROBERT M'Koy, of Prince George's county, to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court, being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has, rendered therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'Koy, is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him, this thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Robert M'Koy be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Robert M'Koy by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer , before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. December 25—w3m Ck. P. G. C. C.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of building and improvements on the Lots in the city of Washington, it is provided "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues." And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others, whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States, from the fifth day of June 1796 to this day, and beneficial effects arising from such suspensions being experienced, it is deemed proper to revive and continue the same with the exception hereafter mentioned.
Wherefore I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare, That the first and third articles above recited, shall be and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington, previous to the said first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected; except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve shall be erected, nor shall any such house be placed within twenty-four feet of a brick or stone house. Given under my hand the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and nine. TH: JEFFERSON. February 8—w6t
STATE OF MARYLAND—IN CHANCERY. Nathan Gregg, versus Sarah M c Intosh, Margaret Ferguson Gregg, and Robert M c Intosh.
THE object of the bill, is to obtain a conveyance from the defendant, to the complainant for part of a tract of Land, called "The Re-survey on Indian Fields," situate in Allegany county, formerly sold and conveyed by Thomas Cressap, deceased, to the father of the complainant.
The bill states, that the complainant purchased of his father Robert Gregg in the year 1791, amongst other lands, the above-mentioned land, for the sum of One Thousand Pounds, that the money was paid, and all the land, except "The Re-survey on Indian Fields," was conveyed; that Robert Gregg, died intestate, leaving amongst other children, Thomas Gregg, who is also dead intestate, leaving the defendants his heirs at law, to whom the legal estate has in part descended; that they are minors and reside out of this state. The bill also states that the other children of Robert Gregg have conveyed, or are willing to convey.
It is thereupon this 9th day of March 1809, on the motion of the complainant adjudged and ordered, that he cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks, before the 10th day of April next, to the intent that the defendants may have notice of this application, and of the subject and object of the bill, and may be warned to appear in this court on or before the 10th day of August next, and to show cause if any there be, wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
True copy, NICH. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. March 17—w3t
STRAY COW. TAKEN up as a stray a Red and White COW, by the subscriber near Mrs. Cassanees in December last—she has a star on her face, and a slit in each ear. The owner may have her again by proving property and paying costs. JOSEPH THOMAS. Washington March 27—3t
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE NEAR THE CENTRE MARKET. HAS added to his former stock of DRY GOODS.
A new supply of White Cotton Cambrics, of various qualities and prices. Elegant Calicoes, Furniture do. S. STETTINIUS, called upon by the liveliest impressions of gratitude towards both the Ladies and Gentlemen of this city for their respective favors which they were pleased to indulge him with these many years in the above branch of business, begs leave to acknowledge that he thinks it a most incumbent duty on him, to sell his Dry Goods as low and reasonable as the present difficulties in trade possibly will admit, and he will with pleasure embrace the opportunities which might be offered him by a kind public for manifesting the same to all respects.
He has also just received by the schooner Regulator , Capt. James Bowie, from Baltimore, and offers for sale by WHOLESALE, 30 Boxes first quality of Brown Sugar, 6 do. white do. 1000 Pounds first quality of Green Coffee 5000 do. Second do. do. 1000 do. Third do. do. 2 Pcs Hollond Gin, and which will be disposed of lower than by the present situation of Dutch trade, can be expected. 15 Boxes Tin, 12 Do. Window Glass, 10 by 12. 1 Trunk of Furniture Calicoes, 1 Do. of Fashionable do. 1 Do. of Undressed Chintz and French Muslin, 30 Dozen Cambric Handkerchiefs, 1 Bale of Dowlas, No. 6, 7, 17, 18, 19, 20, 3 Boxes, containing Ticklenburgh, Oil Cloth, Diaper Table Cloth, Do. Towelling do. Red Ticks, Tapes No. 25, Do. 13, Sewing Silk, cloth color, Do. do. Black do. Marking Cotton, No. 12, 20, 30, 45, 300 Pieces of Silk Ribbons, Satin, Lutestring, Glazed, of all Numbers, 100 Do. Galfon do. No. 1-4, 1-2, 3-4, 1, 2, 4. Palmel Ribbands, 25 Dozen White Cotton Stockings for men, 25 Do. do. do. women, 50 Do. Ladies Combs of various prices and 50 Pieces Boot Straps, Cotton Stripes, Linen do. Colas Tail de Cotton, 1000 Pounds Spanish Sole Leather, 1000 Do. Slaughter Hides, do. 1 Dozen Hog skins, 25 Pieces Bandanna Handkerchiefs, 1 Trunk White Cotton, Cambrics assorted, 1 Chest Old Hyson Tea, 1 Do. Young do. 1 Do. Hyson Skin do. of 13 lbs. each, 12 Pieces Dimity, Elegant Brass Candlesticks, Coat Buttons, Gilt and Silvered, Waistcoats do. All of which he now offers low for Cash or good paper. Washington, March 10—3t&wif
Prince George's County, to wit: ON application to me the subscriber (in the recess of the court) an associate judge of the first judicial district, in the state of Maryland, by petition in writing, of NATHANIEL HAGAN, of Prince George's County, praying for the benefit of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, on the terms mentioned in the said act, and its supplements, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having satisfied me by competent testimony, that he has resided in the state of Maryland, two years immediately preceding the time of his application—and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having also stated in his petition, that he is now in actual confinement, for debt, and not on account of any breach of the peace, or for the non-payment of any fine or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state, or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the Sheriff of Prince George's county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement, on the terms prescribed in the said act and its supplements, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court, to be held in and for Prince George's County aforesaid, on the first Monday in April next, to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do also order and adjudge, that the said Nathaniel Hagan be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in April next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the County Court, at the Court House of said County, on the said first Monday in April next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Nathaniel Hagan, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for the delivering up his property, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Nathaniel Hagan should not have the benefit of the several acts of Assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors. Given under my hand this thirtieth day of November, eighteen hundred and eight. DANIEL CLARKE. December 30—w3m.
WANTED TO HIRE.
A WOMAN SERVANT, of good character, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and house work generally, to such a person liberal wages will be given—Apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, Near to the Six Buildings. Feb 24—1f.
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD. Left their work on the 27th February from the subscriber's plantation near Bryan Town, Charles county, two Negro lads, one by the name of STEPHEN and the other AMBROWS; they are black. Stephen is about 5 feet 5 inches high—Ambrows about 5 feet 6 inches. Their clothing was the same which was white country cloth double wove jacket and trousers, blue broad cloth under jackets—they likely will continue together as they went off together.
Also one by the name of RAFE, left his work on the 28th February, and clothing as the others, all to that of his under jacket which was white. Rafe is a yellow black with a scar under his left eye; he is about 5 feet 8 inches high; he stole my horse, saddle, and bridle last July, and was apprehended at Queen Anne. Neither of them took a hat; they are brothers, and probably together, as I am sure it was a concerted thing between them. Whoever brings them home or secures them in jail, so that I get them, will be entitled to the above reward including the legal fee, or TEN Dollars for either of them, the legal fee included. BENEDICT BOARMAN. March 20—w4t
STATE OF MARYLAND—IN CHANCERY. March 9th, 1809. Nathan Gregg, versus Thomas Parsons and Elizabeth his wife, Virgil M c Cracken, and Mary his wife.
THE object of the bill is to record a deed executed by the defendants to the complainant for a tract of land called "The Re-survey on Indian Fields," situate in Allegany county.
The bill states that the defendants for value received, executed to the complainant a deed for the said land, and that without any fraudulent design or intention in the grantee, the same has not been recorded. It is therefore, on the motion of the complainant, ordered, that he cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks, before the 10th day of April next, to the end that the defendants may have notice of the application and of the subject and object of the bill, and may be warned to appear in person or by a solicitor, on or before the 10th day of August next, to show cause, if any there be, wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed. True copy. Test, NICH. BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. March 17—w3t
NATIONAL MUSEUM.
THE very flattering encouragement the Subscriber has met with from a number of Gentlemen of the highest respectability and talent, among whom he has the honor to name the President of the United States and Dr. Samuel L. Mitchell of New York—has induced him respectfully to announce to the Public, his determination to commence the establishment of a NATIONAL MUSEUM, connected with a GALLERY OF PORTRAITS, in the city of Washington, where a Building well calculated for the purpose is now preparing. The great and obvious utility of such an institution at the seat of the National Government, it is presumed will strike every liberal and enlightened mind, in so forcible a manner as to render any further detail in the present instance unnecessary. C. BOYLE. March 20—3t.
BY VIRTUE of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder on the 8th day of April next, on the premises at the hour of 12 o'clock, all the Estate, right, title, claim and interest of the late Philip Fitzhugh, deceased, of in and to the one moiety of the Adelphi Mills, land & appurtenances thereunto belonging, containing about thirty and a half acres of Land; also the whole of from 27 to 30 acres of Land with the appurtenances being part of Elizabeth's Delight, lying in Prince George's county on the North West Branch. The terms of sale are cash. JOSEPH L. SCHOLFIELD, Trustee. 3d month 17th, 1809—3w
FOR SALE, A very likely healthy MULATTO GIRL, About 12 years of age—apply at this office. February 27—4f
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. LOST, a SILVER WATCH with hands telling the day of the month on the face of her, and capped—Mott, maker, New York. Whoever will return the Watch to this office, shall receive the above sum, and no question asked. Wednesday, March 1, 1809—
FOR SALE. WILL be sold at private sale, a valuable tract of LAND, containing three hundred acres, well wooded, within three miles of George town—For terms of sale, which will be accommodating, apply to James Morsell, Esq. of George town, or to EDWARD HALL, of West River. March 24—6t.
COLUMBIAN LIBRARY. IN conformity to the charter of this Institution, an election will be held at the Library room for SIX DIRECTORS, on Wednesday next, the 29th inst. JOSEPH MILLIGAN, Librarian. March 24—3t.
SALE. THE Subscriber being about to leave the city, offers for sale at her house, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the War Office, sundry articles of household and kitchen furniture, consisting of tables, chairs, bedsteads, looking glasses, and divers articles, too tedious to mention. Sale to begin on Thursday, 30th March, at half past 10 o'clock. Terms cash. REBECCA SCOTT. March 24—3t
INFORMATION WANTED. IF the heirs of RONIE MOHRER, a native of Wurtemberg, in Germany, who it is said died at Frederick-town, in the state of Maryland, in the year 1773, will make application at the Department of State, they will receive some information, which may probably be of advantage to them. March 22
PUBLIC NOTICE. PURSUANT to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the United States, of the third day of March inst. I am ready to receive, until the 10th day of April next, separate proposals in writing, for the supply of such articles of Stationery, as may be necessary for the service of the said House, until the 4th of March, one thousand eight hundred and eleven; and also, the like Proposals for the execution of all the Printing business of the said House, and for the supply of Fuel during the same time. The several species of Stationery, Printing and Fuel wanted, are subjoined to this advertisement, and the proposals must be accompanied with the names and residence of sufficient securities for performance. PATRICK MAGRUDER, Clerk to the House of Representatives.
STATIONERY WANTED. Letter Paper, hot pressed, vellum, extra large, plain, Folio Post, wove and plain, Medium size for engrossing, Foolscap, Ready made Pens and Quills, per hundred, Best Dutch Red Wax, Best Black do. Red Wafer, Common Black Sand, Inks and Slabs (glass) per pair, Wafer Boxes and Pounce boxes, Half pint phials, with corks, Low priced Folders, Lead Pencils, Red and white tape, in pieces, Silk tape, or narrow ribbon, Ink of the best quality, per gallon, Indian Rubbers, per bottle, Parchment in skins, per dozen, completely dressed and pounced for use, 28 by 32 inches, Office Pen Knives. The supply of these articles must embrace a possible demand to the value of three thousand five hundred or four thousand dollars for each of the sessions in the Congress. It is desirable that specimens of Paper, Quills, Parchment and Wax should accompany the proposals. A security equal to sixteen thousand dollars will be required.
PRINTING WANTED. Plain work, octavo, 300 impressions of each sheet, Bills folio, numbered, per line, in sheet or half sheet, Figure work, Rule & Figure work, Table work, Folding and Stitching, per hundred, for any number of documents exceeding three half sheets, and thence to twenty half sheets, and upwards, Book-binding in boards, Per volume, folio in calf, & octavo marked in sheep, and lettered. In every instance the Printer supplies the paper as well as the work, duly folded and stitched, and no possible delay is to occur in the daily execution and delivery of the work, so that in all cases where it is practicable, the document ordered to be printed on any given day, may be ready for delivery the next morning, at the hour to which the House stands adjourned. The proposals must specify the rate of decrease in the price for printing any number of impressions greater than the usual number of three hundred, and not exceeding five thousand. No extra allowance will be made for working on Sundays, holidays, or after night; these must be considered by the contractor in the price per sheet. The contract must embrace a possible amount of work, during the sessions of the Congress equal to twenty thousand dollars, and the security required will be to the amount of forty thousand dollars.
FUEL WANTED. The supply of the next Congress will require three hundred Cords of good sound Hickory wood, to be delivered, sawed, packed and measured in the public cellar of the Capitol, at the expense of the contractor. One hundred and fifty cords to be delivered on or before the first day of October next; the remaining one hundred and fifty cords, must be delivered on or before the first day of September, one thousand eight hundred and ten. A proportion of the purchase money will be advanced on giving sufficient security for the performance of the contract. PATRICK MAGRUDER, Clerk H. of R. of the U. States. March 1—3w
PUBLIC SALE. BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's County, Maryland, on Saturday the first day of April next, will be offered at public sale, at the late dwelling house of Thomas H. Hanson, deceased, all the personal property of the deceased, consisting of several Likely Negroes, to be sold for a term of years, and some to be sold for life—Horses, Cattle, Plantation Utensils & Household furniture. Terms made known on the day of sale. THOMAS G. ADDISON, Administrator. March 10—2w4t.
A TANYARD to be RENTED, For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next—The premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Sides, a large Bark and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying Shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania Avenue, who will show the premises. February 17—4f
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cashmeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Goretines. Likewise an elegant assortment of rich silk Molestrins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4f
WILL be exposed to PUBLIC SALE on the 15th day of April next at Grummonds tavern Navy Yard, all the right, title, claim and interest of JOHN VITWORTH in and to a part of a LOT in square No. 330, on Eighth street, 20 feet in front, running back 75 feet, with a Two Story BRICK HOUSE thereon, and other improvements, which property Mr. John Dobbins now occupies, taken by virtue of a writ of feri facias , issued from the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Lewis Clephan. Terms of sale cash. Sale to commence precisely at 12 o'clock. WASHINGTON BOYD, M c En. March 15—w4w3
W E the undersigned, Merchants, and Masters of vessels now in the port of Havana, having been called upon by Captain WILLIAM WILKINS, commander of the brig WILLIAM, of Dunferline, lately arrived from Baltimore to this port in distress, to examine and report the true situation of the said vessel, we do hereby certify and declare, that we went on board said vessel, and after strict examination, found the said brig's stern was started out and loose from its frame, the stern post entirely moved out of its place, and the stern in every part so wrecked, that the crew was obliged to confine it together with a hawsar at sea—we also found that the said vessel made a great deal of water while lying in this port in smooth water—We also found her water ways all open, and her main topmast carried away, and also the head of her foremast rotten and gone. We give it as our decided opinion, that the said vessel cannot proceed to sea in her present situation, and must be discharged to undergo a thorough repair. Given under our hands at Havana, this twenty-eighth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine. Signed, WM. L. RICHARDSON, ROBERT DAWSON, DANIEL SHAW, I. TABER, CLEMENT CATHELL.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Vincent Gray, under date 23 February, 1809. "The brig has been sold for the best price she would command. To ship the cargo back to the United States, and pay a freight of 4 or 5 $ per barrel is out of the question, and no tribunal would ask it, as the freight and insurance from hence would amount to more than the flour would be worth on its arrival in the United States. Some of the cargo it appears was thrown over board, and a quantity damaged. (Signed) VINCENT GRAY. March 17—cp Im.
Bank of Columbia, March 16, 1809. The Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per Cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives on or after Monday the 20th inst. WILLIAM WILANN, Cashier. March 20—3w
FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. Prince George's county. Dec. 15—4f BEN. ODEN. NOTICE
THE persons who claim title to the following LOTS in Georgetown, are notified that their titles are defective in consequence of their having neglected to avail themselves of the compromise agreed on in the case of Beatty and Davidson. The representatives of Gen. Davidson are yet willing to assent to the same compromise, and all who apply by the 10th May next may obtain deeds on those terms—the lots claimed by those who do not apply will be proceeded against. If those persons desire any information on this subject they can apply to Mr. Abner Ritchie or to F. S. Key, esq. Georgetown. Letters from those who do not reside in the District (post paid) will be attended to. ANNE MARIA DAVIDSON, Executrix & devisee of Gen. JOHN DAVIDSON.
The following are the Lots in Beatty and Davidson's addition to Georgetown, referred to in the above notice—Lots No. 2 & part of lot No. 3—lots Nos. 4, 6, 15, 30, 41, 43, 44, 52, 58, 59, 60, 65, 67, 71, and part of lot 72—lots no. 80, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 113, 114, 118, 119, 121, 123, 125, 129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148, 149, 154, 155, 163, 166, 168, 170, 175, 176, 194, 195, 196, 205, 207, 211, 212, 214, 216, 220, 225, 227, 230, 231, 236, 237, 239, 243, 248, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267, 269, 270, 272, 273, 275, 278, 279, 282, 287, 288, 289, 290, 294, and 295. March 22—110m
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY, Positively commences Drawing 12th of April next. HIGHEST PRIZES. 30,000 Dollars. 20,000 Dollars. 10,000 Dollars. 5,000 Dollars. TICKETS & SHARES, Sold at WAITE'S Truly fortunate Lottery Offices in New York, where was sold in the last Lottery the three highest prizes, viz. No. 20,231 25,000 Dollars. — 25,403 10,000 Dollars. — 20,799 5,000 Dollars. Tickets and Shares in the above Grand Lottery from Waite's Office, may be had of Mr. JOSEPH MILLIGAN, at his Book Store in Georgetown, where the weekly Prize List will be regularly received. Georgetown, March 10—cp1m
BLACK RIVER LOTTERY. No. 2. POSITIVELY commence Drawing on the 12th of April next. Present Price of Tickets. Whole Tickets $8 50 Half do. 4 25 Quarter do. 2 25 Eighth do. 1 12 1/2 Tickets at the New York prices from G. & R. Waite's Truly Fortunate Lottery Office may be had of JOSEPH MILLIGAN, Georgetown; where a regular Check book of the drawings will be kept, and advertisers in the Lottery may obtain the earliest information of their success gratis. * * Letters post paid containing Bank Note shall be promptly attended to, and distant advertisers advised of the success. Georgetown, March 20—6t
NOTICE. WILL be exposed to PUBLIC SALE on the 15th day of April next at Grummonds tavern Navy Yard, all the right, title, claim and interest of JOHN VITWORTH in and to a part of a LOT in square No. 330, on Eighth street, 20 feet in front, running back 75 feet, with a Two Story BRICK HOUSE thereon, and other improvements, which property Mr. John Dobbins now occupies, taken by virtue of a writ of feri facias , issued from the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Lewis Clephan. Terms of sale cash. Sale to commence precisely at 12 o'clock. WASHINGTON BOYD, M c En. March 15—w4w3