The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-03-25 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1162.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MARCH 25, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Extract of a letter from Daniel Buck, esq. in Vermont to a Federalist, to a member of Congress.
"I can no longer be silent upon politics. These moments are too important, and too much is now pending, for any one who has reflected, and who has ideas in his possession, to withhold them from the public. I am alarmed! I am astounded! and astonished beyond description!"
"I noticed a paragraph in Mr. Spooner's last paper, in which he says: 'By information from the seat of government as late as the 5th inst. we learn that an accommodation with Great Britain has so far progressed to the satisfaction of our government, that the secretary of the navy has informed the chairman of the committee on naval affairs, that the 1272 men voted the other day to man the gun-boats, will not be wanted.'"
"My God! is it possible that our government should make any compromise with England, whilst the war continues between her and France! What then will be our situation? Our commerce must be protected by the British navy. This leads directly to an alliance offensive and defensive, and of course to a war with all Europe. I less than one year at the court of St. James, following the example of the King of Portugal, must be transferred to Halifax. We shall then have the House of Hanover on the north and France and Spain on the south. Deprived of the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and forever cut off from the fisheries and fur trade: Cramped up between two formidable powers, and controlled by a British navy, we should be placed like the dwarf by the side of the giant: Eat, and drink in an eternal war with all the world, except the British bull dogs, whom we must support and feed for the notable privilege of bearing their insults, and the hard knocks of their enemies."
"I bid it Hallelujah! God of America! Ghost of Washington! Federalists! Nay, ye Republicans! forsake it! No, it cannot be; I will never believe a word of it, until confirmed in black and white, under your own hand. And then I will rant and rave, curse! I ferson and all republican policy, deny my country, and flee to Bonaparte, or some solitary and sequestered corner of the earth, where the name of America shall never again wound my ear."
"If our government can become the mediator between France and England, bring about a general peace, and Great Britain will make concessions to the extent of our demands; Amen! Our country ought to, and will be content and satisfied. I am not so sanguine as to wish to see human blood flow unnecessarily; but for God's sake do not patch up a peace, that will be ten thousand times worse, than the hottest rage of war! and indeed, instead of avowing war, protract it! America is now on high ground. The existence of the British government now rests on us! Her life, which by her crimes she has forfeited, is now in our hands, and she is completely at our mercy! It is in the power of the present administration to immortalise their names, and bring upon their memory the blessings of unborn millions, by availing themselves of the present state of France and England; to place America upon that ground, by means of which she will form a balance against all Europe, even if directed by the energies of a Bonaparte."
"Is it possible we should overlook those advantages, and by pursuing a narrow policy, cramp, shackle, and hamstring the nation! For God's sake do not let us take that old, crippled private home, who attempted to murder us in our infancy; and now in his old age undertake to feed, support and defend him against the just vengeance of those nations to whom, by his ungodly crimes, he has long since forfeited his life! No! Rise a storm in Congress against this squeamish policy, that will shake the foundations of your hall, and make the Executive stand aghast!"
Departed this life, on the 18th of December, 1807, at cantonment Belle Fontaine, near St. Louis in Upper Louisiana, after seven days illness of an inflammatory bilious disorder, CAPT. RUSSELL BISSELL, of the 1st. United States Regt. of Infantry; a respectable and meritorious officer, who for upwards of twenty years has been devoted to the service of his country.
By those who were acquainted with the deceased his loss will be sincerely lamented. At an early period of life he took to the profession of arms, and volunteered his services while a mere boy in the war which terminated in the glorious achievement of American independence—still cherishing a fondness for a military life, he resumed his sword at an early period of the late Indian wars in the Western World, and served with reputation in all the successive campaigns of St. Clair, Wayne and Wilkinson. Patient under fatigue, firm in danger, and persevering in difficulties, he has stood the hardest tugs of war without a murmur or ever being known to flinch from his duty—he was heard to say but a few before days his death, that during all his fatiguing campaigns
he had never lost a tour of duty by sickness.
Sincerity, charity and philanthropy, were among his peculiar characteristics—steady in his habits, punctual, correct and exemplary in his professional duties, he enjoyed the love and confidence of all his brother officers who had the honor of serving with him—strict in his discipline, it was ever so regulated by judgement and tempered by humanity as, at once to command the respect and win the affection of those under his command.
An officer, who, from a long acquaintance, knew his worth, pays this tribute of respect to the memory of his friend.
On the 20th his funeral obsequies were performed with military honors by the troops of the cantonment and attended by a number of the most respectable citizens, civil and military of St. Louis.—At 3 o'clock the procession was formed in front of the quarters of the deceased in the following order.
An officer's guard—the corps, supported by four serjeants and attended by six officers as pall-bearers—two subalterns of the company late belonging to the deceased, as first mourners—two companies of Infantry and one of artillery—the officers of the army and militia—the secretary, sheriff and other civil officers and citizens of the territory. The procession moved to the slow and solemn cadences of the dead march with the accompaniment of minute guns from the grand parade which were kept up until the body was interred, when three volleys of musketry fired over the grave closed the solemn ceremony and his friends returned in silent sadness with hearts deeply penetrated with sorrow for the loss of so loved and respected a brother officer.
Peace to the slumbers of the dead—and light be the turf that pillows the head of a soldier.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
EMBARGO CONTINUED OR WAR DECLARED
In either event it behoves the citizens of the United States to turn their attention to manufacturing. The first object of the most important branch of home manufacturing is that of woollens, and that entirely depends upon the raising and preserving the breed of sheep, and as the season is fast approaching when lambs will become fit for the table, in order to induce a forbearance from killing them, it is recommended that meetings be held in every neighborhood, county and state, and associations entered into, to refrain from killing any species of sheep during the present embargo, or war, if it should take place, between the United States, England or France, except it be such lambs, as may fall after the first of May, and that premiums be offered in each state for the encouragement of raising sheep, payable upon the largest and best fleeces of wool produced (to some authorised tribunal) from the smallest number of sheep.
The second object worthy of public consideration is, the raising of flax and hemp, for which purposes, societies should be formed in every county and state for encouraging the raising of them. The season for sowing those seeds is at hand, and the neglect of it for a few weeks, will lose the advantages that might arise from it for a whole year. It is therefore earnestly recommended to farmers and planters to turn their attention to this object immediately, individually, as no time is to be spared.
The important article of cotton our southern brethren will attend to, as it is their staple crop, and from whom we can obtain it by barter or purchase.
This will be taking time by the forelock, and be it peace or be it war, much good will result from the adoption of these measures.
A Friend to Home Manufacturing.
NOTICE. ALL the creditors of Andrew Kaldenbach, who have any claims against him or his estate whatever, are requested to meet at Mr. William Rhodes's Hotel, Pennsylvania Avenue, on the 25th of April next, at 3 o'clock, p. m. as said Kaldenbach intends to meet them there at that time, where proposals will be made to them; otherwise they will be by law excluded from all benefits arising from said estate whatsoever.
ANDREW KALDENBACH March 22—3t
This is to give Notice— THAT the subscriber of St. Mary's has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Saint Mary's county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Wilfred Neale, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand this 20th day of March 1808.
HENRY NEALE, Ex'r. March 25—6w
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, MARCH 18.
Mr. LIVEINGMORE said that some days ago he had given notice of his intention of introducing a resolution for the purpose of discussing the expediency of taking off the embargo; he now rose, impelled by a sense of duty to his constituents to make the motion.
It was not, (said he) from a sudden thought, but from the maturest consideration I am capable of bestowing upon any subject, and a full conviction of the propriety of my duty, that I formed the determination to make the motion; and I confess I have, seen no cause to alter my opinion since I declared my intention. I shall briefly assign the reasons in support of the resolution I am about to offer, hoping by the indulgence of the House, hereafter to have an opportunity of discussing at large this important question. It must be acknowledged we are pretty much in the dark with respect to our foreign relations; but as to Great Britain I think we ought not to have a rational apprehension of war. There must be an egregious fault in the government of that nation or ours, to have produced such a state of things. I think the world will say, and our constituents have a right to conclude from the whiteness of our conduct the present session (except as to war) has evinced that war with that nation is the furthest from our thoughts. I highly approve of this peaceable disposition, and hope that neither government will be so distracted as by its conduct to occasion hostilities between us. As to France & Spain, it appears by the communication from the President yesterday, we are in a state of war with both. For the tyrannical decree of Milan, as it is called, and the servile Spanish proclamation in pursuance, are in my opinion tantamount to a declaration of war against all neutral commerce, and ought to be considered and resented as such, if any spirit remained in the nation; but an embargo is a most impotent way of resisting the injury.
As a representative of a very important part of the union, I feel it my duty to speak my mind freely upon this occasion; and I trust in God I shall never hesitate when an object of such importance to the honor and happiness of my constituents is before me, and I confess I do not perceive any difficulty in choosing the course we ought to pursue.
When the subject of the embargo shall be fairly examined, I apprehend the loss of property to the people of the U. S. will greatly astonish gentlemen. It appears that the exports of one year prior to the 1st of October, 1807, amounted to 48,700,000 dollars of the produce and manufactures of the U. S. and we have reason to believe that the increase would have made the whole amount for the present year at least 50 millions. The profit upon the sales at foreign markets including freights, and which is the earnings of our vessels and labor of our seamen, may be estimated at 50 per cent. The amount of exports of foreign articles the last year was 59 millions 600,000 dollars. The profit arising to our citizens upon importation and exportation may be estimated at 50 per cent, or about 30 millions; which is a moderate estimation, including freight. It would be a very moderate calculation to estimate the whole benefits to the citizens of the U. S. arising from imports and exports of articles of foreign and domestic growth and manufacture at one hundred millions exclusive of the revenue, which is now up to 10 millions more. But suppose in consequence of losses by capture, and failure of markets resulting from the present embargos, our commerce, the sum should be reduced one third or even one half; yet still the sum is great, and although a man would be overwhelmed with the loss of his whole property, he might be under the privation of one half. It may be demonstrated, that should the embargo continue one year, the loss to the U. S. would amount to 50 millions of dollars at the most moderate calculation; and I am strongly inclined to think I should be justified should I estimate it at 100 millions. About 33 millions are the products of agriculture; the residue consists of produce of the sea, of the forest, of manufactures, and the earnings of ships, &c. Most of laborers and seamen, &c. Most of the articles exported are of a perishable nature; such as are not, are superfluous, or not wanted in the U. S. or for home consumption; or such as would not be manufactured if there was no market for them. And supposing the embargo to be taken off at the end of the year, a double quantity to carry to market, would by overcharging it reduce the price, so that the whole would not be of more value than the produce of one season. But what may be infinitely worse, and in its consequences prove calamitous indeed, is, that people being driven by necessity would seek other sources of commerce to supply their wants; and perhaps our citizens be forever deprived of their customary trade. This subject requires the most serious attention of Congress.
The loss of property to the people of the U. S. is of itself very great; but the events consequent upon it are infinitely greater. The people who are to be wholly deprived of the means of support, and who already feel the bad effects of the embargo, will be found not to fall short of two hundred thousand; and how they are to gain a subsistence, requires more intelligence than falls to the lot of any mortal to devise. The distress of these and a variety of other persons, will be such as admits not of human conception.
Men may be obeyed until a large proportion of the people find them too grievous to be borne. But what must the situation of that country be, when so large a proportion of the people become frantic through sufferings? The thing may in a faint degree be imagined, but description would fail; & my intention is to give this subject the most calm, temperate and logical consideration; not heightened by rhetorical or fanciful description of distresses, of which it is so abundantly capable. Never, however, did a subject offer greater temptation to the indulgence of fancy, and which the kindness of the House may hereafter allow.
There have been at various periods, embargos in particular ports, for certain purposes, and for a short duration of time; but never until an American legislature conceived the bold idea, did a government lay a general embargo upon a commerce of one hundred millions of dollars annual exportation. Nations at war embargo each other as much as they can, as is now practised in Europe, but to destroy our own commerce in order to injure our neighbor, is certainly a novel invention. It is too much like a man's binding up his limbs to prevent a circulation of his blood, the better to promote the health of the natural body. But as certain death would be the inevitable consequence of a want of circulation and proper nourishment; so the certain death of the body politic will be the consequence of the continuance of the embargo.
I am aware of the objects of some gentlemen who are supporters of the embargo system, who suppose that it is to operate as a coercive measure upon foreign nations; but I apprehend this opinion is in a great degree erroneous. It will probably affect France and Spain; but if I am right in my conjecture, the necessary, proper and justifiable course towards those nations is a suspension of commercial intercourse, and suffering our vessels to arm against their cruisers. This with a similar spirit, which broke forth in '98—a spark struck from the fire of '76 would ensure us tolerable safety on the ocean; and undoubtedly peace on good terms with the only nation capable essentially to injure our commerce.
But the embargo cannot injure G. Britain; indeed how the giving up to that nation the disputed commerce of the ocean, and cutting off all supplies from her enemies, can affect her otherwise than beneficially, is past my powers of comprehension. Our provisions she can live without; the raw materials she can get elsewhere; and her manufactures will find their way into every country on the globe, so long as they retain their excellence. The ingenuity of man cannot prevent it. As to compelling G. Britain to give up the right of searching for seamen in merchant vessels; it is the most ridiculous expedient ever hit upon. Let the embargo be continued one year, and we shall not have a tenth part of our seamen remaining in our country. This circumstance I noticed at the time of passing the first act, and every day gives accounts verifying the prediction.
This question has been frequently asked—"Should the embargo be taken off, where can our vessels go?" It ought to be a sufficient answer to this enquiry to say, leave the ship owners to find a market for the goods they choose to export, and it can be no objection on the part of the farmer or planter, that the exporter may make a bad bargain; it is for him alone to find his market, and he is perfectly willing to take the risk upon himself, or can find insurers to assist him, and the enhanced price must ultimately fall upon the consumer. But this is not the only answer, and it can be clearly shewn, that there is a greater and more beneficial trade now open to us, than we ever enjoyed previous to the war in Europe; and probably greater than we have any rational expectation of enjoying, should peace take place. We have a greater trade with the whole continent of America than we ever had. The trade to Brazil (which it will be our own fault if we do not participate in) will be an immense acquisition. The trade to the West India Islands, including that to Hispaniola; which out of great respect to the French government, we have relinquished; is much more valuable, and would be more beneficial than ever it was at any former period. The trade to the East Indies is of very great importance; and the whole of Asia and Africa are still open to the enterprise of our countrymen. Part of the Mediterranean, and part of the Baltic are in the same situation.
To the British European islands, and most of the continent of Europe; it is true, we are differently circum-
stances. In going to the former there is some risk, on account of French cruisers; and so it may be in the West India islands; but in my opinion the remedy is easy and we ought not to hesitate. The latter ought to be prohibited until justice is the only rule among nations, and the law of nations is something more than a dead letter. But at all events it would be infinitely better for our country, to let our merchants have the common privilege of our fellow citizens, of disposing of their own property—to determine for themselves the amount of the risk, and take their chance of capture, rather than to continue the embargo which must be inevitable destruction to all. They ought not to be denied the privilege of free citizens. An opportunity of discussing this important subject is what I most earnestly wish. Those who favor or support the embargo system may then adduce their arguments in its support—which I trust will be fairly, candidly, and I hope satisfactorily answered, and a just conclusion drawn, which may rescue our once happy country from the destruction which awaits it. The destruction of 100 millions of property is of very serious consequence, & we may add to this value 1,044,000 tons of shipping which if destroyed, could not be replaced much short of fifty millions of dollars; but great as the losses are, they are trifling in themselves when considered in relation to the consequences. The individual distress, and a national bankruptcy, for want of revenue—a universal poverty for want of a circulating medium, which will vanish in a very little time under the present stagnation of business—a hatred towards the government—a dissolution of the constitution, and a second age of Vandalism—appear to me the inevitable consequences of the embargo system.
Though I can perceive no necessity for what has been an "entangling alliance" with any nation, yet I am compelled upon this occasion to say, that from necessity our only course of safety, is peace with Great Britain and opposition to the boundless ambition of the Emperor of the French. And I go further and declare my opinion (which as a freeman and a representative of freemen I have a right to utter) that should Britain fall beneath the meditated yoke; Americans would be like Voman , the last to be devoured. Why then, should we not lay aside unnatural prejudices, and hasten to do ourselves justice? I believe I speak the sentiments of a majority of the nation; and I believe it is the opinion of a majority of this House.
That Bonaparte has declared there shall be no neutrals, we have as good information as we have of the facts communicated yesterday, and it is difficult for me to believe that Mr. Armstrong has not communicated the information to our government. If he has neglected his duty, he is very unfit for the important station he holds.
But we have enough communicated to justify our proceeding in the way I have mentioned, and therefore I offer this resolution.
Resolved , That the public good requires that the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels of the United States should be repealed and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose; and that said committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of permitting the merchant vessels of the United States to arm for their defence against certain cruisers, and of associating for the purpose of convoy; and to enquire into the expediency of suspending commercial intercourse with France, and the nations under the control of the Emperor of the French, and to report by bill or otherwise.
The house refused to consider this resolution, 84 to 24.
PUBLIC NOTICE. BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold on Thursday the 21st day of April next, at his late dwelling in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of John Austin, late of said county, deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils and a variety of other articles too numerous to mention. The terms of sale are six months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good sureties bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums to the amount of ten dollars and under, the cash must be paid. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock.
JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. March 25—3w
PUBLIC NOTICE.
BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold on Thursday the 21st day of April next, at his late dwelling in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of John Austin, late of said county, deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils and a variety of other articles too numerous to mention. The terms of sale are six months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good sureties bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums to the amount of ten dollars and under, the cash must be paid. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock.
JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. March 25—3w
PUBLIC NOTICE.
BY order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold on Thursday the 21st day of April next, at his late dwelling in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of John Austin, late of said county, deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils and a variety of other articles too numerous to mention. The terms of sale are six months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good sureties bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums to the amount of ten dollars and under, the cash must be paid. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock.
JOHN H. HALL, Adm'r. March 25—3w

THE MILITARY COURT or EN- QUIRY in the case of General Wilkinson met again on Tuesday, when the depositions of Governor Wright and Mr. James L. Donaldson were taken.
For the new advertisement of the Baltimore Fire Insurance Company, see the last page.
ERRATUM in the act entitled "An act in addition to the act entitled "An act supplementary to the act entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the harbors of the United States," as inserted in the Na- tional Intelligencer of the 18th inst.— In the 3rd section the words "or by capture" ought to be stricken out.
On Tuesday the President laid be- fore both Houses of Congress the following IMPORTANT MESSAGE. The documents are so very voluminous that a considerable portion of them yet remain unread, although three entire days have been devoted to the perusal. A part of them, con- nected with the others, being confi- dential, the doors have been kept closed. To morrow, it is supposed, the reading will be brought to a close. In the mean time the Senate have di- rected 500 copies of the papers rela- tive to the Chesapeake to be printed, and the House have directed 5,000 copies of all the papers to be publish- ed, as read. As these communica- tions are of the deepest importance, and ought to be in the hands of every American, we shall push the pub- lication with the utmost spirit.
To the Senate and House of Represen- tatives of the United States.
At the opening of the present ses- sion, I informed the legislature, that the measures which had been taken with the government of Great Britain, for the settlement of our neutral and national rights, and of the conditions of commercial intercourse with that nation, had resulted in articles of a treaty, which could not be acceded to on our part; that instructions had con- sequently been sent to our ministers there, to resume the negotiations, and to endeavor to obtain certain altera- tions, and that this was interrupted by the transaction which took place be- tween the frigates Leopard and Ches- apeake. The call on that government for reparation of this wrong pro- duced, as Congress has been already informed, the mission of a special Minister to this country, and the oc- casion is now arrived, when the pub- lic interest permits and requires, that the nature of these proceedings should be made known to you.
I therefore now communicate the instructions given to our Minister re- sident at London, and his communi- cations to that government, on the subject of the Chesapeake, with the correspondence which has taken place here between the Secretary of State and Mr. Rose, the special Minister charged with the adjustment of that difference; the instructions to our Ministers for the formation of a treaty; their correspondence with the British commissioners, and with their own government on that subject; the treaty itself and written declaration of the British Commissioners accompa- nying it; and the instructions given by us for resuming the negotiation, with the proceedings and correspon- dence subsequent thereto. To these I have added a letter lately addressed to the Secretary of State from one of our late Ministers, which, though not strictly written in an official character, I think it my duty to communicate, in order that his views of the proposed treaty, and of its several articles, may be fairly presented and under- stood.
Although I have heretofore, and from time to time, made such com- munications to Congress, as to keep them possessed of a general and just view of the proceedings and disposi- tions of the government of France towards this country, yet in our pres- ent critical situation, when we find that no conduct on our part, however impartial and friendly, has been suf- ficient to insure, from either belli- gerent, a just respect for our rights, I am desirous that nothing shall be omitted on my part, which may add to your information on this subject, or contribute to the correctness of the views which should be formed. The papers which for these reasons, I now lay before you, embrace all the com- munications, official or verbal, from the French government, respecting the general relations between the two countries, which have been transmit- ted through our Minister there, or through any other accredited chan- nel, since the last session of Con- gress; to which time all informa- tion of the same kind had, from time to time, been given them. Some of these papers have already been sub- mitted to Congress; but it is thought better to offer them again in order that the chain of communications, of which they make a part, may be presented unbroken.
When, on the 25th of February, I communicated to both Houses the letter of Gen. Armstrong to M.
Champagny, I desired it might not be published, because of the tendency of that practice to restrain injuriously the freedom of our foreign corres- pondence. But perceiving that this caution, proceeding purely from a re- gard to the public good, has furnished occasion for disseminating unfounded suspicion as to insinuations, I am in- duced to believe that the good which will now result from its publication, by confirming the confidence and uni- on of our fellow citizens, will more than counteract the ordinary objec- tion to such publications. It is my wish therefore that it may be now published.
TH: JEFFERSON. March 22, 1808. No. I. From Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. Department July 6, 1807.
SIR, THE documents herewith en- closed, from No. 1 to No. 9, inclu- sive, explain the hostile attack with the insulting pretext for it, lately committed near the Capes of Vir- ginia by the British ship of war the Leopard, on the American frigate the Chesapeake. No. 10, is a copy of the proclamation issued by the President, interdicting in consequence of that outrage the use of our waters and every other accommodation to all British armed ships.
This enormity is not a subject for discussion. The immunity of a na- tional ship of war from every species and purpose of search on the high seas, has never been contested by any nation. Great Britain would be se- cond to none in resenting such a vi- olation of her rights and such an insult on her flag. She may bring the case to the test of her own feelings by supposing that instead of the custom- ary demand of our mariners serving compulsively even on board her ships of war, opportunities had been seized for rescuing them in like manner whenever the superiority of force or the chance of surprise might be pos- sessed by our ships of war.
But the present case is marked by circumstances which give it a peculiar die. The seamen taken from the Chesapeake had been ascertained to be native citizens of the United States, and this fact was made known to the bearer of the demand, and doubtless communicated by him to his comman- der previous to the commencement of the attack. It is a fact also, af- firmed by two of the men, with every appearance of truth, that they had been impressed from American ves- sels into the British frigate, from which they escaped, and by the third, that having been impressed from a British merchant ship, he had accept- ed the recruiting bounty under that duress and with a view to alleviate his situation, till he could escape to his own country: and that the attack was made during a period of negotiation, and in the midst of friendly assur- ances from the British government.
The printed papers herewith sent will enable you to judge of the spirit which has been roused by the occa- sion. It pervades the whole commu- nity; it is abolishing the distinctions of party; and regarding only the indigni- ty offered to the sovereignty and flag of the nation, and the blood of citi- zens so wantonly and wickedly shed, demands in the loudest tone an ho- norable reparation.
With this demand you are charged by the President. The tenor of his proclamation will be your guide in reminding the British government of the uniform proofs given by the United States of their disposition to main- tain faithfully every friendly relation; of the multiplied infractions of their rights by British naval commanders on our coasts and in our harbors; of the inefficacy of reiterated appeals to the justice and friendship of that gov- ernment; and of the moderation on the part of the United States, which reiterated disappointments had not extinguished; till at length no alter- native is left, but a voluntary satis- faction on the part of Great Britain, or a resort to means depending on the United States alone.
The nature and extent of the satis- faction ought to be suggested to the British government, not less by a sense of its own honor than by justice to that of the United States. A for- mal disavowal of the deed, and resto- ration of the four seamen to the ship from which they were taken, are things of course, and indispensable. As a security for the future, an entire abolition of impressments from ves- sels under the flag of the United States, if not already arranged, is also to make an indispensable part of the satisfaction. The abolition must be on terms compatible with the in- structions to yourself and Mr. Pink- ney on this subject; and if possible without the authorised rejection from the service of the United States of British seamen who have not been two years in it. Should it be impos- sible to avoid this concession on the part of the United States, it ought, as of itself more than a reasonable price for future security, to extend the re- paration due for the past.
But beyond these indispensable conditions, the United States have a right to expect every solemnity of
form and every other ingredient of retribution and respect which accord- ing to usage and the sentiments of mankind, are proper in the strongest cases of insult to the rights and so- vereignty of a nation. And the Bri- tish government is to be apprized of the importance of a full compliance with this expectation to the thorough healing of the wound which has been made in the feelings of the American nation.
Should it be alleged as a ground for declining or diminishing the satis- faction in this case, that the United States have themselves taken it by the interdict contained in the pro- clamation, the answer will be obvious. The interdict is a measure, not of reparation, but of precaution, and would besides be amply justified by occurrences prior to the extraordinary outrage in question.
The exclusion of all armed ships whatever from our waters, is in fact so much required by the vexations and dangers to our peace experien- ced from their visits, that the Presi- dent makes it a special part of the charge to you, to avoid laying the United States under any species of restraint from adopting that remedy. Being extended to all belligerent na- tions, none of them could of right complain, and with the less reason, as the policy of most nations has li- mited the admission of foreign ships of war into their ports, to such num- bers as being inferior to the naval force of the country, could be readi- ly made to respect its authority and laws.
As it may be useful, in enforcing the justice of the present demand, to bring into view applicable cases, especially where Great Britain has been the complaining party, I refer you to the ground taken & the language held by her, in those of Falkland's Island and Nootka Sound, notwith- standing the assertion by Spain in both cases, that the real right was in her, and the possessory only in Great Bri- tain. These cases will be found in the Annual Registers for 1771, and 1790, and in the parliamentary debates for those years. In the latter you will find also two cases referred to, in one of which the French king sent an ambassador extraordinary to the king of Sardinia, in the most public and solemn manner, with an apology for an infringement of his territo- rial rights in the pursuit of a smug- ler and murderer. In the other case, an ambassador extraordinary was sent by the British government to the court of Portugal, with an apology, for the pursuit and destruction by ad- miral Boscawen of certain French ships on the coasts of this last king- dom. Many other cases, more or less analogous, may doubtless be found; see, particularly the repara- tion by France to Great Britain, for the attack on Turks Island in 1764, as related in the Annual Register & in Smollet's continuation of Hume, vol. 10, the proceedings in the case of an English merchantman, which suffered much in her crew and other- wise, from the fire of certain Spanish zebecs cruising in the Mediterranean; and the execution of the lieutenant of a privateer, for firing a gun into a Venetian merchantman, which killed the captain, as stated in the Annual Register, for 1781, page 94. The case of an affront offered to a Russian ambassador in the reign of Queen Ann, though less analogous, shews in a general view, the solemnity with which reparation is made, for insults having immediate relation to the so- vereignty of a nation.
Although the principle which was outraged in the proceedings against the American frigate is indepen- dent of the question concerning the allegiance of the seamen taken from her, the fact that they were citi- zens of the United States, and not British subjects, may have such an influence on the feelings of all, and perhaps on the opinions of some un- acquainted with the laws and usages of nations, that it has been thought proper to seek more regular proofs of their national character than were deemed sufficient in the first instance. These proofs will be added by this conveyance, if obtained in time, if not by the first that succeeds.
The President has an evident right to expect from the British govern- ment not only an ample reparation to the United States, in this case, but that it will be decided without difficulty or delay. Should this expectation fail, and above all, should reparation be refused, it will be incumbent on you to take proper measures for hast- ening home, according to the degree of urgency, all American vessels re- maining in British ports; using for the purpose, the mode least likely to awaken the attention of the British government. Where there may be no ground to distrust the prudence or fidelity of consuls, they will probably be found the fittest vehicles for your intimations. It will be particularly requisite to communicate to our pub- lic ships in the Mediterranean, the state of affairs, if it be such as ought to influence their movements.
All negotiation, with the British government on other subjects, will of course be suspended until satisfaction on this be so pledged and arranged as
to render negotiation honorable. Whatever may be the result or the prospect, you will please to forward to us the earliest information.
The scope of the proclamation will signify to you that the President has yielded to the presumption that the hostile act of the British commander did not pursue the intentions of his government. It is not indeed easy to suppose that so rash and so critical a step should have originated with the admiral, but it is still more difficult to believe, that such orders were pre- scribed by any government, under cir- cumstances such as existed between Great Britain and the United States.
Calculations founded on dates, are also strongly opposed to the supposition that the orders in question could have been transmitted from England. In the same scale, are to be put the ap- parent and declared persuasion of the British representative, Mr. Erskine, that no orders of a hostile spirit, could have been issued or authorised by his government; and the co-incident of this assurance with the amicable pro- fessions of Mr. Canning, the organ of the new administration, as stated in the dispatch of April 22d, from yourself and Mr. Pinkney.
Proceeding on these considerations, the President has informed that the justice and honor of the British gov- ernment will readily make the atone- ment required; and in that expecta- tion, he has forborne an immediate call of Congress; notwithstanding the strong wish which has been man- ifested by many, that measures de- pending on their authority, should without delay be adopted. The mo- tives to this forbearance have, at the same time, been strengthened by the policy of avoiding a course which might stimulate the British cruisers, in this quarter, to arrest our ships and seamen now arriving and shortly ex- pected in great numbers from all quar- ters. It is probable, however, that the legislature will be convened in time to receive the answer of the Bri- tish government on the subject of this dispatch, or even sooner, if the con- duct of the British squadron here, or other occurrences, should require immediate measures beyond the au- thority of the Executive.
In order to give the more expedi- tion and security to the present dis- patch, a public armed vessel, the Re- venge, is specially employed; and doctor Bullus is made the bearer, who was on board the Chesapeake, on his way to a consulate in the Mediter- ranean, and will be able to detail and explain circumstances which may pos- sibly become interesting in the course of your communications with the British government.
The vessel, after depositing doctor Bullus at a British port, will proceed with dispatches to a French port, but will return to England with a view to bring the result of your transactions with the British government. The trip to France will afford you and Mr. Pinkney a favorable opportunity of communicating with our ministers at Paris, who being instructed to regu- late their conduct on the present oc- casion by the advices they may re- ceive from you, will need every ex- planation that can throw light on the probable turn and issue of things with Great Britain.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
No. II. Correspondence between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Canning, in relation to the attack on the Chesapeake, with Mr. Monroe's letters to the Secretary of State on the same subject.
(Private.) FOREIGN OFFICE, Saturday, July 25, 1807.
Mr. Canning presents his compli- ments to Mr. Monroe, and with sen- timents of the deepest regret has to inform him that intelligence has just been received of a transaction which has taken place off the coast of Ameri- ca, between a ship of war of his majes- ty, & a frigate belonging to the United States; the result of which has been the loss of some lives on board the American frigate.
The particulars of this transaction and the grounds of the justification of the British officer, and of the admiral, under whose orders he acted, Mr. Canning is not at present enabled to communicate to Mr. Monroe.
If Mr. Monroe should have received any accounts of it, Mr. Canning trusts he will lose no time in communi- cating them to Mr. Canning.
But whatever the real merits and character of the transaction may turn out to be, Mr. Canning could not for- bear expressing without delay the sin- cere concern and sorrow which he feels at its unfortunate result; and as- suring the American minister, both from himself and on the behalf of his majesty's government, that if the Bri- tish officers should prove to have been culpable, the most prompt and effect- ual reparation shall be afforded to the government of the United States. James Monroe, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
To Mr. CANNING. Mr. Monroe presents his compli- ments to Mr. Canning, and is much obliged to him for the information com- municated in his note of Saturday. Mr. Monroe has heard with extreme regret the account it contains of a ren- contre between a British ship of war and an American frigate off the coast of the United States. He has no know- ledge of the subject except what Mr. Canning's note has furnished, but will not fail to communicate the earliest intelligence which he may receive of
an event so deeply to be lamented. Mr. Monroe derives in the mean time much satisfaction from the friendly as- surance of Mr. Canning, that this unfor- tunate occurrence was not authorised by his majesty's government, and that suitable reparation will be made for the injury, if on enquiry the British officer shall be found the aggressor. Portland Place, Monday, July 27, 1807.
The Right honorable George Canning, &c. &c. &c.
To Mr. CANNING. Portland Place, July 29, 1807.
SIR—Although I have no instruc- tion from my government on the sub- ject, it is my duty to request the at- tention of his Britannic majesty's go- vernment to a late aggression on the sovereignty of the United States, of a very extraordinary nature. The cir- cumstances of the transaction are too distinctly marked to leave any doubt of the extent of the outrage, or of the reparation which is obviously claim- ed. By accounts which are entitled to full confidence, it appears that on the 23d of June last, his majesty's ship the Leo- pard attacked an American frigate off the coast of the United States, with a view to arrest and enforce the un- died and most unjustifiable pretension to search for deserters, and after having killed and wounded a number of her men, entered on board and carried away forcibly seven of the crew. The conduct of the British officer which in itself forms an act of complete hostility, is rendered more reprehensible from the consideration that just before this aggression he held a station within the jurisdiction of the United States, in the waters of the Chesapeake, where while he enjoyed the rights of hospital- ity, he projected this attack against the ship of a neutral power, whose commander relied on the good faith of his majesty's government, and the friendly relations existing between Great Britain and the United States, could not have suspected the design. I might cite other examples of great indignity and outrage, many of which are of re- cent date, to which the United States have been exposed off their coasts, and even within several of their harbors, from the British squadron; but it is impro- per to mingle them with the present more serious case of complaint. I have called your attention to this sub- ject in full confidence that his majesty's government will see in the act com- plained of, a flagrant abuse of its own authority, and that it will not hesi- tate to enable me to communicate to my government without delay a frank dis- avowal of the principle on which it was made, and an assurance that the officer who is responsible for it shall suffer the punishment which so unexampled an aggression on the sovereignty of a neutral nation justly deserves.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, sir, your very obedient servant, (Signed) JAMES MONROE, The Right honorable George Canning, &c. &c. &c.
FROM Mr. CANNING. Foreign Office, Aug. 3d, 1807.
SIR—I have the honor to acknow- ledge the receipt of your official note of the 29th ult. which I have lost no time in laying before the king.
As the statement of the transaction to which this note refers, is not brought forward either by the authority of the government of the United States, or with any precise knowledge of the facts on which it is founded, it might have been sufficient for me to express to you, his majesty's readiness to take the whole of the circumstances of the case, when fully disclosed, into his consideration, and to make reparation for any alleged injury to the sovereignty of the United States, whenever it should be clearly shown that such injury has been actual- ly sustained, and that such reparation is really due.
On the existence of such a disposi- tion on the part of the British govern- ment, you, sir, cannot be ignorant: I have already assured you of it, though in an unofficial form, by the letter which I addressed to you on the first receipt of the intelligence of this unfortunate transaction: and I may perhaps be permitted to express my surprise, after such an assurance, at the tone of that representation which I have just had the honor to receive from you.
But the earnest desire of his majesty to evince, in the most satisfactory man- ner, the principles of justice and mode- ration, by which he is uniformly act- uated, has not permitted him to hesitate in commanding me to assure you, that his majesty neither does, nor has at any time, maintained the pretension of a right to search ships of war, in the na- tional service of any state, for desert- ers.
If therefore the statement in your note should prove to be correct, and to contain all the circumstances of the case, upon which complaint is intended to be made, and if it shall appear that the act of his majesty's officers rested on no other grounds than the stupid and unqualified assertion of the pretension above referred to, his majesty has no difficulty in disavowing that act, and will have no difficulty in manifesting his displeasure at the conduct of his of- ficers.
With respect to the other causes of complaint [whatever they may be] which are hinted at in your note, I per- fectly agree with you, in the sentiment which you express, as to the priority of not involving them in a question, which is of itself of sufficient impor- tance to claim a separate and most serious consideration.
I have only to lament, that the same sentiment did not induce you to abstain from alluding to the subjects, on an occasion which you were, yourself, of opinion, was not favorable for pursuing the discussion of them.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, your most obe- dient humble servant, (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. James Monroe, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
No. London, August 4th, 1807. Sir—I avail myself of the opportu-

nity afforded by Mr. Biddle, to communicate to you a copy of a correspondence, between Mr. Canning and myself, relative to the late aggression on the peace and sovereignty of the U. States, by the British ship Leopard, in an attack on the Chesapeake, off the Capes of Virginia.
Mr. Canning's private letter of July 25, which gave the first intelligence of the occurrence, left it doubtful whether the British officers had been culpable in it, and as I knew how very pressing it was that their conduct had been on our part, on many other occasions, and to what extent the sensibility of our citizens had been excited by it, I thought it not improbable that something might have occurred to divide the blame between the parties. It was under that impression that my answer was written. On the next day the leading features of the transaction were presented to the public, through the medium of the gazettes, which were taken from private accounts received directly from Halifax, by a vessel which had been detained by Admiral Berkeley, with the officer on board. By these it was evident that the British officer was completely the aggressor, in an outrage of great enormity, attended with circumstances which increased the offence. It was understood likewise from good authority, that the official intelligence, which the government had received, corresponded with and confirmed the other accounts already before the public.
On full consideration of these circumstances, I concluded that it would be highly improper for me to leave the affair on the ground on which Mr. Canning had placed it. I could see no other motive to it than to obtain further information relative to the transaction, than for the purpose of ascertaining whether the men said to be deserters, and for whom the attack was made, were American citizens or British subjects; to which it was impossible for me to give any countenance. I thought it indispensable therefore to call on the government to disavow the principle and to engage such other reparation to the United States, as their injured honor obviously required. It appeared to me, that any delay in taking that step which depended on an abstract principle, and required no argument to illustrate, or fact to support it, would have a tendency to weaken a claim which was unquestionable, and to countenance the idea that it would not be supportable with suitable energy.
I had, before the knowledge of this event, obtained the appointment of an interview with Mr. Canning on other business, to take place on the 29th ultimo. We met according to the appointment; I observed, in opening the conference, that although the topics which had brought us together, were important, the late occurrence at the entrance of the Chesapeake had a great measure put the matter out of sight. I expressed my regret that such an event which would at all times furnish cause of concern, should have happened at the present time. He asked if the men in question were American citizens, or British subjects? I replied that that was a point which could not come into view in the case; that it was one which, according as the fact might be, would make the cause more or less popular, in either country, but could not affect the principle; that on principle, a ship of war protected all the people on board, and could not be entered, to be searched for deserters, or for any purpose, without violating the sovereignty of the nation whose flag she bore; that in the present case it had been assured, that the men were American citizens, and that the British minister at Washington had been made acquainted with it. He said little on the subject, but by the tendency of what he did say, seemed to imply that his government could not lose sight of the consideration above alluded to, nor indeed did he admit by any thing that escaped him, that the abstract principle itself would not be insisted on. His remarks however were generally of a conciliatory and friendly character; without pledging himself on any point, he seemed disposed to satisfy me, that no new orders had been issued by the present ministry to the commandant of the British squadron at Halifax. I observed, that as the notes which had passed between us, were informal, and on a very limited view of the subject, on my part, it would be proper for me now, that the circumstances were better known, to present him an official note on it; to be admitted the propriety of it.
I then drew Mr. Canning's attention to the subject on which I had asked the interview; being the case of the Imperial Captain Love's correspondence, the conduct of Capt. Douglas, and of the British squadron generally on our coast. I observed that I had heretofore postponed any official communication on these points from a desire to connect them with the greater objects depending between our governments, and of course, from motives the most friendly; that I brought him to his view at this time, in consequence of Mr. Pinkney's mysterious comment on the other business, as he knew had been done; he promised to attend to them.
On the 29th July, I wrote Mr. Canning the note which I had promised him in the late interview. I addressed it in terms which I thought suitable to the occasion, observing to state in it, that I took the step from a sense of duty applicable to my station as the present minister, and without authority from my government. I considered that as a matter of the British officer, in which the government had no agency, it was not our business to support, and which would be non-ratified for it to disavow. I flattered myself that some advantage might arise from the measure, so that under the circumstances in which it was taken, no injury possibly could. Its reply is dated on the 3d instant, which though addressed in rather a harsh tone, may be considered as conceding essentially the point desired. It is my intention to say nothing more to
him on the subject, till I hear from you, and in the mean time to observe the most conciliatory conduct that circumstances will admit.
Such is the state of this country at the present crisis, that it is impossible to foresee what will be its course of conduct towards the U. States. There has been at all times, since the commencement of the present war, a strong party here for extending its ravages to them. This party is composed of the ship owners, the navy, the East and West India merchants, and several political characters of great consideration in the state. So powerful is this combination, that it is most certain that nothing can be obtained of the government on any point, but what may be extorted by necessity. The ministers to the north ought to inspire more fear, but with respect to the northern powers, it seems to have produced directly the opposite effect. A fleet of about 25 ships of the line, with a suitable number of frigates, &c. and above 20,000 men has been lately equipped, and sent to the Baltic, as it is said, to the protection of the Danish and Russian navies. This measure is imputed to an understanding which it is supposed has been established between the cabinets of Russia and Prussia by the late peace, and which has for its object a concert of measures for the purpose of attempting to force on this country a maritime code, more favorable to neutral nations. The motive assigned for the expedition, is that of taking possession of the Danish fleet, to keep it out of the hands of the French; that the Russian fleet is one of the objects is not so generally believed, though perhaps not less probable.
Mr. Pinkney and myself have taken the first step in our business. We will write you in a few days the state of it. You may be assured that we shall do every thing in our power to promote, in the mode most likely to succeed, the object of our instructions and the interests of our country. Want of time prevents my going into further detail.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, sir, your most obedient servant, JAMES MONROE. James Madison, Esq. Secretary of State, Washington.
From Mr. CANNING to Mr. MONROE. Foreign Office, August 8, 1807.
Sir—Having received from his majesty's minister, an unofficial printed paper, purporting to be a copy of a proclamation of the President of the U. States, I have to request that you will be pleased to acquaint me, whether you have received any communication from your government which enables you to pronounce if such paper be authentic?
In the event of your being empowered to admit its authenticity, I have further to request of you, that you will inform me whether you are also authorised to announce it to be the intention of the government of the U. States to carry into effect the measures stated in the proclamation of the President, without requiring, or waiting for, any explanation, on the part of the British government, with respect to the late unfortunate transaction, upon which the determination to resort to these measures is professed to be founded?
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. P. S. I have the honor to enclose an American newspaper, containing a copy of the paper in question.
Mr. MONROE to Mr. CANNING. Portland Place, August 9, 1807.
Sir—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of yesterday, and should not hesitate to communicate the information which you have desired, if I possessed it; but as I have not heard from my government on the subject of the unfortunate occurrence alluded to, it is not in my power to state to you any thing on the part of my government respecting it. I have no doubt that I shall be instructed in a very few days, to make a communication to his majesty's government on that highly interesting event, in which I shall be enabled to furnish a full and just view of all the circumstances attending it. As soon as I receive instructions I shall hasten to apprise you of it. I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) JAMES MONROE. Mr. MONROE to the SECRETARY OF STATE of the United States. London, August 14, 1807.
Sir—I had the honor to transmit you with my letter of the 4th inst. a copy of a correspondence with Mr. Canning, relative to the late aggression in the case of the Chesapeake frigate. You will receive with this a copy of a more recent one on the same subject.
By Mr. Canning's queries in his last note, I was led to consider as preparatory to an embargo on American vessels. I could not conceive why he should request information of me, whether the President's proclamation was authentic, and when it would be carried into effect, if it was not intended to found some measure on my reply of an unfriendly nature. The information desired was not necessary to remove any doubts of his government on the points to which it applied, or to enable it to do justice to the U. States, in regard to the aggression of which they complained. The presumption that an embargo was intended gained strength from the circumstance that most of the gazettes had recommended, and that the public mind seemed to be essentially prepared for it. It was my most earnest wish
to prevent, as far as in my power, so unjust and pernicious a procedure. As the measure contemplated, whatever it might be, seemed to be suspended for my answer, I was extremely solicitous, by the manner, to deprive this government of all pretext for any of the kind alluded to. By replying generally that I had no instructions from my government, and could state nothing on its part respecting the late occurrence, I avoided giving a direct answer to Mr. Canning's queries; and by drawing his attention to the application which it was to be presumed would soon be made on the part of my government, on that subject, I endeavored to show more strongly the impolicy and injustice which would stamp any such measure on the part of G. Britain in the present stage.
No step has yet been taken by this government of an unfriendly character towards the United States; and from the communication which Mr. Canning made to the House of Commons on the day he received my last note, which you will find in the gazettes sent, I am persuaded that things will remain in the state in which they are, till your dispatch is received. I trust that a disposition exists to make such reparation on the point in question, as will be satisfactory to the U. States, and that it will be practicable and not difficult to preserve the friendly relations subsisting between the two countries. The party however in favor of war, consisting of the combined interests mentioned in my last, is strong and active, so that it is impossible to foresee the result. I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) JAMES MONROE. TO MR. CANNING. No. 10.
Mr. MONROE presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and has the honor to inform him, that he has just received instructions from his government relative to the late attack of the U. S. frigate Chesapeake, by his majesty's ship Leopard, off the coast of the U. States.
Mr. Monroe requests that Mr. Canning would have the goodness to give him an early interview on that subject.
Mr. Monroe requests Mr. Canning to accept the assurances of his high consideration. Portland Place, Sept. 1, 1807.
FROM MR. CANNING. No. 11.
FOREIGN OFFICE, Sept. 1, 1807.
Mr. CANNING presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and requests the honor of seeing him at the Foreign Office on Thursday next, at 12 o'clock.
Mr. Canning would have proposed to see Mr. Monroe to-morrow, if he had not been under the necessity of attending the levee and council at the Queen's palace.
Mr. Canning requests Mr. Monroe to accept the assurances of his high consideration. James Monroe, Esq. &c. &c.
TO MR. CANNING. No. 12. Portland Place, Sept. 7, 1807.
Sir—By the order of my government it is my duty to request your attention to the aggression lately committed on the peace and sovereignty of the United States, by his Britannic majesty's ship of war Leopard, in an attack on an American frigate, the Chesapeake, off the Capes of Virginia. The object of this communication is to obtain of his Majesty's government a suitable reparation for that outrage, and such an arrangement of the great interest which is connected with it, as will place the future relations of the two powers on a solid foundation of peace and friendship.
In bringing the subject again to the view of his majesty's government, it is unnecessary to dwell on circumstances which are already so well known to you. By the documents which I have the honor to transmit you, it is shown that while the outrage was unprovoked and unexpected on one side, there was nothing to extenuate it on the other. The commander of his majesty's squadron on the coast of the U. States, appears to have acted on a presumption, that he possessed the power to make war, & to decide on the causes of war. It will be difficult to explain the conduct of that officer on any other principle; and equally so to find an example of an aggression marked with such high indignity and injustice to a friendly power.
The pretext for this aggression could not fail to heighten the sense of injury which the act itself was so generally calculated to excite. My government was taught to infer from it, that there was no limit to a pretension which had already produced so much mischief, and against which so many remonstrances had been presented, in its application to merchant vessels. But I find with great satisfaction that this pretension forms no topic for discussion between us in respect to ships of war; and I trust that the just and enlightened policy which produced the decision in one instance, will surmount the obstacle which has hitherto embarrassed it in the other.
The national character of the men who were taken, thus violently from on board the Chesapeake, makes no part of the question. It is impossible that it should come into view in estimating the injury which the United States have received. The outrage involves a great and uncontroverted principle, which ought not, in any view, to be affected by appealing to national sensibilities on either side. I have however the honor to transmit you documents which will, I presume, satisfy you that they were American citizens.
With respect to the reparation which my government ought to receive for this outrage, it will only be necessary to appeal to those sentiments which Great Britain would be sure to indulge, under like circumstances; to that sensibility to national honor, which has distinguished so many epochs of her history. It will be recollected that the injury, which in itself was great, was much aggravated by the circumstances which attended it: that the peaceful relations of the United States were violated, and their unsuspecting confidence surprised. But I forbear to recite details which it is painful to contemplate. You will, I am persuaded, be satisfied that in every light in which the subject can be seen, the honor of my government and of the whole nation has been greatly outraged by the aggression, and that it becomes the honor of his majesty's government to make a distinguished reparation for it.
In presenting, in this friendly manner, this important subject to the consideration of his majesty's government, I am particularly instructed to request its attention to the great cause to which this, and so many other injuries of a like kind may be traced; the impressment of men from the merchant vessels of the United States. In many essential circumstances the objections which are applicable to impressments from ships of war, are equally applicable to those from merchant vessels. To the individuals who suffer by the practice, the injury is the same in either case. Their claim on their government for protection is in both cases equal; every maxim of public law, & private right, which is violated in one, is equally violated in the other. The relation of the belligerent to the neutral power, extends to certain objects only, and is defined in each by known laws. Beyond that limit, the rights of the neutral are sacred, and cannot be encroached on without violence and injustice. Is there a question of contraband, is the vessel destined to a blockaded port in violation of established principles, or does she contain enemies property, the greatest extent to which the maritime law is carried by any nation? In these cases, she is conducted to port for trial; the parties are heard by an impartial and responsible tribunal, and are heard again by appeal if they desire it. Are any of the passengers on board the neutral vessel in the naval or military service of the enemy? If such are found they are made prisoners, but as prisoners they have rights which the opposite belligerent is bound to respect. This practice however looks to other objects than are here recited. It involves no question of belligerent on one side, and of neutral on the other. It pursues the vessel of a friend for an unlawful purpose, which it executes in a manner equally unlawful. Every commercial vessel of the United States that navigates the ocean is liable to be invaded by it, and not an individual on board any of them is secure while the practice is maintained. It sets up every officer of his majesty's navy as a judge, from whose decision there is no appeal. It makes him a judge, not of property, which is held more sacred, nor of the liberty of his fellow subjects only, however great the trust, and liable to a use on the main ocean, but of that of the citizens of another power, whose rights as a nation, are trampled on by the decision, a decision, in rendering which, every rule of evidence is violated, as it puts the proof of innocence on the accused; and is further highly objectionable, as there is too much reason to believe that it has been often guided more by the fitness of the party for service, than any other circumstance. The distressing examples of this system of aggression, as it has affected individuals, on a scale of vast extent, it is unnecessary to recount here. They may be easily imagined. Voluminous documents which prove them, are in the possession of both governments.
It is possible that this practice may in certain cases, and under certain circumstances, have been extended to the vessels of other powers; but with them there was an infallible criterion to prevent error. It would be easy to distinguish between an Englishman and a Spaniard, an Italian, or a Swede; and the clear and irresistible evidence of his national character, and perhaps of his desertion, would establish the British claim to the individual, and reconcile the nation into whose service he had entered, to his surrender. But the very circumstances which would constitute an infallible criterion in those cases, would be sure to produce endless error in
the other. Who is so skilful in physiognomy as to distinguish between an American and an Englishman, especially among those whose profession and whose sea-terms are the same? It is evident that this practice, as applied to a foreign nation, to any great extent, has grown out of the American revolution, and that it is impossible for the United States not to see in it the assertion of a claim which is utterly incompatible with that great event. When the character of this claim, and the pernicious tendency of the practice, are maturely weighed, it must furnish cause for surprise, that some just and friendly arrangement has not long since been adopted, to prevent the evils incident to it.
My government is aware that his majesty's government has also an interest of importance to attend to, in this delicate concern—and I am instructed to state, on its part, that the best disposition exists to provide for it. The U. States are far from desiring to profit of a resource which does not belong to them, especially to the prejudice of a friendly power. In securing them against a practice which is found to be so highly injurious to their dearest rights, and most valuable interests, every suitable provision will be made to give equal security to those of G. Britain. On this point I am authorised to enter into such an engagement as will, I am persuaded, be adequate to the object.
This great interest of impressment, has been blended in all its relations, as you will perceive, by no act of the United States. Its connection with the late disastrous incident has been produced by an extraordinary act of violence, of which they were the victims only. That act, which exhibits the pretension in its widest range, has become identified with the general practice, in the feelings and sympathies of the nation, and in the sentiment of the government. I trust, therefore, that his majesty's government will be equally disposed to take up the whole subject at this time, and in making the reparation which the particular injury claims, provide a remedy for the whole evil. My government looks to this complete adjustment with confidence, as being indispensably necessary to heal the deep wound which has been inflicted on the national honor of the United States, by so great and unjustifiable an outrage.
I avail myself, with great satisfaction, of the opportunity which this communication affords, to acknowledge the prompt assurance which you gave me of the disposition of his majesty's government, to make a suitable reparation to the government of the U. States for the injury, of which, by its order, it is now my duty to complain; and for the frank disavowal of the pretension on which it was founded. I hasten to transmit copies of those documents to my government, by whom, I trust, they are by this time, received.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, sir, your most obedient humble servant. (Signed) JAMES MONROE. The Right Honorable George Canning, &c. &c. &c. (To be continued.)
Later arrivals at N. York furnish a few additional articles. A call has been made in the British House of Commons for papers relative to the Copenhagen expedition, on which the House divided—Ayes 103, Nays 253. The king of Prussia has promulgated a declaration, which announces that until the re-establishment of a definitive European peace there shall not exist any connexion between Prussia and England.
New-York, March 22. Mr. Williams, a passenger in the Gold Hunter, who arrived here last evening from St. Andrew, informs, that the embargo in France and the ports of her allies was taken off on the 21st of January. The Emperor Napoleon, was momentarily expected at Bordeaux; markets in France and Spain for colonial produce were very high.
FORT WINE. Of very good quality in casks, each one in a case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING. Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice LIQUORS of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25.
MRS. WILSON, AT THE SIX BUILDINGS. IN consequence of the capture of the gentlemen of the British Legion, has accommodations for several additional BOARDERS. March 23—3
THE NAVY YARD KITCHEL VOLUNTEERS, ARE ordered to meet at the House of L. DOBBIN, on the 1st Sunday in April, armed and equipped, with 12 rounds of ammunition. The Roll will be called at 2 o'clock, and all absentees fined. By order of the captain, JOHN DAVIS, of Abolition Sergeant. March 23—

BALTIMORE FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY. Office, No. 6, South Street.
PROPOSALS FOR INSURING Houses, Buildings, Stores, Ships in harbor, Goods, Wares and Merchandise from loss or damage by Fire.
The Legislature of the State of Maryland having incorporated the Baltimore Fire Insurance Company, with a capital of five hundred thousand Dollars, for the purpose of insuring buildings, and every kind of personal property, from loss or damage by Fire, as well as insurance on lives—The number of shares authorized by law being all subscribed with avidity, the Directors feel a particular satisfaction in offering to their fellow citizens throughout the United States, the means of security against that kind of loss which frequently in an unexpected moment, involves in destruction the earnings of a life of industry and frugality, and reduces the independent and affluent together with their families, to poverty and distress. To provide an additional guard against calamities of this nature, has been the primary motive of the institution; and the directors engage to conduct its concerns with a fairness, candor and liberality which will justly entitle it to the confidence and patronage of the public.
* No insured person will be liable to make good the losses of others, but in case of fire, the sufferer will be fully indemnified.—The company also make good losses on property burnt by lightning.
CONDITIONS OF INSURANCE. I. All applications for insurance must be made at the office of the company in writing.
II. In all applications for insurance of property, the applicant must furnish an accurate and just description of the same—viz. Of what materials each building is constructed; whether occupied as private dwellings, or how otherwise; where situated; the name of the present occupiers; how situated with respect to other buildings. And in the insurance of goods, wares and merchandise, the place where the same are deposited, is to be described; also, a general description of such goods, and whether any manufactory is carried on in the premises, all which is to be certified and attested in such manner as the nature of the case may admit. And if any person or persons shall insure his or their buildings or goods, and shall cause them to be described in the policy otherwise than they really are, so as the same be charged at a lower premium than would otherwise be demanded; or if such description be false or fraudulent, such insurance will be void and of none effect.
III. Goods held in trust, or in commission, are to be declared as such; otherwise the policy will not extend to cover such property.
IV. Every policy of assurance, made by this company, shall be sealed with its seal, signed by the president and attested by the secretary; and the person for whose interest the insurance is made, must be declared and named therein; nor can any policy or interest therein be assigned but by consent of the company, expressed by endorsement made thereon.
V. No insurance will be considered as made or binding until the premium is paid.
VI. Jewels, plate, medals, or other curiosities, paintings and sculptures, are not included in any insurance, unless such articles are specified in the policy.
VII. All persons insured by this company, sustaining any loss or damage by fire, are forthwith to give notice to the company, and as soon after as possible, to deliver in as particular an account of their losses or damage, signed with their own hands, as the nature of the case will admit of, and make proof of the same by their oath or affirmation, and by their books of accounts, and other proper vouchers, as shall be reasonably required; and shall make oath whether any and what other insurance is made on the same property; and shall procure a certificate, under the hand of a magistrate, or notary public, (most contiguous to the spot where the fire happened, and not concerned in such loss) that they are acquainted with the character and circumstances of the person or persons insured; and do know or verily believe, that he, she, or they, really, and by no misfortune, and without fraud or evil practice, have sustained by such fire, loss and damage to the amount therein mentioned; and, until such affidavits and certificates are produced, the loss shall not be payable. Also, if there appears any fraud, or false swearing, the claimant shall forfeit his claim to restitution or payment, by virtue of his policy.
VIII. In case any difference shall arise, touching any loss or damage, it may be submitted to the judgment of arbitrators, indifferently chosen, whose award in writing shall be binding on the parties. And when any loss or damage shall happen, the company shall pay for the same in sixty days after the loss shall have been ascertained and proved, without allowance of discount, fees, or any deduction whatever.
IX. Insurance may be made for seven years, by paying the premium for six years; and for a less number than seven, a reasonable discount will be allowed.
March 23.—w1m.
LINDSAY'S HOTEL.
The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill, Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant.
GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19.—tf.
Notice to the Public. STAYED to my place convenient to the Hotel, city of Washington, on the 14th of March 1808, a small Brindled Buffalo COW, the tops of the ears cropped, no other marks appearing. Any person proving property and paying expenses, will please to call at my house as above mentioned.
ARTHUR THOMPSON. March 23.—3t.
GREAT BARGAIN.
JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above.
All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS Washington city, Dec. 11.—tf
PORTRAITS,
PAINTED IN OIL COLORS. By C. BOYLE, at the Building formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, Pennsylvania avenue. Washington, March 11.—tf
PUBLIC SALE.
By Virtue of a decree of the honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, will be exposed to sale on the 8th day of April next at 12 o'clock at the store of Thomas Duvall, a Tract of LAND, containing One Hundred and Eighty-Seven acres, called Brashers Pacoan, the property of John Turner deceased, lying in Prince George's county, about 7 miles from Bladensburg, 10 from the city of Washington, and 25 from Annapolis; about one third in wood, the remainder in a state of productive cultivation. The terms of the above sale are, that the purchaser shall give bond with good security such as shall be approved of by the trustee for paying one half within 9 months, and the other half within 18 months with interest on each payment from the day of sale.
GEO. PAGE, Trustee. The Creditors of John Turner, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court, with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale.
G. PAGE. March 16.—3w
NOTICE.
A Dividend will be made amongst the Creditors of the late Mr. Richard Crampton on Friday the 1st day of April next, at Mr. William Ross's tavern, in Bladensburg. The creditors are requested to attend with their claims legally authenticated, as no respect will be paid to any others, except those known to be justly due by the Administrator.
Bonds passed to the subscriber for property purchased at the sales of the deceased's effects last Spring, became all due on the 10th of this month, and unless taken up by Saturday the 19th will be put in suit without respect to persons.
THOMAS BOWIE, Adm'r of Rich'd Crampton. March 16.—7t
THE subscriber has purchased out the stock of GOODS lately belonging to Mr. Elisha Riggs, and will be enabled, from the conditions of purchase, to dispose of them in the same house on as liberal if not better terms than they were sold before. He expects by capt. Hand, from Philadelphia this week or the first of next, a handsome Spring Supply, which will make his assortment complete. They were laid in for cash, therefore will accommodate his friends no doubt satisfactorily.
JOHN PETER. George-Town, March 16.—ep4w
SECRET HISTORY
OR HORRORS OF ST. DOMINGO. IN A SERIES OF LETTERS written by a LADY, to Col. BURR, late Vice-President of the United States, principally during the command of general Rochambeau, Price One Dollar. And other NEW BOOKS Among which are the following:
  Third vol. Chapman's-Select Speeches, 2 50   Fourth volume, do. 2 50   Reeces Medical Guide, 3 00   Hitchcocks Poems, 75   Barlow's Columbiad, fine plates, 20 00   Brooke's Gazetteer, new edition, 3 50   Public Characters for 1807, 4 25   Lay of an Irish Harp, by Miss Owenson, 1 00 
LIKewise The second number of col. Toussaint's American Artillerists Companion The third number is now in the Press.
Gentlemen wishing to patronise this valuable work, are earnestly requested to call and leave their names at J. MARSH'S, Book Store, George Town.
Where may be had any book that can possibly be procured in New York, Philadelphia or Baltimore, without any advance on the price. March 18.—6t
BURAS AND BELL
WOOLLEN drapers, men's merchants, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N.B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23.—tf.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber will offer to public sale on Saturday 26th inst. at 1 o'clock that valuable brick house near the Navy Yard, city of Washington, at present occupied by Mr. John Jolly. The ground is subject to ground rent of one dollar per front foot, redeemable at 15 cents per square foot. It is deemed unnecessary to give any further description of the above property, as the purchaser will view the same before the day of sale, or on that day; the terms of sale will be one half the balance in one hundred and twenty days, the purchaser giving bond with approved security with interest from the day of sale. The sale to commence at one o'clock.
PHILIP SPALDING, SAMUEL SPEAKE. March 23, 1808.—3t.
THE SUBSCRIBER means to attend the Public Sales of LANDS at Jeffersonville, Indiana Territory which commences on the 2d Monday in April and continue 6 weeks, and will transact business there on Commission. Letters addressed to him at Thornburg, Va. will be attended between now and the first day of April.
JOSEPH POLLARD. March 23.—3t
MR. JOSHUA B. BOND'S celebrated running Horse
FIRST CONSUL,
WILL stand this season, at the subscriber's farm in Prince Georges county, Maryland, about seven miles from Queen Anne, ten from Bladensburg, the same distance from Upper Marlborough, and about sixteen miles from the city of Washington; at Twenty-Five dollars the season, and one dollar to the groom; but Twenty-One dollars will be received in full if sent with the mares; if the money is not sent with the mares it is requested that notes of hand will be sent at that time, given for Twenty-Six dollars, payable at the expiration of the season, which will commence immediately and end the 1st of August. Good pasture will be furnished gratis, as soon as the grass is good, and in the mean time, hay and corn furnished at the common price, for the mares according to orders. The utmost care will be taken of the mares, but I will not be answerable for accidents or escapes. Consul is of fine figure, beautiful bright bay, with a small blaze in his face, and his hind angles white; full 15 and 1 1/2 hands high. It is expected that the stock from Consul and well bred mares, will not be surpassed by the stock from any horse (scarcely) in America, for the turf, carriage, or saddle; or even from Consul and good looking mares, which have none of the running blood; their colts cannot be other than elegant in a carriage or under the saddle.
Such mares as have little, or not any of what is supposed to be running blood in them, may be put to Consul at half price, the money sent with the mares.
It should be preferred by gentlemen living beyond Bladensburg and Upper Marlborough, who wish to breed from Consul, by giving notice to the subscriber, he can be sent one day in each week to each place, from the first day of April, while there will be any mares to send; to him from either of those directions; say Bladensburg on Tuesday, and Upper Marlborough on Saturday.
ISAAC DUCKETT. March 12, 1808.
PEDIGREE OF FIRST CONSUL.
HE was foaled in Philadelphia county, June 1798, got by the noted running horse Flag of Truce, his dam by the imported horse Slender, his granddam from the imported mare Dianna, Dianna was got by Old Eclipse, Slender was got by King Herod, who produced more runners than any other horse in England, as may be seen by the Racing Calendar; therefore it may in truth be said on the dam side of First Consul, the two great grand sires were the best horses England ever produced. Flag of Truce was bred by colonel Good of Virginia and was esteemed the best turf horse in his day and was the sire to colonel Taylor's famous running horse Leviathan. First Consul has won either 80 or 22 purses from 100l. and 100g. and never started against a horse he did not outrun until the fall he was eight years old—the spring following he won three purses and distanced the field the first day at New Market on Long Island.
JOSHUA B. BOND, Philadelphia.
March 18.—eptM&wtf
CHARLES H. VARDEN
MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT
Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double mill d, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangles and rich silk Molskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion.
Richard Horswell's celebrated patent parallel suspender far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27.—tf
THIS is to give Notice, that the Subscriber has obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county, in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the estate of Charles Hodges, late of said county, deceased. All those having claims against the said estate are hereby warned to exhibit them on or before 14th August next, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, in Upper Marlborough, otherwise they may by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All those who are indebted to the said estate are hereby notified that suits will be instituted without respect to persons, if immediate payments are not made.
ALEXANDER H. BOETTER, Adm'r. February 22.—w6t
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
 Wood's best London cloths,  Do. double milled & plain cassimeres,  Bennett's cords and velvets,  Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trail-far, and silver cords,  Velvets,  Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating,  Silk molekins do.  Tollinets, swansdown do.  Plain and figured Marseilles do.  Beaver skin coatings,  Plains, kerseys, halfthicks,  Rose and duffil blankets, flannels,  Superfine green cloth table covers,  Calicoes, colored cambrics,  Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays,  Furniture Chintz,  Cambric and jaconet muslins,  India and British book do.  India mullmill figured and plain,  Plain and figured lenos,  Laced cambrics,  Elegant tamboured mulls,  Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses,  8-4 damask and raw silk shawls,  Damask carfs,  Camel's hair and swansdown do.  Down scarfs,  Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves,  Extra long and habit kid gloves,  Do. do. silk do.  Do. do. raw silk do.  Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lutestrings,  Persians and Medes,  Thread and cotton laces,  Lace caps and handkerchiefs,  Book muslin and leno cap patterns,  44-7-8 Irish linens,  Long lawns, linen cambrics,  Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins,  Cotton counterpanes,  Cambric Dimities,  Common do.  Furniture do.  Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose,  Gentlemen's pantaloons do.  Silk cords and buttons,  Ribbons, floss threads,  Scarlet and other colored bombazets,  Heath rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg,  Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrabs, &c. &c. 
ALSO,
Imperial and young hysen tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars.
T C is determined to sell on the lowest terms.
February 3.—tf
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them) this Books are removed to the counting house of his brother Romulus Riggs, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16.—tf
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the honorable the circuit court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of chancery for the county of Washington, in the suit of John Roberts and Samuel G. Griffith complainants.
Against Benjamin Bryan Defendant.
WILL be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 29th day of March next, at Stelle's Hotel, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 12 o'clock, M. A lot of ground in said city, in that square designated on the plan of said city by square north of square numbered seven hundred and forty-three, the said lot being bounded as follows to wit: Beginning at a point in the line of the west side of New Jersey Avenue, at the distance of one hundred and fifty one feet ten inches from the stone planted at the north east corner of said square, and running thence with the line of the said Avenue twenty-five feet, thence leaving the said Avenue, and with a line at right angles with the line thereof running one hundred feet, then turning in a direction parallel to the line of the said Avenue, and running thence twenty five feet, thence an hundred feet to the point of beginning, containing about two thousand five hundred square feet of ground, together with the improvements thereon erected, and all the advantages thereunto belonging or appertaining.
This property is eligibly situated between the Capital hill and sugar house, and may be inspected at any time prior to the day of sale.
The terms of sale are cash or money to be paid immediately on the ratification thereof by the court.
JOHN C. McDONALD, Trustee. 26th February, 1808.—ep4w
ROSS AND GATTY,
HAVE for sale at their store George
Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the Schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz.
 30 kegs butter,  20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples,  10 do. buck wheat flour,  10 do. Cranberries, and  10 do. shell bark hickory nuts.  Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Wafers, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c.
January 9.—tf
A Stock of well Assorted HARDWARE,
FOR SALE.
THE subscriber wishes to decline the Hardware business, and offers his entire stock in that line at a low advance upon the first cost, to a person wishing to purchase the same, a credit will be given, upon giving approved security.
HENRY INGLE. March 18.—3w1m
United States District of Columbia,
county of Washington, to wit:
IN CHANCERY, 9th OCTOBER, 1807.
Benjamin Stoddert and John Mason,
versus
Thomas Waters Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrall, Gabault & Doyrey, James C. Montflore, I. I. Picard and James Davidson.
THE bill states that the defendant, Thomas Waters Griffith was the agent of the house of Taney and Simond for the delivery of a cargo of flour belonging to the said Taney and Simond to the French government. That the French government not being able to pay ready money for the said cargo, the balance due thereon from the said government was placed to the credit of the said Griffith, the agent, instead of being placed to the credit of the real owners, Taney and Simond. That the debt due both been liquidated under the Louisiana Convention in the said Griffith's name, for the sum of one hundred and ninety thousand, two hundred and seventy francs, French money of the value of 35,675 dollars. That the said Thomas Waters Griffith, now residing and for several years past having resided in Baltimore city in the state of Maryland, well knowing all the circumstances mentioned in the complaints said bill, and that the debt aforesaid was liquidated in his name in Paris under the Louisiana Convention was in truth and in fact a debt due to the said complainants as the trustees of Francis Lewis, Taney, and Taney and Simond, did execute a writing transferring all the interest of said Griffith in the said debt to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid. That notwithstanding the above circumstances the said Griffith did employ James C. Montflore of Paris to receive for his own account and use the aforesaid debt, which actually belongs to the said complainants as trustees aforesaid; and the said Montflore did actually receive the bills or the ministers of the United States, on the Treasury of the United States in part payment of the said debt in four sets of bills drawn in favor of said Thomas Waters Griffith, and which bills have been fraudulently endorsed by the said Montflore, with a view to the said complainants believe, to defraud them the said complainants, and under a real or pretended power from the said Griffith and as his attorney to the said I. I. Picard, who endorsed the same over to John R. Livingston, who has endorsed the same over to Jonathan Burrall, cashier of the Bank of Discount and Deposit at New York, who has endorsed the same over to James Davidson cashier of the Branch Bank of the United States in the city of Washington who now holds the same for collection. The complainants further state that four other bills for the balance of the aforesaid claim on the French government liquidated in the name of the said Griffith, but actually belonging to said complainants as trustees as aforesaid, have been drawn in favor of Gabault, and Doyrey as transferees of Thomas Waters Griffith, for thirty thousand francs French money of the value of 5625 dollars, which said four bills have also been sent to the aforesaid James Davidson, and endorsed over to him for collection in the same manner as in the case of the four other bills first herein recited. That all the aforesaid eight bills of exchange drawn by the American minister at Paris on the treasury of the United States under the Louisiana Convention for the debt liquidated in the name of Thomas Waters Griffith, are actually the property of said complainants as trustees aforesaid. The object of the said bill is to save and protect the said complainants from the fraud projected against them on the part of the said Thomas Waters Griffith, and his coadjutors, and to obtain a writ of injunction directed to all the before-mentioned defendants, &c. and particularly to the said James Davidson enjoining and commanding him from paying over to any person besides the said complainants the money that may be paid by the Treasury of the United States in virtue of the said bills of exchange, and particularly enjoining the said James Davidson from paying the said money arising from the said bills, or parting with the said bills until the further order of this court in the premises.
It is represented by the complainants that the said Thomas W. Griffith, John R. Livingston, Jonathan Burrall, Gabault and Doyrey, James C. Montflore, and I. I. Picard, defendants in this cause all reside out of the district of Columbia and are not within the reach of the process of this court. It is therefore ordered that the complainants cause a copy of this order to be inserted once each week for six months previous to the first Monday in June next in the National Intelligencer, to the intent that the said defendants may have notice of this application and of the object of this bill and to be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the first Monday of June next, to show cause, if any, why a decree shall not pass as prayed.
By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. December 4.—w6m
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
IN the case of ROBERT GLENN an
insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt, which he is unable to pay. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Robert Glenn, that on Monday the 11th of April next at the hour of 10 o'clock A.M. at the Capitol in the court room the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Robert Glenn as trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered that this notice be published three times in the National Intelligencer before the 4th day of April next.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck. March 28.—3t.