The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-06-02 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXXX.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JUNE 2, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MARCH 21.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Nicholson's Resolution's
(CONCLUDED.)
Mr. Clapp's Speech concluded.
IN the discussion of this important subject two interests have been taken into view—the agricultural interest and the commercial interest. I, sir, am no stickler for commerce; nor am I an enemy to it. My own individual interest is agricultural: I derive my subsistence from the soil. But this country is a commercial, a great commercial country as it is a great agricultural one. The agricultural part of the community does indeed outnumber that of the commercial; yet I feel no disposition to shrink from a vindication of those rights of the nation which appertain to commerce. As a nation it is our duty to vindicate all its rights, and the rights of all its citizens. So long as commerce is carried on by citizens of the U. S. as their duty not to abandon the lawful rights attached to that commerce—nor to abandon, without an effort, their injured, impressed seamen, to the fangs and lash of the tyrants who have outrageously seized upon them! The eastern parts of the Atlantic states are addicted to commercial habits; long have they been inured to them: we cannot break them off from those habits—we cannot change the genius of the people. In the West we perceive the dawning of a great day, when the subjects of an immense trade will be wafted along the stream of the Mississippi—to be launched into the ocean—and almost vie, in magnitude and in value, with those of the Atlantic states. Sir, we should legislate for this great nation as it is—we should assert the various rights appertaining to it as an independent nation; and as far as we can foresee, we should provide for its future interests in the different stages of its rising and progressive state.
I had intended, Mr. Speaker, to make some further remarks on arguments, which have been advanced in support of the position, that war would ensue from such a measure—that the consequence would be fatal to the commerce and navy of the U. S.—and have a tendency to secure to France a superiority on the ocean. I had wished also to make a few observations relative to the rights attached to the vessels of a neutral nation on the high seas—and to notice some of the projects resorted to (as it is said) by G. Britain, by way of justification for the aggressions on our commerce, and the impressment of American seamen. But my present bodily infirmities do not admit of my proceeding as far as I wished—I must therefore conclude. As I said before, sir, although I do not believe that this bill is as well calculated for ensuring attainment of the objects sought for, as might have been, and therefore my hopes of success are not very sanguine; yet, being not entirely without hope that it may answer the purpose, I shall vote for it.
The following has been communicated by Mr. Clapp, as the substance of what he had intended to address to the House in addition to the foregoing remarks, if his health had been such as to have enabled him to proceed.
THE resolution which has been discussed, having been declared to have a warlike tendency, the terrors of a war with G. B. have been therefore set forth in frightful colors; and we have been warned, solemnly warned to be cautious in taking a step so much affecting the interest of a nation, the thunder of whose navy, even in contemplation, is awful and tremendous. Has it not been brought forward as an alarming consideration, that, if the fleets of that nation should once be directed against this country, not a port from one end of the continent to the other would be left open? That our coasts would be lined with their ships, and not a single American vessel in port would be able to steal out, while all the ocean would be captured or destroyed? The language of the opposition seems to have breathed sentiments of this sort—and much of the warning which has been given, appears to have been directed entirely to these points. They tell us that war, inevitable war, would be the result—and that to the U. S. the consequence would be annihilation of their commerce, and speedy destruction to their ditto marine . In the warm and solemn appeals to the vast naval force of England, which has long secured to her the dominion of the seas, it has been denounced as a species of madness to attempt such a measure. Such is the picture which has been drawn on one side of the canvass. To the correctness of a part of the portrait I am ready to subscribe. I readily admit that G. Britain does maintain the dominion of
the seas—I say further—she is not shy nor backward in manifesting that circumstance to the world. Proud, haughty, domineering, she makes the inferior powers feel her weight. She gives law to the whole maritime world—and she tyrannizes greatly indeed. Yes, indeed! she plays the tyrant—and she plays the tyrant on the commerce of this country, and on citizens of this country—and these are the outrages which we complain of.
Let us now turn over and look at the other side of the canvass. Let us see what is there portrayed. We there see it sketched out that this same little navy of ours, although it is to be destroyed at an early stage of the supposed contest, will, nevertheless, enable France to discount all the mighty naval machinery of England, to harass it on all sides, and eventually acquire the predominance—that the great ocean will be obliged to receive into its bosom the Gallic Tyrant in place of its old master England—that this great Leviathan of the deep will be forced to yield up his long established dominion to the Shark of France—and that new monarch, issuing forth in the vigor of youthful strength thus recently acquired, will snap in twain every thing he meets with—and reign the terror of the whole watery element.
But no more of figures and allegorical allusions; which have lately become very fashionable. In plain English, the scene which has been presented to us, I take it to be this: The opposition commenced on the assumed position that the measure was a war measure—that a war, a naval war would inevitably follow its adoption. On this ground all the arguments, mostly relied upon, seem to be predicated—and are precisely adapted to the opposition, if the resolution had contained a direct declaration of war. In this apprehended war we are told that Great Britain by her immense navy must maintain an incalculable advantage over this country—that the commerce and the navy of the U. S. must, almost immediately, be broken up—that indeed we should be 'swept at a blow from the ocean'; and at the same time we are warned against taking such a step, on the ground that in such a war, that is to say, a naval war, the U. S. being thrown into the scale of France, might ensure its preponderance, and give to France the dominion of the seas. This is to me a paradox totally incomprehensible. That the U. S. should at the very outset of the contest, be rendered totally incapable of making any head, a single effort at sea—and yet be the efficient means of increasing the naval power of France, (now comparatively very trifling) so far as to over-balance that of G. Britain, are positions, which appear too opposite and contradictory to be reconciled. What! Totally incapable of doing anything, and yet capable of performing the wonderful act of bringing about the subjection of 800 ships to the dominion of a few dozen!
But whether there be war, or no war, with the U. S., if there be any persons who are anxious that the great overgrown naval power of Great Britain should not be reduced, I think it is very probable that they will have their wish—at least, according to the ordinary course of human affairs, no ground is now presented whereon to calculate when such an event might be expected. Yet, if such a war should take place, I have no idea that the commerce or the navy of the U. S. would be annihilated, small as that navy is; and improbable as it is that the weight of it in the scale of that war would be such an accession as to enable France to obtain a naval predominance. I believe that the enterprising spirit of individual adventurers on the part of the U. S. would, as I suggested before, counteract all opposing difficulties, and maintain a heavy weight in the commercial scale. Other channels would be found, through which commercial pursuits would be conducted. Small would be the sacrifice, if any; but it would be a sacrifice, not wittily made at the shrine of vain ambition, nor proceeding from unlawful pursuits. It would be a sacrifice incidentally resulting, but not rightfully, from a cause, which to maintain is among the noblest acts of a nation—a manly assertion of its legitimate rights in a spirit untinctured with hostile views.
As to the naval armament of the U. S. although it cannot be, and has not been pretended by any of the friends of the measure that it could contend with the navy of G. Britain; yet that it might afford to our merchant vessels considerable protection in the vicinity of our coasts and the West Indies, there can be scarcely a doubt.
Whoever he is, on the other hand, who wishes to see something like a balance of power on the ocean—an event, which might, very probably, subserve the general interests of mankind and of the U. S. much better—I cannot perceive any reason to apprehend that he will soon be gratified. If Bonaparte ever destroys the naval power of G. Britain, or weakens it so far as to acquire the superiority and succeed to the dominion of the seas, he must first destroy the British nation—or conquer or subject it to his own terms. Does it
therefore follow, from these sentiments that I wish for such an event. No indeed; by no means—I neither wish that the one should be destroyed, nor that the other should acquire the superiority at sea, as he now holds it on the land. I am as unwilling that the U. S. in the prosecution of their lawful pursuits should be insulted by one tyrant of the seas, as that they should be insulted by another tyrant of the seas. No matter who rules the ocean—a disposition to play the tyrant there will be found. Whoever holds dominion on that element, capricious interested projects will mark his conduct towards others. The best and most eligible course for the U. S. to pursue when they meet with such conduct, is in my opinion to adopt such measures as are calculated most to affect the interest of the aggressors. If it is a sound rule, it strongly recommends the resolution, which has been discussed, as the measure proposed by it would deeply and vitally affect the interest of G. Britain; while, as I have said before, the sacrifice on the part of the U. S. I really think, would not be such as to affect their interest in any very considerable degree.
If I were disposed to do so, it would be unnecessary at this time to say anything as to the aggressions complained of, whether they are unwarrantable & contrary to what is called the law of nations. That they are so, is a point, I believe, almost universally insisted upon by the people of this country. But here I will go a little further. The doctrine, which admits of search for enemy goods on board the vessels of a neutral on the high seas, and a right to seize and confiscate such goods whenever there found, ever was to my view a doctrine founded in power and not in right—a doctrine, which all the musty, voluminous compilations of the civilians put together can never reconcile to the principles of justice. Within whose jurisdiction is the vessel of a neutral, when sailing on the high seas? Is it within the jurisdiction, not of the nation to whom it belongs, but of the belligerent who happens to meet with it on those seas? Are, or are not those seas a common highway, free for the use of all nations who choose to navigate them? It is universally admitted that they are; for it would indeed be utterly absurd to deny it;—equally absurd would it be to deny that a vessel sailing on those seas is within the exclusive jurisdiction of the nation to whom it belongs. What right then has a belligerent, because he happens to be in a state of war, forcibly to invade the jurisdictional limits of a peaceful nation with whom he has no difference? The state of war in which he is, whatever rights it may give him in relation to his enemy, cannot enlarge his rights in respect to a neutral—cannot diminish the rights of that neutral—upon no principle of reason or justice can the rights of the neutral be affected by the war—his situation cannot be rightfully altered by either of the belligerent parties; and neither of them can have any more rightful authority to enter the jurisdictional limits of a neutral in time of war than in a state of profound peace: for he is in a state of peace—and all the rights of peace remain attached to him in that state. The belligerent has as much right to enter the ware houses or other places within the territories of the neutral, seize and make prize of the goods of his enemy found there, as he has to enter the vessels of the neutral on the high seas, and to seize and make prize of the goods of his enemy there found: because the neutral nation has the same exclusive jurisdiction on board its vessels on the high seas, as it has within its territories. That jurisdiction in both places should be equally sacred from invasion by the belligerent—and should equally protect the goods within it. If such was not the case, it would be nonsense to talk about a mare liberum . The idea of a free sea would be a mere bubble. The vast expanse of waters forming the immense ocean, different parts of which are designated by different names, and all taken together so long and so broad as to encompass two-thirds of this globe, would become a mere mare clausum —a sea shut up within the jurisdiction of that nation, which ever it might be, who has the strongest naval force. Of all the groundless doctrines, which ever were attempted to be defended from the days of Adam to the present time, this is one of those, which I do believe, can be supported with the least reason.
But groundless and indefensible as this doctrine is, it has been recognized by the unfortunate treaty between the U. S. and G. Britain, (commonly called Jay's treaty) and therefore, while that treaty exists, the U. S. are engaged to admit the practice founded on that principle. But this does not bind the U. S. to yield to the new principle assumed by G. Britain, on which her cruisers capture, and her courts condemn, American vessels and cargoes, when those cargoes consist of the product of her enemy's country, although they have become American property, and are re-shipped for a market either in the mother country, or in a colony of that enemy.
I have noticed the principle which denies protection to the property of an enemy on board the vessel of a neutral, as a principle which, I do believe, the U. S. ought to reprobate and resist, if they had not bound themselves by treaty to admit it;—much more ought they to reprobate and resist a principle, on which a right is claimed by G. Britain, as a belligerent, to seize and condemn bona fide American property, because that property, so far as relates to the cargo, was of the growth or manufacture of her enemy's country, was brought into the U. S. from one part, and re-shipped for another part of the dominions of that enemy.
But the aggressions complained of are committed, it seems, on the ground of necessity. It is said that G. Britain pleads that necessity as her justification—that fighting for her existence, she is under the necessity of doing what she does—of violating (we say) our neutral rights. This plea appears to have been in a manner admitted, if not as a full and complete justification, at least, as a degree of palliation, and therefore that the principle which has been assumed by G. Britain should not be so strongly resisted by this country. Here the admission of the plea is more dangerous than the admission of the principle itself. The ground of necessity is a ground so broad and extensive, that upon any occasion whatever some foothold may be found on it. It is a plea which eludes all investigation. It is submitted to no tribunal to decide whether it shall be over-ruled or not. It is of that singular nature which cannot be judged of, but by him who makes it—he only is competent to know what his situation renders necessary for him to do; an admission of the plea, then, is an admission that he has a right to do whatever he chooses to do; since his choice is grounded on what he deems to be necessary for him to do. It is the plea of every tyrant upon earth. The despot, who wantonly impales thousands of his miserable subjects, says—it must be so—it is necessary —otherwise the throne would totter under me—I shall fall a victim to the fury of an aggravated populace, unless they are constantly awed by extreme severity. A system of tyranny is established—then to support that system and preserve the tyrant thousands must be sacrificed; because the existing state of things makes such sacrifices necessary. If Caligula's wish had been practicable, and every Roman neck had been hampered into one, that neck would have been too strong to be bent under him—&c, of course, it would have been necessary to strike it off. Once admit the plea as a ground of justification, and no outrage whatever will want support—the plea will never be wanting. It will always be necessary to do something or other—right or wrong—and the necessity of the case warrants it. This doctrine leads to evils the extent of which baffles all human calculation.
The plea of necessity is made to justify the impressment, ad libitum , of any seamen who speak the English language. It is alleged as necessary to keep up the complements of seamen for their navy—and they cannot distinguish between American and British sailors. Having extended their naval armament so far as to become the scourge of the maritime world, they must keep it up—and to keep it up they make such indiscriminate impressments; otherwise some of their ships must be hauled into dock for want of men. This is a necessity , which with them justifies every possible means made use of to procure men—and on this plea they seize American seamen. But is it possible that this doctrine can find an advocate, except among themselves? Or is it possible that the enormity of the outrage can be palliated in the smallest degree on the ground of such a plea? It cannot afford the slightest shade of justification. In the prosecution of this outrage they arrogate to themselves a right to dispense with the known established rules of decision, to ascertain the truth of facts. The impressing officer seizes any seaman who speaks the English language—and of himself merely upon that ground determines that he is a British subject. If he could acquire a right to make the impressment in any case, he should produce proof of the fact. The circumstance of the seaman being found on board an American vessel is prima facie evidence that he is an American citizen. The facility afforded, by similarity of language and manners, to the British sailor of entering on board American vessels, and the difficulty of producing on the spot evidence of his subjection to G. Britain, cannot be rightfully pleaded in justification of the violence. These are circumstances existing independently of the control of either of the nations; and, if some British seamen do avail themselves of them, the inconvenience to that nation, whatever it may be, results from these circumstances. To remove that inconvenience, there cannot exist any rightful authority to trample on the rights of American citizens, by a wanton, indiscriminate impressment of every seaman speaking the English language, whom the impressing officer shall choose
to seize. Even on their own principle of non-expatriation, without positive unquestionable proof that the seaman impressed is a British subject, there can be no shadow of just pretext for the violence, even if committed within their own jurisdictional limits: but when committed on the high seas the outrage is aggravated by a violation of the rights of the American flag—an invasion of the jurisdiction of the U. States.
Mr. T. NEWTON, Jun.—It is seldom, Mr. Speaker, that I trespass on the time of the House. I am content, in most instances, in giving that vote, which appears to my understanding, to be right and proper. Residing in a part of the United States, which is rapidly progressing to the first commercial station; and representing, as I have the honor to do, citizens, respectable in their different vocations of farmers, merchants and mechanics, I consider it a duty incumbent on me, to accompany my vote, with the reasons for it. It becomes my duty, peculiarly so to act, as I have heard opinions—to which I cannot render my assent—and which have touched my sensibility. On a great and interesting crisis in our national affairs, it becomes the representative of a free people to speak what he thinks—firmness and independence should characterize all his actions. The magnitude, sir, of the subject demands a dispassionate consideration. I will endeavor to give it a deliberate attention. I differ on this subject from gentlemen with whom I have the satisfaction to agree on most political points, and with whom I am in habits of intimacy and friendship. This honest diversity of opinion, shall never lessen my respect for their virtues.
It is my desire to discharge with fidelity my duty to my country, and with approbation to my conscience. I shall never pause—or remain inactive, when her prosperity is to be promoted—or aggressions on her rights are to be repelled.
I will now, sir, offer my reasons for being in favor of the bill on the table. I confess it does not altogether come up to my wishes. But as unanimity is more likely to be the result of the adoption of this measure, than any other at this time, I am willing to pare away something from my opinion, to obtain it. I look forward to stronger toned measures, should the present prove inefficient. What concurrence of circumstances and events have constrained us to take this measure?
Let facts speak our justification. Let us recur to the history of America, and enquire whether we have received from Great Britain that justice and decorous demeanor—to which as an independent nation we are entitled. I will omit insisting on the refusal to deliver to us, the western ports in conformity to the stipulations of the treaty of 1783—The expensive Indian wars which grew out of that act of violated faith—I will likewise omit insisting on her repeated refusals to enter into commercial arrangements with us—I will also pass over the treaty of 1794—that hydra of all our calamities—without a comment. It is to the events, since the year 1793; at which time hostilities commenced between Britain and France, that I shall direct my attention. I ask gentlemen to recollect the orders issued at different periods of time, from her cabinet, and the clandestine manner of their execution. While the ships of our citizens were navigating the ocean, pursuing under the protection of the laws of nations and the neutral flag, a just and rightful commerce; they were captured and condemned. The first notice our merchants and navigators had of the existence of such orders, were from the cruisers that captured their vessels. Have not our citizens been subjected to the most degrading and humiliating insults and injuries? Have not our coasts been constantly lined with cruisers of every description? Have we not had spies in our sea ports to give information of the destination of vessels and the value of their cargoes? Has not our jurisdiction been invaded and acts therein performed in violation of the sovereignty of the nation? I refer to the case of seamen impressed in the harbor of N. York; and the insult not long since offered to the state of Rhode Island, by the commander of a ship of war. Have not the laws of national intercourse been wantonly and without provocation, trampled under foot, and unrestricted plunder made the order of the day? Has not our flag, which gives to us jurisdiction over whatever portion of the ocean it covers, and ought likewise to give security to our citizens and their property, received every indignity and outrage? Has not the right of search and examination in the most shameless manner been abused, and our merchants subjected to immense losses, and their vessels to vexatious detentions? Are not our brave and generous seamen impressed and forced into her service? And have not the late decisions of the admiralty courts, narrowed and pared away our commerce to a skeleton? Such, Mr. Speaker, is the treatment we have received, and are daily receiving, from Great Britain; we have borne such for years. Under these oppressions, what has been the conduct of America; a

of the most pacific composition. We have permitted her vessels to enter our ports, on the same footing with those of the most favored nations: nations that have entered into commercial stipulations with us on a liberal scale. We have preserved good faith in all our transactions. Ample justice has been rendered. The property of her subjects has been under the safe-guard of the law, and restitution has been made when illegally seized. I speak of vessels and their cargoes, which were made prizes within our jurisdiction by the French cruisers; and prizes to such as had been equipped in our ports. The contrast is striking; the problem to be solved is this; whether we are to submit to depredations; or to assert our rights. The time in my opinion has arrived, which imperiously demands their vindication. The nation expect it; & we should not disappoint the patriotic wish. Let us then resort, as it is the opinion of gentlemen, to commercial prohibitions, and let us persevere in the course we have taken, till ample satisfaction is rendered for past injuries. This measure is said, among its other deformities, to have a squinting towards war. I cannot consider it as having that tendency; I am averse to war; my constituents concur in opinion with me, that no greater evil can befall or scourge mankind. It is the prolific parent of every vice, of debts and taxes; it poisons in the germ the virtues that are vitally essential to the sanity of the republic. Shall the assumption of a warlike attitude be ascribed to us, because we assert the rights of neutral navigation, and adopt a measure calculated to sustain them? The ocean is a common highway to all nations; our citizens are entitled to use it as such; in the same manner as they use the common high ways or roads through our country. Robbery and piracy are equally base and criminal. The ocean is property in community; the liberum mare has been acknowledged and advocated by the best informed civilians, and all the writers on the law of nations. Every effort that shall be made or exerted to abridge our rights, should be repelled. It is immaterial to me who is the aggressor; whether Britain or France, Spain or Algiers; pusillanimity invites aggression; a nation that is prepared for defence or offence, is seldom molested. Let the secret proceedings of Congress be published, whenever the wisdom of this House shall deem the act prudent; I for one shall never blush at the votes I then gave. Were I permitted to retrace my steps, I should not change the course I then took. The peace, prosperity and security of the country, are objects of primary importance, superior with me to every other consideration. From the course which the debate has taken, and from opinions advanced; it appears that commerce is not deserving of holding a high rank in the public estimation. The merchant; the American merchant is a citizen, and allegiance and protection are reciprocal. Let us recur to the history of America for the solution of the question, whether public attention has ever been directed to the security and prosperity of commerce. Restrictions and prohibitions on trade, were grievances loudly declaimed against, anterior to the American war; They were classed among the principal causes that led to it. If we turn to the declaration of independence, we shall find enumerated among the misdeeds of that nation; "The cutting off our trade with all parts of the world." "For plundering our seas and ravaging our coasts." Our freedom to trade wherever we please, is asserted in that instrument; which announced to the world our independence. Since that ever memorable and glorious achievement, our public acts and institutions have been framed with a view to the extension and protection of commerce. If we turn to our constitution we shall find powers given to the national government for those purposes. If we will carry our minds back to the period preceding the formation of that constitution, and its ratification by the states, we shall be convinced, that the languid and the deranged state of our commerce, was not the least powerful of those reasons and inducements, which produced a revolution in our national government. If we have a reference to our code of laws, the attention and solicitude of Congress are manifest liberally and beneficially, to carry into effect the powers that have any relation to this subject. The protection given to it in the Mediterranean sea, is another evidence of the sentiment of the nation. These facts speak a language of easy comprehension. It is free from ambiguity. Again, sir—If we cast our eyes over this interesting portion of the globe, and survey its happy position and natural advantages. If we contemplate the fertility of the soil, the diversity of climates, and the infinite variety of productions; if we take into view the large bays, which abound every where, and the navigable rivers that penetrate thousands of miles into the interior; we shall intuitively feel and confess the powerful excitements and instigations to commerce. The beneficence of nature is wonderfully displayed, in rendering the union of agriculture and commerce indissoluble. It is time, sir, I must repeat it, to protect our commerce. I trust we shall manfully arrest the hand of violence. In 1776, the American spirit sustained and defended our rights and liberties. Shall we in 1806, in the bloom of manhood, surrender our commerce without an effort to protect it. I trust we shall not. I also trust that we shall tell Great Britain in plain language, that we will not purchase certain fabrics of her—that we will not be clad in her broad cloths—nor wear her
hats. We demand of her fair play—plain honesty—and that nothing short of it will satisfy us. Let it not be understood, Mr. Speaker, that I am the advocate of commerce to the injury of agriculture. I profess myself to be the warm and sincere friend of the farmer. Agriculture never had, and never will have on this floor, a more ardent and decided advocate. The farmer's life has always been a theme of admiration with me. There is an inexhaustible something in it that seizes upon and ravishes my affections. In supporting the freedom and protection of commerce, I manifest my zeal for the encouragement of agriculture—representing citizens of different vocations—it is my duty—and I will add my determination, to sustain their rights and interest free from the imputation of favoritism. My principles forbid me to sacrifice one portion of the community to the other. In the contemplation of common sense and common justice—in the language and spirit of our state and national constitutions—equal rights and privileges appertain to every citizen. The point must be conceded. The alliance between agriculture and commerce, is too intimate and close to be denied. The mutual dependence too visible to escape notice. If they should ever be torn asunder—the avulsion will produce a fatal lethargy. What encouragement would the cultivator of the soil have to produce more from his farm than would be necessary for the subsistence of his family—were it not for the certainty that the surplus products could be disposed of to advantage. Does not commerce stimulate industry? Has it not carried through our country a spirit of emulation never before felt? Are not our farms in higher cultivation, and our farmers richer than at any former period? All these felicitous effects are derived from commerce—subject as it has been to plunder and piracy. Were it protected, its advantages would be more diffusive. That moment we put commerce without the pale of our protection—that moment, I repeat it, a fatal lethargy is produced—that moment the hand falls paralized from the plough. Give it a liberal expansion, and the earth teems with luxurious harvests.
Great objections, Mr. Speaker, have been raised against the carrying trade. I do not entertain the same opinion with other gentlemen on this point. From the view I have taken of this trade, my mind discriminates it from that of Venice, Genoa, and Holland. These were small places, diminutive when compared with America. They had little ground to cultivate—their supplies were drawn from other countries. They flourished in commerce, because their governments were some shades more free than those of surrounding nations—property was protected by the laws. Hence moored men of countries, where commerce was in disrepute, resorted to employ their capitals. The merchants of those places became the carriers of other nations, and enjoying what may be aptly denominated the freight trade, and other advantages from their capitals, became celebrated for their wealth and power.
There is no similitude in our situations. The basis of our carrying trade is agriculture—the productions of the soil. In the same proportion that our trade is extended, and new markets discovered for our produce, will the farmer be encouraged and rewarded? Our products are carried every where, and are in demand. The articles are bulky, and require for their transportation much shipping. Our trade to the West Indies is considerable. Their dependence for subsistence and supplies of every description, is on us. Mr. Newton's speech to be continued.
Twenty Dollars Reward. R ANAWAY from the subscriber, living in Calvert county, Maryland, a negro man named TOM or TOM MONK. He is a blacksmith by trade, 26 years old, about 5 feet 10 inches high, of a slender make, yellow complexion, and slightly pitted with the small pox. He has a variety of clothes, among which are a long coat of brown cloth, and pantaloons of the same, with a short spotted coat. It is highly probable he has made for Baltimore, or the city of Washington, from Annapolis, as he was seen in the latter place a few days since. Whoever takes up the said fellow and secures him, so that I get him again, shall have the above reward, and all reasonable charges will be paid if brought home. All makers of vessels and other persons are forewarned harboring, employing or carrying said fellow away at their peril. EDWARD GANTT, junr. April 26—June 10
A GREAT BARGAIN. TO BOOKSELLERS. S EVERAL Thousand Volumes of Books, chiefly German; some French, Latin, and English works—principally new publications, all of the first merit, and prime German editions mostly in sheets, and lately imported into this country, will be sold upon the most liberal terms, either the whole or a part. Many of them are works never yet seen in the United States—the collection includes every department in literature, except Law, and are offered for sale in this way, merely because the owner has not long since declined the book-selling business. Application to be made for the terms of sale, &c. to C. MORNEWECK, at the Hanseatic Hotel, Gay Street, Baltimore. May 30—6t ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
New-York, May 28. Yesterday arrived here the last sailing ship Fanny, captain Taylor, in 24 days from Greenock. By her we have received London papers to the 30th of April, and regular files of the Greenock Advertiser, to the 2d of May inclusive, which enable us to present our readers with foreign intelligence twenty days later than before received. The most interesting articles in our London papers, are relative to the dispute between England and Prussia. The following message was presented in the House of Lords, by lord Grenville, on the 21st of April, together with certain papers explanatory of the conduct of his majesty with respect to Prussia. On the 23d, an address was agreed to be presented, "conformable to the message."
GEORGE R. His majesty thinks it proper to acquaint the house that he has found himself under the necessity of withdrawing his minister from the court of Berlin, and of adopting provisionally measures of just retaliation against the commerce and navigation of Prussia. His majesty deeply regrets the extension and aggravation of calamities already so severely felt by the nations of the continent, whose independence and prosperity he has never ceased to consider as intimately connected with those of his own people. But measures of direct hostility, deliberately adopted against him, has left him no alternative. In a moment of confidential intercourse, without even the pretence of any cause of complaint, forcible possession has been taken by Prussia of his majesty's electoral dominions. Deeply as this event affected the interests of this kingdom, his majesty chose nevertheless to forbear on this painful occasion all recourse to the tried and affectionate attachment of his British subjects. He remonstrated by amicable negotiation against the injury he had sustained, and rested his claim for reparation on the moderation of his conduct, on the justice of his representations, and on the common interest which Prussia herself must ultimately feel to resist a system destructive of all the security of all legitimate possession. But when, instead of receiving assurances conformable to this just expectation, his majesty was informed, that the determination had been taken of excluding by force the vessels and the commodities of this kingdom, from ports and countries under the lawful dominion or forcible control of Prussia, his majesty could no longer delay to act, without neglecting the first duty which he owes to his people. The dignity of his crown, and the interests of his subjects equally forbid his acquiescing in this open and unprovoked aggression; he has no doubt of the full support of his parliament in vindicating the honor of the British flag, and the freedom of the British navigation; and he will look with anxious expectation to that moment when a more dignified and enlightened policy on the part of Prussia shall remove every impediment to the renewal of peace and friendship with a power with whom his majesty has no other cause of difference than that now created by these hostile acts.
G. R. The state papers which accompanied this message, consist chiefly of notes between Mr. Fox and Mr. Hardenberg, and three proclamations issued by his Prussian majesty on his taking possession of Hanover. It appears that Denmark is expected to join with France and Prussia, in hostilities against Great Britain. On this subject the editor of the General Advertiser observes "Should Denmark, as there is but too much reason to fear, be likewise forced to adopt hostile measures, we should expect to see the vigor of administration exerted in an attack through the Great Belt, on the island of Zealand, upon which Copenhagen stands, the conquest of which would secure the passage of the Sound. Indeed there is a report of an armament getting forward, probably with this very destination."
LONDON, APRIL 19. At the court at the Queen's Palace, the 16th of April, 1806, present the king's most excellent majesty in council. Whereas his majesty has received advice that his majesty the king of Prussia has taken possession of his majesty's electoral dominions in a forcible and hostile manner; and has also caused it to be notified to his majesty's minister at the court of Berlin, that all British ships were thenceforth to be excluded from the ports of the Prussian dominions, and from certain other ports in the north of Europe under the forcible control of Prussia, in violation of the just rights and interests of his majesty and his dominions, and contrary to the established law and practice of nations in amity with each other: and whereas his majesty by and with the advice of his privy council, has been pleased to cause an embargo to be laid upon vessels belonging to the subjects of Prussia, now within or hereafter, shall come into any of the ports of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, together with all persons and effects on board the said vessels: and whereas there is just reason to apprehend that the neutrality of the rivers Elbe, Weser, and Ems, and the free navigation thereof, will not, under these circumstances, be duly respected by his majesty's enemies, but will be rendered subject to the hostile measures above described; his majesty by and with the advice of his privy council, is pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, that a general embargo or stop be made in
like manner until further order from this board of all ships and vessels belonging to persons residing in any ports or places situated upon the said rivers Elbe, Weser, and Ems, save and except vessels under the Danish flag, and also save and except, that in respect to the goods and effects on board such ships and vessels which shall have been laden in, or are coming consigned to any ports of the united kingdom, the same shall be forthwith liberated and delivered up to the said laders and consignees respectively: and it is hereby farther ordered, that no property or freight money appearing to belong to any subject of Prussia, or to any persons residing as aforesaid, respecting which proceedings are now depending, or shall hereafter depend in any of his majesty's courts of prize, shall be decreed to be restored, nor shall the proceeds of any property or freight money belonging as aforesaid, which hath already been decreed to be restored, be paid to, or on behalf of the claimants, but the same shall be kept in safe custody, until his majesty's farther order herein: and it is farther ordered, that no person residing within his majesty's dominions do presume to pay any freight money due or payable to, or on behalf of any person or persons being subjects, or residing within the dominions of the king of Prussia, or in the ports or places aforesaid, for the freight of merchandise laden on board any ship which is detained under the said embargo, or which shall hereafter be brought into any of the ports of his majesty's dominions, but that such freight money shall be forthwith paid into the registry of the high court of admiralty, there to remain until his majesty's pleasure shall be farther known, or until other provision shall be made by law: and whereas it has been represented to his majesty that the goods on board several of the Prussian vessels so detained, or to be detained by the embargo, are the property of his Majesty's subjects, or the property of persons not being subjects of Prussia; it is farther ordered, that all goods on board any vessels detained under the said embargo, which were laden in, or coming consigned to ports of the United Kingdom, shall be delivered to the disposal of their owners or their agents, upon affidavit being made and produced in the high court of admiralty, that the said goods were not at the time of shipment, nor are now, the property of subjects of Prussia, and upon paying the freight due upon such goods into the registry of the said court, and upon giving sufficient bail to abide adjudication in case any proceeding should be commenced against the said goods within two months from the date of such delivery.—And the Right Hon. the Lords commissioners of his Majesty's treasury, the Lords commissioners of the Admiralty, and Lord Warden of the cinque ports, the judge of the high court of admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein as to them may respectively appertain.
STEPH. COTTREL.
APRIL 28. We learn from Constantinople, that the Turkish troops upon the Russian frontiers are considerably increasing, which, with other circumstances, has induced M. Italinski, the Russian minister, to demand an explanation relative to these preparations, and that he was informed by the Reis Effendi, that such preparations were necessary for restoring and preserving peace in the interior of the Turkish empire. A considerable Turkish fleet is fitting out. The promises and threats of France and Prussia to induce Denmark to assist in excluding our flag from the Baltic, have been hitherto unavailing—the Danish ministry insist on a rigid neutrality; and it is probable that she will succeed in maintaining it. Baron Hardenburg, it appears, has at length formally resigned. Count Haugwitz has been appointed minister of foreign affairs. The intelligence of the detention and capture of Prussian ships has produced considerable agitation both at Berlin and Hamburg; where, however, hopes continue to be entertained that the Prussian rivers will not be blockaded! Permission, as it is called, is said to have been granted to the French to pass through the Austrian territory, and 40,000 men are on their march towards Dalmatia.
The trial of Lord Viscount Melville will commence to-morrow morning.
AUGSBURGH, APRIL 10. The exchange of couriers between Paris, Munich, and Vienna, is so incessant, that yesterday, in the course of 5 hours, seven passed through this place. Marshal Berthier, minister at war remains at Munich; the late events appear to have retarded his departure.
BANKS OF THE LECH, April 12. The departure of marshal Soult from Bavaria is again countermanded. It is said that his corps has received orders to march to Dalmatia, and will be followed by that of general Marmont, which is in Istria.
HAMBURGH, April 21. Letters have been received here which assert, that an English squadron of six sail of the line has passed the Sound, to cruise in the Baltic. The embargo laid in England on the Prussian ships will do great injury to the trade of that country, because the commissions that had been given for the ensuing summer have been countermanded. We, however, flatter ourselves that the English will not blockade the Prussian ports.
LIEZIEG, April 15. It is said that the duke of Cleves, who has not a sufficient extent of territory to form a powerful state, will likewise receive the duchy of Juliers, which will be ceded to him by Bavaria. That power will also lose, as we are assured, the southern part of the Tyrol to Trent, which will be united to the kingdom of Italy.
VENICE, April 2. The Russians and English have blockaded this port for twelve days past, and suffer no vessel to enter or go out. The harbor is full of Venetian vessels, whose inactivity causes the greatest detriment to our commerce. Trieste profits, and is enriched by this, because its vessels sail under the Austrian flag, which is neutral.
It is apprehended, not without foundation, that if the war continues, the Russians and English will blockade all the ports of Italy.
TRIESTE, March 24. Letters from Ragusa of the 15th, mention that the French have advanced as far as the frontier of this Republic, and that the French gen. Mollier, requesting provisions from the senate, has had every thing granted; but upon the appearance of a Russian frigate in the harbor, which threatened the place, the French had retreated. Another Russian frigate is off Fiume; and there are several others, with some English vessels, on the coast. Upwards of 20 French transports were on their way to Bocca di Cataro, when they learned that the place was in the hands of the Russians and Montenegrins.
We learn that the emperor of Germany has granted the French a free passage through the Frioul to Dalmatia, till they shall have recovered the possession of Cataro and Castel Nuovo.
WESEL, April 12. The French and Prussians are still at Essen and Werden, and live upon very friendly terms. At Essen the French keep no guard. At Werden the Prussians mount guard together.
HAMBURGH, April 18. We know for a certainty that on the part of the cabinet of Berlin no declaration has been issued against Sweden, as some papers have asserted. On the 16th, Mr. Jackson, brother to the British envoy at Berlin, passed through this city on his return from London, where he had been despatched as a Courier.
GOTTINGEN, April 14. A few days ago the University at this place was taken possession of by the Prussian privy counsellor Giesecke in the name of his sovereign.
DALMATIA, March 28. The following are the articles of the convention by which the Bocca di Cataro was given up to the Russians, the Austrians being too weak to resist the force that was brought against them. 1. The Austrian garrison shall evacuate Castle Nuovo and all the forts and garrisons in Albania, within twelve leagues, and deliver them up to the Russian army. Albania being now considered as in the hands of the French, and, under this consideration it is now taken possession of in the name of his Imperial Majesty of Russia. 2. The Austrian garrison shall march out with all the honors of war, consistent with a friendly power, and shall be permitted to carry all their property with them, but cannon, ammunition, &c. are to be delivered up to the Russians; as, according to the treaty of Presburg these articles were to be consigned to the French. Commissioners shall be appointed on both sides for the delivery and reception of the same. 3. The Austrian garrison with all its property, shall embark on board Russian vessels, in the course of three days, and be landed at Trieste. 4. Those Catholics who may not chuse remain in Albania shall be permitted to accompany the Austrian garrison. 5. The Catholic religion shall be respected in Albania, and protected according to the customs before observed. 6. The liberties and the property of the inhabitants shall be respected, and the form of government adapted to the morals and manners of the people. 7. The Montenegrins, under the protection and bearing arms for the Russians, must be received by the inhabitants of Albania as friends, but are not to be admitted into the forts.
LONDON, April 20. Near Betzese, a new Russian army of 100,000 men is assembling. Twenty regiments of Cossacks were, at the date of the last accounts, hourly expected there. At Robryn all the tailors, shoemakers, &c. were put in requisition to provide clothing for the Russian troops, and were paid most liberally. The Emperor of Germany allows the exportation of provisions, cattle, &c. from his dominions for the support of the Russian army; and Russian commissaries have been accredited throughout the Hereditary States. M. Rochefoucault has remonstrated on the occasion, but the supplies are continued.
April 21. Government this morning received the following important information: Copy from the log book of the American ship Dorothea, dated 4th Feb 1806. "At 2 o'clock A. M. discovered a fleet to the north west, which gave chase to us in studding-sails, and hove to. At 3 the headmost ship, the Patriot, came up with us and proved French. After examining us she carried us up to the Admiral; and after asking us many questions relative to En-

English convoys, they allowed us to proceed. We covered six sail of the line and one frigate—lat. 15. 22—long. 11. 25 West. The Patriot informed the captain of the Dorothea that they had sailed from Brest on the 14th of December, 18 sail in number, but had separate divisions; they had taken 3 English ships with troops on board. They denied that they had any troops on board, although the admiral's ship appeared full of troops. The ships were; Eole, 74; Majestic, 74; Impetueux, 74; Foudroyant, 74; Veteran, 74; De Castor, 74; Valenciennes, 44; all French—Adm'l Guillaume and Jerome Bonaparte. St. Helena east, 150 leagues.
The Cape of Good Hope is to be the grand military depot for the supply of our Asiatic possessions, the chief administration of which, it is said, is to be placed in the hands of sir J. C. Hippesley, and that general Sincoe is to be commander in chief.
April 28. The recent movements of the French on the Austrian frontiers and the reinforcement of their corps in Bavaria, have created much uneasiness at Vienna. On the arrival of a courier from Berthier, the prefect minister at Vienna, communicated to the imperial cabinet the determination of his master to retain possession of Braunau until the affairs of Dalmatia are adjusted. Prince Schwartzenberg was immediately despatched to Paris with a strong remonstrance on this violation of the treaty of Presburg.
The hostility of France towards Austria, which has recently manifested itself on numerous occasions, was lately insinuatedly expressed towards the imperial minister count Stutterheim. The count on his return from Paris, whither he had been sent on a special mission, stopped at Munich; but on the following day he received orders from the Bavarian government for his immediate departure; and an adjutant of gen. Berthier attended to see the order enforced. It was the general opinion in Holland that the peace will be of short duration. France appears desirous to strike a blow, before the extensive military arrangements now carrying on, under the orders of the archduke Charles can be organized; and it is certain that the unceasing accumulation of Russian troops on the Austrian frontiers is the occasion of the most serious solicitude to Bonaparte.
There was a report on Saturday that General Mack had been convicted of high treason, and condemned to suffer the pain of death.
LONDON, April 6. A Gottenburgh mail arrived on Sunday. Private letters by this conveyance, report, that the emperor of Russia, determined to support the king of Sweden, had marched an army into Russian Poland, which had taken possession of Warsaw. Without pretending to vouch for the accuracy of this statement, we think it highly probable.
The same letters inform us, that the king of Sweden expected to receive the speedy assistance of a British squadron of 12 sail of the line; and that the Prussians had entered the Danish province of Holstein. The English ships detained in Prussian ports did not exceed seven or eight; whilst the number of vessels detained in the ports of this country under Prussian colors amount to several hundreds.
A ship arrived in the river from Stralsund, is said to bring an account of notice having been received there of a Prussian army being in full march to Swedish Pomerania, but the occupancy of which it was supposed, would be anticipated by a Russian force.
A Gottenburgh mail has arrived, bringing accounts from thence to the 4th inst. which states that the Russian army in Poland has been greatly reinforced, and that it is in motion towards the Prussian frontier. Indeed, letters from Embden received on Saturday, state, that the city of Warsaw is actually in the possession of the Russians. It is stated that the Russian troops about to enter Turkey, amount to 73,000 men, and that a corps of reserve was forming on the frontiers of Bessarabia.
April 21. In our last we announced, from the most undoubted authority, that negotiations of a pacific nature had actually been commenced and were going on with all the dispatch customary in diplomatic affairs. We have now the pleasure of confirming that statement, by the arrival of another flag of truce from France, with dispatches which were delivered at Mr. Fox's office on Sunday.
Of the issue of these negotiations we are by no means sanguine in our expectations; but we have the utmost confidence in his majesty's ministers, that they will sacrifice neither the honor nor interest of their country to obtain the momentary triumph of a hollow truce, which must shortly terminate either in the ruin of the British empire, or in a more desperate war.
April 28. The report that Holland is destined to be given to Louis Bonaparte, seems to be on the point of receiving the fullest confirmation. A deputation is even believed to have already set out for Paris, to prevail upon the prince to honor them by the acceptance of the Sovereign power.
A letter from Elsinore mentions a report very generally circulated there, that an engagement had taken place between some Prussian troops and those of Sweden in Pomerania, and that the Prussians had taken the opportunity of quitting their standard and were gone over to the Swedes. Other letters say that a hundred thousand French and Prussian troops were proceeding against
the Danish dominions, and were on their march to Jutland—if this be true, Copenhagen must fall into their hands, & that port be shut.
Various accounts are received to day, positively announcing the arrival at Czar of six Russian line of battle ships and 20,000 Russian troops; and that by order of the emperor Alexander, the most positive orders had been issued to close all the ports in the Adriatic against the entry or departure of any vessel whatever. The prompt and decided measures of the Russian prince renders this account far from being improbable; indeed we have many respectable merchants who have received letters upon this very important event, who do not hesitate to vouch for the fact. The French Expresse mentions the arrival at Ragusa of one Russian frigate—is it probable that Russia would send on so important a service a solitary frigate?
GREENOCK, May 2. By the Hamburg mail received on Monday morning, we have accounts from Berlin to the 25th ultimo, which entirely discredits the report that prevailed in London, on Saturday and Sunday, of the death of the King of Prussia.
New York, May 28. A considerable portion of the papers we have received is occupied with the names of neutral vessels detained by British cruisers, in consequence of the blockade of the Elbe, &c. We notice among them the following Americans: Melpomene, Daubeny, from New York.
Carmelite, Sterling, do for Amsterdam. Ocean, Pindar, do for Hamburg. Fidelity, Soy, do for Amsterdam. Radius, Farley, do for Bremen. Betsey, Mill r, do for Amsterdam. Brig Jane, from do for Hamburg. Columbus, of Charleston, for Amsterdam. Walmsley, Van Ungen, from do. Oelbaum, from do for Bremen. Edward, from do for Hamburg. Joanna Elizabeth, Berner, from do for do. Hercules, Cole, from do for Bremen. Columbus, Hendrickson, from Baltimore for do. America, ——, from do for do. William, Crain, from do for Hamburg. Industry, ——, from do for Amsterdam. Onderneeming, Wendell, from do for Bremen, but released. Bella, Kallingson, from do for Bremen. Portsmouth, Lewis, from Africa. Three Sisters, from Holland for Philadelphia. George Washington, from Batavia for Salem. Swedish ship Active, from Washington. Thomas Wilson, Burns, from Philadelphia for Amsterdam. Fair Weather, Smart, from Wilmington. Speculator, Little, do.
NOTICE. IS hereby given that the sale of property for TAXES due the Corporation of Washington, advertised for this day, is postponed until Friday the 20th day of June next, and if the taxes are not paid on or before the said 20th day of June, the sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. at the City Treasurer's office. By order of the Council of Washington, WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Washington City. May 30—tdf
WILL BE SOLD, ON Wednesday the 4th of June next at the hour of the subscriber, at 12 o'clock, the personal estate of John Pitman Lovell, deceased, consisting of Looks, Household Furniture &c. &c. Terms of sale, for all sums under twenty dollars cash, and all sums above twenty dollars six months credit, with interest from date of sale, by giving approved security. ALEX. COCHRAN, Jun. Adm'r. May 30—3t
Fifteen dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber living in the district of Columbia, near Tenley Town, on the 27th of May, a negro man named GEORGE, about 24 years old, 4 feet 11 inches high, stout made, & fierce, but if sharply spoken to is apt to stammer in his speech. He has a fatal scar on the back of one hand, not remembered which. Had on when he went away cinnabrig shirt and trowers, black cassimere waistcoat old corvie hat and old shoes with platted silk strings—he may have procured a pass or attempt to pass for a free man by the name of George Jenkins, whoever should take up said negro, and secure him in any jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward and reasonable charges if brought home by RICHARD MURRAY. June 2—3t
N. B. All persons are hereby forewarned from harboring or carrying away said negro.
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be sold on Saturday the 7th day of June next, at the house of Ignatius Boone in the town of Nottingham, for a term of 20 years, One NEGRO boy, 10 or 11 years of age, on a credit of 12 months, to satisfy debts due from the estate of the late Mrs. Ann Brady Cox, of said county deceased. Bond with approved security will be required. AQUILA BEALL, Adm'r. Prince George's county, May 16—UG3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JUNE 2.
THE joint committee of the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, who were appointed to audit the accounts of the Treasurer, Report—that they have examined the receipts and expenditures, and compared the same with the vouchers, and submit the following as the result thereof.
Monies received by the Treasurer on account of the corporation of the city of Washington, from the 24th May, 1805, to 28th May 1806.
  Dolls. Cts.    Balance in the hands of the Treasurer, 24th May, 1804, 257 54  On account of the assessed tax for the year 1802, 558 54  do. do. 1803, 441 08  Do. do. 1804, 2,156 91  Do. do. 1805, 5,678 29  On account, retail and ordinary licences. 1,268 34  Do. hackney and pleasurable carriages 519  Do. Billiard tables 50  Do. Theatrical licence 72  Do. slave and dog tax 26  Do hawkers & pedlars 70  Do. Butchers stalls 118 43  Borrowed from the bank 1,500  10,726 13  
  Payments made by the Treasurer during the same period on account of the corporation  For the support and maintenance of the poor, infirm and diseased 1,700  For the erection and repair of bridges, streets and avenues 4,286 73  Erection and repair of pumps 496 30  Salary of superintendent of police and removing nuisances 86 44  Printing, stationary and fuel 200 96  House rent, clerks and expenses of council 783 45  Registers salary and copying laws 97 85  For compensation to superintendents of markets and fitting up of lamps 271 35  Election expences 22 50  Treasurer's commission 829 59  Do. compensation for assessing property 30 00  Discount paid at bank 277 68  Fire Ladders 28 50  Public schools 750  Prosecutions under the laws of the corporation 86 25  Support of lunatics 51 36  Balance in the hand of the Treasurer 727 42  10,726 13  
  Arrearages of tax stated to be due in May 1805, 7,385 48  Do. due for 1805 7,929 98  Assessed tax received in 1805 15,315 46  6,844 82  Remains due on assessed property 8470 64  There remains due from the corporation to the office of discount and deposit the sum of Dolls. 5000  Viz. due in May last 3,500  Borrowed since 1,500  Dolls. 5,000  
(Signed) John Dempsey, J. M'Gowan, A. M'Cornick, M. Nourse, P. Bradley.
GENERAL ORDERS.
Head Quarters, St. Louis, 1st March 1806. At a general court martial held at the city of New Orleans, by order of Lt. Col. Freeman, on the 4th of January last, and continued to the 6th of the same month.
Lieutenant Alfred Sebastian, of the U. S. 2nd Reg. Infantry, was tried on the following charges. Charge 1st. For contempt to Lieut. Baldwin, your superior officer, when on parade, on the 20th May 1805. Specification. In ordering the band to cease playing, and the retreat to be beat, in violation of a garrison order of 27th May, 1804, regulating the evening parade, while he was on parade, inspecting the company to which he was attached. Charge 2nd. For ungentlemanly and unofficer-like conduct. Specification. For having Lieut. Baldwin arrested, and brought before a General Court Martial upon charges which you are not able to substantiate,
and which he made appear to the court were malicious and false. Lieutenant Sebastian being arraigned plead not guilty, and the court passed the following sentence (viz.) The court after weighing the testimony for and against Lieutenant Sebastian are of opinion that he is not guilty, and do acquit him with honor. The General approves the foregoing sentence, and orders Lieutenant Sebastian released from arrest. (Signed) JAMES WILKINSON, Inspectors office St. Louis, March 1st 1806. The foregoing is a copy from the original on file in this office. (Signed) THOS. H. CUSHING, Adj. & Inspector.
Philadelphia, May 23. Extract of a letter from Halifax, dated the 14th of May, 1806. "There are five Americans here under adjudication, all detained by captain Whitby, of the Leander, who swears he will have them all released, as all he takes. And as he is going to sea again on Monday to cruise, as I understand, off the Hook, the probability is he will capture many more. His conduct is truly astonishing, and his treatment to American captains in every instance is abusive. He is void of all shame; is universally detested here; and it is expected will be ordered home immediately, on his recent conduct being represented to his government, and probably be deprived of his commission. It is thought he will distress and abuse every American he meets with on his next cruise which he may suppose, (and which we fervently hope) will be his last."
NOTICE. THE JUDGES OF ELECTION hereby notify the citizens of Washington entitled to vote for members of the CITY COUNCIL, That the election for the First Ward, will be held at the Tavern of ANN BRADLEY opposite the West Market; the election for the Second Ward, will be held at the Tavern of LEWIS MORIN on Pennsylvania avenue; the election for the Third Ward, will be held at Mr. STELLE'S Hotel on the Capitol Hill; the election for the Fourth Ward, will be held at HUGH DRUMMOND'S Tavern on 7th street east near the Navy Yard. William Thornton, Samuel N. Smallwood, Samuel Hamilton, Peter Lenox, Benjamin Perkins, T. H. Gilliss, Nicholas King, Justices of the Peace. Associate judges of Election. 28th May, 1806.
Resolved, That the following sections of the laws respecting the qualification of voters, which are binding on the judges and electors, be published with the notification of the places of holding the election for the information of the citizens. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the council of the city of Washington shall consist of twelve members, residents of the city, and upwards of twenty-five years of age, to be divided into two chambers, the first chamber to consist of seven members; and the second chamber of five members; the second chamber to be chosen from the whole number of councillors elected, by their joint ballot. The city council to be elected annually, by ballot, in a general ticket, by the free white male inhabitants of full age, who have resided twelve months in the city, and paid taxes therein the year preceding the election's being held: the justices of the county of Washington, resident in the city or any three of them, to preside as judges of election, with such associates as the council may, from time to time appoint. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the first election of members for the city council shall be held on the first Monday in June next, and in every year afterwards, at such place in each ward as the judges of the election may prescribe.
Section 2. And be it further enacted, That the council of the city of Washington, from and after the period for which the members of the present council have been elected, shall consist of two chambers, each of which shall be composed of nine members, to be chosen by distinct ballots, according to the directions of the act to which this is a supplement; a majority of each chamber shall constitute a quorum to do business. In case vacancies shall occur in the council, the chamber in which the same may happen shall supply the same by an election, by ballot from the three persons next highest on the list to those elected at the preceding election; and a majority of the whole number of the chamber, in which such vacancy may happen, shall be necessary to make an election. BE it enacted by the first and second chambers of the city council of Washington, That there be annually imposed according to an assessment under the act entitled "an act directing a new assessment of property and an enumeration of the inhabitants of the city," and an act supplementary thereto, on all the real and personal property within the city of Washington a tax of twenty-five cents on every hundred dollars worth of the same, except objects specifically taxed, property belonging to the United States, houses for public worship, burying grounds or property belonging to any college or school, and except also the crop and produce of the land in the hands of the person whose
land produced the same, and provisions necessary for the use and consumption of the person to whom the same shall belong, and his family for the year, and plantation utensils; Provided that the said tax on the working tools of mechanics and manufacturers employed in their respective occupations, wearing apparel, goods, wares and merchandise, and all the home made manufactures in the hands of manufacturers, stills, all grain, and tobacco, be only laid in cases where the owners thereof are not otherwise assessed; and provided that the assessment in such cases shall not exceed the sum of eighty dollars. Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That it shall be the duty of the treasurer to make out in each year an account of the tax chargeable to every person, and to notify such person thereof before the first day of October, with information that the said sum is to be paid to the treasurer on or before the first day of December ensuing, and also a general notification thereof through a newspaper printed in the city.
DR. REES'S NEW CYCLOPEDIA, Just Published, And ready to be delivered to subscribers in the city of Washington, VOL. I. PART 1. OF DR. REES'S NEW CYCLOPEDIA, or UNIVERSAL DICTIONARY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES, To be completed in 20 volumes quarto. The whole improved and adapted to this country, by gentlemen of known abilities; by whose aid it will be rendered the most complete work of the kind that has yet appeared. In order to give the early patrons of this work a decided advantage over future purchasers, each half volume is furnished to them at 3 DOLLARS:—to all those who may subscribe after the first of November next, the price will be raised to 3 DOLLARS and 50 cents; and after the 5th volume is published, none will be sold under 4 DOLLARS. Subscribers will please to apply for their copies at Daniel Bapine's Book & Stationery Store Capitol Hill, where it is constantly kept for sale a very general assortment of books and stationery. A liberal allowance made to schoolmasters, and others who purchase a quantity. June 2—6c
NOTICE. WILL be exposed to public sale for ready cash on the 20th day of June next at Pontius D Steele's tavern, all the right, title, claim and interest of ROBERT BROWN in and to Lot No 4 in square No 380 with improvements Brick Dwelling houses thereon, one three stories high and the other two, late the property of the said Brown, taken by virtue of a writ of fieri facias, issued from the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Samuel Davidson. At the same time and place will be exposed to public sale, for ready cash, all the right, title, claim and interest of John Moore (Miller) in and to a piece of ground in square No. 575 with a small brick building thereon, late the property of the said Moore, taken by virtue of a writ of fieri facias issued from the court aforesaid, at the suit of Samuel Davidson. DANL C. BRENT, Marshal. June 2—wtdf
SPRING GOODS. JOHN COX, HAS received a part of his Spring Assortment of Goods, consisting of many fancy and substantial articles. He has also received from the Jefferson captain Hunt from Amsterdam, a quantity of Tick enburgs, Gingham, Hollands, Hempens, Rolls, Gias and Quilas, and by the Washington from Leghorn, Handsome Leghorn Chairs and Flats. All which goods he will sell at his usual low prices by the piece or retail. George Town, April 30—cpNI&UG6 v.
FOR SALE, A quantity of the first quality New England POTATOES for seed at G. Coomee's, Lumber Yard, Greenleaf Point, city of City of Washington. May 28—3t
NOTICE. MR. ELLIOTT has fitted up a neat Apartment for the instruction of YOUNG LADIES in Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, Geography, use of the Globes, Maps, &c. His experience for a number of years past in conducting a Seminary of this kind, it is hoped and expected, will entitle him to the approbation of the parents and friends of such young ladies as may be sent to this institution. N. B. Mr. E. will only admit a select number of Young ladies and those only above ten years of age. For terms apply at his Academy. City of Washington, May 26—3t
Ran-away from the subscriber living in Pomonkeyneck, Charles county Maryland and about two miles below Mount Vernon—a negro man named JACK, about 50 years of age, his voice is loud Spanish accent; he is a Baptist by profession and loves argument; he is very black except his thing that are purple about 5 inches in length and 1 in breadth occasioned by sitting too near the fire. Said Jack came from Guinea when 12 years of age, there is a burn on the back of one of his hands. Whoever brings him home or secures him so that I can have him, shall receive 20 dollars if 20 miles from home, if 30 miles 30 do. if 50 miles 40 dollars, and reasonable expenses paid. RICHARD BRANDT. N. B. The above negro run from me before and was apprehended by one of Judge Washington's overseers—he had a pass from Thomas Test, dated Middle Run Neck, Baltimore county, dated May 23, 1805—he left me the 15th day of June last. May 28—3t

PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. FROM Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, Newburyport, Rowley, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Salem, Lynn and Chelsea, to Boston, six times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at noon, and arrive at Boston by midnight, in 12 hours.
Leave Boston every day at 11 a.m. and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 p.m. in 12 hours.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Portsmouth every day at 6 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 4 p.m.
Leave Boston every day at 6 a.m. and arrive at Portsmouth by 4 p.m.
2. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Waltham, East Sudbury, Framingham, Southboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford and Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at New Haven on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 1 p.m. in 33 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a.m. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday by 10 a.m. in 31 hours, resting 2 hours at Suffield.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 10 a.m. and arrive at Worcester by 8 p.m. Leave Worcester every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Suffield by 4 p.m. Leave Suffield every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at New Haven by 6 p.m. Returning. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Suffield by 6 p.m. Leave Suffield every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Brookfield by 8 p.m. Leave Brookfield every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 3 p.m.
3. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, & to New York, seven times a week. May 1 to November 1. Leave New Haven every day at 2 p.m. and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a.m. in 20 hours. Leave New York every day at 9 a.m. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 3 a.m. in 18 hours. November 1 to May 1. Leave New Haven every day at 4 a.m. and arrive at New York the next day by 10 a.m. in 30 hours. Leave New York every day at 11 a.m. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 6 p.m. in 31 hours, resting one hour at Stamford each way. The mail is to be carried only four times a week from Oct. 1, 1805, to Oct. 1, 1807, omitting to take it both from New Haven and New York on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the mid season, and on Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the cold season.
4. From New York by Jersey, Newark, Elizabeth town, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankford to Philadelphia, seven times a week. Leave New York every day at 1 p.m. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 a.m. in 17 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 1 p.m. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 a.m. in 17 hours. From Dec. 1 to April 1 the mail is to be delivered in New York and Philadelphia at 7 a.m., in 18 hours.
5. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vauleville, Bladensburg and Washington City to Georgetown, every day. April 15 to December 1. Leave Baltimore every day at 8 a.m. and arrive at Washington City by 4 p.m. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 2 a.m. and arrive at Baltimore by 10 a.m. in 8 hours. December 1 to April 15. Leave Baltimore every day at 10 a.m. and arrive at Washington City by 8 p.m. in 10 hours. Leave Washington City every day by 10 p.m. and arrive at Baltimore the next morning by 9 o'clock in 11 hours.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester & Dumfries to Fredericksburg, six times a week. April 15 to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a.m. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 a.m.; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a.m. and arrive at Dumfries by 11 a.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 p.m. in 13 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a.m. and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a.m.; leave Dumfries at 10 a.m. and arrive at Alexandria by 2 p.m.; leave Alexandria at 3 p.m. and arrive at Washington by 4 p.m.
December 1 to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a.m. and arrive at Alexandria by 6 a.m.; leave Alexandria at 7 a.m. and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p.m.; leave Dumfries at 2 p.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p.m. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 a.m. and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a.m.; leave Dumfries at 10 a.m. and arrive at Alexandria by 4 p.m.; leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 p.m. and arrive at Washington City by 6 1/2 p.m.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover C. H. Richmond and Osborn's, to Petersburg, six times a week. April 15 to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a.m. and arrive at Richmond by 3 p.m.; leave Richmond at 4 p.m. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p.m. Returning. Leave Petersburg every day at 3 a.m. and arrive at Richmond by 8 a.m.; leave Richmond by 9 a.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p.m. December 1 to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 a.m. and arrive at Richmond by 6 p.m.; leave Richmond every day Sunday excepted, at 4 a.m. and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a.m. Returning. Leave Petersburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 p.m. and arrive at Richmond by 8 p.m.; leave Richmond every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 a.m. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p.m.
8. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent C. H. Williamsburg, Yorktown & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Hampton by 9 p.m. and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a.m. Returning. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 p.m. and arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 p.m.
9. From Petersburg by Gobbins Point, Smithfield, Surry C. H. and Sleepy Hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week. Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 2 p.m.; leave Sleepy Hole at 3 p.m. and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 a.m. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 9 a.m.; leave Sleepy Hole at 10 a.m. and arrive at Petersburg by 8 p.m. December 1 to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 a.m. and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 9 p.m. Leave Sleepy Hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Portsmouth by 8 a.m. Returning. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 3 p.m. and arrive at Sleepy Hole by 7 p.m. Leave Sleepy Hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
10. From Charleston by Jacksonboro' Pocotaligo and Goshawhatchy to Savannah, three times a week. Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p.m. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Savannah by 8 p.m. Returning. Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 p.m. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Charleston by 3 p.m.
11. From Augusta by Jacksboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah, once a week. Leave Savannah every Friday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 p.m. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 p.m.
12. From Augusta by Waynesboro' and Louisville to Savannah, once a week. Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 a.m.; leave Louisville at 11 a.m. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 p.m. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a.m. and arrive at Louisville on Wednesday by 9 a.m.; leave Louisville at 10 a.m. and arrive at Augusta on Thursday by 10 a.m.
13. From Savannah by Bryan C. H. Midway church, Riceboro' McIntosh C. H. Darien, Frederica, Jekyll Island & Dungeness Ness, to St. Mary's, once a week. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 a.m. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 a.m. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 p.m.
14. From Jekyll Island to Brunswick once a week. Leave Jekyll Island every Thursday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Brunswick by 10 a.m. Leave Brunswick at 2 p.m. and arrive at Jekyll Island by 6 p.m. IN MAINE.
15. From Scodias to plantation No 5, once a week. Leave No 5 every Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Scodias by 11 a.m. Leave Scodias every Wednesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at No. 5 by 6 p.m.
16. From Buckfield by Hartfield to Livermore, once a week. Leave Buckfield every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Livermore by 10 a.m. Leave Livermore every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Buckfield by 6 p.m.
17. From Vassalboro' by Fairfax, Unity & Colledgetown to Hampden, once a week. Leave Vassalboro' every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Hampden on Saturday by 10 a.m. Leave Hampden every Saturday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Vassalboro' on Monday by 8 a.m.
18. From New Milford by Ballstown, Palermo, and Davistown, to Belfast, once a week. Leave New Milford every Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Belfast by 6 p.m. Leave Belfast every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at New Milford by 8 p.m.
19. From Brunswick by Bowdoin, Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta, once a week. Leave Brunswick every Monday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Augusta by 11 a.m. Leave Augusta every Monday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Brunswick by 9 p.m. IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
20. From Fryeborg, in Maine, by Conway, Bartlett, Rosebrooks and Jefferson, to Lancaster, once in two weeks. Leave Fryeborg every other Tuesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p.m. Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Fryeborg on Tuesday by 10 a.m.
21. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Middlestown, Ossipee, Mountbobo' Center harbor, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampshire, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 3 p.m. and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p.m. Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p.m. and at Newbury by 7 p.m. Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Haverhill by 7 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p.m. Leave Plymouth at 7 p.m. and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a.m.
22. From Hanover N. H. Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Guildhall, Vt. and from Guildhall by Lunenburg and Concord, Vt. Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week. Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p.m. and at Guildhall on Saturday by 6 p.m. Leave Guildhall every Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p.m.
23. From Salisbury by Adover, N. H. Chester and Bridge water to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by H. Ide, New Hampshire and Sandwich, to Salisbury, alternately, once a week. Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 4 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 2 p.m. Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 p.m. and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon. IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N. H. by Littleton, Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Greensboro' Craftsboro' Eden and Johnson to St. Albans, once in two weeks. Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a.m. and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p.m. Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Littleton, N. H. on Saturday by 6 p.m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre Washington, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet & Peacham, to Danville, once a week. Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p.m. Leave Newbury on Saturday at 5 a.m. and arrive at Danville by 5 p.m. Returning. Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a.m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Ryegate, Randolph, Williamstown, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Williston, to Burlington, once a week. Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p.m. and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p.m. Returning. Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p.m. and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p.m. and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Royalton by Tunbridge, Chelsea and Versailles, to Corinth, once a week. Leave Royalton every Monday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Corinth by 6 p.m. Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Royalton by 6 p.m. IN MASSACHUSETTS.
28. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week. Leave Boston every Wednesday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 11 a.m. Leave Plymouth every Wednesday at 1 p.m. and arrive at Boston by 6 p.m. Leave Boston every Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 10 a.m. Leave Plymouth every Friday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Boston by 6 p.m. Leave Boston every Sunday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 10 a.m. Leave Plymouth every Sunday at 2 p.m. and arrive at Boston by 6 p.m.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p.m. Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a.m. and arrive at Boston by 6 p.m. [To be Continued.]
A HOUSE & LOT FOR SALE. WILL be offered at public sale on Tuesday the 3d of June next on the premises, on a credit of 90 days, a two story BRICK HOUSE, with two rooms and a passage on each floor, a cellar, and dry well therein: this house is situated on Lot No. 10 in q 728 on East Capitol Street, fronting the capitol. Negotiable paper with improved endorsements will be required of the purchaser, and when paid a good title will be made by SAML. TYLER, Ex'r of Saml. Tyler, deceased. May 14—10t
TO RENT, THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE, AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid. Note—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Bennett's patent cord, woolverteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk molekins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, hup coatings, Flushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, we are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the teythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 50 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper: the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William early residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill, Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the healthiest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan. 29—optf
JOHN LAW, HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, clerk of the County Court. May 21—2m
PROPOSALS. FOR building a PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH on square 877 in the city of Washington will be received by the subscriber until Monday the 3d of June next. It is expected the persons proposing will mention SEPARATELY the masons, and carpenters work, and the materials appertaining to both branches. The building to be of brick, contemplated to be 38 by 45 feet in the clear, and two stories high. The proposals to be in writing and left with the subscriber, Capitol Hill, with whom a plan of the building may be seen. HENRY INGLE, Register. Washington, May 28—tJug9
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the SPACIOUS HOTEL lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square.
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Mason at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
Treasury Department, Washington, May 3rd, 1806. Notice is hereby Given, That failed proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as agent for the commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 13th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz. Eight per cent. Old Six per cent. and Deferred Six per cent. stocks, with the dividends payable on the 5th of July next off.
Such persons as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above mentioned stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals SEALED UP, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein, the unredeemed amount and species of said stock, and the lowest price they will accept for the same, which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law. In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stock thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber, in trust for the United States. TH. T. TUCKER, Treasurer United States. May 5—eptr3.
PURSUANT to a decree of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed to sale two Tracts of Land in the county of Loudoun, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1097 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and supposed to contain about 1940 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of raising the sum of about 6000 dollars, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the decree mentioned. The sales will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money, and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudoun. THOS. SWAIN, } commiss. WILSON C. SALDEN, } fiduciaries. April 23—wtdf
The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to purchase under the above decree (which was obtained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him), that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatever, the procuring a title to perfect such sale of the Land; the attempt to which is a vague and ill tempered effort. THOS. A. DIGGES, Warburton, Maryland, April 23—tJ13.
The public are notified, and all persons are cautioned against purchasing certain lands in Loudoun county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swan and Selden, to be sold at Leesburg on the 13th day of June next; the fee of said estate being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges, of Maryland, an infant under age. ROBERT BRENT, attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges. City of Washington, April 28—tJun3
DR. BRISCOE, ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, A few doors west of the Seven Buildings tenders his services to the citizens of Washington and its vicinage, in the Practice of Lytic, Surgery, &c. He has lately opened a Medicinal store at his residence, where a supply of useful and cheap medicines may be had. May 26—wim