The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-05-29 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCCXXIV.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 29th, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE
IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21.
[Mr. Campbell's speech concluded.]
The next charge to be inquired into is that stated in the third article, in relating the evidence of Colonel Taylor a material witness in favor of the defendant, on the pretence that he could not prove the truth of the whole of the charge. In this instance the judge acted contrary to all former precedents in courts of justice, and without the shadow of law or reason to justify his conduct. Not a solitary case could be stated by any of the witnesses of a similar conduct in a judge. The rule here adopted, with regard to the admissibility of evidence, would deprive the jury of their undoubted right to decide on the credibility and weight of evidence, as well as on the extent to which it proved the matter in question; would transfer in substance this right to the court, and thereby make to its very centre the fabric so justly admired and held so sacred, of trial by jury. It would make it necessary for the party to present to the court, all the evidence relied upon to make out his case. This evidence, the court or judge would first deliberately examine, compare it with the charges or case to be supported, and if it did not, in his opinion, prove the whole of one charge, or go the whole extent of the case to be established by it, he would reject it, and not permit the jury to hear it. This would strip the jury of the very prerogative that renders this kind of trial so much superior to all others, that of deciding on the weight and credit of evidence. There is a manifest distinction between the right which a judge has to decide upon the admissibility of evidence, on the ground of its being proper or improper according to the established rules of law, and the right here assumed of deciding upon the extent to which such evidence, that is admitted to relate to the matter in question, will go to support the case; the former is the exercise of a proper authority to prevent the admission of extraneous and improper matter, wholly irrelevant to the matter in question; the latter is an arbitrary assumption of power, to decide on the extent to which evidence admitted to be relevant, at least in some degree, would go to prove the matter in question; and is a direct innovation on the most sacred privilege of the jury. Nothing can be more absurd and dangerous, than the consequences that would flow from such a doctrine. The judge would first weigh the evidence himself, measure its extent, reject it at pleasure, and call this a trial by jury. But I must here be permitted to notice the reasoning resorted to by the judge in his answer, to excuse his conduct on this occasion, which is as dangerous and absurd, in its consequences, as it is subtle and evasive. It is stated by the judge, that the plea of justification must answer the whole charge, or it is bad on the demurrer; and that when the matter of defence may be given in evidence without being formally pleaded, the same rules prevail. This doctrine of the judge would require the party to shew, that the evidence he offered would cover the whole of his case, with the same exactness and formality that he would file a plea to avoid its being held bad on a demurrer: thus narrowing down the province of the jury, and subjugating the decision of all use facts as well as the law to the court. There is no rule of law to warrant such a proceeding, and it is manifestly contrary to all reasoning on the subject. The plea, in order to be good, must state matter sufficient to justify that part of the charge or suit to which it is joined; the demurrer admits all the facts stated in the plea that are well pleaded, but cannot admit facts that are not stated in it; therefore the plea must appear to contain sufficient matter of justification, or it will be held bad on demurrer; but no such rule was ever heard of before to apply to evidence offered to a jury. They alone are the proper and only tribunal to decide whether the evidence offered and given is sufficient to prove the whole matter in dispute or not; and if the jury be deprived of this right, there is nothing left them that deserves the name of a trial.
The judge insists, if he was mistaken, it was an error of judgment. This cannot be presumed. Ignorance of the law is no excuse in any man; but in a character of such high legal standing and known abilities as that of the accused, it is totally inadmissible and not to be presumed. How could any judge
with upright intentions commit so many errors, or hit upon so many mistakes in the course of one trial, as are manifest in that of Callender. They must have been the result of design, and a predetermined to bear down all opposition, in order to convict and punish the defendant.
But it is stated that judge Griffin concurred with him in opinion, and this is insisted upon by the accused in different parts of his answer, as an excuse for the errors he committed, if, as he states, they were errors. This seems to be a kind of forlorn hope resorted to, when all other expedients fail. To this argument of the judge, I would in this place answer once for all, that it can be no excuse for him, nor any justification of his offences, that another has been equally guilty with himself; and it must strongly prove the weakness of his defence to rely upon this ground. Though judge Griffin has not yet been called to an account for his conduct on this occasion, that is no reason why he should not hereafter be made to answer for it. The nation has not laid he was innocent, or that he will not be proceeded against for this conduct; and there is no limitation of time that would screen him from the effects of charges of this kind, if they should be brought forward and supported against him hereafter. No ground of excuse therefore can arise from the circumstance of judge Griffin not having been called upon to answer for his conduct in this respect.
I will now proceed to notice very briefly the conduct of the judge in the subsequent part of this trial. Compelling the defendant's counsel to reduce to writing all questions to be asked the witness, was a direct innovation on the practice in our courts of justice, and tended to embarrass the management of and weaken the defence. It is proved by the testimony of all the witnesses, that no such practice ever prevailed in our courts of justice, for such a purpose as that avowed in this instance; the only cases in which it is required to reduce to writing questions to be asked a witness, and the only cases in which it can be proper or consistent with reason and justice to do so, are those in which an objection is made to a question proposed to be asked, on the ground of its being improper and contrary to the rules of evidence; and in order to ascertain the precise meaning and effect of the question, so as to decide on the objection made to it, it may be proper to require it to be reduced to writing, but it never was before done, so far as we can discover, for the purpose of ascertaining how far the witness could prove the matter in question, and whether he could prove the whole of one charge or not, and thereby decide whether the witness should or should not be examined. According to this rule the judge would first try the cause himself upon the evidence offered, by the questions thus reduced to writing, and if he did not consider such evidence fully sufficient to support the whole of the charge or case to which it was offered, he would reject it, and not permit the jury to hear a word of it, lest they might consider it stronger than he did, and give it sufficient weight to support the case to which it was offered. This mode of proceeding was left to be discovered and adopted by judge Chase. No other court or judge ever attempted in this manner to trifle with the rights of the jury, and establish a doctrine so tyrannical and oppressive; but this is in perfect conformity with the whole of his conduct on this occasion; a preconceived system of oppression, to bring the defendant, Callender, to certain conviction and punishment. For the same purpose the defendant's counsel were ridiculed, treated with indignity, and the whole audience entertained at their expence. They were frequently and abruptly interrupted in their arguments; charged with wilfully perverting the law, in order to impose upon and deceive the multitude; called by way of derision, and treated as mere fools of the day, who ought to cringe fawningly when they appear before a circuit court in which the honorable judge presided. He was facetious, witty, and farcical, as the occasion required; and it is pretended there can be no harm in this; it was all in jest and good humor! It is too serious a matter, Mr. President, for judges thus to jest and trifle with the rights and liberties of the citizen. Though this proceeding was levelled immediately at the counsel, it was the defendant who was the principal object of resentment, who was intended to be made an example of, and who felt the injury and became liable to the consequences of such illegal and unjust conduct of the judge.
Barely to notice the conduct of the respondent, at New Castle, in Delaware, as charged in the fourth article, is sufficient to shew that he was there actuated by the same spirit of persecution and oppression that has, as already stated, marked the whole of his conduct during the course of these transactions. That he should descend from the elevated and dignified station in which he was placed as a judge, to hunt for crimes as a common informer against his fellow citizens, urge the jury to take notice of, and present certain persons sufficiently designated, though not named; and press the attorney for the district to search for evidence among the files of newspapers to support a prosecution, was degrading to the sacred character of a judge, and was perverting the judicial authority to a mere engine of persecution to answer party purposes. O the same complexion with this is the conduct of the respondent in delivering an inflammatory and disorganizing charge to the grand jury at Baltimore, as stated in the eighth article of the impeachment. This proceeding evinced a mind inflamed by party spirit and political intolerance; it was calculated to disturb the peace of the community, and alarm the people at the measures of government; to force them by the terror of judicial denunciation to relinquish their own political sentiments and adopt those of the judge. This was the favorite object of this whole proceeding, and to obtain it no means were left untried. It was attempted to excite the fears of the public mind, to destroy the confidence of the people in the administration of their government. The judicial authority was prostituted to party purposes, and the fountains of justice were corrupted by this poisonous spirit of persecution, that seemed determined to bear down all opposition in order to succeed in a favorite object. Citizens of all descriptions felt alarmed at this new and unusual conduct. All the counsel at the bar, wherever the respondent went, though consisting of the ablest and most enlightened in the nation, were agitated into a general ferment, and the whole community seemed shocked at such outrages upon common sense; for, to go to trial was to go to certain conviction. Is this, Mr. President, the character that ought to distinguish the judiciary of the United States? No, Sir. The streams of justice that flow from the American bench ought to be as pure as the sun beams that light up the morning. The accused should come before the court, with a well founded confidence that the law will be administered to him with justice, impartiality, and in mercy. When this is the case, he submits without a murmur to his fate, and hears the sentence of condemnation pronounced against him, with a mind that must approve the justice of the law, and the impartiality of those who administer it.
The decision of this cause may form an important era in the annals of our country. Future generations are interested in the event. It may determine a question all important to the American people; whether the laws of our country are to govern, or the arbitrary will of those who are entrusted with their administration. Mr. President, we, on this important occasion, behold the rights and liberties of the American people hover round this honorable tribunal, about to be established on a firm basis by the decision you will make, or sent adrift on the ocean of uncertainty, to be tossed to and fro by the capricious breath of unupheld power and innovation.
MRS. SMITH and MRS. WILY respectfully acquaint their friends and the public that they have removed their boarding school from the house they occupied in Water Street, to a large brick house fitted up for a school, on the Main Street near Mr. Francis Lowndes, with a good garden yard, and excellent spring of water.
They solicit the patronage of the inhabitants of George town and its vicinity, which they have liberally experienced, and gratefully acknowledge. They teach reading, writing, English grammar and geography. The best masters attend to instruct the young ladies in music, dancing, arithmetic, French and drawing. Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Wily continue to teach pen work, marking, embroidery in lamb's wool, silk and chenille, with a variety of other kinds of needle work, in the afternoon.
April 26—6w.
RAGS.
THE highest price CASH, given for clean RAGS, by EDGAR PATTERSON, Georgetown, and SAMUEL STETTENUS, near the Centre market, Washington.
March 8—6w.
From Paris papers received at the office of the American.
PARIS, March 18. The extraordinary audience which the emperor was to have given to the Vice-President and the members of the consulate of the Italian Republic, took place yesterday with a magnificence worthy of its object. Its results are looked for with impatience, in the communications which his majesty is to make to day to the Senate. Politicians have long agreed upon the necessity of giving a solid government to the Italian Republic. It belongs only to the founder of that state, to complete this immortal work. The wishes which the Italian people must form, are unequivocal; they must aspire to such a state of things, as that their country may no longer be so unfortunate as to be the pretext of wars, and the field of battle of the neighboring powers. All Europe has to wish for any establishment which may tend to consolidate union among the great powers; which may do away all motive of division, which, in short, may render war impossible. This advantage is more real for nations, than the addition of provinces.
March 20. The creation of the kingdom of Italy will hold a high rank among the great events which adorn the century lately ended and the one just beginning, to the impartiality of history and to the institution of posterity. Not one of the states which composed civilized Europe during the last century, is in the rank which it then occupied. Some empires have increased, others have lost part of their military vigor, and of their population; whole kingdoms have disappeared from off the political stage, others again have arisen to the highest pitch of influence and splendor, by distant conquests and an extraordinary development of their maritime power; and after a century of convulsions and changes, Europe finds itself placed in a state perhaps more favorable to the security of its laws, than it was in even after the treaty of Westphalia. Never did a more noble or more fertile subject present itself to the pen of an able writer. The history of this age bears no manner of resemblance to the ages which have preceded it. Other interests, other passions, other motives, and other means give it a particular character. The fate of Italy must occupy a corner of the picture. History will find in the speeches delivered upon this occasion by H. M. the Emperor, the Vice President of the Italian Republic, and the Ministers for foreign affairs of the French Emperor, solid reasons and important revelations.
If, setting aside all prejudice and all personal animosities, men lay open the pages of history and weigh the interests of nations, they will be convinced that the erection of the kingdom of Italy, considered with regard to Italy, to France, and to Europe, is in the real and permanent interest of the great family; that it is the most happy denouement of a great tragedy, the end of which was generally dreaded.
One single word might put the question to rest and answer all objections; to wit, that France might have kept Italy, and that Italy had a right to give itself a government. Since the invasion of the barbarous hordes, Italy has been seen without an attempt to pass under the dominion of those who conquered it. The Lombards, Charlemagne, the Obos, Lewis XII, Francis I, Charles V, possessed it by turns; the House of Austria and Spain established Sovereigns in it; and the one of all its conquerors who had the greatest right, must then alone be excepted! No, without doubt; victory might suffice him with no other right, and history would consecrate it, as it has done with all the others. But this right the most brilliant of the greatest Monarch, is the least of those which legitimate the accession of Napoleon. The wish of the Italians, is that upon which he lays the highest value, and which in reality gives a peculiar lustre to his elevation. It is the wish of an independent people exercising the right of choosing their Sovereign in the very forms of their constitution. This wish cannot possibly be looked upon as the effect of the violence of a faction or of a revolution in the state. It is the compulsion, the guarantee, and the organization of their independence. The term adopted, relieves the problem of Italy, could read as an independent power and as a partner to the fortune of France. It has for its first king, him who gave it its political existence, and who is best able to defend it. Gaudet
and interest are here admirably blended and as soon as the foreign powers observe Italy will see its new constitution founded in an unshakable manner.
It matters little who the person be who shall be called upon after Napoleon to begin this Royal Dynasty! A monarch called to govern a people becomes their father; he has no longer any other family. It follows for the happiness of the Italians, that they be independent; several states of Europe afford similar examples, and the people who foster themselves the most in their independence and prosperity, the English, enjoy it under the government of a foreign prince, to which it is not indebted for so much as Italy owes to the race of Napoleon!
It would be superfluous to dwell upon the reasons which France has to alledge in her favor. More moderate than the other powers, she has retained of her conquests only what was essential to her safety; and in this sense it may be said, that all the nations of the continent had the same interest as herself to see her keep military positions sufficiently respectable to take from whatever power should still wish to attack her, even the very hope of re-commencing a war with success, and of re-enslaving all Europe in the convulsions of social anarchy.
Superficial minds will wonder that such a resolution should be taken, when oscillations appear in the political thermometer, when the horizon seems to lower, when it would appear that the least shock must determine the explosion. These people are ignorant of the empire which courage ever has over weakness, and which French loyalty has often obtained over the crafty policy of the English cabinet. If it be advantageous for a monarch to force his enemies, or those who should be misled to become so, to explain themselves clearly, and to reduce to the most simple state, questions which they with delinquency to complicate, the great event that occupies us is irrevocably judged. The energetic will of the emperor of the French has bro't the question to a single point of view. Europe will shortly know what is the real object of it, who are the true ambitious, and who are the enemies of its tranquility. The masks are pulled off; it is now necessary to act openly. It is a vast treaty of peace publicly negotiated in a single word; it is a narrower and more decisive circle than that of Populus. France has infinitely better reasons for defending Italy, than England can have for retaining Malta, or than Russia can show for governing the seven islands; and never tells she renounces the advantage of this protection, as soon as England and Russia shall be willing to execute the full tenor of the treaties, as soon as they shall no longer mediate powers whose independence in integrity is the interest and, no doubt, the will of France to preserve.
Argus.
Reply of the Minister of Portugal to Mr. Pizarro's letter on the subject of the Manifesto, published by the Prince of Peace at Madrid, and copied into the official Gazette at Lisbon.
Lisbon, 25 Piovoso.
The minister from England at Lisbon, has had the extreme impertinence to present a note complaining that our public journal has published the declaration of the Prince of Peace relative to the war; the minister of foreign affairs has replied to him in the following note:
SIR, I have received your note of the 25th Jany, having relation to an article in the Supplement of the Gazette of Lisbon, containing a faithful translation of an article extracted from the Gazette of Madrid of the 20th D.ember. I confess, Sir, that after having had the honor to express verbally the reasons authorizing that publication, I had hoped you would have been fully convinced that there existed no solid ground for expressing its suppression. I am confident that the said article has been translated into all the Gazettes of Europe, and I am persuaded that none of the ministers of England will have demanded from the governments near which they reside, a similar exclusion of that official paper. If acts of such a description be omitted in political gazettes, in what would they be permitted to republish?
I must also inform you, Sir, to terminate the doubts you express on the subject, that the insertion of the said article in the Portuguese Gazette has been made with the knowledge of the government, because it does not think itself compromised in the transcription of any official act published in the other ga-

zettes of Europe and under the head of foreign countries. Such articles, faithfully copied and unaccompanied with remarks, are never a proof either of approbation or disapprobation on the part of the government permitting the republication.
I confess, Sir, that I cannot perceive how any person can find in this the least cause of offence. The same article, a little later, might have been copied from the English gazettes, in which, without doubt, they have been published. Beside, you know, Sir, that at the close of discussions on a similar subject, which have taken place before my ministry, his royal highness the Prince Regent has already ceded to you that official publications on the part of the English government might be equally translated into the gazette of Lisbon.
I profit of this occasion to renew the assurance of my consideration, &c.
Anecdotes of the late Lord Chatham.
A country friend of Sir Robert Walpole's hearing Mr. Pitt (who was then but a corner, and had just got into the House) speaking with great elocution upon some public topic, told the minister the same day at his table, that he thought it would be well worth his while to make that young man a captain. "My dear Sir, says Sir Robert, "to let you see how much I think with you, make him my friend, and I'll give him a regiment."
Lord Chatham had great knowledge of the characters of men, and could apply himself with great dexterity even to their foibles, when proper occasions demanded it.
When he was rather forced upon the late king as his minister, by the unanimous voice of the people, he found it necessary to recover the king's temper by some little exterior mark of respect. An occasion soon presented itself, which was to bring his majesty the news of a victory. His lordship, however, was so ill of the gout, that when he was led to the closet door he could not stand. The king, seeing this, called for a stool. "No, Sire," says Mr. Pitt, "it is not my duty to sit in your presence; but though I can't stand, I can kneel;" and in that position read the dispatches. The king was so pleased with the manner of his behavior, and the news, that he spoke ever afterwards of Mr. Pitt with great friendship. His general phrase was, "I like that Pitt—he's an honest man—I understand all he says."
Another instance of Mr. Pitt's personal attention to the king was upon his accepting the teals—receiving them with great marks of deference and respect. The late Chase Price used to say jocosely upon this occasion, "that he bowed so low, you could see the tip of his hooked nose between his legs."
When the present Lord Stanhope was courting his first wife (a daughter of Lord Chatham) the father found them one morning engaged in some friendly difference, which he wanted to know the reason of. "Why, to tell you the truth my lord," says Lord S. "I can't get your daughter to fix the day of marriage, as as you have come in so opportunely, will you be so good as to settle it for us?" "Oh, with all my heart!" says he: "let me see, next Friday will be St. Thomas's day, the shortest day and the longest night—of course the properest day to consummate a marriage." The lady blushed; and his lordship claimed and possessed the rewards of the arbitration.
When the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt were joint Secretaries, the former loved a warm room, and the latter, from the constant fever of his gout, could not bear it. This often teased the Duke, who was obliged to hold conferences with Mr. Pitt at his own house. One cold morning, when Mr. Pitt was confined to his bed with the gout, the Duke begged hard for a fire in the room. "I can't possibly bear it," replied Mr. Pitt. "Why then you can spare me a blanket," says the Duke (snatching at a counterpane that lay at the feet of the bed, and wrapping it round him). "as I find myself so cold, that without this covering I'm afraid my words will freeze before they reach you."
He despised all kind of what is called puffing so much, that he took no notice of the able pens who voluntarily praised his Administration. Owen Ruffhead wrote above sixty numbers of a Paper, called "The Contest," in favour of his Administration, and yet he had never the curiosity to enquire the name of the author, or even so much as saw him. He never will read any of the debates of the House of Commons (though his own speeches made so considerable a part in them) till the year 1767, when he brought them, as he laid, to amuse himself in a fit of the gout.
I was Lord Chatham that appointed General Wolfe to the command at Quebec though contrary to the wishes of the Minister at War, and even to the appointment of the King. "I know," says he, "that man will do his business properly, without sheltering himself under forms or trifling expediences;—he is young, and vigorous too, and will not be subject to personal attentions as older others." [Lord Chatham's general maxim upon this and similar occasions
was, that Ministers should look out men for offices, not offices for men.]
Two of the leading features of Lord Chatham's character were promptness and decision. When Minister, he wanted a great number of transports to be got ready directly for service, which Lord Anson, the First Lord of the Admiralty, said was impossible. "Come, come," says Lord Chatham, "I'll shew you the possibility of it directly:—There's a large fleet of colliers just arrived; throw the coals into the Thames, and put the soldiers aboard directly—the service of Government must not stand still for a petty expense."
At another time he received some dispatches which required a speedy answer, whilst he was racked with the gout. The moment he read them, forgetting his pain, he sprang out of bed, and called for pen, ink, and paper. "My dear," says Lady Chatham, "you'll kill yourself by these means." And suppose I do, Madam, what's my life in comparison with the millions which may be lost through my neglect."
In a case of sudden emergency, Lord Chatham wanted to consult the Commander in Chief and First Lord of the Admiralty (Lord Ligonier and Lord Anson,) and being informed by the Messenger that neither of them were at home, he ordered him to go, alternately, to a certain well known Bagnio, and to White's Coffee-house; and "Do you hear," says he to the Messenger, "take no excuses, but bring the first away in his night cap, and the other with the cards in his hand."
He once promised to shew some foreign Noblemen a remarkable piece of water work which he was forming at a country house of his, by a certain day. Capability Browne was his projector on the occasion, who told him it could not be done at that time even if one hundred men worked day and night. "Why then," says his Lordship, "put two hundred men, and let them work by torch light." The business was effected.
Henry Lord Holland, the rival and political antagonist of Mr. Pitt for many years, and who, from long habits of thorough placed business, it was difficult to discomposure, used frequently to feel the force of Mr. Pitt's opposition. One day the former coming from the House so vexed and fatigued he could not eat his dinner, Lady Holland asked him what was the matter? When, without answering the question, he replied, from the fullness of his sufferings, "As for his talking, though that is often pointed and severe, I don't much mind that; but 'tis his eye—that d—d eye so scowls me, that he constantly gives me a pain in my back."
Mr. Pitt's acquaintance with the present Lord Camden arose through the recommendation of Lord Northington. Mr. Pitt, when Secretary of State, spoke to Lord N. to get him a young man of sound knowledge in the Law, whose practice was not very extensive, and he would make his occasional attendance at the office worth his while; "for (says he) I want a person of legal knowledge at me, that we should at least act constitutionally." Lord N. recommended Mr. Pratt, and the congeniality of their minds afterwards produced a friendship which brought Mr. Pratt to the honours he so justly enjoys, and which still continues with unabated affection in the two families.
Lord Chatham being asked his opinion of Cromwell at Lord Rockingham's table, he gave the following short, but forcible character of him:
"He was a saint like thief, who under the cloak of liberty committed a burglary on the constitution, murdered his Royal Master to get possession of his diadem, and stole from the public their title to freedom."
From the Political Observatory.
Men who are dissatisfied with the present order of things, and still desire to be thought republicans, would do well to point out what they would have different from what exists. They are continually grumbling, and no one knows why! What is it, gentlemen, you would have? Come, let us reason together. Make out your list of grievances!
State clearly and explicitly what alterations you would have.
Tell us wherein the condition of the country could be improved.
In what respects the people could be made happier. How their public affairs could be better conducted.
What part of the present system is anti-republican.
What part is hostile to the interests of the community.
Wherein can you propose an alteration for the better? State it; let the world know what it is.
You claim to be republicans: Have we not differed, then, long enough, if it is for nothing? And if it be for something, surely you must be able to point out what it is. You are invited to do this. Take the avowed principles of the present government, take its system of measures, and tell us explicitly wherein they differ from your principles and from the measures you would pursue. Reform not to the hackneyed theme of turning men out of offices. This decides nothing. Few, comparatively speaking, have been
turned out. Perhaps they deserved it.—And what is it to you, or to us, or to the nation at large, who occupy the offices? We must pay, let who will receive.—Quit, then, this topic, and come to the merits of the cause.
Are you uneasy because you are not taxed enough?
Are you uneasy because your Public Debt is rapidly lessening?
Are you uneasy because the press is free, and speech is free, and you may speak, write, print, and believe what you please?
Are you uneasy with economical measures, that the government does not go into extravagant projects, and borrow money to carry them on; and that it is enabled, instead of these, to quiet the Indians and buy up their lands, and the lands of our dangerous neighbours, the French and Spaniards?
Are you discontented with peace, and do you want war?
To all these questions you will answer, like true republicans, No. The enquiry then returns, What are you uneasy for, and what do you want?
Gentlemen! (I here speak to common people, who will never, I hope, in this country, be thought beneath this title) is there not a mystery in this business?—How is it, that you have suddenly into a habit of political uneasiness and fault-finding: and still, on examination, nothing is found worthy of complaint, nothing wrong, nothing anti-republican: but, in fact, every thing exactly agreeable even to your own wishes and your own principles! Surely this is a strange phenomenon; there is a great mystery lurking about it somewhere. Shall I tell you where it is? Let me say, then, you have been taught this tune of complaint by men who harbour principles far different from yours, principles truly opposed to republicanism, and therefore opposed to the present administration.—In short, principles of monarchy. These men hate equal rights, hate the liberty of the people, hate every thing republican! They are really at enmity with the principles which guide the present government; really at enmity with those measures which on examination, you cannot find so bad: really at enmity with the diminishing of taxes, with paying off the public debt, &c. &c. Their uneasiness is true and sincere; it flows from their hearts. You have been cajoled and led into their enmities and resentments; but not into their principles; you have learned, from them, to find fault with government, when, in truth, you have no fault to find.
These monarchy men are not numerous; yet they are as plenty as they ever were in any country not older than ours. They have contrived to keep their real principles also, wrapt up in darkness and involved in mist, that you should not discover them too soon. They knew you well, and were certain that your indignation would be excited, if they were to come out plainly, while you were yet freemen. From their secret places have issued all the complaints, slanders, calumnies and execrations which have spread over the country, against the government. The great printers first received them from the junta; the little printers caught them from those, and echoed and re-echoed them till you were stunned with the noise, and obliged to yield assent.
But those men are no longer to be concealed. They are emerging from darkness into open view. Their milky mantle is rent. They shrink before the naked inspection of freemen. They strive earnestly for still further concealment; but in vain. The Torrents of filthy blackguardism and calumny which are vomited forth in their desperation, will be of no avail. The period is come, when we demand that they should explicitly and with decency state what they would have, what their principles are; wherein they differ from republicanism and the present administration. With this just demand they will never comply: it would be instant death to their hopes. They will adhere to their own alternative, scurrility. But if they would comply with our demand in this one respect, you would be no longer at a loss whence have originated all the complaints, all the uneasiness, all the alarms, which have filled the country, and with which any of you may have been afflicted. They have proceeded from Monarchy men.
FRENCH DRAMA. —The attention given in France to the encouragement of the stage is peculiarly great. The author is entitled to one twenty-fifth part of the gross proceeds of his piece every night it is performed in every theatre of France, all his life, and his heirs for ten years after his death. The utmost care is taken both to protect his copy right in the piece, and, what may seem more difficult, to secure him his due share of the profits each night, in all the theatres of France, which far exceed a hundred in number. A particular office is established at Paris, in which the author needs only enter his name, and he has no further trouble to take. The office has its correspondents, and cashiers in every part of the country, and accounts to the author for his full profits, for a commission of two per cent. At the expiration of the two first years, the author of any popular piece may rely on having cleared
40,000 livres. After that, the profits decrease; but if the author has produced two or three such pieces, he not only provides decently for himself, but leaves his children a comfortable provision for ten years after his decease. This is all to be understood of even ordinary men for the stage. A striking instance is given—the translator of Kotzebue's drama, The Stranger , or Misanthropy and Repentance , has already cleared 60,000 livres, or 11,000 dollars, and the piece is still a stock play, performed often three times in one evening at Paris. Kotzebue received but 200 dolls. for the copy. Morn. Chron.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 29.
The following gentlemen were yesterday chosen by the Council Associate Judges of election for the ensuing election of members of the City Council.
George Blagden, Henry Ingle, Thomas Herty, Benjamin Perkins, Clot. Stephenson, Joseph Huddleston.
—REPORT.—
The joint committee of the first and second chambers of the City Council of Washington, who were appointed to audit the accounts of the treasurer, report that they have examined the receipts and expenditures, and compared the same with the vouchers, and submit the following statement as the result thereof.
Monies received by the treasurer on account of the corporation of the city of Washington, from the 24th of May, 1804, to the 24th May, 1805.
  Dolls. Cts.    On account of assessed taxes due for the year 1802, 338 85  Ditto for the year 1803, 2,136 30  On account of the assessed taxes for 1804, 3,501 48  Retail and ordinary licenses, 1,252  Hackney and pleasurable carriages, 220  Billiard table, 50  Theatrical license, 16  Slave and dog tax, 103 50  Hawkers and pedlars, 70  On butcher's stalls, 10  Borrowed from the bank, 1500  9,198 13  
Payments made by the treasurer during the same period, on account of the corporation.
  Dolls. Cts.    For the support and maintenance of the poor, infirm and diseased, 2,700  For the erection and repair of bridges, streets, and avenues, 3,321 39  Erection and repair of pumps, 735 5  To salary of superintendent of police and for removing nuisances, 332 33  Printing, stationery and fuel, 152 83 1/2  House rent, and clerks of council, 305 50  Register's salary, 50  For repairs to markets, compensation to superintendents thereof, and fitting up of lamps, 273 96 1/2  Paid board of appeal and election expenses, 78 50  Treasurer's commission, compensation for taking lists of slaves and dogs, and balance due to him for the preceding year, 841 63  Discounts paid at the Br. Bank U. States, 149 34  Balance in the treasurer's hands, 257 54  9,198 13  
Monies at present due to the corporation:
  Arrearage of tax stated to be due in May, 1804, 5,793 56  if tax due for the year 1804, 7,568 55  13,361 11  
Affected tax received,
  5,976 63  
Remains due of assessed tax on property,
Exclusive of this sum, there is also a considerable arrearage on the tax on slaves and dogs, &c. due to the corporation.
There remains due from the corporation to the Branch Bank of the United States, the sum of 3000 dolls. NICHOLAS KING, WM. BRENT, HENRY HERFORD. May 28, 1805.
On the 11th inst. at a commencement at Union College N. Y. the degree of Bachelor of Arts was conferred on 13 students.
MR. SMITH, As my official duties require all my attention I request you will strike out my name from the ticket for councilmen proposed in your paper of the 22d inst.
JAMES DAVIDSON, JUN.
Examination of the question, "In what does true republicanism consist?"
[Continued.]
Another view might be taken, evincive of the different organisation of the state governments, and not less important than those already taken, arising out of the distribution of powers among the several departments, on which, it cannot be denied, the harmony of most systems depends, and with which too the rights of the citizen are directly connected. It is admitted universally as a political axiom that a concentration of all power in the hands of one department of government necessarily leads to the exercise of arbitrary power, and is therefore dangerous to the preservation of liberty. This principle is, consequently, in all the constitutions so far respected, as to have produced some divisions of the delegated powers; but when we come to compare the respective investitures of power, either as to their degree, or the hands in which they are placed, we shall find scarcely two states have applied the principle alike; and that although, theoreically, its abstract truth be universally admitted, yet in its practical application there is no common criterion by which it is tested. It will be particularly perceived that the executive power has been most diversely deposited; that in some instances it is placed in the legislature, in others in the chief magistrate, and in others in an executive board.
It follows from these facts and remarks that at the period of the formation of the several constitutions there existed among the best republicans a great diversity of opinion on almost every point connected with the organisation of our political institutions. The objects were undoubtedly the same; but the means adopted for accomplishing them are so various, that were it not for experience, we should be apt to think the most opposite effects would have flowed from them. Experience has, however, instructed us differently. It has shown us that liberty may be preserved, and the public happiness be promoted, if not in equal degrees, at least in degrees not very different, by institutions whose features are far from being similar.
Nor will the periods, at which the constitutions were formed, throw much light on the subject; as it will be seen, by an examination of them, that very few principles have been universally adopted in those the most recently framed, notwithstanding the light shed by the able, extensive and animated discussions on the Federal Constitution. This ought not to excite our surprise when we consider the nature of constitutions, that, as contradistinguished from laws, they are intended for a long duration, that they are instituted, in a high degree, to guard against the instability of popular opinion, or the excesses into which, with no other restraint than that of the laws, it might hurry governments; and that to test their goodness, it is necessary to embrace a long period of time. Our surprise will be still less, when we consider the progressive state of our country, which can scarcely be said to be the same in any two successive years, and whose changes in some measure require correspondent alterations in all our political institutions; and when we further consider the influence of two powerful considerations on the operation of recently formed constitutions; to wit: an enthusiasm in their favor that carries them, with the tide of public opinion, through many difficulties, which might otherwise embarrass or frustrate their execution; or, on the other hand, the contrary influence of prejudices in favor of ancient establishments, united with the embarrassments arising from an inexperienced administration. It is owing to these causes, and to many others, which might be enumerated, that, however ready the minds of men may unite in the admission of abstract principles relative to forms of government, they are slow in forming conscientious opinions on their best modes of application.
Descending from constitutions to laws, we shall discover equal diversity of opinion.
On the important subject of taxation the enlightened part of mankind have long been divided in sentiment, as to the relative justice and expediency of direct and indirect taxation; and the controversy remains unsettled to this day. Indeed theory on this point appears to be in most instances at war with practice. In reasoning, it is generally acknowledged that direct taxation is most just; while in practice, indirect taxation is adhered to.
With regard to the administration of criminal justice there exists the same variance in the laws of the different states; and although the mild system of punishments is gradually gaining ground,

there are not wanting, among our republican friends, the strenuous advocates of an unrelaxed code of penalties. The proper provisions of the civil code are still more warmly disputed. How far the trial by jury shall be maintained, in what degree the principle of arbitration shall be substituted, and to what extent a summary recovery of debts before inferior tribunals, shall be carried, are questions, at present, agitated with deep interest in several of the states. In these discussions we do not find communities divided according to pre-existing political parties, but according to the prevalence of partial interests, or according to honest convictions on particular points.
Let the whole ground of legislation be gone over and the same contrariety of ideas will be apparent. It is not to be inferred from this state of things that discord rages among the several states, or that their friendship is the less sincere from their various opinions and laws. On the contrary there never was a period in which a sincerer unity subsisted among them. There is not a single subsisting cause of serious difference, or from which any danger is to be apprehended to the public peace. The poet's triumph, "that all nature's difference is all nature's peace," may be applied to them with absolute precision. Each, moving in its distinct sphere, governs itself in the manner most congenial to its nature, without hindering the good will, or fearing the ill-will of its neighbor; and all, when the public good requires uniformity of measures, unite together and move in one common track. Can there be imagined a more sublime spectacle? Seventeen distinct, yet united communities, all prosperous and peaceful, under the general principles of free governments, engaged in the constant occupation of improving their political systems, by the introduction of salutary amendments into their constitutions, or by the amelioration of their laws, making the public welfare the pole-star of their course, and moving with perfect harmony, presents the proudest spectacle the world has ever beheld. The lustre of crowns, of crowns, the blaze of courts, and the pomp of military parade, compared with such a scene, sink into mere play-things. The faith of the republican at its contemplation, rises with an holy ardor to an eminence that enables him to look down with mingled pity and contempt, on the overgrown children who, in the old world, in the shape of emperors, and kings, and lords, play such fantastic tricks as makes high heaven ashamed.
In the next place, it may be affirmed that genuine republicanism does not consist in an attachment to particular men. If there be a distinctive trait of republicanism, more marked than all the others, it is a devotion to principle as opposed to a devotion to men. It is the creed of a true republican that principles never change, while men for the most part do. While, therefore, he pins his faith on the sleeve of no man, however good or great, he clings to correct principles; and instead of telling measures by men, he tells men by measures. He, therefore, may be a genuine republican who approves the measures which as a legislator plan, who, were he to exercise the privilege of voting, would give his suffrage to another instead of me. A thousand considerations may create in his mind a preference for another, notwithstanding my faithful discharge of duty. I may do well; but another might, in his estimation, do better. I may be equal to the discharges of the ordinary duties which have been devolved upon me in common times; but he may think me incompetent to discharge the high and perilous duties which may at some future period be attached to my station. And, independent of all these considerations, he may be sincerely of opinion that the public welfare demands a rotation in the organs of public authority. Unchecked by this restraint, my very virtues and talents may become objects of alarm. Such too are the elements of human nature, that personal friendship will urge its claims even in public concerns. One man in the hundred may lift his mind above this common frailty, but a great majority will perhaps never cease to feel its influence. And as it cannot fall to the lot of one man to enjoy the personal friendship of a whole nation, we ought not to be surprised at the operation of this motive, either in raising new candidates for office, or in deprecating the pretensions of existing ones.
We are sensible that in discussing this topic we are involving ourselves in remarks peculiarly delicate. We are aware that there exists a common enemy, who, amidst the divisions of republicans, will not fail, whenever the opportunity offers, to turn the scale of political power, for the promotion of its own interests, and to the destruction of harmony and confidence among republicans. But these considerations do not, cannot, impair the equal rights of republicans; however they may or ought to regulate their exercise. It is indispensable that the right of nominating men to office is equal, not even limited by the right of suffrage; as it is the inseparable incident of freedom of thought and speech, which all our constitutions guarantee to
every member of society. We have seen from the operation of the few causes which have been enumerated, that an entire correspondence of opinion in selecting the most fit candidates for office cannot be expected, and that no one republican has a right to distrust another on account of a difference of opinion on this point. Let, then, such honest differences of opinion be tolerated. Let every citizen be encouraged openly and without fear to express his opinions. Let it be recollected that two ends are often to be answered, the extrusion of bad men from office, as well as the selection of good men for office. Let it be recollected that the best, perhaps the only means of accomplishing these ends is unlimited freedom of enquiry; and that the best chance of filling public places with men possessed of the greatest share of public confidence, is by enlarging the field from which a selection shall be ultimately made, and by a vigorous competition.
While, however, the exercise of this right ought, under all circumstances, to be insisted upon, it ought likewise to be subjected to rigid regulation. The public good being the only legitimate end in view, all minor considerations should invariably give way to it. If it be the firm conviction of republicans; if it be a point in which they all agree; that, however great the confidence they are justified in reposing in each other, they cannot confide in their political opponents, it becomes a duty of inviolable obligation, to prevent, if practicable, their differences from virtually transferring power into the hands of their adversaries. The means of doing this are fortunately always in the hands of a majority; means, the use of which necessity, and nothing short of necessity, justifies. These consist in the arrangements preliminary to elections; whereby the majority, deliberating apart from the minority, designate by plurality of votes their candidates. There is no other way by which power rightfully acquired can be maintained. Its maintenance, therefore, by such means is, not only a right, but a duty. The instruction which this enquiry gives us, then, is this:
Republicans ought to have confidence in the views of each other. Their ends are the same. Their means, as devised by individuals or small collections of republican citizens differ. Success can only be the result of their union. It thence becomes necessary to unite in the means to be pursued. For this purpose free and candid enquiry is necessary among them, and a decision, by a majority of suffrages, which are the best means to be pursued. This decision having been once made, it becomes a duty of the minority, to acquiesce in the will of the majority; from which there can be no appeal, without hindering the public welfare; and it becomes the duty of the minority cheerfully and efficaciously to support the means thus devised, and to support the candidates thus agreed upon. Let it not be said that this is a sacrifice of independence. If it is a sacrifice of independence, it is essential to the preservation of free governments, whose eternal law as well as that of nature is that majorities shall govern. The union of dishonest men to do evil creates an indispensable necessity of union among honest men to avert it. [To be continued.]
PHILADELPHIA, May 23.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon, dated 6th April, 1805.
"Your nation is not the only one at war with the Barbary powers; the Algerines have lately done much damage to the Portuguese in taking 21 vessels; in consequence of which a squadron composed of two 74 gun ships, and six frigates of 44 guns, set sail this day to blockade the port of Algiers, &c."
A letter from a gentleman at Malta, to his friend, dated on board the frigate Constitution, states as follows:
"Schöner Nautilus, capt. Dent, has just come in, he captured a brig yesterday with guns and ammunition on board, bound to Tripoli. We failed from Lisbon on the 10th of February, and arrived at Gibraltar on the 16th. We have been only six days making our passage from Gibraltar to this place. The ship fails remarkably fast; she has gone at the rate of thirteen miles an hour since I have been on board."
The America, of Baltimore, from Alexandria, has been taken by a French privateer; each of her crew received one hundred lashes, by order of the French captain.
AMSTERDAM, March 25.
The court of Denmark has caused to be published at Danzig, the agreement which it has concluded with the powers bordering on the Baltic, with respect to the measures adopted for vessels arriving from the north sea and bound to the ports of the Baltic. In pursuance of this agreement, no ship will be suffered to enter there, before the master has delivered a declaration from the custom house, signifying that such ship has sailed through the Sound, the great or little Belt, and touched at the ports of Helsingør, Nyborg, or Fredericia, to obtain from the commission of health established there, after the proper investigations have been made, the necessary certificates for prosecuting the voyage; in default of which, all the ports in the Baltic will be shut against such vessels, and they shall be compelled to sail for one of the above mentioned places, in order to undergo an examination by the commission of quarantine at such port.
delivered a declaration from the custom house, signifying that such ship has sailed through the Sound, the great or little Belt, and touched at the ports of Helsingør, Nyborg, or Fredericia, to obtain from the commission of health established there, after the proper investigations have been made, the necessary certificates for prosecuting the voyage; in default of which, all the ports in the Baltic will be shut against such vessels, and they shall be compelled to sail for one of the above mentioned places, in order to undergo an examination by the commission of quarantine at such port.
LOST. Between the Capitol Hill and George Town, a串 of CORAL BEADS, with a GOLD LOCKET to it, with the initials A. H. G. marked thereon; whoever returns the above described to Mr. W. Loddige at the Treasury Department, shall receive two dollars reward. May 29-3t.
DANCING SCHOOL. Mr. Dupont presents his respects to the ladies and gentlemen of Washington and George Town and informs them that his school is now open at Mr. J. Barney's in George Town. Mr. Dupont will take it as a particular favor of the ladies and gentlemen who wish to be instructed by him, to apply as soon as possible, as he is obliged to leave George Town by the 1st of Sept. next. May 20-3t.
ROSS, & PLEASANTON. Have just received and offer for sale, wholesale and retail, a large and general assortment of groceries consisting of Gun-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson and Congo. Mould and dipped candles. Spermaceti do. Madeira, Sherry, Malaga, Port and Lisbon. Claret, Bitters and Sweet Oil. Cognac and other French Brandies. A variety of the best French Cordials in bottles and casks. Holland Gin, Jamaica, Antigua, and New-England Old Irish Whiskey. Pennington's double & single refined sugar. Do. Lump. Loaf and lump sugar of other manufacturers. Best brown sugar and inferior do. English and American cheese. Pine apple do. Fresh Muscadel raisins. Rice. They have also an invoice of elegant white and gilt china tea sets, together with a variety of the best cutlery. Besides what are above particularly mentioned they have on hand, and constantly keep every other article in the grocery line. Georgetown, May 29-ep3w.
By virtue of a decree from the Court of Chancery, the subscriber will sell at public auction on the 10th day of July next, several lots of ground late the property of Benjamin Brookes deceased, in the town of Upper Marlboro' in Prince George's county, two of these lots are improved; on the one stands the well known tavern lately occupied by Samuel Cooleedge with the improvements thereto attached, and, on the other, the house which Samuel Hepburn, esq. has occupied for some time past, and has just moved from. On the day of sale the unimproved lots will be particularly described, and all the improvements thereon. The terms are, bond with security given for the purchase money, payable in two and three years. Possession will be immediately given. This property is sold for the payment of the debts of the deceased; all persons who have claims and have not yet exhibited them, are requested to file the same with the register of the court of Chancery, with the respective vouchers on or before the 25th day of November next. ROBERT BOWIE, trustee. May 29-ept July 10.
SPRING GOODS. THOMAS W. PAIRO, HAS just received a very extensive assortment of Spring Goods, amongst which are a variety of fancy articles, viz.
Laced cambric muffs Lino do. Laced cambric shawls Cambric muffs Black, pink, yellow, & willow sheets of a fine perfine quality Leghorn flats Crapes and fans Tartarshell combs Silk shawls and head handkerchiefs Shinners and calicoes Furniture do. Ribbons Shoes with cork soles Dimities Cambric do. Irish & German linens Fine diaper and table cloth Sheeting, superfine and second quality. May 29-3t.
Dr. REES'S NEW CYCLOPEDIA. SAMUEL F. BRADFORD AND JOHN CONRAD & Co. ARE PREPARING TO PUBLISH BY SUBSCRIPTION THE NEW CYCLOPEDIA; OR UNIVERSAL DICTIONARY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES. IN TWENTY VOLUMES QUARTO. Formed upon a more enlarged plan of arrangement than the Dictionary of Mr. Chambers. COMPREHENDING, The Various articles of that work, with additions and improvements, together with new subjects of Biography, Geography, and History, and adapted to the present improved state of Literature and Science— By ABRAHAM REES, D. D. F. R. S. Editor of the Last edition of Chambers's Dictionary; with the assistance of eminent professional gentlemen. Illustrated with new Plates, including Maps, engraved for the work, by some of the most distinguished artists. The whole improved and adapted to this country, by gentlemen of known abilities, by whose aid it will be rendered the most complete work of the kind that has yet appeared.
CONDITIONS. I. The work will be printed in Large Quarto, with new types, cast for the purpose, and on a superior woven paper. II. It will be comprised in about Twenty Volumes, from eight hundred to a thousand pages each. III. An half volume, in boards, will be regularly published every two months, price Three Dollars, payable on delivery. No advance will be required. IV. Any subscriber, who, upon receipt of the first half volume, does not approve of the work, shall be at liberty to withdraw his name. V. Between six and seven hundred plates, engraved in a superior style of elegance, will be comprised in the course of the publication; by far a greater number than is to be found in any other Scientific Dictionary. At the close of the publication will be delivered an elegant Frontispiece, the dedication, preface, and proper title pages for the different volumes. VI. The work will be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained. VII. A list of the names of those who subscribe will be published in the last volume as the patrons of this great and magnificent work.
IN this age of improvement, when the arts and sciences are advancing to perfection, with a degree of rapidity unparalleled in any former period, few books have a stronger claim to public attention and patronage than Cyclopedias, and few are more instructive and amusing. Of the character of the work now offered for the patronage of the American nation, little need be said by its present Editor; its high celebrity is already known to the generality of scientific gentlemen in this country; and, those who are yet unacquainted with it, may best obtain its character from the annexed extracts and review. The publication commenced in London in the year 1802, and has since regularly progressed with a degree of spirit and industry, perhaps unrivalled in any similar production. The learning and indefatigable perseverance of Dr. Rees, universally acknowledged, would, alone, seem to guarantee his work to possess no common merit; but, when we consider the ability which he displays in editing the dictionary of Mr. Chambers, and view the brilliant assemblage of talents that are now engaged to co-operate with his own in the present undertaking, it will not be deemed presumptuous to conclude, that it will be the most perfect of its kind. As, however, all European publications are susceptible of amendment and addition in those parts which relate to America, the present editor has engaged, in the various departments of science and literature, the assistance of gentlemen, whose talents and celebrity do honor to their country, and will essentially, enrich this great and important work.
To the article American Biography, which has been very great, not to say entirely, neglected in all preceding works of the kind, a proper attention will be paid in the present. This is a subject to which the people of this country cannot be indifferent, since it is not only materially connected with their interest and their honor, but has a strong claim on their gratitude and all the nobler affections of the mind. If the names of the benefactors and ornaments of other countries are faithfully preserved, and transmitted from age to age, with the fondest devotion, why should those of the United States be suffered to sink into oblivion or to survive only in the obscure and neglected column of a newspaper? Shall ours continue to be the only civilized quarter of the globe, in which the pen of the biographer is unjoint to the claims of his departed countrymen? Nor let it be apprehended that we are barren of materials for this interesting and important branch of literature; with the names of a Washington, a Franklin, a Hancock, a Hamilton, a Henry, a Kittitown, a Penn, a Surry, an Emden, a Witherspoon, a Nesbitt, and other numerous worthies to enrich and adorn its pages, the biography of the United States may vie with that of most other countries on earth. It is the determination of the Editor to make such arrangements, that, in this article, the American edition of Rees's Cyclopaedia will have a claim to some degree of originality. No one who has observed the great progress which has been made in the arts of printing and engraving, in this country, within a few years, can doubt of the superior style of elegance in which this work will be executed, when he is assured that no pains or expense will be spared, and that the best printers, and most eminent engravers will be engaged to render it, every way worthy the patronage of the friends of literature and science. It is rather a peculiar feature of this Dictionary, that the names of so many contributors to it are given to the world: but it is a communication which must be acceptable, because the public are thus enabled to judge of the probable ability with which the design will be executed; these gentlemen being already known by their talents in the different provinces in which they here act, and their reputation standing pledged for the due performance of their present engagement, as well as for the principles advanced in it. A recent advertisement in the public papers thus states the names and departments of the principal of them:
Agriculture—R. W. Dickson, M. D. Anatomy (Human)—John Abercrombie, F. R. S. assistant surgeon of St. Bartholomew's hospital, &c. Anatomy (Comparative)—Mr. James Macarney, lecturer upon comparative anatomy and physiology at St. Bartholomew's hospital, &c. Annuities, Survivorship, &c.—William Morgan, F. R. S. Antiquities—Mr. Henry Ellis, of St. John's College, Oxford. Architecture—William Territt, L. L. D. John Flaxman, R. A. and Mr. Webster. British Topography—Mr. John Britton. Beaching, Dying, Calico Printing, &c.—Mr. Charles Taylor, and Mr. J. Thompson. Botany and Vegetable Materia Medica—William Woodville, M. D. F. R. S. Carpentry, &c.—Mr. Peter Nicholson. Chemistry and Mineralogy—Mr. Arthur Aikin. English History—Sharon Turner, F. S. A. Engraving—Mr. Wilson Lowry, and Mr. Thomas Milton. Heraldry—George Naylor, F. S. A. York Herald. Medicine—Richard Pearson, M. D. F. S. A. Materia Medica—Mr. C. R. Aikin. Midwifery—R. Bland, M. D. A. S. S. Music—Charles Burney, M. D. F. R. S. Painting—Henry Fuseli, R. A. Professor of painting. Sculpture and Statuary—John Flaxman, R. A. Sculptor to the king. Surgery—William Baird, A. M. F. R. S. Veterinary Art—Bracy Clark, F. L. S. Veterinary surgeon. Zoology, Conchology, &c.—R. Donovan, F. L. S. There can be no doubt of the success of a work, the design of which forms an object of such comprehensive utility, and the execution of which is guaranteed by so many respectable names. To the single man, it will always prove an entertaining and instructing companion for his leisure hours; to the married man with a family round him, it may be considered as a universal library, and being always within their view, will operate as a perpetual stimulus to gratify a laudable curiosity, and excite to that degree of enquiry, which will inevitably impress on the mind a valuable stock of useful and diffusive knowledge, imperceptibly acquired. As an item of bequest to a relative or friend, it will become the more estimable by every repetition in its family descent, and may often impress on the mind of the legatee, a more lasting recollection of the donor, than an heirship to many times its value in gold. Subscriptions received by M c J. Conrad & Co. Baltimore, Kepire, Conrad & Co. Washington city, Somerville, & Conrad, Petersburg, and Bonsal, Conrad, & Co. Norfolk. May 29-w10t.
General Meeting AT THE THEATRE. Pursuant to a resolution of a number of Citizens convened at the Masonic Lodge, the CITIZENS of Washington are requested to attend a General Meeting on WEDNESDAY the 29 th inst. at half past seven o'clock in the evening, at the THEATRE, for the purpose of selecting fit persons to represent the City in Council for the ensuing year. By order of the Meeting.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliff's hotel, which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that his full determination to fit up his present hotel, and to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25-tf.

PROPOSALS
For carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following post-roads, will be received at the General post-office, in Washington until the 10th day of July next, inclusive.
IN MAINE
1. FROM Scodias by Dennysville, Machias, Chandler, Columbia, Harrington, Stenben and Gouldsboro' to Sullivan once a week.
May 1 to November 1.—Leave Scodias every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Dennysville by 6 p m. Leave Dennysville at 7 p m and arrive at Sullivan the next Saturday by 6 p m. Returning .—Leave Sullivan every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Dennysville on Wednesday by 6 a m. Leave Dennysville at 7 a m and arrive at Scodias by 10 a m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Scodias every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Sullivan on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Sullivan on Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Scodias on Thursday by 6 p m.
2. From Dennysville to Eastport once a week. Leave Dennysville every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Eastport at 9 a m. Leave Eastport at noon and arrive at Dennysville by 2 p m.
3. From Sullivan by Trenton, Bloombury, Calais, Buckstown, Presque Isle, Belfast and Ducktrap to Camden once a week.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Sullivan every Monday at 1 p m and arrive at Camden on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Camden every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Sullivan on Monday by 10 a m.
4. From Buckstown by Frankfort, Hampden, Bangor, Eddington and Oron to Buckstown once a week. Leave Buckstown every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Eddington by 4 p m. Leave Eddington every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Buckstown on Monday by 2 p m.
5. From Camden by Thomaston, Warren, Waldoboro', Nobleboro' and Newcastle to Wilscasset twice a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Wilscasset every Wednesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Camden on Thursday and Saturday by 11 a m. Leave Camden every Tuesday and Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Wilscasset on Wednesday and Friday by 11 a m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Camden every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilscasset by 6 p m. Leave Wilscasset every Thursday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Camden by 6 p m.
6. From Wilscasset by New-Milford, Dresden, Gardner, Hallowell, Augusta, Winthrop, Monmouth, Green, Lewiston, New Gloucester, Gray and Farmington to Portland once a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Portland every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell on Tuesday by 3 p m. Leave Hallowell at 4 p m and arrive at Wilscasset on Wednesday by 11 a m. Leave Wilscasset every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Hallowell on Thursday by 8 a m. Leave Hallowell at 9 a m and arrive at Portland on Friday by 7 p m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Portland every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wilscasset on Thursday by 6 p m. Returning .—Leave Wilscasset every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland on Monday by 10 a m.
7. From Hallowell by Augusta, Vassalboro', Waterville, Fairfield and Canaan to Norridgewock once a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Hallowell every Thursday at 10 a m and arrive at Norridgewock on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Norridgewock every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell on Monday by 7 a m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Hallowell every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Norridgewock on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Norridgewock on Monday at 6 p m and arrive at Hallowell on Tuesday by 6 p m.
8. From Hallowell by Augusta, Mt. Vernon, Unity, Sharon, Farmington, C. Berwick and Augusta to Hallowell once a week. Leave Hallowell every Thursday at noon and arrive at Farmington on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Farmington every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell on Thursday by 10 a m.
9. From Wilscasset by Bath, Brunswick, North Yarmouth, and Falmouth to Portland three times a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Wilscasset every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Portland the next days by 11 a m. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 p m and arrive at Wilscasset the next days by 11 a m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Wilscasset every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Wilscasset by 6 p m.
10. From Bath by Biddeford and Saco to Hallowell once a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Bath every Monday at 7 a m and arrive at Hallowell by 3 p m. Leave Hallowell at 6 p m and arrive at Bath by 6 p m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Bath every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Hallowell by 3 p m. Leave Hallowell at 6 p m and arrive at Bath by 6 p m.
11. From Portland, by Windham, Bridgton, Waterford, Paris, Buckland, Turner, Norway and Poland to Portland, once a week. Leave Portland every Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Turner on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Turner every Saturday at 6 p m and arrive at Portland the next Monday by 4 p m.
12. From Portland, by Saccarappa, Gorham, Standish, Eliot, Limington, Hiram and Brownfield to Fribourg once a week. Leave Portland every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Fribourg by 10 a m. Returning .—Leave Fribourg every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Portland on Wednesday by 6 p m.
13. From Portland by Gorham, Buckland, Limerick, Limington, Parsonsfield, Newfield, Shapleigh, Lebanon, Duxbury, Sanford, Alfred, and Waterboro' to Portland once a week. Leave Portland every Monday at 11 a m and arrive at Duxbury on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Duxbury on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland the next Monday by 8 a m.
14. From Portland by Scarboro', Biddeford, Kennebunk, Duxbury-falls, Berwick and Dover N. H. to Portsmouth three times a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11 a m and arrive at Portsmouth the next Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by noon. Returning .—Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Portland on Wednesday, Thursday and Saturday by 11 1/2 a m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 6 p m. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m.
15. From Portland by Scarboro', Biddeford, Kennebunk, Wells, and York to Portsmouth three times a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 11 1/2 a m and arrive at Portsmouth the next days by 11 a m. Returning .—Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 p m and arrive at Portland the next days by 11 a m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 6 p m. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m.
16. From Wilscasset to Booth-Bay once a week. Leave Booth-Bay every Wednesday at 7 a m and arrive at Wilscasset by 11 a m. Leave Wilscasset at 1 p m and arrive at Booth-Bay by 5 p m.
17. From Portland by Dover, Rochester, Middletown, Oquossoc, Mountainsboro', Center Harbor, and Plymouth to Haverhill and Newbury Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth once a week. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m. Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill on Friday by 5 p m and at Newbury by 7 p m. Returning .—Leave Newbury every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m. Leave Plymouth at 7 p m and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
18. From Fryeburg in Maine by Conway, Bartlett, Rolebarks, and Jefferson to Lancaster once in two weeks. Leave Fryeburg every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Fryeburg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
19. From Exeter by Epping, Nottingham, Epsom, Pembroke, Concord, Salisbury, Grafton, Lebanon and Pelham to Hanover once a week. Leave Exeter every Tuesday at 9 a m and arrive at Concord by 10 a m on Wednesday. Leave Concord at 11 a m and arrive at Salisbury by 3 p m. Leave Salisbury at 4 p m and arrive at Hanover on Friday by 8 a m. Returning .—Leave Hanover every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Concord on Saturday by 2 p m. Leave Concord at 3 p m and arrive at Exeter on Monday by 3 p m.
20. From Portsmouth by Exeter, Kingston, Haverhill, Andover, Wilmingdon, Woburn, Medford and Charlestown to Boston three times a week. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Exeter by 7 1/2 a m. Leave Exeter at 8 a m and arrive at Boston by 7 p m. Returning .—Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a m and arrive at Exeter by 3 1/2 p m. Leave Exeter at 4 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 p m.
21. From Exeter by Chester, Londonderry, Merrimack, Amherst, Peterboro', Manchester, Nashua, and Chesterfield to Brattleboro' once a week. Leave Exeter every Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Amherst on Wednesday even-
ing, arrive at Keene on Thursday by 3 p m. Leave Keene at 4 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Friday by 10 a m. Returning .—Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Keene on Saturday by 9 a m. Leave Keene at 10 a m and arrive at Exeter the next Monday by 3 p m.
22. From Salisbury by Andover, New Chester and Bridgewater to Plymouth and thence by Holderness, New Hampton and Sanborntown to Salisbury one week and the reverse the next week. Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 1 p m. Leave Plymouth at 2 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
23. From Hanover by Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton, Lancaster, Guildhall, Lunenburg and Concord to Littleton, thence by Bath, Haverhill and Orford to Hanover once a week. Leave Hanover every Friday at 9 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 6 p m. Leave Haverhill at 5 p m and arrive at Guildhall on Sunday noon and return to Hanover the next Tuesday by 6 p m.
24. From Newburyport by Haverhill Mass. and Salem to Windham once a week. Leave Windham every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Newburyport by 6 p m. Leave Newburyport every Monday at 4 p m and arrive at Windham on Tuesday by noon.
IN VERMONT. 25. From Littleton N. H. by Littleton Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Warden, Greensboro', Craftsboro', Eden and Johnson to St. Albans, once in two weeks. Leave Littleton N. H. every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans the next Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton N. H. on Saturday by 6 p m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Royalton, Randolph, Williamson, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho, and Willyton to Burlington once a week. Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m. Returning .—Leave Burlington at 3 p m on Tuesday, arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Montpelier by Berlin, Barre, Washington, Corinth, Bradford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet and Peacham to Danville once a week. Leave Montpelier every Thursday at noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Danville by 5 p m. Returning .—Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
28. From Rutland, by Pittsfield, Bander, Lincoln, Salisbury, Middlebury, New Haven, Vergennes, Ferrisburg, Charlotte, Shelburne, Burlington, Colchester, Milton, Georgia, St. Albans and Swanton to Highgate once a week. Leave Rutland every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Burlington on Tuesday by 4 p m and arrive at Highgate on Wednesday by 7 p m. Returning .—Leave Highgate every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Burlington on Friday by 8 a m and arrive at Rutland on Saturday by 7 p m.
29. From Rutland by Castleton, Fairhaven, Benson, Orwell, Shoreham, Addison, Vergennes, Willsboro', Essex, C. L. Peru and Plattsburg to Champlain once a week. Leave Rutland every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Fairhaven by 10 a m. Leave Fairhaven at 11 a m and arrive at Champlain on Thursday by 10 a m. Returning .—Leave Champlain on every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Rutland the next Sunday by 6 p m.
30. From Middlebury by New Haven, Mendon, Hydesburg, Williston, Jericho, Essex, Westford, Fairfax, Fairfield and Sheldon to Hunsbrough and thence by Berkshire, Ebersburg, Bakersfield, Cambridge, Underkill, Jericho, Richmond, Huntington, Skaneateles & Bristol to Middlebury once a week. Leave Middlebury every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Jericho by 4 p m and at Hunsbrough on Friday by 2 p m. Returning .—Leave Hunsbrough every Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Middlebury on Monday by 7 p m.
31. From Rutland by Clarendon, Shrewsbury, Saltas and Reading to Windsor once a week. Leave Rutland every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Windsor by 10 a m. Returning .—Leave Windsor every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Rutland on Wednesday by 7 p m.
32. From Rutland by Clarendon, Danby, Dorset, Manchester, Arlington, Shaftsbury, Bennington and Pittsfield to Manchester twice a week. Leave Rutland every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Bennington on Tuesday and Friday by 8 p m. Leave Bennington Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Manchester by 1 p m. Returning .—Leave Manchester every Monday and Thursday at 11 a m and arrive at Bennington by 7 p m. Leave Bennington on Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Rutland on Wednesday and Saturday by 6 p m.
33. From Rutland by Cavendish, Chester, Rockingham, Bellows Falls and Westminster to Walpole once a week. Leave Rutland every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Walpole by 6 p m on Thursday. Leave Walpole every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Rutland on Sunday by 10 a m.
34. From Bennington, by Marlboro' Wilmington and Woodford, to Brattleboro' once a week. Leave Bennington every Thursday at 9 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Friday by 11 a m. Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Bennington on Saturday by 4 p m.
IN MASSACHUSETTS. 35. From Salem, by Danvers, Topsfield, Boxford, Haverhill and Chester, to Pembroke N. H. once a week.—Leave Salem every Monday at 1 p m and arrive at Pembroke on Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Pembroke every Saturday at 7 p m and arrive at Salem on Monday by 10 a m.
36. From Boston, by Salem and Manchester, to Gloucester three times a week. Leave Gloucester every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 6 p m. Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Gloucester by 6 p m.
37. From Salem to Marblehead six times a week. Leave Salem every day (Sunday excepted) at noon and arrive at Marblehead by 1 p m. Leave Marblehead every day at 2 p m and arrive at Salem by 3 p m.
38. From Boston, by Medford, Woburn, Billerica, Chelmsford, Tyngsboro', Dunstable, Amherst, Framingham, Walpole and Claremont, to Windsor, Vt. once a week. Leave Boston every Wednesday at 5 a m, arrive at Billerica by noon and at Amherst by 7 p m. Leave Amherst on Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Windsor by 6 p m. Returning .—Leave Windsor every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Amherst by 6 p m. Leave Amherst on Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Boston by 5 p m.
39. From Billerica, by Patucket bridge, Dracut, Pelham and Windham, to Londonderry once a week. Leave Billerica every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at Londonderry on Thursday by 9 a m. Leave Londonderry every Thursday at 10 a m and arrive at Billerica by 7 p m.
40. From Boston, by Concord, Littleton, Groton, Townsend, Ashby, New Ipswich, Jaffrey, Marlborough and Keene, to Walpole twice a week. Leave Boston every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Keene on Thursday and Monday by noon. Leave Keene at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Walpole by 9 p m. Returning .—Leave Walpole every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Keene by noon. Leave Keene at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Boston on Thursday and Monday by 8 p m.
41. From Concord, by Stow, Bolton and Lancaster, to Leominster twice a week. Leave Concord every Wednesday and Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at Leominster by 7 p m. Leave Leominster every Monday and Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Concord by 11 a m.
42. From Leominster, by Westminster, Templeton, Gerry, Athol, New Salem, Wendell and Montague, to Greenfield once a week. Leave Leominster every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Greenfield by 7 p m. Leave Greenfield every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Leominster by 7 p m.
43. From Worcester, by Boylston and Sterling, to Lancaster once a week. Leave Worcester every Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Lancaster by noon. Leave Lancaster every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at Worcester by 5 p m.
44. From Worcester, by Holden, Rutland, Barre, Peterboro', Athol, Orange, Warwick, Northfield, New Salem, Wendell and Hinsdale, to Brattleboro' once a week. Leave Worcester every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Brattleboro' Friday by 10 a m. Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Worcester on Saturday by 7 p m.
45. From Shrewsbury, by Holden, Rutland, Green, Hardwick, Pelham, Amherst and Hadley, to Northampton once a week. Leave Shrewsbury every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Northampton every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at Shrewsbury on Thursday by 7 p m.
46. From Brockfield, by Belchertown, Hadley, Northampton, Chelmsford, Worthington, Partfield, Dalton, Pittsfield, Hancock and New Lebanon, to Albany twice a week. May 1 to November 1.—Leave Brockfield every Monday and Thursday at 9 a m and arrive at Albany on Tuesday and Friday by 7 p m. Leave Albany every Wednesday and Saturday at 9 a m and arrive at Brockfield on Tuesday and Friday by 7 p m.
November 1 to May 1.—Leave Brockfield every Monday and Thursday at 9 a m and arrive at Northampton by 7 p m. Leave Northampton every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Albany on Wednesday and Saturday by 3 p m. Returning .—Leave Albany every Tuesday and Friday at 9 a m and arrive at Pittsfield by 7 p m.
by 3 p m. Leave Pittsfield every Wednesday & Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Northampton by 8 p m. Leave Northampton every Thursday & Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Brockfield by 7 p m.
47. From Suffield, by Westfield Southampton, Northampton, Hatfield, Waterville, Deerfield, Greenfield, Bernardstown, Hinddale, Brattleboro', Putney, Westminster, Walpole, Charlton, Claremont, Cornish, Windsor, Hartland & Plainfield, to Hanover twice a week. Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Northampton at 1 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m. Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Hanover by 8 p m. Returning .—Leave Hanover every Monday & Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 11 a m. Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday & Saturday by 8 p m.
48. From Springfield, by West Springfield, Russell, Blandford, Lendon, Bethlehem, Tyringham [Concluded in Supplement]
PUBLIC SALE.
I will offer at Public Sale on Friday 7th of June next at the hour of 11 o'clock A. M. at the place where I live, all the personal property of Doctor John Scott deceased, consisting of Wearing Apparel, a number of Books, a small quantity of Medicine and one set of Surgeon's Instruments, &c. Terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale. ALEX. MCCORMICK, Administrator. May 24—3t
Ten Dollars Reward.
WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May a double cased silver Watch, maker's name Crosswhite, Dublin, and in the outer case was watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia.—Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligencer, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 1.—st
LOST.
On board the ship Jupiter, Capt. Law, from London bound to New York, the following certificates of United States debt, viz. No. 11,137 for 5000 Dolls. defec. 6 per Cts. 11,138 1000 do. 11,139 1000 do. 11,140 1000 do. 11,141 1000 do. 11,142 1000 do. Issued by Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register of the Treasury, on the 24th May, 1799, in favor of James Heygate of London, merchant. For the renewal of which, application will be made at the Treasury of the United States. JOHN DAVIDSON. May 24—cp6w
CHARLES H. VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAILOR.
Has received from Philadelphia
a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cambrics, patent Bespé's cord, toilettes, fancy and white Marcellus, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marcellus, constitution cords, velvets, Genoa cord, silk and satin Florentines, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol. December 10—st
ADAM KING, Co.
AT their Wine Store in High Street George A. Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of consumption business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—st
STRANGER IN FRANCE.
Just opened, and for sale by Kapine, Conrad & Co. THE STRANGER IN FRANCE, OR A TOUR FROM DEVONSHIRE TO PARIS; By JOHN CARR, Esq. Price 150 Cents. 29—tw2w.
The subscriber has for sale,
A few Pipes and half Pipes genuine London Particular Madeira wine. Caret in boxes, } Peas by the chest Hylon, } Southong, } Hylon Chulan } Cognac Brandy by the pipe or quarter cask, 1st proof French do. of good flavor, do. do. A few khs. Melasses, 9 bds old Jamaica Rum of excellent quality, 1 butt dry Lisbon Wine and a few other things. WM. BRENT. May 10—3w.
W. S. Nichols and Co.
Have just received from Philadelphia and Baltimore, an elegant supply of spring and fashionable goods, which they are determined to sell on the lowest terms for cash. May 24—3w