The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-08-16 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1381.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 16, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The National Intelligencer is conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH, and JOSEPH GALES, Jun. and printed at the Office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested to address themselves.
The annual price, payable in advance, is five Dollars.
Advertisements, not exceeding one square in breadth, are inserted the first time at fifty cents, and for every subsequent insertion twenty-five cents. If inserted less than three times, a Dollar is charged. If inserted but once a week, an addition of one fourth part is made. Other advertisements charged in the same ratio.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
ORATION
Delivered by JOHN NICHOLAS of the state of New-York, on the 10th June.
(CONTINUED.)
The decree according to this construction contained three things which it alleged to be equally at variance with the rights of neutrals and the interests of G. Britain.
1. The confiscation of all produce of British industry or manufacture.
2. The exclusion from the ports of France of neutral vessels, which had touched at ports, though employed in innocent commerce.
3. The declaring G. Britain to be in a state of blockade, though France was unable to invest a single port.
The note declares the determination of the king of G. Britain to retaliate the injuries of this system if executed on neutrals and submitted to by them, and reserves the right of withholding his ratification, if before the treaty returns from the U. S. the enemy shall not have either formally abandoned or tacite relinquished his unjust pretensions, or the U. S. shall not have, by its conduct or assurances, given security to his majesty that it will not submit to such innovations.
No man can deny that, if our government had ratified the treaty with this explanation, it would have been an acknowledgement of the claims on neutrals, which G. Britain set up by this note, and of an obligation on the U. S. to resist what the note alleged to be violations of neutral rights. Not only the obligation of this treaty on G. Britain would have depended on it, but our conduct in all times to come would be tried by the same rule. And what was the law which we should have bound ourselves to enforce? That France should receive, and of course consume British manufactures whenever they were carried there by an American owner and should receive American ships going from British ports. You will please to observe that we were not called upon to protect our property and ships which were found in French ports by the decree, which we might rightfully do, but we were called upon to assert a right to carry them there in defiance of the decree, and for this claim (now yielded as I shall show by G. B. herself) no authority has ever been, or can be found either in the laws of nations or our treaties with France.
There is another part of the claim to which there is no objection in point of principle, but of so little importance to G. Britain in practice, that it would probably not have been mentioned if it had not been given color to the other untenable claims. This is to resist the pretended blockade of the British islands. Of this pretended blockade we had a right and ought to complain, because it might have some injurious effect, was a dangerous precedent and furnished pretences to G. Britain, which, as it has turned out, might be put to most iniquitous uses; but it is probable, if this had stood alone in the decree, that it never would have been noticed by the British government, as it was a fact, afterwards proved in Parliament, that it did not raise insurance in G. Britain on the trade with the U. S. at all. The objection to the decree in this respect, made by the note itself, is that it must be wholly inoperative, France not being able to keep a force before a single British port. It is the more probable that she would not have taken notice of this part of the decree, if it had stood alone, because she herself had carried pretended blockades so much beyond the truth. I have said enough on this subject to prepare you to decide on the conduct of President Jefferson in rejecting this treaty without submitting it to the Senate. No treaty can be made without the consent of the Senate; but a President cannot justify making a treaty against his judgment if they should advise it. Will any man say that this treaty ought to have been ratified, loaded as it was with this note? should the President have brought such obligations on his country not only for the present but all future time? The obligations we were to incur, were as impracticable as they were unreasonable. Of course, while we were bringing ourselves under bondage to G. Britain we should have been losing the benefits of the treaty itself; we never could have come up to the terms on which alone we were to have enjoyed them. If it was wrong that the treaty should be ratified, ought Mr. Jefferson to have summoned a Senate from all parts of the U. S.? Would it not have been a mockery on him to summon them, and inform them he wished their advice upon a treaty which, according to his judgment, he should never ratify?
I must beg here to remark that this note of the British commissioners admits the claim of G. Britain on the U. S. arising out of the Berlin decree to be wholly contingent; that it will never exist if France either formally abandons or tacitely relinquishes her unjust pretensions—that of course the only obligation on the U. S. in the then state of things, was to demand of the French government an explanation of the decree and whether it was intended to operate against the U. S.
Notwithstanding this admission, in seven days after signing the treaty, the British government issued that order of the 7th of January, which is this day to cease to operate on the U. S. States. The effect of this order was to restrain neutrals from going from one enemy's port to another and from the port of one enemy to that of another. Neither of these prohibitions was justifiable, but the last is wholly unsupported both by principle and practice. Nothing could more strongly declare the understanding of G. Britain as to what might be expected from the U. S. in resisting the Berlin decree, than this conduct, and that she set no value on our interference in the only case where we could rightfully interfere, the case of a pretended blockade, and nothing could more fully proclaim her determination to act as she thought proper, without regard to our rights, than her taking a step so injurious in its operation, at a time when she had entered into stipulations for preserving the relations of amity and commerce. The then ministry were probably driven by public sentiment to this outrage on decency, and they probably made this sacrifice of themselves to save their power. No other act of the British government has so much the character of a national one, for it was adopted by the men who composed the new ministry, so far as it went, and condemned for not going farther. They at the same time showed an hostility to the U. S. which promised no good to us, from the power which they afterwards acquired. It is to be remarked, that the order of November has always been justified by the new ministry as an extension only of the principle of that of January, as in truth it is; and that in January had no foundation in justice, for the Berlin decree was not even known in the U. S. States.
The right claimed by both orders in council depends on the acquiescence of neutrals in the unjust decrees of France. Even when founded on an acquiescence in fact, the doctrine of a right in the other belligerent to retaliate in the manner he shall think fit cannot be conceded without great danger. Here I must remind you of the three parts of which the Berlin decree consisted. Two extremely important to the commerce of G. Britain, but no way against the rights of neutrals, the third of little or no importance to the interests of G. B. but a violation so far as it should be executed of the rights of neutrals. Suppose, under the blockading part of the Berlin decree, of which we have a right to complain, a single capture should be made, must it be incumbent upon us to go to war with France or yield G. B. the right of cutting off our whole commerce with the continent of Europe, for which she wanted a pretext to revenge the injuries she receives from those parts of the decree of which we have no right to complain? I anticipate that every reasonable man will answer in the negative. But the doctrine to which G. B. has been driven, by the refutation of her charges against us of acquiescing in the French decrees, is too monstrous to be tolerated a moment—it is that there is "an unquestionable right of his majesty to retaliate upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice," and "if third parties incidentally suffered by these retaliatory measures, they were to seek their redress from the power by whose original aggression that retaliation was occasioned."—Mr. Canning's letter of the 23d September. The effect of this rule would be to give a right of acting, on the first impulse, without hearing the neutral at all. The doctrine asserted is nothing more or less, than a positive claim to the benefit of the labor of neutrals, whereas all that belligerents have a right to require is impartiality in the application of it; and no claim can ever possibly arise on neutrals in a case like this but in consequence of some alleged fraud on their neutrality. This can never be, where time is not given for demanding satisfaction, nor can it ever be plausibly alleged, when the injury is not of sufficient magnitude to justify the neutral resorting to arms. Mr. Canning found it easier and safer to assert a doctrine as untenable as this than to prove the fact which was involved in the doctrine on which the orders were founded; he found it easier to build up a new edifice than prop the old one after Mr. Madison's irresistible attack of the 25th March, 1808.
I have sufficiently shown, by the admission of the British government itself, that they had no cause to complain of the U. S. at the time of issuing the order of January. I will now show, from the best established facts and their own admission, that they had no cause to complain of us at the time of issuing the order of November.
The correspondence between General Armstrong, our minister at Paris, and Decree, the French minister of Marine, has been so much a topic of controversy between the parties in this country that few are unacquainted with it. Bonaparte and his minister of foreign affairs were attending on the war with Russia after the conquest of Prussia. While thus engaged, the Berlin decree arrived at Paris and our minister applied to the minister of Marine; the person charged with the execution of the decree, for information, whether it was to be considered as contravening the convention with the U. S. He declared it as his opinion that the decree did not affect the convention, using at the same time, however, such cautionary expression as were natural in the service of such a master. The French council of prizes, on the 5th March following expressed their doubts about the interference saying "that the decree said nothing of its own influence over the convention." Gen. Armstrong, 12th November, 1807, (almost 12 months after the decree) says in a letter to Mr. Madison, "I yesterday received a copy of the decree of the council of prizes in the case of the Horizon. This is the first unfriendly decision of that body under the arrest of the 21st November 1806 (the Berlin decree)." The course adopted with respect to this ship shows that a new practice was to be adopted. The emperor was referred to for the meaning of the decree, which never could have happened if he had been satisfied with former decisions, or if the council had not wanted a justification for departing
from them. The enemies of our government have laid hold of an expression of this council of prizes, (when obeying the new orders of their master) with respect to the construction of the Berlin decree, given to our minister by Decree the minister of Marine, that the construction was "private" not "public," and on this and the authority of the cautionary expression of Decree, before alluded to, have taken it for granted that Decree was an unauthorised person in this case and that it was the only information sought for by our government and its minister.
This conclusion they continue to propagate, although the communications to the last and former Congress have proved beyond all question, that our government was prompt in requiring explanations and reonstrating against the application of the Berlin decree to the U. S. and that there was actually an exemption of us from its influence, until the emperor in the month of September, gave to the council of prizes the new instructions (differing in nothing from a new decree but in their secrecy) under which the Horizon was condemned. It was so improbable that a minister, growing old in his station and as intelligent as general Armstrong, should have misunderstood the sources of information or that he should have chosen to go to the wrong one, that it certainly must have required a disposition to believe the fact to gain it notice. The communication of the President to the session of Congress before the last, should have put an end to the hope of finding it here, for we there find an application from Gen. Armstrong to Mr. Champagny the minister of foreign relations and his reply, as late as the month of August, which are fully satisfactory. As well as I recollect (for I have not preserved the President's communication of that year) our Chargé des Affaires in Spain had been informed by the Spanish government that the French government would be applied to for their construction of the Berlin decree, in order to an uniformity of conduct towards the U. S. under the decrees of both governments, which were alike. On this information Gen. Armstrong applied to the minister of foreign relations and requested an early attention to this subject, expressing a hope that his information would conform to the uniformly favorable construction and practice adopted in France on the Berlin decree. To this letter (written as I believe on the occasion I have mentioned) Mr. Champagny replied to this effect and nearly in these words, "That he had supposed Gen. Armstrong satisfied by the information he (Gen. Armstrong) had received from the minister Decree, but as he wished further satisfaction he (Mr. C.) would request it of the same minister and when it was received would communicate it to Gen. Armstrong." This letter of Champagny is referred to in a letter from Gen. Armstrong to him, dated 12th Nov. 1807, and communicated to Congress in their last session, in which he tells Mr. C. "that he (Mr. C.), as late as the 21st Aug. (1807), considered the minister of marine (Decree) as the natural organ of his majesty's will in whatever regarded the decree aforesaid (the Berlin decree) and actually applied to him for information respecting it." There it appears that the person who the federalists sought to have been applied to, considers the minister Decree as the best authority. It will appear also from General D. C.'s correspondence that the same minister Decree was the organ of communication to our government on similar subjects (vide page 37 of the Comm.) a letter from him to Gen. A. in reply to one from Gen. A. and (p. 44) a letter from Gen. A. to Mr. Champagny.
Thus it appears that there was no acquiescence on the part of our government, under the Berlin decree, and that there was no execution of it upon our neutral commerce, at the date of the order of January, and that there was none known, even to the British government, at the date of the order of November, much less to the government of the United States, the decree in the case of the Horizon having passed the 16th of October, 1807, and being received by our minister at Paris only on the 11th November. It appears also from Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Erskine that the British government were regularly informed of the truth of the case.
But I have it in my power to show from the highest British authorities that the government of Great Britain had accurate information of their own in strict conformity with that possessed by our government; that they knew of no case of capture under the blockade declared by the Berlin decree at the date of the orders of the 11th November, although those orders pretend to justify themselves under the acquiescence of neutrals in the injuries of the decree.
On several petitions to the Parliament of Great Britain against the orders in council as destructive to the trade of G. B. witnesses were heard in support of the allegations of the petition & the ministry brought witnesses in support of the policy of the orders. The question was as to the trade of G. Britain before the orders and after, without particular view to the justification of their conduct towards the United States. Many respectable witnesses declare that insurance between Great Britain and the United States had not been affected by the Berlin decree, & on examining the testimony
on the other side it will appear that there was no contradiction of this assertion. I have never seen the whole body of evidence, but I take my information from the evidence quoted by Mr. Brougham in a speech to the House of Commons and from a ministerial pamphlet, written to justify the orders in council and to answer the attacks made upon them, called "hints to both parties." This pamphlet has been extensively circulated in this country by the supporters of British measures and may therefore be considered as of authority with those from whom it is used. The writer speaking of the commerce of the U. S. States, says, "This intercourse was further interrupted by the measures of the enemy; by the Berlin decree of November, 1806, and the subsequent enforcement of it in September last." He annexes the testimony on which he relies. According to him the execution of the Berlin decree, in any instance, was so late that it could not have been before known, if known at all, in the United States; and of course no acquiescence could be pretended; but when you look at the testimony on which he relies, you will find that there is not one tittle to contradict the testimony of the witnesses of the petitioners with respect to the trade between Great Britain and the United States, and that it relates wholly to the trade in American vessels between the ports of Great Britain and the continent, with which we have nothing to do, it being clearly a trade which the United States are not bound to protect. It will be obvious from the same testimony, that the cargoes sent in the course of this trade were on account and at the risk of British owners, & that American vessels were only a cover; and it will appear probable from an Amsterdam paragraph also cited by this author from the testimony given, that the vessels sailed under false papers, pretending to have taken in their lading for the United States. The paragraph is in these words—"Amsterdam, 12st August, 1807. The ship Maria arrived here three days ago, but instead of being allowed to land her cargo, the receivers have been put under obligation to bring the necessary proofs that he came from that part from which his papers are made out. Other ships are in similar circumstances and it seems that our government receives very particular accounts from the Danish harbors."
We are otherwise informed that American clearances in perfect form were to be bought in London. To prohibit such a trade as this, there wanted no Berlin decree and it is only to be wondered at, that it should have been tolerated so. But I have before shown that if any American had bona fide bought the goods, and shipped them in an American vessel, he had no protection to expect from his government. A late speech of Mr. Canning's in the British Parliament goes the full length of establishing the conclusion, which results from this long enquiry, that the British government had no injury to complain of through the violation of our neutral rights and to show that the system she had adopted was one of policy. In debate on Mr. Whitbread's motion for addressing the king to adopt conciliatory measures towards the United States, Mr. C. says "Much was said about observance of the law of nations. He would not say that the orders of council were an exact application of it; he would allow they were rather an extension of that law; but an extension called for and justified by the new order of things that had arisen in the world. The Berlin decrees were evidently acts of hostility against England, and as such England must have met them. Under a pretence of a municipal regulation, these were intended to exclude British commerce from every port; but that they had none of the features of ordinary municipal regulations, which obtain in peace as well as in war."
From this it is evident that the orders were a project to fulfil the expectations which are always raised by a new ministry and an experiment on an enemy who had baffled every effort which the British government had made against him.
I turn with pleasure from the consideration of measures which seek their justification in falsehood, to those of my country, which, having just views, has pursued them with undeviating rectitude.
That an embargo should have been
treated as the resort of cowardice, or mean spirited desertion of the rights which nature had given us, was certainly among the greatest impositions of the present time. If a certain measure of suffering in ourselves was necessary to make an attack upon an enemy honorable, I ask in what way were the government of this country or those who supported them to meet that suffering so certainly as under an embargo. Was it in war? No certainly, for the danger was to be encountered for the most part by the hire of men who considered it desirable. The reverse is the truth. Under an embargo, all must suffer nearly in proportion to their property, and of this suffering there was no evasion; no lucrative offices grew out of it. It afforded the adventurer no field for enterprize or peculation, nor does it make some rich at the expense of many poor. These are the blessings of war which make it desired by so many. To all such an embargo was a poor lifeless thing. Although very far from being pleasant in its operation on me, I liked it because I believed it honorable to my country to show that it was capable of such self-denial, and because I anticipated the best effects on foreign nations. I was the more confident in my expectations from the sensation I found among that class of people, which I had known to be desirous of war for the last 16 years. I concluded that the kindred classes in other countries, who had become callous to all the impressions of war and its attendant evils might be as sensible to a measure which would follow them to their houses, blend itself with their occupations and find in all some place to operate on which had not been numbed by constant pressure. Another extraordinary circumstance attending the embargo is, that those who approve it have labored so much to prove that it was not laid with a view to the orders in council or to coerce the nations who had injured us. What could place its fitness for this purpose in a stronger point of view than the solicitude of its opponents to establish this point: In their attempt to divest their adversaries of the credit of adopting the expedient for this purpose, was it not acknowledging a fitness in the measure?
Perhaps no instance can be found when men have been so remarkably forced to discover their real sentiments. Though we might be satisfied with the triumph of principle, it will not be right to let the authors of the measure go without the credit of it. Those who stickle so violently against the coercive design of the embargo, rely on President Jefferson's message, in which he speaks only of the preservation of our ships and seamen. They do not consider that however probable it might be, that Great Britain would issue such orders, yet it would not be decent in the President to say that he expected such an act of injustice from her. Her former conduct gave reason to expect that she would act without notice, and scrape all the seas of American property, and this would be an additional argument for the measures of embargo; but it would not have been decent in the President to anticipate such dishonesty. No man could shut his eyes on the danger which threatened us from Great Britain, and therefore it was sufficient to assign the reasons which were assigned, as any other, by rousing pride and resentment, might tend to defeat the intended purpose. I can bear testimony to the intention of the actors in this business, one of whom wrote to me as soon as the act passed, and assigned, as one reason for it, the danger which threatened us from Great Britain, saying that Great Britain had apprized us in the note to the rejected treaty that she contemplated retaliation; that the condemnation of the Horizon, of which they were just informed, would furnish her with a pretext, if she waited for one, but that they had reason to believe, from the English prints; that the step had been already taken; to this was added the expectation of bringing both nations to justice. Several members of Congress, who voted for the embargo, have declared in their places, that they voted for it on this account, and to coerce the offending nations, and that they had declared it at that time.
Whatever might have been the design with which it was laid, it is hard to conceive a measure better fitted to the state we were in, whether consi-

dered as a protection from mischief, which hung over us, or as a means of offence and of coercing the nations to do us justice. It is now certain that it was laid when Great Britain meditated an entire interdiction of our commerce with the continent of Europe, and the manner of doing it was altogether uncertain. Whether she would adopt her former method of sweeping our vessels without notice, or whether she would pretend some regard to justice in the manner of doing us injury, was uncertain. It seems from her conduct in this respect, and that in relation to the Chesapeake, which will be noticed by and bye, that she hoped to reconcile the United States to the operation of her orders in council, or at least, that those who had been more particularly friendly to her in the United States, might be saved by her by some attention to the manner of operating upon us. She accordingly, in the terms of her orders, in this case, gave time for the vessels actually at sea to return; but experience proves all measures of this kind unavailing, for cruizers in the commencement of hostilities always anticipate war and provide for a state of things which will justify every seizure. Accordingly we are informed that scarcely any of the vessels which sailed in the month the embargo was laid, ever returned.
As a measure for extorting justice both from Great Britain and France, it seems to me the best our situation afforded, and as likely to succeed as any that nations ever resort to. The measures of each nation showed a solicitude to preserve the commerce of the United States to itself, while they deprived their enemy of it; the situation of both made that commerce necessary. France and her dependencies, powerful as she was, could procure the articles of India produce, which had become part of the ordinary support of her people, only by our commerce. Her few remaining colonies could be supplied with provisions with certainty from no other quarter and, during the war with Great Britain, she could, if at war with us, do us no injury. The want of our commerce would be a state of suffering without any palliative, but what she might find in the suffering of her enemy. This, the federalists know from experience, contrary to their first expectations on this subject, will not reconcile men used to indulgence to any great privation. In short it was the only measure by which we could reach France or injure her.
Great Britain, a commercial and manufacturing nation, depending on foreign markets, and existing merely by the credit of her resources, was deprived of almost every other open market than the United States, and the people of the United States were the only ones who could possibly find admittance for her manufactures with her enemies. Add to this that many articles absolutely necessary for her shipping and manufactures were to be procured no where else, and the least failure in her crop would make all the supply the United States could afford necessary to her support. The loss to the people of Ireland of the article of flax seed, was so important that it could not fail to create great sensation. In short, the loss of our commerce would be felt in so many different parts that it could scarcely fail of producing a strong national feeling. No assistance from government could long keep their people at work, when the articles of indispensable use in their business could not be procured. A war with Great Britain would not be so injurious to her, if we traded with the rest of the world, for she might calculate on capturing a great proportion of what we should ship. It was a fortunate expedient for making war upon both nations at once, a thing very difficult in any other way.
The first effect of the embargo when fairly put to the trial, by giving the President power to rescind it, as to either nation that should return to good treatment of us, corresponded with the just expectations formed from it. According to our minister's information, the offer was listened to with pleasure by Mr. Canning, and after repeated interviews Mr. C. went so far as to say he expected to have something to communicate to him for his government of a very pleasing nature. This prospect was immediately overcast, but by causes so strongly marked, that they cannot be mistaken. Intelligence of the open revolt of the Spaniards was received, and an arrival from the United States brought intelligence, that the elections in Massachusetts, and indeed throughout New England, had proved unfriendly to the embargo policy, and that there were serious apprehensions of open resistance to the law. These changed Mr. Canning's tone from accommodation to insult; heightened, as I have shown, the pretensions of Great Britain, against the rights of neutrals, and brought out that domineering spirit against us, which has invariably shown
itself in every favorable state of her continental affairs.
No way was left for the determined opposers of our government and its measures, and the as uniform supporters of Great Britain, but to discredit the opinions and representations of our minister. This man has held a higher standing in his state, than any man of his age ever did in the United States. He had been sent to Great Britain (as a federalist) a commissioner under Jay's treaty, was afterwards associated with Mr. Munroe, in negotiating the treaty which was rejected, and after his return, became our minister at London. He had possessed a very high standing in the confidence of federalists, had shown every disposition to preserve friendship with Great Britain, and had done nothing to bring his patriotism into question, but serving under our administration, and showing an approbation of the embargo. It was openly denied, on these sole grounds, that he was a federalist, and as soon as that was established, he became a mark for defamation. The federalists discovered in this and some other remarkable instances, that they had intrenched both their heads and their hearts, so as to keep them steady as to their party interests. If a man, let his standing among them have been what it would, decided against their general sentiment and conduct, he was no longer a federalist, and if not a federalist he was not entitled to belief or respect. In Mr. Pinkney's case you all recollect how greedily they seized an occasion to circulate (if they did not publish) Mr. Canning's second letter of the 23d of Sept. intended to give a different appearance to the informal meetings between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning from that he (Mr. P.) gave to our government. Fortunately the letter carried marks upon it which could not be mistaken, and showed that it was written to save Mr. Canning and his nation from the ridicule, which would certainly be incurred by his vaunting letter of the same date, when it came to be compared with the humble and peace-making appearance they exhibited in the informal conversations with Mr. Pinkney. A second answer to the same letter in diplomatic affairs, where the first had been written with so much labor and delay, and that too to correct misstatements of facts, is wholly without example. Incorrectness in matter of fact claims the first attention always, but could not possibly have been overlooked for so long a time as Mr. Canning delayed his answer. It was certainly produced by some sudden alarm, which he felt after parting with the letter, which filled the hearts of the federalists with so much pleasure, by its suspected pity, its sarcasm and insinuation against the government of their country, that all doubt on this subject, if there ever was doubt, is now removed by the complete fulfilment of a prediction of Mr. Pinkney's founded on his accurate view of what was passing. In his private letter to Mr. Madison, communicated to Congress and dated 21st Sept. 1808, after discussing and endorsing at large the policy of continuing the embargo he says, "On the other hand, if we persevere we must gain our purpose at last. By complying with the little policy of the moment we shall be lost. By a great and systematic adherence to principle, we shall find the end to our difficulties. The embargo and the loss of our trade are deeply felt here, and will be felt with more severity every day. The wheat harvest is likely to be alarmingly short and the state of the continent will augment the evil. The discontent among their manufacturers, are only quieted for a moment by temporary causes. Cotton is rising and soon will be scarce. Unfavorable events in the continent, will subdue the temper sufficiently to wisdom & justice, which now prevails here. But above all, the world, I trust, will be convinced that our firmness is not to be shaken. Our measures have not been without effect. They have not been decisive, because we have not been thought capable of persevering in self-denial, if that can be called self-denial, which is no more than prudent abstinence from destruction and dishonor."
When I examine the causes which have led to the settlement with G. B. this will appear to be as accurate a prediction of what has happened as could be made and will establish the accuracy of its author at the same time it will place the wisdom and policy of the embargo on the highest possible ground.
I come now in the order of my subject to the enquiry what it was that produced the overture from Great Britain. For this purpose it will be necessary to ascertain her claims upon the United States and the design with which her measures were adopted and how far those claims have been yielded to. You have seen from the note annexed to the treaty that Great Britain formed an expectation of us, that we should resist the operation of the de-
crees in all its parts; that we should insist upon a right to force British manufactures into France and upon the right of our ships to trade between British & French ports, as much as we were bound to insist on our right to navigate the high seas. The quotation I have made from Mr. Canning's late speech in Parliament shows their orders in council were intended to repeal the whole war made upon British commerce, and the speeches of the other members of the ministry in the two houses declare the distinction which I have set up between the parts of the Berlin decree to be a collusion with France on our part. From this it is clear, that they adhered to the first claim made on the United States under the Berlin decree, that we should resist its whole operation.
On the offer of our government to take off the embargo to Great Britain if she would revoke her orders in council, Mr. Canning produces a full length portrait of his country, which will aid us very much in our enquiries. After stating the attempt to ruin Great Britain through her commerce, he strongly insinuates that the United States were parties to scheme. He declares that the events in Spain had rendered "the universal combination utterly harmless & contemptible," but still "that the reputation of G. B." a reputation which he says, "constitutes a great part of her power, requires that no concession should be made which can be considered as contributing to disappoint the plans of her enemies, that not a doubt should remain to distant times of her determination and ability to have continued her resistance; and that no step which could be mistakenly construed into concession should be taken on her part while the smallest link of the confederacy remains undissolved or while it can be a question whether the plan devised for her destruction has or has not either completely failed or been unequivocally abandoned." He concludes this rant by declaring that these considerations compel his majesty to adhere to the principles of the orders in council, so long as France adheres to the system which occasioned them. He declares that he anticipates from the result of the present misunderstanding a pledge of the long continuance of good understanding between the two countries, as it will be firmly established that Great Britain is not jealous of the prosperity of the United States, and that an intercourse with them is not necessary to her existence.
(To be Continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15.
Mr. Secretary Smith received on the 14th inst. from Mr. Erskine a long and very satisfactory letter in answer to one of the 9th inst. in which Mr. Smith had respectfully requested a candid explanation, as to the conversations, which Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d of January had imputed to Mr. Madison, Mr. Gallatin and himself.
Mr. Erskine has, moreover, in this letter, stated the reasons, which, in the exercise of the discretion given him, had induced him not to lay his instructions before the government of the U. States.
These papers will, no doubt, be communicated in due time to Congress.
There is the strongest reason to believe that the note of Mr. Canning of the 24th of May was not framed as a guide to Mr. Erskine, or with a view to its being communicated to our government, so much as with a view to publication at a proper season to produce an unjust impression of the sentiments of our government and the disposition of his own. Had certain events occurred this celebrated note would never have seen the light. Not having occurred, it is ushered to the public as proof positive of the firm and unwavering conduct of the British ministry and of the pusillanimity of our government! Whatever the catastrophe may be, it is calculated that the plot will answer for a short period. It will in England completely gull the public credulity, and even in this country, to our reproach it must be acknowledged, it will operate to a certain extent as a firebrand of discord. Until the full correspondence is unveiled we must consider the fact of Mr. Erskine's not having communicated this dispatch, or having acted under it, as evidence of the existence of other instructions of a different complexion. But, in the mean time, while the public curiosity and interest are most alive, this is the only paper published. In England it will have the temporary effect of giving popularity to this ministry, by the appearance of firmness on their part, connected with the great gains of her merchants and manufacturers. Although this last result be strictly the
result of the arrangements made by Mr. Erskine, which his government disavows, it has, nevertheless, taken special care to reap the full harvest; and Mr. Canning has probably calculated that the ultimate award of his constituents will be in proportion to the success of his measures, without a nice discrimination with regard to its causes. If the depredations committed on our trade (for they do not merit a milder epithet) under the terms of the disavowal, enrich the English merchant and manufacturer, enable them to resume the activity of their occupations, by purchasing the goods of the former and furnishing raw materials to the latter, and furnish the government with naval supplies so essential to its vigorous career, if they supply the fund for new taxes or loans to aid the operations of Spain and Austria, Mr. Canning doubtless concludes that this breach of good faith towards a rival and a republic will, amidst the blaze of triumph and the intoxication of prosperity, be viewed as a mere peccadillo, if not as an accomplished stratagem. If pressed hard, he will conjure up the plea of necessity, and show that the very existence of his country depended upon the measures resorted to, and he will demand to know of what value the feelings or character of an individual are, compared with the salvation of a nation. If on the contrary, all his gay hopes of triumph and victory fade away, and he and his coadjutors are driven from the royal cabinet by the clamors of a distracted people, this feature in their conduct, it will be presumed, will challenge but little regard amidst the other numerous invasions of principle and justice. The nation too will be likely to be satisfied with their fall, and in the hope of better times look forward instead of backward. The whole conduct of the present English ministry shows that they have hazarded every thing on a successful issue, realising that it is neck or nothing with them.
We republish the following article from the National Intelligencer of the 2d of September last, as evincing the degree of credit due to the assertions of Mr. Canning. Those, who wish to prosecute the enquiry, may consult several subsequent articles in the same print on the same head. It is high time that the character of this man should be understood in this country.
Mr. Canning's Speech. —We inserted in our paper of Friday Mr. Canning's remarks on the existing state of the relations between this country and Great Britain. They embrace several topics; the affair of the Chesapeake, the orders in Council, and generally the alleged amicable disposition of the British administration to the United States; all of which are treated in such a way as to excite the astonishment of any one in the least acquainted with the situation of the two countries. Whatever may have been the intention of the minister, the use made of his allegations on this side of the Atlantic is such as might well have been foreseen. They are every where republished, with copious commentaries, by the enemies of the administration, on the eve of several important elections, to shew its culpable supineness or partiality, and to palliate, if not to justify, the temper of the British cabinet. We may shortly take occasion to notice somewhat in detail the several topics adverted to by Mr. Canning; at present we propose to confine our remarks to that part of his observations which applies most pointedly to the conduct of our government relative to the orders in Council. These are as follows:
"Sir—Since the return of Mr. Rose, no communication has been made by the American government, in the form of complaint, or remonstrance, or intimation of any description whatever. I mention this particularly, because it is notorious that there have been several arrivals from America, supposed to be of great importance, and that several special messengers have reached this country from thence, after having touched at France. But, sir, if the honorable gentleman, in execution of his public duty, had thought fit to move for any communications that had been made by the American government, since the departure of Mr. Rose, my answer must have been, not that his majesty's government were disinclined to make them, but that absolutely there were none to make. If it be asked 'why,' I am unable satisfactorily to reply; I can conjecture, that America has entered into negotiations with France, which are expected to lead to some result, and that the communications of America to this country are to be contingent on that result. This, sir, is conjecture alone, but it is founded on the extraordinary circumstance of so many arrivals without any communications."
This part of Mr. Canning's remarks
requires it most distinct notice, as it is made the foundation of a charge against our government, of evincing a criminal indifference to the restoration of harmony with England by withholding all remonstrance to her government on the orders of Council; while it is more than insinuated that repeated remonstrances have been made to the French government? We pronounce this charge a gross and palpable falsehood, and aver that the measure, either of remonstrance or of action, has been equally and impartially dealt out to both governments. The fact is, that no important aggression on neutral rights has been perpetrated by either France or England without immediate and strenuous remonstrance on the part of our government. The fact is, that with respect to every such aggression, an uniform sentiment has been felt, and an invariable course pursued. When injured, no matter by which nation, redress has been demanded for the wrong, and security against its repetition. The documents published prove this to have been the case down to a late period, and those, which in all probability will be submitted to Congress at their next session, will equally prove it down to the present moment.
To substantiate our allegations beyond the reach of controversy, we shall proceed to specify some of the grounds on which they are made. If they bear hard upon the honor, the veracity or the delicacy of Mr. Canning, it will not be our fault; but that either of himself or his reporter. We shall be perfectly satisfied with understanding that the facts asserted by him, or the impression which the artful structure of the terms in which they are couched is fitted to make, are surreptitious. We shall in the mean time demonstrate either the falsehood of the facts, or of the impression evidently intended to be produced.
The celebrated British orders bear date the 11th, but were not promulgated until the 17th of November last. For some days, however, previous to their publication in the Gazette, a general rumor prevailed that some such measure was on the eve of adoption, and the American merchants, consequently, took the alarm. So strong was this rumor that Mr. Pinkney, our minister at London, deemed it his duty to wait on Mr. Canning, and he accordingly did wait on him on the 11th of November, the very day on which the orders were signed, to enquire with regard to the correctness of the rumor, and to remonstrate, in such case, against the contemplated measure. Mr. Pinkney did not succeed in seeing Mr. Canning, but he saw the under secretary Hammond, to whom he communicated the leading considerations that offered themselves to his mind against the orders. Mr. Hammond neither admitted or denied that a measure was either taken or contemplated, thereby studiously concealing from Mr. Pinkney the fact, as if with the express and deliberate purpose of preventing remonstrance against it, until remonstrance should be too late. But Mr. Pinkney did, notwithstanding, remonstrate against it, not merely with a view to protest against a measure actually taken, but to prevent its being taken. But the die was already cast, and he found to his surprise, a few days after, that the fatal act had been consummated, the Rubicon had been passed, on the very day of his interview, without the least notice or opportunity for explanation or remonstrance.
On the 17th of November the orders appeared in the Gazette in form. Such a marked indignity had been offered to his country by this gigantic outrage on her rights without the least notice or explanation, that Mr. Pinkney might justly have shrouded himself in a proud silence. He might have disdained remonstrance to a government that thus levelled a deadly blow at the prosperity of a nation she called her friend, without apology or notice. But feeling profoundly the deep responsibility of his station as the representative of a pacific nation, he determined to control his feelings, and by making a manly appeal to the justice and magnanimity of the British government, attempt to awaken them to a sense of their interests, and a respect for our rights. This appeal, this remonstrance, was made without delay to Mr. Canning, on the 21st of November, in an interview with him. While Mr. Pinkney was preparing his remonstrance, Mr. Canning asked an interview, when Mr. Canning said he had requested to see him, not with the intention of discussing the general propriety of the orders, for they being now adopted, discussion could answer no valuable purpose, but with the view of explaining such of their provisions as might be supposed to be liable to misconstruction.
Thus was the door forcibly closed by Mr. Canning upon all explanation, or remonstrance, by the unqualified

elation that discussion could answer no valuable purpose.
But Mr. Pinkney, confident of his power to expose the injustice of the orders, and entertaining, it would appear, some hope of the good effects of sound argument, insensibly led to a conversation upon the whole subject, in which he exposed the injustice of the orders, their unreasonableness and impolicy, and their destructive operation as well upon belligerent as neutral nations, as well upon Great Britain herself as upon the United States.
But his remonstrance was unavailing. It was received with a silence that proved that the administration had unequivocally decided on their new system, which had, no doubt, been long meditated in secret. All that could be got from Mr. Canning, on the enquiry of Mr. Pinkney whether Mr. Rose was authorised to advise the American government of the orders, was, that his mission had a special object, and that it was not meant that his functions should interfere with those of Mr. Erskine, to whom a communication of the orders would be made, as soon as they should be freed from ambiguities and defects by the judgment of practical men being exercised upon them.
So far it appears that every avenue to remonstrance in England was closed by the British government, and that its future theatre, if to be found anywhere, was located in this country. Accordingly on the 23d of February, the orders, three months and a half after their date, were formally communicated by Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of State, accompanied by a letter, communicated to Congress at their last session, specifying the grounds on which they were issued. To this letter the Secretary of State replied in a strong and comprehensive remonstrance. A copy of this reply was sent to Mr. Pinkney by the April packet, the receipt of which Mr. Pinkney acknowledges on the 30th of May, by which conveyance Mr. Erskine indistinctly likewise sent a copy of it, which must have been received by his government at the same time, and at least twenty-four days previous to the delivery of the speech ascribed to Mr. Canning.
However, then, Mr. Canning may equivocally say "since the return of Mr. Rose (who reached England about the end of April) or since his departure from this country (about the first of April) no communication has been MADE by the American government in the form of complaint or remonstrance," the fact is, that such a communication, made at a period anterior to both those events, has been RECEIVED, and to this day remains unanswered. The fact is that the American government, through its minister at London, strenuously endeavored to prevent the orders, altogether by remonstrating against them anterior, as he supposed, to their existence; that he afterwards, as soon as he was apprised of their existence, more fully and pointedly remonstrated against them to Mr. Canning, who informed him that remonstrance could answer no valuable purpose; that Mr. Canning closed the door against all further remonstrance in England by making Mr. Erskine the organ of communicating and explaining the orders to our government here; that Mr. Erskine accordingly communicated and justified them in his letter to the Secretary of State of the 23d of February; and that, finally, the Secretary of State returned a full reply or remonstrance which remains unanswered. If there be an American, who, after this explanation, would have his government humiliate itself by further remonstrance, which could only serve to court still higher indignity, while too the outrage on the Chesapeake remains unatoned, he is unworthy of the name.
It is only necessary, to prevent all cavil, further to say, that the letter of Mr. Pinkney, to which we have alluded, was among the documents presented to Congress at their last session, and was read in the Senate with open doors, and that for the dates of the other papers we applied to the proper sources of authority.
Defence of Mr. Jefferson's administration.—No. IV.
Provision for the rapid discharge of the public debt. —In the animated canvass which preceded the election of Mr. Jefferson, the public creditors bore a conspicuous part. The opinion had been diligently propagated that he, as well as the republican party generally, were hostile to the funding system, and that its overthrow would be among the earliest trophies of their triumph. Although no imputation could be more unjust, it is probably true that Mr. Jefferson and the republicans generally would have preferred a different system for the support of the public credit and the discharge of the public debt, it being well known that Mr. Madison, on the floor of Congress, strenuously contended for a
principle of discrimination between the original and final owner of the evidences of the public debt. This, with another important consideration, had probably produced this opinion. The funding system was the offspring of Mr. Hamilton's policy, and was relied upon by him as the efficient instrument of his ambition. It had accordingly been made the pivot on which many of the most disputable of his measures had turned, and to which Mr. Jefferson had made an undistinguished opposition. The public creditors were, therefore, viewed by Hamilton as a fortress, which he might depend upon in every exigency, either for carrying on active operations against his political opponents, or for defending himself against their offensive warfare. And such, it must be acknowledged, was their devotion to their chief, that there were few sacrifices they would not have cheerfully incurred to promote his views. Under his wand, there had in fact risen into sudden existence property to the amount of eighty millions of dollars, principally, too, in the hands of the inhabitants of states east of the Poto-
mac. Had Mr. Jefferson and his political friends really cherished the feelings ascribed to them, had they been governed by personal or local motives, their first act, after getting into power, would have been to have applied a sponge to the whole debt, or essentially to have modified it. By this they would have razed the strong fortress of their enemy, they would have overwhelmed him with their power, and have liberated the southern and western country from their quota of taxes paid for the discharge of the public debt, amounting to near four millions of annual dollars, which, so far from conferring on them any benefit, had a constant tendency to impoverish them, by draining the south and the west for the aggrandisement of the east.
So far, however, from this, the very first measures of the administration evinced an honorable determination rigidly to comply with the public engagements; and not satisfied with continuing to apply the same sum, which had previously been devoted to the public debt, immediate arrangements were, without delay, adopted for the application of a much larger sum, pledged to this object under the most solemn sanctions. By this means, the public credit has been completely established and an ability in the government created to borrow money, on an emergency, to almost any amount, at the same time that the existing debt has undergone the most rigid reduction.
When the new administration commenced, "no effectual provision for the final redemption of the public debt existed," as appears by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. This provision was made at the first session under Mr. Jefferson's Presidency by the permanent appropriation of the annual sum of 7,300,000, which has been ever since faithfully applied without intermission, together with the additional sum of 800,000 dollars since the purchase of Louisiana. In this report it was stated that, under this application, the public debt would on the first of January, 1810, be reduced to 44,592,739 dollars, and would within the year 1817 be totally discharged. The prediction, fanciful as it was then deemed, has, so far as time has allowed, been fully realised, notwithstanding the distracted state of the world, and in particular, notwithstanding the severe measure of the embargo forced upon us by the injustice of the belligerent powers. By a late statement of the Secretary of the Treasury, it appears that the whole existing public debt on the 1st of Jan. 1809, amounted to 56,647,663 dollars, notwithstanding the augmentation of it by 11,250,000 occasioned by the debt incurred in the purchase of Louisiana.
By the same statement it appears that the capital of the debt, reimbursed from April 1, 1801, to Jan. 1, 1809, amounts to 33,600,000 exclusively of more than six millions paid during the same period, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty and convention with G. Britain, and of the Louisiana convention.
It is a memorable circumstance, no less honorable to Mr. Gallatin, than to the administration, that in the disbursement of above sixty millions of dollars, a considerable portion of which was remitted abroad, the U. States have not, either through negligence or fraud, lost a dollar.
The public debt, being thus reduced in a sum equal to 33,600,000 millions of dollars, the situation of the nation is in this degree changed for the better, without too any augmentation of taxes, for the amount given up by the repeal of the internal taxes and the duty on salt considerably exceeds that accruing from the Mediterranean fund, the only new tax imposed during Mr. Jefferson's administration.
So far then as the public credit is
involved, the measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration have equalled, nay surpassed the most sanguine expectation. New lustre has been conferred upon us as a nation; a firmness and stability has been given to this valuable instrument of power; and our government has received a tone, equally fitted hereafter to uphold the national faith inviolate, and to insure an early discharge of such debts as our exigencies may render unavoidable.
The following article is from the Charleston Courier, a print heretofore decidedly federal.
"The news of a disavowal by the British ministry of Mr. Erskine's late act of arrangement with this country, and their denial of any powers in him to conclude such arrangement, has wrought up the public mind to a state of agitation but rarely equalled. As far as we have heard or seen there is but one sentiment held on this subject; a sentiment of mingled indignation and sorrow—indignation at the shameful & treacherous manner in which the good faith and honesty of our government have been abused—and sorrow, that the relations of amity and friendship between us and the British nation, which appeared to be in such a happy state of accommodation, should be thus broken up by a mistaken spirit of discord on the part of England. There will be no division of opinion on these matters throughout the whole of the U. S. Every American will make up his mind without hesitation—it will require no time to deliberate upon the question, whether we shall surrender ourselves a football to the insulting power of any nation, or whether we shall rise up with a determined resolution to defend our honor and our best interests—No! In such an alternative we shall hesitate not—debate not—divide not, but, with one voice and with one impulse of honorable zeal and adoration of this our country, we will vindicate the reputation and the rights of the American People, with an ardor and vigor, that in the cause of justice cannot but be crowned with success."
"We have suffered much, and have suffered long, from the unjust conduct of the powers of Europe; but these sufferings have by no means destroyed the spirit of stubborn resistance against oppression, in the bosom of Americans; and the honest fear of infamy and disgrace, we trust, will forever keep our national character exalted in our own eyes, and in the eyes of the world. Our independence cost us too much blood and too much treasure, to be surrendered to any domineering foreign potentate; neither will we tamely submit to bear the loads of disgrace which the enemies of this country may endeavor to heap upon us. The strength of the American states, if well disposed and directed by a wise and active administration, is sufficient for all defensive purposes, and is entirely adequate to repel the lawless aggressions of any hostile power; and if such power were now arrayed against us, we would not be found wanting in the hour of peril. We deprecate such a trial—we love peace, and detest the murderous trade of war, and we hope that no efforts, either in this country or abroad, will bring us into a state of hostility. Every one cherished the hope, that with England, at least, our peace was about to be made—Her late obnoxious decrees we were led to believe, upon the best authority, were withdrawn on the 10th of June, and this accommodation was looked upon as the prelude to a final and solid treaty of amity and commerce between America and England, honorable and advantageous to both the contracting parties—all good men rejoiced at this; all parties hailed the restoration of our trade with Great Britain as a national blessing—and one general feeling of grateful joy pervaded the country. But, behold! as we were about to take a full draught of the proffered bliss, the cup is dashed from our lips, and we are tantalized, vexed and disappointed!"
"The base and foul deception practised upon the American government, has for its author either the British Ministry or Mr. Erskine. As we must have hard thoughts of either one or the other and do not think that both were equally concerned in the plot, we lay all the sin at the door of the former. Mr. Erskine's character ranks too high in the estimation of all who know him, to allow us for a moment to believe that he would be an agent in a treacherous attempt to deceive and to injure the citizens of this country. Neither can it be supposed that Mr. Erskine is so blind, so weak and so little versed in the nature and language of diplomatic papers as to mistake the extent of powers which were delegated to him by his masters. If he has committed such a blunder we trust that he will never more pretend to act in the capacity of a Minister resident, either here or any where else."
"The probability, and almost the certainty then is, that the British Ministry refuse to carry into effect the arrangement which they warranted their
agent in this country to make—and here must end all faith—all confidence and all belief in the integrity, honour and justice of Mr. Canning, and his associates in the administration. If the pledged honor and faithful guarantee of a nation are thus made a sport of, we can no longer trust them, nor any longer believe them to be honest."
"Mr. Madison, without doubt, will sift this business to the bottom, and if his honest and friendly intentions have been thus made the panders to his country's disgrace, we are sure, that, he will pursue those steps that so critical and difficult a situation requires. He will find himself supported by every honest man in America, and in no difficulties that he may encounter, will he be deserted by any individual in the country who makes any pretensions to the character of an American citizen."
"After all we have our hopes that this business will not end so badly as it would seem at first view to promise."
From the Salem Register. We do not receive from Russia any new arrangements for the nobles of the ancient or any modern establishment, but Russia is busy in the plan of extending its European provinces, and in providing the most extensive internal communications. The war is to determine what success may be hoped in the extension of the empire. The industry of the nation will publish the increase of inland improvements. To unite the Baltic and Caspian by the Neva and Volga by a new canal is to afford them above twelve hundred miles of inland navigation. This is to be joined by another from the Ladoga Lake which has been finished 80 years, and in which the barks freely pass, and in the first year 650 passed. Another canal is to unite the Baltic and Black sea by the Duna and Dnieper. This was finished in a few years, and is to be completed immediately. Another still more westerly is to open the Niemen with the Dnieper in the Courland Canal. This enters the Baltic at Memel, and a vessel has passed by it to the Black sea. It is to be united with the banks of Riga. The Western Bug is to be united with the Dnieper by the king's canal. To these enterprises are to be added the projected works for a junction of the Dwina and Neva, the Pernau and Narova. The Duna and Neva by Lake Ilmen and the canals, so to interlock that the Duna shall communicate below Riga, and all the navigation communicate in all its branches.
We also learn from Germany, that the second section of the canal of the Rhine and Meuse near Ness, and that empties at Ventoo, is in three parts finished. The fourth unites the Rhine with the Nethe.
We are not without corresponding improvements in our own country, and our natural advantages very much facilitate such designs. A barge from New Orleans of 50 tons reached Nashville upon the Cumberland in 87 days—it was 87 feet long, and 16 wide. With small expence, this whole navigation might be safe for vessels of 100 tons.
New York, Aug. 12. Yesterday morning, arrived at this port, the United States Sloop of War, Wasp, Lt. Laurence, from a cruise, last from Philadelphia.
Boston, Aug. 9. LATEST FROM ENGLAND. Yesterday the schooner Enterprise, Captain Vinal arrived here in a short passage from Belfast, in Ireland. We have been favored with a file of Belfast papers to the 3d of July, which contain London intelligence to the 28th June, 7 days later.
The news articles from Germany have been anticipated by the French papers, except a few particulars which they had remembered to forget.
The Duke of Brunswick continued to carry on an active predatory war in Saxony; and the Archduke Charles had detached some eight or ten thousand men of his army, into Saxony, under General Amende, who had captured Dresden, Wetzburg and Leipsic. Three thousand Saxons had been surrounded by them and taken prisoners.
Sixty thousand men of the Hungarian insurrection were on their march to reinforce the archduke Charles. After Marshal Lefebvre left the Tyrol to reinforce the grand army, the Tyrolese rose & massacred the French detachments.
The French conscription in Holland was violently opposed.
Prussia is to remain neutral. A great number of French privateers has been laid up, and the crews sent to the Danube.
Some hundreds of the French who had escaped the massacre of the Spaniards in the recapture of St. Andero, by flying on board the British ships, had arrived in England.
A great expedition was fitting out of England. From 3 1/2 to 40,000 men
were to be employed and commanded by the Earl of Chatham, Gen. Hope, &c. Sir Home Popham was to command the naval force.
Ld. Grenville Liverson Gower is appointed British Secretary of War, vice Ld. Murray.
Letters from H. Brand stated that several English & American vessels had been condemned in Rio.
The English stocks continued rising—June 26th, 3 per cent were at 69 1/2.
Captain Vinal informs that much anxiety existed in the minds of Americans in Ireland, for the fate of the numerous vessels bound to the North of Europe:—That the Dunes were capturing every thing in the Baltic they could find; and that insurance on the American vessels from England and Ireland was at 40 per cent, to return 19, in case of sailing with a British convoy.
The English papers contain many reports which time has contradicted, and which we have no room to particularise.
LATEST FROM SPAIN. Captain Taylor, arrived yesterday from Cadiz, in forty five days, mentions, that the French army of about 25 000 men, was about 150 miles from Cadiz, (in Estremadura, no doubt) but that the inhabitants entertained no fears of their nearer approach. Barcelona still remained in possession of the French. Captain Taylor brought no papers.
FROM CADIZ, JUNE 23. "Our political situation is growing better every day. The French army is retiring from Estremadura. The English and Spanish armies are advancing in pursuit of it; and we now daily expect an engagement, the result of which we doubt not will be favorable to the arms of Spain."
I wish to Dispose of FIFTY SHARES IN THE WASHINGTON BRIDGE, On a credit. A LINDO, Sebastian Spring. August 16—
100 DOLLARS LOST. ON the 14th inst. I lost near Mr. Barry's Wharf a Baltimore Bill of One hundred Dollars. This therefore is to request all Store and Shopkeepers in Washington city, Georgetown and Alexandria, to stop said note, if offered to be changed by any suspicious person, as perhaps some such may have picked the same up. I will give a reward of 20 Dollars to any person who will return said bill to me. JOS. VARDEN. August 16—3t
A RENAIK. ABSCONDED last Saturday evening, the 12th instant my House Servant, ANTHONY, about 19 years of age, about 5 feet 8 inches in height, straight, slender and active; a dark mulatto, club foot, with several small shot scars over his right eye, the shot can, it is believed, be felt just above his right eyelid; this mark occasioned by his having been accidentally shot when a child. He took with him a great variety of clothes; among which are recollected 2 fine Irish linen shirts marked C. G. 2 white Marseilles waistcoats, pantaloons of cotton and Malta nankeen, several round abouts, one dyed with arnego, one yellow and blue lined, one white cotton and two brown linen shirts, a round black hat, a pair of new shoes, &c. &c. and it is believed a large carving knife, with white ivory handle. This boy has evidently been persuaded to leave me. A reward of Forty Dollars will be given to any person who will bring him to me, if found within 30 miles of this city; if found a greater distance from the city, then that reward will be given to any person who will secure him in jail, so that I can claim him again; to any person finding him within the district and bringing him to me I will give 20 dollars. C. W. GOLDSBOROUGH. August 16—
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an order of the Orphans Court of the county of Washington, will be exposed to Sale on Tuesday, the 22d day of August, inst. at the late dwelling house of Elizabeth Whitewood, deceased, in Georgetown, all the Personal Property, of the said deceased, consisting of Household and Kitchen Furniture, such as beds, Bedsteads and, Curtains, Tables, Chairs, Bureau, Clothes press, Franklin and Ten plate Stove, China and Glass Ware, Carpets, Looking Glasses, &c. &c. also a Mitch Cow. ANN B. POWELL, Adm'r.
N. B. The above property will be sold on the following terms:—For all purchases under 20 dollars, cash; from 20 to 50 dollars, a credit of 60 days; and above 50 dollars, 90 days: the purchasers giving notes negotiable at the Bank of Columbia, or Office of Discount and Deposit, Washington, with good endorsers. The sale will commence at 10 o'clock in the morning. August 16—3t
SUGARS, WINES, TEAS, PORK, &c. W. and C. SMITH having received, by the Ceres, Capt. Weeks, from N. York. 20 hds excellent Havana Muscovado Sugar. 10 Casks fresh Hyson and Young Hyson Teas. 40 Quarter Casks Tenerife, Lisbon, Sherrey and Catalonia Wines. 10 Boxes Claret, 1 doz. each. 50 Doz. Fresh London Mustard. 1 Case fresh Nutmegs. 34 Barrels N. York Prime Pork very superior quality. And a few Puncheons of well flavored Antigua Rum. Geo. Town, Aug. 16—law3w.

FOR SALE. By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND late the property of John D. Scott, deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco.
This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase.
F. S. KEY, Trustee.
July 3—tdos W. & C. SMITH, HAVE for Sale at their Warehouse near the Ferry— Loaf and Lump Sugar in hds and barrels, Prime Muscovado do. do. do. 2d and 3d quantity do. do. do. Hyson, Young Hy. } TEAS son, Hyson skin } in Chests, Boxes and and Imperial } Cannisters, Coffee, Chocolate, Pepper and Allspice, Nutmegs and Cloves, Sweet Oil in Baskets and Boxes, Indigo and Copperas, Best 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Bourdeaux and Marseilles Brandy, Holland and Anchor Gin, Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, old and fit for immediate use, Old and New Whiskey, Madera, Port, Sherry, Teneriffe, Corsica, Seicily, and Catalonia Wines, Claret in boxes 1 doz. each, Best chewing Tobacco, Demijohns, Casks, &c. &c. George Town. July 3—cp
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, At Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 5th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq. and are the same on which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof of heavy timbered. The uplands consist of about 1000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable.
The premises will be shown to persons inclining to purchase, by Col. James Moore, who lives on them, or by Samuel Blackwell, Esq. who lives near to them; and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to THOMAS ROBINSON, Near Chester, Delaware, Or to W. LEWIS, at Philadelphia. June 7—tds.
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have built a commodious house adjoining the Store of the Purser of the Navy and opposite to Wm. Prout's, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction. NICHOLAS L. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29—tf.
FOR SALE. Or to be rented for a term of years, or on perpetual ground rent, A NUMBER of well built brick houses, several of which are immediately tenantable—situate on Greenleaf's pont—Also, house lots in almost every part of the city. Apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAMUEL ELIOT, junr. July 6—8w
ROMULUS RIGGS, Has just received and opening at his New Cash Store, a complete and well selected assortment of SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, Which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices. As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Goods, to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell. CASH GIVEN FOR TOBACCO inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse.
FOR RENT, THE upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a genteel family, if application is immediately made. June 9—tf.
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offer for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best salad Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 24—tf
FOR SALE, Four handsome RAY COACH HORSES well broke, perfectly sound, and go steadily together in harness—Price for the set 900 dollars, or a choice of pairs at 500 dollars. Apply to JOHN TAYLOR. Mount Airy, August 11—3t
A VALUABLE FARM FOR SALE. Will be sold in pursuance of the last Will and Testament of Samuel Turner, Esq. deceased, at Public Sale on the premises on the 15th day of November next (if not previously disposed of, and in case of sale notice will be given) that very valuable Farm in Montgomery county late the residence of the said deceased; containing about Seven Hundred Acres of Land, Three Hundred Acres at least in wood and fine timber; the residue under good enclosures and every acre arable; lays level and remarkably well for cultivation and may be made very rich in a few years by the use of plaster and clover; in fact, it is as desirable a farm as any in the county of its size and may be very conveniently divided to accommodate purchasers; it lies about 18 miles from Georgetown and the city of Washington, five from Montgomery court house and within three miles of the Potomac River.
A further description is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed that those inclined to purchase will view the property. The terms of sale, which will be accommodating, may be known by applying to the subscribers living in Georgetown, district of Columbia, or will be made known on the day of sale. THO: TURNER, SAM: TURNER, Executors.
July 23—tdos
NOTICE. WHEREAS Horatio Moore of Charles county, has by his deed of trust, assigned to the subscriber all his property, Real & Personal, in trust to pay all such his creditors as shall sign the said deed on or before the 15th day of August next—This is therefore to notify all such persons as are interested, that they are requested to sign the said deed, or authorise their attorney, so to do, otherwise they will be deprived of all advantage therefrom. And whereas the said Horatio Moore has by his power of attorney, authorised the subscriber to collect all monies due to him the said Horatio Moore; all such persons as are indebted to him are requested to make payment to the subscriber. PETER HOFFMAN, Jr. Baltimore, Baltimore street, No. 103.
N. B. Attention to the above notice is respectfully requested, as it is highly probable in case the debts due to him the said Horatio Moore can be collected the assigned property will be more than sufficient to cover all his debts. P. H. July 26—tawtA15
A GREAT BARGAIN OFFERED FOR fourteen thousand dollars. I will sell seven hundred acres of Rich Land lying in Calvert county, State of Maryland, beautifully situated on the banks of the river Patuxent and Saint Leonard's Creek, within one easy day's sail of the Baltimore market, and four miles from Saint Leonard's Town post-office. This Land has on it a commodious two story brick mansion house, lately erected, of the very best materials, with a dry cellar under the whole house, eight good rooms and a large garret—also, kitchen, corn house, stables, two very large barns and many other out-houses all in good repair, and would divide very handsomely into two farms. The soil is equal to any in the state for the culture of Indian corn, tobacco, wheat and clover, and no farm on the river can boast of more constant running springs of water, or better grazing land—about four hundred acres are the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river, the remainder is wavy high Land, very productive, on which stands a plentiful supply of fine red cedar for fencing, oak, hickory and pine for firewood. The waters here abound in the best of oysters, fish, and wild-fowl—the neighborhood is healthy, genteel and agreeable—I will sell the growing crop on the land, furnish hands, &c. to finish the same—also, a good stock of black cattle, horses, sheep and hogs—and give a long credit on two thirds of the purchase money, the interest to be paid annually—the remaining third part thereof must be cash—possession may be had immediately. HENRY GARDINER. St. Leonard's, Calvert County, July 24—w6
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD. ABSCONDED on the 21st of July last, from the subscriber, (manager at the farm of Mr. Isaac Duckett, on South river, near Annapolis) Negro TOM, a small black fellow, lost the sight of one eye. Had on when he absconded, osnaburg shirt and trowsers. Any person taking up said Negro and bringing him to the subscriber, or securing him in jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. This Negro was purchased of Capt. J. S. Brooks about five years since; it is probable he may be in the neighborhood of Upper Marlborough. HENRY BASFORD. August 7—tf
BY HIS EXCELLENCY, EDWARD LLOYD, ESQ. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been officially represented to me that a certain Thomas Burke, who has lately been sentenced by the judges of Washington county court, to suffer death, for a Rape committed on the body of Catharine Maria Brawner, an infant under the age of 12 years, made his escape from Washington county jail, on the evening of the 4th July inst. And whereas it is obviously the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to bring all malefactors to justice—I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation, and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer Three hundred Dollars Reward to any person or persons who shall apprehend and bring to justice the said Thomas Burke. Given under my hand, and the seal of the state of Maryland, this 15th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1809, and the independence of the United States of America, the thirty-fourth. EDWARD LLOYD. By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week for the space of six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette and Maryland Republican at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, Bartgis's paper at Fredericktown, and in the Star at Easton. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY. July 31—taw6w
COMMERCIAL COMPANY. In store, and landing, from on board the Ceres, capt. Weeks, and for sale on the usual terms. MUSCOVADO Sugar, Rum, Gin, Cognac, Brandy, Coffee, Imperial, Hyson & Y Hyson Tea, Almonds, Nutmegs, Cloves, Mace, Cinnamon, Pepper, Ginger, Spermaceti and Tallow Candles, Soap, Fig Blue—Mess and Prime Pork, Corks, Sheet Iron, Tin, and a few boxes of Pipes—Gun-powder and shot. Also, Madera, Marseilles, Lisbon, Sherry, Catalonia & Claret Wine. JOSEPH FORREST, Prest. Aug. 11—cor3w
The subscriber offers for sale that elegant and valuable estate, called WILTON, lying nine miles below Richmond. The dwelling house is not inferior to any in the state; the offices are commodious; the garden and yard are handsomely laid out. The situation combines so many advantages, that I am unwilling to give a description of it, wishing any gentleman who is disposed of purchase, to come and view it. It may not be amiss however to observe, that James river runs 100 yards from the door of the house, that vessels of five hundred hogsheads have loaded at Warwick, one mile above it; that the water carriage to Richmond is only six miles, that there is a good shed and herring fishery, and that wild fowl are frequently procured. A small GRIST MILL is attached to it on a stream that runs through the plantation.
2000 ACRES OF LAND, Lying on Fighting Creek, Powhatan county, two miles from the Court House, which will be divided into two or more lots to suit purchasers. This land is well watered and calculated for the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco. For terms apply to the subscriber residing in Richmond, or William Berkeley, in Powhatan. WILLIAM RANDOLPH. Richmond, June 23—w3m.
SPIRITS OF TURPENTINE. A few Barrels of excellent quality FOR SALE, At H. CATLETT's Drug Store, F street next door to the Bank. August 10—3t
PUBLIC SALE. In virtue of a Decree of the Chancery Court, the subscriber will expose to Public Sale the following property, (formerly owned by Wm. Hammond, deceased) to wit: PARTNERSHIP, containing in the whole 934 acres of Land. This tract is situated on the head of Severn, in Anne Arundel county, adjoining Maj. Philip Hammond's mill, and will be divided into two Lots— Lot No. 1, will contain 366 acres. Lot No. 2, will contain 568 acres. The whole of the above land is in timber, and about four miles from navigable water. A more particular description is thought unnecessary, as those inclined to purchase will examine and judge for themselves. On application the land will be shown by Mr. Valentine Brown, living near the premises. The sale will be made at Maj. Hammond's mill, on the 25th day of August next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, and will commence at 12 o'clock. The terms are, one fifth of the purchase money on the day of sale, or ratification thereof by the Chancellor, the residue in four equal annual instalments, with interest from the day of sale. BASIL BROWN, Trustee. August 7—w3t
The editors of the Federal Gazette and the American, at Baltimore, Fredericktown Herald, the National Intelligencer, and Mr. Smith's paper at Easton, are requested to insert the above in their papers once a week three times, and send their accounts to the Post-master at Annapolis. August 7—w3t
EIGHTY DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber on the 5th inst. a mulatto lad—JIM—who is about seventeen years of age, has straight black hair, lately cut, and black eyes. He had on when he absconded from me, a short blue kersey jacket and blue pantalettes patched with white, a large pair of laced shoes, an old hat, osnaburg shirt, with an old handkerchief round his neck—he has a father living in the city of Washington, near the navy yard, by the name of George, or George Beall, who served his time with Mr. John Addison, Junr. and a mother by the name of Sophy, who I sold to her husband a few years past, and expect he will make to them or probably to Baltimore as he has some friends and relations there also. I will give forty dollars for securing said lad in jail so that I get him again, or the above reward if taken out of the district of Columbia or state of Maryland. RACHEL PRATT, Prince George's County, June 18th, 1809. June 19—3t&wtf
TO BE LET And entered on the 27th of this month, The HOUSE in F street in the occupation of J. M. Baker. Likewise to be LET and entered on the 15th of September, the HOUSE on the Pennsylvania avenue, now occupied by Wm. Cooper. For particulars enquire of WM. COCKING, 19th street west. July 12—wtf
PATENT WASHING MACHINE. A Newly invented Patent Washing Machine, far superior to any heretofore in use, may be had of the subscriber, who has the Patent Right for the district of Columbia. I am so well satisfied of the inestimable value of this machine from a trial of one of them more than two months, that I purpose to have one made that any family wishing to purchase can first make a trial of. JNO. THOMAS, 3rd. May 24—3t&wtf
IN THE CASE OF EDWARD GANTT an insolvent debtor in the county aforesaid Six months from and after the first day of March next is limited and appointed for the creditors of said insolvent to bring in and exhibit their claims to the trustee. Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist once a month during said time. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, Esq. chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Ck. February 23, 1809. Those indebted to the insolvent's estate are hereby noticed to pay the same without delay, otherwise suit will be brought for recovery. THOMAS HENRY, Trustee. March 27—taw6w
IN COUNCIL. Annapolis, June 26, 1809. ORDERED, that the act, entitled, An act to alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the constitution and Form of Government, be published twice in each week, for the space of three months, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette, and Maryland Republican, at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Easton Star, Mr. Grieves's paper at Hagerstown, and Mr. Bartgis's paper at Fredericktown. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
AN ACT To alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the Constitution and Form of Government. BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That hereafter, upon the death, resignation or removal out of this state of the governor, it shall not be necessary to call a meeting of the legislature to fill the vacancy occasioned thereby, but the first named of the Council for the time being shall qualify and act as governor until the next meeting of the general assembly, at which meeting a governor shall be chosen in the manner heretofore appointed and directed. And be it enacted, That hereafter no governor shall be capable of holding any other office of profit during the time for which he shall be elected. And be it enacted, That so much of the thirty-second and thirty-seventh articles of the constitution and form of government as is repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby abrogated and abolished. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alteration and amendment of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. July 3—taw3m.
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE. By Virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dun, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last will & testament of Robert Means, dec'd. Richmond, July 19—tf
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. LHERBETTE, 81, Maiden Lane, New-York. To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe, at the city of Washington. May 19—ep4m.
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery authorised by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA. SCHEME. 2 prizes of $10,000 each 20,000 2 5,000 10,000 2 2,500 5,000 3 1,000 3,000 6 500 3,000 15 200 3,000 30 100 3,000 60 50 3,000 150 20 3,000 300 10 3,000 13,800 5 69,000 35,630 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize. 50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Albion, esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery. Part of the above prizes determinable as follows: The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each. do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500 do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500 do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000 do. The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do. Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest. Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city, December 12—wtf
NOTICE. ALL Citizens, Native or Naturalized of the United States, having occasion to pass into Foreign Countries under the protection of passports from the Department of State, are notified that, it being found necessary to change the form heretofore in use, all applications for passports must be accompanied by a Notarial Certificate of the height, complexion, color of the hair and eyes, as well as such marks natural or artificial as may serve to identify the applicant, beside which proof of citizenship will be required. Department of State, August 1, 1809. The several Printers in the United States who publish the Laws of the United States are requested to insert this notice three times.
TO PRINTERS. THE Editor of the Monitor, having ascertained that his subscription was not sufficient to sustain the expense of his establishment, has been compelled to relinquish it. To the very few who have, from the nature of their payments, exceeded in amount what was actually due, the balance will be refunded as occasion may offer; and the many who are in arrears for small sums, are solicited for speedy payment. In the mean time, to enable the Editor of the Monitor to discharge debts incurred in the course of publishing his paper, and as he will relinquish the printing business, he offers his printing materials for sale. They consist of a very snug office, for any person disposed to institute a paper in a country town, or elsewhere. Independent of a press, a font of Small Pica, of Long Primer and English, Roman and Italic, (the two latter nearly new) there are stands, cases, brass and other galley, excellent brass column rules, good composing sticks, chases, ink and balls, every thing, in short, so that a publication in the newspaper way may be set on foot at once, without delay. They will be sold at a fair valuation price by two disinterested persons of the profession, for cash, or notes at sixty days, with approved endorsers, residing in Washington. The articles may be seen by applying to the Editor of the late Monitor, at his residence in F street, corner of eleventh, city of Washington.—Application by letter from a distance, should have the postage paid. J. B. COLVIN. Washington City, August 3d, 1809—3t
TICKETS, HALVES, QUARTERS AND EIGHTHS, FOR SALE AT JOSEPH MILLIGAN'S, GEORGETOWN Distant adventurers by enclosing bank notes post paid shall have the tickets and shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, & the earliest information of their success. During the drawing, a correct Check book will be kept for the examination of tickets gratis. Prizes in the late Philadelphia, and New-York Lotteries taken in payment. ** Present price of ticket's 10 1-2 dolls. but will shortly advance. J Milligan has now on hand, and constantly keeps for Sale, a large supply of Books and Stationery. School Books, Writing paper and Playing Cards.
THIS is to give notice, that the Subscriber of Prince George's county hath obtained from the Orphans court of Prince Georges county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Samuel Lushy late of Prince Georges county, deceased; all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the tenth day of February next, or they may otherwise by law be excluded from all the benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this fourth day of August 1809. JOHN LUSBY Exr. August 4—w6t