The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-08-22 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCXIV.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 22, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Foreign Intelligence.
CONSTANTINOPLE, May 12.
The Turkish government is busily employed in the equipment of from 30 to 40 ships, among which are 10 of the line of different sizes. It was first intended to equip only 7. This fleet will be ready for sea at the end of the month; the troops that are to be embarked on board the squadron are daily exercised and trained according to the new system.
The Grand Vizier is now employed in putting in motion a great number of troops, which have also been trained and disciplined in the European manner. They are to form a corps de reserve in the rear of the army which is to march into Servia against the rebels.
Montieur, June 19.
MAY 25.
Count Italinski, envoy of Russia, has announced to the Porte, that his art and resolved to send two ships of war, with French troops, from Sebastopol to Corfu, and that these ships would arrive within a few days, at the entrance of the canal at Constantinople. The Reis Effendi replied, that the Porte, under the present circumstances, could not grant a passage for these troops without drawing upon itself the reproaches of another great power.
MADRID, May 22.
The signing of a commercial treaty with Prussia, which was nearly concluded, has been postponed on account of the rupture between G. Britain and Prussia.
ITALY, May 26.
Extract of a private letter from Vienna, June 4.
"Though I cannot absolutely vouch for the authenticity of the following letter, which is circulated privately here, yet I cannot refrain from sending you a copy of it, as it is certainly not unsuitable to the character of the man to whom it is ascribed."
"TO THE KING OF BAVARIA."
"Sir & Brother,"
"I made you a king, and from particular esteem and respect for your person, sent you my ministers at war and able counsellors to organize and direct the administration of your states; yet, though you have enjoyed these advantages full four months, you have done nothing really useful, and I consequently have reason to believe that you do not possess the qualities necessary to govern well. I must therefore advise you to abdicate in favor of your son, of whom I have conceived better hopes. As I wish and expect your acquiescence in this proposal, I shall take care to secure to you a suitable pension."
"NAPOLEON."
NAPLES, May 26.
On Wednesday the French attacked Civitella del Fronte, a post occupied by the troops of the former king, under the command of an Irish officer. The town was carried by assault. The French troops prepared to undermine the fort, for the purpose of blowing it up, but fortunately the effusion of blood has been saved. The garrison, composed of 200 men, surrendered at discretion. The fort is not considerable, but the position is very commanding.
June 3.
Since the taking of the little fortress of Civitella del Fronte, which the French troops carried last month by assault, nothing is left unreduced through the whole kingdom of Naples, Gaeta excepted. This place, which the prince of Hesse persists in defending, is to be attacked with more vigour than has hitherto been used. The army encamped under its walls has been considerably augmented. The works and the trenches before the place are now completed, and very formidable batteries are open upon the place, night and day.
VIENNA, June 2.
From the frontiers of Turkey they write, that the chief part of the Servian army had left the banks of the Drina, and had laid close siege to Belgrade. They have erected 3 batteries, from which they greatly annoy the garrison. The Turks made a sally, to destroy one of these, but the attempt failed. To judge from the ardour of the assailants and the wants of the garrison, it cannot be expected to hold out long.
HAMBURG, June 30.
The fate of Germany is decided, and the new constitution, projected by Bonaparte, will appear in a few days—Cardinal Fesch is the bearer of it. This free imperial city is fortunately to retain its liberties, under the immediate auspices of the king of Prussia. The whole plan shows that Bonaparte aims at universal monarchy.
ROTTERDAM, JUNE 20.
On Wednesday last, his majesty Louis Bonaparte, king of Holland, his royal
comfort, children and retinue, arrived from Breda, at the ferry of Gatten-drecht, opposite Rotterdam, where they were received and presented with refreshments by his excellency vice-admiral Verhuel, minister of the marine, conducted by a deputation from the council, by the Mayor and Schepens of that city. On the signal being given by the watches of the marine stationed there, the guns on the bulwark were fired, the flags hoisted on the great church and other public buildings, on the mills, and by all the vessels in the several havens. On approaching the shore, they were saluted by the repeated acclamations of the spectators. About nine o'clock the same evening, the royal party arrived at the Hague, where their Majesties were received by a deputation of the magistrates of that place.
HAGUE, JUNE 20.
At the audience given yesterday to their high mightinesses by his majesty, every solemnity of ceremonial was observed. They were introduced in the most regular form by the marshal governor of the palace Noguez. The speech delivered by Mr. De Vos Van Steenwyk, not Den Hogenhof on the occasion was of the following purport:
"SIRE,"
"The assembly of their high mightinesses, in whose behalf I have at present the honor to speak, is come in a body to offer their obedience to your majesty, and to felicitate you upon your accession to the throne of Holland. In acquitting themselves of so solemn a duty, they entreat you, Sire, to receive favorably the sentiments of a deserving and every way respectable nation."
"The concurrence of events and circumstances which have overthrown the political system of Europe, has at length involved our country. After sustaining a multitude of shocks, the nation looks for a term to its long agitations, and ventures to hope, that the sceptre confided to your majesty's foresight and wisdom, will restore its happiness and quiet."
"Peace, Sire, is the greatest of Europe's wants; it is especially so of Holland. May the powerful genius of Napoleon the Great give to us, one day, this invaluable blessing!"
"Sire!—A nation celebrated for its temperance delights to contemplate in you the model of all the virtues, and gives itself up to the consoling hope, that the paternal care of your majesty for its true interests, will, under the sacred guidance of Providence, invigorate its industry and its commerce, and renovate its ancient glory and splendor. Thus will the present generation and their posterity hail your majesty as the regenerator of the public prosperity."
"After the audience of his majesty, their high mightinesses were presented to her majesty the queen. The President addressed her majesty as follows:"
"MADAM,"
"With the confidence inspired by the graces and affability of your majesty, the assembly of their high mightinesses eagerly entreats to present to you their homage and respect."
"Permit us, madam, to join your majesty in the vows and congratulations we have just borne to his majesty the king."
"May the general welfare, which will be the constant object of the cares of his majesty, your august spouse, long prove his happiness, and the happiness of your majesty, and of all the royal family."
Both these speeches were received in the most gracious manner by their majesties. The administration of the departments of Holland, the deputies of several other local administrations of the kingdom, and the staff officers of the navy had also formal audience of his majesty. The following is a copy of the speech delivered by his majesty to their high mightinesses: "GENTLEMEN," "When the national deputies came to offer me the throne which I ascend this day, I accepted it under the conviction that it was the wish of the whole nation—that the confidence and the necessities of all called me to it." "Relying on the intelligence, zeal, and patriotism of the principal public functionaries, and particularly on yours, gentlemen the deputies, I have fearlessly weighed in my mind the misfortunes of the nation in their fullest extent. Animated by the strongest desire to promote the welfare of this good people, and entertaining a hope that I should one day attain that end, I stifled those sentiments which, till then, had been ever the object and happiness of my life. I have consented to change my country, to cease to be solely and entirely a Frenchman, after having passed my whole life in performing, to the best of my ability, those duties which that
name prescribes to all who have the honor of bearing it."
"I have consented to separate myself for the first time, from him, who, from my infancy, has possessed my love and admiration—to lose the repose and independence which those whom heaven calls to govern cannot have—to quit him, the separation from whom would fill me with apprehension, even in the most tranquil times, and whose presence precludes danger."
"I have consented to all this—and, gentlemen, had I not done so, I would nevertheless yet act the same part, now that by the ardor, joy, and confidence of the people through whose country I had passed, they have proved to me that you were the true interpreters of the nation, now especially, when I am convinced that I may rely on your zeal, your attachment to the interests of your native land, and on your confidence in, and fidelity towards me."
"Gentlemen, this is the first day of the real independence of the united provinces. A transient glance at past ages is sufficient to convince us, that they never had a stable government, a fixed destiny, a real independence. Under that famous people, whom they fought and served by turns, as under the Franks and the empire of the west, they were neither free nor tranquil."
"Neither were they so afterwards, when subjected to Spain."
"Their wars, and their repeated quarrels until the union, added to the glory of the nation, confirmed its qualities in point of frankness, intrepidity and honor, for which indeed, it had been always celebrated: but its efforts procured it neither tranquility nor independence, even under the princes of Orange, who, though they were useful to their country, as soldiers and statesmen, were always disturbing it, by pretending or endeavoring to obtain a power which the nation denied them."
"Nor could Holland be considered in that state in latter times, when the elevation of ideas, and the general agitation of Europe so long suspended the repose of the nation."
"After so many vicissitudes, so much agitation, so many calamities; and at a time when the great states were enlarging themselves, ameliorating and concentrating their governments, and their forces, this country could enjoy no real safety nor independence but in a moderate monarchical state; a form which had been acknowledged during a long period, and by each nation in its turn, as the most perfect, and, if not absolutely so, yet as much so as the nature of man will admit. But, doubtless, if perfection were the lot of humanity, we might then dispense with a government of this kind.—Laws would then be founded in wisdom, and obeyed without reluctance or obstacle; virtue would reign triumphant, and ensure its own reward; vice would be banished, and wickedness rendered impotent; but illusions which favor such romantic ideas of human nature are transient; and experience soon brings us back to positive facts."
"However, even monarchy is not sufficient for a country which, though powerful and important, is not sufficiently so for its position, which requires forces of the first rate both by land and sea. It will, therefore, be necessary for it to form a connection with one of the great powers of Europe, with which its unity may be eternally assured without any alteration of its independence."
"This, gentlemen, is what your nation has done; this is the object of its constitutional laws, and also that of my taking upon me an employment so glorious; this is my object in placing myself in the midst of a people who are and ever shall be mine, by my affection and solicitude. With pride I perceive two of the principal means of government and confidence offering themselves to me; the honor and the virtue of the inhabitants."
"Yes, gentlemen; these shall be the real supporters of the throne—I wish for no other guides. For my part, I know no distinctions of religion or party—distinctions can only arise from merit and services. My design is only to remedy the evils which the country has suffered. The duration of these evils, & the difficulty in remedying them, will only increase and realise my glory."
"To effect these objects, I have occasion for the entire confidence of the nation, their complete devotion, and all the talents of the distinguished men whom it contains, but particularly of you, gentlemen, whose zeal, talents and patriotism are well known."
"I am at this moment appealing to the good and faithful Hollanders, before the deputies of the provinces and principal cities of the kingdom, I see them round me with pleasure. Let them bear to their fellow-citizens the assurance of my solicitude and affection; let them carry the same testimony of these sentiments to Amsterdam; that city, which is the honor of commerce and the country; that city, which I wish to call my good and faithful capital, though the Hague will always remain the residence of the sovereign. Let them also carry the same assurances to their fellow citizens and the deputies of that neighboring city, the prosperity of which I
hope very soon to renew, and whose inhabitants I distinguish."
"It is by these sentiments, gentlemen, that I am by the union of all orders of people in the state, and by that of my subjects among themselves; it is by the devotion of each individual to his duties, the only basis of real honor assigned to men; but principally by the unanimity which has hitherto preserved these provinces from all dangers and calamities, and which has ever been their shield, that I expect the tranquility, safety and glory of the nation, and the happiness of my life."
LONDON, July 1.
Late last night the Hamburg mail due on Sunday arrived. The intelligence brought by it affords us reason to believe, that but a short time will elapse before the empire of Germany will be new cast and modelled; and that Bonaparte, aiming at more extensive authority, and a more copious title, will erect another kingdom in Germany, cause himself to be created king of the Romans, and assume perhaps besides, the more splendid title of emperor of the west. For some centuries, with a single exception, the dignity of the empire has belonged to Austria. But the star of the House of Austria, as it has been called, has set, and the imperial sceptre seems to be doomed to pass from the hands of that ancient and illustrious family into that of a family of yesterday. The three powers of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, are to remain; and the rest of Germany, including Saxony, Hesse, Franconia, is to constitute a new federative state, under the protection and control of the king of the Romans.
Yet it is amidst these gigantic plans of ambition and aggrandisement, that some persons expect a speedy and honorable peace between this country & France!!
July 1.
The unsettled state of the German Empire gives rise to numerous reports of rejected changes in that part of the continent. The Elector of Baden is, it is said, to resign his authority into the hands of his son, who, it may be recollected, was lately married to the niece of madam Bonaparte. The reports respecting these changes received something like official contradiction in an article dated from Ratisbon. To this, however, little attention is to be paid, as we learn by letters from Hamburg, that it has been inserted in the Correspondent , by command of the French minister at Hamburg.
It was yesterday said in the city that general Miranda had drawn bills to a considerable amount on the Treasury, which had been presented for acceptance.
LIVERPOOL, July 3.
Saturday's gazette contained an order in council for liberating all Papenburgh vessels detained previous to the 14th of May.
OF PEACE.
[FROM THE LONDON COURIER.]
At half past 10 o'clock, on Saturday morning, Mr. Wilbraham, an English gentleman, landed at Dover with despatches from M. Talleyrand for Mr. Fox. He came out of Boulogne in a French row-boat on Friday evening, and was taken up by the Vestal frigate; being a calm, the frigate sent her boat with him. After rowing nearly all night, the boat landed him on Saturday morning at Dover, and he immediately set off for London.
It is now, we think, beyond a doubt, that a negotiation for peace is going on, and that the negotiation is carried on direct between Mr. Fox and M. Talleyrand. When they have agreed upon a certain basis, each government will appoint negotiators. Perhaps Mr. Wilbraham brought the necessary passports.
We are not only of opinion that a negotiation has been entered upon, but we are not unprepared to expect the speedy signature of preliminary articles of peace. As Bonaparte would of course demand la ligne as the basis and foundation of all negotiations, that we should acquiesce in all his arrangements with respect to the continent, the negotiation would of course have been broken off instantly had Mr. Fox (who is evidently prime minister, for in no one instance since the formation of the new ministry have we discovered the Grenvilles to be pre-dominant) had Mr. Fox, we repeat, not been prepared to acquiesce in those arrangements. The negotiation is generally believed to have been going on for some time; and it is said that the despatches from our government have been sent by the French officers permitted to go home, and that the despatches from the French government have been brought by English gentlemen detained since the commencement of the war, & allowed to return to their own country. Mr. Wilbraham was one of those gentlemen. On condition of our acquiescence in, and acknowledgement of, the recent changes on the continent, Bonaparte, it is rumoured, will not object to our keeping Malta & the Cape, and will even give back Hanover to his
Britannic majesty. That Prussia has taken Hanover as a compensation for Anspach and other territories ceded to France and Bavaria, will not be an obstacle to the arrangement we have just mentioned.—For it must be recollected, that Bonaparte has never declared that Hanover belonging definitely to Prussia; and indeed it must be recollected that, not long ago it was said in the Moniteur , that what she had got was infinitely more than an equivalent for what she had given up. Bonaparte will dispose of Prussia with as little ceremony as he violated her territory of Anspach.
It is true Mr. Fox pledged himself that he would not relinquish one point of honor, an expression which, it is supposed, he meant to apply principally to Hanover, which he declared his Britannic majesty would on no consideration consent to abandon, or cede to his Prussian majesty. But we should have thought that another point of honor which it would have been quite as necessary not to have relinquished as the point of honor with respect to Hanover, would have been that which relates to the king of Naples. The Moniteur has always described his Neapolitan majesty as the victim of this country; and it cannot be denied, that this attachment to the cause of the allies last war, furnished Bonaparte with a pretext for invading the Neapolitan territories. Can we, without the most outrageous violation of the point of honor, recognise Joseph Bonaparte as king of Naples? We know there are some persons who will ask this question: I we can we expect Joseph Bonaparte to restore the rightful sovereign? To that question we shall always make this reply—that there cannot be a more detestable maxim or principle laid down than this, that what we cannot prevent, we ought to approve of or acquiesce in. But if it be said that in order to rescue the minister from the charge of abandoning the king of Naples, Bonaparte will promise to indemnify him elsewhere; will that in fact be any thing short of abandoning his majesty? We have seen Bonaparte solemnly pledge himself to indemnify the king of Sardinia, but how has he fulfilled that pledge? He would perform any promise with respect to the king of Naples with equal fidelity. But the peace may be concluded without any mention made or stipulation introduced for recognizing the changes upon the continent. But would not that be an equal abandonment of the point of honor with respect to Naples? Besides as Bonaparte is so anxious for an acquiescence in his new arrangements we cannot believe that he will consent to make peace without such an acquiescence on our part.
It may be said that another ally and a relative of his Neapolitan majesty, the Emperor of Germany, made no stipulations in his favor—True. But under what circumstances did his imperial majesty negotiate a peace with France? With his capital and his country in the possession of France. Besides, Bonaparte had not at that time invaded Naples, nor had he expelled the royal family from the throne.
To this subject, embracing so many points, and touching such a variety of interests, we shall have frequent occasion to refer. We certainly cannot see the necessity of negotiating at present, nor does any man in the kingdom, we believe, expect that any peace that can be made under the present circumstances can be so good a one as the peace of Amiens. The Foxites approved of that peace, we know, and the principle upon which they did so may induce them to approve of a peace less advantageous. But is that a principle which will find favor with any other man in the kingdom?
30 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber on Sunday night last a Negro man named Stephen, who calls himself Stephen Tarleton, about 35 years of age, and about 5 feet 6 inches high, strong made, broad face, high cheeks & coarse honey features, he was formerly used to work a vessel as a cook which he understands tolerably well, also, washing and house work which he has been accustomed to occasionally. Took with him a half worn broad cloth coat, a dark striped mouselin jacket, a pair corduroy pantaloons nearly white, and a pair naked do. some white linen shirts, and an orange shirt and pair trowsers, also, a black fur hat and is supposed to have other clothes not particularly known, he is a remarkable artful fellow and will likely change his name and clothes, and also may have got a pair Masters of vessels and or persons are warned not to harbor or employ said fellow in any manner whatever.
Whoever apprehends said fellow, and secures him in any jail within the state of Maryland or District of Columbia, so that I get him again, shall receive a reward of twenty dollars, if within twenty five miles from home, if above that distance and within the state aforesaid, twenty five dollars, and if out of the state or district aforesaid, or within the city of Baltimore, the above reward and all reasonable charges if brought home.
THOS. P. WILSON, Montgomery C. H. M.L.
August 11—w2t.

THE FEDERALISTS.
A period of more than five years has now elapsed since the leaders of this party, were compelled by the indignant voice of a much injured & insulted people, to abandon the helm of state. They, however, flattered themselves with soon regaining their lost authority and influence—To effect which it was considered necessary to destroy the popularity of their successors, and particularly that of the President. A number of mercenary Editors were employed to "write down the administration," and the American character has been disgraced by the vile and infamous calumnies which have issued from these Jacobine presses. The virtuous and enlightened part of our citizens, however, saw with indignation, these base attempts to injure the character of their virtuous and patriotic chief magistrate; and at the late Presidential election, he was re-elected by the almost unanimous voice of the nation. Persuaded, from this strong proof of public opinion, that neither calumny nor misrepresentation, would produce the effect which they expected, they have found it necessary to change their mode of attack—The most insidious arts that can possibly be imagined have been practised to foment division among the republicans—Unfortunately these vile machinations have been too successful. By availing themselves of the schism among the republicans in Pennsylvania, they have gained an ascendancy in the councils of that state, to which their numbers by no means entitle them.
It is to be regretted, that for some time past, the Republicans appear to have been lulled into a fatal security. They have not sufficiently estimated either the numbers or the resources of their political opponents. They have not reflected that the federal party are still numerous, and that they are closely united, and act on all occasions like a machine which can be put in motion, and stop'd again, by a single person. They have not reflected that this party have at their disposal more than one half of the process in the United States. In a word they have not reflected, that this party have many other powerful engines to promote their views, such as most of the banks, and all the agents of British merchants in this country—These considerations ought to shew the necessity of still viewing the federalists as opponents worthy of republican vigilance and jealousy.
Republicans—Your camp is still surrounded by implacable and irreconcilable enemies. They have long since rejected the olive branch, and dashed the cup of reconciliation from their lips. Many of them have been retained in office, but even among these are to be found venomous vipers, who are ready to sting to death those by whom they are fostered—The fact is, that this Junta have sworn eternal hatred to the President, and to every other person, who like him has uniformly adhered to the severe maxims of democracy. With certain characters they will no doubt unite, I mean with traitors and apostates—with these honorable gentlemen, they are willing to form "an union of all honest men"—but view their conduct towards firm and decided republicans, and it must convince every candid person that they have no desire to harmonize with the friends of the administration—The die is therefore cast, & it is to be hoped that the republicans will never make any further overtures to this implacable faction, but that they will in future, act with a degree of firmness and decision worthy of the glorious cause for which they so nobly contended.
FRANKLIN.
We take the following impressive lines from the Witness, wherein they are said to be original, but whether from the pen of Mr. Osborn is not stated.
EXTRACT FROM WAR.
A Poem not yet published.
Such is thy lot, Columbia, happy land!
Such may it be while time and nature stand.
PEACE! thee we hail, with gratitude sincere,
And bless the hand that waves thine Olive here.
While Eastern tyrants light the blaze of war,
And mete out woes too great for man to bear,
His* name unrivall'd on the lists of fame,
The just shall honor and the good proclaim.
O'er that Old school whose lessons are but groans,
O'er Europe's courts, and blood cemented thrones,
Rising, with nobler views his genius towers,
The rights of Man concentrating all his powers.
From that old school of politics and laws,
He builds no plans—no precedents he draws—
On Nature's equal base his system stands,
Light for its guard, and Justice for its bands,
He asks no nation's spoils his fame to raise,
He courts no vain applause, no empty praise.
When tombs of tyrants crumble in the dust,
By their own slaves remember'd to be curst,
To deafen monuments of lasting fame.
His Country's love shall bear his worthy name.
On him in vain the storms of slander beat,
He hears the tempest howl beneath his feet—
Detraction's tongue in vain may strive to wound,
Back on the few their calumnies rebound.
At Freedom's sacred fane 'tis his to bend,
And his, in Peace, to make mankind his friend,
Virtue his bliss—his joy a country's good—
And his the laurel that's unstain'd with blood.
No more their conquer'd lands let monarchs boast,
So dearly purchas'd with the blood they cost.
And ye, proud wonders of triumphal stone!
Ye chissel'd piles, that vaunt what arms have done!
Time braving columns! monuments that tell
What conquest plundered, and what kingdoms fell!
Hence, low in dust, let your vain ruins lie,
While Justice rears her pillars to the sky.
Behold the treasur'd land† his wisdom gain'd—
No conquest gor'd it, and no battle stain'd—
No heaps of dead, no scenes of dire despair—
No widow's tears, no wailing orphans there—
No slaughter'd thousands gasping on its plains—
Nor blazing towns, nor captive slaves in chains—
A nobler conquest fame shall long record,
Bought without blood, and gained without a sword!
*Jefferson. †Louisiana.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 22.
At an annual commencement celebrated in Columbia College nineteen young gentlemen have been admitted to the degree of Bachelor of Arts.
[The following performance with the preliminary remarks, are taken from the Enquirer. It will be perused with interest from the importance of the topic, but principally from its presenting the confidential message of the President of the sixth of December. With the exception of this document, we do not notice any new disclosures of facts or arguments, which have not already appeared before the public in a variety of lights; notwithstanding which we unhesitatingly publish the piece entire, that the nation may have all that can be said on either side. It is to be hoped that some member of the majority on Spanish affairs (as no one else will be competent) may give the public a view of the arguments offered in support of the measures pursued.]
REMARKS OF THE ENQUIRER.
The importance of the following communication must speak for itself. The editor has neither inclination nor ability to impart to it a higher interest than what it intrinsically possesses. To such of his republican friends as may expect from him some apology for having lent his columns to its publication, his answer is fearless and ready. He has published this production: Because he holds it to be a correct principle that the Press is free for the publication of all opinions and statements, relating to public matters, which are couched in decent and forbearing language. Let the editor of a public journal devote himself to whatever side it may suit his conscience or his interest to support, he ought to recollect that his paper itself should be "opened to all parties, and influenced by none," with regard to any Essays which are tendered to him for publication: Because however he may lament, in common with his republican friends, the temporary warmth and the petty schism of which such a communication may be productive, he cannot but rejoice at the discussion itself, which it is likely to provoke. Now all mystery may be expected to be at an end. The secret message of the President, the whole proceedings of Congress during closed doors, and it is to be presumed, the main spirit and force of the arguments employed by the republican minority during these secret proceedings, will now be laid before the nation. Nothing seems to be wanting to make the chain of History complete, but the arguments of the republican majority, and an entire view of the wishes and designs of the administration. All the facts will then be laid open to the people, and it will be in their power to form their own conclusions; to censure or condemn according to their unbiased and unsuspicious judgments. Vague surmises will no longer pass for indisputable truths; nor can half-suppressed rumours about confidential messages, be offered as sufficient grounds for condemning the administration. To such of his republican friends, who think that the confidential message of the President ought to have formed an exception to these principles, he has to reply; that he has published that message, Because he can no longer hesitate to believe, that this confidential message
has long since been in the hands of the very men, from whom alone it was important to withhold it; the ministers of foreign powers resident in our own country:
Because even admitting the supposition that it is now for the first time to be presented to the cabinet of Madrid, its publication can have no longer any effect upon our negotiation with that cabinet: As, long before the message can arrive in Europe, the negotiation must either be broken off or successfully concluded:
Because he is well apprised of the fact, that this confidential message has already been exhibited to the eyes of several individuals, and he can see no satisfactory reason why the people at large should not have an equally fair opportunity of deciding on its merits:
Because he cannot entertain a doubt, that if Congress were at this moment in session, it would itself take off the injunction of secrecy from its own members.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
SIR,
THE events of the last session of Congress have furnished ample cause of speculation to the curious, and of regret to every true friend of his country. The mystery which enveloped their proceedings, and beneath which some of their most important transactions yet remain shrouded, could not conceal from the most careless observer, that a schism had arisen in the republican party. But the causes which led to this affecting event are still buried in obscurity. In the history of this memorable occurrence, all is darkness, confusion and contradiction.—The public mind, impatient of suspense, and as if despairing of further information, seems to have out-run the evidence, upon which alone its judgment should have been bottomed. So far as their opinion can be gathered from the public prints, the voice of the people has declared for the administration. In this decision, perhaps, it might have been the duty of the republican minority, and of their friends, to acquiesce, had a fair view of the subject been laid before the public. But knowing, as I do, from the most indisputable proof, that facts have been mistated, opinions misrepresented—much truth suppressed, and more falsehood suggested;—approving at the same time, from my heart, the course which they have pursued, I am impelled to offer to the world some facts and observations, which may enable them to form a more just opinion of the conduct of the republican minority, during the last session of Congress, and of the motives by which they were probably actuated.
It must be obvious to the most superficial eye, that every consideration of a selfish or prudent nature, would have dissuaded any man, or set of men, among the republicans, from an open opposition to any leading and favorite measure of the Executive, at that juncture. The President of the U. S. had just been re-elected by a great and imposing majority of the people. The acquisition of Louisiana had given an eclat to the Executive, and cast a splendor around the administration, in which every minor defect of the government was eclipsed and forgotten. The colossal popularity of the President seemed to mock at all opposition. Unmindful of past and dear bought experience, the republicans had erected a political idol, on whose altars he, who dared to question its infallibility, must prepare to bleed. In this posture of affairs, all opposition was indeed a forlorn hope. There was every thing to lose, nothing to gain. The minority had only to compromise their principles, to betray their duty to themselves, their constituents, and their country, in order to enjoy the countenance of the administration, to ensure the approbation of the public for a time, and their own contempt forever. They had but to acquiesce in measures which their conscience and judgment condemned, and swim in ignoble security with the current of the day. They were not insensible to the danger of the opposite course; but whilst they coolly estimated the difficulty, they had the fortitude to encounter it. Let it be admitted, for a moment, that these gentlemen were mistaken in their views; still I pronounce, that he who does not applaud their independence and firmness, is unworthy of the name of freeman. They had the courage to assert and maintain the deliberate convictions of their honest judgment against the proudest authority, and preferred the hazard of their popularity to the surrender of their understandings and consciences. Let the people look to it. Is there any danger of a dearth of time-servers, under any administration which has the power of rewarding them? that due respect will not always be paid to the loaves and fishes? The history of this government, of every executive with regal powers, must answer the question. Let the members constituting the republican minority be dismissed from the confidence and employment of the people—can they look for anything like independence in their successors? It would indeed be an idle expectation. They must enter upon their legislative duties with instructions to lay aside the suggestions of their own understandings, and conform themselves in all things to the wishes of the cabinet. The first lesson which they learned would teach them to consider any variation from the executive standard, as the most heinous sin in the political catalogue. Would such men dare to oppose any Presidential project, however criminal? From the very nature of their appointment, they must become the puppets of the administration, for the time being. A house of representatives so constituted, must dwindle in-
to a mere chamber for registering ministerial edicts: and whilst the forms of the constitution were preserved, its substance would vanish.
On the third of December, 1803, the President's public message was laid before the two Houses of Congress. The aggressions of Spain were specially noticed. "With Spain, (says the chief magistrate,) our negotiations for a settlement of differences have not had a satisfactory issue. Spoliations during the former war, for which she had formally acknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated, but on conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them; yet the same practices are renewed in the present war, and are already of great amount. Our commerce thro' the Mobile continues to be obstructed by arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. Propositions for adjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded to. Whilst however the right is unsettled, we have avoided changing the state of things, by taking new posts, or strengthening ourselves in the new territories, in the hope that the other power would not by a contrary conduct oblige us to meet their example, and endanger conflicts of authority, the issue of which may not be easily controlled. But in this hope we have now reason to lessen our confidence. Inroads have been recently made into the territories of Orleans and the Mississippi. Our citizens have been seized, and their property plundered in the very ports of the former which had been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that government. I have therefore found it necessary, at length, to give orders to our troops on that frontier to be in readiness to protect our citizens, and to repel by arms any similar aggressions in future."
It should be kept in mind that the "piratical acts" (mentioned in the second paragraph of the same message) "committed at the very mouths of our harbors, by private armed vessels, some without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others, with those of legal form, but transcending the authority of those commissions, plundering and sinking our vessels, and exposing their crews in open boats or on desert shores," were perpetrated chiefly, if not exclusively, by Spanish & French privateers, fitted out principally, from the Eastern ports of Cuba. In the third paragraph, Congress was called upon to make effectual and determined opposition to the new principles interpolated into the law of nations:—in reference, no doubt, to certain decisions of the British court of admiralty. This address was re-echoed by a spirited (however precipitate) resolution of the Virginia Assembly.
On the sixth of December, the following confidential message was received from the President:
"The depredations which had been committed on the commerce of the U. S. during a preceding war, by persons under the authority of Spain are sufficiently known to all. These made it a duty to require from that government indemnification for our injured citizens. A convention was accordingly entered into between the minister of the U. S. at Madrid, and the minister of that government for foreign affairs, by which it was agreed that spoliations committed by Spanish subjects, and carried into ports of Spain, should be paid for by that nation, & that those committed by French subjects, and carried into Spanish ports, should remain for further discussion. Before this convention was returned to Spain with our ratification, the transfer of Louisiana by France to the U. S. took place: An event as unexpected as disagreeable to Spain. From that moment she seemed to charge her conduct and disposition towards us. It was first manifested by her protest against the right of France to alienate Louisiana to us, which however was soon retracted, and the right confirmed. Then high offence was manifested at the act of Congress establishing a collection district on the Mobile, although by an authentic declaration immediately made, it was expressly confined to our acknowledged limits; and she now refused to ratify the convention signed by her own minister under the eye of his sovereign, unless we would consent to alterations of its terms, which would have affected our claims against her spoliations by French subjects carried into Spanish ports."
"To obtain justice, as well as to restore friendship, I thought a special mission advisable, and accordingly appointed James Monroe minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary to repair to Madrid, and, in conjunction with our minister resident there, to endeavor to procure a ratification of the former convention, and to come to an understanding with Spain, as to boundaries of Louisiana. It appeared at once that her policy was to reserve herself for events, and, in the mean time to keep our differences in an undetermined state. This will be evident from the papers now communicated to you. After nearly five months of fruitless endeavor to bring them to some definite and satisfactory result, our ministers ended the conferences, without having been able to obtain indemnity for spoliations of any description, or any satisfaction as to the boundaries of Louisiana, other than a declaration that we had no rights eastward of the Iberville, and that our line to the west was one which would have left us but a string of land on that bank of the river Mississippi. Our injured citizens were thus left without any prospect of retribution from the wrong-doer, and as to boundary, each party was to take its own course. That which they have chosen to pursue will appear from the documents now communicated. They
authorise the inference that it is their intention to advance on our possessions, until they shall be repressed by an opposing force. Considering that Congress alone is constitutionally invested with the power of changing our condition from peace to war, I have thought it my duty to await their authority for using force in any degree which could be avoided. I have barely instructed the officers stationed in the neighbourhood of the aggressions, to protect our citizens from violence, to patrol within the borders actually delivered to us, and not to go out of them, but when necessary to repel an inroad, or to rescue a citizen or his property: and the Spanish remaining at New Orleans are required to depart without further delay. It ought to be noted here that since the late change* in the state of affairs in Europe, Spain has ordered her cruisers and courts to respect our treaty with her.
"The conduct of France, & the part she may take in the misunderstandings between the United States and Spain, are too important to be unconsidered. she was prompt and decided in her declarations that our demands on Spain for French spoliations, carried into Spanish ports, were included in the settlement between the U. S. and France. She took at once the ground that she had acquired no right from Spain, and had meant to deliver us none eastward of the Iberville: her silence as to the western boundary leaving us to infer her opinion might be against Spain in that quarter. Whatever direction she might mean to give to these differences, it does not appear that she has contemplated their proceeding to actual rupture, or that at the date of our last advices from Paris, her government had any suspicion of the hostile attitude Spain had taken here. On the contrary we have reason to believe that she (France) was disposed to effect a settlement on a plan analogous to what our ministers had proposed, & so comprehensive as to remove as far as possible the grounds of future collision and controversy on the Eastern as well as Western side of the Mississippi.
"The present crisis in Europe is favorable for pressing such a settlement, and not a moment should be lost in availing ourselves of it. Should it pass unimproved, our situation would become much more difficult. Formal war is not necessary, it is not probable that it will follow; but the protection of our citizens, the spirit and honor of our country require that force should be interposed in a certain degree. It will probably contribute to advance the object of peace.
"But the course to be pursued will require the command of means which it belongs to Congress exclusively to yield or deny. To them I communicate every fact material for their information, and the documents necessary to enable them to judge for themselves. To their wisdom then I look for the course I am to pursue, and will pursue with sincere zeal that which they shall approve."
This message with the documents accompanying it was referred to a secret committee consisting of Mr. John Randolph, Mr. Nicholson, Mr. John Cotton Smith, Mr. Mumford, Mr. Williams, of S. C. Mr. Bidwell, and Mr. Brown.
It may be proper to remark that this message, although deemed by the clerk (as he stated to the House) to be a part of the secret journal, which had been ordered to be printed, was nevertheless omitted; nor has the omission ever been satisfactorily accounted for. The House by a subsequent vote refused to make it public.
The chairman of the committee to whom the confidential message was referred, immediately waited on the President and informed him of the direction which had been given to it; expressing at the same time his willingness and readiness to co-operate, as far as his principles and judgment would permit, in such plans as the Executive might have devised for the occasion. He then learned, not without some surprise, that an appropriation of two millions was wanting to purchase Florida. He told the president, without reserve "that he would never agree to such a measure, because the money had not been asked for in the message & that he could not consent to shift upon
* Coalition between Austria, Russia, and Great-Britain, it is presumed.
† Leaving Mr. Talleyrand "to infer," that it would afford him a second glorious occasion of dipping his hands into our pockets.
‡ Our ministers had proposed to surrender our claims to compensation for the withholding of the right of deposit at New-Orleans, and for spoliations, Spanish as well as French, and to establish the Colorado as the western boundary of Louisiana. Although the Colorado is a vast distance to the west of the existing limit between the two nations, it was evident, from the face of the dispatches, that our ministers, in agreeing to establish that river as the boundary, had been obliged to exceed the authority of their instructions; (the government of the U. S. claiming to the Rio Bravo.) This proposition (the ultimum on our part) was rejected by the court of Madrid with dilda n; and thus ended the negotiation. Yet France, it seems, was disposed to a settlement on "analogous terms;" altho' Mr. Talleyrand had, in the most dictatorial style, declared, that our claim on Spain, for French spoliations carried into Spanish ports, "must be abandoned."

...the power of the house, the responsibility of the executive, that even if the money had been demanded, he should have been compelled to grant it; because, after the total failure of every attempt at negotiation, such a step would disgrace us forever, because France would never withhold her ill offices, which by their interpolation, could extort money from us—because if Great Britain, with whom we had serious matters of controversy, did not consider our supplying her enemies with money as a breach of our neutrality, it must inspire her with contempt for any attitude of resistance which we might assume towards her—that it was equally to the interest of Spain and of the U. S. to accommodate the matter by an exchange of territory; (to this mode of settlement the president seemed much opposed) "th' t' nations of Europe, like the Barbary powers, would hereafter refuse to look at the credentials of our ministers, without a previous donceur," and much more to the same purport.
The committee met on the 7th of December, but came to no definite resolution. One of its members (Mr. Bidwell, of Massachusetts) concurred the message into a requisition of money, for purposes of foreign intercourse, and proposed a grant to that effect, but in this construction, he was unsupported, and his proposition over-ruled. He himself, when the subject was agitated in the house would not avow the same construction of the message which he had given to it in the select committee. On the 14th of December, the chairman of that committee was obliged to go to Baltimore, from whence he did not return until the 21st. During this interval, the dispatches from Mr. Monroe, of the 18th and 25th of October, were received by government. Previous to the chairman's departure, having occasion to call on the secretary of state, he was told by that officer, that France would not permit Spain to adjust her differences with us: that France wanted money, and that we must give it to her or have a Spanish and French war. It was when he related this circumstance to the house that Mr. Randolph said, "his confidence in the Secretary of state had never been very high, but that now, it was gone forever." And on the same occasion Mr. Nicholson (who had voted for the appropriation) exclaimed, that he trusted in God the negotiation would fail. Several other republican members seemed shocked at this disclosure, and expressed regret at the vote which they had given. On the morning of Saturday the 21st of December, the chairman of the select committee returned from Baltimore. The committee were immediately convened. As they were about to assemble, the chairman was called aside by the secretary of the treasury, with whom he retired, and who put into his hands a paper headed "Provision for the purchase of Florida." As soon as he had cast his eyes on the title, the chairman declared that he would not vote a farthing. The secretary interrupted him, by observing, with his characteristic caution, that he did not mean to be understood as recommending the measure, but if the committee should deem it advisable, he had devised a plan for raising the necessary supplies, as he had been requested, (or directed) in that case to do. The chairman expressed himself disgusted with the whole of this procedure, which he could not but consider as highly disingenuous. He said "that he was as sensible of the importance of Florida to the U. S. and as willing to acquire it, honorably as any man, but he would never consent to proceed in this way; that the most scrupulous care had been taken to cover the reputation of the administration, whilst Congress were expected to act as if they had no character to lose; that whilst the official language of the executive was confident and dignified, whilst the President warned us of the determination of Spain to advance upon our possessions until she should be repelled by an opposing force," and pronounced "that the protection of our citizens, as well as the spirit and honor of our country rendered the interpolation of that force necessary," declaring at the same time "his determination to pursue the course which the wisdom of Congress should prescribe;" Congress was privily required to take upon itself all the odium of shrinking from the national honor and national defence, and of delivering the public purse to the first out-thrust that demanded it. From the official communications—from the face of the record, it would appear that the executive had discharged his duty in recommending many and vigorous measures, which he had been obliged to abandon, and compelled by Congress to pursue an opposite course, when in fact Congress itself had been acting all the while at executive instigation." The
It is believed that the Louisiana treaty was ante-dated to obviate this very difficulty. If money, why not warlike stores, or even fleets and ar-
chairman further observed that he did not understand this double set of opinions and principles: the one ostensible, to go upon the journals and before the public, the other efficient, and the real motives to action: that he held true wisdom and cunning to be utterly incompatible in the conduct of great affairs; that he had strong objections to the measure in itself, but, in the shape in which it was presented, his repugnance to it was insuperable." And in a subsequent conversation with the President himself, in which those objections were recapitulated, he declared "that he too had a character to support, and principles to maintain, and avowed his determined opposition to the whole scheme."
The committee now assembled, and instructed their chairman to write to the secretary of war for his opinion as to the force which it would be requisite to raise for the defence of the southern frontier, and requesting at the same time, to be informed what number of troops were already stationed in that quarter. In his answer, the minister stated the force which the U. S. had on the Mississippi and its branches, ready to descend the river at a short notice, to be somewhat less than a thousand men; that he had intelligence that Spain was collecting an army on the frontiers of New Mexico, and transporting troops from the Havanna to Pensylvania, and that the force requisite on our part, would depend upon that which would be opposed to us, which he estimated (vaguely) to be superior to our own.
About this period the news of the sea-fight off Trafalgar reached America, the event of which alarming the Spanish ministry for the safety of their West India colonies, forbade the weakening of the important post of the Havanna, and suspended the hostile movements on the part of Spain against the U. S. And to this circumstance we have been probably indebted for the undisturbed possession of New Orleans and its dependencies.
When the Secretary of War's letter was laid before the committee, Mr. Bidwell moved the same proposition which the Secretary of the Treasury had some days before put into the hands of the chairman, and which he (Mr. B.) afterwards introduced into the House; viz. a vote of two millions and a continuance of the duties, the proceeds of which constituted the Mediterranean fund. It was rejected, and the chairman directed to draft the report which has been printed with the secret journals, and published in all the newspapers. The committee saw, in the multiplied aggressions of Spain ample cause of war, on the part of a government, with which the welfare of its citizens was not paramount to every other consideration. But conceiving that the true interests of the American people (which alone it behoved them to consult) required peace, they forebore to recommend offensive measures. They believed it to be our policy to reap the neutral harvest, and seize the favorable occasion of extinguishing the public debt—at once the price of our liberties, and the badge of our ancient servitude. So long as this debt remains unpaid, we can scarcely be considered as a truly independent people. The sense of the committee was, neither to make war, nor to purchase peace, but to provide for the defence of our actual territory, which the highest authority had announced to have been violated and to be menaced with fresh invasion. On this point they concurred there could be but one sentiment, whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the wisdom of pledging the nation to protect its flag in remote seas, or its ability to afford such protection. A poor attempt has been made to reproach the committee with a want of reliance on the militia, and a preference for the standing army. When it is considered that all the protection then and since extended to the country in question consists of regular troops, and that the nearest states from which the militia could be marched for its defence, are separated from it by many hundred miles of intervening Indian country, (not to mention that these states themselves are amongst the weakest in the union) the incompetency of the militia to the service in question, and the futility of the objection, must become manifest to all. Besides, the president had no occasion to apply to Congress for power to call out the militia to repel invasion, that force being, under such circumstances, already at his disposal; and it is worthy of remark, that the far greater number of those would-be partisans of the militia, refused to adopt the measure recommended by the executive, (or indeed any other) for giving efficient operation to that great constitutional defence.
The report of the committee, altho' in strict unison with the official recommendation of the executive, was rejected by 72 to 58 votes; and the proposition to appropriate dollars for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses of foreign intercourse, which had been previously laid on the table by a member of that committee, before their report was made to the House, was immediately taken up. The avowed object of this measure was to enable the President to open a negotiation for the purchase of Florida. A motion was then made by Mr. J. Randolph to confine the appropriation to that object, and agreed to, yeas 78, nays 58. Another motion was made by the same gentleman to render the debt which was proposed to be incurred, redeemable at the pleasure of the U. S. This was carried without a division. But after-
wards, when the bill was brought in, the house rescinded its vote for a specific appropriation, and the money was left applicable at the discretion of the executive, to any extraordinary purpose of foreign intercourse whatsoever. Mr. J. Randolph also moved to limit the amount which the government might stipulate to pay for the territory in question; upon the ground that if congress were disposed to acquire Florida by purchase, they should fix the extent to which they were willing to go, and thereby furnish our ministers with a safe-guard against the rapacity of France; that there was no probability of our obtaining the country for less, but every reason to believe, that, without such a precaution on our part, she would extort more. This motion was over-ruled. When the bill came under discussion, various objections were urged against it by the same gentleman: among others, that it was in direct opposition to the views of the executive, as expressed in the President's official communication, (it was on this occasion that gen. Varnum declared the measure to be consonant to the secret wishes of the executive) that it was a prostration of the national honor at the feet of our adversary: that a concession so humiliating would paralyse our efforts against G. Britain, in case the negotiation then and now pending between that government and ours should prove abortive: that a partial appropriation towards the purchase of Florida without limiting the president to some specific amount, would give a previous sanction to any exence which he might incur for that object, and which Congress would stand pledged to make good: that, if the executive, acting entirely upon its own responsibility, and exercising its acknowledged constitutional powers, should negotiate for the purchase of Florida, the House of Representatives would, in that case, be left free to ratify or annul the contract: but that the course which was proposed to be pursued, (and which eventually was pursued) would reduce the discretion of the legislature, to a mere shadow; that, at its ensuing session, Congress would find itself, in relation to this subject, a deliberative body but in name: that it could not, without a manifest ereliction of its own principles, and perhaps without a violation of public faith, refuse to sanction any treaty entered into by the executive under the auspices of the legislature, and with powers so unlimited: that, however great his confidence in the chief magistrate, he would never consent to give any President so dangerous a proof of it: that his duties as a member of that House, as the independent representative of an independent people, were paramount to every other consideration; and that he would never preclude himself, by any previous sanction, from the unbiassed exercise of his judgment on measures which thereafter were to come before him: that the house had no official recommendation from the Executive for the step which they proposed to take, on the contrary, it was in direct opposition to its sentiments as expressed in the confidential message; that the responsibility would be exclusively their own: that, if the President deemed it advisable to purchase foreign territory, he was free to enter into stipulations for that purpose, whilst Congress would remain equally free to sanction or disapprove such stipulations: or that, if he thought proper to ask for an appropriation for that object, the responsibility of the measure would rest upon him: but when the legislature undertook "to prescribe the course which he should pursue, and which he had pledged himself to pursue," the case was entirely changed: that that house could have no channel through which it could be made acquainted with the opinions of the Executive, but such as was official, responsible and known to the constitution: and that it was a prostitution of its high and solemn functions to act upon an unconstitutional suggestion of the private wishes of the Executive, irresponsibly announced by an irresponsible individual, and in direct hostility to his avowed opinions.
[To be Continued.]
NATHANIEL MASON, of North Carolina, has been re-elected a Representative in Congress without opposition.
COL. AARON BURR, late Vice-President of the U. S. passed through Chambersburg on 11th inst. on his way to the westward.
The diamonds worn by the Queen of England on his majesty's birth day, were worth 130,000l. sterling. "It is a fact that ALL the laborers in England having families are PAUPERS."—Cobbeut.
CORISCAN REVENGE.
Mrs. Spencer Smith had been some time in Italy, for the benefit of her health, and when the war broke out, was at the baths of Valdarno, near Vicenza, from whence, with other English families, she retired to Venice, then an Austrian garrison, but since surrendered to the French, whose conduct in the first instance towards the English found in that place was uncommonly moderate. Mrs. Spencer Smith, in particular, who was confined to her bed, received permission to remain till the recovery of her health, with the promise of being then allowed to retire whenever she chose. Thus this lady remained unmolested till the 18th April, waiting for a passage to Malta & England, when she was arrested by order of Bonaparte, and placed in the custody of a police guard of four men. She was removed that day to Padua, from thence to Milan, and is now, we understand, to be
marched to Verdun, or Valenciennes, a distance of at least five hundred miles.
London Print.
Petersburg, Aug. 15.
A meeting of the Republican Citizens of Petersburg, was held at Brewer's tavern, on Monday evening last, for the purpose of taking under consideration the distressing situation of Sellick Osborne, editor of the "Witness," (a republican paper published in Litchfield, Connecticut) who is imprisoned for an alleged libel on one Julius Demming, and who since his imprisonment has been subjected to all the rigors of relentless persecution. Every man who attended the meeting, readily subscribed to Mr. Osborne's paner, and at the same time a committee was appointed to procure the names of all those republicans in the town, and country, who feel disposed to encourage the circulation of the Witness, and to reward the editor for his meritorious exertions in the cause he has espoused, and to uphold which, he is willing to sacrifice all the ease and comforts of life. The subscribers already obtained, amount to more than fifty.
Hudson, (N. Y.) Aug. 12.
Patent Cannon.—A few days past has been exhibited in this city a piece of iron ordnance of 3lbs. caliber, made on an entire new construction, by capt. Salmon Hunt, at his forge in Canaan, Connecticut. The piece is made of concave pieces of iron welded on to a centre-piece, forming a solid mass, and bored out to the caliber required so as to make the grain of the iron run round the piece instead of in a horizontal direction, by which the gun is much stronger than those made in the former method. This and a mate to it at home he has tried and found to be of excellent proof, and he intends presenting them to the legislature of Connecticut for their approbation, with a view to supply the militia of that state with pieces of this construction instead of those commonly in use. They will cost considerably less than brass, and are much better by being secure from bursting by the circular form of their manufacture.
FROM THE SALEM REGISTER.
The ship Concord, captain Richard Ward, jun. from this port direct for Rotterdam, was captured June 3d off the Start by one of his Britannic majesty's ships, and sent for Portsmouth. The cause of the capture is, that a part of her cargo was the production of one of the enemies colonies, (not enemies property.) We understand that the far greater part of this ship's cargo is Mocha coffee, imported by the owners, G. Crowninshield and Sons, of this place, and only about a dozen hogsheads of coffee are said to be the produce of Bourbon, in the E. Indies, not imported here by them. The whole cargo had been landed several months in the U. S. and the duties paid or secured to be paid in the customary manner; and there is no pretence of enemies' property. Rotterdam is not blockaded, being one of the excepted ports in Mr. Fox's proclamation, for ships going from neutral countries. The ship and cargo were to be brought to trial at the last dates from England, and the question to be decided is, whether the theft shall be sanctioned by his majesty's courts of admiralty, or the stolen goods be restored to their rightful owners. If a dismissal takes place, the least favour to be expected is, that the enormous port charges and admiralty expences will be thrown upon the claimants. Here is a valuable ship, when prosecuting a lawful voyage, with a cargo confessedly neutral, 19-20ths of which were purchased in Arabia, a neutral country, arrested merely for having on board a few hogs. of coffee, supposed to be the produce of an enemy's colony, destined to the port of another belligerent country. Does the Bourbon coffee contaminate the rest of the cargo? But the production of enemies colonies can be lawfully imported here, and the contamination is an idle pretext to seize the whole. If the British doctrine is to be thus extended to reach a whole cargo, because a part was produced in an enemy's colony, the American commerce will be reduced to name merely, and the people of the U. S. will enjoy but the shadow, while the substance is swallowed up. The capture of the Concord is to be considered as nothing when we reflect that this is but one among a hundred equally and perhaps more flagrant violations of our neutral rights by the ships of war of G. Britain. From the port of Salem alone we note the following British captures and condemnations of our ships during the year past.
   Dollars.     The ship Hazard, capt. Bullock, at Jamaica, condemned, ship and cargo worth 90,000   The brig Liberty, Lambert, at Colombo, in Ceylon, the whole condemned, supposed worth 20,000   Ship Prudent, Ford, from Batavia for Salem, same place condemned ship and cargo, said to be worth at least 100,000   Ship Wells, cargo at Gibraltar, condemned, said to have cost 30,000   Brig Hannah, Ropes, at Halifax, vessel and cargo condemned, 30,000   270,000    Besides the ship Henry, Russell, captured in the Indian seas, carried to Bombay and Ceylon, detained 5 or 6 months
and finally released, the whole charges to a considerable amount being thrown upon the owners.
The ship George Washington, Daniels, captured on her passage from Calcutta, and carried to England, released, owners paying charges.
The ship Messenger, Ruhinen, bound to Europe, detained in England, released, and charges thrown upon the owner.
Several other Salem vessels have been stopped in the course of their voyages, and carried out of their way, and finally restored, we believe in all cases the charges have been paid by the owners.
The fate of the Concord being uncertain, her case need not be stated.
If Salem has suffered so much in its trade during the last year, how much all our other commercial towns have suffered, we must leave to others better acquainted to determine. But we would respectfully suggest to the Printers of the U. S. the propriety of collecting an accurate list of the captured vessels and their value, and publishing the same for the information of the American public.
CHARLOTTE-HALL SCHOOL.
AGREEABLY to the direction of the Trustees, the parents and guardians of the pupils are informed, that the class will open on Monday the 18th of August. Cool Springs, St. Mary's, Aug. 22—31
PROPOSALS,
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, THE WORKS
OF
DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PHILOSOPHICAL, POLITICAL, AND LITERARY.
Hominum rerumque repertor.
THE publication of the writings of Dr. Franklin in a complete edition, was long contemplated by the late BENJ. FRANKLIN BACHE, his grandson, who transferred the copy which was devised to Mr. W. Temple Franklin, for the purpose. It was originally designed that the corrected edition should appear in three languages, and in England, Germany, France and America, at the same time: this design was frustrated by the device (W. Temple Franklin) who, it is now believed, sacrificed the work and the honorable trust reposed in him, for money, to the mortal hatred of the English ministry against the deceased age.
As soon as this fact was known, the present editor of the Aurora turned his attention to the collection of every paper and circumstance which could tend to preserve and do honor to the memory of a man to whom America is so much indebted; and who, as he was the first that won the genius and talents reared, back into his native country, must continue to be ranked to the latest posterity, among its greatest benefactors and ornaments.
This edition will be published from the copies revised and corrected by Dr. Franklin, the corrections of which are in the hand writing of the author, and may be seen by any gentleman in the possession of the editor of the Aurora.
Early admiration of Dr. Franklin, educated in veneration and reverence of his character—combined with other incidental circumstances not necessary to be pointed out, have concurred to favor the collection by the present editor, of the best materials that could be obtained after the sacrifice of the work by the devisee.
With some industry, and with some expence, he has polished himself, not on the copy with the corrections and additions in Dr. Franklin's hand writing; but also of several articles which have never appeared in any former collection, and of several which have never appeared in print.
Proposals would have appeared long since in this city, had not an advertisement of an intended edition being published in the English prints; the present editor thought it might be yet possible that the edition advertised, was that which Mr. Temple Franklin was entrusted with; but it now appears that the English edition is only a reproduction of the former compilation with some small additions; but still very deficient, on a comparison with the corrected papers in the hands of the editor.
The whole will now be carefully collated, and the work executed in a style worthy of the great patriarch of American liberty and apostle of the American press. The additional papers will form at least a volume, perhaps more—the authentic papers already printed, form three—and it is intended to begin with the second volume, which will be put to press immediately; and to publish the Biography last, so that such additional particulars as may throw any useful light on the life of this great man, may be engraved on his memoirs; to obtain which, and other important materials, the editor will spare neither pains nor expence. Gentlemen who may be possessed of authentic or original papers, or correspondence of Dr. F. or who can give information where any are to be found, will render public service by communicating them to the editor.
CONDITIONS.
The work shall be elegantly printed, on a new small pica type and pale yellow paper in large octavo.

FOR SALE: AN ELEGANT SADDLE HORSE, Well gated—a bargain may be had, by making application immediately to the Printer of this paper. August 15—tf
Scheme of Lottery No. V. FOR the encouragement of Literature, and for improving the Navigation between Troy and Waterford, and for other purposes. 1 Prize of D. 30,000 is D. 30,000 2 20,000 20,000 3 10,000 10,000 4 5,000 5,000 5 2,000 4,000 10 1,000 5,000 20 500 5,000 30 200 6,000 80 100 8,000 120 50 6,000 400 20 8,000 7100 10 71,000 4000 3 33,000 210,000 11752 prizes, 23749 Blanks. 35000 tickets at 6 dollars each, is 210 000 Less than two blanks to a prize—subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes payable thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing. The first 4000 blanks will be entitled to 3 dollars each. 21st. drawn number 1st. day, whether blank or prize, D 10,000 10th 2,000 15th 1,000 20th 500 25th 1,000 30th 10,000 35th 1,000 40th 20,000 45th 4,000
A company of gentlemen in the city of New York having contracted with the managers for the unsold tickets, the drawing will commence on the second Tuesday in December next, and will be continued at the rate of 600 tickets per day until completed, excepting the last day when there will remain 800 to be drawn. Tickets in the above lottery will continue to be sold by the managers at the original price of 6 dollars each until the second Tuesday in September next, on which day all that remains unsold will be delivered to the contractors. THOMAS STORM, DANIEL HALE, SOLOMON B. BURNWICK, JOHN H. SICKLES, JOHN L. BROOME, } Managers. August 15—*
Proposals FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, PYRROLOIMOGIA, Or, Inquiries into the PESTILENCE CALLED THE YELLOW FEVER. CONTAINING the history of its symptoms and prevalence in different parts of the world; a comparative statement of all controversies respecting its origin, modes of propagation and treatment; with an attempt towards a new theory of the electrical phenomena and galvanic influence arising from terrequeous & pyric exhalations, which explains the causes of pestilential diseases, their remedies and preventatives. By FELIX PASCALIS, M. D. Of New York, Formerly Physician and Member of the Board of Health in the State of Pennsylvania, Honorary Member of the Medical Societies of Philadelphia, and of some other American and European Literary Institutions. The author has been a medical practitioner in Philadelphia during seven epidemical occurrences of the Yellow Fever. To enlarge the sphere of his experimental observations on that interesting subject, he has lately travelled in the south of Spain, and also visited South Carolina, where that disease has by many been supposed to be endemic. With so many motives to truth in his opinions, the author wishes, notwithstanding to be honored with the support of the learned in the U. States, who have had to many more opportunities than these in Europe to exercise their judgment on a subject highly important to the welfare of this country—a country with which many European nations frequently interdict the intercourse of their subjects as if it were absolutely the abode of pestilence. Whatever claims the author may imagine he derives from his experiences, he will, however, thankfully receive any documents contrary to the theory he proposes. He, therefore, respectfully solicits communications tending either to establish or to invalidate the truth of an Electrical and Galvanic influence, &c. as a cause of pestilential diseases. Such interesting papers on these subjects as he shall be favored with previously to the first of November next (not paid) will be gratefully acknowledged and duly noticed, unless otherwise requested.
CONDITIONS. This work shall be printed in a handsome style, on fine wove paper and new type, as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers shall be obtained to defray the necessary expenses. It will be comprised in two octavo volumes, each volume containing more than 300 pages; to be delivered to subscribers in boards at Five Dollars the set, or handsome, by bound and lettered, at Six Dollars. Subscriptions received at the Courier office No. 1. Broad Street, Charleston Aug 15—*
THE SUBSCRIBER has just supplied his shop in F Street w, the complete assortment of fresh Medicines & Drugs, among which are Spermatia & Linseed oils—also Paints of every description. HOMAS PATTERSON. Washington city, June 23—tf
SALE BY AUCTION. ON SATURDAY the 23rd of August at 11 o'clock, A. M. will be sold, on the premises, the HOUSE & LOT , lately occupied by Mr. George Collard, on North F Street near the Bank. It is an excellent stand for the Grocery business, and has until very lately, been under an annual rent of $500 dollars. Terms of sale, one third of the purchase money to be paid in fifty days, one third in four months, and the residue in six months. Negotiable notes with good indorsers will be required. T. H. GILLISS, Executor of Stacey Byus, dec'd. Washington City, August 15—tdof
A FACT. THOSE indebted to me must make immediate payment, as I am determined to close my books finally, and all accounts which are not settled in a very short time will be put in a way for collection. Finding it very unpleasant, and troublesome to make collections, shall for the future sell for CASH only, which will be much more to my satisfaction, and give me the pleasure to do business quick, and twenty per cent. lower than any person who sells on a credit. Shall have for sale a handsome assortment of reasonable, substantial and fashionable goods; and be giving the best prices Cash for Tobacco in packed in this place. ROMULUS RIGGS. George Town, August 15—cp6w
20 Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the night of the 13th inst. a negro woman named KIZZIAH, 24 years of age, about 5 feet 6 inches high, of a bright complexion; she took with her an only child, a boy named HANSON, about three years of age, well grown, and remarkable for a pronouncement of his name, her clothing not remembered. Whoever apprehends said negro and child, shall receive five DOLLARS if taken within the district of Columbia, the above reward, if taken without the district, and ALL reasonable charges paid. ROBERT ALEXANDER. August 15—tf
WANTED, A JOURNEYMAN CHAIR-MAKER, To whom liberal wages and constant employment will be given. For particulars apply to SAMUEL RUSS, Navy Yard, Washington city. August 18—3t
A GREAT BARGAIN MAY BE HAD. I WISH to exchange seven or eight hundred acres of LAND, in Fairfax county, formerly Loudoun county, for good Lands in the western country. It lies near Sugar Land run; it is finely timbered and watered, good farming land, about 18 miles from the city of Washington, 20 from Alexandria, and two from the Potomac river. There are two Tenements and an excellent Orchard on the premises, about 70 bushels of wheat sowed last fall and a good deal of clover, which grows finely, the soil being well adapted to the Plaster of Paris, from the fullest experiment. The title indisputable. Any person making early application may get an advantageous exchange. Application by letter, to the subscriber in Alexandria, will be duly attended to. B. DADE. August 18—3t
SALE AT AUCTION. ON Saturday the 23rd inst. at 12 o'clock A. M. will be exposed to public sale at the Union Tavern in Georgetown, the HOUSE and LOT near the mouth of Rock Creek, lately occupied by Henry Shively, sold by virtue of a deed of trust given by said Shively to Messrs. O. Shaw and Birch, to satisfy the sum of six hundred dollars, with costs and expenses. Terms of sale will be made known at the time and place of sale. JOHN TRIVERS, and Georgetown, Aug 20—2t
FOR SALE, That valuable tract of Land belonging to the estate of the late Richard Henderson, lying in Prince George's county on the Eastern Branch of Potomac and nearly adjoining the town of Bladensburg containing about 600 acres—this land is well watered, level and is productive, from 15 to 20 acres is now in good timothy meadow, and a much larger quantity of rich marsh may be brought into this state, the wood land is thriving and abundant for the support of the farm. Its vicinity to the city of Washington & Georgetown and laying on tide water, makes it desirable estate. One fourth of the purchase money will be required in hand, the payment of the balance will be made easily. Mr. Joseph Wilson who lives on the land will show it to any person who may wish to view the same. JAMES LINGAN, JOHN HENDERSON, } Executors of August 20—tawtf R. Henderson.
A Gentleman of respectable literary accomplishments, whose political principles are DEMOCRATIC, would receive the most liberal terms in conducting the editorial department of the Boston Courier and Democratic. B. PARKA. No. 16, Anne Street. Republican editors will confer a particular favor by giving this notice a few insertions in their respective papers. August 20—
Partnership Dissolved. THE Partnership of Rufus Elliott & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted unto said firm are requested to call and settle the same with Rufus Elliott. RUFUS ELLIOTT, JOHN GREGORY. August 20—3t
Sale of Valuable Property AT MY HOUSE. THE Land which I have heretofore advertised and fully described I now again offer on the same terms to the highest bidder on Monday the 22nd of next month, together with a valuable woman qualified for either house or field work, a well grown boy and a lusty girl, both of whom are able to do good work, and three young girls. The woman to serve 10 years, the boy until he is 35, and the girls to 30 years of age. These negroes will be sold for cash or negotiable notes at 60 days. Also a variety of household and kitchen furniture, plantation implements of husbandry, horned cattle, horses, sheep and hogs. For all sums of 30 dollars or under the cash must be paid. Above 30 dollars and not exceeding 50 dollars, a credit of 3 months will be given from 50 to 80 six months, from 80 to 100, nine months, and for all above 100 dollars 12 months, all on security with interest from the date. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock and continue from day to day till completed. GEO. LEE. Charles County, Aug. 20—tdof
PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING A Geographical Description OF ALL THE STATES & TERRITORIES IN THE UNION, In separate volumes; with a particular and correct description of the several counties and towns, in each state. Illustrated with Maps, By JOSEPH SCOTT, Author of the United States' Gazetteer , the Modern Geographical Dictionary in 4 vol. oct. a Geographical Dictionary of the United States of North America , &c. &c.
THE geographical description of each of the larger states, with the counties, towns, &c. will form a neat little volume of about 150 pages. Two of the smaller states may form a volume, or one of them may be comprised in the same volume with a larger adjoining state, as Maryland and Delaware. Each volume will be complete in itself; so that subscribers may take one, two, &c. or the whole number. The paper, type, and size of the page, will exactly correspond with the description of Pennsylvania, now published; so that subscribers for the whole may have two or more bound together to suit their own taste. They will be published neatly done up in boards. The description of each state will be embellished with a handsome map. It is supposed that the whole will amount to about FOURTEEN LITTLE VOLUMES. A general description of the United States will be given in the last, which will render the whole the fullest, and most correct geographical description of the United States, that has hitherto been published. The plan, which the author has adopted, is the most comprehensive that could be suggested, as it will comprise under proper and distinct heads, every thing worthy of notice. No money will be required till on the delivery of the work. The Price of each Volume will be Fifty Cents. The next volume will contain, A Geographical description of MARYLAND and DELAWARE, illustrated with a Map of each state. The work is nearly ready for the press, and will soon be published. The Editors of newspapers, in Maryland, are requested to insert the above proposals twice. They will be paid on the publication of the work. August 10—
JUST PUBLISHED. AND FOR SALE, At Mr. Morford's and Bailey and Wallace's Book-stores, Broad-Street, and at the Courier Office. PRICE, 18 3/4 CENTS; A pamphlet on the importance of cultivating the BOURBON COTTON, by the Agricultural Society of the Bahama Islands. The very great importance of this pamphlet to the Planters of this state, and every other cotton country, has induced its publication. It consists of copious extracts of letters from Cotton Planters of the different islands; and the amount of their general evidence is that the Bourbon Cotton is decidedly preferable to the Anguilla or Georgia Cotton; that it is of quick growth and produces earlier than the common cotton; that it yields about 150 lb. of clear cotton to the acre; but the greatest advantage is, that it is secure from the ravage of the caterpillar, which so often blasts the hopes of our planters. This subject is deserving the attention of our planters, and this pamphlet is recommended to their examination as the probable means of increasing the value of their crops. Charleston, S. C. Aug. 15—*
FOR SALE, I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadow," patented 31st December 1805, for 347 acres, near Shellys or Selbys Little Meadows; the other "Mount Parnassus," patented 31st December 1805, for 298 acres; this tract lies on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never seen the land, and consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqrs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the situation of the aforesaid tracts of land they must be of an excellent quality. Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince George's county. SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE. June 23—8w
FOR SALE, I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadow," patented 31st December 1805, for 347 acres, near Shellys or Selbys Little Meadows; the other "Mount Parnassus," patented 31st December 1805, for 298 acres; this tract lies on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never seen the land, and consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqrs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the situation of the aforesaid tracts of land they must be of an excellent quality. Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince George's county. SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE. June 23—8w
FOR SALE, I will sell two Tracts of LAND lying and being in Allegany county in the State of Maryland; one called and known by the name of "Harvey's Meadow," patented 31st December 1805, for 347 acres, near Shellys or Selbys Little Meadows; the other "Mount Parnassus," patented 31st December 1805, for 298 acres; this tract lies on a branch of Savage river about five miles below the Little Meadows. I have never seen the land, and consequently know nothing of their value. Mr. Thomas Beall of Cumberland who is well acquainted with the above land informed me they were as valuable as any in that part of Maryland. Daniel Clark and Robert Cowden Stone, esqrs. also informed me that from their acquaintance with the situation of the aforesaid tracts of land they must be of an excellent quality. Any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will view before he contracts. A great bargain may be had for cash, or good paper on a short credit—a good and indisputable title will be given when the land is paid for. For terms apply to the subscriber in Upper Marlborough Prince George's county. SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE. June 23—8w
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanson at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll , near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
DANIEL RAPINE BOOKSELLER & STATIONER, On CAPITOL HILL, HAS Just received from PHILADELPHIA, and now opening, a choice collection of BOOKS & STATIONARY, and as he has been at great pains to make the selection, he flatters himself that it is the most complete assortment that has ever been offered for sale in the District of Columbia. His Law, Miscellaneous and Poetical collection, is as complete as any one bookseller's on the continent. He has also opened an excellent assortment of PAPER HANGINGS; and the most useful kinds of MEDICINES, such as Peruvian Bark, Castor Oil, British Oil, Glauber Salts, Liquorice Ball, &c. &c. all which he offers for sale on reasonable terms. Account and other Books bound in the neatest manner, on short notice, and according to any given pattern. July 25—cp6w
AT a meeting of REPUBLICAN DELEGATES from that part of Frederick county, which by law is attached to the 3d Congressional district, held at the house of Mr. DAVID LEVY, in Frederick town, on Friday, the 4th of July 1806, the propriety of taking measures to insure success to the Republican Candidate for Congress was reflected upon, Where it was Resolved unanimously, that the conduct of PATRICK MAGRUDER, has been such at the last session of Congress, as to command the respect and confidence of the Republicans of the third Congressional district—Therefore Resolved unanimously, That PATRICK MAGRUDER, be recommended to the republican voters of said district, to be by them supported at the Congressional election in October next. Resolved unanimously, That these resolutions be published in the republican papers of Frederick town, and in the National Intelligencer. A true copy from the minutes of the meeting. JOHN B. COLVIN, Sec. July 18—4w
FOR SALE, AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid. NOTE.—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
50 DOLLARS REWARD. STOLEN out of the subscriber's pasture in Loudoun county in the night of the 26th June, a bright BAY MARE with a bald face, the left hind foot white, the right hip a little lower than the other, a mark like a fern down the hoof of the right hind foot, and it is different in shape from the other; about 15 hands and 1-2 high, three years old last spring, a natural trotter, had on when she was taken three shoes. Whoever will apprehend the thief and secure the mare so that the owner may get her again and the felon brought to conviction, shall have the above reward or for the mare only twenty-five dollars and all reasonable charges. WILLIAM NICHOLS. Loudoun county, Vir. July 11—3m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, that he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London, a fresh supply of the best superfine cloths, cambrics, &c. with a choice assortment of plain nabkeens, cotton calimeres, india nankeens, blue and yellow, fashionable tralgar lace and fancy Merceries, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. Richard Harriwell's new invented patent elastic suspenders, which are far superior to any heretofore in use, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory. June 23—tf
Treasury Department of the United States, June 21, 1806.
WHEREAS the commissioners of the Sinking fund, at a meeting held on the 28th day of April, 1806, did resolve, that the sum remaining to complete the expenditure of the annual appropriation of eight millions of DOLLARS, should among other purposes be applied to the reimbursement of the navy six per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress passed on the 30th day June, 1798 and to the reimbursement of the five and half per cent. stock, created in pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 3d day of March, 1795.
This is therefore to give notice, that the principal of the said navy six per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will on surrender of the certificates, be paid on the 18th day of October next ensuing the date hereof, to the respective stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury, or at the Loan Office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock, respectively held by them; and that the principal of the five and half per cent. stock, with the interest due thereon, will in like manner, and at the same places, be paid on the 18th day of January, 1807, to the respective stockholders, or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized.
It is further made known, for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the navy six per cent. stock, either from or to the books of the treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans, will be allowed after the 18th day of September ensuing, nor of the five and half per cent. stock, after the 18th day of December ensuing. And the interest on all certificates of said stock, which shall not have been surrendered, in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine, on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. June 23—tf.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 16—tf
TO RENT, THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
60 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Prince George's county on Sunday the 29th inst. the three following slaves—a mulatto young man who calls himself BILL STEWART, he was born at Montgomery court house, where the property of Honore Martin was purchased of him by the late Rich. Contee who sold him to me; he is a likely well made fellow about 21 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, his hands and feet are large; the evening before he absconded he had his hair cut close; he had with him a variety of clothing, viz. 1 blue coat and overalls, one light colored beaver hat and overalls, 2 fawn-down waistcoats, 3 fine Irish linen shirts and some coarse shirts, three mullen neckcloths, a fine hat, price 7 dollars; he took away a prayer book, in the first page of which is written Mary Ducket. J. B. who calls himself Joe Grimes, alias Graham, and HARRY, both young negro men about 21 years of age—the clothing of these cannot be described. Joe has one of his arms broken near the wrist, which makes him longer than the other; when he is spoken to he speaks fast as if his tongue was too large for his mouth. Harry, I am informed, has several large scars on his body and one of his thighs occasioned by burns when he was young. The above reward will be paid for confining the three in jail, or 50 dollars for confining Bill in jail so that I get him again. WALTER BOWIE. July 7—2awtf
CHASE'S TRIAL. This day is Published By SAMUEL H. SMITH. TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE, An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States. Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD. In Two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—two subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public, with the exception of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial. Readers of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers.