The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1799-04-22 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 52.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME I.]
Portland, MONDAY, APRIL 22, 1799.
Clery's Journal.
[For sale at Jenks's Bookstore—price 3/9 in boards.]
THIS is a very interesting history of Occurrence in the Tower of the Temple during the confinement of Louis XVI. by M. Clery, the Kings' valet de chambre.
He says "He was in the service of the King and his august family five months in the tower of the Temple; and notwithstanding the vigilance of Municipale Officers who were the keepers of it, found means by one way or other, to make memorandums of the principal occurrences that took place within the prison. And having been the only continual witness of the insults which the King and his family were made to suffer, alone could report and attest them with exactness, and should accordingly confine himself to publishing a detail of the facts simply, impartially, and without mixing his own opinions."
Whatever relates to this illustrious, but persecuted family during the above period, must be very interesting to every Philanthropist.—This little book will therefore be much sought after, and read, with the greatest avidity by persons of this description.—But the Jacobin—the hard hearted democrat will not trouble himself to examine a book, which may by possibility, exhibit in any degree his own picture.—But he ought to be told that even in France, the destruction of this unfortunate family is commonly spoken of, as the source of all their wretchedness, and the calamities they now suffer. And that the money which hired the assassins, who brought about the revolution of the tenth of August which dethroned the King; was afterwards paid out of the national treasury.—The following is a specimen of the work.—It was after the condemnation of the King, and his sentence being signified to him, and of his being allowed to see his family, from whom he had been for some time secluded. "At half past eight, the door opened. The Queen came first, leading her son by the hand; Madame Royale and Madame Elizabeth [the King's daughter and sister] followed. They all threw themselves into the arms of the King — A melancholy silence prevailed, for some minutes; and it was only broken by sighs and sobs. The Queen made an inclination towards his Majesty's chamber. "No" said the King "let us go into this room. I can see you only here." They went in, and I shut the glass door. The King sat down; the Queen was on his left hand, Madame Elizabeth on his right, Madame Royale nearly opposite, and the young prince stood between his legs: all were leaning on the King, and often pressed him in their embraces.—This scene of sorrow lasted an hour & three quarters; during which, it was impossible to bear any thing. It could however be seen, that after every sentence uttered by the King, the agitation of the Queen and Princesses increased, lasted some minutes, and then the King began to speak again. It was plain from their gestures, that they received from himself, the first intelligence of his condemnation. At a quarter past ten, the King rose first—they all followed. I opened the door, the Queen held the King by his right arm—and their Majesty's gave each a hand to the Dauphin—Madame Royale on the King's left had her arms round his body; and behind her Madame Elizabeth on the same side, had taken his arm. They advanced some steps towards the entry door, breaking out in the most agonized lamentations, "I assure you" (said the King) "that I will see you again to morrow." "Thou promisest" (said they altogether) "only not at seven o'clock?" "(said the Queen) "well! yes, at seven" (replied the King)—farewell"—He pronounced "farewell" in so expressive a manner, that their sobs were renewed, and Madame Royale fainted at the feet of the King, round whom she had clung. I raised her and assisted Madame Elizabeth to support her. The King willing to put an end to this agonizing scene, once more embraced them all most tenderly, and had the resolution to tear himself from their arms.—"Farewell! farewell!" said he, and went into his chamber.
N. B. This was the last time he saw his family.
A QUESTION—for Natural Philosophers to solve.
FROM what cause is it that a key suspended in a tumbler or wine glass, by a thread twisted at one end round the finger, shall vibrate until it strikes on the side of the glass the hour of the day or night, and then cease to vibrate? I have seen the experiment made sundry times, both in the night and day, and it never failed telling the nearest hour. And why is it that the same key, tied to a stick, and suspended in the same manner, shall not vibrate at all? It will appear more extraordinary, when it is considered that the son of time into twice twelve hours is an arbitrary division. [Vir. Hor.]
Political Information.
A LETTER, written by the Honorable ROBERT G. HARPER.
[Concluded from the last Gazette.]
THE act for suspending all commercial intercourse with France and her dominions, has been continued in force for one year longer; but the President is authorized to restore the commercial intercourse immediately, with such particular parts of those dominions as he may judge proper. This authority was given on account of a disposition, manifested by the persons in authority in some of the French Islands, to desist from privateering on our vessels; provided the trade of the United States, of which they are in most pressing need, since they depend on it for their supplies of provisions, should be restored to them. At the suspension of commercial intercourse was resorted to by Congress, as a means of bringing these people to a sense of propriety, and protecting our trade from their depredations, there could be no reason to continue it after these objects should be obtained. An arrangement for these purposes, it is supposed, will be made with some of the French Islands, especially St. Domingo.
The French government having lately passed an edict, by which all neutral sailors, found on board of British ships of war or merchantmen, though carried there by force, are rendered liable to execution as pirates, Congress, justly considering the measure as leveled chiefly at us, since it is our sailors who, on account of similarity of language and other circumstances, are most frequently found in British ships, passed a law authorizing the President, in case the edict should be executed, on any of our sailors, previously impressed on board of British ships of war, to retaliate on any French prisoners who may be in our power. The British had before declared that they would retaliate if the edict should be executed in any case whatever. This threat is said to have produced its suspension, though not its repeal. For the sake of humanity, we hope that the French will refrain from its execution.
While Congress was employed on these measures relating to our external affairs, it did not neglect the internal regulations which the public good required. An act was passed for consolidating into one act, and amending all the various acts respecting the collection of duties on imports and tonnage. This was a work of much labour, and much utility. Considerable progress was made in a similar digest of the laws respecting duties on mills, and domestic distilled spirits; which is much wanted, and will probably be finished next session. The acts respecting stamp duties were revised and amended. A general revision and amendment of the post-office system took place. The act for the valuation of lands and dwelling houses was revised, and that part of it which required a return of the number and dimensions of windows, repealed; as being more troublesome and disagreeable to individuals, than useful for promoting the objects of the act. The regulations for the preservation of health, and the prevention of contagious diseases, were extended and enforced. Acts were passed for the government of the navy, and the better organization of the army. And a general bankrupt act was passed, considered, and matured; which, tho' rejected by a small majority, is now in such a state as to be brought forward at next session, with good prospects of success.
An attempt was made to repeal the alien and sedition acts, founded chiefly on their supposed unconstitutionality, and supported by petitions from various parts of the country. But, as Congress, after the most matured examination, found no reason to doubt about their constitutional power to pass these acts, and the particular circumstances which induced them to exercise that power, have by no means ceased, it was thought inexpedient to consent to the repeal and the motion was rejected. The reasons whereon this rejection was founded, are detailed and enforced in a report of a select committee, which was published, and of which I forward some copies to the district. Threats, if not renewed, will expire of themselves, in one year from this time. Their renewal will depend on the state of things at next session. The alien act, I believe, it will be proper to renew, unless circumstances should greatly alter; for there ought always, in times of danger, to exist a power of apprehending mischievous or suspected aliens, and of sending them out of the country: more especially when we have to deal with an enemy, which, like the French government, works more by intrigue than by open force.—But the sedition act is less necessary; for there is no doubt that every thing which it makes penal, may be punished, with much more severity, by the common law of the land; and its only use was to declare that law, to render it more generally known, and to restrict it in some particulars where it was thought, to go too far.—By the common law, the courts could fine and imprison, to any extent for libel; and perjury indicted for such offences, could not plead the truth of the matter, in their defence. By the act, the truth of the matter may be pleaded, and the power of fine and imprisonment, is restricted to two years, and two thousand dollars. If it should be found necessary, therefore, to restore the common law, in this respect, to its ancient rigour, the act must be suffered to expire.
An increase was made in the salaries of certain officers employed in the executive departments, and by their duties obliged to reside constantly in this city. Those salaries were, for the most part, six nine years ago, when every article of life was nearly one-half cheaper in the great towns, than at present. Consequently they had become inadequate, as appeared from the most undoubted information, to the support of their officers and their families; who were obliged to live upon their own property, while employed wholly in the public service, and, if not men of fortune, were reduced to great difficulties. Hence, a great discouragement to good public servants, a great temptation to those who have under their control vast sums of public money, and a great difficulty in finding men properly qualified, in respect of talents and character, for filling up any vacancies which from time to time occur. Congress, therefore, judged it true economy to put these useful and necessary officers more at their ease, by adding something to their salaries; and, in my opinion, it judged right. But, as the public has, at present, great occasion for money, the increase was small, and confined solely to those officers whose duties oblige them to reside constantly at the seat of government. The whole amount of the different augmentations, was no more than eleven thousand five hundred dollars per annum; a most inconsiderable sum when compared with the importance of the object, and the resources of the nation. The augmentation is for
three years only; to be continued or not, at the end of that period, according to circumstances.
I spoke, in my last, of the general prosperity of our trade; which has recovered from its late depression, and continues to flourish with increasing vigor. The revenue of the last year was greater than it had been estimated at the beginning of the year; and exceeded that of the former year, instead of falling below it; as, from the depredations on our commerce, and its consequent stagnation, there was reason to apprehend. The exports too have considerably increased during the last year; in 1797, they were 51,294,710 dollars; and in 1798, 61,327,411; in 1799, on the contrary, they amounted to no more than 18,399,202—so that, in one year, they have increased a fifth, and more than trebled in eight years.
Our shipping also, notwithstanding the great number of vessels which have been captured, has increased very considerably. In 1794, we owned 628,617 tons of shipping; in 1797 it had increased to 831,900 tons; and at the commencement of 1798, we had 876,912 tons.—From 1790 to 1796, inclusive, the foreign shipping employed in our trade, had decreased from 250,748 tons to 49,846; which decrease was occasioned, and replaced, by the great increase of our own shipping.
For two years preceding 1798 our revenue, from commerce, estimated at the rate of a million annually, or one sixth, without an increase of duties: last year it increased very little, on account of the unprotected state of our trade. From 7,355,688 dollars, its product in 1797, it rose in 1798 to 7,405,420 only; and this small increase must be attributed, in part, though not wholly, to a small augmentation of duties, which began to operate upon the revenue in the course of last year. But, as our trade has now revived, in consequence of the protection afforded to it, we may reasonably expect that the revenue will regain its former state of rapid increase.
Our situation with France still remains as it was when I wrote last. When the French government found that Gen. Pinckney and Gen. Marshall could not be enticed or frightened into terms disgraceful to the country, that his schemes, with respect to Mr. Gerry, were baffled by his recall, and that the American government and nation instead of crouching at its feet through weakness and division, as so many other countries had done to their utter ruin, repelled its attacks, despised its threats, and were preparing, with vigour and system, to defend, by arms, the rights and honour of the country, it all at once changed its tone, and professed a great willingness to treat; our attempts at which it had so lately spurned; an anxious desire to avert a quarrel; which before it fought by every possible injury; and the most friendly sentiments towards a country which it had plundered and insulted for years together. One of Mr. Talleyrand's clerks was dispatched to Holland, under pretence of acting as secretary to the French minister there; but in reality to open an informal communication with our minister. He threw himself in the way of our minister, and having engaged him in conversation, respecting the state of affairs between the two countries, he wrote an account of those conversations to Mr. Talleyrand. Mr. Talleyrand wrote him letters in reply, which he was allowed to show to the American minister. These letters, of which he even gave our minister copies, were filled with professions of friendship for the United States, of regret at the existing differences, and of willingness, and even anxiety to enter into negotiations for their removal. The copies which our minister received, he transmitted to the President.
Hypocrites very often, in their abundant cunning over-reach themselves; and so it happened to the French government in this instance. We could be at no loss to discover the drift of all this sudden mildness and apparent good nature; when we considered that it was accompanied by no substantial change of measures towards us; but that, on the contrary, the French continued in force all their laws against our trade, took as many of our vessels as possible, and even in the midst of all these fair pretences, passed the atrocious and bloody edict, for hanging as pirates all our sailors who might be found in British ships, though carried and kept there by force. But lest all this evidence joined to the numerous examples of cruel and studied perfidy which France had displayed towards other nations, especially the Swiss, whom she destroyed by similar arts, should not be sufficient to put us on our guard against her wiles she took a step which served, in the strongest manner to manifest her intentions. This correspondence between M. Talleyrand's clerk, and our minister in Holland, which was carried on with the greatest apparent mystery, and transmitted to the President with particular and unusual precautions, was nevertheless sent, doubtless by Mr. Talleyrand's order, for his clerk would not of himself have ventured on such a step, to a gazette in this city, which is notoriously in the interest, and suspected, on good grounds, of being in the pay of the French government; and in that gazette it was published. From hence alone, without other proofs, it would be manifest, that the whole was a trick, contrived and executed for the sole purpose of producing an effect upon the people of America, of lulling this country, by the hopes of peace and accommodation, into a fatal repose, of increasing our divisions, of furnishing the French party with pretences for opposing all our measures of defence and preparation, and of raising a clamour against the government, if it should refuse to listen to this insidious overture.
Congress, however, did not fall into so very obvious a snare; but continued to pursue its system of defence and preparation, with unabated vigour. But as these letters contained a declaration that the French government was ready to receive, in a proper and becoming manner, any minister whom the President might authorize to treat respecting an accommodation; and as Mr. Talleyrand's permission to show the letters to our minister, and to give him copies for the purpose of being transmitted to our government, might be considered as an advance towards reconciliation, on the part of the French government; the President thought it proper to meet this advance; and for that purpose appointed three ministers, who were approved by the Senate. These ministers are Oliver Ellsworth, chief justice of the United States, Patrick Henry, formerly governor of Virginia, and Mr. Murray, at present minister of the United States in Holland. They are not to leave this country till they receive regular and formal assurances from the French government that they will be properly received, and that ministers, duly authorized, will be appointed, on the part of France, to treat with them.
Thus stands this affair. The sincerity of the Directory, in this pretended wish for reconciliation, may be judged of from the circumstances which I have mentioned, and from an additional fact, which I have authority to state on the most accurate and undoubted information. It is this:
Some time ago the Directory sent to St. Domingo, their principal West-India possession, an agent of the name of Hedouville. This man, on his arrival, made
professions of justice and amicable conduct towards the United States; but he soon equalled, and even exceeded, his predecessors in depredations on our commerce.—Last summer, while Mr. Gerry was still in Paris, and the Directory was employing every artifice to keep him there, and to draw him into an endless negotiation, Hedouville was preparing to invade the southern States from St. Domingo, with an army of blacks; which was to be landed with a large supply of officers, arms and ammunition, to excite an insurrection among the negroes by means of missionaries previously sent, and first to subjugate the country, by their assistance, and then plunder and lay it waste. For the execution of this humane and friendly scheme, he waited only till the English should evacuate a certain port in the island, which lay most convenient for the expedition; but he was interrupted by a black general, of the name of Toussaint, who drove him from the island, compelled him to embark for France, and took the whole authority into his own hands; which he yet retains.
This scheme came to our knowledge in the following manner:—A very rich ship from the East-Indies, valued at nearly seven hundred thousand dollars, was taken last summer by one of Hedouville's privateers. The owners, merchants of this town, employed a man of honour and character, well known here, and well acquainted in the West-Indies, to go and endeavour to purchase the ship at a low rate. He went to St. Domingo for that purpose; and while there, conversed with some of the black officers who were to be employed in the expedition. As he spoke their language well, he was led to cultivate an acquaintance with them; and from them, in their moments of conviviality, he learned the project. I have it from him, through a person of the highest confidence.
Hence may we learn to appreciate the professions of the French government; and the wisdom, or honesty, of those counsellors, who perpetually tell us there is no danger of an invasion from France, and no need to prepare against such an event.
Respecting the state of affairs abroad, our accounts are still various and uncertain. It is, however certain, that the king of Naples has renewed the war against the French in Italy; and from his manner of doing it, there is little doubt of his acting in concert with the Austrians, whose movements for some time past, have indicated hostile designs. Very direct, though unofficial, accounts have been received of a complete victory over the French, by a part of the army of the king of Naples. The French, it is said, 20,000 to 25,000, & defeated with 5,000 killed and taken. Should this be true, and there is some reason to believe it from the manner in which the account comes, it may be considered as the forerunner of a general war and great events. It has been the usual fortune of the French to overrun countries by their impetuosity, and hold them for a while; and then to be as suddenly driven out. It is not improbable that the same fate awaits them now; and this defeat by the troops of Naples, if the account of it be true, may be considered as the commencement of their downfall.
The accounts respecting the destruction of Buonaparte and his army, have neither been confirmed, as yet, nor contradicted. I always considered his destruction as very certain, from the moment when he was left without hope of recruit or supply, in the midst of an hostile and unhealthy country, where we know that his army suffered every want and hardship, and whose inhabitants, by his own account, fought him perpetually, and with great bravery. At any rate he is lost to France; for, cut off as he is by the loss of his fleet from all hope of return or communication, he cannot assist her in the new struggle wherein the issues to be on the point of engaging. This cannot fail to have a very considerable effect on her success. The terror of his name was an host, and he has with him, not only her best troops, but a great number of her best officers. Under these circumstances, it is difficult to conjecture how he may act towards us. I have no doubt, however, that he will attempt to disarm us by deceitful appearances, and professions of a wish to negotiate; but I neither believe that she will keep peace with us, if we disarm, even should she make one, nor attempt to strike us, while we remain on our guard. Our wisdom, I cannot repeat it too often, consists in a state of watchful and vigorous preparation. She assumes an air of mildness for the present; as she did towards the Swiss, before she was prepared to strike the fatal blow; but we ought never to forget that "The Tyger always crouches before he leaps on his prey."
The Russians and Turks, at friends, have conceived and expressed a wish to be on friendly terms with us, and to form treaties of commerce. The President has thought fit, and very wisely as far as I can judge, to cultivate this disposition; from which great advantages in the trade of those nations, may accrue to us. He has, therefore, directed our minister in England, to treat with the Russian minister on the subject; and our minister in Portugal, to repair to Constantinople for the same purpose. This advance, on the part of those remote, but powerful, nations, is a pleasing proof of the increasing importance and respectability of our country.
I find that in speaking of our domestic affairs, I have omitted one circumstance of great importance, and a most satisfactory nature; as it shews, in a very striking manner, the stability of public credit, the confidence reposed in our government, and the extent of our financial resources—I mean the Loan. Last year the President was empowered to borrow five millions of dollars for the public service. The money was not wanted last year; but in the course of this, there will be need of it. A loan was therefore opened, and an interest of 8 per cent. offered. The subscription was kept open one day; in the course of which no less than fourteen millions eight hundred thousand dollars was subscribed; of which the public accepts five millions only. That sum together with the ordinary revenue, amounting to something more than ten millions, will be sufficient for all the expenses of the present year. Thus it appears that if the public had wanted fifteen millions, instead of five, the money might have been procured.
Some persons have been of opinion that this money might have been borrowed on better terms. Perhaps it might; but it was better to offer a handsome interest, and make sure of success, than to risk a failure, which must have had the most unfavourable effect on our affairs. In the mean time, a right is reserved to the government of paying off the whole loan at the end of ten years. Consequently, if circumstances should be favourable at that time, a new loan may be made, at a lower rate of interest, for the purpose of paying off this.
There are still, my dear Sir, many things, which probably, it would be agreeable to you to hear; but these have appeared to me the most important; and as you must be pretty well tired by this time, as well as myself, I conclude, with presenting to you the respects and best wishes of
Your very humble servant, Robert G. Harper.

Federal Manifesto!
WILLIAM MACPHERSON, Brigadier General in the army of the United States, commanding the troops destined to act against the Insurgents in the Counties of Northampton, Mont- gomery, and Bucks, in the State of Pennsylvania. To the People of the said Counties.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
HAVING received it in command from the President of the United States, to employ the force under my orders, and such additional force as the occasion may be found to require, in compelling submission to the laws of the United States in the aforesaid counties, and in suppressing and dispersing all unlawful combinations, which have there been formed, for the purpose of preventing, by force or violence, the execution of the said laws or any of them, I have judged it expedient to make known to the people of the said counties, and to all others whom it may concern, the danger to which they will expose themselves by joining in any such unlawful proceedings, or by giving aid or encouragement to those engaged therein; and also to remind them of the reasonableness of submitting to the laws in general, and to those in particular, which some have resisted in a treasonable manner.
It cannot be unknown to you, my fellow-citizens, or to any portion of the people of the United States, that obedience to laws constitutionally made, is essential to the existence of a free government; and that in a republic, where the laws are enacted by the general consent, that consent must be declared by a majority of those persons, who are constitutionally appointed for that purpose, by the people at large. The whole body of the people cannot assemble to make laws, and as men are found to differ in opinion about all matters on which they are called to deliberate, no decision could ever take place if the will of the majority were not to govern. The people of the United States have been, at all times, so well convinced of these truths, that from their first settlement in this country, they have always been governed by assemblies chosen to represent them; and have compelled all persons, by force of arms, when necessary, to submit to the laws enacted by a majority in those assemblies. The federal government is as much a government of the people, as freely chosen by themselves to represent them, and to make laws for their benefit, as the government of the states respectively. It was ordained and established by the people themselves, as they have expressly declared, "in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity." In order to effect these great and desirable purposes, for which the first articles of confederation had been found, by experience, wholly insufficient, they gave to Congress various powers, which are enumerated in the constitution. From the very nature of the government, doubts may sometimes arise, and have arisen, whether any of these powers authorise Congress to enact certain laws; and there is a regular and constitutional method of deciding such questions, when they do arise, to which all good citizens will resort, and implicitly submit; but in the present case, no such doubt has been, or can be entertained; for it is expressly declared by the constitution itself (Art. 1, Sect. 8.) that Congress shall have power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States." This power being given to Congress by the constitution, Congress must decide when, and in what manner, it ought to be exercised and this decision must be declared by a majority. When declared, it must be obeyed; otherwise the constitution must be destroyed; with it all government, law and order must perish, and disunion, civil war, & anarchy must ensue.
The acts to which a treasonable opposition is made, are Acts "to lay and collect a tax for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; consequently such acts as Congress is expressly empowered by the people to pass; and even from a slight consideration, they will appear to be as necessary, and as reasonable in themselves, as they are conformable to the Constitution, and favourable to those very persons who resist their execution.
Nobody has denied, or can deny, that the United States were threatened, when these acts passed, and still are threatened, with the resentment of a very powerful, a very ambitious, and a very vindictive nation.—From what sources this resentment arose, or whether by a different course of conduct it might have been prevented, were secondary questions.—The great question was, whether we should submit to the indignities heaped upon us by this nation, and subscribe to the disgraceful terms which it exacted, or prepare for resistance and for defending our rights, as became a free and independent nation. Upon this question, which Congress, whose duty it is "to provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States," was bound to decide, there was no difference of opinion; at least none was avowed. All concurred in the opinion, that we ought to reject the terms held out by France, and prepare for our defence, in case she should attempt to enforce them. The sole question was, in what manner we should prepare, and to what extent? Who was to decide this question; the majority, or the minority? A majority and a large
majority, of the representatives of the people, constitutionally chosen by themselves, did decide, and did agree upon the system which has been adopted. This system requires money; and in order to procure money, a tax is necessary. Had the contrary system been adopted, still money and a tax would have been necessary; for upon no plan can a country be defended, or preparations be made for its defence, without money. Had there even been any basis enough to propose submission to the terms of France, and had the proposition been agreed to, still there must have been money and taxes: for France required of us in the first instance, a loan of many millions of dollars, and informed us that her subsequent demand would be measured by our ability to pay. To raise this unlimited tribute, we must have submitted to far heavier taxes, than have been laid by Congress for our defence.
It is true that she afterwards pretended to desist from this demand of money! but it was in consequence of our resistance and our preparations that she did so; & those preparations had already rendered the tax necessary.
In laying this tax Congress paid the most careful attention to the situation and the wants of the people; & so modified it that its weight falls almost entirely on those in affluent circumstances; while the poor are in a great measure exempt from its operation.
It is laid on lands, dwelling houses & slaves; but as there are no slaves in this state, the whole tax falls on lands and dwelling houses. The lands are to be taxed exactly according to their value, whoever may be the owners; but the dwelling houses are to be assessed by a different rule. The poor man whose dwelling house, with the out houses and house lot of not more than two acres, is worth less than one hundred dollars, will pay nothing for it: and if it be worth one hundred dollars, its tax will be only twenty cents. By the same rule, other houses, of higher value, will pay as follows:
If worth 200 dollars, 40 cents.
300 60
400 80
500 100 or 1 dol.
Thus far you see, my fellow-citizens, that the house tax is at the rate of twenty cents for every hundred dollars of the value of the house. But for houses worth from five hundred to one thousand dollars, the rate of the tax is thirty cents for each hundred dollars of their value, so that a house worth six hundred dollars, will pay six times thirty cents, or one dollar and 80 cents.
If worth 700 dols. it will pay 2 dols. & 10 cts.
800 2 40
900 2 70
1000 3
Thus the rich man with a house valued at one thousand dollars, will pay three times as much tax, as the poorer man whose house is valued at half the sum, or five hundred dollars, and in this manner the tax goes on increasing upon the costly houses and the rich, until they are taxed five times as much in proportion to the value of their houses, as their poorer fellow citizens whose houses are worth only from one hundred to five hundred dollars. A house worth one hundred dollars pays twenty cents; which is one-fifth of one per cent on its value. A house worth thirty thousand dollars, pays three hundred dollars, which is one per cent. on its value; five times as much in proportion.
From hence, my fellow citizens, you must be convinced, that the opposition to this tax in your counties, is not only contrary to the constitution, the laws, and every principle of good government, but also most absurd and foolish, since the tax which is resisted falls so lightly on the poorer citizens who are persuaded to resist. Many of their houses will pay no tax; and very few more than one dollar each; for few of their houses will be valued at more than five hundred dollars. They will indeed be liable to the tax on lands. But the tax on houses, is to be first deducted from the whole quota of the state; and the balance only is to be laid on lands. The houses in this state, will it is supposed pay far the greater part of the tax; perhaps the whole of it: and in that case there will be no tax on the lands, and those persons whose houses are worth less than one hundred dollars, will have nothing to pay.
As a further proof of the attention of Congress to the wishes, as well as the convenience of the people, it has repealed during the late session, that part of the laws which required a return of the windows of every dwelling house, and which was found to be more disagreeable than necessary or useful. Consequently a return of the windows will not be now required.
To fix the value of lands and houses, was a work of difficulty and expense; but when once done, it will not be necessary to repeat it. For this business great pains were taken, and the most effectual means employed, to select men of good character well acquainted with the subject, and equally interested with their fellow citizens in having the business well done.
The tax, moreover is not permanent: but for one year only and not to be continued unless the public good should require it; nor without the consent of the people by their representatives.
To those who resist in a treasonable manner, the execution of laws so constitutional, so necessary and so indulgent in their provisions to that part of the citizens who are the least able to pay taxes, there can be no excuse; and for the evils which they may suffer in consequence of their criminal conduct, they can have nothing to blame but their own blindness, obstinacy and wickedness. On the contrary, every necessary step ought to be taken, and will be taken to subdue and bring to justice both them and all
they may be aided or abetted, so that their punishment may be an example to deter others from the like crimes in future.—The necessity of employing arms against any portion of our fellow citizens must be deeply lamented: but the consequences will lie at the door of those whose treasonable proceedings have produced the necessity: not of the government, which is bound, by its most sacred duty, to preserve order and enforce obedience to the laws.
But to those who shall remain peaceably at their homes, and continue to abstain from all part in these unlawful acts, either by open assistance, or by secret aid, counsel or intelligence, the utmost protection will be given, both for their persons and their property. Every precaution will be taken to prevent the march of the troops from becoming burdensome to the citizens; all supplies will be punctually paid for; and the strictest discipline will be preserved.
Let me therefore my fellow citizens, warn and entreat you, as you love your country; as you prize the blessings of liberty, with order and peace; as you wish to avert the necessity of shedding blood, which is equally contrary to my wishes, and those of the President; as you dread the evils of civil war, and desire to escape the crimes and punishment of traitors to their country; to turn a deaf ear to the counsels of those wicked men who would draw you into destruction; who to gratify their own ambition or to protect themselves from punishment for their crimes, would induce you to take up arms against the laws and the government of your country, and to engage in a struggle as hopeless as criminal, against the whole force of the United States; who talk to you about peace and liberty, while they torment a civil war; who complain of expence, while they compel the government to increase it, for the purpose of suppressing insurrection; and who boast as being republicans, while they violate the most essential principle of republicanism, which is obedience to the laws passed by the consent of a majority. And let me warn you to abstain from giving aid, in any manner whatsoever, to the aforesaid insurgents, on the pain of becoming involved in their crimes and their punishment.
Given under my hand and seal at head quarters at Doll's, this fifth day of April, A. D. 1799, and of American Independence the twenty third.
W. MACPHERSON.
By order of the general, JONA. WILLIAMS, Aid-de-Camp.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Communication.
JACOBINISM, like a weak stomach or perverted appetite, rejects all wholesome and nutritious food, and can get nothing down but chalk and coals. It is a very bad child—but while it is whipped, it must, however, be tended; and though underwritten, yet those of us who had nothing to do with its parentage have no reason to be ashamed. Conceiving myself to be one of its most loving nurses, and observing it to have a new complaint, called "Common law," I shall do what I can to remove it, handling the brat as the disorder may require.
Without figure of speech, we see in the Chronicle that the trial of Abiah Adams for a vilainous libel upon the State of Massachusetts, in which the Judges proceeded upon the common law of England, which is also the common law of this country, has roused all the left-handed learning of the Jacobins, and sharpened their peevish wits even almost to the power of saying new things.—Is it strange that Jacobins should be against the common law? I desire to know what law they like? They hate the very name of law. There is nothing so adverse to their natures, their habits, and their pursuits. When they appear jealous for the constitution, and when they moralize upon the principles of any law, they lie—for they have no preference. It is the subjection itself and not the mode of it; it is their vassalage to principle and not the perversion of the latter, which they secretly deplore. Loose them from the silken cords, soft though strong, which at once bind and adorn the good in society, and for a moment these croakers would cease to complain—but not long, for they would murmur in heaven, which ought to convince everybody that they will never get there, and might even settle themselves in particular moments, if the Lethean dose of modern philosophy had not prepared them for eternal sleep."
So much depravity as the jacobin defence of the Chronicle-painter discloses to view, in the insidious attack upon the common law, was hardly to be expected. But what is not to be expected?—This is a time when it is the pride of man that there is nothing sacred—nothing but what his lordship may trample on. He dashes the talisman to pieces—instantly the venerable castle is no more, all is fled, the whole scene and himself is changed—nature vast and wild is under his feet, and he has acquired gigantic form. Among the fashions of this vain and frivolous world, there are fashions of thinking as well as of shoe-straps, and that which tyrannizes now is liberty. We must have no kind of restraint, not even to make us comfortable and secure—we must have no rule even though we choose it—we must deny all principle even though we try in vain to shake it off. If this mania would only run the ordinary course of a fashion, and then give place to something equally foolish, it should not be noticed—but there is so much wickedness at work upon so much ignorance, that it is rather to be feared that
great mischief may follow, if we suffer a flying enemy to rally, and do not drive him in every direction quite out of the field. Let us consider what the common law is, and how it is the most precious birthright of Americans.
I shall not amuse myself nor perplex the reader with technical definitions, but endeavour to be understood. The common law of England, then, is the whole jurisprudence of the nation, except the regulations made by the statute, civil and canon law. More plainly, it is the immemorial practice of the nation. Yet more plainly, it is the decisions of the judges on those points wherewith the legislature has not seen occasion to meddle. In short, it is the economy of Old England for about a thousand years. When our ancestors colonized this country they not only brought it with them, but they could not get rid of it, nor do without it. It was their very education, and all the notion they had of living together. It was not merely brought over in a ship, nor naturalized by act of the general court, but it was interwoven with the souls of our fathers, and inspired the milk of our mothers. It did not come a begging to a profligate printer, nor seek protection from a wretched attorney—but it came as the police of Tyre went over to Carthage, to make the wilderness blossom, and like providence to bless ingratitude. It is not a scare crow at distance, but always present with us, enters into the composition of all our thoughts, forms our habits and finally constitutes ourselves. No less important to us is the common law of England, & such a thing it is that the Jacobins with true jacobin audacity pretend to criticise. These fellows would undertake, I dare say, to persuade you that the blood in your veins is unnecessary and tyrannical, that the colour of your skin had better be black, and that breathing is troublesome. They are blockheads—but the mischief is that they are clamorous blockheads, and the people giving them credit for honesty (which, by the way, they have not a particle of) do not perceive that they are ignorant in the most contemptible degree.
But after all, I suppose the common law might stand, and even be allowed to be excellent, if it were not the ENGLISH common law. There is the burden of the song—the everlasting plague fore of a jacobin's conscience. He would freely subscribe to any sort of French faith, and submit to any sort of French law, surrender his property, give up his wife and children, and sell his God—but the very name of England makes him sick—he grows pale, and his heart dies within him at the mention of the triumphant enemy of France. Poor fellow!—It would be a fine thing if he could make one grand exertion, and shake off this most scandalous attachment. It would even be very clever if he could conquer the pitiful pride he feels in holding out and remaining obstinate to the end of the chapter. It would even be something if he could learn to suspect that he has fallen into universal contempt.
We on our side are not attached to England, but we barely defend and maintain our habits, our customs and our laws—and if it so happens that these are of English origin, how can we help it, and who but a jacobin would go about to deny it? I freely own that I respect England for being the mother of such a goodly system, as well as the mother of my fathers. And till our judges have been long enough in practice to form a law-book of their own decisions, I shall turn back with pleasure and confidence to the English authorities. In England there has always been a regular system, and you may depend upon their decisions with as much safety as you can believe that they would not commit suicide. Say what you will, the British laws will govern this country forever. "Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spot?" Colonies never less, nor can they possibly divest themselves of the habits of the mother-country. We may try, but we cannot turn Turks nor Frenchmen. Our fathers have formed us as they were formed, and we are forming our children in the same manner—Every child is already a student of the common law of England—and his habits of thinking are to be found in his books. He will one day be surprised to see how natural are its adjudications, without perceiving that they are his own, and were his father's before him. It is, in short, and will be, the fami-y-character, and in it we see—ourselves.
Well! now for a peep at France. Can anybody tell me what is the common law of France?—The Lord only knows whether they have any law at all there—but I desire to know whether we can all go to speaking French, dancing farabands, and snuggling up our shoulders at once, when we have never been used to any such thing?—If we cannot parlez-vous at once throughout the whole economy of a Frenchman's day, we had better be as we are even if the English do so too. We cannot be French in law unless we in the first place tear up nature by the roots, and then begin to do as they do, down from universal whoredom to eating soup with a fork. Yet this whore of Babylon says she is our "true mother country," and jacobins fret about the common law of England—Ridiculous!
[To be continued.]
William J. Miller, Esq. at Calcutta, has been formally received and acknowledged as the Consul of the U. S. of America for the British territories in India. This is the only nation to whom the same privilege has ever been granted, or who is permitted to have a public character there; and which is the reason the above gentleman, although suffered for these two years past to exercise the power, has not before been recognized in an official character.

This Number
Completes one year, or fifty two numbers, since the first publication of THE GAZETTE. The extensive and flattering support which it has received confirms the hope that my exertions will be amply rewarded with that success which I was led to anticipate from the citizens of this District.
The general punctuality and attention of my subscribers in discharging their bills, will, I hope, prevent the disagreeable necessity of demanding Remote subscribers will receive directions how to make their remittances.
Publication of the Laws.
I am happy to inform the Public, that I have received an appointment from the Secretary of State, to print the Laws of the United States, in the District of Maine, beginning with Laws of the last session of Congress.
In consequence of this appointment, I shall commence their publication next week, agreeable to the method directed by the Secretary—when this gazette will appear under the title of JENKINS'S PORTLAND GAZETTE.
Every exertion will be used to render this paper respectable, useful, and authentic, by
The public's most obedient servant, E. A. JENKS.
MR. HARPER'S LETTER. included in this day's Gazette, merits the particular attention of every reader.
BUONAPARTE'S LETTERS. have received a part of the intercepted letters Buonaparte and his Officers while in Egypt. They are highly interesting to the political and military world; and shall be laid before my readers as soon as possible, either in a pamphlet or paper.
In the truly federal town of Freeport, Gov. Dyer had 135 votes, which was the unanimous vote except one, given to Mr. Gill by mistake. This is a good proof of the politics of the town.
The Last Mails,
arrived no later European information than those received.
The latest accounts from the troops state, that their business is fast drawing to a close, most of the principal insurgents being taken, and the rest intimidated as to come in of their own accord. They expect this conduct will in some measure give them a claim to mercy. The number taken is said to be between forty and fifty, who were reported to be on their way to the seat of government.
Names of some of the insurgents who have been taken or surrendered themselves.
John Fife, John Everhard, Jacob Huber, John Huber, Frederick Hainey, Christopher Beck, John Klein, sen. John Klein, jun. Daniel Neine, Ab. Braith, Jacob Kleine, John Getman, George Getman, Wm. Getman.—For treason.
Abm. Somfel, Peter Humberg, Abm. Strong, Peter Heidrick, Jacob Huber, Henry Huber, Michael Breich, Abm. Heidrick, Henry Mumhower, George Mumhower, Peter Hager, Peter Gable, Jacob Gable, Daniel Gable.—For Misdemeanor.
Daniel Weider, For Treason. George Mitchel, William Thomas.—Held as Vagabonds. [Philad. Gaz.]
Robert Goodloe Harper, Esq. is appointed one of the Aids to the Commander in Chief.
Papers inform, that General Rigard, with officers of his suite, being forced from St. Domingo, appeared at the Havanna on the 25th inst. and begged of the Spanish Governor to assist him to his officers, in the name of the French Republic.
Accounts have been received from Gibraltar that Lord Nelson had assumed the command of the blockade of Cadiz; and that Lord St. Vincent was ashore at Gibraltar.
Extract of a letter from Capt. A. MURRAY, dated March 9, to the Secretary of the Navy.
have fallen in with a French brig, Capt. M., pierced for 16 guns, but had only 6 on board and 16 men, which I captured, and from the condition of her sails and rigging, and little provision on board, I was obliged to order her to Lucca, the north side of Jamaica, where I intend to call on my route to America. She is from Porto Rico, bound to St. Thomas, with lumber and a few bales of cotton. She is well coppered and a fine looking brig, a Guinea-man. We value the whole at 9000 dls.
FROM THE WEST-INDIES.
On Wednesday last, arrived here, Schooner Mary, Capt. DOWNING LEE, of Northarmouth, 28 days from Demarara, and 18 from Martinico.—At the latter place, Captain Lee was informed that the Spaniards had captured Trinidad; and that the English were making preparations to retake it. Between St. Vincents and St. Lucia, Capt. Lee fell in with 5 English men of war. He also informs that the French at Cayenne were preparing an expedition against Demarara, which place they intended to capture.—That four French frigates were at the former place, full of troops—and that four American frigates, and two smaller vessels had set out to intercept them. This intelligence was communicated to Capt. Lee, by an American, with advice to get out as soon as possible, as it was expected a general embargo would take place.
April 4, fell in with the frigate George Washington, and the U. S. brig Pickering, Capt. E. Preble, by whom he was chased several hours.—Sailed from Martinico in company with the American ship Grand Turk, mounting 20 nine pounders, and the sloop Chloe, Coos, of Norway.
Accounts from the West-Indies say, that Desfournaux, the Sovereign of Guadalupe, has declared WAR against the United States, on account of the capture of the insurgente.
Papers also contain a report, that four Spanish frigates had arrived and taken possession of Surinam, in behalf of the Batavian Republic, without meeting any resistance.
Marine Articles.
Port of Portland.
Tuesday, April 16th arrived sch. Dion, capt. Christopher Dyer, from St. Kitts, Martinico.
Capt. D. failed with the fleet, under the convoy of the U. S. sch. Seammel as far as Prince Rupert's Bay, Dominico. Left a number of American vessels at Martinico. Left Prince Rupert's the 17th March, under convoy of the U. S. ship George Washington, Capt. Fletcher, and brig Pickering, Capt. Preble. Left in Prince Rupert's the U. S. frigates the United States, and Constitution and U. S. vessels of war the Merrimack, Herald and Seammel.
Left at St. Christopher's, on the 20th ult. the U. S. ships Constellation and L'Infurgente—at which time the fleet failed, consisting of about 48 sail of Americans among which were.
Ships—John McNeill, Philadelphia; Commerce, Motley, Portland, bound to St. Croix; on her outward bound passage, the Commerce was taken twice by French privateers, but got clear: John and Phoebe, Dyer, Caline; Dauphin, Wallace, Boston.
Brigs—Polly, Jones, Portland; Pamela, Newbegin, do.—The Pamela failed from hence under the command of Capt. Benjamin Randall, of Cape Elizabeth; but he was unfortunately drowned in Feb. last, while crossing a reef in Tobaga, in a gale, which upset the Brigs, Almy, Crosby, Boston; George and Harriot, Walker, do; Atlantic, Lord, Kennebec; Success, Gardner, Beverly; Peyton, Randolph, R. Island; Liberty, Edwards, Philadelphia; Alexander and Sally, Millberry, Newburyport; Charlotte, Paul, of Portsmouth.
Schrs.—A. Arion, Blakely, Salem; Freedom, Perkins, Penobscot; Nancy Burdman, Newport; Tabitha, Gould, Newburyport; Hawk, Rite, do. and Nancy, Lord, do.
March 28, lat. 27, 10. N. parted with the Convoy, and March 31, lat. 30, 52. N. long. 61, 30. W. spoke brig Alexander and Sally, Millberry, who informed that he saw two French privateers that morning, a brig and sloop; the latter captured a ship about 2 miles leeward of him; he saw the boat pull from one to the other; and when the privateers left her she was on fire, which probably was also taken: The other privateer stood N. after a brig in sight. The ship captured, supposed to be the John and Phoebe, of Caline. April 13th, spoke brig Independence, Boyd, from Jamaica, for Wiscasset.
Wednesday arrived Schooner Aurora, Capt. Dix, 31 days from Berbice. Left there a sch. firm Wilscalfet; a brig from Boston, Captain Hufsey; and Captain Mason of Kennebec.—Off Tobago was spoke by the British frigates Daphne and Favorite.—Markets dull.
Capt. Snow, of the sch. Hannah, arrived at New York, April 12, in 10 days from Savannah, on the 8th inst. spoke the ship Joseph, Stone of Portland, from Liverpool bound to Baltimore, out 70 days, short of provisions—Capt. S. gave him a supply.
TO BE SOLD,
Half a township of Land,
Of six miles square, of the unappropriated Lands in the District of Maine, excepting the lands within six miles of Penobscot River; to be laid out under the direction of the Committee for the sale of Eastern Lands—Being the half township lately granted to the Trustees of Portland Academy.
N. B. The Purchasers may doubtless have their choice of the best of the unappropriated Lands in said District, except as aforesaid.—Inquire of
SAMUEL FREEMAN, DANIEL DAVIS, ELIJAH KELLOG.
Portland March 20, 1799. NOTICE is hereby given, that a further time of three months from the date hereof, is allowed by the Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to the creditors to the
Estate of John Emmons,
late of Portland, deceased, to bring in their claims to the subscribers, Commissioners to said estate, who will attend that business at his late dwelling house, on the third Monday of this and the two following months, from nine to one o'clock, A. M. and from three to five, P. M.
WOODBURY STORER, PETER WARREN.
Portland, 19th March, 1799.
TO BE SOLD,
THAT beautiful and valuable
FARM, formerly the seat of JEREMIAH POWEL, Esq. situated in Northarmouth, on the Eastern County Road, ten miles from Portland—Consisting of about 300 acres of Land; 100 of which is in high cultivation, 70 acres in wood, the remainder in pasture. The whole within a ring fence, great part of which is stone wall.
On the premises is a genteel House, one Barn of 100 feet long, two of 40 feet; a Store, with other detached offices.
Likewise, a large Garden, inclosed with a 7 foot close fence; containing a variety of the choicest fruit trees from Europe, and a great number of them in full bearing. Two Orchards beside.
The place is so well known, a further description is need less, than to say, it is equally adapted either for a Gentleman who is engaged in trade and navigation, or as a beautiful summer residence; or for a TAVERN. The situation and advantages are unequalled.
The whole will be sold together, or in such lots and divisions as shall be agreeable to purchasers.
The terms of payment made easy.—Goods or a Vessel, taken in part—or lots of Land in Portland.
For further particulars, apply to the owner, Mr. MARTIN, on the premises.
N. B. Several House Lots to be sold, near the water side, in Northarmouth.
FOR SALE,
A pleasant situation,
opposite Mr. JENKS's Tavern in New Gloucester—Consisting of about a quarter of an acre of Land, on which is situated a large Building, convenient for a family and a store, being calculated for that purpose.—For terms, apply to
Thomas Webster, or Thomas Beck.
Portland, April 15.
FOR SALE,
A Very valuable FARM,
about two miles from Back-Cove Bridge, lying on Presumpscot river—containing about Ninety acres of up-land and marsh, with a good Dwelling-House and Barn—Also a good Orchard, with Stock and Utensils—The purchaser may know the terms of payment, by inquiring of the Printer.
Portland, April 21st, 1799.
THE subscriber hereby gives notice, that he has been duly appointed Administrator on the
Estate of Andrew Campbell,
late of New Gloucester, in the county of Cumberland, Trader, deceased, and given bond as the law directs: He therefore, as such, hereby calls upon all persons who have claims against said Estate, to exhibit the same: And those who are indebted to said Estate, to make immediate payment, to
Andrew Campbell.
New Gloucester, April 18, 1799.
NOTICE is hereby given, That the subscribers are appointed Administrators on the Estate of David Dennison,
late of Freeport, Yeoman, deceased, and have given Bonds as the law directs:—All persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment: And all those who have demands, are desired to exhibit the same for settlement.
James Dennison, Timothy Dennison.
Freeport, 16th April, 1799.
List of Letters remaining in the Post-Office, Kennebec, April 18th, 1799.
Table with 3 columns: Name, Amount, Town tax. Lists letters for Enoch Kendell, Samuel Campbell, George Fletcher, Joseph Fuller, Capt Alexander Gould, John Gower, Shadrach Hanson, Charles Huff, Gideon Larrabee, David Mattson, Mr. Patten, Joshua Thomas, Benjamin Smith, Capt James Snow, James Snow, Benjamin Willson.
NOTICE is hereby given to the nonresident proprietors or owners of lands in the town of Durham, in the county of Cumberland, that they are taxed for the year 1798, in the State, County, and town tax, committed to me the subscriber to collect, as follows, viz.
Table with 5 columns: Lots, Names, Acres, State & County tax, Town tax. Lists tax details for Waterhouse, Isaac Randell, Josiah Little, etc.
Unless said taxes with the necessary intervening charges are paid to me, on or before Thursday the thirteenth day of June next, at two of the clock in the afternoon, so much of said lands as will defray the same, will then be sold by Public Vendue, at the dwelling house of Capt. Nathaniel Gervase, innholder in said Durham.
JABEZ DYER, Collector of said tax.
Durham, April 8, 1799.
The indisposition of one of the workmen in this Office, must apologize for the late hour of this day's publication. Advertisements, & omitted this day, shall be attended to next week.
FRESH GOODS.
JUST RECEIVED FOR SALE,
By JOSEPH CROSS,
At his Store in Fore Street, a large assortment of
English & West-India Goods.
Calicoes—Copperplates—Gingham—Plain Nankens—Striped Fulsians—Janes—Dimeties—Muslinett—Jocomet Muslins—Jappan'd, Check'd, Bock, Shear, Sprig'd, and Spotted ditto—Muslin Shawls—Purple and Silk ditto—Muffin Handkerchiefs—Lawn ditto—Lustring—Sattins—Modes—Sarsenets—Bandanna Handkerchiefs—Veil Shapes—Pocket Handkerchiefs—Moreens—Durants—Shallons—Cotton Hose—Silk ditto—Velvets—India Cottons—Diapers—Linens—Cambricks—Bed Ticking—Check'd Linen—Broad Cloths—Cassimeres—Carpeting—Women's long and short Gloves—Men's ditto—Russia and Ravens Duck—Looking Glasses—Dressing and pocket ditto—Knives and Forks—Jack and pen Knives.
W. I. & N. E. Rum—
Brandy—Gin—Wines—Molasses—Brown and Loaf Sugar—Bohea and Souchong Tea—Coffee—Chocolate—Ginger—Pepper—Allspice—Cinnamon—Nutmegs—4d, 6d, 10d, and 20d Nails—Glass—Lemons, &c. &c. April 22, 1799
The Selectmen of Portland,
and, apprehending that the Post-Office, which was lately burnt, was designedly set on fire by some evil minded person, judge it proper to offer, and do hereby offer to any person or persons, who will discover the incendiary, so that he may be brought to justice, a reward of TWENTY DOLLARS.
SAMUEL FREEMAN, per order.
April 15.
TO BE SOLD At Public Auction,
At the dwelling house of Mr. JOHN MILLIKIN, Innholder in Northarmouth,
On Tuesday, 21st day of May next, at two o'clock in the afternoon, (if not sold before at private sale)
One half of Lot No. four in
the 120 acre Division west side Royall's River in said town—Conditions to be made known at the time and place of sale.
Also, to be let or sold, a Farm on Cozen's Island, containing between ninety and one hundred acres.
Also, Two hundred acres of Wood Land, in the town of Freeport, to be sold at Private Sale.
For particular, inquire of Colonel JONATHAN MITCHELL, of said Northarmouth: April 6, 1799.
TO BE SOLD,
A valuable FARM
in Bridgeton, situated on the banks of Long Pond, containing nearly three hundred acres—between 40 and 50 acres of which are in good grass, and divided into four fields—well fenced, with a framed House and Barn 50 by 40 feet thereon.
Also—6 lots of unimproved land in Bridgeton, viz. No. 9 and 10 in the 13th Range—No. 35 in the 3d range—and No. 3, in the ninth range in the first division.
Also—The lots No. 6, in the fourth range—and No. 17, in the 2d range in the second division.
The whole or part will be sold on advantageous terms.—Apply to JAMES D. HOPKINS. Portland, April 3, 1799.
NOTICE is hereby given to the nonresident Proprietors of lands in the town of Hebron, in the county of Cumberland, that their Lands are taxed to the State, County, and Town, for the year 1798, and committed to me the subscriber to collect, as follows, viz.
Table with 5 columns: Proprietors, No. of Acres, State & County tax, Town tax, Cts. M. D. C. M. Lists tax details for Jonathan Greenleaf, Thomas Motley, Jonathan Greenleaf, James Stenchfield.
If said taxes with all necessary intervening charges are not paid to me the subscriber on or before the 29th day of July next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, so much of said lands as will be sufficient to discharge said taxes and charges, will then be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder, according to law, at the dwelling house of Seth Beares, innholder in said Hebron. March 20th, 1799.
BARNABAS MYRICK, Collector.
NOTICE is hereby given to the nonresident proprietor of land in the town of Hebron, in the county of Cumberland, that his land is taxed to the State, County and Town, for the year 1796, and committed to me the subscriber to collect, as follows, namely.
Table with 3 columns: Acres, Tax, D. C. Lists tax details for Jonathan Greenleaf.
Unless said tax with all necessary intervening charges are paid to me the subscriber, on or before the 29th day of July next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. so much of said land as will be sufficient to discharge the same, will then be sold at Public Auction to the highest bidder, at the dwelling house of Seth Beares, innholder in said town, according to law.
ELISHA GURNEY, JUD. Collector.
Hebron, March 20th, A. D. 1799.

Poetry.
THE VIOLET.
SERENE is the morning, the lark leaves its nest, And sings a salute to the dawn; The sun with his splendor embowers the east, And brightens the dew on the lawn; While the fans of Venus in indulgence give way, And slumber the prime of their hours, Let Eve's blooming daughters, the garden survey, And make their remarks on the flowers.
The gaudy-gay Tulip, offers as ye walk, How founting the glist of its vest, How proud and how flatly it stands on its stalk, In beauty's diversity dress; From the Rose, the Carnation, the Pink, and the Clove, What odors incessantly spring; The South wafts a richer perfume from the grove, As it brushes the leaves with its wing.
Miscellany.
FROM THE FARMER'S MUSEUM.
From the Shop of Mellis. COLON and SPONDEE.
Messrs. Colon and Spondee to their kind Customers.
IT has fared with the poet of the United States, as it has with the manufacturer of cloths; each has found a plenty of raw materials, each has made good homespun ware, and each has failed in raising that fine nap, and giving that brilliant colour to their manufactures, which strike the eye of people of fashion. As we may, without vanity, be presumed to be at the top of our trade, we have thought it our especial duty to examine, critically and scientifically, the most modish, literary manufactures of Europe, to discover the causes of their tonish superiority; and to avail ourselves of our discoveries, for the benefit of the fine writers, as manufactures of our own country. The great Frederic of Prussia stole the art of making China from Canton, and the Englishman, Wedgwood, by a similar address, has caused the wares of Birmingham and Stafford to rival the porcelain of Potzdam, and the vases of Etruria.
We shall proceed to acquaint our brother tradesmen with our discoveries in order.
In our opinion, one of the principal causes of the fashionable superiority of poetry, woven in European looms, is the judicious use of epithets. These should be gorgeous, splendid, far fetched, and obnubulous; that is to say, almost unintelligible. The fault of the American Parnassian weaver is, that he makes both warp and filling of strong, plain, good sense, when the stuff will find a much readier market, if he will merely warp with sense, and fill with epithets. Doubtless, there is now on hand many a durable piece of American stuff, which would command a ready market, if tampered with choice epithets, after the manner of those ingenious weavers, Mrs. CHARLOTTE SMITH, DELLA CRUSCA, and ANNA MATILDA.
Messrs. COLON & SPONDEE.
Have, at a great expense, erected an Epithet Jeany, with which they card, spin, and twist all kinds of epithets; single threaded, double twitted, and long rolled epithets, by the hank, or pound. A few real gold and silver wire, and sprangled ditto, for the manufactures of epilogues and theatrical addresses. Ditto tinsel for songs.
N. B. They may be sewed on old plain poetry, so that the seam cannot be discovered, through the best Spectacles.
In seven words of New England poesy, in the New England Primer, are the following lines.
The cat doth play, And after slay.
This happy description we have amplified, & bespangled, with epithets, in the following and best manner of CHARLOTTE SMITH.
SONNET TO AN OLD MOUSER.
Child of lascivious art! of sanguine sport! Of PANGFUL MIRTH! / sweet ermin'd sprite! Who toss'd with silent VELVET STEP to court The bashful bosom of the night.
Whose elfin eyes can pierce night's sable gloom, And with her RAINY PLEY with guile, Who sports fell frolic o'er the grisly tomb, And gracest death with dimpling smile!
DAUGHTER OF IREFUL MIRTH, sportive in rage, Whose joy would shine in sculptur'd bas relief, Like Patience, in rapt Shakespeare's double page, Smiling in marble at wan grief.
Oh, come and teach me all thy barb'rous joy, To sport with sorrow first and then defray.
Interesting Anecdotes.
Relative to the French Revolution:
By an unprejudiced traveller—who since the year 1782, has passed ten years in France, and detained as a national hostage there.
A VALET at Sanson, executioner in chief, having boasted that the perquisite of dead men's clothes was worth to his master 200 Louis d'ors per week; an order issued thereupon, that in future, the dresses of those who fell under La Glaiue de la Loi,* should be kept at the disposal of government; and in a hard winter of 1794, several prisoners of both sexes being almost naked, these wardrobes were opened to supply them with a covering. †
Citizen Beaumont was guillotined for citizen Chaumont;—in vain he represented the mistake, implored, and urged; they insisted the charge must have been intended against him, that there was but little difference in the spelling, "still less in the sound, of the two names." So he was hurried away to execution.
Ma—de M—, a young lady, aged about eighteen, was imprisoned and put to death instead of her eldest sister, ‡ who had been denounced in a popular society, for counter-revolutionary sentiments.
The covered cart came one evening to La Force, for its usual complement of victims, to be conveyed to the Conciergerie, and from thence to the Guillotine: to complete the fare, they obliged a prisoner, who was not actually on the list of those required by Fouquet, to go off with the rest; but on the other hand, on the 8th Thermidor, at night, the driver sent to the Luxemburg maintained that his cart would hold no more than what had entered; and, after some wrangling with the jailer, obstinately stuck by his refusal to admit one of the number demanded, and who stood ready at the wicket. The poor fellow was therefore reserved to come first of the next assortment; Robespierre went in his place, and he now keeps a reputable shop near the Pont neuf, at Paris.
General and Madame Quetino, were a young couple, extremely attached to each other; they had one son, about four years old, who used daily to visit, with her, the unhappy father confined at the Abbey of St. Germain, upon Jacobin suspicion. It was signified, in March 1794, by order of the Committee de Surete Generale, that all those in custody were to be instantly put au secret !—The news of their separation was so affecting to this fond pair, that they concerted various measures to accelerate the General's trial, knowing that no substantial charge could be brought against him. It occurred to the wife, that on soliciting Hebert (commonly called Pere du Chene ) in whose company the General had once found himself imprisoned, during a fortnight, they might, through his interposition, attain so reasonable a request; she therefore, sent a supplicatory note, saw him by appointment, and received promises of service. Some days after, Robespierre guillotined Pere du Chene , ‖ at whose house, in a scrutoire, among a large mass of papers, appeared Madame Quetino's note; and, in consequence thereof, she and her husband were arraigned as his accomplices, and condemned to death. The General was forthwith executed, the same judgment passed on the lady; the inflicting of it was, however protracted, and she showed an advanced state of pregnancy: ere three days elapsed, she was delivered in prison of a dead child—the pangs of labour scarce over, came two Gendarmes, with a Tombeau , ¶ and dragged her out of bed to undergo the sentence. Perceiving, as she dressed herself, that she had fine long hazle tresses, which fell as low as her waist, each trooper seized on them, at once, as his spoil, and kept tearing different ways, till her cries, and their quarrels brought up a turnkey, who settled the dispute, by cutting the hair in two parts, and equally dividing it between the combatants. Madame Quetino was then conveyed to the guillotine, but seemed totally deprived of her senses, and almost motionless. She was a delightful, and very accomplished person.
* The sword of justice.
† At the Luxemburg Prison, Mademoiselle R— , being called down from her chamber, to the housekeeper's apartment, was shown a heap of stockings, and told to choose any pair that might best fit her. Calling an eye upon the pile, she instantly pointed away, and fell on the floor; one of the stockings she thus marked with her own needle work—the initial letters of her father's name; and this was the first intimation she had received of his unhappy end.
‡ This is a singular instance of heroism; it has since been discovered that Mademoiselle de — encouraged the error that for mit it die, and save her sister, who was a married woman, with a family of children.
‖ When put (au secret) in secret, no communication whatever is allowed beyond the walls of the dungeon.
¶ Hebert had long been trying to supplant Robespierre in the esteem of the populace, by even suggesting him in impiety and villainy.
¶ A Tombeau is like a dung-cart.
Laughables.
I WILL give you what I call the king of bulls:—An Irish baronet, walking out with a gentleman who told me the story, was met by his nurse, who requested charity. The baronet exclaimed vehemently, "I will give you nothing—You played me a scandalous trick in my infancy." The old woman, in amazement, asked him what injury she had done him? He answered, "I was a fine boy, and you exchanged me."
A WIT bemoaning the uncomfortable prospect of celibacy, and comparing the respective happiness of a married and single state, exclaimed, "What can make the bitter cup of a bachelor's life go down?"—and in the same tone, by way of self-condolent response, observed, "a-las! a-las!"
JUST RECEIVED FOR SALE, At E. A. JENKS'S Book-Store,
The celebrated Drama, the German Kosebebel , entitled
THE STRANGER;
OR, MISANTHROPY AND REPENTANCE.
ALSO, RECEIVED FOR SALE,
AMBROSIO; OR, THE MONK. CLERY'S JOURNAL.
MEMOIRS OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA. CAMPBELL'S ADVENTURES.
BLOODY BUOY. CAROLINE OF LITCHFIELD.
BRISBOT'S TRAVELS. MALHAM'S NAVAL GAZETTEER.
ITALIAN. SMITH'S VIEW OF THE CONSTITUTIONS.
HEATH'S MEMOIRS. MORSE'S SERMON AND APPENDIX.
JOAN OF ARC. With a variety of other publications in Divinity, Law, Physic, Arts & Sciences, Geography, Biography, Voyages, History, Navigation, Book-keeping, Accounts, &c. &c.
Any Books which may not be on hand, will be procured on the shortest notice.—Those who purchase for Libraries shall be supplied on good terms.
School Books & Stationary
Articles, of various kinds.
Also, for sale on a discount,
An assortment of BLANKS.
SHIPPING PAPERS—MANIFESTS—CHARTER-PARTIES—BILLS OF LADING—BLANK NOTES—JUSTICES BLANKS—DEEDS—BONDS &c. &c.
Count Rumford's Works.
Just Published by DAVID WEST, Boston.
And for sale at JENKS'S Book-Store, Portland, where subseriptions for said works are received,
ESSAYS,
POLITICAL, ECONOMICAL, AND PHILOSOPHICAL.
By BENJAMIN COUNT DE RUMFORD.
THE public having had the opinion of the Analytical Reviewers on the Five first Numbers, comprising the First Volume, the Publisher now presents them with an extract from the Monthly Review on the sixth and Seventh Numbers, which are published and ready to be delivered to subscribers.—It being his intention to give Count Rumford's Works entire, those gentlemen who wish to possess any part of this American edition are informed that they must become subscribers to that part of his works already printed and to those other parts yet to be published, as the Publisher has completed on each number of each Essay; presuming, from the merit and ingenuity of the Count's Works, that subscribers would be gratified in being able to complete the valuable chair of his interesting Essays. The price of those future parts of his works which may hereafter follow, shall be regulated by those which have preceded them.
Those persons who may wish to obtain Count Rumford's Works, at the subscription price, will have an opportunity by applying at Jenks's Book-Store.
Francis Morris,
Professor of the French & English Grammars; Dancing, and Music for the Violin & Foreigners:
RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Portland, and its vicinity, that he proposes to open his Academy for teaching those useful accomplishments, as soon as sufficient encouragement shall be offered.
CONDITIONS.
The French and English Grammars to be attended to two days in a week, Monday and Wednesday mornings and afternoons, at 6 dollars each scholar, per quarter.
Music for the Fortepiano, thoro' bass, every Tuesday and Friday morning and afternoon.—Ladies who have no Spinnett or Fortepiano may be taught at Mr. Morris's boarding house.
Dancing, every Thursday and Saturday in the afternoon, from two o'clock to fun set, at 4 dollars and 50 cents per quarter for those who have before been to school, and 6 for those who have not.
N. B. The scholars will furnish themselves with room, wood and candles.
The subscribers will expect to pay for the quarter whether they attend or not.
One-half of each branch to be paid for on entrance, and the remainder at the end of the quarter.
Subscription papers lodged at MR. JENKS'S BOOK-STORE.
April 8th, 1799.
THE HORSE CALLED
THE SWIFT,
WILL stand on the days and at the places as follows—viz—May 6th, at Jenks's in New-Glocester—7th, 8th, 9th and 10th, at Swift's, Poland—11th at Jenks's—13th, 14th, 15th, at Stockbridge's Freeport.—The remainder of the week at our stable—20th, 21st, 22d, at Saccarappa. The remainder of the week at our stable.—27th at Jenks's.—28th, 29th, 30th, at Swift's—31st at Jenks's.—June 3d, 4th, 5th, at Stockbridge's. The remainder of the week at our stable—10th, 11th, 12th, at Saccarappa. Remainder of the week at our stable—17th at Jenks's.—18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, at Swift's—22d at Jenks's.—23th, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, at Stockbridge's, Freeport.—Afterwards at our stable.
The terms are, 2 dollars a leap, 4 dollars the season, and 6 dollars to insure a foal—Said horse is a bay color—firm and solid—seven-eighths English, and fine foal. Any persons who may wish to comply with these terms shall be well used by us.
THOMAS CHASE, JOHN THOMPSON.
Northyarmouth, April 6, 1799.
Cash or Books will be given for
Old Rags and Canvass,
at this Office.
Fresh Warranted Garden Seeds
WILLIAM HUDSON,
At his Grocery Store, at the head of Mr. Ingraham Street,
Has for Sale an assortment of GARDEN SEED of the largest importance.—Among which are
RED Beet, Orange Carrot, Red Onion, White do. Yellow Spanish do. Early low Dutch Cabbage, Green Savoy ditto. Large Winter ditto. Red Dutch ditto. Winter Squash, Summer Squash, English Turnip, Celd Endive, Celery, Suma Savory, Sweet Mijoram, Early Cucumbers, Early Head Lettuce, Curled Parsley, English Mustard, Salmon Radish, Parsnip, Lep or grais, Water Melon, Musk Melon, Dwarf Marrowfat Pea, Early Charlton ditto.
A general assortment of
West-India Goods & Groceries
as usual.
10,000 Flints of an excellent quality.
List of Letters,
Remaining in the Post-Office, Brunswick, Maine.
 Silvanus Cushman, Brunswick,  Atherton Wales, ditto,  Polly Hexton, ditto,  Winthrop Ferrin, ditto,  Ebenezer Stanwood, ditto,  Benjamin Tinney, ditto,  Capt. Hezekiah Harding, ditto,  Elisha Alden, ditto,  Doct. B. Stilkey, ditto,  John Hern, ditto,  Samuel Heath, ditto,  Benjamin Metcalf, Topsham,  John Morse, ditto,  Elijah Hale, ditto,  Daniel Williams, Harperswell,  William Dunning, ditto,  Joseph Hall, ditto,  Capt. John Snow, ditto,  William Snow, ditto,  Mrs. Ann Sover, ditto,  Daniel Curtis, ditto,  John Merriman, ditto,  John Hern, Bethlehem,  Nathaniel Spaulding, ditto,  John Colbin, ditto,  Margery Southaker, ditto,   April 1st, 1799.
Take Notice.
ALL persons who have any demand upon the
Estate of JOSEPH GRAY,
late of Northyarmouth mariner, deceased are herenotified to exhibit their claims, and those who are
debted to make immediate payment to
CONTENT GRAY, Administratrix or to AMMI R. MITCHELL, her attor.
Northyarmouth, April 2d, 1799.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine.
An ACT, limiting the time within which Petitions for Wages which have been drawn by foreign Orders, shall be sustained.
BE it enacted by the Senate, and House of Representatives in General Court assembled, by authority of the same, That no petition for Wages which have heretofore been drawn by Foreign Orders, shall hereafter be sustained, unless such Petition shall be presented within TWO YEARS from the passing of this act; on failure thereof, the Petitioner, Applicant and Plaintiff shall be forever excluded and barred from any claim or demand against this Commonwealth for or on account of any Wages so drawn, or alleged to be drawn, by virtue of any such Foreign Order. And the Secretary hereby directed to cause this Act to be published in the several News-papers printed in this Commonwealth for three months successively.
In the House of Representatives, Jan. 29, 1799. This Bill having had three several readings passed to be enacted.
EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Speaker.
In Senate, Jan. 28, 1799. This Bill having had two several readings passed to be enacted.
SAMUEL PHILLIPS, President.
January 29, 1799—Approved.
INCREASE SUMNER.
True Copy—Attest,
JOHN AVERY, Sec'y.
To be published three months successively, in the several News-papers printed in this Commonwealth.
JOHN AVERY, Sec'y.
There being no essential variation in the PRICES CURRENT of last week, they are omitted to day.
ALMANACK.
 APRIL. S. D. M. H.W. REMARKS.  Monday, 22 5 12 7 10 23 0 49  Tuesday, 23 5 10 7 11 23 1 42  Wednesday, 24 5 9 7 mer. 2 34  Thursday, 25 5 7 7 0 19 2 29  Friday, 26 5 6 7 1 7 4 17 Moon ♃  Saturday, 27 5 5 7 1 45 5 7  SUNDAY, 28 5 3 7 2 19 5 55 
THIS GAZETTE,
IS published every MONDAY, at E. A. JENKS'S Office, Middle Street, near the head of Fifth-Street, PORTLAND.
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