The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-04-17 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1399.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, APRIL 17, 1809
PAID IN ADVANCE
The National Intelligencer will henceforth be conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH , and JOSEPH GALES , Jun. and printed at the Office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested still to address themselves.
The annual price, payable in advance, is Five dollars . The punctilious compliance with this term is at this time of the greatest importance, and is earnestly requested.
Advertisements, not exceeding one square in breadth, are inserted the first time at fifty cents , and for every subsequent insertion twenty-five cents . If inserted less than three times a Dollar is charged. If inserted but once a week, an addition of one fourth part is made. Other advertisements charged at the same ratio.
GEORGE H. FARLEY, MERCHANT TAYLOR, Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Pique, likewise an elegant assortment of Spencelets & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory.
November 27—4f
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. LOST, a SILVER WATCH with hands telling the day of the month on the face of her, and capped—Mott, maker, New York. Whoever will return the Watch to this office, shall receive the above sum, and no question asked.
Wednesday, March 1, 1809—
PUBLIC SALE. By Virtue of a decree from the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, directed to me as trustee, for the purpose of paying a sum of money therein mentioned, due from Philip Fitzhugh deceased to Isaac and Mathew Schofield , will be sold at Public Auction, on the premises to the highest bidder on the 22d day of April next at 12 o'clock, one undivided moiety or half of the Adelphi Mills and about 30 acres of Land belonging thereto, lying in Prince George's county, and the whole of from 27 to 30 acres of Land adjoining the above mentioned Land; the Mill House is large and built of stone, 3 pair of 5 feet Burr stones; a stone store house and stable, and there is several other out buildings, Smiths Shop, &c. The terms will be made known on the day of Sale. The creditors are hereby warned to exhibit their claims within six month from the day of Sale.
JOSEPH L. SCHOLFIELD , Trustee. 3d month 31st, 1809—3w
NOTICE. THE persons who claim title to the following LOTS in Georgetown , are notified that their titles are defective in consequence of their having neglected to avail themselves of the compromise agreed on in the case of Beatty and Davidson . The representatives of Gen. Davidson are yet willing to assent to the same compromise, and all who apply by the 10th May next may obtain deeds on those terms—the lots claimed by those who do not apply will be proceeded against. If those persons desire any information on this subject they can apply to Mr. Abner Ritchie or to F. S. Key , esq. Georgetown. Letters from those who do not reside in the District (post-paid) will be attended to.
ANNE MARIA DAVIDSON, Executrix & devisee of Gen. JOHN DAVIDSON.
The following are the Lots in Beatty and Hawkins addition to Georgetown , referred to in the above notice—Lots No. 2 & part of lot No. 3, lots Nos. 4, 6, 15, 30, 41, 43, 44, 52, 53, 59, 60, 65, 67, 71, and part of lot 72—lots No. 80, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 113, 114, 118, 119, 123, 125, 130, 132, 135, 139, 141, 142, 143, 148, 149, 154, 155, 163, 166, 168, 170, 175, 176, 194, 195, 196, 205, 207, 211, 212, 214, 216, 220, 225, 227, 230, 231, 235, 237, 239, 245, 248, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267, 269, 270, 272, 273, 275, 278, 279, 282, 287, 288, 289, 290, 294, and 295.
March 22—10m
SALE AUCTION. THE Subscriber being desirous of disposing of part of his FURNITURE , and declining the Boarding House keeping, will offer for sale on Monday the 17th inst. a variety of HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE and a riding CHAIR and HARNESS . Sale to commence at 11 o'clock, and terms made known at that time.
HENRY TIMS. April 12—3t
PUBLIC SALE. IN pursuance of a Deed of Trust executed to the Subscriber by JOHN STEPHEN , to secure the payment of sundry sums therein mentioned, will be sold at Public Sale, on the premises (if not previously sold at private sale, of which notice will be given) on the second Monday of May next at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, LOTS No. 4 and 5 in Square 83, and Lots 4 & 5 in Square 89 in the city of Washington. The improvements are, one Two Story Frame House, having 3 rooms below, a Kitchen, Cellar, Smoke and Ice House. The whole inclosed affording a good garden. There is attached to the property a Warrant sufficient to contain 200 Cord of Wood. Terms 60, 90 & 120 days credit on giving approved paper.
JOHN MOUNTZ, Jr. , Trustee. April 5—w3.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MR. MACON'S Speech ON THE NON-INTERCOURSE BILL.
The question being on striking out so much of the bill as repeals the embargo except as to Great Britain and France—
Mr. MACON said that there was not a clearer proposition under the sun than that the embargo had been and was still the shield of our safety. In the early part of the session he had stated his impression that there were but three alternatives—to go to war, continue the embargo, or to submit. He was still of the same opinion, and thought it demonstrable that every proposition made, which had for its object the removal of the embargo, was either war or submission.
Take off the embargo, said he, in any way you please, if the orders and decrees remain in force—and where can you go? Only into trouble. The embargo did and does prevent Great Britain from getting your property under the orders in council. The merchants of this country, when orders were issued by Great Britain, which did not go half so far as at present, forced upon you the prohibition law. I did not wish it, I thought the measure was unwise. At that time the Chesapeake had not been attacked. Those decrees had not been issued which now make me wish to continue the embargo for a longer time. I would try it till September. I have stated before to the House, that if we went into the war we should be thrown on the side of France—I hope not into her arms, for I want no entangling alliances, nor treaties more than we are compelled to make. Suppose you repeal the embargo, and in order to go to France, first go to England and pay her what duty she chooses to exact. Would not that be submission? Suppose you refuse to trade with France in consequence of the orders in council—would not that be submission? Both these cases would to my mind be submission; and that all the evils imputed to the embargo are chargeable to the decrees and orders, I believe, as I do that this measure has saved you from their nefarious doings. Let your merchants out, and no matter where they go, the whole system is at an end. The merchants will trade to England. Let it be recollected that Mr. Erskine in one of his letters to Mr. Madison , stated that the object of the duty on cotton was to prevent the manufactures of France from rivaling the manufactures of Great Britain. Do you expect, then, that Great Britain will let the cotton go free? No, sir. How is it with another article—tobacco—I talk about these articles, sir, because they are the product of my constituents, by the culture of which they live. Of this article Great Britain consumes about one-seventh of our whole export; France two-fifths.
Upon this two-fifths of our whole export, a tax of three dollars per hundred weight is imposed, almost equal to its whole current value in this country. Sir, I was opposed to the 50 per cent. additional duty bill; but when that duty on imports is compared with the duty which Great Britain lays on our exports, which we have not the power to tax at all, the duty sinks to nothing. We are contending for our existence as a nation. It has been said, a thousand times said, in this House, that tribute ought to be put out of the question. Sir, suppose this tax had been laid on the tonnage of our vessels, instead of the product of the soil, should we have been told not to repeat the word tribute so often? You might as well ask the people of this country to rescind the declaration of independence as to ask them to permit their property to be taxed as a foreign government pleases. Whenever gentlemen talk about taxes and can coolly see a foreign nation tax this community more than the general and state governments united, I scarcely know how to express my wonder at their apathy. The taxes laid by Great Britain on the soil amount to more than the taxes laid in this nation by corporations, towns, state and general governments all put together.
If your merchants go out under this bill, in my opinion they will evade it in the way in which Great Britain has evaded the French law; and there is no way to keep out of war and at the same time avoid paying tribute, if the embargo be thus repealed. I had rather have British custom-house officers here at once, and be done with it. Reverse this thing for a moment. Suppose that the United States and Spain were at war, and the United States were to say that Great Britain should carry nothing to or from the Spanish colonies without coming here and paying an enormous tax on it—we should be thought mad. But this is just a parallel case with our present situation. You are compelled to carry all your produce to Great Britain; and, if you do not there sell it, to purchase a licence to export it. Nothing can be more true than what has been several times said, that if we go to war with France, we need not pay any tribute. But, sir, were we to go to war with France, thus to avoid that duty, it would be the basest submission, and you had better go and pay it at once.
A thousand contradictory things have been conjured up in the course of this debate. At one time you are told that Great Britain does not value Canada or you. At another moment, in the fertility of gentlemen's imaginations, cotton and tobacco spring up there, like mushrooms, in a night. If you then talk about taking it, you are told that you will catch a tartar. Let foreign nations respect our rights and we will not concern ourselves with them. If we yield now, they will trample us to death. Upon this subject too, it is said by some gentlemen, "let commerce take care of itself." If this be proper, why are the same gentlemen the most strenuous supporters of a navy? If commerce is to protect itself, what is a navy to be sent out for? The commercial part of the nation ought to consider itself as linked with every other part. If commercial men have grown rich from the product of the soil and the labor of the agriculturalist, is it fair or honorable for these men to want to destroy that which has given them wealth—I mean the AGRICULTURE of the country? Surely not; but it unfortunately happens that it is nevertheless true that the heaviest of these foreign taxes are imposed upon that part of the nation which the gentleman from Connecticut told us the other day has not the greatest portion of physical force. The amount of trade or commerce carried on would be the same, tax or no tax, but the price of the produce of the country would be less, and especially that part of it which can be carried but to one market.
I agree with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy ) in many points which he took the other day—that we should not fight G. Britain because she takes her own seamen from our ships. If she would take only her own and let ours alone, I should be content. Notwithstanding all the distress under which gentlemen appear to labor on the subject of a treaty, I have no doubt that if we were to spend less upon treaties and regulate our commercial affairs more by law, we should find it to our advantage. With whom should we treat? With France and G. Britain, the two most powerful nations in the world, who pay no respect to treaties longer than it suits their own convenience? I would restrict them by navigation laws as they restrict us. That is a sort of system which you can continue, sir. Without saying that our exports are of more value to them than theirs are to us, admit that they are but equally valuable, and we may retort their own doings upon them.
Much has been said about the amendment embargo law. I have no fear but it will be enforced. It is not to be expected that you will not find smugglers under that as under every other law. I do not believe a word about any state's undertaking to set the law at defiance. I have no such expectation; and I go upon the idea that whatever is for the good of the whole all will obey. Make an experiment under the law. Recollect a case in what are called the HARD TIMES, sir, when a great portion of the nation thought the sedition law unconstitutional. The judges decided to the contrary, and the law was enforced. And, talking of hard times, I have not seen in this House who can better tell what they were than myself, yet I saw enough of
them and felt a little too, though not as highly honored as some others, who were thrown into jail under the law. The highest honor decreed to me was to have the rogues' march played under my windows. Now I have heard of no personal injury or insult to any members of Congress in the present "hard times." To the hardship of former times many worthy characters and the records of those days will bear testimony.
I will here state a fact which did not occur to me till I saw it in another place, in one of the most luminous speeches I ever heard or read. When the attack on the Chesapeake was made, every one applauded the measure (the proclamation) adopted by the President. I came to this place, sir, at the subsequent session a little too full of a vindictive spirit, and others perhaps partook of the same feeling. This feeling continued for some time; and the first word I heard in reprobation of the proclamation was after the British envoy had been here some time. I speak of a fact which is unquestionable.
The gentlemen from Massachusetts, in the conclusion of his speech, uttered an expression, in which I hope he was mistaken, viz. that "his arguments or impressions might be attributed to some foreign influence." I hope he is mistaken. Nothing can be so gratifying to an American as to suppose that his arguments may be attributed to that source. I speak of it from a degree of experience; for in the "hard times" it has been attached to me. There is no man to whom a foreign partiality has been imputed, that cannot feel the impression the charge makes upon a mind purely American. Every one recollects the time when opposition to every measure of the administration was attributed to French influence. Though I have felt it, I never believed that those amongst whom I was born and raised would give credit to the charge.
It has been said, and great pains have been taken to establish the fact, that the embargo bears harder upon the eastern than upon the southern country. The reverse appears to me to be the fact. Upon the towns it may bear harder than upon the country, but take the nation at large, and the embargo, if gentlemen persist in charging all our evils on the embargo, bears harder on the south than on the east. We lose the capital of the trade, whilst they lose but the profits to be made upon the export and import. Can the profits be equal to the capital? Certainly not.
My perseverance in this embargo system may be deemed to be a little fool-hardy; but we are called upon to retire before we are routed. I have no fear of being routed. We cannot retire, without disgrace, under this non-intercourse bill. Take off the embargo, and we have no alternative but war. Arming merchantmen, issuing letters of marque, &c. all this is fighting. I am no for it if we can avoid it. The country is not ruined as has been said. Our property is safe at home. We have not now to negotiate with France and Great Britain for indemnity for the plunder they would have made but for the embargo. I had rather have my little property in this situation, embargoed at home, than have to depend upon negotiation to procure compensation for it when captured. True it is, G. Britain once agreed to pay you for spoliations and so far acknowledged some such thing as the law of nations; but I doubt whether she will do it again. How did it happen? You agreed to pay her the amount of it and more too. France too agreed to pay for spoliations—but how? You bought Louisiana, and she gave you credit for the amount due to you. She has no Louisiana now to sell to you, nor has England. All the property taken from you would be clear loss.
The gentleman from Massachusetts told us some time ago to take care of his constituents. This is the desire of every man. The gentleman must agree that the articles of tobacco and cotton, without anything else, are equal to the lumber which he talked about. As to his idea of the fertility of the land and riches of the inhabitants of the southern country, he is wholly mistaken. On the rivers there is some such thing. But in the upper part of the state in which I live the greatest equality of property exists. These men bear with their
present situation because they see that there is no other alternative than war, and they had rather bear it than go to war. I do not believe that any one of the southern states has more than three banks, whilst in the northern states there are from twenty to forty of one kind or other in each state.
The letters read by the gentleman from Georgia (Colonel Troup ) the other day, had the same effect upon my mind which they appeared to have upon him. I have no doubt that some part of our cotton has been carried away; but it is but a small portion of the necessary quantity. As to making cotton in France, as a gentleman from Connecticut attempted to prove from a French author, I have no fear of that. I never had a good opinion of theoretical agriculture; and on hearing that book read, I admire it the less. I have no more fear of cotton being raised in France, especially if they take the author's advice as to the mode of doing it, where they have no spare ground to make tobacco, than I have of its being raised in Canada. And really, sir, as to the Barbary powers making cotton for the European market, I should as soon expect the Cherokee, with his wallet of corn, to travel from his native soil to Roanoke to sell it.
A quotation was made by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph ) the other day from the language of perhaps the most eloquent man in the Virginia convention for considering the federal constitution. I could name a man not quite so eloquent but quite as great a man, one of whose objections to the constitution was, that you would be taxed by those who had no fellow-feeling for you. Great and prescient as he was, he never dreamt of Great Britain again attempting to tax us. Has Great Britain any fellow-feeling for you? No, sir. She and France have and will continue to have a hatred for you so long as you continue free. We are here struggling with this embargo, getting out of it one way or the other, and told that the laws are set at defiance. The bones of our revolutionary soldiers are scarcely buried—and are we, their descendants, already threatening the union with discord—tearing characters to pieces as though the American character was worth nothing? In the city of New-York, but the last year, one of the most solemn processions took place which was ever witnessed in the country, to bury the bleached bones of our patriots. And, Gracious God, are they so soon to be forgotten? I hope not, sir; that we shall pursue our course with firmness, and not be turned from it by threats, come whence they will; that we shall not repeal the embargo by passing this bill.
LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE Particulars of Sir John Moore's death by Colonel Anderson. I met the general on the evening of the 16th instant, as some soldiers were bringing him into Corunna, supported in a blanket with sashes. He knew me immediately, though it was almost dark; squeezed me by the hand, and said, "Do not leave me!"—He spoke to the Surgeons on their examining his wound, but was in such pain he could say but little.
After some time he seemed very anxious to speak to me; and, at intervals, expressed himself as follows:—The first question he asked was—"Are the French beaten?" Which inquiry he repeated to all those he knew, as they entered the room. On being assured by all, that the French were beaten, he exclaimed—"I hope the people of England will be satisfied. I hope my country will do me justice." You will see my friends as soon as you possibly can—tell them every thing—say to my mother—[here his voice failed him]—Hope—Hope—I have much to say, but cannot get it out.—Is Colonel Graham , and are all my aid-de-camps well?—I have made my will, and have remembered my servants— Colborne has my will and all my papers."
Major Colborne (his principal aid-de-camp) then came into the room—he spoke most kindly to him, and then said to me—"Remember, you go to —, and tell him it is my request, and that I expect he will befriend major Colborne ; 'he has been long with me, and I know him most worthy of it.' He then again asked major Claiborne , 'If the French were
present situation because they see that there is no other alternative than war, and they had rather bear it than go to war. I do not believe that any one of the southern states has more than three banks, whilst in the northern states there are from twenty to forty of one kind or other in each state.  The letters read by the gentleman from Georgia (Colonel Troup) the other day, had the same effect upon my mind which they appeared to have upon him. I have no doubt that some part of our cotton has been carried away; but it is but a small portion of the necessary quantity. As to making cotton in France, as a gentleman from Connecticut attempted to prove from a French author, I have no fear of that. I never had a good opinion of theoretical agriculture; and on hearing that book read, I admire it the less. I have no more fear of cotton being raised in France, especially if they take the author's advice as to the mode of doing it, where they have no spare ground to make tobacco, than I have of its being raised in Canada. And really, sir, as to the Barbary powers making cotton for the European market, I should as soon expect the Cherokee, with his wallet of corn, to travel from his native soil to Roanoke to sell it.  A quotation was made by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) the other day from the language of perhaps the most eloquent man in the Virginia convention for considering the federal constitution. I could name a man not quite so eloquent but quite as great a man, one of whose objections to the constitution was, that you would be taxed by those who had no fellow-feeling for you. Great and prescient as he was, he never dreamt of Great Britain again attempting to tax us. Has Great Britain any fellow-feeling for you? No, sir. She and France have and will continue to have a hatred for you so long as you continue free. We are here struggling with this embargo, getting out of it one way or the other, and told that the laws are set at defiance. The bones of our revolutionary soldiers are scarcely buried—and are we, their descendants, already threatening the union with discord—tearing characters to pieces as though the American character was worth nothing? In the city of New-York, but the last year, one of the most solemn processions took place which was ever witnessed in the country, to bury the bleached bones of our patriots. And, Gracious God, are they so soon to be forgotten? I hope not, sir; that we shall pursue our course with firmness, and not be turned from it by threats, come whence they will; that we shall not repeal the embargo by passing this bill.
LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE
Particulars of Sir John Moore's death by Colonel Anderson.
I met the general on the evening of the 16th instant, as some soldiers were bringing him into Corunna, supported in a blanket with sashes. He knew me immediately, though it was almost dark; squeezed me by the hand, and said, "Do not leave me!"—He spoke to the Surgeons on their examining his wound, but was in such pain he could say but little.
After some time he seemed very anxious to speak to me; and, at intervals, expressed himself as follows:—The first question he asked was—"Are the French beaten?" Which inquiry he repeated to all those he knew, as they entered the room. On being assured by all, that the French were beaten, he exclaimed—"I hope the people of England will be satisfied. I hope my country will do me justice." You will see my friends as soon as you possibly can—tell them every thing—say to my mother—[here his voice failed him]—Hope—Hope—I have much to say, but cannot get it out.—Is Colonel Graham, and are all my aid-de-camps well?—I have made my will, and have remembered my servants—Colborne has my will and all my papers."
Major Colborne (his principal aid-de-camp) then came into the room—he spoke most kindly to him, and then said to me—"Remember, you go to —, and tell him it is my request, and that I expect he will befriend major Colborne; 'he has been long with me, and I know him most worthy of it.' He then again asked major Claiborne, 'If the French were

beaten? And on being told they were required on every point, he said "It was a great satisfaction, in his last moments, to know he had beaten the French."
"Is General Paget in the room?" — On being told he was not, he said, "Remember me to him."
"I feel myself so weak; I fear I shall be long dying; I am in great pain."
He then thanked the Doctors for their attention. Captains Percy and Station came into the room; he spoke kindly to both, and asked Percy, "If all his aids-de-camp were well?" — He pressed my hand close to his body, and in a few minutes died without a struggle.
He said to me, while the surgeons were examining his wound — "You know I have always wished to die this way!"
As far as I can recollect, this is every thing he said, except asking to be placed in an easier posture.
Sir John Moore's Monument.
Both Houses of Parliament have unanimously concurred in addressing his majesty to order a monument to be erected to the memory of this hero, as a token of national gratitude and esteem, in the cathedral church of St. Paul.
RELIGION.
CORRESPONDENCE.
Concluded from our last.
No VIII — TRANSLATION — NOTE.
The undersigned minister for foreign affairs of his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, has the honor to reply to the note of the 28th of October, signed by Mr. Cannine, Secretary of State for foreign affairs to his majesty the king of Great Britain, and addressed by his excellency to the Russian ambassador at Paris, that the admission of the sovereigns in alliance with England, to a Congress, cannot be a point of any difficulty, and that Russia and France consent to it. But this principle by no means extends the necessity of admitting the plenipotentiaries of the Spanish insurgents: The emperor of Russia cannot admit them. His empire, in similar circumstances — and England can recollect one particular instance — has always been true to the same principle. Moreover, he has already acknowledged the king Joseph Napoleon. He has announced to his Britannic majesty, that he was united with the emperor of the French for peace as well as for war; and his imperial majesty here repeats that declaration. He is resolved not to separate his interests from those of that monarch; but they are both ready to conclude a peace, provided that it be just, honorable and equal for all parties.
The undersigned sees with pleasure, that, in this difference of opinion respecting the Spaniards, nothing presents itself which can either prevent or delay the opening of a Congress. He derives his persuasion in this respect, from that which his Britannic majesty has himself confessed to the two emperors, that he is bound by no positive engagement with those who have taken up arms in Spain. After fifteen years of war, Europe has a right to demand peace. The interest of all the powers, including that of England, is to render it general: humanity commands it: and such a desire, surely, can not be forbidden to the feelings of his Britannic majesty. How can it be, that he alone can withdraw himself from such an object, and refuse to terminate the miseries of suffering humanity?
The undersigned consequently renews, in the name of the emperor his august master, the proposal already made, to send plenipotentiaries to any city on the continent, which his Britannic majesty may please to point out to admit to the Congress the plenipotentiaries of the sovereigns in alliance with Great Britain: to treat upon the basis of the uti possiditis , & upon that of the respective powers of the belligerent parties: in fine to accept any basis which may have for its object the conclusion of a peace, in which all parties shall find honor, justice, and equality.
The undersigned has the honor to renew to his excellency Mr. Cannine the assurance of his high consideration.
Signed, COUNT NICHOLAS DE ROMANOFF,
[No. IX is the ultimatum of the Emperor of France signed by M. Champagny and given in the National Intelligencer of the third inst.]
No. X. Official note, dated Foreign Office, Dec. 3, 1808.
The undersigned, his majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has laid before the king his master, the note transmitted to him by his excellency, Count Nicholas De Romanoff,
minister for Foreign Affairs of his majesty the Emperor of the Russias, dated on the 16-28 of November. — The king learns with astonishment & regret the expectation which appears to have been entertained that his majesty should consent to commence a negotiation for a general peace by a previous abandonment of the cause of the Spanish nation, and of the legitimate monarchy of Spain, in deference to an usurpation which has no parallel in the history of the world. His majesty had hoped that the participation of the Emperor of Russia in the overtures made to his majesty would have afforded a security to his majesty against the proposal of a condition, so unjust in its effects, and so fatal in its example.
Not can his majesty coceive by what obligation of duty or of interest, or by what principle of Russian policy, his imperial majesty can have found himself compelled to acknowledge the rights assumed by France, to depose and imprison friendly sovereigns, and forcibly to transfer to herself the allegiance of loyal and independent nations.
If these be indeed the principles to which the emperor of Russia has inviolably attached himself; to which his imperial majesty has pledged the character & resources of his empire; which he has united himself with France to establish by war, and to maintain in peace, deeply does his majesty lament a determination by which the sufferings of Europe must be aggravated and prolonged; but not to his majesty is to be attributed the continuance of the calamities of war, by the disappointment of all hopes of such a peace as would be compatible with justice and with honor.
The undersigned, &c. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING
[No. XI is the reply of Mr. Cannine to No. IX, and was also published in the National Intelligencer of the 3d inst.]
No. XII. — Letter from M. de Champagny to Mr. Secretary Cannine, dated Paris, Dec. 13, 1808. Received Dec. 17.
Sir, — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's letter of the 9th inst. together with the official note which accompanied it. I shall lose no time in laying this note before the Emperor my master. I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to your excellency the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) CHAMPAGNY. His Excellency Mr. Cannine, &c. &c. &c.
London, January 31 — Finance —
The following financial intelligence, we understand, is supported by official documents: —
The surplus of Ways and Means this year (beyond the estimate) three quarters ending the 5th January, was, L. 2,747,551 16 10
Supps on the Lotteries, which was estimated at 300,000 for 60,000 tickets, (40,000 tickets having exceeded that estimate) will be about 165,000 3 3
L. 2,912,551 19 10
So that the surplus of the whole year may be taken at least for four millions; besides which, one million and a half raised last year for the East India Company will not be wanted this year; making in the whole a reduction of five millions and a half from the sum of nineteen millions raised in various ways last year.
The loan is not expected to be made before the end of April or the beginning of May. The public service is sufficiently provided for until that period. The money in the treasury, after eight millions had been sent to the bank to pay the Christmas dividends, amounted to between 6 and 7 millions.
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION,
On the Premises on the 15th day of November, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon LOTS No. 16 and 17, in Sq. 101, in the city of Washington, together with the buildings thereon standing. Said property is directly opposite Mr. Wm. O'Neale's houses near the West Market, and is most advantageously situated, it being the estate formerly owned by Mr. Samuel Wilson, deceased. The terms of payment are one fourth cash in hand, the remainder divided into three equal annual payments with interest annually on these three payments which are to be secured by good notes negotiable Bank and a mortgage on the property. Also at the same time and place, Two SHARES in the Theatre. April 17 — tda
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, APRIL 17.
There is no libel, which has been more industriously propagated, or whose circulation has, perhaps, been attended with more injurious effects, than that which ascribes to a large portion of the citizens of the United States a predilection for France. It has been no less the source of division among ourselves than of misconception abroad. Operating upon the credulity of the multitude, it has sharpened their resentments against some of the best men in society, and, addressed to the vanity of the French, whilst it has awakened the hopes of the former, it has animated the hostility of the latter. Calculated to have all these effects, it must be felt, that a firebrand, better fitted to excite and spread a general inflammation could not have been thrown among us. A devotion to the fortunes of any foreign nation must be fatal to our independence; a devotion to the interests of a monarchy, founded in usurpation, and consolidated by conquest, would indeed imply a total destitution of common virtue or common sense. Presenting such a hideous abyss of degradation and ruin, as could not fail to appal the stoutest heart, an honest American, devoted to liberty and true to his country, would instinctively shrink from men who, advocated such a baleful coalition. He would justly infer that such advocates were either the tools or victims of foreign corruption, or that they were callous to all the precious ties that produce a community of interests among us. He would avoid them as a pestilence, and prefer any alliance to one with them.
Monstrous as this conviction is, repugnant as it is to the frank and honest feelings which ought to unite the citizens of a nation knit together by the most homogeneous interests, disgraceful as it is to human nature itself, it has, notwithstanding, unquestionably struck a deep root in certain sections of the union, and is, at this moment, the main spring of the existing discontent against the government.
Convinced, as of our existence, of its utter falsehood, the object of these remarks is, to invite an enquiry into the proofs which are alleged of its existence, to shew their total fallacy or insufficiency, and to penetrate and analyse the sources of such a belief. We are not insensible to the difficulty of combating a prejudice, whose reign is generally firm in proportion to the absurdity of the causes which produced it, and which may therefore scornfully defy truth and argument as either above or below its apprehension. But we are confident, that, although the clouds that surround some of its victims are impervious to the strongest beams of light, yet a large majority have embraced it from too great a confidence in their leaders, and too little in themselves. It is to those men that the appeal is now carried, under a confidence that their feelings, their principles and interests are the same with our own; and a belief that if a subject is presented to them in the same light in which we see it, there must be a correspondent impression produced on all of us.
It is to the southern states that this predilection is ascribed. Those states are essentially planting states . They are rendered so, not only by the uninterrupted habits of a century, but by an universal ambition to remain so. There is no other ambition among them. If they do not despise, they certainly disregard the united allurements of trade and manufactures. This makes them perfectly satisfied with their present condition, which, it may with confidence be said, they would not exchange for the riches of Golconda or Peru. Indeed they believe, and truly believe, their mines inexhaustible in the elements of prosperity , while they are too well informed not to know the miseries inflicted on their possessors by the glittering treasures of the earth. They have lands that will not be fully cultivated for a century, and which, consequently, inspire them with no alarm for the subsistence or happiness of their posterity. They are, moreover, rich, in the truest sense of the term. Besides supplying themselves with all the animal or vegetable food they need, they grow an immense surplus of products required by the rational wants or the luxurious habits of their sister states or the foreign world. It is true, that, to a considerable extent, they exchange these products with the middle and eastern states, or foreign nations, for wheat flour, for manufactured fabrics, and for a long list of foreign goods; but it is not less a truth, that their condition, even without this traffic, would embrace almost every solid ingredient of comfortable subsistence.
Can such a people cherish a predilection for any foreign power, and more particularly for France? Why entertain such an attachment? Happily in themselves, they desire no change. They cannot, therefore embrace such sentiments from a solicitude to alter their situation; for there is no alteration that could be suggested to them, which they would not reject with disdain. Would the closest alliance with France promote their interests? Has the career of her conquests advanced them?
If ambitious of political distinction, would that distinction be gratified by an alliance with France, or by the extension of French conquests? An alliance with France would not add to their weight in the federal scale, with which they are perfectly satisfied, and of whose continuance they are secure; and her conquests, if remote, would be equally inoperative.
But how would these conquests, if near at hand, operate? Suppose them achieved on our borders, or in the midst of our own country. Would this aggrandize the political consequence of the southern states? It must, on the contrary, have an opposite effect. For it is self-evident that those conquests, if in the bosom of the United States, could only be consolidated on the ruins of all self government; and, if on our borders, would operate as a constant check upon us. The only difference between them would be, that the one jeopardised, while the other effectuated our ruin. Either would, consequently, be the most absurd resort conceivable for an increase of power.
But it may, perhaps, be said, that the southern and western states are jealous of the eastern country, and that to gratify the feelings inspired by this sentiment they would not hesitate to throw themselves into the arms of France.
The existence of such a sentiment is altogether denied. There are no evidences of it, in point of fact; and unless the southern country be as lost to common sense, as the charge considers them lost to common honesty, it is the height of folly to impute such feelings to them. Jealousy is never entertained by the powerful towards the weak; but, always, by the weak towards the powerful. It is founded on the possession, by another of that to which we consider ourselves as having a right. Will it then be said that the south is jealous of the north, because the north possesses a political weight to which the south is entitled? Is this the fact? If so, it should effectually silence the discontents of the north, as it proves those discontents altogether ideal. And if it is not the fact; if on the contrary, the south possesses its full quota of political importance, that to which it is justly entitled by its wealth and numbers; if it is happy and contented with its lot; if, in fact, its political weight is the object of envy; — all these facts and considerations imply a tone of mind which absolutely excludes jealousy, and the ill-will consequent upon it.
If, then, the south must be exculpated from any dust of power, inasmuch as she possesses all that she wants, has she any cravings after any other objects enjoyed by her eastern sisters? These objects are commerce and manufactures. Does she wish to monopolise them? So far from this, she does not appear solicitous in the least to cultivate them. The habits of her people still pursue their original bias; the cultivation of the soil alone engages their attention. As to commerce and manufactures, they seem to be below their notice; no laws are passed to foster them, and public sentiment rather frowns upon them as interlopers into the habits of a people resting their support and character exclusively on the cultivation of the soil. Are we called upon to verify this allegation? How can this be more irrefragably done than by stating the facts, that, while to the north of the Potomac there are above forty marine insurance companies, above forty banks, and a vast number of manufacturing associations, to the south of that river there are not more than six insurance companies, eight banks, and not a single manufacturing association in operation. The capital, invested in these institutions, may be estimated as follows:
   Marine Insurance Stock. Bank Stock. Manufacturing Stock.     North of Potomac 50 South of Potomac 4 North of Potomac 50 South of Potomac 6 North of Potomac 6 South of Potomac 0   106 106 10  
The aggregate relation of which exceeds ten to one.
When to these facts it is added that the population of the Southern and Western country is nearly equal, if not superior, to that of the remaining part of the United States, and
that the surplus produce of the former are certainly equal, and probably superior to that of the latter, we must be satisfied that the South is exempt from all ambition to participate in trade or manufactures, much less to monopolise them.
So much for matters of fact. But if these should be denied, or, if it should be alleged that the present habits of the different states are no criterion of the future, whence, it may be asked, would be the pecuniary benefits to the Southern country from a coalition of interests with France? All the South wants is a secure market for her surplus produce, her rice, her tobacco, her cotton, her salt provisions, and her naval stores. Whatever produces the greatest demand for these, it is evidently her interest to promote; as it is equally her interest to discourage whatever has an opposite tendency. This demand has the two-fold effect of enhancing the price of these products, & of taking off a greater quantity of them, and goes directly to the increase of her wealth, not only by their immediate effects, but by the improved habits of cultivation, and the augmented comforts of subsistence to which they give birth.
The single consideration, therefore, is, what state of things is best fitted to produce this demand?
A state of things, we reply, which diminishes the productive power while it increases the consumption of the foreign world, and which at the same time leaves us in the undisturbed exercise of our ordinary pursuits. Such a state of things, while it enables us to attain our maximum of production, likewise supplies us with a profitable market for it. Now, this very state of things is produced, perhaps in the highest possible degree, by the inordinate ambition of France on the land and England on the water. The immense armies of the one and the fleets of the other, together with the desolating effects of both on nearly the whole civilized world, swell the consumption of Europe beyond its ordinary limits, at the same time that it diminishes the products of agriculture & manufactures. Let us estimate the number of men, taken from their usual employments, by this state of things, at only one million (which is not probably half the actual number) and we shall be presented with the following result.
Supposing each man's labor worth a hundred dollars a year, there will be an annual diminution in the products of labor amounting to — 100,000,000
And estimating the maintenance of each person, so employed, at a like sum, there will be an annual increase in the demand for the products of labor amounting to — 100,000,000
Equal to — 200,000,000
If this statement be at all correct, it is the interest of the Southern country, the great producer of the raw material, to maintain that equipoise between the great belligerent powers, between France on the land, and England on the water, which, by producing such an extraordinary demand for the products of labor, has the certain effect of keeping up the price of her produce and insuring a wide market for its sale. Nothing, consequently can be further from her interest, than the pursuit of that policy, or the cultivation of that disposition, which would tend to give the exclusive empire of the world to either belligerent.
* In the tables of Exports, the Exports of the Southern & Western states amount to about 20 millions; those of the other states to about 28 millions; but it will not be denied, that the surplus produce of the South exported by the Northern states exceeds 4 millions.
We have the pleasure of announcing to the public, that the Washington Bridge was on Saturday, laid by the President and a number of citizens invited on the occasion. On reaching the further section of the Bridge, three cheers were given by the Company who partook of a frugal repast that was prepared, and drank several appropriate toasts, which were received with the same cordiality. This is an important work brought nearly to a termination. The whole of the under work is done; and the foot-way nearly completed. All that remains to be accomplished will, we are assured, be effected by the 20th of May.
The United States Brig Vixen , is commanded by Lieutenant Lawrence; not Lieutenant Deul, as erroneously stated.
Two attempts have been lately made to set the town of Savannah on fire.

The following paragraph, extracted from the Connecticut Courant, has run its course through the federal press:
" Economical Defence —Mr. Lloyd in a late speech in Congress, stated that a bill had been exhibited to the Senate of eight hundred dollars for medical attendance on a single gun boat, for a single month at New Orleans."
The words put into Mr. Lloyd's mouth are capable of being construed so as to mean that such a bill as that which he mentions had been admitted. We understand that such a bill was presented for payment, but immediately rejected by the accountant of the navy; and not a cent has yet been paid upon it by the Department.
Our readers will recollect, that about the end of October last the New York Gazette announced the arrival of the Barque Richard, Capt. Odiorne, from Liverpool, and gave an article under the signature of Capt. Odiorne, stating "that on the 19th of Sept. when beating down channel, Mr. Maury, the American Consul at Liverpool, sent one of his clerks on board the Richard, who verbally informed Capt. Odiorne of the arrival at Liverpool of an express from London, advising of a declaration of war by France against the United States of America." &c.
Mr. Maury, on seeing this article, republished in the London papers, with great propriety made the following formal declaration, which is published from the original now before us. It convicts Capt. Odiorne of a deliberate falsehood; and it will be put an act of justice in editors, by republishing Mr. Maury's certificate, to rescue his veracity from the imputation cast upon it by Capt. Odiorne's declaration.
American Consulate, Liverpool, 8th December 1808.
Having read in the Globe, one of the London daily papers, the foregoing extract, I feel it incumbent upon me publicly to contradict it, by declaring as I hereby do, that I did not send any of my clerks, or any other person on board the Richard, Captain John Odiorne, whilst in the Channel or at any other time, to inform him of a declaration of war by France against the United States—or to advise him to come to anchor and insure his vessel in consequence thereof—I did deliver to Captain Odiorne, previous to his sailing, some dispatches from Mr. Pinkney for the Secretary of state of the United States, but gave him no instructions whatever about chartering a pilot boat for the purpose of conveying them.
The persons deposing and affirming to the underwritten affidavit were all the clerks or persons I had in my employ when the Richard sailed—except one, then on a visit to his friends in Scotland.
Given from under my hand and Seal, seal of office the day and year before written.
JAMES MAURY. EDWARD H. WILSON. [Here follow the corroborating oaths of Mr. Maury's five clerks, which it is unnecessary to give at length.]
Olmstead's Case. The Marshal for Pennsylvania is preparing to organize on the 18th inst. the posse to the number of 2,000 persons to execute the process in this case.
We possess the 31st French Bulletin, which shall be given in our next. It is without date. It is principally filled with a detail of the English disasters on leaving Corunna, and announces no new event of consequence.
Edward Tiffin , of Ohio, has resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States.
VIRGINIA ELECTIONS. John W. Eppes is re-elected for Chesterfield district, without opposition.
Thomas Gholson , junr. is re-elected for Brunswick district without opposition.
 Nansemond County.  Thomas Newton 339  R. Taylor 68  From present prospects there is no doubt of Mr. Newton's re-election.  Greensville and Prince George.  Col. Godwyn 321  Col. V. P. Graham 89  Rockbridge County.  Alex. Wilson 338  James Beckenridge 314  Luckingham County.  John Randolph 379  Jerman Baker 192  Caroline County.  J. T. Woodford 314  John Roane 155  William Carey Nicholas is re-elected without opposition in Albemarle district; and John Clopton for Henrico district. 
LATE FOREIGN NEWS. The ship Deane, capt. Vibbert, has arrived at New York in 40 days from Bristol, and brings London papers to the 2d of March, the contents of which, so far as they are interesting, are embraced in the following notice.
The English government have agreed to make a loan of 600,000l. to the Prince Regent of Portugal.
Bonaparte had left Paris for Germany. A rumor, not credited, prevailed in London, that Austria had declared war against France. The examination into the conduct of the duke of York closed on the 23d of Feb.
On the 28th of February a letter was received by the House of Commons from the duke, alledging his innocence of charges preferred against him, and claiming a right to be heard at their bar before any proceedings were adopted in consequence of the late inquiry.
Accounts received in England from Portugal represent the Portuguese as still making the greatest exertions to resist the French.
Russia is said to have manifested some indications of a hostile disposition to Napoleon.
The Brest fleet, of ten sail of the line, had sailed, and admiral Gambier was ordered to pursue them.
Drury Lane Theatre was burnt to the ground on the 24th of Feb. The advance in woollen cloths has been so great in London, that on the 22d Feb. it was calculated, that 10,000 journeymen tailors had been thrown out of employ. Spanish wool had advanced from 6 to 26s per lb.
3 per cent. consols. for money 67 3/8—do. for April 68—Fino wheat 94 to 97s. Fine flour 88 to 90. Second 80 to 85s.
The ship Catherine, Bickford, who arrived at Salem on the 17th inst. from Valentia, brings papers to the 17th of February.
The Spaniards continued the war with zeal. Saragossa still held out. A letter from Tarragona, February 4, says—"we are expecting an attack every day from the French; but I assure you the place is in a very decent state of defence, and I expect, at most, we shall only have the second part of the play of Saragossa acted here." A letter from Valencia, dated Feb. 18th says, "unless the report that Austria has declared war against France be true, I fear that this country will soon be in possession of the French. If Saragossa is not shortly relieved it must fall as they must be entirely without provisions; but in order to throw in supplies, a grand attack is to be made about this time, by part of the armies of Catalonia and Valencia; at the same time, gen. Reding was to attack the French in the neighborhood of Tarragona, so that it is highly probable the fate of this part of the country will be decided in a few days."
It is stated in the Spanish papers, that peace is re-established between Great Britain and the Ottoman Porte. Those papers also say, that there is every prospect of war between France and Austria; the latter has an army of 600,000 soldiers, and 80,000 cavalry, completely equipped.
New York Gazette.
London, Feb. 32. We have received American papers to the 27th inst.—The greatest confusion prevails in all the principal ports of the United States, and a determined resistance is made to all the restrictive regulations of the embargo laws. The vessels for Europe, particularly England, now put to sea in defiance of the power of the government, and the most serious result seems to threaten the Union.
February 24. —The following very interesting account from Spain, is extracted from a Portuguese paper. "Captain Walker of the 71st regiment, effected his escape from Madrid on the 24th ult. It was positively believed at Madrid, that the garrison under the command of general Behard, intended speedily to evacuate that city. The French were fortifying the contiguous heights. The soldiers were extremely discontented; for, notwithstanding the order of the governor, prohibiting the carrying of arms and knives, or the wearing of cloaks after sun set, numbers of them were assassinated every night. To such a pitch was the resentment of the people carried, that general Penque was assassinated by a woman: General Grand Maison was found dead on the 31st of December; General Berthier, the prince of Neufchatel, died of a wound received in one of his arms; which it was found necessary to amputate. It was the general opinion among the French officers that Bonaparte had set off for France. There were various conjectures as to the cause; the most generally credited was, that a rupture between the cabinet of the Thuilleries and the northern powers occasioned his abrupt departure from Spain. Joseph Bonaparte, at his solemn entry into Madrid, on the 22d of December, was received with a gloomy silence, he was not greeted with a single acclamation in any part of the city. It was currently reported in Madrid, that the duke of Infantado's army consisted of 50,000 men; but nothing was positively known of his position. General Cuesta has routed the enemy at the bridge of Almarez; every thing proves the weakness of the enemy; and the Spaniards continue to display the greatest enthusiasm."
February 25. —The dispatches received on Thursday by the Spanish Ambassador announce, it is said, the result of another battle in Arragon. The letter with the particulars is of the date of the 27th ult. The action was near Saragossa, was obstinately contested and terminated in favor of the Patriots. Seven thousand French troops were left dead on the field of battle.
It is remarkable that the first intimation of the departure of the Austrian minister from Paris to Vienna, should have been given in a letter from Valencia of the 16th ult. The silence of the French, Dutch and German papers on this event, gives countenance to the report that the departure of Napoleon to the east of the Rhine, was in consequence of an unexpected rupture with Austria. It is also remarkable, that the report of a war between Francis and Bonaparte prevailed by the last advices, both on the shores of the Atlantic and the Mediterranean.
Yesterday a messenger arrived from Gottemburgh, with dispatches from Stockholm. The contents have not transpired, but one fact is stated on the Messenger's authority, which is of importance, at least as indicating the state of the public mind at St. Petersburg. The disgust which has been felt at the conduct of the Grand Duke Constantine, has at length occasioned an attempt upon his life. The accounts are not exactly consistent concerning the mode of the attack.
Some say that the Duke was shot at, and that the ball passed over his head, and killed his aid-de-camp. Others that a plot was formed to kill him in his bed, and that his room being mistaken, his aid-de-camp was slain in his place: but all accounts agree that the aid-de-camp lost his life contrary to the intention of the conspirators. In consequence of this attempt, the Emperor, it is added, offered a reward of 200,000 roubles, for the discovery of the offender. This was announced by placards on the walls of the city. The following day an advertisement was posted about the streets, offering 400,000 roubles to any person who should assassinate Constantine.
February 25. —It is now currently reported, that ministers mean to adopt a mode of warfare, with regard to Spain, more consistent, it is said, with our insular situation, naval preponderance and military establishments. This is to consist in frequent and partial descents on the extensive line of coast from Bayonne to Genoa. Its expediency and advantages were frequently recommended by the great lord Nelson; and the alarm which lord Cochrane kept up, some time ago on the French coast in the Mediterranean proves, if it be pursued on a large scale, that nothing can contribute more to harass and distract the enemy. By these means, the hopes of the patriots will be constantly kept alive; whilst the invaders will be tormented and worn out by toilsome marches.
We alluded on Saturday to an action before Saragossa, in which the French were defeated. The Spanish papers to the 10th, contain the official account of it, it took place on the 21st of last month. The enemy are stated to have advanced with seven columns of infantry, a large body of cavalry, and a considerable train of artillery, to invest the suburb on the other side of the river. After a hard fought action, which lasted 5 hours, the main body of the enemy fell back and the reserve advanced with great impetuosity. The Spanish troops were for a short time thrown into disorder, but soon recovered themselves, and finally defeated the enemy, who left under the walls and in front of the batteries 4,000 men killed and as many wounded. The loss of the Spaniards is not mentioned. On the same day an attack was made by about 300 French, on the fortress of San Josef, but they were also put to flight. Several skirmishes took place on the 22d, 23d and 24th, in the environs of San Josef, in which the Spaniards were equally successful.
Captain Gordon, from Havana, informs us that the Spaniards had commenced the massacre of the French inhabitants three days before he sailed.
COMMUNICATED FOR THE FEDERAL GAZETTE. Extract of a letter received by a respectable house in this City, from their correspondent in Liverpool; and confirmed by a similar advice from London, dated 12th January, 1809.
"I regret that I am prevented from executing your order for salt-petre. I had purchased about two tons, which I was about to ship to you per the Mary, but I am prevented by the custom house, where they inform me, that they have orders not to allow the exportation of salt-petre or gun powder; and that an order in council will be issued to this effect."
Philadelphia, April 13.
We feel infinite satisfaction in being able to state on the authority of late accounts from Havana, that the tumultuous rising of the populace was completely suppressed, and that peace and order prevailed.
Extract of a letter, written by an eminent mercantile house in Liverpool, dated Feb 20
"By private letters received last night from New York, of the 25th Jan. we find that the Act was in force for preventing effectually the breaking of the embargo; that the non-importation bill was to be repealed, and double duties, it was understood, were to be charged in lieu of it, on goods to which that act referred; that it was understood the operation of the non-intercourse bill would not take place for four or five months to come; that the American government had chartered two vessels one for France, the other for England, to sail the 1st of February, with definitive proposals, and that Congress was to meet early in May, which it was expected the vessels would be returned."
BIOGRAPHICAL. Character of General H. JACKSON, from the Boston Patriot.
The politeness of a friend has favored us with the following, from a correspondent, who had learned the worth of the character he so justly appreciates, in those trying scenes which established our independence, and in which his departed friend acted so conspicuous and honorable a part.
DEAR FRIEND, The continuance of your grief for the loss of our excellent friend, Gen. JACKSON, awakens all my sympathy, and has induced me, at last, to give utterance to those feelings which I had hitherto suppressed. It is indeed a heavy loss, a wide breach in the circle of my friends, as well as in that of yours; and since you could not doubt of my most cordial condolence, it seemed to me that my silence would be more efficacious than my language, in obtaining for you that relief, which your own habitual reflections, on the frailty of human dependencies, could not fail to furnish. But as you call for a communication of sentiment on the virtues and character of our friend, let us indulge a moment in the melancholy recital.—To dwell on the amiable qualities of those we love, is to strengthen such qualities in ourselves.
The place of his birth and education being distant from mine, many of his surviving friends must have known him longer than I did, though few have known him better. I knew him an early and zealous military volunteer in the service of our country, in her revolutionary war. I knew him always at the post of duty, frequently at that of danger. He raised a regiment in 1776, which he continued to conduct with skill and bravery, through all the vicissitudes of fatigue and privation, through battles, defeats and victories, till the object was attained for which he drew his sword—the liberty of his country.
At the peace of 1783, not so much in imitation of the Roman Cincinnatus, as in obedience to the call of honest industry, he retired with the other illustrious relics of our armies, to the pursuits of civil life. These pursuits, though less brilliant than those of war, are often more useful, sometimes more difficult to follow with consistency, as the history of our country has abundantly proved. How many of his former fellow laborers in the toils of independence, have forgotten the principles they once taught us to revere; and, as if disgusted with their own good fame, are striving to destroy the institutions with which that fame was united.—Our departed friend never deviated from himself in this unhappy manner.—Henry Jackson continued firmly to support the republican system which General Jackson had assisted to establish.
IF it was this adherence to principle that lost him the affections of some of his fellow companions in arms, who survive him in his native city of
Boston; if it was really for its reason, as I have understood, that they have suffered his body to be committed to the ground without the accustomed pomp of military honors (vain pomp indeed, but sufficiently important in their view to be withheld as a mark of disapprobation) let us pity them: it is not on our friend that this dishonor falls. No! the stain of dishonor never touched him while alive; and death has now placed him beyond its reach forever.
But as you may intend this letter for publication, it is not so important to dwell upon his public character and political principles, which are well known to his country, as to bring into view his less conspicuous but more endearing traits that distinguish him from most of those who have been dear to us in life. A purer heart or a finer sense of duty, than his never guided the actions of a human being. His natural desire of doing good was strengthened by constant exercise; and acts of beneficence became so habitual to him, as to be almost impossible among his daily employments.
His private fortune, though ample for himself and for charity, was made so by a virtuous attention to frugality, by moderating his expenses, & avoiding all extravagant speculations. He seemed to consider himself only as the steward of his own estate; as if the property of it belonged to his friends who were less fortunate than he, or less regular in their habits of life. The calls of such friends upon his liberality have often swept off his income, and sometimes cut deep into his capital; but he was never known to complain or express his disappointment by reproaches—He would rather devote farther demands from the same persons, by an even tenor of conduct, and a continuance of the minor acts of friendship.
To mention particular instances that may have come to our knowledge, would betray his confidence; it would be revealing what he intended should remain unknown. And the cause of morals would often gain by a less scrupulous concealment of good actions than their authors deserve, yet secrets of this kind are a property to which the public has no right, until the proprietors choose to give it up.
If these feeble expressions of my regret should afford you any consolation for the loss of our incomparable friend, it will be from an assurance that I knew his worth—and that my attachment was founded on the same moral qualities in him which give rise to your own. My consolation must arise from the continuance of your friendship to me, and from a confidence that your excellent heart, so nearly resembling his, will induce you not only to continue your usual course of charities, but adopt in some measure the objects of his own, and do much of the good that he would have done, had not a wiser dispensation arrested his career.
Accept my best affections.
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On the premises on the 15th day of June next, at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. LOT No. 3, in Sq. no. 161 in the city of Washington together with a Dwelling House and Slaughtering House thereon. Said property is well situated for a butcher. A fine run of water passes near it. It was formerly owned by Daniel Guyer. Terms of payment, one fourth cash in hand, one fourth payable in six months from the sale with interest, one fourth payable at the end of 12 months with interest and the remainder payable at the end of 18 months with interest. Said payments are to be secured by good notes negotiable at the Bank and a mortgage on the property.
April 17—tds
AGREEABLY to an order from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, the Subscriber will offer at Public SALE on Tuesday the 9th day of May next, at the late dwelling of ISAAC MAGRUDER, deceased, the following property, to wit—Horses, Cattle, Household Furniture & Plantation Utensils, on a credit of 12 months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security with legal interest thereon from the day of sale—Sale to commence at 11 o'clock.
THOS. MAGRUDER. April 17—w3t
PUBLIC SALE. BY virtue of an order of the Orphan's Court of Anne Arundel county, the subscriber will sell at Public Sale, on Wednesday the 3d day of May next, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter, at the FARM of JOHN GWINN, esq. deceased, on Deep Creek, in Anne Arundel county, all the Personal Estate of the said deceased at the said Farm, consisting of a number of valuable Negroes, Household Furniture, Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs and Farming Utensils.
The Terms of sale are, for all sums under 10l. the cash to be paid on the day of sale, and for all sums above 10l. a credit of ten months will be given, the purchaser giving bond with approved security, with legal interest thereon from the day of sale.
The Sale to commence at 11 o'clock, and to be continued until the whole is sold. The FARM may be RENTED, and immediate possession given.
THO. HARRIS, Jm. Adm'r. April 17—tds