The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-07-23 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCLXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JULY 23d, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
May, 13, 1802.
DEFINITIVE TREATY.
Lord Hawkesbury rose, he said, that he had listened with great attention to his right honorable friend's speech—he owned that it was throughout ingenious, but not always to the point; and therefore it could not be expected his answer should follow him through all the digressions he had made from the subject. For his own part, he assured the right honorable gentleman, that if he had thought there was any thing in the treaty dishonorable to this country or detrimental to its interests, he should have been the foremost to lift up his voice against it—but convinced as he was that instead of being dishonorable or prejudicial, it was advantageous and glorious to this country, he found himself called upon to oppose the present address. He did not mean to defend the peace on the ground that we could not have better terms; but he was to defend the peace as being honorable, wise and expedient. He was happy that the whole subject had been now brought at once before the house—and he was also happy that the ingenuity of his honorable friend had been able to find no other objection to it, than that which applied equally to all treaties, that one point had been given up in order to maintain another. Before, however proceeding to a particular consideration of the objections advanced against the treaty, it would be proper previously to consider the circumstances that led to it. Immediately upon the present ministry accepting their office they heard of a great battle lost by our ally the emperor, which was quickly followed by the treaty of Lunéville, and the ratification of that treaty by the Germanic empire. The state of Europe, with regard to Great Britain, was now changed.—Instead of a great confederacy under her influence, directed against France, a formidable confederacy was now formed, under the direction of France, against this country. At that period almost every man in the country thought it expedient to open negotiations for peace. Peace was called for alike by all ranks and all parties. Under these circumstances ministers, after some previous preparation for enforcing our claims, and after sending a fleet to the Baltic, opened negotiations with the French government. But in such circumstances, was it to be expected that by any treaty of peace we should be able to settle the disorders of the continent, after the treaty of Lunéville had been signed and ratified by the Germanic body. It was enough at that time for Great Britain to take care of her own interests and those of her allies without attempting to fix a political system for Europe. The objects which we could hope, or then wish to obtain by treaty, were, first the complete integrity of the British empire in all its parts—second, To maintain good faith towards our allies—third, To retain out of the conquests we had made, an equivalent for the accessions of territory acquired by France. At the time when we opened the negotiations, it was not likely that we could procure such conditions—but the naval victories of Copenhagen and the Nile, which then took place, opened a new prospect of obtaining these advantages. As the preliminary treaty which followed, had been already approved by the house, he did not mean to enter into its merits at present. He only wished to show what the circumstances were which led to the present treaty—a treaty which, as it secured the integrity of G. Britain, obtained better conditions than could have been expected for her allies, and had besides acquired her two most important possessions in the East & West-Indies, could not be considered as less honorable in the eyes of his right honorable friend, however, it would not appear so, and if his views were allowed to be right, no terms, however advantageous, could be justified, if they were concluded with the present government of France. Lord Hawkesbury then proceeded to divide the subject into two heads.—And first, he was to consider how far the government, after having concluded the preliminaries, ought to have been induced by the circumstances which have occurred since that time, to have refused to conclude the Definitive Treaty on the basis proposed. He said he had no difficulty in owning that he regretted several things which had intervened, not so much on account of their intrinsic importance, as the spirit they manifested in the French government. But we must
consider how far they are consistent with the principles on which the preliminary treaty was concluded and how far they would have justified our having done so. If under these circumstances we renewed former treaties we should alone be breaking off the negotiations for peace.—What his honorable friend had advanced, went to say, that when any continental power, however unconnected with us became involved with France, we must step forward to its assistance, whether it wished for such interference or not. For his own ought to remain, as some did, think we ought to remain as situated in our politics as we were in our situation; but he thought we should consider ourselves deeply concerned in the policy of the continent; but he thought our interference with its quarrels was to be considered as a matter of choice, not of necessity, not of a point of honor.—We must take into consideration whether such interference be consistent with our external or internal interests; more especially at present, after being exhausted by a nine years' war deserted by all our allies, and forced at last to negotiate a separate peace. In such a state there surely could be no obligation on us to give up our own immediate interests for the remote advantages of others. If we advert to what has been said with regard to Italy; if it was not expedient for us to continue the war on account of Holland and the Netherlands, much less can it be expedient to continue on account of Italy. But it may be said, that circumstances may so occur, as to render a smaller object of more importance than a greater. But is it the case at present? The first intimation which his majesty's ministers received of the new constitution of the Italian republic, was immediately followed by accounts of the congratulation of the court of Berlin, the acquiescence of that of Vienna, and the assurances of Russia, that they would not intermeddle in the arrangements. Under these circumstances, would any one say, that it was justifiable to continue the war on account of the new constitution of the Italian republic? Another object insisted upon was the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France. This event could not indeed be viewed with indifference, but it was to be considered how it could justify our refusing to continue the negotiation for peace. It had originally been a French colony, and the Mississippi was then the boundary between it and Great Britain. It has been ceded in a private convention to Spain by France between the preliminaries and definitive treaty in 1763. This shewed that such transactions, though not to be approved, were not now first heard of. Louisiana had been even mentioned in the preliminaries to that treaty, which it had not been in the present. It was not to be considered, if Louisiana, thus voluntarily ceded, and thus originally situated, was an object which called for the continuation of the war. If we consider its value, it is at present almost nothing. But it may be said, what may not the industry of the French effect? When it was formerly in the possession of the French they were able to make nothing of it, while they rendered their other West Indian possessions of infinite value. As a naval station, the best informed represent it to be of no consequence. With regard to the political effects predicted from its cession in laying open America to the influence of France, it must be observed, that it has hitherto been the policy of America to maintain an even balance of power in that quarter of the globe, between Great Britain and France. America must, by the cession of Louisiana, consider this balance as destroyed, and of consequence become more jealous of France, and more attached to Great Britain than ever.—Some imagined that this new possession of the French might endanger the safety of America; but when we recollect her efforts in 1776, when alone and unsupported, we could not surely fear much for her safety in her present state of power and resources. All these circumstances considered, the house might judge, if it was expedient to continue the war on account of the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France. The noble lord then proceeded in the second place to consider whether the definitive treaty had been settled on the basis of the preliminary treaty, and whether it was such as in consequence of the preliminary treaty the country had a right to expect. He allowed that there were many things which might justly be expected to be arranged in the definitive treaty, though wholly omitted in the preliminary. Two faults might therefore be imputed to a definitive treaty those of omission and commission. On the first the chief one objected to in the
present definitive treaty was the non-renewal of treaties political and commercial, and particular conventions. With regard to political treaties, the principles on which these had been renewed by former treaties did not appear to be well understood. By the treaty of Westphalia, Europe had been placed in a different state from what it had previously been, and therefore, in order to ascertain the relative situations of the several powers, it had been customary to renew that treaty and also any particular conventions subsequent to it. Many arguments might be advanced for this general renewal of treaties, but many might also be advanced against it. In the first place, by renewing many doubtful arrangements, and consequently increasing the occasion of dispute, it destroyed the family of treaties, and by bringing them into dispute, diminished the obligation to fulfil them. The renewal of former treaties was, in another point of view more disadvantageous to Great Britain, than to any other nation, because we adhere more religiously to our engagement, and therefore should be more cautious in considering what we enter into. Yet putting these considerations out of the question, there were many of the stipulations, the utility of retaining which might be questioned from the change of circumstances. Some, indeed, might be disadvantageous, but it was necessary to consider whether these would outweigh those of an opposite nature. It was to be considered, that formerly all preceding treaties had been renewed by the other powers of Europe as well as by us, but in the present way, no other European power had been bound by former treaties, while the other nations were free. The manner in which former treaties had annually been renewed, was to renew such treaties generally, and then follow up this renewal by particular exceptions. If we followed this rule on the present occasion, what would be the consequence? We should first have guaranteed the integrity of the Germanic empire, and then have been obliged to guarantee to France all the conquests she made on that empire. The same would have happened with regard to Sardinia and Holland. We could not have avoided this—we had formerly guaranteed the integrity of the Germanic empire, and yet in the same treaty guaranteed Silesia to Prussia. In the same manner, a renewal of former treaties would have forced us to give our sanction to all the encroachments of France. Would it have been consistent with the interests, the feelings of this country, thus to have confirmed the aggrandizement of our rival? We have it now in our power to say at least, that if we have not been able to let Europe to rights, we have not contributed to its confusion; if we have not been able to prevent encroachments we have not sanctioned them. But it must further be considered, that by a renewal of treaties, and the necessary exceptions, we should not only have confirmed what we knew and understood, but what was yet not settled or defined. By sanctioning the treaty of Lunéville, we should have made ourselves a party to the dismemberment of the Germanic empire, yet to take place in consequence of that treaty. With regard to commercial treaties, it was impossible in the present circumstances, to renew them, without renewing stipulations respecting rights of neutrality and personal privileges extremely disadvantageous to us. Even if commercial treaties were deemed beneficial, so many things were to be adjusted, that it was more proper to refer the matter to future discussions, than delay the definitive treaty all matters could be arranged, as this delay had already occasioned much inconvenience. With regard to the benefit expected from commercial treaties, it might be observed that our trade to the continent of Europe during the war had been as flourishing as while these treaties were in force. The prohibition of our manufactures could still be carried into effect in peace than in war, and therefore our commerce in spite of them must be extended. If we were driven to a war of duties, the advantage was plainly on our side. The exclusion of French wines and brandy by us would be a more severe loss to France than the exclusion of our manufactures by her; because we had many other markets to resort to, but we were her only merchants for these commodities. With regard to the separate conventions to be renewed, the two principally alluded to were those relative to the East India trade, and that relating to the cutting of logwood in the Bay of Honduras; to which he should add, that with regard to the flag, which had been most grossly mislaid.
So much had last night been said with regard to the East India trade, that it was unnecessary for him to dwell on that subject. He should observe, however, that though our rights in the East Indies had been originally the same with those of France, yet by conquests and other events, we had become sovereigns of that country. France had acknowledged us to be so, by receiving from us a right to trade, and stipulations regulating their commerce in the treaty of 1783. This sovereignty was not in consequence of any stipulation with France, but acknowledged by her as the foundation of stipulations. It therefore remained now to us as perfect as ever. The convention of 1783, was certainly wise and proper at the time, in removing the causes of quarrel which had arisen from the treaty of 1778, but circumstances had so changed, that the objectionable points in it greatly preponderated over those which were proper to be renewed. With regard to cutting logwood in the bay of Honduras, we remained in the same situation as before the war. Complete occupancy had formerly been conceded to us in consequence of specific sacrifices. We did not then hold it as subject to Spain and secured by particular conventions. We held it of right and as the definitive treaty had no wise done that right away it remained to us on the same footing as heretofore. But above all other things, what regarded our flag had been completely misunderstood.—This country has for centuries claimed a right to the sovereignty of the Seas, and from the sovereignty arose the demand that other nations should lower their flag to us. This sovereignty inferred a claim with regard to all nations as well as Holland; but a particular stipulation with regard to the acknowledgment of it by the latter nation, was introduced into one of our treaties with her, in consequence of the preceding war having arisen from an attempt on her part to dispute it. This particular stipulation had never been introduced into a treaty with France or Spain, from whence it followed, that by renewing such a stipulation with regard to Holland we virtually renounced it with regard to these powers. Was it not therefore better to retain our former rights, in their full vigour, than to call them in question by stipulations for their acknowledgment by a particular and a weak power?
HISTORY OF THE Last Session of Congress.
[CONTINUED] INTERNAL TAXES.
On the 30th of December Mr. Davis moved the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of repealing the acts imposing duties on stills and distilled spirits, on refined sugars, on sales at auction, and on pleasurable carriages.
Mr. Davis said his object in making this motion, was that the house should accomplish that directly, which had been this session attempted in a circuitous way, as to embarrass and delay its proceedings. He saw no reason for going into a committee of the whole, in order to arrive at decisions that might better be made directly by the house itself.
On this motion a debate of considerable length ensued, in which on the one side the reference to a select committee, and on the other a reference to a committee of the whole house, was advocated. No decision was had, and of course the motion of Mr. Davis was ordered to lie on the table.
Notwithstanding the marked indisposition of the house to adopt the resolution proposed by Mr. Davis, Mr. Bayard virtually renewed it, by moving that the committee of ways and means should be instructed to enquire into the expediency of repealing the laws laying duties on stills and distilled spirits, on refined sugar, on sales at auction, on pleasurable carriages, on stamps, and on the postage of letters.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Bayard, Rutledge, Griswold and Dana. They expressed their opinion that it was full time to put a subject, which affected the vital principles of the revenue, in a train for decision; that the propriety of the repeal would depend upon the reductions made on a comprehensive view of our finances, which could only be taken by the committee of ways and means, to whom was committed generally whatever related to revenue; that, however delightful a res-
duction of public burthens might be, it was not ascertained that the government was prepared to take this step; that a great question, first to be decided, was whether the impositions earliest removed should be subjects of internal taxation, or imported articles, and particularly the duty on salt; that in order to form a correct decision on the subject, a reference ought to be made to the committee of ways and means, who would report to the house the necessary information.
Mr. Macon supported the motion on ground somewhat different, and entirely derived from the propriety of giving the earliest attention to a subject of so much importance.
The motion was opposed by Messrs. Bacon, Eustis, Smilie, Varnum and Randolph.
They contended that the reasons urged in favor of the motion were conclusive against its adoption; that it was manifest that this was not the proper time for considering the subject, for that until the reductions that were to be made in the ordinary expenditures of the government were ascertained, it was impossible to decide with correctness how far a reduction or abolition of taxes would be expedient. No such decision had yet been made on the reduction of the army, the navy, or any other specific object; and that under such circumstances, it would be both rash and premature to precipitate a decision. It was, therefore, moved, that the committee, into which the house had resolved itself, should rise, to avoid a decision.
On this last motion the committee divided—Ayes 29—Noes 48.
When the reference to the committee was carried, and immediately confirmed in the house without a division.
During this debate, it was remarked by Messrs. Bayard, and Rutledge, that a difference of opinion appeared to exist between the President and the Secretary of the Treasury on the repeal of the laws respecting the Internal Revenue; as was evident from the report of the latter, who, in his calculations, reckoned on their continuance.
To this it was replied by Messrs. Macon and Varnum, that the inference was forced and unjust; inasmuch as the secretary of the treasury in his view of the finances of the United States, acting in his ministerial character, had taken the revenue laws of the United States as they stood, and predicted his calculations upon their continuance; that to have acted otherwise, and advised their repeal as the basis of his observations, would have been a departure from propriety, and would, no doubt, have been denominated arrogant and assuming. It was evident, therefore, that this circumstance proved no diversity of sentiment, as the recommendation of the President was involved in his constitutional discretion to advise the adoption of any measure, while the report of the secretary arose from a sense of his official duty as an executive officer, having no such discretion.
The success of the above motion arose from the unanimous vote of the federal, and the divided vote of the republican side of the house. By a part of the latter, it was considered as intended to make an impression that the committee of ways and means, before whom the whole field of revenue lay open, had not been sufficiently prompt in the discharge of their duty; & from this consideration, mingled with a conviction of its perfect inutility, it was chiefly opposed; while on the other hand, a part of the republican members, in their impatience to accomplish an object so desirable as they considered the repeal of the internal taxes, seized an occasion, which they supposed would accelerate it.
Thus opened the campaign respecting the abolition of the internal revenues. It will be remarked, that the federal side of the house, during the whole of the discussion which ensued, conscious of the inferiority of their strength, and of their insufficiency to resist directly the measure of abolition, met it by a succession of incidental motions, subversive of unity of view, and calculated to involve the real merits of the subject in perpetually varying obscurity, by connecting with it topics not in the least allied. With what success these steps were taken, it might be uncharitable to decide; but this is certain, through the whole progress of the controversy to produce an impression of indecision, furnishing the opportunity to forward a great variety of topics, engaged in a style, calculated, as they believed, to make some popular impression; while the friends of the repeal, anxious to exhibit an unembarrassed view of the sub-

jects, to save time, and to avoid all useless involutions of irrelevant topics, declined to notice, or but cursorily noticed, on them as they occurred.
The second incidental step taken, to frustrate the repeal of the internal taxes, was a proposition made by Mr. Bayard on the 12th of January, to refer to the committee of Ways and Means the consideration of the expediency of reducing the duty on salt.
This proposition was strenuously urged by the federal, and resisted by the republican side of the house, who moved the previous question, which, after a debate that occupied the entire day, was carried—Yeas 49—Nays 41.
The third incidental effort to frustrate the repeal of the internal taxes was made on the 22nd of January; when Mr. Rutledge moved that the committee of Ways and Means be instructed to enquire into the expediency of reducing the duties on brown sugar, coffee, and boba tea.
This motion produced a debate which occupied the remainder of the sitting, during which the previous question was moved.
Those who supported the reference were, Messrs. Rutledge, Dana, C. A. Smith, Bayard, Goddard, Dennis, and T. Morris.
Those who opposed it were, Messrs. Smith, Claiborne, Smith, Southard, Giles, Elmer, Nicholson, and Davis.
In support of the motion, it was said that as the present situation of the country justified a reduction of the taxes, it became important to select as fit objects of reduction, those impositions which were the most unequal and oppressive; that of this nature were the duties on brown sugar, boba tea, and coffee, which were exorbitantly high; that the duty on boba tea amounted to 50 per cent. on its value; that on tea was as high; and that on coffee to 40 per cent.; that these duties fell with peculiar severity upon the poor; that they were specific duties, produced on war prices, which would undoubtedly fall, and with the decision of which the duties should also fall; that their reduction would be the only means of preserving their proportion to the duties laid ad valorem ; that it was proper that these considerations should be submitted to the committee of Ways and Means; who, having thus the whole subject of revenue before them, would be enabled to determine the most proper articles on which a reduction of duties could be made, whether relative to the internal revenue, or our external trade.
Those who opposed the reference declined entering into a discussion of the merits of the motion, which they declared premature and useless, and alleged that the house had already referred the whole subject of revenue internal as well as external to the committee of Ways and Means; to prove which the following extract from the journal was read.
"Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be directed to report whether any and what alterations are necessary in the laws imposing duties on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the U. States."
"Resolved, That said resolution be referred to the committee of ways and means."
They urged that such a reference could only tend to embarrass the operations of the committee of ways and means. When the report of that committee was made, it would be seasonable to offer any proposition, whose merits would then be duly weighed. Such propositions as the present only tended to retard business. If its object was to defeat a repeal of the internal taxes, it ought to be resisted; as those taxes, from their oppressive operation, should be first removed; being odious in their nature, enormously expensive in the collection, and grounded on a system of espionage hateful to a free people; under them, instead of every man's house being his castle, it was thrown open to the tax-revenue officer; and their effect was to swell executive patronage, by creating a host of officers who took their political tone from those on whom they were dependent, and distorted their functions throughout the nation.
On the previous question being taken, as follows: "Shall the main question be put?" It was carried in the negative—Yeas 45—Nays 49.
The fourth incidental effort to impede or frustrate the repeal of the internal taxes was made on the 25th of January by Mr. Thomas Morris, who moved, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to exhibit a statement of the duties which have been paid on stamps by each state in the union, distinguishing the amount of the said duties paid by the commercial cities within each of the states.
This motion, under the impression that it was intended for the purpose of delay, was rejected without debate.
The fifth incidental effort to embarrass the repeal of the internal taxes was made on the same day, by Mr. Bayard, who moved, that the Secretary of the Treasury be required to lay before the House an amount in detail of the expenses incurred in the collection of the internal revenues of the United States;
distinguishing, where the same may be practicable, the expenses attending the collection in each branch of the said revenue; and also, such an estimate of the reduction of said expenses, which may conveniently be made.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Bayard, T. Morris, Griswold, Huger, Rutledge, and Goddard; who declared that it was not their object by any particular mode of procedure, to gain an advantage on the public opinion, though they were well aware that those who viewed their measures with a jaundiced eye ascribed such motives; they declared it to be their wish to go hand in hand with the administration in reducing the public burthens so far as the situation of the country would justify; a bill had passed the house in relation to the army, which contemplated a large saving, and other retrenchments were expected in the navy, and in the civil list, by which the legislature would be enabled greatly to diminish the public burthens.
But the important question was, what taxes should be first abolished or reduced. A leading objection made to the internal revenue arose from the expenses of collection. To determine what these were in detail, as applied to each branch of the revenue, was the object of the motion, that the house might decide whether some items might not be retained while others were dropped off; which might be recommended by the different expense of collection attached to the several items; for instance, tho' the aggregate expense appeared to be 20 per cent., it was believed that that on stamps did not exceed 5 or 6 per cent.
Mr. Randolph desired the clerk to read an extract from the report of the secretary of the treasury, then before the House.
The clerk accordingly read it, as follows:—
"It will appear by the same statement, [Mr.] that whilst the expenses of collection on merchandise and tonnage which are defrayed out of the revenue, do not exceed 4 per cent.; those on the permanent internal duties, amount to almost 20 per cent. This, however, is an inconvenience which on account of the great number of the individuals on whom the duties are raised, and of their dispersed situation throughout the whole extent of the United States, must, more or less, attach to the system of internal taxation, so long as the wants of government shall not require any considerable extension, and the total amount of revenue shall remain inconsiderable."
No other notice being taken by the republican side of the house, of the motion or arguments urged in its support, its friends assumed a lofty tone of indignation at the contumelious silence. They declared themselves embarrassed by this new mode of transacting business, in violation of the ordinary procedure of legislative bodies, in which, if propositions were made, disagreeable to the majority, it had been the uniform practice to assign the reasons for their rejection; they thanked God, that though they had not the benefit of hearing gentlemen on the other side expound their opinions, they still enjoyed the liberty of delivering their own sentiments. They asked, what business they had to do there, if the information they desired was refused? Did gentlemen mean to derive them from that floor, & were they ready to say that their services were no longer wanted? If such conduct were pursued, they declared that they would not only be justified in no longer keeping their seats; but the nation would expect it from them.
The republican side of the house, determined themselves to avoid a useless waste of time, while they listened with patience to the arguments and sarcasms of their opponents, remained inexorable to their purpose; and the question being taken, Mr. Bayard's motion was lost—Yeas 37—Nays 57.
The sixth incidental effort to embarrass the repeal of the internal taxes was made, on the same day, by Mr. Rutledge, who once more called up his resolution, which had been some days previously set aside by the previous question, for instructing the committee of ways and means to enquire into the expediency of reducing the duties on boba tea, brown sugar and coffee.
This motion was enforced by Messrs. Rutledge, Griswold and Huger, without a word of reply from the republican side of the House. This called up Mr. Dana, who pronounced a long ironical eulogium on silence, and who having sit down, and the question being loudly called for, Dr. Eustis begged the speaker to state it, as in listening to the gentleman from Connecticut, he had really forgotten it.
The question was then taken on Mr. Rutledge's motion by Yeas and Nays, and lost—Yeas 35—Nays 58.
The seventh incidental attempt to embarrass the repeal of the internal taxes was made, the same day, by Mr. Bayard, who called up again his motion to refer to the committee of Ways and Means an enquiry into the expediency of reducing the tax upon salt.
The hour being late, the question was taken on this motion without debate, and lost—Yeas 32—Nays 67.
The evident diminution of the vote of
the minority on these incidental questions, as they were successively offered, should have taught the leaders of that minority to forebear from making any further incidental opposition. The object of all these repeated motions being the same, it became manifest even to superficial observation, that they were presented in these constantly varying hues with no other view than that of evading the rules of the House, which inhibit a repetition of the same vote during the session. The scene appeared disrespectful to the nation, who had a right to expect from her representatives a demeanor dignified and decorous, and corresponded to the importance of the duties with which they were clothed.
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, May 13.
Our readers will see in our Parliamentary Report that the important subject of our rights in the East Indies, as affected by the Definitive Treaty, was discussed last night in the House of Commons. This was the only part that remained for a separate inquiry preparatory to the general debate on this day. The opponents of the peace contended, that by the non-renewal of the treaties of 83, all the claims might be revived on the part of France, which these treaties were made to remove, and consequently that our right of Sovereignty, which was secured by these Conventions, was left doubtful. The answer to this was, that our right was acquired by conquest, and grants from the native and legitimate Princes of the country: That any claims on the part of France arose out of the treaties of 83 and 87, connected with ancient treaties, which were binding upon us as being made by the powers whom we succeeded; but that all these are now abrogated by war, and therefore, that our right of sovereignty now stands more clear, and more free from all doubt and embarrassment than ever. This is a more important subject than any that has been yet discussed, in relation to the definitive treaty, and we are happy to say that on no point yet discussed has the answer of ministers been so satisfactory.
ANTWERP.
A Letter from Antwerp, dated May 10, says, "Twelve of the principal commercial houses at Brussels are forming the arrangement necessary for establishing houses in our city. Several American families from the United States, have lately arrived here, with an intention of settling. We learn on the other hand, that one of the first merchants in London will send hither one of his sons to form a house of correspondence between England, and the north of Germany, in particular. The city of Antwerp becomes therefore, every day more flourishing. The houses have already risen triple in value. The Scheldt is covered with merchant vessels of different nations, which daily arrive with cargoes. In the course of this year, workmen will begin to clear the port, and to remove the bar, which confines the course of the river."
FRENCH CUSTOM DUTIES.
The Committee of the Tribune have agreed that the Government shall be allowed to fix the duties of customs from time to time, as may seem proper, according to the bill presented by RADZER. A man of the name of CHASSIRON, made the report, and our readers may smile at his profound acquaintance with the commercial code of England!
"It is well known (said he) what advantage the English derive from their drawback duty ( droit de drawback ), a duty given back whole or in part. It is known that it is by the machinery, by the play of this duty, that they regularise their system of importation and exportation, that they balance the interest of their commerce, of their agriculture, of their industry. This duty is, among them the regulator of the whole machine; it is the balance that poises all its movements; and if French courage and energy had not interfered to derange this vast scene, the director of the customs at London would have influenced the whole commerce of the world to the advantage of England!"
LONDON, May 19.
The French revolution has disappointed its partisans and its opposers; it has disappointed those who wished to see liberty established, as well as those who desired the restoration of the antient regime. The authors of the revolution have bled in vain; the Brissots and the Mirabeaus, the Rolands and the Vergnians, the Condorcets and the Lavoisiers, have perished with the cause which they supported. The rich harvest of their labors has been reserved for one man, and the despotism of the antient Monarchy has been changed for another, surrounded by greater talents, and wielded with more skill, but little less subversive of the rights and liberties of mankind, than that which preceded it.
The question "Whether Bonaparte shall be Consul for life," will of course
be decided in the affirmative. The two Legislative Bodies have laid their congratulations at the feet of the Chief Consul; both of them varnish over their proceedings with the most fulsome flattery of Bonaparte, and attempt to conceal, under his laurels, the gashed and mangled carcass of the constitution. Yet we think we can discover in the address of the Tribunal, that that body has some fears and forebodings with respect to the step it has taken. They believe, "that Bonaparte has too grand and generous ideas ever to depart from those liberal principles that constituted the revolution and founded the republic"—they remind him that "the nation which called him to assume his high station, is generous and free. He will respect, he will strengthen liberty, and he will do nothing unworthy of it."
"Invested with supreme power, he will use the authority delegated to him to render the people flourishing and happy. He will distinguish his true friends, who will speak their sentiments to him without disguise, from the flatterers who will seek to deceive him."
"He will be surrounded by men of property, who, having brought about the revolution, are interested in supporting it. He will feel that it is his interest, as it will constitute his glory, to preserve to the authorities, whose office is to concur with him in the formation of the laws of the state, the dignity, the force, and the independence, which the legislators of a great people ought to possess."
The allusion to those who have brought about the revolution seems to be a hint to the Chief Consul not to permit the returned emigrants to acquire any influence over him; and the last paragraph we have quoted, may have been dictated by an apprehension that the establishment of Bonaparte for life, may produce some uneasiness with respect to the two Legislative Assemblies.
"The public mind is perfectly tranquil," say the Paris papers, but their authority as speaking of the state of parties in France is of no value. Private letters from intelligent persons draw a very different picture. They state that some of Bonaparte's brethren in arms do not see with an approving eye this extension of his power. They do not acknowledge that it was quite for accomplishment of this object that they fought, and so many thousands fell; and though the rumor of several of these generals having been ordered to quit Paris appears to be unfounded, yet we are induced to believe that the germ of discontent exists amongst them. Of this power of banishing persons from Paris, and even from France, we have often determined to express our opinion. We know not by what article in the constitution the government is authorised to exercise it. Our readers recollect the intelligence published some time ago, and never contradicted, that a man of talents, Dupraty, was sent off from Paris at a moment's notice, to some foreign settlement, it was said, Sr. Domingo, for having been the author of a play, containing passages, which part of the audience applied in a particular manner. What difference is there between this mode of conduct, and those old Lettres de Cachet , to destroy which was one of the great objects of the revolution?—But to return from this digression: many persons are of opinion that Bonaparte ought to have waited until the expiration of the period for which he was first elected before he adopted the present measure. He was once compared in a numerous assembly to Washington. "Stop," said an old officer, "stop until he has resigned his power—we will then compare them." The old officer was right. This last step of Bonaparte's has destroyed the comparison forever. To rank with Washington the good, the gallant, and the great, he can expect no longer.
At a meeting held yesterday at Lloyd's coffee-house, to consider of the money raised for a loan to Mr. Pitt, it was resolved, that the money should be laid out at interest until after his demise.
May 20.
In the very first moments of peace to be talked and even preparing for war, is a circumstance which no man can contemplate without the most painful emotions. The language of this country, and the language of France, are in full force the same; and while here it is asserted that the peace is insecure, in France a counsellor of state urges, as one of the reasons for a particular law relative to custom duties, "that the alarms of war may render necessary the prohibition to export certain articles, provisions, or merchandise, which the enemy might employ with advantage."
A general officer too, in presenting a report upon the recruiting of the French army, exclaims, that "the ambition of a few powerful men—a change of ministry in a certain cabinet—may again trouble the political horizon; the view of the prosperity to which we advance—and which prosperity is secured to us, by the national industry, the riches of our soil, and the nature of our government, may excite the jealousy of a rival nation, which lately had armed the whole world against us. And let us not conceal the fact; the wounds of self-love are sometimes healed, but the scars still remain. It was at the gates of Vienna
when twice the victorious French generously offered, with the one hand the olive of peace, with the other the thunder of war."
Morreu's journey to Berlin, to be present at the Prussian Reviews, is supposed to be in consequence of a hint from Bonaparte. It is known that Morreu is a quiet sort of a man, and has hitherto shown no disposition or talent for political intrigues. His name and reputation, however, might render him an eligible person for the discontented generals to put at the head of their party. Bonaparte, it is believed, does not suspect Morreu, but wishes him off the scene of action. We should imagine that if Morreu really entertains no ambitious designs, he must be glad to be out of the way. The history of the Roman Empire affords numberless examples how fatal it was for a man to be thought worthy of the empire. It generally compelled him, however reluctantly, to aim in self defence at that sovereignty for which he had been marked out by the opinion of his compatriots.
Hague, May 13.
The 10th Citizen J. A. de Mith, took the oaths to the government of the Batavian republic at the Cape of Good Hope. This gentleman will set off in a few days for the place of his destination, in order to receive of the English the possession of that colony, and to install there the newly appointed Governor and general in chief, J. W. Janssens.
Extract of a Letter.
PARIS, May 15.
"The division amongst the generals forms the leading topic of conversation. There has been an idle rumour, which to man here ever believed, that the plan of malcontents was to assassinate Bonaparte on the parade, on the 5th inst. and that Angereau, who is still under arrest, was to have been the Batur of the occasion. This rumour gained ground for a day or two, from circumstances which were by no means connected with it. A part of the Consular guard, for instance, was sent to Courbevoye, and this was immediately attributed to treachery, when, in fact, it was a punishment on them for having politically refused to have their colours consecrated. You will infer from this, of course, that the real of Religion has not had much effect in the minds of the military. Indeed considering the language held out to them, in the course of the revolution, of "death being an eternal sleep, &c." it was as well if the reform were not tried, in the full instance, in this quarter."
"If the first careful brains the right of nominating his successor, it will be a decisive stroke on those who looked to his demise for some effective change. Even the motion for prolonging his power for ten years, met with some opposition in the conservative party. The sitting of that body are close, but I speak what is generally understood in conversation. The Senators Lanjuinais and Garat, oppose any thing like an extension of power. The latter quoted the line of Voltaire."
"Qui l'ose Caesar soit grand, mais que Rome soit libre."
"Yes, let Caesar be great, but let Rome be free."
Gen. Morreu departs in a fortnight, and it is reported at the purpose of being present at the reviews of the king of Prussia at Potsdam. It is supposed that his departure is the consequence of a hint from the Thuilleries.
"The public attention is directed to the subject of a dinner, at which several generals expressed their discontent at what is going forward at present. It is said they were so far elevated, as to discuss the means of overturning the present government, and of selecting the person to whom they should confide the supreme authority. It is reported that they alternately nominated all those whom they supposed had rights or pretensions to the distinction, but without coming to any determination; and Gen. Morreu, who was present at the conversation, remained the whole time without uttering a single word. Be this as it may, the public mind was never more unsettled."
For Sale.
A TRACT or parcel of land consisting of 240 acres, more or less, late the property of Robert Buckan, deceased; lying in Prince George County, Maryland, and on the point branch of the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River. Any person inclined to purchase, may view the wood and meadow land, as also the improvements, and situation. If the above land is not sold before the 25th day of August, it then will be offered for public sale—And also the whole of the following property of said estate: Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, household and kitchen Furniture, and plantation utensils. Terms at public sale for the land one third cash, and a credit of twelve months for the balance, by giving bond with interest and approved security. For the personal property all sums over 50 dollars 12 months credit, by giving bond as above; all sums not exceeding 50 dollars, cash. The above land is situated about five miles from Eldersburg and ten from Georgetown. Possession will be given in December next.
JAMES BUCHAN, Adming Exec.
April 26, 1802. INV: A25

WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 23, 1802.
Yesterday the PRESIDENT of the United States left this City on a visit to Monticello.
GENERAL MASON requests the attendance of the FIELD OFFICERS and Captains of the two Legions of Militia of the District of Columbia, at his quarters on Anacostia Hill, on Saturday next the 24th inst. at 10 o'clock, on business of the brigade.
July 23, 1802.
The legislature of Massachusetts have voted seventy thousand dollars for the erection of a penitentiary House, or state prison. The edifice is to be erected in Charlestown.
To America the events in France must present objects of the deepest sorrow. For the French people, whose blood was shed in support of American independence, America must ever retain a cordial and generous regard; a sorrow for their misfortunes or their debasement. But with their form of government we have nothing to do; there is nothing in it congenial with ours nor entitled to our praise. With regard to the chief of the French government, while he led her armies to victory against the legions of combined despots, he excited the admiration and the applause of freemen. Bonaparte at Lodi and at Marengo, held the same estimation with freemen that Dumouriez held at Gemmappe—the gallant leader of armed freemen against the slaves of despotism. Dumouriez holds a different station in history at this time; and though their conditions are dissimilar, Bonaparte will perhaps obtain more of that fame which follows temporary success in magnificent enterprises, but he will lose the esteem of the whole virtuous part of mankind.
In America there can be but one sentiment in the minds of those who love liberty, and the cause of virtue; who love representative democracy; and that sentiment must be commiseration for a people who, after conquering all Europe, have sunk into indifference for the cause which inspired them with glorious heroism.
In any man not sunk in the depths of ignorance or corruption; whose soul is not tormented by the consciousness of incurable depravity, or whose mind is so depraved by a vicious education or habitual profligacy—the misfortunes of a single human being, much less the misfortunes of thirty millions would excite compassion, commiseration or pity. Such are the emotions which we feel for France, and which we can neither repress nor conceal.
If, however, the French people conceive such a system as prevails, bent little to their moral and physical circumstances, we have no right to dispute with them upon their own concerns. It is our duty to look more attentively to our rights, whenever we perceive the causes of danger to France or any other nation, to take early and firm precautions against similar evils at home.—Aurora.
From the American Literary Advertiser.
THE BLESSINGS OF MONARCHY.
Table with 2 columns: Event, Amount. Includes: The annual revenue of England was at the accession of James 1st, £ 650,000; At the death of Charles 1st, 1,070,000; At the revolution 40 years after, 2,000,000; At the accession of George 1st, 5,000,000; George 2nd, 5,000,000; George 3d, 8,700,000; Beginning of the war against our rights, 9,700,000; At the end of that war, 16,000,000; At the beginning of the war to enslave France, 16,300,000; At the commencement of 1801, 29,000,000.
In the year 1796, the number of places in the gift of the King of England, amounted to 41,600. Since that time, they have been greatly increased by the union of England and Ireland. No wonder that Federalists hold that government up as the object of their idolatry, no wonder that the American people dread every approach to it oppressive a system of government.
Many false prophets have made their appearance in the European world of late years, and what is still more extraordinary, is, that Bonaparte should be the only true one; thus Mr. Pitt frequently prophesied the delivery of Europe from the thralldom of French influence. Lord Hawkesbury promised the English nation that he would march triumphantly to Paris. Lord Nelson's sword was to drive the French within their old bounds, and afterwards to quiet the old women and children, he was totally to annihilate them at Boulogne. The Deistical, Mahometan, Catholic Bonaparte, promised to give peace to Europe, and he has done it.
Philadelphia, July 19. We feel much pleasure in stating to our readers, that no new case of disease has occurred since Friday evening. Of the twelve who were then indisposed—one has died—two remain dangerously ill—seven are on the recovery, and the other two are again in the enjoyment of health.
New-York, July 16.
Late from Gibraltar. Yesterday morning arrived the fast sailing Schooner Roebuck, after an expedition passage of 38 days from Gibraltar. Capt. Dawson has politely favored the editors of the New-York Gazette with a series of papers called the Gibraltar Chronicle, to the 29th of May; from which they have made a few extracts.
From Capt. Dawson we have received an account of an engagement between two Algerine cruizers and a Portuguese man of war off Malaga, wherein the former were victorious. The force of the Algerines was a frigate of 32 guns (the same which was presented by the American government to the Dey) and a xebec; the number of their crews was about 700 men. The Portuguese was a frigate of 44 guns and 500 men. The Algerine commenced the attack, by immediately attempting to board their enemy, but were unsuccessful at their first onset; the action then became warm and bloody, both parties fighting with great fury, until all the Portuguese officers, except one midshipman, were killed and wounded, and the seamen shamefully left their quarters, when the ship struck her colours, after an action of three hours. The captain, (who was a Frenchman) was killed early in the action. The prize was afterwards carried into Algeziras.
The United States frigate Chesapeake, commanded by Morris, had arrived at Gibraltar, after a passage of 30 days from Norfolk. She had carried away her main-mast. The Essex was the only frigate at that place, except the Chesapeake; the others were cruising off Malta.
The Duke of Kent had arrived at Gibraltar, and taken the command of that fortress. The duke of Essex, a son of the king of G. Britain, was also at Gibraltar, on his travels. Lord Keith, with 5 sail of the line, was lying in the Roads.
The English had not yet evacuated Malta nor Minorca.
Translated for the American.
[From the Official Gazette of St. Domingo.] Head-Quarters, Cape Francois 3d Mes-sidor, the tenth year of the French Republic (23d June, 1802.)
Regulations both for the French and Foreign Trade.
French Commerce. Art. I. Vessels of French trade, coming from French ports, will be admitted only to the following ports, viz. Cape Francois, Port Republicain, Aux Cayes and Jacmel.
II. Merchandise or produce arising from French manufactures, or French soil, imported by French vessels, shall not be subject to any duty of importation. Merchandise or produce, shipped from French ports, and entered in the manifest of the vessel, shall be considered as French.
III. French vessels may load in return with colonial produce; molasses, taffa and rum excepted.
IV. Colonial produce exported by French vessels, shall be subjected to duties of export, conformably to the tariff annexed to the present regulations.
Foreign Commerce. V. It is permitted to foreign vessels of 70 tons and upwards, to enter the above-mentioned four ports with or without a cargo.
VI. French or foreign merchandise, which they may import in the colony shall be subjected to a duty of entry, agreeably to the aforesaid tariff.
VII. Such colonial produce as they may export, even molasses, taffa & rum, shall be subject to the duty of exportation fixed by the table of rates for foreigners.
General Dispositions.
VIII. Every master of a French or foreign vessel, arriving in the aforesaid ports, shall be obliged, before any one lands from on board his vessel, to call on the captain general and the colonial prefect, in the town of their residence; and in the other port, on the commandant general, and on the chief of the administration, or under the prefect, in order to give an account of his voyage—the same day the master shall deliver to the commandant of the place, a written & signed declaration, containing the lift of the passengers he has on board.
No passenger can land without a permit from the aforesaid commander.
IX. The master, on the very day of his arrival, shall deliver all the letters and packages he may have under his care, to the post-master, from whom he will receive a discharge.
X. The masters of French and foreign vessels, shall, on the day of their arrival in the aforesaid ports, deliver to the collector the invoice of his cargo—all merchandise not entered in the invoice,
& which shall be found on board at the time of the search, shall be confiscated for the benefit of the republic.
XI. Every master of a foreign vessel, shall be obliged to consign his cargo to a residing merchant, who shall personally be responsible for the duties of import and export, and for whatever fraud that may be committed by the masters of vessels to them consigned.
XII. No French or foreign vessels shall clear out of these ports, until after the master shall have presented to the harbor master the collector's certificate, showing that the duties have been duly paid, and the postmaster's certificate, announcing that he has withdrawn his letter-bag, after depositing it eight days before his departure.
XIII. Every French or foreign vessel which shall be found by the vessels of the French republic, laying at anchor in one of the ports not above mentioned, or in any bay, creek or small bight along the coast, or under sail at a shorter distance than 5 miles from the shore and intercourse with the land, shall be arrested by the ships cruising on that station, and carried into one of the aforesaid ports; that the captain-general, upon the report of the colonial prefect, may pronounce the confiscation of the hull and cargo.
The vessels that shall have made the capture, shall be entitled to a third of the value of the vessel and cargo so confiscated, &c.
General in Chief, Captain-General, LE CLERC. By the Captain-General, The general Secretary, LENOIR.
A TABLE OF DUTIES. In the French part of St. Domingo. IMPORTATION.
Table with 2 columns: Nature of the merchandise, Duties on importation. Includes: French merchandise free from 10 p. ct. on produce of every kind (flour, ship-bread, Llt provision, lumber, &c) free from 6 p. cent on te, gent, mules, poul. duties, &c. &c. Foreign merchandise prohibited 20 per cent on cost on invoice.
EXPORTATION.
Table with 2 columns: Nature of produce, Duties on merchandise. Includes: Coffee p. hundred 6 f. 67 c. 13 f. 33 c. Clayed sugar, 6 67 13 33. Brown do. 2 33 6 67. Cotton, 15 50. Indigo lb. 40 80. Molasses prohibited 20. Taffa and rum ditto 50. Raw hides, ban-nette, 2 7. Tanned do. 1 33 2 67. Fustic, Every kind of dying wood per thousand, 6 12. Gaiac thousand 10 20. Mahogany & other woods for cabinetmakers, either in boards or logs, per cubic foot, 40 80. Gumguaiacum, hundred, 6 12. Cassia, hundred, 3 33 6 67. Cocoa, 5 10. All produce not described 10 per ct. on 20 p. ct. on the market price. Merchandise arising free from free from French manufacture duty. duty.
The General in Chief, Captain-General, (Signed) LE CLERC. By the Captain-General, The Secretary General, LENOIR.
IMPORTED
In the Robert from Liverpool, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill, City of Washington—
A general assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery and Brass Wares.—Spades and Shovels, Sheet Iron, Tin in Boxes, Brads, Nails, Corn Hoes, Nails, Glue; Leeks, Hinges and Screws, Carpenters planes, Saws, Braces and Bits, Screw drivers, &c. Knives and Forks, Cruit Stands, Iron Wire, Brushes; Smiths Hammers, Files, Vices, Screw plates, &c. Razors, Penknives, Scissors, Japanned Tea Trays, Waiters and Bread Baskets,—a few sets of gentlemen's tools in chests, and a variety of articles too tedious to particularize. Also, a cases of Kirtland's fowling guns, which will be sold very low for cash or approved notes.
June 28, 1802. H. INGLE, 31w3w twit.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cassimerees; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankeens; cotton-cassimerees, boglepoor, Bengal elegant white chard for pantaloons, white and coloured mantillas, japes and satin croakers, silk ginghams, black and other coloured striped dittoes, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square. May 24, 1802. eptf
[By Authority.]
Acts passed by the Corporation of the City of Washington.
AN ACT To establish the office of Register.
BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That there shall be established, and appointed by the Mayor, an officer to be denominated the Register of the City of Washington.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Register to receive into his custody all the records, papers, and proceedings of the corporation, the journals of the two Chambers, as recorded by their respective secretaries, and the returns of election of the members of the city council, and to keep a record of all appointments and commissions made by the Mayor.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, That the said Register shall take charge of, and record all acts passed; and shall furnish copies or exemplifications thereof to such persons as may require the same, on the payment of such fees as may be fixed.
Sec. 4. And be it enacted, That the Register shall have the custody of the City Seal, and shall affix the same with his signature to all such papers proceedings and acts, as shall be required by the Mayor of the city, or any act of the City Council, or by the laws, usages, and customs of the United States, or any of them, or any foreign nation.
Sec. 5. And be it enacted, That the Register, before he enter on the execution of his office, shall take an oath or affirmation for the faithful discharge of the same; and shall give bond with one or more securities, to be approved by the Mayor, to the Mayor and Council of the City of Washington, in the penalty of one thousand dollars, conditioned for the faithful performance of the duties of his office.
SAML. H. SMITH, President pro tempore of the First Chamber of the City Council of Washington. DANL. CARROLL, of Dudn. President of the Second Chamber of the City Council of Washington. APPROVED, July 20, 1802. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the City of Washington.
AN ACT To establish the office of Treasurer.
BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, that there shall be appointed an officer to be denominated the Treasurer of the City of Washington.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, that the Treasurer shall receive and collect all public monies and taxes. He shall deposit weekly, in the name of the Mayor and Council of the city of Washington, all sums received by him, in the United States office of discount and deposit in the said city; and shall draw checks for the same, which shall be countersigned by the Mayor. He shall keep a bank book, which shall contain regular entries of all monies deposited, and of all checks drawn, with the dates thereof, and the names of the persons in whose favor they are drawn, and shall keep fair and regular accounts of all monies by him received and expended. He shall annually, or oftener, if required by the Mayor, or either Chamber of the City Council, exhibit a particular account of his receipts and expenditures, together with his bank book, his returned crossed checks, and the vouchers whereon such checks were drawn. In case of the death, removal or resignation of the Treasurer, he, or as the case may be, his executors or administrators, shall pay over to his successor in office, such balance as upon a final settlement of his accounts shall be found due, and deliver to such successor all his books and accounts, and official papers.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, that the Treasurer, before he enter on the execution of his office, shall give bond to the Mayor and Council of the City of Washington, with one or more securities to be approved by the Mayor, in the penal sum of ten thousand dollars, conditioned for the faithful performance of the duties of his office.
SAML. H. SMITH, President pro tempore of the First Chamber of the City Council of Washington. DANL. CARROLL, of Dudn. President of the Second Chamber of the City Council of Washington. Approved, July 20th, 1802. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the City of Washington.
AN ACT To compel the attendance of the Members of the City Council.
BE it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, that if any member of either Chamber of the City Council shall neglect to attend any meeting of the said chamber, provided such member, if absent at the last adjournment, have notice of such meeting, either from the Mayor or from the Secretary of the Chamber to which he shall belong, such member shall pay, for every day he shall so neglect to attend, a sum not exceeding five dollars,
which shall be collected by the secretary of the Chamber to which he shall belong, and paid to the Treasurer; but such sum may be diminished or remitted by the respective chambers at their discretion.
SAML. H. SMITH, President pro tempore of the First Chamber of the City Council of Washington. DANL. CARROLL, of Dudn. President of the Second Chamber of the City Council of Washington. Approved, July 20th, 1802. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of the City of Washington.
I. Bruff, Dentist,
Inventor and Patentee of the Perpendicular Extracting Instrument.
IS now at Mr. Scammon's, Georgetown, and offers his services, for a few days to the ladies and gentlemen of the district. Those who wish to employ him, are requested to make known to him, as to the consequence of a other appointment, his day will certainly be here.
A few boxes of genuine tooth powder on hand, with some serviceable brushes. July 23, 1802. eptf
For Sale,
Or to rent for the Term of eight years.
A TWO story frame house on square 690, fronting on South B street, 16 by 20, the lot 28 and an half feet in front, and 85 deep, being situate on lot No. 11, on said squares—also a similar frame on square 652, situate on First street east, and 10 feet on South B street. For part or whole inquire at this office.—Terms will be accommodating in either case. July 23, 1802. eptf
Jacob Meitard, senior, vs. John Coppensheffer, Mary Whetmore, Elizabeth Whetmore, Michael Whetmore, Catherine Whetmore, Geo. Whetmore, Nicholas Whetmore, Susan Whetmore, and Margaret Whetmore. IN CHANCERY, July 17, 1802.
THE bill in this case states that a certain Michael Whetmore in his life time gave a bond of conveyance to the defendant John Coppensheffer for eight acres of land, situate, lying, and being in Frederick county, in the state of Maryland, being part of a lot of ground known and distinguished by number six, as conducted and sold by the state of Maryland, and part of a tract of land called "Long Acre," being part of "Tucker's Chance." That the said John Coppensheffer, having paid the whole purchase money assigned the said bond to the complainant for a valuable consideration, and prays a decree for the conveyance of the aforesaid land to the complainant and his heirs.
The complainant states that the defendants Mary Whetmore, Elizabeth Whetmore, Michael Whetmore, Catherine Whetmore, George Whetmore, Nicholas Whetmore, Susan Whetmore and Margaret Whetmore, are the heirs at law of the aforesaid Michael Whetmore, deceased. That they are all minors, residing out of the state of Maryland. It is therefore, on motion of the complainant, Ordered and adjudged, that he cause a copy of this order to be inserted at least once in each of three weeks, before the last day of August, in the National Intelligencer of the City of Washington, to the intent that the heirs at law of the aforesaid Michael Whetmore, or their guardian may have notice of the present application, and of the substance and object of the bill, and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor, on or before the 24th day of December next, to show cause if any they have, why a decree should not pass as prayed. (True copy)
Test. SAMUEL H. HOWARD, Reg. cler. chan. July 23, 1802. 1w2g
A Valuable Farm for Sale, In King George County & State of Virginia.
THIS Farm contains five hundred and thirty five acres—about three hundred and fifty of which are cleared and divided into three fields with good inclosures.—It is situated on Potomac river, and bounded on the South East side for a mile and half by Rozier's creek, which affords a great abundance of fine fish and wild fowl, crabs, oysters, &c.—thirty miles from Fredericksburg, forty from Alexandria, and fifty from Washington City.
On this land are very extensive shell banks, exclusive of the advantages to be derived from these banks by the lime business, they are very favourable to the production of corn and wheat, and the soil inexhaustible; there are about sixty or seventy acres of this kind of land, and the balance that is cleared of an excellent quality, and a great number of springs of fine water; it can with certainty be claimed among the most healthy situations below the falls of Potomac—indeed, the natural advantages attending this place are innumerable.
The improvements are a two story framed dwelling house, sixty-four feet long, commanding a beautiful view of the creek and river; one other house intended for an office, twenty-six feet by eighteen with three rooms and a cellar in good repair; a large house, including a stable for eight horses, a carriage house, saddle and harness room, and a commodious granary above, and other convenient buildings on the Farm—a small orchard of well-chosen apples and peach-trees—the yard and garden inclosed this spring, with pales and railing—The whole plantation in good repair, and the land in a great state of improvement.
The terms of Sale will be made known by Mr. Francis Whiting, who in a short time will be a resident of Berkeley county, or by the subscriber on the premises.
WILLIAM P. FLOOD. July 9, 1802. 1f
To Rent,
A THREE story brick house on Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the Seven Buildings.—Possession may be had the 28th inst. For further particulars inquire of BENJAMIN ELI SON, H Street; or Samuel M. Irvine, near the premises. June 21, 1802. 1w2g