The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-05-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. VI. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. No. MDCCCLXXV. II
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 28. 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 17.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Nicholson's Resolution.
(Mr. Sloan's Speech concluded.)
Here let me call the attention of the committee, to the capture of the frigate Philadelphia, where upwards of 300 of our citizens became prisoners to the Bashaw of Tripoli. How was this account received by members of Congress? What sensations did it produce, and what was the effect? I need not inform this committee. Every member, by turning to his journal, may satisfy himself, that prompt and decisive measures were adopted to procure their release from captivity. This case has been by some members contrasted with the impressment of our seamen. Let us analyse the two cases, and see what similarity there is between them. Our captives at Tripoli had entered voluntarily on board a frigate of the United States, then at war with that power; and in that war were taken prisoners, and when so, were neither inhumanly beaten, nor compelled to bear arms against any nation, although the war was vigorously carried on by the U. States, to reduce the town in which they were prisoners. Did they suffer any thing but what their own voluntary will subjected them to, captivity, a frequent attendant, and always a possible consequence of war? Will their case bear any comparison with that of a passenger, who to avoid the tyranny of a European despot, had left his native land, hoping to find a peaceful asylum in the United States the remainder of his days; supposing himself secure under the protection of their flag, escaped from the danger of the sea, in sight of land, with American seamen, endeared to him by their kindness on the passage; together forced by a press gang on board a ship of war, and there compelled to bear arms against their friends? It will not—it sinks into insignificance—it is like a drop to the ocean. Shall we then treat with indifference an account laid on our tables, that three thousand of our seamen are not only taken captive, but many of them ignominiously beaten with many stripes, and compelled to assist in fighting the battles of the British government, with nations with whom we are at peace? If the case of our captives at Tripoli was sufficient to excite such tender sensations in the minds of members of Congress, as to induce them immediately to adopt efficient measures to obtain their release. Will not the insolence and barbarity of British armed vessels, pressing our seamen in the mouths of our harbors, after a perilous voyage, rejoicing in beholding again their native land—enjoying by anticipation, the pleasing company of their long absent friends—expecting in a few hours the completion of their happiness, in the rapturous embraces of their bosom friends, and beloved offspring. But alas! from their native land, and from all the most near and dear connections in life, they are inhumanly rent asunder, perhaps never again to see their hearts delight, but forced on board one of those infernal machines called a British ship of war, and there compelled to imbue their hands in human blood, in the blood of those with whom they have no difference—they receive mortal wounds—they languish—they die—without any tender friend to sympathise with them in their affliction, or tenderly to close their dying eyes! Will not I say, reflecting on such scenes as these, not only excite a superior degree of sympathy and tender feelings of humanity; but raise an honest indignation, and decided detestation for the actors of those horrid scenes, and for that government, who pretends to be the principal supporter of liberty, and that holy religion, which enjoins its adherents to do unto all men as they would be done unto; and yet persists in those base and barbarous acts of injustice, which are disavowed and rejected by all other christian nations!—I hope it will. I hope there yet remains in this committee, some of the sparks of the sacred fire of liberty, that on the 4th of July, 76, arose into an irresistible flame, burned and destroyed that servile dependance on the haughty, oppressive, and tyrannical government of G. Britain, who wished to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. May the remaining sparks be re-kindled, and burn up the residue of the dregs of British tyranny. May the first session of the ninth Congress of the U. S. evince to the world, that they are worthy of, and mean to support that liberty and independence, lately purchased at the price of blood; which we have now in our power to do, without the effusion of human blood; only by doing what I conceive to be our indispensable duty to act justly and impar-
tially towards all nations, with whom we have intercourse, and to withhold intercourse from any nation that will not in turn deal justly upon terms of perfect reciprocity.
Mr. Chairman, our situation on the map of the world, places us in a commanding attitude—and our principal exports being the substantial necessaries of life, renders them essentially necessary to those European despots, many of whose wretched subjects, instead of being permitted peaceably to cultivate the soil, are hired, or compelled to leave this innocent occupation, and embody themselves for the purpose of learning more completely the infernal art of inhumanity, butchering the human species, and to waste and destroy in a short time the productions of great and fertile countries; whereby always want, and sometimes famine is produced! Thus situated, the United States can, without shedding of human blood, and without permanent injury to her revenue, or citizens, compel the haughty tyrant of the ocean to do that justice, which several of the most powerful nations in Europe have long strove in vain to effect, by equipping large fleets, and raising mighty armies. For the U. S. of America is reserved by the Allwise Disposer of events, that glorious work of effecting by peaceable means, a cessation from injustice and injuries, which war measures has only tended to increase. To prove this fact, we need only recur to the history of last century—there we find three of the most powerful maritime nations of Europe, Holland, France and Spain, contending with England severally and jointly, for the sovereignty of the seas—and what has been the effect? Let the blood stained ocean, and the numerous vessels of war built and equipped by those nations that have heretofore, and do at this time, make component parts of the British navy—answer the question.
Perhaps I shall be told that I have given up the argument, by acknowledging that the three greatest maritime powers during the last century, by opposing the tyranny of Britain, only increased her power at their own expence and loss. No, Mr. Chairman, I adduced this fact to shew, that they attacked her in the only point where she was invulnerable—they attacked her wooden walls, raised by her manufactures, and supported in part by the plunder of foreign nations—they attacked the effect—let us attack the cause—remove the cause, and the effect will cease. This is not a sentiment peculiar to my weak brain; I believe it to be a sentiment adopted by a great majority of the most enlightened and best informed citizens of the U. S. I believe so from verbal communications, and from public prints, an extract from one of those I shall now read. "It is expected, says the Independent Chronicle, that on the meeting of Congress, the important business of national commerce will be fully considered—that measures will be adopted to give protection to our property and seamen; that the British nation will feel the weight of our trade, not only within their manufacturing towns, but the islands. We have a strength in this species of warfare, which would command the attention & respect of that nation. Our imports of their fantastical articles of fashion, which only serve to vitiate our habits, and introduce idleness and dissipation among our citizens, are the main springs which enable them to enrich themselves at our cost. Let us only cease to barter our national honor for gewgaws and articles of foppery, and we might bid defiance to that power, which now wantonly sports with our sovereignty and independence. The suppression of a cargo of British manufactures would be more powerful than ten sail of the line; for the latter might be captured, and occasion a loss of millions, but the former would enforce its operation with an efficacy too powerful to be concealed, attended with the saving of millions of dollars, which are yearly remitted for superfluities. Let us know our strength as it relates to Britain, and we should not hesitate long in putting it into operation. Ships of war are the strength of Britain, but a non intercourse would soon dismount every cannon of their navy."
However chimerical this may appear to the eulogists of Britain, who suppose her power invincible, and her resources inexhaustible, they are as certain and inevitable consequences as that water will quench fire, or, that taking away the fuel will cause it to go out. But suppose great Britain should, contrary to her interest, refuse to enter into just and amicable arrangements with the United States; should let a non-intercourse law go into operation; should put forth her strength, as we have been told she will do, and make us feel it. What would be the consequence? In my opinion, a horn book politician, that has only learned his A. B. C. (if he has not learned them in the school of a British minister) may discover the certain and inevitable consequence, that as their oppression and injustice to the colonies produced a partial independence; their continuance therein would complete the system. I say a partial independence,
and conceive myself fully authorised in adopting this language, as long as members of Congress hold up an idea, that we cannot exist without importing British manufactures; that non-intercourse would injure the U. S. more than G. Britain, and that if we offend her minister, he will put forth his strength and make us feel it.
But, Mr. Chairman, as I desire not to trespass on the patience of this committee, I will in a few words state what appears to me to be the real grounds of opposition to a non-intercourse law, which I consider as the only effectual measure. One member has told us his tobacco is not sold. Another that it would sacrifice at least one year's crop. And a third, that it will operate harder upon his constituents than in any other parts of the union. And here I must anticipate the situation of a fourth class, that has not sold their wheat. And another class of citizens I should have added to this list of anticipated sufferers, if we had not been informed from high authority, that they were like slippery eels, that could slip round and evade any law. I mean the merchants, who doubtless have on hands large quantities of flour, beef, pork, &c. But as we are told they are cool calculating rogues, and therefore well able to help themselves, I shall leave them to manage their own business, in their own way, and close the catalogue of sufferers with the case of my immediate constituents in New Jersey,—they are many of them poor tenants, who depend upon paying high rents, and supporting their families by raising produce for market, and can only by steady industry, and rigid economy, pay their rents, and support their families. If produce falls one hundred per cent. what must their situation be? Will not they merit at least an equal share of commiseration with rich landholders, who clear by raising tobacco, cotton, or rice, from five to ten, or fifteen thousand dollars per annum? I hope no member on this floor will conclude they do not. Yet, Mr. Chairman, I am bold to say on their behalf, that if it depended upon their voice, they would say pass the law. They would say, as some of their fathers said at the commencement of the revolutionary war—we will put on our old cloaths and wear them over again—we will reject her manufactures, and forego the sweets of her islands, rather than submit to her insolence, and the cruelty of her commanders of armed vessels, pressing our fellow citizens in the mouths of our harbors, and by stripes and cruelty, compelling them to assist in fighting their battles against nations in unity and peace with us! This, I believe, would be their language—and not their's only, but a great majority of the citizens of the U. S. So far am I from believing with my friend from Georgia, (Mr. Early) that if all the people of the U. S. were fully informed of the conduct of G. Britain, nine tenths would reject the present resolution—nineteen twentieths would call upon us to pass a non-intercourse law—to prohibit trade with that nation, until she restored our seamen, and entered into arrangements to trade with us in future, upon terms of perfect reciprocity.
A peace neutrality, a non-intercourse law to enforce the resolutions sent by the Senate to our President, will be more efficacious than 50 ships of the line and 100 frigates. The voice of our beloved country calls upon us. The voice of a respectable class of citizens, (the merchants) who more immediately suffer loss of property. The voice of humanity. The sighs of aged parents, lamenting the absence of their beloved offspring. The heart rending cries of tender females, for the loss of their bosom friends. All supported by the eternal, immutable principle of equal justice, united, calls aloud to the Congress of the U. S. to apply an effectual remedy to this horrid scene of injustice, oppression and tyranny! God grant that we may no longer turn a deaf ear, or treat with indifference these calls.
As I do not intend to impose upon the committee by frequent communications, I must beg their attention a few minutes longer. Mr. Chairman, the confident declamation of a member, (Mr. Randolph) who has taken up the time of the committee more than three times as long as any other, has brought to my remembrance the language of one, who in his day, was called the wisest of men, (Solomon)—"Woe to thee, oh land, when thy king is a child." Woe to these U. S. if ever that day should arrive, when a majority of her legislature should be children—rocked on downy pillows—dandled in the lap of pleasure, and fed at the table of luxury—whose knowledge is all theoretic, acquired by reading, seated in easy chairs. These are the mushrooms—the fungusses—the premature hot bed productions that we have been so often told of—notwithstanding they have had the assurance, (may I not more properly say insolence) on this floor, to treat the arguments of all who differ from them, as trifling and unworthy of notice; and those resolutions which other members have introduced, as spurious illegitimate productions, and their authors and supporters as horn book politicians, not having learned
their A, B, C, and what is much worse, they never can; being so void of reason, that they ought to be put in straight waistcoats, and confined in dark rooms!—Put one ray of comfort, doubtless, strikes every honest mind in observing, that this number of arrogant dictators is small. God grant that they may not barely remain small, (but if they continue their late insolent conduct) at the next election be removed.
Mr. Chairman, members of this House who frequently take a retrospect view of the revolutionary war, whereby the colonies of North America became free and independent states—who remember the time, when the American army, reduced to a skeleton, a handful of men dispirited by defeats, and hard pressed by a powerful victorious army, crossed the Delaware at Trenton; and in addition to the reduced state of the army, a mortal disorder raged in various parts, which caused some to observe, that it appeared as if the hand of Providence was turned against us; but in the sequel, had thankfully to acknowledge, that not by their own power, but through the mercy of the Allwise disposer of events this powerful army was turned back again, and finally obliged to leave this land with shame and disgrace!
I say those members will not rise on this floor and assert, that that government, headed by the same monarch, is now fighting the battles of liberty, and is the only barrier we have against Gallic tyranny—neither will they pour torrents of abuse upon the government of that nation, which was instrumental in procuring our freedom, and still manifests a friendly disposition, a disposition to treat our citizens with respect, and our commerce with justice.
No, Mr. Chairman, I hope and trust there yet remains in this House, and in this nation, a great majority who believe in the existence of a supreme omnipotent power, that not only reigns above, but doth whatsoever he sees meet amongst the children of men! These will not depend upon the fleets and armies of G. Britain to defend us from Gallic, or other tyranny—these will be concerned to act justly and impartially towards all nations, depending upon the God of justice, truth and mercy, to bless their honest endeavors, and to preserve them and their constituents from all harm. With this class, however they may be despised by the wise and learned, in their own conceit; it is my pleasure—my joy—my comfort—and my glory to act. These I salute as my beloved brethren, & for their encouragement under the torrents of abuse that they have received; let them remember that the just man's path is a bright and shining light, that shines more and more unto the perfect day, and that all who walk in it walk safely, and have nothing to fear! I shall conclude with recommending to the perusal and attention of those wise and learned members before alluded to, one verse of that justly celebrated prayer, composed by Alexander Pope:—
Let not this weak, unknowing hand, Presume thy bolts to throw, And deal damnation round a land, On each, I judge thy foe."
Mr. J. CLAY. Several reasons induce me to advocate the resolution on your table, one of the principal of which is that I believe it to be the best means of vindicating that right which is inherent in us as an independent neutral nation—the right of freely navigating the ocean in our own ships and carrying our own property. A view of the subject in its proper aspect will enable us to see what that right is, its real and legitimate extent, and consequently where it has been violated. In taking this view I shall be led to consider the doctrine of neutral rights in a different light from that in which some gentlemen have taken it. It is much to be regretted that the original ground of free ships making free goods has ever been abandoned by us. Had this doctrine been established, an end would have been put to the vexations and spoliations on neutral commerce which have been committed under the pretext of covered property, as the neutrality of the ship would have insured the safety of the cargo, no temptation could possibly exist for fraudulent practices, no ground for the accusation. I believe this doctrine is the best supported by reason and by the considerations of justice due to neutral belligerent powers. Nothing is more certain than that a nation at war has no right to take enemy property on neutral ground. No nation has ever claimed a right to violate the territory of a friend in order to seize the property of an enemy; and it appears to me that a ship sailing under a neutral flag ought to be considered in the same light as a part of the territory of the nation to which that flag belongs. The only enquiry which a belligerent is justified in making is whether the ship sails under false colours or not; and this would be sufficiently shown by her papers. I believe this has been conceded by all nations; at least as far as it respects ships of war; that it has been conceded by G. Britain, appears from the celebrated case of Jonathan Robbins,
otherwise called Thomas Nash. By the treaty of 1793, a person committing murder in the territory of one of the contracting parties and flying to the other, was to be given up to the nation in whose territory the murder had been committed. Under that treaty this person was claimed as one of the mutineers on board of the Hermione, and was surrendered to the British by this government. He could not have been demanded on a charge of piracy, it must have been on a charge of murder, and nothing can be clearer than that he was surrendered under the idea that the ship on board of which the murder had been committed, was British territory. If the act had been merely a piratical one, he could not have been demanded; this nation as well as that would have been competent to punish him, all nations having a concurrent jurisdiction over acts of piracy committed on the high seas. He must, therefore, have been demanded and surrendered under the treaty of 1794, on the charge of murder, and both nations must have considered the ship as British ground. Thus, then, I take it to be the true and legitimate extent of the claim of a neutral nation, that her ships shall be considered as a part of her territory, and that if no frauds are committed in carrying the flag they have a perfect right to pass unmolested. But unfortunately, the right in this full extent, has been abandoned by our nation, and however we may regret it, we are bound by the surrender.
It has been justly observed by my friend from Virginia, (Mr. J. Randolph) that the nation who has the mastery of the sea always finds her interest to narrow down the rights of neutrals; and indeed attempts have been made by different nations totally to cut off all commerce with their enemies. So with Britain. We find as early as the year 1688, that this was insisted upon by G. Britain. In her treaty with Holland of that year, she agreed to prohibit all trade with France; & it was attempted to be justified upon the same ground as is now set up as a pretext for her present aggressions, the ground of necessity and the inordinate ambition of the French monarch. This was not submitted to by the neutral powers. Sweden and other northern nations remonstrated, and their remonstrances were, I believe, successful. In the year 1757, the man who has been so often alluded to, by the epithet of back stairs , the present Earl of Liverpool, wrote a book in vindication of the conduct of G. Britain towards neutral nations, and from it we may gather his sentiments on the treaty just mentioned.
After quoting the 2d and 3d articles of the convention in which it was agreed that "they (Holland and England) would take any ship or vessel whatever king or state it may belong to, that shall be found sailing into or out of the ports of France, and condemn both vessel and merchandise as legal prize; and that this resolution should be notified to all neutral states." He proceeds "Such, therefore, at this time was the avowed opinion of Holland, and England was induced to join with her in this convention, exceeding thereby those bounds of equity and moderation, which she had almost always practised in this point before, and which she will, I hope, most faithfully observe for the future. The Northern Crowns who were particularly affected by this prohibition, contended very vehemently against it. In answer to their objections, were urged the circumstances of affairs, the danger of Europe, and the mighty strength of that ambitious power; which if some extraordinary effort was not made, would bring mankind under its subjection. It is remarkable, that Puffendorf, who owed his fortune and employment to one of those northern crowns, was of opinion in this case against them; and thought that the convention might be justified. It is not meant here, at present, either to censure or commend it; circumstances may sometimes make a thing lawful, which, considered by itself, would be unjust; but such times are truly unhappy, when necessity must be pleaded in support of a right." Discourse on the conduct of the government of G. Britain in respect to neutral nations, By the Rt. Hon. Charles Jenkinson, (now Earl of Liverpool) written in the year 1757.
Such was the opinion of the Earl of Liverpool in the year 1757.
But after having abandoned the doctrine of free ships making free goods we must be contented with endeavoring to examine what rights remain to neutrals. Writers upon national law who have supported the opposite principle have attempted to show the extent of neutral rights in their commerce with the belligerent nations; and the principal restrictions are that they cannot carry enemy's property, or goods contraband of war. Various denominations have been made of contraband articles. As long as the production or fabrication of warlike stores and arms were in the hands of a few nations the application of the principle to them might have been just; but when they have become common to almost all nations, they are placed in the same situation as provi-

sons and other articles of commerce, and it has become extremely doubtful, whether the reasoning of modern politicians in regard to them is correct, particularly when it is considered that nations on the eve of war always provide themselves with sufficient magazines for carrying it on. But even those who agree in the principle of confiscating contraband articles find it difficult to regulate its extent. At one time it is so restricted as to exclude from the list even naval stores and salt-petre; at another it is carried to a ridiculous extent. Spain at one time undertook to define the list of contraband, and declared that Tobacco should be included. This became a ground of offence to England; and Bykerschock, who mentions the fact on the authority of Zuch, says, that the English on this occasion granted letters of reprisal against the Spaniards. The grave Dutchman then condescends to be jocular, and observes: "whether this controversy about tobacco ended in smoke or not I am ignorant; this however I know that I do not agree with the Spaniards in opinion as to use was ever made of tobacco to kill an enemy." Now when the doctrine of contraband may be carried to such dangerous and even ludicrous lengths, does it not appear proper to abandon it altogether?
But recurring to the same authority to which I have already referred, we shall find what Great Britain herself understood to be the right of neutrals in the year 1757. "It cannot, I think, be doubted, that according to those principles of natural equity, which constitute the law of nations, the people of every country must always have a right to trade in general to the ports of any state, though it may happen to be engaged in war with another, provided it be in their own merchandise, or on their own account, and that under their presence, they do not attempt to screen from one party the effects of the other, and on condition also that they carry not to either of them any implements of war, or whatever else, according to the nature of their respective situations, or the circumstances of the case may be necessary to them for their defence. As clear as this point may be, it has sufficiently appeared by the facts deduced above, that amid the irregularities of war, the rules of equity in this respect were not always enough regarded; and that many governments, in time of war, have often most licentionously disturbed, and sometimes prohibited totally, the commerce of neutral nations with their enemies." Discourse on the conduct of G. Britain. Here is no mention of accustomed trade. Enemy's property & contraband goods alone are mentioned as forbidden to be carried by the neutral. If a man had written a treatise in defence of American commerce he could not have been more explicit; he could not now have taken a different ground. We claim the right of carrying our own property the products of our own industry and enterprise, to the ports of France, Spain, and Holland in our own ships, and of importing goods from the belligerent powers into our own country. This is all for which we contend. We send money to the East and provisions to the West Indies, and we receive in return their coffee and sugar which yields us a profit and of which we obtain greater quantities than are required for our own consumption. What then? Are the U. S. bound to keep on hand the whole surplus? If so, we must abandon the trade altogether for the accumulation would destroy it. No. These goods once landed become part of the stock of the nation, and she acquires the same right to export them to foreign countries, that she has to export her native productions. She has the same right to send them to Hamburg, to Holland, to France and to Spain. When this is done another profit is obtained by our merchants, who import from Spain, France, and Holland certain articles which on their arrival in the U. States are found to be beyond our wants or better suited to other markets, and are again exported. Are we to be deprived of this right too?
Here I might incidentally notice the impression of our seamen, but as this subject has been dilated upon very fully, I shall make but a single remark. Although we have given up the doctrine that the national flag shall protect belligerent property on board of our ships, yet no man will contend that this relinquishment has gone so far as to admit the cruisers of a nation at war to take from our ships the goods, much less the persons of friends. And in a case where we find a British officer uniting in himself the characters of party, accuser and judge, I do think the national feelings ought to be called forth. Having thus, as I think, succinctly stated the right to carry our own property in our own ships, I hope I shall be indulged in making a few remarks on the advantage to the nation of that species of trade most affected by the principle assumed by the British government.
A distinction has been attempted to be drawn between the agricultural and commercial interests of the community. But it has been conceded, that if by this trade the national wealth has been increased, it is as much entitled to protection as the profit which springs from the productions of the soil. If it were possible to confine our commerce to the exportation of the surplus of our agricultural products, and to the introduction of those foreign articles of which we are in want, there is no man but would agree that it would be advantageous to carry on this trade by our own merchants and in our own ships, as both the freight and the profit would be saved to the national stock. For instance cotton, on which the average profit may be stated on every pound exported at not less than two and a half cents, and the freight at three cents. If therefore the carriage of this article is made in our own ships, we save on every pound of cotton exported five and a half cents, which if transported by foreign merchants in foreign vessels, would go into the pockets of foreigners. The same thing may be said with regard to the importation of foreign commodities from foreign countries. There can therefore be no difference of opinion respecting the advantages of this which may be called the direct-carrying trade.
We now come to the second branch of the carrying trade which has been so much reprobated; this consists in importing foreign products, and re-exporting the surplus of those products beyond our own consumption. This may be called the circuitous branch of it. Independent of the profit of this trade to the merchant, there are other advantages arising from it to the consumer. Where there is a fair competition in the market, an importation of any article much beyond the wants of the people, naturally tends to reduce the price, even although it should be intended to export the excess. For if the importer can get a reasonable profit, he will prefer selling at home, to encountering the perils of the sea and the uncertainties of a foreign market. A surplus of imported productions, therefore, is a circumstance which naturally brings them down to their minimum value. This is the first advantage, and is sensibly felt by the planter. The second arises from the peculiarity of our own situation. Most of the manufactures which we want are imported from England. The proceeds of our exports to other countries of Europe are ordered to Great Britain, and there constitute a fund from which the importing merchant pays debts due there. In proportion to the accumulation of this fund, the price of exchange falls, and the merchant is enabled to import more with the same capital; the quantity imported will exceed the demand here, and those manufactures will again be kept at their minimum value. These are the advantages to the consumer, and are but slightly connected with the mercantile profit on the trade. But there is an advantage independent of mere profit, which I have hinted at, but which has not been noticed in this debate—I mean the freight. From a statement on your table it appears, that in the foreign trade, six hundred and seventy thousand tons of American shipping are annually employed. The price of freight in time of peace from Great Britain to America, might be estimated at 2/ sterling per ton. Taking this as an average rate, if we reckon it at as much out, and calculate upon two voyages a year, this would be 3/ sterling per ton; but supposing only half the shipping to be employed, and reckoning at this old peace average, the amount of freight would be upwards of eleven millions of dollars—seamen's wages may perhaps be not inaccurately estimated at about three millions of dollars; deducting which it will be found on this moderate calculation, that there is an annual benefit drawn from this freight-trade of eight millions of dollars. I ask then if this trade is not worth protecting? I might further show the advantage of this trade to the agricultural interest, by stating that the increase of capital from the profits of it, enables the merchant to give a higher price for the productions of the planter and farmer.
The next question is whether the course contemplated by the resolution will be adequate to procure a redress of the injuries of which we complain. In every discussion of this kind the first consideration is whether the measure which we are about to adopt will be the most distressing to ourselves or to our adversary, and the second whether it will be such as to induce the power injuring us to desist from her aggressions. I gave my reasons on a former occasion for believing that a total prohibition of British goods will not answer our purpose; I believe however the measure now proposed, will. By the report of the secretary of the treasury it appears that in the trade between this country and Great Britain there is a balance in her favor of twelve millions of dollars per annum. There are some considerations which induce me to think this estimate over-rated. All goods paying ad valorem duties imported from the East Indies are estimated at the custom house by adding 20 per cent. to their original cost, and those imported from Europe by adding 10 per cent. on the invoice price; deducting this advance from the amount of goods paying duties ad valorem imported from British dominions and the sum will be diminished two or three millions. The true balance of a trade carried on in our own ships is best shown by the difference between the amount of goods imported at the cost at the places from which they are brought and the amount of products exported at the places to which they are carried. And the freight always constituting a part of the price, a trade may be advantageous to a nation merely by saving the carriage. But the profit ought at least to be taken into view. I may be incorrect, but I be-
lieve not much, in supposing the profit on cotton exported to Great Britain to be two cents a pound, it would amount upon an average of three years to half a million of dollars per annum. This ought also to be deducted from the balance as reported by the secretary. In this way the relative difference between the amount of exports and imports to and from the British dominions is materially diminished, and after this calculation I believe it will be found that this difference does not exceed ten millions of dollars. This excess of imports over exports must be made up from our trade to other countries. From our trade to Holland, France, Spain, and so on. Nor is this source inadequate. Taking only two articles of our export to those countries, I mean cotton and coffee, of the first of which France takes about one fourth of all which we ship, and making the same deductions which I have before stated on goods imported and paying duties ad valorem, and without calculating the profit on other articles, I think I may be warranted in stating the whole amount of all our exports to all parts of the world, estimated upon the secretary's report for three years at an average of seventy two millions of dollars per annum, and our imports at seventy millions, leaving a balance to the United States of about two millions of dollars. This sum added to what I have said arises from our freight, namely, eight millions of dollars, produces a clear sum of ten millions of dollars as the annual average profit to the nation on our trade with the whole world. This is the fruit of thirteen years neutrality, and it is this sum which accumulating in the hands of our merchants has formed that capital which enables them to carry the commerce of the world and effectually contradicts the charge of covering property.
If I am right in stating the balance of trade between us and Great Britain at ten millions of dollars in her favor, every step which we may take tending to reduce this balance, will so far operate to her injury. This may be done by adopting the course recommended in the resolution before us. In doing this it behoves us to single out such articles as we can do without or which we can procure from other countries. This will affect Great Britain without materially injuring ourselves. The prohibition in the resolution is confined to articles which may be got from the continent of Europe, or manufactured at home. In this way we may diminish the balance against us in our British trade, and if we could so far reduce it, it would be an annual loss to that nation of ten millions of dollars, while it would injure us but little. It will therefore be her interest to prevent the effects of this measure by desisting from her aggressions, and by adopting a system founded in justice and mutual advantage to the neutral and to the belligerent.
But while I am in favor of this resolution, I wish it had been accompanied by some measures connected with a permanent system of navigation laws, such as I had the honor of introducing. It is said, however, that your navigation is so far protected that foreign shipping is almost banished from your ports. This is true; but this effect does not flow from our commercial regulations. It arises from the circumstances of the times, from the war between the great maritime nations of Europe. Their ships must be armed, they must have more men, provisions with them are dearer than with us, they cannot sail as cheap as we can, and to this inability must be added the difference in the rate of insurance. These are the causes of the decrease of foreign tonnage in our trade. Another consideration shews that this effect does not proceed from our commercial regulations. G. Britain lays higher discriminating duties on goods imported into the United Kingdom, in American ships, than the difference paid in duties on goods brought to the U. S. in foreign and American vessels. On some articles it amounts to one third of the duty. Add to this that our vessels are charged port duties, light money and other duties much beyond those which are paid by her ships in our ports. Combining all these circumstances together, it will be found that American vessels, in the trade carried on to G. Britain, sail under greater disadvantages from commercial arrangements, and are exposed to greater burthens in her ports than British vessels are in ours. The same observations apply in a great degree to our intercourse with the other belligerent powers. Besides we are prohibited from trading to the British colony in our own ships. We are not permitted to go there unless by proclamations of their governors, dictated sometimes by necessity, and often by caprice. By the English navigation act, we cannot carry any thing but articles of the growth or product of our own country, while we permit everything to be brought from G. Britain. I should suppose it would be right to meet her regulations by adopting reciprocal ones, and to prohibit any articles being brought by her vessels into the U. S. which are not the growth produce or manufacture of the British dominions. I hope a provision of this nature will at some future day make a part of our permanent navigation system. I have declared myself in favor of the resolution on your table. Yet, however inconsistent it may appear to some gentlemen, I must be indulged in expressing a hope that the final question will be delayed for a few days. It has been already said that a great length of time (nearly four months) has elapsed since we have heard from our minister at the court of G. Britain, and from the importance of the events which are passing on the great theatre of Europe, it
will be sett for, and that they will be read. The Speaker repeated that they were not before the House. (Debate to be continued.)
New-York, May 2. Mr. James Bruce, passenger in the schooner Charlotte Augusta, arrived here yesterday in 9 days from Halifax, informs us it was reported there, that commodore Beresford had arrested captain Whitby, of the Leander, for his outrageous conduct off Sandy Hook. It was understood that commodore Beresford was going to take the command of the Leander himself—Captain Whitby's conduct was very much reprobated at Halifax. It was believed he would be sent to England for trial, and that the vessels sent to Halifax by the Leander would be immediately released.
Letters to the 1st inst. have been received in this city from Trinidad, stating that the British ship Jason, and sloop of war Lilly, had sailed from thence to Barcelona, for the purpose of joining gen. Miranda, where it was understood he had arrived.
Captain Barrough, who arrived at Philadelphia on Wednesday, in 40 days from Hamburg, informs that the Prussians at the time of her departure, were erecting strong batteries at Cuxhaven, which they had garrisoned with a formidable force. They did not, however, interfere in the civil affairs of that place, but permitted them to remain under the direction of the governor appointed by the Senate. Denmark, it was supposed, would be compelled to shut the Byder against the English, which will probably occasion that river to be blockaded.
Extract of a letter from captain Bowman of the United States army, dated Naachtocles, March 18th.
An officer came in on the evening of the 12th inst. with dispatches from the governor general at Saint Antoine—he was halted at our picket, and not permitted to enter the fort; town; and early next morning he received his answer and set out immediately. The same day at 3 o'clock, captain Johnson marched with Lieut. Smith, ensign Hatchet, and sixty-five men, towards the Sabine; this movement was determined on in consequence of information which cannot be doubted, that the Spaniards had reinforced at Nacogdoches to upwards of 400 cavalry, and were marching to resume the positions they were so lately removed from by our troops. We have not heard of their meeting yet, but calculate that they will this day, and it appears that an engagement is unavoidable; they are greatly superior in numbers, therefore it would be premature to risk an opinion as to the result. Some Americans have been these two days trying to bring about a meeting to volunteer their services for immediate defence, and they will be furnished with arms from the public magazine."
LONDON, APRIL 8. Reports states, that the hon. David Erskine, son of Lord Erskine, and member for Portsmouth, is shortly to proceed in a special diplomatic character, to America, to arrange the differences subsisting between us and the United States.
MADRID, MARCH 6. The American Minister, Mr. Erving, left this place last week unexpectedly for London; he did not take leave of the diplomatic body—political reasons were at first assigned for this circumstance, but it was afterwards said, that the death of his father was the cause of his departure.
FROM THE REPUBLICAN.
Petersburg, May 22. MR. PESCU.
Your inserting the subjoined list of victims to British atrocity, in your very useful paper, will be doing justice to injured innocence, and afford some consolation to the friends of the unfortunate men, on whom the British lyon has laid his paws.
On Sunday the 11th inst. as the ship Eliza, captain Petty, from London, came into the capes of Virginia, she was brought to by the British frigate Cleopatra, captain White, who dragged with inhuman insolence from on board said ship, sixteen of her passengers, and still retains them on board, and at anchor in Hampton Roads, in open violation of the laws of nature and of nations. In vain did the unfortunate victims quit that land in which they first drew their breath; in vain did their hearts beat with joy, on first viewing the sacred land of liberty, forgetting their galling chains and tyrannical task masters. But, alas! it was only a momentary, a visionary idea; their fond hopes were soon blasted—they were dragged amidst the lamentations of their wives and children, into the most dreadful slavery. Cruel monsters! Is there not some chosen care, some hidden thunder, in the stores of heaven, red with uncommon wrath, to blot this land of tyrants from the map of the world?
Samuel Sample, Donegal. William Findlay, Astra, county of Tyrone. William Stuart, do. do. Hugh McCoak, Donegal. Thomas Ballentine, Astra, county of Tyrone. William Teiny, Derry. Hugh Quig, do. Anthony Griffin, Donegal. Andrew Johnston, do. James Miller, Stewart's Town. William Gilchrist, Derry. Samuel Patrick, Tyrone. Alexander McConnel, Donegal. A FRIEND TO LIBERTY.

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 28.
The Tunisian ambassador left this city last week, attended by Mr. Catheart. After passing through the principal towns, he will embark for his own country.
FROM A BORDEAUX PRINT.
Imperial Decree concerning the Duties of entry on cocoa, coffee, pepper, sugar and tea.
At the Palace of the Thuilleries, March 3, 1806.
NAPOLEON, Emperor of the French, and King of Italy with the advice of our Council of State, we have decreed, and do decree as follows:—
ART. 1st. The duties on entry shall be, reckoning from the publication of the present decree, laid on the merchandise designated in the following article, according to the rate laid down.
ART. 2. Cocoa, 200 francs per quintal (metrique)—Cocoa coming from the French colonies, viz. the duty on entry, 5 francs; and the duty on consumption, 160 francs—coffee, 150 francs—coffee coming from the French colonies, viz. the duty on entry, 5 francs; and the duty on consumption, 119 francs—pepper, 150 francs—do. coming from the French colonies, 135 francs—coarse sugar, 55 francs—do. coming from the French colonies, 45 francs—refined sugar, 100 francs—do. coming from the French colonies, 80 francs—tea, from whatever place it may be brought, whose value shall be below 8 francs per kilogramme, 3 francs per kilogramme—That whose value shall be 8 francs or more per kilogramme, 3 francs per kilogramme. If higher, an additional duty of 10 per cent. ad valorem.
Our grand judge, minister of justice, our minister of the interior and finances, are charged, each one as it respects him, with the execution of the present decree.
(Signed) NAPOLEON. By the Emperor,
The Secretary of State, H. B. Maret.
An attested copy, The Grand Judge, Minister of Justice.
(Signed) REGNIER.
Having been appointed one of the Judges of Election for the First Ward by the City Council, I take the liberty of requesting a meeting of all the Judges of Election this Evening, at Mr. Myer's Tavern, for the purpose of designating places in each ward where the election for members of the council will be held; also to take into consideration the laws which affect the qualification of electors, and adopt some uniform decision respecting the admission of votes.
NICHOLS KING.
May 28.—17.
On the 31 of April, in the British House of Commons, Mr. Rose withdrew his motion against the West India trade.
The U. S. brig HORNET, bound to France, with dispatches respecting the Floridas, was spoken April 10, in lat. 45, long. 30. It is probable she arrived by the 20th of April.
Palladium.
FROM THE HUDSON BEE.
Members of Congress, elected in New-York, 1806.
Districts—Counties Members. 1. Suffolk and Queen—Samuel Riker. 2. Kings, Richmond and New-York—George Clinton, jun. Gurdon S. Mumford. 4. Westchester and Rockland—Philip Van Cortlandt. 5. Orange—John Blake, jun. 6. Dutchess—Daniel C. Verplanck. 7. Ulster and Greene—Barent Gardener. 8. Columbia—James I. Van Alen. 9. Albany—Killian K. Van Rensselaer. 10. Rensselaer—Josiah Masters. 11. Saratoga, Clinton and Essex—John Thompson. 12. Washington—David Thomas. 13. Schoharie and Montgomery—Peter Swart. 14. Otsego and Delaware—John Russell. 15. Herkimer, Oneida, Jefferson, Lewis, and St. Lawrence—William Kirkpatrick. 16. Chenango, Madison, Onondaga, Tioga, and Broome—Reuben Humpreys. 17. Cayuga, Seneca, Ontario, Genesee, and Steuben—Daniel W. Lewis. [The 3 marked thus † are federal.]
PROPOSALS.
FOR building a PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH on square 377 in the city of Washington will be received by the subscriber until Monday the 9th of June next. It is expected the persons proposing will mention SEPARATELY the masonry, and carpenters work, and the materials appertaining to both branches.
The building to be of brick, contemplated to be 38 by 45 feet in the clear, and two stories high.
The proposals to be in writing and left with the subscriber, capital Hill, with whom a plan of the building may be seen.
HENRY INGLIS, Register. Washington, May 28.—19.
AMERICA. Hail, hail to thee thou consecrated land, the seat of arts, Where Muses delight to dwell, and wreathe the crowns, And with daring flight rise in thy praises, While the high genius of thy people, Smiles friendly to thy commerce, Arise, ye celebrating choirs, arise still higher, With wings of thanksgivings To the starry heavens; That the whole earth may resound thy jubilee.
Preserve, great God The mild government of this happy land, And on its head let ever flow down, The full streams of thy blessing; Then will the hearts of every age and and every station, Praise thee, that thou has't given it For it is the happiness of America's people.
W. S.
May 28.—3t
Militia Courts of Enquiry.
THE court of Enquiry for the 1st Battalion of the 1st Legion of the Militia of the District of Columbia, will sit at JOSEPH SEMPLE's tavern on Friday the 30th inst. at 10 o'clock, A. M. to lay the fines incurred by the non-commissioned officers and privates of the said battalion. All persons concerned will attend. The officers commanding companies will be punctual in making the returns due to their majors.
WM. D. REALL, CL. I. R. L. M. D. C.
May 28.—2t.
Ran-away from the subscriber living in Pomonkeynick, Charles county Maryland and about two miles below Mount Vernon—a negro man named JACK, about 50 years of age, his voice is loud and squeaky; he is a Baptist by profession and loves argument; he is very black except his thighs that are purple about 5 inches in length and x in breadth occasioned by sitting too near the fire. Said Jack came from Guinea when 12 years of age, there is a burn on the back of one of his hands. Whoever brings him home or secures him so that I can have him, shall receive 20 dollars if 20 miles from home, if 30 miles 30 dollars if 50 miles 40 dollars and reasonable expenses paid.
RICHARD BRANDT.
N. B. The above negro run from me before and was apprehended by one of Judge Washington's overseers—he had a pass from Thomas Test, dated Middle Run Neck, Baltimore county, dated May 23, 1805—he left me the 15th day of June last.
May 28.—3t
FOR SALE.
A quantity of the first quality New England POTATOES for feed at G. Coombe's, Lumber Yard, Greenleaf's Point, city of Washington.
May 28.—3t
NOTICE.
MR. ELLIOTT has fitted up a neat Apartment for the instruction of YOUNG LADIES in Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, Geography, use of the Globes, Maps, &c. His experience for a number of years past in conducting a Seminary of this kind, it is hoped and expected, will entitle him to the approbation of the parents and friends of such young ladies as may be sent to this institution.
N. B. Mr. E. will only admit a select number of Young ladies and those only above ten years of age. For terms apply at his Academy.
City of Washington, May 26.—3t
TO RENT.
THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, eq. Possession given the first day of April next—I will also rent the Wharf formerly belonging to Mr. Lewis Deblois on the Eastern Branch, one square above the Navy Yard. Its situation for a Lumber, Coal, and Wood yard, is equal to any in the city of Washington—for terms apply to John Hewitt, eq. or to the subscriber near the Navy Yard.
NICHOLAS VOSS.
City of Washington, March 14.—2awtf
THE SUPERB BARB. THE BLACK SULTAN,
PRESENTED by the Dey of Tunis, to the government of the United States, and lately brought to this country by the Tunisian ambassador will find the ensuing season at PETWORTH, the farm of JOHN TAYLOR, eq. near Rock Creek church, and within two miles of the city of Washington, where Mares from a distance will be pastured at 40 cents per week, and fed if desired at the market price. This Royal present being one of the most choice animals of the Regency of Tunis and full fifteen hands high, a desire has prevailed that so valuable a race should be extended as much as possible; it has therefore been directed that he be placed at a low price; he will consequently stand at TWENTY DOLLARS per season, which will begin immediately, and end on the first of August; or before which time the price of the season will be dischargeable by SIXTEEN DOLLARS with a Dollar to the Groom when the Mare is lent.
CHESTER B. ILLBY, Manager for John Taylor, eq. at Petworth. April 4.—3t&wtf
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is Published
By SAMUEL H. SMITH.
T R I A L OF SAMUEL CHASE,
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States.
Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In Two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public, with the expeditation of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial.
Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers.
March 24.—
Notice is hereby given that the subscriber intends to petition the next county Court for Washington, to be held in the territory of Columbia, for an order to renew the lower ferry over the Eastern Branch, what was generally known by the name of Barfy's ferry.
JEREMIAH BOCTHE. Washington, May 16.—2aw3w
NOTICE.
IS hereby given that unless the tax due to the Washington Corporation from the following persons be paid on or before the 28th day May next, the following property or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon, will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder.
[CONTINUED.]
Table with 3 columns: Description of property, Value in Dollars, Value in Cents. Includes entries for Capt. Addington, John B. Anderson, Adam Aults heirs, Mahlin Atkinson, Samuel Blodget, John Barnett, Ignatius Boone, Matthew Brown, Jesse Burch, Benjamin Bacon, John A. Burford, Daniel Buffard, George Betz, Joseph Bentley, Samuel Baker, Mrs. Bull, Benjamin Bryan, John Brackenridge, Joel Brown, Quintin Brien, Richard & Agutine Boyer, James H. Blake, Richard B. Brashears, Bishop Clagett, Crow & Wright, Wm. Crofts, John Craig & others, Daniel Caffray.
Table with 3 columns: Description of property, Value in Dollars, Value in Cents. Includes entries for John Christy, Crookshanks & Thompson, Timothy Caldwell, Wm. Duncanson, Square 875, James Dant, Deblois and Nicholson wharf & ware house, Alexander Davidson, Jasper de Carnap's heirs, Hugh Densly, Isaac Pollock, Richard Delphy, John Dempsey, Elizabeth Ditterly, Joseph Dove, Evan Evans, Elixius Edelin, Richard Frazier, Edward Fallon, Bennet Fenwick's heirs, James Foulkner, Joshua Gregg, Richard Gridley, James Graham, Edward Griffin, Peter Hull, William Herron, Daniel Hurley, Peter Hamm, George Jacobs, William Johnson, Alexander Ingram, Andrew Jameson, Thomas Jones, Absalom Joy, James Knight, John Kennedy, Thomas M. Kirk, James Kennedy, Henry Ludington, Charles F. Lovering, William Lovell, James Lyon, William Lowry, James M'Lingan, George Lyles, Notley Maddox, John Mc Carthy, Henry Moscrop, John Mc Elwee, Andrew Mc Donald, Lewis Morin, John Moore, Charles Mc Donald, Bernard M'Dermott Roe, James O'Brien, Susanah Osborne, Pratt, Francis & others, Isaac Reid, Rhodes & Higden, Michael Shanks, John Swank, John Story, Alexander Shaw, Stoddart & Templeman, John Sutton, Joseph Saul, Roger Smith, Shreeve and Unthank, George & Sarah Sweeny, John Stewart, Shaw and Birth, Calhoun Smith & co., Nicholas Spohr, James Tomkins, Theatre company, Patrick Tool, Philip Tool, George Thompson, Thompson and Veitch, Colin Williamson's heirs, Ambrose White, Thomas Wilson, John Wilson, Nathan Walker and James Thompson, Robert Wilson, James Waugh, George Walker, Joshua Ward, George Washington's heirs, Thomas Webb, John B. Winsett, Mary Yeats.
The sale of the above property will be held at the city Treasurer's office, and will commence at eleven o'clock A. M. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of W. City Washington, April 22.—2awtf.

SPRING GOODS.
JOHN COX, HAS received a part of his Spring Assortment of Goods, consisting of many fancy and substantial articles. He has also received by the Jefferson captain Hunt from Amsterdam, a quantity of Pickleburgs, Ozanaburgs, Hefians, Bempson, Rolls, Gals and Quills, and by the Washington from Leghorn, Handsome Leghorn Chairs and Flats. All which goods he will sell at his usual low prices by the piece or retail. George Town, April 30—cpNI&UG6w.
District of Columbia Washington county, ff.
It is remembered, that on the 17th day of May 1806, George St. Clare brought before the subscriber, a justice of the peace in and for the county aforesaid, a trespassing ass, a B. V. L. o. 15 and 13 h. n. k. h. appears to be 10 years old, a small white spot on his forehead and snout all round. Given under my hand the day and year above written.
SAML N SMALLWOOD, The owner of the above horse is requested to prove property, pay charges and take him away.
GEORGE ST. CLARE. May 23—3t
FOR SALE.
TWO valuable TRACTS of LAND, lying and being in the county of Monongalia state of Virginia, one within two miles of a town called Kingwood that is improving fast, and the same distance from the ferry on Cheat river where the flat crosses it; containing 315 acres of which 80 are under improvement and 10 are in meadow; there is on the premises an apple orchard containing 60 bearing trees and 100 peach trees, with a two story hewed log house, with a stone chimney with 4 fire places, a barn and other out houses—the other tract is four miles distance from the aforesaid town containing 200 acres with six acres improved, with a LOG HOUSE—the fair lands will be sold reasonable, and indispitable title will be given. For further particulars apply to the subscriber living on the premises. JAMES E. BEALL. May 23—3t
Treasury Department, Washington, May 3rd 1806.
Notice is hereby Given,
That sealed proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as agent for the commissioners of the sinking fund, until the 13th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz. Eight per cent. Old. Six per cent. and Debentures Six per cent. stocks, with the dividends payable on the 1st of July next off. Such persons as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above-mentioned stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals SEALED UP, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein the ware-deemed amount and species of said stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same, which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law. In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber, in trust for the United States. TH. RUCKER, Treasurer United States. May 5—cptraJ.
PURSUANT to a decree of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, will be exposed to sale two Tracts of Land in the county of Loudoun, the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, esq. One called the Valley Tract, containing about 1097 acres, lying about 3 miles from Leesburg. The other called the Green Hill Tract, lying on the Potomac river near the Blue Ridge and supposed to contain about 1940 acres. These Lands are to be sold for the purpose of raising the sum of about 6000 dollars, due from the said Thomas A. Digges, to certain creditors in the decree mentioned. The sales will be made to the highest bidder, for ready money, and will commence on the 13th day of June next, in the town of Leesburg and county of Loudoun. THOS. SWANN, } commiss. WILSON C. SULDEN, } bono. April 23—wtdf
The subscriber and possessor of the above advertised Lands, thinks it proper to warn any person who may incline to purchase under the above decree (which was obtained in the most secret manner and totally unknown to him), that he will not give, or aid in any manner whatever, the procuring a title to perfect such sale of the Land; the attempt to which is a vague and ill-tempered effort.
THOS. A. DIGGES, Warburton, Maryland, April 23—13j.
The public are notified, and all persons are cautioned against purchasing certain lands in Loudoun county, Virginia, decreed by the superior court of Chancery, to be sold as the property of Thomas Atwood Digges, and advertised by the commissioners, Messrs. Swann and Selden, to be sold at Leesburg on the 13th day of June next; the title of said estate being clearly vested in and belonging to William Dudley Digges, of Maryland, an infant under age.
ROBERT BRENT, attorney in fact for the estate of Wm. Dudley Digges, City of Washington, April 23—cptraJ.
PUBLIC AUCTION.
WILL be sold on Monday the 26th inst. a two STORY HOUSE and LOT, near the Centre Market. It is an eligible situation for business of any kind. The terms of sale two thirds cash and the remainder in six months the purchaser giving his note negotiable at the Bank of Discount and Deposit Washington, or the Columbian Bank in George town. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock, A. M. JOHN BLOOR. May 23—3t
A HOUSE & LOT FOR SALE.
WILL be offered at public sale on Tuesday the 3d of June next on the premises, on a credit of 90 days, a two story BRICK HOUSE, with two rooms and a passage on each floor, a cellar, and dry well therein; this house is situated on Lot No. 10 in sq 723 on East Capitol street, fronting the capitol. Negotiable paper with improved endorsements will be required of the purchaser, and when paid a good title will be made by
SAML TYLER, Exr of Saml. Tyler, deceased. May 14—10t
BY virtue of a deed of trust from the rev. George Malph to Saml. Tyler, deceased, and Mary Pottenger, will be sold at public sale, for cash, on Tuesday the 10th day of June next, at Mr. Chapman's tavern Charlotte Hall Academy, in St. Mary's co. a tract or parcel of LAND called Fulton, situate, lying and being in the vicinity of said academy, in St. Mary's co. aforesaid, containing about 150 acres: also six NEGROES, consisting of three valuable men, a woman and two likely boys
MARY POTTENGER, Survivor of Samuel Tyler. May 24—13t
JOHN LAW,
HAS commenced the PRACTICE OF THE LAW, & opened an Office on the Capitol Hill, near the office of Mr. Wm. Brent, clerk of the County Court. May 21—2m
TO RENT,
THE COMMODOIOUS BRICK STORE near the CAPITOL, now in the occupation of Messrs. P. HEALY & Co. Possession to be given on the 1st of May. Enquire of Frederick May. March 28—tf
FOR SALE,
AT Bath (Berkeley Springs) Virginia, a HOUSE & LOT thereto belonging (late the property of Thomas Palmer, deceased.) The premises are calculated for a genteel family, or would make an excellent Boarding house, having thereon a smoke house, coach house and stables, with a garden laid out with much taste and inclosed with a good board fence. Also near the town, are for sale, SEVEN acres of LAND, inclosed with a stone wall. The whole will be sold very low, or exchanged for property in or near any of the large towns or cities. Apply to John Davidson, Washington city, or to Wm. Alexander, esq. Bath, aforesaid. Note—If not sold, it will be let for the season. April 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cassimeres, Bennetts patent cord, woolveteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk molekins, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, finishing flannels, &c. & with a variety of other articles in his line. and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N B Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 12—tf
A BARGAIN.
THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording as good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to forty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 60 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—From its vicinity to two growing cities many advantages result in supplying the markets. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain, particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper: the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Searcy residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton, Washington. Isaac Pollock, Fruit Hill, Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the heaviest part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan. 29—cpf
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 23—tf
N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
On a liberal credit.
THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Manion at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
ELIAS B. CALDWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
PROPOSALS
For carrying MAILS of the United States, on the following post roads, will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of August next, inclusive. (CONTINUED.)
21. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Maidstone, Oppice, Moultonboro' Cutter harbor, Plymouth and Haverhill, to Newbury, Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill, Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth, once a week.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m.
Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Newbury by 7 p m.
Returning. Leave Newbury every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 7 a m and at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth at 7 p m and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m.
22. From Hanover N H Orford, Haverhill, Bath, Littleton, Dalton and Lancaster, to Guildhall, Vt. and from Guildhall by Lunenburg and Concord, Vt. Littleton, Bath, Haverhill and Orford, to Hanover, once a week.
Leave Hanover every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill by 5 p m, and at Guildhall on Saturday by 6 p m.
Leave Guildhall every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hanover on Thursday by 6 p m.
23. From Salisbury by Andover, New Chester and Bridgewater to Plymouth; and from Plymouth by Holderness, New Hampton and Sandborntown, to Salisbury, alternately, once a week.
Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 2 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 4 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon.
IN VERMONT.
24. From Littleton N H by Littleton, Vt. St. Johnsbury, Danville, Walden, Greensboro' Craftsboro' Eden and Johnson to St. Albans, once in two weeks.
Leave Littleton every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Albans on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave St. Albans every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Littleton, N H on Saturday by 6 p m.
25. From Montpelier by Barre Washington, Corinth, Braford, Newbury, Ryegate, Barnet & Peacham, to Danville, once a week.
Leave Montpelier every Thursday by noon, arrive at Newbury on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Newbury on Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Danville by 5 p m.
Returning. Leave Danville every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Montpelier on Thursday by 11 a m.
26. From Windsor by Woodstock, Royalton, Randolph, Williamson, Berlin, Montpelier, Middlesex, Waterbury, Bolton, Jericho and Wilton, to Burlington, once a week.
Leave Windsor every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Monday by 3 p m and at Burlington on Tuesday by 1 p m.
Returning. Leave Burlington every Tuesday at 3 p m and arrive at Montpelier on Wednesday by 6 p m and arrive at Windsor on Friday by noon.
27. From Ryegate by Tunbridge, Quechee and Vershire, to Corinth, once a week.
Leave Ryegate every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Corinth by 6 p m.
Leave Corinth every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Ryegate by 6 p m.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
28. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke and Kingston, to Plymouth three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thurs-
day and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m.
Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Boston by 6 p m.
29. From Suffield by Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield, Greenfield, Brattleboro, Putney, Westminster, Walpole, Charlestown, Watertown, Windsor, Hartford and Hartford, to Hanover, twice a week.
Leave Suffield every Monday and Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Northampton by 1 p m; leave Northampton at 1 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Windsor on Wednesday and Saturday by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Hanover by 6 p m.
Returning. Leave Hanover every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Windsor by noon. Leave Windsor at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Brattleboro' on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Leave Brattleboro' at 1 p m and arrive at Suffield on Wednesday and Saturday by 8 p m.
30. From Shrewsbury by Holden, Rutland, Oakham, Hardwick, Green-wich, Pelham and Amherst, to Northampton, once a week.
Leave Shrewsbury every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton by 10 a m on Thursday.
Leave Northampton every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Shrewsbury on Friday by 6 p m.
31. From Hartford by Granby, Granville, Blanford, Sandisfield and New Marlboro' to Stockbridge, once a week.
Leave Hartford every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Stockbridge on Friday by 7 p m.
Leave Stockbridge every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Hartford on Thursday by 10 a m.
32. From East Bridgewater by Middleboro' East meeting-house, to Rochester, once a week.
Leave East Bridgewater every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Rochester by 11 a m.
Leave Rochester every Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at East Bridgewater by 8 p m.
33. From Brookfield by Brimfield and Stafford Springs, to Tolland, once a week.
Leave Brookfield every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Tolland by 6 p m.
Leave Tolland on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Brookfield by 6 p m.
IN CONNECTICUT.
34. From Pomfret by Gloucester to Providence, once a week.
Leave Pomfret every Thursday at 4 a m and arrive at Providence by 3 p m.
Leave Providence every Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Pomfret by 8 p m.
35. From Hartford by Glastenbury and Colchester, to New London once a week.
Leave Hartford every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New London by 6 p m.
Leave New London every Tuesday by 6 a m and arrive at Hartford by 6 p m.
IN NEW YORK.
36. From Cherry valley by Springfield, Ritchfield, Plainfield and Bridgewater, to Sangerfield, once a week.
Leave Cherry valley every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Sangerfield on Tuesday by 11 a m.
Leave Sangerfield every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Cherry valley on Wednesday by 6 p m.
37. From Harrisburg by Williamstown, Ogdensburg, Potsdam and Cassangay, to Plattsburg, once in two weeks.
Leave Harrisburg every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plattsburg on Tuesday by 10 a m.
Leave Plattsburg every other Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Harrisburg on Friday by 6 p m.
38. From Rome by Redfield, Adams, Smith's mills and Sackett Harbor, to Chenaugh, once in two weeks.
Leave Rome every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Chenaugh on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Chenaugh every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome on Saturday by 6 p m.
39. From Bath by Canajoharie town Danville and Williamsburg, to Hartford, once a week.
Leave Bath every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Hartford on Sunday by 6 p m.
Leave Hartford every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Bath on Tuesday by 6 p m.
40. From Onondago by Tully, Homer and Virgil, to Oswego, once in two weeks.
Leave Onondago every other Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Oswego on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Oswego every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Onondago on Friday by 6 p m.
41. From Westhampton to Riverhead, once a week.
Leave Westhampton every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at Riverhead by 9 a m.
Leave Riverhead every Monday at 10 a m and arrive at Westhampton by 2 p m.
42. From New Lebanon, by Hanc-ock, Richmond, Lenox, Lee, Berk-shire, London and Sandisfield, to New Hartford in Conn. once a week.
Leave New Lebanon every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at New Hartford on Friday by 10 a m.
Leave New Hartford every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at New Lebanon on Saturday by 6 p m.
43. From Albany by Schenectady, Amsterdam, Ticonderoga, Plattsburg, Little Falls and Herkimer to Utica.
Leave Albany every day, Sunday excepted, at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady by 10 a m.
Leave Schenectady every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 1/2 a m and arrive at Utica on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 4 p m.
Returning. Leave Utica every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Schenectady on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 1 p m.
Leave Schenectady every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 p m and arrive at Albany by 7 p m.
44. From Utica by New Hartford, Westmoreland, Oneida, Sullivan, Canajoharie, Manlius, Onondago, Marcellus, Auburn, Cayuga and Geneva, to Canajoharie twice a week.
Leave Utica every Sunday and Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Canajoharie on Tuesday and Friday by 10 a m.
Returning. Leave Canajoharie every Tuesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Utica the next Thursday and Sunday by 7 p m.
45. From Utica by Whitesboro, to Rome, twice a week.
Leave Utica every Sunday & Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Rome by 11 a m.
Leave Rome every Sunday & Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Utica by 7 p m.
46. From Schenectady by Ballston springs, Saratoga springs, Greenfield, Hadley, Milton, Charlton, Galloway, Ballston springs and Ballston, to Schenectady once a week.
Leave Schenectady every Tuesday & Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Ballston springs by 7 p m.
Leave Ballston springs every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hadley by 3 p m & return to Ballston springs on Thursday by noon; leave Ballston springs every Tuesday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Schenectady by 11 a m.
IN NEW JERSEY.
47. From Belvidere to Stroudsburg, in Pa. once in two weeks.
Leave Belvidere every other Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Stroudsburg by 11 a m.
Leave Stroudsburg every other Saturday at 1 p m and arrive at Belvidere by 7 p m.
IN PENNSYLVANIA.
48. From Berlin by Salisbury to Cumberland, once a week.
Leave Berlin every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Cumberland by 6 p m.
Leave Cumberland every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Berlin by 6 p m.
49. From Greensburg to Kittaning, once a week.
Leave Greensburg every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Kittaning by 6 p m.
Leave Kittaning every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Greensburg by 6 p m.
50. From Tunckhannock by Willingboro' & Sidney to Chenango point, N. Y. once in two weeks.
Leave Tunckhannock every other Monday at 6 a m and Chenango point on Tuesday by 11 a m.
Leave Chenango point every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Tunckhannock on Wednesday by 6 p m.
51. From Greensburg by Mount Pleasant, Robbstown, Williamsport, Washington & Alexandria to Wheeling in Virg. once in two weeks.
Leave Greensburg every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Wheeling on Wednesday by 6 p m.
Leave Wheeling every other Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Greensburg on Saturday by 6 p m.
52. From Gettysburg by Miller's town, Nicholson's gap and Waynesburg to Greencastle once a week.
Leave Gettysburg every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Greencastle by 11 a m.
Leave Greencastle every Monday at 1 p m and arrive at Gettysburg by 7 p m.
53. From Northumberland by Milton, Muncey, Williamsport, Delmar, Tioga & Lindt's town to Painted Post, once a week.
Leave Northumberland every Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Painted Post the next Tuesday by 10 a m.
Leave Painted Post every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Northumberland the next Friday by 6 p m.
54. From Carlisle by Mannahan, Warrington, Berlin, Abbot's town, Hanover, Md. Reiter's town, to Baltimore, Md. once a week.
Leave Carlisle every Monday at 5 a m and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday by 6 p m.
Leave Baltimore every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Carlisle on Saturday by 6 p m.
[To be continued]