The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1805-05-13 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. DCCXVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, MAY 13th, 1805.
PAID IN ADVANCE
IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 20.
[Mr. Early's speech, concluded.]
But, Sir, the scene rises upon us. We have now to examine a part of the transaction for which, I had supposed, human invention might be tortured for a palliation in vain. I allude to the rejection of Mr. Taylor's testimony. The reason assigned for that rejection was, that the witness could not prove the truth of the whole of any one charge. Let us for a moment examine the consequences of this doctrine. According to the judge's own doctrine then, as well as his doctrine now, each charge laid in the indictment must have constituted a separate offence. For it is explicitly declared both by Mr. Hay and Mr. Nicholas, that when an application was made to continue the case, because of the absence of some material witnesses, the application was rejected upon the ground, that it did not appear from the affidavit filed, that the witnesses so absent, could prove the truth of all the charges. That proof of the truth of a part only, would be of no avail, and that the whole must be proved to entitle the traverser to an acquittal. Each charge in the indictment then must have constituted a separate offence: for the charges cannot be made to help each other out. One charge, however, it seems might consist of different facts. This was the case with several in that indictment. It was particularly the case with the very charge, the truth of which Mr. Taylor was called to prove. The President was a profligate and avaricious man. He had proved faithful and serviceable to the British interest. Here was a charge made up of two distinct facts; so distinct in their nature, that the knowledge of their truth might not only rest with different persons, but was extremely likely not to rest with any one witness. But the case of a man charged with any offence, murder, theft, or any other crime you please: There may be a string of facts upon the proof of which the defence may depend; some within the knowledge of one man; some within that of another. Was it ever heard of before, that because one witness could not prove the existence of all those facts, that therefore such witness should not be examined as to what he did know? Or if some of the facts depended upon written testimony, was it ever heard of before that therefore a witness should not be examined as to those resting in oral testimony? To these questions no man will answer in the affirmative. Why then was an unheard of and palpably absurd doctrine brought to bear in Callender's case? Was the defence of justification, under the sedition law of the United States, such an anomaly in its nature, that none of the established rules of jurisprudence would apply to it? Was it a thing so entire in its nature, that it could not consist of different parts? I have always been taught, and the respondent's answer confirms the principle, that a defence must apply to the whole of a charge. If then a charge consist of different parts, surely to must the defence. But according to judge Chase, be the parts ever so many, they shall not be proven, unless the proof can all be made by one witness, or unless it appear that the defendant has proof in reserve to establish all. I ask this honorable court how it can appear that the defendant has proof in reserve applying to all the parts of a charge? Suppose a witness called to substantiate one part, how is it to be known to the court whether there is or is not other testimony behind in the power of the party, by which the residue of the charge may be established? We are told by the respondent, that none of the questions propounded to Colonel Taylor had any application to the charge, except the first, and this only to a part of the charge; and that this question was replied because no proof was offered as to the residue. I answer, Sir, that the judge had no right to know nor were the counsel bound to disclose whether there was such testimony in reserve or not. It is a new doctrine, Sir, that the legal admissibility of testimony is to depend upon what the party can afterwards prove by other testimony. It is the right of the party to establish his defence as far as he can, and if he fail in establishing it completely, the evil is to himself alone. And permit me here to add, Sir, that whether he succeed in establishing his defence or not, is a question for the jury to determine,
and not the judge. The judge possesses no right to determine even after the testimony is finished, whether that testimony has or has not established the defence; still less then can he before it is heard, determine that it will not make good the defence.
We are told in the respondent's answer that his rejection of Colonel Taylor's testimony can be no proof of a determination on his part to oppress, as such an intention might have been gratified by the conviction of the traverser upon the other articles. This is true, very true, upon the principle that the judge and not the jury was to determine the question of law in criminal cases. If the criminality of the charges in point of law, was to be settled by the judge, his conclusion is certainly correct. But if, as I apprehend, the criminality of the charges was to be exclusively determined by the jury, then it was not entirely certain, that the judge might have been sure of his object, notwithstanding the tenth charge had been proved. For aught he knew, or ought to be presumed to have known, the jury might have been of the opinion that the other charges did not come within the sedition law, and might have therefore given a verdict of acquittal.
But, Mr. President, this apart, it is a novel proof of innocence to me at least, that a man should have the magnanimous boldness to disregard appearances. It is a novel proof of innocence that a man should possess a spirit daring enough to insult the common sense of mankind. Yes, Sir, I yield to the respondent the full share of glory, which he is desirous of accumulating from this source.
The last of the three articles now under examination gives on its face the defendant with various acts of injustice, partiality and intemperance, highly derogatory to his character as a judge, and equally injurious to the reputation of the American bench. Without fatiguing the patience of the honorable court with an inquiry into the proofs and an investigation of the criminality of all the particulars here enumerated, I beg leave to call their attention to one part of the judge's conduct, which appears to me to stand pre-eminent for its open defiance of all justice, and its flagrant violation of the constitution of this country. I allude to the refusal to continue the cause. The reasons assigned for that refusal, were, we learn, that it did not appear by the affidavit exhibited, and upon which the motion for a continuance was founded, that the witnesses, whose testimony was wanted, could prove the truth of all the charges laid in the indictment. This conduct, Mr. President, strikes me as being of the same family with the rejection of Mr. Taylor's testimony. The charges in the indictment are in number many. They embrace a numerous collection of facts, some of them assimilated, others extremely variant in their nature; many of them involving legal difficulties as to their criminality. Under the plea of not guilty, to the indictment, it was competent to the traverser not only to prove the truth of the charges in point of fact, but also to prove that any of the charges were not criminal in point of law. It was competent for the defendant to prove the truth of a part of the charges, and to contend that the rest were not seditious. Both these grounds of defence were proper for the jury, and the jury possessed the right to pass without control upon both. With what propriety then could the judge pronounce from the bench that to entitle the accused to a continuance, it must appear that he could prove the truth of all the charges? What, Sir, was the question of law as to their criminality, a point which the judge here again arrogated to himself the exclusive right to determine, and that too before the traverser was heard? I need it would appear that in this case also, as in the case of Fries, the law was to be wrested from its proper organ, the jury, and to be exclusively passed upon by the judge himself. What other construction can be given to his determination that the truth of all the charges must be proven? There surely could be no necessity for this, unless they were all seditious within the act of Congress. By determining then, that all must be proved true, the judge did determine that all were seditious. This, Sir, it was the exclusive right of the jury to determine.
The constitution of this country has most wisely provided, that "the accused shall have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor." Of what avail is this provision if time be not given for their attendance? Or what avail to grant the process, and,
before the witnesses can by any physical possibility reach the place, force the accused to trial? This conduct, Sir, is worse than mockery. It is an insult to the common sense of mankind. It is high treason against the majesty of the emanation of a free country. The constitution of the United States gives to the accused the right of process to compel the attendance of his witnesses. But judge Chase so administered, that the accused is indicted, arraigned, tried, convicted and punished, all in the same term, whilst his witnesses are distant hundreds of miles.
After all this, Mr. President, surely we shall not be asked for proofs of corrupt intent. They are too thick upon every feature of the transactions which have been examined. The defendant is on all hands acknowledged to possess an acquaintance with the laws and constitution of his country, which yields not to that of any other man in this nation. He is on all hands acknowledged to possess talents which might do honor to any tribunal. With such knowledge and such talents, permit me to ask, if it was within the compass of possibility that he should mistake in points so familiar as those in which he is charged with criminal conduct? Although all things are possible, yet there are things the extreme improbability of which defies belief. Among those I rank the supposition of mistake on the part of judge Chase in the trial of James T. Callender. We might just as well be asked for proof of malice in a case where a man willfully and without provocation kills another. In such a case as in the one now under consideration, the answer is that the criminal intent is apparent upon the face of the act. And there is a question, Sir, which strikes me as applying itself with almost irresistible force to the present difficulty; can it be that such outrages should be committed upon the most ordinary principles of law and justice, and yet the conduct of the judge not be influenced by corrupt motives? Can it be that every thing should be done to favor the prosecution and stifle the defence, and yet justice be administered "faithfully and impartially and without respect to persons?" But if all this be insufficient I pray this honorable court to recollect the declarations of the judge in relation to the case, as attested by several witnesses.
The fifth and sixth articles rest upon grounds so extremely simple, and so easily comprehended, that it appears totally unnecessary to fatigue the patience of the honorable court, by dwelling upon them.
The seventh article is as follows: "That at a circuit court of the United States, for the district of Delaware, held at Newcastle, in the month of June, one thousand eight hundred, whereat the said Samuel Chase presided, the said Samuel Chase, disregarding the duties of his office, did descend from the dignity of a judge, and stoop to the level of an informer, by refusing to discharge the grand jury, although entreated by several of the said jury to do so; and after the said grand jury had regularly declared, through their foreman, that they had found no bills of indictment, nor had any presentments to make, by observing to the said grand jury, that he, the said Samuel Chase, understood, "that a highly seditious temper had manifested itself in the state of Delaware, among a certain class of people, particularly in Newcastle county, and more especially in the town of Wilmington, where lived a most seditious printer, unrestrained by any principle of virtue, and regardless of social order;" that the name of this printer was"—but checking himself, as if sensible of the indecorum which he was committing, added—"that it might be assuming too much to mention the name of this person, but it becomes your duty, gentlemen, to enquire diligently into this matter," or words to that effect; and that with intention to procure the prosecution of the printer in question, the said Samuel Chase did, moreover, authoritatively enjoin on the district attorney of the United States, the necessity of procuring a file of the papers to which he alluded, (and which were understood to be those published under the title of "Mirror of the Times and General Advertiser,) and, by a strict examination of them, to find some passage which might furnish the ground-work of a prosecution against the printer of the said paper: thereby degrading his high judicial functions, and tending to impair the public confidence in, and respect for, the tribunals of justice, so essential to the general welfare."
The respondent stands here charged with a conduct, than which, in my opinion, nothing could be more at war with
his official duty—nothing more tarnish his official character. The constitution and laws of this country certainly intended in erecting high judicial tribunals, that those who might be appointed to minister therein, shall be impartial dispensers of justice between such as might resort thither for an adjustment of their differences. In public prosecutions, more especially was it intended that such dispensation should be made without respect to persons. In these, above all other cases, ought a judge to stand aloof from influence, free from predilection towards one, or prejudice against the other. Most peculiarly here is it his duty to stand firm at his post, resisting the overbearing influence of a powerful public, and protecting the rights of the accused in so unequal a contest. But judge Chase, disregarding these principles, always held sacred in a land of laws, converts himself into a hunter after accusations. He who, in the humane language of the laws, should be counsel for the accused, becomes himself an accuser. He whose duty it is impartially to decide between the prosecutor and professed, becomes himself the procurer of prosecutions.
I have always been taught that the character of an informer, in any iteration of life, was deservedly considered as the reverse of reputable. What then shall we say of him, who descends from the judgment seat of the nation, to inform against, and direct the prosecution of one, against whom he avows the strongest antipathy, and over whose trial he himself has to preside? Surely, Sir, his thirst for punishment was great. Surely it was extreme indeed, when he could not wait for the tardy motion of the public prosecutor. If our judges are thus to turn informers; if they are thus to seek after objects for themselves to try, and themselves to punish; then indeed must this country, heretofore considered an asylum from oppression, become itself the nursery of oppression in its most odious form. And this government, heretofore the pride of humanity, will be held up as an object of scorn and derision to the nations of the earth.
The eighth article is in these words: "And whereas mutual respect and confidence, between the government of the United States and those of the individual states, and between the people and those governments, respectively, are highly conducive to that public harmony, without which there can be no public happiness; yet the said Samuel Chase, disregarding the duties and dignity of his judicial character, did, at a circuit court for the district of Maryland, held at Baltimore, in the month of May, one thousand eight hundred and three, pervert his official right and duty to address the grand jury then and there assembled, on the matters coming within the province of the said jury, for the purpose of delivering to the said grand jury an intemperate and inflammatory political harangue, with intent to excite the fears and resentment of the said grand jury, and of the good people of Maryland against their state government and constitution, a conduct highly censurable in any, but peculiarly indecent and unbecoming in a judge of the supreme court of the United States: and moreover, that the said Samuel Chase, then and there, under pretence of exercising his judicial right to address the said grand jury, as aforesaid, did, in a manner highly unwarrantable, endeavor to excite the odium of the said grand jury, and of the good people of Maryland against the government of the United States, by delivering opinions, which, even if the judicial authority were competent to their expression, on a suitable occasion, and in a proper manner, were at that time, and as delivered by him, highly indecent, extra-judicial, and tending to prostitute the high judicial character with which he was invested, to the low purpose of an electioneering partisan."
It is not my intention, Mr. President, to trouble the court with many observations upon this article; not because of any opinion that it is unimportant. I believe it equally important with any in the catalogue. I believe it possesses a peculiar importance, in affording, from the testimony by which it is supported, proofs of the spirit by which judge Chase was usually governed in his official conduct.
There are features too in that part of the judge's official conduct charged in this article, which place him in a point of view awfully grand. We have heretofore been viewing him as bringing his talents to bear upon individuals. Here we see his genius rising in the majesty of its strength, to far higher objects.
Here we see him contending over while governments to the scourge of his own avenging wrath. Witness over he turned his eyes, whether to the state constitution and laws, or to the laws and constitution of the whole union, they were equally exposed to the whip and the rack.
Mr. President, there is no truth more forcible than that expressed in the language of this article, that "mutual respect and confidence, between the government of the United States and those of the individual states, and between the people and those governments respectively, are highly conducive to that public harmony, without which there can be no public happiness." Indeed, Sir, it may with truth be said, that this respect and confidence are essential to that harmony without which we can enjoy no public happiness. What words then can describe in its proper colours, the conduct of an officer of the highest judicial tribunal of the general government, who abuses the duty and perverts the privilege of his station to destroy the confidence and excite the odium of the people against not only their state government, but that of the United States? He who was seated on the judgment seat of the nation to execute the laws of the union, converts his very judgment seat in a forum from whence to pronounce a philippic not only against the state government with which he there had no right to meddle, but against that very government under whose authority he was there sitting; and while laws were sworn there to execute. Not content with endeavoring to excite discontent and odium against the government of the state of Maryland, the Congress of the United States must be held up as factious and destroyers of the national constitution.
Mr. President, I have taken those views of this subject, which presented themselves most forcibly to my mind. I have finished all I intended to say upon the argument. There has, in my opinion, been established against the respondent a volume of guilt every page of which calls for punishment at the hands of this nation. I leave the case and the respondent in your hands. I leave them where the constitution of this country has placed them. I leave them where I hope, and I believe, there will be found a different measure of justice from that which judge Chase has been accustomed to administer. I leave them where justice will be administered "faithfully and impartially, and without respect to persons."
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. Thoughts on the true path to national glory. By an old whig to his friend.
(Continued.)
LET then the great principles contained in the declaration of independence be listed by our children betwixt their tender minds are fixed into a state of independence; and as this period approaches, let the best and the fullest knowledge be imparted to them. Thus may we hope that the ambition of being the wisest and most virtuous of their fellow men will be one of their ruling passion; and thus may we expect that luxury will be deprived of more than half its deleterious qualities.
The great increase of the power of the general government, and particularly of the Executive, are looked upon with a jealous eye by many of its citizens. I am myself one of those, who do believe, that more is to be apprehended from this source, and from a spirit of conquest, when the power of the republic shall have attained its height, a topic which remains to be considered, than from all the other sources of peril which has been or can be assigned.
It is well understood that our system contains two leading features, on the squishy and harmonious association of which its duration must depend; these are the federal, and the representative principles. In point of view with the former the general government is the representative of the states, while in correspondence with the latter it represents the people directly. The former appears to have been devised to protect the sovereignty of the states against any encroachment of the nation; the latter to protect the people from the encroachments of the states. It is pretty generally acknowledged that the maintenance of our liberties depends upon the vigorous preservation of these two features. As present they are balanced with sufficient precision, and the result is a full harmony of all the parts of the system. But it is

obvious that while the state governments have attained their zenith of power, that of the general government is in a state of regular increase. The steps may be insensible; but they are from that very circumstance the surer.
The power of the general government arises from two sources. The first depends on the powers delegated ; the second on the quantum of such powers actually exercised . It is evident, that in the infancy of governments, even of absolute character, although the former are unlimited, the latter may be extremely moderate. In other words, it is more on the actual exercise of power, than on a theoretic flow of it, that the energy of governments depends.
The constitution has cautiously defined the powers vested in the general government. They are generally such as cannot interfere with those of the states. In danger, there is, to be feared from a civil war. But the chief source of danger will be found in the encroachment on the part of the United States. The general government having, in many important respects, a full control over the whole, will, from the force of events, be led to develop the power. Having the almost entire command of revenue, and of the military force, if the use of these shall advance with our numbers and wealth, the government will gain constant and great access to the strength. These great engines of power, being in the first instance bestowed for beneficial purposes, and principally for defence against the injustice of foreign nations, will make the exercise of the power they bestow popular; and in this way, it is very possible that a temporary expedient, or exertion of strength for a special purpose, will be made the pretext for the permanent establishment of taxes and armies and navies.
Let us look forward to the period when our numbers shall have reached an hundred millions. A century will not elapse before this era. There is every reason to believe that our wealth will increase in a more rapid ratio than our numbers. But supposing the progress of each the same. There will be then, at the command of the general government an annual revenue of two hundred millions of dollars, which, deducting an ample allowance for ordinary expenses, will be competent to the support of an army of five hundred thousand men, and a navy of three hundred ships of the line. Any mind, conversant with the events of either ancient or modern times, will be able to estimate the effects of these mighty instruments either in increasing the strength of the government, or the dependence of the people. Would the states be able to oppose an adequate barrier to the abuse of this power? Or would even the people, when once it became completely organized and consolidated, be able efficiently to resist it? These are considerations of vast moment; and this is the proper season for examining them; there is no obstacle, at present, to a dispassionate discussion. Nor ought it ever to be lost sight of that the prevention of political as well as physical diseases is more easy and certain than their cure.
It is to be feared, from the structure of our government, that the vast instruments of power, to which we have just alluded, would tend in a ten-fold degree to aggrandize the Executive, who besides having at his command the army and the navy, would enlist under his banners a mighty host of civil officers appointed by him. By the instrumentality of these powerful agents, the independence of the legislative body, the last reliance of the people for the preservation of their rights, might be successively assailed.
I mean not to prophecy, or to say that it is my positive opinion that time will develop these mournful effects. But it has always appeared to me that, under our existing form of government, the Executive power is dangerously organized. It is perhaps, happily suited, under the guidance of a good and wise man, to advance the public good; but it is in vain that I look for an efficient security against the designs of a bad or weak one. It does appear to me, that the unity of executive power is incompatible with a popular and powerful republic. Fortunately this attribute may be preserved, as to almost every useful purpose, under certain modifications, which will present formidable, perhaps sufficient guards against dangerous abuses. Let the Chief Executive be one. Let him have a final council, in part chosen by the people, and in part by the legislature. Let him be obliged to advise with this council before he acts. Let him follow or reject such advice at pleasure. Let a complete record of the proceedings of the council, containing their acts and advice, be forever published, with the reservation of such parts as they may consider improper for the public eye. Let the Chief Executive be under the necessity of assigning in writing his reasons whenever he rejects the advice of his council. Let him retain his office for a limited, and then be ineligible for a prescribed number of years; the better plan would, perhaps, be, to inhibit his election for more than one continuous Presidential term. In this way, it is probable that a large portion of the danger,
hereafter to be apprehended from the augmented power of the general government, would be averted.
These suggestions may, however, be viewed as hasty. They do not in truth, from the style and manner in which they are presented, by claim to superior attention. But it is seriously believed that the subject merits the notice of our wisest citizens, and that this is the best season, we shall ever enjoy, of discussing these great political principles, on which our destiny hangs.
It remains to enquire whether the liberties of the American people are likely hereafter to be endangered by a spirit of conquest growing up among them.
(To be continued.)
[The following remarks are extracted from the London 'Monthly Register,' for 1805, the editor of which has given a brief detail, entitled, 'Half yearly retrospect of American Literature.' It is subject of regret to candid and enlightened minds, and degrading to the American character, that while the nations of Europe deem not to withhold their admiration and applause from those who so equitably administer the government of the United States, we have men within the very bosom of our country who are using the most strenuous efforts to detract from the superlative merits of Mr. Jefferson, and those in his confidence; thereby hoping to bring the republican system into contempt, and to overthrow that sacred fabric, for the attainment of which thousands of our best citizens have fallen martyrs.]
DEMOCRAT.
From the London "Monthly Magazine." Half yearly retrospect of American literature. POLITICS. The people of the United States of America possess some political blessings peculiar to themselves. Not to mention the structure of their government, which will be variously estimated among political theorists, and which it would be unseasonable now to discuss, they consider themselves as singularly fortunate in their territorial position, and in the administration of their public affairs. In addition to the kindness of nature, in giving them by a wide ocean, from the ever-acting agitation and hostilities of the old continent, they find themselves seated in a region which supplies them, directly or indirectly, with all the necessaries and which provides for the extension and permanency of their happiness, by an almost indefinite increase of numbers. They find themselves at peace with all the world (except the feeblest and most contemptible of the piratical states of Barbary) with the prospect of its long continuance. With the great powers of Europe, they stand connected by relations which are likely long to preserve the present state of amity and beneficial intercourse. Nothing but necessity will drive the United States into war; and there is good ground to believe, that every enlightened nation will pause and consider maturely the points of variance before they provoke this necessity into action. The acquisition of Louisiana, confers the sovereignty of a vastly extended territory, and the exclusive commerce of the greatest river of North America. Spain has wisely withdrawn her objections to the cession of this country, and has now only to adjust questions concerning limits, which the government of the United States will always be disposed to discuss on liberal and amicable terms. The wisdom of contracting for the purchase of this immense country, particularly when the previous extent of the United States is considered, has indeed been denied by many persons whose opinions are entitled to great respect. But the evils to be apprehended from this measure are distant, contingent, and by judicious management, may probably be obviated; while its evils which were to be feared from Louisiana remaining in the hands of France, or being wrested from her by conquest, were numerous, great, imminent and unavoidable.
Besides the circumstances of national prosperity already mentioned, the United States have done and are now doing much towards conciliating and securing the friendship of tribes of Indians settled and occupying territories of great extent within their jurisdiction. By treating these people with justice and mildness, by respecting their customs and prejudices, by accommodating their wants and especially by introducing among them the arts of civilized life, from natural enemies they are converted into friends, and are rapidly laying aside the ferocious habits belonging to the savage state. This triumph of justice and humanity, over violence and fraud, is now become conspicuous, as to be acknowledged by every observer of public affairs. What was formerly too often obtained from the Indians by war, bloodshed, and rapine, is now amicably yielded through the medium of negotiation, and all parties participate the blessings of the improvement.
The opulence, power, and resources, of the people of the United States, increase as rapidly as their numbers. Comparatively only a small portion of their territory is cleared of the forest trees; the chief part is still reserved for the enterprize and diligence of such as are inclined to improve their circumstances and form establishments for their children. How long will be the term before this extensive region ceases to afford room for the multiplication of its inhabitants? And how numerous and powerful will be the community (unless civil discord should rear its direful crest) which is destined to behold this vast surface occupied and cultivated by all the arts and improvements of an enlightened people.
The national expenditure of the United States, so far from increasing at every step of their prosperity, is either stationary, or in a course of diminution. The great mass of public wealth, instead of being lavished in the prosecution of inefficient wars, such as vex and exhaust most other nations, is here converted into the means of advancing the improvement and happiness of the community. The eye of philanthropy must dwell with rapture on the prospect of a country whose whole energy is steadily and faithfully devoted to the acceleration of its progress in that course which leads to the highest elevation of public felicity.
No new burthens are laid on the people in this favored country. Instead of torturing invention to devise plans of revenue, and exhausting all the sources of taxation, the government has relinquished many duties which had been found inconvenient and unpopular, and still finds the national income adequate to the expenditures. The debt of the nation is undergoing extinguishment with a rapidity and steadiness unprecedented anywhere else, and in the present course will soon be entirely redeemed. May not the whole world be challenged to point out a nation where the public affairs are proceeding in such a train? And ought not the friend of mankind devoutly to return thanks to heaven that there is at least one spot on the globe where man is true to himself, and where he successfully vindicates his rights, his dignity, and his high destination?
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, MAY 13.
WEST INDIA TRADE.
IN laying before our readers the following extracts from Cobbett's Political Register of the 9th of February, we cannot refrain from inviting the serious attention of our countrymen, as the writer has invited that of his, to the restrictions imposed by the government of England on a free trade between the United States and the British West India Islands. The expanded, and for the most part correct remarks of Mr. Cobbett on this point supersede the necessity of a detailed comment. It would, indeed, be very interesting, and would perhaps most forcibly illustrate the importance of the subject, to exhibit a minute statement for a series of years of the imports from the British West Indies into the United States, and the exports to those Islands, specifying the articles as well as their value, and the ships, whether American or British, in which they were carried. We do not, however, possess the materials for such a document. Should we at a future period, succeed in obtaining them, it shall be published.
In the mean time various considerations recommend the subject to the dispassionate reflection of the people. There can scarcely be a doubt that its importance will claim the early attention of Congress at their next session, should no negotiations be previously opened by the Executive. At all events, with a government, all of whose members are appointed by the people, and whose sole object is the promotion of the public interests, the enlightened expression of the public opinion will have great weight; and may have a conclusive influence upon the counsels of a foreign nation not ignorant of the respect that is paid in this country to the public will, or of the energy with which, on fit occasions, it casts itself to be respected. Nearly seven months will intervene before the next session of Congress. Ample time will therefore be afforded for a full discussion of this subject. Nothing need be apprehended from precipitation or rashness. Should it engage the calm investigation of our best writers, the public opinion will not only be enlightened, but there will probably be produced a concert of opinion on the means proper to be pursued that will render the duties of our representatives easy of performance. That we have a right to an unrestrained trade with the Islands cannot admit of dispute. The only point, therefore, for solution, is the means which ought to be applied to place that right upon a secure basis. Fortunately for us the best means, which have been suggested, are as pacific as they would be efficacious.
The following are the extracts from the Register.
JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.—Resolution of the Governor and Council of the Colony of Jamaica, dated and issued on the 21st of November, 1804. Whereas, by a resolution of Council, bearing date the 17th day of July, 1800, his honor the lieutenant governor was advised to recommend to the several officers of his Majesty's customs, at the several ports of this island, to permit the free importation of sheep, hogs, poultry, small live stock of all kinds, and all sorts of fruit, salted and all other provisions, and lumber of every description, as well in British as in all other vessels belonging to neutral and other states in amity with Great Britain, from the day of the date thereof until the 31st day of December next ensuing, and until six months notice should be given to the contrary, upon the like
terms, charges, and conditions, and subject to the same rules, regulations, visitations, and searches as are observed with respect to vessels importing provisions to this island: And whereas permission was also granted to all neutral vessels importing the above articles, under the authority of the above resolution, to export rum and molasses from any port or parts, place or places, of this island, upon the like terms, stipulations, charges and conditions, as are observed with respect to the British vessels in the like cases.—Resolved, That his honor be advised to signify to the principal officers of his Majesty's customs, at the several ports of this island, that from and after the expiration of six months, to be computed from the present date, the said resolution of Council of the 17th of July, 1800, is to be no longer considered in force.
M. ATKINSON, Cl. Conc.
JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.—To his honor lieutenant general George Nugent, lieutenant governor and commander in chief of this his Majesty's island of Jamaica, and the territories thereon depending in America, chancellor and vice-admiral of the same, dated 8th Dec. 1804.
The humble address of the Assembly.
May it please your honor,—We his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Assembly of Jamaica, beg leave to state to your honor that we have seen, with the deepest concern, the resolution of council of the 21st November last, announcing a termination of the intercourse betwixt this island and America, in six months from that date. The fatal consequences which must result from such a measure, impel us to represent to your honor the alarm and dreadful apprehensions it has generally excited; for the fact is notorious, that without a continuance of this intercourse, our plantations cannot be supplied with the articles of lumber indispensably requisite to convey the various produce of the island to the mother country; that the very subsistence necessary for our own existence and that of our slaves, or even the subsistence of his majesty's forces by sea and land on this station, cannot be obtained by any other means, especially during the time of war, but by a permission for an intercourse with the United States of America, and which, if once interrupted, in the moment of famine and distress, cannot be restored.—Penetrated with the most lively feelings on this alarming occasion, and having the fullest conviction of the fatal consequences inseparable from this resolution, should it not be revoked, we, the representatives of this valuable island, do most anxiously submit to your honor's just consideration our earnest solicitude that your honor would be pleased to direct a reconsideration of this order in council, and recall the publication of such resolution, until an opportunity is afforded to the assembly of representing to his most gracious majesty the certain and immediate destruction that will impend over our lives and properties, whenever the regulation which we now deprecate shall be adopted.
JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.—Answer of Governor Nugent to the Assembly.
Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the assembly.—The subject of your address has had the mature consideration which its importance required. Having received instructions from his majesty's ministers relative to the intercourse between this island and the American States, and having laid the same before the Privy Council, the resolution of the 21st ult. was published by the advice of that board, as a necessary consequence of the imperative orders transmitted to me from England: It is with extreme concern therefore that I feel myself obliged to deny the earnest request of so very respectable a body as the representatives of this valuable colony; but as the six months notice of the termination of the intercourse have given me an opportunity of communicating your wishes to the secretary of state, I shall not fail to avail myself of it, and that period will also afford you sufficient time to make your representations to his majesty, in the manner you think most conducive to the interests of Jamaica.
JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.—Petition of the Assembly of Jamaica to his Majesty, agreed to on the 12th December, 1804.
Most gracious Sovereign,—We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the assembly of Jamaica, beg leave to approach your throne with our assurances of that profound respect and veneration, which your majesty's many eminent virtues have impressed on the minds of all your faithful subjects.—Conscious that it has been the delight of your majesty, and of the princes of your illustrious house, to protect the rights, to advance the interests, and promote the prosperity of every part of your extensive empire, with perfect confidence in your majesty's paternal care we bring before you the grievances, which at present oppress and threaten to ruin the loyal inhabitants of this valuable colony before they are known to the best of sovereigns.—Encouraged by the procla-
mations and charters of your majesty's predecessors, our ancestors emigrated to this island, and, under the sanction of positive laws, enacted when civil and political liberty was well understood, established a trade with Africa for procuring laborers. By means of this intercourse plantations were opened, and have been extended and cultivated with well-known advantages to your majesty's empire. But those speculative men who have propagated fanatical and chimerical ideas of liberty and equality in the old world, who poisoned the minds of the inhabitants, and deluged its fair provinces with blood, have now attacked the rights, traduced the reputation, and set at nought the lives of the peaceable inhabitants of your majesty's West India colonies: They ask to promote the happiness of the natives of Africa, but your majesty's wisdom, which soon penetrated the plausible and delusive guise assumed by those theorists in Europe, will not fail to discover that the good that they seek in another continent is at best uncertain, whilst the means they propose, an addition to the slave trade, will be immediate destruction to the property, and put in hazard the lives of your majesty's faithful subjects settled in these colonies; and we confidently trust that the same firmness, which protected these subjects, more immediately blessed with your majesty's presence, from the fatal gifts of liberty and equality, will shield your faithful colonists from dangers no less imminent, although concealed under pretences equally specious and popular.—By laws and regulations enacted by your majesty's royal predecessors, with the advice of their parliaments, a monopoly of the navigation and trade of the colonies were secured to the mother country; but, as a compensation, Great Britain, in her justice, gave to the slaves, cultivated in these valuable dependencies, a decided preference, or an exclusive right to supply her home consumption. As our means and prosperity increased, duties were levied on our produce imported, and their augmentation, as the exigencies of the state required, was submitted to with cheerfulness, whilst kept within such bounds as there was a possibility of sustaining. Under this system your majesty's colony of Jamaica attained an enviable state of prosperity, and contributed largely to that of the mother country. It is with the deepest regret that we appeal to your majesty's justice to protect us from the consequences of the many deviations lately made from this system, regarded by your colonists as a compact the most solemn, matured by experience, and sanctioned by time: Whilst its observance on our part has been rigidly exacted, Great Britain has exempted herself from its operation: A maximum has been established, limiting the price of our principal staple, sugar, to what is barely sufficient for its cultivation in time of peace: The protecting duty which secured us, in return for numberless restrictions, the consumption of the British market, has been reduced until they are of no avail, and for the avowed purpose of depriving us of this equitable compensation by encouraging the production of sugar in the settlements of the East India company: The duties levied on this commodity and on rum, have been carried so far beyond what they can support, that the consumption has materially diminished, and great part of the exaction falls on the unfortunate planter, leaving him little or nothing for a laborious and expensive cultivation in an unhealthy climate.—The wisdom, the justice, the paternal solicitude of your majesty are the only resources left to your most loyal but distressed subjects in this island: We repose on them with confidence, and most humbly pray your majesty's protection for securing us the sole means of carrying on our plantations by a supply of laborers, the enjoyment of a reasonable profit from them by continuing the reciprocal monopoly, established by salutary laws and ancient usage, and, finally, that your majesty will be pleased to direct your ministers to bring under the review of your majesty's parliament our calamitous situation from the effects of the present exorbitant duties on our slaves, in the hope that, by your majesty's most gracious interposition, such an alteration may be made as shall preserve from utter ruin your faithful people of Jamaica.
SUMMARY OF POLITICS.
JAMAICA COMPLAINTS.—Of the disputes between the legislature and the governor of this important colony, or rather, between the representatives of the colony and the king's "constitutional servants" in Downing-street, much was said in the month of July last. Indeed, I think, it will be found, upon examination, that all, or nearly all, the documents, relating to these disputes, are contained in the preceding volumes of this work; and, to those who may not have perused those documents, and the observations thereon, it may be useful to refer to p. 82 of Vol. VI. where the several parts of the register, relating to these matters are pointed out.—In that page the history of the complaints of the planters of Jamaica was brought down to the month of December, 1803, when the governor applied to the assembly.

By to make provision for the expence of sending to France the Spanish prisoners of war taken at St. Domingo, an application to which the assembly returned for answer, that they could not undertake for any part of the expence.—In this humor they met again in December, 1804, as will, I think, clearly appear from the documents to be found in the foregoing pages of the present sheet, all of which documents I beg leave to recommend to the attention of the reader. The first is a resolution of the governor and council, notifying, that after the end of six months, reckoning from the 21st of November last, the importation of provisions and lumber hitherto permitted in neutral vessels, shall no longer be permitted; and that, the exportation of rum and molasses, hitherto permitted, under certain restrictions, in the same vessels, shall no longer be permitted. Whereupon the assembly, in an address, dated on the 8th of December, represent to the governor the deep concern which this resolution has excited, and the fatal consequences, which it persevered in, it must produce. They say, that it is notorious, that, with a continuance of their intercourse with the United States of America, their plantations cannot be supplied with the articles indispensably necessary to the cultivation of their land and the conveying of its productions to the mother country. They, therefore, beseech the governor either to revoke the resolution, or to recal the publication of it, until an opportunity is afforded the assembly of making a representation to their sovereign. In answer to this address, the governor expresses his extreme concern, that the imperative orders he has received from the ministers of England compel him to refuse the request of the assembly. But, he observes to them, that the six months notice of the termination of the intercourse will afford him time to communicate their wishes to the ministers, and will afford them time to make their representations to the king, in the manner, that they may think most conducive to their interests. The petition of the assembly to his majesty, which is the last of the documents here laid before the public, appears to have been drawn up in consequence of a resolution agreed to previous to the date of the resolution of the governor and council, the subject of that resolution being reserved for a separate representation to the king. The petition complains first, of the attacks which have been made, and which are still making, upon the rights, the reputation, and the lives of the peaceable inhabitants of the West India colonies, by those speculative men, who have, with such dreadful success, propagated their fanatical and chimerical notions of liberty and equality in the old world; and, it expresses a firm reliance on the wisdom and paternal care and solicitude of his majesty to prevent similar success in his distant possessions. The other subject of complaint, is, the breach of the compact between the mother country and the colony of Jamaica, which breach consists, in the impeding, by the ministers at home, enormous duties upon the produce of Jamaica, and in the encouragement of the production of sugar in the settlements of the East India company, and that, too, for the avowed purpose of discouraging the West India production of that article. The observations, to be made upon these complaints, naturally divide themselves under four distinct heads; namely, the intercourse with the United States of America; the slave trade; the oppressive duties; and the preference given to the produce of the East India Company.—The first is, in every sense of the word, the most important subject; for, it is to be hoped, that the legislature here will not hastily adopt the notions which the assembly dread, relative to the slave trade; the oppressive duties may be lightened; and the East India sugar project may be abandoned, or may soon fail, from more than one cause. But with regard to the intercourse with America there is not a moment to be lost. Three months of the six will shortly have expired; already merchants and planters must have made preparations for regulating their conduct upon the resolution of the governor and council; already the colony must have begun to feel its effects; and, unless it be revoked, without loss of time, consequences the most serious must ensue, consequences resulting in a state of things that may, without exaggeration, be described as the total ruin of the colony; and if the example be followed in the other islands, by the ruin of all our colonies in the West Indies. That such must be the effects of this harsh measure will admit of little doubt in the mind of any one who takes time to consider what is the nature and what the extent of the intercourse between Jamaica and the United States. The Americans supply the planters of Jamaica with flour, Indian meal, Indian corn, rice, pork, beef, salt fish, some live stock, house timber, scantling, boards, shingles, and slaves; that is to say, with a great portion of the food required for the planters, the negroes, the merchants, and, as the assembly observe, even for his majesty's troops, with timber, scantling, and boards wherewith to build and repair the houses and manufactories, with shingles to cover them,
and with slaves for making the hogheads and puncheons wherein to send the produce of the colony to the mother country. In payment for these articles of prime necessity the planters have been hitherto permitted to employ, in part, the produce of their land; but, this permission has extended, I believe, no further than the articles of rum and molasses, and has been confined, as to value, always within the amount of the importation in each American vessel respectively, still preferring to the mother country all the useful and practicable advantages of colonial monopoly. This intercourse is now to be put an end to; and, observe, too, that this step is taken in time of war, and at a time when the colony is already sinking under the burdens imposed upon its productions! That the articles above enumerated are absolutely necessary to the very existence of the colony of Jamaica cannot be denied; and, that they are to be obtained, in sufficient quantity, no where but in the American states, is another incontrovertible position. But, say the partisans of this measure, these articles will be just as good when conveyed in British ships, as when conveyed in American ships; and, a rigorous adherence to the navigation laws, in this respect, will tend to increase the British, and to diminish the American, mercantile marine. True, the articles will be full as good, when conveyed in British ships, but there is little risk in effecting that they will not be half so cheap; or, to speak more correctly, that they will be twice as dear as when conveyed in American ships. British ships, from the high price of their building and repairs, and from the dearth of their provisions, always sail dearer than American ships. Then, observe, that the carrying trade between America and the West Indies will be nine times out of ten at a distance from the owner. At present, and always in time of war, the British ships will be liable to be stripped of their men every time they come into a West India port, while the insurance on the vessels and cargo must be five times as high as upon American vessels; circumstances that will cause a very great addition to the expences of navigating, and, of course, to the amount of the articles imported in, such ships. But, is this all? Is there nothing to be apprehended from the counteracting measures, that will be adopted, on the part of the United States? In order to answer this question, we must form an opinion of what those measures will be; and, in order to form that opinion with tolerable correctness, we have only to read the report made to the Congress by Mr. Jefferson, in the year 1793, when he was Secretary of State for foreign affairs. In that report (which will be found entire in the Political Register, vol. 1. p. 801) he first describes, with great precision, the checks which the different nations of Europe have opposed to the commerce and navigation of the United States: then he comes to the remedies, which it may be wise to adopt, in order to produce the removal of those checks. Amongst the several cases, for which these remedies are calculated, he states precisely that which will arise out of the resolution adopted by the governor and Council of Jamaica; and, here is the remedy he proposes. "Where a nation refuses to our vessels the carriage of any of our own productions, to certain countries under their domination, we might refuse to theirs, of every description, the carriage of the same productions to the same countries. But, as justice and good neighbourhood would dictate, that those who have no part in imposing the restrictions on us, [meaning the West India colonies] "should not be the victims of measures adopted to defeat the effect of those restrictions, it may be proper to confine our restrictions to vessels owned, or navigated by any subject of the same dominant power, other than the inhabitants of the country, to which the said productions are to be carried." That is to say, that, with regard to Jamaica, for instance, no American produce shall be suffered to be shipped thither in any vessel belonging to subjects of England, except those subjects live in the island of Jamaica. "And," continues he, "to prevent all inconvenience to the said inhabitants, as well as to our own, by too sudden a check on the means of transportation, we may continue to admit, the vessels marked for future exclusion, on an advanced tonnage and for such length of time only, as may be supposed necessary to guard against that inconvenience." Thus, supposing this, the most mild measure to be adopted, the immediate consequence of the Jamaica regulation will be an advance upon the tonnage duty of British ships in all the American ports; and this will, of course, form another item in the additions which will be made to the necessities of life in Jamaica. It may be asked, whether the Americans will adopt such measures to the certain diminution in the amount of their produce sold to the West-Indies. To which this is Mr. Jefferson's answer. "It is true, we must expect some inconvenience in practice, from the establishment of discriminating duties. But, in this, as in so many other cases, we are left to choose between two evils.—These inconveniences are nothing, when weighed against the loss of wealth and
loss of force, which will follow our perseverance in the plan of indemnification." When, therefore, we recollect that this Mr. Jefferson is not only now President of the United States, but that he has been again chosen to fill that office for four years, beginning in the next month, when his present Presidency will expire; and, when we recollect, that there is now no party of any consequence to oppose any measure that he may wish to adopt; when we recollect how great a favorite the West India commerce is in the United States, and how necessary an exchange of commodities with the islands is to the people of America; when we recollect these things, it is impossible not to foresee the adoption of every measure calculated to compel our ministers to rescind their Jamaica resolution; and, if such measures are adopted, rescind the resolution we must, or the colony must be ruined.
(To be continued.)
RAPID POPULATION.
New Connecticut. —This district of territory, which constitutes the north east section of the new state of Ohio, is fast rising to notice. Six or eight years ago, it was a trackless wilderness known only to the hunter and the savage. Yankee enterprise, however, promises to convert this wilderness into a garden, and thus verify the prediction of the celebrated Volney, who, in speaking of our north western country, says that it will hereafter become the Flanders of America. The emigrations already amount to about 800 families,* and 200 families more are expected to come in the present year. Mills are erected in various parts, schools established, and a charter obtained for a college. The general face of the country is level, and the soil uncommonly rich and deep. It is bounded on the north by Lake Erie, in latitude 42 and extends south on the west line of Pennsylvania, to within about 40 miles of Pittsburgh. The climate, according to Volney, corresponds with that of Maryland, notwithstanding that it lies nearly in our parallel of latitude.
* By the last accounts there were one thousand two hundred.
Mr. Wirt , the ingenious author of "the letters of the British Spy," is said to be preparing materials for writing a biographical view of the Worthies of Virginia. His labors are to commence with the memoirs of our divine orator Patrick Henry; to collect particular information about whose family, education and early pursuits he has already addressed a series of questions to a gentleman of Hanover, the county which had the honor of giving birth to Mr. Henry. Of Mr. Wirt's distinguished qualifications for such an interesting office, few men can doubt, who have had an opportunity of admiring in the letters of the British Spy, a style always easy and often energetic, an imagination that so happily collects the beauties of the picturesque, and a discriminating genius, which knows so well how to catch and describe the peculiarities of living characters. To the honor of having produced worthies whose virtues and talents so eminently deserve to be recorded, Virginia may soon add the boast of having given birth to an historian, whose genius is so admirably qualified to commemorate their merits.
Enquirer.
Norfolk, May 6.
By a gentleman from St. Thomas we are obligingly informed of some circumstances respecting the defeat of the Haytians before the city of St. Domingo, by the garrison under command of the brave Ferrand; who on this occasion it is said displayed all the qualifications of a consummate general, and all the firm intrepidity of real courage.
When the negro army appeared off the city, and were in a condition to attack it, a summons was sent to the following purport:—JEAN JACQUES, the first emperor of Hayti, to gen. FERRAND, commanding a division of the troops of the French republic.—As it is inconsistent with the laws and independence of the empire, that any portion of the French army should be allowed to remain in the island, gen. Ferrand is summoned to surrender the city of St. Domingo in 24 hours; if at the end of that time the city shall not be evacuated, it will be delivered to plunder, and all the inhabitants thereof be put to the sword.—It being difficult to procure any person who would risk the delivery of a suitable answer to this demand, the commandant ordered three cannon shot to be levelled at the Black camp, which conveyed a distance in terms as strong as the pen could have done, and doubtless as well understood.
The action was fought on the plain of St. Charles, on the 28th of March. The retortures not less than the courage of Ferrand and his associates is seen in his finding means, with so small an army, to garrison every part of the city, and to make a fortie against a foe so numerous, so desperate, and so insatiable for blood and vengeance. Seconded by a little band of heroes, he, however, attacked successively, and successively carried, every intrenchment of the enemy. His second in command heading the attack
on the first line received a very severe wound; not discouraged he led them on to the second, where he received several others; still concealing his situation from his companions, he conducted them to the third, in carrying which he received a musket ball through the lower vitals, of which he almost instantly died. From the Spanish troops but little aid was received in the first and partial engagements with the blacks, but in this decisive one, the presence of their commander, whom they loved and feared, animated them to actions which seemed to be inspired by a desire to surpass their French comrades.
The defeat was complete. 1300 brigands were counted dead on the field of battle; all their ammunition, a large portion of their military stores, their magazines of provisions, and the military chest and treasure of the emperor, fell into the hands of the victor; whose losses in the battle did not exceed 80 men.
The fleet of admiral Misset (or Miniss), arrived either on the day of the battle or the day succeeding, but had not at the time landed any troops. The ships did not come to anchor, but after putting the aids which they had for the garrison on shore, stood out to sea.—We understand that the inhabitants of St. Domingo have been invited to return; as the siege is raised, and the army of Dessalines completely withdrawn.
Admiral Cochrane touched at St. Thomas, in pursuit of the French squadron, but not finding it there continued his course for St. Domingo.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL H. SMITH.
—PRICE TWO DOLLARS—
THE TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE,
An associate justice of the supreme court of the United States, impeached by the House of Representatives, for high crimes and misdemeanors, before the Senate of the United States, taken in short hand by
SAMUEL H. SMITH, AND THOMAS LLOYD.
VOLUME I.
This volume contains,— 1. Measures preliminary to the trial, including the proceedings of the House of Representatives and Senate antecedent to the trial. 2. The answer of Mr. Chase and the replication of the Managers. 3. The speech of Mr. Randolph on opening the impeachment. 4. The evidence on the part of the prosecution. 5. The speech of Mr. Harper on opening the defence. 6. The evidence on the part of Mr. Chase. 7. The speech of Mr. Early. 8. The speech of Mr. Campbell.
The advertisement prefixed to this edition will enable the public to form some opinion of its accuracy.
"The following report of the trial of Samuel Chase has been drawn up with the greatest care. To guard against misconception or omission, two individuals, individuals, one of whom is a professional stenographer, were constantly engaged during the whole course of the trial; and the arguments of the managers and counsel have in most instances, and wherever it was attainable, been revised by them. It is with some satisfaction that the editor of this impression is enabled, under these circumstances, to submit to the public a tract whose fidelity and comprehensiveness, he hopes, will amply reward the interest so deeply excited by the progress and issue of this important trial."
"The second volume is in the press, and will be published in a short time."
The second volume will probably contain between three and four hundred pages.
The first volume will be sold only to those who subscribe for the whole work.
COPY-RIGHT.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, to wit:
BE IT REMEMBERED, that [SEAL] on this twenty third day of April, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and five, Samuel H. Smith of the said district, hath deposited in the clerk's office of the district court of the United States for the district of Columbia, the title of a book the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit: "The trial of Samuel Chase, an associate justice of the supreme court of the United States, impeached by the House of Representatives for high crimes and misdemeanors, before the Senate of the United States, taken in short hand by Samuel H. Smith and Thomas Lloyd, in conformity to the act of Congress of the United States entitled an act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the time therein mentioned."
G. DENEALE, Clk. Dist. Col.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT
Amendatory of an act concerning Nuisances and creating a Superintendent of Police.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the first and second chambers of the City Council of Washington, That so much of the act concerning nuisances, and creating a superintendent of police, as provides for the appointment of an officer, styled the superintendent of police, be and the same is hereby repealed.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That such of the duties required by the said act to be performed by the superintendent of police as are contained in the second, third, fourth, and eighth sections, shall be henceforth devolved exclusively on an officer, to be annually appointed, who shall be nominated the high constable of the city, and who shall receive the sum of one hundred and fifty dollars per annum.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted, That the other duties, required by the said act to be performed by the superintendent of police be devolved upon the high constable, and the other constables of the city.
Sec. 4. And be it enacted, That in case either the high constable, or any other constable shall fail to pursue the proper mode for bringing to justice any person who shall infract a law of the corporation, on his own knowledge, or on information given him thereof, he shall incur the penalty which would have been recovered for such infraction, and the penalty thus incurred by the high constable shall be deducted from his salary.
Sec. 5. And be it enacted, That it shall be the duty of the constables to make on the first Monday of every month a full return of their proceedings to the high constable, who shall communicate the same, together with a statement of all his own proceedings, to the council or to one of their secretaries, on the Monday ensuing, under a penalty of ten dollars for every omission, which shall be deducted as aforesaid.
Sec. 6. And be it enacted, That in all cases of infraction of the laws of the council, it shall be the duty of the high constable, or of the other constables, to institute a prosecution against the infractor within one week thereafter; provided that this direction shall not operate as a bar to any prosecution commenced subsequent thereto.
Sec. 7. And be it enacted, That the high constable shall give security to the Mayor for the faithful discharge of his duty in the sum of five hundred dollars.
Sec. 8. And be it enacted, That all the penalties, which by the aforesaid act accrued to the superintendent of police, shall accrue to the high constable or the constable who shall prosecute for the penalties incurred.
SAMUEL H. SMITH, President of the first Chamber, &c. ALEX. M. COAKMICK, President pro tem. of the second chamber, &c. Approved May 2 d , 1805. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test THOMAS HERTY, REG.
APPOINTMENT BY THE MAYOR. Richard Spalding, high constable of the city of Washington.
Notice to Subscribers.
SUBSCRIBERS to the National Intelligencer in arrears are requested to make immediate payment. It may be proper to remind subscribers, that the indispensable term of the Paper is the annual payment of Five Dollars in advance; and that unless the term be complied with, their papers will be discontinued.
NOTICE is hereby given that an Election will be held on the first Monday in June next for the choice of Eighteen members to represent the City of Washington, in council. The elections will be held at the following places, viz.
In the First Ward, at William Rhodes's In the Second Ward, at Lewis Motin's. In the Third at Pontius D. Stelle's hotel. The polls to be kept open from 8 o'clock in the morning until 7 o'clock in the evening of the same day.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor of Washington.
May 13—
NOTICE.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself
GILBERT DAY,
and says he belongs to John Hodd, of Baltimore county, Maryland. He is about 48 or 50 years old, 5 feet 7 inches high; his clothing is a striped Nankin coat, black callimere waistcoat, osnaburg shirt, and an old pair of dark cloth pantaloons. He is very black, and has a pleasant countenance. If his master does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees agreeably to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff of Frederick County April 15—w8t

The subscriber has for sale, A few Pipes and half Pipes genuine London Particular Madeira wine. Claret in boxes. Hyon, } Teas by the chest. Hyon Chulan } Cognac Brandy by the pipe or quarter cask, 1st proof French do. of good flavor, do. do. A few Hds. Melees. 9 Hds. old Jamaica Rum of excellent quality, a butt dry Lisbon Wine and a few demijohns. Wm. BRENT. May 10—3w.
THE CELEBRATED WARM SPRINGS IN VIRGINIA.
THE subscribers have taken a lease of ten years, of the highly celebrated Medicinal Springs in the county of Bath called the WARM SPRINGS, so justly famed for their great cures and general relief in many complaints. They are now preparing every necessary comfort and accommodation to suit the amusement of those who have health, (and to promote the recovery of those who want it) and it is deemed necessary to make these arrangements, because the complaints have heretofore been made against the entertainment which has been offered. Preparations are made for at least one hundred constant boarders, besides transient guests, for the accommodation of which, the subscribers will make all possible exertions; and they flatter themselves, that those who may place confidence in this advertisement, will not find the smallest cause for regret or complaint. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. May 1—6w
Traveller's Hall.
THE subscriber tenders his sincere thanks to his friends for the very liberal encouragement which they have bestowed on him. He will finish one of his new rooms in a few weeks, which will be large enough to dine near 200 persons at a time, and will shortly after have the remainder of his additional building completed, which will give him a front of near 100 feet, in the most agreeable part of the town, and in the centre of business being on the highest part of the public square. He has on hand, and has constructed for a constant supply of the best wines, and foreign spirituous liquors imported, and country provisions, stable forage, forage & stable newpapers—and has secured a quantity of liquors sufficient for the use of his table and bar during the season. He affures his friends, and that respectable part of the public who have patronized him, that there shall be nothing wanting which his time or purse will command, to render the TRAVELLER'S HALL a house of entertainment for genteel guests only, equal to any in America. R. BRADLEY. Lexington, Kentucky, March 18. 1805. N. B. A Rageroom from the TRAVELLER'S HALL to the Geyser Springs in the summer, and to Frankfort during the session of the Legislature. March 27—6p3m.
Ten Dollars Reward.
WAS missed on Sunday, the 5th of May, a double cased silver Watch, maker's name, Crothers, late Dublin, and in the outer case, was a watch paper with Mr. Parker's name of Philadelphia. Whoever will bring the said watch to the office of the National Intelligencer, shall receive the above reward, and no questions will be asked. May 1—4t.
SPRING GOODS.
JOHN COX, [Georgetown Town.] Has received a part of his Spring assortment of Dry Goods, which were selected from the late arrivals at New York. He has also received from Baltimore a quantity of GERMAN LINENS, consisting of Finkenburs, Gansburs, Hempen, Hessian, Brown Rolls, &c. all of which will be sold low by piece or retail. May 3—6pam
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN.
THE subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that having purchased and now occupying the tavern, late Tunnicliffe's hotel; which he has commenced enlarging and improving—he respectfully solicits a continuance of the patronage of his friends and the public, assuring them that his full determination is to up his present hotel, and to conduct it, as to merit, he hopes, the preference of the public travelling, as well as those coming to the permanent seat of the Government of our Land of Liberty. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
ON Friday evening the 22nd inst. ROBERT W. PEACOCK, confined in the Jail of Washington County of the District of Columbia, upon a conviction of forgery at December Term, 1804, escaped from said Jail. He was before this conviction a practicing attorney in the City of Washington, and is very well known in Virginia and Maryland, having resided in both. He is a stout man, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, about 34 or 35 years of age, dark young of his age, has blue eyes, full face, fair and ruddy complexion, light hair, which he wears tied behind. He is also very much inclined to corpulency. Whoever apprehends the said felon, and secures him in any Jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward from DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. March 25—tf
Washington May 10. I would wish to lease my property in the vicinity of the Navy Yard in this city, for three years. A. B. WOODWARD. 3t—tw2t
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
UPON the petition of JEREMIAH CONNER, an insolvent debtor confined in jail in the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia praying relief under the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," notice is hereby given to the creditors of said Jeremiah Conner, that on the 29th day of April, at 9 o'clock, A. M. at the court room in the Capitol the oath of an insolvent debtor will be administered to the said Jeremiah Conner, and a trustee appointed agreeably to the said act, unless sufficient cause then and there be shown to the contrary. It is ordered that this notice be published twice in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist before that day. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, esquire, assistant judge of the Circuit court of the district of Columbia. U. FORREST, Clk.
THE Public have been of late, my petition for the benefit of the insolvent act. In order to a right understanding of the cause of my being reduced to that very disagreeable dilemma, I would barely state, that, being in the year 1801, special bail, together with a person who has since left America, for a man residing a considerable distance from this city, and who has been about two years in jail; executions were obtained against me at this court; that intending to leave the district some time since, applied to the gentleman who had the management of the suit, and offered him my bond, payable in annual instalments, for any sum I could raise from my insolvency in three or four years, if farther process in the business would be stopped; he said, he had it not in his power to accede to my proposition. It is well known to some of the most respectable gentlemen in the district, that I had both legal and friendly counsel, from men who would not advise me to any thing dishonest, or dishonorable, to take the benefit of the insolvent act immediately, which I would not consent to—but executions being soon after served upon me, and not having money to pay the debt, I was under the necessity of availing myself of the provisions of a law I never expected or intended to shelter myself under. Except in the case of the person for whom I was bail, I had but two creditors—one, my particular and old friend, to whom upon a final settlement, there might be due between 30 and 40 dollars—the other, a person who in the opinion of my lawyer and myself, could hardly be considered as such; but as I had some doubts upon the subject, he was returned a creditor. My assets and the debts due to me, were considerably more than what was due to my creditors; yet it was beyond my power to avoid what has befallen me. If my creditors were more numerous than they are, I would not hesitate to say, that notwithstanding my having got clear by the Insolvent Law I would as soon as able, discharge every debt due on my own account. It is with much reluctance I would at any time trouble the public with my affairs; but I owed it to my character, to give this plain statement of facts. JEREMIAH CONNER. City of Washington, May 8—3t
Valuable Property For Sale.
THE subscriber offers for sale a two story BRICK DWELLING HOUSE, 30 by 40 feet containing 15 rooms with cellar under the whole, and two acres of ground in the town of Bladensburg, Prince George's county Maryland, 4 miles from the city of Washington, with a stable and other necessary out houses, a garden well enclosed, containing a variety of vegetables and fruit trees, surrounded by Lombardy Poplars, a clean stream of water running along one side of the property and about 200 feet from the country wharf, there are three good springs of water contiguous to the premises one of which is the spring spring. Also a corner lot adjoining the above described premises, containing about half an acre, on which is a frame house 24 by 50 feet an excellent stand for a retail or wholesale store, not more than 50 feet from the country wharf. The terms of sale will be made to suit the purchaser and immediate possession will be given. ALEXANDER M'DONALD. Bladensburg May 8—3t
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber on the second day of January last, a likely negro man named AMP, but frequently goes by name of ARMSTEAD, he is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, upwards of 25 years of age, rather of a yellowish complexion, has a tolerable large nose, and speaks very quick when interrogated—he has been hired to Mr. John Woolfolk for three years past, for the purpose of taking care of the stage horses at Mr. Todd's Tavern. I do expect he will endeavor to pass as a free man, and is lurking about some town. Whoever will deliver the said negro to me, or confine him in any jail so that I get him again shall receive the above reward. LEWIS COLLINS. Carolina court, May 6—3w
N B. Masters of vessels and others are forbidden from harboring said runaway at their peril. L. C.
SURVEYING.
THE Subscriber who was regularly bred to LAND SURVEYING, respectfully informs the public, that he now undertakes business in that Department, which he executes with accuracy and expedition, and warrants his surveys to be correct. His mode of practice, which comprises essential improvements, he has no doubt, will be found to meet the approbation of the judicious, and presumes, that on trial, it cannot fail to obtain the patronage of those gentlemen who are interested in the sale or purchase of land. Commands addressed to him at the Treasury of the United States, or Rhodes's hotel, city of Washington, will receive attention. RICHARD FREEMAN, April 23—ep4w
STRANGER IN FRANCE.
Just opened, and for sale by Kapine, Conrad, & Co. THE STRANGER IN FRANCE; OR A TOUR FROM DEVONSHIRE TO PARIS; By JOHN CARR, Esq. Price 150 Cents. 29—tw2w.
MRS. SMITH and MRS. WILY respectfully acquaint their friends and the public, that they have removed their boarding school from the house they occupied in Water street, to a large brick house fitted up for a school, on the Main street near Mr. Francis Lowndes, with a good garden, yard, and excellent spring of water. They solicit the patronage of the inhabitants of Georgetown town and its vicinity, which they have liberally experienced, and gratefully acknowledge. They teach reading, writing English grammar and geography. The best masters attend to instruct the young ladies in music, dancing, arithmetic, French and drawing. Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Wily continue to teach plain work, marking, embroidery in lamb's wool, silk and chenille, with a variety of other kinds of needle work, in the afternoon. April 26—6w.
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, late occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce. Genuine Cognac or brandy. Superior French do. Old Jamaica Spirit, Madeira, Sherry, } Wines, by the quarter cask Lisbon, } and case, or smaller quantity. Claret, Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, Firkin Butter, Mould Candles, Sweet Oil, Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, } In bottles. Capers, } Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hyson, } Teas, fresh, and of su- Imperial, } perior quality. Young Hyson, } Salt Herrings in Barrels. PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
ADAM KING, & Co.
AT their wine store in High street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention. George Town, November 5—tf
RAGS.
THE highest price CASH, given for clean RAGS, by EDGAR PATTERSON, George Town, and SAMUEL STETTENUS, near the Centre market, Washington. March 8—tf.
To be sold at public auction, on Thursday the 20th of May next, at 12 o'clock, at Mr. SHELTON's in the city of Washington, if not sooner disposed of by private contract, of which due notice shall be given to the public, the estate called Chichester, lying on the Eastern Branch, immediate y opp the city of Washington, and extending from near the foot of the bridge to some distance below the Navy Yard. This tract of Land, containing 697 acres, is laid off in Lots from 83 acres to 117 for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate, and the terms of sale, are in the hands of Col. Hudson, at the Navy Yard, and Capt. John Davidson at Rhodes's Hotel, or Charles Mayman, of Georgetown. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the bridge. Should the weather prove bad on the 20th of May, the sale will take place on the next fair day. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, April 19—9-2aw.
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR.
Has received from Philadelphia a handsome assortment of FALL goods, consisting of the best London and French superfine cloths, cassimeres, patent Bennett's cord, toiletries, fancy and white Marcellas, black and figured silk, moleskins, fancy silk, Marcellas, constitution cords, velvets, Geneva cord, silk and satin Florentine, superfine coating, knapped cloths, with a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, December 10—tf
PROPOSALS.
For carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following post-roads, will be received at the General post-office, in Washington, until the 10th day of July next, inclusive. IN MAINE 1. FROM Scodias by Denneyville, Michias, Chandlers, Columbia, Harrington, Steuben and Gouldsboro' to Sullivan once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Scodias every Wednesday at 2 p m arrive at Denneyville by 6 p m. Leave Denneyville at 7 p m and arrive at Sullivan the next Saturday by 6 p m. Return—Leave Sullivan every Sunday at 6 a m arrive at Denneyville on Wednesday by 6 a m. Leave Denneyville at 7 a m and arrive at Scodias by 10 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Scodias every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Sullivan on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Sullivan on Monday at 2 p m and arrive at Scodias on Thursday by 6 p m. 2. From Denneyville to Eastport once a week. Leave Denneyville every Wednesday at 2 a m and arrive at Eastport at 9 a m. Leave Eastport at noon and arrive at Denneyville by 2 p m. 3. From Sullivan by Trenton, Bluehill, Cassine, Buckport, Penobscot, Belfast and Ducktrap to Camden once a week. November 1 to May 1—Leave Sullivan every Monday at 1 p m and arrive at Camden on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Camden every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Sullivan on Monday by 10 a m. 4. From Buckport by Frankfort, Hampden, Bangor, Eddington and Orrington to Buckport once a week. Leave Buckport every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Eddington by 4 p m. Leave Eddington every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Buckport on Monday by 2 p m. 5. From Camden by Thomaston, Warren, Waldoboro', Nobleboro' and Newcastle to Wiscasset twice a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Wiscasset every Wednesday and Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Camden on Thursday and Saturday by 11 a m. Leave Camden every Tuesday and Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Wiscasset on Wednesday and Friday by 11 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Camden every Monday and Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Wiscasset by 6 p m. Leave Wiscasset every Thursday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Camden by 6 p m. 6. From Wiscasset by New-Milford, Durdan, Gardner, Hallowell, Augusta, Winthrop, Monmouth, Green, Lewistown, New Gloucester, Gray and Falmouth to Portland once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Portland every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Wiscasset on Wednesday by 11 a m. Leave Wiscasset every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Portland on Friday by 7 p m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Portland every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Wiscasset on Thursday by 6 p m. Return—Leave Wiscasset every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland on Monday by 10 a m. 7. From Hallowell by Augusta, Vassalboro', Winthrop, Waterville, Fairfield and Canaan to Norridgewock once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Hallowell every Thursday at noon and arrive at Norridgewock on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Norridgewock every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell on Monday by 7 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Hallowell every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Norridgewock on Sunday by 6 p m. Leave Norridgewock on Monday at 6 p m and arrive at Hallowell on Tuesday by 6 p m. 8. From Hallowell by Augusta, Mt. Vernon, Unity, Sharon, Farmington, Chester, Readfield and Augusta to Hallowell once a week. Leave Hallowell every Thursday at noon and arrive at Farmington on Friday by 6 p m. Leave Farmington every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell on Thursday by 10 a m. 9. From Wiscasset by Bath, Brunswick, North Yarmouth, and Falmouth to Portland three times a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Wiscasset every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Portland the next day by 11 a m. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 p m and arrive at Wiscasset, the next day by 11 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Wiscasset every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m. Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Wiscasset, by 6 p m. 10. From Brunswick, by Biddeford and Litchfield, to Hallowell, once a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Brunswick every Friday at 7 a m and arrive at Hallowell by 3 p m. Leave Hallowell at 6 p m and arrive at Brunswick on Saturday by 2 p m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Brunswick every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Hallowell by 6 p m. Leave Hallowell every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Brunswick by 6 p m. 11. From Portland, by Windham, Bridgetown, Watertown, Paris, Buckfield, Turner, Norway and Poland to Portland, once a week. Leave Portland every Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Turner on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Turner every Saturday at 6 p m and arrive at Portland the next Monday by 4 p m. 12. From Portland, by Sagarapre, Gorham, Standish, Flints-town, Hiram and Brownfield to Friburg once a week. Leave Portland every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Friburg by 10 a m. Return—Leave Friburg every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Portland on Wednesday by 6 p m.
13. From Portland by Gorham, Buckston, Limonick, Limington, Parsonsfield, Newfield, Shapleigh, Lebanon, Dousys-falls, Sanford, Alfred, and Waterville to Portland once a week. Leave Portland every Monday at 11 a m and arrive at Dousys-falls on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Dousys-falls on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Portland the next Monday by 8 a m. 14. From Portland by Scarboro', Biddeford, Kennebunk, Dousys-falls, Biddeford and Dover N. H. to Portsmouth three times a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Paris and every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 1 1/2 p m and arrive at Portsmouth the next Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by noon. Return—Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 12 1/2 p m and arrive at Portland on Wednesday, Thursday and Saturday by 11 1/2 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 6 p m. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m. 15. From Portland by Scarboro', Biddeford, Kennebunk, Wells, and York to Portsmouth three times a week. May 1 to November 1—Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 1 1/2 p m and arrive at Portsmouth the next days by 11 a m. Return—Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 p m and arrive at Portland the next days by 11 a m. November 1 to May 1—Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Portsmouth by 6 p m. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday by 6 a m and arrive at Portland by 6 p m. 16. From Wiscasset to Booth-Bay once a week. Leave Booth-Bay every Wednesday at 7 a m and arrive at Wiscasset by 11 a m. Leave Wiscasset 1 p m and arrive at Booth-Bay by 5 p m.
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
17. From Portsmouth by Dover, Rochester, Middlesex, Ossipee, Moultonboro', Center Harbor, and Plymouth to Haverhill and Newbury Vt. and from Newbury by Haverhill Plymouth, New Hampton, Meredith, Gilmanstown, Nottingham and Durham to Portsmouth once a week. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday at 9 p m and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 7 p m. Leave Plymouth on Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Haverhill on Friday by 5 a m and at Newbury by 7 p m. Return—Leave Newbury every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 6 p m. Leave Plymouth at 7 p m and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday by 10 a m. 18. From Friburg in Maine by Conway, Bartlett, Rosebrooks, and Jefferson to Lancaster once in two weeks. Leave Friburg every other Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Lancaster on Wednesday by 6 p m. Leave Lancaster every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Friburg on Tuesday by 10 a m. 19. From Exeter by Erping, Nottingham, Epsom, Pembroke, Concord, Salisbury, Grafton, Lebanon and Pelham to Hanover once a week. Leave Exeter every Tuesday at 9 a m and arrive at Concord by 10 a m on Wednesday. Leave Concord at 11 a m and arrive at Salisbury by 3 p m. Leave Salisbury at 4 p m and arrive at Hanover on Friday by 8 a m. Return—Leave Hanover every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Concord on Saturday by 2 p m. Leave Concord at 3 p m and arrive at Exeter on Monday by 3 p m. 20. From Portsmouth by Exeter, Kingston, Haverhill, Andover, Wilmington, Woburn, Medford and Charlestown, to Boston three times a week. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 a m and arrive at Exeter by 7 1/2 a m. Leave Exeter at 8 a m and arrive at Boston by 7 p m. Return—Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 a m and arrive at Exeter by 3 1/2 p m. Leave Exeter at 4 p m and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 p m. 21. From Exeter by Cushing, Londonderry, Merrimack, Ashbury, Peterboro', Marlboro', and Chesterfield to Brattleboro' once a week. Leave Exeter every Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Amherst on Wednesday evening, arrive at Keene on Thursday by 3 p m. Leave Keene at 4 p m and arrive at Brattleboro', on Friday by 10 a m. Return—Leave Brattleboro' every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Keene on Saturday by 9 a m. Leave Keene at 10 a m and arrive at Exeter the next Monday by 3 p m. 22. From Salisbury by Andover, New Coeffer and Bridgewater to Haverhill and thence by Hildersburg, New Hampshire and Sanborntown to Salisbury one week and the reverse the next week. Leave Salisbury every Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Plymouth by 1 p m. Leave Plymouth at 2 p m and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by noon. [To be continued.]