The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-03-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 26, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
Speech of Gen. S. SMITH on British affairs.
[CONCLUDED.]
I have, Mr. President, thus taken a short view of the injuries, offered to the U. S. in the unjust seizure of their property by order of the government of G. B. in the imposition of higher duties on goods exported by her to the U. S. than those imposed on similar goods exported to other nations. I have not taken notice of the outrageous insults committed by the officers of that government on our national independence, by the impressing of our seamen into their navy, because that subject has already been ably discussed in the Senate during the present session. I cannot, however, forbear to observe, that even the author of "War in Disguise," (written as it is believed under the eye of the British minister,) is compelled again to have recourse to British law to palliate this violent aggression on the liberty of our citizens, which he imposes on the English for the law of the U. S. Every American will detect the error. Speaking of British seamen in American employ, he says "but when and how have these sailors become Americans? By engaging in her service during the last and present war, and sometimes by obtaining that formal naturalization, which is gratuitously given, after they have sailed two years from an American port." A misstatement so gross, so devoid of fact, could deceive no American; it might an English reader. For "a foreign sailor serving two years on board a British ship of war, becomes from that service a citizen of Great Britain." Not so in the U. S. a foreign sailor can become a citizen of the U. S. in no other way than any other alien can. The trouble and difficulty of obtaining the rights of citizenship is such, that I verily believe there never has been ten foreign sailors naturalized within the U. S. I do not mean to include herein such foreigners as have become officers in our merchant or naval service.
But why, it may be asked, does Great Britain pursue a system apparently so injurious to her true interest, and so hostile to ours? The answer may be found, Mr. President, in the same book, page 71. "They (Americans) supplant or rival the British merchant, throughout the continent of Europe, and in all the markets of the Mediterranean, they supplant even the manufactures of Manchester, Birmingham and Yorkshire: For the looms & forges of Germany, are rivaling us by the ample supplies by the neutral (meaning American) flag, to every part of the new world." Here, Mr. President, is shown the true cause of our growing prosperity: G. Britain looks with a jealous, envious eye at our increased and increasing commerce, at the immense commercial tonnage of the U. S. It is seen that we have capital equal to our trade, that we have superior enterprise, & intelligence not inferior to their merchants. Yes, sir, we do supplant (not rival) the British merchant every where, where we can meet him on equal terms. Yes, sir, we have set the looms of Germany to work, and with their labor we do supply the new world. Pass this resolution, Mr. President, and the looms of Germany will be continued in motion after a peace. Let the Irish nation consider the effect. Let the manufacturers of G. Britain look well to the consequence of our once being diverted from the consumption of their goods. We may never again return. Let the W. India planter look to our consumption of his rum, to the amount annually of 2,440,000 dollars, and let him recollect that French Brandy will answer every purpose.
Already, Mr. President, I am sensible that I have taken up too much of the time of the Senate—the importance of the subject will, I hope, induce gentlemen to continue their further attention, whilst I shall proceed to consider the operation of the resolution on our nation as well as on G. Britain. I am free to confess that this resolution does not go the lengths I was prepared to go; however, I have been induced by the reasoning of gentlemen to confine the prohibition to such goods as could be obtained in other countries, or in our own, on terms nearly as cheap as those we now get them at from G. Britain. The argument used, that we ought not to adopt no system that we could not (without injury to ourselves) perpetually maintain, had its influence on my mind, and probably will have a proper effect on G. Britain. It ought to have, for she well knows the difficulty of drawing back a commerce, after it has taken another course.
The first article in the resolution, now under consideration, and the importation whereof from G. Britain is proposed to be prohibited is,
Woolens—On this article I shall make no other remark than that fine cloths may be procured in France as cheap as they can now be purchased in London—perhaps gentlemen may not be willing to prohibit the importation of coarse woolens; if they should not, I will not oppose their wishes; the quantity required of coarse woolens could
not easily (I believe) be procured on the continent. In many of the states the wants of the people would be supplied by their own industry.
Linens—This important article can be procured in Germany as cheap as in Ireland—the British government, it is true, give aid to that manufacture by a bounty on export of one penny half-penny sterling for every yard under the cost of 18 pence sterling, which make them come on terms something better to the consumer, but not much. It is our taste—It is the habit we have been in of wearing Irish linens, that induces a preference. Other nations prefer German linens. So shall we, when by this resolution we are compelled to make use of them. A short time to make the trial, and our taste may induce a continuance even after just arrangements shall be made with G. Britain. Already a preference is given to German fine linens by those who wear them. No other nation, except the British and American, purchase Irish linen—all others prefer the German and French linens. If you pass this resolution, her best customer is lost to Ireland, perhaps forever. I pray gentlemen to recollect what I have already stated, to wit—That Ireland, sensible that the 4 per cent export duty laid on British goods to the U. S. would be highly injurious to her; remonstrated against it as destructive of their interest, as an inducement which they feared, and with justice, would divert the Americans from the use of their linens—what was the consequence? An immediate repeal of that duty so far as it related to linens—will their remonstrance be less strong when they find we have prohibited their importation altogether? Will they be less heard or attended to? Yes, sir, they will be heard, especially when they can say that this evil is brought on them, by an act of injustice on the part of the British government towards us, they will ably contribute their aid to obtain for us justice, agreeably to the well known laws of nations.
Rum—This expensive and destructive article is consumed by the English and the citizens of the United States only—if the W. India planters lose our custom, they cannot find purchasers elsewhere. We consume of that article annually to the amount of 2,440,000 dollars. This enables the planter to pay for his provisions, for his family and his slaves—cut off this fund from him, and he will severely feel the loss. I consider this article among the most important proposed, it will cause that valuable class of people, the British colonists, to enquire into the cause—they will find that we have been cruelly oppressed, our property unjustly seized, and they will join their complaints to those of Ireland; they must be heard; Yes, Mr. President, they will be heard, when they tell the minister, that French brandy will soon supply the place of their rum—that when the Americans have once taken a taste for French brandy, they never may, and probably never will return to the use of their rum. But it is said, that our revenue will suffer by prohibiting the importation of this article. Not one dollar, Mr. President. The law will not take effect until November, and the revenue could not thereby be effected until May, 1807, when the last bonds for duties thereon would become due, before which time brandies from France, Spain and Italy, would be imported to meet the full amount of duties that might have been raised on rum, if the importation had continued. The brandy of France and Italy would be paid for by our tobacco, flour, and rice, that of Spain by the two latter articles.
Hardware. This article, as suited to our taste, we can procure in no other country than Great Britain. It was supposed (by your committee) that there were sufficient in the country for two years consumption—before which time a general peace would probably be made.
Hats, nails, glass ware, boots and shoes, can be, or already are made in quantities nearly sufficient for our own consumption; with this encouragement our own manufactures will be found equal to all our wants. Nay, we do now export considerable quantities of hats, boots and shoes.
Coal and slate are in great abundance in our own country. Looking glasses, ribbons and silks of all kinds can be obtained cheaper in France, China and Italy, than in England—yet such has been our predilection for British goods, such is the strength of habit, that we have notwithstanding gone to England for those goods. This resolution will break the charm, and we shall probably never return there for such goods.
Salt. This is an article highly important as it respects Great Britain. We import thereof from her dominions annually, to the value of 462,392 dollars, being 2,111,401 bushels. To lose our custom on this highly important article, would be severely felt by Great Britain. By us, it would not be felt to any extent—for we should easily replace that quantity from Lisbon, Cadiz, and other parts of Spain, with salt (as I am in-
formed by my learned friend from New-York) more wholesome, and certainly much better for all purposes.
Let not gentlemen fear a loss of revenue. I have taken a view of that subject, and am confident the loss will be trifling—it will never be felt. I take leave to submit the following view of this subject.
The duty paid annually on the following articles imported from Great Britain and her dependencies, are
   Dollars.     On linens, 21,429   Rum, 1,100,000   Salt, 400,000   Coal, 20,000   Nails, 70,000   Boots and Shoes, 10,000   1,621,429   Woolens and the other articles, the precise amount of duty cannot be obtained—I presume they might amount to 300,000   1,921,429  
This amount may, and certainly will be met by the following substitutes, to wit—
   Dollars.     Duty on linens from Germany, 21,429   Duty on brandy, from Spain, France and Italy, 1,100,000   Duty on salt, from Portugal, Spain, Italy, and the Cape de Verd Islands, 400,000   Duty on silks, fine woolens, ribbons, looking glasses, from France, Italy, China, and Spain, 100,000   1,621,429   Probable loss of duties, 300,000   1,921,429  
If it should be the opinion of the Senate, that the importation of coarse woolens and hardwares shall not be prohibited, then I do not believe there will be one dollar loss of revenue, if the resolution should pass.
But, Mr. President, no deficiency can be felt in any case prior to the summer and autumn of 1807—even if a total prohibition of all importations was intended. I pray gentlemen to attend to this subject. The spring importation will arrive in a few weeks—of course no effect can be had on that. The goods for the autumn are now preparing in England, they will come at the usual time, the bonds taken for the duties thereon will be payable in 8, 10, and 12 months, of course as usual in the months of June, August and October, 1807. Something decisive must happen before that period—a negotiation will certainly commence, and if gentlemen choose, a power may be given in the bill to the President to suspend its operation, if it shall appear to him that the British government are disposed to enter into an equitable arrangement of all disputes between the two nations.
I have thus endeavored, Mr. President (and I hope I have succeeded) to show that the measure proposed is not a war measure—that it carried into effect, it is capable of materially affecting the interest of G. Britain without injuring ourselves. That our revenue will not be effected thereby to any considerable amount—that we have justice on our side, and that the conduct of G. Britain has been unjust and cruel towards the United States. If any gentleman should still doubt as to the law of nations being against the doctrine of G. Britain in the dispute in question, I pray him to read the book laid on our table, to wit: "An Examination of the British Doctrine which subjects to capture a neutral trade, not open in time of Peace." A book, Mr. President, written to the understanding, not to the passions, stating uncontrovertible facts, on which to form the judgement, a book that will (I have no doubt) be translated into the languages of all the maritime powers—and will hereafter be quoted as containing truths that may be relied upon.
Erratum in the last paper. For Madrass, Muscat, China, and other native countries, read Mocha, Muscat, China, &c. &c.
BUST OF WASHINGTON.
The MARBLE BUST OF WASHINGTON By CIRACCHI,
Was deposited in Bordeaux before the death of that artist. It is a most elegant specimen of art, remarkable for strength of expression and exact resemblance; superior even to the one previously executed by Houdon. It is of colossal size.
Mr. Lee, American consul at Bordeaux, has employed an able artist to multiply copies from it in PLASTER CAST, reduced to the size of life.
He proposes to have them delivered in America, to subscribers only, at TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS each, free of cost, either at the office of the National Intelligencer, or in any port of entry in the United States. No money is demanded till the delivery of the Bust.
Subscriptions received at this Office. March 24—
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 6.
DEBATE.
On Mr. GREGG's Resolution: [CONTINUED.]
MR. SMILIE. I am in favor, Mr. Chairman, of the resolution under consideration; and lest it should be supposed I am an enthusiast in respect to commerce, and deserve to be classed among that desperate order of men called merchants, according to the representation which we have had yesterday from the gentleman from Virginia, I beg leave to make a few remarks on the abstract question, whether commerce ought to be considered as beneficial in its relation to the U. S. I have long thought that there is an essential difference between what is, in the common language of the world, a splendid and great, and a happy people. I have been led to think, that the situation of the people of the U. S. separated from the rest of the world by an ocean of 3000 miles, possessing an immense region of land, having full employment for all her people in the cultivation of the earth, having, from the variety of her climates and the difference of her soil, the means of supplying herself, not only with all the necessaries of life in abundance, but with many of its comforts, and even some of its luxuries: from these considerations I have been led to think it had been happier if the American people, when they became an independent nation, had found themselves without commerce, and had still remained so. Thus circumstanced, they would certainly have avoided those dangers which flow from the weakness of an extended trade, and those luxuries which have hitherto proved so fatal to morals, happiness, and liberty. In my opinion we should have been a happier people without commerce. Among the considerations which have induced me to believe that this would have been a happy state, is, that we should have enjoyed a perfect state of safety. We should not have been under the necessity of conflicting with foreign nations, because commerce, & commerce alone, can produce those conflicts. I have expressed this opinion, to show that I have not been led by any particular attachment to commerce, to take that part which I have declared I would do on the present occasion. But what was the situation of the American people when they first found themselves a nation? And what are the duties imposed upon us by the compact we entered into? As to any abstract opinions we may entertain on this subject, they ought to have no influence here upon us. I stand here on other ground, and dare not resist the dictates of duty. I was astonished yesterday to hear it mentioned by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. J. Randolph) and boldly asserted, referring to the constitution, that the American government was under no obligation to protect any property of its citizens one foot from the shore. I was astonished at this declaration, because I could see to what it went. I saw, if this was the opinion of the southern states, where it would end. The situation of this people, when they became a nation, was this:—The eastern states might properly be said to be a commercial people, as they lived by commerce; the middle states were partly commercial and partly agricultural; the southern states, properly speaking, were agricultural. This opposition of character must have created great difficulty in forming the constitution, and, in truth, this and other points threw great obstacles in the way of its formation. But a spirit of concession overcame all difficulties. Is it, however, to be believed, that the eastern states, properly commercial, or the middle, partaking equally of the commercial and agricultural character, would have united with the southern states, if they had been told that commerce was to receive no protection? No, sir, it cannot be believed. But I take higher ground—the compact itself referred to by the gentleman from Virginia. Let us examine the powers vested in Congress under this compact, and decide whether commerce was, or was not intended to be protected. If there was nothing specific in these powers, the first page would show the intention of its framers. "We, the people of the U. S. in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare," &c. If we go on to the 10th page, we shall there find the power given to Congress "to provide and maintain a navy." Is the protection of commerce contemplated here, or is it not? In other parts of the instrument, we perceive the power to regulate commerce vested in Congress. Will any man pretend to say that the power of establishing a navy can be exercised independent of commerce? Every man of common sense knows that a navy cannot even exist without it. Having sufficiently established the right of commerce to protection under
the constitution, I come now to consider the resolution under consideration. We find our rights invaded by foreign nations, and an attack made by one nation on our carrying trade, which in my opinion cannot be warranted by the law of nations. I shall not condescend to argue this point. I believe it to be a lawful trade, let whoever may deny it. I have taken some pains to make myself acquainted with the subject, by reading several treatises upon it; and notwithstanding the contempt with which a certain book was yesterday treated by the gentleman from Virginia, I will venture to predict, that when the mortal part of that gentleman and myself shall be in ashes, the author of that work will be considered a great man. Nor do I judge in this case exclusively from my own opinion, but from the opinions of men of distinguished talents, from different and distant parts of the union, who all concur in saying that the writer has conclusively established the principle he contends for. Indeed I could not have believed, had I not heard it, that a representative of the American people, in the face of the legislature, would have relinquished so precious a principle! But there was a curious feature in all the luminous discoveries yesterday disclosed to us by the gentleman from Virg. in which he strictly observed the rule of the rhetorician, where a point could not be justified, to get over it as well as he could. On the impressment of our seamen he said nothing. He knew that the American feelings would not bear it. When I think of what is called the carrying trade, I consider it a small evil compared to this. It has been compared to Algerine slavery, but it is worse. What is this impressment? Your citizens are seized by the hand of violence, and if they refuse to fight the battles of those who thus lay violent hands upon them, you see them hanging at the yard arm. In the first place, they are obliged to expose their persons to murder, in fighting the battles of a nation to which they owe no allegiance. They are obliged to commit murder, for it is murder to take away the life of a man who has given us no offence, at the same time that they expose their own persons to the commission of murder. This is the true point of light in which I have always considered this horrid and barbarous act, for which, indeed, I cannot find language sufficiently strong, to express the indignation I feel. This is the situation of our country. Our commerce depredated upon in every sea, our citizens dragged from their homes, and despoiled of all they held dear. We are told we are not to mind these things, that the nation who commits the outrages is a powerful nation. But really as an American, I cannot feel the force of this observation.
The gentleman from Virginia yesterday assumed it as a principle, and the whole of his argument turned on it, that this is a war measure, & that its friends are for going to war. Were I satisfied of the truth of this remark, I should change my mind with regard to the resolution. But is it a war measure? I believe the same duties and obligations exist between nations as between individuals in a state of nature. If my neighbor treats me with injustice, I have a right to decline all intercourse with him, without giving him a right to knock me down. If we deem it our interest not to trade with a particular nation, have we not a right to say so? A nation with whom we have no commercial treaty, and towards whom, therefore, in regard to trade, we have a right to act as we please. If a commercial treaty existed between us, it would be our duty to observe it; but without one, we have an undoubted right to say whether we have or have not a use for her productions. If, then, this be a peace measure, why treat it as a war measure? But it is said that it will lead to war. Britain is said to be a great nation, high spirited and proud, and therefore we must not take this step for fear of the consequences. Trace this argument. See where it leads us. It leads us to this. That with a powerful nation we must on no account whatever quarrel, tho' she may commit ever so many aggressions on our right. No, we must not, let her go whatever length she may, until on this same principle, we shall be called upon to surrender our independence, because we have to deal with a powerful nation! If we do not make a stand now, against her aggressions, when or where shall we do it? But one alternative will remain—To bend our necks, to crouch beneath the tyrant, to submit without murmur to her insolence and injustice.
It is surprising to me to see this resolution scouted by gentlemen, when this same measure has ever been considered as the most proper instrument with which to contend with G. Britain. If we look back to the times of the stamp act, we will see that this was then the opinion of the American people. Voluntarily associating themselves together, they cheerfully and unhesitatingly, as the means of obtaining redress, relinquished the luxuries, and even the necessaries of life drawn from G. Britain. These associations were voluntary, as from the situation of the colonies they could not

be otherwise. And it is remarkable that G. Britain did not consider this as a case of war, though the people of this country were then her subjects. Common sense, at later times, and appropriate to the period of our national independence, the same measure was resorted to, and considered an effectual expedient to obtain redress of our grievances. In 1776, what was the sense of the people of England on this subject, and how did they feel the effects of the non-importation agreement of the colonies? Let them speak for themselves.
"There scarce was ever any affair debated in a British Parliament in which the public thought themselves more deeply interested, or for the result of which they felt a more impatient anxiety than the present, nor was the rest of Europe especially the commercial part, inattentive to the event."
"The second speech from the throne, as well as the first, pointed out the American affairs to the parliament as the principal object of its deliberations; both houses by their addresses shewed that they looked upon them in the same important light."
"Petitions were received from the merchants of London, Bristol, Lancaster, Liverpool, Hull, Glasgow, &c. and indeed from most of the trading and manufacturing towns and boroughs in the kingdom. In those petitions they set forth the great decay of their trade, owing to the new laws and regulations made for America. The vast quantity of our manufactures (besides these articles imported from abroad, which were purchased either with our own manufactures or with the produce of our colonies) which the American trade formerly took off our hands, by all which, many thousand manufacturers, seamen, and labourers, had been employed to the very great and increasing benefit of the nation. That in return for these exports the petitioners had received from the colonies, rice, indigo, tobacco, naval stores, oil, whale-fins, furs, and lately pot ash, with other staple commodities, besides a large balance in remittances, by bills of exchange and bullion, obtained by the colonists for articles of their produce, not required for British market, and therefore exported to other places."
"That from the nature of this trade, consisting of British manufactures exported, and of the import of raw materials from America, many of them used in our manufactures, and all of them tending to lessen our dependence on neighbouring states, it must be deemed of the highest importance in the commercial system of this nation, that this commerce, so beneficial to the state and so necessary for the support of multitudes, then lay under such difficulties and discouragements, than nothing less than its utter ruin was apprehended, without the immediate interposition of parliament."
"At the conclusion of our last volume we saw the nation involved in the most distressful circumstances that could well be imagined; our manufactures at a stand, commerce almost totally annihilated, provisions extravagantly dear, and a numerous populace unemployed, without the means of procuring a livelihood. Such, and so gloomy was the prospect that opened at home."
Vol. IX. Ann. Reg.
Down to the beginning of the American war, this was uniformly considered as the most powerful instrument in our hands to oblige Britain to do us justice. Since that time, it will be found that the same sentiment has been expressed by the House of Representatives of the United States. By recurrence to the journals it will be seen that on the 21st of April, 1794, this resolution was adopted.
"Whereas, the injuries which have been suffered, and may be suffered by the United States, from violations committed by Great Britain, on their neutral rights and commercial interests, as well as from her failure to execute the seventh article of the treaty of peace, render it expedient for the interests of the United States, that the commercial intercourse between the two countries should not continue to be carried on in the extent at present allowed:"
"Resolved, That from and after the first day of November next, all commercial intercourse between the citizens of the United States, and the subjects of the king of Great Britain, or the citizens or subjects of any other nation, so far as the same respects articles of the growth or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, shall be prohibited."
This resolution was decided by the Yeas and Nays, and I find there were for it 58 Yeas, and against it 38 Nays. Among those who voted in favor of it, I find my own name, associated with the names of men, with whom it has always been my pride and pleasure to act. And among these I find the names of a Madison, a Baldwin, a Nicholas, a Clark, a Venable, a Blount and a Mason. It will be seen, too, that this resolution went much farther than that which is now proposed, that it went to the length of prohibiting all intercourse, while the present resolution is confined to prohibiting imports, and does not apply at all to our exports.
With regard to the effect of this measure upon the revenue, I believe it will have such an effect to a certain degree, but I am far from believing it will be to the amount talked of. I have no doubt that we will obtain from other countries what will suffice for our wants, without applying to Great Britain. But suppose there should be a greater deficiency in our revenue, and suppose we shall not get from other countries all the articles we want. Are we to compare these privations with the sacrifice of our rights
as a nation? I, for one, am of the opinion, that if we were not to consume half the luxuries, and many of the conveniences, at present imported, we should be as happy as we now are. This would have one excellent effect. It would revive that spirit of industry which our large importations, so far as relates to family manufactures, have almost annihilated. I cannot see what is to prevent every family among us, manufacturing what is necessary for their own wear. 'Tis true, we might want the fine cloths we wear, and our wives be deprived of their silk gowns. But would this diminish our happiness? Are such privations to be put into competition with the preservation of our rights? I hope there still remains too much of that ancient virtue, which once glowed in the American breast, to consider this as an evil. I confess I was exceedingly surprised yesterday, to hear my colleague (Mr. J. Clay) coming from one of the first commercial cities in the union, expressing his despair of the virtue of the American people, expressing the opinion that our people could not hold out six or eight months against such a measure. Is it possible that such an idea can be correct? Is it possible that a few years have wrought such a change in the character of a people famed for their virtue, distinguished for the sacrifices they have made? Is it possible that luxury has made such inroads upon us, that all our ancient virtue is gone? I, for one, cannot but believe, that if the American people are placed in the same situation, they will not shrink from danger. I shall be reluctantly obliged to believe so. I think better of them. I have seen them true to themselves, in worse times than these, and I never have yet seen them in any times, flinch from a performance of their duty.
Another expression of my colleague also surprised me. He said this measure would, in the opinion of every man, justify retaliation. This is pronouncing it a war measure, unless by retaliation, he means commercial retaliation. If he means retaliation by means of fleets and armies, it is a most strange opinion, as there is not a feature in the resolution that points to war.
In order to get rid of the effect of the opinion, expressed by the legislature in 1794, the gentleman assigns a most extraordinary reason. He tells you at that time there was such an enthusiasm and attachment to the French nation, that the American people were ready to draw their swords in her favor. I am sure, however, that by a retrospective view of the opinions which at that time prevailed in the city, where that gentleman, as well as myself, resided, he will perceive the incorrectness of his remark. I never yet met with any man who thought we would be justified in interfering in the contest of France with the despots of Europe. The enthusiasm felt for France I well remember. We considered her as contending for the rights of human nature, and our wishes were ardent for her success. Another circumstance heightened these feelings. We recollected the services she had rendered us in times of distress. But with regard to entering into the war in her favor, I never knew a man, who I could say was in his senses, for it. This therefore could have no effect in carrying the resolution I have just read.
The gentlemen from Virginia has told us, that in adopting this measure, we shall be goaded by commercial interest, into a contest with Britain on the seas. For one, I hope we shall have no war. I view this measure as a peaceable measure, and entertain great hopes that it will have the effect we wish. When we consider the situation of Britain, we may be confident that she will not wish to increase the number of her enemies, and it will surely be good policy in her to avoid taking that ground which will have this effect.
But the gentleman from Virginia tells us, that the situation of England is different from what it was in 1793. Agreed—but that change is in our favor. G. Britain has at present her hands so full, that she will not wish to increase her enemies. The events of the present contest are extremely uncertain. If the emperor of France shall prove successful, and make a peace on the continent to the exclusion of G. Britain, he will undoubtedly shut out British manufactures from every part of Europe. The present therefore is the most favorable time for pursuing our measures.
The gentleman also enquires what will England say of our conduct to Spain? He laments that his lips on this subject are closed. I too lament that mine are closed. I wish to God that every word said, while our doors were closed, and that every measure entered into, were known to every man, woman & child in America. I shall not, on this occasion, say more, but to express the hope that the day is not distant when the gentleman's statements will be rectified by a complete disclosure.
The same gentleman has avowed his hostility to a certain nation, and he is willing to go to war with her, because he considers her feeble, and because she has been guilty of aggressions on our rights. Mighty aggression! Which is nothing more than what happened the other day at Detroit, where certain British officers seized a man, with the view of carrying him over the line. I hope such trivial things, the offspring of accident or personal resentment, will never be considered by us as a cause of war. I hope the American people will never go to war when they can avoid it without a sacrifice of honor or justice. For my part I cannot see what this measure has to do with our affairs with Spain. Have we not a right to manage those affairs independent of England? Have we got to this, that we are to consider England as a party to our transactions with other nations? In our
affairs with Spain, we are doing England no injury, and she has no right to interfere with the exercise of our rights as an independent nation.
The gentleman asks, will it be politic to strengthen the power of France, to invigorate the power that threatens the subjugation of the world? How this topic has been brought into view, I cannot tell. I have no predilection to France—I have no attachment to any country but the one in which I live. I am willing to do justice to all nations, and to require it from all. But suppose Bonaparte should succeed in the conquest of Europe? It will be a long time before it can be effected; and if effected, it will be found that a fleet is not the work of a day. It will be found to be the work of years, and years of peace too, before he can possess sufficient ships and seamen to destroy the British navy. And what are the dreadful terrors of the French government! There appears at the head of her affairs a man who transcends in talents and ambition the other potentates of Europe. But is there any thing permanent in this? Mach, every thing may depend on his brittle life. On his fall, she may become as feeble as she ever was before. The nation we ought to fear, according to the gentleman from Virginia, is not that which has the actual command of the sea . No, the gentleman is not afraid of her, but of the nation which may have the command of it hereafter . I should regret to see any nation of Europe blotted out of existence. I hope that Bonaparte will never conquer England, or England conquer France. But I cannot attach much importance to distant, while I am menaced by present dangers.
The gentleman has also portrayed the great danger to the constitution from war. I agree with him. I too deprecate war. I consider it one of the worst evils that can befall mankind. But as I have already shown that this is not a war, but a peace measure, his remarks do not apply. I know that war is attended by numerous evils, that it not only exhausts our blood and treasure, but that it has a still more fatal effect on our manners. Still I am not willing to prostrate the dignity, the interest and the honor of my country, even if war should be the consequence.
The gentleman has also sounded an alarm among us because this is not a measure of the cabinet. That gentleman however knows full well that any member on this floor, without even consulting any of his fellow members, much less the cabinet, has a right to bring forward any resolution he pleases. But he said at the same time there was no cabinet. How then could he expect us to consult the cabinet when no such thing exists? My friend, who offered this resolution, showed it to me before he presented it. I concurred in it, and I now advocate it, because I think it right, and the gentleman will not deny that every gentleman on this floor has equal rights.
The gentleman has also told us that France in 1793 was doing what England now does, that she was fighting the battles of the world. For my part I do not believe the world is indebted to either of those nations, much less do I believe that we are. But this same England can do wonders, and it seems we are not to contend for our rights with her, lest she should get out of humor with us. I know the power of the English fleet, and I know we cannot contend with it. Debauched however as her government is, I do not believe she will go to war with us; but if she does not, it will not be owing to the caution we have observed in discussing this subject. Of this nation thus represented as fighting the battles of the world, I may perhaps have formed a wrong opinion, in the estimate I have formed of her humanity and justice. Go to the East Indies—throw your eyes on Africa, look back on the American revolution, and talk of her humanity! Applaud her for justice, when there is not a nation on earth at this day so much disposed to be hostile to us. Sir, she will never forgive us for having achieved our independence. Her hostility is invigorated by another circumstance. She is the first trading nation in the world, we are the second. We interfere with her aggrandisement, and she has determined to crush us. She is proceeding step by step in the work of destruction, and if we are so pusillanimous as to submit, she will push on to our ruin and disgrace. The gentleman has told us that if we aid any power, in her efforts to destroy Britain, we shall endanger ourselves. Indeed, sir, so many evidences of the friendship of this nation are brought before us, that I only want experience to believe them. We are also told by the same gentleman, that France will do us the honor only to make us the last nation she devours. Why all this clamor about France, when she is not injuring us, while we are so tame to other nations who are violating our dearest rights? I trust we shall know how to respect ourselves with whatever nation we have to deal, and if France acts to us as England has done, that we will treat her as we are now treating England. But till this time arrives these remarks are misplaced.
I come now to reply to one thing said by the gentleman from Virginia, which I am very sorry I am under the necessity of doing. The fate of this country is placed in irresponsible hands. Tom, Dick and Harry ought to be put into straight waistcoats. Whether this language is consistent with the respect due to this House, or to this nation, I leave the gentleman to judge for himself. I will grant that that gentleman has a right to the exercise of his opinion on all political subjects. I will even allow that he has a mind more luminous than belongs to most men. But I will also say, that the rights which he
claims for himself he ought to allow to his fellow members. If I entertain an opinion which is wrong, and any man can convince me it is so, I am ready to acknowledge it; but how comes the gentleman to represent all the members on this floor as a set of fools? Why, sir, if I were to pretend to say that John Locke was a fool, that Milton was a bad poet, that Bacon was a miserable lawyer, whatever my intention might be, I should not derogate from their characters. I believe this will be the case with the members of this House, and that the character of no man in it will be affected by his charge. I can look through this body and see many of my fellow members, whose voice is never heard on this floor, on whose judgment I can place as high a reliance, as on those whose talents are the most conspicuously displayed. I beg the committee will excuse me for the large portion of their time I have consumed on points so little connected with the question under consideration. I will conclude what I have at present to say, reserving to myself the right of making some additional remarks before the question is taken.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 26.
We understand that the latest dispatches received from Mr. Munroe bear date the 28th of January, and that they state, that in consequence of the indisposition of Mr. Pitt no ultimate arrangements had been made for the adjustment of our relations with Great Britain, but that hopes of such adjustment were entertained from the complexion of the new administration.
From the Boston Centinel.
We have seen several letters from London, by the packet. They mention that no condemnations of American property had been made for many weeks previous. Mr. Munroe was to have had an audience with Mr. Fox, on American affairs, the 9th February. It was expected, that no further detentions would take place. The New York, and other memorials, on the subject of neutral commerce, had been published there.
The President's Message at the commencement of the present session of Congress, was published in England early in the month of January. The New-York memorial had been published. It is said that Mr. Fox, a short time previous to his coming into the ministry, expressed himself adverse to the proceedings respecting neutral commerce, which we have recently complained of.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, dated the 8th of February.
"The memorial of the merchants of New-York on the encroachments lately made by this country on neutral commerce, has appeared in some of our public papers. In connection with this interesting subject, we cannot help considering the late change in administration as particularly important; and shall be much disappointed if the remonstrance, which has been made, is not treated in a very different manner by such men as compose the present ministry, than what it would have been by the abettors of the former system."
The London Courier says:
"The Fox party in the cabinet is more numerous than the Grenville, and should a difference of opinion occur, as it is scarcely possible that it should not occur, the small Addington party can incline the scale which way they please. The following division will prove the truth of our assertion—"
The Grenville party.
Lord Grenville, Earl Spencer, Mr. Wyndham, Earl Fitzwilliam.
The Fox party.
Mr. Fox, Mr. Grey, Lord Henry Petty, Mr. Erskine, and the Earl of Moira.
The Addington party.
Lord Sidmouth, and Lord Ellenborough.
It is said Jerome Bonaparte is at sea, with a squadron of 7 sail of the line, supposed to be bound to the Cape of Good Hope.
NEW KINGDOMS.
As Bavaria, Wirttemberg and Baden have been lately erected into kingdoms, the following account of their extent, population and revenue may not be unacceptable:
The electorate of Bavaria contained Square miles, 16,176 Population, 1,934,000 Revenues, 1,666,000 Forces, 12,000
Now this is converted into a kingdom, according to accounts more recently received, it will have its revenues and population doubled, and all that at the expence of the House of Austria.
Wirttemberg contained—
Square miles 3,200 Population 600,000 Revenues 235,000 Forces 6,000
This electorate most probably will be more than trebled, else it will ill be able to support the royal dignity intended to be conferred upon it.
The revenues, territories and population of Baden, another of the favored princes, are still inferior to those of the duke of Wirttemberg, and were as under—
Extent in square miles 832 Population 200,000 Revenue 140,000 Forces 1,500
After the treaty of Luneville, Austria contained—
Extent in square miles 179,904 Population 19,439,000 Revenues 10,540,000 Forces 365,000
The united revenues of the three favored powers amounted to 1,941,000, or between one fifth and one sixth of the revenues of the imperial family; the territories united, to 20,308 square miles, which is only one eighth of those of the emperor; their forces to 19,500 men, which is not equal to much more than one twentieth.
Within a few days past a great mass of interesting foreign intelligence has been received by various arrivals at different ports. By an arrival at Norfolk from Bordeaux the 33d, 34th and 35th bulletins of the Grand French army are received, giving details of events already known—The ship John Morgan arrived at New York brings Liverpool papers to 13th of February. The Abbeona, arrived at Baltimore, brings London dates to the 10th and Liverpool to the 12th ult. and the Packet arrived at Boston, brings London papers to the 10th ult.
The interesting proceedings of Congress forbid our going at present into a wide detail of the foreign events, detailed in the prints brought by these vessels—We shall, however, give enough to advise our readers of the present state of European affairs.
T. ERSKINE is appointed British Minister to America.
LONDON, JANUARY 18.
Hints are thrown out of a Congress for a General Peace to be assembled through the mediation of Prussia. The Emperor Alexander returned to Petersburg on the 21st ult. and an official statement of the reasons which induced his majesty to withdraw his troops from the Austrian dominions has been published in the Court Gazette. There is yet no authentic intelligence of the Russian and English troops which landed at Naples having re-embarked; but in the 37th Bulletin of the French army, general St. Cyr is stated to be on his march "to punish the Queen of Naples." It is probably Bonaparte's intention to add a considerable portion of his Sicilian Majesty's dominions to his favorite kingdom of Italy, and, we are much afraid, it will be impossible to prevent him from carrying this plan into effect.
It is confidently reported that a convention was signed by the Count Haugwitz and Talleyrand, which settles in the mean time the affairs of Hanover, and secures our troops. This convention contains in substance, that
The English and allied troops shall retire behind the Weser;
That the recruiting for the German legion shall cease;
That no more English troops shall be sent to Hanover;
That the armies of Prince Louis and Angereau shall not advance—the former not to pass the frontiers of Holland, the latter not to pass the Rhine.
Prussia engages to oblige the English troops to evacuate Hanover within a given time, not to exceed three months from the signing of the convention. In the mean time the French garrison in Hameln is to be supplied with provisions.
It is also reported that Prussia is to cede Bareuth and Anspach to Bavaria; and it is likewise said East Friesland and Embden to Denmark, for which she is to be indemnified by receiving part of Hanover, namely, Luneburg and Lauenburg, the territories of Bremen, &c. But she is to cede Lubeck. Bonaparte, it is said, has declared that the electoral dignity shall be conferred on a neighboring prince, supposed to be the duke of Brunswick, others say the king of Denmark as duke of Oldenburg.
January 20.
Bonaparte not only gives the law in the disposal of kingdoms, but in matrimony; his son in law, Eugene Beauharnois, it is reported, is to marry the princess Augusta of Bavaria, and master Jerome, a princess of the House of Wirttemberg.
The late report of the king of Spain's demise appears to have arisen from a very severe illness. He has been attacked by an apoplectic fit, and his life is, by the last accounts, said to be in great danger.
February 1.
Orders have been issued in France for renewing the preparations for the invasion of England. The flotilla at Boulogne is to be considerably augmented, and the grand army is immediately to return to the coast.
Another insurrection in Italy.
The inhabitants of Parma are in a state of rebellion against Bonaparte's authority; in consequence of which prince Eugene has addressed a proclamation to them, in which he threatens them with exemplary vengeance, if they return not immediately to their obedience and implicitly submit to the will of their oppressor.
The insurrections in Parma and Liguria were encouraged by the debarkation of the British and Russian troops at Naples, and appear to have embraced not only the mass of the people, but the principal inhabitants, who were already weary of the tyranny of their French rulers. Had the allies prevailed in Germany, there is no doubt that the whole of Italy would have united to throw off their yoke.
Sir Hyde Parker is dead.
FEBRUARY 4.
The French papers bring a proclamation, in which the emperor Bonaparte says, that England may have peace; provided she will reduce her maritime establishments!!
We understand Mr. Fox has already sent dispatches to all our ministers at

foreign courts, announcing the change in our ministry; and adding that his wish is to restore peace to all Europe. If report be true, it is Mr. Fox's intention to make peace with France, leaving the Boulogne flotilla, as it now is; and he proposes to guard against the danger of its existence by compelling every man in this country capable of bearing arms, to learn the use of them.
FEB. 7.
Intelligence received from off Boulogne states that the most vigorous measures are adopting along the French coast, particularly at Boulogne, to place the latter in a formidable state of defence. Active preparations have been begun to be made in the Boulogne flotilla.
FEB. 8.
Letters from Holland, of the 4th, were yesterday received in the city. One of these mentions a report that Bonaparte had demanded of the king of Prussia to shut his ports against the commerce of England; upon which subject a very serious correspondence had taken place between the courts of Paris, and Berlin, the result of which is not stated.
The king of Sweden has withdrawn his minister from the German Diet, after giving in a note which concludes, that his majesty considers it beneath his dignity to take any part in the deliberations of the Diet so long as its decisions shall be under the influence of usurpation and selfishness.
The Lords of the council have come to a determination, that ships being American property, but not American built, falling under sea letters, cannot be considered as American vessels; and consequently are not entitled to import into this kingdom, under the act of 37th of his majesty, chap. 97.
FEB. 10.
We understand that dispatches announce that the king of Prussia has taken possession of Hanover in his own name, and imposed the oath of allegiance on the different authorities established. It is said too that he refuses to allow the German legion to return to England, claiming them as his subjects. Another account says, that it is only the recruits that are not permitted to embark for England.
It appears that government must have strong reason to think that the Cape of Good Hope has been taken by the expedition under Sir D. Baird. Three transports with provisions have sailed from Portsmouth for the Cape. It was reported some time ago, that this expedition would first make an attempt on some part of Spanish America, but it seems to have been unfounded.
The annexation of the Electorate of Hanover to the Prussian dominions was announced by a proclamation, dated the 9th instant from count Schultenburgh, who had previously been appointed governor of Hanover.
In consequence of the very extraordinary and unprecedented step taken by count Schultenburgh on the part of the king of Prussia for the administration of the civil government of the electorate of Hanover, his Britannic majesty's arms have been taken down from the tribunals and public offices throughout Hanover; and the several public functionaries are prohibited, under the severest penalties, from maintaining any correspondence whatever with the king of Great Britain, or with his English or German ministers!!!
MADRID, DEC. 22.
Troops are assembling near Seville, whose destination is for Portugal, to compel that power to shut its ports against the English. The 6,000 Spanish troops first intended for Etruria, are now to make a part of the expedition to Portugal.
37th BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
"General St. Cyr is advancing by forced marches towards Naples, to punish the treason of the queen and to precipitate from the throne this culpable woman, who has violated in so shameful a manner, all that is held sacred among men. It was endeavored to intercede for her with the Emperor; he replied, 'Were hostilities to re-commence and the nation to support a thirty years war, so atrocious an act of perfidy could not be pardoned.' The queen of Naples has ceased to reign. This last crime has completed her destiny; let her go to London to increase the number of intriguers, and form a sympathetic ink committee with Drake, Spencer, Smith, Taylor and Wickham, she may also invite, if she pleases, baron D'Arnfeldt, M. Ferlen, D. Antraigues, and the Monk Morus."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, MARCH 21.
A report was received from the Post master general, stating the obstructions in the route from Athens to New Orleans, and the expense of a horse road, which was referred to the committee of the whole, to whom was referred the general appropriation bill.
Mr. Clinton presented a memorial from the citizens of the city of New York, urging the expediency and necessity of a more efficient protection of that port against external danger, and praying that New York may be assigned as the harbor for those ships of war not in actual service.
Referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
Mr. Early offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the standing and select committees be directed to report on all the business heretofore referred to them and now depending, before the last Wednesday of the present month.
Mr. J. C. Smith opposed this motion, and suggested the propriety of acting on the resolution relative to an adjournment.
Mr. Early withdrew his motion, and said that he would pursue this course.
Mr. Thomas, from the committee on post offices and post roads, reported a bill relative to the establishment of new roads, &c. which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Early withdrew the resolution offered by him a few days since relative to an adjournment, and substituted in lieu thereof a resolution directing the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House Representatives to adjourn the two Houses on the first Monday of April.
Mr. Smilie moved a postponement of the consideration of this resolution until Monday week, to allow in the interim, time for the adoption of the national business before the House.
Mr. Early disclaimed any intention to defeat the measure alluded to by the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
After some further debate the motion of postponement prevailed.
Mr. Crowninshield from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported a bill for building light houses in Massachusetts, &c. which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
The same committee made a report on the memorial of the inhabitants of Nantucket, unfavorable to the prayer of the petitioners.
SATURDAY, MARCH 22.
A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed the bill authorising the imposition of a tonnage duty by the city Council of Charleston; that they had likewise passed, with amendments, the bill fixing the compensation of the officers of the two Houses; and that they have disagreed to the bill relative to the Danish Brigantine Henriette.
Mr. Early was, at his request, excused from serving on the committee of enquiry into the conduct of Gideon Granger.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the secretary of the treasury, transmitting a list of all the bills drawn by the minister of the U. S. at Paris under the convention of the 30th of April, 1803.
The House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. VARNUM in the chair—on the bill directing the secretary of the treasury to cause to be surveyed the coast of North Carolina between Cape Hatteras and Cape Fear.
Mr. Crowninshield advocated the principle of the bill, and observed that he hoped the measure, contemplated by it would be the commencement of a system for surveying the whole coast, by which, he had no doubt many lives and much property would be saved.
The bill appropriates 5,000 dollars for the survey.
No opposition having been made, the committee rose, and the House ordered the bill to a third reading on Monday.
The House went into committee of the whole on a resolution for altering the standing rules of the House, in which the House concurred.
The House having agreed to consider the bill from the Senate for laying out a road from Cumberland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio, Mr. Leib moved to postpone the bill indefinitely.
Mr. Clark supported this motion. He thought there was not sufficient time to act on the bill during this session. He declared his wish to be to lay out three roads, one from some point in Pennsylvania, one from some point in Maryland, and one from some point in Virginia, expending, in the first instance, an adequate sum on the middle road, and afterwards appropriating a like sum to each of the other roads.
Mr. Jackson gave a concise history of the fund from which the making of roads to Ohio is to be effected; and stated his opinion that, inasmuch as the compact with Ohio, provided for the laying out "turnpike or other roads," it would be a violation of it to lay out a single road—Mr. J. regretted that the subject had been so long delayed, and observed that when it was previously before the House, he had meant to offer a resolution, calling on the secretary of the treasury for the amount of the lands sold since June 30, 1802, in which purpose he had been frustrated by an adjournment. Fearing that the subject would not this session be deliberately examined, from its competition with other important objects, and believing that the bill contained an exceptional principle, he should concur in the motion of postponement.
Mr. Bedinger opposed the postponement, and advocated the bill. He observed that he was well acquainted with the route contemplated in the bill, & he considered it the shortest and best for the general interests of the union.
Mr. R. Nelson likewise opposed the postponement, and advocated the bill, whose object was, he thought, as important as that of any business before the House. He viewed the idea of the compact being violated by, in the first instance, laying out one road instead of three, as strange and unfounded; inasmuch as the laying out one road did not supersede the right of afterwards laying out another. Mr. N. further advocated the bill as fixing a route most
convenient to the three states of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia.
Mr. Jackson said he was not adverse himself to acting on this business this session, if he could be convinced that the House would pay to it a full and dispassionate attention. He was, however, persuaded this would not be the case. Mr. Jackson spoke also at some length against the route contemplated by the bill, and the inadequacy of the fund to forming so vast and difficult a turnpike.
Mr. Lyon opposed the postponement, and advocated the bill, under the impression that the route proposed would be of great benefit to the western people.
Mr. Conrad supported the postponement, on the idea that the proper course of proceeding was for the states first to lay out roads, and for Congress then to aid them by appropriating this fund. He thought it was desirable that there should be three roads, one from each of the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia.
Mr. Leib was against the bill, because he considered the measure contemplated by it premature. What authority have Congress to lay out this road, before they have obtained the consent of the states? Considering the expense of laying out this route, he looked upon the bill as merely making an appropriation for the benefit of commissioners and chain carriers.
Mr. Morrow, of Ohio, believing this road would be conducive to the interests of the western people, that it was the best and most direct route, and that the fund would be adequate to the object, was adverse to the postponement and in favor of the bill.
Mr. Findley believed the best way was to appoint disinterested commissioners, and after receiving their report, to designate the route. He said he had travelled this road, and believed that a better one could be designated. He should, therefore, vote for the postponement, and then in favor of appointing commissioners, should that measure be proposed.
Mr. Smilie was opposed to a postponement.
Mr. Lewis took nearly the same ground with Mr. Findley.
When the question on an indefinite postponement was taken by Yeas and Nays—and lost.—Yeas 51—Nays 59.
Mr. Jackson moved a postponement to Monday, with the view of obtaining information from the Secretary of the Treasury of the quantity of land sold since the 30th of June, 1802.
Mr. Morrow, of Ohio, hoped the postponement would not prevail. He stated that the information desired was before the House, considered it as sufficient to act on, and remarked that there would exist a fund of near 40,000 dollars on the 1st of next October.
On postponing the bill till Monday the House divided—Ayes 51—Noes 56.
Mr. Claiborne moved a recommittal of the bill to a select committee, considering the information before the House as not satisfactory.
Mr. Clark supported the motion, on which the House divided—Ayes 50—Noes 58.
The House then took up the amendments agreed to in committee of the whole.
Mr. Jackson spoke at considerable length against the route designated in the bill, and concluded by offering a proposition amendatory of an amendment of the Senate—allowing a discretion to lay out the road at any point between Steubenville and Grave river on the Ohio—so as to allow a like discretion with that contemplated on the Potomac between the points of Cumberland and Western Port.
The House concurred in the amendment of the committee of the whole, and non-concurred in that of Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Clark offered a motion which went to modify the bill, so as to direct the laying out three roads instead of one.
The Speaker declared this motion out of order, as it affected an amendment already agreed to.
Whereupon a question to reconsider the amendment, in order to try the sense of the House on Mr. Clark's motion, was taken, and lost—Ayes 44—Noes 47.
Mr. Jackson moved to reconsider the bill, which motion having been negatived, the bill was ordered to a third reading on Monday.
Mr. Jackson then submitted a resolution, requiring from the Secretary of the Treasury information of the quantity of lands sold in Ohio, in each year from the 30th day of June, 1802, with the amount for which they were sold.
Motion disagreed to—Ayes 42—Noes 45.
MONDAY, MARCH 24.
A confidential message was received from the President of the United States, which was read with closed doors.
A bill directing the Secretary of the Treasury to cause to be surveyed the coast of North Carolina, between Cape Hatteras and Cape Fear, was read a third time and passed—Ayes 74.
A bill for laying out and making a road from Cumberland in Maryland, to the state of Ohio, was read the third time.
Mr. Holmes moved to postpone the bill indefinitely, and observed that if this motion prevailed, he should offer a motion for the appointment of commissioners by the President to explore a route.
Messrs. Sloan, Bard, Clark, Olin, Findley and Jackson supported; and Messrs. Mac Creery, Bedinger, Lyon, and R. Nelson opposed this motion, which was disagreed to—Yeas 52—Nays 64.
The question was then put on the pas-
sage of the bill, which was carried in the affirmative—Yeas 66—Nays 50.
Mr. John C. Smith from the conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the bill for the relief of Peter Landais, reported a recommendation to the House to recede from their disagreement to the amendment of the Senate—in which recommendation the House immediately concurred, and the bill was consequently passed the two Houses.
The House took up the amendments of the Senate to the bill establishing rules for the government of the armies of the United States, to some of which they agreed, and disagreed to others.
The House agreed to some of the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill fixing the compensation of the officers of the two Houses, and disagreed to others.
Mr. Dawson reported a resolution in favor of the prayer of the memorial of Robert Peters and others, in which the House concurred, and appointed a committee to bring in a bill.
Mr. R. Nelson reported a bill making a further appropriation towards completing the fourth wing of the Capitol, which was referred to a committee of the whole to morrow.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. GREGG in the Chair—on the bill prescribing the effect in each state of the records of judgments and decrees of courts in every other state—who reported the bill without amendment; when it was postponed till to morrow.
TUESDAY, MARCH 25.
On motion of Mr. Mumford the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. NICHOLSON in the chair—on the bill prohibiting the importation of certain [British] goods, wares and merchandise.
The articles enumerated in this bill are the same as those contained in the resolution on which it was framed.
Mr. Mumford moved to fill the blank left for the time, when the bill is to take effect, with 15 November next.
Mr. J. Clay moved the first of January, and Mr. Crowninshield the first of July.
Mr. Mumford said while they were charging a foreign government with surprising their commerce, he hoped they would not do the same thing themselves. He was therefore opposed to the first of July, and in favor of the 15th November.
Mr. Bidwell spoke in favor of filling the blank with the 15th of November, and Mr. Blackledge in favor of the first of July.
On agreeing to the first of January the House divided—Ayes 37—Noes 67—the federal members voting in the affirmative.
On agreeing to the 15th of November, 64 members rose on the affirmative side—carried. On this question the federal members likewise voted in the affirmative.
On motion of Mr. Mumford, a blank was filled, so as to make the section amended read as follows:
"Woolen cloth, whose invoice price shall exceed five shillings sterling per square yard."
Mr. J. Clay moved to add to the enumerated articles blank books, which motion was disagreed to—Ayes 39—Noes 51.
A motion, made by Mr. Barker to add Iron hollow ware, shared the same fate—Ayes 38—Noes 56.
After some further amendments, not touching the principle of the bill, the committee rose and reported their agreement to the bill.
The House immediately considered and agreed to the amendments, and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading to morrow without a division.
On motion of Mr. Dawson the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union—Mr. GREGG in the chair—on the resolutions for the better protection of our ports and harbors.
The first resolution for appropriating 150,000 dollars for the better protection of ports and harbors was agreed to without debate—Ayes 63—Noes 30.
The second resolution was read for the appropriation of 250,000 dollars for building gun boats.
Mr. Dawson moved to strike out this sum, and leave a blank, with the view of filling it with a larger sum in case the third resolution should be disagreed to. This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 36.
When the resolution was agreed to—Ayes 73.
The third resolution was read, appropriating 660,000 dollars towards the building of six line of battle ships.
Mr. Newton moved to strike out 660,000 dollars, and line of battle ships, so as to confine the resolution to an appropriation generally, for naval purposes.
This motion was lost—Ayes 10.
When Messrs. Masters, Lyon and Cook spoke at considerable length in favor of the resolution.
The question was then taken on the resolution, which was rejected—only 30 members rose in favor of it.
The House considered the report, when the
First resolution was agreed to—Yeas 78—Nays 33.
The second agreed to—Yeas 91—Nays 21.
And the third disagreed to—Yeas 35 Nays 72.
Whereupon a committee was appointed to bring in a bill.
NOTICE.
THE sale of the House and Lot No. 10 in square 728 in the city of Washington, advertised to be sold this day, at Mr. King's tavern, is unavoidably postponed until Monday the 14th April next when it will certainly be offered at Public Sale to the highest bidder at 4 o'clock P. M. at Mr. Wm. R. King's tavern. The terms of sale will be made known that day, by SAMUEL TYLER. March —7t
FOR SALE.
AT THE VENDUE STORE near the Navy Yard, on Saturday the 29th inst. at 12 o'clock, one NEW HACK CARRIAGE with harness and a pair of horses. Also one piece of Constitution cord and a Mahogany Bedstead. NICHOLAS L. QUEEN. March 26—2t
INFORMATION TO TRAVELLERS.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform the public that on the first day of April next, a new, expeditious and convenient LINE OF STAGES, will be established between the cities of Philadelphia and Washington—to run in the following order of time and place:
A stage, with the mail, will leave Brenton's tavern, in Wilmington, every Monday and Wednesday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Chester town early in the evening on the same day.
A stage with the mail, will leave Chester town on every Tuesday and Thursday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Rock Hall by early breakfast.
A comfortable and fast sailing packet, with the mail, will leave Rock Hall on every Tuesday and Thursday at 8 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Annapolis, with a favorable wind, in the course of two and a half hours, at any rate in the course of the same day.
A stage with the Eastern Shore of Maryland and Delaware mails, will leave Annapolis on Wednesdays and Fridays, and arrive at Washington and George-town on the same days.
The stage will leave Mr. Mughlin's hotel in George-town, and arrive in Washington, on every Thursday and Sunday, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Annapolis on the same days.
A packet will leave Annapolis on Mondays and Fridays, at 8 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Rock Hall on the same days, in time to proceed on to Chester town on the same evenings.
The stage will leave Chester town on Thursdays and Saturdays, at 5 o'clock A. M. and arrive at Wilmington on the same days; from whence a stage runs to Philadelphia every day.
One of the subscribers likewise begs leave to inform the public that he is now established at the ancient and well known ferry, Rock Hall, and has provided good, safe and commodious packets, fitted up in the neatest manner for the accommodation of passengers, that a large and comfortable packet will leave Rock Hall, for Baltimore on the same days that the mail crosses to Annapolis, Tuesdays and Thursdays, at 9 o'clock A. M. and will leave Baltimore, from the lower end of howy's wharf, on Wednesdays and Saturdays, at 9 o'clock A. M. for Rock Hall. Each of the above packets are well calculated for the conveyance of horses and carriages. Horses and carriages will always be in readiness for the conveyance of passengers on their arrival at Rock Hall, to whatever place they may wish to proceed, in any neighboring part of the country, or to Chester town, from whence they may be conveyed to the northward or southward, by the regular line of stages; and that the Annapolis packet will leave Annapolis on Wednesdays for Rock Hall, and will leave Rock Hall on Sundays for Annapolis, besides the regular day of carrying the mail, as above mentioned. He also flatters himself, that from his experience in maritime pursuits, and the confidence placed in him, by many of the most respectable merchants in Baltimore, whilst following the sea faring life, that he has a competent knowledge to keep his boats in good order, for the comfort and convenience of passengers, and that he will merit the patronage of a generous public, which he hereby respectfully solicits.
It is unnecessary to make any comments on the advantages which entitles this route to a preference, to that round the waters of the Chesapeake bay. This affords a safe dry road, through a beautiful, level, and fertile country, from the Delaware state to the seat of government, whilst the other presents one continual scene of hills and vallies, generally filled with water and mire. Travellers on this route will not only derive advantage from good roads, shortening the distance, and incurring less expense, but will avoid the danger of injuring their health, by not being exposed to traveling by night.
THOMAS HARRIS, ROCK HALL, DAVID WEATHERSPOON, MIDDLE TOWN. March 26—tawtf
This is to give Notice, That the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphans court of Calvert county in Maryland letters of administration on the personal estate of Samuel Whittington late of Calvert county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the proper vouchers thereof to the subscriber at or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 19th day of March, eighteen hundred and six.
WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Adm'r. N. B. All persons having claims against the partnership of Samuel Whittington and company are requested to make them known to the subscriber as speedily as possible. Those who are indebted to make immediate payment.
WILLIAM WHITTINGTON, Assignee of Francis Whittington, the surviving partner of S. Whittington & Co. March 26—3t
POPLAR TREES, FOR SALE
ABOUT 28 or 30 prime thriving trees which have been planted out 2 years, are for sale in the eastern part of the city. Apply to the printer. March 26—3t

This is to give Notice. THAT the subscriber hath obtained letters of administration on the personal estate of JOHN BOYCE, deceased...
Cheap & Valuable Books. For sale, the New Annual Register, 24 vols. a regular series. The Monthly Review, 44 vols. a regular series...
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia...
Twenty Dollars Reward. WILL be given for apprehending negro JAMES, a very low and tolerable luff woman about 38 years of age...
A BARGAIN. THE subscriber offers for sale the farm be new occupied, containing near 300 acres with or without the stock thereon.
WANTED, A WOMAN that understands plain cooking and house-work; likewise a GIRL of about 14 years of age to take care of children...
On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington.
AUDITOR'S OFFICE, Chillicothe, State of Ohio January 31st, 1806. Extract from an act levying a state tax for the year 1806. Section 2. Be it further enacted, That all lands shall be rated and classified in the manner following...
THE subscriber at his store near the Navy yard, offers for sale the following articles, viz. Cognac, Brandy, pipe or gallon. Jamaica, Rum, lhd. or gal. New-England, Sugars.
ON Monday the 21st day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold on the premises at 12 o'clock a. public sale to the highest bidder, the dwelling plantation of the late Wm. DIES...
NOTICE is hereby given, that in conformity to the charter and bye-laws of the Columbian Library, an election for six directors will be held at the Library room, on Wednesday the 26th inst. at 5 o'clock P. M.
FOUND IN DECEMBER LAST, TWO Good SADDLES. The owner by proving his property and paying costs may have them again. These saddles were advertised at the Capitol during the sitting of the district court...
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD will be given for apprehending and securing to the owner a negro girl named ANN, about twenty years of age...
THE subscriber at his store near the Navy yard, offers for sale the following articles, viz. Cognac, Brandy, pipe or gallon. Jamaica, Rum, lhd. or gal. New-England, Sugars.
ON Monday the 21st day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold on the premises at 12 o'clock a. public sale to the highest bidder, the dwelling plantation of the late Wm. DIES...
NOTICE is hereby given, that in conformity to the charter and bye-laws of the Columbian Library, an election for six directors will be held at the Library room, on Wednesday the 26th inst. at 5 o'clock P. M.
of Washington in the Mississippi territory, and at any place or places on the west side of the Mississippi river below Arkansas.
WANTED, either a school master or mistress, to reside with a gentleman in the upper part of Virginia, apply at this office. March 19—6w.
Bank of Columbia. THE board of directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of five per cent. per annum.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square...
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October, 1791...
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of the county of Washington and district of Columbia hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county...
NOTICE is hereby given. THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next...
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
TO RENT. THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, esq. Possession given the first day of April next...
WANTED, either a school master or mistress, to reside with a gentleman in the upper part of Virginia, apply at this office. March 19—6w.
Bank of Columbia. THE board of directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of five per cent. per annum.
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square...
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October, 1791...
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of the county of Washington and district of Columbia hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county...
NOTICE is hereby given. THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next...
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf
TO RENT. THE STORE & DWELLING HOUSE now occupied Dr. Patterson, next door to James Madison's, esq. Possession given the first day of April next...