The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-11-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
DCXLVI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 26th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
"CONNECTICUT WAS NO CONSTITUTION."—For the declaration of this truth, a respectable citizen has lost his office, and, from circumstances, which would not otherwise have existed, his life.—There is something so tragical in the effects of this persecution, that, judging of the feelings of others by our own, we anticipate from the people of Connecticut a deep and deliberate attention to events so powerfully calculated to awaken enquiry, and we anticipate also an award, which, while it embalms the memory of the deceased martyr, will consign to merited FAME the names of those who have produced this mournful catastrophe.
Mr. Judd, we are told, was one of those active whigs, who exposed his life in defence of our rights in times which tried men's souls. The independence, which he thus in unison with others acquired for his country, he dared on a recent occasion to assert for himself. For this the lightening of federal vengeance has fallen on his head; and but for this he might have lived to this day the ornament of his country.—But a Superintending power has permitted him to be numbered with the dead. Be it so. He has fallen in an honorable cause; and human nature has surely sunk to its lowest state, if the exertions of patriotism, which cost him his life, do not arouse the spirit of liberty that slumbers in Connecticut.
[The following is subjoined to the Address, which for its better understanding, we insert first.]
On the evening of Tuesday Nov. 13. 1804, DIED AT FARMINGTON, Major WILLIAM JUDD, Aged 63.
Major JUDD, at the time of receiving notice from the general assembly, was out of health, but having been chairman of the convention, and being by profession a lawyer, he decided on making his own defence. His extreme exertion, in preparing for this, so disabled him, that soon after his arrival in New Haven, he was confined to his bed, and prevented from making his defence. After a partial recovery, he proposed to his friends, his wish to publish his brief or summary of defence, which being judged advisable, he furnished them with his ideas on this subject, which being reduced to writing, the manuscript and proof sheets were shewn to him as fast as they were prepared, and he approved of them, remarking that his weakness did not permit a close examination, but that his time was short and that he did not wish any thing to be published, which should be incorrect.—The work being nearly finished, he having requested his friends to hasten the completion of it, left New Haven yesterday morning, and having arrived at his house, expired at 11 o'clock in the evening.
This mournful event has not prevented the issuing his address. These are to you, the people, the last words of a respectable individual, lately of your number, of a man, who served for a long time, in the characters of a justice of the peace, of an officer in the revolutionary war, of a representative of his town, of master of the grand lodge of Connecticut, and of chairman of the republican convention.
In the course of a busy life, spent in political councils, and in extensive practice at the bar, Major Judd had the means of understanding the principles of our revolution, and the history and true interests of this state. With uniform integrity and firmness, he asserted his political opinions in opposition to the powers of the state, and this last opinion, for which he was removed, was expressed at a time, when he had strong presentiments that his end was near. He was anxious to place before the people the reasons, which supported him in the declaration that this state has no constitution of civil government.
Major Judd, after seeing such a return of votes for electors in Massachusetts, as convinced him that the republican ticket would prevail in that state, remarked: "If Connecticut could be brought to a true sense of liberty she should feel resigned to depart in peace." He did not live to see this day. The last thing which he felt on this side the grave, was a removal from office, for a declaration, of the truth of which, he had no doubt—but thousands will live
to see the time, when "the enjoyment of liberty, and even its support and preservation, shall consist in every man's being allowed to speak his own thoughts, and to lay open his own sentiments."
New Haven, Wednesday evening, Nov. 14. 1804.
WILLIAM JUDD'S
ADDRESS
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT.
On the subject of the removal of himself and four other Justices from office, by the General Assembly of said state, at their late October Session, for declaring and publishing their opinion that the people of this State are at present without a Constitution or civil Government.
"The enjoyments of liberty, and even its support and preservation, consists, in every man's being allowed to speak his own thoughts, and to lay open his own sentiments."
Montesquieu's Sp. of Laws.
PREFACE.
The importance of this subject has excited in the public mind so much interest and curiosity, that I am induced to present you at this time, under the auspices of the general committee of Republicans, a summary of the argument which I had prepared for my defence, and which want of health prevented my delivering; and to connect with it some notices of the trial, and some reflections and inferences, designed to lead you to a clear perception of your rights, and to the importance of securing them by a constitution of civil government.
You will hereafter receive a full account of the trial with the arguments on both sides, and it is hoped that this summary will excite a wish in every reader to possess himself fully of the subject.
WM. JUDD.
New Haven, Nov. 8th, 1804.
AN ADDRESS, &c.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
HAVING, for many years, believed the state of Connecticut to be without a constitution of civil government, and believing a constitution adopted by the people to be indispensably necessary to the permanence and security of their political freedom and happiness, I did, with many others, on the 29th of August last, declare and publish this opinion.—But by this we did not mean to declare, as has been unjustly charged upon us, that this state is without a government, or that the government of this state is an usurped government; for we hold, that a constitution and a government are two distinct things; which is rendered indisputable by this fact, that all nations on earth have governments, while few have constitutions.
In order to be perfectly understood, it is necessary to ascertain the definition of words, where the same words have been used to signify different things. The first enquiry then is, what idea do the people of the United States affix to the term Constitution ?—If those, who declare that we have a constitution, mean only that we have a form of government, that the legislature can alter this form of government, & that this power of the legislature constitutes what they are pleased to call a constitution, then indeed we will not dispute with them about facts, our controversy is merely about a name. If our opponents mean by a constitution, such a form of government as doctor Blackstone calls the constitution of England, we can only say, that their idea of a constitution is different from that generally entertained by the people of the United States. But before we give our idea of a constitution, let us hear what doctor Blackstone says of the constitution of England. Speaking of the Parliament, he says, "It hath sovereign and uncontrollable authority, in making, confirming, enlarging, restraining, abrogating, repealing, reviving, and expounding of laws, concerning matters of all possible denominations, ecclesiastical or temporal, civil, military, maritime, or criminal: this being the place where that absolute, despotic power, which must in all governments reside somewhere, is intrusted by the constitution of these kingdoms. All mischiefs and grievances, operations, and remedies, that transcend the ordinary course of the laws, are within the reach of this extraordinary tribunal. It can regulate, or new model the succession to the crown; it can alter the established religion of the land; it can change and create a new
even the constitution of the kingdom and of parliaments themselves; it can, in short, do every thing, that is not naturally impossible; and therefore, some have not scrupled to call its power, by a figure rather too bold, the omnipotence of parliament. True it is, that what the parliament doth, no authority upon earth can undo."
"It must be owned, that Mr. Locke, and other theoretical writers, have held, that there remains, still inherent in the people, a supreme power to remove, or alter the legislative, when they find the legislative act contrary to the trust reposed in them: for, when such trust is abused, it is thereby forfeited, and devolves to those who gave it. But however just this conclusion may be in theory, we cannot practically adopt it, nor take any legal steps for carrying it into execution, under any dispensation of government at present actually existing."
Having cited an authority so respectable as doctor Blackstone, which shews that in England a form of government is called a constitution, let our opponents, if they please, avail themselves of the opinion, of this learned writer on this subject: but let them consider, that those who believe with him, that a legislature can invest themselves with "that absolute despotic power, which must in all governments reside somewhere: that a legislature can change and create a new, even the constitution of the state and legislatures themselves," must, to be consistent, assert and rely on the following declarations, viz.
"That the principles of our revolution were wrong; that the supreme power does not reside in the people; that Samuel Adams, Hancock, Franklin, and all the patriots and statesmen who conducted our revolution, were not only in an error, but deserved death for teaching the treasonable doctrine, "that the supreme power does reside in the people," and not in the government or legislature—that these eminent men have incurred the immense accountability for all the blood and treasure spent and wasted, in the accomplishment of our rebellious revolution—that the people were made for the government, and not the government for the people—that Washington, even in his parting address to his fellow citizens, was wrong in declaring, "that it is the glory of our political institutions, that the PEOPLE may make and alter their constitutions at pleasure"—That the most material principles of our declaration of independence, which an enlightened Congress declared to be self-evident truths, were untrue—that the people of those individual states, who have made and adopted for themselves constitutions, and have declared that the right of self-government belonged to themselves, were fools or knaves; that the constitution of the United States should not begin with, We the People —that it ought not to have been offered to the people for their approbation; in short, that it is good for nothing; that, to be valid, it should have been made and imposed upon the people, by the old government under the confederation—that the constitutions of the several states should have been made and adopted by their respective legislatures, which existed before the constitutions were made—that the legislature of this state must have been very ignorant and foolish, to declare, "that the people of this state, being by the providence of God, free and independent, have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves, as a free, sovereign and independent state;" Finally, that nobody in the country but themselves ever had correct ideas of government."
Having thus shown into what absurdities the doctrine of Blackstone, and other advocates of hereditary and monarchic governments, would lead those who adopt them; we deem it needless to spend more time to shew that the word constitution , has been used in European countries, when applied to their arbitrary and corrupt governments, to mean something quite different from what we in the United States understand by the same word.
Though there may be among us, artful, designing men, who secretly wish to assume to themselves the supreme power of the state, or, as Blackstone calls it, that absolute, despotic power, which must in all governments reside somewhere; yet we presume that none dare directly avow this wish, for thus they would expose themselves to the world, and themselves to the abhorrence of the great body of the people. We may therefore without risk of contradiction, assert the following propositions, viz.
1st. That the supreme power of this state, which includes in it the power of
making and altering constitutions at pleasure, is vested in the people there.
2d. That no act or instrument deserves the name of constitution, unless it be adopted by this supreme power.
We defy our opponents to controvert or deny these propositions. We think no one dare advocate the doctrine of Blackstone when applied to this state, or deny to the people the right of self-government. These positions we request you to bear in mind, as we shall have frequent occasion to refer to them, considering them as uncontroversially true, and highly important to the subject.
Having shown what cannot with propriety be called a constitution in this country, we will next state what we deem a constitution, as generally understood by the people of the United States:—A constitution is an act proceeding from the supreme power of a state; depending upon that power, and upon that alone for its validity, it must necessarily be above the power of the ordinary legislature. It may be described to be an act proceeding from the people, regulating the conduct of their rulers and legislatures; defining and limiting the powers of the rulers, and the rights of the ruled; prescribing the rights which they retain, as also those which they retain; defining the powers and duties which are conferred upon, and required of the different branches of government. It ought to receive the same respect from rulers and ordinary legislatures, which statute laws do from the ruled or people. It ought to be as far above the control of rulers, as statute laws are above the powers of any individual.
We are confirmed in the belief, that the above definition and description of a constitution is correct, by referring to the acts of the people of the United States, and of those several individual states, who have respectively made and adopted constitutions for themselves. We are now to enquire, Whether this state has any act which can be correctly called a constitution, in name and substance? The possibility of a rational doubt on this question, would, in ordinary times, be considered as a conclusive argument in the negative; for should this question be asked with respect to the United States, Massachusetts or New Hampshire, it could be easily answered; and if any should arise, the instrument could be instantly produced, and all doubt would be at an end: But in Connecticut, it has for many years been questioned, whether we have a constitution, and the negative has often been declared.
In the general assembly of this state, at their October session of 1786, the honorable James Davenport, of Stamford, moved for liberty to bring in a bill to reduce the number of representatives to one from each town. This was objected to by judge Hopkins from Waterbury, on the ground that it involved a constitutional question. Mr. Davenport in reply said, "I am bound to act according to my conscience.—We have no constitution but the laws of this state—the charter is not the constitution—by the revolution that was abrogated—A law of the state gave a subsequent sanction to that, which before was of no force; if that law be valid, any alterations made by a later act will also be valid; if not, we have no constitution, so defined as to preclude the legislature from exercising any powers, necessary for the good of the people."—Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth, of Hartford, seconded Mr. Davenport's motion, and observed, "The bill is not arbitrary; it is no encroachment upon the liberties of the people.—The same body who made the constitution can alter it at pleasure," (referencing to Mr. Davenport's declaration, that we have no constitution but the laws of the state.) General Huntington, of Norwich, and many others in the assembly were of the same opinion, and this being the main question, it was negatived by a small majority."
Since the declaration of independence in 1776, which annulled the charter, thousands in this state have believed, we had no constitution. Before the 29th of August last, we had never heard of any thing, which was claimed to be a constitution that was ever adopted by the people; we knew indeed that our legislature had declared, that the form of government contained in the charter should be the civil constitution of the state; we also knew that this was nothing more than a statute law, which might at any time be repealed by any subsequent legislature.—We also knew, that if the people possessed the supreme power, they and they only had the right and power
to make a constitution, which should limit and define the powers of the legislature; and which the legislature could not repeal.
But within a few weeks, federalists have found an old agreement of a few inhabitants, settled at Hartford, Windsor and Weathersfield, made while their bounds were undefined, while New-Haven and its vicinity composed a distinct colony, and had no concern with this agreement; and we are now told, "here is your constitution in writing, made and adopted by the people."
It would be flinging too much respect for such miserable pretences to authority, to bestow upon it any serious attention. These few people were British subjects, could make no constitution for themselves, not having the power of self government. The colony of New-Haven never agreed to this compact. But we are told, that "the charter was a transcript of the old agreement." Those, who have seen these two instruments, must be convinced of the falsehood of this assertion. But, suppose it to be true, it does not follow that the colony of New-Haven assented to this agreement, for they being a distinct British colony, agreed upon a form of civil government for themselves.
It may not be amiss to observe, that the ancient colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New-Haven, had formed articles of confederation, by which they all covenanted to support and aid each other, and to secure to each colony a distinct government. But the three towns before mentioned, composing what was called the colony of Connecticut, petitioned for the charter, and without the knowledge, consent, or approbation of the colony of New-Haven, included them, and all the territory within the present limits of Connecticut. As soon as this was known, a great controversy arose between the two colonies; and for more than two years the colony of New Haven honestly refused to be governed by the charter; but finding themselves hypocritically and treacherously included in the charter, bound by his majesty's authority to submit to all laws made under the charter; liable to be punished for rebellion; and having no title to their land but under the charter; they had no choice, but to submit to the absolute, despotic power of the British king, or to share a worse fate.
Doctor Blackstone, speaking of the mode of publishing acts of government, says, "Whatever way is made use of, it is incumbent on the promulgators to do it, in the most public and perspicuous manner; not like Caligula, who (according to Dio Cassius) wrote his laws in a very small character, and hung them up on high pillars, the more effectually to ensnare the people." Now let us ask the great body of the people of Connecticut, if they ever read this old agreement, and if so, was it in small or in great characters? was it in manuscript or in print? Was it "Hung up on high pillars, or was it among the antient records of those three towns, or was it in the statute law book? Now if this is really the constitution of Connecticut, it is rather mysterious, that not one in a hundred of those concerned had heard that such a thing was in existence, and no one ever pretended that this was the constitution, until within a few weeks.
But federalists finding that a royal charter, granted 140 years ago, to a small colony, upon the petition of a few individuals, and imposed on all the rest, and since made void by the declaration of independence, could not be a constitution for a free people, agreeably to the common understanding of mankind, and that a statute law, liable to be repealed at the pleasure of the legislature, would not do, and finding that they could no longer maintain their ground on these points, have conjured up this old compact, that had been quietly sleeping for 160 years, without ever getting into print, except by the assistance of some late historian, who by his industry and love of antiquity, had brought it to light; and we are now told, "the dispute is settled—behold your constitution"!!!
If this old compact is our constitution, it is time for it to enter upon the stage in its proper character; let it be printed in the statute law book; let this book and compact be made the basis of our laws through the state; we shall then see how constitutional our laws are. Let the good people of this state, in whom rests the supreme power, at least know what is their constitution; and if federalists will permit the people to read this compact, which they call our constitution, and compare the government and laws with it, we will cheerfully abide the issue. We may repose with confidence on the
* See the Connecticut Magazine Nov. 2, 1786; p. 297.
* Bl. Com. Vol. 1. p. 161, 162.

and sense of the great body of the people, that after examining this old compact, they will say it is unlike the character, and that the present form of government is quite unlike either.
The truth is, we have no constitution; what has been usually considered such, by federalists, is contained in our statute laws, enacted and repealable by the ordinary legislature. This the federalists know perfectly well. Hence it is that your attention is called to royal charters, to old agreements, to more recent legislative acts, with all the artful inuendoes about usurpations and destruction of titles, decisions and marriages, and more artful allusions to pious ancestors, to France, and to a thousand other things, as irrelevant and unconnected with the subject, as would be a story from the 'Arabian Nights' Tales.' With the arts of mountebanks and jugglers, they endeavour to make you look the other way, and at other objects, while they perform the mystery, without your knowing the secret. Federalists know that when the constitution of the United States was adopted, it had no tendency to invalidate any title, decision or rights of individuals, or any of the acts under the former government. So when the several constitutions were adopted by those individual states that have constitutions, no such evils resulted from it; and every one must see, that republicans and federalists have the same interest in preventing such evils.
That we have a form of government is admitted. Let us then see what sort of government it is, and how it is organized.
Alexander Hamilton, when speaking of the constitution of the United States, says,
"No truth is certainly of greater intrinsic value, or is stamped with the authority of more enlightened patrons of liberty, than that on which the objection is founded. The accumulation of powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny. Were the federal constitution therefore really chargeable with accumulation of powers, or with a mixture of powers, having a dangerous tendency to such an accumulation, no further arguments would be necessary to inspire an universal reprobation of the system."
Federalists surely will act question the authority of Hamilton; let it also be remarked, that the authority of several of the greatest statesmen the world ever produced is not wanting on this point.
Let us now compare the government of Connecticut with these principles, and see whether it be not a tyrannical government, according to Mr. Hamilton's definition of the term.
The governor and council jointly possess the executive power of the state; the governor being president of the council, has a right to vote with them; he can, of himself, as an executive officer, do little more than appoint notaries public. The governor and council jointly, compose one branch of the legislature, and no law can be made or repealed without their assent; in this branch of government, the governor has the same power with other individuals of the council. The governor and council by statute, which statute can never be repealed without their assent, are the supreme court of errors, which is the dernier resort in all matters of law. Thus are accumulated in the same hands, the executive, legislative, and judiciary powers of the state, which, according to Mr. Hamilton, is the precise definition of tyranny. Will the federalists deny that the governor and council have this accumulation of power, or will they deny the authority, or the principles laid down? It would be no less absurd to deny that such accumulation of powers exists, than to deny that we have a governor and council; and the principles here contended for are so evidently just, that we need cite but one author more, in corroboration of them.
Montesquieu, in his "Spirit of Laws," says,
"In a free state, every man who is supposed a free agent, ought to be concerned in his own government. Therefore the legislative should reside in the whole body of people, or in their representatives. The political power of the subject is a tranquility of mind, arising from the opinion each person has of his safety. In order to have this liberty, it is requisite that governments be so constituted, as that one man need not be afraid of another. When the power of making laws, and the power of executing them, are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty; because apprehensions may arise, lest the same monarch, or senate, should enact tyrannical laws, and execute them in a tyrannical manner. The power of judging should be exercised by persons taken from the body of the people, pursuant to a form and manner prescribed by
* See the Federalist, 2d vol. 6, 1 and 2.
law. There is no liberty, if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers. The enjoyment of liberty, and even its support and preservation, consists in every man's being allowed to speak his own thoughts, and lay open his own sentiments.
Of the danger of the accumulation of powers in the same hands, it cannot be a satisfactory answer to say, 'the governor and council have not the whole legislative and judiciary powers,' for the danger would be the same in degree. But how is the fact? Do they not possess the whole of these powers in substance? We are aware, that we have justices of the peace, judges of probate, of county courts, and of a superior court, all of whom exercise judiciary powers—but their judgments and decisions are liable to be revised and reversed by the governor and council. Besides, these judges and justices, amounting in the whole to 587, are liable to be virtually removed from office by the council, inasmuch as it can negative their appointments in the month of May annually, as easily as the general assembly can revoke their commissions in October.
Thus the upper house are in possession of the whole judicial power of the state, either by themselves, or by deputies of their own appointment, whose decisions they can render null and void at pleasure.
The accumulation of the legislative and judiciary powers is extended to a surprising and alarming degree, by the facts, that these judges & justices are eligible to a seat in either house of assembly, and that a majority of the house of representatives is usually composed of these judiciary officers.
At the late October session, there were in the house of representatives, of justices of the peace, judges of county courts and of probate, nearly a majority of the house; made up of those who held commissions in the judiciary department.
As we think no one can doubt, that the governor and council unite in themselves the executive and judiciary powers of the government; we will now see, how much power they possess in their legislative capacity. We are well aware, it may be said,
"That they compose only one branch of the legislature, and that no law can be passed without the concurrence of the other branch of the general assembly."
This indeed would weaken their legislative power, if the house of representatives were entirely independent of the governor and council. This we have shown to be far from the fact; as a vast majority of this house is usually composed of those, who hold commissions of trust or profit, which annually depend upon the governor and council.
The law, commonly called the election law, took from the freemen the right of voting by secret ballot, which they had enjoyed ever since the first settlement of the state, and obliged them to rise up and be counted, in the presence of the candidates and their dependents, or be deprived in certain cases, of the privilege of voting at all.
It also took from those town officers who were chosen by the people the right of presiding in freemen's meetings, and gave it solely to the oldest judiciary officer, who should be present. Previous to this, the select men of the towns were the sole judges of the qualifications of those who were candidates for the freemen's oath—this law united to them, in this duty, the justices, judges and councillors; thus rendering every newly admitted freeman, in some measure, obligated to those, who have an interest in the direction of his vote—and if it can be supposed that judiciary officers can be corrupt, or act from selfish motives in times of party, putting it in their power to reject such, as probably will not feel this obligation. This law gave to each member of the council a right to preside at the elections, in his own town, and a voice in the admission of freemen. It also gave similar powers to about 580 subordinate judiciary officers, who are annually dependent upon them.
This law originated in the upper house, and it is a remarkable fact, that there were at that time, in the house of representatives, one hundred and five judges and justices of the peace, making a clear majority of the whole house. In this house, at the late session of the general assembly, was nearly a majority of judiciary officers, besides about 80 military officers. If we add to these the attorneys, which are annually from 20 to 40 in number, whose success in business and chance of promotion depend on the upper house, in its executive and judicial capacities—sheriffs, whose appointments or removal depends on the upper house alone; deputy sheriffs, who are nominated by the sheriffs; and approved by the county courts; surveyor general and his deputies; packers of beef; directors of turnpike companies—proprietors of bank stock and expectants of office, who are annually members of the house of representatives, we shall find more than three fourths of that house directly dependent on the governor and council.
If the house of representatives, thus interested, have ever acted independent-
ly, and without being unduly influenced by the wills of the council, it can be no security in future; it is but a rare instance of integrity, not common to the generality of mankind, and can be no argument in favor of the system. It is the system, and that alone, we are now complaining of;—it matters not for the present purpose, to enquire, whether this or that man be honest or dishonest; but the question now is, whether the form of government is sufficient to protect the equal rights of a free people.
If we may suppose that men will endeavour to promote their own interests, we may suppose that a majority of the lower house will, from interested motives, concur with the upper house. If all men were perfectly wise and honest, we should want no constitution nor laws; it is because they are not so, that both are necessary. We therefore believe, that legislators stand as much in need of constitutions, to bind them and to limit their powers, as the people do of laws, to limit and control their conduct.
But suppose that federalists are as wise, as pious, as candid, as honest, as moral, and patriotic as they profess to be, and that hitherto they have never acted under the least influence arising from views of office, profit or party, but have ever supported order and good government, religion and steady habits, without the least alteration or variation from the old agreement of the three towns—suppose also, that, as federalists say, the republicans are fools, infidels, knaves, immoral and impious traitors, using the worst means to obtain base ends, seeking office and profit, destitute of candor, aiming to destroy order and good government, religion and steady habits, determined on innovation, anarchy and misrule—suppose further, that these men should get into office, as federalists now are, what would be the situation of the government?
A governor, lieutenant-governor, and 12 assistants, having in their hands, the accumulation of all the powers of government, having the appointment of 587 judiciary officers, with the right of judging after them, and with the power of removing them annually, without assigning a cause; having the power of granting commissions to about 1340 military officers and of refusing them to well qualified for them; having the power of making and repealing laws, as should be best adapted to the promotion of their views, of abridging the rights of suffrage, of appointing such judiciary officers to decide on the qualifications of candidates for freemen, as would admit all of their own party, and exclude federalists; to displace every man from office that would not obey orders, support them at their elections, declare them to be the greatest, the most enlightened and pious men that ever lived, and their administration of the government the most upright and disinterested; finally, these men being clothed with authority to make laws, to judge of the same laws, and then to execute them, would find no difficulty in keeping the good federalists under their control. If federalists should offend them in a manner, not punishable by law, such base men would say, "this offence is punishable by common law," and if there was no practice to make it such, "it is time to begin the practice, and make it become common law." If good men have enacted a law in the following words, viz.—"That whoever shall defame any court of justice, or the sentence or proceedings of the same; or any of the magistrates, judges, or justices of any court, in respect to any act or sentence therein passed, and be thereof lawfully convicted before any of the general courts, or superior courts in this state, shall be punished for the same by fine, imprisonment, disfranchisement or banishment, as the quality and measure of the offence, in the opinion of the court before whom the trial is had, shall deserve"—this law may be good enough and perfectly harmless when administered by good men, and while thus administered, one might exclaim with Jonathan Stedfast, "dare any one look at our courts of justice and say, that iniquity is there?" but suppose bad men be in power, and these courts be filled with their agents and dependents, and the most corrupt and arbitrary decisions were to follow systematically and in quick succession—dare any one look at these courts of injustice, and say that iniquity is there? No, he dare not; unless he dare be fined, imprisoned or transported, at the option of those corrupt men, who are supposed to be defamed, and are at the same time their accusers and judges. Yet these men need not have any new law, to be clothed with this authority, nor would there be any constitutional remedy for the evil.
If honest, pious men have made laws for the support of religion and the gospel ministry, without the least regard to the influence that might arise from these institutions, or without any expectation that these gospel ministers would leave their calling to support them at elections; but wicked men would have no laws about such institutions, unless they be such as would assist them in their machinations—they would allow no minister to preach, unless he would preach
politics, and would support them at elections.
If good men have incorporated a missionary society, and enabled it to have great and increasing funds for the purpose of spreading the gospel in the wilderness; bad men would have this society and these funds applied to support them and their friends in office. If good men have granted, from time to time, large sums of money to Yale College, and appointed a good man to be president, to promote learning and piety, and steady habits—but bad men would displace such a president, would rob the college of its funds, or totally destroy it, unless the president and his adherents would support these men in office, and their measures of government, especially if they would not bring forward all their pupils, at public commencements, to abuse federalists, and eulogize the governor and council, and all their measures, and finally, unless they would convert the college to a school of politics, instead of general science. If good and disinterested men have said, that all men of good moral characters, having certain descriptions of property, and approved by certain judiciary officers, might be made free of the state—bad men might say, that none have good moral characters, but those who would support them in office, or that none should be admitted to vote, but such as are very rich or very poor, as would best answer their purpose.
If honest men have made a law, authorising themselves to preside at elections, to count the votes for those offices for which they are candidates, to decide whether themselves are elected, and to imprison any that make disturbance; wicked men might cheat in the counting of their own votes, and commit to prison such as were offensive to them, or would not vote to please them. If good men in courts of justice will adhere to law and right, unbiased by party considerations; bad men in high party times, would be governed by a lust for power, and by party views, regardless of law or right.
The upper house being thus constituted, if any honest federalist should seem to doubt of the fairness of their measures, and express his disapprobation of the men who made the laws, by saying, for instance, "the right of suffrage is abridged, this or that law is unjust and ought to be repealed," he would be instantly indicted for sedition, and brought a prisoner to the bar of the court. Being put to plead, this honest man wants council, looks about him and finds none but those who are attached from interest to the upper house, but employs such as he has the most confidence in, pays him a large fee, and then is prepared for trial.
The court being composed of judges of base characters, whose political lives depend upon the will of the upper house, which is supposed to be defamed by the prisoner at the bar; the attorney who commenced the prosecution being a member of the upper house, who is supposed to have had the previous opinion of his brethren—of twelve jurors selected by the civil authority of the different towns, not for their virtue, but for their baseness—the trial proceeds—Before such a tribunal the prisoner would urge in vain, that he had violated no statute law, that we had no common law against what he had declared, inasmuch as no prosecution had ever been known, since the settlement of the state, for any such supposed offence; that government originates in the people, that every one composing the great body, has a right to give his opinion freely of the government, and its measures; that according to the excellent Montesquieu, "the enjoyment of liberty, and even its support and preservation, consists in every man's being allowed to speak his own thoughts, and lay open his own sentiments."
Suppose these wicked men, thus in possession of the accumulation of power, in a government thus organised, should enact laws, that no man hereafter should be made free of the state, unless he possessed an estate of the value of ten thousand dollars, or unless he could procure from a majority of the judiciary officers of the town to which he might belong, a certificate of the correctness of his faith in politics—That all heretofore made free should be disfranchised, unless they are qualified as above described: That taxes should be paid by an assessment, upon those men only, whom the judiciary officers should select for that purpose—That no man should be allowed to preach the gospel, without a licence from the judges, or from the upper house; that no one should be president of a college, or teacher of a common school, without a similar licence; That the 1340 military officers should receive a salary from the state, and that their commissions might be revoked at any time by the council—That the fees and salaries of justices and judges should be increased six fold—That no one should publish his opinions on government, unless they be previously approved by the governor and council—That no one should have the privilege of trial by jury in any case, without a licence from the governor; finally, that whatever the governor and council do, shall be right; could it be laid, that any
one of these laws, would be unconstitutional? If so, let us know what part of the constitution it is that is violated, for what is not forbidden by the constitution, is permitted. Let those who say we have a good constitution, condescend to let us and the people know, in what part of the old agreement of the three towns, or of the charter, provision is made against the enacting of such laws. But these prohibitions are not to be found in what they call the constitution, and if they were, they are not binding, nor is any thing to be found, to prevent the general assembly from making or repealing any law at pleasure. (To be continued.)
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 26.
GENERAL TURREAU, Grand Officer of the Legion of Honor, appointed Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, to the United States, was on the 23rd inst. received in that character by the President.
General Turreau was accompanied by capt. Marin, his aid-de-camp. We understand that Madame Turreau and family are daily expected, in a vessel that was to sail shortly after the general's departure, attended by Mr. Petry, first secretary, and Mr. de Cabre, second secretary of legation.
Our accounts from the Mediterranean add fresh attestations to the valor and conduct of our seamen. The bombardment of Tripoli has commenced under circumstances that promise full and brilliant success. Commodore Preble, influenced by considerations which appear in the subjoined letters, has seized the earliest opportunity of reducing by force the pirates to a sense of justice. His arrangements, so far as they appear, have been judicious, and have been crowned with great success. The regular dispatches have not, we are advised, been yet received by the Secretary of the Navy. But we are authorised to state, on the ground of corroborating information, the contents of the letters, received at Philadelphia, to be authentic. The force engaged in the bombardment is not stated. It is probable, however, that the whole under the command of the commodore was engaged. The squadron previous to the late equipment, consisted of the frigate Constitution, commanded by commodore Preble, of two brigs, three schooners, six gun-boats, carrying each a twenty four pounder, and two mortar boats. To oppose our force, Tripoli had fourteen gun boats of the same capacity with ours, her fortifications, and several vessels, incapable of serious resistance. Of the gun boats, three are taken, and three sunk. The decisive blow, therefore, with regard to her naval armament, is struck, by destroying nearly one half of its strength. The energy of the commodore will next be directed against the fortifications, which are represented to be already injured, although the degree of injury is not stated. Every day's mail may be expected to bring us intelligence of the full infliction of an adequate punishment on the Bey, of the restoration of peace, and, we hope, of the liberation of our captive citizens.
TRIPOLI Bombarded.
PHILADELPHIA, November 21.
Capt. Williams, of the Dolphin, who arrived yesterday morning, in 49 days from Leghorn direct, brings the following important intelligence: That advice from Malta had been received there, of Commodore Preble's success against Tripoli; that officer had bombarded the city, and done much damage to it and the fortifications, and had sunk or taken a large Zebec and three Gun-boats, with the loss of the commander of one of his gun-boats, &c. and was preparing for a second attack. This account was brought to Malta by a gentleman from Tripoli; but nothing is said respecting Captain Bainbridge, or his crew. Capt. Williams did not touch at Gibraltar, nor any other place.
Extract of a letter to a respectable Merchant in this city, dated LIVERHORN, Sept. 25, 1804.
DEAR SIR, "I wrote to you in July, by Mr. Donovan of Philadelphia, and gave you a short account of our prospects relative to the war with Tripoli. Commodore Preble's conduct since has been extremely judicious—the annexed extract will inform you of the consequences which have already attended his exertions, and

will tend to prove that the measures which I have so strenuously recommended to government, were founded upon a probability of success: in my next I hope to be enabled to inform you of an advantageous peace having taken place at the expence of the Balshaw's pride."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Higgins at Malta, to L. L. Cashart, dated Malta, September 5.
DEAR SIR, "I am in receipt of late letters from Commodore Preble off Tripoli, he had then made two attacks upon the Barbarians, the first by day, he took three of their gun-boats, the second by night, he sunk three more and a large Polacca, he has I presume ere this made another assault, the result of which I am hourly expecting to learn. The reinforcement from America has not yet arrived - if they do arrive in time to form a junction with the force under the command of Commodore Preble, before the bad weather commences, I do think the Balshaw will accede to any terms that may be proposed to him, he has already come down very considerably in his demands, relinquishing entirely, I believe his hopes of future tribute."
APPOINTMENTS, made by and with the advice of the Senate.
GEORGE W. ERVING, of Massachusetts, Secretary of legation at the court of Madrid.
WILLIAM BROWN, late of Columbia, Collector of New Orleans.
WILLIAM LYMAN, of Massachusetts, Surveyor and Inspector of New Orleans.
The statement in our last paper respecting the election of Major M'Arthur as a representative in Congress is incorrect. That gentleman is elected a representative in the state legislature. Mr. Morrow, the present representative in Congress, has a great majority of the votes for representative in the next Congress; but some doubts are entertained of his re-election, on account of the illegality of some of the returns.
We insert, in the paper of to-day, a short piece respecting the sentiments of the people of Louisiana. Aware of the delicacy of this subject, but little discussion in relation to it has heretofore been introduced in the National Intelligencer. We knew that a diversity of opinion, growing out of the purest motives, existed as to the form of government best suited to the interests and wishes of our western brethren; and were of opinion - an opinion which we still retain - that prudence dictated a forbearance to form any decided convictions until more information should be had on the subject. These remarks are made at this time to prevent any incorrect inference that might be drawn from the appearance of the piece alluded to. We desire it to be understood that, in this instance, the National Intelligencer is merely the organ for diffusing the ideas of others.
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 23.
Mr. Richards, from the committee of enrollment, reported the bill making further appropriation for carrying into effect the 7th article of the British treaty; which was thereupon signed by the Speaker.
The chairman of the committee appointed on that part of the message of the President which relates to armed merchant vessels asked leave of the House to report by bill - Leave being granted - the chairman reported a bill to regulate the clearance of armed merchant vessels.
Referred to a committee of the whole for Monday, and ordered to be printed.
Mr. Holland's motion of yesterday authorizing committees to appoint their own Chairman was considered, and on the question, will the House agree to the same, it passed in the negative, only thirty-three members voting in its favor.
Mr. R. Griswold moved another resolution on the same subject, giving the committee power to elect their own chairman if a majority was so disposed, if not, that the first named member shall be the chairman, in case of his absence or excuse, then the second, and if neither of these members were present, then the next member named on the list. This motion lay on the table.
However, On motion of Dr. Eustis to dispense with the standing rule of the House, it met an unanimous acquiescence, and the resolution was afterwards modified and agreed to as follows;
That the first named member of any committee appointed by the speaker or the House shall be the chairman, and in
case of his absence or being excused by the House, the next named member, and so on, as often as the case shall happen, unless the committee shall by a majority of their number elect a chairman.
Mr. Jos. Clay presented the petition of S. G. Osgood of New-York, stating his purchase of the Philadelphia built ship, Indostan, which had been sold in 1797 to merchants in Hamburg, and from the peculiar hardship of the case, he prays, though the laws are against his obtaining a new register, that he may be allowed the same.
Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
A letter from Dr. Mitchell, addressed to the Speaker, informing that he had taken his seat in the Senate, to which he had been elected by the legislature of New-York, and thereon resigned his seat in the House.
On motion of Mr. J. Randolph, another member in his stead was appointed on the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
On motion of Mr. Thomas, the Speaker was directed to inform the governor of New-York of the resignation of S. L. Mitchell, one of the representatives of that state.
On motion of Mr. Clark, a committee of three was appointed to enquire into the expediency of extending the time for the claimants to lands under the state of Georgia, lying in the state of Tennessee, for registering the evidence of their titles, with the Secretary of State, and that they report thereon to the House.
Mr. Nicholson presented a petition from captain Alexander Murray of the United States Navy, stating that he had recaptured a vessel under Guadaloupe, in May 1800, and sent her in for adjudication: in consequence of the decision of the supreme court, he was subjected to the payment of 13,397 dollars and 58 cents damages, &c. which he prays he may be exonerated from.
Referred to the committee appointed on captain Little's case.
The following motion of Mr. Rhea of Tennessee, was referred to the committee appointed on so much of the President's message as relates to the amelioration of the government of Louisiana.
Resolved, That it is expedient to provide, by law, for exhibiting and registering in proper offices, in the original language, and in the language used in the United States, all evidences of title and claim for land within the territories ceded by the French republic to the United States, by the treaty of the thirtieth of April, in the year 1803, which have originated by virtue of any legal grant made by the French government, prior to the treaty of Paris, in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three; or of any legal grant made by the government of Spain, subsequent to the convention made by and between the French government and the government of Spain, of the third of November, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, and prior to the treaty of St. Ildefonso of the first of October, one thousand eight hundred; or of any legal grant made by the British government subsequent to the said treaty of Paris, of the tenth day of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three, and prior to the treaty of peace of the third of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.
Adjourned.
Errata in the 4th column of page 2, in our last paper. The speech attributed to Mr. Newton was Mr. Early's.
In the 1st column of page 3, the last speech attributed to Mr. Elmer was Mr. Elliott's.
In the last paragraph, Lt. Love is said to be of the 3rd Virginia regiment, he was of the 3rd South Carolina.
GENERAL REWBELL, one of the Cidevant Directors of the French Republic, died at Paris on the 6th of August last.
Lancaster, (P.) Nov. 20.
Electoral Elections.
From the returns received in the office of the Secretary of this Commonwealth, we are now enabled to lay before our Readers the amount of the Votes given, in the different Counties of this State, at the late Election for Electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States, viz.
Republican Ticket, headed Chas. Thompson, 22,103 Fed do. Geo. Latimer, 1,179
The Ticket formed in Adams county did not receive that support, from the Federal Party, which its Framers anticipated. The Leaders of the opposition, in this State, independent of the Contempt they felt for the obscure Few, who assumed the power of Nomination to public Office (a power which, their Politics should have taught them, belonged exclusively to the Great) had no inclination to discover how many Federal Partisans Pennsylvania was blessed with!!!
NEW YORK, November 21. The trials of Richard Riker, Robert Swartwout, Nathaniel Pendleton, and
Wm. P. Van Nels, Esqrs. for duelling, in violation of the laws of this state, we understand, will come on at the present sessions of the supreme court now sitting at the city hall, in this city.
Cooper, the American Roscius, gave on Monday evening the most perfect representation of the character of Macbeth we recollect ever to have witnessed. His transatlantic expedition appears not only to have matured his judgment, but to have corrected his pronunciation. He was received by the audience with a rapture bordering on enthusiasm. The receipts of the house we should suppose were very little short of eleven hundred dollars.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
It is to be lamented that partial and interested views should induce some persons to represent the discontent of the inhabitants of the district of Orleans as limited to a few, and as a kind of party spirit. We may venture to say that, had it not been for the difficulties which have attended the collection of votes (the governor there declared that he would not suffer any regular convocation of the people to take place) the expression of their wishes would be almost unanimous. But the efforts of those interested persons to oppose their views, have proved partly successful in separating from them the greatest part of the American born citizens, and creating some confusion among the two descriptions of people in Louisiana. Such conduct in those who ought to have sacrificed every other consideration, to that of forming and cherishing the happy harmony, which they found prevailing at their arrival in that country, we leave the public to decide upon. Certain it is, that those, whom they affect to call the French inhabitants in that country, form, at least, nine tenths of its population, almost all of whom are one and the same. As to their discontent, it is not of such a nature as some endeavour to represent it. Their patience and submission are not to be called in question. They have suffered innumerable inconveniences with the greatest resignation; and they are still endeavouring to keep up that good order which has prevailed in their country during the changes and subversions which they have had to undergo. They are waiting with anxiety, but with tranquility, the effect of the representation which they have sent by their agents to the legislators of their country. They are not unacquainted with what is known to all the world; the wisdom and justice of congress. In those sacred virtues they have placed an unbounded confidence; and whatever may be the decision of their enlightened councils, it will be received with due respect and submission.
Raleigh, November 19.
The Printing office of Mr. R. Davison of Warrenton, together with all his Types, Books, and Stationary, &c. were consumed by fire on the morning of Saturday last: the loss of Mr. Davison, we learn, is very great. We are told it is the belief of Mr. D. that some villain must have set fire to his office.
The subscriber in addition to his former supply, has just received from Baltimore and Norfolk,
Noyou, Ruffie, Citron and other cordials, 20 boxes, assorted pickles, Preserves, fruits, &c. A parcel high flavored cheese, 50 demijohns old Madeira Wine. JOAN BANKS, High Street, Georgetown. November 26 - 2w
NOTICE.
This is to give notice that the subscriber of Washington city hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of ABRAHAM BOYD late of said county deceased - ALL persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the first day of June next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 25th day of November 1804. WASHINGTON BOYD, Adm'r. November 26 - w3t
IN pursuance of an order of the Orphans Court of the county of Washington in the Territory of Columbia will be sold at PUBLIC SALE, on Friday the 14th day of December next, at the dwelling place of the late Abraham Boyd, about three miles from the city of Washington and near Rock creek Church - ALL the Personal property of the said Abraham Boyd, consisting of several likely young Negroes, Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, Corn, Rye, Oats, Fodder, Hay, Household Furniture, &c. &c The sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. ALL sums under Twenty Dollars, cash, for sums above that amount a credit of Nine months will be allowed upon the purchasers giving bond with approved security. WASHINGTON BOYD, Adm'r. Washington city, Nov. 26 9t
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 26.
The election for charter officers for the city of New-York, has issued in the success of the republican ticket in seven wards out of nine, by a majority of 1152. The American Citizen states this as the first time since the peace that the Common Council has been on the side of the people.
One hundred towns in New-Hampshire give the following votes for the electoral ticket.
Table with 2 columns: Political Affiliation, Votes. Rows: Republican 6,099; Federal 5,766; Majority 333. Total towns: 420.
The Boston Gazette, a federal paper, says "the democratic ticket for electors has prevailed in New-Hampshire."
Notice to Subscribers.
The terms of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER requiring the annual advance of FIVE Dollars, the papers of subscribers, who shall not have have complied with this term on the FIRST day of DECEMBER, will be discontinued.
The subscriber has just received and offers for sale, a few Pipes, and half pipes London particular Madeira wine, Old and of a superior quality, 25 casks Sherry wine, 4 pipes Fancy Madeira, do. 3 pipes Holland gin, 6 Casks Souchong tea, A few small casks Hylon chulan tea, 70 barrels New-York Pippens and Spitzenburgh. He has also on hand, Jamaica rum in hoggheads, Cogniac, and other French brandy in pipes, Molasses in hoggheads, Claret in cases, Excellent Lisbon wine by the pipe or quarter cask. WM BRENT. Washington, Nov. 26 - 3w
IN pursuance of an order made in the case of Wm. Shepherd, an insolvent debtor, will be exposed to public sale on Wednesday the 28th inst. at 11 o'clock A. M. at Rhodes's tavern, city of Washington.
A Coach and pair of Horses - and the interest of the said Wm. Shepherd in a part of a lot situate on West street, George Town - being the same which Richard Parrott sold to David Austin, who sold the same to Wm. Shepherd - on which the sum of sixty dollars remains due to Mr. Parrott - A credit of four months will be allowed, upon the purchasers giving bond and security to be approved of by ROBERT W. PEACOCK, Trustee. November 26 - 2t
Ship Timber, Plank, &c.
WANTED at the NAVY YARD, Washington, a quantity of the undermentioned materials, for which the fair market prices at New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore, will be paid on delivery, viz.
THICK STUFF and PLANK of white oak and heart yellow pine of 12 to 14 inches in breadth, 30 feet long and upwards, viz.
Table with 2 columns: Thickness, Quantity. Rows: 9 inch thick 5 inch thick; 8 1-2 do. 4 1-2 do.; 8 do. 4 do.; 7 1-2 do. 3 1-2 do.; 7 do. 3 do.; 6 1-2 do. 2 1-2 do.; 6 do. 2 do.; 5 1-2 do. 1 1-2 do.
Logs of white oak, and heart yellow pine, from 12 to 16 inches square, and 16 to 30 feet long, Do. of 16 to 18 inches square, and 30 to 40 feet long, the prices will be greater,
Do. of larger sizes and lengths, still more so. Timbers of live oak, cedar and locusts, all sizes, Crooked logs, and pieces of white oak, walnut and chesnut, Knees do. do.
Locust treenails, all sizes, Ash logs, and oak rafters, Handspikes and capstan bars of hickory and ash, various sizes, Spruce pine spars, Do. lower yards, Do. half do. Do. topmasts. Also, leger and pipe staves and heading, of white oak. Any person desirous of supplying a quantity, and wishing to ascertain the prices, previous to delivery, will be furnished therewith on application to the subscriber, and describing the particulars THOMAS TINGEY, Superintendent. Navy Yard, Washington, Nov. 23 - 4t
At the particular request of a number of Ladies and Gentlemen, Mr. Albinus will give an other exhibition this evening.
(By Authority.)
Washington THEATRE.
On MONDAY EVENING, November 26, 1804,
By an ingenious piece of representing
FIRE-WORK,
(Without smoke or fire) will be displayed,
The Brilliancies of Perrico
In 12 different pieces. 1. The United States Bank. 2. Grand Mosque in Canton. 3. St. Mary's Church at Rome. 4. The Castle of Fortune. 5. An inside view of the Grand Pantheon at Paris, with the bust of Franklin. 6. St. Paul's Church in London. 7. The temple of Liberty, with the bust of Washington. 8. Oxford University. 9. Bank of New York. 10. The Emperor of China's Tomb. 11. Temple of Flora. 12. Mahomet's Tomb.
AFTER WHICH, THE Grand Audifocian:
Or, Mysteries of Mechanism. FROM ROME, IN ITALY.
Comprising a collection of Rich and COMIC FIGURES, who perform equal to life, in their different characters, as follows:
1st. A Rich Group of Figures representing the ancient Egyptian court, four feet and a half high; their graceful movements, and brilliancy of dress, surpass any exhibition ever yet seen. 2d. The Olympic Gaioline Dance, by a Figure in the character of the Empress of Morocco, beating and dancing with exact time to the music. 3d. The Lovely village Maid will dance a Fancy Dance, with native elegance and simplicity.
4th. A small Figure, (in imitation of the celebrated Little Devil,) will perform all manner of Ground and Lofty Tumbling, truly astonishing. This phenomenon of human invention, is worthy the attention of the most enlightened characters.
5th. The astonishing Lapland Sorcerers will dance a Jig, and in the course of dancing, by the powers of mechanism, change her face three times imperceptibly.
6th. An Automaton Figure, in the character of an American Tar, will dance a Hornpipe, performing a variety of steps, equal to the first performers in that line, and exactly characteristic of the brave Tar. The spectator is often lost in wonder at beholding the correct attitudes of this piece of ingenuity, and at times forgets himself, by imagining the Figure to possess life. By the Artificial Comedians will be performed, the comic Interlude of The Old Batchelor Outwitted. The whole to conclude with a view of a Sea Engagement.
In order that all parties may have an opportunity of gratifying their curiosities, by seeing the rich productions of art and ingenuity, Mr. M. has reduced the prices of admission - Box Half a Dollar, Pit 25 Cents. The Theatre will be well provided with stoves, in the different lobbies. N. B. Mr. M. intending shortly to sail for Europe, wishes to dispose of the whole of his Apparatus, or part, and will teach the purchaser.
The tickets in future will be sold at the end of the Theatre, at Mr. Morris's Mr. Smith's Printing Office, Mr. Duane's Book Store, and Way's Printing Office. - No admission without tickets. November 26, 1804.
SUWARROW BOOTS.
BOOT & SHOE WAREHOUSE.
JOHN MINCHIN Boot-Maker from Philadelphia, respectfully acquaints his friends former customers and the public that he has now opened an elegant assortment of gentlemen's fashionable Suwarrows boots, plain boots, bootees, dress and strong shoes. Washington, New Jersey avenue near the Capitol - November 7 - 4t
In the case of CHARLES NEVITT, an insolvent debtor.
SIX months from and after the first day of November next, is limited, and appointed for the creditors to bring in, and exhibit to the trustee their claims - It is ordered that notices be published in the National Intelligencer once a month during the said term. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, one of the assistant judges of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. URIAH FORREST, Clk.
Agreeable to the above order, the creditors are noticed to exhibit their claims to the subscriber. WILLIAM PROUT. Washington, Oct 26 - 1am 6m

PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office, in Washington, until the 14th day of Jan. next, inclusive.
IN DELAWARE.
1. From Wilmington, by New Castle, St. George's town, Cantwell's Bridge, Duck Creek, Dover and Frederica to Milford, three times a week. April 15 to November 15.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 11 a m.—Arrive at Dover by 9 p m. Leave Dover every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Milford by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Milford every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 p m. Arrive at Dover by 8 p m. Leave Dover on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Wilmington by 2 p m.
November 15 to April 15.
Leave Wilmington every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 6 a m. Arrive at Dover by 6 p m and at Milford on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Milford every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 p m. Arrive at Dover by 8 p m and at Wilmington on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 6 p m.
2. From Milford by Georgetown, Dagsborough, Trap, Snowhill, Horntown and Drummondtown to Northampton once a week. Leave Milford every Tuesday at noon and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m. Leave Georgetown on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Northampton on the next Saturday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Northampton every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Georgetown the next Tuesday by 6 p m. Leave Georgetown on Wednesday by 6 a m and arrive at Milford by noon.
3. From Georgetown by Bridge Branch, New Fork Bridge and New Market to Camden once a week. Leave Georgetown every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Cambridge on Thursday by 11 a m. Leave Cambridge at 1 p m and arrive at Georgetown on Friday by 6 p m.
4. From Georgetown by Concord and Laurel to Salisbury once a week. Leave Georgetown every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Salisbury by 6 p m. Leave Salisbury every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m.
5. From Georgetown by Broadkiln Landing to Lewistown once a week. Leave Lewistown every Tuesday noon and arrive at Georgetown by 6 p m. Leave Georgetown every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Lewistown by noon.
6. From Wilmington by Christiana, Middletown, Warwick, Sassafras and Georgetown Cross Roads to Chestertown twice a week. Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Wilmington by 8 p m.
IN MARYLAND.
7. From Easton by Hillsborough, Denton, Greenborough and Whitley's to Frederica once a week. Leave Easton every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Frederica on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Frederica every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Easton on Thursday by 6 p m.
8. From Chestertown by Church-hill, Centerville, Queenstown, Sharktown and Kent Island to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Centerville by 10 a m and at Annapolis by 8 p m. Returning. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Centerville by 2 p m. Leave Centerville at 3 p m and arrive at Chestertown by 8 p m.
9. From Centerville to Easton twice a week. Leave Centerville every Wednesday and Saturday at noon and arrive at Easton by 6 p m. Leave Easton every Tuesday and Friday at 6 a m and arrive at Centerville by 6 p m.
10. From Baltimore by Ellicott's Lower Mills and New Market to Fredericktown twice a week. Leave Fredericktown every Saturday at 9 p m and arrive at Baltimore on Sunday & Wednesday by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Fredericktown on Tuesday and Saturday by 4 p m.
11. From Fredericktown by Woodborough, Taneytown, Petersville and Hanover to York once a week. Leave Fredericktown every Monday at 4 a m and arrive at York by 5 p m. Leave York every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 p m.
12. From Fredericktown by Middle-town, Boonborough, Hagerstown and Greencastle to Chambersburg twice a week. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday and Saturday at 6 p m and arrive at Chambersburg on Wednesday and Sunday by 11 1/2 a m. Returning. Leave Chambersburg every Wednesday and Sunday at 1 p m and arrive at Fredericktown on Thursday and Tuesday by 1 p m.
13. From Hagerstown by Hancock, Berkeley Springs, Oldtown, Cumberland, Creltsburg, Frankfort & Springfield to Romney once a week. Leave Hagerstown every Wednesday at 8 a m and arrive at Romney on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Romney every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Hagerstown on Tuesday by 6 p m.
14. From Baltimore by Ellicott's Lower Mills, Brookville, Montgomery c h and Charlesburg to Leesburg once a week. Leave Baltimore every Friday at 2 p m—arrive at Leesburg on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Leesburg every Wednesday at 9 a m and arrive at Baltimore on Friday by 10 a m.
15. From Fredericktown to Leesburg once a week. Leave Leesburg every Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Fredericktown by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Fredericktown every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Leesburg by 8 p m.
16. From Fred. town by Newtown, Harper's Ferry, Charles town & Shepherdstown to Martinsburg once a week. Leave Fredericktown every Wednesday at 8 a m—arrive at Charles town by 5 p m.—Leave Charles town at 6 p m and arrive at Martinsburg on Thursday by 9 a m. Returning. Leave Martinsburg every Thursday at noon and arrive at Harper's Ferry by 8 p m. Leave Harper's Ferry on Tuesday at 9 a m and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 p m.
17. From Hartford to Bell Air once a week. Leave Bell Air every Tuesday by 7 a m—arrive at Hartford by 9 a m. Leave Hartford at 11 a m and arrive at Bell Air by 1 p m.
18. From Baltimore to Annapolis three times a week. Leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 a m and arrive at Annapolis same days by 5 p m. Returning. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 8 a m and arrive at Baltimore by 5 p m.
19. From Annapolis by Tracey's Landing, Lower Marlborough, Huntingdon and Calvert c h to St. Leonard's once a week. Leave Annapolis every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at St. Leonard's on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave St. Leonard's every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Annapolis on Thursday by 6 p m.
20. From Annapolis by Haddaway's, St. Michael's, Essex, Cambridge, Vienna, Salsbury, Princess Ann and Snowhill to Salisbury once a week. Leave Annapolis every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Easton on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Easton at 2 p m and arrive at Snowhill on Wednesday by 1 p m.— Returning. Leave Snowhill every Wednesday at 3 p m—arrive at Easton on Friday by 10 a m. Leave Easton at 2 p m and arrive at Annapolis on Saturday by 5 p m.
21. From Washington by Usaquia to Brookville once a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday at 5 a m and arrive at Brookville by 11 a m—Leave Brookville every Wednesday at 1 p m and arrive at Washington by 8 p m.
22. From Washington city by Gaithersburg, Montgomery c h & Clarkstown to Fredericktown three times a week. Leave Washington city every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Fredericktown same days by 4 p m. Leave Fredericktown every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 a m and arrive at Washington same days by 4 p m.
23. From Washington city by Piscataway, Port Tobacco, Allen's Fresh, Newport, Chaptico, Leonardtown, Great Mill and St. Inigoe's to the Ridge—Leave Washington every Monday and Friday at 7 a m and arrive at Port Tobacco by 5 p m.—Leave Port Tobacco every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Leonardtown by 4 p m. Leave Leonardtown at 1-2 past 4 p m & arrive at the Ridge on Wednesday at 4 p m.— Returning. Leave the Ridge at 6 a m on Thursday and arrive at Port Tobacco on Friday by 6 p m.—Leave Port Tobacco on Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Washington by 4 p m.
24. From Washington city by Upper Marlborough and Queen Ann's to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Annapolis by 6 p m. Leave Annapolis every Monday and Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Washington by 4 p m.
25. From Upper Marlborough by Nottingham, Aquasco, Benedict and Charlotte Hall to Chaptico once a week. Leave Upper Marlborough every Wednesday noon and arrive at Chaptico on Thursday by 11 a m. Leave Chaptico every Thursday at 1 p m and arrive at Upper Marlborough on Friday by noon.
IN VIRGINIA.
26. From Hagerstown Md by Williamsport, Martinsburg, Winchester, Stevensburg or Newtown, Strasburg, Woodstock, New Market and Harrisonburg to Staunton once a week. Leave Hagerstown every Tuesday at 2 p m—arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Winchester at 11 a m and arrive at Staunton on Friday by 11 a m.— Returning. Leave Staunton every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Hagerstown the next Monday by 10 a m.
27. From Washington city by Georgetown, Prospect Hill, Hillsborough,
Leesburg, Waterford, Charlestown and Battlestown to Winchester.—Leave Washington city every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Charlestown on Wednesday by 5 p m. Leave Charlestown at 6 p m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by noon. Returning. Leave Winchester every Friday noon and arrive at Washington on Sunday by 4 p m.
28. From Washington city by Fairfax c h Centerville, Middleburg, Goshen, Millwood, Paris and Winchester to Romney once a week.—Leave Washington every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Winchester on Sunday by 3 p m and at Romney on Monday by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Romney every Tuesday at 4 a m—arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 9 a m and at Washington on Thursday by 5 p m.
29. From Romney by Westernport, Green Glades, Gandy's and Clarkburg to Marsh's once a week. Leave Romney every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Gandy's on Wednesday by 3 p m & at Marsh's on Friday by 11 a m. Returning. Leave Marsh's every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Gandy's on Sunday by 8 a m and at Romney on Monday by 8 p m.
30. From Marsh's by Marietta, Middle-town and the Salt works to Chillicothe once a week. Leave Marsh's every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at the Salt works on Monday by 10 a m—Leave there at 10 1/2 a m and arrive at Chillicothe by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Chillicothe every Tuesday at 8 a m and arrive at Marsh's the next Friday by 10 a m.
31. From Romney by Moorfields to Pendleton c h once a week. Leave Romney every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Pendleton c h on Wednesday by 4 p m. Returning. Leave Pendleton c h on Thursday at 6 a m and arrive at Romney on Friday by 6 p m.
32. From Leesburg by Centerville, Haymarket, Buckland, Warrenton, Jefferson town and Culpepper c h to Madison c h once a week. Leave Leesburg every Saturday at 4 a m and arrive at Madison c h on Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave Madison c h every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Leesburg on Friday by 6 p m.
33. From Fredericksburg by Germania, Stevensburg, Culpepper c h Gaines Cross Roads and Front Royal to Winchester once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Winchester on Monday at 6 a m. Returning. Leave Winchester every Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Friday by 10 a m.
34. From Culpepper c h by Woodville, Thornton's Gap and Musdell's store to New-market once a week. Leave Culpepper c h every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New-market on Tuesday by 10 a m. Leave New-market at 2 p m and arrive at Culpepper on Wednesday by 6 p m.
35. From Fredericksburg by Thornsburg, Chilesburg, Chesterfield c h Newfound Mills, Oxford, Crew's store, Goochland c h Mitchell's, Yanceyville, Louisa c h, Pottsville and Spottsylvania c h to Fredericksburg once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday at noon—arrive at Goochland c h on Thursday by 11 a m and at Fredericksburg the next Tuesday by 8 a m.
36. From Fredericksburg by Port Royal to Layton's once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday and arrive at Layton's.
37. From Fredericksburg by King George c h Brookfield, Mattox Bridge, Leedstown, Templeman's Cross Roads, Richmond c h Farnham, Kinfaile, Northumberland c h and Lancaster c h to Kilmarnock once a week. Leave Fredericksburg Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Kilmarnock the next Saturday by 5 p m. Returning. Leave Kilmarnock every Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at Fredericksburg the next Wednesday by 10 a m.
38. From Tappahannock to Richmond c h once a week. Leave Richmond c h every Thursday noon and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p m. Returning. Leave Tappahannock on Thursday at 6 1/2 p m and arrive at Richmond c h on Monday by 9 a m.
39. From Bowling Green by Baileysville, Broadus's Mill, Harrisonville, Newtown, Dunkirk, Walkerton, King William c h Lilly Point and Cumberland to New Kent c h once a week. Leave Bowling Green every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Tuesday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave New Kent every Tuesday at 2 p m and arrive at Bowling Green on Wednesday by 6 p m.
40. From Richmond by Hanover town and Dunkirk to Tappahannock once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 1 p m—arrive at Dunkirk on Thursday by 7 a m. Leave Dunkirk at 8 a m and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p m.— Returning. Leave Tappahannock every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Richmond on Wednesday by 9 a m.
41. From Dunkirk by King and Queen c h. Shacklefords, Gloucester c h. and North End to Matthews c h. once a week. Leave Dunkirk every Thursday at 8 a m, and arrive at Matthews c h. on Friday by 6 p m.— Returning. Leave
Matthews c h. on Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Dunkirk on Monday by 6 p m.
42. From Richmond by Granville to Charles City c h. once a week. Leave Charles City c h. every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Richmond by 4 p m. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 6 a m, and arrive at Charles City c h. by 6 p m.
43. From Richmond by Hopkins' Powhatan c h, Cartersville, New Canton, Buckingham c h, Bant Creek, Lynchburg, New London and Liberty to Fincastle once a week.—Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 1 p m arrive at Powhatan c h by 9 p m, and at Fincastle on Saturday by 6 p m.—Leave Fincastle every Sunday at 4 a m, and arrive at Powhatan c h on Tuesday by 3 p m.—Leave Powhatan c h at 4 p m and arrive at Richmond on Wednesday by 10 a m.
44. From Richmond by Goshen, Genito Bridge, Pridesville, Perkinville, Painsville, Ligontown & James town to Farmville once a week.—Leave Farmville every Monday at 6 a m & arrive at Richmond on Tuesday by 4 p m.—Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 8 a m, & arrive at Jamestown on Thursday by 8 p m.
45. From Powhatan c h by Cumberland c h, Ga Iras, Farmville, Prince Edward c h & Charlotte c h to Halifax c h once a week. Leave Powhatan c h every Thursday at 10 a m, arrive at Prince Edward c h on Friday by 4 p m and arrive at Halifax c h on Saturday by 4 p m. Leave Halifax c h on Sunday at 4 a m arrive at Prince Edward c h on Monday at 6 a m. Leave it at 6 1/2 a m & arrive at Powhatan c h on Tuesday by 1 p m.
46. From Prince Edward's c h by Leicester, Wheeler's Springs, Reed's & Campbell c h to New London once a week. Leave Prince Edward c h every Friday at 4 1/2 p m & arrive at New London on Saturday by 8 p m.— Returning. Leave New London on Sunday by 4 a m & arrive at Prince Edward c h on Monday by 6 a m.
47. From Halifax c h by Danville & Dixonville to Lenox Castle N. C. once a week. Leave Lenox Castle every Friday at 6 a m & arrive at Halifax c h on Saturday by 6 p m. Leave Halifax c h every Sunday at 6 a m & arrive at Lenox Castle on Monday by 6 p m.
48. From Halifax c h by Halifax Old town, Pittsylvania c h, Pittsylvania old c h, Peytonburg, Henry c h and Rocky Mount to Liberty once a week. Leave Halifax c h every Sunday at 6 a m arrive at Henry c h on Monday by 3 p m and at Liberty on Wednesday by 10 a m.— Returning. Leave Liberty every Wednesday at 2 p m, and arrive at Henry c h on Friday by 8 a m. Leave Henry c h at 9 a m and arrive at Halifax c h on Saturday by 6 p m.
49. From Henry c h by Patrick c h to Germanton in N. C. once in two weeks. Leave Henry c h every other Monday at 4 p m and arrive at Germanton on Wednesday by 10 a m. Leave Germanton the same day at 2 p m and arrive at Henry c h on Friday by 8 a m.
50. From Petersburg by Brookington, Namazur Bridge, Notoway c h, Hungarystown, Double Bridge, Halesburg, Willieville, Bibb's Ferry and Scottsburg to Halifax c h once a week. Leave Petersburg every Wednesday at 2 p m arrive at Willieville on Saturday by 9 a m. Leave Willieville at 10 a m and arrive at Halifax c h by 4 p m.— Returning. Leave Halifax c h on Sunday by 6 a m and arrive at Willieville by 2 p m. Leave Willieville at 3 p m and arrive at Petersburg on Wednesday by 10 a m.
51. From Willieville by Speed and Wilson's Store, Walden's Store, Scituateville and Normans to Mount Tizah once a week. Leave Willieville every Saturday at 10 a m and arrive at Mount Tizah on Sunday by 4 p m. Leave Mount Tizah every Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Willieville on Saturday by 8 a m.
52. From Harrisville by Fielders Mill, Quirkeville, McFarlands, Lunenburg c h, Christiansville, Marshallville, Mecklenburg c h, Davis's, St. Tamany's, Gads Bridge, Edmundson and Fielder's Mill to Harrisville once a week. Leave Harrisville every Tuesday at 6 a m arrive at Marshallville by 5 p m. Leave there on Wednesday at 6 a m and arrive at Harrisville by 6 p m.
53. From Harrisville by Bellfield & Alexandria to Halifax twice a week. Leave Harrisville every Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m and arrive at Halifax by 8 p m. Leave Halifax every Thursday and Saturday at 5 a m and arrive at Harrisville by 8 p m. The mail is to pass by Putney's Store on Wednesday and Saturday.
54. From Petersburg by Suffex c h, Jerusalem and South Quay to Murfreesborough, N. C. once a week. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Murfreesborough on Wednesday by 4 p m.— Returning. Leave Murfreesborough every Sunday at 8 a m and arrive at Petersburg on Monday by 6 p m.
55. From Smithfield by Jerusalem & the Crosskeys to Bedford once a week. Leave Smithfield every Thursday at 5 a m and arrive at Smithfield on Friday by 11 a m.— Returning. Leave Smithfield
every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Bellfield on Saturday by 7 p m.
56. From Newbern by Kempville, N. W. R. Bridge, Pals Creek, N. C. Indian town, J. C. Burg, Elizabeth City, Nixontown & Hertford to Edenton once a week. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday noon and arrive at Edenton the next Friday by 10 a m.— Returning. Leave Edenton every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Norfolk the next Tuesday by 8 a m.
57. From Charlottesville by Warren, Warminster, New Market, New Glasgow and Madison to Lynchburg once a week. Leave Charlottesville every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Lynchburg on Saturday by 10 a m. Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Charlottesville on Monday by 10 a m.
58. From Staunton by Kinkeads, the Warm Springs or Bath c h, Morris's, Galloghans and the Sulphur Springs to Lewisburg and from thence by Union Town, the Sweet Springs, Callaghans, &c. to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Lewisburg on Monday by 10 a m. Leave Lewisburg by noon and arrive at Staunton the next Friday by 10 a m.
59. From Lewisburg by Boyers, Huff's and Morris's to Kenhaway c h once in two weeks. Leave Lewisburg every other Tuesday at 6 a m arrive at Kenhaway c h. on Thursday by 4 p m. Leave Kenhaway c h. every other Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Lewisburg on Tuesday by 6 p m.
60. From Staunton by Middlebrack, Brownsburg, Lexington, Natural Bridge, Fincastle, Airmount, Montgomery c h. and New Dublin to Wythe c h. once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Wythe c h on Monday by 6 p m. Leave Wythe c h every Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Staunton the next Friday by 10 a m.
61. From New Dublin by Tazewell c h or Jeffersonville, Russel c h and Lee c h to Cumberland Gap once in two weeks. Leave New Dublin every other Monday at 9 a m and arrive at Cumberland Gap the next Saturday by 6 p m.— Returning. Leave Cumberland Gap every other Sunday at 6 a m and arrive at New Dublin the next Friday by 6 p m.
62. From Wythe by Austinville, Grayson c h Scull Camp, Mount Airy and Bethania to Salem N. C. once a week. Leave Wythe c h every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at Salem the next Friday by 10 a m. Returning. Leave Salem every Saturday at 6 a m and arrive at Wythe c h on Monday by 6 p m.
IN NORTH-CAROLINA.
63. From Suffolk, Vir. by Everitt's bridge and Gates c h to Edenton twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday by 1 p m. Returning. Leave Edenton every Sunday and Thursday at 9 1/2 a m and arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday by 9 a m.
64. From Edenton by Lee's mills, Plymouth and Washington to Newbern twice a week. Leave Edenton every Tuesday and Saturday at 2 p m arrive at Plymouth by 6 a m on Wednesday and Sunday. Leave Plymouth at 6 1/2 a m and arrive at Washington by 6 p m. Leave Washington at 7 p m and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 p m. Returning. Leave Newbern every Tuesday and Friday at 5 a m arrive at Washington by 5 p m. Leave Washington at 6 p m arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Saturday by 4 p m. Leave Plymouth at 4 1/2 p m and arrive at Edenton on Thursday and Sunday by 9 a m.
65. From Washington by Bath to Woodstock once a week. Leave Woodstock every Wednesday at 7 a m and arrive at Washington by 4 p m. Leave Washington at 7 p m and arrive at Woodstock on Thursday by 2 p m.
66. From Newbern by Trenton, North West Landing and Richmond to Wilmington once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 5 a m and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 a m. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 p m and arrive at Newbern on Saturday by 7 p m.
67. From Newbern to Beaufort once in two weeks. Leave Newbern every other Tuesday at 4 a m and arrive at Beaufort by 5 p m. Leave Beaufort the next Wednesday at 4 a m and arrive at Newbern by 8 p m.
(To be continued.)
Valuable Land for Sale.
The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th Street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the most beautiful prospects near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD.