The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-08-06 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 15.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME I.]
Monday, August 6, 1798.
POLITICS.
The following well written number of MARCUS BRUTUS, on the Politics of the Day, it is presumed will not be unacceptable. It is copied from the ALBANY CENTINEL, a federal and well-edited paper.
ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE.
IN my review of the general policy of France, I have endeavored to establish this important truth, that the conquests, usurpations, and depredations of that government, are the result of an original, a matured, extensive, and settled system, and not the consequence or subject to any contingent views or transient impulses. The surprising uniformity in the measures and machinery employed, the wonderful efficiency of the powers applied, and the undeviating perseverance in the policy first assumed, clearly manifest a systematic principle and vast concert.
If I have succeeded in this attempt in any material degree, I shall feel myself amply and fairly recompensed by this simple reflection, for the labour I have excited in the enquiry: For you, myself, our beloved country, its safety, independence and existence are deeply interesting in the establishment of this conviction. With this persuasion impressed upon your minds you will clearly and quickly comprehend the whole scope, and the certainty of your danger, and the nature and extent of the remedy you are to apply.
In vain do you flatter yourselves, that a system so deeply projected, so largely spread, and so ably and furiously pursued, will be obstructed in its operation, by slight obstacles, by small changes, by partial disappointments, and by feeble measures of resistance: In vain do you trust, that a spirit of violence so highly sublimated, and of influence so flagrantly outrageous, will yield to time, be disarmed by patience, or checked in its career, by suggestions of right and wrong, by remonstrances, by maxims of morality, by small measures, and feeble negotiations. Your just complaints, your candid and patient representations, your labored, temperate, and unanswerable reasonings, your appeal to the national justice, honor and good faith, to the rights of men and the laws of nations are totally thrown away: They glance and rebound from the steely breast of the monster, like the small shot of the sportsman from the scales of the alligator. Vainly do you, in the spirit of charitable candor, seek through the whole history of your own neutrality, or in the conduct of European nations subdued and oppressed by France, for particular circumstances or reasons to account for or palliate the enormities of the French government. The enquiry is futile. Circumstances and reasons of hostility and persecution are intrinsic and inherent in the original system of the invading power. The provocation is imaginary. The excitement felt created—They spring from the constitutional appetite for plunder, and the essential spirit of domination and violence which swell and grow as they are fed and fostered. Have not Geneva and Switzerland, have not Rome and Venice reasoned, remonstrated, supplicated and complained? And how have they been answered? Not by fair arguments, counter-reasons, counter remonstrances and complaints; not by candid and decent discussion; but by the argument of the robber and assassin; by the sneer of malignity and disdain; by the slung of cold, premeditated, but conscious villainy; and by the frown of tyranny and rage. In what instance, have the suggestions of reason, or the plea of just or humanity, delayed for a single hour the fate of those whom conspiracy had chosen for its victims, or who have been placed in the path of conquest? In what single case have maxims and principles stood in the way of passions and designs, or checked the career of power? No man or fellow citizens, who has fully studied, and justly comprehended the scope and spirit of the French system could ever have relied upon the efficacy of claims or the pretensions of equity against a power, which in the very outset had stripped itself of all encumbrances of first principles.
On what basis of calculation, (I urge the question) could you conceive that a government, that has for years maintained and pursued, with unexampled success, an immense project of raising money and supporting its existence by universal war against all wealthy nations, would relax or disperse its system by recurring to the distasteful of justice in any particular case, or vary its vast policy, by listening to suggestions, complaints and puny negotiations?
I entreat you to indulge me on this topic; since it is of infinite consequence to your security, to your existence, to your present and future measures, that you should have a just conception and an enlarged and decided view of this great fact, that the policy of France is a connected system, and the great object of the whole to ag-
grandize and enrich herself, by a regular series of open or covert hostility: First by promoting sedition and insurrections; then by accomplishing revolutions; next by despoiling commerce and levying contributions, and finally by absolute subjugation, conquest and plunder. Events have at last developed the plan in its whole compass; and the evidence has been accumulating till it has become an irresistible mass. Recent transactions have reflected illustration upon past events that seemed doubtful or mysterious. One would think indeed that this development was sufficiently obvious long ago to the discerning eye. But the people of this country, like their brethren of Europe, have, it is to be feared too long failed to see or rightly to appreciate the whole character of the French system. With the best opportunities to judge, and the quickest sensibility to feel, they have gazed on the passing scene, as on a meteor in the air, not with indifference indeed, but with extreme inactivity and wonderful indecision of mind. From the year 1793, to the present time, the sacrifice of the United States has been a distinct and capital branch of that great operation which has already desolated Europe. The evidence of this has been opening itself in the whole train of events, till it has become too clear and patent to be misunderstood or resisted. The same gradation appears in the means and measures of the enemy here as there; and though varied by local and peculiar circumstances, a striking analogy connects this branch with the whole which have overspread the richest portion of Europe.
The intrigue of France in the United States receives itself into three natural and obvious divisions. Her first step was directly to influence this government, and draw it into a species of vassal alliance. In this stage, her manoeuvres with the people form a kind of underplot to the principal play. But defeated in this attempt on the government, and but partially successful on the populace, she applied herself, in the next place, to lay a firmer and deeper foundation of influence, by managing the national elections, and thereby securing a pre-disposition in the administration, favorable to her schemes. Baffled also in this, she found her last resource in remonstrances as weak as they were angry and insolent, and in depredations on our commerce, the oppression of our navigation and the persecution of our citizens. In the first she relied for success, upon the natural influence of her cause, upon the subsisting relations between us, and the obligations we owed her. In the second she trusted to the popular sentiments of gratitude, to the influence of party spirit, and activity of certain factious men in the United States between whom and the French government there has probably existed a seceded league of mutual assistance and joint enterprise . In the third and last, she has confided in the ill love of that important class of our citizens, the COMMERCIAL INTEREST. Sensible of their great devotion to the pursuits and profits of foreign trade, and their terror of commercial hostility, and supposing the government too feeble to afford them a manly protection, she vainly flattered herself that they would submit to large voluntary sacrifices, in order to procure indulgence and security to their speculations; that they would be the first to make concessions, to open the treasury purse, and bend beneath the yoke of persecution. Her successive defeats evince her wretched ignorance of the character and temper of the United States; and her rage and resentment illustrate both the nature of her original views and the depth of her disappointment. I consider, that at the period of Monroe's recall, the French intrigue (properly so called) came to its terminating crisis, and assumed a different character: Since that time, the operation has been essential war : The ambitious part of the plot , in the usual course, was abandoned; and commercial depredations and plunder became the order of the day.
Are there yet any of our Fellow citizens who mistake the views of France; who trust that she is still under the influence of occasional and unsettled motives, that she is susceptible of just and legitimate impressions, and that there is still a hope of the restoration of harmony and of our obtaining justice in the ordinary course? Are there any now, who believe that peace is within our reach, by any other means than by basely surrendering our independence and by paying our enemy, instead of receiving retribution , for the injuries and insults with which she has already loaded us? Yes! I know there are some; but I trust in God, there are not many such—We have indeed recently heard this wretched humble hope, this poor vapour idea suggested on the floor of Congress; where it was received with that glow of spirit and depth of detestation it deserved. But you are not to believe, that all those who maintained the doctrine were necessarily themselves its dupes: You may justly conclude this, when you consider the chosen organ of the communication: Motions so forlorn, motions which are at once weak and desperate , require a peculiar kind of hardihood in the moving:—the hardihood of folly.
To establish for ever this universal conviction
in the minds of all Americans—the conviction of the incorrigible and incurable depravity of the French system, in its exterior relations, and particularly towards the United States, is an object of infinite moment to your future peace, your independence, your salvation. Nothing but this can give precision and certainty to your views, and salutary energy to your measures, in this great emergency. The conviction indeed at last is making rapid advances in the United States; and you begin to see and to feel the forcible and happy result. This great and just conception is now calling forth resources and awakening energies of which you were till now unconscious, and is dispelling doubts and difficulties, which before oppressed your senses and obscured your path. After having indulged yourselves so long in a dream of delusion, after having suffered the most unprovoked invasion of your rights and liberties, the most outrageous insult on the majesty of your independence, and the dignity of your name, after having for a series of years weakly struggled and feebly defended yourselves against intrigues the most audacious and robbers the most destructive, after having witnessed the manoeuvres and been warned of the attacks of France, after having had her whole line of march before your eye, without making one great movement, without a single active exertion worthy of your resources or of your sovereignty, you now, at length begin to rouse from your lethargy. And what has roused you at last? What new event has happened, what single fact has appeared, that should make this sudden impression? What, but a simple and formal avowal of that spirit in the French government, which you might long since have seen in the whole tenor of its conduct towards you. France, for years, has been trampling on your rights, levying contributions on your property, & taxing you , to glut her voracious avarice and support her profligate enterprises; and you who impatient, have been inactive; you have murmured, but you waved redress. Now the direct demand, the word, the name of TRIBUTE excites emotions and energies which a long course of substantial injuries could not inspire. Now, you look back with wonder on the long, unfirm account of oppressions on the one side, and of endurance on the other, and are amazed and affrighted to see that the honor of your country, which once might have been saved by vigorous measures and manly spirit, must now be recovered in the field of battle.
MARCUS BRUTUS.
Buonaparte's Expedition!
It appears beyond a doubt, that some grand enterprize is on foot at Toulon. A large armament is certainly forming there and Buonaparte is to command it. Read what follows:
PARIS, MAY 20.
BUONAPARTE, General and Commander in chief, upon his arrival at Toulon, after having passed his army in review pronounced the following
SPEECH:—
OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS,
"IT is two years since I have commanded you; at that period you were on the river of Genoa, in the greatest misery, wanting every thing; having sacrificed even your watches for your reciprocal subsistence. I promised to put a period to your miseries, I led you into Italy—there every thing was furnished you: I have not kept my word with you? Yes! Ah! well! Know that you have not yet done enough for your country, and that your country has not done sufficient for you—I am now going to lead you into a country where by your future exploits you will surpass those which this day astonish your admirers, and render to your country the services which it has a right to expect from an army of invincibles ."
"I promise to each soldier, that upon the return of this expedition, he shall have at his disposition, the means of purchasing six acres of land ."
"You are about to incur new dangers, you will participate them with our brethren the seamen, this force has not hitherto, rendered itself formidable to our enemies, their exploits have not equalled yours—occasions only have been wanting, but the courage of the seamen, is equal to yours; their wish is that of triumphing, they will attain it with you. communicate to them that invincible spirit which every where renders you victorious; second their efforts, live on board with that intelligence which characterizes men purely animated and devoted to the good of the same cause, they have like you, acquired rights to the national gratitude, in the difficult arts of the marine.—Habituate yourselves to the manoeuvres on board; become the terror of our land and marine enemies, imitate in that point, the Roman Soldiers, who knew how at once to defeat Carthage in the plain, and the Carthaginians in their fleets."
Cries of long live the Republic, and hymns of combat followed this harangue.
The 15th and 32d half brigades of the line proceeded on board the different ships of the line, in the squadron; all the troops of the expedition, infantry, cavalry, &c. are on board; we expect the order to sail, which must be soon received.
From the tenor of the above speech, it appears that Buonaparte has England in view, as the bank on which he is to draw his check for money to purchase his promised "acres". It would seem by this speech, that the French game of deception is playing at a high rate; but although we cannot think that any thing serious is intended against the Queen of the Isles, we deem it our duty to lay before our readers all the facts and opinions we are in possession of, on the subject—which is certainly important in many points of view.—We shall therefore quote Gen. Dumourier, on the subject; from his "Tableau Speculatif de l'Europe."
THE EXTRACT.
"THERE still remains, says this great General, the expedition against England, to be attempted by France. The Directory has succeeded, by dint of declamations and extravagant charges, to stir up the nation against the English. Cupidity, which sees all the gold of Europe stored up in England, unites with the national hatred. The plan is ready, and will be executed. Immense preparations continue to be made with the most expensive profusion. If the enterprise is not made, the public treasury is exhausted, and the Directory undone."
"Buonaparte, the French Scipio, (designed perhaps, to share the same fate) is charged with the destruction of modern Carthage. The habit of success prevents us from perceiving the possibility of a defeat. No one in France doubts the success of this important expedition. It is a coup de main , which they are eager to effect, because they are tired of a seven years war. It is, in their opinion, the pledge of an eternal peace, the basis of the solidity of the democratic republic, and the end of all the calamities which, since the first instant of the revolution, have overwhelmed France; it is the golden fleece, the crown work of all the republican victories, the prize of all the blood which has been shed, and the completion of the national glory."
"This expedition will therefore take place, and probably at the beginning of the Spring.—Under the chapter of England has been detailed every circumstance which either facilitates or obstructs it. Should it succeed, the French Republic will be one the absolute mistress of the world. All the governments of Europe will be at her mercy; all will become her tributaries; and the French will have no other enemies but themselves, their pride, their avidity, their luxury, their immorality, their dissensions, their levity, and their extravagant Democracy. The French Republic will, in a few years, have passed through all the gradations which the Roman Republic waded through in several centuries, to reach the summit of power, and as rapidly to decline. This Colossus, too bulky for its pedestal of clay, will then give way and crumble into ruins."
"But if this expedition should not succeed, which very possibly it may not; if the invincible fleets of the English gain one decisive battle over the French, Spanish and Batavian fleets, combined or separately; if the English nation, equally proud, equally spirited, and equally animated by national hatred, as the French are—repels the French army immediately on its descent, or destroys or forces it to re-embark with loss; if its communication with the sea is cut off; if it is weakened harassed, starved, and in short fails in this important expedition, which can but once be attempted on a large scale, and which, if executed partially and in detail, may fail of success—then France is completely undone; all her laurels will wither; her allies desert and turn against her; the other powers of Europe will attack her on every side; she will have lost the flower of her warriors and the reputation of her arms; she will be without money, and internal feuds will complete her ruin."
"Another danger which attaches to the Members of the Directory, and the Councils, will result from the despair and revenge of the troops, who will consider themselves as sacrificed to the temerity and ambition of that abhorred Oligarchy. These soldiers, who form at present the only support of their tyrannical power will then turn against them, and be invited to do so by the general will of the nation. It is at Paris they will then seek for the reward and pillage they are promised to obtain in England. The Generals themselves will either become the first victims of the fury of the troops, which may be excused, or share in their indignation and revolt."
"Nor is it even necessary that the descent in England should terminate in a catastrophe disgraceful for the French arms, to bring on that military explosion against the present government of France—for this purpose it will suf-

The Late News,
Received from Europe, is contained in the following SUMMARY, taken from the last Boston papers :
See, that the expedition be long protracted, or abandoned after having been announced in such emphatic strains. The assemblage of so many idle soldiers, whom it will be no longer possible to pay after the national treasure is exhausted by this expensive show, will likewise excite their indignation, and lead them to the same excess.
"The Directory seem to be aware of this danger; and the late decree respecting the re-establishment of the National Guard, may be considered as a measure of precaution against the insurrection of the armies. And yet it is by the same very constitutional decree, that the unfortunate exiles of the 10th Fructidor (or 4th of September) 1797, were declared traitors to the country.
"It was by the force of the bayonet that the Revolution was effected; it is by the same force that the present Government will be destroyed.
"The chimerical thousand millions of livres in land, with which, very imprudently, the troops have been amused, have already been converted into annuities, promised to the armies. — But can it be supposed that they will rest satisfied with their commutation of real and landed property into an annuity to be distributed in an arbitrary manner, and which will be paid, like all the other annuities and pensions, with reductions, slow, and in effects which are at a discount? Moreover, if the value of the thousand millions has not been reserved in land, what security is to be given for the enormous amount of these annuities? — What will be the result, supposing even the French government is able to fulfil the conditions of the decree? Instead of transforming this class of gallant warriors into cultivators and fathers of families, they will be converted into a mass of idle annuitants, and bachelors, who have not the means to marry; they will consequently become either useless or dangerous, and a dead burthen on the nation. The nation should not have been deceived, and much less the soldiers. The latter will pant for revenge, and their being assembled for the expedition against England, and the return of the other armies after a conclusion of a general continental peace, will furnish them with the opportunity of avenging their wrongs. — This is the dangerous game which the Directory is playing, in the project of a descent in England."
From a New York Paper.
Curiosity is alive to know the destination of the Toulon fleet, and various conjectures are formed on the subject.
Algiers cannot be the object, for the number of land forces on board is not equal to an effectual enterprize against the numerous and ferocious Moors.
It is hardly probable that Naples is the object: for that small kingdom is too weak to give the Directory any uneasiness. It may rest at present, and be subdued when France has more leisure for her forces.
We have not heard that the French fleet has attempted to leave the Mediterranean, and may presume it is bound to the Levant.
The question occurs, what is its object? We can only indulge conjectures. The efforts France has made and is making to excite insurrections in India would lead us to conjecture that she had it in view to overthrow the British government in India, and if possible, deprive her rival of her possessions in that quarter of the globe. The opening of the ancient course of trade by the Red Sea, has been suggested as an object of French politics: and if France could get possession of a large part of the Peninsula of India, it might be suspected that these two objects are connected in view.
But altho France may strongly desire to expel the British government from India, and monopolize the trade, there are great difficulties which oppose themselves to the undertaking, and the object seems to be of too remote and uncertain advantage, to occupy the present government of France.
Several circumstances concur to lead us to believe the object of the Toulon fleet, is some part of Turkey; probably the Morea first, and afterwards the Romelia, and all the country of ancient Greece and Macedonia; or perhaps on the Asiatic shore, Smyrna or the Syrian coast. The capture of the Isles on the Gulph of Venice and the care which the French have taken to keep possession of those Islands, lead us to conjecture, that these were intended as stations from which to annoy Turkey, and finally to make a lodgment on the continent, raise the inhabitants into rebellion, unite with the malcontents, as they have in Holland, placing strong garrisons in the country and finally subdue all the fine countries on the Archipelago, thus getting command of the whole trade. The French are at present almost excluded from the Atlantic by the British fleet—and it is obvious they intend to push their advantage to the Mediterranean, to compensate for that loss. The entire command of the Levant seems to be in their power. An open rupture with the Porte may even be secretly desired, as this will enable France openly to aid the rebel Pasha Oglou, and shake the Sultan's throne. The possession of the Black Sea would open immense prospects of trade and dominion to an ambitious nation, and as numerous mines of wealth as are to be found on earth. It may be policy in France to begin the revolutionizing frenzy in the east, before she pushes the spirit any further in the west.
BY a gentleman who arrived in this town from France, on Sunday last, we have been favored with Paris papers to May 22d. the latest by a few days received from that vortex of iniquity.—As all the newspapers are under the immediate controul of the Directory's minions their contents must be considered as most favorable to the views of those Tyrants of mankind.
We have selected all the articles which partake any spice of importance. From a careful perusal of them we are able to trace the outlines of a powerful confederacy forming to check the progress of an ambitious career, which threatens Europe with a deluge of rapine, anarchy and immorality:—which at the same time it affects all governments, and systems of laws, lays prostrate the Altars dedicated to God—banishes every appearance of Piety; and by hellish incantations demoralizes Man;—thereby rendering him a fit instrument of assassination, and a powerful engine for the entire destruction of the country which gave him birth. This confederacy will embrace Russia, Austria, Prussia, Great-Britain, and Naples;—and perhaps will be joined by Sweden and Denmark—the depredations on whose property have been equal to that on the American.
There are no indications of a pacific termination of the negotiation at Rastalt.—The requisitions of the French are considered as insulting and extortionate.—In the first instance they only demanded the left bank of the Rhine as the "boundary of the Republic;" they now claim (for the peace of the Empire) all the islands in the Rhine all the Têtes des Ponts, and several fortified places on the right bank of that River. Nor is the language of their note less haughty.—After making these unjustifiable demands, the Commissioners conclude their Note with the following taunt—"The moment for tempering is past." The Deputation of the Empire have received this Note as they ought—with indignation.—We may soon expect to hear, that the Congress is dissolved, and instead of negotiation fee action.
Of the invasion of England we discern the same apparent bustle, and noise of preparation; at the same time we still retain our belief of its being a mere gasconade to intimidate Europe into a disgraceful and ruinous peace. It is certain, that 22 000 of those troops mockingly styled the "Army of England" have marched to the Upper Rhine, to oppose the head making in that quarter by Austria.
In the Empire we do not hear of a single soldier being disbanded on the contrary new regiments are raising, and every preparation making for renewing the war with activity and effect.—We hope with success.
In the interior of France we find nothing to attract attention. Nor could we expect it in the present "gagged" state of the paper. The Legislature appear to have their hands full in regulating the elections—of purging the councils of jacobins and aristocrats, and admitting such only as are devoted to the Constitution of the 3d year, i. e. the sovereign will of their Lords and Masters, the Directory.
Geneva has become an integral part of the French republic; and its inhabitants declared French born.
We see no mention of Portugal in the papers.
In Corsica new revolutions are in train. If the Age of Chivalry is gone by, that of revolt has not.
In the list of neutral vessels sent into France by privateers, &c. we find about three Danes and Swedes to one American. Notwithstanding these captures, West India and other produce, were at extravagantly high prices thro' out France.
A letter from Hannau has announced, that the hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel had publicly declared, that an alliance between the courts of Vienna, Peterburg and Naples had been concluded and signed.
If we can credit letters from Germany, there was concluded on the 9th of April, a treaty of alliance between the Emperor and king of Prussia.
The dispatches from our Envoys' were received at Paris several days before the Sophia arrived at Havre, and were kept private by the American gentlemen.
Soon as the Sophia arrived, the American consuls furnished every American seaman in France with thirty dollars to defray his passage home.
Mr. V. mentioned in the Envoys dispatches, is a Frenchman who resided many months in this town, and married a Bolton lady while here.
An English punster on reading the communications from X. Y. and Z. observes, that negotiation was only a branch of the new philosophy.
All the Americans at Toulon, l'Orient, Rochefort, Breft and Dunkirk, have been ordered to depart in 24 hours, or their property would be confiscated.—The Directory have passed an Arrête , to forbid all vessels with American COLOURS, entering said ports.
THE GAZETTE.
Portland.
Later than the Mail.
By the arrival yesterday of the Packets from Boston, papers have been received two days later than the Mail. Extracts follow:
OF EUROPE.
The French papers are replete with articles indicating the speedy renewal of hostilities between Austria & France; and of the formation of a powerful coalition, against that devastating republic. The world has long seen the overbearing arrogance and ambition of the French Directory, and is only waiting a favorable opportunity to give them a severe check. If the nations unite their forces, act heart and hand, and when they put their hands to the plough, swear they will not look back, we may auger that the ebb tide of the French will be as rapid as their flood. Their conduct in Switzerland has cemented the resentment & abhorrence of all nations; and all must heartily pray for the downfall of the most abominable tyranny that ever afflicted the world.
It may be relied on that admiral Nelson has sailed into the Mediterranean, with 11 sail of the line, besides frigates, &c. to intercept the Toulon expedition. On the 1st June he was off Toulon; and was keeping a strict eye on the Gallic and Venetian ships. It cannot be doubted that this vigilant commander will give a good account of the convoy of "the left wing of the army of England;" perhaps act as super-convoy to the ports of Plymouth or Portsmouth.
FROM FRENCH PAPERS.
May 24. There are 70,000 Austrians in Italy; we have less than 50,000.
The Genoese fleet has arrived at Toulon. The Dutch fleet assembled at the Texel, consists of 18 sail of the line.
It is said that Seyes has in his pocket a new Constitution for Germany!
May 26. Reports are in continual circulation of the nomination of Talleyrand to the embassy of Vienna or Constantinople. Several are of opinion that Francois will succeed him.
It is reported with some degree of plausibility that Buonaparte has embarked on an expedition against Portugal. Spain, it is said would rather furnish every species of succour to give success to the enterprize, than permit the French troops to pass through the Spanish territories. Motives of urgency induced this preference.
FROM ENGLISH PAPERS.
May 21. From the last Paris papers it appeared that the expedition fitting out at Toulon, and which was at first announced as intended for Egypt, was in fact destined for Cadiz, to join the Spanish fleet there.
There are at present six republics organized on the basis of a national elective representation, and forming an alliance under the powerful influence of France. Their population is estimated as follows:
   Souls. Souls.     Roman Republic, 1,600,000 Cisalpine, 3,200,000   Ligurian, 600,000 Helvetic, 1,600,000   Batavian, 1,000,000 French, 33,000,000   Sum Total, 41,000,000  
In the course of the war with France, Spain and Holland, the prizes made by them of British ships of war, which they have now in possession, amount to no more than one of 74 guns, one of 16, three of 14, and one of 10; while G. Britain has now in possession, 14 French ships of the line, 5 Spanish ditto, 16 Dutch ditto; in all, 35 sail of the line, 80 frigates from 20 guns to 48, 69 sloops, &c. from 10 to 20, from the French, Spanish and Dutch.
REPUBLICAN FRATERNITY!
A war-tax, of 15 millions, has been imposed upon the Swiss cantons, but to be served upon such families only as had any share in the administration of the ancient government. The provision, ammunition, &c. found in the arsenal
at Berne, was valued at three millions, and on the 14th ult. upwards of three thousand weight of crowns was sent from Berne, in waggons, to France; the currency alone found in that treasury, exceeded twenty six millions.
FROM NEW YORK, JULY 28.
The President of the United States arrived here last evening, and was welcomed to our metropolis with every mark of enthusiastic respect, veneration and esteem. He was conducted across the river in the Custom House barge, accompanied by Generals Clarkson and Hughes; and was complimented on embarking by a salute from the British frigate Topaze, and escorted by her officers in her barge. On landing he was received by a large military escort, under Col. Morton; and as he passed the streets "you would have thought the very houses shouted," so many and incessant were the acclamations of joy. After reviewing the troops and expressing high satisfaction at their discipline, and martial appearance, he repaired to his son's house. A salute was fired from the battery, and the bells of Trinity vibrated delightfully to the tune of "Hail Columbia." In the course of the evening the President was waited on by most of the distinguished characters of the city.
July 29. Yesterday the President left town for his seat at Quincy. He was escorted out by the Washington troop.
BOSTON FEVER!
Some alarm has been excited on account of the Fever in Boston. The following account is published by the Selectmen.
Boston, August 4.
The Selectmen having had a consultation with the physicians of the town, find from their reports, that from the first appearance of the fever, viz. from the 1st of July, which has proved so mortal as to excite some alarm both in town and country, but sixteen persons have died with that disease, and but ten persons are now sick—that in all these cases the probability is, the infection was taken in or near the Town Dock; and in no instance has it appeared that the infection has been communicated from one person to another; no physician, nurse or attendant on the sick having as yet taken the disorder. In other respects the town is as healthy as it has been for several years past.
The Selectmen have taken, and are taking, every precaution to remove from those places all cause of infection.
By order of the Selectmen, WILLIAM COOPER, Town Clerk.
[This account is far more favorable than what is given by letters, and persons recently arrived from Boston. No unnecessary alarm should be spread, but caution should be used by our police, as it is strongly apprehended the fever is malignant.]
It was reported last evening, that Gen. Pinckney and Mr. Gerry have arrived at New York, in the Sophia.
Letters were received yesterday from Capt. Smith's mate at Guadaloupe, informing that Capt. Smith died of his wounds about the 27th June. A victim to French iniquity.
Starvation begins to take hold of the teeth of the Westindies. Hughes looks blue, and it is said, begins to relax his infamies. Houdeville assumes great liberality; and the black General Toussant, is preparing balliards for hoisting the Stars and Stripes.
Commerce is, in a measure, now lying on its oars.
It is a fact, which the reader should contemplate with attention, that the duties on the merchant ships and goods, piratically taken by the French, & confiscated, would have brought into the public coffers, monies enough to have rendered the Direct Tax unnecessary! Let the advocates for French villanies, and the opposers of arming our vessels, think of this! and despise the men who have deceived them.

APPOINTMENT Of Commissioners, under the act to provide for the valuation of Lands and Houses, and for the enumeration of Slaves. MASSACHUSETTS.—1st division, Nathaniel Dummer, 2d. Nathaniel Wells, 3d Nathan Dane, 4th Thomas Dawes, 5th Eleazer Brooks, 6th Bez. Howard, 7th Joseph Allen, 8th Abel Whitney, 9th William Bacon.  [The following handsome sentence appears in the Waipole Oration] “To the insulting, the mercenary demands for our money, in the true spirit of Freemen, we reply, COME YOURSELVES AND TAKE IT, and the voucher for the disbursement shall be written with your own blood, and shall bear the BROAD STAMP of American valour.”
Opinions of Wisdom. Extract from the President's answer to an address from the Inhabitants of Rockingham county, North Carolina. There is a sentiment which is sometimes called the pride and sometimes the dignity of virtue, which commands our esteem and respect: but it is a more universal and a more profound observation that pride was not made for man; very sure I am, it was not made for me; if on any occasion it would be pardonable, it would be on reading your address. The revilers of my administration have been peculiarly unfortunate in their accusations. As I once had the honor to say, in the royal presence of England, and to his Britannic majesty in person, “I have no attachments but to my own native country,” and posterity at least, perhaps the present age, may acknowledge the truth of it. Hatred to France, is as far from me, at least, as an hatred to Great Britain. I know that France is a volcano, that once in a century or oftener bursts forth in eruptions and deluges the neighboring nations with its melted lava. It is the inevitable effect of its position in the world, its immense population and abundant resources. I hate not the nation or country for this any more than Britain, because her insular situation has enabled and compelled her to erect a naval power, which has been, at one time, at least, as dangerous to the world. That time is past. Now the world is interested in preserving her naval power as the principal barrier against French conquests and domination. That is my opinion, and I will hazard your displeasure by the avowal of it. In me, Gentlemen, you have seen the character I wish to deserve. I am extremely happy to find that you highly approve the measures lately adopted by government, for the protection and extension of commerce. Commerce can only be protected by a naval force. I hope you will live to see the wooden walls of America as popular among the farmers as among the merchants. They will be found the cheapest defence; and they alone can render unnecessary a standing army.
Extract from the President's answer to the inhabitants of Dedham. I know very well that political misinformation has been peculiarly active in the scene which you and I inhabit, and that too many have believed that France, tho' crushed under the iron hand of a military despotism, enjoyed liberty; that the inordinate ambition of her rulers for dominion was infused by a generous zeal to set oppressed nations free; that these nations were emancipated by being subdued, and tho' they lost their independence, they were gainers by some unknown equivalent gratuitously conferred by their conquerors. If impostures so gross, have had too much success, America is of all people of the world the most excusable, for many particular reasons, for their credulity.—The people of a great portion of Europe have been more fatally deceived: even the people of England, with all their national antipathies, and under all the energies of their government, have been equally misinformed, and appear to be now more affected with remorse. The sobriety and steadiness of the American character, will not suffer more disgrace than other nations, and we have certainly apologies to make peculiar to ourselves. That all Americans by birth, except perhaps a very few abandoned characters, have always preferred a supererogatory affection for their own country, I am very confident; that we have thought too well of France, and France too meanly of us, I have been an eye and ear witness for twenty years. These errors on both sides must be corrected—she will soon learn, that we will bear no yoke, that we will pay no tribute.
Extract from the President's answer to the inhabitants of Concord. “It is highly useful to recollect—fifty thousand men upon paper, and thirty thousand men in fact, was the highest number Britain ever had in arms in this country—compute the tonnage of ships necessary and actually employed, to transport these ships across the Atlantic. What were 30,000 men to the United States of America in 1775? What would 60,000 be now in 1798? “Let not fond attachments, enthusiastic devotion to another power, paralyze the nerves of our citizens a second time, and all the ships in Europe, that can be spared, officered and manned, will not be sufficient to bring to this country an army capable of any long contest.”
Communication. QUITE enough has not yet been said about the British treaty. So many fools, whose judgment you would not take in the choice of a walking stick, are in the habit of calling it “that devilish thing,” “that damned thing,” &c. that when people consider what poor tools these same jacobins are themselves, they can hardly help thinking that somebody has told them so who really knew. For when you hear a man talking, fretting and swearing about the British treaty, who certainly could not read it even by the help of spelling, and would not know it, if he saw it, from a discourse upon horse-racing, what can even charity itself suppose? Shall we set it down as they do in Turkey, that ideas are divinely inspired? Or shall we tell truth and shame the devil at once, that they are mere parrots, or rather your cuckoos that go by clock work, and pop in and out as they are obliged to do by the machine?—However, it is so new a thing to say at once as I do that the British treaty is an excellent thing for this country, and it is so little a while since the infamous influence of France would have taken my bread out of my mouth for it, that I shall give a few reasons for the instruction of such jacobins as know how to read their mother tongue. But first, every body remembers what the pitiful jacobins said Mr. Jay ought to have done—“He ought to have demanded satisfaction”—“He should have made a demand,” said they. Now the jacobins are innocent of laying this with any meaning, because it can have no meaning where satisfaction was actually made—but in this, as in all the puppet show conduct of these poor gentlemen, the observer may see the villainous finger of France prompting us to rush headlong upon destruction, to furnish a drop of the bucket or the duit of the balance to their unbounded views.—I ask the poor jacobins why our Envoys at Paris have not made a demand as they call it, and why they did not instantly come away on being slighted?—But no—I suppose we cannot wait too long upon these republican scoundrels the Directory of France, even when we get nothing by it but threats and most infamous intrigues; nor run away too soon from an excellent treaty with England!
No jacobin writer has ever pretended to assign a single particular wherein the British treaty was injurious to this country, and even the prince of jacobins, Samuel Adams, could only say in his vague and cunning manner, that it was “pregnant with evil.” One would suppose the poor old man was pregnant himself, and had strange feelings; but the matter, whatever it was, was never born.—The following considerations were never understood nor fought after one atom more than truth itself would have been by the jacobins. 1. That the treaty of peace made in 1783 remained in many of its parts unexecuted, and a principal object of the treaty of 1795 was to provide for the amicable execution of it. 2. That Great Britain and America are the most natural allies in the world, as we can best guarantee her American possessions, and she can best guarantee our trade and protect our coasts; while both together would be a balance for the whole world. 3. That if we had quarrelled with England, we could not have contended with her one moment at sea, and should have had a land war besides, without the possibility of having a single man or dollar from France. 4. That by the treaty the spoliations of our commerce, which took place in consequence of jacobinical precipitancy and folly in favor of France, are provided for and paid as fast as the decrees of condemnation are reversed. 5. That the western posts are delivered up, and consequently we have them as checks upon the Indians in addition to the good will of the English, who would otherwise incede them against us. 6. The true St. Croix is likely to be settled, by which it is expected that we shall gain several millions of acres of land, which otherwise would always have been contested, and possibly have occasioned a war. 7. That our commerce, in the room of being viewed with a jealous and unfriendly eye, is now protected by the British flag, and placed on more advantageous principles than that of any other nation, perhaps, in the world. 8. That we speak the same language and have the same habits with our mother country, and so, our independence being safe, which it is ridiculous to doubt, are as well qualified to be friends as can be desired. Such are some of the advantages arising from this treaty against which these bellowing patriots have never offered a single reason, or shadow of a reason. This was the treaty which the Boston town meeting deprecated with hydrophobia agitation. This is the “damned thing” of jacobinical elocution.—I desire to know where we should have been before this time if the British treaty had not saved us? Every farthing of our resources would have been absorbed in French conquests, and exhausted in Europe. We should have been poor, and miserable, and blind, and naked, as the other nations are who enjoy the distinction of French amity. Our slavery to France would have been exactly rivetted by widening the breach between us and England, instead of healing it. And, instead of being that virtuous and high spirited people, which now we shall be, the very principle of our revolution would have been abolished, our notions of government confounded, and our national character, by which I mean the national stamp on every man, obliterated forever. (To be continued.)
TRIBUTE TO FEDERALISM. The entertainment given to General WADSWORTH, on Wednesday last, was worthy the citizens of Portland, and the constituents of a federal and independent Legislator. Genuine American sentiments were expressed and received with applause. [Mr. THATCHER was invited to town, to partake of the entertainment, but unfortunately could not attend.—It is thus we should ever notice those uniform and discerning politicians who invariably pursue the interest of their country.] JUNIOR WHISTLER'S POETRY! —Viewing it as unpardonable to omit mentioning the productions of great men I cannot forbear noticing, that the renowned Junior Whistler, with his usual dexterity in literary felicity, has shamefully mangled Mr. Paine's beautiful song of Adams & Liberty , and endeavored to convert those noble sentiments into a thing which is dubbed Our Country's Efficiency . This was not even spoken of here; and the mortified Whistler sent a petition to the Boston editors to have it republished from the Trumpet . Here observe the wickedness of these editors—not being satisfied with omitting it, they must censure it!—But comfort, Billy—it may be enrolled with your noted “ Adieu ,” in Pennell's Censor , with notes and illustrations!
Apology for Omissions. Many omissions are unavoidable this day. Several accounts of the celebrations of American Independence, are received. It is too late to publish them all this season; and to avoid the imputation of partiality I must omit the whole. I rely on the candor of my correspondents to justify this resolution. I take pride in expressing the uncommon observance of the Day in this District, as a strong proof of the federal and decisive character of Maine.
MARRIED —At Cape Elizabeth, Capt. James Miller, to M c Rebecca Dunn. DIED —In this town, on Wednesday morning last, after a short illness, Mr. JOHN SAVAGE aged 79 years. He was an amiable and promising young man, and beloved by all who knew him.
Marine Articles. Port of Portland. No late foreign arrivals at this port. PIRATES ON OUR COAST. Last evening arrived here Capt. Drinkwater 8 days from Philad.—was twice spoke by two different vessels which he supposed to be French privateers. It is a trick with these pirates to skulk on our coast, and conceal themselves, with the appearance of American coasters. Look out Americans, and do not let them deceive you. Capt. Richardson, arrived at Salem, 133 days from Batavia. Capt. R. informs that there was a general murmur among the inhabitants of Batavia, on account of the demands of the French frigates which were here, for money & goods, with which they were obliged to comply—indeed, wherever they found property they took it by force. The friendship of these cannibals is fatal in every quarter of the globe. A Schooner 6 days from Portland for Surinam, was spoken July 12. Schooner —, Prince, of Portland, is taken by a French privateer. The Marcus, Moody, of Penobscot, has arrived at Norfolk, from the West Indies. On her homeward passage was plundered by a French privateer. A ship of 640 tons has been launched at Newyork, and the keel of a 32 gun frigate laid at the same spot. The ship Jane, Gardner, of Machias, has been condemned by the French. She is at Teneriffe. Ship Three Sisters of Wiscasset, has been spoken with three days out—all well. There is a report that the Constellation frigate has captured a French 20 gun ship and sent her into Charleston, S. C. which had a few days before taken an American ship and put all the crew to the sword.
Take Notice. ALL persons indebted to the late firm of Winslow & Robinson, either by note, bond, or account, are hereby requested to call and settle with the Subscriber, within 40 days; otherwise they will be put in suit.—None excepted. JONATHAN WINSLOW. Saccarappa, August 1, 1798.
The above measure is absolutely necessary, that justice may be done to the Creditors of said firm. Wanted, As an apprentice to the Leather dressing business, a LAD about 15 or 16 years old, that can be well recommended. Inquire at S. Bird's Leather store in fore street. July 9th.
BY PARTICULAR DESIRE. Mr. Pinchbeck, Respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Portland, that he intends exhibiting the Pig of Knowledge THIS EVENING and TO-MORROW EVENING, for the last time, possibly.—To which will be added A Dissertation on Noses: The Pug Nose—the Roman Nose—the Snipe Nose, and the Prognosticating Snout of Goody Screech-Owl!—To conclude with the TALKATIVE DOCTOR, taken from the Prize with other new additions. Price as usual, one quarter of a dollar—Children half price. N. B. Good MUSIC. August 6.
Soldiers Wanted! BY an act of Congress of the 27th of April last, the President of the United States is authorised to engage, by voluntary enlistment, an additional regiment of Artillerists & Engineers, to serve for the term of 5 years, unless sooner discharged. PORTLAND is established as the principal place of rendezvous, for the recruits raised in the District of Maine; where provisions, cloathing, and other necessaries are provided for them; and to which all persons, who are properly qualified, and who are ambitious to serve their country, are invited to repair. It is requisite that all recruits (except musicians) be 5 feet and 6 inches in height—above 18 and under 46 years of age—healthy and robust—able to bear the fatigues, and to acquire the honors of soldiers. Each recruit will be entitled to 12 dollars bounty—six only of which will be paid him at the time of enlistment; the other six will be paid him on his union with the regiment, or be included in the first monthly pay roll. His daily rations will consist of one pound and a quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, and one gill of rum, brandy or whiskey, exclusive of a proportionable allowance of salt, vinegar, soap, and candles. He will receive yearly the following articles of cloathing, viz. one blanket, one hat, one stock and clasp, one coat, one vest, four shirts, two pair of woollen and two pair of linen overalls, four pair of socks or stockings, four pair of shoes, and one pair of buckles. The monthly pay of the recruits is established as follows, viz. Sergeants, 8 dollars; Corporals, 7 dollars; Musicians, 6 dollars; and Privates 5 dollars. A number of artificers, such as Wheelwrights, Blacksmiths, Carpenters, and Armourers, are also wanted; and their monthly pay will be 10 dollars. None but such as have served regular apprenticeships at their respective trades, need make application. These several descriptions of men if they have an inclination to engage in service, may apply to the subscriber at the COLUMBIAN TAVERN, in Portland. AMOS STODDARD, Capt. 2d Regiment, United States Art. & Engineers.
Nathan Longfellow's Estate. NOTICE is hereby given, that the Commissioners appointed by the Hon. STEPHEN JONES, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Washington, to receive and examine the claims to the several Creditors to the Estate of Nathan Longfellow, late of Machias, deceased, represented insolvent, that they will attend for that purpose at the house of RALPH BOWLES, Esq. at said Machias, the last Tuesday in this and the five following months, from two to five o'clock in the afternoon on said days. Machias. 17th July, 1798.
Stone Lime. Jonathan Bryant, has for Sale at his Store and Lime kiln, fresh LIME, which he will warrant to be of the first quality. Portland, July 30.
Lift of Letters, Remaining in the Post-Office at, Wells, July 26 1798. Adam Clark, Wells.—John Elwell, Kennebunk.—Capt. Benjamin Mason, Arundell.—Thomas Marshall, Kennebunk.—Jonathan Stevens, Hannah Symons, both of Wells.
Affize of Bread, Stated by the Selectmen of Portland, for direction to the Bakers and Clerk of the Market, July 21, 1798.    A Biscuit of three coppers  lb.  oz.  dr.    price, well baked,  0  9  12    A four pence half penny       white loaf, well baked,  1  6     Bread of other prices in proportion.
SHEEP SKINS! WANTED, one or two thousand SHEEP & LAMB SKINS, with the wool on them, for which the highest price will be given—Apply at the Store of the subscriber in Fore-street, near Mr. Dinsdell's tanyard. S. Bird, Leather-Dresser. Portland, July 23.

POETRY.
DESCRIPTION of the HABITATION of INSANITY.
[FROM MERRY'S POEMS.]
OBSERVE you structure stretching o'er the plain, Sad habitation of the lost, insane! Ha! at the gates what grisly forms appear, What diabolical shrieks of laughter wound the ear!
A REBUS.
WHAT's meant by a REBUS? Come tell me I pray; Says DOLLY to ENOS, When raking of hay. Let me buss you again, And again, says the youth; And that will explain What's a RE-BUSS in truth.
EULOGY ON UGLINESS.
To undertake an eulogy on Ugliness, which by its nature seems to set all flattery and compliment at defiance, must be thought an attempt as difficult as singular--yet may be accomplished; not, it is true, by borrowing argument, from its native excellence, but by detracting from its opposite beauty; in the same manner that an ill-favored woman thinks to render herself handsome, by discovering a blemish in one allowed on all hands to be beautiful.
Here a difficulty occurs not easy to be surmounted, which is, the tide of prejudice that has been rolling down to us for ages, from the Greeks to the Romans, from the Romans to Plutarch, and from him to all the sonneteers of modern times, who to a man have possessed a predilection for a handsome face, if we may judge by a rapturous effusion on the subject of beauty. Why, in the name of wonder, does this prejudice continue so rooted? Doubtless for want of due reflection. It would be doing much towards eradicating it, to take a retrospective view of the mischiefs occasioned by celebrated beauties, such as Helen, Cleopatra, with a multitude of other beautiful incarnate devils.
This single consideration should, methinks turn the scale in favor of Ugliness. If any reputable sonneteer can produce an instance of whole nations cutting each other's throats, sacking, plundering and erasing populous cities, for the sake of one or more ugly faces, I give up the point: but it is so far otherwise, that no man now living, or at any former period, could bring home a charge of delinquency against his wife owing to her ugliness. Dip but a little, reader, into the chronicles of the day, and you will be convinced that beauty has a great deal more to answer for.
A file of papers lies before me; "banes of antidotes," as Cato says. The first paragraph that meets my eye, was written in ridicule of a pains-taking, in-
dustrious, money-getting tradesman, who ran away from behind his counter to a watering place of fashionable resort, where he vied with the noblemen of the realm in profusion. All to what purpose? To indulge the levity of a handsome wife. Does this happen to him who is linked with a homely dame? Trust me it does not. In the first place, she will not insist on such excursions; because, (the benefit of the water being, nine times in ten, a secondary consideration) she cannot be seen; she knows she cannot with any credit to herself. Should she covet the indulgence, he may negative her motion with impunity; she being conscious of her want of charms, to make an impression on his heart, or wreak her vengeance on his head. Proceeding to the next column, my attention is arrested by a scene of adultery, with all its consequences of suits instituted, divorce, &c. To which is added, that the lady is beautiful; which is supposed, perhaps to be a compliment to her, but is in reality meant to exculpate her paramour. Are these thy effects Beauty, thou insidious witch? Come, then, thou grim visaged maulkin, Ugliness, come with thy goggle eyes, and snaggy teeth, thou antidote against inordinate desires, more corrective than the hermit's penitential shirt, come and assert thy claim to panegyric.
COUNT RUMFORD.
Letter from Count Rumford, to the late Dr. Belknap.
Reverend Sir,
I HAVE had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 31st January, in which you inform me of my having been elected a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. I request, Sir, that you would present my best thanks to that respectable body for the honor they have done me, and at the same time assure them that I feel myself highly flattered by the distinguished mark of their regard and esteem.
Altho' my present situation and connections, must for the present, and may perhaps forever, prevent my having the satisfaction of co-operating with the Society in the furtherance of their interesting and useful researches, yet I shall have much pleasure in contemplating, even at this great distance, the fruits of their meritorious exertions, and shall feel no small degree of pride in seeing myself enrolled in the same list with those generous benefactors of future generations, whose names will go down to posterity with the treasures they are collecting.
There are few things could afford me so much heartfelt satisfaction as to be able to avail myself of the kind invitation of the Society to come and take my place among them. I have ever loved my native country with the fondest affection; and the liberality I have experienced from my countrymen--their moderation in success--and their consummate prudence in the use of their independence, have attached me to them by all the ties of gratitude, esteem, & admiration.
Requesting that you, Sir, would accept my thanks for the flattering manner in which you have conveyed to me the resolution of the Society, I have the honor to be, with sincere regard and esteem, your obliged and most obedient servant,
RUMFORD.
Munich, 22d, Ap. il, '98.
The Rev JEREMY BELKNAP, D. D. } Sec'y to the Massachusetts Historical Society.
List of the Acts,
Passed at the second session of the Fifth Congress of the United States.
An act to postpone, for a limited time, the commencement on the duties imposed by an act intitled "an act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper." An act making certain partial appropriations for the year 1798. An act authorizing the payment of certain sums of money to the daughters of the late Count de Grasse. An act for the relief of the Representatives of William Carmichael deceased. An act for the relief of North and Vesey, of Charleston S.C. An act for allowing a compensation to the door-keeper of the Senate and his assistant, for their services during the late session of Congress. An act for the relief of John Frank. An act to prescribe the mode of taking evidence in cases of contested elections for members of the House of Representatives of the United States, and to compel the attendance of witnesses.
An act providing for the payment of the interest on a certificate due to General Kosciuszko. An act to amend the several acts for laying duties on spirits distilled within the United States and on bills. An act supplementary to the act entitled "an act for regulating foreign coins, and for other purposes." An act directing the Secretary of War to place certain persons on the pension list. An act for relief of William Alexander. An act appropriating a certain sum of money to defray the expense of holding a treaty or treaties with the Indians. An act to provide for the widows and orphans of certain deceased officers. An act for the erection of a light-house and placing buoys at the several places therein mentioned. An act providing the means of intercourse between the U. S. and foreign nations. An act making appropriations for the support of government for the 1798, and for other purposes. An act for the relief of Sylvanus Croswell. An act to amend the act intitled "an act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper." An act declaring the consent of Congress to an act of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. An act declaring the consent of Congress to an act of the State of Maryland, passed the 28th December, 1793, for the appointment of a health officer. An act for an additional appropriation to provide and support a naval armament. An act to continue in force the 5th section of the act intitled "an act in addition to the act intitled "an act to establish the post office and post-roads within the United States." An act to continue in force, for a limited time, a part of an act intitled "an act making further provision for securing and collecting the duties on foreign and domestic distilled spirits, &c." An act for the relief of the refugees from the British provinces of Canada and Nova Scotia. An act to continue in force the act intitled "an act prohibiting, for a limited time, the exportation of arms and ammunition, and for encouraging the importation thereof." An act for an amicable settlement of limits within the State of Georgia, and authorizing the establishment of a government in the Mississippi Territory. An act authorizing an expenditure, and making an appropriation for the reimbursement of monies advanced by the Consul of the U. S. in certain cases. An act supplementary to an act intitled "an act authorizing a loan for the city of Washington, in the district of Columbia, and for other purposes therein mentioned." An act to provide an additional armament for the further protection of the trade of the United States, and for other purposes. An act making an appropriation for the payment of a balance found due to the legal representatives of William Carmichael, deceased. An act to provide an additional regiment of artillery and engineers. An act for erecting light-houses, and placing buoys and stakes at the places therein mentioned. An act to establish an Executive Department, to be denominated the Department of the Navy. An act to authorize certain officers and other persons to administer oaths. An act supplementary to the act providing for the further defence of the ports and harbours of the U. S. An act to enable the President of the United States to procure cannon, arms and ammunition, and for other purposes. An act to authorize the President of the U. S. to cause to be purchased or built a number of small vessels to be equipped as galleys or otherwise. An act for the relief of Obadiah Brown. An act directing the payment of a detachment of militia a for services performed in the year 1794, under Major James Orr. An act to continue in force a part of an act respecting the compensation to the officers and mariners of the revenue cutters. An act to revive and continue in force a part of an act respecting the compensation of Clerks and for other purposes. An act for the relief of William Imlay. An act for the relief of Joseph Nourse. An act to amend the act intitled "an act to amend and repeal, in part, the act intitled "an act to ascertain and fix the military establishment of the U. S." An act authorizing the President of the United States to raise a Provisional army. An act more effectually to protect the commerce and coasts of the U. S. An act providing for the relief of persons imprisoned for debts due to the U. S. An act supplementary to the act intitled "an act for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt." An act respecting loan office and final settlement certificates, indents of interests, and the unfunded or registered debt credited in the books of the treasury. An act making appropriations for the military establishment for the year 1798, and for other purposes. An act to suspend the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and France, and the dependencies thereof. An act supplementary to and to amend an act intitled "an act to establish an uniform rule of naturalization; and to repeal the act heretofore passed on that subject." An act to amend the act intitled "an act providing a naval armament, and the act intitled "an act to authorize the President of the U. S. to cause to be purchased or built as galleys, or otherwise." An act to extend the privilege of franking letters and packets to the Secretary of the Navy. An act concerning aliens. An act to authorize a grant of lands to Stephen Minoit and others, inhabitants of Galipolis, therein named. An act to authorize the defence of the merchant vessels of the U. S. against French depredations. An act to punish frauds committed on the Bank of the United States. An act to declare the treaties heretofore concluded with France, no longer obligatory on the U. S. An act respecting alien enemies. An act to regulate the compensation of the officers employed in collecting the internal revenues of the U. S. and for enforcing a settlement of their accounts. An act for establishing and organizing a marine corps. An act further to protect the commerce of the U. S. An act limiting the time within which claims against the United States, for credit on the books of the Treasury, may be presented for allowance. An act to provide for the valuation of lands and dwelling houses, and the enumeration of slaves within the United States. An act establishing an annual salary for the Surveyor of the port of Gloucester. An act to lay and collect a Direct Tax within the U. S. An act in addition to the act intitled "an act for the punishment of certain crimes against the U. S. An act in further addition to the act intitled "an act to abolish the Judicial Courts of the United States. An act to suspend for a further time the duties upon the manufacture of snuff within the U. S. and the drawbacks upon the exportation thereof. An act for allowing an additional compensation to the door-keepers and assistant door-keepers of the Senate and House of Representatives. An act for the relief of sick and disabled seamen. An act to augment the army of the United States, and for other purposes. An act to make a further appropriation for the additional naval armament.
An act for allowing an additional compensation to the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives, and their Clerks, for their services during the present session of Congress. An act for erecting a light-house and placing beacons at the places therein mentioned. An act authorizing the President of the United States to borrow money for the public service. An act making certain appropriations, and authorizing the President to obtain a loan in anticipation of the Direct Tax. An act making certain additional appropriations for the year 1798. An act to alter and amend the several acts for the establishment and regulation of the Treasury, War and Navy Department. An act in addition to an act more effectually to protect the commerce and coasts of the United States. An act making an appropriation for the expenses incident to the new regiment of artillery and engineers, during the year 1798. An act supplementary to the act, intitled "an act to provide an additional armament for the further protection of the trade of the U. S. and for other purposes." An act providing arms for the militia throughout the United States. An act for the relief of Ely Williams. An act in addition and to amend an act intitled "an act to suspend the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and France and the dependencies thereof."
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