The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-10 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FEBRUARY 1. Debate on raising Embargo, and authorising Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
Mr. Troup said he wished to postpone the consideration of this subject, for the more he reflected the more strongly was he confirmed in the opinion that if the resolutions were adopted in any shape, they could only operate as an empty menace on foreign nations. It would not be a binding declaration on the next Congress, and could only be considered, in relation to foreign nations as a dishonorable concession. Under what circumstances, said he, were these resolutions brought into the House? The House has solemnly resolved not to submit; has resolved to place the country in a posture of defence; has resolved on a further execution of the embargo laws; it has passed a bill for an extra meeting of Congress in June. And yet, having done all these acts, the course of measures is suddenly changed—and under what circumstances? Why, sir, at a moment when we are threatened with internal commotion; after gentlemen on the opposite side of the House have told you that you would not go into a war, however seriously you threatened it; after you have been told that your resolutions were nothing but paper resolutions; after gentlemen have told you that your embargo laws could not and would not be executed. We hear of insurrections in the Eastern section of the Union; we hear of what is called constitutional opposition to the laws, of constitutional and unconstitutional bodies for the express purpose of declaring the unconstitutionality of the laws and encouraging violent resistance and opposition to them; and yet, sir, you determine to repeal your embargo. It is not therefore at the foreign hostility with which we are menaced, nor yet the disturbance of domestic tranquility with which we are threatened, that I feel the least uneasiness. I am only seriously concerned for fear that this yielding, this concession (if it be only conjectured to be a concession) to a domestic faction of a very description, will end in the destruction of your constitution and the ruin of your government. It will be evident and incontestable—and it must grieve any man to think of it who values the liberties of his country—that your constitution is not strong enough to stand the rude shock of faction. Gentlemen will not give themselves time to think seriously, sir. They will not divest themselves of local feeling as they ought to do. I am ready to acknowledge that this government has been heretofore wisely administered; it has exclusively governed by the mild virtues, prudence, moderation, clemency, forbearance, and economy. These are the principles which have heretofore characterized your administration—but as your condition changes, will not the principles of your government change also? When you are threatened with foreign and domestic war, does it not become you to put away your peace principles and put on the habiliments of war? In such case will not firmness and decision of action and liberality in the expenditure of public money characterize your conduct? Certainly. If you are threatened with war at home and abroad, the best mode of avoiding both is a vigorous repression of opposition at home, and a direct resistance of hostility from abroad. If gentlemen consider this government in the nature of it to be a weak government, they are mistaken. It is the strongest government on earth both for peace or for war. The great fundamental principle on which all political institutions are built is that of obedience to law: it is the fundamental principle of your government that the will of the majority shall govern; and that this will, when expressed, shall be executed, even on the expence of all the minority who stand up in opposition to the
law, is as fundamental principle as any. And if the executive fail in the execution of the law, he fails in his duty to his country. He never will fail, I am sure, and the execution of the law I will leave to him. If he wants the ways and means, give it to him; but be it your province to make the law and his to execute it. And if rebellion actually existed, it would not be for you to look to it. It ought to have no effect on your deliberations any further than you are concerned in granting ways and means for the energetic execution of the laws. I speak with deference on this subject, sir, when I recommend any specific course to be adopted in preference to any other mode; but it appears to me better to adhere to the course heretofore marked out by yourselves—to go on in the course of right and justice and policy, without turning to the right or left to enquire who approves or who disapproves. It is not possible that you can consent to exchange your course for the purpose of avoiding the clamor of a party. It would be the height of extravagance and folly in us to proceed in such a manner as to forfeit the esteem of a large portion of the people to oblige a minority. If nine-tenths of the people are ready to embrace a measure, you will not abandon it because one-tenth threaten to rebel against it. And what better pledge could you give of your determination to raise the embargo on the first of June, than the act for an extra session, accompanied with the declarations which were made on its passage. These are the reasons—and, sir, I am sorry to make such desultory observations on so important a subject—why I would determine to continue in the old course till June, to make preparations for war in the mean time, and in June to declare that war under all the circumstances of the times.
Mr. Burwell said as he intended to vote to fill the blank in the resolution with the first of June, he thought it proper to make some remarks on the policy which would govern his vote, and the effects which he conceived it would produce. With respect to the embargo laws (said Mr. B.) I always have understood that they were to cease in the spring or early in the summer. From that fact having been understood, the observation of my friend from Georgia, that we are compelled by the state of things in the Eastern country to take off the embargo does not apply. The course now proposed would be pursued, if those circumstances had not produced anxiety. I perfectly agree with the gentleman from Georgia that it would be improper for this House to give up a wise and just measure, because an opposition to it exists in any particular portion of the country. But, sir, the embargo will certainly produce no effect as a coercive measure as soon as it is understood that the opposition to it has become so serious as to endanger the public tranquility. Where we enter into a contest with the governments of Europe, which consists in patience and forbearance, it is not to be expected, when they find that a change of things is probable, that they will not persevere. They will hold out when they conceive that the measures of the government will be changed. Nothing is to my mind more clear than that this will be the effect produced on foreign governments, and that its coercive effect can only be calculated on whilst we have union in its support. It is a fact, owing to certain things which have taken place in a part of the U. States, that its beneficial effects have in a great measure been destroyed by evasions which have heretofore taken place, and which will again take place where the people are disposed to connive at violations of the law. The effect of the measure must be destroyed, unless the government take measures to enforce it. If the House give a pledge that it shall expire at a certain time, I feel satisfied that every man will sit down quietly and encourage the execution of the law. As to violations of the law produced from actual suffering or pressure, I cannot bring my mind to a belief of it. I believe that the uneasiness in the Eastern country proceeds entirely from an idea that the embargo originated in an intention to destroy commerce, and to favor one foreign nation in preference to another; and that, if they had not their feelings excited by this perversion of fact, they would bear the measure as well as other citizens. This has produced this restlessness; and when a course is pursued which will do away the
anxiety on this subject, I believe they will bear the measure with patience.
As I am decidedly of opinion that when the embargo ceases, if it continues which produced it do not cease, this nation must go to war, in defence of petty commercial rights, but of rights which involve the sovereignty of the nation, I am disposed to put off the period at which it shall commence, that we may have another opportunity to appeal to the interests (not to the justice) of the belligerents; which in my opinion will produce a beneficial effect. What will be the effect of passing the latter part of the resolution offered by my colleague? Why, that if the orders and decrees be not withdrawn before a certain day, letters of marque and reprisal will be issued against both belligerents, or against the one which perseveres. How will this affect our disputes abroad? If France recedes from her decrees and G. Britain rescinds hers, of course we shall then be at peace with both. Suppose France were to refuse, and G. Britain were to think proper to withdraw her orders in council, what would then be the state of things? You stand involved in a war with France, because you have pledged yourself, and you are the only branch of the government who can make such a pledge. Mr. Canning, in his letter of the 23d of September, seems to have founded an objection to a proposition made by Mr. Pinkney, because he did not make it directly and officially from his government, but as an expression of his opinion, that it would be agreed to by his government. I repeat then that if this House will take the ground proposed, the assurance is strong that they will withdraw their orders in council; they certainly will if they choose to see the U. S. involved in the prosecution of the war against France. I submit to gentlemen whether it be not of sufficient importance that we should bear this embargo till the first of June, to leave to the government power to make that sort of offer, and present that result to the European belligerents. Our administration has heretofore had no power to make such a pledge; but if the measures of Congress would authorize the President to make such an offer of alternatives, I think it would produce an adjustment.
But it is objected to as pledging the next Congress, as passing a law now to govern them when they meet. If any thing should happen between now and the next meeting of Congress, would it not be perfectly competent to them to repeal the law in whole or in part? Nothing can be more clear or evident than that you will not embarrass the succeeding Congress or mark out for them a course which they will be compelled to pursue. I should be the last man in this House who would intimate any thing like a new proposition to either of the belligerents, were it not for the last letter of Mr. Canning, in which he expresses a hope to Mr. Pinkney that they shall still be able to settle the differences between the two nations on amicable terms. When they express a desire of that kind, I should always be ready to meet them. Whether the desire be sincere or not, it is not for me to say, but I am disposed to accommodate them, with an opportunity of proving their sincerity. It would unite us; and this state of things, in my opinion, aided by the events taking place in Europe, will induce them to accommodate with us. Every body knows how the hopes of the British government and people were elated by the events taking place in Spain. In proportion as their hopes from that quarter diminish, they will feel more disposed to enjoy that commerce which they have lost by their own imprudence & illiberality. It is objected that by this course you will apprise the belligerents of the time when you will commence hostilities, and by that means will enable them to escape the effect of your intended measures of hostility. But, sir, it is well known that it was expressly understood that Congress is to meet here in May; and that whenever the measure of embargo is removed, some stand will be taken to avenge the injuries of this country. I will ask, if the act for an extra session is not evidence sufficiently strong of this determination. But how could you surprise them, sir? They have no property in this country, for they have already withdrawn it. Their merchants are generally armed and commence operations when you may, you will find no material change in the preparations of the belligerents.
The proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts for arming our merchant vessels, and permitting them to wage a defensive war, appears to me to be the most unfortunate of all courses, if you mean seriously to defend your maritime rights. If you permit your merchant vessels to arm, they will all go out incapable of resistance; and even if they are bound to some neutral port, if any occurrence shall take place which shall compel you to involve yourself in war, the whole of your property abroad is within the reach of the British navy, and she might take a step to secure the whole floating property of the United States. That war will be the consequence, I cannot doubt, and you will commence it under every disadvantage. After your property is taken, you will fight in vain for its recovery. I think that we should either defend these rights or give them up. If we maintain them, let us rely upon our own resources and upon our own exertions. This will completely defeat one motive for laying the embargo, which has so far secured our property and rendered us invulnerable to the attacks of the enemy.
A gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardener) who spoke on the subject yesterday, observed that you were about to take a course to deceive the people; that you were about to continue the embargo under a different name. Now I am much mistaken, sir, if that be a fair inference from the state of things which would exist even in case of a war with G. Britain. Is it not known by every gentleman that we had a commerce even during the revolutionary war? To be sure it was not as extensive or as lucrative as in a state of peace. But can any gentleman believe now, when our enterprise is at least as great and our opportunity greater, that our merchants could not carry on commerce better than they could then? Certainly. Notwithstanding all the exertions of G. Britain in guarding your coast you may carry on commerce. But what does that argument amount to? Does the gentleman from New York wish, because a particular portion of the country could now carry on a lucrative commerce notwithstanding the orders in council by selling their product in the British markets, that the whole interest of every other section of the union should be given up? Are the great interests of the country to be completely given up, because one class of people would receive relief from it? Of what consequence is it to us to cultivate the soil, if we are restricted to a particular market, which, it has been shown does not consume one seventh of our product? Is this the policy which gentlemen think we ought to pursue? As for legislating for a particular section of the union, the doctrine is so novel, so inconsistent with the very object of government, that I am astonished that any gentleman on this floor should advance opinions of this sort. If we are to yield to these orders in council, to permit the external commerce of the U. S. to be taxed by G. Britain, let us go the whole length. It is not to be expected that those regulations which now exist to favor the carrying trade of a particular class of the people can be persevered in, if we are obliged by them to submit to taxation. If we are forced to submit, at least let us have our produce carried to market as cheap as we can, and not in addition to foreign taxes pay a tax at home, by way of bounty to the shipping of the Eastern states.
It has been asked by some gentlemen, what are you going to war for? A gentleman from Connecticut asks if you are going to war for the principle that free ships make free goods? Is that a candid question, sir? The U. S. have given up that principle as far back as the treaty of Jay. It was abandoned in the correspondence of the Secretary of State with Genet in 1794. How then can the gentleman justify it to himself in holding out to the nation that we are going to war for a principle formally abdicated? I put it to the gentleman whether the cause of quarrel between us should be made to rest on a principle not at all in contest? Another gentleman from Connecticut says he will go as far as any gentleman in defending the honor of his country. I have no doubt of it, sir; for the gentleman by an honorable service in the revolutionary war has already proved it. No doubt, if the gentleman from Connecticut could, like myself, believe that the independence of the nation is prostrated if we submit to these effects, he would be as little disposed to submit to them as I am. But, sir, when he placed the question on commercial
ground altogether, and left it to the calculation of the merchant whether he would pay taxes or not, I am not surprised that we differ. It is no new thing to differ about the seat of honor. But I cannot bring myself to believe that the affairs of this nation are totally absorbed in the interest of the merchant. It is immaterial to the merchant what is his situation. The risk is always added to the value of the merchandise in the sale, and subtracted in the purchase; it is always so managed as to give the merchant a profit in the end. If the whole commerce of the U. S. was restricted to a traffic between Philadelphia and New Orleans or Mobile, the merchant would find his profit in carrying on that commerce. But that is not a reason why the agricultural part of the community should be rendered subservient to the commercial, or that we should be saddled with a system which will be ruinous to agriculture forever, because merchants cannot now make money. I conceive the interest of agriculture to be materially connected with that of commerce; I mean free unrestricted commerce; but I do not conceive that it will be promoted by permitting the merchant to trade, and submitting agriculture to ruinous taxation.
Another question has been asked by the other side of the House, which deserves some answer. It is asked what we should gain by a war with Great Britain. I do not expect, sir, that we should destroy the British navy or invade the island of Great Britain. But we shall be very fortunate if by war we save our honor, our standing as a free nation. Let us not submit and lose every thing in a pecuniary point of view, and our honor besides; for that must be the consequence of submission. We shall be in a worse situation than Francis, after the battle of Pavia, every thing will be lost. But gentlemen say, why go to war, when you have no way of operating on the belligerents? Because we will not submit to an abandonment of our rights. I do contend that we have the means. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Pitkin) used a strong argument the other day to prove it. He said that your embargo, so far as it operated on the British West Indies was a nullity, because Canada and Nova Scotia furnish them with every thing that they want; that the British northern provinces were the means of feeding the West India islands, notwithstanding your regulations. Now, if by getting possession of Canada, you could in that way affect other possessions and interests of Britain, it is important to have possession of it. The gentleman from Connecticut gave strong reasons why we ought to dispose Great Britain of Canada, proving how we could in that way operate on her interests. It is well known too that the possession of that government gives her an opportunity to operate against you, to excite not only the Indians out of our limits to direct warfare if necessary, but by merchandise and intrigue, to excite them within our own country. And though I would not risk the peace of the country to free us from evils of that kind, yet if we were forced into war, by more irresistible causes, I should certainly consider this collateral advantage gained by it important. Have we not already seen the peace and internal tranquility of the country disturbed by their influence amongst the Indians? Certainly we have; and I wish to see an end to it.
There is another reason, sir, why the United States should view with extreme uneasiness the proximity of that country in possession of a foreign power. It gives them means of interfering in our political concerns; and, as has been said in another part of this building, they have exerted those means in our country. To them is owing the unfortunate belief in a part of the country, that the majority of this House is actuated by improper motives. The expulsion of the British from Canada, has always been deemed an object of first importance to the peace of the United States, and their security against the inroads of an enemy; however for party purposes its importance may be now depreciated. [See Journals of old Congress, June 1775, and Washington's instructions to Arnold—Marshall L. of W. p. 315.] And, sir, whilst on this subject, I will observe, that when I hear gentlemen on the other side of the House complain of their motives being asailed, I am tempted to ask them why they are not more tender of our motives? Can they point out any individuals in the majority who are not as firmly bound to

their country's good by the ties of kindred, property and every thing dear to man, as they have? I presume not; and whilst they exclaim against irritation, why do they not observe the course which they recommend to us, towards their political opponents, men who have as strong claims to courage or to patriotism as themselves? What have we been told by gentlemen on the opposition side of the House, who have charged you so repeatedly with a desire to involve the nation in a war with Great Britain? Why, sir, that you could not be driven into a war. Was it to have been expected, that after all the irritation, and all the sensibility produced in certain sections of the union by a charge that you were endeavouring to plunge the people into war with Great Britain, that a declaration of this kind would be made? I confess I was not prepared for it. Is the House disposed to verify the prediction of the gentleman from Massachusetts, that we "cannot be kicked into a war with Great Britain," or with any other nation? This is assigning the nation a low station in the ranks of honor, they are put out of them altogether. For I do from my soul believe that the course proposed in the resolution, if adopted, will terminate in a settlement of our differences with Great Britain; and in the present course of the world, when we have received from France so little justice and liberality, we are only restrained from renewing intercourse with Great Britain, because a renewal under present circumstances would not comport with our honor, certainly not with our interest. If she would enable us to renew our intercourse with her on terms which would not disgrace an independent nation, I would certainly renew intercourse with her; but I cannot do it with a nation which affects to treat us as one of her acknowledged colonies. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Pitkin) who spoke on this subject a few days ago, furnished, I think, one of the strongest reasons why we should not for a moment admit the plea of retaliation in justification of the British orders. He told you, supposing the Emperor of China were to issue a decree declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, it would be a mere nullity. The argument is correct. And I ask in return, whether a menace so perfectly empty, so merely brutum fulmen (to use an expression of a gentleman from Maryland, Mr. Key) would justify so ruinous a retaliation as that adopted by Great Britain. It has been said that the French decree of Berlin was not of more effect than a similar decree of the Emperor of China would be. If this be the fact, and I do not contest it, how is it possible that the British government could justify the right for that reason to take a measure so ruinous to this country. The gentleman went on to quote the opinion of the Secretary of State and others, to prove that his position in relation to the harmlessness of the French decree is correct. I admit it, sir; and it furnishes the strongest possible reason why the claim of Great Britain should not be acquiesced in; and proves to my mind that the pretence of the necessity of retaliating was an insincere and artful profession intended to gull and disguise her own injustice.  The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Pitkin) gave us a most glowing description of the power of France; told us that all the world was prostrate at her feet, and Spain was about to be over-run by her arms. Sir, if I am not much mistaken in the view which I have taken on the subject, France is weaker now than she was before the Spanish revolution; nor, if she succeeds in the conquest of Spain, do I believe that she will be more powerful, because she formerly not only actually commanded that government but the Spanish colonies. The French have not received from the Spanish colonies in South America less than from twenty to thirty million of dollars annually. As for Portugal, she was under the necessity of purchasing her neutrality at the price of six millions of dollars annually. France has lost notably that, but the Portuguese colonies also; and if we judge of the importance of these colonies by the measures pursued in England to get their commerce, we should be induced to suppose that the resources of France are seriously impaired by losing them. But granting all the gentleman's premises, what does his argument amount to? Is there any man who doubts the disposition of France to use all the influence in her power over us? Is there any doubt that if we were near France we should be attempted to be reduced under her dominion? There can be no doubt of it. We have seen such a system pursued to her neighbors, that no man can doubt it. Is not the happiness of this people sufficient to tempt this conqueror in the fulness of his power to blot from the history of the world an example which must set in the most odious colors the present situation and past
history of France? There can be no doubt that every European government must feel a hostility to this government. It is a standing reproach to their policy, and a dangerous example to their people; tho' I fear, sir, that scarcely one-tenth of the population of the extensive continent of Europe know that such a continent as this exists. Yet the existence of this government operates to produce jealousy & alarm in those governments. Admit, I repeat, that France is so powerful, are we in any danger from France? I believe not. How could she operate on you? What has become of her West-India islands? Has she been able to preserve even those from the hands of her enemy. She has not secured them—and can it be believed that she could transport a force here? I beg gentlemen to put this question to themselves: Is it possible to believe that if there was any effort made in France to attack us, we should not with one heart and hand unite against her? If there be a gentleman who feels a doubt, his reason must be under the dominion of a suspicion I do not envy, and which I should be sorry to feel for any portion of the people of my country: If this country should be engaged in a contest with France at this time, what would be the consequence of our relative situation? Every one knows that our population is increasing so rapidly as will soon give us a force sufficient to resist any effort, even the combined efforts of all Europe.  (Mr. Burrwell's Speech to be concluded, and debate continued.)
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 8.
COUNTING THE VOTES FOR PRESIDENT & V. PRESIDENT.
Mr. Nicholas offered the following order:
Ordered, That a message be sent to the Senate to inform them that this House is now ready to attend them in opening the certificates and counting the votes of President and V. President of the U. S. in pursuance of the resolution of the two Houses of Congress of the 7th inst. and that the Clerk of the House do go with the said message.
Mr. Randolph said it had sometimes been the case, he did not say it had been the practice, that this House had met the other branch of the legislature in their chamber for the purpose of counting the votes; in which cases very properly I need, this House being in the chamber of the Senate, the President of that body had taken the chair. Mr. R. said he now understood that it was proposed, without any vote of this House for the purpose, that the President of the Senate was to take the chair of this House—that the Speaker was to leave the chair to make way for the President of another body. To this he, for one, could never consent. I conceive (said he) that such a proceeding would derogate very materially from the dignity if not from the rights of this body. I can never consent, Mr. Speaker, that any other person than yourself or the chairman of the committee of the whole House should take the chair, except by a vote of the House. I hope therefore that this matter may be well understood. I conceive it to be a respect which we owe to ourselves and to the people whose immediate representatives we are, never to suffer, by a sort of prescriptive right, the privileges of this House to be in any wise diminished, or its dignity to fade before that of any other assembly of men whatever.
Mr. Nicholas said he was as unwilling as any other gentleman to surrender the privileges of the House. When assembled as the House of Representatives he agreed that none but the Speaker should take the chair; but on the occasion of counting the votes he did not consider the House of Representatives to be formed as a distinct body. In meeting on this occasion, he said, it always had been usual since the establishment of the government for the Vice-President of the U. S. or the President pro tempore of the Senate to take the chair. There was also a propriety in this course, because by the constitution the Vice-President is to open the votes. For twenty years the practice had been that the President of the Senate presided in joint meeting.
Mr. J. G. Jackson spoke a few words on the same side as Mr. Nicholas; and Mr. Lyon replied to him.
Mr. Nicholas moved in order to do away any difficulty in this case, that when the members of the Senate were introduced, the Speaker should relinquish the chair to the President of the Senate.
Mr. Davenport supported this motion. He had no doubt of the propriety of the President of the Senate presiding at a joint meeting, more especially, as he was the person designated by the constitution for counting the votes.
Mr. Randolph said that if this course were taken, the Senate ought to be notified of this act of courtesy on the part of the House; if not, it might appear that the President of the Senate took the chair as a matter of right. He said he knew that to many persons matters of this sort appeared to be of minute importance; but in everything touching the privileges of this House as it regarded the claims of the other co-ordinate branches of the government, he would stickle for the ninth part of a hair. It was well known that in England the privileges of the Commons had been gained inch by inch from the kings and nobles by a steady perseverance; and that man must have very little knowledge of mankind indeed who was not persuaded that those privileges might be lost as they were gained, by gradual and imperceptible encroachment on the one hand, and tacit yielding on the other. This was not a matter of great consequence in itself; but power always begets power. It was like money, he said; "any man could make money who had money. So any man or body of men, who had power could extend it. I have no objection (said Mr. R.)—very far from it—to the constitutional exercise of the powers and privileges of the Senate. Let their President count the votes, sir; there is a very good chair for him in which the Clerk now sits. But on what principle is he to come into the House with a consciousness that he has a right to throw you out of the chair, sir, and take possession of it? I have no idea of suffering a man to come through those folding doors with such a sentiment. If he comes into this House he comes from courtesy; and cannot assume your chair, Mr. Speaker, as a matter of right, but as a favor. And if the President of the Senate takes possession of your chair as a favor, it ought to be announced to the Senate as such; for the mere vote on our side amounts to nothing, provided that he and the body over whom he presides come into this House under the knowledge (without an intimation from us) that you are to leave your chair and he is to take possession of it.
Mr. Smith observed that there was no fear of the privileges of this body being encroached upon by any other; for there was a written constitution prescribing the powers of each body; and at the same time that it was proper to be careful of their own rights, he said, the House should be careful not to infringe on the rights of the other body. In respect to this question there was a case in point. In one instance, whilst Congress sat at Philadelphia, the Senate had come into the Representatives' chamber to count out the votes; and the President of the Senate had taken the chair as a matter of right. We (said Mr. S.) are sitting as a convention of the two Houses, for a special purpose, viz. to count out the votes. Who is properly the presiding officer in this case? Unquestionably the officer directed by the constitution to open the votes. And I consider the Speaker of the House, on this occasion, as acting in the same capacity as any other member of the House.
After some further observations on the subject, from Messrs. Masters, Lyon, and Mason, the motion of Mr. Nicholas was agreed to, Ayes 98.
Mr. Randolph moved that the Senate be acquainted by message of this arrangement—Agreed to, Ayes 73.
The resolution first offered by Mr. Nicholas was then agreed to.
On the suggestion of Mr. Van Dyke it was agreed that the members should receive the Senate standing and uncovered.
The time for counting the votes having arrived, the members of the Senate, preceded by their Sergeant at Arms, entered the Representatives' chamber. Mr. Milledge, the President pro tempore, took the Speaker's chair, and the members took their seats on the right hand of the chair. The tellers were ranged in front, and the Clerks of each House on the right and left of the tellers. The President of the Senate opened the electoral returns, one copy of which was handed to the teller of the Senate (Mr. S. Smith) who read it; the tellers of the House, Messrs. Nicholas and Van Dyke, comparing the duplicate returns handed to them.
When this business, which occupied about two hours, was concluded, the Tellers handed their report to the President of the Convention; who was proceeding to read it,
When Mr. Hillhouse observed that the returns from one of the states appeared to be defective, the governor's certificate not being attached to it. He thought that this might be as proper a time to notice it as any.
Nothing farther being said on the subject, however, the President of the Senate read the following statement of the votes, as reported by the tellers:
   PRES'T. V. PRES'T.   Madison. Monroe. Clinton. Adams.    N. Hampshire 0 7 0 7  Massachusetts 0 19 0 19  Rhode Island 0 4 0 4  Connecticut 0 9 0 9  Vermont 6 0 0 6  New York 13 0 13 0  New Jersey 8 0 8 0  Pennsylvania 20 0 20 0  Delaware 0 3 0 3  Maryland 9 2 9 2  Virginia 24 0 24 0  North Carolina 11 3 11 3  South Carolina 10 0 10 0  Georgia 6 0 6 0  Tennessee 5 0 5 0  Kentucky* 7 0 7 0  Ohio 3 0 3 0  Totals 122 47 61 13  
* One of the votes of Kentucky lost from the non-attendance of one of the Electors.
Recapitulation of the votes of the Electors for President of the U. States.
James Madison 122 votes. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 47 George Clinton 6
For Vice President of the United States.
George Clinton 113 Rufus King 47 John Langdon 9 James Madison 3 James Monroe 5
The President of the Senate, pursuant to the joint resolution of the two Houses of the 7th inst. then announced the state of the votes to both Houses of Congress, and declared "That James Madison was duly elected President of the United States for four years, to commence on the fourth day of March next; and that George Clinton was duly elected Vice President of the United States for the like term of four years to commence on the said fourth day of March next."
The members of the Senate then retired in the same order in which they entered.
After the conclusion of the business of the joint meeting the Speaker resumed the chair, and the House came to order.
Mr. J. G. Jackson offered a resolution for a total non-intercourse between this country and Great Britain and France, and for excluding from our waters all armed vessels; with a view to have it referred to the committee on Mr. Nicholas's resolution.
The Speaker having declared the motion for commitment to be in order, Mr. Randolph appealed from the decision, on the ground that a few ago the House had decided that a resolution could not be considered when the precise subject of the resolution was already before a committee of the whole; and that the decision now made was variant from the former decision of the Speaker.
After some observation from various gentlemen on the point of order, Mr. Jackson withdrew his motion—Adjourned.
THURSDAY, FEB. 9.
ELECTORAL VOTES.
Mr. Mason moved to amend the journal of yesterday's proceedings, by inserting the letter of Mr. Walton, the elector from the state of Kentucky, who did not attend to give his vote, stating the reason thereof. He stated his object to be to state on the journal the reason why one vote was deficient from the state of Kentucky, that it might serve as a precedent on similar occasions. For, if hereafter, in consequence of the sickness or inability to attend of any one or more electors, there should be a tie betwixt any two candidates for the Presidency, it would be made a matter of question whether their votes, although unable to attend at the time, ought not to be counted.
Some discussion took place on this point, it being contended by some gentlemen, that the House had no concern with the causes why any vote was not received, but merely to count those which came to hand. And that if it was intended to fix a precedent to govern future proceedings on this subject, it ought to be done with great deliberation.
Mr. Mason's motion was negatived, Ayes 20.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. Taylor said it would be recollected that in the course of the public business of this session, a resolution reported by a committee on our foreign relations arising out of a motion of a member from N. Carolina, for the purpose of interdicting commercial intercourse with such belligerents as had in force decrees or edicts against the lawful commerce of the U. S. had been agreed to and referred to the same committee, who had reported a bill for non-intercourse. This bill in fact however comprized but one half of the whole subject embraced by the words "non-intercourse." The bill as reported to this House provided for the non-importation of the goods, wares and merchandise, the growth and manufacture of these particular countries. That (said he) may be readily accounted for from the circumstance that the House was then actually engaged in passing a law for the enforcement of the embargo, the committee therefore having only in view
the other part of the question, so as to complete a non-intercourse. After that bill was reported, a gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Rhea) in order that the whole might be incorporated into one, offered a resolution for that purpose. I did think it unnecessary at that time; but as the course of business seems to look towards a repeal of the embargo, in order that the whole subject of non-intercourse may be incorporated in the bill before the House, I move that the committee of the whole be discharged from the consideration of the bill, and that it may be referred to a committee, in order that it may be made in fact what the title imports it to be, completely a bill for non-intercourse between this country and those nations having in force decrees affecting our neutral rights.
The committee of the whole was discharged from the further consideration of the bill, Ayes 72.
A motion having been made that this bill be referred to the committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution, was negatived, 56 to 43.
It was then moved to refer the bill to the committee who reported it, and carried, 61 to 41.
Much desultory debate took place on these motions, in which Messrs. Sloan, D. R. Williams, Upham, Macon, Dana, Eppes, Taylor, Nicholas, Van Horne and Smith participated.
Mr. W. Alston moved that the committee which now has under consideration the resolutions offered by Messrs. Nicholas, Bacon and Durrell be discharged from the further consideration of them, and that they be referred to the same committee to whom the non-intercourse bill was just referred.
Mr. Dawson seconded the motion, and Messrs. Smith, Love, Holland, and Rhea supported it, and Messrs. Dana, Randolph, Minor, Gardenier and Macon opposed it.
The question was taken on discharging the committee from the further consideration of them at half past 5 o'clock by Yeas and Nays as follows:—
YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Burrwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clay, Clapton, Cotts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Eppes, Findlay, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, Marion, M'Cready, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, (Pen.) Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smelt, Smith, J. Smith, Yerplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, A. Wilson—55.
NAYS—Messrs. Bacon, Bassett, Blake, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Eustis, Ely, Gardenier, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Isley, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Masters, Minor, Mosely, Mumford, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Surges, Swart, Taggart, Talmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams—55.
Mr. W. Alston then moved to commit the resolutions to the committee to whom the bill on the subject of non-intercourse was referred.
This motion was opposed by Messrs. Randolph, Lyon, Van Horne, Bacon, Gardenier, Quincy and Minor; and supported by Messrs. Taylor, W. Alston and Holland.
The motion was carried by Yeas and Nays, 55 to 35.
Mr. Van Alston moved to refer to the same committee a resolution offered by Mr. Mumford at the commencement of the session for a partial repeal of the embargo; but the House adjourned before a question could be taken.
The effect of the votes of this day, is to refer to the committee on our foreign relation, composed of Messrs. G. W. Campbell, Nicholas, Bacon, Taylor, Fisk, J. Montgomery, Mumford, Champion and Porter, the several propositions for the repeal of the embargo, for arming the merchant vessels, for non-intercourse, for excluding armed vessels from our waters, & for declaring the first capture made in violation of the neutral rights of the U. S. to be a declaration of war, &c. with leave to report by bill.
The chief argument in favor of this general reference was, that these propositions might be merged in one bill which should present a general system, and thus render less complicated the proceedings of the House on these resolutions. The main arguments against it were, that it would destroy all that had already been done in committee of the whole, and probably prevent a system at length to the House which would not be approved, and thus produce no other effect at this late period of the session than to protract discussion; and also, that it would encourage that speculation now going on in the mercantile towns, and be ruinous to many men of moderate capitals who had embarked their all in the purchase of produce, in the certainty that the embargo would be raised on the 4th of March.
FOR SALE. A TRACT OF LAND, containing about Eighty acres, lying in the District of Columbia, about two miles north of the Capitol. The premises are at present occupied by a Mrs. Halsey. Any person inclined to purchase will make application before the 1st of March next, to Mr. THOMAS CLAXTON at the Capitol. February 10—3t
THIS is to give notice, that the subscriber hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington city and district of Columbia, Letters of Administration on the Personal Estate of Henry Howes, late of said city deceased. All persons having claims against said estate, are hereby notified to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 15th day of August next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. All persons that are indebted to the said estate are requested to come forward and settle up their accounts otherwise I shall put the books in an officer's hands to act as the law directs. Given under my hand this 19th day of February 1809. IGNATIUS HOWE, Exr.

Appointment by the President of the United States.
JOHN COX, Brigade-Major and Inspector of the Militia of the District of Columbia.
The following is extracted from a letter dated, Richmond, February 6th, from a respectable mercantile house to a member of Congress; to place the genuineness of which beyond all question, the original is left at the office of the N. Intelligencer and will be shown to any person on application.
"Your esteemed favor of the 3rd was received this morning. We hope that the repeal of the embargo laws will be followed by letters of marque & reprisal & not by arming our merchants. If we are to have war let us have it from the proper source, and with that power which has done us the greatest injury; never put it in the power of the merchants of this country to involve us in a war, whose late conduct has shown that they are quite destitute of principle. If you doubt this, read the following extract of a letter from a merchant of Philadelphia to us, and then say if the peace of this country ought to be entrusted to such people."
"We have no doubt but this is the stile in which these people continually address each other, this Mr. Grant happened to mistake his man and is caught."
* Presumed to mean vagabonds.
The following resolutions, which have passed the Senate of New York unanimously, and were pending on the 1st instant, before the House of Representatives, by whom they will unquestionably be adopted, reflect honor on their mover, Dewitt Clinton, and the patriotism of the state of New York. They please us, because they possess nerve, a quality most eminently required at this time in every public man. Let domestic treason realise that it will be crushed, the instant it lifts its hideous front, and it will shrink appalled into annihilation. There is not only nerve, but there is likewise magnanimity in the course of Mr. Clinton. He pledges him, as well as all the republicans of the state, to the principles of the new President; and is a most seasonable announcement to foreign powers that the little bickerings of republicans about the Presidency are at an end, and that, on national concerns, the republican phalanx is undivided and indivisible. Public men, do your duty, and the nation will support you!
RESOLUTIONS.
"In Senate, Jan. 31st, 1809. WHEREAS the unjust and multiplied aggressions of the belligerent nations upon our national rights; their obstinate refusal to render justice and to listen to the most fair, friendly, impartial and pacific overtures; and their unrelenting perseverance in a system of violence, rapacity and insult, have rendered it the peculiar and incumbent duty of all good citizens, attached to the rights and honor of their country, to bury in oblivion all internal differences, and to rally round the standard of the government in opposition to the unjust pretensions and atrocious outrages of foreign powers. And whereas, in defiance of every dictate of patriotism and every consideration of duty, the most unremitted and reprehensible attempts are making, with uncommon industry and malignity, and by every art of misrepresentation, to enfeeble and destroy the exertions of the general government, in vindicating our national rights and honor, by endeavoring to alienate the affections of the people, by opposing the authority of the laws, and by menacing a dismemberment of the union; and the legislature deeming it an indispensable obligation, at this critical and eventful period, to countenance these daring and factious proceedings, and to bear testimony against the insolent encroachments of foreign nations, and being fully satisfied that the conduct of the national government has been calculated to secure the resources, to preserve the peace, to maintain the honor, and to promote the interest of this country:
"Therefore—(if the honorable assembly concur herein.) Resolved, That we repose full confidence in the wisdom, patriotism
and that we will, at every hazard, and to the full extent of our faculties, support them against the unjust attempts of foreign powers; and if a state of peace shall be no longer a state of honor, and a continuance of aggression shall render an appeal to the sword inevitable, we pledge our lives and our fortunes in defence of the just rights of our injured country.
"Resolved, That we consider the union of the states as the palladium of our national safety, the guarantee of our national prosperity, and the pledge of our national glory: and that every attempt to violate or sever the ties which bind the confederated states together, ought to receive the most pointed reprobation, and the most decided abhorrence. And we earnestly exhort the good citizens of this state to be vigilant and active in discountenancing and suppressing all combinations and attempts to evade or violate the laws, to detract from the authority of the government, and to impair the stability of the union; and we solemnly conjure them, by the sacred principles of liberty and patriotism, to prepare themselves for the crisis which is probably approaching, and to be ready to co-operate with each other, and with the constituted authorities, in resisting and repelling the audacious aggressions of foreign nations.
"Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to the President of the United States as the sense of this state, and that our Senators and Representatives in Congress be, and hereby are requested to use every exertion to put the U. States in the best condition of defence, so that we may be fully prepared to meet the dangers which menace the peace of our country.
"By Order, S. VISSCHER, Clerk."
SENATE U. S.—FEB. 8.
After the Senate had returned from the joint meeting of the two Houses.
On motion of Mr. Smith of Maryland,
Resolved, That the President of the U. States, be requested to cause to be delivered to James Madison, Esq. of Virginia, now Secretary of State of the U. States a notification of his election to the office of President of the United States; and to be transmitted to George Clinton Esq. of New York, Vice President of the U. States a notification of his election to that office; and that the President of the Senate do make out and sign a certificate in the words, following: [Here follows the certificate.]
Mr. Giles submitted the following resolutions for consideration:
Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States be repealed on the fourth day of March next, except as to G. Britain and France, and their dependencies; and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with those nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the U. S. the growth, produce or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
Mr. Giles also submitted the following motion for consideration:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for interdicting all foreign armed ships from the waters of the U. S.
FORM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
Boston, Jan. 31, 1809.
At a meeting of the officers of the legionary brigade, convened this evening, in pursuance of public notice, at Association Hall, Elm street, for the express purpose of considering at this alarming crisis of our national concerns, certain public expressions, tending to the discredit and dishonor of the militia, and dangerous in their tendency to the safety, protection, and the defence of the United States—Major Oliver Johnson not chosen as presiding officer, and Capt. Samuel Hewes, secretary for the evening. A committee of five was then chosen to consider the business of the evening—who retired, and about ten o'clock returned to the meeting, and made their report—which being read by paragraphs, was so accepted by the meeting. It was again read entire and unanimously accepted, and ordered for publication—as follows:
Whereas there have been assertions and insinuations made in various towns in this commonwealth, that "the militia when called on by proper authority will not come out to enforce the laws"—And whereas such assertions, insinuations, and certain resolutions are derogatory to the known fidelity and attachment of the militia to their country, its constitutions and laws, at all times, and in all events, and under all circumstances since the establishment of our national independence, and even before that period, as the plains of Lexington and the heights of Charles-
prove—And whereas the confidence of the government is fixed in their reliance on the militia in the first moments of alarm and danger, and that confidence, and that reliance have been fully realized in several instances of peril in this commonwealth and in other parts of the union, where rebellion, insurrection and treason have bid defiance to the laws, and put at hazard the lives and property of the peaceable citizens; which treason, insurrection and rebellion have been suppressed by the ordinary powers of the government, and the instrumentality of the militia—Therefore
Resolved, That every attempt to alienate the militia from their just allegiance to their country, is insulting to the government, injurious to the rights and liberties of the people, dangerous to the quiet possession of honest property, and even hazardous to life itself.
Resolved, That as officers holding commissions in the legionary brigade 1st division Massachusetts militia, & having been qualified to act under the authority of the state, by taking a solemn oath of allegiance and fidelity to the commonwealth and U. S. to support the constitution & laws made pursuant thereto, the subscribers do, upon their oaths and honors, declare to their fellow citizens and to the world, that they view with indignation and abhorrence every attempt to disaffect the militia from their known and uniform attachment and fidelity, as American citizen soldiers, to their country, its constitutions, its government and its laws—and in the solemn, impressive and feeling language of our country's hero & departed chief, we will "frown indignantly on the first attempt of any man or set of men to alienate" any portion of our fellow citizens, especially that important portion of the strength and defence of our country, the MILITIA, from the government and its laws.
Resolved, That as officers of the militia, we are proud to declare our attachment to the constitution, the laws, and the union of the states; and the fullest confidence in our citizen soldiers, whom we have the honor by their election to command—that they will, in times of danger and alarm, at the call of the law, rally round the standard of our country, and protect and defend its constitution, laws, rights and liberties, against foreign foes and domestic traitors.
Resolved, That as many of the officers did, in July, 1807, with our fellow-citizens in town-meeting assembled, when the savage and barbarous affair of the Chesapeake was under consideration, agree to a resolve, unanimously, accepted by the town, in the following words, viz—"That we most sincerely approve of the proclamation, and the firm and dispassionate course of policy pursued by the President of the United States, and we will cordially unite with our fellow citizens in affording effectual support to such measures as our government may further adopt in the present crisis of our affairs." We, therefore, do now solemnly declare, as citizen-soldiers, that we do heartily renew and agree to the above mentioned pledge.
OLIVER JOHNNOT, Presiding Officer. A true copy—Attest, SAMUEL HEWES, Secretary.
Legislature of Massachusetts. SENATE.—THURSDAY, FEB. 2.
The committee on the several Memorials from the people, of a number of towns in this state, praying the interposition of the legislature in their behalf, in the present situation of our public affairs, made a report in part.
After an able and highly interesting preamble, the committee recommended the passing of the following resolves and act.
RESOLVES.
Resolved, That the act of the Congress of the United States, passed on the 9th day of January, in the present year, for enforcing the act laying an embargo, and the several acts supplementary thereto, is, in the opinion of the legislature, in many respects unjust, oppressive and unconstitutional, and not legally binding on the citizens of this state. But notwithstanding this opinion, in order finally to secure a certain and permanent relief, it is earnestly recommended to all parties aggrieved by the operation of this act, to abstain from forcible resistance, and to apply for their remedy, in a peaceable manner, to the laws of the commonwealth.
Resolved, That a suitable remonstrance be prepared, and immediately forwarded to the Congress of the U. States from this legislature, expressing their opinions and feelings, on the several subjects of complaints contained in the said petitions, and particularly urging the repeal of the said act of Congress, passed on the 9th day of January last.
Resolved, That the legislature of this commonwealth, will zealously co-operate with any of the other states, in all legal and constitutional measures for procuring such amendments to the constitution of the U. States, as shall be judged necessary to obtain protection and defence for commerce, and to give to the commercial states their fair and just consideration in the government of the union; and for affording permanent security as well as present relief, from the oppressive measures under which they now suffer.
Resolved, That the hon. the President of the Senate and the hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives, be requested to transmit a
tions thereon, to the legislatures of such of our sister states, as manifest a disposition to concur with us in measures to rescue our common country from impending ruin, and to preserve inviolate the union of the states.
THE ACT.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. AN ACT to secure the people of this commonwealth against unreasonable, arbitrary and unconstitutional searches in their dwelling houses.
WHEREAS it is declared and provided in and by the fourteenth article of the declaration of rights of the inhabitants of Massachusetts, that "every subject has a right to be secure from all unreasonable searches and seizures of his person, his house, his papers and possessions, and that all warrants are contrary to this right, if the cause or foundation of them is not previously supported by oath or affirmation."
And whereas it is also provided in and by the fourth article of the amendments to the constitution of the U. States, that "the rights of the people to be secure in their houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized. And it being the duty of the legislature to protect the citizens of this state against the infringements of their essential rights, and to provide effectually for the punishment of those who violate them: Therefore—
SEC. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, and by the authority of the same, That if any person or persons, after the passing of this act, in contempt and violation of the said provisions in the declaration of rights and constitution aforesaid, shall enter any dwelling house of any citizen of this commonwealth, situate within the same, in the DAY time to search the same house for any specie or any articles of domestic growth, produce or manufacture, under pretence of any authority whatsoever, without or against the consent of the owner of such dwelling house, and not having a warrant therefor, supported by oath or affirmation, and issued by a magistrate having competent authority to issue the same, every person so offending shall be adjudged to be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall on conviction thereof in the Supreme Judicial Court, be sentenced by said Court to pay a fine to the use of the Commonwealth, not exceeding the sum of dollars, and to suffer imprisonment in the common jail of the county in which the conviction may be, for a term of time not exceeding months, for either of the said punishments, according to the circumstances and aggravation of said offence.
SECT. 2. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons, after the passing of this act, in contempt and violation of the said provisions in the declaration of rights and constitution aforesaid, shall enter any dwelling house of any citizen of this commonwealth, situate within the same, in the NIGHT time, being armed with any offensive or deadly weapon, to search the same house for any specie, or any articles of domestic growth, produce or manufactures, under pretence of any authority whatsoever, without or against the consent of the owner of such dwelling house, and not having a warrant therefor, supported by oath or affirmation and issued by a magistrate, having competent authority to issue the same, every person so offending, shall be adjudged to be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall on conviction thereof, in the Supreme Judicial Court, be sentenced by said Court, to pay a fine to the use of the Commonwealth, not exceeding the sum of dollars, and to suffer imprisonment in the common jail in the county in which the conviction may be, for a term of time not exceeding months, or either of said punishments, according to the circumstances and aggravation of said offence—Provided however, that nothing in this act shall be construed to affect, or in any manner impair the remedy which any person might have had for damages in a civil action, if this act had not been passed.
The Senate ordered 500 copies of the report, &c. to be printed, together with the new embargo law; and assigned Tuesday next, [this day], 11 o'clock, for considering the report, which is long, being wanted to prepare the pamphlets, we are unable to publish the preamble this day.
An answer to the Lieutenant Governor's speech was reported in the Senate; and to morrow, at 11 o'clock, A. M. assigned for its consideration.
Portsmouth, N. H. War Department, Jan. 18th, 1809. His excellency the Governor of New Hampshire.
SIR—The pressure of the embargo, although sensibly felt by every description of our fellow citizens, has yet been cheerfully borne by most of them under a conviction that it was
a temporary evil, and a necessary one to save us from greater and more permanent evils, the loss of property and surrender of rights. But it would have been more cheerfully borne, but for the knowledge that while honest men were religiously observing it, the unprincipled along our sea coast and frontiers were fraudulently evading it: and that in some parts they had even dared to break through it openly, by an armed force too powerful to be opposed by the Collector and his assistants. To put an end to this scandalous insubordination to the laws, the Legislature has authorised the President of the United States to empower proper persons to employ militia for preventing or suppressing armed or riotous assemblage of persons resisting the custom house officers in the exercise of their duties or opposing or violating the embargo laws. He sincerely hopes that during the short time these restrictions are expected to continue, no other instances will take place of a crime of so deep a die. But it is made his duty to take the measures necessary to meet it. He has directed me, therefore, to request you, as commanding officer of the militia of your state to appoint some officer of the militia of known respect for the laws, in or near to each port of entry, within your state, with orders, when applied to by the collector of the district to assemble immediately a sufficient force of his militia, and to employ them effectually to maintain the authority of the laws respecting the embargo; and that you notify to each collector the officer to whom, by your appointment he is to apply for aid when necessary. The President has referred this appointment to your Excellency, because your knowledge of characters or means of obtaining it will enable you to select one who can be most confided in to exercise so serious a power, with all the discretion, forbearance, the kindness, even which the enforcement of the law will possibly admit: ever bearing in mind that the life of a citizen is never to be endangered but as the last melancholy effort of maintenance of order and obedience to the laws. Your excellency will please to instruct the officers so appointed to have correct muster and pay rolls made out, and transmitted to this department of such militia as they may find it necessary, in the execution of their duties, to call into actual service. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Your Excellency's obedient servant, H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War.
TO THE BUTCHERS. PROPOSALS will be received till Tuesday the 14th inst. for a contract to supply the Navy in ordinary with FRESH BEEF for one year from that day. THOS. TINGEY, Superintendent. Feb. 10—2t.
A TEACHER, CAPABLE of Teaching, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Geography, and the Rudiments of the Latin Language, wants a situation in a Private Family. One on the banks of the river Potomac or Patuxent would be preferred. A line addressed to A. Z. in the city of Washington by the mail, (and the postage paid) will receive prompt attention. February 10—5t
NOTICE.
BY VIRTUE of a decree of the hon. the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, the subscribers will offer at PUBLIC SALE, on the Premises on TUESDAY the 7th day of March next, the following Tracts of LAND, to wit: "The Rumble," "He mistow," and the "Strand," lying and being in St. Mary's county, and adjoining each other, supposed to contain more than 1000 acres, and formerly occupied by Dr. William Lansdale, deceased. The above estate is situated in a healthy and genteel neighborhood, about two miles from Leonardtown. The improvements consist of a large and convenient Brick Dwelling-house, 4 rooms below and 4 above, stairs, with a Kitchen adjoining, Meat House, Corn House, Stables and Granary, and a young thriving Apple Orchard. The Dwelling House stands on an eminence, commanding a view of the whole of the flat land on said estate which is estimated to be of the first quality in the county and is well adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, small grain, clover, &c. and is deemed the most gazi g land in the county. There is a fine stream of water that runs through this estate, on which has been heretofore a valuable Mill.
On the same day, by virtue of the above decree, the Subscribers will also sell on the premises, Three other Tracts of LAND, called "Newcastle," "Lords Delight," and "Buck Acre," containing in the whole about 500 acres adjoining the above described estate—they were lately owned and occupied by Dr. John Reed, deceased. The improvements on these lands are extremely valuable, consisting of a new Two story Dwelling House, Kitchen, Corn House, Granary, Cow Houses and Stables: there is likewise on this estate a valuable Mill in complete repair. This estate is rendered very valuable on account of the great quantity of Wood and Timber on it, and on the flat land which is adapted to meadow.
A further description is deemed unnecessary as persons who are inclined to purchase can view the premises; the title of which together with a plat of the whole may be seen on application to Mr. Enoch J. Millard, Leonard Town. This property will be sold entire or in parcels as may be deemed advantageous.
The terms of sale are that the purchaser of the whole or any part thereof shall give bond with approved security for the payment of the purchase money within eighteen months from the day of sale.
CLEMENT BROOKE, GUSTAVUS A. CLAGETT, Trustees. February 10—w40d

AT a meeting of the Commercial Company, this day, a Dividend was declared of Five per Cent. for the six months ending the 31st December last, which will be paid to the Stock-holders or their representatives on Saturday the 13th inst.
DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP. The Partnership of William T. Wood & Co. being this day dissolved, all persons having demands against said firm are desired to bring in their accounts to the subscriber for settlement, and all persons indebted to said firm are warned against paying any money, but to the subscriber who will call on them for their accounts.
A CARD. Mr. Generes has the honor to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Washington, that his next BALL will be on Wednesday 17th inst. at Mr. Long's Hotel, and to be continued on the same day once a fortnight.
CHEAP GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS, (sign of the plough). HAVE removed to the Store, lately occupied by Romulus Riggs, and have bought his entire Stock of GOODS, (very low) which added to their former supply, with some Fresh Goods, just received from Philadelphia, makes their assortment very extensive, they being bought principally for cash, previous to any material rise in the markets, enables them to sell lower than the present prices.
ON the application by petition in writing, of ROBERT MCKOY, of Prince Georges county, to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'Koy, is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Robert M'Koy be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Robert M'Koy, by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. December 26—w3m Ck. P. G. C. C. Prince George's county court, September term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing of DENNIS M. BURGESS of Prince Georges county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. C. November 8—w3m THREE PIPES OF MADERA WINE To be Exchanged for FLOUR. Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPHAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few Barrels of very fine POTATO APPLES. Washington, January 30—1m
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. Will be offered for Sale at Public Auction at Rhodes's hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on E. street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Boyd. From its proximity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good lot will be given to the purchaser—to sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct.
THE BRIDGE at our Mile Creek being now passable for Carriages and Horses, the Directors of the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike company," have opened a ROAD from their paved road, near Linda'savern, into the Georgetown road at the mouth of Mr. Custis's lane, which will save nearly a mile and a quarter in the distance from Alexandria to Georgetown ferry, and by actual survey is only 242 yards longer than a road on the paved road, over level ground most of the way.
ATTENTION! THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs, and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as further indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the business as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price. ROMULUS RIGGS. N. B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6—2aw6w
PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, to wit: ON application to me the subscriber (in the recess of the court) an associate judge of the first judicial district, in the state of Maryland, by petition in writing, of NATHANIEL HAGAN, of Prince George's County, praying for the benefit of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, on the terms mentioned in the said act, and its supplements, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having satisfied me by competent testimony, that he has resided in the state of Maryland, two years immediately preceding the time of his application—and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having also stated in his petition, that he is now in actual confinement, for debt, and not on account of any breach of the peace, or for the non-payment of any fine or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state, or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the Sheriff of Prince George's county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement, on the terms prescribed in the said act and its supplements, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court, to be held in and for Prince George's County aforesaid, on the first Monday in April next, to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do also order and adjudge, that the said Nathaniel Hagan be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in April next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the County Court, on the said first Monday in April next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Nathaniel Hagan, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for the delivering up his property, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Nathaniel Hagan should not have the benefit of the several acts of assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors. Given under my hand this thirtieth day of November, eighteen hundred and eight. DANIEL CLARKE.
SADDLE HORSE. FOR SALE an excellent SADDLE HORSE with Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar.—Also—a remarkably smart Waiting BOY, about 15 years old, who has waited in the house for three years. They can be had on trial any time this month. Enquire at this office. February 6—3t
RICHARD PARROTT, Has just arrived at Alexandria, on board the Sea-Flower, capt. Marshall from Savannah. 75 tierces Rice, 20 bales cotton, (best quality), And in Store, (at his Warehouse, George Town) at Wholesale or Retail, 5000 bushels, Isle May, Turk's Island, St. Ubes, ground Allum and Blown Salt. 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 2 pipes Gin, 3 hds. Antigua Rum, 2 do. Jamaica do. 9 do. Molasses, 3 do. Loaf and Lump Sugars, 5 do. & 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 200 casks Boston Lime, 8 casks Goshen Cheese, 100 barrels Tea, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Bohea, Coffee, Aspicie, Pepper, Mustard, Mould & Dpt Candles, Soap, Snuff. Fish Oil, Plaster Paris (ground & in stone) Bacon, Pork, Herring, Whiskey, Flour, Meal, Corn, Rye, and Flax-seed. Philadelphia Bar Iron, Boiled Linseed Oil, in jugs of 3 gallons each, Bed-cords, Plough-Lines, Traces, Saddle-Trees, and Carriage of every description. Cash and liberal prices given for well cleaned country Hemp, Provisions, and Produce. RICHARD PARROTT. January 9—4t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cogniac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 30 boxes Charel, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould Candles, 3 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassava, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 3 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Dye, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 5—
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Blades as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber, to Bridge, crossing over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Gates, &c. in the five places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P.M. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auct. January 30—1m
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Virginia had lately demanded of the Executive of the state of Maryland, a certain GEORGE GORDON, of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be going at large in this state, and hath transmitted an indictment, taken by a coroner's inquest, dated the twenty-first day of September, in the year eighteen hundred and six, in Cumberland county, in said state of Virginia, charging said George Gordon with feloniously shooting and killing a certain Negro slave called Bentley; I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorizing and enjoining all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said George Gordon to the jail of the county in which he may be found, and to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Virginia may be duly notified thereof agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By his Excellency's command, NINTIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate, at Fredericktown; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorizing and enjoining all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT. By his Excellency's command, NINTIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27—2aw6w
JUST RECEIVED And for Sale by R. C. WEIGHTMAN Pennsylvania avenue. Sketch of a Plan and Method of Education founded on an analysis of the human faculties, and natural reason, suitable for the offspring of a free people and for all rational beings. By JOSEPH NEEF, formerly a conadjutor of Pestalozzi, at his school near Berne in Switzerland—Price 75 cents. This book may also be had of D. Rapine, Capitol Hill, and Jos. Milligan, George town.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, in Piseacaway, Prince George's county Maryland, on the 31st of May last, two Negro Men, viz. POMPEY, a very black man, upwards of 30 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, rather slender made, with a small head and face; his forehead projects considerably over his eyes, and it is believed he has lost an under foretooth; he is much addicted to liquor, and when drunk disposed to talk a great deal; he has been accustomed to driving a carriage and waggon; he had on when he went away a deep blue short jacket of coarse cloth, oznaburg shirt and trowsers. BASIL, a dark mulatto, about 22 or 23 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, rather stout made; has thick lips and large mouth, the forefinger of his right hand is stiff and smaller than the other; he had ulcers on his legs, and if healed the scars may be discovered. Basil was a house servant, and at the time he went off his apparel was the same as Pompey's, but they had each a variety of cloths. They may endeavor to pass as freemen, and it is probable that Basil is in Alexandria or Baltimore, as his father is living in the former place, and he has a brother and sister in the latter. It is conjectured that a black man in the district of Columbia called Jack Neall, has contrived to get them away, as the subscriber has been informed that the said Neall about two years ago carried a negro woman of his on board of a vessel at Alexandria, at which time she was a runaway. The above reward (including what the law allows) will be given for securing Pompey and Basil in any jail, so that the subscriber shall get them again, or Fifty Dollars for either, and all reasonable expenses if brought home. All persons are forewarned against harbouring them. JACOB BUCKETT. February 1—w3t
TEN DOLLARS. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER, a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harbouring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fauquier Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAML. FISHER. January 30—1m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—1f
ANY LADY or GENTLEMAN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE, May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Painter hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3—3t
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an instalment of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Prs. January 18—
FOR SALE. A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county, Dec. 16—1f
LUKE RENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the Bank & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20—
THE subscriber having obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington County, District of Columbia, letters of administration on the estate of ABRAHAM JOY, late of the said district, deceased. ALL persons indebted to said estate, are requested to pay the same to me, the subscriber, without delay—and those having claims, are earnestly requested to exhibit them either to the subscriber, or to Dr. John Ott immediately—As those neglecting to exhibit their accounts for more than one week from this date may thereby deprive themselves of receiving so prompt a payment as they otherwise would. SAMUEL BROOK. Feb. 3—3t
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Muscadell Raisins of superior quality. He has also received per the brig Orozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do Rose Blankets 2 do G-4 Cloths 7 do Negro Cottons 5 do Flannels 4 do Carpeting 2 do Bocking Baise 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do Dimities 4 do Velvets and Cords 2 do Shirting Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cogniac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Tenerife do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Buccellas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea.—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotom Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dpt, and Spermaceti Candles, Candles, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper, Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3—2awtf.
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO: HOLT. Washington city, January 18—2or2m
NEW STORE. The commodious new store, counting room and cellar on F street, near the Treasury Office, is to let—possession may be had the first of next month—Few stores (if any) in the district are so well situated for the wholesale or retail business in any line.—There is a dwelling house on the lot to accommodate a family—Enquire of JAMES HOBAN. January 27—6t
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with either dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12t.
A NEW PAMPHLET, Just received and for sale at D. Rapine's Book Store, Capitol Hill. An address to the Congress of the United States, on the utility and justice of restrictions upon foreign commerce. With reflections on foreign trade in general, & the future prospects of America. Price 50 cents.
PRINTING INK. SUMMER, WINTER, and First Quality of Book Printing INK, for sale at the store of Mr. THOMAS W. PATON, adjoining the Seven Buildings, & at Mr. JOHN NICHOLSON'S New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. October 20—w3p6m