The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-05-13 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1183.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MAY 13, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, April 11.
DEBATE on the reference of certain petitions from sundry inhabitants of Massachusetts on the subject of the Embargo, which they are prevented from exporting by the Embargo.
(Concluded.)
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said that when he had risen before, it had been to caution the House against what appeared to him a design to entrap them into an expression of a sentiment which they had not felt. I merely observed, said Mr. W. that if the gentlemen did not confine the resolution to a statement of facts, that I hoped it would not be adopted in any shape. Here a position is assumed that the embargo is made to operate peculiarly hard upon the fishermen. I do not believe that the gentleman from Massachusetts, out of his seat, would seriously have acknowledged this as his opinion. It is not a fact, sir; for if there be any thing "peculiar" in their situation they are peculiarly exempt. But the gentleman was presumptuous enough to presume that I am opposed to the consideration of his motion. I am not, sir; I never was opposed to the consideration of but two motions in my life; and I have been sorry for having opposed these. I was opposed to the consideration of a motion by a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) for repealing the embargo; which was made for the purpose of giving him an opportunity to read a speech ready cut and dried for the Stenographer. I once voted against the consideration of a Yazoo petition, which the gentleman himself (Mr. Quincy) presented; perhaps he has not forgotten it. I perceive the folly of it; for that petition is now lying on the table, which would not have been suffered to have lain there three hours during the last session. The resolution of the gentleman does not state facts—[Mr. Quincy said the gentleman need not take that ground, for he had not an intention to express an opinion, and would modify his resolution so as to put it out of doubt that he had no such intention.]—Mr. W. said he did not question the gentleman's motives; he only thought the form of the proposition might induce a supposition that the gentleman had such an object in view.
The gentleman has undertaken to tell you, said Mr. W. that I have prejudices on the subject. He said he would convince me "with all my prejudices." If I so conduct myself in this House that I can be charged justly with entertaining unfair prejudices, I wish to understand it, that I may meet the charge; but before I will be subjected to such a charge unanswered, I will say that the expression was irrelevant to the subject, indecorous to the House, and ungentlemanly to myself; and if the gentleman entertained such sensations as a gentleman would feel on such an occasion, he would not till now have persisted in it. [Mr. Quincy insisted on explaining.] Mr. W. called him to order. Mr. W. said he never had nor ever would unprovoked make use of an expression to wrong the feelings of any gentleman. I never refused any gentleman a right to explain, said he; and if the gentleman had desired to explain when I first touched the subject, I should not have called him to order. But the gentleman persisted; and I do humbly conceive, sir, that the charge of strong prejudices against any portion of citizens of this country when applied to me, was at least as indecorous as a declaration of ungentlemanly conduct applied to the gentleman from Massachusetts. I never will sit still and hear such charges; because no act of any life would authorize any man in making such an assertion. The gentleman is opposed to the embargo; I believe that he misrepresents the voice of the commercial states. He says he will take the opinion of the fishermen in preference to that of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Burwell)—and so will I take the expression of the opinion of a large proportion of the citizens of a commercial city (I mean the democracy of N. York) in preference to that of the gentleman from Massachusetts. I hope the resolution will be amended by striking out "peculiar hardships and sufferings" and inserting "inconvenience."
Mr. QUINCY said when he used the word "prejudice," he certainly had no wish to wound the feelings of the gentleman from South Carolina, or of any other in the House. The word "prejudice" in this case applied only to his prejudices resulting from the very argument which the gentleman had used—that these fishermen were peculiarly favored instead of suffering under peculiar hardship. With reference to this opinion alone had he used the word "prejudice." He owed this explanation not to the gentleman from S. Carolina, but to himself; because he never was in the habit of using language to wound the feelings of any member.
Mr. TAYLOR said he felt it a duty to express the feelings which really forced themselves upon him on hearing the expressions of the gentleman from Massachusetts, which could as well have been applied to any other quarter of the House as to his colleague. The word "prejudice" would not have had the same effect upon him in other circumstances; but the Repository , from Boston, which came to hand on Saturday night, contained a sort of introduction to the word "prejudice," in a letter from a gentleman in this city; in which the writer had taken upon himself to speak of the southern planters as being inimical to, and determined to ruin the commercial interest. Having read this, said Mr. T. and heard the expressions applied to my colleague, I could not but feel the observation. If indeed the gentleman has no prejudices against us, 'twould be as well to bury the hatchet; for I can assure the gentleman it is not correct to suppose that we entertain prejudices against our northern brethren. In order to explain the sensations I felt at hearing this word "prejudice," I will refer gentlemen who have any curiosity on the subject to the " Repository ."
Mr. MCCREERY said there must be some mistake in this business. The gentleman from Boston (Mr. Quincy) could not have been the author of that letter; for he had just declared that he cared not what the merchants suffered, if the fishermen could but sell their fish.
Mr. COOK said it seemed that the observations on the reference of a few petitions respecting fish, had extended so far as to embrace the merits of the embargo. The gentleman on my right, said he, conceives the operation of the embargo to be particularly injurious to fishermen; it may operate severely upon them, but not more so than upon other citizens. As respects the mechanic, I cannot see how it can operate against him. We have accounts from every part of the country and the most respectable of our merchants conceive the embargo a beneficial measure. I know there is a difference of opinion; but the most correct commercial men in my district say that they should consider themselves embarrassed if there were no embargo law. I ask how the embargo can operate such great distress as is ascribed to it? If the embargo were taken off, to what part of the world could the merchants send their ships with safety? Let the voyage be to whatever quarter they would be subject either to the shark or the tiger. It is said that the merchants could protect themselves. They know their interests better than to attempt it. Gentlemen might as well say, let us disband the government altogether. Government was instituted for wise purposes; and one express provision of our constitution is that we shall make all laws for governing commerce. The argument seems to be relied on against the embargo, because it is considered as a permanent measure. I never heard the embargo advocated on that ground, nor has any gentleman ever so supported it. We have on our table a resolution authorizing the President under certain conditions to suspend the embargo. This certainly does not look like an intended continuance of the embargo longer than a safe policy dictates.
Some gentlemen have gone so far as to advocate a repeal of the embargo, because we cannot protect our native seamen, having passed such laws in relation to them as the usage of other nations has rendered expedient. It seems that G. Britain requires three fourths of the seamen on board her merchant vessels to be native citizens; and therefore, we are told, we ought to do the same. The gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) did not tell all the facts relative to that subject; for if he had, he would have said that this law is always repealed in time of war, and of course has no operation whatever. If the gentleman means to advocate the doctrine that we ought to mark every seaman of ours that he may not be mistaken, he wishes to degrade us indeed. Under what principle of justice or right are we to distinguish our seamen in any manner? Have we not at least an equal right to expect that G. Britain may slit her men in the ear, that she may avoid the unfortunate mistakes she often makes in taking ours instead of her own?
It is asked what benefit can it be to the American seamen that the British seamen under our flag should be exempt from impressment? That has already been completely answered; it is a benefit that all should be exempt, sir; because, when they have the privilege to take the goats, they will take the sheep with them. And I hope we never will submit to that species of summary process, in virtue of which a boatswain of a man of war may come on board our merchant vessels, and by pointing his finger cause our seamen to be mistaken for their own.
It has been said that the measures we have taken go to prostrate the mercantile interest. I have the interests of the merchants as much at heart, and they are dear to me as any one. I live with them and know them; and it would be unnatural in me to give my vote in favor of any measure which I conceived injurious to this respectable class of men. I conceive that all classes of the country, farmers as well as merchants, feel the embargo; and it is but justice to them to say that they bear it with magnanimity. I have no confidence in permanent embargoes, or non-importation laws; but the embargo with the discretionary power which I hope we shall give the President before we part hence, appears to me wise and expedient, and the best measure which could have been adopted for the safety of the country.
Mr. DANA wished to vindicate himself from the idea of "marking" our seamen; for really he had not entertained an idea that "slitting ears" and citizenship were synonymous terms.
Mr. SLOAN made some observations on the length of time occupied on this subject. He must needs say that had he been in the gallery, he should have supposed that the negotiation was the subject of discussion; for the House had occupied half the day with what ought not to have employed 10 minutes.
Mr. Quincy's resolution, together with the petitions, were then referred to a committee of the whole, 56 to 26.
The subject was not further acted on during the session.
Letter of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, to Mr. Madison—Continued.
The eighth article which specifies the causes for which vessels may be captured or detained, including among them the circumstance of their having enemies property on board, is (except the last clause) a transcript of the 17th article of the treaty of 1794. The stipulation contained in that clause, that the parties shall be allowed adequate damages and charges of the trial in all cases of unfounded detention, or other contravention of the regulations of the present treaty, will, we presume, produce the salutary effect contemplated by it. There is perhaps no principle in the maritime pretensions of this country which has been more abused in practice, than that which this provision is intended to remedy. That damages should be allowed in all such cases, it is true, a doctrine recognized by the court of admiralty. It cannot however be doubted that by providing for them in the treaty, the obligation to allow them will acquire greater force with the court and even the government itself, while it cannot fail to give an useful admonition to the cruisers.
The ninth article regulates what shall be deemed contraband of war.
The provision in the tenth article, relative to vessels sailing without knowledge of a blockade, is somewhat altered from the treaty of 1794. The precise effect of the change cannot perhaps be pronounced with certainty; but it seems to be clear that it cannot be otherwise than advantageous. The alterations consist in the
introduction into the preamble of "the distance and other circumstances incident to the situation of the contracting parties" and of the word "such" into the provision which follows. The first amendment appears to justify an inference that, on account of the peculiar circumstances, local and relative, thus recited as the reasons why, in the opinion of the contracting parties, "it may frequently happen that vessels may sail for a port or place, without knowing that it is besieged, blockaded or invested." Our vessels ought not to be liable to be judicially affected with knowledge of a blockade, so as to subject them to penalty by the evidence usually held to be sufficient for that purpose. Sir W. Scott decided in 1799, that in consequence of the distance of the U. States from Europe, we were entitled to a more favorable rule in that respect than other countries, and our article may be fairly considered as adopting that idea and acting upon it. On the foundation of the single fact of distance, sir W. Scott justified a conjectural destination from America to Amsterdam, although the blockade of that port had been notified, and the parties concerned were proved to have known of the commencement of it. The article as it now stands, seems necessarily to imply at least the same indulgence, and, if it does, it certainly goes farther than sir W. Scott's opinion, which does not admit that an enquiry can be made of the blockading force, as our article unquestionably does, in the cases to which it applies. It does not appear to be unreasonable to hold that, a peculiar motive being now assigned in the preamble for the provision which it introduces, a correspondent peculiar effect is contemplated by that provision; and no such effect can follow from it, if it be not that (as our distance makes it impossible "that we should have constant information of the state of the blockade, whether it continues, or is relaxed) the mere notification of the blockade, or even the knowledge that the blockade has been commenced de facto, shall not be sufficient to make the destination illegal, but that, notwithstanding such notification or knowledge, we shall receive warning at the port or place blockaded. The words "without knowing that the same is either besieged, blockaded, or invested," will admit of this interpretation, since by reason of our distance, it may in our case be truly said (and has in substance been judicially said) to be one thing to know that a blockade has been notified or instituted, and another that it continues. We endeavored, without success, to obtain the consent of the British commissioners to the article proposed in your project. They would only agree, as you will perceive, to take its preamble and engraft it upon the article of 1794, observing that this would give to that article a new and more favorable, though certainly an undefined character, and that at a moment when their maritime efforts in this mode of hostility might more than ever become indispensable to the national safety, it was impossible to do more. We pressed them long and earnestly to connect them with the clause, a definition of blockade, to which, in the early stages of our negotiation, it was believed, there would be no objection. We found them however, decidedly averse from such a definition by treaty, notwithstanding the precedent afforded by lord St. Helen's convention with Russia. They maintained that the British doctrine was already as explicit, upon this point, as any definition could make it; that it was difficult, if not impracticable, to agree upon one which should be at the same time accurate and complete; that the clause in its present form would do much towards the accomplishment of our object, and that what remained, it would be in their power, as it certainly was in their inclination, to supply, as effectually, as in the treaty itself, by taking occasion to state, in a letter, which it was intended should be delivered to us on their part, at the time of the signature of the treaty, in which you will hereafter find explained, the theory and practice of the British government on this subject.
This reasoning was in no degree satisfactory, and it was resisted accordingly, but without effect. The proposed substitute for a definition by
treaty, might be of some value, and was not therefore opposed; but it was obvious, that it would be greatly impaired, if not wholly destroyed, by the nature of the letter, of which we had received a full explanation, and in which the suggested statement was to be inserted.
The eleventh article regulates the great question of our commerce with enemies colonies, the interruption of which was one of the principal causes of the late disagreement between the two countries. We trust that the compromise which has been made on this point will be advantageous to our commercial interest and satisfactory to our government. The British commissioners were very desirous of burthening this intercourse with several severe restrictions, to place as they did not hesitate to state, their own merchants on an equal footing, in the great markets of the continent, with those of the U. S. With that view, and to settle all questions concerning the continuity of the voyage, they proposed that all articles of W. India produce should be stored in the U. S. for the term of one month, to be transported thence to Europe in another ship from that in which they were brought, and be likewise subjected to a duty of at least four per cent. on re-exportation. They finally agreed however to relinquish all these pretensions, except the landing of the goods in the U. S. and the payment [by which is understood the securing of the payment in the mode prescribed by our law] of one per cent. on such European articles as may be carried from thence to the colonies, and of two per cent. on such West India productions as may be carried to Europe including the parent and every other country. We are persuaded that this arrangement will be attended with less inconvenience to the parties than the other restrictions above mentioned or either of them. The storing of the goods especially for a month seemed to be peculiarly objectionable, as it would have subjected us to a serious injury without being attended with any circumstance to alleviate the regret inseparable from it. We flatter ourselves that the sum agreed to be paid will not be felt as a heavy one on our merchants, whose patriotism will be gratified by the recollection that the duty which they pay will redound to the advantage of their country. By the compromise which is made, the practical enjoyment of the rights of each party is forborne, in the manner stated and for the term specified, while the rights themselves are reserved. The stipulation being in the form of a concession on the part of G. Britain is intended to mitigate her principle where it applies, but in no respect to enlarge the sphere of its operation. No judicial decision of the court of admiralty in this country, has hitherto extended the British principle to enemies colonies in the East Indies, and it is understood that it does not apply to the greater part, if to any of them. Some cases are depending before it from the vice admiralty courts of Halifax, and Columbo, which will bring the point into question. Should the opinion of the court be, that the principle is applicable to the colony to which the cause relates, then the party will have the advantage of the provision contained in this article; should it on the contrary decide that it does not apply to such colony, then the trade between it and the parent country will be free. This view of the subject was entertained equally by the British commissioners and ourselves; and is that, as they assure us, which the court of admiralty will adopt in its decisions. We endeavored to exempt this branch of the trade with enemies colonies from the operation of the British principle, but that was found to be impracticable. We flatter ourselves that the arrangement made respecting it will be deemed the next most eligible one, that could have been adopted, and that it will produce in practice, in a great measure, if not altogether the same effect.
The twelfth article establishes the maritime jurisdiction of the U. S. to the distance of five marine miles from their coast in favor of their own vessels, and the unarmed vessels of all other powers who may acknowledge the same limit. This government contended that three marine miles was the greatest extent, to which the pretension could be carried

by the law of nations, and resisted, at the instance of the admiralty and the law officers of the crown in Doctors' commons, the concession which was supposed to be made by this arrangement, with great earnestness. The ministry seemed to view our claim in the light of an innovation of dangerous tendency, whose admission, especially at the present time, might be deemed an act unworthy of the government. The outrages lately committed on our coast, which made some provision of that kind necessary, as an useful lesson to the commanders of their squadrons, and a reparation for the insults offered to our government, increased the difficulty of obtaining any accommodation whatever. The British commissioners did not fail to represent that which is contained in this article as a strong proof of a conciliating disposition in their government, towards the government and people of the U. S. The limit established was not so extensive as that which we had contended for, and expected to have obtained. We persuade ourselves, however, that the great object which was contemplated by any arrangement of the subject, will result from that which has been made. The article in the treaty, in connexion with the causes which produced it, forms an interesting occurrence in the history of our country, which cannot fail to produce the most salutary consequences. It is fair to presume that the sentiment of respect which G. Britain has shown by this measure for the U. S. will be felt and observed in future by her squadrons in their conduct on our coasts, and in our bays and harbors. It is equally fair to presume that the example of consideration which it affords in their favor, by a nation so vastly preponderant at sea, will be followed by other powers.
By the thirteenth article, it is agreed that the sum for which bonds shall be given by the commanders of privateers before they receive their commissions, to indemnify those who shall be injured by their misconduct, shall be increased to a greater amount than was required by the 10th article of the treaty of 1794. It is also enjoined, in stronger and more definite terms on the belligerent in this than in the former article, to see that its ships of war and privateers shall observe in a manner the most favorable to neutrals, the acknowledged principles and rules of the law of nations, in the search of merchant vessels. We endeavored to obtain an arrangement more adequate to the object, and relinquished the pursuit of it with regret. While the subject of visitation and search was under consideration, the British commissioners assured us that their government would regulate it in a satisfactory manner to the U. S. by act of Parliament, especially in respect to privateers, which assurance they repeated when the subject was discussed.
The following articles to the twenty-first inclusive, are taken from the treaty of 1794. The British commissioners shewed a desire to retain them, and as it appeared that they had in substance been introduced into the treaty with France of 1801, and that an attempt on our part to omit them, would be thought unaccommodating and captious, we agreed to them.
The twenty-second article contains a new and useful provision, in favor of the unfortunate in the case of shipwreck.
The twenty-third article, after declaring that it is the intention of the high contracting parties, that the people of their respective dominions shall be on the footing of the most favored nations, stipulates, that in case either of the parties, shall hereafter grant any additional advantages in navigation or commerce to any other nation, the citizens or subjects of the other party shall fully participate in them. This article is deemed peculiarly important in many views, but more especially in its application to the British possessions in the East Indies. If it can be shown that any peculiar accommodation is, or shall be hereafter, granted to any other powers, we became entitled to it of course.
The twenty-fourth article engages, that the parties shall communicate to each other, the laws which their respective legislatures may enact for the abolition or limitation of the African slave trade, and that they will also use their best endeavors to procure the co-operation of other powers, for the complete abolition of that trade. As this engagement reposes on (the basis of) our laws, it follows that it does not enjoin any obligation unknown to them. If it should be acted on at all, by our government, further than by communicating to this the laws of Congress, as is proposed in the first part of the article, the
* Inserted according to a note received from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, for correcting this letter.
sphere of its operation would be a very contracted one, till the year 1803. After that period such a co-operation on a more enlarged scale, would become a constitutional measure of the government, and as we think, a suitable one. Mr. Fox had taken great interest in this question, and it is understood, that in suggesting the idea, in the address of the House of Commons to the King, of obtaining the co-operation of other powers, the United States were held particularly in view. The British commissioners proposed the article, and shewed great desire that we should accede to it. As this stipulation was not comprised within the scope of our instructions, we have thought it our duty to explain to you, the cause to which its admission into the treaty is to be attributed.
The twenty-fifth article was introduced for the purpose of protecting other powers, having treaties with either party, in the enjoyment of the rights secured by them. The stipulation contained in our treaty with France, in 1803, of certain commercial privileges in favor of French and Spanish subjects, for a defined term in Louisiana, made such a provision particularly necessary.
The twenty-sixth article fixes the term of the treaty to ten years, from the date of the exchange of the ratifications.
We are sorry to add, that this treaty contains no provision against the impressment of our seamen. Our dispatch of the 11th of November, communicated to you the result of our labors on that subject, and our opinion that although this government did not feel itself at liberty to relinquish, formally, by treaty, its claim, to search our merchant vessels for British seamen, its practice would nevertheless be essentially, if not completely abandoned. That opinion has been since confirmed by frequent conferences on the subject with the British commissioners, who have repeatedly assured us, that in their judgment, we were made as secure against the exercise of their pretension by the policy which their government had adopted, in regard to that very delicate and important question as could have been made by treaty. It is proper to observe, however, that the good effect of this disposition, and of its continuance, may depend in a great measure on the means which may be taken by the Congress, hereafter to check desertions from the British service. If the treaty is ratified and a perfect good understanding produced by it between the two countries, it will be easy for their governments, by friendly communications, to state to each other what they respectively desire, and in that mode to arrange the business as satisfactorily as it could be done by treaty.
We regret also to be under the necessity of stating, that no provision has been made by the treaty, to indemnify our citizens for their losses, by the late seizures, and other violations of the law of nations. This object engaged our attention in every stage of the negotiation, and was not abandoned by the signature of the treaty. On the day it was signed, we stated in explicit terms to the British commissioners, that we could not conclude without having a satisfactory assurance by them, of the part their government intended to take, equally, in regard to the vessels and cargoes which had been condemned, and to the suits that were depending. The principle established in the correspondence between Mr. King and Lord Hawkesbury, we admitted, should form the bound of our claim in respect to the seizures for an imputed illegal trade; for every violation of which, in cases of condemnation, we expected a full indemnity, and a dismission of all the causes still depending that were protected by it. The British commissioners observed, that it was neither their wish or expectation, that we should relinquish our claim; on the contrary, they were willing we should preserve it; with which view they proposed that we should present them a paper, bearing date prior to the signature, which should make the reservation in such form as we thought best suited to the object. They intimated that in cases of vested right, it was not in the power of their government to interfere to the prejudice of the parties, and that it would be hard on the government, and unpopular in the ministry, to apply the public money to such a purpose; still they said nothing to preclude that expectation; on the contrary, they encouraged it, and were still more explicit in suggesting, that the depending cases would not be unfavorably adjudged. They seemed desirous that while we should reserve our claim, that their government should retain a right to pursue such a course of conduct in regard to it, as might be dictated hereafter by circumstances. To enter into an engagement in favor of our
claim, in the present state of things, appeared to them, as being likely to expose their government to the imputation of having done it by coercion, and to deprive it of a claim to any merit for such accommodation, as it might under other circumstances be disposed to yield. Should the circumstances of collision, which had taken place between the two countries, be done away, and their commerce and friendly relations be re-established, as they hoped was already in a great measure done, and would be so completely by this treaty, their government they thought would feel itself more at liberty to yield accommodations on this topic, than in the actual state. This was the substance of the communication made us on this subject by the British commissioners, before the signature of the treaty, on which, and our declaring explicitly, that we would reserve the right in the manner they had proposed, in full confidence that their government would respect it, we proceeded to sign the treaty. We have had an interview with the British commissioners since the signature, and were happy to find that they had not forgotten what had passed between us on that occasion. We had asked the interview, as we informed them, for the purpose of conferring on this subject, and of obtaining their sentiments in so distinct a form, as to leave us under no embarrassment in the communication it was our duty to make to you on it. Nothing passed in this interview on their part, to change the ground on which the business had been placed in the former one. They intimated however, that it might be advantageous, and would certainly be proper for us in the present stage, to confer with Lord Howick on this subject, since any declaration from him could not fail, according to its import, to merit the peculiar attention of our government. We have accordingly seen and conferred with Lord Howick upon this topic, whose sentiments appeared to correspond strictly with those which had been delivered to us by the British commissioners. He intimated, however, that it would be better for us to address the note which should contain a reservation of our rights to indemnity to him than to the commissioners; to which we assented, as we could not perceive that that circumstance would make any difference in the case. We are engaged in preparing this paper, which we expect to present to his lordship in a few days, though we fear it will not be ready in time to enable us to obtain his answer to it, to be forwarded to you with this dispatch. We shall not fail to communicate to you, without delay, whatever may occur on this subject. We think it our duty, however, to add, that we do not wish our government to be too sanguine in the expectation of a satisfactory result. In the deliberation on this subject it may perhaps be better to presume that such a one may not be obtained, as it is not provided for in the treaty. The above statement is nevertheless perfectly correct, and we beg you to be assured that we shall continue to exert our best endeavors to secure an object which we consider of so much importance. We shall send you a statement of the cases of condemnation, and of the causes still depending, which is less extensive in both views than may have been supposed.
It happened when the negotiation had reached a very advanced stage, that an account was received here of the decree of the emperor of France, at Berlin, of November 21, which declared G. Britain and Ireland in a state of blockade, and all British manufactures and the produce of British colonies lawful prize. This circumstance produced a strong impression on this government, which was very seriously felt in our concerns. It seemed probable for some days that it would subject the negotiation to a long suspension, if it did not entirely defeat its object. The British commissioners informed us that that decree of the government of France had opposed a powerful obstacle to the conclusion of any treaty with us, before our government should be consulted on the subject, and its answer obtained as to the part it might take in regard to it: that in case the U. S. submitted to a violation of their neutral rights by France in the manner contemplated by that decree, it would be impossible for G. Britain to respect them: that by concluding a treaty with the U. S. by which they should not only bind themselves to the observance of such rights, but agree to concessions or relaxations of what they conceive to be their unquestionable rights of war, after knowing the contents of that decree, they might be understood to restrain themselves from counteracting the policy of France, which it would be improper to do, unless our government should
engage to support its rights against the measures of France. In consideration of these circumstances, they proposed that we should proceed in the business so far as to agree on all the articles of a treaty, to reduce them to form, and then transmit the instrument to the U. S. to become obligatory in case our government should enter into a satisfactory engagement of the kind proposed. We replied, in very explicit terms to the British commissioners, that we considered their proposition altogether inadmissible on our part, and not likely to accomplish, if we could agree to it, the object which they contemplated by it: that such a proposition to our government under the circumstances attending it, would amount in substance to an offer to it of the alternative between the treaty and a war with France, since, if our government refused to give the satisfaction which they desired, the treaty would be lost; and if such satisfaction was given and the treaty concluded, and France should persist to execute her decree according to the construction given of it here, war seemed to be inevitable; that if it should happen that our government should approve the treaty, it was not to be presumed that it would make any sacrifice, or stipulate anything not contained in the instrument especially so very important an act as that alluded to, as the condition on which it was to be obtained: that the arrangement of our differences and other concerns with G. Britain, was an affair which rested on its own ground, and had no connexion with our relations with France: that his majesty's government ought to suppose that the U. S. would not fail in any case to support with becoming dignity their rights with any power, and that it must be sensible that it would be more at liberty to enter into suitable friendly explanations with the government of France, on the subject of the decree in question, after the adjustment of their differences with Britain, than while they existed, as it likewise must be that the prospect of obtaining satisfactory explanations on that point of France, would be better while they acted under their own impulse as an independent and friendly power, than it would be in case they entered into an engagement of the kind proposed with her adversary. The British commissioners admitted that these considerations were entitled to much attention: at length, however, after the subject had been, as we had reason to believe, maturely weighed by the cabinet, they informed us that their government still thought it incumbent on it, to make a reservation of their right to counteract the policy of France, in case our government did not give them the satisfaction they desired, either by suitable assurances before the ratification of the treaty, or by its conduct afterwards. With this view they presented us a paper which we have the honor to transmit with this dispatch. In transmitting to you this paper, it is our duty to observe that we do not consider ourselves a party to it, or as having given it in any the slightest degree our sanction. The incident which produced the paper was unexpected on our part, and without entering into its merits we used our best exertions to diminish its effect in relation to the objects of our negotiation. The British commissioners brought the incident into view, and made it the subject of discussion in the manner above stated, as they did the part which it became their government to take in the depending negotiation in consequence of it. We therefore thought, not only that we were at liberty, but that it was imperiously our duty to use our best exertions to make the paper which they proposed to present to us, in reference to the decree of France, as little injurious as possible, and even to urge that decree as a strong reason why G. Britain should be more explicit and satisfactory in her definition of neutral rights, as well for the purpose of vindicating herself against the strong denunciation it contained, as to enable our government to urge with more force with the government of France, its objections to the decree. We were glad to find, that these remarks were not altogether without effect, as will appear by the paper referred to, especially the definition it gives of a blockade, which is tolerably correct.
You will observe that the commerce between the United States and the British colonies, which bound them to the east and north, has not been regulated by this treaty. The British commissioners refused to agree to any arrangement of it, in consequence of our declining to admit their Canada and Hudson-bay traders into Louisiana. It has occurred to us that it might be advantageous to the United States and consistent with the views of our government, to comprise both these objects under suitable regulations in a separate convention, espe-
cially if they can be made instrumental to a satisfactory establishment of our boundaries. We have reason to think that in the form of a new act, in connexion with these other objects, it would be more agreeable to this government to settle the question of boundary, according to the views of the President and Senate, than by ratifying the convention already entered into with the exception of the fifth article. The British commissioners have expressed their willingness to proceed in the business for the purpose of arranging all these topics in a satisfactory manner, as Lord Howick has likewise done; and it seems to be highly important to take advantage of this disposition to settle amicably with this government, at the present time, every remaining cause of strife so far as it may be practicable. Should we undertake to form such a convention, the commercial part of it, with respect to Louisiana as well as the British provinces, will of course be limited to the same term, not to exceed that of the treaty. We shall also be attentive to the conditions on which the traders with the Indian tribes are to be admitted into Louisiana, by being particularly careful that it be done on such conditions as to render it impossible for them to do any injury. We are persuaded that such regulations might be adopted, as would even at this time, have that effect. We are confident that our population will have so far spread over the whole surface of that country, by the time the treaty would expire, as to supercede the necessity of renewing it.
We have the honor to be, with great consideration and esteem, Sir, Your most obedient servants, JAMES MONROE, WM. PINKNEY.
TREATY OF AMITY, COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION, BETWEEN HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
His Britannic majesty and the United States of America, being equally desirous to promote and perpetuate the good understanding and friendship which happily subsist between the subjects of the United Kingdom and the citizens of the United States, and for that purpose to regulate the commerce and navigation between their respective countries, territories and people, on the basis of reciprocity and mutual conveniences, have respectively named their plenipotentiaries, and have given to them full powers to make and conclude a treaty of amity, navigation and commerce; that is to say, his Britannic majesty has named for his plenipotentiaries Henry Richard Vassall Lord Holland, one of his majesty's privy council, and lord keeper of his majesty's privy seal, and William lord Auckland, one of his majesty's privy council, and president of the committee of council for all matters of trade and foreign plantations; and the President of the United States, by and with the advice of the Senate thereof, hath appointed for their plenipotentiaries James Monroe and William Pinkney, commissioners extraordinary and plenipotentiaries; who, after having exchanged their respective full powers, have agreed on the following articles.
Article 1. There shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace, and a true and sincere friendship between his Britannic majesty, his heirs and successors, and the United States of America, and between their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, without exception of persons or places.
Art. 2. It is agreed that the several articles of the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, between his majesty and the United States, made at London on the nineteenth day of November, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, which have not expired, nor, as yet, had their full operation and effect, shall be confirmed in their best form, and in their full tenor; and that the contracting parties will also, from time to time, enter into friendly explanations on the subject of the said articles, for the purpose of removing all such doubts as may arise, or have arisen, as to the true import of the same, as well as for the purpose of rendering the said articles more conformable to their mutual wishes and convenience.
Treaty to be continued.
Notice is hereby Given,
THAT application will be made for the renewal of the following list certificate of United States stock, issued by Joseph Nourse, Register of the Treasury, LOUISIANA 6 PER CENTS. In favor of FRANCIS BARING & Co. of London, No. 93, December 24th, 1803—4000 dollars. JAMES DAVIDSON, JUN. May 13—W6W.

WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MAY 13.
Nothing more strikingly displays the spirit of party, than the conduct of the opposition during the whole course of the last session of Congress.
Since the outrage offered to the Chesapeake, these men have ranked with the most clamorous for taking decided ground, for pursuing energetic measures.
How woefully, however, has this expectation been falsified. Notwithstanding the imminence of the danger, & the justice of the ground taken on our part, instead of co-operation, we have seen nothing but embarrassment, and instead of approbation nothing but censure and denunciation.
A system of defence by gun-boats was among the earliest measures suggested by the President. It was enough to damn this proposition, that it came from a man, illustrious for his inflexible adherence to republican principles, and who, by a course of wise measures, after having snatched his country from a situation bordering on war, had for seven years preserved it in peace amidst convulsions almost without parallel.
A million was proposed to be appropriated for the defence of ports and harbors. But even this measure, which it might have been presumed would have been zealously supported by federalists, was denounced as altogether inadequate to the object, and was made the vehicle of copious detraction.
An additional military force, a measure so systematically supported by federalism, when proposed under a republican administration, was likewise opposed. The enemies of liberty discovered on this occasion that a standing army was fatal to its existence!
The embargo, that measure, which has saved the whole commerce of the country, which has preserved its peace, and which still furnishes a chance of weathering out the storm without resorting to war, met with the most furious opposition, when first imposed, and has continued to receive it, without abatement, through all the necessary measures adopted for carrying it into effect.
This opposition and embarrassment are in one respect only, perhaps, to be regretted. It is to them that we are to ascribe, in a great measure, the inefficacy of the embargo. They have served to fan the flame of commercial discontent; to favor the idea of oppression, and thence to lessen the sense of moral turpitude attached to a violation of its legal provisions.
infractions of this law would not have been committed. The powerful influence of public sentiment on the enforcement of revenue laws is well known; we all recollect ourselves, or have heard of periods antecedent to the revolution, when smuggling was deemed rather meritorious than dishonorable.
But it is the vehement opposition, made to the supplementary acts, for enforcing the embargo, that exhibits the opposition in their true colors. That measure having been once announced as the will of the nation, and having been adopted for the double purpose of precaution and retaliation, it was to have been hoped that every man in the country would have contributed towards carrying it into full operation, by which alone its efficacy could be tested.
From men, thus hostile to every measure proposed, with the honor and rights of their country constantly in their mouths, we had a right at least to expect a disclosure of their plan. Their not having brought forward such a plan, their total silence with regard to the best measures to be pursued, proves to demonstration the character of their opposition.
WE shall soon be able to give our columns a more miscellaneous complexion. For a short time they will be principally occupied with the most material papers laid before Congress relative to the negotiations with the British government, and with the debates which occurred during the last days of the session.
The most important debate that remains to be published is that which took place on the act giving the President power to suspend, on certain events, the embargo. This debate was conducted with much talent, and involved a discussion not merely of the bill under consideration, but of the embargo generally, and of the state of our foreign relations.
An arrival at New York brings London news to the 26th March, one day later than has been previously received.
The House of Lords have passed the bill furthering the operation of the Orders in Council.
The Common Council of London have presented an address to the King assuring him of "their unshaken attachment to his most sacred person and government," not, however, without considerable opposition.
The tone of federal triumph, is somewhat reduced, it will be seen, by the following paragraph, from the Boston Repertory.
In Rhode Island, by a happy understanding between the federalists and moderate democrats, the political character of the state stands very well.
Late letters from Hamburg, received in this city this morning, state, that the American property at Hamburg, under seizure by the French, has been released.
BRITISH ORDERS OF COUNCIL.
The blessed effects of this new maritime system of plunder, are beginning to be felt by our merchants.
There are two other ships under similar circumstances, detained in British ports.
Democratic Press. We some weeks since announced the release of American vessels in France, carried in under the Milan decree—advice are now in this city corroborating this information, by the way of Holland.
We also learn that all the American vessels which have entered the ports of Holland with American cargoes only have been admitted, even after having been in British ports, with a declaration that all American vessels would be admitted, with the exception of such as had taken the passes of the British government, and the total exclusion of British productions.
Aurora. The Centinel boasts that the hon. Elbridge Gerry has espoused the federal cause, and considers it an offset for the desertion of Mr. Adams.
We do not wonder at the avidity with which the Centinel has caught at any opportunity of placing Mr. Gerry in the ranks of opposition.
CHRONICLE. NEW-YORK ELECTION.
When our last paper went to press, such had been the effect of delusion, particularly in the Eastern district, we were almost on the point of yielding to the federalists their claim to a majority in the next House of Assembly.
Unfortunately, in the counties of Rensselaer and Montgomery, the people were led to believe, for the moment, that the embargo was wantonly adopted by their government, without necessity—and in the vain hope of removing it, were induced to vote for the federal ticket; by such means, and others equally base did that ticket triumph in those two counties.
In the western district, so far as we have received accounts, the republican interest has maintained its ground. To that district, if our cause be saved, we shall be indebted for its salvation.
Albany Register. From the Rutland (Ver.) Herald, of April 30.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS information has been received that sundry persons are combined or combining and confederating together on Lake Champlain and the country thereto adjacent for the purposes of forming insurrections against the authority of the laws of the United States, for opposing the same and obstructing their execution; and that such combinations are too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the Marshals, by the laws of the United States.
Now therefore to the end, that the authority of the laws may be maintained, and that those concerned directly or indirectly in any insurrection or combination against the same, may be duly warned—I have issued this my PROCLAMATION, hereby commanding such insurgents, and all concerned in such combinations, instantly, and without delay, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes; And I do hereby further require and command all officers having authority, civil or military, and all other persons civil and military, who shall be found within the vicinity of such insurrections or combinations, to be aiding and assisting, by all the means in their power, by force of arms or otherwise, to quell and subdue such insurrections or combinations, to seize upon all those therein concerned, who shall not instantly, and without delay, disperse and retire to their respective abodes; and, to deliver them over to the civil authority of the place, to be proceeded against according to law.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Given at the city of Washington, the 19th day of April, 1808, and in the sovereignty and independence of the United States, the thirty-second.
TH: JEFFERSON. By the President, JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State.
LONDON, MARCH 26.
We have already stated that the idea of sending troops to Sweden has been abandoned. It is however intended speedily to send a strong naval force to the Baltic.
Gottenburgh Mail.
This morning we received journals and letters from Gottenburgh to the 21st inst. The king of Denmark, who had long been in such a state of mental debility as not to be able to perform any of the executive functions, died suddenly on the 13th inst.
TAKE NOTICE.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, Maryland, on the 20th day of April last, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JOHN ROMAN; he appears to be about 29 years of age, about five feet five or six inches high, well made, very black, and has a smiling countenance.
GEORGE CREAGER, jun. Sheriff, Frederick county, Md. May 13—w8t.
BARING'S PAMPHLET.
Just received and for Sale, at J. March's Book-Store, High-Street, Geo. Town, Price, d. c.
An Enquiry into the Causes & Consequences of the Orders in Council, &c. &c.—By Alexander Baring, Esq. M. P. } 0 50
ALSO, Corinna, or Italy, by Madame De Staël Holstein, 2 vols. } 2 50
Winter in London, or Sketches of Fashion, by T. S. Surr, 2 vols. } 2 00
Couper's Practice of Surgery, an elementary work for Students, & concise reference for Practitioners, &c. plates, } 2 75
Espriella's Letters, 2 vols. } 2 00
Walsh's Practical Arithmetic, adapted to the commerce of U. States in its domestic and foreign relations, with forms of accounts and other writings usually occurring in trade, } 1 00
** A few more copies of the "Horror of St. Domingo" are just received, } 1 00
Monday 16th May, 1808, Will be the 25th Day of Drawing of the New York State Lottery, first drawn number will be entitled to a Prize of 5,000 Dollars.
The following capital prizes are now in the wheel: 1 Prize of 25,000 Dollars, 1 do. of 10,000 do., 2 do. of 5,000 do., 3 do. of 2,000 do., 4 do. of 1,000 do.
Present price of tickets eight dollars and a half. ** Tickets for sale at J. March's Book-store, Geo. Town, where a regular Check Book of the drawing is kept, Prize Tickets taken in exchange for undrawn tickets. May 13—St
WANTED
AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard, N B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—p15
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Thomas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow.
As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland.
THAT the subscriber has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Montgomery county, Maryland, letters of administration De bonis non on the personal Estate of William Chambers, and likewise letters of administration on the personal Estates of Sarah and Ann Chambers, deceased, all of Montgomery county, Maryland.
DENNIS LACKLAND, Administrator. w3t. May 2—

AUCTION. AT MYER'S HOTEL. I will sell for cash, on Friday and Saturday next, at 2 o'clock P. M. on each day, a large quantity of every description of house, kitchen, and bar furniture—a good saddle horse and a cart horse, a milk cow, carriage, harness, and other stage and stable utensils.
Persons wishing to purchase to a large amount, and on a liberal credit, will please to call and make the arrangement previous to the vendue. FURTHER NOTICE. All persons who have just demands against me, are requested to call for settlement, and receive payment. Those who remain in my debt will please to remit speedily, or they will be waited on by the proper officers. SOLOMON MYER. May 11.—2t.
BURNS AND BEALL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 23.—tf.
HOTEL SPRING GARDEN. HONORE JULIEN respectfully informs the Public, that he has taken the House adjoining the Spring in F street near the Chapel, and intends opening it for their accommodation on the 8th inst. He purposes to keep a constant supply of choicest Liquors and Cordials , &c. &c. Also Ice Creams, Cakes , &c. He hopes by attention to his customers to gain their approbation and encouragement. May 6.—3t.
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL , of Saml. March 21.—epids
TAKE NOTICE. STRAYED from the commons of the city of Washington, a light GREY HORSE . He is in very good order, and has lately been trimmed about his feet. Whoever will return him to the subscriber, shall receive a handsome compensation for their trouble. CHARLES H. VARDEN , Capitol Hill, Washington City. May 8.—3t.
NOTICE. The President and Directors of the Washington Bridge Company will receive sealed proposals at Stille's Hotel on Friday the 13th inst. for the delivery of the whole or any part of the following Bill of SCANTLING :
   Fct long. Inch. Inch.    140 Piles 36 11 by 14  140 40 11 14  230 18 11 11  200 40 11 14  60 38 12 12  15 Caps 27 13 13  190 37 13 13  190 Mud Sills 37 10 12  330 Braces 25 7 9  330 20 9 9  200 Stringers 52 8 16  1540 27 8 16  
170,000 Superficial feet of four inch Plank, white pine, or the heart of yellow pine, each plank 18 feet long. The above materials, except the plank, must be of the best heart, hard, yellow pine, or of the best white oak, free of sap. The proposals to estimate by the cubic foot. Written Proposals will be received at the same time for the Iron work, for Carpenters and Laborers. Proposals may be handed in before the day above mentioned to the President. DANIEL CARROLL , of Dist. Pres. N. B. All the above timber to be squared and delivered immediately. May 4.—ept13th
CHARLES H. VARDEN MERCHANT TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniels and rich silk Molaskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspender far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27.—tf
RUNAWAYS. WAS Committed to my custody as Runaways, a negro man and woman, who call themselves by the names of Thomas W. Ashton, and Betty Ashton; they say that they obtained their freedom, in Westmoreland county Virginia, at June term 1803. Tom is about 50 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high; Betty is of a common size, and appears to be about 45 years of age; their clothing is very indifferent; they are in possession of something like certificates of their freedom, signed by Joseph Fox, clerk of Westmoreland county. The owner or owners of them are desired to take them away, or they will be sold for their expenses agreeably to law. JOHN FLEMING , Sheriff of Montgomery county, Md. May 6.—7t.
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS. George Town, March 16.—tf
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed under an act of Congress "for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia," to receive subscriptions for the capital stock thereof. Do hereby give NOTICE, the Books will be open for that purpose, at Gadsby's Hotel, in the town of Alexandria, on Saturday 14th inst. at the hour of 10 o'clock, A. M. The law authorises a subscription for 20,000 Dollars, in shares of Fifty Dollars, each, and the sum of TEN Dollars, must be paid on each share at the time of subscribing.
In case the subscription should exceed the number of shares authorised by law, the largest subscriptions will be first reduced, until the excess shall be taken off, or each subscriber be reduced to one share, if the number of subscribers should be greater than the number of shares to be taken, the further reduction shall be made by lot. Form of Power of Attorney from those who may subscribe by Proxy. I empower _____ to subscribe for me in my name, for _____ shares of Stock in the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company," under the act for the establishment thereof; as witness my hand this _____ day of May 1808. WITNESS. May 11.—2t.
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are, Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk molaskins do. Tollinets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halfflannels, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Gingham, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mull Mull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Peliase dresses, 8-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and Intestings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4 7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, Ross threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Heerth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburgs, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars. T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3.—tf
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz: 30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cu and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9.—tf
40 DOLLARS REWARD, FOR apprehending and bringing home, or the one half for securing in jail so that we get them again, OLIVER & DAVID who runaway from the subscribers living in Madison county, Virginia, on the 17th of Feb. last, Oliver, a middling stout made fellow, near 6 feet high, about 46 years old, some few grey hairs to be seen about his temples, a little yellow complexioned. David, a large stout made fellow, about 6 feet high, 26 years old, thick lips and full face, and has a brand with the letter G on his right cheek, it looks dim, hardly discoverable without close inspection; dark complexioned. Said negroes runaway last summer, and was apprehended. One was committed to Fairfax jail, and the other was committed to Dumfries jail, and do expect they have gone that way again, aiming for Maryland, and may have provided themselves with a pass and attempt to pass as free people. We do hereby forewarn all masters of vessels and others from taking on board the vessels the said negroes or secreting them any other way under the strictest penalties of the law. THOS. GRAVES , Jun. THEOPHILUS EDDINS. April 25.—4w
LINDSAY'S HOTEL. THE Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stille—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant. GEO. W. LINDSAY. N. B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19.—tf.
PORT WINE. Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon , and very old Brazil Madeira Wine , just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice Liquors of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25.—
TO BE LET, After the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylvania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day.—For terms enquire at Robert Underwood's, directly opposite. April 27.—epf
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, in Westmoreland county, near Kinsale, Virga, Henry, a black man , in the year of 1805; was formerly the property of James A. Thompson, deceased. The said Henry formerly waited on Jo. Thompson, James A. Thompson, Chas. Thompson & William S. Thompson, in Alexandria, when the said Thompson was in retreat in Alexandria. This said Henry is very well acquainted in all parts, as he did formerly wait on the Messrs. Thompsons in all parts, especially in Alexandria and Georgetown, where he has some relations, and also Washington city, Baltimore, and Philadelphia. This said Henry was born and raised in St. Mary's county, near Leonardtown, in Maryland, where he has some relations, as I believe, as Mr. Richard Jackson informs me, whom I bought the said Negro from, and also Mr. Charles Thompson informs me. Henry is I believe 40 or 45 years old, as near as I can guess, is 5 feet high, has very small legs, as far as I can recollect. Henry was brought up a house servant, is an excellent gardener, and a good hostler. Henry when quick spoke to stammerers in his speech. Henry I expect has altered his name, and has procured some free papers by some means or other, and passes for one of Carter's free negroes, or some other free negro, as he is a very artful fellow. Any person who will deliver him to me at Kinsale, in Westmoreland county, Virginia, or secure him in any jail in the United States, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward by me. RICHARD STRAUGHAN. May 4.—4t.
TO PAPERMAKERS. WANTED To go to North-Carolina in May, a Papermaker, who is a good workman, and is sober and industrious. To such a person good wages will be given. Apply to the Editor of this paper. April 29.
FRESH FIGS. THE Subscriber has just received on consignment, 20 Boxes fresh FIGS which he will dispose of on reasonable terms, wholesale or retail. JOHN OTT , Druggist. George Town, May 6.—4t
HAVING sustained great injury by the passage of persons through my inclosures, I must give notice that I will prosecute as the law directs, all persons trespassing in that way in future, or hunting within said inclosures with dog or gun. GEO. CALVERT. Mar 6. 1808. 3t
TO RENT, AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY , Sec. to said Company. April 29.—tf.
I AM desirous of Renting the WHARF and WAREHOUSE, lately occupied by Mr. Griffith Coombe. The wharf is advantageously situated for the reception and sale of Lumber, and the Warehouse well calculated for storage of flour, or any kind of country produce, as well as West India produce. The terms will be reasonable and immediate possession given. Vessels drawing 13 feet water can come to the wharf. ROBERT BRENT. April 18.—5w
GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—HOUSES and LOTS—Enquire as above. All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11.—tf
BAKER, RIGGS & Co. At E. Riggs' old stand, (sign of the Plough) a few doors above the Union Tavern, Have just received a large supply of SPRING GOODS; Among them are fancy muslins, undressed chintzes, ginghams, linen cambrics, cambric handkerchiefs, long lawns, fancy printed robes, long shawls, Leno velvets, Italian silks, spring bonnets, gloves, flowers, hosiery, ribbons, ladies' and gentlemen's umbrellas, India crapes, white jeans, fancy Marseilles, tablecloths, Irish linens, superfine cloths, 4-4 and 5-4 Russia diapers, and many other fancy and substantial articles; all of which have been selected at the best markets, (principally for cash) enables them to sell very low. Geo. Town, April 5.—M&F6w
War Department, April 13, 1808. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN: THAT separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the Department of war, until 12 o'clock, at noon of Monday the 20th of June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1808 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810 within the states, territories and districts following, viz: 1st, At Niagara, Detroit, Michillimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago and in their immediate vicinity, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the Territory of Michigan. 2nd, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee. 3rd, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio and the Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chicago and their immediate vicinities. 4th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the Mississippi and Orleans territories.
Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810 within the several states following, viz: 5th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire. 6th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Vermont. 7th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted. 8th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Connecticut and Rhode Island. 9th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New York, Niagara and its dependencies excepted. 10th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Jersey. 11th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Pennsylvania.
12th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Maryland and Delaware. 13th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Virginia. 14th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of North Carolina. 15th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of South Carolina. 16th, At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia. 17th, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armories and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michillimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the U. S. shall be paid by the U. S. at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is understood to be reserved to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the sea board, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months.
H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. April 13.—14w5w
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, That the subscriber of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Command Plowden late of the county aforesaid deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with vouchers thereof to the subscriber, at or before the 25th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 18th day of March, eight hundred & eight. HENRY NEALE , Exr. March 25.—6w
40 DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending and delivering a Negro HARRY to the subscriber in the city of Washington on twenty-five dollars for securing said slave so that I get him again. Harry ran off on the 11th day of March 1808, is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, thick lips, light black color, has the wool shaved off the back of the head the size of a dollar, and a scar on the same, and a small wen on the breast; hat on when he went off a blue cloth coat, drab color hair skin round jacket (as a spencer). Harry was purchased of Mr. George Cole of Poplar Hill, Saint Mary's county. N. B. Having reason to believe that he was persuaded and aided in his escape, I offer 50 dollars reward to any person who will prove to conviction in a court of justice the person guilty of such acts. PETER LENOX. April 6.—tawtf
NOTICE. SUCH of the creditors of the late General Uriah Forrest , deceased, as have claims against his estate prior to the issuing of the commission of bankruptcy against him, are hereby notified that the Commissioners of Bankruptcy will meet to make a dividend, at Rhode's tavern in the city of Washington, on Monday the 5th day of May next, at 11 o'clock A. M. when and where they will please to attend in person or by attorney. JOHN HEWITT , Assignee. City Washington, April 13.—wim