The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-02-08 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1142.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The election of President of the U. States may be constitutionally made, either by electors, specially named for that purpose, or by the House of Representatives, on failure of a majority of electoral votes in favor of one candidate.
The last mode of election has a direct tendency to produce intrigue, faction and abuse of power; the first accords precisely with our political habits and institutions, and may, in effect, be the most popular election in the union; for as the extent of the power of the electors and the sole objects of it, are always foreknown, each individual voter may confer his suffrage on those electoral candidates alone, who shall engage to vote according to his own wishes.
Our security for the uniform and constant adoption of the desirable, rather than the mischievous mode of election, seems very intimately to depend on the first steps which are taken, to select and to nominate persons qualified, to sustain the high duties of the first magistrate.
It is not easy to conceive more than three ways, of commencing the first movements towards a Presidential election.
First. It may be left to the unconcerted movements of the people at large, in each state.
Now, when we reflect on the local attachments or prejudices of the people of the several states, the extreme difficulty of their combining in one enlarged view of characters and circumstances, as they relate to the interests or the approbation of the whole union, it will appear, next to certainty, that the number of candidates returned for the office of President, will be such, as forbids all reasonable hope that a majority of the popular voice will ever be in favor of any one candidate, and therefore that the dangerous power of election will constantly result to the House of Representatives, in their corporate and political capacity.
Secondly. The selection and nomination of proper candidates might commence with the members of the several state legislatures.
This scheme would open new sources of intrigue and discord in each state, or between several states, and from local circumstances would be as little likely in this, as in the former case, to afford a constitutional majority of electors, and therefore to shield the republic from the frequent recurrence of the power of election, to the House of Representatives.
Nor will the evils arising from the frequent recurrence of this power, be confined to the corruption and usurpation which it may engender in that body. A majority of them may make a wise choice, but will the animosities of the defeated minority (and we may always count securely on a contest more or less ardent) immediately subside? Or will they not combine into a regular body of opposition, who may thwart and impede the operations of government, merely because it is conducted by their adversaries.
Nor is this all—the contests in particular states, or in particular divisions of the union, arising in the struggles for favorite candidates, will necessarily create much dissention and party—the opposition in Congress will naturally embrace and foster such of them, as may serve to aid their views, and those in power may be driven, for self-defence to unite with others, and thus may the union become a scene of inextricable discord and confusion, to which we may foresee no termination, but under the sway of a military truncheon or a regal sceptre.
It is common in subjects of this sort, to get over much difficulty, by resorting to the sovereignty, the good sense, and the patriotism of the people—grateful indeed should we be, for the share of these attributes which justly belongs to us; but excessive confidence is excessive weakness; we should never put them to unnecessary trials, when experiment is rashness, and failure ruin.
The harmony, the integrity of the republic, the great principles on which it is founded, are the eternal tests by which we should try whatever concerns particular men, offices or measures, and when the latter are found in collision with the former, it is right that they should shrink into comparative insignificance.
Thirdly. The members of Congress may assemble, as mere private citizens, may compare their several opinions, and may endeavor, with all possible unanimity, to agree on fit persons, to be presented to the general view, for the offices of President and Vice-President.
The members of Congress, in their private capacities, have certainly as perfect a right to express their opinion on public affairs, as any other equal number of their fellow citizens; they come from all quarters of the union, in a respectable and responsible character; they are competent to form their own judgments, and knowing to a certain degree, the dispositions of the several states, from which they come, will no doubt give that knowledge due weight in forming their decisions.
It is essentially proper that fit men should alone be nominated, it is highly desirable to nominate the most fit ; but when the characters of men are all estimable, to assign to each his just share of merit, by the concurrent opinion of a large number of other men, is extremely difficult; and when local or personal attachments and aversions are superadded, a concurrent adjustment of their respective merits, is a prospect utterly hopeless—Yet the President is the officer of the whole union, and must be created, by a majority of the people of the union, through special electors, or by a majority of their representatives in Congress.
We may be as irritable, as high minded as we please, in maintaining abstract republican doctrines, and of inestimable value they surely are; but we shall still find, that as the constitution itself was, so the practice under it is, and must be daily a subject of mutual forbearance and compromise, especially when seventeen sovereign states, are to agree upon any one point of great common concern.
The nomination of President by the individuals who compose the Congress, may or may not be accepted by the people; at most it is but notice, coming from a general and respectable quarter; no authority is assumed, no coercion is attempted—but if in the progress of things, the members of Congress, so far forgetting themselves & their constituents, should aim at the usurpation of abusive powers, it is hoped that there never will be wanting in the republic, a chastening voice and arm, that will compel them, with contrite hearts, to retrace the path of duty.
A CITIZEN.
From the London Morning Chronicle.
The publication of the principal articles of the late American treaty, together with the accompanying notes, has probably convinced even the ministerial writers themselves, how little foundation there was for their clamors respecting undue concessions. They have, indeed, made some objections, but these are a matter of course, arising solely from an unwillingness to make a public confession, that they spoke, before without knowing anything about the matter. The best informed among them, neither lay much stress on the generality of their own objections, nor expect that they should have any weight with those who are capable of thinking for themselves. And it evidently appears, that no one person, who either understands the subject, or has received instructions upon it, has ventured to advance an objection to the treaty concluded by the British negotiators. The single objection that has been started in the Evening Papers, is an objection of total ignorance of the subject; for the 11th article, which the Courier says, excites "contempt and indignation" (curious emotions, by the bye, to rise in the breast together!) is that for which of all others Great Britain will feel gratitude to its commissioners. The substance of the clause is as follows:—
"By the 11th article, citizens of the United States may carry European goods to the colonies of enemies of Great Britain (from the ports of the United States), provided that both vessel and cargo be bona fide American property; that the goods shall have been unladed within the U. States; and that (in addition to that part of the duty already reserved from the drawback on exportation), the further sum of one per cent. ad valorem on such goods shall be paid. They may also export from the United States to Europe the produce of colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, provided they, being neutral property, shall have been unladed as before, and that two per cent. ad valorem be paid on exportation, in addition to what is reserved on the drawback. After the expiration of the treaty, all antecedent rights on these subjects are to revive."
The question of continuity of a voyage has been so much canvassed, and is so well understood, that it is not necessary for us to occupy much
space in the definition of it.—It is sufficient to say, that previous to this treaty, the Americans did enjoy, and did exercise, the right, or the permission, to carry the produce of the enemies' colonies to the enemies' country, provided the voyage was interrupted by their being first imported into America. But this enjoyment was subject to such doubts and difficulties, that every case became a point of litigation, and a great harvest was accordingly reaped by the civilians in trying and judging of the merits of each case. Now, the article in the late treaty made no concession on this material point. The commissioners admitted no principle that was unusual, and gave up no right that either had been, or that could be, maintained. Our right to confiscate vessels trading continuously from enemies' colony to enemies' country remained just where it was; but instead of trying each case upon its particular merits (a practice advantageous only to the Admiralty Courts), the negotiators of the late treaty agreed on the circumstances which should be admitted as evidence of the non-continuity of the voyage. They established, as far as it was possible in such a case to establish, a rule of practice where it had previously been left at large; and though it may be said, that it was subject to evasion, as the circumstances agreed on might be complied with, and yet the cargo, originally laden in the colonies, might be intended to be thus circuitously taken to the mother country, the question is not thereby altered. This is undoubtedly true—but, on the other side, it is true also, that goods taken to America, bona fide , for American consumption, might afterwards be conveyed to the mother country, in consequence of the state of the markets, without the clog of a duty: so if, in the first case, what was lawful prize by our general law might escape; in the second case, what was lawful trade in favor of our enemies, was by the treaty prohibited, and rendered liable to capture.
But the most material consideration as to the article in question is, that it only attempts to do what Lord Hawkesbury had before attempted to do: viz. to settle what should be evidence of an interrupted voyage. It insists on a criterion of such interruption being given by the Americans, much more satisfactory than that which Lord Hawkesbury, in a memorable letter to Rufus King, (officially communicated to him at the commencement of the war) promises should be received as evidence of the continuity being broken. That letter cannot be lost sight of in this dispute—for what is the fact? These ministers make a hasty and gratuitous promise to America; they then break it in a flagrant and vexatious manner; the Americans take fire, and remonstrate; and when the whole intercourse between the two countries is brought back to the state in which it originally stood before the expiration of the treaty in 1794, (a treaty always held to be very favorable to Great Britain by those who now govern America), these very persons cry out concession and submission , because their predecessors grant in return for a treaty of commerce , less than they gratuitously , and without being even asked, actually promised.
They say, nothing is given to our commerce by the treaty. To answer this, it is only necessary to say—Look to our exports; and to recollect that unless such treaty was in existence, the United States would be at liberty to give any preference to foreigners over us, and even to pass prohibitory laws, which, though very hurtful to themselves, would be much more so to us; and yet they might be such as we could not in justice make a ground of quarrel, and such as many governments have (in spite of their own interests) either at the suggestion of others, from false notions of the principles of commerce, or from political animosity, frequently adopted. To argue against the possibility of such policy being acted on by any commercial nation is peculiarly ill-timed, and absurd in the mouths of men, who are recommending us, at the risk of a breach with the country who takes near a fifth of our exports, to harass a trade with our enemies which can afford them neither ships nor men.
LONDON, Nov. 17.
At length the new system of retaliation is promulgated, and by the Orders of the King in Council, which we this day insert, the law established among civilised nations, by which the horrors of war were to be limited to the powers, actually engaged, are almost totally abolished, and its hardships are to be extended to peaceable
nations. This most lamentable condition of humanity is said to be rendered necessary—
1. Because the Emperor of the French began the desolation; and 2. Because neutral nations (meaning, we suppose America) did not oppose it.
The measure stands upon these foundations. Whether they are sufficient to atone for the horrors which our enemy attempted in vain to inflict, but which we, to a certain degree may execute, it will be for politicians and moralists to determine. There is a singular coincidence in this measure, which gives rise to an interesting problem in political science.
Two great powers, Britain and France, concur in one and the same measure, having in view opposite results. France means to affect, and, if possible, destroy our commerce—we mean to protect, and, if possible, extend it; and we both look for this, and by the same means. Time alone can tell which of us is in the right.
In the mean time, in viewing the probable operation of this measure, it is in vain to shut our eyes to the broad and clear fact, that America only is the neutral power to be affected by the measure; for we unfortunately have no longer any other neutral flag, except indeed such as those of Pappenheim and Kniphausen. It is not to be inquired so particularly what right the Americans, who tamely acquiesced in the aggression of France, have to complain of a measure which you only adopt? But rather it is to be inquired, whether, by throwing an obstacle in the way of their carrying off your manufactures, you will not aggravate the calamities which you yourselves suffer; and by that means bring about the real object of Bonaparte, which is to excite a clamor in this country for peace? If example, provocation and violence the most outrageous, can justify the adoption of a system which must condemn, we certainly shall be justified; but no precedent ought to reconcile us to oppression. If it be said that the world is in a raging fever, and this is an experiment to bring it to a crisis, for that there are paroxysms when all prescriptions that apply only to common disorders, must be thrown aside, that is another matter. In the last stage a patient will fly to any novelty for relief.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the proposition for the removal of the Seat of Government to Philadelphia.
TUESDAY, FEB. 2.
Mr. SLOAN rose to offer to the House a resolution embracing a matter of considerable importance. The purport of the resolution was brought before the House some days ago by those whose fears gave them an alarm, which was further excited by common report. At that time he knew of no foundation but common report on which they could ground their apprehensions. It will be recollected, said Mr. S. that I was charged with riding about on hobby horses, one of which was the removal of the seat of government; I then considered myself called upon to make reply, and I avowed my sentiments, of which I have never been ashamed. And I now rise, impelled by the love of that country which gave me birth, and further impelled by the duty intrusted in me by a portion of the people of these United States as one of the guardians of their rights and liberties. As I have been charged with a design of effecting a removal, I now rise to lay a resolution on the table going to effect that purpose, considering the situation of the seat of government at this place as one of the greatest evils under which the people of the U. S. do now suffer. As it is a subject of great national importance, I have no desire in offering it at this time, to press a discussion of it; but as it has become the topic of general conversation, we have considered it a duty to bring the matter from a state of suspense to a state of certainty—to let the people know that there are a number who are disposed to endeavor to effect that removal. Our view is to lay a resolution on the table that it may be committed to a committee of the whole House, to give time for con-
* Alluding to some words exchanged on the subject between Messrs. Sloan and Lewis in the discussion of the bill for prolonging the continuance of the mint at Philadelphia.
sideration, and to allow those opposed to it to convince us by reason if they can that it is improper; but in order to give a fair chance to those who shall oppose it, and afford a knowledge of the grounds on which we shall support the resolution, I shall briefly state them.
In the first place, there is nothing in the constitution giving Congress power to fix a permanent seat of government at any place whatever. Here then I draw a conclusion that it is radically wrong to fix a permanent seat of government; and for my own part I ever considered it unconstitutional and contrary to the principles of our republican form of government, as much so as it would be for Congress to fix a permanent representation. It is my opinion that the power of one Congress goes no further than the time for which they are elected; and as we return to the mass of the people at the end of every two years, we have no power to pass a law compelling our successors to sit in the same place that we do. If permitted to speak on this resolution, I shall state that that Congress which passed the law, or contract by which it is asserted we are bound to sit here permanently, in departing from their constitutional powers, brought into existence a non-descript being—a being which has not its likeness on the earth, in the Heavens above, nor in the waters underneath the earth. Although but 15 years of age, it is already evident to every observing mind that it is a being of the most voracious kind, and what is worse it is supported on the virals of liberty; and from its meagre and wretched appearance, it must be evident that even in this country, blessed with the love of liberty and freedom, it must perish; and that it is our duty to cause it to perish, as a belief in which I am as much fixed as in any other moral duty.
But if I should even be wrong in this, permit me seriously to call the attention of the House to one other objection I have. I am wrong in my premises, and a permanent seat of government be thought constitutional, I still conceive that I have another ground for removal, so strong that it cannot be shaken, that this is the wrong place; and this I believe from a variety of evident reasons which I hope some day to be allowed to state to this House, and for as many reasons I believe—that PHILADELPHIA is the right place. On this point I beg leave to state a plain and incontrovertible fact, which none will attempt to contradict, that in a great and flourishing republic, the seat of government ought to be fixed where provisions are the best in quality and quantity. That this place is Philadelphia is too well known to need proof.
But as I intend to say very little at this time I shall barely say that I have been compelled to bring forward this by those who advocate it. Believe me, that the safety, peace and happiness of the United States at this eventful period demand us to stop the growing evil, and to remove to a place of safety, where we can unite as a band of brothers—and a consideration of no small importance to us individually, where we can enjoy society—and, what is more, where there will be a chance for the preservation of health and life. Under these impressions, and from that sense of duty which always has and always will govern me, regardless of the frowns of the children of men, I offer the following resolution.
Resolved, That it is expedient and that the public goods requires, that the seat of government be removed to the city of Philadelphia for years, and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose.
On the motion to consider this resolution, being a question of course previous to disposing in any manner of any motion, and on which by the rules of the House there can be no debate, the question was decided by yeas and nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Bacon, Bibb, Blake, Boyle, Carlton, Champion, Chittenden, M. Clay, Clinton, Cobb, Cook, Dana, Desha, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Fendley, Fisk, Gardener, Gardner, Gray, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Howard, Humphreys, Jenkins, Johnson, Kelly, Livermore, Macon, Masters, Milnor, D. Montgomery, T. Moore, Mosely, Mumford, Newbold, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Quincy, Rea (Penn.), Rhea (Ten.), Richards, M. Richards, Rives, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, Sproat, Smith.
(Continued on last page.)

Mr. Holmes from the committee of claims reported a bill for the relief of Matthew Smith and Darius Gates jointly and Darius Gates separately, which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Lyon laid on the table the following resolution:
"Resolved, That a committee of privileges be appointed with power to enquire what measures if any are necessary to secure to the members of the National Legislature the privileges appertaining to them by the constitution, which committee shall have power to report by bill or otherwise."
Mr. Masters offered the following resolution which the House agreed to consider 56 to 49.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the loss or gain to the Treasury of the United States, Provided, the seat of government should be removed from the City of Washington.
Mr. Love opposed the motion, on account of the delay which the passage of it would operate to the main question of removal.
Mr. Lyon supported it, from a desire for the enquiry; the result of which he had no doubt would do away many false estimates on the subject.
Mr. Dawson had no objection if he thought the resolution would produce information; but independently of its being out of the power of the departments to make the estimate, there was now on the files of the House, and in the printed reports, an exact account of the expenses of removal from the city of Philadelphia; from which an estimate might be formed of the expense of moving back.
Mr. Masters said the gentleman had mistaken the object of the resolution; it went not to enquire into the expense of the removal, but into the comparative expense of government at each place.
Mr. Nicholas said the expense would not be greater than here except in particular points, into which he trusted an enquiry would not be made. They had already been four days deliberating on the main question; and the mind of every gentleman must be made up on the subject.
Mr. Rhea (T.) moved to postpone this resolution till to-morrow.
Mr. Taylor said if any information for the instruction of the House in deciding the main question could be acquired by this resolution, he should most willingly agree to adopt it; but even if this resolution were to produce information of a saving of 120 or 150,000 dollars (which gentlemen had positively asserted, and which he as positively denied) he should not be influenced by it. We are now, said he, in the situation of Athens, when Themistocles proposed to the assembly that he had a project most beneficial to the community, but on which it was improper to address them publicly; but if they would appoint a committee, or name a person he would tell his project to that committee, or that person; and upon his report the Athenians might decide. They chose Aristides. The two great men conferred together—and what was the project? To seize the Grecian fleet then in the harbor of Athens, by which the Athenians might secure the predominance over the Grecian states. Aristides, in making his report to his countrymen, observed that indeed the project might be beneficial to his country, but that it was most unjust. For this very decision of this great man he obtained the surname of the Just. Although this title were given to the individual, the honor and credit was greater to the assembly which he addressed: that same inconsistent, wavering, democratic society which we hear so often denounced, at once gave a decided negative to the proposition. From the observations made yesterday, from the observations addressed to the feelings of members on the floor, from the anxious countenances by which we have been and now are surrounded, we have, at last, come to the single proposition, will it be just? Will it be consistent with good faith? If it will not be just, why make the enquiry? Why ask if the various statements which have been made are true? I hope the present proposition will not be adopted; that the subject will have an end, with that deliberation and prompt decision on it which this House owes to the community, to itself, to the individuals awaiting our decision, and to the major part of the people of the United States, whose feelings are sensibly alive to our proceedings.
Mr. Masters withdrew his resolution, as he had not expected to cause a discussion by moving it.
Mr. Newton from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures reported a resolution to authorize the disposition of certain charts of the coasts of North-Carolina; which was agreed to.
House having taken up for consideration Mr. Sloan's resolution for the removal of the seat of government to Philadelphia, Mr. Sloan withdrew his resolution; and
Mr. Blount renewed the motion. He did not renew it because he intended to vote for it, but because it was important, since it had been agitated, that it should be decided; and because since yesterday another meeting (caucus) had been held by the friends of the measure to determine on the course proper to be pursued. He had said yesterday and he would repeat it to-day; that the adoption of this resolution would be a most flagrant violation of the faith of the nation. If it should now be adopted, he would immediately lay upon the table a resolution to repeal the funding system—not to vote for it himself, but to quiet the fears of the people which would be excited by such a measure. He was yesterday, and now deprived of saying much that he very much wished to say on this subject, by a severe pain in the head.
Mr. Dana wished if it were designed to repeal the funding system, that a resolution should be laid on the table for that purpose, and that both the resolutions should be referred to a committee for discussion. I confess for my own part, said Mr. D. that I am not perfectly satisfied of the propriety of removing the seat of government; and when the question comes, I shall vote against it, because I would not vote for any positive measure without being perfectly satisfied of its propriety. But as to all this noise, this talking of the breach of faith, of the public debt, and these menaces to individuals, they do not influence me. We are not sent here by our constituents several hundred miles, to be controlled or influenced to deviate from the ordinary course by the feelings or displeasure of those interested in this district. If this operated in any way, it would induce me to vote for removing the seat of government, because the attempt to control the freedom of deliberation is not to be tolerated. The correct course for every individual, is, not to suffer his mature or better judgment to be influenced by such considerations. Not being perfectly satisfied on the subject, I wished to give it a fair discussion. This was my opinion. I should vote for reference of any motion on general principle and give any subject a fair discussion in the usual course; except it were so palpably wrong that no man of sense or information could support it. I was not at liberty to refuse a reference to this, on this ground, from a knowledge of its advocates. As gentlemen wish a decision on this question, my own vote will be against removal because I have not been convinced of its propriety. As to the breach of public faith, this argument does not influence me. I do not consider that there is a constitutional injunction against removal. I consider it as an honorary pledge of the public faith, which constitutes not a perfect obligation, as in case of debt, but an imperfect obligation, a case of estimation and uncertainty. I would rather cherish a caution as respects deviation from the course of public faith; would rather err from excessive scrupulousness than from too much laxity. This is my view of the subject. The real question is one on which gentlemen of information, ability and unsullied integrity may well differ; it takes in so many questions geographical, political, and moral, that we may well differ; and its being an imperfect obligation renders it a peculiarly difficult question. The arguments in favor of the removal not having been sufficient to satisfy my mind, I shall vote against it from my present impressions.
Mr. W. Alston could readily conceive that gentlemen possessing the same sentiments as the gentleman from Connecticut could vote as that gentleman had done for a reference, but gentlemen who could not be induced to vote for a removal in any circumstances, would vote as Mr. A. did against it. This, said Mr. A. is my situation; no arguments could have influenced me in voting for a removal, and therefore I should give my vote against it in any shape. This question has been discussed in various ways; but the refusal to refer yesterday decided the principle that there was a majority of the House against removal on any principle whatever. The vote for commitment having been negatived by a small majority might induce a belief that but a few were against removal; for this reason it is proper to shew the sense of the House by an immediate decision of the resolution, as well as to settle the question, to put the matter to rest, and prevent agitation of the public mind, for no question could be discussed which could agitate the public mind equally with this. He therefore hoped it would be decided.
Mr. Gardener rose to enquire whether the motion was in order. In introducing the resolution the gentleman had said he should vote against it himself; it was therefore introduced not for the purpose of being carried, but for the purpose of taking up the
time of the House uselessly; and he submitted it to the Speaker whether a motion was in order when the mover of it declared he should himself vote against it—whether it was not inconsistent with the honor and dignity of the House? In this hall no proposition should be submitted which the mover does not mean to persist in; nor should any member be permitted to introduce a motion calculated uselessly to consume the time of the House. Was it in order?
Mr. Macon asked whether the House had agreed to consider the motion? Mr. M. objected to the waste of time which would be occasioned by this motion if the House agreed to consider it, not that he was one of those who thought they wasted time when they did nothing; as he thought the less they legislated the better. If the House had not agreed to consider, he hoped they would not.
The Speaker first decided the question of the gentleman from New-York, stating that there had occurred in this session an instance in which a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) made a motion against which he had declared at the time of making it, that he himself should vote; this motion was therefore in order. He then said the House had not yet agreed to consider the motion.
Several gentlemen rising to speak, The Speaker declared that debate on this motion was inadmissible.
The question on considering Mr. Sloan's resolution as renewed by Mr. Blount, was then negatived—Yeas 51, Nays 68.
Mr. Lewis said as the House had refused to consider this motion, he would endeavor to accommodate them by offering one more unexceptionable, as follows:
Resolved, That it is inexpedient to remove the seat of government from the city of Washington, and not warranted by public policy.
Mr. Bacon asked if this was in order, being to the same effect as the motion just decided?
Mr. Eppes said the proposition was decidedly distinct from that just decided. In suffering the original resolution of Mr. Sloan to lie on the table they would be guilty of an act of flagrant injustice. The question ought, must be decided, and no longer delayed. What had been the course pursued by the gentleman who first proposed the resolution? He had acted like a mischievous boy, throwing a stone at a glass window and then concealing himself—(order!) Some positive decision ought to be had after what had been laid on the table.
The Speaker decided that the motion was in order.
Several gentlemen rising to speak, The Speaker observed that on a motion to consider there could be no debate.
Mr. Alexander wished to move a postponement of the motion.
The Speaker said the motion was not in order.
The motion to consider the resolution offered by Mr. Lewis was then agreed to by yeas and nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, V. Alston, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Chandler, Clopton, Cobb, Cutts, Dana, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Elliott, Eppes, Franklin, Gardener, Garnett, Goodwyn, Gray, Green, Harris, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Isley, Jones, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Marion, McCreery, J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Nicholas, Quincy, Rhea, (Tenn.) Rowan, Russell, Seaver, Smeal, Jno. Smith, Stedman, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wharton, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn—69.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, Bacon, Bibb, Blake, Brown, Champion, Chittenden, M. Clay, Davenport, Durell, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Gardner, Heister, Hoge, Humphreys, Jenkins, Johnson, Kelly, Livermore, Macon, Masters, Milner, D. Montgomery, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Newton, Pitkin, Porter, Pugh, Rea, (Penn.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Sloan, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Riker, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Whitehill, Witherell—53.
Mr. Gardener said, since the House had agreed to consider the resolution he wished to move to add to the motion for the purpose of making it complete a string of amendments. I never expected, said Mr. G. to be called upon to pass laws which should have no operation; but it seems we are to go on here for amusement, legislating about nothing. If the House thinks it worth while to go on in this way I have a string of amendments, which I think are equally entitled to the attention of the House with that now under consideration. I shall confine myself to the subject and move resolutions which have no meaning to shew the perfection of American legislation and the dignity of the American Congress—[The Speaker informed Mr. G. that all reflections on the body were out of order.] I shall not
reflect on it; I am desirous to place it in such a situation that none shall have it in their power to reflect on it. Though I shall not vote for the resolution which I have, now the honor to offer, I propose it for consideration as a proper amendment to the resolution now under consideration.
"That it is inexpedient at this time to call upon the Secretary of the Treasury or any other department for information tending to shew whether the removal of the seat of government from this place will produce a saving of 250,000 dollars annually."
"That it is inexpedient to give those who are favorable to a removal an opportunity to lay such documents and other information before this House as will have a tendency to convince the people of these U. S. that the continuing of the seat of government at this place is injurious to the nation."
Mr. Eppes enquired whether the amendment were in order, willing at the same time to allow to the gentleman from N. York who moved it, all the additional dignity he could wish from its introduction. As to the gentleman's observations also about the nothingness of the present subject, he would give the gentleman all the credit he could derive from calling that nothing which involved the ruin of thousands.
The Speaker said the motion for amendment was in order.
Mr. Smilie would just observe, that whatever his opinion on this subject might be, he wished at all times to see the House act in such a way as would do credit to themselves. This was certainly a game that would never prosper; the original resolution for a removal of the seat of government was certainly an ill judged thing, and left the subject in the same situation as before. He thought it best at all times, when it was evident that the sense of the House was in favor of getting rid of a subject, to do it in the shortest way possible. It was now evident that it was not the disposition of the House to remove from this place; every gentleman must be satisfied of it. For his part, whenever the sense of the House had been expressed, he should never wish to embarrass their proceedings. He wished the gentleman from New York would withdraw his amendment. The main resolution under consideration was an useless thing.
Mr. Minor moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject till the first of March.
Mr. Dawson called for a division of the question, taking it first on postponing the amendment.
After some observations from Mr. W. Alston on the point whether the amendment were in order, and from Mr. Lyon in favor of enquiring into the subject at the proper departments by which he believed the verbal statements made in the House of the comparative expenses of government at Philadelphia would be fully contradicted.
Mr. Gardener withdrew his motion; when
Messrs. G. W. Campbell and Key supported the resolution and opposed the postponement at considerable length.
A motion to adjourn was then made and negatived 66 to 43.
Mr. Dana opposed and Mr. Gardener supported the motion for postponement; when
The question on postponement of Mr. Lewis's motion till the 1st of March, was negatived by yeas and nays—Yeas 33, Nays 86.
Mr. Macon said when he had before spoke on this subject, he had stated his opinion that a removal from this place would be a violation of the constitution and a breach of public faith; he had since heard nothing to convince him that this was not the case. He thought the faith of the government was as strongly pledged for its continuance here as it could be for any thing. He then moved to strike out the whole of the resolution after the word "Resolved" and insert "that to remove the seat of government from the city of Washington in the district of Columbia, is a breach of public faith, and contrary to the constitution of the United States."
Mr. Stanford could not believe that the motion were in order. If it were and even if he agreed with the gentleman, his colleague, he could not vote for a resolution declaring what was or was not a breach of public faith.
The Speaker concurred that this motion went to the same object, though embracing a wider ground than the original resolution; and was therefore in order.
Mr. Smilie said he had just one observation to make. If this resolution was adopted, it would be the first instance he had ever known of the legislature undertaking to declare what was the constitution.
Mr. Livermore moved to adjourn. Carried—56 to 50.
The Speaker laid before the House a report from the Secretary at War, favorable to the petition of Asa DeLozier,
which was referred to a committee of the whole.
The Speaker also laid before the House the annual report of the commissioners of the sinking fund. Referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
An engrossed bill to revive and continue certain causes in the district court of Columbia was read, the third time and passed.
Mr. J. Montgomery moved that the unfinished business of yesterday lie on the table to give an opportunity for the renewal of the motion originally made by Mr. Sloan, and afterwards renewed by Mr. Blount, for the removal of the seat of government; which was agreed to, 52 to 51.
Mr. Lewis then moved the consideration of the resolution renewed by Mr. Blount yesterday.
The House agreed to take up the consideration of the resolution by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 56, Nays 54.
On this resolution a very long and animated debate took place for four hours and a half, when the House adjourned (this being the fifth day of discussion) without taking a question.
In this day's debate Messrs. Sloan, Bacon, Smilie, Milner and Upham supported, and Messrs. Dawson, J. Montgomery, Blount, Van Horne and G. W. Campbell opposed the removal.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, Dec. 3.
Projected Commercial Revolution. The following outline is furnished by a gentleman who lately came from France, where he enjoyed the privileges of American citizenship, and was in habits of intimacy with some of the persons attached to the government. The plan appears romantic in the extreme, and we may hope will prove impracticable:—
"The king of Sweden is to be compelled, on pain of forfeiture of his crown, to join the continental confederation. No more naval stores are to be permitted to come to this country from the North, and we are to have no peace but such a one as shall annihilate our maritime greatness. For this end American ships as well as British are to be excluded from every port of the continent; no produce from either of those countries, nor from the West Indies, is to be received in any port belonging to France, or in alliance with her. Those countries are to trade with each other, and to exclude the rest of the world: they are to form a grand commercial confederation, extending from the extremes of Europe to Asia, and uniting the frozen regions of Norway and Lapland with the East Indies. This trade is to be carried on internally, by means of great roads and canals, and round the coasts by small vessels, protected by guns and batteries placed on advantageous situations.
"Gibraltar is to be taken from us, and an army of 60,000 French and Russians are to aid the native princes in driving us out of the continent of India. This being accomplished, the lucrative commerce of the East is in future to flow through Persia, Turkey, Russia and France, and from thence into the other states of Europe. A canal (as these people pretend) is to be dug for the purpose of connecting the Euphrates with the river of Pheasants, at some place in Armenia, where they are said to be very near each other; by which means the ancient conveyance of merchandise from India, along these rivers into the Black Sea, will be restored, and the Danube and the Don will there receive them, and convey them into the interior of Germany and Russia. The Danube is likewise to be connected in four different places with the Elbe, the Maine, the Neckar, and the Rhine; consequently with the rivers and canals both in the North and South of France. Venice is to recover the commercial splendor she possessed, when the wealth of the East flowed into her port by the channel abovenominated.
"Napoleon, it is said, has promised the king of Westphalia, that he will shortly see bales of Indian goods transported from Bassora to Hamburgh, by inland navigation: and the manufactures of Europe are to find their way to Hindostan in the same manner.
"But this is not the road that these potentates are to take, in order to reach India. The French army are to cross the Danube, and proceed by the Crimea to the Caspian Sea; they will continue to march through the dominions of their allies, the Russians as far as Astrabath; which is a port on the Southern extremity of the Caspian Sea, in 55 degrees of Eastern longitude, and from thence to the N. W. extremity of Hindostan is only 15 degrees, or about 800 miles. Astrabath has been fortified by Russia, and has a fine port, by means of which it can draw provisions from the Don and the Wolga, countries abounding in corn and other necessaries, which in time of peace, are usually shipped in large quantities from Asoph and Kirson to Constantinople. Astrabath is therefore to be their grand depot, and at that place the Russians are, it is said, at present in considerable force.

BREMEN, MONDAY, OCT. 26, 1807 The French Consul at Bremen to his Excellency, the Burger-Master, Pre- sident of the Senate of that city.
"Sir, "I am eager to inform you, that it is the intention of his majesty the em- peror and king, my august sovereign, that all navigation upon the Weser be prohibited."
"It is his majesty's desire, that all vessels, even French, entering the Weser, be stopped, provided they are wholly or partly laden with colonial produce, or any other goods of what- ever kind that England can furnish, the goods are to be put under sequestra- tion, and taken in charge until new orders."
"Vessels laden solely with mer- chandise, which it is impossible Eng- land can furnish, such as pitch, tar, iron, copper, and French wines, are to be exempted from seizure."
"All vessels are to be prevented from leaving the Weser."
"I am finally ordered to take the most efficacious measures, that the intentions of his majesty be strictly and immediately fulfilled."
"I am now occupied in executing these orders, and hasten to warn you thereof, in order that you may imme- diately inform the merchants of this city, that they may avoid the inevi- table loss to which they will be exposed, if they attempt to render ineffectual the measures taken for the rigid and prompt execution of the orders of my sovereign."
"I avail myself of this opportunity to express to your excellency the ho- mage of my respect."
(Signed) "LAGAU."
RENSBURGH, NOVEMBER 6.
The Proclamation relative to the suspending of all commerce, and communication with the enemy of the country, for the Dukedom of Slees- wick and Holstein, is as follows:
WE Christian the Seventh, by the Grace of God, King of Denmark, Nor- way, &c. by these presents make known, that all commerce and com- munication between us and our king- dom's enemies, being already a crime, particularly in this present unfortu- nate war: In conformity to our decree of the 9th September in this present year, and in order that no commerce or communication may take place. We judged it to be right, and expedi- ent exemplarily to punish all those who shall be found delinquents in this our royal mandate, and to determine as follows:
1st. All persons who shall have any commerce with the subjects of G. Britain, without exception, shall be punished with the most rigorous pu- nishment; and this intercourse being of such a nature as to be deemed treason, the delinquents shall suffer death.
2d. And as further penalty, all goods, wares, and merchandise pro- ceeding from such commerce, shall be confiscated. Whenever such goods cannot be found the culprit forfeits the value thereof.
3d. All those who shall give infor- mation of any one found in the trade and commerce afore-stated, shall re- ceive from our Royal Treasury a re- ward of from 50 to 100 rix dollars, which shall be replaced from the pro- perty of the culprit.
4th. Besides the reward stated in the above 3d article, the informer or informers shall receive one half of the value of the goods confiscated.
Of all which my subjects are to take due notice, and demean themselves accordingly.
Given in our city and fortification of Rendsburg, October 30, 1807.
AMSTERDAM, Dec. 4.
Since our last commercial advices, every day new rumors of measures against importation of produce from England were in circulation; and also that the English on their side, had ad- vertised European vessels would be prevented entering any port of the continent, as long as neutral vessels coming from England were admitted also. The American flag is mention- ed to be excluded from the rigid re- solutions of both parties, for which we refer to the news which may reach you by direct opportunity from France and England. All these difficulties give a new prospect for the success of consignments from your country.— The sooner they can reach us the better; but we beg leave to observe, that the purchases with you ought to be made not in proportion of our this day's exorbitant quotations; as it often happens when things are at the highest crisis to see some change by unexpected events.
FRESH RAISINS, TEAS, &c.
Now landing from on board the Schooner CITIZEN, Capt. Sturges from New York, and for sale by
W. & C. SMITH.
50 boxes fresh Muscatel raisins, 30 chests choice hysan, young hysan, hysan skin and imperial teas, 10 quarter casks Lisbon wine, 11 boxes Prussian fig blue.
Also just received,
10 puncheons well flavored Antigua rum, 10 pipes cognac brandy, 4th proof, and a small supply of excellent fresh nutmegs.
Georgetown, Jan. 15—1808
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8.
The monument, to be erected to the memory of the officers who fell in the Mediterranean, has arrived, and is now at the Navy Yard.
The Circuit Court for the district of Ohio, convened at Chillicothe, have adjourned. Neither Burr or Bammerhasset made their appearance, and both have forfeited their recog- nizance. Bills of misdemeanor were found against both of them, on which if apprehended, they will take their trial at the ensuing term.
It is said that eleven of the Grand Jury voted for a bill against John Smith for misdemeanor. Twen- ty one members were present. Our readers know that it requires the concurrence of twelve to make a pre- sentment.
What will the apologists, the friends of Aaron Burr, say to his non- appearance, to his flight from justice? Does this manifest conscious inno- cence, or betray conscious guilt?
At a meeting of the President and directors of the Bank of United States, on the second day of February, 1808, the undermentioned stock-holders, were elected directors of the office of discount and deposit at Washington, to serve from the first Monday of March next, until the first Monday of March, 1809.
John P. Van Ness, William Stewart, Thomas Tingey, Calvin Swan, Joseph Mowatt, James D. Barry, Thomas Munroe, Lewis Deblois, David Peter, Benjamin Shreve, jun. Phineas Janney, William Brent, John Taylor.
We are indebted to the attention of the Editor of the Public Ledger for the following manuscript intelli- gence.
The Bremen Barque Bremen, capt. Dorman, arrived here this morning from St. Ubes, which he left on the 6th December; by this arrival we are informed of the magnanimous, though painful determination of the Prince Royal of Portugal, who with the Royal family, left Lisbon on the 30th November for the Bra- zils.
The French army were expected to enter the city of Lisbon on the 6th December. Capt. D. saw the English fleet off Lisbon. The Russian fleet remained in that port.
To General John Armstrong, Minister of the U. States, near the Court of France.
WE the undersigned citizens of the United States at present in Leg- horn, having under our care con- siderable property, beg leave to re- present to your excellency the grievances under which we labor, since the occupation of this city by the French troops.
The Tuscan government had hi- therto so far favored our commerce that we found perfect security for what we landed and no restraint on the re-exportation of such goods as suited our purpose for other mar- kets.
A decree was issued in November 1806 by the French government prohibiting the importation of Eng- lish produce and manufactures, and a commission was appointed in this port under the authority of the same, to carry that law into execution. On the arrival of American vessels the masters thereof were required to deposit with that commission the manifests of their cargoes to- gether with the certificates of the French consuls in America—these proofs were deemed sufficient for the admission of their cargoes.
Since the possession of the city by the French army under General Miollis a new commission has been instituted with authority to search for and arrest all merchandise pre- sumed to be of the growth or manufac- ture of Great Britain or her colonies. This commission has arrested in the ware-houses and lazareths property to a large amount belonging to citi- zens of the United States, regardless of the accompanying proofs of its neutrality and origin. The articles thus arbitrarily detained are a des- cription of India muslins, India su- gars, pimento, ginger, and indigo. The alleged ground for the detention of muslins has been because of their superior quality, ignorantly supposing that such could be imported only through the East-India Company agents, a supposition refuted by the smallest acquaintance with the busi- ness of India. The sugars, pimento, ginger and indigo have been indis- criminately sealed. When the fact is represented, that these articles are daily admitted in ports of France no plea can be imagined in justifica- tion of the act of violence.
In consequence of these faithless
proceedings on the parts of the French authorities, our ships are detained on heavy disbursements and exposed to an approaching inclement season —our returns are rendered imprac- ticable by the refusal of our con- signees to make the usual advances, important voyages are defeated and many other injuries particularly dis- tressing at this juncture of our affairs with England.
We trust that for grievances of so serious a nature we shall obtain from your Excellency a zeal in your representations which will pro- duce for ourselves a speedy relief and for the United States a disavowal of proceedings so contrary to the good faith hitherto subsisting between the two nations.
Signed by all the Ame- rican Captains and Supercargoes.
E. SALOMONS, Sec'y. Leghorn, Oct. 3, 1807.
The political and literary world are likely to be soon gratified, not only by the publication of the House of Stuart , by the late Mr. Fox, in the unfinished state in which he left it, but also of his interesting and exten- sive correspondence with the most distinguished characters in the present reign.
Oracle.
Norfolk, Jan. 30.
Yesterday his Britannick majesty's ship Triumph, sir Thomas Hardy, went to sea, and with an intention as we have understood of quitting this station.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman of the first information, to his correspondent in Newburyport, dated Leghorn, October 9, 1807.
"When I wrote you last, I just hinted at the entrance of a large body of French troops in this city, which I am sorry to say has given me much trou- ble, and threatens the American pro- perty in this place. To give you some idea of their proceeding, you must know that they entered very unex- pectedly, on the 29th of August, to the amount of about 4000 men, includ- ing cavalry, and a large train of artil- lery; at the time no one could form an idea of their object, though all feared their intentions. The first act was to lay an embargo on all vessels, even fishing boats; they then put a stop to all goods passing either by land or water, and formed a commission of their own body, and some of their vile creatures here, to search for goods, with a determination that they must be found, or formed to give them some excuse for levying a large con- tribution on the city. This commis- sion proceeded to search every shop and ware-house, as they could neither find nor make English manufactures sufficient to answer their design, they commenced on American property, and put seals on all the indigo, India sugar, fine cottons, pimento, ginger and logwood; obliged the merchants to make returns of all these articles in their hands, and to hold them to the order of the French general. When this gross violation of our property took place, it caused general indigna- tion amongst the Americans, and se- rious fears for our property; as no re- spect whatever was paid to the French Consular Certificates, and other docu- ments which clearly proved the neu- tral property and origin of our goods; nor were these documents ever asked for; and the judgment of their ex- ports was sufficient to the seizing any article, even sugars from Batavia, which they ignorantly supposed a co- lony of England. In consequence of this villainous attempt on our property, we had several meetings, and a committee waited on the French ge- neral Miollis; we next presented a memorial to the Queen Regent which was well received, and a very polite answer given. But from neither can we obtain any redress—the general pleaded his orders—and I fear the Queen has not the power to stop these lawless robbers; we next dispatched a memorial to the Viceroy of Italy, at Milan, from which we have not much to expect, and one to our own min- ister at Paris, where perhaps we may find redress at last, but it must be a work of time; and I have my fears that our property will be exposed to sale before any application can be made to the Emperor, as the commis- sion have already prepared notification for the purpose, and we every hour expect to see them posted up. In this situation are about 500 bags of the sugars under my care. You can easily imagine my feelings on this oc- casion, as well for my friends, who are likely to suffer, as my long deten- tion. But duty obliges me to sacri- fice my time and feelings to the inter- est of those with whom I am con- cerned. I shall never desert their property while anything remains in my power. Add to all this, most other articles on which they have not put their seals are without purchaser— every man fearing to have goods on which these violators may lay their hands, so that business is nearly at a stand—which otherwise would have been brisk on account of the news from your side the water, and very few arrivals."
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8.
By two arrivals at Charleston, the one in 40 days from Greenock, the other in 40 days from London, ad- vices from the former place to the 12th, and from the latter place to the 10th ult. are received. The news these arrivals furnish are of no mean inter- est, of which the following is a com- prehensive summary.
The king of Sweden has concluded an armistice with France to be in force to the 1st of April; and mar- shal Brune was to proceed to Helsing- burgh to open negotiations of peace.
The English funds kept up; this was attributed by some to an appear- ance of something like a general peace said to be pending; and there was a rumor on the Exchange on the 3d of December, that the French Emperor had offered to send an ambassador to England, with full powers to treat of peace, on what he states to be an ho- norable basis, which was the instantly restoring the Danish fleet; but this proposition is said to have been per- emptorily refused by the British min- istry. The British General Moore, is stated in the Paris Monitor to have left Sicily with the whole British force that was in that island, and that the fleet was dispersed in a storm in which some of the vessels were lost—A cutter arrived at Falmouth, from off Por- tugal, had been chased by five sail of the line, which the captain supposed to be French; the English journalists suppose them to have been Sir Sidney Smith's squadron. When this cutter was off the Tagus, she learnt that the Portuguese and Russian fleet then consisted of 21 sail of the line; the former was reported to be in the pos- session of the Spaniards.
Some difference is stated to have taken place in the English cabinet re- lative to the Berlin expedition; two of the secretaries of state are stated to have ceased to hold intercourse with each other excepting on official busi- ness; in consequence a change is said to be about to take place in the min- istry—Lord Chatham is to succeed the Duke of Portland, he is to be replaced by Lord Mulgrave; Mr. Canning is to go to the admiralty and be suc- ceeded by Lord Wellesley in the for- eign office.
It is stated in one of the papers, that a gentleman arrived from France had brought intelligence, that a few days before his departure from Paris, a decree had been ordered to be issued, and was expected to be published in a day or two, directing the seizure of all American vessels in the ports of France, and interdicting all future intercourse with the United States, in consequence of their refusal to unite in the general confederacy against the commerce of Great Britain.
General Sebastiani, the French am- bassador to the Porte, has left Con- stantinople for Paris.
The city of Berlin, as well as the provinces, are said to be in a state of the most complete misery. The in- habitants are threatened with military execution, for not paying the contribu- tions which the French have im- posed upon them, and which they are entirely unable to pay. Buonaparte has demanded five millions of dollars from the King of Prussia, and requi- red that eight of the strongest Prussian fortresses should be garrisoned by French troops until the conclusion of the war.
The Prince of Asturias has been re- leased by the King of Spain, through the interference of Buonaparte, who has presented him with the cordon of the legion of honor. His highness, it is said, confessed his guilt to his royal parents, and, not only received their pardon, but has been placed at the head of the Spanish army destined to invade Portugal.
The liberation of the Prince was re- ceived with the utmost joy by the peo- ple, who drew his carriage through the streets amidst the loudest accla- mations.
On the 13th ult. in lat. 44. 30. long. 14. capt. Doydall spoke the British government brig Redwing, one of Sir Sidney Smith's squadron, who informed him, that the Portuguese fleet, having on board the Royal family of Portugal, sailed from the Tagus, on the 22d of November, bound to the Brazils. The fleet consisted of 9 sail of the line, 4 frigates and 2 brigs, ac- companied with 4 sail of British line of battle ship.
LONDON, Dec. 7.
A member of the American lega- tion at Paris, is arrived at London, and confirms the report we have heard, that Buonaparte demands peremptorily that the American government shall break with Britain or France. He leaves them no alternative; and we trust that they will have no diffi- culty in their choice.
December 10.
An American vessel has been brought into Cowes in distress, by an English cruiser. She left Cherburgh on Friday night last.—The captain is arrived in town, and has communicated the following interesting particu- lars:—About three weeks since, he says, an embargo was laid on all ves-
sels in the port of Cherburgh; but on the 2d inst. the order was revoked, and notice given that all vessels might obtain their clearances at the custom- house, and proceed on their voyages. Another order, however, for the fur- ther detention of all American ships reached Cherburgh from Paris on the 4th: nor could the vessel which ar- rived at Cowes on Monday, have es- caped, had not the captain hastily pro- ceeded on board the moment he heard of the new order, and without books, papers, clothes, &c. which were on shore, effected his escape in the course of the night. A few days previous to the 2d, a French frigate, of 36 guns, provisioned for a voyage of several months, proceeded from Cherburgh to Brest. There was in the former port a French corvette, carrying 16 guns, lately returned from a cruise. She had been to sea for some weeks, and during her cruise fell in with the homeward bound East India fleet. It was this corvette that boarded the Lord Eldon Indiaman, in Portland Rhoads, and was so gallantly repul- sed: she was commanded by the ne- phew of General Moreau, who lost his life at the wheel of the Lord Eldon, by a sabre blow from capt. Young, which severed his head from his body. The American ship Victory had been seized at Cherburgh, on account of the captain having made a false declara- tion, and not as has been reported for having run on board. It was neces- sary before his inward clearance could be effected at the custom-house there, that he should prove he had no goods of British manufacture on board; that he had not touched at a British port, and that he had not been detained by a British cruiser. The capt. acknow- ledged his detention for five hours by an English cruiser, and this was deem- ed sufficient to seal his condemnation. Such are the statements of the Ameri- can captain.
According to information received yesterday from Plymouth, the vessel which had just arrived there from St. Andres, the prohibitory decrees of B- onaparte against our commerce are in force to be enforced in the Spanish ports with the utmost rigour. An or- der had been received at St. Andres just before the vessel sailed, enjoin- ing that no wool should be exported to any part of the British empire. As wool is the principal article of Spanish produce imported into the United Kingdom, one may infer from this order the total pro- hibition of any commerce with Spain as far as the orders of the government can be effective.
Government, we understand, is de- termined not to suffer any foreign ves- sel to land a single passenger in this country. A vessel arrived at Yarmouth a day or two ago from a Dutch port with passengers; but she was order- ed away immediately, without any of them being suffered to set a foot on shore.
New-York, February 1.
Capt. Thompson, of the ship Hen- ry, left Ramsgate on the 18th of December, but was not able to pro- cure any newspapers. Capt. T. in- forms, that the markets were getting up very high: and that nothing new had transpired.
February 2.
A file of French papers to the 2d December was received yesterday at the office of the Mercantile Adver- tiser by the ship Lorenzo, captain Dill, from Bourdeaux. They furnish very few articles of political or com- mercial importance.
The Lorenzo left Bourdeaux on the 5th of December, the embargo having been taken off on the day preceding.
The English blockading decree had been received in France. No idea was entertained that a war between her and the U. States would take place unless the latter should suc- cumb to the measures of the cabinet of G. Britain.
Mr. Lee, the American consul, in- formed captain Dill that war had been declared against this country by the Dey of Algiers. This intelligence is confirmed by private letters, which say that the schooner Mariana, capt. Sheffield, from N. York for Leghorn, was captured by the Algerines; but the captain retook her, threw four Turks overboard, put four ashore, and carried his schooner and the prize- master safely into Naples.
Two hundred thousand French troops had marched towards Spain and Portugal.
Louisville, January 5.
Mr. H. Blammerhasset arrived at Jeffersonville [I. T.] on Saturday evening last. It being suspected that he was fleeing from justice, was ar- rested and held to bail, to appear be- fore an examining court this morn- ing.
The report of the capture of the Cape of Good Hope by the French is incorrect.
THE account of the arrival of his friends and the Public, that he has on hand PORT B and ALL in bottles of the first quality, by the house head or lower—Also BEER in barrels, of a quality superior to any ever known here.
He requests those indebted to him for the last year to make speedy payment, so as to enable him to meet his engage- ments. JOHN DOBBIN.
Navy Yard, February 3rd

Continued from first page. J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Dyke, Whitehill, Wilson, and Withers—68.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blackledge, Blount, Berwell, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Chandler, Cutts, Dawson, Eppes, Franklin, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green, Holland, Holmes, Isler, Jones, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Marion, McCreery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jr. Morrow, J. Morrow, Newton, Seaver, J. Smith, Southard, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Verplank, Wharton, and Winn—47.
Mr. Love feared the House had sacrificed too much to politeness in agreeing to consider the resolution before them; for he would attribute to no other cause the motion just agreed to, than the usual disposition, discovered by the House, to hear with patience the proposition of any of its members, be that proposition ever so wild and extravagant.
So many indeed were the objections to the resolution under consideration, that he found it more difficult to know where to begin with them, than how to make them. The time was certainly the most inauspicious, which could be conceived by any gentleman to offer such a subject for consideration. While the nation might be expected daily to be called on to defend itself against foreign invasion, and to combat for its independence itself, the gentleman has thought proper to introduce a question which of all others is best calculated to divide and distract its councils. It was a subject on which he felt himself unprepared to act, and was taken by surprise; but in any situation he should be ready to offer some of the reasons which must so obviously influence the mind on the question.
The objections first in magnitude appeared to him to be of a constitutional nature. The constitution having provided for the establishment of a seat of government of the U. States, certainly intended it to be permanent; it was one of those provisions which was to act in the prospective, and being once acted on by law the provision so made was carried into effect, and became a part of the constitution itself. Such was the provision of the constitution for taking the census of the people of the U. S. It was to be acted on prospectively, but would the gentleman from Jersey or any other say that when the census was taken, and the ratio of representation once fixed for ten years, that it would be competent for Congress to alter it by law?
In another point of view Mr. L. considered the measure unconstitutional; it would have the effect of impairing the obligation of contracts. It was true this was a restriction expressly, only on the states, but was any gentleman ready to say, we had the power to do an act of iniquity, which had not been expressly authorized by the constitution, and which it had inhibited by a positive declaration.
The more correct cause, Mr. L. said, would certainly be to modify the resolution so as to propose it as an amendment to the constitution. When that should be done, it would be time enough to enter into this kind of discussion which must have the most baneful effects; it would then be time enough to determine whether we should sanction the violation of obligations solemnly entered into, and destroy the contracts made with individuals under the faith of the seat of government being permanently fixed at this place—who have under this view made conveyances of their property, and that same property has in innumerable instances been again conveyed in fee simple to other persons.
It will under such a motion be considered whether it is proper to sanction the objection which has been so often opposed to popular governments of the instability of their councils, and whether all these important considerations are to give way to the arguments of the author of the resolution, of convenience, and cheap living to ourselves, and that it is better we should eat our beef in Philadelphia than in this place.
For the reasons (some of the many he could offer) Mr. L. said he should move that the resolution be now rejected.
The Speaker declared that such a motion was not now in order, and could not be received.
Mr. Lewis then moved that it be postponed indefinitely and called the Yeas and Nays on the motion.
Mr. Sloan rose with a view of moving that the resolution be referred to a committee of the whole House and be made the order of the day for this day, and promised that they would not then call it up to interfere with public business. I trust, said he, we have as much regard for the important business of the nation as the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Love) or any other gentleman. To that gentleman I shall make some reply, though I shall be very brief. He has undertaken to
suppose that the large majority of this House in favor of consideration of the motion was not from a belief of a propriety of passing it; I hope he will be convinced that the decision proceeded from a sense of duty and a firm conviction of the propriety of the measure. I shall never call anything extravagant which the interest of my country calls for—a removal of the seat of government from a place which has every thing against it and nothing in its favor—which is exposed to sickness and to death.
The gentleman from Virginia has mentioned the danger of division. I am as much in favor of unity as that gentleman or any other on the floor, and shall always aim at it. Members of this House who are at least of equal standing with him and myself, consider it essentially necessary that this should not interfere; it is not our desire to call it up to interfere; we wish to progress with harmony; to give our aid to every measure.
The gentleman supposes I have not read the constitution. I may not possess the ability or nice discernment of that gentleman; but plain common sense will show to every observer, as that gentleman and some others want to stifle discussion on the subject and to prevent us from showing it by fair reasoning, that the contract is unconstitutional. This is what we wish to show at a future day, and what we shall show if we are not prevented. I will submit it to the good sense of this House, of the citizens in the galleries, & to the impartial determination of all the people of the U. S. whether those who feel themselves laboring under a great national grievance, and have brought it before the National Legislature, and declared that they do not mean to urge it, but will give a full and fair opportunity for discussion, and every opportunity for argument—whether these, the friends of the resolution, act fairly and impartially, or those the opponents of it, who wish to smother the investigation of it.
I will now barely observe that that gentleman may think as he pleases, and on a future day I will enlarge upon the subject, and show that it is the duty of this House, and I hope to God we shall fulfil it, to remove the seat of government.
Mr. Lyon said the gentleman from New Jersey had endeavored to have it understood that this was a subject of great importance. Mr. L. believed it was all-important to that gentleman; he appeared to think of nothing else. The matter was growing too serious now to talk of hobby horses. It seemed that gentlemen who had helped him on his hobby-horse found it necessary to adhere to him too closely. He was in hopes they would have left him and his hobby-horse together. The gentleman, said Mr. L., has talked about eating and drinking; every body knows what is his profession—but I will drop all this sort of talking. It looks serious—21 in a majority by Yeas and Nays to consider this resolution. I will say that I am one of those who was dragged here against my will by a federal majority. I then thought it was not time to come thus far south; but having been brought here, I looked about me, like a farmer about a new farm; I endeavored to dress it up, to build improvements on it, and make it better; and I have acted in that way ever since. What has happened since then? We have acquired a new world to the southward and westward to this place. If it was then proper to fix the seat of government here; what is it now? I cannot see how federal gentlemen can look at or talk of the subject without blushing. What can they think of their predecessors for bringing us here when we had not that country. Kentucky too, which now sends six and which at the next census may send ten members to this House, then only sent two.
While I am up I will tell gentlemen a story. A question similar to this is now pending in Kentucky. The seat of government is now at Frankfort. The people in the southern and western parts of the state have joined to move it eastward—and why do you suppose? In order that they may hereafter carry it westward. It is now immovable except by a majority of two thirds; and in order to carry the seat of government westward bye and bye they agree to carry it eastward now. The Kentucky policy prevails here; no kind of doubt of it. Gentlemen from the southward and westward intend to humor those eastward that they may move it westward hereafter. Carry it to Philadelphia—how long will it stay there? The next census will give us 10 or 15 additional members from the westward. Will they be willing to retain it at Philadelphia, or will they carry it to Pittsburg or further west? It is mere trifling to suppose it will be fixed at Philadelphia. The only object is to destroy this place on which so much money has been expended. Now I have been obliged to come here, very reluctantly I must say; but when I got here, the more I looked at it, the more I thought this was the proper site. It is 100 miles nearer to the western country than Philadelphia, with a water communication upon which improvements are daily making. It has been said that the mer-
chants from the western country can manage their business much better at Philadelphia. I know that, if I were sent to Congress for myself alone, I should wish to go to Philadelphia; but I have constituents, friends, children; and it is much better for the country that we should be here, and aid the improvement of the place. Bring here the bank of the United States; we shall soon have a large city; no doubt of it. The reason why you have not now a large population or great improvements, is, that you are always talking about moving. I wish it to stand at least 60 or 100 years as it is; I am convinced that this of all places in the union is the best. It is said we ought to be near the sea shore, near the water. Here is water, some say we should go to N. York. Here is a good place. Some sneer at the Navy Yard, and why? Because they refuse to do what they ought towards clothing it, and then laugh at its nakedness.
We have heard it said that if we move to Philadelphia we shall have a commanding lobby; we shall learn the sentiments of the population! The only inducement which influenced me to be a little satisfied at moving from Philadelphia, was, because Congress were almost overawed by the population of that city; measures were dictated by that city. I had rather move into a wilderness; I do not want to go among these people; I have seen too much of them. I have seen the time when members of this House could not walk the streets in safety. I have seen the time when men with cockades in their hats would say "there goes one of the d—d minority." I can never forget the insults I received in Philadelphia whilst in the minority.
Here too is a constitutional provision with regard to the seat of government, whether held in this or any other place—a feature in the constitution, and on that feature a contract is built; on which subject the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Love) had dwelt very ably. I won't answer the observation of the gentleman from N. Jersey (Mr. Sloan) about contracts; he knows how to make a contract about a cow or an ox; but as to any other contract he knows nothing. [Mr. Lyon was here called to order.] I do not mean to be disorderly, I assure you. One word more as to the health of this place. The gentleman from New Jersey has unfortunately compared it with Philadelphia. Have we not been compelled to suspend business and leave Philadelphia on account of the yellow fever? I have been a little sick here; and so I should perhaps anywhere else. Has any member of Congress lost his life here in consequence of the unhealthiness of the place? They have died of consumptions or other diseases brought with them from home. I have seen or heard nothing of the unhealthiness of this place. It is really unfortunate to compare the two places together. In Philadelphia Congress sat one year till July, and would not then have adjourned but for the yellow fever: and it is a ridiculous story to talk of changing the seat of government from this place to Philadelphia, on account of its superiority in healthiness. I have gone through the observations I mean to make.
Mr. GARDENER said he should not indulge himself at this time in following gentlemen in any remarks they had made. He could easily conceive that there were members in the House to whom the proposition of the gentleman from New Jersey must be disagreeable, and who were impelled to oppose it more by their feelings than their reason. A very considerable and respectable portion of the House had manifested a disposition to hold the question open to discussion—not that they were determined on removal, but that it was a case in which discussion might enlighten and could not do harm. The present motion was designed to stifle discussion; he would submit it to his friend from Virginia (Mr. Lewis) whether he could calculate upon any permanent good to result from this procedure. Would they not prosper their cause infinitely more by reasoning with those gentlemen who were doubtful than by telling them that they would give no opportunity to satisfy their minds on the subject? Could gentlemen expect that a treatment of this kind will be submitted to hereafter, or that any session of Congress would pass by without agitating this question? He submitted to the opponents of the motion whether it would not be better to enter fairly into the discussion—to govern gentlemen who wished for removal by argument and not by force of numbers. He trusted there were very few gentlemen on the floor who were not open to conviction even against their own wishes. It struck him that if they were forced into silence, it would only be making discontent worse; if put down by fair argument they would have nothing to complain of. The proper and regular course of debate would then be pursued. This question once fairly agitated and negatived, if that should be the result, would have the effect of putting the question more permanently at rest &
more substantially answer the purpose of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Lewis) than the mode now pursued by that gentleman, who he had no doubt was actuated by honest motives, and Mr. G. honored him for it. He again repeated, would it not be better to promote discussion than thus to force them to silence, to smother the matter; he did not say this was the intention, for he believed the gentleman was influenced by better motives.
He had avoided making any observations on the main question, because he did not consider this the time for them. If the House were so perfectly satisfied on this subject, and thought so little was due to those who wished a discussion, he must submit; but this procedure would not satisfy the minority or the public. Without committing himself on the question one way or the other, because the vote which had already been taken did not commit any one, he wished to have the matter discussed, that those for it and those against it might have an opportunity to offer arguments. In his own mind he felt a difficulty in declaring how he should vote; and therefore wished a discussion.
Mr. LEWIS offered his friend from N. York that he had no intention to stifle investigation. The subject was now before the House, and as if perfectly open to discussion as before a committee of the whole House—My object, said Mr. L., in making this motion, was to invite discussion, but to invite it at this moment; because every moment that the subject is pending is death to the interest of the district. I wish it to be ascertained at once whether a majority is in favor of a removal or not. I wish this investigation, and was in hopes that the gentleman from N. York or some other would offer some reasons for bringing forward this measure so fraught with mischief and distraction to the district. It is no reason with me to remove to Philadelphia, because I and others can be better accommodated there than at this place; it is no reason that beef or any other article sells cheaper than at this place, or that we can get information from the lobby at Philadelphia, which we cannot get here. If members of this House should ever become so dependent, that they must be indebted to persons out of doors for information as to the course of conduct they should pursue, it will be time for the people to call us home, or to alter the constitution, & elect the whole representation of the union from the city of Philadelphia, because Philadelphians alone are capable of directing legislation for the public good. Is the gentleman so full of economy ready to answer to the nation for the sacrifices which he will make by a removal? Does he not know that the nation has expended here twelve or fifteen millions of dollars?
If gentlemen will bring forward any reasons in favor of a removal, or show why this sacrifice should be made, I shall be prepared to meet them. If there be necessity for removal, why is it to Philadelphia, from which place we were a few years ago, obliged to remove on account of our lives being endangered by the unhealthiness of the place, independent of other & not minor considerations. I do not believe that in the whole U. States there is a more healthy place than this. My object however is not now to enter into a discussion, for I am totally at a loss to know what grounds gentlemen can take to support this motion.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
ROSS AND GETTY, HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz.
30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 10 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assortment of very elegant Looking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL.
The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stille—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant.
GEO. W. LINDSAY. N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated. October 19—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniels and rich silk Mole skins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory.
Four or five good Journeymen wanted, who will find constant employ. November 27—tf
A GREAT BARGAIN. JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—House and Lots—Enquire as above.
All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. 17 th Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS. Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
Proposals for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange c h, Milton & Charlottesville to New York once a week.
Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p m, & arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 a m—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a m and arrive at New York by 11 a m—Leave New York every Friday at 1 p m, arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p m.
2. From New York by Waumboro to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a m and arrive at New York by 11 a m. Leave New York every Friday at 1 p m and arrive at Staunton by 6 p m.
3. From Richmond by Goochland c h, Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p m and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p m—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a m, and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a m.
4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middlesex, Harrisburg, Carlisle and Shippensburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 p m, & arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p m—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a m, and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p m.
5. From Chambersburg by McConnellsburg, Bedford, Somerset & Greensburg to Pittsburg three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a m, arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p m, and arrive at Pittsburg on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday by 10 a m—Returning, Leave Pittsburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p m and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 8 p m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, & to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809.
2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures; which will be specified in the contracts.
GIDEON GRAAGER, Post-master-general. General Post-Office, Dec. 18—tf
BURAS AND BULL. WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 25—tf
Will be Sold at Public Auction, ON the Premises, on Thursday the 25th day of February next, part of LOT No. 4, in Square 78 being 28 feet front, near the Western Market, and extending back about 147 feet to an alley. There is erected upon this Lot, a good BRICK BUILDING covering the whole front, with a good Kitchen and enclosure, and was formerly occupied by Dr. Bullas. As the property is well known, nothing further descriptive is the right necessary. January 25—tf
A BRICK HOUSE & LOT FOR SALE.
ON Monday the 8th day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to public sale on the premises at 4 o'clock in the evening, part of Lot No. 6, in Square No. 141, in this city, fronting 15 feet 9 inches on North G. street, and running back 183 feet, with the improvements thereon, consisting of a convenient two story Brick House and enclosure. The Lot was leased to the former tenant for a term of 99 years at the rent of 35 dollars per annum, and the benefit of a covenant to purchase the fee simple thereof.
In default of payment of three years rent, the subscriber has been put in possession of the premises, according to the law in such cases provided; for which, and accruing expenses, it will be sold, subject to the conditions of the former case, and a new lease executed to the purchaser on complying with the terms of sale. Being in the vicinity of the public offices, and in a thick settled genteel neighborhood, it would be an eligible situation for a gentleman doing business in either of the departments. The premises may be viewed and the papers seen by applying to Thomas Hertly, prior to the day of sale.
JOSEPH NOURSE, Terms of sale, a negotiable note with an approved endorser, payable 60 days after date. January 18—tf