The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1798-12-03 00:00:00

The Gazette.
[NUMBER 32.]
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[VOLUME 1.]
Monday, December 3, 1798.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
District of Maine.
BY order of the Hon. DAVID SEWALL, Esq. Judge of the District Court of Maine—Notice is hereby given, that a Libel is filed in said Court against the
Schooner Hannah,
Ebenezer Stanwood, master, of about eighteen tons burthen, her tackle, apparel and furniture, and her Cargo, found on board, seized by MELATIAH JORDAN, Esq. Collector of the Port of Frenchman Bay, for a violation of the Revenue Laws of the United States—That Monday the tenth of December next at Portland, is assigned for a hearing thereon, to the end that any person claiming property in the said Schooner, may appear and shew cause (if any can be shewn) wherefore the said Schooner and her appurtenances aforesaid, should not by a decree of said Court, be declared forfeited.
Dated at Portland, Saturday, November 24, 1798.
JOHN HOBBY, Marshal.
Deacon Titcomb's Estate.
THE subscribers hereby give public notice to all concerned, that they have taken upon themselves the trust of Executors to the last will and testament of Deacon BENJAMIN TITCOMB, late of Portland, deceased.—All persons who have any demands upon said estate, are requested to bring in the same; and those who are indebted thereto, to make payment without delay, to
ANDREW TITCOMB, } Executors. JOSEPH TITCOMB, }
Portland, 9th November, 1798.
Jacob Gray's Estate.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscriber has been duly appointed Administratrix on the Estate of JACOB GRAY, late of Northarmuth, mariner, deceased, and given bonds as the law directs.—All persons having demands upon said estate, are hereby called upon to settle; and all persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment, to
APPHIA GRAY, Administratrix—or to SILVANUS DRINKWATER, her Attorney. Nov. 5th, 1798.
Thomas Goold's Estate.
THE subscriber hereby gives notice, that he has been duly appointed Administrator on the Estate of THOMAS GOOLD, late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, represented insolvent, and given bond as the law directs.—He therefore calls upon all persons indebted to said estate, to make immediate payment, to
ROYAL LINCOLN.
Nov. 6, 1798.
Notice.
THE estate of Thomas Goold being represented insolvent, the subscribers, commissioners to the Estate of said THOMAS GOOLD, late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, appointed by the Hon. WILLIAM GORHAM, Esq. Judge of Probate, &c. for said county—give notice, that we shall attend, for the purpose of examining the claims of the several creditors to said Estate, at the house of the widow of said deceased, on the last Monday of this, and the first Mondays of the two following months, and the first and third Mondays of February, March and April next.
BENJAMIN BAYLEY, ENOCH FREEMAN.
Falmouth, Nov. 10th, 1798.
Nathan Sargent,
Stuff & Morocco Shoe-Maker, INFORMS his friends and the public, that he has returned to Portland, and taken a Shop in Middle-street, nearly opposite Dr. Loring's store, where he manufactures all kinds of
Stuff & Morocco Shoes.
Those who may favor him with their commands shall receive every attention. The smallest favours are punctiliously attended to.
OCT. 23rd, 1798.
Coopers' Business,
A stout, active LAD, about 15, or 16 years of age, who may wish to learn the above business, and receive good encouragement, may hear of an opportunity by applying at this Office.
Nov. 19 1798.
Good Boarding,
VERY near the centre of the town, convenient for masters and mates of vessels.—Enquire at this Office.
Nov. 5.
To the Voters of the Second Eastern District.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
I HAVE declared that neither private interests, nor private resentments prompt my appearance before the public. To every impartial mind, it is also evident, that I have no particular prejudice for one federal candidate in preference to another of equal talents, integrity and patriotism;—by this word let me be understood to mean the love of his own country. But, citizens, when we already have good men to represent us in our national legislature, whose conduct in every instance discover unequivocal evidence of the love of their country, a steady attachment to our independent sovereignty and national happiness, let us mark that man as a traitor, who by secret machinations would project a change, and by setting up a jacobinical, or at best a doubtful character, put in hazard the distinguished privileges of American citizens, the inestimable purchase of treasure and of blood, which have justly excited the envy and admiration of the world.
To those who deny the incontrovertible truth, that any government that does, or ever did exist, is so happily calculated to preserve the political rights of the citizen, and to promote the peace, prosperity and happiness of a community, argument would be disgraceful. To those who wantonly abuse a WASHINGTON, and an ADAMS, an attempt to convince would be idle and ridiculous.—At this day, there is no other distinction of jacobins than that of POLITICAL FOOLS and POLITICAL RASCALS.—this will comprehend the whole;—and when I hear a man of sense abuse the whole some measures of our government, and avow his approbation of the French, I immediately suspect his integrity. That there are some of this class among us is a mortifying truth; but that every citizen who voted for Fairfield, Turner & Dearborn is, is by no means to be admitted—many honest, well meaning Americans have been the dupes of the lying, scandalous and malicious jacobins, who ought publicly to be exposed, and their secret measures publicly exposed. But these are already pretty generally known, and will perhaps render unnecessary another number from Public Spirit. And since I am disappointed in my attempt to procure a the address take my leave of the public, with the flattering hope that the wicked designs, and the insidious measures of our internal enemies, may remove the veil of delusion from the eyes of some honest but misled citizens—then the effort I have made, will not be wholly unprofitable and vain.
The circular letter so often mentioned, is most industriously concealed—its contents are known only to the few—this however is certain, that the demagogue general did not see fit to sign it himself.—Had he any scruples of delicacy? Did he suppose the citizens of Maine would deem the worthy attempt to procure his own election in his district, and the election of two others of the same kidney in this and the third district, an immodest attempt?
It has been ascertained, that besides the jacobin correspondents in the first eastern district; besides the herd at Buxton and Pepperellborough, the precious scrap has reached some citizens in the second eastern district—Major Illey of Falmouth, I. Parsons, Esq. of New Gloucester, and J. McLellan, Esq. of Gray. What effect they may have produced in Falmouth, I cannot pretend to say; but it is a mortifying truth that most of the votes in that town were jacobinical;—that Mr. Illey procured them, does not however appear, he being, as 'tis said, confined by sickness. I have been informed that a Mr. Wait opened the business of town meeting by reading one of these circulars, and some publications in that rank of fiction the "Independent Chronicle"—that many famous preachers succeeded the effect is well known.—In New Gloucester and Gray, the gentlemen it seems were not corruptible; and no doubt the jacobins were astonished at their impudence and contempt of the famous epistle, and much enraged to hear that not a single jacobin vote disgraced the towns.—The jacobins in Scarborough is easily accounted for from their adjacency to Buxton and Pepperellborough. Evil communications, says the proverb, corrupt good manners; but many citizens in that town, are already convinced of their error, and are fully apprized that they have been mere cats paws to a designing few.
The contemptible tools in Portland are not worthy of public notice;—for, although they procured seventeen jacobin votes, will scarcely be productive of any future mischief:—they have rendered themselves objects of detestation to many, who before only despised them.
In the federal town of Gorham, an attempt was made to distribute votes actually sent from
* The number seventeen is an unlucky number—The inhabitants of Portland will easily recollect that the number of seventeen was the number of the revolution.
the Portland jacobins for that purpose. Did the miserable believe that the citizens of Gorham could not write votes themselves?—But the distributors were obliged to skulk from the just vengeance of insulted Americans, and were threatened with a worse fate than Noyes at Haverhill. The attempt failed—and every vote was federal.
But I fear this subject will grow tedious. A few observations on the remarks of Numa, in your Gazette of the 19th ult. shall close my address.—This ingenious writer has anticipated my intention of explaining the land tax law;—the great accuracy and truth of his statement, renders quite unnecessary any further explanation of the operation of that law. But the fears of Numa that the asperity of my remarks will have a tendency to injure rather than to support the cause I have espoused—I hope and believe will not be prophetic. I have no wish to ridicule rather than to convince; but I believe Numa has mistaken the objects, against whom I have directed my severity, if there be any, in the remarks. Numa discovers his genuine federalism in his production; and, if I am not deceived in my suspicions of his real name, in every instance of his conduct, and as such, he merits and has my high esteem; but as I observed before, he has mistaken my object, and misplaced the asperity which he has noticed in my remarks. It is not the honest well informed American, nor the uninformed deluded citizen, whom I address in the language of invective; but the abettor of false, scandalous and malicious sedition—the secret, plodding, rancorous jacobin; to those, have I aimed the shafts of ridicule, or addressed the language of severity and invective; and to those, and those only, such must always be the language of
PUBLIC SPIRIT.
† I thought a note might here be necessary.—'Tis said that on the President's birth day, when all the masters of vessels in Haverhill, had hoisted the American flag in honor of the day, except one who was in a small coasting vessel, purchasing cider: a citizen of that town enquired the reason of this singularity, and asked if he had no colours. He answered, he would see the President d—d before he would honour him so much; but that he would hoist a bloody flag at half mast, and some other observations of that kind;—these were repeated at the table when the federal citizens dined together in table. The citizen who was immediately found him out, advised him to burn down the bloody flag, which was actually hoisted—raise the American ensign, ask their pardon for such behaviour, and promise repentance and reformation—upon this they let him go unpunished. This man, I understand lives in Falmouth.
Another Traitor!
AMERICANS—attentively read and contemplate the following infamous and unparalleled display of treachery and meanness; and let him whose indignation it does not rouse, blush at his want of feeling.
From the Connecticut Courant.
Messrs. Hudson & Goodwin,
THE enclosed pamphlet was printed at Matthew Lyon's press in F. irhaven. He entitles it "Copy of a letter from an AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC character in France, to a member of Congress in Philadelphia." Some of the most offensive parts of this letter were recited in the indictment of Lyon—the "publishing" of which (i.e. the reading of the whole letter to large collections of people, in a great many towns in his district, drawn together for that purpose) was the subject of the second count, and the "printing" it, of the third count in the indictment. (The subject of the first count was a letter from Lyon to Mr. Spooner, the printer of the Windsor paper.)
Lyon told the court, that the first knowledge he had of it, was hearing Gen. Mason, a Senator from Virginia, read it to a number of gentlemen in Philadelphia last summer—that he applied to Mr. Baldwin, to whom it was addressed, for liberty to take a copy of it; to which he consented, upon condition that Lyon would show it to his friends in Vermont, particularly Gov. Robinson and Gen. Bradley, but not to suffer any copies of it to be taken, nor to have it printed; to which Lyon said he solemnly agreed. How he came to print it in fact, however, in violation of his "solemn agreement" he did not inform the court.
Several gentlemen who have it, and who are acquainted with Mr. Barlow, have expressed their decided opinion that he never wrote it. The public may rest assured, however, that the thing, infamous as it is, was really written by JOEL BARLOW, and sent by the hand of a Mr. Lee, to Abraham Baldwin. The most indisputable testimony of the fact can be laid before the public if necessary.
Those who recollect what Mr. Barlow once was
—those who once respected and loved him for his amiable disposition, his talents, and his supposed piety, will exclaim, "O! how fallen!" They will discover new evidence, if possible, of the accursed demoralizing powers of that modern French philosophy which has made of Europe a charnel house, and which Mr. Barlow has been long known to have embraced with enthusiastic ardor. But who could have expected from him such displays of hatred to his native country! Who could expect that Joel Barlow would have become the slanderer of Washington and Adams! The true lover of his country will mourn that so many of her children are become her most unnatural foes, and aim, with paricidal arm, the fatal dagger at her breast—I supply the names "Lee," "Jefferson," "Georgia," on the authority of the gentleman who enables me to assert the genuineness of the letter—they were left blanks in the pamphlet.
A Citizen of Connecticut.
Copy of a Letter from an American diplomatic character in France, to a member of Congress in Philadelphia.
1st March, 1798.
MY DEAR FRIEND, IT is now a long time, even many years, since I have indulged myself in communicating to you my political opinions, because I have generally thought it useless, and at some moments dangerous to trust them to the ordinary modes of conveyance, but the opportunity of sending this letter into your own hands, and the very serious aspect our affairs have assumed in this country, induce me to throw off restraint, and to speak to you with freedom, though far from the hope that any public benefit will arise from the communication.
The misunderstanding between the two governments has become extremely alarming, confidence is completely destroyed. Mistrusts, jealousy, and a disposition to a wrong attribution of motives are so apparent, as to require the utmost caution in every word and action that are to come from your Executive: I mean if your object is to avoid hostilities. Had this truth been understood with you before the recall of Monroe, before the coming and second coming of Pinckney; had it guided the pen that wrote the bullying speech of your President, and stupid answer of your Senate, at the opening of Congress in November last, I should probably have produced a remedy can be found, it is necessary to call to mind the causes that have produced it; for these causes are many, and some of the operative ones are generally overlooked by the most attentive observers on your side the water—that act of submission to the British government, commonly called Jay's treaty, is usually considered both by its friends and enemies as the sole cause, or at least the great cause of the present hostile disposition of the French Republic towards the United States. This opinion is erroneous, other causes, and those of less public discussion, have had a much more decided effect. It is true that considering the circumstances under which the treaty was made, when England was flying, and the coalition crumbling before the armies of France, it served to humble us in the eyes of all Europe. It is true that the manner, in which it was thrust down the throats of the people of America, by the man whose monstrous influence formed an inextricable contract with the weakness of his political talents, has effectually humbled us in our own eyes, and has taught our citizens to pride themselves in a renunciation of national dignity; it is likewise true, that as this treaty affected France, it was a serious and undignified attack upon her interests; it was giving the lie to all our professions of friendship and sympathy with her, in her distressed situation; it was narrowing the freedom of commerce, multiplying the articles of contraband, and throwing every advantage we could throw into the hands of her enemies; in all these and many other respects the treaty with England has not yet been, nor never will be censured as much as it deserves; it was a measure substantially hostile, and often-tionally irritating to our best friends. But it often happens in public as well as in private affairs, that the greatest injuries are forgiven or excused, while slighter ones, such as border on contempt, excite the most ungovernable resentment, and lead to the greatest acts of vengeance; a striking example of this has fallen under my observation in the conduct of these two republics; at the moment when the old government of France was shaken to its foundation, the new government of the U. States was consolidated and was beginning its operations under the most favorable auspices. A great revolution in America had completed its work, it convinced the world of the solidity of its principles, and held up to view an unexampled prospect of public happiness. A much greater revolution in France was opening its career. Its authors and conductors, though frightened at the immensity of the undertaking, from the task of solving the frightful problem of Representative Democracy, they contemplated

ted that problem as already solved by us; our energy was praised, our wisdom exaggerated, our example quoted by them on all occasions. G. WASHINGTON, a name at that time dear to liberty was placed at the head of our administration, and his election was known to be unanimous, the French therefore saw in WASHINGTON the people of the United States; they counted on his friendship, they drew consolation from his supposed sympathy, while their principles were calumniated & the nation threatened with war by all the cabinets of Europe. They grew strong from a sense of danger, and they were proud of the reproaches of princes, because they were confident of the approbation of the American people, the elder sons of liberty.
(To be concluded next week.)
Eloquent Remonstrance.
The name of the amiable LAVATER, is sufficient to excite a perusal of the following:
From the Gazette of the United States:
The following elegant delineation of the features of French fraternity, has just come to hand, from London. Coming as it does from a man who embraced with enthusiasm, the early theories of the Revolution, it ought to make a deep and lasting impression. This last Physionomical Essay, will in no mean degree, enhance the author's fame, at a time, when that horrid assemblage of depravity, contained in the form of the Gallic oligarchy, begins daily to meet more and more the general abhorrence of mankind.
Remonstrance, Addressed to the Executive Directory of the French Republic,
AGAINST The INVASION of SWITZERLAND. By JOHN CASPAR LAVATER, Rector at Zurich.
LIBERTY, Equality, Rights of Man, are the signs prefixed to all the decrees and proclamations of a people, which in more respects than one, may think itself entitled to assume the epithet of la grande nation . It cannot, therefore, be deemed criminal, if I address, to the celebrated parent and guardian of liberty and humanity, a few words, at once manly and free.
Many of the able and most enlightened heads admire the achievements of this people, considered as philosophers, politicians and heroes,—What other nation, ancient or modern, has performed the actions it has done? Who could even believe that practicable which it has effected? He who does not admire, must be ignorant of its deeds, or have lost the faculty of admiration. It may, therefore, be justly called the great nation, for it has produced the greatest, and, I will still hope, the most beneficial results ever produced by man, in a period of time! It is an universal engine, designed by God—it may say, by Fate —to transform things deemed untransformable.
It is not for me, nor is it within my present purpose, to touch upon the inaccountable inconsistencies and contradictions, the horrid acts of injustice, tyranny, and cruelty, of which the French nation, or rather some of its rulers, have rendered themselves guilty, in the course of the revolution. But the rights of man, the rights of citizens, and, I may add, the rights of patrons, for my flock suffers too, compel me to say a few words on the conduct of the French nation, on its rulers and agents, with respect to my country.
All the inhabitants of Helvetia, not deceived by juggling phrases, calculated to deceive all, can entertain but one opinion. The terror-rift power, whose iron hand bends down their necks to the trumpet-founders of liberty, may stifle their voice, yet they all entertain but one opinion—that, "The French nation, which waged war for several years against the most powerful nations, for the professed purpose, that no foreign power should interfere in its domestic concerns, cannot derive the least right either from preponderance of power, or success in war, to interfere in our domestic concerns."
It may suit the convenience of the great nation that we should form one indivisible Republic; the best and wisest Swiss may deem this measure highly advantageous for Switzerland, the idea was grand and beautiful; but the French had no right to insist on its being carried into effect; and by insisting on it in a threatening tone, and with arms in their hands, they acted as tyrants. Any other nation might conceive, that it would be highly conducive to the welfare of Europe, to destroy all Republics, and to rear up Monarchies on their ruins; nay, to subject all the dominions of the globe to one supreme chief. Well then—Fiat!—I hold the power to crucify and to release.
There is a law, imprinted in the breast of man, as old as the universe, as sacred as humanity—"Do thou not unto others what thou art unwilling others should do unto thee." No power on earth can annihilate this law. Power does not constitute right. A hundred thousand armed men cannot convince the understanding, that a thing unjust is just. France had no right, but the tyrant's right of superior force, to penetrate into Helvetia, for the pretended purpose of subverting aristocracy. The subversion of aristocracy might indeed have proved highly beneficial, might have met the ardent wishes of many noble-minded Swiss; but is the highwayman who murders my oppressor, no highwayman? Frenchmen, ye came into Switzerland as robbers, as tyrants; ye waged war against
a country which never offended you. If there existed individuals who had offended you, (I know not whether there were any) you should have proved the offence, and obtained redress. But without the most palpable injustice, you could not demand redress from a nation which never gave you the least offence.
From the conquered cities, especially from Berne, you carried off, as robbers, treasures which did not pertain to you. This was a robbery committed on all Helvetia; on that Helvetia which you judged fit to form into one indivisible Republic, whose treasures you thought proper to consolidate into one national treasury. You robbed Helvetia of a considerable part of her strength, you delivered her from the means to preserve and assert her liberty.
You talked of nothing but liberty, but every one of your actions strove to enslave us. Can you deny it? All your words were orders; all your counsels were the mandates of a despot. We were never thus commanded, when according to your false assertion, we were slaves; such blind, implicit obedience, was never demanded from us, as is now exercised, when, by your aftertion, we are free.
The constitution which you forced upon us, appears to me (a few solecisms, arising from the ignorance of our situation excepted) a masterpiece of human wisdom, a monument of profound policy. In my opinion, nothing more sublime can be devised for civilized men. I admire this constitution, but detest the means by which its acceptance was demanded, exacted, extorted. This is unworthy of thee, great nation—this is a cross contradiction of the principles thou hast hitherto professed. Liberty in front of every decree; and on the same page—"The General in Chief commands, as follows, under such and such penalties." Great nation, thou must thyself admit the justice of my detestation. Ten thousand of thy most loyal sons must say, and actually say, within our hearing, "Switzerland is treated in an infamous manner."
"Infamous!"—a dreadful word on the lips of a civilized man; and yet, it falls short of fully expressing the treatment which it is designed to express. I know not what should prevent me from calling a treatment so unlawful, so inhuman, so despotic, by its true name. Infamous is the mildest term I can find. How would you call it, Frenchmen, if we, being the stronger, and ye the weaker power, had treated you in this manner? Your eloquence would no doubt, have furnished you with a more energetic, a more impressive term.
Frenchmen, great nation, matchless people, you feel it; for who is endowed with nicer feelings than you are? WE, WRETCHED SWISS, WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN IN OUR PRESENT STATE, HAD OUR COUNTRY BEEN BOLD ENOUGH TO SPEAK SOONER THE FULL ROUND LANGUAGE OF TRUTH before all Europe; you would not have dared to treat an old ally so treacherously as you have done; you would not have allowed yourselves to wantonly to prostitute the sacred name LIBERTY. If religion, if virtue, if justice, had not been able to restrain you, ambition would have checked your boldness.
Yet, God knows, this is not the only guilt, which presses upon the conscience of your rulers. When in open violation of the laws of nations, without any form of just declaration of war, the French troops, taking advantage of their superiority of strength, and our discord, which it would seem was purposely excited by some evil minded ruler of the French Republic, had subdued, pillaged, devastated Berne, Fribourg, and Soleure; what did the great nation, or rather, what did her ungreat agents? They advanced against our friendly canton of Zurich, and exacted the acceptance of their constitution in a violent, peremptory tone, in the language of robbers; blood or money; acceptance or war. Silent, for the sake of peace, we accepted the constitution with unanimity; since unanimously, and without the least opposition, we had already democratized our state.
Now we thought we had done every thing which could be desired; notwithstanding the arbitrary compulsion on the part of France, we were sincere in the acceptance of the constitution, though it was suspected we were not. But transactions the most unjust, proceedings the most treacherous, soon followed the first outrage. A few days after the constitution had been proclaimed and accepted, they took the liberty of substituting in its stead, without consulting any man's opinion, without reading a line, or mentioning a syllable to the people, just declared sovereign and free, another constitution, framed previously to the former, and far less adapted to our state. We enjoyed the liberty of being forced to submit to this absurd arbitrary substitution, but thought that every thing had now been done on our part to convince the great, the matchless nation of our boundless forbearance.
We were promised, at least verbally, by the agents of the great nation, that no French troops should enter our canton, that not a s should be demanded from us. Yet the very reverse happened. They had the impudence to exact from us three millions of livres. They had the cruelty to march troops into our canton, without the least previous application, to exhaust our poor innocent country. In other words, they forced upon us the liberty of suffering ourselves to be stripped of all national freedom.
All this they did under the specious pretext of subverting and punishing an aristocracy, which was no more, and which, at least amongst us—I say it openly, unawful of the detractions of calumny, made no longer the least stir; besides, who vested in France the right of pun-
ishing foreign sins, foreign virtues? The whole burthen of these three millions was at first laid on the members of the ancient govt. They alone were to pay, not one of whom ever fattened upon the toils of his countrymen, nor enriched himself with the spoils of the peasant; to none one of whom ever attached the least suspicion of oligarchy and tyranny, one single case excepted, nearly extorted by imperious circumstances and ancient law-forms, atoned for long since, and from which they did not reap the least private advantage; men, who, under the least private regimen, were subjected themselves to severe laws and obliged to swear twice a year not to a future, but a subsisting, constitution! To judge them by the present form, would be the climax of knavish absurdity and injustice.
Three millions! and for what? To exact one livre, would be injustice; to millions, is million-fold injustice. It is the demand, not of a civilized nation, but, I know of no other appropriate expression, the demand of a band of robbers, ill organized, grown overbearing by success in war, and, in their own opinion, entitled to whatever they claim. We waged no war against that nation; in obedience to the laws of our confederacy, we sent a few troops to the frontier, as we had done during the whole course of the war; we did, what we could not leave undone, without rendering ourselves guilty of perfidy towards our confederates. If the nation still possesses the least sense of justice and virtue, it should reverence us for what we did. He, who is loyal himself, venerates loyalty in every shape and form; venerates it in a foe, and much more in him, who never was a foe. But this band of robbers, does it consist of seven or three, of five or two? I know not; but surely it does not consist of twenty-five millions. This band of robbers exacted from the unoligarchic and happily governed Zurich, which readily accepted a constitution, that was deemed better than its own, which paid implicit obedience to a nation, that had no right to command, three millions!!
Three millions, not to be paid by the country at large, but—O horrid injustice!—by the best, the most worthy men, who were not known to the French but through the atrocious reports of foul and lurking calumniators; men who, untried and uninterrogated, were classed with oligarchic partisans. Such they never were; for who does not know, that our former governors were chosen from among all classes of citizens, and chiefly by the citizens themselves?
Three millions!! from two hundred burghers of a small town, while the two thousand six hundred burghers, of whom it consists, would not be able to raise that sum. And if, as rumour says, this sum is now to be paid by the two thousand six hundred burghers, since all are accomplices in the capital crime of being eligible for public stations, which crime the great nation is destined to avenge—if all are now to pay, is the demand more just by being thus generalized? And if it were just, the first fifth (tell me what you will, you weak enough to pay a fons)—could scarce be raised by ransacking all the plate, medals, &c.
Great Nation, if any sense of shame and humanity remains in thy bosom, blush, and say—"I was misguided, misinformed; I blurted with shame—not one fons more—all, all shall be returned that has been extorted; annuity, nation, forage, whatever has been received, shall be readily and punctually paid for. Europe must curse me, posterity must condemn me. Far be it from me, to act as a band of robbers. Far from me the shameless hypocrite, to style myself the friend of Zurich and to be the blood-sucker of Zurich."
And yet this is not all. He, who has wronged, will wrong more; he, who steps beyond a certain limit of vice, stops not in the career of crimes. Sin is punished by sin, crime by crime. Great nation, Agents of the matchless people, you had the matchless impudence, relying on your superiority in arms, by vaunting menaces, to force your constitution upon the free, democratic cantons—cantons, which, centuries before France thought of democracy, were more democratic than your colossal Republic can ever be; you prostituted yourselves, plunged yourselves to deeply in infamy, as to fall on these harmless, happy tribes of herdsmen, as wolves on a flock of sheep, to rob them of their golden freedom, and murderously to force upon them your liberty in false, abject, abject. Never can you find an excuse for this savage atrocity; you, who are never at a loss for an ingenious turn, to throw the delusive cloak of virtue around the horrors of tyranny, and stamp the most enormous despotism with the name of freedom. Never can you find an excuse for this savage atrocity, which brands with perpetual infamy your revolution, your directors, if they ordered it—your generals, if they committed it, unorder—your nation, if it grants no redress. How will you dare to appear yet among men? To lift up your eyes, and open your lips, to pronounce the word—Liberty.
The gallant heroes, alone, yet worthy of the name of Swiss, whom you belied to your innocent soldiers as rebels, you fancied you could swallow up, as a grain of salt. The noble Swiss—my heart bleeds yet, that we did not succour them, that we—oh! indelible disgrace to our canton!—supplied the barbarians with cannon and ammunition against our noble brethren. The magnanimous Swiss fought as their forefathers fought, attended their cattle at the dawn of morn, and took up arms in their defence. And what defence was ever more just? They fought as heroes ever fought, fell as loyal Swiss, and remained unconquered by the all-conquering French. Thousands fell on both sides—as friends of liberty, the Swiss; as assassins of liberty, the French. What atonement
to the country of these noble heroes, and to the widows and orphans of these patriotic Swiss, can repentance or shame, justice or magnanimity, ever devise, for these dreadful acts of injustice? What remuneration can ever atone for these infamous deeds of wanton tyranny?
Frenchmen, weeping, I cast a veil over many unjust proceedings, over the ferocious despotism exercised by men, who call themselves your agents; over many robberies and murders, committed in our peaceful country on harmless, defenceless men; over many, many unjust proceedings.
French nation, do not call thyself la grande nation . Colossal greatness is not true greatness. Three hundred millions of Chinese would appear to you extremely ridiculous, if, contrasted with you, they should call themselves the great nation . Call thyself the pettiest of all nations, or submit to be called so by all nations; great and petty, unless thou dost exhaust all thy inexhaustible resources to redress what yet may be redressed.
French nation, in all thy writings thou speakest of liberty which protects life, honour, property, loyalty, innocence; and this liberty alone deserves that name. The liberty to menace, to oppress, to pillage, to hurl destruction, is—the liberty of another great nation—OF THE NATION OF DEVILS. All blessings on him, who produces the former! throughout the universe he shall not find a more intrepid defender than the writer of these few lines, the author of this appeal to the great nation, and to posterity, who, God knows, of all earthly blessings, craves none to earnestly as true liberty and equality. Ten thousand curses on him, who diffuses the latter; throughout the universe he shall not find a more intrepid enemy than myself. Open thy eyes great nation, and deliver us from this LIBERTY OF HELL!
To conclude: Do not, great nation, incur the contempt of all future ages: silence these crying acts of injustice, by virtuous atonements. Be not the scourge of nations, the tyrant of humanity, the oppressor of freemen, the blood-sucker of Zurich. Be what thou wouldst appear, our friend, our benefactor, and deserve our hearts.
J. C. LAVATER, Rector.
Zurich, the 10th of May, 1798. First Year of Helvetic SLAVERY.
TRANSLATION OF
Buonaparte's Proclamation!
Which he issued in the Arabic language, To the PEOPLE of EGYPT.
In the name of the Gracious and Merciful God! There is no God but one God! He has no son nor associate in this kingdom. The present moment, which is destined for the punishment of the Bys, has been long anxiously expected. The Bys coming from the mountains of Georgia and Djebail, have desolated this beautiful country—long insulted and treated the French Nation with contempt, and oppressed her merchants in various ways.
Buonaparte, the General of the French Republic, according to the principles of Liberty, is now arrived. He is here; and the Almighty, the Lord of both worlds, has sealed the destruction of the Bys!
Inhabitants of Egypt! when the Bys tell you the French are come to destroy your religion, believe them not!—It is an absolute falsehood! believe it not! Answer these deceivers, that they are only come to rid you of the rights of the poor from the grasp of their tyrants! and that the French love the Supreme Being, and honor the Prophet and his holy Koran!
All men are equal in the eyes of God. Understanding, talents, and science alone make a difference between them: As the Bys therefore do not possess any of those qualities, how can they be worthy to govern the country?
Yet they are the only possessors of extensive tracts of land, beautiful female slaves! excellent horses, magnificent palaces! have they; then, received an exclusive privilege from the Almighty?—If so, let them produce it! But the Supreme Being, who is just and merciful towards all mankind, will that in future none of the inhabitants of Egypt shall be prevented from attaining to the first employments and the highest honors. The administration, which shall be conducted by persons of intelligence, talents and foresight, will be productive of happiness and security. The tyranny and avarice of the Bys have laid waste Egypt, which was formerly so populous and well cultivated!
The French are true Musselmen! Not long since they marched to Rome, and overthrew the throne of the Pope, who excited the christians against the professors of Ham (the Mahometan religion.) Afterwards they directed their course to Malta, and drove out the unbelievers, who imagined they were appointed by God to make war on the Musselmen! The French had at all times been the true and sincere friends of the Ottoman emperor, and the enemies of their enemies. May the empire of the Sultan be eternal! but may the Bys of Egypt, our opposers, whose insatiable avarice has continually excited disobedience and insubordination, be trodden in the dust and annihilated!
Art. 1. All places which are no more than three leagues distant from the route of the French army, shall send one of their principal inhabitants to the general, to declare that they submit, and hoist the French flag, which is blue, white, and red!
2. Every village which shall oppose the French army shall be burned to the ground!

3. Every village shall submit to the French flag, and that of the Sublime Porte, their ally, whose duration be eternal!  4. The Sheiks and principal persons of each town and village shall seal up the hooves and ears of the Bays, and take care that the smallest article shall not be lost.  5. The Sheiks, Cadis, and Imams shall continue to exercise their respective functions, and put up their prayers, and perform the exercises of religious worship in the mosques and houses of prayer. All the inhabitants of Egypt shall offer up thanks to the Supreme Being, and put up public prayers for the destruction of the Bays!  May the Supreme God make the glory of the Sultan of the Ottomans eternal! pour forth his wrath on the Mamelukes, and render glorious the destiny of the Egyptian nation!!  (Signed) BUONAPARTE.
THE GAZETTE.
Portland. MONDAY, DECEMBER 3d, 1798.
THE NEWS CONFIRMED! OFFICIAL!
At length I have the satisfaction to lay before my readers, an OFFICIAL ACCOUNT of the COMPLETE DEFEAT and DESTRUCTION of the FRENCH FLEET , which is a death blow to the NAVAL FORCE of France. Let the WORLD rejoice in the event!  Capt. Pease, from Halifax, arrived at Portsmouth on Thursday last, after a passage of 5 days, with the following account, which I received from the Portsmouth printers:
FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE—OCT. 2. Copy of a Letter from Rear Admiral Nelson, to the Earl of St. Vincent, dated off the Mouth of the Nile, 3d Aug. 1798.
MY LORD, ALMIGHTY GOD has blessed his majesty's arms in the battle by a great victory over the fleet of the enemy, whom I attacked at sunset on the 1st of Aug. off the mouth of the Nile. The enemy were moored in a strong line of battle for defending the entrance of the Bay (of Aboukir) flanked by numerous gun boats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars on an island in their van; but nothing could withstand the Squadron your lordship did me the honor to place under my command. Their high state of discipline is well known to you, and with the judgment of the Captains together with their valor, and that of their officers and men of every description, it was absolutely irresistible. Could any thing from my pen add to the characters of the Captains, I would write it with pleasure, but that is impossible. I have to regret the loss of Capt. Wescott, of the Majestic, who was killed early in the action but the ship was continued to be so well fought by her First Lieut. Mr. Cuthbert, that I have given him an order to command her until your lordship's pleasure is known. The ships of the enemy, all but their two van ships are nearly dismasted; and those two, with two frigates, I am sorry to say, made their escape, nor was it in my power, I assure you, to prevent them. Capt. Hood most handsomely endeavored to do it, but I had no ship in condition to support the Zealous, and was obliged to call her in. The support and assistance I have received from Capt. Berry, cannot be sufficiently expressed. I was wounded in the head and obliged to be carried off the deck; but the service suffered nothing by that event. Capt. Berry was fully equal to the important service then going on, and to him I must beg leave to refer you for every information relating to the victory. He will present you with the Flag of the second in command, that of the Commander in chief being burnt in the Orient. Herewith I transmit you lists of killed and wounded and the lines of battle of ourselves and the French.
I have the honor to be, &c, HORATIO NELSON. To the Earl of St. Vincent, Commander in Chief, &c.     Ships' names. Guns. Men. Fate.     Gurrier 74 700 Taken   Conquerant 74 700 taken   Spartiate 74 700 taken   Aquillon 74 700 taken   Souverain Peuple 74 700 taken   Franklin, Blanket, first centre admira, 80 guns, 800 men, taken.   Orient, Bruyere, admiral and commander in chief, 120 guns, 1020 men, burnt.   Tonnant 80 800 taken   Henriux 74 700 taken   Timoleon 74 700 burnt   Mercure 74 700 taken   Guillaume Tell 80 800 Escaped   Generux 74 700 do   Diani 48 300 do   Justice 44 300 do   Artemise 36 250 burnt   Scieuse, 38 guns, 250 men, dismasted & sunk  
Minute of facts stated in the Dispatches to Lord St. Vincent.  The French transports ran into the Nile, & Buonaparte landed with only a few days provisions on hand, with about thirty eight thousand men, two thousand having been cut to pieces on an attempt to land at Alexandria, where they expected a passive reception. The last dispatches state that the only supplies Buonaparte could get were a little rice and water, brought to him on camels by the Arabs, but that the Turks were taking measures not only to cut off this succor, but to march against him.
The crew of the Timoleon, when the ship took fire, attempted to save themselves on shore, but were all cut to pieces. The L'Orient's people were in part destroyed in the same manner, & blown up, only a few escaped, perhaps into the woods to starve.  The French fleet at the time of the action, had only five days provisions on board.
And thus terminates the great, and long mysterious enterprize of the French, against the peace and happiness of the world! This important business must paralyze and crush the demons of disorganization.
To give place to the preceding, I am obliged to defer many articles of information prepared for this day.
The city of Wilmington, Northcarolina, has been destroyed by FIRE, excepting twelve dwelling houses and some out houses.  Logan, has arrived at Philadelphia with his dispatches. A particular history of this business shall soon be laid before my readers.
FOR THE GAZETTE  I request that the following Errata may be corrected in the "communication" contained in the last Gazette—viz. for "when Mr. Pinckney" read when Mr. Pickering—for "Mazzie" read Mazzei—for "neatness" read neatness—for "as barely stationery" read or barely, &c.—after "blended force of reverence" insert and admiration—and read "appear by office."
Communication.
OUR government has made the most it could of the position in which we were found by the horrible French revolution. It will yet appear that the eye of John Adams has surveyed the storm from the beginning, traced its current, and foreseen its miserable explosion. The writer of "THE DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS" must emphatically possess a knowledge of the future in politics by a knowledge of the past in various ages and nations, and never was one man called to such a delicate and difficult task of at once resisting, governing and converting opinion as he has been. Mankind in a state of freedom, are of such a nature that they will not even be saved unless it is done agreeably and so that no blemish can be seen. The mystery is how a great and good man is rewarded for a gratuitous life of hard work for that wayward child, the people, while a parcel of scoundrels are teaching it to curse and to swear and quarrel with its own blessings. There must be more merit than is generally allowed in persisting patiently to do for the best amidst the unbridled rascality of a licentious day, when nothing must be ridiculed but principle, and nothing respected but quackery and mischief.—It is to be hoped that we shall some time or other have the grace to give our servants a more pleasant life to lead, or I decidedly think we shall not deserve to be served—but shall need to be governed—and shall be too.
Messrs. Marshall and Gerry were added to Mr. Pinckney, and all three were sent to dance attendance in the antichamber of the Directory of France another half year, and tell Talleyrand about principle, justice, equity, and what was right, and what was wrong; to solicit the conscientious consideration of an apostate bishop, and to remind a Directory of some deviations from national justice, who probably were high-waymen or convicts before the revolution, but certainly have always been butchers since.—Strange! but it is true that we could not learn the infamy of France, nor see through their contemptible or more properly villainous revolution without amazing humiliation added to almost infinite loss. Congress at their first session under the Adams administration were so divided in opinion, or to speak more truly, so disgracefully hampered by party interests that, though they were specially convened, the whole people laughed at the little or nothing they did. Nay, even at the last session, there was such an equipollency of party that all the worthy members could do before the dispatches arrived was to make speech for speech with due regard to length, spirit and metre. It will be seen in the ensuing session whether candor and magnanimity have made any progress in the public mind, but whether they have or not, it is devoutly to be wished that Congress may now have the spirit to lead and not the servility to follow the people.
To digress a little—I should not find much fault with a stranger for supposing a certain House to be a sporting-club upon a plan of education, a sort of academy in which it was equally necessary to explain a thing as to do it. It is wonderful to see such a body so suspended and motionless as it has sometimes been. For my own part, when I do my share of sending a
man to Congress, I do not expect that he will ever ask me what he ought to do, but inform me what I ought to do myself. Much less would I ever be instrumental in sending a member into such a house who would take his cue from my weaknesses and prejudices and follow my errors in his votes either from natural imbecility or for fear I should not find him again. That is not the spirit for a member of Congress. The model for this character is the Hon. Mr. Robert Goodloe Harper of South-Carolina, to whom I take sincere pleasure in paying the tribute of my perfect esteem and veneration. This gentleman, for who is not mortal! was once the friend of France. I am informed that his constituents were among the electified of Citizen Genet; and that this excellent man once attended a democratic club in some part of the United States. It was a proof of his common sense that he never did this but once. When he perceived that France had enlisted all the bad blood in America, and that the cry of liberty! liberty! though very dangerous, was perfectly contemptible and useless, that France with abundance of plausible cant made use of none but villainous means in all countries, and that this self-trumpeted republic aimed at nothing less than the total destruction of the government and enslavement of the people of the United States—I say, when he saw all this, did he tremble in his shoes before his deluded constituents, and meanly flatter their mistakes? No!—like a man, he renounced his own error with contempt, and gave such convincing reasons to the people, that even those who would not be persuaded could not but bow to the dignity which integrity will ever bear, and he has never lost his seat. And in the last session of Congress he had the glory to drag from its horrible den the monster, jacobinism, and with his single arm slay it in the sight of the people. Such a man may be said to have lived long enough for himself, for in what field are higher honours to be reaped, or more noble things achieved?
While we are thus taking breath a little, let us hope that the session of Congress which commences this very day may be a type of national dignity and honour—let the followers of the people have the shame to see a people shewing them the way, and be careful, thus shewn, to keep their maxim in force—and next spring, if the most contemptible government of France shall be able to set some of the banditti of liberty upon us, which is very much to be doubted, may we, supported by an indignant sense of our own purity and honour, and spurred by the most infamous conduct of France, that the American air may not be tainted, nor even a particle of soil corrupted—drive them into the sea!  (To be continued.)
DIED —At Windham, Mrs. SARAH BROWN, consort of Mr. Ezra Brown of that place, and daughter of the late Capt. Caleb Graffam of Windham.  In this town, Mr. WILLIAM COGSWELL, merchant, late of Ipswich.  Killed—at Effingham, by the falling of a tree, Mr. WILLIAM BAKER, aged 20, son of Mr. John Baker, lately removed from this town.
Marine Articles.
Port of Portland.
Friday last, arrived here, brig Polly, Capt. Elliott Deering, 28 days from Martinico. Sailed in company with the late convoy.  Saturday, arrived, Schooner Argus, Capt. Edward Wilson, 28 days from Tortola. Sailed with a fleet of 200 sail, English and American, under convoy.—Brig Frederick, Ebenzer Cross, and brig Polly, Lendal Smith, were at Trinidad about forty days since.  Yesterday, arrived Schooner Mary, Capt. Blake, 25 days from Antigua. He was chased into Antigua by a French privateer, but saw nothing on his return.—Capt. Blake informs that the ship Fortune, Capt. Dyer, of this port is carried into Guadalupe—the captain is in irons.  American prisoners are treated most cruelly by the French, and allowed but a scanty pittance to subsist on. May our country avenge them!
Elizabeth Berry, Informs her friends and customers, that she makes and has for sale, Muffs, Tippets, and Cloak Trimmings. Also, for sale a large assortment of Russia Furs,
And a new and great variety of TOYS FOR CHILDREN. Best Poland Starch, and Elliot's Snuff. Sable & Fox Skins dressed in the best manner at her shop, corner of Temple and Federal streets. Portland, Nov. 24.
A Heifer, found. CAME to the barn of the subscriber, on Monday last, a brindle coloured Heifer, about two or three years old; some white about her flank, tail, and legs. The owner may have her again by proving property and paying charges. SAMUEL BUTTS. Falmouth, Nov. 23.
Cumberland County.
THE Collectors of the County Tax, for the year 1798, are notified, that Executions will issue against all that are delinquent on the 1st of February next. JOSEPH M C LELLAN, Treasurer. Nov. 23, 1798.
Fresh Fall & Winter Goods.
Now opening, and for sale by WILLIAM CODMAN, At his Store in Fifth-Street, A LARGE & FRESH ASSORTMENT OF English Piece Goods, Suitable for the present season, and of the latest importation, which being laid in on the best terms, will be sold very low for Cash. ALSO, A general assortment of HARD WARE GOODS.
 4d, 6d, 10d, and 20d, Nails.  6 by 8, 7 by 9, and 8 by 10 Window Glass.  Swedes, Russia, and Philadelphia Bar Iron, of all sizes.  Halback, and Hart and Club Steel.  Nail Rods.  Iron Pots and Kettles, of all sizes.  Cart Boxes.  Loaf and Brown Sugars, Linseed Oil and Paints.  Hyson, Souchong, and Bohea TEAS fresh and imported by the last arrivals from India.  Excellent 4th proof French Brandy.  Best Holland Gin, West India Rum, New England ditto, per barrel.  Welch's Chocolate. Candles per box.  Rice, Powder & Shot, &c. &c.  With a great variety of other articles, all of which are well worth the attention of purchasers.
N. B. A variety of India COTTONS, of all prices, by the piece or yard, BLACK MUSLINS, and a quantity of Ladies' nice long and short French KID GLOVES—white and other colours, by the dozen or single pair. Portland, Dec. 3, 1798.
THE Standing Committee of the Society of Cincinnati, of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, agreeably to the votes of the Society—Hereby give public notice to such of their brethren, as are reduced to necessitous circumstances—the widow and orphans of others, who may be in like circumstances, that all applications for relief or assistance, may be made on, or before the 2d Tuesday in January next, to any individual of the said Committee, who will communicate the same, and their respective circumstances will be duly considered. The names of the committee are as follows, viz.
 Gen. Lincoln, Dr. Eustis, Thomas Edwards, Esq.  Gen. Jackson, Col. Winslow, Dr. Townsend, Col. Perkins, Maj. Gibbs, Capt. Clark, Capt. Johnson, Capt. Green, Col. Tudor, Robert Williams, John Callender, Capt. George, Capt. Fowle, Maj. Drew, and Samuel Armstrong, Recorder.  Boston, Nov. 28, 1798.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non-resident proprietors of lands lying in the town of Hebron, in the county of Cumberland, that their lands are taxed in the State, county, and town tax, for the year 1797, and committed to me the subscriber to collect, viz.
   No. acres. State & county. D.C.M. Town D.C.M.     Jonathan Greenleaf, Esq. 600 0 33 6 1 7 4   James Prescott, Esq. and others; 3000 1 68 0 5 40 0   James Stuchfield, 200 0 11 0 0 35 8   Jonathan Greenleaf, 300 0 16 8 0 53 3  
Unless said taxes with intervening charges are paid to me the subscriber, on or before the twenty-fifth day of March next, so much of said land will then be sold at public vendue at the dwelling house of Seth Bearse, innholder in said Hebron, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, as will pay said taxes and charges. BARTLETT HOLMES, Collector. November 19, 1798.
Jonathan Bryant, Has for Sale as his STORE near the Hay-Market, Portland, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF English & W. India GOODS. Also, a quantity of excellent Rhode-Island Chees. Nov. 12th.
For Sale, A Fount of Breviere Types, weighing about 200 wt.—and a fount of English of about 200. Each nearly one half worn. For terms apply at the Gazette Office. Nov. 22.
Cow for sale or exchange. FOR sale, a likely COW, about six years old, that will probably calve about April next. The owner will take a fat Cow or Bullock in exchange. Apply at this Office. Nov 19.

POETRY.
FROM THE CENTINEL. PHILADELPHIA.
AN ELEGY.
IMPERIAL daughter of the West, Why thus in widowed weeds recline?
Late brighter than the star that beams, When the soft morning carol flows.
What foe with more than Gallie ire Has thine'd thy city's thronging way!
No Gallie foe's ferocious band, Fearful as fate, as death severe.
I saw thee in thy prime of days In glory rich, in beauty fair.
Have hail'd that hospitable dome, Where all the cultured Virtues grew.
Columbia's Genius veil thy brow, Guardian of Freedom, hither bend.
Chase the hot fiend whose tepid tread, Consumes the fairest flower that blows.
E'en now his omen'd birds of prey, Thro' the unpeopling mansions rove.
Yet guard the Friend, who, wandering near Haunts which the loitering Scythians laves.
And while his mercy dealing hand Feeds many a famish'd child of care.
Till borne on Health's elastic wing, Aloft the rapid whirlwind flies.
Where shelving to the heated coast, Along the dusky pile ascends.
Beneath his firm collected brow, Despoil'd the crashing ruin lies.
The shapely poplar's tapering form, The oak its building branches rears.
Each leaf expands its fanning shade, Beneath whose breeze contagion dies.
He, who the lov'd Asylum gave, E'en thus, the immortal Founder said.
Yet bid the Neriads bring their urns Haste and the marble font enclose.
Cool as the brook that bathes the heath When noon unfolds his silent hours.
From waves the heavenly Venus grew Those waves to mortal beauty kind.
Imperial daughter of the West, No rival wins thy wreath away.
See all thy setting glories rise, Again thy thronging streets appear.
COLUMBIA.
* Water Street intended by the founder of the city to have been planted with trees—The fever, it is said, has always originated in this spot.
MISCELLANY.
Oh, that men should put an enemy into their mouths To steal away their brains!
Shakespeare.
Of all vices which stain the characters of the present age, there is none more mean, and at the same time more commonly practised, than
drunkennes; consequently none more deserving of censure. To see a man at once rob himself of all the engaging qualities of the mind, & make himself worse than a beast, is a sight that every virtuous man will turn from with pity & contempt.
Young men, drink not to excess, lest you become drunkards, and lose your good names, & with them your all. Make wine the life, and not the bane of society.
Singularity in the city of Berlin, capital of Prussia.
Berlin, at the first entrance of a stranger, must strike him with wonder, as it is one of the finest cities of Europe. The architecture, the distribution of the buildings, the plantation of trees both in them and the streets, in short every thing bespeaks taste and variety.
A Human Monster.
From a late English Paper.
At a country wake in the neighbourhood of Manchester, last week, a creature, or non descript in the shape of a human being, engaged to eat mutton pyes against a bull-dog!
Extraordinary effect of FEAR.
IN the time of the American war, while the army was encamped at West Point, a party of soldiers discovered an Eagle's nest half way down the vast precipice of the rock, adjacent to the fort.
diere was let down by a rope fastened round his middle, and made sure above, with two or three men to guide the rope, and draw him up when he had executed his design.
Improvement in Chimnies.
The following directions for altering fire places upon Count Rumford's plan, may be of use to those who have not seen his publications.
The front of the fire place must be 39 inches wide.
The back do. 13 do. and carried up perpendicular 32 inches or 6 do. above the bottom of the mantle.
The depth do. 13 do. The height do. 36 do.
The throat of the chimney 4 do. The mantle, or breast work ought to be 9 inches thick at the throat, if it cannot conveniently be made so.
A WOMAN of Sparta, having five sons in the army, was in hourly expectation to hear of a Battle.
AN underwriter at Lloyd's being informed that a certain ship (on which he had written pretty largely) was in jeopardy, exclaimed—
New & Valuable Almanack.
JUST PUBLISHED, And now selling at E. A. JENKS's Office, Middlestreet, Portland, by the gross, dozen, and single.
FARMER'S, MERCHANT'S & MECHANIC'S ALMANACK.
REGISTER of MAINE. For the year of our Lord, 1799.
CONTAINING, Besides the usual calculations, &c, a Farmers' Calendar, for every month in the year, and a greater variety and larger quantity than any other Almanack ever published in this District of Matters.
All this may be had at the price of common Almanacks by a speedy application to this Office, where they are rapidly selling.
Also for Sale, Jenks's SHEET ALMANACK, for 1799.
Very handy for Public Offices and Compting Rooms.
General Prices Current, PER QUANTITY. Boston, Nov. 27.
Table with 4 columns: Item, Quantity, Price in Dills, Price in Cts. Items include ASHES, Bread, Butter, Beef, Beans, Brandy, Bees Wax, Cocoa, Coffee, Cotton, Chocolate, Candles, Cheese, Cod Lines, Fish, Merchant, Scale, Aluwmrs, Salmon, Herring, Mackerell, Furs, Bear, Fox, Minks, Musquash, Otter, Fishers, Sables, FLOUR, Alexandria, Peathers, Flaxseed, Grain, Corn, Rye, Oats, Hops, Hoops, Hog Lard, Iron, Philadelphia bar, Russia, Sweets, Leather, Lumber, Shingles, Molasses, Nail Rods, Nails, Pepper, Pork, One Hog, Middle pieces, Pitch, Rum, Newengland, Rosin, Soap, Sugar, Westindia, Salt, Liverpool, Steel, Bisfired, Tea, Souchong, Tobacco, Wines, Lisbon, Sherry, Teneriffe, Clare, Malaga, Red Port.
THIS GAZETTE,
Is regularly published every MONDAY, at E. A. JENKS's Printing-Office, in Middlestreet, near the head of Fish-street, Portland; where subscriptions, advertisements, and communications, are received with attention.
The terms are, ONE DOLLAR & FIFTY CENTS per annum, exclusive of postage. Punctual payments are requested.
The extensive and rapidly increasing circulation of the GAZETTE, renders it highly advantageous for ADVERTISEMENTS.
PRINTING,
In its various branches, executed with attention and dispatch. Orders for Books, Pamphlets, Blanks, Handbills, &c. duly attended to.