The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-08-17 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1224.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 17, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
APRIL 9.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
CONTINUED.
Mr. Pope.—It is with reluctance that I rise at so late an hour to express the reasons which will influence my vote. The very able and luminous view which my honorable friend from Virginia has taken of this subject, will supercede the necessity of many additional remarks from me.
The counsel of Mr. Smith have opposed the resolution on two grounds. 1st. That the Senate has no jurisdiction of the case. 2d. That the evidence does not warrant its adoption. Although I have dissented, and still dissent from the opinion of other gentlemen in their application of some of the principles laid down in the report of the committee, I concur with them on the general ground of jurisdiction. Their arguments on this point were very plausible and ingenious. They have contended that the Senate has no power to enquire into any offence of which one of its members may be accused that is cognizable in a civil court of criminal jurisdiction. Every man is equally amenable to the general laws of the land, and liable to be prosecuted and punished in the civil courts; but when a man is clothed with a legislative character, he is placed in a new relation, and besides being amenable to the judicial tribunals of his country, he becomes to a certain extent responsible for his conduct to that body to which he belongs; and that body has a power to enquire into it without the aid of a civil court. Whenever a member of this House shall be charged with a crime punishable by the general laws of the country, it may be a question worthy of consideration, whether to refer it to the civil court, or to have it examined before this body. On this question, the reasoning of the council, when addressed to the sound discretion of the Senate, would merit attention. If, however, the Senate should deem it necessary or expedient to make the enquiry, I entertain no doubt of its power to do so.
I will add nothing more on the subject of jurisdiction, but proceed to consider whether the resolution is supported by the evidence before us. The gentlemen for and against the resolution who have preceded me, seem to consider Glover discredited, and in their arguments have laid his affidavit entirely out of the case. I shall not enquire into the credibility of this witness—after the solemn protest I have so often made against the use of ex parte testimony, either to criminate the accused or to impeach the characters or credibility of the witnesses, the Senate must be satisfied that I should be very unwilling to bottom my vote on such testimony. My mind revolts at the idea of pronouncing a man guilty of an infamous crime upon a private ex parte affidavit, especially of a private conversation so liable to be misunderstood and so impossible to be disproved. The precedent would be a monstrous one, and the first I believe known in this country. I cannot give my vote to sanction it. We are called upon to declare to this nation that Mr. Smith has been guilty of participating in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr against the peace, liberties and union of the people of these states. To authorise us to pronounce this sentence, one of two things ought to appear; either that he has committed some treasonable act, or that Burr's treasonable project was disclosed to him; and that he connived at or improperly concealed it, for I presume it will be conceded that it should appear that Mr. Smith has been guilty of some act of a treasonable nature. Glover was the important witness against Mr. Smith before the grand jury at Richmond, and his testimony has been deemed very material during the present investigation. If his affidavit is abandoned, I would thank some gentlemen to specify the evidence which proves Mr. Smith guilty of communicating or concealing any thing treasonable. We are told however that although no particular part of the evidence, or no single link in the chain proves his guilt, yet the whole circumstances combined make it sufficiently manifest. I must confess that many circumstances which do not appear to have any necessary connection
with each other, have been put together with great ingenuity, and from them strong inferences drawn unfavorable to Mr. Smith. After exhibiting this chain in its most plausible and imposing attitude, I believe gentlemen will be at a loss to inform us what is the result, or what particular part, if any, it proves Mr. Smith has performed in this conspiracy of Burr. My friend from Virginia has well explained the circumstances stated by Peter Taylor. Peter Taylor may be mistaken in some of the circumstances, but admitting the whole to be true, there is nothing incompatible with innocence. It is evident that Mrs. Blannerhasset's sending Peter Taylor the letter from Smith to Burr, and Burr's answer, were not the result of any previous concert, but grew out of the circumstances of the moment. The conversation mentioned by Col. Taylor has been much relied on. I have from personal acquaintance, as well as from character, too much confidence in the honor and veracity of Col. Taylor, to suspect for a moment that he would intentionally misrepresent; but if the testimony of Doctor Sellman is to be regarded, we might be induced to suppose it possible that Col. Taylor either did not apprehend Mr. Smith's meaning correctly, or that he did not hear the whole of his observations. I am not, however, convinced that Col. Taylor has been mistaken. I disapprove very much the dissemination of such sentiments; it tends to weaken the bond of our union, but it cannot surely be deemed an infamous or criminal act, which will constitute a ground of expulsion. It is worthy of remark, that almost the whole of the testimony against Mr. Smith relates to conversations; a species of testimony which should be received with great caution. I beg leave to remind gentlemen of some circumstances which have occurred in this city during the present session. Conversations which have been repeated on the same or the day after they took place, have been understood and represented differently, by different gentlemen who were present. The gentlemen who have advocated the expulsion of Mr. Smith, have relied principally on Mr. Smith's own statements. If Mr. Smith's explanation of his own conduct is to be resorted to the whole should be taken together. It would be very unfair to garble it. However improper or dangerous it may be considered to permit a man to prepare the means of a military expedition against a foreign government without the authority of his own, Mr. Smith's explanation in his answer, his conduct and declarations after the President's proclamation arrived at Cincinnati, his letter to the Secretary of War of the 14th of December, 1806, afford a strong presumption that he had no criminal intentions. In his letter to the Secretary of War he stated that, about two weeks before he had called on Burr then at Cincinnati and requested to know his object, Burr answered that in the event of war with Spain, which he deemed inevitable, he would head a corps of volunteers and march into Mexico; but if peace should be preserved, which he did not expect, he would make a settlement of lands. This was the only disclosure, if it may be called one, which it appears was ever made to him and this he communicated to the government two weeks after he received it—but observes in his letter that Burr had expressed himself with such apparent frankness and candor that he could not believe that he was engaged in any criminal project. Inasmuch however as the President had issued his proclamation, he presumed he must have more information than himself, and considered it his duty to enforce it. All parties about Cincinnati seem to agree that Mr. Smith was one of the most active and efficient men in arresting the progress of the expedition. He procured the public arms on his own responsibility, and put them into the hands of the militia. It has been said that he pursued this course to blind the people, and not from patriotic motives—this is uncharitable indeed. If Mr. Smith had disregarded the warning of the President and countenanced an attempt to stop the expedition, such conduct would have been relied on as very strong evidence of his connection with Burr—so, that whether
he was active or passive, his conduct after suspicion had alighted upon him, would have been equal evidence of his guilt. Whatever may have been Mr. Smith's confidence in Burr previous to the arrival of the proclamation, it is evident that he abandoned him the moment he was denounced by the government. If it be true, as has been alleged, that Mr. Glover was a partizan of Burr's, it is strange if Mr. Smith was also concerned, that Mr. Smith and Mr. Glover should have conducted themselves so differently after the arrival of the proclamation; and it appears to me very extraordinary that Mr. Glover, if he had been initiated into the secrets of Mr. Burr's projects, should in his communications to the government have implicated no person except Mr. Smith, who had been so active in defeating them. Can it be seriously contended that Mr. Smith's hospitality to Burr and his confidence in him is evidence of his criminal participation? Surely not. If such circumstances are deemed sufficient to prove a man a traitor to his country hundreds of innocent persons might be implicated. When Mr. Burr was in the western country in the fall of 1806, I tho't & still think, that the charges made against him in the public prints, and in court by the attorney of the United States, if not sufficient to convict him of crime, ought at least to have put us on our guard, and I considered any attempt under these circumstances to give him eclat, or to turn public opinion in his favor, imprudent and improper; but, sir, I should not feel myself authorised to pronounce every man a traitor, who treated Mr. Burr with respect, before the President's proclamation reached that country. The gentleman from Tennessee has contended that we ought not to require the same evidence that would be requisite to convict a man of treason before a petit jury. No position, received in the light in which this appears to have been considered by many during the present investigation, is more fallacious or dangerous; that we are not bound by the forms or technicalities of the law, I admit; but I contend with confidence, that the Senate of the United States, when called upon to declare the existence of a fact, are as much bound by justice and conscience to require proof of it, as any other tribunal. A court and jury would not perhaps require the proof to be as clear and conclusive in a case where the sum of twenty pounds only was in dispute, as in a case of life and death; and it may be said, with at least some plausibility, that we ought not to be as scrupulous on the present occasion, where reputation only is involved, as if life was at stake. The difference consists, not in the tribunals which decide, but the importance of the questions to be decided. In every case where a fact is in question, the triers or judges ought to require convincing evidence of it before they assert it. It has been said that if odium or suspicion has attached to a man's character, he ought to be expelled. This ground, if tenable, cannot be relied on in the present state of this question. If this was a proper ground of expulsion, we should have expelled Mr. Smith when he first presented himself here in November last, on account of the odium which had attached to his character by the finding of the indictments at Richmond; but this ground was abandoned. It was decided by this Senate that Mr. Smith was entitled on the principles of justice to an opportunity of controverting the charges against him before he should be banished from this House. We have proceeded to enquire into the fact. The question now to be decided is not, whether he is a suspicious character, but whether he is proved by the evidence before us to be guilty of crime. I cannot act upon suspicion, or mere conjecture. I will not bottom my vote upon anything which does not present itself in the shape of substantial evidence. Were I a citizen of the state of Ohio, mere suspicion or distrust of his integrity, or the circulation of opinions which I disapproved, might be a sufficient reason to induce me to withdraw my confidence from Mr. Smith, to refuse him my suffrage; very different is my situation. It does not depend on my choice or opinion, who shall represent the state of Ohio in this Senate. I do not feel myself authorised to deprive Mr. Smith of his
seat here, until he is proved to have been guilty of some infamous or disgraceful conduct. I have heard other intimations calculated to awaken suspicion of Mr. Smith; but which I cannot regard in deciding on his case. Although I am not prepared to say that my mind is entirely satisfied of Mr. Smith's innocence, I am ready to declare that there is no proof to authorise me to pronounce him guilty. It is an axiom, which both education and experience have taught me to venerate, that no man ought to be declared guilty of crime on mere suspicion. Notwithstanding my hostility to the wicked and dangerous projects of Burr and his associates, and the reluctance I feel to vote in favor of a man even suspected to have been concerned with him; notwithstanding the popular indignation, which to the honor of our country, has been so justly and so strongly manifested against this party, and notwithstanding the attempt, which from some of these affidavits, appears to have been made to bring party feeling and party sensibilities to play upon this question, not of a political nature, but one in which the personal rights and fame of a member are involved, I feel myself constrained by a sense of duty and propriety to vote against the resolution.
Mr. Crauford had determined to take no part in this discussion. The exposition which the subject had received from the gentleman from Massachusetts, was so clear, so comprehensive, and at the same no candid as to supercede the necessity of any remarks from him. He felt, however, constrained to make a few remarks in reply to the gentleman from Virginia. The Senate has been told by that gentleman, that its dignity has been assailed by the depositions taken on the part of Mr. Glover, in support of his credibility, that they have been procured on the presumption that this body is to be governed by political prejudices. If this objection is well founded, it applies with equal force to the conduct, and testimony of Mr. Smith. From the first, to the last word of Mr. Smith's answer, he endeavors to impress upon this body the zeal with which he has been devoted to the present administration. In the deposition of every witness examined by Mr. Smith, as to his own conduct, the witness is questioned upon that point—his zeal for the administration is the principal point which he labors to establish. If then the dignity of the Senate is assailed by Glover it is equally so by Mr. Smith.
Another very convenient method of destroying the force of the depositions inculpating Mr. Smith has been adopted by the gentleman from Virginia, and also from Kentucky. We are first told, that they have been taken without proper notice to Mr. Smith; but as many of Mr. Smith's depositions were taken in the same manner, and liable to the same objection, it was necessary to find some other objection to them, and especially to Mr. Riddle's deposition. What, sir, is this formidable objection to his deposition—one, sir, which if well founded must be effectual. We are gravely told, sir, if Mr. Riddle is an honest man, and not connected with A. B. that Mr. Smith would never have disclosed his views to him; and that if he was one of Burr's associates he cannot be an honest man, and therefore is not entitled to credit. This, sir, is a two edged sword, which is destructive to the credit and reputation of Mr. Riddle indeed; and the same candid mode of reasoning, would be equally destructive to the reputation and credit of any other man. If the witness is an honest man, you are not to believe him, because Mr. Smith would not be so foolish as to disclose his views to him; and if he is a dishonest or suspicious character, to whom Mr. Smith might safely disclose his iniquitous plans, then you must believe him, because of his suspicious character. This reasoning may be ingenious, but it certainly has nothing in it of sincerity and candor.
The gentleman from Connecticut cannot believe that A. Burr ever disclosed his projects to Mr. Smith, because all the persons to whom he disclosed them, were inimical to the administration. It is true that in the Atlantic states, at least east of the Allegany mountains, that artful traitor addressed himself to persons who were in a state of enmity with the govern-
ment and to no others. He applied to general Eaton who believed he had just cause of complaint the administration; who believed he had suffered absolute injustice at their hands. For the same reason he applies to commodore Truxton. But, sir, trace him from Philadelphia to Pittsburg—view his conduct on the western side of the same mountains. What is his conduct there? What is his conduct and conversation with the Morgans? His conduct and the motives of his conduct are changed. Here he endeavors to convince every man that it is the interest of the western country to separate from the Atlantic states. Here he addresses himself to the most respectable and influential characters, characters who stood high in the estimation of the public, who had no cause of complaint against the administration. The Morgans were not anti-ministerialists—they were respectable, they were influential; it was therefore important to obtain their countenance and support. Blannerhasset was a man of wealth and talents, and of easy credulity. He is applied to and secured. The next we hear of A. B. is at the house of Mr. S. This gentleman stood high not only in his own state, was not only a Senator of the United States, but also a contractor for furnishing the army of United States. It was an object of the highest importance to the success of A. B.'s plans to obtain his aid and co-operation. But we have been told that it is improper in the investigation of this subject, to introduce the acts and sayings of A. B. If this is correct, there is an end of the question. After deciding this point, it was wholly unnecessary for the gentleman from Virginia to have performed the Herculean labor which he afterwards attempted. How sir is it possible to convict J. S. of a participation in the views or plans of A. B. if the sayings and acts of A. B. are to be excluded from the investigation? It is impossible sir. If this attempt to keep out of view the words and actions of A. B. had been made by an advocate in a criminal court, it would justly be entitled a coup de main. A. B. had the strongest possible inducements to seduce Mr. S. and to obtain his countenance and assistance. He was contractor for your army. He could procure supplies for his men and the then situation of your army was such, that the supplies procured and sent by the contractor might with equal facility be converted to the use of A. B. or applied to the support of the legitimate army. The procurement of supplies in sufficient quantity for B. and his men, by any other person would have excited suspicion, and created alarm. He arrived at Mr. S.'s on the 4th September and remained an inmate in his house until the 9th or 10th, and yet Mr. S. says he never mentioned to him any of his designs or plans, not even of the settlement of Washita lands. This he asserts in his letter of the 14th December to the Secretary of War. On the 6th January afterwards, he says and swears that B. did during his first visit mention the settlement of those lands. Yet the gentleman from Virginia not only discovers no contradiction between the oath and letter, but thinks he discovers strong evidence of the consistency and agreement. To me sir, there appears a direct and palpable contradiction. On the 23d of October Peter Taylor arrives at the house of Mr. S. and enquires of him at his own door, whether he knew and thing of Burr and Blannerhasset. "He allowed he knew nothing of them; that I must be mistaken; this was not the place; I said no, this was the right place," "Mr. Smith, store-keeper, Cincinnati." "Sir I have lived with Blannerhasset for three years." Mr. Smith then took him up stairs, or he followed him up. He then made enquiries which tend strongly to prove that he was one of B's confidants, and gives Peter Taylor the very information he had asked, and the very information of which he had just before declared his ignorance. The testimony of this man is admitted by every one to be worthy of the highest credit. I shall therefore leave to the gentleman from Virginia the rugged task of proving the innocence of Mr. S. without impeaching Peter Taylor's veracity.

That Mr. S. should write a letter to Burr and direct it to Blannerhassett has been satisfactorily explained. But it is not easy to explain nor has it been explained, by what means Burr could devise that the letter directed to Blannerhassett was a letter written to him, or contained a letter for him. The construction which this transaction, and the letters written by Mr. S. and B. to each other, have received from the gentleman from Mass. is the only candid and rational construction of which they are susceptible.
The Senate have been cautioned not to lay much stress upon the testimony of Col. James Taylor, not because he is unworthy of credit, but because he deposes to a conversation which has long since past, and because Dr. Sellman was present and heard no such expressions. Sir, I believe the deposition of Col. James Taylor contains not only a perspicuous declaration of what he believed, but also a correct statement of facts; a correct statement of what he heard. His deposition, it is true, was made long after the conversation happened; but shortly after that event he reduced it to writing, and communicated it to the Secretary of State, and to that writing he referred when under examination before the Senate. He also swears he conversed with General Findley; and that his understanding of that conversation was the same. Compare the circumstances under which Col. Taylor testifies, with those which attend Dr. Sellman's deposition. If he was present at all, it does not appear, that any circumstance whatever occurred to impress that conversation upon his mind—it does not appear, that he ever thought of it afterwards, until he was called upon to depose, which was more than fifteen months subsequent to the conversation; but it does appear that Dr. S. has acted the part of a partisan of Mr. Smith's. In truth, sir, there is not a single circumstance tending to confirm his statement of that conversation; in opposition to that of colonel James Taylor.
I agree with the gentleman from Massachusetts, that it would be improper to declare a member of this body unworthy of his seat for the expression of mere speculative opinions; but the expression of these opinions, connected with other circumstances which preceded, and followed after it amounts to very strong proof. We are called upon by the gentleman from Virginia, and also from Kentucky to lay our fingers upon that particular part of the testimony which produces conviction in our minds, of the guilt of Mr. Smith. To this call, sir, I will observe that in all cases of circumstantial evidence, convictions are the result of a combination of circumstances; they are not produced by any one link in the chain of testimony, but by the whole chain taken together. If, sir, a conviction could be produced in a court of justice where the jury could put their fingers upon the particular part of the testimony which established the guilt of the accused, it might happen that in nine cases out of ten the culprit would be acquitted.
My friend from Kentucky says if Mr. S. has participated in B's treasonable and unlawful projects it must have been by performing some act or in concealing it—that he is not charged with having performed any act, and that therefore the charge must be founded on his concealment of what he knew. I will not say that Mr. S. has been charged with enlisting troops for A. B.; but sir, I will say, that he has been guilty of an act very much like it—an enlistment of the strongest character—an engagement, or enlistment of his two sons to go with A. B.—to march under his banners—subject to his control, under his absolute government, dependent upon him for their future prospects and station in life. And here, sir, I refer to the deposition of Mr. S. himself. He swears, that A. B. did at his second visit to Cincinnati, disclose his views of invading Mexico; and yet, sir, he engaged his sons in the enterprise.
But, sir, there is one point in the testimony, which of itself produces something like conviction on my mind, that Mr. S. was guilty of participating in B's plans. And here, sir, I will refer to the deposition made by Mr. Smith, and that of A. D. S. already referred to by the gentleman from Tennessee, for a different purpose. Mr. S. swears that he never communicated to his son the engagement with A. B. until the day he returned from Marietta, and not till he had expressed a disinclination to co-operate with Col. Burr's object. This deposition was made on the 6th January, 1807, and by a deposition of A. D. Smith of the same date, it appears he returned from Marietta on the 3rd day of that month. It also appears in evidence, that for some time previous to this day, that Mr. S. had been in Ken-
tucky, and that during that time A. D. S. had become the bearer of a letter to B. from A. B. and for that purpose had gone to Marietta and Belle Pre; and that the 3rd of January was the day he met his father on his return. But A. D. Smith on the 13th August, at Richmond, swears, that he never received any overture from A. B. on that subject; yet he considered himself as engaged under him, for he says—"From the papers which daily teemed with the treason of Col. Burr's designs; the frequent solicitations, and injunctions of my father, to relinquish the idea of descending the Mississippi as an accomplice of Col. B's; and Gen. Eaton's deposition alone induced me to abandon him and his projects." Here, sir, the son declares he did not engage himself with A. B. yet he was engaged; he knew that he was engaged, and reluctantly broke that engagement. The father swears he engaged him; but that he never disclosed that engagement to him until he expressed his disinclination to go. From whom did A. D. S. receive the knowledge of this engagement? The answer is too plain; from his father, and not communicated to him on his return from Marietta, but before he set out for that place; before the father set out for Kentucky; and a knowledge of this engagement is the only probable reason of his becoming the bearer of that letter. But, sir, there is another contradiction which ought to be noticed here. A. D. S. and his father met on his return from Marietta, and the frequent solicitations and injunctions of the father induced the son to abandon B. yet the father swears he never disclosed the engagement he had made until the son had expressed a disinclination to go with B. This expression of Mr. S.'s is a contradiction in itself; but when compared with the declarations of the son—the contradiction is gross and palpable. How could he solicit and enjoin his son to violate an engagement which he knew nothing of? Sir, it is impossible to reconcile these contradictions. Upon this occasion my mind has received no bias whatever from the conversations and whispers alluded to by the gentleman from Kentucky. I have lived in a section of the country that has not felt the general impression made by the movements and enterprizes of A. B. I have attended to nothing but the testimony. I have had no acquaintance with Mr. S. I entertain no prejudice against him. I should feel as much gratified as any member of this body, to be able, consistently with my duty, to vote for his retaining his seat. Sir, the feelings of this House have been addressed—an appeal has been made to the humanity of the Senate. We have a duty to discharge which is paramount to human feelings; we ought to exercise our judgment, and do that which the public good imperiously requires. From a full examination of the evidence, I am constrained to say, that the conduct of Mr. S. has been such as to render it highly improper for him to retain his seat in the highest council of the nation.
ST. ANDREW'S SOCIETY.
A stated meeting of the Society will be held in the house of WILLIAM NATRICE, in George Town on Friday next, at which the Members will please to take notice.
JOHN MURDOCH, Sec.
August 17—2t
COLUMBIAN DRAGOONS.
The members of the Troop of Columbian Dragoons are requested to meet at LINDSAY'S hotel to-morrow evening (Thursday) at seven o'clock for the purpose of electing a Second Lieutenant of the Troop in the place of Mr. Cherry, resigned.
WM. BRENT, Capt.
August 17—
The President and Professors of George Town College, return their warmest thanks to the gentlemen of the "UNION LIGHT INFANTRY BAND," who politely volunteered their services on the night of their Exhibition, and will ever esteem the favor conferred on that occasion amongst the first entitled to their grateful remembrance. They take the liberty to remark that the able manner in which they performed, contributed not a little to the general satisfaction experienced by the polite and numerous company assembled on that occasion.
August 17—3t
NOTICE.
All Persons having claims against the estate of Elizabeth Philpot, late of Charles county deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit them legally authenticated on or before the 8th day of December, otherwise they may by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate, and all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment to Mr. Laurence Posey, who is fully authorised to conduct the said administration.
Millersburg, Bourbon County? Kentucky, August 17—3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 17.
The French armed brig Surveillante sailed from this place on Sunday.
Among the late productions, which have issued from the British Press, is an interesting, and in some respects an extraordinary tract, written by Mr. Spence, the object of which is to show that Britain is independent of commerce, and need not therefore be dismayed at the prospect of a declension or even destruction of her trade. Although the writer may not have succeeded in establishing the ostensible object of his work, he has presented several views of the true sources of national wealth and prosperity no less worthy of the attention of an American than a Briton, and set forth numerous facts, all of which strikingly prove the wisdom of the course pursued by our government. We have not room for an analysis of this performance; we shall therefore confine ourselves to exhibiting some of the views and facts to which we have alluded.
The most impressive fact mentioned is the small proportion of individuals employed in Britain in producing the whole mass of articles of consumption and exportation. Of the twelve millions which compose the nation, only two millions appear to be engaged in agriculture, and two in trade and manufactures. This accounts for the wretched state of the poor, and shews how great the accumulation of wealth in the hands of the government and individuals must be, to support two thirds of the whole community independently of labor.
As the entire mass of production must ultimately be in proportion to the productive classes of her inhabitants, how marked is the contrast between Britain and this country, and how vast may we expect the difference to be in the relative progress of the two countries, even independent of the rapidity with which our numbers increase! In the U. States, it is no exaggeration to say that nine tenths of our population is employed in agriculture, manufacture or trade; while in Britain there is but one third, or a little better than three tenths. If it be admitted, as we believe it safely may be, that the labor of an American produces as much as that of an Englishman, it will follow that the mass of annual products in this country will be three times as great in proportion to our numbers as in England. These products are either consumed among us, or exported, or constitute a capital for internal improvement. There is undoubtedly a much greater relative consumption in this country, and hence the more comfortable living of our citizens and the diminutive number of our poor. But notwithstanding this liberal consumption, there remains an immense accumulation of property which finds its principal employment in advancing the agriculture of the country, in the erection of new manufactures, in the making roads, building bridges, erecting houses, and the rapid increase of every thing that administers to our real or imaginary wants.
Let any one make a calculation of the relative effect of this circumstance upon the progress of Britain and the U. States for a period of twenty-two years, and connect with it the concomitant effect of an increase of our numbers, and he will perceive with almost mathematical certainty the comparative situation of the two countries at the expiration of that period. He will find that we shall then have doubled our numbers, and more than quadrupled our riches and power; and have, probably, outstripped the wealth of Britain.
In this tract it is stated that the annual production of England amounts to 480 millions of dollars in value. There is strong reason to believe that our annual production is even at present not inferior in value. For if there are more individuals employed in the U. States on articles of production than in England, and if the quantity produced by each individual is equally great, it follows that the whole amount produced in this country is greater than in that.
But let us, independently of this consideration, estimate the value of the labor employed in the U. States. Of the seven millions, which compose our population, about one fourth is made up of adult males, neither too young or too old for work, amounting to 1,750,000. Computing the value produced by their labor at two thirds of a dollar a day, the annual amount will be 350 millions of dollars.
Computing, that of the remaining males one half do nothing, and valuing the labor of the residue, amounting to 875,000 at 20 cents a day, the annual amount will be 52 millions.
And computing the labor of the
women as producing 20 cents a day, and reckoning one half of the whole female numbers, we have the annual amount of 104 millions.
Making an aggregate of 506 millions of dollars. It would not, perhaps, be incorrect to estimate the labor of the men as producing a dollar a day. If so the amount would be 681 millions.
If there be any truth in this view it is not high time for us to dismiss our private habits of imitation, no longer to look upon ourselves in the light of an inferior nation, but to estimate our true importance, to assume a national character, and in all respects to think and act for ourselves? The fact is, that, wherever we have asserted this independence we have prospered. Let us then not doubt that the more we assert it the more we shall prosper.
Under this view of the subject if Britain be independent of commerce, how much more so are we? Britain, with her crowded population, her luxurious habits, her expensive government, her gigantic national debt, her immense navy and army; and we with our scattered population, our frugal habits, our economical government, our trifling debt, and inconsiderable naval and military establishments.
The advocates for a close commercial alliance with England will do well to give this performance an attentive perusal. Although some of its positions be exceedingly paradoxical, it is evidently the production of a vigorous and enlightened mind, and consequently presents many sound and interesting views, of which none can be more instructive than that taken of the inevitable declension of British trade and manufactures at no distant day. Such an acknowledgement from a writer, who has been considered as having penned his performance as an apology for the British orders, and to show that if their effect should be a diminution or even destruction of trade, there would be no reason for alarm, and who speaks contemptuously of the measures of our government, will be admitted to be deserving of great weight, and forcibly to exhibit the impolicy of interweaving our permanent fortunes with that power, under the impression that she will be able on better terms to supply all our wants than all the other nations of Europe. The following extract displays the sentiments of Mr. Spence on this point:
"How is it, that we have been able so greatly to surpass the other nations of the globe, in the extent of our commerce? Because, from the amount of our capital, and the excellence of our machinery, we have had the power of underselling all competitors in the foreign market. The question is, whether we shall be able to retain this superiority? For the moment the manufacturers of France, or of Germany, can offer as good an article as ourselves, at a lower price, our commerce with these countries, and with other nations, to which they have unrestricted access, must naturally cease. Now there are many reasons, which make it probable, that we shall not long retain this superiority in the foreign market, arising from the lowness of price, and goodness of quality, of our manufactures. The advantages derived from our extent of capital, and excellence of machinery, are already counterbalanced by the high wages of labor in this country, which are probably twice as much as on the continent. Even in Dr. A. Smith's time, the English manufacturers complained, that the wages of labor were so high, that they could scarcely enter into competition with the foreign manufacturer. Since then, wages have greatly risen, and if we advert to the cause of their rise, we shall see reason to believe, that they will be still higher."
"The much greater value of land and of food, and consequently of labor, in this country, than in the neighboring nations, must be attributed to the operation of some internal and peculiar cause; for if it had arisen from the depreciation in value of the precious metals, this circumstance would have influenced the prices of land and food and labor in an equal degree in the rest of Europe. Some have accounted for this rise, from the greatissu of a fictitious, circulating medium in this country, but probably without reason: for though, when we compare the mint and market price of bullion, there seems ground for believing that our paper currency is depreciated to the extent of 2 or 3 per cent. this circumstance by no means accounts for the rise in price of nearly 100 per cent. within the last 25 years. It is more probable, that these advanced prices are to be attributed to the existence of our immense national debt, in which circumstance it is, we chiefly differ from the rest of Europe. In the creation of the na-
tional debt, large sums have, at intervals, been converted from capital into revenue, and have been expended, either in articles of food, or of manufacture. In both instances, the demand for food has increased; its price has advanced; and, in the end, the price of labor and of every thing else, which naturally depends on the price of food, has advanced in an equal degree. Now, if the increased rate of wages in Britain, has been brought about in consequence of the augmented amount of the national debt, as this debt will, according to the present appearance of things in Europe, be yet considerably increased, we must look forward to a still greater rise in the price of food and labor, and consequently our manufacturers will find it more than ever difficult to meet the competition of foreign rivals, who can purchase labor at a price so much less. Even if we look forward to a continuance of the present price of labor, the increased industry and capital, and improved machinery of the nations we now supply with manufactures, will, in the course of twenty or thirty years, when added to the advantage which their low rate of labor gives them, enable them to undersell us in their own, and perhaps in foreign markets. If we cast a glance at the probable improvements which would take place in the manufactures of other nations of Europe, in a few years, if peace should be concluded, we shall be satisfied of the accuracy of this statement. France, for instance, has, at present, five or six hundred thousand soldiers. When this mass of population (a much greater mass than we now employ in the manufacture of our articles of export,) shall be disbanded, and have ceased to live on the plunder of other countries, they will naturally become manufacturers; and, as France already fabricates nearly as much as she has occasion for, she will then not only fully supply her own wants, but probably have a considerable portion to dispose of. The manufactures of Germany, too, will, in time of peace, regain the importance they once had. Spain and Portugal, in their present state of apathy and indolence, need not to be feared as competitors, but if their energies be aroused as seems likely to be the case, by a new government appointed by Bonaparte, we certainly cannot calculate upon their custom for any length of time, since they possess within themselves a profusion of materials, for manufacturing all we furnish them with. Russia, even now, does not consume any great amount of our manufactures, and in proportion as she advances in civilization, and increases her manufacturing class, will require still less. So that, even though America should find it her interest to purchase her manufactures for a century to come, and even though other openings for commerce should be made in South America, in Asia, or in Africa, still we should have so many competitors, all able to afford goods cheaper than we could, by reason of the cheapness of the labor employed on them, that our trade would, upon the whole, be greatly diminished. It is in vain to talk of the excellence of our machinery, as insuring us a decided advantage over other nations. From the very nature of things, it is impossible that we should be able to keep secret the construction of any large machine made use of in an extensive manufacture, and, accordingly, the fabrication of our improved cotton and woolen machinery, is as well understood in France, as in England. Our capital, then, will be the only remaining circumstance in which we shall probably, for a time, be superior to the rest of Europe. But this superiority cannot last long. When capital is all acquired, it rapidly accumulates; and even supposing our capital to increase, in the same degree with that of our rivals, this event would reduce the profit of stock so low in this country, that we should be willing to lend it, as the Dutch did, to any other nation, which, in consequence of the cheapness of labor, could afford to give more for it."
In the perusal of the petition given in this days paper as adopted by the federalists of Boston, our readers will see with regret what may be effected by artifice & intrigue in a country where, thanks to the blessings of a republican administration, the press & tongue are equally unshackled. They will see to what lengths a party struggling to regain the reins of government, may be led. The plot ripens apace; in a few weeks we shall be overwhelmed with effusions of the junto which was, previous to the late adjournment of Congress, employed in copying and forwarding petitions from "the poor fishermen" of Massachusetts.
Are we called upon to prove that this proceeding is the result of a preconcerted and unscrupulous plan?

When the embargo had been laid by the concurrent voice of more than two-thirds of the American people, speaking through their Representatives, the federalists commenced a new course. An election was approaching in the state of Massachusetts. An honorable course was pursued to influence that election. Mr. Pickering was selected as the actor, to compose in secrecy an epistle, which will be remembered so long as the name of Pickering shall be enrolled on the annals of fame, as an issue of malignity and misrepresentation. This was promulgated in the state of Massachusetts, intentionally, so late as to preclude the possibility of a reply previous to the election. Exceptions unequalled on any former occasion, was used to disseminate the letter into every quarter of the state and of the United States.
In connection with this, a philippic was pronounced in the House of Representatives by a member from New-York, accusing the government of which he was a member of the vilest crime—of no less than being under the influence of a foreign government. This speech appeared, somewhat decorated, in a Philadelphia print; so soon after it was spoken, that it must have been sent hence the very day of its delivery; and the author triumphed abroad whilst, on the very theatre, of the outrage, he was sufficiently punished by the contempt with which he was received by his colleagues in legislation. This speech, however, found its way into every public print; and of the several very able speeches of castigation and reply, it is believed that not one was published in any federal paper.
In connection with this also, speeches were delivered by other federal members, but particularly one by Mr. Key, which was instantly committed to the press, and with the greatest expedition and zeal dispersed throughout the country and published in every federal paper. That this speech contained many manifest misrepresentations it is believed we have already proven in our remarks on it. Many able and argumentative speeches were made in reply to this and others; of which we confidently say not one has been republished in any federal paper.
In one of the speeches alluded to, however, it was prophetically said that petition upon petition would be presented for the repeal of the embargo.
The prediction is fulfilled; the plot is ripe. Since the adjournment of Congress, indefatigable has been the pen flowing with gall, and unwearied the tongue in the work of detraction. Various have been the modes and innumerable the repetitions of abuse and crimination of the administration.
The stale cant of French partiality or influence, which had been supposed to have been consigned to the tomb with the defeat of federalism in 1800, has been resuscitated. Do they who lead the cry believe it? No. Why is it circulated? It is known that foreign influence is justly dreaded by our citizens as the worst of evils; and therefore is it made the watchword of federalism, and held up in terrorem till those who commenced the cry almost believe it.
Did the leading federalists really regret the measure of the embargo? No; they rejoiced at it, and were loud in their exultations the very day after that on which the law was passed. They thought they saw in prospect, federalism remounting the ladder of office, by means of a measure which operating somewhat on the immediate pecuniary interest of our citizens, might produce a temporary change in politics, which they depended on their ingenuity to prolong.
The Essex Junto immediately commenced its operations. This jacobin club of Massachusetts has not ceased from its labor. Inferior clubs or juntas have been established in different parts of the United States. The fish petitions of Massachusetts, coming from different parts of the state to Congress, all bore the same stamp. They proceeded from one source. From the same source, and from no other will proceed the addresses for the suspension of the embargo. It is impossible for the most credulous to believe that the junto have any idea that their petitions will have any effect. Before any tolerable number can be collected, one month will expire; and from thence to the meeting of the direct Representatives
* In a debate in the House of Representatives at their late session, Mr. D. R. Williams, in allusion to the fish petitions, thus expressed himself:—"Those petitions from the fishermen are well understood to be the result of a deliberate electioneering plan." Other members spoke to the same effect.
Of this charge it is believed that no denial or refutation was made.
of the people, but four or five weeks will intervene.
It remains to be seen whether the people of Mass. (for the state is at bottom republican) will suffer themselves to be deluded by the schemes of a few artful men, who to elevate their friends and "save the people from their own worst enemies, themselves," would destroy the very fabric which secures them from the raging storm.
It becomes a serious question also; whether it is not a duty incumbent on every good citizen, from a respect to the dignity of his country, to protest against being considered as one of those who, to favor one foreign government in preference to another, would paralyze his own?
BOSTON TOWN MEETING.
On the 9th inst. agreeably to a notification for the purpose, a meeting was held in the town of Boston, to consider of the propriety of petitioning for an immediate repeal of the embargo. After considerable debate, the following petition was agreed to by a large majority:
To the President of the U. States.
The inhabitants of the town of Boston, in legal town meeting assembled, beg leave respectfully to represent:—
That uniformly influenced by a sense of patriotism and a respect for the constituted authorities of their country, they have sustained without opposition or complaint, the embarrassments and losses arising from the existing Embargo on the vessels and export trade of the U. S. and they trust, that the history of the revolutionary war, and the annals of the present government, will furnish ample testimony of their readiness to make any personal sacrifices, and to endure any privations, which the public welfare may truly require:
That they are fully aware of the indispensable necessity of supporting, at all times, the laws enacted by the government of their choice.—Under this impression they have refrained from expressing the wishes they most sensibly feel for the removal of the embargo; and but for the great events in Europe, which materially change the aspect of our foreign relations, they would yet silently wait for the meeting of Congress, in the hope of obtaining from that honorable body, relief from the pressure of this great calamity, which bears with peculiar weight on the Eastern states.
Denied by nature those valuable and luxuriant staples which constitute the riches of the South, they necessarily owe much of their prosperity, under the blessing of Heaven, to their own enterprise and industry on the ocean. It is therefore a duty, as well as a right, to avail themselves of every fair occasion which offers for procuring the removal of the existing restraints upon their maritime commerce, more especially when this may be effected in a mode consistent with the laws and policy by which they are imposed.
They therefore pray that the Embargo, in whole or in part, may be suspended, according to the powers vested in the President by the Congress of the United States; and if any doubt should exist of the competency of those powers, they would humbly request, that Congress may be convened as early as possible, for the purpose of taking the subject into consideration.
It was then voted, that the selectmen, in behalf of the town, transmit the petition to the President of the U. States.
Troy, August 9.
Reports from the north, of a direct conveyance, which can leave but small doubts of their authenticity, mention an engagement having taken place on Lake Champlain, between a government boat and a batteau, in which the latter was completely victorious, and compelled the government boat to surrender to her. Two of her men are said to have been killed in the contest.
To prevent the running of provisions, pot ash, &c. into Canada, government, we understand, are building two gun-boats upon the lake; and about a week since two cannon, with ball, &c. under the direction of two midshipmen, passed through this village, destined for those boats. An armed brig is likewise to be built on Lake Ontario.
New York, August 12.
A passenger in the ship Independence, has favored the editors of this Gazette with the following statement, which was sworn to at Martinique by Capt. Merry, who had made his escape from the Spanish Main.
Pampata, Island of Margarita, July 13, 1808.
The undersigned, Augustine Merry, master and owner of the French schooner L'Etourdy, of Martinique, informs, that on the 11th inst.
being at anchor in the above port, waiting for his return cargo, an English frigate appeared off that place, with a white flag at her main-topmast head, and a Spanish flag at her Mizzen top. This frigate fired several guns, but no boat putting off to her, she came to anchor, where she passed the night without communicating with the shore. On the 12th in the morning, her boat was sent on shore as a flag of truce, to deliver dispatches of the greatest importance to the Governor, and to restore 125 Spanish prisoners. After a long conference between the British officer and the Governor, the latter caused a white flag to be hoisted on the forts, which continued flying till the departure of the frigate at 10 o'clock in the morning, with a pilot on board, to carry the prisoners to Cumana, the place at which the Governor wished them landed—the pilot having orders to conduct the frigate on that coast as long as he might be wanted.
Immediately after the departure of the frigate's boat from the shore, the news of war between France and Spain was in circulation, to the great joy of the Spaniards; from which circumstance the French people of the place began to fear that the news was too true.
At four o'clock in the afternoon, we received positive orders to send our rudder and sails on shore, as we were informed that an embargo was laid, till the return of a courier that had been dispatched to the Carraccas. We requested that this order might not be enforced till the next day, to which the commandant appeared to consent.
At 11 o'clock at night, to my astonishment, an armed boat came on board to carry away my sails. I refused to deliver them up. The rigor with which they treated us, induced me to believe the news on shore was unfavorable to us; whereupon I determined to make my escape immediately, and succeeded notwithstanding a smart cannonade from the forts, which pierced my sails in several places.
I left at Pampata, the French schooner Harmony, which was not in a situation to make her escape, and the schooner —, Capt. Brison.
I declare the above statement to be true. AUG. MERRY.
Extract of a letter from Havanna, dated July 21, 1808.
There appears here to be but one sentiment of indignation against the French, and a disposition to defend and retain the island in the name of Ferdinand VII. and he was yesterday proclaimed, and the principal officers sworn with great pomp and ceremony.
The address of the Governor to the inhabitants, declared an armistice had already taken place with the British, who would henceforth be considered as allies. A British brig of war afterwards appeared off the Moro, spoke Capt. McDonald for your port, going out, and on being informed of the news stood in nearer, where she was met by the Spanish officers, who invited her commander in, which he did accordingly, and is now at anchor in the harbor.
The French here are in the greatest consternation, flying off in every direction; but of those in the north-east parts (St. Jago-de-Cuba, &c.) where there are considerable numbers, some apprehensions are indulged by the government.
It is certain, I am told, that some commissions have arrived from Murat as Regent, and of those it is supposed some use will be made in the parts alluded to. One of the principal officers here received one as inspector general of the troops, fortifications, &c. of the island, but went immediately and delivered it up to the Governor and Council. Similar ones it is supposed have gone to different parts of South America, and of the result of which they are extremely anxious to know.
It is in truth a most important period in Spanish affairs, and must indeed produce very serious effects upon all other powers.
Their peace with England will operate very materially upon our affairs with that country; if not already adjusted, this turn of matters, by the union with Spain, will, I am fearful, tend to an increase of the difficulties which have already attended a settlement of our differences; and as I before observed, the peace with England by removing the obstructions so far to their own commerce and that of the British, cannot operate greatly in favor of ours. As it respects our local matters, this new outrage of Bonaparte would, I should suppose, tend much to the depression and discredit of that party with us which had gained but too great an ascendancy."
Extract of a letter from St. Pierres, Martinique, dated July 19.
It is now nearly a month since the
bakers have been ordered to issue no bread, except to sick persons or nurses, on the certificate of the physicians. Some small quantities of flour have been introduced from Dominique, St. Lucea, &c. though of inferior quality, it sold at 45 to 50 dollars per barrel. The effects of the embargo have been felt in this as well as in most of the other colonies. Its continuation will I fear, be attended with much more serious evils."
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Mr. SMITH.—ON my return from a visit to my friend in Baltimore, I received information, in Piscataway, that Mr. Fenwick of this county, had sent to your press a letter addressed to me. As I intended on reaching home to start immediately for St. Mary's court, and from that cause should not have an opportunity of seeing the publication for some time, I called on Mr. Fenwick to learn the object and nature of it. He politely showed me a copy of it, & also of a second number,* and informed me that duplicates had been forwarded, in my absence, to my residence. He the next day sent me the enclosed letter, which if you have published his letters, I beg you to publish, as also this.
Although I shall always be pleased
*The second letter alluded to, which was also forwarded to the Editor of the Intelligencer, but not inserted at the time, and would not have been, but for this allusion, is as follows:
(COPY.)
Sir, In addition to what I had the honor of transmitting you already, I have to add that, at a proper time and place, I shall cite all the parties implicated in my complaints to answer personally before the assembled people of Charles county; and that it shall then and there be put seriously to the consideration of the assembled people, whether, in their expressions at the approaching Election, they are prepared to pass sentence of proscription and banishment upon all their fellow-citizens of Charles county, who happen to approve the measures of the Government of our country, by sanctioning the principle that those citizens have not the liberty to deliver their opinions upon the public affairs of the nation, without rude disturbance and direct insult.
I mean fairly to try the issue whether there shall exist hereafter any freedom of speech in Charles county; and I solemnly call on the people to suspend their opinions until they shall hear the evidence I shall exhibit. War is on foot; the standard of revolt against overbearing insolence and crouching forbearance combined, is hoisted in Charles county, the congressional and electoral district, and I have constituted myself its bearer. In this case I would disdain a victory won by surprise. Thanks be to God, I feel the confidence of ample talents and abundant ardor for the struggle to pull down the overbearing insolence that has so long domineered in this county; and I well know how to avail myself of all the advantages which its enormities have offered me. I'll lower its tone; I'll strip its brow of all its terrors over the multitude, before I am done with it; and further, sir, you have roused a man of an honorable mind, as far superior to the little arts of your leaders as the splendor of the meridian sun is to the glimmer of the dimmest star. Unhappily I have not far to seek for examples of those arts; I have only to point my finger at the treatment of John Q. Adams; I have only to point my finger at the bull-baiting scene where I stood single against the whole phalanx of Federalists, so much were my friends deterred from attending those meetings, where similar scenes had been repeated and always expected. Sir, my powerful means of crushing insolence are not yet fully developed; they shall consist in the superlatively high and honorable courses that will be pursued in making its process. Before I am done, sir, I will prove to you all, that I am little more than a nullity, with which appellation the front leader of your host was pleased to distinguish me. I will show you all, sir, that I will speak in the front of your whole chosen band, notwithstanding your leader made the assertion, that I would not have dared to address my battalion with an inflammatory speech, if there had been one man there to answer me; although this assertion was made in the teeth of his own knowledge of my having spoken but the day before in the front of himself and his satellites. This inflammatory speech shall now go to the press, although never before intended—I will keep the motion of this engine ready for all occasions and all purposes; I will break down this outery of Frenchman! French partizan! and French inducement! with which the minds of the uninformed have been so shamefully imposed upon and poisoned, and which is brought forward with particular art and cunning at this time, to compel the government to abandon the only measure that can preserve the rights and independence of the country from total subversion. I will enforce a little more decency in the public discussions in the country.
Sir, you may expect occasionally little skirmishes of this kind; preparatory to the grand attack that I denounce upon your weak holds of misrepresentations, subterfuges and insolences, which I promise to the people of the district to drag into the face of day.
JAMES FENWICK.
JULY 29, 1808.
with the good opinion of all my fellow citizens, still I cannot but regret that Mr. Fenwick entertains so distinguished an opinion of me, as it must compel me in opposition to professional engagements and private considerations to enter into a newspaper discussion with him—a sense of duty to myself, and to the party with whom I am associated in political opinion will compel me, on my return from court to reply to the charges exhibited by Mr. Fenwick. He must excuse me when I say, his publications arise from passion; to nothing else can I attribute his suppression of his own apology to the people, and to the gentleman who took place on the recent discussion. His assertion that the gentleman who took place on the recent discussion was the chairman of the meeting, is that "there was a gentleman from Reclamation" alluded to; that "the gentleman from Charles county" are the words used by gentlemen of opposite opinions, are now denied. His allusion to something remarkable, and his complaints of Federal insolence, and his talks of an appeal to the people, he should abuse that very people by charging them with a consistent opposition to decency, with being satellites to an individual and the followers of leaders. If these observations are not intended by Mr. Fenwick for the mass of the citizens, let him distinguish by name those who attend Federal meetings, and who are insolent; let him mention those who follow a leader and the leader, and point out the satellites of the gentleman alluded to.
Mr. Fenwick must pardon me if notwithstanding any personal regard heretofore entertained for him, I decline advising him in what manner he ought to conduct an attack upon my political friends. Offering as he does for Congress, and possessing the talents which he claims for himself, he most certainly is competent to choose the most efficient and proper mode. I have only to beg him to address no more communications to me, and
I am your very humble servant, CLEMENT DORSEY. Port Tobacco, August, 1, 1808.
dated July 30, 1808.
Sir—In consequence of the conversation we had yesterday, I find that you are under impressions that in my second communication to you, I have used language which may be interpreted as personally applicable to yourself. I deem it a matter of imperious justice due to you to disclaim any such intention, and to give the fullest explanation of any apparent ambiguity of expression. In all places where I have used the words "you or your," intended them to apply no farther than to some gentlemen of a party of which you are a member. Where I have said "your front leader," I meant no more than one of the leaders of a party of which you are a member. I had thought, sir, that my meaning was sufficiently obvious of itself; but every shadow of doubt must be removed when taken in connection with the reservation made for you in my first communication, where I have said pointedly that "with the exceptions made, I have no personal complaint against you or any other gentleman of the meeting, except from the general desistment to interpose upon the occasion to procure that fair and impartial treatment to which a fellow citizen was entitled," &c. This, sir, brings into consideration another point involved in this affair. Under my impressions I had special objections to make the Chairman of the meeting the channel of my communications to all the parties concerned, & my sole motive in selecting you was, what I have assigned to, wits: your most correct argumentative deportment. If this was an error, it was a most innocent one, and into which the higher respect I entertained for your conduct drew me. I did not foresee consequences as I ought to have done, that it was imposing the burthen of counter statements on your shoulders; and to atone for the error as far as possible be now done in this stage of the business, if you will be pleased to signify your pleasure, I will immediately come out with a summary of the allegations against gentlemen by name & at whom they are pointed. In this course of procedure you will be relieved from individual responsibility, and can only come in under the allegation of "general desistment to interpose," &c. If this proposal meets your approbation, I ask your advice as to the most correct form of the address, in order to bring the matter direct within the cognizance of the gentlemen likely to be named. I have erred once in this point, and I would wish to avoid a repetition of error. I hope, sir, you will do me the justice to entertain the good opinion of me, that I possess the readiest disposition to withdraw from errors when I become sensible of them, and it is not improbable but that I shall have several occasions for this indulgence; and further, I hope you will believe that nothing but a deep sense of unwarrantable treatment could have roused a soul naturally tranquil. I request you will insert this in any print you please.
I am, sir, most respectfully,
Yours,
JAMES FENWICK.
A SEAL LOST.
LOST about a week ago on the road leading from Rock Creek to Rock Creek Church, a large Seal of American crystal stone, containing the arms of the owner, with the motto "Un Dieu, un Roi, un foi." An handsome reward will be given to any person who will give notice of or deliver this seal to the Printer, so that the owner may get it again.
Washington, August 17—58

20 DOLLARS REWARD. ESCAPED from the subscriber on the road leading from George Town towards Leesburg, about 15 miles from the former place, a negro man named LUKE, about 35 years of age, 6 feet high, dark skin, two of his upper fore teeth are out; he has a down cast look, and generally speaks in a low voice; his clothes and name he will probably change, I purchased him of Mr. Theophilus Hughes to take to my residence in Kentucky, he has had several masters about Bladensburg, and he will certainly be looking about that place as he has a wife, the property of Mr. Isaac Barrett near Bladensburg. I have appointed Mr. Everard Gary of George Town my agent, and the above reward will be paid by him to any person who will deliver the said fellow to Mr. C. Tippet in the city jail. SAML. M'LEAN. July 25—6w
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality. N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE. THAT the subscriber has obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington county district of Columbia, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Abraham Young late of Washington county district of Columbia, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 15th day of February next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 11th day of August 1808. GERARD GIBSON, Adm. August 12—3t
FOR SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the high court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale , in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the fourth Monday of August next) a parcel of land late the property of John D. Scott deceased, being part of a tract of land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" & about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about twenty acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in twelve months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KILY, Trustee. July 4—tdos
WASHINGTON & ALEXANDRIA TURNPIKE COMPANY. THE Stockholders of the "Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company" are hereby notified that the second installment of TEN dollars on such share is called for by the President and Directors of the said company, and is required to be paid to Charles Page, treasurer in Alexandria, on or before the 26th day of August next, agreeable to the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the establishment of a Turnpike Company in the county of Alexandria in the district of Columbia." By order of the Directors, G. DENEALE, President. July 25—A26
WASHINGTON TAVERN. ON the last Saturday of August inst. at the tavern of captain Henry Ruth in George Town, will be exposed to public sale for ready cash, a moiety of Lot No. 215, in Beatty & Hawkins's addition to George Town, fronting 96 feet on Sixth street and 37 1/2 on Frederick street, with a large frame house thereon. The situation is most delightful and challenges attention—the title is good. Sale to commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. SAMUEL BROOKE. August 10—3t
CHARLES H. VARDEA. MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Ohio in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangle and rich silk Molekins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use, can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON, Have just received by the sloop CHAN-CELLOIR , from New York, now discharging at Barry's Wharf— London Port, Madeira, } WINE , in Marsalla, and } pipes & quar- Catalonia, } ter casks. Ht. Brion, and } CLARET in cases, Bordeaux, } Cogniac, and } BRANDY in pipes. Bordeaux, } Muscavado Sugar, in hds. and bbls. Molasses, } Coffee; the best green in bags, Limes, } Imperial } TEA Hyson, and } of the latest Young Hyson } importation. Loaf Sugar, } Corks, in bags, Candies, and A few crates of STONE JUES, PIT-CHERS, &c. &c. These goods were bought with Cash, & will be sold for a small profit, for approved notes at 60 and 90 days. Punctual dealers may expect from the Company a constant supply. The highest price will be given in cash for Country Produce of every kind, delivered at their Warehouse. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. August 5—tf
FOR SALE OR RENT, THE Hotel at present occupied by P. D. STELLER . The advantages of this situation are so well known, that it is useless to say more of it—it is convenient to the Capitol, is calculated for a large establishment, with stabling for 40 or 50 horses. The Bridge, rapidly progressing over the Potomac, with the turnpike road to Alexandria, also in great forwardness, will add to the many advantages this situation possesses. To a man qualified to carry on such an establishment, no situation can insure a more certain and rapid fortune. Occupation can be had any day before the first of October next. Apply to the subscriber, DANL. CARROLL of Dud'n Washington, August 5—eptO
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807. Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, or which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to Rd. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—eptS
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it appears to the Executive by an inquisition held in the county of Northumberland, on the 21st day of September, in the year 1806, before John H. Fallin, esq. coroner for the said county, that on the 2nd day of the said month of September, in the year aforesaid, a certain GEORGE GORDON, late of the county aforesaid, stands charged with the murder of a certain negro slave, named Bartley; and it appearing that after the perpetration of the said murder, the said George Gordon did immediately, and doth still fly from justice: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of ONE HUNDRED dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Northumberland, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover hereby enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey as aforesaid, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with in such manner as the law in such cases prescribes. Given under my hand, with the seal of the Commonwealth annexed, at L. S. Richmond, this 5th day of August, 1808. WM. H. CABELL. Signed George Gordon is about five feet eight or ten inches high, is stout made, has light colored hair, blue eyes and a down look when spoken to. It is believed that he is frequently lurking in the county of St. Mary's, Maryland. August 15—2w
PROPOSALS for carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office, until the 6th day of September next. 1. From Athens in Georgia, by Apalachy, Flint River, and Coweta to Tuckabatchy on the Mississippi territory estimated at 220 miles, once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 3 o'clock p. m. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. 2. From Tuckabatchy by Mays Creek on Alabama, or Tensaw to Fort Stoddert, estimated at one hundred and seventy-three miles, once a week. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. and arrived at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 p. m. 3. From Fort Stoddert to Farre's on Pearl River, estimated at 160 miles, once a week. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Farre's the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Farre's at Pearl River every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. & arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. 4. From Farre's on Pearl River to New Orleans, once a week. Leave New Orleans every Monday noon, and arrive at Farre's on Tuesday by 8 p. m. Leave Farre's every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at New Orleans on Thursday by noon. NOTE 1. If the depending mail shall not have arrived at the time fixed for departure, the contractor shall be bound to wait for it, provided it arrives within six hours after such fixed time. NOTE 2. For every failure, and for every delay which shall continue so that the depending mail loses a trip, the contractor shall forfeit double the pay he would have received for such a trip, unless the failure shall have been occasioned by unavoidable accident; and in that case, the amount of the pay for such trip shall be forfeited, so that no pay shall be made unless the service is performed. NOTE 3. For every hour's delay, the Contractor shall forfeit one dollar; but no forfeiture for the delay of any one trip can exceed double the value of such trip. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of October next, and continue in force until the 31st March 1810. General Post Office, July 20th, 1808.
PROPOSAL, By JOSEPH MILLIGAN, George Town, For publishing by Subscription, ADELINE MOWBRAY; OR THE MOTHER & DAUGHTER. IN TWO VOLUMES. By MRS. OPIE. Custom, and perhaps propriety, have rendered it necessary to bespeak the favorable opinion of the public to a new book; but the writings of Mr. Opie have long held such an undisputed claim to excellence, that nothing more seems necessary than to point out the leading object of the present very interesting tale, to recommend it to general patronage. Those who have attentively read the writings of Mr. Godwin, will know, that however correct his abstract positions, and however logical his deductions may be—till they are, in many instances, by no means suited to the actual state of society. His opinions on the matrimonial engagement would, if generally adopted, infallibly destroy those bonds which are at once the most efficacious restraint upon licentious passion, and the best, nay the only security for domestic happiness. To counteract his fatal theory appears to be the principal design of the work now offered—in which the characters are so well supported, the incidents arise so naturally from the situations in which they are placed, the reasoning is so perfectly just, the whole narrative so beautifully pathetic, and the impression which it is calculated to produce on every ingenious mind, so favorable to the cause of morality, that the publisher confidently anticipates its meeting the same universal applause in this country which it obtained in England. CONDITIONS. To those who may subscribe before the first of October next, the price will be seventy-cents per volume, in boards, after which it will be advanced to eighty-seven and a half cents per volume. August 13—eopIm
LANDING THIS DAY, From on board the schooner MARIA , capt. Fitzhugh, from New York— A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar , Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and cannisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
LOTTERY TICKETS Just received and for sale, by Joseph Milligan, at J. March's book store George Town. * * * A few Tickets in the Charitable Marine Society, which commences drawing in Baltimore on Wednesday the 24th inst.—present price of Tickets Five dollars, but will advance to $1 2 dollars before the drawing begins. August 13—
AMERICAN HEMP. THE Secretary of the Navy will receive until the 1st. November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New London; New York; Philadelphia, Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N. C.; Charleston, S. C.; Savannah, Geo. or New Orleans. For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the Secretary of the Navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such Hemp when dew rotted. Navy Department, May 3—wtN
FOR SALE. FOUR HUNDRED acres of land adjoining land of Samuel Aurant, lying in Beaver Township, Northumberland county, state of Pennsylvania—or exchanged for merchandise or good property well situated in this city. For terms apply to JOSEPH WHEATON. Washington City, May 18—wtf
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to public sale on Saturday the 17th day of September next at Rhodes's Tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of Thomas T. Gantt to Lot No. 15 in square 293, Lots Nos. 12 and 14 in square 430, Lot No. 2 in square 12, Lots 21, 22 and 23 in square 569, and Lots 13 and 14 in square 1023, taken by virtue of a writ of feri facias , issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Samuel Crowdsen and others (for the use of William Brent) against Thomas T. Gantt: the sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock. Terms, a credit of 60 days and 90 days, the purchaser giving notes with approved endorsers. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal District Columbia. August 11—2awts
Annapolis Md. July 15, 1808. CHARLES HENRY WILLIGMANN, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has taken that justly celebrated INN, in this city, called the UNION TAVERN, which was formerly in the possession of Mr. George Mann. He hopes by his assiduity and attention to give general satisfaction, and that the high character which this Inn acquired in Mr. Mann's time, and which it still has, as being one of the first taverns in the Union, will not be lessened while it remains in his possession. August 12—9t
WASHINGTON BRIDGE COMPANY. THIRTY or FORTY CARPENTERS are wanted, to whom good wages will be given.—Apply to Mr. MILLS, at the Bridge. By order of the President & Directors, SAML. ELLIOTT, Jr. Ck. August 10—3t
THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED to open Books in the city of Washington for subscriptions for shares in the "Columbia Manufacturing Company" give notice that the books were this day opened at the Office of the Clerk of the Circuit Court, and will remain open until the requisite number of shares shall be subscribed for. W. CRANCH, WM BRENT, GEORGE BLAGDEN. August 1, 1808.
BALTIMORE TRINITY CHURCH LOTTERY, Positively commences drawing on the first day of November next. The Managers give notice that they have contracted with a Company of Gentlemen for nearly all the unsold TICKETS and have given them bonds that the drawing shall positively take place as above stated, and to draw 2000 tickets per week till the whole is completed. SCHEME. Subject to no Deduction.
   Dollars. Dollars.     1 prize of 5000 is 5000   1 3000 3000   2 2000 4000   2 1500 3000   3 1000 3000   6 500 3000   20 200 4000   35 100 3500   70 50 3500   175 20 3500   500 10 5000   5250 6 31,500   6065 Prizes, 72,000   11935 Blanks.   18000 tickets less than two blanks to a prize: sum raised 15000   Expenses including commission to the corporation, 90,000  
Part of the Capitals will be determined as follows: 1 prize of 200 dollars to the first drawn blank. 1 do. 200 do. after 2000 tickets. 1 do. 200 4000 1 do. 200 6000 1 do. 200 8000 1 do. 1000 10000 1 do. 500 12000 1 do. 500 14000 1 do. 500 16000 1 do. 1500 17000 2 do. 2000 last drawn blank. July 20—eopIm.
CHARLOTTE-HALL SCHOOL. An examination of the Pupils was held, on the 26th and 27th days of July, before the Trustees of the institution and many of the Parents and Guardians of the Pupils; and orations were delivered the following day, before a very numerous audience, and received with unbounded applause. The examiners, who were Dr. John Purnham, Mr. Frederick Campbell, late of William and Mary college, Virginia, and Mr. John Ralph, late of Princeton college, New Jersey, expressed their high approbation of the state of the school and the progressive improvement of the pupils generally; while they felt a high degree of satisfaction at the excellence of several, in each department. After the examination and orations had been finished, the annual vacation commenced, and school will, again open on the first day of September next. Signed by order of the Board of Trustees, NEALE H. SHAW, Register. Cool Springs, August 1, 1808.
CHARLOTTE HALL SCHOOL. Resolved, That the tuition at Charlotte Hall School from and after the first day of January 1808, shall be at the rate of twenty-eight dollars per annum, payable quarterly and in advance, and that no pupil shall be admitted or continued in said school, failing to comply with this resolution after his entrance, whose amount of tuition shall exceed two quarters in arrear; and, that the Principal of said school shall be charged with the faithful execution of this resolve.
Whereas there is due to Charlotte Hall school a very large sum of money for arrearages of tuition, which the institution stands greatly in need of, to comply with the engagements of the Trustees to Masters and Teachers, as well as for contracts entered into by them, for erecting the necessary buildings, suitable for said school; which arrearages must be paid without delay to save the school from falling: Notice is hereby given, That unless said arrearages are paid, before the first day of September next, suits will be instituted against such delinquents, without respect to persons. Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg. Cool Springs, August 5—w3t
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, sugars, Coffee, &c. W. & C. SMITH have just received from the Maria from New York, 6 Chests } 20 Boxes } Fine Imperial Teas 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } 15 Boxes } Hyson Teas 100 Canisters } 20 Chests } 18 Half do. } Young Hyson Teas 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves, 52 Hhds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bags best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Small baskets best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Teneriffe wine. Georgetown, June 20—2wtf.
Treasury Department, United States, April 28, 1807.
WHEREAS the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at a meeting held on the 23rd day of March 1807, did among other things resolve, that the Eight per cent. Stock created in pursuance of the several acts of Congress passed on the 16th day of July 1798, and 7th day of May 1800, should be reimbursed on the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and nine. This is therefore to give notice that the principal of the said Eight per cent. Stock will, on surrender of the certificates, be paid on the first day of January 1809, to the respective Stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury or at the Loan Office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of Stock respectively held by them.
It is further made known for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the said Eight per Cent Stock either from or to the books of the Treasury, or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans will be allowed after the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and eight. And the interest on all certificates of said Stock, which shall not have been surrendered in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement thereof.
And whereas the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at their meeting held on the 23rd day of March as aforesaid, did also resolve, that the sum which after making the current payments for the years 1807 and 1808, and after reimbursing the Four and a half per Cent Stock, might remain to complete the annual appropriation of Eight Millions of dollars, for those two years, should, among other purposes, be applied to the purchase of the Eight per Cent Stock at private sale, and that such of the Cashiers of the Bank of the United States, and of its office of Discount and Deposit as the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate, be the agents under his superintendence for making the said purchases:—Notice is hereby accordingly given, That James Davidson, Junr. Cashier of the office of Discount and Deposit at Washington, has been appointed agent for that purpose in Washington, to whom such of the proprietors of Eight per Cent Stock as may be willing to sell the same within the prices limited by law, are requested to apply. ALBERT GALLATIN, 1am. Secretary of the Treasury