The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-03-27 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1320.
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MONDAY, MARCH 27, 1809.
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday Evening, March 6, 1903. EX-POST FACTUM OF THE PUBLIC NO.
was extremely reluctant to bring forward a motion on this subject, because he knew it might be said and truly that there was no time for the House to examine the documents during the present session. He was well aware of that objection, and therefore should not go into that examination; but should restrict his motion to so limited an extent, that it would be impossible for any man, as he believed, to deny its truth. It would be impossible for any man to complain that any difficulty existed as to a ready comprehension and prompt decision upon it. It was restricted only to a single case. If the House adopted the motion it would then be for the House to declare what should grow out of it. Mr. Randolph said he believed that it was understood in Great Britain that a dissolution of Parliament did not effect an impeachment, that the impeachment did not abate by the dissolution; and it belonged to the wisdom of the House, after the resolution was decided to say what should be done with it. He wished it to be distinctly understood that he made his motion to redeem a pledge given to the House; and that there was not a man, in the U. States, however limited his capacity, that would not be able to discern its truth or falsehood. It did not rest upon involved accounts or points of law, but upon the plainest and most luminous propositions which could be offered to the human mind, the truth or falsehood of which would at once appear.
 On the 16th of March, 1802, an act passed fixing the military peace establishment of the United States. By that act it was provided "that the monthly pay of the officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates, be as follows, to wit: to the brigadier-general two hundred and twenty-five dollars which shall be his full and entire compensation, without a right to demand or receive any rations, forage, travelling expences, or other perquisite or emolument whatsoever, except such stationery as may be requisite for the use of his department." This is the law of the land, said he, in relation to this officer. The law then goes on to state what shall be the pay of other officers, non-commissioned officers, & privates; the 5th section apportions the rations to the different grades of officers, and allows "to the commanding officers of each separate post, such additional number of rations as the President of the United States shall from time to time direct, having respect to the special circumstances of each post." I beg the House to attend that the words are "such additional number of rations;" and yet it is in proof before the House that Brig. General Wilkinson has received a considerable sum of money, to wit. $ 1433 16 for thirty-six extra rations per day whilst commanding at Natchitoches and at New 
Orleans. Whilst at the latter place he has also recieved an allowance of 600 dollars for "quarters, stabling, &c." said allowance, both as relates to rations & quarters being prohibited by the law of the land. I know that the allowance has been made under very high authority, no less than that of the Attorney General of the United States under the sanction of his opinion than his.
Mr. R. said it did not behove him to enter into a contest with gentlemen learned in the law as to the exposition of the law; much less with the attorney general in a case susceptible of being so put that a difference of opinion might arise thereon. But where the case was such that a difference of opinion could not take place where the terms of the law were attended with great deference, as a representative of the people, not only think himself entitled to decide between that people and the administration for them, but that he was so bound by duty to express such opinion. And he felt himself so bound in this case by perceiving that the public interest required it.
the attorney-general acknowledged the force of the 4th section of the law cutting off the commander in chief from any other emoluments, and said, "To put a just interpretation on any clause contained in a statute, you must look beyond the insolated section. The entire act must be taken into view, and such a construction applied as will give effect to every part." Mr. Bellamy quoted the printed document. "The allowance made to general Wilkinson is not in his capacity of brigadier general, but in his quality of commander of a separate post. By the 5th section of the act above mentioned the President is authorised to allow to the commanders of separate posts such additional number of rations as he may from time to time think proper to direct, having respect to the special circumstances of each post." Now surely the force of this term " additional " must have been overlooked by the attorney general in this particular case. To a man to whom rations
are allowed by law you may allow additional rations. But can you allow additional rations to a man who is expressly prohibited from receiving any? Can you allow additional anything to a man whose compensation is fixed by law, and who is precluded in the act itself from receiving any farther compensation? To inferior officers commanding at separate posts, additional rations were by the law contemplated to be allowed, and for a reason explained in the act itself. But it would be recollected that the commander in chief always had a separate command. The law contemplated that by having a separate command, incidental things as to inferior officers but inseparable as to the commander in chief, they might be compelled to entertain company and go into expences which their pay would not warrant; and therefore in such cases additional rations had been allowed. If my construction of the law be not correct, said he, words have lost their meaning; terms have no longer any signification; and we legislate here to no purpose whatsoever. And the force of this thing will be made more apparent when we come to consider that it is stated by the accountant of the War department that cols. Freeman and Cushing received "additional rations," agreeably to law, for commanding at Natchitoches and New-Orleans, for the same period of time which an allowance was made to the commander in chief at the same places. So that even if his construction was incor-
rect, if white conveyed the idea of black , if right was wrong , if "additional" signified substractional , still Mr. R. said that the law had been completely executed quo ad hoc the moment the President had authorised additional rations to cols. Freeman and Cushing for commanding at Natchitoches and New-Orleans. These
were things which he thought it his duty to state to the House. If they were not true, if they were not as evident as the lights burning before his eyes, then the House would say so, would deny the fact. I could go on further & state a great many other illegal grants equally clear with this. I will state one more. It is stated in these documents. To be sure it is a petty affair and one which I would not have brought before this House, if I were not impelled by a sense of duty. It is an allowance of $ 47 41 for part pay, subsistence and forage from the 16th of March, 1802, to the 31st of May following—made how? “By an arrangement of the War Department.” Now on the 16th of March, a law was passed, which took effect as a law of the land, from the time the President signed it; and if the President could have defeated the operation of the law till the 31st of May, 1802, he could defeat it altogether. It was the boast of a free government that law and not the discretion of men was to govern; and the highest officer of this government was as strictly amenable to law, as the humblest member of society, in the pro conscientia of the nation. Although he had been in the wrong, there be- ing another reason why the proposition which I am about to submit to the consideration of the House. I know the lateness of the session, and the House will appreciate the motives by which I am actuated. If not, it is my misfortune, but not my fault. I should be sorry to labor under the censure of the House, but if I incur it in the discharge of my duty I shall bear it with equanimity—I trust, as becomes a man. I therefore move as follows:
• Resolved , That the allowance of 1,433 dollars and 16 cents for "36 extra rations per day" made by the department of war to brigadier-gen. Wilkinson at Natchitoches, from the 13th to the 30th of September, 1806, and from the 1st of Oct. to the 11th of Nov. in the same year, and whilst commanding at New Orleans, from 12th Nov. 1806, to 24th Nov. 1807, and of 600 dollars for "quarters, stables, &c." at the same place is contrary to law: the said allowance being expressly prohibited by the act passed the 16th day of March, 1802, entitled "An act fixing the military peace establishment of the U. States."
The House agreed now to consider the resolution.
MR. RANDOLPH said it would be recollected that he had said the Attorney-General had misapprehended, because he had mistated the law on the subject of the military peace establishment; and yet, when he came to read the attorney-general's opinion as printed , he found to his very great surprize and embarrassment, that the law was correctly quoted. He would state how it happened. In the 10th page of the printed report, fifth paragraph and fourth line, the word "additional" preceding the words "number of rations" will be found, but ought not to be, because it was not in the attorney general's official report. It was omitted, and Mr. R. said he wished to state how it got in. When the copy of the attorney general's opinion had been put into his hands, he had perceived the difference between the opinion and the law as it now stood, and with his pen had marked the omission as a guide to himself, and the printer had inserted it in the printed copy: and thus Mr. R. said when he read the printed report to the House, he was astonished that it did not tally with his conception. This being a palpable error, every gentleman who had the report, and those who published it, ought to omit the word " additional ." This would shew to the House, he hoped, that it was not very unreasonable in him to differ on this occasion with a gentleman of the attorney general's erudition; as he had so far misunderstood the law.
MR. J. G. JACKSON moved that the resolution lie on the table. He said it would be unnecessary for him to state, that at this late period of the session it would be impossible to give to the resolution that consideration to which it was entitled. As it was announced by the mover of the resolution, said he, and as I find by the
printed statement, of which I was really never possessed before this evening, the attorney general has given in his official capacity an opinion that the allowance was just and proper; and that in pursuance of such opinion the amount charged was allowed. What is the House about to do? What are they asked to do? Even admitting that there was no difficulty on the subject, that a person of the high responsibility of the attorney general had not given an opinion, they are called upon to decide that the construction given by one of the departments to their law is an incorrect one. To make such a declaration would be an encroachment on the other parts of the government. It would be the essence of despotism to enact laws, and after they have been construed by the proper tribunals, to say that that construction is erroneous. I incline to the opinion that the decision has been incorrect, but deny the authority of this House to reverse the decision. It is a fundamental principle of free governments that the powers of the several departments shall be separate and distinct. The legislature enacts; the judiciary expounds; but it would be as improper for us to expound as for the judges to enact laws. We have witnessed already the impropriety of legislative exposition of laws. It is almost six years since I brought before the House the question respecting the construction of a contract—though I did not wish to have involved that question—between the United States and the state of Ohio, in relation to lands of the United States exempt from taxation by that state. The contract declared that five per cent. of the nett proceeds arising from the sales of lands should be applied to roads. The legislature of Ohio, in accepting the proposition inserted a provision that three per cent. should be applied, under the direction of the legislature, in opening roads in the state. The House of Representatives when the bill was before them contemplating the appropriation of five per cent. solemnly declared that only two per cent. was applicable. The legislature of Ohio unanimously declared that five per cent. was proper; and Mr. Brackenridge, then Senator from the state of Kentucky, afterwards attorney general of the United States, (I quote him as high authority) was of opinion that the decision of this House was incorrect. What does this amount to? That it is extremely dangerous for the legislature of a country to give an exposition of its own laws. With regard to the word “additional,” I should rather presume that the attorney general in his original opinion, must have inserted it; for on recurring to the letter of the Secretary at War, we find that he says, in the 5th section, &c. the President is authorised to allow the commanding officers of posts such additional number of rations as he shall deem proper.” Mr. Jackson said he could not perceive that any good could flow from the adoption of this proposition at this or any other time. If it was intended to effect anything by legislative construction of the law, it would be inefficacious, because it could only be done by prospective construction. Impeachment of the Secretary of War could not be intended, because he acted correctly from the opinion of the attorney general; nor of the attorney general, because, if wrong, he had not so acted corruptly, but from a mere error of opinion. For these reasons and believing it impossible to act on the subject with that deliberation which it required, Mr. Jackson wished the resolution to lie on the table.
Mr. RANDOLPH said the House would act on the resolution as in its judgment and wisdom it should think fit, and as a sense of duty and respect to its own character and the interests of the public should dictate. He had discharged his duty. But before I sit down, said he, permit me to observe, that to presume the existence of a word, in the official letter which the House have proof, the letter being before them, never was in the letter, is one of the highest stretches of presumption that man ever attained. I know that the word was not in the letter. I pledge my reputation on the fact; and I think that the reputation of the Attorney-general as a lawyer is sustained by the word's being omitted
in the letter. I have seen the letter on file; there is no such word in the letter. On what ground, sir, did I rest this motion? On the ground of oversight in the Attorney-general in giving the opinion, inasmuch as this important word "additional" is omitted in that opinion. But if you put that word in the opinion, do you not see that instead of involving oversight you involve deliberate perversion of law? Do gentlemen call themselves friends of the gentleman and contend that this word must have been inserted? We have heard of the people being their own worst enemies; it very often happens that a man's friends are his worst enemies. The omission of this word "additional" might—I charge no improper motives—have proceeded from hurry of business; we are all liable to oversights. But it is said that we cannot construe our own laws, except by enacting new ones. Then, sir, I hope we shall not enact new laws, if, when broken through, our only remedy is to re-enact them. This is indeed a grand discovery. Can you expect the new law to be adhered to, when the old one is with impunity to be departed from? Unquestionably you cannot. The law, it seems, must be construed by the proper tribunal—and which is the proper tribunal to try any thing touching the malversion of public money, but this House? Can you bring it before a judicial tribunal? You cannot. Well, sir, suppose when Mr. Whitbread brought forward his motion in the House of Commons that certain uses and abuses of public money were contrary to law, he had been met at the threshold by such an objection—We should have heard and correctly too, of corruption and ministerial intrigue. Mr. Pitt was then in office, and Melville his bosom friend, his co-adjutor in public life; but he had too high a reputation for his own fame, for his own reputation, for that glory which was the first, the last and only object of his life, to make such objection. I have stated the circumstances under which the balance is due. This matter is important to the people into whose bosom we are about to return to account for our stewardship, who are not to be put off on questions of money by questions of order and opinions of high authority, who over matters of money will cavil to the ninth part of a hair. If gentlemen think this course will suit them, if they wish to attach what I call this foul stain to the administration, they shall not have my aid in doing it. On them will rest the responsibility. Having done my duty I shall submit as it behoves me to submit. I do not appear here as a partizan. I appear here in the legal and constitutional exercise of my Representative duties. I have exercised my duty; the House will do theirs in the manner which to their wisdom shall seem fit.
Mr. HOLLAND said that it was with a wish to preserve the honor and dignity of this House that he rose to make a few remarks. He thought that both would be compromised by the adoption of the resolution under consideration. A committee had been appointed to examine into this subject, and the gentleman from Virginia was the chairman. It would seem proper that that committee should have made a specific report on the subject. Wherefore had they not done it, and why was this motion brought forward at 8 or 9 o'clock on the last night of the session and of the existence of the present Congress? Was it for the purpose of forcing the House into a vote of this kind without consideration? If that committee had done their duty, they would certainly have favored the House with a detailed report. The committee had not thought proper to do so, and therefore the gentleman from Virginia had presented this resolution. Mr. H. said that no person could be prepared to decide on the propriety or impropriety of the opinion of the Attorney-gen. For what purpose, said he, can this resolution be brought forward? Suppose this House were to resolve that the opinion of the Attorney-general was incorrect, what good purpose would it answer? Would it bring back into the Treasury the money improperly applied? No. Is it consistent with the honor and dignity of the House to pass an opinion on the subject? It is the duty of this House to make laws, and of another tribunal to de-

cid on the laws when made; and an incorrect decision be made, the person making it is liable to be impeached, and this House is the organ for that purpose. Why was not the matter brought forward properly? The Attorney-general is an officer constitutionally appointed to give his opinion on any matter of doubt in the departments of the government. But have we that right? No; our province is to make laws, and if our officers violate them, they may be impeached in a proper manner. The gentleman from Virginia says that he has discharged his duty. I very much doubt it, sir. He has done more than his duty; he has brought forward a proposition which it is impossible to deliberate on. He has done what cannot be supported. I hope the resolution will lie on the table.
Mr. NELSON said as to himself he cared not whether the resolution was ordered to lie on the table, or whether a question was immediately taken on it. He was ready for either question. One reason, however, why he should vote for it to lie on the table, was that it was very late in the session, that the House was exceedingly fatigued, that a great number of members who would probably throw considerable light on this subject were now absent from the House; and were he now to vote for its lying on the table it would be from that consideration. He did not agree with any gentleman who supposed that this resolution had been brought forward from improper motives. He had no hesitation in declaring his sentiments explicitly on that head. Sorry as he was to differ with the gentleman from Virginia on points of this magnitude, yet, upon this subject he had no hesitation as to the vote which he should ultimately give. I will ask in the first place (said Mr. Nelson) at what does this resolution aim? It is a bare and naked resolution declaring as the opinion of this House that certain opinions of the Attorney-General are contrary to law. Is it intended to affect Gen. Wilkinson, the late Secretary of War, or the Attorney-General? I cannot see the object; whether it points at the one or the other, or at all, is totally immaterial. I do not rise in my place at this time of night as the partizan of the one or the other. I disclaim any such motive. I rise because I believe if we pass the resolution it will violate the fundamental principles of the American constitution; that it will be more dangerous and be attended with more evil consequences than Burr's or any other conspiracy. If a precedent of this kind be once set, it leads immediately to the most positive and absolute despotism. The constitution of the U. States has wisely said that the different departments of the government shall be separate and distinct. To Congress it has given the power of passing laws; to the Executive the power of carrying them into execution. To the judiciary it has given the great and important power of expounding laws passed by Congress—and can it for a moment be said in a free country that we will take away the power from the judiciary? That we will pass a law to-day, and to-morrow come forward and with a bare resolution of one House say that the law was improperly expounded? Do we mean on one day to pass laws and on the next day to expound them? If we consider this question in a less important point of view we shall find that this mode of doing business is equally productive of injustice. General Wilkinson it is said has improperly received a certain sum; and the gentleman says that there is no mode of getting it back again. I deny it, sir; the action lies for the recovery, and on the trial of that, the judges will decide the constitution of the law.
Mr. RANDOLPH said that the gentleman from Maryland, for the exercise of whose candor towards his motives he ought to be obliged, had certainly mistated his argument. He only asked of the gentleman the exercise of the same candor to his argument as he had displayed to his motives. He had not said that judgment could not be had against a public defaulter—far from it—but he did say that as to mismanagement or misapplication of public money, this House was the only tribunal.
Mr. NELSON said he was sorry if he had mistated the gentleman's argument. That certainly had not been his object. He was glad that he and the gentleman from Virginia agreed in one thing, viz. that if the money had been improperly paid out of the treasury, Gen. Wilkinson was responsible for it. Neither the opinion of the attorney-general or a resolution of the House of Representatives were conclusive as to what law was. The only authority which could properly decide on the propriety of the exposition of the law, was the supreme court of the U. S. Now suppose an action to be brought against general
W. Were the House about to pre-judge this question? Were they about to create a bias on the minds of the judges? Was the judiciary to be alarmed because the popular branch of the legislature had given an opinion on the subject? He had too much confidence in the judiciary to believe that would be the case; for he believed that they would say that the attempt of Congress to expound the law was futile. Mr. N. said he heard himself admonished by his friends around him that he was extending his remarks to too great a length for the lateness of the hour. He concluded his observations by expressing his regret at seeing this proposition brought forward at a time and in a manner which precluded a full discussion of it.
Mr. ROWAN thought the present a question worthy of all the time which had been consumed in discussing it; and if the doctrine advanced were true, then were secrets disclosed in the operation of this government which were not before known. The constitution provided that no money should be drawn out of the treasury contrary to law; but now it seemed that the officers might draw money on the opinion of the attorney-general. A sum of money might be wanted and no law might be passed for the purpose. The President having a right to appoint an attorney-general, his opinion might be procured in favor of the application of the money. He was sorry that so much consequence had on this occasion been given to the opinion of the attorney-general. This officer was not known in this question, not being known to the constitution. He was an officer created by law, to be consulted on legal questions by the officers of government in order to give them confidence in the execution of the laws; but at their risk they then performed their duty, his sanction not exempting them from responsibility. Here was an innovation on the constitution—the opinion of an officer not known to the constitution was brought in to screen a misapplication of public money. Had he assumed the judicial power? And were the representatives of the people to be restrained from making enquiry because he had done so? Gentlemen had said that it was the province of the judiciary to expound the law; and that an action might be brought for the recovery of the money misapplied. And was the House to be satisfied with this remedy? It was not the mere money which was the object of attention. Should the refunding of the money screen the officer who had violated his trust? A question of this kind should not be passed over out of delicacy to individuals. In proportion to their elevation were officers secure from accusation; because they were approached in such stations with reluctance, and never upon light grounds. This circumstance was sufficient security against light imputation. But, admit the plea of delicacy, and they would be sheltered from all enquiry. Whoever had the money of the nation in custody might then dispose of it as he pleased, because to request him to account for it would be a matter of high delicacy. The argument that by passing this resolution they would prejudice the question, was not sound. The resolution might be amended so as to appoint a committee of enquiry upon whose report the House might or might not proceed. The idea that appropriation laws were necessary to be expounded, he said, was inconsistent with the nature of our government. They should be explicit and intelligible to the meanest capacity. But if a doubt should arise as to the construction of the law, it should be laid before the House by the President, whose duty it was to lay before Congress from time to time such subjects as he should deem proper for their consideration. Three or four opinions of the attorney general had lately crept into the history of this country. The opinion of the attorney general had been sent to the House on the subject of the claim of Beauharchais without their requisition of it; and in other cases it had been allowed great weight. He thought the nation should put its veto up on the influence of the opinions of the attorney general, as related to the duties of the great departments of the government. Mr. Rowan said, if he understood the duty of the attorney general, it was to prosecute suits in the courts of the nation in behalf of the United States, and to secure their great interests; but not to give an opinion on points which the heads of departments should propose, and under the authority of his opinion to screen them from the scrutiny or censure of the people. He would not give the nation reason to suppose that the legislature lent the smallest sanction to a proceeding of this kind; and therefore he thought the resolution should be immediately acted on. It had been said that this proposition
involved the character of the persons concerned. Mr. R. said that malfeasance would never be alleged without involving character; and according to the doctrine laid down, public officers had a licence to do what they pleased. The argument that the resolution involved the character of general Wilkinson was nothing; that character was out of the question; it had been too long in the public reach to be sullied by anything which could be done in this House. The people never looked to whom money is paid, but by whom it is paid. The responsibility of the departments is involved. If they would give money to the officer, it was well understood that he would spend it. It was an error of the department of war. He regretted that this proposition had come forward at so late a period of the session; but why it had done so the gentleman from Virginia had explained. He had rather that the subject should not have come before the House than that it should have been dismissed lightly; for there had scarcely been so important a question before the House during the present session. It connected itself with the vitals of the government. Say at once, said Mr. Rowan, when you make a law for the appropriation of public money, that you have no power to enquire into its application, that the subject shall not be approached from delicacy or the fear of prejudging it, and you immediately make the heads of departments despots. A few thousand dollars compared with principle is nothing; a correct decision is worth millions. If the House were to refuse to permit the resolution to lie on the table, it might be amended. If it should be thought proper, Mr. R. said, he was prepared to vote for a committee of enquiry, not as to the man or men who had received the money, but as to those who had paid it. He did not say that there was any criminality in this case, but malignity and error in this case were the same; for mal-conduct would always clothe itself in the garb of the latter, were it to be admitted as a plea in excuse. Upon this subject there should be the utmost rigor of scrutiny. It was lamentable, if the opinion of the attorney general was to rule the whole government, that from so young an institution as this government so perfect an exerescence had grown out. It was no excuse for a man who had the custody of the public money, that he had obeyed the Executive direction in applying it improperly.
Mr. J. G. JACKSON said he rose now merely to read a section of a law; for gentlemen had repeatedly said that the opinion of the attorney-general was not known to the law in such a case as the present, and that it was improperly foisted in: "That shall also be appointed a meet person learned in the law, to act as attorney-general for the United States, who shall be sworn or affirmed to a faithful execution of his office; whose duty it shall be to prosecute and conduct all suits in the supreme court in which the U. States shall be concerned, and to give his advice and opinion upon questions of law when required by the President of the United States, or when requested by any of the heads of departments, touching any matters that may concern the departments, and shall receive such compensation for his services as shall by law be provided." Mr. J. said he was not about to enter into any examination of the vulnerable arguments of gentlemen, because he was aware of the lateness of the hour (9 o'clock); but he would remark upon the remark that his presumption was erroneous, that he found that the original letter of the attorney-general was not on the files of the House, but merely a copy of it. And on the remark that a man might lead his friend into difficulty, he would observe that he was Amicus Socratis, sed magis amicus veritatis . He must also be permitted to remark that "error and malignity" were not to be considered in the same light.
Mr. ROWAN said he contended that in money matters and high offices error was no more pardonable than malignity. So far as the attorney general was mentioned in the law just quoted, upon a sound construction he could only be considered as authorized to give an opinion not as a shield but as a guide to the department, and not to be the less responsible on that account. If the Executive doubted on any point, he might avail himself of the opinion of the attorney general; but he was not an officer intended to stand over the Executive, and screen him from public opinion.
Mr. GARDENIER had no hesitation in declaring his opinion that the money in question had been illegally, palpably illegally paid; to prove which he used arguments at some length to the same effect as those of Mr. Randolph and Mr. Rowan. When Mr. Gardenier had been speaking a
bout twenty minutes, Mr. RANDOLPH asked leave to interrupt him. He said he certainly meant no disrespect to the gentleman from New-York or to the House. He had thought that the motion was so clear a proposition that no debate would arise on it. If the debate progressed so as to delay the public business, which was urgent, he must withdraw the proposition.
Mr. GARDENIER declined permitting Mr. Randolph to withdraw his resolution until he had concluded his observations. He spoke about ten minutes longer.
When he concluded, after a few words from Mr. Alexander, the question was taken on those resolutions lying on the table and carried, Ayes 65; there being probably about ninety members present.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, MARCH 27.
Since the three celebrated historical painters of our country, West, Copley and Trumbull, have attained so high a grade in the English school as to be ranked by the common consent of the age in the first class of modern artists, we are happy to learn that Mr. Vanderlyn, a young man of New York, is emulating their fame in Paris with flattering symptoms of success. At the last annual exhibition his picture of Marius on the ruins of Carthage obtained great applause and was crowned with the medal of encouragement from the Emperor. A Paris journal, the Compter de l'Europe , speaks of it in the following terms. "This picture has procured the author a medal, an honor which merited; for his Marius is full of sentiment; it is correct, well drawn, and has a vigorous coloring. It is one of those pictures that ought to have been placed in a better light."
Orleans Territory —This important portion of the union, considering its prosperity and greatness as indisputably connected with the United States, has, very much to its honor, come out in the present exigency of affairs with an unequivocal expression of its sentiments. Here the voice of faction is silenced by the general affection and gratitude entertained for the general government; or, if heard, only serves to excite the honest feelings of an happy people. It was to have been expected that the transition from a government so different in its genius and structure from that of our own would give rise to much honest misapprehension, as well as dishonest cabal and intrigue. We ought not, therefore, to be surprised that treason here attempted to raise its head, and that an inordinate thirst for gain for a while furnished the materials of disaffection.
These have, fortunately, been completely put down by the wisdom and vigor of the government, and the good sense of the most respectable citizens of the territory.
Thus have the anticipations of the true friends of Orleans been fully realised. Well acquainted with the honorable character of the planters, they knew that an experience of the benefits that would not fail to ensue from a re-connection with the U. States would be the surest pledge of their friendship and devotion. Of this the following answers to the Governor are unequivocal proofs. It is no compliment to say that for elegance of diction and patriotism they are not surpassed by like papers of any of the state legislatures.
After this expression of the sentiments of the people of Louisiana, let us not be told that they are devoted to a foreign government, or are ready to enlist under the banners of Napoleon.
ANSWER
Of the Legislative Council to the Governor's Speech. His Excellency Wm. C. Claiborne, Governor of the Territory of Orleans.
SIR,
The Legislative Council of the territory of Orleans participate in the sentiments of your excellency concerning the critical situation of our national affairs; they see with regret that the wise measures taken by our general government, have not succeeded to bring to a sense of moderation and justice the belligerent powers, who have trampled upon the once respected rights of neutrality: but however great be the sacrifices which the safety of the country may render necessary under the present important circumstances, the citizens of this territory will submit to them with patriotic resignation; any thing, but the humiliation of yielding obedience to foreign powers, will appear to them supportable. Full of confidence in the wisdom of their government, they will await with impatience, but without inquietude, the result of its
deliberations on the best means of avoiding or of encountering the political tempest which threatens this country; and they will obey its decrees with cheerfulness.
Hitherto, quiet under the shelter of a free government, whose beneficent influence had given new life to its agriculture and commerce, this territory loses at least as much as any other part of the Union, in the unfortunate change which unforeseen and inevitable events have made in the political situation of the U. States, but there remains for its inhabitants a fertile soil, industry and courage. They are yet rich, if compared to the nations in whose bosoms war has been raging so many years, for nothing until now has threatened to disturb our interior tranquility, and we ought to esteem ourselves happy with the fate we enjoy amidst the calamities which desolate a great portion of the globe.
The legislative council are impressed with the importance of the several subjects of legislation, which your excellency recommends to the attention of the general assembly, and they will take them under due consideration. As to the raising of a portion of the militia of this territory, for which your excellency received orders from the President of the U. States, the legislative council believe that you will find it of easy execution, and that the citizens of this territory are ready to give proofs of their attachment to their government, and of their devotion to their country.
J. POYDRAS, President of the Legislative Council. New Orleans, Jan. 17, 1809.
ANSWER
Of the House of Representatives to the Governor's Speech. To His Excellency the Governor of the Territory of Orleans.
SIR,
When from every part of the U. States the voice of indignation is heard against certain governments of Europe for their insults and aggressions towards our country, the house of representatives of the territory of Orleans cannot view with indifference the picture of our national affairs, which your excellency has exhibited to their view. Zealous to participate in the prosperity as well as to share in the dangers of the great American family, they feel anxious to mingle their voice with that of their fellow citizens of the U. States, and to express to you the feelings and sentiments of their constituents.
It was not sufficient for those governments during the long space of twenty years, without ceasing, to deluge the vast countries of Europe with the precious blood of more than a million of men, the wretched victims of an unexampled ambition and insatiable cupidity; they now threaten our peaceful shores. Not satisfied with having banished peace from one hemisphere, they are eager to destroy its asylum in this part of the new world.
The wisdom of the measures taken by our government, has preserved us until this day from the losses and injuries which always are the precursors of a formal aggression against those who are so confident as not to be cautious or justly fearful of those outrages. Sacrifices and privations were imposed upon us by those measures; but in supporting them with courage and resignation we are well convinced, that if the embargo had not been put in force, our commercial wealth would have been invaded, our ships sequestered or destroyed, and our brave seamen lost to the service of their country.
We have listened with a peculiar attention to the communications which your excellency has given to us concerning the various parts of the administration, and they shall be the object of our early attention.
We are deeply impressed with the importance of the attention you recommend concerning the organization of the militia, and with the necessity of rendering it a more effective force by improving its discipline, so essentially necessary to the internal tranquility of the country, as well as to command respect abroad for a nation protected and defended by citizen soldiers.
We fondly hope that the execution of the orders which your excellency has received from the President for the raising of the quota of militia of this territory will meet with no difficulty. Uniting the civil to the domestic virtues, the Louisianians, whose individual cause is connected with the cause of liberty, will pay cheerfully to their country the tribute of their services, and will always shew themselves zealous to deserve the gratitude of their country, by co-operating in its defence. In every case your excellency may depend upon the assistance of the legislature in all the measures which may interest the general prosperity of the country.

PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, Maryland, will be offered for sale at the town of Upper Marlborough on Thursday the 13th day of April next, the Personal Property of the late Dr. Samuel Hepburn , deceased, consisting of a Negro or Mulatto Boy, a saddle, Horse, Medicine and Surgical Instruments, also a small Medical Library with other Books and sundry other articles. Six months credit will be given for all articles sold above Ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with approved securities. Lesser sums ready money. The sale to begin at 12 o'clock. GABRIEL PETERSON VANHORN, Administrator.
March 22-3t
NOTICE. THE persons who claim title to the following LOTS in Georgetown , are notified that their titles are defective in consequence of their having neglected to avil themselves of the compromise agreed on in the case of Beatty and Davidson . The representatives of Gen. Davidson are yet willing to assent to the same compromise, and all who apply by the 10th May next may obtain deeds on those terms—the lot claimed by those who do not apply will be proceeded against. If those persons desire any information on this subject they can apply to Mr. Abner Ritchie or to F. S. Key , Esq., Georgetown. Letters from those who do not reside in the District (post paid) will be attended to. ANNE MARIA DAVIDSON, Executrix & devisee of Gen. John Davidson .
The following are the Lots in Beatty and Davidson's addition to Georgetown , referred to in the above notice—Lots No. 2 & part of Lot No. 3, lots Nos. 4, 6, 15, 30, 41, 43, 44, 52, 58, 59, 60, 63, 67, 71, and part of lot 72—lots no. 80, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 113, 114, 118, 119, 121, 123, 125, 129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148, 149, 154, 155, 163, 166, 168, 170, 173, 176, 194, 195, 196, 205, 207, 211, 212, 214, 216, 220, 225, 227, 230, 231, 233, 237, 239, 245, 248, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267, 269, 270, 272, 273, 275, 278, 279, 282, 287, 288, 289, 290, 294, and 295. March 22-10m
INFORMATION WANTED. IF the heirs of ROBE HOREIN , a native of Wurtemberg, in Germany, who it is supposed died at Fredericktown, in the state of Maryland, in the year 1773, will make application at the Department of State, they will receive some information, which may probably be of advantage to them. March 22.
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY, Positively commences Drawing 12th of April next. HIGHEST PRIZES. 30,000 Dollars. 20,000 Dollars. 10,000 Dollars. 5,000 Dollars.
TICKETS & SHARES, Sold at WAITE'S Truly Fortunate Lottery Offices in New York, where was sold in the last Lottery the three highest prizes, viz: No. 20,231 23,000 Dollars. — 25,403 10,000 Dollars. — 20,799 5,000 Dollars. Tickets and Shares in the above Grand Lottery from Waite's Office, may be had of Mr. JOSEPH MILLIGAN , at his Book Store in Georgetown, where the weekly Prize List will be regularly received. Georgetown, March 10—ep1m
FIRE ENGINE. THE Columbian Fire Company having appointed a committee to make a contract for a Fire Engine, it is hoped that all persons indebted to them for fines, or subscriptions, will pay without further delay, to enable the committee to make the purchase. The following is the state of the funds of the company. Cash in the hands of the Treasurer, 202 25 Due on the subscription list, 156 00 Due for Fines, 106 00 Dollars 464 25
A good Engine will cost 600 dollars. There will be some additional expenses. Those who have not subscribed are earnestly called upon to make up this deficiency. It would be insulting both the understanding and the public spirit of the citizens to suppose that so important an object should be further delayed, for the want of a small addition to the funds in hand. Every citizen is deeply interested, and every one should cheerfully contribute his mite. Mr. Nicholas L. Queen is appointed to collect and receive subscriptions, and Griffith Coombe and Henry Tims to collect the fines. By order, and on behalf of the Company. JOHN COYLE, President. March 17
BLACK RIVER LOTTERY. No. 2. POSITIVELY commence Drawing on the 12th of April next. Present Price of Tickets. Whole Tickets $3 50 Half do. 4 25 Quarter do. 2 25 Eighth do. 1 12 1-2 Tickets at the New York prices from G. & R. Waite's Truly Fortunate Lottery Office may be had of JOSEPH MILLIGAN , Georgetown; where a regular Check book of the drawings will be kept, and adventurers in the Lottery may obtain the earliest information of their success gratis. ** Letters post paid containing Bank Notes shall be promptly attended to, and distant adventurers advised of the success. Georgetown, March 20-6t
NOTICE. WILL be exposed to PUBLIC SALE on the 15th day of April next at Remmonds tavern Navy Yard, all the right, title, claim and interest of JOHN VINTT in and to a part of a LOT in square No. 950, on Eighth street, 20 feet in front, running back 75 feet, with a Two Story BRICK HOUSE thereon, and other improvements, which property Mr. John Dobbins now occupies, taken by virtue of a writ of feri facias , issued from the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Lewis Clepham . Terms of sale cash. Sale to commence precisely at 12 o'clock. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal. March 15-4wts
NATIONAL MUSEUM. THE very flattering encouragement the Subscriber has met with from a number of Gentlemen of the highest respectability and talent, among whom he has the honor to name the President of the United States and Dr. Samuel L. Mitchell of New York —has induced him respectfully to announce to the Public, his determination to commence the establishment of a NATIONAL MUSEUM, connected with a GALLERY OF PORTRAITS, in the city of Washington, where a Building well calculated for the purpose is now preparing. The great and obvious utility of such an institution at the seat of the National Government, it is presumed will strike every liberal and enlightened mind in so forcible a manner as to render any further detail in the present instance unnecessary. C. BOYLE. March 20-3t
FOR SALE. A very likely healthy MULATTO GIRL , About 12 years of age—apply at this office. February 27-4t
WANTED TO HIRE. A WOMAN SERVANT, of good character, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and house work generally, to such a person liberal wages will be given—Apply to TOPPIN WEBSTER, Near to the Six Buildings. Feb 24-4t
FOR SALE. THE two story BRICK HOUSE, situated on square No. 930, in the city of Washington, now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven , as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6-2awm3.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. LOST, a SILVER WATCH with hands telling the day of the month on the face of her, and capped—Mott, maker, New York. Whoever will return the Watch to this office, shall receive the above sum, and no question asked. Wednesday, March 1, 1809—
PUBLIC SALE. By virtue of a decree of the high court of chancery of Maryland, appointing the subscriber trustee for the sale of the real estate of the late Samuel Hepburn , Esq. of Prince George's county, will be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 5th day of April next, in the town of Upper Marlborough, part of the real estate of the said deceased, being part of two tracts or parcels of land called Maiden's Downey and Grey Eagle , enlarged, containing three hundred and ninety two acres. This land is situated in Prince George's county, directly on the mail road leading from the city of Annapolis, through Queen Anne and Upper Marlborough to the city of Washington and Alexandria; is distant from the two latter places about ten miles, and about five miles from Upper Marlborough, and adjacent to two fertile and well known farms in said county, called the Wood Yard and Mellow Wood . It is well adapted to the production of tobacco, and all kinds of grain, and has a sufficient quantity of raw timber and fire wood to support two such farms. The terms of sale are twelve months credit, the purchaser giving bond with security, to be approved by the trustee, bearing interest from the day of sale. And on the ratification of the sale by the Chancellor, and on payment of the whole purchase money, the trustee will, by a good and sufficient deed, convey to the purchaser and his heirs, all the right, title and interest which the said Samuel Hepburn had in the said lands. TRUMAN TYLER, Trustee. N. B. The creditors of the said Samuel Hepburn , are requested to lodge their claims, with the vouchers therefor, in the Chancery office, within two months from the day of sale. March 20-w3t
COLUMBIAN LIBRARY. IN conformity to the charter of this Institution, an election will be held at the Library room for SIX DIRECTORS, on Wednesday next, the 29th inst. JOSEPH MILLIGAN, Librarian. March 24-3t
SALE. THE Subscriber being about to leave the city, offers for sale at her house, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the War Office, sundry articles of household and kitchen furniture, consisting of tables, chairs, bedsteads, looking glasses, and divers articles, too tedious to mention. Sale to begin on Thursday, 30th March, at half past 10 o'clock. Terms cash. REBECCA SCOTT. March 24-3t
PUBLIC NOTICE. PURSUANT to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the United States, of the third day of March inst. I am ready to receive, until the 10th day of April next, separate proposals in writing, for the supply of such articles of Stationery, as may be necessary for the service of the said House, until the 4th of March, one thousand eight hundred and eleven; and also, the like Proposals for the execution of all the Printing business of the said House, and for the supply of Fuel during the same time. The several species of Stationery, Printing and Fuel wanted, are subjoined to this advertisement, and the proposals must be accompanied with the names and residence of sufficient securities for performance. PATRICK MAGRUDER, Clerk to the House of Representatives.
STATIONERY WANTED. Letter Paper, hot pressed, vellum, extra large, plain. Folio Post, wove and plain, Medium size for engrossing, Foolscap, Ready made Pens and Quills, per hundred, Best Dutch Red Wax, Best Black do. Red Wafers, Common Black Sand, Inks and Sands (glass) per pair, Wafer Boxes and Pounce boxes, Half pint phials, with corks, Low priced Folders, Lead Pencils, Red and white tape, in pieces, Silk tape, or narrow ribbon, Ink of the best quality, per gallon, Indian Rubbers, per bottle, Parchment in skins, per dozen, completely dressed and pounced for use, 28 by 32 inches, Office Pen Knives. The supply of these articles must embrace a possible demand to the value of three thousand five hundred or four thousand dollars for each of the sessions in the Congress. It is desirable that specimens of Paper, Quills, Parchment and Wax should accompany the proposals. A security equal to sixteen thousand dollars will be required.
PRINTING WANTED. Plain work, octavo, 300 impressions of each sheet, Bills folio, numbered, per line, in sheet or half sheet, Figure work, Rule & Figure work, Table work, Folding and Stitching, per hundred, for any number of documents exceeding three half sheets, and thence to twenty half sheets, and upwards, Book-binding in boards, per volume, folio in calf, & octavo, marked in sheep, and lettered. In every instance the Printer supplies the paper as well as the work, duly folded and stitched, and no possible delay is to occur in the daily execution and delivery of the work, so that in all cases where it is practicable, the document ordered to be printed on any given day, may be ready for delivery the next morning, at the hour to which the House stands adjourned. The proposals must specify the ratio of decrease in the price for printing any number of impressions greater than the usual number of three hundred, and not exceeding five thousand. No extra allowance will be made for working on Sundays, holidays, or after night; these must be considered by the contractor in the price per sheet. The contractor must embrace a possible amount of work, during the sessions of the Congress equal to twenty thousand dollars, and the security required will be to the amount of forty thousand dollars.
FUEL WANTED. The supply of the next Congress will require three hundred Cords of good sound Hickory wood, to be delivered, sawed, packed and measured in the public cellar of the Capitol, at the expense of the contractor. One hundred and fifty cords to be delivered on or before the first day of October next; the remaining one hundred and fifty cords, must be delivered on or before the first day of September, one thousand eight hundred and ten. A proportion of the purchase money will be advanced on giving sufficient security for the performance of the contract. PATRICK MAGRUDER, Clerk H. of R. of the U. States. March 1-3w
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's County, Maryland, on Saturday the first day of April next, will be offered at public sale, at the late dwelling house of Thomas H. Hanson , deceased, all the personal property of the deceased, consisting of several Likely Negroes, to be sold for a term of years, and some to be sold for life—Horses, Cattle, Plantation Utensils & Household furniture. Terms made known on the day of sale. THOMAS G. ADDISON, Administrator. March 10-2awtds.
A TANY YARD TO BE RENTED. For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next. THE premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Sinks, a large Burk and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying Shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of Robert Underwood on the Pennsylvania avenue, who will show the premises. February 17-4t
FOR SALE. WILL be sold at private sale, a valuable tract of LAND, containing three hundred acres, well wooded, within three miles of George town—For terms of sale, which will be accommodating, apply to James Morsell , Esq. of George town, or to EDWARD HALL, of West River. March 24-6t
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponclets & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARASOL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, March 17-4t
PROPOSALS By THOMAS J. ROGERS & OTHERS, (Of Easton, Pennsylvania.) For publishing by subscription, a new and valuable work, to be entitled THE AMERICAN SENATOR, Or Select DEBATES in the Congress of the United States.
TO THE PUBLIC. IN offering this work to the American people, the Editors deem little need be said in its praise. It is to perpetuate as well the names as the talents of the sons of America, and to rescue from oblivion the eloquence of the American Senate. It has long been a source of regret to the lovers of oratory, that hitherto the debates in the Congress of the United States have been suffered to pass into oblivion, or preserved only in the ephemeral productions of the day. Orations, which would have done honor, to a Cicero or a Demosthenes, to a Chatham or a Curran, have been suffered to expire for the want of the fostering hand of a kind parent. No attempt has ever been made to give them a substance capable of enduring for ages to come. The Editors, proud of their country, and anxious to transmit to posterity monuments of her fame and glory, are determined to publish in volumes the speeches that may be delivered by the Representatives of the people of the United States. These they are not ashamed to put in competition with the most eloquent of antiquity. If Rome had her Cicero, and Greece her Demosthenes, America had her Ames. If Great Britain boasts of her Burkes, her Faxes, and her Chathams, why not America boast of her Madisons and her Dickersons, her Giles and her Bayards, her Pinckneys and her Livingstons? In reading this work, the patriot may rejoice that his country has yet her defenders, and liberty her advocates. The student may contemplate with pleasure and delight the many eloquence displayed by his countrymen, while the statesman may here study the true interests of his country. All ranks and all classes will be interested in a work, that has for its object, to preserve and perpetuate the talents and eloquence of our enlightened statesmen.
In the formation of these volumes, the Editors will be guided by a strict and impartial attention to the merits of the speeches alone; and if, on any interesting question, a greater number of orations should be published on one side, than are to be found on the other, the Editors will not be considered as blameable. Nor can they be answerable, on which side, the strength of the argument will lie. Their object is to give to the world a fair specimen of American genius, and by publishing the debates on each side of any question which may be agitated, a better opportunity will be given to every citizen of thinking and of judging for himself. It is in this manner, and in this manner alone, by enlightening the people of the United States, and exhibiting every measure proposed or adopted in its proper colors, that the liberties of the country will be preserved.
Prefixed to the orations on any particular subject, a concise narrative will be given of the object of them, and the orations will be selected without reference to parties or politics. The Editors had intended to have commenced their publication with the next Presidency; but as the debates during the present session of Congress have been extremely interesting to men of all parties, the Editors have thought it most proper to commence with them, as in all probability the debates during the ensuing legislature, will have a strong relation to the acts and proceedings of the present one.
CONDITIONS. I. The work shall be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to defray the expenses of printing. II. The debates of each Session will be comprised in a large Octavo volume, to contain about 400 pages. III. The work shall be handsomely printed, on a good paper, with a new Small Pica Type , and delivered to subscribers at Two Dollars the volume in Boards. To non-subscribers the work will be enhanced. IV. A list of Subscribers' names will be given at the end of the work. Orders from Booksellers and others will be promptly attended to. Easton, February 27.
W E the undersigned, Merchants, and Masters of vessels now in the port of Havana, having been called upon by Captain WILLIAM WILKINS , commander of the brig WILLIAM , of Dumfries, lately arrived from Baltimore to this port in distress, to examine and report the true situation of the said vessel, we do hereby certify and declare, that we went on board said vessel, and after strict examination, found the said brig's stem was started out and loose from its frame, the stern post entirely moved out of its place, and the stern in every part so wrecked, that the crew was obliged to confine it together with a hawser at sea—we also found that the said vessel made a great deal of water while lying in this port in smooth water—We also found her water ways all open, and her main top-mast carried away, and also the head of her foremast rotten and gone. We give it as our decided opinion, that the said vessel cannot proceed to sea in her present situation, and must be discharged to undergo a thorough repair. Given under our hands at Havana, this twenty-eighth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine. Signed, WM. L. RICHARDSON, ROBERT DAWSON, DANIEL SHAW, I. TABER, CLEMT. CATHELL. Extract of a letter from Mr. Vincent Gray , under date 22 February, 1809. "The brig has been sold for the best price she would command. To ship this cargo back to the United States, and pay a freight of 4 or 5 $ per barrel is out of the question, and no tribunal would ask it, as the freight and insurance from hence would amount to more than the flour would be worth on its arrival in the United States. Some of the cargo it appears was thrown over board, and a quantity damaged." (Signed) VINCENT GRAY. March 17-ep 1m
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED ON 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery authorized by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA. SCHEME. 2 prizes of $ 10,000 each 20,000 2 do. 5,000 10,000 2 do. 2,500 5,000 3 do. 1,000 3,000 6 do. 500 3,000 15 do. 200 3,000 30 do. 100 3,000 60 do. 50 3,000 150 do. 20 3,000 300 do. 10 3,000 13,800 do. 5 69,000 35,630 not 1-2 blanks to a prize. 50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Hibbo , Esq., the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery. Part of the above prizes determinable as follows: The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500. do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000 do. do. 90th do. 2500. do. do. 95th do. 5000 do. do. 100th do. 10000. do. The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part payment 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, The two 5000 dollars 10 shares The two 2500 do. 5 do. Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest. Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON, Washington city, December 12-wit
STOP THE SWINDLERS. 1000 DOLLARS REWARD. WILL be paid for the apprehending and delivery of JOHN THOMAS & HONORE MONPOEY, who absconded from this city on Tuesday or Wednesday last, having swindled several persons to a considerable amount. JOHN THOMAS is a small thickset well made man, about 5 feet 4 inches high, 34 or 35 years of age, dark complexion, short black hair, and a very black beard, speaks fast and usually with a smile on his countenance, has a remarkable scar on one side of his face, much inclined to dress; pretends to have some knowledge of horses, and frequently rides on a good one. Said Thomas resided for many years in Union street, where he kept a boarding house and grocery store. HONORE MONPOEY is about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, a Creole of St. Domingo, speaks broken English, of slender make, is lame in one foot, has a dark swarthy complexion, with short coarse curly hair, so much so that many would not take him for a white man, but from his residence in this city for many years past, he has generally been considered as such: pitted with the small pox, speaks fast, though he stammers while he speaks; usually very slovenly in his dress; pretends to have a knowledge of horses, having lately been in the habit of trafficking in the above species of property, as well as letting public chairs, Monpoey resided at the corner of Wentworth and King streets, where he kept a grocery store. From their connexions, it is highly probable they have travelled the same road, and may make for St. Mary's Georgia or New Orleans. Five Hundred Dollars reward will be paid for apprehending and delivering either; or One Thousand Dollars for both. WASHINGTON POTTER, WILLIAM POTTER, DANIEL LATHAM, PHILIP COHEN, JOSHUA BROWN, Committee on behalf of the creditors. N. B. The Printers throughout the Southern states and New Orleans are requested to insert the above three times, and forward their bills for payment. Charleston, March 15-3t
NOTICE. WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county, Maryland, on the 15th day of February last, a negro man, who calls himself Phil Blake —he is about 5 feet 6 inches high, stout made—he appears to be about 23 or 24 years of age—he has a small scar near his left eye, occasioned, as he says, by a stroke from his master—his back denotes him to have been severely whipped in his time—his clothing when committed, were as follows: a drab colored great coat, a dark brown round about, a swansdown waistcoat, old pantalettes, shoes and stockings, all much worn, a good wool hat, and wears his hair platted over his forehead—he says he belongs to Dr. Wm. P. Matthews , on Elk Ridge, within 5 miles of Elk Ridge landing. The owner is hereby requested to come and release him, otherwise he will be sold for his prison fees according to law. GEORGE CREAGER, Sh. F. Cy. March 20-w8t
The Editor of the National Intelligencer, Washington city; Evening Post, at Baltimore; and Republican Star, at Easton, are requested to insert the above once a week for eight weeks each. Bank of Columbia, March 16, 1809. The Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per Cent. per annum. The same will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives on or after Monday the 20th inst. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. March 20-3w
FOR SALE. Avaluable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county. Dec. 16-4t