The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-01-20 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY JANUARY 20th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Reply of the Post Master General.
(Continued)
Fully sensible of the necessity of establishing a line of stages from Fayetteville to Louisville, by Camden, Columbia, and Augusta; an agent was sent through that country to buy in the then existing contracts, which have yet some time to run, and to form contracts for the establishment of stages. But the agent was not enabled to procure a single offer within the act, or to purchase all the existing contracts upon such terms, as rendered the attainment of that object practicable. The only means left to the post master general, of accomplishing the great object of the act, was by establishing a line of stages from Fayetteville, by Georgetown to Charleston, whereby a connected line of mail stages was completed from Augusta to Petersburg, leaving only the space between Augusta and Louisville without the accommodation. For this part of the road no admissible propositions have been made. Indeed, so strongly was it believed by the adventurers from Petersburg to Fayetteville, that an extension of the line to Charleston, was essential to the support of their proposed establishment, that they refused the right of rescinding their contract, if that extension did not take place. The great difference in the receipts of revenue between the offices on the sea coast road and those in the interior, was strongly relied on by the citizens of Charleston, and other places, as not only warranting, but requiring the present establishment. Notwithstanding which, had it been practicable, the direct road by Camden, &c. would have been preferred; and the measures necessary for connecting the lines from Fayetteville and Georgetown, adapted; because it was readily foreseen, that in a little time cross stages would have been established, connecting the sea coast with the interior, and producing general accommodation.
2d. The establishment has answered the expectations formed at the time of passing the act. It cannot be doubted that its relation to the safe and regular transportation of the mails, the convenience of travellers, and the accommodations of the citizens residing on or near the post roads, the establishment has been of great public utility.
3d. From all the information I have been able to procure, and particularly from the unwillingness of the people, who reside on the road from Fayetteville by Camden, &c. to Louisville, to adventure, even when aided by a liberal compensation for the carriage of the mails, I have formed an opinion that the intercourse on the road, will not at present support the establishment of a line of stages. It follows, that with a view of saving the revenues of the post office department, it will not become an object for the United States, at the expiration of the present contracts, to provide a line of stages on that road, for the carriage of the mails. At the same time, such has been the success of the experiment made between Petersburg and Fayetteville, as when we take into consideration the rising importance of that part of the country; to warrant the belief that the opinions given in the post master general's report, of the 23d of March, 1802, may be relied upon as correct.
4th. The increase of our population, agriculture, commerce, and the consequent increase of intercourse between our citizens, and of travelling to and from different states; and distant parts of the same state; the interior security and regularity with which the mails are carried, when under cover and guarded by the traveller; the constantly increasing and enormous size of many of the mails on the great post roads, owing principally to an extended, and extending circulation of newspapers; the vast convenience furnished to the traveller and to the country through which the carriages pass, and the immense saving effected by them, is greatly diminishing the number of horses wanted, and the expense of feeding them, as well as in lessening the current expenditures of the traveller, all evince the propriety of giving every reasonable encouragement to those, who will adventure in establishing and supporting regular lines of public carriages.
The establishment of lines of stages from Fayetteville by Columbia, Camden, and Augusta, to Louisville, from Chambersburg in Pennsylvania, to Pittsburgh, and from thence by Chillicothe in Ohio, to Lexington in Kentucky, and from that place to Knoxville in Tennessee; and from thence by Staunton to Richmond in Virginia, would be of great public utility. They would extend to these sections of the union, the same
conveniences and accommodation, as are enjoyed by others, and complete a regular, safe and convenient mode of conveyance to and from all the important points in the United States. An event highly to be desired. Many embarrassments and difficulties will present themselves in pulling the mountains, and completing the establishments in the western states. But it is believed that with a reasonable encouragement the necessary arrangements might be effected in a short time.
Authorizing an extension of the mail contracts on the roads to seven years, and an increased expenditure for the conveyance of the mails not exceeding fifty per cent. appear to be the best, though not certain, methods of accomplishing these important objects.
I am, Sir, With great esteem and respect, Your most obedt servt, GIDEON GRAINGER.
CONGRESS.
House of Representatives. FRIDAY, January 6.
Debate on Mr. Randolph's motion for the appointment of a committee of enquiry into the official conduct of SAMUEL CHASE.
(Continued) Mr. JACKSON. As Mr. Speaker, this subject is novel in its nature, and may be important in its consequences, I presume there exists a disposition to hear the reasoning which any gentleman may be disposed to offer upon it. It is with this view that I rise to express my opinion in favor of creating a committee of enquiry. I consider this House as the grand inquest of the nation, whose duty it is to enquire on a proper representation, into the conduct of every official character under the government. Like a grand jury, we ought, in my opinion, at the instance of any member, to send for all persons possessed of information calculated to throw light upon the conduct of any individual inculpated. A contrary doctrine would lead to the most unfortunate consequences. It would lead to this, that a minority would never be able to enquire into the conduct of a state offender, unless such enquiry were favored by the majority; as it is now contended that the enquiry is not a matter of right which any member may demand, but a matter of favor to be granted according to the pleasure of the majority. It may be said that if a majority favor an individual, he will always escape without an impeachment. But I believe otherwise; and that the Senate, like a virtuous judge, will not suffer an atom of prejudice or partiality to fall into the scales of justice.
But, say gentlemen, though it may be the duty of the House to impeach an officer, it is necessary that facts, warranting such an impeachment, should be first presented. This is not the course pursued in cases where a grand jury is called upon to act. If a murder is committed, it is their duty to enquire, and diligently enquire who is guilty of the act, and to send for all persons capable of giving information respecting it. Such is the practice. If it shall be required to furnish facts, as is urged by gentlemen, the consequence will be that offences of the highest nature will be committed with impunity. It has been observed that it is odious to undertake the task of a public informer. But what the constitution and laws make our duty, so far from being odious, is honorable; because we thereby discharge a duty imposed upon us by our oaths, and because we the ourselves unawed by the vicious conduct of bad men. If the character of a public informer be odious, are we to expect that private individuals will come forward with affidavits; in such a case, to say the least of it, the duty would be of an unpleasant nature.
We have, in the course of this debate, been frequently called upon for precedents, and been told that when found, they ought to be adhered to. In a country, from which we are accustomed to draw precedents, in England, common report has been considered as a sufficient authority for similar enquiries. We do not, however, ask for an enquiry in this case on common report, but on the declaration of a member of this House made in his place. Suppose there was no such declaration, was not a common report from Maine to Georgia, condemned the conduct of the judge in the case of Fries and others at Philadelphia, in the case of a grand jury in
Delaware whom he directed to enquire for seditious practices, and in the case of Callender in Virginia? Has not the general sentiment of the country charged him with having in these cases abused his powers as a judge by tyrannizing over those who were brought before him? If we possess the right to enquire on common report, surely we ought to institute this enquiry on the prevalence of so general a sentiment. To such an enquiry I would unhesitatingly agree, if the character of the President were implicated, the opinion of the gentleman from Vermont to the contrary notwithstanding. I would likewise agree to make the same enquiry in any other case; because the enquiry would redound to the honor of the individual, implicated, if innocent; and because if guilty, he ought to be punished.
I am sorry my friend from Pennsylvania stated any facts, as I do not consider it necessary that the House should be acquainted with any facts to make this enquiry, and because I think the facts, stated as grounds of impeachment, are not such as will warrant an impeachment. I have always understood that it was the right of a judge to expound the law, and I have known frequent instances where the court have refused the counsel the liberty of discussing the law on points, on which they have made up their minds. While I am free to declare that the conduct of the court in the trial of Fries is not, in my opinion, such as to require an impeachment, yet I am in favor of instituting the enquiry. But say gentlemen, by the passage of this resolution, we shall censure the judge. I believe not. If I believed so, I would first require testimony; for I hold it a good principle that no man ought to be condemned until he has been heard. In my opinion this resolution will have no such tendency; as if the judge has not been guilty of misconduct, the enquiry will redound to his honor, and as it is the duty of a virtuous man to demand an enquiry whenever charged with an offence.
Gentlemen in opposition to this measure say they wish to guard against suspicion. But suspicion has long since gone forth; has been echoed and re-echoed from every part of the union; and the only way of defeating it, if it is founded, is to institute an enquiry, and if the character of the judge be innocent, to pronounce it so. I am surprised to find gentlemen, who profess a friendship for the character of one of the persons implicated, opposed to this enquiry, when they believe him innocent. I should suppose it their peculiar duty to call for the enquiry, that the accused might have an opportunity of proving to the world that his character has been assailed without a cause.
Mr. R. GRISWOLD. After what has passed on this floor, there can be no doubt that the gentlemen whose characters are implicated by this resolution will ardently desire an investigation of their conduct; and if on this floor, we were merely to consult our own wishes, we should unanimously agree to an investigation. But this is not our duty; our duty is to take on this, as well as on all other occasions, a correct course; to take those steps only which are warranted. It is because I doubt, after considerable deliberation, whether this course is warranted, that I am opposed to it. What, I ask, is the nature of the resolution on the table? It contains no charges against the judges implicated; it only proposes to raise a committee to enquire whether their official conduct has been such as to justify the interposition of the constitutional power of this House. If a committee of enquiry is raised, what will be their powers? One thing will certainly follow. They will be clothed with a power to send for persons, and probably for papers. Is it consistent with principle to appoint a committee, which, from its nature, must be secret, with power to ransack the country in the first instance for accusations against these judges, and then for proofs to support them? Is this correct? Are gentlemen prepared to say so?—to seek for accusations, and then for proofs to support those accusations against high officers of the government. For one, I believe that this course is not correct. I believe it to be dangerous. I agree with the gentleman from Vermont, that it operates in the nature of an inquisition. A committee will be raised, and next to prove it. If there is now any accusation against the judges let it be made; let it be made on this floor; and as the gentleman from New-Jersey has justly observed let us ascertain, if
true, whether it will be a sufficient ground for an impeachment. This will be a sobered course, and it will be the only safe course. If, on the contrary, we proceed in the manner proposed, it will be attended with this consequence. At the commencement of every session we shall raise a secret committee, to compose an inquisition, to ascertain whether there are not charges against some public officer, and to search for proofs to justify them. Is the government of this country founded on this principle? I know that this secret course of procedure is practised by the Spanish government and by some others; but I never thought that it would be the practice of this government. When a charge is made against a public officer, it ought to be boldly made. It ought to be made here, and should be committed to writing. Instead of this being done, there is no charge made. The resolution contains none. It is merely calculated to raise a secret committee. Why?—Because the gentleman from Virginia is of opinion that it is proper. In his opinion, or the opinion of any other gentleman to govern this House? Are we brought to this? I trust this is not the case. I trust that gentlemen will think necessary not only to consider his opinion, but to form their own. What can gentlemen say if they agree to this resolution? That they voted to investigate the conduct of two judges. Why? Because the gentleman from Virginia says it is necessary to investigate. Why investigate? Because the gentleman demands it.—This is the amount of the language of that gentleman yesterday. Because a member of this House gives his opinion of the course proper to be pursued on this occasion, it does not follow that we are to be governed by it. We may respect it; but we must respect our own opinions still more, if we faithfully discharge our duty. I am sensible that some facts have been mentioned by the gentleman from Pennsylvania; or rather that that gentleman has heard a story; but it is mere hearsay.
I ask also how this formidable charge has rested to this day? When and where did the transaction on which it is founded happen? In Philadelphia, and in the winter of 1800; when Congress were in session within twenty rods of the place where the court was held. The gentleman from Virginia, as well as other members on this floor, were then in the House. The case, being, I believe, the only one in which there was a charge of treason, excited, in a considerable degree, the attention of the members, many of whom attended the trial. How comes it then that this charge was not then made? If it had been made the House did not interfere at that time because the criminal was lying under sentence of death, it will be recollected that in 1801 Fries was pardoned. Why was not the enquiry then made? If it shall be said that it would have been imprudent to make it on account of the party then in power, why was it not made in the seventh Congress, when a change of men took place? How can gentlemen reconcile this great delay with the high regard they profess for the purity of the streams of justice and for justice itself? For such is the respect they entertain for justice, that they have determined to bring to conviction this unjust and criminal judge. Gentlemen ought to account for this culpable neglect. It is impossible that they should have been ignorant of the trial of this man. It was not a sudden, or a hidden thing, done in a corner; it was in public, in the face of the legislature; and yet it has slept to the present day. Under such circumstances I submit it to the House, whether much respect ought to be paid to the hearsay of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. The very delay, and other circumstances attending this transaction show that it is not of the serious nature contended. I therefore think that if properly brought before the House, and suffered to rest upon proof, it would constitute no ground for impeachment.
As to the proposed form of proceeding, if we examine precedents we shall find that it is not warranted by them. None mentioned compare with the case under consideration. The precedent in the case of Lord Bolingbroke, does not compare with this. In that case the House of Commons raised a secret committee to examine the negotiations made for a peace. The committee was not raised to impeach Lord Bolingbroke; but to investigate the negotiations of the ministry; and on the adjournure of acts which took place on that occasion the impeachment was grounded.
Such also, was the case in the instance of the Western Expedition. The House appointed a committee vested with general powers to enquire into the causes of its failure, without particular reference to the conduct of any person.
If we turn our attention to British precedents, we shall find that a committee has never been raised to investigate the official conduct of any person contemplated to be impeached. In the case of Hastings, Mr. Burke came forward and moved an impeachment directly. In all cases this course has been pursued in the British House of Commons. So far as we have had precedents in this country, a similar course has been pursued. In the instance of Governor Blount, the Executive transmitted documents to the House, which contained, as it was supposed, evidence of his guilt; they were referred to a committee to examine them, and also to determine whether it was proper to print them. The committee reported that in their opinion, they contained evidence of his guilt, and he was impeached. In the case of Judge Pickering, the same course has been pursued. The Executive transmitted documents to the House which contained, as it was supposed, proofs of misconduct, and the House proceeded to an impeachment. These precedents confirm the principle of those drawn from the practice of the British House of Commons. What course is now proposed? Without any charge against the judge, without any man saying they are guilty of any misconduct, we are about to appoint a secret committee, to determine whether any charges can be made, and whether any proofs to support them can be found. Although I am willing that the conduct of these gentlemen shall be investigated—for I am sure they must desire it—and although I have no objection to impeach them, if gentlemen will sit and exhibit proper proofs on which to ground it, yet I cannot consent to pursue a course so improper as that now proposed. For this reason I am against the resolution, not because I am hostile to an investigation, but because I cannot consent to the appointment of a secret committee to search in the first instance for an accusation, and to look for proofs to justify it.
Mr. FINDLEY rose to explain. He said it was not the object of the House, in their investigation of the causes of the failure of the western expedition, to make new arrangements, but to enquire into the conduct of certain officers who had directed it, viz. the Secretary of War, the commander in chief, and the commissary.
Mr. NICHOLSON said he happened not to be in the House yesterday at the moment when the resolution under consideration was introduced; and when he entered he found the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. R. Griswold) on the floor, who concluded his remarks by moving a postponement. Mr. N. did not then think it correct to offer remarks upon the main question, but as the resolution itself was now under consideration, and the subject of no common nature, he could not think of passing a silent vote upon it.
When he rose to day for a few moments on the motion to amend, by inserting the name of Judge Peters, he had then declared, and he now begs leave to repeat it, that whenever any member of the House should rise in his place, and state that any officer of the government had been guilty of official misconduct, he had no hesitation in saying that he would consent to an enquiry. He cared not how exalted his station, or how far he was raised above the rest of the community—the very circumstance of his superior elevation, would prove an additional incitement. Such he said was the nature of the government, and so important this duty in this respect devolved upon the House of Representatives, that the conduct of the chief magistrate himself should, as far as his vote could effect it, be subjected to an enquiry, whenever it was demanded by a member. The greater responsibility, the more easy and more simple should be the means of investigation. Were he indeed the friend, personal or political, of the officer charged, and he believed that impeachment would be the result of enquiry, it was possible that his feelings as a man, might induce him to forget his duty as a representative, and urge him to resist the enquiry. But he were convinced of his innocence, he would do all in his power to promote it, in order that he might stand justified to the nation and to the world. Upon the present occasion he begged that he might not be understood to say

that the offence with which these judges were charged, was such as would warrant an impeachment. But while he meant not to commit himself, on a question of such high moment, he could not avoid expressing his astonishment, that the conduct of the judges should not only be defended upon the floor of the House, but entirely approved—that gentlemen should venture to declare that the court acted strictly in the line of their duty, in refusing to hear Counsel on a point of law which involved the guilt or the innocence of the prisoner. A man was charged with the highest offence against the government, and if guilty, was subject to the severest and most ignominious punishment recognized by our laws. High treason was the crime, and death the penalty. The constitution declared that treason against the United States should consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies giving them aid and comfort. The framers of the constitution intended to be as precise as possible in their definition of treason, they were anxious that no room should be left for doubt afterwards. They had been to what an infinite variety of objects, the crime of treason had been extended in England, and wisely confined it here to the only two offences, which could be laid to the charge of the executive government. The laws of the United States had declared that resistance to the execution of a law, should only be considered as sedition, and had provided the punishment of fine and imprisonment. Fries was charged with resisting the execution of a law, and this offence the court determined to be treason, without hearing his counsel, and refused to permit them to address the jury on the subject, although the jury were the judges as well of the law as the fact. A resistance to the execution of a law, they construed to be treason, in the face of an act of Congress, which declared it to be a misdemeanor only, punishable with fine and imprisonment. These constructive treasons, he said, had been reprobated by the wise and good in all ages, and at a very early period in the history of English jurisprudence had received the pointed disapprobation of the parliament. He adverted to what he called a wise and humane provision in the statute of Edward the third, by which the judges were prohibited from declaring any thing to be treason, not so expressly defined by the letter of the statute. That the court had given such an opinion, was not now, however, the point of charge against them, that they extended the doctrine of treason beyond both the letter and spirit of the constitution, was not the foundation of the present motion. The accusation was, that in a case involving the life or death of a freeman, the party was condemned without a hearing—that he was denied the assistance of counsel, which was secured to him by the constitution of his country—that the right of the jury to decide both the law and the fact was refused; for it amounted to a refusal, when the court would not permit the jury to be assisted by the arguments of counsel. He asked if gentlemen would consider it correct in a court, upon an indictment for murder, to prohibit the prisoner's counsel from contending before the jury, that the offence charged amounted to manslaughter only? Surely not. The question in the case of Fries was, whether the act of which he had been guilty amounted to treason, or to a misdemeanor, and this the court refused to suffer the jury to have an argument upon. He declared that in all criminal prosecutions, the jury had a clear, undoubted right to decide as well the law as the fact—they were not bound by the direction of the court, and that in capital cases it was a right which they ought always to exercise. But in Fries's case the law was not permitted to be brought into the view of the jury by his counsel, the court denied to the prisoner that assistance of counsel which was secured to him by the constitution and he was condemned to an ignominious death, which he must have suffered, but for the subsequent interference of the Executive. Mr. N. said he had thought proper to make these remarks in answer to those gentlemen, who had undertaken to pronounce the conduct of the court to be strictly correct. Although he did not mean to commit himself by declaring, that this afforded sufficient ground for an impeachment, yet he could not avoid saying that the refusal to hear counsel in defence of the prisoner, did not meet his approbation.
The gentleman from Connecticut had doubted whether the present proceeding was conformable to principle. He thought that we ought to have the proof before we take any steps to procure it. Mr. N. begged leave to ask how proof was to be procured before enquiry was made? In what manner information was to be obtained, before it was sought for? If a member had stated upon oath that a judge had been guilty of improper conduct, which would warrant an impeachment, the motion would not be in the first instance to enquire, but to impeach. If information was necessary, how was it to be procured? By sitting here, and writing for depositions to be sent in; surely not. If a person was in the lobby acquainted with all the facts, how were they to be communicated to
the House? Was he to come to the bar, and offer a voluntary affidavit, or would it be correct to introduce him without any previous proceeding? In that case would it not be necessary to declare by a prior resolution, that we would commence an enquiry, before testimony could be offered at the bar? If a member should state that a witness was at hand, who could prove official misconduct in a judge, the correct course would be to introduce a resolution, declaring that the House would enquire, and it could not be resisted. What, he asked, was the proposed course? Instead of making the enquiry in the House, it was requested that it might be made by a committee. Instead of using our power to bring witnesses before us, it is proposed to authorize a committee to examine them. This would be more convenient and more proper. To bring them before the House would be attended with inconvenience, and unnecessary delay. He could not tell what the mode of proceeding before the House of Representatives would be, but generally he believed it was the practice, for a member to pronounce his question to the Speaker—the Speaker then to propound it to the witness—the answer to be made to the Speaker, and by him reverberated back again to the House. He asked if the House would consent to this? If they would agree to a course of proceeding so tedious, so procrastinating, so evidently embarrassing? And yet this must be the course, unless that proposed was adopted.
It was said by a gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. R. Griswold) that we were about to appoint a committee to ransack the country for an accusation, and afterwards to search for proof to support it. He complains that no accusation is made. Mr. N. averred that an accusation was made; it was made during the last session, and again repeated during the present. He asked if it was no charge to declare that a judge had condemned a man to the most ignominious death, without a hearing: without allowing him those benefits which he claimed under the constitution? Was it a trivial circumstance for a member of this House to declare that a freeman had been indicted for a high capital offence; that he appeared at the bar and pleaded not guilty; that his counsel were ready to prove the truth of the plea, but that the presiding judge had refused to hear them. If this was not a charge, and a charge too of a most solemn nature, he did not understand the meaning of the words. It was brought forward as boldly as the gentleman from Connecticut could wish, and the only question now was in what manner shall we enquire into the truth of it. Shall we appoint a committee to make the enquiry by calling witnesses before them, or shall we dismiss it without investigation? Shall we give it the go-by and suffer the character of the judges to rest under an imputation so heavy? Shall we proclaim our own dishonor, by publishing abroad that a heavy charge had been made in the face of this House against one of the highest judicial officers of the government, and that we were too pusillanimous to notice it?
What the gentleman meant by comparing the proposed committee to the Spanish inquisition, Mr. N. really did not understand. Did the gentleman wish to make a false impression upon the public mind? Was he anxious to cast an odium upon the proceeding by calling it an inquisitorial committee, and affecting to believe that it was to be clothed with the powers of the holy inquisition? The inquisition had the power to seize the person of the party, to deny him all access to his friends, to confine him in a cell, and refuse him all assistance whatever; to stretch him on the wheel, and rack and torture him into confession. Does the gentleman wish to induce a belief that this committee is to be clothed with the same powers? All committees appointed to enquire, must, to be sure, be called inquisitorial, because they were to make enquiry; but the epithet of Spanish inquisition, was intended to convey an idea totally incorrect.
The gentleman had asked why this charge had been suffered to rest so long? The facts upon which it was made, were said to have taken place in 1806. Mr. N. thought it would be fair to reply to the gentleman, that possibly he himself had in some measure accounted for the delay, the proper time had not perhaps before arrived. But if the act upon which the charge was grounded was criminal at that day, was it less so now? If justice had slept so long, did it follow that he was dead? He hoped and trusted not. Though she had lain dormant till she was almost trampled to death, she was again roused to her accustomed vigilance, would pursue her victims and drag them to punishment. The day of retribution he hoped was at hand.
The gentleman from Connecticut had declared that the proposed course was not warranted by precedent. He had noticed, but had not explained away, the precedents introduced by the gentlemen from Pennsylvania (Mr. Findley). His own precedent derived from the impeachment of Mr. Hastings, instead of being in his favour
was directly against him. In that case it was not pretended that the proof was before the House of Commons. Mr. Burke had derived his information from certain papers relative to Indian affairs which some years before had been produced and referred to a secret committee. In the year 1786, Mr. Burke rose in his place, not as a member of that committee, and charged Warren Hastings with high crimes and misdemeanors. About the same time he presented a written paper containing a specification of these charges. But this was not the impeachment. The written paper stated that as Governor General of Bengal, he had disobeyed the instructions of the court of directors; that he had acknowledged himself perfectly acquainted with their wishes, but instead of obeying, had used his utmost endeavours to defeat them, and much more of an important nature. This he moved might be referred to a committee of the whole House, in order that an enquiry might be made, and there was not a single dissenting voice. He did not adduce the proofs in the first instance, but stated his opinions that Mr. Hastings's conduct had been criminal, and demanded an enquiry. The Commons of England did not hesitate—they instantly resolved to enquire. No one was heard to declare that there was no charge, because there was no proof. Witnesses were brought to the bar and there examined by a committee of the whole, in support of the charges, nor was there a motion to impeach until the testimony was gone through. On the contrary the facts proved were reported by the committee of the whole, who likewise expressed an opinion that Warren Hastings had been guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, and ought to be impeached. The impeachment therefore was not upon the motion of Mr. Burke, but upon the report of a committee who under the instruction of the House had made an enquiry.
What then Mr. N. asked, was the course now proposed? His friend from Virginia had called the attention of the House to certain alleged misconduct of a judge, which had been stated by a member in his place during the last session. That statement had again been repeated in the House yesterday, not in writing indeed, but in language so clear and in terms so unequivocal that none was so stupid as not to understand it. Like Mr. Burke he asked that a committee should be appointed to enquire into the truth of the charge. The House of Commons had referred the subject before them to a committee of the whole, and the House of Representatives were moved to refer the subject before them to a select committee. A select committee was preferred, because it would be more convenient and more expeditions. If the subject might with propriety be referred to a committee of the whole, with equal propriety might it be referred to a select committee.
He had noticed this precedent, not because he thought it necessary to cross the Atlantic for authorities, but because the gentleman had introduced it as favouring his own doctrines. If there was already no precedent, in his opinion the House ought to make one; but he believed their own Journals would furnish them with one. At the first session of the seventh Congress, in a very few days after the House met, Mr. N. said, he had risen in his place and stated that he had seen in the public prints during the preceding summer, charges of a serious nature against an individual who had filled one of the highest stations under the government, that he had misapplied considerable sums of public money, and was a defaulter to a very large amount. Upon this vague rumour, he had moved that the accounts of the former Secretary of state should be laid before the House. No gentleman then declared that it was necessary to have proof before enquiry took place. No one dreamt that information as to facts was to be had, before it was sought for. Some indeed had asked how far the motion was to extend; whether it was to embrace all the other secretaries of state? Others desired that the accounts from all the departments should be called for, and finally it was determined to let the resolution lie for a short time. In a few days after, on the 14th of December, he modified the resolution in conformity with the wishes of several gentlemen and it passed, directing that "a committee should be appointed to enquire and report, whether monies drawn from the treasury had been faithfully applied to the objects for which they had been appropriated, and whether they had been regularly accounted for," &c. A precedent more in point he thought, could not be desired. The enquiry was produced, not upon proof, not even upon the suggestion of a member, but because a report as to the misapplication of public money, had circulated through the public prints of the day. He might be told perhaps that this was an enquiry of a general nature. But general as it might be, it was directed at the conduct of individuals, and under other circumstances might have furnished materials for an impeachment. The gentleman from Connecticut was a member of that committee, and Mr. N. asked him if
he would pretend to say that it was a secret committee, as he had called that now asked for? Or was this only another attempt to impose upon the public?
Another precedent he thought might be furnished from the Journal, but he was unwilling to refer to it. It had been said too that impeachments would be cheap if they were to be made upon the suggestion of a member. It appeared to him that the motion to enquire had been constantly mistaken for a motion to impeach. Did gentlemen suppose that an impeachment must necessarily follow an enquiry? It would seem as if they entertained a poor opinion of those whose conduct was the subject of discussion. But they ought to recollect that the impeachment could not be the act of any individual, nor of the committee, but of the House; and this too after all the facts were collected and presented with the evidence to support them. If this mode was not to be adopted, he did not know any other manner in which an impeachment could be instituted, unless where the President thought the peace of the country, or the revenue, were endangered, and gave the information himself, as in the cases of Governor Blount and Judge Pickering. Nor did he think this could affect the dependency of judges unless they were to be made independent of the laws, the constitution and the people.
Had it not been for the debate which had taken place on this subject, he should have imagined that the friends to the judge would have been the first to promote the enquiry, after it was moved for. If he was innocent the enquiry ought to be wished for; after passing through the ordeal he would come out like our gold from the crucible. If guilty no man ought to feel a disposition to screen him from punishment. Mr. N. could not avoid on this occasion alluding to the recent conduct of a judge in a neighbouring state, upon whose character, an imputation of the blackest nature had been thrown by a miscreant. That judge, conscious of his own rectitude, and disdaining to shelter himself from enquiry, demanded an investigation of the charge, and the consequence was an entire and honorable acquittal.
Mr. ELLIOT. When, in the course of a late debate in this House, it was observed that a member had advanced an anti-republican sentiment, the supposed imputation was repelled by the remark, that the gentleman to whom allusion had been made, had passed a political ordeal which few had experienced, and which ought to place his character as a republican above the reach of suspicion. I have myself suffered an ordeal of that description, under circumstances of gloom and depression, which have fallen to the lot of but few young men of my country; and I am far from being confident that one ordeal only will fill up the measure of my humble fortune. A more anti-republican resolution than the one upon your table, Sir, I think I never saw. Reflection has confirmed me in the opinion which I expressed yesterday, that it is unprecedented, unparliamentary, and tends to the assumption, on the part of this House, of a censorial and inquisitorial power over the judiciary, unwarranted by the constitution. The intention and object of the mover, however, must have been extremely different; the motive is pure and the object meritorious; but that hon. gentleman, with all his talents and discernment, has, in my opinion fallen into an error. I believe it a sound principle, that no official measures should be taken to censure or criminate the conduct of a public officer, until facts shall be stated which amount to a specific and definite charge of misconduct. In the present instance we have no written allegations, and what is the amount of the verbal information with which we are furnished? A gentleman from Pennsylvania has stated in his place that he has heard that one of the judges whose name appears in the resolution, was guilty of improper and oppressive conduct, in the exercise of his judicial functions, on a trial for treason, some years since: And a gentleman from Virginia has stated that he has received information which induces him to believe that the enquiry he demands will lead to an impeachment. Is it our duty to act upon the vague rumours of common fame, or the opinions of individual members?
The resolution under consideration has been materially altered this morning, and I gave my vote for the alteration, because I believed that the misconduct of a court ought not to be attributed to a single judge. I feel it my duty, Mr. Speaker, to remark that the information which is possessed by the members of this House, respecting the conduct of those judges, is extremely contradictory. No gentleman has told us that he possesses personal knowledge of the misconduct imputed to those officers; and I possess information on the subject, derived soon after the transaction, from a source which I considered as authentic, and which produced to deep an impression upon my mind, that I should scarcely abandon my belief of its authenticity, even from the general recollection of persons who were present at the scene.
I understood that the judges did nothing more or less than decide a legal question in a legal manner. They did not interdict the counsel for the prisoner from examining a question of law, but they restricted them to what they considered as their legal and constitutional limits. They told them that the constitution of our country had clearly and explicitly defined the crime of treason, and confined them to the plain field of the constitution, inhibiting them from a resort to British authorities to prove that to be treason which the constitution of our country had not made treason, or to prove that what our constitution had made treason, was not recognized as such by foreign precedents. This statement may be incorrect, and if it be correct, the conduct of the judges may have been improper and severe, but it cannot justify an impeachment. And if the court went farther, interrupted the counsel for the prisoner, informed them that it was the province of the court to determine points of law, declared that their opinion was fixed upon those points, and even forbade the counsel to prolong their arguments upon them, it might still be questionable whether the conduct of the court rendered its members liable to impeachments. A venerable gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Findley) who has long been in the service of his country, has been incorrect in stating that I had observed that I would never go into this enquiry without evidence; that incorrectness must have been unintentional; if I used an expression of that description, it was a lapsus linguae ; but I am confident that I said, and I am certain that I intended to say, that I thought it improper to institute the enquiry, until some fact or facts should be stated as a ground of accusation. A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Jackson) has told us that common fame is sufficient ground for impeachment in Great Britain. That gentleman has not adduced his authorities for this proposition, and had he adduced them, I am confident they would not have answered his purpose, when contemplated in all their bearings, when examined with all their qualifications. The same gentleman also observed, if I understood him correctly, that were he satisfied that the conduct of the judges, in the case alluded to, was legal and correct, he would still vote for the enquiry. To me this declaration appears extraordinary. Why vote for an enquiry when facts satisfied that no criminality existed?
A gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie,) who contends that there is no necessity for precedent in the present instance, as we are competent to form precedents for ourselves, has yet thought proper to explore the books for precedents, and has presented us with the result of his labours. To guide our conduct on the present occasion, we are referred to the case of the Earl of Strafford, over whose tomb genius and virtue love to mourn, and will mourn in future ages! It cannot be possible that that gentleman wishes to recommend for imitation, that flagrant perversion of every principle of law and justice, that cruel catastrophe! A gloomy and terrible precedent, one of the most dark and disgraceful in the British annals, and utterly unsusceptible of application to the principles of a republican form of government. The gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Nicholson) to whom I listened with peculiar pleasure, and who has certainly displayed ingenuity, has been equally unfortunate in his selection of precedents, and in his application of them to the case under consideration. He has cited cases, which, by his own statement, militate against the principles he assumes. We are first presented with the celebrated case of Warren Hastings. In that case, a member rose in his place, and after accusing Hastings of high crimes and misdemeanors, exhibited specific charges of misconduct, in consequence of which an enquiry was instituted. Here is a solid basis, and the very basis which is wanting on the present occasion, upon which to erect the superstructure of impeachment. That gentleman has also mentioned a resolution introduced by himself in a former Congress, which was expressed in general terms, and directed to general objects, and of course was perfectly dissimilar to the present one.
Allusions have repeatedly been made to a remark of mine in the debate of yesterday, that the House is the grand inquest of the nation. It has been asked, if a grand jury were informed that a murder has been committed, would they not send for evidence to ascertain the fact? We are the grand inquest of the nation, and our practice ought, in many respects, to be analogous to that of grand juries; but in becoming that inquest, we do not entirely lose our deliberative and legislative character. I believe it would be descending from the dignity of our station, to listen to the murmurs of general rumour, and to seek for guilt. I have heard that one of the judges whom we are called upon to censure, when in the exercise of his judicial functions, enquired of a jury, is there no sedition newspapers within your jurisdiction? I am ignorant whether this report be or be not founded on fact. But if it be

true, let me ask, shall we not pursue a similar course by adopting the present resolution? Shall we not authorise a committee to enquire, is there no judicial guilt abroad in our land? Is there no latent iniquity in some unexplored corner of our country? A grand jury is sworn diligently to enquire, and true presentment make, of all such offences against the laws of the land, as shall come to their knowledge. Have we taken such an oath? Are we under such obligations? And are we not about to attach to ourselves that character which gentlemen tell us is so odious, the character of common informers? I am under no fears that the stream of justice which ought to be so pure, will become turbid, from a want of accusers, when our judges shall be guilty of crimes. When our court shall become corrupt and despotic, patriotic motives will induce our citizens to bring forward accusations. I am also sensible of the propriety and force of the observation of the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. R. Griswold) that the trial in question was a transaction of great publicity, and all its circumstances must have been known to thousands of our citizens. This induces me to believe that the conduct of the court was not so oppressive and despotic as is now represented. Why has this awful charge numbered so long?
One or two remarks upon the allusions that have been made to my observations that we are about to assume censorial and inquisitorial powers, and I will dismiss the subject. What is the language of the resolution?—Without the alligation of a single fact, it constitutes a committee to enquire whether the judges have not so acted in their official capacity as to render necessary the interposition of the constitutional powers of this House. The expression is unequivocal; the allusion to the power of impeachment is perfectly obvious. This is what is called a petitio principii ; it takes for granted, at least in some degree, what remains to be proved, that the conduct of the judges has been improper and illegal. Else why adopt a language which implies suspicion and censure? But gentlemen are alarmed at the epithet inquisitorial , and imagination teems with the horrors of the Spanish Inquisition. If the creation of this committee be an unauthorised act, if in creating it we transgress those limits which we ought, by a reasonable construction of the constitution, to set to our own powers, it instantly becomes inquisitorial in its nature and in its operation. We must delegate to it more than general powers. We must authorise it to send for persons, and probably for papers and records. The proposition is hostile to republican principles, and as a republican I cannot give my vote in its favour.
[To be continued.]
Valuable property for Sale.
In virtue of a deed of trust executed and bearing date on the 8th day of January 1798, between ISAAC POLOCK of the first part, WILLIAM DEAKINS jun. since deceased of the second part, and JONATH THOMPSON and RICHARD VEITCH of the third part. The subscriber being the Executor, devisee and legal Assignee of the said William Deakins jun. deceased, for the purpose of executing the trusts in and by that deed declared, shall and will on the 27th day of March next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the Tavern of John H. Barney in George-Town, expose to public sale for Cash, to the highest bidder, that valuable Lot situated on Water Street, in said town, on which the House at present occupied by Mr. Barney, as a Tavern, stands, together with all the buildings and improvements on the same, said lot, fronting on Water-Street 52 feet, and running back 175 feet parallel with Cherry Alley, and binding thereon, being part of that lot designated in the plan of Old George-Town, by No. 49.—Also another Lot on Keys Street, (being part of that Lot designated by the No. 77 in the plan of Old George-Town) comprehending a part of that wharf lately occupied as a Lumber Yard, by Mr. George King—also a large and convenient two story brick dwelling house.—More particular information relative to the above valuable property, may be had at any time previous to the day of sale, by application to Messrs. Thompson and Veitch in Alexandria, John T. Mason, Esq. George-Town, or the subscriber.
FRANCIS DEAKINS. Executor and Devisee of William Deakins jun. deceased. George town, January 20—twizt 17 Mar
Fifteen Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber near Dumfries, on the 3d inst. a negro man named HARRY, about 25 years old five feet 7 or 8 inches high, middling black, straight but slender made, has a large beard, flat nose, small eyes, large mouth and thick lips, chews tobacco, and is very sensible. Had on when he went away an old blue burton coat, an old blue frock coat with fleecy buttons on it, each of fine cloth; an old pair of velvet breeches, a pair of dark mist wool stockings, a pair of patched shoes and a wool hat. He was late the property of Christopher Criglar or Edward March of Frederick county Virginia; he formerly lived at Tappan Furnace, where it is expected he now is and will endeavor to pass as a free man. Any person apprehending said Negro and securing him in any jail so that I get him again shall receive the above reward. Any information respecting said Negro, given to Mr. Samuel Davis in Dumfries, Mr. Samuel Jackson in Prince William County, or to the subscriber living in Wythe county Virginia will be thankfully received.
FRANCIS I. CARTER.
Jan. 20—72
WASHINGTON CITY
FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1804.
The legislature of the State of DELAWARE have rejected the Amendment to the Constitution respecting the mode of electing a President and Vice-President;—and have, we understand, adopted a resolution declaring the proceedings of Congress on this subject inconsistent with the interest, peace, and happiness of the several states, and also unconstitutional.
In New Hampshire, the consideration of the proposed amendment to the Constitution has been postponed until June next.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, January 18.
Mr. Newton observed that Congress having assumed jurisdiction over the territory of Columbia, it became their duty to prevent laws existing therein from being oppressive in their operation. At present a person, though a citizen of a particular State, and prosecuted in his State for debt, might be held to bail in the territory, without obtaining relief. Mr. N. after stating a recent case of this nature, moved the appointment of a committee to enquire whether any, and if any, what alterations are necessary to be made in the laws of the district of Columbia relative to holding persons to bail.
Resolution agreed to, and a committee of five members appointed.
The House again went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Dawson in the chair—on Mr. Rodney's motion to extinguish STATE BALANCES.
The resolution was supported by Messrs. Blackledge, Rodney, Holland, J. Clay and Root; and opposed by Messrs. Findley, Southard, Varnum and Bedinger.
When the question was taken, and the resolution offered by Mr. Rodney, for extinguishing the state balances, disagreed to—Ayes 64—Noes 65.
THURSDAY, January 19.
The House, according to the order of the day, heard Mr. Cowan, counsel for the Virginia Yazoo Company.
The House took up the report of the committee of the whole, on the resolution for extinguishing the STATE BALANCES, containing a disagreement thereto.
Messrs. Skinner, Eustis, Gregg and Findley supported, and Messrs. Rodney, Leib, M c Williams and Kennedy opposed the report of the committee of the whole; when the question was taken on the negative—Yeas 65—Noes 67.
On motion of Mr. Nicholson, the resolution, originally laid on the table by Mr. Rodney, to extinguish balances, was taken up.
Mr. Varnum moved to amend it by adding "and that provision ought to be made to pay to the creditor states, in the stock of the United States, their respective proportions of the whole amount of said balance in the ratio prescribed by the constitution of the U. States for the apportionment of direct taxes among the several states."
On this amendment a debate ensued, in which it was supported by Messrs. Varnum and R. Griswold, and opposed by Messrs. J. Clay, Blackledge, Findley, Dennis and Aiton.
Mr. Nicholson moved to amend the amendment by inserting after "proportions," the words "if entitled to any." Lost—Ayes 53—Noes 64.
Adjourned.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER
It is the true interest of every nation to blend liberality with economy. While, on one hand, we should avoid that profusion which would uselessly impoverish the public purse, and create new demands on the industry of the people, we ought, on the other hand, to exhibit that generous spirit which delights in rewarding those public officers whose talents and time are faithfully applied to our concerns. If we are prodigal in bestowing our pecuniary rewards we may endanger the integrity of individuals, and a licentious temper, a criminal carelessness of public treasure will quietly and imperceptibly pervade the community. But while we cherish true economy, let us not suffer our disposition to degenerate into the base, and contemptible selfishness of the miser. He begins with starving others, and ends by starving himself.
These reflections have arisen from a perusal of the late debates on the salary bill. I rejoice in perceiving that a majority of our countrymen have shown, by their vote on that bill, a liberal spirit, preferred within national limits, by a due attention to that economy with which our treasury should be always guarded. But there are two officers
to whom, I think, justice has not been done. There has not been manifested, toward them, that disposition which becomes the legislators of a liberal and free people. The House of Representatives has refused its sanction to that resolve of the Senate which proposed to grant the Post Master General, and assistant Post Master General, a reward adequate to their services. I cannot suppose that the veto on the Senate's bill has proceeded from any ignoble partiality, or any disapproving sentiments of the persons holding those offices. But my understanding is convinced that these officers do not now receive a salary, proportioned to the talents and toils, necessary to the performance of their particular duties. My experience has enabled me to estimate, with some degree of accuracy, the great and increasing labors which rest on them. They are not known to those persons who voted against the bill from the Senate. Their business is incessantly pressing. There is no time of leisure, no vacant hour which they can devote to social comforts, except they regain it from those moments which nature demands for the restoration of exhausted strength. Shall those officers receive only a bare subsistence for the performance of their arduous duties, for the great deprivations which they necessarily endure? I presume to say that there is no station in our federal government, subject to more incessant labor, more exhausting attention than the post office department. In estimating the salaries of those officers we ought not to make them a subject of traffic, or hold them up for sale to the lowest bidder. We should take into view the labor and expense to which they will subject their holders; we should consider the talents, integrity, and industry, necessary to an able and faithful performance of the official duties, and we should also regard the probable reward which the same talents and industry would acquire in other vocations. Do the present salaries of the Post Master General and his assistant equal the sum which their talents and labor would procure in other occupations? I answer no. Will their salaries furnish them with any thing more than a moderate subsistence? No. Do the people of the United States with their officers to waste their lives for a mere living? The people are too just—too generous—they disdain such an imputation. Let it not be said that the present officers receive a salary equal to that which was paid the former—but let it be recollected that the business of these officers has greatly increased within a few years, and if they were entitled to their present salaries three years ago, they may justly claim the sums proposed by the Senate now. I hope, if the resolve of the Senate should be again brought before the House of Representatives, they will reconsider the matter deliberately, and partaking the liberal sentiments of their constituents, will give the United States an evidence of their just spirit by a vote in favor of the bill.
REPORTS
Made to the House of Representatives.
Report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures on the Bill from the Senate, intitled An Act to authorise the sale of the ship General Greene, &c. and on the resolve of the House, passed the 4th instant, directing an enquiry to be made whether any, and what further addition be necessary to the Naval Establishment of the United States.
It does not appear from any document accompanying the papers referred, or in the possession of the committee, that the commercial prosperity or external relations of the nation require the addition of any more ships to our naval establishment at this juncture. The peace lately concluded with Morocco, and the prospect of the termination of the war with Tripoli, would appear to render more vessels unnecessary at present. Did the public defence and general welfare, seem to demand the building or purchasing the two vessels contemplated in the bill, the committee would have no hesitation to recommend, not only that number, but a further and sufficient armament.
The ship General Greene, as is alleged, is so far decayed as to be likely to sell but for a very moderate price. Even the debates in Congress are believed to have countenanced the belief, that she would bring but a small sum into the treasury, if disposed of either at private sale or at auction. At the same time it occurs to the committee, that she might probably be turned into a sheer-hulk or store ship, & thus be very serviceable in the neighbourhood of a navy-yard, by aiding in taking out and putting in masts, in heaving lines down, and in other operations incidental to the construction and repairing of vessels.
It is therefore submitted as the opinion of the committee,
That no legislative provision is necessary at present, to authorise the buying, fitting, or building of vessels.
That the ship General Greene be kept for public use, and converted into a sheer-hulk or store ship, if upon a survey made, she shall be found fit for either of those purposes.
And that the first, second and third sections be stricken out of the bill.
The Committee on the subject of the Post Office, and Post Road, to whom was recommitted their Report relative to a post route from the City of Washington, to Natchez, and New Orleans, with instructions to enquire and report, what is the most convenient, safe, and proper route, for carrying the mail between the City of Washington, and New Orleans, therein designating the principal settlements, and towns, through which, in the opinion of the committee, the same ought to pass:
REPORT.
THAT as this route must pass thro' the Mississippi territory, a distance of nearly four hundred miles, wholly uninhabited by citizens of the United States, except on the Tombigby river, without this country being fully explored, it is not in the power of your committee to designate the most proper route through it, with any degree of precision; equal difficulty occurs for the same reason, in determining whether it ought to pass on the east, or on the west side of the Allegany mountains; because until this unimproved territory has been explored for the purpose of laying out a road, it is uncertain at what place it ought to intersect the frontier settlements of Tennessee or Georgia. However, as the result of the best information which the committee have been able to obtain, pursuant to the instructions of the house, they submit as their opinion the following resolution.
Resolved That the mail ought to be carried on the present route as established by law, from the city of Washington to Knoxville in Tennessee, (this route is represented to pass by Chilperper court house, Orange court house, through Charlottesville, Waynesboro', Lexington, Pattonburgh, Fincastle, by Montgomery court house, Wythe court house, through Abingdon, Jonesborough, and by Hawkins' court house to Knoxville;) and thence by Tellico block house, and through the Cherokee nation of Indians, and the settlement on the Tombigby river, to New Orleans.
And further, that a post route ought to be established from the said settlement on the Tombigby to Natchez.
H. GARITAT'S PROPOSALS
For Publishing by subscription, a National work, entitled
A Journey,
Made by order of the French government, from Pitsburg on the river Ohio, through the western territory of the United States to the Upper and Lower parts of
LOUISIANA,
Chiefly on the Mississippi, Missouri, Illinois, Arkansas and the adjacent rivers as low as NEW ORLEANS, In the years 1796 and 1797,
BY GENERAL COLLOT.
This work will be comprised in two volumes in 4to. containing thirty charts drawn to the most part on imperial paper of the dimensions of three feet six inches, together with plates and views executed by the best artists of Paris, describing the aspect of the country, its supposed boundaries, the nature of the soil, the farms, hamlets, villages and towns, which border on the Ohio, the Mississippi, and other rivers, and marking their foundations and those of the creeks which pour their waters into their floods. Translated into English from the original manuscript, by Helen Maria Williams. Subscriptions to this work are received by Mr. John Barnes, and Mr. John March, George Town, and Mr. Wm. Davis and Messrs. Raine, Conrad & Co. Wallingford—and the principal booksellers in the United States.
PROSPECTUS.
The French government having formed the design of making the acquisition of Louisiana, became highly interested in procuring more positive information respecting that country, than it had hitherto obtained. Gen. Collot was therefore commissioned in 1796, to take the most accurate survey of the country.
This million gen. Collot underwent a notwithstanding the dangers with which it was attended and which proved fatal to some of his suite, & which consisted among others, of twelve persons, skilled in geography and drawing. He began his expedition at Pitsburg, where he embarked on the Ohio and followed the course of this river to its junction with the Mississippi, describing the country on each side of its banks, the rivers which empty themselves into the Ohio, and the creeks, falls and soundings. From the Ohio gen. Collot took a survey of the Mississippi and other rivers on the west, which empty themselves into the Mississippi, the course of which he followed to New Orleans, where Spain maliciously attached him, there he owed his liberty only to the firmness of his character; escaped from this new danger he reached Philadelphia from whence he had departed.
Gen. Collot not satisfied with taking the soundings of the creeks and rivers which he surveyed, pointing out the dangers of the navigation, directing the course of future travellers, by marking on his charts the rocks, shoals, banks and bars which obstruct the
passage, &c. He has also indicated the quality of the lands, and the character of the country, with a degree of precision that cannot fail to be eminently useful to American emigrants. Forests as ancient as the world here lift their towering heads, while natural meadows, which extend so leagues without a tree, bounded by woods and intersected by an infinite number of creeks, demand the hands of cultivation. There, the most luxuriant vegetation invites the wanderer to fix his dwelling.
Gen. Collot astonishes his readers, while he conducts them through immense plains, till now unknown, covered with mulberry trees, and silk worms equal to those of the East Indies, and left to the care of nature. He leads them to mountains of pure salt, to lakes covered with birds and all of fish of every kind; in short to lands become the domain of an innumerable quantity of game.
The author bestows equal attention on natural history and commerce as on other objects; he treats of furs in the minutest detail; nothing is neglected; nothing escapes his penetration; neither quadrupeds, reptiles, birds, plants, trees, nor mines of any kind. To relieve the minds of his readers from that latitude, which is so often inexpressible from topographical description, he has been careful to enlarge each of his chapters, with historical remarks, which afford just ideas of the manners and dispositions of the Indians he had visited and which are naturally connected with his subject, and engage by the interest they excite.
This interesting work was on the point of being published at Paris, at the expence of the French government, when Louisiana was ceded to the United States, which circumstance left general Collot at liberty to dispose of it.
Already several Americans residing in France, at the head of whom was Mr. Swan of Boston, wished to treat with general Collot, under the favor and advice of his excellency Mr. Livingston, Ambassador. They were disposed to advance the price, when the correspondent of Mr. Swan, then in France, yielding to the solicitations made him from every quarter, consented to purchase it, on condition that the American gentlemen residing in Paris in July last, should subscribe first, which they did with eagerness. Mrs. Helen Maria Williams, so advantageously known in America, by her literary fame, after having read the manuscript with the greatest earnestness, undertook to translate it into English, and Mr. Tardin, the first engraver of France, undertook the maps and plates, which are at present finished.
He public are respectfully requested to observe that Mr. Cartat did not consent to become the Publisher of this important Work, and to advance near 600 dollars to complete it, until he received from his subscribers at Paris the positive expedition that their example would be followed in the United States, by all men of Public Character of Literature, Merchants and Persons in easy circumstances interested in the glory and prosperity of their country. The Publisher has only one circumstance to regret, that he could not diminish the price of the work, which will however be found moderate, as may be proved when the various and heavy expenses attending such a publication, are considered.
The drawings and plates being extremely expensive, the public are informed, that there will only be a sufficient number of copies to satisfy the demands of the subscribers.
The publisher is not ignorant that a work so necessary to the public, must generally speaking, be put within the reach of every class, as much as possible. This principle which applies to every country ought to be more scrupulously observed in America, where they are not familiarised with editions at the quintuple which the publisher has been obliged to adopt in the execution of this work; had he taken any other, the end, as well as the utility of this work would have absolutely failed. The reason will appear just, when it is remembered that the size of the copper plates and maps, would not have allowed them to fold in 8vo. without being exposed to much mutilation as would render their use impracticable, after having opened the book only three or four times.
† General Warin, his Aid de Camp, was killed by an Indian. New-York, Nov. 28, 1803.
CONDITIONS.
The price of each copy on fine paper, with elegant type, will be 24 dollars, neatly bound, and 20 in boards; to be paid on delivery. They will be ready for delivery on the first of May. A List of the subscribers will be published at the end of the second volume.
LIST of those who subscribed both in Paris and here, before the Prospectus was published.
The President of the United States; his Excellency Robert R. Livingston, Ambassador to France; his Excellency James Monroe, Ambassador to Great Britain; Mr. Skipwith, Commercial Agent of the United States in Paris; Messrs Robert Louis Livingston, Peter R. Livingston, Burnet, Maclure, Livingstone, Fulton, Below, Mellesville, Swan, Benton, Montmorence, Grant, Burch, Fenwick, Whitefield, Wayer, Pinkney, Norry, Garson, Saint-Clair, Robertson, Morris, Miller, Col. Oney, and capt. Wren.
January 18th, 1804.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
Subscribers indebted for the National Intelligencer are respectfully reminded that, according to the terms of that paper, unless payment be immediately made, it will be discontinued. It will be recollected that an annual advance payment of five dollars is required.
Ten Dollars Reward.
STOLEN of the race-ground on Wednesday evening last, a likely Sorrel Mare, saddle and bridle, and a new saddle with light harness, and a new bridle; the mare is eight years old, about fourteen hands high. These traits and gallops; she is before the onsets of both kind feet a little worn by dragging them when out; has a small star in her forehead, there is a scar on the off shoulder, that remembers the letter T. Whoever delivers the above described mare, saddle and bridle, to Mr. JOHN W. PRATT near the six beam-bridge in the City of Washington will receive the above reward and no questions asked.
November 14—W

Ten Dollars Reward. DESERTE from on board the frigate NEW YORK on the 12th instant, JAMES MANLY, a man about 5 feet 7, GARY REIF MARTIN, a German, about 5 feet 6, WILLIAM COMEFORD, about 5 feet 4 or 7 inches high. Whoever will apprehend said deserters & deliver them to captain John Collins, Superintendent of the Navy Yard, Washington, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges. Jan. 16-3t
WASHINGTON ASSOCIATION: The office of the Washington Association and United States Insurance company is removed to the corner of square No. 226 fronting on the President's square and Pennsylvania Avenue. THOMAS HERTY, Sec'y P. T. Jan. 18-f.
Public Sale of Lots, In George Town and the City of Washington. THE executors of the estate of Anthony Holmead deceased, will offer at public sale, at the Union Tavern in George Town, on Monday the 30th instant 57 lots in Holmead's addition to George Town, many of them in eligible situations. Also several lots in the city of Washington, in squares 48, 49 and 62. The terms, which will be moderate, will be made known on the day of sale. The sale to begin at 12 o'clock. Any person wishing to view any of the above lots, will be shown them on application to the subscriber. JOHN HOLMEAD. Jan. 4-tf
BY AUTHORITY. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, To build a Catholic Cathedral Church in the City of Baltimore. 21,000 tickets, at $10 dollars each, 210,000 dollars the probable purpose of this lottery—the many very valuable prizes offered, and there not being two blanks to a prize, are considerations which give the managers reason to hope for a rapid sale of the tickets. The drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number of tickets shall be sold to authorise it; and thirty days after the completion of the drawing, the prizes will be paid to the fortunate adventurers; subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. Such prizes as shall not be demanded within twelve months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the church. For the satisfaction of those at a distance, it may be necessary to mention, that the managers have given bond to the mayor and city council in the sum of 120,000 dollars, for the due payment of the prizes which may be drawn. Tickets to be had of the managers, or of such persons as may be appointed by them. Managers. Right rev. Bishop Carroll, Rev. Francis Beeton, Messrs. David Williamson, Robert Walsh, Charles Ghequiere, Patrick Bennett, Arnold Livers, Luke Tiernan, Frances I. Mitchell. July 13, 1803. The managers have lodged a number of tickets in the above lottery in the hands of Wm. Brent and James D. Barry for sale.
 Dollars.  1 prize of 20,000  1 ditto 10,000  2 do 5,000  5 do 1,000  10 do 500  15 do 200  200 do 100  200 do 50  200 do 25  2,500 do 10  4,000 do 5  1 first drawn ticket, after 2000, having a blank to its number, 500  1 do after 4000 do 500  1 do after 6000 do 500  1 do after 8000 do 500  1 do after 10,000 do 500  1 do after 12,000 do 500  1 do after 15,000 do 500  1 do after 18,000 do 500  1 do after 20,000 do 500  1 last drawn ticket, which may have a blank to its number, 4,000  7154 Prizes, 210,000  3,836 Blanks—Not two to a prize. 
In Chancery, Jan. 7, 1804. Smallwood's creditors against His Heirs. WHEREAS several claims exhibited against the estate of general William Smallwood, deceased, have not been accompanied by sufficient vouchers, and therefore not passed, although, not absolutely rejected; and a long time hath elapsed without any thing on their part done—it is at the instance of the trustees, who are anxious to close their trust, adjudged and ordered, that no claim in this court shall be paid after the first day of September next, against the said estate, but that the chancellor will, on application, decide on any of said claims, before the said day. This order is however to have no effect, unless it be published at least thrice in the Maryland Gazette, and at least twice in each of three weeks in the National Intelligencer before the first day of March next. It is further ordered, that on the examination or hearing of any of the claims aforesaid, deposition before a single magistrate shall be received in evidence. Such other testimony as is required by the orphan's court, is usually required by the chancellor. True copy. Test. SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, Reg. Cur. Can. Jan. 16-taw3w
For Sale or Rent. A convenient two story Dwelling HOUSE, in the city, situated in a most remarkable pleasant situation, opposite the twenty buildings, and commanding a view of Alexandria, there is a very convenient kitchen, a small garden, and office with it. Any other particulars, may be known by applying to the subscriber, residing near the Navy Yard. RICHARD FRAZER. Jan. 4-
CITY TAXES. Notice is hereby given that the Board of Appeal on contested valuations of property under the several acts of the corporation relating to the valuation of property, will meet on Monday the 23d inst. at the office of the Treasurer of the city and continue their meetings for two weeks thereafter, to whom all and every person who feel aggrieved by the late assessment of property in the city, may apply for redress. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor, of the city of Washington. Jan. 23-t23
CHARLES VARDEN, TAYLOR, From PHILADELPHIA. HAS received from Philadelphia an elegant assortment of the best quality Superfine Cloths, Cashmeres, Silk florinings, Black and fancy silk mouselin velvet, white & figured Marcellas, Swandowns, Toilingnettes, Velveteens, Fancy cords, floating, &c. With a variety of other articles suitable for the winter season. N. B. Ladies Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms made in the best style of fashion. New-Jersey Avenue, the second House from the Capitol Square. November 8, 1803.
TO RENT, And immediate Possession given, A Two story Frame House, in the City of Washington, situated on N. F street, square 224—containing 4 rooms beside two garret rooms, piazza and pantry, kitchen, store room, &c. with a good garden—lately occupied by Mrs. Lee, adjoining to Mr. Xaupie's store—Also that convenient two-story frame on same square, late in possession of Dr. Tabs, opposite to which Robert Peacock, Esq. lately resided—consisting of 6 rooms, and two garret rooms, piazza and pantry to fourth front, cellar with dry well, kitchen, carriage house, stable, an excellent garden, with every convenience for the reception of a genteel family. For particulars enquire at Mr. Rhode's tavern, Mr. Xaupie's store, or to the subscriber. REDMUND PURCEL. January 13, 1804-tf
FOR SALE. PURSUANT to the Will of the late Patrick Henry, a Tract of Land, lying on both sides of Falling river, in Charlotte county, Virginia, and containing about 1800 acres. This Land is in general poor, but contains a bank of Iron Ore, supposed to be the best, of any known in that part of the country. It lies on an excellent stream, a branch of Roanoke river, within four miles of its mouth; from whence is an easy and safe navigation. Here are water-falls, stone and timber on the Land for all the purposes of an Iron Work; in the midst of a fine country; and about 400 acres of the Land is valuable for its soil. For further particulars enquire of Mr. RANDOLPH, of the House of Representatives. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser by EDMUND WINSTON, Esq. of Patrick Henry. Buckingham county, Ver. Dec. 23-tf.
NOTICE. ALL who are indebted to the estate of John Crookshank deceased are requested to make immediate payment to, CHARLES GLOVER, Admr. George Town, Nov. 23-tf
JOIN COX Has just received a quantity of American manufactured Bed Ticken warranted to hold the down of the feathers, which will be sold by the piece at the manufacturers prices, and by retail at a very small advance—Also sewings, darnings and tuckering cotton, with a quantity of chintzes and calico, which he will sell lower than the regular importer can afford to sell at. Elegant thread lace, fox, bear, and martin skin muffs and tippets, handsome paper hangings, with almost every other article in the dry good line, both fanciful and substantial, which he will sell at his usual low prices for cash, or in exchange for tobacco and flaxseed. For fax feed he will allow 15s. 3d. per bushel. Also a few handsome double barrel fowling pieces. George Town, Dec. 23-2m
FOR SALE. THE Plantation on which I live, containing about 600 acres of valuable land. The improvements are an exceeding good dwelling house two stories high, 42 feet long, by 36 feet wide, with a passage through the middle, three rooms below, and four above stairs, with fire places in all but one, and a dry sweet cellar, the size of the house, in which is a capital vault with two rooms, and above is a fine airy pantry. A kitchen 36 by 18, two closets high, with a kitchen and laundry below, and lodging rooms for servants above. A washing house, meat house & dairy and in short every necessary improvement for the accommodation of a family, and a very fine collection of grafted and budded peach trees of the most approved kind, chiefly from Princes nursery on Long Island, which are just beginning to bear. This property is situated in a healthy genteel neighborhood, about four miles from the city of Washington, five from Alexandria, nearly one half in wood and timber, and the residue arable and meadow land, of the latter, there are about 50 or 60 acres under the fey and more may be easily laid down. Perhaps no tract of the same size, abounds more in fine springs, there being a never failing stream in every field, besides an abundant one which runs through the meadow and from which the greatest part of it may be watered. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. OVERTON CARR. September 19.
S. THOMEE. BEGS leave to inform his friends that he has removed his store from George Town to King street Alexandria, where orders in his line will be executed with punctuality and dispatch. Orders left at Mr. March's Book store will be duly attended to. GILDING AND ENAMELLING ON GLASS, A few doors above the Washington tavern—Looking glass and picture frames made and regilt. NEEDLE WORK Framed in the handsomest manner, and names done on glass. S. THOMEE, as a stranger being determined to establish in the line of his profession, foliots that encouragement alone which he trusts the reasonableness of his charges and his affinity to business may entitle him to. Window cornices handsomely gilt, and every thing in his line done to please the fancy of the owner equal to any imported. N. B. He has some glasses and prints for sale on low terms. Jan. 9-ep3m
Ten Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the plantation near Upper Marlboro, on Saturday night the 29th October—an iron grey HORSE, about fourteen hands one inch high, seven years old, stout made, trots and gallops only on the road, is rather dull and goes heavy, having been broken to the plough—he has lately been trimmed about the head and ears. Any person giving me information so that I get him again shall receive the above reward and it brought home all reasonable charges paid by, BENJAMIN ODEN. November 21-tf
LOST, THE following described certificates of stock three per cent stock issued by the Register of the Treasury in the name of Jacob Bickner of Amsterdam, for the renewal of which application is intended to be made at the proper office. No. 3113 dated 23th October 1791 for 12,419 53 3/4 No. 3500 dated 23d November 1791, for 7,900 No. 6271, dated, 7th December 1792, for 831 41 No. 1202 dated, 5th December 1792, for 8,749 29 Dolls. 30,000 00 ROBERT GILMOR, & Sons. Dec. 28-ep7w
NOTICE. AGREABLY to a deed of trust from the late Mr. John Beall, the subscriber will offered for sale, by public auction, at Mr. Drugherty's in Bladensburg, on the Saturday the 21st of January next, at one o'clock, all the right and title of Mr. Beall, to several tracts of land, conveyed by him for the benefit of his creditors. These lands are not more than a mile and a half from the town of Bladensburg, and contain about 240 acres, on which are a good dwelling house, a large barn & other useful houses. Also a few acres of valuable meadow. The land will be sold clear of dower—cash required for one third of the purchase money, and bonds with approved security, for the other two thirds, payable in one or two years, with the interest from the day of sale. BEN. LOWNDES, Trustee. Dec. 30-ep7w
A GREAT BARGAIN. THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS will be taken and payment made easy, to the purchaser, for the following valuable property free from any incumbrance whatever. A SET of saw mills working two saws—a grist mill with two run of stones and bolting machine, also a cotton and rice machine complete all worked by water, also one saw mill about 200 yards from the former and on the same dam, now about finishing that will work from two to fourteen saws under the same roof—this mill is insured for three years after her being completed—they now being in good repair and the whole in a progressive way of improvement, with about Ten thousand acres of land all adjoining and immediately contiguous to the mills, on which are several valuable farms. The timber for mill site are inexhaustible and unexceptionably good—they are situated on the waters of Drowning Creek ninety seven miles from George Town South Carolina, to which place the lumber is carried being rafted at the mills without the trouble of hauling, a valuable convenience. The stream is equal if not superior to any in the states of North or South Carolina—the grist mills command a custom at a distance of 30 or 40 miles around them. The situation at the mills is high, pleasant and very healthy, on which is a good two story house with piazza, a good kitchen, stables, carriage and harness houses and other necessary out buildings with a new store house completely finished, it being an excellent stand for a country store. Application to be made to the Subscriber at Millville near Lumberton in North Carolina, or for any information respecting the premises, to Samuel D. Parrance at the city of Washington. WM. NORMENT. Millville N. C. Dec. 12. N. B. Any part of the above property will be sold as may best suit a purchaser. Dec. 23-tf
Valuable Land for Sale. The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria, and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD. November 11-wtf
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR By the President of the United States. HAS just received an handsome supply of fall goods, which he is determined to sell and make upon the most reasonable terms, and in the best and most fashionable manner, and greatest expedition. Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square and Capitol Hill, seventh house from the Capitol. Oct. 14
MICHAEL ROBERTS HAS FOR SALE, AT HIS STORE, GEORGE-TOWN, A GENERAL Assortment of Stationary, And other articles in his line, viz. ATLAS, imperial, superroyal, royal, medium, demy, and folio post papers. Plain and vellum fool's cap ditto. Hot pressed gilt, wove & plain quarto post & superroyal and royal cartridge do. Medium, demy & fool's cap, French marble & Plain and ruled blank books, Bill quills and ready made pens, Pen knives, crafting knives and paper scissors, Black and red ink and ink powder, Black and red sealing wax and wafers, Large red and white do. for office use, Silk tape and red and white tape, Parchment, fustian fish bone and pounce, Ivory pounce boxes and paper folders, India rubbers and gum arabic, Black lead pencils (water colored) Ditto with silver cases, Ruler and B't rulers, Marking types and Reeve's colours, in boxes, Backgammon tables and cribbage boxes, Billiard balls and dice, English and American playing cards, Pencil writing desks, Gentlemen and ladies pocket books, Sheet and house accounts for 1803, Sheep skin skins dressed for bookbinding use, Printing ink and printing paper, Wadsworth, gilt and pewter inkstands, Said and warps, and ware boxes, Wax candles and tapers, Ivory handle and table desert knives, Plated tea and coffee urns, large and elegant with silver handle and rims. Ditto tea and coffee pots, silver rims, Ditto bread double fluted silver rims, Ditto bread baskets and toast stands, Ditto goblets and tumblers, Ditto salt and mustard pots, Ditto bread stand and fish knives, Ditto pair, high and patent round and oval candlesticks, Ditto small do. Do. chamber do. with snuffers & extinguishers Ditto snuffer and snuffer trays, Fashionable brass andirons, Green wire fenders and fire screens with brass tops, Shovels and tongs, Coal hods and cinder sifters, Hand bellows with brass and iron pipes.
Plated Mouldings for Carriages. Gigg hangings, Spurs and stirrup irons, Chaise, duke & snaffle bridle bits, Horse bridles and curbs Carriage, chair and switch whips, Walking sticks and sword canes, Horsemen's and pocket pistols, Officers travelling canteens, with cooking utensils, &c. complete, Swords and dirks, Gold and silver epaulettes, Sword knot and crimson silk sashes, Gold and silver lace and cords, Guns and fowling pieces, Shot pouches and powder flasks, Game and hawking bags, Catlin nets mounted and unmounted, Traveling trunks and travelling pouches, Buckskin gloves and breeches, Morocco skins of various colours, Boat and gear webbing, English and cocked hats, Gentlemen & ladies japanned dressing boxes English and American hair powder, Powder bags and powder puffs, Curling tongs and crimping irons and powder knives, Hard and soft pomatum, B's warranted razors, Shaving brushes and boxes, Benzoin, almond, palm, palmasceen, cowslip, and windior soaps, Wash balls and wash ball boxes, Essence of mule, and ambergris, Bergamot and avender, Rupinis Tinclure for the teeth, Tooth brushes and tooth powder, Ivory and boxwood fine combs, Tortoise shell and horn braid combs, Do. do. dressing do. Genuine black and flesh colored plaster, Patent shoe blacking and shoe brushes, Clothes, hair and hat brushes, Sweeping, scrubbing, and dusting do. Tortoise shell and japanned sugar boxes, Mother of pearl, tortoise shell and japanned snuff boxes. An assortment of upholsterers ware, consisting of fringe line, tassels, &c. An assortment of hardware consisting of saws, planes, chisels, gouges, augers, files, rasps, locks, hinges, bolts, spades, shovels, tacks, sprigs, &c.
ALSO FOR SALE, BY EDGAR PATTERSON, at the above store, FRESH FRUITS, just received per the Brig Celia, capt. Brown, from Malaga. George-town, Dec. 21.
Romulus Riggs, & Co. Has just received at their Store, a few doors from the Union Tavern. A large quantity of Carpets and Carpeting, Cotton and Me-Feil counterpans, Fine Irish linens, and long lawns, Fine English hats, silk, cotton and worsted hosiery, India, tambores, & plain cambric muffs, Chintzes, silks and colored muffs. And many other fashionable articles. A quantity of TRUNKS, and a few BOXES of CHINA, all of which will be sold at their regular low advance. Geo. Town, Jan. 10, 1804. Rodjaw
A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS by the first articles of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the seventeenth day of October, 1791, for regulating the Materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the city of Washington, it is provided that "the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city shall be built of brick or stone," and by the third article of the same terms and conditions it is declared, "that the wall of no house shall be higher than 40 feet to the roof, in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than 35 feet on any of the Avenues." AND WHEREAS the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles, has been suspended by several acts of the President of the United States from the fifth day of June 1796, to the first day of January 1804, and the beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced—it is deemed proper to revive the same, with the exception hereafter mentioned. Wherefore, I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are hereby suspended until the first day of January in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said city of Washington previous to the said first day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden house covering more than 320 square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the Eye shall be erected—nor shall such house be placed within 24 feet of any brick or stone house. Given under my hand, 28th December, 1803. TH: JEFFERSON.
A RUNAWAY. ABSCONDED on the 26th of December last for fear of being sold. A stout, strong, square built, black slave called CIMON; well behaved and well looking fellow, about 26 years of age. In speaking to gentlemen he shows a set of white teeth, appears diffident and somewhat agitated. He carries no fear nor mark of any injury—Having worked in a blacksmith's shop his hands are very rough; he came from Mrs. Eden's estate in St. Mary's county, and was there called Peter; his clothing was new and strong; the jacket and overall of grey kersey. He had a long blue broad cloth coat, and a pair of overalls of the same kind of cloth; the coat and overalls had yellow metal buttons, with the figure of a spread eagle on them. His brother Harry (slave to Miss Grace Stone who has been hired in the city of Washington) has a strong resemblance to Cimon. I offer Ten Dollars reward for delivering Cimon to me, or confining him in any jail. And if found out of the county the additional reward of one quarter of a dollar for every mile he may be brought. M. I. STONE. Charles county, Jan. 13-taw3w
FOR SALE By LEWIS CLEPHAN East of the Branch bank on F. street City of Washington. PAINTERS COLORS OF ALL SORTS. White Lead in logs Red Lead, and dry, Spruce Ocher, Stone Ocher of superior Parent Yellow quality, Gold Litage, Turkey Umber, Prussian Blue, 1st and Vermilion, and quality, Best Carmin drop lack, Kings Yellow, Painters Brushes of all Lined oil and spirits of turpentine, Window glass 10 by 12—3 by 10, and 7 by Gold and silver leaf by the pack or book, Large sheet glass cut to any size. Gentlemen sending their Sashes will have them neatly glazed and on moderate terms. All orders from the country will be carefully attended to. August 3. rawf
NOTICE, IS hereby given, to the creditors of John William Lytton, a bankrupt, that his final certificate of discharge, will be granted on the 6th of February next, at ten o'clock, A. M. at Steele's Hotel, in the city and county of Washington, in the District of Columbia, unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary. W. CRANCH, Assistant Judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. Jan. 16-tf
STOUGHTON'S GENUINE BITTERS. Faithfully prepared at the original warehouse London. TO make any observations here, upon the superior quality of these bitters to any ever offered for sale, is needless; suffice it to say, that they have had the test of approbation a great number of years. Gentlemen, who prefer bitters, will find them an elegant and wholesome preparation, and far preferable to the trash generally offered under that name. It is now for the first time, imported in quart bottles, as well as vials, which will reduce the price near one half. Sold by Rapine, Conrad and Co. Capitol Hill, Washington. John March, George Town, Robert and J. Grey, Alexandria, and A. Buck Frederickburg, Virginia. November 7-taw3w