The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-03-08 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1312
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WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8, 1809
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, Feb. 18.
DEBATE ON THE NON-INTERCOURSE BILL.
Twelfth section, partially reading the Embargo, under consideration.
MR. CLOFTON—Mr. Chairman—Being one of those, who are not willing to exchange the embargo for the system of non-intercourse now proposed, I move you to strike out this section of the bill.
In making this motion, sir, I cannot say that I entertain much hope of success, although indeed I do sincerely wish that the motion may prevail. It has been uniformly my opinion, sir, and still is, that the embargo ought to be adhered to until a majority of the great body of the people of the U. S. should prefer war itself to a longer continuance of it. I cannot perceive any middle course between those two alternatives, which can truly maintain the honor of the nation: and shall this nation descend from that ground to any degree of submission, either openly or covertly, to any nation on earth? God forbid, sir. Forbid it every thing that is dear and valuable to us as members of a free and independent nation!
It has been frequently suggested that the nation has become restless under the embargo; and some gentlemen have spoken as if they thought that the people were generally anxious for a removal of it at any rate. Sir, that is by no means my opinion. I have no reason to believe that the people of this country in general would prefer a removal of it without some more efficient substitute—that they would prefer a removal of it with such a substitute as the one now proposed. On the contrary there is no more reason to believe that a large majority would prefer a longer continuance of the embargo rather than such a substitute. That they would prefer this measure to be added to the embargo, I think, is much more probable: and I acknowledge for one, sir, that I should rejoice to see such a course taken at this time—a course, which in the early part of the session I fondly expected would be taken.
The same argument, Mr. Chairman, which has been principally urged against a continuance of the embargo system entire, may be urged more forcibly against the proposed non-intercourse system. I mean the abuses or evasions of it. If evasions of the embargo laws cannot be prevented, much less can evasions of the non-intercourse be prevented. They cannot, sir—and I apprehend Great Britain will ensue immediately after much of our property has been taken. Sir, if we are to go to war—if we are to bring on a war, let us not do it by first throwing such advantages into the enemy's hands. Let it commence with activity and as much advantage as possible on our own side whenever it shall commence. Let us keep our property within our own ports until we are ready to go to war.
In considering this subject, Mr. Chairman, I am naturally led to reflect on the most prominent features of the administration of our own government respecting the belligerent nations, as being connected with the embargo in its origin, and as showing the policy of its continuance heretofore.
Long indeed has our country sought the establishment of neutrality, but sought it honorably. The great and prominent object with the United States as to their external relations, always has been to maintain peace—to maintain it honorably and consistently with the rights of the nation. In pursuit of this great object it will receive the principal benefits of the trade, notwithstanding the prohibitions of its bill. If American vessels are permitted to go out at all,
most of them will go, if not to British ports, to some particular ports, as has been observed, from whence G. Britain will finally receive their cargoes; and in a short time, perhaps, upon the terms than they could be obtained for in our own ports; and I do not know what is to secure them from capture when bound to other ports, if they fall in with British cruisers, unless indeed they should go into British ports, pay the detestable tribute and accept licences; and the law will be abundantly evaded by smuggling into the country articles of British manufacture—and, no doubt, many of French manufacture too. Besides, sir, the consequence of this measure very probably will be war at last, and at no distant period—a war too, which will commence under great disadvantages to our own country—a war.
In this situation of things, Mr. Chairman, under this accumulation of injuries the measure of the embargo was resorted to—a measure having in view a counteraction to the whole system of aggression carried on against the United States—a measure, which has been pursued as a means of bringing about a relinquishment of that atrocious system on the part of the belligerents, and a redress of injuries inflicted on us, together with the preservation of peace. This measure has been thus far pursued for these great purposes; and it has been patiently borne with to this day, by the nation at large, the pain discontents which have appeared in some particular parts of the country only excepted. The nation at large has cheerfully acquiesced in the privations, the inconveniences and the difficulties incident to such a state of things. It has exhibited a memorable example of self-denial in sustaining this situation with a view to obtain redress of wrongs and a recognition of fair and honorable negotiation has been resorted to from time to time for a series of years. By this means redress of wrongs has been repeatedly sought, and sought in vain. By this means the government of the United States has exerted itself to procure relinquishment of outrages and violations of our neutral rights; but as often have all its efforts proved unavailing. No wrong redressed—no cessation of outrage yet appeared: on the contrary more numerous and more aggravated ones followed in quick succession. A long series of injurious acts, the offspring of new and (if possible) more atrocious principles than what constituted the pretended ground of former outrages, were pressed with accumulated weight into the train of former outrages insomuch that those, which followed after, taken along with those which had preceded, made up a combined system, which threatened to sweep from the ocean almost every particle of canvas, and all the floating property of this great republic of its maritime rights without a sacrifice of its peace.
These, sir, are the objects for which this measure has been thus far and so patiently pursued. Great and momentous objects, and worthy of a great and magnanimous nation! Why, then, should it be now determined at all events to abandon this measure? Why should it be so determined at a period, of all others, most propitious to the embargo, if continued and executed—a period, of all others, I think, best calculated to give it effect by this House manifesting a firm disposition to adhere to it? For, sir, I consider this as the most critical period, which could possibly arrive, as to the real effect of the embargo. I consider it as the most important period, at which the conduct of this House might render that measure effectually coercive, if it ever can be made so at all—and why, sir, do I think so? Because, in the first place, I conceive it cannot even be a question whether the British government has not calculated on the discontents, which appeared in some particular parts of the union, so as to derive at least some expectation therefrom that those discontents might make such impression on Congress as to induce them to raise the embargo in the course of this session. Those discontents, no doubt, excited grateful expectations of its removal. It is perfectly natural to suppose that such events taking place in any part of this country, must have produced calculations of that sort. I cannot but believe, sir, that they have look-
ed forward to the period of this session, with anxious solicitude, to mark the temper of Congress in relation to this very interesting subject; and, as they must have presumed that Congress could not view such serious events with indifference, some expectation that the effect might be so strong as to induce a repeal of the system could scarcely fail to be the conclusion. Such conclusion was to be expected, even if the extent of dissatisfaction had been fairly reported to them—even had it been in no degree misrepresented. But, sir, there are a thousand chances to one that the reports, which conveyed the information to that country, greatly exaggerated the facts—that the picture was drawn in much stronger colors than were consistent with the real truth—that the instances of discontent were stated not only to have been deeper in their nature than they really were, but that a much larger number of persons had partaken of it than really did—that a spirit of dissatisfaction had spread itself far and wide. Not a shadow of doubt rests on my mind, sir, that in all respects whatever, the unpleasant occurrences to which I have alluded, were greatly magnified. With these circumstances others have combined to render the embargo inefficacious as yet, or at least to prevent it from having its full effect. It is to be recollected, sir, that very soon after the law laying an embargo was passed efforts were made to render it unpopular and to excite dissatisfactions. Dissatisfactions were not only excited—but many unprincipled persons found means to evade the law and make exports contrary to its provisions.
Under a combination of circumstances, then, so encouraging to the hopes of the British government as those must have appeared to them, the continuance of their orders in council until the temper of Congress during this session could be known to them, is not much to be wondered at. The hope of ultimate success in rendering our commerce tributary to them, which those circumstances, no doubt, contributed not a little to inspire, with such a government was of itself sufficient ground to induce a continuance of those orders. Long experience of British policy, which the United States have had, justifies this opinion. Long experience of a systematic design in that government to shackle our commerce and subject it to their arbitrary restrictions leaves no room to doubt of their disposition to pursue that design until the conduct of this government should convince them of its total inefficacy to produce the object sought for. The slightest prospect of succeeding in their design, however delusive that prospect might be, keeps up their hopes until the delusion vanishes. It remains, then, for the Congress of the United States at this very interesting crisis to dispel that delusion by a firm adherence to this measure, and thus to disperse every gleam of hope, which may have resulted from the circumstances of discontent, which had appeared, and the evasions of the law, which took place, in the country. At this truly critical period, to which their anxious attention has been directed, let this body manifest an inflexible perseverance, and demonstrate to them that all their hopes founded on those or on any other circumstances are vain indeed. Let it be demonstrated to them that this government can not only resolve upon and carry into effect measures of energy though attended with inconveniences and difficulties, but that it can pursue such measures so long as they shall be deemed expedient for the object in view. Let every declaration and every conception concerning the American character, as a nation, in respect to its cherishing an overweening attachment to gain, so as to be willing to submit to indignities for the sake of it, be completely falsified. Let it be demonstrated beyond a possibility of doubt that there exists not in the great body of the people of this country any love of gain comparable to the love of real national independence and freedom—that this love of national independence and freedom animates the true American soul far beyond any other sentiment, and that in support of it the greatest sacrifices of interest are cheerfully acquiesced in.
But, sir, what will be the inference drawn from this measure proposing
a repeal of the embargo, as it does, after it shall have been adopted? Will it not justify assertions that this government has not stability or firmness enough to carry into effect energetic measures, or such as check the current of wealth for any considerable time from flowing into the country? Such assertions, or assertions to that effect, have, I believe, been frequently made; and they have been often repelled by words as slanderous reproaches on the government. Sir, let us not take from them the merit of being slanderous by affording any ground for the justification. But I fear, sir—I greatly fear that a repeal of the embargo laws, as now proposed, will go far towards justifying such assertions.
This measure, it seems, is contemplated under a belief that the embargo cannot operate as a coercion on the belligerents, because they have not yet rescinded their orders or decrees. Sir, I apprehend the principal reason why such effect has not been yet produced, at least as to one of them, is that it has not yet had time enough to produce that effect, or, at least, that much of the time, which has elapsed since the embargo was laid, has been attended with circumstances unfavorable to the production of such effect: so that, although the pressure of the embargo might have been ever so severe, it would nevertheless have been borne with under the expectation that the measure would soon be abandoned—under the expectation that the discontents which have been manifested, and the evasions of the law, which have taken place, would induce a repeal of the system. That they have felt, and severely felt, its pressure, I do not know that there is any room to doubt. But it was to be expected that the British government particularly would feel much and bear much before they would rescind their orders while flattered with any prospect of a removal of the pressure. But take away that prospect (which a firm adherence to and a strict execution of the measure would do) and then the pressure would not only have its full weight, but would immediately begin to produce the desired effect. The numerous privations produced, and which would be produced, by the embargo, would then be seriously considered. When every ground of expectation that this government contemplated a repeal of the embargo laws at any definite period should be taken away, they would then reflect on the consequences—they would discover the expediency of making different calculations from those which they had before made. They would not then calculate between the supposition of vast advantages resulting to themselves from a removal of the embargo, together with a subjection of our commerce to their arbitrary restrictions on the one hand, and on the other hand the mere temporary privations to be sustained by them while it should be continued; because there would then be no ground for such supposition. But their calculations would be founded on a view of what, most likely, would be the losses accruing to them from a continued real non-intercourse with this country (which there would be if this section of the bill should be stricken out, and some other sections of it should be passed) compared with the benefits to be derived from a free and unrestrained commerce with it. The question of interest would be shifted and placed upon different ground. They would then be brought to decide whether their interest would be promoted in a greater degree by having no trade at all with this country, than it would be promoted by a free and liberal trade without interruption to its commercial rights as a neutral nation. Sir, if the firmness, the decision and perseverance of this House were to be such as to convince them that they are to choose between these two alternatives, could they hesitate long after such conviction? Could they hesitate in preferring our trade and relinquishing their impositions on it when thus convinced that it was by no means to be obtained? Sir, does not every degree of probability lie on this side of the question? Really I cannot perceive any room to doubt it. What then ought we to do to persevere in this measure? Sir, I wish it could be continued some time longer. Let us rigidly
persevere in it as the best course which the government can yet pursue—and let us not doubt of its ultimate success.
At any rate, sir, let the embargo continue as it is, until the next meeting of Congress in May; and let that Congress determine as to a repeal of it, according to the then existing state of the public mind, the circumstances of the country, and the then conduct of the belligerents. By that time events may take place in Europe, which may materially influence the conduct of at least one of them. By or before that time the fate of Spain very probably will be decided; and if Bonaparte should have succeeded in fixing his brother on the throne of that kingdom, the resources, of which Great Britain would be deprived by that event, would certainly affect her in a considerable degree; and such privations would, doubtless, have a correspondent influence on her conduct.
In support of the position, which has been advanced, that the embargo cannot coerce Great Britain, it seems to be apprehended that sufficient resources from other quarters would be drawn in to her aid; that the supplies which she had heretofore derived from this country, would be obtained from other countries; and thus the effect of the embargo as to her, would be defeated.
Sir, if gentlemen will recur to the orders of the British king, to the commanders of his ships of war and privateers, directing them not to "intermit any neutral vessel laden with lumber and provisions, and going to any of his colonies, islands or settlements in the West Indies or South America, to whomsoever the property may appear to belong, and notwithstanding such vessel may not have regular clearances and documents on board." I think, sir, they will perceive unquestionable evidence that so early as A.D. 1808, when those orders were issued, they must have felt the want of our trade in provisions and lumber to those places; and had it not been for the discontents, which soon after that time became known to them, and the scandalous evasions of the law which took place, I have no doubt but that before this time, the orders in council would have been revoked: had the law not been so much defeated in its operation, by worthless unprincipled men, who regardless of all the sacred ties of duty to their country, seized the moment of rapid progression to wealth; accepted the infamous royal invitation to violate the solemn laws of their country, and under the shameful protection thus held out, conveyed to them such supplies, as not only enabled them to hold out longer, but encouraged them to hope that the system would soon be abandoned altogether as impracticable, and an export trade allowed from this country, under the restrictions which they had imposed on it.
There is another circumstance of recent date, which I would also notice. What, sir, are we to think of the late famous, or rather infamous letter of Mr. Canning, misrepresenting Mr. Pinkney's communication to him, relative to the proposal of the President, to suspend the operation of the embargo as to British ports, on that government rescinding its orders in council? For what purpose could that letter have been written and published, as it was, unaccompanied with Mr. Pinkney's answer, in the very section of the country where discontent most prevailed? Was it not intended to inflame that discontent, and encrease the clamors against the embargo? Indeed, sir, I must believe that such was the design, as well as to foment disaffection to the government. If so, what could have been the inducement to it, but a strong desire in the British government that the embargo should be removed? And what could produce such desire but its pressure?
This circumstance, sir, and the orders of the king, encouraging Americans to violate the embargo laws, are both to my mind irrefragable evidence of that pressure, which evidence has been frequently corroborated by subsequent information; and whatever may have been said to the contrary, or whatever may be conceived to the contrary, the embargo, if continued and enforced, must be very distasteful to Great Britain.
Concluded on last page.

THURSDAY, MARCH 2.
EXPENDITURES OF PUBLIC MONEY.
The bill from the Senate further to amend the several acts for the establishment of the war and navy departments, having been read a first time.
Mr. W. Alston moved that it be rejected. The bill which had been sent from this House contained nearly the same provisions as this, but much more effectual. When the appropriations for the ensuing year had been under consideration before the committee of Ways and Means, they had unanimously agreed that it would be proper to add to the bill regulations to guard the expenditure of the public money. That great abuses had grown out of the misapplication of public money no one would deny; the facts stated every man in the face. The practice had been, when money had been appropriated for the War and Navy Departments, instead of drawing it out of the Treasury by warrants for each specific purpose, to draw it out by millions. The statement of the Secretary of the Navy, in opposition to the bill as it went from this House, was not sufficient ground to induce the House to reverse its decision; and he was authorised to state from the Secretary of the Treasury that the difficulties stated against the proposed plan did not exist; that the forms for carrying into effect the bill were already provided.
Mr. Love thought the motion of Mr. Alston at least an impolitic one, as it might, if successful, jeopardise the passage of the appropriation bill, to which provisions of nearly a similar nature had been attached and sent to the Senate. There were indeed some little differences, none he believed in any important principles, between the bill which had passed this House and that sent from the Senate. The few alterations he thought absolutely necessary, and he was surprised to hear the gentleman speak of the statement sent from the Secretary of the navy, and printed for the use of the House, as erroneous, without any attempt to specify its defects. The gentleman had relied on the authority of the Secretary of the treasury, and however he might concur in an opinion, as to the financial talents of that gentleman, he would not consent that the Secretary who had made the statement on this occasion, had discovered less ability, or knowledge of the duties of his office.
Mr. Newton suggested the propriety of permitting the bill to lie on the table till the decision of the Senate on the bill which went from this House was known.
Mr. Taylor hoped the bill would be rejected. Now was the time to make a stand in support of the bill sent from this House. The clauses on the subject of the expenditure of public money had been properly annexed to the bill, and he believed that they could be passed; for the Senate he believed would not take upon themselves to push the House from its ground as they had in the case of the famous navy bill during the present session. It had always appeared to him that this government ought to have some pinnacle whence the people and every member of the House could take a complete view of the whole expenditure of the nation. The Secretary of the Treasury had that commanding view as to the receipts; but he had not the same complete and ample view of the monies paid from the Treasury. Eight years ago it had been reported, very unfairly perhaps as respected some individuals, who were stated as debtors in the report of the committee of investigation, that there had been much misapplication of the public money. From what had it arisen? For the want of that measure which had passed a few days ago in this House without a dissenting voice. The bill as sent from this House was recurring to the good advice given eight years ago, that it was necessary not only that they should be economical in the expenditure of the public money, but that the appropriations should be specifically applied. It was calculated to prevent the agents of the departments from turning over immense sums of the public money at the rate of three per cent. per month. He wished to have some department to be amenable for all the expenditures of the government; and he would rather, in fact, lose the appropriation bill than agree to strike out the sections sent from this House.
The bill was then rejected, 51 to 26.
ALEXANDRIA TURNPIKE.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill from the Senate, for incorporating a company to make a turnpike from Mason's Causeway to Alexandria. A motion made by Mr. Lewis to recommit it to a com-
mittee of the whole, was negatived. After various amendments offered and negatived, which occupied about three hours, the bill was ordered to a third reading.
FOREIGN LICENSES.
The House took up for consideration the bill for disfranchising vessels of the United States, navigating under foreign licenses, 53 to 24.
The first section of the bill, which it will be recollected, calls home all vessels which went out previous to the embargo, &c. had been struck out the last time the bill was under consideration.
Mr. Jackson moved an amendment subjecting persons convicted of accepting, using or conniving at the use of a foreign licence to fine or imprisonment. This amendment was modified on motion of Mr. Newton so as to disqualify any person so convicted from holding any office of trust or profit under the United States.
Mr. Burwell observed that he should consider this more as a paper law than an effectual one; but should feel himself bound by voting for the bill, to enter his solemn protest against so shameful a practice. Mr. B. objected to the principle of expatriation as a punishment, doubting whether Congress had a right to exercise it. As to preventing vessels from sailing under British licence, he doubted the practicability of preventing it. There were no doubt enough of those licences in the hands of her public or private agents; and proof of the fact could scarcely ever be obtained, from the privacy under which they were procured, and the discretion with which they would be used. He should however vote for such a law as this, were it only to enter a record on their journals against the practice. He conceived however that before the next session the orders in council rendering such licences necessary to trade would be better understood and the people of the Union more strongly united against them; and special laws against particular cases under them would be unnecessary.
Mr. J. G. Jackson was not disposed lightly to commit the House on the subject of expatriation; but there was unquestionably a difference between expatriation and disqualification for office. He produced precedent in support of the amendment proposed. Mr. J. regretted that this practice could not be prevented, from the Proteus-like character of some merchants; and deplored the necessity which would compel them to place a law for preventing this disgraceful practice on the statute book. He believed that there was not a single member of the House who was not willing to punish those who violated the honor of the country by accepting foreign licences.
Mr. Lyon said he could see no necessity for such a law, because it would be impossible to carry it into effect; & because it was an ex post facto law, operating on persons now abroad, who could have no knowledge of such a law or of an intention to pass it. It was legislating to no other purpose than to show that they had the power to legislate.
Mr. Quincy suggested the propriety of postponing the consideration of this subject till the next session, when the evil would be better understood and a remedy could be more easily provided. It would be in the power of any person, this bill to the contrary notwithstanding, by a short residence in some foreign port to deprive himself of the character of a citizen of the U. S. and thereby evade the law.
Mr. J. G. Jackson observed that no bill which could be passed could constitutionally have a retrospective effect; and therefore, if we were to wait till the evil had extended it would be too late to provide a preventative.
Mr. Bacon was by no means certain that this law would prevent the practice of accepting foreign licences to trade; but he should vote for the bill principally as entering a protest against the right of any foreign nation to regulate or embarrass our trade.
Mr. Lyon spoke at some length against the bill.
Mr. Fisk replied to Mr. Lyon. He had not thought that there was an American who, avowing himself to be such, would consent that our citizens should disgrace themselves by this practice. It was necessary to pass this bill if it were only to express the sentiments of the nation on the subject. If no notice were to be taken of it, there would appear to be an acquiescence in the practice by the U. S. States.
Mr. J. G. Jackson's motion was carried 67 to 6.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading 65 to 6.
ARMY AND NAVY APPROPRIATION.
The House took up for consideration
the amendments to the Senate to the bill which went from this House for amending the several acts for establishing the war and navy departments, and to make appropriations for the support of the military and naval establishments for the year 1809.
The Senate had stricken out the sections for guarding the expenditure of public money (having passed the bill on the subject which was this morning rejected in the House); and the appropriation of one million of dollars for fortifications.
The question on concurrence with the Senate in the first amendment, was negatived by Yeas and Nays—73 to 3.
The Yays were Messrs. Masters, Nicholas and Quincy.
The question on concurrence in the second amendment (for striking out the appropriation for fortifications) was carried by Yeas and Nays—47 to 33.
The bill for incorporating a company for making a turnpike road from Mason's causeway to Alexandria was read a third time. Mr. Gholson moved to postpone the bill indefinitely—Ayes 19, Nays 49. A quorum not being present, a motion was made to adjourn and carried.
FRIDAY, MARCH 3.
Mr. Newton moved that the unfinished business of yesterday lie on the table, for the purpose of first deciding on the foreign licence bill—Carried.
FOREIGN LICENSE BILL.
The bill to deprive in certain cases vessels of their American character, and to prevent under certain disabilities any citizen of the U. S. to accept or use, a license from one nation, to trade to any other foreign nation, was read; and on the question—"shall the bill pass?"—There were, by Yeas and Nays,
For the bill—73
Against it—16
The Nays were—Messrs. Champion, Chittenden, Davenport, Ely, Gardenier, Gardner, Jenkins, Lewis, Milnor, Sloan, Stedman, Sturges, Tullmadge, Upham, Van Horne and Van Rensselaer.
ALEXANDRIA TURNPIKE.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill, to authorise the making a Turnpike Road from Mason's causeway to Alexandria. Mr. Gholson's motion for indefinite postponement, was negatived—Ayes 9—Mr. Lewis moved, that it be referred to a committee of the whole House—negatived—Ayes 5. The bill was then passed—Ayes 59—Nays 12.
The order of the day on the bill authorising the grant of a certain quantity of public land, for stock in the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal Company, was called for by Mr. Newton.
Mr. Eppes observed, that at this late period of the session, the House could not be prepared to consider a bill which not only involved a great grant of property of the U. S. but a constitutional question. He therefore moved to postpone it indefinitely.
Mr. Newton observed, that the principle was not new, and the constitutional question, if any, had been decided long ago; for the U. S. had taken stock in the Bank of the U. S. and in other institutions. He wished the bill to be taken up.
Mr. Eppes confessed, he was astonished that any gentleman should oppose the motion which he proposed. Did gentlemen suppose that the property of the nation was to be voted away, and that neither the Representatives, or the people, should understand the principle on which it was voted? And was the House to establish the principle, that Congress were to become land-jobbers, or speculators, in public stock? He had no doubt that the Delaware Canal, was a proper object for the public attention; and if the constitution could be amended, and money could be appropriated for that object, he said, he should as soon vote it to the Delaware Canal, as to any other object of that kind, but not for that object singly. When the subject was taken up, every question on a similar object should be passed in review. He really hoped, that gentlemen would not on the present occasion insist on passing a bill which had never yet been before a committee of this House. He hoped that this would not be made the first instance in which a bill of this importance had been passed at the last day of the session, and at the moment of the dissolution of Congress.
Mr. Stanford was opposed to the motion for postponement. He was not in favor of this bill as a local question, but from general principles. When the gentleman said, that this was a new subject, let it be recollected, that in the case of the Cumberland Road, this very principle was recognised; it having been commenced with the proceeds of the public lands—and this very session the House had appropriated money for nearly a similar object, the Canal of Carondelet. This was as good a time to commence the system of improvement as any other. It was also connected with internal defence. If war should follow our present measures, this bill might and would contribute essentially to the common good. The object was not new, for a similar bill had been before the House, one or two sessions ago; nor did he know that there was anything proposed by the bill which militated against the constitution of the United States.
The bill was postponed indefinitely, 42 to 31.
Mr. Love moved for the third reading of the bill to enable an Insurance Company in Alexandria, to alter its style and title. Negatived—Ayes 22.
MILITARY ACADEMY.
Mr. Nelson called for the order of the day, on the bill making further provision for the corps of engineers, (to remove the Military Academy, to the seat of government.)
Mr. Masters moved, to postpone the subject indefinitely, and gave his reasons in favor of it, viz.—That West Point was a much more eligible situation; that it would be expensive to the U. S. to remove the institution, and after it was removed, to provide buildings for its accommodation; and
that private property had been embarked in the settlement at West Point, which would be injured by the removal.
Mr. Lewis opposed the motion, urging in support of the bill, the advantages which would arise from this institution, being at the seat of government, and being a national institution, the propriety of its being under the immediate superintendence of the head of the War Department.
Mr. Livermore supported the motion, on account of the lateness of the session; and from a belief, that if taken up, it would consume the whole of the session.
Mr. J. G. Jackson observed, that there was no bill before the House, more important than this; and it was a single question on which every member probably had made up his mind.
The question on indefinite postponement was carried, 49 to 34.
The bill for incorporating Religious Societies, in the District of Columbia, was postponed indefinitely.
MARINE CORPS.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Desha in the chair, on the bill from the Senate for increasing the Marine Corps.
Mr. Macon moved to amend the bill by striking out that part which authorises the appointment of the major; for he said there was no occasion for field officers in this corps, as they would never go on board a ship.
Mr. Nelson opposed the motion, as he considered the appointment necessary for the organisation of a marine corps—and as necessary to induce young men of spirit and enterprise to enter the corps, the prospect of promotion being an inducement—Motion negatived.
An amendment was moved to make all future enlistments for the term of five years. Carried.
The committee rose and reported the bill as amended.
Mr. Macon renewed his motion for striking out "one major."
Mr. Burwell supported the motion. He wished that the bill could have been rejected. He was not one of those who believed, if this nation went to war for maritime rights, that it was to be carried on by large frigates but by small vessels and individual enterprise; and was therefore not for increasing this corps.
Mr. Masters quoted a report from the navy department, on the subject of the marine corps. It would be remarked, that the marine corps were calculated to act as infantry when on shore; and that an additional number were particularly wanted for New Orleans, as well as for service on board the gun-boats.
Mr. Macon's motion was negatived, 41 to 32.
And the bill was ordered to a third reading, 43 to 29.
ARMY AND NAVY APPROPRIATION.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House, that they insisted on their amendments to the bill from this House, supplementary to the acts for the establishment of the war and navy departments, and making an appropriation for the support of the military and naval establishments for the year 1809. [Their amendment it will be recollected, was to strike out the five sections regulating the mode of expenditure and application of the public money in the war and navy departments.]
The question having been put, "will this House recede from its refusal to concur in the amendments?"
Mr. J. G. Jackson remarked that this was an important bill, and however he was in favor of the part proposed by the Senate to be stricken out, he hoped that the House would not defeat the bill by adhering.
Mr. W. Alston hoped that the House would not recede. Painful as it would be, he would rather see the bill fall altogether. The mode in which these provisions had been affixed to the bill was not unusual. And he produced a precedent in support of it. To the principle there could be no objection.
Mr. Gholson said he thought it was too late in the session to commence a new controversy with the Senate; and as it was agreed on all hands that part of the bill was certainly necessary, and the other part might be postponed without injury to the state, he was in favor of recession.
Mr. Macon said that on this subject there could be but one question—Were the sections which the Senate had stricken out proper to be passed into a law, or were they not? That was the only question to be decided. He hoped the House would not sacrifice principle to accommodation.
Mr. Smilie hoped the House would not give way; they were now struggling for the protection of the public money. He said he would adhere and throw the responsibility of losing the whole appropriation bill on the Senate. If they chose to account to the people for the consequences of the failure of the bill, let them do so.
The question was then taken on receding by Yeas and Nays, and negatived, 55 to 37.
It was then moved by Mr. W. Alston, that the House insist on the bill as it now is. Carried, 55 to 19.
It was then moved to appoint conferees to confer with such gentlemen as may be appointed by the Senate on the subject of the above bill. Carried, and Messrs. W. Alston, Eppes and Smilie, appointed on the part of this House.
MARINE CORPS.
The bill authorising the augmentation of the marine corps was read a third time. And on the question "shall the bill pass?" It was decided by Yeas and Nays, as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Bacon, Bard, Bayler, Bassett, Boyd, Chittenden, Cuts, Dawson, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Gardner, Green, Harris, Holmes, Isley, Jenkins, Kelly, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Love, Lyon, Marion, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, J. Morrow, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Quin-
cy, Rowan, Russell, Shaw, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Storer, Sturges, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Van Horn, N. Wilson, Winn—34. NAYS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bibb, Blount, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clay, Durell, Goldsborough, Goodwin, Gray, Heister, Holland, Jones, Porter, Rea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Trigg, Wharton, Whitehill, M. Williams—28.
On motion of Mr. J. K. Smith, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Cuts in the Chair, on the bill for the relief of William Hastings. The bill being gone through, was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading.
The House refused to take up the bill for amending the charter of George-town. Ayes 12.
On motion of Mr. Gardenier, Resolved, Ayes 54, that when the House adjourn, it adjourn till 5 o'clock. And the House then adjourned.
EVENING SESSION, 5 o'CLOCK.
The bill for the relief of William Hastings was read the third time and passed. [It was afterwards rejected by the Senate.]
On motion of Mr. Lewis, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 44 to 35, Mr. Cuts in the Chair, on the bill from the Senate, to amend the charter of George-town. The committee rose without coming to a decision, and were refused leave to sit again.
Mr. Jackson moved to re-consider the vote of this House this morning, refusing a third reading to the bill to alter the style and title of the marine insurance company of Alexandria—Negatived, 54 to 27.
Mr. Lewis making another motion to take up the bill for amending the charter of George-town.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to postpone it indefinitely—Motion lost, 56 to 30.
Mr. Lewis's motion was then carried; and the bill ordered to a third reading, 55 to 16. It was afterwards read a third time and passed.
EXPENDITURE OF THE PUBLIC MONEY.
Mr. Randolph, after some preparatory remarks offered the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the allowance of 1,438 dollars and 16 cents for "36 extra rations per day" made by the department of war to Brigadier General Wilkinson at Natchitoches, from the 13th to the 30th of September, 1806, and from the 1st of October to the 11th November, in the same year, and whilst commanding at New Orleans, from 12th November, 1806, to 24th November, 1807, and of 600 dollars for "quarters, stables, &c." at the same place is contrary to law: the said allowance being expressly prohibited by the act passed the 16th day of March, 1802, entitled "An act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States."
The House agreed to consider the resolution, by Yeas and Nays, 55 to 43.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved that it lie on the table.
Messrs Randolph, Rowan and Gardenier opposed Mr. Jackson's motion, and Messrs. Jackson, Holland and Nelson supported. The resolution was ordered to lie on the table, after a debate of two hours, (which may be given hereafter) Ayes 65.
Mr. Randolph asked leave to lay another resolution on the table along side of the former, and laid on the table the following resolution:
"Resolved, That an advance of pay for the months of March, April and May, and a further advance of pay for the months of June, July, August, September, October and November, in 1809, has been made by the department of war, to Brigadier General Wilkinson, and that when the said advance is made, the said Brigadier General Wilkinson stood indebted in a large amount to the United States, on the books of the account of the war department, and that the said advances of pay were contrary to law.
Mr. Randolph moved that the first resolution be printed—Carried, 44 to 42.
Mr. R. then moved that the second resolution be printed—Negatived, 40 to 35.
WAR AND NAVY DEPARTMENTS.
A bill was received from the Senate further to amend the bill for the establishment of the treasury, war and navy departments.
Mr. W. Alston stated this bill to be the result of the conference between the two Houses, and to be nearly the same as the five sections of the other bill in contest between the two Houses.
The bill was three times read and PASSED without opposition.
Mr. W. Alston, from the committee of conference, then moved that the House recede from its refusal to accept the amendments of the Senate to the bill "further to amend the several acts for the establishment of the war and navy departments and making an appropriation, &c." The House then agreed to the amendment of the Senate for striking out the five first sections.
A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had appointed a committee in conjunction with such committee as should be appointed by the House, to wait on the President of the U. S. and inform him that they had concluded the business pending before them, and were ready to adjourn. A committee was appointed on the part of this House to join the committee of the Senate.
On motion of Mr. A. R. Moore, the usual resolution was adopted, directing the Clerk of the House to advertise and contract for printing, stationary, &c. for the next Congress.
Mr. Smilie offered the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the thanks of this House be presented to Joseph B. Varnum in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the discharge of the arduous and important duties assigned to him whilst in the chair.
Mr. Rowan moved that it be postponed indefinitely. Messrs. Rowan and Lyon supported the motion, and Messrs. Eppes and Jackson opposed it. The motion was afterwards withdrawn, and the resolution passed 63 to 9.
The Nays were Messrs. J. Campbell, Gardner, Garnet, Lewis, Lyon, Masters, Rowan, Stanford and Van Rensselaer.
The Speaker returned his acknowledgment to the House for this tribute of their approbation, as follows:
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, The kind expression of your approbation of my conduct, in the discharge of the du-

ties which you have been pleased to assign me as Speaker of the House, affords me the consolation which an approving conscience alone can surpass. You will please, gentlemen, to accept my thanks for the liberality and candor which you have uniformly manifested towards me; and be assured, that the friendly aid which I have experienced from you in the discharge of my official duty, has made a deep impression on the affections of my heart, which length of time alone can eradicate.  A bill was received from the Senate for altering the title and title of the Marine Insurance Company. Postponed indefinitely.  Mr. Cotte, from the committee appointed to wait on the President, reported, that they had performed that duty, and that the President had informed them that he had no further communication to make.  And the House adjourned, sine die.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 3.
APPOINTMENTS.
The following gentlemen have been appointed to the offices respectively affixed to their names; having been nominated by the President of the U. S. and approved by the Senate.  ROBERT SMITH, of Maryland, Secretary of State.  WILLIAM EUSTIS, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War.  PAUL HAMILTON, of South Carolina, Secretary of the Navy.  THOMAS SUMNER, jun. of South Carolina, Minister Plenipotentiary to the Netherlands.  HENRY HALL, Consul at St. Salvador in Brazil.  DAVID HOLMES, of Virginia, Governor of the Mississippi Territory.  JOHN BOYLE, of Kentucky, Governor of the Illinois Territory.  NATHANIEL POPE, Secretary of the Illinois Territory. 
Among the nominations, made by the President, was, we understand, that of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, as Minister Plenipotentiary to St. Petersburg, on which no vote was taken in the Senate, they having resolved—Ayes 17—Nays 15—that such a mission was in their opinion unnecessary.
The Senate yesterday adjourned sine die.
On the 6th inst. at a meeting of the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit at this city, JOHN P. VAN NESS, Esq. was unanimously re-elected President thereof.
We regret the necessity of deferring the publication of the Address of the Tammany Society to the President and his Answer, together with several other articles, until our next paper.
REPORT.
Treasury Department, March 2d, 1809.
Sir, In obedience to a resolution of the Senate, of 20th April last, I have the honor to enclose a report on the memorial of the stock holders of the Bank of the United States, praying for a renewal of their charter.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. The honorable the President of the Senate.
The Secretary of the Treasury, to whom was referred the memorial of the stockholders of the Bank of the United States, praying for a renewal of their charter which will expire on the 4th day of March, 1811, respectfully submits the following
REPORT:
The Bank of the U. States was incorporated by act of March 2d. 1791, with a capital of ten millions of dollars, divided into 25,000 shares, of 400 dollars each. Two millions of dollars were subscribed by the U. S. and paid in ten equal annual instalments. Of the eight millions of dollars subscribed by individuals, two millions were paid in specie and six millions in six per cent. stock of the U. States. Two thousand four hundred and ninety-three of the shares belonging to government were sold in the years 1796 and 1797 at an advance of 25 per cent.; two hundred and eighty-seven were sold in the year 1797 at an advance of 20 per cent.; and the other two thousand two hundred and twenty shares in the year 1802 at an advance of 45 per cent.; making together, exclusively of the dividends, a profit of 671,851 dollars, to the U. States. The greater part of the six per cent. stock originally paid by the stockholders has since been sold by the bank; a portion has been redeemed by government, by the operation of the annual reimbursement, and the bank retains at present only a sum of 2,231,598 dollars in six per cent. stock.
About eighteen thousand shares of the bank stock are held by persons residing abroad, who are by the charter excluded from the right of voting. The stockholders residing within the U. S. and who have an exclusive control over the institution, hold only
seven thousand shares, or little more than one fourth part of its capital. They appoint annually twenty-five directors of the bank itself, which is established at Philadelphia; and those directors have the entire management of the discounts and other transactions of the institution in that city, and the general superintendence and appointment of the directors and cashiers of the offices of discount and deposit established in other places. There are at present eight of those offices, viz. at Boston, New York, Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, Savannah, the city of Washington, and New Orleans. The two last were established at the request of the Secretary of the Treasury.
The profits of a bank arise from the interest received on the loans made, either to government or to individuals; and they exceed six per cent. or the rate of interest at which the loans are made, because every bank lends, not only the whole of its capital, but also a portion of the monies deposited for safe keeping in its vaults, either by government or by individuals. For every sum of money thus deposited, the party making deposit, either receives the amount in bank notes, or obtains a credit on the books of the bank. In either case he has the same right at any time to withdraw his deposit; in the first case, on presentation and surrender of the bank notes; in the other case by drawing on the bank for the amount. Bank notes and credits on the books of the bank arise, therefore equally from deposits, although the credits alone are in common parlance, called deposits; and the aggregate of those credits, and of the bank notes issued, constitutes the circulating medium substituted by the banking operations to money; for payments from one individual to another are equally made by drafts on the bank, or by the delivery of bank notes. Experience has taught the directors what portion of the money thus deposited they may lend, or in other words how far they may with safety extend their discounts beyond the capital of the bank; and what amount of specie it is necessary they should keep in their vaults. The profits, and therefore the dividends of a bank will increase in proportion as the directors will increase loans of the monies deposited and suffer the amount of specie on hand to diminish. Moderate dividends, when not produced by some particular cause which checks the circulation of bank paper, are the best evidence of the safety of the institution, and of the wisdom of its action.
The annexed table of all the dividends made by the bank of the United States since its establishment, shows that they have on an average been at the rate of 8 3-8 (precisely) 8 13-14 per cent. a year, and proves that the bank not in any considerable degree used the public deposits for the purpose of extending its discounts.
From what has been premised, it appears that the property of a bank in full operation, consists of three general items, viz: 1st. outstanding debts, consisting principally of the notes payable at sixty days, which have been discounted at the bank. 2dly. specie in the vaults. 3dly. buildings necessary for the institution. On the other hand, the bank owes, 1st. to the stockholders, the amount of the capital stock originally subscribed, payable only in case of the dissolution of the institution. 2dly. to government or individuals, the whole amount of monies deposited, payable on demand, and including both the credits on the bank books, commonly called deposits, and the bank notes in circulation. The account is balanced by the amount of undivided profits and accruing discounts, which constitute the fund for defraying current expenses, for paying subsequent dividends, and for covering contingent losses.
The following statement of the situation of the bank of the United States, including its branches, exhibits the true amount of public stock which is still held by the institution, of the cost of its buildings and lots of ground, and of the undivided surplus or contingent fund subsequent to the dividend made in January last. But the amount of loans to individuals or discounts, of specie in the vaults, and of monies deposited, including both the credits on the bank books, commonly called deposits, and the bank notes in circulation, is taken on a medium; and so far as relates on the credit side of the account, to specie on hand, and, on the debit side, to deposits, is several millions of dollars less than it happens to be at this moment; both having been swelled much beyond the average by the embargo, and by the unusually large balance in the treasury which is principally deposited in the bank. Some minor items arising from accidental circumstances are omitted for the sake of perspicuity.
  Cr.   1. Six per cent. stock of the U. States, being the residue of that part of the original subscription paid in public stock, which is still held by the bank, 2,230,000   2. Loans to individuals consisting chiefly of discounted notes, payable at sixty days and in some instances of bonds & mortgages taken in order to secure doubtful debts, 15,000,000   3. Due by banks incorporated by the states, 800,000   18,030,000 
  II. Species in the vaults, 5,000,000   III. Cost of lots of ground and buildings erected, 431,000   Total Cr. $ 23,110,000   Dr.   I. Capital stock of the bank payable to the stockholders whenever the institution may be dissolved, 10,000,000   II. Monies deposited, viz.   1. Credits on the bank books commonly called deposits, including the deposits both by government and by individuals, 8,500,000   2. Bank notes in circulation, 4,500,000   13,000,000   Total Dr. 23,000,000 
Balance being the amount of undivided profits, commonly called the "contingent fund," & applicable to cover losses which may arise from bad debts or other contingencies, and to extra dividends,  It sufficiently appears from that general view, that the affairs of the bank of the U. S. considered as a monied institution, have been wisely and skillfully managed.
The advantages derived by government from the bank are nearly of the same nature with those obtained by individuals, who transact business with similar institutions, and may be reduced to the following heads.
 1. Safe keeping of public monies. This applies not only to monies already in the Treasury, but also to those in the hands of the principal collectors, of the commissioners of loans and of several other officers, and affords one of the best securities against delinquencies.  2. Transmission of public monies. As the collections will always, in various quarters of the extensive territory of the union, either exceed or fall short of the expenditures in the same places, a perpetual transmission of money, or purchase of remittances at the risk and expense of the U. S. would become necessary in order to meet these demands; but this is done by the bank at its own risk and expense, for every place where one of its branches is established, which embraces all payments of any importance.  3. Collection of the revenue. The punctuality of payments introduced by the banking system, and the facilities afforded by the bank to the importers indebted for revenue bonds, are amongst the causes which have enabled the U. S. to collect with so great facility, and with so few losses, the large revenue derived from the impost.  4. Loans. Although the prosperity of past years has enabled government during the present administration, to meet all the public demands without recurring to loans, the bank had heretofore been eminently useful in making the advances which under different circumstances were necessary. There was a time when, exclusively of the six per cent. stock held by the institution as part of the original subscription, the loans obtained by government from the bank amounted to $6,200,000. And a similar disposition has been repeatedly exercised whenever the aspect of public affairs has rendered it proper to ascertain whether new loans might, if wanted, be obtained. 
The numerous banks now established under the authority of the several states, might, it is true, afford considerable assistance to government in its fiscal operations. There is none, however, which could effect the transmission of public monies with the same facility, and to the same extent, as the bank of the U. States is enabled to do through its several branches. The superior capital of that institution offers also a greater security against any possible losses, and greater resources in relation to loans. Nor is it eligible that the general government should, in respect to its own operations, be entirely dependent on institutions over which it has no control whatever. A national bank, deriving its character from the national legislature, will at all times, and under every emergency, feel stronger inducements, both from interest and from a sense of duty, to afford to the union every assistance within its power.
The strongest objection against the renewal of the charter, seems to arise from the great portion of the bank stock held by foreigners; not on account of any influence it gives them over the institution, since they have no vote, but of the high rate of interest payable by America to foreign countries on the portion thus held. If the charter is not renewed, the principal of that portion, amounting to about 7,200,000 dollars, must at once be remitted abroad; but if the charter is renewed, dividends equal to an interest of about 8 1-2 per cent. a year must be annually remitted in the same manner. The renewal of the charter will, in that respect, operate in a national point of view, as a foreign loan, bearing an interest of 8 1-2 per cent. a year.
That inconvenience might perhaps be removed by a modification in the charter, providing for the repayment of that portion of the principal by a new subscription to the same amount in favor of citizens; but it does not, at all events, appear sufficient to outweigh the manifest public advantages derived from a renewal of the charter.
The conditions in favor of the public, on which this should be granted, are the next subject of consideration. The net profit annually derived by the stockholders from a renewal of the charter, is equal to the difference between the annual dividends and the market rate of interest. Supposing this to continue at six per cent. during the period granted by the extension of the charter and the dividends to be on an average at the rate of 8 1-2 per cent. that profit will be 2 1-2
per cent. a year. If the charter be extended twenty years, the value of the privilege will be equal to an annuity of 2 1-2 per cent. on the capital, that is to say, of 250,000 dollars for twenty years; and such annuity being payable semi annually, is worth almost 2,890,000 dollars. This, however, would be much more than any bank would give for a charter, as it would leave it nothing but the right of dividing at the rate of six per cent. a year, which the stockholders have without a charter. It is believed that they would not be willing to give even half that sum for the extension; and that about 1,250,000 dollars may be considered as the maximum which could be obtained, if it was thought eligible to sell the renewal of the charter for a fixed sum of money.
It is however presumed that the decision on the conditions which may be annexed to an extension of charter will be directed by considerations of a much greater importance than the payment of such sum into the treasury. The object will undoubtedly be to give to the institution all the public utility of which it is susceptible, and to derive from it permanent and solid advantages rather than mere temporary aid. Under those impressions the following suggestions are respectfully submitted.
 1. That the bank should pay interest to the U. S. on the public deposits, whenever they should exceed a certain sum, which might perhaps be fixed at about three millions of dollars.  2. That the bank should be bound, whenever required, to lend to the U. S. a sum not exceeding three fifths of its capital, at a rate of interest not exceeding six per cent.; the amount of such loan or loans to be paid by the bank in instalments not exceeding a certain sum monthly, and to be reimbursed at the pleasure of government.  3. That the capital stock of the bank should be increased to thirty millions of dollars, in the following manner, viz.  1. Five millions of dollars to be subscribed by citizens of the U. States, under such regulations as would make an equitable apportionment amongst the several states and territories.  2. Fifteen millions to be subscribed by such states as may desire it, and under such equitable apportionment amongst the several states as may be provided by law; and a branch to be established in each subscribing state, if applied for by the state.  3. The payments either by individuals or states to be either in specie or in public stock of the U. States, at such rates as may be provided by law.  4. The subscribing states to pay their subscription in ten annual instalments, or sooner if it suits their convenience; but to receive dividends in proportion only to the amount of subscription actually paid; and their shares of bank stock not to be transferable.    4. That some share should be given in the direction to the general and state governments: the general government appointing a few directors in the general direction, and the government of each subscribing state appointing a few directors in the direction of the branch established in such state. 
The result of that plan would be, 1st. That the U. States receiving an interest on the public deposits, might without inconvenience, accumulate a treasure sufficient to meet periods of war and calamity, and thereby avoid the necessity of adding by increased taxes to the distresses of such periods. 2dly. That they might rely on a loan of eighteen millions of dollars on any sudden emergency. 3dly. That the payment of the greater part of the proposed increase of capital being made in ten annual instalments, that increase would be gradual, and not more rapid than may be required by the progressive state of the country. 4thly. That the bank itself would form an additional bond of common interest and union amongst the several states.
All which is respectfully submitted, ALBERT GALLATIN. Treasury Department, March 2, 1809.
   Dividends on United States' Bank Stock.   No. Date. Rate per Cent.    1 July, 1792 4  2 January, 1793 4  3 July, — 3 5/8  4 January, 1794 3 7/8  5 July, — 4  6 January, 1795 4  7 July, — 4  8 January, 1796 4  9 July, — 4  10 January, 1797 4  11 July, — 4  12 January, 1798 5  13 July, — 4  14 January, 1799 4  15 July, — 4  16 January, 1800 4  17 July, — 4  18 January, 1801 6  19 July, — 4  20 January, 1802 1 1/2  21 July, — 4  
 22 January, 1803 4 1/2  23 July, — 4  24 January, 1804 4 1/2  25 July, — 4  26 January, 1805 4  27 July, — 4  28 January, 1806 4  29 July, — 4  30 January, 1807 6  31 July, — 4  32 January, 1808 4  33 July, — 4  34 January, 1809 4 
PRINTING At the Office of the RELIGIOUS REPOSITORY, THE INAUGURAL SPEECH, OF THE HON. JAMES MADISON, Elegantly executed, on Sat. and Blue Ink—Price Three Dollars. March 3—3t
NOTICE IS hereby given to the Stockholders of the Washington Bridge Company, that the fourth instalment of ten dollars on each share, is called for, which must be paid on or before the 20th instant, agreeably to the act of Congress, entitled "An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia."  By order of the Directors. DAN. GALLATIN, President. March 8, 1809—3t
FIVE DOLLARS REWARDED RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the 20th February last, WILLIAM CHINGSON, an apprentice to the shoemaker's business. WILLIAM is of dark complexion, has his hair dyed black, and is about five feet six inches in height, weighs about one hundred and thirty pounds, and has a scar on his left cheek. He is supposed to have gone to the foot of the Neck and towards Chain-Bridge. Whoever finds him, will be rewarded with five dollars, if delivered to the subscriber, or to any other person authorized by him. March 8—3t
N. B. I forewarn all persons from taking, employing or carrying said WILLIAM away, at their peril. March 8—3t
SUGARS, COFFEE, TEA, &c. First and second quality Muscovado Sugars. First and second do. Coffee. Fresh Teas. Lemons. Fig Blue, first quality Segars, &c. &c. Just received per the Brig John, from New-York, and for sale by CHARLES J. KOURSE. March 8—3t
DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP. THE partnership of Duckett & Claggett, being dissolved this day by mutual consent. All those indebted to said firm are requested to make payment to Jacob Duckett, and those having claims against the concern will render them for settlement. JACOB DUCKETT, Signed, BANNIBAL CLAGGETT. The business will be continued by Jacob Duckett. March 8—3t
MR. LONGBOTHOM, SURGEON DENTIST, informs the inhabitants of Washington, George-town and their Vicinities, that he is now at Mr. Templeman's, in George-town, where he may be consulted in the line of his Profession—for a few days only. Application not personally made, is requested to be left in writing, which shall be immediately attended to, as will all letters addressed to Washington Post-Office. March 8—3t
Prince George's county court, September Term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing, of ROBERT M'Koy, of Prince Georges county, to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'Koy, is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Robert M'Koy be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Robert M'Koy by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months, successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to the creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test, JOHN READ MAGRUDER December 26—w3m Ck. P. C.
RUNAWAY. WAS committed to the jail of Prince Georges county in the district of Columbia on the 17th inst. a Black man, calling himself JOHN and says he is from York county, Dennis, of York county, Virginia, is about 29 or 30 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high—had on when committed, a brown great coat, kersey trousers, old black hat, old shoes and stockings; his owner desired to come and release him or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses as the law directs. C. TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for Washington Road, marshal. March 1—w3t

Withheld from her supplies of raw materials for her manufactures, particularly cotton, naval stores, timber and other materials suitable for naval purposes; and from their West India possessions, withheld supplies of provisions and lumber, and I cannot conceive how she could sustain such privations much longer. The French dependencies in the W. Indies would also be greatly distressed for want of supplies of provisions, and therefore a continuance and enforcement of the embargo would be severely felt there.
But the greatest objection to a continuance of the embargo, seems to arise from apprehensions that it cannot be enforced. Say the evasions, which took place previous to the last act passed on the subject, were supposed to have proceeded from defects in the laws passed at the former session of Congress. But is nothing to be expected from that act? It has been in existence but a little more than a month, and has not had time enough yet to operate in any material degree. It is presumable that, if continued in force, it will be more efficacious than the former one.
But, sir, is there no such thing as patriotism in those parts of the country where evasions of the law have taken place? Has that sacred principle fled away entirely from those places? I cannot believe it, sir; I cannot indeed. I cannot abandon the idea of patriotism in those parts of the country. I cannot abandon the hope that there is yet patriotism enough to carry the laws into effect. Nor can I for one, sir, consent to abandon the ground solemnly taken by the government, merely to appease the clamors of a party, or the avarice of a set of individuals, whose numbers can bear but a very small proportion to the community at large.
I have made these observations, Mr. Chairman, under an impression, that it was my duty to do so, at this very critical and momentous period, on a subject of such vast magnitude as the one now under consideration. Believing, as I do most sincerely, that the proper course still to be pursued is the one I have advocated, I should have been guilty of a dereliction of that duty, had I refrained from expressing to the committee the sentiments I have expressed. Sir, it is not an opinion of the present moment, or one which has arisen from any late occurrence. It is an opinion which I brought with me when I came to this place, and I have uniformly retained the same opinion to this day.
Much has been said concerning the last act passed for enforcing the embargo. It has been frequently denounced as unconstitutional. Sir, that act was passed by a very large majority; and for one amongst those, who voted for it, I can truly say, that I never should have given my vote for it, if I had not believed it to be within the legislative powers, the constitutional authority of Congress to pass it. I am far from believing that it merits the denunciations which have been lavished on it. I consider it as strictly within the limits of the powers vested by the constitution in this body. If I had at any period since the passage of the act, been convinced that I had been in error, and that the passage of it was not authorised by the constitution, I should freely and candidly acknowledge it. It never was my disposition, sir, to resort to rigorous measures in any cases where the objects of them were attainable without such. I truly lamented, and do lament the occasion, which produced that act; but I considered it to be of vast importance, as far as possible, to prevent evasions of the embargo system.
This is a period of our political existence, Mr. Chairman, which renders firmness in the councils of the nation peculiarly requisite. The crisis is vastly momentous and trying, and attended with circumstances both from within and from without, which strongly call for decision in the legislature. The existence of the government seems almost to depend upon their firmness and decision. Whilst the members of this body respect the rights of individuals, let them consider the consequence of being driven from a measure of great importance, by the conduct of a small part of the community. It is the duty of each part equally to respect and obey the laws; and if apprehension of the consequence of a factious, clamoring against the acts of the government, should deter it from pursuing its course, such would be an alarming manifestation of its weakness. Sir, I fear for the government almost to trembling. I feel emotions which I cannot express. It is at a point of awful trial and responsibility. The system which, it appears, is about to be abandoned, will be exchanged for a mischievous one, which on our return to our homes will not draw on us many smiles.
(Debate to be Continued.)
JUST PUBLISHED. And to be had at R. C. MATHIAS'S Book-Store. A TOUR through part of Virginia, in the summer of 1808, in a series of letters, including an account of Harper's ferry, the natural bridge, the new discovery called Weir's Cave, Monticello, and the different Medical Springs, hot and cold Baths visited by the author. Price 37 1-2 cents. March 3-3t
CHEAP GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS, (SIGN OF THE PLOUGH.) Having removed to the Store, lately occupied by Romulus Riggs, and have bought his entire Stock of GOODS, (very low) which added to their former supply, with some Fresh Goods, just received from Philadelphia, makes their assortment very extensive, they being bought principally for cash, previous to any material rise in the markets, enables them to sell lower than the present prices. Amongst their Stock are Rich Linens, Shirting & Cambric Muslins, Linen Cambrics, Cambric Handkerchiefs, Furniture Dimities & Gingham, Fine Muslin Leno & Ceded Muslins, Muslin Shawls, Mantillas & Robes, Super-dressed Shirting Muslins, very fine Cambric Muslin for Cravats, veils, laces, shades, silks, crapes, Silk Shawls, Elastic India Crapes, Ladies Beaver and Straw Bonnets, Silk, Cotton & Worsted Hosiery and Gloves, Bleached Country Linen for sheeting, Cloths, Cords, Blankets, Waistcoating, Carpeting, and many other Fancy and substantial articles, which will be sold low for Cash, and a liberal discount to persons to sell again. They also expect to receive in a few days, a quantity of best Ingaine, English, and Venetian Carpeting with other articles. Georgetown, February 6-2aw6w
A NEW WORK. The private life of WASHINGTON, With a great number of original anecdotes, BY M. L. WEEBS. The Rev. Mr. Weebs, of Mount Vernon Parish, and, for fifteen years, the intimate of the grey-haired veterans of the last century, who were the neighbors and companions of Washington. Criticism by Judge Brackenridge, dated Carlisle, Jan. 19th, 1809. Dear Sir,
I have read and read again your publication; the life of Washington; and you will not understand me as acknowledging it to be without defects when I take notice only of its excellencies. These indeed are very great. You have combined, with great felicity, the useful and the pleasant; historical information and amusing anecdote. You have drawn from both urns, of tears and of mirth. With a sudden transition we have the pathetic and the comic, and both irresistible. Your style is always perspicuous, and occasionally noble; in flights of imagery and richness of expression, rising to the sublime. But the great excellence of your book is the morality of the sentiment. I do not know a better to be put into the hands of young persons to race the mind to political and moral virtue. It ought to be introduced into all schools; and to be in every family. With regard to biographical merit, the delineation is such as to give a view of character, not on a parade way, but as independent of command or station. This is the painting which interests. It is that alone which makes a likeness; for a mere outline wanting the expression, gives no physiognomy. I am, with much esteem, your's, H. H. BRACKENRIDGE
For sale at Messrs. Milners's, Weightman's, and Rapkin's Book-Stores, and Mr. Tunis Craven, near the Navy Yard—a neat one pocket volume, and a fine portrait of Washington—price $7 1-2 cents. March 1-3t
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. LOST, a SILVER WATCH with hands telling the day of the month on the face of her, and capped—Mott, maker, New York. Whoever will return the Watch to this office, shall receive the above sum, and no question asked. Wednesday, March 1, 1809-
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and at Mr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO. HOLT, Washington city, January 19-2aw2m
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Have received by the Schooner Citizen, capt. Stanges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and now offer for Sale, 20 hds. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Lard Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti 25 do. Mould 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Blue, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 bags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm. Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 6-
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Muscadel Raisins of superior quality. He has also received per the brig Orozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do. Rose Blankets 2 do. 6-4 Cloths 7 do. Negro Cottons 5 do. Flannels 4 do. Carpeting 2 do. Bocking Baize 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do. Dimities 4 do. Velvets and Cords 2 do. Shirting Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Teneriffe do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Bucellas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea—Best soft shelled Almonds, Florent Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dip, and Spermaceti Candles, Castle, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Harp's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table Oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper, Pimento, Tuck's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3-2awtf.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6-2awm
FOR SALE, A very likely healthy MULATTO GIRL, About 12 years of age—apply at this office. P. Oden.
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) P. Street between the Bank & Treasury. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20-
A TEN YARD TO BE RENTED, For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next— The premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Sticks, a large Bark and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying-shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particular enquiry of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania avenue, who will show the premises. January 17-4t
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an assessment of two dollars & fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. January 19-
WANTED TO HIRE. A WOMAN SERVANT, of good character, one that is acquainted with plain cooking, washing and ironing, and horse work generally. Enquire a person liberal wages will be given to a good woman. TOPPIN WEBSTER, Near to the six buildings. Feb 24-4t
By order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's County, The subscriber will sell at public sale, to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 16th day of March next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the late residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, sen. deceased, near Baldwins Tavern, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to his dwelling plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, sheep and plantation utensils. Aud on the day the 21st day of March next, the subscriber will sell at public sale, to the highest bidder, at the residence of Joseph Ramsey Hodges, jun. near the Brick Church, in Prince George's county, all the personal estate of the said deceased, belonging to said plantation, consisting of a number of valuable negroes, amongst which are many young men, women, boys, and girls, household furniture, horses, hogs, cattle, and plantation utensils. The terms of sale are, twelve months credit for all sums above twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security—for all sums of twenty dollars, or less, cash will be demanded. Sale to commence at each place at 11 o'clock, and all the property will be sold without reserve. BENJAMIN HODGES, Adm. Feb. 24-cepts.
TO THE PUBLIC. WHEREAS, in consequence of various supposed provocations, I have been induced, at sundry times to print and publish severe and unmerited strictures on the conduct and character, of my late partner, Mr. John Lisle of this city. I now feel myself called upon, in justice to that gentleman, and in conformity with the advice of my friends, thus to avow my regret at having been instrumental to the injury of his feelings or character. (Signed) MACAUL MEDFORD. Witness, GEORGE RUNDLE. Philadelphia, Jan. 28, 1809. In consequence of the above, and the solemn declaration of Mr. Macaul Medford, that he is unable to discharge the monies I claim of him, I have agreed to discontinue my pursuit of said claim, and my intention of prosecuting him for a libel. JOHN LISLE, late JOHN LISLE, JR. Philadelphia, March 6-2t
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Carty with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children. I have therefor issued this my proclamation, authorizing and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Carty, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27-2aw6w
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD RANAWAY from the Subscriber's Plantation on Lower Marlbro' in Calvert county, about the 15th of January, a Negro man by the name of Cuddy; he is about 50 years of age, 6 feet high, rather spare made, of a yellowish complexion and thin visage, stammers when spoken to, and one of his knees bends in, which makes him limp a little, but is scarcely perceivable. Whoever takes up said negro and secures him so that I get him again shall receive the above reward, if taken upwards of 20 miles from home, if under 20 miles 10 dollars. THOMAS BLAKE. March 6-3t
IN COUNCIL—ANNAPOLIS, Feb. 3, 1809 Ordered, That the resolution of the Legislature, passed at the last session, requesting the Governor and Council to procure information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing annually one thousand stand of arms complete, be published twice a week for the space of four weeks in the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the Republican Advocate at Frederick-Town; the National Intelligencer; the Maryland Herald at Hager's-Town, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. BY order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clk.
Resolved, That the Governor and Council be requested to procure, and submit to this House, at their next meeting, information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing, annually, one thousand stand of arms complete, fifty brace of horsemen's pistols, one hundred horsemen's swords, and one hundred swords suitable for artillerymen, and the practicability of procuring workmen sufficient for the same, and the usual wages for such workmen, and as to the most eligible site for the erection of such buildings, the machinery or which, if necessary, to be worked by water, steam, or otherwise; and that by publication of this resolution, they give notice that they will receive description of and proposal for the sale of such site. And that they procure if practicable, the annual report of the different establishments of the same kind in the United States. February 17-1aw4w
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the Subscriber, in Prince George's county, on the 31st of May last, two Negro Men, viz. POMPEY, a very black man, upwards of 50 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, rather slender made, with a small head and face; his forehead projects considerably over his eyes, and it is believed he has lost an under foretooth, he is much addicted to liquor, and when drunk disposed to talk a great deal; he has been accustomed to driving a carriage and waggon; he had on when he went away a deep blue short jacket of coarse cloth, ozaling shirt and trowsers. BASIL, a dark mulatto, about 22 or 23 years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, rather stout made; has thick lips and large mouth, the forefinger of his right hand is stiff and smaller than the other; he had ulcers on his legs, and if healed the scars may be discovered. Basil was a house servant, and at the time he went off his apparel was the same as Pompey's, but they had each a variety of cloths. They may endeavor to pass as freemen, and it is probable that Basil is in Alexandria or Baltimore, as his father is living in the former place, and he has a brother and sister in the latter. It is conjectured that a black man in the district of Columbia called Jack Neall, has contrived to get them away, as the subscriber has been informed that the said Neall about two years ago carried a negro woman of his board of a vessel at Alexandria, at which time she was a runaway. The above reward (including what the law allows) will be given for securing Pompey and Basil in any jail, so that the subscriber shall get them again, or Fifty Dollars for either, and all reasonable expenses if brought home. All persons are forewarned against harbouring them. JACOB DUCKETT. February 1-5t
CARPENTERS, LABORERS, & TIMBER, wanted at the Washington Bridge. Enquire of Mr. Mills or Mr. Nottage at the Bridge. March 1-10t
CHARLES H. FARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcetts & Rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regiments and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27-4t
PROPOSALS By THOMAS J. ROGERS & OTHERS, (Of Easton, Pennsylvania.) For publishing by subscription, a new and valuable work, to be entitled THE AMERICAN SENATOR, Or Select DEBATES in the Congress of the United States.
TO THE PUBLIC. IN offering this work to the American people, the Editors deem little need be said in its praise. It is to perpetuate as well the names as the talents of the sons of America, and to rescue from oblivion the eloquence of the American Senate. It has long been a source of regret to the lovers of oratory, that hitherto the debates in the Congress of the United States have been suffered to pass into oblivion, or preserved only in the ephemeral productions of the day. Orations, which would have done done honor, to a Cicero or a Demosthenes, to a Chatham or a Curran, have been suffered to expire for want of the fostering hand of a kind parent. No attempt has ever been made to give them a substance capable of enduring for ages to come. The Editors, proud of their country, and anxious to transmit to posterity monuments of her fame and her glory, are determined to publish in volumes the speeches that may be delivered by the Representatives of the people of the United States. These they are not ashamed to put in competition with the most eloquent of antiquity. If Rome had her Cicero, and Greece her Demosthenes, America had her Ames. If Great Britain boasts of her Burks, her Faxes, and her Chathams, why may not America boast of her Madisons and her Dickisons, her Giles's and her Bayards, her Pinckneys and her Livingstons?
In reading this work, the patriot may rejoice that his country has yet her defenders, and liberty her advocates. The student may contemplate with pleasure and delight the many eloquence displayed by his countrymen, while the statesman may here study the true interests of his country. All ranks and all classes will be interested in a work, that has for its object, to preserve and perpetuate the talents and eloquence of our enlightened statesmen. In the formation of these volumes, the Editors will be guided by a strict and impartial attention to the merits of the speeches alone; and if, on any interesting question, a greater number of orations should be published on one side, than are to be found on the other, the Editors will not be considered as blameable. Nor can they be answerable, on which side, the strength of the argument will lie. Their object is to give to the world a fair specimen of American genius, and by publishing the debates on each side of any question which may be agitated, a better opportunity will be given to every citizen of thinking and of judging for himself. It is in this manner, and in this manner alone, by enlightening the people of the United States, and exhibiting every measure proposed or adopted in its proper colors, that the liberties of the country will be preserved.
Prefixed to the orations on any particular subject, a concise narrative will be given of the object of them, and the orations will be selected without reference to parties or politics. The Editors had intended to have commenced their publication with the next Presidency; but as the debates during the present session of Congress have been extremely interesting to men of all parties, the Editors have thought it most proper to commence with them, as in all probability the debates during the ensuing legislature, will have a strong relation to the acts and proceedings of the present one.
CONDITIONS. I. The work shall be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to defray the expenses of printing. II. The debates of each session will be comprised in a large Octavo volume, to contain about 400 pages. III. The work shall be handsomely printed, on a good paper, with a new Small Pica Type, and delivered to subscribers at Two Dollars the volume in Boards. To non-subscribers the work will be enhanced. IV. A list of Subscribers' names will be given at the end of the work. Oders from Booksellers and others will be promptly attended to. Easton, February 27.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Commercial Company of Washington, held on the first Monday of February 1809, it was Resolved, That Messrs. Smallwood, Kerr, and Landrey, be a committee to enquire into the propriety of fixing upon some place on the Eastern Branch for the permanent establishment of this company, and that they report to next meeting, to wit: on the third Monday of March next. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr.
In pursuance of the above resolution, PROPOSALS will be received at the Company-house of S. N. Smallwood on Barry's wharf until the 16th of March next, from those persons who have and may wish to dispose of water property on the Eastern Branch, between 12th and South Capitol streets. SAM L. N. SMALLWOOD, ALEX. KERR, ADAM LINDSAY. February 27-
FOR SALE OR TO RENT, The Two Story FRAME HOUSE & LOT On 13th street west, belonging and now in the occupation of the Subscriber. The house is convenient; the situation is healthy and pleasant. Possession may be had the first of February. For further particulars enquire on the premises. WM. YEATES, Jr.
7t 2d month-8t