The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-09-25 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
1809.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1809.
THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
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The National Intelligencer is conducted by Samuel H. Smith, and Joseph Gales, Jr. and is printed at the Office of the former, to whom all subscribers and correspondents are requested to address themselves. The annual price, payable in advance, is Three Dollars.
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
COMMUNICATION.
As you doubtless take pleasure in presenting to your readers specimens of American talent and patriotism, particularly when the occasions that draw them forth are highly interesting, you are requested to publish the following extracts from a historical and argumentative oration delivered at the request of a committee of arrangement by C. P. Van Ness, Esq. of Burlington, in the state of Vermont, on the 4th of July last, at Jerico, in that state, to a numerous collection of republicans. The author, in the late disgraceful scenes which were acted and attempted in that section of the union, during the existence of the embargo, with an honorable disinterestedness and a manly firmness, applied his shoulder to the wheel of government. Disregarding that popular odium and persecution, with which the basest passions of the human heart for a moment threatened him, he was on all occasions the spirited champion of the laws, the able counsellor and intelligent advocate of their officers and agents. Being a professional man, popular, and of high standing at the bar, he refused repeatedly and invariably, at a very great pecuniary sacrifice, all offers of gain and emolument from the numerous infatuated partisans of the embargo.
The orator, after a short introductory and prospective address, making a transition from his more immediate subject, says, "But if the declaration of American independence has for thirty-three successive anniversaries been considered worthy of celebration by a whole people, and the exercise of the most exalted talents, surely the preservation of that independence from the great and imminent dangers by which it has recently been assailed, is almost equally important and deserving of your consideration on this day. Impressed with those sentiments, I shall on this occasion take a short review of our late political troubles, and submit some observations on the causes of their removal."
"As the motives and the conduct of the two political parties which have for some time agitated our country will, in the course of this address, in some measure pass under consideration, I shall in the first place make a few general remarks on the several administrations of our government. I wish it, however, here to be explicitly understood, that whatever censure I may impute to the proceedings of the federalists, as they are called, or the present opponents of our government, it is not by any means intended to apply to the federal party generally. Those only are alluded to who are styled the leaders of the federal party, and whose whole strength has for several years been exerted to weaken and destroy the confidence of the people in their rulers, that they might succeed to their places; and who have uniformly been in favor of a war with France, and an alliance with England. The great body of the American people, including both federalists and republicans, are sincere friends to the welfare of their country. They are willing, if reasonably required, to spend their last cent, and the last drop of their heart's blood to maintain those precious rights which were purchased at the price of so much labor, toil and suffering. It is true they often honestly differ in sentiment as to the means of effecting certain objects, for which all are equally anxious; but this arises from a variety of causes, which in a government like ours, cannot be controlled. Having premised thus much to prevent any misunderstanding of my sentiments or intentions, I shall proceed."
After having taken a review of the prominent features of the successive administrations of our government from its commencement, as well as a number of interesting events under them, and particularly our late negotiations, &c. with Great Britain, and
after ably discussing, and reprobating the conduct of the belligerents towards us, he adds boldly and truly—"But the most disgraceful scenes, with sorrow do I speak it, were reserved to be acted by some of our own citizens. In proportion as the difficulties in our foreign relations increased, did the hopes of the opposition to overturn our government also increase. It was well known by the federal leaders that the success of their nefarious schemes was wholly dependant on the misfortunes of their country. For it was admitted by all candid and upright men of both parties, that if the measures of our government should eventually succeed in effecting an honorable settlement of our differences without a resort to war, the administration would be entitled to the best support of the nation. To prevent such an issue, therefore, was the great object of the opposition. Every breeze which wafted a favorable tidings across the Atlantic was to the enemies of our government as the approach of death to the hardened sinner whose heart knows no repentance. Every possible exertion was made to prevent the execution of the laws. Every embarrassment was thrown in the way of government. The seeds of discord and disunion were everywhere sown. No tale which the united power of art and falsehood could invent to excite jealousy and distrust against the government, was left untold. In some places actual rebellion was carried on under color of the state laws. With this drag chain of opposition about its neck, our government was contending with two of the most powerful nations in the world, for rights involving our sovereignty and our independence. The struggle was an arduous and interesting one. The government itself was threatened with inevitable destruction. The very foundation of the temple of liberty shook. The moment seemed about to arrive when the fairest fabric ever raised by human hands was to be demolished by the rude shocks of faction. The "sole depositary of human liberty, the last hope of man in this mortal world" was about to be destroyed. Our rulers, amidst all the portentous indications, stood firm and unmoved at their posts. With the constitution for their coat of arms, and truth and justice for their weapons, they repelled with noble fortitude every assault, and pursued with undeviating firmness a system of policy which has thus far been successful, and which will in all probability lead to a happy termination of all our difficulties with both France and England."
Then after showing clearly, in opposition to a current federal doctrine, that the terms obtained by our government in the late arrangement with Mr. Erskine had never before been offered to us; and that they were even more honorable to us than those we had heretofore proposed, &c. he concludes, "The disappointed leaders of the opposition are now attempting to work a belief upon the minds of the people, that England has not submitted to us, but that our government has been humbled by that of Great Britain. To what a wretched and degraded situation are those men reduced. If they admit the measures of our government, which they have opposed with so much violence, have in the end turned out well, they fear that they not only acknowledge the wickedness of their own conduct, but blast every prospect of future success, in their ambitious schemes to obtain office and power. They can only therefore attempt to find refuge from disgrace, by exerting every effort in their power to degrade their own government, and to exalt that of a foreign nation. They pretend that the violent opposition which the embargo and non-intercourse laws met with in some of the Eastern states, as well as from the minority in Congress generally, drove our government to a change of measures, from which proceeded the late settlement with England. If this is true—if the change in our situation is really owing to the first abandonment of measures on our part, when did that abandonment take place? Why was it not discovered before the President's proclamation made its appearance? If the opponents of the government themselves are deserving of the least share of credit, there certainly had been no change, except for the worse; for they declared the non-intercourse to be four-fold more injurious to ourselves, and hostile to Eng-
land, than any measure which had then been adopted. How long then are the people of the United States to be trifled with this manner? How long will they suffer such imposition? Will they not henceforth withdraw all confidence from a set of men who have done all in their power to excite them to insurrection and rebellion against that government, which, by its wisdom, and firmness, averted the storm that had gathered, and was ready to burst over our heads, and laid, to all appearances, a sure foundation for peace, prosperity and happiness."
"Our commerce will now soon be restored to its wonted activity, and all other branches will flourish as usual. The American people will be convinced of the wisdom and integrity of the government; party animosities will cease to inflame the minds of neighbor and friend against each other; and quarrels and tumults will be no longer heard."
"On this day, then, we have double cause of rejoicing. The principles which called forth the declaration of our independence, have since the last anniversary of that event, gained a victory, which will establish them on a surer and more lasting foundation than ever. Let us do all in our power to hand them pure and uncorrupted to our posterity. Let us rally round the altars on which they are deposited, and there defend them to the last moment of our lives."
TO THE Editors of the National Intelligencer.
GENTLEMEN,
As the legality of the Proclamations of the President of the United States has been called in question, you will oblige me by inserting in your paper the following considerations & opinions on that subject. They have just been published in the "Maryland Republican."
REGULUS.
Was the President of the United States authorised to issue his proclamations of April, & of Aug. 1809?
A question has been submitted to the public, whether the President of the United States, in issuing his proclamations of the 19th of April and of the 9th of August, 1809, relative to the restoration and to the interdiction of commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, is justified by the laws of the land? If those who have proposed the query have urged it from doubts that are sincerely entertained, their minds will unquestionably be open to every candid consideration of the subject which can produce conviction as to the error or the correctness of the procedure of the Executive. For my own part, I do not hesitate to avow my impression to be in support of the legal propriety of both proclamations; & without further preface or digression I proceed to cite that provision of the non-intercourse law which empowers the Chief Magistrate to renew the operations of trade between America and England.
By the eleventh section of that law it is enacted, "That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised, in case either France or Great Britain shall so modify her edicts as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, to declare the same by proclamation." Let these expressions be analyzed. "In case either France or Great Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States." It will be remarked that the words of the law do not require an absolute, unconditional revocation of the edicts to have taken place previously to the President's proclamation; but merely that "France or Great Britain shall so revoke or modify them, as that they shall cease to violate our commerce. The verb "shall" indicates a future period. If Congress had intended that the edicts should have been rescinded before the promulgation of the Executive proclamation, they would have said "shall have ceased," and not "shall cease." The adverb "so" relates to the mode in which they might be revoked or modified. It remains to be ascertained, whether the British orders in council were "so" abrogated
as to afford the necessary safety.
On the 19th of April, 1809, Mr. Erskine wrote to Mr. Secretary Smith, saying, "I am authorised to declare that his majesty's orders in council of January and November 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the U. S. on the 10th day of June next." Mr. Erskine spoke in the name of his government—"Will have been withdrawn on the 10th day of June." The time of their revocation was thus definitively fixed by his Britannic majesty's representative. Of course, a period was specified by G. Britain, when her edicts should be "so revoked as that they should cease to violate the neutral commerce of the U. States," and the President, as he was authorised, "declared the same by proclamation." The executive could not have done otherwise; he had no option, unless he had chosen to take upon himself a most enormous responsibility. As soon as the English ambassador, for his sovereign, announced that the orders in council would positively be rescinded on the 10th of June, it was the President's duty to proclaim it; and accordingly he did proclaim it.
Independent of this elucidation, derived from the words of the non-intercourse law under which the chief magistrate acted, the subject is susceptible of a very conclusive construction from the circumstance that it was notoriously the intention of Congress that intercourse should be renewed with the belligerents respectively, whenever France or G. Britain should announce a definitive resolution to respect our neutral rights; and more especially if either of those powers should propose a contemporaneous abrogation of the edicts and of the embargo. If the President was not to issue his proclamation till the orders in council had been withdrawn, that very circumstance would have afforded a pretext for the English to persevere, inasmuch as they could have said, that however willing they were to meet the U. S. upon equal terms , yet they could not consent to take the first step . Congress expressly wished to avoid giving the English ministry any room to hold such language; and, therefore they so framed the non-intercourse law, that its suspension should not depend upon a past but a future contingency; that is, upon a certain assurance of revocation, provided our laws were not suspended previously to the day on which the British orders were to be withdrawn.
So much for the first proclamation. Let me now examine the Presidential powers with regard to the proclamation of August last.
It will be admitted by all men of sense as very just reasoning, that if the Executive of the U. S. had issued his proclamation of the 19th day of April 1809, restoring commercial intercourse between the U. States and G. Britain, before the government of England had indicated its intention to withdraw the orders in council, that then the proclamation would have been illegal, and contrary to the provisions of the eleventh section of the non-intercourse law. This being granted (and no one, I presume, will dispute it) what difference is there between a revocation of the orders not promised, and a revocation promised but not fulfilled? Every person can see at a glance that there is not the smallest difference. Wherefore, as Congress, at their session of May, 1809, enacted no law to renew commercial intercourse with Great Britain, and the condition upon which the President's proclamation of April nineteenth 1809, was issued, having failed by the refusal of the British ministry to ratify Mr. Erskine's arrangement, that proclamation became null and void. It is impossible to conceive a case more clear and unequivocal. Congress granted the President of the United States power to issue a proclamation if a certain thing should in a certain way occur; that thing did occur, and was sanctioned by the solemn and official pledge of an accredited minister; the President then issues the proclamation; but eventually, the sanction and the pledge of the minister are not confirmed; and the thing whose occurrence was necessary to the issuing of the proclamation, is as if it had never happened. Of course, Congress having enacted nothing to the contrary, the state of things which existed previously to the issuing of the proclamation, recurs. My opinion is that if the President had never issued his proclamation of August 1809, the
non-intercourse law, in all its original force, would have revived the moment the American government was officially notified that the British cabinet had refused to verify Mr. Erskine's arrangements; and that the promulgation of that refusal by the proclamation of the executive was a mere formality, requisite only as it tended to give consistency to the acts of our government.
What has confused the subject more than anything else, is this; the president has been considered as non-enacted ; and stopping commercial intercourse by the mere force of his proclamation; but the fact is altogether different; the chief magistrate never had any power voluntarily to restore or suspend trade: it was Congress, which, by the non-intercourse law, provided for the prevention of commerce and for its revival. The President had no power in the case, than simply to proclaim that a certain event had happened; the eleventh section of the non-intercourse law then came in, and took the responsibility from him. The event did happen, in the very manner required by the act of Congress; but in the sequel, it was not consummated. Consequently, the first proclamation of the president was inoperative ; and the President, very properly, in his second proclamation, confines himself to the declaration "that the trade revivable on the event of the said orders being withdrawn, is to be considered as under the operation of the several acts by which such trade was suspended."
It is not to be expected that Congress would ever provide before hand and by a positive law, for the failure of an arrangement of the kind, because that would be to express an opinion of the probable treachery of a foreign government before any circumstance had transpired to justify a doubt: it would also be such an affront as no nation could well overlook. But, if suspicion existed as to the fidelity of a cabinet, Congress would take care so to enact their laws as to leave room for the recurrence of such a state of things as they might wish to exist in case their suspicion should be realized. This is precisely what Congress did at their session of May last. They cautiously avoided passing any resolution or enacting any law about the matter. Whenever they have alluded to the subject, they have referred expressly to the provisions of the non-intercourse law; and it is remarkable, that in the "act to amend and continue in force certain parts of the act, entitled 'an act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and Great Britain, France & their dependencies, and for other purposes,'" the essential and vital provisions of the non-intercourse law are revived against England as well as against France, and it is declared that they "shall continue in force until the end of the next session of Congress" with this single proviso: "that nothing therein contained shall be construed to prohibit any trade or commercial intercourse which has been or may be permitted in conformity with the provisions of the eleventh section of the said act." Thus causing the whole question to rest upon the fulfilment or non-fulfilment of Mr. Erskine's arrangements with our government, by referring to the clause of that law, in virtue of which the President issued his first proclamation, and by declaring that the renewal of "any trade or commercial intercourse" must depend upon its being "permitted in conformity with the provisions of the eleventh section of the said act." And, as the "conformity" was prevented by the British ministry, of course there is no permission to trade with England.
AMERICANUS.
Charleston, Sept. 5.
At a Meeting of the Citizens held in St. Michael's Church, agreeable to adjournment.
Dr. RAMSAY in the Chair, JOHN S. COODLE, Secretary.
The Committee appointed at the Meeting of the 29th ult. reported sundry Resolutions; which being read by the Chairman, were unanimously agreed to, and are as follows:
WHEREAS it appears by the Proclamation of the President of the U. S. of the 9th ult. that the arrangement lately concluded by him & the Minister of his Britannic Majesty has been disavowed by the government of the latter, though the U. S. has performed with the utmost promptitude and good faith, the stipulation incumbent

on them; in consequence of which the sincere and honorable endeavors of our Government to meet that nation on a footing of amity and pacification have failed, and all the evils resulting from their Oders in Council are again visited upon our peaceful and rightful commerce, under circumstances peculiarly injurious and insulting, while the other numerous violations of our neutral rights and national honor, of which we have so long and so justly complained, remain altogether unredressed:—And, Whereas, the arrangement, so happily concluded, contained, in the opinion of this meeting, no more than this Government was in honor bound to demand, and no more than the Government of G. B. was, in justice, obliged to grant, and has been rejected by the latter, under pretences as frivolous as they are unjust—It becomes our duty as a Free People, (among whom public sentiment constitutes national strength) at so important a crisis, to animate and confirm the resolves of our rulers and representatives, by an expression of our confidence, and to proclaim to the world, that, breathing this confidence and united to a man in the love of our inestimable Government, and our excellent Constitution, it is our determination to support, by every sacrifice and at every hazard, the honor of our country, and the just rights of a Great & Independent People—Therefore,
Resolved , That we, the Citizens of Charleston and its vicinity, of every political denomination, in this meeting assembled, feel the highest indignation and resentment at the manner in which the U. S. have been treated in the late Negotiation; nor will those feelings be allayed by the belief, that the conduct of the British Ministry in the transaction, was not characterized by the guilt of perfidy, for the pretences on which they have acted, would not therefore cease to be as unjust, as they are incompatible with the pride and honour of an independent nation.
Resolved , That we have the highest confidence in the virtue, ability, and prudence of the President of the U. S.—that we highly approve of the prompt and dignified manner in which he has renewed the operation of the Non-Intercourse Laws, & solemnly pledge to him, to Congress, and to our Country our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor to support the Government in all the measures which the crisis shall demand, though they should subject us to the privations, and involve us in the calamities of a just and necessary war.
Resolved , That the present alarming situation of our public affairs demands an union of all our Citizens—that we will on this point, and at this time silence the controversies of party, forget the interests and prejudices of local situation, and with a generous emulation strive with each other, who shall best serve the great cause of our beloved country.
Resolved , That a Copy of the foregoing Resolutions be signed by the Chairman of this meeting, and transmitted by him to the President of the United States.
It was then moved, and seconded, that the thanks of this Meeting be tendered the Chairman and Secretary, for their attention.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 23.
Among the errors extensively imbibed in this country, that appears to be the most extraordinary, which connects our general prosperity with the state of our foreign relations. From the lively interest we take in every vicissitude in the affairs of Europe, and in the smiles and frowns of foreign nations towards us, it might be inferred that we were entirely dependent on foreign events, if not for our existence, at least for every thing that renders existence a blessing.
Is this impression correct? If it is, we ought to realise our true character and act a part consistent with it. We should reject the lofty notions of independence as the idle dreams of a disordered imagination, and learn the important duty of obedience. We should quietly resign ourselves to our fate, instead of rashly struggling against it.
If, however, the impression be altogether incorrect, we are called upon dispassionately to estimate our real character, to fathom our own native resources, and to scorn that dependence, which will probably be found, as a full investigation, to be the source of almost all our divisions and troubles.
Now, experience is the unerring crucible of every thing done by men. What does it teach us? That amidst the dreadful changes and convulsions which have for twenty years agitated the whole foreign world we have remained happy, and have grown in prosperity with every succeeding year. Much as we have been alarmed, from time to time, with the menacing as-
pect of affairs, we have continued to progress, with a steady pace, in riches, in numbers, and in power; while these foreign events, which excited our apprehensions and made us tremble for the consequences, have turned out to be, either blessings in disguise, or at worst but momentary checks. Thrones have sunk beneath the nervous arm of Napoleon, and the established order of the European world has tottered to its base. Every breeze has wasted to us the chilling sound of the hurricane, and has filled us with overwhelming presages of our own fate. But time and events have soon undeceived us, and instead of finding ourselves involved in the general ruin, we have advanced, with accelerated steps, towards the goal of our wishes.
England has despotised on the ocean and, with a power as irresistible as unjust, has piratically seized all the property she could subject to the operation of her iniquitous orders; she has, more especially, poured out the full vial of her wrath upon our unoffending head. Yet, still, our career in wealth and numbers and power, so far from being interrupted, seems to have been pushed on with augmented velocity.
It may be confidently assumed as a fact, that, for the last twenty years, the United States have progressed in riches, numbers and power, with so uninterrupted a progress, that there has not been a single year, which has not unequivocally displayed a sensible advance; and it may as confidently be added, that our present situation is attended with as striking displays of this fact as any which have preceded it. Yet it must be admitted that at no preceding period has foreign injustice been more aggravated or active, and that we are at present exposed to the greatest evils it is in its power to inflict. Notwithstanding these evils, which develop the extraordinary circumstance of our being equally exposed to the hostility of the whole belligerent world, the interior of our country indicates more unequivocal evidences of prosperity than we have ever before witnessed. The price of labor is unaffected, every man who wants employment easily finds it, our towns are increasing and receiving new embellishments, money is in plenty, institutions that evince a high state of civilization are every where springing up, and the great internal improvements of roads and canals are prosecuted on the broadest scale.
If this is a true picture of the state of our country, is it not the most conclusive evidence, that our prosperity depends almost altogether upon ourselves, and that we have consequently attached a false importance to our foreign relations? Does it not prove that a nation of freemen, possessed of an abundance of good lands, enjoying every variety of soil and climate, cultivating the arts and reaping their benefits, and above all united by a government well administered, may safely consider their prosperity as fixed on a solid foundation not to be shaken by the injustice of any foreign power, however terrifying. That power may, for a time, deny us the profits of trade, nay infringe our rights as a sovereign nation, and heap insults upon injuries; but its injustice will eventually react upon itself, by teaching us to cultivate our vast internal resources, learning how to live in peace among ourselves.
The events of the last three years, have brought this interesting instruction home to the understandings and hearts of the American people. The privations they have caused, have made them feel their independence. The fact is universally realised that they can do without Europe; & could a full statistical view of our progress during this period, in the improved cultivation of our ground, the new roads and canals effected, and the new manufactories established, be presented, more would be done to convince England of the folly of her injustice towards us than can be expected from the profoundest deductions of reason or the warmest remonstrances of justice. Looking forward, with a prophetic eye, to a period by no means distant, she would start appalled at the precipice towards which she is thus hastening, and would instantly measure back the inconsiderate steps she has taken. By striking off every shackle to a free trade, and by becoming the zealous and efficient advocate of neutral rights, she would repress our manufactures and perpetuate our commercial dependence upon her; we should supply her with every raw material she wants, together with provisions, on the best terms, and we should furnish her with a market for a direct or circuitous disposition of her variegated manufactures. Unfortunately, however for her, her policy is short sighted, her councils consult not her permanent interests, but transported by personal animosity, or swayed by personal interests, to gain a momentary triumph, are sacrificing the only solid interests of the nation.
Cultivation of the Grape .—It is with great satisfaction that we are enabled to inform the public, on unquestionable authority, that several of the most valuable Hungarian Vines are successfully propagated in the vicinity of Hagers Town, in the state of Maryland. Three or four years ago a number of emigrants from Hungary, who had been principally occupied in their own country in the culture of the vine, settled near Hagers Town, and having brought with them a considerable collection of roots or cuttings, immediately formed vineyards; some of one acre, some of two, and some of five acres. This is the third year since they were planted, and such has been the happy success with which their labors have been rewarded, that there is at present the fairest promise of sufficient fruit to make a good quantity of wine. Every circumstance, either of soil or climate, favors the final success of this interesting experiment. The vines are planted at a distance of from five to eight feet apart; it is said that eight feet answers better than a lesser distance. The greater part of the work requisite has been done with the plough. Very few of the plants have failed, and the whole vineyard exhibits an uniform appearance. They flourish as well, are cultivated with equal ease, & bear as abundantly, as in the original soil from which they have been taken. Upon the whole, those most interested in the issue consider the experiment as conclusive, having completely realised their most sanguine expectations.
These are not the only facts within our knowledge, which strengthen the opinion that these are the best fitted vines for naturalization in the United States. We are advised, on good authority, that in the state of Pennsylvania, on the Western bank of the Monongahela, a very considerable number of Vineyards, some of a large extent, have succeeded so well as to yield a handsome profit from the wine made. These are likewise reared by German emigrants.
Of the Hungarian wines, it is the peculiar property, that they can be easily kept without brandy, for any length of time, with a steady improvement of quality. For this purpose, they are put into casks, previously cleaned in a most careful manner, which are deposited in a cool cellar or vault. They are fit for use the second year, but are greatly improved by being kept for two or three years longer.
We are promised with a full statement of the situation of these interesting establishments, which shall be communicated to the public the moment it is received.
The importance of this information will fully speak for itself. If this inestimable plant can be so successfully reared in this country as to yield a plentiful supply of good wines for our consumption, the advantages will be incalculable. The instance of France, indisputably the best wine country in the universe, proves how intimately connected the sobriety of the common people is with the general command of this pleasant beverage at a reasonable price; and, we must admit, however reluctantly, that the greatest desideratum among us is an effectual substitute for and antidote to the prodigal consumption of whiskey, which is at this moment more actively employed in the demoralisation of our citizens, than, perhaps, all the other of the causes of the corruption of manners. The experience of other nations has shewn that the juice of the grape, when cheap, is infinitely preferred to any other liquor.
It is no mean additional consideration, that the general cultivation of the grape will extend our field of agricultural employment, by adding a new product to those at present raised, and that it will be the means of bringing into value a large portion of land, now either abandoned to total neglect, or used to very little profit.
Nor should the beauty with which this species of cultivation adorns a country be considered as altogether unimportant, as it necessarily tends to make us more contented with, if not proud of our country, and really, in a variety of ways, increases that species of enjoyment which is certainly among the most innocent and virtuous known to the human heart.
If to all these motives be superadded the immense saving that will accrue from making our own wine, instead of importing it, & the political benefit of rendering ourselves independent of the foreign world as possible, it will be generally acknowledged that this object is scarcely inferior in importance to any which can be named. Already, with a population of seven millions, and with our frugal habits, we consume foreign wines and brandies to the annual amount of five millions of dollars. In fifty years we shall have reached a population of at least thirty millions, when our demand for this beverage will cost us more than twenty millions of dollars.
We have heretofore stated, on the authority of the Knoxville Gazette, that Col. Cocke was elected Governor of Tennessee. That statement was probably conjectural, and has proved erroneous, as appears from the following article from a Knoxville paper:—
Knoxville, Sept. 9.
The Governor .—We have ascertained the number of votes given at the late election, in West Tennessee, to be as follows:
In Mero and Robertson districts Mr. Blount has a majority of 6,257
In Winchester district col. Cocke, has a majority of 197
In East Tennessee, say, 2,900 From which it appears that Willie Blount, Esq. is elected Governor of Tennessee by a majority of about 3000 votes.
At a meeting of the citizens of the town of Columbia, South Carolina, on the 4th instant, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
Resolved , That in these times of difficulty, union is more than ever necessary, and that we will hold both those who shall attempt to divide the people, and those who shall attempt to justify the late conduct of Great Britain, as inimical to our government, and place them in the rank with the old Tories.
Resolved , That we have entire confidence in the virtue, the wisdom and patriotism of our government, and that we, in support of whatever measures may be adopted for redressing our grievances, do pledge our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honors.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To the People of Maryland.
No. II.
In my first address to you, I asserted, that though the federalists in this state are endeavoring to make the present struggle, to turn on local or personal considerations, it should really be decided on the comparative merits of the two parties, who, since the first formation of the federal government, have divided the people of the U. S. To prove this assertion to be correct, it is only necessary to refer to the course pursued by those who take the lead on this subject on the anti-republican side. They continually intermix with the electioneering topics of the day, eulogiums on federal men and federal measures. They endeavor to disguise the bitter draught of their own principles with some mixtures which they conceive will be more palatable to the people. In all the counties, the candidates selected on that side are noted for their attachment to the same doctrines. The subject then on which you, fellow citizens, are called upon to decide, is not whether this or that man shall have political power and influence. This is comparatively insignificant. But you are to say whether you are attached to the pure principles of a republican government—whether you are attached to union, to the constitution of your country—and whether you wish that constitution to be administered conformably to its real spirit and so as to preserve your liberties and those of your remotest posterity. These are the great and momentous questions which you have to decide—which should awaken the attention of the most supine, and excite the exertions of the most indolent. In such a cause neutrality is treason. The man who now suffers correct principles to be hazarded by his want of exertion, will never be able to atone to his country or to his own conscience for his neglect of duty. What the views, the principles and the practices of federalism are, we know from a fatal experience. At the formation of our government, baffled in an effort to erect monarchy on the ruins of the confederation, there has been an incessant struggle since, to assimilate our institutions to those of England, & to infuse a degree of force and power into the administration of our government which was inconsistent with its principles. Unable to accomplish this in the mediocated degree under the administration of Washington, new efforts were made with more success at a subsequent period. Mr. Adams's letters lately published clearly demonstrate the views of the then dominant party. Mr. Hamilton, who was the proposer, in the federal convention, of a form of government little if at all short of monarchy, was the man who first suggested to Mr. Adams most, if not all, of the obnoxious and odious measures by which that era was distinguished. Mr. Adams resisted the proposal made to him in the first instance as insulting and improper, but the schemes were afterwards carried into effect by the influence of Mr. Hamilton, the President's Secretaries who were entirely subservient to his views, and the majority of Congress who were of the same political sect. The most active in the project against the public liberty
next to Hamilton, was Timothy Pickering who has lately in a letter to the Editor of a newspaper, which is still a vindication of his own character, evinced a pretty strong desire as to the event of your elections. He probably anticipated in the hoped for triumph of federalism a restoration to power, that he may hatch new plots against your liberties. The measures which the reign of federalism gave birth to or attempted, were an excessive increase of land and naval armaments, increase of taxes, lavish expenditure of the public revenue, extension of patronage by creation of useless offices, a strong desire manifested to involve us in the wars of Europe, the insecurity of personal freedom in the passage of the alien law, and the destruction of the freedom of the press effected by the sedition act. This black catalogue exhibits in its true colors the prevailing principles of that disastrous epoch. That the liberties of the country survived such formidable attempts, we are to thank the efforts of that very party which you are now urged to banish from your service. The course pursued by the republicans when in power is the reverse in every respect of their opponents. They have shown a determination to keep the troops and navy of the U. S. within the narrowest limits which were consistent with the public safety, to diminish taxes, to encourage economy by suppressing useless expenditure, to curtail patronage and abolish useless offices, to maintain a faithful neutrality as to the European nations who are engaged in war, to hasten the payment and extinction of the national debt and above all to preserve inviolate the constitution of the U. S. and the rights of the people which it was framed to secure. Between parties which act upon these opposite principles you are to choose. I have only presented an outline of the course which each has followed. The recollection of every man will, I believe, shew its fidelity, and will serve to fill up and supply the various traits and colorings which will make the picture complete. Will you then, fellow citizens, prefer a party whose system of politics will perpetuate to latest posterity the advantages of our free government, or will you restore to power men whose principles you have had experience of and whom you removed from your councils because you found their views of policy inconsistent with your welfare and your dearest rights.
There is one other topic which I ought to suggest to you and I shall close my address, and submit what I have said to meet with a reception by you such as you may think it merits.
There never was a period at which it was more important for the people of the U. S. to display unanimity in support of its government. Injured and insulted by both belligerent nations we have exhausted almost all the efforts which it is possible to make for an honorable and pacific adjustment of our differences. Our government ever true to its principle of an impartial neutrality, seized with alacrity a proposition to adjust our causes of controversy with one of the belligerents. An adjustment was made with her minister. In consequence of this every restriction on commerce was taken off by us and property to an immense amount is afloat on the ocean. The arrangement is suddenly disavowed by the nation whose minister made it, and our commerce is greatly exposed to the rapacity of the belligerents. Interest seems to be the only motive by which the nations of Europe are regulated in their conduct towards us, and the people of America have only their own virtue, their own firmness and the enlightened policy of their government invigorated by their unanimous and cordial support to rely on, to carry them safely and honorably through the difficulties by which they are surrounded. There is too much reason to believe that some of the belligerents have counted much on divisions which they supposed existed among the American people. It should be the effort of every good citizen to evince the falsehood of so dishonorable an imputation. There are certainly individuals & presses in America who advocate actions on the part of the belligerents towards us which cannot be justified or palliated so long as this nation is considered independent. For the honor of human nature, for the honor of our country, it is to be hoped that this sentiment which goes to the prostration of the American people at the feet of the belligerents or one of them is not prevalent. The circumstance however of the suspicion of its existence, no matter in how narrow limits, makes it a sacred duty in you, fellow citizens, to vindicate by your votes the aspersed honor of our country, to support men at elections, who have ever signified themselves in defence of that honor and whose latest prayers will be for its support and for the maintenance and perpetuation of your liberties.
A REPUBLICAN.

Baltimore, 22d Sept. 1809.
GENTLEMEN,
In my letter of the 20th of May last addressed to you on the subject of some improvements (I will not call them discoveries, there being nothing new under the sun) it was stated I was then about taking out three patent rights, and that I would probably soon have it in my power to give you information of others that were only then contemplated. To fulfil that promise is now the object of this letter. The first is a machine for getting out small grain, of all kinds, without injuring the straw, while at the same time it is screened and completely prepared for market by one operation, in a way likely to be useful to the farmer, as it is expected to unite cheapness, expedition, economy and effect. It may also be applied as a mill for grinding apples, if the Cyderers are made of cast iron or very hard wood. The other is a new method of conducting distilling operations, by which it is proposed to perform the whole process in the still itself without the use of casks or mash tubs, substituting cast metal instead of copper stills; these stills are to be enamelled on their inside so as to prevent injurious contact between the spirit and the iron. Seven stills may be worked by one fire, and the whole started when at the highest point of their fermentation without danger of dispersing or wasting the pure ale, the preservation of which is so essential to the perfection of distilling operations. If this theory be correct, and I trust it will be found so, the produce might be expected of the best quality and in the greatest possible quantity from a given measure of grain or sweet. Here are fine promises you will allow, it only remains to be seen whether they can be fulfilled by the test of useful experiment. In that case only do I desire or wish for public encouragement.
I am, sir,
Your obt. servant, JOSEPH COPPINGER.
P. S. It is proposed where it is wished for to have double bottoms to these stills, the outer one so placed to be put on or taken off as wished for.
New-York, Sept. 20.
Yesterday afternoon arrived at this port, the United States frigate President, Captain Bainbridge, and the United States' brig Hornet, Captain Hunt, both from Hampton Roads. The President anchored at the quarantine ground; and the Hornet came up and anchored off the Battery.
LATE FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
London, August 1.—American papers have been received to the 25th of June. They contain a copy of a letter from Mr. Erskine to Mr. Smith, inclosing with other documents, our order of the 27th of April, for the blockade of certain of the Dutch and French ports.
The documents communicated in Mr. Erskine's letter were those sent out by the Pacific. They were a few days afterwards laid by the President before the Senate and the House of Representatives, in an extra session, held on the 20th of June. On that day a bill was introduced in which it was provided, that the 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 17th and 18th sections of the Non-Intercourse act should continue in force until the end of the next session of Congress, with the reservation, that nothing therein contained should be construed into a prohibition of any trade or commercial transaction, in conformity with the provisions of the 11th section of the same act of Non-Intercourse. The bill was read a third time, and passed unanimously.
These proceedings were yesterday very much misrepresented, and a considerable sensation was for some time excited among many deeply interested in the American trade, who were induced to believe, that the Non-Intercourse act had been once more resorted to in all its original forms and consequences. The measure recently adopted is calculated for the simple and obvious purpose of enabling the President to enforce obedience to that act, should the exigency and pressure of affairs in his opinion render it necessary before the next meeting of Congress.
Letters were yesterday received from Rotterdam till the 13th inst. One of them mentions that gen. Armstrong, on the part of the Government of the U. S. had arranged with the minister at Paris a Commercial treaty, the conditions of which were all agreed and determined; and it remained only for the ratification of the ruler of France and the American President. The letter adds, that one of the duplicates had been forwarded to Napoleon for his approbation and signature.
August 5.—The Phoenix by boat is arrived at Havre from Heligoland, after a passage of eight days.
She was sent off express, with an Austrian Messenger, who was the bearer of important dispatches; some of the letters from Heligoland say, that the Archduke Charles has refused to ratify the Armistice, but in our opinion, the thing is highly improbable; on the other hand, the dispatches are said to relate to a general Congress for Peace at Vienna.
An Austrian messenger has arrived at Yarmouth with dispatches to Prince Stahremberg. The dispatches announce "that the emperor Francis is reduced to the deplorable necessity of accepting whatever peace Bonaparte may be disposed to grant him."
In the battle of the 7th with Bonaparte, the archduke Charles is said to have taken 10 pieces of cannon and 12 eagles. The emperor Francis addressed a note to the governor of Braun where he informs him that the centre & right wing of the archduke Charles's army remained unconquered and maintained an unconquerable position at the foot of the Bisan mountains in Moravia. He also states that the Austrian loss was less than at the battle of Aspern & the French greater. This is incredible, since the Austrians acknowledge themselves beaten.
The Austrians are said to have advanced again into Saxony and have driven the duke of Abrantes (Junot) from Bareuth, Count Giulay is stated to have retaken Graz from the French. The duke of Abrantes (Junot) is expected at Hamburg, which is to be his headquarters.
"The great numbers of Austrians lately arrived at Tonningen, has occasioned a great fall in all colonial produce in the Hamburg market, but they have risen since the armistice."
SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.
The Arethusa frigate arrived from Corunna on Saturday, after the short voyage of four days. By this opportunity government received dispatches—and a Spanish officer of the rank of captain of infantry arrived with intelligence for his excellency admiral Apodaca. We are happy to announce that the information through this channel is very satisfactory. General Romana had entered the province of Leon, and had his head quarters at Astorga, at the close of the last month. His force consisted of 24,000 men, completely armed and equipped, he had recruits to augment it to 40,000, if the deficiency of muskets did not prevent the accession to his army. He had actively, but ineffectually pursued marshal Soult from Orense to Monforte, and from the Minho to Ponferrada, from whence the French took the direction to the shores of the Douro, and were supposed to be in the neighborhood of Zamora, with the design of proceeding to reinforce the garrison of Madrid. It was understood that the troops in the capital had been greatly reduced, in order to supply the ranks of the armies of Victor and Sebastiani. The acquisition by the arrival of Soult, which will not be very considerable, as the remains of his corps consisted only of about 5000 men, of which, however, a large proportion was cavalry.
Expeditions appear to be the order of the day. There is now one fitting out at Cork, but its extent is not known. Sixty transports, lately arrived from Lisbon, will be employed in it.
A report has prevailed for some days, that Bonaparte has returned to Paris. We believe, however, that it rests upon no actual authority, and is merely a speculation hazarded upon the rapidity with which, after the signing of the armistice of Znaim, he withdrew to Vienna, and the danger anticipated near home from our expedition.
A Gottingen mail arrived last night, with letters and papers to the 21st July. They contain no news of any interest, and merely repeat the account of the capture, by our cruisers, of seven Russian gun boats, and twenty transports, laden with provisions for the Russian army acting against Sweden. It is said that Bonaparte has declared that he does not mean to interfere in the new government of Sweden; but wishes the people of that country, in forming one, to constitute only their own happiness. The magnanimous Alexander, however, has interfered for him, and that will answer the purpose extremely well.
An article dated Stockholm, July 20, says—the Russian fleet are ready for sea, and outside the booms at Cronstadt. Sir James Saumarez is afraid they will haul into the harbor when he makes his appearance.
Dutch papers have been received of the 25th ult.—They contain but one article of intelligence. This, under the date of Paris, July 21, relates to the war in Spain. On the 3d ult. it is said, general Pinet attacked the town of St. Felix de Quixols, and took it, though the Spaniards defended themselves obstinately from the heights. On the following day the same general advanced against Palamos, which was taken, although defended by ten gun-
boats and two briggs, which played upon the French; but these being forced off, the Spaniards were, for the most part, driven into the sea—few prisoners were made. In Palamos, the French found about 1000 muskets and six cannon. St. Felix and Palamos are two little harbors, and are represented as useful, being asylums for French vessels, and assisting in maintaining a communication with Barcelona along the coast.
Yesterday the Austrian messenger arrived with dispatches to Prince Stahremberg, who immediately after communicated their contents to Mr. Canning. We hear that they are dated on the 9th ult. and announce the necessity to which the Imperial army was reduced of suing for a suspension of hostilities. It was last night confidently stated, that these dispatches represent the overture intended to be made to the enemy, as being merely for the establishment of a truce, and expressing a hope that the successful co-operation of England in the war might enable the emperor Francis to renew hostilities.
The report of the armistice having been broken by the Austrians, and that the French were defeated on the 19th ult. with great loss, was revived yesterday on the arrival of the Heligoland mail; but we think it wholly undeserving of credit.
We daily see occasion to deplore the armistice. Two days after it was signed, and before it was announced to the different corps of the Austrian army, Dresden, Leipzig, and other parts of Saxony were re-occupied.
Yesterday government received dispatches from Sweden, announcing, we understand, the retreat of the Russians from the frontiers of Bothnia, for the purpose, as is supposed, of reinforcing their army in Galicia and Turkey.
The Swedes are apprehensive of a rupture with England, and are evidently preparing for that event.
Yesterday we received, via Heligoland, letters from our squadron in the Baltic, under the orders of Sir James Saumarez, dated the 14th ult. The fleet was at that time off Nargon, an island opposite to Revel, and near the entrance of the gulf of Finland. Our people had frequent intercourse with the shore, and experienced much kindness from the inhabitants. A rumor was prevalent in the fleet, that the Russian squadron was preparing for sea, expecting to be joined by the Swedish navy.
Admiral Apodaca, we understand, received official intelligence yesterday of the junction of the British and Spanish armies. The dispatches communicating this pleasing information, were brought by an officer of Cuesta's army. Hopes were cherished that the combined army would be able to bring the French to an engagement before the latter could reach Madrid. The united force of Victor and Sebastiani would not, it was supposed, exceed 40,000 men.
Cotton.—From the apprehension of some interruption of our commerce with America, in consequence of our non-ratification of Mr. Erskine's treaty with that government, the sales of cotton have been this week unprecedentedly large, amounting to 14,000 bags, chiefly to the regular trade, but with some considerable speculation.
Tobacco.—Eagerly sought after, and considerable sales made, but holders are become more tenacious.
AUGUST 4.
Reports of a flag of truce having arrived, and of Moniteurs having been received by government to the first, containing the preliminaries of peace between Austria and France, prevailed last night and this morning—they are unfounded—no flag has arrived and no Moniteurs to that date have been received by government. The arrival, however, of a flag of truce with some overture from Bonaparte, will not at all surprise us. The private letters from Holland state that the official account of the preliminaries having been signed between Austria & France has been received—the following has been given as the substance of them, with what truth we have not yet been able to ascertain—Bonaparte, during the progress of the war, declared that he would place the kingdom of Bavaria in such a situation as not to have anything to fear in future from the power of the Court of Vienna. Upon that declaration he has acted. He is said to have wrested from Austria all her territories on the right bank of the Danube, and to have extended the Bavarian territories to Vienna on the east and following a line along the frontiers of Hungary to the Drav, to have ascended to the source of that river. A line is then described to Innsbruck and Bregenz, and this new accession of territory is given to Bavaria. All the territory to the south of the Drav, including part of Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, Trieste, and Fiume is added to the kingdom of Italy. The Tyrol is ceded by Bavaria to France. Wurtemberg and Baden are to get some
accession of territory in Franconia—Bohemia and Moravia are to be retained by the House of Austria, as well as Hungary—Russia is to obtain an increase of territory in Austrian Poland; Saxony is also to have an increase. This is reported to be the substance of the preliminaries. We do not believe that any copy of them has been received, and indeed the intelligence of their having been signed rests solely upon the authority of private letters from Holland. We should have expected that an event of such importance would have been announced to us by rejoicings upon the French coast, and by some bulletin conveyed to us in the usual way. But for our own parts, we are not very anxious for the arrival of the preliminaries. The whole business of humiliation and destruction was done by the armistice—the rest is mere matter of course—Znaim, Presburgh and Gratz would not have been given up—the Tyrol would not have been abandoned to the vengeance of the conqueror, had not Austria been prepared to make almost any sacrifices that were demanded of her.
Although no official accounts have yet been received from the expedition, there are other accounts brought by two or three vessels which have arrived from the Dutch coast. The latest intelligence, we believe, has been brought by a vessel which arrived at Dover yesterday. She states, that the part of the expedition destined against the Isle of Schowen, have proceeded into the Room Pot Channel, landed the troops on the Southern coast, and taken possession of Schowen with little opposition—that another division, under Sir Eyre Coote, had landed on the coast of Walcheren, on the sandy Downs to the Northward of Domburgh. Another detachment is reported to have debarked between Zoutland and the Nolle, while part of the Marquis of Huntley's division landed near the Nolle. Some opposition was made by the batteries at Dycks Hoeck and Soutland, and some batteries thrown up on the sand hills. But their firing had been silenced by the fire of our gun vessels, and our troops landed with their accustomed steadiness and bravery. Of the operations against Flushing or Cadsand, we have not received any accounts; but the fall of Walcheren, according to the vessels arrived at Dover, was hourly expected. Admiral Gardner was in the Düssel.
Banks of the Elbe, July 21.—Letters from Vienna, coming from very respectable sources, represent the loss of the French, in the battle of Wagram, as very considerable. Near thirty marshals and generals were wounded. On the 8th the inhabitants of Vienna received orders to prepare quarters for 32,000 wounded Frenchmen. On the same day the Duke of Istria, marshal Bessieres, arrived there badly wounded, besides generals Rapp, Frere, and several others; some say Bessieres is dead of his wounds, as well as Dussus.—It is asserted, that if the Italian army had not failed in its action with the Bavarians and under general Wrede, the Archduke Charles would have obtained a complete victory.
Fifteen hundred Poles from the Russian fortresses are said to be on their march to garrison Hamburg, from whence the French minister is gone to Travemunde.
Vienna, July 15.—Yesterday afternoon Prince John of Lichtenstein, who has been very graciously received in his audience by Napoleon arrived here, to negotiate the peace with the French Minister of State Count Champagny.
The Emperor Francis, as is generally asserted here, is much in favor of peace, and charged the Archduke in writing to open negotiations for it, even with considerable sacrifices, in order to put an end to the dreadful effusion of blood. Previously to the signing of the armistice, some chief points had been agreed upon, which are to form the basis of the peace about to be made. An immediate peace was expected, nay bets were made that the Emperor Napoleon will be at Paris by his birth day, the 15th of Aug.
Respecting the situation of the allies West and South of Madrid nothing further was known than what we before stated; one additional fact only we have learnt namely that in order to concert operations against the enemy, the two commanders, Sir Arthur Wellesley and Cuesta, had an interview, and had dined together on the shores of the Tagus.
ALEXANDRIA THEATRE.
Last night but four.
For the benefit of Mr. and Mrs. Wood Tomorrow Evening, Sept. 26, Will be presented an Historical play called HENRY THE FOURTH, Or, The Humors of Sir John Falstaff; Together with a comedy called THE SULTAN, Or, A peep into the Seraglio.
PURSUANT to a Resolution passed at a meeting held on the 22d inst. we have the request to convene the citizens of Washington to take into consideration the expediency of forming a Mutual Insurance Company against loss from fire.
JOSEPH HUDDLESTON, RICHARD VINCENT, CHARLES JONES.
ROBERT BRENT, Esq.
Mayor of the City of Washington.
23d September, 1809.
In consequence of the above communication, a meeting of the citizens of Washington is respectfully invited, at Lindsey's Hotel on Saturday next, the 30th inst. at 5 o'clock, P. M.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
Sept. 24th, 1809.
TO THE
CONCERT AND BALL.
M R DE RONCERAY, respectfully informs his friends and pupils, and the public in general, that he intends to give a CONCERT
OF VOCAL & INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC, At Long's Hotel, on Wednesday evening September 27th, 1809.
Mrs. SEYMOUR, Mrs. WILMOTT, and Mr. JEFFERSON, having kindly consented to SING on that evening, and several Amateurs (in addition to the Theatre Band) as generously offering their services, aided by the City Band, enables him to present the inhabitants of Washington & Georgetown with an evening's entertainment, worthy their patronage. End of the Concert—the BALL will commence with several new Cotillions played by the Band; wherein those Ladies and Gentlemen who wish to pass an hour or two in the innocent and pleasing amusement of Dancing may be highly gratified.
PART I.
Overture (Guadini) Full Band. Song "He Has! (A Sigh)" Mrs. Wilmott. Comic Song "Father & Mother and Sinks," [Mr. Jefferson] Symphony (Girovitz) Full Band. Fishing Mrs. Wilmott & Mrs. Seymour. Comic Song "Tommy Chatterback and Polly" [Diggensham] Mr. Jefferson. Rondo (Mozart) Full Band.
PART II.
Symphony (Pleyel) Full Band. Song "The Host that fights for Liberty," composed by Mr. Pelsier, Mrs. Seymour. Trio for Two violins and a bass (Pleyel) [Messrs. Hupfeld, De Ronce-ray, and Anmar-cur] Song "Nobody coming to marry me," Mrs. Wilmott. Symphony (Haydn) Full Band. Comic Song, "How to nail 'em," Mr. Jefferson. Duet on 2 violins (Pleyel) Messrs. Hupfeld and De Ronce-ray. Song "Lilies and Roses," Mrs. Seymour. Grand CONCERTO on the Violin, Mr. Hupfeld.
To conclude with a Medley of
SCOTCH & IRISH MUSIC
On the BAGPIPES, by a gentleman of Washington.
Tickets to be had at Mr. Weightman's Book-store, and at the Hotel.
Admittance One Dollar, children half price.
The Concert will commence at half past seven o'clock.
September 23—3t.
JUST PUBLISHED.
And for sale at R. C. Weightman's Book-store, Pennsylvania avenue.
Mr. BARLOW's Letter to Bishop Gregoire, in reply to the Bishop's letter on the COLUMBIAD, price 12 1/2 cents. Gertrude of Wyoming, by Thos. Campbell. Miranda's Expedition. Memoirs of Mrs. Clarke. Several new Plays.
September 22—3t.
BRIDGE STOCK.
To-MORROW at 1 o'clock, will be Sold, at the same place as is fixed for the Sale of Mr. ERSKINE's Furniture, Fifty-five Shares of the POTOMAC BRIDGE STOCK. N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Aucts.
September 23—
PATENT RIGHTS OFFERED FOR SALE.
The Subscriber offers the following Patent Rights for Sale.
The first is a simple and easy method of Preserving Animal & Vegetable Substances without the use of salt, by which these substances will be rendered capable of bearing the transitions of every climate without danger of diminution or waste.
The second a Shingle and Nail cutting machine, that can also be applied to the making Laths, barrel and hogshead Staves.
The third is a Planing Mill, operated by a four ox power, by which from 20 to 30 ten feet boards may be planed up in a few minutes.
The fourth is a simple machine for Threshing Wheat and small Grain without injuring the straw; it will not only completely disengage the grain from the ear, but screen and prepare it for market by one operation; with equal effect it may be applied to brising apples for making cider.
The fifth patent is for a new method of Distilling in Cast Iron, instead of Copper Still, by which the whole operation is performed in the still itself, with advantages to the increase of quantity and quality of the spirit, not now generally obtained in the common way. For further particulars apply personally or by letters (post paid) addressed to
JOSEPH COPPINGER, Baltimore.
September 22—3t.
NOTICE.
Whereas POLLY ROSS my wife, has without just or sufficient cause eloped from my bed & board, this is to forewarn all persons from dealing with or crediting my said wife on my account, as I am determined not to be liable for any of her contracts. SAML. ROSS.
Sept. 23—3t.
State of Maryland—In Chancery, September 15th, 1809.
ORDERED that the Sale of the real estate of the heirs of JOHN D. SCOTT, lying in Charles county, made and reported by F. S. Key as trustee, be ratified & confirmed unless cause be shown to the contrary on or before the 15th day of November next, provided a copy of this order be inserted in the National Intelligencer in each of 3 successive weeks, before the 15th day of October next. The report states that the said estate was sold for 3,396 dollars.
True copy.
TEST, NICHT. BREWER, Reg. C. C. July 25—3t.

THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD. A BOND on the 21st of July last, by Richard D. Bickel, manager at the... This bond was purchased of Capt. J. S. Bickel...
EXCHANGE. FOR Land in the neighborhood or property in Washington City, House on Prince St. near... By CHARLES DOUGLAS, Alex. P.
SALE OR RENT. A house on the corner of 11th and L Sts. N.W. in the city of Washington... By JOHN BUGAN, Jr.
LANDS IN THE STATE OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE. By virtue of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale all the Lands of the testator in the State of Ohio & Kentucky... By DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last Will & Testament of Robert Means, dec'd.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE. That the subscriber of Worcester county, Md. has obtained from the Orphans Court of Worcester county in Maryland, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of John Candler late of Worcester county, deceased... By HOWLAND E. EVANS, Adm'r of John Candler, deceased.
SALE AT AUCTION. On Tuesday the 26th instant, WILL BE SOLD at Public Auction at the House of Mr. FRISKINE, the British Minister, all his HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE... By N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Aucts.
MONET LOSE. ABOUT the 20th of July last, a letter containing two bank notes of one hundred dollars each, was put into the Post Office at Washington, directed to Joseph Janney, Alexandria, which letter has not been received... By DANIEL LEE.
VALUABLE FARM FOR SALE. I WILL sell the tract of land on which I reside, called BUSSARD ISLAND, lying on Patuxent river, in Calvert county, and nearly opposite to Benedict, containing by estimation, seven hundred three and a quarter acres... By RICHARD W. HARWOOD.
PRINCIPAL OF AN ACADEMY AND PASTOR WANTED. The Rev. W. L. TURNER, Principal of the Raleigh Academy, and Pastor of the city, having signified his intention of resigning his situation at the close of the present session, the Trustees of the Academy and the inhabitants of the city are desirous of procuring a suitable character to supply his place... By N. JONES, President.
A RUNAWAY. COMMITTED to my custody as a Runaway, a Negro Lad named DICK, about 15 or 16 years of age, 5 feet 4 or 5 inches high, who says that he is the property of a Mr. FULTON of Alexandria (District of Col.)... By J. MOONEY, Sheriff of Prince Arundel County.
BANK OF COLUMBIA. The Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per cent per annum... By WILLIAM WILANN, Cash.
A FARM TO LET. TO Let on shares, a Farm containing 61 acres, distant between 2 1/2 and 3 miles from the Centre Market House... By JAMES HOBAN.
Superintendent's Office, Washington, Dec. 24th, 1809. WHEREAS the late Commissioners of the city of Washington, on the 25th December 1792, sold or contracted to sell to Robert Morris & Co. Greenleaf, all that certain lot, interest and estate of the public in the squares following, among others, in the said city, viz. 326, 523, 684, 687, 725, 726, 727, 729, 733, 750, 782, 786, 789, 814, 816, 818, 841, 845, 866, 868, 895, 897, 899, 918, 919, 922, 923, 943, 966, 967, 968, 970, 972, 993, 1014, 1016, 1037, 1039, 1049, 1062, 1074, 1075, and 1076... By NINTIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
AN ACT To alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the Constitution and Form of Government. BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That hereafter, upon the death, resignation or removal out of this state, of the Governor, it shall not be necessary to call a meeting of the legislature to fill the vacancy occasioned thereby, but the first named of the Council for the time being shall qualify and act as Governor until the next meeting of the general assembly, at which meeting a Governor shall be chosen in the manner heretofore appointed and directed.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. The Part Tobacco Jockey Club Races will commence on Tuesday the 31st day of Oct. next. ON THE FIRST DAY, Will be run for a purse of two hundred and forty dollars, four miles and repeat, free for any horse, mare or gelding... By WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WEDNESDAY, THE SECOND DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. THURSDAY, THE THIRD DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. FRIDAY, THE FOURTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SATURDAY, THE FIFTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SUNDAY, THE SIXTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. MONDAY, THE SEVENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. TUESDAY, THE EIGHTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WEDNESDAY, THE NINTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. THURSDAY, THE TENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. FRIDAY, THE ELEVENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SATURDAY, THE TWELFTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SUNDAY, THE THIRTEENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. MONDAY, THE FOURTEENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. TUESDAY, THE FIFTEENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WEDNESDAY, THE SIXTEENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. THURSDAY, THE SEVENTEENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. FRIDAY, THE EIGHTEENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SATURDAY, THE NINETEENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SUNDAY, THE TWENTIETH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. MONDAY, THE TWENTY-FIRST DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. TUESDAY, THE TWENTY-SECOND DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WEDNESDAY, THE TWENTY-THIRD DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. THURSDAY, THE TWENTY-FOURTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. FRIDAY, THE TWENTY-FIFTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SATURDAY, THE TWENTY-SIXTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SUNDAY, THE TWENTY-SEVENTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. MONDAY, THE TWENTY-EIGHTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. TUESDAY, THE TWENTY-NINTH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WEDNESDAY, THE THIRTIETH DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. THURSDAY, THE THIRTY-FIRST DAY, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. FRIDAY, THE FIRST DAY OF NOVEMBER, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SATURDAY, THE SECOND DAY OF NOVEMBER, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. SUNDAY, THE THIRD DAY OF NOVEMBER, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. MONDAY, THE FOURTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. TUESDAY, THE FIFTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. WEDNESDAY, THE SIXTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.
THE PART TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES. THURSDAY, THE SEVENTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, Will be run for a purse of one hundred and twenty dollars, two miles and repeat, free as above, the winning horse of the first day excepted. WILLIAM D. HARRISON, Sec.