The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-01-27 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VI.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCXXVII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
MONDAY, JANUARY 27, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Remonstrance by the minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the British government. [Accompanying the Message of the President.]
GREAT CUMBERLAND PLACE, No. 12. September 23, 1805.
MY LORD,
I flattered myself, from what passed in our last interview, that I should have been honored, before this, with an answer from your lordship, to my letters, respecting the late seizure of American vessels. I understood it to be agreed, that the discussion which then took place, should be considered as unofficial, as explanatory only of the ideas which we might respectively entertain on the subject, and that your lordship would afterwards give me such a reply to my letters, respecting that measure, as his majesty's government might desire to have communicated to the government of the United States. In consequence, I have since waited with anxiety such a communication, in the daily expectation of receiving it. It is far from being my desire to give your lordship any trouble in this business, which I can avoid, as the time which has since elapsed sufficiently shews. But the great importance of the subject, which has indeed become more so, by the continuance of the same policy, and the frequency of seizures which are still made of American vessels, place me in a situation of peculiar responsibility. My government will expect of me correct information on this point, in all its views, and I am very desirous of complying with its just expectation. I must, therefore, again request that your lordship will be so good as to enable me to make such a representation to my government, of that measure, as his majesty's government may think proper to give.
I am sorry to add, that the longer I have reflected on the subject, the more confirmed I have been in the objections to the measure. If we examine it in reference to the law of nations, it appears to me to be repugnant to every principle of that law; if by the understanding, or as it may be more properly called, the agreement of our governments, respecting the commerce in question, I consider it equally repugnant to the principles of that agreement. In both these views your lordship will perceive me to make some additional remarks on the subject.
By the law of nations, as settled by the most approved writers, no other restraint is acknowledged on the trade of neutral nations, which those at war, than that it be impartial between the latter; that it shall not extend to articles which are deemed contraband of war; nor to the transportation of persons in military service; nor to places actually blockaded or besieged. Every other commerce of a neutral with a belligerent, is considered a lawful commerce; and every other restraint on it to either of the belligerents by the other, an unlawful restraint.
The list of contraband is well defined, as are also the circumstances which constitute a blockade. The best authorities have united in confining the first to such articles as are used in war, and are applicable to military purposes; and requiring, to constitute the latter, the disposition of such a force, consisting of stationary ships, so near the port, by the power which attacks it, as to make it dangerous for the vessel of a neutral power to enter it. The late treaty between Great Britain and Russia, designates these circumstances as necessary to constitute a blockade, and it is believed that it was never viewed before in a light more favorable to the invading power.
The vessels condemned were engaged in a commerce between the United States and some port in Europe, or between those states and the West India Islands, belonging to an enemy of Great Britain. In the European voyage the cargo consisted of the productions of the colonies; in the voyage to the West Indies, it consisted of the goods of the power to which the colony belonged, and to which the ship was destined. The ship and cargo in every case, were the property of American citizens, and the cargo had been landed and the duty on it paid in the United States. It was decided that these voyages were continuous, and the vessels and cargoes were condemned on the principle that the commerce was illegal. I beg to refer more especially in this statement to the case of the Essex, an appeal from the judgment of the vice admiralty court, at New Providence, in which the lords commissioners of appeals in confirming that judgment, established this doctrine.
It requires but a slight view of the subject to be satisfied that these condemnations are incompatible with the law of nations as above stated. None of the cases have involved a question of contraband, of blockade, or of any other kind that was ever contested till of late, in favor of a belligerent against a neutral power. It is not on any principle that it is applicable to any such case, that the measure can be defended. On what principle then is it supported by Great Britain? What is the nature and extent of her doctrine? What are the circumstances which recommend the
arguments which support it? For information on these points we cannot refer to the well known writers on the law of nations; no illustration can be obtained from them of a doctrine which they never heard of. We must look for it to an authority more modern; to one which, however respectable for the learning and professional abilities of the judge who presides, is, nevertheless, one which, from many considerations, is not obligatory on other powers. In a report of the decisions of the court of admiralty of this kingdom, we find a notice of a series of orders issued by the government, of different dates and imports, which have regulated this business. The first of these bears date on the 6th of November, 1793; the second on the 8th of January, 1794; the third on the 23th January, 1798. Other orders have been issued since the commencement of the present war. It is these orders which have authorised the seizures that were made, at different times, in the course of the last war; and were lately made by British cruisers of the vessels of the United States. They too form the law which has governed the courts in the decisions on the several cases which have arisen under those seizures. The first of these orders prohibits altogether every species of commerce between neutral countries and enemies colonies, and between neutral and other countries, in the productions of those colonies; the second and subsequent orders modify it in various forms. The doctrine, however, in every decision, is the same; it is contended in each, that the character and just extent of the principle is to be found in the first order, and that every departure from it since, has been a relaxation of the principle, not claimed of right by neutral powers, but conceded in their favor gratuitously by Great Britain.
In support of these orders it is urged, that as the colonial trade is a system of monopoly to the parent country in time of peace, neutral powers have no right to participate in it in time of war, although they be permitted so to do by the parent country; that a belligerent has a right to interdict them from such a commerce. It is on this system of internal restraint, this regulation of colonial trade, by the powers having colonies, that a new principle of the law of nations is attempted to be founded: one which seeks to discriminate in respect to the commerce of neutral powers, with a belligerent, between different parts of the territory of the same power, and likewise subverts many other principles of great importance, which have heretofore been held sacred among nations. It is believed that so important a superstructure was never raised on so slight a foundation. Permit me to ask, does it follow, because the parent country monopolises in peace the whole commerce of its colonies, that in war it should have no right to regulate it at all? That on the contrary it should be construed to transfer, in equal extent, a right to its enemy, to the prejudice of the parent country, of the colonies, and of neutral powers? If this doctrine was sound, it would certainly institute a new and singular mode of acquiring and losing rights; one which would be highly advantageous to one party, while it was equally injurious to the other. To the colonies, more especially, it would prove peculiarly onerous and oppressive. It is known that they are essentially dependent for their existence, on supplies from other countries, especially the United States of America, who being in their neighborhood, have the means of furnishing them with greatest certainty, and on the best terms. Is it not sufficient that they be subjected to that restraint in peace, when the evils attending it, by the occasional interference of the parent country, may be, and are frequently repaid? Is it consistent with justice or humanity, that it should be converted into a principle, in favor of an enemy, inexorable of course, but otherwise without the means of listening to their complaints, not for their distress or oppression only, but for their extermination? But there are other insuperable objections to this doctrine. Are not the colonies of every country a part of its domain, and do they not continue to be so until they are severed from it by conquest? Is not the power to regulate commerce incident to the sovereignty, and is it not co-extensive over the whole territory which any government possesses? Can one belligerent acquire any right to the territory of another, but by conquest? And can any rights which appertain thereto, be otherwise defeated or curtailed in war? In whatever light, therefore, the subject is viewed, it appears to me evident that this doctrine cannot be supported. No distinction, founded in reason, can be taken between the different parts of the territory of the same power to justify it. The separation of one portion from another by the sea, gives lawfully to the belligerent which is superior on that element, a vast ascendancy in all the concerns on which the success of the war, or the relative prosperity of their respective dominions, may in any degree depend. It opens to such power ample means for its own aggrandizement, and for the harassment and distress of its adversary. With these it should be satisfied.
But neither can that circumstance, nor can any of internal arrangement, which any power may adopt for the government of its dominions, be construed to give to its enemy any other advantage over it. They certainly do not justify the doctrine in question, which asserts, that the law of nations varies in its application to different portions of the territory of the same power: that it operates in one mode, in respect to one, and in another, or even not at all, in respect to another; that the rights of humanity, of neutral powers, and all other rights, are to sink before it.
It is further urged that neutral powers ought not to complain of this restraint, because they stand under it, on the same ground, with respect to that commerce, which they held in time of peace. But this fact, if true, gives no support to the pretension. The claim involves a question of right, not of interest. If the neutral powers have a right in war to such commerce with the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, as the parent states respectively allowed, they ought not to be deprived of it by her, nor can its just claims be satisfied by any compromise of the kind alluded to. For this argument to have the weight which it is intended to give it, the commerce of the neutral powers with those colonies should be placed and preserved through the war, in the same state, as if it had not occurred. Great Britain should in respect to them take the place of the parent country, and do every thing which the latter would have done, had there been no war. To discharge that duty, it would be necessary for her to establish such a police over the colony, as to be able to examine the circumstances attending it annually, to ascertain whether the crops were abundant, supplies from other quarters had failed, and eventually to decide whether under such circumstances the parent country would have opened the ports to neutral powers. But these offices cannot be performed by any power which is not in possession of the colony; that can only be obtained by conquest, in which case, the victor would of course have a right to regulate its trade as it thought fit.
It is also said, that neutral powers have no right to profit of the advantages which are gained in war, by the arms of Great Britain. This argument has even less weight than the others. It does not, in truth, apply at all to the question. Neutral powers do not claim a right, as already observed, to any commerce with the colonies which Great Britain may have conquered of her enemies, otherwise than on the conditions which she imposes. The point in question turns on the commerce which they are entitled to with the colonies which she has not conquered, but still remain subject to the dominion of the parent country. With such it is contended, for reasons that have been already given, that neutral powers have a right to enjoy all the advantages in trade which the parent country allows them: a right of which the mere circumstance of war cannot deprive them. If Great Britain had a right to prohibit that commerce, it existed before the war began, and of course before she had gained any advantage over her enemies. If it did not then exist, it certainly does not at the present time. Rights of the kind in question, cannot depend on the fortune of war, or other contingencies. The law which regulates them is inviolable, until it be changed by the competent authority. It forms a rule equally between belligerent powers, and between neutral and belligerent, which is dictated by reason and sanctioned by the usage and consent of nations.
The foregoing considerations have, it is presumed, proved that the claim of Great Britain to prohibit the commerce of neutral powers in the manner proposed, is repugnant to the law of nations. If, however, any doubt remained on that point other considerations which may be urged cannot fail to remove it. The number of orders of different imports which have been issued by government, to regulate the seizure of neutral vessels is a proof that there is no established law for the purpose. And the strictness with which the courts have followed those orders, through their various modifications, is equally a proof that there is no other authority for the government of their decisions. If the order of the 6th of November, 1793, contained the true doctrine of the law of nations, there would have been no occasion for those which followed, nor is it probable that they would have been issued: indeed if that order had been in conformity with that law, there would have been no occasion for it. As in the cases of blockade and contraband, the law would have been well known without an order; especially one so very descriptive; the interest of the cruisers, which is always sufficiently active would have prompted them to make the seizures, and the opinions of eminent writers, and the opinions of eminent writers, which in that case would not have been wanting, would have furnished the courts the best authority for their decisions.
I shall now proceed to show that the decisions complained of are contrary to the understanding, or what, perhaps, may more properly be called an agree-
ment of the two governments, on the subject. By the order of the 6th Nov. 1793, some hundreds of American vessels were seized, carried into port and condemned. Those seizures and condemnations, became the subject of an immediate negotiation between the two nations, which terminated in a treaty, by which it was agreed to submit the whole subject to commissioners, who should be invested with full power, to settle the controversy which had thus arisen. That stipulation was carried into complete effect; commissioners were appointed, who examined laboriously and fully, all the cases of seizure and condemnation which had taken place, and finally decided on the same, in which decisions they condemned the principle of the order and awarded compensation to those who had suffered under it. Those awards have been since fairly and honorably discharged by G. B. It merits particular attention that a part of the 12th article of that treaty, referred expressly to the point in question, and that it was on the solemn deliberation of each government, by their mutual consent, expunged from it. It seems therefore to be impossible to consider that transaction, under all the circumstances attending it, in any other light than as a fair and amicable adjustment of the question between the parties; one which authorised the just expectation, that it would never have become again a cause of complaint between them. The sense of both was expressed on it in a manner too marked and explicit, to admit of a different conclusion. The subject too was of a nature that when once settled ought to be considered as settled forever. It is not like questions of commerce between two powers, which affect their internal concerns, and depend, of course, on the internal regulations of each. When these latter are arranged by treaty, the rights which accrue to each party under it, in the interior of the other, cease when the treaty expires. Each has a right afterwards to decide for itself in what manner that concern shall be regulated in future, and in that decision to consult solely its interest. But the present topic is of a very different character. It involves no question of commerce or other internal concern between the two nations. It respects the commerce only, which either may have with the enemies of the other, in time of war. It involves, therefore, only a question of right, under the law of nations, which in its nature cannot fluctuate. It is proper to add, that the conclusion above mentioned, was further supported, by the important fact, that until the late decree, in the case of the Essex, not one American vessel, engaged in this commerce, had been condemned on this doctrine; that several which were met in the channel, by the British cruisers, were permitted, after an examination of their papers, to pursue their voyage. This circumstance justified the opinion, that that commerce was deemed a lawful one by G. B.
There is another ground, on which the late seizures and condemnations are considered as highly objectionable, and to furnish just cause of complaint to the U. S. Until the final report of the commissioners under the 7th article of the treaty of 1794, which was not made until last year, it is admitted that their arbitration was not obligatory on the parties, in the sense in which it is now contended to be. Every intermediate declaration, however, by G. B. of her sense on the subject, must be considered as binding on her, as it laid the foundation of commercial enterprizes, which were thought to be secure while within that limit. Your lordship will permit me to refer you to several examples of this kind, which were equally formal and official, in which the sense of his majesty's government was declared very differently from what it has been in the late condemnations. In Robinson's reports, vol. 2, page 368, (case the Polly, Lasky, master) it seems to have been clearly established by the learned judge of the court of admiralty, that an American has a right to import the produce of an enemy's colony into the U. S. and to send it on afterwards to the general commerce of Europe; and that the landing the goods, and paying the duties in the U. S. should preclude all further question relative to the voyage. The terms "for his own use," which are to be found in the report, are obviously intended to assert the claim only that the property shall be American, and not that of an enemy; by admitting the right to send on the produce afterwards to the general commerce of Europe, it is not possible that those terms should convey any other idea. A bona fide importation is also held by the judge to be satisfied by the landing the goods and paying the duties. This therefore is, I think, the true import of that decision. The doctrine is again laid down in still more explicit terms by the government itself, in a correspondence between lord Hawkesbury and my predecessor, Mr. King. The case was precisely similar to those which have been lately before the court. Mr. King complained in a letter of March 18, 1801, that the cargo of an American vessel going from the U. S. to a Spanish colony had been condemned by the vice admiralty court of Nassau, on
the ground that it was of the growth of Spain, which decision he contended was contrary to the law of nations, and requested that suitable instructions might be dispatched to the proper officers in the West Indies, to prevent like abuses in future. Lord Hawkesbury in a reply of April 11th, communicated the report of the king's advocate general, in which it is expressly stated that the produce of an enemy may be imported by a neutral into his own country and re-exported thence to the mother country; and in like manner in that circuitous mode, that the produce and manufactures of the mother country might find their way to its colonies; that the landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country, broke the continuity of the voyage, and legalized the trade, altho' the goods were re-shipped in the same vessel, on account of the same neutral proprietors, and forwarded for sale to the mother country of the colony. It merits attention in this report, (so clearly and positively is the doctrine laid down, that the landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country broke the continuity of the voyage) that it is stated as a doubtful point whether the mere touching in the neutral country to obtain fresh clearances will be considered in the light of the direct trade; that no positive inhibition is insisted on any but the direct trade between the mother country and the colonies. This doctrine in the light here stated, is also to be found in the treaty between Great Britain and Russia, June 17, 1801. By the 2d section of the 3d article, the commerce of neutrals in the productions or manufactures of the enemies of Great Britain, which have become the property of the neutral, is declared to be free; that section was afterwards explained by a declaratory article of October 20 of the same year, by which it is agreed that it shall not be understood to authorize neutrals to carry the produce or merchandise of an enemy either directly from the colonies to the parent country, or from the parent country to the colonies. In other respects the commerce was left on the footing on which it was placed by that section, perfectly free, except in the direct trade between the colony and the parent country. It is worthy of remark that, as by the reference made in the explanatory article of the treaty with Russia, to the U. S. of America, it was supposed that those states and Russia, Denmark and Sweden, had a common interest in neutral questions, so it was obviously intended, from the similarity of sentiment which is observable between that treaty as amended, and the report of the advocate general above mentioned, to place all the parties on the same footing. After these acts of the British government, which being official were made public, it was not to be expected that any greater restraint would have been contemplated by it, on that commerce, than they imposed, that an inquiry would ever have been made, not whether the property with which an American vessel was charged belonged to a citizen of the U. S. or an enemy, but whether it belonged to this or that American; an inquiry which imposes a condition which it is believed that no independent nation, having a just sense of what it owes to its rights or its honor, can ever comply with. Much less was it to be expected that such a restraint would have been thought of after the report of the commissioners above adverted to, which seemed to have placed the rights of the U. S. incontestibly on a much more liberal, and, as is contended, just footing.
It is proper to add, that the decree of the lords commissioners of appeals in the case of the Essex, produced the same effect as an order from the government would have done. Prior to that decree, from the commencement of the war, the commerce in question was pursued by the citizens of the U. S. as has been already observed, without molestation. It is presumable that till then his majesty's cruisers were induced to forbear a seizure, by the same considerations which induced the American citizens to engage in the commerce, a belief that it was a lawful one. The facts above mentioned were equally before the parties, and it is not surprising that they should have drawn the same conclusion from them. That decree, however, opened a new scene. It certainly gave a signal to the cruisers to commence the seizures which they have not failed to do, as has been sufficiently felt by the citizens of the U. S. who have suffered under it. According to the information which has been given me, about 50 vessels have been brought into the ports of Great Britain in consequence of it, and there is reason to believe that the same system is pursued in the West Indies and elsewhere. The measure is the more to be complained of, because Great Britain had, in permitting the commerce for 2 years, given a sanction to it by her conduct, and nothing had occurred to create a suspicion that her sentiments varied from her conduct. Had that been the case, or had she been disposed to charge her conduct in that respect towards the U. S. it might reasonably have been expected that some intima-

tion would have been given if it before the measure was carried into effect. Between powers who are equally desirous of preserving the relations of friendship with each other, notice might in all such cases be expected. But in the present case the obligation to give it seemed to be peculiarly strong. The existence of a negotiation which had been sought on the part of the U. S. some considerable time before my departure for Spain, for the express purpose of adjusting amicably and fairly, all such questions between the two nations, and postponed on that occasion to accommodate the views of his majesty's government, furnished a suitable opportunity for such an intimation, while it could not otherwise than increase the claim to it.
In this communication I have made no comment on the difference which is observable in the import of the several orders which have regulated, at different times, the seizure of neutral vessels, some of which were more moderate than others. It is proper, however, to remark here, that those which were issued, or even that any had been issued since the commencement of the present war, were circumstances not known till very lately: on principle it is acknowledged, that they are to be viewed in the same light, and it has been my object to examine them by that standard, without going into detail, or marking the shades of difference between them. I have made the examination with that freedom and candor which belong to a subject of very high importance to the U. S. the result of which has been, as I presume, to prove that all the orders are repugnant to the law of nations, and that the late condemnations which have revived the pretensions on the part of Great Britain, are not only repugnant to that law, but to the understanding which it was supposed had taken place between the two powers, respecting the commerce in question.
I cannot conclude this note without advertting to the other topics depending between our governments which it is also much wished to adjust at this time. These are well known to your lordship, and it is therefore unnecessary to add any thing on them at present. With a view to perpetuate the friendship of the two nations, no unnecessary cause of collision should be left open. Those adverted to, are believed to be of this kind, such as the case of boundary, the impressment of seamen, &c. since it is presumed there can be no real conflicting interest between them, on those points. The general commercial relation may then be adjusted or postponed as may be most consistent with the views of his majesty's government. On that point also it is believed that it will not be difficult to make such an arrangement as, by giving sufficient scope to the resources, to the industry and the enterprise of the people of both countries, may prove highly and reciprocally advantageous to them. In the topic of impressment, however, the motive is more urgent. In that line the rights of the United States have been so long trampled under foot, and the feelings of humanity, in respect to the sufferers, and the honor of their government, even in their own ports, so often outraged, that the astonished world may begin to doubt, whether the patience with which these injuries have been borne ought to be attributed to generous or unworthy motives: whether the United States merit the rank to which in other respects they are justly entitled among independent powers, or have, already, in the very norm of their political career, lost their energy and become degenerate. The United States are not insensible that their conduct has exposed them to such suspicions, though they well know that they have not merited them. They are aware, from the similarity in the person, the manners, and above all, the identity of the language, which is common to the people of both nations, that the subject is a difficult one; they are equally aware, that to Great Britain also, it is a delicate one, and they have been willing in seeking an arrangement of this important interest, to give a proof by the mode, of their very sincere desire to cherish the relations of friendship with her. I have only to add, that I shall be happy to meet your lordship on these points, as soon as you can make it convenient to you.
I have the honor to be, With high consideration, Your lordship's most obed't servt, (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON ACADEMY.
ON MONDAY, the 26th inst. the Schools under the direction of Mr. WHITE, appointed a PRINCIPAL TEACHER, will be opened at the House, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's House and near Major Swan's. For the admission of Pay Pupils application is to be made to Mr. White; and for the admission of those, whose parents or guardians are unable to pay for them, and for whose education provision has been made by the Council, application is to be made to
SAMUEL H. SMITH, Superintendent NICHOLAS KING, ing THOMAS MONROE, Committee.
Arrangements were made by the Trustees for opening the schools in the Eastern, on the same day with those in the Western section of the city; but owing to unexpected occurrences they are obliged to defer opening the former schools for a period, which it is hoped will not exceed a few days.
Washington, Jan. 17.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. JANUARY 23.
DEFENCE OF OUR PORTS AND HARBOURS.
DEBATE on the following report of a select committee, on that part of the President's message that relates to aggressions committed on our coasts by foreign armed vessels; to the defence of our ports and harbors; to the building of seventy-four gun ships, and to the preventing the exportation of arms and ammunition.
In committee of the whole—MR. GREGG in the chair. The first resolution was read as follows:
Resolved, That a sum of money, not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, be appropriated to enable the President of the United States, to cause our ports and harbors to be better fortified and protected against any insult or injury.
MR. DAWSON. At the commencement of the present session, the President of the U. S. in obedience to his duty, made known to us the state of the nation—he then informed us, that "Our coasts have been infested, and our harbors watched, by private armed vessels, some of them without commissions, others with illegal commissions, others, with those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the authority of their commissions. They have captured in the very entrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them off under pretence of legal adjudication, but, not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure places, where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea, or on desert shores, without food or covering. These enormities appearing to be unreach by any control of their sovereigns, I found it necessary to equip a force, to cruise within our own seas, to arrest all vessels of these descriptions found hovering on our coasts, within the limits of the Gulf Stream, and to bring the offenders in for trial as pirates."
"The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors, under color of seeking enemies, has been also carried on by public armed ships, to the great annoyance and oppression of our commerce."
"With Spain our negotiations for a settlement of differences have not had a satisfactory issue. Spoliations during the former war, for which she had formally acknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated but on conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them. Yet the same practices are renewed in the present war, and are already of great amount. On the Mobile, our commerce passing through that river, continues to be obstructed by arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. Propositions for adjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded to."
"Inroads have been recently made into the territories of Orleans and the Mississippi. Our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in the very parts of the former which had been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that government."
"In reviewing these injuries from some of the belligerent powers, the moderation, the firmness, and the wisdom of the legislature will all be called into action."
This communication excited the honest indignation of all who heard it; and a similar impression seems to have been made in every part of the continent—Already have our constituents expressed their sentiments; daily do our fellow citizens convey to us declarations of their indignation, already have they offered their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor in support of our just claims, and of our violated rights—nor have occurrences since lessened that impression—it now becomes our duty, and a most important one it is, to adopt those measures, and to provide those means best calculated to meet the state of things; to secure peace, if peace is attainable on terms consistent with our interest and honor—and, if not, to unite the confidence, rouse the zeal, and direct all the energies of our country, if by the folly of some governments and the vices of others, they should become necessary. To all this the wisdom, all the firmness, all the moderation of Congress will be called into action. It will behoove us to be neither rash nor diffident. But assuming that ground which reason, justice and our importance as a nation entitle us to, to maintain it with unabating zeal, an invincible firmness, and rendering justice to all, we have a right to demand it from all.
It is impossible for any person to look back on the injuries and insults which we have received, without feeling much indignation and a spirit for revenge—it is impossible to look forward without feeling much anxiety and much awe. I own to you I have experienced them; I have however consoled myself with the pleasing hope, that when we came into a committee of the whole, and took a general view of the state of our country, a spirit of accommodation would have discovered itself, that forgetting all party or local distinction we should have united our efforts in support of our violated rights, of our plundered property, of our degraded citizens—nor did I doubt, nor do I now, that with this disposition the wisdom of Congress was adequate to all their purposes; to support the peace, interest and honor of our country.
MR. CLINTON. It must strike every member of the House that the sum contemplated to be appropriated by the resolution to the protection of our ports and harbors, is altogether inadequate. I did not expect that we should be called upon at this time to take this subject into consideration, and I am not, therefore, prepared to go into the necessary details upon it; but I believe the proposed sum will go but a small way to fortify even the port of New-York alone. I believe the fortification of our ports and harbors is an object of the very first importance, which has excited the sensibility of our countrymen from one end of the continent to the other. The attention of Congress has been particularly called to the defenceless and unprotected state of the port of New-York, on which two memorials have been presented, one from the merchants of the city of New-York, & the other from the corporation. I do not wish to be understood as casting any reflection on the opinion of the secretary of war, or on the respectable committee who has made this report. But before I give a vote on the subject, I wish it could be inquired into more particularly. I could wish that we had previously a statement of the situation of the harbors, and of the sum necessary to protect each port. Before we have this statement, it is impossible for us to decide whether the proposed sum of 150,000 dollars will be competent. I would rather not appropriate a cent than agree to such a sum as would be a burlesque on the subject.
MR. THOMAS said the sum was certainly inadequate, and the granting it appeared nearly equivalent to doing nothing. He thought the course pursued in this instance an unusual way of making an appropriation. The common way was to leave sums blank, until after principles were decided and a bill brought in to carry them into effect. After the principle is settled, that we will fortify our ports and harbors; that we will build a number of gun boats, or seventy four's, or both, a bill might be brought in, and it would be then time enough to fill up the blanks. In order that this course might be pursued, he would move to strike out 150,000 dollars.
MR. N. WILLIAMS. It may seem strange that so small a sum should be proposed by the committee; but when the precise object of the report is considered, it will not appear so surprising. It was not contemplated in the committee that 150,000 dollars would be adequate to the erection of fortifications for the defence of our numerous harbors. It was only considered as adequate to the repair of the present fortifications, and the fitting up of some additional guns. I am not unaware that the subject is of the highest importance. The fortification of the ports & harbors of so extensive a country is deservedly considered of the first consequence. When we come to take up the subject in this large point of view, we shall not fix our attention upon so pitiful a sum as that now under consideration.
If this be the intention of my colleague I shall heartily concur in his motion. If on the contrary, a majority of the committee think it best, in the first instance, to attend to the repair of existing fortifications, and the fitting up of some additional guns for immediate use; and hereafter to go into a consideration of more extensive measures of defence, I shall acquiesce. At any rate I am willing that the sense of the committee should be taken on this question, and for that purpose I second the motion of my colleague.
MR. ELY. I cannot conceive it of much consequence whether the sum appropriated be 150,000 dollars or one million. The only question is whether we will make any appropriation. Being one of the committee who made the report, I will take the liberty of stating the motives which governed them.
The committee had no particular predilection for the sum stated in the report; for they knew it was in the discretion of the House to modify it as they saw fit. The committee had a conversation with the secretary of war on the subject. He was pleased to say that there were some ports as well fortified as could be expected in the present situation of the country; but that in other places the fortifications were defective and inadequate. He stated that at New-Orleans, the fortifications were very inadequate; that they had gone out of repair, and it was a question whether it were not best to change their sites. He represented that at Savannah there were no works, adding that Georgia had made no cession of land to the U. S. on which to erect them. He stated that at Charleston, the works had suffered considerably in consequence of tornadoes. He said there were some works at Norfolk; and likewise stated the situation of New-York. From his statement it appeared that but little had been done towards the effectual protection of that harbor; and that it was extremely difficult to do any thing to protect it against any considerable force that might be brought against it. He stated that there was some protection at New-port; and that in the Chesapeake much was not required; and that at Boston the harbor was nearly as well secured as it need be. In addition to this conversation, the secretary gave an estimate of the sum necessary to be appropriated to repair the works which were going to decay. This estimate was from the mouth of the secretary. I consider this sum as inadequate, and it is my wish that we should not rest on the opinion of the secretary of war, but decide for ourselves. I believe that great attention ought to be paid to our ports and harbors. I cannot but think it peculiarly proper to protect a place where one
third of our whole revenue is collected, and which I believe now might be laid under contribution by a single 74 gun ship. How this is to be done, I cannot pretend to say. The thing alarms me in the present state of our affairs, and I think we are called upon to be prepared for immediate defence. On this point there can be no diversity of opinion. I hope, therefore, that gentlemen, who have taken a full view of the subject, will come forward with an efficient plan.
MR. DAWSON. The object is to strike out 150,000 dollars to introduce a larger sum. I am sorry this motion has been made. It is known to you, Mr. Chairman, that more than one million of dollars has already been applied to the defence of New York, provided that state agrees to appropriate the money. It is known to you also, that many millions have been applied to the defence of our harbors. It is known to you, by the message of the President, that the most important articles of defence are already in readiness; and that this appropriation is only in aid of another appropriation of 250,000 dollars. For gun boats—both being parts of the same system for the protection of our ports and harbors. This estimate comes from the secretary of war, who I believe is better informed and more disinterested on this subject than any member on this floor.
MR. EARLY. I rise to enquire whether a motion for the committee to rise will not supersede the motion now under consideration. If so, I will make it, and will briefly detail my reasons therefor.
It appears to me on a view of the subject embraced by the report that we are not possessed of sufficient detailed information on which to found a correct decision. The report embraces three distinct objects, contemplated as so many parts of one general system of defence. One respecting fortifications; one respecting ships of the line, and one respecting gun-boats. I consider these as constituting different parts of one general system. It is true there is but one resolution now before the committee, and to that I will direct my attention. On that point the committee are possessed of too little information, in my opinion, to form a correct judgment. They have no information of what harbors in the U. States are susceptible of fortification, no data on which to decide. It is not presumable that every port and harbor on our extensive line is susceptible of this species of defence. I understand that it is the opinion of some very eminent military characters that the port of New York is not susceptible of defence in this way. But this is not all. Is there any estimate of the expense of such a general system of defence, or of a single port or harbor? There is not. Gentlemen say their object is, and that it is now the most correct course, to decide the principle of defending our ports and harbors, and afterwards to fill up the blanks. But permit me to ask those who contend for this mode of procedure, whether they are willing, in the first place, to agree to the fortification of our ports, when they have not only no data to determine the expense, but are likewise without any data on which to judge of the efficacy of the measure. After they shall have proceeded in this course for a time, and shall have expended millions, the plan may turn out to be ineffectual, and every dollar laid out, be sunk. The situation of our ports and harbors is represented as alarming, as exposing, not only the property of our citizens, but likewise the revenue of the nation, to the lawless depredations of marauders and privateers. This is true, lamentably true! But in proportion to its truth, ought we to proceed guardedly; in proportion to its truth ought we to possess data to convince us that the course we take will prove effectual. For myself I take occasion to say, from the little information I possess, which I allow is very inconsiderable, I am opposed to this mode of defence altogether. I believe that it will be ineffectual; that it will afford no solid protection; and that after having proceeded, even to bankruptcy, we shall be as poorly defended as we were before. For these reasons, and because I want data on which to act, and the information of men more capable of judging on such subjects than I am, I move you that the committee rise.
MR. DAWSON. When I called up the report, I should have made an apology to the House for the delay which has taken place in this business, but for the situation in which we have lately been. I trust now the subject is brought before us, we shall take some effectual measures for rescuing our country from its degraded situation. I know there are some gentlemen in this House, because they have told us so before, who are for doing nothing. I trust, however, their number is very small, and that a great majority will be found ready to do what the exigency of affairs requires. As for the information requested by the gentleman from Georgia, I am at a loss to know for what reason he calls for it. My opinion is that a certain sum should be appropriated to this object, to be expended at the discretion of the executive. But the gentleman, before he agrees to take this step, requires information of those ports which are defensible. I know of no way in which he can get information, but by converting a committee of this House into a corps of engineers, to go from one end of the country to the other. If a majority of this House are for proceeding at once according to the recommendation of the President, to the effectual defence of our ports and harbors, they will not agree to any motion whose tendency is to put the measure aside.
MR. JACKSON. I hope the committee will not rise until they have further investigated the resolution under consideration, and I think the reasons assigned by the gentleman from Georgia will, on consideration, be deemed by himself an argument against the motion. It is said that we do not now possess sufficient detailed information; but it is not necessary now to have that detailed information which it may be necessary to have when this business assumes the shape of a bill. We are now engaged in fixing the principle; the details of which will follow afterwards. The interests of the nation call aloud to us to attend to this subject. The cries of our impressed seamen join in the general murmur; our commerce, subject to lawless condemnation under admiralty decisions, calls aloud for our attention. It is high time that the representatives of the nation should deliberate on the subject. Let us then set from day to day, until we shall unite in effectual measures of redress. Let us no longer be indifferent or inactive to a subject more important than any other that can come before us. Let us evince that unanimity which shall ensure success to whatever we propose. Shall we, at such a crisis, be creeping on behind the public sentiment, and looking with indifference on scenes which can no longer be submitted to, unless we resign the independence we have acquired? It is not necessary, at present, to go into details. It is only necessary to say whether we will protect our harbors, erect gun-boats, and build vessels to protect our commerce on the seas, and not only to repel aggressions, but to chastise those who offer them. I hope there will be found to be but one sentiment in the House, as there is in the nation, and that we will expend the last cent before we submit to the degradations offered to us. I entreat the committee now to rise until they have fully deliberated on the subject, and have formed an effectual plan for obtaining redress.
MR. DANA. Seven weeks have elapsed since the President addressed Congress, representing the aggressions made upon the rights of our citizens. During these seven weeks, Congress have not informed the nation of any thing they have done; nor have they announced that any one thing will be done for the effectual maintenance of the violated rights of their citizens. Now, in considering this resolution, we are called on to decide on the first point mentioned in the message; not on a mere effect to be produced by paper; the authorising a detachment of 100,000 militia; but on a real and substantial defence against foreign powers. On viewing the message of the President, it will be seen that we have embarrassments with all the principal powers of Europe; that we are beset with difficulties on every side. Our ports are insulted; our territory invaded, and our seamen impressed. With regard to the whole of these, the message affords us no reason to expect a speedy adjustment; and since the delivery of the message, we have received nothing which justifies a reasonable expectation of it.
"In reviewing," says the President, "these injuries from some of the belligerent powers, the moderation, the firmness and the wisdom of the legislature will all be called into action. We ought still to hope that time and a more correct estimate of interest as well as of character will produce the justice we are bound to expect. But should any nation deceive itself by false calculations, and disappoint that expectation, we must join in the unprofitable contest, of trying which party can do the other the most harm. Some of these injuries may perhaps admit a peaceable remedy. Where that is competent it is always the most desirable. But some of them are of a nature to be met by force only, and all of them may lead to it. I cannot therefore but recommend such preparations as circumstances call for. The first object is to place our seaport towns out of the danger of insult. Measures have been already taken for furnishing them with heavy cannon for the service of such land batteries as may make a part of their defence against armed vessels approaching them. In aid of these it is desirable we should have a competent number of gun-boats, and the number to be competent must be considerable."
This is the first recommendation made in the message, and on this point, however, on minor topics our citizens may be divided, on this point the President comes forward and assumes a tone and firmness which might well be expected to unite all varying opinions. Whatever divisions may exist among us on minor subjects, we may well expect a general concurrence, in measures calculated to defend our rights. Farther; it should be recollected, that executive power under our government is of a limited nature. We all know that, to be efficient, it must be sustained by the legislature. If, then, when the President comes forward, appealing to the legislature, with all the influence of his name and the weight of argument, what will the world think, if you, the representatives of the people, should shrink from taking the measures necessary for the defence of their rights. I hope we shall not exhibit such an example of hostility to the President of the U. S. in a matter so infinitely important to our national character, and the maintenance of peace. If you do nothing on this point, it is evident you will do nothing effectual on any other recommended by the crisis of affairs, and you will proclaim to the world that, notwithstanding the millions of which you are plundered, and notwithstanding the loud and just complaints of the violations committed on your rights, you are determined to do nothing. If so, I hope gentlemen will at least agree to vote that we are no longer an independent nation.

MR. NELSON: It is true, sir, that we have been seven weeks in session, and that we have not decided on any great national question. But if we had been in session seventy-seven weeks, and were unprepared, I should vote against coming to a decision on any question, however important. It is a reason, because we have been seven weeks in session, without acting upon this subject, that we should now decide blindly on a question of more importance than any which, for a considerable time past, has presented itself for our consideration? Shall we do it merely to gratify a few gentlemen, who are for hurrying us into the adoption of precipitate measures? It is a piece of respect due from one gentleman to another, who is not prepared to vote understandingly on any subject, to indulge him with a moderate allowance of time. One gentleman has stated that the secretary of war made certain communications to the committee. If he possesses any useful knowledge on the subject, I should wish it communicated directly to the House, and printed; that every gentleman may stand on equal ground. I will ask how many ports and harbors it is necessary to protect? Where they lie? How many men it will take to fortify them, and the number of guns necessary for them? Have we any information on these points? Is any gentleman on this floor ready to say he possesses it? Perhaps the secretary at war is acquainted with all these details—it is his duty to possess them, and no doubt he does possess them. But I should be glad to have them laid before the legislature. It is not necessary for me at this time to give an opinion on the proposed measure. It will depend on the information I shall receive whether I shall approve of the expenditure of a dollar. My vote will depend on this—Are the people prepared to expend millions, to guard against that which may be but an imaginary evil? Is our treasury in such a situation, as to authorise our appropriating millions for the protection of harbors whose situation we know not? I wish to see the estimates. If the thing can be effected by the expenditure of a moderate sum, I may agree to it; but if the sum required shall be so enormous as not only to eat up our existing revenue, but to require new burthens, I will not vote for a dollar. We know that the House has already appropriated a considerable sum; more than it will probably have at its disposal; and that they have refused to continue a certain tax. I will ask—  MR. MACON (Speaker): was sorry to interrupt the gentleman, but he would submit whether, in the remarks he had just made, he was in order.  MR. NELSON: I apprehend that in the remarks which I have just made, I have not yet been out of order. If the committee, or the Chairman say so, I will stand corrected.  The Chairman. The gentleman will proceed.  MR. NELSON: I say that it is incumbent on us, if we consider ourselves as the true representatives of the people, before we lay an enormous tax on them, to be sure that it will be of some use. Suppose we appropriate now five millions to the protection of our harbors, & shall be told, after these are expended, that ten millions more are necessary to complete their protection. Are the people of the U. S. in a situation to pay fifteen millions for this purpose? With the gentleman from Georgia, I am for having correct information before I take a step in this business. If a sum not burdensome to the people will do, I may vote for it; but if the sum necessary shall be so enormous as to subject them to a heavy burthen, I will not vote a dollar. The gentleman from Connecticut has brought forward a powerful argument, by asking us if we will not do that which the President recommends to us? How long the honorable gentleman has felt this respect for the President, I know not; but for myself I answer, I would not vote for what I thought wrong, though recommended by the President. If the President should recommend what I think a burthen on the people, I should hold up both my hands against it, and his recommendation would be no inducement with me to favor it. So far as I think his recommendation accords with the good of the community, I am for supporting it. When I think it injurious I must vote against it. I hope the committee will rise; and I appeal to the candor of gentlemen, whether it is not right and friendly to allow some little time to those who declare themselves uninformed on the subject.  (To be continued.)
NOTICE.
THIS is to give notice that the Subscriber hath obtained from the orphan's court of Saint Mary's co. in Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Augustine Spalding, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the 14th day of June next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate. Given under my hand this 14th day of December, 1805.
BARBARA SPALDING, Adm x . January 15—w3t.
NOTICE.
I forewarn all persons from taking a Note of Hand from me to Zachariah Hazle of Prince Georges county for Forty Dollars payable on the 21st of January, 1806, as the note was fraudulently obtained, as I am determined not to pay it unless compelled by law.
BARTON CARICO. January 24—3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JANUARY 27.
We are sorry to hear that Mr. Giles, on his way to the seat of government, has been thrown from a carriage, and fractured his leg. We are not apprised of the full extent of the injury which he has received, or whether it will prevent his taking his seat in the Senate.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon, to a gentleman now in this city.
Lisbon, 5 o'clock, 6th Dec. "An hour since the mail arrived.—Unofficial advice says to me that Vienna is taken, and a contribution of a million sterling levied. Venice and Tyrol, and twelve strong holds given to the French as security for an armistice whilst a peace is negotiated."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 23.
Mr. Smilie said that on the 3d of Dec. the following resolution had been entered into by the House:
Resolved , That so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as relates to the conduct of the belligerent powers towards the U. S. and the unjustifiable construction lately given by some of them to the law of nations as it regards the rights of neutrals, be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means."
Mr. Smilie said he did not know how this subject came to be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. He believed it furnished the first instance of a great national principle being referred to any standing or select committee of the House. It had always been usual to refer such principles for settlement, in the first instance, to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, to which committee several memorials on the same subject had been referred. There was another circumstance which it was necessary to state, which was the deranged situation of the committee of Ways and Means; three members of which were absent from the House. As this was confessedly the most important subject before them, he trusted the motion he was about to make would prevail.
Mr. Smilie then moved that the Committee of Ways and Means be discharged from the farther consideration of this subject.
Mr. Quincy said if the object was to discuss the propriety of the reference of this subject to the Committee of Ways and Means, he doubted whether the motion were in order, as the same point had been before debated at large when the reference obtained. He should suppose the most proper course would be to call on the Chairman of the committee to inform the House in what situation the business stood. The Chairman might, perhaps, be in his place to-morrow. It appeared to him that this motion might imply a censure upon the committee.
Mr. Smilie said he meant no disrespect to the committee, and said he would, at the request of the member, withdraw his motion until to-morrow.
FRIDAY, January 24.
The House took into consideration the report of the committee of the whole on the bill to extend in certain cases the jurisdiction of state judges and state courts, and after amending, ordered it to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Early, after some preliminary remarks, offered the following resolutions:
Resolved , That the President of the United States cause to be laid before this House any information which may be in possession of the executive department, relative to the state and condition of the fortifications which may have been erected within the several ports and harbors of the United States; and also the amount of monies which has been expended on each, as well as the probable expense of completing the same; and also any formation of which said department may be possessed relative to the practicability of defending by land batteries such ports and harbors; as have, by any former law, been directed to be fortified.
Resolved , That the President cause to be laid before this House a statement exhibiting the amount of money which has been disbursed on account of the navy in each year, since its establishment, & stating particularly the cost of each frigate.
On which, what may be termed a continuation of the debate of yesterday, ensued; in which Messrs. Early, Dana, J. C. Smith, D. R. Williams, and Dawson took a part; when the question was taken on the resolutions, the first of which was agreed to—Ayes 88—with the following modification, viz. to add after the words within the United States , "and the territories thereof."
The second resolution was agreed to—Ayes 81—with the following modification, viz. the striking out the word frigate , and inserting in lieu thereof "armed ships or other vessels built or purchased on account of the United States," and by adding to the resolution, "and also the amount of monies that have been expended on each navy yard."
A committee of two members was then appointed to present the said resolutions to the President.  On motion of Mr. Elliot, the following resolution was agreed to without a division, after a few explanatory remarks from him:
Resolved , That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to lay before this House, estimates of the expence of repairing, and of the annual expence of manning and of supporting in actual service the whole of the frigates & smaller vessels of war belonging to the U.S.  On motion of Mr. Dawson, the House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union—Mr. GREGG in the chair.
The chairman having read the resolution appropriating 150,000 dollars for the better protection of our ports and harbors,"
Mr. Conrad moved that the committee should rise, that the information which they had called for might be received before they acted on this business.
Mr. Smilie endorsed this motion, which was agreed to—Ayes 52—Noes 45.
Mr. Gray offered the following resolution which was ordered to lie on the table.
Resolved , That any member of this House, who shall in future accept of, solicit, or enter into any contract for the expenditure of any money appropriated by law for the service of the U. S. shall, in consequence thereof, be disqualified from a seat in this House.
The House went into committee of the whole—Mr. DAWSON in the chair—on the bill declaring the assent of Congress to an act of the state of South Carolina, so far as relates to imposing a duty on tonnage by the city council of Charleston.
Mr. Marion supported, and Mr. Crowninshield opposed the bill; when the committee rose without coming to a decision, and obtained leave to sit again, to allow time for printing some documents illustrative of the subject.
When the House adjourned till Monday.
A letter from Havana, of the 26th ult. (received at New-York) says: "The celebrated General BOWLES died 3 days since in the Moro-Castel, reduced to skin and bones. He had for more than 40 days previous, refused to eat any thing but oranges uncut; those he cut and sucked—and we have reason to believe that he had strong reasons for what he did."
NEGRO REVOLT.
Capt. Ryan who has arrived at Wilmington (N. C.) from Trinidad, which place he left the 14th of December, informs that a few days before he sailed 7000 Negroes had revolted and embodied at a Port of Spain with an intention of destroying the place and committing a general massacre of the whites; that Martial Law was immediately proclaimed; the troops and inhabitants turned out and the King of the Insurgents with 17 of their ringleaders were taken, examined and committed to prison; but in the afternoon of the 14th, when captain Ryan was under way, there was a general alarm fired and the bloody flag hoisted.
BOSTON, January 15.
Yesterday arrived off Fort Independence, ship Wells, capt. Lamson, who left Gibraltar the 20th Nov. and reports that only 4 of the Spanish prizes had arrived there, and those were mere wrecks.—That 14 of Nelson's fleet had arrived, totally dismasted, and unfit for service.—That upwards of 200 men were destroyed on board each ship.—That many valuable American ships were carried into Gibraltar, all of which were condemned, with their cargoes, except one owned by several persons in this town. Among the vessels condemned, was the ship Aurora of Portsmouth, with a valuable cargo, and 45,000 dollars in specie.
The following statement of payments made into the treasury of the United States by the several collectors of customs, during four years, commencing April 1, 1801, and ending the 31st of March, 1805, exhibits the amount of revenue of the respective ports in the union.
   PORTS. PAYMENTS.     New-York, Dols. 12,862,020 87   Philadelphia, 7,777,965 14   Boston, 6,408,400 26   Baltimore, 3,861,963 08   Charleston, 3,031,639 54   Norfolk, 1,761,673 77   Salem, (Mas.) 1,034,498 07   Savannah, 914,639 73   Providence, 761,556 12   Portland, 545,265 66   New-Haven, 510,637 15   Petersburgh, 510,506 17   Portsmouth, 484,513 41   Alexandria, 467,761 23   Newburyport, 400,614 30   Newport, 390,916 70   Middletown, 382,757 31   Wilmington, (N. C.) 310,110 07   Richmond, 290,532 43   New-London, 282,049 88   Wilmington, (Del.) 230,327 87   Kennebunk, 168,964 64   Newbern, 146,429 95   Edenton, 129,505 57   Bristol, (R. I.) 106,600   Gloucester, 104,049 61   Bath, 96,927 19   Tappahannock, 93,249 97   Marblehead, 92,439 48   Wiscasset, 89,422 45   Fairfield, 72,900 46   New-Bedford, 71,227 50   Washington, (N. C.) 67,234 64   Biddeford, 61,941 62   Nantucket, 58,395 41   Plymouth, 57,256 99   Waldoborough, 52,932 96   Penobscot, 51,366 63   Dighton, 35,200 61   Georgetown, (S. C.) 33,786 39   Michillimackinack, 33,003 03   Camden, 32,900   Fort Adams, 26,900   York, (Mas.) 26,698 72   New-Orleans, 23,791 83   Begartown, 21,879 21   Detroit, 18,132   Georgetown, (Col.) 15,950   Barnstable, 15,042 58   Hudson, 14,200 43   Snow-Hill, 12,156 48   Brunswick, 11,318 54   Beaufort, (N. C.) 10,000  
   Folly Landing, 8,900   Cherawton, 7,184 63   Fast River, 6,894   Great Egg Harbor, 5,700   Perth Amboy, 5,150   Beaufort, (S. C.) 4,500   Vermont, 4,022 83   Oxford, 3,840 56   St. Mary's, 3,551 27   Massac, 3,460   Vienna, 2,500   Sag-Harbour, 2,456 76   Burlington, 2,152   Yorktown, 1,500   Palmyra, 1,370   Champlain, 1,200   Albany, 1,145   Bridgetown, 1,000   Havre-de-Grace, 950   Frenchman's Bay, 614 48   Inswich, 600   Machias, 500   Chester, (Md.) 350   Dumfries, 349   Passamaquoddy, 212 42   Louisville, 20   Total, 45,174,837 22  
(By Authority.)
AN ACT
Making an additional appropriation to supply the deficiency in the appropriation for the naval service, during the year one thousand eight hundred and five.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That for supplying the deficiency in the appropriation for the naval service, during the year one thousand eight hundred and five, the further sum of three hundred and fifty thousand dollars, to be paid out of any monies in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated, be, and the same hereby is appropriated.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON,
Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
January 22, 1806.
APPROVED
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To provide for light houses in Long Island Sound, and to declare Roxbury, in the state of Massachusetts, to be a port of delivery.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the treasury shall be, and he hereby is authorised and required, to cause two good and sufficient light houses to be erected in Long Island Sound, one to be placed on Watch Hill Point, in the town of Westerly, and state of Rhode Island, and the other on Sands or Watch Point, in the town of Northampton, on Long Island, in the state of New-York, and to appoint the keepers of the said light houses (under the direction of the President of the United States) and otherwise provide for such light Houses at the expense of the United States; Provided, That sufficient land, for the accommodation of such light houses, can be obtained at a reasonable price, and the legislatures of Rhode Island and New-York shall cede the jurisdiction over the same to the United States. And a sum not exceeding six thousand dollars is hereby appropriated for the purpose of defraying the expence of erecting the said light houses, to be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the secretary of the treasury, to cause the said light Houses so to be constructed, that their lights, on being discovered, may with certainty be distinguished from those of all other light houses heretofore erected in their neighbourhood.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the town or landing place of Roxbury, in the state of Massachusetts, shall be a port of delivery, to be annexed to the district of Boston and Charlestown, and shall be subject to the same regulations and restrictions, as other ports of delivery in the United States.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEORGE CLINTON,
Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
1806, January 22.
APPROVED
TH: JEFFERSON.
D. PETER
NOTIFIES to such gentlemen as have heretofore made consignments to Mr. William Murdoch, London, or may in future be disposed to do so, that he is duly authorised to conduct his business at this place, and make such advances upon shipments as the prices in Europe will justify.
George Town, Jan. 24—8t
Valuable Property For Sale.
THE Subscriber offers for sale a number of valuable heights convenient to the city of Washington about 2 1-2 miles from the President's House and near the same distance from the Capitol, and command a handsome view of the City, river Potomac, and Alexandria. Lot No. 1. contains 60 acres, No. 2. contains 42 acres. No. 3. contains 102 acres. No. 4. contains 19 acres; Likewise a lot lying between John Tayloe, and Dr. Worthington, containing from 80 to 100 acres. Those lots will be sold together or apart as may suit purchasers.
Terms may be known by applying to James White or Rev. John Breckenridge near the property.
Jan. 24—wtf.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JANUARY 27.
We understand that, in consequence of the declension of Gabriel Duvall, William Kilty is appointed, and has accepted the office of Chancellor of the state of Maryland.
An arrival at New York from Bourdeaux, tho' not bringing intelligence to as late a date as we have already received, brings the 18th and 19th official bulletins of the grand army of France, the details of which have been already given. It also brings the 5th bulletin of the army of Italy, by which it appears the French army had pursued the Austrians to Vincence, had taken that city, with 800 prisoners and 1000 wounded. After which they pursued the Austrian army to the village of St. Pierre in Gu, carried it and took 600 prisoners. The French army having reached the Brenera, a heavy cannonade ensued from one bank to the other, which was only terminated by the night. In the morning a part of the French army forced the river, and in the evening arrived at Castel Franco. The right division was expected to occupy Padua the 14th Brumaire, the date of the bulletin, and the left to occupy Passans.
Paris, 23d Brumaire (Nov. 14.) The following is an extract of a letter from Milan, dated Nov. 9, which contains details respecting the flight of the archduke Charles, subsequent to those which we read in the 5th bulletin from the army of Italy. "At the moment at which I am writing to you the whole of Italy must have been evacuated by the Austrians. It was expected they would endeavor to retreat through Syria and Carinthia, which might still have afforded them some passages by which to escape from the grand army. The archduke Charles believed that he saw a more speedy retreat in the Tyrol, and he will there be placed between two fires. Austrian prisoners and deserters come in in crowds. They express joy at finding themselves among the French, and above all at having bread to eat. They cannot express all the hardships which they have suffered. A contribution of 400,000 francs has been imposed by the French on Verona and one million on Padua. The Austrians have abandoned Venice, but it is believed that it is yet occupied by the Russians. The greatest joy prevails in the kingdom of Italy."
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in Frederick county, Virginia near Front Royal, on the 24th inst. a likely mulatto man named BILL WOOD, about 20 years of age, and about 5 feet 6 or 8 inches. The boy was formerly the property of John T. Mason, esq. of George Town; had on when he went away a blue outfit, a flier jacket made of white plains, which he has since dyed black or purple, also a pair of mist kersey pantaloons, a pair of white yarn home made stockings, a house made pair of shoes, a pair of spurs, and I think he has a red colored waistcoat, besides a great many other clothes which I cannot describe. I am informed he has stolen a bay horse or mare, which he was seen with at Raberry Plains near Leesburg. It is highly probable that he is making towards Manassas, where he has a mother living, he has also a father living by the name of John Wood.
Whoever will apprehend said fellow and secure him in any jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward.
GEORGE BAYLY.
January 3 w4t
LAND FOR SALE.
DESIROUS of removing to Kentucky, the Subscriber will sell his estate at the Falls Rappahannock, on which he resides containing 1051 acres—being sit in one mile of the two improving towns of Fredericksburg and Falmouth and several manufacturing mills, independent of which it is believed that few tracts of land in Virginia embrace within their boundaries as many real advantages.
FRANCIS HORTON,
near Fredericksburg.
January 24—2w3w
The Washington Building
Company having determined to suspend payment on their shares after FIFTY DOLLARS shall have been paid on each share.
Resolved, By the Building Committee That one certificate be issued by the Secretary in favor of each share upon which there shall have been paid the full sum of fifty dollars, together with all flock, fines, and monthly payments accruing thereon, which certificate shall specify that all dues and demands on the said share have been paid.
All persons concerned as aforesaid, are notified that unless they comply with the said payments on or before the first day of February 1806, they will at that time, forfeit their shares agreeable to the articles of the company.
JOHN DOUGLAS, Chairman pro tem. Dec. 2—wtf
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in Ann Arundel county, on Monday night, the 9th of December

FOR SALE the Office of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER AND AT RAPINE'S BOOK STORE. PRICE ONE DOLLAR. An Examination OF THE BRITISH DOCTRINE, WHICH SUBJECTS TO CAPTURE A NEUTRAL TRADE, NOT OPEN IN TIME OF PEACE. January 17.
DESERTED. FROM on board the United States Frigate United States, the following seamen, viz. ON the night of Tuesday the 24th instant, James Mihan, a man about 5 feet 7 and 1/2 inches high, fresh complexion, stout made, dark blue eyes and dark hair. On Monday the 20th inst. William Poles, a man about 5 feet 11 inches high, straight made, black eyes, black hair and thin visage. Whoever secures said deserters and delivers them to me at the Navy Yard, Washington, shall receive TEN DOLLARS reward for each, and reasonable charges paid by JOHN CASSIN, Washington Navy Yard, Jan. 22d, 1806.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Law, on Capitol Hill. Washington. July 26—tf
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Sept. 9, 1805. Several persons under the impression that the public lots in this city are to be disposed of in future by public sales only, having made enquiries when the next sale will probably take place, are requested to state that those lots may at any time be purchased at private sale of the Superintendent of the City. Sept. 9—tf
FALL & WINTER GOODS JOHN COX HAS this day received a Large addition to his former supply of FALL and WINTER GOODS, which makes his assortment very complete. Most of his goods were bought on such terms as to enable him to offer them by piece or retail Lower than the regular importers can afford to sell at. George town O.9. 18—M1&UGeptf
WANTED, A WOMAN that understands plain cooking and house work; likewise a GIRL of about 14 years of age to take care of children—none need apply but those who can bring unexceptionable recommendations. Enquire at the and house from the west end of the Six Buildings and at this office. Nov. 27—tf
ON a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 83 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Hanlon at the navy yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON, Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf
KING'S HOTEL. The subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public generally, that he has moved from the Navy Yard to the Capitol Hill, in the hotel lately occupied by Mr. P. D. Stelle, where he hopes to be favoured with a part of their patronage. It being a desirable situation, and the conveniences of the hotel excelled by none in the city. He therefore hopes to please those that call upon him in every instance. WILLIAM R. KING. August 30—tf
NOTICE is hereby given that the partnership of Joseph Cassin, & Co. will be dissolved on the 3d of February next by mutual consent. Those persons having claims against the firm are requested to bring forward their accounts for settlement, and those indebted will please make immediate payment to Joseph Cassin, who is authorised to settle the accounts of said firm. JOSEPH CASSIN, JOSEPH COSTIGAN. January 20 6t
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber at Mount Tizah, M. C. a negro man by the name of BEN, 29 years of age, about 5 feet high, well made, dark complexion, and has bad teeth, he took with him a deep blue broadcloth coat, also a light mixed home spun one with a black cape, black satin waistcoat, a velvet and worsted pair of pantaloons, it is expected he will endeavor to get to New York (under the idea of being free) as he was there born—All masters of vessels and others are hereby forewarned harboring said fellow at their peril. The above reward will be given and reasonable charges paid to any person securing said negro in jail JOHN MOORE. Jan. 20—3t
Notice is hereby given, that the subscriber is authorised by the administrator to collect all debts due to the estate of John Dunlap late of George Town deceased—All persons indebted are therefore desired to call and settle their accounts, as otherwise suits will be commenced immediately. JOHN MURDOCH. George Town, Dec. 12—tf
CONFORMABLY to an order issued from the hon. court of Calvert County at September term last, the subscribers will offer at Public Auction on Tuesday the 4th day of February next, if fair, if not the first fair day thereafter, at the late residence of Nathan Smith deceased, at the hour of 12 o'clock, A valuable Tract of Land containing Four Hundred and Fourteen acres, and Fourteen Perches.—This truly fertile spot may justly be ranked as first rate land, the soil being extremely rich, capable of producing wheat, hemp, flax, clover, timothy, Indian corn and fine tobacco; the greater part of this beautiful place lies extremely level, and we should do injustice to it, if we neglected to say that few places are equal and none can excel it; the improvements are convenient and in tolerable repair, and as it is presumable those who are inclined to purchase will view the premises previous to the day of sale, it renders a full detail of the improvements unnecessary. This place lies within four miles of Nottingham and about six from Pig Point, has a sufficiency of timber and wood to import it, a tolerable apple orchard, with other fruit trees. The terms of sale are, that bond and approved security will be required, on the day of sale, payable in two equal payments, the first in twelve, and the second in eighteen months, with yearly interest on the purchase money unpaid, the sale to be subject to the ratification and confirmation of the court, and upon the whole purchase money and interest being paid (and not before) the purchaser or purchasers will receive an indisputable title to the premises to be bargained and sold. Possession will be given on the day of sale. This land will be sold altogether or in lots as may appear most conducive to the interest of the representatives. Joseph Blake, Charles Williamson, Richard Ireland, Jun. } Com'rs. Nov. 27—2m
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, NEW JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. Respectfully informs the gentlemen of the District of Columbia that in addition to his former stock he has received by late arrivals at Philadelphia from London a choice assortment of superfine cloths, single and double milled cashmeres, Bennetts pincord, woolverteen and waistcoating, fancy and black silk moiré, all of superior quality and newest fashion, plain and stripe black velvets, constitution cord, knap coatings, flushing flannels, &c. &c. with a variety of other articles in his line, and he pledges himself, to those gentlemen who shall favor him with their orders to complete them in the newest style of fashion. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, navy uniforms, made in the most fashionable manner. Washington, Dec. 18—tf
Twenty Dollars Reward, WILL be given for apprehending negro FAME a very low and tolerable lusty woman about 38 years of age, but from appearance older, very black and much marked with the small pox which occasioned a small defect in one of her eyes, has lost one of her foreteeth, she is very artful and cunning, having procured a free pass, and passes by the name of Charity Shorter; she was formerly the property of John Chittenden of this county, and was run away for near eight years, was apprehended and sold to me in 1803 and was hired by me to a certain Thomas King of Prince George's county, from whom she absconded in Oct. 1804 and has been lurking. I do suppose near where she was hired or gone to Calvert county where I have understood her husband has gone. The above reward will be given to any person who will lodge her in jail so that I get her again, or deliver her to Mr. Samuel Speake city of Washington, or to the subscriber living in Charles county Maryland, near Fort Tobacco. P. S. I forewarn any person from harboring or employing said woman, at their peril. MARRY SIMMS. Nov. 27—tf
NOTICE, THE Commissioners appointed by virtue of a commission of Bankruptcy issued and awarded on the 10th April 1802 against Washington Bowie, will meet at the Union Tavern on Saturday the 1st day of February next at 10 o'clock A.M. for the purpose of receiving proofs of such claims against the estate of the said Bowie as have not yet been exhibited and proven. They will then also declare a dividend of the assets in hand, from the benefit of which such creditors as shall not then have proved their claims will be excluded. The dividend will be paid on application to the subscriber. WALTER SMITH, surviving assignee of Washington Bowie. George Town, January 1—tf
Prince George County. Pursuant to a decree from the court of chancery, I shall offer for SALE, at PUBLIC AUCTION, in the town of Piscataway, on Monday, the 3d of February next, ALL the real estate, not heretofore sold, of Thomas Claget, esq. late of Prince George's county, deceased, to wit: That handsome well improved lot, in the town of Piscataway; 850 acres of rich fertile land part of several different tracts, commodiously adjoining each other, on Piscataway branch, near the tobacco warehouse, and on the navigation of Potomac river, well wooded, and a great proportion of rich meadow; it will be sold in one body, or in lots, as may best suit those who wish to purchase. The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole, or of any part, shall give bond, with approved security, to the trustee for the payment of the purchase money, with the interest thereon from the day of sale, in four equal annual instalments. On the chancellor's ratifying the sale, and on the payment of the purchase money and interest, and not before, a good deed to be given by the trustee to the purchaser or purchasers, and his, her or their heirs, for the land to him, her, or them sold, free, clear, and discharged from all claims of the heirs of the said Thomas Claget. THOMAS DUCKETT, Trustee. Dec. 23—cp
STELLE'S HOTEL & CITY TAVERN. THE Subscriber takes this method of thanking his friends and the public for their favors whilst on the Capitol Square and begs leave to acquaint them that he has taken the Spacious Hotel lately erected by Mr. Carroll, near the Capitol. The hotel being above one hundred feet in front, and containing fifty rooms enables the subscriber to offer every accommodation to members of Congress and travellers which can be expected in a public house. PONTIUS D. STELLE. Washington City, March 25—tf N. B.—P. D. S. will rent the house lately occupied by him on the adjoining square
Twenty Dollars Reward. AARON, a mulatto man about 43 years old, left the city of Washington early in October, and was seen on the road leading from Alexandria to Leesburg in company with a black woman, who I am informed is the property of some person in the vicinity of this place—He is about 5 feet 10 inches high, has freckled hair, very bald in one of his eye brows (I think it is the left) near his nose, there is an indented scar occasioned by a stroke he received, which fractured the bone in that place, and whenever he has it in his power never fails to drink to excess. It is probable that he has gone to Jefferson or Berkeley county in Virginia, where he formerly resided, and from thence will endeavor to go to Kentucky. The above reward will be paid to any person who will have him committed to jail, and give information thereof to the subscriber in George Town, district of Columbia. EDWARD GANTT. Nov. 11—tf
FOR SALE. IN the county of Albemarle, Virginia, 971 acres of land lying on both sides of Hardaway river, generally adapted to small grain corn and tobacco with a great abundance of meadow land. About four hundred acres are cleared most of which are low grounds; and it is perhaps capable of the highest improvement of any land in this part of the world by having an inexhaustible source of rich mud or soil that has been accumulating for ages. The situation is fine, healthy, convenient to two tobacco warehouses, the court house and several merchant mills and in a very respectable neighbourhood. Hardaway river is capable of being made navigable into James river from several miles above this tract for which there is an act of assembly. There is on the land a large two story dwelling house, almost new and other convenient houses—at about half a mile from which, there is also an old dwelling house, kitchen and store house, that may be made with some repairs capable of accommodating a genteel family. There is also on the premises between 90 and 100 000 bricks well burnt which will be disposed of on reasonable terms. The payments required will be one third cash and the remainder at two equal annual instalments. Any person wishing to purchase or view the said land will apply to the subscriber living on the premises CHARLES WINGFIELD. January 1—6w
LUMBER Wanted Immediately, PROPOSALS sealed up, post paid & addressed to Robert Underwood, of this city, will be received until the fourth Monday in the present month, stating precisely the lowest terms on which the proposer is willing to contract for supplying the following described lumber, to be delivered at the Tiber creek, in this city, and which is designed for improving the navigation of said creek, so as to admit vessels of One Hundred Tons and upwards to pass up at least 3000 feet from its junction with the Potomac, viz. 4 or 500 Red Cedar or White Oak poles, from 15 to 18 feet long, capable of squaring 7 inches at the but end, and to designate the price of each kind of timber. Four hundred White Oak Poles, 20 feet long, to square 3 x 2 or 4 inches at the top end. Thirty thousand feet of 2 inch pitch pine plank, from 10 to 12 feet long. Washington city, Dec. 16—tf
BOARDING & LODGING. THREE or FOUR gentlemen may be accommodated with Boarding and Lodging, on moderate terms, by applying at Mrs. Sweeney's in F street nearly opposite the Office of Discount and Deposit. January 3—tawtf
Fresh Garden Seeds, &c. THEOPHILUS HOLT respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has received from London per ship Marsto Baltimore, and for sale, a very extensive assortment of fresh Garden Seeds, garden tools, grass seeds, bird seed. Split peas and flour of mustard by the pound. He also has for sale a variety of bulbous flower roots, fruit trees, flowering shrubs, Lombardy poplars, &c. &c. The customary allowance made to Gardeners and those who purchase to sell again. Washington City, Dec. 13—2awtf P. S. An assortment of the garden seeds are for sale at Dr. Ott's George Town.
Thirty Dollars Reward, FOR apprehending and securing in jail negro JACOB who is a low well made fellow, about 25 years of age, complexion rather black, tho' not deep, has a pleasant countenance, is stout made about the shoulders and breast with small legs, has a stoopage in his speech and cannot make a quick reply, when spoken to without shutting his eyes or being in motion, which is very observable, his clothing was blue negro cotton jacket and overalls, osnaburg shirt, and wool hat, though they are subject to change, he was late the property of Richard B. Beall of Fauquier county, Virginia, and eloped about the 6th of November last. The constables and others of the city of Washington, George Town, Alexandria, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Norfolk are requested to look out for the said runaway slave, as the above reward will be immediately paid him on the terms specified by JOH KEDDLE. City of Washington, Dec. 16—2awtf
PHILADELPHIA IRON FOUNDRY. THE subscriber has taken the Philadelphia Iron Foundry, situated in Southwark between Front and Second and Queen and Christian streets, for the convenience of executing his own castings for his steam engines, &c. But proposes to execute any orders that he may be favored with in that line; either for engines, mill-works, sugar-rollers, rolling sitting Mills Forge Work, Cranes, Gudgeons, Cogwheels, Ketles, Pans, &c in short all casting of iron, either in sand or loam—He wishes to draw the attention of millers to their own interest, by adopting for all the running gears of a mill, cast iron cog wheels, of spur and bevel gear, they will come cheaper in the first instance and last for ages. He means to have made by an experienced workman, a set of the most perfect moulds from which all the necessary movements for rolling reals and the machinery for merchant flour mills may be produced. He will undertake to assist in the arrangement of the suitable sizes of wheels to produce the proper motions, upon being informed of the number of revolutions per minute, and number of cogs in the wheel, by which the machinery is to be put in motion. He makes Steam engines on his new and simple principles, for any purpose for which they may be wanted; their cost will be about half that of the old construction and consume less fuel. He keeps for sale as usual, Stone Coals, Ruer Millstones, and bolting cloths of the best quality. Application to be made either at the Furnace or his Counting house, near the corner of Ninth and Market-streets. OLIVER F. ENNIS. Jan. 1. 21w5w
25 DOLLARS REWARD, Will be given for apprehending a negro man named LEN—he is 37 or 40 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high or thereabout, and of a dark complexion, with short wool and cross eyes; he is pockmarked and stammers very much; he formerly belonged to major Chew, living at the head of Herring Bay, who disposed of him to Mr. Wm. Campbell near Fredericktown Maryland; Dr. Manuel Kent who lives at Lower Marlboro, purchased him of Mr. Campbell and sold him to the subscriber. LEN was seen, during the months of April and May last, near Lower Marlboro and it is presumed that he is now near one of the aforementioned places. I will give FIFTEEN DOLLARS on his being secured in jail and information given to me, so that I may get him immediately, or the above reward if he be delivered to me at the Navy Yard in the city of Washington. NICHOLAS VOSS. Nov. 22—2awtf
PROPOSALS. For carrying mails of the United State on the following post roads will be received at the General Post Office until the 8th day of February next, inclusive. 1st. From Washington city by Upper Marlboro and Queen Anne to Annapolis twice a week. Leave Washington every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 A. M. arrive at Upper Marlboro by 10 A. M. and at Annapolis same days by 6 P. M. Returning—Leave Annapolis every Monday and Thursday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Washington the same days by 6 P. M. 2nd. From Annapolis by Rock Hall to Chestertown once a week. Leave Annapolis every Wednesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Chestertown by 6 P. M. Returning. Leave Chestertown every Tuesday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Annapolis by 6 P. M. 3rd. From Chestertown by Church Hill and Centerville to Bason twice a week. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Bason by 6 P. M. Leave Bason every Tuesday and Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Centerville by 6 P. M. 4th. From Chestertown by Georgetown & Roads, Sassafras, Warwick, Middletown and Christians to Wilmington twice a week. Leave Wilmington every Tuesday and Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Chestertown by 8 P. M. Leave Chestertown every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Wilmington by 8 P. M. 5th. From Camden by Statesburg, Jamerville, Nelsons ferry and Mousk's Corner to Charleston twice a week. Leave Camden every Thursday and Sunday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Charleston on Saturday and Tuesday by 10 A. M. Leave Charleston every Saturday and Tuesday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Camden on Monday and Thursday by 8 P. M. 6th. From Nashville T. by Franklin, Occa-choppe, M'Intoshes, Grindstone Ford, Port Gibson, Greensville, Eutaw, Washington and Natchez, to Fort Adams once a week. Leave Nashville every Friday at 4 A. M. arrive at Natchez on Sunday by 2 P. M. in 9 1/2 days, and at Fort Adams on Monday by 10 A. M. Returning. Leave Fort Adams every Monday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Nashville T. in 10 1/2 days on Thursday by 9 P. M. The contracts for the first five routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next and to continue in force for one year and the contract for the route number 6 is to commence at the same time and to continue in force for six months until the 30th of September next. On the customary conditions and penalties for forfeitures and delays. GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master-general. General Post Office, Dec. 30, 1805—tawtf
NOTICE: ENOCH SPALDING is appointed Collector of fines for the 1st Legion of the District of Columbia. By order, WM. D. BEALL, Clk. January 13—3w
NOTICE THE Subscribers to the Washington Public School Institution are hereby informed that the second instalment of their subscription is this day due. Those who will make it convenient to call at the city treasurer's office and pay up their instalments will much oblige the subscriber, and those who will not make it convenient to call will also much oblige by not permitting the subscriber to call on them the second time. WASHINGTON BOYD, Treasurer of Public Schol Institution. Jan. 3—2awtf
BOLTING CLOTHS. RECEIVED a general assortment of warranted Bolting Cloths of Oliver Evans of Philadelphia and have constantly for sale at my store in Bridge Street, George Town Co. lumhia. WM. MORGAN. 18 month 1, 1806—2awtf
1500 DOLLARS REWARD. HIGHWAY ROBBERY. YESTERDAY about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Mr. JOHN PETER, an Officer of the BANK OF COLUMBIA, was stopped on horseback on the road between this town and Alexandria, and within about a mile of the latter place, by some unknown villain, shot through the body with a pistol, and robbed of a sum of money in his possession belonging to this Institution which he was taking to Alexandria, for the purpose of exchanging with the banks there. The whole sum taken amounted Eighteen Thousand one hundred and Fourteen Dollars and Sixty five Cents, made up in several packages, among which were, Dol. C. 1 post note of the Bank of Virginia, for 800 1 do. of the same, for 500 1 do. of the same, for 500 1 do. of the same, for 450 1 do. of the Bank of Potomac in favor of Joseph Riddle by him endorsed to Washington Bowie, dated 6 July, 1805. No 117 149 65
A check of the Union Bank, in the Bank of Alexandria, drawn by R. Fitzgibbon, cashier, in favor of Greetham and Deveraux, by them endorsed and by Keny. Stodderd, and C. Smith, Teller. There were also a parcel of post notes of the Bank of Alexandria for 100 dollars, and for 50 dollars each. The remainder was in currency notes, principally of the banks of Alexandria and Potomac, and some few of the Bank of Virginia of different sizes and denominations. As the attack was sudden, and the wound received of a nature to deprive Mr. Peter instantly of his senses, (thence it is now hoped he will recover) the description obtained may not be very accurate—As far as we are informed—the man who perpetrated the act, is of middle stature, good countenance, and a genteel appearance. He had on a dark blue or black coat, nankeen pantaloons, shoes, and a black hat, he was on foot and alone at the time, but may have had accomplices concealed, and will probably change his clothes. FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given to any person or persons, who will detect and bring to conviction the robber; and ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS additional for the recovery of the whole of the money, or in proportion for any smaller sum recovered—should there be accomplices, and one of them make a discovery, so that it leads to the conviction of the robber, or to the recovery of the money he shall receive the above reward, and interest will be made to obtain his pardon. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier of the Bank of Columbia. George Town, July 31—
Pursuant to an order of the Orphan's court of Prince George's county, the subscribers will sell at public sale on Monday the 27th of January 1806, at the house of Caleb Taylor in Prince George's county about 6 miles from Upper Marlborough all the personal estate of the heirs of the late John Clark consisting of negroes, horses, cattle, hogs, plantation utensils, household furniture and a variety of other articles—the terms of sale are three years credit for all sums above five pounds, the purchaser or purchasers to give bond with two approved securities bearing interest from the day of sale, and the interest to be paid annually or the whole credit forfeited. ABRAHAM CLARK, GEORGE W. WILLITT, } Guardians, Prince George's county, January 6—2aw3w
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county, will be sold at public sale, on Tuesday 11th of next month (at Mr. Elisha Jones's near Broad Creek) part of the personal property of Joseph Gill, deceased; consisting of one negro man, four valuable milch cows and one horse. The above property will be sold on a credit of six months, with interest from the day of sale, the purchaser or purchasers giving bond with approved security—Sale to commence at 12 o'clock, if fair, if not the next fair day. MARY GILL, Administratrix. January 15—3w
IRON WORKS ON POTOMAC. The Subscriber has for Sale or Rent, a good seat for a Furnace upon the North Branch of Potomac in Hampshire county, with plenty of ore already investigated at considerable expense and found to be good, a constant and sufficient stream with upwards of 30 feet fall, and the wood of more than 9000 acres of well timbered land; enough of which is arable to form a complete establishment. Connected with this may also be rented the forge built by Mr. John Potts at the Great Falls of Potomac, now the property of the subscriber. It is conceived that these two seats are particularly worthy of the notice of Iron Masters of especial; as they are fully adequate to the supply of iron, in its various forms, to an extensive country, having great demand for that article, both above and below the Blue Ridge. The Hampshire property is free from every encumbrance, and the payment of a very few thousand dollars due to the proprietor of the free simple at the Great Falls (my lease of which is for upwards of 900 years at a low rent) for rents in arrears prior to my purchase, will render this property clear, and afford a complete establishment for all the various manufactures of iron, as well as for mills, with a convenient farm, &c. &c. I have seats equally eligible (if not superior) for furnace and forge, upon the river Shenandoah in this county, with ore, wood, and water, all convenient and abundant; which may be rented for a long term of years, with rich farming land attached thereto. FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Charles town, Jefferson Co. Virg. November 16—wtf