The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-03-27 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. 1006.
A DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MARCH 27, 1807.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
(By Authority.)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FEBRUARY 27.
DEBATE.
On the resolution offered by Mr. Broom for the better protection of the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus.
MR. BROOM—Mr. Speaker, I confess that the opposition which this resolution has met with does surprise and astonish me, and more especially when I consider the quarter from which it comes. That those who have been the most clamorous about the rights of the people, who have been jealous in the extreme of even the lawful exercise of power, who have assumed to themselves almost the exclusive privilege of protecting our rights, should now refuse even an inquiry whether those rights cannot be better protected is to me a problem which I cannot solve unless I suppose that these were principles and professions intended only for opposition, but never as the guide of administration. But when the principle is avowed that no laws shall be enacted for better securing our personal rights, and that no inquiry even on the subject shall be made at this time, lest it might cast a censure on the conduct of an officer who has violated them, I consider it my duty to protest against it. Sir, it is come to this, that when the commander in chief of the army of the U. S. shall turn his arms against our constitutional rights, that we shall not provide against future violations for fear of exciting a prejudice in the public mind against the officer? Prostrate indeed must be our condition when we can see our great rights of personal liberty trampled upon by a military commander, and be deterred from legislating lest the punishment of future violations should be construed into the murmur of disapprobation of the past. For my own part, I deprecate such a state of things, and in spite of party, trust that the highest legislative body of a free people will not be found so unfaithful to themselves and their country as to give it their sanction. But why, it is asked, am I thus zealous for the rights of the citizen? I arrange not the motives of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) for opposing this resolution, and without a word in explanation of my own, I would be willing that the public should judge between us of our motives by our conduct. But, Sir, it gives me pride and pleasure to avow my motives. I have been held with indignation and horror, citizens of the U. S. illegally arrested, denied their constitutional privileges, and transported at the will of a military commander, nearly 2000 miles, before they were delivered up to the custody of the law. Instead of seeing such conduct marked with abhorrence, I found the guardians of the people's right singing praises to the sacrifices of the patriot and the honor of the soldier. I beheld these victims of power delivered in solemn pomp to the ministers of justice, that they might crown with law his acts of tyranny and oppression. When I found these violations repeated and even aggravated; when I beheld a citizen of the U. S. arrested at the point of the bayonet, without any warrant whatever; imprisoned for weeks in his own country; cut off from all intercourse with family and friends; denied access to courts, and privilege of counsel, and deported under military escort from New Orleans to Washington, without any accusation, I considered it high time for Congress to put a stop to an evil which affected the rights of the whole community, and seemed to acknowledge no limits. I did hope that all would be sensible of these outrages, and with hearty zeal provide by efficient laws for the prevention of them in future. I did expect that the violations of the constitutional rights of any citizen, however mean and abject his situation, would, as it was a common interest, be made a common cause. With such views of this case, I could not reconcile it to myself to be a silent spectator. It is asked why so much sensibility for men who are charged with treason against government? I answer, that it is no matter how infamous the crime or how hardened the villain. Whenever the rights of personal liberty are attacked in the person of such offenders, it is a side blow aimed at the whole community, which they will and ought to feel most sensibly, and whenever the prejudices against a crime are made the pretext for the illegal oppression of the person charged, the attack is too dangerous to be trifled with, and I do consider that he who can without concern look upon such violations of the rights of others, and indifferently folding his arms, console him if that it is not his own case, is not worthy of the character of an American, or the privileges which he enjoys. If these men are guilty of treason, their crime is of the blackest kind; depraved indeed must be that heart which can conceive treason against the U. S. I have no
charity for the crime, and with all my heart would punish it. But I cannot consent to break through laws and constitution to punish the traitor, much less one who is only suspected of treason. Now let me ask gentlemen in my turn why they feel so much sensibility about general Wilkinson, and so little about the rights of the citizen? Are they afraid that the administration will be implicated with the general, or are they indignant at even the suspicion that the power that can do wrong? For myself, though I am willing to repossess all just confidence in the officers of our government, I am not so blinded by my devotion as to be willing to fall down in the dust and kiss the foot that tramples on me. I am not prepared to surrender my rights at the footstool of ministerial or military power; neither am I willing to cry peace! peace! when the rights of others are invaded.
The gentleman from Virginia has thought proper to congratulate me on my conversion to democracy, and to express his pleasure that my eyes have been opened. The gentleman would have done well to consider before this compliment, in what situation it placed him; for if I am advocating the principles of democracy, he is opposing them; and if my eyes are open, his must be shut. I wish it to be understood that I am not advocating the speculative abstract rights of man, but good old constitutional rights, such as have secured the civil liberty of England, from time immemorial, and such as will secure our own so long as we please to preserve them inviolate; and I shall not be deterred from my course, even by the charge of democracy—I mean here no disrespect to democracy, such as it ought to be understood, but only to that canting kind which promises much and performs but little. In a country boasting less of democracy than our own, such conduct as we have witnessed, would have produced the most dangerous convulsions. Suppose that in England, without any suspension of the Habeas Corpus, his majesty's secretary of state, upon his own warrant, had caused any British subject to be seized and dragged to the Tower, and there denied all intercourse with friends or council, and denied the privilege of Habeas Corpus; judging from the temper of the times, it would not be difficult to pronounce the consequence. The enraged passions of the multitude could be appeased with nothing but the restoration of rights thus unwarrantably suspended. It is alleged as if in justification of general Wilkinson's conduct, that twelve years ago, a member now of this House from Pennsylvania, was arrested upon the charge of being concerned in the western insurrection, and for three months denied the writ of Habeas Corpus. Without determining the degree of censure which ought to attach any where, I must remark that in truth, he could not obtain the writ, his case affords a strong proof that the laws are defective, and ought to be remedied. Whether the motives of general Wilkinson be good or bad, it is not now necessary to enquire. I am not moving an enquiry into past events, in order to punish those who have been guilty of violating our laws. I am merely asking that we should enquire, whether laws ought to be enacted more effectually to punish or prevent them in future, and I urge it as the strongest reason for such an enquiry, that existing laws have been found by experience insufficient to prevent such abuses; and I contend that the punishment already provided, is by no means adequate to violations so gross, as those we have lately witnessed. But gentlemen contend that we don't know whether our privileges have been abused, until we hear general Wilkinson's justification. Sir, we are not indebted for our knowledge to whisper or rumour. There is no longer any room to doubt, whether our constitutional rights have been violated. We have received official information of the facts, and that information is recorded on our journals. The message of the President of the 22nd of January informs us that two persons have been seized at New Orleans by gen. Wilkinson, and embarked for ports in the Atlantic states, and promises that upon their arrival they shall be delivered over to the custody of the law. Gen. Wilkinson states that Mr. Bollman, one of the persons so seized, was required by the superior court, but that he got rid of that affair under the usual liability for damages. Another message informs us of their arrival here, and that measures are taken to hold them in custody. These facts warrant me in saying, that, in defiance of the constitution of the U. S. persons have been seized by military authority, that they were demanded by the civil authority, that the military refused to deliver them up, and that they were transported under military guard and by military authority alone, to this city, and that here the first steps were taken to put them into the custody of the law. Is it possible that we can shut our eyes upon these transactions, or reconcile it to ourselves to become the mere passive spectators of this violent usurpation of power? What excuse can any
man render to his country for his supineness, in case of the commission of future violations? Can he plead his ignorance of what is officially communicated to him? Or can he say he was not warned of the dangerous consequences of these measures, or of the insufficiency of the laws to prevent them? The whole country know the fact, and deprecate the consequences, and they know also that we have received official information of them, and they look to us, as their representatives, to use every means in our power to prevent the recurrence of them. Can any man be willing that his right to personal liberty shall depend on the will of an executive or military officer? If he can, he does not deserve to possess the right, and is well represented by those who refuse to protect it. But let me caution gentlemen that this is not the temper of the majority of the nation, and that they have not so far sunk into apathy, or forgotten their rights of personal liberty, as to support the power that openly violates them. Let gentlemen beware how far they rely on the confidence heretofore placed in them; upon questions of policy in the administration of government the people reposing confidence in those who govern, may not give themselves much trouble to think whether they are right or wrong—but when great constitutional rights are invaded, opposition arises not from matter of opinion only, but national feeling inspired by a common sense of danger; and if such invasion is made by those in whom too much confidence has been placed, that opposition will be heightened by resentment and indignation. I wish gentlemen to be sensible of their great responsibility. If these measures, had been pursued during the recesses with what anxious eyes would the nation have looked forward to the meeting of Congress. The executive standing alone would, as they ought, have borne all the responsibility: but when all branches of government are in the full exercise of their functions, and no enquiry is made nor notice taken of it, the people can hardly believe in the extent of this usurpation of power; because to believe it they must impeach the fidelity of their representatives. The constitutional check of one branch upon another was intended to prevent the unlawful exercise of power by either; but if representatives can content themselves with officially viewing the prostration of the constitutional rights of the citizen at the nod of a military commander, and can see with indifference the highest executive authority availing themselves of such means to procure what they term the end of justice, these intended checks not only cease to be salutary, but become dangerous, by affording only a false security. In speaking of probable cause of arrest, I confined my observations to the case of Mr. Alexander. I have seen no message informing us of the particulars of this case, but it is said that this gentleman in his professional character, moved the court at N. Orleans for a writ of Habeas Corpus, for one of the persons arrested by military orders; upon the refusal of the general to obey the writ, he either moved, or was about to move the court, for an attachment against him, and was soon after arrested by order of the general, and transported to Fort M'Henry at Baltimore; from thence he was brought to this city, and taken before a judge of the territory of Columbia, where he was informed that there was no charge against him sufficient to warrant his arrest, and he was accordingly discharged. I now put it to the candor of gentlemen to say whether in this case there was any probable cause of arrest, or whether the same outrage might not be practised upon any other citizen of the U. S. upon the same principle, by the commander of any fort or garrison; and I will ask, also, whether the general might not as well have sent him to California, or Nootka Sound? for he was not charged with any offence upon which he was liable to arrest. If we have constitutional privileges, we must be always ready to protect them; and if the privileges now violated, are not worth protecting, where are we to make the stand? When we see a cancer even in the extremities of the body politic, we must apply the knife, or the caustic, or it will reach the vitals. There ought to be no temporising; for it will become the more inveterate and confirmed, the longer we delay. Without the most prompt attention to the preservation of our privileges, we may have the form, but we shall not long have the substance of a free government—and of all governments, I think that the worst, where the sound of liberty supplies the place of the reality, and a thousand petty tyrants take shelter under the cloak of republicanism. This resolution is opposed by a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bidwell) on two grounds.—First, that we must necessarily decide on the innocence or guilt of gen. Wilkinson.—Second, that the laws are already sufficient. With respect to the first, I have already contended that the laws, providing only for future cases, will have no retrospective effect. I would be sorry to try general Wilkinson or any other person, without
suffering him to be heard; but we know from his own letters that the laws have been violated—we know that these violations seriously affect the dearest rights of the citizen, and we cannot deny that such violations ought to be guarded against by efficient laws. These facts then are sufficient to justify an enquiry, whether such efficient laws do exist; and as they are facts which no one will deny, it cannot injure gen. W. or any other person if we make laws to guard against the recurrence of them in future. It is said these men could not be tried at N. Orleans—it is not material to inquire in our discussion this question; for if they could not be tried they might have been imprisoned there until they were transferred according to law to the place where a trial could be had—but it can never be justifiable in a military officer to seize and deport to any part of the U. S. any citizen whom he might suspect of guilt. If it were admitted, an officer might carry a man from place to place until he found judges and juries disposed to convict—the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding. Gen. Wilkinson's zeal may have been sincere and his motives pure, and the pressure of circumstances such as to make him feel justifiable in his conduct—but, Sir, we never can with safety entrust such unlimited discretion to any military officer; & such conduct, however innocent the motives, ought to be guarded against by the most severe laws. The second objection of the gentleman from Massachusetts is, that the laws are already sufficient. They surely have not been effectual to prevent the abuse of the privilege of Habeas Corpus. The writ was issued at New Orleans and general Wilkinson in open court took upon himself the responsibility of refusing to obey it. The writ was issued at Charleston and the officer refused to obey it—and the military continued in possession of their prisoner until they arrived at the place of their destination. The people of England never considered the writ of Habeas Corpus perfectly secure until it was strengthened by the statute of Charles. It seems generally agreed that provisions similar to that statute would be useful; but some gentlemen say that it extends to the United States: and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smith) admits that if it does not extend, similar provisions ought to be made. Statutes declaratory of the common law are sometimes received in our courts; but I believe that it never was considered that penal statutes could extend without express legislative provision. In Delaware, Pennsylvania, and New York, and perhaps other states, laws have been made to supply the provisions of the statute of Charles and upon the principle that the statute did not extend. If these provisions are useful and there could be a doubt about the statute, the laws of the United States ought to provide, although the constitution secures the privilege and the laws authorize the judges to grant the writ, yet without penalties, the privilege is too liable to be abused. If an officer refuses obedience to the writ of Habeas Corpus, what remedy has the injured party? He must sue for false imprisonment and if any prejudice exists against him, or in favor of the officer, he will recover only nominal damages. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) avows, that if he was on the jury, he would give no damages if he was convinced the officer acted with honest intentions: and we can well conceive such prejudice to exist against a man charged with a heinous offence, as would prevent him from recovering real damages: for the abhorrence of the crime is often transferred to the party accused.
When illegal conduct is committed under color of authority, the whole community is affected & an atonement ought to be made to society as well as to the individual. The remedy for false imprisonment should still exist; but the officer should be subject to a penalty not to be assessed at the discretion of the jury, but to be fixed by law. The officer should also, having abused his power, be for ever disqualified from holding any place of profit, honor, or trust, under the United States. By this no man would be deprived of a trial by jury, because the penalty and disqualification, should only attach, upon being found guilty by a verdict of a jury. It is objected by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early) that this resolution is not brought forward in due time. To this I answer that the events that have given rise to it are of recent origin. The gentleman also objects that we should be obliged to call on the President for information. If he is afraid of such in-
AN ACT Establishing the size of brick moulds in the city of Washington.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the first and second chambers of the City council of Washington, That from and after the twentieth day of April next, all bricks made or brought into the city of Washington, for sale, shall be made in moulds of the following dimensions, that is to say, place bricks in moulds nine inches and one eighth long in the clear; four inches and five eighths broad in the clear; and two inches and five eighths deep. Stock brick in moulds nine inches and one eighth long in the clear, four inches and five eighths broad in the clear; and two inches and three quarters deep; which moulds shall be stamped with the letter W. by the scaler of weights and measures, who shall receive as a compensation therefor, from the owner of such moulds, the sum of six cents for each mould so stamped.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That, if after the said twentieth day of April any person or persons shall sell or expose to sale within the city of Washington, bricks made in moulds of less dimensions than those above described, or in moulds not stamped, they shall forfeit and pay one dollar for every thousand bricks, or any smaller quantity sold or exposed to sale, one half thereof to the informer, and the other to the use of the city: Provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to impose any fine on the sale of bricks which shall be proved to have been in the city previous to the said twentieth day of April; and provided also that such bricks shall be of the size prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to regulate the size of bricks in the city of Washington," which act is hereby repealed.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Register to have this act put in hand bills, and posted up in the most public parts of the city, and to furnish each brick-maker with a copy thereof previous to the tenth day of April next.
T. H. GILLISS, President of the First Chamber. PHINEAS BRADLEY, President of the Second Chamber. Approved, March 19th, 1807. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test, THOMAS HERTY, Register.
SALE AT AUCTION.
On Wednesday the 12th day of April will be sold at public auction at the House of Dr. JOHN SULLIVAN, living near the Marine Barracks, all his
Household & Kitchen Furniture, consisting of Mahogany and other beds, beds, bureaus, chairs, mahogany dining tea and card tables, sofas, dressing tables, wash stands, Brussels and Scotch carpeting, the greater part of which is new, large pier and dressing glasses, lamps, plated and other candlesticks, lamps, handsome grate fenders and flannels and tongs, curtains quite new and handsomely made, gilt window curtains, beds, mattresses and bed furniture, good paintings and prints in frames, dining and tea china, cut and plain glass, silver and plated ware, consisting of tea furniture, ladies' irons and boilers—also, one coach and a traveling carriage nearly new, with harness; a pair of good horse harness, and one double barrel towing piece.
The sale to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, if fair, if not, the next fair day, and continue from day to day until all are sold.
Terms made known at time and place of sale.
The goods may be viewed two days previous to the sale.
SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auctioneer. March 24—tdf.
LOST or MISLAID,
THREE Navy SIX per Cent certificates of the following description.
No 41 for 1000 dollars. 96 for 400 do. 109 for 100 do.
$1500 Dollars in all, dated 4th August 1800 in favor of Wm. Patterson, and this public notice is given, that new certificates may issue to replace those that have been lost.
WILLIAM TIERSON, Washington February 11—6w
CHARLES H. VARDEN, Merchant Taylor
New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia, he has imported by Miss ELIZA ANN lately arrived at Philadelphia,
A choice assortment
Of extra Superior cloths, Bennetts, Velvets, and Corduroys, cambric, single and double milled Swiss cloths, fashionable Spanish Orleans and Tartanets, richilk Moleskin velvets, silk and linen Florentine, with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Ladies habits, regimentals and navy uniforms made in the first line of fashion.
Richard Harwel's celebrated patent parallel suspenders, can be had on the same terms as at his manufactory.
November 12—tf

Corruption, it rarely furnishes some reason to suspect, that there is something rotten. I do not charge the executive with the conduct of general Wilkinson, the share of responsibility which may belong to that quarter depends on circumstances with which we are probably unacquainted and the course which they may hereafter pursue.
Mr JACKSON had hoped that the gentleman from Delaware would have contended himself with protesting his regard for the rights of the citizen, and not troubled the House with the long speech which he had delivered on the occasion. Mr J. did it give him alarm to find such sympathy for men guilty of the most atrocious crimes. Treason in some countries may be an act of magnanimity but here it is the will of all crimes, because it aims at the destruction of the best government & the happiest state of society in the world.
Mr J. deprecated legislating from the impulse of the moment. It had proved the bane of that party under whose banners the gentleman from Delaware had marshalled himself. If a man ventured to expose the conduct of the then existing administration, he was to be gagged with the sedition law; if he failed in showing due respect to the ruling powers, he was to be transported by the alien act.
Mr J. concurred that the privileges of the writ of Habeas Corpus were amply secured by the constitution, an authority paramount to any act of the legislature. It was in his opinion so guarded as even to endanger the acquittal of criminals.
Mr J. proceeded to observe that if any officer will violate the constitution and take the responsibility, it is in vain to make laws in order to prevent it. But were there no circumstances to justify Wilkinson? He saw treason lurking on every side. There are cases in which necessity affords a complete palliation. The President's message does not confirm the declaration of the gentleman from Delaware, that there were no grounds for a charge against Alexander. Mr J. here read Wilkinson's affidavit. Does it not show that they are all linked together? Wilkinson believed, and no doubt justly, that these persons could not be safely imprisoned at New Orleans. When it appeared that the judges, at least one of them, was desirous not to oppose the treason, it would have been madness in the extreme to have left the traitors there, and especially when it was expected that Burr would soon arrive with a powerful force.
The relief for abuses of the writ of Habeas Corpus is in trial by jury. This is the best relief. But the violator is also liable to impeachment, and is amenable to the government. The outrages spoken of have a remedy; the privilege of the writ is amply secured. If the constitution has been broken, a law would also have been broken in the same circumstances. Mr J. then concluded by announcing his determination to vote against the reference of the resolution.
Several members were rising to speak, when an adjournment was moved and carried—Ayes 60.
(To be continued.)
Deposition of Ensign Small.
Sir,
Hitherto actuated by too great a regard for private friendship, and a mistaken value for the opinion of designing men, I have suffered imprisonment and temporary disgrace rather than expose the facts within my knowledge; but now finding that I, among many others, was to be the dupe of intriguing characters, who under the appearance of friendship and false representations, intended to exalt themselves to the downfall of their country; in this moment of extreme peril it may be my duty as a citizen, but certainly is most incumbent on me as a soldier to develop the facts within my knowledge, which I do in the face of Heaven and the world, regardless of the opinion of those for whom I have had an esteem, conscious that I shall have discharged but a sacred duty.
Several months ago I was walking towards the barracks with Lieut. Taylor, late in the army, when Lewis Kerr, Esq. joined us; after drinking a little brandy and water, the latter and myself walked up town, and after some conversation respecting the Spanish aggressions and the profession of arms, he spoke something of Mexico, and requested me to call at another time and he would explain something which might interest me. I was then a citizen & done so. He obliged me to secrecy provided I did not come into the measure, which I did by swearing, "To use all law & means to aid and assist in effecting the emancipation of Mexico and Peru." He said that Livingston, Workman, Major Nott, the brothers Alexander, and several of the first characters in the United States were concerned also. I can only tell you, Small, "that the officers of the army are generally concerned with us." I am not positively certain whether he said, that Col. Burr and Dr. Watkins were of the party, but I apprehend he did; I am certain that he said that Mr. Keene and Henry Brown, (brother to the collector) were active in the business. He referred me to the latter, who said that he would endeavour to get over Mr. Ferguson, teller of the bank, that he would be an acquisition, as he understood Spanish perfectly well. This was after some conversation on the subject, but I don't believe he ever done so, although he appeared warmly interested.
Mr. Kerr told me the object was to seize Baton Rouge, erect the ancient Mexican standard—collect forces—that there would be vessels in the Lake from New Providence to assist—that he would seize Mobile, where it was expected there was 200,000 dollars, and that afterwards they would push on for the province of Texas. He also said that for his part he was as comfortable as he could wish, but that his mind soared to something higher, and he would make the effort. He intended to have headed the party against Baton Rouge, and advised me to gain as many as possible, particularly of the Montgomery Greens, of which I was second lieutenant. On the commencement of our conversation he said, that Miranda's expedition was winked at by government, that he had been supplied with arms out of the arsenal at New York, and in general held forth the idea, that government had its views in silently appropriating the measure.
The business seemed to occupy much of the attention of Judge Workman. He told me that money would not be wanting, that they could seize on the bank, although he mentioned that with a smile. I have reason to believe that for many months past he has had employed a Mr. John J. Connoly, of this city, in translating the laws of Mexico. I once had a conversation with Connoly on the subject, and since I returned to Natchitoches he observed to me, "Sure man Burr is coming down, which will soon take effect." To which I answered, I will take that side which honor and duty prescribes, the side "of my country." He appeared surprised, and said that I was right.
I wrote a letter from Natchitoches to Judge Workman, giving him a friendly account of the country I passed through and stating my regret that when so many clever fellows were so near the Spanish country, that it could not be permitted for us to enter, but hoped the day would come when our country would sanction and advocate our erecting our standard on the walls of Mexico, in such case only, I expressed a belief that I should not stand alone amongst the officers in doing our utmost, provided positively that government sanctioned it.—When I arrived here he expressed his uneasiness at not receiving my letter. He asked me what I had written, I told him, and said I did not care who seen it, that I had nothing of a criminal nature to write or say, and that I would not be concerned in anything against the government—he said I was right, and it was so with him; but it was necessary to be cautious, that he understood the general meant to trample on the civil authority, and that all letters were intercepted. He many months ago asked me on what terms a last sailing schooner could be had to go to New Providence—I did not say for what purpose. Mr. Kerr once told me that the British general lord Hutchinson, was a relation of his, that he should write to him to aid him in procuring British assistance, and I believe, said that it had been proposed to him to go as agent to England, out that he presumed Livingston would be sent.
When Mr. Braford of the Orleans Gazette, had gone or was going to the states, I learnt, but from whom I do not recollect, really that he was going to the Western country for the purpose of procuring auxiliaries, it strikes me that Judge Workman told me so but I am not positive. Those transactions took place many months ago, and a very considerable period has elapsed that I heard nothing on the subject; at several times I was disposed to think that the communications were for mere talk sake, but on the other hand, the talents and respectability of the characters forbid the supposition. It occurred to mind at Natchitoches from reports received there respecting Burr that these men had designs different from that which they held forth, and I observed to Lieut. Mead, and I believe Lieut. Murry, that I had known of an association in New Orleans, and that it appeared to me some designing men there had deceived several. If I recollect well, I told Lieut. Murry and Mead at different times, that if such an object as a division of the states was in contemplation, that I abhorred the idea, and that I would shed the last drop of my blood in defence of the country.—Murry, I think said, "Certainly." Lieut. Pratt often said that he feared he would be suspected from the circumstance of a Mr. Mr Swartwout being intimate with him. He has several times said "Small, keep yourself cool, you'll be amused presently." I conjectured what he alluded to, but never would explain. Coming down the river in Captain Ferguson's boat, I asked was it true that Secretary Mead had refused the General five hundred men. Lieut. Mead said yes, that it was true, & that had he been in the Secretary's place he would have done the same thing. He afterwards said in the presence of myself and some other officers at the Willow Grove, that General Wilkinson was suspected of being concerned; I replied it could not be possible, I understood last summer that captain Cooper was an active person. I have had conversation with him on the subject, but however of little consequence; with Lieut. Henderson, I have had at that time also some conversation in consequence of what Mr. Kerr told me, "that the officers were concerned"—but it amounted to no more than uninteresting observations on the subject.
I had long since understood that Lt. Taylor and Ensign Mead had stopped at Baton Rouge, for the purpose of reconnoitering the Fort; that they had dined with the governor, from whom I heard this I do not recollect, I was then a citizen, and did understand that the officers generally intended resigning their commissions. During all these communications and transactions, the idea was ever held up, the private sanction of the government, which I have ever since I returned to New Orleans suspected strongly to be a mere catch to ensnare the thoughtless and unreflecting into acts of iniquity. A regard for the feelings of private friendship has hitherto kept me silent under imprisonment and sufferings; but justice to my country and to my own character, has at length induced me to state these whole facts, with a solemn assurance, that I never could for a moment intentionally have committed any act, or harbor a sentiment unworthy of the cloth which I have the honor to wear, I have done my duty unreservedly.
Remain very respectfully,
Sir, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) FRANCIS W. SMALL, Ensign 2d regiment. In confinement, 10th Jan. 1807. His Excellency, Gen. J. WILKINSON.
N. B. I recollect to have once asked Judge Workman, was the Governor acquainted with or concerned in the enterprise—his reply was, "The governor is a mauled bitch."
(Signed) FRANCIS W. SMALL. Sworn before me this 11th day of January, 1807. (Signed) GEORGE POLLOCK, Justice of Peace for the county of Orleans.
The following summary is copied from the Boston Gazette:
In our Foreign department French and Russian accounts of war operations will be found, of an interesting though contradictory nature.—We have endeavored to give a full view of certain dispositive points; and the reader will use his intelligence to decide between them.
The negotiations between Sweden and France, respecting Swedish Pomerania, (although a partial convention for its evacuation by the French had been agreed to, and in part complied with) remained unsettled; and by the last accounts (Jan. 12) Mortier had again taken possession of Anklam & the country was treated in the most hostile manner.
A report had arisen, from a Lintz article of Jan. 9, that Bonaparte had actually employed the mediation of Austria to bring about a separate peace between Prussia and France. This article also stated as "the most recent intelligence from Vienna, that more intimate connexions than ever, were on the eve of being formed between France and Austria, and which, it is said, cannot but contribute, in a most powerful manner, to the re-establishment of a Continental peace."
A commercial treaty was upon the tapis between Great Britain and Russia, by which the produce of the British colonies, notwithstanding all the vengeful efforts of Bonaparte, is said to have an extensive and ready market.
A report, which was but little credited, had been received in London, from Holland, stating that a negotiation was about being opened between Russia and France.
Letters from Holland, received in London, (Feb. 10) stated, that in consequence of the alarming height to which the insurrection in the Hessian territories had reached, the whole of the regular force in that country had been ordered to march immediately. Hesse had been put under martial law; and Gen. Michand was to take the command for its reduction. That object accomplished, it was supposed that the Dutch forces would proceed to Poland, whither every disposable man in France, or any of its dependencies, was to be hurried.
The Danish presses had been put under French control! Several Danish journals having given statements of successes obtained by the Russians in Poland, the French envoy at Copenhagen complained to the Danish government on the occasion; and the King, in consequence, renewed his mandate of the 4th of October, 1799, which declares that any of his subjects publishing any statement, remark, or hint injurious to the interest or wishes of any of the belligerent powers, in any journal within his dominions, such journal shall be suppressed, and the writer punished.
The British and Russian Ministers had insisted, in memorials, that all accounts favorable to Russia and her allies, shall receive the same unstrained publicity in Denmark as the French Bulletins; or the latter as well as the former, shall be in eridicted. Private letter adds, that the editors of papers, though possessed of authentic accounts unfavorable to the French, dared not to publish them; though they have published that in the affair of the 25th December the French were successful. The king of Denmark was said to be dangerously ill.
Our Ministers in London had received dispatches from Mr. Armstrong, stating that he had official assurances that American vessels coming direct from America, or returning from England to the United States, would not be molested by French cruisers, &c.
Several deputations from the Hanse Towns had waited upon Bonaparte, to obtain some remissions of the decree of 21st November, respecting the trade with England; he had uniformly treated them with contempt, and declared, in great passion, his determination not to give up any point that would harrafs the British trade.
The period for the abolition of the slave trade was agreed upon in the British House of Lords 6th Feb. The time limited is 1st Jan. 1808.
On the evening of the 12th Jan. a vessel lying in the Rapenburg Canal, near Leyden, (Ger.) having on board 10,000 lbs gun powder, blew up; several hundreds of people lost their lives, & chief part of the buildings in the city were thrown down.
From a Liverpool Paper of Feb. 7.
NEW PLAN OF FINANCE.
[The following sketch of the New Plan of Finance, submitted on Thursday to Parliament, by the chancellor of the exchequer, is submitted to our readers, as calculated to explain any difficulty which may arise on a perusal of the parliamentary report.]
The new plan of finance professes to have for its object a provision of the means of maintaining the honor and independence of the British empire during the necessary continuance of the war; without perceptibly increasing the burthens of the country, and with manifest benefit to the interests of the public creditors.
The proposed measure is grounded on the flourishing state of the permanent revenue; on the great produce of the war taxes; on the high and accumulating amount of the sinking fund; and on some inferior aids to be derived from revenues set free by annuities originally granted for a term of years, and now expiring.
The plan is adequate to meet a scale of expenditure nearly equal to that of the year 1806; and it assumes that during the war, the annual produce of the permanent and temporary revenues will continue equal to the produce of the same year 1806. It is understood, that any further or unforeseen charge or any deficiency of revenue, shall be separately and specially provided for.
Keeping these premises in view, it is proposed, that the war loans for the year 1807, 1808, and 1809, shall be 12 millions annually; for the year 1810, 14 millions; and for each of the 10 following years, 16 millions.
Those several loans, amounting for the fourteen years to 210 millions, are to be made a charge on the war taxes, which are estimated to produce 21 millions annually.
The charge thus thrown on the war taxes is meant to be at the rate of ten per cent. on each loan. Every such loan will therefore pledge so much of the war taxes as will be equal to meet this charge; that is, a loan of 12 millions will pledge 1,200,000. of the war taxes. And in each year, if the war should be continued, a further portion of the war taxes will, in the same manner be pledged. And consequently, at the end of fourteen years, if the war should last so long, 24 millions, the whole produce of the war taxes, would be pledged for the total of the loans, which would at that time have amounted to 210 millions.
The ten per cent. charge thus accompanying each loan, will be applied to pay the interest of the loan, and to form a sinking fund, which sinking fund will evidently be more than five per cent. on such of the several loans as shall be obtained at a less rate of interest than five per cent.
It is well known, that a five per cent. sinking fund, accumulating at compound interest, will redeem any sum of capital debt in 14 years. Consequently the several portions of the war taxes, proposed to be pledged for the several loans above mentioned, will have redeemed their respective loans, and be successively liberated in periods of 14 years from the date of each such loan. The portions of war taxes thus liberated, may, if the war should still be prolonged, become applicable in revolving series, and may be again pledged for new loans.
It is, however, shown by the printed calculations and tables, that, whatever may be the continuance of the operation, the property tax will not be payable beyond the period for which it is now granted by the 16 (G. 3. ch. 66, but will, in every case, be in force only during the war, and until the 6th day of April next after the ratification of a definitive treaty of peace, and no longer.
It is next to be observed, that the charge for the interest and sinking fund of the proposed loans, being taken from the annual produce of the war taxes, a deficiency equal to that charge will be created in the amount of the temporary revenue applicable to the war expenditure.
Supplementary loans will be requisite to make good that deficiency.
Those supplementary loans must increase in proportion to the increasing deficiency, if the war should be continued; but will never amount, even in a period of 20 years from the present time, to more than 5,000,000 in any year, beyond the amount to which the sinking
fund of that year will have been raised by this plan.
It is proposed that the supplementary loans shall be formed on the established system of a sinking fund of one per cent. on the nominal capital.
The charge so created will be provided for, during the first three years, by the expiring annuities; and during that period the country will have the benefit of an exemption from all additional burthens.
From 1810, and for the six following years, a charge must be provided for, amounting on the average of those seven years, to not more than 293,000. annually.
And thus provision is made, on the scale of actual expenditure, for 10 years of war, if it should be necessary, without any additional taxes, except to the inconsiderable amount above stated. At the close of that period, taking the three per cents. at 60, and reducing the whole of the public debts at that rate to a money capital, the combined amount of the public debts will be 387,663,000. and the combined amount of the several sinking funds then existing, will be 23,720,000. whereas the present amount of the whole public debt, taken on the same scale of calculation, is 352,793,000. and the present amount of the sinking funds is no more than 8,835,000.
If the war should still be continued beyond the ten years thus provided for, it is proposed to take in aid of the public burthens certain excesses to accrue from the present Sinking Fund. That Fund, which Mr. Pitt originally proposed to limit to four millions annually, will, with the very large additions derived to it from this new plan, have accumulated in 1807, to so large an amount as 24 millions sterling. In the application of such a sum, neither the true principles of Mr. Pitt's system, nor any just view of the real interests of the public, or even of the Stockholder himself, can be considered as any longer opposing an obstacle to the means of obtaining at such a moment some aid in alleviation of the burthens and necessities of the country. But it is not proposed in any case to apply to the charge of new loans, a larger portion of the Sinking Fund than such as will always leave an amount of Sinking Fund equal to the interest payable on such part of the present debt as shall remain unredeemed. Nor is it meant that this or any other operation of finance shall ever prevent the redemption of a sum equal to the present debt in a short a period as that in which it would have been redeemed, if this new plan had been brought forward. Nor will the final redemption of any supplementary loans be postponed beyond the period of 35 years prescribed by the act of 1799, for the extinction of all future loans. While each of the annual war loans will be successively redeemed in fourteen years from the date of its creation, so long as war shall continue; and whenever peace shall come, will be redeemed always within a period far short of the 45 years required by the above-mentioned act.
There will not be imposed any new taxes for three years. New taxes (less than 300,000.) on an average of seven years, from 1812 to 1816, both inclusive, are all that will be necessary to procure the full benefit of this plan, which will continue for 20 years, during the last ten of which no new taxes whatever will be required.
LONDON, Feb. 5.
BLOCKADING DECREE.
Yesterday, in the House of Commons, Mr. Perceval moved for a copy of the late order of council, prohibiting neutrals from passing from one enemy's port to another. He supported his motion by an able speech, and was followed, on the same side, by Lord Castlereagh, and Sir Thomas Turton, and opposed by the advocate general, by Lord Temple and Lord Howick, the motion was negatived by a great majority. The object of the mover appeared to be to show that the order was not such as the spirit, honor, interests and rights of the country called for. It was admitted, on all hands, that the British nation had a right to retaliate in full on the French for their decree; that that decree was indefensible on every ground; but it was contended, that it might be for the interest of the British government to forbear at least for a time; and that forbearance would indicate a conciliatory disposition towards neutrals, although they would have no just cause to complain of a different course, as certainly, if they submitted, without resistance, to an extraordinary measure, from one belligerent, they would naturally expect another belligerent to adopt the same measure, when not forbidden by treaty. The following are extracts from different speeches.
From Mr. PERCEVAL's speech.
"The colonial trade was certainly that in which neutrals had the least right; and while he disclaimed every intention of glancing at the provisions of the American treaty, he could not help remarking, that the right of retaliation for such measures as may be adopted by the enemy, which the noble lord stated to be expressly reserved in that treaty, was of no use when it was not acted upon: perhaps his majesty's ministers were fearful of offending neutrals, and forebore to act to the full extent, till they should have had communications with them.—Without notification to neutrals we may prohibit their ships from proceeding to the enemy's ports, but we may not seize them. He trusted government had not acted so weakly, upon the fear of offending neutrals; it was a motive of action which they could not avow. But when they negotiated with America, with the non-importation act hanging over their heads; when they continued negotiating after

that insulting act was carried into execution, and when they concluded a treaty under such circumstances, whatever they profess, he feared they may have been guilty of improper concessions."
From the Advocate General's Speech. "Were we to press and crush inoffending merchants, by the actual execution of severities to the utmost extent of the enemy's menace? He believed that the house would not go with his honorable friend so far, but would rather prefer mild and moderate measures at first, if likely to be efficacious. The only powers that were neutral, were Austria, which had only the single port of Trieste; Denmark, which has no means of supplying its colonies, or of disposing of its colonial produce, if we carried a general interdiction into execution; Portugal, which would feel the same disabilities; and America, with respect to which an interdiction would be the means of infinite distress. He could discover that a jealousy of America was at the bottom of all these complaints. (Hear, hear!) His hon. and learned friend, (Perceval) was not correct in stating that the interruption of the coasting trade would be no great injury to France, or that the order of council for that purpose signified nothing. That order was but one step and an inchoant step of those that would, if necessary, be resorted to for retaliation. In the year 1797, after the French had made peace with Austria, and the army which had been arrogantly called the army of England, had been collected at Brest, with a view to turn their whole force against this country; in that year, on the 29th Nivose, year 6, that is in christian language, on the 19th day of Jan. 1798, a decree was passed by the French government, making all vessels that should be freighted in whole or in part with English commodities, good prizes. In order to shew what had been the feeling of the neutral nations on the subject of that decree, he need only refer to the speech of the President of the U. S. on the opening of the session of Congress, on the 8th of Dec. 1798, in which he declared that, "as the decree of the 19th of the preceding January, was still in force, in consequence of the failure of an attempt to procure its repeal, he considered it an unequivocal act of war, and a breach of the independence and sovereignty of neutral nations, which was only to be met by a determined resistance." As the chief magistrate of America had expressed so strong a sense of the aggression in that instance, there was no ground to suppose that he would not act as decidedly on the present occasion. And this was another consideration why this country ought to abstain, for the present, from any act which might prove grievous to the trade of America until it should be seen whether the American government would follow the same course now as in 1798."
From Lord Castlereagh's Speech. "As to the period of our history, which has been alluded to, he should presently shew, that the time of the American government had been wasted in negotiations. Whatever might be the feelings of government towards America, whatever might be the principles on which the late negotiations had been conducted, there were no reasons for delaying the adoption of more vigorous measures of retaliation against the enemy. He contended that considerations of forbearance respecting America, should not induce the House to abstain from adopting, not an act of practical injustice, but the measures which the circumstances of the times required, namely, to warn American vessels, in the first instance, against entering French ports: but not to capture them, unless bent on entering the ports of France. If they were to wait till the American government should insist upon those principles, by which the law of nations is upheld, they might wait till doomsday, as, whatever might be their feelings, the commercial people would attend to their commercial interests. Since the publication of this decree, which had been at first general as to all nations, some communication had taken place between the American ministers in this country, and the French government, in consequence of which, some practical relaxation of the decree had taken place. This was one ground why we should look upon America with jealousy; and it was an aggravation that she had by a secret understanding with the French government, contrived to take her shipping out of the operation of the decree that was at first general, and placed herself in a situation of connivance with the French government."
From Sir Thomas Turton's Speech. "In his mind, the real cause of this pusillanimous forbearance, was the fear of offending America, the dread of breaking off the treaty lately pending between this country and the American government. That was the pistol held at the breast of the ministers; and this their great anxiety to ward it off."
From Lord Hawick's Speech. "It seems that the gentlemen on the other side feel somewhat jealous of America because France may be disposed to exempt her from the operation of the decree. The thing is not unlikely; but no communication of the kind has been made to ministers by the American plenipotentiaries. The words of the decree seem to apply to the continental powers only, and consequently America may be exempted. Suppose she is; would that be a reason why we should go to war with America; is not this the intention of gentlemen, or what is it? But surely it must be a waste of the time of the House to dwell upon such arguments. The treaty of America they have also brought into discussion; and it has been insinuated, that it was contrary to the honor and interests of the country to enter into any negotia-
tions with America, until the non-importation act was repealed. If such disgrace was attached to the negotiation, why were not motions made last session to break off the negotiation, until that decree was repealed. Surely such a conduct would have been more manly, than now to assume a hostile one, while we are daily expecting the ratification of the treaty we have concluded."
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MARCH 27.
We have not received any additional intelligence relative to Mr. Burr. He has probably, ere this, reached Richmond, before the tribunals at which place, it is likely, he will be arraigned. Our readers will recollect that Blennerhasset's island, which is subject to the jurisdiction of Virginia, was the scene of some of the outrages alleged to have been committed.
The following letter has been put into our hands by a gentleman, who thinks with us that the strange transactions to which it relates have not been sufficiently developed. We all know something of the horrid scenes of tyranny of which Ireland, miserable Ireland, has been recently the theatre. These scenes were the natural offspring of monarchy and oppression—they are every where to be found where kings and priests govern. Shocked, therefore, as our feelings may be at their recital, they occasion but little surprise. But that the American government, or its representative, should become the engine of carrying this oppressive system into effect, that they should aggravate the sufferings of the oppressed, that, in violation of the constitutions and laws, established principles and deep-rooted feelings of the nation, they should deny them an asylum in this country, when offered to them by their tyrants, is surprising and merits perpetual remembrance. The correspondence between Mr. Adams, or his Secretary, and Mr. King, on this subject has never been published. It could scarcely fail to be the best commentary on the times of Alien and Sedition bills.
For prudential reasons relative to the gentleman who wrote the letter given, we suppress his name and some circumstances of a personal nature.
The letter is from a respectable Irish gentleman, resident in the state of New York, and is dated March 2, 1807.
"MY DEAR FRIEND, "God knows with what sentiments of fond remembrance I read over your letter again and again—it is long since I reckoned you amongst the dead, for I had heard of such an event taking place before I left Ireland. But to find you alive and in such respectable circumstances as your situation indicates, gives me a degree of pleasure which I cannot well describe."
"You desire me to give you an account of my affairs and my situation. Just Heaven! was I to relate the occurrences of my life since I last saw you, 'twould fill more than an hundred pages. I will in a few words tell you, that I have been four years shut up in a dungeon—I was arrested in the beginning of '98, and effected my escape from Dublin Castle; I got on board a ship of my own, and arrived in Norway; thence passing through Zealand and Germany, I got to France, where I heard that an expedition had just sailed for Ireland. I then made the best of my way to Hamburg, and entered (as a common sailor) on board a vessel bound for Liverpool. When I arrived there, I found that the handful of French (1087) that landed in Killala after having performed prodigies of valor, were obliged to surrender—that the principals of their Irish adherents were hanged, and that there was a reward of five hundred guineas for my apprehension.—I then betook myself to Liverpool to Cumberland, in the North of England, where partly with a friend, and partly in a thick wood near his house, I remained four months, at the end of which time, the state prisoners then confined in the different jails in Dublin, made a stipulation with the government that they should banish themselves for life to the U. States; and they also stipulated that if I thought proper I might surrender myself on the same terms. I availed myself of this, and accordingly gave myself up in an unhappy hour. At this time, federalism, (but a more appropriate term would be aristocracy) in this country was in the wane, and verging fast to dissolution, the minister from this to the court of St. James's, was Rufus King, who being directed (as he said) by his government, preferred a memorial or protest against us, and easily obtained the promise of the British government not to let us come here without his consent first had in writing, permitting such emigration. There were two persons of our party, Henry Jackson and John Lynch, who through the interest of some duke or duchess (I suppose) got leave to come to America. I also wrote to him, and received an answer, that "as I was so highly recommended, if I would transmit him a petition, praying for leave, he would inclose it to his government, and he made no doubt (by accompanying it with the documents which he then held in my favor) but I would obtain the desired permission." This letter I answered, telling him, "that I never would so solicit: that the crime I had committed (by the bye, he made use of the word) formed in my mind, his countrymen's best distinction,
that I would lie in goal till my locks grew "as white as the foam of the ocean," &c. &c. and other such language ill-suited to a country ear. In consequence, I lay in goal three years after this; in the mean time, the great philosopher was placed at the head of the government of this country, but owing to some commercial or other reasons, King was not recalled, neither could we tell at that distance, and shut up as we were, in a tomb of the living, but Mr. Jefferson also coincided in our exclusion from this country; being now almost four years in close confinement, and growing grey indeed; my affairs all deranged, my fortunes broken, my (naturally strong) constitution beginning to give way, I obtained leave to go to Portugal. I had a little before this time sold seventeen ships and brigs by auction, for less than half their value, the remainder of thirty-two of which I was entire and part owner at the time of my arrest, were either lost, taken, or the captains took them off, and I never heard of them, but now that I have time to make some woful calculations, I have lost about 120,000 dollars, and more than half of this I could have saved, only for Mr. King's prohibition. As I said before, I brought my family to Portugal, where I remained a short time at a monstrous expence, and finally got to America. I sunk a few vats here, and commenced tanner, though a business I knew nothing of, however by working hard at it for these two or three years, I have got some knowledge of it, and am just able to support a family of a wife and seven children."
AMERICAN IMPROVEMENTS IN PHYSIC
DR. THOMAS BEDDES, the celebrated English Physician, is a great reader of American books. He has abandoned the Old School on the question of Contagion, and become a complete convert to the non-contagionists of yellow fever. In a letter to one of his correspondents he writes thus, "I do not know any country in which so much has been done for Medicine as in America ; if you except the introduction of Vaccine Inoculation, the most useful practice ever fallen upon." Indeed it must be owned, that since the appearance of the yellow fever in 1791, and more especially since the commencement of the first American Periodical work on Medicine at New York in 1797, a new Era has commenced in the history of that profession.
Subscriptions have been opened in Kentucky for a State BANK, and have been attended with considerable success.
The House of Representatives of the state of New York have agreed to the Address to the President of the United States, sent from the Senate, and interferred in the National Intelligencer, a few days since.
The legislature of this state have passed the bill suspending the execution of David Williams, convicted of the murder of Ira Lane, for ten years, on the ground of insanity at the time of committing the felony. They have also passed in committee a bill suspending the execution of Stephen Arnold, convicted of the murder of Betsey Van Amburgh, for 33 years—and that in the mean time he be transferred to the State Prison, for safe keeping.
New York paper.
Extract of a letter from the town of Washington, near Natchez, 9th February, 1807.
"Burr was not discharged from his recognizance, but he disappeared. It seems that he went to his boats on the Mississippi, above Natchez a few miles—harangued his people, told them that he was obliged to leave them—but assured them that they should have the lands he had promised on the Washita—that it would be some months before he should see them again; but that they should not be disappointed."
"It is reported, but I know not on what grounds, that he then crossed the Mississippi, accompanied by one Ashley, who was formerly of the party of Phillip Nolan. I have been inclined to think that he is still in the neighborhood. Three of his company have been arrested, viz. Mr. Blannerhasset, Mr. Davis Floyd, and Mr. Rolston, on the ground, it is said of information given by persons formerly in the scheme, stating the intention to seize Baton Rouge, and probably Fort Adams.—They are not yet finally committed for trial. The party seems to have been frittered away to nothing—many people, ignorant probably of the real views of Mr. Burr, will be most materially injured. Never, perhaps, did an enterprise of such vast extent, and aided by such a concentration of intrigue and talents and energies, terminate in effects so truly contemptible."
"A Spanish officer came to Mr. Burr ten days ago from Pensacola.—His friend governor Folch, after forbidding the passage of the U. States' troops from Fort Stoddert to New Orleans, to arrest the progress of Burr, has come into the settlement of Baton Rouge, to make an idle parade of resistance. Possibly the ex-vice-president may next shew himself there. But let him shew himself where he will—if from the scattered embers of a fallen faction, he ever revives in a shape formidable to the safety and tranquility of the U. States—he will be a Phoenix indeed."
Charleston, March 20. A gentleman who left here about eight days ago, to proceed to the north-
ward, in the mail stage, returned to this city on Saturday evening. After going two hundred miles, he found that all the bridges were carried away on the streams, and that the whole face of the country was under water, so as to make it exceedingly dangerous to travel. It is his opinion that the mails will be prevented from arriving here for some time to come.
From the Aurora of March 20.
The attorney-general, Mr. J. B. McKean, yesterday applied to the judges of the supreme court of this state for a warrant, to bring before the court Dr. M. Leib, to answer a charge, preferred against him, of conspiring, in conjunction with the Editor of this paper, to intimidate and coerce Thomas McKean, governor of this commonwealth, into the appointment of a sheriff for the city and county of Philadelphia. He adduced various British authorities, to prove that, on such a charge, the court had the power to compel the attendance of a member of the legislature.
Mr. Joseph Hopkinson and Mr. Walker Franklin, counsel for Dr. Leib, hoped that the court would not grant the warrant: They contended that the court had not the authority to command the attendance of Dr. Leib; and that, if the warrant were granted, the most dangerous consequences must result. "Dr. Leib," said Mr. Hopkinson, "is at present attending at Lancaster, as a member of assembly, and is privileged from arrest; but, even, if he were not privileged, there is a delicacy in this case that ought to have prevented the application for a warrant, and which, he was persuaded, would induce the court not to interfere. This application is made, on behalf of the governor, to arrest a member of the assembly—a fact, that is sufficient to excite distrust and alarm among the people, independent of the peculiar situation of that member. Indeed, the present case affords as strong an instance, as could be desired of the dangerous purposes to which such a power, if acknowledged, might be extended. Dr. Leib is at present the chairman of a committee, appointed by the House of Representatives, to enquire into the conduct of the governor—and whilst thus acting, application is made, on behalf of the governor, to remove Dr. Leib from Lancaster to Philadelphia. I do not say, that this was intended to prevent enquiry; but it will have that effect, and the appearance of having been so intended. The danger that is to be apprehended, to the freedom of the people, from such a power being acknowledged, must be apparent—for if the chairman can be arrested, every member of the committee may be seized, and a stop put to all investigation. This court, I contend, has not the power to grant the warrant required; and, even if it had, could scarcely be justified in using it, on the present occasion."
The court conceived itself bound to be governed by the constitution, which in this case superseded the authorities quoted by the attorney general from British books—but would not decide until the next day.
The attorney general having obtained the advice of Mr. Moses Levy, withdrew the application for a warrant.
This statement is hastily made, from a relation of the proceedings by a bystander—if there is any mistake it shall be corrected.
Flour inspected in the town of Alexandria, for the quarter ending the 11th March, 1807.
63,150 barrels of flour, 2,999 half barrels of flour. AMOS ALEXANDER, Flour Inspector.
From the Cincinnati Mercury.
State of Ohio, Hamilton county, } ss.
By the request of general John S. Gano, major Ephraim Kibbey, personally appeared before me, James Ewing, one of the justices of the peace for said county, and being duly sworn, answered the following interrogatories in his own hand writing, as follows:
1. Have you seen the affidavit or deposition of general Eaton, as published in the newspapers, and are you the person implicated therein as being in Burr's conspiracy? Answer. I have—and I believe I am.
2. Have you any personal acquaintance with col. A. Burr?
Answer. I have seen col. Burr in the revolutionary war, but no personal acquaintance with him.
3. Has col. Burr ever corresponded or wrote to you?
Answer.—No; he has not.
4. Have you ever been applied to directly or indirectly by col. Burr or any of his agents to join him in his expedition down the Ohio and Mississippi?
Answer. I have never been applied to by col. Burr; but a certain person whom I do not know, asked me if I knew col. Burr. I answered, I had seen him in the revolutionary war. He answered, he (col. Burr) wished to see me. My reply was—"for what?"—Answer—"he wishes to make a secret expedition against Mexico, and wishes you to join him." I answered, 'I was an American—and if col. Burr had any communications to make to me, let him do it in writing.'
5. Have you raised any men, or do you know of any person or persons that have?
Answer. I have not, nor do I know of any person that has.
6. Was the plan or motives of the expedition of col. A. Burr ever made known to you by Burr or his agents?
excepting the person you mention above?
Answer. It never was.
EPHRAIM KIBBEY. Sworn and subscribed to before me, this 23d day of February, in the year of our Lord, 1807.
JAMES EWING.
PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS by an act entitled "An act to suspend the operation of an act intitled an act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, and to remit the penalties incurred under the same," the President of the United States is authorized further to suspend the operation of the said prohibitory act, if in his judgment the public interest should require it: Provided, that such suspension shall not extend beyond the second Monday in December next. And whereas, it is judged for the public interest that such suspension should take place: Now therefore be it known, that I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, by virtue of the authority aforesaid, do hereby suspend the operation of the act entitled "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise," passed on the eighteenth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, until the second Monday of December next.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand. Done at the city of Washington the twenty fourth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seven, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America the thirty first.
TH: JEFFERSON. By the President, JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State.
PUBLIC SALE.
PURSUANT to an order of the Orphans Court of Prince George's county will be exposed to Public Sale in the town of Upper Marlborough in Prince George's county on Thursday the 16th day of April next, all the personal estate of Samuel Hephburn late of said county deceased, consisting of valuable Negroes, among them some very valuable house servants, Stock, Plantation utensils, and a variety of Household and Kitchen furniture. The terms of sale are nine months credit for all sums above ten dollars, the purchaser giving bond with two good securities bearing interest from the day of sale; for all sums of and under ten dollars the cash will be required.
SAMUEL JUDSON COOLIDGE, Administrator. March 24, 1807. w3t.
This is to give notice that the Subscriber of the city of Annapolis hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Prince George's county in Maryland, Letters of Administration on the personal estate of Samuel Hephburn, late of said county, deceased—all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to Trentan Tyler, esq. of Upper Marlborough, who is fully authorized to conduct and settle said administration at or before the 16th day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of said estate.
Given under my hand this twenty-fourth day of March 1807. SAMUEL J. COOLIDGE, Adm'r. March 27—w4t.
TAKE NOTICE.
The Commissioners of the tax for Prince George's county, will meet at Upper Marlborough, on Monday the 6th day of April next and continue to sit for eighteen days, for the purpose of making entries of such alterations as have taken place in the property in said county since their last meeting.
Test TRUEMAN TYLER, Clerk. March 20—w3t.
PUBLIC SALE.
BY virtue of a deed of trust from James Wigfield to the subscriber will be sold to the highest bidder on the 27th of May next at the hour of 11 o'clock A.M. on the premises a Lot of ground supposed to contain ten acres with the wood thereon, situated near the lower Eastern Branch bridge and on the road leading to Marlboro. Terms of sale cash. BENSON L. MCCORMICK, Trustee. February 27—wtdof
This is to give notice, That the subscriber of Prince George's county and state of Maryland, hath obtained from the Orphans' court of said county, letters of administration on the personal estate of Richard Crampin late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 10th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. And all persons indebted to the said deceased are requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber. Given under my hand this 18th day of February, 1807. THOMAS BOWIE, Adm'r. of Richard Crampin. Feb. 18—w6t.
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS, &c.
THEOPHILUS HOLT respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has an extensive assortment of Fresh Garden and Flower seeds, Grass seeds, Garden tools &c. for sale at his Nursery Garden Eastern Branch Washington city, Jan. 2—w3m.

Having been informed that there are several unauthorised and probably spurious publications now preparing for the press, on the subject of my late tour to the Pacific Ocean by individuals entirely unknown to me, I have considered it a duty which I owe the public, as well as myself to put them on their guard with respect to such publications, lest from the practice of such dispositions they may be taught to depreciate the worth of the work which I am myself preparing for publication before it can possibly appear, as much time, labor, and expense are absolutely necessary in order to do justice to the several subjects which it will embrace: With a view therefore to prevent the practice of those deceptions the public are informed that the lists for subscriptions which have been promulgated by myself are headed with the subjoined Prospectus, and that those who wish to possess the genuine work, may obtain it by entering their names on those lists. The Prospectus will serve to shew the distribution and contents of the work. The work will most probably be published by the latter end of October next, and the first volume of the work about the 1st of January 1808; the two remaining volumes will follow in succession as early as they can possibly be prepared for publication.
As early as a just estimate of the price of the several parts of this work can be formed, public notice will be given of the same through the medium of the Press. To Robert Frazier only has permission been given either by Gen. William Clark or myself, to publish any thing in relation to our late voyage. When the prospectus was first drawn in October last for the publication of the journal of that man, they were submitted to me for correction; I then expunged the promise which had been made, that the work should contain information in relation to the natural history of the country through which we had passed and cautioned the persons concerned in the publication not to promise the world any thing with which they had not the means of complying; but as the hope of gain seems to have out-tripped their good faith to the public in this respect; I think it my duty to declare that Robert Frazier, who was only a private on this expedition, is entirely unacquainted with celestial observations, mineralogy, botany, or zoology, and therefore cannot possibly give any accurate information on those subjects, nor on that of geography, and that the whole which can be expected from his Journal is merely a limited detail of our daily transactions. With respect to all unauthorised publications relative to the voyage, I presume that they cannot have stronger pretensions to accuracy or information than that of Robert Frazier.
MERIWETHER LEWIS. PROSPECTUS OF LEWIS and CLARK'S Tour to the PACIFIC OCEAN, through the Interior of the Continent of North America, performed by order of the Government of the United States, during the years 1804, 1805, & 1806. This work will be prepared by captain Meriwether Lewis, and will be divided into two parts, the whole comprised in Three Volumes, octavo, containing from four to five hundred pages, each; printed on good paper, and a fair Pica type. The several volumes in succession will be put to press as early periods as the avocations of the author will permit him to prepare them for publication.
PART THE FIRST—IN TWO VOLUMES. VOLUME FIRST—Will contain a narrative of the voyage, with a description of some of the most remarkable places in those hitherto unknown wilds of America, accompanied by a Map of good size, and embellished with a view of the great Cataract of the Missouri, the plan, on a large scale, of the connected falls of that river, as also of those of the falls, narrows, and great rapids of the Columbia, with their several portages. For the information of future voyagers there will be added in the sequel of this volume, some observations and remarks on the navigation of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, pointing out the precautions which must necessarily be taken, in order to insure success, together with an itinerary of the most direct and practicable route across the continent of North America, from the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi rivers to the mouth of the Columbia into the Pacific Ocean. VOLUME SECOND—Whatever properly appertains to geography, embracing a description of the rivers, mountains, climate, soil, and face of the country; a view of the Indian nations distributed over that vast region, shewing their traditions, habits, manners, customs, national characters, stature, complexions, dress, dwellings, arms, and domestic utensils, with many other interesting particulars in relation to them: Also observations and reflections on the subjects of civilizing, governing, and maintaining a friendly intercourse with those nations. A view of life for trade of North America, setting forth a plan for its extension, and shewing the immense advantages which would accrue to the mercantile interests of the United States, by combining the same with a direct trade to the East Indies through the continent of North America. This volume will be embellished with a number of plates illustrative of the dress and general appearance of such Indian nations as differ materially from each other; of their habitations; their
weapons and habiliments used in war; their hunting and fishing apparatus; domestic utensils, &c. In an appendix there will also be given a diary of the weather, kept with great attention throughout the whole of the voyage, shewing also the daily rise and fall of the principal water-courses which were navigated in the course of the same. PART THE SECOND—IN ONE VOLUME. This part of the work will be confined exclusively to scientific research, & principally to the natural history of those hitherto unknown regions. It will contain a full dissertation on such subjects as have fallen within the notice of the author, and which may properly be distributed under the heads of botany, mineralogy, and zoology, together with some strictures on the origin of Prairies, the cause of the muddiness of the Missouri, of volcanic appearances, and other natural phenomena which were met with in the course of this interesting tour. This volume will also contain a comparative view of twenty-three vocabularies of distinct Indian languages, procured by captains Lewis and Clark on the voyage, and will be ornamented and embellished with a much greater number of plates than will be bestowed on the first part of the work, as it is intended that every subject of natural history which is entirely new, and of which there are a considerable number, shall be accompanied by an appropriate engraving illustrative of it. This distribution of the work has been made with a view to the accommodation of every description of readers, and is here offered to the patronage of the public in such shape, that all persons wishing to become subscribers, may accommodate themselves with either of the parts, or the entire work, as it shall be most convenient to themselves. Detached from this work, there will be published on a large scale, as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers be obtained to defray the expence,
LEWIS & CLARK'S MAP OF NORTH AMERICA, From longitude 9 deg. west, to the Pacific Ocean, and between 36 deg. and 52 north latitude. Embracing all their late discoveries, & that part of the continent heretofore the least known. This map will be compiled from the best maps now extant, as well published as in manuscript, from the collective information of the best informed travellers through the various portions of that region, and corrected by a series of several hundred celestial observations, made by captain Lewis during his late tour. For the convenience of subscribers, these several works will be delivered at the most respectable commercial towns, and at the seats of government of the respective states and territories within the union: No advance is required, nor will payment be demanded until such delivery is made. Knowing that a very considerable proportion of the expence of such publications depends on the engravings which embellish or form them, and that the precise number of such engravings, particularly as it regards the second part of the work, have not yet been settled, it is difficult for the author at this moment to fix a price on them; he therefore declares to the public, that his late voyage was not undertaken with a view to pecuniary advantages, and pledges himself that the estimate which he will in this instance set on his literary labors shall be of the most moderate description; his principal reason indeed for proposing a subscription at all, is that he may be enabled to form some estimate of the number of copies to be struck off. Editors of Public Prints in the United States, disposed to aid the publication of this work, are requested to give the foregoing a few insertions.
TO LET, And possession immediately given—That large and commodious brick Dwelling HOUSE & STORE, lately occupied by Mr. ADAM LINDSAY near the Navy Yard; the house is well calculated to accommodate a small family at present, having four rooms nearly finished, a good kitchen, and spring of water in the cellar adjoining—Also, a stable and wood cellar. The floor is large and well adapted to the Dry Good and Grocery business, having a large and dry cellar, with a plank floor underneath the whole of the floor, where goods of any kind may be safely deposited. The situation of the above described premises for business is not excelled by any in this city. For terms enquire of Mr. Matthew Wright, near the premises or to the subscriber on East Capitol Street near the Capitol. WILLIAM EMACK, Attorney for Adam Lindsay. Washington City, March 13—wtf WASHINGTON & ALEXANDRIA PACKET. THE Public are respectfully informed, that a Packet will commence running on the 10th day of MAY next, between the above places, will start at the hour of NINE o'clock every morning from the mouth of TYBER CREEK in the city of Washington, and at the hour of FOUR o'clock every evening from Alexandria. Accommodations for Passengers and Goods, will be amply provided by the public's obedient servant. SOLOMON STENGER, City of Washington, March 18—3t. Tickets in St. Paul's Parish LOTTERY—BALTIMORE, NOW DRAWING, May be had of any of the Managers, for whose names and the scheme of the Lottery, see the National Intelligencer, No. 985. February 21—
MISS FINAGAN, Would be happy to accommodate a few GENTLEMEN with BOARD, next door to Mr. Harrison Smith, Pennsylvania Avenue. March 25—3t The thorough Bred Horse MONTICELLO, NOW IN HIGH ORDER. WILL be Let to Mares the ensuing season, to commence the first of April, at my seat, near Georgetown, at FIFTEEN DOLLARS, per Mare, for which a note must be sent payable the first of September, and one dollar to the groom; or in lieu thereof, ELEVEN DOLLARS in money. Monticello is a beautiful forrel, full 15 hands high, 6 years old this spring, great bone and sinew. Has never been in training—his blood is equal to any horse in America. He was got by Punch; his dam was Modesty, bred by Mr. Ben. Lowndes of Badenburgh, got by Mr. Hall's Union, his grand-dam by Galloway's Selim, his great grand-dam (as imported mare from the Duke of Hamilton's flock) by Spot; his great grand-dam by Sedbury, his great great grand-dam by Catouch, his great great great grand-dam by Old Traveller, his great great great great grand-dam by Childers, out of a Barb mare. Punch's Pedigree. Punch was bred by Lord Sherborne, and got by King Herod, who was the sire of the Prince of Wales's Rockingham and Mr. Tattersall's Highlander, his dam by Old Mark—Mark was the sire of the noted horse Eclipse, and the imported horses Shark, Pretender, and many others of the best runners of England; so that the blood of Eclipse and Highlander is centered in Punch, which horse was never beat. His grand-dam by Lord Cullen's Arabian; great grand-dam by Regulus, out of Ruth's Black Eyes—Black eyes was got by Crab, out of the Warick Galloway. He was purchased by Sir John Lade when riding 4 years old, for 1000 gs. who named him Punch. When 3 years old, he ran in the name of Lord Sherborne's Chestnut Colt, which may be seen in the racing calendar. In 1784, when 4 years old, Punch won a match at Newmarket of 300 gs. each, beating a colt owned by Lord Barrington's, and giving 3 lbs. He won the plate at Lambourn, and another at Clouder; and afterwards won two matches at New Market. In 1785, he won the plate at Oxford, beating col. O'Kelly's General, who won the gold cup that year, and Mr. Tomb's Tetrarch. He won the plate at Burford, beating Wilbraham, Mountebank and General, and the plate at Lambourn, at five sets, beating Copperbottom, and three others. In 1786, he won a Sweepstakes of 50 gs. each, at Winchester, beating Peruvio, Agham and several others; and a Sweepstakes of 50 gs. each, at Stockbridge, beating, Sergeant, Miss Kingland, and several others. N. S. He won 42 flat pound plates, besides matches and Sweepstakes, while in possession of Sir John Lade, Bart. Good and extensive pasture, well enclosed, at 50 cents per week, and the mare fed, if required, at the market price, for which the money must be sent. The greatest care taken to prevent accidents or escapes, but will not be responsible for either. JOHN THRELKELD. March 23—4t FOR SALE, The House and Lot formerly occupied by Dr. BULLAS as an apothecary Store, opposite the Well Market House—Likewise Lot No. 1, square 75 with a frame Shop thereon, and a convenient frame House on the corner of the President's square and Pennsylvania Avenue near the War Office. Apply to BENJAMIN PERKINS. March 25—3t WASHINGTON PARISH. SOME doubts having been entertained, respecting the legality of the present Veilry of Washington Parish, it has been considered necessary that a new election should take place—For this purpose, application was been made to me, under the idea of my being the only legal Rector of this Parish, to call a meeting of the Parishioners according to the requisitions of the laws of Maryland: I have therefore thought it my duty to notify, that an Election of Vestrymen for the Protestant Episcopal Church of the said Parish, will be held on Monday the 30th day of March 1807, at 11 o'clock A. M. at the Church on New Jersey Avenue. Signed GEORGE RALPH, March 25—3t NOTICE. THE Subscriber wishing to leave the city, offers for sale the property where he now lives, viz. TWO LOTS in Square 83, fronting on B Street 78 feet 3 inches, and running back 187 feet and half. The buildings are a convenient Frame DWELLING HOUSE, Smoke House, & Ice House; two Lime Kilns and Lime House; likewise a handsome garden. On the fourth of the Street in square 89 is a wharf, sufficient to hold 800 cords of wood at once. If this property is not sold at private sale before the fifth day of May next, it will on that day be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises, at 4 o'clock P. M. Terms, one third of the purchase money will be required in 60 days, one third in six months, and the remaining third in twelve months. The purchaser giving his notes on either the city or Georgetown banks, with a good endorser. JOHN STEPHEN. March 25—wtf Bank of Columbia, March 19th, 1807. THE Board of Directors having this day declared a dividend for the half year ending the 20th inst. at the rate of Eight per cent per annum—the same will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives at any time after this day. WILLIAM WHANN, Cashier. Georgetown March 20—ep6w
PUBLIC SALE. BY order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county, will be exposed at public Sale, to the highest bidder, at the farm lately occupied by Mr. Richard Crampkin, and at his late dwelling in the town of Badenburgh, on Tuesday the 5th day of April, next it fair if not the next fair day—all the residue, or unford part of the deceased's personal estate, (except the crop of tobacco) consisting of a valuable man servant, a pair of well grown oxen, about 80 barrels of merchantable corn, 150 bushels of clean rye, about 10 000 weight of Hay, and various other articles too tedious to mention. The sale will commence on the farm, at 9 o'clock in the morning, and continue from day to day until all is sold. Terms of sale, a credit till the 10th day of March 1808, for all sums above ten pounds, the purchaser or purchasers to give bond, with two good and sufficient securities, (if required) carrying interest from the day of sale; and for all purchases to the amount of Ten pounds and under, the cash is to be paid—No property will be delivered until previously paid or bonded for, as above. THOMAS BOWIE, Adm'r. of Richard Crampkin. March 23—tdof ELIAS B. CALDWELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HAS removed his Office, to the house lately occupied by Mr. LAW, on Capitol Hill. Washington, July 26—tf On a liberal credit. THE subscriber will dispose of at private sale, his estate called Chichester, lying on the eastern branch, immediately opposite the city of Washington. This tract of land containing 697 acres is laid off in lots from 3 to 144 acres for the convenience of purchasers. Plats of the estate and the terms of sale are in the hands of colonel Manton at the Navy Yard, and Charles Wayman of George Town. The lots will be shown by Mr. Wedden, living on the premises, near the Eastern Branch bridge. ANTHONY ADDISON. Barnaby, 12th June 1805—tf CHARLES A. BURNETT, HAS received from London and Liverpool a handsome assortment of articles in his line, consisting of WATCHES & JEWELRY, Silver, Tortoiseshell, and Steel Spectacles, Table knives and forks with ivory handles, Pen-knives and scissors. Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket BOOKS. He also continues to manufacture gold and silver ware, at the most reduced prices. Georgetown, Dec. 20—tf This is to give notice, that the subscriber of the city of Washington in the district of Columbia, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county in the state of Maryland, letters of administration on the personal estate of Thomas Ducket, late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber on or before the first day of October next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Those indebted to the deceased are desired to make immediate payment. ALLEN B. DUCKET, Adm. City of Washington, March 13—tf PORTAIT PAINTING C. BOYLE respectfully informs the public that he paints Likenesses in Oil Colors, in the building formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, on the Pennsylvania Avenue, near Duane's book-stores. N. B. A few specimens to be seen. January 5—tf State of Maryland, ss. St. Marys county, Orphans Court, February Term, 1807. ON application of Arnold L. Leigh, and Benjamin Williams, Executors of Walter Leigh, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased, it is ordered, that they give the notice required by law for creditors to exhibit their claims against the said deceased, and that the same be published once in each week, for the space of three successive weeks, in the Washington Federalist and National Intelligencer. JAMES FORREST, Reg. wills For St. Mary's county. THIS is to give notice that the subscribers of St. Mary's county, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of St. Mary's county in Maryland, Letters Testamentary on the personal estate of Walter Leigh, late of the county aforesaid, deceased—All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscribers at or before the third day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under our hands this 3d day of March eighteen hundred and seven. ARNOLD L. LEIGH, BENJAMIN WILLIAMS, Executors. March 25—w3t REMOVAL. P. MAURO takes the liberty of informing his friends customers and the inhabitants of Washington in general, that he has removed his Grocery Store, from opposite the Seven Buildings to the Store adjoining south to the Seven Buildings, formerly occupied by Mr. Plummer. FRESH TEAS, Green coffee of superior quality, old Madeira wine, sweet oranges, Lisbon lemons, and a complete assortment of groceries, wines, liquors, fruits, and spices, for sale on very moderate terms, by wholesale and retail at P. MAURO'S Grocery Store, adjoining south to the seven buildings. March 13—w3t
FOR SALE. I wish to sell at Private Sale, the following property—Lot No. 10 in square 348 with the improvements thereon—Lot No. 15 in square 378. 60 feet front, and 100 back with three small frames thereon in good order—Also Lot No. 1 in square 323, near the Theatre, with a Store and half Frame, 12 by 18 feet, complete and in the best order; the whole of them has good dry Cellar—Also a half Lot No. 5 in square 607, front 27, and running back 72 feet, on the Eastern Branch. Apply to GEORGE MOORE. City Washington, March 18—3t FOR SALE, Fresh Red CLOVER SEED, By JAMES CRAVEN, near the Navy Yard. March 23—1m THE COMMISSIONERS Appointed under an act of the Corporation of Washington for building a TOBACCO WAREHOUSE on square 807, will receive Proposals in writing, until the 1st day of April next, for the following Materials and Workmanship: 50,000 hard bricks, 40 perch of stone, 108 squares of slate, The Rafter and necessary lumber for the roof and workmanship for the above. N. B. A plan of the roof may be seen by application to G. Coombe. DANIEL CARROLL, of Dud'n. GRIFFITH COOMBE, JAMES D. BARRY, Commissioners. March 23—4t 20 Dollars Reward. WAS Stolen from the subscribers stable, near the Navy Yard, on the night of the 16th inst. a DORRAL HORSE about 7 years old—He has a number of white hairs over his body. A blaze in his face, and on his off hind foot, a remarkable stripe of white ending in a point near his knee. He trots remarkably fast, and hard, and all round. Ten dollars reward will be given for the horse, and the above for the bars and thief, and all reasonable charges paid by me. BENJAMIN KING. March 23—3t.
60 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Prince George's county on Sunday the 29th inst. the three following slaves—a mulatto young man who calls himself BILL STEWART, he was born at Montgomery court house, was once the property of Moore Martin, was purchased of him by the late Rich. Contee who sold him to me; he is a likely well made fellow about 21 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, his hands and feet are large; the evening before he absconded he had his hair cut close; he had with him a variety of clothing, viz. a blue coat and overalls, one light colored bearskin coat and overalls, a swansdown waistcoat, 3 fine Irish linen shirts and some coarse shirts, three muslin neckcloths, a fine hat, price 7 dollars; he took away a prayer book, in the first page of which is written Mary Ducket. JOE who calls himself Joe Grimes, alias Graham, and HARRY, both young negro men about 21 years of age—the clothing of these cannot be described. Joe has one of his arms broken near the wrist, which makes it longer than the other; when he is spoken to he speaks fast as if his tongue was too large for his mouth. Harry, I am informed, has several large scars on his body and one of his thighs occasioned by burns when he was young. The above reward will be paid for confining the three in jail, or 50 dollars for confining Bill in jail so that I get him again. WALTER BOWIE; July 7—2awtf
20 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber in August last, Negro CHARLES—he is a straight well made black man, about 26 years of age; 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high; has lost some of his fore teeth; is remarkably polite and much of a gentleman. The above reward will be paid to any person who will bring him home or lodge him any jail so that I get him again. WM. B. BEANES. Upper Marlbo', Jan. 9—tawtf
IN CHANCERY, MARCH 19, 1807. William O'Neal, against Richard Wootton, Lewis Beall and William Pritchett. The object of the bill filed in this cause is to obtain a decree to correct an error in two deeds conveying part of a tract of Land lying in Montgomery county, called "The Cuckold's Delight," one being a deed from Arthur Nelson to Thomas Pritchett, dated the 22nd day of June 1741, the other being a deed from William Pritchett to William O'Neal the complainant, dated the 25th day of June 1798. The bill states that both of the deeds aforesaid describe the beginning of the land to be conveyed thereby, to be at the end of the second line of the said land, instead of at the end of the 20th line thereof, as the parties intended the beginning to be; the bill further states that William Pritchett one of the defendants resides out of the state of Maryland. It is thereupon on motion of the complainant ordered and adjudged that he cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once in each of three successive weeks before the 22nd day of April next, to the end that the absent defendant may have notice of the present application and the object of the Bill, and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the 22nd day of August next to show cause if any he hath why a decree shall not pass as prayed. True copy, SAM. H. HOWARD RE. March 25—w3t