The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-12-27 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. X.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1432.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
DEBATE.
ON THE JOINT RESOLUTION Approving the conduct of the Executive in relation to the refusal to receive any further communication from Francis James Jackson.
DECEMBER 20.
In Committee of the whole, Mr. Bas-
Mr. M c Kay—I rise to submit a few remarks on the subject of the resolution now under consideration, in violation of a rule which I had prescribed to myself, which was, to take no part in the public discussion of any general question which might come before this House during the present session—a rule to which I might have adhered, had it not been alleged that those who were opposed to a resolution of last session, appropriating the President for the prompt manner in which he met the overture made to this government by Mr. Erskine, would act inconsistently by supporting the resolution now on your table.
At the opening of the last session of Congress, the President of the United States communicated to us an arrangement entered into between this government and Mr. Erskine, the representative of the British government in America, important in itself and more so when considered as opening the way to a more extended accommodation. The terms of this arrangement were carried fully into effect by the United States, with the expectation that the terms of the agreement thus concluded would have been carried into operation by the British government. But, Sir, it is now found that this arrangement has been disavowed, the minister by whom it was made recalled, and Mr. Jackson sent to replace him.
This new minister in the explanations which he found it necessary to make to this government of the causes producing this disavowal on the part of Great Britain, thought proper to use and repeat a language highly indecorous and offensive; and out of these circumstances the present question has arisen.
We find, Sir, that this new minister, in the threshold of his correspondence with Mr. Smith, insinuates that the arrangement made with Mr. Erskine, was entered into with bad faith on the part of this government; for we find the following statement in pages 30 and 31 of the printed documents.—
“You state, Sir, very truly, that an arrangement had been made between you and Mr. Erskine, and that his majesty had thought proper to disavow that arrangement.”
“I have here in the outset, to regret the loss of the advantage of verbal intercourse with you, as I should have availed myself of it to enquire whether by your statement, it were your intention to complain of the disavowal itself, or of a total want of explanation of it, or of the circumstance of that explanation not having been made through me. I observe that in the records of this mission there is no trace of a complaint, on the part of the United States, of his majesty having disavowed the act of his minister. You have not, in the conferences we have hitherto held, distinctly announced any such complaint, and I have seen with pleasure, in this forbearance on your part, an instance of that candor, which I doubt not will prevail in all our communications, inasmuch as you could not but have thought it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal of an act done under such circumstances, as could only lead to the consequences that have actually followed.”
Mr. Jackson here congratulates himself on the candor and forbearance of Mr. Smith in his failure or refusal to make any complaint whatever of the disavowal of the arrangement made with Mr. Erskine, alleging as a reason for the absence of every trace of complaint on the part of the United States, that the arrangement was made under such circumstances as could only lead to the consequences that have followed. The consequences here alluded to, are a disavowal of the act of Mr. Erskine.
Now, Sir, if our executive negotiated an arrangement with Mr. Erskine or any other minister, under such circumstances as could only lead to a disavowal of the act, by the government with whose minister the ar-
rangement was made, and a knowledge of these circumstances rendered it an act of forbearance and candor to make no complaint whatever of the disavowal—it must necessarily follow, that the arrangement thus made was improperly entered into by this government; inasmuch as a reliance on this arrangement by our citizens had overspread the ocean with American commerce, which was wafted by every gale to distant regions, all subject to the avarice of British cruisers, and this fact was known to those who administered our government at the time this delusive arrangement was made. This, Sir, appears to me to be the fair inference resulting from this sentence, when divested of its diplomatic flummery and reduced to plain English.
Mr. Jackson seems to find a motive for this insinuation from a communication made by Mr. Erskine to the British government, which he states that he had submitted to the consideration of Mr. Smith the three conditions mentioned in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d of January, and inasmuch as the arrangement of April is variant from those three conditions, and substituted (as he states) in lieu of them he hence infers the undoubted right of his majesty to disavow the arrangement, and solemnly declares that this was the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement with this country.
Mr. Smith replies to Mr. Jackson as follows:
“If there be no trace of complaint against the disavowal in the archives of the mission, it is because this government could not have entered such complaint before the reasons for the disavowal had been explained, and especially as the explanations were justly and confidently expected through the new functionary. And as to the supposed reserve on my part on this subject, in our several conferences, I did imagine, that my repeated intimations to you of the necessity of satisfactory explanations, as to the disavowal, were sufficient indications of the dissatisfaction of this government with respect to the disavowal itself.”
Mr. Smith, in this reply, seems to manifest a surprise that it should be declared that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d of January was the only one by which that minister was to regulate his conduct, and this surprise seems the more natural, when, by a reference to the correspondence which took place in April last between Mr. Smith and Mr. Erskine, at the time the arrangement was concluded, we find Mr. Erskine submitting, conformably to instructions, certain propositions for the consideration of the American government. This official declaration that Mr. Erskine had received the instructions of his government justified this government to proceed with the negotiation, unless, as it is alleged by the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Dana) it became the indispensable duty of this government to see and examine Mr. Erskine's powers before any arrangement was concluded with him, inasmuch as a ratification of the arrangement of April last was not reserved—and several ancient authorities are produced in support of this opinion.
Whatever may be the rule of procedure where one government, by its representative, makes important concessions to another, or where the terms of the agreement are unreasonable or unequal in themselves, I cannot pretend to answer; but where the terms of the agreement are reasonable and equitable in themselves, it has not been the practice of more modern times to demand a sight of the instructions possessed by the minister making or proposing to make the arrangement. By a reference to the correspondence which took place between Mr. Pinkney, our minister at London, and Mr. Canning, in which Mr. Pinkney submits certain propositions to the British government for their consideration, we do not find that Mr. Pinkney was called on to show his instructions or interrogated respecting them. His official statement, that he was instructed to make the overture was then deemed sufficient, and although Mr. Canning did not think proper to accede to the terms proposed by Mr. Pinkney, yet no want of power or authority is alleged as a reason for the refusal on his part.
There seems to be a manifest impropriety in the notion of demanding a sight of instructions in ordinary cases, inasmuch as the act of the minister, in violation of his instructions, would be obligatory on his government, according to the usages of nations, where a ratification was reserved, in all cases where the terms of the agreement were reasonable and equitable in themselves. Now, Sir, what was acquired by this government in the arrangement with Mr. Erskine unreasonable or unequal? Was anything more obtained than a recognition of our natural and indefeasible right freely to navigate the ocean according to the rules of public law, a right belonging equally to all foreign and independent nations? If, by the arrangement of April last, a ratification had been reserved, the British government would in good faith have been bound to have ratified the agreement, as no good reason could be assigned for failing to do so.
And, Sir, this failure to see and examine Mr. Erskine's instructions is not alleged by Mr. Jackson as a cause or reason why this government had not a right to complain of the disavowal. From this I infer that the official statement contained in Mr. Erskine's correspondence, that he had instructions, and that he was authorised to make the arrangement, was all that was necessary to be known by this government before the arrangement was entered into, and that the Secretary of State was necessarily led to believe that Mr. Erskine had other letters of instruction than those contained in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d of January last.
Sir, let us now examine Mr. Jackson's reply to Mr. Smith's statement, in which Mr. Smith declares this government had not a knowledge that the instruction contained in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d of January was the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it relates, and declares, if this fact had been known at the time the arrangement was made, that it would not have been made.
Mr. Jackson, in his reply to Mr. Smith, declares that Mr. Smith was acquainted with the instruction which was given to Mr. Erskine, and that he had no other instruction than that contained in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d of Jan. Is it possible to conceive a contradiction more positive than that contained in this reply? If a gentleman in his place states any matter of fact to exist, and he is told in reply that the fact stated is untrue, and that this statement was made with a perfect and intimate knowledge of its falsehood, all the world would at once agree he was insulted. And the present case does not differ from the case I put, except that it is obscured with diplomatic verbiage.
But, Sir, Mr. Smith in his letter of the 18th of Nov. expresses his dissatisfaction at the liberty taken by Mr. Jackson and declares such insinuations inadmissible. And what is Mr. Jackson's reply to Mr. Smith? Why, Sir, we find in page 74 of the printed documents, the following:
“You will find that in my correspondence with you, I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me and last of all should I think of uttering an insinuation, where I was unable to substantiate a fact. To facts, such as I have become acquainted with them, I have scrupulously adhered, and in so doing I must continue, whenever the good faith of his majesty's government is called in question, to vindicate its honor and dignity, in the manner that appears to me best calculated to for that purpose.”
What were the insinuations which Mr. Jackson had made? Why, first, that the arrangement negotiated with Mr. Erskine was done under such circumstances as could only lead to a disavowal, and it would have been an act of candor on the part of this government to make no complaint of that disavowal; and, secondly, that Mr. Smith was perfectly acquainted with Mr. Erskine's instructions, and knew he had but the one instruction contained in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d of Jan. Notwithstanding Mr. Smith positively denies any such knowledge, and complains of such insinuations as inadmissible, yet Mr. Jackson would least of all make an insinuation where he could not substantiate a fact; and to facts, such as he had become acquainted with them, he had scrupulously adhered, and in so doing would continue.
This, Sir, is a justification of all the charges advanced against this government by Mr. Jackson, and a notice given that he would continue to charge them with bad faith in the formation of the arrangement, and of possessing a knowledge of Mr. Erskine's instructions, which had been positively denied.
What course was left for the administration to pursue? Why, Sir, either to hang down their ears like the shuggish ass and bear with patience Mr. Jackson's stopgap reasons, or cut him off in the manner they have done, and put an end to further opportunities of abusing this government. The course taken was surely the only proper one; and the question now before us is, whether we will support our government in the measure thus taken, whatever consequences may grow out of it? I am prepared to say that we will.
It has been stated by the gentleman from Rhode Island, that he did not see where this insult was given. Why, Sir, it does appear to my mind as clear as evidence as the light of day to my sense of sight, from an examination of the documents, that an insult was given to this government beyond bearing; and I should also think that no man could examine those documents with a determination to give the facts stated their proper weight, who would not make the same discovery. But, Sir, according to the old adage, none so blind as him who will not see.
I come now to that part of the subject which principally induced me to rise, which is to show (if I can) that there exists no inconsistency in my opinion on the resolution proposed at the last session on a gentleman from Virginia not now in his place, and the support which I mean to give the present resolution. Indeed, Sir, I might retort on the gentleman from Connecticut, inasmuch as he was in favor of the resolution of last session and is now opposed to this. If the two resolutions are substantially similar, he must be inconsistent as well as myself, and it would prove only that we had changed sides. But, Sir, I take this change as presenting an irrefutable proof that the two cases are dissimilar, and the intelligence of that gentleman has discovered this fact. The resolution of last session was merely approbatory of the conduct of the President for the performance of an act which appears to me to have been merely a ministerial one. Congress had vested the President with a power to remove by a proclamation the interdiction of our trade with G. Britain and France, or either of them, on the happening of a particular contingency. The contingency happened in the opinion of the President, and he discharged his duty. But, Sir, the resolution on your table is a pledge on the part of Congress to the President, to the nation, and to the world, that we will support him in the measure which he has taken, whatever consequences may grow out of it.
The gentleman from Connecticut has considered this resolution in the nature of a declaration of war, and that preparations are necessary to meet the event. I do not consider the resolution in this light; neither do I consider it a measure giving any just cause of war to England. But, if it should be made a cause of war, I conceive no previous preparations are necessary. Whenever war is made on this nation, that spirit of patriotism which has been lying dormant for years will be aroused; it will be communicated from one end of this country to the other with the rapidity of the electric fluid; it will convert in an instant the merchants, farmers, mechanics, and yeomanry of your country into citizen soldiers. The immense and almost inexhaustible resources of this country will be rendered active, and like Leonidas and his Grecians, they will defend every inch of ground, and, if without success, that spot of this country where the last hope of liberty deserts them will be their tomb. In what, Sir, does the strength of this nation consist? Not in numerous armies or in large and well appointed fleets, but in the affections of the people to the government. If the people are with you, your plans can be executed with effect. If they are against you, you are weak and can do nothing with effect. I am therefore in favor of the resolution.
Mr. Wheaton, Mr. Chairman—Honored with a seat in this House, and called upon to give my vote in the decision of a question important to the nation, it becomes my duty and a duty which ought not to be resisted by inclination, to submit for consideration some remarks respecting the subject upon which we are to decide; and I indulge the hope that on this, as on every other occasion, our discussions may proceed with coolness and in a manner becoming the legislature of a free and discerning people, who know what is due to themselves and the rest of mankind.
The resolutions before us, sanctioned by the honorable Senate, now solicit the attention of the Representatives of the American people, and strongly invite them to give their assent to several propositions, deduced from a correspondence, lately held between the Secretary of State and the British minister, Mr. Jackson, relatively to the points in dispute between that country and this country and that; and on their own behalf and that of their constituents, to signify their entire approbation of the determination of the Executive government resulting therefrom, which put an end to that correspondence.
Notwithstanding the opinions of several honorable gentlemen, manifested on a former occasion in this House, to whom much respect is due, and whose opinions will always have great weight with me when forming my own; yet I cannot but still hold it, as a correct principle, that in a government like ours, springing from and supported by the will of the people, they have a right, and that it is even their duty, on great occasions, to signify their approbation or disapprobation of the conduct pursued, or the measures adopted by those in power. For as on the one hand it may be the means of correcting an erroneous procedure, so on the other, it may give life and vigor to a wise and honest policy.
If indeed praise is asked for as an animus, it should always be denied; but when it is well earned and really due, it would not only be liberal, but unjust, to withhold it. Whether the one or the other be the case in the present instance, we may hazard our own opinions, but the great question will still remain to be decided before the grand tribunal of the public. For whether we allow of an appeal to the people in this case or not, the people will assert in the appeal and will finally judge and determine as they shall think proper.
I presume the honorable Senate, who sent us these resolutions, requesting our concurrence in them, did not, and I presume the advocates for the adoption of them, in this House, do not wish for expressions of approbation from any one, where they are
not sincerely felt. Expressions of approbation may indeed sometimes be compelled, but real approbation cannot; it must be freely given. It cannot be extorted, but by the discovery of the wisdom or propriety of the conduct or measure proposed to be approved.
Although my praise or dispraise, approbation or disapprobation, either as a private citizen, or as an individual member of this House, may be considered as of little importance to those who stand in the first ranks in conducting the great concerns of the nation; yet if I could see what has been my anxious wish to see, and what others imagine they do see, that our Executive government had pursued the wisest and most prudent course relative to the subject embraced by these resolutions, it would be highly gratifying to my pride to be able to furnish a few materials for a monument to their praise. In doing this I should feel much pleasure and satisfaction as did the poor Egyptian, when, gathering together a few splinters of a broken boat as a funeral pile for the great Pompey.
It is but natural that I should be prejudiced in favor of my own country, the country that gave me birth, and in which I have ever since lived, and of the government I have had some small share in forming. I feel the force of the obligation I am under, by all just and proper means in my power to promote the interests and happiness of this one, and to give aid and support to the other. I cannot, however, under these impressions, and with these objects in view, either feel the necessity, or make myself willing to break through those eternal immutable obligations, I am under to my God and my fellow men, always to maintain justice and truth. It is my wish to examine with fairness and candor every subject which it shall become my duty to consider, and that my tongue may always be found the true index of my heart.
I know it is a maxim in some governments that the supreme power of the state can do no wrong. I believe, however, that this maxim has not received the sanction of experience in any government. It has sometimes been questioned even in that government to which these resolutions point, and the resolutions themselves are made to decide against it. I should hardly then have expected, that in this early period of our free republic, such a maxim would be received and become current here. May we not yet, Sir, humbly and modestly enquire, even though such enquiry should lead to doubt, whether our Executive government (as this government is but a creature of our power) have done right or wrong in the late hasty step they have taken, especially as we are now called upon, and in pretty strong terms too, to approve of it. If we are yet freemen, and retain any of our discerning faculties, shall we not examine for ourselves before we venture to express our approbation? If we do not, shall we not be in danger of exhibiting to the world the picture of convivial, though tasteless, company over some sparkling dulation commending their champion? For myself, Sir, I have examined, and though, with modesty and deference for the opinions of others, I am compelled as an honest man to say that what is proposed in these resolutions does not meet my approbation. In giving my reasons I will state some facts, but carefully avoid drawing conclusions; leaving that to be done by those to whom they may apply.
The belligerents of Europe, anxious to excel in doing each other harm, have both done much harm to us.
The French, it is said, have committed some trespasses on our commercial rights, and notwithstanding all our gentle entreaties, show little disposition to compensate for the past or desist from future injuries until having acquired as much power by sea as they have already by land, they shall have been able to send their floating colonies abroad; and then, if we may judge of the probable effects of the one, from what we have seen or heard of the other, we may easily anticipate what kind of redress will be offered us. If we do not like the fate of Copenhagen, we may have that of Switzerland or Spain. Those harps on which we are now playing, we may be obliged to hang upon the willows, bemoan the loss of a stolen President, and in a different tone, to hail the arrival of a victorious master from the family of the Bonapartes.
The French minister is still with us, and for aught I have heard, in full communion with our accustomed communications with, and civilities towards that nation are not interrupted.
For the British government, Sir, I feel no partiality; with British subjects I have no connection; for the British nation no affection, but such as I ought to feel for all mankind.
From that nation we have endured many wrongs, and made as many complaints. But all the means which the wisdom of our government has hitherto devised, or her power executed, for redress, have proved ineffectual to the attainment of that desirable object. A different expedient seems now to be contemplated. All communication with that government through their minister in this country is now suspended, and the way seems fast preparing for open and avowed hostilities with that nation. How far the nature and magnitude of the wrongs we have suffered, or the prospect of redress, by having recourse to war, can justify the measure, deserves to be considered by those who are to make the decision.
I have no hesitancy in saying, that according to the common notions of mankind upon such subjects, (I am not much fond of war myself in any case) the conduct of the British towards the people of this country has been such, as to justify forcible resistance, provided, from a due consideration of their situation and our own, we could have a reason I propose by such resistance, of injury or compulsion, to redress one wrong and prevent another.

our rights. Yet I am not prepared to say that any thing has been done or said by the British minister to Mr. Secretary Smith, so gross and insulting, so far as can be discovered in their late correspondence, as to justify the hostility, as I think, injudiciously spoken by our government; much less to induce me solemnly to pledge myself and the people whom I have the honor to represent, to engage in so disastrous a measure as that of war, as recommended in these resolutions, if necessary, to repel it, however war, in the views of any, might be justified on other grounds. What, sir, shall we, a whole nation go to war, shall thousands of lives be lost, and millions of hard-earned property be wasted, because one man, in whom, in which imagination he may be, as I think in this case, he must be mistaken, that another has made some representations or insinuations that might seem to affect his honor or character? Are you willing, sir, that our sons should thus fall unpietied victims at ambition's shrine? I hope not, sir.
I cannot admit that such an insult was offered by Mr. Jackson as has been imagined, nor could I agree that such should be the consequence if it had been a fact.
After turning over every page and carefully reviewing the whole of the correspondence between Mr. Smith and Mr. Jackson, I have really failed to find what others think they so plainly see. Mr. Smith in his letter to Mr. Jackson of the 9th of October, calls on that minister for a prompt and explicit explanation of the grounds of refusal on the part of his government to abide by the arrangement lately made with his predecessor Mr. Erskine. Mr. Jackson in his letter of the 11th of the same month replies that, in his examination of the records of Mr. Erskine's mission, he found no traces of complaint, and that he did not hear any express announcements of it in the several conferences he had had with Mr. Smith, on the part of the United States, of his Majesty's having disavowed the act of his minister in the case alluded to; and then candidly supposes that this want of complaint by them might be owing to a consciousness that it would be unreasonable to complain of the disavowal of an act done under such circumstances as could only lead to the consequences that had followed. What were these circumstances, as stated by Mr. Jackson? They were these: That Mr. Erskine had not only not confirmed with Mr. Smith the arrangement in question, but had acted in direct contradiction to his instructions in the arrangement he had made; that these instructions were contained in Mr. Canning's despatch to him of the 20th of Jan. and that that despatch contained the only instructions Mr. Erskine had received relating to that subject; and that those instructions had been made known in substance, though not in extenso, to the American government. Now can the most jealous eye discover anything in these assertions of Mr. Jackson that could be offensive to the most squeamish stomach? Unless it be in the last, and that Mr. Smith confesses to be true; and yet some how or other seems strangely to imagine that they contain some insinuable insinuations, and premonishes him against a repetition. In answer to this Mr. Jackson says that he had been careful to avoid drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises he had advanced, and not to utter an insinuation where he was unable to substantiate a fact. Mr. Smith had asserted that our government had no knowledge that what was made known of the despatch of the 20th of January was the only authority Mr. Erskine had to make the arrangement in question, and yet by intimating an opinion that his general authority as minister plenipotentiary was sufficient, seems to admit that he might not have had any other special authority for the purpose. Here it would not be strange if the busy meddling mind of man should suggest an enquiry, how it should come to pass that authorities or instructions that were unexhibited and unknown should be substituted as the basis of an important arrangement in the place of those that were exhibited, discussed and rejected. If none had been exhibited and found to be inadmissible, it would not appear so strange if the general authority had been relied on. Mr. Jackson, however, no where asserts, that I can find, that our government knew, at the time of the arrangement with Mr. Erskine, that he had no other instructions or authorities to make it than such as were exhibited, but simply that he knew such to have been the fact, and a fact to which he felt himself bound scrupulously to adhere, in order to vindicate the honor and dignity of his government whenever its good faith might be called in question upon that point.
In all this I can see nothing but severe civility. And yet this is made the occasion for suddenly breaking off of a correspondence that might have led however dubious the prospect in the beginning of it, to an amicable adjustment of all the points in dispute between the two countries, and we are now called upon to prepare ourselves for war to avenge the imaginary affront. Not to get redress for the wrongs we have suffered nor to regain our commercial rights; for I do not perceive that any of these subjects are embraced by the resolutions. To be sure, sir, while I feel that I am an American I would not agree to submit to the conditions contained in the despatch to Mr. Erskine of the 20th of Jan. and which were said to have been proposed by our government, but Mr. Jackson intimates at least, that the object of the British government might be attained by the substitution of some others less exceptional. At any rate, if we cannot, at present, have the offer of terms, that can be considered by us as admissible, on which to form the basis of a treaty with the British government; if we cannot, at present, make any treaty at all with them, we ought not to be hasty in going to war.
It is a plain dictate of reason and to be found among the precepts of revelation, that any nation even under the greatest pressure, before they go to war, should count the cost. We should estimate the losses to which war with the British may expose us, as well as the amount of our probable gain, as also the means in our power of gaining any thing at all. That sentiment contained in the President's message to Congress at the opening of this session perfectly accords with my own, that in the midst of the wrongs and vexations experienced from external causes, there is much room for congratulation on the prosperity and happiness flowing from our situation at home; and it may be added that since, by the indulgence of our own government, our citizens have been permitted to return to that commerce, to which they have been
accustomed, and with which they are so much delighted, their enterprises have been rewarded by pretty ample returns of gain from abroad. As an evidence of this we need only look into our great sea-ports, and view the hurry and zeal with which our merchants are preparing and sending their vessels to sea, floating new restrictions and embarrassments from our own government, more than any orders or decrees originating in foreign countries. So that amidst all our difficulties, our desires do not more exceed our enjoyments, than these exceed those of every other people in the world. To the loss of many, if not all these advantages and blessings a war would expose us. And where would be our gain? The worst passions of the human heart would be called into action, and we should have an increase of nothing but poverty and vice. But it may here be worth enquiry, what are our means of going to war? The philosophers of our age and nation have taught us to expect that the happy time would soon come when the unpredictable contest of trying which could do the other the most harm would yield to the superior force of reason. Hence the policy of our government has not been to make any considerable preparations for war. Our experienced warriors, though eminent are few; the rest remain to be trained to the art, and perhaps to be born. The timber for rearing up an important navy is yet in our forests and perhaps in the acorn. And I wish we might never have occasion to call for the former to procure the latter. Shall we then in this situation go to war with a nation, who, for centuries, have made war their trade? Shall we undertake to capture the ships of a nation who have it in their power efficiently to blockade all our ports from Georgia to Maine, and in the course of a few months to sweep from the ocean every vessel we may venture from our harbors?
But if we were to go to war with Britain and could promise ourselves success in humbling the pride of that haughty nation, should we not in hastening her downfall, accelerate the period when we should become the humble vassals of the great master of the world; and then the wrongs we should have to endure would no longer go under the mild name of trespasses. We should apply a harsher term, if allowed to give them any name at all.
It may be enquired what then shall we do? Shall we become slaves to Britain for fear of the shackles of imperial France? Shall we voluntarily submit to the unreasonable demands of the one under an apprehension of the severer tyranny of the other? The answer must be no. We will never agree to be wretched. We will give no quarter to any thing to which we are entitled. But not only refuse to enjoy any because we cannot present enjoy it. Because we cannot now, with safety, traverse the ocean every where as pleasure, shall we abandon it entirely, and burn all our vessels for fear of losing them? This would be like the folly of the man, who having had some trespasses committed on his plantation, should magnanimously resolve to fly to the mountains and give up the whole. I would not, in madness, make a voluntary surrender of my cornfield, merely because my orchard had been robbed. Let us make the most of every advantage still in our power. If it be the policy of foreign governments to lay unjust restrictions on our commerce abroad, let it be the policy of ours to see that it is not shackled with too much regulation at home; leaving our citizens to the quick-sighted guidance of private interest, and they will soon find the path to wealth. The wealth of individuals will become the wealth of the community, to which they belong. In this way we shall grow rich, as a nation. Riches will enable to be richer still, and being richer still, we shall have the power, as having the power shall not want the disposition to assert all our rights; so shall we become a great and flourishing nation, and so may we continue until old time like Sampson in his wrath shall pluck the pillars that support the world.
It is because I think, and think honestly, that the adoption of these resolutions would have a tendency to bring on a cloudy, if not stormy day, and deprive us of these delightful prospects that I cannot give them the sanction of my vote.
Mr. Johnson. When I consider it my indispensable duty to address you, I shall apologise neither for the manner, nor the time—and, however feeble my powers, to speak the sentiments of those whose confidence and whose affections have placed me here is a source of happiness which I cannot describe. To be silent on this occasion would do great injustice to the love of national honor and the patriotism of the district I represent, and in fact of the state in which I live. The gentlemen in opposition to the resolution have given an extent to this discussion which has involved our foreign relations with all the world. I may be permitted, therefore, without being considered prolix, to embrace in my remarks the disavowed arrangement and the events subsequent—nor shall I be considered as wandering from the subject to review the situation of this country at the time of the disavowed arrangement, and to mention the great events which pressed heavily upon the eye of this period. What was this situation and these pressing and impending events previous to the arrangement? Our embarrassments had never been so great since the revolution, nor our injuries so numerous, so serious, so aggravated—the political horizon was overshadowed with clouds and darkness—no commercial arrangement existed between Great Britain and the United States; we were bound together by no conventional ties—by no treaty obligation. The commercial part of Jay's treaty, which conceded so much to England and which has so justly incurred the execration of the friends of our independence, had expired. We were afloat upon the ocean upon the broad basis of the laws of nations, under
which for a few years we were growing in wealth and happiness in a manner that excited the jealousy of Great Britain. She had failed to gain the same advantages by another treaty and she refused to enter into a reciprocal and liberal one. Failing in this attempt, the laws of nations were disregarded—changed by municipal regulations, and executed by the British cannon—power and necessity became her code of maritime laws, and our commerce and our innocent and independent citizens fell a sacrifice to this system of iniquity. The subject of impressment, the first in the list of injuries, the colonial trade direct and circuitous, the subject of blockade by which the civilized world has been closed to our commerce by proclamations on paper, the list of contraband, the search of merchant vessels, depredations in our waters, the attack on the Chesapeake where a number of our citizens were murdered and some still held in captivity, the British proclamation holding out farther pretensions upon the subject of impressment than have ever been exercised with all of their nefarious practices, the orders in council levied a tribute, a tax, a contribution upon your soil and your property—These were the subjects of dispute, the points of controversy. Atonement for the injuries refused and negotiation on other points had failed.
The most sanguine among us gave up all hopes of better times. The crisis was awful, which presented to the American people the alternatives of war, embargo, or disgrace—our situation was rendered more perilous by the internal divisions at home and the opposition which constitutional laws met with in many parts of the U. States.
In this hour of peril and danger, the disavowed arrangement was announced to the people of the United States by our Chief Executive Magistrate—an arrangement which made atonement in part for the murder of our countrymen on board the Chesapeake, offered a prospect of restoring the men now in captivity and exile—which rescinded the orders in council as they respected the U. S.—with a promise of sending a special minister vested with full powers to conclude a treaty of peace. I cannot describe the feelings of the American people at this welcome news, when the agreeable surprise permitted reflection—the prospect of peace made their joy immoderate. A political jubilee was proclaimed. It was fondly hoped that a pledge had been given or a disposition manifested to obviate the insults and wrongs of twenty years in a just and amicable arrangement. The effects of this disavowed arrangement were universal, not confined to one party, nor to one class of citizens. The few who doubted the faith of Great Britain were denounced—no party or politician dared at that time to say, and it could not be said, that Great Britain had surrendered any right, that she had abandoned any principle of equity or the laws of nations; nor that G. Britain had more than atoned for the injuries in which reparation was tendered, nor that Mr. Erskine had been over-reached or that he had compromised the honor of his government. Not even British emissaries nor the papers supposed to be devoted to the British interest dared to assert any of these positions.
There was a difference of opinion with respect to the arrangement in this: that one party contended or thought that it contained the maximum of what we had a right to ask. The other party contended or thought, that it was the minimum of justice, that we had a right to demand more. But all concurred in accepting the arrangement with great joy. This arrangement furnished subject matter for a very new and interesting discussion as unexpected as the arrangement. What was this contest which was waged so very warmly? why, sir, it was who should claim the credit of the arrangement. This was the dispute—forces were marshalled—the newspapers were engaged and the orators of this House came forth in all their strength. I was also anxious to share a little of the credit, and therefore I put in my little mite with the rest. It was said by some of the opponents to the measures of the administration and the government that their opposition had produced the arrangement with Great Britain; and they therefore claimed the credit of the happy change. I could not subscribe to this doctrine, because I could not perceive its reasonableness, & it would have taken from those with whom I acted all the credit for which they contended. It was by others ascribed to the good disposition of Great Britain towards the United States which had ever existed, who said that Great Britain had been prevented from a display of that good disposition to do us justice on account of the partiality of Mr. Jefferson to France & his hostility to England. It was with sorrow, how-
ever, Sir, that I heard that great and good man called a French partisan, a man who could not be injured by such unfounded charges, and whose name will be inscribed in the Temple of renown in indelible letters; not only for his great abilities, but his great goodness. To bring other proof of the good disposition of Great Britain, Mr. Munroe's Treaty & Mr. Rose's mission were called up. It was a great consolation to me, however, that it was admitted by the same persons that Mr. Madison, in whom I have the greatest confidence, was impartial towards the two great belligerents, and therefore entitled to thanks and approbation. Another party, called the republicans, ascribed the arrangement with Mr. Erskine to the wise and patriotic measures of the government, and to the events in Europe which were at that time disastrous to English hopes. I was of this number.
But while we were contemplating this golden age, this new era in our history, at a time when the farmer had prepared his grain for market, and promised his impatient creditor speedy payment, when the mechanic expected an additional reward for his labor; when the flag of the honest trader floated in the winds of every region, and the seamen exulted with joy at the return of better times, and the wife and children of a fond husband and affectionate parent cherished a hope of meeting again the dearest object of their affection, detained by British impressment.—At this eventful moment it was that the disavowal of that arrangement was announced to blast our hopes, and to put down our pretensions to credit. Laying out of the question past events, we are furnished by this disavowal with subject matter for another long talk equally as important if not as amusing as the one I have mentioned—old grievances are done away or merged in those of later date.
What is this new subject of discussion? The origin and cause of this disavowal. This involves several questions, viz. whether the disavowal originated in British perfidy or in the mistake or misconduct of D. M. Erskine, esq. the British minister—and also an examination of the unwarrantable charge of Mr. Jackson, the dismissed British minister, by which he endeavored to shift the odium of the disavowal from the king of England to the Executive of the United States.
I shall not enter into a tedious and disgusting detail, but confine myself to the spirit of the correspondence—not shall I enter into a construction of Mr. Jackson's verbiage and phraseology, but of its obvious and natural import. The disavowal could not have originated in the misconduct of Mr. Erskine, because no gentleman will impute to him an unworthy motive; his high character, his uniform loyalty to his master the king, forbids such an idea. In addition to this I would call to my aid the doctrine of human nature, and ask what motive could exist in Mr. Erskine to deceive his own government or the United States. A motive for such conduct does not exist. But on the other hand every honorable consideration, as well as every other rational motive, must have impressed upon his mind the necessity of complying with his majesty's wishes. His standing as a man of integrity and intelligence, his continuance as minister in this country, all depended upon a faithful execution of the trust confided to his charge. He must have known that a violation of instructions would only have injured his own country and the United States, in producing a disavowal. The disavowal therefore must have originated in the innocent misconception of Mr. Erskine, or in the punic faith of England.
Upon this subject I shall think for myself. Leaving out those events which would go to cast odium on the British cabinet, let me remind the committee that Mr. Erskine is a man of understanding, a man of integrity, and has still asserts that he acted agreeably to his majesty's wishes and to the spirit of the instructions given him. I must refer to the declarations of Mr. Erskine in the printed document:
"Under these circumstances, therefore, finding that I could not obtain the recognitions specified in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d January (which formed but one part of his instructions to me) in the formal manner required, I considered that it would be in vain to lay before the government of the United States the despatch in question, which I was at liberty to have done in extenso had I thought proper: But as I had such strong grounds for believing that the object of his majesty's government could be attained, though in a different manner, and the spirit, at least, of my several letters of instructions be fully complied with, I felt a thorough conviction upon my mind, that I should be acting in conformity with
his majesty's wishes, and, accordingly, concluded the late provisional agreement on his majesty's behalf with the government of the U. States."
He states with candor and sincerity, that when he entered into the arrangements upon his mind, that he was acting in conformity to his master's wishes, and up to the spirit of his several letters of instructions, if not to the letter of them. He also states that he greatly laments that an act of his should produce any embarrassment between the two countries. In a different letter he states that he had no intention to deceive the United States, and regrets the consequences which have resulted from the rejection of the arrangement. I will now speak of the conduct of the Executive, as to the charge brought against him, by Mr. Jackson. I will not condescend to vindicate the Executive. He stands (thank God!) above suspicion. His talents, his veracity, his love of country, are above suspicion—I will not speak of motives as applying to him, or I would ask what motive the Executive could have to enter into an arrangement which he knew would be rejected, and produce the mischief which has resulted? 1st. Mr. Erskine declares he did not lay before the Executive or the Secretary of State his instructions. 2d. On our part the engagement now disavowed was promptly executed by the Executive. All this was known to Mr. Jackson, and every circumstance enumerated should be recollected to interpret the intention of the British government to insult us thro' their agent Mr. Jackson.
From this retrospective summary, let any unprejudiced mind determine whether the disavowal originated in British perfidy or the mistake of Mr. Erskine. To enable us to judge still more correctly, let us attend to the mission of Mr. Jackson—and I am sorry here to state, that I understood the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) either by his express words, or from the unavoidable conclusion drawn from his premises, to charge the chief Executive magistrate with the consequences of the disavowal on the part of Great Britain of an equitable arrangement entered into with great solemnity, and which gave no more than an undoubted right, nor as much. I did not hear him cast any censure on the conduct of Mr. Jackson, nor upon the conduct of the British government in disavowing the act of its minister. He also admitted that the President had a right constitutionally to receive foreign ministers and might reject them upon reasonable ground. He also stated that the immunity of a public minister did not allow him to charge our Executive with a falsehood, or to appeal to the people from the government. These principles being admitted, I listened attentively to hear where the blame was to be placed, on whose shoulders—and to my astonishment, the blame was packed upon the President of the United States, in failing to comply with an incumbent duty, viz. in not demanding the authority of Mr. Erskine to make the arrangement. And many authorities were quoted to prove the failure of duty on the part of the Executive. The gentleman has failed in his attempt, admitting every authority quoted. When a foreign minister enters into any engagement with any other government, and the stipulations are to be carried into immediate effect, there the government has a right to demand the power, or if you will the authority of such foreign minister to conclude an arrangement on the subjects embraced by the compact.
But there is a difference between the power of a public minister, and his special instructions under the power. It never has been denied that Mr. Erskine had power to make an arrangement on the subjects embraced by the disavowed stipulations. This is acknowledged by Mr. Jackson in the correspondence, by Mr. Canning in his letters, and by all those who support Mr. Jackson and condemn our Executive government. The President therefore demanded and received proper evidence of the power of Mr. Erskine to make arrangements embracing the orders in Council and the affair of the Chesapeake. Having done this, the President discharged his duty.
Secondly—Then how does the member from Connecticut make and prove his charge that the President failed in a great and an incumbent duty? The gentleman has ingeniously blended the power or the authority of a public minister with his special instructions. I would ask that learned member, whether the annals of diplomacy, or the laws of nations, or his treaty of Westphalia can furnish an instance where a government had the right or ever did demand a sight of the special instructions of a foreign minister? It never has been done of right; it cannot be done. It would be violating the most sacred right of a

foreign minister. If, therefore, special instructions are ever exhibited, it is from courtesy and from the free will of the minister instructed. This doctrine is proven by the case under consideration. If we had a right to demand the special instructions of Mr. Erskine, why did Mr. Canning authorize Mr. Erskine to show one despatch to our government? This is a case in point. The principle is absurd and unreasonable, and cannot bear examination.
When I have so often therefore witnessed the moderation of that gentleman, & been so often instructed with his remarks upon the laws of nations, etc. I confess I was pained to the heart to hear a charge of a failure in the President to discharge his duty to this nation, made out by blending the powers of a minister with his special instructions. I regretted this still more when I recollected that the same member declared, that he would be more unwilling to censure than to approve the conduct of the President. It might have been useful if, at that time, the learned member had recollected his observations as to the worth of character more when speaking of that of the British minister, and when we were cautioned against its production. A failure of duty therefore in the President to demand the instructions of Mr. Erskine at the time of the arrangement, has led to the disavowal & its consequences by the fair deductions from the gentleman's premises if not from his express declarations. I would ask, if the President had demanded the special instructions of Mr. Erskine, and they had been produced for inspection, what would have been the consequence? If the President had concurred with the construction of Mr. Erskine, and a disavowal had taken place as it has already, the hue and cry would have rung throughout the U. S. If the President had differed from Mr. Erskine and had refused the amicable arrangement, denunciations in the voice of thunder would have been proclaimed to the world.
But the real dispute is, where it ought to be, with Mr. Erskine and his master the king. The charge which Mr. Jackson has made against the government or the Executive is this: that the President did enter into an arrangement with Mr. Erskine, the British minister, settling the affair of the Chesapeake and revoking the orders in Council as they related to the U. States, knowing at the time that Mr. Erskine violated his most positive instructions, and that the king would not be bound by the arrangement. The member from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) states that Mr. Madison failed in the performance of an incumbent duty in not demanding the authority of Mr. Erskine, thereby including in that expression his special instructions at the time of the arrangement; and that therefore G. Britain was not to blame in disavowing an unauthorized act!
I am sick of this subject, and return to the mission of Mr. Jackson. He is received as the minister resident and the successor of Mr. Erskine. His conduct soon induced the President to require of him written communications to prevent his equivocating. He was vested with no extraordinary power—he had no propositions to make upon the subject of a commercial intercourse, including the orders in council; but he was authorised to receive for consideration propositions from us. We, the injured party, must make overtures and he would listen to them and get the final answer from his master in the mean time!
He stated to our government in addition that the orders in council would not be revoked, but upon three conditions. I almost blush to state those conditions, which were, to purchase rights that belonged to us as a neutral nation.
1. The U.S. must abandon their restrictive system, non-intercourse, &c. against G. Britain—admit the British navy to our ports and harbor—and continue this system against the commerce of France, her allies and dependencies. 2. That the U.S. must abandon the colonial trade during the war, direct and circuitous. 3. The British navy must be called in to execute the laws of Congress against our own citizens viz the non-intercourse against France, and to capture our merchant vessels going to France, with a declared intention that this measure would be necessary to secure the bona fide intention of the U. States.
And where did these conditions originate? Whose mind, so sickly and feeble at the prosperity of the U. S. as to propose them, particularly the last, which asks a formal surrender of one of the attributes of sovereignty? It was first attempted to fix the origin of these propositions on conversations which Mr. Erskine had with Messrs. Madison, Gaatin and Smith, then heads of departments. This was denied by Mr. Erskine in positive terms,
in answer to the enquiries of this government. He denies that any such concessions or conditions were made or mentioned. It then is attempted to fix the blame of calling in the British navy to execute our laws upon Mr. Pinkney. To prove it we call for papers, and how does it appear? That Canning made the proposition to Pinkney who never sanctioned in any manner such a degrading proposal. The truth is, that these propositions originated and were hatched in the brain of Canning. No other mind, I hope and trust in God, would have been so corrupt and audacious. Lo! we make a great struggle to fix every blame on our administration, and when that cannot be done we censure is attached to the foreign government! Our administration has been so unfortunate as never to be in the right with some politicians, and some foreign governments never to be in the wrong. We are thus told that we are not able to execute our laws, and that British cruisers in all their licentiousness must be permitted to capture our own merchantmen—and I suppose the next condition would be that we should get the British Parliament to make the laws for us, and then the British navy might better execute them—and that we should send our soldiers to the continent to fight her battles. Omnipotent Orders in Council!
Thus the door to negotiation was closed; unless indeed some should suppose that these conditions should be complied with on our part. These conditions being urged a second time after they had been rejected, with indignation by the Executive, was good cause to have dismissed the British emissary, without waiting for personal insult. His offer in the case of the Chesapeake was also disgraceful and unacceptable. Keeping in view what has been said, I come to the slanderous charge made by Jackson, the British minister, against the President of the U. S. The British minister is called on repeatedly to give explanations and reasons for the disavowal of the arrangement with his predecessor. After much equivocation, he commences his task. Not satisfied with charging the disavowal to the mistake of Mr. Erskine in the violation of his instructions, he expressly charges the President with a complete knowledge that Mr. Erskine at the time violated his instructions, and that the President knew it would not be binding on the king his master. He says that no distinct complaint had been made of the disavowal. That he attributes to the candor of the President, to that forbearance arising from a belief that such complaint would be unreasonable—Page 32 33, of the printed documents contain the substance of this charge. This charge was met by the Secretary of State with a positive denial, and with a declaration that the arrangement would not have been made, if Mr. Erskine had informed the President that the three conditions before stated, were the only terms upon which the compact was to be made.
Notwithstanding this denial and declaration, the charge is again repeated. The Secretary of State, feeling a just indignation at the dishonorable insinuation or charge, states it expressly, in such a way that it cannot be misunderstood, and declares to Mr. Jackson that such language was inadmissible. In reply to this admonition, the charge is still persisted in. The Executive has no alternative left but either to have admitted the truth of the charge, to have taken the insult, or to dismiss the agent.
If it were not known to the world what step had been taken it would be unnecessary to proclaim it when the character of the Executive and those associated with him in the administration is known. Thus, sir, without going into a tedious detail, I have only given the substance, from which you may get the spirit of the correspondence.
I do not think, like some members, that this is a national challenge, a defiance of war—a provocation to hostility. No, sir, it is a solemn declaration, that this nation has been abused and insulted, and that we will maintain the honor and the rights of the people, although it should cast a shade of disgrace over the fame of a foreign minister. The dismissal of Jackson is the exercise of a sovereign right recognised by the laws of nations and the law of experience among civilised nations—and Great Britain has no cause of complaint on that account. And should it be made a pretext for aggression, I proclaim it here, I proclaim it to the people whom I represent and to the American people, that I approve and applaud the conduct of the President in the dismissal of Jackson the British minister, that in so doing he has reinstated the honor, vindicated the rights, and spurned the insults offered to an independent and patriotic people. He acted with decision, not with rashness—with a just
resentment, not with passion. We may continue to pursue a wavering course until our liberties are destroyed—our forbearance has already drawn down upon us the contempt of other powers, and to this policy we may attribute many of the wrongs we have suffered. You are treated with contempt on the ocean, your citizens are impressed and held in perpetual bondage. Your commerce is destroyed, your flag was torn down and scattered to the winds of heaven in foreign ports, on the 4th of July, the day of our independence—and now at our own door, at the seat of the federal government, a foreign minister looks your President in the face, and charges him with falsehood—and we are told to submit to it. I am desirous to see this nation grow—nothing can stop its growth. But when I hear members talk about the growth of this nation, and declare that we cannot or ought not to resent the ten thousand wrongs we have suffered, it has often reminded me of a swine confined in his pen—give it corn enough to eat and the animal will grow fat, although you kick and cuff it for your amusement. It is a vulgar comparison, but suitable to such arguments. Let us recollect, that, like the animal, we may grow in fatness; but that fatness may soon be the spoil of others by slaughter.
I was surprised to hear the gentleman from Rhode Island, (Mr. Potter) make a war speech against France, and Great Britain. If that gentleman is sincere, will he vote for strong measures of retaliation against both? If so, I will join him. He speaks of those wrongs having been committed continually for fifteen years. Did he vote or would he have voted for letters of Marque and Reprisal by sea and land against both nations last winter? If so, we should have voted together. But this ill comports with declarations of men in high office at that time, that we had no cause of war with England, and that we should unfurl the republican banners against France. If we cannot contend with other nations upon the ocean, let us be independent upon our own soil; for our temporising policy has already given popularity to the British ministry, and I will venture to assert that no war that could at this time be waged against us would be more calamitous than the pressure we have felt for several years from the rival powers of Europe. And when we recollect the disastrous consequences of the revolution to Great Britain it is presumable no ministry could carry on a war against us six months, if we were to war it also.
The same member (Mr. Potter) mentioned that one President (meaning Mr. Adams) had been ruined by resolutions of approbation, and that the leaders expected vacancies for their applause. As that member is better acquainted with those times and the sentiments of those of whom he speaks, I shall not contradict him; and, as I am a friend to the present Chief Magistrate, I shall recollect his advice, which I hope has originated from a fear that resolutions of approbation would ruin the present President. For my part, sir, I should have been as well satisfied to have expressed these sentiments on any other resolution which would have involved our foreign relations. I should have been as well pleased to have expressed these sentiments on a resolution to send Mr. Jackson home and recall Mr. Pinkney.
It has been said that it would require means perhaps to effect the object of this resolution, and that we shall have to talk of loans, &c. It will not require means unless Great Britain should make it a pretext for further injuries. If that should be the case, and if we must surrender our freedom, or vote means to maintain it, although we might be naked, hungry and moneyless, I would not hesitate to choose between slavery and death. And if it were necessary on such an occasion, and I had talents, I would invoke the states as sisters united by long suffering cemented with blood—I would revive the memory of former friendship by invoking the spirit of Seventy-Six, pointing to the glorious achievements of our ancestors—and produce the effects of vaxox by a recital of our wrongs. (Debate to be Continued.)
IN SENATE. Tuesday, December 26.
Mr. Franklin appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Bradley submitted the following motion for consideration:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be and hereby is requested to cause to be laid before the Senate the account of all the monies disbursed from the Treasury of the United States in their relation or intercourse with the Barbary powers subsequent to the signing of the treaty of peace with Tripoli in June 1805, including the monies paid to that regency at the signing thereof—and to cause to be noted (where the same can be ascertained) the agent or consul to whom the respective disbursements were made, the time when and place where the respective sums were drawn for or received, by said agents or consuls, and the particular purposes to which the same have been applied; and what sums have been retained in the hands of said agents or consuls for compensation, salary, commissions, or for any other purpose.
The bill to authorise the surveying and making of certain roads, in the state of Ohio, as contemplated by the treaty of Lrownstown, in the territory of Michigan, was ordered to be read a third time.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, December 26.
Mr. Johnson reported a bill for the relief of William White and others; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Smith reported a bill to increase the compensation of the military agent for the middle department.
Mr. Poindexter presented to the House the proceedings of a number of persons of the district east of Pearl river, (Mis. Ter.) calling themselves a convention, stating the project of a form of government which they should wish to be established in that district, in case Congress should think proper to divide the Mississippi Territory. Referred to the committee to whom was referred the petition for the division of the territory.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill to extend the time for locating Virginia military land warrants, and for returning the surveys thereof to the office, &c. Twice read and referred.
RUPTURE WITH MR. JACKSON.
On motion of Mr. Goodwyn, the House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Bassett in the chair—on the joint resolution from the Senate approving the conduct of the Executive in refusing to receive any further communication from Francis James Jackson.
Mr. Fisk occupied the floor in favor of the resolution till 4 o'clock, when the committee rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 27.
The great length and interest of the debate now progressing in the House of Representatives, with the other important proceedings of Congress, will but probably so entirely occupy our columns as to leave no room for Vindex , especially if he should take the wide views contemplated by him in his first number. We are not insensible to the importance of the subject he discusses, but he must be aware that the public have a right to expect from us at this time a full statement of the proceedings of Congress.
Extract of a late letter from Liverpool.
"We have only time to advise you, that it has this day been settled by his Majesty's Privy Council, that neutral ships with cargoes taken on board in the United States, may after landing, and reloading their cargoes, alter their national characters, at an intermediate port, being friendly, and proceed to ports in Great Britain or Ireland, where they will be received as if direct from the United States, in American ships, but if they should deposit their cargoes at such intermediate port, it can only be imported to this country or Ireland in British bottoms."
The following resolutions have been adopted by the House of Delegates of Maryland—Ayes 35—Nays 29.
WHEREAS the unexampled conduct of Francis James Jackson, late minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty near the United States, has induced the President to make known, that no further communications will be received from him; And whereas the General Assembly of Maryland, duly appreciate the correctness of such procedure; therefore Resolved, That the conduct of Francis James Jackson, in charging the Executive with closing the late negotiation with his predecessor, Mr. Erskine, under a perfect knowledge that the powers vested in him were not commensurate to the object, was a violation of the decorum and respect due the American government.
Resolved, That after the explicit and requested declarations of the President, (through the proper organ of communication) that he had no knowledge of any want of power in Mr. Erskine to conclude the late negotiation, and that if such knowledge had existed the arrangement would not have been made, that then the reiteration of the original charge was in effect to add insult to injury.
Resolved, That the circular letter bearing the signature of the said Francis James Jackson, is an additional proof of the disrespect and contempt which has marked the conduct of that minister towards the American government, and is highly calculated to rouse the indignant spirit of an independent people.
Resolved, That the suspicion expressed by Francis James Jackson, through Charles Oakley his Britannic majesty's secretary of legation, for the personal safety of himself and suite, intimates an abandonment, on our part, of the most sacred principle of the code of nations, and contains an unwarrantable reflection upon the people of the United States.
Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives be requested, and they are hereby instructed and requested, to support the government of our country in whatever consequences may flow from the dismissal of Francis James Jackson, the British minister; and, to carry those measures into effect, which that almost unprecedented and unfortunate occurrence may make it necessary to adopt, this legislature, representing the free and independent yeomanry of Maryland, pledges itself for them, in their property, their lives, and their sacred honor.
By the ship Telegraph, Capt. Bayard, arrived at New-York, from London papers of that place to the 14th of November are received. They furnish very little important intelligence. It had been determined to evacuate
the defeat of the Toulon fleet; the French forces under Marshal Ney in Spain have been detained with a loss of 1,000 men.
Philadelphia, Dec. 22.
By Capt. Sherman of the ship Strangely, we learn, that on the 5th November advices were received at Lisbon, from Admiral Collingwood, announcing that a French fleet, consisting of 16 ships of the line and as many frigates had passed the straits of Gibraltar, destination unknown.—Admiral Collingwood, not being of a sufficient force to engage them, had dispatched cutters with the information, hoping to be reinforced so as to bring them to an engagement.
New-York, Dec. 23, 1809.
We learn by Captain, Dayton, arrived at Philadelphia, that the port of Havanna was OPENED to Americans on the 30th ult. when the property in store, was ordered to be given up to the Consignees.
By the brig Happy Return, from Dieppe, we have received a file of the Paris Argus to the 26th of Oct. but they are wholly uninteresting. Our correspondent at Paris informs us, under date of the 27th, that the Emperor Napoleon was preparing to set out for Spain.
The brig Happy Return, captain Freeman, from France, has brought despatches from Gen. Armstrong, our minister in Paris, to the Secretary of State.
London, Nov. 13.—We understand the King and Council have determined on not granting any more Licences for the Import of Corn from France and Holland; until they find that what they have granted are acted on. They will grant no more Licences for Butter from Holland or Embden, and it is singular that a great part of which has been of late imported here of that article, came over without any protection or leave from our government. This shews the industrious hardihood of the Dutch, who for the gain on a small parcel of Butter, will expose to capture in their passage across by any King's ship or privateer, and consequent condemnation, large valuable cargoes.
Fontainebleau, Oct. 29.—The Emperor is remarkably well, and so active, that when he viewed the entrenchments at Kehl, on his return, he mounted the redoubt with an agility which few could equal.
TO RENT To the Highest Bidder, ON Saturday the 30th inst. at Rhode's Hotel at 12 o'clock, for the next year—the TWO WHARVES on Tyber Creek belonging to the corporation of the City of Washington.
(By Order) HENRY WHETCROFT, Dec. 27—2t. Treasurer.
INSTRUCTION.
A YOUNG MAN, with good testimonials of his moral and literary character, is desirous of engaging as a private instructor, in some gentleman's family. He will teach any of the following branches: viz. English Grammar, Arithmetic and the higher branches of Mathematics, Geography, Astronomy, the Latin and Greek languages, &c. &c. Further information may be obtained by enquiring at the office of the National Intelligencer. Dec. 27—3t.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
ON the petition of CHARLES BASTIAN an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt—Notice is hereby given to the Creditors of the said Charles Bastian, that on Monday the 31st day of January next, at the Court Room in the Capitol at the hour of ten o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Charles Bastian and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and here shown to the contrary.
Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, Independent American and a daily paper published in Philadelphia, three times before the 5th of January 1810.
By order of the Hon. William Cranch, chief judge of the circuit court of the District of Columbia. Dec. 27—3t. WM. BRENT, Clk.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
THE Store-House of the Subscribers, adjoining the Glass Works, was broke open on the night of the 25th inst. and several boxes of Glass taken therefrom. The above reward will be given to any person who may discover the thief and bring him to justice.
REWARDS, WAY, & Co.
Dec. 27—3t.
MORRIS CO. LEATHER Manufactured and for Sale by MATTHEWS & LAWRENCE, Near the lower Bridge on Rock Creek, Washington city, district of Columbia. 50 dozen black do. do. 30 do. yellow do. do. 30 do. green do. do. 6 do. purple do. do. 4 do. red do. do. 20 do. black, real Morocco do. do. 10 do. yellow do. do. 10 do. green do. do. 3 do. red do. do. And also 50 dozen white leather December 18—3t.

FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the Subscribers living near Nottingham, Prince Georges county state of Maryland, on the 10th of November, a Negro man named CHARLES, sometimes calls himself CHARLES ODEN, about 23 years old, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a dark complexion, when spoken to has a down look, one of his upper fore teeth is out, has several scars about his face occasioned by a scald when young, he is rather slender made, brisk and active about anything, particularly cooking and waiting, he took with him two homespun cotton shirts, India cotton shirts, and brown round about jacket, sundry waistcoats, one pair corduroy pantaloons, home made rain stockings and shoes, one furred hat and wool hat. He has a variety of clothing unknown, but being an artful cunning fellow he may change them for others, it is very likely that he is got a forged pass, and it is very likely will endeavour to pass as a free man; we expect he is making towards Pennsylvania. If taken within ten miles, ten dollars; if twenty miles, twenty dollars; if thirty miles, thirty dollars; if taken without the state the above reward will be given to any person or persons securing him in any jail, so that we get him again. All persons are forewarned harbouring, employing, or carrying said negro out of this State. LEONARD P. HARVEY. WILLIAM HARVEY. Dec. 4-4w.
PUBLIC SALE. PURSUANT to an order of the Orphans Court of Prince Georges county will be offered for sale, on Monday the 8th of January next, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter, at the late Dwelling of Mary Macke deceased, (within 7 miles of Upper Marlboro, and near Mr. Dennis Magruder) the PERSONAL PROPERTY of said deceased, consisting of Negroes, Beds, Furniture, Cattle, etc. etc. A credit of nine months will be given, the purchasers giving bond with approved security. The sale to commence at 9 o'clock, A. M. and to continue from day to day until the whole Personal Estate ordered to be sold, shall be disposed of. JACOB DUCKET, Ex'rs. U. BRUCE. It is desired that all claims against the above Estate, may be presented to the Executors by the day of sale. Prince Georges county, Dec. 14-10t
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC VENDUE, To the highest bidder, On Monday the 10th day of February next, about noon of that day, on the premises, the following Real Property in the city of Washington: viz. TWO LOTS OF GROUND, Numbered and distinguished on the ground plan of the City by numbers 16 and 17, in square numbered 101, together with the Buildings and Improvements on the same. The above mentioned sale will take place by virtue of a certain Indenture or Deed of trust, dated the 16th day of January in the year of our Lord 1905, and the same day, recorded among the Land Records of Washington county in the district of Columbia, between one Samuel Wilson, of the one part, and the undersigned James Davidson, of the other part, in order to satisfy John P. Van Ness, of a certain debt of 76 dollars 77 cents, and interest, in the said deed mentioned to be due from said Wilson to said Van Ness. JAMES DAVIDSON, Trustee. November 17-
NOTICE. AN Annual meeting of the Stockholders in the Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company will be held at the City Tavern, in the town of Alexandria on the first Monday in January next. By order of the Directors. G. DENEALE, President. Dec. 15-td
FOR RENT. The Three Story BRICK HOUSE Near the Navy Yard, lately occupied as a Tavern by Mr. Hugh Drummond. It is situated at the intersection of Virginia Avenue, South E Street and Seventh Street East, and is not above eighty yards distant from the Navy Yard Market. Several improvements and additions will be made by the Subscribers to the house for any tenant who might wish to occupy it as a Tavern on a large scale. For terms apply to NOTLEY MADDON, or JOHN LAW. November 12-
REILLY'S STORE, On Pennsylvania Avenue, is now supplied with a fresh assortment of LIQUORS & GROCERIES, viz. Madeira, Sherry, Lisbon, Malaga and Teneriffe Wines, French Brandy, Holland Gin, Jamaica Spirit, Whiskey, Rum, and Whiskey Bounce, Molasses, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson Teas, Loaf and Lump Sugar, Muscovado do., Coffee, Chocolate, Mustard, Pepper, Allspice, Ground Ginger, Nutmegs, Cloves, Salt and Pepper, Spermaceti Candles, Shaving and Brown Soap first quality, Chewing Tobacco, Spanish and Country Segars, Men and Women's coarse and fine shoes, Youth's and Children's do., best quality Goshen Cheese, Bloom, Muscadell and Kee Raisins, Sweet Oranges, Lemons and Fresh Cranberries, a few barrels of Apples, Salmon in barrels and kegs, Codfish, Shad and Herrings, Pickin Butter, Irish Potatoes, and as usual best quality Superfine Flour, carefully selected at Alexandria for family use, Jamieson's water crackers. Also corn, oats, chaff, rye, shorts, bran, cut straw. Dec. 13, 1809-9t.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT an election for twelve Directors for the Commercial Company of Washington for the year 1810, will be held at Stetson's Hotel on Monday the first day of January next, agreeably to the articles of association. JOS. FOREST, President. December 25-3t. N. B. A meeting of the present Board of Directors is requested at Stetson's on Friday evening at 6 o'clock, on particular business.
FOR SALE. A Framed HOUSE on the Virginia Avenue, between 7th and 8th streets east near the Navy Yard. [The purchaser at the former sale having failed to comply with the terms of sale] The House is 16 feet front and 27 deep, completely finished, with an alley in front and running back to street, the situation is high, and pleasantly situated for a private family or a store. For terms apply to WILLIAM SISTERSON, Facing the East Market. N. B. If not sold by private sale, it will be sold at Public Auction on the premises the 24th day of December, at 12 o'clock. J. M. OTTON, Auct.
FOR SALE ON Monday the first day of January next, at the Plantation of the late Robert Peter in the SUGAR LANDS, within one mile of the Seneca Mills, about FIFTY VALUABLE SLAVES; Consisting of Men, Women, Boys & Girls; Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs; Plantation Utensils, and a quantity of Indian Corn. The Sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. and continue till all are Sold—Terms of Sale six months credit, the purchasers giving bond with such security as will be approved of, bonds bearing interest from day of Sale. THOMAS PETER, Executor. Dec. 11-td.
RICHARD BECK Has just received per the latest arrivals, a large and handsome assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, Among which are— Superfine cloths and casimers, Second do. do. Coatings, Kersey Moleskins, Cords and Velvets, Moleskin & Swansdown Waistcoating, Silk Florentines, Rose and Stripe Blankets, Plains and Kerseys, Double Milled Devonshire Kersey, Flannels, Buckskins and Baizes, Carpeting and Hearth Rugs, Apron Checks, Cotton Stripes, Brown Hollands, Fashionable Buttons, Bed Tickings, India Mantillas, India Lutestrings, Bombazets and Wildbores, Ginghams, Fancy Shawls and Muslins, Damask and large Silk Shawls, Laces and Ribbons, Worsted, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Silk Velvets, Furniture Dimity, Chintzes and Cambrics, Pelice Velvets, Chambrays, Madras Handkerchiefs, Bandanna do. 3 Trunks Calicoes, 1 Do. Fumitures, 1 Do. Gambie Muslins, 1 Do. Shirting Cottons, &c. &c. 4 Bales German Linens, 6 Bales India Muslins, 1 Case Irish Linens. All of which being well selected and on the best terms, enables him to sell them at wholesale or retail, at the most reduced prices for cash, or approved notes. He flatters himself that from his regular mode of dealing, that all those who favor him with a call will meet with such bargains as will please—and will on his part leave nothing undone to render general satisfaction. December 13-3w&tf.
GRAND LOTTERY THREE PRIZES of 25,000 DOLLARS EACH. State of New York, UNION COLLEGE LOTTERY, No. 1. MANAGERS: William W. Gilbert, Benjamin Dewitt, George Merchant, Isaac Dennison, and Stephen Thorne. JUDAH and LAZARUS, (late N. Judah) No 34, Maiden Lane, New York; having purchased one half of the tickets in the present Lottery, offer the same for sale, at their Lucky Lottery Office (where the highest Prize of $30,000 in the last Lottery, and most of the capital Prizes in former Lotteries were sold) in Whole, Half, and Quarter Tickets, for which most of the Bank Notes of other states, Prize Tickets in former Lotteries, and approved promissory notes will be taken in payment. Distant adventurers, by enclosing cash (post paid) shall receive immediate attention, and the earliest advice given of their success. Owing to the great demand for Tickets in this Lottery (being one of the best Schemes we ever had, as one Ticket may draw $140,000) they will soon advance from the present price of EIGHT DOLLARS. SCHEME. 3 Prizes of $25,000 is $75,000 1 — 10,000 — 10,000 1 — 5,000 — 5,000 4 — 250 tickets each, 7,000 2 — 2,000 — 4,000 5 — 1,000 — 5,000 28 — 500 — 14,000 50 — 200 — 6,000 50 — 100 — 5,000 100 — 50 — 5,000 200 — 20 — 4,000 10,500 — 10 — 105,000 10,924 Prizes, 245,000 24,076 Blanks, 35,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, is 245,000 Part of the Capital Prizes will be determined as follows: 1st drawn No. 10th day, blank or prize $1000 1st do. 15th (Excepting the reserved tickets) 250 tickets, from No. 1 to No. 250 inclusive. 1st do. 20th (Excepting the reserved) 250 tickets, from No. 251 to No. 500 inclusive. 1st do. 25th (Excepting the reserved) 250 tickets, from No. 22,001 to 22,250 inclusive. 1st do. 30th (Excepting the reserved) 250 tickets, from No. 22,251 to 22,500 inclusive. 1st do. 35th — — — $25,000 1st do. 40th — — — 1,000 1st do. 45th — — — 25,000 The first 4,000 blanks will be entitled to Ten Dollars each. Less than Two and a 1/2 blanks to a Prize. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.—Prizes payable thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing. The drawing will commence in the city of New York, on the Third Tuesday in April next, and will continue to draw 600 Tickets each day (excepting the last day, when there will remain 600 tickets to be drawn) until finished. Tickets purchased at this office, examined gratis—A correct Check Book, kept for the examination of tickets, and the highest price in cash, given for prizes as soon as drawn. New York, December 4-9m
THE NEW FAST SAILING SCHOONER AGNES, Burthen 125 tons now lying at the Navy Yard; will be ready in three or four days to receive a cargo. Apply to the master on board. Washington City Dec. 23. 1809.
DRUGS & MEDICINES A fresh Supply just received from New York, etc. H. CATLETT'S DRUG STORE, F Street also, Paints, Oils, &c. October 18-tf
LEWIS DEBLOIS, Has for Sale at his Store, near the Navy Yard, a general assortment of GOODS, which he will sell low for cash. Gunpowder, Imperial, } Teas of the Young Hyson and Hyson Skin, } latest imp't. Mace, Nutmegs, Cloves, Cassia, Allspice, Black Pepper, &c. London Mustard by the pound or bottle, Best Boston Chocolate, Welsh's make, No. 1. Common do. Good Green Coffee per bag or retail, Muscadell and Bloom Raisins in boxes, Fresh Keg do. Figs and Currants, Spermaceti Candles, Mould and Dipt Tallow do. Winter Sausage, Spermaceti Oil, Pickled Salmon in kegs and barrels, Shad, Herrings, Neats Tongues in half bbls. Best picked Flour for family use, Corn, Corn Meal, Bran, Rice, Barley, Butter, Cheese, Madeira, Lisbon and Port Wines, French Brandy, Old Jamaica Spirits, Do. Holland Gin, Peach Brandy, New-England Rum, Whiskey, Sugar House Molasses, West-India do. Loaf and Brown Sugars, Lemons, Jamieson's Crackers, A large quantity of Good Cider Vinegar. December 20-3w.
PUBLIC SALE. By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's County, The subscriber will sell on the 4th day of January next, part of the Personal Property of Christopher Hyatt, deceased, consisting of Negroes, Stock, Household and Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, &c. Terms of sale are, six months credit for all sums above $20, the purchaser giving bond with approved security—all sums under $20 the cash to be paid on the day of sale. Those having claims are requested to bring them in for settlement, and those indebted, to make immediate payment to SARAH HYATT, Adm'x December 20-3t.
MRS. WALKER acquaints the Ladies of the city of Washington and its vicinity, that on Monday morning the 11th inst. in the Front Room of Mr. PELTZ'S house, near the Centre Market, Pennsylvania Avenue, she opened and offers for SALE on reasonable terms, a FRESH and ELEGANT ASSORTMENT of Fashionable Silk Velvets, Satin, Silk and split-skin Bonnets, and straw Hats, dress Caps & Turbans, artificial Flowers, and Peahens. Pelices, Great Coats and Dresses of every description made up at the shortest notice and in the most fashionable manner. Should Mrs. WALKER receive that encouragement which she hopes the moderation of her terms, her punctuality, and attention to please will entitle her, from the known liberality of the Ladies of Washington, she will become a permanent resident of the City. She also offers for Sale an elegant assortment of Chairs and Settees, a sample of which will be exhibited. Decem 13-4f
MRS. S. SWEENEY, MOST RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies of Washington, that she has again commenced the MILLINERY and MANTUA MAKING business in their various branches. She has engaged a Young Lady of experience from Baltimore to assist her in the above line, and she solicits the patronage of her former friends, as also of those Ladies whom she has not had the honor of being acquainted with. Her present small, but neat assortment, consists of Buggies, Silver Trimmings, Fancy do. Silver Bows and Cords, Silk and Cotton Cords and Tassels, Silk Purse, Fancy Gauze Ribbons, Gloves of different kinds, Figured and Plain Leno, Silks for dresses, handsome Cap-Patterns, Straw and Willow Bonnets with a variety of other articles in the Fancy and Millinery line. She has also Worstod and Silk Hose, Silk and Bandanna Handkerchiefs, and other articles suitable for gentlemen. Mrs. S. is encouraged by the hope, that a strict attention to punctuality and neatness in her business, will receive a full share of public patronage. December 20-3t.
A SCHOOL-MISTRESS WANTED. WANTED, a School-Mistress, who is willing to go to the country and reside in a private family, and who is qualified to teach Females Reading, Writing, Geography and Needle-work. To such a one liberal compensation will be given. Application may be made to Dr. Catlett, in Washington. December 20-3t.
GEORGE BOYD, INFORMS his friends and acquaintances in Georgetown and the city of Washington that he has opened STORE at the House formerly occupied by Mr. JOHN PETER, where he solicits a portion of their custom. He has within a few days received a handsome supply of GOODS from Baltimore, which together with the Stock had of Mr. Peter renders his Assortment very complete. Georgetown, December 18-3w
ROSS & GETTY Have just received from New-York and Philadelphia, the following GROCERIES & LIQUORS, viz. 12 Hds. Prime Jamaica Sugars. 8 do. Second Quality. 6 do. Molasses. 4 do. Jamaica Spirits. 300 Baskets Salt. 60 Boxes Mould and Dipped Candles. A few pipes Holland and New-York Anchor Gin. Cognac Brandy, Mace, Pepper, Cloves, &c. &c. —IN STORE— Gun Powder Tea in canisters of 2 pounds each. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, & Souchong. 3000 pounds prime Green Coffee. 3 Pipes genuine old Madeira Wine. 5 do. Sicily Madeira. 4 do. Lisbon Wine. Port Wine in pipes, qr. casks and bottles. Caret in Boxes. Brushes of all kinds. Powder and Shot. Cordials, &c. together with a large variety of articles in their line, which renders their assortment complete. Also, just received on commission, a small invoice of handsome looking glasses. And Irons. Brass mounted Penders, Shovels and Tongs. Tea Trays, waiters, coal hods, &c. &c. All of which will be sold cheap, on early application to them at their store, corner of Washington and Bridge Street, opposite the Union Tavern, George Town. November 8-tf
SAMUEL STETTINIUS, Pennsylvania Avenue, Near the Centre Market. begs leave to refer to his last advertisement as to goods, and to inform his friends and the public at large that he has added to them a few days ago another extensive stock, which, complicating his stock of all goods, will enable him to accommodate every kind call with which he might be favored. He has also received from Philadelphia per Schooner Eleanor, Capt. Wm. Howard, 10 Hds. New-Orleans Sugar 13 Bbls. do. do. 2 Pipes 4th proof French Brandy 1 Hhd. Jamaica Spirits, 4th proof 3 Chests first quality Young Hyson Tea 2 do. Hyson Skin do. 1 Imperial do. 15 Boxes Tin Plates 1 Bbl. Corks 4 Gross empty bottles 200 pounds of Black Pepper 300 do. Raisins 500 do. Cheese 3 Bbls. Spermaceti Oil 4 Boxes of Copperas and Allum 6 Gross Mustard 3 Quarter casks first quality Lisbon Wine 2 do. do. Malaga do. do. 1 Bbl. Superfine Barley Currants, Mace, Almonds Saltpeetre and Flask Oil 1 Box Fig Blue, best quality 1 Quarter Cask Sherry Wine 150 lbs. Allspice, and 30 Dozen clarified Sweet Cyder in bottles. —ALSO— A most extensive assortment of hollow glass, consisting of flowered and gilt Decanters, cut and flowered ditto, quart, pint and half pint tumblers, wine glasses, with a number of other articles. Those of his friends who wish to buy by the wholesale as well as those buying by retail, may rest assured that he will endeavor to deserve their respective satisfactions, by selling them at pleasing terms and very low. December 8-tf.
PROPOSALS For Carrying the Mails of the United States on the following routes will be received at the General Post Office until the first day of February, 1810. 1. From Petersburg by Harris's, Percival's, Drummondsburg, Warrenton and Louisa to Raleigh three times a week. Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrived at Raleigh on Wednesday Friday and Monday by 7 A. M. in 42 hours. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 11 A. M. in 42 hours. 2. From Raleigh by Avery'sboro' to Fayetteville three times a week. Leave Raleigh every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Fayetteville by 10 P. M. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Raleigh by 4 P. M. 3. From Fayetteville by Lumberton and Barfelde Mills to Portersby on Peedee three times. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Portersby by 10 P. M. in 20 hours. Leave Portersby every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 A. M. and arrive at Fayetteville by 10 P. M. in 20 hours. 4. From Portersby by Gasque's, Georgetown and Tidwin to Charleston three times a week. Leave Portersby every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Tidwin by 8 P. M. Leave Tidwin every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M. Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Tidwin by 8 P. M. and arrive at Portersby on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 6 P. M. 5. From Athens by Coweta, Tuckebatchy, Tensaw and Port Stoddert to Pascagoula River once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pascagoula River the next Saturday by 10 A. M. Leave Pascagoula every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 A. M. 6. From Pascagoula River to Mr. Spell's at the mouth of Casten Creek on Lake Pontchartrain. Leave Pascagoula River every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Mr. Spell's on Monday by 8 P. M. Leave Mr. Spell's every Thursday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Pascagoula on Saturday by 10 A. M. 7. From Mr. Spell's on Lake Pontchartrain to New Orleans once a week. Leave Mr. Spell's on Lake Pontchartrain on Tuesday at 3 A. M. and arrive at New Orleans by 3 P. M. Leave New Orleans on Wednesday by 10 A. M. and arrive at Mr. Spell's by 10 P. M. Proposals for this route will be received by the Postmaster at New Orleans. NOTE. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of April next, and are to continue in force for one year, and the customary penalties for failures and delays will be stipulated in the contract and exacted. GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master-General. GENERAL POST OFFICE. December 9, 1809. Dec 13-4f.
THIS day is Published By J. MILLIGAN, GEORGETOWN, LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE. BY VIRTUE of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means, deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from Mr. Walter Dorn, residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last will & testament of Robert Means, dec'd. Richmond, July 19-tf
TREASURER'S SALE. WILL be sold at public auction at Mr. Rhodes's tavern on the first day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, Lots No. 43, 44, 45 and 46, in square No. 503, with the improvements thereon, the property of Pratt, Francis and others, or so much thereof as will satisfy the taxes due the corporation of Washington. Terms of Sale cash. HENRY WHITCROFT, Treasurer of Washington City. December 10-oaw
PAPER HANGINGS. N. A. M. B. L. FITZ-HUGH, Has just received at his NEW STORE High Street, George Town, Two doors above J. Milligan's Book Store, An elegant assortment of the most fashionable Paper Hangings from the manufactory of Thomas and Cadell, Esqrs. He is just opening an assortment of SEASONABLE DRY GOODS Together with a neat and well selected supply of CUTLERY JAPANED WARE, &c. N. B. S. F. having employed a paper hanger, will engage to paper rooms with neatness and dispatch. Georgetown, December 6-5w.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY, EDWARD LLOYD, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been officially represented to me, that Negro PERRY, otherwise called Peregrine, the proper slave of Elizabeth Rochester, and Negro JOHN, otherwise called John Armstrong, a free negro, who have lately been sentenced in the Inferior of Queen Anne's county Court to suffer death for murder, and Negro STEPHEN, the proprietor of Joseph Sudder, made their escape on Sunday morning, the twelfth inst., from Queen Anne's county Jail. And whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice, I have therefore thought proper to issue this my Proclamation, and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer a reward of THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who shall apprehend and bring to justice the said negroes Perry, John and Stephen, or one hundred dollars for either of them. Given under my hand, and the seal of the state of Maryland, this twenty-fourth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the Independence of the United States of America the thirty-fourth. EDWARD LLOYD. By his Excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
The following is a description of the above mentioned Criminals, transmitted to his Excellency the Governor by the sheriff of Queen Anne's county: Negro Perry, otherwise called Peregrine the proper slave of Elizabeth Rochester, is about twenty-three or four years old, very dark complexion for a mulatto, about five feet ten inches high, very well made but a little round shouldered, has a scar over one of his eyes, (not certain which,) occasioned by the kick of a horse, a thin and very black beard, with long whiskers that extend to the end of his chin, also a very bushy head. He took with him the following clothing, a coarse muslin shirt, full kersey trousers, and cut of a light drab color, two waistcoats, one of black cloth and the other of yellow striped Marselles, a light drab great coat, with a large double cape, about half worn, a fine pair of shoes, very long pointed and sharp toes, and farred hat. It is said that he has a number of other clothes of a good quality—he also has a silver watch, the case very much battered and bruised, has no christal in it, a black ribbon chain and brass key—it is also said that he has two other watches, one of them silver and the other gold or pinch back, which cannot be particularly described. Negro John, otherwise called John Armstrong, free negro, is supposed to be upwards of thirty years of age, a very bright mulatto, thin visage, very high cheek bone, large black beard, small thin whiskers, and very large white eyes, has a very stern look, large mouth, his lips not very thick; he is about five feet eight or nine inches high, has a scar on his breast, one of his arms very badly from being bled. Had on the following clothing, tow linen shirt and trousers, old short blue coat, light cloth waistcoat, old shoes, a vorum hat better than half worn.
ORDERED, That the foregoing Proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of four weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette and Maryland Magazine at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Eastern Star, Mr. Grieson's paper at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Barstow's paper at Fredericktown. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. December 4-3w
SALE AT AUCTION. On Wednesday the 27th of December next will be Sold at Public Auction at the house lately occupied by the British Minister, A QUANTITY OF HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE, consisting of rich cut Glass, Copper Kitchen Utensils, ornamental China & Wedgewood Ware, Tea Trays and Waiters, Enameled Beds and Bedding, elegant and richly ornamented Curtains, beautiful Mahogany Tables, a Piano Forte by Broadwood, an assortment of Bamboo Sofa Chairs, Window Stools, elegant Family Beds, Bedding and Bed Furniture, Madeira and Pineapple Wine, Hibart Brown Stout and Pudding, in bottles and casks, a quantity of Wood and Live-pool Coals, &c. &c. The above are the property of F. J. Jackson, esq. the British Minister, and will be sold without reserve. SAM. SPEAKE, Auct. December 22-3t.
NOTICE. A Meeting of the Washington Bridge Company, will be held at Long's Tavern on the first Monday of January next, at 11 o'clock, A. M. according to law, for the purpose of choosing five Directors, a Clerk and a Treasurer for the ensuing year. By order of the President and Directors, S. ELIOT, Jr. CLK. December 22-4w
OUR DAY OF DRAWING. BALTIMORE COLLEGE LOTTERY. Present gain of the Wheel $23,971. A few Tickets may yet be had by immediate application at JOSEPH MILLIGAN'S, Book Store, High Street Georgetown, where a regular check-book of the drawing is kept for the examination of tickets gratis. December 22-3t.
THE MANAGERS of the Washington Dancing Assemblies give Notice, that the first Assembly will be held at Mr. Caton's Hotel, Capitol Hill, on THURSDAY EVENING NEXT, and that they will be continued every Thursday fortnight during the season. Dec. 22-3t.