The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1806-05-16 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DCCCLXXIII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, MAY 16, 1806.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
VOLUNTEER COMPANY!
THOSE CITIZENS who are desirous of associating as a Volunteer Company to be attached to the first Battalion, are requested to meet at MOORE'S tavern, Pennsylvania Avenue, on Saturday the 17th instant, at 6 o'clock P. M. for the purpose of making the necessary arrangements. May 14.
WASHINGTON ACADEMY
EAST OF THE CAPITOL.
WILL be opened on the 19th instant, for the education of youth in the city, in one of those commodious brick buildings belonging to Daniel Carroll, Esq. south of St. Peter's Church, by the Rev. ROBERT ELLIOTT, A. M. For terms—agents or original subscribers, will please to apply to Mr. Elliott—and those of the other description, to WM. CRANCH, WM. BRENT, or JOHN DEMPSEY, who are the superintending committee to said Academy. May 14.
TO RENT,
EITHER the whole or a part of the HOUSE on Pennsylvania Avenue close by the Centre Market, for yearly or monthly rent. It consists of an excellent shop and adjoining; the back building is two stories high with three rooms on each floor; below it an excellent kitchen and a large cellar; there is also a good garden well fenced and richly-manured. The land is equal to any in the neighborhood, for a house of any kind, and the back part well calculated to accommodate a private family. For particulars, apply to Joseph Sanderson or Davis Somerville, who will show the premises. Possession may be had immediately. May 7—8
NOTICE.
THE Partnership of the Subscribers, trading under the firm of Samuel Lowdermilk and Co. near the Navy Yard, was dissolved on the 26th inst. by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm will please to make payment to S. Lowdermilk before the first day of June next, otherwise their accounts will be put into the hands of proper officers for collection. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK, JOHN BAKER, Washington city, April 20—6t
SAMUEL LOWDERMILK,
BEGS LEAVE to inform the public that he will continue to keep a constant supply of Liquors, Confectionery, Hardware, and Dry Goods; and through the medium which he receives his supplies. Suffer himself he will be enabled to sell as low as any of the retailers in the district of Columbia, for Cash only; and requests all persons (in order to prevent the necessity of a return) not to ask for credit, as he is determined to credit no person whatever. Corner of L Street South and 8th Street East, near the Navy Yard.—6t
A HOUSE & LOT
FOR SALE.
WILL be offered at public sale on Tuesday the 3d of June next on the premises, on a credit of 90 days, a two story BRICK HOUSE, with two rooms and a passage on each floor, a cellar, and dry well thereon. This house is situated on Lot No. 10 in q 723 on East Capitol Street, fronting the Capitol. Negotiable paper with improved endorsements will be required of the purchaser, and when paid a good title will be made by SAML. TYLER, Exr of Saml. Tyler, deceased. May 14—10t
BY virtue of a deed of trust from the Rev. George Ralph to Saml. Tyler, deceased, and Mary Pottenger, will be sold at public sale, for cash, on Tuesday the 10th day of June next, at Mr. Chipchase's tavern, Charlotte Hall Academy, in St. Mary's Co. a tract or parcel of Land called Milton, situate, lying and being in the vicinity of said academy, in St. Mary's Co. at a place containing about 150 acres, also the NEGROES, consisting of three valuable men, a woman and two likely boys. MARY POTTENGER, survivor of Samuel Tyler. May 14—13t
MAPLE WINE.
A GENTLEMAN lately from Europe, who has the knowledge of preparing a good and very wholesome wine from the juice of Maple trees in equal quantity to Champagne wine, the difference hardly perceptible, would be willing to enter into partnership with a person having a plantation supplied with a large number of Maple trees. For further particulars enquire of Mr. SAMUEL LOWDERMILK, at the sign of the Spread Eagle, on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite the middle market, City of Washington. The direction of the art of making a beautiful green and yellow colour in dying of linen and woollen stuffs, from herbs that grow plenty in this country, may be had for the compensation of ten dollars, by applying as above. N. B. The letters to be sent clear of charge. May 13—3t
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 13.
DEBATE
On Mr. Gregg's Resolution.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. LEIB. From the course which has been pursued for several days, I am induced to move that the committee of the whole on the state of the union be discharged from the further consideration of this resolution, and that of the gentleman from New Jersey. Without entering into the merits of the resolution, I will confine myself to stating the reasons on which I make this motion. I did expect, when this subject first came under discussion, to have heard something respecting its merits; that a comparison would have been drawn between the advantages and disadvantages likely to ensue to the U. S. from its adoption, instead of which I found my colleague sailing round the coast without examining its tendency or bearing. He told us it was pacific, & in the same breath said it struck a dagger into the vitals of G. Britain. If, Mr. Speaker, I were to strike a dagger at you, would you not consider it a hostile act? And yet this measure is said to be pacific, and it is represented as having no tendency to war. When this measure was first proposed, I was in favor of it; I was impelled by my feelings against G. Britain, whose injuries I sensibly felt. But I have since listened to the arguments advanced in its favor by my colleagues. What are they? Did they speak of its profit and loss—did they show that it would be advantageous to this country? Instead of this they talked of national honor. But on this subject I agree with the poet— "Act well your part, there all the honor lies."
I am not disposed to be a duellist for national honor; I am disposed to view this as a question of profit and loss; and if the loss will be greater than the gain, to reject it; and it is because I think that the U. S. will incur more loss than profit by it that I wish to get rid of it. I believe it will have a warlike aspect, and therefore I am against it. I have no idea of fighting all the world. I hope, from the course which this discussion has taken, and from the conviction which it has produced of the inability of the U. S. to carry this measure into effect, that we will enter on the discussion of some other measure more likely to be effectual. I am willing to get rid of this resolution in the easiest way, and I therefore move you to discharge the committee from its further consideration.
MR. ALSTON. The gentleman bottoms his motion on the idea that this is the most ready way to get rid of the resolution; but on this motion the subject remains as much before you as if the discussion were on the resolution. In, however, we are permitted to go into committee of the whole, we may there refuse to take it up without any discussion, and we may then take up any other resolution.
MR. LEIB. There is no doubt the gentleman thinks his path the straightest, and his conceptions the most luminous. I do not like, however, this resolution remaining on the table; as it will still remain in the power of the committee to call it up.
MR. SMILIE. Whether the course recommended by my colleague be the best, the House will judge; but he has assigned a curious reason for it. I think he said at first he was in favor of the resolution.
MR. LEIB explained by observing that he had said his impression at first was in favor of the resolution.
MR. SMILIE. That was just what I stated. The gentleman expected, it seems also, to have heard wonders, which he has not heard. It is possible that that gentleman's mind may take a higher tone than mine; and he may have expected a superior discussion to that which this subject has received; but I am not ashamed to say that I have received light from this discussion. I think, indeed, the question has been pretty well examined. I have in this business wished for peace—I have labored for it—and though I approve this resolution above any other, I am willing to part from it to meet those of my brethren, whose sincere wish it is to do something. I know it is best to do something, that shall appear to be the sense of the nation. I am willing, therefore, to meet on middle ground. I have another objection to the course recommended by my colleague. Some gentlemen cannot be satisfied without enjoying a triumph. I should be willing to indulge them in these feelings if I thought they deserved one, but I do not think they do. If they
wish peace preserved, and are desirous of serving their country, they will deprecate the effects of a measure which may distress and divide us.
MR. EARLY. I rejoice that this motion is made, as I had in truth intended to make it myself. It will be recollected that when in committee of the whole I made a motion to pave the way for submitting to the House this motion in part, which I think is better than the one which I intended to make, as it embraces both the resolutions of the gentlemen from Pennsylvania and New Jersey. I consider the two resolutions as of the same family. It must be apparent to every member of the House that the subject is exhausted—so much so that yesterday we were entertained for several hours with answers made to the arguments of gentlemen who intended to vote on the same side. Gentlemen declare themselves in favor of an accommodation, who, though they cannot vote for this measure, are willing to adopt some other. It was in this spirit that I made a motion yesterday, and it is in the same spirit that I am in favor of the course now proposed. Let us then take this business out of the power of the committee, and place it under the control of the House, who may make such disposition of it, as they think proper. I do not feel particularly anxious as to the course which shall then be pursued. If any gentleman will then move to postpone the resolution to a day certain, I will vote for it.
MR. SMILIE considered the course recommended by the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Alston) most correct. When in committee of the whole we may agree not to consider the resolution, and to consider some other. The resolution under consideration may, in the mean time, remain before the committee, subject to being acted upon at any future period, should we agree to no other.
MR. G. W. CAMPBELL. I feel a little surprised at the sentiment expressed by the gentleman from Georgia, as I did understand him yesterday as having expressed himself willing to adopt the course pointed out by the gentleman from North Carolina. I do believe that course most proper, and I do not see any reason for a different course. I am against discharging the committee of the whole from the consideration of this resolution. I can see no use in this, unless to give gentlemen the appearance of a triumph. Though I believe there is a decided majority, at present against the adoption, of either the resolution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, or that offered by the gentleman from New Jersey, I do not know whether a week hence there may not be a majority in favor of one of them, in consequence of receiving further information. Under this impression, I hope the resolutions will be permitted to lie on the table.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I do not know, Mr. Chairman, that I understand the question, unless the gentleman from Pennsylvania and his friends are willing that their favorite measure should be strangled in the dark, from an unwillingness that it should suffer a 'political death.' The two gentlemen from Pennsylvania have produced between them a baiting and have offered it to the House. We do not like it—and they are for forcing it upon us. We revolt at this—and what do they say? They allow they cannot carry it; but say that to discharge the committee, of the whole from its further consideration will be to cover certain persons with political disgrace. They are therefore for going into a committee of the whole, and when they get in committee, refusing them leave to act upon it. Is this parliamentary? Is it regular for a committee to refuse to decide on the business submitted to them by the House? Let us either adopt or reject the resolution, or discharge the committee of the whole from its further consideration. For what purpose was it referred to a committee? For the purpose of not being acted on? For the purpose of our going into committee and then refusing to act upon it? Will gentlemen refuse to discharge the committee from the very resolution they do not mean to act on? I do not understand this. It is beyond my depth. Gentlemen should have pondered well before they brought forward this measure. They should have felt for the support on which to rest it; and if they are ashamed of now trying this support, they should withdraw their resolution. They ask too much when they complain of the course we propose to pursue. Should the resolution continue in its present state, it is liable to be called up at any hour, when there may be a thin House, and after gentlemen say they do not mean to act upon it. If the House do go into committee, I hope the resolution will be acted on, and discussed—for though gentlemen have said the subject is exhausted, I do not believe it is exhausted, though they may be.
MR. CONRAD said, his wish was to cultivate harmony. He wished this was the sentiment of every member—
he hoped it was. If those who were for taking stronger ground, were willing to accommodate, he hoped they would be met in a spirit of unity—he hoped there would be a strong vote in favor of the measures adopted to convince this people and the world we are not so timid as some gentlemen seemed to imagine. He was in favor of the course pointed out by the gentleman from North Carolina.
MR. STANTON. Mr. Speaker—The resolution on your table is considered by the enemies of it, a war measure. Is it possible that men of information or common sense should view it as a hostile measure? I disavow that opinion. The idea is chimerical. It is in fact a commercial measure; the regulation of which is vested in Congress by the constitution. But we are told it will lead to war. Such a construction might be put on our revenue laws, and many other of our public acts. Such inferences are whimsical. Sir, the honorable member from Vir. tells the House, we have a negotiation pending with G. Britain, and we ought to wait the result. Task how long, seven years, until our commerce is annihilated, and 3,000 more of our citizens impressed into the service of G. Britain? The Executive has repeatedly remonstrated, but to no purpose. The gentleman has commenced a volunteer apology for that unprincipled government, and tells the House we tried negotiation with Spain, and failed, at the same time avers there is no Spain. It is France and Bonaparte, and Talleyrand, they have bullied Spain out of her existence; he proceeds and asks the House this question—can you expect Great Britain will respect our neutral flag at the expence of her existence? Is she not fighting for her life, and tells us that the combined fleets of Holland, France and Spain are no more, and that Great Britain has 800 ships of the line, including other smaller vessels of war, and Russia is the second power of continental Europe, with half a million of hardy troops—with 60 sail of the line and 30 millions of subjects, a territory more extensive than our own; that she is a store house for the British navy, and solemnly warns us before we enter into a contest public or private, be sure you have fortitude enough to go through with it. If you mean war say so, and prepare for it. Behold the disrespect in which France holds neutral rights on land, as though we were bound to tamely submit to the unprovoked insults of G. B. not because France is playing the same game on the continent of Europe—for he smoothly slides over the nefarious conduct of Great Britain, to the impression of our citizens, and dwells with apparent delight on the omnipotence of the British navy. I am a loss to account for this miraculous conversation of the gentleman to the British interest. I am ready to say, with astonishment, O how is the mighty fallen, how is the fine gold become dim, tell it not in Gath, nor publish it in the streets of Askelon, least the tyrants of Europe, and the aristocrats of New England rejoice. Pardon, sir, the digression—he was injudiciously attacked the official invulnerable character of the executive and head of department. I have quoted a line or two from the best of books. Sir, it is to be deplored, that a man of brilliant talents, and great merit should by his poignant irony have increased the number of his opponents; but why should I wonder? That was the case with the celebrated French orator, Mirabeau whose predominant passion and insatiable thirst for pre-eminence led him into numerous errors and inconsistencies; add to this the gentleman's fondness for cabinet rank and European glory. But notwithstanding this detraction from the principles of the American revolution, I hope he will not long continue enveloped in the fog of aristocracy, but resume his former honorable and useful station. Mr. Speaker, is it not a great misfortune that a gentleman of superior talents and elegance, should speak day after day without making a single convert or disciple. The gentleman now flatters himself, that the friends of the resolution will abandon it, and he affirms they are ashamed of it, and despair of its adoption. Let that be as it may, I can assure the honorable member I am not ashamed of it, and wish to occupy higher ground and stronger measures, even a non-intercourse with G. Britain, unless she will discontinue her practical measures against us, by a restoration of property and a liberation of American citizens. A gentleman from Pennsylvania on my right, who is in unison with the gentleman from Virginia, tells you the citizens are destitute of fortitude sufficient to abstain from the use of many of the articles contained in the resolution on your table, particularly coarse woollen cloths, the poor are so attached to them by habit, sir, if they were given to the laborer they would come dear by paying the Taylor's bill for making them up, a seven not breeze of wind would blow out the filing and leave but little remaining.
Sir, the people of New England at the commencement of the revolutionary
war with G. Britain, and previous to an open rupture, possessed fortitude sufficient to totally abstain from the use of British manufactures for years, and the ladies voluntarily discontinued the use of their favorite delicacy, Indian shawl, in order to obtain liberty and independence. The gentleman's age does not permit him to remember those noble acts of patriotism, which are fresh in my recollection.
Sir, the honorable member from Virginia is fully prepared to go to war with all the powers of Europe, except G. Britain. As for Spain, who he wishes to fight, she is annihilated, and cannot be found; she has sunk under the wing of Talleyrand. I presume the gentleman, will possess prudence enough not to risk himself on the watery element, nor near the sea shore, lest the voracious shark should attack him, and deprive him of his proboscis. The gentleman generously continues to give you wholesome advice. Get rid of your motion if you will; it's a dead weight, that cramps your measures. I am free to confess, this is the best part of his harangue, and the only part that has weight in it—and then he says you may bid defiance to all the world. Sir, this is comprehensive and strong language; it puts me in mind of the young man, who expressed a wish to his father, that all the people in the world were dead except himself and his brother Jonathan, for then, he said, they would buy and sell land and get money like all world.
Where a nation is insulted, as we are, the stale doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, ill becomes an independent nation, much less the American character. Such pusillanimous conduct will not obtain redress. Mr. Speaker, when I take a retrospective view of the infamous conduct of the British government towards the U. S. and consult my feelings, my very soul is fired with just indignation at the unprovoked insults offered the American flag, and the piratical and systematical plundering system adopted by the government of G. Britain, against neutral rights. I am almost as anxious to make war against G. Britain as the hon. member from Virginia is to make war against Spain, if she was to be found—But, sir, in cooler moments of serious reflection, the little judgment I possess, dictates to me to avoid war as one of the worst evils that can or does afflict a people. The calamities inseparable from war are incalculable. Under this view of the subject I am induced to believe that the interest of my country, and the happiness of the state I have the honor to represent, will not permit me to indulge my resentment; being persuaded that nations as well as individuals are governed by interest, I am led to hope that the measure contemplated in the resolution on your table will have a favorable effect on our negotiations now pending with G. Britain. I shall give my vote in favor of the resolution.
MR. GREGG said he did not feel in the least hurt by the motion made by the gentleman from Georgia. When he had laid the resolution on the table, his wish was that it might receive a fair discussion; and he had undertaken to assign his reasons in favor of it. He should consider a disengagement of the committee of the whole as equivalent to a rejection of the resolution. He should not consider the friends of the measure involved in disgrace if this motion should prevail. They had done their duty, and he did not think there was any disgrace in being in a minority. The world, the nation would judge whether their decision was right or wrong. He felt perfectly satisfied that the resolution he had proposed was the most proper and ought to be adopted. Entertaining these ideas, his conscience told him to vote for it, and he was ready to discharge that sacred duty.
MR. FINDLEY observed that when a resolution on a similar subject was before the third Congress, which was considered as occupying too high ground, it was disposed of by being ordered to lie on the table. He thought this was the course which ought to be pursued in the present case.
MR. BLACKLEDGE. Although I am opposed to the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, under the belief that it will be more injurious to us than others, yet when I see the friends of this measure willing to unite with those who are for milder measures, I am of opinion that we ought to meet them. In this stage of a discussion, involving the first interests of the nation, shall we be dismissed by an alteration as to the mode of proceeding, when we agree in the substance? For this reason, and believing it of importance that the measures which we may take may be adopted by a strong vote, I am against discharging the committee of the whole from this resolution.
The yeas and nays were then taken on discharging the committee of the whole from the further consideration of Mr. Gregg's resolution, and were—Yeas 24—Nays 101—as follows:

Yea.—Messrs. Basset, J. Campbell, Case, Clark, J. Clay, Earle, Early, Epps, Gann, Goldsborough, Goodwin, Gray, Holmes, Jones, Leib, Lewis, Jr. Masters, Nicholson, J. Randolph, Sandford, Spalding, P. R. Thompson, Verplanck, and D. R. Williams.
Nay.—Messrs. Alston, Jr. Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bedinger, Betton, Bidwell, Bishop, Blackledge, Blake, Jr. Blount, Broom, Brown, Boyle, G. W. Campbell, Chandler, Chittenden, Claiborne, M. Clay, Clinton, Jr. Conrad, Cook, Covington, Crowninshield, Cutts, Dana, Darby, Davenport, Jr. Dawson, Elliot, Ellis, Elmer, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamblen, Hastings, Helms, Hough, Jackson, Kelly, Kenan, Knight, MacFarland, Magruder, Marion, McCreery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, J. Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, J. Nelson, Newton, Jr. Olin, Pitkin, Jr. Pugh, Quincy, T. M. Randolph, Rea, of Pen. Rhea, of Ten. Richards, Russell, Saily, Sammons, Schuneman, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. C. Smith, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stanton, Steedman, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Tenney, Thomas, T. W. Thompson, Tracy, Van Cortlandt, Van Benschader, Varnum, Wadsworth, Walton, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, Wickes, M. Williams, N. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Winston and Wynns.
The question was then taken on discharging the committee from Mr. Sloan's resolution, by yeas and nays—Yeas 26—Nays 28.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
The Chairman put the question, on considering Mr. Gregg's resolution, on which the committee divided—Ayes 47—Nays 70.
Mr. J. CLAY moved to consider the resolution offered by himself, and that of his friend from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson.)
Mr. SMILIE moved to consider the latter resolution.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he would make a superseding motion, which was that the committee should rise, and he would assign his reasons for this motion. I am well aware, said Mr. R. and I consider it the happiest and fairest feature of our policy, that in a deliberate body a majority must govern. This is a position which has often been enforced on me, and which I have sometimes enforced on others. But I hope no majority will be indisposed to act honestly—though a majority ought to govern, it should not be on motives of caprice, force, or passion, but wisely; and it ought not, at this time of day, to feel power, and forget right. The reason why I am in favor of the committee rising is the same which I advanced the other day against the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania—a reason which it is astonishing to my mind does not operate on every member of the committee—the state of things here and abroad. Is there a member prepared to vote for the resolution of my excellent friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. J. Clay) or of my worthy friend from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) I believe not—for one am not prepared. The other day, when I said I was disposed to treat with Britain for the very reason that I was indisposed to treat with her in 1793, I perceived a sneer on the faces of gentlemen and that they scented the idea. But what is the fact? The gentleman from Massachusetts quoted the message of the President showing that this business is still pendente lite . What information does the President in that message give us? That he had tried negotiation and failed? That, as in another quarter, our minister had been shoved neck and shoulders out of the cabinet? No—that negotiation is still pending between our minister and the minister of Britain. Can then gentlemen, while the business is re infecta , feel disposed to act on either the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania or that of the gentleman from Maryland?
Again—Must we not every day expect information from Europe; and ought not this information to have an influence on this assembly, if indeed we are a deliberative assembly. Surely it ought. On political enquiries who prescribe the same medicine to every disease, this information may have no effect. But on the minds of sober men, it ought to have, it must have an effect. The situation of the powers with whom we have these momentous discussions may have been materially changed by the events of the last ninety days. Will gentlemen undertake to say that motives which influenced the mind of a Bernstoff, ought to have no weight with us? Will they, under these circumstances, go into committee to grope in the dark, to catch at something, on a subject of which they know little in relation to events of which they know less? No—this is not the moment to act. The committee have declared that that moment has not arrived. They have, in their capacity of a House, refused to discharge them from the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, & have in the same capacity refused to act upon it. And what does this prove but that the moment for action has not come; unless, indeed, this venerable assembly will condescend to become the wet nurse of the banding of the two gentlemen from Pennsylvania, who, provided they can maintain it at a distance, hope their indiscretion will be overlooked—a faux pas , which, if it can be kept in an obscure farm house, may be smothered over. I, however, am not disposed to offer it the pap-spoon; still less am I disposed to be disturbed by its cries, or those of its brethren.
It must be obvious to you, Mr. Chairman, that this is not the fit time to decide on our British relations—that while there is a pending negotiation
with her all such discussion must be premature. These resolutions are the productions of a political hot-bed—they are not the growth of a genial sun, but reared in a forcing house; and I will tell gentlemen, that politics bear forcing as little as the physical productions of nature.
A gentleman from Massachusetts, whom I now see in his place, offered a few days ago to this committee a string of observations, which he declared were not intended either for a resolution not then before the committee, or for that offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. Now the committee having determined not to discuss the resolution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and as those remarks were not offered on the subject then before the committee, they may have been left to guess that they were intended for the question now under consideration; and as I believe they were full as applicable to this as any other question, I hope to be indulged in making a few observations relative to them. But at the same time I disclaim the preface that gentleman prefixed to his remarks, viz. that he did not mean to examine the question before the committee. I do mean to examine that question, to show why this is not the proper time for acting on this subject;—to show that all discussion on it is premature; and that we ought to abstain from acting upon it until we shall have heard from the other side of the Atlantic.
As well as I remember, the gentleman set out by recalling the attention of the House to the message of the President of the 17th of January last. Yes, sir, he began in the style of old times— infandum renovare dolorem —to call the House back to the message of the 17th of January. To what part of it? To that part which is public, or to that part which is locked up in the escrutinio of the clerk, or is in his breeches pocket, for aught I know—that part which it is his business to keep from the eyes of the nation? Now what is our situation? A brave Senate, with our doors open, calls the attention of the House to an amphibious and ambiguous message, part secret and part public. And is this the situation in which gentlemen would put us? Are we thus to be knocked down with the hammer of Executive infallibility? I hope not. When that message came, on the 17th of January, how long had we been in conclave? I believe a fortnight. When did the 'dispatches' arrive? I undertake to say, because I know it, it was prior to the 20th of December—because I made proper enquiry at the office of the Secretary of State, where I had myself received dispatches from London. What are the contents of those dispatches? Did they advocate the course this House has pursued, or a course totally different? And yet that very message has been quoted under the idea that no man could say to the contrary, and that we would sink beneath the weight of its authority. Those dispatches came to this country before the 20th of December. On that day I returned from Baltimore, and received a communication from their author of a contemporaneous date; I have called at the office of the Secretary of State, and was informed by the head of that department that they had both arrived at the same time. And it was when I discovered that the head of the second department under the government did not know that they were in existence, much less that his opinion on them had not been consulted, that I declared, what I repeat, that there is no cabinet. You have no cabinet. What! the head of the treasury department, a vigorous and commanding statesman, a practical statesman, the benefit of whose wisdom and experience the nation fondly believes is always obtained before the great measures of the government are taken, unacquainted with, and unconsulted on important dispatches, and yet talk of a cabinet! Not merely unconsulted, but ignorant of the documents. Well—the act passed, and on the 16th of January was sent to the other House—and on the 17th dispatches come which might have materially changed the decision of the House; and am I, feeling this, and knowing the House had been trifled with, to be denounced for telling you if you had had the necessary information, your decision would have been different from what it was? I know this—for many gentlemen who voted for the measure adopted, told me their votes would have been different had they had the necessary information. I say the decision of the House, if we had known what we ought to have known, and which had been received four weeks before, would have been different; and I have no hesitation in saying there is no cabinet, when I see a man, second to none for vigorous understanding, and practical good sense, ousted from it. I say as I have said before, if the Executive wants our confidence, let him give us his. But when we are excluded from his confidence, let him not demand ours. I will not give mine on these terms, and I have no hesitation in saying so. Yes, sir, I now say with open doors what I said when your doors were shut, & what I believe—that it is not for the master and mate (and I speak it without disparagement to any man) in bad weather to go below, and leave the management of the ship to the cook and cabin boy. The nation expects to know—they believe they do know, the opinion of the Executive. But do they know it? Where have they got it? Does it appear in this string of resolutions? Have we the opinion of the President? Have we his constitutional recommendation? No. You have nothing—Let the clerk produce the budget! But we shall be told that this House has a right to give a direction to
the President. This is the last refinement on courtly flattery. Shall the House act on information neither official or constitutional, on the sole pretext of giving the executive a direction, when they believe they are acting on what gentlemen get up, and give us reason to believe are the secret wishes of the executive. It is out of the question for any persons who are men of standing, to condescend, under such circumstances, to do the work of the cabinet or the water closet. No—tools must be found; and to such tools such work will be, as it has been uniformly committed. I do not only say they must be, but that they have been found. But at the threshold of every thing I can offer, I am met by these Nestors of the land, by these old coaches who love the smack of the whip, who talk of old times, of the stamp act, of the non-intercourse, and other revolutionary acts—But let me tell gentlemen this is all violence and declamation. You would not suppose that the maxims of Chesterfield had been studied by the gentleman from Pennsylvania—and yet the fact is that manner is every thing. But I beg you to compare the matter I have offered with the mild, meek, and peaceable sentiments of gentlemen. Because one gentleman has delivered his sentiments in a voice that freezes before it reaches this quarter of the House, and another gentleman mumbles out 'confiscate the national debt'; does that affect the principle at issue? And because another man, with some warmth, recommends a different course, are you therefore to scorch and crucify him?
The gentleman from Massachusetts, to whom I have alluded, has told us what the question between this country and G. Britain is. He says it does not respect enemy's property, but the colonial trade. He says that the tobacco and flour, the rice and cotton, transported by our vessels, come as much within the question quo ad enemy property, as the colonial trade. But is there any presumptive evidence that the rice, the cotton, the tobacco, or any other articles of American growth that are carried by our vessels, are enemy's property? There is none. Now take the other side of the question—Recollect that Holland, France and Spain have not a ship on the ocean; that the coffee, sugar and cotton of her colonies, which find their way to Europe, must go there under the cover of a neutral flag. What is the presumption? That a large part of those productions, thus transported, are relatively to Britain enemy property. How is a discrimination to be made between those products which are, and those which are not the property of an enemy? Is it not a fact that a few disreputable neighbors will bring a stigma on a whole neighborhood? Will any man deny the fact? Are the French and Spanish colonies independent? And what is the fact? That under the neutral flag the whole of the immensely valuable productions of those colonies find a conveyance. What do we say? That we have a right to carry those productions from the colonies to the belligerent nations? No—We say, the bringing them to the U. S. and paying duties on them, neutralises the property. But do they? Indisputably not. The moment you concede the point that you cannot carry on a direct trade, it becomes a question no longer of principle—but a question on which you must treat on the ground of expediency. And you must treat—you will treat—relative to it. There is one consideration, which, whether it has or has not engaged the attention of gentlemen, ought not to be lost sight of—and that is that our bulky productions can be carried by only two powers in the world—by ourselves or G. Britain—No other nation possesses the tonnage—Go then into war with G. Britain, and where will you find the tonnage to carry your products? You cannot find it. But, on the other hand, the British fabrics may be brought in Danish bottoms. There will be neutral tonnage enough to bring to your doors the productions of Britain. But where will you find the neutral tonnage to carry your produce abroad?
We are told that this is not a war measure—that Grotius and Puffendorf, and other distinguished civilians have decided that it is a pacific measure. But it unfortunately happens that great statesmen, on the theatre of active life, will not suffer themselves to be dictated to by the mumbler of antiquity; and gentlemen, who will not be governed by circumstances, who exclaim fiat justitia ruat coelum , must be content with making diagrams in their closets, while these active statesmen are deciding the destiny of nations. They tell us they have Grotius & Puffendorf at their backs—But I would rather have at my back the posse comitatus of the ten miles square, weak and inefficient as I know it to be—Yes, it is too true, the gentlemen will not listen for a moment to circumstantial. It is in vain that we say G. Britain is armed, that she has a fleet in the West Indies—that she has a ship over every square league in the ocean. They will not consider the propensity of an armed nation to strike—They will listen only to newspapers, & pamphlets & circular letters. Putting all these things out of consideration, they are for playing the part of Bobadil. They will not reflect that circumstances always govern practical men—they persist in their abstract theories. These Laputian and Lilliputian politics won't do. What are gentlemen about? While they are disputing whether the egg shall be broken at the big or little end, and whether the committee shall be discharged from the resolution in the House, or the House shall first go into committee, and the resolution be there discharged, they are pursuing measures which will be felt in Britain, and which will forcibly re-act on ourselves. The gentleman
from Massachusetts (Mr. Crowninshield) has told us what he would, and what he would not do, if he were a citizen of the republic of St. Marino. We would suppose from this declaration that he was an inhabitant of Fustic, about to carry on war against Lilliput. Such a man may be celebrated as a seaman, and may be able to make an able first Lord of the Admiralty over a fleet of privaters; but as a politician he is a Lilliputian delegate.
But we are told again, that this is a peace measure, and that we ourselves are the belligerent parties, who style it a war measure. One of the profoundest statesmen told Joseph the second, one of your Jünggrack men, that if he should attempt to force the navigation of the Scheldt, the fort would fire upon him. What said Joseph? I will not stoop to time and circumstance—he talked of natural rights, and go he would—The Dutch would never dare to fire. Compare the relative situation of the little republic of Holland, when her days of glory have passed away, when she has fallen into the hands of a conqueror—compare her present situation with that she enjoyed before the wings of her power were clipped by France. The emperor Joseph sent out his fleets, and the only intelligence he received of their fate, was that the Dutch had fired. He deemed it impossible—he could not believe that the little republic of Holland should fire on the Austrian Eagle. He thought as gentlemen think, and he was deceived; and you will be deceived too. For this commercial principle is not a principle of peace, but of war. Gentlemen may go to Carthage, if they please, stop at Genoa, and pass on to London, and they will invariably find it so; and they will find each of those nations commercial in proportion as they were warlike, and warlike in proportion as they were commercial. And why do commerce and war go thus hand in hand, but because commerce always disposes the nation to go to war, which is not disposed to give up a lucrative trade. The idea of the pacific tendency of commerce is a mere ignis fatuus . We find Holland ceased to be a great commercial power, when she ceased to be able to fight the combined fleets of France and England.
But I may be told that whithersoever it may lead us, this spirit of commercial monopoly ought never to be extinguished—I shall be told it is a base principle to crouch even to necessity; that we ought to set not only reason and common sense at defiance, but likewise necessity, which knows no law, but prescribes law to all. Well, I am free to confess, if this assertion is not beyond my comprehension, I have for the first time in my life found the reason of the planter's servant, who, on being asked what was the matter with his horse, said he was ashamed because he was dead—The poor animal had ingloriously crouched to the base principle of necessity, and had given up the ghost, when he ought to have kept the field. And this is what we are called upon to do by gentlemen who will not acknowledge the law of necessity, and who scout it as a principle which it does not become us to act upon. If these notions are to prevail, let us take Don Quixote as our first minister of state and Sancho Panca as the second in command. These are the natural hands to hold the reins of government, in case all regard to the principle of necessity is disclaimed. I hope gentlemen, who hold this doctrine, never mean to die, to sleep, or to weep at the distresses of their fellow men, or in any other respect acknowledge the base principle of necessity. But I, who profess to yield a compliance not only to the laws of necessity, but of probabilities, and who consider politics as only a science of probabilities, can no longer find a medium between myself and those, who disclaim all regard to the laws of necessity, and am obliged to confess that I am among the number of those who would negotiate with Great Britain.
generally called quiddim . I am willing to meet gentlemen on that ground. If we belong to the third party, be it so. I am willing to meet them on other ground.
[There was here a loud call to order in which Mr. Thomas joined. The Speaker decided that Mr. Randolph was in order. An appeal was taken to the House, who confirmed his decision.]
Mr. Randolph proceeded. I am obliged to the gentleman for the respite he has given me, as I really felt much exhausted. I knew where the shoe pinched. I will take gentlemen on another principle—on the principle of Burrism, as it is called. Will gentlemen attack us on that ground? Will they say we are the rotten part of the republican party—the go-betweens of any sects—the solicitors of any office—the tools of any faction? Now, sir, on the subject of federalism—I mean no imputation to any man or party of men—are we the advocates of federalism? Does the administration, and especially the department of the navy, or does it not administer the government on the principles of federalism? Has that department ever been administered, or can it ever be administered on principles more federal? There is another department—the post office department—the sweetest engine ever put into the hands of an unprincipled man. Are we for administering the government on principles of Burrism? This is a delicate subject—I speak with a full consciousness that it is. Now for the last nom--Yazooim —Are we Yazoo men? Have our enemies ever charged us with this?
Mr. Randolph here made an allusion, which from noise in the House we did not hear, to a misconception by Messrs. Stumpfer and Marion of a previous remark made by him relative to militia generals:—and then asked; Is there a man that would disdain to sit aside of such men? The allusion I made was fully understood; but those, whom it fitted, were willing to shift it from their own shoulders on those whom it did not fit.
I am really sorry, Mr. Speaker, for the time I have occupied. When I came into the House yesterday, it appeared to me as if the proposition before us was to appoint a board of commissioners to settle the account current of every member with the House. We heard a great deal of palaver and blarney; but of that description which can never take me in. I assure it, I raise my hand against it—I will never become its dupe. I am willing to allow that in the heat of debate, expressions improper for me to use, but not improper in their application to those to whom they referred, may have escaped me—the verba ardentiæ of an honest and I scorn to retract them. They were made in the presence of the nation; and in their presence I will defend them. I will never swivel, whatever may be the result. I have moved that the committee should rise with a perfect knowledge of the existing circumstances. I knew the moment we adjourned over on Saturday, that the old story would be repeated, that gentlemen would seek the Lord, agree upon some given principle, that all might go together. And I have not been disappointed. But it is for you to say, whether at this moment, when you are watching your daily and nightly mails for news from Europe—when you are oscillating between Bonaparte and the coalition—you are prepared to decide ultimately on this subject. I feel for one that I am not. As to the accusation of being the apologist of Britain, it is illest charge that ever was made. When I first took a seat in this House I was denounced with being a French partisan, because I opposed those men who then held the reins of government in their hands in their measures for carrying us into war with that nation; and now that I am for pursuing the same course towards G. Britain, which I was then in favor of pursuing towards France, I am charged with being the apologist of Britain—To this denunciation I am willing to submit, which all men must submit to who are not willing to risk the peace of their country.
(Debate to be continued.)
FOR SALE.
UPWARDS of 2000 acres of Land lying on each side of Little River in Loudon county being part of the Goose Creek tract of land purchased of the late Col. Charles Carter; the river runs nearly through the middle of it and forms on each side upwards of two hundred acres of low grounds, of which about forty acres is timber. It is in general good farm land, and remarkable for its production of grass and of timothy in particular. About three fourth of the tract in my own occupation, the remainder in the possession of tenants. The land lies well, abounds in good springs, and has a sufficiency of white and red oak timber, and some fine poplars. The purchaser may be supplied with stock of every kind, also with from 20 to 30 negroes in families, and taking them in that manner upon very reasonable terms; the land lies about the same distance (40 miles from Washington, Alexandria, and Dumfries, eight miles from Leesburg & six from Middlebury; there is on the part in my occupation a small dwelling house containing two rooms and an entry below, and two rooms above stairs, a kitchen, good stable and carriage house and other necessary buildings, all of them enclosed within the last five years, a good garden. The purchaser may be accommodated in the payments.
JOSEPH JONES. Near Leesburg, Loudon County, April 7—3pm

WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, MAY 16.
SUBSCRIBERS in arrears, or who have not made the necessary advance, are requested, without delay, to forward their dues.
A strong desire to bring the publication of the Debates of Congress to a close compels us to exclude for the present, much miscellaneous matter, & many interesting original articles on hand-- These Debates relate to topics of very considerable interest; among which are the Yazoo question, the Tripoli Treaty, the Navy appropriations, the compatibility of civil and military office, the salt tax, and the memorial relative to the expedition under Miranda; all of which will be given in the order of time, after we shall have brought the debate on British affairs to an end. We are of opinion that we cannot render a better service to the nation than by submitting a pretty full statement of these debates, all of which involve considerations of great interest. This will principally occupy our columns for three or four weeks, when we shall be able to give them a more varied complexion; and to insert as well original strictures, as remarks worthy of republication from other prints. It is, with regret, that we are obliged, from the higher claims of the proceedings of the national legislature, to decline inserting many articles from other prints which, we are convinced, would do honor to our columns.
ELECTIONS.
IT ought not to be matter of surprize, if, without any essential variation of political opinion, occasional failures should be experienced in the republican districts of the United States. Great national political principles, however ascendant, will in some instances be balanced and outweighed by personal and local interests. Sometimes the great personal respectability of the federal candidate will ensure him victory over a republican candidate of doubtful character. It is also of the very essence of conscious strength to beget a confidence destructive of vigilance and effort, thence enabling the minority by the use of these powerful engines to reap an occasional triumph. But, notwithstanding the existence of these circumstances, and many others, calculated to produce similar effects, it is rarely that our political opponents make the least head way; and when such advantages are gained, without being of any material benefit to the victors, they serve the purpose of giving a salutary lesson to the vanquished, in future to be on their guard.
Massachusetts, since the national triumph of 1800, has been gradually advancing towards the character of a republican state; and a few weeks will determine whether she is not now entitled to this proud distinction.
Of her Senate, composed of forty members, twenty are republicans; her Lieutenant governor is a decided republican, and with regard to her governor, the scales have not as yet decisively turned either way. The prints differ so materially in their statements that the event remains uncertain. They all, however, concur in the fact that the republican candidate has gained a considerable accession of votes; the probability is that neither candidate will have a majority of all the votes, in which case the election is to be made by the House of Representatives itself, to be chosen during the present month. Should the government of Massachusetts become republican, the political character of New England may be considered as changed.
In Connecticut, the republican votes have likewise increased. The progress of the people of this state in the attainment of pure republican principles, is gradual, but it is steady and sure.
In New-York, we have the mortification of contemplating a violent collision between the republicans. But, notwithstanding these circumstances, the federalists, although emboldened by it to great exertions, have reaped no harvest. However divided the republicans are among themselves on subordinate politics, we have heard of no case in which the Congressional districts, heretofore represented by republicans, have elected federal members. Messrs. Munsford, Clinton, and Masters are re-elected, and Mr. Van Allen, a new member, who is likewise republican.
The following article, from a late London print, indicates the origin of the Miranda expedition.
"Insurance has been effected at Lloyd's on the baggage of an American officer of rank, employed on an expedition fitting out at New-York. The insurance was for the sea risk between New-York and the coast of Caracas, in South America, and leave was given to touch at St. Domingo. It is said the expedition consists of 7000 men. This curious circumstance explains many of the rumours about the declaration of war against Spain."
We yesterday saw a letter from Barbadoes, dated April 14, 1806, giving information received via Trinidad, that gen. Miranda had effected a landing on the Spanish American province of Caracas; that he had taken the island Margarita, the town of Cumana, on the sea-board of the province;
the town of Barcelona, in the interior, on the river Neveri, and was in full march for the capital of the colony, situated about 50 miles from the coast. The expedition sailed last from Otranto.
The above information is confirmed by capt. Risbrough, who arrived here yesterday from Martinique. It appears that the American ship Leander, was joined by some English cruizers, and that Miranda has proclaimed the independence of the province. The intelligence was brought to Martinique by a Danish vessel.
Boat. Cent.
LONDON, MARCH 20.
The gentlemen who intended to bid for the loan, waited on the Chancellor of the Exchequer this morning, to ascertain the amount of the loans, and the terms upon which the bidings are to take place on Friday. We understand that the amount of the loan is to be 22 millions; 18 for G. Britain and 4 for Ireland. Of the latter 2 millions are to be raised in England and 2 in Ireland. The contractors are to receive 100% consols, and the bidings to be in the reduced. The first instalments are to be paid on the 15th April.
Government has received dispatches from general sir James Craig, which state that the Russian troops, amounting to 22,000 men, were in perfect readiness to defend the isle of Sicily against the attack which the French were meditating against it.
MARCH 22.
The new kings of Bavaria and Wirtemberg, and the elector of Baden, have, independently, at the desire of France, prohibited the importation of British articles.
Alexandria, May 14.
We are favored with the following account of the death of Bowles, by a friend who received it from a passenger late from the Havannah. The celebrated partizan major Bowles, died in the cells of the Moro Castle, Havannah, early in last month. He was a brother to the famous Carrington Bowles, of Print Shop memory, on Lodge Hill, London. The major had lived so long among the Canadian tribes of Indians as to become more than half savage himself. Long employed by the American ministers and their American successors, he had perpetrated a number of mischiefs and cruelties on the peaceful and defenceless frontier inhabitants of the United States; went to England for a few years, after the revolutionary war; was again noticed and employed, and but a few years back was landed out of a British sloop of war on the shores of the Bay of Mobile, made his way towards our southern frontier, and, after alternately committing many excesses on the subjects of the U. States, urging the savages to war, and committing open hostilities against the Spaniards, he was betrayed, and taken up by a party of his fellow savages, and delivered to the Spanish commandant, who soon had him confined in the Moro Castle. He was there shut out from light or air, and fed upon bread & water only, until being deprived of all hope of delivery, he refused any kind of sustenance whatever, and died in April, 1806.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT
For supplying vacancies happening in the Board of Trustees for carrying into effect the "Act to establish and endow a permanent institution for the education of youth in the city of Washington."
BE it enacted by the first and second chambers of the city council of Washington, That whenever vacancies shall happen in the board of trustees for carrying into effect the "Act to establish and endow a permanent institution for the education of youth" they shall filled up & supplied in the following manner; viz. The contributors to the institution shall appoint trustees to fill such vacancies as may happen among those they had elected for the current year; and the joint council shall elect trustees to fill such vacancies as may happen among those they had elected for the current year: the elections in both cases shall be held within thirty days of the vacancy or vacancies happening, in the same manner as is directed by the act herein mentioned, and any vacancy or vacancies at the time of passing this act shall be filled within thirty days from its passage.
JNO. DEMPSE, President first Chamber &c. SAML. HAMILTON, President second Chamber, &c.
APPROVED. October 17th, 1805. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test, THOS. HERTY, Reg.
AN ACT
For the repair of G street north and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the first and second chambers of the city council of Washington, That the several sums herein-after mentioned be and the same are hereby appropriated for the repair of streets and bridges to be expended and the repairs made under the direction of three inhabitants residents of the streets or neighborhood, to be appointed by the Mayor. For the repair of G street from Lear's wharf to the east side of Twenty Fourth street west the sum of eighty-five dollars. For the repair of a bridge on 27th street west the sum of fifteen dollars.
For the repair of the Bridge over the canal at the intersection of South Capitol street and Virginia avenue the sum of twenty-five dollars. For the repair of 7th street east from Pennsylvania avenue to L street south, the sum of one hundred dollars.
JNO. DEMPSE, President, of the First Chamber of the city council of Washington. SAML. HAMILTON, President, Second Chamber of the city council of Washington.
APPROVED, October 7th, 1805. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test THOS. HERTY, REG.
AN ACT
Supplementary to the acts licensing hackney carriages within the city of Washington.
BE it enacted by the first and second chambers of the city council of Washington, That from and after the passing of this act it shall not be lawful for the Mayor to grant a licence for a carriage or carriages to any persons applying therefor, unless the owner or owners thereof shall have resided in the county of Washington at least one month.
SEC. 2. Be it enacted, That if the owner or owners of hackney carriages shall by themselves their agents or drivers employ them for the purposes of carrying any person or persons from one part of the city to another, or to George-town, contrary to the qualifications and provisions of this act, he, she or they so offending, shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars for every such infraction, one half to the informer and the other to the corporation, any thing in the former acts to the contrary notwithstanding.
SEC. 3. Be it enacted, that if any person or persons shall obtain a licence for any hackney carriage or carriages not his own property at the time such licence shall be granted, he, she or they shall forfeit the sum of fifty dollars for every such offence, one half to the use of the informer, and the other half to the use of the city.
WM. PROUT, President pro tempore first chamber, &c. PHINEAS BRADLEY, President pro tempore, second chamber, &c. APPROVED, April 17th, 1806. ROBERT BRENT, Mayor. Test THOMAS HERTY, REG.
By order of the Orphan's Court of Prince George's county will be sold on Saturday the 7th day of June next, at the house of Ignatius Boone in the town of Georgetown, for a term of 20 years, One NEGRO boy, 10 or 11 years of age, on a credit of 12 months, to satisfy debts due from the estate of the late Mrs. Ann Brady Cox of said county deceased. Bond with approved security will be required AQUILA SEAL, Adm'r. Prince George's county, May 16--U33t
Notice is hereby given that the subscriber intends to petition the next county Court for Washington, to be held in the territory of Columbia, for an order to renew the lower ferry over the Eastern Branch, what was generally known by the name of Barry's ferry.
JEREMIAH H BROTHER. Washington, May 16--22w3w
CHEAP SPRING GOODS.
THOMAS W. PAIRO has just returned from Philadelphia with a handsome assortment of Spring goods, which he will sell unusually low. He hopes therefore the Ladies and Gentlemen of the city will honor him to call first at his store before they take the fatiguing walk to George Town, since he is convinced that they will be well satisfied with the quality, beauty and price of his goods. T. W. Pairo's store contains now the following articles:
Bombazets, Handkerchiefs, silk, Beads, linen, and cotton, Chambermuffins, Jeans, Silk and Cotton, Linens, Calicoes and chintzes, Black lutestring, Claret, Mullins of various kinds, Calimancoes, Ribbons, a handsome Cassinet, Checks of various kinds, assortment, Cotton cassimerees, Nankeens, Playing cards, Tape Cord, Crapes, Penknives, Combs of a variety, Shawls, Netting & netting cot. Stockings, of almost every sort, Working cotton, Plaid silks, Diaper, Strinets, Dimities, Shoes, with heels and Cambic, do. without, Fans, Sciffars, Fans common and fine, Umbrelloes, ladies and gentlemen, and a variety of great variety, great many other Hats first quality, &c. goods.
To be Sold, Or EXCHANGED for other property in the CITY, or its vicinity.
TWO valuable and contiguous TRACTS of LAND in the state of Kentucky, the one containing 6880 acres, and the other 6432 acres, by late re-survey. They are under old and indisputable titles of more than twenty years, and situate in a populous county, adjoining flourishing settlements. All taxes thereon have been duly paid. Apply to the subscriber, JOHN BECKLEY, City of Washington, November 6--wtt 3
NOTICE.
IS hereby given that unless the tax due to the Washington Corporation from the following persons be paid on or before the 28th day of May next, the following property or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges due thereon, will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder.
Table with 3 columns: Name, Lot/Sq, Value. Lists various property owners and their lots/squares with values in Dollars and Cents.
Table with 3 columns: Name, Lot/Sq, Value. Continuation of property list with values in Dollars and Cents.
[To be Continued.]