The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-11-30 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. V.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
DCXLVIII.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 30th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 30.
Among the events of the times that most merit attention, may be reckoned the issue of the recent elections in Massachusetts. This colossus of federalism, which has so long and so vigorously resisted the tide of popular opinion, has at length, with a decision that supersedes all suspicion, asserted her claim to republican character, and exhibited a magnanimity worthy of the virtue and wisdom of freemen. It is not by the calling votes of a few citizens, but by the suffrages of thousands, that she has proclaimed to the union the origin of a new political era in the East. This illustrious achievement of principle is replete with the materials of instruction; and it would be losing one of the best occasions that can ever occur for serious and profitable reflection, to omit extracting improvement from the interesting circumstances connected with it.
It proves the people of the United States to be one people. However various in name, in pursuits, or in habits, it demonstrates them in one respect, in political principle, to be the same. The contest in Massachusetts was emphatically that of principle. It was not a struggle for the preponderance of this or that faction; but it was a struggle of the great interests of the people against the factious interests of a few men aspiring to larger measures of power than their fellow-freemen.
The measures of the administration of the general government were made the criterion; measures emphatically those of peace, economy and moderation. These were loudly and vehemently denounced. No nice discrimination of judgment, or candor of temper, while they condemned some of them, approved the remainder. On the contrary the whole fountain head was declared polluted, and every stream that flowed from it equally impure. Hence there was not a measure of the government left unprobrated, nor an individual concerned in its administration undenounced. Argument and sophistry, declamation and ridicule, misrepresentation and calumny poured their united and ceaseless streams against the President, the heads of departments, the republican members of Congress, and all their measures. The storm grew high. A persecuting spirit stalked through the land, and menaced with inquisitorial terrors freedom of opinion. The republicans, the sleeping Sampsons of New-England, awoke from their slumbers, and fighting pro aris et focis , convinced their adversaries of the irresistible energies of freedom in a cause worthy of her efforts. They fought and triumphed. The ground they have taken is the same with that previously assumed by their brethren in the middle, the southern and the western states; and the means, that led to victory in the one case, have insured it in the other.
Never was there, perhaps, a more consolidated opposition to any administration; and never were there more powerful engines engaged to give it success. All these mighty efforts have yielded to enquiry and discussion. Misrepresentation stands appalled, or flies before the radiance of truth. The people, yes the people, represented as unqualified to govern themselves, with reason for their guide, and justice for their object, have seized the throne, and before their majesty the pagnants of a distempered hope have vanished. The visions of monarchy, and the dreams of aristocracy are all dispelled by the light of truth.
Memorable is the instruction which this lesson teaches. It demonstrates the unity of the American people on the cardinal points of their political concerns. It proves, that, however, from the influence of momentary prejudice or ignorance, they may differ for a day, they become, when well informed, one homogeneous and solid mass. Let us not hereafter be told that the several states are composed of such discordant materials as to be incapable of harmonious action. Let us not be told that the feelings, the principles and the views of one section are hostile to those of another. The example of Massachusetts shews that, however they may differ in opinion on subordinate points, they are the same on whatever involves the essential interests of the union.
This early triumph of principle is eminently owing to two leading causes; the attempts recently made to dismember the empire, and those made to enlist the passions and prejudices of the East against those of the South.
Federalists exclaimed, let us, by embodying our strength, by holding a strong
arm over the minority of our citizens, convince Virginia that we will no longer endure the rule of her principles. What though those principles are founded in eternal truth, what though they are the germs of liberty, still Virginia maintains them, the chief magistrate, a citizen of Virginia, adopts them as his, and shall New England submit to the degradation of crouching to this arrogant dictator? Had reason been consulted, she would have told these high-toned federalists that the despotism of which they complained was not that of Virginia, but that of truth and justice; she would have told them that in the maintenance of these Virginia, however distinguished, stood not alone; that, on the contrary they were upheld with equal zeal by New York, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio, by thirteen out of seventeen states; and by five sixths of the people; she would have told them that great political principles, despising the trammels of locality, or limited association, acknowledge no other boundaries than those of the world; and that a Pennsylvanian or a Kentuckian does not embrace them because they prevail in Virginia, but because they are the elements of human happiness.
In violation of all these convictions of sober judgment, the cry of dissolution was raised in the East. It has met its reward in the downfall of those who raised it. Before its avowal, the enemies of the administration had sheltered themselves from the heavy charges preferred against them, under the declaration, that they were the best friends of the union, and those on whom its ultimate security would devolve. Thousands believed the profession. But the motion of Mr. Ely, and the alarming crisis of which it presented the prospect, dispelled the illusion, roused the supine, and electrified with new energy, the patriotism of revolutionary times. Mark, fellow citizens, of the North and the South, of the East and of the West, young as well as old, mark the burst of indignation with which this proposition has been received. Instil into your hearts the lesson it teaches, and continue hereafter to crush with equal vigor every attempt made to destroy the unity of the empire. Toleration is a great, perhaps the greatest virtue; but it has its limits: and no opinions ought to be countenanced, or men supported, that aim this fatal blow at your happiness and glory.
Next in influence towards the production of this great event was the attempt so industriously made to instil the passions and prejudices of the East against those of the South. To effect this end, whole communities have been portrayed in the hideous colours of vice. They have been represented as composed of individuals destitute of moral principle, and as actuated by an ambition only to be satiated by the prostration of the rights and liberties of the other states. Virginia, in particular, the great state culprit, has been dragged before the bar of public opinion. Her conduct has been fully investigated; and she has come out of the crucible with new lustre. Hereafter, we may indulge the hope, that policy, should principle be too feeble, will save our national character from similar disgrace. Faction has found that there is in the American heart too much magnanimity to allow it to become the victim of illiberal invective.
Such is the aspect of this event upon our interior concerns. Great as are its effects in this view, they will be still greater in relation to the European world. There, the predictions of the politician and the philosopher have represented our distinct confederacies as destined to become at an early day, the theatres of division and bloodshed. They have pronounced republican institutions incapable of keeping together so large an empire, and have predicted on their downfall the rise of monarchy, with its concomitants, an established nobility and priesthood, together with an efficient standing military force. Struck with the commanding logic of this event, their prejudices will be shaken; their minds will be led to dispassionate enquiry; and reason will be heard. With truth for her advocate, she will sow the seeds of a mighty harvest. The eye of the European will pass the Atlantic, and less prejudiced than heretofore, will contemplate, under the influence of an understanding open to conviction, the great and distinctive blessings of republican institutions. With such sentiments, it will be impossible to behold without approving the wise and honest policy of our rulers. And should the contemplation of our hap-
piness, of our resources growing with a rapidity even greater than our numbers, of our harmony, and of the firm support given by the people to their government, not produce imitation, it will most assuredly inspire respect. And this sentiment will teach foreign nations that in their intercourse with us honesty is the best policy.
Congressional Register.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, November 27.
Debate on the Bill for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the United States and in the waters under their jurisdiction. (Concluded.)
Mr. Dana thought the embarrassment might be attributed to an attempt to combine in one section two different species of crimes, but it was exposed to objections which had not yet been made. The clause gives the marshal or sheriff the power to arrest the offender by force of arms, and then if the persons resisting kill our officer it is murder, and shall be punished accordingly. If, however, your officer and his armed force kill any of the offenders resisting, your process for it stands; if death ensues on either side, those who are concerned in support of the civil authority shall be justified—but those engaged in resisting shall be shot, or if not shot, and they are taken alive, then they shall be fined and imprisoned for manslaughter committed upon their party. He did not think the amendments proposed, take which you will of them, likely to remove the difficulty.
Mr. Nicholson said the case they were about to provide for was different from any other that could arise in civil society. It was devising a punishment for persons who were armed with a species of power to resist a legalised force under their command, and though they are bound to submit to our laws yet they have others under their command who are bound to submit to them. An offender seeks protection from the effects of our offended laws on board an armed ship; he is sought by our officer, and the commanding officer regardless of his proper duty orders his sailors to defend themselves by resisting the process; in the struggle death ensues; now let it be asked are those seamen guilty of murder or manslaughter. The servant of a person invested with authority equal to that of a British officer and directed to do an illegal act, to kill a man for example, though it would be murder in the officer, yet it could be no more than manslaughter in the servant. The case is the same as it relates to the officer and crew; though the latter are not justified to do the act, yet they do not feel themselves justified to disobey their commander. When he was up before he had not clearly expressed himself for want of attending to the bearing of the whole bill. In England every man's house was his castle; no officer was authorised to break a house open except in cases of treason or felony, an officer attempting it might be killed, and it would amount only to manslaughter. The attempt here to take a man from on board an armed ship might be considered as attempting to break open a castle, and if death ensued it would be manslaughter. The bill however authorised the force, and cases might exist, in which the killing would be murder—other cases where the killing would be manslaughter only.
Mr. Nelson objected to Mr. Early's amendment; because it left the denomination of the crime to the judge or jury, and how could they determine whether it was murder or manslaughter, but by the common law, as the United States had never yet defined either. If the case was defined and left to go to a jury upon the matter of fact, the objection would be in some degree obviated.
Mr. Nicholson was sorry to see such a discussion had taken place. He would, in order to remove the difficulty, strike out all that relates to the punishment, and leave them to be dealt with according to law, when delivered over to the civil authority.
Mr. R. Griswold had two objections. First, that mentioned by his colleague. Where you authorise your sheriff or marshal to take an armed force, and as you justify these in case death ensues, and punish the others as murderers—The sheriff has only to order his men to fire and shoot some;—then, for these deaths, you hang the rest—This is making short work, and giving no quar-
ter. The other objection was on the ground of the constitution—He did not see that Congress had power to punish crimes committed against a state, or in its ports or harbours. The constitution expressly gave Congress power to define and punish crimes and piracies committed on the high seas; but not within a state's limits.
Mr. Smilie observed a great deal of embarrassment had taken place on wording the section; that however was not to be wondered at, as the bill had only just been distributed; but the last objection, that it was unconstitutional, deserved very serious reflection; he should therefore move the committee to rise, with a view of giving time for consideration.
Mr. Nicholson had no objection to the committee rising; but he would not have it understood that he had any constitutional difficulties to struggle with. Congress had powers sufficient to enforce their revenue laws, and this very bill contemplates that, as one circumstance that may occur, and ought to be corrected. But whence did the gentleman (Mr. R. Griswold) acquire this timidity, this care for state rights? It is believed they have not stood in his way on former occasions, any more than they did in the way of those with whom he acted. In the case of the sedition bill, which trenching upon the state courts' jurisdiction, there was no squabbles, the end justifying the means. The committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. J. Randolph called for the order of the day on the report of the committee of ways and means, respecting the remission of duties on books imported for the use of colleges and seminaries of learning—the resolution declaring it to be inexpedient to allow the same.
The House taking the subject into consideration,
Mr. J. Randolph observed that the constitution of the United States was a grant of limited powers for general objects, which Congress had no right to exceed, although they might think the powers too limited. This position he considered as of primary importance. Its leading feature was an abhorrence of exclusive privileges; it might be called the key to that instrument; every thing which rose up in the shape of privilege was repressed in a peculiar manner, whether it related to orders or classes of men. Whenever they have touched the doctrine of privilege the framers of that instrument, and the people of the United States adopting it, have been careful that nothing should be got by inference or construction. The privileges of this House even, have been precisely defined, and nothing is left for its extension, whatever may be the wishes or disposition of its members. The principle that this constitution is but a limited grant of power occurs, if not directly, yet frequently and effectually, so that it cannot be mistaken. On the privilege asked for, to permit colleges and universities to import their books free of impost, we refer to the 8th section of the 1st article, where it is declared that Congress shall have power to levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; but all duties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States. The impost shall be uniform. It is a lamentable fact, but nevertheless it is a fact, and cannot be too much dwelt and insisted upon, nor too well known, that the ambiguity of language gives our constitution that character which leaves it in the power of civilians to say it means any thing or nothing.
Whatever may have been said on other points; I think in this instance the language is so definite that it cannot possibly be mistaken. They shall be uniform, that is to say, there shall not be one quantum, one mode of collecting, and one manner; there shall not be two measures to meet with. If Congress undertake to exempt one class of people from the payment of the impost they may exempt others also. If they begin with colleges and universities for the advancement of learning, surely they may go on to exempt the clergy and congregation for the advancement of religion; they may exempt their own members: indeed it cannot be seen where they are to stop, having once overleaped the constitutional barrier and entered on the wide field of privilege. The duties must be uniform! nobody can be exempted, the President, if he chooses to import books, must pay the duty as well as any private citizen. In this country we have no privileged class, all must fare alike, every man must bend to the law, and the tax must be uniform whether on land or books.
Perhaps it may be said that the prac-
tice under the constitution has decided against my construction; for philosophical apparatus is exempted from duty when imported for the benefit of seminaries of learning. I agree that philosophical apparatus is exempted by law; but I believe that law to be an unconstitutional law, as well as some others passed by former Congresses. But I do not wish to cast an odium upon its framers, more than they deserve; it might have passed through inadvertence or want of reflection, nay, it might have been the result of pure motives, the advancement of science and literature. Yet to show how intent the constitution is to guard against powers drawn by construction even on this very subject, which it must have been solicitous to have extended, it has limited the efforts of Congress to promote literature and the useful arts by any other means than that of granting to authors and discoverers the exclusive use of their inventions, and publishing their works. And Congress have no power to promote the advancement of science or literature in any other than this particular way. If these observations are not received as reasons for the report of the committee, they will be considered as the justification of one of its members.
Mr. Findley observed, that in addition to the constitutional objections urged, he had others on the ground of expediency. The country colleges and seminaries, whose funds were small, had seldom or never an opportunity of importing books; they were happy to receive them in the country as donations, or by cheap editions; they would therefore receive no corresponding accommodation, and yet they were more useful and their use more universally felt, than those called higher institutions, which claim to be exempted from paying impost. There are only a few of the well endowed academies that can afford to procure foreign books, and when they have them, their circulation is extremely confined; to say nothing more, these reasons would engage me to support the resolution.
Mr. R. Griswold. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) must have misunderstood me when he supposed I objected to the report, because the committee had assigned no reason for the resolution. I mentioned the circumstance merely to show that we ought not then to decide. With respect to the constitutional objection he has set up, I acknowledge it is new to me—Such an enquiry may be of great weight, but it does not appear so to me. The paragraph quoted from the 8th section of 1st article, that Congress shall have power to levy and collect taxes, has never struck me in the way it has that gentleman. The words are, levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises ; but it drops the words taxes , it being settled in another part of the constitution, and declares that duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform. The one speaks of direct taxes , the other of indirect —meaning that if an indirect tax is laid it shall be uniform. No one state is to have an excise laid upon its inhabitants unless it extends to the citizens of every other. One part is not to be excised , and another excised . This has always been the construction of that section of the constitution 'til the present moment, and I think it the true one. It is now said that Congress can only promote science and literature in one way. Why! have not Congress made grants of lands to promote those objects in the western country? They have. I believe the power of Congress to equate to promote literature in the way applied for, and it has been frequently the case that even after duties have been paid into the treasury upon the uniform system, yet individuals have had those duties returned. I do not want to detain the house; but I am well persuaded that the constitution forms no impediment, and the expediency must be apparent.
Mr. J. Randolph believed the gentleman left up had misunderstood him. But it was not very material whether he was misunderstood or not, as Mr. G. had not thought proper to answer him on the principal ground, namely the constitutional objection. He however said something. Duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform. Can they be uniform when a particular class or corporation are exempt from their payment? This is a new kind of uniformity. It is a species of uniformity I do not understand. He asks, if you have not granted land and returned duties received into the treasury. Indubitably you have. And we have the power, and in some instances the right

to give away the money in our treasury... objects we think deserving. Has not all the dispositions gone upon the question of particular hardship; but tell me, do these individual cases, refusing upon their own merits, class with a wholesale disposal of public money? Suppose you want to raise up an exclusive privilege in favor of, let us say shoemakers, and let them import their materials free of duty; will you bring up as precedent or authority, the case of Mr. Messonier, or any other person? Can such a case, standing singular and insulated, be held up to promote the doctrine of exclusive privilege for a corps of thousands. Of lands the United States have given General La Fayette some acres; they have given the like for schools in the Wilderness country; they may give some to the gentleman from Connecticut; but would any of them contend for an exemption from paying half or two-thirds of the price, when the sale was made on a uniform system, and would they ask for an exemption from the payment of their tax, if it was imposed. Mr. R. concluded by repeating the idea, that if you once step over the barrier, there is no security, and if you forgive or exempt the payment of the duties in this instance, Congress may forgive every thing to their favorites, when they have any.
Mr. Dana made a reply to Mr. Findley; but it is so difficult to hear gentleman across the floor that the reporter dare seldom attempt to follow them. He considered Mr. F's objection as being formed upon the idea, that the books composing the libraries of colleges and universities were of the same kind as those used in county schools; few things were more dissimilar; the one was merely to initiate the pupil in the first principles, the other took a more extensive range, embracing the whole circle of science, the classic authors, and the best writers, ancient and modern, books scarcely ever to be found but in collections attached to literary institutions, and the revenue arising from them may be called a tax upon seminaries of learning.
Mr. J. Clay was one of the committee, and had agreed to the report; since reasons had been called for he would in a few words assign those which influenced him. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. D.) mistakes in thinking that a denial to exempt books from impost is a tax on literary institutions, and therefore not uniform, as the constitution requires all imposts should be; but he did not make his stand on the ground of the constitution, he rested the question upon its expediency. Giving literary institutions the privilege of exemption from imposts would open a wide door for fraud; we should soon have them importing books for sale duty free, rivalling the booksellers who are subjected to the payment of impost, and vending them in every street and avenue of the nation. But why privilege colleges and universities to accommodate the rich; for we may believe that the rich and the children of the rich are the only persons who have access to these collections? The poor have little leisure and less opportunity to improve the advantage which even neighborhood would give them to peruse works of the kind alluded to, and surely it would be thought unjust to tax their pittance of imported articles, and in order to enable gentlemen to read the classic authors or the sublime and beautiful of the modern writers.
Mr. Findley spoke of colleges not of universities: we have three in Pennsylvania, one of which, to be sure, has also the title of university, but two of them have not funds to import books on their own account; it is only rich institutions that have this advantage, the poorer class of seminaries buy of booksellers, and pay them the impost as well as their retail profit. Indeed this remission of duties will rather tend to create disgust than give satisfaction; and those seminaries which have large collections of books would be induced to sell them at their present price in order to procure new ones cheaper, as they have had to pay the duty on the former, but would have none to pay upon those they should hereafter import.
The question being called for—it was put on agreeing to the report of the committee of the whole, that it is inexpedient to remit the duty on books, and carried in the affirmative, 79 members voting in the affirmative. Adjourned.
A BILL For the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the United States, and in the waters under their jurisdiction. [Now before the House of Representatives.] Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That whensoever any treason, felony, misprision of treason, or of felony, misdemeanor, breach of the peace, or of the revenue laws of the United States, shall hereafter be committed within the jurisdiction of the United States, and the person committing the same, shall be on board of any foreign
armed vessel, in any port or harbor of the United States, or in the waters within the jurisdiction of the United States, it shall be the duty of any judge or justice of any court of the United States, or any judge or justice of any state court, or any mayor of a city, upon satisfactory proof thereof to him made, to issue his warrant specifying the nature of the offence, and directed to a sheriff or marshal, commanding him to take the body of the offender, and bring him before the said judge or justice, or other person as aforesaid, to be dealt with according to law. And if the officer, charged with the execution of the said warrant, shall deem the ordinary posse comitatus insufficient to ensure the execution of the same, he shall apply to the said judge or justice, or other person authorized as aforesaid, or to any of them, who shall immediately issue his order, directed to any officer having command of militia, or any officer having command of regular troops or of armed vessels of the United States, in the vicinity, requiring him to aid the said sheriff or marshal with all the force under his command, or such part as may be necessary, in executing the warrant aforesaid. And the said marshal or sheriff, conforming himself in all things to the instructions which he shall receive from the President of the United States or from any other person authorized by the President, shall first demand the surrender of the person charged with the offence; and if delivery be not made, or if the sheriff or marshal be obstructed from making the demand, he shall use all the means in his power by force and arms, to arrest the offender, and all others who are with him, giving him aid and countenance, and he shall convey the said offender, and all others arrested as aforesaid, and deliver them to the civil authority, to be dealt with according to law. And if death ensues on either side, those who are concerned in support of the civil authority, shall be justified, and those engaged in resisting, shall be punished as in cases of homicide committed in resisting a civil officer. And if any commanding officer of militia, of regular troops, or armed vessels of the United States, shall refuse to obey the requisition so made of him as aforesaid, he shall be fined a sum not exceeding
Sec. 2. And in order to prevent insults to the authority of the laws, whereby the peace of the United States with foreign nations may be endangered, Be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, either to permit or interdict at pleasure, the entrance of the harbors and waters under the jurisdiction of the United States, to all armed vessels belonging to any foreign nation, and by force to repel and remove them from the same, except when they shall be forced in by distress, by the dangers of the sea, by being pursued by an enemy, or when charged with dispatches or business from the government to which they belong; in which cases, as well as in all others when they shall be permitted to enter, the commanding officer shall immediately report his vessel to the collector of the district, stating the object or causes of his entering the harbor or waters, shall take such position in the harbor or waters, as shall be assigned him by such collector, and shall conform himself, his vessel and crew, to such regulations, respecting health, repairs, supplies, stay, intercourse and departure, as shall be signified to him by the said collector, under the authority and directions of the President of the United States; and not conforming thereto, shall be required to depart from the United States.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That whensoever any armed vessel of a foreign nation, entering the harbors or waters within the jurisdiction of the United States, and required to depart therefrom by the collector of the district, shall fail to do so, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to forbid by proclamation all intercourse with such vessel, and with every armed vessel of the same nation, and the officers and crew thereof; to prohibit all supplies and aid from being furnished them, and also to instruct the collector of the district, where such armed vessel shall be, and of any and every other district of the United States, to refuse permission to any vessel belonging to the same nation, or to its citizens or subjects, to make entry or unlad, so long as the said armed vessel shall remain in the harbors or waters of the United States in defiance of the public authority. And if after publication of the said proclamation, any person shall, in contempt thereof, furnish any supplies or aid to such armed vessel, or any other contrary to the prohibition contained in the said proclamation, the person or persons so offending shall forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That whensoever any officer of an armed vessel commissioned by any foreign power, shall be guilty of any offence made punishable by this act, or shall on the high seas or elsewhere, have committed any trespass on any citizen or vessel of the United States, spoliation of their property, or vexation of trading vessels coming to or going from the United States, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, on due proof of the facts, by proclamation forever, to interdict the entrance of the said officer within the limits of the United States; and if he be found therein thereafter, he shall be liable to be arrested, and punished by fine and imprisonment, in any court in the United States having competent jurisdiction, both for the offence with which he was originally charged, and also for having entered within the limits of the United States, after having been interdicted, and shall likewise be transported to such ports beyond seas, as the court shall determine, and so as often as he shall be found within the limits of the United States, after having been interdicted as aforesaid.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States shall be, and he is hereby authorised and required, to give as soon as may be, after the passage of this act, to the collectors of the respective ports, and to such other persons as he may think proper, the necessary instructions for carrying this act into effect, particularly marking out the line of conduct to be observed by a sheriff or marshal, and by the several collectors in performing the duties enjoined by this act.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall be sued for any thing done in pursuance of this act, he may plead the general issue and give this act in evidence, any thing in any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.
ed vessel commissioned by any foreign power, shall be guilty of any offence made punishable by this act, or shall on the high seas or elsewhere, have committed any trespass on any citizen or vessel of the United States, spoliation of their property, or vexation of trading vessels coming to or going from the United States, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, on due proof of the facts, by proclamation forever, to interdict the entrance of the said officer within the limits of the United States; and if he be found therein thereafter, he shall be liable to be arrested, and punished by fine and imprisonment, in any court in the United States having competent jurisdiction, both for the offence with which he was originally charged, and also for having entered within the limits of the United States, after having been interdicted, and shall likewise be transported to such ports beyond seas, as the court shall determine, and so as often as he shall be found within the limits of the United States, after having been interdicted as aforesaid.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States shall be, and he is hereby authorised and required, to give as soon as may be, after the passage of this act, to the collectors of the respective ports, and to such other persons as he may think proper, the necessary instructions for carrying this act into effect, particularly marking out the line of conduct to be observed by a sheriff or marshal, and by the several collectors in performing the duties enjoined by this act.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall be sued for any thing done in pursuance of this act, he may plead the general issue and give this act in evidence, any thing in any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.
REPORT. The Committee of Commerce and Manufactures to whom was referred the resolution of the House of the 12th instant, "to enquire into the expediency of allowing, under proper regulations, a drawback of duties on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the port of New-Orleans, from any port of the United States, and from thence exported to any foreign port or place," with instructions to "report by bill or otherwise," respectfully submit the following
UPON examining the act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled "An act for laying and collecting duties on imports and tonnage, within the territory ceded to the United States by the treaty of the 30th April, 1803, between the United States and the French Republic, and for other purposes," it appears that the sixth section refuses the drawback on all goods, wares and merchandise exported from the port of New-Orleans, other than on those which shall have been imported directly into the same, from a foreign port or place. Drawbacks have been allowed in all ports of the United States, since the first acts were passed laying a duty on imports and tonnage. No inconvenience or loss has or can happen in giving back what we have received in cases where the article is really exported out of the limits of the United States, and many advantages have resulted from pursuing this policy. Our ports thus become the places of deposit for the merchandise of all nations. Our commerce with foreign countries is enlarged. Greater shipments of our own productions can be made. New employment can be given to our tonnage, already respectable and on a rapid increase, and as we necessarily import more than we consume, the surplus is again shipped to other countries. But if drawbacks are discontinued, even in a single port, commerce must experience great embarrassments, or it will open for itself some new channels, where the streams of wealth may flow unimpeded and free from improper restraints, and other nations will reap advantages, which a different policy would unquestionably have secured to ourselves.
The duties, to their fullest amount, form a part of the value of all goods, and are always estimated in the price demanded from the consumer, or from the purchaser who intends to ship them for a foreign market; and it must be evident to every one, the least acquainted with the operations of commerce, that if any article is denied the drawback, the price will be depreciated to an equal amount with the original duties with which it may be chargeable.
New-Orleans, not only as a port of deposit for the produce of the western country, where it can be shipped to all parts of the world, possesses peculiar and important advantages from its proximity to the British, French, and Spanish settlements in the West Indies. Various articles, whether of European, Asiatic, or American growth or manufacture, which we can readily supply at reasonable prices, can be carried to their ports, and be exchanged for such as they can conveniently spare, and which may be necessary for our own consumption. A commerce known to be highly
beneficial to all the parties interested in it; supplying the United States too, in some cases with the precious metals, so necessary in our intercourse with Asia, it is presumed was not intended to be discouraged. If we place every description of goods, on a similar footing in relation to drawbacks, whether imported coastwise or directly from foreign countries, upon being exported out of the limits of the United States, the committee conceive we shall then have done all which will be necessary on this occasion. The committee therefore report, as their opinion, that so much of the act, entitled "An act for laying and collecting duties on imports and tonnage within the territory ceded to the United States by the treaty of the thirtieth of April, one thousand eight hundred and three, between the United States and the French republic, and for other purposes," as refuses the drawback on goods, wares and merchandise imported coastwise into New-Orleans, and exported to foreign countries, ought to be repealed; and they submit a bill for the purpose.
Speech of the Governor of Massachusetts, delivered November 15.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
THE unfinished business at your last meeting, I am informed, was referred to the third session of the Legislature:—I presume therefore that your principal object at this time will be to complete the choice of Electors, on the part of this Commonwealth, of a President and Vice President of the United States; and that you will be unwilling at the present session to attend to any subjects which may conveniently be postponed. If the choice of Electors is not perfected by the votes of the people, I have no doubt that the trust which remains to be executed by you will be discharged faithfully, and that your conduct will be governed by the single motive of love to your country.
In pursuance of the Act of Congress passed on the 26th March last, the Secretary of State has notified me, that the amendment proposed during the last session of Congress, to the Constitution of the United States, has been ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States. The letter which contains this notification is filed in the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, and a transcript of it will be delivered to the Electors who are or may be chosen on the part of this State.
The Quarter-Master-General informs me, that in the late violent storm, two buildings on Hospital Island, the property of the Commonwealth, were blown down: and that he thinks it highly necessary that others should be erected in their place as soon as may be. The appropriation made for this department for the present year, he supposes will be sufficient to defray the expence; but he doubts the propriety of his setting up new buildings unless authorized by particular direction.
I have nothing further to communicate to you GENTLEMEN, which calls for the immediate notice of the Legislature. But if in your opinion, any business of importance would suffer by a delay until the winter session, I shall cheerfully attend to whatever you may now propose, and co-operate with you in such measures as the public good may require.
CALEB STRONG. November 16th, 1804.
ANSWER OF THE SENATE.
May it please your Excellency. It being the great object of the present session of the Legislature, to determine and declare the choice of Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, on the part of this Commonwealth; and if the choice is not perfected by the votes of the people, to complete the same; your Excellency may be assured, that in executing that trust the Senate will be governed by the single motive of love to their Country.
The letter of the Secretary of State, relative to the Amendment in the Constitution, and the communication of the Quarter Master General, touching the buildings on Hospital Islands, shall receive that attention, which they respectively merit: And should any other business of importance, during the present session occur, the Senate will cheerfully co-operate, with your Excellency, in all such measures as the public good may require.
ANSWER OF THE HOUSE.
May it please your Excellency. The House of Representatives, at their last meeting, being sensible of the inconveniences, which would arise from a long session at this season of the year, referred most of the unfinished business to the third session of the present General Court; it is therefore presumed that few matters will at this time, urgently claim the attention of the House.
Should it appear that the people, have not completed the choice of Electors for President and Vice President of the
United States, the trust which in that event, is committed to the two branches of the Legislature, we hope will be executed with a single view to the welfare and honor of the United States. We beg your Excellency to be assured that the House will pay due attention to all matters, which you have been pleased to suggest for their consideration. A review of your Excellency's past conduct, gives us the fullest assurance of your Excellency's readiness to co-operate with us in all measures which the public good may require.
Legislature of Vermont.
The following message signed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives respecting the resolution transmitted from the executive of Massachusetts was by a committee of the House, chosen for that purpose, delivered to the governor.
"Sir, The resolutions, transmitted by the governor of Massachusetts, and which accompanied your message of October 13th, 1804, have received from this house that consideration which the importance of the subject required. We do not consider the provisions of the present constitution so unequal as supposed by said resolutions, nor do we consider those provisions to have been rendered more injurious by any political changes introduced during the present administration. The amendment proposed, as we conceive, would materially affect a part of the federal constitution, which was in fact the result of a spirit of compromise, and which guarantees to some of the states in the union a right which to them is sacred—a right in consideration of which material benefits are secured to us; for altho' the duties arising from imposts are sufficient to meet the exigencies of government while we enjoy the calm sunshine of peace, yet should the United States at any time be involved in war, (which is no uncommon fate of nations) very important would be the power and very necessary the use of direct taxation: and in such an event we should highly appreciate the mode of apportioning the expenses among the several states established by our present constitution.—Again, we apprehend that the amendment proposed would have a tendency to destroy rather than confirm that union among the several states so essential to our national prosperity.—We therefore cannot recommend the measures proposed by the said resolutions."
In the above sentiments of their representatives the freemen of Vermont may learn in what estimation to hold those disorganizing resolutions by which it was attempted to change the rule of representation and to destroy a radical feature of the constitution. They may see in their true light the pretensions of those "exclusive friends of order," those "lovers of good government" who would mask their treasonable plots with the stolen name of Washington, and who, with their loss of power, have lost all veneration for the grand instrument of our federal compact. Observatory.
ALBANY, November 22.
It is with deep regret that we announce the death of the Hon. MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP SCHUYLER, on Sunday evening last, in the 71st year of his age.—A man, eminent for his useful labours, in the military, and civil affairs of our country. Distinguished by strength of intellect, extensive knowledge, soundness and purity of moral and political principles—He was a practical, not a theoretical statesman; an active, not a visionary patriot—He was wise in devising, enterprising and persevering in the execution of plans of great and public utility. Too intelligent, to found his notions of political or civil government, upon the perishability of man, or upon any other views of the human character, than those derived from the experience of ages. And too honest, to tell the people, that their liberties could be preserved in any other way, than by the wholesome restraints of a constitution and laws, energetic, yet free. In private life, he was dignified, but courteous—in his manners, hospitable; a pleasing and instructive companion; ardent and sincere in his friendships; affectionate in his domestic relations, and just in his dealings.
The death of such a man is truly a subject of private and of public sorrow. On Wednesday his remains were interred, with military honours, in the family vault of the Hon. ABRAHAM TEN BROECK.
"We have received," says the W. Observatory , "a letter from a gentleman in one of the largest towns in Connecticut, which has been federal, dated Nov. 10th, of which the following is an extract:"
"Last Monday was our town meeting, when the people determined to show with what contempt and indignation they beheld the late conduct of our legislature in the prosecution of five of our justices, for saying, it was their opinion, this state had no civil constitution. We turned out all our men, gave our—put in Mr. — moderator, and six republican selectmen."

I am informed that the town of Reading and other towns, till now highly federal, have done the same.
Mr. Edwards plead the cause of the justices, and to a numerous audience convened in the meeting house (to which the legislature was obliged to adjourn, the court house not being sufficient to contain the vast concourse of people assembled on the occasion) proved to the conviction of the least discerning person, who was not wilfully blind, with that perspicuity for which he is so eminent, that this state has no civil constitution. The monarchists were evidently confused—but all would not save the justices—they were turned out.
The plea of Mr. Edwards is reckoned one of the ablest ever delivered—which with the history of the trial are preparing for the press.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 30.
It is with great pleasure we state that the bill "to endow a permanent institution for the education of youth in the City of Washington," passed both chambers of the Council on Wednesday. A few amendments to the original bill, published in this paper, now with affecting its leading features, have been introduced. The great object contemplated remains unimpaired.
By this bill fifteen hundred dollars a year are appropriated, and provision otherwise made for the establishment of an institution, which, if patronised with becoming spirit by the citizens of the territory, will, in its effects, eminently conduce to their prosperity and respectability.
The following letter is taken from Mr. R. H.'s Philadelphia Gazette. Rumour having ascribed its publication to the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, that gentleman has requested the Editor of the Aurora "to declare that he had no agency whatever in the writing or publishing" it. We are induced to insert it, not so much from the credit we give to its contents, as from the indication it offers of a renewal of the unworthy attempts recently made to prejudice the public opinion on the publishing relations between our government and that of Spain. Those attempts were completely repelled by the facts, and the discussion drawn forth to refute them. The reader, who has these in recollection, needs no further antidote to the gross falsehoods and misrepresentations with which the letter is replete. He will remember that while the claim of the United States to West Florida was sustained, as indispensably flowing from a just construction of the treaty ceding Louisiana, it was distinctly understood that no measures had been taken by the United States to obtain a forcible possession of Florida, or to precipitate any pending negotiations relative thereto.
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this city dated Baton Rouge, October 16.
The report of Kemper's insurrection on which was a vile attempt of a banditti that never amounted to 40 men, headed by a poor trifling wretch, and whose object was plunder, has drawn governor Folck from Pensacola to this place, with a reinforcement of a few hundred regulars to the garrison, which is putting in a state of defence. He has an armed party on the lake to keep up a communication with Pensacola. The inhabitants of the different districts between the Ine and Mansiac have been assembled, and are it is said, about opening a road between the Mississippi and Pensacola, as Folck thinks it probable, from the discourse of the governor of New Orleans that an attempt will be made on his province, either by force or fraud—these intentions are not at all concealed, but in every one's mouth. The militia of Baton Rouge turned out with the greatest alacrity to suppress the banditti, as soon as called on, but these latter on their approach fled across the line, and the major part have since found a refuge immediately on the north side of it, at a place called Pinckney Ville; and although several residents of that place, and others of the Mississippi territory, were concerned in the insurrection, embodied on the American side of the line, and marched thence, in arms, to assist the Spanish government, and rob the people of an allied nation (though their commander, who signed the proclamation, was a militia officer of the Mississippi territory) still no notice was taken of them: and it leads us to suppose here, that your government was underhandedly concerned in fomenting this disturbance, for the sake of profiting by our confusion and ruin. We are here fully determined to make a deliberate resistance in case of being immediately attacked by the Americans: or perhaps if we see preparations made to that effect, we will not wait for the invaders, but boldly advance and meet them on their own ground, and risk a battle.
"We firmly believe we can count on a perfect neutrality of the inhabitants of Louisiana, who say the American government has robbed them of the rights and privileges stipulated for them by Bonaparte, and that they do not see
what they have to do with the quarrel, or what benefit will arise to them from an attempt to enslave us like themselves, in order to support a preposterous and foolish claim of your administration; who blinded by their good fortune in obtaining, almost while asleep, the final province in America, are now inclined to risk the loss of it, plunge their country in a war in order to aggrandize their already too unwieldy territory. They count on our weakness, but they had better open their eyes to their own situation. New Orleans, with its works in ruins, whole fortifications governor Claiborne permitted to be demolished by the people, a few days after his arrival, that they might make fire wood of the pickets, may tempt us as much as Mobile does president Jefferson. And on the arrival of the marquis of Ruffignee, who is expected at Pensacola with twelve regiments from Europe, and a fleet of small craft for the lakes from Havana, we shall then be in a condition to bid defiance to your attempt.
"The people of this country are heartily attached to their government. They pay no duties, no taxes, get lands gratis, and have nothing more to wish for, while we see our late brethren at Orleans burdened with imposts, about to be taxed by a soi disant council, and without the possibility of obtaining an acre of ground for their poor families. It is true they talked a great deal on the 4th of July last about liberty, but it was an embryo liberty, which it may take a century to bring to maturity among them; and the poor devils to whom those discourses were held, hung down their ears like ass's who receive blows instead of a feed of corn.
"We understand here that similar farces are acted in your Atlantic cities on the same day; that paid or pensioned orators to harangue the people, talk of liberty, and afterwards abuse those who do not cry out like themselves.
"The people of Orleans were not dupes on this occasion, they had but two days before peacefully assembled in a large hall to hear their memorial read, and in testimony of their liberty the governor took that opportunity to parade the whole of his garrison, who marched with their usual loud and discordant music before the doors, in order to give them a decent hint that if they felt any pain for the loss of liberty, and want of their stipulated rights, he had a fleet medicine for them. It was in vain to excite trouble, the people were quiet and the governor himself had not an opportunity of drawing the enormous sabre with which he strutted from his palace to the colonial house, and which in case of a cry of Vive la Liberte would have doubtless put an end to the caitiff who pronounced it, or to the abandoned buffoon who had personally appeared before him. I have mentioned these circumstances to show you we have nothing to fear from below until our reinforcements arrive from Europe and Havana, and when this is done, we shall rather rejoice at the approach of a rupture than dread it."
Robert Bowie is re-elected governor of Maryland for the ensuing year.
Ephraim K. Wilson, federal, is elected an elector of President and Vice-President for the district composed of Somerset and Worcester, and the two lower election districts of Dorchester, Maryland.
Robert Houston of Knox county, Richard Mitchell of Hawkins, Co. and David Deaderick of Washington Co. all republican, are chosen Electors for the state of Tennessee.
KENTUCKY.
DIED, in Kentucky, General John Caldwell, Lieutenant governor of the state.
The Senate have appointed General Thomas P. Key to supply the vacancy.
The petition of col. Lyon and others, for the removal of the seat of justice of Livingston county, back to Eddyville, has been unanimously rejected by the House of Representatives. Mr. Flournoy's motion for leave to bring in a bill, to take the sense of the people on the propriety of calling a convention, has also been rejected by a large majority. The jury bill progresses slowly.
CHILLICOTHE, Nov. 12.
By the returns of the election held on the 2d Tuesday of October last, as made to the Secretary's office from the several counties in this state, for one representative to the Congress of the United States, the following is the aggregate:
  Jeremiah Morrow, 4101   Elias Langham, 1718   Majority in favour of } Jeremiah Morrow, 2383 
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, November 28.
The engrossed bill for making further appropriation for the contingent fund was signed by the Speaker.
The petition of Henry M'Farland of the 1st regiment of United States levies
who was wounded in Gen. St. Clair's affair with the Indians of the 4th November, 1799, praying to be provided for, was referred to the committee of Claims.
Mr. Nelson presented a petition from John Baynton, praying a compensation for sundries supplied to a command under Lieutenant Elliot in Calvert county, Maryland, to the amount of 55 dollars and 57 cents in the year 1799, referred to the committee of Claims.
A reference was made of the petition of sundry gun makers, presented at last session to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
A message from the President, informing that he had acted upon the joint resolution in favor of Captain Decatur, officers and crew.
The bill authorising the inhabitants of George-town to erect a dam or causeway from Mason's island to the Virginia shore was considered in committee of the whole, and after a lengthy discussion the committee reported to the House that they had not had time to go through the same, but asked leave to sit again, which was indulged by the House. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, Nov. 29.
Mr. J. Clay presented a representation and memorial signed by 237 American citizens settled in Louisiana, expressing their satisfaction on the arrangement made in that country as to its government. Referred to the committee on that part of the President's message relative to the amelioration of the government of Louisiana.
The petition of—and others, respecting the Yazoo lands, was presented by General Varnum, and referred to a committee of five.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Gen. VARNUM in the chair, on the bill restraining merchant vessels from arming and forcing a trade to St. Domingo, sundry amendments were made and reported to the House—but finally the bill was re committed to a committee of the whole for Wednesday next.
Mr. Nelson presented a petition from Mordecai Lane an old revolutionary soldier, praying to be provided for on the pension list. Referred to the Committee of Claims.
On motion of Mr. J. Randolph all the papers of last session relating to the Yazoo lands were ordered to be printed. A singular circumstance gave rise to this motion. The papers on this subject, he observed, were cut out of the books of documents which are preserved for the use of the House.
Mr. S. G. Ogden the owner of the ship Indostan had leave to withdraw his petition for a new Register.
In the proceedings of Monday, the presentation of the petition of George BALL was erroneously stated, instead of George VAUGHAN.
ALEXANDRIA, Nov. 28.
At a meeting of a number of the citizens of the city and county of Alexandria, at the Indian Queen, held November 27th, 1804.
A. Faw Esq. was called to the chair.
John M'Cleod was appointed Secretary. It was Resolved, 1st. That as a convention of the district of Columbia, is at this time in session at the city of Washington, considering various subjects of the first importance to the district, it would be to the interest of the inhabitants of this division thereof, to have delegates therein, so that they may be informed of their proceedings.
2d. That this meeting do respectfully solicit of their fellow citizens of the town and County of Alexandria, to meet at the Court House of this town on Thursday 29th inst. at 5 o'Clock in the evening, there to consider the propriety of appointing Delegates to this Convention.
3d. That the above resolutions be sent to the publishers of daily papers, with a request from the meeting that they would publish the same to-morrow and Thursday.
By order of the meeting, (Signed) A. FAW.
Baltimore, Nov. 24.
Prince Jerome and his lady left this city on Thursday last, for Annapolis, where they embarked for France on board the frigate President, of 44 guns, which we understand immediately weighed anchor and proceeded down the bay. The British frigate Revolutionaire, of 44 guns, has arrived in Hampton Roads, and if the commander is disposed for sport, he may have an opportunity of trying the prowess of his tars.
To Subscribers.
The terms of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER requiring the annual advance of FIVE Dollars, the papers of subscribers, who shall not have complied with this term on the FIRST day of DECEMBER, will be discontinued.
SAMUEL H. SMITH, —price 50 cents— A DEFENCE of the MEASURES OF THE ADMINISTRATION of THOMAS JEFFERSON. BY CURIUS.
Taken from the National Intelligencer.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Several persons, who are interested in the welfare of the City of Washington, and are desirous of encouraging the rational entertainment of those whose business calls them to it, have been, with regret, that there is no establishment of a literary nature. We have, indeed, the Public Library, and the one established at George-Town, but we have no periodical publication by which entertainment and instruction might be communicated, and by which the mind might be relaxed and unbended from the fatigue of more important concerns.
Without detracting from the merit or usefulness of the Public Papers, it must be admitted that they are nearly confined to politics and news, and that they do not afford such aid to literary pursuits as might be derived from a well conducted Magazine. A Magazine, then, appears to be most likely to remedy this defect. It appears to be a thing highly necessary at the seat of the American government; and there is reason to hope, that from the talents of many gentlemen residing in the district, and from the aid to be derived from those who visit it, a valuable and entertaining work might be formed.
The limits of an address of this nature will not admit an enumeration of all the advantages to be derived from such a publication; and it is more essential to point out the means by which alone it may be accomplished.
Although pecuniary emolument is not the motive or object of this undertaking, it must be stated and clearly understood, that the promoters of it cannot agree to incur an expense and loss in addition to the contribution of their time and labour. And it will depend on the encouragement that may be given to the subjoined proposals whether the American Magazine shall be ushered into the world. With these preliminary observations,
The following plan or prospectus is submitted to the public.
1. The American Magazine will be printed monthly, in the city of Washington by A. and G. Way, and published under their direction.
2. The editorial department will be conducted by several gentlemen in the district, but will be under the particular superintendence of one only.
3. The price to subscribers will be 50 cents for each number to be paid on delivery, and no subscription will be taken for less than a year.
4. The American Magazine will contain original and selected compositions in prose and verse, the most important occurrences foreign and domestic, and a summary of the proceedings of Congress and of the administration—but no political essay or remark of a controversial or party nature will be admitted.
The work will be printed with a neat type on a medium paper—and will be of the usual octavo size.—Each number will contain 80 pages.—It will commence on the first day of January, 1805, or as soon thereafter as 500 subscribers may be obtained.
Subscription to be received at the office of the publisher, and at that of the National Intelligencer in the city of Washington, and by Cotton and Stewart, and Robert and John Gray in Alexandria.
Wanted to rent or purchase a large and convenient HOUSE, with 100 or 150 acres of Land, in an healthy situation—the neighborhood of Baltimore, Elk Ridge or toward the vicinity of the city of Washington will be preferred.
Letters addressed to the subscriber, particularly mentioning the improvements, terms, &c. shall be immediately attended to.
GEORGE RALPH. Charlotte Hall, St. Mary's county, November 30—
STOLEN,
On the night of the 15th inst. from the Race Ground a BAY HORSE, about 14 and a half hands high, the far hind leg white, the fore part of the weather a little hurt with the saddle-butt, the hair off, he has got a little rack of pace, and gallops well, he is a stout horse, and not docked—the saddle and bridle was on when he was taken away—Whoever returns said horse if out of the district will receive Ten dollars reward, and if within the district Five dollars and all reasonable charges paid by
DANIEL PURNELL,
at the Long Old Field 8 miles from the Eastern Branch ferry and 8 from Marlinton.
Washington N. v. 30—3;
LOST
ON Saturday last between High Street Georgetown, and the Navy Yard; a large GOLD LOCKET, with a profile likeness of the subscriber on one side, and plated hair on the other—the full value of the gold will be given if required, on delivery of the same to
MAT. CLAY.
Washington city, Pennsylvania Avenue, Nov. 30—
IN pursuance of an order of the Orphans Court of the county of Washington in the Territory of Columbia will be sold at PUBLIC SALE, on Friday the 14th day of December next at the dwelling place of the late Abraham Boyd, about three miles from the city of Washington and near Rock creek Church—ALL the Personal property of the said Abraham Boyd, consisting of several likely young Negroes, Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, Corn, Rye, Oats, Fodder, Hay, Household Furniture, &c. &c. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. ALL sums under Twenty Dollars, cash, for sums above that amount a credit of Nine months will be allowed upon the purchasers giving bond with approved security, bearing interest from the day of sale.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Adm'r. Washington city. Nov. 26 9t
IN THE PRESS
And will be published about the 25th December next,
BY WILLIAM DUANE,
A Pamphlet, of about 150 pages, entitled:
SAMPSON
Against the PHILISTINES, or an enquiry into the present mode of Conducting Law Suits:
The abuses and oppressions of the practice of lawyers, &c. with hints for a further extension of the principles of adjustment, BY ARBITRATION.
Payment will be made, in copies of the above mentioned work, to those printers who will publish the above advertisement three or four times in their respective newspapers, a particular invitation to comply is given to the printers of the National Intelligencer, Citizen of New York, American, and Advocate of Maryland, the Mirror, and Argus of Delaware, the True American of Trenton, Lancaster Intelligencer, and Northumberland Argus. Publication by other newspapers is respectfully requested.
November 30.
Washington, November 28th 1804.
I have been informed that, during my late protracted absence from Washington, some persons have called on me, for the purpose of bringing suits within the District of Columbia. My absences have been so frequent, and I have found my attention necessarily so much engrossed by some other affairs, as to prevent my bestowing that uninterrupted care on business of an ordinary nature, and keeping that regular intercourse with the Clerk's and Marshal's offices, which is indispensably requisite, in order to render full justice to the party concerned; a circumstance which, I dread, cannot fail to have been already observed by some of my friends. It is on this account that I am induced to acquaint such persons, in the City of Washington, as would prefer to honor me with their future commands, that I will deem it a particular favor in them to make their application to Mr. JAMES H. KEARNEY, a young gentleman who was formerly my student, and who has now entered into the practice of law, in this place; a gentleman whose great steadiness, constant attendance, and strict integrity, I am persuaded will enable him to render complete satisfaction to a discriminating public. I shall make it a rule not to receive a fee in opposition to Mr. Kearney; but on the contrary, shall appear to his cases, during the sitting of the court, and argue them, where necessary, in the same manner as if the party had originally spoken to me, and without any charge for so doing. Mr. Kearney will prepare deeds, and other instruments of writing, and will constantly have, at his private office, which is, at present, kept at my house, a regular docket of all the causes depending in court; so that persons can, at any time, be informed of the state and progress of their suits, in the same manner as on making application at the Clerk's office. Those persons, residing in Washington, for whom my name already appears, will oblige me by applying to Mr. Kearney for information respecting the state of their business. Mr. Kearney will open, during my absence, letters addressed to me; and will answer such of them as relate to business.
A. B. WOODWARD.
6ep.
A GARDENER WANTED.
ONE who is perfectly acquainted with the work of a Kitchen Garden and understands the management of fruit trees and can be well recommended, will meet with encouragement by applying to the printer.
WANTED,
TWO hard working NEGRO MEN who are acquainted with all kinds of country work. It will be necessary that they bear a character of honesty, sobriety, and fidelity to business. Application to be made at this office.
November 28—

Geo. Town, 6 October, 1804.
A NUMBER OF PROPRIETORS in the city of Washington, with views to convert their property into immediate money, have formed the following PLAN of a TONTINE; and have appointed the subscriber their agent for carrying the same into execution.
A list of the lots embarked in this enterprise precedes the plan of the institution. Plats of the city on which these lots will be designated, will be lodged at the several taverns in Washington and George Town, for public inspection; and books will be opened in the city for receiving subscriptions of shares, on the 1st day of December ensuing. Should books be opened elsewhere, due notice will be given thereof. Payment must be made for the shares at the time of subscribing, but if contrary to reasonable expectation, a sufficient number of shares should not be subscribed for the execution of the scheme, the money shall be faithfully returned to the subscriber, and without unnecessary delay.
The Constitution of the Tontine is too plain to need explanatory remarks. The basis of the institution being a rising property rated on a very low scale, the advantages must be greater than could result from a mere monied institution. It seems indeed more than probable, that each stockholder who survives the dissolution of the Company, will find the value of his stock augmented twenty fold, or more. If any think that this favour of extravagance, let them advert to the increased value of unimproved property in any of our large towns, during the last 20 years. Let them compare with the prices of the Tontine lots, those of the most indifferent property in any of these towns, now. It will not be contended that any town in the United States had, 20 years ago, fairer prospects of rapid increase, than Washington has at this day. The fact will not be disputed, that the Tontine Lots are generally amongst the most valuable in Washington.
The seat of government for such a country as the United States, cannot long remain an inconsiderable city. But Washington has an advantage more important than even this. It is the nearest seaport to that country, which may be justly denominated the granary of America.
A plan of this kind formed 20 years ago on the basis of unimproved property in Baltimore or even in George Town would have yielded to the surviving adventurers of this day, a profit of forty if not an hundred fold.
In May 1800, Washington contained 3200 inhabitants—In May 1802, 4350—The number now exceeds 5000. In the same ratio of progressive increase, the population in 1807 will be 6600—in 1810, 8800—in 1813, 11800—in 1816, 15800—in 1819, 21000—in 1822, 28000—and in 1825, 33000—Men of sense, who examine the situation of the Tontine lots, will perceive that the whole of them must be in demand for improvement before the population rises to 20,000. From the time, happen when it will, that our commerce shall principally depend upon our own productions, and our own consumption; the increase of the city will be infinitely more rapid. The resources of the country attached to it by nature, are now equal to the maintenance of 60,000 souls in the city. These resources, diverted at this time into many different channels, will be confined almost exclusively to Washington, when Europe shall be at peace, and each maritime nation can carry for itself.
The usual mode of selling lots in our large towns is by the front foot—in Washington the mode is by the square foot. At the highest price in this plan, a lot of 25 feet by 120 will be 240 dollars—the lowest price, 60 dollars—in squares where there are alleys, a trifle more.
The whole property leased out at 3s per front foot, would pay more than 6 per cent. interest on the capital.
BEN. STODDERT. The following lots in the city of Washington are those engaged for the Washington Tontine.
Lots number 1 2 in sq 47 lots 1 6 in 48 lots 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 in 517 at 2 cents per square foot. Lots 6 19 in 70 15 19 in 85 lots 2 3 19 20 21 in 263, lots 6 9 10 11 in 264 lots 21 22 in 231 lots 2 7 9 10 12 13 14 in 317 lots 1 2 8 11 in 318 lots 1 2 7 8 in 319 lots 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in 345 lots 2 3 4 5 6 in 344 lots 15 16 17 18 19 20 in 374 lots 1 4 5 8 9 31 in 403 lots 3 4 5 6 7 in 404 lot 14 sq 205 lots 7 10 11 in 427 lots 2 3 4 5 in 428 lots 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in 459 lots 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in 454 lots 41 13 22 in 455 lots 2 6 8 in 518 lots 44 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 37 38 39 40 43 44 in 569 lot 2 in 689 lot 8 in
621 lots 1 2 3 4 8 11 15 in 374 lot 1 in 821 at 3 cents per square foot. Lots 1 10 11 12 21 in 193 lot 2 in 184 lots 1 2 4 5 6 13 in 286 lots 11 15 in 288 lots 15 19 in 289 lots 6 8 in 320 lot 1 in 409 lot 1 in 455 lots 19 23 in 456 lots 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in 529 lots 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in 530 lots 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 in 534 lots 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in 538 whole sq 565 whole sq 567 lots 1 2 3 4 5 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in 568 lot 6 in 570 lots 5 6 in 580 lots 2 17 18 in 734 lot 13 in 799 lot 1 in 847 lot 4 in 902 lots 16 18 20 in 978 lot 1 in 994 lots 25 26 27 in 1000 lots 29 30 in 1048 at 4 cents per square foot.
Lots 20 21 in 218 lot 6 in 346 lot 6 in 409 lot 13 in 577 lots 18 22 in 490 lots 5 6 8 9 10 11 12 in 951 at 5 cents per square foot. Lots 15 16 18 in 253 lots 6 7 in 255 lot 4 in 256 lot 7 in 253 lot 2 in 294 lot 6 in 322 lot 12 in 378 lots 2 4 14 15 31 35 in 24 lots 1 2 3 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 25 26 27 28 in 36 lots 3 4 in 323 lot 2 in 226 lots 2 3 4 in 456 lots 1 16 in 457 lots 5 6 12 13 14 17 21 in 490 lots 1 8 9 10 11 12 in 533 at 6 cents per square foot.
Lots 2 13 24 in square 5 lots 7 8 in 6 lots 1 3 in 7 lots 1 2 4 5 6 7 17 18 in square 8 half of square 3 lots 3 12 13 14 15 16 in 17 lots 4 5 6 7 8 in 20 lots 1 2 25 26 in 33 lot 4 in 32 lot 1 2 3 in 29 lots 1 2 6 in 30 lots 1 2 8 10 14 15 in 31 lots 3 4 5 6 7 in 37 lots 3 4 5 14 15 16 in 41 lots 1 2 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in 42 lots 2 3 4 5 in 43 lots 2 3 6 7 8 in 44 lots 1 2 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 in 55 lots 3 4 9 7 8 in 54 lots 1 2 5 6 7 12 in 56 lots 5 6 in 57 lot 4 in 59 lot 1 in 60 lots 4 5 7 in 61 lots 5 7 8 9 10 in 62 lots 5 2 3 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 11 18 19 20 25 24 in 77 lots 14 17 16 28 in 78 lots 13 14 15 16 in 79 lots 3 4 10 12 in 80 lots 1 2 21 in 81 lots 6 7 in 84 lots 14 15 20 in 86 lots 3 4 5 in sq. east of 87 lots 10 11 15 in 88 lot 13 in sq. east of 88 lots 7 8 9 15 19 in 102 lots 3 4 in 103 lot 1 in 104 lots 1 5 6 in sq. south of 104 lot 3 in 105 lot 6 in 119 lots 6 7 in 120 lots 1 10 in 122 lots 3 7 in 124 whole square 125 whole sq. north of 128 lots 19 20 in 141 lots 1 2 15 in 142 lot 6 in 144 lots 20 23 in 166 lots 3 4 5 in 170 lots 15 22 23 in 172 lot 2 in 200 lots 2 3 4 in 252 lot 6 in 254 lot 4 in 292 and lot 1 in 459—at 8 cents per square foot;
  amounting in the whole to    288,354 sq. ft. at 2 cents 5,767  845,330 3 25,359  744,625 4 29,785  83,998 5 4,199  343,862 6 20,631  102,560 7 7,174  1,402,141 8 112,171  3,810,870 205,091   pay 205,000 Dollars. Upwards of 1200 lots equal to 25 feet by 120.
WASHINGTON TONTINE.
ART. 1. The capital of the company shall be two hundred and five thousand dollars, divided into shares of fifty dollars each—and the same shall be invested in three millions eight hundred and ten thousand, eight hundred and twenty square feet of ground in the city of Washington, including privilege of alleys; to consist of the lots, a particular list of which is hereunto annexed, and which their owners have covenanted shall be conveyed by sufficient deeds, of general warrantee and free from all encumbrances unto David Peter and James Morfill, esqrs. of the district of Columbia, and to the survivor of them, and to the executors and administrators of such survivor, to be held by them in trust until disposed of as hereafter directed, for the use and benefit of the company. The titles of every proprietor are to be investigated and approved of, by John T. Mason, and Philip B. Key, esqrs. before passing the deeds.
ART. 2. Every subscriber may at the time of subscribing, or at any time before the first day of July in the year 1805, nominate a person, or persons with whose life or lives, the shares taken by him shall be commensurate. At any person, desirous of making provision beyond the reach of common accident, for persons of tender age, may subscribe in the names of such persons. Subscriptions may also be made by proxy. But until the nomination shall be made as aforesaid, the existence of the shares shall depend upon the lives of the persons, in whose names they shall have been subscribed. All nominations on which the shares are to depend, must include a description of the age, and place of residence, of the persons nominated—and nominations not made at the time of subscribing, may be sent to the directors who shall be first elected to manage the concerns of the company, any time before the first day of July as aforesaid.
ART. 3. Upon the death of any person, with whose life a share or shares, shall have been made commensurate, such share or shares, shall thereupon be extinct—and all the interest of the owner thereof, in the property of the company, dependent upon such shares, shall cease and determine, and the same shall become the property of the owners of the surviving shares: meaning the shares dependent upon the lives of persons, continuing to survive.
ART. 4. The affairs of the company shall be managed under the superintendence and direction of five directors, who shall be stock-holders to be chosen in each year by ballot, by the stockholders attending in person, or by proxy, each to have as many votes as shares. The first election shall be held at Stille's Hotel in the city of Washington, on the first Monday in February, 1805, under the direction of Robert Brent, John P. Van Ness, David Peter, Walter S. Chandler, and John Davidson, esqrs. or any two of them—and each succeeding election shall be held on the first Monday in every January thereafter, under the superintendence of at least two of the directors for the year preceding; at such place in the said city, as they shall appoint, giving due notice thereof in one or more newspapers, published in the city of Washington.
ART. 5. The directors shall have full power to sell on lease, or to lease on ground rent, renewable forever, the property belonging to the company; and to manage all the other concerns of the company; but they shall not dispose of more than one sixth part of the lots in any one year, prior to the year 1810: nor sell the same at less than 25 per cent advance on the original cost; nor shall they lease them at a less rate than 12 and an half cents per front foot, for every cent cost to the company per square foot. But though the limits are thus fixed, below which the property cannot be disposed of; it is not meant that it is to be sold at such rates as can be obtained: On the contrary, the directors are at all times to exercise a sound discretion for the best interests of the company; and to keep in view, the certainty of rise in the value of the property, from the increasing population of the city.
ART. 6. All money arising from the sales of lots, shall be invested in the stock of the United States, in the name of the company—the interest arising from which, as well as all money arising from ground rents, shall also be invested in like stock, until the last day of December in the year 1807—after which, all interest arising from stock, or sales of lots on time—and all monies arising from ground rents, and all other profits, shall be divided semi-annually on the 15th day of January, & the 15th day of July in each year among all the share owners, in proportion to the interest of each, whose shares existed by the continuance of the lives with which they were made commensurate, on the first day of that year.
ART. 7. The dividends shall be paid at the office of the company in Washington, to the owners of the shares in person, to their power of attorney, or to their written order; but before any dividend shall be paid, satisfaction must be afforded to the directors, for the time being, that the person, on whose life the shares in question depend, was living on the first day of January in that year.
ART. 8. In cases where the dividends are not claimed for six months after the same shall become due, and there is reason to doubt whether the person on whose life the shares depend on which such dividends arise, continues to survive, the directors shall invest such dividends in stock of the United States, as if the same belonged to the capital of the company: but if the same shall thereafter be rightfully claimed, payment shall be made therefor, out of any funds of the company, not invested in stock.
ART. 9. The shares shall be transferable, and all transfers shall be made on the books of the company, by the owners in person, or by power of attorney, according to the form used for transferring stock of the United States. But in cases where certificates have been issued by the directors to the owner of the shares such certificate must be returned, and cancelled, before a transfer of the shares expressed therein shall be made.
ART. 10. Every record of a transfer of shares; and every certificate issued for shares, shall designate the lives on which such shares depend.
ART. 11. No change can be made of the person or persons on whose life or lives the shares shall depend. The life first nominated must forever remain the life on which the existence of the shares shall depend.
ART. 12. The directors shall cause proper books to be kept of all their proceedings, accessible at all times to the stockholders; and shall particularly cause to be carefully recorded, the nomination of the lives on which the shares depend—and also the deaths of such persons when the same shall be clearly ascertained: and may transfer from time to time, the active duties of their trust, to one of their own body, or to any other agent, and may make to such agent, a reasonable compensation for his services; but the directors themselves shall receive no compensation, unless it be in the case of a director who may be the agent as aforesaid.
ART. 13. On the first Monday in January in the year 1825, the Washington Tontine Company shall be dissolved—and the whole stock of the company in whatever consisting, shall thereupon be divided amongst all the owners of the then existing shares, and in proportion to the number held by each.
We the subscribers approving of the plan of the Washington Tontine, and agreeing to each and to the whole of the 13 preceding articles, do each of us agree to become members thereof, for the number of shares annexed to our respective names.
WASHINGTON TONTINE. ART. 14. Persons desirous of an interest in this institution, will please to take Notice, that books will be opened at Rhodes's Hotel in the City of Washington, at 11 o'Clock on Saturday the 1st day of December, for receiving subscriptions of shares to the amount of 45,000 Dollars.—Arrangements having been made at other places for the residue of the Stock.
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR. Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cashmeres, white and fancy Marseilles, colored and white Janes, India nankeens, cotton cashmeres, black silk and fatten Florentine, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladies habits, regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first stile of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 8—tf
Any gentleman desirous of purchasing STUD HORSES of the first description of good performances, and well attested pedigrees, can be accommodated by applying to THOMAS LARKIN (Mr. Taylor's training groom) at the Washington Jockey club races, the thirteenth November next. N. B. Any of the above horses remaining unsold, will be farmed out the ensuing season on liberal terms. Oct. 31—tf
ALEX. M'CORMICK. AT his store on East Capitol street four doors from the capitol square, has received and offers for sale a general assortment of liquors and groceries which he will sell low and warrant of as good a quality as any sold in the district of Columbia—He has 20 pieces fine Irish Linen, with sundry other articles in the dry good and hardware line. November 12—tf
PUBLIC SALE. WILL be offered for sale on Thursday the 29th inst. at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises, Lot No. 15 in square No. 38 (near the upper bridge on Rock creek) with all the improvements thereon consisting of a two story frame dwelling house, kitchen and stable all in good order at present, and occupied by Mr. Dove; this property will be sold for about one half of the cost; terms of sale one half cash, the other half at a credit of six months. A good title will be made to the purchaser when the last payment is made. J. CONNOR, Auctioneer. Nov. 20—td of f.
FOR SALE. The following City Lots, ON A LIBERAL TIME, Upon Security, viz. LOTS—3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in square No. 919.—Lots 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 938. Lots 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, & 16, in sq. No. 936. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 & 19, in square No. 1042. Lots 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13, in square No. 1066. Apply to CHARLES MINIFIE, Washington City, or to RICHARD C. JONES, at Philadelphia. Washington, August 3—tf. N.B. C. M. hath sundry other lots for sale on ground rent (on easy terms to improvers,) and in eligible situations.
Ship Timber, Plank, &c. WANTED at the NAVY YARD, Washington, a quantity of the undermentioned materials, for which the fair market prices at New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore, will be paid on delivery, viz. THICK STUFF and PLANK of white oak and heart yellow pine of 12 to 14 inches in breadth, 30 feet long and upwards, viz.  9 inch thick 5 inch thick  8 1 2 do. 4 1 2 do.  8 do. 4 do.  7 1 2 do. 3 1 2 do.  7 do. 3 do.  6 1 2 do. 2 1 2 do.  6 do. 2 do.  5 1 2 do. 1 1 2 do.  Logs of white oak, and heart yellow pine, from 12 to 16 inches square, and 16 to 30 feet long, Do. of 16 to 18 inches square, and 30 to 40 feet long, the prices will be greater, Do. of larger sizes and lengths, still more so. Timbers of live oak, cedar and locusts, all sizes, Crooked logs, and pieces of white oak, walnut and chestnut, Knees do. do. Locust treenails, all sizes, Ash logs, and oak rafters, Handspikes and capstans bars of hickory and ash, various sizes, Spruce pine spars, Do. lower yards, Do. half do. Do. topmasts. Also, lager and pipe staves and heading, of white oak. Any person desirous of supplying a quantity, and wishing to ascertain the prices, previous to delivery, will be furnished therewith on application to the subscriber, and describing the particulars. THOMAS TINGEY, Superintendent. Navy Yard, Washington, Nov. 23—tf
HAT MANUFACTURY. The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chuse to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness be requisites. JOEL BROWN. George Town, Feb. 17—tf
SUWARROW BOOTS. BOOT & SHOE WAREHOUSE. JOHN MINOIN Boot-Maker from Philadelphia, respectfully acquaints his friends former customers and the public that he has now opened an elegant assortment of gentlemen's fashionable Suwarrows boots, plain boots, bootees, dress and strong shoes. Washington, New Jersey avenue near the Capitol—November 7—tf
THE subscribers have opened a GROCERY STORE in the house near the Capitol, late occupied by Mr. JAMES D. BARRY—where they have for sale, low, for cash or in exchange for country produce. Genuine Cogniac brandy, Inferior French do. Old Jamaica spirits, Madeira, } Wines, by the quarter cask Sherry, } and cask, or smaller quantity, Lisbon, } Claret, } Brown Sugar, 1st and 2d quality, Loaf and Lump, do. Molasses, } Firkim Butter, } Mould Candles, } Sweet Oil, } Spices of different kinds, Fig Blue, Starch, Almonds, Anchovies, } In bottles. Capers, } Powder and Shot, Excellent Wine Vinegar, Gin, Whiskey, Hyson, } Teas, fresh, and of su- Imperial, } perior quality. Young Hyson, } Salt Herrings in Barrels. PETER HEALY, & Co. Washington October 31—tf
TO RENT, THE house occupied by J. P. VAN NESS. Enquire of John Little at the Treasury Department or of the subscriber, at Doctor John Beatty's George Town. Possession given on the 1st December. A SALOM JOY. November 7—tf
ADAM KING, & Co AT their wine Store in High Street George Town, have in addition to their stock of old wines, laid in a large and general assortment of all kinds of Liquors and Groceries suitable to the present season; where bills of any description, in their line, will constantly be filled up on the shortest notice and they flatter themselves, from the quality of their wines, &c. they will be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may think proper to favor them with a call—where all kind of commission business as usual, will be attended to with the utmost attention, George Town, November 5—tf
NOTICE. IS hereby given that the sale of all those Lands and Lots heretofore advertised in the Washington Federalist, the National Intelligencer and the Baltimore Federal Gazette on the 20th day of August last, for a tax due the county of Washington in the territory of Columbia will commence on Monday the 10th day of December next at Rhodes's tavern in the city of Washington, at 11 o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day until all are sold or so much thereof as will satisfy the tax and other charges thereon, unless the said tax and charges be paid previous to the day of sale. By order of the commissioners of the Levy court. WASHINGTON BOYD, Collector of Washington county. November 7—3w
FALL GOODS. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Pennsylvania Avenue, near the President's Square, HAS just received a very handsome assortment of Fall Goods. Orders executed with the greatest dispatch and fashion, and on the most moderate terms. Oct. 31—tf
FOR RENT. THE farm adjoining the city at present in the occupation of Thomas Jenkins. Possession to be given on the 1st day of December next. Application to be made to the subscriber. WM. BRENT. Washington, Nov. 14—3w