The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-03-26 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, MARCH 26th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1802.
DEBATE
On the bill received from the Senate, entitled "An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organisation of the courts of the United States."
Mr. MACON. As no other member at present seems disposed to take the floor, I will ask the attention of the committee for a few minutes. I have attended with the greatest patience and diligence to the arguments of gentlemen, who oppose the bill as unconstitutional, and had they produced a single doubt in my mind on the point of constitutionality, I should most certainly have voted with them against the bill on your table; but I can with truth say, I have not heard any argument which has in the least changed my first conviction, that we possess a constitutional right to pass it.
I should not, I believe, have spoken on this question, had not my colleagues who differ with me in opinion, have thought proper to bring into view a vote of the legislature of the state, instructing her senators, and recommending it to the representatives to use their best endeavours to obtain a repeal of the last judiciary act. On this resolution of the state legislature, they made some extraordinary remarks, which I mean to notice; but first permit me to inform the committee, that it has been the constant practice of the legislature of that state from the commencement of the general government to the present day, to instruct her senators, and to recommend to her representatives, to pursue such measures on all the great national questions as have occurred, as the legislature judged the interest of the state required, and this proceeding has never been considered improper. I shall endeavour to answer the gentlemen in the order they spoke, beginning with my colleague Mr. Henderson, who was first on the floor. If I understood him rightly, (and if I do not he will correct me, because it is not my desire to misstate a single word) he said that the legislature of the state might have adopted the resolutions, in consequence of the message of the President; but upon examination of the dates this will be found to be impossible. The message could not have reached the legislature before the question on the resolutions was taken and decided; and on no important question was that body ever more unanimous, and though my colleague has said, the question was there viewed but on one side and decided in a manner ex parte, yet I will be bold to say, if there were any member in that legislature who thought on this subject as he does, he enjoyed the same right there that my colleague does here to deliver his sentiments.
Knowing as I do, the great talents and integrity of my colleagues, and I believe no one on this floor knows them better, I was surprised when he charged others of being under the influence of passion, when his conduct must convince them, that he was guided by the very passion which he attributed to others. He quoted the constitution of North Carolina; let us examine it, and see whether his argument can be aided by the practice under that instrument. The 13th article is in the following words, that 'the general assembly shall by joint ballot of both houses, appoint judges of the supreme court of law and equity, judges of admiralty, and attorney general, who shall be commissioned by the governor, and hold their offices during good behaviour.' On this clause, he noted the independence of the state judiciary; and they are independent so long as the law creating their office is in force and no longer; and it is worthy of notice, that in this section no mention is made of salary, and yet the judges have been considered as independent as the judges of the United States. Soon after the adoption of the constitution, the legislature of the state, established courts in conformity thereto; first county courts, and then superior, and afterwards by a legislative act, without electing a single new judge, gave the superior courts the additional jurisdiction of a court of equity, and never a solitary complaint, that this law was unconstitutional: and it must be acknowledged, that if you can make a court of law, also a court of equity by a legislative act,
you can by the same power take it away, and what becomes in this case of the commission which is to be held during good behaviour? It is according to my construction, to last no longer than the law which created the office remains in force, and this is long enough to make the judges independent. As to the salary of the judges in North Carolina, the 21st section of the constitution says, 'they shall have adequate salaries during their continuance in office,' and yet with this clear right in the legislature, to lessen as well as to add to their salaries, the judges it is agreed are independent. My colleague well knows, that many attempts have been made to deprive the superior courts, of exercising any jurisdiction in cases of equity; and he also knows, that attempts have been made to establish a court of appeals, which should revise the decisions of the superior courts now in being, and by the constitution of the state any supreme court, may on presentment of a grand jury, try the governor for mal-administration, &c. and, I believe that the present courts are authorised to do this. I have not at this place been able to see the act which gives this authority, but no doubt is entertained of the fact. It is clear then, that in North Carolina, all parties have thought, that 'during good behaviour' only meant so long as the office existed, because by establishing a court of appeals, the judges now in being would not be supreme judges, and in all these various attempts no one ever charged either of them to be unconstitutional. On examination of the constitution of North Carolina, it will be found, that it makes provision for the appointment of other officers by the legislature, but says nothing about adequate compensation, except in the section last read, and if you take the office away, what is an adequate salary for doing nothing? Another proof might be drawn from the constitution of North Carolina, in favor of the opinion I hold, which is taken from 29th section, that 'no judge of a supreme court shall have a seat in the general assembly,' and my colleague knows, that the present judges could not hold a seat there, because they are supreme judges. And he also knows, that no one ever doubted the constitutional right of the legislature to establish the courts before-mentioned; and it seems to me this, on his construction, would be a violation of the constitution, because having once made a supreme court, it must always remain so, to secure, what he calls, the independence of the judges.
Sir, I was astonished when my colleague said, that the judges should hold their offices whether useful or not, and that their independence was necessary, as he emphatically said, to protect the people against their worst enemies, themselves; their usefulness is the only true test of their necessity, and if there is no use for them, they ought not to be continued. I will here ask my colleague, whether since the year 1783, he has heard of any disorder in the State we represent, or whether any act has been done there which can warrant or justify such an opinion, that 'it is necessary to have judges to protect the people from their worst enemies, themselves.' I had thought we the people formed this government, and might be trusted with it. My colleague never could have uttered this sentence, had he not been governed by that passion, which he supposes governs others. It is true that we are not a rich and wealthy state, but it is equally true, that there is no State in the Union more attached to order and law; and my colleague himself would not say, that it was necessary to have judges for this purpose, in the country we represent; the people there behave decently without having federal judges, or standing armies to protect them against themselves. Is it not strange, that the people should have sense enough to pay their taxes, without being drove to it by superior force, and not have sense enough to take care of themselves without this new judiciary. They certainly contrived to do this, before the act establishing this judiciary passed.
Another expression of his equally astonished me; he said, that on the 7th day of December, a spirit which had spread discord and destruction in other countries, made its entry into this House. What! are we to be told—because at the last election, the people thought proper to change some of their representatives, and to put out some of those who had heretofore been in power, and to put others in power of different opinions; that a destroying spirit entered into all the public functionaries? For what, Sir, are elections held, if it be not that the people should change their representatives when they do not like them, and are we to be told from the
house-tops, that the only use of elections is to promote, not public good, but put lit mischief? We are also told, that this constitution was to be destroyed, by the all devouring energies of its enemies. Who are its enemies? We are not, nor do I think there are any in this House; but there are parties as well in this House as out of doors; and no man wilhes more sincerely than I do, that they were amalgamated, that we may get rid of all party gall, and free ourselves from improper reflections hereafter. But by what energy is the constitution to be destroyed? The only energy heretofore used, & which made the change so much complained of, was the energy of election.—Sir, I scarcely know what to say when I hear such uncommon sentiments uttered from a hand so cooerect and a heart so pure; it is the effect of a passion of which he is unconscious.—Again he says, if you repeal this law, the rich will oppress the poor; nothing but too much law can any where put it in the power of the rich to oppress the poor.—Suppose you had no law at all, could the rich oppress the poor? Could they get 6, 8 or 10 per cent. for money from the poor without law? If you destroy all law and government, can the few oppress the many; or will the many oppress the few? But the passing the bill will neither put it in the power of the rich to oppress the poor, nor the poor to oppress the rich. There will then be law enough in the country to prevent the one from oppressing the other; but while the elective principle remains free, no great danger of lasting oppression can be really apprehended; as long as this continues the people will know who to trust.
He has also brought into view the repeal of the internal taxes, and the naturalization law, and these are some of the measures which this destructive spirit approves; and will they oppress the poor, will the repeal of taxes oppress the poor, or will it oppress any body? If it will the people will cry out with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) give us more oppression! You cannot give us too much of this kind of oppression, provided you pay our debts, and protect us at home and abroad.—One word respecting the naturalization law—observe the danger apprehended by North Carolina on this head; the 40th section of her constitution is in the following words: "That every foreigner who comes to settle in this state, having first taken an oath of allegiance to the same, may purchase, or by other just means acquire, hold and transfer land or other real estate, and after one year's residence, shall be deemed a free citizen."—After this can we believe that the people of that state have any fear of the few aliens that may wish to settle among them.
It is asked will you abolish the mint, that splendid attribute of sovereignty? Yes, Sir, I would a bolish the mint, that splendid attribute of sovereignty, because it is only a splendid attribute of sovereignty & nothing else; it is one of those splendid establishments which takes money from our pockets, without being of any use to us; in the state we represent I do not believe there are as many cents in circulation as there are counties.—This splendid attribute of sovereignty has not made money more plenty; it has only made more places for spending money.
My colleague next said, what I sincerely wish he had not said, that if you pass the bill, he would neither shed a tear nor heave a sigh over the constitution; if we pass the bill, and the people should think we did wrong in so doing, nay, that it violates the constitution in their opinion, have they not the power to bring it back to its original form, by a peaceable corrective, which they can exercise every two years at the elections. Suppose this done, would not the constitution then be worth something even in his estimation; would it not be better to cherish this expectation, than to destroy the constitution, and put every thing afloat? Would not this be much better than confusion, anarchy and the sword of brother drawn against brother? As to myself I confide in the people, firmly believing they are able to take care of themselves without the aid or protection of any set of men, paid by them, to defend them from their worst enemies themselves.
Permit me here, Sir, to advert to the resolutions of North-Carolina, (Mr. M. here read them) in commenting on these resolutions my colleague certainly used very complimentary language towards the legislature of the state; but it seemed to me, that he gave them a back handed compliment when he said they passed these resolutions without a fair hearing. But, Sir, is there any thing indecent in them? Have they expressed a sentiment which they had not a perfect right to ex-
press? They with the law repealed because they believe the old system adequate. They with the law repealed, because it produces a useless expense.—This perhaps they the more sensibly felt from being in the habit of conducting their public affairs with the greatest economy; and finally they with the law repealed, because it is an useless extension of executive patronage, and they at the same time declare that they have due confidence in the Chief Magistrate of the union. Yet they do not with offices continued; merely that persons may be appointed to fill them. I perfectly agree with them in every particular.
I will now, Mr. Chairman, examine some of the arguments of my other colleague (Mr. Stanley.) He says, that under the old system, the judges could not always attend to hold the courts. It is true that in the state we represent, they missed attending several courts; twice the judges were certainly not to blame; under no system would there have been a court at those times; it is sufficient that my colleague knows the facts. At another time when a court was missed, I am confident there might have been one; I will not state the fact on which this opinion is formed, because it might implicate the conduct of one who has not a right to answer on this floor; but the fact is doubtless known to him.—It is worthy of remark that after all these failures, there should scarcely be any business in the courts.—Again, he says, under the old system, the judges could not ride the circuit, and this circumstance deterred men fit for the station from accepting appointments on the bench. This is the first time I ever heard men of talents refusing these offices, or that the offices went a begging; on the contrary, I know a man who possessed a very lucrative practice in the state we represent, who left that practice for a seat on the federal bench under the old system. He also said, a due regard to the dignity of the judges induced the former Congress to pass the law now proposed to be repealed. What is this dignity? Sir, the former law required the judges of the supreme court to attend the circuit court in each state, and was it an indignity for these judges to be seen by vulgar eyes, or will my colleague say, dignity consists in giving the judges a good salary and very little to do, for this is now the case.—But it appears to me, that true dignity consists in giving only an adequate compensation for services actually performed. At present the judges of the supreme court come to this place twice a year, have but little to do, and no doubt are well satisfied.
My colleague next observed that the system of the last session only produced an additional expense of about 40,000 dollars, and that this was a mere dust in the balance, and so it may seem to those who only look at our appropriation laws where we deal in millions; but, Sir, permit me to refer him to our state for economy, and he will there find, that the whole expense of the government does not amount to forty thousand dollars a year. It is an immense sum considered alone, and if the general government would consider it as such, great savings might be made, much greater than will be.—Again, Sir, pass this bill and you make the judges the humble tools of executive patronage; here he and the resolutions of the state are at variance.—I cannot discover how the passing this law shall make the judges more or less dependent on the executive. They will be exactly in the same situation they were before the act of last session passed. The judges, he says, ought to be independent, to prevent revolutions; that it is their inherent right to prevent revolutions.—Sir, it seems to me, that in talking about revolutions, you could scarcely hear of a weaker instrument than the judiciary; how could they, if they were ever so independent, with this inherent right, prevent a revolution if the people were determined for it? What would the judges be to an army? Or what are cakes to bayonets? In fact the judges could no more prevent a revolution, were the people ripe for it, than any other men. He also said, that it was the inherent right of the judges to judge of the constitutionality of laws. This question I have not sufficiently examined to say any thing about, nor is it necessary to discuss it at this time; if the judges have this power it is given by the constitution, and nothing that we can say or do will affect it.
My colleague has carried us across the ocean to Europe.—I wish, Sir, we could once legislate without this trip; I am content to be an American, and care only for American affairs; and here he told us, that revolutions had driven one monarch from his throne, and sent another to the scaffold; were I however
to lament the effect of revolutions, I should lament the millions of poor slain, who lie unburied, mingled with the dust, and not the fate of the few alone, who never before knew distress, or felt oppression. He also said if you pass this law, you will drive virtuous men from office. I will not say, the judges are not virtuous; but this I will say, that I would not keep a useless office, because it was filled by a virtuous man. He said, what danger to the constitution, if the construction of its friends prevails. Is he and those who vote with him, the exclusive friends of the constitution, and are those who differ with them its enemies? He might think me blind. He might think me not possessed of sagacity enough to discern its true meaning, but charity ought to have prevented his thinking me an enemy to it. Sir, I am willing to acknowledge, that I am acquainted with individuals who differ with me in opinion, and who I firmly believe love the constitution as well as any man in this house.
We have heard much about the judges and the necessity of their independence; I will state one fact to show that they love power as well as independence. Soon after the establishment of the federal courts, they issued a writ, not being a professional man, I shall not undertake to give its name, to the supreme court of North Carolina, directing a case then depending before the state court, to be brought into the federal courts. The state judges refused to obey the summons, and laid the whole proceedings before the legislature, who approved their conduct, and as well as I remember unanimously; and this in that day was not called disorganizing.
As so much has been said about the resolutions of North-Carolina, I will repeat again, that it is no uncommon thing, for the legislature to express their opinion on great national subjects; and will ask my colleagues, whether they ever heard any complaint of the resolutions about the western land? And whether none of them in the legislature never voted for the resolutions about the western land, nor about post-offices and post-roads? The legislature surely had as much right to give an opinion as the chamber of commerce of New-York; but put it on what footing you please, it is entitled to respect, as the uninfluenced opinion of so many respectable individuals; and the legislature never intended nor wished that the recommendation to the representatives should be binding on them at all events; and if I believed the bill to be unconstitutional, I should not vote for it, but as I do not, I hope the gentlemen will pardon me for pursuing my own sentiments, and voting for it. I hope no man will ascribe to me a disposition to produce anarchy in my native country; although poor myself, I feel as strong a desire as any one on this floor, for the preservation of good order, and good government.
It has been asked by the gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. Bayard) will the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) say, the assuming the state debts was improper? I have no hesitation to say, that it was done at an improper time, and in shewing that it was, I hope I shall be pardoned for travelling over topics that really have nothing to do with the merits of the present question. That act is now done, and by what I say it is not to be understood that I with Congress should put their hands upon it. It will be noticed that Congress are authorised to establish post-offices and post-roads for the general and equal dissemination of information through the United States; and it is not known, that no act was passed on that subject before the assumption of the state debts? And that there was only one post-road, which run near the sea coast; of course the people in the interior country had no communication with those in the government; nor had they any knowledge of what was doing. But the rich speculator, who was on the spot, by going into the country where the people were ignorant of what had been done; purchased up their certificates—the only reward they had received for their toil and wounds, at about one tenth of their value. And it is possible that many of these purchases may have been made with public money; and it is clear to me, that if a proper number of post roads had been established before the act was passed for assuming the state debts, the war worn soldier would not have lost half as much as he did by the speculation on his certificates.
The gentleman from Delaware says we drove them to the direct tax. This is the first time I ever heard of a minority driving a majority. Is such a thing possible? Did we drive them to the measures that made such immense expendi-

ture of public money necessary? No sir. We opposed those measures as unconsti- tutional, and the true ground of the Direct Tax is this, the public money was expended, public credit was stretched, until to pre- serve it, it became necessary to provide for paying, and the means adopted were the direct tax.
The same gentleman tells us there is nothing sacred in the hands of infidels. We know our opponents. The allusion here is too plain not to be understood; and evidently is, that those who differ with him in opinion are infidels. This is a strong expression—it would have seemed that his love of Americans ought to have prevented the use of it. I shall make no answer to it, except to remind him that in a book, the truth of which he will not deny, he will find these words, "Judge not lest ye be judged." He also said, that gentlemen might look to the executive for victims, and not to the judges; notwithstanding this re- mark, and without condemning or ap- proving the appointments made by the late President, I hope I may be permit- ted to express my own ideas, without be- ing considered as under the influence of the present President. Prior to the 4th of last March, all or nearly all the offi- ces in the gift of the executive were in the hands of men of one political opin- ion; on that day the people changed the President, because they did not like measures that had been pursued; but to those who have attended to the de- bates in this House, it must seem strange indeed, to hear gentlemen complain of the President having in office, those who are with him in opinion, when we were formerly told, that the President would do wrong, if he appointed to of- fice those who differed from him in po- litical opinion, and whenever he had done so, he had had cause to repent of it. Was that opinion then correct, and now false in the estimation of gentlemen? For my part, I did not think the opinion correct when I first heard it, nor have I since been convinced of its propriety; indeed before I can think it, I must have a worse opinion of human nature than I now have, and think of them as they pretend to think of us, which G. I found, but taking things as they are, what course on this point is most fair and tolerant? The community as well as this House, is divided into two parties. It seems to me, that all that the most tolerant could wish, would be an equal division of the offices between the parties, and thus you might fix a reciprocal check on each other; but I ask gentlemen to be candid, and tell me, whether they are at this time es- tablished? Sir, they know that there are many more persons who now fill offices, who agree with them in op- inion, than agree with us. As to my- self, I care not who the officers, provid- ed they act honestly and faithfully in them. I can with truth say, no little party attachment have I on this head, that I never solicited to have any man discharged from office; knowing that a large majority of those now in office, agree with those gentlemen in political opinion; I am at a loss for the cause of all this clamor; they have no doubt some reason for it, which has not been de- clared; the fact is they have a ma- jority of the officers, and a majority of the people are with us. I am content- ed it should be so.
The gentleman has dwelt much on a subject, which from my habits of life, I am not enabled fully to notice; I must decide for myself, and judging with the small share of information I possess, I cannot agree with him; I do not pretend to understand the subject as well as he does, but certainly he was not so perfect as it might have been ex- pected. I mean, sir, his opinion on the common law. He told us, that the judges only adopted such parts of the common law of England as suited the people, and that he apprehended no dan- ger from this. Sir, I do apprehend dan- ger on this, because I cannot find any authority given them in the consti- tution to do it, and I suppose it is not an inherent right. Without pretending to know the extent of this common law, it has always appeared to me, to be extremely dangerous to the rights of the people, for any person not elected by them, to undertake to exercise the power of legislating for them, and this adopting the common law is only ano- ther name for legislation. He has also told us, that the States had adopted it; if the States adopted it, it became a law of the State and not of the United States; but the admission of it by the in- dividual States, cannot give the judges a right to adopt it for the United States; the judges have no powers but what are given by the constitution or by statute, and this power cannot be found in either. He even told us, that the constitution was a dead letter without it. I do not believe this was the op- inion of the convention that formed it, and by an examination of the debates of the State conventions that ratified it, it will not be found to be their opin- ion, nor is it I believe, the opinion of all the judges of the supreme court, that the constitution would be a dead letter without the common law of Eng- land. I have understood, that one of them has given it as his opinion, that the common law was not in force in the
United States. The gentleman told us, that the sedition law was consti- tutional, and that the judges had so deter- mined; this we have often been told before, but in my opinion, the contrary is the fact; I firmly believe, there is no authority given in the constitution to pass that law, and although the judges agree with him in opinion, I believe the people agree with me. He like my colleague did not pretend to say, that the judges under the old system had too much business, but too much riding. The whole burthen of the long seems to be riding, and salary, salary and rid- ing; you may destroy the office, but the officer must have his salary, and this I suppose without riding. The old sys- tem was in my opinion, equal to every object of justice contemplated by its es- tablishment.
The gentleman has ascribed to us the will to have the courts viciously formed; is it possible, that he can have in- grating an idea of the American peo- ple as to suppose they would send men here to legislate on their dearest interests, so base and corrupt as to with their courts should be so formed, that vice and not virtue should prevail in them. I am happy to say that gentleman is the only one who has uttered a sentiment so ab- horrent to human nature. He also said, if you permit the state courts to execute your laws, you would have no consti- tution in ten years. I have not heard any one express a desire that you should have no courts, or that the state courts should execute all your laws; but I do not be- lieve, that if the state courts were to execute your laws, that they would destroy the constitution which they are sworn to sup- port. He told us that we paid millions for an army which might be useless, and refused thousands to a judiciary which was useful; as to the army, those who agree with me in sentiment are as clear of it as it is possible for men to be of any political sin whatever; we always con- sidered them useless except in a final de- gree, and voted against them.
But, says he, this is the President's measure; he may prevent it. This is in- deed a bold assertion. Are a majority of this house so degraded, so mean, so destitute of honor or morality as to act at the nod of a President? What the ma- jority may hereafter do I cannot tell; but I can say as yet they have done no- thing which even the eye of criticism can find fault with; but are we to infer from these charges, that it has heretofore been the practice for the President to give the tone to the majority of the house, and to wield them about as he pleased. I had before a better opinion of our adver- saries. I had thought and still think that no man can wield a majority of this house; that the house is and has been too independent for this; to think otherwise would be degrading to my country. Sir, I do not believe the gentleman from Del- aware himself, with all his talents, can wield those with whom he generally votes, at his will and pleasure.
Much has been said about the manner in which the late law was passed, and the purpose for which it was passed. I hope I shall be pardoned for laying nothing on this subject; enough, if not too much has already been said on it; nor can I conceive that it has any thing to do with the question.
The true question is, were there courts enough under the old system to do the business of the nation? In my opinion there was; we had no complaints that suits multiplied, or that business was ge- nerally delayed, and when gentlemen talk about federal courts to do the busi- ness of the people, they seem to forget that there are state courts, and that the state courts have done, and will continue to do almost the whole business of the people in every part of the union; that but very few suits can be brought into the federal courts, compared with those that may be brought into the state courts. They will be convinced that under the old system we had federal judges and courts enough; besides, sir, I believe each state knows best what courts they need, and if they have not enough, they have the power and can easily make more. I am sure the old system answered every purpose for the state I live in as well as the new.
Until the present session the people have not presented a single petition to this house on the subject of courts, and now, I believe, there are a majority of the petitioners in favour of the repeal; but there not having heretofore petition- ed is conclusive in my mind, that they were perfectly satisfied with the old sys- tem. They know that they have the right to petition, and we know that they have exercised it when ever they pleaded, and if they wanted these new courts, they would have told you so by petition.
The gentleman said he would forgive the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) for every thing he said, except disturb- ing the ashes of the venerable dead. I did not understand the gentleman from Virginia to say a word about the illustri- ous Washington. It is needless for me to say what I think of him; I have said before what my opinion was; I sincerely regret that ever his name should be men- tioned in this house, in such debates as the present; respect for his memory ought to forbid it.
He also told us, that we attempt to do indirectly what we cannot do directly.
I do not know of any such attempt. The bill is certainly a direct attempt to repeal the act of the last session; but I have seen things done indirectly which I believe could not have been done direct- ly; such was the army of volunteers, it surely was an indirect attempt to officer and get possession of the militia. The same gentleman challenges us to say there are any in the United States who prefer monarchy. In answer to this I say, there were such during the American re- volutionary war, and I have not heard that they had changed their opinion; but as he has told us there were jacobins in the country, it is not unfair to suppose there are monarchists, they being the two extremes. We are also charged with a design to destroy the whole judiciary; if there is such a design, this is the first time I ever heard it; no attempt of the kind is yet made; but what is the fact, we only propose to repeal the act of the last session, and restore the judiciary ex- actly to what it was for twelve years, and this is called destroying the judiciary.
The same gentleman told us that un- der the new system you would have a uniformity of decision in each circuit, and that it was not very desirable to have it uniform in every circuit. I dif- fer with him; I think uniformity of de- cision desirable for this reason, that a person knowing a decision of the federal court on any given point in any part of the Union, may know that the same de- cision would prevail in every other court of the United States; and unless there is a uniformity of decision, you may have a different one in each circuit; a determination one way in Delaware and another in Maryland. But, sir, from the very nature of the courts, you must have a uniform decision in either system; because, if different courts should decide differently, appeals would soon be carried to the supreme court, where the question would be finally settled.
Another curious principle was ad- vanced by the same gentleman, which was this, that the judges received their pay from the date of their commissions. If they do, I am confident they are the only officers appointed by the government that do. I had always before under- stood, that the pay of officers did not commence, until they accepted their ap- pointments; on his idea a judge might have pay as a circuit judge, while he was holding a court as a district judge, because he might be a district judge, and appointed a circuit judge without his knowledge; and before he was informed of his new appointment, might hold the court under the old, and the gentleman himself would not pretend to say, that the proceedings of the court in such case would be illegal or irregular. The salary of the President is brought into view. I have never heard these gentle- men before complain that it was too high, if it is, I am perfectly willing to join them, and diminish it to what shall be deemed only an adequate compensa- tion for services actually rendered, for the next presidential term; sooner the constitution will not authorize its reduc- tion.
To complete the scene we were told of the sword, of civil discord, and of the sword of brother drawn against bro- ther—why such declamation? Why do we hear of such things on this floor? It is for them to tell who use the expres- sions, to me they are too horrid to think of. Do gentlemen mean to appeal to our fears rather than to our understand- ing? Are we never to be clear of these alarms? They have often been tried without producing any effect. Every instrument of death is dragged into this question; sword, bayonet, hatchet, and tomahawk, and then we are told that the passing of this bill may be attended with fatal consequences to the women and children. Can it be possible, sir, that the gentleman was really serious, when he talked about an injury to women and children? He also told us, if you pass the bill, and it should produce a civil war, not only himself, but many en- lightened citizens would support the judges; and have we already come to this, that enlightened citizens have de- termined on their side in case of a civil war? And that it is talked of in this assembly with deliberation and coolness; we certainly were not sent here to talk on such topics, but to take care of the affairs of the nation, and prevent such evils. In fact, it is our duty to take care of the nation and not destroy it. Compare this with the conduct of the former minority; I challenge them to show any thing like it in all their pro- ceedings. Whenever we supposed the constitution violated, did we talk of civil war? No, sir. We depended on elections as the main corner stone of our safety; and supposed whatever injury the state machine might receive from a violation of the constitution, that at the next election the people would elect those that would repair the injury, and set it right again; and this in my op- inion ought to be the doctrine of us all; and when we differ about constitutional points, and the question shall be decided against us, we ought to consider it a temporary evil, remembering that the people possess the means of rectifying any error that may be committed by us.
Is the idea of a separation of these states so light and trifling an affair, as to be uttered with calmness in this delibe- rative assembly? At the very idea I shudder, and it seems to me that every man ought to look on such a scene with horror, and shrink from it with dismay. Yet some gentlemen appear to be pre- pared for such an event, and have deter- mined on their sides in case it should happen. For my part, sir, I de- plore such an event too much to make up my mind on it, until it shall really hap- pen, and then it must be done with great hesitation indeed—to my imagination the idea of disunion conveys the most painful sensations, how much more painful then would be the reality? Who shall fix the boundaries of these new empires, when the fatal separation shall take place? Is it to be done with these cruel engines of death that we have heard of, the sword, the bayonet, and the more savage instruments of toma- hawk and hatchet? And is the arm of brother to plunge into the breast of brother, and citizen to be put in bat- tle array against citizen; to make this separation which would ruin the whole country? And why is all this to be done? Because we cannot all think alike on political topics; as well might it be said, that because we cannot all agree in the tenets embraced by each particular sect of our holy religion, because one is a Calvinist and another a Lutheran; that each should be employed in plunging the dagger into the heart of the other's heart. But suppose, sir, you agree to divide these states, where is the boundary to be? Is it to be a river or a line of marked trees? Be it which it may, both sides must be fortified, to keep the one from intruding on the other, both the new governments will have regular soldiers to guard their fortified places; and the people on both sides must be oppressed with taxes to support these fortifications and soldiers. What would become in such a state of things of the national debt, and all the banks in the United States? If we do wrong by adopting measures which the public good does not require; the injury cannot be very lasting, because at the next election the people will let us lay at home, and send others who will man- age their common concerns more to their satisfaction. And if we feel power and forget right, it is proper that they should withdraw their confidence from us; but let us have no civil war; instead of the arguments of bayonets, &c. let us rely on such as are drawn from truth and reason.
Another topic has been intro- duced, which I very much regret; it is the naming of persons who have receiv- ed appointments from the late or the present President. I hope I shall be pardoned for not following this exam- ple, & one gentleman is named as having been an important member during the election of President by the late house of Representatives. It ought to be re- membered there were others as impor- tant as the gentleman named. In talk- ing about the late or the present Presi- dent, it ought not to be forgotten, that they both signed the declaration of in- dependence, that they have both been ministers in Europe, and both Presidents of the United States. Although they may differ in political opinion as many of us do, is that any reason why we should attempt to destroy their reputa- tion? In American character worth no- thing that we should thus in my judg- ment improperly attempt to destroy it on this floor? The people of this coun- try will remember that British gold could not corrupt nor British power di- may these men. I have differed in op- inion with the former president, but no man ever heard me say, that he was either corrupt or dishonest, and sooner than at- tempt to destroy the fame of those wor- thies, to whose talents and exertions we owe our independence, I would cease to be an American, nor will I undertake to say that all who differ from me in op- inion are disorganizers and jacobins.
Permit me now to notice a few of the observations which have fallen from the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Ha- ger,) he told us that the very salvation and safety of the nation depends on the passage of the bill. Is it possible, Sir, that gentlemen can so work on them- selves as to believe the doctrine which they preach to us? If they can, to me it is a proof that they are not entirely free from the passion which they charge on others. The safety and salvation of the country, depend on this single ques- tion, whether you keep a set of useless men in office, that is the judges made under the act of the last session? Useless I say, because in my opinion the judges under the old system were fully adequate to every purpose of a national judiciary; notwith- standing all that has been said, I have no fears on the subject. The people in their elective capacity, are finally to judge on our actions. He also told us this is the most improper time, that could possibly be taken to consider the present question, because we had just got into power; if it is improper to consider this question now, because we have just got into power, was it not equally improper for them to pass the law proposed to be repealed, because they were just going out of power; but the truth is, it always is the proper time to do right; but if the propriety of the act depends on the time, it cannot be a violation of the consti- tution, because there never can be a
time to violate that instrument. And that by passing the bill, we break down every check to our power. This argu- ment like most others is predicated on a supposed fact which does not exist, that is, that the whole judiciary system is to be repealed; the bill proposes no such thing, nor have I ever heard such a pro- ject contemplated by any one. The re- pealing the last law takes no power from the judges, nor does it destroy any check which they may possess against legisla- tive power; it only reduces their num- bers.
He told us, what I would not have expected from his urbanity of man- ners, that the premier or first min- ister of the other party, (Mr. Giles) had a few days past made a speech, in which to harrow up the public feelings he reviewed the acts for twelve years back. I shall only observe, that it is neither very honorable to people who lend Representatives to this house, nor to the house itself, to say there is a first minister of a party. Have the former majority had their premier or first minis- ter to manage the business of the na- tion? I had not thought so, but it would seem from what we daily hear on this floor, that it had been the fashion. As to reviewing former measures, I see no- thing improper in it, it is only trying measures by experience, the touchstone of truth. If they were good, they deserve and will no doubt receive praise; and why there should be an objection to this examination of past proceedings, those who complain of it, ought to tell us.
We have heard much about the document N. 8 sent to this house by the President; & are told that it is not correct; admit every thing which has been laid about it, and does it amount to any thing like the least invalidating it. No, it only shows a clerical error of no importance, and it must be agreed to be sufficiently cor- rect to prove the inutility of the old system. The gentleman from South Carolina told us, that many learned men who agreed with us ge- nerally in politics, differed with us on the present question. This I never heard before, but suppose the fact to be so, it unquestionably proves that with us each man makes up his own opin- ion for himself. He told us of one, who had lately held a high office under the federal government, who had, when in office made a report a part of which was directly against our opinion and that he was high in the ranks of the opposi- tion; the opinion of that Gentleman for- merly given is nothing more than this; that he at that time thought the then judiciary system might be amended; from the rank which he assigned to the author of the report, he is certainly much bet- ter acquainted with the opposition than I am. He included among those who differed with us on this question and who generally agreed with us, all the judges of Virginia. I am not acquaint- ed with but few of these gentlemen, and do not know any thing of the political sentiments of those with which I am not acquainted, but if the few with whom I am acquainted, differed with us in opinion, they would not esteem us the more, for relinquishing an opinion before we were convinced it was errone- ous. But, Sir, judging from a pamphlet which has been read during this debate, and said to contain their opinion, it is clear to my mind, that we perfectly a- gree; the same gentleman read to the committee a part of a lecture of one of the Judges of Virginia, which if it strengthened his opinion on the present question, ought to convince him, that the sedition law was unconstitutional; and what will be said to the opinion of the same judge, on the favorite doctrine that the common law of England is in force in the United States. He told us by passing the bill we shall not save more than the small sum of 5000 dollars, here he and my colleague (Mr. Stanley) differ a little in opinion; my colleague thinks the saving will be somewhere about 40,000 dollars, though not a dust in the balance. Sir, I would vote for the bill, on the principle of economy, if it would only save the useless expenditure of 1000 dollars of the public money. Let it be remembered that public money in all countries is drawn from the sweat of the people.
The same gentleman also told us, that we ought to keep up these courts, to convince the nations of Europe of the stability of our government, to look respectable abroad. Sir, the public good a- lone shall be the principle, by which I will always govern myself, without consider- ing what the people of Europe may think. I will never consent to keep up what I deem useless and expensive establish- ments, merely because it may make us look respectable abroad, or to convince the people of Europe of the stability of our government; nor can I believe, that the passing the bill, which is alto- gether an internal regulation, can af- fect our national character in Europe; it is one of those internal regulations, that the governments of Europe care nothing about; all that independent nations require of each other is, that they govern themselves with honesty and equity towards other nations.
The gentleman asked us, to show him the clauses in the constitution, which authorize the repeal of the late judiciary act? I will answer this question, by

means of the government for the next year. You will observe that the Secretary of the Treasury calculates for a number of years; whereas the committee of ways and means calculate only for this year. Though, therefore, there may be a deficit for the present year; there will be a defalcation the next year, from the increasing instalments of foreign debt.
I have made these remarks; because I think they clearly apply to the proposition before us; and because I think gentlemen should know clearly and unequivocally that this measure is proper, before we were called upon to support it. I make this opposition, not because I have any objection to cutting down the expenses of the government, I have no interest against their retrenchment. I have never received, or expect to receive any thing from the government.
I have also made these objections to account to my constituents for my voting against these articles distinctly; in order to effect a diminution of external duties, and relieve them from the unequal burthen imposed upon them. But full, as I before observed, if these motions are all rejected, I shall finally vote for the passage of the bill.
Mr. VARNUM. It has been stated, that the tax on carriages falls altogether on the opulent part of the community. But, as this observation applies to the state which I have the honor, in part, to represent on this floor, the statement is not founded in fact. In that state there are 4,951 chaises and other two wheel carriages, on which is paid annually more than 12,000 dollars tax. The whole tax on carriages of all kinds in that state, is 14,096 dollars. The chaises and other two wheel carriages in that state, are by no means, extensively owned by the opulent; yet that description of carriages, pays the principal part of the tax. There are in that state nearly six hundred clergymen, the principal part of them are owners of chaises; and such are their avocations that they cannot conveniently dispense with the use of them. But this class of citizens, although very justly held in high estimation, are very far from being in affluent circumstances; many of them persons who are owners of that description of carriages, have been in the habit of attending public worship, at least once in a week since they have been on the floor of action; which from their local situation, and the infirmities of age, it would be extremely difficult for them to continue to do, if they should be deprived of that mode of conveyance; many of this description of citizens, are also, far from being in affluent circumstances. It is a fact, that the tax is a very unequal one, as it relates to the value of the property on which it is laid, and a burthensome one to many who pay it, especially to the clergy and the description last mentioned.
But, Sir, there is another reason which operates in my mind against the motion, viz. the extreme inequality of the carriage tax as it applies to the individual states. The whole tax amounts to 77,871 dollars. Massachusetts pays 14,096 dollars of that sum, whereas she ought to pay but 10,284 dollars according to the constitutional mode of apportioning direct taxes; that state therefore, is compelled, by this mode of taxation, to pay at least, one quarter part more than her just proportion. Is that the case with the state of Connecticut, or South Carolina? No, Sir, Connecticut pays considerably less than her proportion when compared with all the states; and not two thirds of her proportion, when compared with Massachusetts. She pays 4,564 dollars, and her proportion compared with Massachusetts would be 7,948 dollars. South Carolina pays 4,329 dollars; her proportion with Massachusetts would be 6,041 dollars. It is extremely difficult for gentlemen on this floor, as well as elsewhere, wholly to divest themselves of self, and the pecuniary interest of their constituents, will not this view of the subject, in some measure, account for the pertinacity of the gentleman last up from Connecticut, and the gentleman last up from South Carolina, on the question before you? But if these gentlemen are for continuing the tax on carriages, because it operates favorably to their constituents, it is to be hoped, the candor of the gentlemen will permit the members from Massachusetts, to vote in favor of the repeal of a tax, so apparently unequal and unjust, as it relates to that state. There is as great a disparity in the proportion of this tax paid by Massachusetts, when compared with Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee, as when compared with the other states which I have mentioned; but much to the honor of the gentlemen from those states, they are willing to repeal the tax, and equalize the public burthen.
Mr. Speaker, I may be permitted to make one remark, relative to the repeal of all the internal taxes, contemplated by the bill under consideration. In the first place, it is an obvious fact, that they operate extremely unequal among the several states. Massachusetts alone has flood chargeable with nearly one
with part of them, when taken all together, from their first introduction, up to this time. It will not, therefore, be thought improper in the members from that state, to solicit the repeal of so unequal, and so unjust a burthen. But, Sir, the high and satisfactory motive for a repeal, is derived from a firm belief, that they are no longer necessary. The retrenchments of the present session will be paramount to their product, and the remaining revenue will be amply sufficient to secure the public credit, and meet the exigencies of government. It is therefore to be hoped, that the motion for striking out carriages will be rejected, and that the bill will be passed.
[To be continued.]
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, March 29, 1802.
The latest returns from New Hampshire give for Governor of that state Mr. Langdon, the republican candidate 3633, and Mr. Cushman, the federal candidate, 3523 votes.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.
FRIDAY, March 26, 1802.
Mr. Jackson moved a resolution appointing a committee to enquire into the expediency of authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to remit duties on bills, or distilled spirits, which have been accidentally destroyed by fire, by the inundation of water, or other accidental circumstances.
Referred, on motion of Mr. John C. Smith, to the committee of Ways and Means, Yeas 32—Nays 25.
An engrossed bill, to revive and continue in force an act entitled "An Act to augment the salaries of the officers therein mentioned," was read a third time; when the question was put that the bill pass.
On which debate ensued; (which shall be given in course.)
Messrs. Dawton, Smilie, Alston, Paxton, Nicholson, Elmer, and Claiborne, spoke in favor of the bill; and Messrs. Goddard, T. Morris, Tallmadge, and Hallings, against it.
The Yeas and Nays were then called, on motion of Mr. Stanley, on the passage of the bill; and were Yeas 50—Nays 22.
The house went into a committee of the whole, Mr. L. R. Morris, in the chair, on the report of a select committee on admitting the North Western Territory as a state into the Union.
Without proceeding to the discussion of the report, the committee rose, in consequence of an intimation made by Mr. Hallings; that Mr. Fearing, the delegate of the North Western Territory, was absent from indisposition, and that it was his wish to be present when the report was discussed.
On the motion of Mr. Davis, the House went into committee of the whole Mr. John C. Smith in the chair, on the bill respecting the location of military land warrants.
Mr. Davis moved an amendment, restricting the right of location to original holders of warrants—lost without a division.
Several amendments were made, affecting the details of the bill; when the committee rose, and some of the amendments were agreed to, and others disagreed to.
Ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. S. Smith presented a petition from the citizens of Washington praying that such a system of internal government, or police may be adopted, as Congress may see fit to adopt.
Referred to the territorial committee.
SATURDAY, March 27, 1802.
The bill entitled "An act in addition to an act regulating the grants of land appropriated for military services, and for the society of the United Brethren for propagating the gospel among the heathen," was read a third time and passed.
The house then went into committee of the whole on a bill, presented by Mr. Randolph, making a partial appropriation for the year 1802—Mr. Jones in the chair.
The bill appropriates 100,000 dollars towards defraying the expenditure of the civil list, including the contingent expenses of the several departments.
The bill as reported, without amendment, was taken up in the house, when an amendment, offered by Mr. Griswold to strike out "including the contingent expenses of the several departments," was lost—Yeas 32—Nays 34.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-day—Yeas 41.
The bill for the relief of Isaac Zane was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday.
The house went into committee of the whole on the bill to alter and establish certain post roads, &c.
Mr. Varnum in the chair. When several amendments were made.
Philadelphia, March 25. Extract of a letter from Havanna, to a respectable merchant of this city, dated March 3.
"Before the failing of your vessel, I shall inform you of the closure of this port to Americans. A ship from Charleston, loaded with flour and rice, was ordered out, and failed the 7th inst. Several vessels came up to the mouth of the harbour to come in, but in vain—they were not allowed to come to an anchor, therefore I believe it is certain our trade with this place is over."
Arrived at Philadelphia on Tuesday last, the French frigate Necessity, commanded by captain Kergaron, in 16 days from Cape-Bravois. We are unable to state upon what object this vessel has been dispatched to the United States. The general impression is, she is destined to procure supplies of provisions for the forces at St. Domingo.
The Necessity brings the latest accounts from the Cape. No important military occurrences had taken place.
Genthaume with the fleet from Toulon, arrived at St. Domingo, when he landed his troops, and having laid there only 6 days failed again, supposed for France.
General Leclerc, with a division of the French army, has penetrated from the Cape through the mountains, as far as Port Republican, where his head-quarters are now reported to be established.
Rigaud has failed for Aux-Gayes, where he hopes to raise a considerable number of his old friends, and attack the rebels in the south.
The black general Maurepas, who commanded at Port-de-Paix, had surrendered himself to the French, together with all his army, amounting to nearly five thousand men.
New-York, March 24.
Extract of a letter from a respectable commercial house in New-Orleans to another in this city, dated February 25th.—Received by the Augusta.
"By a Proclamation this day, the port is to be shut immediately on receiving official accounts of Peace from Spain. 44 American vessels are now in this port."
By order of the Orphan's Court in and for the county of Washington, district of Columbia.
Notice is hereby given.
That all persons having claims against Guilavus Scott, late of said county deceased, are hereby warned and required to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber at or before the first day of June next, they may otherwise by law, be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
ELIAS B. CALDWELL, Adm r Georgetown, March 29, 1802. 1aw2m
NOTICE
Is hereby given to the Creditors of Ezra KIEL KING, Bankrupt,
THAT on Saturday the third day of April next, between the hours of eleven and one of the said day, at the place of holding the circuit court of the district of Columbia in the City of Washington, a certificate of discharge will be given to the said bankrupt, unless cause be then and there shown to the contrary by the said creditors or some of them.
By order of William Kilby Chief Judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia, this 25th day of March 1802.
URIAS FORREST,
Clerk of the circuit court of the district of Columbia, for Washington County. March 29, 1802. ep3t
FOR SALE.
On Monday the 17th day of May next, will be sold at Vendue, at Mr. Semmes's Tavern, George-Town.
All those tracts or parts of tracts of land called Scotland and Barbadoes, lying on the navigable waters of the Eastern Branch, containing 206 acres more or less, about half this land is in wood, mostly chestnut. Mr. Henry Smith lives on the premises, and will show them. At the same time the store and lot at the corner of High and Bridge-streets, at present occupied by Mr. James Doyle, and the square where Mr. Bayly now lives, adjoining to Col. Deaking and Mr. Charles Lowndes; which will be divided into small lots. On the premises are a small though comfortable frame house, kitchen, stable, and smoke house; the situation of this property must make it a desirable object. The terms are notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia; at 6, 12, and 18 months, with interest.
It will sell at private sale, a mill, mill-seat, and 42 and an half acres of land, lying on Rock Creek, within one mile of Georgetown and the City of Washington; its situation with its other great advantages must render it truly valuable. This property will be sold on very moderate terms, if speedy application is made.
And on a credit of 1, 2, and 3 years with interest, all those lands called Bradford's Rest and Batchelder's Forrest, lying in Montgomery county, containing 531 3/4 acres; this land will be divided into lots to suit purchasers, if not sold before the first day of August next; it will then be sold at Public Sale, on terms which will then be made known.
I will also sell a number of lots in eligible situations in the City of Washington. For the terms of any or all the above property, please to direct to the subscriber.
WALTER MACKALL. Benedict, March 29, 1802. 2aw2w
[By Authority.]
AN ACT
To amend an act entitled "An act to lay and collect a direct tax within the United States."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the collectors in each district shall prepare and transmit to their respective supervisors, correct lists of all lands within their respective collection districts, which by the act passed the fourteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety eight, entitled "An act to lay and collect a direct tax within the United States," they now are or hereafter shall be authorized to advertise for sale, specifying therein, the persons in whose names the assessments were originally made, and the sums due thereon respectively; of which lists it shall be the duty of the supervisor, in all cases, to cause correct transcripts to be made out, and to cause to be inserted for five weeks successively, in one or more newspapers published within his district, one of which shall be the gazette in which are published, by authority, the laws of the state within whose limits the said district may be comprised, if there be any such gazette, a notification, that such transcripts are lodged at his office, and are open to the free inspection of all parties concerned; and also notifying, that the tax due upon the said lands may be paid to the collector within whose division the aforesaid lands are contained, or to the supervisor of the district, at any time within the space of six months from the date of such notification, and the time when, and places where sales will be made of all lands upon which any part of the direct tax shall remain due after the expiration of the time aforesaid.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That in case of failure on the part of the owner or owners of the aforesaid lands to pay within the aforesaid time, the full amount of tax due thereon, the collectors under the directions, and with the approbation of their respective supervisors, shall immediately proceed to sell at public sale, at the times and places mentioned in the advertisement of the supervisor, to much of the lands aforesaid as may be sufficient to satisfy the same, together with all the costs and charges of preparing lists, advertising and notifying as aforesaid, and of sales.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the aforesaid tax, including all costs and charges as aforesaid, shall be and remain a lien upon all lands, and other real estate on which the same has been assessed, until the tax due upon the same, including all costs & charges, shall have been collected, or until a sale shall have been effected, according to the provision of this act, or of the act to which this is a supplement.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That in all cases wherein any tract of land may have been assessed in one assessment, which, at the time when such assessment was made, was actually divided into two or more distinct parcels, each parcel having one or more distinct proprietor or proprietors, it shall be the duty of the collector to receive in manner aforesaid, from any proprietor or proprietors thus situated, his or their proportion of the tax due upon such tract; and thereupon, the land of the proprietor, or proprietors, upon which the tax shall have been thus paid, shall be forever discharged from any part of the tax due under the original assessment.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That in any case in which it may have happened that lands actually belonging to one person, may have been, or hereafter shall be assessed in the name of another, and no sale of the same shall yet have been made, the same proceedings shall be had for the sale of the aforesaid lands, in order to raise the tax assessed in relation to the same, as is provided by the eleventh section of the act to which this is a supplement, in the case of lands assessed, the owner whereof is unknown; and such sale shall transfer and pass to the purchaser, a good and effectual title.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the right of redemption referred to the owners of lands and tenements sold under this act, or the act to which this is a supplement, shall, in no wise, be affected or impaired: Provided always, that the owners of lands, which shall thus be sold after the passing of this act, in order to avail themselves of that right, in make payment or tender of payment, within two years from the time of sale, for the use of the purchaser, his heirs or assigns, of the amount of the said tax, costs and charges, with interest for the same, at the rate of twenty-five per cent. per annum.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury shall be and hereby is authorized and empowered, under the direction of the President of the United States, to augment the compensation fixed by law, for the commissioners, or for the principal and assistant assessors, or either of them, in any division where it shall be found necessary for carrying into effect the act entitled, An Act to provide for the valuation
of lands and dwelling-houses, and the enumeration of slaves within the United States; so however, as that the commissioner shall in no case receive more than five dollars per day, nor the principal assistant assessor in any case receive more than three dollars per day, which additional compensation shall be subject to the same rules of settlement as are established by the act last aforesaid.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, March 16, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
GIBRALTAR, Dec. 23.
The following statement of an unpleasant circumstance which lately occurred in Egypt, we have received by H. M. S. Ajax, but hope that the extraordinary and unexpected step of the Captain Pacha, said to be in consequence of orders from the Grand Vizier, (which will strike every English reader with horror,) has not been sanctioned by the Porte.
MASSACRE OF THE MAMELUKE CHIEFS.
The 22nd day of October 1801, the day the Bays of the Mamelukes had fixed on to pay a visit to Lord Cavan, and Sir Richard Bickerton, the Bays waited on the Captain Pacha at his tent about 10 or 11 o'clock. They were received with every mark of attention and having told his highness of their intended visit to the general and admiral he begged them to take some refreshment and added that he would afterwards accompany them; and, if the Bays had no objection, they would go in a boat by the lake Mareotis, and land near Pompey's Pillar. This was agreed on, and they embarked in three different boats. The Pacha was in one of the boats, with the three Chief Bays; and, after rowing a little way along shore, a Turk came to the Beach, with a bundle of papers, and handed the Pacha, informing him that he had dispatches from Constantinople. The Captain Pacha made this an excuse for quitting the boat, and he left the Bays to go to Alexandria.
The account given by the Turks relates that the Choise in the boats, told the Bays he was ordered to the Sultan Selim; and the Mamelukes on hearing it first made the attack.
The Mamelukes for the first alarm they had was a discharge of musketry from an armed Galley into the hem sheets of the boats. The truth of either story is not certain, however the event has proved fatal to five Mameluke Chiefs undermentioned:
Osman Bey Tambourgi; Osman Bey Alaski; Mahomet Bey, picked up on the lake 24th, October; Moynal Bey Ibrahim Eliaebel.
All the others were wounded and secured; Osman Bey Bedici was very severely wounded.
The Captain Pacha communicated to Gen. Hutchinson the steps he had taken and the general immediately placed a brigade of troops round the Pacha's tent; and gave him till eight o'clock the next morning to restore the Bays he had killed. The Captain Pacha well aware of grief at what he had done, but declared the measures to be in obedience to the orders of the Grand Vizier—General Hutchinson was determined to protect the Mamelukes.
23rd October, 1801. The surviving Bays, and three of the five who were massacred, viz.
Osman Bey Tambourgi; Osman Bey Alaski; Ibrahim Eliaebel, were restored to general Hutchinson, the two others had been thrown overboard. This being done, the guard was taken from the Pacha's tent, the bodies of the deceased were interred near the Grand Mosque in Alexandria, under a fire of minute guns from fort Creton, and Cavaralli; and a salute of seventeen guns, and three volleys of musketry were fired over the graves, with other military honors, and marks of respect to their rank. The night of the 22nd, seven Mameluke officers, who had come into Alexandria, by land to meet the Bays, took refuge on board the Madras; fearing the cruelty of the Turks would not be satisfied with the blood of their Chiefs, but that they would also assassinate their followers. The Pacha took the horses of a small party of Mamelukes, but they were restored.
NOTICE.
To the Creditors of Mr. William Bayly, are requested to meet at Mr. Semmes's Tavern, George-Town, on Monday the 12th of April next, at 6 o'clock in the afternoon.
WALTER MACKALL. March 29, 1802. ep3t
LOADING.
Three or four Gentlemen can be accommodated with separate Rooms near the Capitol. Apply to the Printer. March 29, 1802. ep3t

This day is Published By RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. Corner of New-Jersey Avenue and South B street, a little south of the Capitol. DISSERTATION on the freedom of Navigation and Maritime Commerce, and such rights of States, relative thereto, as are founded on the Law of Nations, adapted more particularly to the United States; and interspersed with moral and political reflections, and historical facts; with an Appendix, containing sundry state papers.—By WILLIAM BARTON, A. M. member of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, and of the Royal Economical Society, Valencia, Spain.—Price 2 dollars. Physical Investigations, and Deductions, from Medical and Surgical Facts, relative to the causes, nature and remedies of the diseases of a warm and vitiated Atmosphere, from climate, local situation, or season of the year, together with an historical introduction to Physionotropy; or the experimental philosophy of human life; that of diseases, and also of remedies.—By WILLIAM BARNWELL, M. D. formerly Surgeon in the employ of the honorable East India Company, London.—Price 2 dollars. March 24, 1802. ep4t
For Sale at Rhodes's Tavern. On the 15th day of April will be held at Public Auction, by Loring and Forrest, at 12 o'clock the following valuable property, unless disposed of by private contract. THREE two story brick houses in separate Lots to accommodate purchasers. Situated in Fourteenth-street, in square 253, being on a high and healthy situation, near the Treasury Office, at present much under let at 205 dollars each per annum; to respectable tenants as follows: No. 1, to David Rawn; No. 2, to Wm. James; No. 3, to R. W. Peacock; each house is 23 feet front, and containing a good dry cellar. On the first floor are two parlors, kitchen and servant's room over the same; second floor contains three well finished bed rooms with closets where necessary; back yard paved, with out-houses, and Lot inclosed with close boarded fence, 6 feet high, to an alley 26 feet wide. The front of the said houses is paved with brick, Locust trees planted, and post and rail fence, with a pump of excellent water adjoining the same; the whole completely finished in a neat, genteel manner. The titles are good, being on the commissioners. Terms of payment, one half the purchase money down, or such bills as will be approved of at 60 days, and the balance in seven equal payments with interest. At the same time will be sold two improved ground rents on square 451, being on the south side of the Pennsylvania Avenue, and buttting on Tyber Creek near the Market House. One lot containing 44 feet front, let on lease to Mr. Henry Burford, forever for 60 dollars per annum, payable half yearly; whereon is built a double two story brick house, with cellars and other buildings. The other is 47 feet 8 inches front in two leases for ever, to John Gardner, at 72 dollars per annum, payable half yearly. He has built a large two story double brick house, with cellars under the same, occupied by Mr. Thompson for a liquor store. This property is equal to bank stock, or any other property in the United States. For further particulars enquire of Loring and Forrest Auctioneers or WILLIAM LOVELL. March 24, 1802. ep3t
The Arabian Horse The Dey of Algiers. ARRIVED on the 19th inst. in high health and spirits from Boston, to which place he was imported, and sent here to the care of John Mason, Esq. by his proprietor colonel Swain of Massachusetts, now in Europe. He will stand the ensuing season, at my farm in Montgomery county, seven miles from this town and the City of Washington, and will cover at forty dollars the season (commencing the 1st of March) and one dollar to the groom, the money or an approved promissory note to be sent with the mare. This beautiful animal was brought from Arabia in the year '98, at four years old, by the late general Baily Fromm, of Prussia, into that kingdom, and was purchased at the sale of the Baily's studs, after his death, at Rotherham, in '99, lieutenant general Frederick baron of Bismarck, by whom he was sent to Hamburg to col. Swan, whence he was by that gentleman shipped to America; to attest which, and to prove him to be a genuine Arabian horse, original certificates are in my hands, and may at all times be seen. The Dey is of full stature for his race, he measures exactly fourteen hands two inches and an half. His colour is nearly white, with a few brown spots dashed over his neck and shoulders. In figure and bone, it is believed, he will stand the test of the best judgment. He is only eight years old the coming spring. He is of fine presence and carriage; and remarkably vigorous and active. As it is the wish of his proprietor to dispose of the merits of this horse in his colts as early, and with as much certainty as possible, early in '03, no more than fifty mares will be received, his season. I have excellent and extensive pasture well fenced, adjoining the land, at two shillings and six pence per week. Grain and green clover will be furnished if desired, at moderate prices.—Great care will be taken of mares, and every justice done them with the horse; but I will be answerable for no accidents or escapes. If gentlemen at a distance choose to send servants with their mares they shall be provided for on reasonable terms. CHARLES C. JONES. George-Town, Feb. 25, 1802. ep6w N. B. The Dey will be shown every Thursday for some weeks to come at the Union Tavern in Georgetown, and at Mr. Stell's Tavern, on Capitol Hill in Washington.
For Sale, Or to TO LET on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS, SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol.—The titles, to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 14. ep5t
For Sale. THAT elegant House and Lot in Liberty-Street, near the Springs in Bath, Berkeley County Virginia, newly finished by, and for, the residence of the late Thomas Palmer, deceased. The House consisting of five rooms on the ground floor, over a very roomy cellar. Five rooms on the second floor, one large upper room over four of the rooms and cook lot. To one part is a jalousied piazza; to the other, an handsome railed balcony. Annexed to the house is a garden and shrubbery, laid out with taste; Also a new smoke house, each house, and stable for eight horses. Also will be disposed of, six acres of Land near the town, lately cleared and walled in. The reputation of the waters has rendered the description of the place unnecessary; and as it is the resort of the most genteel society in the summer season, it is presumed it would be a suitable dwelling for a family, or would well suit any person for a boarding house.—Apply to James Davidson, Esq. cashier of the branch bank, City of Washington. March 12, 1802. faw3t
NOTICE. In the case of THOMAS WATERMAN, BANKRUPT. WHEREAS a commission of Bankruptcy is awarded against Thomas Waterman, late of the City and county of Washington, in the District of Columbia, merchant; and the major part of the commissioners having, on due proof and examination declared him a bankrupt; the said Thomas Waterman is hereby required to surrender himself to the commissioners on Tuesday the 30th instant, on Tuesday the 13th day of April next, and on Wednesday the 28th day of April next, at 4 o'clock P. M. on each of said days, at the house of William Rhodes, in the City of Washington, inkeeper; then and there to be examined by the said commissioners; and to make a full and fair disclosure and discovery of his estate and effects. The creditors of the said bankrupt are to take notice, that at the second of the said meetings they are to come prepared to prove their debts and to choose an assignee or assignees. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any goods or effects of his in their hands, are required not to pay or deliver the same to him, but to give notice thereof, to JOHN HEWITT, Clerk to the Commissioners. March 17, 1802. i2awt
FOR SALE. I WOULD sell on reasonable terms, three or four hundred acres of Land, in the centre of my estate at Marlborough, on the Virginia side of the river Potomac, about 45 miles below the City of Washington, and 23 distant from Frederickburg; the whole constituting a very desirable situation for a substantial Farmer, on a moderate scale. This tract extends for length, from Potomac river across the neck of Accotack creek—it has most beautiful situations on the river for a country seat; it has a fine Rock & Herring Fishery, and a landing that must be very valuable, as it is the only bold water on the Potomac, that can be connected by land carriage with Frederickburg. The soil is very rich, and it lies very well for cultivation, with a large bank of the richest shell marle—part of it is a most valuable firm marl, from which 100 to 150 tons of good hay might be annually taken, a portion of this is ditched and drained for timothy. The improvements are an overseer's house, barn and negro quarters. If not before sold by private contract, it will be offered at public vendue on the 20th of May, on the premises, (the seller reserving a bid) deliverable in the fall. Mr. William Hay, the present tenant, will show the premises to persons inclined to purchase. JOHN F. MERCER. Annapolis, Feb. 26, 1802. ep6w
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE. FOR sale about 6500 acres of land belonging to the estate of Judge Mercer, deceased, and situated in the county of Loudoun, on the waters of Goose Creek, about 40 miles from Alexandria and the Federal City. A large portion of this tract is meadow ground, of good quality, and the soil of the high land is well adapted to every species of produce usually cultivated on land similarly situated in the upper country. Such portion of it as remains uncleared, affords an extensive and excellent range for stock of every kind. On one part of this land is one of the most valuable mill seats in the state. The supply of water is inexhaustible, and the mill could be erected immediately on the side of the public road leading from Winchester to Alexandria. It is computed that the number of wagons almost constantly travelling along this road, amount to at least 5 or 600. So that a ready market might always be had here, for a very considerable quantity of grain and hay. It is deemed unnecessary to describe more particularly the many advantages of this tract of Land, as it is expected that all persons disposed to purchase, will first view the premises. To accommodate purchasers the whole tract will be divided into lots of 4 or 500 acres each, with as much wood and meadow land to every lot as circumstances will admit. And it is believed that the whole 4500 acres may be so laid off into farms of the above-mentioned size, as to leave in each as much wood and meadow land as would be desired. The price and time of payment will be made known by the subscribers. Letters directed to John T. Brooke, Frederickburg, or to James M. Garnett, Laytons, will be answered without delay. JOHN T. BROOKE, JAMES M. GARNETT, Admrs Feb. 8, 1802. ep5t
NOTICE. COMMITTED to the jail of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, as a Runaway, a Negro Woman named CHARLOTTE , about nineteen years of age, five feet four or five inches high. She says she is the property of Lewis St. John, near Little Town, Frederick county, Virginia. The owner is requested to come and pay Charges and take her away. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Feb. 5, 1802. ep5t
Looking Glasses. J. COOK Wishes to inform his friends and the public that he has a large and elegant assortment of Looking Glasses and Prints, FOR SALE, At J. March's Store, High-street, George Town. THE subjects of the Prints are very interesting, and in superbly gilt frames; and the glasses are of the first qualities, in the most modern and elegant frames, and of any sizes. They are marked at the lowest cash Prices. March 15, 1802. ep5t
For Sale, AN RARE Frame House and Lot, on New-Jersey Avenue, square 699; sixteen by twenty-four, consisting of a shop in front with a large bow window, a parlour and closet back on the second floor two rooms and a closet, and two rooms on the third floor, together with the lot, twenty-one feet three inches front, running back to an alley one hundred and thirteen or fifteen feet, or thereabout.—For terms apply to JOHN MINCHIN, N. Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. March 5, 1802. ep5t
South-Carolina College. IN pursuance of a resolution of the Board of Trustees of the South-Carolina College, Notice is hereby given, that a premium of THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS is offered for the best original plan of a College, which shall be transmitted under seal to the President of the Board, on or before the fourth Monday in May next, and which on examination may be approved of, and accepted by the Board. In projecting the said plan, due attention must be paid, to the expenses of erecting the same in stone or brick, at Columbia, in this state, which must not exceed fifty thousand dollars, and the building must be so calculated as to be capable of accommodating the greatest possible number of students, besides having rooms adapted to the studies and exercises of the institution, and for the accommodation of the professors. The above premium will be paid to the author of the best original plan, which on being received, is approved by the Board, as meeting the purposes hereby required. By order of his Excellency JOHN DRAYTON, Governor and commander in chief of this state, and President of the Board. DANIEL HUGER, Private Secretary to his Excellency South-Carolina. Charleston, March, 5, 1802. 4N.2U
GENNESSEE. For Sale, All the Subscriber's Mills, Houses and improved Farms, in the Counties of Ontario and Steuben, in the state of New-York. TO meet the views of the numerous applicants for this valuable property, and to give an opportunity of acquiring it on fair and equal terms, the subscriber offers it for sale at Public Auction, on Wednesday the 15th day of June next, at POWELL'S Hotel in Geneva, on the favorable terms of one sixth cash, and the remainder payable in six annual payments with lawful interest. The Mills are situated at Hopeton, Lyons,odus, Genesee Falls, Caledonia, Hemlock Lake, Painted Post, Bath, and Canisteo; several of which are merchant mills, and the greater part of them are erected on the navigable waters leading to Montreal, Albany and Baltimore. The houses are situated in Bath, Painted Post, Hopeton, Geneva, Lyons andodus, and the improved farms are in the neighborhood of these towns. All of which will positively be sold except the House and Farm occupied by the subscriber, near Bath. CHARLES WILLIAMSON. Bath, March 1, 1802. ep3w
IN COUNCIL, Annapolis, January 20, 1802. ORDERED, That the resolution of the last session of the assembly respecting the debtors of the state, be published in the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the Federal Gazette, the American, and the Telegraph, at Baltimore; the Museum, at George Town; the National Intelligencer; Barges' Gazette, Hager's Town, and the paper at Easton, three times in each week for the space of three weeks successively for information; and all delinquent debtors are notified, that unless they make satisfactory payments to the treasury of the Western or Eastern shore (as the case may be) on or before the tenth day of March next, suits will be commenced against them indiscriminately. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk. BY THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES. December 31, 1801. Resolved, That the Governor be, and he is hereby authorised, by and with the advice and consent of the council, to direct suits to be commenced against such of the debtors to the state as he may think proper, and appoint an attorney or attorneys to any particular suit or suits so directed to be brought: Provided, That all debts due to the state shall be paid to the treasury of the Western or Eastern shore, and to no other person or persons whatsoever. Resolved, That on the application of the governor to the treasury of the Western shore, it shall be the duty of the said treasury, and he is hereby required, to furnish the governor with correct statements of the debts due to the state. By order, WM. HARWOOD, Clerk. BY THE SENATE. December 31, 1801. Read the first time and ordered to lie on the table. By order, JOHN B. DUCKETT, Clerk. BY THE SENATE. December 31, 1801. Read the second time and amended to. By order, JOHN B. DUCKETT, Clerk. Feb. 12, 1802. ep3w
For Sale, A NEGRO WOMAN about 21 years old, who is a good Cook, and a complete house servant in every other respect.—Also a large well formed horse, that goes well in a carriage, and pleasant under the saddle.—Enquire at this office. March 5, 1802. ep5t
FOR SALE. A superb Curricule with plated Harness ALSO a pair of young, handsome and fleet PONIES, and a capital saddle horse, who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer. Dec. 12. ep5t
A VARIETY of CHOICE Garden Seeds, Just received and for sale, by JOHN GUILDING, Broker, Georgetown. ALSO now landing, a few boxes of choice sweet ORANGES, other fruits, preserves and cordials; Ladies' elegant shoes, Gentlemen, Children, and Boy's ditto; a small supply of old wines; a box of handsome pewter inkstands with sand boxes; a few boxes of bell Havanna segar, &c. &c.—Next route to the Post-Office. George-Town, March 23, 1802. ep3t
NOTICE. Committed to the jail of Washington County, District of Columbia, the following Slaves, viz. NEGRO Sarah Ann Owens—Committed the 20th February; says she belongs to William Foot, of Alexandria. Has a scar on her breast, is four feet one inch high, supposed to be about 23 years of age. Also—A dark Mulatto Woman, calls herself Peggy—Committed 23d February; says she belongs to Joshua Power, near Port Tobacco, Maryland. Has a scar on her right arm, occasioned by a burn—is 5 feet 4 inches high, supposed to be about 35 years of age. The owners of the aforesaid Slaves are requested to come and pay charges and take them away; otherwise they will be sold for their fees, agreeably to law. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. March 2, 1802. ep3w
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of cloths, cashmeres, twandies, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage. Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings. Dec. 7, 1801. ep5t
CHARLES VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Best superfine cloths, Cashmeres, Swansdown, Toylenettes, Velveteens, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N. B. Regiments, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner; and at the shortest notice—Washington City, New Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. ep5t
BOLTING CLOTHS. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BOLTING CLOTHS Of the best qualities and latest importations, are kept for sale by OLIVER EVANS, at the corner of Market and Ninth streets, Philadelphia, and By OLIVER & EVAN EVANS, With BOHN and SLINGLUFF, at the corner of Market and Howard streets, Baltimore. Also, with DEAN & GARDNER, Union street, Alexandria. The book entitled the YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT and MILLER'S GUIDE, may also be had at the above places. Jan. 29, 1802. ep4w&ep4w
Lands for Sale. WE will sell that valuable Farm, lying in Prince George county, containing 400 acres more or less, and one other tract containing 150 acres adjoining the above: late the property of Richard Beall deceased; those lands are well timbered and watered, and at a small expence there might be made at least 40 acres of meadow. The improvements on the first mentioned land are a good dwelling house, kitchen, new barn, an excellent tan yard, and several other convenient out houses; and the last mentioned land has a new Log dwelling house, and other convenient out houses. These lands lie four miles from Bladensburg and ten from the City of Washington. For terms apply to Samuel N. Smallwood at the Washington Navy Yard, or to the subscribers living near the premises. AZEL BEALL, RICHARD WALKER, Executors. March 1, 1802. ep4w
For Sale or Rent, Two three story brick houses in Alexandria completely finished, on King and Columbia streets, with sundry valuable property near the same, possession whereof may be had immediately. The situation for the flour and grocery business is equal to any in Alexandria. For terms apply to Henry Thomas Moore, Alexandria, or to the subscriber. NICHOLAS VOSS.
Farming Lands for Sale. THE Subscriber would sell about 1000 acres of the tract of Land whereon Dr. John D. Orr at present resides, in the county of Prince William, situated a few miles from the seat of the district Court, and within convenient marketable distance of the Occoquan Mills and Dumfries. It is of the first rate quality of soil, is abundantly supplied with wood and water, and has a large proportion of ground which is in a peculiar manner adapted to the growth of timothy grass. Also the tract of land adjacent to the above, late the property of Mr. Thomas Swann of Alexandria, together with about 100 acres of woodland, of the above described tract, making about 1550 acres; the quality and advantages being similar to that. The first-mentioned tract will be conveyed to the purchaser free from every encumbrance, a considerable payment in hand will be expected, and the lowest price per acre twenty dollars. Possession to be given the ensuing spring, with a reservation of the growing crop of small grain, but the last-mentioned tract will be sold subject to existing Leases for short terms of years, under strict covenants guarding against waste and injury of the property, &c. and subject to the purchase money which will be due for the same to Mr. Swann, with interest, in about 9 years. The payment required in hand is the remainder of the amount, about two thousand pounds; and the price per acre is eighteen dollars. Also the reversionary interest in the Piedmont Track, situated below the mountain called the Short Hill, in Loudoun county, consisting of several thousand acres, chiefly under Leases to the occupants, and forming perhaps the best settlement in Virginia, of the same extent, extremely well watered; improved with the best meadows and orchards, and peculiarly adapted to the use of the Plaster of Paris. This Land will be sold in Lots consisting of one or more tenements, as may best suit purchasers, together with one or more Lots of woodland to be laid off on the S. E. side of the Short Hill for the convenience of any of said tenements that may be feared of wood. There are several good mill seats upon this tract, which is not more than 5 miles from Alexandria and the City of Washington, and no part of it more than 15 miles from Leesburg. The price per acre will be various, according to the quality and advantages of the Land, and circumstances of the Leases, but an extensive credit will be given by instalments, upon receiving what it may be convenient for the purchasers to pay in hands. It is desired that persons wishing to purchase this property, will signify their intentions before the wood land is laid off. Also two or three small Farms with every requisite convenience for immediate operation, in the counties of Jefferson and Frederick, and at various prices. And several valuable building Lots, situated upon the Pennsylvania Avenue, in the City of Washington; some upon square 74, near the Six Buildings, and some upon square 33; besides other very valuable Lots in that City. Application to be made in person, or by Letter, (post paid) directed to Charles Town, Virginia, to FERDINANDO FAIREAX. Shan. Hill, March 5, 1802. ep 8w
For sale, or to be rented. A House and lot on the Capitol Hill—the lot is 20 feet 2 inches on Delaware Avenue, and about 190 feet deep extending back to a 30 feet Alley. The House is a handsome well furnished convenient three story brick house, containing 2 sealed garrets, 5 chambers, 2 parlours—kitchen with a pantry and cellar. It is directly opposite to the Buildings of WASHINGTON, occupied by Gen. Dearborn, near adjoining to a number of houses belonging to Mr. Carroll, rented to Mr. Dalton and others from its vicinity to the Capitol, it is well calculated for a private family; or a person attached to the offices of the Federal Legislature.—Adjoining is a lot of about 40 feet front on same Avenue, and running same depth back. (the whole under a good post and rail fence) which, if required would be sold at same time. If rented, the Tenant may have the use of the whole of the lot, which would make an excellent garden, having a South and Eastern exposure, as long as convenient to the proprietor. This property would be sold a Bargain for satisfactory payments, or well situate property in Philadelphia would be taken in exchange. Apply to Benjamin Dureh, New Jersey Avenue, or to the Editor of the National Intelligencer—or to Karrick and Percival, Philadelphia. Nov. 21. tf.
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORNION, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is wavy high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out-houses, all in good repair. The orchard, and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk—there are two good mill seats for grist, or saw-mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if sawed up into scantling will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser, or for purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary.—Apply to RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 85, Walnut-street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11. ep5t