The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-08-18 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1803.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
FRIDAY, AUGUST 18, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The National Intelligencer is conducted by SAMUEL H. SMITH, and JOSEPH GALES, Jun. and printed at the office of the former, to whom subscribers and correspondents are requested to address themselves.
The annual price, payable in advance, is Five Dollars.
[BY AUTHORITY.]
An act making appropriations for opening and improving streets and avenues and for other purposes.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That for the purposes hereinafter mentioned, the following sums be and the same are hereby appropriated, viz.
For opening and improving Virginia avenue, from Maryland avenue to New Jersey avenue, six hundred dollars:
For opening and improving Virginia avenue, from New Jersey avenue to Fourth street east, one hundred dollars:
For opening and improving Second street east, from Maryland avenue to Pennsylvania avenue, one hundred dollars:
For opening and improving Virginia avenue from Seventh to Eleventh street east, two hundred and fifty dollars:
For improving South K street from Seventh street to Seventh street east, eight hundred dollars:
For opening and improving Eleventh street from the Eastern Branch to Pennsylvania avenue, eight hundred dollars:
For improving South L street from Jersey avenue and thence along Georgia avenue to South K street, three hundred dollars:
For opening and improving Eleventh street east from the Eastern Branch to Pennsylvania avenue, three hundred dollars:
For improving South M street from Seventh to Eleventh street east, one hundred dollars:
For repairing East Capitol street from Second to Twenty-second street east, one hundred dollars:
For opening Second street east from Pennsylvania avenue to Virginia avenue, three hundred dollars:
For paving gutters on Pennsylvania avenue between Sixth and Seventh streets, west, forty dollars:
For building an addition to the Eastern Branch Market-house, thirteen hundred dollars:
For repairing Twentieth street west from Pennsylvania avenue to northern boundary of the city, fifty dollars:
For opening and repairing South B street between New Jersey and Pennsylvania avenues, one hundred and fifty dollars:
For improving Seventh street east, from M street south to Pennsylvania avenue, one hundred and fifty dollars:
For improving and opening gutters on Eighth street east, between M and Ninth streets south, one hundred dollars:
For repairing Maryland avenue from the Capitol Square to Third street east, one hundred dollars:
For improving and graveling Fourteenth street west, from North F street, to the Northern boundary of the city, one hundred and fifty dollars:
For improving South N street, from Third street east to Second street east, one hundred dollars:
For improving Third street east, between Virginia avenue and South L street, one hundred dollars:
Sec. 2. And be it enacted, That the Mayor be authorised to appoint three inhabitants of the neighborhood of that part of Pennsylvania avenue, which lies between Ninth and Fourteenth streets west, who, when appointed are hereby authorised to convey water from the spring, commonly called "Caffrey's Spring," (or from any other spring which may be more convenient) to Pennsylvania avenue, and to continue the same on said avenue, as far as the funds hereinafter provided will enable them.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the sum of three hundred and sixty-six dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated for the above object, Provided however, that the Treasurer shall not pay the same until the Mayor is satisfied, that the inhabitants of the aforesaid neighborhood, have subscribed and paid into the hands of the commissioners appointed as aforesaid the sum of five hundred and forty dollars.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the Mayor be and hereby is authorised to borrow on the interest in the name of the Corporation, and for the before-mentioned purposes, any sum not exceeding five thousand dollars, which shall be repaid out of the first money received into the Treasury after the first day of December next.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That there shall be appointed by the Mayor, three inhabitants of the neighborhood of said streets and avenues, and Market-house, whose duty it shall be to contract for and superintend the expenditure of the aforesaid appropriations.
SAMUEL N. SMALLWOOD,
President of the First Chamber.
JAMES S. STEPHENSON,
President pro tem of the Second Chamber.
APPROVED,
August 4th, 1809.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
An act to remunerate John T. Frost, for expenses attending the removal of a nuisance.
Be it enacted by the First and Second Chambers of the City Council of Washington, That the Treasurer be hereby authorised to pay John T. Frost out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, the sum of Ten Dollars for removing a nuisance on North B street.
SAMUEL N. SMALLWOOD,
President of the First Chamber.
JAMES S. STEPHENSON,
President pro tem of the Second Chamber.
APPROVED,
August 4th, 1809.
ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
ORATION
Delivered by JOHN NICHOLAS of the state of New-York, on the 10th June.
[CONCLUDED.]
Having ascertained the temper and views of Great Britain so late as last September, and indeed so late as the middle of February, when these topics were discussed in the British Parliament, we will now enquire what they have gained by the laws of the last session of Congress and by the agreement lately made with the President.
In considering how far the measures of the last session of Congress were the inducement to the settlement, we are to guard against one deception, as to the "early proceedings" of Congress spoken of by Mr. Erskine, which has been successfully practised on many people. The federalists say that there was a change in the measures of government, produced by their energy, that this change appears in the non-intercourse law. Now Mr. Erskine says that it was the non-intercourse law, which induced his overtures; and of course, at first view, if the federalists can establish that they caused the non-intercourse law, and that the British have been reconciled by the concessions of that law, it will be easy for them to establish that they have produced the settlement. To be sure it will be pretty difficult for them to prove that they caused the non-intercourse law, or that G. B. has been gained by concession at all; but two or three objections are so much less than have usually opposed their claim to good works, that I am not surprised they should undertake to get over them. But the deception which I said has been practised shows that they have a great stumbling block at the threshold. The messenger by whom Mr. Erskine received his instructions must have left England in February in all probability. The proceedings in Congress to which his correspondence relates, must have had time to reach England and to produce its effect, so that we are carried back at least to the middle of January, if not to the beginning of the month, for "those early proceedings." At this time both Houses of Congress had refused to take off the embargo, and it had been recommended in both Houses to add a prohibition of all imports from G. B. and France, and to exclude the armed vessels of both nations from our waters. The report made to the House of Representatives by Mr. Campbell, which we know was in England, because it was referred to in Parliament, stated our injuries with great force, relied on the embargo as the means of compelling the offending nations to return to justice, and recommended the additions before mentioned as useful aids in the same work. Here was an increased portion of compulsory measures, proposed avowedly to coerce G. B. and this is certainly the only state of things known to the government of that country when they directed the overtures. The state of things which they consider as the result of federal energy was certainly not known when the messenger left England. It is true that in the measures there proposed there is the extension of the prohibition which existed against British ships of war to French ships of war and a general non-importation law as to both, which virtually swallowed up the partial non-intercourse law against G. B. which existed in our statute book. These ought to silence the claim to the credit of them, when they were proposed, at a time when the federalists do not pretend they had any influence. A moment's attention will show that the changes were of so little consequence in themselves and so little flattering in their manner to the pride of G. B. that they will not even serve for the covering for which they are seized on.
In the then state of things a prohibition of imports operated more unfavorably to G. B. than France. There were some importations from G. B. and none from France. At any time a non-importation operates more unfavorably to G. B. than France. France is more interested in our export than import trade, and G. B. more interested in our import than export trade. We ship to France to find means to import from G. B. Of course an embargo is a measure more favorable to G. B. than a prohibition of imports, and if there was inequality in our embargo, that inequality was increased either by exchanging it for a non-importation or by joining them together. It was viewed in this light by the opponents of government last winter, who, from its unequal operation, ventured to predict war as its inevitable consequence, although the same prediction as to the embargo had failed. The partial non-intercourse law had existed from the winter of 1805-6—had existed before the treaty was signed—had never been treated by the British government as the cause for any of her measures; and although the embargo had co-operated with it in reducing importation from G. B. yet there was still considerable business done with G. B. and none with France. There could be nothing in this measure to soothe G. B. and induce her to make proposals of accommodation.
The exclusion of French armed ships from our waters is the other effect of the system which the British government had reason to anticipate and of the system which took place (for they wholly agree in their aspect towards foreign nations). For the offence committed in the case of the Chesapeake, British ships of war had been prohibited the use of our waters, and G. B. had refused to make amends, saying that she would not act under coercion, and that as long as we kept our own measures of retaliation in existence we must be satisfied with them. The misconduct of France made it necessary to treat her in the same manner, and the exclusion is extended to her ships and confirmed as to G. B. If the fact stood alone, how, I ask, is the coercion removed from G. B. or the satisfaction of our own planning at an end? Say if you please, that it was desirable while her ships were excluded that those of France should be, (which however I cannot perceive it to be, when scarcely a French armed ship is found on our coasts)—but it must be admitted that it is infinitely less important than taking off the restriction on their ships which is attended with great inconvenience, and while it continues is a censure on their government. It is probably the just construction of the act of Congress, that the President had no power to take off this restriction and of course that it is not taken off; but that is not the enquiry, for they might have had it removed long before on tendering the satisfaction they have now given. The question is, has the non-intercourse law so far changed the attitude of the government as to enable them to make satisfaction consistently with the demands made by Mr. Rose. It is to be remembered, that when it was proposed in "the early proceedings of Congress," the prohibition was to be enforced against G. B. and extended to France as part of a system which was to bring out our whole force against both countries. But this change, unsatisfactory as it must have been, is the foundation not only of satisfaction for the affair of the Chesapeake, but of the revocation of her orders in council, which had been artfully kept separate from the affair of the Chesapeake by dating them the day after Mr. Rose left England, and the very complaisant and unusual procedure of sending a minister to treat in this country. But you will be told that the orders have effected their object by leaving our laws to operate on France, while they are at an end with respect to G. B. So it would have been under the offer made in relation to the embargo. How naturally does the declaration of the President to the present Congress meet us in this stage of the enquiry and receive its confirmation! He has considered himself bound to declare that the like terms had been before offered by our government. Might he not have said greater, if delicacy to G. B. had not restrained him? How much more honorable as well as useful would have been the arrangement he had offered in the affair of the Chesapeake! The exclusion of French ships was made under circumstances which could not possibly leave a doubt whether it was a sacrifice to British pride and its operation in practice was nothing. Then in truth this country had done nothing calculated to affect the temper of G. B. and (if she had obtained the use of our waters by the settlement) it is in consequence of previous reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake. The offer before made to G. B. was that both nations should go hand in hand to the altar of peace, and there sacrifice
together. Now she has made the whole offering.
It is a very important enquiry what Great Britain has obtained by the settlement as to things for which her orders in council were issued. For its importance I must draw your attention, wearied as you must be, promising that it shall require but little more of your patience, which I am sensible I have tried very severely.
You recollect the demand made upon us by the note annexed to the treaty. You recollect the uses for which Mr. Canning says (in the letter from which I have quoted so largely) they were designed, and the offices they must perform. How far are these objects obtained, and the effects secured by the settlement with us? Even our guarantee could not have been accepted in their then temper, because the ends were vastly beyond our power, and we had no prospect but of suffering to the end of their struggle with France, unless we could operate on Great Britain so as to make her change her system. She has now totally abandoned it as I shall shew—our agreement with Great Britain stipulates nothing as to our conduct towards France, but I will agree that there is an implied contract that we shall not change our course as to France but upon the principle of the non-intercourse law—until she recalls all decrees which violate our neutral rights—but we are the judges of what they are, and we have openly proclaimed to the world and to Great Britain in particular, what we consider them to be. Great Britain was fully informed what the construction of our government is, and must be on that subject; not only from information to herself, but from the instructions to our minister at Paris and his conduct under them, communicated to last Congress, and made public. If she had not meant to subscribe to this construction of our neutral rights, she ought to and would have asked an explanation on that subject. This subject is so important that I will read several passages from the communications relating to it. Mr. Madison in his letter of February 8th, 1808, to General Armstrong, speaking of Mr. Erskine's communication of the orders of the 11th November, says, "Whether these intimations have any reference to the disjunction between such parts of the French decree as operate municipally on shore, and such as, operating on the high seas, violate the rights of neutrals, or to distinctions between the former restriction and the late extension of the decree with respect to the United States, Mr. Erskine did not seem authorized to say. The probability is, that neither of these distinctions entered into the views of the British cabinet. But it is certainly neither less the duty nor the true policy of the Emperor of the French so to vary his decree, as to make it consistent with the rights of neutrals and the freedom of the seas, and particularly with his positive stipulations to the United States. This may be more reasonably expected, as nothing can be more clear, as has already been observed, than that the effect of the decree, as far as it can be carried into effect, would not be sensibly diminished by abolishing its operation beyond the limits of the territorial sovereignty." This or rather General Armstrong's conduct has been noticed in the British Parliament as a collusion with France. In a letter of May 2d, 1808, from Mr. Madison to General Armstrong, he says, "In every point of view therefore, it is so clearly the sound policy of France to rescind so much at least of her decrees as trespass on neutral rights, and particularly to be the first in taking the retrograde step, that it cannot be unreasonable to expect that it will be immediately taken." In another letter of July 22d, 1808, Mr. M. says to G. Britain, "If France does not wish to throw the U. S. into the war against her, for which it is impossible to find a rational or plausible inducement, she ought not to hesitate a moment in revoking so much at least of her decrees, as violate the rights of the sea and furnish to her adversary the pretext for his retaliatory measures. It would seem as if the imperial cabinet had never paid sufficient attention to the smallness of the sacrifice which a repeal of that portion of its system would involve, if an act of justice is to be called a sacrifice." Mr. Armstrong in a note to Mr. Champagny of Aug. 6, 1807, says, "that his majesty has
a right to make such municipal regulations as he may deem proper with regard to foreign commerce; neither is or has been denied; for example, he may forbid the entry into the ports of France of American ships which have touched in England or have been destined to England and he may either sequester or confiscate such vessels of the United States as shall infract these laws after due promulgation and notice thereof. But beyond this the United States hope and believe his majesty will not go." Nothing can be more explicit than these declarations, and I will show you that they were known in Great Britain and to the minister in the sketch of Mr. Steven's speech in the House of Commons, as it comes to us these words, "he now took a view of the correspondence between General Armstrong and Champagny; shewing from these, that as France could not cope with Britain on the high seas, the plan of accommodation between her and America was to do still an injury by seizing all British merchandise in continental ports by what they styled a municipal law, &c." I quote this to shew that our construction of the law of nations and our understanding of our rights were perfectly known in Great Britain; and if so, and if they have been formally made known to them, they have virtually subscribed to them. That they have been formally declared to them, will be seen by Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Erskine of 28th of March, 1808, in which he says—"The French decree in question has two distinct aspects—one clearly importing an intended operation within the territorial limits as a local law; the other apparently importing an intended operation on the high seas. Under the first aspect, the decree however otherwise objectionable, cannot be said to have violated the neutrality of the United States. If the governing powers on the continent of Europe choose to exclude from their ports, British property or British productions or neutral vessels proceeding from British ports, it is an act of sovereignty which the United States have no right to controvert. The same sovereignty is exercised by G. Britain at all times in peace as well as in war, towards her friends as well as her enemies. Her statute book presents a thousand illustrations."
It results from the enquiry that that part of the Berlin decree which declares the British Islands in a state of blockade is alone to be resisted according to the construction (most favorable to G. Britain) of our late agreement. I have confined my attention to the Berlin decree, because it was the only decree which could have furnished a pretence for the orders in council. It has been sufficient to test our conduct towards France. Our agreement of course comprehend those parts of other decrees which rest on the same principle with the blocking part of the Berlin decree. To shew the importance of the enquiry I will read a paragraph from a late paper called the "New York Herald." I do not attach this importance to the sentiments expressed from their appearing in this paper (although it has no little influence in misleading the public mind) but because my own acquaintance with the politics of the parties in the United States led me to expect the very effect which is now making on public opinion. The mischief which may result if the people can be brought to take a part in this system is incalculable. We shall set up claims for which there is no pretence and which we have formally abandoned, and it may be feared we shall lose that protection which has so wonderfully saved us in every time of danger and which our moderation and justice have most probably obtained us. The paragraph is in these words—"Mr. Madison has taken his own ground—he has magnanimously stamped under foot the deleterious dogmas of Jefferson; the honor of the nation is pledged to Great Britain to continue our non-intercourse with France, until the tyrant of Europe rescinds in toto his atrocious decrees against neutral commerce. Let us not rest contented with deceptive, half-way measures such as those offered by the vassal king of Holland. Before we can consent to trade with France or admit the productions or manufactures into the U. States, the Berlin, the Milan and Bayonne decrees must be formally, totally, and

The Secretary of State left the city yesterday for Baltimore. The Secretary of the Treasury departed from the city on Wednesday. The Secretary of War left this place for Boston on Sunday. Mr. Erskine, the British Minister, departed for Philadelphia on Wednesday.
ERRATUM—By the connection in our minds between Mr. Canning's note to Mr. Erskine of Jan. 23 and the Order in Council of May 24, we have, in our two last impressions, inadvertently spoken of Mr. Canning's note of the 24th of May instead of the 23rd of January—an error which our readers will readily have detected.
** The article under the head of Law Case requires alteration in point of style, before it can be inserted.
The Election for Governor of the state of Tennessee has lately taken place. We have heard but from Knox county, in which the votes were
For Willie Blount 1925 William Cooke 69 It is presumed that Mr. Blount is elected.
The assurances alleged by Mr. Canning to have been made by Messrs. Madison, Gallatin, Smith and Pinkney, are so ludicrously absurd as to bear on their very face the most conclusive proof that they were never made. They are proposed, as the conditions, to be complied with on our part, for the revocation of the orders of Council of January and November 1807. Now, on an analysis of those orders it will be found that they do not go the injurious lengths of the very propositions said to be offered by us as an equivalent for them. This then is a most curious demonstration of the subtlety of diplomacy, which, to get rid of one grievance, so loudly complained of, proposes the imposition of another still more grievous. He who can believe that such propositions ever were made must indeed possess the faith of him who believed that a Camel could go through the eye of a needle. The propositions alleged by Mr. Canning to have been offered are:
 1. The withdrawal of all interdiction of our harbors to ships of war and all non-intercourse and non-importation acts, so far as respects Great Britain, keeping them in force with respect to France and the powers which adopt or act under her decrees.  2. Our renunciation, during the present war, of all trade with the enemy's colonies from which we were excluded during peace.  3. Liberty to Great Britain to capture all such American vessels as may be found attempting to trade with the ports of France and the powers adopting and acting under her decrees.  These are the truce said to have been offered for a revocation of the orders of January and November. Let us now inquire what that revocation would have been worth.
In the first place , the orders permitted a direct trade between the U. States and the enemy colonies, and between the British colonies and the colonies of the enemy.
This important privilege by the 1st and 2d propositions is cut off.
In the second place , the orders allowed the direct trade, under certain regulations and the payment of duties, from a British port, or the port of an ally, to any port whatever.
This, by the first proposition, is totally lost.
In the third place , under the orders Britain took our vessels attempting to contravene them, thereby perpetrating a deed against which we protested, and for the injury accruing from which we had a moral claim for redress. By the third proposition, we make her the Executor of our laws, legalise the capture of our vessels, and cancel all right to an indemnity. On the right of capture would no doubt be consequent the power of condemnation, by which the avarice and cupidity of her cruisers would be whetted to the commission of every species of outrage on our property. Her cruisers would seize it on the slightest pretence, would carry it whither they pleased, expose it to the condemnation of the most worthless tribunals, and thus exercise, with our sanction, an entire sovereignty over every thing committed to the ocean, reducing us to a state of the most unqualified vassalage. Base, indeed, must Mr. Canning have deemed the American character, if he for a moment conceived it possible that such a suggestion would have been tolerated by our government, a proposition which he in the plenitude of his arrogance had never dared to make. How much baser must he have deemed that character which could itself voluntarily submit such a proposition, a proposition which even federalism has scouted as totally inadmissible. Even Coleman, too often the advocate of Britain, on this head says—
"The third condition recognises a claim on the part of Great Britain to
should persevere in their course after experience in that instance had done so much to correct it, that in the late important crisis they should stop the government a second time and work with their whole strength against the only measures our situation left in our power, and finally that they should after those measures have completely effected their purpose, endeavor to blind the people as to the causes of their deliverance and by misleading them in this important enquiry, leave them as unprepared to resist G. Britain as they have ever been, justly excites a suspicion of their integrity. Such uniform error cannot safely be attributed to the head, an evil heart must be at the bottom.
But it is not necessary to press this enquiry further. The force of truth will satisfy every man about the character of our late measures and when the opponents of government are deprived of the support of Great Britain as they will be by her own sense of her interest and by the confidence our people will feel in their ability to resist her injustice, they will become perfectly harmless. They have always gained more strength from our fears of G. Britain and a belief that we had no power of exacting justice from her and of course that we must put up with that share of commerce she would allow us from any other source. But these delusions are at an end, & even the love of gain will hereafter be on the side of our country and insist that our rights shall be respected, as an unshackled commerce will be so much more lucrative than that she would choose to allow us.
Notwithstanding the measures the federalists have generally pursued under the influence of their leaders are extremely unworthy, I would earnestly recommend that the hand of fellowship and brotherly love should be offered to them. It is more than probable that their influence which as governed them could never have continued to the present time if a practice had not obtained under our administration by which they were excluded from all the emoluments of government. I am not to learn that the principle of excluding all who do not approve the measures of government, from any participation in it, began under the reign of federalism. The principle I know was openly avowed in Mr. Adams's time and as rigidly practised on. Nor am I to learn that every outrage has been used towards the republican administration from its commencement. I sincerely believe that there never was a more patriotic or a better tempered man born than Mr. Jefferson and that none was ever more unworthily abused. I know too that all who have supported his administration have received the same treatment. Men who ranked as foremost in society when there was no division have been degraded, with a considerable portion of the community, below the common level. All these things I know and I admit that they have merited the return they have met with; but I am fully persuaded that the public happiness would have been promoted by a sacrifice even of these just resentments. It was probably the policy of those who derived power and influence from federalism to make the quarrel between the parties as irreconcilable as possible, & the conduct of federalists has greatly contributed to it. This consideration and the belief that the great body of federalists are actuated by the same motives that I am, would make me adopt a different policy. There are few offices where their opinions would interfere with their duties. To all except them I would freely admit them. To us who do not want offices, it is immaterial who fills them, provided the duties are faithfully discharged and there are some great and growing evils which would be stopped by the throwing them open to all classes.
There is but one subject more on which I shall take the liberty of giving an opinion which is the feeling which is proper for us in relation to the affairs of Europe. The people of this country have lately suffered a sympathy to be artfully excited in the struggles of the Spaniards. This people are sunk in as great wretchedness as government can produce, and yet we suffered ourselves to be persuaded that it was of the utmost importance that they should retain their governors; it passed for the cause of freedom when it was only a question who should be their master. It might be an interesting affair to crown heads; but the privilege of keeping a most arbitrary government and all the restraints, even on the service of their God, which the Inquisition practises, could never have interested the people. You have seen how little we were interested in their success or rather the success of G. Britain. The hopes excited by the revolt of Spain retarded our settlement with that nation, and it took place as soon as those hopes came to an end; her treatment of us has been influenced at all times by the state of her continental affairs. When the revolution in France was likely to be crushed she issued secret orders which almost ruined the U. States; so soon as Toulon was retaken and a reverse took place in the war, she revoked those orders and made us satisfaction. This was in 1793-4. In 1803 when she was big with expectation from the coalition of the Emperors of Austria and Russia, she issued the secret instructions to her admiralty cruisers which I have before noticed, and after the battle of Austerlitz formed a treaty with us; and in the instance under our examination, her injuries have been regulated by her continental prospects. These instances are sufficient to show you, that however monstrous the power of Bonaparte, it is but sufficient to counteract the pride and power of G. Britain and her enemy against this country. On the other hand let us remember that without the navy of G. Britain there would be no barrier to the strides of the tyrant of Europe and that he would become the tyrant of the world. We see here additional cause for gratitude to God that as to us he has made a balance between these formidable powers. Since my country has found means of enforcing respect from G. B. I can heartily rejoice in her maritime successes. I wish her naval power may be cherished to the utmost, that she may be able to reduce every French colony and that she may never permit France to float one ship of war—These nations while thus situated will always balance the power of each other and feel a dependence on us which will insure us peace and prosperity.
And now, fellow-citizens, I have done, after thanking you for the patient attention you have shown me, and hoping that in anything I may have been of service to you.
says to Congress that it was because of the equality of the restriction to her and her enemy that they had instructed their minister. The President has used their own declaration and has very properly avoided the examination which in my very different situation may be allowed to me. He could not have enquired into the sufficiency of the motive or whether it was only seized as a cover.
The result of all this enquiry is, that the embargo system has brought G. Britain to a sense of justice and that to it we owe our present peaceful prospect. Its effects were delayed by the events in Spain and party struggles in this country, but as soon as the British army was driven home and it had been ascertained by the Presidential election and by the "early proceedings of Congress" that they had nothing to hope from the instability of our councils, as soon as the clogs on our measures were removed they operated as their authors expected and designed they should.
And now, my fellow citizens, I congratulate you most heartily on our country having found effectual, and at the same time peaceable means of exacting justice from the nations of the world with which she will be most likely to clash. Let us always remember, however, that they have been tried in a case of unquestionable justice, and that they will want the sanction which gives them all the strength when they are used to promote the purposes of pride or ambition.
I congratulate you that there is no longer room for division among us, as to the means of resisting foreign injury, and that the designing will no longer have it in their power to turn our embarrassments to their own advantage. The unpopularity of the embargo has not been so much owing to an unwillingness in the people to resist the injuries of foreign nations, or to bear the sufferings produced by the struggle, as to a belief produced by various artifices that our measures did not affect those against whom they were designed and were injurious only to ourselves.
This question will never be stirred after the mortified pride of the opponents of government shall be at rest; then the experience of the present day will obtain its full influence and the measures we have seen tried will command universal confidence.
I congratulate you fellow-citizens, that experience of the benefits of the Union, will strengthen so much the bands which keep these states together. If we owe the blessings now in prospect, to the denial of our commerce to Great Britain and France, it is to the extent and population of our country and to the variety of our productions, that we owe the coercive influence of that commerce. Our importance as consumers of British manufactures, is at all times very great and incontestably so under her present circumstances, but this would be frittered to nothing by a division of the Union. The cotton and naval stores of the Southern country, and occasionally the bread of the middle states are so indispensably necessary to Great Britain that all their jealousy of the growth of our navigation must yield to the want of them, and this jealousy (whatever appearances the world may assume at present) is at the bottom of all our difficulties with that country. While the navigating parts of the U. S. derive this protection from our general consumption and the particular products of their Southern brethren, they maintain an equal importance as navigators in another respect. If peace is restored with France it will be from the almost indispensable necessity in their present situation of employing our navigation. In every conflict of European nations, if we maintain our neutral character and give no just cause of offence, we may with confidence rely on the interests of the belligerents to make them respect our rights, if they do but believe they can retain our commerce only by doing so.
The subject on which I have spoken would naturally have embraced many other topics relating to party character and party policy, but the time for which I could ask your attention is clearly at an end. Nor do I regret that I can leave this part of my subject without a neglect of duty. I am fully satisfied that the great body of both parties intend the same thing, the good of their country, and it is therefore painful to me to search for their errors. I have not the same charity for individuals nor do I at all doubt that there has been constantly an influence exercised by Great Britain over the affairs of this country by the agency of men who have obtained general confidence among the opponents of government. It is impossible to attribute the uniform efforts which have been made to embarrass this country in the war on the side of Great Britain to anything less than the loss of integrity or a political corruption still more dangerous. When we recollect the conduct of many of the same persons who have embarrassed government in her late struggles, at the time Mr. Adams was forced by the outrages of France into the negotiation, which produced a reconciliation; how he was thwarted and resisted by them, how he was abused for persevering, and how much animosity against him continues to the present time, on that account, it will be impossible to believe that they were actuated by a pure American spirit, whose first object is to cherish our simple and happy government. The letters of Mr. Adams, which have been drawn from him, by some new expression of this ancient animosity, and are now publishing, are a very important part of American history and should be strictly attended to as the best means of ascertaining the motives of men who have obtained such ascendancy in a large part of the community. That they
branch at least of the legislature of a great state, governed by this party, recommending our going to war on the side of Great Britain. There is another feature in this business which discloses great delicacy in Great Britain. She might have managed this business in such a way as to give her partisans an opportunity of claiming the credit of the settlement with a better grace; if they had been consulted they could have shaped it, and prepared the minds of the public in such a way as to make them believe it to spring from causes which they liked. This she did not do, but left them without an antimation of what was going on, inasmuch that in this state, to save all the exertion they had made for the pending election, they were compelled without any preparation, to march in procession, for what is undoubtedly a death blow to all their hopes.
But to be serious, this last feature in the conduct of Britain is a most gratifying one, and, to adopt the style of Mr. Canning, is a pledge of a long continuance to our amity when they give up all connection with the calumniators of the government as well as cease to encourage the breakers of its laws.
That they have been abandoned by the British government in every assertion they have made, and finally, in the settlement of the contest, is unquestionably the result of this enquiry, and conveys the useful lesson to them, and all others, never to rely on the conduct of foreign nations.
It may be expected that I should say something of the affair of the Chesapeake. It has sometimes been artfully represented as the great dispute between this country and G. B. Although I felt the indignity to my country in this affair, since the orders in council I have always considered it as a subordinate business, which was kept up by Britain to play upon. The settlement which has taken place has confirmed my conjecture. It is now clear to me that Mr. Rose's mission was planned in connection with the order of council of November. This order had been meditated from the coming in of the new ministry, but it would not do to issue it while the feeling of the U. S. was at its height, on account of the attack on the Chesapeake. The mission was announced to our minister and yet delayed a great while (as much as two months, I think) that the ferment might subside, under the expectation such a mission would naturally raise. The order in council was delayed till Mr. Rose had actually sailed, that the envoy might be on the spot when the orders reached this country, and that the irritation it was calculated to produce might be kept down by the expectation that he was charged to negotiate on this subject. His instructions were, I have no doubt, to give the government satisfaction, if it was not disposed to quarrel on the subject of the orders, and if it was, to save the humiliation of his country on some ground which their partisans here would support. I was convinced of all this by the flimsy pretence on which the business was broken off. It would have been thought impossible that any portion of a sensible people should have been the dupes. An insult was coupled with an injury, and a reparation of the injury was absolutely necessary to wipe away the indignity. The aggressor comes and tells you that the injury was unintentional, and that he designs to make you amends, but goes on and says, you must trust me to make this reparation full and ample and remove all the precautions you have adopted against the like injuries, and give up all the measures for obtaining reparation, before I will tell you what I mean to do. The other replies the wound to my honor will not be cured unless I receive certain satisfaction for the injuries, and lest we should differ, and I should be rendered ridiculous by putting trust where I could have certainty and be obliged to publish my shame to the world, by putting in force my former measures. I ask you to tell me what your reparation will be, and that it may appear that this accommodation was equally desired by us, our acts shall come out at the same instant. Mr. Rose could not have hesitated a moment if he had not found that his country had to go through a struggle with us, and that the business of the Chesapeake might as well be kept for a make weight in the negotiation. This construction is absolutely confirmed by the issue. If they were right they had cancelled the obligation to do any thing, and yet, when they were prepared to give up their orders, they renewed the offer of satisfaction without the removal of the exclusion for which they had contended, merely under the pretence of the same exclusion being extended to her enemy, although it was done for the misdeeds of that enemy and without the least complaint to herself. Here I might have had that the President himself has admitted in his mes-
explicitly done away." I have shown you that these are pretensions which Great Britain does not set up and that she has virtually abandoned them. Leave you to determine what character belongs to an American, who runs the risk of giving so dangerous and improper a cast to the politics of his country, or if he does not succeed in that, of reviving pretensions in G. B. which has cost us as much to subdue.
It may now be asked what G. Britain has obtained in all her struggle with us. Try the success of the orders in council by Mr. Canning's letter. Then he said it was not necessary to retain them except for certain honorary purposes—that the combination against Great Britain had been made perfectly harmless by the then late events in Europe. Now what he calls the vital principles of the blockade of the continent against Great Britain "extent and continuity" are almost perfectly restored, and at a moment when, if ever they were proper, they should have been reinforced, they are abandoned as to the United States, with an admission of our own construction of the law of nations as to our neutral duties. This has been done, satisfaction has been made for the Chesapeake and a voluntary offer of sending an Envoy to negotiate on all matters of difference without a single concession to Great Britain on our part to produce it. I have considered every thing which is done on our part and shown that there is less done than we had always been willing to do. To concession there is an intention necessary, which the federalists are witnesses never existed. Through the session of Congress they branded every measure to which they now attribute peace with Great Britain not only as promising hostility but as intended to produce it. In carving for themselves they find it convenient to the present time to deny any intention of conciliating Great Britain. They attribute the measure to accident, ignorance and every thing, but good will to Britain. It would seem as if there was something depending on it, something which is to be gained by pursuing G. B. of an attachment & that they are afraid we should be competitors. We wish to persuade G. Britain that we are not her enemies, that we enjoy peace with her as much as we ought, but that we can forego it if she makes it our duty.
Having by the examination I have gone through, (of which I dare say you, as well as I, are heartily tired) shown that the accommodation we have made with Britain has in it an abandonment of every thing about which we have contended, I consider the assertion which is whispered into every credulous ear, "that Great Britain would have long ago settled on the same terms, and that our government would not," is perfectly at rest, and I might safely quit it, but I cannot deny myself some conversation with its authors. I would ask of them when they made the discovery, that the non-intercourse law was what she wanted? Did they make the discovery before the last session of Congress? Why then did they not only neglect to propose such a law, but actually oppose it when brought forward? Have they discovered it since? If so, do they not discover that while they affected to talk of the interests of their country to enter into the feelings of Britain, and tell what she would bear, that they were wholly inattentive to these concerns, and really contented themselves with humbling, by their abuse, the government till it should be brought low enough to accept the terms of Great Britain? They were charged with standing still and not aiding the government, by proposing something as a substitute for the measures adopted, but on their own representation it results that they either mischievously opposed what was calculated to do good or had not given themselves the trouble to enquire what would do good, and sat down contented, if they did their best to degrade the government in the eyes of the world. They say that the change in public opinion produced by them, produced measures which induced G. Britain to make her offers. If this is true we are under very great obligations to Great Britain for not waiting till the change in public opinion which they were struggling for was complete, for she certainly had a right to expect much better terms when that should happen. There has not been a federal opinion given the United States in public debate, in newspapers or in private, I will venture to say, which stints Great Britain to so little as she has got of our government. What moderation is here? Surely we have mistaken this nation. What, give our government its own terms when it was tottering to the ground under the throes of a party which would give so much more, nay, I may say, would give her own terms. May I not say after a deliberate proposal of one

enforce by her naval power, our non-intercourse law with France. This very extraordinary condition seems to have been proposed upon the supposition of an unconditional embargo; which, as is observed by Mr. Canning, being raised as to one nation, is in effect raised as to all. But interwoven and fortified as our embargo laws are, by innumerable provisions and penalties, and connected as it is, with the non-intercourse law, the prohibition of all intercourse with France, and the closing of our ports against her public and private armed ships, might, without doubt, be enforced by the United States. During a former administration, a like non-intercourse with France was adopted, and with some very trifling exceptions was strictly enforced. The same could now be done, by similar means. The tribunals will perform their part, and the royal power now, as then, if authorized, will execute theirs. On a suitable representation, this third condition would, I should hope, be withdrawn. The claim, however, can, in no event, be admitted under any circumstances. The French, to be sure, have asserted such a claim, and have issued their orders and proceeded to act upon it, and the French party here, have not merely acquiesced in it, but applauded it. The Federalists, however, have ever held a different language. They have considered it as more than an impertinent interference in our concerns, and they have always loudly reprobated it. Nor is it alone from the apprehension of being charged with inconsistency, that we reprobate it on the present occasion: we declare it to be inadmissible upon principle. I hesitate not to say, that the acquiescence of Mr. Pinkney is a disgrace to the country. Be the consequences what they may, we can never consent to transfer the power to enforce the observance of our own laws to a foreign nation—because to do so would be dishonor."
So far then the substitution of those three propositions in lieu of the orders would have involved a positive pecuniary loss, and a most disgraceful disregard of national character. What would have been the gain? Would we have gained any thing? Would a single new market have been opened, or a solitary privilege have been insured? We should have been permitted, as under the orders, to take our produce to the ports of England and those of her allies; but here would have been an end of our rights. Under our own laws we should have been prohibited even from availing ourselves of an English licence to export our produce from English ports to those of her enemy. The transit duty might perhaps have been revoked, but what would that avail, when our own laws prohibited our trading with France or her allies?
If this view be correct, and we believe it to be strictly so, the proposition in fact went the length of giving validity to the orders in Council by a solemn treaty in all their obnoxious features, and of superadding other features, still more obnoxious and ignominious, which would have essentially narrowed the field of our trade, for what?—For the empty honor of signing a treaty that would have eternally disgraced us, a treaty that would have reduced us vastly below the rank of the meanest colony that swells the imperial pride of this tyrant of the seas.
Defence of Mr. Jefferson's administration.—No. V.
Reduction of useless expenses. —I am not one of those who would push what is called economy to extremes. It ceases no less in public than in private life to be a virtue, the moment it abandons the middle & liberal ground of justice. Public as well as private services should be paid for; and a government should never, on pecuniary considerations, suffer itself to be under an obligation to any man. What can be more unjust than for a government, having the command of the whole property of the nation, and possessed, consequently, of resources infinitely above those of any individual, to filch from him his time or labor by penurious withholding their value. Such pitiful parsimony is as impolitic as it is unjust. It impairs respect for a government, it chills the desire to enter into its service, and it repels from the discharge of important duties the best talents of the nation. The example too sheds a deleterious influence on the national character, and over the whole surface of private concerns. A wise government will, therefore, always be just, and often liberal; by the invariable manifestation of which traits it will eventually gain as much in a pecuniary point of light, as in character.
But there is an immeasurable distance between justice and liberality, and parsimony and prodigality. The services required should be necessary, and they should be well paid for; these
that are useless should be retrenched. In this respect a good government ought to resemble a well managed family. In both care should be taken to procure the best servants, and in both their numbers should be equal, and no more than equal to the performance of the requisite duties. Over such a household industry, sobriety, economy, and honesty will preside, & the property of the master will be expended in such a way as best to insure his comfort and conduce to his good name.
Seizing this golden mean Mr. Jefferson, on the opening of the first session of Congress, addressed that body in the following words:—
"These views, however, of reducing our burthens, are formed on the expectation that a sensible, and at the same time, a salutary reduction may take place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose, those of the civil government, the army and navy, will need revival. When we consider that this government is charged with the external and mutual relations only of these states; that the states themselves have principal care of our persons, our property and our reputation; consulting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt whether our organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether offices and officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily, and sometimes injuriously to the service: they were meant to promote. I will cause to be laid before you an essay towards a statement of those who, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the treasury, or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the ramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be completely traced in a first trial. Among those who are dependent on executive discretion, I have begun the reduction of what was deemed unnecessary. The expenses of diplomatic agency have been considerably diminished. The inspectors of internal revenue, who were found to obstruct the accountability of the institution, have been discontinued. Several agencies, created by executive authority, on salaries fixed by that also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the expediency of regulating that power by law, so as to subject its exercises to legislative inspection and sanction. Other reformatory of the same kind will be pursued with that caution which is requisite in removing useless things, not to injure what is retained. But the great mass of public offices is established by law, & therefore by law alone can be abolished. Should the legislature think it expedient to pass this roll in review, and to try all its parts by the test of public utility, they may be assured of every aid and light which executive information can yield. Considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies, and to increase expence to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can bear, it behoves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents itself for taking off the surcharge; that it never may be seen here that, after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings, on which it can subsist, government itself consumes the residue of what it was instituted to guard."
Never was promise more faithfully kept. No compensation bestowed for useful services was reduced; but a long list of useless offices was retrenched, including unnecessary foreign agents, judges who had no duties to perform, and receivers of revenue that obstructed instead of aiding its collection. In the very first year of Mr. Jefferson's administration, the annual expenditure of nearly a million of dollars was thus retrenched, a sum superior to that lopped off from the receipts by the abolition of the internal taxes.
This, however, was but an inconsiderable portion of the discharge of this important duty. The abolition of a number of useless offices and agencies was effected by a single act, loudly demanded by the crisis. The effort required was soon over, and it fell upon men, possessing no political sympathies with the new chief magistrate, or claims, however fanciful, to his patronage or beneficence. The day of trial was still to come—the day of duty and fortitude—virtues, which call for regular, steady, and persevering steps, which, carrying their practised along the straight path, suffer him to be seduced neither by his friends or enemies. It is amidst the triumphs of success and the shouts of applause that our virtue is exposed to the severest trials. It is then that moderation, the shield of every thing good or great, is most apt to desert us. It is then that we are prone to look down, from our lofty eminence, upon the people as our subjects and their property as ours. It is then that we are most ready to lavish the public treasure upon favorites, and to build up an
interest around the throne, that may place it on a foundation above the fluctuations of public opinion. Then it is, that the stern habits of economy and devotion to the public good, with which we commenced our career, are apt to desert us, and give way to the importunities of favorites.
It is the glory of Mr. Jefferson to have resisted all these seductions; to have floated on the bold tide of popularity with the serenity of philosophy; to have displayed the same unruflled temper and simplicity of manners on the pinnacle of power, as in the retirement of private life. If ever there was a man, who justly earned the splendid praise of "semper idem," it is Mr. Jefferson.
These are bold assertions; but they shall be tested by facts. These shall consist in a specification of the civil expenses of the government of the U. States from its commencement, compared with its revenue, and the numbers of the people. This general exposition will supercede the necessity of partial views, will manifest the steady, the invariable economy of Mr. Jefferson throughout the whole of his political course, and will prove the superior efficacy of his system in this respect to either of his predecessors. In making this last remark, no reproach is meant to be cast on the purity of Gen. Washington, during whose administration great difficulties unquestionably sprung from an unavoidable want of experience.
During the first administration of Washington.
  Civil List. Numbers. Revenue.    1790 946841 3 930 000  1791 400,458 4,079,900 4,771,342  1792 400,458 4,169,537 8,772,458  
Second administration of Washington.
  1793 436,853 4,294,417 6,450,195  1794 443,031 4,423,249 9,439,855  1795 417,362 4,555,946 9,515,758  1796 507,228 4,692,624 8,740,329  
  1,804,474 $4,146,137  
Administration of Adams.
  Civil List. Numbers. Revenue.    1797 540,747 4,832,402 8,758,780  1798 664,408 4,978,404 8,179,170  1799 568,199 5,127,756 12,546,813  1800 805,051 5,281,588 12,413,973  
  2,578,405 41,898,741  
First administration of Jefferson.
  1801 692,281 5,440,100 12,945,455  1802 596,981 5,603,313 14,995,793  1803 526,748 5,771,412 11,064,097  1804 624,797 6,000,000 11,826,307  
  2,440,807 50,831,652  
Second administration of Jefferson.
  1805 585,000 6,180,000 13,560,693  1806 684,000 6,365,000 15,559,931  1807 555,000 6,555,362 16,452,339  1808 691,000 6,753,054 10,270,000  
  2,615,000 55,843,453  
If we consult the experience of other governments it will be almost invariably found that the civil list has more than kept pace with the population and revenue. But so far from this being the case during the administration of Mr. Jefferson, the above statements exhibit a result directly the reverse. From them it appears that during the term of Mr. Jefferson's first administration the expenses of the civil list fell short of those incurred during the administration of Mr. Adams in the sum of 138,000 dollars, although the increase of revenue during the same period was nine millions, and the augmentation of inhabitants above seven hundred thousand. It likewise appears that during the second administration of Mr. Jefferson a still greater disparity existed between the civil list, and the increased numbers and revenue, although the former had increased one million four hundred thousand, and the latter fourteen millions of dollars. The annals of no nation, it may be confidently averred, exhibit a similar instance of habitual economy.
* Estimated.
The amount of the notes of the bank of England in circulation on the 1st of February last, was 17,559,000L of which nearly four and a half millions were for one and two pounds.
In Virginia a certain Mr Usher was saved from being killed in a duel, by two Spanish milled dollars, which were lodged in his waistcoat pocket. The ball of his antagonist struck the dollars and rebounded. It is strange that a man who had a spare dollar should be concerned in a duel.
Ant. Monarchist.
Our Southern brethren have many advantages over the Eastern men, in fighting duels. They can procure the hard cash to line their pockets. Here we have nothing but a miserable paper currency, which will not stop the force of a ball.
Philadelphia, Aug. 8. We mentioned on Friday, two letters which were printed at Paris, and circulated through the French seaports, to excite hostility towards the United States in France; behold, as we predicted, these letters appear in the New York Evening Post; as Stuart, alias Baron Swarton, alias the Revolutionary Plutarch, alias W. Burke, is in New York, he cannot be fairly said to be the author of these letters written in France; neither can that learned Englishman, who has the life of Hamilton, and the administration of Jefferson on his shop board, be considered as the Author; but as these gentlemen correspond with the French emigre, General Duncan, who has the charge of the British espionage carried on in France, the gentlemen with the abas may perhaps know which of their friends in France manufactured these morceaux.
Aurora.
Baltimore, Aug. 14.
The army under Gen. Wilkinson is about to repair to their cantonment at English Town; on this occasion the city council of New Orleans have passed a very handsome vote of approbation on the officers and soldiers for their orderly and decorous conduct, and also expressive of their approbation of the Gen. himself.
Boston, August 12.
At a meeting of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences on Wednesday last, the hon. Jos. Quincy was elected Corresponding Secretary, in the room of the hon. John Q. Adams, resigned.
Extract of a letter from an officer in the 27th regiment, to his friend in Glasgow, dated Sicily, 12th April, 1809, says—
"Mount Etna burst out on the 26th or 27th ult. in a most tremendous manner. The first great eruption was from the very top. Twelve new craters opened shortly afterwards, about half way down the mountain, and have continued to throw out rivers of burning lava ever since. Several estates have been covered with the lava 30 or 40 feet deep. The first three or four nights, I saw it very well from this, and a very large river of red hot lava running down from the crater."
Yesterday arrived here the United States' frigate Essex, of 33 guns, capt. Smith.—She came from Hampton Roads for the purpose of taking Mr. Adams and suit out to St. Petersburg; but they sailed from hence last Saturday in the Horace, and she has arrived too late. Letters from the South say, on receiving information that the Danes were capturing American vessels, and might possibly detain the Horace, the administration determined to send a public ship to carry the Envoy out. A son of gen. Smith, of Baltimore, who we learn was to go out Secretary of Legation, has arrived in town.
The Chesapeake frigate yesterday hauled into Charles' River, opposite the navy yard; where, we understand, she is to undergo repairs.
The Constitution frigate, we are told, has also been ordered to this port.
The ship Golden Age, captain Remick, arrived last evening from Cadiz, which she left the 1st July.
Mr. Peake, a passenger, politely favored us with a file of the Spanish Government Gazette to the 26th June, and the following verbal articles:—
That the French were concentrating their force in the vicinity of Madrid:—
That the army of general Blake had advanced from Tarragona, defeated the French, entered Arragon, but in an attempt to recover Saragossa, was attacked by the French, beaten, and compelled to retire:—
That marshal Victor had evacuated Esremadura; he was followed by Cuesta, who had 70,000 men under him; and the English army under general Wellesley was at Badajoz:—
That the Spanish army of La Mancha had advanced to within ten leagues of Madrid:—
That the enthusiasm of the Spanish Patriots had regained its prime height—that no despondency existed of the success of their cause; that the decrees of the Supreme Junta were universally respected and obeyed; that the great body of the people appeared resolved to die rather than submit to French domination; and that the English and Americans were highly respected.
That discipline and subordination were making soldiers of the Spaniards—and there were several thousand young volunteers from the Caparines, who were in daily drill in Cadiz, for the field.
The English have a small squadron in Cadiz; and the French prizes were equipped for sea.
Helsingborg, June 13. —The Emperor of Russia is on his journey to
Koringsberg.—The purport of his journey is to obtain an interview with the king of Prussia, respecting matters that at present can only be conjectured.
London, Dec. 22.
The Expedition. —In the absence of foreign intelligence there is nothing talked of upon Changes, but the general expectation now is, that the cost of the naval part of it is to be paid by the command of Sir Home Popham, and if we are rightly informed the Admiralty command will be given to General Hope or the Earl of Minto. It is understood to be destined for an attack upon the island of Walcheren, which government has learnt within these few days is at present destitute of troops, they having been all marched to join the grand army in Germany. The enterprise is also understood with a view of giving the Dutch the opportunity of shaking off the French yoke.
Baker & Kings,
SIGN OF THE PLOUGH.
Have just received a supply of Reasonable Goods, which they will be sold very low for cash, or good paper at short dates.
August 16—2aw3w.
Run Aways.
Was committed the jail of Washington county in the district of Columbia, the following run-aways, viz: on the 30th inst. Negro JOHN, who says he is a free man by birth, and says he belongs to John Roberts, Bond street, Baltimore, Md.—he appears to be about 16 or 17 years of age, 5 ft 6 inches high, had on when committed, an old black furred hat, blue cloth coat, black cloth vest, a pair of blue or small clothes, old corduroy pantaloons, cotton shirt, and new shoes.
Negro BASIL on the 6th inst. who says he was the property of Jacob Smith of Baltimore, Md. but now is free. He says he is 41 years of age, 5 ft 6 inches high, yellow complexion; had on when committed, an old wool hat, grey cloth coat, blue jacket, ginghame vest, cotton shirt and linen trousers. The owners of the above negroes are requested to come and prove them and take them away, or they will be sold for their jail fees and other expenses as the law directs.
C. TIPPETT, Keeper of the jail for W. Boyd, marshal. August 18—w3t.
A VALUABLE FARM FOR SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed at public auction on the premises, at 12 o'clock on Wednesday the 13th day of September next, the Real Estate of Solomon Jones, late of Saint Mary's county, deceased, and wherein the deceased lived, comprised of the following tracts or parcels of LAND, viz: Plumb Point containing 375 acres, more or less, and Rosevale Ground , containing 18 acres, more or less, making a total of about 393 acres. This farm is situated on Saint Mary's river, is well watered and well improved, has an excellent, convenient & commodious brick Dwelling House, with every necessary out house, commanding a view of one of the finest arms of the Potomac, and looking over from 40 to 50 acres (part of this farm) of fine meadow land, equal to any. Culture has proved it for Indian Corn and Timothy to be second to none; a fine marsh for grazing; the orchards are of choice fruit; sufficiently well timbered and the arable land productive. If contiguous to church, mill, and market are advantages, this farm possesses them in an eminent degree. The post-office at the Great Mill is within one and a half miles.
The terms of sale are, "purchasers shall give bond with approved security for paying one half of the purchase money with interest within nine months, and the residue within fifteen months without interest from the time of sale."
The creditors of the said deceased are hereby notified to exhibit their claims in the Chancery office on or before the 13th day of March next.
ENOCH J. MILLARD, Trustee. Leonard Town. Aug. 18—w3t.
PUBLIC SALE.
In virtue of a Decree of the Chancery Court, the subscriber will expose to Public Sale the following property, (Formerly owned by Wm. Hammond, deceased) to-wit:
PARTNERSHIP , containing in the whole 934 acres of Land. This tract is situated on the head of Severn, in Anne Arundel county, adjoining Maj. Philip Hammond's mill, and will be divided into two Lots—
Lot No. 1, will contain 366 acres. Lot No. 2, will contain 568 acres.
The whole of the above land is in timber, and about four miles from navigable water. A more particular description is thought unnecessary, as those inclined to purchase will examine and judge for themselves. On application the land will be shown by Mr. Valentine Brown, living near the premises.
The sale will be made at Maj. Hammond's mill, on the 25th day of August next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, and will commence at 12 o'clock.
The terms are, one fifth of the purchase money on the day of sale, or ratification thereof by the Chancellor, the residue in four equal annual instalments, with interest from the day of sale.
BASIL BROWN, Trustee.
The editors of the Federal Gazette and the American, at Baltimore, Fredericktown Herald, the National Intelligencer, and Mr. Smith's paper at Easton, are requested to insert the above in their papers once a week three times, and send their accounts to the Post-master at Annapolis. August 7—w3t.
TO BE LET.
And entered on the 27th of this month, The HOUSE in 1 st street, in the occupation of J. M. Baker.
Likewise to be LET and entered on the 15th of September, the HOUSE on the Pennsylvania avenue, now occupied by Wm. Coopers. For particulars enquire of
WM. COOKING, 19th street west.

A RUNAWAY. ABSCONDED last Saturday evening, the 12th instant, my House Servant, ANTHONY, about 19 years of age, about 5 feet 6 inches in height, straight, slender and active; a dark mulatto, club face, with several small shot scars over his right eye; the shot can, it is believed, be felt just above his right eyelid; this mark occasioned by his having been accidentally shot when a child. He took with him a great variety of clothes; among which are recollected 2 fine Irish linen shirts marked C. G. 2 white Mouseline waistcoats, pantaloon of common and Malta muslin, several roundabout, one dyed with aramo, one yellow and blue, Essex, one white cotton and two brown lined shirts, a round black hat, a pair of new shoes, &c. &c. and it is believed a large carving knife, with white ivory handle. This boy has evidently been persuaded to leave me. A reward of forty Dollars will be given to any person who will bring him to me, if found within 30 miles of this city; if found a greater distance from the city, then that reward will be given to any person who will secure him in jail, so that I get him again; to any person finding him within the district and bringing him to me I will give 20 dollars. C. W. GOLDSBOROUGH. August 16—
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an order of the Orphans Court of the county of Washington, will be exposed to Sale on Tuesday, the 22nd day of August, inst. at the late dwelling house of Elizabeth Whitehead, deceased, in Georgetown, all the Personal Property, of the said deceased, consisting of Household and Kitchen Furniture, such as beds, Bedsteads and Curtains, Tables, Chairs, Bureaus, Clothes press, Franklin and Ten plate Stove, China and Glass Ware, Carpets, Looking Glasses, &c. &c. also a Mule-Cow. ANN B. POWELL, Adm'r. N. B. The above property will be sold on the following terms. For all purchases under 20 dollars, each; from 20 to 50 dollars, a credit of 60 days; and above 50 dollars, 90 days; the purchasers giving notes negotiable at the Bank of Columbia, or Office of Discount and Deposit, Washington, with good endorser. The sale will commence at 10 o'clock in the morning. August 16—31
SUGARS, WINES, TEAS, PORK, &c. W. and C. SMITH having received, by the Ceres, Capt. Weeks, from N. York— 50 Hds excellent Havana Muscovado Sugar. 10 Chests fresh Hysan and Young Hysan Teas. 40 Quarter Casks Teneriffe, Lisbon, Sherrey and Catalonia Wines. 10 Boxes Claret, 1 doz. each. 50 Doz. Fresh London Mustard. 1 Case fresh Nutmegs. 24 Barrels N. York Prime Pork very superior quality. And a few Puncheons of well flavored Anigua Rum. Geo. Town, Aug. 16—taw3w. I wish to Dispose of FIFTY SHARES IN THE WASHINGTON BRIDGE, On a credit. A. LINDU, Sebastian Spring. August 16—
100 DOLLARS LOST. ON the 14th inst. I lost near Mr. BARRY'S WHARF a Baltimore Bill of One hundred Dollars. This therefore is to request all Store and Shop keepers in Washington city, Georgetown and Alexandria, to stop said note, if offered to be changed by any suspicious person, as perhaps some slave may have picked the same up. I will give a reward of 20 Dollars to any person who will return said bill to me. JOS. VARDEN. August 16—31
MISS SINNOTT'S ACADEMY, For the Instruction of Young Ladies, In the Useful and Ornamental branches of Female Education, will recommence on Monday the 21st inst. The Parents and Guardians who have honored her with their patronage, are requested to cause the Young Ladies to be punctual to meet in their respective classes August 14—31
CITY LOTS FOR SALE. THE undermentioned lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit; they are all free from mortgage or encumbrance, and are subject to no litigation or contest as the titles are derived by immediate conveyance from the Chancellor of Maryland and the commissioners of Washington, to Messrs. Heary Pratt, Thomas Willing, Francis John Miller, jur. Jim Ashley, and Jacob Baker of the Aggregate Fund. square No. 54 Lot no 9 sq 72. Lots no 2 4 8 10 12 13 14 15 16 sq 84 Lot no 1 sq 85 Lots no 20 21 22—sq 103 Lots no 7 8—sq 145 Lots no 1 2 7 8—sq 146 Lots no 1 2 3 sq 147 Lot no 4 sq 163 Lots no 5 6 7 12 13 14 sq 58 Lot no 6 sq 11 12 15 16 sq 293 Lots no 1 2 3 8 11 12 13 18 sq 349 Lots no 1 2 8 sq 376 Lots no 16 17 18 sq 409 Lots no 3 4 7 8 9 12 sq 487 Lots no 5 6 7 10 sq 488 Lot no 7 8 sq 489 Lots no 5 6 9 sq 491 Lot no 10 11 12 16 19 20 24 sq 493 Lots no 7 8 sq 494 Lots no 8 9 10 sq 531 Lot no 3 8 11 12 13 14 sq 533 Lots no 13 15 16 17 sq 534 Lots no 2 3 4 21 22 23 24 sq 588 whole square. Ext. of 590 whole square. sq 635 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 sq 638 Lots no 1 2 3 sq 639 Lot no 1 sq 640 Lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 sq 641 whole square. sq 642 Lot no 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 sq 643 Lot no 2 South of 643 Lot no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 sq 644 Lot no 1 5 7 West of 645 whole square sq 678 Lots no 16 17 18 19 20 sq 973 Lot no 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 sq 995 Lots no 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 sq 1020 Lot no 1 2 3 4 5 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 sq 1021 Lot no 1 sq 1022 Lot no 2 sq 1023 Lots no 4 6 7 8 9 10 sq 1024 Lots no 1 2 3 7 sq 1045 Lots no 9 10 12 sq 1046 Lots no 2 14 15 sq 1047 Lot no 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 sq 1048 Lot no 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23. Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAM. ELIOT, Jr. Greenleaf's Point, June 28—taw3w
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT the subscriber of Washington county district of Columbia, hath obtained from the Orphans Court of the county and district aforesaid, Letters of Administration on the Personal Estate of Edward L. Smith , late of said county deceased. All persons having claims against the estate of said deceased, are hereby desired to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the first day of February next; and all persons indebted to the said estate are requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber. Given under my hand this 28th day of July 1809. MARGARET SMITH, Adm'r. of E. L. Smith, deceased. August 2—w4t
NOTICE. The subscriber begs leave to inform the public, that he has opened a shop opposite the West Market House, near the Seven Buildings, where he means to carry on the White Smith, Lock and Gun Smith Business, also, the Cutlery and Bell-Hanging business. He also promises to give the greatest attention to all persons who may be good enough to favor him with their custom. CALEB HESSEY. July 24—w8t.
Calvert county court, May Term, 1809. WHEREAS upon the application of William Spencer and Wife two of the representatives of a certain John M'Dowell , deceased, certain commissioners were appointed to ascertain whether the estate of the said John M'Dowell would admit of division agreeably to the act of Assembly, entitled "An act to direct descents," which said commissioners have made a return to Calvert county court—And whereas it has been stated that some of the representatives of the said John M'Dowell , deceased, to wit: Ann Blackburn , James Ellis and Dolly his wife and Alice Blackburn , living out of the state of Maryland: It is thereupon adjudged and ordered, that notice be given by publication of this order in the Maryland Gazette and National Intelligencer, at least three weeks successively before the last day of August next to the absent Representatives to appear in Calvert county court on the second Monday of October next to shew cause if any they have why the return of the said commissioners should be ratified. Signed by order of the court, WILLIAM S. MORSELL, Cl. Cy. Ct. August 2—w3v
FOR SALE. BY virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND late the property of John D. Scott , deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor , lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek , on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco . This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 20 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 5—tdos
W. & C. SMITH, HAVE for Sale at their Warehouse near the Ferry— Loaf and Lump Sugar in hds and barrels, Prime Muscovado do. do. do. 2d and 3d quantity do. do. do. Hysan, Young Hyson } TEAS son, Young Hyson } in Chests, Boxes and and Imperial } Canners, Coffee, Chocolate, Pepper and Allspice, Nutmegs and Cloves, sweet Oil in Baskets and Boxes, Indigo and Copperas, Best 4th proof Cogniac Brandy, Bourdeaux and Marseilles Brandy, Holland and Anchor Gin, Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, old and fit for immediate use, Old and New Whiskey, Madeira, Port, Sherrey, Teneriffe, Corsica, Scielly, and Catalonia Wines, Claret in boxes 1 doz. each, Best chewing Tobacco, Demijohns, Casks, &c. &c. George Town, July 3—ep
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, At Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 5th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq. and are the same on which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1,700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof of heavily timbered. The uplands consist of about 1,000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable. The premises will be shown to persons inclined to purchase, by col. James Moore , who lives on them, or by Samuel Blackburn , Esq. who lives near to them; and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to THOMAS ROBINSON, Near Chester, Delaware, Or to W. LEWIS, at Phila. June 7—tds.
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half pipes and quarter casks. Best Gallon Oil in baskets of 5 bottles each, &c. &c. &c. George Town, May 21—w6
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have built a commodious house adjoining the Store of the Purser of the Navy and opposite to Wm. Proul's , and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction. NICHOLAS L. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29—tf.
ROMULUS RIGGS, Has just received and opening at his New Cash Store, a complete and well selected assortment of SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices . As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Goods, to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell. CASH GIVEN FOR TOBACCO Inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse. June 9—tf.
FOR RENT, THE upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a genteel family, if application is immediately made. June 9—tf.
LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY FOR SALE. BY VIRTUE of the Last Will and Testament of Robert Means , deceased, the subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands of the testator in the states of Ohio & Kentucky. As there is a large quantity of these Lands, and the quality in general good, they are well worth the attention of all persons desirous of purchasing Lands in those parts of the country. The tracts are of various sizes, and consequently calculated to suit purchasers of all descriptions. Further information respecting the said Lands may be obtained from M r . Walter Dun , residing in, or near the town of Chillicothe in the State of Ohio. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last will & testament of Robert Means , dec'd. Richmond. July 19—tf
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. LHERBETTE, 81, Maiden Lane, New-York. To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe , at the city of Washington. May 19—ep4m.
IN COUNCIL. Annapolis, June 26, 1809. ORDERED, That the act, entitled, An act to alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the constitution and Form of Government, be published twice in each week, for the space of three months, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette, and Maryland Republican, at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Easton Star, M r . Grieve's paper at Hagerstown, and M r . Bartgis's paper at Fredericktown. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
AN ACT To alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the Constitution and Form of Government. BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That hereafter, upon the death, resignation or removal out of this state, of the governor, it shall not be necessary to call a meeting of the legislature to fill the vacancy occasioned thereby, but the first named of the Council for the time being shall qualify and act as governor until the next meeting of the general assembly, at which meeting a governor shall be chosen in the manner heretofore appointed and directed. And be it enacted, That hereafter no governor shall be capable of holding any other office of profit during the time for which he shall be elected. And be it enacted, That so much of the thirty-second and thirty-seventh articles of the constitution and form of government as is repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby abrogated and abolished. And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alteration and amendment of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. July 3—taw3m.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. ABSCONDED on the 21st of July last from the subscriber, (manager at the farm of Mr. Isaac Docket , on South river, near Annapolis) a Negro TOM , a small black fellow, lost the sight of one eye. Had on when he absconded, osnaburg shirt and trowsers. Any person taking up said Negro and bringing him to the subscriber, or securing him in jail, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. This Negro was purchased of Capt. J. S. Brooks about five years since; it is probable he may be in the neighborhood of Upper Marlborough. HENRY BASFORD. August 7—w6
A VALUABLE FARM FOR SALE. WILL be sold impursuance of the last Will and Testament of Samuel Turner , Esq., deceased, at Public Sale on the premises on the 15th day of November next (if not previously disposed of, and in case of sale notice will be given) that very valuable Farm in Montgomery county late the residence of the said deceased, containing about Seven Hundred Acres of Land, Three Hundred Acres at least in wood and fine timber; the residue under good enclosures and every acre arable; lays level and remarkably well for cultivation and may be made very rich in a few years by the use of plaster and clover; in fact, it is as desirable a farm as any in the county of its size and may be very conveniently divided to accommodate purchasers; it lies about 18 miles from Georgetown and the city of Washington, five from Montgomery court house and within three miles of the Potomac River. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed that those inclined to purchase will view the property. The terms of sale, which will be accommodating, may be known by applying to the subscribers living in Georgetown, district of Columbia, or will be made known on the day of sale. THO: TURNER, SAML. TURNER, Executors. July 28—tdos
10,000 DOLLARS, MAY BE GAINED FOR 1-2 DOLLARS!! In the Third Class of the Lottery authorised by law for removing obstructions in the RIVER LEHIGH, IN PENNSYLVANIA. SCHEME. 2 prizes of $10,000 each 20,000 2 5,000 10,000 2 2,500 5,000 3 1,000 3,000 6 500 3,000 15 200 3,000 30 100 3,000 60 50 3,000 150 20 3,000 300 10 3,000 13,800 5 69,000 35,630 not 2 1-2 blanks to a prize. 50,000 tickets at 2 1-2 dollars, 125,000
To draw 500 tickets each day at the State House in Philadelphia, and the prizes to be paid by Thomas Alibone, Esq. the treasurer of that city, 30 days after the conclusion of the drawing, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Prizes not demanded in twelve months after the close of the drawing, to be considered as relinquished to the Lottery. Part of the above prizes determinable as follows: The 1st drawn ticket on the 1st, 5th, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 50th, and 55th, days $200 each. do. on the 60th, 65th, 70th & 75th do. 500. do. do. on the 80th and 85th do. 1000. do. do. 90th do. 2500. do. do. 95th do. 5000. do. do. 100th do. 10000. do. The two $10,000 prizes to receive each in part twenty 25 shares of the Lehigh Stock, at 100 dollars each, 10 shares The two 5000 dollars 5 do. The two 2500 do. 5 do. Societies, associations, and individuals purchasing not less than 50 tickets will be allowed to pay for them by instalments much to their interest. Letters post paid, and enclosing the cash, will be duly attended to, and prizes of Lotteries in the cities of Philadelphia, and New York, will be received in payment, by GEORGE TAYLOR, Jun. No. 85, South Second street, Philadelphia, and JOHN DAVIDSON , Washington city, December 12—wtf
NOTICE. WHEREAS Horatio Moore of Charles county, has by his deed of trust, assigned to the subscriber all his property, Real & Personal, in trust to pay all such his creditors as shall sign the said deed on or before the 15th day of August next—This is therefore to notify all such persons as are interested, that they are requested to sign the said deed, or authorise their attorney so to do, otherwise they will be deprived of all advantage therefrom. And whereas the said Horatio Moore has by his power of attorney, authorised the subscriber to collect all monies due to him the said Horatio Moore ; all such persons as are indebted to him are requested to make payment to the subscriber. PETER HOFFMAN, Jr. Baltimore, Baltimore street, No. 103. N. B. Attention to the above notice is respectfully requested, as it is highly probable in case the debts due to him the said Horatio Moore can be collected the assigned property will be more than sufficient to cover all his debts. P. H. July 26—taw4a15
A GREAT BARGAIN OFFERED FOR fourteen thousand dollars. I will sell seven hundred acres of Rich Land lying in Calvert county, State of Maryland, beautifully situated on the banks of the river Patuxent and Saint Leonard's Creek, within one easy day's sail of the Baltimore market, and four miles from Saint Leonard's Town post-office. This Land has on it a commodious two story brick mansion house, lately erected, of the very best materials, with a dry cellar under the whole house, eight good rooms and a large garret—also, kitchen, corn house, stables, two very large barns and many other out-houses all in good repair, and would divide very handsomely into two farms. The soil is equal to any in the state for the culture of Indian corn, tobacco, wheat and clover, and no farm on the river can boast of more constant running springs of water, or better grazing land—about four hundred acres are the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river, the remainder is a very high Land, very productive, on which stands a plentiful supply of fine red cedar for fencing, oak, hickory and pine for firewood. The waters here abound in the best of oysters, fish, and wild-fowl—the neighborhood is healthy, genteel and agreeable—I will sell the growing crop on the land, furnish hands, &c. to finish the same—also, a good stock of black cattle, horses, sheep and hogs—and give a long credit on two thirds of the purchase money, the interest to be paid annually—the remaining third part thereof must be cash—possession may be had immediately. HENRY GARDINER. St. Leonard's, Calvert County, July 24—w6
BY HIS EXCELLENCY, EDWARD LLOYD, Esq. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been officially represented to me that a certain Thomas Burk , who has lately been sentenced by the judges of Washington county court, to suffer death, for a Rape committed on the body of Catharine Maria Bravener , an infant under the age of 12 years, made his escape from Washington county jail, on the evening of the 4th July inst. And whereas it is obviously the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to bring all malefactors to justice—I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation, and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer Three hundred Dollars Reward to any person or persons who shall apprehend and bring to justice the said Thomas Burk . Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, this 15th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1809, and the independence of the United States of America, the thirty-fourth. EDWARD LLOYD. By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week for the space of six weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette and Maryland Republican at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, Bartgis's paper at Fredericktown, and in the Star at Easton. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY. July 31—taw6w
FOR SALE, Or to be rented for a term of years, or on perpetual ground-rent. A NUMBER of well built brick houses, several of which are immediately tenable—situate on Greenleaf's point—Also, house lots in almost every part of the city. Apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAMUEL ELIOT, Jr. July 6—8w
COMMERCIAL COMPANY. In store, and landing from on board the Ceres, capt. Weeks, and for sale on the usual terms. MUSCOVADO Sugar, Rum, Gin, Cogniac Brandy, Coffee, Imperial, Hysan & Y. Hysan Tea, Almonds, Nutmegs, Cloves, Mace, Cinnamon, Pepper, Ginger, Spermaceti and Tallow Candles, Soap, Fig Blue—Mess and Prime Pork, Corks, Sheet Iron, Tin, and a few boxes of Pipes—Gunpowder and shot. Also, Madeira, Marseilles, Lisbon, Sherrey, Catalonia & Claret Wine. JOSEPH FORREST, Prest. Aug. 11—cop3w.
SCHEME OF THE BALTIMORE COLLEGE GRAND LOTTERY, HIGHEST PRIZES TWO OF 20,000 DOLLARS, THREE OF 10,000 DOLLARS, Not near two Blanks to a Prize. VIZ. 3 Prizes of 20,000 is 60,000 3 10,000 30,000 3 5,000 15,000 2 2,500 5,000 10 1,000 10,000 15 500 7,500 20 200 4,000 50 100 5,000 100 50 5,000 200 20 4,000 3500 15 52,500 3500 12 42,000 7405 Prizes. 14595 Blanks. 22,000 Tickets at 10 dollars is 220,000 Discount at 15 per cent, leaves for the institution and expenses, 33,000 Part of the Capitals will be determined as follows. dollars
First drawn Ticket 500 Do. after 1,000 tickets are drawn 500 do. 2,000 do. 500 do. 3,000 do. 500 do. 4,000 do. 500 do. 5,000 do. 500 do. 6,000 do. 500 do. 7,000 do. 500 do. 8,000 do. 500 do. 9,000 do. 500 do. 10,000 do. 500 do. 11,000 do. 1,000 do. 12,000 do. 1,000 do. 13,000 do. 5,000 do. 14,000 do. 1,000 do. 15,000 do. 1,000 do. 16,000 do. 10,000 do. 17,000 do. 1,000 do. 18,000 do. 1,000 do. 19,000 do. 1,000 do. 20,000 do. 1,000 do. 21,000 do. 1,000 Last drawn ticket 1,000
TICKETS, HALVES, QUARTERS AND EIGHTHS, FOR SALE AT JOSEPH MILLIGAN'S, GEORGETOWN Distant adventurers by enclosing bank notes post paid shall have the tickets and shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, & the earliest information of their success. During the drawing, a correct Check book will be kept for the examination of tickets gratis. Prizes in the late Philadelphia, and New York Lotteries taken in payment. Present price of tickets 10 1-2 dols. but will shortly advance. J. Milligan has now on hand, and constantly keeps for Sale, a large supply of Books and Stationery. School Books, Writing paper and Playing Cards.