The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-06-03 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1192.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
FRIDAY, JUNE 3, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, APRIL 7.
Debate on the passage of the bill for raising an additional military force.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. EPPES said that if the observations made on the present occasion had been confined to the merits of the bill before the House, he would have rested the justification of his vote on the documents recently communicated. The foreign relations of this country however have been brought into the discussion. The United States injured and insulted as they have been at every period of their political existence, have never heretofore been placed in a situation which so imperiously demands energy and talent on the part of its government, and patriotism on the part of its citizens. Unequal as I am to the task, I will attempt to place before the people of this country our real situation with foreign nations. As a citizen of a country whose rights have been violated, whose independence and honor have been assailed, I feel indignation against each proposition to the wrongs committed. As a Representative I shall endeavor to place before those to whom I am responsible our present situation with England, France, and Spain. I can have no motive in exaggerating or softening the acts of either. The naked facts as they exist will present to the American people a gloomy picture marked only by stronger lines of injustice and violence, and induce them to feel as I do, that we have nothing to hope from the justice of Europe; that the safety of our country depends on the virtue and union of our citizens and giving to its resources and energy the proper direction. I commence with Great Britain. The injuries received from Great Britain may be classed under three general heads.
 1st. The impressment of American seamen.  2nd. Commercial injuries.  3rd. Violations of our national sovereignty. 
1st. The impressment of our seamen. This injury has been continued from the treaty in 1783, to the present period—under circumstances calculated to inflict the deepest wounds on the sensibility of the nation. The right has been recently asserted by proclamation, and the king in a speech to Parliament declares it to be one of the maritime rights of Great Britain which can never be relinquished. The gentleman from Connecticut yesterday (Mr. Dana) told us that Great Britain claimed only to take her own subjects from neutrals on the high seas and that she had a right. In what code of maritime law does he find this right? The right is solemnly denied. It cannot be supported by the law of nations, nor is it sanctioned by the practice of any power but Great Britain. In the letter from the Secretary of State to Col. Monroe of January 5th, 1804 it is declared "That although Great Britain has not yet adopted in the same latitude with most other nations, the immunities of a neutral flag, she will not deny the general freedom of the high seas, and of neutral vessels navigating them, with such exceptions only as are annexed to it by the law of nations. She must produce then such an exception in the law of nations in favor of the right she contends for. But in what written and received authority will she find it? In what usage except her own will it be found. She will find in both that a neutral vessel does not protect certain objects denominated contraband of war, including enemies serving in the war, nor articles going into a blockaded port, nor as she has maintained and as we have not contested enemies property of any kind. But no where will she find an exception to this freedom of the seas, and of neutral flags, which justifies the taking away of any person not an enemy, in military service, found on board a neutral vessel."
"If treaties British as well as others are to be consulted on this subject, it will equally appear that no countenance to the practice can be found in them. Whilst they admit a contraband of war by enumerating its articles, and the effect of a real blockade by defining it, in no instance do they affirm or imply a right in any sovereign to enforce his claims to the allegiance of his subjects on board neutral vessels on the high seas. On the contrary whenever a belligerent claim against persons on board Neutral vessels is referred to in the treaties, enemies in military service alone are excepted from the general immunity of persons in that situation. And this exception confirms the immunity of those who are not included in it."
"Even however it be the right of Great Britain to take her own seamen from neutral vessels on the high seas was admitted, can any nation without surrendering its pretensions to independence, submit to the form in which that right is exercised. A neutral vessel is brought to. A certain number
of the crew claimed. A foreign officer at once decides & his decision without appeal consigns to bondage an American citizen. Whenever property in a neutral vessel is supposed to be liable on any grounds to capture and condemnation, the rule in all cases is that the question shall not be decided by the captor, but be carried before a legal tribunal, where a regular trial may be had and where the captor himself is liable to damages for an abuse of his power. Can it be reasonable then or just that a belligerent commander who is thus restricted, and thus responsible in a case of mere property, of trivial amount, should be permitted without recurring to any tribunal whatever to examine the crew of a neutral vessel, to decide the important question of their respective allegiances, and to carry that decision into instant execution, by forcing every individual he may choose, into a service abhorrent to his feelings, cutting him off from his most tender connections, exposing his mind and his person to the most humiliating discipline and his life itself to the greatest dangers. Reason, justice, and humanity, unite in protesting against so extravagant a proceeding." For this extract I refer gentlemen to the same letter page 5th. We have established a government for the avowed purpose of protecting human rights. And what is our practice? The personal rights of an American citizen are less regarded than the most trifling article of property. To appropriate a yard of riband taken from a neutral vessel without condemnation by a judicial tribunal would be an act of piracy. But the native born citizen of our country is liable to be seized in the prosecution of his lawful avocation. A father torn from his children, a husband from his wife, the most endearing ties of society broken at the will of a foreign officer. Man on land and man on water is still the same. The feelings of patriotism, but above all the attachments of the heart which bind man to society, are the same. Let gentlemen bring the subject home to themselves—the seizure of a single individual on land while pursuing his lawful avocations, and depriving him without trial of liberty, happiness, and country, would rouse the indignation of a whole community. The seizure of the Kempers in 1806 by the agents of Spain, although they were rescued and preserved to their country and friends, has been considered as just cause of war—but the groans of upwards of 2000 of our seamen now writhing in bondage must be viewed with indifference. I cannot conclude this part of the subject better than in the words of our late minister at London—speaking on the subject of impressment to the British minister he declares "That the rights of the United States have been so long trampled under foot and the feelings of humanity in respect to the sufferers and the honor of their government so often outraged even in their own ports, that the astonished world may begin to doubt whether the patience with which these injuries have been borne ought to be attributed to generous or unworthy motives—whether the United States merit the rank to which in other respects they are justly entitled among independent powers, or have already in the very morn of their political career lost their independence and become degenerate." Degenerate indeed and degraded must that nation be that can tamely submit to have its citizens like the wretched African kidnap, and carried into bondage. This practice too so disgraceful to our national character, although justified under the pretext of securing to the British government its own citizens, falls almost exclusively on American seamen. It appears from the letter to which I have already referred that between the month of June, 1797 & September, 1801—of 2,059 cases of impressment from American vessels, 102 seamen only were detained as British subjects, being less than one twentieth of the whole number impressed. That 1042 were discharged as not being British subjects—and 805 detained for further proof, the greater part of whom were probably Americans or other aliens. And from the same paper it appears that for every British seaman gained by the practice of impressment, at least ten persons citizens of other countries become the victims of this odious and unexampled species of tyranny. That the greater portion and very commonly the whole of those whose rights are thus wantonly sacrificed are real American citizens."
These are the injuries inflicted on us by the British system of impressment. The practice is justified by the British government on the ground that it has a right to the its own subjects for its defence, and that this right cannot be abandoned during a struggle for existence. The United States have no wish to employ or protect British subjects. Liberal arrangements have been offered to the British government to secure the services of its own subject—To pledge the faith of the United States to exclude British subjects from our vessels—To employ on board those ves-
sels only native born American citizens and such persons as are naturalized under the laws of the United States. The arrangements have been refused—the conclusion is irresistible. Either no reliance is placed in the good faith of the United States—or in a struggle for existence it suits the convenience of the British government to join the American seamen to its own and to take them by force.
I pass on now to the second class of injuries—violations of our commercial rights. In order to give a connected view of these it will be necessary to go back to the year 1793, when Great Britain commenced her system of illegal blockade and to trace her step by step to the period when she attempted to engraft into the law of nations a usurpation of her own, commonly known as the rule of 1756. In the month of May, 1793, Great Britain entered into a treaty with Russia for the purpose of narrowing the intercourse of neutrals with France. In pursuance of this treaty on the 8th of June, 1793, the first British orders were issued interdicting all neutral supplies of provisions to France with a view to produce submission by famine. In the course of the same year Great Britain formed treaties with Spain, Austria, and Prussia similar to the one concluded with Russia, and all these powers became united for the holy purpose of starving France by destroying the rights of neutrals. On the 6th of November 1793, instructions were issued by the British Cabinet which struck generally at the neutral commerce of the French West Indies. This instruction was addressed to the commanders of privateers and ships of war in the following terms:—
"That they shall stop and detain all ships laden with goods the produce of any colony belonging to France or carrying provisions or other supplies, for the use of any such colony, and shall bring the same with their cargoes to legal adjudication in our courts of admiralty."
These orders were secretly issued—were put into execution without notice and the American flag swept from the ocean. The general sentiment of indignation excited by these orders among our citizens and the proceedings of the American government on that occasion are well known.
The next British orders were issued in January 1794. These were considered as varying the instructions of 1793 and intended to take the direct trade from the French West Indies to the United States out of the operation of the orders of 1793—on the 19th of November, 1794, the treaty between the United States & Great Britain was concluded, and before it was ratified in this country orders were issued for carrying in our provision vessels. These orders were issued in May, 1795. They suspended the ratification of the treaty for some time and upwards of 122 American vessels were carried in, in 22 months—On the 25th of January, 1798, the instructions of 1794 were revoked. These instructions authorised the bringing in for adjudication all vessels with their cargoes, that are laden with goods the produce of any island or settlement belonging to France, Spain, or the United Provinces, and coming directly from any port of the said islands or settlements, to any port in Europe (not being a port of the kingdom of Great Britain) nor a port of that country to which such ships, being neutral ships, shall belong. The operation of this new change in the instructions was peculiarly injurious to the United States, because it excluded them from a commerce allowed to the neutrals of Europe, and compelled them to bring through the United States the same articles which other nations standing in the same relation to Great Britain, might carry direct.
In the year 1803 orders were issued for the seizure of neutrals with return cargoes, who were suspected of having supplied the enemy on the outward voyage with articles contraband of war. Under these instructions the outward and return voyage were considered as one. This was the preparatory step for throwing the United States altogether out of the colonial trade. The next step was to declare that the landing of colonial produce, and securing the duty according to the local regulations did not break the continuity of the voyage. Thus West India produce brought first to the United States and landed was considered by their courts as going direct to Europe. These decisions gradually formed on the decree of 1803, were not known in the U. States until 1805. The decree was issued without notice, and its application to our commerce made known to the United States by the capture and condemnation of our vessels. The immense capital embarked in this commerce, its unexpected and unexampled destruction covered your table with memorials from every part of the continent. The injury in 1805 like that in 1793 was produced by secret orders. The destruction of American commerce was decreed, and capture and condemnation were the couriers by which it was announced. In both cases public indigna-
tion was justly excited against Great Britain, because lawless power was rendered more intolerable by being combined with treachery.
Under the operation of the feeling excited by the various injuries done to our commerce; by the improvement of our seamen, and by the insults offered within our waters and even within our ports, the non-importation was law passed. It is not my intention now to discuss the policy of that measure. If it has caused Great Britain to commit towards us additional acts of injustice (which I do not believe) it proves only that the exercise of a positive right on our part can subject us to insult and injury from a nation whose code of national law is her interest. The regulation of commerce within the territorial limits of a country is an act of sovereignty, of which no other nation has a right to complain. Every nation has a right to say what intercourse it will hold with another nation & on what terms. Great Britain is the last nation in the world that ought to complain of the exercise of this right by the U. States. All American manufactures are permanently excluded from that country. All our salt provisions except bacon, and even wheat and flour, except in times of scarcity.
The last commercial regulations of Great Britain are the orders of January, 1807, and of November the 11th. These orders interdict to neutral nations or rather to the United States, now the only commercial nation in a state of neutrality, all commerce with the enemies of Great Britain, now the whole commercial world, with certain exceptions only, and under certain restrictions.
I am almost at a loss to say which is most calculated to excite the indignation of an American, the orders, or the exposition which his majesty has been graciously pleased to give of them. Several of the exceptions being considered as favors conferred on the United States I will notice them.
1st. As a proof of the amicable and indulgent disposition of the British government towards the United States, commercial intercourse is allowed with the dependencies of the enemies of Great Britain. This is considered as a departure from the ancient and established principle of maritime law, prohibiting altogether such intercourse in time of peace. This ancient principle was asserted by the British government for the first time introduced in the year 1756. It is invariably cited in all judicial decisions as the rule of 1756. Instead of being an ancient principle Great Britain is the only nation that has acted upon or otherwise given countenance to it. It is not even an established principle in the practice of G. Britain herself. When first applied in the year 1756, the legality of a neutral trade with enemies colonies was not contested by it. In certain cases only the allegation was that the presumptive evidence, arising from circumstances against the bona fide neutrality of the ownership, justified the condemnation of enemies property. During the war of 1778 it is admitted by every British authority that the principle was never brought into operation. It may be regarded in fact as having been silently abandoned. And within the period of war since the commencement in 1793, the manner in which the principle has been alternately contracted and extended, explained sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, rested now on this foundation, now on that, is no secret to those who have attended to its history and progress in the British orders of council and the British courts of admiralty. With the exception therefore of a period the last in modern times from which authentic precedents of maritime law will be drawn, and throughout which the United States, more interested in the question than any other nation, have uniformly combated the innovation, the principle has not been in operation in the British tribunals for a longer period than three, four, or five years, while in no other has it ever made its appearance but to receive a decision against it. Such is the antiquity and such the authority of a principle the deviations from which are held out as so many favors conferred on the United States. For a detailed and luminous view of this question I refer gentlemen to the "Examination of the British Doctrine," page 20—what I have said as to the rule of 1756 is little more than an extract from that work.
But the United States in the opinion of his majesty ought to be grateful for other favors also. They are permitted to carry on trade with the whole Continent of Europe, subject only to the very reasonable conditions of going first to a British port, accepting a British licence, and paying tribute to the British exchequer. Under these orders every article of American produce exported to Europe, although not destined for England, must pass through British ports. But this is not all—the article must remain there. The ceremony of passing through a British port can have no effect but prohibiting the admission of the trade into the port
of destination. We know that all intercourse between the ports of Great Britain and those of the continent, Sweden alone excepted, is at an end. To offer us trade with the Continent of Europe through British ports in the present situation of the world is adding mockery to insult. As the last and I suppose the greatest proof of the friendship of his Britannic majesty, he has graciously determined to lay a tax upon our cotton, and has even condescended to assign his reason for this singular favor—viz. the encouragement of British manufactures. I forbear to express the indignation I feel on this occasion. This infant country in the colonial state refused to bend to lawless power. Shall we in the vigor of manhood relinquish our rank among the independent nations of the earth, by tamely abandoning our rights?
These are the commercial injuries received from Great Britain. They are justified, the late orders particularly of January and November, 1807, as measures of retaliation. How far they can be supported on this ground will appear from a statement of facts. The first instance in which the French decree of November 6th, was put in force against the neutral rights of the United States, was the case of the Horizon an American ship bound from Great Britain to Lima, wrecked on the coast of France. This decision took place in October, 1807—and was not known to the American minister at Paris until some time in November. So that when the British order of January, 1807, was issued no case had occurred of an application of the French decree to the American commerce. At the date of the late orders of Nov. 11th, the only aggression which had occurred was unknown to the British government. It could therefore have no share in producing this alleged retaliation. On the contrary it had been expressly communicated to the British government, by the American minister at London, that explanations, uncontradicted by any overt act, had been given to our minister at Paris which justified a reliance that the French decree would not be put in force against the United States. Seizures have lately been made and our vessels sequestered—these we know to have taken place under the French decree of December 17th, professing to be a retaliation on the British orders of Nov. 11th.
I pass on now to the last class of injuries—violations of our national sovereignty by Great Britain. These are stated in the letter from the Secretary of State of March 5th, 1808, to Mr. Rose in a style so far superior to my own, that for this part of the subject I will avail myself of that letter—here Mr. E. read the following extract—"In the summer of the year 1804, the British frigate the Cambrian with other cruisers in company entered the harbor of New York. The commander captain Bradley in violation of the port laws relating both to health and revenue, caused a merchant vessel just arrived, and confessedly within the limits and under the authority of the United States to be boarded by persons under his command, who after resisting the officers of the port in the legal exercise of their functions, actually impressed and carried off a number of seamen and passengers into the service of the ships of war. On an appeal to his voluntary respect for the laws, he first failed to give up the offender to justice, and finally repelled the officer charged with the regular process for the purpose."
"This procedure was not only a flagrant insult to the sovereignty of the nation, but an infraction of its neutrality also, which did not permit a belligerent ship thus to augment its force within the neutral territory."
"To finish the scene the commander went so far as to declare, in an official letter to the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, and by him communicated to this government, that he considered his ship whilst lying within the harbor of New York, as having dominion around her within the distance of her bounds."
"All these circumstances were duly made known to the British government in just expectation of honorable reparation. None has ever been offered. Captain Bradley was advanced from his frigate to the command of a ship of the line."
"At a subsequent period several British frigates under the command of Captain Whitby of the Leander pursuing the practice of vexing the inward and outward trade of our ports, and hovering for that purpose about the entrance of New-York, closed a series of irregularities, with an attempt to arrest a coasting vessel, on board of which an American citizen was killed, by a cannon ball which entered the vessel whilst within less than a mile from the shore."
"The blood of a citizen thus murdered in a trade from one to another port of his own country, and within the sanctuary of its territorial jurisdiction, could not fail to arouse the sensibility of the public, and to make a solemn
Continued on last page.

Massachusetts Election. As this is the only state in which federalism has gained even a temporary ascendancy, it is important that the extent of the victory, as well as the causes which produced it, should be distinctly understood. The steady habits of New England are well known to our readers. They have seen too many instances of the tenacity with which opinions once received in that quarter of the Union are adhered to, not to be fully apprised of the difficulty of effecting any material change. This trait of character is, perhaps, all circumstances considered, a blessing; as it is generally the characteristic of a sound and enlightened understanding, to be slow to resolve, but once resolved to be firm and unshaken. For seven years past, Massachusetts has been a memorable example of this character. Having imbibed certain political opinions, and bestowed her confidence on those who held them, each succeeding election has manifested the extreme difficulty of rooting out error fixed in such a soil. The effect of truth was, however, gradual; until, at the election of 1807 a revolution was effected in those who administered the government. This was brought about by but a small majority. Of 41,180 votes given for Governor, Mr. Sullivan had 41,954, and Mr. Strong 39,226; giving to the former only a majority of 2,728. What marked the equivocal nature of this triumph was the result of the election for Senators, which is held on the same day. In that body 20 of the members chosen were republican, and 19 federal. From a peculiar, and indeed unwarrantable policy, the election for Representatives is held a short time subsequent to that for Governor and Senators. This election having eventuated in the choice of republicans, the federal party, attaching, no doubt, great importance to the power of the Executive, gave up all for lost the ensuing year at least; and under these feelings of despondence made but a feeble exertion at the election for Representatives; the consequence of which was a republican majority exceeding one hundred in that body. It is manifest that this cheap & undisputed victory was no evidence of a correspondent preponderance of the republican party. So far as related to the election of this body, the federalists may be considered as having seceded from the government, whether from policy, or from dismay, is uncertain. There is strong reason to ascribe this circumstance to policy; to a hope that, in this way, the republicans would be thrown off their guard, and in the confidence of their triumph intermit vigilance and exertion which were necessary to maintain it. Certain it is that the federalists declined to consider themselves as eventually beaten; certain it is that they predicted the early resurrection of their power. Watching events, the Essex Junto, which may be correctly denominated the jacobin club of Massachusetts, the genuine, the true antifederalists, with their numerous satellites, seized the crisis in our national affairs to divide & distract the people, and on their divisions to restore themselves to power. Peculiar circumstances were but too favorable to their views. Negotiations of deep importance were depending, in our very bosom. The Executive, animated by the sincerest & most ardent desire to heal our differences with England, from the commencement of the negotiation, resolved on secrecy. This purpose was firmly adhered to. On the other side, information suitable to their ends was imparted to the enemies of the administration. In proof of this we appeal to the federalist prints; and especially to those of Boston, which were filled with extracts of letters from members of Congress & others at Washington, replete with falsehoods, with statements which, if true, would have disgraced our government. While this poison was thus industriously circulated, the only effectual antidote, truth was entirely wanting. The republican prints, for the reason we have assigned, and equally anxious with the administration, to heal the bleeding wounds of the two countries, maintained a dignified silence. They had not the means of expressing the real state of the negotiation, and they felt too much respect for truth and for themselves to rival their opponents in fiction. They, therefore, suffered them without molestation to pursue their usual avocation. About the same time that the negotiation with Mr. Rose commenced the embargo was laid. This measure, addressing itself sensibly to the pa-
triotsm of the people, would be necessarily received with a feeling shaped by the motives which produced it. These were shamefully vilified. Members of both Houses of Congress, from the state ascribed it to the most unjust and dishonorable motives in some instances by insinuation, in others by direct assertion. Those misrepresentations were circulated by thousands. The wealth of Boston was embarked in this honorable service; and was rendered the instrument thro' the whole campaign of diffusing far and wide falsest views of facts and motives, and of the operation of the measures of the government.
At length the government made its disclosure, that disclosure which consigned on the floor of Congress to the silence of the grave the insinuations and misrepresentations which had previously been so prodigally poured forth. But this disclosure, containing the documents relative to the Chesapeake, and the previous negotiations, came unfortunately too late. It was not made till the 22d of March, not published at the seat of government till the end of April, and is not yet fully diffused among the people of Massachusetts. To shew that this disclosure could not have had much, if any influence in this state, it is only necessary to add that the gubernatorial and senatorial elections took place on the 1st Monday in April, and that for representatives in the beginning of May. It is not, indeed, probable that one man in ten in that state yet understands fully the course pursued by our government. Had these important documents reached the state in time to be generally perused; had the people seen the stand taken by their government; had they been thus made acquainted with the spirit with which our commercial and neutral rights have been enforced; had they been convinced, as a perusal of the documents must have convinced them, that their government had maintained the strictest impartiality towards the belligerent powers, and had yielded as little to the menaces of Napoleon, as to assumptions of Britain; they would have given a far different vote. We confidently, therefore, believe that the victory will be short lived. Indeed we shall not be surprised at many of the members, reputed federal, on receiving that information which is rapidly reaching them, magnanimously throwing aside their party feelings and merging them in the support of measures called for by the crisis. At all events the Governor will be an anchor, that will preserve the vessel of state from the fury of the tempest, and repress, by the exercise of his constitutional powers, any dangerous ebullitions that may arise.
There is, perhaps, one manoeuvre to which the federal majority in the House of Representatives may be altogether ascribed, exclusive of the foregoing considerations. The eventual majority calculated upon by the federalists is eighteen. Supposing the relative strength of parties to be still the same as at the last election, taking the gubernatorial votes as the criterion, there ought to have been a republican majority of 15 members in the present House. But in this state there is another, and we fear dangerous, peculiarity which allows each town to send as many representatives as it pleases, provided it does not exceed one for a fixed number of rateable polls, or to send no representative at all. Availing themselves of this circumstance, and of their relative wealth (for the towns pay the expence of their representatives) the federalist towns have in most instances elected representatives to the extent of their right; while the republican towns have in many instances, if not in the greater number, declined augmenting their usual number. This latter fact may be fairly ascribed to the security inspired by their triumph in the election for Governor, and by their great majority in the preceding House of Representatives. Of the facts here stated we have indisputable proofs. At the opening of the legislature of the last year there were only 331 members present; whereas at its opening this year there were 473 members present. In Boston, this year thirty-one federalists were elected; last year, we believe, but eleven. We have, however, before us the Democrat of Boston, an unquestionable authority, stating in detail 28 republican towns, whose inhabitants amount to 67,383, and who have sent only 46 representatives; and 25 Federal towns, whose inhabitants amount to 32,428, and who have sent 47 representatives. Had the fair principle of representation been observed, the tables would have been completely reversed, and these republican towns would have sent 63, and the federal towns 30 representatives; making a difference in favor of
the number of republican representatives of 34. Add to these the advance in the representation of Boston, without saying any thing about the other towns, which exceed 300, and a gain is attached from this circumstance to the federalists of 54 members; but for which the republicans would have a majority in the present House of 36, which is more than their relative strength entitles them to. In the language of the Democrat, then, we may truly say, that if the republicans of Massachusetts "have this year permitted the state to be misrepresented, they have the power, whenever they please to exercise it, of restoring her to that rank in the Republican Constellation, to which she is justly entitled."
The Legislature of the state of Georgia is now in session, having been convened by the government with a view to afford some relief to the debtors at present distressed by the operation of the embargo. The Governor of the state has informed the Legislature that a deputation has been sent by the Creek nation of Indians, to assure him of the unanimous determination of the Creeks to defend the state of Georgia with all their strength, in case of a rupture with any foreign power. It is also said that they have sent a deputation to the general government to make a tender of their services. It was expected that the legislature would adjourn on the 21st ult.
A barbarous duel was lately fought near Christianburg, Va. between Mr. Thomas Lewis and Mr. John M'Henry. The duel is said to have had its origin in a dispute respecting the late election in Montgomery, from which county Mr. M'Henry had been elected a delegate to the Legislature. They fought with rifles at the distance of fifteen steps. Both fell; Mr. Lewis having received a ball just through his heart; and Mr. M'Henry just below it!
On the 26th inst. took place at New York the long contemplated procession for burying the remains of eleven thousand five hundred American seamen, soldiers and citizens, who perished on board the Jersey and other prison ships, in the harbor of New York, during the American revolution. The following description of it is extracted from the New-York Public Advertiser:
THE GRAND PROCESSION TO THE TOMB OF THE MARTYRS.
Early on the morning of yesterday, the corporation—the different societies—the volunteer, artillery and infantry corps, with the seamen, assembled to pay the last tribute of gratitude (so long deferred) to the immolated victims of the revolution.
The day was ushered in by the firing of the minute guns, and the melancholy toll of the muffled bell, and before eight o'clock the house-tops and windows of the streets in the line of march, were crowded with the aged and the youth. This great occasion arrested the public attention beyond all powers of description—the hand of industry was suspended—and the various avocations of the capital were concentrated to a single duty.
About 10 o'clock the necessary order of arrangement of the different bodies being effected—the whole proceeded on the route assigned by the Wallabout Committee—when it progressed in the solemn march; but it is impossible to do justice in an attempt to describe the scene exhibited on the approach of the procession to the place of embarkation. Innumerable multitudes thronged the shores, the wharves and the shipping—waiting with pleasing anticipation the arrival of the sacred remains of the patriots. They arrived—and, in fifteen minutes were safely embarked. The vessels of the procession were appropriately dressed, manned, and highly decorated, exhibiting at once a long train of barges and boats from New Jersey and New York. Indeed, the whole water scene was superb and formed an object the most solemn and interesting imaginable.
Having arrived at Brooklyn, free from accident—the procession took a short respite—after which it was again formed in the order of march. There, however, was displayed a lively mark of female patriotism and affection, as well as an ingenious portrayal of fancy, in the circumstance of arranging a beautiful groupe of ladies in the train of the Genius of Liberty. These fair daughters of Columbia gave the tear of sensibility to the memory of the brave—and exhibited the undissembled testimonial of virtuous hearts.
Arrived at the tomb, the Grand Marshal having arranged the coffins and the great body of the procession being formed in front of the orator—
the scene that followed was solemn and awful. The circumstances which led to the erection of the tomb—the impression of the past services of the martyrs—the concourse of spectators—the devout fervency with which the introductory prayer was delivered on opening the funeral solemnities—the glowing, impressive and animated voice of the orator touched the soul of his hearers—they could not avoid in the involuntary pause to suppress the rising tear—the death-like stillness of the surrounding hills, covered with thirty thousand mourners, conspired to render it one of the most sublime and interesting spectacles ever exhibited in the new world. From the number of witnesses assembled, it appeared to be a solemn appeal to heaven and earth at once, as a token of gratitude to the memory of the departed victims of barbarity and persecution.
The solemn scene was closed on the safe return of the procession to the Park, where it was dismissed without the alloy of a single accident. In this hasty sketch we will be excused if our descriptive powers fall far short of the magnitude of the subject. Yet it was pleasing to observe, that all ranks appeared to feel the weight of an expression that was reiterated among the people—"Well, they bled for their country—they deserve it all!"
James Elliot, esq. who in a late address to his constituents, renounced for ever the pursuits of political life, lamented their sorrow at the event, pined for the sequestered shade of retirement in the union of rural and religious pursuits, and promised to become one of the most obscure and unambitious among them—was at the same time making arrangements for publishing two political (one daily) papers in Philadelphia. We have been honored with Mr. Elliot's prospectus; and infer from it that he will be as useful to his readers as he has been to his constituents. He threatens mightily the great Mysteriarch of our political arcana—and already the administration trembles.
The World.
A letter received at Philadelphia from Kingston, Jamaica, dated April 23, 1808, says "We now begin to feel the effects of the embargo. Flour is selling at 30 dollars, corn meal at 16, rice at 15 dollars per 100 lbs. and other articles of American produce in proportion, and will no doubt continue to raise in price while the embargo continues—at present there is very little sale."
The last accounts from Jamaica say that the vessels which had arrived there from America in ballast, were not permitted to an entry, and would be obliged to return as they went out.
Phil. True Amer.
A New-York paper says "Government has chartered the brig Hamlet, of this port to carry dispatches to the Portuguese government at Brazil. She will sail in eight or ten days."
The corporation of glovers and skinners held a meeting in Dublin on the 25th April, at which the following resolutions were entered into:
"Resolved unanimously, That seven years having elapsed since this country was led into the expectation that various and great benefits would have resulted to it from its legislative union with G. Britain, instead of which, feeling with the most loyal and best affected to our happy constitution, we lament that disunion and discontent have not been diminished, but increased during that period."
"Resolved unanimously, That our representatives in the Common Council be instructed to use their best exertions to procure a petition from the loyal corporation of Dublin to the Imperial Parliament, praying a repeal of the union law, and to co-operate in every measure that may promote the union and consolidate the force of this country against the common foe."
Aurora.
Capt. Winn, (says the True American) from Marseilles and Gibraltar informs, that two days before he sailed from Gibraltar, a British sloop of war arrived there express and informed, that she had left a frigate watching the motions of a fleet of 17 French and Spanish ships of the line off Minorca, where it was supposed they were bound to join four or five Spanish ships of the line laying at that island, from whence it was conjectured, they would pass out the Straits, and the people at Gibraltar were daily looking for them. An express was dispatched from Gibraltar, to inform the British fleet off Cadiz,
as it was suspected that the combined fleet meant to relieve the French and Spanish ships at Cadiz, where there were 13 sail of the line all ready for sea. Capt. W. further informs that two days before he sailed it was reported at Gibraltar, that the Prince of Peace had made his escape from Madrid. He also informs, that a part of Bonaparte's army were arrived at a town, about 5 or 6 miles from Gibraltar, and it was expected that he would shortly commence the siege of that place, which the inhabitants expected must soon submit to him; the British have mined the Isthmus leading into Spain, with an intention of giving the French a hoist into the air.
New-York, May 30.
By the schooner success, arrived yesterday from Jamaica, we learn that an engagement, which lasted three days, had taken place between Petion and Christophe, within ten miles of Cape Francois. The carnage was dreadful, Christophe lost 10,000 men and an immense number wounded. Flour at Kingston 30 dollars and rising. Other articles of American produce high and scarce.
Oracle.
Philadelphia, May 28.
Extract of a letter from Guadalupe, to a gentleman in Boston, dated April 3.
"The present political state of affairs, and particularly the Embargo in America, have absolutely annihilated business in this Island; not a single American vessel remains now in this port; and as the importation has been entirely interrupted from the beginning of January last, the scarcity of provisions from America, is above what can be imagined; most part of the planters are reduced to colonial victuals, while the produce remains without any sale, at any price—a very strict blockade of the Island is observed by the British, who have stationed cruisers off Point-Petre and Bassaterre harbors. The colony is however upon a footing not to leave the least apprehension about an outward attack. A late proclamation of the chiefs has opened to neutral vessels all the small ports of the island, so that notwithstanding the number of cruisers, a fast sailing vessel would always have a good chance to get in safe."
MARRIED—On Fourth day morning, at the Friends meeting house, Jesse Talbott, of Alexandria, to Hannah Little, Jun. of this city, being the first marriage solemnized by that society in the City of Washington.
COMMERCIAL COMPANY.
The Committee appointed to receive the second instalment, will attend at Drummond's Tavern, and at the Office of Discount and Deposit, Washington, on Saturday the 4th June, from 10 o'clock A. M. till 6 o'clock P. M. for that purpose.
June 3—It.
FOR SALE OR RENT,
The dwelling house of the subscriber—possession may be had immediately, if required.
JOSEPH FORREST.
June 3—5t.
A BULL.
THERE is now on Col. Taylee's farm, called Petworth, near the City of Washington, a BUFFALO BULL, of the true English breed, very remarkable for size and figure, will be let to cows this season at one dollar each—those wishing to improve their breed of cattle should embrace the opportunity, as he will be removed the ensuing season.
Apply to the Manager.
N. B. The money to be paid when the cattle are sent.
June 3—6t.
WANTS A SITUATION
AS A TUTOR in a family, or as an assistant or principal in a school or academy, an elderly man, without a family. He professes to teach the English language grammatically, including the principles of composition and elocution; writing, arithmetic, geography, with the use of the globes, maps and charts; the elements of geometry, trigonometry, mensuration, dialing, gauging, surveying, navigation, and algebra.
He is a complete master of the latin language, and has a tolerable knowledge of Greek and French. His object for advertising in this paper is to obtain employment in a warmer climate. Further particulars may be known by directing a line, post paid, to A. Z. Carlisle, Pennsylvania, any time before the tenth of July next.
Suitable testimonials of his moral and literary character can be produced, if required.
June 3—3t.
TO PAPERMAKERS.
WANTED
To go to North-Carolina in May, a Papermaker, who is a good workman, and is sober and industrious. To such a person good wages will be given. Apply to the Editor of this paper. April 29.

COMMUNICATION
MR. SMITH,
As the election for eighteen persons to represent the inhabitants of the city in the Council, is fast approaching, it behoves the electors to look around them to see who will do the most good in that office. I, as an elector, and one who is desirous that the city should prosper, and is willing to bear any reasonable burden with the rest of my fellow citizens for the improvement and prosperity of the place, have a desire to do as all towns, both new and old, have done before us; that is, to raise a revenue by taxation, which will enable us to improve where improvement is necessary. I wish to make good streets in every inhabited part of the city, and place pumps wherever the citizens stand in need of them; and this I wish done at the public expense—not by private subscription. I have lived eight years in this city; my private subscriptions for public purposes, have amounted to nearly an hundred dollars annually. When a few inhabitants want a pump, for instance, they must make up one half independently of their taxes, and those who hold unimproved property in the neighborhood pay nothing towards that half; and it has so happened, and it will constantly occur, that the next year after the pump is erected, a house or houses are built on the adjoining unimproved property, and they have the same benefit from the pump as those who paid for the erection of it. And the same will hold good with respect to streets and many other improvements in the city. It is evident that the great proprietors of the city have been the cause, heretofore, of the taxes having been so very light, the councils always believing that as they possessed much unproductive property, even a very low assessment would bear hard on them; and their exertions to keep it down have been great and unremitting. But when we see the greatest care taken to expend our little revenue for the best and most useful purposes, and those proprietors making use of this to their advantage, by raising the price of their property above the reach of those who would purchase and build, so soon as a public improvement is made, or any prospects of its being accomplished, measures ought to be taken to stop the evil too long existing. There is one glaring example of this within my knowledge, and that of many others. In consequence of the prospect of the bridge over the Potomac, two, at least, of those proprietors have raised the price of their property an hundred per cent. above what they would have been glad to have sold it for last year. This conduct calls for a remedy which it is only in the power of the council to effect, by increasing the tax to at least double of what it heretofore has been; and I for one should be for going to the extent of the law of Congress. This would raise a revenue which would enable the council to improve almost every part of the city; it would give a spur and importance to the place, and check the damp always thrown on its prosperity by the great landholders.
The foregoing remarks have been made with a view to call the attention of the citizens to such men in the council as will not have their views drawn from the real interests of the city by the influence of a few opulent proprietors, who should be taxed for the property which they keep locked up, like a miser his gold, by which society is not benefited.
A PROPRIETOR.
NOTICE.
THE JUDGES OF ELECTION hereby notify the Citizens of Washington, entitled to vote for members of the City Council. That the election for the First Ward, will be held at Mr. Calwell's new house near the West Market; the election for the Second Ward, will be held at the tavern of Lewis Morrin on Pennsylvania avenue; the election for the Third Ward, will be held at Mr. Stelle's hotel on the Capitol Hill; the election for the Fourth Ward, will be held at Hugh Drummond's tavern on 7th street east near the Navy Yard.
For the Judges, ROBERT BRENT, Mayor.
June 2—3t
THIS is to give notice that the subscriber has obtained from the Orphan's Court of Prince Georges county, letters of administration on the estate of Thomas Upton, deceased. All persons having claims against the deceased, are warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber within six months, they may otherwise be deprived of all benefit of said estate. And all those indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment.
JOHN R. BUSSARD, Ex'r.
June 3—3t
SALE BY AUCTION.
ON Thursday the 9th inst. will be offered for sale a two story FRAME HOUSE, & LOT No. 1, on square 104, fronting on 20th street west, pursuant to a deed of trust made to the subscriber for certain purposes therein mentioned; the House lies near the Glass House and Lears Wharf. Terms of sale—a note with an approved endorser, payable in nine months.
Sale to commence at 12 o'clock. CHARLES JONES, Trustee.
June 3—3t
BUZZARD'S ISLAND.
I WILL sell at private sale or exchange on liberal terms for other Landed Property, provided the situation is approved, the tract of land on which I reside, called Buzzard Island, lying on Patuxent river in Calvert county, and nearly opposite to Benedict, containing about eight hundred acres of as rich fertile land as can be found in the state of Maryland, one third of which is in wood and very heavily timbered; likewise a great quantity of Locust, Cedar and Chesnut.
The arable part of this plantation is level and much of it covered with oyster shells, and is divided into three fields, each of which will produce two hundred barrels of corn, with a reserve of prime tobacco land sufficient to grow fifty bales annually, and with very little labor more meadow may be reclaimed than will be found sufficient. No land can be better adapted to the growth of corn, tobacco and wheat, and few plantations hold out stronger inducements to stimulate an industrious man. It binds for a considerable distance on the river, has several landings and lies nearly in a square—fish, oysters, and wild fowl are to be had at all times—stock of every description, particularly sheep, thrive and improve wonderfully when removed to this land, a convincing proof of the goodness of soil and the nutritious quality of the grass which it produces in great abundance. The improvements are sufficient to accommodate a small family. A more particular description is not necessary—a purchaser will naturally view the premises.
RICHARD W. HARWOOD.
June 3—w3t
Prince George's county court,
April term, 1808.
HENRY T. COMPTON of Prince George's county having applied to this court, by petition in writing, praying the benefit of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the session of 1805, and the supplement thereto in 1806; and a schedule of his property and list of his creditors as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition; and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said Henry T. Compton resided the two last years preceding this application within the state of Maryland. And the said Henry T. Compton being in the custody of the sheriff of Prince George's county; and having entered into bond in such penalty as directed by this court, and with approved security, conditioned for his personal appearance before this court, on the second day of the next term, to answer the allegations of his creditor or creditors. It is by this court directed that the said Henry T. Compton be discharged from imprisonment, and the said second day of the next term, which will be the sixth day of September next, is by the court appointed for the said Henry T. Compton to appear before this court, to answer interrogatories, which his creditors may propose to him. And it is ordered, that the said Henry T. Compton, give notice to his creditors, of his application, by causing a copy of the foregoing, to be published three months in the National Intelligencer, previous to the next term.
True copy from the proceedings, Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. Ck. June 1—w3m
The ADVERTISEMENT dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the U. States on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office in Washington City until the first day of August next, inclusive.
1. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebec, Wells, York, & Kittery to Portsmouth (N. H.) three times a week.
April 15, to December 1.
Leave Portland every Tuesday, Thursday, & Saturday, at noon, & arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours.
2. From Portland by Scarborough, Pepperellboro', Biddeford, Saco, Kennebec, Doulustalls, Berwick and Dover, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
April 15, to December 1.
Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday noon, and arrive at Portsmouth by 11 P. M. in 11 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 10 P. M. and arrive at Portland the next days by 9 A. M. in 11 hours.
December 1, to April 15.
Leave Portland every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by 10 P. M. in 12 hours. Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Portland the same days by 4 P. M. in 12 hours.
The same arrangement for route No. 1 from December 1, to April 15, reversing the days.
3. From Portsmouth, N. H. by Hampton, Seabrook, Salisbury, (Ms.) Newburyport, Ipswich, Hamilton, Wenham, Beverly, Lynn, and Chelsea to Boston, 7 times a week.
April 15, to December 1.
Leave Portsmouth every day at 1 A. M. and arrive at Boston by noon, in 11 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 9 P. M. in 11 hours.
December 1, to April 15.
Leave Portsmouth every day at 11 P. M. and arrive at Boston the next day by noon, in 13 hours. Leave Boston every day at 10 A. M. and arrive at Portsmouth the same day by 11 P. M. in 13 hours.
4. From Boston by Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury, Marlboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury, Worcester, Leicester, Spencer, Brookfield, Western, Palmer, Wilbraham, Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford & Berlin, to New Haven, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 2 A. M. & arrive at Boston on Thursday, Saturday & Tuesday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.
5. From Boston by Dedham, Walpole, Foxboro', Attleboro', Providence, Scituate, Plainfield, Jewett City, Chelsea, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guilford & Branford to New Haven, three times a week. Leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 1 P. M. and arrive at New Haven the next days by 7 P. M. in 30 hours. Leave New Haven every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Boston on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, by 9 A. M. in 31 hours.
6. From New Haven by Milford, Stratford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, West-Chester, Rye, New Rochelle, and Harlaem, to New York, every day.
Leave New Haven every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at New York the next days by 2 P. M. in 18 hours. Leave New York every day at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Haven the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours.
7. From New York by the turnpike road to Philadelphia, 7 times a week.
Leave New York every day at 5 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 A. M. in 13 hours. Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York, the next day by 6 A. M. in 15 hours.
This will contain the main mail, and is not to be opened at any intermediate office.
8. From New York by Jersey city, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Bristol, Holmesburg and Frankfort to Philadelphia, six times a week. Leave New York every day, (save Sunday) at 3 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 6 P. M.
Leave Philadelphia every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at New York the next day by 6 P. M.
9. From Baltimore by Elk Ridge, Vansville, Bladensburg, and Washington to Georgetown, seven times a week. Leave Baltimore every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 2 P. M. in 8 hours. Leave Washington City every day at 6 A. M. and arrived at Baltimore by 2 P. M. in 8 hours.
10. From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington city by 5 A. M.
11. From Alexandria by Colchester to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours.
12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house, to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 1-2 A. M. in 5 1-2 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M.
13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover court house, to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours.
14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1-2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1-2 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1-2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1-2 P. M.
15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New Kent court house, Williamsburg, Yorktown, and Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
May 1, to Dec. 1.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 27 hours.
Dec. 1, to May 1.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. & arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours.
16. From Petersburg by Cabinpoint, Smithfield, Surry court house, & Sleepy hole ferry, to Norfolk, 3 times a week.
May 1, to Dec. 1.
Leave Petersburg, every Tuesday Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 10 A. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 P. M.
and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M. in 21 hours.
Dec. 1, to May 1.
Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 5 P. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M.
17. From Charleston by Jacksonboro', Pocotaligo and Coosawatchy to Savannah, three times a week.
Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 2 A. M. & arrive at Savannah by 8 P. M.
Leave Savannah every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Pocotaligo by 8 P. M. Leave Pocotaligo every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday, at 2 A. M. and arrive at Charleston by 10 A. M.
18. From Augusta by Jacksonboro' and Ebenezer, to Savannah once a week. Leave Savannah every Friday, at 8 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 3 P. M. Leave Augusta every Tuesday at 5 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Thursday by 3 P. M.
19. From Augusta by Wanesboro' and Louisville to Savannah once a week.
Leave Augusta every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Louisville on Friday by 10 A. M. Leave Louisville at 11 A. M. and arrive at Savannah on Sunday by 6 P. M.
20. From Savannah by Bryan court house, Medway church, Riceboro', Jefferson, McIntosh court house, and Darien, to St. Mary's, once a week by land. Leave Savannah every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at St. Mary's on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave St. Mary's every Thursday at 2 P. M. & arrive at Savannah the next Sunday by 6 P. M.
21. From Darien by Brunswick, to Frederica, once a week. Leave Darien every Wednesday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Frederica on Thursday by 10 A. M. Leave Frederica at 2 P. M. and arrive at Darien by 6 P. M. on Friday.
22. From Millidgeville (G.) to Athens, (G.) once a week. Leave Millidgeville every Friday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Athens on Saturday, by 11 A. M. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 P. M. and arrive at Millidgeville on Sunday, by 8 P. M.
23. From Sparta by Millidgeville and Jones c. h. to Fort Ocmulgee, once a week. Leave Sparta every Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Ocmulgee on Saturday by 6 P. M. Leave Ocmulgee every Monday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Sparta on Tuesday by 6 P. M.
24. From Millidgeville by Putnam c. h. and Morgan c. h. to Randolph c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Millidgeville every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Randolph c. h. on Tuesday, by 6 P. M. Leave Randolph c. h. the next day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Millidgeville on Wednesday by 6 P. M.
25. From Woodbridge, (N. J.) to Amboy, three times a week. Leave Woodbridge Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 6 P. M. and arrive at Amboy by 7 P. M. Leave Amboy every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Woodbridge by 1 P. M.
26. From New Lisbon to Canton, (Ohio). Leave New Lisbon every Sunday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Canton by 6 P. M. Leave Canton every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at New Lisbon by 6 P. M.
27. From Boston by Dorchester, Quincy, Braintree, Weymouth, Hanover, Pembroke & Kingston, to Plymouth, three times a week.
Leave Boston every Tuesday Thursday and Saturday, at 6 A. M. and arrive at Plymouth by 6 P. M. Leave Plymouth every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Boston by 6 P. M.
NOTES.
1. The mail will be carried on the routes, number four to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when the roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shewn that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the newspapers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance.
2. The Postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
3. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
4. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained.
5. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
6. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
7. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage he is desired to state it in his proposals.
8. The Postmaster General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
9. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 16, are to be in operation on the first day of Oct. next and to continue in force two years from that time; for the routes from No. 17 to 28 to commence at the same time, & to continue in force until the 31st of March, 1811. For the routes, 26, 27, and 28, to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year.
GIDEON GRANGER,
Postmaster General
General Post-Office, Washington City, May 26, 1808. May 16—w1A.
IN obedience to the decree of the High court of Chancery of Maryland will be sold to the highest bidder at Semmes's tavern George Town, on the 11th July at 11 o'clock, A.M. all the right, title, and interest of Thomas Clark, deceased, in and to sundry Lots of ground in Thomas Beall of Georges addition to George Town, purchased of John M. Gant, esq. being the four easternmost Lots purchased by said Gant of Thomas Beall of George, esq. and in and to Lots No. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 in square No. 8 in the city of Washington and to part of Square No. 3. in said city.
The purchaser to give bond with satisfactory security for the payment of the purchase money with interest from the day of sale, payable in fifteen months after said day of sale. All persons having claims against the said Thomas Clark, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Register of the court of Chancery of Maryland aforesaid, with the vouchers to support them within three months from the said day of sale.
JAMES S. MORSELL, Trustee.
June 3—w1July11
PUBLIC SALE.
THE sale of the real estate of Gustavus Scott, deceased, heretofore advertised, being postponed by order of the Chancellor, the subscriber as trustee, will sell at public auction, at Van Wyck & Dorsey's Auction Room in the city of Baltimore, on Friday the 17th day of June next at 12 o'clock, the following tracts of unimproved land lying in Allegany county, to wit:
Table with 2 columns: Tract Name, Acres. Includes Governor's Neglect (1081), Roby's Delight (421), Ormes Attention (684), Chesnut Grove (461), Now or Never (600), Hard Struggle (1554), Lot No. 2487 (50), Western Connection (15484).
The lands above mentioned are well watered and timbered, the soil good, and well calculated for grazing, and will be divided so as to suit those who wish to purchase.
A further description of the property will be given to any person wishing to purchase, on application to the subscriber.
The terms of sale are, that the purchaser or purchasers of the whole or any part of the above lands, shall give bond with security to be approved of by the trustee for paying the purchase money within twelve months from the day of sale. The creditors of Gustavus Scott, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale aforesaid.
ROGER PERRY, Trustee.
Cumberland, May 23—8w.
NOTICE.
THE Taxable Inhabitants of Washington city and all others concerned, are notified that the Board of Appeal, composed of the city Commissioners will sit at the Council Chamber on Tuesday the 14th day of June next, and continue to sit for TEN days, Sundays excepted, from 5 until 7 o'clock, P. M. to hear and determine on appeals from the late assessment.
WASHINGTON BOYD,
Treasurer of Washington city.
June 1—1324
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
LOST—having strayed from the commons of the city of Washington on Sunday last, a large BAY HORSE, about 17 hands high, black mane, tail and legs; no white mark upon his face. He has some times cut behind, and is shod in a particular manner to prevent it. The above reward will be paid to any one who delivers him to
B. H. LATROBE, near the
Navy Yard, Washington.
He was seen near Bladensburg on Sunday evening.
June 1—3t

(Continued from first page.) appeal to the justice of the British government. The case was presented moreover to that government by this, in the accent which it required; and with due confidence that the offender would receive the exemplary punishment which he deserved. That there might be no failure of legal proof of a fact sufficiently notorious of itself, unexceptionable witnesses to establish it were sent to Great Britain at the expence of the U. S."
"Captain Whitby was notwithstanding honorably acquitted. No animadversion took place on any other officer belonging to the squadron; nor has any apology or explanation been made since the trial was over as a conciliatory offering to the disappointment of this country at such a result."
"A case of another character occurred in the month of Sept. 1806—the Impetueux a French ship of 74 guns, when aground within a few hundred yards of the shore of North Carolina, and therefore visibly within the territorial jurisdiction and hospitable protection of the U. States, was fired upon, boarded and burnt, from three British ships of war under the command of Captain Douglass. Having completed this outrage on the sovereignty and neutrality of the U. S. the British commander felt no scruple in proceeding into the waters near Norfolk, nor in the midst of the hospitalities enjoyed by him, to add to what had passed a refusal to discharge from his ships impressed citizens of the United States, not denied to be such, on the plea that the government of the United States had refused to surrender to the demand of admiral Berklely certain seamen alleged to be British deserters—a demand which it is well understood your government disclaims any right to make."
"It would be very superfluous to dwell on the features which mark this aggravated insult. But I must be permitted to remind you that in so serious a light, was a similar violation of neutral territory, by the destruction of certain French ships on the coast of Portugal, by a British squadron under the command of admiral Bo-cawen, regarded by the court of Great Britain, that a minister extraordinary was despatched for the express purpose of expiating the aggression on the sovereignty of a friendly power."
"Next presents itself, the attack by the British ship of war Leopard, on the American frigate Chesapeake—a case too familiar in all its circumstances to need a recital of any part of them."
"And lastly the subsequent conduct of Captain Douglass—this officer neither admitted by reflections on the crisis produced by the attack on the Chesapeake—nor controlled by respect for the law of nations, or the laws of the land, did not cease within our waters to bring to, by firing at vessels pursuing their regular course of trade; and in the same spirit which had displayed itself in the recent outrage committed on the American frigate, he not only indulged himself in hostile threats, and indications of a hostile approach to Norfolk, but actually obstructed our citizens in the ordinary communication, between that and neighboring places. His proceedings constituted in fact a blockade of the port, and as real an invasion of the country according to the extent of his force as if troops had been debarked and the town besieged on the land side."
"It is unnecessary for me to add anything on this subject. It is sufficient to say that for these injuries wantonly inflicted without the slightest provocation on our part, no reparation has been tendered."
"I proceed now to state the injuries received from France. As it was necessary in giving a connected view of the commercial injuries received from Great Britain to go back to the year 1793, I will commence at the same period with France. In the year 1793 the cruizers of that country committed enormous depredations on our commerce—our merchants were robbed of just compensation for provisions supplied to her in the hour of distress—the treaty and consular convention were violated—the French government refused to receive our ambassador and ignominiously ordered him out of France—a second embassy more solemn, and composed of three persons experienced the same fate, and were obliged to leave France without experiencing the common forms of civility. These differences were shortly afterwards adjusted by treaty—in the year 1803, the decree of General Ferrand was issued—in the month of November, 1806, a decree was issued declaring all Great Britain and its dependencies in a state of blockade—assurances were given that this decree would not be extended to the United States. In violation however of this assurance and of our treaty with France the decree has been extended to us. In the month of December, 1807, a new decree was issued—under this decree our vessels have been seized and sequestered. Our minister in answer to his remonstrance has been informed in a style calculated to wound the feelings of an independent people, that they will be held sequestered until the dispositions of our government towards Great Britain are known. Some gentlemen have construed Mr. Champagny's letter into a threat—I do not think the words of the letter warrant such an inference. It is however before the public, and the public must decide. It appears to me to be about on a par with the British declaration attached to the rejected treaty."
"I proceed lastly to state the injuries received from Spain.—In the
year 1793, Spain in pursuance of its treaty with Great Britain commenced warfare on our commerce—spoliations were committed to a considerable amount. In 1795 a treaty was concluded for the adjustment of boundaries, providing for the spoliations on our commerce, and the free navigation of the Mississippi river—the treaty remained in a state of inexecution until 1799. During that period the stipulated provision for spoliations on our commerce was refused, and our citizens subjected to serious interruptions and vexations in navigating the Mississippi river. In 1802 the right of deposit at Orleans was refused without assigning any other place as stipulated by treaty. The territory of Louisiana was shortly afterwards conveyed to France, and by France to the United States. The limits still remain unadjusted, and the Spanish government has refused every arrangement on this subject. In the year 1805, the territory of the U. States was violated and two persons of the name of Kemper seized within our territory and forcibly torn from the bosom of their families, by persons, known to be agents of the Spanish government. In 1806 the armies of the United States and Spain were drawn up in hostile array on the Sabine. The dispute still remains unsettled."
"This is the situation of our country. We have nothing to expect from the justice of either of these powers. From one we have received injuries which must be resented unless ample reparation be made. Shall we prepare for this crisis in the affairs of our country and in what form. The principal reliance of this country must always be on militia—one hundred thousand militia are already held in requisition & can be ready to march at short notice. Appropriations for fortifications—for the purchase of artillery and arms have already been made. The only question now is will you rely wholly on militia—or will you raise an auxiliary to the militia a small number of regular troops. The gentleman from Virginia has told us he would not put militia into garrisons. His system then would be to depend on the militia except for garrison duty. This is precisely the system adopted by Congress. The number of regular troops authorized by this bill in addition to what we now have, will not be more than adequate to this object. I regret that on the present occasion any difference of opinion should exist as to the form, when every gentleman admits the necessity of preparing for defence. I regret still more that in the present crisis of our affairs, the gentleman from Virginia can see no use for an army but "to eat the Fish now rotting in consequence of the Embargo."
[MR. RANDOLPH asked leave to explain. It was true he said that he had been guilty of smiling; but he had hoped that the offence had been extenuated in the opinion of the House and that gentleman by the apology which accompanied it. He pleaded guilty; he had caught the infection of laughter from all—nay more, had been guilty of aiding in it himself. He was glad that his colleague had given him an opportunity to explain and apologize for this very heinous offence. He wished that what he had said at the time had prevented its being again noticed—it had prevented it from appearing, as it were, on their journals. The gentleman had taken care that it should go upon the record somewhere at least. Mr. R. said he was willing to bear through life all the imputation which it cast upon him. Miserable indeed would be the condition of oppressed humanity, if the sweet pliability of men's spirit could not now and then turn its gaze from the sombre events of life and relax into a smile. To those who had known him from his childhood, there was no danger that he should pass through life for an empty giggler, a man who did not possess an atom of gravity. He had to expiate the crime through life of one misapplied laugh; and he hoped that his colleague would have to answer for no more. But if, instead of throwing himself upon the mercy of the house, he were to claim their justice, he might surely contend with the poet that there are things (& this bill perhaps was one of them) which are more easily cut and dissolved by the sharp sword of ridicule, than by serious argument, of which they are unworthy. Mr. R. said he viewed the situation of our affairs as momentously as that gentleman; he coincided with him perfectly; he subscribed to his opinion, having himself uttered it before, that we have nothing to expect from the justice of foreign nations; and it was on that authority that he had deemed the law inexpedient. Before I sit down, said he, permit me to ask my colleague one question, which I forgot when up before. To say nothing on the subject of the expediency of the embargo, and trusting foreign nations with the power of annihilating if they please our commerce, and with it our agriculture—I ask any gentleman to point out that clause of the constitution by which this House possesses the power of laying an embargo. This once struck me before; but with less force, because there is a precedent on record. I ask for information. The power is not to be found in the constitution. It may be an implied power from the power to regulate commerce; but regulation is one thing and annihilation is another. As the constitution prohibits us from laying a duty on exportation, a fortiori we ought to be prohibited from restraining it altogether.]
MR. ELLERS, said that he could have wished the gentleman from Virg. had
continued his explanation in the same spirit in which he commenced. The manner in which I mentioned the observation of the gentleman from Virginia ought to have exonerated me from the charge of wishing to mark him to his constituents. I am for giving every man fair play—I have never here or elsewhere said any thing of a friend or foe to which I would not put my name and support it with my life. To suppose me in the discharge of a public duty influenced by personal feeling is attributing to me a motive I scorn.
But said Mr. E. to resume the subject before the House. This army is objected to because it is too large for a peace establishment and too small for war. As to the first objection it is sufficient to say it is not intended for a peace establishment—I do not vote for it as such—I consider it as a part of that system designed to meet the present crisis in our affairs. Taken singly and alone it would be useless. I agree with the gentleman from Virginia that you might as well attempt to keep out a Tyger with a four rail fence as to defend this nation with 6,000 regular troops. These troops constitute but a small part of our defence, and added to what we already have, would probably be half the number, that would be raised after the actual commencement of hostilities. I am not disposed to authorize more at the present moment, because more could not be raised before the next meeting of Congress. The number may at that time be increased, or those at present raised disbanded, if the situation of our country permits, of which I confess I have no hope. But we are told that to raise troops is a departure from the embargo system. The embargo was never designed as a measure of hostility against either France or England. It was resorted to, to prevent immediate war for which we were not prepared, and which must have been produced by the capture of our property under the decrees of France and England. The period must arrive when the embargo will be a greater evil than war. When that period shall arrive it will be taken off. Whenever it is taken off, you have no alternative left, between a declaration of war, authorizing your merchants to arm which must produce war, or national disgrace. When we assembled here but one sentiment prevailed the nation and its representatives—honorable reparation or war—We are now told that the situation of our country has materially changed. It has indeed changed—it has become infinitely worse. When we assembled the affair of the Chesapeake closed the catalogue of our injuries. We had reason too to expect at that time honorable reparation. No reparation has been made. The act has not even been disavowed. The unqualified right to search a national vessel has been disclaimed, and we are assured that if the British officers should prove to have been culpable, the most prompt and effectual reparation shall be made. I have always doubted whether the attack on the Chesapeake was an authorized act—whether an officer could thus risk his reputation and his life. And I am the more confirmed in this opinion by the declaration of the British minister on the floor of Parliament "that taking all the circumstances together he could scarcely condemn the conduct of the gallant officer." The conduct of the British government tends still more to strengthen this opinion. A discussion with our minister in London is waved on the ground that other subjects were blended with the affair of the Chesapeake. A minister is sent to this country. His first demand is a separation of the subjects—this is agreed to. A new demand is made, and I have no doubt, that if this had been acceded to, other demands would have been made. I do not believe that Mr. Rose was sent here for any purpose but delay. The conduct of his government affords the best ground for this opinion. After his appointment a proclamation is issued which closes negotiation on an important part of our dispute. Next follows the decree of November 11th which, taken with the exposition by the minister of Great Britain, and considering the period at which it was issued, is a more serious outrage on the feelings and sovereignty of the nation than ever the affair of the Chesapeake. Added to all these circumstances the French decree of November has been extended to us and under the decree of December 17th, our vessel are at this moment held in sequestration.
With this view of the situation of my country I consider myself authorised to vote regular troops, not for peace, but for war, which, notwithstanding our efforts to retain a rigid and impartial neutrality, will be forced on us—not by invasion, but by an obstinate refusal to do us justice in a case where our rights have been violated, our sovereignty assailed, and where submission would be a base sacrifice of the honor and independence of the nation.
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS, George Town, March 16—tf
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being anxious to settle all his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His Books are removed to the counting house of Baker, Riggs, and Co. where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Offut, or ELISHA RIGGS, George Town, March 16—tf
CHARLES H. VARDEA MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangle and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
TO RENT, AND possession given the 13th June next, that house on Pennsylvania Avenue, the property of the Washington Building Company, at present occupied by Mr. Solomon Myers—it being so well known, it is not deemed necessary to give a peculiar description of it, suffice it to say, it is calculated for an extensive tavern and boarding house—for terms, apply to Mr. THOMAS HERTY. Sec. to said Company. April 29—tf.
NOTICE is hereby given, that I will receive until the fifth day of June next, written proposals for supplying the House of Representatives for the next session with one hundred and fifty cords of Hickory Wood; the same to be delivered, sawed and put into the cellar on or before the first day of November next. Security will be required for the performance of the contract. PATRICK MAGRUDER, Clk. Clerk's Office, H. R. May 18—15th June.
PORT WINE, Of very good quality in casks, each one inclosed in a dry case for security against any adulteration, with a small parcel of other excellent Wines in casks and in bottles; among which are Red & White Claret, Dry Lisbon, and very old Brazil Madeira Wine, just received and for sale, by JOHN GOULDING Who has on hand as usual an assortment of choice Liquors of most kinds used here. Georgetown, March 25—
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD
RAN away on the evening of the 7th inst. a bright Mulatto Man, named BOB, who calls himself Robert Thomas, about 5 feet 10 inches high, 24 or 25 years of age, has large black eyebrows, large full eyes, not very dark, and is a stout, well made, handsome fellow. His hair is thick, but not quite straight, and he wears it nicely trimmed, combed and ridged on the top. His beard appears very black if suffered to grow for a day or two, but he usually shaves it very closely. He has recently received an injury on the forefinger of the left hand, and has it bound up, and may probably lose the first joint of it. He speaks deliberately, and is more correct in conversation than persons of his color usually are. He walks slowly, is a very good waiter, but delights particularly in attending to horses. He has a variety of cloaths, and took with him one dark green broadcloth coat and pantaloons with yellow buttons, one cloth coat and pantaloons nearly of the same color, but the cloth of inferior quality, with white metal buttons, one blue cloth coat much worn, one old brown surcoat coat with covered buttons, a good hat, and a pair of black top boots. The rest of his apparel I am unable particularly to describe. He is fond of wearing boots, and pays great attention to his dress. As he can read and write very well, he may probably produce a forged authority for him to pass, or procure the certificate of some one of the Negroes, who, a few years ago, petitioned by the name of Thomas, and obtained their freedom in Maryland. If taken out of the state of Maryland and district of Columbia, and secured in any jail, so that I shall get him again, the above reward will be given, or sixty dollars if taken and secured within the said state or district; all reasonable expenses will all also be paid, if he should be delivered to me in the city of Washington, or to Dr. Richard Duckett, in Prince George's county, Maryland. He is well acquainted in Annapolis, Baltimore, Geo. Town, and the city of Washington. ALLEN B. DUCKETT. May 13—ptf
TO BE LET, After the 20th June next, THAT elegant, well built two-story BRICK HOUSE, lately the property of Mr. Wm. Woodward, on Pennsylvania Avenue. The stand is well known. Solomon Myers's lease for three years, at the rate of 250 dollars per annum, will expire on that day.—For terms enquire at Robert Underwood's, directly opposite. April 27—entf
FOR SALE. THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shewn it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale Wm BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
FOR SALE. THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shewn it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale Wm BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21—eptds
TUNIS CRAVEN HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
Wood's best London cloths, Do. double milled & plain cassimeres, Bennett's cords and velvets, Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Trafalgar, and silver cords, Velvets, Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating, Silk moleskins do. Tollinets, swansdown do. Plain and figured Marseilles do. Bearskin coatings, Plains, kerseys, halffricks, Rose and duffel blankets, flannels, Superfine green cloth table covers, Calicoes, colored cambrics, Ginghams, silk and cotton chambrays, Furniture Chintz, Cambric and jaconet muslins, India and British book do. India mullmull figured and plain, Plain and figured lenoes, Laced cambrics, Elegant tambooured mulls, Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses, 3-4 damask and raw silk shawls, Damask scarfs, Camel's hair and swansdown do. Down scarfs, Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves, Extra long and habit kid gloves, Do. do. silk do. Do. do. raw silk do. Cross barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings, Persians and Medes, Thread and cotton laces, Lace caps and handkerchiefs, Book muslin and leno cap patterns, 4-4-7-8 Irish linens, Long lawns, linen cambrics, Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins, Cotton counterpanes, Cambric Dimities, Common do. Furniture do. Ladies and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose, Gentlemen's pantaloons do. Silk cords and buttons, Ribbons, floss threads, Scarlet and other colored bombazets, Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg, Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c.
ALSO, Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars.
T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms. February 3—tf
NOW LANDING From on board the Schooner VIRGINIA from New York,
First quality St. Croix SUGAR in hogsheads, prime green COFFEE in bags, fresh TEAS, Bordeaux CLARET in boxes of one dozen each, SWEET OIL, OLIVES, CAPERS & ANCHOVIES, for sale by
ROSS & GETTY. George Town, May 23—tf
WANTED
AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred. Apply to
RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—eptf
BURAS AND BEALL.
WOOLLEN drapers, men's mercers, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N. B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable stile with neatness and dispatch. October 23—tf.
A WAGGON SCREW Was let with the subscriber about the middle of April last, opposite the Fish Wharf in George Town. The owner may have it again by proving property and paying charges of this advertisement. SAM. COLLINGWOOD. May 30—3t