The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-03-16 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1158.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
BY AUTHORITY.
AN ACT for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases, and for other purposes.
B E it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the payment of all bonds given for duties on the importation of coffee, sugar, pepper, indigo, cocoa, and wine paying a duty of twenty-three cents per gallon, which remain unpaid at the passing of this act, and have or may become due, subsequent to the 22d of December last, and whilst the act entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," shall continue in force, may be suspended during the continuance of the said act, on the terms and conditions hereinafter provided: Provided , That such extension of credit shall not apply to the duties due for any of the above described articles, which, either have been re-exported, or are not entitled to be exported with benefit of drawback, nor to any which have been, or will be sold by the importer.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted , That the persons entitled to the extension of credit, allowed by the preceding section, shall, in order to enjoy its benefit, take up, or have cancelled, the bonds heretofore given for duties, on which the extension of credit is allowed, and give to the collector new bonds, with one or more sureties, to the satisfaction of said collector, for the sums of their former bonds respectively, payable whenever the act entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," shall no longer be in force: which bonds shall be accepted by the collectors respectively, upon the terms following, that is to say, the goods for the duties whereon such bonds shall be accepted, shall be deposited at the expense and risk of the importer, or importers, parties to the said bonds, in one or more store-house or store-houses, in the same manner as is now provided for the deposit of teas, by the 62d section of the act entitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," but no delivery of the said goods, or of part thereof, shall be made to the owners thereof, unless the duties on so much thereof, as may, on the application of the owners, be thus delivered, shall have been paid. And whenever the sum specified in any of the bonds taken by virtue of this section, shall become due and remain unpaid more than forty-five days, so much of the said deposited goods as may be necessary, shall be sold by the collector at public sale, and the proceeds thereof, after deducting the charges of safe-keeping and sale thereof, shall be applied to the payment of such sum, rendering the overplus arising on such sale and the residue of the goods so deposited, if any there be, to the person or persons, by whom such a deposit shall have been made, or to his or their agent or lawful representative. But if the proceeds of such sale shall not be sufficient to pay the duties and charges, or if any of the goods shall, while deposited, be destroyed, stolen, lost or damaged, the bonds taken by virtue of this section, for the payment of duties on such goods, shall be proceeded with, in all respects, as other bonds taken by collectors for duties due to the United States.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted , That whenever any goods, wares or merchandise, which, being entitled to be exported, with benefit of drawback, had, prior to the 22d day of December last, been actually laden on board a vessel, and inspected under the superintendence of a proper officer, in conformity with the provisions of the 75th section of the act entitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," have been detained under the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, so as to prevent the actual exportation of such goods, wares and merchandise, the payment of bonds given for duties on the importation of the same, may, to an amount equal to that of such duties, and no farther, be suspended during the continuance of the last mentioned act, in the same manner, and on the same terms and conditions, as is provided by the preceding section for bonds given for
duties on certain specified articles: Provided , That the owners of such goods, wares and merchandise, shall surrender any debentures which previously have been granted for the drawback of duties on the same.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted , That the persons entitled to the extension of credit allowed by the next preceding section, may, at their option, either deposit the goods, wares and merchandise, in a store-house or store-houses, or leave the same on board the vessel on which the same have been laden; the said goods, wares and merchandise, being in either case secured in the same manner as is provided for goods deposited in conformity with the second section of this act: Provided always , That whenever it may be lawful to export such goods, wares or merchandise, it shall be necessary that the same should again be inspected by a proper officer on board the vessel in which the same shall be exported, in order to entitle the exporter to the benefit of drawback: nor shall any debentures for drawback of duties on such goods, wares and merchandise, be issued or paid, until after the actual exportation of the same: And provided also , that nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent the owners of such goods, wares and merchandise, who may not claim the extension of credit allowed by this act, and who have not received debentures for the drawback of duties on the same, from landing and keeping in their possession any such goods, wares or merchandise.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. MARCH 10, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
For procuring an additional number of arms and for the purchase of salt-petre and sulphur.
B E it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a sum of money not exceeding three hundred thousand dollars, be, and the same is hereby appropriated, out any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the purpose of procuring by purchase, or causing to be manufactured within the United States, and under the direction of the President of the United States, an additional number of arms to be deposited in safe and suitable places. And for the purchase of salt-petre and sulphur, a sum not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 11, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST
We are happy to announce that a Bridge is again completed across the Potomac near the Little Falls, three or four miles from the City and Georgetown. This bridge brings several miles nearer to Georgetown and to the Capitol of the U. States, the finest part of Virginia; and is important, not only to the convenience of a well cultivated populous country, but to the commercial growth of the seat of government.
This is the third bridge that has been erected at the same place within the last 12 or 14 years: the first was built by M. Palmer, entirely of wood, and fell in about 7 years, from natural decay; the next was made by Mr. Burr, the architect of the celebrated Trenton bridge, and on the same principles, also of wood, and remained scarcely six months. The cost of the first, including very strong abutments of stone and iron, raised on each side of the river 37 feet higher than its bed, to place the bridge out of danger from floods, was little less than 80,000 dollars. But the abutments, which formed at least a moiety of the expense, remain unimpaired, and promise to do so for ages.
The bridge just finished is constructed on the principles of that built a few years ago by Judge Findley, near Union Town, in Pennsylvania over Jacob's Creek. It is supported
solely by iron chains, extended across the river, thrown over piers erected on the abutments, about 20 feet high. The ends are well secured in the ground, and the chains passing over the river from pier to pier, describe a curve line, touching in the centre the level of the floor, which is just as high as the abutments. The lower tier of joists are hung to the chains, by iron pendants or stirrups of different lengths, so as to form a level of the whole 18 or 20 inches below the top of the abutments—another tier of joists is laid across the first, and receives the floor.
There are four chains to support this bridge, two on each side of it—the pendants are hung on the chains alternately, about 5 feet apart, on each side, so that each chain receives a pendant in every 10 feet. Judge Findley advised but one chain on a side, and the pendants to be 10 feet apart, but as it only created additional labor and expense, it was thought best for greater security, and this mode of bridging being entirely new, to double the strength, by doubling the chains, pendants and joists—but it is now seen, that the ingenious inventor was correct in his advice, and that half the number would have been abundantly sufficient for the support of many times the weight which the bridge can ever be required to bear—and that the additional chains and pendants only add useless strength.
Judge Findley has made many experiments to ascertain the strength of iron in different positions, and asserts that one inch square bar of tolerable iron in the position these chains hang, will bear from 30 to 40 tons weight. The four chains employed in this bridge, are equal to 7 1/2 bars of one inch square, and are sufficient, according to his experiments, for the support of 225 to 280 tons. The pendants on the same principles would support, equally distributed over the bridge, 600 tons:—each pair of pendants, supporting one joist, would bear at least 50 tons; but from their frequent occurrence, and the length of the joists of the second tier, no one of which rests on less than four joists below, supported by 8 pendants, it is next to impossible that any one pair of pendants will ever be required to support one fortieth part of what they are able to bear.
The span of this bridge is 128 1/2 feet—the width 16 feet, and the weight about 22 tons. The cost is less than 4,000 dollars—perhaps the expense properly belonging to the bridge, less than 3,000—as a portion of the money expended has been laid out in repairing, and better securing from damage by floods, the inclined plane leading up to the abutment, on the Maryland side. The wood part of the bridge, which is but trifling, can always be repaired, by taking out any decayed timber, without disturbing what remains sound. The iron part is the chief expense, and that will endure for a century. We hear that Judge Findley is about obtaining a patent for his invention, which is perhaps the most important that the world has yet discovered in the art of bridge building; uniting as it does, great strength and durability, with extreme cheapness.
At a meeting of the Republicans of Wilmington N. C. & its vicinity, convened by public notice at Dick's Hotel on Saturday 27th February, 1808, Joshua Potts was chosen chairman, and Almand Hall, Secretary.
The following resolutions were unanimously adopted.
Whereas we consider the present as the most eventful and important crisis that has occurred in our political affairs since the establishment of American independence. In addition to the unfortunate affair of the frigate Chesapeake, the belligerent powers, after exhausting their invention and pursuit of all other means of mutual annoyance; have at length to the total subversion of the usages and long established laws of nations, determined on total annihilation of every vestige of neutral right.—Whether we consider our government as at this time pressing demands of satisfaction for insults and indignities received; or as condoning for acknowledgment and security by negotiation; or preparing to defend it necessary or force, rights deeply affecting the future welfare and prosperity of our country; we deem the present a period pregnant with events, so highly important as to call on every good citizen in a peculiar manner to support the constituted authorities.
Resolved therefore , That wholly
disregarding the inconsiderate speculations of inexperienced, misinformed, or designing men; but entertaining full and unabated confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the President and Congress of the United States; we pledge our support of every measure, which they in their wisdom may think proper to adopt, to vindicate the honor, and secure the rights of the nation.
Resolved , That perfectly unbiased towards any foreign power, viewing them impartially, as 'in war enemies—in peace friends'—We feel no other interest in the result of their conflicts, than so far as it may hereafter affect our own safety and independence; but the outrages committed on our rights under the pleas of necessity or counter-measure, excite equally our resentment and abhorrence, whether they be committed by the one, or the other of the belligerents—It is therefore with sentiments of the highest indignation, we learn that the French Emperor, in addition to his former spoiling orders, has lately issued a decree rendering every American vessel that could be sent to sea, even if bound to his own ports, under some pretence or other, subject to condemnation.
Resolved , That taking into view the enforcement of the French Decree of Nov. 1806—the late British orders of council, and the more recent supplemental decree of Buonaparte; interdicted as we are on the one hand by France and her allies, at the peril of condemnation of vessel and cargo, from any commerce whatever with Great Britain and her dependencies; and on the other hand, interdicted also by Great Britain at the same peril, from any commerce with France and her allies, which now compose almost all Europe. Had the constituted authorities slumbered at their post; had they not foreseen, and as far as practicable averted the injurious effects of such orders and decrees, they would have been either guilty of a dereliction of duty, or obnoxious to the just reproach of deficiency in political foresight. We therefore consider the embargo as a measure founded on principles of a wise and provident policy; inasmuch as no American vessel could have traversed the seas subject to the operation of such restrictions, but must have fallen a prey to the depredations of one or the other of the belligerent powers.
Resolved , That we fully approve of the firm and dignified conduct displayed on all occasions by our Representative in Congress Thomas Ken- E. q.
Resolved , That it is recommended by this meeting to the Republicans of the several counties composing the District, to send four delegates from each county, to meet at S. Washington on the first Monday in May next, for the purpose of selecting a proper person to be supported as an elector, to vote for a President and Vice-President of the United States, at the ensuing election—and that the chairman request Major Nixon, and A. F. Macneille, to attend such meeting, in behalf of the Republicans of this county; and that A. F. Macneille, Thomas F. Davis, Wm. Giles, Hinton James and Christopher Dully, Jrs. be a committee to correspond on this subject.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE
On the bill concerning public contracts.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 25.
The bill being on its passage, and a motion having been made to re-commit,
Mr. BASSETT said he did not rise to make objections to the re-commitment of the bill. Being as he professed himself a real advocate of the principle he wished it to be so presented to their consideration as to attach to it as many friends as possible, and that it might go forth as perfect as they could make it. He therefore unequivocally consented to the re-commitment. But, that gentlemen might know the grounds on which the bill was founded he took this opportunity to give an explanation of them.
It is not to be wondered at, said he, that a subject which has gone through the house without debate as this has should need explanation. I did believe and do still believe that there is so much intrinsic merit in the bill itself as to carry conviction to the minds of the majority, and weigh down all opposition. It would certainly have been better if some of the objections which are now made, had been made while the bill was before open to amendment; but such as have been made, I will now endeavor to answer.
It certainly was never supposed by the friends of the bill, that by passing it we should violate the constitution. What says the constitution as to the principle? "No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office
under the authority of the U. S. which shall have been created or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during the time for which he was elected; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office." This short provision of the constitution seems to me to speak in answer to many objections to this bill; certainly it is a sufficient answer to those who would assume for granted that we are always trust worthy. Our constituents in this rule of conduct (the constitution) have told us that suspicion is a virtue; they have laid it down as a fundamental principle that the purity of the Representative body is most desirable; they have intended to put out of view every thing which could affect our selfish feelings; they have said that any man who might be liable to be operated on by private motives, should not have a vote in the Representation of the nation; that social motives only shall be known; that the Representatives shall be actuated only by those feelings common to the whole community. This is the most lively feature in our whole government—that the Representative and the represented shall feel one common sentiment—that each shall feel the acts of the other. Why does the constitution prohibit a public officer from holding a seat? Because a public officer has an individual interest in public measures not connected with the common good. For instance, the public good requires of the public officers the most ardent attention to the execution of the laws. What says a person making omission in his duty? Indulgence and gratification. Is not here a dissimilarity of feelings? The interest of the individual would prevail, and the rights of the community would suffer; and therefore they should not be put in competition. Has not a contractor the very same bias as a public officer? Is it not the interest of the public that contracts should be made as cheaply as possible, and of the contractor that they should be as dear? Is not here a distinction of interest, and is it not correct that a person who receives the public money in a contract ought not to have a vote in authorizing that contract? Is it not one of the great advantages secured to the people by our government, that their Representatives shall appropriate their money to the people's good? Is it the interest of the contractor to apply this scale of justice and impartiality? Certainly not. Therefore he stands in a different relation to the people than other citizens, and comes within the rule of the constitution.
With the exception of one gentleman (Mr. Hollen) all who have spoken on this subject have admitted the principle to be correct. The constitution has declared it so; the officers of our government have evinced their conviction of it, by a refusal to make contracts with members. Where then is the necessity for this law a gentleman asks us, and at the same time answers that we have no contractors here. This is evidence of the propriety of passing this bill. Our officers have felt it improper, and have declined making contracts with members. We in common with them have felt its impropriety; and thus no contracts have been made. What argument on earth can confirm us more in the principle than looking each way, and seeing that every thing wise and virtuous recommends its adoption? This argument that we are as yet pure, is the strongest recommendation of this preventive measure that can be conceived instead of an objection.
The bill would appear to me to be equally correct and effectual, if some words which have been objected to were omitted, and which go to a removal from office and disqualification to office, for making a contract with a member of Congress. But these words are not subject to exception, and the provision they contain is not without the constitutional power of this House. The constitution, speaking of impeachment says "The Senate shall have sole power to try all impeachments, &c. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend farther than to removal from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the U. States, &c." Is not here the principle recorded? Who is to ascertain the effect of a judgment? Is it not one of the general powers incident to Congress? The constitution has enacted that disqualification shall follow impeachment? Who shall attach it? The Executive? No. Shall the judiciary? At this moment I need not make a protest against increasing judicial power: It is pretty well understood in this House, and in the nation that the judiciary officers are disposed to take sufficient power upon themselves. Therefore I would not agree that the judiciary department shall have authority to say to what extent judgment in cases of impeachment shall go. If we profess to maintain a government of laws, it is one essential part of law to fix the extent of punishment, and gentlemen must see that it is one of the strongest and most certainly incidental

powers in legislation to say what punishment shall be, and to what extent it shall be.
The bill says that an officer making a contract with a member of Congress shall be deemed guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor, shall be removed from office and disqualified. If I were to stop short of this, what would induce me? The belief that having declared it was wrong, the officers of government would carefully avoid it. A bare declaration might for several years to come produce the desired effect; but I wish to legislate for times to come, on the principle of the unfortunate disposition of human nature to deterioration. It is to provide against future casualty that we are called upon by this bill; and to meet that object I am willing to say and I hope the House will also, that if any officer shall violate that plain rule which you will lay down, that he shall be removed from office, and incapable of again holding office under the U. S.
In answer to the case put by the gentleman from North Carolina of the President of the U. S. I can satisfy the gentleman at once. If the President makes a contract, the gentleman asks shall he be removed from office? It may be doubted whether the President or Vice-President are considered as "officers." In that point of view, "The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the U. S." says the constitution, "shall be removed from office on impeachment for or conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." If the President choose to infringe one of the standing laws of the country, ought he not to be punished? Has not the constitution provided that if guilty he shall be punished? Shall we make it a question that if the President do wrong he ought to be punished? This is an hypothetical case, and may be answered by saying that we would punish every body guilty of the offence. We have no right to remove them from office by law; the law does not remove, but recites that it shall be a high crime and misdemeanor. To whom is given the power of declaring what shall be a high crime and misdemeanor? Unquestionably to the legislature. Look over the powers of the legislature, and you will find that theirs is the power to make all laws to secure the nation against the failings incidental to human nature. Need I repeat again to gentlemen who possess any political thought at all, that it is in the legislative department that is vested the power of defining high crimes & misdemeanors? Was there ever a government in which any other department than the legislative has prescribed these rules? If we want illustration of this power in the legislature, we need but look into the code of laws. We find an instance affording a double illustration. The Secretary of the Treasury is proscribed from carrying on commerce. Is not this a case in point? Does it not show that the legislature has practised upon the principle of prescribing what shall be the duty of an officer of government, and that if he does not abide by it he shall be removed? I have been told of another instance: in case a captain of a ship shall make a false return he shall be deemed ever after incompetent to hold any office under the U. S. I will recite, because examples are forcible, the practice of the U. S. in another instance: in case of persons having undertaken enterprises against a foreign government, the act of Congress has declared it to be a high crime. Would not a man say on reading this that the person guilty should be removed from it if holding an office under the U. S.? Would any man doubt if one of your officers were tried in a court and found guilty of this crime, that he could not also be impeached and removed, because the constitution has expressly said that for the crimes of treason and bribery they shall be removed?
Being anxious for the passage of this bill, and others coadjutors with me, were anxious to take from it all objection; and our very caution in this respect is brought up against us. It is made an objection that we have excepted contracts immediately executed. I am one who would go the full length. But when I act in concert with others, I do not wish my own opinion to be the guide, but feel disposed to yield to the wishes of the majority. With this view the proviso was inserted to free the bill from an apparent objection: it might have been objected without this, that if an officer of government were to go into market and buy a load of flour or wood, upon the pressure of the occasion, not knowing to whom it belonged, he might be guilty of a crime by contracting with a member of Congress. So soon as the bargain is made, it is carried into effect, and all kind of influence prevented; he is not subject to be acted on as by a person with whom he has made a contract; and thus, though the objection of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) was ingenious, I cannot admit its force. I shall be much obliged to that gentleman or any other who will aid us with such phraseology as shall make our meaning more clear.
An objection has been made to the clause excepting contracts for public land. There also was a submission of my opinion to that of others. The public lands are regulated in such a way that there need not be that objection to this proviso which exists in the minds of some gentlemen. All public lands when put up to public sale, or if sold privately, are at a uniform price. Hitherto under the general government, there has been no such thing as land speculation to any considerable amount; all speculations have arisen under the state governments, whose land systems are different from that of the U. S. I
should have no objection, if gentlemen prefer it, even to include land; and I should presume, however tender of individual rights, that there could not be any man who would not forego the probable advantage which he might have in purchasing a few acres of land, or any little advantage which he might derive from other contracts of any sort, to secure even a probable good to his country.
It has been stated by a member, that the fears of gentlemen who advocate this bill are merely visionary. If he had extended his eyes across the water, & taken into consideration the observations of the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Troup) in allusion to the British House of Commons, he would not have feared the observation to escape him. What, sir, shall we not profit by example? What is the state of the only government in Europe now exhausting a representative body, and what has brought it to this state? It has been caused by their participation in the plaves and fishes of the government. Annuities, sinecures, and the endless variety of peculations of that kind have destroyed its independence. I will refer gentlemen to the celebrated speech made by Mr. Fox on the subject of parliamentary reform, and leave it as an answer to those who suppose that our fears on this subject are visionary.
DEBATE On the bill concerning courts martial and courts of inquiry.
FRIDAY, MARCH 11. The bill was read the third time, and the question having been put "shall this bill pass?"
Mr. ELLIOT said it was to have been hoped that the bill, after having gone through the porifying process of successive recommittals, would have been presented, for the final question upon its passage, in a shape rather less questionable than that which it had assumed upon its original introduction to the House. In this hope, at once a natural and a pleasing one, said he, the opponents of the bill have unfortunately been disappointed. In one of the pleasant hours of the past gloomy season, this new twig of the great tree of our jurisprudence put forth its slender form, with all its blushing honors thick upon it; the next day came a frost; it has since experienced the vicissitudes of various weather; it is again in bloom; but its blossoms are frail and feeble, and even the beams of a vernal sun cannot save it from decay and death. Quitting, however, a metaphor, which is no sooner hunted up than it is hunted down, he said he would proceed to state, with as much plainness and conciseness as possible, those objections to the bill which he deemed as unanswerable as he was convinced they were insuperable. If they were capable of being answered, he hoped the supporters of the measure would deign to answer them. My objections to the bill, said Mr. E., are that it is erroneous in principle, that it is defective in detail, that it will be inoperative in practice, as it respects the great majority of cases which it professes to comprehend, and that, as to the remaining cases, it will operate to the delay of military justice, and the injury and oppression of the peaceable citizen.
First, that it is erroneous in principle.
It has been a constant theme of declamation with the enemies of the equal rights of man, that in the science of politics, unlike all other sciences, there are no fixed, incontestible principles, upon which the mind can repose with confidence, and in which all enlightened men will unite. The friends of freedom, at least since the time when Locke began to question the divine right of kings, have protested against this dogma. They contend that these fixed principles, these self-evident postulates, do exist in political as well as moral science—one of them forms the basis of all our institutions. "All men are by nature equal, & possess certain natural and unalienable rights." There is another which every true republican will cherish with all the ardor of affection, with all the energy of zeal, with all the inflexibility of patriotism. In a free government, the military should always be kept in a state of subordination to the civil power. If you admit that the military can become, even for a moment, co-ordinate with the civil power, you lay the axe to the root of the tree of public liberty. To make the military superior to the civil power, constitutes the very essence of despotism. This effect will be produced to a certain extent, by the passage of the present bill. Indeed a more appropriate title than it bears, that of "A bill concerning courts martial and courts of inquiry," would be "A bill to subject the civil to the military power, in certain cases therein mentioned." But we are gravely told that such will not be the effect of the bill. There may be a spice of arrogance in the assertion, but I shall venture to make it, that the authors and supporters of the bill do not appear to understand the nature and operation of the measure. To test the view which they have taken of it, let the first provision of the first section be critically considered. It is this which involves the pernicious principle against which we contend. The object is to coerce the attendance of civil witnesses before military tribunals; and how is this to be effected? The provision is in these words: "That in every case where the attendance of any person, not in the military or naval service of the United States, shall be necessary as a witness before a military or naval court martial, or court of inquiry, and who shall not reside at a
greater distance than one hundred miles from the place where the court martial or court of inquiry shall be held, a summons may be issued out of any court of the United States, and the clerk of any such court shall be, &c. he is hereby authorized and required, upon due application in writing by the judge advocate, or person officiating as such, or by the party accused, to issue such summons, requiring such witness to appear, and give evidence before such court martial or court of inquiry." Gentlemen I presume, will persist in telling us that a discretion is reserved to the judiciary by the expression "a summons may be issued out of any court of the United States." But who is so blind as not to see that those are mere words of form? That the court, instead of possessing a discretion, does not even possess an agency in the case? That the judge advocate is the efficient agent, and the clerk of the civil court the passive one? That the former may command, and the latter must obey? The clerk is authorized and required to issue the summons—by whose direction? That of the court or one of the judges? Not at all. "He is required, upon due application in writing, by the judge advocate, or party officiating as such, or by the party accused (before the martial tribunal) to issue such summons &c." Surely this will render the civil subservient to the military power, quoad hoc . In the case contemplated in the next provision of this section, which may be called the military subpoena duces tecum, a sound and proper discretion is vested in the judge. "And upon good and sufficient cause shown, verified by affidavit before any judge of any court of the United States, and the same being certified by such judge and produced to the clerk to whom application as aforesaid shall be made for any summons the said witness in such summons may be farther directed and required to exhibit in evidence before such court martial or court of inquiry, any public paper, document or record in his possession, power, or control, &c." The same discretion ought to have been given to the judge in the former case. It might have been placed in his breast with perfect safety. And thus the very advantage which it is contemplated to attain by the provisions of the present bill might have been attained without the sacrifice of principles which ought to be considered as sacred. If our military tribunals with the aid of the civil ones in the furtherance of public justice, they should not command it, but request it. The military should accost the civil power, not in the imperious tone of mandate, but in the lowly voice of supplication.
The bill is still defective in its details, and in some of them involves new principles of a most dangerous and destructive character.
That provision which embraces what I call the military subpoena duces tecum, has been well amended by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon.) But it is even now not sufficiently definite and well guarded. "Any public paper, document, or record in his possession, power or control; which said paper, document or record shall be specified in such affidavit and certificate, and described in such summons, and in the opinion of the judge shall contain evidence pertaining to the issue or subject matter which may be required by the said court, and which such witness might be compelled to produce by the ordinary rules of proceeding in a court of civil jurisdiction." The latter part of this clause, embracing the gentleman's amendment, has removed, in a great degree, the original objections to this provision in the bill. But a person may have papers, documents or records, in his "power or control," for specific purposes, which are not regularly in his possession, and which of course he cannot carry into court. The words "power or control," therefore ought to have been omitted. That civil officers should in any case be required to carry civil records into military courts, is a very questionable principle. It would be going far enough to prescribe some method of authenticating copies of such records which should be received as evidence in courts martial. But if the principle is to be established, its exercise ought to be guarded with all possible care.
Passing over many objectionable matters of detail in the second and third sections, I proceed to the fourth section, which was also introduced as an amendment, by the gentleman from Massachusetts. "Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that in all cases where the witness, whose testimony is required, shall reside at a greater distance than one hundred miles from the place where such court martial or court of inquiry may be held, the deposition of such witness, taken in the manner prescribed, and agreeable to the directions contained in the third section of this act, may be read in evidence before such court martial or court of inquiry." The supporters of the bill, obliged to yield to the unconquerable objection to the bill as it originally stood, that the peaceable citizen might be drugged from Passamquoddy to Natchitoches, from one extreme to the other of our vast territory, to attend the military courts, have endeavored to remove the difficulty by the introduction of this most extraordinary section. I have heard the rules and regulations for the government of the army called, upon this floor, the code of Draco—a bloody code. The volume of martial law must always be stained with blood. It cannot be avoided. For one, I think our own military code too severe and sanguinary, and was a member of a very small minority which voted in opposition to the system. But how greatly is the gloom of the scene increased by exact-
ing that the lives of your soldiers shall be sacrificed by depositions—by written evidence! Fifteen or twenty, crimes are punishable by death, and in all cases where the witness shall reside at a greater distance than one hundred miles depositions may be read against the accused. In civilized countries, and in enlightened times this monstrous principle has never been adopted—not even in military courts. The soldier who is accused of a crime, is of course placed in a state of close confinement; he is not to be confronted with the witnesses against him, nor can he attend at the times and places where depositions are taken, which are to affect his life. In this free country, gentlemen ought to start at a law of this kind with instinctive horror!
The other objections to this system are, that it will be inoperative in practice as to the great mass of cases which it comprehends, and that in others it will operate to the delay of military justice, and the injury and oppression of the peaceable citizen.
Gentlemen say that the soldier, by becoming such, does not cease to be a citizen, and ought to possess the rights of the citizen even in the camp. Why then do not they propose to give to military men the right of trial by jury, the privilege of being confronted with the witnesses against them, the right of compulsory process for witnesses on their own part, and the privilege of being heard by counsel? All this is delightful in theory, but can never be realized in practice. Men cannot carry all the rights of the citizen from their native fields to the tented plains, from rural scenes to the camp of Mars. The idea is a pleasing but a delusive one. But this new law, while it will subject the soldier to the loss of life in consequence of the depositions of men whom he never saw nor ever can see, will give him no new privilege. To illustrate this position, let us recur to the first part of the first section. "That in every case where the attendance of any person, not in the military or naval service of the United States, shall be necessary as a witness, &c." Who is to judge of the necessity? Will the court take a soldier's word for it? Will they allow him to file an affidavit stating the absence of a material witness? If they will, who shall form his affidavit? Your military code denies him counsel, except that the judge advocate is so far to act as counsel for the prisoner as not to suffer leading questions to be put to the witnesses against him, or to suffer him to be compelled to criminate himself. The officer, and the non-commissioned officer or private soldier, occupy very different ground upon a military trial. In most cases the officer is only deprived of his sword, and goes at large upon his parole of honor; the soldier is always placed in close confinement. To the officer is secured the most essential characteristic of a trial by jury; not so to the soldier. The officer is tried by his peers, by his equals and associates; the soldier by his masters, by men with whom he is never permitted to associate, and who are in the constant habit of exercising an iron despotism over him. To the officer, all those sympathies and sentiments which result from the common intercourse of gentlemen upon terms of equality, unite all those which connect themselves with the spirit of the citizen; will secure, not only every legal advantage, but every reasonable indulgence. In favor of the soldier nothing of this kind can operate. He respects him the law will be unavailing, except that his life may be sacrificed by depositions! The officer can avail himself of its provisions to send for depositions from every quarter of the Union, and thus impede the march of military justice as long as he pleases. To the industrious and peaceful citizen your law will be a constant source of injury. There are two principles upon which the citizen is called into courts of justice as a witness, unremunerated, for his legal fees are contemplated only as a bare compensation for his actual expenses, and he receives nothing for the derangement of his business, or even for his time. One of them, that private inconvenience should always yield to the public good, will apply to military as well as civil tribunals. The other, which is a very obvious one, applies to civil courts alone. In attending the court as a witness, the citizen performs a service for some other citizen, which, in the course of the common concerns of life, he is under the necessity of asking others to perform for himself. In relation to courts martial, this reciprocity does not exist. The citizen can neither sue nor prosecute others, nor be sued or prosecuted himself, before military courts. He commits no military crime, he wishes for no military witnesses.
Upon the whole, although the policy of passing such a law at all is extremely questionable, yet the advantages which it is contemplated to obtain by it, might be obtained, without subjecting the civil to the military power. Let the martial approach the civil court, not with all "the pomp, pride, and circumstance of glorious war," but in the humble attitude of a supplicant, and in the humble tone of supplication. Every judge, in every case, should possess a sound discretion. This power would not be abused, if it were by one magistrate, application might be made to another. Mr. E. concluded by remarking that he would not pledge himself to vote even for such a law. But if a law upon the subject be to pass, it ought to pass upon that principle, and upon that alone.
(DEBATE TO BE CONTINUED.)
MONDAY, MARCH 14.
A report of the receipts and expenditures of the United States for the
year 1806, was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, and referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. Van Horne presented a petition of a number of inhabitants of the city of Washington, praying a revision of the law respecting the writ of capias; which was referred to the committee on the district of Columbia.
Mr. Macon held in his hand a resolution on a subject which he wished to present to the consideration of the House. It was, to direct a committee of the House to enquire into the propriety of allowing a larger discount for prompt payment of the purchase money for public lands. The present discount was eight per cent. not so great as the profit which was derived from some stock of the United States, and thus an inducement was offered to withhold payment. It seemed to him that it would be good policy at this time to allow a greater discount for payment of ready money. Influenced by these reasons he offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the committee on Public Lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of allowing a greater discount to purchasers of public lands, for prompt payment, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.—Agreed to without a division.
Mr. Quincy, after a prefatory address of near an hour [which will be given in our next] submitted the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to the House the dispatches addressed to this government by the American minister at Paris, touching the proceedings of the French government in relation to neutral commerce, which have been received since the dispatches of that minister, which were communicated to Congress by message on the 19th Feb. 1807.
And the question having been put "Will the House now consider this resolution?" It was negatived by Yeas and Nays. 66 to 44.
On motion of Mr. Gardner, the House went into committee of the whole, 52 to 35, on the bill to prolong the continuance of the mint at Philadelphia. Mr. Coats in the Chair.
Mr. Love moved that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Love, Lewis, Key, and Nelson, and opposed by Messrs. Alston, Milnor, Livermore, J. Clay, Smilie, Kelly, and Southard.
[The supporters of this motion wished the House to rise in order to give time for procuring calculations, &c. to show the policy and expediency of removing the mint from Philadelphia to Washington. The arguments in favor of this motion were nearly the same as those in favor of the continuance of the seat of government at Washington; in addition to that, the advantage of water for carrying on the works was stated, and which could not be had in Philadelphia. An objection to the passage of this bill also was, that a law is now in existence for prolonging the mint at Philadelphia till the 4th of March next; and by now continuing that law it would appear that gentlemen were afraid to trust the merits of its continuance at Philadelphia to an enquiry which might be had in the mean while.]
The opponents of the motion contended that a removal from Philadelphia would be impolitic in the extreme, inasmuch as bullion could not be had at Washington; that the banks there were too limited in their operations; that the United States now possessed property in Philadelphia, houses, vaults, &c. which could not be disposed of to advantage; that the superintendents and workmen were residents at Philadelphia, probably would not remove, and others certainly could not be had at the seat of government; that the expence of removal also of materials, machinery, &c. and the erection of others here, would create a very great expenditure of money by the United States. It was also contended that the law for the continuance of the mint at Philadelphia expired on the 4th of March last.]
The motion for rising of the committee was negatived by a large majority.
A motion was made by Mr. J. Clay to strike out of the bill 1809, the time at which the bill provides that the further prolongation shall commence, and insert 1808, as the law was supposed to have expired on the 4th of March last.—Carried.
The committee rose and reported the bill as amended; when the House agreed to consider the report, 64 to 23.
Mr. Love moved that the further consideration of the report of the committee of the whole be postponed till to-morrow.—Negatived. Ayes 29.
The House concurred with the term of five years for its further continuance at Philadelphia, after some ob-

ations of Mr. Lewis against it, 53 to 28. And
The bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Dawson the House took up for consideration the bill from the Senate for raising an additional force, with the report of the select committee upon it, 54 to 22.
Mr. Gardner moved to adjourn. Negatived 47 to 44.
Mr. Rowan moved to commit the bill to a committee of the whole. Such a bill as this should not be lightly passed over. What occasion called for this bill now? If we are to have war, said he, we must immediately raise a larger force. Whenever the occasion for force is manifest, none will be more ready to raise it than I; but till that time I am opposed to raising a regular force. I will not do it merely because it is deemed necessary by an individual; it belongs to the people to raise an army and declare war; we must know the state of affairs before we can be justified in doing it. When any event occurs which shall render this force necessary, we will raise it. If we have war, we must raise a much larger force. A few days or a few weeks sooner will not be an object; at all events do not pass through the bill without its being committed. Is it possible that the Congress of the United States can already raise an army without even committing the bill? I hope not. I have no object in wishing for delay, but to know whether the force be necessary. If it be necessary, the bill shall have my support; and on the same principle it shall not till I know whether it be necessary or not. We have not as yet I hope forgot the sentiment of the nation on the subject of standing armies expressed a few years ago; and surely we shall see cause for it now before we agree to pass the bill.
Mr. Dawson said he was not apprehensive that any thing which he ever did or said should be called anti-republican. He said he should certainly, according to the usual custom of the House, have moved a reference of this bill to a committee of the whole, had not a bill in every material point similar, already passed through a committee of the whole, and been fully discussed. If the gentleman from Kentucky examined the bill, Mr. D. said, he would have found that there was no idea of raising an army without full investigation.
Mr. Talmadge said he was certainly disposed to commit the bill. Such a bill as this, so important in its principles & consequences, it must appear to the House, ought to be discussed, and that very fully. The gentleman from Virginia (said Mr. T.) has told us that this bill is similar to the other in its general principles. It will very well be remembered that when the House came out of committee of the whole on that bill, a motion was made that the bill lie on the table; it did lie on the table, and from the best of all reasons. The bill was so defective in its details that it could not be carried into operation. This bill should be committed, not only for the reasons offered by the gentleman from Kentucky, but because it is the most defective in detail that ever came before the House. I have a number of amendments, & it will be well if it is except the bill be committed.
The question having been put on reference to a committee of the whole, it was carried, Ayes 72.
Mr. Rowan wished it to be made the order of the day for Wednesday.
Mr. Dawson named to-morrow.
Mr. W. Alston named to-day. The question being of course first taken on Wednesday, was negatived 48 to 42.
Mr. Dawson's motion was then carried without a division.—Adjourned.
TUESDAY, MARCH 15.
Mr. Clark presented a memorial of a committee on behalf of certain land holders in the territory of Louisiana, praying a confirmation of their titles in simple; which was referred to the committee on Public Lands.
Mr. Basset moved that the committee of the whole be discharged from the further consideration of the bill for incorporating the Protestant Episcopal church of the town of Alexandria.—Agreed.
On motion of Mr. Rhea the House resolved itself into a committee of whole, 59 to 36, Mr. J. Richards in the chair, on the bill to alter and establish certain post-roads.
On the details of this bill a long and desultory discussion arose, which continued till the usual hour of adjournment, when the committee rose without having made much progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
NOTICE.
A Dividend will be made amongst the Creditors of the late Mr. Richard Crump on Friday the 1st day of April next, at Mr. William Ross's tavern, in Bladensburg. The creditors are requested to attend with their claims legally authenticated, as no respect will be paid to any others, except those known to be justly due by the Administrator.
Bonds passed to the subscriber for property purchased at the sales of the deceased's effects last Spring, became due on the 10th of this month, and unless taken up by Saturday the 19th will be put in suit without respect to persons.
THOMAS BOWLE, Adm'r of Rich'd Crumpin.
March 16—71w
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16.
We have on hand a number of communications on various subjects, for which we cannot at present find room, without omitting articles that during the sitting of Congress, have stronger claim for insertion in a print published at the seat of government. It is likewise owing to this circumstance, that we have been constrained to take but a very brief notice of the proceedings of the several state legislatures and Executives, and almost entirely to a stain from the republication of interesting essays from other prints—demanding it our first duty to present a full view of the measures of the general government.
The members of both branches of the Legislature of KENTUCKY have unanimously recommended JAMES MADISON, as President of the U. States.
The Military Court of Inquiry in the case of Gen. Wilkinson met on Monday. Having no business before them they adjourned to that day week.
To THE EDITOR OF THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Washington city, March 12, 1808. I enclose you a list of those members who attended the meeting held at the Capitol on January 23d, which recommended JAMES MADISON, as President, and GEORGE CLINTON, as Vice President of the United States at the ensuing election. I believe the list to be correct; but as the names were not enrolled on the evening of the meeting, if any gentleman should be named who was not present, upon his suggestion the correction shall be made. From this list it appears that 94 were present, of whom 89 voted. I also transmit the names of those gentlemen who were absent from the meeting, or who were present and did not vote, who have authorized me to state that they are in favor of James Madison as President and George Clinton, as Vice President.
RD: M. JOHNSON, Sec.
New Hampshire.
Mr. Parker—Senate Mr. Carlton, } Mr. Durell, } Repre- Mr. Gardner, } sentatives. Mr. Smith, } Mr. Storer, }
Massachusetts.
Mr. Adams—Senate. Mr. Bacon, } Mr. Barker, } Mr. Cook, } Mr. Chandler, } Repre- Mr. Cutts, } sentatives. Mr. Deane, } Mr. Greene, } Mr. Isley, } Mr. Seaver, } Mr. Varnum, }
Rhode Island.
Mr. Howland, } Senate. Mr. Matthewson, } Mr. Knight, } Repre- Mr. Wilbour, }
Vermont.
Mr. Bradley, } Senate. Mr. Robinson, } Mr. Fick, } Repre- Mr. Withersall, }
New York—Repr.
New Jersey.
Mr. Coudert, } Senate. Mr. Kitchell, } Mr. Lambert, } Mr. Newbold, } Repre- Mr. Sloan, } Mr. Southard }
Pennsylvania.
Mr. Gregg—Senate. Mr. Brown, } Mr. Bard, } Mr. Findley, } Mr. Heister, } Repre- Mr. Porter, } Mr. Pugh, } Mr. M. Richards, } Mr. Smith, }
Maryland.
Mr. Smith—Senate. Mr. M'Cready, } Mr. Moore, } Repre- Mr. Montgomery, } Mr. Nelson, }
Virginia.
Mr. Giles, } Senate. Mr. Moore, } Mr. Burwell, } Mr. Clay, } Mr. Dawson, } Mr. Eppes, } Mr. Goodwin, } Mr. Holmes, } Repre- Mr. Jones, } Mr. Love, } Mr. Morrow, } Mr. Newton, } Mr. Nicholas, } Mr. Smith, } Mr. Wilson, }
Ohio.
Mr. Tiffin—Senate. Mr. Morrow—Repr.
Kentucky.
Mr. Pope, } Senate. Mr. Thruston, } Mr. Boyle, } Mr. Desha, } Repre- Mr. Howard, } Mr. Johnson, }
North Carolina.
Mr. Franklin—Senate. Mr. Alexander, } Mr. Alston, } Mr. Blackledge, } Mr. Blount, } Repre- Mr. Franklin, } Mr. Holland, } Mr. Williams, }
South Carolina.
Mr. Sumpter—Senate. Mr. Alston, } Mr. Calhoun, } Mr. Moore, } Repre- Mr. Taylor, } Mr. Winn, }
Georgia.
Mr. Crawford, } Senate. Mr. Milledge, } Mr. Bibb, } Mr. Cobb, } Repre- Mr. Smelt, } Mr. Troup, }
Tennessee.
Mr. Anderson, } Senate. Mr. Smith, } Mr. Campbell, } Mr. Rhea, } Repre- Mr. Parke, }
Indiana Territory.
Mr. Parke.
The following are those who were absent, or if present did not vote, who are for James Madison, as President, and George Clinton, as Vice President.
Wm. Butler, L. Sawyer, W. Holmes, D. Smelt, J. Wharton, Jno. Claiborne, Thos. Kenan, J. G. Jackson, R. Whitehill, Jacob Crownshield.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
IN SENATE, March 15.
This being the day assigned by the Senate for the further consideration of the report made in this case, Mr. Smith, being himself absent, appeared by his counsel, who read a long letter from him, addressed to two members of the Senate, representing the circumstances which had prevented him from obtaining the evidence deemed by him material to his defence. After reading the letter Mr. Harper suggested the hope that further time would be allowed, and that the case would be postponed to the beginning or middle of April.
Mr. Hillhouse moved a postponement to the first Monday of April.
Messrs. Robinson, Crawford, Gregg and Anderson opposed, and Mr. Adams supported this motion.
Mr. Kitchell expressed a hope that, if a postponement obtained, it would not be to so distant a day.
Mr. Hillhouse acquiesced in this suggestion.
Mr. Giles moved a postponement to Monday week. This motion was supported by Messrs. Giles, Adams & Bayard, and was opposed by Messrs. S. Smith and Anderson; when the question was taken by yeas and nays, and the motion negative. Yeas 15, nays 17.
At the request of Mr. Smith's counsel the business was postponed till to-morrow.
MR. SMITH, SIR,
The immense quantity of cotton annually produced in our own country, and the number of patriotic manufactures, which the present crisis in our affairs will undoubtedly promote, have induced me to make a few economical calculations, viz. the annual expence for woollen cloth of foreign staple and fabric is equal to 10 millions in the United States. For which cotton could be adopted with more individual comfort as well as more public and private economy. In a future essay I shall pursue this subject with minuteness, founded on facts, easily demonstrating that above 10 millions of dollars can be annually saved by wearing velvets, cords, jeans and fustians only, instead of the European woollens now worn by a great portion of our citizens.
These reflections have induced me to obtain a full suit of fine velvet, the difference in the first cost only will be a saving of about one third of the whole expence, and the intire dress will probably last twice as long as the best European broad cloth.
S. B.
"Mark the perfect one and behold the Upright—for the end of that man is peace."
DIED.
On the evening of the 20th ult. at Clarkburgh, Maryland, Mrs. Eliza Prather aged 24 years, wife of Doctor Prather, and daughter of Charles Tompkins, Esq. of Baltimore, after a severe illness of three weeks, which she bore with that patient meekness of which her whole life was characteristic—like an exhausted lamp, she departed without a struggle, and in the full hope of salvation through her Redeemer. In her life she had a mildness of temper, that was singular—A kind strong and expanded—benevolent to all men—A tender wife, an affectionate mother, and a faithful friend.
From Havannah, January 14.
"The Intendant of this city has issued an order, demanding that the merchants who hold American produce, shall furnish for the use of government, 6,744 barrels flour; 1,027 barrels pork; 1,251 barrels beef; 63,562 wt. of good beans, and 95,813 wt. of ordinary; 2,296 jars of oil; and 81 barrels of vinegar; which, if not delivered in ten days, he will take measures for obtaining by force, for the use of his Catholic Majesty's troops." We have (says the Boston Centinel) the Havanna Gazette, which contains this order.
From a Gibraltar paper of Jan. 16.
MADRID, Jan. 8, 1808.
His majesty has been pleased to issue the following Royal Decree:—
The abominable crime committed by the English ships of war in 1804, by the express order of their government, against the four frigates of my royal navy, which were iniquitously surprised, attacked and captured, while navigating in the full security of peace, induced me to put an end to all intercourse with the British Cabinet, and to consider myself as in a state of war with a power which had so unjustly violated the laws of nations and humanity. So atrocious an aggression was a sufficient motive for me to break asunder all the bonds by which a nation is connected to another, if I had not taken into consideration what I owed to myself, and to the honor and glory of my crown and of my beloved subjects. Two years of war elapsed without the pride of Great Britain in the least abating, or her renouncing the unjust dominion which she exercises over the seas; instead of which, on the contrary, confounding friends with foes, she has displayed her determination to treat all in the same tyrannical manner. Moved by these considerations, I determined in Feb. last, conforming myself to the wise measures adopted by my illustrious ally the emperor of the French and king of Italy, to declare, as I did declare, the British islands in a state of blockade, in order to try whether I could by this means, bring the British cabinet to give up their unjust dominion over the seas, and to conclude a solid and lasting peace.—Far from it, they only have rejected the propositions which have been made to them on the part of my illustrious ally the emperor of the French and king of Italy, both directly and through the channel of several powers in amity with England; but, having been guilty of the greatest atrocity and piracy in the scandalous attack upon the town and port of Copenhagen, they have pulled off the mask in such a manner that nobody can doubt but their insatiable ambition aims at the exclusive commerce and navigation of every sea. Nothing evinces it so clearly as the measures which they have just adopted, under date the 14th (11th) of November last, not only declaring in a state of blockade all the coasts of France, Spain, their allies or those occupied by the armies of either power, but subjecting the vessels of neutral powers at peace, or even in alliance with England, not only to be searched by British cruisers, but also to touch, in spite of themselves, at a port of Great Britain, and to pay so much per cent. upon the value of their cargoes, according to the arbitrary determination of the British legislature. In consequence whereof, being authorised by the just rights of reciprocity to take such measures as I deem fit to prevent the abuse which the British cabinet are making of their forces, with regard to neutral flags, and in order to see whether they may thereby be prevailed upon to give up such unjust tyranny, I have resolved to adopt the same measures which have been taken by my illustrious ally the emperor of the French and king of Italy, and it is my will that they shall be adopted throughout my dominions, as follows:
Considering, that by the above mentioned act of the 14th (11th) of Nov. last, the British cabinet have stripped the vessels of all European nations of their national character, and that no government has the power of giving up any share of its independence, all the sovereigns of Europe being guarantees of the sovereignty and independence of their flags; and that, if through an unpardonable weakness, which would be an indelible stain in the eyes of posterity, if such tyranny were allowed to be laid down as a principle, and consecrated by custom, the English would take it for granted to establish it as a right, in the same manner that they have availed themselves of the toleration of governments, for the purpose of establishing the infamous principle, that the flag does not protect the goods, and of giving their right of blockade an arbitrary latitude, to the prejudice of the sovereignty of all states; I have decreed, and do decree what follows:
[Here follows an almost literal copy of the first four articles of Bonaparte's decree.]
Let it be so understood, &c.—Subscribed by his Majesty—Araujo, Jan. 8, 1808.
A. D. PETER CEVALLOS.
A letter from New York, received at the office of the Baltimore American states, that the corporation of that city provides daily during the present pressure of the times, for upwards of 3000 poor, besides giving work to many more in filling up lots & digging away banks for the improve-
ment of the city—an example worthy of imitation.
Captain Gardner, who arrived yesterday from Madeira & Terceira, 37 days from the latter place, informs us that a few days previous to his leaving Terceira, a British ship arrived from off Madeira, with dispatches to the general, informing that a most distressing famine had commenced at Lisbon. No Portuguese of any description were allowed to leave the country, and great numbers were obliged to enter the French army for subsistence—British troops were daily expected at Terceira.
STATISTICAL VIEWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Now in the press, and to be delivered in a few days,
A new Addition to Blodget's Statistical Manual, with a continuation of the general Tables up to the present time. Copy right secured.
March 16—3t
PORTRAITS,
PAINTED IN OIL COLORS. By C. BOYLE, at the Building formerly occupied by Mr. G. Stewart, Pennsylvania avenue.
Washington, March 11—if
PUBLIC SALE.
WILL be sold for cash at the Navy Yard on Saturday the 19th inst. at the house of Mr. Sarah, the following property, viz. one Carpenter's Chest with a complete set of TOOLS of every description, (they may be assorted in Lots) One book of Architecture, one case of Drawing instruments, and two Squares.
March 16—2t
THE subscriber has purchased out the stock of GOODS lately belonging to Mr. Elisha Riggs, and will be enabled, from the conditions of purchase, to dispose of them in the same manner as he would if not better terms than they were sold before. He expects to be at Philadelphia this week or the first of next, a handsome Spring Supply, which will make his assortment complete. They were first in for cash, therefore will accommodate his friends no doubt satisfactorily.
JOHN PETER, Georg. Town, March 16—epaw
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber being anxious to settle his business, has sold his entire stock of goods to John Peter; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, (particularly such as are of long standing, as further indulgence cannot be given them). His books are removed to the counting house of his brother Rosulus Riggs, where all his accounts will be ready for settlement by his assistant Mr. Samuel C. Gnat, or
ELISHA RIGGS, Georg. Town, March 16—t
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the Honorable the High Court of Chancery of Maryland, will be exposed to sale on the 8th day of April next at 12 o'clock at the store of Room's Distill. a Tract of LAND, containing One Hundred and Eighty Seven acres, called Breshears Plantation, the property of John Turner deceased, lying in Prince George's county, about 7 miles from Bladensburg, 10 from the city of Washington, and 25 from Annapolis; about one third in wood, the remainder in a state of productive cultivation. The terms of the above sale are, that the purchaser shall give bond with good security such as shall be approved of by the trustee for paying one half within 9 months, and the other half within 18 months with interest on each payment from the day of sale.
GEO. PAGE, Trustee.
The Creditors of John Turner, deceased, who have not yet exhibited their claims, are hereby notified to bring the same into the Chancery Court, with the vouchers thereof within six months from the day of sale.
G. PAGE. March 16—3w
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE subscriber having hitherto given public notice to all persons holding lots in the town of Cumberland, Allegany county, and on which ground rents are due, that unless the said rents were paid they would be sold on the first day of January, 1808, on which day they were exposed to public sale agreeably to an act of the legislature, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county;" but being advised that the whole provisions of the act aforesaid were not sufficiently complied with so as to effectuate and make valid the title to the lots sold to purchasers under the sale aforesaid, and the purchasers having refused on that account to pay the purchase money thereon; Public Notice is hereby given, that all lots on which here are no improvements, and which stand charged with ground rents will be exposed to public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days, on the 22d day of April next, unless the arrears of rent are paid up before that day. The sale to be held at the house of Mr. John Rine, in the Town of Cumberland, to commence at 1 o'clock on the day above mentioned, and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Sand, March 16—w6t

BY AUTHORITY.
AN ACT
In further addition to an act entitled "An act to amend the judicial system of the United States"
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the circuit court of the United States, in the second circuit, shall consist of the justice of the supreme court residing within said circuit, and the district judge of the district in which such court may be held.
Sec. 2 And be it further enacted, That within the district of Georgia, the circuit court to be held in the month of December, annually, shall hereafter be held at Milledgeville instead of Louisville.
Sec. 3 And be it further enacted, That instead of the times heretofore established by law for holding the fall terms of the district court for the district of North Carolina, the same be commenced and held in future on the following days, that is to say; at Wilmington, in and for the district of Cape Fear, on the third Monday of October; at Newbern, in and for the district of Pamptico, on the Friday next after the third Monday of October, and at Edenton, in and for the district of Albemarle, on the first Tuesday which shall follow the Friday next after the third Monday of October, annually. And that all actions, suits, writs, processes, pleadings, and other proceedings commenced or to be commenced, or which shall be now pending in any of the district courts of the district of North Carolina, for the terms aforesaid, shall be continued over and have day according to the alterations hereby made & established, any thing in any former act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, President of the Senate.
March 9, 1808.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
For the relief of Edward Weld Samuel Beecher, and John Davidson.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be and he hereby is authorized and directed to pay out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, to Edward Weld, the sum of one hundred dollars, to Samuel Beecher, the sum of fifty dollars, and to John Davidson, the sum of fifty dollars, together with interest on each of the said sums at the rate of eight per centum per annum, agreeably to the terms of the loan of five millions of dollars proposed under a treasury regulation pursuant to an act of Congress, passed on the sixteenth day of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, entitled "An act to enable the President of the United States to borrow for the public service," being the amount of three certificates issued at the bank of the United States, as part of the said loan; one of which being number two hundred and twenty seven, issued in the name of the said Edward Weld, for one hundred dollars, and has been since lost by him, not having been funded; one other being number eight hundred and ninety, issued in the name of John Fox, for one hundred dollars, the one moiety of which has been funded & the other moiety remaining still unfunded, has been regularly assigned to the said Samuel Beecher; and the remaining one of said certificates being the unfunded moiety from seven hundred and twenty seven, for one hundred dollars issued in the name of George Willis and regularly assigned to the said John Davidson; upon which certificates all the installments have been paid conformably to the terms of the said loan: Provided, that the said Edward Weld, shall previous to the said sum being paid to him, give bond with sufficient security to the satisfaction of the Secretary of the Treasury, to indemnify the United States against any future claim made on them, on account of the said lost certificate.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
MARCH 11, 1808.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit:
IN the case of JOSEPH RICKS an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt, which he is unable to pay. Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Joseph Ricks, that on Monday the 21st inst. at the hour of 10 o'clock, A.M. at the Capitol in the court room the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Joseph Ricks and a trustee appointed, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer twice prior to said day.
By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck.
March 11—2t
JUST PUBLISHED,
A NEW AND GREATLY IMPROVED FAMILY PHYSICIAN
ENTITLED THE PLANTER'S & MARINER'S MEDICAL COMPANION.
BY JAMES EWELL, Physician at Savannah.
RECOMMENDATIONS.
In testimony of the merits of this work, the following certificates presented by some of the most distinguished Medical characters of the United States, are inserted.
Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1807.
SIR—I have read your book, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with pleasure, and think it worthy the attention of the citizens of the United States.
W. SIPPEN, M. D. Professor of Anatomy.
Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1807.
DEAR SIR—I have carefully perused your work, just printed, entitled "The Planter's and Mariner's Companion." I take much pleasure in expressing my entire approbation of the plan of the work, and of its utility with which you have conducted your enquiries. Your book cannot fail to be a very acceptable present to the public in general, and especially to our own countrymen. I really am of opinion, that you are entitled to much praise for the pains which you have taken in furnishing us with a work, such as the "Medical companion," the want of which has long been experienced among us.
With sincere wishes for your health and happiness, and for the continuance of your usefulness,
I remain, my dear sir, Your friend, &c.
B. S. BARTON, M. D.
Professor of Materia Medica, Natural History, and Botany.
Dr. James Ewell. December 28th, 1807.
I have read "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion," by Dr. James Ewell of the state of Georgia, with pleasure and satisfaction. It is a book containing a variety of matter in a small compass. The practice which he recommends in diseases, is modern and judicious, and the work cannot fail of being extremely useful, in all families in the United States.
JAMES WOODHOUSE, M. D. Professor of Chemistry, in the University of Pennsylvania.
Dr. James Ewell. Philadelphia, Dec. 26th, 1807.
DEAR SIR—I have looked over "The Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with great pleasure, and not a little instruction. I find it an excellent remembrancer of much that I have already learnt from other works, and from professional experience. Being better adapted to the general circumstances of the U. States, than any other production of the kind hitherto published, it cannot fail to prove an invaluable "Companion" to those remote from medical aid. That all your views in the publication of it may be more than realised, is the sincere wish of Your friend and obedient servant, CHARLES S. CALDWELL, M. D. Dr. James Ewell.
Philadelphia, Dec. 29, 1807.
DEAR SIR—The work entitled, "The Planter's Medical Companion," which you were good enough to submit to my examination, I have read very attentively, and I consider it the most useful popular treatise on medicine, hitherto published.
The writings of Tissot, Buchan, and others, on this subject, have deservedly acquired reputation, but their practice is adapted rather to the diseases of the countries in which they lived, than to those of our own.
A well digested work, in a style plain and familiar, which should inculcate a practice suited to the diseases of the United States has been long required. You have now supplied the want. I trust that your very valuable book may be widely circulated. It is certainly calculated to do much good. Every family should purchase and carefully read it.
N. CHAPMAN, M. D.
Lecturers on Midwifery, and the disease of Women and Children.
Dr. James Ewell.
DEAR SIR—I have carefully perused your "Medical Companion," and have much pleasure in assuring that it abounds with excellent observations, well calculated to convey valuable instruction to all who are not possessed of regular information on the subjects of which it treats. It is easy of comprehension, and has an important advantage in being short, whilst it leaves little that is essential unnoticed. Heads of families will find it a useful guide on many interesting occasions. Were indeed, men in general to give more attention to the principles of diseases, and the means of remedying them, their ravages might be much more extensively mitigated. With my best wishes for your success in your endeavours to lessen the sum of human evils, I beg you to be assured, that I am, dear sir, yours with sincere regard,
JOHN CRAWFORD, M. D.
Baltimore, 7th March, 1808.
To Dr. James Ewell.
Baltimore, March 3d, 1808.
DEAR SIR—We have read over your publication entitled the "Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion" with much satisfaction, and consider it as meriting esteem for the concise and accurate history which it gives of the various diseases of the human body, (few if any of which, we believe are omitted) and the method of cure, which is both rational and agreeable to our experience. We are happy that you have made use of the new facts that have occurred in medicine, in that plain and easy manner which renders the means to
be comprehended & acted upon by persons of moderate knowledge in disease. We can recommend it, with propriety, to that class of citizens who have not an opportunity or means of procuring regular medical advice, and consider it as fulfilling the intention of your benevolence to people of these states, in its compilation.
We are, your well wishers, LITTLEJOHN & DONALDSON.
Dr. James Ewell.
DEAR SIR—We have perused your book, entitled the "Planter's and Mariner's Medical Companion," with much satisfaction, and strongly recommend it to the attention of those families who cannot, with convenience, procure medical aid. We think it the best publication we have ever read, on the domestic treatment of diseases, more especially as it regards those of our climate.
We are, Very respectfully, Sir,
Your most obedt. servants. BROWN & MACKENZIE.
Baltimore, 4th March, 1808.
Dr. James Ewell.
SIR—I have read your work on Domestic Medicine, with pleasure. The practice recommended in it, is, I think, judicious, and I have no doubt that the solitary planter and the voyager, secluded from medical aid, will often be under great obligations to you. Your work is the first that has been written for family use in this country, and being from the pen of a native physician, has great advantage over the publications of Buchan and Tissot. Its dissemination shall prove equal to what it merits, you will soon have a call for another edition.
I am, with respect.
JOHN SHAW, A. M.
Professor of Chemistry, in the College of Medicine of Maryland.
DEAR SIR—I have looked over your "Medical Companion" with pleasure and satisfaction, and approve of the design. The arrangement of the various parts is judicious, the language is plain and perspicuous, and the sentiments happily condensed—the mode of treatment grow out of the most improved state of our science, and may serve not only as a safe and useful guide to the "Planter and Mariner," but are well calculated, from their intrinsic merit to suggest valuable hints to the medical practitioner.
Every family, cut off from the regular services of able physicians, would in my opinion, with advantage, possess one of your volumes.
Accept the homage of my regard.
JOHN B. DAVIDGE, M. D.
Professor of Anatomy, Surgery, &c. in the College of Medicine of Maryland.
Baltimore, Feb. 19, 1808.
George Town, Columbia, } March 3d, 1808. }
DEAR SIR—The ample testimonials of approbation prefixed to your work, entitled "The Medical Companion" will I hope, secure you the patronage of your countrymen.
It belongs exclusively to the real physician to be able to determine the merit of Medical compositions; and your book has auspiciously conciliated the unequivocal commendations of medical names of no common note.
Few physicians meet with the rewards of their arduous and laborious exertions in the cause of humanity, but your laudable exertions may be peculiarly rewarded in the sincere wish of
Yours, JOHN WEEMS, M. D.
Dr. James Ewell. March 11—tf
BANK OF COLUMBIA, 25th February, 1808.
In conformity to the charter of this institution an Election will be held at Scopes' Tavern, in George Town, on Monday 21st March next, for twelve Directors, to serve for one year from that day.
By order of the President & Directors.
WM. WHANN, Cash'r. ep21st Mar.
ROSS AND GETTY,
HAVE for sale at their store George Town, the following articles just received from Philadelphia, by the schooner Carolina, capt. HAND, jun. viz.
30 kegs butter, 20 barrels, New Town, Pippin Apples, 16 do. buck wheat flour, 10 do. Cranberries, and 10 do. shell bark hickory nuts. Also a small assignment of very elegant Locking Glasses, Waiters, Trays, polished steel Shovel and Tongs, with cut and brass heads, &c. &c. January 9—tf
For CHARLESTON,
THE fast sailing Schooner, CITIZEN, Capt. Sturges; expected to sail in 10 days. For Freight or Passage apply to the Captain on board, at the Navy Yard wharf, or to
BULLER COCKE. March 11—4t
By order of the Orphan's Court, will be offered for public SALE on Tuesday the 24th of March next on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving note with approved security, with interest from date, all the personal ESTATE of Margetet Roberts late of Montgomery county deceased, consisting of a number of Negroes, two Leases of Land, a Crop of Corn, Corn Fodder, Hay, Horses, Cattle and Hogs, and other articles too tedious to enumerate. The sale to commence at 10 o'clock on said day and to continue from day to day till all is sold.
HENRY ROBERTS, and JOSEPH ROBERTS,
Admrs. of Margetet Roberts.
February 26—tdos.
TUNIS CRAVEN
HAS removed his entire stock of DRY GOODS from Alexandria to Washington, and is now opening, at his new Store, between the Marine Garrison and Navy Yard Gate, an assortment equal to any in the District;—among which are,
 Wood's best London cloths,  Do. double milled & plain cassimeres,  Bennett's cords and velvets,  Constitution Gerrow, hunting, Traveller, and silver cords,  Velvets,  Imperial, Brunswick waistcoating,  Silk mol skins do.  Tollens, swansdown do.  Plain and figured Marseilles do.  Beaskins coatings,  Plains, kerseys, halfhicks,  Rose and duffl blankets, flannels,  Superfine green cloth table covers,  Calicoes, colored cambrics,  Giogham, silk and cotton chambrays,  Furniture Chintz,  Cambric and jacquet muslins,  India and British book do.  India mullmul figured and plain,  Plain and figured lenos,  Laced cambrics,  Elegant tambooured mulls,  Grecian robes and Pelisse dresses,  84 damask and raw silk shawls,  Damask servs,  Camel's hair and swansdown do.  Down scarfs,  Long and short lace sleeves, spider & nett sleeves,  Extra long and habit kid gloves,  Do. do. silk do.  Do. do. raw silk do.  Cross-barred and plain Mantuas and lute strings,  Persians and Medes,  Thread and cotton laces,  Lace caps and handkerchiefs,  Book muslin and leno cap patterns,  4478 Irish linens,  Long lawns, linen cambrics,  Irish diapers, table-cloths, napkins,  Cotton counterpanes,  Cambric Dimities,  Common do.  Furniture do.  Ladies' and gentlemen's silk, thread, cotton, worsted, lamb's wool & Angola hose,  Gentlemen's pantaloon do.  Silk cords and buttons,  Ribbons, floss threads,  Scarfs and other colored bombazets,  Hearth rugs, Russia sheeting, ticklingburg,  Osnaburgs, baftas, gurrahs, &c. &c. 
ALSO,
Imperial and young hyson tea of a superior quality in small boxes, to suit families, or by the pound—Also genuine Havana segars.
T. C. is determined to sell on the lowest terms.
February 3—tf
LINDSAY'S HOTEL.
The Subscriber has taken that well calculated house, on the Capitol Hill. Late occupied by Mr. Frost formerly by Mr. Stelle—Where he intends to open a Tavern on the 24th October. Those gentlemen who may favor him with their Custom may rely on every attention in the Power of the Public's devoted Servant.
GEO. W. LINDSAY.
N.B.—EIGHT or TEN BOARDERS may be conveniently accommodated.
October 19—tf.
CHARLES H. YARDEN
MERCHANT TAYLOR, RE-SPECTFULLY informs the general public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT
Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spaniards and rich silk Moleskins for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel suspenders far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
AGREAT BARGAIN.
JOSEPH WHEATON Broker and Commission Merchant, has put into his hands for sale, at his office in F street near the Bank, a valuable property in the city of Washington, consisting of 646,453 square feet of city LOTS advantageously situated on the most prominent and valuable streets, and near the Navy Yard and Bridge, and to be had on the most reasonable terms of payment. This great bargain is recommended to gentlemen desirous of securing an early fortune, in this truly growing and flourishing city; the permanent residence and seat of the government of the United States. Other city property to be had—Houses and Lots—Enquire as above.
All kinds of Stocks bought and sold. Wanted to Purchase a few MILITARY LAND WARRANTS Washington city, Dec. 11—tf
BURNS AND BEALL
WOOLLEN drapers, men's merchants, and tailors, New-Jersey Avenue, opposite the Secretary of the Navy's, respectfully inform the public that they have commenced business in the above line, where they will endeavor to give satisfaction—they have on hand a fresh supply of the most fashionable goods, suitable for the approaching season, all fresh and of the very best quality.
N.B. Regimentals and naval uniforms made in the most elegant and fashionable style with neatness and dispatch. October 26—tf
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of an order of the honorable the circuit court of the district of Columbia, sitting as a court of chancery for the county of Washington, in the suit of
John Roberts and Samuel G. Griffith complainants.
Against Benjamin Bryan Defendant.
Will be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 29th day of March next, at Stelle's Hotel, in the city of Washington, at the hour of 12 o'clock, M. a lot of ground in said city, in that square designated on the plan of said city by square north of square numbered seven hundred and forty-three, the said lot being bounded as follows to wit: Beginning at a point in the line of the west side of New Jersey Avenue, at the distance of one hundred and fifty one feet ten inches from the stone planted at the north east corner of said square, and running thence with the line of the said Avenue twenty-five feet, thence leaving the said Avenue, and with a line at right angles with the line thereof running one hundred feet, then turning in a direction parallel to the line of the said Avenue, and running thence twenty-five feet, thence an hundred feet to the point of beginning, containing about two thousand five hundred square feet of ground, together with the improvements thereon erected, and all the advantages thereunto belonging or appertaining.
This property is eligibly situated between the Capital Hill and sugar house, and may be inspected at any time prior to the day of sale.
The terms of sale are cash or money to be paid immediately on the ratification thereof by the court.
JOHN G. McDONALD, Trustee. 26th February, 1808—cp4w
A BRICK HOUSE AND LOT FOR SALE
ON Monday the 8th day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be exposed to public sale on the premises at 4 o'clock in the evening, part of Lot No. 6, in square No. 141, in this city, fronting 16 feet 9 inches on North G street, and running back 133 feet, with the improvements thereon, consisting of a convenient two story Brick House and enclosure. The Lot was leased to the former tenant for a term of 99 years at the rent of 35 dollars per annum, and the benefit of a covenant to purchase the fee simple thereof.
On default of payment of three years rent, the subscriber has been put in possession of the premises, according to the law in such cases provided; for which, and accruing expenses, it will be sold, subject to the conditions of the former case, and a new lease executed to the purchaser on complying with the terms of sale. Being in the vicinity of the public offices, and in a thick settled steel neighborhood, it would be an eligible situation for a gentleman doing business in either of the departments. The premises may be viewed and the papers seen by applying to Thomas Hert, prior to the day of sale.
JOSEPH NOURSE.
Terms of sale, a negotiable note with an approved endorser, payable 60 days after date.
The Sale of the above Property is postponed until Monday the 14th day of March next, when it will be offered for sale at the hour and place above-mentioned. February 17—tdos
By his excellency ROBERT WEIGHT, Esq. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND, A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it has been represented to me on oath that an horrid murder has lately been committed in Cecil county, by a certain John McGuire, on a certain James Coyle; that said John McGuire is described to be about five feet seven inches high, light complexion, dark hair, boyish countenance and cast down look, aged about twenty years, stout make, strong and active—had on when he escaped an old short blue coat, linsey trousers and swansdown vest; his wrists considerably marked with the irons and perhaps his legs also, and has lately broke jail; and whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice; I have the therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation, and do by and with the consent of the Council, offer One hundred and Fifty Dollars Reward to any person or persons who shall apprehend and bring to justice the said John McGuire.
Given in Council, at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this ninth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the Independence of the United States of America the thirty-second.
ROBERT WRIGHT.
By his excellency's command,
NINIAN PINKNEY,
Clerk of the Council.
Ordered, That this foregoing Proclamation be published twice in each week for the space of four weeks in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate, at Frederick Town; the Maryland Herald, at Hagerstown; and in the Star at Easton. March 14—2t
FOR SALE.
To any gentleman going to Southward, Two likely young NEGRO TAYLORS, and a Boy, about twelve years old.
Enquire of the Editor of the National Intelligencer. March 4—7t