The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-07-10 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1365
VOL. IX.
MONDAY, JULY 10, 1809.
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The following is the ORATION pronounced by JOEL BARLOW, on the 4th of July.
ORATION.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:
The day we now commemorate will never cease to excite in us the most exhilarating reflections and mutual gratulations. Miracles of sensibility, accustomed to range over the field of contemplation that the birth of our empire spreads before them, must expand on this occasion to great ideas, and invigorate their patriotic sentiments.
The thirty-three years of national existence, which have brought us to our present condition, are crowded indeed with instructive facts, and comprise an interesting portion of history. But they have only prepared this gigantic infant of a nation to begin its own development. They are only the prelude to the greater events that seem to unfold themselves before us, and call for the highest wisdom to give them their proper direction.
It appears to have been the practice of the public speakers, called to give utterance to the feelings of their fellow-citizens on the anniversary of this day, to dwell chiefly upon those memorable transactions which necessitated, and those which afterwards supported, the act of Independence that gives name to the present festival. Such were the oppressions of Britain and our effectual resistance to those oppressions. Transactions so eventful are doubtless worthy to be held in perpetual remembrance. And as they ought never to be forgotten, they should frequently be recalled to the notice of our younger brethren, who can know them only from their elders. But those conflicting scenes are now become every where matters of record. They are detailed so copiously in our annals and so often by our orators, as to render the repetition of their story at this moment, far less important than to turn our attention to other subjects growing out of the interests of our blessed country.
Our departed heroes and statesmen have not gone without their fame. Our tears have mingled with the ashes of those fallen in our battles, and those who have descended in peace to a later tomb. Our gratitude attends the precious few who remain to us of that list of worthies; the illustrious relics of so many fields of danger, and so many years of labor; who led us in all our dangers, when resistance to tyrants, as well in the forum as in the field, was deemed rebellion and threatened with death. Their whitened locks that still wave among us, are titles to our veneration; they command and they will obtain it, while the virtues they have taught us to practice shall continue to warm our hearts.
But our respect for the memory and the persons of all our leaders will be best evinced by the pious culture we bestow on the rich heritage they have secured & are handing over to our possession. The present race is likewise passing away; but the nation remains and rises with its years. While we, the present race, are able to call ourselves the nation, we should be sensible of the greatness of the charge that has devolved upon us. We have duties to posterity as well as to ourselves. We must gather up our strength and encounter those duties. Yes, my friends, we are now the nation. As such we have arrived at that epoch when instead of looking back with wonder upon our infancy, we may look forward with solicitude to a state of adolescence, with confidence to a state of manhood. Tho' as a nation we are yet in the morning of life, we have already attained an elevation which enables us to discern our course to its meridian splendor; to contemplate the height we have to climb, and the commanding station we must gain,
in order to fulfil the destinies to which we are called, and perform the duties that the cause of human happiness requires at our hands.
To prepare the United States to act the distinguished part that Providence has assigned them, it is necessary to convince them that the means are within their power. A familiar knowledge of the means will teach us how to employ them in the attainment of the end. Knowledge will lead to wisdom; and wisdom in no small degree is requisite in the conduct of affairs so momentous and so new. For our situation is in many respects not only new to us, but new also to the world.
The form of government we have chosen, the geographical position, we occupy as relative to the most turbulent powers of Europe, whose political maxims are widely different from ours; the vast extent of continent that is or must be comprised within our limits, containing not less than sixteen hundred millions of acres, and susceptible of a population of two hundred millions of human beings; our habits of industry and peace instead of violence and war—all these are circumstances which render our situation as novel as it is important. It requires new theories; it has forced upon us new and bold, and in some cases, doubtful experiments; it calls for deep reflection on the propensities of human nature, an accurate acquaintance with the history of human actions; and what is perhaps the most difficult to attain, a wise discrimination among the maxims of wisdom, or what are such in other times and nations, to determine which of them are applicable and which would be detrimental to the end we have in view. I would by no means insinuate that we should reject the councils of antiquity in mass; or turn a deaf ear to the voice of modern experience because it is not our own. So far as the policy of other nations is founded on the real relations of social man, on his moral nature undisguised, it may doubtless be worthy of imitation; but so far as it is drawn from his moral nature disguised by habits materially different from ours, such policy is to be suspected, it is to be scrutinized, and brought to the test, not perhaps of our experience, for that may in certain cases be wanting, but the test of the general principles of our institutions, and the habits and maxims, that arise out of them.
There has been no nation either ancient or modern that could have presented human nature in the same character as ours does and will present it; because there has existed no nation whose government has resembled ours. A representative democracy on a large scale, with a fixed constitution, had never before been attempted, and has no where else succeeded. A federal government on democratic principles is equally unprecedented, and exhibits a still greater innovation on all received ideas of statesmen and lawgivers. Nor has any theorist in political science, any among those powerless potentates of reason, the philosophers who have taught us so many valuable things, ever framed a system or conceived a combination of principles producing such a result.
Circumstances beyond our control had thrown in our way the materials for this wonderful institution. Our first merit lay in not rejecting them. But when our sages began to discern the use that might be made of materials then so unpromising, they discovered great talents and patriotism in combining them into the system we now find in operation. It is indeed a stupendous fabric; the greatest political phenomenon, and probably will be considered as the greatest advancement in the science of government that all modern ages have produced.
This is not the moment to go into a dissertation on the peculiar character of our political constitutions. The subject being well understood by so respectable a portion of this assembly, and the time allotted to this part of the exercises of the day being necessarily short, I should hardly expect to obtain your indulgence if I were even capable of doing justice to so great a theme. Otherwise the whole compass of human affairs does not admit of a more profitable inquiry. Every citizen should make it his favorite study, and consider it as an indispensable part of the education of his children.
But nations are educated like individual infants. They are what they are
taught to be. They become whatever their tutors desire, and invite and prepare and force them to become. They may be taught to reason correctly; they may be taught to reason perversely; they may be taught not to reason at all. The last is the case of despotism; the second, where they reason perversely, is the case of a nation with an unsettled and unprincipled government, by whatever technical name it may be distinguished; for a democracy without a constitution, though generally and justly called the school of disorder and perversity, is no more liable to these calamities than a monarchy ill defined and without a known principle of action, and where the arm of power has not that steady tension which would render it completely despotic. The first, the case in which they reason correctly, if it ever existed or ever is to exist, must be ours. Our nation must, it can, its legislators ought to say it shall, be taught to reason correctly, to act justly, to pursue its own interest upon so large a scale as not to interfere with the interest or at least with the rights of other nations. For the moment it should interfere with theirs, it could no longer be said to be pursuing its own.
What then are the interests of this nation, which it becomes us as private citizens (without any mission but the autocratical right of individuals) to recommend to the great body of the American people on this auspicious occasion? The most obvious and I believe the most important are comprised in two words; and to them I shall confine my observations: public improvements and public instruction . These two objects, though distinct in the organization which they will require, are so similar in their effects, that most of the arguments that will apply to one, will apply equally to both. They are both necessary to the preservation of our principles of government; they are both necessary to the support of the system into which those principles are wrought, the system we now enjoy; they are each of them essential, perhaps at an equal degree, to the perfecting of that system; to our perceiving and preparing the ameliorations of which it is susceptible. I shall dwell exclusively on these two objects, not because they are the only ones that might be pointed out, but because their importance, their immediate and pressing importance, seems to have been less attended to and probably less understood than it ought to have been among the general concerns of the union.
Public improvements, such as roads, bridges and canals, are usually considered only in a commercial & economical point of light; they ought likewise to be regarded in a moral and political light. Cast your eyes over the surface of our dominion, with a view to its vast extent; with a view to its present and approaching state of population; with a view to the different habits, manners, languages, origin, morals, maxims of the people; with a view to the nature of those ties, those political artificial ties, which hold them together as one people, and which are to be relied upon, to continue to hold them together as one people when their number shall rise to hundreds of millions of freemen possessing the spirit of independence that becomes their station. What anxiety, what solicitude, what painful apprehensions must naturally crowd upon the mind for the continuance of such a government, stretching its thin texture over such a country, and in the hands of such a people! The prospect is awful; the object, if attainable, is magnificent beyond comparison; but the difficulty of attaining it and the danger of losing it, are sufficient to cloud the prospect in the eyes of many respectable citizens, and force them to despair. Despair in this case, to an ardent spirit devoted to the best good of his country, is a distressing state indeed. To despair of preserving the federal union of these republics, for an indefinite length of time without a dismemberment, is to lose the highest hopes of human society, the greatest promise of bettering its condition that the efforts of all generations have produced. The man of sensibility who can contemplate without horror the dismemberment of this empire, has not well considered its effects. And yet I scarcely mingle in society for a day without hearing it predicted, and the prediction uttered with a levity bordering on indifference; and that too by well disposed men of
every political party. Hence I conclude that the subject has not been examined with the attention it deserves.
I am not yet so unhappy as to believe in this prediction. But I should be forced to believe in it if I did not anticipate the use of other means than those we have yet employed to perpetuate the union of the states. They must not be coercive means. Such ones in most cases would produce effects directly the reverse of what would be intended. Our policy does not admit of standing armies; and if it did, we could not maintain them sufficiently numerous to restrain great bodies of freemen with arms in their hands, blinded by ignorance, heated by zeal and led by factious chiefs; and if we could maintain them strong enough for that purpose, we all know they would very soon overturn the government they were intended to support.
With as little prospect of success could we rely upon legislative means; that is, upon laws against treason and misdemeanor, or any other chapter of the criminal code. Such laws may sometimes intimidate a chief of rebels, or a few unsupported traitors. But a whole geographical district of rebels, a half a nation of traitors would legislate against you. They would throw your laws into one scale and their own into the other, and toss in their bayonets to turn the balance.
No, the means to be relied upon to hold this beneficent union together, must apply directly to the interest and convenience of the people; they must at the same time enable them to discern that interest and be sensible of that convenience. The people must become habituated to enjoy a visible, palpable, incontestible good; a greater good than they could promise themselves from any change. They must have information enough to perceive it, to reason upon it, to know why they enjoy it, whence it flows, how it was attained, how it is to be preserved, and how it may be lost. The people of these states must be educated for republican education ; they must receive a republican education; be taught the duties and the rights of freemen; that is, of American freemen; not the freemen that are so by starts, by frenzy and in mobs; who would fill the forum at the nod of Clodius, or the prytaenum at that of Cleon; nor the freemen of one day in seven years who would rush together for sale at the hustings of Brentford, and clamor and bludgeon for a man whose principles and person were to them alike unknown and unregarded.
Each American freeman is an integral member of the sovereignty; he is a co-estate of the empire, carrying on its government by his delegates. The first right he possesses, after that of breathing the vital air, is the right of being taught the management of the power to which he is born. It is a serious duty of the society towards him, an unquestionable right of the individual from the society.
In a monarchy the education of the prince is justly deemed a concern of the nation. It is done at their expense; and why is it so? It is because they are deeply interested in his being well educated, that he may be able to administer the government well, to conduct the concerns of the nation wisely on their own constitutional principles. My friends, is it not even more important that our princes, our millions of princes, should be educated for their station, than the single prince of a monarchy? If a single prince goes wrong, obstinately & incurably wrong, he may be set aside for another, without overturning the state. But if our sovereigns in their multitudinous exercise of power should become obstinate and incurable in wrong, you cannot set them aside. But they will set you aside; they will set themselves aside; they will crush the state and convulse the nation. The result is military despotism, dismemberment of the great republic, and, after a sufficient course of devastation by civil wars, the settlement of a few ferocious monarchies, prepared to act over again the same degrading scenes of mutual encroachment and vindictive war, which disgrace modern Europe; and from which many writers have told us, that mankind are never to be free.
Our habits of thinking and even of reasoning, at must be confessed, are still borrowed from feudal principles and monarchical establishments. As
a nation we are not up to our circumstances. Our principles in the abstract, as wrought into our state and federal constitutions, are in general worthy of the highest praise; they do honor to the human intellect. But the practical tone and tension of our minds do not well correspond with those principles. We are like a person conversing in a foreign language, whose idiom is not yet familiar to him. He thinks in his own native language, and is obliged to translate as he talks; which gives a stiffness to his discourse and betrays a certain embarrassment which nothing can remove but frequent exercise and long practice. We are accustomed to speak and reason relative to the people's education precisely like the aristocratical subjects of a European monarchy. Some say the people have no need of instruction; they already know too much; they cannot all be legislators and judges & generals; the great mass must work for a living; and they need no other knowledge than what is sufficient for that purpose. Others will tell you it is very well for the people to get as much education as they can; but it is their own concern, the state has nothing to do with it; every parent, out of regard to his offspring, will give them what he can, and that will be enough.
I will not say how far this manner of treating the subject is proper even in Europe, whence we borrowed it. But I will say that nothing is more preposterous in America. It is directly contrary to the vital principles of our constitutions; and its inevitable tendency is to destroy them. A universal system of education is so far from being a matter of indifference to the public, under our social compact, that it is incontestibly one of the first duties of the government, one of the highest interests of the nation, one of the most sacred rights of the individual, the vital fluid of organized liberty, the precious aliment without which your republic cannot be supported.
I do not mean that our legislators should turn pedagogues; or send their commissioners forth to discipline every child in this nation. Neither do I mean to betray so much temerity as to speak of the best mode of combining a system of public instruction. But I feel it my duty on this occasion to use the freedom to which I am accustomed, and suggest the propriety of bringing forward some system that shall be adequate to the object. I am clearly of opinion that it is already within the power of our legislative bodies, both federal and provincial; but if it is not, the people ought to place it there, and see that it is exercised. It is certain that the plan, if properly arranged and wisely conducted, would not be expensive. And there is no doubt of its absolute irresistible necessity, if we mean to preserve either our representative principle or our federal union.
It is not intended that every citizen should be a judge or a general or a legislator; but every citizen is a voter; it is essential to your institutions that he should be a voter, and if he has not the instruction necessary to enable him to discriminate between the characters of men, to withstand the intrigues of the wicked and to perceive what is right, he immediately becomes a tool for knaves to work with; he becomes both an object and an instrument of corruption; his right of voting becomes an injury to himself and a nuisance to society. It is in this sense that the people are said to be "their own worst enemies." Their freedom itself is found to be an insupportable calamity; and the only consolation (a dreary consolation indeed) is that it cannot last long.
The time is fast approaching, when the U. States will be out of debt, if no extraordinary call for money to repel foreign aggression should intervene. Our surplus revenue already affords the means of entering upon the system of public works, and beginning to discharge our duty in this respect. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury on these works, which is brought to be in the hands of every citizen, will show their feasibility as to the funds; and it develops a part of the advantages with which the system must be attended. But neither the distinguished statesman nor any one human being could doubt that such a system carried to its extent, all the advantages that would result from such a system carried to its extent. They are incontestible, unspeakably various, and spread over the whole nation.

union that every one could perceive, that every one must cherish, and no one could destroy. This of itself is an advantage so great, if considered in all its consequences, that it seems almost useless to notice any other. It would facilitate the means of instructing the people; it would teach them to cherish the union as the source of their happiness, and to know why it was so; and this is a considerable portion of the education they require. It would greatly increase the value of property and the wealth of individuals, and thereby enable them to augment the public revenue. But what is more, it would itself augment the revenue in a more direct manner by enhancing the value of the public lands; which would thus sell faster and bring a higher price. In this manner the first monies laid out by the government on roads and canals would be a reproductive property; it would be constantly sending back more money into the treasury than was taken from it for this purpose. So that all the advantages of every kind, public and private, present and future, commercial and economical, physical, moral and political, would be so much clear gain. There would be nothing destroyed but errors and prejudices, nothing removed but the dangers that now threaten our invaluable institutions.
To do equal justice and give satisfaction to the people in every state in the Union, the sums to be expended in each year should be distributed in the several states according to their population. This is the general understanding among the friends of the system; and the Secretary has not neglected to keep it in view in his luminous report.
Our present legislators ought to consider how much true glory would redound to them from being the first to arrange and adopt such a system. How different from the false glory commonly acquired by the governments of other countries. Louis XIV. toiled, and tormented himself and all Europe through a long life to acquire glory. He made unjust wars, obtained many victories, and suffered many defeats. He augmented the standing armies of France from 40,000 to 200,000 men; and thus obliged the other powers of Europe to augment their means of defence in that proportion; means which have drained the public treasuries and oppressed the people of Europe ever since. And what is the glory that now remains to the name of Louis XIV.? Only the Canal of Languedoc. This indeed is a title to true glory; and it is almost the only subject on which his name is now mentioned in France but with opprobrium and detestation.
The government of England expended one hundred and thirty-nine millions sterling in the war undertaken to subjugate the American colonies. This sum, about six hundred millions of dollars, laid out in the construction of canals at twenty thousand dollars a mile, would have made thirty thousand miles of canal; about the same length of way as all the present post roads in the U. States and their territories; or a line that would reach once and a quarter round the globe of this earth on the circle of the equator. Of the same sum could be distributed in a series of progressive improvements, a part in canals and a part in roads, bridges and school establishments, beginning with two millions a year, according to the proposition of the secretary of the treasury, and increasing as the surplus revenue would increase, to ten or fifteen millions a year, it would make a garden of the U. States, and people it with a race of men worthy to enjoy it; a garden extending over a continent; giving a glorious example to mankind of the operation of the true principles of society, the principles recognized in your government. Many persons now in being might live to see this change effected; and most of us might live to enjoy it in anticipation by seeing it begun.
The greatest real embarrassment we labor under at present, arises from our commercial relations; the only point of contact between us and the unjust governments of Europe. By their various and violent aggressions they are constantly disturbing our repose, and causing us considerable experiences. In this case what is to be done? We cannot by compact expect to obtain justice, nor the liberty of the seas from those governments; it is not in the nature of their organization. Shall we think of overpowering them in their own way, by a navy, stronger than theirs; brutal force against brutal force, like the ponderous powers of Europe among themselves? This at present is impossible; and if it were possible, or whenever it should be possible, it would be extremely impolitic; it would be dangerous, if not totally destructive, to all our plans of improvement, and even to the government itself.
Has then a beneficent providence, the God of order and justice, pointed
out another mode of defence, by which the resources of this nation may be reserved for works of peace and the advancement of human happiness? Has the genius of science and of art raised up a new Archimedes to guide the fire of heaven against the fleets that may annoy us? I cannot but hope it has; not by the ardent mirror; but by means altogether more certain, less dependent on external circumstances, capable of varying and accommodating their mode of attack and defence to all the variety of positions and movements common to ships of war.
I know not how far I may differ in opinion from those among you who may have turned their attention to the subject to which I now allude; or whether any person present has really investigated it. But I should not feel easy to lose the present occasion (the only one that my retired life renders it probable I shall ever have of addressing you) to express my private opinion that the means of submarine attack, invented & proposed by one of our citizens, carries in itself the eventual destruction of naval tyranny. I should hope and believe, if it were taken up and adopted by our government, subjected to a rigid and regular course of experiments, open and public, so that its powers might be ascertained and its merits known to the world, it would save this nation from future foreign wars, and deliver it from all apprehension of having its commercial pursuits and its peaceful improvements ever after interrupted. It might rid the seas of all the buccaneers both great and small that now infest them; it might free mankind from the scourge of naval wars, one of the greatest calamities they now suffer, and to which I can see no other end.
These opinions may be thought hazardous. But I beg my fellow citizens to believe that I have examined the subject, or I should not hazard them. Several of the great arts that are now grown familiar in common life were once thought visionary. This fact should render us cautious of making up our judgment against an object like this in the higher order of mechanical combinations, before we have well considered it. With this observation I drop the subject; or rather I resign it into abler hands; the hands of those who have the power, as well as the inclination to pursue the best good of our beloved country.
I should not have introduced it in this place were it not for its immediate connexion with the means of commencing and prosecuting those vast interior improvements which the state of our nation so imperiously demands; which the heroes of our revolution, the sages of our early councils, the genius of civilization, the cause of suffering humanity have placed within our power and confided to our charge.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. (Continued.) JUNE 22.
Mr J. G. JACKSON said that the situation in which he was placed was extremely unpleasant, because, in the course of his remarks the other day, he had stated explicitly his opinion that it would be more consistent with the honor, interest and duties of this nation to exclude all armed ships except such as should be admitted in particular numbers, by treaty. But it was supposed by some that such a measure might have a hostile aspect towards G. Britain, with whom a negotiation is pending, which it is hoped to bring to a happy conclusion. And, having avowed these sentiments as my own, I am now called upon to combat the arguments of gentlemen expressing the same sentiments. I am reduced to the unpleasant dilemma either of maintaining an amendment which I do not like, or of withdrawing it, and thereby exposing myself to the imputation of inconsistency, and of unnecessarily wasting the time of the House on this point. But unpleasant as it is, I am willing to meet it; and I am willing, if the bill as it came from the Senate have that operation, to exclude the armed vessels of both nations, that those who oppose the amendment may take upon themselves the responsibility of producing such a situation. If the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Whitman) had adverted to the language of the amendment and to the explanations of it which I gave when I first addressed you, sir, he would have found that the course proposed by this bill is perfectly consistent with the course pursued last session. I recollect hearing it observed, in the course of debate, that we were desirous to involve the nation in war at all events, and that we were only restrained by the little parties who aided the federal party, as it is called, in voting us down. In reply to that I state that it was not proposed to go to war with either belligerent until after
demand made and a refusal to respect our rights had been communicated to this government; that at that time and not until then the President should issue letters of marque and reprisal; and I stated moreover that we had no information from France enabling us to determine what course would be taken consequent on the acts of last session; that it was inconsistent with good faith, at the time we sent a messenger bearing the olive branch to France, to commit an act of hostility, which it is admitted on all hands the exclusion of the armed vessels of one nation and admission of those of the other is. It has been contended by the friends of the gentleman from Massachusetts and admitted by mine, that it was a hostile act to exclude the armed vessels of one nation and admit those of the other. It is not my fault that gentlemen cannot discriminate between admitting all armed vessels now and excluding them at the last session. It will be recollected that France and Great Britain have been contending which nation is retaliating the unjust acts of the other; each has contended that the other commenced the work; and we had assurances from France in the decree of Milan, that as soon as Great Britain respected the rights of neutrals, France would imitate the example. More particularly I contend against the discrimination between French and English vessels, when we have sent a messenger to France and received no answer. What should we say of a man who sent to another to request him to do him justice for an injury, and whilst the messenger was there and the other in security, should strike a blow and do him an injury in return? We should at least say that it was inconsistent with the conduct which one man ought to pursue to another; and a fortiori the argument applies to nations, particularly a nation like this, which does not make power the criterion of right—a character dear to us at home and respectable abroad. Sir, I am now willing to pass the sections which I proposed last winter; to declare, that after demand made and refusal of France to withdraw her decrees, the President of the United States should be authorized to issue letters of marque and reprisal; and the same in regard to Great Britain. But as my amendment has proved the source of fruitless debate, and there is a doubt whether or not it be necessary, I withdraw it from consideration.
Mr SHERFEY moved to amend the bill by adding at the end of the proviso in the first section the following: "And provided also, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent any public vessel from entering the waters and harbors of the United States belonging to any nation with whom commercial intercourse shall have been permitted."
Mr S. proceeded to submit to the consideration of the committee a few ideas on the subject. He believed that the bill, as it now stood, was intended to admit the vessels of war of all nations. Probably from inattention in the passage of the bill, the generality of the terms employed in the third section at least led to a doubt, whether the interdiction did not extend to public as well as private armed vessels. The question appeared to him to be, whether it was proper to place the public vessels of Great Britain and France upon the same footing? And Mr. S. said he would very briefly attempt to shew that it was not. Why, he asked, depart from that policy which last year had been considered a proper policy? Why abandon a system without any thing interposing which shall render it necessary? At that time this House adopted a measure to exclude from the waters of the United States all public vessels belonging to either nation; and then interdicted all commercial intercourse, until either nation should completely satisfy the President of the United States that they were about to abandon their injurious regulations. Great Britain has made assurances which, however to be relied on, have been considered as sufficient by the President of the United States, the proper authority. As to that nation the terms of the non-intercourse act have been complied with. What are you going to do in relation to the other? That which no nation ever has done. I challenge any one to place his hands on history, and shew me a case in which any country has interdicted commercial intercourse with another nation, and at the same time afforded the rights of hospitality to the public vessels of that nation. Gentlemen cannot find such a thing in the history of nations. The course of all governments has been first to deny the rights of hospitality. The exclusion of the public ships of a nation is merely a denial of the rights of hospitality, which a slight offence might authorize. To interdict commercial intercourse has been considered an act of hostility. Has it ever before been considered proper to permit the rights of hos-
pitality & at the same time interdict commercial intercourse? I believe not, sir. In 1798, commercial intercourse was interdicted between this country and France; but before that was done, the public vessels of France were excluded from the waters of the United States. How, then, is this plan, so opposite to the principles of propriety, and so totally hostile to all former professions, to be justified? Stability in adhering to a system commenced, is not one of the least of virtues which a public man ought to possess. He ought to deliberate slowly, but, when he comes to a decision, he ought not immediately to depart from it. What is intended by measures in relation to foreign nations? To produce an effect upon them. But before they can operate, it is proposed to repeal them; and the consequence of such a conduct must be to procure contempt for them hereafter. What can be thought of a nation which cannot adhere to a measure for a year together? Nothing; and especially when it cannot be shewn that a departure from the principles of the last session can be of any advantage to the nation. There is to be sure some interest in having vessels of foreign nations in our waters, because it creates a certain consumption; but this is no reason to operate in a national measure. Neither reason nor interest demands the adoption of the measure. Then why adopt it, when its only effect must be merely to shew your inconsistency? On that ground I shall be opposed to placing France and England on an equality.
But it is said that impartiality in our conduct towards foreign nations is proper. I most cordially subscribe to the doctrine. I wish we could always be influenced in our conduct by this consideration. Our country has been injured by both belligerents, I will not enquire by whom most lawlessly. I believe that we have felt more the injuries of Great Britain, but it is only because the tyrant of Europe has not the power to execute his wishes. The two nations were placed on an equality at the last session, because both nations adhered to their injustice, notwithstanding repeated efforts to obtain redress. The case is now different, very different indeed—and I need only observe in proof of it that gentlemen have agreed on all hands that the proclamation of the President was a correct measure. On what ground was it issued? That we had assurances from Great Britain which authorized a departure from the principle established at the last session.
With respect to England, then, you are placed in precisely the same situation as you were in before you adopted this measure, as relates to her public vessels and to commercial intercourse. It would be proper, I contend, to place her precisely on the ground on which we offered to place her before that time. It was offered in the negotiation between the Secretary of State and Mr. Rose that whenever assurances should be made of an intention to make satisfactory reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, British public vessels should be admitted. If now we were to admit or exclude the public vessels of both belligerents, she might say, and with some propriety, that you had changed your ground; and, under these circumstances, the least favorable change in the aspect of affairs on the continent of Europe would perhaps induce England to recede from her overtures. With respect to her, then, it is perfectly right that her vessels should be admitted.
But now with respect to France—Has she done any thing? No—And are you not as much authorized to depart from your whole commercial interdiction in relation to her as from a part of it? This country is much interested in the commerce of the continent of Europe, over which the Emperor of France has strong control. There would have been stronger reasons in favor of renewing commercial intercourse than in favor of the proposed alteration. I ask gentlemen on what principle has G. Britain made overtures to you? On the principle, surely, that you are to leave the relations between France and this country precisely as they were. You had taken measures which affected both nations alike; you had manifested complete impartiality; and G. Britain enters into a negotiation with you and tells you in so many words, that the equality on which both belligerents are placed is the reason why she has departed from her course. The moment she has told us this, you are about giving her evidence of partiality. This is a new way of effecting an adjustment between the two countries. I ask gentlemen, on what principle, will they repeal all that part of the non-intercourse law which interdicts commercial intercourse with France? Certainly not. If that argument applies to the commercial non-intercourse, will it not equally apply to all
the provisions of the non-intercourse law? It surely will.
But, if I understand the argument, we are to rely on the Milan decree for the intentions of France. I have heard it repeated again and again that there is no reliance to be placed on the declarations of Great Britain; it has even been hinted that you are premature in your reliance on the late conciliation. The orders in council were issued in consequence of the French decrees; and Great Britain declared that whenever things were placed in such a situation that they could not effect her, she would rescind her orders. Well, sir, our government took such a station; & they were rescinded. The declaration of Britain was fulfilled. But I have no faith in the declarations of the Emperor of France. The history of his life, of Germany, of Holland, Italy, Switzerland and Spain falsify any assertions he may make. I am not disposed to bottom this change on the Milan decree. I wish to see acts, overtures, which shall place us precisely in the same situation in relation to her as we have been placed in relation to G. B.
It will be observed that the amendment which I propose will have this effect. It will admit the public vessels of G. Britain, and as soon as assurances are received by the government of the U. States from the government of France similar to those from Great Britain, then with commercial intercourse the permission to enter our waters will be renewed.
It was understood, sir, that if satisfactory overtures of reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake had been made by Mr. Rose, the proclamation interdicting British public vessels from entering our waters would have been rescinded. At the time the late overtures were made by England, I presume it was understood that the situation of the two countries should not be changed by permanently excluding British armed vessels from our waters. For another reason the measure would be improper. This country perhaps ought not to set the example of denying the right of hospitality. We have heretofore been involved in war with the Barbary powers, and may again when a friendly sport is of infinite advantage. And this consideration aside, is it proper, when we have such cause of complaint against France, when she has made no overtures towards a restoration of intercourse, that she should be placed on this ground? No, sir; when she acts differently from what she has done and meets us as England has, I shall be ready and willing to meet her in the same spirit, but but not till then.
Mr. EPPES said that he felt great reluctance in bringing into discussion at the present time the foreign relations of the United States. With G. Britain we have every reason to expect an amicable adjustment of our differences on terms honorable to the United States. With France we have also a negotiation depending, which will probably terminate in a withdrawal of the decrees which have violated our rights, as every reason heretofore urged for their continuance will be removed by an adjustment with Great Britain. I feel anxious (said Mr. E.) to secure to the nation the full and complete benefit arising from the favorable change in our prospects. I have no wish at the present moment to pass in review the wrongs inflicted on us by either of the belligerent nations. Peace with both on honorable terms must be the wish of every honest man, and I rejoice that on the present occasion no attempt has been made to rouse into action feelings calculated to prevent our examining with temper the course, which ought in the present situation of our country to be pursued. At the last session of Congress a general system of non-intercourse was adopted with both the belligerents. This measure consisted of two separate and distinct provisions. 1st. The exclusion of public armed vessels. 2dly. The suspension of commercial intercourse. This law expires at the end of the present session of Congress. No control was given to the Executive over the interdiction of armed vessels. Under the 11th sec. of the act the Executive was authorized to restore commercial intercourse with either of the belligerents on a withdrawal of their decrees and orders. This power has been exercised. A promise of the British government to withdraw its decrees and orders on the 10th of June has been accepted by the Executive as an actual withdrawal and the commerce suspended restored. The liberal construction given by the Executive to this section of the law merits my entire approbation. What I considered the independence of this country assailed by Great Britain I expressed by indignation with the warmth of an American. With the causes which produced that feeling the feelings will cease, and no man more sincerely rejoice at the prospect

of an honorable adjustment than myself. Notwithstanding the recent orders and the declarations made on the floor of Parliament I believe that the British government will comply with its engagements. I cannot for a moment suppose that any nation can stain its character by an act of so much perfidy, as publicly to offer through its accredited agent the withdrawal of decrees and orders destructive to our rights for the purpose of substituting others. No power was given to the Executive to take off the interdiction from the public armed vessels of G. Britain or France. The interdiction expires at the end of the present session of Congress. Shall we renew it in relation to Great Britain? Or shall we pursue the liberal course adopted by the Executive as to the withdrawal of the decrees and orders? This interdiction grew partly out of the injuries in our ports and waters, but principally out of the outrage on the Chesapeake. After captain Bradley in 1804 insulted the port officers of New York and claimed jurisdiction to the length of his bower—a law passed authorizing the Executive to prohibit by proclamation the entrance into the waters within our jurisdiction of public armed vessels. In 1805, on the murder of Pearce the power was exercised and the squadron commanded by Whitby interdicted; and after the outrage on the Chesapeake the interdiction was extended to all the public armed vessels of Great Britain. The British government has now promised honorable reparation for this last outrage. I have gone further and promised to send here a minister for the purpose of adjusting the differences between the two countries. Believing this promise will be complied with, I am willing to adopt the same liberal construction which was given by the Executive to the promise to withdraw the decrees and orders. I am willing to accept the promise as a pledge for reparation and to suffer the interdiction of the armed vessels of Great Britain to expire at the end of this session of Congress. It is an act of liberality and not a strict right extended to that nation. The admission of armed vessels except in cases of distress is a matter of favor and not of right. As a measure of precaution & safety I believe it would be our interest to exclude them even after reparation shall be made and an adjustment of all our differences takes place. As this interdiction of the armed vessels of Great Britain however was adopted as a measure of retaliation for injuries, it will manifest a spirit of liberality to accept the promise of reparation and suffer it to expire. If reparation shall be made, no inconvenience or injury will attach to the nation before the next meeting of Congress, when general regulations on this subject may be adopted extending to the public armed vessels of all nations. If reparation shall not be made we shall by our conduct have afforded irresistible evidence that every branch of the American government has manifested a disposition to meet in a spirit of liberality and conciliation the reparation proffered by the British government.
While thus disposed to meet in a spirit of liberality the offer of Great Britain let us not take any course calculated to prevent a favorable termination of our differences with France. To continue the attitude taken by the Executive towards this nation appears to be the plain and obvious course. While a negotiation is pending, no measure ought to be adopted calculated to impede its progress. What is the footing on which our affairs are placed with France, under the non-intercourse law and the power exercised by the Executive under the 11th section of that act? The restoration of commercial intercourse with the nation founded on the withdrawal of its decrees and orders imposes on us an implied obligation to continue the commercial interdiction as to the other. No such implied obligation is imposed as to the interdiction of public armed vessels. No power was given to the Executive on the subject. No pledge therefore could have been given as to the interdiction of the armed vessels of the one or other belligerent. This interdiction depends on a part of the non-intercourse act over which the Executive had no control. In the 4th page of the President's message he states "The discontinuance of the orders as they respect the United States, having been thus arranged, a communication of the event has been forwarded in one of our public vessels to our minister in France; with instructions to avail himself of the important addition thereby made to the considerations which press upon the justice of the French government, a revocation of its decrees or such a modification of them as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the U. States." We may presume that the non-intercourse under which the Executive acted was communicated to our minister
at Paris, and by the minister to the French government. To this alone the French government must look for the footing on which our relations are placed—how do they stand under this law? The President's proclamation restores commerce with G. B. on the 10th June. The interdiction of French commerce is continued, subject to the controlling power of the President on the event of a withdrawal of the French decrees, and the interdiction of the public armed vessels of Great Britain and France expires at the end of the present session of Congress.
From this communication the French government had a right to expect—1st. That commercial intercourse was restored between the U. S. and G. Britain on the 10th of June—2nd. That commerce with France continued to depend on the withdrawal of her decrees—3rd. That the interdiction of the public armed vessels of both nations would cease at the end of the present session of Congress. It could not be presumed by the French government that after the withdrawal of the decrees and orders of G. Britain, a tender of reparation for the outrage on the Chesapeake, and for a general adjustment of differences, that Congress, in this posture of affairs of the two countries, would reenact the exclusion of British vessels pending the negotiation—nor could it be presumed that, after the communication from our government, before the French government had returned an answer, a discrimination in favor of British armed vessels would be made & those of France excluded. No Sir, until we know what will be the answer of the French government let us make no discrimination as to the public armed vessels of those two powers. We are not pledged to make a discrimination. Let us suffer the law to expire as to the public armed vessels of both & continue in force only that part which was placed under the Executive control. We know that by the government of G. Britain the exclusion of her armed vessels while her adversaries were admitted, was considered as an act of hostility? Will not France take the same ground in the event of a discrimination? Are we prepared in the present situation of this country before the answer of the French government is received, to take an attitude of hostility? The admission of the armed vessels of one belligerent and the exclusion of those of the other can only be justified as an act of hostility. It was an act of hostility against G. Britain, and so considered by that government. It will be an act of hostility towards France, and so considered, I have no doubt, by that government. To resort to it at the present moment would be an act of injustice towards France—The means of G. Britain for obtaining information as to the proceedings of our government are abundant—the British ministry have had an opportunity of availing themselves of this information and have of course proceeded their adversaries in withdrawing their decrees. France, excluded from the ocean and possessing no information except such as is transmitted by our public vessels, does not stand in this respect on equal ground with her adversary—shall we not avail the answer of the French government and for the present, at least, maintain the ground taken by the Executive? I shall not dwell on the circumstances which produced the interdiction of the French armed vessels; it was produced, however, by the burning our vessels on the high seas. It is true that for this no reparation has been made: it is equally true that independent of the outrage on the Chesapeake, insults and injuries within our ports and waters have been offered by G. Britain, more serious in their effects on the national sovereignty, than the burning of our vessels on the high seas. If the British armed vessels are admitted while these remain unredressed, while even the affair of the Chesapeake is unatoned for, why shall we pending our negotiation with France revive a measure we are not bound to continue—a measure acknowledged by all to be justified only as an act of hostility? No obligation is imposed on the nation thus to sacrifice its interest. Let us extend to G. Britain that species of liberality which is calculated to place no bar in the way of an honest compliance with her engagements—Let us not under mistaken views of what is consistent, lose sight of our interest. I do not wish to afford ground to either of these powers for future palliations of their conduct, if either the one government shall fail to comply with the faith which has been pledged, or the other government shall refuse to withdraw decrees and orders infringing our rights. If on the promise of reparation we suffer this interdiction on the public armed vessels of G. Britain to expire, and reparation shall not be made, the act will appear without a veil to cover its deformity. The British ministry will not have in their power to say, "We promised to withdraw our orders, to make reparation for the Chesapeake, to send a minister to negotiate on all the points of difference, and you have revived against us a measure which had expired—a measure which was adopted in a spirit of hostility while our orders were in force and a token for the other injuries refused? Nor do I on the other hand wish to manifest towards France such a spirit of hostility as to revive against her, while negotiation is depending, a measure which if adopted as to one belligerent is an act of hostility. I am neither partial to G. Britain or France, I wish to remove every obstacle to negotiation with both, and afford them irresistible evidence that peace on honorable terms is the wish of every real American. The non-intercourse system expires by its own limitation at the end of the present session of Congress. Its revival in part does not proceed from a disposition to commence a new system of measures at the present time, but grows out of the power which was exercised by the Executive under the 11th section of the act. Believing that the bill before the House continues our foreign relations on the footing on which they were placed by the Executive, I shall vote against the amendment. Every motive of policy and interest prevents a discrimination between the public armed vessels of the two nations at the present moment. A short period only can intervene before we know in what manner the British government will comply with the faith plighted by its minister here. The first arrivals must bring us information as to the disposition of France. Let us not at the present moment adopt any course which may excite on the part of either of those nations, feelings calculated to operate
on the depending negotiations. By the combined influence of injustice on the part of foreign nations, and a powerful party united by no common principle but opposition to the measures of their own government, the independence of our country was jeopardized—the advantages obtained by the American revolution put at hazard. The storm has passed by—the amicable adjustment of our differences with both these powers may now be considered as probable. Let us put at defiance the denunciations of the partisans of G. Britain or France, and pursue the course calculated to insure to our country the blessings of peace. (To be continued.)
June 28, 1809. The following are the remarks with which Mr. Stanford introduced his motion for an enquiry into the state of the Post-Office Department: Mr. Speaker, I have for several days had a resolution to offer to this House, which from the press of other business I have not had the opportunity to do. The subject is one so apparently necessary to be taken up, I am persuaded the House will not hesitate to adopt it. I allude to the subject of the post office establishment. In the Fifth Congress, it was found necessary to review that establishment and remedy many evils which were found to exist in that department. If then it was found necessary to review the subject generally, and make it one entire system, it is certainly now much more necessary to do the same thing, seeing ten or eleven years have since elapsed, much territory is added to our country, and a great extension of the establishment taken place. Satisfied I am (said Mr. Stanford) some defects, radical in their nature, exist in the present system—and that it is so, must be obvious to every gentleman of the House. Session after session, for several years without being able to pass any post office law, gentlemen in their places have offered at every session for some years past, resolutions on this subject, in order to accommodate their constituents. Our constituents themselves have petitioned, and all in vain. We are told the revenue from the post office establishment will not bear any further increase of roads—nay, that many already established ought to go down, and thus the bill receives the go-by—and for this reason, properly enough, no doubt. But, Mr. S. said, he believed a system could be devised, which would so promote economy in that department, not now practicable as it appeared to him, as that we might add every necessary road in whatever part of the country it might be desired—and that we can, upon a proper revision of the subject, do much towards bettering the system as it now appears to go on. I offer the resolution in the words it was before offered in and hope it will be adopted.
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, JULY 10. DIED, lately in England, lord DUNMORE, formerly Governor of Virginia. Philadelphia, July 6. The Steam Boat commenced running yesterday morning, between Trenton and this city. She had nearly 40 passengers.
FROM THE AURORA. The Paris Argus, of the 5th May, contains the following paragraph: "We have received American papers to the 7th March, which contain the speech of the new President, Mr. Madison, when he took the oath of office in the chamber of the House of Representatives. Our readers will perceive, from the extract which we copy from that discourse, that Mr. Madison appears to follow the footsteps of his predecessor. He complains bitterly of the ruinous effects of the maritime war upon the commerce of the United States: these complaints evidently fall upon the first authors of the outrages upon neutral flags. We must, as we have over and over said, and as the whole experience of half a century proves, trace the cause of the war and all the injuries complained of by neutrals, in the monopolizing and tyrannical system of the English: that monopoly and that tyranny are the monsters against which France has combated, almost alone, for the last fifteen years, at its own cost, although for the good of all nations. We are persuaded that the new President will be supported in his system, by the great majority of the American people, and by those merchants, who are more attached to the honor, independence and permanent interests of their country, than to the ephemeral profits of an odious selfishness."
NATIONAL FAIR. Philadelphia, June 6. As many persons have been anxious to know when and where the show of sheep, cattle, manufactures, &c. is to take place, as some time since noted in the papers—we think proper to state that several flocks, particularly fine Merinos, and other sheep, are already arrived; and the Fair will be held at Bush-Hill, in the north-west suburb of this city, on Monday next, 10th July.
New-Port, (R. I.) July 1. The General Assembly commenced their session in this town on Monday last. On Friday, they unanimously elected Christopher Grant Champlin, a Senator from this state in the United States Congress, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Francis Malbone.
Nashville, June 16. Arrived at this place on Saturday last, the elegant barge MARY-ANNE, Capt. Sprigg, 87 tons from New-Orleans, burthen 57 tons. This barge is 87 feet long, and upwards of 16 wide. She was built at Cincinnati in Ohio, and was purchased by the present owner at New-Orleans, who gave $1100 for her, and since has had her completely equipped with mast, spars and rigging, and is an excellent sailer; she was worked up by 22 hands. The amount of freight was upwards of $5000. The safety with which this barge came up the Cumberland, convince us at once, that with a small expense the Cumberland river might be made navigable for boats of 100 tons, as far up as this place.
St. Louis, (Louisiana) June 7. Capt. Pratte, who commanded the detachment of militia lately dispatched hence for the reinforcement of Fort Madison, ar-
rived here on Monday evening last. The accounts of our Indian affairs in that quarter are pleasing to humanity: the Sacs, Souix, Foxes, &c. have had sufficient prudence and discernment in their anger to perceive the danger and destruction which one act of hostility on their part would bring upon them, and have accordingly buried the bloody tomahawk—and, we believe so deeply buried it, under a sense of well grounded fear, mingled with respect, that no apprehension need be entertained of its being ever again dug up for the purpose of imbuing it in the blood of Americans. The militia engaged on this duty have accomplished their object, and acquitted themselves with honor.
PUBLIC SCHOOLS. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN To the contributors to the Permanent Institution for the Education of Youth in the City of Washington, that an election of six trustees for the ensuing year will be held at Lindsay's Hotel on Monday the 17th inst. The election will be kept open from 4 to 7 P. M.
E. B. CALDWELL, } Judges of Election. SAM. H. SMITH, } MICHAEL NOURSE, } JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE, At R. C. Weightman's, Washington, J. Miligan's, George-Town, and Robert Gray's, Alexandria— REQUISITE TABLES To be used with The Nautical Ephemeris for finding the latitude and longitude at sea, &c. BY JOHN GARNETT, AUTHOR OF THE NAUTICAL ALMANAC, Which may be had at the above places for 1809 & 1810; as also the FRENCH PRONOUNCING DICTIONARY. July 10—3t
TURTLE DINNER. ON SATURDAY the 15th inst. at Three o'clock precisely, a fine GREEN TURTLE, weight 184 pounds, will be served up at served up at A. Lindo's tavern (Sebastian Springs.) Those gentlemen desirous to partake will find subscription papers at Messrs. Belle's, Long's, Lindsay's and Rhodes's hotel city of Washington—Dinner & a pint of wine 25 cts. July 10—3t
FOR SALE. Will be sold at Auction on Thursday the 27th inst. a convenient 3 Story Frame House, with a Kitchen back, on No. 5 in Square No. 118, on Pennsylvania avenue between the Six and Seven Buildings. An indisputable title clear of every encumbrance will be given. The terms made known on the day of sale. N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Aucts. July 10—tdos
STATE AT AUCTION. ON Tuesday the 11th inst. in front of the house of Mr. George Miller on F street, near the Branch Bank, will be sold at auction, one pair elegant Card Tables, one Mahogany Wardrobe, one Mahogany Bureau, one Mahogany Bedstead, Looking-Glasses, Brass Andirons, Fenders and sundry other articles of Household and Kitchen Furniture. Sale to commence at 3 o'clock P. M. Terms made known at the same time. SAM. L. SPEAKE, Auct. If Tuesday shall not be fair, the sale will take place on the Saturday following. July 10—3t
SALE AT AUCTION. THE subscriber will offer for sale at his house on Capitol Hill, on Monday the 17th instant, a variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, also, a Hack and Pair of Horses. A liberal credit will be given to large purchasers. HENRY TIMS. July 10—tds.
COPY. Circuit Court, District of Columbia, Washington County, June term, 1809. * Godfrey Haga vs. Charles Gist's Representatives. ORDERED, That the sale made by Phineas Bradley, the trustee in this case, be ratified and confirmed, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the first day of August next—provided a copy of this order be inserted three times in the National Intelligencer previous to said day. The report states, that a two story brick house on part of lot number six, in square No. 377, in the city of Washington, was sold for one thousand and five dollars. By Order, WM. BRENT, Clerk. July 10—3t.
BATH. THE Subscriber informs those Gentlemen and Ladies who formerly stopped at his house whilst at Bath, and the Public generally, that he has returned to that place, and resumed the business of keeping a House of Entertainments—he has been at considerable expense in providing every thing necessary for the genteel accommodation of all who may please to make his house their residence whilst at Bath. NICHOLAS ORRICK. Bath, Berkeley county, Virg. July 10—w4t
A RUNAWAY NEGRO. WAS committed to the jail of Washington county, in the state of Maryland, on the 12th inst (June) as a runaway, a negro man named JAMES BROWN, about 23 or 24 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high; had on when committed a lead colored cloth roundabout, drab cloth pantaloons and tow shirt. He says he had on when he ran away, a blue nankeen roundabout and pantaloons; that he belongs to a Mr. Biggs, who was taking him to Carolina, and that he was formerly the property of John Sutton on the Eastern shore, Maryland. His owner is desired to take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees, &c. according to law. ISAAC S. WHITE, Sheriff July 10—w3t
PATENT WASHING MACHINE. Newly Invented Patent Washing Machine, for superior to any heretofore in use, may be had of the subscriber, who has the Patent Right for the district of Columbia. I am so well satisfied of the inestimable value of this machine, from a trial of one of them more than two months, that I purpose to have one made, that any family wishing to purchase can first make a trial of. JNO. THOMAS, Scl. May 24—3t&w4t
WASHINGTON THEATRE.
On Tuesday Evening, July 11, 1809. Will be presented A COMEDY in Five Acts CALLED THE WAY TO GET MARRIED. To which will be added, An admired Musical Entertainment in two acts, called THE ROMP.
* * * Box One Dollar—Pitt Three Quarters of a Dollar. * * * Tickets to be had at the Office of Dumas and Cooper, Eleventh-street, near Pennsylvania Avenue. Doors will open at Six—Curtain rise Quarter before Seven o'Clock.
War Department, July 8, 1809.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT Separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock, at noon of Wednesday the 25th of October next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of June 1810 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1811, within the states, territories and districts following, viz. 1st, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago and in their immediate vicinities, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the territory of Michigan. 2nd, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee. 3rd, At Belle Fontaine, Fort Osage and Belle Vue and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Ohio and the Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chicago and their immediate vicinities. 4th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the Mississippi and Orleans territories. 5th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire. 6th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Vermont. 7th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted. 8th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of Connecticut and Rhode Island. 9th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of New York, Niagara & its dependencies excepted. 10th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of New Jersey. 11th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania. 12th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the states of Maryland & Delaware. 13th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Virginia. 14th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of North Carolina. 15th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of South Carolina. 16th, At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia. 17th, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armories and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1810 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1811.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the United States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each per thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of life provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper. It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States shall be paid by the United States at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed. The privilege is understood to be reserved to the United States, of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the seaboard, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months. W. EUSTIS, Secretary for the Department of War. July 12—tw4w

NOTICE. THE BAPTIST MEETING HOUSE in the City of Washington, having been lately furnished with Pews, the Church has appointed a Committee for the purpose of RENTING them; who will attend on MONDAY next, at 4 o'clock P. M. in the Meeting House. Those persons that are desirous of holding Pews will please to apply at the time and place mentioned. July 7—2t
ORATION. This Day is published and for sale at R. C. Welchman's book-store, Pennsylvania Avenue, D. Capitol Hill, and J. Wilkinsons, George-Town. AN ORATION Pronounced by Mr. JOHN BARLOW, in this City, on the 4th inst.
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION. PURSUANT to an order from the Orphan's Court of Washington county, district of Columbia, will be exposed to public sale on the premises, near the Navy Yard Gate, all the personal property of James Boddington, deceased, consisting of household and kitchen furniture. Also two gold watches. Conditions of sale are all sums under twenty dollars cash on delivery above that amount. A credit of three months will be given on good bonds or negotiable notes, with approved endorser, bearing interest from the day of sale. The sale to be on Monday the 17th day of July instant, to commence at 1 o'clock precisely. ROBERT ROSE, } Exrs to the estate of Jas. Boddington, dec'd. ROBERT BROWN, } By N. L. & H. M. QUEEN, Auc. July 7—3t
BY VIRTUE of a decree of the honorable the Chancellor of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale on the Monday the 17th day of July next, if fair, if not on the next fair day, on the premises, all the estate, right, title, claim and interest of Nathaniel Washington of St. Mary's county, in and to a tract or parcel of land lying and being in St. Mary's county, on the Patuxent river, being part of a tract of land called Trent Neck, to which the said Nathaniel Washington is entitled in right of his wife Margaret Washington. This land is of a superior quality. —ALSO— All the estate of the said Nathaniel Washington and Margaret his wife, in and to one other tract or parcel of land, lying in St. Mary's county aforesaid, being another part of the aforesaid mentioned tract, called Trent Neck, situated in the forest, at the distance of three or four miles from the tract before mentioned. A more particular description of these tracts of land is deemed unnecessary. And there will be offered for sale at the same time and place, a variety of personal property of the said Nathaniel Washington, consisting of Negroes, Horses, Stock, Utensils and Household furniture. The above property will be sold in such lots or parts to accommodate purchasers as shall be judged most advantageous. Terms of sale—a credit of twelve months, purchasers giving bond with sufficient security, and to be on interest from the day of sale. JOHN RALPH, Trustee. N. B. The creditors of the said Nathaniel Washington are hereby notified to exhibit their claims to the auditor of the Court of Chancery within six months from the day of sale. Cyclopaedia Hall, St. Mary's County, June 19—Aw.
CITY AUCTIONEERS. THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public, that having given the security required by law, they obtained a license to sell goods, wares and merchandise at vendue in this city. To accommodate those who may be pleased to employ them, they have built a commodious house adjoining the Store of the Purser of the Navy and opposite to Wm. Prout's, and from their close attention to business, they flatter themselves that they will give general satisfaction. NICHOLAS L. QUEEN, HENRY M. QUEEN. May 29—4t
POSTPONEMENT OF SALES. THE Sale of the estate unimproved lots that were advertised to be sold the 1st inst. at Rhodes' Hotel, is postponed until Monday the 10th, at 6 o'clock precisely, when and where they will be publicly sold, at 3 & 6 months credit for approved endorsed negotiable notes. They will be laid up to suit purchasers. The Lots are No. 3, 4, 6, 10 and 11—in square 219. No. 9, 10 and 11—in sq. 168 No. 1, 2, and 3— 458 July 5—3t
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION. A tract of Northumberland court house, in the county of Northumberland, and state of Virginia, on Tuesday the 5th of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, five contiguous plantations, amounting together to about 2,700 acres, situate on the river Potomac, and within about three miles of the court house. These estates formerly belonged to Presley Thornton, Esq., and are the same which he lived. They have never been seen by either of the subscribers, but it is understood, that about 1700 acres of them are as valuable low grounds as any on the river, and a considerable part thereof heavily timbered. The uplands consist of about 1000 acres, and the whole is well calculated for the production of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy and small grain of all kinds, in great abundance. The waters are said to abound with excellent fish, oysters and wild fowl. The water carriage is easy and convenient to Norfolk, Baltimore, Alexandria and the city of Washington; and as these estates possess several good mill seats, with an abundance of water and a plentiful supply of timber, they must be very valuable. The premises will be shown to persons inclining to purchase, by col. James Moore, who lives on them, or by Samuel Blackwell, Esq., who lives near to them; and the terms of payment may be known a sufficient time before the sale, by applying to either of them, or to THOMAS ROBINSON, New Chester, Delaware, Or to W. LEWIS, at Phila. June 7—tds
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale—Chateaux Margaux Claret in boxes of 1 dozen. Genuine Old London Particular wine in half Pils and quarter casks. Best Rappahannock Oil in baskets of 6 bottles each, etc. etc. etc. George Town, May 24—tf
ROMULUS RIGGS, Has just received and opening at his New Cash Store, a complete and well selected assortment of SEASONABLE AND FANCY GOODS, which being purchased for money, gives him the opportunity of offering the same at Baltimore and Philadelphia Prices. As he is determined to sell for very small profits. He intends keeping on hand a good assortment of Goods, to be sold by the piece; and those who purchase to sell again, will be furnished at as low rates as they can purchase in any market in the United States, being determined to sell. CASH GIVEN FOR TOBACCO Inspected at the Georgetown Warehouse. FOR RENT, THE upper part of the House I now occupy, which has Six well finished Rooms, and every necessary back building, all newly furnished and in complete order—The rent will be low to a genteel family, if application is immediately made. June 8—1f
CITY LOTS FOR SALE. THE undermentioned lots of ground are offered for sale, either separately or by squares, on liberal terms either for cash or on credit; they are all free from mortgage or incumbrance, and are subject to no litigation or contest as the titles are derived by immediate conveyance from the Chancellor of Maryland and the commissioners of Washington, to Messrs. Henry Pratt, Thomas Wilkins, Francis, John Miller, Jr., John Ashley, and Jacob Baker of the Aggregate Fund. Square No. 54 Lot no 9 sq 172. Lots no 2 4 8 10 12 13 14 15 18 sq 84 Lot no 1 sq 85 Lots no 20 21 22—sq 103 Lots no 7 8 9 145 Lots no 1 2 7 8—sq 146 Lots no 1 3 4 147 Lot no 4 sq 163 Lots no 5 6 7 12 13 14 sq 158 Lots no 6 7 10 11 12 13 16 sq 193 Lots no 1 2 3 7 8 12 13 18 sq 349 Lots no 1 2 3 8 sq 376 Lots no 6 17 18 sq 409 Lots no 3 4 7 8 9 17 18 sq 437 Lots no 5 6 7 10 sq 488 sq 8 7 12 sq 489 Lots 5 6 9 sq 491 sq 10 11 12 6 19 20 24 sq 493 Lots no 7 8 sq 494 Lots no 8 9 10 sq 531 Lot 3 4 8 11 12 13 14 sq 533 Lots no 13 15 16 17 sq 584 Lots no 1 2 3 4 22 23 24 sq 588 w one square. East of 590 whole square sq 635 Lots no 1 2 3 5 6 9 10 sq 638 Lots no 1 2 3 8 sq 639 Lot no 10 sq 640 Lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 sq 641 whole square sq 642 Lots no 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 19 East of 643 Lot no 2 South of 643 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 23 sq 644 Lots no 1 5 7 West of 645 whole square sq 878 Lots no 16 17 18 19 20 sq 973 Lot no 4 5 6 7 8 20 21 sq 995 Lots no 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 South of 1019 Lot no 1 2 4 sq 1020 Lots no 1 2 3 4 5 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 sq 1021 Lot no 1 sq 1022 Lot no 2 sq 1023 Lots no 4 5 7 8 9 10 sq 1024 Lots no 1 2 3 7 sq 1045 Lots no 9 10 12 sq 1046 Lots no 2 14 15 sq 1047 Lots no 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 19 20 sq 1048 Lot no 7 8 9 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 Persons disposed to purchase are desired to apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAM. ELLIOT, JR. Greene Point, June 28—4w&wbt
MR. G. G. BURROUGHS, Physician, from Hamann, and maker of many Medicines approved by physicians of Paris, and lately by the Medical Faculty of Hamann; amongst which, are An Anti-syphilitic Medicine extracted from the juice of vegetables, which roots out the Venereal Virus with certainty. Some physicians have regarded vegetables as insufficient to combat this virus; but partial hypotheses are of no weight against daily proofs of numbers who attest the efficacy of certain vegetables and their superiority over mercury, especially when the latter is badly administered. Those persons who are afflicted with Venereal complaints, or who fear the consequences of some internal poison, ought not to play with their constitution. Some of the consequences of the remains of an ill-cured complaint, are impurities of the blood or other fluids, are the Scrofula, King's Evil, Scurvy, Leprosy, Cancers or Rheumatism. The Rectified Spirit of Vegetables is an Elixir which has the property of re-establishing the disordered part of the frame and imparting thereto a moderate and lively heat. It cures Falling sickness, the Apoplexy, Pal-sy, Dizziness, Gangrene, Madness, Paintings; and in general of all weaknesses. He has also new remedies for curing the Consumption by a moist fumigation of Vegetables or Vapor Baths. Those who wish to apply to him will please to call on Mr. GALLIGATO, Barber at the Navy Yard, where they will meet him three times a week, viz. Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday. July 3—3t
St. Mary's county court, March term 1809. WHEREAS the Commissioners appointed on the petition of EDWARD T. CAMPBELL, praying that a commission might issue to divide the Real Estate of John Carpenter, late of St. Mary's county deceased, if the same would admit thereof without injury to his representatives, having made a report to the county court of St. Mary's stating that said estate would not admit of division without injury to the said representatives, which said report was by the said court ratified. And whereas it is stated to the court here, that James Carpenter and John H. Carpenter two of the said representatives reside out of this state. It is thereupon adjudged and ordered that the said representatives by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for four weeks successively three months before the 7th day of August next, they give notice to the said James Carpenter and John H. Carpenter to be and appear before this court at Leonard Town in said county, on the 7th day of August next, to make their election, to take Real Estate aforesaid of the said intestate agreeably to the act of assembly in such case made and provided. Test JO: HARRISS, Ck. June 28—w&wbt
FOR SALE, Or to be rented for a term of years, or on perpetual ground rent, A NUMBER of well built brick houses, several of which are immediately tenable—situate on Greenleaf's point—Also, house lots in almost every part of the city. Apply to JAMES GREENLEAF, or in his absence to SAMUEL ELIOT, junr. July 6—8w
FOR SALE. BY VIRTUE of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND late the property of John D. Scott, deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 30 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 5—tds
CHARLES H. VANDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelts & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARASOL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4t
LAND TO SELL OR EXCHANGE. I AM desirous to sell or exchange for lands lying below the Blue ridge, about 4000 acres of old Military land, situated in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on the river Ohio, about 8 miles from the mouth of the Great Kanawha. Half of the above quantity is rich river bottom unsuitable to fresher, and on which from 60 to 100 bushels of Indian corn has, often been made to the acre. On a part of this land, intended to form a farm of 700 acres, and near the bank of the river, has lately been erected a single story framed dwelling, 40 feet by 20, with a stone walled cellar under the whole, rising 4 feet above the surface, which with little alteration might be made agreeable summer rooms. I will take for this land, as well as for a third part of 2000 acres on Kentucky river, and a third part of a military survey, in the forks of the Ohio and Tennessee, both valuable tracts all kinds of public securities or exchange as above. JOHN FENTON MERCER. Fredericksburg, June 9. Letters directed to me, Gallipolis, Ohio, after the 15th of July, will be attended to. June 21—3w
SWEET SPRINGS, VIRGINIA. THE Subscriber has been at great expense and trouble to render this much esteemed place comfortable and pleasant for the present season. Gentlemen and ladies who are desirous of visiting those waters, may depend upon every exertion on the part of the subscriber to make their time agreeable. O. TOWLES, JUN. June 21—3w
IF CHARLES HUGHES, aged about 43 years, who left England in 1799 for the state of Virginia, and who was supposed to be at Fairfax in 1804 or 1805, will make himself known to Charles Wiegman, Merchant, Baltimore, he will hear of something much to his advantage. Any information respecting the above named person will be thankfully received. He is five feet, five inches in height, red bushy hair, very strong and athletic, and sings a good song. It has been reported that he keeps a tavern somewhere in the state of Virginia, and is married to a widow. It is not unlikely he has assumed a fictitious name. June 23—8t
At a meeting of the Joint Committee for the Library of Congress, June 26th, 1809. On motion, Resolved, That in the purchase of books for the Library of the United States, the Library Committee will in all cases give the preference to American Editions in which the execution of the work in Printing and Binding (the latter combining ornament with strength and durability) shall be equal to that of foreign Editions. Ordered, That the foregoing resolution be published and signed by the Chairman, on the part of the Senate and House of Representatives. B. THRUSTON, Chairman on the part of the Senate. WILSON CARY NICHOLAS, Chairman on the part of the House of Representatives.
The Printers who publish the laws of the United States in the cities of Philadelphia, N. York and Boston, will please insert the above in their respective papers & forward their accounts. Washington, June 27th, 1809.
PATENT KNAPSACKS. THE Subscriber having obtained from the United States, a patent for an improved KNAPSACK, which in point of durability and convenience, has been pronounced by the best judges infinitely superior to any hitherto in use. The officers of the different volunteer companies in the United States, are respectfully solicited to adopt them. They may be had in any quantity, and will be sold on the most reasonable terms by JOHN P. LHERBETTE, St. Mauden Lane, New-York. To whom applications addressed by post may be made, or to B. H. Latrobe, at the city of Washington. May 19—ep4m
FOR SALE. BY VIRTUE of a decree of the High Court of Chancery of the state of Maryland, will be exposed to public sale, in the town of Port Tobacco, Charles county, at the court house at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the second day of the next August term of Charles county court (which commences on the third Monday of August next) a parcel of LAND late the property of John D. Scott, deceased, being part of a tract of Land called Poynton Manor, lying upon a branch of Nanjemoy creek, on the post road leading to Nanjemoy from Port Tobacco near the "Hill Top" and about seven miles from Port Tobacco. This Land consists of about 300 acres, of which between 50 and 100 acres are well timbered, about 30 acres are in marsh, and the remainder arable and very productive. The terms of sale are that the purchaser shall give bond with sufficient security to pay the purchase money in 12 months from the sale. It will be sold entire or in parcels as may best suit the persons inclined to purchase. F. S. KEY, Trustee. July 5—tds
CHARLES H. VANDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coatings, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Sponcelts & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARASOL SUSPENDERS for superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4t
William Lorman, vs. Peggy M'Laughlin Et others. IN CHANCERY. ORDERED, That the sale made by Daniel Bussard, of the real estate of Charles M'Laughlin, deceased, as reported by him, be ratified and confirmed unless cause to the contrary be shown before the first Monday in January next, provided a copy of this order be published in the National Intelligencer for three weeks successively before the first day of October next. The report states that the whole of the property sold for four hundred and twenty-five dollars. By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. June 23—3w
HAVE for Sale at their Warehouse near the Ferry— Loaf and Lump Sugar in bds and barrels, Prime Muscovado do. do. do. 2d and 3d quantity do. do. do. Hyson, Young Hyson } in Chests, Boxes and son, Hyson skin } Cannisters, and Imperial } Coffee, Chocolate, Pepper and Allspice, Nutmegs and Cloves, Sweet Oil in Baskets and Boxes, Indigo and Copperas, Best 4th proof Cogniac Brandy, Bourdeaux and Marseilles Brandy, Holland and Anchor Gin, Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, old and fit for immediate use. Old and New Whiskey, Maderia, Port, Sherry, Teneriffe, Corsica, Scielly, and Catalonia Wines, Claret in boxes 1 doz. each, Best chewing Tobacco, Demijohns, Casks, &c. &c. George Town, July 3—ep
Circuit Court, District of Columbia, County of Washington—June Term, 1809. Richard Soderstrom, } vs. } In Chancery. Samuel Goodman, George Little and Josiah Quincey.
THE object of the bill filed in this case, is to compel Samuel Goodman to pay to the complainant the sum of money alleged by the bill to be due to the complainant for a judgment obtained against the said Goodman in the island of St. Thomas, and the amount of commissions and expenses due to said Soderstrom from said Goodman, and for monies disbursed by said Soderstrom from and on account of said Goodman. The bill states, that a decree in the supreme court of the United States was rendered in favor of said Goodman against said Little for a large sum of money on account of the capture of the brig Flying Fish and her cargo, the property of the said Goodman, a Danish Burgher of the island of St. Thomas, by the said Little, commander of the United States ship of war, the Boston. That the said Little, after the decree was pronounced, petitioned and obtained from the United States a sum of money to cover said decree, and to be specifically applied to the payment thereof. That the said money was received by Josiah Quincey, the attorney of said Little, and sufficient to satisfy the complainants demands, has been stopped and enjoined in the hands of said Quincey, out of which the complainant demands to be satisfied his claims, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the said Little and Goodman respectively reside out of the district of Columbia and jurisdiction of this court. It is therefore ordered by this court, that the said Little and Goodman respectively be and appear in this court in person or by solicitor, on or before the fourth Monday of December next, to show cause why a decree should not be passed as prayed, and that this order be published for four successive weeks in the National Intelligencer and United States Gazette before the first day of August next. By order, June 16—ep4w. WM. BRENT, Ck.
Just arrived from St. Bartholemew on board the brig Betsey, Capt. Nelson, and for sale at my Warehouse— 50 puncheons 3d proof rum, 40 bds. molasses, 7 do. Sugar, 12000 lb. green Coffee, Apply to CH: HERSTON'S, or the Subscriber, Who has for Sale, Best qualified Port Wine, Old Madera do. Claret by the box, Old Jamaica and Antigua Rum, Cogniac Brandy, Holland and Country Gin, Loaf and Lump Sugars, Coffee in Bgs and Baucels. Imperial, } Hyson, } TEAS. Young Hyson, } Hyson Skin, } Souchong, } Bohea, } Pork, Beef, Herring, Rice, Cheese, Bacon, Flour, Meal, Corn, Ground Pepper, Soap, Dpt. Mould, and Spermaceti Candles. 20 or 30 tons Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia Bar Iron well assorted, together with many articles of Ship Chandlery. RICHARD PARROTT, George Town, June 28—tf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED from Centerville, Fairfax County, Virginia, some time in April last, a BRIGHT BAY Mare, nearly 15 hands high, ten years old, debently formed, and remarkably handsome, with one hind foot white and a small star in the forehead. Whoever will deliver her to the subscriber residing in Centerville, or give information so that she may be gotten again, shall receive the above reward. HENRY W. BALL. June 30—6t
REAL ESTATE AT AUCTION. WE will sell on the 1st Monday in August next, at the tavern of Mr. Ruth, in this town, the entire real estate (yet unsold) of col. Chas. Beatty, deceased, consisting of a number of valuable improved and unimproved lots in Georgetown and its additions, and in the city of Washington. Several tracts of land in the neighborhood of the two places, and others in Montgomery, Frederick, and Washington counties, Maryland, with one of 5132 acres, (an old grant) in Randolph County, Virginia. Plots and title papers will there be shown, and terms of sale then made known. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. and continue from day to day until the whole is sold. JOHN M. BEATTY, CHAS. A. BEATTY. Georgetown, D. C. June 7—wtds.
PUBLIC SALE. PURSUANT to a decree of the Chancery Court of Maryland, appointing the subscriber trustee, for the sale of the Real Estate of the late Mr. John Brown, of Prince George's county, for the payment of his debts, will be offered at Public Sale, on Monday the 17th July next on the premises, that valuable Farm, the late residence of the deceased, called Mount Calvert or Mount Calvert Manor, containing about 325 acres. This is situated on Patuxent river, in the vicinity of Upper Marlboro' and Nottingham, and distant about 4 miles from each of these places. It is bounded on one side by the river Patuxent, for more than a mile, where it is navigable for vessels of any burthen, with the advantages of an excellent fishing landing—This land is well adapted to the production of tobacco, corn and all kinds of grain; has a quantity of good meadow land, some of which is now in high cultivation and abounds with wood and timber. The improvements are a good brick Dwelling House, two stories high, nearly new, a good Kitchen; several good Tobacco Houses and Barns, with every other necessary building, all in good repair. A further description of this valuable and well known Farm is deemed unnecessary as those inclined to purchase will no doubt view the premises before the day of sale. The terms of sale are, eighteen months credit, the purchaser giving bond with security to be approved of by the trustee, bearing interest from the day of sale, & on the ratification of the sale by the Chancellor and the payment of the whole purchase money, the trustee will by a good and sufficient deed, convey to the purchaser and his heirs, all the right, title and interest of the said John Brown to the said lands. TRUEMAN TYLER, Trustee. N. B. The creditors of the said John Brown are hereby requested to lodge their claims, with the vouchers thereof, in the Chancery office within two months from the day of sale. T. TYLER, Tr. June 26—w3t
IN COUNCIL. Annapolis, June 26, 1809. ORDERED, that the act, entitled, An act to alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the constitution and Form of Government, be published twice in each week, for the space of three months, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, at Washington, and Mr. Grieve's paper at Fredericktown. By order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
AN ACT To alter the thirty-second and thirty-seventh Articles of the Constitution and Form of Government. BE it enacted, by the General Assembly of Maryland, That hereafter, upon the death, resignation or removal out of this state of the governor, it shall not be necessary to call a meeting of the legislature to fill the vacancy occasioned thereby, but the first named of the Council for the time being shall qualify and act as governor until the next meeting of the general assembly, at which meeting a governor shall be chosen in the manner heretofore appointed and directed.
And be it enacted, That hereafter no governor shall be capable of holding any other office or profit during the time for which he shall be elected.
And be it enacted, That so much of the thirty-second and thirty-seventh articles of the constitution and form of government as is repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, be and the same is hereby abrogated and abolished.
And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alteration and amendment of the constitution and form of government therein contained, shall be taken and considered, and shall constitute and be valid, as a part of the said constitution and form of government, anything therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. July 3—taw3m
REILLY'S STORE, ON PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, IS just supplied with Madeira and Lisbon Wine, choice French Brandy, excellent retailing Whiskey and Molasses, fresh Lemons, a few boxes fresh Raisins, East Indian Coffee in bags, some nice Old Hyson Tea, Spermaceti Oil of good quality, a thousand weight of Smithfield Bacon, b. f. of which in Hams mostly of small size suitable for families, Jamieson's Water Crackers, superfine Flour as usual selected for family use—Also, Corn Oats, Bran, Chop, and a constant supply of Fresh Corn Meal, received weekly from the mill. July 3—6t ep
THE Subscriber offers for Sale Bristle Pottery Bottles in hampers containing one Gross each. Upwards of fifty thousand pounds wt. Brown Soap, chiefly put up in Boxes of 50 or 60 lbs. wt. old and in nice order for shipping. Mould and Dpt Candles in boxes—from 30 to 40 lbs. wt. each. Suffolk Rosin, transparent and free of dross. Porter and Pale Ale in Casks and Bottles, which on trial will be found of very superior quality. WM. DUNLAP. Alexandria, July 3—5t. District of Columbia, Washington County, to wit: ON the petition of HENRY SELBY an insolvent debtor, confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said insolvent, that on the 10th day of July next at nine o'clock at the court room in Long's Hotel, in the city of Washington on the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said insolvent, unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary. Ordered, That this notice be published in the National Intelligencer and Washington Federalist twice in each paper before that day. By order of the hon. Wm. Cranch, Esq., chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia. WM. BRENT, Ck. June 30—3t