The gazette (Portland, Me.), 1799-02-25 00:00:00

The Gazette.
By ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, Portland, Maine.
[NUMBER 44.]
[VOLUME 1.]
Portland.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1799.
Communication.
THAT the republican party, so styling themselves, are a mere opposition to the government and constitution of these States will further appear in this essay on the Mazzei-letter.
ESSAY III.
THE party of which the Vice-President has finally arrived at the head, appears to have existed before the adoption of the constitution and to have been opposed to its adoption. For he lays instead of that republican government which carried us through the dangers of the war, an Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party has arisen, whose object is to impose on us the substance as IT HAS ALREADY GIVEN US THE FORM of the British government. Now as this "form" must infallibly mean the constitution, and as this party "gave" this form of government to Mr. Jefferson's "republicans," this party were those who framed and adopted the federal constitution. So that for the origin of this "party" as well consequently as of the party which it controlled, we must look back at least into that period of anarchy, spasm and rebellion, which intervened between 1783 and 1789. And hence it will also clearly follow that the friends of BETTER ORDER were the "Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party," and that the opposers of better order were those who preferred the "republican government which carried us through the dangers of the war." The departure of Mr. Mazzei for Europe seems therefore clearly to have been previous to 1789, as the Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party had "already" adopted the constitution, and Mr. Jefferson says that the "prodigious change" was "since you left us." There is no fallacy in my exposition of this part of the text, and I hereby challenge all the world to shew in what particular it can possibly be wrong. I know that Jacobins never reason, for the consciously erroneous can but sophisticate—but I even beg for one poor miserable sophist, and I will attend to it even if appears in the Chronicle—free from abuse.
Meancholly as it is then, the man who now fills the Vice-President's chair, and which God forbid I by one fatal event may for a season become our Supreme Executive, did in 1796 acknowledge himself to belong to the designing part of those who were against the constitution. I say the designing part; because many of those opponents were "timid men," who only doubted & since have been satisfied, but Mr. Jefferson is no "timid man," at least in time of peace, and even in 1796 could understand (for will you doubt this gentleman's understanding?) prefer the anarchy, poverty, disunion and impending dissolution of 1788. Such, Jacobins, beyond denial, is YOUR "Solomon and Sampson."
But this passage of the letter must not be dismissed so lightly. I have established the fact that the Vice-President is an "opponent who embodied this heresy"—I must now decipher his hard words, and examine his "Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party." These three words are most emphatically evittal of Mr. Jefferson's French principles, for they contain the whole magical incantation of the French revolution. The English—the kings—and the aristocrats!—Faithful echo; perhaps conspirator of the terrible republic!—I think Mr. Jefferson returned from France about 1790—and in due season Mr. Madison brought forward his "resolutions" to give a preference to France after the proclamation of neutrality. Oh these Virginians!—It should seem that before the constitution and during Mr. Jefferson's residence in France affairs in America stood well in respect to the projected revolution—that is, we were disunited, discontented, and ready to fall a prey; but to prevent this a party had criminally risen up, which the "representative" of France (remember Barras to Monroe) must of course call Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic, in distinction from the French term Republican, which too with the same complaisance is applied to the crazy state of things in which it was hoped the French revolution would find us. And this criminal party had marred the sport by "giving" us the constitution. Hinc illa lachrymae!
I trust every one will be modest enough to admit that the word Anglo, when used of a period certainly previous to 1789 will not signify even from the pen of Jefferson that there was a British influence here at that time, however the ridiculous whim has taken since.
But the Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party it seems, in 1796, when the letter was written, "avowed the object of imposing on Mr. Jefferson's party the SUBSTANCE as well as the form of the British government." This is pretty outrageous. After "giving us the form," nothing could be added to that; so that to "impose the substance," if it means anything must mean that they would exceed the form. The cur's of law have never been able to detect the government in any instance of this kind since
the adoption of the constitution. But this will not argue any thing, I suppose—for Mr. Jefferson says the Judiciary were against his party. It is really a pity that nations cannot find out some better plan than to have laws and judges.
But after all, whether France was to have the disposal of us or not, does it not plainly appear that the parties here alluded to were capable of other descriptions, such as friends of order and enemies of order, friends of government and enemies of government, friends of the union and enemies of the union?—And is not the form and even the substance of the British government properly contrasted by the "tempestuous sea of liberty"?—It is very true that after the publications of the President's book "in defence of the American Constitution," which already had single executives like England, though not hereditary but elective, a similar form was projected for the whole nation and by the whole accepted; but with what face can republicans, who plead for the government of majorities, contend that this was the contrivance of a party? It so happens that Mr. Jefferson's party are always convicted by their own arguments, and that there is never any thing better to say against them than what they say themselves.
Let it always be born in mind that the Vice-president wrote this letter in 1796—Then it was that he told Mazzei of an Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic party which had arisen before 1789, and was not yet conquered. It had, to be sure, succeeded so far as to give us a constitution, and it was trying to strengthen it by gaining the affections of the people. But says he, "WE nevertheless have nothing to fear—we are very powerful, and shall break this tilliputian tie."—This, I say, was in 1796. Is there now any wonder that Mr. Harper should say in the last session of Congress that he had intelligence of a vast conspiracy, and had got hold of a clue that would conduct him and the public through this republican labyrinth of treason? Why this very letter contains the whole business; it is indeed an invaluable mine of knowledge. Who will now tell of Jacobins being convinced and converted?—So they may in small numbers—but here is an indelible party—it has continued certainly from 1788 to 1799—probably existed before the peace with G. Britain. It will forever remain in the country, and form the camp of the malcontents—there will be deserters from both sides—but equal numbers will never make them equal, for there will be always, if the government is wise, that difference of strength which is known to attend integrity and guilt, while happily the former is blessed with the inestimable advantage of method and of discipline by the constitution, and the latter, blessed be God! afflicted with all the blunders and other innumerable curses of their favourite disorganization.
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Such Things Are.
NUMBER VIII.
WHAT is more detestable in society than an equivocal character? Those under the guidance of duplicity ought to be kicked out of it. A double face in things of a domestic and private nature, and in the general commerce of the world, ought to meet with no indulgence from the tongue of reproach—but in matters of a higher nature, when our national peace and independence are at stake, it merits something more than the severity of language, or the look of contempt.
We have some characters among us, who are all things to all men. If they be in the company of Jacobins, they will advocate and adopt the sentiments of the party; and no sooner do they intermix with federalists, than the President, and the administration of our government, are the theme of their panegyric and praise. At one moment they will denounce the alien and sedition bills as the vilest encroachments on the constitution and on the liberties of the citizen—when at the next, perhaps, nothing is so well calculated to bridle the tongue of slander and calumny, and to preserve the existence of our government. These opposite sentiments are adopted as convenience may dictate—hoping thereby to gain the confidence of all, and suspicions of none. Men of this character have an immoderate thirst for power—they think their talents entitle them to notice—they affect to be the friends of the people, and omit no stratagem to ride the shoulders of a captious populace. But the fact is, they cannot be trusted by either party—both view them with eyes of jealousy, and never fail to keep them in the humble walks of domestic life, "unknowing and unknown" as to the suffrages of the people.
There is another set of politicians very much of this cast, but which are generally more successful; we mean those doubting characters, who never fail to mix with their approbation of public measures a few sentiments of dislike to particular men or to particular acts of government. They hope by this conduct to be viewed as impartial politicians, and as having no connection with either of the great parties in the country.
This, they think, may entitle them to confidence, while it manifests their wisdom in discriminating between the good and bad principles of our administration. Of this character was General Heath for many years; he received it at the adoption of the federal constitution, and he was for a long time designated by the appellation of—"the doubting general."
There is also a third description of politicians, whose actions are always at war with their sentiments. We have noticed Gallatin to be such an one.—In the House of Representatives, his actions all tend to show, that he is in the interest of France, and against the measures of our constituted authorities: But in a late answer to an address from his constituents, adopted by a nest of disorganizing Jacobins, under an appearance of zeal for the public good, he uses the language of an enlightened statesman—approves of the measures of our government as necessary and proper, and also gives them a gentle reproof for their defection. Such is the nature of intriguing foreigners, who participate the rights of citizenship, and who are permitted to share the public suffrage!
In times of union and public tranquillity, these double practices would be more tolerable, and of course less criminal. But when freedom or slavery is the question—when a foreign nation is endeavouring to weaken us by the arts of seduction, and when the conduct of our citizens tends to accelerate our ruin, the energies of government ought to be exerted. We have no instruments of arbitrary power among us, such as the guillotine, letters de cachet, and bastilles; but we have active laws, and magistrates armed with authority to punish aggressors.
The Test of Federalism!
In the State of Massachusetts.
[It should be recorded in every public Gazette, that, at a time when our rights were invaded, and our liberties threatened, by the diabolical policy of licentious Frenchmen—the legislature of Virginia, intoxicated with French politics, passed certain Resolutions tending to subvert the General Government; which, being forwarded to the Legislature of Massachusetts, for the purpose of carrying them into effect: the said Legislature of Massachusetts, actuated by a desire to preserve the American Union, and impressed with its vast importance, made the subsequent REPORT thereon—Let it be preserved in the archives of Federalism, with the names of those worthy men who sanctioned it.]
Report on the Virginia Resolutions, relative to the Alien & Sedition Laws.
THE Legislature of Massachusetts, having taken into serious consideration the Resolutions of the state of Virginia, passed the 21st day of Decr. last, and communicated by His Excellency the Governor, relative to certain supposed infractions of the Constitution of the United States by the Government thereof; and being convinced that the Federal Constitution is calculated to promote the happiness, prosperity and safety of the people of these United States, and to maintain that Union of the several States, so essential to the welfare of the Whole; and being bound, by solemn oath, to support and defend that Constitution, feel it unnecessary to make any professions of their attachment to it, or of their firm determination to support it against every aggression Foreign or Domestic—But they deem it their duty solemnly to declare, that while they hold sacred the principle, that the consent of the people is the only pure source of just and legitimate power, they cannot admit the right of a State Legislature, to denounce the administration of that Government, to which the people themselves by a solemn compact, have exclusively committed their national concerns. That although a liberal and enlightened vigilance among the people, is always to be cherished, yet an unreasonable jealousy of the men of their choice, and a recurrence to measures of extremity upon groundless or trivial pretences, have a strong tendency to destroy all rational liberty at home, and to deprive the United States of the most essential advantages in their relation abroad.
That this Legislature are persuaded, that the decision of all cases, in law and equity, arising under the Constitution of the United States, and the construction of all laws, made in pursuance thereof, are exclusively vested by the People, in the Judicial Courts of the United States.
That the people in that solemn compact which is declared to be the Supreme Law of the Land have not constituted the State Legislatures the Judges of the Acts or measures of the federal government, but have confided to them the power of proposing such amendments of the constitution, as shall appear to them necessary to the interest, or conformable to the wishes of the people whom they represent.
That, by this construction of the constitution, an amicable and dispassionate remedy is pointed out, for any evil which experience may prove to exist, and the peace and prosperity of the United States may be preserved without interruption.
But should the respectable state of Virginia, persist in the assumption of the right to declare the acts of the National government unconstitu-
tional, and should she oppose successfully, her force and will to those of the nation, the constitution would be reduced to a mere cypher—to the form & pageantry of an authority, without the energy or power. Every act of the federal government, which thwarted the views or checked the ambitious projects of a particular state or of its leading and influential Members, would be the object of opposition and of remonstrance, while the people, convulsed and confused by the conflict between two hostile jurisdictions, enjoying the protection of neither, would be wearied into a submission to some leader, who would establish himself on the ruins of both.
The Legislature of Massachusetts although they do not themselves claim the right, nor admit the authority of any of the State Governments, to decide upon the constitutionality of the Acts of the Federal Government, still, left their silence should be construed into disapprobation, or at best into a doubt of the constitutionality of the acts referred to by the state of Virginia, and as the General Assembly of Virginia, has called for an expression of their sentiments, do explicitly declare, that they consider the acts of Congress, commonly called "the Alien and Sedition Acts," not only constitutional but expedient and necessary.
That the former act respects a description of persons, whose rights were not particularly contemplated in the constitution of the United States; who are entitled only to a temporary allegiance; a protection which ought to be withdrawn, whenever they become "dangerous to the public safety," or are found guilty of "treasonable machinations" against the government.
That Congress, having been especially entrusted by the people with the general defence of the nation, had not only the right, but were bound to protect it against internal as well as external foes.
That the United States, at the time of passing the "act concerning Aliens," were threatened with actual invasion, had been driven, by the unjust and ambitious conduct of the French Government, into watchful preparations, expensive and burthensome, and had then, within the bosom of the country, thousands of Aliens, whom, we doubt not, were ready to co-operate in any external attack. It cannot be seriously believed that the United States should have waited till the poignard had, in fact, been plunged. The removal of Aliens is the usual preliminary of hostility, and is justified by the invariable usages of nations. Actual hostility unhappily had long been experienced, and a formal declaration of it the government had reason daily to expect. The law, therefore, was just and salutary, and no officer could, with so much propriety, be entrusted with the execution of it, as the one in whom the Constitution had reposed the Executive power of the United States.
The Sedition act, so called, is, in the opinion of this Legislature, equally defensible.
The General assembly of Virginia, in their Resolve, under consideration, observe, that when that state by its convention ratified the federal constitution, it expressly declared, that among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be cancelled, abridged, restrained or modified by any authority of the United States, "and from its extreme anxiety to guard these rights from every possible attack of sophistry or ambition, with other states, recommended an amendment for that purpose, which amendment was in due time annexed to the constitution,"—but they did not surely expect that the proceedings of their state convention, were to explain the amendment adopted by the Union. The words of that amendment on this subject are, "Congress shall make no law" "abridging the freedom of Speech or of the Press."
The Act complained of, is no abridgement of the freedom of either. The genuine liberty of Speech and the Press, is the liberty to utter and publish the truth; but the Constitutional right of the citizen, to utter and publish the truth, is not to be confounded with a licentiousness in speaking and writing, that is only employed in propagating falsehood and slander. This freedom of the press, has been expressly secured by most, if not all the State Constitutions; and of this provision there has been generally but one construction among enlightened men—that it is a security for the rational use and not the abuse of the press; of which the courts of law, the juries and people will judge. This right is not infringed, but confirmed and established, by the late act of Congress.
By the Constitution, the Legislative, Executive and Judicial departments of government, are ordained and established; and general enumerated powers vested in them respectively, including those which are prohibited to the several States. Certain powers are granted in general terms by the people to their general government, for the purposes of their safety and protection. That government is not only empowered, but it is made their duty, to repel invasions and suppress insurrections—to guarantee to the several states a republican form of government, to protect each state against inva-

and, when applied to, against domestic violence—to hear and decide all cases in law and equity, arising under the constitution and under any treaty or law made in pursuance thereof—and all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction and relating to the law of nations; wherever therefore it becomes necessary to effect any of the objects designated, it is perfectly consonant to all just rules of construction, to infer, that the usual means and powers necessary to the attainment of that object are also granted; but the Constitution has left no occasion to resort to implication for these powers; it has made an express grant of them, in the 8th section of the first article, which ordains, that Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof."
This constitution has established a Supreme Court of the United States, but has made no provision for its protection, even against such improper conduct in its presence, as might disturb their proceedings, unless expressed in the section before recited; but as no statute has been passed on this subject, this protection is and has been for nine years past uniformly found in the application of the principles and usages of the common law. The same protection may unquestionably be afforded by a statute passed in virtue of the before mentioned section, as necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested in that department. A construction of the different parts of the Constitution, perfectly just and fair, will, on analogous principles, extend protection and security against the offences in question, to the other departments of government, in discharge of their respective trusts.
The President of the United States is bound by his oath, "to preserve, protect and defend the constitution" and it is expressly made his duty, "to take care that the law be faithfully executed;" but this would be impracticable by any created being, if there could be no legal restraint of those scandalous misrepresentations of his measures and motives which directly tend to rob him of the public confidence. And equally important would be every other public officer, if thus left to the mercy of the Seditious.
It is holden to be a truth most clear, that the important trusts before enumerated cannot be discharged by the government to whom they are committed, without the power to restrain or punish seditious practices and unlawful combinations against itself, and to protect the officers thereof from abusive misrepresentations. Had the Constitution withheld this power, it would have made the government responsible for the effects, without any controul over the causes which naturally produce them, and would have essentially failed of answering the great ends, for which the people of the United States declare, in the first clause of that instrument, that they establish the same: viz "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity."
Seditious practices & unlawful combinations against the federal government or any officer thereof, in the performance of his duty, as well as scandalous misrepresentations of the press, were punishable on the principles of common law in the courts of the United States, before the act in question was passed. This act then is an amelioration of that law in favour of the party accused, as it mitigates the punishment which that authority, and admits of any investigation of public men and measures which is regulated by truth; it is not intended to protect men in office, only as they are agents of the people; its object is to afford legal security to public offices and trusts, created for the safety and happiness of the people, & therefore the security derived from it, is for the benefit of the people, and is their right.
This construction of the constitution and of the existing law of the land, as well as the act complained of, the Legislature of Massachusetts most deliberately and firmly believe, results from a just and full view of the several parts of that constitution; and they consider that act to be wise and necessary, as an audacious and unprincipled spirit of falsehood and abuse had been too long unremittingly exerted for the purpose of perverting public opinion, and threatened to undermine and destroy the whole fabric of the government.
The Legislature further declare, That in the foregoing sentiments they have expressed the general opinion of their constituents, who have not only acquiesced, without complaint, in those particular measures of the federal government, but have given their explicit approbation, by re-electing those men who voted for the adoption of them; Nor is it apprehended that the citizens of this State will be accused of supineness or of an indifference to their constitutional rights; for while, on the one hand, they regard with due vigilance the conduct of the government, on the other, their freedom, safety and happiness require that they should defend that government and its constitutional measures, against the open or insidious attacks of any foe, whether foreign or domestic.
And lastly, That the Legislature of Massachusetts, feel a strong conviction, that the several United States are connected by a common interest, which ought to render their Union indissoluble, and that this State will always co-operate with its confederate States, in rendering that union productive of mutual security, freedom and happiness.
The following are the result of the votes on the question, Shall this Report pass?
IN SENATE. YEAS—Hon. Messrs Phillips, Wells, Bridge, Sexton, Fowler, Dane, Thompson, Ives, Campbell, Thayer, T. Davis, Read, Bullard, Longfellow, Town, Jones, Hayward, D. Davis, Dwight, Norris, Bridgman, Thacher, Hunt, Tait, Bigelow, Hale, Dummer and Coffin. NAY—Hon. Mr. Bacon. IN THE HOUSE. YEAS—Joseph Russell, John Codman, William Smith, Arnold Welles, jun. John Lowell, jun. Samuel Cobb, Joseph May, Jacob Leavitt, John Treadwell, Benjamin Pickman, jun. William Prescott, Nathaniel Wade, Josiah Little, Enoch Titcomb, jun. Nathan Fowen, James Robinson, Joshua Holt, George Todd, Joshua Folsom, Nathaniel Marsh, Peter Russell, Thomas Perley, Amos Bond, Timothy Jackson, Henry Putnam, Jonathan Bowers, John Minoit, Edward Wade, Artemas Ward, jun. Ebenezer Dyer, Abner Sanderford, Charles Whitman, Sampson Tuttle, Levi Shepard, Ruggles Woodbridge, Zebina Montague, James Taylor, John Williams, William Billings, John Potley, Varney Pierce, Ezra Starkweather, Charles Phelps, Isaac Warren, John Barrett, Park Holland, Hugh M'Lean, Saul Solomon, Moses Bates, Moses Bates, William Knox, 3d. William Bowdoin, Lemuel Foster, Nathaniel Goodwin, Elijah Turner, Elisha Phillips, Nahum Mitchell, Nathaniel Wilder, John Turner, Micah Sears, Nicholas Tillaghaft, Seth Spooner, Esdaile, Elias Preble, John Lord, Thomas Perkins, 3d, Daniel Hooper, Nathaniel Paine, John Sprague, Sylvanus Towne, Ebenezer Dyer, John Woodbury, Benjamin Drury, John Boyd, Elias Hall, Nathan Fisher, Jonah Howe, Jacob Welsh, Silas Holman, Jonathan Warner, Reuben Read, Thomas Gowing, John Dredd, Nathaniel Adams, Philip Sweetser, Ebenezer Jones, Silas Cutler, Ebenezer Parker, Israel Whittier, Thomas Learned, Edmund Hewes, James Langley, Woodbury Storer, Samuel Andrews, Samuel Tucker, Mark L. Hill, Silas Lee, Francis Winter, Samuel Harnden, Josiah Read, Samuel S. Wild. Samuel Jacobs, James Bridge, Nathaniel Farbanks, Robert Page, Supply Belcher, John C. Williams, Ephraim Williams, Jehiah Yale, Peletiah Freeman, Oliver Leonard, Oliver Mann, Phineas Bruce, Eliphalet Loud, Nathan Comstock, Jabez Fisher, Benjamin Beale—116. NAYS—Israel Hutchinson, William Survey, Aaron Hill, Edward Barnes, Jonathan Maynard, Joseph Simond, Walter M Farland, Abel Boynton, Jonas Brooks, Samuel Hoar, Jonathan Smith, Aaron Hobart, Phanuel Bishop, Holder Slocum, Nathaniel Morton, jun. Mark Adams, John Woodman, Micajah Coffin, Wm. Muzzey, Isaac Davis, Joseph Stone, Frederic Plympton, Samuel Jones, Daniel Ilsey, James Curtis, William Towne, Samuel Baldwin, Abraham Howland, John Howe—29.
Legislature of the Union.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FEBRUARY 7. A REPORT from the Secretary of the Treasury on the IMPORTS and EXPORTS, the year prior to October 1, 1798, was received and read. The amount of imports in value 33 millions of dollars. [The exports in 1798, were 64,327,421 dollars. ditto in 1797, 51,294,710 Increase 10,022,711] A bill for compensating Marshals, Jurors, &c was reported and referred to committee of the whole, and a bill appropriating money for holding a treaty with the Indians on the Georgia claim. FEB. 8. The Revenue Officers compensation bill was reported and read. The Naval Augmentation, the Dock Establishment, & Timber Bills, passed to be engrossed. MONDAY, FEB. 11. The President informed the House, he had signed the act for suspending Commercial intercourse with France. The Army Organization Bill, came down from the Senate for concurrence. The Naval Augmentation Bill passed to be enacted. Yeas 54—Nays 42. The Dock Establishment and Naval Timber Bills, passed to be enacted. FEB. 12. The sitting was occupied in discussing petitions respecting the Alien and Sedition Laws.
FOR THE GAZETTE. MR. TENES; It would have afforded me infinite satisfaction, for the sake of humanity, if the task I am about entering into had been undertaken by some pen more worthy of it. But I trust my good intentions, will in some measure compensate for my want of ability to paint the characters of quack-doctors, in such colors, as to confer on them the detestation of all mankind, to which their perfidy so justly entitles them. The purpose of this is to caution the public against strolling imposters—more particularly against one who lately made his debut into this village. A specimen of his treatment to a patient, will, I presume, have more influence on the minds of the people, than any arguments I could employ. Tho' I cannot plead ocular demonstration for the truth of my assertion—yet I shall state the circumstances, as I received them from good authority.—A woman in this village, was attacked about the 5th inst. not violently, with all the symptoms of a fever which has prevailed here since last summer. No medical assistance was immediately called. It so happened a strolling fellow, who called himself a physician, was then here. He was requested to visit the above patient, which he did, and took charge of the case. What authority he can adduce for his practice, I am at a loss to determine; but he very judiciously recommended and enforced, instead of cooling medicines to counteract the fever, stimulants of the most heating nature—such as a decoction of red pepper, ardent as fire. The only drink he was allowed was gin. I will not urge the impropriety of his applications—it must be obvious to every one. Suffice it to say, the patient died in five days after she was attacked with the disorder. The next day after her death, the Doctor very expeditiously, made his exit from our neighbourhood, and has not, to my knowledge, since been heard of. Perchance he has journeyed a little farther to impose on somebody else. Should I proceed any further, I may be deemed prolix; but, pardon the effusions of a mind enraged at the conduct of a masked species of murderers, commonly denominated quack doctors. Volumes would be necessary to detail the mischief done in times past, by those pests to society. But we have the pleasing reflection that the diffusion of knowledge among mankind, is arriving to that state of perfection which will preclude from us the apprehension of their committing many more murders. A Lover of Humanity. Stroudwater, Jan. 18, 1799.
Foreign Articles.
LONDON.—HOUSE OF PEERS, Nov. 20.
HIS Majesty's speech having been read first by the Lord Chancellor, and afterwards by the Clerk at the table, The Earl of Darnley rose to move the address, and, in a speech of considerable length, presented the various topics held out by his Majesty from the throne as grounds for their Lordships approbation. He had no hesitation in saying, that the victory of the Nile was the most unparallelled achievement in the annals of the empire; and it was as fruitful of advantages to the country as it was pregnant with glory—it had changed the political atmosphere of the world. The great and seasonable example which this country had shewn, had taught the nations of Europe their duty, and had convinced them that their best security depended on their own magnanimous exertions. Accordingly it was apparent that there were already symptoms of returning vigour in the cabinets of several of the greatest powers of Europe, and he had no doubt but the ultimate effect of the victory would be, to inspire every government with a just sense of what they owed to themselves and to society. The glorious efforts of our marine had not been confined to this splendid conquest, but had secured our own coast from insult, and has utterly defeated the design of a most formidable attack upon the sister kingdom. In every way of vigilant perseverance, of undaunted bravery, of consummate skill, our Admirals, officers and seamen, had set so glorious an example to the universe, and had rendered such eminent service to their country, that it went beyond the power of human panegyric to do justice to their merits. The Noble Lord, feeling himself indisposed, concluded by moving the address to his Majesty in the usual form of repetition to the speech. The address being read by the Lord Chancellor, The Earl of Berkeley rose to second it, which he did in a maiden speech, delivered in so low a tone of voice, that only a few sentences of it could be distinctly heard below the bar. The Marquis of Lansdowne next rose. He began with admitting that the glorious victory obtained by Admiral Nelson, and our other naval successes, were matters deserving of public exultation; an exultation in which every British subject must cordially join. Every wise man knew, however, that the greatest victories flattered objects; and however fascinating at the first view, would pass away & give room to new events, without turning to any solid advantage, unless they were made the ground of obtaining that most desirable of all acquirements which he had again and again recommended in that House—a safe and honorable peace. He saw no reason why we might not make a separate peace. Who could blame us? The continental powers with whom we had already combined, had set us the example; they had deserted us one by one, and made a separate peace for themselves. He, therefore, conceived that peace might be obtained, if due moderation were observed by this country. He did not mean, by degrading ourselves by a degree of humiliation unworthy of our dignity and importance; not by such a negotiation as the last, which he declared to have been very ill imagined, and ill advisedly conducted, but, by taking such steps as should indicate a fair and sincere intention in this country to agree to terms of peace upon moderate and honourable principles. His Lordship thought, in the mean time we should forbear any further pursuits of conquests and acquirements. Experience had shewn how vain the views of conquests were. We had taken Corsica, and could not keep it, we had taken St. Domingo, and we could not keep it. To what end, then, pursue the idea of conquests farther? The obvious policy of this country was to abstain from offensive, and confine ourselves to defensive war. The expence would be materially less, and every end that this country could wish for would be answered. Hewas aware that Ministers must, even in that case, resort to new measures, and these must be strong ones, to which he had no doubt but the good sense of the nation would readily submit. For his own part, he thought it his duty as an honest man, and that of every subject, in the present circumstances, to give his support to such measures, however strong, that Ministers, might think it necessary to bring forward; reserving to himself the right to deliver his opinion according to the impression the measures might suggest. He said, he had delivered these sentiments as his own. He knew not those of opposition, which had disappeared. Some said it was dead and buried. If it was dead and buried, it was a favourable opportunity for ministers to seize, and do the country the most essential piece of service. He lamented the absence of opposition, as he had a high personal respect for many of its Members, & particularly revered their talents, and many of their opinions. This, he said, was no time for party, nor was he a party man; but Ministers had it in their power to put an end to all party and all opposition, by acting moderately, and taking the proper steps to procure peace. Lord Romney could not see why it was necessary to diminish the exultation which Lord Nelson's victory must excite in every breast, by severe reflections on the conduct of Ministers. He thought his Majesty's servants deserved the grateful thanks of their Lordships and the country, for the wise, vigilant and able manner
in which they had conducted the war during the summer, and was surprised to hear a word said that day to their disadvantage. And though we had given up Corsica and St. Domingo, we still retained St. Lucia, Martinique, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Spice Islands. Lord Holland exulted in Lord Nelson's victory; but he earnestly wished for an honourable and permanent peace. Lord Mulgrave thought it would be very rash and impolitic to propose a peace at the present moment. Lord Grenville insisted that no opportunity of bringing about an honourable peace had been neglected; but the present he thought a very improper time for such a discussion. Were France to be left mistress of the Continent, this country could have no secure peace. It might abandon others, but it would not thereby secure itself. A disposition had shewn itself in this country to embrace with vigour those measures by which it had thus far succeeded. Was this, then, the moment in which England was called on to set the example of that narrow minded policy by which other countries had suffered? And shall we not rather say that England, in her proud elevation of rank among nations, is ready to assist those who are willing to unite, and assist themselves? At the same time, he was confident no country or government was more willing than this to secure peace, when it could be had on lasting and honourable terms. To the firmness of this nation, its present security was owing, and a continuance of the vigorous measures now pursuing he thought the best method to procure an honourable peace.
THE GAZETTE.
Portland. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1799.
DUPLICITY and INSOLENCE!
Another act of French duplicity and insolence towards this country, is the letter from Defourneaux, French agent at Guadalupe, to the President of the United States. This letter is full of expressions of friendship for Americans—It apologizes for the capture and detention of the Retaliation, Capt. Bainbridge—mentions the giving of her up to the U. S. releasing of our seamen, and assuring that Americans shall be treated as allies. Yes, the letter contains all this—and at the same time this insolent Sans-Culotte is daily condemning American vessels and cargoes!—Short sighted indeed must be those who do not see into this double dealing. The fact is, this faithless agent wished to refuse the island from starvation, to silence the populace, and to screen himself from the censure of his masters;—for, had the Retaliation been condemned, the act would have amounted to a declaration of war—for which the faithless republic is not fully ready. Capt. B's men were kept in irons 36 hours. The Americans, captains and people are confined in the most loathsome prison at Basseterre, among negroes condemned for all kinds of crimes; and kept on half a pound of bread and a quarter of a pound of fish per day; and in every respect treated much worse than the English prisoners.—My countrymen! when will you avenge the sufferings of your brethren!
SEPARATION OF MAINE.
AN address of the consent of this Commonwealth to the erection of Maine into a separate State, was referred to the next General Court. The House of Representatives of this Commonwealth, concurred with the Hon. Senate, in accepting a report of a Committee raised to hear the parties on the complaint against TRISTRAM JORDAN, Esq. for seditious expressions. In this report the Committee have done ample justice to Capt. SILAS BURRANK, the gentleman on whose affidavit the inquiry had been made, whose character, they say, for truth stands perfectly fair, and who gave his evidence with a laudable degree of candor; but considering Jordan's age, his former good conduct as a citizen, a man and a magistrate, and that he utterly disavows in his memorial the political sentiments imputed to him; the Committee were of opinion, that it was not expedient to address his Excellency the Governor on the subject.
MELANCHOLLY.
On the 24th ult. at Windham, Connecticut, Mr. Amos Thatcher, by heating some spirits of turpentine in the room where his family was, accidentally fired it. The room was instantly in flames—the persons fled, except two children, who being in bed were burnt to death. One of the cold nights of the last month, Mrs. Harthaway, of Barnstable, awoke Mr. H. saying she heard a noise as though the chimney was on fire. He ran to a door that led to the back of the house, found it wrapped in flames and falling in. He immediately went to his children's room, &c, as he thought, made them follow him. He then repaired to his wife's apartment, who had only time to escape in her linen. When out of the house, to his astonishment he missed his two sons. The distracted father returned to their room. The flames at the door prevented his entering. He flew to a window and burst it in through a torrent of fire, and took out the youngest son, terribly burnt. In making a second attempt to save the oldest, he was so burned as to lose his sight. There being no house within half a mile, Mrs. H. was very much frozen. The son, taken from the flames, soon expired. The remains of the oldest son were found next day.

Fresh News.
By a coasting vessel which arrived here on Thursday last, from Castine (mouth of Penobscot) which place she left the day before (Feb. 20) the Castine paper of that date has been received, which contains the following news:—
"Castine, Feb. 20."
"Yesterday arrived at this port, the Schooner Lark, Capt. Snow, 17 days from Martinique. Capt. S. informs, —That a few days previous to his leaving that place, information was received there, that an English packet had arrived in the West Indies which brought London papers to the 10th of Jan. which stated that Official Accounts had been received of the Death of Buonaparte, and the Total Destruction of his Army.—Capt. Snow says, that he saw and read the account in a London paper received by the packet."
Capt. Snow was informed while he lay at Martinique, by an American who had made his escape from Guadalupe, that a large number of American vessels had been taken by the French pirates and carried into that port; that they had been captured in one week; that they were all condemned with little or no ceremony, and the Americans thrown into prison; that the frigate United States , Commo. BARRY, had run so nigh into Guadalupe, that he was fired at from the batteries on shore, and in return had given them a few broadsides; that the sloop of war Pickering , having a number of vessels under her convoy had fired a few shot into an English privateer, supposing her to be an enemy's vessel, which obliged her to sheer off. Capt. S. soon after spoke some privateer, who treated him politely, and permitted him to proceed.—Spoke on his passage home, the American sloop of war Ganges with a number of American vessels under convoy."
On Friday last, the birth-day of the illustrious WASHINGTON, was noticed in this town with marks of esteem and veneration. A number of gentlemen partook of an elegant dinner prepared for the occasion—after which a number of truly federal toasts were given, and several well adapted odes were sung.—In the evening there was a ball at the large Assembly-room; which commenced with Washington's march. The flag of the United States was displayed in the center of the hall, around which were sung the animating songs of Hail Columbia , and Adams & Liberty .
From Philadelphia, Feb. 10.
"I now board at the Hotel with the VICE-PRESIDENT, and about a dozen of the opposition members, who almost surfeit me with their Jacobinical politics. They however feel their weakness—but, say they, the next Congress will be two thirds democratic—and at the next election of President we will have Mr. JEFFERSON in the chair—then down with the British treaty—down with the aristocracy."
The subscriptions to the new Loan, are calculated to exceed Fifteen Millions of dollars! In Boston the subscriptions were above Fifteen hundred thousand dollars. The bank of Pennsylvania, it is said, has been authorised to subscribe 500,000 dollars.
The British government required a new Loan of 18 millions; and 50 millions have been subscribed.
The Director of the Mint of the United States, has stated that there were coined therein in 1798, 7,974 Eagles, 24 86- Half Eagles, and 614 Quarter-Eagles, of Gold—327,536 Dollars, 27,550 Dimes, in Silver—and 979,700 Cents, in Copper—Equal in the whole to 545,693 Dollars. Nearly double to any preceding year.
A letter from the U. S. Consul at Gibraltar, dated Nov. 19, says, that four French privateers have been lately captured by the Algerines. Algiers being a tributary to the Grand Seignior, has been directed to act in conformity to the warlike declaration of the Sublime Porte,
The Retaliation, Capt. Bainbridge, has arrived at Philadelphia—brought above 80 American seamen.
Ashur Shepard has exhibited to the Medical Society of Vermont, a sample of Magnesia Alba, manufactured by himself, from the Salts of the Epsom kind, obtained from certain springs in Vermont, which received the Society's approbation. It is equal in quality and effect to those imported.
A vessel from India, which had on board a chest of seeds designed as a present for the King of England, was lately taken & sent into France. There were 300 different kinds of seeds.
Marine Articles.
Port of Portland.
Saturday last, failed ship Fame, Russ, and brig Eliza, Bragdon.
Capt. Tate in the Hannah of Falmouth, was at Barbadoes on the 14th, bound to Savannah. Also at Barbadoes, the Hannah, of Wilkesbarre; Two sisters, Savage, do. who ranomed his vessel from the French, has a state remaining a hostage for the payment of 4000 dollars.
The brig Nancy and Polly, Lowell, & Schooner Gray of this port were at St. Croix 21st Jan.
EPIGRAM—On a MARKET-HOUSE, changed into an ASSEMBLY-ROOM.
HOW odd the change! How strange the whim! Quoth humerous Jack to wagging Jack to wagging Jill. Not strange at all, quoth Jill to him; 'Tis us'd for making markets still.
COURT OF HYMEN.
O'er unfaded hearts the tender doves preside; Pass gently on ye soft, ye fleeting hours, Blest'd the young Bridegroom, and the blooming Bride, 'Till death's cold hand arrests the vital powers.
MARRIED —In this town, Mr. JONATHAN BRYANT, jun. to Miss MARY FREEMAN, daughter of Samuel Freeman, Esq.
Mr. JOHN K. BAKER, Printer, to Miss REBECCA ROSS.
At the Friends' Meeting-house in Ferrisburg, Vermont , Asa ROGERS, fifth son of Wing Rogers, to MARY, second daughter of Timothy Rogers. They were each of them nearly seventeen years old.
When tender plants expand their leaves too soon, They bud and blossom but they drop at noon. While those matured by Sols meridian ray, Bloom, bear and flourish through the longer day.
At Penobscot , Mr. THOMAS CARTER to Miss JOANNA PERKINS.
At Augusta , Mr. JOHN WHEELER, of Hallowell, to Miss BETSY PAGE of the former place.
At Norway , Mr. Francis Bennett to Miss Susannah Gray—Mr. Jacob Soul to Miss Dorcas Prince.—Mr. Joseph Mason to Miss Lucy Baker—Mr. Richmond Loving 2d. to Miss Dolly True—Mr. Enoch Titcomb to Miss Hypsee Stubbs.
MORTALITY.
".....Death conquers all—" The cunning statesman and the soldier brave, No more his fatal darts can shun Than can the feeble timorous fair. Alike they victims fall, And here enroll'd are found."
DIED —In this town, this morning, after a lingering illness, which she bore with Christian patience, Mrs. TRYPHOSA C. PARKER, the amiable consort of Capt. Samuel Parker, and daughter of Nathaniel Freeman Esq. of Sandwich, aged 23—The funeral will proceed from his house in State Street, on Wednesday next, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. The friends of the family are desired to attend without further invitation.
DIED —At Hallowell, Capt. DANIEL CARR.—At Augusta, Mr. JOSIAH BLACKMAN.
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY
Isabella Child,
At her shop in Fish-street, Portland . An assortment of fashionable Fancy and Winter GOODS.
CONSISTING OF JACONET , tambore, japan, corded, cross-bar'd, sheer and black Mullins; very fine jaconet and other Mullin Handkerchiefs; fashionable Bonnets and Turbans; French and India Cambricks; Linens; Calicoes and Ginghams; Calamancos and Durants; patch coloured and purple Shawls; Linen Pocket Handkerchiefs; Cotton do.; Satins; Modes and Sarfouts; silk, beaver, and kid Gloves; a variety of fashionable sash and other Ribbons; black Laces; do. Italian Crape; do. Veils; do. Gauzes; delicate red and Spanish Leather Slippers; plaid emigrant Socks; plaid and plain Silk Handkerchiefs; Fashionable steel Claps; Velvet Ribbon; Thread Laces and Edgings; chenille and braid Trimmings; Cord and Tassels; Plumes and Feathers of all kinds; Spangles; Tiffany; Shoe Tassels; Pearl Buttons; Thread Fringes; Silver Pencil Cases; tambore needle do.; Pins; Tapes and Bobbin. Gentlemen's Vests Patterns of all kinds; black satin Florentine of a superior quality; silk Nankinets; silk, cotton, and worsted Hose; Mullin Handkerchiefs; superior dark Queen's Cloth; superfine and other White Flannels; fine Lambkin, and Green Baize; Fur Trimmings, &c. Also, Coffee, Starch, Hair Powder, Wash-Balls.
A large assortment of ladies' and children's SHOES; House Paper, &c. &c. MILLINERY made in the latest fashion.
Notice.
THE subscribers, administrators on the estates of John Burnham & John Burnham, jun. late of Portland, deceased, hereby give notice to all persons who are indebted to, or who have any demands against said estates, to exhibit their accounts for settlement by the first of August next. The subscribers will attend for that purpose on the first and third Thursdays of each previous month, at the dwelling of Thomas Burnham in Portland.
Thomas Burnham, Josiah Burnham.
Portland, Feb. 23. 1799.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine.
An ACT, limiting the time within which Petitions for Wages which have been drawn by forged Orders, shall be sustained.
BE it enacted by the Senate, and House of Representatives, in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, That no petition for Wages which have heretofore been drawn by Forged Orders, shall be hereafter sustained, unless such Petition shall be presented within TWO YEARS from the passing of this act: and, on failure thereof, the Petitioner, Applicant and Claimant shall be forever excluded and barred from any claim or demand against this Commonwealth for or on account of any Wages so drawn, or alleged to be drawn, by virtue of any such Forged Order. And the Secretary is hereby directed to cause this Act to be published in the several News-papers printed in this Commonwealth for three months successively.
In the House of Representatives, Jan. 29, 1799. This Bill having had three several readings passed to be enacted,
EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Speaker.
In Senate, Jan. 28, 1799. This Bill having had two several readings passed to be enacted,
SAMUEL PHILLIPS, President.
January 29, 1799—Approved,
INCREASE SUMNER.
True Copy—Attest,
JOHN AVERY, Sec'y.
To be published three months successively, in the several News-papers printed in this Commonwealth.
JOHN AVERY, Sec'y.
JOSHUA BLAKE,
(at the store formerly occupied by Mr. R. Boyd)
HAS JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE, on the lowest terms for cash,
A VARIETY OF
European & India GOODS,
AMONG WHICH ARE.
Superfine black, navy blue, dark mix'd and other coloured BROAD CLOTHS, Plain and emboss'd Kerseymeres, Men's best plain and emboss'd English Satins, India ditto, German Serges, Devonshire Kerseys, Coatings and Lambkins, Elastic and Orleans Stripes, Flannels and Baizes, Scotch Carpetings, Crapes, Wildbores, and Camblets, Black and coloured Ruffles and Calimancos, Moreans and Taboreans, Shalloons, Durants and Tammies, Satinets and Lasings, Twill'd Velvets and Thicksets, Marcelline quilt, Swansdown, and silk Waistcoating, Patent ribb'd and plain worsted Hose, Black and white silk ditto, White and fancy Cotton ditto, Silk, Beaver, and knotted worsted Gloves, Ladies' Kid & silk ditto, Kid, morocco and cloth Slippers, Misses morocco ditto, Thread Edgings and Laces, Bugle Trimmings, Plumes, Spangles, Silk Girdles, Black, white and coloured Satins, Black, white, plum coloured, and a variety of changeable Lustings, Black Modes, Sarcenets of all colours, Silk Crapes and Tiffanies, Plain & Crape Gauzes, Chintzes and Copper-plates, Book and Jaconet Mullins, Muslinets and Dimities, Silk and Mullin Shawls, Book and Jaconet Mullin Handkerchiefs, Black, Bandanna and check'd silk ditto; Irish Linens and Sheetings, Check'd Linens and Bed Ticks, India Cottons, coarse and fine, Men's Nelson crown'd beaver Hats, Violin Strings, Umbrellas, Men's worsted Caps, No. 3 and 4 Dutch Ribband, French and English coloured ditto, Galoons and Perrets, Black silk Laces, Silk twills, & sewing silks, Tapes, Bobbins, and shirt Buttons, Belt polished Steel, pearl, Italian and metal Buttons, Pins, Chappel Needles, Scissars, Penknives, Pocket Books, &c. &c.
Also, a general assortment of
Hard and Hollow Ware,
20d, 10d, 6d, 4d, Nails, Brads of all sizes,
Powder, Shot and Flints, Hyson, fouchong and bohea Tea, &c. &c.
NOTICE is hereby given to the nonresident proprietors or owners of Lands lying in the town of Jay, in the county of Cumberland or Lincoln, that their lands are taxed in the State, County and Town Tax for the year 1796, and committed to me the subscriber to collect, as follows, viz.
State & County. Town. No. Lot. No. Range.
   No. Lot. No. Range. C. M. C.     Supposed to be in dispute. { 7 in 10 7 5 17   { 8 in 10 7 5 17   { 8 in 6 7 5 17  
The above are on the east side of Androscoggin River, and the following on the west. In dispute. No. 25 in Range No. 6.
And unless said taxes are paid, together with all necessary charges, on or before the 26th day of March next, at 9 of the clock, A. M. so much of said Lots, as will be sufficient to discharge the same, will then be sold at Public Vendue, to the highest bidder, according to law, at the dwelling house of Moses CRAFT, in said Jay.
WILLIAM GODING, Collector.
Jay, Feb. 1, 1799.
Take Notice.
THE proprietors or owners of the several lots of unimproved lands in the town of Gray, county of Cumberland and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, hereafter mentioned, are hereby notified that the same are taxed in bills committed to me the subscriber, collector of said town, for the year 1798, to collect, in the following sums, viz.
   First Division Lots. Fourth Division Lots.   No. No. Acres. Tax. ct. m. No. No. Acres. Tax. ct. m.     6 60 23 2 1 107 27 6   18 60 23 2 3 107 27 6   42 60 23 2 4 107 27 6   SECOND DIVISION. 5 107 27 6   107 60 23 2 11 107 27 6   109 60 23 2 30 107 27 6   THIRD DIVISION. 32 107 27 6   2 51 1/2 26 5 37 107 27 6   53 103 53 1 46 107 27 6   57 103 53 1 53 107 27 6   58 53 27 3 58 107 27 6   63 103 53 1 63 107 27 6   64 107 27 6  
If no person shall appear to discharge said taxes and all necessary intervening charges, on or before Tuesday the second day of April next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, so much of the said lots of land as shall be sufficient to discharge the same will then be sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder, at the dwelling house of Mr. Joseph Libby, Innholder in said Gray.
Joseph Pennell, Collector.
Gray, Feb. 2, 1799.
Take Notice.
A FURTHER time of six months from the date hereof, is allowed by the Hon. William Gorham, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to the creditors of the
Estate of Thomas Hodges,
merchant, deceased, to bring in their claims to the subscribers, who will attend for that purpose, at the store of Woodbury Storer, on Union Wharf, the second Tuesday of this and the five following months, from two to five o'clock, P. M.
Arthur McLellan,
Woodbury Storer.
Portland, Feb. 5th, 1799.
FRESH GOODS.
Frye Poor,
Respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has received by the last packet from Boston,
A general assortment of Goods,
(in addition to his former assortment)
which he is determined to sell low for cash, at his Store in the eastern end of the New Brick Building, fronting Middle Street, near Union Street,
among which are the following articles:
Broadcloths, Cassimeres, Plains, Elastics, Duffs, Swansdowns, Vest patterns, black white and yellow Flannels, red, yellow and green Baizes, Devonshire Kerseys, Wild Bores, Durants, Moreans, Shalloons, Calimancos, Ruffles. Cotton bed ticking, Checks, India Cottons, German Sheetings, White & brown Holland, Diapers, Linens, Calicoes, Mullin Chin-z and purple Shawls, Mulliner, Book & Jaconet Mullins, Tambor'd, spotted and cross bar'd do. of the newest fashion, Mullin Handkerchiefs, Black, purple, slate, white and changeable Lustings, Colour'd Satins, Black Satins and Modes, Green, blue and white Sarcenet, Ladies' long and short Kid Gloves, and habit do. Ladies' Cotton Hose, Black, red, green and yellow Morocco Shoes, Diaper & common Tapes, Threads, Bobbins, Silk and Twill, Ribbons, Quality and Shoe Bindings, Laces and Edgings, Glove tights, &c.
Hard Ware.
4d and 10d Nails, 3d, 4d, 5d and 6d, Brads, 8 oz. & 14 oz. Tacks, 2d, Clout Nails, Coffee Mills, Shovels and Tongs, Brass Chaving Dishes, Spoons, Files, H and H-L Hinges, Sheep Shears, Bed Screws, Brass Candlesticks, Shoe and nail Hammers, Pincers and Nippers, Chest and Padlocks, Plated Pelham and snaffle Bits, Polish'd do Plated Spurs, Sturrups, Webben, Buckles and Tips, Pewter Platters, plates and basins, Tin Ware, Crockery Ware, Iron Ware, &c.
West-India Goods, Groceries, &c.
Brandy, 1st & 4th proof. W. I. Run. Geneva. Madeira, Port, Sherry, Lisbon & Malaga WINES. Loaf & brown Sugar Box and cask Raisins, Figs Currants, Almonds, Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Pepper, Ginger, Allspice, Capers, Cayenne pepper, Starch, Cafile, Wine for and cake Soap, Glue, Liquid Blue, Cheese, Table Salt, Sweet Oil White Lead, Pipes.
Philadelphia & Swedes Iron, Harte and Club Steel. Hyson, fouchong and bohea TEAS. Coffee, Cotton. Assortment Tea Boards. Looking Glasses. Floor and hearth Brushes.
FEB 23, 1799.
The Copartnership of Thomas Simonton & William Frances,
Is this day by mutual consent dissolved, —All persons, therefore, who have any demands upon, or who are indebted to said firm, are desired to apply to THOMAS SIMONTON, for settlement.
T. Simonton, W. Frances.
Portland, Feb. 7th, 1799.
Said Simonton informs his customers and the public, that he carries on the Baking Business , at his bake house in Union-street, where he will be happy to receive their commands.
To AMOS HARSEY, Clerk of the Proprietors of a tract of Land lying in the town of Poland, in the county of Cumberland, confirmed to JOHN BRIGHAM, and others, by a Resolve of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts on the first day of February, 1798:
WE the subscribers, being five of the proprietors, judging a proprietors meeting to be necessary, do hereby request you to call a meeting of said proprietors, to be held at the house of Capt. JONATHAN NASH, in said Poland, on Monday the eleventh day of March next, at nine o'clock in the forenoon, to act on the following articles, viz.
 1. To choose a Moderator for said meeting.  2. To agree upon a method of coming to a division of the unsettled lands in said grant.  3. To see if they will choose some person as agent to commence such law suits as shall be judged necessary, for and in behalf of said proprietors.  4. To raise such sum or sums of money as they shall judge necessary to defray the charges which have arisen or may arise in said propriety. 
JAMES HARSEY, NOAH HARSEY, BENJAMIN BEAL, SAMUEL POOL, JONATHAN NASH.
In pursuance of the foregoing application, to me directed, I do hereby notify the proprietors of the above described tract of land, to meet at the time and place mentioned in the foregoing application, and for the purposes therein expressed.
Dated at Poland, the sixteenth day of January, A. D. 1799. AMOS HARSEY, Clerk.
THE COPARTNERSHIP OF M c Cobb & Hill,
Is by mutual consent dissolved. All persons, therefore, who have any demands upon, or who are indebted to said firm, are desired to apply to MARK L. HILL for settlement.
DENNY M c COBB, MARK L. HILL.
Georgetown, Nov. 14th, 1798.
Take Notice.
ALL persons having demands against ICHABOD LARRABEE,
late of Cape-Elizabeth, Mariner, deceased are notified to bring in their claims for payment—And all persons indebted, to make payment without delay to
JONATHAN LARRABEE,
Cape-Elizabeth, Jan. 16, 1799.

POETRY.
PLEASING EXTRACT, FROM PETER PINDAR'S WORKS.
KEIL up lies France! long may she keep that posture! Her knav'ry, folly, on the rocks have toss'd her;
France lifts the busy sword of blood no more; Loft to its giant grasp the wither'd hand;
To Britain an infidious damnd' lago— Remember, Englishmen, old Cato's cry,
France is our Carthage, that eternal foe to truth, Whose perfidy deserves th' eternal chain!
Love I the French?—By heav'n 'tis no such matter! Who loves a Frenchman, wars with simple nature,
The converse chaste of day, and cke of night, The kiss-clad moments of supreme delight,
For this I hate them.—Art, all varnish'd art; This doth experience ev'ry moment prove;
Hear me, dame Nature, on these men of cord— Buth at a FRENCHMAN'S heart, thy handy work;
Not but a neighboring nation to the French Have mortals that emit a stronger stench,
That Christian noses scarcely can withstand; The heart a dungeon, hollow, dark and foul,
Mad fools!—and can we deem the French profound? And, pleas'd, their infant politics embrace,
Yes, FRENCHMEN, this is my unvarying creed, "Ye are not wits and indeed;
A NEW CATECHISM;
MORE STUDIED THAN AN OLDER AND BETTER ONE.
WHAT is the chief end of Man? To gather up riches—to cheat all he can; To flatter the rich—the poor to despise;
MISCELLANY.
Scraps.
THERE is something irresistibly pleasing in the conversation of a fine woman; even tho' her tongue be silent the eloquence of her eyes teaches wisdom.
THE duchess dowager of Bolton, who was natural daughter to the duke of Monmouth, used to divert George the First, by affecting to make blunders.
A COUPLE of young ladies, having buried their father (who was an old humorist, and had such an aversion to matrimony that he would not allow them to marry, however advantageous might be the offer) conversing on his character—the eldest observed, "He is dead at last, and now we will marry!"
VINDICATION OF ETAF.
[The following is the residue of Mr. Coffin's communication omitted in the last Gazette.]
HAVING dissolved my connexion with Mr. A. I had no further step to take. Determined myself to bury the subject, I sincerely hoped he would not revive it.
Some time after this, in a considerable company, a gentleman, who had contemplated a removal into the country, was pleasantly asked, whether he meant to take a wife before he went.
Other influences of a similar nature might be adduced, I suppress them, because they are, I think, needless;
Thus far runs the history. Of a single misrepresentation I am unconscious, of a design to misrepresent, my conscience acquits me.
I shall now make some observations on Mr. A's letters, containing several passages in the five first with others in the two last.
Shall I not at length be permitted to ask;—If a person, claiming the character of a gentleman, addresses a lady with a display of marked attentions;
Shall I not at length be permitted to ask;—If a person, claiming the character of a gentleman, addresses a lady with a display of marked attentions; if he discover great happiness in her company;
cannot be done, let him receive from the sentiments of the virtuous part of the community, and from his own reflections, the retribution, to which he is entitled.
CHARLES COFFIN.
Brunswick, 31st Jan. 1799.
CHINESE JACOBIN.
A SORT of a Tom Paine started up some time since in the empire of China. He addressed a letter to the Emperor, advising him to marry again and also to nominate his successor to the sovereignty.
This letter was published in the Pekin Gazette. The Emperor himself condescended to write an answer to it; in which he observed, that being near eighty years of age, he thought himself rather too old to think of matrimony again;
With respect to the nomination of a successor, the Emperor stated, that it was contrary to the practice of all his predecessors, and consequently by deviating from their example, he might only involve the empire in confusion.
Since the circumstance took place, no other innovator has ventured to come forward; and the Government of the Empire, which has been considerably extended by the present Sovereign, is now carried on with its usual tranquility.
Agricultural.
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
IT must give infinite pleasure to the cultivators of the earth, the lovers of science, & all who are interested in the happiness and welfare of our country, to observe the attention which is bestowed upon Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures,
General Prices Current, PER QUANTITY.—BOSTON, FEB. 16.
Table with 4 columns: Item, Price per unit, Price per 100, Price per 1000. Items include Ashes, Bread, Butter, Beef, Beans, Brandy, Bees Wax, Cocoa, Coffee, Cotton, Chocolate, Candles, Cheese, Cod Lins, Fish, Merchant, Scale, Alewives, Salmon, Herring, Mackerell, Furs, Bear, Fox, Minks, Musquash, Otter, Fishers, Sables, Flour, Alexandria, Feathers, Flaxseed, Glass, Grain, Hops, Hoops, Hogs Lard, Iron, Philadelphia, Russia, Sweden, Leather, Lumber, Shingles, Molasses, Nail Rods, Nails, English, W. India, and Hard-Ware Goods, superfine & second Broadcloths, A variety of Buttons and Buckles, Allspice, Pepper, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, A few very nice FOWLING PIECES.
FOR SALE, A handsome cover'd Sleigh. Apply to ROBERT BOYD, WHO HAS FOR SALE, Fresh Baltimore fine & superfine Flour, Raisins, and 7 by 9 Hamburgh Glass.
TO BE LET, If applied for immediately, A very convenient House, in Back Street—two stories high, with four rooms on the floor, completely finished, with a large wood house, wash house, a barn and garden, with other conveniences.
Circulating Library. All persons having any BOOKS, belonging to JOSEPH WARREN'S Library, are requested to leave them at Mr. STEPHEN PATTEN'S Book-Store.
ALMANACK. Table with 5 columns: Day, S. P. L., M. P., H. W., REMARKS. Days include Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday.
THIS GAZETTE, Is published every Monday, at E. A. JENKINS' Office, Middle-Street, near the head of Fife-Street, PORTLAND—where Subscriptions, Advertisements, and Communications, are received with attention. The price is ONE DOLLAR 95 CENTS per year. PRINTING, In its various branches executed in the neatest manner, and at the shortest notice.