The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-08-04 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCLXXI.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 4th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
HISTORY
OF THE Last Session of Congress.
[CONTINUED]
COLUMBIA.
On the 26th of January a bill was reported, for establishing the government of the Territory of Columbia, composed of a legislative one branch with 25 members, 7 whereof to be chosen by the taxable citizens of the district east of Rock Creek, 7 from the district west of Rock Creek, and 11 by the county of Alexandria; of a governor to be appointed by the President of the United States; and of judges with a tenure of office during life, to be removed by the President on the application of two successive legislatures.
On the 29th of March, the order of the day was called for on this bill, when Mr. T. Morris moved to postpone its consideration until the 4th Monday in November. This motion was supported by Messrs. Nicholson and Dennis, on the ground that the provisions of the bill were disagreeable to the inhabitants of the district, and that they would be oppressive and expensive, and prevailed without any opposition.
Various projects of laws on this subject were afterwards started in each branch of the legislature. But owing to the extreme difficulty and delicacy of the object, and still more, perhaps, owing to the apathy of the members, they all failed of success. Reform was, however, at last had to the act of incorporation for the City of Washington, which was passed, not without considerable opposition, particularly from the federal side of the Senate, in which body it was so shockingly mangled, as to exhibit probably the most imperfect system ever devised by a legislative body. As, however, the greater part of its imperfections can only have been the offspring of inattention, it may be expected that Congress will unhesitatingly hereafter apply its hand to its improvement and correction.
The situation of the district of Columbia ought not to be dismissed without remark. Her degraded political condition, exhibiting the humiliating spectacle of a body of citizens deprived of all their political rights, in the midst of a nation glorying in its freedom, claims the early attention of the legislature and the people. Even should the principle in its present limited application be considered harmless, it ought to be remembered that it furnishes a precedent for more extensive encroachments upon political rights. It is far, however, from being harmless. A government, surrounded by 20 000 slaves, dependent upon its bounty, can answer no good end, while it may issue in effects alarming to the general freedom.
Salaries.
On the 29th of January, Mr. Allison moved a resolution, which, after a short debate on the mode of reference, was carried without a division, directing the committee of revisal and unfinished business to enquire into the expediency of continuing in force, for a longer time, the whole, or any part of an act entitled "An act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein mentioned," passed March 2 1799, which act expired the 24 of March 1802, and that the committee be authorised to report such alterations in the salaries of said officers, as to them may seem advisable.
On the 9th of February Mr. Davenport, from the committee appointed on the above object, brought in a bill to continue in force an act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein mentioned, which was referred to a committee of the whole, who took it up on the 24th of March, and agreed to it with an amendment limiting its duration to two, instead of three years, as originally in the bill.
On the ensuing day the house took up the report of the committee, and agreed to it; but not without debate.
The bill, thus amended, revived, and continued in force for two years, the act of the 2d of March 1799, which had expired by its own limitation on the 2d of March 1802. By this last law the salaries of the secretaries of the four heads of department, the attorney-general, the comptroller, the auditor, and register of the treasury, the treasurer, commissary of the revenue, the accountant of the war and navy departments, and the postmaster, and assistant postmaster-general, were augmented.
Mr. John C. Smith moved to introduce into the bill a specification of the salary allowed to each officer, instead of reviving the act of March 1799, in general terms.
This motion was supported by Messrs. John C. Smith, Dana, Griswold, Elmer, Huger, Morris, Goddard, and Bacon; and opposed by Messrs. Gregg, S. Smith, Nicholson, Giles and Varnum.
Those who supported the motion contended that no analogous instance to the present bill could be found; that there was no instance of a law that had actually expired being revived, and taking effect from the period of expiration; that the law intended to be restored had expired on the 2d of March last; and that the present law was in fact a new proposition to augment the salaries of several of the heads of departments from 3,500 to 5,000 dollars, &c. That though they had no objection to continue most of the salaries at their augmented amount, there might be some of them that did not bear a proper proportion to the rest; that this was actually the case with respect to the secretary of the navy and of war, and the attorney general; the former of which were not sufficiently high, while the latter was too high; that many of the present members of the House were not in the legislature when these compensations were fixed, and that they ought to have an opportunity of comparing them with each other; that though the present secretary of the treasury had himself voted against this increase of salary, that could be no inducement with them to vote against it; that if it were meant by gentlemen who brought in the bill, to conceal from the people that their salaries were augmented by the present legislature, they would be deceived; that they would, on the other hand, gain credit by an open avowal of the fact; if this was not done, it would be said, here are gentlemen who have been declaiming against high salaries until they obtain the offices of the government, and then they allow these high salaries, and attempt to conceal the allowance; that the late salaries being predicated upon a state of war, might perhaps be too high for permanent salaries; and if so, required reduction; and that in order to determine the point, each salary should appear on the face of the bill.
Those who opposed the motion denied the accuracy of the precedents alluded to by gentlemen on the other side; and contended that all similar acts to the present had been revived in a similar style; that this had been invariably and frequently the case; they professed themselves astonished at hearing it said that the present course pursued was unfair; if unfair, gentlemen had themselves set the example; an example set in every deliberating body in the world, practiced in the British parliament, and it was believed every body where the parliamentary mode of transacting business was adopted, nor was it believed that it precluded any proposition of amendment; as to the salaries, it was deemed correct to continue them, without alteration, as they had for several years stood, and as they had been fixed by the gentlemen who now opposed the bill—if there was any disposition to vary them, the objections of gentlemen might apply. With respect to the compensation allowed to the attorney-general, it was the same with that which had been permanently fixed; an additional compensation had been allowed him for prosecuting claims under the British treaty, but that sum was not included in the salary allowed in the bill; that as to the imputation attempted to be fixed, of a disposition to conceal from the people the effects of this bill, it was absurd, as the people were well acquainted with the details of the law to which this bill referred, and no misapprehension could take place, except from intentional deception.
The amendment of Mr. Smith was lost—Yeas 37—Nays 46.
On the next day the bill was read a third time and passed by 50 Yeas to 22 Nays, after a debate, in which it was advocated by Messrs. Dawton, Smith, Allison, Bacon, Nicholson, Elmer and Claiborne; and opposed by Messrs. Goddard, T. Morris, Tallmage, and Hastings.
We shall not further detain the reader by a detailed notice of the arguments urged on this occasion. The public mind is too enlightened to be the victim of party stratagems, nor can it restrain from reflecting, whenever this subject is brought before it, that those who opposed the continuance of the old salaries were the very men who originally voted them to their political friends. Nor can it escape remark, that there is a great difference between voting an augmentation of salary, and for a continuance of salary once augmented. When this view of the subject is dispassionately taken, it will be seen what claim to credit is attached to the charge of inconsistency thrown on the republican side of the house, and how far the federal side for-
fested all claim to that virtue by their conduct on this occasion. One fact ought not here to be suppressed. It is a truth that there is no salary office under the government of the United States that is a source of emolument to the citizen who, free from an indulgence in luxury, lives on a scale sufficiently liberal to command the comforts of life, and the intercourtes of society.
With these remarks we shall dismiss, after a concise notice, an attempt made about the same period, to impress on the public the existence of a solicitude to lighten their burthens by a reduction of the daily allowance of six dollars made to the members of the two houses. This was occasioned by a motion of Mr. Bacon to appoint a committee to enquire into the expediency of reducing the compensation of the Senators and Representatives.
Although nearly every member that took the floor declared the existing compensation to be reasonable, yet a succession of propositions, whether serious or ludicrous we pretend not to say, ultimately to reduce it, was made. Mr. Bayard proposed a reduction of the daily allowance to four dollars—Mr. Davis moved to strike out four and insert two—Mr. Bayard agreed to conform his motion to that of Mr. Davis—Mr. S. Smith, to test the disinterested patriotism of gentlemen, proposed one dollar, or an entire abolition of all compensation; when, on motion of Mr. John C. Smith, to the apparent satisfaction of the house, who had become disgusted with the legerdemain of party, the motion was referred to a committee previously raised to enquire into the state of the civil list; where to the honour of the house, it reposed during the remainder of the session.
MINT.
On the 29th of January Mr. Giles remarked, that as a report was soon expected from the committee of ways and means, it was important to ascertain the sense of Congress on the continuance of an establishment attended with a considerable expense. He said he alluded to the mint. If it should appear that this establishment cost more than the benefit derived from it, he presumed it would be discontinued. He therefore submitted a resolution, which he wished to lie for consideration, declaring that the several acts in relation to the mint ought to be repealed.
On the 8th of February the resolution of Mr. Giles was called up, and the house went into a committee of the whole on them; when Mr. Rutledge moved that the committee should rise, in order that they might be referred to a select committee.
On this motion a debate ensued, which was protracted to the hour of five, in which the motion was supported by Messrs. Rutledge, Griswold, Dana, Elmer, Mitchell and Bayard; and opposed by Messrs. Bacon, S. Smith, Randolph, Giles and Mason.
Those who advocated this disposition of the subject stated, that it was the usual course pursued on all topics either of great or little moment; that it was peculiarly proper in this case, as no documents had this session been presented to the house; that the institution of the mint had existed for ten years without any public complaint against it; that the coinage of the precious metals was every where considered as one of the attributes of sovereignty; that in its exercise a great good accrued to the community; that without it we should be dependent upon the coin of foreign nations, whose own interests might induce them to debased their coin, and thereby tax us to the extent of the adulteration; that this was in fact the case with the Spanish coinage, which had fallen during the last 20 years 5 per cent in intrinsic value; that the establishment of the mint had, moreover, already driven out of circulation the base gold of Germany, and the light silver of England; that in time it would supersede the trifling bank paper in circulation, which from its minute and perishable character sunk in the hands of individuals; that the experience of all nations, and the first principles of political economy, had demonstrated the great advantages of having a medium of commerce of a fixed and definite value.
Such were the arguments urged generally in favour of the mint establishment. But it was further contended, that though considerations of economy should dictate a reduction of the establishment, it might still be proper to retain so much of it as was connected with the coinage of copper, or to substitute in its room some plan for that purpose; that the chief expense of a mint arose from the alloying and refining of gold and silver; that if this object were abandoned, the institution might be so modified as to ob-
tain the coinage of copper at a trifling, perhaps, no expense whatever; that the profit on the copper coinage had been 5 000 dollars in one year, which would probably be enlarged by the reduced price of copper during peace; that if the institution of a national mint should eventually be given up, still it would be the best policy of the government, before such event, to make arrangements for a copper coinage, which in our present situation could be more beneficially effected than after putting out of our possession the means we now hold, of making with banks or individuals, a good bargain for the public.
In relation to a copper currency, it was insisted that great evils had heretofore arisen from the want, and great benefits were now derived from the possession of it; that before the mint was established we had no such coin in which a general confidence was placed; that base coppers were imported from Birmingham in barrels; and others were fabricated here; that they became an object of speculation; were first exchanged at a high rate, and then sunk to one-fourth of their original value; that the loss was almost exclusively felt by the poor who held them; and that it was firmly believed the pecuniary loss of the poor of the United States, from this source, and from the want of a medium that would answer for change, had been on an average equal to the whole annual expenses of the mint.
For these reasons it was hoped the House would not act with precipitation, but by referring the subject to a select committee, obtain a collection of facts and opinions, on which alone it would be becoming to act.
Those who opposed the reference of the subject to a select committee, alleged that no effect other than delay could arise from such a disposition of it. The House already possessed an estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury for the present year, apparently predicated on the expenses of the past year, by which it appeared that the certain annual expense of the establishment was about 21 000 dollars, exclusive of repairs, which, it was understood, were at present required to a considerable extent; and that though the coinage of the last year had not been reported by the director, it was presumed it did not materially vary from that of the preceding year; that all the information, therefore, was now before the House that could be expected; that so far from the measure having been pushed with precipitation, the motion had been made two weeks ago, and frequent notice since given of the intention of the mover to call it up; that if gentlemen were not now prepared to come to a decision; it was their own fault; but that, in fact, the then debate showed that they were prepared from the numerous arguments and the great information they had thrown out.
It was contended that the institution of the mint, so far from being venerable from age and fortified by the constant approbation of the public, had been the frequent object of animadversion in the legislature; and that in one instance a bill had passed this house, and in another the senate, repealing it; and that in another case an attempt had been made to stop all appropriation for it.
It was contended that the institution was useless and even pernicious; that it involved a heavy annual expense, and extended executive patronage; that, whatever temporary benefit may have resulted from it during the war, which, in its effects, brought there a considerable quantity of gold and silver bullion, those effects were now over, and there was not the least probability of our receiving from abroad any quantity of these metals, that would in the smallest degree remunerate the nation by their coinage for the great expense incurred; that as to the coinage of copper, that could be as well done without as with the mint, with little, perhaps no expense; while, at present, every dollar's worth of cents coined, cost an equal sum in the coinage of them.
It was alleged, that the mint did not protect the community from the circulation of spurious coin; that this appeared from the very acknowledgements of gentlemen, that in those countries where there were great mint establishments, a base coin was extensively circulated; that the protection of the community must be ascribed to the knowledge and experience of individuals, and to the jealous caution of the banks. If foreign powers should debase their coin, and it should be sent for circulation here, the only remedy would be, a law declaring it not to be a tender; and this was the very remedy we had already and effectually practiced in the case of several descriptions of adulterated coin.
It was alleged, that though the mint had been in operation ten years, the great object, for the attainment of which it was instituted, remained unaccomplished. It had been then said, that long before this time so much gold and silver coin would have been issued as to supersede the necessity of admitting foreign coins as a tender; whereas we had this very short supply of law, allowing them to be so received; nor was there the least probability of the cessation of this necessity within any assignable time.
It was alleged that the idea of the establishment of the mint being an essential attribute of sovereignty, was a gross mistake; as that attribute consisted not in the act of coinage, but in the power inherent in the government to declare what should or should not be considered as money. The institution might, it was true, be considered as such an attribute, by those who borrowed their ideas from, and were disposed to imitate the paraphernalia of royalty, but could never be so considered in a republic, where the public good rejected whatever was useless, and lopped off whatever was burthensome without being beneficial; that under a monarchy, such an institution would be correct, because the principles of the government did not consult the general good, but the good of those who governed; and because the institution aided another impetus to executive patronage; but in a republican government the good of the people was to be consulted, their money was to be saved from wanton expenditure, and executive patronage required diminution rather than increase. That, in fine, this was a part of a great system of economy, which the people had called for, and which it was hoped, those whom they had placed in the administration would practise.
The question was then taken on the rising of the committee and lost—Yeas 33—Nays 54.
After a similar motion had been made and lost in the house, the original resolution of Mr. Giles for the abolition of the mint was adopted, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill to that effect.
On the 23d of April the bill was taken up, the further consideration of which Mr. Griswold moved to postpone till the third Monday in November. He was supported by Messrs. Dana, Elmer and Huger; and opposed by Messrs. Giles, S. Smith, H. Hland, and Elmer; and the motion failed by a majority of three.
When on motion of general S. Smith it was recommitted with a view to making provision for a copper coinage.
The next day an amendment was reported to the bill, providing that the Secretary of the Treasury be authorized, under the direction of the President, to contract with the bank of the United States, or with individuals, for the coinage of cents and half cents, provided the amount annually coined shall not exceed twenty tons, and that no expense shall be incurred by the United States—and further providing that all the implements and permanent effects of the mint shall be retained.
After another ineffectual motion of postponement, the report was agreed to, and the bill ordered to a third reading on the ensuing Monday, when it passed. It was immediately carried to the Senate, who, on the same sitting informed the house, that they had disagreed to it, whereby the establishment of the mint was once more saved from immediate abolition.
French Spoliations.
On the 5th of February a memorial was presented from sundry merchants of Baltimore, praying relief, in the case of numerous and heavy losses sustained, in consequence of the illegal capture and condemnation of their property, under the authority of the French government, prior to the promulgation of the late convention between the United States and France; in the provisions of which compact the memorialis discover an unqualified surrender of their claims, instead of the redress which they expected to obtain.
This memorial, with others of a similar nature, were referred to a select committee.
On the 11th of March, Mr. Griswold laid the following motion on the table:
"Resolved, that it is proper to make provision, by law, to vary indemnifying the merchants of the U. States, for losses sustained by them from French spoliations, the claims for which losses have been renounced by the final ratification of the convention with France, as published by proclamation of the President of the United States."

On the ensuing day, a motion made by Mr. Griswold, to take up this motion for reconsideration was lost, without debate—Yeas 35—Nays 39.
On the 15th, the order of the day on the bill for repealing the internal taxes having been called for, Mr. Griswold moved its postponement till the next day, for the purpose of previously taking up the above resolution.
The motion of Mr. Griswold was advocated by Messrs. Griswold, Lowndes, John C. Smith, Diner, Byrd, and Rutledge; and opposed by Messrs. S. Smith, Mitchell, Gregg, Kellis, and Bacon; in a debate which continued until the usual hour of adjournment.
Those who advocated the motion observed that though it was nearly two months since the select committee had been raised to whom petitions for indemnity had been referred, that committee had not yet met; that it was full time to attend to a subject so interesting as that involved in them; that as the principle of indemnity was of a general abstract nature, it was not so proper for the decision of a select committee as for that of a committee of the whole; that it was important before a decision was had on the repeal of the internal taxes, that the extent of the indemnities allowed by the government should be ascertained. It was contended that the claims of the merchants could not be rejected, as they were too just to be disregarded. The sole object of the resolution was to bring the principle of indemnity before the House, unrestricted, that its decision might not be embarrassed by details; and supposing that there might be an indisposition to pledge the nation to an unlimited extent, the words used were "towards indemnifying." It was, therefore, insisted that gentlemen, who were disposed to do any thing, could feel no objection to a resolution so qualified, as to extend only to cases where losses had been renounced by the treaty.
It was said to be cruel at once, without a hearing, to decide against the claims of our merchants; and that it was evident, that whoever voted for taking up at that time the bill for the repeal of the internal taxes, would vote not only against indemnifying, but even against hearing; because, by voting for a repeal of the internal taxes he would vote away all means of indemnification. The repeal of the internal taxes, being the least pressing of all the business before the house, ought to be postponed to the last period of the session; nor ought it to be then adopted without the fullest assurance of our ability to dispense with the product of those taxes. How was it possible, in the existing state of things, to determine this point, when the appropriations required for the year had not been made, and when the extent of these demands had not been ascertained.
With regard to the amount of the claimed reparation, it was alleged that that was a consideration which ought to be placed altogether out of the question, as common honesty required that every just debt should be paid, whether it was one dollar or one hundred million of dollars, wherever an ability to pay existed; and it was added that these claims were the more just as the government of the United States had received an ample remuneration for any demands which it might satisfy in the abandonment on the part of the French government of our previous guarantee of the French West India possessions. It was finally declared, that a refusal to take up the subject at this time would be considered as an actual refusal to attend to it.
Those who opposed the motion denied the assertion made on the other side, that this subject had been neglected. The truth was that the first petition presented had been immediately referred to a committee, to whom all the subsequent petitions had likewise been referred. That committee had made progress, but had considered it improper to decide until all the similar petitions expected should be received. There was not a doubt but that as the subject merited, so it would receive a measure of attention commensurate to its importance. But the present resolution offered, was so broad and vague as entirely to defeat its avowed end; whereas the reference, which had been already made, was the most correct, inasmuch as it intrusted the committee to examine all the documents connected with the subject, and to report their opinion upon them, on receiving which opinion the house would be sufficiently informed to make an enlightened decision; while, on the other hand, the present proposition went to commit the house on the whole extent of the subject without the least examination into its details.
The claims made for spoiled property were extremely various and dissimilar; and though it might be just to grant indemnity for some, there were other claims not founded on any just pretensions. The best way of insuring the success of just claims was to avoid all precipitate steps; for before any claims could be functioned, it was necessary to analyse and classify, on mature consideration and full examination, the various descriptions of demands.
It was observed that it was not so clear, as some gentlemen imagined, that our merchants had been deprived of valuable rights by the mode in which the
French convention had been ratified. Gentlemen were called upon to recollect the mass of depredation committed by Great Britain, and her engagements, under treaty, to make reparation. Yet to that day reparation had been evaded under a variety of pretexts. Suppose the French convention had contained the same provisions with the British; would they have insured payment? No. The operations under one treaty might have gone on in the same manner as under the other, and with like effect.
With regard to the repeal of the internal taxes, that formed a subject of entirely distinct consideration. But if, in compliance with the unequivocal wishes of the people, they should be repealed, no prejudice would attach to the just claims of our merchants, the examination of which would be a work of years, and which would, without doubt, be indemnified, even if it should be necessary to restore the repealed taxes.
General S. Smith closed the debate in a speech of much energy, the latter part of which was couched in the following terms:
"It is not my purpose, said he, at this time to enter into a discussion of the claims of our merchants, because I think this is not the proper occasion. But I will tell gentlemen, that if they were disposed to destroy those claims, they could not have pursued a plan more effectually calculated to do it. Had such been my intention, I would have offered a resolution so broad and vague as to alarm the whole community as to the amount of indemnity. I would have endeavored to throw the censure attached to their losses on the present administration. I would have exposed their claims to the will of the nation to repeal the internal taxes. All these steps I would have taken to frustrate any indemnity; and they are just the steps taken by gentlemen, who profess to be strong in regard for the merchants. Let me tell those gentlemen, until they shall pursue a far different plan, we must doubt whether they are in earnest to pay the merchants for their losses."
"If the public business is to be thus perpetually procrastinated, I hope the gentlemen with whom I act will be firm enough, after rejecting this motion, to pursue the other business even to a late hour."
The question was then taken on Mr. Griswold's motion, and lost—Yeas 33—Nays 54.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
REMARKS occasioned by Mr. Adams's LETTERS.
It has been often said, and as often denied, that there are men in this country attached to monarchy. The charge has been pronounced the calumny of party, while those who made it have declared it to be the honest conviction of their judgments, established in part upon evidence which they were at liberty to divulge, in part upon that which a sentiment of honor forbade them to publish. The former they have stated; while they have suppressed the latter.
On this point public opinion has been greatly divided. It is, however, firmly believed that the change of the last administration was in a great degree effected by the general sentiment that there were men in the government whose views were subversive of republicanism, and that the measures of the government were calculated to further these views. Still the existence of such views and this tendency of measures, were denied; and the friends of the administration avowed an unequivocal preference of the republican, over all other systems of government.
To account for such denial, it may be recollected that at that period, a predilection for republicanism not only existed here, but was vigorously active abroad. French ardour for liberty had not then been subdued by the bayonet; and the republican system still promised to fix its roots in that country, and thence to ramify its branches over Europe.
But the face of things has recently changed, and liberty has vanished from France. Dazzled by the military glory of the usurper, or fearing the overwhelming extent of his power, the French nation have submitted every political right to the mercy of the sword. In short the republic is subverted, and monarchy has returned.
It has not escaped observation that this mighty transformation has been effected without violence or contention; it has been distinctly seen that a nation of irresistible power has abandoned all its love for liberty, or has sunk into a state of apathy totally inconsistent with its enjoyment or security.
It has been inferred that what has been thus easily effected in France may not be difficult of execution in this country. Hence the publication of these letters.
Hitherto they have courted the obscurity of a rigid concealment. Their contents have been virtually denied. Now they are ushered into day-light by the very men, who had previously manifested the strongest solicitude to conceal them. And not suffered silently to pass
the stream of observation, their appearance is attended with applause and admiration.
These letters can be published but from two motives; either to damn the political character of Mr. Adams; or to furnish a rallying point to the disaffected to republicanism that exists in the country. If the former be the motive, then, indeed, the writer will have as much ground to condemn the perfidy of his federal friends—for the publication is from that quarter—as the republicans, the great body of the nation, will have reason to rejoice in the exhibition of a danger, which loses more than half its terror by publicity.
The political character of Mr. Adams is a point of no national concern. That character has long been fixed. The singular and captious movements of a mind without principle can no more excite the derision of a friend or the indignation of a foe. An early grave has consigned that character to a state of harmless impotence.
But, though all apprehension from this source is gone, the nation is still interested in the principles contained in his letters; nor can it cease to be interested while it retains its freedom.
These principles are irrefragably monarchic. The writer may repeat as often as he pleases "I am a friend to a republican government—I prefer it to all others;"—if his principles are such as are inconsistent with its existence, if they are such as subvert it, then will these artful observations be considered in no other light than as gilded pills intended to deceive the patient who swallows the poison.
Let us now analyse the letters.
The first letter commences with the following expressions:
"What is this world about to become? Is the millennium commencing? Are the kingdoms of it about to be governed by reason?" This, so far, is the language of irony. Let it be recollected, that this letter was written in the year 1790, when the French revolution had just burst upon the world in all the effulgence of its glory. The edifice of despotism had fallen without a groan; the privileged orders had disappeared without resistance; an oppressive superstition was annihilated. On these sublime events a spirit of congratulation had gone through the whole civilized world. No quarter of Europe but rejoiced in them; and in America it was believed there was not a heart that did not feel rapture in them. We beheld a new republic rising with the calmness and dignity of truth on the ruins of a system which had long been execrated by mankind. We hailed the splendid event as the guarantee of our own liberties. The illustrious Washington mingled his accents with those of the American Congress, in conveying to our gallant allies, the sympathy, the affection, the admiration of the American people.
Yet, at this period of universal joy and honest enthusiasm, the man, who had once stood the pillar of liberty in this country, is found to have cherished sentiments hostile to it in other countries.
"Every thing will be pulled down—so much seems certain. But what will be built up? Are there any principles of political architecture?"
Strong language from the lips of him who having co-operated in pulling down in this country one system, had also co-operated in building up another! Will he say there is no principle of political architecture in this system—in the constitution of the United States? Believing, this, as it is probable he does, will he dare to say so? And if there be no principles of political architecture in this system, where are those principles to be found? The answer must be, no where unless in a system of monarchy . We have a people, but without a king and nobles, we are nothing! Liberty, according to him, consists not in a nation's doing what it wills, but in its being prevented from doing what it would by the wills of a king and nobles. Dishonorable sentiment! Ignoble offspring of an enfeebled mind! Libel upon liberty, upon all that is sacred in America! Venerable shade of Massachusetts, hide thyself in the deepest obscurity! Court not the avenging eye of a free people! Cease to obtrude thy tarnished glory on the public eye! Blot from thy own, and from the recollection of thy fellow-citizens whatever thou hast been since the era of the revolution, if thou wouldst enjoy either the thought or the reputation of having served thy country.
National Intelligencer.
Speech of Mr. Anderson in the Senate of the United States on the passage of the Judiciary Bill.
Mr. President, When the subject now under consideration was first brought before the Senate, I did not intend to have taken any part in the debate. But the alarm, which the gentlemen in the opposition have attempted to excite, and the impression they have endeavoured to make upon the public mind, impels me to offer a few reasons in justification of
the vote I mean to give; and in offering these reasons I will endeavour to show, that if this law should not be repealed, it will, from the circumstances under which it passed, establish a precedent dangerous to the independence of this body, and subversive of the true principles of the constitution. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Justus Fletcher) hath said that we cannot make use of lawful means to obtain an unlawful end. We do not mean to attempt it. But I trust, that the reverse of the gentleman's position, is equally correct. That this use ought not to have been made of unlawful means, to have obtained a lawful end. It was lawful for Congress to have passed the law under consideration. But I cannot admit that either House were at liberty to make use of unlawful means to effect it.
In order to show that such means have been used, in the passage of the law, I must refer to the admission of a fact, by the honorable member from New-York. He hath conceded, that it was well understood, that if any amendment had been made to this law, when in the shape of a bill before the Senate, and the bill had then been returned to the House of Representatives, the voice of the people would there have been spoken—their veto would have been given, and the bill would never have passed into a law. It must further be admitted, for your Journalals prove it, that several amendments to the bill would have obtained, had not three of your Senators, who were appointed judges, in consequence of the passage of this law, voted against the amendments—and I believe it will not be denied, that if this law had not passed, no new judicial offices would then have been created, and that if those three Senators had not voted upon the bill, the law would not have passed. It then fairly follows, that the votes of those Senators created new offices, which thereby made places for themselves. I mean not to impeach the integrity of those gentlemen. But thus I conceive, that unlawful means have been used, to effect the passage of this law. Means, in my judgment, directly contrary to the true intent and meaning of the constitution; for by article III, section 6th, it is declared, that no Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof, shall have been increased during such time. I believe, Sir, it was intended by this clause, that no member of Congress, should be capable of giving any vote, that might directly or indirectly put him into office, and yet we have seen three Senators, under this very law, put into offices by the effect of their own votes. The honorable member from New-York hath told us, that he would with us be as virtuous as Romans; I, Sir, would with us see every member of this Senate, not only virtuous, but without suspicion. In the passage of this law, and the appointments made out of this body in consequence thereof, I conceive the constitution to have been dangerously infringed. I therefore consider it highly expedient, in order to preserve the red principles of our government, to preserve the character and independence of the Senate, that this law, which hath thus passed, shall be repealed—for if the Senate do not shew their marked disapprobation of its repeal, it will announce the price at which hath been adopted, and virtually sanction the rights of the President, to select members from this body and place them in offices, which have been created by their own votes, and thereby establish a precedent subversive of the true intent and meaning of the constitution, and destructive of the independence of the Senate; for it is a maxim in all governments, that what hath been once done, and acquiesced in, from thenceforth becomes a precedent. May we not then expect that some future President, desirous of carrying some favorite point, will have recourse to the same expedient, to provide for his warm friends or favourites, and thus from time to time, by enlisting a sufficient number of members in his interest, may he not acquire a very dangerous ascendancy, and thus most injuriously extend executive patronage—than which, nothing is more dangerous to the principles of a free government. It is laid down by Paley a very able writer upon the subject of free governments, "that patronage universally is power—that he who possesses in a sufficient degree, the means of gratifying the desires of mankind after wealth and distinction, by whatever checks and forms, his authority may be limited or disguised, will direct the management of public affairs. Whatever be the mechanism of the political engine he will guide the motion." Let us then keep the executive power within its constitutional limits,—less I wish it not to have, and more I am unwilling to give.
I will now, Mr. President, offer a few observations upon the constitutionality of repealing this law.
The gentlemen opposed to the repeal of this law, upon constitutional grounds, have said, that it will destroy the independence of the judges, and in order to support this position, much pains hath been taken, so to blend and consolidate the whole judicial power, as to make the offices of the judges of the supreme and in-
ferior court reflect on the same tenor. This, Sir, is highly politic; for if the gentlemen could really persuade some of us, that this doctrine is correct, they might prevent the repeal. But, Sir, from the most impartial examination which I have been able to give to this question, I am of opinion, that the supreme court is created, ordained and established by the constitution, and must continue to exist; and there is no need that independence, so much desired by the gentlemen in the opposition, and absolutely necessary, in my opinion, in every free and well regulated government. The constitution contemplates the existence of the supreme court, from the very first organization of the government;—for it not only lays, the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and such inferior courts as Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish; but it expressly lays, there shall be a chief justice, and that when the President of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside. Thus is the chief justice as expressly spoken of in the constitution, as the President, and I do believe that we might as well attempt to abolish the office of President as that of chief justice. Assistant justices are also necessary, to fill up the true meaning of the constitution, for without them, there could not properly be a chief justice; there might be a justice, but he could not be a chief, until there were subordinate justices. Our constitution was formed at a time, when parties did not exist—the framers, no doubt, expected our first legislature would organize the government in all its parts, in conformity with the true intent and meaning of the constitution, according to the principles of sound reason and common sense. Upon these principles hath our supreme court been organized, and the judges thereof must, in my opinion, continue to hold their offices, independent of the legislature, and cannot be removed, but by impeachment. But, Sir, the courts intended to be abolished by the repeal of this law, having been created by legislative will, and not by the constitution, they are, in my opinion, in the power of that body who created them, in the same manner as the judges of the supreme court are in the power of the people, who created the constitution, by which they hold their offices, and from which they can be removed by the people, whenever they choose to change their constitution. The power of Congress over the inferior courts, having been very ably elucidated, by several gentlemen who have preceded me, and with whom I accord in opinion, it being now late, I will make but few more observations before I conclude. I mean however, Mr. President, to extend my views to that country from which we derive almost our whole system of jurisprudence, which hath uniformly been acknowledged the best in the world, and principally on account of the great independence of the judges, and compare the independence of the judges of England, with that of the American judges. I have said that our supreme judges are in office by the constitution, consequently not removable at the will of the legislature. The English judges are differently situated—they have no fixed constitution to protect them, and are liable to be removed in two ways, either by the address of parliament, or by the repeal of the law—yet have they long been considered as independent, because they are no longer removable at the pleasure of the king. But, Sir, the judges of our inferior tribunals cannot be removed from office, but by a repeal of the law which created their offices, or by impeachment. I have thought proper to take this course of view, and thus to compare the independence of the American judges with those of England, because from that country have we borrowed our ideas of the necessity and proper independence of a judge, and on the comparison we find, that under the constitution we give to the judges, the American judges are infinitely more independent than those of England. The fears, therefore, of the gentlemen in the opposition, which they have painted in so lively colours, must certainly be unfounded, and believing that it is both expedient and constitutional to repeal the law, I shall give my vote for the passage of this bill.
IMPORTED
In the Robert from Liverpool, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill, City of Washington—
A general assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery and Brass Ware.—Spades and shovels, Sheet Iron, Tin in Boxes, Brass Kettles, Corn Hoes, Nail, Glue, Locks, Hinges and screws, Carpenters planes, Saws, Braces and Bits, Screw Drivers, &c. Knives and Forks, Cruit Stands, Iron Wire, Brushes, Smiths Hammers, Files, Vices, Screw plates, &c. Razors, Penknives, Scissors, Japanned Tea Trays, Waiters and Bread Baskets,—a few sets of gentlemen's tools in chests, and a variety of articles too tedious to particularize. Also, a cases of Kirtland's fowling guns, which will be sold very low for cash or approved notes.
June 28, 1803. H. INGEL. 3W3W 1W1

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, August 4, 1802.
Mr. Picton has, we are informed, received orders from France to collect the votes of the French citizens residing in the United States on the question of the re-election of the First Consul for life; and registers are opened in that purpose in the French consular offices in the United States.
The republican citizens of Delaware have agreed to support General A. Rodney, as Representative to Congress. We are convinced that a majority of the citizens of this State are republicans. It becomes them to refuse their political character from the cloud thrown over it by the violent and disorderly conduct of their present representative.
Capt. McLaren who arrived here yesterday, in the very short passage of 8 days from Cape Francois, informs, that the day before he sailed, Gen. Le Clerc had ordered an additional duty of five per cent on all goods exported from the island of St. Domingo, making a total duty of twenty-five per cent. That, in future, all the French industry at that place, were to receive specie for their services, and to find themselves in all provisions, except the article of bread. That reinforcements of troops were daily arriving from France in scattering transports—that the fever still raged with great violence among the troops—that out of about 70 generals who came out with the army, not more than 25 remained, they having been chiefly cut off with the fever—that General Le Clerc was on the eve of returning to France, and was to be succeeded by General M'Donald—that American produce was generally low—that even lumber was on the fall—and that flour was selling for 8 dollars a barrel. [N. Y. Gaz.]
The following statement of the expenses of the household of the Emperor of Russia will be read with interest by every sincere republican. In it he will find a new confirmation of his attachment to a system of government administered without oppressing the people by enormous taxes, or creating a peasant of state with powers rendered the more dangerous by the possession of great wealth. The Emperor of Russia, it will appear, receives the annual sum of one million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars for doing nothing, while the President of the United States receives twenty five thousand dollars for the actual discharge of the most important duties of the government—the latter sum is one seventieth of the former.
The following is a complete account of the new establishment of the household of the Emperor of Russia.
The general establishment comprehends the household of the Emperor, of both empresses, and the imperial children, who have yet no particular establishment, viz. the grand dukes Nikolai and Mikhail Pavlovitch, and the grand duchess Anna Pavlovna; and by way of appendage, the household of the grand duchesses Maria and Catharina.
The principal officers are a lord chamberlain, a lord steward, a lord marshal, a lord almoner, a master of the horse, a chief master of the huntsmen, each from the second class, and with a salary of 4,138 rubles; another lady marshal with the salary of 4,000 rubles; a steward, a marshal, a surveyor of the fishery, and master of the huntsmen, a chief master of the kennels, each from the third class, with 2,532 rubles; a steward (perhaps house-keeper) a master of the ceremonies, with 1,000 rubles, from the third class; 12 chamberlains, from the fourth class, with 1,500 rubles; 12 gentlemen of the bed-chamber from the fifth class, without salary; 12 ladies in waiting, without salary; one boy of the bed-chamber, with 12 rubles, a governor of the maids of honour, and 14 maids of honour each with a salary of 1,000 rubles; a father confessor, with 2,000 rubles; one director of the corps of pages, with 1,200 rubles; his assistant with 600 rubles; 12 pages of the chamber, with 140 rubles; and 48 pages with 114 rubles; four physicians in ordinary, with 4,000 rubles; four surgeons in ordinary, with 2,000 rubles; one accoucheur, with 3,000 rubles; one dentist with 750 rubles; three doctors, with 1,000 rubles; six surgeons of the household, with 800 rubles; and three surgeons of the staff, with 500 rubles. Each of the grand duchesses, Maria and Catharina, has, in her household a steward, and a surveyor of the fisheries, 2,532 rubles; two chamberlains, with 1,500 rubles; two maids of honour, with 800 rubles, and two pages of the chamber, with 140 rubles.
To the department of the lord chamberlain belonging in the whole 83 persons, to that of the lord marshal 1,135, to that of the master of the horse, 534, to that of the chief master of the huntsmen 107, to that of the lady steward 30, to the attendants of the household 1,325, to the committee of building of the Kremlin 363, to each establishment of the two grand duchesses 108 persons
are appointed to the imperial palaces and gardens in Riga, Revel and Kiew; so that the whole number of persons belonging to the new establishment consisted of 3,979. In the imperial stables are kept 130 riding, and 341 carriage horses; in the stable of each of the two grand duchesses 60; and for the chase are allotted 100 horses, and 90 hounds.
For the table of the emperor are set apart daily 400 rubles, yearly 145,000 rubles; for that of the empress dowager as much; for that of the two grand duchesses, the fourth part; for the table in the imperial household, yearly 195,000 rubles; for every thing that belongs to confectionary, dessert, liquors, coffee, &c. yearly 25,000 rubles; for foreign wines 80,000 rubles; for firing and lighting 280,000 rubles.
Generally, the following yearly disbursements are fixed—for the department of the lord chamberlain 1,455 rubles; for that of the lord marshal, with that of the lord almoner, and steward, 2,013,205 rubles; for the master of the horse 529,755 rubles; for the master of the huntsmen 51,881 rubles; for the lady steward, 20,200 rubles; for the attendance of the house 420,823 rubles; for the whole household of each of the two grand duchesses, 140,318 rubles; for the support of the imperial palaces and gardens in Riga, Revel and Kiew, 14,839 rubles. So that the whole maintenance of the new establishment amounts yearly to three millions and a half of rubles. A ruble is about half a dollar.
Philadelphia, July 30. The port of Senzagalla, in the Adriatic, has been declared a free port.
July 3. Within the last three or four days the public mind has been somewhat agitated, in consequence of the re-appearance of a suspicious disease in the N. E. extremity of the city. On such occasions there is always prevailing a wild and mischievous spirit of alarm, which indiscriminately propagates every rumour, however inconsistent or preposterous. We are hence urged to state upon the most correct authority, the nature and extent of the apprehended malady.
During the present week, fifteen or sixteen cases of illness, variously marked, have fallen under the view of the Board of Health. These have occurred in the neighbourhood of the river, in and about Vine and Callowhill-streets. A Mr. Scott, who was seized on Saturday evening, died on Wednesday following. His indisposition is attributed to excessive exercise during the day, and a subsequent imprudent exposure at night.
A young woman, residing in Callowhill-street, whose name is at present unknown to us, died yesterday morning, after a few days illness. Her sister, living in the same house, is now very ill. In addition to the above cases, there are 13 other in and about the same neighbourhood, who are but slightly affected. Some laboring under the effect of intermitting fevers—others may be ascribed to filth and indelicacies.
We understand, that the Board of Health, as a measure of precaution, are in favour of an immediate evacuation of this neighbourhood; and that advice to this effect, will be officially promulgated.
It is proper also to add, that notwithstanding the foregoing circumstances, the health of our city is such as to authorize the emission of bills of health to vessels leaving the port for foreign countries.
New York, July 27. The Treaty lately held with the Seneca Indians, for the extinguishment of their claim to a small tract of land at Black Rock, on Lake Erie, for the site of a fort, has failed of success. The principal reason assigned by the Indians for their refusal to make this grant, was, that the Great Spirit is angry with them for forsaking their lands to the white people; and that he has threatened them with sore calamities, if they do not refrain therefrom in future. The real cause, however, of the failure of the Treaty is attributed to another source: The influence which the British possess, in the Indian councils, and their dislike to the United States possessing a military post at Black Rock, which is the most important commanding situation on Lake Erie.
Judge Taylor of Albany, was the Commissioner on the part of the United States; and the Hon. Mr. L'Hommedieu, of Suff. Kk. Oliver Phelps, Esq. of Ontario, and Charles D. Cooper, Esq. of Albany, the Commissioners on the part of this State, at the above treaty. The number of Indians present was supposed to be about 2000.
New York, July 29. The Effex Frigate, Capt. Bannbridge, was to sail yesterday for the Potomac. A mutiny, it is said, had taken place among the crew, in consequence of what was deemed an infringement of their contract. The crew of the Effex shipped, originally, in this port, to serve for the space of one year. Sixteen months, however, elapsed before the return of the Effex from the Mediterranean to New York. Here the crew insisted upon their right to be discharged. Orders, it seems, were intended to have been given to Capt. Bain-
bridge off Sandy Hook, for proceeding to the City of Washington, without anchoring; these orders were not received—the ship of course came to anchor—in consequence of fresh orders from the navy agent, Mr. Ludlow, to captain B. to sail for the Potomac, the crew, as above stated, signified their intention of not complying. The captain, we understand, was compelled to use coercive measures to enforce obedience.
Extract of a letter from an American of the first respectability in Paris, to his literary correspondent in this City.
The most interesting business at present in the literary world, is the publication by Recoulier, upon Egypt, it is a very superb work, of which with great difficulty I shall procure a copy, at 15 guineas subscription. An order has been passed for forming a national one, under the direction of the learned men who were in Egypt; this will be the grandest literary work in the world, but as it will be many years before it can be executed, the one in the press is in great request—the subscription is full.
The researches into that country have thrown the greatest light upon chronology, and seem to confirm the Indian calculation of the world's age, with which the ancients (Herodotus excepted) appear to have been ignorant. General De-Raix, in reducing Upper Egypt, has discovered no less than six monuments containing zodiacs, which appear evidently to have formed the Egyptian calendar; copies and models of which have been taken with great accuracy. They appear to have been erected fifteen thousand years before Christ, when the vernal equinox was in the balance, all the signs being figurative of the seasons in Egypt. Under the bull the land was ploughed for the spring crop. Aquarius, crowned with lotus, typified the inundations of the Nile. If this is taken for the summer solstice, all the signs will correspond with the seasons at that period; by this means too the age of the public buildings may be ascertained, because many of them contain their calendar, which we may suppose to conform to the seasons when a building was erected, so as to serve as a monument of the time; of this it is asserted that the proofs are numerous and conclusive. By this mode of calculation some of them appear to have been founded six thousand years before Christ, which is more extraordinary, as the oldest of them have been built, in part, of the ruins of some that must of course have been many ages older, since many of the stones used in their construction bear the half effaced inscriptions of older times. Remember, however, I only give you the opinions of the learned here, upon facts that are not to be disputed: I mean to preserve all my respect for Moses, that I brought to this land of infidelity; and I shall sincerely grieve, if the philosophers of the 19th century prove him to be as ignorant of chronology, as his principal supporter, on this ground, did of astronomy, in the 18th century. As I did since Newton, in the 18th century, while he detected his errors in astronomy, made up for it by confirming his chronology, I shall sincerely lament, if the philosophers of the 19th century shall show him to have been alike ignorant in both—though, by the bye, I do not think his knowledge of either of much importance to the confirmation of his doctrines.
Alexandria July 29. This day arrived the Schooner Paragon, Capt. Wattles, 18 days from Martinique.
The day before capt. Wattles sailed, a French Corvette, in 22 days passage from France arrived at Martinique, having on board a Prefect for that island, two General Officers and a Governor for Guadaloupe. The French fleet with 15,000 troops was to sail from France for Martinique, in 15 days from the time the corvette left there.
Norfolk, July 20. Accounts from St. Domingo, as late as the 6th inst. received yesterday by the Packet Schr. Favorite, Capt. Drummond, state, that General Le Clerc had solicited his recall from St. Domingo, and 1000 more troops had arrived there from France in several transports, under convoy of a frigate.
No folk, July 27. By the Schooner Mary Johnson, captain Waughop, 36 days from Nantes, we have received papers from that city as late as the 13th June. They are extremely barren; we have, however, culled a few articles for the perusal of our readers.
Letters by this arrival as late as the 16th of June are received, which mention, that in all the communes which have made their returns on the votes establishing Bonaparte consul for life, the majorities have been about 50 AYES to 1 NAY. An additional duty of 10 francs per hundred weight of tobacco, was to be laid on all cargoes which may arrive in France in foreign vessels, after the 30th Prairial, (June 19). The merchants of Havre had preferred a petition to Bonaparte praying that all foreign merchandise and vessels, be excluded from the French colonies; and that the duty of 10 per cent, laid by general Le Clerc on
all goods imported into the island of St. Domingo in French vessels, be refunded on their return to France. In the mean time they have stopped all equipments for the West-Indies, until they have an answer from the government to their petition.
LONDON, May 31.
The morning papers mention, that Mr. Otto has received the most positive orders from the first consul, not to present at court, any French ladies, except their husbands or fathers, occupy a distinguished rank in the army, or in a diplomatic character.
Late accounts from Morocco state, that that country is much agitated by civil war. The nephew of the emperor has taken up arms against the government, and is at the head of a considerable force. As yet no particular accounts have been received respecting the operations of the contending parties.
June 2. The hereditary prince of Orange arrived in town yesterday from Paris. We understand that the object of his journey is to solicit the acquaintance of the British government, to some propositions, which have been approved of by the first consul, relative to the indemnities to be made to the house of Orange.
June 4. Seven sail of the line, under admiral Montague, are momentarily expected to return from Jamaica.
The funds for several days past have felt a sensible depreciation. East India Stock has fallen 10 per cent. and Oudh Stock fell this day 3-4 per cent. Bills of exchange are dull sale. The rise in the price of grain has necessarily raised the price of bread.
June 5. Both houses of parliament adjourned yesterday until the 9th instant.
PARIS, June 4.
At Aix la Chapelle, not only the votes of the Citizens have been unanimous for the election of the first consul for life, but women, whose husbands were able to be present, have been permitted to vote in a separate book for that purpose.
June 9. The mayor of Havre has published a notice, declaring, that for the future, no passports will be delivered to blacks, or people of colour, in order that they may repair to the colonies; excepting, however, those who wish to return to their ancient masters.
Citizen Otto, at present acting as French minister plenipotentiary in England, has been appointed minister plenipotentiary of the French republic near the United States of America.
General Vial is appointed minister plenipotentiary from the French Republic to the Island of Malta.
Citizen Renard is appointed commissioner of commercial relations for the French republic at Zante.
From the London Oracle.
PITT'S PICTURE OF BUONAPARTE.
By the following extracts from the Speech of Mr. Pitt, on the 3d of February, 1800, may be seen his sentiments of the present First Consul:
"His entrance into Lombardy was announced by a solemn proclamation, issued on the 7th of April, 1796, which terminated with these words: "Nations of Italy! the French army is come to break your chains; the French are the friends of the people in every country; your religion, your property, your customs shall be respected." This was followed by a second proclamation, dated from Milan 20th of May, and signed "Bonaparte," in these terms: "Respect for property and personal security. Respect for the religion of countries. These are the sentiments of the government of the French Republic, and of the army of Italy. The French victorious, conlider the nations of Lombardy as their brothers." The regard to religion and to the customs of the country, was manifested with the same scrupulous fidelity. The churches were given up to indiscriminate plunder. Every religious and charitable fund, every public treasure, was confiscated. The country was made the scene of every species of disorder and rapine. The priests, the established form of worship, all the objects of religious reverence, were openly insulted by the French troops; at Pavia, particularly, the tomb of St. Augustine, which the inhabitants were accustomed to view with peculiar veneration, was mutilated and defaced. The last provocation having routed the reticent of the people, they flew to arms, surrounded the French garrison, and took them prisoners, but carefully abstained from offering any violence to a single soldier. In revenge for this conduct, Bonaparte then on his march to the Mincio, suddenly returned, collecting his troops, and carried the extremity of military execution over the country; he burnt the town of Benasco, and massacred eight hundred of its inhabitants; he marched to Pavia, took it by storm, and delivered it over to general plunder, and published, at the same moment, a proclamation of the 26th of May, ordering his troops to shoot all those who
had not laid down their arms and taken an oath of obedience, and to burn every village where the rebellion should be found, and put its inhabitants to death."
Then follow many other instances of his cruelty, and of his employment of revolutionary means for the destruction of independent Governments. The observation on the Official Gazette on his conduct at Genoa, is peculiarly entitled to attention at this time. Gen. Bonaparte has pushed the only line of conduct which could be allowed in the representation of a nation which has supported the war only to procure its own acknowledgment of its own rights to change the form of its government. He contributed nothing towards the revolution of Genoa, but he forced the full weight of his power upon the new government, as soon as he knew that it was the result of the will of the people."
On the precautions to secure that the First Consul holds his authority, Mr. Pitt is equally eloquent.
"His hold upon France is the sword, and he has no other basis; he connected with the soil, or with the habit, the affections, or the prejudices, of the country. He is a stranger, a foreigner, and an usurper; he unites in his own person every thing that a pure republican must detest; every thing that an enraged jacobin has abjured; every thing that a sincere and faithful royalist must feel as an insult. If he is opposed at any time in his career, what is his appeal? He appeals to his Fortune; to other words to his army and his sword. Placing, then, his whole reliance upon military support, can he afford to let this military renown pass away, to let his laurels wither, to let the memory of his achievements sink into obscurity? Is it certain that, with his army confined within France, and restrained from; inroads upon her neighbours, he can maintain, at his devotion, a force sufficiently numerous to support his power? Having no object but the possession of absolute dominion, no passion but military glory, is it certain that he will feel such an interest in permanent peace as would justify us in laying down our arms, reducing our expense and relinquishing our means of security on the faith of his engagements? Do we believe, that, after the conclusion of peace, he would not still fight over the lost trophies of Egypt, wrested from him by the celebrated victory of Aboukir, and the brilliant exertions of that heroic band of British seamen, whose influence and example rendered the Turkish troops invincible at Acre."
"Can he believe, with these impressions on his mind, that if, after a year, eighteen months, or two years, of peace had elapsed, he should be tempted by the appearance of fresh instructions in Ireland, encouraged by renewed and unrestricted communication with France, and fomented by the fresh infusion of Jacobin principles, if we were at such a moment without a fleet to watch the ports of France, or to guard the coast of Ireland, without a disposable army, or an embodied militia, capable of supplying a speedy and adequate reinforcement, and that he had induced the means of transporting thither a body of twenty or thirty thousand French troops—can we believe that at such a moment his ambitious and vindictive spirit would be restrained by the recollection of engagements, or the obligation of treaty; or if in some new conflict of difficulty and danger to the Ottoman Empire, with no British navy in the Mediterranean, no confederacy formed, no force collected to support it, an opportunity should present itself for resuming the abandoned expedition to Egypt, for renewing the avowed and favorite project of enervating and colonizing that rich and fertile country, and opening the way to wind some of the vital interests of England, and to plunder the treasures of the East, in order to fill the bankrupt coffers of France; would it be the interest of Bonaparte, under such circumstances, or his principles, his meditation, his love of peace, his aversion to conquest, and his regard for the independence of other nations.—Would it be all, or any, of these that would secure us against an attempt which would leave us no option of submitting without a struggle to certain loss and disgrace, or renewing the contest which we had prematurely terminated, without allies, without preparation, with diminished means, and with increased difficulty and hazard?"
For Sale or Rent.
LOT No. 10, on square 143, City of Washington, not far from Gaylord's building on which is erected a two story brick house with two rooms on the lower floor, and a good parlor and a cellar. For further particulars apply at this office.
Also for sale a Negro Woman, who is a good cook and house maid, and a negro girl about nine years old.—Apply as above.
July 21, 1802 LOWST
Tennessee Company.
THOSE interested in the Company, and who have not signed the deed of trust, are hereby notified that the subscriber will attend at the city of Washington on the 20th of December next to give them an opportunity of complying with this regulation of the company.
JAMES STRAWBRIDGE, May 26, 1802. aw220D