The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-03 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1298.
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FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1809.
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CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
JANUARY 30.
Debate on raising Embargo, and authorising Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
Mr. Nicholas moved to fill the blank in the substitute with the first day of June; Mr. Milnor named the fourth day of March; and Mr. D. R. Williams named the fifteenth day of February.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out the words "the day of" for the purpose of inserting "forth with."—Motion to strike out lost, by a considerable majority.
The question recurring on filling the blank with the first day of June.
Mr. Randolph, as the gentleman, the mover of the resolution (Mr. Nicholas) was not present when he had given the reasons why he thought, if the embargo was to be repealed, it should be removed immediately, repeated them. He wished our own citizens to reap some advantage from an early repeal. Or were we, he asked, by a singular fatality in all our measures only to injure ourselves, and benefit our adversaries and the most dishonest part of our own community?
Mr. Dana was opposed to a continuance of the embargo till the first of June. Since it had been generally understood through the country that the embargo was to be further continued, many capitalists had forestalled the markets so as to secure to themselves a monopoly of the foreign articles of the greatest necessity, thereby to command an excessive profit at the expence of the distressed part of the community. As respected them Mr. Dana said that he had not a wish that the duration of the embargo should be protracted, that they might realize their gains and make poor men their prey; and if there were any description of our citizens whom he could wish to be injured by a removal of the embargo, these would certainly be the persons. There was another reason why he did not wish the embargo to continue so long. However important it was that the general authority of the government should be maintained as respected these states, was it not known that the reins of government, from their extreme tension, where failing in the hands of the administration? Were not their acts placed at defiance, especially since the passage of the last act for enforcing the embargo? Look at the whole northern frontier, said he; recollect the facility of transportation on the ice and snow. Recollect with what facility in this season the produce & lumber, &c. will pass from Vermont, into the British provinces. As respected the whole of that frontier, Mr. Dana said, it would be in vain to attempt to enforce the embargo laws. The mound was already broken down which retained our produce; and it was to be feared that the whole would soon be swept away. The question which now offered itself to the consideration of the House was this, and it was requisite that it should be decided promptly—whether, if the acts of government were set at defiance, the authority of the government should be sustained or not. If the acts of the government were placed at defiance, he said, Congress had but to decide instantly to enforce them by arms, or to abolish them. Did they mean to hesitate between advancing and retiring? If you mean to retire, (said he) do it whilst you can—whilst it will seem to be an attention to the wishes and sufferings of the community, instead of giving to those who set your laws at defiance, the signal of your defeat and the evidence of their triumph. Mr. Dana asked, if gentlemen had estimated what would take place between this day and the first day of June? Did they conceive the force that it would be necessary to employ to enforce the laws? Before they decided that point it would be well to pause. Did gentlemen recollect how much danger menaced the sentiment of attachment to their country, when foreign indulgencies (as
the liberty of trading derived from the contiguity of the British provinces) are given to the citizens of any portion of a country which refuses to allow them those privileges? Need I remind gentlemen, asked Mr. D. of a circumstance illustrative of my idea? When the navigation of the Mississippi was at the command of the Spaniards, before the treaty of San Lorenzo was carried into effect, recollect the opportunity which that state of things gave to the agents of the Spanish government, for making attempts to detach the western states from the Union. How far they succeeded I do not undertake to say; but the fact is well known, that some men of considerable distinction were so far drawn aside from their attachment to the Union, as to give countenance to the intrigue; and the fact having come to light, the public authority of one of the states, (Kentucky) have undertaken the examination and investigation of the subject. I speak of this not as a reproach, but as an illustration of the temptation which is offered to any portion of the people, having an outlet through a river in the possession of a foreign power, which is denied them by their own government. I will not pursue the subject, sir; for it is unpleasant to dwell on subjects which may even tend to jeopardize the Union. But I deem it useless to rely on the patriotism of the people, when the government forgets the cement of patriotism. What is country? That portion of the globe where we have friends, freedom and protection. It is the reciprocation of good offices, which is the cement of private friendship. It is the reciprocation of protection and support, between the government and individuals, a reciprocation of benefits, which is the cement of allegiance.—But, sir, when the power of the government is exerted merely to check the ordinary industry of the community, when the people feel the power of their government in being blockaded in port by it, instead of being protected against blockade by an enemy, what must be their feeling? Patriotism is too precious a feeling to make many experiments upon it.—Really, sir, I should not wish to know, in relation to many of my fellow-citizens, what would be the extreme point to which their patriotism could be stretched. There appears to be reason to apprehend that the reins of government are already failing in the hands of government. I should therefore wish my countrymen to be no longer exposed to being alienated from their government, and that the government should not be placed in a situation to have its acts set at defiance.
Mr. Troup observed, that he could not see the propriety or expediency of fixing on a day beyond the adjournment of the present Congress, on which this change of measures should take place. What would be effect of it? It could be considered in no other point of view than as a declaration of war, to be binding on the next Congress. The mere declaration could not be considered as adding coercion to our measures; for whatever honor foreign nations might possess (and he believed they possessed little indeed of that) they certainly did possess courage, & were not to be frightened into an accommodation with us by such a threat. But the measure was not obligatory and binding on the next Congress, even admitting that it should be composed of the identical individuals who composed the present Congress. There was no authority in the constitution by which we could bind them, unless indeed this declaration involved a matter of contract.—And to be sure, he said, it might be considered in some sort a matter of contract; a political contract of a singular quality—a contract between this great government, and an unruly faction in New England, which threatened opposition to the laws, and was breaking out into rebellion. Yes, sir, said Mr. Troup, you come out with a solemn measure, and tell them if they will forbear to rebel till the first day of June next, you will agree to issue letters of marque. It is an invasion even of the powers of the next Congress, supposing it to be composed of the same men as constitute the present Congress, to bind them to declare war, not under the circumstances then existing, but under those which existed at the time you were pleased to enter into this declaration. But not only will this measure not be obligatory; but it is very possible that the next Congress may be as different in its composition from the present, as the present Congress is from the Junta of Spain, or the British parliament. In every point of view
therefore, Mr. Troup said, he conceived it a futile proposition.
Mr. Milnor was opposed to postponing the repeal of the embargo till the first day of June; for which he assigned the same reasons which he gave before for proposing the 4th day of March. If it was so extremely oppressive as to excite discontent and rebellion, its extremely unfavorable effects to ourselves would be a sufficient reason for its repeal. Mr. M. said, that although he would fix a day for the repeal of the embargo, he could not carry his civility to the belligerents so far as to give them notice on what day we would commence war against them. Were we in such a situation that we could instantly bid defiance to Great Britain? When war comes, said he, it will be proper to consider whether it be politic, proper and necessary? If it be politic and the nation cannot continue out of it without a sacrifice of its honor, then let us have it, and not take it in this manner, declaring to the belligerents that if they do not come forward on a certain day we will commence hostilities against them. The next Congress will be better able to decide what will be proper on the first day of June than we can now do; and if we are not instantly to go to war, it will be decorous, wise and right in us to let the question rest till the next Congress come here in the end of May, and leave the responsibility with them.
Mr. D. R. Williams said if ever a man's mind was embarrassed on a topic on which he had to legislate, he confessed that his was. He saw a measure and a system which he thought susceptible of the clearest demonstration to be more warlike than war itself, a system which preserved this nation in peace and happiness, about to be abandoned, and for the causes which had been assigned. When the late intelligence had reached him from the north-east, he said it had borne a character most distressful to every man who valued the integrity of the government. It appeared to him to be of such a character as not to leave a doubt as to what course should be pursued. There could be but two courses, either to extend the strong arm of the government, or to abandon the law. Under that impression (said Mr. W.) chusing not to enforce the law with the bayonet, I thought it proper to acknowledge to the House that I was ready to abandon the embargo. I did talk about insurgency and rebellion too, sir; and the reproof which I received from the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rowan) was correct; that the best way to drive people into rebellion is to accuse them of it. Perhaps, sir, I ought to apologise to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) for calling up this subject, when the resolution was proposed by him, and he was not disposed to call it up. I applied to him to call it up, and understood that it would be disagreeable to him on account of his indisposition. But I felt myself obliged to call it up, and not to permit such a proposition to lie on the table beyond the moment when I could get to act on it. Like the gentlemen from Pennsylvania and Georgia, I am disposed that we should act for ourselves and not for the next Congress. To me, sir, the embargo always appeared a blessing to this country. True, it has always operated to prevent us from making money, but that was all that was injurious in its operation; and, sir, I was so much of a fool, had so little knowledge of human nature as to believe that there was patriotism enough, love of country enough, pride enough in the nation, to induce its freemen to be willing to abstain from making money, for the good of the nation. I have been egregiously mistaken, sir, I thought I was legislating for freemen who valued their rights; that whilst they were the only people in the world trusted with arms to defend themselves, they would have scorned to take money for the prostitution of their country. I did not think there was a man in the nation who would act the part of a pimp to his mother. It has been so, however; and dreadful, cruel must be the torments of those who have been accessory to it.
[Mr. Williams here went at considerable length into an examination of the arguments of Mr. Pitkin on Saturday last in reply to a former speech of Mr. W. on the subject of the embargo.]
We have but small choice of courses to pursue, said Mr. Williams. One course is to admit foreign vessels into our ports as long as the embargo continues. Now, though I do believe that we should be perfectly jus-
tifiable in enforcing the embargo and suffering foreign vessels to come and take away our produce, as a punishment to a certain class of men in the country for their treasonable conduct; yet, sir, legislating for a whole nation, not for any particular class, I cannot consent to that.
Another course is that recommended by a gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gardenier) to go back and undo all you have done. Will you tread back your steps and go back with him to Jay's treaty? I have no hesitation in saying that if we were even placed in the situation in which we then were, I would not accept of it. That treaty carried a feature in it which ought to have damned it at the first view. It took property from one portion of the community to pay for advantages to the other. Yes, sir, it did. You know that a solemn stipulation was made in a treaty of peace, to pay us for the property which they had stolen from us; and you and the House know it was treated away to secure commercial advantages; and yet, thank God, the southern states did not rise in rebellion against it.
We must select either a continuance of the embargo or war, sir. If ever there were a number of men in this world who had the destinies of a nation in their grasp, the oppositionists to the embargo have that high power. There cannot be a doubt, if excitement had not been made, or if after it was made it had been allayed by those who excited it—and, sir, I have no wish now to excite a disagreeable sensation in the breast of any man; for I have said enough on this head heretofore—if they would now attempt to allay the fervor instead of increasing it, that it would be put down; and if put down, there cannot be a doubt but we should be preserved in peace, and gain stipulations of peace honorable to our country. For God's sake, let me conjure gentlemen not to forget that we have a country. If they repeal the embargo they must support war, because their character—yes, sir, their character as men loving their country is at stake. Will you drive us to a repeal of the embargo, and make no resistance? Are you ready to sit down quietly under the impositions laid upon you? You have driven us from the embargo. The excitements in the east render it necessary that we should enforce the embargo with the bayonet or repeal it. I will repeal it—and I could weep over it more than over a lost child. If you do not resist, you are no longer a nation—you dare not call yourself so—you are the merest vassals conceivable. Sir, if gentlemen will not support us in a war, and I give fair notice that if we take off the embargo I am for war—they must support it, or they will sink the character of the nation. If they will support neither war or embargo, if they destroy the effect of both, I ask you, sir, does not the prostitution of the character of the country lie at their doors? If they mean submission, I will thank them to say so. It some how or other happens that republicans are thought to be friendly to France, and federalists to Great Britain. I believe neither imputation to be correct to the extent to which it is carried. But it is a fact that the British ear is open to that side of the question sooner than to us. Now, sir, I appeal to the minority, who hold the destinies of the nation in their grasp, for they can enforce the embargo without the bayonet—They, them, if they will not declare war, that they will do the best they can for their country. If avarice has so seized on our hearts, as to take away wholly the love of country, (and assuredly it has if we submit) for God's sake let me entreat gentlemen to make the best terms they can for us—to secure the kind protection of the British government for us—to procure us the miserable boon that the tax on us may be collected here without compelling us to go to Britain to pay it. Sir, the blood which runs through my veins, tells me I was not born to be a British subject; it tells me that the opposition to us must have sucked the same milk—that we are of the same family. Then let us with one heart and hand take hold of war. But says the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Tallmadge) what will you gain by it? It is not money, sir, I want. You lose money by a war; but you gain your rights; you gain the chance of dying honorably in your country's defence instead of submitting, without resistance, and that will be a consolation to thousands, if their country is to be disgraced. Yes, sir, solemn as the reflection is, if we take off the embargo I am for war, and I hope the
whole House will be for it. It is true that it brings along with it miseries without number. You will see fear, despair, and all the family of distresses, driving ruthlessly over the country. But it will be infinitely less of suffering to die in defence of the country than to live in bondage. I will not submit. I will plunge into the gulf, and I hope every man will follow me, when we have lost our mantle of peace, the embargo.
Mr. Dana thought it proper, if gentlemen talked of dying for their country, that they should die usefully; for really the mere dying could be of no service whatever to the country. He said, he was not disposed at this time to go into a discussion of the embargo subject generally, but he would state one general position, viz. that the existing policy is a novelty in the history of human society. From the earliest period of time, Mr. Dana said, there were no proofs that the system ever did or ever could produce the events which gentlemen prophesied. When then this was an utter novelty on earth, when gentlemen proposed a course never known to savage or civilized life, were they not bound specifically to state facts incontestable in support of it? And what, (said Mr. Dana,) have they done? Avowed a general broad political faith and wholesale predictions, that it will produce an effect, in defiance of all experience. And am I bound to say, when gentlemen come forward thus, that the plan will succeed? The thing is against you, sir. No ardor of patriotism, intrepidity of courage, or excess of devotion could make it effectual. He said, that the contest was so unequal in the nature of things, that the U. S. could not succeed in it. Nothing but superhuman aid could make it succeed.—When gentlemen came to examine into facts, it would be found that they omitted to examine the bearing of the thing in general or in detail. When had any officer of the government, or any member of either house of Congress, undertaken to give a view of the relative dependence of the countries of the world upon each other. As far as commerce is essential to the existence of G. Britain, (said Mr. D.) even now she has the whole world before her. As far as commerce is essential to our existence, the whole world is shut to us, by the embargo. Even say that Britain loses one-fourth of her revenue, we lose the whole of ours. They lose a part, but a moderate part indeed of their commerce, whilst we lose the whole. The embargo cannot succeed in the nature of things, and I am not astonished that you do not find it on any of the diplomatic correspondence, stated as a measure of coercion, because it would be no easy matter to prove it to be so. What are you to operate on foreign governments by this measure? Famine and insurrection are to be your chosen troops, your auxiliaries to overturn their systems. You assail them by famine, which is to call up insurrection. This is, I think, the language of the advocates of the embargo. And can I wonder that it is never spoken of in our official diplomatic correspondence, as a measure of hostility? Mr. Dana said, it was unfortunate that the embargo had ever been laid, and peculiarly unfortunate that it had been continued. Did not gentlemen already say, that a faction, a miserable faction, put the government at defiance? Were the reins of government held by such trembling hands? If rebellion exists, said he, do you hesitate a moment to give orders to your battalions to march and put it down? If you will not do this, at once repeal the statutes which gives offence. [Mr. Basset asked to whom they gave offence?] I am speaking of the obnoxious statutes which are put at defiance, said Mr. Dana.—For what possible use can they be longer continued?
Mr. D. said, he had thought that the days of ancient chivalry had scarcely returned yet. Time had been when the champions of old had been accustomed to have fetes and tournaments, and fix days of battle for each other, sometimes an hundred on each side. This was a species of private war, a splendid display of personal courage. But to talk of one nation giving a day to another to meet it in battle was a thing which, he said, he had not expected to see in these days. Did gentlemen expect after G. Britain and France had been waging through blood for years past, that they would be awed into a compliance with our wishes? With whomsoever we fought, Mr. Dana said, we should find no contemptible foe. The bravest of our troops might say, when they had been victorious, that it was

an honor to be victorious over such men as these. This belligerent hypothesis, (said Mr. D.) this contingent declaration of war; this verbal lighting, without actual preparation, will produce little effect. Foreign nations cannot then concede what we demand, without appearing to deprecate our anger; and they will scarcely do that. But the question is not now, which nation is wrong, G. Britain or France, but what will be the most serviceable to my country. The motion under consideration does not seem to promise any beneficial effect, and therefore, I shall vote against it. Mr. RANDOLPH said, that this was certainly a question of no ordinary magnitude; and he had understood, from the most direct source of information, that the gentleman, (Mr. Nicholas) who had brought forward this motion, was extremely indisposed. He could wish for one to hear what the gentleman had to say in support of his motion, and with that view moved that the committee now rise. Carried.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 31.
The House again in committee of the whole—Mr. MACON, in the chair, on Mr. Nicholas's resolution; and the question pending, being on a motion to insert in the blank, the first day of June.
Mr. KEY hoped, the blank in the resolution would not be filled, with the first day of June next, because the circumstances of the country required the embargo to be earlier repealed; or such measures to be taken as would enforce its due execution. Before the first day of June arrives, (said he) on which it is proposed to remove the embargo, four months would intervene, during which time, if the same opposition to the east which existed now should still prevail, the country would be in a very extraordinary situation. If we continue the law, I shall be among those who would rigidly enforce it, for I have no idea of being dictated to by any section of the Union; but, as I believe, from the accounts which are received, that we cannot enforce it without a measure much worse in its effects, than the consequences which might be supposed to result from taking it off earlier, I should therefore be in favor of the earliest day possible. We ought not to resort to an exertion of the authority of this nation for four months, nor to continue the measure so long as to excite that sentiment which will certainly follow the enforcement of the measure, except some great advantage be expected from it if continued for that time. There was another reason, why, he said, an earlier day should be fixed. If the House should not think proper to take off the embargo during this session, a new representation would have met here nine days previous to the day mentioned. The present Congress ought to leave the next Congress free to act, with more information than this Congress could possess, because they would have it in their power to avail themselves of the intermediate information. As to that part of the proposition which related to the repeal of the embargo, therefore, the day proposed was too distant. As to the remainder of the proposition, which he presumed was to be taken in continuity with the former, it was still worse. It was giving notice to the belligerents of a disposition, within a particular period, to do what it is not in our power to perform; because, the functions of this House ceasing before that period, the right of determining the course to be pursued depended on the decision of the new representation. It was impossible, he said, to anticipate the line of conduct which would then be pursued. If the embargo be not removed before the close of the present session, he hoped at least, that the blank would be filled with the day anterior to the next meeting of Congress. He called upon gentlemen to know whether they would keep it on without enforcing it; and he asked, whether an enforcement of it for four months was worth the advantages which gentlemen supposed its continuance would afford? He hoped that the blank would not be filled as proposed.
Mr. DURELL hoped that the blank would not be filled with the first day of June. If the measure of embargo was to be changed for another, he said he saw no reason why the change should be procrastinated. He hoped it would take place at so early a period as would give an equal chance to all the ports in the country. We have heard much (said he) on this floor in relation to the opposition in a certain section of the union to the embargo laws. I think many observations have been made on the floor in relation to the supposed opposition to the embargo laws, which cannot be justified by facts. I have been utterly astonished at a declaration in a newspaper (the Monitor) of the morning, viz. "The majority of the members of the Eastern delegation in Congress have openly asserted that no laws passed by the general government will be deemed obligatory by their constituents, if they should interfere with their local pursuits and advantages. They publicly consider the embargo law as a dead letter," &c. Now, sir, I wholly and utterly disavow such an opinion; and I think that a printer in the district of Columbia should not be permitted to make such statements when unwarranted by facts. The majority of the New England delegation have not stated on this floor that no laws passed by the general government will be obligatory if conflicting with their local advantages. It is a scandalous libel on that majority. By letters I learn that the late supplementary embargo law is not generally approved; that some few have gone so far as to pronounce it unconstitutional. But that the majority of the people possess the sentiment ascribed to them in this paper is wholly false and untrue. Declarations of this sort have a pernicious effect on the community. As respects the state which I represent (New Hampshire) there is no opposition to the embargo laws. Not a petition has been presented to either branch of the national legislature for the repeal of those laws, or expressing any sentiment in relation to them, although they suffer as much as their neighbors in Massachusetts. The people (the republicans at least) are, if I know any thing of their sentiments, perfectly satisfied with the law; they have gone with the government from first to last. Is it justifiable then, sir, that a printer in the district of Columbia should say that the people of New England will oppose your laws? It is unjustifiable and abominable.
Mr. RHEA (T.) With more embarrassment of mind I attempt to make some observations on the subject before the committee, than at any time heretofore, when I have had the honor of submitting any observations on any subject, during the present session of Congress. The reason is, that it is not determined what measure shall be substituted for the embargo, if it shall be raised.
It affords me great pleasure to hear the gentleman from N. H. (Mr. Durell) so positively contradicting an assertion which he read from a newspaper. What the gentleman said ought to be taken for a good omen, portending that the few citizens in the Eastern states, who have been disposed, some how or other, not to pay proper respect to the embargo laws, are returning to the practice of those principles of correctness on which the safety of this nation doth depend. This is in unison with my own opinion respecting the citizens of that section of the union. Notwithstanding all that has been said about insurrection & opposition to the laws, so as to endanger the United States, I cannot induce myself to consider it in a serious point of view; positive facts must be proved to me, before my belief of such things shall be had. My confidence in the great body of citizens of the Eastern states is not done away, and I believe there is in the same states a sufficient quantity of force to suppress any attempts which might be made against the union. And when it comes to the point, there is reason to believe that patriotism, similar to that which influenced the Western states in the case of Burr, will also influence our brothers of the Eastern. My vote in this case shall not be influenced, nor is it influenced, by any thing that hath been said to be done respecting the embargo laws in any of the Eastern states; all such influence is disavowed by me. In this case and every other my vote shall be given according to my understanding what is the real interest, and will best promote the honor, rights and independence of the U. States.
Mr. Rhea said, that for some days he had been of opinion that a commercial non-intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and all other powers having in force orders and decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. States, might have been the most proper measure to have been adopted in the then state of things, in place of the embargo; and that under that non-intercourse the United States some time longer, might have glided along. But in the language of the gentleman from Connecticut, "the burying hath gone by;" the opportunity for that system it is apprehended is lost. Let it be observed that a commercial non-intercourse system, is not a system of submission to the edicts of either G. B. or France. G. Britain doth not command the United States, to abandon the ocean, or not to trade with her; no such thing. Great Britain declares her ports open to the vessels, and produce, of the U. States; either for internal consumption so far as it is necessary to supply her market, or for exportation. G. Britain declares, that for that liberty, tribute or duty, call it what you will, must be paid. France doth not command the U. States to abandon the ocean, or not to trade with her. France declares American vessels, which have been visited by British armed vessels, or have been in British ports, or have British merchandise on board, or British licences to trade, shall be subject to capture and condemnation. Certainly then the opinion, that, a commercial non-in-
tercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain & France, and their dependencies, and all other powers, having in force orders or decrees, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. S. would be submission to Great Britain or France, is not well founded.
Great respect ought to be paid to the observations of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) who was of opinion that the embargo ought to be raised forthwith; there can be no doubt, that, if the embargo laws are forthwith repealed, the great quantity of produce, which is said to have passed into Canada, being there detained for some time by the ice, for that reason may not get to market as soon as other produce shipped from the U. S. Notwithstanding the force of these observations, they do not contain sufficient reason to repeal the embargo laws so soon. Let it be considered that the ports of Baltimore and Philadelphia are by the rigor of the winter now locked up; & probably will continue so for some time. In that condition may several other ports in the U. S. be; if then the embargo laws are forthwith repealed, you will give a decided advantage to those ports which are open or continue alterations to be so, either in the Southern or Eastern States. This would be partial and unfair, and in operation unjust. If the embargo is raised, let it be at a day so distant, at least, that the merchants in every part of the U. S. may have notice; & not only so, but that the day on which the embargo shall be raised, may be so distant, that there may be every reason to conclude that the natural frozen embargo which now exists shall also be taken off from every port in the U. S. If the merchants are to start their vessels, as for a race, let them all have opportunity of a fair start, and let not some of them have time to run over half the course before others of them can get away from the starting place.
I will not vote (said Mr. Rhea) to fill up the blank with the words 'the first day of June,' for reasons to me equally cogent. The embargo hath now continued for more than twelve months, and the great body of the citizens have, with true magnanimity and patriotic love of country, bore up under and supported it, notwithstanding its accompanying privations. An embargo of the same nature and extent, in all probability, would, in the term of six months, have shaken any other maritime nation to its centre. It was left and remained for the sovereign people of the U. S. in their neutral capacity to manifest to all other nations an hitherto unexampled firmness under an embargo of such duration and extent. This embargo and the firmness with which it was supported, will be a grand landmark to future generations by which to steer their political course.
(Mr. Rhea's speech to be continued.)
LT. GOV. LINCOLN'S SPEECH.
Mr. LINCOLN the Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts, on the 26th ult. delivered a speech to the Legislature, which for patriotism, elegance, and sound sense is above all praise. We give the whole of it that relates to national concerns. May it rescue this important member of the union from the fangs of sedition.
The peculiar circumstances, under which we have assembled, call for a serious direction of our thoughts to that Being, in whose hands are the destinies of men and of nations. The aspect of our public affairs imposes on all the duty of patience and circumspection, in their investigations, and their actions. Our best exertions, for the general welfare, are now necessary. The known patriotism of the people of Massachusetts is a pledge, for the display of these virtues, on every public emergency. How far existing or threatened evils, may be provided against, or endangered rights be secured, by any agency constitutionally confided to their state legislature, are at the present moment, considerations of the most interesting nature.
That affliction Providence which has deprived you, and your fellow citizens, of the assistance and experience of him, who was selected, by their suffrages, to discharge the important duties of Chief Magistrate, can be felt and lamented by none more sincerely than by myself. This event having constitutionally devolved on me these duties; as a substitution to his talents and his experience, you may rest assured for the residue of the year, of my solicitude, assiduity and best endeavors to promote what, from my own convictions, shall appear most conducive to the good of the whole. On this occasion, to repeat the prescribed oaths, which I have already taken, would be but the avowals of my political sentiments. The national and the state constitution contain them. The fair and obvious construction of these instruments, in the sense in which I shall be convinced they were intended to be understood, will furnish my rule of action, wherever they can apply. The outlines of our respective relations and duties are there to be found. My inexperience in legislative business
will, I fear, be thought too often to call for your indulgence and candor. If instructed by the constitution and the law, and sincerely aiming to adhere to their provisions, and to advance the general interest and harmony among the citizens, there should unhappily be a difference of opinion between the different departments of government, as to means, or their application, it can be no just cause of uneasiness or distrust among us.
The New-England states have been represented, to their injury, and to the injury of the United States, as distracted with divisions, prepared for opposition to the authority of the law, and ripening for a secession from the union. Anxieties at suggestions or apprehensions of this kind, have been expressed on the floor of Congress. Such suggestions we trust are unfounded. Our enemies alone could have made them. It is to be lamented, that any color has ever been furnished for such alarms. It cannot be concealed, that in this state, existing difficulties and the apparent indications of greater ones, have produced instances of excitement, violence, and indiscretion, which form serious claims on our attention. Could legislators be agreed, all would be tranquilized from without. Would not such an achievement be worthy an united effort, and reward the labors of a whole session? The times call for union, confidence and mutual forbearance, and accommodation. Will not a recollection of some prominent principles and facts in our history, with a legislative example, have this tendency among our citizens. May we not avail ourselves of this opportunity to review, in a summary manner, the situation in which we are placed, and the dangers to which we are exposed.
If ever a forgetfulness of past dissensions, and joint efforts for the common interest, were necessary, they are so at this moment. Will not each citizen determine for himself, that no personal gratification shall stand in the way of any arrangement which will concentrate the general will, and direct its strength for our country's safety. For one, I am prepared for this measure of accord and devotion to the exigency of the crisis, or my heart deceives me. Union is every thing; it is our strength, our numbers, our resources. If we must have conflicts, let them be with foreign enemies. If war, let it be by the whole people as one man, in defence of their violated rights. Let not a particle of our means be wasted, in party or individual contentions.
It cannot be necessary, nor would it be beneficial, to review in detail the continued aggravated insults and injuries which have been heaped upon us, by the warring powers of Europe. The aggregate of our wrongs have been great indeed. The countervailing measures of our national government, produced by these aggressions, are generally known. The recent communications of public documents, and the able and repeated disquisitions on those topics, as published to the world, explain principles and facts beyond the utility of further elucidation.
Although our commercial intercourse and national defence, is, from necessity and the soundest policy, confided to the United States. Yet, it is not unbecoming any member of the union to add its concurring energies to national measures, or with fairness and moderation to question their justness or policy, while they are pending and ripening for adoption. But with governments, as with individuals, there are stages, when questions can no longer be usefully open to controversy and opposition. Stages, when an end must be put to debate, and a decision thence resulting, be respected, by its prompt and faithful execution, or government loses its existence, and the people are ruined. Are we not in this stage of the great questions of foreign aggressions, embargo, non-intercourse, national defence, and other means of safety, deemed necessary by those entrusted with the final disposal of these objects? A balanced government, and its authorities, capable only of executing the deliberate violations of a real majority of the citizens, constituted and directed by known and fixed principles, established by, and proceeding from themselves, is so safe, so reasonable, and so beyond every thing else essential to their own liberty and happiness, that its hazard or interruption cannot be contemplated, but with distress. To such a government, foreign nations, with the unprincipled and desperate, may be hostile, but our virtuous citizens, sensible of its blessings, will yield to any sacrifice for its support. At no time, has its administration, however wise and happy, been satisfactory to all our citizens. This was not to be expected. Its impartiality, justice, forbearance and pacific policy, have been no security against violence, injustice and depredation on our rights of person, property and sovereignty, by the belligerents. Acts of insult, rapine and plunder have been multiplied upon us, and pressed us to the very wall. Does further retreat, and much
further endurance, consist with the spirit and genius of Americans? Yet, we trust, the continuance of peace, with its inestimable blessings, is not altogether hopeless. The aggressing nations may yet be made to listen to the dictates of their own interest, and spare us the dreaded calamities of war. If not, there is a point in national sensibility, as in the feelings of man, where patience and submission end. Beyond this is degradation, destruction and death. This point is, when suffering forbearance involves a surrender of honor, property, and the power of self-government. How near we have approached to this period, or how far we may be approximating, is not for us to determine. Such considerations ought, with confidence, as they may with safety remain where the constitution has placed them. Congress, with a united people, may still avert the threatened evil. Pacific wisdom may be yet better than weapons of war. And should it become necessary to cast the die, we may be assured, our representatives, participating in all the trials, burthens and sufferings, imposed on others, will not incautiously precipitate the throw.
Whence, then, the causes of jealousy, distrust, altercation, and bitter aspersion of some of our citizens? Whence then, the ever to be regretted indiscretions, suddenness and individual rashness, that have denounced our national government, and wounded our own. Under a general pressure, however necessary, excitements are easily produced. The effects of national measures have fallen, and will fall more severely on some descriptions of citizens, and portion of the community, than on others. This is unavoidable. Ship owners and the New-England states may have been the greatest sufferers. But a necessary inequality in the effect of measures, furnishes no objection to their justice or their policy. All agree something was necessary to be done. Had other measures been adopted, they probably would have produced another description of evils, not have diminished the aggregate. It was not to have been expected that the U. S. could be exempted from disasters, when causes were in operation which have involved half the world in the greatest. We in some measure know the effects of past arrangements, but can never know what would have been the results of different ones. If our privations have preserved a portion of our property, our peace, and the opportunity of yet selecting between alliances, peace & war, are we certain the price has been too great? It has been the unenviable and arduous task of our rulers to collect the diversified sentiments of their constituents on facts, and to assimilate and concentrate them as far as possible, to an according system, predicated on the prevailing opinion. By what other principle; by what better rule can society act? If the degree, the kind, and the time for action, must wait for unanimity, our rights would never be defended, and our country would be ruined. By the voice of the majority alone, can society exist for a moment; to oppose it, is to oppose a vital movement of the body politic. To triumph over it, is to conquer ourselves, and render us a prey to any and every invader. A government of the minority, is a government of anarchy and confusion, a dissolution of all principle, and of all authority. Who can contemplate such a state of things, but with horror? Who can lend it even his silent countenance? Are not liberty, safety and property, our dearest rights, and dearest enjoyments; the creatures of law, upheld by its power, and rendered sacred by its energies? If government languishes and fails, will not these blessings languish and perish also? Who does not know in the range of excited passions, broken loose from legal restraints, property is often fatal to its owner, virtue to its possessor, and family blessings, an invitation to the hand of the destroyer? When beholding in the mirror of past times and distant ages, the black and frightful atrocities of furious and ungoverned man, amidst the wrecks of civil establishment, will not thoughtlessness, in the language of our departed patriot, 'renown indignantly upon the first drawing of every attempt to alienate one portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together its various parts?' Frown upon every suggestion of a non-execution of the law, resistance, or abandonment of the union? Such suggestions are not less a libel on the morals and understanding of the great body of the New England people, than on their patriotism. Their character is not marked with propensities to outrage, disorder and blood. Such a reproach must be repelled. Our citizens may differ on the necessity and wisdom of existing, or projected measures. But for the support of their government, their rights and their independence, the majority is immense.
Will not the advocates for town meetings, the authors of resolutions, be induced, calmly, to weigh the spirit and principles of their oppo-

tion, and to reflect further on the tendency of their measures? Are they prepared to pull down the splendid edifice erected by the wisdom and valor of their fathers, and to bury themselves under the ruins of liberty? Are not all their privations and sufferings notorious to their rulers, and from necessity yielded to, with parental sympathy and painful sensibility? While a large majority of the people of the union, of their national representatives, of the state legislatures, of their towns and counties, seriously believe that the existing measures are essential to our safety, and the best, for the whole, can their opposers wish them to be abandoned, and a surrender of the government into their hands? And will they yield it, in turn, to other towns or sections of the country that may make a similar claim? Would they wish, in these perilous times, to see our peace, liberty, and social blessings at the feet of a party? Would they wish to break those ties which unite all to a common centre, a deposit for the public opinion, public confidence and the public power? Such a secession from the salutary conceptions of our constitutions, and the fundamental principles of our government, would be more to be deprecated, and outweigh in mischief the most exaggerated evils of the embargo.
The cultivated reports, that the administration, and the southern people, are hostile to commerce, and unfriendly to the eastern states, are calculated to produce uneasiness, jealousies and dissensions. The evidence of such facts I have never seen. My convictions, under some advantages for observation, have been otherwise. I question not the sincerity of the opinion of others. The principles, and the public conduct of our rulers, are the fair objects of a manly and public spirited scrutiny, for the purposes of merited censure or approbation, their continuance or removal from office, in the prescribed forms. The proofs of their talents, zeal, and labors to serve, and render their country great and happy, are before the public. Their discussion with truth and firmness, would be salutary, and agreeable to the genius and spirit of our government. But misrepresentations, groundless suspicions, violent and indiscriminate abuse, unless checked, must end in opposition to the law, a contempt for its authority, and distracted breaches of the public peace.
If legal animadversions on incendiary and libelous publications would be thought by some, dangerous to the liberty of speech, and the press, a strong public opinion favorable to government would be equally efficacious to support its authority and to discountenance its opposers. Shall such aid be withheld? Or shall false views, misstatements, and groundless alarms, indicative of extreme distrust and danger, from the representatives of our own election, the government of our own choice, hurry virtuous and well-meaning men into acts pregnant with awful consequences? It is said measures are unnecessary, unconstitutional, oppressive, and tyrannical. Is it certain this is correct? Are citizens in the streets, in town meetings, in multitudinous assemblies, citizens pressed with deep personal interest, and excited from erroneous conceptions, capable of deciding on great, complicated, constitutional questions?—Hence our peril. Hence distraction and confusion in society. Hence encouragement to the enemy. Are such citizens more worthy of confidence than their rulers? Are they better instructed, or do they possess higher means of information? Are our rulers blinded by their interest, or impassioned by their sufferings? They decide against their interest, and their sufferings are in common with their constituents. Are they actuated by prejudice, or stimulated by resentments? They have nothing personal, their insults and their injuries have been the insults and the injuries of their country. What then is to be done? States, towns and individuals have their favorite projects. The Union has theirs. Thus jar-ring are we, with augmented resentments, to rush together in ruinous collisions? Are we, with mutual hatreds, to rend asunder the bands which have united us? To throw from our vitals, the shield which protects them?
A good government is Heaven's richest gift. Past events will show the worth of ours. Calamities formed and introduced our federal constitution. Its adoption, the desired and long suspended hope of our citizens, was hailed, and truly hailed as the salvation of our country. Experience has exalted its value, and disclosed more and more its practical excellence. It is worthy the wisdom and labors of its authors, and merits every sacrifice for its preservation. Our history, which preceded its adoption, furnishes us examples, which are caught with admonitions. Our government was humbled and inefficient; our union, a thread; our commerce, unregulated and unprotected; our revenue, nothing; our faith, per-fidy; our credit, bankruptcy; and our privations, the want of every thing. Individuals were embarrassed; grievances complained of; our rulers censured; town and county resolutions published; combinations formed; a non compliance with the law announced; government opposed; property sold for one-third its value; tender laws made; the insolvent imprisoned; and our courts of justice stopped. But government must then be supported, and its laws be respected. Troops were detached; armed men paroled our streets, and we saw them with a joy inspired by the idea of protection and security from the execution of the law, and the energies of its officers. Is the preventative, against all these and worse calamities now to be abandoned, and these and worse ones, to be invoked to afflict us?
Should the northern, the middle, or the southern states; should Virginia, or could Massachusetts, any of her towns, or citizens, dictate measures to Congress, and by opposition, or a convulsed state of things, force their adoption, then indeed would one state have obtained a disastrous triumph over the U. States; and then we should have conquered the union; then should we have prostrated its government, and have trampled under our feet the last reserve of national power. Could the opposition prevail, a part coerce the whole, our rights and our strength would be scattered to the winds; as a nation we should perish; as freemen be lost. Our palladium, our ark, our national bulwarks would be shattered, and be broken to atoms. Then might their fragments float by the licence of our enemies. Then might we single handed, meet the crisis, and buffering the destruction threatened from the deep, conflict with the clouds above, which in angry collision are ready to break on our heads. But this can never be. Society is yet strong. Americans, virtuous and enlightened—Americans, steady and determined, will continue their confidence and their efforts. They will rally around the national constitution, cling to their government, and should it be driven to the edge of a precipice, keep their hold in the extremity of its exit, and sink with it into the awful abyss.
Is it the idea, that there are no dangers? That it can be said, hitherto to shall the excitement come, and no further; and here shall its effects be stayed. Let us not be deceived. This is the prerogative of God alone. Are we ripe; are we prepared to proclaim to a suffering and enslaved world, that unhappy man has made his last despairing effort for the support of a free government? That the most promising experiment has so soon failed? That liberty, the legitimate offspring of law; the favorite child of government, has been expelled its hoped-for resting place, driven from its last retreat, and banished the world? Can we not wait with magnanimous patience, and endure privations a few months longer, and give to government one fair, unimpeded experiment of their measures on foreign nations? Will not the evils and the objections from existing measures lie as strong against non-intercourse, war, or any other arrangement to national defence? Are we ready to surrender all; to export our government with our produce, and to import foreign despotism and foreign goods? The farmer's merchandise, and his ships are in the country. Mine are there, and I would rather sink them, than that government should be sunk. Without government they are not mine, nor personal, nor family protection, nor the opportunity of future acquisitions, or future happiness.
The importance, and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis, has compelled me thus long to dwell upon it; and to hope from the wisdom of our legislature some reconciling expedient, to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens.
WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3. For a continuation of Debate on the Extra Session, see the last page.
It gives us satisfaction to state, that the vessel that so daringly infringed the laws at Providence, as stated in our last, has been seized by and is now in the custody of the revenue officers.
appeared in sight, and continued till she got out of reach. only one ball touched the ship, several who counted the guns, say that 50 shot were fired—they used at the fort 2 long 12's, 2 5's and one 6 pounder, and if they had ever so many guns, they could not have made use of more than they did—The ship passed within 8 or 10 rods of the fort, and as soon as she got out of reach of the guns, the cutter which laid at the wharf, and fired at the ship as she passed, was manned by the soldiers, in addition to her crew, with an intention to board her, but could not overtake her, and with difficulty got back themselves, after picking up the ship's pilot and two men—there were only 17 men with the pilot on board when she went out of the river, and several of them walked on the deck as she passed the fort, apparently with unconcern—one of the soldiers jumped upon the breastwork of the fort, and with a musket took aim at the capt. of the ship, which complement was returned from her, and was the only gun she fired—the departure of the ship by the fort was witnessed by hundreds, 30 sleighs went down from Bath. The new embargo law cannot be enforced in this town."
Joseph Reed, Inspector and Surveyor of the revenue at Thomastown, (Maine) has resigned his office.
At a meeting of the Democratic citizens of North Mulberry Ward, in the city of Philadelphia, on the 28th ult. the following among other resolutions was adopted:
Resolved, That we consider the letter of James Sloan, of N. Jersey, addressed to the citizens of Philadelphia, city and county, through the medium of the tory newspapers, as not only an unwarrantable attempt of a citizen of another state, to interfere with the politics of Philadelphia, but a most base and treasonable attempt to excite rebellion and civil war in this and every other part of the U. States, and that in our opinion the author richly merits a full suit of American homespun from head to foot.
IN SENATE. The bill making appropriations for completing fortifications has passed with a small amendment, and the bill for dividing Indiana territory without amendment. Nothing else material has been done these two days.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Wednesday, Feb. 1. Mr. Holmes from the committee of Claims made a report on the memorial of Thomas Paine, recommending that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his memorial. Laid on the table.
Mr. Harris presented the petition of Mr. McLellan, an old revolutionary soldier; and also a petition of a number of inhabitants of Cayuga county, N. Y. praying for a post road.—Referred.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO AND ISSUING LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISAL. The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on Mr. Nicholson's resolution, Mr. MASON in the chair. The proposition for filling the blank in the resolution with the first day of June still under consideration, was debated till 4 o'clock, when the committee rose.
On the question that the committee have leave to sit again, Mr. Dawson moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject indefinitely. The House adjourned without coming to a decision on the motion.
Thursday, Feb. 3. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. Mr. Bacon called for the consideration of the resolution offered by him on Monday for appointing a joint committee to examine the subject of the petition against the mode in which the late election of Electors of President and Vice-President of the U. States, by the Legislature of the state of Massachusetts, was conducted.
Mr. RANDOLPH wished the resolution to lie on the table, that the members of the house might have an opportunity to take it into their most serious consideration. He said it appeared to him that under colour of a redress of grievances the resolution might go in a very alarming and dangerous manner to enlarge the sphere of action of the general government, at the expence of the dearest rights of the states. In what manner, asked he, is the general government constituted? We, as one of the branches of the Legislature, are unquestionably the judges of our own qualifications and returns. The Senate, the other branch of the Legislature, is in like manner the judge, without appeal, of the qualifications of its own members. But with respect to the appointment of President—on whom is that authority devolved in the first instance? On the electors, who are to all intents and purposes, according to my apprehension, as much the judges of their own qualifications as we are of ours; and it appears to me as competent to the people of any part of this country, to prefer a petition to the electoral college to set aside the returns of any members of Congress as to prefer petitions to this house to set aside the qualifications of Electors. True it is, sir, that for the convenience of the thing, and also for the prevention of cabals and intrigue—such, however, was the intention of this provision; how far it has answered that purpose is another question—the electors assemble in separate divisions in the respective states; but they are to be considered, to all intents and purposes, as a body of men equal in number to the Senate and House of Representatives, charged with the election of the President and Vice-President of the U. States, and judges in the last resort of their own qualifications and returns. If not, they are a mere nullity. Sir, when I rose I had no intention of saying much on the subject; I did not dream that it would be called up—and, to be candid, I did not know that the resolution was on the table. The manner of doing business in the house is so strange and anomalous, that it is impossible for any person to know what will be the subject of debate on any particular day. But it is perfectly in my recollection, and, sir, it must be in yours, the extreme sensation which was produced in this house and throughout the union by a bill introduced into the other house by a member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Ross) touching the election of President and Vice-President of the United States. This is a delicate subject, one which it is agreed on all hands there is no occasion to touch. The election is not only undisputed but indisputable. The constitution has said that each state is entitled to a number of electors equal to the number of its Senators and Representatives, who shall be appointed in such manner as the Legislatures shall prescribe; and if we attempt to put our hands on this power, we might as well, in my apprehension, arrogate to ourselves the appointment of President and Vice-President. If we do away the decision of the Electoral Body, which is as independent of us as we are of them, the constitution is in my opinion verging to its dissolution.
Mr. Bacon said he certainly should consent that the resolution should lie on the table. He said he was himself by no means certain that this House or both Houses had the power of acting on the subject; but he thought it an attention due to the memorials to give them a reference to a select committee. He did not wish to commit himself or the House on the subject, for, he repeated, he was by no means certain of the propriety of the proceeding.
The resolution was ordered to lie on the table.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO, &c. The Speaker declared the motion pending (for indefinite postponement) when the house yesterday adjourned, to be out of order.
The House then again resolved itself into a committee on Mr. Nicholson's resolution for repealing the embargo & issuing letters of marque and reprisal, on the day of.
The question was pending on filling the blank with the first day of June, the fourth of March, or the fifteenth of February.
After a debate for about three hours, the question on filling the blank with the most distant day, the first day of June, was NEGATIVED, Ayes seventy-three, Nots forty.
And the committee then rose, on motion of Mr. Randolph, without taking any other question, 58 to 56, and obtained leave to sit again.
An amendment of the Senate to the bill for appropriating money for fortifications, viz. at Windmill Point, was taken up and disagreed to. Adjourned.
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Musca-del Raisins of superior quality. He has also received from the brig Orozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do Rose Blankets 2 do 6-4 Cloths 7 do Negro Cottons 5 do Flannels 4 do Carpeting 2 do Bucking Haise 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do Dimities 4 Velvets and Cords 2 Shifting Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Tenerife do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Buccellas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea.—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotoni Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice.
Mould, Diply, and Spermaceti Candles, Castile, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper, Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt.
AN ACT to alter the time for the next meetings of Congress. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That after the adjournment of the present session, the next meeting of Congress shall be on the fourth Monday of May next.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate.
JANUARY 30, 1809.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
An act authorising the employment of an additional naval force. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in addition to the frigates now employed in actual service, there be fitted out, officered and manned, as soon as may be, the four following frigates, to wit, the United States, Essex, John Adams, and President; and moreover the President of the United States is hereby authorised and empowered to equip, man, and employ in actual service, so many of the public armed vessels, now laid up in ordinary, and gun boats, as in his judgment the public service may require: and to cause the frigates, and other armed vessels, when prepared for actual service, respectively, to be stationed at such ports and places on the sea-coast as he may deem most expedient, or to cruise on any part of the coast of the United States or the territories thereof.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of carrying the foregoing provision into immediate effect, the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised and empowered, in addition to the number of petty officers, able seamen, ordinary seamen and boys, at present authorised by law, to appoint, and cause to be engaged and employed as soon as may be, three hundred midshipmen, three hundred and six hundred able seamen, ordinary seamen and boys, who shall be engaged to serve for a period not exceeding two years; but the President may discharge the same sooner, if in his judgment their service may be dispensed with. And to satisfy the necessary expenditures to be incurred therein, a sum not exceeding four hundred thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated, and shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN MIDDLETON, President of the Senate pro tempore.
JANUARY 31, 1809.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
THE subscriber having obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington County, District of Columbia, letters of administration on the estate of ABSALOM JOY, late of the said district, deceased.
ALL persons indebted to said estate, are requested to pay the same to me, the subscriber, without delay—and those having claims, are earnestly requested to exhibit them either to the subscriber, or to Dr. John Ott immediately—as those neglecting to exhibit their accounts for more than one week from this date may thereby deprive themselves of receiving so prompt a payment as they otherwise would.
SAMUEL BROOK. Feb. 3—81
Prince George's county court, September term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing of DENNIS M. BURGESS of Prince George's county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he had resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next, is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. C. November 8—w3m
Prince George's county court, September term, 1808.
ON the application by petition in writing of ROBERT M'KAY of Prince George's county, to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several supplements thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he had resided therein the two last years preceding his application, and being also satisfied that the said Robert M'KAY is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged that the said Robert M'KAY be discharged from his imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Robert M'KAY by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer, before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit.
Test JOHN READ MAGRUDER, Jr. C. December 28—w3m
TAMMANY SOCIETY. A STATED Meeting of the Tammany Society will be held at the Council Fire of its Great Wigwam (Lindsay's Hotel) on Friday evening the 3d inst. precisely at the going down of the sun.
By order of the Society, D: SMITH, Sec'y. Washington, Month of Snows 1st. Year of Discovery 317th. 28 (February 1, 1809)

FRIDAY, JAN. 20.
[CONTINUED]
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he rose to make a few observations in relation to his individual conduct on the subject of the supplementary embargo law...
the celebrated resolution of a gentleman from Vermont was broken up for want of a quorum, as I was going home...
have no sting, there is no truth in them. We have been accused of raising a cry of war, talking about going to war...
channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation envigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways to nourish and increase...
ment in this country—and despotism under the garb of monarchy or whatever other name it may assume will occupy its stead.
(Debate to be continued.)
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. THAT the subscriber of Washington County, District of Columbia—has obtained from the Orphan's Court...
TO GLASS MANUFACTURERS. THE Subscriber begs leave to inform those who have or may establish a Glass Manufactory...