The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1809-02-22 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1306.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1809.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on raising the Embargo, and authorising Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
FEBRUARY 3.
Mr. Randolph's amendment under consideration.
Mr. KEY said he had never risen under more embarrassment to address a public body than he now did; for there never was presented to him to act upon before, a subject of so momentous a nature—a subject which involved in its discussion and effects, certainly the best and dearest interests of the country. It seems (said he) if I correctly understood the proceedings of yesterday, that a large majority of this House is determined to repeal the embargo, but that a great diversity of opinion exists as to the measure which is proper to be adopted on its repeal. I confess, sir, I feel gratified in observing that diversity of opinion; for in the collision of contrary sentiment, much good may elicit; when every individual offers to the House his candid views of the subject. And I see in that diversity of sentiment, sir, a pledge of strong attachment to the interests of the country, influencing every member to consult his own breast as to those measures which shall best promote our interest, when the embargo shall be removed—various propositions have been submitted to the committee; but before I examine them I would ask every member of this honorable body, to consult himself to see what is the end proposed, and to consider the means to attain that end—is the end war? Is it to compel France to respect her treaty with us; or to coerce Great Britain to make one? Certainly not. These ideas have not been advanced on this floor. What then do gentlemen contemplate as the end proposed? I hope it is this: that the nation shall be placed, in relation to foreign powers, in the same situation in which it stood, anterior to the passage of the orders and decrees. I wish the ground I mean to occupy in argument, to be distinctly comprehended; and I wish gentlemen would deeply reflect it on raising the embargo, they mean to place themselves in the same position in which they stood, anterior to the causes, which produced the embargo. If this be the end, if this is the object, let the wisdom of this House devise the means most suitable to the accomplishment of that end. It is in vain to call our attention to the course to be pursued, unless we see, and feel, and examine its adequacy to the end proposed. Every honorable member will make up his own mind as to his object; and then consider as to the means necessary to effect it. Some gentlemen talk of war—high and honorable minds, spurning the insults done to the nation, bring into public discussion those feelings so much to be estimated in private life, but which influencing our passions, to a great degree impair our judgements; for however the finer feelings may be the ornament of private life, in legislation the cool exercise of sound reason is more to be desired. A nation's honor, is a nation's happiness—government was instituted for the happiness of the people, and those measures are most wise, and most honorable which best promote and secure it. I shall not speak of war with respect to all those calamities usually consequent on it, for if we are driven into it by imperious necessity, I know that we have firmness enough to breast it, to meet the shock as men ought—but I will make some observations on it, to show gentlemen why I think that the first proposition ought not to prevail as part of our system; and especially as growing out of the feelings which have been expressed.
A large army has been spoken of. If our object be the protection of maritime rights, and securing the enjoyment of the ocean, I ask gentlemen if raising a body of 50,000 men well armed and well disciplined is a measure which in itself can in any means ensure that object? Most assuredly not. But say gentlemen, we can take Canada, and injure one of our enemies by conquering New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. And I ask what then? Greatly gentlemen, to the extent of their wishes; place Canada in our possession; place Halifax in our possession; won, if won, at great cost; and kept, if to be retained, at incessant, and heavy expense—grant all this, I ask gentlemen will it further the object they have in view? Can
a single ship, if the whole continent was in our possession reach an European port in more safety than she now can? Are the means proportioned to the end? Are they adequate to its attainment? I think not. If we are to seize hold of this lever as a political engine to operate on one of our enemies, we must first see the cost, the probability of success, & the certainty of effect when the success is achieved. In defensive war I would compute no cost. If invasion hovered on our shores I would never calculate. Our altars and our firesides must be defended; and the last cent and last drop of blood in the country be cheerfully expended. Not so of offensive war, when it is not for the defence of our altars and our firesides, I would calculate with the precision and coolness of a counting-house. The nation ought to know the cost; we ought to see the object, and, when accomplished, a reasonable ground of belief that it will ensure the end designed. If all America was consolidated into one great power, with all the legions of Napoleon and the funds of France, we should still be, as Napoleon now is, incapable of getting from our own shores. I speak of the means proposed in relation to the end, viz. to protect and enforce our maritime rights. I cannot therefore consent to means inadequate and irrelevant to the end and which we have not the physical force to accomplish. I know the power of this country; I believed it is competent to the reduction of the British provinces. I have very little doubt of it. But if conquered, in what state will they be placed in relation to us? As conquered provinces? Have we a constitutional right so to hold them? Are they to be incorporated as states? No gentlemen wishes or entertains that idea? They will only be held as a stake for the purpose of inducing Great Britain to do justice to us. Would the conquest of those territories have such effect on Great Britain that it would induce her to surrender rights which she deems essential to her existence? She would suffer her provinces to perish before she would abandon maritime claims of much moment. Sir, the possession of these provinces could not in my mind operate as a lever, for what man would not part with a member when his life is at stake? What nation would not lop of an extremity before she would sacrifice a principle which she holds as incorporated with her existence? I ask gentlemen therefore if the conquest of these countries will more than probably produce the effect which they anticipate. Possibly it may not produce that effect. And shall we encounter war for a probable or possible result? For whatever value these provinces might have been to Britain, such has been the singular and rapid succession of events in Europe, that she seems to have received her prosperity and safety from the hand of her most deadly enemy. The attack of Bonaparte on Portugal has so connected her with the Brazils, and his assault on Spain has so identified her with South America; that, whether she be successful or not, Britain finds an indemnity, more than tenfold for what she would lose by our capture of her northern provinces; she will have derived it too from a source which never meant to confer prosperity on her—from her most inveterate enemy. A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Burwell) in a very strong argument (though I differ from him in his conclusions) delivered in a manner the most gentlemanly and decorous to the House and himself, did admit that Great Britain never before stood so high and firm as she does now. The avenues opened to her on the Southern continent will tend very much to the furtherance and increase of her force. And so standing, we ought not to wage offensive war against that country and her provinces in America, unless gentlemen can demonstrate to us that it is our interest to risk their conquest, and when we have expended vast sums in that conquest, to hold them as provinces or to incorporate them as states; unless indeed we consider them as a pledge for her better behavior—a pledge which she will never redeem if she holds to those principles, which all believe she will never abandon. One great right in contest, which we are told by her ministers that she never will cede, is the right to search American vessels for British seamen. Does any rational politician believe that if she considers that practice connected with her existence, she will abandon it to recover out of our hands those provinces which at any moment we can
attain? Surely not, sir—the war will be of a different cast. I do therefore suppose that a measure of this nature, until war becomes necessary and indispensable, ought not to be attempted. There are other causes which should make this nation pause and reflect, before it attempts offensive war. We are an agricultural people, a peaceful people. The bond of our union was mutual defence. We are not constituted with active powers for offensive operations; but we are all-powerful for defensive measures. In a state of war, armies will become necessary; and even when necessary, they are always dangerous to republics. Their shield and safety is a well-regulated militia. I have no doubt, if war is declared, that we shall raise a great force; and if we do, it is war that will jeopardize the independence of the several states. Their security ever exists on a militia officered as the constitution provides, by themselves. Because such a body feels local state attachments, and does not look up to the general government for protection and patronage. An army so constructed only binds more firmly the republics; but a standing army for offensive war goes to shake our republican institutions. I have lately seen what does in my mind excite some jealousy on these subjects, not from any general view of the departments of our government, but in a measure emanating from one department. It shows if danger is to arise, it is not from the states, but from the general government, and not to the general government from the states. By the constitution a state can raise no army or navy, and has no protection but the militia officered by itself—and yet, sir, I have seen a letter from the Secretary of War to the chief magistrates of the different states, not infringing the letter but the spirit of the constitution by prescribing to those governors what officers in the late call for their quota of militia, they shall select. It would properly be the duty of that department to say what number of the militia should form the quota of each state; and I trust our governors have sufficient respect for their states and the union to select officers most competent to command them, without being schooled as to the manner of selection, suggested to them in terms highly exceptionable as printed in the circulars said to have been addressed to the Executives of the different states. They will be careful in their selection of officers, to take such as can be confided in for all purposes. I do not say that improper purposes were intended. Let not gentlemen misunderstand me. I say that the department of war has no right to interfere in any manner whatever with the selection of officers of the militia, which is exclusively confided to the state Executives, who are competent at all times to do their duty.
Another evil grows out of war and a standing army: a vast patronage is placed at the disposition of one man, & I would not, but in a case of absolute imperious necessity, trust any man, even the humblest in society, with the command and patronage of 50,000 men; a power which in republics should never be vested in any man but when war is indispensable, when it is forced upon us. Ambition is awakened by the means of carrying it into effect. The instrument suggests, its own use; and ambition, once awakened, like jealousy, makes the food it feeds on. Iron and stone are two of the most inert and quiescent substances in nature—harmless asunder, but bring them in contact, and the collision elicits fire. So the heart of man and power, are safe when separate, but when united, power is abused by almost an unerring a law of nature as fire is produced from the collision of flint and steel. This state of things, this danger invariably grows out of placing power in the hands of one man, of which examples may readily be cited from ancient and modern times. When Caesar invaded Gaul, when Napoleon was at the military school, in Paris, when Cromwell petitioned Charles for liberty to come to America—these men, in their wanton dreams never dreamt of the guilty and giddy heights to which their ambition ascended. Power was at hand; they seized the ready instrument, a standing army, and history in blood has recorded the consequences. Suppose a state of things to have occurred in 1802, similar to the present—war not forced upon us, but 50,000 raised, the officers appointed by the President. How would the destinies of the nation have been wielded, if Pro-
vidence had taken the President from us? Who would have wielded that force? Aaron Burr—and does any man believe, if that force had been at his disposal, that he would not have crimsoned the Presidential chair with the best blood of the country before he would have left it? I mean no imputation on the present or the future President; I do not believe that we are in military danger from either. But the country that acts wisely will never place in any hands, but in extreme cases, power of such magnitude; and I believe it is a maxim consecrated by ages, "that the people are never in so much danger as when power is placed in the hands of those of whom they have no suspicion." Take history through and you will find it so. But although in the hands of the gentleman now in office or his successor this power might not be abused—and I mean not to impute to them motives which I am sure they do not possess; but a few lives intervene betwixt them and some one we know not whom. How he would wield that force none of us can say? I am confident when Burr was elected to the Vice-Presidency by a constitutional majority of votes, no man then dreamt how he would have abused the power, had death removed the President. My argument then is this; that except in a moment of extremity it is not wise for a republican government to resort to raising an army, because the possession of power begets a disposition to abuse it, which otherwise might never have existed. I would not go to war therefore unless the nation could be satisfied of the certainty of success, and of the effect of such success on such end as they proposed to attain, I am confident, if we had conquered the British provinces and had now embodied an army of 50,000 men, it would in no degree ensure to us the free navigation of the ocean. I have made these observations, because to my mind they have weight in rejecting the second part of the first proposition, which is war—I mean the granting letters of marque and reprisal. It is not general or perfect war; but it is war as far as it goes, and is usually the forerunner and precursor of immediate war. If then that state of things which may endanger our republican institutions is not forced upon us, I would avoid every measure leading to war until it was indispensable. I say nothing of the horrors of it which desolate all Europe. We are as yet a peaceful and as yet a happy people, and I am sure we all feel the strongest desire to add to that happiness. That can be best secured by continuing at peace, certainly not by waging offensive war. Gentlemen may think, sir, that I mean to submit. I do not—I mean to chalk out a plan precisely commensurate with the causes of offence. We are not now on a general question of peace or war; but as to what measure shall be adopted on the removal of the embargo, to obviate those effects against which, it is said, the embargo was intended to secure us. Why was the embargo laid? I do not speak of its effects. Out of what occasion did it grow? Consult the Executive message recommending it. From the decrees of France and orders in council of Great Britain. Was it not to obviate the inconveniences resulting from those measures that the embargo was advised and laid? Remove the embargo then, and what measure do you want? A measure precisely commensurate with the cause for which you laid the embargo—a measure to resist those decrees and orders in council, and place us in the relative situation in which we stood before its adoption. Am I correct in saying that the embargo was not intended or recommended as a war measure? If it was in part an expedient to retaliate on foreign nations for their decrees and orders in council, raise the embargo, because it is found to be inadequate to the end—and what should you substitute in the place of it? A line of conduct commensurate with the causes which produced that measure. The ground I mean to occupy is this: that we are not now debating a measure for the redress of all former evils or injuries which have been heaped upon us by those governments. I do not so understand it; perhaps I am wrong. I ask gentlemen to weigh what I have said, and to say whether, if we remove the embargo, the substitute ought not to be a measure of resistance commensurate with the injury. I am with great candor and sincerity delivering the little all of my mind on this occasion. I ask it to be fairly understood and distinctly viewed, & I would then ask whether the plan
which I shall mark out instead of continuing the embargo, be not the proper substitute, if a substitute must be had. The British have claimed the right of searching our vessels for British seamen. This claim has been the subject of treaty negotiation time after time; it was made the sine qua non of a treaty. The British ministry told you that the nation could not come up to our mark, but that they would make the operation of the principle as little oppressive in practice as they could. Grant for argument sake that this arrangement was not satisfactory as it ought to have been. Do gentlemen mean to adopt a measure to meet that? If so, it must be war and interminable war; for they say they will not abandon it, and we say we will insist on it. I want that, and all other questions to be left open as before, for although our commerce was greatly oppressed and that practice, still it flourished; our country prospered and grew in strength & riches.
The second proposition under consideration, offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) goes too far. I want that it is not up to the war point; but it goes too far for the line of discrimination which I make; because it authorises the resistance of violations of our general neutral rights claimed on our part to be exempted from, and on the part of the British to be enforced. It is in effect with the state of things which existed between the two countries before the decrees and orders in council. I want gentlemen to repeal the embargo because it is not efficacious, and to adopt a measure (if any is to be adopted) which shall be precisely commensurate with it. The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, though not up to the war mark, is too far for the ground which I occupy, that is, to place this country in the same situation in respect to its foreign relations in which it stood when the decrees and orders were passed, to resist which or to cause which to be repealed the embargo was laid. Take it off then and take a substitute which shall be equal with it. I have not heard you called upon to take off the embargo, and adopt a measure to remedy all the evils occurring before it; we should by this act into a state of things which would be war. The House will pause, reflect, ask themselves the point they mean to go back to, and whenever they have made up their minds on that point, accordingly as they determine, they will be for war, or arming our merchant ships to resist seizure, or any other course out of the decrees and orders. This is the line of distinction which I take. It is not difficult to be drawn; we know the diplomatic battle ground antecedent to the orders and decrees. Leave it open to negotiation. Restore us to our ancient state of things. If we were not happy with many rights violated, it was at least more satisfactory than our present situation. And this is precisely what the President recommended—for our minister was authorised to offer to England a repeal of the embargo, on rescinding her orders in council, and this was to produce the anti-embargo state of things. The proposition offered by the hon. gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) yesterday, with a slight amendment, will meet my idea. I do not ask gentlemen to submit when they take off the embargo. They have told the nation that they will not submit—to what? To general violations of our rights? No, sir. The report of our committee of foreign relations was predicated wholly on the decrees and orders in council, and they saw no alternative but submission to them, war or embargo. These are the alternatives growing out of the state of our foreign relations, in the opinion of the committee. I would not keep on the embargo, or declare war; neither would I submit, because if any thing is to be done I would arm our vessels to resist any attempt at search under those orders. I ask gentlemen if this be not an efficacious plan—to arm for the purpose of resisting those decrees and those orders, to cause which to be removed was the reason why they laid the embargo. I do not understand the embargo as having been laid on the principle that it was to coerce England to abandon the right to the impressment of our seamen. I do not understand it as having been laid to produce reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake. All these were conspiring causes which might have led to the laying of it, but they were not avowedly by this measure intended to be redressed. Does any man believe that the embargo was laid to continue till Great Britain should formally abandon the right of impressing her own seamen? The orders and decrees not being repealed by the agency of the embargo, gentlemen say we will not submit to them. Granted: I do not mean it. I mean to resist in terms those decrees, and I mean to make my resistance precisely commensurate with the objects which that measure was designed to attain. I want the substitute if we are to have one to go as far and no further; and in so doing and going no further, I believe we shall act wisely. I think peace may grow out of it; and we shall be restored to that state of things which may probably—I wish to God I could say certainly —be a distant day induce a settlement of our differences. If we go to war on any other grounds, we say that we will fight Great Britain till she comes to our terms. Sir, gentlemen will pause, will consult their pillow, before they go so far; they will leave the door to negotiation open. To me this seems an honorable plan and a fair course calculated to restore our country to peace within. I trust to happiness also, and to a fair adjustment of our differences. I have listened with great attention to every observation on this subject which has fallen from every member on the floor, and have said nothing. But I should be wanting in duty to my country and respect to myself if I did not with as much peremptory as could, simply submit, to the consideration of the House those propositions which I have in my mind connected with the removal of the embargo.

issue—I mean the most probable one which would accomplish our end. I do hope and trust, if the embargo as a measure of coercion was laid, for the purpose of making the decrees and orders, that gentlemen will vote for the repeal of the embargo, and that they will be satisfied with adopting the motion which I have proposed to substitute—unless indeed finding the inefficacy of the measure, they will concur in an unconditional repeal, and make another effort to negotiate, uninterfered by acts that diminish the prospect of success.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 17.
INDIAN TRADE.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures reported a bill supplemental to an act, entitled "An act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes." [The bill appropriates a further sum for continuing the establishment.]—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. D. R. Williams motion of yesterday yet under consideration, viz. to strike out the fourth section of the bill and insert in lieu thereof a provision for laying a discriminatory duty of 50 per cent. on all former duties on goods imported from G. Britain and France.
Mr. Love called for a division of the question, so as to take it first on striking out the section.
Mr. Love offered a number of arguments in opposition to the motion of Mr. Williams. He wished to retaliate the belligerent systems as much as possible, by repeating drawbacks on goods imported from those countries; for although we cannot lay export duties, the repeal of drawbacks would have the same operation. As a permanent peace system he had no objection to adopt some such provision as that proposed by Mr. Williams; but as a substitute for non-intercourse he could not accept it.
Mr. Taylor next spoke for an hour in support of Mr. Williams's amendment. He had been decisively in favor of issuing letters of marque and reprisal immediately on a removal of the embargo. He was totally opposed to the present bill. The House had been charged with passing too many supplementary (embargo) laws for the purpose of resisting foreign aggression; this bill Mr. Taylor said might be considered as "a supplementary bill for carrying into effect the British orders in council"—for it gave the monopoly of our commerce to the British nation under the name of an interdiction of all commerce with her. This however could not be the object of the amendment under consideration, which he liked better than the bill though he did not pledge himself to vote for either. Mr. Taylor noticed in the course of his speech that when this bill came into the House (now in committee) he should move a proposition for immediately issuing letters of marque and reprisal against G. Britain, in order to enter his vote at least in favor of it.
Mr. Bibb next took the floor. He accorded perfectly with the sentiments expressed by Mr. Taylor. He looked at the bill on the table with humiliation and astonishment; for he considered it as involving a submission to the belligerent edicts. He was in favor of a further continuance of the embargo, at least until June. If the embargo was repealed he was for war; and in that war he had no idea of entering into a tripartite contest—an idea which he treated as absurd. He was for choosing his enemy, and felt no hesitation in saying, that he should be for declaring war against that enemy, whom we could reach, and who had injured us most. He thought that the people of the U. S. ought to hurl from their seats in the House, every man who had originally voted for the embargo, and should now vote for a removal of it, without any efficient substitute—and he believed they would do it. Although opposed to any half-way measure, he preferred the amendment under consideration to the original bill, and should therefore vote for it.
Mr. Wright followed Mr. Bibb, in debate. He declared the sentiments which had fallen from the two gentlemen last up. He was in perfect coincidence with his own. He was wholly opposed to the bill, and gave reasons for that opposition. He commented upon Mr. Quincy's project of yesterday. "The gentleman really appears to be gifted with the spirit of prophecy (said Mr. T.)—an excellent modern prophet. Modern prophets are distinguished from the ancients, sir, only as being instrumental in verifying their own predictions. The gentleman told you—some time ago that you could not stand to your embargo—I believe he went so far as to say that you dare not—he foretold you with rebellion if you did. With sir, it seems you cannot stand to it. When you was last up (yesterday) he gave you a project; his side to be sure was not so impious as it usually is; but reject the establishment of the "black cloud" and the "tempest" which accompanied it, and it will become imperative. If he talks much more about his "black cloud," sir, I am afraid you will come into all his measures, repeal all you have done, and make humble supplication at the foot of his Britannic majesty for peace." In another part of his observations (Mr. Troup said) "What is your situation now, sir? No man could say it with more regret or more pain than myself, but I do it from a sense of high and indispensable duty—pressed without by a foreign enemy, and with by a domestic faction within, perhaps annihilated by the gold of that enemy, the great Legislature of the union is yielding to the pressure of a faction and count-racing every thing, even the interest and certainly the wishes of a great majority of the American people—distracting the public mind with a variety of propositions undigested & almost without object." Mr. Troup condemned the proposed non-intercourse system as submission without even money in return for it. He spoke about half an hour.
Mr. D. R. Williams expressed his surprise that no gentleman attempted to defend the bill or oppose his amendment, which he supported. In point of revenue, his amendment would secure some, whilst the bill as it stood would destroy three-fourths of the revenue of the United States, and raise the price of foreign articles to the consumer, without a possibility of carrying it into effect, so as to exclude foreign goods. Although wholly opposed to any thing else than war or embargo, believing any thing else to be submission, he had offered his amendment as the least of two evils; or he believed that it would secure at least profitable submission. "I am for war (said he)—
the people south of the Delaware are for war; but you have been humbled into an acknowledgement of the truth of the declaration, that you cannot be kicked into a war, because the Eastern people will not follow you." Mr. W. spoke half an hour.
Mr. W. Alston observed that he thought that the amendment under consideration proposed a system which would be at least as difficult to execute as a non-intercourse. He was himself in favor of a continuation of the embargo; but as a majority seemed to be disposed partially to repeal it, he was willing to take the non-intercourse system till the next meeting of Congress. He thought it probable that Great Britain might retaliate the system of increasing the duties; and that it would be better at once to interdict intercourse.
Mr. Love replied to Mr. Williams. He considered the non-intercourse as having more of resistance in it, by avoiding any connection with those nations which had injured us, than the proposition of the gentleman from South-Carolina. It had been objected to the bill that it was a threat. Mr. Love thought no language or measure could be too strong; and he had no objection to the measure being considered in that light. He too had been in favor of war; but as a majority was not in favor of that, he would take the next strongest measure he could get.
Messrs. Milnor, Lyon and Cook also spoke in favor of the amendment offered by Mr. Williams.
Mr. Milnor suggested the repeal of the non-importation act also, as a measure inefficient in itself, being daily evaded.
The question was then taken on striking out the 4th section in order to insert Mr. D. R. Williams's amendment; which was NEGATIVED 53 to 47. Mr. W's. motion of course was negatived.
Some further progress was made in the bill; when the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again.
expressly admitted that the orders in council were not intended to retaliate on France, but, under cover of such retaliation, to retaliate on the United States for the non-importation law. He suggested to him that there was an evident inconsistency in his remarks at the two different times. Mr. Burwell entered at some length into a view of the orders and decrees in reply to Mr. Gardener. He regretted to hear in the debates of the House so much of foreign countries and so little of our own. If there was anything in the world that could give him sincere pleasure, it would be the union of all parties in the great work of resistance to foreign oppression; that all should be American in language & sentiment as well as in name. Divided as the nation now was, it was as feeble as if there was not a man in the country. As long as they legislated on suspicion of one another it was impossible they should prosper. Mr. B. said that the bill now under consideration was not palatable to him, though he liked it better than any of the amendments which had been offered. Mr. B. spoke near an hour.
Mr. Masters commented with some severity on the observations of Mr. Gardener. He rebuked him for his defence of the British orders in council, which he had never expected to have heard attempted to be justified on the floor of Congress. Mr. M. was not partial to the bill. The committee then rose and reported the bill. The House adjourned without considering the report.
MONDAY, FEB. 20.
The House met this day according to order, at ten o'clock.
INVALID PENSIONERS.
On motion of Mr. Holmes, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Cutts in the Chair, on the bill concerning Invalid Pensioners; which being gone thro', was reported to the House, and ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House took up the report of the committee of the whole, on the bill for interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. Masters proposed a new section to the bill, declaring that the bill shall be in force till the end of the next session of Congress and no longer; and that the embargo shall be repealed at that time. On the suggestion of Mr. Randolph, Mr. M. withdrew his motion for a time; and
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out so much of the 12th section of the bill as makes exceptions to the general removal of the embargo.
Mr. Bibb made a motion which superseded Mr. Randolph's, viz. to strike out the whole section, so as to keep on the embargo, in its present situation.
Mr. Randolph opposed this motion, and advocated the repeal of the embargo in a speech of about an hour and a half in length, embracing the subject of our foreign relations generally. He treated the idea of a partial repeal of an embargo as absurd; he might as well say he would partially pull the House over his head as that he would partially repeal an embargo. After vessels were permitted to go out they would chuse their course. He conceived that the embargo must be wholly repealed, and indeed the proposition partially to repeal it evinced the existence of a conviction in the House, that it must be gotten over in some way or other. Mr. R. spoke at large of the disastrous consequences which he conceived to have been produced by the embargo, and which should operate as reasons for its repeal. He considered the embargo system to be one which, like a barrel, derived all its value from its being water tight; if they began to drill holes in its bottom, no matter of what diameter, it would lose any value it might have had. He spoke of the operation of the measure on our revenue, and deprecated its effects, if continued, on the treasury; which, when exhausted, must be replenished by excise or land taxes—neither of which would comport with the principles upon which the present administration had come into office. Mr. R. also examined at some length the policy of the additional duty bill which passed the House a few days ago, and which he disapproved.
Mr. Macon replied to some of the arguments of Mr. Randolph and of other gentlemen on the subject of the embargo. He was decidedly of opinion that it ought still farther to be continued. Now was the time for continuing it until September, unless it sooner produced an effect. If we went into a war we must in a short time be thrown on the side of one of the belligerents; and he wanted no entangling alliances with either. He said that this nation was now contending for its very existence. He had not, it was true, been in favor of the increasing duties on imports 50 per cent. but put that bill in competition with the tax which Britain had laid on our exports, (which we ourselves had not a right to tax) and all comparison ceased. The tax laid by Great Britain alone on our exports amount-
coercive effects of the measure, inasmuch as produce would be let out, and would find its way to every quarter of the world. Mr. V. observed that were the amendment agreed to, he should be ready to go with gentlemen in any other practicable measure which they would select for maintaining our rights.
The motion of Mr. Milnor was negatived, 57 to 53.
The question having been put that the committee rise and report the bill—
Mr. Gardener rose in opposition to it. He lamented the situation of the country, which he depicted as gloomy to the extreme. If the measures now contemplated and apparently about to be adopted, were persisted in, the country must be utterly ruined. He conceived that the measures of interdiction could not operate on France, unless to make her rejoice. "There is therefore (said he) in the introduction of words "and France" into our resolutions and statutes a cruel and solemn mockery, for my abhorrence of which I can find no expression." "Words might disguise the substance; but it was right to rise superior to them when it was ascertained that the effect of the system was to support Bonaparte in that system of commercial warfare, by which alone he could ever hope to destroy England, who was at this moment the only barrier betwixt him and the dominion of the whole earth." Mr. G. said that the great cause of complaint now against England was the orders in council. He thought it unfortunate that such was the irritation in this House on the subject that they had never received that serious consideration to which they were entitled. He entered into an examination of the orders in council, which he believed & went into an argument to prove that G. Britain had the right to issue. He contended that during the existence of the Berlin decree the U. S. could not with honor have traded to France, and thus that the orders in council, only declared that the U. S. should not do that which they could not do, because they could not honorably do it. He did not say that the orders were lawful, or that they were no infringement of our rights as a neutral nation, as it might offend the prejudices of the House. "But I may be permitted to say (observed he) that if they were unlawful, I have proved that they are not harmful; that the British orders in council only supplied to that which our sense of honor would lead us to do, their sanction."
In regard to the subject of tribute, Mr. G. said that to the British orders we could not trade (honorably) to France, and therefore this paying tribute for going to a place where we could not go was merely ideal. "If you had got to that pitch (said he) that after such a decree you could trade to France, it would be a disgrace, and you could not be more disgraced by touching at a British port to commence it. I think it perfectly fair in G. Britain that, if you were determined to disgrace yourselves, she should say that you should first touch at that island." Mr. G. again dwelt at great length on the power of the Gallic emperor, and insinuated that this bill would meet his wishes. He wished to know why in this House there were no expressions of abhorrence of that power which had destroyed all the nations of the earth. "Although I do not believe in French influence (said he) yet there is in this House an animosity to and hatred of G. Britain that makes us go into French measures by repulsion as effectually as it could do by attraction." Considering G. Britain as the only barrier betwixt us and universal dominion, he asked gentlemen "whether it would not be good policy, considering too that we had very little, if any, cause of quarrel with G. Britain, to preserve the barrier as it was, instead of attempting to weaken or destroy it, and overwhelm ourselves in its ruin?" Mr. G. next turned his attention to the bill before the House, which he conceived to be a weak and imbecile measure. He said that it savored more of an expedient to serve appearances, to keep the public on tip-toe, than to subserve the essential interests of the nation. Mr. Gardener spoke about two hours.
Mr. Parton replied to some of the observations of Mr. Gardener, whose sentiments and premises he believed to be erroneous, and therefore his conclusions were incorrect. He spoke of the various proclamations of blockade by Great Britain preceding the Berlin decree, which were at least as good ground for retaliation by France as the French decree was for retaliation by Great Britain. As to having no cause of quarrel against Great Britain, Mr. V. expressed his astonishment at hearing such sentiments avowed by any gentleman on this floor, and protested against it. He believed it to be the determination of the governments of Europe to press us till we should yet be compelled to take the last resort, however desirous we might be to avoid it.
Mr. Burwell called the attention of Mr. Gardener to a speech which he made a few weeks ago, in which he
to more annually (supposing the usual exports) than all the taxes levied in the United States by corporations, parishes, counties, states and the general government all put together. And this he would resist, to the utmost; and because he would exist if he was opposed to the present bill, as it would at once destroy the effect of the embargo. Mr. Macon spoke about an hour.
Mr. Holland followed on the same side of the question. He had originally voted against the embargo, because he believed it premature; but he was decidedly of opinion, that when it was imposed, some time would be necessary to try its effects as a coercive measure. He believed that the United States generally sacrificed at least enough of their happiness to the commercial interest; but having taken this ground, he wished to maintain it. And although he was not inclined to favor exclusively external commerce, yet in favor of our indisputable rights on the ocean, he would go to war when efforts for peace failed. He was in favor therefore of a further continuance of the embargo, and replied to many arguments against it. He lamented the propensity that existed amongst gentlemen, because they could not obtain a favorite object in life, to set their faces against every thing else. Thus one gentleman in the other branch of the legislature, because he had been removed from office some years ago, thought every thing had since gone wrong. One in this House might think the same, because he had not been able to obtain an office; another because he could not move the seat of government, &c. &c. Mr. H. said he firmly believed nevertheless that it was happy for the United States that the one was removed, another disappointed in an office, and that the seat of government was in its old place. The reasons operating with those gentlemen had no effect on him. He was for pursuing a direct course and adhering to the embargo, till its effect was fully tested. Mr. Holland spoke about an hour.
Mr. Wynn moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject. Negatived.
On motion of Mr. Taylor the House adjourned about four o'clock, without taking a question.
(Debate in detail hereafter.)
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 21.
The House was the whole of this day engaged on the bill for interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
The question on Mr. Bibb's motion for striking out the 12th section of the bill, the effect of which motion would have been to continue the embargo wholly, was (after debate) taken by Yeas and Nays as follows:—
YEAS—Messrs. Bard, Bissett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clay, Copeland, Deane, Desha, Franklin, Holland, Holmes, Howard, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Macon, Marion, J. Montgomery, Mr. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Porter, Rea, (Pen.) Say, Smilie, Stanford, Taylor, Troup, Verplanck, Whartn, D. R. Williams—53. NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Barker, Blake, Boyd, Brown, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, Elliott, Epps, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Gardner, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Hartshorne, Heister, Hoge, Humphreys, Isley, Jenkins, Jones, Kelly, Key, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Moseley, Mumford, Nichols, Pugh, Quincy, Randolph, Rhea, (Ten.) M. Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sawyer, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Steedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Tazewell, Tullmadge, Thompson, Trigg, Updegraff, Van Alstyne, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Wilbour, M. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson—52.
A motion to strike out of the same section the words "so much of the"—the effect of which would be wholly to repeal the existing embargo, was (after debate) negatived as follows:—
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Bacon, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Elliott, Ely, Gardener, Gardner, Garnett, Harris, Hoge, Isley, Key, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Masters, Milnor, Moseley, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, S. Smith, Steedman, Sturges, Tullmadge, Taylor, Trigg, Updegraff, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, and D. R. Williams—47.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Bissett, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clay, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Epps, Findley, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Heims, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, John G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Lambert, Love, Macon, Marion, M'Creery, Daniel Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Newton, Nichols, Porter, Pugh, Rea, Rhea, J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Swart, Tazewell, Van Alstyne, Verplanck, Whartn, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, A. Wilson, and N. Wilson—75.
A motion was made by Mr. Tazewell, to strike out of the same section

the words "the 4th day of March" and insert "the 1st day of June" as the day on which the embargo should be partially repealed.
It being past 8 o'clock, and the House having been in session near 8 hours, adjourned without taking a question on Mr. Gholson's motion.
Previous to adjournment the bill from the Senate on this subject was received.
(Further notice of this day's proceeding in our next.)
Boston, Feb. 15.
The following article was received on Monday in a letter from Halifax, by the Tilton, copied from a Newfoundland paper.
St. John's (Newfoundland)
Dec. 29, 1809.
"On Saturday the brig Elizabeth arrived here in 23 days from Lisbon. He reports that on the evening before he sailed news reached Lisbon of a general battle between the united British and Spanish army, & the French; that the latter was defeated, with the loss of 5000 killed; the loss of the former being 2000 killed, of whom we are sorry to learn was Sir David Baird. Our troops distinguished themselves; and much praise was bestowed on the 20th light dragoons for their gallantry in the action."
Capt. Percival, who arrived here on Monday, from Cadiz, in Spain, via the Vineyard, informs, that he left Cadiz the 6th Dec. when they had not heard of a junction between the British & Spanish forces; that it was generally believed the French were advancing into Spain; and that General Blake had been compelled to retreat; that it was not known that any decisive battle had taken place, though there had been much hard fighting; that the Spaniards still continued favorable to the system of warfare recommended by their Junta; that of harassing their enemy and retreating, rather than risk great battles; that the spirits of the nation continued good; that it was apparent to any one resident in Cadiz, that the Spaniards were well united; and that a determination pervaded all ranks, to emancipate their country, or perish in the struggle; that there was not the least appearance of the existence of a Gody (Prince of Peace) party; on the contrary, that a man's life would be in danger who should utter a word in favor of that traitor; that there were rumors of divisions in Spain, it was impossible from appearances in Cadiz to credit them; and that Barcelona still held out against the patriots. A letter from Valencia (which is in the vicinity of Barcelona) of the 25th November, says, "The French are about evacuating Barcelona." If this be true, they must have been starved out.
Extract of a letter dated Cadiz, December 5.
"Private letters received this morning mention the discovery of a conspiracy. In consequence of which, twenty-one persons have been hanged at Madrid. Count de Tilly is one of those engaged in it. The business however was timely quashed, and perhaps may be considered a fortunate circumstance, as it will give the Junta more power, and render them more circumspect. 8000 French who had approached within 20 leagues of the capital, relying on the success of the negotiation, have been cut off. Their intention was to have seized on the Junta, and to have put the President, Florida Blanca to death. Every exertion is making to fortify Madrid—all classes—ladies of the highest rank—work on the fortifications."
Charleston, Feb. 10.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Havana, to his correspondent in this city, dated January 26, received by the Diana.
"I am truly sorry to inform you that by the arrival yesterday of the ship Fortune from Liverpool (which place she left the 20th ult.) the news from Spain is of a very disagreeable nature. Bonaparte is at the head of his armies, which appear to be victorious in all directions; he has separately beat Castanos, Blake, and the marquis Romana, all of whom seem to be retreating towards Madrid, as do the English (who have not yet come into action) under Sir John Moore, Baird, and Hope. How all this has happened I cannot conceive, for our numbers ought to be four times as great as the French but they had not concentrated their forces, and this man (who is the Devil himself) has taken advantage of it, and in his usual way, has beaten them in detail, one after another. One of his bulletins says, that he is within sight of Madrid, and I should not be surprised to learn that he had taken it. The London papers reach to the 17th December."
Translated for the Courrier, from the Havana Aurora of the 28th Jan. London, Dec. 13. —The government has published the following declaration upon the negotiation proposed by the Spaniards:
"The proposals made by the governments of Russia and France have not terminated in any negotiation; and as the correspondence is concluded, his majesty thinks it immediate to make public the result. The usual appearance of a negotiation, and seeing that it was absolutely impossible to obtain a peace, would only be advantageous to the enemy. It would offer France an opportunity to sow discord and jealousy in the councils of those who are united to resist oppression, and the illusive prospect of a peace between G. Britain and France could only be prejudicial to those nations which grow under the tyranny of French alliance, or those which preserve a vacillating and precarious independence, if among them there should be one which actually is wavering between the inevitable ruin of a prolonged inactivity, and the consequent risks of an effort to liberate itself. These proposals would hold out the vain hope that they might be permitted to renew their tranquility, or would alarm them with the fear of remaining alone in the contest. His majesty was fully persuaded that this was the principal object of France in the proposals that were made to him from Erfurth, at a time when such terrible consequences would result from the decision of peace or war, both from its importance and the uncertainty of the result. His majesty saw the necessity of investigating, if it were possible, the views and designs of the enemy. It was difficult for his majesty to believe that the emperor of Russia should so blindly have delivered himself up to the violence and ambition of that power, with whom his imperial majesty has unfortunately allied himself; that he should be disposed to assist openly in the usurpation of the Spanish monarchy, and to acknowledge and defend the rights which France has arrogated to herself; to depose and imprison the royal family, and to compel them by force to transfer to her the oath of fidelity of an independent nation; therefore, when it was proposed to his majesty to enter into a negotiation for a general peace, in concert with his allies, and to treat either on the basis of the Uti possidetis , which until now has been a subject of so many disputes, or on any other basis whatever, compatible with justice, honor, and equality; his majesty determined to oppose to this feigned candor and moderation, a candid real and sincere on his part. His majesty declared he was ready to enter into the negotiation in concert with his allies, and therefore communicated to them immediately the proposals which he had received. But as his majesty was not leagued with Spain by a formal treaty of alliance, he judged it necessary to declare, that the engagements which he had contracted in the face of the world with that nation, he considered not less sacred nor less obligatory on his majesty, than the most solemn treaties; that his majesty would negotiate in concert with the Spanish government, in the name of his catholic majesty Ferdinand the VII. The answer given by France to this proposal of his majesty discovered immediately the veil which was used to cover its schemes, and showed, at once, the arrogance and injustice of that government. To the Spanish nation in general they have applied the degrading title of Spanish insurgents, and the demand of the admission of the Spanish government as a party in the negotiation, was thrown aside as inadmissible and insulting! His majesty has received with as much astonishment as sorrow, the answer of the emperor of Russia; and although to the same effect, is less indecorous in its tone and manner. He characterises as an insurrection, the glorious efforts of the Spanish people in favor of their legitimate sovereign, and in defence of the independence of their country; and has sanctioned by the authority of his imperial majesty, an usurpation which has not its equal in the history of the world. His majesty would have readily embraced the opportunity of a negotiation that would have presented some hope or prospect of a peace compatible with justice and honor. His majesty regrets extremely any thing which will aggravate and prolong the sufferings of Europe; but neither the honor of his majesty, nor the generosity of the British nation will permit him to commence a negotiation by abandoning a loyal and brave people, who are fighting for the preservation of all that is most dear to men, and whose efforts, in a cause so notoriously just, his majesty has obligated himself most solemnly to support."
Westminster, Dec. 15th, 1809
The Editor of the Havana Aurora cautions his readers against giving full credit to the reports which were in circulation of the disastrous state of the patriotic cause in Spain. The accounts which were published in the London papers on the 12th Dec. he says, were copied from the French Bulletins, and therefore must be received with great allowance. He adds, the success of the French is always exaggerated and very often is totally unfounded. It is within the recollection of every person, that at the mo-
ment when Dupon was surrendering his army to the victorious patriots, the French official papers, were filled with accounts of his successes, against Spanish insurgents as they arrogantly called them.
For our own parts, however, we see there is too much reason to believe these accounts of the success of the French to be correct.
The same paper contains a statement of the patriotic forces in Spain: Gen. Castanos' army is composed of 18 000 men; General Palafox 75,000; the Marquis de la Romana 90,000, and an army of reserve of 140,000 men.
New-York, Feb. 18. —In corroboration of the news of the capture of Caenne, we learn by the passengers in the Matilda from Antigua, that Sir Sidney Smith commanded the British squadron in the reduction of that place—and that he had lately arrived there from Brazil.
They also inform, that the information of the defeat of the French by the English near Madrid, was generally credited at Antigua, dispatches with the accounts having been received there for the admiral.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 22.
PUBLIC MEETING.
At the instance of a respectable number of citizens, a meeting of the citizens of Washington is requested on Saturday next, at five o'clock P. M. at Lindsay's Hotel, or the purpose of considering the propriety of presenting an address to THOMAS JEFFERSON, previous to his departure from this place, expressive of their sentiments.
The following are the extracts of letters, read by Mr. Troup in the House of Representatives, received from gentlemen of the first respectability in Georgia.
"For six or eight months last past, there has been an extensive scene of smuggling carrying on between the United States and Florida. Upwards of twenty large cargoes of provisions, cotton and timber have sailed from Amelia Island for Britain and her possessions. There is at this moment, near twenty sail of British vessels in the waters falling into St. Mary's river; all of them loading with timber, naval stores, cotton and provisions. Most of these vessels are strongly armed—several of them mount 20 guns. In addition to this, I frequently receive correct information of armed vessels being at anchor on our coast receiving cargoes from our base unprincipled inhabitants and foreign speculators. If some method cannot be fallen on, to put a stop to this smuggling trade, there is no use in keeping the embargo on. For through the channel of the Floridas the English will receive important supplies. East Florida in itself, is equal to furnishing Britain with a very considerable quantity of naval stores, such as tar, turpentine and resin; and many people in that province are now engaged in that business. Great Britain will not feel the loss of her trade to the Baltic in its full extent—if she can keep an open trade (as at present) with Florida. From thence she can have the best of pine timber, live oak, and red cedar for her navy—boards, staves and shingles for her islands. These things in my humble opinion call for the attention of our government."
"In case of a war with either, or both, of the belligerent powers, I am of opinion that it would be a wise measure in the United States to take immediate possession of the Floridas to prevent the English having a footing there; or drawing of the supplies they so much want for their navy, &c."
"You can readily form a judgement of the wants of the British, from the encouragement they give in Florida; and the enormous prices to obtain these supplies. The following are the ready money prices at Amelia—Sea Island cotton 70 to 75 cents per pound—Up country cotton (short staple) 40 cents, flour 15 dollars, rice 7 dollars per cwt. tar and turpentine 12 to 15 dollars per barrel, pine timber squared 12 dollars per thousand feet superficial measure—the price heretofore 6 dollars."
"You would be astonished could you take a peep at Amelia river. No less than seven ships, two brigs, &c. at anchor in it. All English. The fish, who never saw any thing larger than an eight-oared canoe, are in vast consternation."
"The vessels are carrying away lumber, tar, and what not. Cotton they are able to procure. They give a high price for those articles—62 1-2 cents per lb. for the cotton is common, and 75 cents were offered for a good and large lot."
"In one of the vessels which arrived last from Liverpool, the Jane of 22 guns and 60 men, Mr. Swartwout, the friend of col. Burr, was a passenger. I am told he says col. Burr will return to the United States in May next."
SENATE U. S.—FEB. 20.
Mr. Giles offered the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expe-
dency of amending the act, entitled "An act to establish the Judicial Courts of the U. States," in such a manner, as that the Circuit and District Courts of the U. S. shall be subjected to and be regulated by the law of the several states in which they shall be held, which are now in existence, or may be hereafter enacted, regulating the issuing of process, the proceedings thereon, and the suspension thereof: Provided , the same shall not extend to process on behalf of the U. S.
[This resolution was the next day considered, and referred to Messrs. Giles, Bayard and Anderson.]
Mr. Franklin, with leave presented a bill freeing from postage all letters and packets to Thomas Jefferson.
[This bill was the next day ordered to a third reading.]
The bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain and France, and their dependencies, was read the second time.
Mr. Reed moved to strike out of the 11th section the following words: "And to cause to be issued, under suitable pledges and precautions, letters of marque and reprisal against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the U. S."
Decided in the negative, Yeas 11, Nays 14.
YEAS. Messrs. Condit, Franklin, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Mathewson, Parker, Pickering, Reed, and Sumner.
NAYS. Messrs. Anderson, Crawford, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Milledge, Moore, Robinson, Smith, Md. Smith, N. Y. Smith, Ten Penn, and Turner.
The bill, after undergoing some amendment, was ordered to a third reading.
Feb. 21.
The bill making provision for the further accommodation of the household of the President of the U. States, was read a third time and passed.
This bill appropriates 14,000 dollars, in addition to the proceeds of such furniture as may be sold.
The bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States, and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes, was read a third time.
General Smith of Md. and Mr. Giles supported, and Messrs. Lloyd and Hillhouse opposed it.
At about 5 o'clock the final question was taken on the passage of the bill, and carried—Yeas 21—Nays 12.
This bill differs in some important respects from that pending before the House of Representatives, and contains the following important provision:
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted , That the President be, and he hereby is authorised, in case either France or Great Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, to declare the same by proclamation; after which the trade of the United States, suspended by this act, and by the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed with the nation so doing; and to cause to be issued under suitable pledges and precautions, letters of marque and reprisal, against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States.
Hartford, (Con.) Feb. 15. —His excellency Gov. TRUMBULL has issued his notices, to convene the Legislature of the State, in this city on the 23d of this inst. F. B.
PUBLIC SALE.
WILL be sold on Saturday the 25th inst. at the house of the subscriber in F street, City of Washington, part of the estate of Maurice Gribbin, deceased, consisting of several articles of plain and japanned tin ware, mould and dipped candles, bed and bedding, shawls, handkerchiefs, stockings, several articles of wearing apparel, mustard & snuff in bottles, an excellent theodolite, &c. Terms to be made known on the day of sale.
All those indebted to the said estate are requested to settle and pay the same to me, on or before the first day of April next, or I shall put their accounts in the hands of a proper officer for collection.
NICHOLAS CALLAN
Administrator of the said M. Gribbin. Feb. 22—2.
State of Maryland, in Chancery, February 4, 1809.
ORDERED, That the sale of certain lots, in the city of Washington, made and reported by Edward S. Baird as trustee in a suit in this court by the executors of M. Lewis and Edward Baird, against Morris, Nicholson and others, be ratified and confirmed, unless cause to the contrary be shown on or before the 15th March next, provided a copy of this order be inserted three successive weeks before that time in the National Intelligencer.
The report states, that the said lots which are therein particularly described, were sold for thirteen thousand dollars.
True copy—Test, NICHOLAS BREWER, Reg. Cur. Can. Feb. 22—w3t.
WILL BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION,
ON Monday the 27th inst. at 12 o'clock, at Mr. David Dobbins, at the Navy Yard, 3000 weight of GOOD CHEESE—The terms of sale made known on the day of sale—if the above day should be rainy the next fair day.
S. SPEAKE, Auc.
Feb. 22—3t.
MUSEUM.
It may be safely said, that to curiosity mankind is indebted for the greatest proficiency that has been made in the various branches of science. Natural history, perhaps of all others, is the most entertaining, useful and improving. As there is no way better calculated to encourage and promote this important part of erudition, than by collecting the curiosities and wonders of nature together, (by which an opportunity is afforded the student of Natural History, to inspect with the eye the precise object of his study, which has a tendency to render it more edifying and fascinating, and particularly as every individual will be enabled to examine the various animals, and plants of creation), it becomes every man either a friend to learning or curiosity, to contribute as far as in his power, to the completion of so laudable an institution as a Museum.
Since the first dawn of science it has been the summit of ambition in all the principal cities and towns in Europe, to collect rare and uncommon articles, and to arrange them in such a manner as to give entire satisfaction to the curious, and afford a never failing source of information to the character whose object is improvement. It may also be said with justice, that many of our own towns and cities, have manifested a degree of ambition and industry in the promotion of similar institutions, little short of that displayed by the proudest and most ancient cities in Europe.
The City of Washington being the metropolis of a nation of people so free, great and enlightened; so inquisitive and scientific, whose thirst for polite literature is upon a footing with that of any nation; and whose improvement in the arts and every branch of learning, considering their infancy, surpasses that of any nation, which now, or ever did exist, ought certainly to be that nation's literary reservoir.
We have waited some time in anxious expectation, and with a most sanguine hope, it would have commanded the attention of our national legislature; but we have waited in expectation, and hoped in vain. We therefore have undertaken in our individual capacity, by the solicitations of our friends, and their promises to assist us in the commendable undertaking, to commence such an establishment; and are happy to say that the connection we have made, and the assistance we have received from our friends, have already far surpassed our most flattering expectations. We yet indulge a hope, that our legislature will, as has ever been the case in all countries and states, when they learn its flourishing state stretch forth their fostering arm.
Those gentlemen and ladies who feel disposed to favor the institution, by sending on such articles as they may be in possession of; if they are deemed an acquisition to the Museum, will have the favor greatly acknowledged by the proprietors. If any gentleman or lady will put themselves to the trouble of procuring any articles for the above purpose, the favor shall be doubly acknowledged. Those who send on presents to the Museum, will be good enough at the same time to favor us with their names, to be recorded in a book for the purpose, as a commemoration of the act.
Doctor William M. Williams at the Navy Yard, or Mr. Thomas Carberry, near the Navy Yard gate, will receive and attend to any communications that may be made.
A number of Stockholders having observed that Mr. John C. Bratner has offered himself as Secretary to the Manufacturing Company and as he at present holds two offices (according to his own statement) wish to recommend THOMAS CARPENTER to fill said office as Secretary.
THE subscribers to the "Manufacturing Company of the City of Washington and district of Columbia," are requested to meet at LINDSAY'S Hotel on the 22d inst. to elect by ballot nine directors and a secretary agreeably to the "articles of association."
The election to commence at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, and to close at 3 o'clock in the evening.
By order of the committee. CHARLES MINNIE, Chairman. TAMMANY SOCIETY.
A Special meeting of the Tammany Society, will be held at the Council Fire of their Great Wigwam (Lindsay's Hotel) on Friday evening the 24th day of the present "month of snows," precisely at the going down of the sun.
By order of the Grand Sachem, B. SMITH, Sec.
Month of Snows, the 23d, year of discovery 317th, (Feb. 22, 1809.)
A COACHEE FOR SALE.
WILL be sold on Friday the 24th inst. at 10 o'clock in the morning, at Long's Hotel, Capitol Hill, a LIGHT COACHEE in complete order, with harness for a pair of horses.
S. SPEAKE, Auc.
Feb. 22—2t. NAVY YARD INFANTRY VOLUNTEERS.
AT 11 A. M. T. DAY!
A meeting of the Company will be held at the house of Lieut. DAVID DOBBINS, on Wednesday evening next the 22d inst. at half past six o'clock on business of importance. It is expected that every member will attend.
JOSEPH GASTIN, S. M.
Feb. 22—1.

[BY AUTHORITY.]
An Act to revise and continue for a further time, the authority of the commissioners of Kaskaskia.
B Ell enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That the powers heretofore vested in the register and receiver of public monies for the district of Kaskaskia, be, and the same are hereby revived; and the said register and receiver shall be allowed until the first day of January next, to complete the investigation of claims to land in said district; they shall have full power to revise any of their former decisions, and also the same power and authority in relation to claims to land in the village of Piasa, as they have in relation to other claims in the said district; and the said register and receiver, and the clerk of the board, shall each be allowed an additional compensation of five hundred dollars in full for his services in relation to such claims.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN. MILLEDGE, President of the Senate pro tempore. February 15, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
An act to incorporate a Company for opening the Canal in the city of Washington.
B Ell enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That Robert Brent, Samuel N. Smallwood, Daniel Carroll of Duddington, John Law, William Brent, Frederick May, Elias B. Caldwell, James D. Barry, Griffith Coombe, and George Blagden, or any five of them be, and they are hereby appointed commissioners to open, or cause to be opened, a book for receiving and entering subscriptions for raising a capital stock not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, in shares of one hundred dollars each, for the purpose of opening the canal to communicate from the Potomac river to the Eastern Branch thereof, through a part of the city of Washington, and that one month's notice be given in one of the newspapers printed in Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, of the time and place of opening the said subscription book, and that the same be kept open until the sum of forty thousand dollars be subscribed: Provided , That no subscription shall be received unless the sum of ten dollars be paid into the hands of the persons authorised to receive the same, on each share subscribed for.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That as soon as the aforesaid sum of forty thousand dollars be subscribed, the said commissioners, or any five of them, shall call a meeting of the stockholders at the city of Washington, by advertisement in one of the newspapers printed in Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, appointing a fit and convenient time and place of meeting; and the said stockholders shall proceed in person, or by proxy, to the election, by ballot, of a president and six directors for conducting the said undertaking, and managing the business of the company, for and during the term of one year from the time of their appointment.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the said stockholders and their successors, from the time of the said first meeting, shall be, and they are hereby declared to be, incorporated by the name of the "Washington Canal Company," and by that name may sue and be sued, implead and be impleaded, answer and be answered, and may make all necessary by-laws and regulations for the proper management of the business of the company: Provided , that the same be not contrary to the laws of the United States, or the laws in force in the district of Columbia.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the said president and directors shall continue in office one year from the time of their election, and the directors may fill any vacancy which may happen in their own body during the term for which they were elected, and in case of the death, resignation or disqualification of the president, they may elect a president to serve for the residue of the term; and the said stockholders, in one year after the day on which the election of president and directors shall be first made, and on the same day in every year thereafter, (except the same shall happen on Sunday, in that case on the day succeeding,) shall elect by ballot from among the stockholders, one person as president, and six persons as directors; and the president and directors for the time being, shall give public notice, in one of the newspapers printed in Washington, Georgetown and Alexandria, for a new election, at least ten days previous to the expiration of the time for which they were elected, and each stockholder shall be allowed one vote for every share by him or her held at the time in said company; and any stockholder, by a written authority under his or her hand, and executed in the presence of two witnesses, may depute any other stockholder to vote and act as proxy for him or her at any general meeting.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the said president and directors so elected, and their successors, shall be, and they are hereby authorised and empowered to agree with any person or persons, on behalf of said company, to cut the canal as laid down on the plan of the city of Washington, erect such locks, and perform such other works as they shall judge necessary for opening the canal aforesaid, and the forks thereof, and out of the monies arising from subscriptions, wharfage and tolls, to pay for the same, and to repair and improve the said canal, locks, and other works necessary thereto, and to defray all incidental charges, and also to appoint a treasurer, clerk, and such other officers, toll-gatherers, managers and servants, as they shall judge requisite, and to settle their respective wages.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the treasurer of the said company shall, before he acts as such, give bond to the company in such penalty, and with such security as the said president and directors shall direct, conditioned for the faithful performance of the duties of his office.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the said president and directors so elected, and their successors, shall have full power and authority to demand and receive of the stockholders, in equal proportions, the remaining nine-tenths of the shares, from time to time, as they shall judge necessary; and if any of the stockholders shall neglect or refuse to pay their proportions, within one month after the same shall have been ordered, the share or shares of such defaulting stockholder shall be forfeited: Provided , That notice be given, by advertisement in one of the newspapers printed in Washington, Georgetown and Alexandria, of the time when the same shall be ordered to be paid.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That the said company shall not begin to collect wharfage or tolls, until the canal is made navigable for boats and scows drawing three feet water to pass through the same, from the Potomac river to the Eastern branch thereof: And if at any time the said canal shall become obstructed, so that boats and scows drawing three feet water cannot pass through the same, from the Potomac river to the Eastern branch thereof, it shall not be lawful for the said company to collect any wharfage or tolls, until such obstruction shall have been removed.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That every president and director, before he acts as such, shall take an oath or affirmation that he will well and faithfully discharge the duties of his office; and any four of the directors, with the president, shall constitute a quorum for transacting any business of the company.
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That the shares in the said company shall be deemed personal and not real property, and transferable in such manner as the company shall direct, and that the shares held by any individual shall be liable to be attached or taken by fieri facias, to satisfy the debts due from any such individual, in like manner as other personal property may be.
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That there shall be a general meeting of the stockholders on the first Monday in June, and the first Monday in December, in every year, in the city of Washington, to which meeting the president and directors shall make a report, and render distinct and just accounts of all their proceedings; and on finding them just and fairly stated, the stockholders then present, or a majority of them, shall give a certificate thereof; and at such half yearly general meetings, after leaving in the hands of the treasurer such sum as shall be judged necessary for repairs, improvements or contingent charges, an equal dividend of all the net profits arising from the wharfage and tolls hereby granted, shall be ordered, and made to and among all the stockholders of the said company, in proportion to their several shares; provided, that if the net profits shall, in any year, exceed fifteen per centum on the sum actually expended by the said company, in opening the said canal, and completing the same, the fifteen per centum only of the net profits shall be divided among the stockholders, and the excess shall be paid to the mayor and city council of the city of Washington, for the use of the said city.
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That for and in consideration of the expenses, the said stockholders shall incur in cutting the canal, erecting locks, and in maintaining and keeping the same in repair, and in the enlargement and improvement of the same, the said company is hereby authorised to collect on all articles and materials landed on each side of the canal, from on board any boat or scow, or placed on either side of the said canal, for the purpose of being taken therefrom by any boat or scow, according to such rates as the president and directors may, from time to time, by their bye laws, order and direct: Provided , That the said rates shall, at no time hereafter, and in no particular, exceed the rates which are, or may be established by the owners of wharves in the city of Washington. And it shall and may be lawful for the said company to demand and receive, at the most convenient place, for all articles carried through the said canal, tolls not exceeding the following rates, that is to say: for each loaded boat or scow twenty-five cents; for each barrel of flour two cents; for each barrel of beef or pork two cents; for each barrel of whiskey or brandy three cents; for each hogshead or pipe six cents; and upon all other articles, packages and commodities, one sixth part of the amount of tolls allowed by law to be received by the Potomac company, at the great falls of the river Potomac. And the said company shall also have the exclusive right to establish a packet boat or boats upon the said canal for carrying passengers, and no other packet boat or boats, but such as are established or permitted by them, shall be allowed to carry passengers through the same for hire.
Sec. 13. Provided always, and be it further enacted, That all property shall pass through the said canal free of toll, and also that in case the said canal and one of the forks thereof, shall not be completed within the term of seven years from the passage of this act, in such manner as to admit boats and scows drawing three feet water to pass through the same, that the said canal shall revert to the United States, and all right and authority hereby granted to the said company shall cease and determine.
Sec. 14. And be it further enacted, That the said company shall, from time to time, whenever and wherever the mayor and city council shall order and direct, suffer bridges to be erected across the canal, and shall suffer the same when erected to be repaired; provided, that every bridge so erected, shall be at least six feet above high water mark.
Sec. 15. And be it further enacted, That the president and directors of said company, after the said canal shall be opened and made passable for boats and scows drawing three feet water, shall annually, in the month of January, lay before the Congress of the United States, a just and true account of their receipts and expenditures, with a statement of the clear profits thereof.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN. MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro-tempore. FEBRUARY 16, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
ANY LADY or GENTLEMAN Properly qualified to Teach the PIANO-FORTE, May probably hear something that may tend to their advantage by applying to the Printer hereof. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. January 3—3t
LUKE KENT, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER. (FROM PHILADELPHIA) F. Street between the Bank & Treasurer. Informs his friends and the public, that he continues to repair Clocks and Watches of every description in the best manner with his usual punctuality. Washington Jan. 20—
FRESH GARDEN SEEDS. THE Subscriber has an assortment of Garden Seeds, and mostly of his own saving last summer, for Sale at his Nursery Garden, Eastern Branch, and at Dr. Ott's Medicine Store, Georgetown. THEO: HOLT. Washington city, Jan. 18—2w3m
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION. ON Thursday the 2nd of March next, on a credit of 6 and 12 months, with interest from the 1st of April next, and the credit calculated from that time; the purchaser to give notes payable either at the City or Georgetown Banks, with two approved endorsers, that well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania avenue, occupied by Mr. William Rhodes as a Hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereunto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other Tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices and also to the street that will lead across the Tyber to Bridge erecting over the Potomac, and which is now progressing with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment. Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement, consisting of the Bells in and about the House, the Crates, &c. in the fire places, and the Smoke Jack in the kitchen chimney. Further particulars on the day of sale, which will be on the premises, and commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAKE, Auc. January 30—tdos
TEN DOLLARS. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber in December last, a Mulatto man named PETER, a blacksmith by trade, about 25 years old, 5 feet 5 inches high, had on when he went away, an old blue broad cloth coat, black waistcoat, and country jeans breeches, filled in with blue and red twisted; he is a forward impudent fellow and fond of spirits; he has a down look when spoken to and cannot utter his words clear. I expect he is lurking about Alexandria or Fairfax Court House, as his mother belongs to Mr. Parker who lives near the Court House. All persons are forewarned from employing or harbouring said slave at their peril. Whoever takes up said slave and delivers him to me at Fauquier Court House, shall receive Ten Dollars and all reasonable charges, or if secured in any jail and information given so that I get him again, the above reward. SAM. FISHER. January 30—1m
THREE PIPES OF MADEIRA WINE To be Exchanged for FLOUR. Delivered in Georgetown or Baltimore, by the 10th of May next. For further particulars, apply to TOPPAN WEBSTER, who has for sale a few barrels of very fine PIPPEN APPLES. Washington January 30—1m
IN COUNCIL—ANNAPOLIS, FEB. 8, 1809. Ordered, That the resolution of the Legislature, passed at the last session, requesting the Governor and Council to procure information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing annually one thousand stand of arms complete, be published twice a week for the space of four weeks in the American and Federal Gazette at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the Republican Advocate at Frederick Town; the National Intelligencer; the Maryland Herald at Hager's Town, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Eason. BY order, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clk.
Resolved, That the Governor and Council be requested to procure, and submit to this House, at their next meeting, information as to the probable expenses of erecting and furnishing a building of sufficient dimensions for the manufacturing, annually, one thousand stand of arms complete, fifty brace of horsemen's pistols, one hundred horsemen's swords, and one hundred swords suitable for artillerymen, and the practicability of procuring workmen sufficient for the same, and the usual wages for such workmen, and as to the most eligible site for the erection of such buildings, the machinery of which, if necessary, to be worked by water, steam, or otherwise; and that by publication of this resolution, they give notice that they will receive description of and proposal for the sale of such site. And that they procure if practicable, the annual report of the different establishments of the same kind in the United States. February 17—2w4w
A TANYARD TO BE RENTED, For a term of years, from the 2nd day of April next. THE premises consist of a good Dwelling House and Stable, with two Gardens; the Yard contains about 24 Sinks, a large Bark and Mill House, a Warehouse, Currying Shop, &c. Situate near the Capitol and Navy Yard, in the city of Washington. The present tenant will treat with any person who may rent this property, for the Stock of Leather, Hides, and Bark, which he may then have on hand. For further particulars enquire of ROBT. UNDERWOOD on the Pennsylvania avenue, who will show the premises. February 17—4t
CHEAP GOODS. BAKER & RIGGS, (SIGN OF THE PLOUGH) HAVE removed to the Store, lately occupied by Romulus Riggs, and have bought his entire Stock of GOODS, (very low) which added to their former supply, with some Fresh Goods, just received from Philadelphia, makes their assortment very extensive, they being bought principally for cash, previous to any material rise in the markets, enables them to sell lower than the present prices. Amongst their Stock are Irish Linens, Shirtings & Cambric Muslins, Linen Cambrics, Cambric Handkerchiefs, Furniture Dimities & Chintzes, Fine Muslin Leno & Ceded Muslins, Muslin Shawls, Manties & Robes, Super undressed shirtings Muslins, very fine Cambric Muslin for Cravats, veils, laces, shades, silks, rapes, Silk Shawls, Elastic India Crapes, Ladies Beaver and Straw Bonnets, Silk, Cotton & Worsted Hosiery and Gloves, Bleach'd country Linen for sheetings, Cloths, Cords, Blankets, Watcoatings, Carpeting, and many other Fancy and substantial articles, which will be sold low for Cash, and a liberal discount to persons to sell again. They also expect to receive in a few days, a quantity of best Ingraine, English, and Venetian Carpeting with other articles. Georgetown, February 6—2w5w
BIRTH NIGHT BALL. AN ASSEMBLY in commemoration of the Nativity of Gen. Washington, will be held at Long's Hotel on Wednesday evening the 22nd February. Gentlemen to obtain Tickets at the bar by application to one of the Managers. John Taylor, Lt. Col. Franklin Wharton, } MANA- Lt. J. Henderson, James Pakin, } GERS. February 17—3t
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and a re-offer for Sale, 20 hhd. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould, 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Bine, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 hags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm, Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 30—w3m
CHARLES J. NOURSE Offers for sale 100 boxes of fresh Muscadels Raisins of superior quality. He has also received from the brig Orozimbo from Liverpool, 5 Bales of Plains, assorted 10 do Rose Blankets 2 do 6-4 Cloths 7 do Negro Cottons 5 do Flannels 4 do Carpeting 2 do Booking Baise 3 Cases of 4-4 and 6-4 Cambric muslins 3 do Dimities 4 do Velvets and Cords 2 do Shirtings Muslins which will be sold by the package or piece on reasonable terms—He has on hand 4th proof Cognac Brandy, Holland Gin, New-York do. L. P. Madeira Wine, N. Y. Market do. Sherry do. Tenerife do. Port (old) do. Catalonia do. Buccellas do. Malaga do. TEAS—Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Bohea.—Best soft shelled Almonds, Flotint Indigo, Muscovado Loaf and Lump Sugars, Bourbon & W. India Coffee, Molasses, & Rice. Mould, Dip, and Spermaceti Candles, Castile, White and Brown Soap, London Mustard, Hare's best Philadelphia Porter in barrels of 3 doz. each, Pickles assorted, Martinique Cordials, best Havana Segars, Table oil in bottles and flasks, Chocolate, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Pepper Pimento, Turk's Island, Isle of May and Liverpool salt. Geo. Town, Feb. 3—2awtf.
FOR ALEXANDRIA GEORGETOWN and the City of WASHINGTON. THE Schooner CAROLINE, John Hand, Jr. Master—a constant trader. All persons having goods to ship, will please leave a list of the packages with their contents and value, with the master on board at Morris's wharf, (2d above the Drawbridge) that a general permit may be taken, as nothing can afterwards be taken on board. Philadelphia, Feb. 47—3t
ATTENTION! THE Subscriber has sold out his entire Stock of Goods to Messrs. Baker and Riggs, and has left Georgetown for several months; he therefore requests all those indebted to him to call and pay their accounts, as further indulgence cannot be given, it being necessary to close the business as quick as possible. Tobacco will be received in payment at the market price. ROMULUS RIGGS. N. B. The Books & Accounts are ready for settlement at the Store of Baker & Riggs. February 6—2w6w
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the Commercial Company of Washington are hereby notified that an Instrument of Two Dollars & Fifty Cents on each share is required to be paid at the office of the Company, on Monday the 20th of March next, agreeably to the Articles of Association. Those who neglect to pay will not be entitled to Dividend. JOSEPH FORREST, Pr. January 18—
FOR SALE, A valuable Family of NEGROES, consisting of a Man, who is a carpenter, his wife and seven children; all young and healthy. BENJ. ODEN. Prince Georges county. Dec. 16—4t
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Porcelaines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spenceles & rich silk Molekins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform stile of fashion. Richard Horwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27—4t
MR. MADISON'S PORTRAIT. An elegant engraved Portrait of JAMES MADISON, Executed by the celebrated Edw. B. of Philadelphia, from an original painting by Stewart, is just received and for Sale at the Book-store of R. G. WEIGHTMAN, Pennsylvania avenue. PRICE 2 DOLLARS, Published by C. Boyle, Baltimore. February 15—6t
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. WILL be offered for Sale at Public Auction at Rhodes's Hotel, on the 11th day of February next, the HOUSE & LOT on F street, in square 253, at present occupied by Washington Boyd. From its contiguity to the Bank, the President's House, and the Public Offices, the situation is not exceeded by any in this city. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. A good title will be given to the purchaser—the sale will take place at 12 o'clock noon. SAM. SPEAKE, Auc. Washington, January 30—tdos The above Sale is postponed until 2nd of March, at 1 o'clock P. M. Feb. 13—ep
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Have received by the schooner Citizen, capt. Sturges, from New York, in addition to their supply of GOODS, and a re-offer for Sale, 20 hhd. Muscovado Sugar, 6 Pipes Holland Gin, 9 hds. Rum, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy, 6 pipes L. P. Madeira, 2 pipes Marsala, 5 qr. casks Lisbon, 5 qr. casks Sherry, 15 qr. casks Catalonia, 80 boxes Claret, 17 chests, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, 25 barrels Loaf Sugar, 16 boxes Spermaceti, 25 do. Mould, 8 casks Ginger, 2 do. Salt Petre, 2 do. Pimento, 5 do. Pepper, 12 boxes Mustard, 3 bales Cassia, 6 do. soft shelled Almonds, 20 boxes Raisins, 8 do. Olives, 10 do. long and short Pipes, 10 barrels Mackerel, 3 do. Cranberries, 2 do. Fig Bine, 50 boxes Spanish Segars, 50 hags Corks, They have also for Sale, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Sallad Oil, Sperm, Oil, Butter, Whiskey, Soap, Sheet Iron, Powder, Shot, Stone Ware in crates, &c. &c. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. December 30—w3m
BIRTH NIGHT BALL. AN ASSEMBLY in commemoration of the Nativity of Gen. Washington will be held at CRAWFORD'S Tavern, Georgetown, on Wednesday evening 22nd inst.—Tickets to be had at the Bar of the Union Tavern, or by application to the Managers. John Mason, } MANA- Wm. H. Dunn, } GERS. John Peter, } Clem't. Smith, } Stant. Magill, Tho. Robertson, E. W. Williams, C. J. Nourse, February 20—2t
PUBLIC SALE. To be sold at Public Sale on Wednesday the 22nd inst. at the house of Solomon Stenger, near the Glass House, in the city of Washington—
MAHOGANY Card and Dining Tables, Mahogany Bureau, Mahogany Breakfast Table, one Mahogany Candle Stand, one high-posted Mahogany Bedstead and several low-posted Bedsteads, Looking Glass, Brass Andirons, Shovel and Tongs, Kitchen Furniture, and several other articles too tedious to mention. Also the SLOOP RISING SUN.—Sale to commence at 2 P. M. Terms of Sale made known on the day of sale. SAM. SPEAKE, Auc. February 20—2t
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, THAT I intend to petition to the next County Court of Charles, for the benefit of an act of insolvency. GEORGE BOARMAN Charles County, Jan. 6—2awm3.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. Governor of Maryland.
A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Executive of the state of Delaware, hath lately demanded of the Executive of Maryland, a certain PURNEL CARTY, as a fugitive from justice, alleged to be at large in Talbot county, and hath transmitted an affidavit, dated the 24th day of November, eighteen hundred and eight, charging said Purnel Cartly with felony, in kidnapping a certain Hester Craig and her two children.—I have therefore issued this my proclamation, authorising and enjoining it on all civil officers, and others, citizens of this state, to arrest and commit said Purnel Cartly, to the jail of the county in which he may be found, & to give notice thereof to the Executive of Maryland, that the Executive of Delaware may be duly notified thereof, that he may be brought to trial agreeably to the act of Congress in such case provided. Given under my hand and the seal of the state of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third. ROBERT WRIGHT, By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council.
Ordered that the foregoing proclamation be published twice a week for six weeks in the American & Federal Gazette at Baltimore, the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis, the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Fredericktown, the Maryland Herald at Hagerstown, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. January 27—2w6w
ON application to me the subscriber (in the recess of the court) an associate judge of the first judicial district, in the state of Maryland, by petition in writing, of NATHANIEL HAGAN, of Prince George's County, praying for the benefit of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," and the several supplements thereto, on the terms mentioned in the said act, and its supplements, a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to his petition, and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having satisfied me by competent testimony, that he has resided in the state of Maryland, two years immediately preceding the time of his application—and the said Nathaniel Hagan, having also stated in his petition, that he is now in actual confinement, for debt, and not on account of any breach of the peace, or for the non-payment of any fine or penalty for the breach of the laws of this state, or of the United States, and having produced to me the certificate of the Sheriff of Prince George's county to that effect, and having prayed to be discharged from confinement, on the terms prescribed in the said act and its supplements, and having given security for his personal appearance at the next county court, to be held in and for Prince George's County aforesaid, on the first Monday in April next, to answer any allegations that may be made against him by his creditors. I do also order and adjudge, that the said Nathaniel Hagan be discharged from his imprisonment, and by causing a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer for three months successively before the first Monday in April next, to give notice to his creditors to appear before the County Court, at the Court House of said County, on the said first Monday in April next, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, on the said Nathaniel Hagan, then and there taking the oath by the said act prescribed, for the delivering up his property, and to show cause if any they have, why the said Nathaniel Hagan should not have the benefit of the several acts of assembly for the relief of insolvent debtors, Given under my hand this thirtieth day of November, eighteen hundred and eight. DANIEL CLARKE. December 30—w3m
NOTICE. THE cautions given to many trespassing on my plantation not being attended to I therefore give this Public Notice, to prevent all persons from HUNTING, with either dog or gun, or in any manner trespassing thereon, as I am determined to put the law in force against all such offenders. BENJAMIN HARWOOD. Prince George's County, Dec. 19—w12m
NOTICE. ALL persons interested, are hereby requested to attend on Saturday the 18th day of February next, either in person, by agent or attorney, at the Office of Foster Forrest, Esq. Leonardtown, for the purpose of receiving their dividend in the estate of Henry Lee, deceased, as on that day I shall proceed to make payment and distribution amongst the creditors of the said deceased. WILLIAM T. LEE, Adm'r. January 20—w3m
FOR SALE OR TO RENT, The Two Story FRUIT HOUSE & LOT On 13th street west, belonging and now in the occupation of the Subscriber. This house is convenient; the situation is healthy and pleasant. Possession may be had the first of Fouch month. For further particulars enquire on the premises. WM. YEATES, Jr. 17th of 2d month—w3t