The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-08-31 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. VIII.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
NO. 1230.
FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31, 1808.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
[Mr. Harper's Speech continued.]
As to the conversation stated by Elias Glover, I admit that if it did take place, it furnishes sufficient proof of a criminal participation by Mr. Smith, in the enterprizes of col. Burr, and sufficient ground for a vote of expulsion. We are therefore to show that Glover's deposition, even when bolstered up by the furtive scuttling affidavit of his confederate M c Farland, is entitled to no credit. This we undertake, and unless we do it in a satisfactory manner, I admit that we fail in our defence.
And first we rely upon his bad character generally. To prove it we trace him from Newtown, in Connecticut, the place of his birth and education, to Brookfield, and from thence to Delaware county, in the state of New York. Five witnesses at the first of those places, seven at the second, and twenty one at the last, many of them proved to be men of note and character where they live, and none of them proved or even stated to be otherwise, have deposed that Elias Glover is a man of general bad character. Several of them add that he is not entitled to belief on his oath. Now let me ask against what man of good character could so many of his neighbours and acquaintances be brought to give such testimony? The fact alone that so many men who knew him in the places where he has resided, consider him as a man of bad character, affords plenary proof that he is so. These witnesses do not depose to particular facts; but they speak of his general reputation, which they state to be a bad one. This testimony is by no means rebutted by the depositions produced on behalf of Glover. The deponents state that they never heard any thing against his character. This may be true, and yet his character a very bad one. But take these depositions in their most liberal construction, and what does the whole testimony amount to? Certainly to this, that one half of his neighbours consider him as a knave, and the other half admit that, for any thing which they know or have heard, he may be an honest man. Surely this is too equivocal a reputation, to entitle the ex parte deposition of its possessor to belief in a case of this nature!
It must further be remarked, Mr. President, that the bad opinion which these numerous witnesses express of Elias Glover's reputation, does not and cannot proceed from party feelings or political animosity; for the principal witnesses, and those who have spoken in the strongest terms, are proved to be of that political party, to which Glover has taken so much pains to prove that he belongs. They, as well as Glover and M c Farland, are proved to be most excellent republicans; and they have the advantage of being proved also to be men of good character.
If we pursue Elias Glover in his next and last emigration, to Cincinnati in the state of Ohio, we shall find that the bad character which he acquired in early life, attends him still in his riper years. Col. James Taylor, who was examined at the bar of the Senate, stated that there were two parties in Cincinnati, "one of whom spoke well of Elias Glover, and the other very unfavorably." These two parties are not the two political parties that divide our country. On the contrary, they both appear, with the exception of some very few individuals, to be composed of exceedingly good democratic republicans. What then were these two parties? One, I answer, was composed of that portion of the citizens of Cincinnati, who espoused the interests of Mr. Smith; and the other consisted of those who had united themselves with his persecutor Glover. The first speaks "very unfavorably" of Glover; and the last, as might be expected from his associates and co-adjudgers, speak well of him.
And who, let me ask, belong to the party which speaks very ill of this man? It must be answered, gen. Gano, gen. Carberry, Mr. Burnett, Mr. Stone, Dr. Sellman, and a number of others, who have been proved to be men of the first respectability in that part of the country. Has any such favorable account been given of those who speak well of him? Far from it. We know
but little of them, and that little is very little to their honor. Some of them, when called on by Mr. Smith to give evidence in this case, refused to be examined. Some of them are proved to have been connected with Glover, in the enterprize of Col. Burr. And M c Farland, the chief of the party, was extremely active and zealous in obtaining recruits for that enterprize. When he and Glover found that the enterprize had failed, they took refuge, as is customary, in outrageous patriotism; became the zealous hunters-up and denouncers of treason; and to use the expression of Dr. Gano in his deposition, attempted to lay the body of John Smith as a pedestal, whereon to rebuild their own fallen reputations. Such men as these no doubt speak well of Glover. Be it so. But while gen. Gano Doctor Sellman Mr. Burnett, and almost every other respectable man in the place, speaks very ill of him, I shall take the liberty of contending that " calum non animum mutat ;" that he has not changed his manners with his residence; and that he still merits and enjoys at Cincinnati, that opprobrious distinction to which the achievements of his early years gave him a title.
But, Mr. President, it is not on the general bad character of this man, however clearly established, that we solely rely, for destroying his credibility. I shall next proceed to show, that he has been guilty of wilful and deliberate false-swearing, in no less than three instances.
Being interrogated before the grand jury at Chillicothe, whether he had ever written and offered for publication a piece ridiculing the measures adopted by government, for suppressing col. Burr's enterprize, he answered on his oath that he had not. He was perhaps not bound to answer, but he did answer, and answered in the negative. This is stated in the deposition of Ethan Stone, who was a member of the grand jury, and has been proved at your bar to be a man of very respectable character.
And yet two printers, Samuel L. Browne and D. L. Carney, connected with Glover in politics, expressly swear that he did bring such a piece to them for publication, and that they refused to admit it, because of its tendency to bring those measures of the government into derision and contempt.
Again, on being further interrogated by the grand jurors, he admitted that he did write such a piece, but that it was intended to ridicule the conduct of the officers, who had been appointed to carry the measures of government into execution, and not the measures themselves. Yet Mr. Burnett swears that Glover confessed to him, that he had written the piece for the express purpose of turning the measures of government into ridicule, and offered it to him for perusal.
Here could be no mistake. Either Glover or the other witnesses have sworn to a falsehood. When their characters are contrasted with his, there can be no hesitation where to fix it.
He also swore before the grand jury, that he had never corresponded with col. Burr. This question also he was not bound to answer; but to prevent suspicion he did answer it in the negative. So says general Gano. And yet George Russel, a man admitted to be respectable and intelligent, swears that in the fall of 1806 Glover gave him a letter, to be delivered to col. Burr, with directions to burn it if he did not see Burr. This proves that he did correspond with col. Burr, because the letter was deemed too important to be delivered by Russel to any but col. Burr himself.
And this testimony is supported by that of captain Nichols, who states in his deposition that when he was descending the Ohio, in the command of one of col. Burr's boats, Glover came on board of the boat, and advised him how to proceed with it, so as to elude the officers of government. And yet this is the man who accuses John Smith of participation in the views of col. Burr! This is the jealous patriot, who swears that he communicated with col. Burr for no other purpose, but to discover his views and pervert them!
But the general bad character of Glover, and the deliberate falsehood on oath of which he has been proved
guilty, are not all that we have to oppose to his testimony against our client. That testimony has been positively contradicted, by his friend and confederate M c Farland. Glover introduces his account of Mr. Smith's conversation with him about col. Burr's plans and views, by stating that it took place in the presence of a friend, who accompanied him to Smith's house. It is fully proved that M c Farland was this friend. M c Farland therefore must have heard the conversation, if it ever took place, and he must have remembered it too; for it is impossible to believe that a conversation so interesting, so remarkable, from such a man as Mr. Smith, and on a subject which then so greatly agitated men's minds, could pass in the presence of any man, without laying strong hold on his attention, and sinking deep into his memory.
Let us then hear M c Farland, on the subject of this remarkable conversation, in which Mr. Smith developed the real and treasonable character of col. Burr's enterprise, and confessed his own participation.
We first find him conversing with Gen. Gano, to whom, long after this conversation between him Smith and Glover is stated to have taken place, he declared that he was wholly ignorant of Burr's plans; which could not have been the case, had he heard such a conversation as Glover relates. He also stated to Gen. Gano, at the same time, that Glover's statement on this subject was incorrect; and he told another witness, Mr. Longworth, that he knew nothing of col. Burr's plans, or against Mr. Smith; which he could not have said with truth, had such a conversation as Glover relates taken place in his presence.
But all this, it may perhaps be said, is mere conversation; and a man, when not on oath, may easily be supposed to deny a fact, when it tends to implicate himself in guilt.
Let us then hear M c Farland on oath. When examined at Richmond, on the trial of col. Burr, though sworn to tell the whole truth, he says not one word of this most remarkable and important conversation. And lately, before the grand jury at Chillicothe, when interrogated as to this very point, he declared that he knew nothing of the matter: that he had some faint recollection of a conversation between Mr. Smith and Glover, on the subject of col. Burr's enterprise, but could recall to his mind none of the particulars. This fact, and also the admission of Glover and M c Farland that M c Farland was the friend stated by Glover to have been present at this conversation, are proved by Ethan Stone, General Gano and John Armstrong, three members of the grand jury, in their joint deposition of Feb. 20th 1808.
Now, Mr. President, let me ask, whether any man can believe that such a conversation took place, in the presence and hearing of M c Farland, that such confessions and disclosures on this most interesting subject were made by Mr. Smith, and that M c Farland had lost all recollection of them, when examined before the grand jury, in January last? I answer that it is impossible; and that M c Farland's testimony, therefore, amounts to a flat contradiction of Glover's on this point.
And let it be remembered that when Mr. Smith, under the order of the Senate to take testimony for his defence, summoned this same M c Farland to give evidence on these points, and put questions to him for the purpose of obtaining a full explanation, he positively refused to answer. I hold in my hand the summons, the proof of its service, the questions of Mr. Smith, and the magistrate's certificate of M c Farland's refusal. This wretch, who now appears among the accusers of John Smith, when called upon to meet his intended victim face to face, and undergo the scrutiny of a public examination, shrunk like a chain and a coward from the investigation. Eager to destroy Smith, but not yet prepared to meet the terrors of direct perjury, his mind maintained a short and faint struggle, between the desire of gratifying his malice and some remaining sense of shame; but it was short and faint indeed. For within a few days his malice triumphed, and he made an exparte clandestine deposition, not only without notice to Mr. Smith, but carefully concealed from his knowledge, in which
in the teeth of all his former declarations and oaths, he declares that Glover's statement is correct. And this deposition conceived in malice and brought forth in perjury, is sent forward to this bar, to bolster up the accusation against our honorable client! What words can describe the mingled emotions of indignation and disgust, which such hardened profligacy, fortunately but seldom exemplified, must excite in every virtuous mind!
I here dismiss M c Farland, but I have not yet done with his confederate Glover; whose testimony against my client is further contradicted by Matthew Nimmo, another of the actors in this black tragedy.
I hold in my hand an extract from Nimmo's communication to the President, bearing date Nov. 28th 1806. This extract, which was furnished by Nimmo, and is proved to be in his hand writing, contains some information relative to Mr. Smith's connection with Col. Burr, which, as it states, "was communicated by Col. Burr in a confidential manner, to the person from whom Nimmo received them." The person from whom Nimmo received these communications, was no other than Elias Glover. This is manifest from Glover's deposition, made not long afterwards, viz. on the 2d of February 1807, before this same Matthew Nimmo. Now it will be found on a comparison that Nimmo's statement to the President, founded on Glover's communication, contradicts Glover's deposition in two or three essential points. In the communication to Nimmo he alleges, that he received his information, in a confidential manner from Col. Burr himself. In his deposition he swears, that he derived it from the conversation of Smith, held in the presence of M c Farland. In the statement to Nimmo he says that Mr. Smith had lately sent down the river considerable shipments, for the use of Col. Burr. But in his deposition this most important fact is omitted. In the statement to Nimmo it is said that "next week two of his (Smith's) sons descend the Ohio to join Burr's troops, and Mr. Smith follows shortly after." In the deposition Mr. Smith is made to "express his regret that his engagements were such that he could not go immediately himself, which he would do if the situation of his affairs would permit."
Strong as these contradictions are, we have still stronger behind. We have seen Glover's deposition contradicted by M c Farland and Nimmo, two of his friends and confederates. We now introduce Glover himself contradicting his own deposition.
Let it be kept in mind that the conversation stated in Glover's deposition, took place in September 1806. He swears that in that conversation Mr. Smith opened the criminal views of Burr, and his own participation. Now hear what he said in February following on this subject, to Mr. Longworth, one of those respectable witnesses whose testimony we have adduced.
Mr. Longworth, in a deposition made in the presence of Glover, who attended and cross-examined, after stating the substance of a conversation between Glover and himself, relative to Mr. Smith, in February 1807, proceeds thus, "and to the best of his (deponent's) recollection, he (Glover) then declared in express terms, that he believed Mr. Smith unjustly accused, and that he was not concerned with Burr in his expedition." Contrast this with the deposition of this same Glover, made February 2d, 1807, a little while before the conversation with Longworth, for the purpose of incriminating Smith, as an associate of Burr.
And James M. Lanter, another of the witnesses, tells us in his deposition, that in April 1807, Glover when charged by Smith with having given information against him, at first denied the fact; and afterwards, when more closely pressed, confessed that he had given information, but declared that it was nothing of any moment, or capable of operating to the disadvantage of Smith, towards whom he expressed a friendly disposition. And yet he had then made the deposition, which is now relied on for producing the disgrace and ruin of Mr. Smith! Can it be possible that a tribunal composed of men of honorable feelings, will listen for a moment to the testimony of a wretch, who thus fabricates in the
dark an instrument of destruction, smoothes his face to the smile of friendship, while he is preparing the mortal stab; and solemnly denies his hellish machinations; in order to lull his victim into a fatal security!
The falsehood of this accusation, independently of the direct proof of it which we offer, is rendered in the highest degree probable, by the extreme enmity which Glover is proved to have borne towards Smith, and the active endeavors which he had used to injure him. Gen. Gano informs us in his first deposition, that as early as July 4th 1806, Glover had abused Smith most virulently in a public Oration. Francis Donlevy states in his deposition, that in August 1806 Glover displayed "very great animosity" against Mr. Smith. And col. Taylor in his testimony at this bar, informed us that Glover was "extremely active" in the measures attempted for the injury of Mr. Smith, by a party in Cincinnati, in the autumn of 1806. Dr. Sellman Stephen M c Farland George Jordan and John H. Stall furnish us in their depositions with a detail of those measures, in which Glover was extremely active. Let us hear what they were.
A meeting of the citizens of Cincinnati was called, for some public purpose, and was very numerously attended. Some resolutions were passed by a very large majority. There is a small but noisy party in Cincinnati, calling itself "The Republican Society." Some of its members attended, and offered resolutions tending to criminate or vilify John Smith. They were indignantly rejected, by a large majority. Those zealous republicans, finding themselves out-voted, and being determined, as is usual, not to submit to the majority, when against them, resolved to make sure of their mark, by calling clandestinely another meeting, to which none but such as were selected by them for the purpose, and furnished with tickets, should be admitted. The meeting was accordingly held the next evening, in the upper room of a tavern, and an attempt appears to have been made to pass the resolutions which the full meeting had rejected, and which would, no doubt, have then been palmed upon the public, as the sense of the "people of Cincinnati;" for republicans love to speak in the name of the people. But the people, in this instance, chose to speak for themselves. They burst open the doors of the conclave, and defeated the scheme. But the most zealous of the patriots were not to be so repulsed. A few of them, and among the rest the President and Mr. Secretary Glover, made their escape, met in private, and actually passed their resolutions, which they forthwith published: taking care, at the same time, to suppress the resolutions which had been adopted at the full and public meeting, and of which Glover, as Secretary of the meeting, had possessed himself.
Is it difficult to believe, indeed is it not highly probable, that a man of Glover's principles and character, who has gone such lengths as these to injure a person against whom he had conceived a resentment, would stop at a false oath, if likely to effect his purpose? And ought not testimony given under such circumstances, to be viewed with the utmost distrust?
Furthermore, can any thing be more improbable than that Smith should make such a communication to Glover? To Glover his enemy, his public traducer; who in July had abused him in a public speech; and in August had displayed "very great animosity" against him? What motive for such a choice of a confidant, in an affair on which his character his fortune and even his life might depend! How does it happen that a man of John Smith's understanding and prudence, passed over the long list of his respectable and tried friends at Cincinnati, and fixt upon Elias Glover, to whom alone to confide the most important secret of his life? A man with whom he had long been on very ill terms; of whom, as Mr. Isaac Burnett informs us in his deposition, he had long been in the habit of thinking and speaking very ill, and whom, according to the same gentleman, he was much surprised at seeing in his house? All this, it must be allowed, is passing strange; and it will certainly require more than the oath of Elias Glover, to make us believe it. Again! Why make this grave dis-

closure to Glover, concerning Burr's plans? Was it to enlist volunteers? No; for Smith never appears to have mentioned the subject to any other person; and if he was in Burr's secrets, he knew that Glover and M c Farland were already enlisted. That they were engaged is proved beyond the least doubt. The evidence on this point is full and unquestionable. They were not only engaged, but very actively and zealously engaged. This Smith, if he was also engaged, must have known. Why then make a grave and mysterious disclosure, to two of his confederates, of the plans in which they were mutually embarked? Can any thing be more ridiculous than the idea of a conspirator, making a formal disclosure of the conspiracy, to two of his associates? This single consideration would be sufficient to prove, that the story of this disclosure was invented by Glover, as a screen for his own guilt.
But how does it happen that Smith, in looking round for a confidant, did not think of his friend Kelly, his confidential agent, and the usual depositor of all his plans and thoughts. Kelly, to whose character men of the first rank in Kentucky, and among them Henry Clay lately a member of this house, have borne the most honorable testimony, tells us in his deposition, that the highest degree of intimacy and friendship subsisted between him and Smith, who wished to advance his fortune, and was very desirous of assisting him. Yet Smith communicated to him nothing of Burr's plans. Desirous as Smith felt of promoting Kelly's fortune, and well acquainted as he was with the benefits of a contractorship, he would hardly have failed to hold out to his friend, the brilliant post of contractor-general or pay-master to Burr's army; which, especially when the treasures of Mexico should once be occupied, would have been so well adapted to Kelly's talents, and so fully adequate to all his desires. Smith, however, does nothing of all this; and he not only avoids all mention of these momentous and magnificent schemes to Kelly, but observes an equal silence to his friends Gano Findley, Selman and Longworth; while he singles out his persecutor and calumniator Glover, as the chosen depository of this great secret, and very gravely communicates it to him, and M c Farland, with a full knowledge that they were already at least as well apprized of it as himself.
Mr. President, this tale refutes itself. It is impossible for any man of common sense to believe it. But independently of external refutation, the communication stated by Glover to have been made by Smith, carries internal evidence of its falsehood, by the contradictions and absurdities wherewith it abounds. Can any one believe that a man of John Smith's intelligence and knowledge, told the ridiculous story about the frigate, which Mr. Somebody was building or had completed, in the southern states, to be employed in the expedition? What! An individual in this country build a frigate, to which so few fortunes are adequate. Mr. Alston, who is probably the person meant, though rich, is well known not to have the means of building a frigate, even were he disposed to expend his whole fortune in such an enterprise. And this frigate, moreover, was to be built in secret. Nobody was to see it; for otherwise the building of it by an individual, so strange a thing, would have been a matter of notoriety, with which the newspapers would have rung, and which it would have been wholly unnecessary for Smith to communicate to Glover and M c Farland, and ridiculous in the last degree to communicate confidentially. A frigate built by an individual, and built in secret! Can any one believe that John Smith, a Senator and a man of information, could tell so absurd a tale! Sir, a frigate cannot be built in a dry-dock, although it may be kept there. It must be built openly. It must be seen. Its commencement and its progress would be as well known on the Ohio, long before it could be completed, as on the Potomac. And to represent John Smith, a Senator and a man of sense, gravely telling such a tale to Glover a lawyer and M c Farland a judge, both men of some information, accustomed to read the newspapers, and therefore sure of knowing the falsehood of the tale, is an absurdity so gross, that one is wholly at a loss to conceive how Glover, who depraved as he is by no means appears destitute of understanding, came to admit it into his fabrication. We can account for it only by a reference to the kindness of an over-ruling Providence, which for the protection of innocence sometimes impels guilt to mar its own schemes, by a strange intermixture of folly with its wickedness.
This deposition presents another instance of the same kind, though not
equally glaring. Glover swears that this communication was made to him by Smith, under the strictest injunctions of secrecy. And yet he had stated, in the beginning of the deposition, that the communication was made in the presence of a friend, who proves to be Wm. M c Farland. This is another instance in proof of the old adage, "that liars ought to have good memories." Before Glover came to the end of his deposition, he forgot what he had said in the beginning; and thus fell into another of those providential contradictions, by which the falsehood of made-up stories is often detected.
Reviewing then, Mr. President, all these considerations, the bad general character of Glover, at all the places where he has lived; the repeated instances of wilful false-swearing which have been fixt upon him; the contradiction of this story by his friends and confederates M c Farland and Nimmo, as well as by himself; his enmity to Smith, and Smith's ill-opinion of him; Smith's silence on this subject to all his usual confidants and intimate friends; and the inherent contradictions and absurdities of the story itself; I think myself warranted in saying that the credibility of Glover is completely overthrown, and that his testimony must be laid out of the case.
[Mr. Harber's Speech to be continued.]
EXTENSION OF 17TH STREET WHARF.
PROPOSALS for erecting a Platform Wharf to be extended from the end of 17th street Wharf at the mouth of the Tiber will be received by Messrs. Abraham Bradley, Michael Nurse, and John P. Van Ness, or either of them until the 5th of September next. The Wharf to be 200 feet long and 25 feet wide. It is to consist of three ranges of White Oak piles of 25 feet long, and 12 inches diameter, placed at intervals of 15 feet, with cross braces of 15 feet long, squared 4 by 8 inches, from the middle to the outside piles; and three tiers of string pieces 6 by 12 inches, squared, and framed to the butts of the piles. Lengthwise of the Wharf, to be covered with white oak plank, three inches thick, or pine four inches thick, and spiked.
Joint or separate proposals will be received for the materials and workmanship, or any part. The Timber to be sound and free of sap, and delivered forthwith.
August 31—3t COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON.
The STOCKHOLDERS are informed that Certificates of Stock are prepared and the transfer book open.
JOSEPH FORRESTER, Pr. August 31—4t
FOR SALE.
ON Saturday the 16th day of September next, at the Hotel occupied by P. D. Stelle, all the
HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE of said Stelle, consisting of Beds and Bedsteads, Bureaus, Tables, Chairs, and Furniture to a large extent.
Terms of sale, all sums of 20 dollars or under, cash, above 20 dollars not exceeding 50 dollars, negotiable notes at thirty days with approved endorsers, at all sums above 50 dollars, notes at sixty days with approved endorsers. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock.
PONTIUS D. STELLE. August 30—12s
WASHINGTON JOCKEY CLUB RACES.
ON Tuesday the 25th day of OCTOBER next, will be run for over the Washington course, a Purse of five hundred dollars, four miles and repeat—free for any horse, mare, or gelding.
On Wednesday the 26th will be run for, a Purse of three hundred and fifty dollars, three miles and repeat—free as above, the winning horse of the preceding day excepted—and
On Thursday the 27th will be run for, "The City and Town Purse," of three hundred dollars, two miles and repeat—free only for colts and fillies—Each race to be run and conducted agreeably to the rules of the Club.
The Purse will probably be considerably larger than has been stated. The amount of each cannot be stated with positive certainty, because it is made up, in part, from the tolls collected at the gates, and from the rent of the booths.
SAMUEL BOOTES, Sec. George Town, August 31—4t
N. B. The members of the Club are particularly requested to meet at the Union Tavern, at 6 o'clock on the evening of the day preceding the first day's race, in conformity to a standing rule of the Club. S. B.
PUBLIC SALE.
WHEREAS the subscriber intends to break up his present establishment, he will, at 11 o'clock in the morning of the first day of the next month (September) expose to sale, a quantity Plate, Linen, and China. Some valuable Pictures will at the same time be offered for sale, should no person be desirous privately to make a bargain for them before that period.
The terms of sale, cash, for all Lots under 20 dollars, and above that sum Negotiable Notes with an approved endorser at sixty days date.
HENRY HIORT, Capitol Hill, at a house of Mr. Ingle's on the New Jersey avenue
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31.
The Monitor ascribes to the Editor of this paper a mistake in styling Mr. Canning premier of England, adding that the Chancellor of the Exchequer is generally considered premier. We acknowledge our mistake, which was inadvertent; but the Monitor in correcting it has fallen into an error; the fact being that an union of the offices of Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Lord of the Treasury makes the individual who holds them Prime Minister.
The plea of necessity is the principal ground of justification taken by the British government for their late iniquitous orders against the trade of neutrals. This plea, proverbially that of tyrants, is depicted by Mr. Roscoe, one of the most distinguished writers of the present times, in its true colors. The attack on Copenhagen was the ostensible occasion of his remarks; but, as they were penned since the emission of those orders, there can be no doubt of their being likewise in his contemplation. Our literary readers must be well acquainted with the reputation of Mr. Roscoe for talents and humanity, and for a nice sense of honor. The deliberate award of such a writer will be that of history, which cannot fail to allot to the present British administration a distinguished niche in the temple of fame, for
"Men who whole nations filled with flames and blood, And swam to empire thro' the purple flood."
Alluding to the outrage committed on Denmark, he says:
"Soon after the accomplishment of this very extraordinary and unprecedented transaction, a declaration was issued by the British government, for the avowed purpose of justifying it to Europe and the world. As the facts were notorious and indisputable, no attempt is there made to palliate, in any respect, the horrors that attended it, and the declaration is confined to reason of justification only."
"The first argument relied upon is "the cruel necessity which obliged the British sovereign to have recourse to acts of hostility against a nation, with which it was his most earnest desire to have established the relations of common interest and alliance." This passage contains the complete avowal of the principle upon which the British ministry acted. It presumes not only that the laws of morality and justice, and the rules of good faith, which attach one individual or one nation to another, may be dispensed with from temporary motives, but that either of the parties has a right to judge of such motives, and to disregard those rules, whenever he may think proper. That this doctrine cannot be supported, must be apparent to every one, from the slightest observation of the consequences to which it must lead. At no period of society have mankind been so lost to the dignity of their nature and the interests of their association, as to avow it. Even states and sovereigns at war, under circumstances of the utmost exasperation, have rejected it with horror; and it may truly be said, that the establishment of such a maxim, even between belligerent powers, is all that is now wanting to complete the downfall of Europe, and to destroy the hopes of mankind. Jealousy, hatred, assassination, poison, treachery, cruelty, and revenge, are its instruments, to be indiscriminately employed as necessity requires , and upon these grounds every crime and every atrocity may be equally justified."
"That such doctrines have of late been asserted in this country in the most open and profligate manner, is a dreadful symptom of that moral and intellectual depravity which precedes the fall of nations. To read the daily effusions of some of our popular writers, one would suppose that the human race was not the offspring of one common parent. By one reverend divine we were some time since told from the pulpit, in the face of a learned university, that the nations of the earth have no laws in common, and that, where there is no law there can be no transgression. That they are to be considered as so many wild beasts; and that the strongest, when it has the power, has also the right to destroy the weakest. A political writer, whose works have obtained a very extensive circulation in this country, has also dared to insult the common feelings & the common sense of mankind, by asserting that might constitutes right , that, with the maritime strength which this country now possesses, not a shift belonging to any other power should be suffered to pass the seas, but upon conditions prescribed by us; and to this he very impartially adds, that Bonaparte has also a right,
where not prohibited by a previous positive contract, to make what conquests he pleases. These absurd and extravagant positions are however more likely to open the eyes of the public, than to obtain its assent. To little purpose, indeed, must that man have studied, either within the walls of a college or without, who does not know that all laws have existed prior to the promulgation of them, and that it was as unlawful to rob or murder, before the prohibitory precept was committed to writing, as it has been since. It is on this very idea that Montesquieu has founded his immortal work, which is, in fact, an enquiry into laws as they subsist in the nature of things, and not in either positive precepts, or actual practice."
" Intelligent beings ," says he, " have laws which they have made; but they have also laws which they have not made. To say that there is nothing just or unjust but what is commanded, or that forbidden by positive law, is to say, that before the circle was traced, all its radii were not equal. "
But why resort to these authorities for truths which have received the highest sanction? Are not nations uniformly spoken of in the sacred writings, as accountable, collectively for their moral conduct? As being just or unjust; oppressors or oppressed? And are they not, as such, punished or rewarded? A proof, not only that the Supreme Being imposes this responsibility upon them, but that the knowledge and opinion of it has been admitted and acted upon through all ages, and that it has been reserved for the present day to discover that a nation is bound by no laws human or divine, but that if it have the power, it has also the right to rob, murder, massacre, and despoil all that are unable to resist its violence, may excuse its enormities under the pretext of cruel necessity . What then is this horrible doctrine, that disowns all responsibility? That contemns the idea of a moral Providence, & condescends not to justify its atrocities but by its will? What is it but a direct apostasy from the Creator and common Father of all his creatures? The crime, which as it is in its consequences of all others the most extensively injurious and destructive to the interest and the happiness of mankind, is uniformly represented as the most peculiarly obnoxious to the divine displeasure; and which, under the just dispensations of an overruling Providence, cannot fail to subject all who dare to avow it, to the awful denunciations recorded against those who disregard that precept, equally applicable to nations as to individuals, To do justice; to love mercy; & to walk humbly with God."
It is a singular fact that the Jacobin Club in the town of Boston, not only aims to control the politics of Massachusetts, but of the neighboring states. It has been asserted that the federal ticket for representatives for the state of New Hampshire, was selected at Boston; and it is certain that many pamphlets and political addresses to the people of New Hampshire have emanated from that place. The following paragraph is a specimen of the regard for truth and decency which characterise these bantlings of the junto .
"Be not then deceived;—and you will not be, if you look to the enmity of the Virginia demagogues to Commerce, and to the invisible hand of foreign influence in your national administration, for the sole cause of your Embargo and Non-Importation laws;—and of course for the misery and distress so universally experienced."
A writer in the Charleston Times , under the signature of a NATIONALIST , has given to the public a series of essays, tending to reconcile parties, and to enjoin on all, laying aside foreign partialities, to rally round the standard of their own country. In one of these essays we find the following passage, which forcibly arrested our attention, as it will that of our readers:
"In support of the assertion, that approval or disapproval of the embargo, is no test of republicanism or federalism, it is perhaps sufficient to appeal to the daily observation of every citizen who is in the habit of reading the public papers; the extracts on this subject, which have been recently published from the democratic papers of other states, abundantly establish the position. One democratic paper in particular, the Albany Register , in a piece, ascribed (with every appearance of truth) to citizen Genet , the son-in-law of the Vice-President, has gone further in condemning the embargo, and contains more bitterness of sarcasm against the Executive, for recommending and patronizing this ruinous measure, than all that has yet been seen in the federal papers. It must nevertheless be, in candor, acknowledged, that these seem to be
running a race of glory with the former in this (at this juncture) unpatriotic career. Not vain enough to obtrude my advice, in recommending to the federal editors rather more moderation on this topic, I shall resort to the authority of one, whom they all loved and respected while living, and whose memory they now venerate when dead, while they still weep over his bier; one who was so high-toned a federalist , that the newspapers of one party have, on a late mournful event, teemed with eulogies, while some of the other party have not even deigned to notice his decease; one who loved his country, if ever man loved it; whose virtues were an ornament and a blessing to it; and whose splendid eloquence shone one of the brightest gems in the American Constellation—FISHER AMES, it will be proved, was a warm advocate in Congress, for an embargo, in 1794, when this country was on the brink of war with Great Britain; of which he was, in that assembly, reminded in 1796, when he recommended different measures with respect to France, by Mr. Parker, (one of the Virginia members) in these words—"When the orders of 6th November, 1793, were issued by the British government, it was proposed by this House to lay an embargo; at that time, it was said by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Ames) 'we must be sober minded and discreet; we must not provoke this powerful nation; she is armed at all points like a Porcupine , her quills are sharply pointed, and she is in confederacy with the most powerful nations of Europe; therefore it will be wise to shut ourselves up like the Tartar , and wait till events change the face of Europe, but on no terms go to war.'" [Cong. Deb. 5th vol. p. 72.] To this attack, Mr. Ames thus replied, [p. 77.] "What had been his language with respect to Britain? Did he say we were to submit? Or did he say we were to defend our country? Was he then afraid, as they were now, that soft words (to France) would not be soft enough? Such language came not from him. But he said, do nothing to irritate, wage no war, no hostility—such he called sequestration , and acts of that nature—he therefore wished to shut ourselves up in our shell like a Tortoise ; but, at the same time, he recommended troops to be raised, ships to be built, taxes to be laid, and a spirited claim of justice to be urged; the gentlemen, who wished at that time to preserve peace, did not wish to hold out the olive branch alone, by leaving the country defenceless; this many of their opposers absolutely did. It was then the wish of his friends, to urge every exertion of the country, to have strained its faculties till they were ready to crack, and to have called forth the last dollar, and the last man, in defence of the country, in case of necessity. Did this look as if they wished to truckle to Great Britain? Many of their opposers, so zealous then for retaliation and reprisal, were not for any thing else—neither troops, ships, taxes, nor treaty. Will the present opposers shew half the spirit now, that we felt and expressed at that day?" FISHER AMES was then, clearly, the first suggestor of the Tartar policy."
NEWSPAPERS. —There are at present printed in the United States about three hundred newspapers; of which twenty-four are daily papers. Of these seven are republican, twelve federal and five neutral.
Of papers printed three times a week there are about twenty-five. Twice a week, about twenty.
The remainder about two hundred and twenty-five, are weekly papers.
Within the last month we have noticed the establishment of eight new weekly papers, viz.
Weekly Expositor—York, Penn. Statesman—Newburyport, Mass. Pilot—Cazenovi, N. Y. Vermont Courier—Rutland, Vt. Weekly Chronicle—Natchez, M. T. Herkimer Herald—Herkimer, N. Y. Missouri Gazette—St. Louis, Lou. The Dove—Washington, K.
It is believed that since the adjournment of Congress at least twenty new papers have commenced; and proposals are in circulation for about twenty more.
INSANITY.
QUEM DEUS VULT PERDERE PRIUS DEMENTAT.
The following example is from the Baltimore Federal Republican :
"In the historian's page, Jefferson and Madison will rank with the Prince of Peace and the long list of European traitors who have sold their countries for the gold of Buonaparte!"
The following instance is from the New-York Gazette :
"The speech of Mr. Canning on American affairs, is a key to the dark closet of our cabinet!"

Several towns in Massachusetts, have agreed to petition for the immediate removal of the embargo in addition to those heretofore mentioned; and about an equal number have refused.
MR. SMITH,
An evil now exists in the City which loudly calls for the interposition of the Council. It is the non-execution of the law relative to the regulation of the weight of Bread . This evil is so glaring at this time that it behoves the proper authority to enforce it. Bread is no heavier now than it was when flour cost seven or eight dollars a barrel. I had the double and single loaf weighed this day, and find that the former weighed 44, and the latter 21 ounces: and agreeably to the act of Council respecting bread, (supposing the price of flour to be 4 dollars. 50 cents per barrel, which is about the price) it ought to weigh 62 and 31 ounces, which leaves a deficiency in the large loaf of 18 ounces, and in the small one of 10 ounces. If the public is not most egregiously imposed on, the act of Council above alluded to wants revision.
AN OBSERVER.
The British Parliament have voted 35,000 l. to Gen. Martin, for losses sustained by him in Virginia, as the representative of Lord Fairfax.
A special Court for the trial of those persons who lately committed murder on the shore of Lake Champlain, was to sit at Burlington on the 23d instant.
ANSWER
Of the President of the United States, to the ADDRESS of the Legislature of the Territory of Orleans of the 29th of March last.
I receive, fellow-citizens, with a just sensibility, the expressions of esteem and approbation communicated in your kind address of the 29th of March, and am thankful for them; — the motives which have led to my retirement from office, were dictated by a sense of duty, and will, I trust, be approved by my fellow-citizens generally.
It is indeed a source of real concern, that an impartial neutrality scrupulously observed towards the belligerent nations of Europe, has not been sufficient to protect us against encroachments on our rights; and although deprecating war, should no alternative be presented us but disgraceful submission to unlawful pretensions, I have entire confidence in your assurances that you will cheerfully submit to whatever sacrifices and privations may be necessary for vindicating the rights, the honor and independence of our nation.
Far from a disposition to avail ourselves of the peculiar situation of any belligerent nation, to ask concessions incompatible with their rights, with justice or reciprocity, we have never proposed to any the sacrifice of a single right, and in consideration of existing circumstances we have been willing, when our duty to other nations permitted us, to relax for a time, and in some cases, that strictness of right which the laws of nature, the acknowledgments of the civilized world, and the equality of independence of nations entitle us to. Should, therefore, excessive and continued injuries compel at length a resort to the means of self-redress, we are strong in the consciousness that no wrong committed on our part, no precipitancy in repelling the wrongs committed by others, no want of moderation in our exactions of voluntary justice, but undeniable aggressions on us, and the avowed purpose of continuing them, will have produced a recurrence so little consonant with our principles or inclinations.
To carry with me into retirement the approbation and esteem of my fellow-citizens, will indeed be the highest reward they can confer on me, and certainly the only one I have ever desired. I invoke the favor of heaven, fellow-citizens, towards yourselves and our beloved country.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Washington, June 11, 1808.
PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S Answer to the ADDRESS of the Legislature of New-Hampshire, which passed at their last June session.
August 2, 1808.
Sir, I received in due time your favor of June 24, covering the address of the House of Representatives and Senate of New-Hampshire, and I ask leave, through the same channel, to return the enclosed answer to be communicated to them in whatever way you think most acceptable. Highly gratified by this approbation of the legislature of your state, as it respects myself personally, the moment, at which it is expressed, gives it peculiar value, as a public document. It is
the testimony of a respectable legislature in favor of a measure submitting our fellow-citizens to some present sufferings, to preserve them from future and greater: and cannot fail to strengthen the disposition to maintain it which I am happy to perceive is so general.
I tender you my affectionate salutations, and with every wish for your health and happiness, the assurance of my high respect and consideration.
TH: JEFFERSON.
His Excellency
Gov. LANGDON.
To the Legislature of New-Hampshire.
In the review, fellow-citizens, which, in your address of the 14th of June, you have taken of the measures pursued since I have been charged with their direction, I read with great satisfaction and thankfulness the approbation you have bestowed on them: and I feel it an ample reward for any services I may have been able to render.
The present moment is certainly eventful, and one which peculiarly requires that the bond of confederation connecting us as a nation should receive all the strength which unanimity between the national councils and the state legislatures can give it. The depredations committed on our vessels and property on the high seas, the violences to the persons of our citizens employed on that element, had long been the subject of remonstrance and complaint, when, instead of reparation, new declarations of wrong are issued subjecting our navigation to general plunder. In this state of things our first duty was to withdraw our sea-faring citizens and property from abroad, and to keep at home resources so valuable at all times, and so essential, if resort must ultimately be had to force. It gave us time too to make a last appeal to the reason and reputation of nations. In the mean while I see with satisfaction that this measure of self-denial is approved and supported by the great body of our real citizens; that they meet with cheerfulness the temporary privations it occasions, and are preparing with spirit to provide for themselves those comforts and conveniences of life, for which it would be unwise ever more to recur to distant countries. How long this course may be preferable to a more serious appeal, must depend for decision on the wisdom of the legislature; unless indeed a return to established principles should remove the existing obstacles to a peaceable intercourse with foreign nations. In every event, fellow-citizens, my confidence is entire that your resolution to maintain our national independence and sovereignty will be as firm as it has been forbearing; and looking back on our history, I am assured by the past, that its future pages will present nothing unworthy of the former.
I am happy that you approve of the motives of my retirement. I shall carry into it ardent prayers for the welfare of my country, and the sincerest wishes for that of yourselves personally.
TH: JEFFERSON.
August 2d, 1808.
Commodore BARNEY is a candidate for Congress, in Baltimore.
Baltimore, August 12, 1808.
The authors of the insinuations lately thrown out respecting the candidates for Congress, would wish to make it appear that I was in the federal interest. I send you a copy of my letter to the President, written two or three days after the news of the Chesapeake affair; that will speak more to the purpose than a mission of fine promises. Let my opponents shew their readiness in any way, except drinking toasts, to serve their country. You may make what use you please of the letter.
JOSHUA BARNEY.
Mr. B. Irvine.
Baltimore, July 4, 1807.
To Thomas Jefferson President of the United States.
Sir—At a moment like the present, I conceive it the duty of every citizen to step forward in support of his country. I therefore beg leave to tender you my personal services, and shall be happy to be employed by you, in any manner which may be conducive to the good of my country, and the support of the present administration.
I am sir, yours, With respect and esteem, JOSHUA BARNEY.
Yrujo in England.—A London paper contains the following article concerning this notorious intriguer, who, had he put his foot on the French or Spanish shore, would have found his own doings upon record against him:
The Tiger was allowed by the
American government to take his excellency to Bordeaux. The commander of the Grouler informed the marquis of the late occurrence in Spain, and solicited him to proceed thither at once; but the surprise of the marquis was such as to induce him to doubt some of the facts stated, and to prefer a visit to England before he proceeded to Spain. A passport was last night forwarded from the Secretary of State's office, and we understand his excellency intends to pass a few weeks at Bath. The Tiger had a considerable number of passengers on board; also bound to Spain."
Yrujo carried, from Philadelphia, passports from the British Ambassador . Indeed, after the agreeable pleasure parties which Mr. Bond participated in, on the Delaware, before the departure of the Tiger—how could passports be refused, if it were only on that account? There are many people so malicious as to believe that Yrujo meant to go to Bath in England when he left Philadelphia; and that going to Bordeaux, was only something like his going to Norfolk in 1805—a piece of diplomatic skill .
Aurora.
Another paper says—"The Marquis of Yrujo, formerly Ambassador to the government of the United States from Spain, who is arrived in the Tiger is said to have been the bearer of dispatches from the American government to that of France which have fallen into our hands. This gentleman, we understand, was never on friendly terms with the American government; and some time since some angry letters appeared between them in the American papers. Hopes are entertained that when his excellency is made acquainted with the real state of affairs in Spain, he will cheerfully afford all the information in his power to this government, and the Spanish patriots, in aid of the glorious cause in which they are engaged.
By a Gazette from the Isle of France and Bonaparte, 20th April, it appears that a high spirit of enterprize against British commerce pervades these colonies. A M. Bouvet, in a small vessel, with one gun and 40 men, had captured an English brig of 260 tons, 10 guns and 70 men, bound from Bengal to Bassora, and that had stopped at Goa. After the capture, he removed his prisoners, which then exceeded one hundred, into his own small vessel, took out all the arms and powder, and spiked up his gun, finished his cruise in his brig, and had reached the Isle of France. The cargo of the brig was a chosen one, and was reckoned at 500,000 dollars. The English confess that their naval expeditions in the Indies had left their commerce defenceless.
Salem Reg.
Frankfort, (Ky.) Aug. 4.
JAMES MONROE, Esq., our late ambassador at the court of St. James's, arrived in this town on yesterday evening.
New Orleans, June 17.
A letter from Pensacola, directed by a well informed person to a gentleman in this city, announces that Mr. de St. Simon lieutenant-general in the service of Spain, has arrived at the Havana in a felucca from Cadiz; he is appointed viceroy of Mexico.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman at Gibraltar, to his correspondent in Boston, dated July 11.
"The fortress of Barcelona is still in possession of the French; I hope soon to hear that the Spaniards have command there again. The Spanish armies seem to be, so far successful, and they are in great spirits."
Another letter from Gibraltar, July 10, from an American, says, "The Spaniards are now struggling without their King, and with an undisciplined army, against one of the most powerful monarchs in Europe. God end them a favorable issue. They have shown an enthusiastic spirit, worthy of the highest praise. Their resistance, when their enemy had 150 to 200,000 regular troops in their country, was as unexpected as courageous."
Boston, August 23.
NEWS FROM SPAIN.
On Sunday arrived the brig Mercury , capt. Bradford, from Alicante and Gibraltar. She sailed from the former place on the 29th of June—only 9 days subsequent to our accounts from Cadiz; and the cities are at a considerable distance from each other. She left Gibraltar on the 11th of July, where she remained but a short time, on account of apprehensions that it was possible she might be detained, as she was without her regular papers, and the first vessel from a Spanish
port with a cargo that had put in there since the orders of council.
By captain Bradford's information, it appears, that the hatred of the Spaniards for the French, has never been exceeded even among nations that were natural enemies. The French consul at Malaga, and several merchants, were said to have been put to death. At Alicante, every person born in France was imprisoned. Some who were confined, had resided 30 or 40 years in Spain. The patriots had heard that Napoleon had appointed them a king in his Brother Joseph.
All classes of Spaniards were enthusiastic in their determination to resist the French. The instances of suspicion that persons were in the Gallic interest, were rare. At Valencia one person had been beheaded. At Malaga, a few persons had been arrested, but upon examination, there appeared no reason to doubt their patriotism, and they were liberated. The person at the head of the Province of Valencia, was a gentleman of great distinction and property; and several persons at Alicante, denominated noblemen, had volunteered in the ranks to serve against their treacherous enemy.
Most of the Frenchmen at Alicante, who were arrested, on account of the indignation against the ruler of the country which gave them birth, were loud and decisive against the conduct of Napoleon towards his faithful ally.
At the commencement of the revolution, Valencia established a local Junta; which has since declared that it will receive and execute the commands of the Junta of Seville.
The islands of Majorca and Minorca had sent the Patriots reinforcements, and arms and ammunition.
The Carthagena squadron remained at Minorca. None of the French fleets were known to be at sea.
The account of the defeat of the French army, under Gen. Dupont, on its way from Madrid to Seville, is confirmed. It was said 5000 Frenchmen were killed.
It was said there was at Madrid, and in its neighborhood, about 50,000 French troops, under the Duke of Berg. Several skirmishes had taken place. In Catalonia there were said to be about 25,000. Desertions were very frequent, and to prevent that at Barcelona, about 1000 selected troops had been stationed round the city. These the revolutionists contrived to surprise, and they were all cut to pieces.
A body of French troops (reported at 6000) had been dispatched from Madrid to take possession of the city of Valencia. They had been once attacked, succeeded in discomfiting the Spaniards, and continued their march. They had arrived within about 20 leagues of Valencia; but there was no despondency on that account—and about 30,000 regulars and volunteers had marched to give them battle, zealous in their country's cause, and confident of success.
We cannot learn that any fresh troops from France entered Spain in June.
New-York, Aug. 27.
By the brig Neptune , Garland, 23 days from Port Spain, Trinidad, we have received the Trinidad Courant of the 30th July, from which the following article is copied:
TRINIDAD, July 30.
By a lanche which arrived yesterday evening from New Barcelona, we learn, that a French national brig (no doubt one of the expresses mentioned in Lord Collingwood's dispatches) had arrived at La Guira, with a number of officers on board, civil and military, bearing orders from Bonaparte, sanctioned by the king his prisoner, to supercede the present administration of government, and establish the reign of the new dynasty in that province.—The dispatches had been forwarded to Carraccas, but the chiefs of that province, men of sound judgment and approved fidelity, having been previously put in possession of the Bando of the Supreme Junta of Seville, dated 28th May, (which had been forwarded by this government), weighing well in the scale of prudence the dangers of precipitation, in a matter of so much importance to the state, had called a general assembly of the heads of departments, to deliberate on the steps to be taken in so difficult an emergency. The council had accordingly assembled, and were sitting when the Acasta's dispatches arrived to confirm their opinion in the resistance which, it seems it was their determination to oppose to the attempts of the usurper. They were read with acclamation by the Junta, the cries of Viva el Rey, vivo nuestro Catolico Monarca, Fernando Septimo y su magnanime aliado el Rey de la Gran Bretana , resounded in the Casa Capitular , and were soon re-echoed by the whole city—and the imperious officers of his imperial majesty were committed to durançaise, in the Cazemattes of La
Guira, and his imperial brig made a prize of, and sent to Porto Cavello.
The colors of the two nations were soon displayed on the forts at La Guira, under a general salvo of all the heavy artillery. The Acasta , at anchor in the road, repeated the signals and tokens of alliance and festivity, and the officers who landed were received and treated with the greatest marks of respect and attention—huzza! huzza! huzza!
POSTSCRIPT.
The ship Washington has arrived at Boston, bringing London dates to the 12th of July, which do not furnish news of any importance.
The Council of State of N. Carolina has again rejected the proposition of the Governor to convene the Legislature.
ELECTIONS.—In North-Carolina, Messrs. Sawyer and Franklin are re-elected to Congress. Mr. Stanly, a federalist, is elected in the place of Mr. Blackledge, and Mr. Pearson in the place of Mr. Alexander. Mr. McBride supercedes Mr. Culpeper, and Mr. Kennedy, a republican, is said to have been elected in the place of Gen. Blount.
Newburyport, August 25.
FLAGRANT VIOLATION.—On Monday night last, a sloop loaded with provisions, contrary to the laws laying an embargo, made her escape from this town by the aid and assistance of a body of men. The officers of government obtained information previous to her departure, that an attempt would be made to run the sloop out in defiance of all authority. An attempt was made to prevent her departure, but the officers, in the discharge of their duty, were beaten with sticks and FIRED UPON from the sloop, a boat with several men went alongside of the sloop, to be informed of her destination; they were basely insulted, and in consequence of the resistance made by those on board, the officer commanding the boat thought proper to retire.
A Schooner was immediately dispatched in pursuit of the sloop, on board of which was a number of the U. States troops, and several citizens, who patriotically volunteered their services to bring her back; and after a pursuit of ten hours, brought her to, and took possession of her; the men concerned in this affair against the laws of the land, had in general, left her previous to her surrender—several however remained on board when she was taken possession of.
We suspend for the present, all comment on this disgraceful transaction; but shall in due time, give the public the particulars of this outrage against the laws of the land. The names of those concerned are well known; and whenever necessary shall be made public.
NOTICE.
MERCHANTS and others desirous of forwarding LETTERS to Europe, are hereby informed that a vessel will sail under the orders of Government from Philadelphia, on the 15th of September next, or as soon as may be thereafter, for France and England.
The postage on Letters must be paid to Philadelphia.
Department of State, August 29—6t
ATTENTION!!
THE MEMBERS composing the WASHINGTON POLEMIC SOCIETY,
are hereby notified, that the Society will meet at the MASONIC HALL on SATURDAY the THIRD of SEPTEMBER, at SEVEN o'clock P. M. FUNCTUAL attendance is requested.
By order of the PRESIDENT, SAMUEL SPOTS, Secretary. Aug. 31—2t.
I WILL RENT for the next year, several LARGE FARMS, situated on the Potomac in the state of Virginia, about 30 miles above this place. These Farms will all be seeded at the proper season with Wheat and delivered up to the persons that rent on the first day of January next, or sooner if required—they will be shewn to any persons desirous of renting by Mr. James Hildreth, who resides at Mr. Carter's island near them, or by the subscriber.
JOHN W. BRONOUGH, George Town, August 31—4w
MONEY WANTED!
THE services of a valuable Negro Man may be had twelve months, for the use of
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS.
Satisfactory security will be given for the repayment of the money at the expiration thereof.
Enquire of the Printer. August 31—3t.

CENTRE MARKET HOUSE. PROPOSALS for the Masons' and Carpenters' work, either jointly or separately, materials included, will be received by either of the subscribers until Monday the 5th day of September next, for building an addition to the West End of the Centre Market House, agreeably to a plan lodged with Captain James Hovan.
Thomas H. Gillis, James Hovan, Andrew Way, junr. Commissioners.
August 29th—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of RICHARD W. BELT an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county for debt—Notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Richard W. Belt that on Monday the 5th day of September next at Lindsay's Hotel, in the city of Washington at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M., the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," will be administered to the said Richard W. Belt and a trustee appointed, unless cause be shown and there shown to the contrary.
It is ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, three times before said day.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, Esq., chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck.
August 27—3t
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to public sale on the 30th day of September next, at Rhodes's Tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of Wm. ESSENBECK, to LOTS numbered Two and Three in Square 257 in said city—said property is seized and sold by virtue of a writ of fieri facias, issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington at the suit of John C. Severman, against said Esenbeck.
The sale will commence precisely at 11 o'clock, A. M. Terms cash.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal D. C. Aug. 29—2awts
FOR RENT, ONE OF THE SEVEN BUILDINGS, Now in the tenure of the Subscriber. Possession may be had on the FIFTEENTH DAY OF SEPTEMBER NEXT. HENRY WHETCROFT. Aug. 29—3t.
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. Now landing from on board the Sch. MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, and for SALE, at low prices.
Jamaica Spirit, Antigua & New England Rum, Muscovado Sugars, Melasses, Coffee, Muscadet and bloom Raisins, Holland and country Gin, Spermaceti Candles, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars, Corks, Powder and Shot of the best quality, White Lead, in oil, A few crates of Stone ware. They have also on hand and for Sale. Madeira, Marsala, } Wine by the cask. and Catalonia, } Claret in boxes of 1 doz. each, Cognac, and } Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, } Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, Best Salid Oil, Mould and dipt Candles, Soap, Whiskey, and A few Logs of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, PR. August 27—3t
FOR SALE or RENT, THE Hotel at present occupied by P. D. STEELE. The advantages of this situation are so well known, that it is useless to say more of it—it is convenient to the Capitol, is calculated for a large establishment, with stabling for 40 or 50 horses. The Bridge, rapidly progressing over the Potomac, with the turnpike road to Alexandria, also in great forwardness, will add to the many advantages this situation possesses. To a man qualified to carry on such an establishment, no situation can insure a more certain and rapid fortune. Occupation can be had any day before the first of October next. Apply to the subscriber.
DANL. CARROLL of Dud'n Washington, August 3—eptO
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the Town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern in said town, to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS BEALL, of Saml, March 21—eptds
WANTED AT the Woodyard for the ensuing year a Manager, to take charge of the whole estate. He must be a sober, diligent and discreet man—well acquainted with the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco, and the management of negroes. To such a man who can produce unquestionable testimonials of his capacity, sobriety and fidelity, high wages will be given. A person not connected in the neighborhood will be preferred.
Apply to RD. W. WEST, Woodyard. N. B. Application must be made before the 1st. Sept. next. May 13—eptds
NOW DRAWING, The CHARITABLE MARINE SOCIETY LOTTERY. Consisting of 18,000 Tickets. In which are the following capital prizes— 1 prize of 5,000 dollars, 1 prize of 3,000 dollars, 1 prize of 2,500 dollars, 2 prizes of 1,500 dollars.
Now is the fortunate moment—any of the above prizes may be had by applying for Tickets at J. Mason's Book-Store, George Town.
Present price of Tickets 5 1-2 dols. but will advance as the drawing progresses.
It is worthy of remark that the above prizes are paid without deduction, and that the whole drawing will be completed in two months from this date.
August 26—3t
MARSHAL'S SALE.
WILL be exposed to public sale on the 23d day of September next, at Rhodes's Tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of BENJAMIN PERKINS to lot No. 1, in square Seventy-five in said city, together with a small frame workshop thereon; the above property is seized and sold to satisfy two writs of fieri facias issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, the one at the suit of Timothy Caldwell, and the other at the suit of Alexander Cochrane use of Hugh Smith, against said Perkins. The sale will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M. Terms cash. WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal D. C. August 22—2awts
PROPOSALS for carrying the Mails of the United States, on the following Post Roads, will be received at the General Post Office, until the 6th day of September next.
1. From Athens in Georgia, by Apalachicola, Flint River, and Coweta to Tuckabatchy on the Mississippi territory estimated at 220 miles, once a week. Leave Athens every Saturday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m.
2. From Tuckabatchy by Majors Creek on Alabama, or Tensaw to Fort Stoddert, estimated at one hundred and sixty three miles, once a week. Leave Tuckabatchy every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. and arrived at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Tuckabatchy the next Tuesday by 8 p. m.
3. From Fort Stoddert to Farre's on Pearl River, estimated at 160 miles, once a week. Leave Fort Stoddert every Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Farre's the next Tuesday by 8 o'clock p. m. Leave Farre's at Pearl River every Wednesday at 4 o'clock a. m. & arrive at Fort Stoddert the next Saturday by 10 o'clock a. m.
4. From Farre's on Pearl River to New Orleans, once a week. Leave New Orleans every Monday noon, and arrive at Farre's on Tuesday by 8 p. m. Leave Farre's every Wednesday at 4 a. m. and arrive at New Orleans on Thursday by noon.
NOTE 1. If the depending mail shall not have arrived at the time fixed for departure, the contractor shall be bound to wait for it, provided it arrives within six hours after such fixed time. NOTE 2. For every failure, and for every delay which shall continue so that the depending mail loses a trip, the contractor shall forfeit double the pay he would have received for such a trip, unless the failure shall have been occasioned by unavoidable accident; and in that case, the amount of the pay for such trip shall be forfeited, so that no pay shall be made unless the service is performed.
NOTE 3. For every hours delay, the Contractor shall forfeit one dollar; but no forfeiture for the delay of any one trip can exceed double the value of such trip. The contracts are to commence on the 1st day of October next, and continue in force until the 31st March 1808.
General Post Office, July 20th, 1808.
LANDING THIS DAY, From on board the schooner MARIA, capt. Fitzhugh, from New York—A quantity of prime St. Croix sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Port Wine, Nutmegs, and Chocolate. Also, Gun-Powder, Imperial, and Hyson Teas, in chests, half and quarter chests and canisters of this spring's importation, For sale by ROSS & GETTY. George Town, June 20—tf
ON SALE AT AUCTION. ON Monday the 5th September, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, (if fair, if not the next fair day) will be sold at the house of Richard Harrison near George Town, on the Frederic road— HOUSE, OLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE.
ALSO, A strong, well finished, Philadelphia built CARRIAGE, but little used, with plated mouldings and harness.
Terms of sale—For all sums not exceeding 50 dollars cash; above 50 and not exceeding 100 dollars, ninety days; all sums exceeding 100 dollars, six months credit, the purchasers to give their notes with approved indorsers, negotiable at the Bank of Columbia, or the city of Washington.
JOHN TRAVERS, Auc. August 22
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
ESCAPED from the subscriber on the road leading from George Town towards Leesburg, about 15 miles from the former place, a negro man named LUKE, about 35 years of age, 6 feet high, dark skin, two of his upper front teeth are out; he has a down cast look, and generally speaks in a low voice; his clothes and name he will probably change, I purchased him of Mr. Theophilus Hughes to take to my residence in Kentucky, he has had several masters about Bladensburg, and he will certainly be lurking about that place as he has a wife, the property of Mr. Isaac Barrett near Bladensburg. I have appointed Mr. Everard Gary of George Town my agent, and the above reward will be paid by him to any person who will deliver the said fellow to Mr. C. Tippet in the city jail.
SALE. M'LEAN. July 25—6w
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
ON the petition of THOMAS Y. SPROGELL, an insolvent debtor confined in the prison of Washington county aforesaid for debt, notice is hereby given to the creditors of the said Thomas Y. Sprogell, that on the 12th day of September next, at Lindsay's hotel the city of Washington at the hour of 9 o'clock A. M. the oath prescribed by the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia" will be administered to the said Thomas Y. Sprogell and a trustee appointed unless sufficient cause be then and there shown to the contrary—Ordered that this notice be published in the National Intelligencer, Washington Federalist and in the United States Gazette, published in the city of Philadelphia, three times in each paper before the fifth day of September next.
By order of the honorable William Cranch, Esq., chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
WM. BRENT, Ck. August 26—3t
District of Columbia, Washington county, to wit.
CIRCUIT COURT, JUNE TERM, 1808. Solomon Davis, Ex'r of Solomon Simpson, deceased—complainant, against
Abiel Jenners and Deborah his wife and Ferdinando Fairfax—Defendants.
THE bill states that on the thirtieth day of October 1799 the said Abiel Simpson loaned to the said Abiel Jenners, the sum of two thousand six hundred and fifty dollars, and for securing the repayment thereof to said Simpson with interest on or before the first day of November 1801, the said Jenners and the said Deborah his wife by deed of indenture bearing date on the day and year aforesaid, mortgaged to the said Simpson, one undivided sixth part of a tract or parcel of land in the city of Washington, called "Knock"—that the said sum of money and interest was never paid to the said Simpson in his life time, nor since his death to the said Davis who is the executor of the last will and testament of said Simpson—that upon a division of said tract of land, certain lots of ground in the city of Washington were allotted and conveyed to the said Jenners and wife, as the sixth part thereof—that the said Jenners and wife on or about the 2nd day of January 1802 conveyed said lots to the said Ferdinando Fairfax in fee simple who now claims the same under said conveyance.
The object of the bill is to foreclose said mortgage and to obtain a decree for the sale of said lots and which are particularly mentioned and described in said bill.
The bill further states that the said Abiel Jenners and Deborah his wife and the said Ferdinando Fairfax do not reside within the district of Columbia, & that they are not within the limited jurisdiction of this court.
It is thereupon on motion of the said complainant, ordered that he cause a copy of this order to be inserted in the National Intelligencer once a week for three successive weeks before the fourth Monday of December next; to the end that the said Abiel Jenners and Deborah his wife and the said Ferdinando Fairfax may have notice of the object of this bill and that they may be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor on or before the said fourth Monday of December next, to show cause if any they have why a decree should not pass as prayed.
By order, WM. BRENT, Ck. August 19—w3t
MARSHAL'S SALE. WILL be exposed to public sale on Saturday the 17th day of September next at Rhodes's Tavern in Washington city, all the right, title, and interest of Thomas T. Gantt to Lot No. 15 in square 293, Lots Nos. 12 and 14 in square 430, Lot No. 2 in square 12, Lots 21, 22 and 23 in square 569, and Lots 13 and 14 in square 1023, taken by virtue of a writ of fieri facias, issued out of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington, at the suit of Samuel Crowdsen and others (for the use of William Brent) against Thomas T. Gantt: the sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock. Terms, a credit of 60 days and 90 days, the purchaser giving notes with approved indorsers.
WASHINGTON BOYD, Marshal District Columbia. August 11—2awts
CHARLES H. VARDEA MERCHANT TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY informs the gentleman and public in general, that he has just received by a late arrival from Philadelphia,
A CHOICE ASSORTMENT Of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment of Spangle and rich silk Moleskias for waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season.
Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion.
Richard Horwell's celebrated patent parallel SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his manufactory. November 27—tf
Annapolis Md. July 15, 1808.
CHARLES HENRY WILLIGMANN,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has taken that justly celebrated INN, in this city, called the UNION TAVERN, which was formerly in the possession of Mr. George Mann. He hopes by his assiduity and attention to give general satisfaction, and that the high character which this Inn acquired in Mr. Mann's time, and which it still has, as being one of the first taverns in the Union, will not be lessened while it remains in his possession.
August 12—9t
FOR SALE, On reasonable terms THREE BRICK HOUSES
Belonging to the "Washington Building Company" situated on 12th street west, near Pennsylvania avenue. The buildings are well constructed, and of good materials and well arranged for the accommodation of private families. As calls for Houses in that part of the city have of late been very pressing; and as it is the object and policy of the Company to obtain, without making a sacrifice, funds for the further execution of their Building Plan, they have concluded on this offer.
Apply to Messrs. Michael Nourse & Alexander Cochran or either of them.
N. B. Messrs. Hadfield, Wilson, Evans & Gray, the present occupants, will give every required information. August 19—ep2w
LOST,
ON Wednesday evening, between George-Town & the Marine Barracks, A DIRK,
dropped from the scabbard; the handle ivory and the blade much curved—the finder will be rewarded by leaving it at the Marine Barracks. Aug. 26—3t.
FOR SALE.
BY Virtue of an order of the honorable William Cranch, chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia, will be exposed to public sale, at the house of Mr. Wm. Rhodes in the city of Washington and district of Columbia, on Saturday the 3d day of September next at 4 o'clock P. M. all the Real & Personal Property of John Banks; amongst which are some valuable Lots, advantageously situated in the said city of Washington.
The terms of sale will be made known at the aforesaid time and place.
JAMES PORTER, Trustee.
ALL persons indebted unto John Banks, as also those indebted unto Lowdermilk & Co. late of the city of Washington, are desired to make immediate payment to the subscriber; or he will be reluctantly necessitated, to indiscriminately proceed to a recovery as the law in such cases provides.
JA. PORTER. August 10—w15.
Fresh Teas, Nutmegs, sugars, Coffees, &c.
W. & C. SMITH have just received by the Maria from New York,
6 Chests } 20 Boxes } Fine Imperial Teas 100 Canisters } 25 Chests } 15 Boxes } 100 Canisters } Hyson Teas 20 Chests } 18 Half do. } Young Hyson Teas 30 Boxes } 10 Chests hyson skin do. 1 Case nutmegs and cloves. 52 Hds. St. Croix sugars—part of them very first quality. 40 Bgs best Martinique green coffee. 12 Bags Corks. 20 Sacks on kegs best Marseilles refined olive oil. 10 Quarter casks London particular Tenerife wine. Georgetown, June 20—2wtf.
PROPOSALS
Will be received at this Office until the 5th day of September next, inclusive, for carrying Mails of the United States, on the following route, viz.
FROM Danville in Virginia, by Hunter's, Lexington, Salisbury, Beattie's Ford, Lincoln, Caruth's, Burrown, Spartanburg, Greenville, C. H. Pickensville, Pendleton, C. H. Hardenville and Daniel's to Athens, once a week—estimated distance, 334 miles.
Leave Danville every Wednesday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Athens the next Saturday, by 10 A. M.
Leave Athens every Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Danville the next Tuesday by 9 P. M.
If the depending mail shall not have arrived at the hours fixed for departure; the contractor shall be bound to wait for it not exceeding six hours, and in such case, shall be allowed the same number of hours to arrive at the opposite point subsequently to the times stipulated.
The contract is to commence on the 1st day of December next, and continue until the 31st day of March 1811.
The contractor will be subject to the usual penalties for delays and failures.
General Post-Office, August 18, 1808—Law
PROPOSAL,
By JOSEPH MILLIGAN,
George Town,
For publishing by Subscription,
ADELINE MOWBRAY;
OR
THE MOTHER & DAUGHTER.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
By Mrs. OPIE.
CUSTOM, and perhaps propriety, have rendered it necessary to bespeak the favorable opinion of the public to a new book; but the writings of Mrs. Opie have long held such an undoubted claim to excellence, that nothing more seems necessary than to point out the leading object of the present very interesting tale, to recommend it to general patronage.
Those who have attentively read the writings of Mr. Godwin, well know, that however correct his abstract positions, and however logical his deductions may be—still they are, in many instances, by no means suited to the actual state of society. His opinions on the matrimonial engagement would, it generally adopted, infallibly destroy those bonds which are at once the most efficacious restraint upon licentious passion, and the best, nay the only security for domestic happiness. To counteract this fatal theory appears to be the principal design of the work now offered—in which the characters are so well supported, the incidents arise so naturally from the situations in which they are placed, the reasoning is so perfectly just, the whole narrative so beautifully pathetic, and the impression which it is calculated to produce on every ingenuous mind, so favorable to the cause of morality, that the publisher confidently anticipates its meeting the same universal applause in this country which it obtained in England.
CONDITIONS. To those who may subscribe before the first of October next, the price will be seventy-cents per volume, in boards, after which it will be advanced to eighty-seven and a half cents per volume. August 12—eop1m
To the Creditors of HENRY KRAMER, deceased.
THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE
THAT the subscriber of the city of Washington hath obtained from the Orphans Court of Washington county district of Columbia, letters of administration on the Personal Estate of Henry Kremer, late of said city, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 12th day of February next; they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate.
Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 8th day of August in the year of our Lord 1808, and of Independence the 33d.
WM. RHODES, Admr. August 22—w3t
PORT-TOBACCO JOCKEY CLUB RACES.
WILL be run for over the Port Tobacco Jockey Club Course, on the second Tuesday in October next, a Purse of three hundred and sixty dollars, four miles and repeat, free for any horse, mare, or gelding, and on the second day a Purse of two hundred dollars, two miles and repeat, the winning horse of the first day's race only excepted. Weights agreeable to the rules of the club; and on the third day a handsome Saddle, Bridle, and Martingale, value Fifty dollars, one mile and repeat, by saddle horses.
All horses must be entered with the Secretary on the evening previous to their running.
WM. D. HARRISON, Sec. August 24
FOR SALE.
THE Two story Brick HOUSE, situated on square number 930 in the city of Washington now occupied by Mr. Tunis Craven, as a retail store. The eligibility of this stand for the retail business is excelled by none in this city; being situated on the principal street to the Navy Yard, and very near the Navy Yard Gate. Any person desirous of purchasing the above property may be shown it by applying to the subscriber, who will also make known the terms of sale. WM. BRENT. Washington city, Dec. 18—wtf