The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-08-25 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCLXXIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 25th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To mislead or suffer ourselves to be misled, is characteristic of either a weak heart or a bad heart. The weak heart is never more positive than when most prepossessed; the bad heart never more gratified than when imposing on the credulous. The one is for carrying all its measures by storm, the other by stratagem; this impelling the subtle knave, that the blustering dupe. In neither do we see the calm manners of a philosopher, nor the candid statesman. Dastardly prejudices, adopted without consideration and familiarized by habit, are strong obstacles in the way of truth and reason. To weak minds they are as infallible guides; to the cunning and designing, the most influential instruments of deceit. But happy for the honest and unspotted, truth deals not in hocus-pocus or legerdemaine; her actions appear best in open day. Add to this, the sophist always overreaches himself, the terms of his syllogisms are contradictory, and his premises, or majors and minors, are at variance with his conclusions. In short, they are, as the logician's term is, non causa pro causa ; so that, every thing considered, the advantage is ever on the side of truth and candour.
As most of the articles of the federal political creed are mere sophisms or vague assertions, and as they contain the tenets, on which their principles have been established; it will be well to strip some of them of the mask of plausibility, in order that they may be seen in genuine colours. The first in the catalogue, of which I shall take notice, is that wherein they affirm, as a proof of the purity of their policies, and superiority over the republicans, "that though they are not a majority of the citizens at large , yet their aggregate consists of a great majority of the well-born ." This is the ground which they now take, and on which they seem to plume themselves. It must be acknowledged, at the first view, that this appears to be a very flattering presumption. To have a majority of the great, in favour of any measure, must give it a mighty preponderancy. But supposing it to be true, what does it prove? Why, from the nature of existing circumstances, the rapid strides which the government has been making, during the late administrations, towards aristocracy; the great talents and integrity of those characters, who have nobly contended for, and supported the liberties of their country, in preference to personal aggrandizement; and the perishing and injustice of those principles, which have lost to men of fortune, and otherwise, reputation, the confidence of a great and free people. These are some of the facts it proves. For whenever those in the higher walks of life, marshal themselves in opposition to those in the lower, aristocracy is to be dreaded. Such an arrangement has never been yet made, but far the express purpose of placing power in the hands of the few, to the prejudice of the many. When, however, we consider our civil establishment, and recur to the compact on which it has been founded; one is at a loss to account for the weakness and folly of those, who have been endeavouring to violate it. Were they for a moment to reflect, how many and how various are the changes of fortune, even in the term of a short life, they would, I am persuaded, be more cautious how they act their parts on the stage of human casualties. The wheel is continually going round, and those who are on the highest point to-day, may be on the lowest to-morrow. O! supposing they should have dexterity enough, to make their positions secure during life; ought they not to have some regard for their posterity? The acts of the present moment, may entail upon them, to the third and fourth generations, slavery, wretchedness, and poverty. To have averted those evils then, when pending, must have been to emulate the virtues of a Cato; to patronize or attempt to perpetrate them, to become, at once, the representatives of a Catiline.
The next article in the federal creed is, "that the great body of the people cannot possibly know any thing of civil policy, and therefore should not be allowed to interfere in matters of politics." This is a round assertion indeed, but a false one. For collectively taken, they know better than any proud pretender who would arrogate to himself superior knowledge. Will it be contended, that the variety of acquirements, information, and good sense, which thirty-three thousand persons possess, is not equivalent to that of any individual who may propose to become their dictator? I hope
not. Or can it be presumed, that the combined wisdom of twenty or thirty thousand, is less capable of making a judicious choice of a representative, than that of twenty or thirty individuals? This would be absurd. It is proper and right to consign the management of our affairs to men of known integrity and knowledge; but certainly they ought to be the choice of the majority for whom they act. Add to this, the people are never better served than when they attend to the management of their own affairs. It is in public as in private concerns, "Trusting too much to other's care is the ruin of many, for, in the affairs of this world, men are saved, not by faith but the want of it." Let the representative, if you will, be considered as the great reservoir of information; but let the people too, be looked upon, as the conduits through which it is supplied.
"But in all events," says the federal creed, "the poorer classes of the people ought not to be allowed to interfere." Those, on the contrary, are the very persons who ought to be the most secure on the privilege list, as being the most interested in the premises; for in losing their right of suffrage, they lose their all. And what is the consequence? A serious loss to the community, without answering one good purpose. For when we consider the many instances which occur, in civil society, of the influence of patronage or perquisite; when we reflect, that from the nature of social intercourse, such must necessarily be always the result; when we calculate the influence which property gives in such cases; and when we view the poor man with his solitary vote, as the object acted upon, can we hesitate to acknowledge, that he operates, but as it were, like a second cause. Yet, however, this is sufficiently influential, in its effects, to make him of considerable importance, inasmuch as he being the mediate source, whence all consequence issues, he is courted by the opponent for the transfer. This dependence, therefore, modifies the manners of the rich, by making them emulous in their kind condescensions towards the poor, in order to gain an ascendancy over one another. For as the community is composed of three distinct classes: the high, the middle, and the low; and as the competition for power, is always between the two former, so the latter supports the equilibrium. Hence result the happy effects of a general suffrage, an infringement whereof, would be a consequence of the destruction of our social balance.
But the plausible policy of the federalists, and their great art in vanquishing over a defective system, appear equally striking in the next article of their political creed, to wit; "Frequent elections tend to agitate the public mind, and to make the lower classes of society neglect their private concerns to the no small injury of their individual interest." This is the real language of sophistry and aristocracy. Let me ask, what can more intimately concern every individual of a community, than that which respects his liberty and property. And what subject deserving of more consideration and circumspection, than that which proposes the means of protecting them. And shall it be said, with any semblance of truth, that the sacrifice of one day, nay I might say one hour, in every two years, can have the least possible tendency to enfeeble industry. On the contrary, it is the cause of the most powerful incentive to action and enterprise, inasmuch as it holds out a reward of the last importance. For in those countries where liberty and property are monopolized, the people are indolent and passive. Experience too, that best of monitors, proves the salutary effects of frequent elections, by keeping alive the rivalry of the contending great, and by putting it in the power of the people, at short periods, to correct abuses. Let the representative but once suppose himself exempt from those considerations, and see on what a narrow scale he will act. Let him but find that the period of his representation is protracted from two to ten or twenty years, or for life; and like my lord duke or my lord marquis, he will think of nothing but personal privileges and private advantages. In short, that man's integrity is very much to be suspected, who would endeavour to put himself above the control of his constituents. If he is honest, he has nothing to fear from the people: a repetition of their suffrage every two or four years, must be the greatest gratification that a magnanimous mind can enjoy. But we are told that "the people are as changeable in their friendships as lovers in their affections, and cannot be depended on for any length of time." This is a wrong position, and as false as slumy; for the very reverse is the fact in both instances.
Were the objects of love or veneration to remain unchangeable, the attachment would remain so too. The sentiments are as unchangeable as the sensations they inspire; it is as impossible not to revere a man of known integrity and worth, as not to admire a perfect beauty. But when time has destroyed the one, or the temptations of the flesh, the world, and the devil, the other; it is not monstrous to expect, that such metamorphoses should continue to excite those sensations, when every attribute, for the purpose, has been cancelled. Well might it be said; indeed the people are capricious! Were such the case.
But this is not the only instance in which the people, particularly the lower classes have been abused. What a mortifying reflection, when we look back, to consider how long the poor man has been the tool of fortune and the tool of tyrants. "But he need not care for he has nothing to lose." Here is another article of the federal creed, which has long set the world at odds. Has not the poor man health, liberty, and life to be deprived of? And are there no considerations? Has he not, in general, a more numerous offspring than the rich? And do they sustain no loss in losing him.
You who are widows and orphans, answer the question! If internal commotions should take place, and recourse is had to arms; the poor man is exposed in the most extreme degree, to all the miseries and hardships attendant on such a state of things. Without food or raiment, or even the means of procuring them by his honest industry, he becomes, at once, the wretched instrument of wicked and designing men. The conflict being over, view him as a disbanded soldier or sailor, maimed by the wounds of war or languishing under a broken constitution; what are his hopes? At the very best, nothing more than a beggarly pension or an hospital. View the face of nature too, deprived of his labour; what a dreary scene! Where once the ploughman whistled and the milk-maid sung—where once were wide extended plantations, flourishing in all the luxuriance of spring or mellowing into maturity—where once the pampered steer lay ruminating on his clover couch, accompanied by his kindred kine or the fleecy flock—where once were to be seen all the pride of nature and man's best prospects—Alas! You now behold nothing but savage scenes. The cruel din of war has torn man's fostering hand away, for the purpose of imbruing it in the blood of his fellow man; and the bramble, the briar, and the noxious weed, fit receptacles for the reptile race, or the prowling beast of prey, occupy the space. The once crowded mart and the happy hamlet are alike scenes of sorrow and sympathy. And why all this rack and ruin? To gratify a rapacious aristocracy, or a cruel tyrant. War, therefore, whether civil or offensive, is a desperate lottery, in which there are twenty thousand blanks to a prize, and turns out, as most other lotteries do, to further the interest of a few, at the expense of millions. Better for mankind to depend upon the spade and plough-share for their support, than to risk their all at such a game of chance. No, fellow-citizens, let us reserve our strength and resources for a defensive warfare, whenever the necessity of the case justifies the expedient; let us support our present virtuous and impartial administration, whilst it continues its present steady and upright course; let us explode those doctrines that would degrade the great body of the people, and deprive them of their rights; and let us, by unanimity and vigilance, continue, and even encrease the blessings which we now enjoy.
PLAIN SENSE.
NOTICE.
THE members of the Washington Troop of Cavalry, are requested to meet at Mr. Rhodes's Hotel, on Wednesday evening next, at five o'clock, on business of importance. N. LUFBOROUGH, Adjutant.
Aug. 23, 1802. ep2
PUBLIC SALE, OF GROWING TIMBER, &c. ON Saturday next the 28th inst. at 10 o'clock in the forenoon will be sold to the highest bidder for cash a number of oak, walnut, mulberry and cedar trees, now growing on the Huppard about half a mile east of the Capitol. Also several parcels of live-wood together with An oak frame barn, 48 feet by 24, almost new—And a two story frame house 18 feet by 19, calculated for a store. GEO. WALKER.
Aug. 23, ep3
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 25, 1802.
An extract of a letter dated Washington, August 17, 1802, published in the Baltimore American, and re-published in the Washington Federalist has been attributed, by the Editors of the Washington Federalist, to the Secretary of the Navy. We are authorised to state that this letter was not written by the Secretary of the Navy.
Capt. Harris, arrived at Boston, from Lisbon, failed in company with two Portuguese frigates, bound to the Mediterranean. The Portuguese are greatly provoked at the loss of their frigate, taken by the Algerines, and have issued fresh orders to their naval commanders, to use the utmost activity in their operations against those pirates.
The deaths in Philadelphia were on the 22d inst. 5.
It is pretty well ascertained, that Samuel Thacher, Esq. is chosen federal representative for the first eastern district of Massachusetts. There are very few scattering votes. In forty towns, from which returns have been received, the votes are, for Mr. Thacher 600—For Mr. Kimsey, the democratic candidate, 422—There are about 80 towns in the district.
DIED—On Saturday morning last at Baltimore, after a long and severe illness, the rev. Doctor Allison, senior pastor of the Presbyterian church in that city.
MASSACRE AT TORTUGAS.
Accounts from Cape Francois to July 25, state, that at Tortugas, a small island near the Cape, the blacks had risen and massacred every white inhabitant. This island is about 27 miles long, and about 6 in width. We do not know the number of its inhabitants.
Extract of a letter from a young gentleman in Martinico, to his friend in Boston, dated St. Pierre, July 16th.
"Martinico is to be delivered to the French the 18th. On the 13th arrived the corvette Le Berceau, and was admitted into port. The French troops are expected every day. Markets very low. Fish selling at 5 dollars."
Extract of a letter from Elizabeth City, N. C. to a gentleman in Norfolk, dated August 6.
"I am sorry to acquaint you, that we are visited with the Yellow Fever, which it is imagined was brought here by a Schooner from the West Indies, and cleared out here—six young men, (three out of Mr. Lent's store, one of them his eldest son) have fallen victims to it in a few days, and a negro—there were many others infected, but, thanks to Providence, they are on the recovery."
New-York, Aug. 20.
Capt. Leach, of Beverly, who came passenger from Gibraltar in the ship Sterling, arrived at Newport, informs that the Swedish consul was ordered away at the same time with the American; and adds, that the Tripolitans had taken a Swedish and an American vessel; the latter supposed to be of Philadelphia—The Swedish they dismantled, taking out the crew, and turned adrift, but carried in the American. He mentions the Capture of the Portuguese frigate by the Algerine frigate Crescent; that after one broadside she made no defence; that the captain was unable to keep either officer or man to their quarters; and that the slaughter which took place was chiefly after the Algerines boarded.
Boston, August 18, 1802.
WAR WITH MOROCCO.
The intelligence under the Providence head, in this day's Centinel, is interesting; and the particulars of it are confirmed by Capt. Leach, of Beverly, who came passenger in the Sterling, and who passed through this town on Monday. Captain Leach saw Mr. Simpson, our late Consul at Tangiers, at Gibraltar; from whom he had the account:—He adds, that Commodore Morris, as a measure of precaution, had hired a number of gun-boats to watch off the mouth of the Straights, and to acquaint American vessels of the state of the affairs; and that he expected a rendezvous for American vessels, would be established at Cadiz.
The naval force of the Emperor of Morocco is not considerable:—He has two cruizers at Sale, which are called
frigates, and which may mount from 20 to 30 guns; his other force, consists of xebecs, galleys and half galleys (properly Shaving-mills;) but as these are fitted out in his ports on the Atlantic; and generally carry sweeps, they are very mischievous enemies to merchantmen.
Capt. Leach also informs, that a report was in circulation at Gibraltar, of an action, in which the Boston frigate had been engaged with some Tunisian cruizers; but that very little attention was paid to it.
Augusta, (Geo.) Aug. 11.
DUEL—On Saturday the 31st July, about eleven o'clock, a duel was fought on the east bank of Savannah river, between L. Van Allen, Esq. solicitor general, and W. H. Crawford, Esq. attorney at law.
They exchanged two fires; the first was without effect, but the second was fatal to the solicitor. He received a ball about two inches before his right hip, it passed through the abdomen, and lodged against his left hip bone, from whence it was extracted on the ground. He lived about 38 hours.
Wilmington, August. 21.
On Thursday last, a number of those whom the persecuting spirit of the times, under the direction of John Adams's administration had debarred the rights of citizenship, attended at New-Castle, for the purpose of being naturalized, agreeably to a late act of Congress—when lo! our honest and hon. chancellor, informed them in substance, that he had not yet satisfied himself on the propriety of acting in the business, and would take the same into consideration until Saturday (this day)! We would ask Mr. Ridgely, if he has not had time sufficient to inform himself respecting the intentions or meaning of a law, which he has had in his possession ever since the first of May last? If he has not he should blush to tell it. We would ask several other questions with regard to this business, but we know they could be satisfactorily answered in five short words—Mr. Ridgely is a Federalist; he consequently will do every thing or any thing, near it, every thing or any thing that may tend to obstruct the law, and deprive those ill treated people whom we have beckoned to our shores, by holding out the hand of friendship, and chanting the juren song of an "asylum for the oppressed of all nations," of their rights of suffrage, till after the next election. It is thus that the federalists give a practical demonstration of their love of order and respect for the laws. "Oh there are such villains!"
Extract of a letter to the editor, dated Dover, August 16. 1802.
"The Court of Chancery sat here three days. Application was made by several for citizenship. The Chancellor alledged that the law was not to be had. The Aurora was handed him, in which the law had been published by authority; it was read by him, and then alledged that that Court was not a proper one. So the business ended."
London, June. 15.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer finally stated the budget for the year yesterday. The leading facts to which we have to look forward, are, that the permanent taxes are thirty two Millions, from which are to be deducted twenty-three millions, for the National Debt and the Sinking Fund, leaving nine millions for the support of our military and naval establishments, and the expence of the civil government. This sum, it is supposed, will be equal to that purpose, as these services before the war did not require much more than six millions. But we fear that our expences cannot speedily be brought even within thirty two millions. It is stated that in a comparison between the present and last year a saving is made of fifteen millions. Still, however, our expences during the present year are about sixty-four millions, including the interest of debt; and the Minister will not positively pledge himself for the savings to which he refers. We have a high opinion of the resources of the country and have no doubt that, with prudence, they will overcome every difficulty; but it is discouraging to see, at the moment hopes are held out that thirty-two millions will cover all expences, these expences double that sum in the first year of peace.
From the Boston Chronicle.
INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE.
The public will form some idea of the stile and spirit of Mr. SAMUEL ADAMS to J. Adams, by the following extracts

troverly with attention. It contains the dividing line of our existing political influence: and the question now before the community is, whether we shall preserve the Constitutions of our common country, local and national, as they are; or, whether, in imitation of the British government, we shall have certain families set apart, in a separate chamber, to form an independent branch in the national legislature, and an executive watchman over them?—that the multitude as well as nobles may have a check.
"It is a fixed principle that all good government is, and must be, republican." You have my hearty concurrence; and I believe we are well enough acquainted with each other's ideas to understand what we respectively mean, when we use "the word with approbation." The body of the people in this country are not so ignorant, as those in England were, in the time of the Interregnum Parliament. They are better educated; they will not be easily prevailed upon to believe that "a republican is an unamiable as a witch, a blasphemer, a rebel, or a tyrant." They are charmed with their own forms of government, in which are admitted a mixture of powers to check the human passions and control them from rushing into exorbitance. So well assured are they, that their liberties are best secured by their own frequent and free election of fit persons to be the essential sharers in the administration of their government, and that this form of government is truly republican; that the body of the people will not be persuaded nor compelled to "renounce, detest and execrate" the very word republican, "as the English do." Their education has confirmed them in the opinion of the necessity of preserving and strengthening the dykes against the ocean, its tides and storms; and I think they have made more safe and more durable dykes than the English have done.
"Education is within the power of men, and societies of men: wise and judicious modes of education, patronized and supported by communities, will draw together the sons of the rich and the poor, among whom it makes no distinction; it will cultivate the natural genius, elevate the soul, excite laudable emulation to excel in knowledge, piety and benevolence; and finally, it will reward its patrons and benefactors by shedding its benign influence on the public mind. Education inures men to thinking and reflection, to reasoning and demonstration. It discovers to them the moral and religious duties they owe to God, their country, and to all mankind. Even savages might, by the means of education, be instructed to frame the best civil and political institutions, with as much skill and ingenuity as they now shape their arrows. Education leads you to "the study of human nature, society, and universal history," from whence they may "draw all the principles" of political architecture which ought to be regarded. All men are "interested in the truth": education, by showing them "the end of all its consequences," would induce at least the greatest numbers to enlist on its side. The man of good understanding, who has been well educated, and improves these advantages as far as his circumstances will allow, in promoting the happiness of mankind, in my opinion, and I am inclined to think in yours, is indeed well born."
FROM THE N. HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE.
Remarks on the proceedings of the House of representatives in their late election of a Senator to fill the vacancy occasioned by Mr. Sheafe's resignation of his seat in the Senate of the United States.
As the election is made, by which Mr. Plumer may have a legal claim to a seat in the Senate of the United States, it would be unavailing to recommend a review of their proceedings to the consideration of the electors: It is therefore to be regretted that the spirit of party, stimulated by the private views of a few individuals, should have produced an effect that has so far outraged the general opinion in the extensive county where the Senator resides, that those who took a leading part in the election, are unwilling to claim the merit which is their due: It is nevertheless, proper that the public should be informed to whose influence and exertions they are indebted for the honor of this appointment.
Politicians sometimes practice a sort of sinfiness, without doing essential injury to the public or any individual, but such extraordinary intrigues and glaring deviations from truth, as were practiced in this election, in order to prevent a fair expression of the public mind, if I am rightly informed, demands public censure.
Men may indulge themselves in a mad career for the attainment of power, and go all lengths if they please, though, by departing from the sober principles of moderation and justice, the public harmony is destroyed, and they meet their own defeat. But that vulgar and detestable practice of giving out false reports to mislead and betray the unwary, is an
no apology. Having been a candidate for this office without my knowledge, a report was put into circulation, denying my eligibility, on the ground of non-residence.—With whom the report originated I do not know—but, according to the report of members present at the time, it must have received all the countenance that the zeal of the member from Exeter, in subservience to the views of the treasurer, could give it; as he was probably the only member in the House, who was fully authorized by his own knowledge of facts, to contradict the false assertions that "I was not a citizen of the state, and could not hold the office if elected."—The well timed circulation of this report is given as a principal reason why some of the Representatives gave their votes, (contrary to their original intention) in favor of Mr. Plumer; so far then as this report had effect, the votes were obtained by fraud and falsehood, and ought not to be valid.
It is well known to my friends, that I am far from being solicitous for any public employment myself, and that I had no knowledge of these transactions until they were past, nor should I now trouble the public with animadversions upon those ungracious proceedings, were it possible to imagine that the public good has been at all consulted, or that it can be promoted by the result.
In this election, I consider the state treasurer, by his influence with a few intriguing members of the House; to have taken a principal part, and had they, with all their arts, elected a gentleman in whose integrity and honor they themselves would declare they have confidence then it might be believed that the spirit of party, private interest and prejudice had betrayed them into a disregard of the honor and interest of the state and nation—and then should I have been silent on the subject—but, if the general colouring which they have heretofore given to the character of their man, be true, then have they abused the public trust and confidence reposed in them, by placing him in so exalted a station—if, indeed, it be untrue, this friendly exertion in favor of his election, may be considered as an expiatory sacrifice to a much injured reputation.
After the name of Mr. Parker was withdrawn, the votes of the House were divided between two candidates, and it being known that the influence of the treasurer was exerted against one of them, it is but fair to allow him the credit of exerting the same extensive influence in favor of the other.—Three of the Representatives, to whose exertions it is said the successful candidate is principally indebted, were from Exeter, North-Hampton and Wakefield, and are, according to the general opinion, in habits of the closest political intimacy with the treasurer—two of them are said to be connected with him in land speculations, and one of them, since the election, has given the opinion of the treasurer, as a reason why he acted the part he did in favor of Mr. Plumer.
Nothing is meant to be here insinuated, which is not believed, on good ground, to be strictly true; and as every man ought to be accountable for his own conduct, it cannot be improper it should be generally known, to whose intrigues it is owing, that public opinion has been insulted in this election.
NICHOLAS GILMAN. Exeter, August 9, 1802.
NOTICE.
A MEETING of the subscribers to the Little River Road Company, is called at the house of Mrs. McCabe in Leesburg, on the fourth Wednesday in September next, being the 22d of the month, in pursuance of the law, requiring that the commissioners or any four of them, shall as soon as two hundred shares are subscribed, call a meeting of the subscribers for the purpose of electing by a majority of votes, delivered in person or by proxy, one president, four directors, one treasurer, and such other officers as they shall think necessary, for well ordering and conducting the affairs of the said Company.—The commissioners having obtained the necessary number of shares, avail themselves of the earliest opportunity of calling together the subscribers in conformity to the law; they recommend a personal attendance if practicable, as it may be necessary to pass some bye laws and regulations for conducting the company's affairs, where that is too inconvenient it will be proper to appoint a proxy in writing, attested by one witness at least.
WM. HARTSHORNE, JOHN T. RICKETTS, ISRAEL LACEY, BURR POWELL. Aug. 23, 1802. ept228.
NOTICE.
On the first of September next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold to the highest bidder, the London lands lately advertised by us in this paper.
As we have before fully described them it will be unnecessary now to add anything more in their favour. Suffice it to say that their quality and situation can not fail to recommend them to all persons desirous of establishing themselves in that part of the state—being within 40 miles of Alexandria and the Federal City, and as well adapted to farming as any lands in that country.
The terms will be made known on the day of sale. JAMES M. GARNETT, JOHN T. BROOKE, Adm'rs. with the will annexed of James Mercer, Esq. deceased. Aug. 23, 1802. ept2
Having been a candidate for this office without my knowledge, a report was put into circulation, denying my eligibility, on the ground of non-residence.—With whom the report originated I do not know—but, according to the report of members present at the time, it must have received all the countenance that the zeal of the member from Exeter, in subservience to the views of the treasurer, could give it; as he was probably the only member in the House, who was fully authorized by his own knowledge of facts, to contradict the false assertions that "I was not a citizen of the state, and could not hold the office if elected."—The well timed circulation of this report is given as a principal reason why some of the Representatives gave their votes, (contrary to their original intention) in favor of Mr. Plumer; so far then as this report had effect, the votes were obtained by fraud and falsehood, and ought not to be valid.
It is well known to my friends, that I am far from being solicitous for any public employment myself, and that I had no knowledge of these transactions until they were past, nor should I now trouble the public with animadversions upon those ungracious proceedings, were it possible to imagine that the public good has been at all consulted, or that it can be promoted by the result.
In this election, I consider the state treasurer, by his influence with a few intriguing members of the House; to have taken a principal part, and had they, with all their arts, elected a gentleman in whose integrity and honor they themselves would declare they have confidence then it might be believed that the spirit of party, private interest and prejudice had betrayed them into a disregard of the honor and interest of the state and nation—and then should I have been silent on the subject—but, if the general colouring which they have heretofore given to the character of their man, be true, then have they abused the public trust and confidence reposed in them, by placing him in so exalted a station—if, indeed, it be untrue, this friendly exertion in favor of his election, may be considered as an expiatory sacrifice to a much injured reputation.
After the name of Mr. Parker was withdrawn, the votes of the House were divided between two candidates, and it being known that the influence of the treasurer was exerted against one of them, it is but fair to allow him the credit of exerting the same extensive influence in favor of the other.—Three of the Representatives, to whose exertions it is said the successful candidate is principally indebted, were from Exeter, North-Hampton and Wakefield, and are, according to the general opinion, in habits of the closest political intimacy with the treasurer—two of them are said to be connected with him in land speculations, and one of them, since the election, has given the opinion of the treasurer, as a reason why he acted the part he did in favor of Mr. Plumer.
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and sitting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinner &c. in their apartments. The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the state of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c. A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal floor; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in. Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 2 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant, JOHN LOVETT. N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. eptf
A Valuable Farm for Sale, In King George County & State of Virginia.
THIS Farm contains five hundred and thirty-five acres—about three hundred and fifty of which are cleared and divided into three fields with good inclosures—it is situated on Potomac river, and bounded on the South East side for a mile and half by Rozier's creek, which affords a great abundance of fine fish and wild fowl, crabs, oysters, &c.—thirty miles from Fredericksburg, forty four from Alexandria, and fifty from Washington City. On this land are very extensive shell banks, exclusive of the advantages to be derived from these banks by the lime burners, they are very favourable to the production of corn and wheat, and the soil inexhaustible; there are about sixty or seventy acres of this kind of land, and the balance that is cleared of an excellent quality, and a great number of springs of fine water; it can with certainty be classed among the most healthy situations below the falls of Potomac—indeed, the natural advantages attending this place are innumerable. The improvements are a two story framed dwelling house, sixty-four feet long, commanding a beautiful view of the creek and river; one other house intended for an office, twenty-six feet by eighteen with three rooms and a cellar in good repair; a large house, including a stable for eight horses, a corn-house, carriage house, saddle and harness room, and a commodious granary above, and other convenient buildings on the Farm—a small orchard of well chosen apples and peach trees—The yard and garden inclosed this spring, with pales and railing—The whole plantation in good repair, and the land in a great state of improvement. The terms of Sale will be made known by Mr. Francis Whiting, who in a short time will be a resident of Berkeley county, or by the subscriber on the premises. WILLIAM P. FLOOD. July 9, 1802. tf
In Exchange.
VALUABLE property in the borough of York, is offered in exchange for property in or near the Federal City.—Enquire at this office. August 2, 1802. ep3w
HAIR DRESSER & CUTTER, (From Europe)
RESPECTFULLY informs the ladies and gentlemen of George-Town and the City of Washington, that he cuts and dresses hair, and makes the newest fashioned head dresses. Having pursued his avocation for ten years in Philadelphia, even years in Baltimore, and residing for these two years past in France, he flatters himself he cannot be excelled in the business he professes to follow. Any commands left at Mr. Benj. M'Key's, opposite the Olio Printing-Office, will be punctiliously attended to. Aug. 16, 1802. ept
Potomack Navigation.
AT a general meeting of the Potomack Company held on Wednesday the 2d inst. a dividend on the Capital Stock at the rate of three per cent per annum was declared for the time, since the Locks at the Great Falls have been opened; and five dollars and fifty cents per share, the amount thereof, will be paid to the respective stockholders, or to their legal representatives on demand, by the treasurer of the Company. By order of the Board, JOS. CARLETON, Treasurer. Georgetown, Aug. 11, 1802. ept
CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR from Philadelphia,
HAS received an assortment of summer goods consisting of the best superfine Cloths. Cashmeres, Silk Borratthes, English Striped Nankeens, White India Dimities, White and printed Marbeilles, With a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladys Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms, made in the first style of fashion. July 2, 1802. tf
Burnet and Rigden, JEWELLERS & WATCH-MAKERS,
RESPECTFULLY inform the public, that they have just received, and for sale, a handsome assortment of Gold and Silver Watches, Gold, gilt and steel chains, seals and keys, A variety of the most fashionable jewelry knife cases and fine knives, Plated casters of various kinds, Silver and steel mounted spectacles, Ladies and gentlemen's pocket-knives, A quantity of the most fashionable prints, superbly framed and glazed. And constantly keep an assortment of silver plate of their own manufacture, with a variety of fancy articles: all of which they are enabled to sell on the most reasonable terms. July 14, 1802. eptf
TO RENT,
And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY brick house on B Street near the War Office, containing two parlors, six bed rooms, and a kitchen, with an excellent garden, coach house, stable, &c.—The house is newly painted and papered; it was formerly occupied by Mr. Dexter, and lately by Mr. John Brown. Enquire of Clement Dorsey, Esq. George-Town; or of the subscriber, who has for sale a well finished three story brick house opposite the Six Buildings, and a variety of City Lots in the most eligible situations. The above House will be sold for less than any gentleman could build it. The payments will be made easy on the whole of the above property. WILLIAM DYER. April 7, 1802. eptf
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
STOP THE THIEF. A BLACK man, by the name of William Jackson, made his escape from me last evening, in the City of Washington, between the hours of ten and eleven o'clock. He took with him fifty dollars, belonging to James Maidland. He is about 5 feet 10 inches high, forty-four years of age, of a dark complexion, thick lips, pitted with the small pox, and has lost two or three of his foreteeth: Had on a long blue pea jacket, yellow striped waistcoat, and blue cloth trousers much mended with white thread, and an old limy hat. I hired him from Major M'Cow, in Virginia. The above reward will be given to any person for apprehending and securing the said villain in any gaol, so that I may get him again, and reasonable charges paid if brought home. JOHN HARRISON, Pennsylvania Avenue. August 20, 1802. 3t
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cashmeres; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankeens; cotton cashmeres, boglepoor, Bengal elegant white chord for pantaloons, white and coloured marbeilles, janes and satin croseovers, silk giaghamas, black and other coloured striped satins, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square. May 24, 1802. eptf
Tennessee Company.
THOSE interested in the Company, and who have not signed the deed of trust, are hereby notified, that the subscriber will attend at the city of Washington on the 20th of December next, to give them an opportunity of complying with this regulation of the company. JAMES STRAWBRIDGE, May 26, 1802. awt2cD
SUPERINTENDANT'S OFFICE, Washington, June 19, 1802.
IN pursuance of the directions of the Act of Congress, entitled "An Act to abolish the Board of Commissioners in the City of Washington for other purposes," and by virtue of the act of assembly of the state of Maryland, entitled "A further supplement to the act concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington," the lots mentioned in the subjoined list (many of which are amongst the best lots in the city) will be exposed to sale by Public Auction at this office on Monday the 30th day of August next.
The sale will commence at ten o'clock A. M. and be continued by adjournment. The terms of the sale will be, The purchase money to be paid down, or before ten o'clock on the next day of sale. In cases of default in payment as aforesaid, the purchaser will be deemed void, the lots to be purchased will be liable to re-sale under this advertisement, without other notice, and the defaulters may afterwards be rejected as bidders during the sale. THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent.
List of Lots in the City of Washington referred to in the above advertisement, viz.
No. 2 in square No. 1, no 2 in sq 2, no 3 in sq north of sq 4, no 24 6 26 in sq 5, no 1 7 8 in sq 6, no 1 3 in sq 7, no 2 3 8 12 in sq 19, no 1 2 3 12 13 14 15 16 17 in sq 17, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 19 20 in sq 20, no 2 12 in sq 23, no 1 5 6 7 10 11 23 24 25 28 29 in sq 28, no 1 2 3 in sq 29, no 1 2 6 in sq 20, no 1 2 8 10 14 15 in sq 31, no 1 2 7 8 9 10 25 26 in sq 33, no 3 4 5 6 7 in sq 37 no 1 8 in sq 40, no 1 2 3 4 5 15 16 in sq 41, no 11 12 13 14 15 16 in sq 42, no 2 in sq 43, no 2 in sq 47, no 5 6 in sq 57, no 4 in sq 59, no 1 in sq 60, no 7 in sq 61, no 2 3 in sq 71, no 6 7 8 10 11 12 13 in sq 75, no 1 2 3 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in sq 76, no 9 10 in sq 77, no 6 7 8 in sq 81, no 3 in sq 83, no 1 2 3 16 17 18 in sq 85, no 7 8 14 15 20 21 in sq 86, no 4 7 in sq 87, no 10 11 in sq 88, no 3 4 5 in sq 99, no 2 in sq south of sq 104, no 1 2 in sq 107, parts of no 3 12 in sq 118, no 4 5 6 in sq 119, no 6 7 8 in sq 120, no 15 16 17 18 19 24 25 26 27 in sq 126, no 20 in sq 141, no 11 in sq 142, no 2 3 4 and half of 18 in sq 143, no 6 in sq 144, no 2 3 7 8 9 10 12 13 in sq 158, no 1 4 5 6 7 in sq 161, no 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 in sq 164, no 3 4 in sq 170, no 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 172, no 1 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 196, no 15 16 in sq 198, no 1 9 11 12 13 in sq 222, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 in sq 247, no 6 in sq 253, no 12 in sq 288, no 2 3 4 5 6 7 9 10 11 12 13 14 in sq 317, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in sq 343, no 2 3 4 5 6 in sq 344, no 7 in sq 345, no 1 2 3 4 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq 374, no 1 4 5 8 9 12 in sq 403, no 3 4 5 6 7 in sq 404, no 6 in sq 409, no 2 3 6 7 10 11 in sq 427, no 2 3 4 5 6 in sq 428, no 7 in sq 432, no 1 2 3 4 10 11 in sq 432, no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in sq 438, no 22 in sq 454, no 5 12 13 19 20 24 25 26 in sq 457, no 1 in sq south of square 464, no 3 4 5 6 in sq 492, no 5 9 10 in sq 493, no 4 5 6 7 in sq 494, no 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 28 in sq 517, no 2 4 6 8 in sq 518, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq 529, no 20 in sq 533, no 7 8 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq 534, no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 538, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 567, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 568, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 569, no 2 4 6 in sq 570, no 2 in sq 572, no 2 3 in sq 577, no 3 in sq 579, no 1 in sq north of sq 580, no 4 2 in sq 580, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 in sq 581, no 2 18 in sq 583, no 1 in sq north of sq 583, no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq 584, no 5 7 8 9 10 12 13 14 15 17 18 19 in sq 585, no 9 10 12 13 14 15 17 18 in sq 587, no 19 in sq 589, no 5 6 7 8 9 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq 640, no 2 3 4 5 15 16 17 18 20 21 22 in sq 642, no 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq east of sq 642, no 2 13 14 in sq 643, no 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 in sq south of sq 643, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 645, no 1 3 4 5 15 16 in sq 734, no 12 8 11 in sq 792, no 15 16 in sq 799, no 2 10 12 13 14 in sq 821, no 2 3 in sq south of sq 825, no 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq 826, no 8 9 10 in sq 845, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq 846, no 2 10 in sq 847, no 3 in sq north of sq 853, no 5 6 9 10 12 13 15 in sq 874, no 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 in sq 878, no 2 3 4 5 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 in sq 882, no 2 in sq 997, no 1 2 17 in sq 1000, no 3 4 in sq south of sq 1019, no 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in sq 1020, no 2 in sq 1021, no 1 in sq 1022, no 1 2 3 11 12 13 14 in sq 1023, no 5 6, in sq 1024, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 24 25 26 34 35 36 in sq 1043, no 2 5 4 5 6 7 8 11 in sq 1045, no 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 in sq 1046, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 1047, no 1 2 3 4 5 6 24 25 26 27 28 31 32 in sq 1048, no 2 in sq 1064, no 13 in sq 1065, no 15 6 in sq north east of sq 1065, no 1 2 3 4 14 15 16 17 18 in sq 1066, no 10 11 12 13 14 in sq 1067, no 2 3 4 11 12 13 in sq 1073, no 1 2 in sq south of sq 1091, no 1 2 9 10 11 12 in sq 1092, no 1 2 3 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq 1105, no 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 in sq 1116, no 9 in sq 1117, no 5 6 7 8 in sq 1123, no 5 6 7 8 in sq 1130, no 3 in sq 1148, no 4 in square 1149.
THOMAS MUNROE, Superintendent. June 23, 1802. ept30A