The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-07-09 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. 14.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CLIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JULY 9th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Sonnet, written at the close of eve.
'Tis eve, 'tis solemn eve! Still, pensive thought Sits in his robe of twilight fadly grey, Musing o'er shadows by his dark eye caught, The dimmed and dying majesty of day! Lo! mummings trouble thro' the mournful trees, Mute Philomel her leafy couch has found; And melancholy's music in the breeze Whispers a note of soothing sadness round. And now, as night her darker mantle draws, The groves more low and deeply fallen wave; Save when as solemn comes a dreary pause, 'Tis still all; the stillness of the grave! The grave! Ah, yet her absence I deplore, Whose mor, and day, and eve, are now no more!
J. H. L. HUNT.
Philadelphia, July 5.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman resident at Havre, to his friend in this city, dated the 20th of May, 1802.
"Things in this country are going strangely—all back again to the old system.—Priests lead the van—and the order of the day is the institution of a legion d'honneur, as it is styled, which is something like the old order of St. Louis. Those who are to compose it are to bear titles for life, though not hereditary, and to receive certain annual salaries. It is intended to be a recompense to those who have exerted themselves during the revolution, and every one who has gained a share of honor is a member. There are, however, different grades and different salaries; and you will, no doubt, agree with me, that if it is not nobility, it is the ladder to it."
"Bonaparte is to be named First Consul for life; to be nominated by the people, viz. A paper or book is to be opened in every department, and all those who are of opinion that such a step will be for the good of the country to sign yes, and the others no—as if any man dare say No."
"Report says a conspiracy was lately formed against him by fifteen generals, who are at present under arrest—Maffena and Augereau are among the number. Duroc, his aide-de-camp, is said to have discovered it, and informed him that he was to be assassinated in descending the stairs of the Thuilleries when going to the review. He was at the head of the staff when Duroc told him this, but he made him give his arm, descend immediately, and be aware to betray the least symptom of fear or suspicion. It is said the conspirators, unavailing the attack, but waited for his return. He took, however, another route—such is the story, as report tells it,—and supposed to be true."
"For my part I do not calculate on the present posture of affairs being of long duration.—God knows, however, how it may end."
PHILADELPHIA, July 5.
LATEST FROM FRANCE.
Captain McKowen, of the ship Mars, arrived here on Saturday, in 39 days from Havre-de-Grace, politely furnished the Editor of the Philadelphia Gazette with a Havre paper of the 20th of May, from which we have translated the following interesting article:
Sitting of the Legislative Body. May 17, 1802.
The counsellors of state, Bruix, Desforges, and Dapuis, were introduced. Bruix mounted the tribune: "We are going," said he, "again to take possession of several of our colonies: It is at the first moment that we should remove the fears of the planters."
"It is known to you in what manner the illusions of liberty and equality have been propagated in those remote countries, where the striking difference between the civilized and the uncivilized man, the difference of climate, colors, and habits, and principally the security of European families, imperiously required a great inequality in the civil and political state of individuals."
"It is also known, what has been the fatal consequence of these innovations, so eagerly pursued by zealots, most of whom were doubtless, actuated by the honorable intention of promoting the
cause of humanity, and who, while endeavoring to render the inhabitants of the colonies indiscriminately equal in rights, have only rendered them equally unhappy."
"Slavery, then," added the orator, "must be maintained in such of our colonies, as have constantly flourished under that regime; in others, let us hasten to substitute, for delusive and seducing theories, an healing system, the combination of which must be adapted to circumstances, variant of themselves, and confided to the wisdom of the government."
Bruix then read the following projet of a law:
Art. I. In the colonies restored to France conformably to the treaty of Amiens, SLAVERY shall be maintained agreeably to the laws and regulations existing prior to the year 1789.
Art. II. It shall be the same in the other French colonies beyond the Cape of Good Hope.
Art. III. The traffic in slaves and their importation into the said colonies, shall be conducted agreeably to the regulations existing prior to the year 1789.
Art. IV. Notwithstanding all anterior laws, the regime of the colonies shall be subject for the period of ten years, to the regulations of the government.
The discussion of this projet was appointed for the 20th May.
Paris, May 8.
Gen. Menou is arrived at Paris, and has been presented to the First Consul, who gave him the most distinguished reception.
General Menou said to him—"Consul, in presenting myself before you, the grief of having lost your fairest conquest, is renewed."
"The date of battles," replied the First Consul, "is uncertain. You have done all that could, after the unfortunate day of the 30th, be expected from a man of experience and talent. Your long resistance at Alexandria contributed to the good issue of the preliminaries of London. Your good and wise administration has merited the esteem of all men who appreciate its influence upon the public prosperity."
"I know very well what has passed in your army. Your misfortunes have been great without doubt, but they have not left you any of my enemies; and I shall be eager to testify it openly, in order that no clamour may be raised against your conduct."
Address from all parts to government against exclusive privileges demonstrate that the freedom to trade is now the universal wish; a wish that is not founded upon the mercantile speculations of some individuals, but upon the interests of the majority, which must give to it the character of a general will, the basis of all the laws of a free state. The government has solemnly recognized these principles, in excepting the coadjutors on the coast of Africa from the exclusive privilege which localities indispensably required should be granted to a company, for the commerce of grain in Barbary.
A new memorial from the council and commerce of Bordeaux inveighs against the exclusive right enjoyed formerly at the ports of Poitou and Toulon, of receiving vessels, arriving from India, which might unload their cargoes there, deposit them in magazines, and sell them there whilst that privilege was forbidden to all the other ports. It is demonstrated in this memorial in an evident manner, that the suppression of this abusive privilege injures neither the interests of commerce in general, nor those of the proprietors of the rich produce of India, nor even those of the two highest privileged ports, to which the same facilities remain as are possessed by all commercial places, of carrying on the India trade, or any other, if they think it more lucrative.
"Commerce," say the authors of the memorial, "cannot be active, if it be checked in its course; it cannot prosper, if it be vexed with arbitrary exactions; checks produce discouragement; discouragement destroys industry. To simplify as necessary forms, to do away all unjust distinctions, to leave as all the means an equal liberty to explore the domain of national industry; this is all that commerce desires, and what it expects with confidence from the enlightened justice of the government."
The municipality of Amsterdam have decreed, that the tree of liberty, placed before the town-house, shall be taken away as soon as they have received officially the news of its exchange of the ratification of the definitive treaty.
There is a rumour in circulation that the title will be changed from that of
Chief Consul of the French republic to that of Consul of the Gauls.
The legislative body, though they had only three days before sanctioned the declaration of Demarquy, that the moment was not arrived, declared through the organ of their President, as soon as they received the Senatus Consultum , that they perfectly approved the reward proposed to be conferred upon Bonaparte.
TRIBUNATE.
21st Floreal, (11th May.)
The message of the Consuls to the Conservative Senate, and the different official papers relating thereto, being presented to the Tribunate: Siméon, after a long speech, praising the moderation of Bonaparte, and the propriety of the government in putting the question constitutionally to the people, whether Bonaparte shall be First Consul for Life? moved, that "a message should be sent to the government, returning thanks for the constitutional manner in which they had performed the will of the Tribunate."—Adopted.
Chabot moved, that the registers should be immediately opened for the members of that body to inscribe their votes.—Adopted.
Paris, May 13.—The Prefect of the Department of the Seine gave public notice, that on the 12th day of May the registers should be open to receive the votes of the citizens of that department.
On the 14th May, similar resolutions are to be opened at Paris, with the clerks of the tribunals of appeal, of criminal matters, and of commerce, at the offices of 12 mayors, 12 justices of peace, and 113 public notaries of Paris.
These registers are to be open for 7 days, from 10 in the morning till 4 in the afternoon.—The question is as before stated—Shall Bonaparte be first Consul for life?
London, May 17.—An appeal upon the important question, "Whether Napoleon Bonaparte shall be Consul for life?" is to be submitted to the people; but their decision is required with the utmost speed.—No time is left for deliberation. In three weeks an answer is to be returned by the people of France, upon one of the most important questions that can come before a nation.—Why has France endured the agonizing throes and throes of a ten years Revolution? The increase of her military fame and Continental possessions, was the effect, but not the motive, of the Revolution. Nor had the Revolution for its object the mere removal of the reigning Dynasty. The great object was the destruction of that despotic power, which pressed with such weight upon the people, and the establishment of a government founded upon popular principles.—Where are we to look for them? The Chief Magistrate is originally appointed for ten years; a man of gigantic genius and talents is elected to it; he dazzles France by the splendour of his achievements, and acquires immense popularity—he seizes the favorable moment, and gets himself established in his office for life!!!
The transition from creating an office for life, and making it hereditary is by no means difficult. We shall not at all be surprised at a proposition for preserving the Chief Consulship in the family of Bonaparte.—Of the Second and Third Consuls we have forborne to speak; the Fulmen Caesare Consulis may be applied to them with as much justice as it was to Cæsar's colleague. Upon the whole we consider this measure as impolitic on the part of Bonaparte, and dangerous to the real interests of liberty, and of the people.
LONDON, May 17.
Yesterday we received French journals, of the 12th and 13th inst. It appears from these, that the decree proposing to elect Bonaparte Chief Consul for life, had been readily adopted by the councils, & means were taken to obtain the sense of the people upon it, which there can be little doubt will be equally favorable to the ambitious wishes of the Chief Consul.
As we remarked on Saturday, but one step more remains to be taken, which is, to settle a new Dynasty in the family of Bonaparte. The re-establishment of the Catholic religion, or at least the manner in which it has been re-established, seems to have occasioned a great degree of discontent. The Jacobins are strongly averse to the measure, and the Catholics dislike the encroachments which have been made on the ancient power of the Pope. These discontented begin already to show themselves. It is stated in some private letters, that an attempt was made
a few days ago, on the life of the Chief Consul, while he attended the parade; and several of the generals, who have expressed themselves too freely with respect to the growing ambition of Bonaparte, have been ordered to reside a considerable distance from Paris. The Chief Consul, for the further security of his person, means to create a new corps to be called the Sacred Legion , composed of picked and distinguished men. All the private accounts from the French capital certainly concur in stating, that a storm is gathering, which must perhaps very speedily burst.
The French funds have again fallen back to 57.
An order of council, it is said, has actually been given, for prohibiting the importation of any article of French growth or manufacture, except such as have already been ordered and shipped for this country. This order is in consequence of the prohibition of the French government of English manufactures; and we have little doubt will lead to some commercial arrangements which may be beneficial to this country.
The subscription for the erection of a statue in honour of Mr. Pitt, we have no doubt will extend over the whole country. Every one who is capable of revering talents and admiring worth, will be anxious to express their approbation of the man who has saved the country, and its honor and prosperity.
London, May 22.
The Paris papers of Sunday, which we received this morning, do not contain any news of much importance. The French government is said to be very much occupied in making commercial arrangements, and in examining the different memorials that have been laid before them upon the subject of commerce.
The correspondence between France, Austria, Russia and Prussia, is at present extremely active.
The French funds remain steady, 57 1-10th.
HISTORY
OF THE
Last Session of Congress.
[CONTINUED.]
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the message of the President.
Discriminating duties.
Gen. S. Smith observed, that among other objects to which the President had attracted the attention of the house, was our commercial situation. We were informed that the United States were at peace with all nations; which had also taken place among the powers of Europe. It became Congress to direct its attention to the consequences that might proceed from such a state of things; and particularly to the injuries that might attach to our carrying trade. It was known that under the British treaty, Great-Britain, going perhaps beyond its meaning, had imposed heavy countervailing duties on our goods, and that certain acts of France had the same effects, whereby many of our most valuable exports would cease to be carried in our own bottoms. Early under the present government it had been deemed wise to lay discriminating duties, which had tended greatly to assist our carrying trade and extend the capitals of our merchants. The unfair regulations of foreign nations seemed now to require a different mode of counteraction, from that found in the discriminating duties, which, under the British treaty, were made the basis of their injurious regulations. However wise the imposition may have then been, sound policy might now require its removal.
He therefore moved
Resolved, That so much of the several acts imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandise, imported into the United States, as imposes a discriminating duty of tonnage between foreign vessels and vessels of the United States, and between goods imported into the United States in foreign vessels and vessels of the United States, ought to be repealed; such repeal to take effect whenever the President shall be informed that the discriminating duties of foreign nations, so far as they operate to the disadvantage of the commerce of the United States, shall have been abolished.
On the 15th General Smith's motion respecting discriminating duties recurred. In its discussion a great diversity of opinion was discovered. Mr. Griswold
opposed it, on the ground that it was intended to defeat the object contemplated by it. The acts imposing discriminating duties having long existed with great and good effect to the mercantile interests, he was of the opinion that their removal would be extremely injurious, and peculiarly so to the eastern division of the Union; the more so, as from the consequences likely to ensue from peace, our ships would be thrown out of their ordinary employment. He acknowledged that it was very desirable to secure the carriage of our bulky exports in our own ships; but he could not perceive that this would be the effect of the present measure. For his part he declared his firm belief that our carrying trade would be essentially injured by allowing a free trade whereby English vessels enter our ports upon the same terms with our own ships.
In support of the resolution it was stated by Messrs. S. Smith and Giles, that in their opinion the system of discriminating duties in the early period of the government was wise, as our own shipping was then unequal to the carrying of our produce, and as it had operated, with almost magical effect, in producing an extension of American shipping beyond the most sanguine expectation. Such had been the effects of this system until the adoption of the British treaty. Under the continuation given by England to that instrument, she had, on the basis of our duties, imposed certain countervailing duties, which she contended we had no ulterior right to countervail, whereby a monopoly of the carrying trade would fall into her hands. The only circumstance which had heretofore, since the era of the treaty, suspended this effect, arose from the higher war insurance and freight paid by English, than was paid by American vessels. This circumstance having ceased on the return of peace, it followed that those nations who carried the cheapest would have the preference. The operation of the English countervailing duties was exemplified in the great article of tobacco; wherein it was stated, that 18s. a hundred more would be paid on an American ship carrying it to England, than on a British vessel. On this article the usual freight was 35s. The difference, therefore, in favor of British over American shipping amounted to more than one half. The same effect attached to our other articles of export. It was further stated that like preferences of French over American vessels existed under the edicts of France, productive of similar effects. Under these circumstances, it was contended that it became the United States to repeal, by any means which should be honorable and effectual, the unjust restraints of foreign nations; and that no expedient appeared so well calculated to accomplish this object, as the offer of a free trade to all the world. Our merchants had capital, and our seamen enterprise, while our own toil afforded us all the materials for building ships. Under such propitious circumstances, no doubt could be entertained of our ability to enter, with effect, the field of open competition. It became, then, a government, desirous of protecting the commerce of its citizens, to seize the favorable moment of returning peace, as that most likely to insure that harmony with foreign powers, which should terminate in the mutual adoption of measures of reciprocal benefit.
Notwithstanding, however, these forcible, and, it is believed, irrefutable arguments, the measure was opposed by the New England delegation, who ignorantly persisted in the declaration that it would destroy their carrying trade; and, at their instance, it was laid over to the next session. It has that very plan, conceived in a false idea for the protection, and a wise foresight of the means of protecting, the carrying trade of the United States, was suspended, perhaps entirely frustrated by those very men whose constituents were the most interested in its adoption.
Impressed with a sense of the importance of the measure the President appears, with laudable promptitude, to have alluded, so far as related to the required co-operation of Great-Britain, the means of its adoption. That government, discerning the policy of cultivating friendly commercial relations with this, and a wake to the vast superiority of a system of permanent reciprocity between the two nations, to the temporary and evanescent benefits derivable from a treaty which will expire in two years, and not perhaps remonstrating the probable measures of France in extending her commercial ties with the United States, has passed an act authorizing the king to suspend under certain circumstances the operation of her countervailing duties.

Where will be her surprise to learn that a measure, enforced, it may be presumed, by our executives, and recommended by our true interests, has been baffled by the local jealousies and narrow views of a few men, who should have been the first to suggest and urge it? What will be the award of their constituents, when they shall, from the effects of time, discover the fallacy of that confidence which they had reposed? It is to be regretted that this is not the only instance of party antipathy getting the better of judgment; and that every measure, recommended by the present administration, has been opposed with a wilful and unenlightened zeal.
Frequent attempts were made by General Smith, at subsequent periods of the session, to call up his resolution; but they were all baffled by the invariable opposition of the federal side of the House.
On the 14th of December General Smith remarked that it became congress immediately to come to a decision that would enable the President more efficiently to protect our trade against the Barbary powers. He therefore moved a resolution;
That it is expedient that the President be authorized by law, further and more effectually to protect the commerce of the United States against the Barbary powers.
This resolution was agreed to on the following day, and a bill brought in, which received the sanction of the House, giving the President authority to equip and employ such of the national vessels, as he should think necessary for the effectual protection of the commerce of the United States on the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean and adjoining seas; authorizing the capture of public and private Tripolitan ships, and the granting of letters of marque to the citizens of the United States.
Appointment of Representatives. On the 14th of December, the House being in committee of the whole Mr. Giles observed, that it was important that congress should be early occupied in deciding the ratio of representation, as many of the state legislatures were then in session and would require a special convention, if they rose before congress should pass a law on the subject. He therefore moved:
That the apportionment of representatives amongst the several states, according to the second enumeration of the people, ought to be in a ratio of one representative for every thirty-three thousand persons in each state.
On which the question was taken, and the motion carried without a division.
This resolution was taken up by the House, when Mr. Griswold remarked that the effect of adopting it would be an increase of members, and that the number would amount to nearly 150. He was of opinion that the present house was sufficiently numerous for every correct purpose, as well of legislation, as for obtaining information from the people. Should an augmentation be made, the consequences would be an increase of expense, and business would inevitably be protracted. He moved therefore, to strike out the words "thirty-three," meaning if they were stricken out, to propose the substitution of a larger number. On this motion a deliberative debate ensued, in which Messrs. Griswold, S. Smith, Nicholson, Giles, Bayard, Allison, Elmer, Eufis, Sprigg, and other gentlemen took part.
Mr. Griswold stood alone in advocating an appointment of one member, to every 40,000 persons.
Messrs. Giles and Bayard, were for one member for every 30,000.
Messrs. S. Smith, Nicholson, and Eufis, were for one member for 33,000.
Mr. Allison was in favour of one representative for every 31,000.
The preference avowed by the several speakers, appeared to arise from the application of that divisor, to the state from which each came, which left the least fraction.
Some gentlemen, however, declared, and particularly Mr. Giles, that he had made no calculation, and that his preference of the smallest ratio proposed was a preference of principle.
Those in favor of a small ratio urged that, though the expense attending the compensation of the members might be somewhat increased, it would be less than that of a larger representation; that such a representation would insure economy by resisting all extravagant expenditures of money; and that the weight of expense incurred by the government did not arise from the expense of the civil list, which formed but a speck in the mass of expenditure. That it was important to the government to adopt those measures which would insure the respect and the confidence of the people; which would be best attained by each representative being familiarly acquainted with the interests of his constituents; and that this could only be the case, when the number of his constituents was limited within certain bounds. Though it had been said that every body of more than one hundred, even though composed of philosophers, was a mob; it was replied that the long experience of this country had proved the reverse, for that
many of the state legislatures consisted of more members.
These ideas were but feebly opposed. The diversity of opinion expressed chiefly arose from a division of the House on the ratio of 30,000 and 33,000. The former was advocated principally from a regard to Delaware and Rhode-Island, which by its adoption would have each two representatives instead of one, which would be the result if a higher ratio were preferred.
During the discussion, it was moved to strike out the word "thirty," leaving "thirty thousand" as the ratio. This motion was lost—Ayes 43—Nays 46.
Mr. Bayard then moved to strike out "thirty-three," leaving the resolution blank, in order that it might be filled up with such number as should be agreeable to the House.
This motion was opposed chiefly by Mr. Nicholson and Mr. Eufis, who were of opinion that the progressive increase of the members would be sufficiently large on the ratio of 33,000 persons to a member. They were also further in favour of this number as it left the fewest fractions. The only two states much injured by it would be Delaware and North-Carolina; whereas if the ratio were increased to 35,000; New-Jersey would have a fraction of 31,000; Delaware of 26,000; Maryland of 30,000; Georgia of 23,000; and Kentucky of 29,000.
On the question being taken for striking out "thirty-three," there rose only 51 members. It was therefore declared to be lost.
The question was then taken on the original motion, and carried without a division, and a committee of three members appointed to bring in a bill.
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, May 10. The debate on Friday was one of the most interesting in its nature, carried on with more animation, and was one of the most extraordinary in some of its results that ever we heard. The original proposition, as our readers know, was to thank his majesty for having removed Mr. Pitt from his councils. An amendment was immediately moved by Lord Belgrave, in which Mr. Pitt was not mentioned by name, but which gave to the wisdom, energy, and firmness of his majesty's councils during the late conflict, supported by the army and navy and the nation, the praise of having surmounted our difficulties, and attained that high degree of prosperity we now enjoy. After a very warm and long debate the amendment was carried by a great majority. So far there was nothing inconsistent or extraordinary; but after the amendment was disposed of, another motion was made by Sir Henry Mildmay, to thank Mr. Pitt by name for his pre-eminent services. Mr. Fox immediately moved to add the names of the other ministers during the late war, earl Spencer, lords Grenville and Roslyn, and Messrs. Dundas and Windham. This amendment was perfectly consistent with, and indeed resulted naturally from Lord Belgrave's amendment. His lordship moved and the house agreed to express their approbation of the wisdom, energy, and firmness of his majesty's councils. Now this must include all those concerned in his majesty's councils, and of course the whole of the late administration, unless all the members of it, except Mr. Pitt, are to be considered as mere stop-gaps, which Mr. Fox very justly laid, no man could do. Well then—by the adoption of Lord Belgrave's amendment, we contend, that the house passed a vote of approbation of the conduct of all the late ministers. But a member, after such vote, choosing to specify Mr. Pitt by name, Mr. Fox moved to add all other ministers by name. This amendment was negatived; and the motion for thanking Mr. Pitt alone, was agreed to. From this course of proceeding, the following inference will be drawn; that it was not solely Mr. Pitt's conduct, during his administration, that influenced those who agreed to thank him—for the conduct of his colleagues was the same as his; but that these persons took into their consideration, also, his opinions, since the conclusion of his administration, with respect to the peace; opinions to diametrically different from those of his colleagues. We have now to notice another inconsistency: the house has by a former vote, approved of the peace. Mr. Gray wished, therefore, as Lord Belgrave's amendment had been adopted, which states our difficulties to have been surmounted, and the country to be in a high state of prosperity, to amend Sir Henry Mildmay's motion, by adding these words, "by which means (Mr. Pitt's pre-eminent services to the country) the present administration were enabled to conclude a safe, honorable and glorious peace." This amendment was negatived!!
LONDON, May 10—17. The debates in both houses last night upon the definitive treaty, were animated and important, and carried in one house to a length, we believe almost unparalleled. The House of Lords sat till eight this morning. The House of Commons adjourned at three o'clock, and the debate is to be resumed this day. Mr.
Fox, we believe, was not in the house last night. We may be permitted, however, to make one general remark, that those who believe the peace likely to be a very permanent and lasting one, will not find great encouragement from these debates to cling with much confidence to this belief.
[Courier, May 14.] Members of the house of Lords who disapproved of the peace—Duke of Richmond, Marquis of Buckingham, Lords Spencer, Grenville, Caysfort, Carlisle, Portescue, Mansfield, Warwick, Camarvon, Minto, Darlington, Fitzwilliam, Radnor, Cavdor, and Kenyon.
It is said a new squadron of 15 sail of the line is ordered to the West Indies, to relieve a part of that which is now there.
The Renard frigate, with orders for the evacuation of Martinique, Tobago, and St. Lucie, is under sailing orders; and the orders for the evacuation in the east are prepared.
Gen. V. Hobart is appointed Lieutenant Governor of Grenada vice A. Houston, Esq. resigned.
Some English vessels having been prohibited from landing British goods in France, French vessels with brandies and wines have been denied permission to land them in England. An official correspondence has commenced on the subject.
The Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia are to have an interview at Memel in July.
LONDON, May 12. Army Peace Establishment.
The peace establishment of the army is at length settled. It is the largest ever known. The outline of it is as follows:
1. All third battalions are to be disbanded. 2. All second battalions also to be disbanded, except the 2d battalion of the 4th or King's own regiment, and the 2d of the 9th, which are to be kept up for one twelvemonth longer. 3. The 7 battalions of the 60th regiment, commanded by the Duke of York, consisting chiefly of foreigners, & always serving abroad, are all to be retained. 4. The regiments of the line are to be kept up to the 92d inclusive. 5. A reduction to be made in the number of dragoon regiments; the whole 28 regiments to be kept up (the 29th, in India, being disbanded) but the effective force of each regiment to be reduced. 6. Of the twelve West-India, or black regiments, the six junior corps are to be disbanded. 7. His Royal Highness's staff is to be kept up to Two lieut. generals } Five major-generals } for England. One lieut. general } One major-general } for Scotland. 8. From 25,000 to 30,000 men, with an appropriate staff, is to be the establishment for Ireland. 9. The second field officers throughout the army are to be enseconded on their own respective corps. 10. The brevet promotion, which is to appear in the gazette to-morrow, comes down to Hompelch . This takes in Col. C. Wright, aid-de-camp to his Majesty. The new aid-de-camp is to be Deputy Adjutant-General Wynyard. The permanent augmentation of the army by this arrangement is—fourteen new regiments, and the three battalions added to the 6th.
LONDON, May 12. Bonaparte has declined receiving that national recompence which the Tribunate wished to bestow upon him for his eminent services.—On Friday last a deputation from that body waited upon him with an address of congratulation upon the restoration of peace, in which they took a rapid review of his conduct, and communicated to him the vote that had been passed. He thanked them for their favorable opinion; declared that he was ambitious of no other recompence than the affection of his fellow-citizens, that the miseries of the people would always be his miseries—that he valued life only as he could render it serviceable to his country, and that death itself would have no sting, if his last looks could behold the prosperity of the Republic equal to her glory.
Almost at the same moment that the deputation was expressing its wish, and Bonaparte was declining all recompence, a message was received from the Tribunate by the Legislative Body, communicating the vote that had been passed the preceding day with respect to the Chief Consul. For the conduct adopted by the legislative body, we cannot account in any satisfactory manner. As soon as the message was read, a member of the name of Darracq ascended the Tribune, and in a very short speech made use of these words—"There is not one of us, of course, that does not entertain, with the Tribunate, those sentiments of gratitude for the First Magistrate, which are common to every man in France. But, from the nature of the functions of the legislative body, the moment perhaps is not arrived in which each of us can yield upon this subject, to the wishes of his heart." He concluded by
moving a general address of congratulation to the Consul, which was immediately agreed to, though another member moved a vote similar to that passed in the Tribunate.
Does Bonaparte decline receiving a recompence in national domain or money, because that is not the species of recompence he aims at? Is there another reward for the bringing forward of which the moment is not yet arrived?
[Courier.]
LONDON, May 17.
The contrast between Bonaparte's answer to the deputation from the Tribunate, and his reply to the Conservative Senate is a curious one. In the one he is a disinterested citizen, desiring no other recompence than the affection and approbation of the people;—in the other he is the pleased and willing acceptor of an extension of the duration of his power from the limited term of ten years, to the period of his natural life.
"T were well, it were done quickly."
An appeal upon the important question, "Whether Napoleon Bonaparte shall be Consul for life?" Is to be submitted to the people; but their decision is required with the utmost speed.—No time is left for deliberation. In three weeks an answer is to be returned by the people of France, upon one of the most important questions that can come before a nation. A different policy is pursued by Angustus, who, though he possessed as unbounded a power as Bonaparte, still preferred in the state the semblance and shadow of freedom; he suffered the forms of the Republic to remain, tho' the substance was gone; and knowing how fondly men cling to ancient habits, he affected, at the expiration of every ten years, to receive his power again from the people. In this he acted with consummate wisdom. He prevented the men who adhered to the old republican principle, from breaking out into acts of desperation, by keeping alive in their minds the hope that a fresh election might be attended with effects congenial to their wishes. Bonaparte, however, has cut off this hope forever. Some of his companions in arms are known to be stern republicans, and will of course view this measure with considerable disapprobation. If, indeed, we formed an opinion of the sentiments of France from the French papers, we should believe that all was transport and enthusiasm at this proposition from the second and third consuls. But the Paris Journalists dare "speak no more than is set down for them," and miserably should we be deceived, if we founded our opinion upon the state of the public mind in France from the public prints of France. Private accounts state, that the measures is viewed with jealousy; Angereau, Massena and Bernadotte, supposed to be inimical to this extension of power on the part of the First Consul, have, it is said, been ordered to retire 100 leagues from Paris. An intelligent morning paper adds, that the life of Bonaparte was attempted on the 5th. We do not vouch for the truth of the assertion: But we can easily believe that these measures have created much dissatisfaction.
Why has France endured the agonizing throes and throes of a ten years revolution? The increase of her military fame and continental possessions, was the effect, but not the motive, of the revolution. Nor had the revolution for its object the mere removal of the reigning dynasty. The great object was the destruction of that despotic power, which pressed with such weight upon the people, and the establishment of a government founded upon popular principles. Where are we to look for them? The chief magistrate is originally appointed for ten years; a man of gigantic genius and talents is elected to it. He dazzles France, by the splendour of his achievements, and acquires immense popularity. He seizes the favorable moment and gets himself established in his office for life. Soon, perhaps, will he reign alone: the people will easily be persuaded to believe, " nec aliud discordantis imperii remedium Suisse quam ab uno regeret. " The transition from creating an office for life, to making it hereditary, is by no means difficult. We shall not at all be surprised at a proposition for preserving the Chief Consulship in the family of Bonaparte. Of the second and third Consuls we have foreborne to speak; the Julio et Cesare Consulinibus, may be applied to them with as much justice, as it was to Caesar's colleague. Upon the whole we consider this measure as impolitic on the part of Bonaparte, and dangerous to the real interests of liberty, and of the people.
[Courier.]
May 10. The Paris papers of Thursday last which we received last night, inform, that a proposition has been submitted to the government, for recruiting the army, and for raising, by the mode of conscription, 60,000 men, who are to replace a fifth of the army, absent on leave or unfit for service; sixty thousand more by a similar conscription, as a force of reserve, in order to complete the army to a war establishment, when it shall be necessary.
M. de Galonne yesterday set off to Paris. As he has the reputation of having fanned the revolution; Bonaparte, we suppose, wishes him to be in the death. Every one, it seems, may return, but those who have claims to Bonaparte's throne.
[Miscellaneous Paragraphs.]
PARIS, May 9.
A duel has been fought between Deltang and Regnier, two French Generals, who were in Egypt. The latter had censured the conduct of the former in a battle. They fought with pistols at 20 paces; advancing two paces at each shot. Deltang was killed on the third shot. He had rejected all overtures for a compromise. A duel between Regnier and Menou was expected; but the First Consul ordered the former to Bourdeaux, and from thence to St. Domingo. Menou enjoys the fines of Bonaparte.
Berton is appointed Colonial Prefect at Martinique.
The Refugee Colonial Proprietors in France, have petitioned the government for assistance.
The French government is much engaged in making arrangements for engrossing as many of the advantages of the trade of the world as possible.
The Turkish government has not yet been able to reduce Egypt to obedience and tranquility.
The Sundays are more brilliant than ever. The Decade is at present as much forgotten, as if 1000 years had elapsed since the furor of Republicanism had first called it into existence.
LOUISIANA.
Bernadotte, who was preparing for Louisiana, has suddenly deferred his departure, and dismissed the persons who were arranging the new system of government.
PARIS, May 11.
[Extract of a private letter.]
The following project of a law is immediately to be submitted to the discussion of the French Council of State, and no doubt is entertained but it will be adopted:
LEGION OF HONOR.
Art. 1. In virtue of the 87th article of the constitution, a Legion of Honor shall be formed. 2. This legion shall be divided into 15 Cohorts, each of which is to have its peculiar station. 3. National property to the amount of 150,000 francs annually, shall be allotted to each cohort. 4. Each cohort shall consist of seven great officers, twenty commandants, thirty subaltern officers, and three hundred and fifty privates. 5. The pay to be as follows: To each great officer, 5,000 francs per annum, during life. To each commandant, 2000 do. To each subaltern, 1000 do. To each private 250 do. all durante vita . 6. Every individual, on his being admitted into the legion, shall swear, on his conscience and honor, that he means to devote his existence to the welfare of the republic, to the preservation of its territory (in its integrity) to the defence of its government, its laws, and the property which it has rendered sacred, to oppose, by all means which justice, reason, and the laws authorize, every undertaking, which may tend to the restoration of the feudal system, of titles and immunities attached to them; in fine, to exert his best and most strenuous efforts for the maintenance of liberty and equality. 7. A grand council shall be formed, consisting of the First Consul, the two Consuls, and four counsellors, one of whom is to be chosen from among the senators, by senators themselves; the legislative body is to elect another; the tribunate is to lend one of its members, and the council of state chooses the fourth. 8. The first consul is, de jure , the chief of the Legion, and president of the great council of administration. 9. At each station there shall be established an asylum, properly endowed, for the members of the legion, whom old age or wounds received in the war of liberty, shall incapacitate him from continuing in the service.
Conditions required for being admitted.
"To have received arms of honor from the hands, or by the order of the First Consul; to have rendered essential service in the war of liberty, either in the field or in the cabinet. In time of peace, a candidate must prove that he has served 25 years. Each year in time of war tells for two; each campaign of the republican war tells for four years."
RATISBON, April 26.
The prayer for the French government, appointed by the Concordat, was on Easter Sunday read in the chapel of the French legation here. It is as follows:—
"O Lord, bless the Republic! bless the Consuls! and hear us when we call upon thee. Glory be to the Father, to

the Son, and to the Holy Ghost. We pray thee, Almighty God, that thy servant, our Most Gracious Napoleon, who through thy mercy has risen upon him the government of the Republic, may increase in every virtue, and adorned with them, avoid all vice, and thus come to thee, who art the way, the truth, and the life, through Jesus Christ our Lord, Amen."
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY 9, 1802.
APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT.
General Commissioners of Bankruptcy.
For the District of South-Carolina.
William Moultrie, John Blake, Theodore Gullard, Dominic A. Hall, Benjamin Gullworth.
For Virginia.
George Tucker.
For the District of Connecticut.
Hezekiah Huntington, Jonathan Bull, Joseph Hart, John Doolittle, Henry W. Edwards, Ethan Munton, Jehoshaphat Stur, John Nichols, Elihu Hyde, Jonathan Trumbull, Nathaniel Doolittle, Jacob De Witt.
For Delaware.
Frederick McMullen, James Bricker, John Warner, Isaac H. Starr.
William White, of Virginia, Surveyor and Inspector of the Revenue for the Port of East River.
Griffin Green, of the N. W. Territory, Collector of the customs for the district of Marietta, and also, Inspector of the Revenue for the Port of Marietta.
James Clarke, of North-Carolina, Surveyor and Inspector of the Revenue, for the Port of Wilmington, in the District of Wilmington.
William Lee, Esq. of George-town, Mayor of the 1st legion of militia of the District of Columbia.
John P. Van Ness, Esq. of Washington, Major of the same legion.
Francis Peyton, of Alexandria, Lieut. Col. Commandant of the second legion of the militia of the District of Columbia.
Henry Rose and John McKim, Majors of the same legion.
The assumption of the supreme power of France for life by Bonaparte is an event too important to be dismissed with ordinary notice. Though it should not astonish, it may instruct us.
Whatever appearance there may be of deliberation or freedom in this act, either on the part of the French councils or the French people, is entirely delusive. The instrument is military force, aided probably by sacerdotal intrigue. Our readers will recollect that the constitution of France, as it is termed, was formed by the Abbe Sieyes. What he devised in the closet, Bonaparte carried into effect by the bayonet. The old system was put down, and a new one reared, which ever since appears to have been the plastic instrument of the First Consul, and his confidential adviser Talleyrand, who, amidst all the succeeding vicissitudes, has preserved his station and his influence. We behold then France governed by a successful commander of an army & by a priest; and so governed, we have contemplated every obstacle to supreme authority gradually removed by measures of unprecedented boldness. The first obstacle was found in the liberty of the press; that has long since perished, and for a long period not a press has existed without the special permission of the government. The next obstacle was found in those men whose talents and virtue were too intractable to yield to the gold or the honors of the government; they were banished. Another great obstacle existed in the freedom of conscience and religious worship. That is gone, and in the splendor & power of the Roman catholic religion is revived its state-instrumentality.
After the achievement of these great anti-revolutionary acts, nothing remained but the raising the executive magistrate above all popular dependence. This last has been done, and he now stands for life the uncontrolled monarch of France.
A great question naturally offers itself—Is this measure agreeable to the French nation? Can a people who have with unexampled spirit fought for freedom, who have by the energy of their arms vanquished all foreign opposition, and with whom it now only remains to govern themselves—can such a people, after all the evils they have endured to destroy one monarch, submit to the government of another; or a monarch too who has gained all he possesses by the sword.
For it is impossible to believe that the French nation can be so infatuated as to consider Bonaparte the man of their choice.
France has possessed, and it is believed still does possess, a host of men too enlightened to be the dupes of founds, and too virtuous and numerous to be corrupted. These men, when they dared to avow their sentiments, declared themselves republicans. We have no reason to think that subsequent events have changed their principles. But though their principles may remain unaltered, they have probably felt and submitted to the policy of requiring for a season their opinions. They appear, therefore, to conform to the reigning sentiments; but the conformity is delusive. They only wait the occasion, which, when offered, they will seize, for restoring liberty to their country. Such will probably be the issue of future events; the period which shall decide it, must remain uncertain. It may be protracted; but it cannot be averted.
A view, still more interesting, which may be taken of this subject, respects its relation to this country. To us, if duly improved, it will be of great use. It will teach us the propriety of relying on our own ground, and of avoiding all connections, other than those which are inevitable, with European powers. It will teach us also the dangers of military power, which has always when strong enough, enslaved the country that cherished it. It will teach us that this remark is no less true in its application to the leader of an army whose successes, if brilliant, always render him dangerous, and generally hostile to freedom, than to military establishments in the abstract. It will inspire us with additional abhorrence of wars which are not purely defensive, by teaching us that they have been the universal instruments and fore-runners of tyranny and oppression.
To show that these ideas are not peculiar in their application to recent events, but that they characterize human nature in all times, we shall, in our next, present our readers with a picture of Augustus Cæsar, drawn by the masterly pen of Gibbon, which may, at the same time, throw some light on the character of Bonaparte and the tendency of his measures.
The Fourth of July has been celebrated with great felicity at George Town, Alexandria, and Baltimore. In addition to other celebrations, there were two orations delivered at Alexandria, one by Col. C. Simms, and the other by A. W. Grayson.
At Baltimore the following toasts were drank:
 1. The day and all who honour it—while they are happy, let its enemies mourn.  2. The Declaration of Independence—our political creed.  3. The memory of the heroes who fought and bled to establish the Independence of Columbia.  4. The constitution, the charter of our rights—may it be touched with caution, and amended with care.  5. Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States—long may he live in the affection of a free people.  6. Aaron Burr, Vice-President—may his own narrative, like Hamilton's defence, unmask his principles, and show the world what he really is.  7. The heads of department—may the cry of fire! fire! fire! never be wanted to settle their accounts.  8. The virtuous majority in Congress—may they, like their predecessors in '76, never listen to British agents—the Chased from their poils by the exterminating principles of a Tariff—or deceived by the charms of a Harper.  9. The Judiciary of the United States—while wisdom and prudence guide their decisions, may they always recollect that "they who can create can destroy."  10. The majority of the people—may their union be eternal and indivisible.  11. Independence to the plough—the hammer and compass—may they never be restrained by unnecessary restraints, oppressive taxation, or unconstitutional laws.  12. May the heart of man be the altar of freedom and her temple the spacious earth.  13. The Press, that Palladium of Liberty and scourge of Tyrants—may the hand that stops its progress wither, and the head that plans against its liberty, be decorated with a collar of hemp.  14. The Seminary of the United States—may they know and appreciate the "the rights of man."  15. Patriots in exil—may justice escort them to this land of liberty, and free men welcome them to our shores.  16. Peace, Liberty, Happiness, and Prosperity to the four quarters of the world.  17. Our sister State, the north western territory—may she be in the bosoms of Civil and Religious Liberty, and prove a brilliant ornament to the union. 
On the 30th of June, the internal tax ceased to exist. Whatever may have been the opposition of party to this measure, no doubt can be entertained of the approbation of the nation.
Joseph Peirce, has resigned his seat as one of the Representatives of New-
Hampshire in the Congress of the United States.
A letter from a gentleman in Edinburgh (Scotland) to his correspondent in Trenton, states, that "the BOX made of the Oak that sheltered the great Sir William Wallace, after the battle of Berwick," which was presented by the Earl of Buchan, to the late Gen. Washington, with a request that he would pass it, on the event of his decease, to the most deserving character in this country, but which was returned to his Lordship, is now in the hands of an American gentleman at Edinburgh, for the purpose of being transmitted to Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia, agreeably to his Lordship's determination, to be deposited by him in the national institution endowed by General Washington.
New-York, July 2.
By the Schooner Sally Maria, arrived yesterday, we learn, that the inhabitants of Havana are much incensed against the government for not permitting the entry of vessels with a supply of provisions. Fire had been set to houses at a place called the Regulars, fourteen different times in one day. The Americans are said to be treated with every indignity; and could receive no redress from the public authority. Flour was from 30 to 45 dollars a barrel.
Augusta, June 19.
The honorable the legislature of this state adjourned on Wednesday last.
They have given their assent, unanimously, to the articles of agreement and cession, &c. respecting the Georgia Western Territory.
They have passed an act, by which the citizens of this state, in October next, are to elect four representatives to Congress, by a general ticket.
AUGUSTA, (Georgia) June 21, 1802.
Mr. PAINTER.
As no doubt can be entertained but that public curiosity will be on the stretch to obtain information on so interesting a subject as the duello lately fought by two distinguished characters, in this state, and as no man can be better informed of the particulars of that transaction than myself; I take the earliest opportunity of requesting you to give publicity to the following statements, which, I pledge myself, is strictly correct, to the best of my recollection and belief. Your speedy compliance will much oblige
Sir, your obedient servant, RALPH SPENCE PHILIPS.
In consequence of a rencounter which took place at Louisville, on the afternoon of Wednesday the 16th instant, between general James Jackson, and Colonel Robert Watkins, when they were separated by the interposition of a crowd, and their pistols wreted from them, I was commissioned as the friend of the latter to wait on the former and demand satisfaction at a more fit time and place. Having accepted the office I accordingly had an interview with the general who readily agreed to answer my friend in the manner required. Mr. Collier, the general's friend, called on me in the course of the evening, and early the next morning, for the purpose of appointing time and place—agreed in that respect he proposed both, neither of which being satisfactory, and although I briefly speaking, I was not entitled to object to either, yet under the peculiar circumstances of this case, I was anxious to change the place, and felt myself warranted in endeavouring to remove the fact of action without the jurisdiction of the state, as well on account of our unwillingness to contend the laws, as to avoid every kind of interruption. I therefore stated, that I should consider it a favour, if he would appoint any spot beyond the Oconee river, which I understood was within about 20 miles, or any other place within the United States; this not being acceded to, I then proposed that the meeting should be on half way ground, between the places of their respective residences; this also being rejected, my last proposal was made, to determine, by lot, in which of their own counties the affair should be decided. This sharing the same fate without former propositions, and finding Mr. Collier restricted to the counties of Jefferson and Burke; in conformity to the positive instructions which I had received, arrangements were made to meet the general on his own ground; accordingly the place was fixed in Burke county, on the main road leading from Louisville to Waynesborough, about 24 miles from the former and from the latter, and the time eleven o'clock the next morning, Friday the 18th inst.
Arrived at the ground, Mr. Collier & I had no difficulty in making the necessary arrangements, having in the first instance agreed, should any difference of opinion arise between us, a toss up of a dollar should give the winner his choice. I requested Mr. C. to propose the distance; he proposed "eight or ten steps," I replied that he might choose, for I was commissioned by my friend to give him that privilege, provided it did not exceed ten steps.
It is worthy of remark, that whilst we were adjusting our affairs, the principals had entered into polite and general conversation; so gentlemanly was their conduct, that had any stranger, unacquainted with the object of their meeting, have been present, he must have imagined that the greatest cordiality subsisted; nothing like irritation on either side, not a word but what the strictest propriety would dictate.
It had been expressly stipulated by Mr. C. and myself, that no person whatever should be on the ground, other than the General, the Colonel, their seconds and surgeons, who were Messrs. Powell, White and Pughley.
As it would be rather tedious to enter into the minutiae of this business, I shall proceed to state the more essential points.
Mr. Collier having determined on ten yards as the distance, I stepped them off and requested he would do the same, & let me know if he approved of the process, having done so and being satisfied, we placed our friends on their respective grounds, and there explained to them the etiquette we had agreed on, which appeared to be satisfactory to both.
Art. 1st. When in your places, neither is to speak a word to the other, if any communication should be thought necessary, it must be through your seconds.
2d. You are to fire by the words of command, make ready, fire; which your seconds are to give in rotation.
3d. You are bound to honor to fire both together, as near as possible at the instant of receiving the word, and should either withhold his fire, it shall be lost.
4th. A tuap or ball to be considered the same as a shot.
Several other articles were agreed to, which it would be tedious to detail.
Mr. C. was entitled to give the word for the first discharge, having won it from me, we therefore handed our pistols to their seconds, and took our stations, when the word being given rather quickly by the gentlemen, both their balls struck the ground between them; at the second discharge I gave the word, which being much slower they both a second time missed; whereupon we retired to load again, and the antagonists joined each other in polite converse; being a second time placed on their ground and the same difference of time between Mr. C. and myself still continuing, the same effect was produced; we therefore had to prepare a third brace each.
It may be truly said, that during all this time, the General and Colonel vied with each other in bravery, neither could claim the palm; in coolness and deliberation, neither could obtain the ascendancy; in liberality, politeness, generosity, gentlemanly conduct, they were equal to the end of the chapter, no civility was received without a suitable return; their souls seemed to rise superior to the passions of revenge or malice, and appearing to discard all such ideas, they seated themselves on the issue of this very honorable conflict.
The third time did these brave men take their stands, it being Mr. C's. turn to direct the fire of the fifth floor, col. Watkins's ball took effect, having entered the general's side to the rear and above the right hip, passing through as I suppose about six or eight inches; the affair was then concluded.*
I think it necessary here to mention, in order to show the persevering and unflinching courage of the general, and the noble generosity of the colonel, that after the general had received his wound, he called out Watkins, I believe I can give you another shot, to which the col. replied, just as you please gen. if it is your will, you may have it now, or at any time hereafter, when you are better able to defend yourself, it would be far from my inclination to take any advantage, by firing at you in a state of agony.
General Jackson rejoined, that he had come there to give him satisfaction, and was determined to do so if he had to stay there an hour, or whilst he was able to stand, but that he should be satisfied when the col. was—the business thus placed on its proper footing, the col. declared himself satisfied. Whereupon I observed to Mr. Collier, that as col. Watkins had called the general to the ground, it was certainly with him to say when he was satisfied that having done so I hoped the affair was at an end; to which Mr. C. readily assented, provided it was to be completely so, and that every thing unpleasant which had passed between them, should be buried in oblivion—under these impressions, the offered hand of the general was cordially received by the col. and I observed to them both, that I hoped their future friendship would exceed their past enmity; they reciprocally declared it to be their sincere wish that it should be so.
Shortly after, the general was conveyed from the ground, he pleasantly observed, D—n it Watkins, I thought I could have given you another shot, but I find I was mistaken; thus evincing that his courage was the same, although unable to support his own frame.
The proffered assistance of the C. L. was kindly received by the general, who observed that had Watkins been in his situation, he would have attended him as a brother. The Col. did not fail to reciprocate similar sentiments, every act of friendship was therefore cordially offered and thankfully received. After having arrived at the quarters prepared for him,
the Gen. requested the Col. to call on his brother Abraham, which he did, and when Major Jackson came into the room, he added that he had known him and his friend Mr. Collier, in preference of several gentlemen to this office. This has been a far duck, Col. Watkins has behaved like a gentleman, and a man of spirit, their fare it is a y order to you and my friends, and it shall be my last dying request, should my wound prove mortal, that he is not to be protected, nor any trouble whatever be given him on any account. I had a visit at the special instance of Mr. Watkins, made a proposition to Mr. Col. Collier, previous to going on the ground, that there should be a mutual release from prosecution, in case of the death of either party.
When it is known that this was no common affair in memory, it is presumed the inextinguishable enmity of the parties, will no longer excite surprise. It is to be remembered, that upon five years private and political animosity was the only predicated during which period, very many harsh measures had been adopted by those gentlemen towards each other, and it may not be unworthy of remark, that the number of shots exchanged, was only proportionate to the length of their enmity, and may be considered as curious of its final termination in insatiable friendship, which, I anticipate will in many power to add, that the general's physicians afford sanguine hopes of his recovery.
In this statement I am not conscious of having departed in the slightest degree from justice or my duty, nor have I intentionally deviated from the understanding between Mr. Collier and myself at parting, if, however, any error should inadvertently have escaped me, I will think I am to point it out, and shall cheerfully embrace the earliest opportunity of correcting it. In taking leave of this subject, I must do Mr. Collier the justice to say that his conduct on the ground was a counter part of his friend the General's.
RALPH SPENCE PHILIPS.
* The number of ineffective shots may be justly attributed to an honorable and ardent exertion to fulfil strictly the third article, and to the want of unity, any in giving the word.
Baily E. Clark, } IN CHANCERY, vs. } June 23th, 1802. William Johnston, }
THE object of the bill is to obtain a decree for a sum of money supposed to be due from the defendant to the complainant, and for the payment of the sum decreed to be paid to the complainant interest of the defendant in Let No. 10, and part of Let No. 22, in the town of Fredericksburg, in Prince George's county.
The bill states, that the complainant contracted with the defendant for the sale of the said lots and executed to him a bond of conveyance that the defendant accorded to the contract, engaged to give for the time the sum of twenty-two hundred and fifty pounds, to be paid part in cash, and part in property, but that no fulfilment of interest there is due the sum of thirteen hundred and fifty pounds. The bill also states, that the defendant resides out of this state.
It is thereupon on the motion of the complainant ordered, that he cause a copy of this order to be inserted at least once in each of three successive weeks in the National Intelligencer, before the first day of August next, to the end that the defendant may have notice of the complainant's application, and of the relief and object of his bill, and may be warned to appear in this court in person or by solicitor, on or before the first day of December next, to show cause wherefore a decree should not pass as prayed.
(True Copy) (Test) SAML. H. HOWARD Reg. Curv. Cham.
July 9. 1802. 32
A Valuable Farm for Sale, In King George County & State of Virginia.
THIS Farm contains five hundred and thirty five acres—about three hundred and fifty of which are cleared and divided into three fields with good inclosures; it is situated on Potomac river, and bounded on the South East side by a mile and half by Rozier's creek, which affords a great abundance of fine fish and wild fowl, crabs, oysters, &c.—thirty miles from Fredericksburg, forty from Alexandria, and fifty from Washington City.
On this land are very extensive brick buildings, exclusive of the advantage to be derived from these buildings by the lime kilns, they are very favourable to the protection of corn and wheat, and the soil, inexhaustible; there are about sixty or seventy acres of this kind of land, and the balance that is cleared of an excellent quality, and a great number of springs of fine water; it can with certainty be classed among the most healthy situations below the falls of Potomac—indeed, the natural advantages attending this place are innumerable.
The improvements are a two story framed dwelling house, sixty four feet long, commanding a beautiful view of the creek and river; one other house intended for a kitchen, twenty six feet by eighteen with three rooms and a cellar in good repair; a large house including a stable for eight horses, a corn-house, carriage house, laddle and barns room, and a commodious granary above, and other convenient buildings on the farm—a small orchard of well chosen apple and peach trees—the yard and garden include this spring, with pales and railings. The whole plantation in good repair, and the land in a great state of improvement.
The terms of sale will be made known by Mr. Francis Whiting who in a short time will be a resident of Berkeley county, or by the subscriber on the premises.
WILLIAM F. FLOOD, July 9, 1802.