The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1804-06-25 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. IV.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. DLXXX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, JUNE 25th, 1804.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
THE following criticism on the ÆNEID of VIRGIL extracted from a late work of Miss Williams, is very happily penned. It can never be too deeply regretted that a writer of such exquisite talents should have exhausted all his powers in adorning the character of a tyrant.
Of the various strictures which have been made on this prince of poets, none perhaps are more severe than those of the illustrious tragedian of Italy. "It is not enough," says Alfieri, "for the writer who has the intimate conviction of having discovered truth, to feel the disposition to propound it with energy, and express it with eloquence: to insure success, it is indispensable that he enjoy a previous competency, or be content with little; otherwise he must necessarily fail in his efforts." Alfieri is apprehensive of passing for a retailer of paradoxes, while he states propositions that are perfectly just and reasonable. That the reward of virtue is not bread, is a proverbial truth. "Write a volume," says Voltaire, "in praise of Monseigneur Superbus Fadus: pen sonnets to his myrtle's eye-brow, and dedicate a work to his porter; you are sure of being well received, and recommended. Instruct the world; and make up your account for neglect, and perhaps obloquy." This was the case in the days of Voltaire; and philosophers have observed, that, in certain things, mankind are given flawily to change.
The servility of Virgil is the example which Alfieri produced to justify his opinion. He pays the Roman poet the tribute which he thinks is so justly his due for his various excellencies, such as majesty of elocution, force of colouring, and imitative harmony; "but what," adds he, "forms the principal part of a writing, and what ought to enter for half at least into a work—the useful, mingled with the agreeable—his divine portion, which has for its foundation vigour of thought, and the feeling of truth, all this is totally wanting in Virgil."
To have placed Augustus the first in the order of time, in the review made by Anchises of the great men that were to illustrate Rome, and render her mistress of the world, excites the animadversion of Alfieri against the poet as a chronicler; but the profusion of praise which Virgil bestows on his patron, while the Scipios, the Regulus, the Fabricius, and the Fabius, are passed hastily by with the scanty tribute of a few slender verses, raises in him strong emotions of anger. "Not satisfied with that," continues he, "Virgil puts himself to the expense of nineteen excellent and most pathetic lines in praise of one Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, who died in his youth and who would have remained absolutely unknown, but for the base sublimity of these verses; while, for Cato, Virgil has deemed half a line sufficient; three lines for Junius Brutus, and of Marcus Brutus, not a word." There are omissions also for which Alfieri cannot pardon the poet: but his indignation swells into rage when he finds Cicero, not indeed forgotten, but recorded in a disgraceful verse in which the poet gives the palm to the Grecian orators, only to tear it from Cicero. "Penetrated with just indignation," adds Alfieri, "the reader pauses at such passages, and feels himself impelled to exclaim, here is the bread of Augustus! this is the benefit which the protection of princes holds out to letters! here is the baseness and servility which are inseparable between the patron and the protected."
O anima cortese Mantovana, Di cui la fama ancor nel mondo dura, Edurera, quanto'l moto lontana! DANTE.
O ever gentle shade from Mantua sprung! Whose fame unfading as the world shall last, As long as earth in ambient air is hung.
HAYLEY.
With what mournful reluctance are the friends of liberty, admirers of thy infinite excellence, compelled to subscribe to this severe sentence, which thy tuneful posterity, feeling the degradation of genius, bring against thee! These sentiments, which the poet of modern Italy indulges against the servility of his countryman, and which Alfieri before him had gaily expressed, have been felt by the poets of other countries, jealous, like himself, of rescuing their august profession from disgrace.
A poet of my country, in numbers not unworthy of the Mantuan bard, had preceded Alfieri; and the sentiments of both are so coincident, that it would seem as if the elegant regrets of the English poet, had served for the basis of the energetic indignation of the Italian.
O! had thy muse, whose decorating skill Could spread rich foliage o'er the leafless hill; Had she, who knew with nicest hand to frame The sweet unperishable wreaths of fame: Had she, exalted by a happier fate, Virtue's free herald, and no slave of state, Decked worth's shrines with her un- fading flower, And given to freedom, what she gave to power; Then with more keen delight, and warmer praise, The world had listened to thy bolder lays; Perchance had owed to thee (a mighty debt) Vest where Perfection her bright feet had let, Where art could nothing blame, and nature nought regret."
HAYLEY, Essay on Epic poetry.
However great may have been the poetical crimes of Virgil, whatever effect they might have had in lulling his countrymen into servitude, we should, perhaps, feel some indulgence for the poet, since his offences, in provoking chastisement, have given birth to such glowing sentiments in favour of freedom. It would indeed be difficult to clear him from the charges which these accusing spirits bring against him: but might not something be urged in alleviation of the severity of the sentence? The facts stand on eternal record: but can nothing be suggested in favour of the intention? Are we sure that the poet, while he was consummating his crime against liberty, felt no concern for the share he was spreading for his country? Did he cast no lengthened looks into future ages, following in his fancy that track in the infinite ocean of time, along which his reputation was destined to sail? On this subject, an idea suggests itself, which though it presents little in justification of the offence, offers a plea in mitigation of the punishment.
"The ivory gate," says Mr. Gibbon in his critical observations on the sixth book of the Æneid , "puzzles every commentator, and grieves every lover of Virgil: yet it affords no advantages to the bishop of Gloucester." But, though Mr. Gibbon has demolished the ivory gate, as well as every other part of the Warburtonian hypothesis, are we sure that he has discovered its uses, or the meaning of Virgil, better than preceding commentators? The explanation by which he attempts to "save Virgil's judgement and religion," may be ingenious; but he admits that it is at the expense of uncommon harshness and ambiguity of expression. Dr. Jortin has observed, that Virgil, after having shone out with full splendour through the sixth book, sets at last in a cloud; and acquiesces in the common opinion, that, by six unlucky lines, Virgil destroyed the beautiful system which it cost him eight hundred to raise.
Had Mr. Gibbon been as solicitous for the political as for the religious reputation of the poet, he might, perhaps, while he was framing hypotheses, have hazarded other conjectures to unfold this enigma. Throughout his critical observations, Mr. Gibbon does not appear to have stumbled on any of those formidable objections which our lynx-eyed poets have brought against Virgil. On the contrary, he enumerates, among the most striking beauties of this sixth book, the poet's representation of the happiness enjoyed by the patriot who died for his country.
Is it possible that the offences charged on the poet either escaped the notice, or, considering the political character of the critic, were not judged by him to be offences? Dr. Jortin has assigned what Mr. Gibbon calls a reason new and ingenious for Virgil's having explained away his hero's descent into an idle dream ; but this reason the critic finds also untenable. "The preposterous conduct," which is explained by the poet's epicurism, and which, is supposed to be the result of design by the one, is attributed to haste and indiscretion by the other.
In a work so finished, it is scarcely to be supposed that Virgil could have acted without some design; much less, that, in the most exquisite parts of his poem, he could have been guilty of haste and
indiscretion. Notwithstanding the devotedness of the poet to Augustus, may it not be presumed that he could not eradicate from his mind the remembrance of those virtues which illustrated his country, those principles which it were impossible to be a Roman and a poet and not feel? May it not be conjectured that Virgil felt at times the indignity he had committed towards the sacredness of his profession, in the perversion of the moral lesson which he might have held up to the world? May not compunction have wrung his heart, when he reflected on the dishonourable offering which he made to power, of that innocence which he should have consecrated to the manes of the last defenders of the republic? Did he feel no remorse in caressing thus ingloriously the hand that fed him? He, who sometimes threw out his republican soul athwart the cuirassed breast plate of the courtier, representing, on the shield of his hero, the sacred spirit of Cato dispensing laws to the happy shades around him, and who could so feelingly paint the country court of the poor Evander, and thus panegyric mediocrity:
"Dare to be poor . . . . and emulate a god."
Did no struggles arise in favor of virtue, in which the poet contrasted the sublimity of his character, and the servility of his situation? Did he contrive no mode of escape from the reproaches with which elevated minds, among his own countrymen and posterity, might overwhelm him? Here the 'idle dream' finds a necessary appendage in the ivory gate, through which the patriot might hope to glide, though the poet were torn to tatters in the passages.
To quit the luxuries of a court, to make the surrender of his elegant villas in Campania and Sicily, and retire to his native marshes, as Alfieri suggests, were facts which probably required more strength of mind than Virgil possessed. But to enjoy the reward of servility, and mourn the price at which it is obtained, are not incongruous feelings. All sentiment of republican virtue was not yet extinct in the soul of Virgil. If it were not a moral feeling of this kind which urged the sacrifice of his reputation as a poet, what motives could have led him, at the close of life, to order this precious monument, this work of eleven years, to be committed to the flames? The fallaciousness of genius leads sometimes to extravagancies. Dissatisfaction is the constant attendant of extraordinary talents. But Virgil saw nothing around him that could bear the slightest point of competition: he had no rival: he had struggled successfully against his divine original, and had perhaps equalled, if he had not, as Scaliger pretends, outstript him: May it not then be conjectured, that this last act of the poet's life, the order for burning the Æneid , was the sacrifice of genius to principle? Unwilling to perpetuate the injury he had done his country, or that these records of 'base sublimity' should survive him; fearful that this enigma of the ivory gate might, like his other enigmas, remain unsolved, and foreseeing the accusations which might be brought against him, he was anxious to complete the sacrifice while the surest means of repairing the mischief remained in his power. But these intentions were frustrated, and happily for the world; which though, with Ariosto, Alfieri and Hayley, it may reprobate the cowardice of the republican, will, as long as this globe shall be hung in ambient air, bow in respectful admiration before the poet."
* Let others . . . plead better at the bar. Æneid , Book VI.
† "Non fu si fante ne benigno Au- gusto, Come la tuba di Virgilio suona, L'avere avuto in poesia buon gusto, La proferizione iniqua gli perdonò." The poet adds,
"Nessun sapria, se Neron fosse ignufo- to, Ne tua fama faria men folle buona, Avesse avuto e terra e ciel nemico, Se gli scrittor l'eraa teneva amici."
CANTO 35.
Deem not Augustus's life so free from blame As Virgil's trump delivers him to fame. His skill in verse, and love to bards display'd, The dire prescription veils in friendly shade. Not one might now on Nero's guilt exclaim, Nor infamy perchance attend a name By gods and men abhorr'd, had he ensur'd The pen of writers, and the multi- secur'd." HOOLE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, JUNE 25, 1804.
ON TITLES.
IT has long been a subject of regret to those who correctly estimate the value of simplicity and truth under republican institutions, that the miserable trappings of monarchies should remain, in any degree, attached to our governments. After the great revolution achieved by Americans in the moral world, and the elevated ground assigned to the citizens of our free republics, there was reason to hope that the ostentation and folly of kings and nobles would have ceased to contaminate our manners. The upright and enlightened congress of 1776, who declared us independent, and who by the heroism of their character and the wisdom of their measures, commanded the admiration of the whole civilized world, thought and acted on this point with Spartan propriety: They thought too highly of themselves, and estimated too correctly the dignified character they held as representatives of free and sovereign states, to dwell with a moment's complacency on the ridiculous distinctions of titles, stars and garters. Seeing men and things as they are, they beheld monarchs and nobles and priests in their true colors. Stripped of the purple and ermine, they perceived little left. So far, therefore, from imitating their manners, and covering themselves with nominal dignity and distinction, they offered themselves to the world in their true colors—The American Congress, unaided by extravagant titles, inspired universal respect and affection. Their Presidents had not the arrogance to claim the titles of Highness , Excellency or Honorable . They looked down, as well they might, upon the crowd of political dwarfs that sported in the summer breeze of courts, and were dandled in the lap of luxury. The result was an elevation of the American name among the truly great men of Europe.
In the successive congresses under the confederation, patriotism was too predominant a feeling to suffer vanity to urge her little claims ; nor did party spirit materially disturb the general harmony—Thus things remained until the new constitution was formed.
Under this form of government two legislative branches were established; the Senate, a small body, representing the states; and the Representatives, a more numerous body representing the people. As it is the tendency of rival bodies, no less than rival individuals, to aim at superior distinction, the Senate, apparently deriving consequence in their own eyes from being the smaller body, and from being the representatives of states, early directed their attention to the propriety of conferring titles. It is understood that they contemplated, in the first instance, robbing themselves in these childish distinctions; but, driven from this purpose by public opinion and the austerity of the popular branch, they were induced to desist from this purpose. Firm, however in their original intention, they resolved to surround with this peurile lustre the First Magistrate, and they had the folly to propose to DISTINGUISH the illustrious WASHINGTON with the title of HIS HIGHNESS! Never was there a more bitter farcasm levelled at the fame of that great man—His Highness George Washington! As well might we say His Excellency Cato!
The people with their usual good sense, ridiculed the project, and their representatives rejected it.
As there are too many good men who even at this enlightened day, and after this decided expression of the public sentiment, encourage the foolish parade of titles, and delight to trick themselves or please others with the epithets of Excellency and Honorable , it may be well to make them acquainted with the remarks made on the above proposition in the House of Representatives. It is much to be regretted that the arguments used in the Senate in favor of titles have, from their doors being closed, never reached the public; as they would probably have been the best commentary on the weakness or depravity of the period. As it is, we must rest contented with the observations made in the House of Representatives.
The House took into consideration the message from the Senate, communicating on Saturday last, respecting the disagreement of the Senate to the report of a joint committee, on the subject of annexing titles to the office of President and Vice President.
Mr. Packer moved a resolution to the following effect: Resolved, That this House having, on Tuesday last, adopted the report of their committee appointed to confer with a committee of the Senate, stating "That it is not proper to annex any style or title to the respective styles or titles of the President expressed in the Constitution;" and having in their address to the President of the United States on Friday last, proceeded to act pursuant thereto, deem it improper to accede to the proposition made by the Senate, as communicated by their order of the 9th instant, for appointing a committee to confer with a committee of this House, in considering and reporting, under what title it will be proper for the President of the U. States in future to be addressed.
Mr. Page, (now Governor of Virg.) Seconded the motion, observing, that in his opinion the House had no right to interfere in the business, the constitution expressly prescribed the power of Congress as to bestowing titles. He did not conceive the real honor, or dignity, of either of those functions to consist in high sounding titles. The House had, on a former occasion, expressed their disapprobation of any title being annexed to their own members, and very justly too. After having fully and explicitly declared their sentiments against such measures, he thought it behooved them to be explicit with the Senate. Indeed he felt himself a good deal hurt, that gentlemen on this floor, after having obtained their permission to the clerk to enter any more than their plain names on the journal, should be standing up and advertising one another by the title of "the honorable gentleman," he wished the practice could be got over, because it added neither to the honor nor dignity of the House.
Mr. Lee
Approved of the appointment of a committee to confer with a committee of the Senate, as the mode due to the occasion, but he was against adding any title.
Mr. Tucker, (the present Treasurer of the United States.)
When this business was first brought before the House, I objected to the appointment of a committee to confer with a committee of the Senate; because I thought it a subject which this House had no right to take into consideration. I then stood single and unsupported in my opinion, but have had the pleasure to find lines, that some gentlemen on this floor agree that I was right. If I was then right, I shall, from stronger reasoning, be right now in opposing the appointment of another committee on the same subject. The joint committee reported, that no titles ought to be given; we agreed to the report, and I was in hopes we should have heard no more of the matter. The Senate rejected the report, and have now sent us a resolution, expressive of a determination to give a title; to which they desire our concurrence. I am still of opinion, that we were wrong in appointing the first committee, and think that we shall be guilty of greater impropriety, if we now appoint another. What, Sir, is the intention of this business? Will it not alarm our fellow citizens? Will it not give them just cause of alarm? Will they not say, that they have been deceived by the Convention that framed the Constitution?—that it has been contrived with a view to lead them by degrees to that kind of government, which they have thrown off with abhorrence? Shall we not justify the fears of those who were opposed to the Constitution, because they considered it as insidious and hostile to the liberties of the people? One of its warmest advocates, one of the framers of it (Mr. Wilson of Pennsylvania,) has recommended it by calling it a pure democracy. Does this look like a democracy, when one of the first acts of the two branches of the Legislature is to confer titles? Surely not. To give dignity to our government we must give a lofty title to our Chief Magistrate. Does the dignity of a nation consist in the distance between the First Magistrate and his citizens?—does it consist in the exaltation of one, and the humiliation of the rest? If so, and the most despotical government is the most dignified; and to make our dignity complete, we must give a high title, an embroidered robe, a prince-

equipage, and finally a crown and hereditary succession. Let us, Sir, establish tranquility and good order at home, and wealth, strength and national dignity will be the infallible result. The aggregate of dignity will be the same, whether it be divided amongst all or centred in one. And whom, Sir, do we mean to gratify? Is it our present President? Certainly, if we expect to please him we shall be greatly disappointed. He has a real dignity of character, and is above such little vanities. We shall give him infinite pain; we shall do him an essential injury; we shall place him in a most difficult and disagreeable situation; we shall reduce him to the necessity of evincing to the world his disapprobation of our measures, or of seeing some diminution of that high reputation for disinterested patriotism which he has so justly acquired. If it is not for his gratification, for whom then are we to do this? Where is the man amongst us who has the presumption and vanity to expect it? Who is it that shall say; for my aggrandizement three millions of people have entered into a calamitous war, they have persevered in it for a long years, they have sacrificed their property, they have shed their blood, they have rendered thousands of families wretched by the loss of their only protectors and means of support? This spirit of imitation, Sir, this spirit of mimicry and envy will be the ruin of our country. Instead of giving us dignity in the eyes of foreigners, it will expose us to be laughed at as apes. They gave us credit for our exertions in effecting the Revolution, but they will say that we want independence of spirit to render it a blessing to us. I hope, Sir, that we shall not appoint a committee. I thought it improper before, and I still think that we cannot be justified in doing it.
MR. BURKE
"I hoped the House would express their decided disapprobation of bestowing titles in any shape; whatever, it would be an indignity in the House to countenance any measures of this nature; perhaps some gentlemen might think the subject was a matter of indifference; but it did not appear to him in that light; the introduction of two words which he could mention, into the title of their officers, would alter the constitution itself, but he would forbear to say any thing farther, as he had a well grounded expectation that the House would take no further notice of the business."
MR. MADISON
"I may be well disposed to concur in opinion with gentlemen that we ought not to recede from our former vote on this subject, yet at the same time I may wish to proceed with due respect to the Senate and give dignity and weight to our own opinion so far as it contradicts theirs by the deliberate and decent manner in which we decide. For my part, Mr. Speaker, I do not concive titles to be so pregnant with danger as some gentlemen apprehend. I believe a President of the United States clothed with all the powers given in the constitution would not be a dangerous person to the liberties of America, if you were to load him with all the titles of Europe or Asia. We have seen superb and august titles given without conferring power and influence or without even obtaining respect; one of the most important Sovereigns in Europe has assumed a title as high as human invention can devise, for example, what words can imply a greater magnitude of power and strength than that of high mightiness; this title seems to border almost upon impiety; it is assuming the pre-eminence and omnipotency of the deity, yet this title and many others cast in the same mould have obtained a long time in Europe, but have they conferred power? Does experience sanction such opinion, look at the republic I have alluded to and see if their present state warrants the id."
"I am not afraid of titles because I fear the danger of a power they could confer, but I am against them because they are not very reconcilable with the nature of our government, or the genius of the people; even if they were proper in themselves, they are not so at this juncture of time. But my strongest objection is founded in principle, instead of increasing they diminish the true dignity and importance of a republic, and would in particular, on this occasion, diminish the true dignity of the first magistrate himself. If we give titles we must either borrow or invent them; if we have recourse to the fertile fields of luxurious fancy, and deck out an airy being of our own creation, it is a great chance but its fantastic properties renders the empty phantom ridiculous and absurd. If we borrow, the servile imitation will be odious, not to say ridiculous also; we must copy from the pompous sovereigns of the east, or follow the inferior potentates of Europe; in either case, the splendid tinel or gorgeous robe would disgrace the manly shoulders of our chief. The more truly honorable shall we be, by shewing a total neglect and disregard to things of this nature; the more simple, the more republican we are in our manners, the
more rational dignity we acquire; there fore I am better pleased with the report adopted by the House, than I should have been with any other whatsoever."
"The Senate, no doubt, entertain different sentiments on this subject. I would with therefore to treat their opinion with respect and attention, I would desire to justify the reasonable and republican decision of this House to the other branch of Congress, in order to prevent a misunderstanding. But that the motion of my worthy colleague, (Mr. Parker) has possession of the house, I would move a more temperate proposition, and I think it deserves some pains to bring about that good will and urbanity, which for the dispatch of public business, ought to be kept up between the two Houses. I do not think it would be a sacrifice of dignity to appoint a committee of conference, but imagine it would tend to cement that harmony which has hitherto been preserved between the Senate and this House—therefore, while I concur with the gentlemen who express in such decided terms, their disapprobation of bestowing titles, I concur also, with those who are for the appointment of a committee of conference, not apprehending they will depart from the principles adopted and acted upon by the House."
MR. WEITZ
"Did not approve of a committee of conference, because the House had already determined the question, by unanimously adopting the report of the joint committee; he did not think that it was worth while having the subject longer contended; he was satisfied both the spirit of the constitution, and the spirit of the people disapproved of titles."
MR. PARKER
"Wanted to know what was the object of gentlemen in the appointment of a committee of conference; the committee could only say, that the House had refused their consent to annexing any titles whatever to the President and Vice-President; for certainly the committee would not descend into the merits of a question already established by the House; for his part he could not see what purpose was to be answered by the appointment of such a committee—he wished to have done with the subject, because while it remained a question in the House, the people's mind would be much agitated; it was impossible that a true republican spirit could remain unconcerned when a principle was under consideration, so repugnant to the principles of equal liberty."
MR. JACKSON
"Wondered what title the Senate had in contemplation to add dignity or lustre to the person that filled the Presidential chair; for his part he could conceive none. Would it add to his fame to be called after the petty and insignificant princes of Europe? Would styling him His Serene Highness, His Grace, or Mightiness, add one title to the solid properties he possessed? He thought it would not;—and therefore conceived the proposition to be trifling with the dignity of the government.—As a difference had taken place between the two Houses, he had no objection to a conference taking place, he hoped it might be productive of good consequences, and the Senate be induced to follow the laudable example of the House."
MR. SENEY
"Intended nothing disrespectful to the Senate, but he conceived, after having adopted the report of the committee, it would derogate from their own dignity to rescind an unanimous resolution; and for what other purpose could a conference be appointed by the house? They must certainly suppose, that there might be ground for changing their opinion: nothing of this kind appeared to him, and therefore he was of opinion, it would be an useless consumption to waste any more time about it."
MR. CLEMER
"Thought there was little occasion to add any title to either the President or Vice-President. He was very well convinced by experience that titles did not confer power; on the contrary, they frequently made their possessors ridiculous. The most important potentates, the most insignificant powers, generally assumed the highest and most lofty titles. That they do not indicate power and prerogative is very observable in the English history; for when the chief magistrate of that nation wore the simple style of His Grace, or Highness, his prerogatives were much more extensive than since he has become, His Most Sacred Majesty."
"Titular distinctions are laid to be unpopular in the United States, yet a person would be led to think otherwise from the vast number of honorable gentlemen we have in America. As soon as a man is selected for the public service, his fellow citizens with liberal hand, shower down titles on him—either excellency or honorable. He would venture to affirm there were more honorable esquires in the United States than all the world beside. He wished to check a propensity so notoriously evi-
denced in favor of distinctions, and hoped the example of the House might prevail to extinguish what predilection that appeared in favor of titles."
MR. PAGE
"If I thought the motion made by my colleague in the least degree disrespectful, I should not have seconded it. I would be the last man on this floor to treat that worthy body with disrespect; but I believe it cannot be construed to have such a meaning;—if we were to let the resolution lie on the table it would not be disrespectful. But what is the object of the motion?—Simply to inform the Senate that we cannot rescind a resolution adopted in consequence of the report of a joint committee. If the conduct of either House is in the least degree disrespectful (though I do not conceive it is,) the body who declined adopting the report, after knowing the sense of the other to be in its favor, is the most so."
"But on what are a committee to confer? Not upon what title shall be bestowed, because we have no right to enter on the subject; and here I must tell gentlemen I differ from them when they think titles can do no harm. Titles I say, Sir, may do harm, and have done harm. If we contend now for a right to confer titles, I apprehend the time will come when we shall form a reservoir for honor, and make our President the fountain of it; in such a case, may not titles do an injury to the Union? They have been the occasion of an eternal faction in the kingdom we were formerly connected with, and may beget like inquietude in America; for I contend, if you give the title, you must follow it with the robe and the diadem, and then the principles of your government are subverted."
MR. LEE
"Moved the previous question, as the best mode of getting rid of the motion before the House: he was supported by a sufficient number. And on the question, shall the main question be now put? It passed in the negative; and so the motion was lost."
"Thus disposed of the proposition of the Senate received its quietus. The unanimous vote of the Representatives dismissed it, it is to be hoped, forever."
(To be continued.)
FOREIGN NEWS
Selected from London papers to the 18th April.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.
APRIL 16.
Calumnies of the French Government.
Lord Morpeth rose to say a few words on a subject deeply interesting to the feelings and honor of this country. It was with pain he was compelled to advert to the disagreeable question; but the transactions that had lately taken place in France relative to it, rendered it necessary to rescue the character of the Government and of the country from the infamous charges made by the French government against one of our ministers at a foreign court. To justify the acts of violence which had been committed by the French government, it had been urged, that instructions had been given by our government to that minister to encourage and excite the subjects of France to the commission of the most abominable crimes. As long as the charges against this country had been confined to vehicles of the rancour and malevolence of the French government the noble Lord would have thought it wise to treat them with that scorn and silence such unfounded calumnies merited; but in his opinion the case was now altered. A publication had been circulated, purporting to be the correspondence between our minister at Munich and a Frenchman residing at Paris. By this it appeared that the Frenchman had betrayed his trust, and put the French government in possession of the correspondence. This publication has been communicated to all the Foreign ministers at Paris; and from their replies, it would appear that they had all with the single exception of the Russian minister, prejudged the matter on allegations unproved, and he trusted unprovoked. He should not dwell upon the servility with which Europe bowed to the power of France, but he wished to see that servility confined to the continent, and to have it proved to the world, that there was one country at least, which is neither to be awed by its menaces, nor aspersed by its calumnies. As to the charges which had in this instance been made, he thought he had a right to call on his Majesty's ministers to clear up. He thought he had a right to call on them in justice to themselves, in justice to the individual concerned (Mr. Drake) and above all in justice to the character of the country, to refute the atrocious calumnies, and to repel the iniquitous charges so unjustly made upon the honor of the country. He trusted he should be justified in calling on his Majesty's ministers
to prove to the world that they had not armed the hand of the assassin, that they had not aimed the dagger in the dark, but on the contrary, conducted their system of hostilities in that fair, open and manly manner, which belongs to legitimate warfare.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer — "I feel myself under the highest obligations to the noble lord, for the opportunity he has afforded me of thus publicly repelling and refuting the most base and unfounded charge that has ever been brought against the government of any civilized country. I am sure that the House will scarcely expect from me any thing more than expressions of the utmost surprise, indignation and abhorrence, against the foul and atrocious calumnies of the most wicked & tyrannical government that ever was established in the midst of a civilized people. The servants of his majesty spurn at such a charge, and will oppose to it their character and their honor. In compliance with the noble lord's request, I now affirm with a clear conscience, and with perfect truth, that no instructions have been sent by the British government to any of its residents abroad, inconsistent with the rights of nations, of honor and of jurisprudence. I shall say nothing at present of the construction put upon the supposed correspondence, but I assure the House that no person can be more anxious than I am myself to vindicate the conduct of his majesty's ministers, and to falsify the abominable charge, which is evidently meant as the gross insult upon the character of the sovereign and his government, and as a means of wounding and degrading, through them, the feelings, the character and the honor of the people of this empire. The government has not yet received any dispatches from the resident at Munich, (Mr. Drake) upon this subject; but as soon as they arrive, I shall think it necessary to make such a communication as will I am convinced, rescue his character as well as ours, from so foul and detestable a slander. I have perfect confidence that the more the particulars of his conduct are enquired into, the more apparent will be the propriety of it, and the vileness and falsehood of that (as I have the best grounds to suppose) most impudent and infamous fabrication."
PARIS, April 7.
The Ex-General Charles Pichegru has hanged himself in prison. The following are the particulars of the suicide:
On the repeated requests he made, and on giving his word of honor that he would not make any attempt on his life, Pichegru obtained the dismissal of his guards during the night. Every morning an attendant in waiting came to light his fire with a bundle of wood. Pichegru on one of the preceding mornings had laid aside a part of a sago, by which he thought he might put an end to his existence. In short, on the 5th inst. Pichegru, after having supped very heartily at eleven o'clock, went to bed about twelve. The attendant in waiting having retired, Pichegru drew from under his pillow, where he had placed it, a black handkerchief, which he tied round his neck; the piece of wood which he had kept in reserve, he then made use of to assist him in the project of suicide; he introduces this piece of wood into the two ends of the handkerchief where it was tied; he turns this little stick close to the glands of the neck as often as he thinks necessary to put a stop to respiration. When on the point of losing respiration he draws the stick behind his ear, and throws himself on the same side of his head, in order to prevent its shifting. Pichegru, naturally fat, full of blood, suffocated by the full meal which he had just taken, and by the great pressure which he made, expires during the night.
Next day in the morning, the attendant came to kindle his fire; he looked towards Pichegru's bed; saw him as he supposed, in a profound sleep, and retired to do his work. About half past seven the attendant again went up, again saw the head of Pichegru quietly resting on his pillow, and again went away, still fearing to interrupt his sleep. At nine o'clock he went up a third time and observed no alteration in the posture of the prisoner, who usually spoke to him when he was awake. The attendant began to be surprised at his sleeping so long, went up to the bed, and sees his face pale and distorted; he then moved the body and found it lifeless, and without motion. He immediately gives information to the jailor, who went that instant to inform Thuriot the judge and solicitor in this important trial. Eight physicians and surgeons were employed to draw up the process verbal of the state in which the body was found, and this process verbal and the corpse were brought before the Criminal Tribunal on the 6th, about one o'clock in the afternoon.
After the report was concluded, Citizen Gerard Commissary of the Government, spoke to the following purpose, addressing himself to the Magistrates and the Tribunal; "The publicity
which you give to every thing connected with the conspiracy, formed against the life of the First Consul, completes the arrangements which you have instituted. These arrangements have been pursued with all the activity and zeal of which we are capable. No effort has been spared to disappoint the success of a scheme of the most abominable nature; though the forms of legal proceeding have not been observed, you will have the most conclusive evidence of the conspiracy itself. One of the principal agents of the projected assassination dispatched himself in a manner contrary to all human laws. The evidence of his guilt, however, must for ever affix a stigma on his memory. His cotemporaries and posterity will say, Pichegru saw no distinction betwixt his guilt and his infamy. He became a suicide. The magistrates appointed to enquire into the evidences of his crime, and to submit them to the proper tribunal, have done their duty. I require that the body of Charles Pichegru be buried in the place usually appointed for the burial of the corpses of persons taken from the Temple, where there have been instances of suicide. His burial is to be made in the presence of a public officer and two servants of the Tribunal, I require further, that the process verbal of the opening of the body and the burial shall be published in every part of the Republic where it may be necessary."
Another account.
April 8.
On the 6th of April, the commissary of government appeared before the criminal and special tribunal of the department of Seine, sitting at the palace of justice in Paris, and reported,
That he had received intelligence from one of the judges of the tribunal, whose office it was to prefer articles of accusation against Georges, Moreau and Pichegru—that the latter had, on the preceding evening, committed suicide in the prison of the temple. He demanded that the tribunal take the subject into their immediate consideration.
A committee was accordingly appointed to investigate and report agreeably to the general usage in such cases; who having visited the prison, and heard the examination of the keeper, ordered,
That the body of the ex-gen. Pichegru be inspected by six of the most eminent physicians and surgeons of the department; and that they certify the cause of his death.
Being carried to the temple, and having there taken the oath prescribed by the laws, the said physicians and surgeons unanimously declared, that being conducted by the gaoler into the chamber which had been occupied by the ex-general, they found there upon a bed a corpse, which they recognised to be masculine; that the body appeared to be that of a man between 40 and 45 years of age; his height a metre and 73 centi-metres; his hair a dark brown; arched eye-brows of the same color; forehead large and bald; clear blue grey eyes, long nose, thick, flat at the end, and hollow at the top, &c. That after having minutely examined the said corpse, they remarked a circular impression on the neck about the breadth of two fingers, and much marked on the left side; that the strangulation was effected by the help of a cravat of black silk, which had been twisted so tightly round the neck with a stick, as to produce death; that the face was livid, the jaws locked, and the tongue pressed between the teeth; that the extremities were cold; the muscles of the fingers and hands very much contracted; that in their opinion, the corpse was that of the Ex-general Pichegru; and that he committed suicide by strangling himself.
The person of Pichegru was identified by ten citizens, to whom he was well known in his time, who were severally examined, and made oath of the fact.
The soldiers on guard near the chamber where the suicide was committed, the keepers and turnkeys of the prison were then interrogated as to what they knew of the circumstances attending it; but (excepting one who had heard during his watch, about 3 o'clock in the morning a uncommon coughing as of a person under pressure) they were entirely ignorant. The turnkey who had waited on Pichegru at supper in the evening, and had locked him up at 10 o'clock, depofed that he had kept the key of his chamber in his pocket from that time until 7 in the morning, when he went into the room to light him a fire, and had found him in the situation above described.
LONDON, April 16.
The Hamburgh Mail due on Wednesday, arrived last night. Though it has not brought any news from Paris of so late a date as that we received by the last Moniteur , it has furnished us with some interesting particulars upon the internal state of France. Never during the most sanguinary period of the despotism of Robespierre, was the Police of Paris more tremendously active, its myrmidons pervade all places, swarm

in all the Coffee-houses, infest every place of public amusement, intrude into every hotel, and invade even the privacy and retirement of domestic life. Such is the condition of France under a man who boasts of having united all hearts, and of whose government the Prussian Ambassador says, that it has concentrated men of all denominations and of all parties. Arrests are frequent and numerous, that the usual places of confinement are inadequate to the containing the persons arrested. Private habitations have therefore been hired for the imprisonment, or rather the inhumation of the wretched victims of the Censorial tyranny.
After the seizure of the Duke d'Enghien, what deeds of butchery and bloodshed will be too horrid for Bonaparte to commit? We tremble for the safety of Louis the XVIII, and the Duke and Duchesses of Angoulême. Generals Durand and Rapp, have been sent to Berlin on a special mission, the object of which is said to relate to the French Emigrants in the Prussian territories. If the French Government make a formal demand, that all Frenchmen shall be sent out of Prussia, the Prussian government, we fear, will accede to the demand, and the illustrious and unfortunate family at Warlaw will of course be forced to seek an asylum elsewhere. We shall not be surprised to hear that the French prescribe the route they shall take, and that they are seized by French troops immediately upon their having passed the Prussian frontier. There is an expression in the answer returned by the Prussian Ambassador, at Paris, to M. Talleyrand, which is extraordinary, and seems hitherto to have escaped much notice. He says "it is time at length to end all these subjects of alarm so hurtful to the friends of France." What is the meaning of this exclamation? I should seem as if the Prussian Ambassador meant to hint the propriety of making the Sovereign power hereditary in the family of Bonaparte.
PARIS INTELLIGENCE.
Several persons, including two American ladies, and English gentlemen, arrived on Saturday from the Continent. Some of them left Paris, subsequent to the execution of the Duke of Enghien. According to their report, that unfortunate Prince requested three favours after his condemnation. One was, that he might be attended by a Priest, which was refused; the 2d, that a lock of his hair might be lent to a person whom he should name, which was granted; and, thirdly, that he might be allowed to give the word of command to the soldiers who were to shoot him, which was refused. As we have already stated, he was shot by a party of the Italian Guards. The consternation which this bloody deed has excited abroad, is nothing in comparison with what it has produced in Paris. The reign of terror was never so potent and universal. Note but spies are safe; and consequently every man, to avoid denunciation, is obliged to become a spy. The most intimate friends are afraid to speak to each other; all is terror, silence, and suspicion.
A private letter from Paris of the 2d, adds, "Our prisons are now so crowded with civil prisoners, that several hotels of Emigrants, that served during Robespierre's reign as houses of arrest, are again employed for the same purpose. Among other tyrannical proceedings, the police agents arrested yesterday every person dressed in mourning, walking in the streets; and I have heard this day, from a Senator, that every one in the morning, who cannot prove that it is for some near relative, is to be transported. Last Friday Chevalier de Bourdant and his family were carried under escort from the city to the Rhine, and are prohibited, under pain of death, to return to France. Their crimes was the supposed mourning of the Duke of Enghien. Notwithstanding these cruel acts of despotism, I can assure you the mourning has increased, particularly among the ladies, who, you know, have at all times during the revolution shown most character and courage. I have just left the Thuillery Garden, and Elysian Fields; the two beautiful walks were crowded with females, & of five hundred I am sure, not fifty were dressed otherwise than in black, or with some ribbon or crape on their bonnets, &c. indicative of mourning, though they all knew what happened yesterday, and that two millionaires of the Palais Royal were in prison for selling mourning fans, on which were painted an altar, containing the busts of Louis the XVIII, of his Queen, of Madame Elizabeth, of Louis the XVII, and of the Duke of Enghien, with small portraits of Robespierre and Bonaparte, visible with the motto Fraternité . These fans, were originally sold for half a crown, now bring a louis d'or, and are to be had, though the police is upon the continual look out to prevent it. All letters sealed with black sealing wax or wafers have been stopped, and caused many imprisonments both here and in the provinces."
Bonaparte is yet at Mailmaison, guarded by his Italians & by his Mamelukes; but every hour, night and day, reports are sent to him respecting the tranquillity of this city, in which great discon-
tent prevails, particularly in the suburbs of St. Antoine, and St. Marceau."
April 18.
Our reader may have remarked, that no answer appears to have been returned by the Swedish Ambassador to M. Talleyrand's letter transmitting the correspondence attributed to Mr. Drake. We have reason to believe, from a circumstance which we shall state presently, that the Swedish government will not authorise its Ambassador at Paris, to imitate the conduct of most of the other Ambassadors in that Capital.
The king of Sweden was at Baden when the duke d'Enghien was kidnapped; he was on a visit to his father-in-law the elector of Baden. As the violation of the independence and territory of the electorate by French troops and at the seizure of the unfortunate prince, he expressed great indignation, and immediately sent a protest to his ambassador here, Baron de Silverhjelm, a protest, couched in very strong and manly terms, against that infamous and barbarous transaction. The Swedish ambassador has received directions to deliver copies of it to all foreign ambassadors at the court of London, and we hope to be able to lay it before our readers to-morrow or next day. We understand that it is of considerable length. This protest does the greatest honor to his Swedish Majesty.
Overland accounts have been received from India, announcing another victory, gained on the 29th November, over the Berar Rajah's army, with very considerable loss on our part.
The process verbal upon the death of Pichegru asserts that he strangled himself by a piece of wood, which he had secreted from the fire-wood, and which he had twisted into the sick hankerchief he wore around his neck. After having so twisted it, he laid himself down, his left cheek resting upon the end of the piece of wood, in which attitude he remained till he died—so says the process verbal, but no one will give credit to it. He was privately murdered! Could he have died without a struggle? And would not a struggle have displaced the stick from the position in which it was found under his cheek. The physicians and the jailors all declared their opinion that he had strangled himself—they dared not deliver any other opinion. The sentinel who kept guard at his dungeon door, says, that he heard during the night a noise, like that of a man labouring under great difficulty in breathing, but he took no notice of it. The servant who came to light the General's fire in the morning, observing that he did not stir, immediately went and informed the officer of the guard, who sent for a commissary of peace and a surgeon. Not one of them thought of looking at the body, or of ascertaining, before they sent for surgical aid, whether the general was dead or not. There are several other suspicious circumstances; for some time before his death, the Paris papers stated that he would neither suffer the wounds he received, in resisting the Gendarmes that arrested him, to be dressed, nor would he take any nourishment. This was to prepare the public mind for that which had been determined upon by the despot—the death of his victim.
But why do we dwell so long upon these points? The character and conduct of genl Pichegru give the lie to the assertion of his having committed suicide. He was a man, in the confession of those who differ most with him upon political subjects, of exemplary piety, and of great morality. Is it to be credited, that he would in the last act, have belied the whole tenor of his former life? Must he not have courted a public trial? Could he have been disgraced by perishing upon the scaffold that had been dyed with the blood of Louis the XVIII, or by receiving death from the same hands that butchered the duke d'Enghien? Above all, could he have been ignorant that the tyrant would construe suicide into a confession of guilt and a fear of submitting to trial? All these circumstances rush with such force upon the mind, that the whole world will believe he was privately murdered by order of Bonaparte.
The day after Pichegru's murder, a pamphlet was published, entitled "a memorial concerning the treason of Charles Pichegru in the year 3, 4, 5, of the Republic," said to be drawn up by M. de Montgaillard, in the year 6. The whole of this was published by the Directory in September 1797.
As soon as Bonaparte had determined upon the assassination of the general, he caused this memorial, we suppose, to be printed, resolving to publish it immediately after that event had taken place.
As the memorial is generally believed, and has been asserted by a person who had the means of knowing it, to have been a forgery, the publication of it is not likely to diminish the regret which men must feel at the fate of such a man. It shows anxiety on the part of Bonaparte—it shews fear.
LONDON, April 17.
The journey of Madame Bonaparte, mother of the First Consul, to Rome, at the present conjuncture, is a circumstance which may give rise to various conjectures, especially as she was at-
tended with a strong guard, and seemed in such haste that she would not stop to receive the congratulations of the public functionaries.
According to letters from Paris, an address has been presented to the First Consul by the Conservative Senate, praying him not only to name his successor, but to take upon himself a higher title than he has yet assumed, and to make the fame hereditary in his family.
The Gazette de France of April 3d, says, "the public funds have risen since the day on which the Senate in a body presented an address to the First Consul, though the object of it is not exactly known."
The preparations for invading this country are now in such a state of forwardness, that the attempt may be expected to be made in a very short time.
April 20.
We this morning were favored with
a note from a gentleman who has just escaped from France, having left Dieppe on board an American ship homeward bound on Friday last, and landed on the coast of Dorset from an open boat on Monday. He states, that the army encamped along the coast of Picardy have begun to manifest great discontent at the delay, which has taken place respecting the invasion of this country, which they have been assured three several times in the course of six months would certainly be put in execution at a given period. The middle of November was the first time mentioned, the last week of January the second, and the third the middle of March, since which the activity of the preparations has considerably relaxed, except in what regards the exchanges of troops, above twenty battalions of whom our informant assures us, were ordered into the interior during the period of his stay on the coast, which was about a fortnight. In regard to the rumours of insurrections, &c. in Paris, he says they arrive daily; and though perhaps altogether unfounded, they are generally considered as strongly expressive of the wishes of the people, which are everywhere explicitly in favor of a peace with England.
In the concurring opinion of many eminent medical men, we have had an opportunity of consulting, there is in the process verbal in the Moniteur internal evidence to prove that general Pichegru did not, and could not commit suicide. The Moniteur account alleges that he made use of a piece of wood, which "he turned as often as he thought necessary to put a stop to respiration." This piece of wood, therefore, acted in the nature of a tourniquet. Medical men know very well that to have produced death in that manner it would have been necessary to have increased the force and pressure of the tourniquet, and that the greatest degree of force would have been necessary just before the cessation of life. In the same manner, to exhaust an air pump requires an increasing degree of force as the pump becomes more and more exhausted. Now how can any man suppose for a moment that genl Pichegru could apply this increasing force when his own strength must of necessity have been decreasing? And as the greatest exertion would have been necessary when he must have had the least, it remains for the Moniteur to shew how it was possible for him to deprive himself of life in the way described. Medical men, therefore, in London, whatever the physicians and surgeons of Paris may be forced to assert, have no difficulty in declaring openly, unequivocally, and positively, that another man or men must have put general Pichegru to death.
It was last night reported at the west end of the town, that Mr. Drake has been given up by the Elector of Bavaria, and is now a prisoner in France. We hope this statement is incorrect.
Packet.
The report was again rumoured yesterday, of an insurrection having taken place in Paris, in which the chief consul is said to have lost his life. It was brought from Morlaix in a ship that left that port on Thursday last. It is certainly premature.
By the Hamburg mail which arrived yesterday, we learn, that a great part of Switzerland is in a state of insurrection against the constituted authorities. The absence of the French troops was made the signal of revolt. In the cantons of Berne, Soleure, Argau, Freyburg, &c. the temerity of the insurgents has reached the highest pitch. They everywhere prevent the people from taking the oath of allegiance to the new constitution. In the night of the 28th ult. some of the disaffected set fire to the castle of Wadenshweller, on the lake of Zurich: and the last letters state, that the Landeman, unable to resist the torrent, had solicited the return of the French army.
A Dublin paper of April 19th, mentions the receipt of news by an arrival from the continent stating, that the Court of Denmark, had taken much offence at the conduct of the French, who had reinforced their army on the north bank of the Elbe, were still transporting immense quantities of ammunition to the Duchy of Lauenburgh, & had formed magazines of powder in the neigh-
bourhood of Altona had been seized and the Danish troops on the frontier of Lubeck and Lauenburgh, had been ordered to resist any territorial violation or encroachment. The Danish militia ready to take the field is stated at 100,000 men.
The French are stated to have seized the property of British merchants in the free city of Frankfort.
The king of Denmark has demanded a monthly tribute of 800 dollars for allowing the English mails to pass through his dominions to Hamburg, to commence from the period they were first landed at Tonningen. The Dutch Post Office at Hamburg which has the direction of the English correspondence, has consented to pay this sum in future, but has declared its inability to discharge the arrears.
Letters received, via Harwich, from Holland state, that among other preparations for the reception of the invading army, the French have peremptorily demanded the possession of nearly seventy houses at Utrecht, besides which an encampment is marked out in that neighbourhood for 40,000 men. The horses, it is supposed, are intended for the officer.
The present statement of the British naval force amounts to one thousand eight hundred and seventy-four vessels of different descriptions. From the admiralty returns of March 15, it appears that there were only 169 men short of the vote of 100,000. It is presumed that they were on 19th of April, 2000 over the number.
WASHINGTON CITY,
MONDAY, JUNE 23.
Massachusetts Legislature. The resolution directing the appointment of Electors of President and Vice President by a general ticket, passed the Senate—Yeas 19—Nays 14.
On the same day, it passed the house of Representatives—Yeas 125—Nays 106.
In both bodies the request of the minority to enter a protest, affirming their reasons for dissent, was disallowed.
The proposition of amendment to the Federal Constitution offered by Mr. Ely, has been agreed to in the House of Representatives of Massachusetts—Yeas 89—Nays 63.
New York, June 18.
On Saturday afternoon, the British frigate Cambrian, Cpt. Bradley, of 44 guns & three hundred men, and the sloop of war Driver, Cpt. Lyle, of 18 caronades, both in 7 days from Halifax, anchored in the mouth of the Narrows, within a mile of the French frigates Dreda and Sybille, both of 44 guns. The French frigates were ready for sea, and would have sailed on Saturday evening had the wind served. Bonaparte and Lady Went on board early in the morning; but, in half an hour after the British vessels anchored, we are informed, they returned to town. It is now conjectured that they will not sail very soon, if they do, the Cambrian and Driver will certainly follow them.
The British frigate Cambrian, Cpt. Bradley, of 44 guns, and the sloop of war Driver, Cpt. Lyle, of 18 guns, anchored on Saturday last at a short distance from the French frigates, is 7 days from Halifax. The British ship Pitt which arrived yesterday, in 52 days from Greenock, was taken possession of by six armed boats from the British men of war, for the purpose of pressing the people. The officer from the revenue cutter was prevented from boarding the ship, and it was with some difficulty that the health officer got on board; finding the ship in possession of the men of war's men, D. Rodgers would not examine her, but entered a formal protest against these extraordinary and unprecedented proceedings. We have not heard how many persons were pressed from the Pitt, but six were seen in one boat. She had between 70 and 80 passengers on board.
[Daily Advertiser.]
PATENT RIGHT.
FOR painting rooms, ornamenting ceilings, borders, &c. to represent paper hangings. The subscribers having purchased the patent from John Selby the original inventor, for the district of Columbia, the states of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, the province of Louisiana and New Orleans, will dispose of the same for such place or places within the above limits as may be agreed on. The model may be seen and terms made known by applying to, Messrs. RICHARD RYLAND, WILLIAM BYRNE.
Stucco plasterers, Capitol Hill, City of Washington—Feb. 2—3w6f N. B. Those desirous of blending economy with utility and elegance, will find their account in this invention. Letters post paid and addressed, as above will be attended to.
The citizens of Washington disposed to participate in the celebration of the FOURTH of July, are desired to meet THIS EVENING, at six o'clock at Stale's Hotel.
THEATRE.
PROPOSALS will be received until Tuesday the third of July inclusive, by either of the subscribers, for finishing in a plain style the INTERIOR of the Theatre, for CASH, payable as the work progresses.
Arrangements having been made for the immediate execution of the roof, the contractors for finishing the interior will be expected to proceed without delay, and to give security to complete it for performance before the first day of November next.
JOHN P. VAN NESS, SAMUEL H. SMITH, THOMAS LAW, ROBERT BRENT, WILLIAM BRENT.
ATTENTION!
CAPTAIN SPRIGG's company of Light Infantry are requested to meet at three o'clock on Tuesday evening next, on the parade ground, near the Six Buildings, for the purpose of making arrangements for the celebration of the 4th of July. Punctilious attendance will be expected, as the company will receive 50 rounds each on the field.
By order of the Capt.
WM. A. RIND, JR. C.
June 23.
NOTICE.
THERE was committed as a Run away to the jail of Frederick county, a negro boy who calls himself GEORGE and lays he belongs to capt. Newman of George Town, he is about 14 years of age four feet seven inches high, his clothing are a tow linen shirt and a pair of coarse blue cloth trowsers. If his master does not release him from jail he will be sold for jail fees agreeable to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, Frederick county.
June 23.
RUNAWAY NEGRO.
WAS committed to the jail of Frederick county as a runaway on the 23d February last, a negro man who calls himself JOHN BUSH. He is about 28 or 30 years old, five feet five or six inches high; a stout well made fellow; his clothing are a grey coat, a striped waistcoat and corduroy trowsers. If his owner does not release him he will be sold for his jail fees agreeable to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, Frederick county.
June 25.
NOTICE.
THERE was committed as a runaway to the jail of Frederick county, a negro man who calls himself CRASAL ANGUSTON, and lays he belongs to Mr. Isaac Langdon of Hertford county North Carolina; he is about 37 years of age, five feet seven inches high, a stout well made fellow—his clothing are a grey woolen coat with a blue cape, cotton striped waistcoat and trowsers and a grey linen shirt, he also has four scars on the back of his neck. If his master does not release him he will be sold for the jail fees agreeable to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, of Frederick county
June 25.
NOTICE.
THERE was committed to the jail of Frederick county, as a runaway, a negro man who calls himself JIM, and a Mulatto woman who calls herself MIMA, and says they belong to Mr. Peter Larkins of Farquhar county Virginia; said Jim is about thirty four or five years of age, five feet five or six inches high, a stout well made fellow, his clothing are a blue coat and waistcoat, to a linen shirt and trowsers, he has also a scar on his breast—Mima is about twenty five years of age, five feet one or two inches high, stout and well made, her clothing are a blue short gown, white linsy petticoat and a tow linen shirt. If their owner does not release them from jail they will be sold for their jail fees agreeable to law.
GEORGE CREAGER, Sheriff, Frederick county.
June 21.
Cheap Goods.
JOHN COX
HAS received a large and handsome assortment of Spring and Summer goods, and is happy in having it in his power to sell them mutually low.
George Town, May 14—ep2m
In the case of NICOLAS FEBRUARY An insolvent debtor, SIX months from and after the first day of March, is limited, and appointed for the creditors to bring in, and exhibit their claims to the trustee, and that notice be given in the Washington Federalist, and National Intelligencer once a month, three times in each paper before the expiration of a term—It is further ordered, that the trustee sell the property of the insolvent, at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 6 months, giving six months previous notice thereof, by public advertisement, in the same papers once a week for 6 weeks prior to the day of sale.
By order, Wm. Crench, Esq. URIAS FORREST, CLK. March 7.—1m23t

CHARLES VARDEN, MERCHANT TAILOR. Has received from Philadelphia in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of goods, consisting of the best London and Spanish superfine cloths and cassimeres, white and fancy Marcellies, colored and white jeans, India nankeens, cotton cassimeres, black silk and satin Florentines, with a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season. N. B. Ladies habits regimentals, and navy uniforms made in the first style of fashion. New Jersey avenue near the Capitol, June 8—tf
Union Tavern, Bladensburg, Maryland. The subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public generally, that he has opened a house of entertainment in Bladensburg, and will furnish with every thing necessary in the tavern—such portions as feel disposed to visit the Spa during the season, can be comfortably accommodated, and every attention and accommodation will be paid and provided for them who favor him with their company. WILLIAM ROSS. Bladensburg, May 21—epwm.
30 Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the Subscriber, living near Dumfries in Virginia, on the 14th inst. A Negro or dark Mulatto named PRINCE, about 22 years of age, about five feet nine inches high, low legs, has a mark on his face occasioned by a fall from a horse and a scar on one of his wrists, from a cut with a broken glass bottle. I will give thirty dollars reward for apprehending and bringing said negro home. ROBERT GRAHAM. May 23—tf
MECHANIC'S HALL Is to let for a term of three years. The subscriber being proprietor of the above premises and having lately met very unexpectedly with troubles of a domestic nature which has greatly disconcerted him and consequently injured his business. The public in general, and his friends in particular are notified that he gratefully acknowledges the liberal support they have given him since he commenced the tavern line, and begs they will not forsake him, as he has a larger and better assortment of liquors than he ever had before, and in addition thereto he has ice and fruit, also a variety of newspapers. He pledges his word to double (if possible) his exertions to please and accommodate all who may call on him, until a suitable tenant can be had. A description of the property is thought needless as it is known and presumed that no one will rent without viewing the premises. ANDREW M'DONALD. George Town, June 20—3tw2w
NAVY DEPARTMENT. ALL persons having claims against the estate of DAVID VALENZIN for maintaining and supporting him during his imprisonment, or for defraying the expenses of his internment, will be pleased to transmit their accounts duly authenticated to the Secretary of the Navy, on or before the 10th day of July next.
Public Sale. By virtue of a decree of the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington sitting as a court of chancery, at the suit of William H. Dorsey, Nicholas Heaggs, George Craig and Adam Whann, against Agnes Jackson, executrix; William Jackson, executor; Jonathan Jackson, Matthew Jackson, Elizabeth Jackson and Susanna Jackson, infant heirs of Jonathan Jackson, deceased, defendants—Will be exposed at public auction to the highest bidder on the premises and all the right, title, and interest of said Jonathan Jackson, deceased, to the following lots of ground in the city of Washington—the lots numbered 21 and 22 in square numbered 75, and the lot numbered 2 in square numbered 164. The terms of sale are one year's credit from the day of sale, the purchaser or purchasers giving their bonds, with approved security for the purchase money, with interest thereon. AGNES JACKSON, } trustees. WILLIAM JACKSON, } June 18—1tw3w N. B. We hereby give notice to all persons having claims against the estate of the said Jonathan Jackson, deceased, either for debts due, or legacies bequeathed, to bring them into court within three weeks after the above date. A. J. W. J.
Fifty Dollars Reward. SPRAYED or stolen on Sunday the 4th of June, a Small Bay HORSE, between 13 and 14 hands high, with a cropped bl. mane in his face, and one on his hind feet white, marked with letter B on the near thigh. Fifty dollars reward will be given for the horse and thief, or five dollars for the horse only by the subscriber, residing opposite the Branch Bank. WILLIAM FLECHER. June 22—3t
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern that JOHN EDWARDS is appointed by the Legislative court of the First Legion of Militia of the district of Columbia to collect all fines put into his hands—by order of said court. WM. D. BEALL, Clk. June 22—6w
HAT MANUFACTURY. The subscriber informs his customers and the public generally that he has discontinued business in the city of Washington, and has opened shop on Bridge street near the Union Tavern—he solicits the continuance of former customers, and hopes that all others who may chuse to call and purchase his manufacture will be amply suited, if neatness and goodness be requisites. JOEL BROWN. George Town, July 17—tf
The subscriber has received from New York and will sell low, the following articles, 8 pipes genuine old Cogniac brandy, 10 casks sherry wine, Hyson, Young Hyson, Imperial and Song-chung teas in chests, fresh and of a superior quality. 5 bags India sugar—a quantity of Beef and Pork of New York inspection, and a few bags of black pepper. WM. BRENT. Washington, June 6—epwm
REMOVAL. THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, Has removed to the house above Mr. Rhodes (Lat. Lovel's) Hotel, near the President's Square. In addition to the present stock of goods, an Handsome Assortment is expected immediately. Gentlemen at a distance, by sending a line by post, will be waited upon with all possible expedition. T. C. will pledge himself to execute any order with a taste, expedition and moderation of charge, which shall not be excelled by any. April 16—tf.
WILL be sold at Public Auction if not previously disposed of to a private purchaser. On Friday the thirtieth of June at Mr. Semmes's tavern—Lot no 57 at the corner of Fayette and First streets next to Mr. C. Lowndes' facing the Roman Chapel. There is a two story Frame House with an excellent well on the premises, and the situation cannot be excelled for health. The dower in the property will be properly relinquished and satisfactory security given that the subscribers conveyance of the property upon the purchasers fulfilment of the terms. The conditions are one half of the purchase money in cash, and the other in a note of twelve months with approved endorser negotiable in the Bank of Columbia. EDWARD M. BUTLER. June 1—tf For further particulars enquire at Mr. Lee's second brick house west of the War Office Pennsylvania avenue.
NOTICE. APPLICATION is intended to be made at the Treasury of the United States, for the renewal of the following lost certificates; No. 364, 363, 364, 365, and 366, dated the 5th April 1804, for 3000 dollars each, Louisiana 6 per cent stock, in favor of John Coles of New London, signed by Joseph Nourse, Reg. JOHN M'GOWAN. June 13, 1804—epwm
(BY AUTHORITY.) Scheme of a Lottery. To build an Academy in the city of Richmond. Dollars. 1 Prize—last drawn ticket, having a blank to its number, 20,000 1 do. 10,000 1 do. 5,000 5 do. of 1,000 make 5,000 6 do. — 500 — 3,000 10 do. — 200 — 2,000 20 do. — 100 — 2,000 100 do. — 50 — 5,000 250 do. — 30 — 7,500 420 do. — 25 — 10,500 1,500 do. — 20 — 30,000 3,000 do. — 15 — 45,000 1 first drawn ticket after 1,000 having a blank to its number, 250 1 do. after 2,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 3,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 4,000 do. 250 1 do. do. 5,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 6,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 8,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 10,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 12,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 13,000 do. 500 1 do. do. 14,000 do. 1,000 5,325 prizes, 150,000 9,675 blanks, not two to a prize, 15,000 tickets at 10 dollars each, 150,000 N. B. Prizes subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. This lottery has been authorised by the legislature of Virginia, for the laudable purposes of erecting a seminary of learning in or near the metropolis of this state. With this view, it is contemplated to raise 20,000 dollars, and 2,500 dollars, in addition, for defraying the expenses attendant on drawing the lottery. Citizens of the first respectability have been selected as trustees, and they have pledged themselves to use their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. The scheme has the advantage of giving to each adventurer, a chance for some very large prizes, while the proportion of prizes to blanks, is so great as to invite the friends of the intended institution to partake in the lottery, with very little risk of their becoming losers. The treasurer of the state is to be appointed to receive the money for the tickets as they are sold, and to pay the amount of the prizes to the fortunate adventurers. It is believed that the above considerations will induce a rapid sale of tickets, and the drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number shall be sold to authorise it—which it is believed will be on the second Monday in December next. Richmond, March 2—tf Tickets to be had of Robert Pollard Esq. John Brockenbrough, jun. Wm. Price (Reg.) Samuel Pleasants, jun. and William Prichard.
Prince George's County, Upper Marlboro, June 12, 1804. At a respectable meeting of republican citizens of Prince George's County, pursuant to the recommendations of a former meeting, HUMPEREY BELT, Esquire, having been appointed Chairman, and TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted. Resolved, That William Lyles, Alexander Covington, Alexander Contee and William W. Berry, Esquires be recommended to the people of this County as Delegates to the next General Assembly of Maryland. Resolved, That Isaac Ducket, Humphrey Belt, James G. Wool, Thomas Hewitt and George F. Hawkins, Esqrs. be a committee to confer with a similar committee on the part of Anne Arundel County, on a proper character to represent this district in Congress, in the place of Walter Bowie, Esq. who declines being a candidate. Resolved, That Richard Sprigg, Thomas Rogers and Trueman Tyler, Esqrs. be a committee to confer with Calvert County, and that part of Montgomery County composing the electoral District, on a proper character as an elector of President and Vice-President; and that it is the sense of this meeting that the said corresponding committee recommend General Joseph Wilkinson, as a proper character to fill that appointment. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer and Maryland Gazette. HUMPEREY BELT, Chairman. TRUEMAN TYLER, Secretary. June 18—ep3w.
In pursuance of an Act of Congress passed the 1st day of May 1802, entitled, "An act to abolish the board of Commissioners of the city of Washington, and for other purposes." WE the undersigned have opened a book at Rhodes's tavern Pennsylvania avenue, for receiving subscriptions for opening the CANAL, to communicate from the Potomac river to the Eastern Branch thereof. The Report and Plans of Mr. Latrobe, on the subject, are deposited at Mr. Rhodes's for the inspection of those inclined to promote this useful and beneficial work. THOMAS TINGEY, DANIEL CARROL, of D. THOMAS LAW, DANIEL C. BRENT. Washington 11th June, 1804.
COLUMBIAN LIBRARY. An Appendix to the Catalogue is this day published and may be had at the Library Room. In the course of the last year, the Directors have been incorporated by an act of Congress, and above 250 vols. have been added to the books, making in the whole upwards of 800 vols. New shares may be had on application to the Librarian—Books are let out on hire to those who are not shareholders, and are to be taken out and returned on the afternoons of Wednesdays and Saturdays. George Town, June 5—
AT a meeting of the Stockholders of the THEATRE COMPANY, at Rhodes tavern on the 7th June, 1804, pursuant to notice. ROBERT BRENT, Esq. Mayor of the city of Washington, was called to the Chair, and STANLEY BYUS, appointed Secretary. On motion made and seconded, the meeting came to the following resolutions: Resolved, That a Board of Directors, consisting of five stockholders, be chosen by ballot at the present meeting, to continue in office one year from their election. Resolved, That the said Board of Directors have the power generally to manage the affairs of the institution during the period for which they are elected. Resolved, That it be the duty of the said Board of Directors to proceed immediately to the raising by such means as they shall deem most eligible the necessary funds, and thenceforth apply the same to the completion of the building; and to procure a dramatic company, when the prospects respecting the completion of the building will in their opinion warrant the same. Whereupon the meeting proceeded to the election of a Board of Directors for one year, when the following gentlemen were elected. John P. Van Ness, Samuel Harrison Smith, Robert Brent, William Brent, and Thomas Law. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the National Intelligencer. ROBERT BRENT, Chairman. June 18—3w
GEORGE TOWN COLLEGE. In the district of Columbia, United States of America, under the direction of the Incorporated Catholic Clergy of the state of Maryland. The annual pension of this establishment is two hundred and twenty dollars; but for children under twelve years of age, only two hundred dollars will be required. Those students who continue their education through the classes of Philosophy shall, on account of extraordinary expenses and some particular indulgencies allowed them, pay two hundred and fifty dollars per annum. The pension is to be paid half yearly in advance. A deduction of fifty dollars per annum will be allowed to those parents who may choose to charge themselves with the detail of clothing their children. The college will furnish washing and mending; but will not keep particular accounts, or become answerable for clothing provided by parents. In lieu of bed linen, table service, school books, and other articles usually required on entering establishments of this kind, each student shall pay ten dollars entrance money. I. The Sunday or holiday dress is uniform, and consists of a plain coat of blue cloth, with yellow buttons, red cloth or kerseymere waistcoats. The use of silk is not permitted—Every student shall bring with him his uniform dress, besides a suit for daily wear, six shirts, six neck handkerchiefs, six pocket handkerchiefs, six pair of stockings, and three pair of shoes, all new. Any deficiency in the above will be charged to the parents. II. On the above terms the students are furnished with clothes, linen, washing, mending, lodging, board, fire, candle, table, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, and school rewards; so that nothing will remain to the charge of the parents, but medical attendance and medicines, postage, and such extra lessons of drawing, dancing, music, &c. which they may choose to order for their children. III. The religion, uniformly practiced by the students living in the college, is the Roman Catholic; but for students of other religious persuasions, there are boarding houses, convenient to the college, where they will be subject to the same rules (religion excepted) and enjoy the same advantages for their improvement in science as the pensioners of the college. IV. Out Boarders must be furnished by their parents with the uniform of the college, and pay annually for tuition, fire, candle, school books, pen, ink, paper, amusements, school rewards, &c. fifty dollars, always half yearly in advance. V. The students are taught English, Latin, Greek, and all the branches of Classical Education, sacred and profane History, Geography, the use of the Globes, Arithmetic, and when sufficiently advanced Algebra and Geometry, with all the other parts of the Mathematics, in the respective classes. Particular care is taken that they learn to read well, and write a good hand, and that they speak and write French with accuracy. Four times a year the students are called to a public examination of what they have been taught before Parents and the Friends of Literature. Those who have made extraordinary progress are honored and rewarded. The idle, for punishment, are confined in the vacation to certain extraordinary hours of study during playtime, in order to repair what they have neglected to learn in school; therefore, if they are found defective in the last and most important examination of the year, before the August vacation, they will not be allowed to go home during that time. VI. The age of admission is from eight to fourteen. When children are not sufficiently advanced to begin a regular course of classical education, they are placed in an elementary class, attended by a particular teacher, from whom they learn to spell, read, and write. VII. If the children sent to this College have been before at any other house of education, an attestation of their morals and docility is required. VIII. The greatest care is taken to instruct the children in the duties of Religion and Morality, and they are constantly under the eye of one or more of the Professors, who see that those duties are practiced, and that the rules of civility are not violated. IX. Cleanliness and exercise, and every thing which contributes to health, are attended to with particular care. X. All the pensioners dine and sup with their professors, and have the same table which they have. No distinctions are allowed in diet or clothing. XI. As long experience has convinced the directors, that a profusion of pocket money is very prejudicial, not only to good order, but even to study and application, they therefore request that parents will not be forward in indulging their children in more than fifty cents at most per month, for this purpose. XII. No allowance is made for absence during the vacation, which begins on the 15th August, and ends the 15th of September. To these terms the parents are desired to be particularly attentive, in case they choose to call their children home, as the absence of a few weeks at the opening of school is seldom repaired without very great difficulty. Absence from school at no other time will be permitted. It is indeed the most serious and earnest desire of the Directors, that the children should never be called home during the course of their education, as they have found by experience, that such avocations have often proved prejudicial, not only to study and application, but even to content and happiness. Those children who may be received into the college upon other funds, either totally or partially, than those provided by their parents or guardians, will not be allowed to go home or absent themselves from the college during the full course of their education, unless particular circumstances in the judgment of the President should require permission of absence for a time. XIII. When children are removed from the College, whatever new linen or clothes are furnished them on that occasion, will be charged to their parents. After entering on a new quarter no deduction will be made for the remaining part thereof. The College is a large building, capable of lodging two hundred persons conveniently. The garden and court adjoining, where the young gentlemen play, are very airy and
spacious. The situation is very pleasant and healthy. It will contribute much to the advantage of the children, if parents on sending them will inform the President how long they propose to leave them at the College, and for what employments in life they are designed. The regular course of education is properly classified; but such as are destined for the commercial line, have a lesson of Arithmetic and Book-Keeping, under a particular Professor appointed for that purpose. N. B. The above Regulations and Conditions will take place from the 15th day of August, 1804, for all such as enter at, or after that period; but for others, they will only commence at the expiration of the six months, for which the advance payment had become due prior to that term. Right Rev. LEONARD NEALE, President. Georgetown, June 22—1m.
PUBLIC SALE, WILL be held on Monday the 25th inst., at 10 o'clock A. M. to the highest bidder, at STEELE'S TAVERN on CAPITOL HILL, LOT No. THIRT. EN, in square 691 in the City of Washington. The terms will be made known at the time of sale, or on application to JER. CONNOR, Auctioneer. Georgetown, June 22—3.
MEDITERRANEAN PASSPORTS. Notice is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean Passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the eighth day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which they may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange; and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers, with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use. Department of State, } 23d of May, 1804. } The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the Customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. May 30—2aw6m
Valuable Land for Sale. The executors of the last will and testament of Anthony Holmead deceased, will sell at private sale about forty acres of Land adjoining the city of Washington at the northern extremity of 20th street west. This land is generally allowed to be one of the handsomest situations near the city, having a beautiful prospect of nearly the whole of the city of Washington, Alexandria and George Town, and any person inclined to purchase this valuable property, will be shown the same, and know the terms by application to the subscriber near the premises. JOHN HOLMEAD.
TAKE NOTICE. THE sale of those lands, lots, and houses in the city of Washington and district of Columbia on which the direct tax and cost has not been paid is postponed until Friday the 20th of July, at Mr. Rhodes's tavern. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. and continue from day to day until the whole are sold—any person wishing to examine the list of the property may by calling on the subscriber living in George Town. GEORGE MAGRUDER, Collector 6th collection district. June 18—td of f.
NOTICE. WILL be exposed to public sale, for ready cash on the 24th day of July next on the premises, all the right title claim and interest of Joseph Boone in and to lot No. 2 in square No. 1044 as laid down in the plan of the city of Washington, with a two story framed dwelling house and four other small, framed houses thereon, all in good repair; taken by virtue of two writs of Fieri Facias issued from the circuit court of the district of Columbia for the county of Washington at the suit of Wilson Hunt for the use of Philip Nichlin & Robert B. Griffith—the sale will commence precisely at 12 o'clock. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal. June 11—wtdof
Was Committed to the jail of Baltimore county as a Runaway on the 21st February last, a Negro woman who calls herself MILLY THOMAS—she is about 38 or 40 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, and of a brown complexion. She says she did belong to Mr. William Briscoe of Charles county in the state of Maryland. If her owner does not release her, she will be sold for her jail fees, according to law. THOMAS BAILEY, Sheriff of Balt. County. Baltimore May 21—w8t
THOMAS M'EUEN, THOMAS HALE & WILLIAM DAVIDSON, who heretofore, have translated business under the firm of Thomas M'Euens & Co. will in future use that of M'EUEN, HALE & DAVIDSON. PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 1—tw&ugtf