The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-11-19 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. III.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CCCLXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 19th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
SERIOUS CONSIDERATIONS ADDRESSED TO ALL SINCERE FEDERALISTS.
No. II.
Fellow Citizens,
By the Federal Constitution, six important objects were provided for:
 1. To form a more perfect union.  2. To establish justice.  3. To insure domestic tranquility.  4. To provide for the common defence.  5. To promote the general welfare.  6. To secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. 
The first words of the Constitution, those which announce its great ends, are, "We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves, and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."
In these declarations, and the delegations of power which follow, the above objects will be found to be the fundamental ones contemplated by the framers of the Constitution, and by the people of the several states who adopted it.
It will be remarked that these are all general and national objects, which for their execution required general powers, incapable of exercise by the states in their separate capacities. Hence the necessity of a concentration of powers in a federal head.
But so jealous were the framers of the Constitution of the preservation of state sovereignty, that every department of the federal government is made dependent for its very existence, on the existence and will of the state governments. The President is chosen by electors, whose mode of election is prescribed by the state legislatures; he members of the house of representatives are chosen by the electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislatures, and according to the directions of those legislatures; and the members of the senate are chosen directly by the state legislatures.
Here then is a dependence absolute and uncontrollable. The state governments may exist independently of the general government; but the general government cannot exist independently of the state governments.
This feature of our political system is first noticed, because in an enquiry into the correctness of all powers exercised by the general government, it ought never to be lost sight of. Its permanent language to legislators, is, "consider the state governments as sacred; they are the pillars of the whole structure; remove them, and the whole falls, the general government as well as the state governments."
Indeed it appears, that the object of the constitution was not so much to establish a distinct government independent of the states, as to establish one capable of uniting the wills of the states, and carrying them into effect, constantly subject to the control of the states in the above constitutional manner.
Holding this great feature in recollection, let us proceed to enquire in what degree the present administration have carried into effect the great objects of the constitution.
The first object was to form a more perfect union. This may be considered as a generic object composed of the species comprehended under it. Whatever tends to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty, contributes to form a more perfect union. How far, therefore, this object has been pursued and reached must, in a great measure, depend upon the subsequent examination into the manner and degree in which the embraced objects have been regarded.
It may not, however, be unimportant here to remark that at no period since the formation of the constitution has there been a more decided majority of the people on the side of the administrators of the government. These consist of the President elected by a majority of electors, whose election was afterwards confirmed by a house of representatives antecedently chosen by two years, in the midst of the administration of his predecessor and in the plenitude of his power, of a senate wherein there is a majority of 8 members, and of a house of representatives wherein there is a majority of 29 members. When, in addition to
this it is observed, that twelve out of sixteen of the state governments are on the same side, amounting to three fourths of the states, and which represent in the ratio of numbers five-sixths of the whole population of the United States, there appears to be proof sufficient to demonstrate the fact, that the principles and the measures of the present administration have eminently contributed to form a more perfect union.
There is one other view of this branch of the subject, that, from its important effects on public opinion, is entitled to much consideration. It will not be denied, that governments and laws should, whenever there is a difference in communities, be the offspring of accommodation. Of such nature, it is acknowledged, on all hands, is the federal constitution. If the statesmen who formed that instrument consulted such a magnanimous spirit, how impressive is the lesson, to those who administer it, to yield to the same disposition. This accommodation may be effected by a mutual cession of opinions by members of the same body. But this is of rare occurrence, as it will be generally found in practice, that majorities in popular bodies rule with absolute sway, and surrender little, if any thing, to the desires of their opponents. Such, in truth, has heretofore been our experience.
It followed, that for many years antecedent to the late change of the administrators of the government, what was denominated the federal party ruled with uncontrolled power. Regardless of the voice of the other part of the community, though frequently nearly equal to themselves, they gave their favourite constructions to the constitution, and exercised according to their discretion the powers delegated by it. Thus the confidence & co-operation of their constituents were secured; and with the increase of their confidence and co-operation grew their attachment to the constitution, and of consequence their devotion to "a more perfect union." While on the other hand, from the ordinary operation of the common principles of human nature, it may be inferred that their opponents, generally denominated the republican party, became disappointed at the failure of all their efforts, and began in a degree, to doubt the adequacy of the constitution to secure the great ends it promised, or at least to question the probability of its ever being truly executed. Their dissatisfaction rose, therefore, with the exultation of their opponents.
Times have since changed, and the republican party has become dominant. Embracing a large majority of the people, they now see that the constitution holds forth no delusive promises—that it is the security of universal political happiness. They are, therefore, strongly attached to it.
Here then is a vast acquisition of numbers on the side of the constitution. The sincere federalists always have been, and must ever continue to be its friends. The republicans to a man have become its active advocates.
Heretofore only one side has possessed power, and we all know its charms even to the best men. Now both sides have enjoyed it. Must it not follow that the national satisfaction will be greatly augmented, and with that augmentation a more perfect union be established?
A TRUE FEDERALIST.
170,038 Acres of Land.
THIS body of land, in one entire and inclusive survey, is offered for sale to any individual or company, who may incline to purchase for the purposes of settlement and emigration. It is situated in the state of Virginia, on the Great Kenawha River, Montgomery county, and is distinguished by the name of "The Great Bend of the Kenawha," being interspersed by the Piney river, Great and Little Bluecone rivers, Coal river, and uyandot river, as also by numerous other creeks and waters, running into said rivers. Numerous mill-sites, inexhaustible bodies of coal, and great appearances of ores, metals, salt springs and salt licks, are to be found on this tract, besides which, sugar may be made thereon to any amount, the sugar tree abounding in almost every part.
For fertility of soil, growth of timber, fitness for cultivation, salubrity of climate, and natural advantages, this body of land stands unrivalled by any tract of equal quantity in Western America; it will be submitted for sale to an entire purchaser, until the first day of June next, on very advantageous terms; after which, it cannot be disposed of at any price, the present proprietor being compelled to a division thereof. An indispensable title will be given, and for further particulars, as to terms of sale and payment, enquire of JOHN BECKLEY, Esq. Clerk to the House of Representatives of the United States, at the city of Washington.
November 1, 1802.
From the AMERICAN, &c.
THE DEMOCRAT, No. III.
ON DEMOCRACY.
(Continued.)
IN all the different systems of the ancient and modern world, monarchical and aristocratic governments have been and are now formed with standing powers, independent of, and not responsible to the body of the people, and at this day, hereditary right forms the basis of them all, with scarcely an exception; the people indeed in some of them are still permitted to participate by their representatives, in one branch of the sovereign power; in which qualified form only, has democracy appeared on the great theatre of modern Europe except in the small cantons of Switzerland. But this mixture of a popular feature (as is justly observed by Burlamaqui) introduced into hereditary or elective monarchies or aristocracies, cannot authorize their exclusion from those classes of government, to which their predominant principles attach them (1.)
Pursuing our inquiries we shall find among the modern authorities the democratic form thus distinguished by Montesquieu: In a republic, where the people in a body have the sovereign power, it is a democracy; when the sovereign power is in the hands of a few, it is an aristocracy (2). The same definition is given by Burlamaqui (3); and nearly the same by Vattel (4): Let these descriptions be compared with the constitutions of the United States, see Bills of Rights of N. Hamp. sec. 8, 9, 10 & 11. Mass. 5, 6, 7, 8 & 9. N. York, 1. Penn. 4, 5 & 6. Del. 4, 5 & 6. Mary. 1, 2, 4 & 5. Virginia Bill of Rights. N. Carolina, 1, 2 & 3, &c. Declaration of Independence of 1776, Preamble and amendments of the Constitution of the United States: In which we shall find the following fundamental principles established:—1. That all men are by nature equal in rights.—2. That all power resides originally in the people and can only be derived from them.—3. That all magistrates and officers of government are their substitutes and agents, and at all times accountable to them. 4. That the idea of a man born a law-giver or judge, is absurd and unnatural. 5. That government is instituted for the common good and not for the private interests or emolument of any man, family, or class of men. 6. That the people have an unalienable right to alter, reform, or totally change their government; and 7. And that they have an equal and natural right to elect and be elected.
These are the leading and distinguishing characteristics of democracy:—Sovereign power acknowledged to reside in the body of the people—not in a part—not even in their representatives:—What the people do by others, morally and legally speaking, must be considered as transacted by themselves; their representatives or substitutes are therefore expressly declared merely responsible agents and their authority revocable; a delegation of subordinate power, wholly inconsistent with the idea of a sovereignty vested in them; and all hereditary right or standing powers of a man, a family, or a class of men, are expressly proscribed and forbidden. These considerations must decidedly class the United States under the generic division of democratic government; nor does reason or authority permit a doubt that the democratic form admits of representation in all its branches; more especially if the authority delegated, is defined, limited, revocable and alterable by the people themselves: Montesquieu speaking of democracy says—the people like monarchs and more than them, have need to be governed by a council or senate, and to confide in it they must elect the members (5). Burlamaqui—in a democratic state the people may commit their ordinary government to a representation or delegation (6). Perhaps no democratic system, however simple and pure, has ever yet appeared, without admitting the representative principle in some degree; such at least is the principle of Mr. Adams (7); and such delegation judiciously arranged, although still a partial one, constituted Aristotle's idea of a perfect democracy. Borrowing as we have done so great a portion of our political ideas from the British government, where the popular representation in parliament has from the time of their earliest political writings, ever been styled the democratic branch of their constitution it would seem strange if an opinion could exist here, that democracy and representation are incompatible (8): The
authority of the same constitution leads us still farther in this discussion: it exhibits the king and lords as the monarchical and aristocratic branches of government, undivided from, and not dependant on the body of the people. And from that and every other form of government under which man has appeared, in social compact with man, we are authorized to conclude, that monarchy and aristocracy have been always either hereditary or founded on standing powers, distinct from and independent of the will of the people; and it is this that forms the immutable line of separation, that ever has, and for ever must distinguish them from governments like ours, and every other species of democracy whatever.
Whenever the people exercise the ordinary powers of government, either personally, or by substitutes or agents, selected from and always responsible to them; the form is democratic, and it may be termed simple or representative democracy, as these distinctions more or less preponderate; and wherever the ordinary powers of government, or even a predominant part thereof, are vested in a man, a family, or a class of men distinct from, and not responsible to the people, it is either an elective or hereditary monarchy or aristocracy. The American states, by an happy enlargement and improvement of the representative principle, are found to possess the energy, secrecy and dispatch of the monarchical and the wisdom and steadiness of the aristocratic form, without the mad ambition and tyranny of the one, and the overbearing pride and insolent oppressions of the other; all this as well as the solidity of their principles, have been already evidenced by the honourable testimony of twenty years of prosperous tranquility, amidst storms that have agitated and sunk the monarchies and aristocracies of the antient world; and we may add, with a full portion on the part of our rulers, of that disposition to usurp and increase their powers in strength and independence, which seems almost inseparable from the nature of man; but yet neither reason or authority can be adduced to class them under any other than the democratic form.
When men profess themselves to be republicans, it may be reasoned from the foregoing observations, that the partisans of monarchy and aristocracy may shelter themselves under the ambiguity that has been attached to the term: That such instances are not now uncommon, may be fairly inferred from our recollection of the odium and contempt with which this popular and much altered distinction was, till lately, treated by our royal republicans: Such sudden conversions would justify caution, if not suspicion; but when these men openly avow and publicly support, unqualified and democratic principles—you must remember, my fellow-citizens, that the mines directed against the sacred foundation of your great political fabric; & that the sovereign rights it secures to you are threatened, by the hand of misinformed delusion, or treacherous design; reflect too with confidence, that it is not here, as in the simple democracies of ancient times, where wealth and abilities were always combined against poverty and ignorance; but it is the mass of an agricultural, almost the whole of the mechanic, and a fair portion of our mercantile wealth and talents, exposed to the adventurous enterprise of the ambitious, designing and disappointed.—Read and enquire! and you shall find on your side, the voice of truth, piercing to the centre of nature; and against you only the ephemeral productions of insect genius and cob-web science.
PUBLICOLA.
(1) Burlamaqui. Dr. Pol. part 2. sec. 28 and 29.—(2) Montesq. Esp. des Loix, liv 2 ch. 2.—(3) Burlam. Dr. Pol. part 2. ch. 1. sec. 6 & 8.—(4) Vattel. Dr. des Gens. liv. 1. ch. 1. sec. 3.—(5) Montesq. liv. 2. ch. 2. page 19.—(6) Burlam. part 2. ch. 1. sec. 19.—(7) Adams' Defence, preliminary observation, p. 7.—(8) Ibid, vol. 3. p. 272, lib. fine.
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Now Landing.
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FROM THE (LONDON) MORNING CHRONICLE, SEPTEMBER 13.
FOREIGN POLITICS OF ENGLAND.
Perhaps there never was a period in which Great Britain stood in relation to the continent of Europe in that state of absolute disjunction in which it is now placed. Those who have followed the progress of events from the commencement of the late fatal contest down to the present moment must well remember the favorite object of the French, their settled system avowed in the wildest paroxisms of revolutionary madness, to banish England totally from any concern or influence in the affairs of the continent. They have succeeded in this as they have in every object of the war, at least as far as mischiefs to others was the end. Whatever benefit and whatever loss they themselves have encountered, at least in injury to their neighbors they have obtained unmingled triumph. Every day more and more develops their power. France sits enthroned in Europe like Bonaparte between his pufine consuls; Russia and Prussia leagued with France, are like the pageants that give eclat, not the partners that share her greatness. From this combination the mandates are issued which the world must obey with fear and trembling; but the real sovereign is France.
The French boast that France has recovered its true point—that England is sinking to her level. It is the favorite language of all political partisans, royalists and republicans: for both these sects are, and ever will be, equally hostile to the interest and prosperity of England. It is not the change of master or the change of government that can alter a sentiment which habitual policy, which relative position, has so long formed and confirmed. If, indeed, there was any thing that could awaken men to a sense of the encelesable mischiefs of the late war, it would be an impartial survey of the situation in which it has left us and all Europe. Previous to the commencement of the war, England occupied a station worthy of her greatness—worthy, we may assert, of the services she had rendered—worthy of the struggles she had for the liberties and independence of Europe. We were well allied with foreign states—we were respected at all reign courts—we were consulted in all measures that concerned the general society of nations in the civilized world. It will be recollected with what ease and imposing attitude, and the opinion of our power and firmness, checked the views of France upon Holland, in the year 1787. That was the last instance of the honorable and efficient interference of England in the affairs of Europe. Since that period every attempt has been no less awkward than unsuccessful. After enormous expence of men and money, we find ourselves without an Ally; without influence, without consideration.
It requires tedious detail to illustrate the assertion. It is impossible to look into the map of Europe without travelling into the actual dominions of France, or into the precarious territories of her vassals, or those of her deluded allies. If we begin with the North of Europe we find her in close intimacy and alliance with Russia, a country united to this by such old habits, by such mutual interests, that here, at least, we should hope to find an ally on whom we could rely for the prosecution of common measures for the protection of the liberties of Europe. We find the Emperor of Russia lending himself to the execution of the projects of France in Germany, which in their effects must enable her to carry into effect any plan she may devise against the independence and prosperity of other nations.
We find, too, Sweden necessarily hurried into the party of those powers combined, who formerly ought to dispute an influence in her affairs. Indeed Denmark, as well as Sweden, four from the recollection of recent events, and both dissatisfied with the adjustment of a question as it were wantonly staked upon the event of arms, when it might have been arranged by negotiation, is totally estranged from our interest and affections. The next war with France will show to what a low ebb our influence has fallen in the northern courts.
Prussia is completely under the direction of France, united to that power, perhaps, by the necessity of its situation, or by the habits of its policy, and confirmed by elemosinary scraps of plunder in the general dismemberment of Europe. In truth, who does not see that the very aggrandizement which France confers on Prussia becomes a new bond of allegiance, because in proportion as the title is doubtful, is the necessity of

to guarantee and the importance of protection.
Even amidst so much hostility, when almost every power combines with France and acts by her direction, it does not appear that we have cultivated any close correspondence with Austria. The two powers that, in an especial manner seem to be the mark at which the projects of France are levelled, stand at a distance from each other. Neither a community of interests, community of insults, nor community of danger, has produced sympathy of union. No common effort seems to have been made to resist the dictatorial mandates of France and Russia in the affairs of the empire. Surely England has as much interest in the affairs of Germany as Russia, but has she ever been consulted—has her "good advice" ever been asked? We know not what effect the fear for the safety of Hanover might have upon the acquiescence of our ministers, in the project of indemnities, which annihilates the influence of Austria in the empire, and confers it directly or indirectly upon France. If it could produce a timid acquiescence, instead of giving us an interest on the continent, it only becomes a badge of security for our dependence upon France; and in this light certainly the French consider the subject.
It is unnecessary to recapitulate the other powers of Europe, over which France exercises the most unlimited control.—We cannot find in all Europe a single ally, a false friend, or even a useful dependant.
We do not deny that this deplorable state of things is in a great measure the consequence of the late fatal and ill-conducted war; but it is evident that ever since the peace, things have been daily growing worse. Since the peace France has completely subdued or won over the cabinet of Petersburg. Had ministers no means of counteracting that influence in a court where we have so many sources of influence? Since the peace France has completely recovered her authority over the Porte; and she now exhibits the extraordinary example of what French politicians consider incompatible, a close alliance with Russia and with the Turks. But the power and activity of the French government smooth all difficulties and reconcile all contradictions.
The facts we have stated, and which might be illustrated in great detail, are the test by which to try the merits of the administration of our foreign affairs. It is for lord Hawkesbury to shew by what unfortunate circumstances it has happened that our influence has been so completely banished from every court of Europe. Either his means and his agents must have been ill chosen, or he must complain of his fortune as Bonaparte rejoices in his. But indeed the French in many things point out the example we should follow. They leave no effort un-employed to compass their objects. They employ all sorts of agents. While our diplomatic men slumber out their mission in idleness, or appear merely at the parade of a levee, the French penetrate into the secrets of every cabinet, and acquire the direction of every resolve.
The Tories, however, of the remnant of which the present ministry is chiefly, and of the principles of whom it is entirely composed, may affect to depreciate the importance of all continental connections. Between the use and the abuse there is infinite difference. We ought neither to be the slaves of the continental powers, nor altogether indifferent to their concerns. We have an interest wherever it is practicable to oppose the extension and aggrandizement of France. This can only be done by a judicious alliance with those continental powers which have the same interest to pursue. For England to withdraw wholly from the continent, or feebly to exert her influence, is a dishonorable abdication of a great dignity, and of a great power conferred by providence for the general happiness of mankind. The present aggrandizement of France is the consequence of what we had not done, and what we have attempted unskillfully.
In truth, whenever the power and influence of England are exerted upon the continent upon a general system, not with a mean and selfish and occasional purpose of stirring up war for the sake of a diversion, it must be beneficial to our neighbors. The influence of England is conservative—that of France is offensive, violent and predatory. England interferes to preserve—France to change and destroy. Yet when the objects of the one are so laudable, those of the other so odious and destructive, why do the French succeed but because they act with more system, perseverance and constancy.
In a word the federative power of the nation at the present moment is absolutely null. One great member of our political body is thus cut off. The military as well as federative power of France is at a height it never before attained. What would our great statesmen of the last age—What would the whigs have said to such a state of things under the house of Bourbon, and is France better disposed to us now than formerly? Many people reprove with an unthinking security on our commercial prosperity. To say that France is not so rich as England, is to say that a soldier is not so rich as a merchant. France is a most formidable military power. If England
is suffered to decline as she has to greatly done in political importance, it will be very idle to boast of our commercial prosperity. A nation of poor soldiers is a dangerous neighbourhood indeed for a nation of rich merchants. This country combines, as Mr. Burke truly observes, more great objects in the arms of its government than any other. We have hitherto combined political power with commercial prosperity, and truly the former is the only security for the latter. Nations, like individuals, have their peculiar professions. That of France at present is arms exclusively, and she cultivates it with an intensity of aim that must render her most formidable. Indeed she is the more formidable from being so exclusively warlike. In this country our profession is mixed. The commercial character, from our success in its pursuits, is in danger of becoming predominant, and then we are undone. Arms, glory and dominion, the sole objects of France, are with us collateral. Our ministers are financiers, and nothing else. We have made war on financial calculations, and on the rules of Cocker.
Mr. Pitt never made a speech like a statesman in all the last contest. He pleased himself and deceived others by vapouring harangues about the encrease of commerce, as if he had been a merchant's clerk, bragging to his master of the profit of the last year's adventures. In truth, the last war was carried on and supported upon very mean principles.—Those who (wittingly or unwittingly) thought it a necessary war, and would have carried it on, upon great principles, never for an instant had the smallest share in its direction. Great as the object of commerce is, we ought not to allow it so much to usurp upon our national character, and to infest with something mean and peddling our national councils. Let us not fill ourselves with the conceit that we are a great nation merely on the authority of the Custom-house returns. We must preserve our political power; we must recover consideration which we have so shamefully lost; we must, as formerly, be courted and respected by the nations of Europe; if France continues to spread over the continent by conquest and influence, as the now does, the nation of merchants will be subdued by the nation of soldiers; and England, which first emerged from barbarism into the view of Europe, as a Roman province, England, which has illustrated herself by arts and arms, may be doomed, through the imbecility of her commercial age, to see her setting glories extinguished under the nod of a prefect of Gaul.
FROM THE NATIONAL REGIS.
TO THE PEOPLE.
No. XIII.
Fellow Citizens,
Of all desirable objects, of all unknown expedients, the most valuable would be those, by which falsehood could be detected, and true principles propagated, in times of great political contention. Could this be effected, deep differences would subside; a furious party spirit become cool, or be borne down; tranquility would be established; an useful confidence be placed in government; and a dignified direction given to the public sentiment, throughout the union. Although so happy a condition is not attainable, yet if all persons, who honestly wish their country's good, were candid in their enquiries, and faithful in their pursuits of those measures which their judgments approve, no portion of the United States would be torn, distracted and disgraced, by the wantonness of faction, or the more deleterious and maddening effects of the frauds, falsehoods, and slanders, of desperate and unprincipled individuals. The readiest way to correct so pernicious an evil, and to despoil these defamers of their power to influence, is to furnish the great body of the people with some leading facts and principles, by which they may decide for themselves. If the administration, in truth, and in good faith, is constitutionally laboring for the safety and prosperity of the public, and not, as defamers say, for individual aggrandizement, to its injury or destruction; honest people will be satisfied. If it is true that the legislature and executive are, seriously, fairly, and intelligently, construing the constitution according to its true intent and meaning, and, in the formation and execution of the laws and their duty, are assiduously conforming to its real design, principles, and provisions, as they were originally understood and contemplated by the people, they will support them. Where this design and meaning are understood, the constitution is understood; where those are complied with, this is conformed to;—the oath of office to support the constitution, is an oath to preserve those principles, and to execute those provisions, in the genuine sense in which they were viewed by the makers, and adopters of the instrument containing them. Indeed these principles and those provisions, in such a sense, are the constitution itself. The officer who alters this meaning, violates his oath; he who depreciates their utility or their practicability, is an Anti-
Federalist. He who opposes them is a disorganizer; and the man who dares to substitute in their place, a principle of force, terror, fraud and corruption, or a system of pride, privilege, aristocracy and patronage, is a parricide, and commits an act of treason to his country. If the Constitution is deficient, let it be made more perfect; if the government is too weak, give it strength; if the Executive wants more energy, enlarge its powers; if too limited in object, extend it. But let this be done, not by stealth, not insensibly, not by subtlety, art and management, not from a perfidious construction, not pilfering here a little and there a little of an increase of power, and an extension of prerogative. But let it be done by the People; let power be fairly delegated, expressed in an amended constitution, adopted, legitimated by those, from whom all power is derived. This will be safe; safe for the present, and safe for the future; for the people, and for those who may govern. In civil contentions there will then be an agreed criterion by which to decide. In political convulsions, a rallying point, an explicit test, which can be seen and restored to. If our own, or the experience of others, have given us a predilection for the hopperies and follies of the old world; if it has prepared us for their corruptions and their oppressions, to meet the degradations and the privations, attendant to their systems of government, vassalage, and misery; if, from the trials they have made, the people are already convinced there is too much trouble in being always on the watch, too much expence in the care of themselves, and their highest concerns, too constant a labor in the frequent election of their rulers, and in the investigation of the principles of their conduct; if, in short, they are sick of a freedom which alone can give dignity to man, and make life happy, then let them abandon those laborious and expensive, but all important, privileges, to those who are claiming their surrender. Let the new modelled constitution, by an explicit act of our own, confide the care of ourselves, and conjoin our posterity, with all the involved consequences, to the management of an Executive for life, and to the gracious disposal of an hereditary Senate, who will save us from our worst enemies, OURSELVES.
Although any such arrangement, or any material change of our government, would be deprecated, and is abhorrent to the very souls of Americans, with few exceptions, yet they are not sufficiently awake to the importance of a strict adherence to their old principles, and the danger of the great, radical, and ultimately ruinous changes, from small, gradual, but constant deviations. If the people will be faithful to themselves, their government will be perpetual, and their latest generations be great and happy under it. The present division of politics is on principles, which ought to make every voter a party. The active of both sides call on the people to support their government and the constitution, and accuse their opponents of hostility to both. In a country, indulged with freedom of thinking, and of communicating the result of reflections, there must be a diversity of sentiments, on the expediency of subordinate principles, and political distinctions, relative to a variety of measures. From this, in itself, there is no evil. The danger is from the extreme, and from the mode of managing them, by questioning or sacrificing the great and fundamental principles of a free government to their support. Political disputes, if confined to bounds, and managed with temper and intelligence, would be generally salutary, seldom injurious, never ruinous. The usual result would be, an increase of wisdom and of strength to the civil establishment; of ultimate harmony and stability to the union; and of solid force and duration to the provisions of the constitution.
In all civil contentions and investigations of the theory and principles of government, the people will be much influenced by the opinions of men of learning, wisdom, study and experience; and it is right they should be. If these opinions have been formed, unbiaised by prejudice and abstracted from sinister or personal views, they merit respect. Propositions approved under such circumstances ought to be embraced, and not suddenly given up. But no politician, no statesman in office, in warm party times, with his interest, pride, feelings, and place depending, can be relied upon. In deliberating, he will be in danger of mistaking feeling and interest for sentiment, his party for the public, and habit and prejudice for the convictions of the understanding. This was in a degree illustrated, in the transactions of the last Session of Congress, and is remarkably so, in the conduct of the leading partisans throughout the United States, at the present moment. We were then, and are now divided, not only on questions of expediency, where a difference is natural, but on independent principles, questions of construction, and matters of fact, as our party politics direct. It ought to be mortifying to our pride, with our boasted powers of perception and reasoning, that the evidence of abstract truths should depend for its force, altogether, on the party we act with. One side must, from necessity, be wrong. To
decide which, and on the merits or demerits of the leading characters, the correctness of their principles, their motives, and objects, it will be useful to go back, and review the various scenes through which we have passed, the principles of the prominent characters acting in them, and to bring together kindred things which time has separated.
In my last I recited, from state constitutions, principles which were once considered as important, and essential to the safety and freedom of the people, and which, as yet, every officer acting under them, swears to preserve them. When these constitutions were framed, we were at peace among ourselves. Things were viewed with unpassioned minds. Truth was received as it presented itself, and applied as wisdom and experience directed, for the good of the country. The national government was framed under still greater advantages. The essentials and the objects of both, may, so far as a reliance ought to be placed on the authority of any individual, be learnt by the sentiments of a gentleman, to whom Massachusetts is indebted for the most valuable and democratic parts of its constitution; and the continent at large, for eminent republican services. In 1776, on the application of the honorable GEORGE WYTHE, of Virginia, to the late president, for his serious and digested thoughts on civil government, Mr. Adams, as appears by a Boston paper, published in 1790, expressed them in a letter, from which the following are extracts.
"If I were equal to the task of forming a plan for the government of a colony, I should be flattered with your request, and very happy to comply with it; because, as the divine science of politics is the science of social happiness, and the blessings of society depend entirely on the constitutions of government, which are generally institutions that last for many generations, there can be no employment more agreeable to a benevolent mind, than a research after the best."
"Poor flattered tyrants two much, when he said,"
"For forms of government let fools contest,"
"That which is best administered, is best."
"Nothing can be more fallacious than this: But poets read history to collect flowers, not fruits—they attend to fanciful images, not the effect of social institutions. Nothing is more certain, from the history of nations, and the nature of man, than that some forms of government are better fitted for being well administered, than others."
"We ought to consider what is the end of government, before we determine which is the best form. Upon this point, all speculative politicians will agree, that the happiness of society is the end of government, as all divine and moral philosophers will agree, that the happiness of the individual is the end of man. From this principle it will follow, that the form of government which communicates ease, comfort, security, or, in a word, happiness, to the greatest number of persons, and in the greatest degree, is the best."
"All sober enquiries after truth, ancient and modern, Pagan and Christian, have declared that the happiness of man, as well as his dignity, consists in virtue. CONFUCIUS, ZOROASTER, SOCRATES, MAHOMET, not to mention authorities really sacred, have agreed in this."
"If there is a form of government, then, whose principle and foundation is virtue, will not every sober man acknowledge it better calculated to promote the general happiness, than any other form?"
"Fear is the foundation of most governments; but is so sordid and brutal a passion, and renders men in whole breaths it predominates, so stupid and miserable, that Americans will not be likely to approve of any political institution which is founded on it."
"Honor is truly sacred, but holds a lower rank in the scale of moral excellence, than virtue. Indeed, the former is but a part of the latter, and consequently has not equal pretensions to support a frame of government, productive of human happiness."
"The foundation of every government is some principle or passion in the minds of the people. The noble principles, and most generous affections in our nature, then, have the fairest chance to support the noblest and most generous models of government."
"A man must be indifferent to the sneers of modern Englishmen, to mention in their company, the names of Sidney, Harrington, Locke, Milton, Needham, Neville, Burney and Hoadly. No small fortitude is necessary to confess that one has read them. The wretched condition of this country, however, for ten or fifteen years past, has reminded me of their principles and reasonings. They will convince every candid mind, that there is no good Government but what is Republican; that the only valuable part of the British Constitution is so, because the very definition of a Republic, is an 'Empire of Laws and not of men'; that as a Republic is the best of Governments, so that particular arrangement of the powers of society, or, in other words, that form of government which is best contrived to secure an impartial and ex-
an execution of the laws, is the best of Republics."
"In the present exigency of American affairs, which, by an act of Parliament, we are put out of the royal protection, and consequently discharged from our allegiance; and it has become necessary to assume government for our immediate security, the governor, Lieut. Governor, Secretary, Treasurer, Comptroller and Attorney-General, should be chosen by joint ballot of both Houses. And these and all other elections, especially of Representatives and Councillors, should be annual, there not being in the whole circle of the sciences, a maxim more infallible than this, where annual elections end there slavery begins."
"These great men, in this respect, should be, once a year,"
"Like bubbles on the sea of matter born, They rise, they break, they to the sea return."
"This will teach them the great political virtues of humility, patience and moderation, without which every man in power becomes a ravenous beast of prey."
"A rotation of all offices, as well as representatives and councillors has many advocates, and is contended for with many plausible arguments. It would be attended, no doubt, with many advantages; and if the society has a sufficient number of suitable characters to supply the great number of vacancies, which would be made by such a rotation, I can see no objection to it. These persons may be allowed to serve for three years, and then be excluded for three years, or for a longer or shorter term."
"A militia law, requiring all men, or with very few exceptions, besides cases of conscience, to be provided with arms and ammunition, to be trained at certain seasons, and requiring counties, towns or other small districts to be provided with public stocks of ammunition and intrenching tools, and with some settled plan for transporting provisions after the militia, when marched to defend their country against sudden invasions; and requiring certain districts to be provided with held pieces and companies of marines, and perhaps some regiments of light-horse, is always a wise institution, and in the present circumstances of our country, indispensable."
"Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower class of people, are so extremely wise and useful, that to a humane and generous mind, no expence for this purpose would be thought extravagant."
"The very mention of sumptuary laws will excite a smile. Whether our countrymen have wisdom and virtue enough to submit to them, we know not. But the happiness of the people might be greatly promoted by them, and a revenue saved sufficient to carry on this war forever. Frugality is a great revenue, besides curing us of vanities, levities and hopperies, which are real antidotes to all great, manly and warlike virtues."
"A constitution, founded on these principles, introduces knowledge among the people, and inspires them with a conscious dignity, becoming freemen. A general emulation takes place, which causes good humour, sociability, good manners, and good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inspired by such a government, makes the common people brave and enterprising. That ambition, which is inspired by it, makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps, but more solidity; a little pleasure, but a great deal of business; some politeness, but more civility. If you compare such a country with the region of domination, whether monarchical, or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elysium."
"If the colonies should assume governments separately, they should be left entirely to their own choice of the forms, and if a continental constitution should be formed, it should be a congress containing a fair and adequate representation of the colonies, and its authority should sacredly be confined to these cases, viz. war, trade, dispatches between colony and colony, the Post Office, and the unappropriated lands of the crown, as they used to be called."
"These colonies under such forms of government, and in such union, would be unconquerable by all the monarchies in Europe."
"You and I, my dear friend, have been sent into life, at a time when the greatest lawgivers of antiquity would have wished to have lived. How few of the human race have ever enjoyed an opportunity of making an election of government more than of air, soil, or climate, for themselves or their children. When, before the present epoch, had three millions of people full power and a fair opportunity, to form and establish the wisest and happiest government that human wisdom can contrive? I hope you will avail yourself and your country of that extensive learning and indefatigable industry which you possess, to assist them in the formation of the happiest government, and the best character of a great people. For my part, I must beg of you to keep my name out of light, for this reason, if it should be known to be mine, would oblige me to apply to myself those lines of the epigram."

JOHN MILTON in one of his sonnets, "I did but teach the age to quit their clogs, By the plain rules of ancient liberty, When to a barbarous noise surrounded me, Of owles, and cuckoos, asses, apes and dogs."
The above, and the quotations in my list, expressed not merely the sentiments of the late president, of "SYDNEY, HARRINGTON, LOCKE, MILTON, NEEDHAM, NEVILLE, BARNEY, and Hoadley." They were the sentiments of the Adamses, Bowdoin, Hawley, Livingston, Dickinson, Pendleton, Lee, Randolph, Rutledge, Patrick Henry, Madison, Jefferson, & Washington, and they were the sentiments of every American. They are called up, fellow-citizens, with names, to aid your memories. Paul, reflect, for your own sake, your country's—for Heaven's sake consider. They were the sentiments which you opposed to the claims of tyranny, which carried us through our revolution, gave to us our independence, and those republican governments, essential to its support. Recollect, read the annals of your past exertions; inspect the journals of your old congresses; review your old opinions; look into your own hearts, and see if you have changed; look abroad and see who has. Be confident; respect yourselves, your former theories, and your present interest. If you are not changed, to attach to the fundamental principles of your own government, support them & those who are their consistent, persevering friends. Compare these principles with those of the late inaugural speech, the message to congress, and the practice upon them. If they are congenial; if they are the same; if according with your own; if promotive of your interest, the security of your rights and the preservation of your liberty; why countenance the violence and virulence of a bitter, indiscriminating abuse of those, who are faithfully executing their duty, in conformity to your wishes, as expressed in your constitutions? Why is there an unrelenting, enraged, false, calumniating faction, denouncing arrangements, made in pursuance of the public will? Why has passion, fraud, resentment, falsehood and intolerance, pursued, with a hue and cry, the reformers of abuses, the preservers of endangered, if not the restorers of lost rights? Why have the defalcation of a dangerous patronage, the retrenchment of military and civil officers, agents and agencies, been viewed as departures from principle, virtue and patriotism? Why has a governmental economy, depreciating alone, if not on an extravagant use, yet on an unnecessary expenditure, of public property, been abominated with more acrimony, than the blackest deeds of a bloody robber, or the most atrocious of a butchering assassin? Why has the reform of the judiciary produced acrimony, and a release from unequal and burdensome taxes generated hatred? Why has the envenomed tongue been let loose on private character, to poison the sources of social intercourse, and sting to the heart the sympathies of friendship? Has it been for personal victory, and individual gratification, to the degradation of government? Has pride, has resentment, not truth, of our country's welfare, been the object? Is our government to be a government of factions, not of the people? Are those in power to be overwhelmed with obloquy, be borne down by the minority, and the dispute increased in imbruted sharpness, until the one party, or the other is destroyed, or the government subverted? To the people are these questions submitted. They merit their attention, and must wait their solution!
A FARMER.
Speech of the Governor of KENTUCKY, delivered on the 1st. instant.
SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, Whatever painful sensation I may have experienced on former occasions, when it became my duty to make known to the legislature the state of the commonwealth, and to recommend to their consideration such subjects as appeared to me to be important; I meet you on this occasion with no other solicitude, than what results from an anxiety for our future prosperity. The present is a period of peace, a general peace among those nations, in whose destinies, however distant from us, we cannot but feel an interest, and that season of desolation in which though the oppressor hath trembled on his throne, the oppressed hath had his cup of misery running over, is passed away.
Harassed no longer by the apprehension, that war may extend its baneful influence to our country, our situation peculiarly invites you to a deliberate and dispassionate review of the laws of the commonwealth, to amend the defective, to enact such as may be necessary, and to repeal the superfluous, as excellencies that deform the system, and needlessly embarrass the citizens. To multiply general laws, without an evident necessity, is indeed always to be guarded against as tending to produce serious perplexities, in the attempt to remedy tri-
fling inconveniences:—but the legislative power when directed by a comprehensive mind, which takes into its view the whole system of laws, and recognizes the relations and bearings of its several parts towards one another, affords facility and vigour to the administration of justice, and security and happiness to the people. Not doubting but that you have feverily turned your attention to the duties which devolve upon the general assembly, and come hither already prepared to transact the public business; I shall not trouble you with many observations.
In a system so new as that which was introduced by the act of 1798, to amend the penal laws of this commonwealth; it was not to be expected that nothing would remain to be provided for by the wisdom of subsequent legislatures. The civil relations in which the convicts in the penitentiary shall be considered as standing, require force regulations. The mode of recovering debts from them, and the extent to which the wives of such of them as may be married shall exercise a right over the property of their husbands, ought to be pointed out and established.
Two escapes from the penitentiary having happened during the course of the present year; your attention will naturally be drawn to the causes of them, and to the means of providing against similar accidents. It appears to me to be absolutely necessary that some severe penalties should be inflicted on those who aid such escapes, or who countenance, receive, or harbour the fugitives. Some method of punishing those who escape, more certain and summary than what the law provides for, likewise appears to be desirable.
The laws respecting forgery and counterfeiting, will probably require to be reviewed and amended. The act of 1798, to amend the penal laws, makes certain provisions for punishing the crime of counterfeiting the notes of the bank of the United States, which undoubtedly ought to be extended to the notes of other public establishments of a similar nature. It likewise provides for the punishment of those who counterfeit the current coin, or aid in giving circulation to counterfeit money:—but as cases have occurred and will very probably again occur, of persons being detected in the midst of an unfinished process of counterfeiting; it would probably be advisable to annex adequate penalties to the mere possessing or being concerned in making or mending any puncheon, stamp, die, mould, or other instrument impressing the figure and resemblance of the current coin.
I would likewise submit it to your consideration, whether the 46th section of the act passed in 1796, concerning the examination and trial of criminals, does not require some very material alterations. It provides that all indictments and informations upon any penal act of assembly, not affecting life or limb, shall be exhibited within one year after the commission of the offence, and not at any subsequent period. Proper as this regulation might have been at the time it was adopted; it is surely highly injudicious at the present period, when so few criminal offences admit of capital punishment.
You will regret with me the necessity which there appears to be to guard by still further provisions against the frauds which are committed by the collectors of the public monies. When a securityship becomes only a nominal pledge to the public; it should seem that some more substantial lien ought to be required from those who are intrusted with the collection of the public money.
The report of the commissioners appointed to view the turnpike road and to direct the necessary repairs, informs me that the road is in extremely bad order:—nor does there appear to be any probability of its being put into good repair in any reasonable time. As there are defects in the law under which he was appointed, which precludes the recovery of the penalties designed to be inflicted on him, in that summary mode which was probably in the contemplation of the legislature; your attention to the subject will be necessary in order to remedy the imperfections of the law.
The relative importance of this state in the federal union, has been increased by the last census, and the act of congress authorizing six representatives to be elected in Kentucky; the law passed at a former session relative to elections, will require some amendment, in order to accommodate it to this object.
I cannot conclude this address, fellow citizens, without reminding you of the various incentives to gratitude towards an over-ruled providence with which our situation abounds. The earth still pours out for us lavishly products of every kind, our population, our agriculture, our mechanic arts, and our commerce by the Mississippi, are still in a progressive and improving state. Vessels built on our own rivers, calculated for transporting our commodities to the most distant quarters of the globe, afford us a flattering view of the resources and future greatness of our country. Harmony prevails among our citizens and confidence exists in the national government.
The prospect of a plentiful supply of
salt, by recent discoveries of salt-water in numerous parts, of the state, is well calculated to frustrate that disposition to monopoly, which makes war on the necessities of the people, and affords an example of the tendency which public evils sometimes have to work their own cure, and which is, in this instance, the more grateful, as the regular supply of this necessary of life has not been protected by our laws from the influence of avaricious speculation, with the same jealous foresight which has guarded against ungenerous attempts to raise the price of many other articles of subsistence.
JAMES GARRARD.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, November 19, 1802.
The SECOND LETTER of THOMAS PAINE will appear on Monday.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
By information extracted from the several Boston papers, the following representatives in Congress appear to be elected:
SEVEN Republican, viz. Messrs. Eustis, Crowninshield, Varnum, Bishop, Skinner, Seaver, and Cutts.
SIX Federal, viz. Messrs. Hastings, Cutler, Stedman, Wadsworth, Dwight and Mitchell.
In Barnstable district twelve towns out of seventeen give Mr. Williams, federal, 419 votes, and Mr. Green, republican, 368 votes.
Mr. CHRISTIE, of Hartford, is elected in the Senate of Maryland, Vice William Smith, resigned.
Mr. COVINGTON, of Prince George, Vice Walter Bowie, Esq., and Mr. Faucett, of Worcester, Vice Mr. Polk.
PENNSYLVANIA ELECTION.
BUCKS COUNTY RETURN.
Governor.
Republican. Anti Republican.
M c Kean, 1942 Rolls, 1308 *
Congress.
R. Brown 3190 Sitgreaves 1326 J. Vanhor 3189 F. Conrad 1355 N. B. Boileau 607
Assembly.
John Pugh 3220 John Smith 3197 John M c Elroy 3186 } No opposition. S. Smith 3144 Wm. Folwell 74
* In 1799, Mr. Rofs had a majority of 115 votes in this county.
NEW INVENTION.
Mr. Voight, chief coiner in the mint of the United States, has invented an engine for turning screws of any given diameter, and of any number of threads, to an inch. This invention was first designed for cutting screws for watches, so as uniformly to adjust them to the length of the main spring—a thing hitherto very difficult in practice, and without which it is impossible a watch can keep regular time. By the aid of this machine a person of common mechanical abilities, and without any knowledge of mathematics, may adjust the screw to the spring with the greatest exactness—or turn metallic cylinders and cones of any length or diameter, to a mathematical certainty.
We understand that Mr. Voight, from patriotic principles, has no intention of obtaining a patent, but to leave it open to his fellow citizens.
Aurora.
SPANISH DEPREDACTIONS.
The Committee appointed in August last, by those in this town and its vicinity, who have suffered by seizure, detention or depredation of their property, committed by Spaniards, have lately received a letter from the Secretary of State—in which he recommends in the following words, an accurate representation of each case to be prepared in duplicates; one to be sent to Mr. Pinckney, our Minister at Madrid; the other to the office of State, viz.—"To enable him (Mr. Pinckney) to proceed with greater precision and effect, in his discussions and reclamations it is recommended, That the several cases be so discriminated by their circumstances, as to shew how far they rest on general regulations or special licences from competent authorities:—how far on licences reasonably presumed to be competent, though in strictness not so;—how far on sudden and enacting repeals of general regulations or discontinuances of special indulgences;—how far on the calculation from existing circumstances, that the ordinary colonial policy of Spain would be relaxed; and how far on fraudulent proceedings of Spanish subjects. As in this last case the claimants may be required to shew that satisfaction has been sought in vain from the regular tribunal of the place, it will be prudent for them to be prepared to meet such a preliminary." This recommendation from the Secretary of State, has a particular reference to cases of seizure and
detention, in the Spanish colonies; but as clear and accurate statements of all cases of reclamation for injuries, sustained in those colonies, are necessary to enable our minister, to obtain just indemnity therefor, the committee inform those persons in the New England states, who have claims for injuries, of any kind done, in the Spanish colonies, to their property, that if they will prepare and forward representations thereof to them, directed to Thomas Burley, in Boston, post paid, they will be attended to, and carefully sent to Mr. Pinckney, and to the Secretary of state. As our minister, at Madrid, has already been fully instructed by the Secretary of State, to pursue the claims referred to, and may soon enter upon the discussion of preliminary points, it is important that the claimants prepare and send forward their respective representations with all expedition.
[The Printers of Newspapers in commercial towns are requested to publish the above.]
According to letters from Rome, those Princes who have taken part with the different parties of the order of Jesuits, have conferred upon the Pope, the faculty of choosing a Grand Master of that Order from among those candidates who shall be presented to him by the Assemblies of the Priors of this Order.
According to the Register of Births and Deaths in the Prussian States for the year 1801, the number of Births were 406,650 (including 12,649 soldier's children) which exceeded the number of Deaths by 103,228. The number of marriages in the same year was 89,309.
Pittsburg, Nov. 15.
Ross Against Israel.
The long expected trials of Ross and Woods against the Editor of the Tree, for the publications, concerning the accounts of Scott and Ernest &c. extracted from the treasury books, came before the Circuit Court held at this place, last week.—After a fair, impartial and candid trial, of ten hours before the honorable judge Smith and an honorable jury of twelve respectable citizens, a verdict was given in favor of James Ross the plaintiff, of six cents damages and the cost of suit.
The amount of damages laid in the declaration was ten thousand dollars! and before the same court and a respectable jury, John Woods obtained a verdict of two hundred and seventy five dollars with the costs.—The amount of damages in Mr. Wood's declaration, 10,000 dollars.
Charleston, October 30.
Died, in this city, on Tuesday last, in the 58th year of his age, the honorable John Mathews, esq. formerly governor of this State, and until lately, one of the Judges of the Court of Equity. At the commencement of the American revolution this valuable, and now lamented man; was one of the first to resist the wrongs imposed on his country; she knowing his integrity and worth, which, in every translation of his life, shone most conspicuous, called him to her councils, and soon after he was appointed a delegate to Congress. In this important place, his abilities and patriotic ardor deservedly obtained for him the respect and veneration of that dignified body. He was in this station when this state was taken possession of by the British army. As soon as the American forces, led on by the gallant Greene, were enabled, with success, to oppose the invaders of his country, Mr. Mathews attended him, and was assisting with his counsel until their final defeat at Eutaw.
Soon after that period the legislature was convened, when, to reward his eminent services, he was called by it to their chair of government.—At no period has that office been surrounded with more difficulties and trying circumstances than when he undertook it; nevertheless, his abilities, his gentlemanly manners, and his upright demeanor, caused him to be respected by all. While as chief magistrate, he supported the dignity of the state with firmness, every indulgence and favour, compatible with his duty, was cheerfully extended to those in distress. After the evacuation of this city, and when his time as governor was expired he was called upon by his fellow-citizens to represent them in the legislature which, on creating a Court of Equity, appointed him one of the Judges: In fulfilling the duties of this office, he was always just, always impartial in his views, and candor constantly marked his proceedings. In a word, by the death of this good man, South-Carolina is deprived of one of her most deserving citizens, & his friends of a most agreeable and edifying associate.
"Swift to the dust descends each honor'd name That raised their country to these heights of fame; Sages that plann'd, and chiefs that led the way To freedom's Temple—all too soon decay. Alike submit to one unmaster'd doom, Their glories closing in perpetual gloom; Like the dim splendors of the evening, fade, While night advances to compile the shade."
Notice is hereby given,
THAT I shall petition the Legislature of the United States, to relieve me from debts which by losses in trade I am rendered unable to pay,
WILLIAM TAYLOR.
Nov. 19.
CAVALRY ORDER.
THE WASHINGTON TROOP OF HORSE will meet on the parade ground north of the President's House, on Saturday the 27th instant, precisely at 9 o'clock A. M. completely equipped.—Each member of the troop will provide himself with ten rounds of blank cartridges.
By order of the Captain,
N. LUFBOROUGH, Adj.
N. B. At the above meeting, the bye laws prepared for the approbation of the Troop, will be read; in the mean time, the members may have opportunities of perusing them by calling on Mr. Caldwell, 1st sergeant of the Troop.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
Ran away on the 7th instant, from the Subscriber (living in Carlisle Pen.)
A NEGRO SERVANT MAN,
NAMED GEORGE MOOR. He is about Twenty years old, brought up as a waiter and cook, writes a tolerable good hand, fond of whistling and fiddling, plays a little on the violin and trumpet. Had on when he went away a new round about Jacket of drab colored broad cloth with a black cape—overalls of the same cloth, a good fur hat and new shoes. The above reward will be paid for securing him in any Jail in the United States so that his master may get him; and all reasonable charges if brought home.
SAM L A. M c COY.
Carlisle, Nov. 17. Nov. 19.—3m.
The partnership of Ingle and PELTON was dissolved on the 4th of this month, by mutual consent—All persons having claims on them are desired to call on HENRY INGLE for settlement, and those indebted are requested to make payment to him without delay.
HENRY INGLE.
ENOCH PELTON.
The Cabinet business will be continued at the same shop, on New Jersey Avenue, by Henry Ingle.
Nov. 19. 3t
Charlotte Hall School.
ON the 23th of October 1802, the Trustees proceeded to the election of the Principal of said School for the year 1803, when the Rev. GEORGE RALPH was unanimously elected. Whereupon, Resolved, That the said Rev. George Ralph be and he is hereby declared Principal of Charlotte Hall School for the ensuing year.
Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg.
The Trustees of Charlotte Hall School will meet at the Cool Springs, on Monday the 13th of December next; for the purpose of appointing a vice Principal, and an Assistant Teacher of the Languages. The salary of the vice Principal will be two hundred and fifty pounds per annum, provided he is capable of teaching the French as well as the Latin and Greek Languages; if incapable of teaching the French Language, his salary will be two hundred pounds.
The Assistant Teacher must be qualified to teach the Classics; his salary will be one hundred and twenty five pounds per annum.
Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg.
Charlotte Hall, } Oct. 28th. } Nov. 19.—3w.
TO RENT,
After the last day of the present month, THE HOUSE now in the tenure of Doctor TULLUS, situated between the six and seven Buildings—it is calculated for a store & dwelling, it being a corner house, three stories high—ALSO, a good stable and coach house, a well inclosed garden, &c.
For terms, application may be made to the Subscriber,
JOEL BROWN.
Nov. 17. tf
Thomas Carpenter,
TAYLOR,
HAS just received an elegant and fashionable assortment of summer goods, consisting of London superfine cloths and cassimeres; India, Manchester, and silk striped nankens; cotton cassimeres, boglepique, Bengal elegant white chord for pantaloons, white and coloured marcelles, janes and satin cross-overs, silk ginghams, black and other coloured striped futons, &c.—All which he will make up on the most reasonable terms, and in the most neat and fashionable manner—Pennsylvania Avenue, west of the President's square.
May 24, 1802.
epf
CHARLES VARDEN,
MERCHANT TAYLOR from Philadelphia, Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue.
HAS received an assortment of summer goods consisting of the best superfine Cloths.
Cassimeres, Silk Barrambes, English Striped Nankens, White India Dimities, White and printed Marcellas, With a variety of other articles suitable for the summer season.
N. B. Ladys Habits, Regimentals and Navy uniforms, made in the first style of fashion.
July 2, 1802.
tf
FOR SALE.
Stock and Common Bricks, Scantling, Firewood, Slate, Coals.
Apply to JAMES O'BRIEN, Carrollburg, Oct. 29. p2a23

(Continued.)
37. From Wythe c. h. by Abingdon, Sullivan c. h. Roanoke, Hawkins c. h. Duffield and Radford to Knoxville once a week. Leave Wythe c. h. every Tuesday at 8 a. m. arrive at Knoxville next Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Knoxville every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Wythe c. h. the next Monday by 8 p. m.  38. From Staunton by Kincaid's, Warm Springs or Bath c. h. Morris's, Callaghan's and Sulphur Springs to Lewisburg and from thence by Union-town & the Sweet Springs, Callaghan's, and the same route from thence to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Saturday at 11 a. m. arrive at Lewisburg on Monday by 10 p. m. Leave Lewisburg every Tuesday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Staunton the next Saturday at 8 a. m.  39. From Lewisburg by Bowyers, Huffs and Morris's to Kanawha c. h. once in two weeks. Leave Lewisburg every other Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Kanawha c. h. on Thursday at 4 p. m. Leave Kanawha c. h. every other Friday at 6 a. m. arrive at Lewisburg next Monday by 6 p. m.  40. From Fredericksburg by Thornburg, Chaleburg, Cheltenham c. h. Oxford, Grewflore, Goochland c. h. Columbia, Yanceyville, Louisa c. h. Hydesville, Old Store, and Spottsylvania c. h. to Fredericksburg once a week, to pass from Fredericksburg alternately by Spottsylvania c. h. and by Thornburg. Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 11 a. m. and arrive at Goochland c. h. on Thursday by 6 p. m. Leave Goochland c. h. every Friday at 6 a. m. arrive at Fredericksburg the next Tuesday by 7 a. m.  41. From Fredericksburg by Port Royal, Layton's, Lloyd's, Tappahannock, Urbanna, Shackleford's and Gloucester c. h. to York-town once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Tappahannock on Thursday at 6 p. m. Leave Tappahannock at 7 p. m. arrive at York-town on Sunday by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave York-town every Saturday at 6 p. m. arrive at Tappahannock on Monday by 7 p. m. Leave Tappahannock at 8 p. m. arrive at Fredericksburg on Wednesday by 10 a. m.  42. From Fredericksburg by King George c. h. Broadfield, Mattox Bridge, Leeds-town, Templeman's Cross Roads, Richmond c. h. Farnham, Kinross, and Northumberland c. h. to Lancaster c. h. once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Lancaster c. h. the next Saturday by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave Lancaster c. h. every Saturday at 10 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next Wednesday by 10 a. m.  43. From Richmond by Goochland c. h. and Columbia to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday noon and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Charlottesville every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Richmond on Monday at 6 a. m.  44. From Charlottesville by Warren, Warminster, New-Market, New-Glasgow and Madison and Madison to Lynchburg once a week. Leave Charlottesville every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Lynchburg on Monday by 5 p. m. Leave Lynchburg every Wednesday noon, arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 10 a. m.  45. From Richmond by Hopkings, Powhatan c. h. Carterville, New-Canton, Buckingham c. h. Bont Creek, Lynchburg, New-London and Liberty to Fincastle once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at noon, arrive at Powhatan c. h. on Thursday at 9 a. m. arrive at Fincastle the next Saturday by 6 a. m. Returning —Leave Fincastle every Saturday at 10 p. m. arrive at Powhatan c. h. the next Tuesday by 3 p. m. Leave Powhatan c. h. at 4 p. m. and arrive at Richmond on Wednesday by 10 a. m.  46. From Liberty by Rocky Mount to Henry c. h. once a week. Leave Liberty every Saturday at 1 p. m. arrive at Henry c. h. on Sunday by 6 p. m. Leave Henry c. h. every Friday at 6 a. m. arrive at Liberty on Saturday by 11 a. m.  47. From Powhatan c. h. by Cumberland c. h. Ca Ira, Farmville, Prince Edward c. h. and Charlotte c. h. to Halifax c. h. once a week. Leave Powhatan c. h. every Thursday at 10 a. m. arrive at Halifax c. h. on Saturday by 4 p. m. Leave Halifax c. h. every Saturday at 10 p. m. arrive at Powhatan the next Tuesday by 1 p. m.  48. From Halifax c. h. by Halifax old town, Pittsylvania c. h. Poyganburg, Henry c. h. Patrick c. h. Bishop's Furnace, N. C. to Germanton, N. C. once a week. Leave Halifax c. h. every Saturday at 10 p. m. arrive at Germanton the next Wednesday by 10 a. m. Leave Germanton every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Halifax the next Saturday by 8 p. m.  49. From Halifax c. h. to Danville once a week. Leave Danville every Saturday at 6 a. m. arrive at Halifax c. h. by 4 p. m. Leave Halifax c. h. every Saturday at 8 p. m. arrive at Danville on Sunday by 6 p. m.  50. From Richmond by Coleville, Genito bridge, Amelia c. h. Perkinsoville, Painesville, Ligon-town and James-town to Farmville once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 8 a. m.
arrive at Farmville on Thursday by 8 p. m. Leave Farmville on Friday at 8 a. m. arrive at Richmond on Saturday by 8 p. m.  51. From Petersburg by Namozee-bridge, Nottoway c. h. Hungary-town, Doodletown, Hayleburg Brooking, ton, Willieville, Bibbs-ferry, and Scottsburg to Halifax c. h. once a week. Leave Petersburg every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Willieville on Saturday at 9 a. m. arrive at Halifax c. h. by 5 p. m. Returning —Leave Halifax c. h. every Saturday at 9 p. m. arrive at Willieville on Sunday by 2 p. m. at Petersburg the next Wednesday by 10 a. m.  52. From Harrisville by Field's-mill, Quailville, M'Farland's, Lunenburg c. h. Christianville, Marshallville, Mecklenburg c. h. St. Tammany's, Geesbridge, Edmundson and Fields-mill to Harrisville once a week. Leave Harrisville every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Marshallville on Wednesday at 5 p. m. Leave Marshallville on Thursday at 6 a. m. arrive at Harrisville on Friday by 6 p. m.  53. From Harrisville by Bellefield and Alexander to Halifax twice a week. Leave Harrisville every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 a. m. arrive at Halifax by 6 p. m. Returning —Leave Halifax every Thursday and Sunday at 6 a. m. arrive at Bellefield by noon. Leave Bellefield every Tuesday and Friday at 1 p. m. arrive at Harrisville by 6 p. m.  54. From Petersburg by Suflex c. h. Jerusalem and Cross-roads to Murfreesboro, N. C. once a week. Leave Petersburg every Friday at 9 a. m. arrive at Murfreesboro, N. C. on Saturday by 8 p. m. Leave Murfreesboro every Wednesday at 4 a. m. arrive at Petersburg on Thursday by 4 p. m.  55. From Bowling Green by Bailer-ville, Creek-bridge, Broadus's Mills, Harrisonville, New-town, Dunkirk, Walckerton, King William c. h. Lilly point, Ponnell's Ferry and Cumberland, to New Kent c. h. once a week. Leave Bowling Green every Wednesday at 10 a. m. and arrive at Dunkirk on Thursday by 7 a. m. Leave Dunkirk every Thursday at 8 a. m. arrive at New Kent c. h. by 3 p. m. Leave New Kent c. h. every Thursday at 4 p. m. arrive at Bowling Green the next Saturday by 10 a. m.  56. From Richmond by Hanover-town and Dunkirk to Tappahannock once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 2 p. m. arrive at Dunkirk on Thursday at 7 a. m. Leave Dunkirk at 8 a. m. and arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p. m. Leave Tappahannock every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Richmond on Wednesday at 9 a. m.  57. From Tappahannock to Richmond c. h. once a week. Leave Tappahannock every Friday at 6 a. m. arrive at Richmond c. h. by 11 a. m. Leave Richmond c. h. every Friday at 1 p. m. arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p. m.  58. From Dunkirk by King & Queen c. h. Shackleford's and Gloucester c. h. by North End to Matthews c. h. once a week. Leave Dunkirk every Thursday at 8 a. m. arrive at Matthews c. h. on Friday by 6 p. m. Leave Matthews c. h. every Saturday at 6 a. m. arrive at Dunkirk on Sunday by 6 p. m.  59. From Smithfield by Jerusalem and the Cross-roads to Bellfield once a week. Leave Bellfield every Thursday at 5 a. m. arrive at Smithfield on Friday by 11 a. m. Leave Smithfield every Friday at 1 p. m. arrive at Bellfield on Saturday by 7 p. m.  60. From Norfolk by Kempville N W R Bridge, Tull's Creek, N C Indian-town, Jonesburg, Elizabeth City, Nixon-ton and Hertford to Edenton N C once a week. Leave Norfolk every Saturday noon, and arrive at Edenton, N C. the next Thursday by 10 a. m. Leave Edenton every Thursday at 2 p. m. arrive at Norfolk next Saturday by 8 a. m.  IN NORTH CAROLINA.  61. From Suffolk Va. by Edenton, Plymouth and Washington to Newbern twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 1 p. m. arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday at 1 p. m. Leave Edenton at 2 p. m. arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Sunday at 6 a. m. arrive at Washington by 6 p. m. Leave Washington at 7 p. m. and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 p. m. Returning —Leave Newbern every Friday and Tuesday at 5 a. m. arrive at Washington by 5 p. m. Leave Washington at 6 p. m. arrive at Plymouth on Saturday and Wednesday by 4 p. m. Leave Plymouth at half past 4 p. m. arrive at Edenton on Sunday and Thursday by 9 a. m. Leave Edenton at half past 9 a. m. arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday at 9 a. m.  62. From Halifax, by Northampton c. h. Princeton, Murfreesboro, Winton, Coleraine, Pitch Landing and Windsor to Edenton once a week. Leave Halifax every Tuesday at 5 a. m. arrive at Edenton on Thursday by 10 a. m. Leave Edenton every Thursday at 2 p. m. arrive at Halifax on Saturday by 8 p. m.  63. From Warrenton by Jonesville, Halifax, Scotland Neck, Hogton, William's-town, Daily's, Plymouth and Washington c. h. to Scuppernong once a week. Leave Warrenton every Monday at 6 a. m. arrive at Halifax by 7 p. m. Leave Halifax every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Scuppernong Thursday by 11 a. m. Returning —Leave Scuppernong every Thursday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Halifax the next Saturday by 7 p. m. Leave
Halifax on Sunday at 6 a. m. arrive at Warrenton by 6 p. m.  64. From Warrenton by Williamsboro to Hillsboro once a week. Leave Hillsboro every Sunday at 5 p. m. arrive at Warrenton on Monday by 8 p. m. Leave Warrenton every Tuesday at 4 a. m. arrive at Hillsboro on Wednesday by 8 a. m.  65. From Louisburg by Nash C H, Tarboro and Greenville to Washington once a week. Leave Louisburg every Monday at 2 p. m. arrive at Tarboro on Tuesday by 6 p. m. Leave Tarboro every Wednesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Washington on Thursday by 10 a. m. Leave Washington every Thursday at 2 p. m. arrive at Tarboro on Friday by 6 p. m. Leave Tarboro every Saturday by 8 p. m. arrive at Louisburg on Monday by 10 a. m.  66. From Halifax to Tarboro once a week. Leave Tarboro every Monday at 6 a. m. arrive at Halifax by 6 p. m. Leave Halifax every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Tarboro by 6 p. m.  67. From Raleigh by Smithfield, Wayneboro, Green c. h. and Kingston to Newbern once a week. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday at 8 a. m. arrive at Newbern on Friday by 10 a. m. Leave Newbern every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Raleigh on Monday by 6 p. m.  68. From Raleigh by Hyrywoodboro, Chatham c. h. Chapelhill, Hillsboro, Orange c. h. Martinville, Salem and Lexington to Salisbury once a week. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday at 2 a. m. arrive at Hillsboro on Wednesday by 8 a. m. Leave Hillsboro at 10 a. m. arrive at Salem on Thursday by 3 p. m. Leave Salem at 4 p. m. and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by 10 a. m. Returning —Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 p. m. arrive at Salem on Saturday by 8 a. m. Leave Salem at 9 a. m. arrive at Hillsboro the next Sunday by 3 p. m. Leave Hillsboro at 5 p. m. arrive at Raleigh on Monday by 5 p. m.  69. From Salem by Bethania, Huntville, Rockford and Wilkes to Morgan-town once a week. Leave Salem every Thursday at 4 p. m. arrive at Morgan-town the next Sunday by 6 p. m. Leave Morgan-town every Monday at 8 a. m. arrive at Salem next Thursday by 11 a. m.  70. From Morgan-town by Asbury, the Warm Springs, Newport, T. and Checks Cross Roads T. to Orvillie, T. once a week. Leave Morgan-town every Monday at 6 a. m. arrive at Orvillie on Thursday by 10 a. m. Leave Orvillie every Thursday at 2 p. m. arrive at Morgan-town the next Sunday by 6 p. m.  71. From Salisbury by Stateville, Charlotte and Lancaster S C. to Camden S C and from thence by Lancaster, Charlotte and Cabarrus c. h. to Salisbury once a week. Leave Salisbury every Friday at noon, arrive at Charlotte on Saturday by noon. Leave Charlotte at 1 p. m. arrive at Camden, S C. the next Monday by 7 p. m. Leave Camden every Tuesday at 6 a. m. arrive at Charlotte on Wednesday by 8 p. m. Leave Charlotte every Thursday at 6 a. m. arrive at Salisbury the next Friday by 10 a. m.  72. From Charlotte by Huntersville and Lincoln to Morganton, once a week. Leave Charlotte every Saturday at 3 P M, arrive at Morganton on Sunday by 8 P M. Leave Morganton every Monday at 8 A M, arrive at Charlotte on Tuesday by 5 P M.  73. From Morganton by Rutherford and Gowen's store to Greenville c. h. S C. once a week. Leave Morganton every Monday at 6 A M, arrive at Greenville c. h. on Tuesday by 6 P M. Leave Greenville c. h. every Saturday at 6 A M, and arrive at Morganton on Sunday by 6 P M.  74. From Salem by Germanton, Mount Airy, Scull Camp, Grayson c. h. and Austinville to Wythe c. h. Va. once a week. Leave Salem every Saturday at 9 A M, arrive at Wythe c. h. on Monday by 7 P M. Leave Wythe c. h. Tuesday at 6 A M, arrive at Salem on Thursday by 6 P M.  75. From Hillsboro' by Mount Tizah, Person c. h. Leesburg, Caswell c. h. Lenox Castle and Rockingham to Germanton, once a week. Leave Hillsboro' every Wednesday at 10 A M, arrive at Germanton the next Saturday by 10 A M. Leave Germanton every Saturday at 2 P M, arrive at Hillsboro' on Tuesday by 6 P M.  76. From Newbern by Trenton and Richland to Wilmington, once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 5 A M, arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 A M. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Newbern on Saturday by 7 P M.  77. From Fayetteville by Elizabethton to Wilmington, and from thence by South Washington and Sampson c. h. to Fayetteville, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 6 A M, arrive at Wilmington on Wednesday by 7 P M. Leave Wilmington every Thursday at noon, arrive at Fayetteville on Saturday by 8 P M.  78. From Fayetteville by Andersterville to Wilmington, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Friday at 6 A M, arrive at Wilmington Saturday by 6 P M. Leave Wilmington every Monday at 7 A M, arrive at Fayetteville on Tuesday by 7 P M.  79. From Fayetteville by Moore c. h. Carthage, Randolph c. h. Salisbury, Tn.
Salisbury, Wadeboro' and Richmond c. h. to Fayetteville, once a week, and the contrary route the next week, so as to carry the mail alternately once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 8 A M, arrive at Salisbury on Friday by 10 A M. Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Fayetteville on Monday by 5 P M.  IN SOUTH-CAROLINA.  80. From Fayetteville, N C, by Lumberton, Barefields, Portersferry, Lynchville and Will-town to Georgetown, once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Thursday at 2 p. m. arrive at Lynchville on Saturday by 8 P M. Leave Lynchville on Sunday 4 A M, and arrive at Georgetown by 6 P M. Leave Georgetown every Monday at 9 A M, arrive at Lynchville by 8 P M. Leave Lynchville on Tuesday at 4 A M, arrive at Fayetteville the next Thursday by 10 A M.  81. From Richmond c. h. N C, by Parker's ferry, Chatham, Cheraw c. h. Bentonville, Darlington c. h. Pauleyville, Jeffries and the Clayhouse to Lynchville, once a week. Leave Lynchville every Tuesday at 4 A M, arrive at Richmond c. h. on Thursday by 11 A M. Leave Richmond c. h. every Thursday at 1 P M, arrive at Lynchville on Saturday by 8 P M.  82. From Charlotte, N C, Beggar's ferry and Hill's iron works to York c. h. S C. once a week. Leave Charlotte c. h. every Sunday at 6 A M, arrive at York c. h. by 6 P M. Leave York c. h. every Saturday at 6 A M, arrive at Charlotte by 6 P M.  83. From Camden by Stateburg, Jameville, Nelson's ferry and Monk's Corner to Charleston, three times a week. May 1 to Nov. 1. Leave Camden every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 2 A M, and arrive at Charleston in 32 hours on Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 10 A M. Returning —Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Camden in 33 hours on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 11 P M.  84. From Columbia by Winnboro', Chester c. h. York c. h. Pinkneyville, Union c. h. Spartanburg, Greenville c. h. Reedy Shoal river, Pickenville, Laurens c. h. Belfast and Newbury c. h. to Columbia, once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 5 A M, arrive at York on Tuesday by 7 P M. Leave York c. h. at half past 7 P M, and arrive at Greenville c. h. on Thursday by 8 P M. Leave Greenville c. h. on Friday at 4 A M, and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by 6 P M.  85. From Edgefield c. h. by Amos Richardson's, Cambridge, Southampton, Abbeville c. h. and Rocky River to Pendleton c. h. once a week. Leave Edgefield c. h. every Wednesday at 11 A M, arrive at Pendleton c. h. next Saturday by 4 P M. Leave Pendleton c. h. every Saturday at 9 P M, arrive at Edgefield c. h. next Wednesday by 9 A M.  86. From Georgetown to Charleston once a week. Leave Georgetown every Monday at 9 A M, arrive at Charleston on Tuesday by noon. Leave Charleston every Saturday noon, arrive at Georgetown on Sunday by 8 P M.  87. From Stateburg by Sumpterville, Salem and Kingstree to Will-town, once a week. Leave Will-town every Tuesday at 6 A M, arrive at Stateburg on Wednesday at 6 P M. Leave Stateburg every Thursday at 6 A M, and arrive at Will-town on Friday at 7 P M.  88. From Augusta by the Upper Three Runs, Steel Creek, Lower Three Runs and Black Swamp to Coolawhatchie, once a week. Leave Coolawhatchie every Sunday at 6 A M, arrive at Augusta on Tuesday by 6 P M. Leave Augusta every Thursday at 8 A M, arrive at Coolawhatchie on Saturday by 6 P M.  IN GEORGIA.  89. From Augusta by Little River, Lincoln c. h. Petersburg, Elberton, Franklin c. h. and Gilbers to Clarkboro', once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 8 A M, arrive at Clarkboro' on Thursday by 10 A M. Leave Clarkboro' every Thursday at 2 P M, arrive at Augusta next Monday at 4 A M.  90. From Augusta by Columbia c. h. Washington, Greenboro', Richardsonville, Spartan, George-town and Warrenton to Louisville, once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 2 P M, arrive at Louisville on Thursday by 5 P M. Returning —Leave Louisville every Friday at 6 A M, arrive at Augusta next Monday by 10 A M.  91. From Louisville by Saunderville to Fort Wilkinson, once a week. Leave Louisville every Friday at 4 A M, arrive at Fort Wilkinson by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Fort Wilkinson every Saturday at 8 A M, arrive at Louisville by 8 P M.  IN TENNESSEE.  92. From Sullivan c. h. by Jonesboro' Greenville, Checks Cross Roads and Dandridge to Knoxville once a week. Leave Sullivan c. h. every Friday at 6 A M, arrive at Knoxville next Monday by 10 A M. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 2 P M, arrive at Sullivan c. h. next Thursday by 6 P M.  93. From Orvillie by Powellsvalley, Robinsons Mills, at the foot of Cumberland Mountain, Hazel patch, Richmond and Jessamine c. h. to Lexington once a week. Leave Orvillie every Saturday noon, arrive at Lexington the next Tuesday by 6 P M. Leave Lexington
every Tuesday at 4 A M, arrive at Orvillie the next Saturday 7 A M.  94. From Knoxville by Sevierville to Newport once a week. Leave Knoxville every Saturday at 6 A M, arrive at Newport Sunday by noon. Leave Newport every Thursday at noon, arrive at Knoxville on Friday by 6 P M.  95. From Knoxville to Maryville once a week. Leave Knoxville every Saturday at 6 A M, arrive at Maryville by 11 A M. Leave Maryville every Saturday at 1 P M, arrive at Knoxville by 6 P M.  96. From Knoxville by Campbell's station, South West Point, Fort Blount, Dixon's Springs, Cragfont and Hendersonville to Nashville once a week. Leave Knoxville every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Nashville on Monday by 8 P M. Leave Nashville every Monday at 5 A M, arrive at Knoxville on Friday by 10 A M.  97. From Springfield by Port Royal and Clarkville to Palmyra once a week. Leave Springfield every Saturday at 9 A M, arrive at Palmyra by 4 P M. Leave Palmyra every Saturday at 8 A M, and arrive at Springfield next day by 7 P M.
NOTES.
 1. The Post-master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.  2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.  3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such destination lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.  4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument and for what sum without that emolument.  5. Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration in the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.  6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.  7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.  8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage he is desired to state it in his proposals.  9. The Post-master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen which amount to the loss of a trip each.  10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next; and are to continue in force for one year from that time. 
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-master General.
General Post-Office, Washington City, Nov. 5, 1802. ept15
City Hotel, BROADWAY NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that the above Hotel will be opened on the first of May ensuing, when their patronage is earnestly solicited. He avails himself of this opportunity to return his sincere and grateful thanks to those societies, parties, and gentlemen, who have given him their support, and assures them that a continuance of their favors will be a stimulus to future exertions to please; and that the utmost attention shall be given for their comfort and accommodation. Boarding may be had by the day, week, month, or year. Families travelling, may be elegantly accommodated with lodging and fasting rooms; and, if preferred, have dinners &c. in their apartments.
The Hotel being so well known, it is almost useless to say, that it is situated in one of the most healthy and pleasant parts of the city; commanding an extensive view in every direction, not only of the city itself, but also of the Narrows, the North and East Rivers, the state of New-Jersey, York and Long-Island, &c. &c.
A handsome coffee-room will be fitted up in the principal story; where gentlemen may have tea, coffee, chocolate, soups, and refreshments in general, at the shortest notice. All the leading newspapers in the union, will be regularly taken in.
Public dinners and suppers in a plain or elegant style either for large or small parties. Also, beef steaks, oysters, &c. regularly furnished. An ordinary every day at half past 4 o'clock, by the public's obedient servant.
JOHN LOVETT.
N. B. Rooms to let by the month or year. April 21, 1802. ept