Alexandria advertiser and commercial intelligencer (Alexandria [Va.]), 1801-02-14 00:00:00

CONDITIONS OF PUBLICATION of the
Alexandria Advertiser
AND Commercial Intelligencer.
I. It will be published on a half sheet of super-royal paper of good quality, and with an elegant type, of which this paper contains a specimen.
II. It will be published every day at 3 o'clock, and delivered to subscribers in town with the utmost regularity and expedition, and transmitted to those at a distance through the most early and regular channels of conveyance.
III. The price will be Five Dollars per annum, to be paid one half on receipt of the first number, the remainder at the end of the year.
LANDING
From the Schooner Mississippi,
Best London particular Madeira Wine in pipes,
Lisbon Wine of a superior quality in hhds. and quarter casks,
Turk's Island and Isle of May
SALT.
On hand, a few casks of excellent
Chewing Tobacco.
For CHARTER the above Schooner, Mississippi.
Apply to
Wm. I. HALL.
Merchants' wharf, Feb. 9. d
Agreeable to a Deed of Trust, from Capt. John Hawkins, of Fauquier County, to the subscribers, WILL BE SOLD on the premises, to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Wednesday the 25th of February next,
The Plantation whereon the said Hawkins now lives: containing about 670 acres, lying within 30 miles of Fredericksburg, Falmouth and Dumfries, and within about 40 of Alexandria, George-Town and the Federal City.
It is thought unnecessary to be particular as to the quality and improvements, as a person inclined to purchase will no doubt view the same before the day of sale.
DUNBAR & VASS.
Falmouth, Virginia, } d21(31) Jan. 20, 1800.
For Rent.
The subscriber will lease or rent his commodious fire-proof
Bake and Dwelling House,
on Town-Point, where he now lives, with three Ovens, a good Store-house and Stable for two horses, with a well enclosed Wood-Yard, and every other convenience for carrying on the baking business to advantage.
JAMES DICKINSON.
Norfolk, Jan. 8. d12(30)
For Liverpool.
The Ship POLLY, Capt. SAM. HANCOCK, will take FREIGHT for Liverpool. Terms may be known by enquiring of
R. T. HOOE & Co.
January 16. d
Public Sale.
On TUESDAY at 100'clock, will be sold at the Vendue-Store,
Brown Sugar in hhds. & bls.
 Loaf and Lump Sugar in lots,  Ten-riffe and Port Wine in pipes, half pipes and quarter casks,  French Brandy in pipes,  Whiskey in tierces and barrels,  Hyson Tea in chests,  Bohea Tea in chests,  Figs in casks and frails,  Raisins in do. do.  Cordials in boxes,  Soap and Candles in boxes  Cotton in bales,  A quantity of Bacon,  Tobacco in kegs,  Nails in casks,  Hardware assorted in boxes, &c. 
Also, a quantity of
DRY GOODS.
Particulars of which will be made known previous to the sale.
P. G. MARSTELLER,
Auctioneer.
February 9.
Sales by Auction.
On WEDNESDAY next, At ten o'clock, will be sold at the Auction Room on Union Street,
Sugar in bls.
 Candles in boxes,  Tobacco in kegs,  Coffee in bags,  Salt-petre in bags,  Raisins in boxes,  Grapes in jars,  Almonds in bls.  Oranges in boxes,  Anchovies in kegs and boxes, 
Together with a variety of
DRY GOODS,
Among which are
Wilton and Scotch Carpeting, striped and plain Coatings, Kerseys, Plains, Flannels, rose Blankets, Broadcloths, Kerfeymeres, worsted Hose, Durants, mens' fine Hats, Irish and German Linens, Humhums, Muslins, &c.
HENRY & THOS. MOORE,
February 11.
Auctioneers.
Boarding and Lodging
May be had for five or six gentlemen, by applying to
JOHN GORDON, King Street.
December 16. eo
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, January 21.
SEDITION LAW.
(Debate continued.)
House in committee—Mr. Morris in the chair.
Mr. Macon said, no member of the house was more willing than himself, that the question should have been taken without debate, but since gentlemen who differed with him in opinion had chose to discuss it, he should not shrink from it, especially, as he firmly believed, he had both the constitution and truth on his side.
It was a little curious to observe the manner in which those who approved the law, changed the ground on which they defended it at different times; it originated in the days of alarm, and was then supposed as a part of a system of defence against France; at this time this common law of the United States, of which we now hear so much, was not talked of; the second time it was before the house, it was brought up by many petitions from the people in different states, praying for its repeal; then too, it was considered as a part of the system of defence, and as the dispute with France was not settled, it was said to be improper to repeal; at the last session, when a motion was made to repeal the second section of the act, the law was then supported on this reason, to prevent the operation of this common law; now indeed it is for the double purpose of preventing the operation of the common law, and to afford the gentlemen themselves the liberty of expressing their sentiments, if founded in truth, and expressed with decency—and so it is, that the friends of order and good government now want the sedition law to protect themselves.
If the common law is actually in force, it is rather extraordinary, that the gentlemen will not make the law uniform, so as to comprehend all the cases of libels, which it is pretended would be cognizable in the federal courts under that law, if this was not in force; a libel upon the president of the United States, the senate or this house, is not to be actionable at common law, but suppose a person to libel the supreme court of the United States, he is not to be punished under this act, but at common law. A court can as easily be libelled as any department of the government; where then is the necessity or reason for inflicting the punishments for the same crime, under two laws, so different, if the common law is really in force in the United States?
It has been said, by publishing calumny and falsehood, governments may be destroyed. This Mr. Macon did not believe, nor did he believe, that ever a government was destroyed, or a revolution brought about, by such means. Falsehood cannot make a good administration bad, or a bad admini-
nistration good; no administration need ever fear false publications, it can always destroy their effects whenever it pleases by publishing the truth, and truth alone can destroy governments, nor need any administration fear any thing but the truth. Was our revolution brought about by the publication of a falsehood? No, sir, it was not, it was by publishing and proclaiming the truth. As to the execution of the law, it would be needless to state the facts which have been already stated by others he would only say, that in his opinion, it was worse than the law itself, which he had always believed to be unconstitutional and there was no doubt but the execution was as unpopular as the law.
It has been said, owing to the prevalence of crimes, which this law is intended to punish, the men grown grey in the service of their country, had been turned out of office. Mr. M. knew of no man, that had been turned out of office, except it was done according to the constitution, or a law made in conformity to it. What, sir, was this law made, and is it now wished to be continued in force, to prevent the freedom of elections? If this is not the plain result of the idea, I am at a loss to know what it does mean. Are not our elections to be free? Have we not a right to investigate the characters of those, who are candidates for our suffrages? Are not these our constitutional rights, as freemen? Why then do gentlemen wish to continue this law in force to deprive the people of their dearest rights? Surely if men are not approved, after they have been tried, they ought to be turned out of office. The end of election is choice, but we have been told, to induce us to continue this law, that the illustrious Washington had been called a speculator, and a murderer. Mr. M. never heard of the first charge before this day, nor of the second until within a few days past, and that too, was in this house; he had not doubt but the gentlemen had heard what they asserted, nor had he any doubt but the person who first promoted the report knew it was not true, and its circulation must have been very confined indeed, and so it will be with all such reports.
Mr. M. said he saw no necessity for this law: a good character does not want its support, and a bad character does not deserve help. He believed the senate would not agree to renew this law for themselves; no future president, he expected, would wish it for himself; what, then, do we want it for? Ourselves; no gentleman will say, that he wished a sedition law to stop the people's mouths about him, or any thing he should do in this house. The gentlemen who support this act, have always told us that their actions were founded on such principles, that they should never be ashamed of them any where. Let us be free to act for the good of the people, and let the people be equally free to examine our conduct in any manner they may think proper. Gentlemen do not mean to do any

to make this law necessary, why, then, continue it in force? We have been told by a gentleman, that he heretofore voted for this law, and that therefore he should vote for it again. Surely there cannot be a worse reason for a vote than this: it goes on the principle of never changing, and if a law be once passed, it must remain law for ever. The same gentleman once voted for an army, yet we found him ready, on fit occasion to vote for the discharge of that army, and that army too was considered a part of the system of defence; if the army could be spared from the general system formerly adopted, there certainly could be no necessity for this law, at this time, unless, indeed, it is now wanted for some other purpose than formerly. The same reason ought to have continued the army, but as the army was disbanded, when the necessity ceased for which it was raised, and the system of defence broken, why then should the law be continued as a part of that system, when there was no occasion for it.
It has been said, that a part of this house are always crying out against the unconstitutionality of every act they do not approve. The answer to this is very easy. There is another part of the house that never question the constitutionality of any thing, and if one part questions the constitutionality of every thing, the other do not of any thing; if one side believes it has limits, the other believes it has no limits.
Mr. M. observed, what had been said on the subject of juries, he would only say, that no federal jury had ever been got in the state in which he lived, in the same manner that jurors were obtained for the state courts; perhaps it was impossible under present circumstances, because all the jurors for both superior and inferior courts were appointed by the county courts, and then summoned by the sheriff of the county. The federal court, he believed in that state, generally determined from which counties the jurors should be summoned, and left it to the discretion of the marshal to summon whom he pleased. The marshal is appointed by the president; in states where he summons whom he pleases for jurors, it is most probable they will all be of one party.
Another reason had been urged for continuing this law in force, which is this, that it was believed, there were newspapers in this country, under the influence of a foreign power; whether this was a fact or not he did not know; but he well recollected, that not long since there was a press in the United States, which was pretty much caressed, the editor of which was a foreigner, who gloried in being the subject of a foreign prince; the contents of his paper are not yet forgotten, and, strange to tell, he never heard that this law had been put in operation against that person.
It is not pretended that the next president, let him be who he may, will want this law. No action for a libel has ever been brought at common law in the federal courts; the reason was obvious, the states as united have no such law, whatever they may have in their individual character. Without this act or the operation of the common law, we had flourished for many years. The law would hereafter be useless, it was unpopular and believed to be unconstitutional. It would increase rather than lessen party spirit, and it ought to be the object of all to harmonize as much as possible. He therefore trusted that the
law would be suffered to expire, never again to be renewed.
Mr. Dennis. Like the gentleman from North-Carolina, who has this moment resumed his seat, I was one of those who were satisfied to have taken a silent vote on the question before us, and on yesterday voted against the rising of the committee, in order that a definitive decision might have then taken place; but since the gentlemen opposed to the continuance of the law, have determined to protract the debate, and since it is probable this day will be consumed in the discussion, I shall claim the indulgence of the committee, whilst I submit to them some sentiments on the occasion. During this discussion I have remarked, that observations on the constitutionality of the law, have, generally, been avoided, yet that some objections have been interspersed of that nature, amongst the arguments, against its expediency; whilst, therefore I do not intend an analytical review of all the opinions which have hitherto been advanced, either in favor of or against its constitutionality, the remarks which I shall make will occasionally apply as well to the one as to the other. Those gentlemen who have distinguished themselves by their opposition to this law, have laid down the following standard, by which to test the extent of congressional power relative to this subject—first, that congress can exercise no powers but such as are specifically delegated by the constitution, or such as are incidental and necessary to the execution of those specific powers—secondly admitting congress to have originally possessed the power of passing laws similar to the present, they have been restricted therefrom by the prohibitory amendment of the constitution, which, among other things, declares that congress shall pass no law abridging the liberty of the press. In relation to the first branch of the subject, even the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) does not insist that there exists in us no such thing as incidental power, nor does he contend that we can exercise no power, but such as we can find expressly mentioned in the constitution: but whilst he admits the existence of incidental authority, he requires that we shall demonstrate the impossibility of preserving the government, or giving efficacy to those duties which it is enjoined upon us to perform without exercising the power in the present instance. And how will this gentleman expect this to be proved? Are we to prove it by actual experiment? Are we to sit still and suffer the government to be subverted, in order that we may experimentally prove the powers we may exercise, in order to preserve it? Doctrines similar to these were inculcated with considerable gravity during the first insurrection in Pennsylvania. It was then contended that the president could not call out the militia to suppress the insurrection, until it should be fully proved by actual experiment that the ordinary powers of the judiciary were incompetent to suppress it. That is, that although it was evident, from the number and the preparations for resistance by the insurgents, they could not be subjected to the ordinary powers of the judiciary, yet the militia could not be drawn out until the marshal and his posse comitatus had first been murdered or imprisoned. This sophistry, however, did not then pass for argument, and I hope will not in the case before us. To candid minds it would seem sufficient to shew, that the publication of false, scandalous and malicious mat-
ter, against the government, in its immediate consequences, tends to produce insurrection, and a total disrespect for its authority; and that without the powers of preventing these no government can exist. And will it, sir, be contended, that such publications have not this effect? Let me suppose congress to have passed some important law, which should peculiarly interest the people, and meet the disapprobation of certain sections of the union; and let me suppose a printer, in order to increase their discontents, to publish a very circumstantial, but false and malicious account of his having evidence that such law was passed by the bribery and corruption of a certain foreign minister, mentioning the sum which each member had received, would not the law, in case these reports were credited, be resisted in its execution? Yes, a high minded republican people would and ought to resist it, whilst under such impressions. Sir, there is no crime which will not be sanctioned by this new doctrine of the liberty of the press: treason itself may be committed with perfect impunity, if such principles be established. According to the construction, which, by some is affixed to the amendment to the constitution, Congress can make no law in any manner affecting the press, because they say every such law must amount to an abridgment thereof. Let me suppose our country at war and a hostile fleet upon our coast, and that a number of hand-bills be printed and circulated in this fleet, giving particular information of the most vulnerable part of our territory, and of the deposits of our military stores—this, if done by letter, or verbally, would amount to treason, yet if the press be inviolable to the extent contended for, no punishment could reach the crime. It has been frequently remarked, that there exist in a statutory code a number of crimes, the power of creating which rests upon precisely the same basis as the law which is the subject of discussion, and yet no objections have ever been made to their constitutionality. Such are the crimes of perjury, bribery, falsifying the public records, and misprision of treason; for creating these crimes no express provision is made in the constitution, and if we were agreeably to the position of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, obliged to shew, in the manner he contends for, that without such laws, our government could not be preserved, we should be obliged to yield the point of their unconstitutionality.
I shall now proceed to examine this law, as it is supposed to be prohibited by the 3d amendment to the constitution, which stipulates against abridging the freedom of the press—and believing it to have grown into a maxim with many gentlemen of this committee, that the state of Virginia can do no wrong, and that the seal of infallibility is stamped upon her legislative acts, I shall bring into view a clause in her declaration of rights on the subject of the press, and certain legislative acts, and then compare both with the 3d amendment of the constitution of the U. States, and the law now under consideration; and if it shall be found that the declaration of rights of Virginia has provided as strongly for the liberty of the press as the amendment to the federal constitution, and that certain legislative acts of that state have gone as far to punish its licentiousness, as the law now proposed to be continued, it will then be proper to enquire what are the exclusive prerogatives which have absolved their legislature from
the obligations to which they have so strenuously contended, the legislature of the union are bound to yield obedience. And in answer to their representations, we may say, take the beam out of your own eyes before you undertake to pluck the mote out of ours.—By the 12th article of the declaration of rights of Virginia, it is provided, "that the liberty of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments." It is believed this expression does not substantially vary from the amendment of the constitution, which says, amongst other things, that congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press. By an act of assembly of the commonwealth of Virginia, passed in 1775 it is provided as follows:—Section 1st. "Whereas, at the present time of danger, the safety of the people more especially requires that all persons who are so wicked as to devise the destruction of good government, or to obstruct the operations of the laws, should suffer punishments suitable to their crimes: Be it therefore enacted, &c. that if any person residing or being within the commonwealth, shall, from and after the publication hereof, by any word, open deed, or act, advisedly and willingly maintain and defend the authority, jurisdiction or power of the king and parliament of Great-Britain, heretofore claimed or exercised within this colony, or shall attribute any such authority, jurisdiction or power, in the king or parliament of Great-Britain, the person so offending being legally convicted thereof, shall be punished by fine and imprisonment to be ascertained by a jury, so that the fine exceed not the sum of twenty thousand pounds, nor the imprisonment the term of five years."
"Section 2d. And be it enacted, &c. That any person who shall, maliciously or advisedly, endeavor to excite the people to resist the government of this commonwealth; as by law is established, or to persuade them to return to a dependence upon the crown of G. Britain, or who shall maliciously or advisedly terrify and discourage the people from enlisting in the service of the commonwealth, or dispose them to favor the enemy, every person so offending and being thereof legally convicted, shall be punished with fine and imprisonment as aforesaid." It is not my intention, to comment at large on this law, and have stated it as a fact, upon which each member of the committee will indulge his own sentiments and opinions. I will, however, state that this act goes further than the act of Congress; since it not only punishes libelous publications, but also, inflicts a punishment far exceeding that, contained in the sedition act, for verbal communications, and touches not only the liberty of the press, but the liberty of speech likewise. If the high sentiments of liberty, which animated the people of Virginia, during our revolution, did not induce them to believe, that when their legislature had provided for the punishment of slanderous, libelous, malicious publications against their government, their liberties were thereby destroyed, I flatter myself, that these same people, with their fellow-citizens of the United States, will not now be duped into the opinion that an act of congress, which punishes false, scandalous and malicious publications, against their government, with an intent to vilify, degrade and subvert its authority, is tyrannical and oppressive. By another act of the assembly of Virginia, originally passed 1661, and re-enacted in

1792, entitled, "An act against divulgers of false news," it is provided as follows: "Whereas many idle and busy-headed people do forge and divulge false rumors and reports; be it therefore enacted, &c. that what person or persons so ever, shall forge or divulge false rumour, or reports, tending to the trouble of the country, he shall be, by the next justice of the peace, sent for, and bound over to the next county court; where, if he produce not his author, he shall be fined two thousand pounds of tobacco (or less, if the court think proper to lessen it) and besides give bond for his behavior, if it appear to the court that he did maliciously publish or invent it." By another act of the same state passed in 1785 entitled "An act punishing certain offences and vesting the governor with certain powers," in the third section thereof it is enacted, "that every person who shall attempt to establish such government, (meaning a division of Virginia, and the establishment of another state therein) by any other means, than with the assent of the legislature of this commonwealth, and in pursuance of such attempts, shall join with another person or persons in any overt act for promoting such attempts, or who shall, by writing or advised speaking, endeavor to incite the people of this commonwealth, to erect or establish such government, without such assent as aforesaid, shall be adjudged guilty of a high crime or misdemeanor, and on conviction shall be subject to such pains and penalties, not extending to life or member, as the court before whom the conviction shall be, shall adjudge. Such, for, are the legislative acts, and such the bill of rights of the state of Virginia. Perhaps the gentlemen in opposition may yield to these high authorities, when reason and argument have ceased to operate. There is no man who will contend, that if the sedition act be a violation of the amendment of the constitution, these several acts of the Virginia assembly are not equally infractions of their bill of rights. But it is my opinion, that in the formation of these laws, neither the one nor the other have transcended the limits of their respective charters. But these acts of Virginia prove, as far as any legislative interpretation can prove, that by the term liberty of the press, is not to be understood an entire exemption from all responsibility for slanderous and libelous publications, and perfectly confirm the idea annexed to it by the friends to the act in question. If, however, it may be found that these authorities have no influence on our opponents, let me resort to the opinions of certain great and prominent characters, who concentrate, perhaps more than any others, the confidence and attachment of the citizens of Virginia and to whose political opinions, on all other occasions, these gentlemen have yielded a ready obedience. Soon after the declaration of independence, the state of Virginia, finding it necessary to change her laws so as to adapt them to the new political situation which she had assumed, appointed a committee with plenipotentiary powers to that effect; amongst these gentlemen were the present chancellor of the state (Mr. Wythe) the president of the court of appeals (Mr. Pendleton,) and the now vice president of the United States, who entered upon the duties assigned them, and amongst a great variety of bills which, they presented, was one entitled an act regulating proceedings in the courts of common law, in which is contained the following clause: "In an indictment or information for a libel, the defendant may
plead a justification, and if the jury find the fact contained in the libel to be true, he shall be acquitted." In the draught of a constitution which was prepared by Mr. Jefferson, to be submitted to a convention intended to be called by the state of Virginia in 1783, are the following expressions: "Printing presses shall be subject to no other restraints than to liability for false facts printed and published." It will be recollected that at the time of the ratification of the federal constitution, Mr. Jefferson was our minister in France: on being informed of its ratification, in a letter to his correspondent here, dated Paris, July 31, 1788, after expressing his satisfaction at the event, he proceeds to give his opinion in favor of adding to the constitution a bill of rights, and amongst others, of stipulating for the freedom of the press. In this letter are contained these expressions: "A declaration that the federal government will never restrain the presses from printing what they please will not take away the liability of printers for false facts printed. The declaration that religious faith shall be unpunished does not give impunity to criminal acts, dictated by religious error." After the third amendment before mentioned, in relation to the press, was proposed to be added to the constitution, and sent by his correspondent to Mr. Jefferson, in a letter dated Paris, August 28, 1789, Mr. Jefferson says, "I like it as far as it goes, but I should be for going further, for instance, the following alterations and additions would have pleased me. Article 4. "The people shall not be deprived of their right to speak, to write, or otherwise publish any thing but false facts, affecting injuriously the life, liberty, property or reputation of others, or affecting the peace of the confederacy with foreign nations." [Here Mr. Nicholas interrupted Mr. Dennis, by asking him the title of the book, from which he read the above extracts. Mr. Dennis replied, that the book which he held in his hand, was a collection of the publications on the alien and sedition law, and that the above extracts were taken from one of the pamphlets composing the collection, published at Richmond, in 1798. That with respect to the authenticity of the extracts he, Mr. Dennis, had compared them with the publication of Mr. Jefferson's letters, which appeared in Feneau's Gazette, in 1791, and which were then published by Mr. Jefferson's friend, in order to vindicate him against charges of hostility to the federal government, and he knew them to be correct.] Mr. Dennis then proceeded—such, Mr. Chairman, are the opinions of these learned jurists; of these enlightened expositors of political law—very different indeed from this new doctrine, that it is impossible to restrain the licentiousness, without destroying the liberty of the press.—These gentlemen have every where discriminated between them and Mr. Jefferson's letters, admit all that is contended for by us. They clearly admit, that before the amendment was superadded to the constitution, congress had the power of legislating relative to the press, and that after the amendment was adopted, although they were very properly deprived of the power of imposing previous restrictions thereon, they have a right to punish the authors of false and malicious publications. These documents prove to me, too, that the opposition to this law has not been so much the result of a sense of its unconstitutionality or inexperience,
as of the conviction, that it would be a powerful weapon in the hands of a party, whereby to combat their political opponents.
(To be continued.)
NORFOLK, February 7.
The schooner Success, capt. Brown, captured by the U. S. frigate Chesapeake, for carrying on an illicit commerce, arrived here on Thursday from Charleston, under the charge of lieut. Smith. There are 37 slaves at present on board. The remainder, together with the captain, are detained on board the frigate.
Alexandria Advertiser.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 14.
The Northern Mail had not arrived when this paper was put to press.
By a gentleman who left the City of Washington this morning, we learn that the ballots for President, in the House of Representatives, last evening remained 8 States for Mr. Jefferson, 6 for Mr. Burr, and 2 divided.
To THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esquire.
SIR, THE democrats threaten if you are not elected President, a dissolution of the Union. I trust the friends to the government will be firm and not be driven from the high and strong ground on which they stand—they profess, and act accordingly, to be friends to the administrations of Washington and Adams—they wish to pursue such a system as will effectually protect our commerce. You have been held up as inimical to the administration of our government, and particularly to that part of it which has hitherto protected our commerce. If your non-election is to prove fatal to our Union—you can ward off the blow by declaring whether you are a friend or an enemy to that system which has been adopted for the protection of our commercial interests—whether you approve or disapprove of the administration of the government—pointing out wherein you approve and wherein you censure.
If you are the virtuous patriot you are represented to be, and wish to preserve the Union, the dissolution of which your friends threaten if you are not elected, you surely cannot hesitate a moment to unfold to the people, in a candid manner, your real political opinions.
Unless the friends to the government, in the House of Representatives, are satisfied that you do not hold the opinions which have been attributed to you, and that you will not conduct the government according to those principles which they hold to be destructive of the existence of government, they cannot consistent with their duty, consent to give you their votes for President.
If American liberty and happiness depends upon the avowal of your opinion—as a friend to America—as a virtuous man, you are called on by all America to make this avowal—silence on your part, will and can only be considered as a determination to radically change that system of administration which has been pursued for twelve years.
A Friend to the Union.
Alexandria Price Current.
   Dolls Cts.     Superfine flour, per barrel 11   Fine do. 10 50   Rye do. 5 to 5 50   Corn, per barrel, 3 75   Tobacco, per cwt. 3 50 to 4   Pork, per cwt. 5 0 to 5 50   Beef, per do. 5 50 to 6   Whiskey, per gal. 50 to 54  
For Sale,
A few Pipes, Hogheads and Quarter Casks of
MADEIRA WINE,
Neat as imported.
We will let it go at a moderate price for Cash, or on short credit, or will barter it for Flour, Corn, Corn Meal or Tobacco, which we are generally in the purchase of.
Alex. Henderson & Co.
Merchant's Wharf, Feb. 14. d
For Sale,
A number of likely, healthy, young Negro Women & Children,
Low for Cash.
The terms may be known by applying to the subscriber, at her farm in Prince William county.
ELIZA WHITING.
Enfield, Feb. 14. 3t
For Charleston, (S. C.)
The SCHOONER THETIS , Thomas White, Master; will positively sail on or before the 20th instant. She is intended as a constant trader from this port, and has good accommodations for passengers.
For Freight or Passage apply to the master on board, at Vowel's wharf, or to EDWARD RUSSELL.
Union-Street, Feb. 13. 3t
Washington Society.
The Members of the ALEXANDRIA WASHINGTON SOCIETY are hereby notified, that a regular stated meeting of the said Society will be held at Gadby's Hotel, on Monday the 23d instant, at 10 o'clock A. M. and it is earnestly requested that the members will be punctual in their attendance, as there is some necessary business to be transacted.
The society will move in procession with such others as chuse to join, at 12 o'clock, from the Court-House square to the Presbyterian Meeting-House, where an Oration will be delivered by the Revd. Mr. Maffett, commemorative of the distinguished merits of the illustrious Washington.
The Society will dine together on that day, at Gadby's, agreeable to a resolve at the last quarterly meeting.
By order of the President.
G. DENEALE, Sec'ry.
St. Andrew's Society.
THE Members of the Saint Andrew's Society are requested to attend a stated quarterly meeting at Gadby's Hotel, on Tuesday evening next, (17th instant) at 6 o'clock, P. M.
By order of the President.
Wm. BARTLEMAN, Sec.
February 12.
An active lad will be taken as an Apprentice at this Office.

The Managers of the Alexandria Library Company will please to take notice, that an Election will be held at the Council Chamber on Monday the 16th instant at 3 in the afternoon, for a President and eleven Directors for the Company for the ensuing year, agreeable to the act of incorporation.
They will also please to observe that the library is removed to a convenient room in the central part of King-street, at the rear of Mr. William Gird, watchmaker, and nearly opposite Mr. Lawrence Hooff's.
JAMES KENNEDY, Sen. Librarian. King-street, Feb. 2. 2winw&f
FOR SALE,
The large three story Brick WAREHOUSE, with the two story frame one adjoining, on the next lot to the north-east corner of King-street.
For size, strength, convenience and goodness of stand, this property is certainly the best in town. For terms, apply in Baltimore to Messrs. Martin & Jaufret, and in Alexandria to the subscriber:
Who will Rent
The three story brick Warehouse adjoining, formerly occupied by Mr. John Ridley.
A. CHARLES CAZENOVE.
February 2. co3m
For Sale,
By the subscriber, near the County-wharf, COLOGNE Mill-stones, of different sizes, late from Amsterdam, German, London, blister and Crowley steel Sugar in hogsheads and barrels Coffee, bar and rod Iron, Castings Tin-plate stoves, complete for use, of different sizes Cover seed and plaster of Paris Beef and Pork of the first quality, by the barrel Fine and coarse Salt Tar, Turpentine and Rosin.
JESSE HOLLINGSWORTH.
Baltimore, January 27. 2aw15t
FOR SALE,
A LOT of GROUND
On the corner of Queen and Fairfax streets, extending 123 feet 2 inches on Queen street, 45 feet 8 inches on Fairfax street: this property is liable to no incumbrance. For terms apply to Mr. John Green, Alexandria, or Mr. Hezekiah Price, Old-Town, Baltimore.
Liberal credit will be allowed for the payment.
January 2. co18t
City Tavern & Hotel.
The Subscriber returns his sincere thanks to his customers for the liberal encouragement he has received, and hopes to merit a continuance of their favors. He requests all persons indebted to him to come forward and settle their accounts, on or before the first day of April next, otherwise suits will be commenced for the recovery of the same without respect to persons.
From the many difficulties experienced in collecting the small sums due him, he is under the necessity of giving this public notice, that after this date he will give credit to no person whatever.
JOHN GADSBY.
January 17. d
For Philadelphia.
The SLOOP HARMONY,
John Ellwood, Master,
Now lying at Ramsey's wharf.
For Freight or Passage apply to the master on board, or
J. & T. Vowell.
February 5. 3tdeo
For Norfolk.
The SLOOP ELIZA,
ABEL WILLIS, Master;
A Constant Packet.
Will sail on Sunday next. For Freight or Passage apply to the master on board, at Vowell's wharf.
February 10. eo3t
Just Received
A Consignment of the following articles.
Cotton in bales,
Russia Canvass,
Brown Rolls,
Hessians,
Oude Cassahs,
China Custers,
Bashtas,
English and India Lutestrings,
Black Florentines,
Sprig'd and plain jaconet Muslins,
Ladies' Shoes, &c. &c.
Which, together with several articles on hand, viz.
Loaf, lump & brown Sugar,
Young Hyson,
Souchong, and
Hyson-skin
Allum Salt,
Liverpool do. in bulk and sacks,
German Oznaburgs,
Flanders Sheeting,
Cloths,
Writing and wrapping Paper, &c.
Will be sold low for Cash, or bartered for
Flour, Corn or Tobacco.
Hewes & Miller.
February 2. eo
Property for Sale.
Two hundred and forty acres of excellent FARMING LAND, lying in the county of Loudoun, about 14 miles from Leesburg, and one mile from the turnpike road leading from thence to Snicker's Gap, being part of Scotland Tract, formerly belonging to Mr. W. Nelson.
A HOUSE and LOT in Leesburg, possessed by Mr. Dawson, merchant.
A HOUSE and LOT eligibly situated, in Fairfax-street, Alexandria, in the possession of Mr. Charles Jones, coachmaker.
A LOT in Dumfries, on which are built a strong and commodious brick dwelling house and a kitchen, stable and granary—in the occupancy of Mr. Esme Smock. This messuage, from its vicinity to the creek and other local properties, is well calculated for a person in the grain or tobacco business.
If the two first mentioned properties are not previously disposed of by private bargain, they will be exposed to public sale at Mrs. Myers's tavern, in Leesburg, on the 9th day of March next, being the first day of Loudoun county court.
For terms, application may be made to Mr. Thomas Harrison, Dumfries, or to COLIN AULD, Cameron-street, Alexandria.
A Farm for Sale.
I will sell the Farm on which I reside, situate in the county of Fairfax and state of Virginia, 25 miles from the cities of Washington and Alexandria, and containing about 1000 acres. Of this tract between five and six hundred acres are cleared, and the remainder in excellent timber. A never-failing stream runs through the centre of the tract. There are thirty acres of best Timothy Meadow, in complete order, and ten acres of mowable clover. There are 300 bearing Apple Trees of excellent quality for cyder, and 200 young grafted trees of the best kinds of table fruit. There has also been lately planted an orchard of about 1200 Peach Trees. The whole tract, wood-land and cleared, is inclosed by new and substantial fences, and divided into convenient fields. The soil is peculiarly adapted to grass.—The dwelling house and offices are new, spacious, well built, convenient and completely finished. A Garden of two acres, containing the most valuable fruits and plants, and a spacious yard, are inclosed in a durable manner. There are good stables and carriage house, with every necessary house for labourers; the latter with brick or stone chimnies. There is an old Barn of the common kind, but the greater part of the materials to build a new barn on the most approved Pennsylvania plan, and all the materials to build a large stone Dairy are collected. The buildings already erected have cost more than eight thousand dollars. There is a good spring convenient to the dwelling house, and a well in the kitchen yard. There are eighty acres of growing wheat, fifty of which in fallow land prepared in the best manner, and all promising a large crop; and forty acres of Rye.
Two-thirds of the purchase money must be paid in hand, and the balance secured by mortgage of the premises.
The purchaser may also be accommodated with personal property to the amount of 8000 dollars.
RICHARD BLAND LEE.
February 9. 1aw
ANTHONY SAWYER,
Hair Dresser and Perfumer, (lately from Baltimore)
Lower end of King-street, near Ramsey's wharf.
Begs leave to inform the Ladies of Alexandria and the country generally, that having received the newest fashion of Ladies' Wigs and Frets, he will be thankful to receive their orders for the above articles, and will warrant them equal to any manufactured on the continent.
N. B. Any Lady wishing to see his Patterns, may be accommodated by sending a servant to his shop.
He has for sale, every article in the Perfumery line, on the most reasonable terms.
Cash will be given for hair by the large or small quantity.
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the estate of the late THOMAS PORTER, are requested to bring them forward on or before the first of March next, and those indebted to him are respectfully requested to make payment to SARAH PORTER, Adm'x. Jan. 1. (2)eo
Liverpool Salt for Sale.
Just landing from on board the ship SUCCESS, Capt. King,
STOVED SALT,
in sacks and bulk.
Also, a few hundred bushels of Liverpool Coal.
Wm. I. HALL.
Merchants' Wharf, Jan. 29. d
Ricketts, Newton & Co.
Have just received and for Sale, at the corner store, opposite John Fanney's, the following GOODS —wholesale and retail, for Cash and Produce:
Superfine and 2d Cloths
Blue Plains
do. Frizes
do. Kerseys
White, yellow and green Flannels
do. do. do. Baizes
Rose and duffel Blankets
Durants, Camblets and Wildbores
Russells and Antiloons
Cotton and linen Checks
Kerseymeres and Swandowns
Velvets, Thicksets and Cords
A handsome assortment of Dimities
Mens' and Womens' cotton Hose
do. silk do.
Black Crape
White and black silk and beaver Gloves
Modes, Sattins and Persians
Sewing Silks
Calicoes and Chintzes
Russia Sheeting and Irish Linens.
They have also,
Brown Sugar by the hhd.
and barrel, loaf and lump do. and a quantity of Plaster of Paris.
They give Cash for
Wheat, Rye and Corn.
Left by capt. Mortimore, of the Baltimore packet, at their warehouse, sundry Mill Irons—The owner is requested to take them away.
January 31. d
LAST NOTICE.
Whereas a Commission of bankruptcy is awarded and issued forth against Elisha Cullen Dick, of the town of Alexandria, and he having surrendered himself to the major part of the commissioners named in the said commission, at the Washington tavern in Alexandria, on the 31st day of January last, when and where he underwent his second examination, and is now required again to attend at the said tavern, on Friday the 20th day of this present month, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, to undergo his final examination, when and where the creditors of the said Elisha Cullen Dick, either in his separate capacity or as one of the firm of James Meale M'Rea and Company, may attend to prove their debts—at which time and place the creditors aforesaid are to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate—and to choose assignees.
All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who may have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver the same but to whom the Commissioners may appoint, but to give notice to
HENRY MOORE, Secretary to the Commissioners.
February 3. d
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