The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1808-11-11 00:00:00

National Intelligencer.
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. IX.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
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The Documents, accompanying the Message of the President, being too extensive for insertion in one paper, we have considered it most satisfactory, in the first instance, to publish the following, which will furnish a tolerably correct idea of the situation of our foreign relations, with the ground taken by our government. In subsequent papers the whole of the documents shall be given.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated Bourbon l'Archambault, 28th August 1808.
"Since my arrival at this place I have been honored by the receipt of your dispatch of the 21st ult. and would immediately return to Paris to renew my discussions with M. de Champagny either personally, as you suggest, or by writing, had I not the most solemn conviction that any new experiment made at the present moment in either form and of official character, would certainly be useless and probably injurious."
From Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning, Great Cumberland Place, August 23d, 1808.
Sir—I have had the honor, in consequence of the orders of the President, to recal your attention, in the course of several recent interviews, to the British orders in council of the 7th of January and 11th of November, 1807, and to the various orders founded upon or in execution of them; and I now take the liberty to renew, in the mode which I have understood to be indispensable, my instances on that subject.
I need scarcely remind you, sir, that the government of the United States has never ceased to consider these orders as violating its rights, and affecting most destructively its interests, upon grounds wholly inadmissible both in principle and fact.
The letters of Mr. Madison to Mr. Erskine of the 20th and 29th of March, 1807, produced by the official communication of that minister of the order of the 7th of January, and the answer of Mr. Madison of the 25th of March, 1808, to a like communication of the orders of the 11th November, contained the most direct remonstrances against the system which these orders introduce and execute, and expressed the confident expectation of the President that it would not be persisted in.
That expectation has not yet been fulfilled, but it has, notwithstanding, not been relinquished. The President is still persuaded that its accomplishment will result from a careful review by his majesty's government, made in the spirit of moderation and equity, of the facts and considerations which belong to the occasion.
It is not my purpose to recapitulate in this note the statements and readings contained in the above mentioned letters of Mr. Madison, in support of the claim of the government of the United States, that the British orders be revoked. I content myself with referring to those letters for proofs which it is not necessary to repeat, and for arguments which I could not hope to improve.
But there are explanations which those letters do not contain, and which it is proper for me now to make. Even these, however, may be very briefly given, since you have already been made acquainted in our late conversations with all their bearings and details.
These explanations go to show, that, while every motive of justice con-
spires to produce a disposition to recall the orders of which my government complains, it is become apparent that even their professed object will be best attained by their revocation.
I had the honor to state to you, sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of Congress, entitled "An act to authorize the President of the United States, under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several supplementary acts thereto," by suspending the embargo law and its supplements, as regards Great Britain.
I am authorized to give you this assurance in the most formal manner; and I trust, that upon impartial enquiry it will be found to leave no inducement to perseverance in the British orders, while it creates the most powerful inducements of equity and policy to abandon them.
On the score of justice it does not seem possible to mistake the footing upon which this overture places the subject; and I venture to believe that in any other view there is as little room for doubt.
If, as I propose, your orders should be rescinded as to the United States, and our embargo rescinded as to Great Britain, the effect of these concurrent acts will be that the commercial intercourse of the two countries will be immediately resumed; while, if France should adhere to maxims and conduct derogatory to the neutral rights of the United States, the embargo, continuing as to her, will take the place of your orders, and lead with an efficacy, not merely equal to theirs, but probably much greater, to all the consequences that ought to result from them.
On the other hand, if France should concur in respecting those rights, and commerce should thus regain its fair immunities and the law of nations its just dominion, all the alleged purposes of the British orders will have been at once fulfilled.
If I forbear to pursue these ideas through all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because the personal conferences to which I have before alluded, as well as the obvious nature of the ideas themselves, render it unnecessary.
I cannot conclude this note without expressing my sincere wish that what I have now suggested, in conformity with the liberal sentiments and enlightened views of the President, may contribute not only to remove the more immediate obstacles to the ordinary intercourse of trade between your country and mine, in a manner consistent with the honor of both, but to prepare the way for a satisfactory adjustment of every question important to their future friendship.
I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, Your most obed't humble servt. (Signed) Wm. PINKNEY.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated 24 September, 1808, London.
"I am now enabled to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Canning's answer, received only last night, to my note of the 23d of August. "I regret extremely that the views which I have been instructed to lay before this government have not been met by it as I had at first been led to expect. The overture cannot fail, however, to place in a strong light the just and liberal sentiments by which our governments is animated, and in other respects to be useful and honorable to our country."
From Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney, FOREIGN OFFICE, September 23d, 1808.
The undersigned his majesty's principal Secretary of State for foreign affairs, had the honor to receive the official letter addressed to him by Mr. Pinkney, minister plenipotentiary of the United States, respecting the orders in council issued by his majesty on the 7th of January and 11th November, 1807.
He has laid that letter before the King, and is commanded to assure
Mr. Pinkney that the answer to the proposal which Mr. Pinkney was instructed to bring forward, has been deferred only in the hope that the renewed application which was understood to have been recently made by the government of the U. States to that of France, might, in the new state of things which has arisen in Europe, have met with such a reception in France, as would have rendered the compliance of his majesty with that proposal consistent as much with his majesty's own dignity and with the interests of his people, as it would have been with his majesty's disposition towards the United States. Unhappily there is now no longer any reason to believe that such a hope is likely to be realized; and the undersigned is therefore commanded to communicate to Mr. Pinkney the decision which, under the circumstances as they stand, his majesty feels himself compelled, however unwillingly, to adopt.
The mitigated measure of retaliation announced by his majesty in the orders in council of the 7th January, and the further extension of that measure (an extension in operation but not in principle) by the orders in council of November, were founded (as has been already repeatedly avowed by his majesty) on the "unquestionable right of his majesty to resort upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice" and upon the consideration that "if third parties incidentally suffered by these retaliatory measures, they were to seek their redress from the power by whose original aggression that retaliation was occasioned."
His majesty sees nothing in the embargo laid on by the President of the United States of America, which varies this original and simple state of the question.
If considered as a measure of impartial hostility against both belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong. And his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expence of a concession made not to America but to France.
If, as it has more generally been represented by the government of the U. States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent municipal regulation which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern, viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation, between the repeal by the U. States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by his majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies.
The government of the U. States is not now to be informed that the Berlin decree of Nov. 21, 1806, was the practical commencement of an attempt not merely to check or impair the prosperity of Great Britain, but utterly to annihilate her political existence, thro' the ruin of her commercial prosperity; that in this attempt almost all the powers of the European continent have been compelled more or less to co-operate; and that the American embargo, though most assuredly not intended to that end (for America can have no real interest in the subversion of the British power, and her rulers are too enlightened to act from any impulse against the real interests of their country) but by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, without any hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of "the blockade of the European continent" precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success.
To this universal combination, his majesty has opposed a temperate but a determined retaliation upon the enemy; trusting that a firm resistance would defeat this project, but knowing that the smallest concession would infallibly encourage a perseverance in it.
The struggle has been viewed by other powers not without an apprehension that it might be fatal to this country. The British government has not disguised from itself that the trial of
such an experiment might be arduous and long; though it has never doubted of the final issue. But if that issue, such as the British government confidently anticipated, has providentially arrived much sooner than could have been hoped; if "the blockade of the continent," as it has been triumphantly styled by the enemy, is raised even before it had been well established; and if that system, of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, is broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible; it is nevertheless important in the highest degree to the reputation of this country (a reputation which constitutes great part of her power) that this disappointment of the hopes of her enemies should not have been purchased by any concession; that not a doubt should remain to distant times of her determination and of her ability to have continued her resistance; and that no step which could even mistakenly be construed into concession should be taken on her part, while the smallest link of the confederacy remains undisolved; or while it can be a question whether the plan devised for her destruction has or has not either completely failed or been unequivocally abandoned.
These considerations compel his majesty to adhere to the principles on which the orders in council of the 7th January and the 11th November are founded, so long as France adheres to that system by which his majesty's retaliatory measures were occasioned and justified.
It is not improbable, indeed, that some alterations may be made in the orders in council, as they are at present framed; alterations calculated not to abate their spirit or impair their principle, but to adapt them more exactly to the different state of things which has fortunately grown up in Europe; and to combine all practicable relief to neutrals, with a more severe pressure upon the enemy.
But of alterations to be made with this view only, it would be unadvised to take any advantage in the present discussion: however it might be hoped, that in their practical effect, they might prove beneficial to America, provided the operation of the embargo were not to prevent her from reaping that benefit.
It remains for the undersigned, to take notice of the last paragraph of Mr. Pinkney's letter. There cannot exist on the part of Mr. Pinkney, a stronger wish than there does on that of the undersigned, and of the British government, for the adjustment of all the differences subsisting between the two countries.
His majesty has no other disposition than to cultivate the most friendly intercourse with the United States.
The undersigned is persuaded, that Mr. Pinkney would be one of the last to imagine, what is often idly asserted, that the depression of any other country is necessary, or serviceable to the prosperity of this. The prosperity of America is essentially the prosperity of Great Britain, and the strength and power of Great Britain are not for herself only, but for the world. When those adjustments shall take place, to which, though unfortunately not practicable at this moment, nor under the conditions prescribed by Mr. Pinkney, the undersigned, nevertheless, confidently looks forward; it will perhaps be no insecure pledge, for the continuance of the good understanding between the two countries, that they will have learnt duly to appreciate each other's friendship; and that it will not her after be imputed to Great Britain, either on the one hand that she envies American industry as prejudicial to British commerce, or, on the other hand, that she is compelled to court an intercourse with America, as absolutely necessary to her own existence.
His majesty would not hesitate to contribute, in any manner in his power, to restore to the commerce of the United States, its wonted activity; and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people.
The undersigned is commanded, in conclusion, to observe, that nothing is said in Mr. Pinkney's letter, of any intention to repeal the proclamation by which the ships of Great Britain are interdicted from all those
rights of hospitality in the ports of the United States, which are freely allowed to the ships of his majesty's enemies.
The continuance of an interdiction which, under such circumstances, amounts so nearly to direct hostility, after the willingness professed, and the attempt made by his majesty, to remove the cause on which that measure had been originally founded, would afford but an inauspicious omen for the commencement of a system of mutual conciliation; and the omission of any notice of that measure in the proposal which Mr. Pinkney has been instructed to bring forward, would have been of itself a material defect in the overture of the President.
But the undersigned is commanded no further to dwell upon this subject than for the purpose of assuring Mr. Pinkney, that on this and every other point in discussion between the two governments, his majesty earnestly desires the restoration of a perfect good understanding, and that his majesty would decline no measure for the attainment of that object, which should be compatible with his own honor and just rights, and with the interests of his people.
The undersigned requests Mr. Pinkney will accept the assurances of his high consideration.
(Signed.) GEORGE CANNING.
From the Secretary of State to Mr. Erskine, Department of State, March 25, 1808.
SIR—Having laid before the President your letter of the 23d of February, explaining the character of certain British orders of council issued in November last, I proceed to communicate the observations and representations which will manifest to your government the sentiments of the President on so deep a violation of the commerce and rights of the United States.
These orders interdict to neutral nations or rather to the United States now the only commercial nation in a state of neutrality, all commerce with the enemies of G. Britain, now nearly the whole commercial world, with certain exceptions only, and under certain regulations, but too evidently fashioned to the commercial, the manufacturing and the fiscal policy of Great Britain; and on that account, the more derogatory from the honor and independence of neutral nations.
The orders are the more calculated to excite surprise in the U. States as they have disregarded the remonstrances conveyed in my letters of the 20th and 29th March, 1807, against another order of council issued on a similar plea, in the month of January, 1807. To those just remonstrances, no answer was indeed ever given; whilst the order has been continued in its pernicious operation against the lawful commerce of the U. States, and we now find added to it others, instituting still more ruinous depredations, without even the addition of any new pretext: and when moreover it is notorious, that the order of January was of a nature greatly to overbalance in its effects any injuries to Great Britain that could be apprehended from the illegal operation of the French decree on which the order was to retaliate, had that decree in its illegal operation been actually applied to the U. States, and been acquiesced in by them.
The last orders, like that of January, proceed on the most unsubstantial foundation. They assume for fact an acquaintance of the United States in an unlawful application to them of the French decree: and they assume for a principle that the right of retaliation accruing to one belligerent against a neutral, through whom an injury is done by another belligerent, is not to have for its measure that of the injury received, but may be exercised in any extent, and under any modifications, which may suit the pleasure or the policy of the complaining party.
The fact, sir, is unequivocally disowned. It is not true that the United States have acquiesced in an illegal operation of the French decree: nor is it even true that at the date of the British orders of Nov. 11, a single application of that decree to the commerce of the United States on the high seas can be presumed to have been known to the British government. The French decree in question has

DIED—Yesterday Doctor JOHN WREEMS of George-Town. His friends are requested to attend his funeral at 3 P. M.
President's Message.—We have forborne, for a short time past, pressing upon our readers any allegations or suggestions relative to the state of our foreign relations. Sufficient light having been previously shed upon them to frustrate extensive misconception, we considered it perfectly harmless to suffer the idle misrepresentations of faction to pass unresisted, satisfied that a day of reckoning could not fail to arrive, whenever the Executive laid before Congress a full statement of its measures and the dispositions of foreign powers.
It has been the singular good fortune of the annual message of the President ever since the accession of the present Chief Magistrate, to every way and confound a thousand groundless calumnies, which have regularly during the recess of the Legislature, been propagated with indefatigable industry. But on no antecedent occasion had the hardness of falsehood raised its front with more arrogant hopes. Notwithstanding the repeated declaration, on the part of the friends of the administration, that it had manifested "an exact and equal justice" to both of the belligerent nations, it has been unblushingly asserted and persisted in, in most of the federal prints, that the measures taken by our government were as hostile to England, as they were partial to France. It seemed as if its adversaries, sensible that the government would not itself come forward with a denial of such a charge, expected that their assertions would from their frequency and violence be extensively credited. But the day of deception is past. The message has given it its death warrant; has ere this determined many a wavering friend, if not converted many a foe; and convinced the nation that every honorable effort has been made to preserve our peace with England as well as France.
So far from the power given by Congress to the Executive to suspend the Embargo having been used as an instrument of hostility to England, it appears that our government has made stronger offers to her than to her enemy. Viewing our commerce as principally endangered by the outrages of Britain, from her ascendancy on the ocean, and considering the suspending power as vested with a view to its exercise in case of such a change in the measures of the belligerents as would rescue it from this danger, the President, it appears, actually made a more unconditional offer to suspend the Embargo to England than to France. He offered, in fact, to do every thing which she had a right to expect, even on her own professions and principles. But the government of that nation, as though resolved ab initio on refusing every measure that should tend to restore the commerce of the United States, have rejected the proposition. And to aggravate, if possible, their outrage upon our rights and invasion of our interests, the affair of the Chesapeake, that entering wedge of the whole transaction, is permitted to remain unatoned, nay is placed on a footing, which, if persisted in, must eternally bar the door of adjustment. Topics not only irrelevant in themselves are introduced into the discussion, but concessions required which it would be disgraceful for us to make.
The hostile temper of France towards our commerce appears to remain unshaken. With whatever nicety, therefore, we may originally have weighed the degrees of injury inflicted upon us by those two powers, or the considerations which dictated them, now the outrages of both are persisted in, we are called upon impartially to view each as guilty of the same violation of our rights; and, if we do not here extend our remarks, in detail, equally to France as to England, it is not from less indignation felt for the one than the other; but from our unacquaintance, until an examination of the documents, with the precise situation in which our affairs with France stand.
What then remains for us, in this disordered state of the world, when justice and reason are exiled from Europe, but to think, to feel, and to act like Americans; to dismiss all partial feelings, and to know no difference between Frenchmen and Englishmen, while they attempt to scourge us with all the evils in their power to inflict. While the wisdom of our rulers is engaged in unavailing efforts to maintain peace, let the nation be ready to defend itself with an energy that shall convince foreign injustice of our power.
A solicitude to give the documents, referred to in the Message, as early as possible, prevents our dilating on this part of it, or of noticing its other interesting features. This shall be done hereafter. In the mean time we cannot refrain from particularly inviting the attention of our readers to the
two distinct aspects, one clearly importing an intended operation within the territorial limits as a local law, the other apparently importing an intended operation on the high seas.
Under the first aspect, the decree, however otherwise objectionable, cannot be said to have violated the neutrality of the U. States. If the governing powers on the continent of Europe choose to exclude from their ports British property or British productions, or neutral vessels proceeding from British ports, it is an act of sovereignty which the United States have no right to controvert. The same sovereignty is exercised by G. Britain at all times, in peace as well as in war, towards her friends as well as her enemies. Her statute book presents a thousand illustrations.
It is only, therefore, under the other aspect of the decree, that it can have violated neutral rights; and this would have resulted from its execution on the high seas, whether on the pretext of a nominal blockade, or with a view to enforce a domestic regulation against foreign vessels, not within the domestic precincts, but under the authority and protection of the law of nations.
Had then the French decree been executed on the high seas against the commerce of the United States with Great Britain, and have the United States acquiesced in the unlawful and injurious proceeding?
I state, sir, on undeniable authority that the first instance in which that decree was put in force against the neutral rights of the United States, was that of the Horizon, an American ship bound from Great Britain to Lima, wrecked within the territorial jurisdiction of France, but condemned under an exposition of the decree extending to the high seas its operation against neutrals. This judicial decision took place as late as the 15th day of October, 1807, and was not officially known to the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, till some time in November. At the date therefore of the first order of Great Britain, no injury whatever had been done to her, through an aggression on the commerce of the U. States. No presumption even had been sufficiently authorized that the express stipulation in the treaty of France with the U. States would not exempt their commerce at least from the operation of any edict incompatible with them. At the date even of the latter orders of Nov. 11, it appears that the only aggression which had then occurred, was pretty certainly unknown to the British government, & could therefore have had no share in producing this alleged retaliation.
To this fact that the ship Horizon was the first that occurred of an execution of the French decree, on the high seas, I am able to add that as late as the 30th of November, no other case had been brought into the French court of prizes. From accounts which have lately appeared, it is more than probable that unlawful captures by French cruisers have since taken place, but it remains to be known whether they are to be referred to the concurrence of the French government in the judgement pronounced in the case of the Horizon, or not rather to a French decree of the 17th December last professing to be a retaliation on the British orders of Nov. 11.
I state with equal confidence, that at no time have the U. S. acquiesced in violations of their neutral rights injurious to G. Britain, or any other belligerent nation. So far were they, in particular, from acquiescing in the French decree of November 1806, that the moment it was known to their minister at Paris, he called for explanations of its meaning in relation to the U. S. which were favorable, and uncontradicted by the actual operation of the decree; that he steadily watched over the proceedings under it, with a readiness to interpose against any unlawful extension of them to the commerce of the U. S. that no time was lost, after the decree came to the knowledge of the government here, in giving him proper instructions on the subject; that he was equally prompt, on receiving the decision of the court in the case of the Horizon, in presenting to the French government a remonstrance in terms which can never be censored for a defect of energy; & that by the first opportunity after that decision reached the president the particular instructions required by it were forwarded to that minister. Nor is it to be forgotten that previous to the British orders of November, it had been explicitly communicated to the British government by the American minister at London, that explanations uncontradicted by any overt act had been given to our minister at Paris, which justifies a reliance that the French decree would not be put in force against the U. S. and that the communication was repeated to the British government immediately on the publication of those orders.
What more could have been required on the part of the U. S. to obviate retaliating pretensions of any sort on the part of G. Britain? Retaliations are measures of rigor in all cases. Where they are to operate through a
third and involuntary party, they will never be hastily resorted to by a magnanimous or a just power; which will always allow to the third party its right to discuss the merits of the case, and will never permit itself to enforce its measures, without affording a reasonable time for the use of reasonable means for substituting another remedy. What would be the situation of neutral powers, if the first blow levelled through them by one belligerent against another, was to leave them no choice but between the retaliating vengeance of the latter and an instant declaration of war against the former? Reason revolts against this as the sole alternative. The U. S. could no more be bound to evade the British orders by an immediate war with France, than they were bound to atone for the burning of the French ship of war on the shore of North Carolina, by an immediate resort to arms against G. Britain.
With respect to the principle assumed by the British orders, it is perfectly clear that it could not justify them in the extent given to their operation, if the facts, erroneously assumed, could have been fully sustained.
Retaliation is a specific or equivalent return of injury for injury received; and where it is to operate through the interests of a third party having no voluntary participation in the injury received, the return ought, as already observed, to be inflicted with the most forbearing hand.
This is the language of common sense and the clearest equity. As the right to retaliate results merely from the wrong suffered, it cannot in the nature of things extend beyond the extent of the suffering. There may often be a difficulty in applying this rule with exactness, and a reasonable latitude may be allowable on that consideration. But a manifest and extravagant departure from the rule can find no apology.
What then is the extent of the injury experienced by G. Britain from the measures of her enemies so far as the operation of those measures through the U. S. can render them in any sense responsible?
A mere declaration by a belligerent, without the intention or the means to carry it into effect, against the rights and obligations of a neutral nation, and thence against the interests of another belligerent, could afford no pretext to the latter to retaliate at the expense of the neutral. The declaration might give just offence to the neutral, but it would belong to him alone to decide on the course prescribed by the respect he owed to himself. No real damage having accrued to the belligerent, no indemnity could accrue.
For the same reason, a declaration of a belligerent which he is known to be either not in a situation, or not to intend, to carry but partially into execution against a neutral, to the injury of another belligerent, could never give more than a right to a commensurate redress against the neutral. All remaining unexecuted and evidently not to be executed, is merely ostensible, working no injury to any, unless it be in the disrespect to the neutral, to whom alone it belongs to resent or disregard it.
Bring the case before us to this plain and equitable test. The French decree of November, 1806, undertook to declare the British isles in a state of blockade, to be enforced if not pleased against the neutral commerce of the United States on the high seas, according to the faculty possessed for the purpose. As far as it was actually enforced, or an effect resulted from an apprehension that it could and would be enforced, it was an injury to Great Britain, for which let it be supposed the United States were answerable. On the other hand, as far as it was not enforced, and evidently either would not or could not be enforced, no injury was experienced by Great Britain, and no remedy could lie against the United States.
Now, sir, it never was pretended that at the date of the first British order issued in January, 1807, any injury had accrued to, or was apprehended by Great Britain from an execution of the French decree against the commerce of the United States, on the theatre of their neutral rights. So far from it, that the order stands self-condemned as a measure of retaliation, by expressly stating that the fleets of France and her allies, instead of being able to enforce the blockade of the British isles, were themselves confined to their own ports by the entire superiority of the British navy: converting thus, by the strangest of reasonings, the security of Great Britain against injury from the French decree, into a title to commit injury on a neutral party. In the November orders also, whilst it is admitted that the French decree could not be but imperfectly executed for want of means, it is asserted that the intention of the French decree, and not the injury accruing from its operation through the commerce of the United States, is the scale by which the retaliating injury against them is to be measured.
Such are the pretexes and such the principles on which one great branch of the lawful commerce of this coun-
try became a victim to the first British order, and on which the last orders are now sweeping from the ocean all its most valuable remains.
Against such an unprecedented system of warfare on neutral rights and national independence, the common judgment and common feelings of mankind must forever protest.
I touch, sir, with reluctance the question on which of the belligerent sides the invasion of neutral rights had its origin. As the U. S. do not acquiesce in these invasions by either, there could be no plea for involving them in the controversy. But as the British orders have made the decree of France, declaring, contrary to the law of nations, the British islands in a state of blockade, the immediate foundation of their destructive warfare on our commerce, it belongs to the subject to remind your government of the illegal interruptions and spoliations suffered, previous to that decree, by the neutral commerce of the U. States under the proceedings of British cruisers and courts, and for the most part in consequence of express orders of the government itself. Omitting proofs of inferior note, I refer to the extensive aggressions on the trade of the U. States, founded on the plea of blockades, never legally established according to recognized definitions; to the still more extensive violations of our commerce with ports of her enemies, not pretended to be in a state of blockade; and to the British order of council issued near the commencement of the existing war. This order, besides its general interpolation against the established law of nations, is distinguished by a special ingredient violating that law as recognised by the course of decisions in the British courts. It subjects to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels, returning with lawful cargoes, on the sole consideration, that they had in their outward voyage, deposited contraband of war at a hostile port. If the commerce of the U. States could therefore in any case be reasonably made the victim and the sport of mutual charges and reproaches between belligerent parties, with respect to the priority of their aggressions on neutral commerce, Great Britain must look beyond the epoch she has chosen for illegal acts of her adversary, in support of the allegation on which she founds her retaliating edicts against our commerce.
But the U. States are given to understand that the British government has, as a proof of its indulgent and amicable disposition towards them, mitigated the authorised rigor it might have given to its measures, by certain exceptions peculiarly favorable to the commercial interests of the U. States.
I forbear, sir, to express all the emotions with which such a language, on such an occasion, is calculated to inspire a nation which cannot for a moment be unconscious of its rights, nor mistake for an alleviation of wrongs regulations to admit the validity of which would be to assume badges of humiliation never worn by an independent power.
The first of these indulgencies is a commercial intercourse with the dependencies of the enemies of G. Britain, and it is considered as enhanced by its being a deviation in favor of the U. States from the ancient and established principle of maritime law prohibiting altogether such an intercourse in time of war.
Surely, sir, your government in assuming this principle in such terms in relation to the U. S. must have forgotten their repeated and formal protests against it, as these are to be found in the discussions and communications of their minister at London, as well as in explanations occasionally made on that subject to the British representative here. But permit me to ask, more particularly, how it could have happened that the principle is characterised as an ancient and established one. I put the question the more freely, because it has never been denied that the principles, as asserted by your government, was for the first time introduced during the war of 1756. It is in fact invariably cited and described in all judicial and other official transactions "as the rule of 1756." It can have no pretension therefore to the title of an ancient rule.
And instead of being an established rule or principle, it is well known that G. Britain is the only nation that has acted upon, or otherwise given a sanction to it. Nay, it is not even an established principle in the practice of G. Britain herself. When first applied in the war of 1756, the legality of a neutral trade with enemy's colonies was not contested by it. In certain cases only of the colonial trade, the allegation was, that the presumptive evidence arising from circumstances against the bona fide neutrality of the ownership justified the condemnation as of enemy's property. If the rule of condemnation was afterwards, during that war, converted into the principle now asserted, it could not possibly have been in operation in its new shape, more than a very few years. During the succeeding war of 1778, it is admitted by every British authority that the principle was never brought into operation. It may be regarded, in fact, as having
been silently abandoned; and within the period of war since its commencement in 1793, the manner in which the principle has been alternately contracted and extended, explained sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, rested now on this foundation, now on that, is no secret to those who have attended to its history and progress in the British orders of council and the British courts of admiralty.
With the exception, therefore, of a period, the last in modern times from which authentic precedents of maritime law will be drawn, and throughout which the U. States more interested in the question than any other nation, have uniformly combated the innovation, the principle has not in the British tribunals been in operation for a longer term than three, four or five years, whilst in no others has it ever made its appearance but to receive a decision protesting against it.
Such is the antiquity and such the authority of a principle, the deviations from which are held out as so many favors consoling the U. States for the wide spread destruction of their legitimate commerce.
What must be said as to the other exceptions, which seem to have been viewed as claims on the gratitude of the U. S.? Is it an indulgence to them in carrying on their trade with the whole continent of Europe, to be laid under the necessity of going first to a British port, to accept a British licence and to pay a tribute to the British Exchequer, as if we had been reduced to the colonial situation which once imposed these monopolizing restraints?
What again must be said as to other features which we see blended on the face of these regulations? If the policy of them be to subject an enemy to privations, why are channels opened for a British trade with them which are shut to a neutral trade? If in other cases, the real object be to admit a neutral trade with the enemy, why is it required that neutral vessels shall perform the ceremony of passing through a British port, when it can have no imaginable effect but the known and inevitable one of prohibiting the admission of the trade into the port of destination?
I will not ask why a primary article of our productions and exports, cotton wool, is to be distinguished, in its transit, by a heavy impost not imposed on other articles, because it is frankly avowed, in your explanation of the orders, to be intended as an encouragement to British manufactures, and a check to the rival ones of France? I suppress also, though without the same reason for it, the enquiry, why less rigorous restrictions are applied to the trade of the Barbary powers than are enforced against that of a nation, such as the U. S. and in relations such as have existed between them and G. Britain?
I cannot however pass without notice the very unwarrantable innovation contained in the two last of the orders. In one of them, a certificate of the local origin of a cargo, altho' permitted in the port of departure and required in the port of destination, by regulations purely domestic in both, and strictly analogous in principle to the regulations in the commercial code of G. Britain, is made a cause of capture on the high seas, and of condemnation in her maritime courts. In the other order, the sale of a merchant ship by a belligerent owner to a neutral, although a transaction as legal when fair, as a dealing in any other article, is condemned by a general rule, without an atom of proof or of presumption, that the transfer in the particular case is fraudulent and the property therefore left in an enemy.
In fine, sir, the President sees in the edicts communicated by you facts assumed which did not exist, principles asserted which never can be admitted; and, under the name of retaliation, measures transcending the limits reconcilable with the facts and the principles, as if both were as correct as they are unfounded. He sees moreover in the modifications of this system, regulations violating equally our neutral rights and our national sovereignty. He persuades himself therefore that your government will see in the justice of the observations now made in addition to those I had the honor verbally to state to you in the first instance, that the U. S. are well warranted in looking for a speedy revocation of a system which is every day augmenting the mass of injury for which the U. S. have the best of claims to redress.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c. JAMES MADISON. The hon. David M. Erskine, Esq. W. W. W.
NOTICE. THIS is to give notice that the subscriber of Washington city, hath obtained from the Orphan's Court of Washington county in the district of Columbia, Letters of Administration on the Personal Estate of John Lenthall late of said city, deceased. All persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 25th day of April next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 17th day of October in the year 1808. JANE LENTHALL, Adm're. October 21—w4t

sober and affectionate terms in which the President takes leave of Congress. Few men, that have been placed in elevated stations, can look back with purer feelings on a long scene of active and arduous service; and if the benefits which he has conferred on his country have not equalled his intentions, he will yet carry with him into retirement the consolation of having effected all the good that a comprehensive and illuminated mind, animated by the brightest virtues, could achieve. If he has not done all he wished, he has perhaps done more than his most sanguine friends expected; and, when the rivalries of the moment, and the passions they engender, shall have passed away, the lasting foundations on which he has placed the prosperity of his country will extort an universal approbation.
With us, who in all times have considered the advancement of domestic manufactures one of the greatest sources of national prosperity, and guarantees of national independence, it is in the highest degree interesting to notice the handsome and respectable appearance of a large number of the members of Congress in full suits of Home-spun . In most instances the cloth is a mixture of wool and cotton and in some cases equals in appearance foreign fabrics.
There are too many proofs any longer to entertain a doubt, but that, should the embargo be much longer continued, England will most severely suffer from a want of several most essential supplies. The whole quantity of cotton on hand, when the last accounts reached us, did not exceed an ordinary consumption of two months; and it was then likewise unequivocally ascertained that her harvest, particularly that of grain, would be unusually scanty. Preceding the 20th of September there had not been during 30 days one in which it did not rain. The effect of this had been a total destruction of crops in some districts, and generally a very considerable reduction of the harvest calculated upon.
Information from every quarter attests the union and triumph of the republicans. In Virginia the Electoral Election took place on Monday last. In every county from which we have heard, the Madison ticket commands an ascendant majority. Even in Richmond, a strong hold of federalism and the place of Mr. Monroe's residence, the Madison majority is considerable. The following are the returns we have received:
 In Richmond.  For Madison Ticket 110  Monroe do. 70  Henrico County.  Madison 238  Monroe 29  Spotsylvania County.  Madison 220  Monroe 41  Richfax County.  Madison 136  Federal 54  Monroe 3  Stafford. Madison 180—Monroe 20. Chesterfield. Madison 324—Monroe 21—Federal 2.  In Prince William only 3 votes for the Monroe ticket.  In Prince George there were only FIVE Monroes, and in Dinwiddie, not more than 20 or 30. Pet. Intel. 
In New Jersey , the Electoral and Congressional Elections were held on the 1st and 2d of November. From the information we have received, we entertain no doubt of the success of the republican ticket, both for Electors and Representatives in Congress.
In Essex , the republican majority is 2633, which considerably exceeds that recently given for assemblymen. In Morris , the republican majority is about 2,000, which exceeds that for members of assembly about 700.
The American Citizen of the 8th inst. says that the following gentlemen have been chosen electors of President and Vice-President by the Legislature of New-York:—
Messrs. Spencer, (Judge) Huntingdon, Talmadge, Yates, Shawlhand, Bird, Brainerd, Carpenter, Symonds, Jameson, Moore, Pettit, Rouse, Lawrence, Vrooman, Garretson, White, W. Rutgers, Seaman.
This information, we believe, to be incorrect, as no such choice had been made at the latest advices from Albany. The facts probably are, that such a nomination had been made at a republican caucus of the members, at which it was agreed that the members of each Congressional district should nominate an elector, and that the whole electors thus named should be supported generally by the republicans. These will, therefore, probably be the electors, two thirds of whom are said to be friendly to the election of Mr. Madison. Some letters say that the vote will be unanimous for him.
Pennsylvania. In Lancaster County , no opposition was given to the republican ticket.
In Lorris-Town , 409 votes for the republican ticket.
In Boston , 501 for the republican and 206 for the federal.
State of Ohio. In the Town of Marietta , the republican ticket of Electors had 130 and the federal 89 votes. Mr. Huntington is elected Governor of Ohio.
Mr. Winder , of Sometset, (a federalist) has been chosen Speaker of the House of Delegates of Maryland; & Mr. Brewer (a republican) has been re-elected clerk.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
On Tuesday and Wednesday no business of importance.
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 10. Mr. Giles offered the following resolution:
Resolved , That so much of the President's message as relates to the several embargo laws, be referred to a select committee, with instructions to examine and report, whether any further measures are now necessary to enforce a due observance thereof during their continuance; and also whether any further modification thereof be expedient at this time, and that such committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
On making this motion, Mr. Giles observed, that as the resolution he had the honor of moving respecting the embargo laws, was intended only as an enquiry into that subject, which was deemed important by all, and if to be further acted upon, requiring immediate attention; and as it did not commit the Senate upon any point in relation to those laws, he hoped that the committee might be now appointed.
Mr. Goodrich requested that the motion might not be acted upon until to-morrow, to which Mr. Giles agreed.
Mr. Smith , of Md. submitted the following motion for consideration:
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to the militia laws of the United States.
The Senate have appointed Rev. Mr. Elliott Chaplain.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 8.
Mr. Sam. Shaw , elected from the state of Vermont, in the place of Mr. Witherall , resigned, appeared & took his seat.
On motion of Mr. Dawson , it was Resolved, That the several standing committees of the House should be now appointed.
The following gentlemen were then named by the Speaker on the committees respectively:
Ways and Means. Messrs. G. W. Campbell, W. Alston, Eppes, Smilie, Talmadge, Fisk, and J. Montgomery.
Commerce & Manufactures. Messrs. Newton, M'Creery, Cutts, Dana, Marion, Mumford, and Porter.
Claims. Messrs. Holmes, Pitken, Seaver, Johnson, Humphreys, Brown, and Butler.
Public Lands. Messrs. Jeremiah Morrow, Goodwyn, Russell, Boyd, Ely, Bibb, and Howard.
District of Columbia. Messrs. Lewis, Van Horn, Souillard, Blackledge, Rea (P.) L. J. Alston, and Wharton.
Revisal and unfinished Business. Messrs. Clopton, Van Rensselaer, and Durell.
Accounts. Messrs. N. R. Moore, Stedman, & Milnor.
The Speaker laid before the House a memorial from the Legislature of the Mississippi Territory, praying an extension of the time of payment for public lands, &c. Referred, on motion of Mr. Poindexter , to the committee of Public Lands.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 9.
Immediately on meeting the House proceeded in the reading of the documents accompanying the President's message; which being concluded,
On motion of Mr. Dawson , they were referred, together with the message, to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, and ordered to be printed.
On the question as to the number to be printed, it was moved by Mr. Fisk , and seconded by Mr. Dana , that ten thousand copies be printed. Negatived by a considerable majority.
Five thousand copies were then ordered to be printed.
The House was then cleared and the doors closed for the purpose of reading the confidential part of the President's message.
After the doors were opened, a resolution yesterday laid on the table by Mr. Rhea (T.) for appointing a committee of Post Offices and Post Roads, to consist of one member from each state, was taken up and agreed to.
The following gentlemen compose the committee: Messrs. Rhea (T.) Green, Chittenden, Davenport, Stanford, Calhoun, Troup, Desha, Whitehill, Newbold, Verplanck, Pugh, Storer, Jer. Morrow, Goldsborough, A. Wilson, & Wilbour.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, NOV. 9.
EMBARGO. Immediately on the meeting of the House—
Mr. CHITTENDEN said he rose with considerable diffidence to offer to the House a resolution on the subject of the embargo. Having witnessed the feelings heretofore excited by a similar proposition at the last session, he said he would assure gentlemen that he had no object in view but to bring the subject before the House, and excite a fair and liberal discussion. He had hoped that the situation of our affairs would ere this have authorised the removal of the embargo. Disappointed in this, he felt it a duty which he owed to his constituents and to the nation, to endeavor to elicit an expression of the opinion of the House, to prevent ruinous speculations, and to relieve the nation from suspense. The measure had now been in operation 10 or 11 months, and he had not perceived the good effects resulting from it. The importance of this subject, its interesting nature to his constituents, who in addition to the common sufferings, had the extreme mortification of being represented as in a state of insurrection, must be an apology for his coming forward at this early period on the subject of the embargo. He then offered the following resolution:
Resolved , That the act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto," ought to be immediately repealed.
On the question whether the House will agree to consider the resolution, it was decided by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 83—Nays 9.
Mr. Chittenden then moved, that it be referred to the committee of the whole House on the state of the union, to whom was referred the President's message.
Mr. Macon had no objection to a fair discussion. If the laws were wrong and productive of no beneficial effect, they ought to be repealed. He suggested to the gentleman, however, the propriety of moving a reference to a committee of the whole, other than that on the state of the union.
Mr. Chittenden so modified his motion, and it was agreed to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole.
On the question for what day it should be the order, Mr. Chittenden moved to-morrow.
Mr. Smilie said, he had no objection to meet this question, but not at so early a period. From the general state of our foreign relations, he thought the resolution was ill-timed. What could the gentleman mean by bringing this distinct question now before the House? Does he mean, said Mr. S. that we must repeal the whole of the embargo system, and substitute nothing in the room of it? Certainly, if his intention may be judged by the manner in which the subject is brought forward, he means this. If he does, I wish him to come forward and tell us so; tell us that he and his constituents are willing to pay tribute and submit; that they will surrender the independence of their country. To consider this motion now, unless a substitute for the embargo were proposed, Mr. S. said, he could not agree. He therefore moved that it be made the order of the day for Monday week. In the mean time he took it for granted that the President's message would become the subject of consideration, and the House would be prepared to say what course it would pursue.
Mr. W. Alston objected to the mode in which the subject had been now introduced; and suggested that it would have been more respectful to the President first to have considered the message. But since the gentleman had thus brought forward the question of repealing the embargo law, he was ready to meet him on his own ground to-morrow. He trusted it would then be seen in what quarter and from whom the opposition to the execution of the measure had arisen, and the desire for its removal now proceeded.
Mr. Dana presumed the gentleman from Vermont was perfectly competent to show the motives of his actions and the object he had in view without the assistance of the gentleman from North Carolina. Really commencing the public business in this manner did not bode auspiciously to its progress. As a reason for now bringing this subject forward Mr. D. reminded gentlemen of a fact which in the fulness of their zeal they seemed wholly to have overlooked—that the season was fast approaching when the navigation of the northern portion of the union would be locked up. If the embargo was to be removed at all, it was of the utmost importance that it should be done promptly; that it should be decided within a fortnight from this time. And whether it should be removed or not, it was of importance to know the opinion of this body. Need gentlemen now be told that in almost all the ports of the union vessels were preparing for sea? That some had even bent their sails, many having taken cargoes on board? These now remained in a state of sus-
pence, and a state of suspense always gave birth to perpetual speculations. To put a stop to these speculations it was necessary that a decision of the question should be had. Now it should be decided at the present time Mr. D. said he did not undertake to say. The people should know, as soon as practicable consistently with the decorum of legislative deliberation, the decision of the House.
As to the question asked by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie ) as to paying tribute, and as to the gentleman who proposed the resolution being willing to pay tribute—if the gentleman wanted to know the spirit of Vermont, Mr. D. referred him to the history of the revolutionary war. Let the gentleman see if, for her numbers, any other state gave the enemy more bloody battles. Let him then suppose the gentleman from Vermont to differ from the mass of his fellow citizens whom he represents. Mr. D. censured these insinuations as indecorous in the extreme.
Mr. D. said the present motion led to a question of serious moment; and when they came to a decision of it he wished it to be done by comparing their opinions fairly, frankly and decisively if necessary; and that they might unite in taking the course which would best maintain the rights and preserve the honor of the nation. On the question of the raising of the embargo, it was necessary, however, that there should be an authoritative decision one way or other.
Mr. Elliott said it might for aught he knew be considered disrespectful to the President to urge the immediate agitation of this momentous question; but if it were so, a forbearance from so doing on that account would be a respect inconsistent with the independence of sentiment which elevates and warms the character of an independent representative of an independent people. He had read somewhere in the works of celebrated newspaper civilians of this country, that "oppugnation" or even disrespect were treasonable offences. He hoped no gentlemen here meant to advance the doctrine that disrespect partakes of the nature of treason.
Mr. E. then spoke of a resolution which he had intended to have offered, and which he described, as leading to an enquiry into the mode in which the embargo law had been executed.
Notwithstanding the insinuation of the gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Alston ) which no one could mistake, notwithstanding whole volumes of newspaper denunciation, Mr. Elliott said he trembled not for the not for the character of Vermont. The great body of the people of Vermont, though hostile, as he firmly believed, to the whole system of the embargo, had manifested a degree of patriotism that had not been exceeded by any; they had never failed, when called upon, to march to the frontiers and enforce those laws which they disapproved.
He thought it due to the character of the nation to investigate this subject, the constitutionality of the laws, the propriety of their continuance, the manner in which they had been carried into execution, and the manner in which they had been evaded. Whilst he did not wish to precipitate the discussion, much less the decision, yet he thought the day mentioned by the gentleman from Pennsylvania was too distant. The people had certainly looked forward to the meeting of Congress with considerable solicitude, as much excited by the embargo system as by the situation of our foreign affairs. The people of the United States, (said he) do not believe that they are called upon to decide between the embargo or war. We who originally opposed the embargo law, believing that it would be ruinous to the nation, are under no obligation to propose the substitute which is called for, and which we would have proposed, though it would not have been adopted, had not the embargo been put into operation. Mr. E. apologised for his warmth on this subject by alleging the sensibility he had felt at the allusion of the gentleman from North Carolina.
Mr. Alston explained that he had not said or meant, that it would be seen from "what quarter of the Union" opposition came.
Mr. Macon could see no advantage in postponing a decision of the question, being himself ready to meet it at any moment. The very proposition of the resolution would excite all the attention of the seaports and awaken all their anxiety. He thought it out of order now to discuss the merits of the question.
Mr. Troup said he felt himself bound at all times to treat with the greatest delicacy all motions & propositions of an ordinary nature. But there were times in which his feelings compelled him to depart from the ordinary rule. This was one. He had voted against the consideration of the resolution because he would reject with that indignity which it deserved, an abstract proposition at this time to remove the embargo; and because he thought a prompt rejection would mark to the foreign world the temper of the country. He suggested, since it was to be discussed, that the discussion should be postponed a while till time was given to digest the voluminous mass of documents laid before them. For in these documents were contained the best arguments in favor of the embargo.
Mr. Eppes was willing to vote in favor of the committee of the whole; but did not wish the delusion under which some portion of the people of the U. S. laboured should longer continue. He wished them to understand what course would be pursued. It, said he, it be the opinion of the Representatives of the Nation that the embargo should be taken off and no other measure substituted, the majority governs in a Republic, and I should with every good citizen submit to its decision; but I should ever feel for the eternal disgrace of that nation of which I should then feel it a misfortune to be a member. As it is my opinion that should the embargo be raised, other measures ought to be adopted, whether I meet with the support of
the house or not; I will at least evince to the people whose Representative I am, that I will not submit to British or French tyranny, but hand down to their prosperity unimpaired that liberty which their forefathers so nobly achieved.
Mr. E. then proposed the following resolutions, as an amendment to Mr. Chittenden's motion:
"Resolved, that from and after the day of next all intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, its islands & dependencies ought to cease and determine."
"Resolved, that from and after the day of next, all intercourse between the United States and France, its islands & dependencies, ought to cease and determine."
"Resolved, that provision ought to be made by law for arming and equipping for immediate service a thousand militia in addition to the force already authorised by law."
The Speaker informed Mr. Eppes that these could not be received while another question was pending; and Mr. Eppes withdrew them for the present.
Messrs. Blackledge, Clopton, & W. G. Campbell declared themselves positively opposed to the motion in its present abstract form. We have not room to detail their observations. They were however of the same tone as those of Messrs. Smilie, Troup, and Eppes .
Messrs. Cook and Cotts spoke in favor of an immediate consideration of the subject, from its importance to the mercantile interest.
The resolution was then made the order of the day for Monday next; a motion for postponement till Monday week having been negatived.
EXECUTION AND EVASIONS OF THE EMBARGO LAWS.
Mr. Elliott offered the following resolution:
Resolved , That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House of Representatives copies of all instructions which have been transmitted by him to the collectors of the revenue and other officers of the United States, in relation to the execution of the act laying an embargo upon all ships and vessels in the ports & harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams , the following amendment was added to the end of the resolution:
"Also as far as practicable, the names and places of residence of such persons as have been detected in violating the embargo laws."
After a short discussion, which shall be noticed in the next National Intelligencer , the resolution was ordered to lie on the table till to-morrow.
NON-INTERCOURSE RESOLUTIONS.
Mr. Eppes now moved the resolutions given above; which were referred to the committee to whom was referred Mr. Chittenden's resolution.
CHAPLAIN.
The house then proceeded to ballot for a Chaplain; and on the second ballot, Mr. Obadiah B. Brown , having a plurality of votes, was declared to be duly elected.
Some minor business having been done, the house adj. at 2 o'clock.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. S O N G. Respectfully inscribed to Capt. RICHARD O'BRIEN , and to the PATRIOTIC TARS of AMERICA , in general.
Over the regions of EUROPE , from SPAIN to the Pole ,
See the tempest of war drives amain; Through the mountains its thunders incessantly roll,
And its lightnings dart over the plain: Their cities and palaces fall, in the blaze, Which consumes the low village, and cot; And the Prince, and the peasant, with horror surveys;
His equal—and ruinous lot.
From the hills of COLUMBIA the tempest is seen,
While Ocean beats loud on its shores; Yet the sky, o'er our heads, is still calm and serene,
As louder and louder it roars. While the sunshine of LIBERTY gladdens our land,
And the day star of UNION our sky, Though the tempest its billows may roll to the strand,
Yet, our ROCK of SALVATION's on high.
Then, let us abandon old Ocean , awhile, Since a storm so destructive prevails. Neither prudence, nor skill, can its fury beguile,
Or encounter its blasts with their sails. TERRA FIRMA , and FREEDOM are blest, sings I ween,
Far above what are found on the waves; For with these PEACE and PLENTY , in union, are seen;
All on ocean are TYRANTS , or SLAVES .
RICHARD BECK. HAS just received from Philadelphia a Large and Handsome Assortment of Seasonable and Fashionable GOODS , among which are—
 Superfine cloths and cassimeres, Second do. do.  Mouselkin and silk waistcoating  Bennett's cord and Spanish marcella, do.  Constitution cords and velveteens  Coating, frizes and kerseys  Rose and striped blankets  Worsted, cotton and silk hosiery  Flannel and baizes  Navy blue cloths  Checks, calicoes and Chintzes  White and colored cambrics  Dimities, brown Holland and dowlasses  Bandana and y'adress handkerchiefs  Durants and cambricoes  Tapes and bobbins  Silk and cotton chambray  4-4th and 7-8th Irish linens  4-4th and 7-8th cotton shirting  London and other hats  Plain India mtl muslins  Seeded do. do.  Dragon and Trafalgar do.  Plain and figured lenoes  Linens cambrics  Namask, silk and serge shawls  Tabby velvets for pelices  Italian Mantua  Bombazets and bombazens  Elegant assortment dressed and cotton hures  Handsome assortment ribbons  Kid and silk gloves  Pocket silk mts and gloves  Diaper and diaper table cloths  Kid and Morocco shoes  A few bales India muslins reserving  Ticklenburg's and osnaburgs, &c.  All of which being brought on the beach terms will be said by the piece per yard very low for cash or approved notes. Georgetown, Nov. 11— W.

WHITE FLANNELS. A BALE of White Flannel, just received by the late General... from New York; and imported there in the ship Elizabeth... from London... for sale on reasonable terms, by HERTON & SON, Who have also for sale, Philadelphia and Washington Bottled PORTER, and shall have draught BEER, brewed this season in barrels and half barrels, for sale in a few days at their Brewery, Pennsylvania Avenue, November 8-3t
THE SUBSCRIBER has just received at his SHOP STONE near the Navy Yard, a fresh supply of Ladies & Gentlemen's SHOES, amongst which are Ladies' Kid, Morocco and Leather, &c. &c. which he offers for sale at a low rate. JOSEPH CASEIN. November 7-2w
SALE BY AUCTION. Will be sold at Public Sale on Wednesday the 16th inst. all those Buildings situated on Lot No. 1 in square No. 907 on the corner of South M. & O. & together with right of way, which is purchaseable at a low rate. It is a well known stand for business, being near the Navy Yard. It now brings upwards of $450 per year clear of ground rent. The terms of sale will be 1/4th cash, 1/4th at 60 days, and the balance at 6 and 9 months with interest and approved notes. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock on the premises. ISRAEL LITTLE, Auctioneer. November 7-4toz
SPRAY COW. STRAYED from the corner of the City of Washington, a Red Cow, with a white blaze on the forehead, and another on the shoulder, a long white tail, a silver bell on a red leather collar, a small slit in the right ear and a tumbler hole in the under jaw. Any person who has information where she is, shall receive two Dollars, or for bringing her to the house of the subscriber near the Water-Gate, Five Dollars. JANE LENTHALL. November 8-3t
WANTED —during the session—AN ACTIVE BOY, about 14 years of age. Apply to the Printer.
BOOKS AND STATIONARY. Which added to his former supply, makes his assortment more complete than usual; and as he purchased for cash, he is enabled to sell at the established prices in Philadelphia—amongst which are— Ents Reports, 8 vols. and either of the vols. separate Essex Reports, 5 vols. 5th volume separate Ney's Maxims of the English laws Montagu's law of Set-off Pennington's Reports in the Supreme Court of New Jersey Memoirs of the Philadelphia Society for Promoting Agriculture, vol. 1. Puff's History of James the Second The Register of A. S. or a compendious view of some of the most useful modern discoveries and inventions Columbia Eloquence, being the speeches of the most celebrated American Orators in the Trial of Samuel Chase, esq. 5 vols. Savage's Travels in the year 1805, from Italy to England, through the Tyrol, Syria, Bohemia, Galicia, Poland and Livonia The season of England—descriptive Poems The Winter's Tale by Mrs. Opie Mansions: A Tale of Fionden Field, by Walter Scott author of the Minstrelsy, &c. 2 volumes Ethich; or the Exiles of Siberia, a Tale founded on facts The Outer in five lectures upon the art and practice of treating friends, acquaintances, and relations The Lawyer, or man as he ought not to be, a Tale The Pleasures of human life The History of Netterville, a Novel The Ladies Vocal Companion The British Theatre, 16 vols. calf gilt, pocket edition Shakespeare's Works, 9 vols. do. Samson's Memoirs Sunney's Letters from England, 2 vols. A large supply of Writing & Letter Paper New Music and Music Pens Towle's Pieces—Paper Hangings A small invoice of assorted Cordials of superior quality do. superior Germantown Stockings French, English & American Playing Cards of superior manufacture, by the dozen or single pack. November 7-
CAME to the farm of Robert Brent, near the City of Washington, about two months since, a DARK RED COW, considerably intermixed with white. She has no distinctive mark or brand by which she can be more particularly described—she is in good order, and appears to be young. The owner can have her again, on paying the charges, by applying to Walter Mitchell, the Manager at the Farm. November 7-3t
A BOOT & SHOE STORE. WM. H. P. TUCKERFIELD has, by the desire of his friends, opened a BOOT and SHOE STORE on the New-Jersey Avenue, near the factory of Gilbert Ducker, Capitol Hill—He has on hand a handsome assortment of Ladies' Kid and Morocco, and Gentlemen's boots and Shoes, which he means to have a good supply of during the session of Congress. Orders at the shop, near the Navy-Yard, will be attended to as near as at either place, gentlemen that wish to favor me with their custom may be assured they will have their work well executed, and of the newest fashion and shortest notice. November 7-3t
District of Columbia, Washington I hereby certify that William Warren of said county, brought before me as a notary, the foregoing on his enclosure, a dark red cow, considerably intermixed with white, about 15 years old, 15 hundred weight, a star on his forehead, a mark on his ear, with a switch tail. Came and may find this 3rd day of November, 1805. SAM. H. SMITH.
ON THURSDAY the 17th day of November inst. the subscriber will offer to Public Sale, one Negro Man and two Negro Women, likewise one Horse, and three Feather Beds, and Furniture, formerly the property of Jacob Eden of Prince Georges county. At the same time the subscriber will sell all the property which the above mentioned Jacob Eden is entitled to by virtue of the last Will and Testament of Joseph Eden, consisting of Negroes, Stock, Farming Utensils and Kitchen and Household Furniture, which property will be shown to purchasers on the day of sale. The sale will be held at the dwelling house of the said Jacob Eden, near Piscataway and the terms will be cash. ALEXANDER BOONE. November 2-4toz
RECEIVED in a conditional negotiation last May, Benjamin Contee's Note, negotiable in the Bank of Columbia, for $2,500, payable to Ludwell Lee; which note was never endorsed and now cannot be found to be returned to said Contee, the negotiation intended, having been annulled. This is therefore to certify that the said note, if found by any person, must be returned to said Contee, it being cancelled by Ludwell Lee and myself. H. LEE. The said Note was dated (I believe) on the 16th May. H. L. November 2-3t
FIFTEEN or TWENTY Horses may be wintered at the subscriber's Farm, Two and a half miles from Georgetown. He is provided with the best of Stabling, hay, oats, corn & corn blades, & is sober and capable master. Horses will be kept or fattened as the owners may request. Apply to Mr. Dunn, sergeant at arms to the House of Representatives, or the subscriber in George Town. NATHAN LUEDOROUGH. November 2-2w
INFORMATION FOR THE PUBLIC. The Subscriber is empowered by Judge PINKNEY, the inventor of the Chain Bridge, to superintend and build those Bridges, and he is also constituted sole agent, to sell Patent rights throughout the United States. Those who may incline to benefit by this new and invaluable sort of bridge, may obtain information on the subject, by addressing letters to the subscriber in Georgetown, in the territory of Columbia, who will, either superintend the construction of those bridges, or build them on contract. JOHN TEMPLEMAN. October 30-epim
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On Wednesday the 30th of November next on a credit of Six and Twelve months. THAT well known HOUSE on Pennsylvania Avenue, occupied by Mr. Wm. Rhodes as a hotel, together with all the buildings attached thereto, comprising every thing necessary for a Tavern, with a private Dwelling House. The situation of these premises give them some advantages over any other tavern in the city, being near to the Public Offices, and also to the street that will lead across the Tiber, to the bridge now erecting over the Potomac, and which is rapidly progressing, with a Turnpike road to Alexandria, which will add much to the value of this stand as a house of entertainment—Those inclined to purchase the above very extensive and valuable premises, are invited to call and view them. A few fixtures to be taken by the purchaser at a fair appraisement. Sale to be on the premises, and to commence at 1 o'clock P. M. SAMUEL SPEAK, Auctioneer. Washington city, October 31-tulos
HAS just received and is now opening for sale at her Store, in the House next above Mr. BURNET's Jewellery Store, a new and very elegant assortment of MILLINERY & FANCY GOODS, consisting of Laced Caps, velvet Bonnets plain & figured, Tiara, gold and Silver flowers, Garniture for trimming dresses, Gold and Silver Cord, Do. do. Cords and Tassels, Do. do. Spangles and Tassel, Do. do. Bullion, Artificial Flowers and Feathers, Silk Cord, and Silk Cords and Tassels of all colors, Silk Buttons of new patterns, Black jet, marble and amber Buttons, Beaver Hats and Bonnets, Do. do. for Children, Necklaces and Ear Rings, Clip, Leghorn, and Vulture Straw of new patterns, Silk and velvet Pelices, Pelice Coating, Pelice Velvet and Levant Silks, Angola and Cashmere Shawls, Silver Belt and other Muffs and Tippets, Morocco Jockey Caps—a very general assortment of working Chenille, Spider net Sleeves, hair and beaded Caps and bands, Velvet Ribbons of different colors, Silks and Sarsnets of different colors, Crapes of all colors, Perfumery and sweet Soaps, a very large assortment of Thread and Cotton, soft Satin, and a new assortment of fashionable Ribbons, Madras Ginghams—Silk and Cotton Umbrellas, a very general assortment of Ladies and Gentlemen Gloves, best Playing and Message Cards, Wadding, Murray's Shoes, best Tortoise Shell Combs, mounted and plain, &c. &c. with a general assortment of DRY GOODS. Georgetown, October 26-3w
JOHN PETER Has just received from Philadelphia, a large & complete Assortment of DRY GOODS, viz. Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, Ladies Pelice Cloths, Silk Velvets, Irish Linen & Sheeting, do. India & British shirtings, cottons, Hosiery of every description, Silks of all kinds, Bed Tickens, Furniture Chintzes & Dimities, Coarse India Muslins, Best London Hats, Elegram Brussels, Ingrain, Scotch, and Venetian Carpetings, &c. &c. &c. Together with a general supply of coarse Woodens—any of which he will sell at the most reduced prices. Persons who purchase to put on again shall find their interest to price the goods. They were purchased for cash, and will be sold for small profits. October 21-4w
CHARLES H. VARDEN, MERCHANT TAYLOR, RESPECTFULLY informs the gentlemen of the district of Columbia and Public in general, that he has received by a late arrival from Philadelphia, a Choice Assortment of superfine Cloths, Cassimeres, single and double milled, superfine Coating, black silk Florentines. Likewise an elegant assortment Sponeclets & rich silk Moleskins for Waistcoats with a variety of other articles suitable for the season. Regimentals and Navy Uniforms made in the most elegant and uniform style of fashion. Richard Norwell's celebrated PATENT PARALLEL SUSPENDERS far superior to any hitherto in use can be had on the same terms retail, as at his Manufactory. November 27-4t
MRS. LEE, begs leave to acquaint the Ladies & Gentlemen of Washington and its Vicinity, that in addition to the Masters of Music, DANCING and DRAWING, who attend her ACADEMY, She has engaged a Gentleman of known ability to attend to instruct in ARITHMETIC and GEOGRAPHY with the GLOBE. Mrs. LEE flatters herself with a continuance of that patronage, she has ever experienced, and hopes still to merit by an unremitted attention to the duties of the trust reposed in her. Mrs. Lee wishes to form a Class for Arithmetic, and Geography, by 28th inst. Washington, October 30-2m
NEW GOODS. The Subscriber has lately received an extensive and Complete assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, consisting of Extra superfine London Cloths, Cassimeres, Satinets, Manchester, Toilets, Swansdowns, Ladies Pelice Cloths, Silk and velvet Velvets, Damask, raw silk, and Camel's hair Shawls, lawn Scarfs, Lace Caps, Silk Buttons and Cords, Ostrich Feathers, Artificial Flowers, Fancy Muslins, Linen and cotton Cambrics, Irish Linens and Sheeting, Shirting Cottons, Lace Sleeves and Gloves, Silks of every description, Hosiery, Ginghams, Chambrays, Calicoes, London Hats, Second Cloths, Coatings, Plains, Kenseys, Half Thick, Rose and Duffel Blankets, Hearth Rugs, Dowlass, Ticklenburgs, Osnaburgh, Bafta's, Mamoodies, Lawns, Guirahs, &c. Which will be sold at the most reduced prices. TUNIS CRAVEN. Near the Navy Yard. October 24-1m
NOTICE. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at November session, 1806, entitled "An act authorizing the collection of certain ground rents due on lots in the town of Cumberland, in Allegany county," and a supplement thereto, passed at November session, 1807, Public Notice is hereby given to all persons holding unimproved lots in said town, on which ground rents are now due, that unless the said rents are paid on or before the first day of December next, the said lots will on that day be offered at public sale to the highest bidder, on a credit of 60 days. The sale to be held at Mr. J. Rine's tavern, in said town—to commence at ten o'clock, A. M. and continue from day to day, until the whole are sold. THOMAS BEALL, of Saml. March 21-epids
THE COMMERCIAL COMPANY OF WASHINGTON. New landing from on board the schr. Maria, capt. Fitzhugh, and for SALE, at low prices, Jamaica Spirit, Antigua and New England Rum, Muscavado Sugars, Molasses, Coffee, Muscatel and bloom Raisins, Holland and country Gin, Spermaceti Candles, Spermaceti Oil, Spanish Segars, Corks, Powder and shot of the best quality, White Lead in oil, A few crates of Stone Ware. They have also on hand, and for Sale, Madeira, Marsala, Wine by the cask. Catalonia, Claret in boxes of 1 dozen each, Cognac, Brandy 4th proof. Bordeaux, Hyson and Young Hyson, Tea, Best Salid Oil, Mould and Dpt Candles, Soap, Whiskey, and A few Logs of Mahogany. JOSEPH FORREST, Pres. August 22-
INFORMATION WANTED. IF JOHN BATEBY DOBBINS who came from England some years ago, and resided at Washington (it is not certain in what state) for some time, will call on, or write to the subscriber, he will bear something much to his advantage. Any information that will enable me to ascertain whether the said John Bateby Dobbins is alive or not, will be thankfully received. SAMUEL SPACKMAN, No. 1, Bank Alley, Philadelphia. 10th month, 11, 1806-2m
JOHN GOULDING Is now landing from on board the POLLY from Baltimore, a few barrels of West India COFFEE and New Orleans SUGAR, Bottles in hampers, Red and White Champryne Wine in boxes, Fresh Tea, &c. On hand, as usual, most kinds of choice old Wines in bottles and in casks; best Albany Ale; Philadelphia Porter and Ale; Spermaceti Candles, Train Oil; Castile Soap in boxes, with sundry articles in his line, to be sold for Cash, and as usual, cheap to his punctual customers. Georgetown, September 16-2m
MERINO SLEEP. A Few half-blood Merino Ram Lambs for Sale, at the farm of the Subscriber, near Philadelphia. JAMES MIRABE. November 4-4t
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it has been represented to me on the oath of Kitty Brawner an infant of the age of ten years, that a Rape has been committed on her by a certain Thomas Burke, of Frederick county, and on the oath of William Brawner and Catharine Brawner the parents of the said Kitty Brawner that there were marks of violence on their said daughter who charged said Burke. And whereas it has been certified by Thomas Bond, esq. a justice of the peace of Frederick county, that the said Thomas Burke has fled from justice. And whereas it is the duty of the Executive, in the execution of the laws, to endeavor to bring all malefactors to justice; I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation; and do by and with the advice and consent of the Council, offer One Hundred and Fifty Dollars reward, to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and bring to justice, the said Thomas Burke. Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the seal of the state of Maryland, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America, the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT. By his excellency's command, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of five weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate at Frederick Town, the Maryland Herald at Hager's Town, and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. October 28-2aw5w
W. & C. SMITH HAVE removed to their New Warehouse corner of KEYS and WATER streets, near the FERRY, where they have lately received from New York, a large additional supply of GOODS in their line. They now have in Store and offer for sale on reasonable terms Madeira Wine in pipes, half pipes, and quarter casks, Sherry, Lisbon and Teneriffe Wine, in quarter casks, Old Port and Catalonia Wine in pipes and quarter casks, Claret in Boxes, 1 dozen each, Old Cognac Brandy, superior quality, Bordeaux and Marseilles do. Genuine Holland and New York anchor Gin, Old Jamaica and Antigua Spirits, 4th Proof Whiskey, very old and fine, 1st Proof do. Loaf and lump Sugars in hogsheads and barrels, Muscavado Sugars, superior quality in hogsheads and barrels, Do. Imperial, 2d quality do. do. Hyson, TEAS, fresh and of approved qualities in chests, boxes and lead canisters, Young Hyson, Coffee, Nutmegs, Pepper and Allspice, Mustard, Chocolate and Sweet Oil, Almonds, soft shelled, and Currants, Segars, Ginger and Basket Salt, Soap, mould and dipped Candles in boxes Spanish Indigo, Demijohns, Gin Cases, Liverpool Blown and Ground Alum Salt, &c. &c. &c. Georgetown, October 26-2aw6w
MRS. THOMPSON, IN THE SIX BUILDINGS, HAS one House with a handsome Drawing Room for the accommodation of Ladies and Gentlemen, with Coach House and Stables, and Lodges for Servants. October 28-4t
ADVERTISEMENTS. New Store, near the Centre Market. THE subscriber, thankful for past favors from a generous public, is determined to sell at the lowest rate all kinds of Goods commonly in demand, viz. all sorts of flannels, broadcloths and coatings, President's and royal cords, cambric and Irish linens, &c. &c. &c. Groceries, all kinds of liquors, Cognac brandy, Holland gin, Jamaica spirits, old peach brandy, Gochen cheese and Smithfield bacon and flour. As cash is always employed in the purchase, the subscriber expects the same in return, and particularly in these republican times, hates long standing accounts as injurious to trade, and rather inclines to embargo his goods than sell them on credit, except to punctilious customers. All persons in arrears will please to settle their accounts. F. A. WAGLER. N. B. Forte pianos tuned, and lessons in music—also a London Piano for sale. November 4-3s. suc. & 3w
PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, September term, 1808. ON the application by petition in writing of Dennis M. Burgess of Prince Georges county to this court, for the benefit of the act of Assembly passed at November session eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act for the benefit of sundry insolvent debtors" and the several acts supplementary thereto a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors on oath as far as he can ascertain them being annexed to the said petition, and the court being satisfied by competent testimony, that the said petitioner is a citizen of the state of Maryland, and that he has resided therein the two last years preceding his application, & being also satisfied that the said Dennis M. Burgess is now in actual confinement for debt, and the said petitioner having entered into bond with security for his appearance in this court on the first Monday in April next, to answer such interrogatories as his creditors may propose to him. It is thereupon ordered and adjudged, that the said Dennis M. Burgess be discharged from imprisonment, and the said first Monday in April next, is appointed for the said petitioner to deliver up his property and to have a trustee appointed for the benefit of his creditors; and it is ordered that the said Dennis M. Burgess by causing a copy of the foregoing to be published once a week for three months successively in the National Intelligencer before the said first Monday in April next, give notice to his creditors to be and appear before this court on the said day to recommend a trustee for their benefit. Test JOHN READ MACBRIDE, Jr. C. November 8-83m
BY HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT WRIGHT, ESQ. GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, the General Assembly of Maryland, did, by an act passed at November session, eighteen hundred and five, entitled "An act to reduce into one the several acts of Assembly, respecting elections, and to regulate said elections," direct that the Governor and Council after having received the returns of elections of the members to represent this state in the Congress of the United States, should enumerate and ascertain the number of votes given for each and every person voted for as a member for Congress aforesaid respectively, and shall thereupon declare, by proclamation, signed by the governor, the name of the person or persons duly elected in each respective district: We in pursuance of the directions of the said act, do by this our proclamation, declare that by the returns made to us, it appears that John Campbell, esq. was elected for the first district; Archibald Van Horn, esq. was elected for the second district; Philip Barton Key, esq. was elected for the third district; Roger Nelson, esq. was elected for the fourth district; Nicholas Branton Moore, and Alexander M'Kim, esqs. were elected for the fifth district; John Montgomery, esq. was elected for the sixth district; John Brown of Nathan, esq. was elected for the seventh district; and Charles Critchlow, esq. was elected for the eighth district. Given in Council at the city of Annapolis, under the great seal of the state of Maryland, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the independence of the United States of America the thirty-third.
ROBERT WRIGHT. By the Governor, NINIAN PINKNEY, Clerk of the Council. Ordered, That the foregoing proclamation be published twice in each week, for the space of four weeks, in the American and Federal Gazette, at Baltimore; the Maryland Gazette, at Annapolis; the National Intelligencer, the Republican Advocate, at Fredericktown; the Maryland Herald, at Hager's Town; and in Mr. Smith's paper at Easton. October 28-2aw4w
Treasury Department, United States, April 20, 1807. WHEREAS the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at a meeting held on the 23rd day of March 1807, did among other things resolve, that the light per cent Stock created in pursuance of the several acts of Congress passed on the 10th day of July 1798, and 7th day of May 1800, should be reimbursed on the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and nine. This is therefore to give notice that the principal of the said light per cent Stock will, on the first day of January 1809, be paid to the respective Stockholders or their lawful representatives or attorneys duly constituted and authorized, either at the Treasury or at the Loan Office, as the case may be, where credits have been given for the amount of stock respectively held by them. It is farther made known for the information of the parties concerned, that no transfers of the said light per cent Stock either from or to the books of the Treasury or from or to the books of a Commissioner of Loans will be allowed after the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and eight. And the interest on all certificates of said Stock, which shall not have been surrendered in pursuance of this notification, will cease and determine on the day preceding the day hereby fixed for the reimbursement of the stock.
And whereas the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund at their meeting held on the 23rd day of March as aforesaid, did also resolve, that the sum which after making the current payments for the years 1807 and 1808, and after reimbursing the Loan and a half per cent Stock, might remain to complete the annual appropriation of Eight Millions of dollars, for those two years, should, among other purposes, be applied to the purchase of the light per cent Stock aforesaid, and that such per cent Stock as should be so purchased by the United States, and of its office of Discount and Deposit as the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate, be the property under his superintendence for making the said purchases. Notice is hereby accordingly given, That James Madison Jun. Cashier of the office of Discount and Deposit at Washington, has been appointed agent for that purpose in Washington, to whom such of the proprietors of said light per cent Stock as may be willing to sell the same within the prices limited by law, are requested to apply. ALBERT GALLATIN, Jan. Secretary of the Treasury.
BAKER, RIGGS & Co. Sign of the Plough, have just received from Boston, New York, and Philadelphia—37 Packages of English, India, and French GOODS—consisting of a general assortment of FANCY and SUBSTANTIAL Articles, which being selected at the best markets, principally for Cash, enables them to sell lower than the usual prices. A liberal deduction will be made to retailers and large buyers, on each negotiable notes. Georgetown, October 31-taw 4w&4w
A NURSERY FOR HEDGE PLANTS. WANTED on a lease of years, at the City of Washington or its near neighborhood, TEN ACRES OF LAND, more or less according as circumstances may render it convenient. The Soil must be good, some part of it at least adapted for a Nursery—The situation favorable for the exhibition of examples of Hedging. Any communication respecting the above will meet with all due attention from the subscriber, who has now for sale at his Nursery near the Little Falls or Potomac, several thousand PLANS of the American Hedge Thorn, and a few hundreds of Pyracantha or Evergreen Thorn. THOMAS MATT. November 2-3t
PLAYING CARDS Of the First Quality, Just received, and FOR SALE By the Gross, Dozen or Pack, at DR. MACBRIDE'S Drug & Medical Store, George Town. October 31-4t