The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1807-03-11 00:00:00

The arrests at Orleans had extended... and independent citizens of your... criminal jurisdiction of a district court... of the U.S. which extends only to offenses... punishable by fine or whipping, and... the whole civil jurisdiction of a circuit... court of the U.S. So that these persons... if charged with treason against... the U.S. could not have been tried... in Orleans, and must have been sent here... or elsewhere by the civil authority. Thus much for the violation of right... which has taken place. Let us now examine how far any new... provision by law may be necessary to... secure to the people of this country the... privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus... which gentlemen avow to be the... object of this resolution. The right as... it now stands is secured to the people... by the constitution. Every judge of the... U.S. has power to grant the writ... and every citizen of the U.S. is bound... to obey it. But, says the gentleman... if a judge refuses it, what are you to... do? The penalties of the statute of... Charles the 2d are not in force here... and any removal of the judge from office... if your provisions on this subject are... defective, amend them. Let the judge... like every other individual, feel respon-... sibility, and he will be honest. The... power of enforcing a high responsible... officer to do his duty by pecuniary fine... is a departure from the principles of... our government. No instance can be... produced under the government of an... officer of trust being compelled by pecu-... niary fine to discharge his duty. The... true principle of a republican govern-... ment is this—dismiss from office faith-... less servants. But I would ask, suppose... a judge violates any other right se-... cured by the constitution? Suppose he violates... the freedom of speech by punishing a... citizen for words spoken? Suppose he... refuses to a citizen his constitutional... right of trial by jury, and subjects him... to punishment without trial by his... peers? Would you in these instances... say he should be subject to a fine? No... sir. Let such a judge be disgrac-... ed—let him be turned from public employ-... ment. Let not the purity of justice be... sullied, by having on your bench, men... who are dead to the feelings of patriotism... and unmindful of their constitutional... oath, must be compelled by fines and... penalties to discharge their duty. The... power of enforcing this writ as it stands... under the constitution and laws of the... U.S. is complete. It is enforced in... the same manner with all other process... issuing from the courts of the U.S. The... judge must in the first instance... send the marshal. If the writ is dis-... obeyed, he takes the posse-comitatus. If... this is not sufficient, the judge certi-... fies to the executive that the laws can... not be carried into effect, and the arm... of the nation must be extended to sup-... port the judiciary. This is no theory. It... has already been acted upon in this... country. On the certificate of a judge... that the laws could not be enforced, the... militia were marched to the western... parts of Pennsylvania. If your... judges have no power to enforce the... writ of Habeas Corpus, I should be glad... to know how they enforce any other... writ. It was not because the privilege... of the writ of Habeas Corpus is not sufficient-... ly secured. It was not because the... judges refused to issue it or wanted... power to enforce it that this violation... of right has occurred, but because the... persons who might have claimed this... privilege were snatched, under peculiar... circumstances from their jurisdic-... tion. As the gentleman from Dela-... ware has thought proper, on a motion... to commit, to enter into a discussion of... the merits of this proposition, I have... made these observations. I have no... objection to refer the resolution to a... committee for the purpose of a full and... fair discussion. I have no hesitation... however, in declaring that it is only to... allow an opportunity for discussion... shall vote for the reference. I do not... believe that any additional provision... are necessary to secure to the people... of this country the privilege of the... writ of Habeas Corpus. On the contrary... I do firmly believe, that this... right, like all others secured by the... constitution, can never be lost, or vio-... lated with impunity, until corruption... shall have destroyed the principles of... our government. (Debate to be continued.) State of Maryland, Montgomery county... wit, November term 1806, among other... things is the following to wit. ORDERED by the court that all facts... transmitted from the General Court to... this court, under the act of assembly entitled... "An act to provide for the organization and... regulation of the courts of common law in... this state, and for the administration of jus-... tice," and continued under the rule to em-... ploy new counsel, shall not continue longer than... to the end of the next court, under the said... rule, and the suits or interests therein are... hereby required to appear to the same in per-... son or by counsel on or before the second day... of next term, or the same will be tried, or... discontinued as the case may be during the... said term. Copy test, UPTON BRALL, Ck Montgo-... mery county court. January 5—1824am NOTICE. IT IS to give notice, that the subscriber... Shromeriet county in the state of Maryland... hath obtained from the Orphans' Court of... Worcester county in said state, letters of ad-... ministration, with the will annexed, on the... personal estate of Joseph Bounce, late of... Worcester county aforesaid deceased. All... persons having claims against the said deceased... are hereby hereby warned to exhibit the same... with the vouchers to the subscriber at or be-... fore the first day of September next, they may... otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit... of the said estate. Given under my hand this 10th Febru-... ary 1807. LEVI PRILLITT, Adm'r of... Joseph Bounce. February 26—UG66
nest and independent citizens of your... criminal jurisdiction of a district court... of the U.S. which extends only to offenses... punishable by fine or whipping, and... the whole civil jurisdiction of a circuit... court of the U.S. So that these persons... if charged with treason against... the U.S. could not have been tried... in Orleans, and must have been sent here... or elsewhere by the civil authority. Thus much for the violation of right... which has taken place. Let us now examine how far any new... provision by law may be necessary to... secure to the people of this country the... privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus... which gentlemen avow to be the... object of this resolution. The right as... it now stands is secured to the people... by the constitution. Every judge of the... U.S. has power to grant the writ... and every citizen of the U.S. is bound... to obey it. But, says the gentleman... if a judge refuses it, what are you to... do? The penalties of the statute of... Charles the 2d are not in force here... and any removal of the judge from office... if your provisions on this subject are... defective, amend them. Let the judge... like every other individual, feel respon-... sibility, and he will be honest. The... power of enforcing a high responsible... officer to do his duty by pecuniary fine... is a departure from the principles of... our government. No instance can be... produced under the government of an... officer of trust being compelled by pecu-... niary fine to discharge his duty. The... true principle of a republican govern-... ment is this—dismiss from office faith-... less servants. But I would ask, suppose... a judge violates any other right se-... cured by the constitution? Suppose he violates... the freedom of speech by punishing a... citizen for words spoken? Suppose he... refuses to a citizen his constitutional... right of trial by jury, and subjects him... to punishment without trial by his... peers? Would you in these instances... say he should be subject to a fine? No... sir. Let such a judge be disgrac-... ed—let him be turned from public employ-... ment. Let not the purity of justice be... sullied, by having on your bench, men... who are dead to the feelings of patriotism... and unmindful of their constitutional... oath, must be compelled by fines and... penalties to discharge their duty. The... power of enforcing this writ as it stands... under the constitution and laws of the... U.S. is complete. It is enforced in... the same manner with all other process... issuing from the courts of the U.S. The... judge must in the first instance... send the marshal. If the writ is dis-... obeyed, he takes the posse-comitatus. If... this is not sufficient, the judge certi-... fies to the executive that the laws can... not be carried into effect, and the arm... of the nation must be extended to sup-... port the judiciary. This is no theory. It... has already been acted upon in this... country. On the certificate of a judge... that the laws could not be enforced, the... militia were marched to the western... parts of Pennsylvania. If your... judges have no power to enforce the... writ of Habeas Corpus, I should be glad... to know how they enforce any other... writ. It was not because the privilege... of the writ of Habeas Corpus is not sufficient-... ly secured. It was not because the... judges refused to issue it or wanted... power to enforce it that this violation... of right has occurred, but because the... persons who might have claimed this... privilege were snatched, under peculiar... circumstances from their jurisdic-... tion. As the gentleman from Dela-... ware has thought proper, on a motion... to commit, to enter into a discussion of... the merits of this proposition, I have... made these observations. I have no... objection to refer the resolution to a... committee for the purpose of a full and... fair discussion. I have no hesitation... however, in declaring that it is only to... allow an opportunity for discussion... shall vote for the reference. I do not... believe that any additional provision... are necessary to secure to the people... of this country the privilege of the... writ of Habeas Corpus. On the contrary... I do firmly believe, that this... right, like all others secured by the... constitution, can never be lost, or vio-... lated with impunity, until corruption... shall have destroyed the principles of... our government. (Debate to be continued.) State of Maryland, Montgomery county... wit, November term 1806, among other... things is the following to wit. ORDERED by the court that all facts... transmitted from the General Court to... this court, under the act of assembly entitled... "An act to provide for the organization and... regulation of the courts of common law in... this state, and for the administration of jus-... tice," and continued under the rule to em-... ploy new counsel, shall not continue longer than... to the end of the next court, under the said... rule, and the suits or interests therein are... hereby required to appear to the same in per-... son or by counsel on or before the second day... of next term, or the same will be tried, or... discontinued as the case may be during the... said term. Copy test, UPTON BRALL, Ck Montgo-... mery county court. January 5—1824am NOTICE. IT IS to give notice, that the subscriber... Shromeriet county in the state of Maryland... hath obtained from the Orphans' Court of... Worcester county in said state, letters of ad-... ministration, with the will annexed, on the... personal estate of Joseph Bounce, late of... Worcester county aforesaid deceased. All... persons having claims against the said deceased... are hereby hereby warned to exhibit the same... with the vouchers to the subscriber at or be-... fore the first day of September next, they may... otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit... of the said estate. Given under my hand this 10th Febru-... ary 1807. LEVI PRILLITT, Adm'r of... Joseph Bounce. February 26—UG66
(By Authority.) AN ACT For the relief of Daniel S. Dexter. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That Daniel S. Dexter, of Providence, and state of Rhode Island, be discharged from his imprisonment upon a judgment obtained against him in favor of the United States: Provided, however, That he shall first affix and convey all the estate, real and personal, which he may now own or be entitled to, to some person or persons, for the use and benefit of the United States, under the direction of the secretary of the treasury: Provided also, That the said judgment shall remain in full force against any estate which the said Daniel S. Dexter may hereafter acquire; and that process may at any time be thereon issued against the same: And provided that nothing contained in this act shall be construed to discharge the late supervisor of the district of Rhode Island from any legal liability for not taking bonds of the said Dexter for the faithful discharge of his duty. NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representa-... tives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro tempore. March 3, 1807. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON. AN ACT Making compensation to Messrs. Lewis and Clarke and their compa-... nions. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the secretary of war be, and is hereby directed to issue land warrants to Meriwether Lewis and William Clark, for one thousand six hundred acres each; to John Ordway, Nathaniel Pryor, the heirs or legal representatives of Charles Floyd, (deceased) Patrick Gass, William Bratton, John Collins, John Colter, Pier Cruzatte, Joseph Field, Reuben Field, Robert Frazier, Silas Goodrich, George Gibson, Thomas P. Howard, Hugh Hall, Francis Labruche, Hugh Neal, John Shields, George Shannon, John Potts, John Baptiste Le Page, John B. Thompson, William Werner, Richard Windsor, Peter Wiser, Alexander Willard, Joseph Whitehouse, George Duelyar, Toussaint Charbone, Richard Worlenfong, and John Newman, for three hundred and twenty acres each: which several warrants may, at the option of the holder or possessors, be located with any register or registers of the land offices, subsequent to the public sales in such office, on any of the public lands of the United States lying on the west side of the Mississippi, then and there offered for sale, or may be received at the rate of two dollars per acre, in payment of any such public lands. SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That double pay shall be allowed, by the secretary of war, to each of the before named persons, agreeably to the time he or they may have served, in the late enterprise to the Pacific ocean, conducted by Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, and that the sum of eleven thousand dollars be and the same hereby is appropriated to discharge the same, out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated. NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representa-... tives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro tempore. March 3, 1807. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON. 60 DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber living in Prince George's county on Sunday the 29th inst. the three following slaves—a mulatto young man who calls himself BILL STEWART, he was born at Montgomery court house, was once the property of Simon Martin, was purchased of him by the late Rich. Carter, who sold him to me; he is a likely well made fellow about 21 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, his hands and feet are large; the evening before he absconded he had his hair cut close; he had with him a variety of clothing viz a blue coat and overalls, one light colored bearskin coat and overalls, 2 swansdown waistcoats 3 fine Irish linen shirts and some coarse shirts, three muslin neckcloths, a fine hat, price 7 dollars; he took away a prayer book, in the first page of which is written Mary Duckett. J. R. who calls himself Joe Grimes, alias Graham, and HARRY, both young negro men about 21 years of age—the clothing of these cannot be described. Joe has one of his fingers broken near the wrist, which makes him longer than the other; when he is spoken to he speaks fast as if his tongue was too large for his mouth. Harry, I am informed, has several large scars on his body and one of his thighs occasioned by burns when he was young. The above reward will be paid for confining the three in jail, or 50 dollars for confining Bill in jail so that I get him again. WALTER BOWIE. July 7—2awf
FROM BELL'S WEEKLY MESSENGER. JAN 5. AMERICAN TREATY. So much has been said upon the present accommodation with America, which, though but now concluded, has been so long fanguinely expected by the mercantile world, that we conceive it a point of duty to our readers to enter into some detail, and explain the points and bearings of this important question. It is a natural and necessary consequence of a long war between the commercial states of Europe that the neutral nations are employed to carry on much of the general commerce of the belligerents. From the custom of privateering and maritime captures, neither the French or English traders can fail so often as in a time of peace; they are compelled therefore, to transfer the greater part of their trade to the neutral nations. The Americans in the present century, like the Dutch in earlier ages, are of all nations the best adapted for this carrying trade. They have almost invariably small capitals, and therefore are rather suited to act as factors for others, than as merchants for themselves. The right of neutrals to this free general commerce will not admit the doubt of a moment. But as such general right, when exercised by merchants more intent upon their particular gain than the laws of neutrality, will be sometimes extended so as to interfere with the main end of the war, every nation has found it necessary to limit this general right by a certain precise code, and to ensure the observance of the code; that is to say, in order to prevent the supply of the enemy, with contraband of war, the principal maritime nations have established the right of search—This right is in fact the main hinge of the English maritime system, and as long as our ministry have retained this there can be little cause of censure in their pacific concessions. The present war has indeed been distinguished by one peculiar circumstance. In no former war has the maritime force of England been so predominant as entirely to banish the commerce of her enemy from the face of the ocean. This however, has happened in the present war. What has been the result?—Why the French have been compelled to carry on their traffic through the medium of neutrals. Thus has it happened that the whole commerce of France, the supply of her best colonies, and the carriage of their produce to the mother country, is in the hands of the Americans. The surface of the sea is covered with the American flag, acting as the factors of French commerce. What is the result of this state of circumstances?—It is summed up in a few words—The maritime strength of England is rendered useless. She may annihilate the navies of France, but the French commerce has always a ready means for escaping from her power.—The neutral flag is at hand, and hostile property is secured under this sacred cover. Let us vindicate, then, our rights, claim these politicians. The neutral nations must submit if we enter upon the contest. Should they even unite in a general league against us, we should suffer less by their open enmity, than by their fraudulent neutrality. Better that America should be our enemy, and fill the Atlantic with their privateers, than under the cover of amity and neutrality, secure the commerce of France, and baffle the British navy. Nothing can be so absurd as to enter into the question of abstract right, when all the world are ready to dispute it with us. We may compel, but we cannot persuade the neutral nations to adopt our particular comments. It is of more real, because it is of more practical importance, to examine the prudence of exerting this right, supposing it to be well founded, and to be deduced by immediate inference from the writers of public law. Suppose, therefore, it can be made to appear, that, granting the question of right to be on the side of Great Britain, no advantage whatever would ensue from advertising it—i. e. from her prohibition of the neutral medium for the French commerce. Suppose that it can be further proved, that, as to the ultimate consequences, there is no effectual difference between the former and the present mode of the French colonial trade. If these assertions can be clearly made out, we hope to hear no more of neutral frauds, and the pernicious clamor of war in disguise. It is evidently beyond the power of the whole British navy to prevent the supply, and the sufficient supply, of the French colonies. Directly, or by a circuitous importation, these colonies will always be supplied to the full amount of their wants. Unless we can surround every creek and harbor in France, and, following the example of our extravagant enemy, declare a continent in blockade, and a kingdom in a state of siege—unless we prohibit the neutral nations from trading with France in their own merchandise, or the merchandise of our colonies, the French people must be supplied, equally in peace and war, with sugar and coffee. Suppose that we could prevent those articles from being carried directly to France from her colonies, the price will then rise, and it will become a negative branch of commerce for neutrals to import them in their own coun-

...and then re-export them to France. But our admiralty courts here... That this mere importation and exportation, though accompanied with the re-exporting of the cargoes, and the payment of duties, is but a collusive transaction, and falls within a legal prohibition, as a continuation of the original voyage." What follows then? We compel the neutrals only to have two sets of vessels—one to be employed between the French colonies and America, the other between America and France. Your admiralty laws cannot follow the neutrals here. There is here clearly another voyage, another venture, and a great commerce.
But suppose we should absolutely prohibit this commerce, upon the principle that this trade was not open to the neutral during peace. What will be the utility of this prohibition? Its effects must be one of the two following—either the French will be compelled to carry the produce in their own ships, or the world, and consequently the produce must remain in the colonies. As to the first effect, the French perhaps venture at first to freight their own vessels with their colonial produce, but this trade must soon cease: the risk by the substitute for moral principle of capture must be so great, that neither the merchant or planter could afford it: alternative therefore would take place. The produce of the French colonies must remain to rot on the plantations. The terms on which this alternative is necessarily expressed are such as to call down upon it the most unqualified abhorrence. It is the benign principle of modern warfare to direct itself as much as possible against individuals. Here individuals would be effectually ruined, the mother country, as a nation, very considerably injured, and the main end of the war not advanced one jot. This kind of war, very happily, is totally contrary to the practice of modern times, and we hope never to see the day when war shall lose its general aim, and pass into private malignity & individual mischief. This is not worthy of Christian nations. Thus stands the question of neutral rights, which are said to be conceded in the American treaty. The commissioners have conducted themselves with that pacific spirit which distinguishes the present administration; they have looked rather to the substance than the words, rather to practical consequences than abstract rights. They have conceded only so far as the most evident utility has justified them in such concessions. The right of search, of contraband and of blockade, have doubtless all been preserved in their full integrity. These, as we have said before, are the lungs, the props of our maritime greatness, and as long as these are preserved undiminished and undisputed, all other concession are of very minor importance. These points are indeed vital!
Valuable Seats for Iron Works The subscriber offers for sale between Five and Six Thousand acres of land bounded on one side by James River, including big and little Owen's Creek, and situated in Amherst county in the state of Virginia. This land is in the midst of a well and thick settled country, about 100 miles above the city of Richmond. There are not more than 30 acres of it cleared. The remainder is heavily timbered—consisting of large pines, white oaks, poplar, black walnut and chestnut. On Big Owens creek, and within 600 yards of James river, which is navigable for boats at all seasons of the year—there is an excellent site for any kind of water works. The stream is rapid and constant, and about three miles from the seat are, as it is believed inexhaustible banks of iron ore, which the subscriber has secured and which will be sold with the land. This ore has been tried and proved to be of a very superior kind. The land adjoining the seat is of excellent quality. Two hundred acres of timothy meadow might be made on the creek. The upland although hilly in places is well adapted to small grain, and a great proportion of it suitable to the raising of tobacco. Immediately around the site for water works are inexhaustible LIMESTONE Quarries, together with great quantities of the best building stone. In short there are many advantages combined to render this a most eligible spot for the erection of iron works, or any other kind of water works. It is deemed unnecessary to say more concerning this property than to request those who incline to purchase to view it. It will be shown by captain Henry Halloway in the neighborhood. The price will be moderate, terms of sale, which will be made very easy, will be made known on application to the proprietor residing in Georgetown district of Columbia. NATHAN LUFBOROUGH. Georgetown, February 16—wtf
This is to give notice, That the subscriber of Prince George's county and state of Maryland, both obtained from the Orphan's court of said county, letters of administration on the personal estate of Richard Crampkin late of said county deceased. ALL persons having claims against the said deceased are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof to the subscriber on or before the 20th day of September next, they may otherwise by law be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. And all persons indebted to the said deceased are requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber. Given under my hand this 12th day of February, 1807. THOMAS BOWIE, admr. of Richard Crampkin. Feb. 18—w6t
NEGROES. FOR SALE, for a term of years several Likely young Women, among them a very good cook To hire by the year, two good Laborers and a boy—they all have good characters Also to rent on north Street square 142, a Two Story FRAME HOUSE with two rooms on a floor and a passage. Enquire of the Printer. October 15—wtf
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 11.
In some measure released from the slavery of reporting the proceedings of Congress, we shall resume the discussion of such topics of an interesting nature as may, in our opinion, merit the public attention, or require illustration. Before entering into any detailed views, we cannot refrain from congratulating the nation on the unrivalled facility which still continues to flow from the enlightened exertions of our government and the virtuous co-operation of the people. A virtuous government a phenomenon of rare occurrence. Without arrogance we may say it is our exclusive distinction. At all times, and under all circumstances of vast importance, it is almost infinitely so in the origin of institutions, new to the world, and consequently untried by any length of experience, and in a country which, from the fewness of its numbers, is not yet able to command that gigantic physical force, which is so frequent, the substitute for moral principle. The powers, now exercised by the several departments of the government are little, if at all inferior in dignity or the effects to be produced by them to the more splendid functions discharged by the patriots who established our independence, and guaranteed its perpetuity by the admirable system of government under which we now repose in absolute safety. To the rulers of the present day we shall owe that regulated exercise of power, which will, in a high degree, establish the practical construction of the constitution on the points of the first magnitude, and the formation of those modes of thinking on particular subjects which will probably continue for ages to influence our conduct as a nation. How deeply interesting then, is it, that, in the opening of our career, the administrators of our government should be virtuous! It is almost equally essential that they should be endowed with sufficient intelligence to pursue those measures which are best fitted to advance the general welfare, and which will be most effectual to guard against danger, or to meet it, when inevitable. Without ascribing infallibility to any man, we dare to say that the American government possesses this necessary qualification. We dare to say, that next to the incorruptible integrity and good sense of the people, we are indebted to the government for the unrivalled blessings we enjoy. In proof of this we appeal to the common sense of every American.
That we enjoy unrivalled blessing none but a madman will dispute. We are the only free nation on earth. There is no other republic, or anything like a republic. There is no nation, of the civilized world, in which the rights of conscience are so sacredly respected. There is none in which the rights of property are fully secured. There is none in which the public burthens are so light. There is none in which the means of subsistence are so easily procured; or in which the road to comfort, to wealth, or honest fame, is so open. The fruits of our institutions are peace, while the monarchies of the old world are so many raging volcanoes pouring forth their desolating torrents of lava, consigning to eternal sterility the most fertile regions of the globe. It we compare the present state of our affairs with the past, we have ample reason for congratulation and confidence. Since the last year our debt is diminished four millions of dollars. Our treasury is in an overflowing state. We have been enabled, without embarrassment, to relinquish the taxes on salt, considered by our fellow citizens as the most oppressive burthen laid upon them. Our negotiations with foreign nations are proceeding in a spirit of amity and accommodation. The interior, recently alarmed by the lawless machinations of a second Catiline, is already tranquillised. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures and numbers have all progressed with more than usual rapid. These are a few of the distinguished blessings we enjoy. That they are greatly owing to our government is equally indisputable with their existence.
Their existence for a point of time might have been fortuitous; but who says that will pretend to say that their continuance for a period of more than six years can be ascribed to any other than an intelligent cause? After these general remarks, not less the offspring of feeling than of reflection, we shall proceed to a more detailed view of some subjects, which merit, in our opinion, the public attention. We shall direct our first attention to the conspiracy of Burr.
Having received a communication from Dr. Blake in reply to the publication recently made in the National Intelligencer by Mr. Hooe, we give notice of the circumstance, agreeable to our late intimation, and that we shall postpone the insertion of Dr. Blake's communication until sufficient time shall have elapsed for receiving such communication as Mr. Hooe may see fit to make—when we shall insert both pieces in the same paper, or Dr. Blake's alone if no communication shall have been received from Mr. Hooe; after which the term for which he was last elected
no article relative to the controversy will be admitted.
Extract of a letter, dated New-Orleans, Jan. 29th, from a source entitled to the highest credit, to a gentleman in this city. "Gen. Wilkinson's conduct is much censured here. I do not approve all his acts—but my impressions are, that he is faithful to his country, and is actuated by the best motives. "I do not consider the danger as over. Burr has many partisans on the western waters, and I suspect many well-wishers in this, and perhaps your territory. But I nevertheless hope, that all will yet be well."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of undoubted veracity, dated Natchez, 7th Feb. to his friend in this city.
"Col. Burr's arrival here has caused a great bustle, and almost stopped all business. He has been brought before a court here, who had no jurisdiction in his case; and a grand jury has been found, who have not only acquitted him, but presented the government for meddling with him. It this is conceived abroad to be the sentiment of the people of this territory, it will be very wrong, for it is quite the contrary. This was a jury packed by —. He has since made his escape, and the executive have this morning issued a proclamation, offering 2,000 dollars to any one who will take him up again. It being all a botched affair. I hope this presentment may not be misconceived by the general government; for I can confidently say, that there is no part of the union more averse to a separation in general, than this territory; although some things in the land law have given much umbrage."
[COMMUNICATION.]
Our last number announced the death of ABRAHAM BALDWIN, Senator from Georgia. The annals of our country have rarely been adorned with a character more venerable or a life more useful than his. War brings its animation, and creates its own heroes; it often rears them up to fame with little assistance from native genius as from study, or from moral and political virtue.
It is in times of peace that an illustrious name is hardest earned, and most difficult to be secured, especially among enlightened republicans, where an equality of right and rank leaves nothing to the price of chance; where every action is weighed in its proper balance, & every man compared not only with his neighbor but with himself; his motives being tested by the uniform tendency of his measures.
Mr. Baldwin was born in Connecticut in November 1754, and received his education very early at the university New Haven. He was one of the best classical and mathematical scholars of his age in which he has lived. He was employed as one of the professors in his college during the greater part of the American war—at the close of which he began the practice of law, and went to establish himself in the state of Georgia. He arrived at Savannah in the beginning of 1784; he was immediately admitted as counsellor at the Georgia bar, and in three months afterwards he was elected a member of the state legislature. During the first session of that body after his election he reformed a service for the people of the state; for which their posterity will bless his memory. Indeed, if he had done nothing for them since, this action alone would have immortalised him there. He originated the plan of the University of Georgia, drew up the charter, and with infinite labor and patience, in vanquishing all sorts of difficulties and removing every obstruction, he persuaded the assembly to adopt it. This instrument endowed the university with forty thousand acres of excellent land, required it to establish the central seat for the higher branches of education, and a secondary college in every county in the state; all dependent on the principal seminary.
These lands were then uncultivated; the state itself was new. It is only within the last six years that the rents of the university lands have enabled the trustees to erect the buildings and organise the institution; and it is already in a flourishing condition. Its principal seat is at Athens on the Oconee river. It is now under the direction of Josiah Meigs, its first President; a man equally eminent for mathematical and chemical science, and legal and classical erudition.
John Milledge, late governor of the state and now Senator in Congress, early associated his labors with those of his friend Baldwin in bringing forward this establishment. And we understand that the present trustees have elected, within the walls of the first college, a noble monument to Baldwin as founder of the institution, and to Milledge as associate.
This is not the only instance in which we find their names connected by monumental acts of public authority. Milledgeville is the shire town of Baldwin county; and is now declared the seat of the state government.
Mr. Baldwin had not been two years in Georgia when he was elected member of Congress. This was in 1795, to take his seat in 1796. From that time till the day of his death, he was, without a moment's intermission, a member of Congress, from that state, either as delegate under the old constitution, until the year 1789, representative under the new until the year 1799, and Senator from that time till his death. And the term for which he was last elected
March 1807, the day of his decease. There has probably been no other instance of such a long and uninterrupted series of confidence, and service among the members of the American Congress. And, what is more remarkable, on the first day that he was confined to his house in his last illness, by eight days before his death, his friends that during his twenty-two years of public service, that day, according to his best recollection, was the first that he had been absent from his public duties.
Mr. Baldwin was a member of the convention that framed the present constitution of the United States. This he always considered as the greatest service that he ever performed for his country. And his estimate is doubtless just. He was an active member of that most illustrious and meritorious body. Their deliberations were in secret; but we have good authority for saying that some of the essential clauses of the invaluable, and we hope, everlasting compact which they presented to their country, owe their origin and insertion to Abraham Baldwin.
His manner of conducting public business is too well known to his fellow laborers and to the great mass of his contemporaries, to require any illustration in this hasty biographical sketch. He may have wanted ambition to make himself brilliant, but he never wanted industry to render himself useful. His industry was simple, forcible, convincing. His maxim of never asserting anything but what he believed to be true, could not fail to be useful in carrying conviction to others. Patient in contradiction and tolerant to the wild opinions, he could be as urgent to the errors of judgment in other men as if he had stood the most in need of such indulgence for himself.
During the violent agitation of parties which have disturbed the repose of public men in this country for the last ten years, he has always been moderate; firm; relaxing nothing in his republican principles, but retaining a possible charity for his former friend who may have abandoned theirs. He has lived without reproach, and has probably died without an enemy.
The state of society would be rendered much better than it is, if the private lives of virtuous men could be as well known as their public lives; that they might be kept clearly in view as objects of imitation. We are creatures of habit; and our habits are formed as much by repeating after others as after ourselves. Men therefore mistake a plain moral principle when they suppose it meritorious to conceal their good actions from the eye of the world. On the contrary, it is a part of their duty to let such actions be known; that they may extend their benefits by a sort of reproduction, and be multiplied by imitation.
Mr. Baldwin's private life was full of beneficent and charitable deeds; which he was too studious to conceal from public notice. Having never been married, he had no family of his own; and his constant habits of economy and temperance left him the means of assisting many young men in their education and their establishment in business. It would perhaps be improper for us to mention particular cases beyond his family; but in that there was an ample field for his benevolence. Six orphans, his half brothers and sisters, were left to his care by the father's death, in the year 1787; and the estate that was to support them proved insolvent. He paid the debts of the estate, quit claimed his proportion to these children, and educated them all in a great measure at his own expence. The five out of the six, who are still living, are well established in life; and owe every thing to his paternal affection.
His last illness was so short, and his death so unexpected, that none of his relatives, except his brother-in-law, were able to be present at his funeral. But it seemed as if the public in general were his near relatives.
We have rarely witnessed more general and genuine marks of regret at the loss of any of the great benefactors of our country; particularly among the members from Georgia. In that state his loss will be most deeply felt; though it must be very sensibly perceived in the councils of the union.
Though his funeral was two days after Congress dissolved, many members stayed expressly to attend it. The procession was five miles, from Capitol Hill to Rock Creek church, formed by the Vice-President of the United States, a number of the Senators and Representatives, and the heads of departments. Chief mourners, Joel Barlow, brother-in-law of the deceased, Governor Milledge, his colleague of the Senate, and Mr. Early, representative from Georgia. His remains were deposited by the side of his old friend General Jackson, his former colleague, whom he had followed to the grave just one year before. The two Chaplains of Congress attended, and the funeral service was performed by Mr. Sayre.
Philadelphia, March 7. The recapture of Buenos Ayres, will be a severe blow to the shipping merchants of England, it is calculated that goods to the amount of 5,000,000. sterling, have been sent from England, 14 vessels had left Liverpool for that place, and 4 more were advertised as ready to sail on the 9th Jan. Of saddles alone 50,000 had been sent from England, 40,000 of which were shipped from London.
Major Thomas Coles, of Providence, R. I. one of the commissioners of the United States who surveyed the coast of North Carolina the last summer, has
NEW BOOKS, Just received and for sale at Duane's Book-Store, Pennsylvania Avenue.
Tooke's Diversions of Parley. 2 Vols. Carr's Stranger in Ireland, with Dermot. 1 Charlemagne's life of Nelson, 1 Cumberland's Memoirs, 12 mo. 1 Ferguson's Astronomy, 1 Pleasures of Hope, 1 Bulter's Nisi Prius, 1 Powell on Devises, 1 St. Pierre's Studies of Nature, 1 Dutiff's Nature Displayed, 2 March 11—3t
Twenty Dollars Reward.
WILL be given for apprehending and securing in jail a young Mulatto man named ANDREW. He was hired by me last year to Mr. Joseph Thomas who lives in the middle ferry to Alexandria, and abandoned that place about the latter end of August last. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, lufly and well made, has short curly hair, and is frequently subject to have several large pimples on his face. He is reckoned to be a tenable fellow of an easy agreeable address for a man in his low sphere of life. As he has not been heard of by me since his elopement, I suspect he has had the audacity to ship himself as a freeman on board some vessel either at Alexandria or Baltimore who ever takes him up and secures him in jail shall receive from me the above reward, or as soon due information thereof is given to me or to Dr. N. P. Causin at Port Tobacco. G. B. CAUSIN. Maryland Charles County, January 29—wtf
A BARGAIN.
THE subscriber offers for sale the farm he now occupies, containing near 300 acres with or without the flock thereon. It is distant from the cities of Georgetown and Washington, about five miles, and well known as a healthy situation. There is much fine fruit thereon, and abounds with springs, affording a good water as in the United States, a considerable proportion of the land has been in clover, and from thirty to fifty acres fit for the scythe the ensuing summer. It is now in a very improving state, being altogether clear of broom sedge, and from 40 to 60 acres ploughed and prepared for a spring crop, and from 30 to 40 acres well set with wheat and rye—some part of the land is calculated for tobacco; and plaster of paris answers well with it all. The dwelling house and other improvements may with small repairs, be rendered very comfortable—from its vicinity to two growing cities, many advantages result in supplying the market. A purchaser may calculate on a good bargain particularly if an early application be made. Some part of the purchase money will be required in cash or approved negotiable paper the remainder rendered easy—or negroes received in payment. The subscriber or William Scary residing on the farm will show it when required, and the terms made known by application to Mr. John Thompson, George Town, or Dr. Wm. Thornton Washington. Isaac Polock, Fruit Hill,
Some Lands calculated for the culture of cotton, Indian corn and small grain, situated on a navigable river in the beautiful part of the state of Georgia, will also be sold on reasonable terms or exchanged for negroes. I. P. Jan. 29—12mzwt
Patent Fire and Water Proof CEMENT.
AMONG the various discoveries which have of late been made in the United States, we know of none more deserving of public notice than the following, by LEWIS DE NIROTH. Such a desideratum in the architecture of buildings has been long wanting. Many attempts have been made to compose or manufacture a chemical composition similar to that used by the ancient Egyptians; but we have heard of none which approximates nearer to that which is generally called the Egyptian cement, and which has put at defiance the ravages of time for several thousand years, than that which the Patentee here describes.
A composition equal in durability to free stone for covering roofs, floors, and plastering walls of houses— Rendering cellars that are marshy and damp water proof. Chimney pieces. Fire hearths and cisterns. Steps to front and back doors of houses. Cement pavement entire for front and rear of houses, arches, and work under water, statues, images, &c. plaster out side of houses. The materials of this cement does not much exceed the price of common plastering. A specimen of the composition may be viewed at Stelle's hotel, Capitol Hill, and also at the Union tavern, Georgetown. Through mistake we inserted the (N. B.) to Mr. Nirath's advertisement, which was directed by him to be omitted. March 6—w3t